A3834 We believe that such a bill would set a dangerous precedent and would be detri- mental to the District of Columbia. In fact, it seems to us to have been timed to cause the maximum confusion in an already difficult situation. As you know, the Department of Interior, as a Federal agency, could not possibly turn over facilities of any kind to the District on a discriminatory basis. Federal facilities must be offered on an inclusive basis. This pill would attempt to reverse this well estab- lished and accepted principle. Advocates of the bill will say that a ques~ tion as controversial as that of the swim- ming pools should be handled by the local officials. We say that in the first place, we have no local officials in the true sense. These people are appointed and cannot be said to represent the citizens of the Dis- trict. In the second place, many local of- ficials favor the policy enunciated by the Department of the Interior. We say that in the Nation's Capital, we should not try to by- pass the democratic policy established by the Federal Government. Enclosed is a statement which we have prepared on this subject and also a progress report prepared by the Department of the Interior. We hope that this will be helpful to you in fighting the McMillan bill. Sincerely yours, BrensaMin C. SIGAL. WASHINGTON CHAPTER ADA STATEMENT ON THE Swimmine Poot CONTROVERSY The Washington Chapter of Amerivans for Democratic Action strongly supports Secre- tary Chapman and the Department of the Interior in its position regarding the swim- ming pools. We believe that the Secretary acted in accordance with long-established and democratic practices in insisting that swimming pools turned over to the Board of Recreation be nonsegregated. It has been an accepted principle that the Federal Government serves all of the people without regard to race, color, or creed. When the Federal Government has turned over such recreational facilities as golf courses, tennis courts, boating, and bicycle conces- sions in the District during recent years, the Recreation Board has accepted the condition that these facilities should be operated upon a basis of nonsegregation. As far as we know there has been no incident or any kind of trouble as a result of this. Now when the Department of the Interior has offered to turn over six swimming pools provided that they be operated in this same fashion, the Recreation Board has refused and charges are being made that Secretary Chapman is attempting to impose a policy which the community is not ready to accept. How could a Federal official possibly act in any other way? Secretary Chapman stated the position honestly and precisely in his statement to the press when he said, “It is the duty of the Government to provide swim- ming pools and other recreational facilities which are essential to the public welfare and to make them available to all of the people. By the same token, the Government does not compel people to use these facilities. It is, however, the responsibility of the Govern- ment to protect the rights of all of the citi- zens who choose to use such public services.” We believe that it is the responsibility of the civic groups and newspapers and radios in the community to help carry out this policy. This can be done in a quiet, orderly way as ié has been done in many other communities in the United States. For its part, the Department of Interior is preparing staff and police for the summer swimming-pool program. We call on respon~ sible elements in the community to support and help carry out this program. Will All Our Labors Be Lost? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE M. GRANT OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. GRANT. Mr. Speaker, the dis- tinguished gentleman from Georgia, Hon. StepHen Pace, recently addressed the fourth annual convention of the Na- tional Association of Soil Conservation Districts, in Atlanta, Ga. This speech was well received by those present and as it is upon a subject of national interest, I am sure that the Members of Congress as well as those of us who are interosted in conservation throughout the Nation will be impressed with it. Mr. Pace has given much study to this subject and he speaks with authority and sincerity. His address follows: WiLL ALL Gur Lazsors Br Lost? Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, I should I'ke to join with other Georgians in welcoming you to our State. I hope your visit to Georgia will be pleasant and of some benefit to you. I am delighted that I could be here tonight for many reasons. I wanted to come and see how you look. But for quite different reasons from that indicated by an Atlanta businessman some months ago. He met on Peachtree Street a beggar in rags. The beggar accosted him and asked him for a dollar. The businessman said, “I am sorry, I am constitutionally opposed to giving beg- gars money.” He then looked at the fellow and said, “I reckon you want money to buy some liquor. Come on down the street and I will buy you a drink.” The beggar said, “Thank you, sir, but I don’t drink.” The businessman looked up surprised and said, “Well, maybe you would like to have a cigar. Come on by the drug store and I will buy you a cigar.” The beggar said, “Thank you, sir, I don’t smoke.” The businessman looked at him rather concerned and said, “‘Well, maybe you are decent in spite of your clothes. I am going down the street to a vaudeville show, come on and I will take you to the show with me. There are pretty girls in the show.” The beggar said, “Thank you, sir, I am not interested in pretty girls.” The busi- nessman stepped back and looked at him and said, “My friend, you have stopped me and asked me to do you a favor, NowI want you t. do me one. I want you to come to my home tonight and have dinner with us.” The beggar appeared surprised and asked, “You want me to come to your home in this condition: Why do you want me to do that?” The businessman said, ‘‘Well, my friend, I'll tell you. I want my wife to meet you and see you. I want her to see 4 man who doesn’t drink, a man who doesn’t smoke, a man who is not interested in pretty girls, and I want her to see what happens to him.” [Laughter and applause.] No, it was not for that reason that I wanted to see how you looked, but I wanted to come here and look in the eyes and strong faces of those who without compensation, voluntarily, along with eight or nine thou- sand others across this broad land, are de- voting their time and their effort to try and protect and preserve our greatest nat- ural resouces. My friends, do you have an understanding of your responsibilities, of what rests upon your shoulders, the preservation of the se- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD curity of the Nation. I doubt that very many people of the Nation realize or have an understanding of the debt they owe to you. May I, in behalf of the millions and millions of people who must receive their food from the land of this Nation, acknowl- edge our debt to you. I wish I could say something to make you understand the im- portance of what you are trying to do and what I know you will do. I want you to excuse me from making a speech tonight. First, I don’t feel like it, and second, I do not like speeches. I heard a story not long ago that I am going to carry down through the years with me and which I hope will have a great deal of influence on my talking. The story is about some city like Atlanta. It was having a great business- men’s banquet and there were hundreds of people attending. They had notable speak- ers, great men from other cities. They had @ program and they gave their addresses. It was about time to close when the toast-~ master thought of a young man who was present and who had recently graduated from Yale with great honors. He was a credit to the community. So the toastmaster thought as a matter of courtesy he would present the young man for at least a bow and he in- troduced the young man to the audience as a recent graduate and outstanding graduate of Yale. The young man arose and seized his opportunity. He spoke of his life at Yale. He spoke of what a great university it was. After some 15 or 20 minutes he said the “Y" of Yale stands for youth. And for some time he discussed the virtues and values of youth. Then he said the “A” stood for ambition. Here he went on a long dis- course about ambition. Then he said the “L” stands for loyalty. And he gave a great essay on that subject. Then he said the “Ek” stands for enthusiasm. Finally, after more than an hour he took his seat. The toast- master realized that he must make amends as quickly as possible and said, “We will be dismissed by Reverend Brown.” Reverend Brown arose, lifted his face to the heavens, and said, ‘Dismiss us without Thy blessings and accept our thanks, O Father, that this young man did not graduate from the Mus- sachusetts Institute of Technolayy.” For a few minutes I would Uke to discuss with you some of your business, the situa- tions and some of the problems that face those whom you represent this evening. I should first like to mention something that isn't yet, and I don’t think fully appreciated, and that is the rapid and terrific drop in farm income. Do you understand what is going on? I jotted down some figures. [I don’t want to tire you with figures, but you need to Hsten to these. Both you super- visors and directors and other businessinen who happen to be present. Listen, my friends. Cash receipts from marketings in 1948 was thirty million five hundred thou- sand. In 1949 it was twenty-seven million five hundred thousand. That is all cash marketing off the farm. Production costs in 1948 was eighteen million five hundred thou- sand. Farm income went down three billion and cost of production went up five hundred million in 1049. Net income, that is what pays off. That is what you support your family with. And the net income in 1048 was thirteen billion two hundred million and the new income in 1949 was nine billion and five hundred thousand. The net income esti- mated for 1950 is seven billion five hundred million. Income at the ond of this year will be down, over 3314 percent. What else has happened? While your income has pone down a third, the per capita nonfarm in- come, the people not on the farm, it has gone up from 8 to 10 percent. What else has hap- pened? The real estate mortgage debt has increased in the last year 10 percent, to five billion five hundred million. Short term
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD © farm debt has increased another 10 percent, to five billion three hundred million, and to top it all from November 1948 to November 1949, land values have decreased 6 percent. Do you get it? Now to aid you a little better, let me rapidly call off a few commodities, the highest prices since January 1916 and the prices in December 1949, and the percentages in decline. Wheat down from $2.81 to $193, 81 percent; corn down from $2.46 to $1.13, 54 percent; oats down from $1.27 to 70 cents, 45 percent; barley, from $2.06 to $1.09, 47 percent; grain sorghums, $377 to $1.79, 52 percent; cotton from 37% to 26144 cents, 30 percent; cottonseed from $96 a ton to $43, 55 percent; soybeans from ¢4.11 to $2.09, 49 percent; potatoes from $2.09 to $1.31, 86 per- cent; hogs from $27.40 to $14.08, 46 percent; cattle, from $25.20 to $19, 25 percent; eggs from 59 to 40 cents, 31 percent. Now do you understand that is one of my and your prob- lems? That is a trend we must stop. No farmer can do a complete job, no farmer can maintain the fertility of his soil and preserve water resources unless there is some profit in farming. It costs money. Now the next problem is that of surplus. Let me say this is a strange world. Here we have such an abundance and yet throughout this world there are so many people who don t have anything to eat. May I very bricdy run through the surplus problem? Last year we nvodrece nearly a billion two hundred re le of wheat. January 1 we had @ carry-over of 390,000,000. The spring crop estimate was 250 and the winter was 885, more than 1,125,000,000 bushels. I might stop there. Does anybody have any idea what we can do with it? We don’t use in this country for food, for feed, for industrial uses, we don’t use but 700,000,000 bushels. Yet we are producing a billion two hundred million. This year we started off with a surplus of $90,000,000 and will wind up with a surplus of over 500,000,000. Some of you maybe don’t like ECA, Euro- pean recovery. Although personally I think it has turned the tide of communism in Hu- rope, whether you like it or not, tell me what are you going to do with agricultural surpluses the day ECA stops. You have been getting rid of 5,500,000,000 bushels of wheat. You have been getting rid of three to five million bales of cotton. ECA will end in 1952. Corn, Last year we produced 3,400,000,000 bushels of corn. What are you going to do with it. Are you poiuy Lo fecd it to the hogs? You Know you don't have any cribs to put it in and if you feed it to the hogs you wouldn’t have any pens to put the hogs in. [Laughter.] Another good crop coming up this year is cotton. We have a supply of 21,000,000 bales and we use only 8,000,000 bales in this coun- try. Through ECA we hope to export 5,000,- 000 bales and have a carry-over on the 1st of August of 8,000,000 bales. There is a peanut surplus of over 300,000 tons. What does that all mean? The farmer in cooperation with the Government is now beginning to limit the production of some of these surplus commodities. The wheat acreage has been cut down to 73,000,000. I think that marketing quotas noxt year may be around 65,000,000 acres, Let me say in passing that the control programs in 1950 have taken out of production some 30,000,- 000 acres of land. Next year it may be far in excess of that figure. Corn has come under acreage allotments. We had 27,000,- 000 acres in cotton last year and it has been cut to 21,000,000 acres this year, and the prospects are it will be cut to 17,000,000 or 18,000,000 next year. Peanut acreage has peen cut from 3,300,000 to 2,100,000 acres, and next year will probably be cut to 1,800,~- 000 acres, And rice comes under acreage allotments this year. Does that mean any~ thing? I don’t know, but here is what I eae are Cs think: My friends, it seems to me this is the hour. May I repeat that? This is the hour. All across this broad Iand the farm- ers of this Nation are now giving considera- tion to the problems of what shall I do with the land taken out of production. It’s made for you. All of the farmers are com~ plaming of what can be done, what can the idle acres be used for now. The old sub- marginal land that never did produce much, put it in trees. It does two things. Trecs are a crop just like wheat and corn, and at the same time it slows down the movement of that water on the hillside. Take other land that is not needed for cultivation of crops and put it in se-*r-e. Put it in pas- ture, do youircess 3. Pf don’t Know, my friends, but if there was ever a case made Sy you, it there was ever a time fixed, that $ it. Here in Georgia there will be hundreds of thousands of acres taken cut of rrocuciica of corn, wheat, cotton, re v1is, and al across this broad land of ours. But what I really want to talk to you about in the few minutes I have is what you need now. The first thing I think you need is a soll conservation type of credit. May I re- peat that? I think you need a type of loan that adapts itself to soil conservation. It takes time to convert. I takes time to shift. It takes time to learn new skills. It takes time to build pastures and fence them and fertilize them. It iakes time to secure or in- crease your livestock herd. Now my friends, here in Georgia, and I pre- sume throuchout this broad land of ours, the pitks h.ve heen most cecperetive under this program. But I came here tomiyatl on bended knees to beg that the banks of this Nation immediately adjust their lending policy to take care of a loan for soil conser- vation farming. [Applause.] I think the banks should do it. I hope the banks will do it, but if that is not done, in my judgment the Congress will provide that type of loan. I introduced a bill 10 days ago for a 7-year loan with the right to waive all payments for the first 2 or 3 years until this shift in planned farming and conservation farming can get under way and then extend it an ad- ditional period of 5 years, I want to salute the banks of this Nation for theim ccspere- tion and I want to ask them to rrctire lis type of credit for the farmers of Nuven, In all kindness, this may not be done under the bank laws and rules and regulations. I think to do a complete job, to protect the land and water resources, Congress must come in. The next thing I think you need is a sub- stantial increase in the appropriation for the Soil Conservation. Service. [Applause.] My friends, your farm planning is going too slow. ‘You are doing all you can with the help you have, with the technicians you have, but the hour is growing late. For 100 years we have cleared those hillsides and we have permitted that erosion. There should be adequate funds to plan every farm in the United States within the next 3 years. [Applause.] Let me say this now. I was never more serious in my life. Within a few weeks we will appropriate $20,000,000,000 for our armed forces to protect the security of this Nation. My friends, it fg Just as im- portant, it is Just as important that we pro- tect the fertility of our soil and the resources of our country. Listen, my friends, you know this. You know that it is impossible, with- out great loss and great cost, to build up stockpiles of food to feed our people in time of great wars and distress. But you know what you can do. You can stockpile the fertility of the soil. If the hour of crisis ever comes, the farmers of this Nation can then produce whatever might be needed to feed and clothe, not only the people of this Nation, but our allies as we had to do before. [Applause.]} . A3835 Now I am not searing anybody, but I say this to you, nobody knows and you needn’t go to Washington and ask because they don’t Enow when, what, or how it may happen. But I know this, I know 1t is just as vital to the cafety and security of this Nation that we protect the fertility of our soil as it is that we appropriate for our armed forces. That’s right. [Applause.] Now the next thing you need—now don’t misunderstand me too quickly. The next thing you necd is an increase in appropria~ tion for conservation payments. That’s right. [Applause] I don’t know how you are out :n Co°Hornia or up in Maine and in New Hampshire. Most of the farmers I know can’t afford to do a full job and a complete job without some help. We appropriate $250,000,000, and you know it is a funny thing, a lot of these economical business- men—God bless them—if we didn’t have them I don’t know where we would be, but you know it costs almost as much—I don’t know whether you know it or not—but it costs almost as much in subsidics to keep our ships, those merchant ships on the seas. Do you understand that? We are subsidiz- ing every ship that rides the sea and every plane that rides in the air and every news- paper and magazine that is published. Funny, isn’t it? When we provide $250,000,- 000 to help protect the soil fertility and protect the security of this country, they throw up their hands ‘in horror. I feel I can get somewhat further with you, my friends. I haven’t done much in the last 14 years, bvt I have studied some problems. I think uUner cl the moey we appropriate for ACP pay:nents, no. one siele dime should he paid until it hes been approved by the suscreess of the respective so:l-conserva- tivi ds ries. [Applause |] Here is a group of men guing ther ume end their talent to protect our soil without hope of reward. Here is the technical service preparing your farm plan. And here comes another agency that determines what practices we still pay you for and how much, but has absolutely no connection with the farm plans that you and your technicians have approved. You should have that authority, and I am willing to help you get it, that is, for the district supervisors to approve the payments. You know what I want to be the first pay- ment you approve? It’s to the farmer who starts way up yonder at the hill top. You know my friends, it doesn't make sense to to me that most of the money is spent down in the valley. It’s up yonder, where the water falls—it’s up yonder where the erosion has started. That water dashes down the hillsides so rapidly when the trees and grass are gone. It should he slowed down to scep into the ground, to provide moisture und to prevent erosion. May I repeat that if it was my will there would not be a darn dime pald on the farms of this Nation unless the pro- tection of our soil and water resources started on the high ground. The fifth and last thing I think we need, and I hope I don’t make anybody mad to-~- night. The fifth thing we need, and I might say we must have it, is better coordination petween the Soll Conservation Service, the Production and Marketing Administration, and the Extension Service. [Applause.| Let’s talk about my State. I could talk about some other States—but I am going to talk about mine. In most counties there is fine coordination between the respective agencies, but I know where the head of the Soil Conservation Serivce and the head of the Extension Service and the PMA don’t even speak. ‘Yes, you can say: “Mr. Pacz, you have been in Congress 14 years, why haven't you done something about it?” Well, E want to tell you I tried, but I must tell you that Congress will never do it. There are just too many influences at work. There are only two men living who can do it, one is named Brannan and the other is
