A4008 They will tell you that the TVA is the greatest thing that ever happened in their part of the country. IT believe the Columbia Valley Adminis- travion is a necessary next step in the sen- sibis, democratic development of the re- sources of the Northwest. I believe the peo- ple of this area think so, too. And when they make their voices heard, I am sure the Columbia Valley Administration will be es- tablished. We have embarked, all over the country, on the task of fully developing our resources for all the people, This is a job that will take many years to complete. It will re- quire sound and careful planning. But it is a work that fires the imagination. We are undertaking to use the resources we have so that they will grow, and not diminish, over the years. We intend that our children, and their children, shall live in a more productive and more beautiful land than we do. We shall not get the job done, however, py sitting still. We must continue to take positive action. And we shall have to con- tinue to overcome the opposition of those who do not understand the greatness of our goal, or who fear some impairment of their selfish interests. We will meet opposition from the private power groups. Many of them—there are, of course, honorable exceptions—do not want the energy of our rivers put to use as power and sold to the people at cost. We have already met this opposition in puilding Federal projects. And the people have met the same opposition in localities where they wanted to establish local public power agencies, such as public utility dis- tricts and REA co-ops. This opposition of the private power com~- panies is wrong. It would deny the people the benefits of low-cost power they them- selves have brought about through public investment. I am sure we will continue to overcome this opposition, just as we already have done in building Grand Coulee—just as the people already have in Nebraska, in large parts of Washington and Oregon, and in other sec- tions of the country, where they have decided to distribute power through public bodies and cooperatives. The benefits of public investment must be passed on to the people whose tax money is being used. Those benefits must not be diverted for private profit. We will continue to fight—and win—for that principle. No doubt we shall also have to fight those who think expenditures for resource develop-~ ment are a waste of public funds. They should have disqualified themselves by now. Their fantastic claims about Grand Coulee prov. that they can’t tell the difference be~ tween a waste of funds and a sensible in- vestment, Finally, we will still have to fight those who imagine that every progressive action is another step down that famous “last mile to socialism.” The facts continue to make that claim ridiculous. They calied Bonneville and Grand Coulee steps to socialism. Now, I ask you—is private enterprise in the Pacific Northwest stronger or weaker as a result of those dams? Have you lost or gained indus- tries and jobs? Do the people out here have less or more freedom? The answers are per- fectly obvious. It is clear that we must go ahead in every part of the country with our resource devel- opment work. And proceed we shall. We shall not be stopped by those who are timid or short-sighted or selfish. We shall not be stopped by discredited claims or by tattered slogans. Our whole future depends on the wisdom and maturity we bring to bear on our na- ‘tional problems. We are engaged in a great ‘struggle to achieve peace in a world beset — j wath danger and threatened by Communist imperiahsm. We shall be engaged in the struggle for peace for years to come. If we are to be successful, we must dis- play the adventurous -spirit and the firm courage of our pioneering fathers. We shall not succeed if we follow the advice of those who look backward, sighing for the fancied security of an earlier time. We must have strong minds, ready to accept the facts as they are, and to make bold, new plans based on the facts. We shall need the same kind of vision that saw Grand Coulee Dam when there was nothing here but desert. We shall need the same kind of steady perseverance that built this mighty dam over the opposition of men with narrow minds and faint hearts. With that kind of vision and determination we can build a world in which men can be free under laws of their own making and can live at peace with one another. REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT, WALLULA, OREG., May 10, 1950 It certainly is a pleasure to see you here tonight, and I am more than happy to be here. I am sorry that we are 10 minutes behind schedule, and I can’t stay with you as long as I had anticipated staying. We have had a grand day today. Every- body has enjoyed it. I hope the rest of the evening is going to be as good as the day has been. Thank you very much for coming out. REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT, UMATILLA, Or5G., May 10, 1950 I am very glad to have this opportunity to vistt Umatilla. I am very much inter- ested in the McNary Dam which is being built just a short distance from here on the Columbia River. I was well acquainted with Senator Mc- Nary. He was leader of the minority while I was in the Senate, and one of the finest men I ever met, and I am very happy that this dam, named in his honor, is going to be completed one of these days. It will bring power and improve naviga- tion to this region. McNary Dam is an im- portant unit in a series of giant projects which will harness the energy of the Colum- bia River for the benefit of the people. The development of this river is one of the most magnificent undertakings the world has ever known. It is a tribute to the vision and determination of the people of the Pa~ cific Northwest. It is also an outstanding example of how the people of the Nation can achieve great goals by using the resources of the Federal Government. The fact is that these big dams on the Co- lumbia River would not have been built un- less the Federal Government had built them. There are some people, I think, who would rather that they had never been built. There are some people who no matter what the Government starts out to do are against it. I have heard so much clap-trap lately from people who are against progress that I did a@ little research on what these same people have been saying about new programs for the last 17 years. For the last 17 years, believe me, they have been against almost every- thing that was proposed. And the fact that none of their dire predictions have come true does not stop them for a minute. They just keep on predicting disaster and hope that °’ some day disaster will overtake us so they can say, “I told you so.” Here is an example that will be of in- terest here in Umatilla. Back ih 1937—E was in the Senate then—we passed a hous- ing law to help the cities build low-rent public housing. At that time one of these Congressmen who was against everything said, and this is what he said: “By the ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD passage of this bill you speed the day when” your mayors will become obsolete, when your governors will be simply ornaments.” Well, now, that day has not arrived yet, has it? Nothing of the kind happened. What did happen was that we got some good housing puilt, and during the war it came in very handy. Then, after the war, we wanted to revive this kind of hov~ing legislation to help re- lieve the acurs Pcu,i-g shortage, and what happened—we heard the same old hue and cry. Finally, we ovércame this orposition to get @ public housing law in the first session of the Highty-first Congress last year. And we are going to get some more low-rent public housing. ¢A voice in the crowd: You hope.) Yes, we hope, and if you work hard enough, you can help me to get it. That is what I am out here for. Some of it is going to be right here in Umatilla County. I have a report right here describing one of those housing projects, and I am very glad that you are going to get it. I am sure that the people of this community are not going to he frightened or fooled by a campaign of scare words any more than Iam. I am hard to scare, as you know. We are going right on working for prosperity and peace, and if we keep up that sort of program, if we keep right at it, there isn’t anything in the world can stop us from getting the kind of a peace that we want, there isn’t anything can stop us from getting the proper development for this part of the world and all the rest of the United States. I can’t tell you how much I appreciate this most cordial reception for me. It has been wonderful. I have been across Iowa and Nebraska and Wyoming and Idaho and @ corner of the State of Oregon, and I don’t think I ever had a more cordial reception or a grander time since I have been in public service, and that has been 30 years. I was riding around this part of the world in 1948, making a bid for your votes, and I am out here now to make a report to you as President of the United States on what Iam trying to do and what I want you to help me do for the welfare and benefit of this country. . It has been a very great pleasure to be here, and I appreciate your cordiality and your kindness in receiving me this way, Thank you very much. REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT, LA GRANDE, OREG., May 10, 1950 Thank you very much. It looks to me like everybody in this part of Oregon is here. I see three high-school bands, I believe, one of them just performed for me and did it well—)just like it ought to be. As I came into La Grande, it is easy to see why my good friend, Justice Douglas, spends so much of his time in the Wallowa Mountains. I am glad to hear that it will take a lot more than a set of broken ribs to keep him from returning to this part of the country. Here in this area, and throughout the whole Northwest, one of your greatest assets is timber. More people in this State make their living from lumbering than from any other industry. That is important to every- body in Oregon. When the lumber industry is In good shape, that means more jobs, big- ger payrolls, and better markets for farmers and businessmen. Here in Oregon you saw what a slump in the lumber industry could mean. Last fall and winter a lot of people lost their jobs temporarily, and a lot of logging companies were in trouble for a while. Things are back on the upgrade now. And we have got to keep the lumber industry, and our whole economy, moving upward.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD One of the big reasons the lumber industry is running full blast again is that housing constructicn all over the country is at high levels. A great share of the credit for that belongs to the housing programs of the Federal Government. For the last 17 years we have been developing housing legislation that is helping people right now to build and buy houses. That is important to the res-te who want homes. And itis impes"w. -: “~ lumber industry here in the Northwest. Last year 11,6C0,000,000 board feet of lumber were produced and sold in Washington and Ore- gon. That is a market worth keeping. And I am glad to know that more and more proc- essing plants are being built out here, to turn raw lumber into plywood and other finished products. But there are other things that need to be done if the lumber industry is to stay healthy. There was a time, in the not too distant past, when it was common practice to skim off the cream of the forests in a rush to gain quick profits. Here in the center of the ponderosa pine region, you have learned that the manage- ment and harvesting of timber must be on a sustained yield basis. That is the way to assure a permanent lumber industry. Another thing we must do is to make sure that our public forest resources are made available to everybody on a fair and equal basis. We must not allow any monopolistic exploitation of these resources. Over in the western part of the State the Secretary of the Interior has just issued new access road and sales regulations for some of the public forest lands. These regulations will provide the small timber operator with access to Government timber on equal terms with the large operator. Small and large operators are now cooperating with the Fed- eral Government in making these regulations work. I think it is a fair way to treat the use of all our natural resources: for the benefit of everyhcedy. A third step we need to take is to protect the forests better against fire, and to re- forest cut-over and burned-over areas. Iam glad to hear that the State of Oregon is making progress in replanting timber in some of the big burned-over areas. This is a tre- mendous task, but I hope it will be carried out vigorously. All this work will take a considerable in- vestment of money in a careful, long-range program. Some people seem to think it is wasteful to invest public funds in roads, and fire protection, and reforestation. That is a very short-sighted view, and I don’t go along with them, because these investments will pay off tremendously in better forests in the future. It is the same way with the expenditures we are making in our effort to keep peace in the world. It is a hard struggle, and the costs of national security are by far the largest part of the budget. But the cost in dollars and cents is nothing compared to the terrible cost of another war. We must remain strong economically, strong in arms and strong in spirit. We must cooperate with the other free nations. Those are the surest ways to preserve the peace. It has been a grand thing to see you here today. I appreciate very much your coming out. I have had a most cordial welcome in the great State of Oregon. It looks to me like everybody in this end of the State has at least had a chance to take a look at me, and that is what I want you to do. I know that the people of your State, while some of them call themselves Republicans, they usually vote with the Democrats on every issue that counts. And I appreciate that very much—I appreciate that very rouch, REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT, BAKER, OREG., May 10, 1950 Thank you very much. ‘You are very kind to give me a reception like this, in this great town of Baker, and I want to tell you how much I appreciate it. You Know, I know -erc*"'r 7 about the gentleman for whom i? -¢'.