A3836 named Truman. I think my friends that to be the Secretary of Agriculture would be the last job I would ever apply for, but often I have wished I could be the Secretary of Agriculture for just 1 day. Before the sun went down that day the three great heads of these agencies would be working hand in hand or we would have three new heads for these agencies. I hope you understund. I think the time has come to do some straight talking about this. I think it is outrageous for the Production and Market- ing Administration to try and send their men out yonder to do farm planning when we need the technical service of men trained to do that job. [Applause.] The farmers I know—I don’t know about the ones you know, but I do know the farmers I Know are getting sick and tired of this confliction and overlapping, of having two or three Government agents drive up to their home the same afternoon trying to do the same job. Do you understand? Now my friends I am about through. I have only one more thing I want to say. Down at the bottom of the program Kent sent to me about a month ago—I don’t see one here tonight, but the words went like this, “With the right to own goes the duty to protect.” I want to talk to you about this aminute. You know we have a great coun- try, the greatest Government on earth. We want to keep it that way. You and I go ous and buy a hundred or a thousand acres of land; we beat our breast and say, “It’s mine, from heaven to hell.” That’s right, and don’t you want to keep it that way? I believe we do. I am not going to take your time to tell what has happened to our soil in the last 150 years. The Congress has been very patient. You own some land, but did you go check your titles to see where it came from? It came either from the United States Government or your State government, and you know you can be safe and secure in your possession because the laws of this land pro- tect your title. That’s right. But our pop- ulation is increasing from two to two and a half million every year, and the way things are going now it won’t be too long before the question arises of how are we going to feed our own people instead of this abundance. When men stand by and sce that rich topsoil wash away to the sca—let’s say you are Mem- bers of Congress and that you are now in session. I'll ask you, how much longer would you put up with this? How much longer would you stand by and see your greatest natural resource wash away? Is there any responsibility on your Government and on your Congress to look ahead to your children and your children's children that they be provided with food and fiber? You know my friends, we don’t want to go where Mr, Attlee’s government has gone. You know over there in England they give aman a farm plan and they say, ‘Mister, our experts say that this is what is necessary to be done to your farm and, Mister, I want you to understand if you don’t do it, we will come and do it for you and send you the bill.” We don’t want that, do we? My friends, I want to help you awaken the farmers of this Nation. You know in George Washington’s time 95 percent of the popu- lation were farmers. Washington was a farmer. Jefferson was a farmer and in his time at least 90 percent of the population were farmers. My friends, do you know who you represent here tonight—only 19 percent, Did you ever stop to think about what the other 81 percent is thinking about? They are paying some of the money for ACP payments. They are paying some of the cost of soll conservation farm planning. When are they going to get tired? When are they going to get concerned? When are they going to get afraid? Is our trusteeship being exercised properly? You know my friends. I think everybody here tonight could repeat after me the opening line of the Twenty-third Psalm, “The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want.” We know that pecause it was taught us at our mother’s knee. How many of you can repeat the opening line of the next psalm, the Twenty- fourth? “The earth is the Lord’s and the fullness thereof.” My friends, don’t you suppose when the Lord gave us this great land, the richest farm land on earth, don’t you sort of reckon He thought maybe we would have enough appreciation, we would show enough gratitude to keep it and save it and protect it? Don’t you suppose as He watches over us that He too is concerned about the job we are doing and whether or not we shall be in want? My friends, there has been placed in your hands the responsi- bility, in the hands of the farmers, the peo- ple who own the lands of this Nation, the duty to protect and to preserve forever the soil. “The earth is the Lord’s and the full- ness thereof.” Good night. [Applause.] The New South EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 22 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. President, I ask ‘unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp a splendid address by John J. Snyder, Secretary of the Treasury, delivered before the sixtieth annual convention of the Tennessee Bankers’ Association, at the Hotel Pea- body, Memphis, Tenn., on Thursday, May 18. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: It is a real pleasure for me to join in this annual meeting of the Tennessee Bankers’ Association. As you may know, I spent my early bank- ing days less than 50 miles from Memphis— across the border in your sister State of Arkaneas. Over a span of years, these States have been referred to as part of the old South. But in coming back to this region today, it is with the appreciation that this is no longer the old South but the new South, The unparalleled prosperity of this section of the country today has come primarily as a result of industrialization. Manufacture has added new wealth, and this, in turn, has made possible ever-increasing standards of living and greater opportunities, both on the farm and in the city. Tennessee holds a strategic position in this flourishing South and Southwest. The ma- terial progress which has come to this State in recent years—by phenomenal industrial expansion and better utilization of your rich agricultural solls—is in many ways typical of what has happened and is happening all over this section of our country. While Tennessee industry has its roots in colonial days, it is only in recent years that you have attained the position of an indus- trial area. For, your most impressive gains have come in the past decade. Since 1939 you have had over a 50-percent increase in number of manufacturing estab- lishments—more than 10 percent over the national average. Values added by Tennes- see industries have tripled in the same pe- riod. Compared with other major geo- graphic areas of the country, the southern States show the greatest growth in popula-« tion engaged in manufacturing. The Cotton APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Belt is rapidly becoming a power-driven in- dustrial area. I do not mean to infer that agriculture is losing its importance in your State or in the South’s economy. On the contrary, it will continue to be one of your most important sources of income. But industry and agri- culture are intermcshed. Here is a two- way road in an expanding economy, with both industry and agriculture translating penefits to each other. It brings mechanized farming, soil conservation, more output per acre, greater marketing facilities. Increased industry generates the purchasing power to consume the more abundant products of the soil. On the other hand, with increasing in- comes, the farmer is enabled to buy more and more products of industry. THe great strides you have made in both agriculture and industry in recent years have stemmed in large measure from the develop- ment of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Here was the proving ground of one of the Nation’s greatest coordinated agricultural and industrial deevlopment programs through hydroelectric power. It ushered in a new era of scientific agri~ culture. It also attracted many new indus- tries to your State. The availability of low- cost TVA power, for instance, fostered the building of your chemical plants. Today this industry constitutes your State’s leading manufacturing group. The South’s industrial expansion was, of course, given tremendous impetus by the urgent needs of all-out war production, Bil- lions of dollars were spent during the war by the Federal Government in the expansion of the South's manufacturing facilities. Close to one-third of a billion dollars was spent in Tennessee alone. And, that ex~ cludes the Oak Ridge atomic project—the largest single industrial operation in the world’s history, This industrial expansion was a demonstration to the entire Nation of what this region could do. The close of the war brought serlous chal- lenges to our economy. Would America be able to maintain its tremendous production gains? Today—5 years later—-we have the answer. We have not only been able to maintain our gains, but our productivity is constantly on the increase. Since the close of the war, I understand that at least 700 new industries have been established in your own State. Yet it is not the material gains which you have already achieved that have given this region the title of the “New South.” It is rather in the realization of the potentiall- ties that lic ahead for still further expansion and progress. Your State pnrticularly has tremendous potentials for further development. Agri- culture should, and is, turning to higher- value crops and products. The advance which you have made in dairying is an in- stance in point.- By “marketing your grass- Jands” you have become the South’s leading dairy State. In similar fashion, there is great oppor- tunity here for industrial expansion in fin- ished products. Your industrial output tis still primarily in the producton of raw ma- terials, of semifinished metals and textiles, and chemical intermediates. By converting your natural resources into finished wares, your annual income can be increased exten- sively. You, as bankers, will play a major role in this further expansion of your State's econ- omy. Much of the capital required will be furnished by your institutions. From earliest days banking has supported the growth of your commercial endeavor. The southern banker was a pioneer in the financing of for- eign trade. He issued the drafts covering shipments of cotton to far-distant points. The bill of exchange, the controlling medium of the entire forelgn-exchange system as wo know it today, was part of the daily business of the southern banks over a century ago.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In serving your customers today, however, the problems and responsibilities which face you are far greater than those that faced your predecessors of even a generation ago. For today, you must be specialists in the whole broad field of business analysis. To evaluate the opportunities for growth in your communities and to judge which of those opportunities offer the best prospects for sound development, you must be able to interpret the changes occurring in business conditions not only in your own State but in the Nation and in the world. In my opinion, there 1s sound basis for confidence in the business outlook for our Nation. We are well into the second quarter of this year, and it is becoming evident that 1950 will be one of the most profitable busi- ness years in our history. Industrial production is not only back to last year’s level, but is now rising, in con- trast to the decline last spring. Business profits this year are less likely to be held down by inventory losses since commodity prices have shown a firm trend for nearly a year, and inventories have been greatly reduced. The renewed upturn in capital goods, now under way, raises the question whether ear- lier estimates of a substantial reduction m new capital expenditures this year may not have been somewhat exaggerated. New orders for machinery have been rising sharply since the third quarter of 1949. New con- struction contract awards for nonresiden- tial building were 30 percent higher than in the same quarter last year, and the increase is widening. I am particularly impressed, as I know you must be, with the construction outlook. New home construction is at the highest level {fn our history. Moreover, new contracts awarded for future construction of resi- dential units continue at a spectacular pace. New contracts awarded so far this year for pubiie-wserks construction and public-utility cos rucvion likewise show substantial gains over the comparable perlod last year. The construction industry is highly im- portant in your own State’s economy as well as the Nation's. Currently, construction is giving direct employment to around 32,000 Tennesseans, and indirect employment to an even greater number in your lumber and other construction-related industries. Automobile production is also one of the strong points in the current business pic- ture, and I am told the demand is far from satisGed. In only one month so far have we excceded the 1929 peak in our output of passenger automobiles. And again, we must remember that we have 30,000,000 more peo- ple today than in 1929. I know that you are eyeing this industry with considerable interest, for the manufac- ture of automotive parts is one of the promising flelds for future major industrial expansion in this area. Southern owner~ ship of cars and trucks in the 10-year poriod 1938-48 increased over 44 percent compared with a national average increase of 28 per- cent. As a result of this growing southern market, many automotive assembly plants have been established in the South. Your local enterprise is taking advantage of the profitable opportunity to supply a consider-~ able part of the requirements of these assembly plants. In the last analysis, of course, it is the individual consumer who represents the major market for our goods and services. It is not only his ability to buy but his will- ingness to buy that supports American business. Ability to buy is evidenced by the current record level of personal incomes, which con- tinues to run well over the $200,000,000,000 mark. In addition, personal savings, which represent potential purchasing power, are higher than ever before. Liquid assets of in- dividuals amount to over $200,000,000,000, in XCVI—App.——242 contrast to only $68,000,000,000 when we en- tered the war in 1941. And this is not the full measure of the improvement in people’s financial resources. Their investments in life insurance, homes, and real estate, corpo- rate securities, and other less liquid assets far exceed the prewar total. Willingness to buy is refected in the cur- rent volume of retail trade and consumer expenditures. Total retail sales, in actual unit volume, are running about 6 percent higher than a year ago. Consumer buying for the country as a whole 1s currently run- ning at a record annual level of $181,- 000,000,000. The fact that last year’s business readjust- ment did not unsettle the economy has created a justifiable fceling uf confidence. Another factor in the business picture— one of the Nation’s biggest assets for future progress—is our growing labor force. To realize our full potential for business profits and national income, new jobs must be developed in step with our growing popula- tion. In the longer run, as our population grows, new jobs must be created by the initiative and vision of both management and job seekers. To benefit by our tremendous opportuni- ties, it is essential that we keep our economy strong, healthy, and growing. We must be ever watchful of developments which might tend to throw it out of balance. I am cer- tain that you bankers will continue to be constantly on the alert for any financial trends that might threaten our continued prosperity. For upon America’s domestic strength rests not only our own future peace and security but that of all free nations of the world. Equal Pay for Women EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN LESINSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. LESINSKI. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address delivered by me over Station WJR, De- troit, Mich., on May 19, 1950: Ladies and gentlemen of the radio au- dience, a subcommittee of the House Com- mittee on Education and Labor has today concluded hearings on H. R. 1584 and H. R, 2438, bills providing equal pay for equal work for women. Price tags have no sex differentials. When the butcher, the baker, the candlestick mak- er, and all other merchants sell their wares, the asking price is the same to all persons— men and women alike, Yet, when women go out into the business, professional, or indus- trial world, they often find that a Job car- ries one salary for a man and another for a woman, According to the Women’s Bureau, United States Department of Labor, in many in- stances, the jobs are identical—in others, the skills required are equal. In such cases, does the woman receive the same rates as the man? Sometimes, but not generally, Equal pay for women means a rate based on the job—not on the sex of the worker. For many years women’s organizations, labor unions, fair-minded employers, and various persons in the Government have worked for the equal-pay principle. The bills introduced into the present Con~ gress have bipartisan sponsorship. ‘They would prohibit payment of a lower rate to women for work of comparable character on A3837 jobs where the performance requires com- parable skills. Our own State, Michigan, is a pioneer in the equal-pay field. We had the first equal- pay law that existed in any of the industrial States. Michigan and Montana were the only two States that had caval pay laws at the beginning of the Sccond World War. Back in 1919, the Michigan State legisla- ture enacted a law saying that “any em- ployer of labor in this State, employing both males and females in the manufacture or production of any article, who shall dis- criminate in any way in the payment of Wages as between sexes or who shall pay any female * * * aless wage “ * * than is being paid to males similarly employed “ * * “shall be guilty of a misdemeanor.” As you may remember the Michigan equal- pay law was tied up in the courts for about 5 or 6 years with suits over its constitution- ality. In 1940 the Supreme Court declared the law constitutional, making it possible for the State Labor Department to carry on ac- tive enforcement. In the early days of the Second World War, Michigan, through its equal-pay law, did a lot of active work in trying to eliminate Wage differentials, because we were aware of the tremendous effect this would ultimately have on war production. Applying the equal-pay principle removes a great source of irritation during periods when the need for all-out production is critical. It is Just as vital when economic forces have swung to the opposite extreme. In times of mass unemployment, men work- ers may be displaced by women workers be- cause women can be employed at lower rates of pay. It was this practice, as some of us in Michigan well remember, that led to the re- enactment of the equal-pay law in 1931. It was the practice in those days to lay of men with heavy family responsibilities who were making 45 ww 50 cent: an hour and to replace them with women, usually single girls with no family responsibilities, at 25 to 30 cents an hour. During the depression we had to fight continuously against such efforts to push our wage levels downward. That was the time we really began in earnest to try to make the equal-pay law work. Today, nearly 20 years later, we are, I think, ready 10 point to our record and say to persons skeptical of the new proposed Federal law, “It can work and it is working in Michigan today.” There have been some interesting cases where our cqual-pay law has averted strikes. During the war, an aircraft plant was on the verge of a strike over wage differentials for women. When the Department of Labor pointed out that such differentials were illegal under the State equal-pay law, the strike was avoided. This story definitely shows that the State law has been a stabiliz- ing influence in employment. Here is an illustration of how our equal-~ pay law takes away the sting of threatened wage cuts. At @ large automobile factory, there was a serious strike soveral years ago. There they offered tho men a choice of taking wage cuts to meet the differential women had been working under or of being laid off. Again the equal-pay law was on the job and this problem was ironed out. There is an interesting story In connection with this case. This same company had one department that was completely manned by men on the day shift, and almost com- pletely by women on the second shift. The third or swing shift again was an all-male one. The only difference among the three shifts was the 10-cents-an-hour flat differen- tial paid to the women on identical jobs. Michigan’s pioneer efforts toward achieving equal pay for equal work have been out~« standing. Today it is one of 12 States that have equal-pay laws. The others are Mon- tana, Washington, New York, Illinois, Mas- sachusetts, Rhode Island, New Hampshire,
A3838 Pennsylvania, California, Connecticut, and Maine. As a result of these State laws, thousands of women are receiving equal pay for their work in privace industry. It would be very easy to sit back and point to what has been accomplished and to talk about the many women who receive equal pay under these laws. But Iam not going to do this. Some of us in the Congress and elsewhere in Gov- ernment and many in industry and labor are aware of the great numbers of workers who are not protected by equal-pay laws of any kind, Equal pay is a basic issue, one of the most important in the whole labor field. It is important to women as a matter of simple justice; it insures women receiving what they are entitled to for their work. It gives men greater wage and job security. It dis- courages employers from hiring women for less money; and it discourages replacing men with women at lower rates. It protects fair employers from the unfair competition of those who attempt to use women as under= cutters of men’s wages. It means more eco- nomic security for families, for it protects the wages of male heads of the family. It is unfair to pay women less on the the- ory that men have dependents whereas women donot. Asingle man is paid as much as a married man for doing the same job. The level of wages cannot be justified on . the basis of need beyond what is necessary for decent adequate survival. In any case, the old argument that women support only themselves or work to give their families luxuries is completely wrong. The Women’s Bureau of the United States Department of Labor made a study during the war which showed that 84 percent of the women work- ers included in this study were working to support themselves and others. Fifteen percent of the women who lived in family groups were the sole wage earners contrib- uting to household expenses. Ninety-two percent of the employed women who lived with their families contributed regularly to- ward family expenses. Over half of them contributed between 50 and 100 percent of their earnings to the family group. There are 18,500,000 women workers today. If we are going to leave them in a position where they could undercut men’s wages, think what a dangerous competitive factor they could be in our wage structure. Women workers do not want to be in a sivuation where they can be used as a club to force down wage levels. A Federal equal-pay bill would do much to remove this possibility. We hear a lot today about the importance of keeping consumer purchasing power at a high level. In plainer language this means that if people have the money to buy goods, then factories will have the money to con-~ tinue producing goods and to pay labor, and labor will again, in turn, have money to buy goods. This is a reasonable theory. Tt is apparent that women’s earnings must be considered when we think of consumer purchasing power, because there are so many ‘women workers and they do support depend- ents. Consequently, equal pay for women is an important aid to maintaining consumer purchasing power. The proposed Federal bill would cover about 6,000,000 women workers. It would make it unlawful for any covered employer to pay wages to any female employee at a rate leas than that he pays to male employees for work of comparable character on jobs where the performance requires comparable skills. The bill also makes it unlawful for any covered employer to lay off, discharge, or otherwise discriminate against any employee for giving assistance in enforcement of the act. Responsibility for enforcement of the act would be placed with the Secretary of Labor. The bill establishes procedures for hearings on charges of violation. It authorizes the Secretary of Labor to issue “cease and desist” orders, including reinstatement of employees with or without back pay. It provides for court review and enforcement of such orders, and for appeal by any injured party. Penal- ties are provided, of fine or imprisonment or both, for willful resistance to or interference with the officials administering the act, or for failure to keep required records or to make necessary reports. It prohibits award of a Federal contract to any employer found to have violated the act, during a period of 3 years after the violation, unless otherwise ordered by the Secretary. Will this Federal bill be effective in elimi- nating discriminatory wage practices against women? I think it is a good bill and a very necessary one, an important addition to the body of Federal law designed to advance the welfare of workers and to stabilize the econ- omy. T feel that it is to Michigan’s advantage to support a Federal equal-pay bill applying to the entire country. I think also that we must continue to be vigilant about the equal pay situation in our own State. Even though we have a good State law, I still get complaints on unfair wage differentials between men and women workers. Unions and women’s organizations too have first-hand informa- tion which shows that much remains to be done in Michigan to assure complete appli- cation of the equal pay principle. I hope that the people of Michigan will keep on pushing for full and vigorous enforcement of our State law. Why is equal pay important? To sum up again; (1) It is important to women as a matter of simple justice; it insures their getting what they are entitled to for the work they do. (2) It is important to men because it helps sustain men’s wage rates. It dis- courages the employer from hiring women for less money. (3) It is important to everybody because it will increase consumer purchasing power, stimulate full employment and in-~ crease the economic security of workers’ families. “The laborer is worthy of his hire.” If wom- en turn out the same quantity and quality of work, they should receive the same com- pensation. For these reasons I am supporting the bills now before Congress proposing a Federal law to require equal pay for equal work. I am sure that with our long history of support for the equal pay principle in Michigan, the people of Michigan will urge their Senators and Congressmen to support this Federal leg- islation. My sincere thanks to WJR, the good will station, for the opportunity to speak this eve- ning over thelr facilities. Thank you and good night. Seem eneiiianen ca canton enetaeeeaE Writings of Owen Lattimore Reflect Pro- Soviet Views EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. JOSEPH R. MeCARTHY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 22 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Writings of Owen Lattimore Reflect Pro-Soviet Views,’ by David J. Dallin, from the magazine the New Leader for May 13, 1950. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrconrp, as follows: WritIncs oF OWEN LarrimMorE REFLECT PRo-SOVIET VIEWS (By David J. Dallin) A new and highly significant article has come from the pen of Owen Lattimore. In this latest offering, which appears in the Morch issue of United Nations World (a mag- azine of llmited circulation and expensive format edited by the devious Soviet sympa- thizer, Louis Dolivet), one almost fancies for an instant that the leopard has changed his pro-Communist spots. The article actually contains a faint breath of noncommunism, a fleeting hint of disapproval of Sovict policies, Comparison of the professor’s arguments wiih the current far eastern line of the Rus- sian press, however, swiftly dispels any illu- sions. The official Soviet version of the upheaval in China is as follows: First, the Communist victory is exclusively the product of internal Chinese revolutionary forees, unaided by Moscow; and, second, the Communist regime in Peking is a sovereign government which takes no orders from the Kremlin. The press docs not admit the presence in China of Russian advisers. Now let us see what Mr. Lattimore has to say on the subject. He is certain, to begin with, that Russian intervention was insig- nificant in China. How can he be sure? If it had been otherwise, he cxplains, we should have intelligence information. As a matter of fact, the wretched calibor of American in- telligence in the Far East is notorious. The U. §. S. R. rendered decisive assistance to the Communists in Manchuria right after the war by turning over massive stocks of cap- tured Japanese arms. There were also Soviet advisers at Communist headquarters. Again, Mr, Lattimore asserts: “The power of control [in Communist China] has not passed into the hands of Soviet Russian.” I do not question Mr. Lattimore’s inteprity in making this statement, but it Is false, biased, and harmful, nevertheless. Indeed, he could not be serving the Kremlin more effectively were he on Statin’s payrou. Today, Soviet advisers are swarming across China. Some Russians and some Chinese Soviet citivens, they are arriving dally in Tientsin, Shanghai, Canton, and Nanking. The Soviet Ambassador wields vast influence in Peking. Russian military instructors are busy reorganizing the Communist army. Moscow’s denials, of course, were expected and discounted in advance. Yet, here we have an American professor echolng the Moscow line under the sheltering mantle of scholarly objectivity and independent judg- ment. Mr. Lattimore's views also mesh too closely for comfort with the grand design of Soviet policy on Japan. As the last potentially powerful anti-Communist bastion in Asia, Japan is clearly marked for mounting pres- sure, The recent Sino-Soviet treaty in actu- ally an alliance against Japan. Moscow knows that the latter's present position is economically untenable: she cannot live without resumption of large-scale trade with the Asiatic Continent, particularly northeast China. The Soviet-Chinese bloc will agree to trade with Japan, but on its own terms only. And these terms will be almed straight at the American occupation forces, and Japan’s ties with thig country. Mr. Lattimore has a simple prescription for Japan in this dilemma. “Japan,” he writes, “must negotiate for the raw materials it needs on terms that are acceptable to the suppliers of the raw materials.” He then ob- serves, accurately enough, that “the option of rebuilding the power of Japan no longer lies with Japan.” Quite true; it obviously lies etther with the United States or the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Soviet-Chinese bloc. Evidently, Mr. Latti- more’s preference is for the latter. The Senate subcommittee currently prob- ing Owen Lattimore’s attitude toward com-~ munism has been driving its plow through a sandy beach. Its failure to produce any proof that he is a Soviet spy or Communist Party member should surprise only unin-~ formed persons like Senator McCarty. Mr. Lattimore has declared: “I am neither a Communist nor a fellow traveler.” The first part of his statement is correct; the sec- ond is false. His most recent article on Asia—pious professions of democratic, anti- Communist convictions coupled with con- crete proposals which miraculously coincide with the official line handed down from Mos- cow—is a splendid new sample of the men- tality of the American fellow traveler. Anthracite Coal REMARKS HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, I have just introduced a bill to authorize, for a temporary period, the purchase by the Government of anthracite in amounts sufficient to maintain normal production and employment in the anthracite re- gion, to promote the general national welfare, and for other purposes. Mr. Speaker, the Federal Government has a great burden of responsibility to the anthracite industry. Toa great ex- tent, the major part of the economy of the northeastern United States is de- pendent upon the mining of anthracite in the anthracite coal fields of Pennsyl- vania. And my congressional district, centered in the Wilkes-Barre-Hazleton metropolitan area, is the very heart of these coal fields. Here lies the principal source of energy and heat for the most densely populated and most intensely in- dustrialized section of our Nation. To prevent the loss to the national economy of this vital natural resource and economic disaster to millions of our citizens, Mr. Speaker, I have introduced this bill. The problems of this vast mining in- dustry are not alone those of economics and technology—preservation, readjust- ments, improvements—these call for leg- islative assistance. Use of abundant supplies of energy re- source materials has made the United States of America the great world power it is today. In times of peace and war these materials have multiplied the strength of our manpower to provide for us the highest standard of living in time of peace and the greatest degree of strength in time of war. A major readjustment in the fuel- energy economy of the country has been taking place during the past several dec- ades. Economic factors and the neces- sities of international affairs, rather than the sound dictates of industrial pros- perity and security have been at work adversely affecting our coal industry. War and the postwar over-all pros- perity for a time mitigated the degree and effects of these changes. Lately, however, the seriousness of the situation has reflected itself so forcibly upon the anthracite industry that it threatens the industrial and civilian economy of an important segment of the country. Last year anthracite production dropped to a point lower than at any time since 1902. In 1949, the industry supplied only 3.4 percent of the national energy requirements, compared with bi- tuminous coal, petroleum, natural gas, and hydroelectric power, on an equiva- lent heat-unit basis, as shown in the following table: National supplies of energy requirements Pereent supplied Source of energy — 1949 1948 Anthracite.....2...-.---- eee a4 4.0 Bitumimous coal and lignite... 35.9 42,9 Petroleum... 34.0 Natural gas. 222.22 -nennnennneeene 15.1 Hydroelectric power 4.0 Total... 100.0 Within recent years a definite trend has been established toward a petroleum and natural gas economy. Unfortu- nately, this represents great national de- pendence upon two fuels of limited re- serve, but more importantly, fuels which are of special strategic significance to direct military and security defense. No authority disputes the ultimate re- turn of the country to an enlarged coal demand. Just how far away this day may be no one accurately knows, but in the two-world pattern of today it is im- perative that immediate effort be di- rected to preserve the anthracite indus- try and the potential industrial capa- bilities of this region. A sudden reduction of the importation of foreign oil or a war emergency would place considerable of the northeastern section of the United States in urgent need for anthracite. Accordingly, some- thing must be done to keep this industry healthy and strong for the job which might be placed upon it while it is read- justing itself. The production of 42,664,000 tons of anthracite estimated for 1949 is about 20 percent lower than during the depth of the 1933-1936 depression. Employment during the year was approximately 74,000 men. Total reserves of anthracite are esti- mated at between 160 and 180 years of expected life. For petroleum and na- tural gas comparative figures are 12 and 30 years respectively. In 1947 fuel oil for the first time sur- passed anthracite consumption in the primary anthracite market area and in 1948 accounted for 52 percent of the to- tal consumption of fuels there. The impact of these changes upon the fortunes of anthracite producers, on na- tional security and defense planning strikes heaviest and first on the civilian economy. In the event of a sudden war emergency wherein importations of oil would be restricted and considerable amounts of domestic oil allocated for war A3839 purposes, a shift back to coal would put a large burden upon anthracite produc- tion. Improved metallurgical process3s, scarcities of important mineral re- sources, expanded and adjusted trans- portation routes, and research and de- velopment in entirely new fields all point to opportunities for improvement in the industrial economy of the anthracite industry and area in a distant future. - Today, however, the need for preserva~ tion of this indusiry is urgent. It has been and still is the backbone of our national industrial strength and prowess. Its problems and challenges have been many and varied. Out of this industry have come the techniques and industrial solutions which have made some of our greatest industries. Its mass-produc- tion methods have been the basic pat- tern for our automotive industry; its early flame-proof electrical equipment and gas protective apparatus have en- abled the development of our oil and gas industries; to say nothing of the industry’s contributions against poison- ous gases in industry and war. Now the day has arrived when the country is called upon to preserve this industry for the perpetuation of the over~all national prosperity and security. Our national security and defense is predicated upon the development of a strong industrial economy. All across the country we endeavor to strengthen our industries. In the international field we spend billions to better the econ- omies of friendly nations. In doing this we purchase their products, some of which come into competition with our industries, such as is presently the case with the importation of foreign fuel oil. These are the things we must do to create a better and safer world. It was not the intent or purpose of those who designed our forcign-aid program that these ef- forts should redound to the detriment of our own industries. Instead, it was and is intended that our own economy and industries should adjust themselves and rise to greater success and importance. Under these circumstances, the dirce- tion in which the anthracite industry must go to recapture its share of success and position for the betterment of the national cconomy is clear. But to at- tain this end it must have a new partner- ship with the Government. It seeks not a dole but an opportunity to contribute that which is peculiarly its part. During 1949 production of anthracite fell 25.3 percent below that for 1948; similarly bituminous-coal production dropped 27.4 percent. Production fig- ures for these two fuels during 1948 and 1949 are as follows: Coal production statistics 4 Anthmeite Bituminous Year ous tons 1940. nnn wenn emer een 42, Gad, 000 4235, 000, 000 1948.0 nnn eee nnn en ene 57, 140, COU 599, 518, 000 1 Bureau of Mines Reports W. A. C. RR. 652 and W. OC. R. 1686, In 1918 anthracite supplied approxi- mately 12 percent of the national energy requirements, but in 1949 it accounted
for only 3.4 percent, representing a loss cf about 70 percent in its relative posi- ticn. In actual tonnage this was a re- Guction of from 98,826,0&4 tons in 1918 to 42,664,000 tons in 1949, or a 57 percent decrease in production. Tnis slumping off of the anthracite industry is a serious matter to the peace~ time economy and security of the coun- try. It has dragged down with it a most important area of the country and a seg- ment of its population which once was industrially and technologically on a pinnacle. One could argue long and bitterly the reasons why the anthracite industry and area are so distressed today. However, for the job of reconstruction ahead only those points which can set the course for repair and progress need be considered. The world today has approximately 2,000,000,000 people. Using only rough estimates, it is clearly evident that nu- merically we have recently moved rap- idly into reverse in our race against com- munism, The Soviet with about 250,- 060,000 people, China and northern Korea with nearly 500,000,000 people, the satellite and doubtful states with 150,- 000,000 people, and India, Burma, and other Far East countries already close to communism with another 500,000,000 people, this gives the Communists a po- tential control of 1,400,000,000 people. It also leaves only a mere 600,000,090 peo- ple for us to consolidate for our side. With these odds, and many others al- ready against us, is not the need to spur ourselves great enough? Can we afford the luxury of a blighted fuel industry and its ghost towns? Hence, the opportunity exists and the occasion demands that a constructive and objective course be set for the reha- bilitation of the anthracite industry. A forward view of the anthracite area envisions a pleasant region of high-level, well-organized, industrial power in the channels of trade and commerce, across the country and seas, again setting the pattern of progress in the production, engineering, construction, and research fields, as it did in the past. No panacea for anthracite industrial ills exists or can be concocted. Though that is true, certain palliatives can be ad- ministered which hold promise of res- toration of a high degree of health. Luckily, for this area it is strategically Jocated where neither those interested in the prosperity of the national economy or security can long avoid giving it appro- priate consideration. The area is located where its strength and position is the keystone of our whole national power. Specifically, the more I study the diffi~ culties of the anthracite region the more sure I am of the theory that its recovery and restoration of health depends upon its integration with other projects, pro- grams and plans possible of being brought to bear on this country’s ills by no one person, corporation or industry. The day has arrived when the problems of this industry require the guidance and aid of Government surveys, direction and . aid just as surely as it exists today for wheat, potatoes and cggs. Fortunately, however, the correctives to be employed for the anthracite industry are of a type which when properly correlated lend strength and security to the country on a self-paying basis. In the world of teday we tread a diffi- cult road, and we would be unwise to add to our difficulties by neglecting to hus- band the strength cf the various parts of our great industrial economy, or fail to build back into it those things which have made it so great. Let us not forget that this anthracite area, at the turn of the century, provided approximately 23 percent of the national energy recuircmenis which cave the Na- tion its present great industrial strength. The country does owe the anthraciie area and its people a chance under the sun! eT Cverloaded Trucks on Our Michways EXTENSION OF REMARE HON, JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to call to the attention of the House some of the persistent vio- lations of State laws regarding the weight of trucks. In this connection, I include an article from Transport Topics of October 24, 1949. This article deals with the sixtcenth annual convention of the American Truck Association held in Boston in October 1949. In this article, Mr. H. D. Horton, then president of the American Truck Association, now chair- man of the board, called upon his asso- ciates for overscrupulous adherence to State weight laws, in the following lan- guage: In the final analysis, these laws are as much protective of our industry as they are of the public. There is no final profit for anyone in law violation of any kind. To cope with this problem, I believe this indus- try must dedicate itself to a vigorous, Nation- wide program of self-policing. It is not enough for each of us to keep our own com- pany house in order. We stand or fall with the performance of all trucks on the roads and streets. We must indeed, be our broth- er’s keeper, I also include an article from the Bal- timore Evening Sun of April 25, 1950— just 6 months after the ATA conven- tion—listing some 63 truck firms that paid fines for operating overloaded trucks on the highways of Maryland alone during 1 week—-April 8 to 15, 1950. In this list appears the Associated Transport, Inc., of Charlotte, N.C. The drivers of this firm have been convicted in 116 cases in the State of Maryland in a period of 14 months—since Febru- ary 14,1949. The president of this firm is the same Mr. H. D, Horton who ad- dressed the American Truck Association 6 months before on the need for obeying State weight laws. Mr. Henry E. Howell, vice president of the company, “passes the buck” on the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD great number of offenses by blaming it on “inaccurate weighing by shippers.’ Regardless of how it comes about, Mr. Horton’s firm is not practicing what he preached, and in the meantime, the highways continue to take a beating at the expense of the taxpayers. The article above referred to follows: Sinty-THire Truck Finms Pay Fines Frog CVvERWEIGHT The State of Maryland collectcd fines from 63 transportation firms chargea with onper- ating overleaded trucks on highways during the week April 8 to 15. State roads commission weicht checkers arrested another driver of Assoc:atecdl Trans- port, Ine. Charlotte, N, C., the trucking concern which has been the most porsistent viornter of Maryland laws regulating tho weight of truc:s. During the past 14 months, drivors of this firm have been convicted in 116 cases. FRenry E. Howell, vice president of the company, aitribeted the laree number cf offenses to inaccurate weighing by shippers. FOUR QUINN CONVICTIONS The Quinn Freight Lines, of Brockton, Muss., with four convictions, led other ship- rers in the number of offenses committed during the week reported. Its total since February 14, 1949, is 27 convictions. Conviction records for the week were: va. mel on be Owner ue 4 = fel) 6 San eS me IO Abco Lumber Co., Baltimore..o..... 1 () 1 Akers Motor Lines, Ine, Gas Oe ween 2 fa 74 é Curtis Albright, ALB. ~« | i nn $f 0 J, i. Andrews & Co., Cambridge, 0 ee ee «]ody St a6 1 Associated: Transport, Ine, Char lotto, Nv Ooo eee eee e wee eemee} 1] O45 16 John W. Atkins, Frosthurg, Mao A] 5h 4g Baker ‘racking Cy., New Castle, 17) eee - -| Ly] 2.45 1 Lee Bandenburg and BP, Ferrigen, SUMHOr, BO ee eee LV] 1h, 75 1 Claude Bangh, Washington, Ga...) 1} 40,76 1 Vietor Bernst, Hamilton, Ont.. 1] 26.46 2 Bothesda Cinder Block & Sup Co., Bethesda, Mad... wand 2] 5146 1 Lioyd W. Bieseek Baquare, Ne oe ee nee neers wae} 2] 11,48 2 James F. Black, Baltimore, Maui... 1] Bi, 45 20 Forrest Ei. Broadwater, Salisbury, 1: eee 1] 10, 78 2 Burris Equip. Rental Co., Milford, DOL. ee anew neeeee eeeunesenn anne 1 | 51.46 58 i. v, Camphell, Towson, Md.w... 1 (2) 1 LL. . Carter, Branchville, Mdaeeeee| 1] 51.45 16 ‘Toni Cataldo, Columbia, 8. C.. 1] 38 7% 1 v. Coray Trucking Co., Fan Ri Mass. a wine wnwees 8 1] 18, 7 3 Davidgo Balti MOTO. 2 eee neers ee 2] 62,98 30 Flllott Bros, Truck Co, Easton, Md | 1 | St, 4h 22 George DD. Evans, §r., Mardella VSDTINRS, Md. eonweneeneeenanne name a JET Ab 1 Farm Bureau Cooperntive Associa Yon Wost Chester, PA... .aane-a00 1] 2h, 48 2 L, Folker’s Sons, Phoenix City, Ala.| 1 | 07, 2h 6 Blaine HW. Friend, Friendsville, Md.} 1 | 10.74 1 Floyd Gates, Monroesville, N. Jw...) 1 | 2048 1 General Supply Co., Winter Haven, Mla... awe} TY LL 40 $ ba 2 he ete ee 1] 10,7 1 Lowis B. Guignar 0 On conn cnnn nen ee nnn nwemensnwee 1] 20, 4h Pi Alvan R, Haines, Hagerstown, Md...) 1 | 51. 46 1 F.C. Hampton, Norfolk, Va... 0...) 2] 1148 2 Joouslas 2. Uardy, Lampton, Ma...| 1 | 40.78 2 ubert Ly, Harpets.. esac eeeeee. wef 1 | L485 1 George F. Hazelwood, Cumberland, wept meeee omen nan none nenees 2] 28,75 2 Inman Transfer Co., Rowland, N.C. 11.45 1 Eucene Jerkins, Uhoenix City, Ala..{ 1 | 85, 76 1 Willan C, Kennedy, Brooklyn fe ee nes . Li 48 1 Koppers Co., Ine., Pittshurgh Tt 4,7 1 A Suspended I Not guilty,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 8 $8 |g 2 [ eal & [eRe Owner “e| 2 legs eel ‘oe lade ty ous te ied am re | John Kostek, Hamilton, Ontario-...| 1 |$11.45 1 LL. A. Murrah, Orlando, Fla._._....- 1] 51.45 7 XK. C. Pelmer, Montgomery, Ala...-| 1 | 22.75 1 D.8. Parsons, Candor, N. C._...... 1 | 25.50 3 FL. L. Pettit, Granstville, Md_._. 1 | 10.75 1 Enoch P. Price, Frostburg, Md_.--.] 2} 26.45 4 BR. F. Priddy, Crab Orchard, W.Va..