| was named. He was a most remarkable man. He was the first Senator from Oregon, and he had been a Congressman in Illinois, and had helped write the Constitution of the State of Cali- fornia, and he came up here to make a speech for Abraham Lincoln, and they elected him to be United States Senator from Ore- gon in 1859. When the Civil War broke out in 1861, he went over into Pennsylvania, and believe it or not he organized a volunteer regiment Which he called the First California, and there wasn’t a Californian in it. They went down with Baker to Ball’s Bluff and he got himself killed. I went to see General Marshall who lives in Leesburg, Va., on part of the old Ball farm for which Ball’s Bluff was named, and the general and I tock @ walk over the Ball’s Bluff battlefield, and we found a little plaque in the cemetery there, about 40 by 60, with 21 unknown dead buried in it. And we couldn’t find Baker’s grave so we took a walk about a hundred yards down in the woods and we found a little stone marker which said “Col. Edwin Dickerson was killed here.” General Mar- shall and I didn’t know whether he was bur- ied there or not, so we got hold of your Sena- tor from Oregon, WAYNE Morsz, to come up there and point out the place and suggest erection of a monument to that great Mr. Baker. We found out afterward that Mr. Baker was buried in San Francisco in a ceme- tery which he himself had promoted and made a fortune out of. So I don’t know what we can do about it. But he was a great man and I would like to see the great State of Oregon erect a marker—a decent marker—at the place where he fell. If you will read your his- tory, you will find out something about him that will make you proud. He was a real politician, and you know they are hard to find. Your city, like all of the great State of Oregon, has been growing fast in recent years. That is splendid, and I hope that you keep right on growing. To do that, however, there must be continued develop- ment of the natural resources of the Northwest. You know that there are many obstacles in the way of sensible development of your resources, You saw an example of those obstacles a few weeks ago, when the au- thorization for Hell’s Canyon Dam—which you are advertising here teday—and other projects was defeated in the Senate. About 3 years ago, I directed the Army engineers and the Bureau of Reclamation to get together and bring in a sensible, coordinated plan for the work of those two agencies. This was the program that was before the Senate last month. I had a logical schedule of dam construction—I spell that d-a-m— and it had a basin account to permit uni- form, low-power rates. That was obviously a good program, as far as it went. But look what happened to that program. Hell’s Canyon Dam was knocked out. The basin account was knocked out. A number of other projects were Knocked out, and when the bill passed the Senate, it con- tained only a lopsided set of projects for one agency. That is no way to proceed. It throws the entire program out of balance. We need to have equal consideration of all resource needs—soil conservation, reclamation, the generation of power, flood control, and every= thing else, A4009 I am sure we will get Hell's Canyon Dam before we quit. We have got to have it. It will add close to a million kilowatts cf power to this section of the country. It will help control floodwaters, it will help bring a higher standard of living to this entire region. We can’t go on with an unbalanced ap- proach to river hasin development. We are wasting precious time and precious resources. That is why I have recommended the one sure way to realize unified development of all the natural resources of this region, and that is through the creation of a Columbia Valley Administration. The Columbia Valley Administration can present a single plan for the whole area, giving the proper balance to all sections and all resource needs. And the Columbia Val- Jey Administration would be run by men from this area, living in this area, who can work with the States and localities an. pre- sent to the Congress the whole picture, not just bits and pieces of it—to be done half- way or not done at all. That is sensiple. It is economical. And it is the right way to proceed, IT hope that by the time I visit Baker again—and I hope that won’t be too long— we will have Hell’s Canyon Dam authorized and a Columbia Valley Administration set up. Then we will be on the right road to a full, unified, and coordinated development of the rich natural resources of the Northwest. That will help us build the kind of pros- perity here in the Pacific Northwest that all of us want. Prosperity here will mean greater prosperity and greater strength for the whole United States. And I am strong for the opportunity to develop all of the sections of the United States, not just one section but all sections. They are all necessary to keep this country the greatest republic that the sun has ever shone upon. They are all necessary to give us an economic preponderance which will cause us to get a peace in the world that will Jast. I am working for lasting peace. I am working for a continued prosperous economy in this country, a balanced economy which will be good for farmers, be good for busi- nessmen, be good for laboring men, and that is the only way you can have a successful government. I want to show these totalitarian fellows that democracy—honest-to-goodness democ= racy is just what the word means—can work for the benefit of all the people, and not for just the benefit of a few. I came out here so that you could under- stand what I am trying to do, so that you could see me and find out if I have gone high hat since you elected me in 1948. I want you to know that I am working for you, trying my best to carry out the things which I told you I wanted to do, and in which you showed you had confidence in me when you elected me. I am trying to do the job. I am trying to do the job for the whole Nation. I am your President. You elected me. I am working as your public servant, and I am working to the best of my ability in the public interest for all concerned. I can’t tell you how much I appreciate this wonderful gathering in this town named after the first Senator of Oregon—a great man and a great orator. Thank you very much. REMARKS OF THE PRZSIDENT, HUNTINGTON, OrzEG., May 10, 1950 Thank you very much for this cordial re- ception. On this trip across the country, I have been passing through some very in- teresting scenery along the route of the old Oregon Trail. I have been glad to see the signs of increasing industrialization in east- ern Oregon, because I know that the more diversified your economy is,' the better off you will be.
A4010 One matter in Oregon that concerns me is your farm situation. Since 1948, there has een a decline in farm income in Oregon, and there has been a decline in farm income all over the Nation. This decline has been nothing like the disastrous drop in farm prices which occurred after the First World War, because our farm program has cush- jioned the downward trend. The laws we have passed since 1933 have kept this decline in farm prices from turn- ing into a farm depression. There is a floor under farm prices. Our farm program has kept the markets reasonably steady, and completely free of panic. We have farm-credit institutions to pre- vent the drying up of credit which farmers must have. The vrural-electrification program has helped to make farmin;, more efficient, and farm living much more pleasant. But there are still some serious inadequacies in our farm laws. We must take positive steps to reverse the downward trend in farm incomes. We should add some perishables to the priority list along with the-other basic com~- modities. That is especially important in Oregon, where you produce many perishable commodities for which there is no adequate price support at present. Obviously, we can’t store up meat, milk, fruit, and things like that, as we store up wheat and cotton. Loans and purchases work fine for wheat, but they don’t work well for perishables. That is why we should use the method of production payments to support perishables. I feel now that it is high time to pay more attention to farm income, instead of merely concentrating on prices—and to pay more attention to the perishable com- rocdities. In this way we can move toward a greater prosperity for both the farmer and the city dweller, for their interests are interde- pendent. Iam just as interested in improving the situation in the cities as on the farms. I shall keep on fighting for better schools, more adequate social-security laws, and a national health program. All these meas- ures will build up a stronger economy here at home. In securing a stronger economy we are strengthening democracy. That is the way to peace, and that is what Iam most interested in attaining. You people here in Huntington have given me a fine welcome and a fine greeting, just as every other city I have been through has. I appreciate it more than I can tell you. It has been a most happy trip across the coun- try. People seem to be interested in their Government. They seem to be just as inter- ested in seeing their President as when he was running for office. I am just out here to report to you on conditions as I see them and to ask your cooperation and support in carrying through the program which I think 4s for the welfare of this country and for the welfare of the whole world. Remarks Or Tur Presrenr, Pasco, WAsH#H., May 10, 1950 I understand that this ElKs lodge here was organized July 14, 1947, under the spon sorship of the Walla Walla Lodge. It started with nothing in the treasury. It now has 700 members and a $100,000. Isn’t that something? I think I'll put him in charge of the Budget of the United States Govern- ment. You know that the Elks have four cardinal principles: Charity, justice, brotherly love, and fidelity. The purpose of an Elks lodge is to make the community in the Nation @ better place in which to live. I am most happy to have a part in the dedication of their new home. They have done a remark= able job here, and I congratulate them, Iam more than happy to be with you here in Pasco this evening, to help dedicate this new Elks Building. Every time I come back to the State of Washington I get a new feeling of the vast resources which this Nation possesses. As long as I am President, I will do everything in my power to use our resources in an effort to keep peace in the world. Early this morning, over in Pocatello, Idaho, I talked about the work which the Atomic Energy Commission is planning at Arco, Idaho, for possible future industrial uses of atomic energy. Just across the river from here, over at Hanford, there are other atomic energy works, where we are producing the ingredi- ents of destruction. Our wartime invest- ment at Hanford ran to $600,000,000, and we are now spending another $100,000,000 to ex- pand and improve the plants constructed during the wartime. Hanford typifies the strategic importance of the vast regional arsenal we have built in the Pacific Northwest. No other section of the United States is more important to the security of this country. Not only is the Northwest important in itself, it is also the gateway to Alaska, and we hope soon that Alaska will enter the Union as a new State along with Hawaii. We recognize the strategic importance of the Pacific Northwest. For this reason, the Navy’s largest shipyard is located at Bremerton. In the mountains to the north, the Navy has located its new $7,000,000 radio trans- mitter to direct its ships at sea. Fort Lewis is the strongest Army post west of the Mississippi. This month, two squadrons of the Eighty- first Fighter Interceptor Wing will move into Moses Lake Air Base. The latest type jet fighters will strengthen air defenses already concentrated at Spokane, Moses Lake, and McChord Airfields. On Whidby Island in Puget Sound we have one of the biggest and most important naval air stations in the Pacific. Now I am giving you just these few ex- amples to show you the importance we at- tach to this section of the country in our whole defense picture. There has been a lot of wild talk about the Northwest and about Alaska, and about what this Govern- ment expected to do with this section of the country. This section of the country, as I told you to begin with, is considered a key position so far as the national defense of the Western Hemisphere is concerned. You need not worry about being abandoned. We have no such intention. We never had any such in- tention. Those rumors were put out because your President was going to pay you a visit, and they thought maybe they could make it uncomfortable for him by putting out such foolishness. You Know better than that. Installations like these cost money. It is easy for foolish people to say that we ought to slash national expenditures by cutting defenses. As long as‘I have anything to say about it, I do not intend to weaken the de- fenses of this country to meet any short- sighted cry of economy. The money we are spending at Hanford is also one of the soundest investments this Nation can make. At the present time and in the immediate future, it is providing the United States with a means for defense while international conditions remain unsettled. We hope the world will come to an agree< ment on international control of atomic energy. We have been working hard to get such an agreement for 4 years. When we finally do obtain a stable, peaceful world, the material produced at Hanford can all be turned to peacetime uses. That is what we all hope for. . You know, there have been many engines of destruction invented in the history of the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD world, and nearly every one of them has turned out to be of great use in peacetime. I have always hoped, and I still hope, that this discovery which we made under the pressure of the greatest war in history will turn out to be the greatest benefactor and the greatest help to the welfare of the world that has ever come into existence. And I am. just as sure as I stand here that it will. I hope that in the not too far distant fu- ture, the full power of this great discovery can be used for lighting homes, supplying power for factories, improving land, driving ships and airplanes about the globe in peace- ful trade. Meanwhile, our national atomic energy program serves as one of the bulwarks of the free world against aggression. It is part of our whole effort to increase the strength and effectiveness of free and demo- cratic nations, so that communism cannot succeed in its attempt to overrun the world. I can’t tell you how very much I appre- ciate the privilege of being here tonight. In 1948 I tried to get here, but the Colum- bia River and the Snake River were both on a rampage at that time and it was not possible to get to this town. I hope that won’t happen again. If we get these great projects of the Co- Iumbia and Snake Rivers constructed as they should be, we will be in a position to control ficods, to furnish power, and to make this one of the greatest parts of the United States. You know, I have a view of the future on power. This section of the world—this part of the United States—will be one of the greatest power reservoirs in the country. I want to see the St. Lawrence River de-~ veloped in the manner in which it should pe developed, and the Bay of Fundy and the New England power set-up integrated some- thing like we have here. In the Southeast we have the Tennessee Valley Authority. We are making developments in South Caro- lina and Georgia which will make a power development there commensurate with that section of the country. Then the southwest power development on the Colorado River, which you all know about. If we can get the proper development of the Missouri Valley, the Mississippi Valley, and the Ohio Valley between Pittsburgh and Denver, we will have this country with a network of power that will give us a chance to develop resources unheard of in the his- tory of the world. Now, that is what we are working for. Had it not been for the development of the Tennessee Valley and the development of the Columbia River, it would have taken us much longer and cost us many more lives to win the war. I made many an investigation out here while I was in the Senate, along with Mon Wallgren, who was a United States Senator with