} 1 | 11.45 1 Quinn Freight Lines, Inc , Brock- ton, Mass -| 4 1255. &0 27 Francis H. Raley, Columbia, S 1} 2.75 1 Guy G. Reed, Riverdate, Md 1] 96.46 2 W. Jasper Riley, Oakland, Md 1 | 51.45 1 Walter E. Ree, Chestertown, Md-..] 1/151. 45 1 Smith & Solomon T. Co, New Brunswick, N.J.---.------------- 1] (1.45 7 Oren Smith, ‘Uniontown, Pa._-.....] 1 | 18.75 1 Southern Motor Corp., Baltimore...} 1 | 11.45 6 John Spear, Maikleysbure, Pa...---] 1 | 15.75 1 Sprow & Zimmerman, Washingion..} 1 | 20.75 3 John A. Stanford, Lake Alfred, Ala..| 1] 51.45 5 Roy Stone Transfer Corp., Martins- villo, Va.....------ een e een ee eee 1} 20.45 4 Superior Produce Co., Orange, Fla..| 1) 19,75 1 Texas Supply Co., Towson, Md. 2} £2.60 6 B. M. Whitienton, Dunn, N. 0 1) 15.75 4 James R. Varnado, Winter Gar Fla...----2n---ee--+ 1| 26.45 2 Woole: ton, Del.------..---- 1} 20.45 7 C. O. Young, Ocala, Fla..-.-.------ 1) 22.75 1 1 Suspended. The Grant and Roosevelt Memorials EXTENSION OF REMARES OF HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, L include the following newspaper article by William Fulton: FD Smrine A Conrrasr To Granr’s Toms (By William Fulton) New Yorn, May 21.—This is the story of two memorials and how they grew. One is the unfinishcd, neglected tomb of General Grant here in the city and the other is the plush, well-appointed shrine of the late Pres- ident Roosevelt at Hyds Park. New York has failed to live up to its prom- ises to complete the Grant Monument perched on the heights over the Hudson River. Each year the city doles out a pit- tance to Keep three employees there. The Federal Government has never given a nick21 toward this memorial for the general who welded his country together on the battle- field. On the other hand in the last 3 years alone the Federal Government (taxpayers) has shelled cut $463,621 for the maintenance of the Franklin D. Roosevelt national histeric site and library. It is the only memorial started by a President during his lifetime to perpetuate his name. MORE THAN 50 EMPLOYEES More than 50 guards, historians, libra- rians, and maintenance men are employed at Hyde Park. It takes two different govern- ment agencies to run the show. The Na-~ tional Park Service maintains the home and the grave, while the National Archives oper- ates the library of Roosevelt papers with the attached muscum of his efforts starting out with a baptismal gown. Porpetuators of the Roosevelt legend, such as Robert Sherwoced, the playwright, point out that $360,629.95 was taken in from the sale of admission tickets at 25 cents per head the first 3 years. Even so the cost to the taxpayers is far outstripping public interest and the gap is expected to widen when the nowness wears off. Superintendent of the Hyde Park adminis- trative force is George A. Palmer, who hails from Columbia City, Ind‘ Palmer was for- merly boss of the Statue of Liberty in Now York Harbor. TIIREE AT GRANT'S TOMB Heading the staff of three at Grant’s Tomb is the curator, George Burnside. His father’s cousin was Gen. Ambrose Burnside, one of Grant’s major generals. He has an assistant curator and a maintenance man to clean up Inside the memorial. “Of course, I think it's a shame the me- morial has neyer been completed, said Cura- tor Burnside. “It should have been taken care of a long time ago.” No admission is charged at Grant’s Tomb and more than a quarter million visitors, A3841 mostly schcol children, view it each year. Outside of an annual $9,000 handout by the City of New York, the memorial is admin- istered by a private crganization, the Grant Monument Association, the president of which is Cornelius W. Wickersham (lieuten- ant general, New York National Guard, retired). Farmers Home Administration Has Splen- did Record of Achievement—Needs More Funds EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF RON. ALVIN E. O’KONSKI OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSES OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr, O‘KONSEI. Mr. Speaker, of all Federal Government agencies operating in my District, none has the splendid record of the Farmers Home Adminis- tration. Their courteous, efficient, yet business-like operation, has won the hearts of all people as a real friend in need. Thousands of family farms are in ex- istence today in northern Wisconsin only because of help and guidance from the Farmers Home Administration. Drought stricken farmers found a place of refuge in the FHA. Thousands of veterans were rehabilitated on farms be- cause of help from the FHA. With so splendid a record at no actual cost to taxpayers in the end, it is tragic that this agency is short of loaning money about six months of the year. One of the greatest things this Congress could do is to appropriate sufficient funds to this agency for full operation the year round. Mr. Speaker, I include the following tables showing in no uncertain terms the good this agency has done and what its needs are for full-scale operation: Taste I.—Production and subsistence operating loan activities during first 9 months of the 1950 and 1949 fiscal years—10th Congressional District, Wisconsin Vetcran and nonveteran Tuly 1, 1949, to Mar. 31, 1950 July 1, 1£48, to Mar. 31, 1049 Estimated require- ments from Apr. 1 to Juno 30, 1960, for which no funds are availablo Jucy 1, 1249, to Mar, 31, 1€20 Veteran only Estimated requiro- ments from Apr. 1 to Juno 30, 1950, for which no funds aro available July 1, 1048, Lo Mar. 31, 1049 County . Numbor |- Loans made | yumpoer | Loans made | yum. apeent Number Loans mado Number Loans mada eet dns Cot ons applica funds entice “eat cos applica. received Num- Amount | roecived Num. Amount} tions | 2°°4¢4 | rocoived Nomar Amount | recived Num- Amount | ‘tons | Deedod (1) (8) (5) (6) (7) (8) @) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) (16) Ashland, Iron and Eay- aa neeee ° nore ay" - 110 $113, 815 53 $65, 290 €2 | $103, 800 &2 40 | $09, B55 37 27 | $38, 930 z $46, 000 Burnett and. Washburn. 71 82, 740 78 79, C55 81} 101,000 28 21 £0, 180 4d 36 35, O15 29 30,000 Douglas....---e-newnns 18 0 0 44 63, 600 7 1 1, 000 0 0 0 15 22, 000 Lincoln and Oneida... vei) 38 &0, £00 61 | 107,000 41 16 26, 000 37 20 29, 730 40 G8, 000 Vilas and Prico.. £3 96 40, £30 44 7,000 55 31 26, 860 C4 45 28, O85 25 49, 000 olk... 109 62 69, 350 101 | 176,600 87 48 69, 380 54 39 38, (30 33 (3, 000 Rusk 45 65 64,115 50 74,000 24 23 32,010 49 39 44,150 £2 000 Sawyo 53 44, 800 &0 53, 640 32 &6, 000 16 14 21, 000 14 18 5, 200 12 23,000 Taylor 13: 98, 105 90 85, 230 61 | 111,000 67 37 |» 64,160 36 29 41,120 34 , 000 Total. -..--» 707 &47, 070 532 | 08, 710 £36 | 879,100 347 | 2381 | 340,295 320 | £53 | 277,300 235 415, 000
A3842 TASLE 2——Farm ownership loans, cumulative from inception of program through Mar. 31, 1950—10th Congressional District, Wisconsin Borrowers with outstanding loans Total Borrow: ber : Amount | Amount County of bor ers paid Amount id (pri ai . paid (prin-| paid in rowers | fu | Number) “Ioaned | cipal and excess of inteiest) | maturitics a) Q) (3) (4) (6) (6) Ashland, Iron, and Bayfield.......--...---.-- 46 18 28 $79, 899 $18, 127 $3, 797 -Burnett and Washburn...... 86 33 53 174, 157 45, 548 11, 489 Douglas. .-.---.--- 31 13 18 52, 085 16, 831 5, 714 Lincoln and Oncida 72 36 36 129, 154 26, 610 5, 184 Vilas and Price. 76 46 30 67, 584 80, 498 G, 704 ‘Polk... 54 14 40 261, 242 41, 072 10, 830 Rusk. 7 25 54 180, 851 42, 57. 8, 484 Sawyer. -- 35 1 24 86, 679 12, 302 794 Taylor nnn nnnee ene e cere ence mene nace enneneene 161 62 109 311, 184 76, 509 6, 483 Total en een nnn n neem en nen enenneeeene= G40 248 392} 1,842, 785 310, 071 59, 519 ‘Tape 38.—Disaster and fur loans made during first 9 months of the 1950 fiscal year (July 1, 1949~Mar, 31, 1950)—-10th Congresszonal District, Wisconsin Num- . | Amount County ber 169) @) Ashland, Iron and Bayfield... 51 $76, 160 Burnett and Washburn... 77) 110, 785 ouglas....-....-.- 5 6, 915 Lincoln and Oneida 6 5, 660 Vilas and Price 35 29, 500 Polk... 16 27, 320 Rusk. 28 20, 985 Sawye 46 48, 005 0) 2) 96 79, 090 40) ) 3860 404, 420 Protection of the Lace Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN E. FOGARTY OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec~ orp, I include the following letters: Strate of RHove IsLanp AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, Providence, R.1., May 18, 1950. Hon. Joum E. Fogarrr, House Office Building, Washington, D. C. Dear JoHN: Recently I appeared at the forty-eighth anniversary celebration of the Amalgamated Lace Operatives of America at the Narragansett Hotel. It was quite evident to me from the speeches that were being made that there is a@& great deal of apprehension among the workers in the lace industry in Rhode Island that the conferences to be held in Torquay, England, in September to discuss the further lowering of tariffs will do irreparable harm to our economy and result in the loss of jobs to lace workers. There are 5,000 people in Rhode Island who are employed in the lace industry, and while I understand that there must be some reciprocity with reference to imports and ex~ ports, I feel that the Federal Government in dealing with the tariff situation should seri~ ously consider the fact that we in Rhode Island have already heen classified as a dis« tressed area. Only the other day a group of the workers called on me and appealed that I appear be~= fore the Committee for Reciprocity Informa. tion and lay before its members Rhode Island’s plight with reference to this situa~ tion, which I have promised to do. In the meantime, Iam enclosing herewith a photo- static copy of the mernorandum that was submitted to me by the representatives of the union locals in the hope that you will do everything within your power to see to it that this industry is protected in every way possible. Sincerely, JoHN O. PASTORE, Governor, AMALGAMATED LACE OPERATIVES or AMERICA, Philadelphia, Pa., May 17, 1950. Gov. JoHN O. PastTore, State House, Providence, RB. I. ‘Your ExceLLENcY: We represent the Rhode Island branches of the Amalgamated Lace Operatives of America, lever section, which is the national union, composed of skilled lace makers throughout the United States. There are four branches in Rhode Island, Branch No. 6 in Pawtucket and Central Falls, of which I am secretary; branch No. 7, rep- resenting union members in the whole Paw- tuxet Valley; branch No, 16, representing the workers in Bristol County; and branch No. 19, representing the workers in South County. We are calling on you, Governor, to take advantage of the offer of help you made us recently when you were kind enough to speak at the forty-eighth anniversary dinner of branch No. 6 in the Narragansett Hotel on April 15. You were kind enough to say at that time that “the lace industry is very important to the State of Rhode Island and if there is any way that I can help you, my address is Smith Street and I am generally there at 9 o’clock in the morning.” Your past activities have proven to us that you are a man of your word, and that is the reason we feel confident that when we have explained our situation to you, you will be glad to add the strength of your high office to the work which we are trying to do, We are very much worried that the present program of some persons in Washington to arrange to lower tariffs at conferences which will be held in Torquay, England, in Septem-~ ber may result, as it has done before, in depriving us and our associates of the op-~ portunity to work full time at our trade. During the past year the importation of laces from France, which is our chief com- petitor, has increased immensely and already the effects of this increase in importations has heen seriously felt by our members. Many lace mills in Rhode Island have been on short time during the last few months and we have been reliably informed that a number of the smaller mills in West Warwick will shut down shortly for lack of orders. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD You can readily realize what the conse- quences to us will be if the imports of French and Eritish laces are permitted to increase further over the large amounts that are now coming in. We are informed on good au thority that already, in certain types of laces, the market in New York is glutted with lace. The spokesmen here today represent ap- proximately 5,C00 highly skilled workers lo- cated in the Pawtunet Valley, in Pawtucket and Central Falls, West Barrington, Bristol, and the Eouth County. A large majority of us have voted for you in the past and hops to have the pleasure of voting for you again, We are truly your constituents. We seck your aid. We remember you stating at our dinner that you had heard the statement that “in order to export you had to import” so often that you were getting a little tired of it. We admit that importation is necessary to every country but we feel that forcign countrics have a tremendcus advantage with devalued currency, low wages, and long hours, and we cannot see why, if they already have these advantages, they should be given any more. We are very certain that we wish to keep our high standard of living and not be forced, as we were in the dark days from 1935 to 1939, to accept reductions in wages so that our employers could sell their goods in com- petition with France, The members of our union earn approxi- mately four times as much for a 40-hour week as their English friends and about five times as much as their French competitors. We have with us today the wage scale paid in the Calais area of France for the same work we do in the United States of America and it is so low we wonder how these peo- ple can live. We think the attack on this problem should be for the lacomakers in France and England to endeavor to bring their wages up where they belong instead of dumping the goods which they manufac- ture in the United States where the prices will only help to force down the American standards which we have fousht many years to obtain. We are firm believers in fair competition but we are not at all sure that fair competition exists under the present conditions. The Amalgamated Lace Operatives of America, lever section, has been in existence for over 50 years. All of the twisthands in the United States belong to it. We wore one of the first unions to engage in industry- wide collective bargaining and with one cx« ception, in 1917, there has never been a break in the pleasant relations which have existed between our union and the manufacturers, Our members are the highest paid and most highly skilled of any persons employed in the textile industry. Wo have contributed our share to social security and are proud to say that because our people have been steadily employed, we have collected few ben- efits. We are proud of our record in the purchase of savings bonds. We have waived our rights in order to help veterans learn a good trade and have permitted many more than the usual number of apprentices to enter the trade, All of these things we want to continue. We believe our Government should make it easy for us to continue to work and support our families instead of putting obstacles in our way such as tariff cuts which simply means that our Government is making it eas- ier for our competitors abroad to do the work which we are willing and able to do. Our national president, Mr. Frederick Dixon, has already been in Washington and will be there again presenting before the Committee for Reciprocity Information and other appropriate bodies, the protest of our united membership against any further re- ductions in tariffs. We feel that if we could have your help it would carry a great deal of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD weight and go a long way toward making our protest successful. On March 15, 1938 the Honorable Robert E. Quinn, at that time Governor of the State of Rhode Island, appeared in Washington as he stated, “On behalf of a great majority of the citizens of Rhode Island” and made a strong and thoughtful attack opposing down~ ward revision of tariffs. Governor Quinn stated at that time that “reductions or con- eessions 1n rates will prove harmful to our industry,” a statement which we can assure you is as true today as it was then. Gover- nor Quinn ended his plea by stating “surely our Federal Government is not going to do anything which would lower our present standard of living. We have faith in our Federal officers. We believe that they, like us, are determined to build up and not de-~ stroy this faith. Our hopes and aspirations are for siill more of the better things of life. We fear that any lowering of the present tar- iff rates would at this time bring about a still further decrease in employment” Governer Quinn’s suggestions were not fol- lowed. Tariff cuts on laces went into effect. The French devalued the franc. The only thing that saved the American lace industry from complete dissolution was the advent of the war which came about a year following his remarks. We feel very sure that our national repre- sentatives would welcome your appearance before the Committee for Reciprocity In- formation where you might repeat your ob- servations made at our dinner on April 15 when you stated in substance that with 43,000 out of work in Rhode Island it was the duty of those persons in Washington bent on fur- ther reducing tariffs, to stop and think what effect it might have on employment in in- dustry in this State. If the pressure of official business makes it impossible for you to make a personal ap- pearance in Washington we feel very sure that you will take other appropria‘e action to help protect the jobs, the .amsmics, and the livelihood of us, your constituents. Respectfully submitted, Branch No. 19 (Alton), George L. Noyes, secretary, T. H. Smith, president; Branch No. 16 (West Barrington and Bristol), Edgar J. Wiggin, president; Henry C. Walther, secretary; Branch No. 7 (West Warwick, Coventry, and Washington), Douglas Jackson, presi- dent, Raymond Bradloy, secretary; Branch No. 6 (Pawtucket and Central Falls), Louis Playe, secretary-treas- urer, George Helsens, assistant sccre- tary; for the Rhode Island branches of the Amalgamated Lace Operatives of America, Lever section. Segregation in Washington Swimming Pools EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SIDNEY R. YATES OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. YATES. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rscorp, I include the following editorial from the Chicago Sun-Times of May 16, 1950: WarcH For H. R. 5968 In Washington, D. C., there are six swim- ming pools in recreation areas operatcd by the Federal Govornment., Prior to 1940 there ‘was a policy of segregation in effect. Since that time, the Government has refrained from using its power to enforce segregation, This policy 1s based on the belief that the Government should not discriminate against any of its citizens because of their race. From time to time the Interior Depart- ment, which operates the parks, has offered to transfer all of such Washington facilities to the local District recreation board, pro- vided that a policy of nondiscrimination was followed. The local board agreed to allow persons of all races to use such facilities as tennis courts without a pattern of segrega- tion. But it refused to follow the same policy regarding swimming pools. For that reason the Interior Department has refused to allow the local board to oper. ate the pools. Last year, for the first time, some trouble was experienced at some of the pools. They were closed down. This year the Interior Department is prepared to oper- ate all pools and assign enough police to stop trouble. Anyone who objects to nonsegre- gated bathing can stay home. An attempt to get around the Interior De- partment’s position will be made in the House of Representatives next Monday. A pill to transfer all the recreational facilities of the District of Columbia from the Interior Department to the local board will come up for a vote. The sole object of the bill is to place con- trol in the hands of officials who would enforce racial segregation. An attempt may be made to sneak it through without much discussion and in the absence of strong “equal rights” Representa- tives. Congressmen who believe in the principles of equal rights regardless of race or creed will make o special effort to be present in order to vote the bill down. The number is H.R. 5°68. Federal Aid for Schools EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM M. McCULLOCH OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. McCULLOCH. Mr. Speaker, for several years the schools of America have been confronted with the need for ad- ditional funds with which to properly educate our youth. In most school districts the people recognized the need, promptly accepted the local responsibility and provided the needed funds. The people in such districts well knew that the funds provided at the local level would be more wisely and economically spent than would be the so-called easy money from Washington. Further- more, they knew that funds provided at the local levei would insure local control of their schools. . In the few school districts where the people failed to accept their local re- sponsibility too many of the people have been looking to Washington for funds. The Columbus (Ghio) Citizen and the Cleveland (Ohio) Plain Dealer, by way of the editorial page, have clearly and logically pointed out the fallacy and the danger of looking to Washington for funds to finance the schools. A3843 In accordance with permission granted by the House, the editorials fol- low: [From the Columbus (Ohio) Citizen of May 18, 1950] HELPING SCHOOLS Recently when their schools were in dan- ger of closing for lack of money, the people of Kansas City voted to raise their taxes. Women played a big role in the campaign. They rang doorbells, called city-wide rallies and preached their cause wherever they went. With other civic-minded citizens, they got the parents out to vote. This meant victory for the schools—which will remain open. That's the way they should be kept open everywhere. When men and women are really interested in local affairs, those affairs usually are well run. Lethargy follows the rush to Washington for hand-outs. As the Government takes over our respon- sibilities, we become less capable of han- dling them. And gradually the coma of reg- imentation sets in, and we grow more apa- thetic about our own business. The money voted for schools by Kansas Citians will be spent at home. It leaves their pockets and goes directly into school funds. There is no journey to the National Treasury and back, with scores of persons taking their bit along the way. This ex- pense, which in many cascs is unnecessary, is one thing {hat makes our taxes so burden- some. And the schools never will be well run unless the parents are sincerely concerned about the way they are managed and what they teach. It is not sensible of us to turn such things over to Washington officials, no matter how well-intentioned they may be. This country is too big to have good cen- tralized Government. And Government is never good when the people are not inter- ested enough in local business to wish to run it%io suit themselves. [From the Cleveland (Ohio) Plain Dealer of May 15, 1950] FrDERALCRAT PHILOSOPHY In one of his whistle stop speeches in Mon- tana, President Truman, nwittingly perhaps, revealed the moral bankruptcy of his spend- thrift administration. He was discussing what he described as “a real crisis” faced by the Nation’s schools. Congress should remedy that situation, he said, by an appropriation of Federal money to the States. No doubt there are many people who will, see no harm in this philosophy. To them it will seem like a simple proposition—if the schools need money, let the Federal Govern- ment provide it. This philosophy is based on the erroneous assumption that the Federal Government possesses & bottomless cornucopia into which Congress can dip as it pleases, scattering wealth and abundance over the land, reliev-, ing this and that situation, satisfying this or that group. That is the federalcrat philosophy—the philosophy that everyone should turn to the Federal Government for help in times of stress; that the Central Government in. Washinton should provide aid for all who seek it, even though they have the means to help themselves. : Tt is a false philosophy because the Federal Government does not possess unlimited re- sources, In fact, it has no money of its own whatsoever. It can get money only by taking it away from the people in the form of taxes or by engaging in deficit financing, a process which robs the people by causing inflation and deprecicting the purchasing power of their savings and earnings. Now in the case of the schools, the amount of money the Truman administration wants