me on that committee which made those investigations. And we learned an immense amount about the necessity for the proper development of the Columbia Valley. I have been out here all day preaching the Columbia Valley Authority, to make this de- velopment integrated so that it will work for the benefit and welfare of the whole north- west corner of the United States. I hope you will support me in that program. It will be a great thing for every State that tributaries the Columbia River—Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana. It will be for their welfare. They will like it if they ever get it done. You have a lot of old fogies who never want to do anything progressive. That is not true of the majority of the people in this part of the world. This part of the world is always looking forward. Your ancestors who came-out here and settled this part of the world had to look forward in order to make this country great,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We must keep up that spirit. That is what I am working for. I am out here to make a report to you as Fresident of the United States on what I hope to accomplish, as I told you in 1948 I would make the at~ tempttodo. Iam not running for anything. Iam just out here to make a report to you. I may come back later and talk a little differently. Thank you very much, REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT, COULEE Ciry, Wasu., May 11, 1950 Senator Magnuson, Governor Langlie, Gov- .erncr Bonner, and other distinguished guests, I have two Cabinet members with me this morning, the Secretary of the Interior and the Secretary of Agriculture, so maybe we'll hold a meeting. I appreciate most highly the cordiality with which I have been received in all these wonderful places in the States through which Ihave been. I am going up to Grand Coulee this morning to discuss some things in which you are vitally interested, and to explain to you how hard it is to get things like Grand Coulee done, and also to explain to you why it is that some people don’t want CVA. I think the people want it—that s.gn says SO, anyway. Somebcdy told me a story about Coulee City. Some fellow in the times gone by, when they had a branch-line railroad here and a stage that ran through Bridgeport—I heard this story about several other places, so I guess it will fit Coulee, tco. This gentleman was complaining very bit- terly in his diary that he never did get here on a jerk-water train in time to catch the stagecoach, and coming back he never did get back in time on the stage to catch the train, and ke finally came to the conclusion that the hotel man in Coulee had made a deal with the stage and the rédilroads so the stage and the train never would meet. That happens in a lot of n’cee b* doesn’t happen any more. The inct’: 71. +. these days have to put out something good be- cause the fellow in the car can just get in and go on to the next one if he doesn’t treat him right. I want you to understand that I am en- joying this trip. I appreciate very much the fact that the people are interested in the welfare of the country, they are inter- ested in seeing their President, they are interested in trying to find out what he stands for, and what he is trying to do. Some 2 or 3 years ago I was out here traveling around all over the State of Wash- ington asking for votes. I am not asking for anything now. I am here to explain to you just exactly what I am trying to do, and I am trying to give it to you so that you will understand it, without its being garbled by anybody. You are getting it first-hand from the President himself. I want to thank you very much for the cordiality with which we have been received all over the country, through Iowa and Ne- braska, Wyoming, Oregon, and Idaho; and now we are making a start in the State of Washington here this morning. I know I am going to have the same thing to say when I get out of Washington. Thank you very much. REMARKS OF THE PresIpENtT, WILBUR, WasH#., May 11, 1940 Thank you, Senator Magnuson, I am very glad tn be able to stop for a few minutes this afternoon in Wilbur. I have just had a most enjoyable and inspiring experience, and that was the dedication of the Grand Coulee Dam, one of the biggest projects ever undertaken by man, One of the very greatest benefits that is coming from Grand Coulee is electric power. That power has been bringing new industries to this area, and it has beer making a better life possible for everybody around here, both in the cities and on the farms. Farmers, especially, have been helped by power brought to them by the Rural Electrification Administration. You know, it is hard to believe but we have only had the Rural Electrification Admin- istration for 15 years. The REA has done tremendous things for farms all over the country, and I think it is appropriate that I helped celebrate REA’s fifteenth birthday today, May 11, by telling a little of 1ts history. Of course, I don’t need to tell you how the REA operates—right here in Wilbur you have the advantage of one of the lowest power rates in the entire country. Your electric cooperative 1s financed by REA. When the rural electrification pregram got under way 15 years ago, only 1 out of every 10 families had electricity—every 10 farm families. Now, €3 percent of the Nation’s farms are electrified. The record here in the State of Washing- ton is even more remarkable. Over 96 per- cent of the farms in this State have elec- tricity. I wish we could do that well in Missourt. I remember very well when I first went down to the United States Senate back in 1935, how the power lobbies and the other svecial interests were fighting against rural Clecurticaul.on, Io was on the special com- mittee that investigated the public utility holding companies, and that was one of the most remarkable hearings that ever I had anything to do with. We could make 1t cheaper than the holding companies and the special interests sald we were going to put everybody out of business, but we did not. There are more in business now than ever, and they are working in the public interest and not for some private individual. They said that electricity was a luxury which only the rich could afford. They said that rural electrification would never be profitable. But the argument they used the most back in those days was that rural elec- trification was socialism. Believe me, times never change for some people. On the floor of the House of Representa- tives, one Congressman said REA would pro-= duce—and these are his words—‘“‘a bureau- cratic and socialistic state.” Has that hap- pened in Washington, where you have got 96 percent of your farms electrified? I don't believe you are a Socialist State. Doesn’t that have a familiar ring. Some people just never learn. They are still calling projects that would help every one of us socialism. That is why I am making this trip. I am out to tell the people the facts. You are never going to be fooled by fancy scare words. I am more than happy to have a chance to pay this little tribute to REA on its fifteenth birthday, and I am glad to do it right here in the great State of Washington, which has taken advantage of it better than nearly every other State in the Union. I think one of the reasons you have been able to do that is on account of the project like this one right here we dedicated this morning. I want to thank you all very much for this cordial welcome. I appreciate it very much. ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT DELIVERED AT GON~ ZAGA UNIVERSITY, SPOKANE, WasH., THURS= pay, May 11, 1950 I am very glad to be here today at Gonzaga University. I appreciate very much your cordial welcome and the certificate of merit you have given me. I have just come from dedicating Grand Coulee Dam, a magnificent structure which will bring untold benefits for generations to come to the citizens of the Pacific North- west. Grand Coulee Dam is an example of how we are developing and using our natural re- sources to create richer, fuller lives for our fellow citizens, A4011 I often wish that creating new wealth from our natural resources was all we had to do to create a better life for our people. But a@ good society requires far more than prog- ress in material things. The good society we are seeking is based on order and peaceful cooperation, among men who share common ideals of freedom and justice. And these things are not easy to attain. For a society is made up of men, who are often weak, and selfish, and quarrelsome. And yet, men are the children of God. Men have within them the divine spark that can lead them to truth, and unselfishness, and courage to do the right. Men can build a good society, if they fol- low the will of the Lord. Our great Nation was founded in this faith. Our Constitution, and all our finest tradi- tions, rest on a moral basis. We believe in the dignity and the rights of each individual. We believe that no per= son—and no group of people—has an in- herent right to rule over any other person or any other group. Our Government was established to secure individual rights, and to provide a means by which men working together, under laws of their own making, could promote the welfare of all. Throughout our history, we have moved toward these ideals. In economic life, in political life, in social life, we have gone forward. We have demonstrated that men can govern themselves, individually and as a group, and can advance the common welfare. We are continuing to move forward every day toward greater freedom and equal oppor- tunity for all citizens. This is a purpose each of us must strive to achieve, in his daily life, and in his own community. It is @ purpose which, in some cases, requires col- lective action, through our elected represent atives in local, State, and Federal Govern-~ ments. One case that requires collective action is enrcazing cur attention now in the national legrvature. This is the problem of prevent- ing discrimination in our country because of religion, color, or national origin. Such dis- crimination violates the basic moral prin- ciples of our society and our Government. I sincerely hope that the Congress will en- act legislation at this session to protect the rights of all citizens, to reduce discrimina~ tion based upon prejudice, and to insure that every citizen can participate equally in our national life. The same moral principles that underlie our national life govern our relations with all other nations and peoples in the world. We have built our own Nation not by trying to wipe out differences in religion, or in tra- dition, or customs among us, not by attempt- ing to conceal our political and economic conflicts, but instead by holding to a belief which rises above all such differences and conflicts. This belief is that all men are equal before God. With this belief in our hearts, we can achieve unity without eliminating differ- ences—we can advance the common welfare without harming the dissenting minority. Just as that belief has enabled us to build a great Nation, so it can serve as the foun- dation of world peace. Nations can live together peacefully, work- ing for their common welfare, just as we do in our country, if they believe in the brother- hood of man, under God. Millions and mil- lions of people, all over the world, know that in their hearts. But many of them are oppressed by disease and poverty. And many are under the con- trol of tyrants. These people are prevented - from expressing, in their daily lives and through their governments, their belief in the brotherhood of man. The great problem before us in the world today is how to break through the barriers
A4912 of ignorance and poverty—through the bar- riers of tyanny—and let the common people of the world combine their will for peace. The greatest obstacle to peace is a modern tyranny led by a small group who have aban- doned their faith in God. These tyrants have forsaken ethical and moral beliefs. They believe that only force makes right. They are aggressively seeking to expand the area of their domination. Our effort to resist and overcome this tyranny is essentially a moral effort. Those of us who believe in God, and who are fortunate enough to live under condi- tions where we can practice our faith, cannot be content to live for ourselves alone, in selfish isolation. We must work constantly to wipe out injustice and inequality, and to create a world order consistent with the faith that governs us. That is why—even if our own existence were not at stake—we would have the obli- gation of working abroad as well as at home to bring about the conditions in which all those who share our beliefs can work with us for lasting peace. We must strive to defend human rights abroad as vigorously as we work for them at home. The Declaration of Human Rights, drawn up in the United Nations, is a land- mark in the long struggle to protect the rights of people too defenseless to protect themselves. We must continue the great work we have so successfully begun of getting the world’s economy back on a sound basis, of helping the underdeveloped countries of the world improve their standards of living, and of establishing a system of world trade under which all nations exchange their goods and services with mutual profit. So long as aggression threatens, we must keep our own defenses strong, and provide strong support to other like-minded nations who wish to build up their defenses. For these are the practical, immediate ways to protect our moral values, and to expand the ability of others to put those values into effect. In the face of aggressive tyranny, the eco- nomic, political, and military strength of freemen is a necessity. But we are not in- creasing our strength for its own sake. We must be strong if we are to expand freedom. We must be strong if freemen are to be able to satisfy their moral aspirations. It is the moral and religious beliefs of mankind which alone give our strength meaning and purpose. The struggle for peace is a struggle for moral and ethical principles. These princi- ples unite us with religious people in every land, who are striving, as we are striving, for brotherhood among men. In everything we do, at home and abroad, we must demonstrate our clear purpose, and our firm will, to build a world order in which men everywhere can walk upright and un- afraid, and do the work of God. Owen Lattimore, Architect of China Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS o! HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, I am including as part of my remarks a very interesting article by Mr. Victor Lasky which appeared in the New York World-Telegram and Sun on Saturday, May 20, 1950. Mr. Lasky appraises the record of Owen Lattimore and points out some facts that heretofore have not been brought to light. I commend it to the attention of the membership. The article follows: Ow2n LATTIMORE: APPRAISAL OF A CONTROVER= SIAL FIGURE~-TEE RECORD OF His ViEws ADDS FUEL TO THE DEBATE (By Victor Lasky) The heated controversy that Prof. Cwen Lattimore is a “top Soviet spy” has served to obscure the Far Eastern expert’s role in publicizing the differences between the Kuomintang and Red China. Mr. Lattimore has never made any secret of his views, termed by Time magazine as possibly “more dangerous than a carload of spies.” But he denies his voluminous writ- ings and varied activities follow