A3844 to give them is not so much, compared with other Government expenditures. But one thing is certain, a $800,000,000 appropriation this year would be followed by demands for $500,000,000 next year and constantly in- creasing amounts thereafter. Eut why should the Federal Government provide any money for local education? The Federal Government already is $256,000,000,- C00 in debt. This year it is expected to spend from six to eight billion dollars more than it takes in; next year the administra- tion has planned another deficit of more than five billion. Decidedly this is not the time for the Federal Government to under= take any new expenditure that is not neces- sary to national survival. In contrast, nearly all the State govern- ments are solvent. Few of them still have the large surpluses they accumulated during the war, but most, if not all, of them are financially stable and capable of supplying the needs of their own schools if they want to. There is no justification whatever for the Federal Government taking more money away from the people, or piling up more debt, in order to give the same money back to the States, less the amount the bureaucrats re- tain for their own maintenance. There is another serious aspect to the pro- posal of Federal aid to schools. That is the issue of Federal control versus State control. Truman said he was “wholeheartedly in favor of continuing State control over edu~ cation.” The Federal Government should give the money to the States and let them decide how to spend it, he said. The President’s assumption that Federal control would not be a concomitant of Fed- eral uid was no more than a pious hope, or an expression of opinion. His assumption is contrary to all the past history of Federal aid programs. In 1938 the Federal Govern~ ment withheld $1,300,000 from the Ohio old age pension fund because it was not being administered according to Federal regfila- tions. Did anyone ever hear of Federal highway funds being used for projects not approved by the Federal Government? No, Federal control always follows Federal aid, in spite of Truian’s attempt to delude him- self and others into believing otherwise. In these whistle-stop remarks, we see the true nature of the federalcrat philosophy— keep giving away the people’s money, even pnough you have to rob them in order to get it. “The Need To Encourage Our Friends Among the Nations a Compelling Ar- gument for the Extension of the Selec- tive Service Act of 1948”—Speech of the Secretary of Defense at Armed Forces Day Dinner—A Report to the People and the President on a Matter of Legislative Priority . EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. PRICE, Mr. Speaker, last Satur- day, the 20th of May, the people of the United States paid tripute to the Armed Forées of the United States. They paid tribute not to the Army, not to the Navy, not to the Air Force, but to all the Armed Services, united in one defense team, I can imagine no more heartening or sig- nificant display of our unity as a Na- tion and in our determination to estab- lish an adequate defense for our Nation than the expression of that unity that took the form of observances of Armed Forces Day in most of the cities and towns and in all of the States of the Nation. The Nation-wide observance of the first Armed Forces Day began with a din- ner held here in Washington on the eve of Armed Forces Day, at which distin- guished representatives of all the serv- ices and of the congressional commit- tees charged with military affairs were present. This was a dinner under the joint sponsorship of the Navy League of the United States, the Military Order of the World Wars, and the Air Force Association. Dr. Vannevar Bush, who has contributed so notably to the co- operation of American scientists with the Defense Establishment, was master of ceremonies. The speakers of the oc- casion were the President of the United States and the Secretary of Defense. What they said at the Armed Forces Day dinner in Washington, D. C., on the night of May 19 will echo for some time to come and we will be hearing the echoes in this legislative chamber. The address of the Honorable Louis A. Johnson was notable as a report to the Nation by the Secretary of Defense on the state of our defense and the needs of the Defense Establishment. After re- viewing his decision to replace the sep- arate celebrations held in other years for each of our Armed Forces with a single day of commemoration, Mr. Johnson re- viewed the difficulties encountered in choosing a suitable day. It was the practical and distinguished chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Omar Bradley, who made the suggestion that led to the choice of the third Saturday in May, which will henceforth be cele- brated. The creation of such a single day of celebration seemed called for by the fact of unification itself. And just as unifica- tion inspired the splendid displays and the magnificent demonstrations of unifi- cation that took place on Army posts, Air Force bases, and at Navy installa- tions throughout the country, so unifi- cation has produced a healthy state of preparedness, tailored in accordance with our traditional American philosophy of national defense. But even that pre- paredness must be strengthened. Ours is a philosophy of defense— Said Mr. Johnson. It does require that all the men and all the munitions necessary to conduct an all- out war be ready in full capacity at all times. What we seck first by way of preparedness ‘is a force of sufficient strength to deter ag~- gression and to make impossible the defeat of America by any blitz attack of any dimen-~ sions. The lessons of two world wars have shown the world that in a prolonged contest our production, our skill, our organization, and our resources will make us hard to beat What we need, therefore, is a sufficiency of defense of such formidability as to conyince ® possible aggressor that we also cannot be beaten quickly on a hit-and-run basis. Our needs have been translated into a de- fense program which the President has ap- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD proved. It is now before the Congress. It takes into full account the fiscal position of our Government and the military necessities for our defense. We have asked only for what we absolutely need and can advan-= tageously spend. Mr. Johnson expressed his confidence of congressional support because of the consistency with which Members of Con- gress have always supported defense measures, and shown their interest in the needs and comfort of the splendid American men and women who serve in our armed forces. This support is required now for the extension of the Selective Service Act of 1948, due to expire this year. The Presi- dent has asked for such an extension in his message on the State of the Union. The measure is now before the Congress, The Department of Defense has urged its adoption. Mr. Johnson advanced four sound arguments for extending the act. Mr. Speaker, the most compelling of the arguments, in the words of Mr. John- son, is the psychological one, the need to encourage our friends among other na- tions who with courage and fortitude are striving to remain calm under the pres- sure of a potential aggressor. Those friends of ours overseas— Said Mr. Johnson— are stout-hearted men devoted to democracy and peace. So far they have successfully charted their course between the honeyed promises of Utopian communism and the bitter facts of agressive imperialism. They have held communism at bay. With our support they have gained the economia strength which is the best guaranty to the stability of their Government and to the elimination of the misery and the poverty on which the Communist bacillus thrives, Now we are extending them a helping hand with military aid to make them stronger and even more independent. To them our continuance of selective serv- icc means more than a guaranty of sufficient manpower to keep the ranks of our Armed Forces filled. It symbolizes, beyond that, the readiness of free men to give of themselves. No amount of economic and military aid, im- portant as each of them may be, carries with it the spirit of personal sacrifice that is in- herent in a selective-service system, adopted by the free choice of a free people, Moncey, flour, cotton, machinery, guns, planes, am- munition—these and other items are physi- cal needs, indispensable to economile recovery and military strength. Such requirements we can meet without oppressive hardship out of our economy and out of the rich bounty that a divine providence has granted the American people. Selective service implies a apiritual contribution. It presents the young American giving of himself, his time, his comfort, and his chosen way of life to prepare himself for his military duties as a citizen in defense of his country. Our friends Overseas who have given so much and have suffered so much understand that service to be genuine must call for real sacrifice, the kind of sacrifice that is inherent in duty with the colors. Whether we need in fact to em- ploy selective service to fill our ranks or not, the important consideration that we have it on the books and can invoke it when neces~ sary will prove a constant reminder to all that we are conscious of our duty and that we shall remain true to our obligations. The other arguments for the extension of the Selective Service Act of 1948 can be listed briefly, Mr. Speaker. They are, second, to provide a means to save time
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in mobilization; third, to guarantee our retaining the full strength we need in our Armed Forces; and, fourth, to assist in the maintenance of strong Reserve forces. All of these are valid arguments and in normal times would be sufficient to urge the maintenance of preparecness. But these are not normal times. We are already in a cold war, a war in which we must win and hold allies, for if we do not we shall face the enemy alone. For that reason, Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent I include in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, as an extension of my remarks, the full text of the re- marks of the Secretary of Defense, that ell Americans can read the report of the man best qualified to know, on what is, in his opinion, our most pressing present need. The address follows: We have gathered here at the National Capital, on the eve of America’s first Armed Forees Day, to honor all of the men and women who wear the uniform of our coun- try—Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Air Force Regular, National Guard, and Reserve. Armed Forces Day replaces the separate cole- prations held in other years for cach of our armed forces. It is a symbol of their unifi- cation in the public service. It is especially appropriate to have with us on such an occasion the one man who is most responsible for the unification of our armed forees—our Commander in Chief, the Fresident of the United States. History will record that unification was planned and achieved under the leadership of President Truman. Moreover, it will re- call that long before he became President, the idea of unification had appealed to his logical mind. It is worth pointing out, that, in August 1944, when he was still United States Scnator from Missouri, Mr. Truman had marshaled his arguments into an, article which stands out even today as one of the most cogent briefs for unification. Let me quote a few extracts from this ar- ticle which appeared in a national magazine 1 year before VJ-day. “For years,” said Senator Truman, “the American Legion, out of the membership’s first-hand knowledge of the need, has urged the unification of the country’s fighting forees. I helped to frame this Legion policy and endorsed it without reservation. As a Senator, faced daily with the confusions and conflicts inherent in separated commands, what was @ belief has grown into a sincere conviction. But if this background had been lacking, what happened on December 7, 1941, would have made me the ardent champion of a single authority over everything that por- tains to America’s eafety.” In this article, Senator Truman then went on to give example after example of indeci- sion, waste, duplication, and extravagance in the conduct of war that unification might have eliminated. He closed his article with a plea for concentration of America’s de- fensive and offensive strength under one command ending the present jJangles and jumbles and a return to the single authority inherent in the establishment of 1769 of one War Department over both ground and sea forces. Mr. Truman meant what he said, and as soon as he was placed at the helm of author- ity, he set machinery in motion to achieve unification of our armed forces. The first result was the National Security Act of 1947. When that statute falled to achieve ade- quately the kind of unification he had in mind, he pressed for amendments and got them. Last year we obtained what we fur- ther needed by way of legiclative authority to make unification work; and today it 1s working. A year ago the very concept of unification was still being challenged. Today, it is no longer an issue. It is a fact. We have a national-defense team, in every sense of the word. We have eliminated a great deal of waste and duplication. We have defined roles and missions for the respective services, and each is exerting its full energics to per- fect its techn:ques and its tactics to perform the duties assigned it. The over-all agen- cies, such as the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Munitions Board, the Research and Develop- ment Board and the others have proved by the efficient and equitable administration of their duties that unification can be fair and just to all three services, that it can save hundreds of millions of dollars of the tax~ payors’ moncy, and that it can, at the same time, give America the kind of defense we need in this troubled world of today. It has been my duty and privilese for the past 14 months as Secretary of Defense to carry out this public mandate to achieve greater unification, as a means toward greater efficiency and greater military strength. My job has not always been easy, but it has never been dull. It has been challeng- ing and stimulating. We have not even yet attained all the ultimate goals of unfication, but it is becoming easier every day to bring the three Services closer together and have them compose any differences which may arise in an atmosphere of cooperation, with- out rancor or suspicion on the part of any-~ one. That kind of spirit of team play took time to develop. In fact, when I first took over my duties as Secretary of Defense, the simplest projects of unification invariably ran into unexpected snags. As an example, let us take the very matter of the Armed Forces Day itself. It occurred to me shortly after taking of- fice that it might be a good idea, as a symbol of deofonse unification, to have one Armed Forces Day instead of each service having a speelal day of its own. I found that a similar idea had been current for at least 18 months without any action being taken. It appeared that one service wholeheartedly favored it, Anothor was at first noncommittal but later enthusiastic for it. The third was still un- alterably opposed. I read all the studies and all the reports on the subject. They pre- sented a rather healthy volume. I discussed the matter with the three secretaries of the Military Establishment, with the Joint Chicfs of Staff, and with various other members of my staff. I felt that the subject had been -‘under study long enough and warranted a definite decision without further delay. So in the course of the Army Day parnde last ear I mentioned the matter to President ruman. I did not have to present any ar- guments to him at all. The idea appealed immediately. Enthusiastically, he approved the project, I came back to the Pentagon highly pleased with my accomplishment, but only to find that my troubles had just begun. “Yos, you have authority for an Armed Forces Day, but what day will it be?” asked my staff. The most obvious day seemed to me to be September 18. That was the day the Na- tional Military Establishment had come into existence—but that was also the day the United States Air Force was born, I was re- minded. September 18 was therefore ruled out lest it be misconstrued as favoritism to the Air Force. For similar reasons, we im-= mediately had to throw out of considera- tion Army Day, April 6, and Navy Day, Octo« ber 27. Then came the suggestion to combine Armed Forces Day with an already accepted A3845 date in American history—Armistice Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Constitu= tion Day. After some consideration we con- cluded that any effort to build up a double commemoration for such a day might de- tiact from its significance for either pur~ pose. So these days, too, were ruled out. Further suggestions included D-day, VE- day, Vd-day, Pearl Harbor day, and others, but cbjections arose in each case. D-day, it was said, would appeal only to those who reachod Europe across the English Channel. VE-day, it was urged, would commemorate only the achievements of our forces in the European theater. VJ-day, on the other hand, it was argued, was more particularly meaningful for those who had served in the Pacific. Pearl Harbor day was a date of na- tional disaster, tetally unfitting for patriotic eclepraticn, And, thus, one day after an- other had to be ruled out. Finally, somcone suggested March 23. That was the day on which Patrick Henry exclaimed: “Give me liberty or give me death!” That date seemed highly accept- able and some headway had been made, un- til someone came up with the full text of Patrick Henry’s speech, and we found it was a strong appeal for an out-and-out war. Such a theme, wea felt, was not consistent ‘ with our prescnt concept of national de- fense which aims to build our forces to deter war, to become strong cnough to discourage “aggression, to achieve peace through strength and only as a last resort to engage in combat. Other objections arose. March presented an unfavorable weather risk. March was the month for the annual Red Cross drive. March 23 would normally co- incide with the Lenten season, if not with Holy Week. So, the date of March 23 had vo go into limko alongside the suggestions that had been made earlier. At this time I turned the subject over to our practical Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Omar Bradley. He came up with a suggestion of some Saturday in May. Here, too, there were possible conflicts. There was Mother’s Day and Memorial Day to consider. The third Saturday in May, however, seemed to present no conflict. Iwas at the polnt of adopting the date when someone reminded me that the third Saturday in May this year is May 20 and May 20 is the anniversary of the Mecklen- burg Declaration of Independence. To lend additional authority to the coincidence of daies, I was told that May 20, 1775, appears clearly on the State seal and the State flag of North Carolina to commemorate this event. There probably is no document in Ameri- can history that was the subject of greater controversy in the early days of our Repub- He than the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. Its strongest supporters contended that it was the source and in« aspiration of the Declaration of Independence, At this point I sought the advice of a dis« tinguished son of North Carolina, Gordon Gray, who was then Secretary of the Army. He assured me that May 20, 1775, was a sig- nificant day in the history of North Caro~ lina but that it was not unduly celebrated even in that State and would most certainly not interfere with any Armed Forces Day, We had jumped the last hurdle. I approved the date. The White House endorced it, It was my privilege to announce it at the American Legion convention last fall. So, tomorrow, accordingly, we shall cele~ brate Armed Forces Day in a spirit of na- tional unification. Led by military, civic, and veterans’ organizations throughout the land the American people will make the day a@ memorable one. They will use the occa- sion not only to honor the men and women. in the service, but also to take stock of the