any Com- munist line. He contends that any associations he may have had with Communists were in the na- ture of a scholar looking for facts, just as a newspaperman does. OFFICER OF FRO-COMMUNIST GROUP However, he has not yet explained his current association with the American Com- mittee in Aid of Chinese Industrial Co- overatives. This group, also known as In- dusco, Inc., of 439 Fourth Avenue, raises funds for Red China. It is run by pro- Communists. Mr. Lattimore is listed as an honorary vice president. A member of the advisory board happens to be Philip Jaffe, the mysterious figure in the Amerasia case, who pleaded guilty to possessing secret Government docu- ments. * * * As director of the Walter Hines Page School of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University, Mr. Lattimore has helped train many of our diplomats. He has advised two Presidents. He has been consulted by the State Department. PRESIDENTIAL INFLUENCE? But was he the architect of this Nation’s far eastern policies which critics say led to the loss of China? Secretary of State Dean Acheson and three predecessors have stated Mr. Lattimore never influenced them. Still, Mr. Lattimore may have had some influence on Presidents Roose= velt and Truman, In 1944 Mr. Roosevelt sent Vice President Henry Wallace to China on a good-will mis- sion. Mr. Lattimore went along as an adviser. Mr, Wallace has since reported that Mr. Roosevelt ‘urged me to take Owen Lattimore with me” because he was “one of the world’s great experts on the problems involving Chi- nese-Russian relationships.” At that time Mr. Lattimore had been urg- ing the formation of a coalition government in China, composed of Nationalist and Com- munist elements. This was what Mr. Wallace proposed to Mr. Roosevelt on his return. What influence Mr. Lattimore may have had on Mr. Wallace ‘has never been disclosed. HULL IGNORED ON APPOINTMENT By late 1946 the coalition policy was adopt- “ed by the United States, and critics main- tain it did much to sell China to the Reds. Who brought Mr. Lattimore to Mr. Roose=- ‘velt’s attention? The facts are still obscure. But in 1941 Mr. Roosevelt named Mr. Lattimore as Amer- ican political adviser to Chiang Kai-shek. Cordell Hull, then Secretary of State, appar~ ently was not consulted; neither was Mar- shal Chiang nor the American Ambassador to his Government. Mr. Lattimore has testified since that he received a call from Lauchlin Currie, one of the President’s “anonymous” assistants, to report to the White House. “I don’t know who suggested my name to Mr. Currie or to the President,” Mr. Latti- more has testified. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mr. Currie was an adviser to the President on Far East problems. Named by Elizabeth Bentley as a source of information for a Soviet spy ring, Mr. Currie vigorously denied the charge. Recently, Earl Browder testi- fied he was taken to meet Sumner Welles, then Under Secretary of State, by Mr. Currie to discuss the United States Communist stand on China. In 1946 President Truman named Mr. Lat- timore to the United States Reparations Commission in Japan. When Mr. Truman announced the Japanese surrender, reporters noticed that one of two books on the Presi- dents’ desk was Mr. Lattimore’s Solution in Asia. URGED RECRUITMENT FROM PRO-RED STAFF From 1942 to 1944, Mr. Lattimore worked closely with the State Department as a dep- uty director of the Office of War Informa- tion’s Pacific operations. When in Washe ington he used a State Department desk, ac=- cording to a former OWI colleague. On June 15, 1943, Mr. Lattimore wrote a confidential letter to OWI’s acting manager, Joseph Barnes, in which he urged the re- cruiting of Chinese-American personnel from the staff of the New China Daily News. This New York publication supported the Chinese Reds. Only last year Mr. Lattimore was asked by the State Department to submit his views on Far East problems. The memorandum, a portion of which the New York Times edi- torially called quite shocking, suggested: The United States should get out of Ko- rea immediately, even if it means that na~ tion’s capture by the Russians; the United States should sever all ties with Britain, France, and Netherlands in the Far East; the United States should recognize Red China immediately. Mr. Lattimore insisted that these poli- cies were in the “best interests” of the United States. Asked for comment, President Syng~ man Rhee, of Korea, snapped: “Lattimore has no use for Korea and China aS long as Korea and China are fighting com-~ munisnr. Anything the Soviet Union does not like would be a liability in the view of Lattimore.” But perhaps Mr. Lattimore’s influence was greatest as the undisputed spearhead of the thinking of a large group of professors, writ- ers, and lower-echelon State Department of- ficials, particularly in the Far East Section, TERMED COMMUNISTS CHINA’S PEACE PARTY This group, for varying reasons, not nece essarily Communist, believed in the inevita- bility—some in the desirahility—of a Red China and, now that it exists, in the necessity of United States recognition of that regime. They believed all through the civil war that the Nationalists were primarily respon- sible for China’s troubles. As Mr. Lattimore put it on October 18, 1946: “The Communists are the peace party in China. * * ™* They survive only because they have the support of millions of people who are not Communists. * The Kuomintang are the war party in China, ” That Mr. Lattimore is in accord with the Communist line, particularly on Far East problems, as apparent from his record. But Mr. Lattimore claims that is not so. He points out he supported the Marshall plan, hardly anything a Red would favor. But his support of the Marshall plan was hedged by the same reservations held by Henry Wallace. He believed that European aid should be administered through the United Nations and that it should be made ,available to the Soviet satellites. And he was bitterly opposed to the Truman doctrine. Mr. Lattimore also pointed out he was in favor of Finland during the Soviet invasion. Asked for dates of financial contributions and speeches Mr. Lattimore made for Fin- land, his attorney said the February 20, 1940, minute: of a Baltimore group called Fighting
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Funds for Finland show that Mr. Lattimore was one of 19 persons who “have consented to serve on the committee.” MOSCOW PURGE TRIALS LIKI DEMOCRACY But nowhere in his record can there be found published criticism of Soviet moves during the Hitler-Stalin pact. He was the editor of Pacific Affairs, organ of the Insti- tute of Pacific Relations, and one of the edi- tors of Amerasia at this time. In 1938 he wrote in Pacific Affairs that the results of the Moscow purge trials “sound to me like democracy.” And he has admitted publishing articles by many left wingers and Communists. “Throughout this period there was nothing reprehensible about the occasional publica- tion of significant left-wing views,” Mr. Lat- timore said. Amerasia, a magazine espousing Soviet as- pirations in the Far Hast which Mr. Latti- more helped found, was edited by a Com- munist, Philip Jaffe, who in 1945 was ar- rested with five others in a case involving the theft of Government documents. The night before the arrests two of the defendants visited Mr. Lattimore’s Maryland home. Mr. Lattimore said they came to dis- cuss a forthcoming book by one of them. But Mr. Lattimore denies any connection with the so-called Amerasia case. He said he hadn’t seen Mr. Jaffe since 1941, although both are connected with Indusco. He said he first met Mr. Jaffe in 1937 when they traveled to the almost inaccessible Yenan, then the Red Chinese stronghold, to interview leading Chinese Reds. However, Mr. Lattimore testified under cross-examination that in the summer of 1936, his secretary was Harriet Levine, wife of Ch’ao-ting Chi, a Comintern agent whom Red China is trying at present to seat in the United Nations. Miss Levine is Mr. Jaffe’s niece. SUPPORTED ACTIVITIES OF PRO-RED GENERAL Mr. Lattimore also sponsored the activities of Feng Yu-hsiang, China’s so-called Chris- tian General, who perished in a fire aboard a ship bound for Russia. General Feng, who in 1947 rejected Chiang’s demand he return to China, became a pet speaker at pro-Communist rallies here, at which he denounced Marshal Chiang as a “reactionary dictator, whose rule must be overthrown.” Although Mr. Lattimore claims to have been the constant butt of Communist at- tacks, the record shows that his friend, Fred- erick Vanderbilt Field, the millionaire Com- munist, praised him in 1946. The Daily Worker has referred to Mr. Lat- timore’s. writings as “stimulating.” And Soviet Russia Today, foremost pro-Soviet publication in the United States, reviewing his Solution in Asia, declared: “Tt is interesting to note that Trud, the Soviet trade-union newspaper, has given Solution in Asia a long review and has quoted extensively from it. “Tt must be a pleasure to the Russians to read an American book about Asia which recognizes the solid basis for Soviet prestige there.” Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARLEY M. KILGORE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 25 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. KILGORE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in XCVI—App.——253 the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Louis Johnson: Bulldog of United States Defense,” by Tris Coffin, published in the June 1950 issue of Cor- onet magazine. There being no objection» the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Lovis JoHNson: EBuLLpoG or UNrTEep STaTEs DEFENSE (By Tris Coffin) . United States Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson, a big restless American with enough vitality and endurance for a dozen men, has finally landed the job he sought for years. The job is to make sure you and I are not destroyed in a sudden attack by an enemy equipped with the hideous weap- ons that modern science has produced. As a result, Johnson is the second most powerful man in Washington, a top archi- tect of Allied policy, and an administrator described by Herbert Hoover as the best in the Truman administration. However, the Gridiron Club, famed group of newspapermen in Washington, recently described Johnson’s work in a parody of the popular song, A Wonderful Guy: “All by myself I am the whole Army; I’m the Navy, and Air Force, too. I nod my head and the Congress plays dead, and now I have the White House in view.” The Secretary, who is called Louie or Colonel Johnson by friends, is tall and well built, has eyes that look out shrewdly and directly, and a voice which is surpris- ingly soft. Like an old-time Army top ser- geant, he sums up men and events swiftly, and makes blunt decisions. Such traits are not recently acquired; all his life, Johnson has led the fight himself, rather than give orders from the side lines. As corporation lawyer, American Legion pol- itician, Assistant Secretary of War, and Dem~- ocratic Party fund raiser, the present chief of United States defenses has thrived on hard work and conflict. Today in Washington, the world capital where sneak plays and hidden-ball tricks are accepted strategy, Johnson is the rare exception. He prefers the old-fashioned, head-down, line buck. An intimate summed it up good-naturedly when he said, “Louis would rather try to kick his way through a brick wall than climb over it.” Most of Washington’s bureaucratic gen- erals never enter a battle without elaborate feeling-out tactics. These might include a planted story in a Washington column, a remark dropped at a cocktail party, or an attempt to gain a rival’s confidence by pro- fuse friendship. But not Johnson. He has no cultivated friends among the press; he does not go to cocktail parties. Another significant clue to his personality is a casual remark he made during the recent bitter attack on him by Navy admirals and their adherents. A friend asked: “How can you be so calm? Congress is after your hide. Newspapers, and radio com- mentators are demanding your resignation.” The Secretary said quietly, “You forget. I was vaccinated in Washington before.” This is an understatement. Johnson went through a cruel ordeal as Assistant Secretary of War from 1937 until the summer of 1940. During that period, President Roosevelt felt he needed in the “Little Cabinet” a figure to represent the growing clamor among vet- erans’ groups for rearmament and to balance the isolationist tenor of some leading New Dealers. | So Roosevelt selected Johnson, ex-National Commander of the Legion, and a minor figure in Democratic politics. Johnson was sup- posed to sit quietly, take orders, and keep the Legion off the administration’s back. In A4013 this job Johnson failed gloriously, as witness this story, never told before: Early in 1940, a memo was submitted to Assistant Secretary Johnson by Col. James H. Burns, today a major general and John- son’s geopolitician, The report said war with Germany and Japan was inevitable, and that the United States would need a million- man army and some $9,000,000,000 for arms. Johnson read the report carefully, turned to Burns, and said, “This is good. Take it down to the general staff and tell them I want it approved in half an hour.” The program was initialed within half an hour and Johnson bore it triumphantly to the White House for an historic meeting. He outlined the plan while Roosevelt puffed thoughtfully on a cigarette. Harry Hopkins sat in a corner. Gen. George C. Marshall, Chief of Staff, listened intently. William S. Knudsen, the automobile production wizard and later codirector of the Office of Pro- duction Management, nodded at each recom- mendation. When Johnson finished speaking, the President said: “I think in big terms, but this is too big. The American people Will say I am leading them to war.” Knudsen, who had been primed by Johbn- son, spoke up in @ voice heavy with the accent of his native Denmark: “Mr. Presi- dent, do you want planes?” “Yes, Bill; but not $9,000,000,000 worth.” Knudsen kept on stubbornly: “You want planes. I need money.” Sighing, Roosevelt said: “All right. I accept the plan as far as planes are con- cerned.” The industrialist plunged on: “Mr. Presi- dent, do you want tanks?” Roosevelt looked quizzically at Johnson. Then he said: “I approve your program in toto. But let me start with a smaller figure. You make this less than five billion, and IT can sell that to the public.” All during the prewar era Johnson was persuaded by Roosevelt to play an unhappy game of deception. The President feared the vigorous intervention policies of Johnson would injure him politically if he openly supported the Assistant Secretary. Also, Roosevelt was loath to fire Secretary of War Harry Woodring. So the President told Johnson to report directly to him, but to come in the side door. Meanwhile, key ad- ministration officials concerned with pre- paredness were told to cooperate with John- son. . A sample of Johnson’s technique was the way he got American arms to the British after the bitter defeat at Dunkirk. The Assistant Secretary insisted that a large quantity of American Army rifles be declared surplus and sold to Britain. Woodring refused to approve the deal. The Assistant Secretary waited until Wood- ring was out of town. Then he declared the rifles surplus and ordered them sold to Brit- ain. With this off his chest, he went to the White House, reported what he had done, and said, in jest: “Mr. President, if I have violated the law, I would like your promise of a pardon—in writing.” Roosevelt wrote a chit, “Louis, if you go to jail, P11 go with you.” The President, however, did not always back up his hard-driving Assistant Secretary of War so solidly. This was due to a curious combination of Johnson’s own ambitions and the President’s faculty for appearing to promise the moon with green cheese. The moon, to Johnson, was to get the title of Secretary of War. Roosevelt later added the green cheese by suggesting in an impulsive moment that Johnson would make an ideal Vice President for the 1940 ticket. Johnson took both these promises seri- ously. His first jolt was at the Democratic National Convention in July. Cheerful ana expectant, be strode into the hotel room where Hopkins and the city bosses were