A3846 state of our readiness to defend ourselves against aggression, They will find an Army, Navy, and Air Force in a healthy state of “retured™ess, tailored in accordance with ou: te. ry American philosophy of national defense. Cur historic philosophy is opposed to aggres- sion, and consistent with that democratic principle, we are against the maintenance of large bodies of troops in peacetime for immediate offensive action, lest the very size of our forces create unwarranted suspicion of our intentions. Ours is a * “ie7a be cf defense. It does not require 1: «7. 7:? men and all the munitions necessary to conduct all-out war, be ready in full capacity at all times. What we seek first by way of preparedness is a force of sufficient strength to deter aggression and to make impossible the defeat of America by any blitz attack of any dimensions. The lessons of two world wars have shown the world that in a prolonged contest our pro- duction, our skill, our organization, and our resources will make us hard to beat. What we need, therefore, is a sufficiency of defense of such formidability as to convince a possi- ble aggressor that we also cannot be beaten quickly on a hit-and-run basis. Our needs have been translated into a defense program which the President has approved. It is now before the Congress. It takes into full account the fiscal position of our Government and the military necessi- ties for our defense. We have asked only for what we absolutely need and can advan- tageously spend. We are confident of congressional support because we have learned by experience that when it comes to national defense our rep- resentatives in the Senate and in the House are first, last, and always of one mind. As loyal Americans, they think and act only in terms of adequate security in the national interest, No matter how they disagree on other issues, as Republicans and as Demo- crats, they throw aside their differences and work whole-heartedly when they consider our requirements for the common defense. It gives me great pleasure at this meeting, with so many Members of the Congress in attendance, to acknowledg? nubUvv their enthusiastic support of the "1° 19". G2tcl =, and their interest in the needs and comfort of the splendid American men and women who serve in our armed forces. The healthy spirit of unification which we have fostered among the Army, Navy, and Air Force has proved contagious. It has spread not only across our regular forces; it has shown itself in the way Congress and the Department of Defense work together, It has manifested itself in the relations be- tween the Regular forces and the Reserves. It has been exhibited in the diplomatic- military team of the State and Defense De~ partments in the milltary-aid program, in the North Altlantic Treaty operations, and in all matters jointly affecting the two De~ partments. The State Department an- nouncement of military aid for French Indo- china has the full support of the Department of Defense. Finally, there is this meeting itself. It constitutes to me the very essence of unification, with the Navy League of the United States, the Military Order of the World Wars, and the Air Force Association all working together with a singleness of pur- pose to make a memorable success of our first Armed Forces Day. I come now to ask for the whole-hearted support of another worthy national defense project fully deserving of the unified back- ing of the American people. I refer to the extension of the Selective Service Act of 1948 due to expire this year. The President has asked for such an ex- tension in his message on the State of the Union. The measure is now before the Con- gress. The Department of Defense has urged its adoption. I have already made known my own views in the matter and shail merely touch upon them tonight. When I appeared before the Armed Service Committee of the House of Representatives in January I asked for an extension of Selective Service, first, to encourage our friends among the nations; second, to provide a means to save time in mobilization; third, to guarantee our retain- ing the full strength we need in our armed forces; and fourth, to assist in the main- tenance of strong reserve forces. All four are sound areuments for extending the Act. At the moment the most compelling is the first one, the psychological one, the need to encourage our friends. The shadow of sprawling imperialism creeps dancerously close to their borders. With one hend 16 peckons them toward a perfect classless so- ciety without conflict, with all the land di- vided, and all the wealth shared. With the other hand, it raises a threatening club with which to beat its neighbors into submission. It takes courage and forvituce for these na- tions to retain poise and to remain calm under such pressure. Those friends of ours overseas are stout- hearted men devoted to democracy and peace. So far they have successfully charted their course between the honeyed promises of Utopian communism and the biticr facts of aggressive imperialism. They have held communism at bay. With our support they have gained the economic strength which is the best guaranty to the stability of their government and to the elimination of the misery and the poverty on which the Com- munist bacillus thrives. Now we are extend- ing them a helping hand with the military aid to make them stronger and even more independent. ‘To them our continuance of Selective Serv- ice means more than a guaranty of suffi- cient manpower to keep the ranks of our armed forces filled. It symbolizes, beyond that, the readiness of free men to give of themselves. No amount of economic and military aid, important as each of them may be, carries with it the spirit of personal sacri- fice that is inherent in a selective service system, adopted by the free choice of a free people. Money, flour, cotton, machinery, guns, planes, ammunition—these and other items are physical needs, indispensable to economic recovery and military strength. Suter requivements we can meet without op- pre wg a te tc of our eesnomy ond cut of the rich bounty that a dt .ne proemiacuce has granted the American people. Sciective Service implies a spiritual contribution. It presents the young American giving of him- ° self, his time, his comfort, and his chosen way of life to prepare himself for his military duties as a citizen in defense of his country. Our friends overseas who have given so much and have suffered so much understand that service to be genuine must call for real sacri- fice, the kind of sacrifice that is inherent in duty with the colors. Whether we need in fact to employ selective service to fill our ranks or not, the important consideration that we have it on the books and can invoke it when necessary, will prove a constant reminder to all that we are conscious of our duty and that we shall remain true to our obligations. So let us dedicate this Armed Forces Day not only to recall the gallant sacrifices of past generations of our fighting men, but also to remind our young men of today and their fathers and mothers that they, too, have an obligation to serve, and that by their readi- ness to serve, they will best help keep Amer- ica at peace—strong and free—-and assure the preservation of our civilization for posterity. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The American Merehant Marine in War and Peace EXTENSION OF REMARE HON. EDWARD J. HART OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, the National Rivers and Harbors Congress recently held its fortieth annual convention in the city of Washington. Among the ad- dresses delivered was that by Mr. John Forney Rudy, director of public relations, National Federation of American Ship- ping. The subject of his address was the American Merchant Marine in War and Peace. The address follows: Mr. Chairman, gentlemen, your very good friend, and mine, Bull Webb, asked me to appear before you this morning to talk about our American merchant marine, in peace and in war. He particularly wanted me to make special refcrence to the relationship of ocean shipping to a subject dear to your hearts, the rivers and harbors of the United States. To talk about shipping without mention~ ing rivers and harbors might be compared to a train without a terminal. Without rive ers and harbors, and their tremendous devel- opment in the United States, our merchant marine would be unable to exist. As a matter of fact, much of the existence of the merchant marine results primarlly pecause of the facilities of our great natural waterways, not in spite of them, For example, American stecl has long been a very heavy item of export. Much of it is exported due to American methods of mass production and efficiency. There jis also a great volume exported due to its carriage from such iniund precucin.s centers as Birmineham, Puisburgh, and vacher elties by the comparatively Inexpensive water trans- portation available from those centers to our great port areas. There is no doubt that a great denl of steel made in Pittsburgh is sold in foreign markets largely because it can he trans- ported by barge at half the cost per ton to seaport as by rail carriage. Today we find many of the harbors on our Gulf coast teeming with activity, handing millions of tons of cargoes they didn’t dream they would handle a few decades ayo. Why? One need only to look to the development of the great river systems draliuing what has been called the Mississippi Valley with its tremendous production, and the great rate differentials enjoyed by the natural water- ways over other forms of transportation, to understand immediately why our Gult ports are enjoying unprecedented activity. The work performed by the National Riv ers and Harbors Congress is therefore of great importance to American shipping. Likewlse I feel that you should know the importance of American shipping to our harbors and great inland waterways. We have a definite mutuality of interest and concern over both the rivers and harbors and the American merchant marine, There was a time that, for lack of a large, regularly scheduled American merchant marine, tons and tons of the products of our great inland areas, brought to the seaports over the inland waterways, rested on our docks and jammed or choked our flow of commerce. Foreign ships, seeking higher rates elsewhere in the world due to emer- gency conditions, had forsaken our ports.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD And we had no merchant marine worthy of the name. There have also been times that, for lack of regularly scheduled American shipping services to the important areas of the world, American business and agriculture have been unable to guarantee prompt delivery of their products. Consequently the transportation companies utilizing our inland waterways and harbors were faced with depressed busi- ness activity, even heavy losses in revenue and profits. Today it 1s no secret that many an Amer- ican business is enabled to bid successfully against his foreign competitor for the sale of his products in lands overseas due to two extremely important factors: (1) His reliance upon the much cheaper inland waterway transportation to get his preducts to seaboard, and the consequent modern, efficient harbor facilities available to handle his products; and (2) His dependence upon fast, efficient, regularly scheduled American-flag liners to transport his products safely and reasonably to any area in the world. Since our American merchant marine is therefore of such great importance to you who deal with our vital rivers and harbors, perhaps a few facts about our American shipping will be of interest: Today’s United States merchant freight fleet is the finest any maritime nation ever had, and outstrips the greatest days of United States historical pride, the clipper- ship era. American shipping organizations have developed qualified executive officers and trained personnel to manage United States shipping at home and abroad. These organizations materially aid United States world trade and foreign commerce, This situation did not always obtain, how- ever. About 15 years ago American shipping was in a deplorable financial condition. When the Chairman of the then newly cre- ated United States Maritime Commission ex~ amined an economic survey of the American merchant marine, he is reported to have said that he wouldn’t invest a plugged nickel in American shipping. It was about this time, that many news- papers and columnists editorially bemoancd and deplored this unhealthy condition, and the low ebb to which shipping had sunk, The Merchant Marine Act of 1936 is today looked upon as the “Magna Carta’’ of the ‘merchant marine. It was this act which set up conditions by which American shipping could accumulate reserves, which would per~ mit private enterprise to build, operate, and maintain a strong merchant fleet, adequate for our national security and our economic needs. The net worth of American shipping to- day is double that of 15 years ago. Unlike the middle and late thirties, most American steamship lines are in sound financial con- dition. Many look forward to continued operation, building, and maintenance of their services, Unfortunately there are those today who would have you believe that it has been a crime for American shipping to have made profits, and to have invested since the end of the war upwards of $1,000,000,000 in ships and equipment with which to furnish our American business and agriculture with de- pendable, efficient, safe, steamship services, and at the same time contribute to the na- tional security of this Nation. Although the policy of Congress with re~ gard to subsidy to the American merchant marine is abundantly clear, we hear today many snide remarks, and wholly inaccurate and unfair allegations about the admin- istration of such Government ald. My remarks here this morning cannot set at rest such allegations, but they may at least provide you with accurate facts, In the past 10 years the Government has spent a considerable sum for construction subsidies, about $338,000,000. That may sound large, but it is less than 2 percent of the 15 billions spent for potatoes, cheddar cheese and a host of subsidies to other business and agriculture. The potatoes, the cheese and the many items subsidized are gone, but we can show you 250 modern, effi- cient, fast American ships for the money spent by the Government on construction subsidies. With your indulgence I’d like to explain how this money is spent. No construction subsidy money is paid to American ship- owners, but to the American shipbuilder who uses the funds to pay the higher labor and materials costs of United States construction. The shipowner buys his vessel from the United States Maritime Commission at the same price he would have to pay for it were it constructed im a foreign shipyard. Why do American vessels cost more to puild? One item alone is sufficiently illus- trative; American shipyard workers average about $60 a week, British shipyard workers about $15 a week. Likewise there have been some pretty strong statements made about operating sub- sidies. Again, a few facts. In this same 15-year period when a total of about 15 billions were paid out by the Government for all types of subsidies, the net amount paid to the American shipowner was about one- seventeenth of 1 percent of the total. And operating subsidies, so far as we Know, are the only subsidies subject to complete re- capture by the Government. Compare the average $1,700,000 a year paid out by the Government for operating subsidies to the same amount paid out every week for po- tatoes. To my mind ship-operating sub- sidies are pretty small potatoes. Ship-operating subsidies do not guarantee @ profit for the United States operator, but are used to pay the higher costs of American crew wages, subsistence, maintenance, and insurance. Again one item alone is suffl- ciently illustrative. The average American A B seamen earns about $300 a month, compared to about $75 a month for his British colleague. Even with these payments, the shipowners receiving such aid must repay to the gov- ernment any profits in excess of 10 percent of the capital employed in his business. And in the last 12 years more than 70 per- cent of all such subsidies have been recap- tured by the Government. I’d like to go one step further. During the period that the United States Maritime Commission was paying out approximately 868,000,000 in operating subsidies, these same recipient steamship lines were paying into the Federal Treasury more than $100,000,000 in taxes. Moreover, the same steamship lines paid back more than 70 percent of the 68 millions granted to them under provisions of the Merchant Marine Act. I am waiting for some Government agency to show an example in another field anywhere near comparable. But this isn’t all. Only recently the United States Maritime Commission made its annual report to the Congress for the fiscal year 1949. The report showed during that year the Commission returned to the Federal Treasury a total of one-third of a billion dollars. This money had been re- celved largely from private American ship- ping in the form of proceeds from the sales of ships, from recaptures of subsidy moneys it had paid to American steamship lines, and from charter hire received from United States flag shipping for vessels it had rented to them that year. Again, I am waiting for some other Government agency to show a similar example, A3847 Such economic benefits are undoubtedly of great ““wwcrtr-ce) =6To my mind, how- ever, there 4 5. “¢* “easons of transcending importance. They are simply expressed. Either we shall have dependable, regular steamship services for our business and agri- culture, or we shall not have such services. And either we shall have, in event of a na- tional emergency, a strong merchant fleet and shipbuilding facilities to serve our mili- tary needs, or we shall not have them. Sometimes it appears almost ludicrous that we in American shipping should have to argue about such things. The record is clear that two world wars were commenced when the United States merchant marine had dropped to its lowest ebb, and the ag- gressor nations believed the vast resources of men and material of the United States could not be made available because the Nation had no shipping. Captured docu- ments of the German Nazis prove conclu- sively that Germany egged Japan into her Pearl Harbor attack on the assumption that we had insufficient shipping to move great numbers of troops and supplies to counter- attack. Even now, I am of the opinion that Rus- sla is far more cognizant of the fact that we are again woefully inadequate in the mumber of passenger ships that could be used for troop transports than is our own Government. Especially when reports are heard that we should count upon the avail- ability of merchant vessels of friendly for- eign nations in event of an emergency. Of- ficial Government reports will disclose to anyone seriously concerned that during World War II the United States spent or gave under Jend-lease more than four bil- lions in ships and shipping services to na- tions that happened to be friendly at the time, In addition to this amount, not pea- muts even by today’s national budget, we transferred to these friendly allles 643 mer- chant ships, while they made available to us 110 such vessels. And in addition to this largesse, we still had to construct more than 5,000 ships in order to meet the enemy on his soll and defeat him. Certainly in the face of this record you may well wonder how anyone can place re- liance upon the shipping resources of other nations rather than upon a healthy, strong, well-balanced American merchant marine. Such a fallacy as described strikes at the heart of the problem we have in the Ameri- can merchant marine today. It isa problem long since licked by the British, that of instilling national pride in and acceptan.e of what shipping services can do for a na- tion. Again the record will show back thrcugh history that nations which ignored thelr maritime strength and allowed it to dissipate soon lost both their political and economic influence and power. They became has-veens, The strength of the United States for 150 years has been inextricably bound up with water, in its enormous system of inland waterways, its many fine harbors, its thou- sands of miles of seacoast, and a huge for- eign trade dependent almost entirely upon ocean shipping. Irtly one can say with modesty 1Lal vhe Unitec States is a great maritime power. It would seem that the bitter historical experiences of two world wars paid for by human lives and tremendous debts, which were necessitated in great degree by our lack of an adequate merchant marine, would be a lesson never forgotten, The development of atomic power and other news events have tended to obscure the slower, but neverthe- less relentless, pressure of sea power as a vital component of our national security. Likewise, the enormous contribution of our ships and maritime industry, and I speak of all segments of the maritime industry, to all phases of our business, industry, and
A3848 agriculture, should be proof enough that it is to the public’s own selfish interest to demand that we possess a strong American merchant marine. With your understanding and your help, we can accomplish that ob- jective. Maj. Gen. O. E. Sandman, Great Citizen Soldier, Retires EXTENSION OF REMARES oF EGN. LEROY JOHNSON OF CALIFORNIA IN TEE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Speaker, on June 1, 1950, the name of Maj. Gen. Oito E. Sandman will be placed on the retired list of the Army of the United States by virtue of the provisions of Public Law 810 of the Hightieth Congress. This is not just another name going on the list. The retired list on which General Sandman’s name is being entered was provided for by Public Law 810 of the Eightieth Congress. That is the law that provided modest retirement pay, starting at age 60, for those who had accumulated active and reserve duty of 20 or more years. Here is a man that typifies the kind of men and officers whom Congress, when it passed this law, hoped would grace that list. It happened that I was the chairman of the subcommittee that conducted the hearings and wrote Public Law 810. I listened to every witness that submitted testimony to our committee. They ranged from enlisted men to five-star generals. All tried 10 impress on the committee the extreme importance of continuity of service in the Reserve com- ponents. Many times we heard the statement in various forms “one man who serves 5 years is worth much more than five men who serve only 1 year.” They emphasized that complete readi- ness was essential to our safety and pre- paredness for any future conflict. The cushion of time and space which we had had in two big wars was completely gone. Pearl Harbor rudely pointed out how any future war would start. Hiro- shima and Nagasaki gave a slight inkling how destructive and devastating one at- tack, including the first, could be. The importance and absolute necessity for having strong Reserve components, in- cluding the National Guard, was empha- sized and explained over and over. That group is the one that gave the added strength and size to the Armed Forces to assure victory twice and if we should be so unfortunate as to get into another conflict they would again be the ones required to win. Consequently, all the witnesses empha- sized that we must furnish an incentive for continuous and long service and that this type of legislation furnished it. General Sandman personifies the type of men we hope will get the benefit of Public Law 810. He took his first mili- tary training in 1808 as a member of the University of California Cadets when he was a freshman at the university, ‘When he graduated in 1912—with Gov. Earl Warren—he went to his home town of Stockton, Calif., and there enlisted in Battery C of the California National Guard. He went to the Mexican border in 1916 as a first lieutenant in Battery C of the One Hundred and Forty-fifth Field Artillery. He entered the Federal service in 1917 with his regiment. He took a course in aerial observation and Jater became a member of the Air Serv- ice. At the end of the war he was in command of the One Hundred and Thirty-fifth Aero Squadron, one of the few squadrons that had American planes—DH-4’s with Liberty motors. Following the war the California Na- tional Guard was reorganized and Sand- man again became a part of it and soon was the colonel of the One Hundred and Forty-third Field Artillery. This regi- ment became one of the finest in the country. When World War II ap- proached, the Fortieth Division was called into Federal service. The regi- mental commanders were switched and Sandman became the commanding of- ficer of the One Hundred and Forty-fifth Field Artillery of the Fortieth Division. This regiment embarked for Hawaii—on the way to the Philippines—the night before Pearl Harbor and while at sea got the message of the attack. The ship was unarmed, so at Colonel Sandman’s direc- tion it turned back to San Francisco. The regiment and its equipment was loaded on another ship and soon was on its way to Hawaii again. While there the regiment—One Hun- dred and Forty-fifth Field Artillery—re- ceived a new colonel because it was thought by those in command that “Sandman is too old for combat service.” The blow almost broke his heart. The one thing, above all others, that he wanted to do was to take his regiment into action, and what a leader he would have made. Soon he was appointed the commanding officer of Schofield Bar- racks. This was a stupendous job, as the hundreds of thousands of troops moving out into the Pacific area stopped at Schofield where