A4014 picking a Vice President. The men looked up with glazed, weary eyes, and one js re- ported to have said, “Oh, my God, another hopeful.” The left wing of the New Deal feared John- son, whom they glibly labeled an American Legion conservative. They cut his throat politically, and Henry A. Wallace was nom- inated for Vice President. But this was only a warm-up for the big disillusionment, the one which so toughened Johnso: that he can now say calmly, “I’ve been vaccinated in Washington before.” A few days after the convention, Johnson was called to the White House, presumably to be appointed Secretary of War. It was a tense gathering. Steve Early, the White House press secretary and Johnson’s one steady friend in the inner circle, looked glum. Roosevelt was too friendly. Felix Frankfurter, a New Deal idea man before he became a Supreme Court Justice, had sold a great thought to the President. If Roosevelt, he argued, appointed Republi- cans as Secretaries of War and Navy, the GOP would he seriously weakened in the campaign. The news was broken to Johnson at this White House meeting. Anger flashed in his eyes, his fists knotted. Bernard Baruch went to him and said gently, “Son, don’t do any- thing you will regret later. Keep your tem- per.” On July 25, Johnson handed in his resig- nation. Then, bitter and lonely, he left Washington on a train for the West. He was followed by his friend Early, who said soothingly that no one would blame John- son if he rocked Washington by revealing the indignities he had suffered. But he would be a bigger man if he took his dis- aprrintment in silence. Johnson accepted the wise counsel. But from that day, he worked to be, ultimately, boss of the American Defense Establishment. Actually, the tough joh of Secretary of Defense is almost tailor-made for Johnson, As a heavyweight boxer at the University of Virginia, he could outfight any man, and did. At 26 and a young lawyer, he was a hustling Democratic floor leader and committee chalr- man in the West Virginia Legislature. A year later, he was fighting through the Meuse-Argonne offensive of World War I. Returning home as a colonel, he helped organize the Legion and rose to be com- mander in 1932. Of and on, Roosevelt brought him to Washington for public and political chores. His longest stretch was as Assistant Secretary of War from 1937 to 1940. His last mission for Roosevelt was to India as the President’s personal representative. Johnson brought home the friendship of India’s Gandhi and Nehru. In the 1948 political campaign, Johnson pitched in and raised money for what many thought was a hopeless cause, the reelection of Harry Truman. He was rewarded by nomination for Secretary of Defense on March 3, 1949. Johnson has done a remarkable job in two fields—military strategy and administration. He has also acquired more enemies than all the rest of the Cabinet combined. When Johnson came to the Pentagon Building last year, the Joint Chiefs of Staff were deadlocked on strategy. The Air Force was preaching that an armada of B-36 bomb- ers, capable of striking any target in the world, could win a war. The Navy retorted that giant aircraft carriers, surrounded by protective warships, were the secret to vic- tory. Meanwhile, the Army insisted that foot troops were needed to win objectives and hold them. Bluntly, Johnson told the Joint Chiefs: “We are not going to dissipate our strength by having two or three different strategies. That will eat up money we can’t afford to waste.” Then he laid down the law. The B-36, or any later model of long-range bomber, would be the global striking force to retaliate against surprise Soviet blows. ( The hydrogen bomb, which Johnson argued for in the recent wrangle within the adminis- tration, could burn Moscow to the ground.) Ground troops of our European allies should be equigped and trained to hold against Russian tanks, infantry, and bomb- ers. We should be willing to accept as al- lies any nation without aggressive aims, re- gardless of its politics. This would include both Communist Yugoslavia and Fascist Spain. The American Army should be kept alerted, so that it could be enlarged, equipped, and sent to vital points in the shortest possible time. The role of the Navy was to convoy troops and supplies, and keep the seas free of enemy suomarines. To make sure there was no backsliding, Johnson halted construction of the Navy’s suber-aircreft carrier. He stood stonily and calmly while being excoriated by the ad~- mirals and their friends. He defied the wily chamman of the House Armed Services Com~ mittee, Cart Vinson. The only concession Johnson made was to allow the Marines to remain as a separate elite force. The other side of his shield, the adminis- trative side, has earned Johnson both ap- plause and epithets. The Secretary cut $1,-. 200,000,000 from the defense budget, and lopped 141,300 civilian employees from the payroll. The mere thought of such mayhem would make most politicians shudder, since each of the 141,300 has a Congressman or relatives who are loyal party workers. . Characteristically, the Secretary announced his reforms at an open meeting, to which he had invited all Senators and Congress- men whose districts would be affected by economies. They came with fire in their eyes. He outlined the cuts and said firmly, “Y personally will tolerate no WPA in de- fense.” Johnson could not have carried his econ- omy program through without a well-knit team of assistants. His chief advisers in- clude Under Secretary Early, the master dip- jomat who has saved the blunt Secretary from many a blunder, and Louis Renfrow, a jovial Reserve officer and friend of President Truman for more than 30 years. But even with Renirow browsing around the White House, the palace guard slyly plants stories that Johnson is on the Pres- ident’s black list. The reason for these ru- mors is the suspicion, which Truman takes with a grain of salt, that the Secretary of Defense is running all out for the Presi- dency, To a friend who recently asked him point-blank wnether he was a candidate, Johnson replied candidly: “When I am through with this job, I couldn’t run for dog catcher!” Johnson is a realist. He would like, of course, to sit in the White House. But in his heart the Secretary knows the chances are dim. He has enemies in every hotel lob- by, every cocktail salon, every politicians’ stag party in Washington. He is a conserva- tive in an administration that proudly in- vites the label of “welfare state.” Although Johnson’s name appears daily in the newspapers, the door is firmly closed on his private life. He does not drink with “the boys,” and he avoids Washington so- ciety. Every week end, weather permitting, he flies into a different life at his home in’ Clarksburg, W. Va. His first act at home is to walk alone beneath the trees. The gardens are full of wild flowers, and orchids flourish in the greenhouse. An acquaintance, seeing the blooms for the first time, asked Johnson curiously, “How long have you gardened?” The aloof mood left him, replaced by a boyish grin, “From childhood. The first APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD money I ever made was from selling beans I’d grown.” A photograph in Johnson's office gives an- other glimpse beneath the surface. It is the sensitive face of a w™*3 77+ or. Pandit Neh- ru, Prime Minister ¢. 2:4" The inscrip- tion is “To Louis, in friendship.” At the end of a day, in the early evening, Johnson will walk to his office window. There he will stand quietly, looking at the Jefferson Memorial across the Potomac River. Then, cheerfully, he will stride into the outer Office where secretaries are locking up their desks and say heartily, “Can I give anyone a lift over the bridge to Washington?” Pass the Atlantic Union Resolution Now EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN R. WALSH OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 25, 1950 Mr. WALSH. Mr. Speaker, the Mem- bers of this House are gratified I am sure at the recent success of the Secre- tary of State in London. It has resulted in definite steps toward increasing the security of the Atlantic area. Twelve nations cannot effectively build a collec- tive defense unless their efforts are under the guidance of some permanent body equipped to coordinate their efforts. Such a body is now to be created, con- sisting of the deputies of the foreign ministers and charged with considering forces and their costs “as one and not Separate problems.” - Twelve nations cannot economically build a collective defense if each of them maintains balanced forces. That leads to wasteful duplications which the At- lantic democracies cannot now afford. For efficiency in defense, as in business, specialization is necessary. The Atlan- tic Council has now reached an agiee- ment on the necessity for ‘balanced col- lective forces’ instead of balanced national forces, which is another step forward in defense of the area which is the heart of our modern civilization. These are steps in the right direc- tion, toward integration of the defense and the power of the Atlantic area. But, Mr. Speaker, they are only steps, steps which are actually dwarfed by the needs and the dangers we face. It is well to be gratified by the fact that they are being taken. But it would be folly to believe that they are enough. There is not much time left before the threat to the Western World will become much more acute than it is now. Competent observers have pointed out in the press that Russia’s military prepa- rations will be completed by 1952 or 1253. By 1952 it must be expected that Russia will have enough atomic bombs to inflict devastating damage on the cities and war industries of the West. In this same year, 1952, the Marshall plan will end and our own country will be engaged in a presidential election. At that time it will be particularly vul- nerable to Soviet propaganda and cold- war offensives.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There appears little possibility, in- deed, that the steps taken at London and their further implementation by diplomatic methods will produce ade- quate defense for security by 1952. Something more, something broader, more comprehensive, and more conclu- sive is needed if we are to surmount the developing crisis of the Western World. To appreciate this, Mr. Speaker, it is necessary to outline briefly some of the things which the policies agreed upon at London, and even their further impli- cation, will not achieve. These policies are essentially military, geared to the hope of forestalling a hot war. They do not meet the pressing problem of the cold war. The Secre- tary of State himself has warned us that we are in a situation where we could lose without ever firing a shot, Furthermore, because these policies are primarily military, they play into the hands of those groups in Europe who are advocating even more vehemently withdrawal into a neutral position as regards Russia and the United States. To this extent, these steps may tend to- ward disruption of the Atlantic com- munity. These policies, morever, do not rebuild the economic strength of western Eu- rope; at the best they will reduce the drain on European economic strength caused by rearmament. Yet, until the people of western Europe, who are more numerous than we Americans, have re- gained economic strength, the United States must carry a disproportionate share of the total burden of Atlantic defense. These policies, furthermore, do not appear likely to bring about more than a partial integration of Atlantic defense during the next 2 years. It is most un- likely that unity of command, full uni- fication of forces, and complete stand- ardization of weapons and procurement can be achieved by diplomatic methods during this short period. If, then, policies are inadequate to safeguard our security and deal effec- tively with the cold war, what policy would be adequate? Mr. Speaker, there is one policy open to us now which would provide an over~all and comprehensive answer to these problems. It is a policy of democracy rather than diplomacy, set forth in companion resolutions which were introduced into the House on July 26, 1949. This resolution, which has been given. extensive hearings by the Foreign Affairs Committee, would explore the possibili- ties of integrating the Atlantic democra- cies into an Atlantic union. The re- solving clause reads as follows: Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That the President is requested to invite the democracies which sponsored the North Atlantic Treaty to name delegates, representing their principal politi- cal parties, to meet this year with delegates of the United States in a Federal Convention to explore how far their peoples, and the peo- ples of such other democracies as the con- vention may invite to send delegates, can apply among them, within the framework of the United Nations, the principles of free federal union. An Ailantic union would more than repair the deficiencies of our existing diplomatic policies which I have outlined above. It could bring about rapidly and completely unity of command, unifica- tion of forces, standardization of weap-~ ons and procurement, and a maximurna of specialization. All these results would lead to extensive savings in de- fense costs, Creation of an Atlantic union, more- over, would rapidly lead to the rebuild- ing of the economic strength of western Europe. The establishment of one huge economic area of more than 300,000,000 people would provide Europeans with a huge new outlet for industrial produc- tion. It would open the way to a mighty flood of private capital to modernize and increase their productive capacity, as former Under Secretary of State Will Clayton has testified. As a result west- ern Europe would become able to bear its proper share of the union’s defense. Such a union would greatly decrease, and perhaps eliminate, existing fears of a third world war. The union would be too strong to be defeated by war, so strong that it need not fear attack, as former Secretary of War Robert P. Pat- terson has stated. It would, moreover, increase its strength and expand the frontiers of freedom as it included addi- tional free peoples by common consent. The union’s strength, increasing pros- perity and the expansion of freedom it brought about, would rapidly turn the tide in the cold war. It would win the minds of men everywhere by