they received assign- ments for duty in the various theaters, As usual, he did a magnificent job and with a very small staff. He was deco- rated with the Legion of Merit. When the war ended he returned again, Again he helped reorganize the California Na~ tional Guard and quickly stepped up to the rank of major general and the com- manding general of the Forty-ninth In- fantry Division, which post he is re- linquishing on May 31, 1950. But far more important than the length, volume, and diversity of his mili- tary service is the quality of it, I know of no man—and I have known many able and unusual men—that has the capacity to inspire loyalty and devotion in men like he has. When he was the command- ing officer of the One Hundred and Forty-third Field Artillery, every man you met always thought of himself as working for and fighting with Sandman. The men had that personal loyalty to their colonel that makes great fighting units. When he was made the com- manding officer of the One Hundred and Forty-fifth he went with an entirely new APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD outfit. But it was not long before the men of that outfit soon had the same feeling for him as the men of the One Hundred and Forty-third. Everybody I met from Salt Lake told me how the boys in the One Hundred and Forty-firth Field Artillery were crazy about Sand- man. He had the same knack that Gen- eral Patton had of making every man be. lieve that he and Sandman—or Patton— were fighting together. Ee would have made a wonderful division commander, both in training and in combat. General Sandman’s lifetime hobby has een to help kecp America prepared and strong. He has given of his time and his extraordinary talents to make and keep Amcrica ready for trouble, so no agsression will come our way, because of respect for our strength. He wants peace passionately and is willing to give of his time and ability to make us able to take care of trouble, and thercby por- haps not get it. This is the kind of men that we of our committee hoped Public Law 810 would furnish an incentive for lens and con- tinuous service in the Reserves. But General Sandman did not have that stimulus and did not need it. He will welcome the slight monctary benefit which Public Law 810 will give him but he does not need it and his lonz and capable service did not contemplate any- thing of the kind. Military service may have intrigued General Sandman when he was a young man. But as he went on and continued to serve he had a deeper motive than pure personal interest. He saw through this service a vehicle that enabled him to protect and preserve America through preparedness. In this explosive, small, and shrinking world we must be pre- pared to protect ourselves. We need more men with this motive, if the world is to be peaceful and Christian. Wash- ington in the early days of the Republic preached the doctrine of preparedness in time of peace and Sandman practiced it for 40 years, While raising four fine boys, he still found time to help keep America pre- pared. His wife deserves a medal for not blocking or hindering his desire to be active in the National Guard. Two of his sons are in our Armed Forces. I had the pleasure of appointing one of his boys to the United States Military Academy. He graduated and is now Lt. James G. Sandman of the United States Air Force. My pleasure in appointing him has now turned to pride as I watch him carve out a successful career for himself. His oldest boy I consider one of my personal friends and he is doing splendid work as a major in the United States Air Force and will continue to keep the name “Sandman” respected by the record he will make. We salute our hero and wish for him many years of good health and happi- ness. But nothing that anyone can or may say about him and his extraordinary service will give him the satisfaction that is his, knowing tha. for 42 years he served faithfully and well the couatry that gave him his chance to become a leader among men.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Youth and the Community EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. W. KINGSLAND MACY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. MACY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rercorp, I wish to include a speech I made at the Southeastern Regional Youth Confer- ence wnder the auspices of the Long Is- land YMCA at Huntington, Long Island, N. Y., on Saturday, May 20, 1950: Mr. Chairman, delegates to this great gathering, and guests, my address tonight will be given in : spirit of deep humility, since I face you from the doubtful eminence of several decades more of living than most of you have experienced. Being with you tonight refreshes my spirit, because you rep- resent the tomorrow in our country that we must work toward today. I hope, because I have an edge in age over most of you in this room, I haven’t degen~ erated into the mold of the inflexible reac- tionary who is against everything new mere- ly because it is new, and who wants to fight a last ditch fight for everything old just be- cause it is old, and regardless of whether it may be outmoded, There is a middle ground petween the very new and the be-whiskered old that I try to achieve in my official and private thinking on social, economic, and political questions. My humility stems largely from the fact that here tonight I am talking to tomor- row’s leaders in business, professional, and political life in what we know is one of the most important areas in the United States. I understand that you hail from my own county of Suffolk and from the neighboring counties of Nassau, Kings, Queens, West- chester, and the mid-Hudson area, and that you represent the amazing total of 50,000 young men and women—an enormous, un- uniformed peaceful army for God and country. You are young adults, already beginning to take an important place in the life of your communities. And bear in mind whatever you do to make your community a better place in which to live strengthens the fabric of our country because the United States of America is in essence but a collection of com- munities. The measures we adopt as a Na- tion; the attitudes we have as a collective people grow from our thoughts and our acts in our home towns. The humility I spoke of in beginning this talk further results from my realization that Iam facing in this room the parents-to-be of still another generation, members of which will one day sit, as you are sitting in this audience, hearing your version of Youth and the Community, the topic that has been assigned to me. It is highly complimentary that you and your leaders who have fash- joned this up-to-now very interesting pro- gram, feel that I may have something to impart that may be interesting or instruc. tive, or both. Frankly, I don’t know whether I will be able to. I certainly want to. I recall, when I was at your age level, I heartily disliked the pontifications of my elders when those pontifications became Just categorical “yesses” and “noes” on problems on which I needed real enlightenment. So, although I am a member of the board of regents of the State of New York, a body which, as you know, fixes the educational standards of New York State from the ele- mentary schools right through postgraduate ‘ strengthening our Nation. work, I will try to avoid the pedagogic ap- proach in discussing matters with you. I really believe, as of this hour in our na- tional life, it would be more fitting if the 300 or so of you at this great meeting would tell me what is on your minds. If I could have the benefit of your views it would help me in my duties as a Representative of the First New York District in the Congress of the United States. Yours is a clean page. But you have lived long enough to acquire the high ideals that go with youth, and you are justifiably anx- ious to translate those ideas into practical e8urses of action. It is to your present advantage that you have not lived long enough to commit the tragic errors of judgment that have made our globe a world of uncertainty, oppression, and terror. My gencration will have to ac- cept full responsibility for much of what is wrong with this day. And before my genera- tion there were other oldsters who contrib- uted an oversubscribed quota of mistakes. You members of this generation—you who are as current es the latest edition of a metropolitan mewspaper—must do better than your predecessors have done if this world of ours is to continue to be a habita- tion for the human race. I literally mean that preceding sentence. Scientific develop- ments have reached such full and destructive flower that some men of high eminence in the fleld of science and invention believe we may be reaching the point at which the world and most living things on it can be destroyed by man-made implements and scientific devices. Only yesterday was I, with my colleagues on the board of regents, over for a visit to Brookhaven National Laboratory, which, in- cidentally, we chartered several years ago. It was the first time that the regents have had a meeting on eastern Long Island, and during this stay we went through the fine Agricultural and Technical Institute nearby at Farmingdale, and the beautiful ornamen- tal horticultural laboratory, the estate of William R. Coe, known as Planting Fields, on the north shore of Nassau County, deeded to the regents at the death of the owner, However, we saw at Brookhaven National Laboratory the strange new mammoth ma- chines and constantly increasing experimen- tal devices for research into nuclear energy which mystified us and left us in wonder and fear of what man, with his inventive genius in this extraordinary age, might bring forth. It is no longer a question of who will be the winners or losers in the greatly-to-be feared next global war. It is kocoming a ques- tion of what percentage of total populations, belligerent and nonbelligerent—military and civilian—will survive at all if the atom bomb, the hydrogen bomb, the disease germ and noxious, Killing gases are loosed on the world, A wild deer or bird does not know the borders of the states having different protective measures affecting its own con-< tinued existence. If they knew the areas of greater safety, they could stay in them. And in another world holocaust who can de- fine, or stay within, definite borders in an all-out killing war that may be started by scme military maniac or Godless nation? As always, the innocent will suffer when the dogs of war are loosed. And the next war could be the final war—not the idealistic war to end wars, but the war to end the world as we know it—Armageddon, no less. But enough of these forebodings. There is no point in underlining them even though we must think of them. We should not dwell tonight at too much length on the terrible things that can happen. It is better that we now examine what we can do to strengthen our community fiber, thereby To do this, it seems obvious that your generation must A3849 think clearly, live fearlessly, and walk abroad in the land as free men and women, thus setting an example to the young and old of all races and all nations. To set this example, to stimulate world- wide emulation of our free American proc- ecses, We must begin at home, 1n our cities, towns, villages, and neighborhoods. We must strengthen our time-tested institutions and make them even more effective. Our liberties, our institutions represent much sacrifice. Men and women have died that we may inherit them. Major wars have been fought to guarantee their continuance. Youth’s blood has been shed for them. We want no more wars, but we must be eternally vigilant to retain those fundamental things in America that have contributed to our spir- itual and moral greatness. In this changing day we must take nothing for granted. Destructive, atheistic forces are ready at all times to capitalize on our in- difference. We must support our churches. We all belong to some church. Too many of us are merely nominal members of a church organi- gation. It isn’t enough that we support the church financially. If the churches receive nothing but financial support they will in time become merely monuments to the ideals of another day—mausoleums for precepts preached but not practiced. Now, as never before, we should become active participating members of our church organizations. A church ties in closely with all better phases of community life and welfare. So, when the youth of our land support the church, they enrich the life of the community and strengthen the national character. Iam a great believer in all character-bulld- ing youth organizations because I belicve in an accent on youth and all that pertains to it. Parenthetically I have three children of my own and seven grandchildren. I could dwell at length on what I know the Young Men’s Christian Association has meant in the lives of millions of fellow Americans of yesteryear and what that or- ganization means to hundreds of thousands of young men throughout the land today. I do not need to do that here tonight. You are the living, vibrant examples of the result of the highly beneficial programs of the YMCA. And what I am saying about the YMCA applies equally to the Young Women’s Christian Association. Further, I am happy that we lve In a country in which millions of boys and girls belong by free choice to the Boy Scouts, the Girl Scouts, the boys’ clubs, the Camp Fire Girls, and similar organizations devoted to the growing boy and girl. Organizations of that kind are not tolerated by dictators. Hitler and Mussolini abolished them by de- cree. The youth organization, American style, stimulates free thinking and indi- yidual action. Such heresies are not toler- ated by the Hitlers, the Mussolini's, and yes, the Stalins. It is true that the Rus- sians have a youth organization called the Young Pioneers, but that organization is not comparable to our organizations for the young, because it ig entirely an instrument of state and not a voluntary organization of the free young. The Russian Young Pioneer is merely a Soviet soldier in the making. So, as @ part of our community life, as a part of the process of creating an ever~ stronger free United States, it Is Incumbent on us all, young and old, to support our youth organizations. Elders can support youth movements with their money, their time, and their often wise counsel. Boys and girls and young men and women can support them by belonging to them, by being active participants in their programs. As those present pile up the years, my plea to you is not to settle into the quiet groove of complete cantentment and feel that the church, the YMCA, the YWCA, and similar
A3<c50 organizations can function without your active continuing interest. If those organi- zations are to continue to be effective in- struments for community and national wel- fare, they must be supported by you, and have your deep interest, for as long as you are active in the arena of American hfe. Youth can do move for youth than age can. Age can sympathize. Ase can offer advice, counsel, and financial support. Eut youth can be reached—truly reached—only by youth. And if youth is reached, its ideal- ism quickened, its feet planted firmly on the solid ground of respect for all religions and informed love of country, then youth will patriotically be serving the community and the country. All of us, in our spheres, in our own back- grounds must do our utmost to convince the thoughtless and the careless that the paths of rectitude are just as exciting, and more rewarding, than careless, defiant, or immoral living. And we—and by we I really mean you—must convince the great body of youth that careless living is unpatriotic living; that defiance of decent and accepted standards which from our earliest days have con- tributed inore than anything else to the welfare of our country, is not smart, but just “corny,” to use present day parlance. We are potential evangelists for the build- ing of stronger communities and a stronger Nation. It may be that the middle aged and the old, can furnish more know-how in some matters by mercly drawing on more experi- ence than their children, but one thing is crystal clear to ine and that is that the young man and the young woman will con~ tribute more in the way of idealistic think- ing and effort than the oldster. Without idealism our communities will become just dreary places of abode. Without youth, with its shoulders squared and its head thrown back, everlastingly and eternally in- - sisting idealistically on a better community in a better Nation in a better world, there will be no progress. Why is that? I believe it is because age brings caution—too often a dismaying over-supply of that useful quality. Age usually wants status quo. And we must not be content with status quo. Youth must—and does—press ever forward for improvement. And to the credit of youth it must be conceded by the thought ful and fair-minded that youth jis more idealistic than age. Its flaming, resolute idealism is nceded more now than ever in our national history. It is needed in our communities to guarantee that we do not become too smug or too self-satisiled with the status quo. So, if I have any plea to make to you in this room, it is that you, and the 50,000 young contemporaries you represent, who already have your hands to the community and civic plow, keep them there until the programs you have instituted become glorious reali- ties. And when those programs near frul- tion, by then you will have developed other and equally important programs. I believe we are all worried about the gangs of young men and women, most of them of adolescent years, that have arisen menacingly in the great world metropolis only a few miles distant from this peaceful and law~ abiding community. Shootings, stabbings, sexual immorality and defiance of the law are the modus operandi of these gangs. I believe the gangs can be broken up. There are two ways to break them up. One is through officers of the law with nightsticks and guns taking summary, drastic, blood- letting action—treating these boys and girls as they would treat the Al Capones, the Frankie Yales and other professional gang- sters. And, in extreme emergencies such protective action may be necessary. But that isn’t the final or desirable answer, is it? Violence breeds violence. Brutality breeds brutality. No, violence, harshness, and official edicts won't put the gangs in Brooklyn, Manhat- tan and elsewhere out of business. But you can, ror. “o have no guns, no switch- Knives, no brass knuckles and no belief in violence as a mode of life, You can, with helpful design on behalf of your community, if you come from points where these gangs exist, consider the break- ing up of these gangs as one of your chief responsibilities. If you are smug in the feeling that you are one of the saved and have no interest in the less enlightened, you should extirpate that smugness from your thinking immediately. Also, you can do more than merely deplore. You can act. You can devise programs calculated to ex- pose and bring these presently wayward boys and girls to your own fine way of life. And after devising these programs, considering each step proposed very carefully, you can effect a union with all agencies, official and unofficial, that are trying to grapple with this problem of juvenile delinquency. But you can take the lead. Because you are young and know some- thing of the motives and frustrations of the young, your viewpoint—your approach to this problem—will be highly valuable. You may come up with the solutions. I would rather trust in your judgment to effect eventual cures than in the dull thud of o policeman’s club. Mentioning the word “judgment” prompts me to digress for a moment. No one can readily describe “Judgment” and it is hardly within the orbit of that which can be taught. Someone said that it is acquired through the experience of exercising bad judgment. It spells the difference between success and f.ilure, and probably the best definition is sound common sense. Then, too, everyone strives for success, but the road is not clearly marked with signs, else everyone would be successful and that we know is not so. The route is a devious one and must be searched for diligently, However, casy accomplsh- ment does not give satisfaction, which roally only comes genuinely after hard struggle and the surmounting of difficult obstacles. Nev- ertheless, what causes us to exert ourselves and put forth our greatest effort is the appeal of just this challenge. Now, going back to the business of law and order, if in your investigation and research into the reasons for these gangs—and you'll have to find the reasons before you can help invoke a cure—you find their existence re- sults from poor housing, lack of parental in- terest, a weakness in our public school sys- tem, an inadequate number of YMCA and YWCA branches and Boy Scout and Girl Scout troops, your findings will be valuable, wherever they may lead. A fact is one of the greatest things in life. If you can get the facts and properly evaluate them, you are in & position then to move toward curatives and palliatives. As a lawmaker, and one who helps guide our State’s educational system, ZI would like to know the facts. So would you. Am I recommending too big a program? I can’t think so, when I think of the group here as the direct representatives of 50,000 young men and women in your age brackets, imbued with similar enthusiasm for the wel~ fare of the community and Nation and mo- tivated by the highest, finest ideals. Till say, somewhat challengingly I'll admit, that unless thoughtful, clear-headed, God=- fearing American youth, such as is repre- sented here tonight, analyzes youth’s prob= Jems fairly and squarely and institutes and works hard at programs calculated to help all youth of our land, regardless of its so- cial and economic strata and environment, it is not facing up to its own citizenship responsibilities. And the young American, as well as his senior, has responsibilities. Lawlessness on the part of a small seg~ ment of our youth, always highly publicized, is selzed on, eagerly by the Godless material- ists behind the iron curtain as a symbol of what they have termed the “fundamental gangsterism of the United States.