affording them a hope of ultimate participation. Communists within it would shrink to an insignificant minority while Commu- nist propaganda beyond the iron cur- tain would lose its present appeal. The democracies would obtain and keep the initiative as they spread freedom over the face of the earth, as peoples outside the Atlantic area sought to create freer institutions in order to become eligible for membership and turned to the union more and more for markets and invest- ments. Soviet Russia, unable to attack the union, would be compelled to devote more and more of its energies to main- taining its grip on the restive popula- tions it now controls. At the same time, the influential Eu- ropean movement toward neutrality would recede. This movement is based on military fears; its participants aspire to economic unity. The union would be political and economic as well as military, affording them what they seek and re- moving the existing basis for their. fears. Finally, the union could furnish an enduring solution to the problem of Ger- many by including the western Germans among its peoples at a relatively early date. This would terminate the danger of another German dictatorship and en- list German strength and skills perma- nently on the side of the west. Mr. Speaker, Atlantic union is the pol- icy which the developing world crisis makes urgently necessary. Nothing less is adequate to meet the problems with which we are faced. Anything less means growing danger from the cold war, grow- ing risk of a third world war, and a A4015 growing menace to the cities of our country and of western Europe. Any- thing less is likely to be too little and too late. Some Members of this House may ask, “Is it not already too late? Is it not too late today to form an Atlantic union?” Mr. Speaker, the fact that such a question can be asked is in itself a com- pelling reason for early action, for pas- sage of the Atlantic union resoluticn at this session. If we do that, we shall not be too late. Passage of the resolution at this ses- sion would enable the President to con- voke the convention it proposes, either by the end of this year or early in 1951. By the end of 1951, it is true, the con- vention might still be in session, for its task will be exceedingly complex. But by that time it will at least have com- pleted much of its spadework and be well on its way to concrete proposals for union. By the end of 1951, accordingly, if not before, the fears and frustration of the free world will have been replaced by hope and confidence, and the eyes of the rest of the non-Communist world will be focused upon the convention. These results alone can turn the tide in the cold war. Epoch-making events cast their shadows ahead. Communism everywhere will be forced upon the defensive. Its leaders in the Kremlin will no longer be able to hope that they can split the Atlantic commu- nity, since peoples engaged in discussing union will stand together under threat or even attack. For this reason, the convention alone will reduce the danger of war. It is likely also to modify the political warfare which the men in the Kremlin are waging against us, since they will realize that the more aggres- sively they act, the more they will impel the democracies toward union. We must not overlook, moreover, the beneficial effects which the convention will have upon our foreign policy. All further steps toward Atlantic integra- tion by diplomatic means will be easier to carry out if the Atlantic democracies are exploring union. Constructive ac- tion is promoted by an atmosphere of hope. And all other governments out- side the iron curtain will be more open to the views of our diplomatic repre- sentatives if they see the United States and the other democracies exploring a union which would transform the des- tiny of mankind. I wish to stress here that passage of this resolution, House Concurrent Reso- lutions 107-111, would not obstruct our foreign policy. The Marshall plan, the implementation of the Atlantic Pact, and our manifold diplomatic activities in all parts of the world would continue. For the reasons I have outlined above, pass- age of the resolution would facilitate our foreign policy besides providing our Government with an electrifying idea with which to win the minds of men. Passage of this resolution would not commit the Congress or the American people to do anything more than to ex- plore Atlantic union. If the conven- tion should, as I believe it would, report
A4016 out concrete proposals fer union, these would, of course, require the acceptance of the Congress and the American peo- ple in accordance with our constitutional procedures. Finally, Mr. Speaker, the voice of the people, the people we represent, is begin- ning to call for this action. Far-seeing editers cf some of our leading newspapers have during recent months called for ex- ploration of Atlantic union. The Gallup poll, rcleased today, prevides some very striking figures on this growing trend of public opinion. According to this poll, 72 percent believed it a good or fair idea for the Atlantic Pact countries to worx out a closer relationship or union, while only 14 percent thought it a poor idea. Furthermore, 44 percent of the public believed it a good or fair idea for the United States to join with these other countries in a federal union—thai is something like the way the 48 States in this country are joined together, whereas only 41 percent throught it a poor idea. If 44 percent, comprising 52 percent of those expressing an opinion, favor join- ing a federal union comparable to our closely integrated United States, how many more would favor passage of a resolution merely to explore the possi- bilities of creating a union likely to be far less closely integrated than the United States? Mr. Speaker, in passing this resolution we have nothing to Jose and a world to win—a world of peace, prosperity, and expanding freedom, We, the Congress, cannot escape history and we should not evade our responsibility to the American people. If we fail to pass the Atlantic union resolution at this session, we will be turning our backs on our responsi- bility, taking a chance with the destiny of our country and leaving the American people to rely for their safety upon diplo- matic methods which have proved inade- quate. We must pass this resolution now. We will then have done our part, as representatives of the people, to safe- guard our country and to guide it onto a broad open way leading to ever-in- creasing welfare, happiness, and free- dom. . Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BRENT SPENCE OF KENTUCKY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 25, 1950 Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks, I wish to in- clude the following editorial which ap- peared in the Louisville (Ky.) Courier- Journal of May 20, 1950: A SENSIBLE COMPROMISE ON RENT CONTROL Brent SpENcE’s record on rent control is such that one is inclined to take at full value his current analysis of the subject. Compromise, he says, is the order of the day— and a compromise rent-control bill is the only one that has a chance of being passed by Congress, : The compromise endorsed by the House Banking Committee and its chairman seems areasonable one. Its local-cption provisions would put squarely up to individual city governments the question of ending all con- trols June 30, "1950, when the present act expires, or of extending them for 6 months beyond December 31, 1950, when, under the new measure, all controls would end unless the people or the governing bodies of indi- vidual cities voted for a further 6-month extension. In the meantime, of course, if the economic or political reaction warranted, Congress would have time to think again. In putting rent control into the hands of lozal officials and local voters, the new bill is a grass-rcots improvement over the pres- ent arrangement whereby cities must obtain permission of the State government to de- control. In some cisviss, beyond doubt, con- trols would be dropped precipitately. In others, where the lack of rental housing for low-income groups is great enough to pro- duce tangible ballot-box pressure, they would be retained. From the lobbying activities of their may- ors and union leaders, it seems likely that most big cities would retain controls. The extent of Louisville’s shortage has long been disputed, but we suspect that it is still great enough to deter the board of aldermen from any precipitate action in removing the Fed- eral ceilings. Experience in cities which al- ready have decontrolled indicates that rent increases would be highest for those least able to pay, and since low-income groups here of necessity have long been bypassing the boasted abundance of quarters available at $75 to $160 a month, aldermanic action could scarcely be justified before a factual survey showed that there was indeed no longer a shortage of low-rent housing avail- able for those thousands of Louisvillians making $50 a week or less. There is still some doubt, of course, whether even a compromise rent-control bill will be approved by Congress. Some land- lords admittedly have suffered economic in- justice under rent control before remedial steps were provided by law, and almost all object, understandably, to-having their busi- ness singled out for price regulation while others are free to charge whatever, they think the traffic will bear. But the whole prin-~ ciple of rent control resulted from a war- caused shortage in which the old element of competition for renters had disappeared completely. Until that element is restored there will remain not only the social and economic necessity but also the political wisdom of controls. That nonpartisan belief, though often at- tacked as socialistic, was ringingly reafirmed by the Republican Legislature of New York this spring, and Gov. Thomas E. Dewey, not an unambitious man, took open pride in the fact that the Republican act was much more stringent than the formula offered by his Democratic opposition, Most Congress~ men in this election year, we suspect, will be moved at least toward local-option compro~ mise by this example of grass-roots republi- canism. Expenditure of Public Money EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH BUTLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 25 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. BUTLER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Appendix of the Recorp an editorial en- titled “State Spenders Are Active,” pub- lished in the Omaha Daily Journal- Stockman on May 22, 1980. There being no objection, the editcrial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Strate SpenpERS Arr ACTIVE Figures recently released by the Census Bureau indicate that the spending bug does not confine its nibblings to the Washington bureaucrats, politicians, and free riders, but rather finds equally lush pickings under the domes of our State capitols. The 48 State governments spent $791,000,000 more than they took in during the last fiscal year. The total spending figure, around $11,782,600,000 for all States, constituted a 13-percent gain over the preceding year and close to a whop- ping $7 percent more than in 1945. With the exception of bonus payments to veterans, - which dropped off somewhat in 1949, every major component of State expenditure showed an increase, the Bureau reports. The many functions lumped under the vague heading of “State operating expenses” accounted for nearly half of the total amount spent and exceeded the previous year by 14 percent, Seven of the forty-eight States, however, did not follow the pack into the throes of debt and deficit. Rather, they managed to keep their financial legs on solid footing and stay within their incomes. These included Illinois, Nebraska, Michigan, Connecticut, New Jersey, New York, and Rhode Island. While the spenders in Washington make the collective States look like amateurs by comparison, it is quite obvious that easy~ money policies at the public’s expense are in force all up and down the Government line. As any family head knows, running into debt is at best a very poor temporary solution to financial problems, and invites pankruptcy when continued in times of pros- perity, It is little wonder that the remote Federal Government gets away with slipshod finance when the States, which are much closer to the voter and taxpayer, are per~ mitted to continue such lavish spending beyond income. New GI Bill Housing-Loan Provisions Are Revealed—-VA May Make Loans EXTENSION OF REMARKS ‘OF HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEPRRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 25, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. Speaker, the following interesting news item was taken from the Broken Bow Chief, of Broken Bow, Nebr., and I believe presents some information which is of value to veterans throughout the Nation, as well as lawyers and other people who want to be regarded as well-informed persons; it should receive wider publicity than it has received heretofore: Lincoun.—More than 105,000 World War II veterans in Nebraska who have not yet availed themselves of loan-guaranty rights provided in the GI bill will find their home- loan benefits greatly enhanced by provisions contained in the Housing Act of 1950, a law recently signed by the President, Some of the important changes in the GI home-loan program which will result from the new law were outlined today by Ashley