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We know we are not a gangster Nation, We know, as we who live here should, that the great majority of youth are law-abiding, We sorrowlully and with shame confess the presence of some gangs. It is our job to educate the young gangster out of his pres- ent role of mock heroics and into the higher sirata of good citizenship. And you can do it. You can do it by your totul all-out deter- mination to bend your every effort to accom. plish it. By so doing you can do for your communities something that the oldsters have failed to do because they haven’t the understanding to enable them to do it. There is much more I could say, but I am drawing toward the end of the time allotted me. I have talked about a few of the things that are on my mind. I don’t want you to feel that, while presenting some scrious as- pects of present-day life, that I am insensi- ble to the pleasures of living ‘You like to swim, play baseball, hunt, play tennis, and fish. And T hope I never live so long I won't enjoy doing most of those things or watch- ing others do all of them. Healthy minds grow out of healthy, active, well-conditioned bodies. And let us, while we are young and have the equipment with which to do it, and the stamina and youth to enjoy it to the fullest, be as athletic as our time, circum- stances, and environments will permit. But let us not, as American citizens, young or old, place undue emphasis on the physical. The physical pleasures we derive are satisfying, but momentary. Tue long- range, permanently satisfying things are the things of the spirit. Love of God and love of country are things of the spirit. They ennoble us. They set us apart from what we like to term the lower forms of creation. Our love for God and His bounties and blessings keeps us on the high road of decent, honorable living. Our love of country makes us want to do our share to make it a better country. And wo can only contribute to the welfare of our country by engaging in the worth-while activities of our community, our neliphbor- hood. By so doing, cach of us, no matter how humble or uninfluential we may feel we are, has a beneficial impact on the present and future welfare of our country. None of us can make too early a start toward becoming conscientious humans, able to think for ourselves, ablo to meet our own problems, thus equipping ourselves to solve the larger problems of our community and our Nation. By your very presence here, you young men and women, meeting under the auspices of one of the great character< building organizations of our times, prove yourselves conscientious humans. By the grace of God you will find the wisdom and strength in the years ahead to solve your own problems, and in so doing completely equip yourself for patriotic and civic service on behalf of your community and our great Nation. ' Being with you tonight has been one of the great pleasures of recent days for me. I thank you for the interest you have taken in my remarks, Mrs. Leroy Johnson Wins Praise of Sacramento Newspaper EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOSEPH R. FARRINGTON DELEGATE FROM HAWAII IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. FARRINGTON. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Recorp, I wish to include an editorial which appeared in the Sacramento Bee of May 9 in praise of Mrs, Leroy John- son, the wife of the distinguished Repre- sentative from the Third Congressional District of California. The editorial is as follows: Presvuvicep But Ricur Mrs. Leroy Johnson is here conducting the reelection campaign of her Congressman husband from the third, Sacramento, dis- trict while he remains on the job in Wash- ington. That makes a good deal for everyone con- cerned, because not only is Mrs. Johnson an effective campaigner but the district can enjoy uninterrupted representation in the National Capital. Mrs. Johnson, too, can enter whole- heartedly into the campaign activities be- cause she is thoroughly sold on the merits of her candidate. On this subject, she stated: “TI feel the people in this district are darned lucky to have such a good Congressman. “Roy is u hard worker, he is honest, intel- ligent, and intensely patriotic and he is con- versant with the problems of the district. He knows water law and water problems and that is mest important to this district. On top of that I think he’s wonderful.” Of course, Mrs. Johnson may be a little prejudiced regaring Congressman Jonson. But the interesting thing is that her ap- praisal is not much more flattering than that of Washington observers who view the work of Congressmen objectively. The voters must sort of be of that opinion, also, since they have elected him four times. In Defense of Politicians EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der permission to extend my remarks, I include a constructive article—one ap~ propriate at any time—entitled “In De- fense of Politicians,’ written by an out- standing statesman and scholar, Hon. Claude G. Bowers, American Ambassador to Chile and former American Ambas- sador to Spain. This positive article is worthy of reading by every American. The article follows: IN DEFENSE OF POLITICIANS (By Claude G,. Bowers) Recently I took up for a rereading that charming and illuminating work, The End- less Adventure, the monumental masterpiece of the brilliant Scotch historian and philos- opher, Frederick Oliver, dealing with the Wal- polean period of English history, and I was startled by something I had missed before— his pages devoted to “praise of politicians.” No doubt my attention was attracted on the second reading because in recent years the tendency in America to sneer at political parties and politicians has seemed to have gained momentum in the popular mind. That, and the fact that in recent years I have been in the storm centers of the at- tacks on democracy by the Fascist, Nazi, and Falangist forces that set out a few years ago to erect the most autocratic and tyrannical totalitarian governments on the ruins of democratic institutions. I have observed, close hand, that invariably the preliminary campaign has taken the form of a denuncia- tion of political parties and “corrupt politi- cians.” The assumption of the Goebbels propagandists is that a political party not dominated by the state is a faction, and that all politicians are incompstent and corrupt. The effect intended is to destroy the faith of the people in party government and in their political leaders. In view of their rec- ords as corruptionists, pillagers of private property, and armed thieves, it ought to be amusing to find men like Hitler and Goe- ring piously denouncing politicians as cor- rupt. But one only need read the news- papers and books and see the plays, musical comedies, and jugglers of the vaudevile stage in America to reach the conclusion that this Fascist line of attack on democratic insti- tutions has become quite commonplace here. The effect, if not the purpose, and in most cases I do not think it is the conscious pur- pose, is to weaken the faith of the American people in the institutions of the founding fathers. For common sense must make it clear that in a nation of 130,000,000 people reaching from coast to coast over thousands of miles of mountain and valley, democracy could not function in orderly fashion with- out political organizations holding concrete views of national policy to be pressed upon the people through the constitutional instru- mentality of the polls. There certainly are some corrupt politi- cians, just as there are corrupt financiers, corrupt merchants, corrupt industrialists, and corrupt preachers, but no one is so un- fair as to draw a sweeping indictment against these sectors of socicty because they contain, here and there, a corrupt man. Only in the case of politicians is the charge made general, And that, of course, is a fantastic falschood. When. we reflect that in the case of men en- gaged politically in the public service the spotlight is constantly thrown upon them and the microscope used in cager search of evidence of wrongdoing, we tremble to think what might be the result if all the other ele- ments of soclety were subjected to the same constant and intensive scrutiny. And nothing could be more amusing than the notion that with the elimination of poli- ticlans, which could mean the extermination of democracy, corruption would disappear from government. It is common Knowledge that the leaders of fascism in Italy and Ger- many have accumulated vast fortunes through the ungentle art of stealing by force; and in the stealing of the property of the citizens, these nabobs of tyranny also deprive them of their natural rights, their liberties, and their human dignity. This as- tounding pillaging of the state, and of indi- viduals, by the totalitarian dignitaries would be quite impossible where the people can pass on such crimes through legal and politi- cal action. A few weeks ago an American politician who had resorted to corruption to enrich himself died in miserable isolation and in poverty, despised by his countrymen, after serving a term in prison, but under a Fascist or Nazi regime the corruptionists are the un- touchables and there is no limit to the wealth they can accumulate through robbery by force. Yet these are the men—the Hitlers, Mussolinis, and Goerlngs—who have thun- dered so righteously against representative democratic government because of the “cor~ rupt politicians.” There are politiclans and “politicians,” Just as there are bankers and embezzlers, and some of the politicians will graft just as some bankers have filched from the de- positor. The greater part of the grafting comes from men far down in the scale of pol- iticians, and it was not these petty politicians that the Hitlers and Mussolinis were trying to destroy, but the real leaders of popular gov- ernment, the men who fought and wrought intelligently for democratic principles. They were the dangerous ones, because they led A3851 the people; and therefore the first step in all Fascist movements is to destroy the people’s faith in their honest political leaders and to “liquidate” them. Now the theoretical critic, having in mind the political leaders who have led mankind onward and upward in the democratic way to liberty and opportunity, are prone to describe them as “statesmen,” not politicians; and yet almost all of the greatest British and Ameri- can statesmen have been consummate poli- ticilans, and have reached the place where they could serve mankind through political methods. Oliver reminds us that Adam Smith, who was a highminded theorist, an economist, and a man of the closet, re- fused to discriminate between the politician and the statesman and lumped them to- gether as corrupt. He denounced them as “that insidious and crafty animal vulgarly called a statesman or politician.” And that, of course, was stupid in Adam Smith. For without statesmen, there would be no one skilled and trained in the art of govern- ment; and without these, society would re- vert to chaos. Yet it has become a cheap fashion in America to parrot this propaganda of the Fascist-minded. The villain in the romance is apt to be a “politician,” and the guilty in the detective story in which a politician is one of the suspects is almost certain to be. The comedian in the musical comedy can always get the loud laugh that speaks the vacant mind by a fling at “these politicians.” Even the more precious element in the academy shrugs its shoulders and exclaims, “Ah, the politicians.” m Let us call the roll of the greatest of Amer= icans to whom we are indebted for our demo- cratic liberties and institutions, guaranteed by law, for the protection of the citizen against the abuse of power. Who and what were they? They were these very much ma- ligned politicians. The most consummate of them all, per- haps the most consummate in modern his-~ tory, was Thomas Jefferson. It was he more than any other man who formulated the way of life known as the American way. He was a businessman, in that he was a success~ ful planter until public service deprived his business of his supervision, but as such he could have done nothing toward placing the imprint of his philosophy on our life. He was a philosopher, but there have been other philosophers with a philosophy making for the good of society, who did not know how to reach the public and put their philos- ophy into effect. Because he was a prac- tical man, Jefferson did not take refuge in his closet and whine his criticisms of the men in public life. We sallied forth into the political arena with his battle ax and be- came a politician. He knew that a philosophy tucked away among the cobwebs in the closet will remain a curiosity and never become a reality. And being a politician, he was a realist. As a politician he was a propagandist with few peers; a practical organizer unsurpassed; a diplomat with an intuitive knowledge of human nature, making it easy to work with and direct the activities of others. Thus dur- ing the first 12 years of the Republic he made it definitely a democracy; and through politi-~ eal inspiration and direction from afar, he and they who thought with him, also politi- cians, forced into the fundamental law the Bill of Rights. Had he not been a skilled and practical politician working for the welfare, the rights, and liberties of the people, our national destiny might have been vastly dif- ferent from what it became. There are two majestic memorials on the Mall in Washington to express the apprecia- tion of a Nation for services to country and humanity—and one is to Jefferson, the poli- ticlan,
A3852 The other is to another politician—Lin-~ coln. After Jefferson, it would be hard to find another American so consummate as a politician. Fe has been so disguised by sentimentalists that few appear to know that in the Illinois of his day where poli- ticlans who knew all the answers flourished like the green bay tree, he was the most cunning and skillful of them all. I know of no biography that so perfectly refiects the man and his methods as that of Bev~ eridge, who, being a politician himself, could sense and see the art with which Lincoln advanced to power. He, too, understood the politician’s art of propaganda, the politi- cian’s science of organization, and he knew how, when necessary, to work under cover and get results. I am sure it is because Beveridge’s book so clearly reveals his hero as primarily a politician that the sentimen- talists frown upon it. History credits him with the emancipation of the slaves and the preservation of the Union; but never could he have attained the power to render these incalculable services had he not been a clever " politician; and even in power, his wisdom, superior to that of others, is manifest in his political methods. Because of their success as politiclans they were hated by their opponents in their day, put there are no national memorials to their critics on the Mall. To Jefferson and Lincoln we may add Andrew Jackson, who rendered immeasurable service to the people in defeating the machi- nations of an embryo plutocracy through his genius as a great politician. His greatest battles were fought in the arena of politics, and there he was a master, clever, resource- ful, militant, and even ruthiess. To sum up, all the great idols of the British-speaking peoples who have left in- delible impressions on the two nations through the policies they sponsored and furthered have been professional politi- cians—men trained in politics, and that means in statecraft. From Walpole, in Eng- land, down through Pitt, Fox, Burke, Palm- erston, Gladstone, Disraeli, and now Churchill, and in America from Jefferson and Sam Adams down through Monroe, Jackson, Lincoln, Johnson, Theodore Roose-~ velt, and now Franklin Roosevelt, the out- standing servants of the public good have been, politicians. At once someone will note the absence of Woodrow Wilson. His position jis unique. A colossal figure, he will grow greater with the years. He was that rarest of all things— a@ statesman who had never been an active, experienced politician, and that makes him unique. But this calls for reservations. From his youth on, his mind was occupied most with the politics of statesmanship. His studies were in this sphere. But it was not until the eve of his elevation to the Presi- dency that he ever participated in political activities. Until then he had never made even, a political speech, or faced the popu- lace on the hustings, or sat in caucus in devising ways and means of political action. . He had an incurable distrust of men who had actually worked in politics, born of the cloistered life of the academy, and he thus deprived himself at a critical juncture of the advice of men grown old and wise in political struggles. I have never doubted that with all his genius as a statesman, and his advantage as an idealist, he might have succeeded in defeating the maneuvering of hhis enemies had he been trained more in the school of practical politics, mr What is politics? Webster's definition says it is “‘the science and art of government; the science dealing with organization, regulation, and administration of state * * * the theory or practice of managing or directing the affairs of public policy or of political Parties.” Then what is a politician? The same au-~ thority says he is ‘one versed or experienced in the science of government.” There surely is nothing particularly dis~ reputable about that, though Adam Smith might think so. But the sort-sighted scoff~ ers and the Fascist-minded insist that a poli~ tician is a mere seeker after office for the sake of the salary. It is true, of course, that among the thousands holding minor offices many, if not most, are motivated partly by the salary. Incidentally, droll as it may seem, it is the salary that draws men into counting rooms and banks and factories. However, if the man who gets the office earns his salary by performing his duties satisfactorily, he is discharging a necessary function in organ-~ ized society. But in the higher ranks I know scores of men personally who enter politics, become politicians, and take office at a finan-~ cial sacrifice because they are primarily in- terested in principles and policies‘they think for the good of the country; and among these are many who have sacrificed not only money but also health and strength in the service of the state—and all were politicians. Possibly conceding all this, the critic falls back on the politicians of the lower ranks, the precinct committeemen, often dubbed ward heelers. Iam unable to find anything disreputable in serving a party organization in this lowly position—since it is necessary. The statesman who began at the bottom in the organization may be all the better for it. The businessman makes a point of insisting that his men shall learn the business from the bottom up. Only in politics are the good men expected to begin at the top. These generally soon reach the bottom, since they have no real foundation of knowledge. Iv This brings us to the pet anathema of the theorist and the Fascist-minded—the politi- cal parties. Mussolini would have none of them—none but his own; Hitler would have none of them—none but his own; Franco would have none of them-—none but his own. None of these could afford a party of opposi~ tion. It would interfere with the destruction of human rights, with the suppression of liberty, and might make the liquidation of political opponents through bullet and blud-~ geon, and the stealing of the hierarchy, dan- gerous, It is significant of the wise thinking of the English that whatever party may be in power, the opposing party in minority officially Js called His Majesty’s opposition, And it is recognized that His Majesty’s op- position performs a high function in the state. It exposes blunders, demands expla~ nations, keeps those in power on their met- tle, and illuminates the political scene for the benefit of the public which has a right to know what is transplring, since govern- ment is their business, Sad experience has shown that stockhold~ ers in a corporation would often have been safer if there had been a party of opposition on the board of directors, Without parties in a democracy there would be chaos; with but one party maintained by force, there is fascism and tyranny. Political parties, then, are necessary, but if there are to be parties there must be party leaders, and if there are party leaders, there must be politiclans. If these party leaders are worth their salt, they must be trained and experienced politicians. Oliver, phi- losopher, not politician, but wise with the wisdom of the historian says that “the notion that we can save ourselves without their help is an illusion; for politics is not one of those crafts that can be learned by the light of nature without an apprentice- ship.” . A democracy must fail without leaders of courage, intelligence, and character. The assumption of Jefferson and Lincoln was that the mass mind can be trusted, or its instinct trusted, if provided with the facts; and but for political parties contending for -semination of the facts. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the mastery, and engaging in polemics, the cause of liberty and human rights would perish because there would be no great organization concerning itself with the dis- Aguirre Cerda, a great Chilean President and statesman, framed an imperishable sentence when he said that “to educate is to govern.” And he meant not only education in the schools, but education from the political hustings. That is the reason that the totalitarian can- not tolerate parties, for parties mean the open submission of facts and policies to the arbitrament of debate. The dictator must suppress political parties because he must impose silence. With but one party, and that an organ of the government, the rulers can keep the people in ignorance of the fact that their pockets are being picked and their liberties are being taken away. If there is any better way to govern a democracy than through the instrumentality of parties, it is still a secret of the gods. Party government means ballots; Fascist government means surrender or bullets, Vv Experience shows that without organized and capably led parties the most outrageous persecutions of a people cannot be repelled, Look at the record in Italy and Germany, The scattered protests of individuals only result in their instant liquidation. Hap- pily in America we have had little experience in dealing with tyranny because there has been so little of it. But in the one experience we had there is a lesson. The Federalist Party, disdaining democracy, contemptuous of the common lot, and thoroughly organ- ized as a party brilliantly led, resented the creation of a party of opposition, and de- scribed it as a faction. Consciously or not, federalism tended toward fascism. Thus the scdition law of the Adams administra- tion, the persecution and imprisonment of editors who dared challenge the pretensions of those in power, was an attempt, through terrorism, to close the mouths of critics. The men singled out for persecution would have been helpless, acting as individuals, just as the victims of tyranny in Italy were helpless in combating the tyranny of Mus- solini. But happily, in America, a party of opposition had been created under whose banner all the victims of oppression could constitutionally assemble for concerted, wisely directed, and stubborn action. That attempt to set aside the Bill of Rights was defeated by a political party. It was after the collapse of the Federalist Party, when an era of good feeling had devel- oped, that some urged the amalgamation of all parties into one and others rejoiced that there was but one party. This amalgamation could not be perfected by governmental de- eree, as in Italy, Germany, and Spain, but only by consent of the people. Jefferson opposed this idea utterly. “I am no he- liever in the amalgamation of parties,” he wrote, “nor do I consider it as either de-~ sirable or useful for the public. * * They [parties] are censors of the conduct of each other, and useful watchmen for the public.” And again he wrote: “In every free and deliberative society there must, from the nature of man, be opposite partics.” And again: “The division [into parties] ought to be fostered instead of being amal- gamated; for take away this, and some mere dangerous principle of division will take its Place.” And again: “Men have differed in opinion and been divided into parties by these opinions from the first origin of so- cleties, and in all governments where they have been permitted freely to think and to speak.” With a full realization that in the compost- tion of any political party there inevitably will be men who are mere self-seekers, not concerned with principles and policies, ex- cept insofar as they may advance them to public station, Jefferson knew that the divi-