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Westmoreland, Lincoln regional office mana-~ ger. Westmoreland said the regulations and procedures necessary to place the new pro- visions into effect are now being drafted by the VA, and will be issued as soon as possible, The VA official said principal changes in the GI home-loan program include: 1. Increasing the amount of the VA’s guar- anty on an eligible veteran’s home loan to 60 percent of the loan up to a maximum guaranty of $7,500. Previously, the VA could guarantee 50 percent of the loan up to a maximum of $4,000. 2. Making unremarried widows of veter- ans who died in service or from service-con- nected causes after discharge, eligible for the GI loan benefits to which their husbands would have been entitled. 3. Combination Federal Housing Adminis- tration-GI loans to veterans—which cur- rently represent about one-third of the vol- ume in veterans’ loans—will be eliminated after next October 20. 4. The maximum period of time over which home loans may be made repayable is ex- tended from 25 years to 30 years, thus pro- viding lower monthly payments. 5, Effective in mid-July, the VA is author- ized to make direct Government loans at 4 percent to eligible veterans in certain areas where 4 percent home financing is not avail- able from other sources. A total of $150,- 000,000 was made available until July 1, 1951, for direct-loan purposes. No direct loan may exceed $10,000 and veterans must meet all the qualifications for a regular GI loan, in- cluding credit and income requirements. Westmoreland said the law also grants the VA authority to establish certain minimum construction requirements for new construc-~ tion; permits the VA in certain circum- stances to restore loan-guaranty rights to veterans who used their entitlement to pur- chase property which later is taken through condemnation or is destroyed by fire or other natural hazard; directs the agency to issue regulations limiting fees and other charges which may be made against builders and vet- erans in connection with the construction and sale of GI loan-financed homes, and in- cludes provisions to make GI loams for farm dwellings easier to obtain. Since the GI-loan program started in late 1944, more than 14,500 veterans in Nebraska had been granted GI loans for home, farm, or business purposes. The loans approved totaled $60,414,820. The VA official said the deadline for most veterans in applying for GI loans is July 25, 1957. United and Positive Policy in the Struggle Against Commmanism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. IRVING M. IVES OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 25 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1850 Mr. IVES. Mr. President, I ask unani- mous consent to have inserted in the Ap- pendix of the REcorD an important ex- cerpt from the address by the Reverend Laurence J. McGinley, S. J., president of Fordham University, on the evening of Wednesday, May 24, at the annual meet- ing of the New Jersey Club of the Ford- ham University Alumni Association in Newark, in which Father McGinley makes a strong plea for an end to petty recrimination and partisan maneuver- “pility, not a partisan adventure. ing in favor of a united and positive policy in the struggle against commu- nism. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rsecorp, as follows: There is an hour, in which to each nation is offered its time of greatness. For our coun- try that time is now, In a few short years history will judge all of us for the steps we took, and the steps we did not take, in this world crisis. The complications and exc.te- ments that bewilder us now will be seen in proper perspective then. To see them now with that same clarity, to disregard now the minor irritations and to foster the ideas and actions and attitudes which will save the world—this is our challenge. If we meet it, we will have had our finest hour. Any hour of crisis, even the greatest, is made of many smaller crises. One such re- cently was of concern to Fordham. I was convinced and I remain convinced that 1t was necessary to defend Professor Budenz as @ sincere and a courageous man. I do not wish to prolong that issue, however, nor do I intend my defense of the personal charac- ter of Louis Budenz to be used by anyone for partisan advantage or political profit. Rather I am concerned with the far more important fact that if ever there was a chal- lenge which should carry us above the in- terest of any party, which should make us disregard economic advantage, which should even extend our vision beyond strategic mli- tary position, it is the challenge of the world today. In such an hour it seems to me that the atiitudes demanded of all of us are: The spirit of unity, a positive approach, and a spirit of generosity. In particular, I would voice a plea for a really international men- tality, positive, large-minded and bipartisan in the sense that it is truly nonpartisan. Only if such an attitude is profoundly shared in our policy toward other countries can we afford the divisions of partisanship on our own home scene. And only then will these divisions maintain their proper per- spective. Division in a crisis is the most serious disease that can attack us. Our need now is not for consuming fear and suspicion, put for those great and hberal decisions which will alone give spiritual focus and energy to a people. Our need is for respect toward those of all parties who have the re- sponsibility to make these decisions. All will agree, though with various meas- ures of alarm, that communism is a most serious threat to our Nation and the world. The question is, how best to fight it? The answer calls for vision and perspective. Cer- tainly the Christian conscience, borne down py the weight of the tasks to be done—both the good things to be built up and the evils to be cured—will place the positive side of the struggle in the forefront. The unity of our people, the unification of Eu- rope and its continued economic rehabilita- tion, the Marshall plan, the point 4 program for undeveloped countries, the United Na- tions prudent measures of defense, presen- tation of a positive spiritual idea which will appeal to the whole world because it solves and transcends purely politico-economic problems—these are some of the great things to be done. Anything else, though it may have its place, must never overshadow such a united attitude, generous and positive. Investi- gations and trials may and at times must have their place in the picture. They should mever obstruct the serious international ideals and work of government. Even the difficulty of China should be kept propor- tionate to the whole vast crisis of which it is only a part. It should be faced on the level of the crisis itself, as a national responsi- It would be tragic indeed if we allowed excessive A4017 concern for the elements of any one failure to render us incapable of the far greater achievements which still remain before us. Our obligation is to total wisdom and it is a grave obligation on the conscience of all men of good will. As far as the political attitude of the Catholic Church is concerned, no single man or group is entitled to speak for her. There- fore, neither do I. She is above the political order end ig ron yertices in the most spiritual sense /° “iio ‘omG. Sc belongs neither to the right nor ta the left. Neither is she con- servative. The church will always exercise the judgments of God on events and pro- grams, so far as they touch the world of faith and morals. She is compelled only by her own program, which forces her to be inter- ested in the common good of all nations. The individual Catholic is free to choose in the political order and no one dictates to him. But he is not free to leave behind him the large and positive spirituality of the Christian. He should know instinctively that it is not enough to be anti-Communist, He will always be interested in the poor be- cause there are so many of them. He will be concerned with justice. He will criticize boldly—-but he must always be more than a critic. If our Nation is to accept the opportunity for leadership we have before us now, we must realize that the risks are frightening, But we must also realize that what is at stake is not the protection of one or even many interests in many nations. All over the world men are becoming aware of their potentialities as men. They are struggling to realize these potentialities in new forms of political and social life. This struggle is strong in the West and it is doubly strong among the peoples of the East. What is at stake ‘in our moment of greatness is man himself: the dignity and perfection of the human person. In such an hour, we as Americans and Catholics have a double obligation, of pa- triotism and religion, to keep our vision clear. If is my own sincere belief that we as Ameri- can Catholics are obliged to do all in our ‘power, by prayer and act, to further an un- selfish, positive, and united international policy on the part of our Government as the sole hope for world order and world peace. This is no time for petty recrimination. Neither the cajolery of our seeming friends nor a natural antipathy for our traditional opponents must thrust us into the separatist and divisive postion of a Catholic bloc. The temptation to permit this now is great. It is imperative that we resist it. No minor crises, no partisan maneuvering must be allowed to distract our purpose or divide our loyalties at such an hour as this. Green Frontiers EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLIFFORD R. HOPE OF KANSAS IN 'THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 25, 1950 Mr. HOPE. Mr. Speaker, at the fif- teenth annual National Farm Chemurgic Convention held in Washington last Mareh a notable address on the value and importance of agricultural research was delivered by Wheeler McMillen, president of the council and editor in chief of the Farm Journal. I believe that this address which is entitled “Green Frontiers” and which
AAO18 graphically and eloquently describes the possibilities of agricultural research will be of interest to every Member of Con- gress. For that reason, under permission to extend my remarks, I include this address. It follows: GREEN FRONTIERS The photograph which I hold up for your view is a picture of a buggy. For those of you who do not know this object from expe- rience, I might explain that a buggy is a horse-drawn vehicle which was used for the transportation of human beings in those days of antiquity which preceded the motor age. The market for buggies began to decline when low-priced automobiles became avail- able to the general public. The manufac- turers in the industry discovered that they had a buggy problem. They could make more buggies than the public demanded. In those medieval times there was no such thing as parity for buggies. There was no Government system of buggy price supports, flexible or nonflexible. Some of the buggy manufacturers went into the automobile business where they rnade a great deal of money and created large numbers of new jobs. The automobile was better than the buggy. Vast new stores of purchasing power were created by the enter- prise which supplied the demand. Conse= quently, today a higher proportion of Amer-~ ican families enjoy automobiles than ever owned buggies. The object I now hold in my hand is a potato, The potato is agriculture’s 1950 model buggy. The potato manufacturers are producing more of this model than the public demands. This situation has arisen at a juncture in time when people have been let to expect impossible things from the Government, The administration of Government has been bitterly and raucously criticized for what it has done about potatoes. Much of this criticism has been entirely unjustified and nearly all of it has completely missed its proper mark. Government should not be criticized only for having engaged in an effort which has proved less than successful. Government can fairly be criticized for hav- ing attempted to do something entirely be- yond the capacity of Government to accomplish. GIRAFFES CANNOT DRIVE You could give a giraffe a license to drive an automobile. You could give the giraffe permission to take your car onto the high- ways. Neither the license nor the permis- sion would enable him to drive the car. Such a performance would be entirely be- yond his capacity. No giraffe was ever cut out by nature to become a chauffeur. Neither is it within the capabilities of Government to direct the planting of crops or to determine the price at which they shall be sold. Every such attempt in history has come to an unsuccessful end, usually to the ‘accompaniment of disaster. The potato growers of the United States do not have available a new crop to plant in the sense that the buggy manufacturers of 50 years ago found a new industry awaiting their enterprise. If they did now have a new crop to which to turn, which promised equal or better profits, they would take it up. Potato growers are good farmers. They have thoroughly demonstrated their ability to adapt themselves to new methods and new circumstances. In fact, their adaptability has contributed to the embarrassment of the Government. If the potato men could now turn to a new crop, not more than 10 or 20 percent of them would need to go into the new business in order to prevent the recurrence of potato surpluses. Some such percentage would prevent the troublesome portion of the crep from being produced, and would therefore eliminate, probably permanently, the situa- tion which has tempted Government to reach into the taxpayer’s purse. Incidentally, this endeavor in behalf of potato farmers since the end of the war has cost the people of the United States about 429,000,000 in taxes. Handling the 1948 crop cost about $224,000,000. Indications are that the outlay for the 1949 crop will be $80,600,000. That will make more than $300,000,000 potato outlay for the 1948 and 1949 crops—three times as much for potatoes as for all the agricultural research, including market and statistical research. That sum of $300,000,000 approximately equals the Government receipts for 2 years from all the “nuisance taxes” collected from levies on luggage, handbags, wallets, toilet preparations, sporting goods, photographic apparatus, radio receiving sets, phonographs, phonograph records, and musical instru- ments. In other words, without the potato ex- penditure the excise taxes on that list of items could have been repealed, and the Federal deficit would have remained about the same. The money did not settle the potato question. I remind you that I am not voicing a criticism of Government nor of the present administration. Government has simply re- sponded to what has been presumed to be a public demand that it undertake to do some good. If it has made mistakes, its mistakes have been made because Government has been urged to attempt a feat beyond the capacity of giraffes or governments to per- form. Government cannot repeal the laws of nature nor the laws of human nature. GOVERNMENT CAN HELP RESEARCH The potato problem can be solved. It can be solved permanently. It can be solved in full obedience to the laws of nature. All that is necessary is to find enough facts. If an alternative crop that is sufficiently attractive can be found, the recurrence of the problem can be prevented. If, as may be less likely, sufficiently profitable new uses could be ‘found for potatoes, the problem might be cured. The search for facts and the search for new crops are entirely within the capacity and within the proper province of government. Private: industrial initiative cannot under- take all the broad research needed for the general welfare. It has accomplished many great gains for agriculture, but certain kinds of scientific research have to be begun by government. Come scientific research is be- ing done by government, but not nearly enough. The idea that new crops be found to pre- vent recurrent agricultural surpluses is neither imaginative nor theoretical. It is thoroughly established by experience. The potato itself was once a new crop in Europe and became a new crop in what is now the United States. Wheat, cotton, oats, barley, rye—in fact, all but a few of our common plants came to this territory since the first arrival of the white man. Rubber is a new crop in the East Indies. Soybeans are a new crop in the United States; a mew crop re- turning some $600,000,000 annually to farm-~ ers and many millions of added value from processing. A fact well known to students of chemurgy, still new to many others, is that the modern sciences of organic chemistry, plant genetics, and agricultural engineering are very little older than the twentieth century. Time enough has not yet elapsed, during a half century punctuated by wars, for modern science to explore the mysteries of the plant kingdom. And, believe me, the plant king- dom is full of mysteries. Our ignorance of th> vegetable world is supercolossal. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD American agriculture utilizes fewer than 200 species of plants as crops. Neither farm- ers nor scientists have yet found out enough about the 15,000 species of plants which are native to United States and Canada to know whether or not one of those species might for some farmers be more profitable than potatoes, wheat, or cotton. No one has done more than to name and describe most of the 300,000 species of plants known by botanists to grow somewhere on earth. INEXWAUSTIBLE, RENEWABLE RAW MATERIALS These are the green frontiers. They are green with promise, rich with prospect, inexhaustibly stored with hope for human kind. American industry each year finds itself drilling more deeply for oil and going far- ther afield for iron. No act of Government, no ingenuity of man, and apparently not even the power of God can reproduce minerals once they are destroyed. Beyond the green frontiers lies ever- renewable wealth. Raw materials for indus-= try can be supplied in quantities inexhaus- tible, because with every round of the seasons the annual growth can be re-created. The poverty which mankind has suffered through countless centuries can, I am con- fident, literally be ended whenever the leaders of men penetrate far enough into these frontiers of green to develop the rich values which can be turned to human account. Modern science has penetrated the kernel of corn and emerged with 200 objects useful to the human race. This amazing bounty has been revealed even though the molec- ular structure of the starch in corn remains a mystery. Let that mystery be solved and the values will be multiplied. Modern science has dipped into the soy- bean and laid before human kind more than 200 useful objects derived from that single plant. These two plants, out of the 300,000 species botanists have described, are virtually the only two which science has explored with any degree of thoroughness. A century ago the only uses for rubber were to erase mistakes made with a pencil and to make bouncing balls and water-tight garments. Today no civilized family lives without rubber; and almost only yesterday a new use was devisea which is expected to consume as much rubber as do auto- mobile tires, That is the new use of airfoam rubber in pillows. Sleep is one of the commonest practices of human beings. One may pre- sume that the human race has sought com- fort in sleep since the night of creation, yet it has been possible within recent months for modern science and modern ingenuity to derive from among the green frontiers of the plant kingdom an impor- tant and new device for improving the rest- fulness of the “sleep that knits up the ravell’d sleeve of care.” Andrew Jackson could never have im- agined the countless profitable uses to which rubber has been put. Neither can we here today envision the things which in the future will become necessities for human comfort and luxuries for human delight. WANTS YET UNFULFILLED Nevertheless, we can now imagine some of the good things which the vegetable king- dom may be able to supply. Seven million victims of arthritis in the United States can readily imagine the relief which will be granted to them should a plentiful vegetable source of cortisone be established. You will hear from others tomorrow night about that practicable possibility. You can imagine the desirability of a cure for the common cold. Anyone can imagine cheaper and better road-building materials; cheaper and better construction materials; ,More abundant sources of cellulose; more generous supplies of protein.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Man’s few timid and tentative ventures over the green frontiers have been astound- ingly productive. Chemurgic industrial processes last year provided markets for $1,250,000,000 worth of farm crops. Oranges and grapefruit and lemons, once new crops in California, return to that golden State every year wealth greater than the value of all the gold ever extracted from the Cali- fornia earth. The gold we muser away in the dungeons of Fort Knox. The citrus fruits we enjoy as they are harvested, and then grow again another year. Industry and Government alike rest for~ ever uneasy in apprehension of depression, Agriculture today shudders in the fear of ac- cumulating surpluses. Give industry an ever-expanding economy and it will not fear depression. Give Gov- ernment a sufficiently expanding economy and it can pay its debts out of production. Give agriculture enough new crops and enough new uses for its products and sur- pluses will not reappear. Remove the spec- ter of surpluses from agriculture and an ever-expanding economy will give us ever- expanding industry and a first class chance to save Americar freedom for future genera- tions. Over a period of 20 years Government has expanded substantially $20,000,000,000 in its efforts to meet the agricultural surplus prob- lem. During the year while it was spending $200,000,000 to perpetuate the potato surplus, Government spent $69,000 in search of new uses for potatoes. In the same year Gov- ernment spent $113,000 toward the search for new crops which it found would forever prevent the need for subsidies. And this week committees of Congress are engaged in whittling down the appropriation for agri- cultural research. MANHATTAN PROJECT FOR PLANT RESEARCH No one has yet quite voiced such a slogan as “billions for subsidies, chicken feed for research.” I shall, however, venture to pro- pose its reverse—“billions for research and eventually not one cent for subsidies.” Taxpayers have been called upon for near- ly 10 times as many billions for agricultural subsidies—subsidies which have not cured the surplus problem—10 times as many as the two billions which the fabulous Man- hattan project required to research and de- velop the atomic bomb. What more splendid economy could be proposed than a Manhattan project for the kind of creative research that experience has soundly proved could prevent agricultural surpluses, abolish the need for agricultural subsidies, and add the blessings of new wealth, new comforts, new abundance, and new hopes for all mankind? I propose this with the utmost earnest- ness. I propose it for the benefit of Ameri- can farmers, American workers, American taxpayers, and American consumers. I pro- pose it in the name of all who are hungry or needy in any country in the world. If the magnificent concept by President Truman in his point 4 proposal is to bear full fruit and is to provide the fullest advantages for the aspiring nations of other continents, a bold new program of research must be or- ganized into the undisclosed reaches behind all the green frontiers. After all, the coun- tries which we most wish to help to help themselves are agricultural countries. They need new crops and new industries based on their farm materials, The horse-and-buggy days have receded into the past. Let us search beyond these limitless green frontiers in order that we may leave behind us the years of the blue potato, Congress can pass no law that will repeal or thwart any law of nature. But it can pass appropriations that will enable science to learn how to obey the laws of nature and to uncover the beneficent facts of nature, For far less than the twenty billions that have perpetuated surpluses, for far less than the two billions that unloosed the atomic destroyer, we can send men across the plains of the planet, up the mountains and down the valleys. They will bring in the seeds and roots and stalks of every promising plant that greens the soils. In our great labora-~ tories the scientists will find, in some of these plants, new blessings for the people, New crops will bloom in the fields and they will yield Government supports instead of demanding price supports. Senate Set To Vote on Aid for Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE W. MALONE OF NEVADA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 25 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MALONE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp a press dis- patch appearing in the New York Jour- nal of Commerce of May 25, entitled “Senate Set To Vote on Aid for Europe.” There being no objection, the dispatch was ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: SenaTE Set To Vore on Arp For EvroPeE—TarrT ATTACKS POINT 4 AS PERMANENT DRAIN ON Unirep STATES WASHINGTON, May 24-——The Senate today agreed to vote at: 3:30 p. m. tomorrow in the final showdown on, a bill authorizing $3,120,- 550,000 in economic aid to western Europe and other non-Communist areas. The measure passed the House yesterday, 247 to 88. Senate passage would send it to the White House for President Truman’s signature. POINT 4 UNDER FIRE The agreement to end debate came as Re- publican Senators pressed an attack on a section of the bill authorizing $35,000,000 for the administration’s point 4 program to aid backward areas of the world. Senator Tart, Republican, Ohio, denounced the point 4 provision as the opening wedge for pouring American dollars overseas “for all time to come.” Other Republicans—including Senators Matone, Nevada, JENNER, Indiana and Brinces, New Hampshire—took the same tack in an attempt to send the bill back to a Senate-House conference for further con- sideration. Although the Republicans poured on a heavy fire of criticism, there was no objec- tion when Senator CoNNaLhy, Democrat, Texas, proposed that the Chamber vote on the huge global aid bill tomorrow afternoon. The Senate will meet at 10 a. m. and begin voting after five and a half hours of debate. The bill passed the House yesterday, 247 to 88. MALONE and Tarr both hammered on the theme that the point 4 program is designed to carry on after the European recovery pro- gram expires—without any limit on time or funds. FUNDS FOR RUSSIA? Manone said that under the wording of the bill, American funds could be used even to deyelop Russia. . “Or any of the Communist countries,” Tarr amended. , . A4019 Chairman Connatur, Democrat, Texas, of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has insisted that the administration has no desire or intention to help Communist na- tions through the point 4 program. But Tarr said the way the legislation is worded, United States aid would be wide open to all countries, and he declared: CALLED ENDLESS PROGRAM “It marks a substantial change from the European recovery program in that it would be a permanent program for all time to come.” Tarr noted that the foreign aid bill, as originally passed by the Senate, put a 5-year limit on the point 4 nrocram, but he said it had been struck ou. wm thre Senate-House conference report on the measure. When the Senate first voted on the meas- ure administration forces barely succeeded in keeping the point 4 section in the big aid bill. The vote then was 37 to 36. Senator Brinczs, Republican, New Hamp- shire, asked Maton if he felt that the point 4 project—named after the fourth point in President Truman's 1947 inaugural address— was intended to be the vehicle for use beyond the ECA to continue American foreign aid. “There is no question about it,” MaLonEe replied. NO LIMIT ON PROJECT MALONE said the project is neither limited as to time, nor as to the amount of money to be spent. “The cost,” he said, “will depend only on how much the State Department can soften up Congress for future appropriations.” The Nevada Senator went on to attack the point 4 project as an open and above- board admission for the first time of the administration’s plans for continuing for- eign aid indefinitely. MALONE said it was all part of a program starting with lend-lease, the British loan, the United Nations Relief and Rehabilita- tion Administration (UNRRA) and the Mar- shall plan, that was intended to be per- manent from the heginning. Newspaper Report on President Truman’s Visit to Ravenna, Nebr., on May 8, 1950 EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 25, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. _ Speaker, through the kind offices of Mr. L. P. Cash, publisher of the Ravenna News of Ravenna, Nebr., there was furnished to me copies of the issues of his splendid Ravenna newspaper for May 4, May 11, and May 18, 1950. I am proud to put them in the Con- GRESSIONAL Recprp for two very good rea- sons, and they are to show to some of the vicious and unmannerly persons of this Nation how a President should be re- spected and treated always, and to give a correct newspaper report to a waiting public who wants to know the truth, and have been denied so often such journal- istic opportunity. I am indeed grateful to Mr. Cash and his newspaper force for the privilege of reading and using his fine newspaper copy and know that all of my readers will enjoy perusing these items also, unless they are abnormal Americans,
A4020 The following is from the May 4 is- sue: IveryTHInc Ser ror PResmpENT’s Visit—StTa- gion Anta To Bz F.LoopLicHTED AND SpecianLy DzcoRATED FoR THE OCCASICN; Two Banrs on Hand ALSO—REGULATIONS FOR PRESIDENT’S VIS! The Secret Service department, which has charge of the President’s personal safety, has outlined the following "eg'ations relative to Mr, Truman’s Ravenr:. sie. ‘T.c public is asked to keep these 1n mind: The President’s car will stop west of the overpass No cers will be allowed to park in this immediate area, and no moving vehicle will be allowed. No one will be permitted on the overpass, embankments, lumber piles, or above the ground level. All traffic on the overpass will be stopped on arrival of the train for duration of the visit. Rope barriers will be provided to direct the traffic, and the public will not be allowed to go beyond these. The train will arrive here at 8:45 p. m., and will leave at 8:55 0. m. It will be on time. The president of the chamber cf com- merce asks all business houses to display their welcome flags all day—for the Omaha Goodwillers in the morning and for the President in the evening. Members of the veterans’ organizations, and members of the fire department, in uni- form, are asked to turn out in the evening, to assist with the job of policing and keep the public gathering 1n order. About 1,000 people are expected here next Monday evening to participate in the greet- ing for President Truman, whose special train will stop in Ravenna for 10 minutes. Mayor E. F. Kozel will introduce the Presi- dent, who will address the audience briefly from the rear plaiform of his special car. The special train will arrive here at 8:45 p. m. on Monday, May ®, but a short street program featuring the Loup City and Raven- na school bands has been arranged to com- mence at 8 p.m. The bands will then lead the crowd to the station in time for the ar- rival of the train. A dance will be held at the auditorium later in th> evening. Special floodlighting of the station area and other decorations are being planned by the Ravenna Chamber of Commerce com- mittee, honoring the first personal appear- ance of a President in the town’s history. The President's train will stop for 80 min- utes in Lincoln, and at Grand Island, Raven- na, Seneca, and Alliance for 10 minutes each. Mr. Truman’s special car is equipped with & public-address system, also specially lighted, co there will be plenty of oppor- tunity for all to see and hear. Amateur photographers are invited to take pictures, providing they do not break security regula- tions. A reception committee, which will be al- lowed to enter the train and meet the Presi- dent personally has been appointed. The Ravenna people will include the mayor, Mr. Kozel, J. C. Flesch, and Malcolm Fisher, of the chamber of commerce, L. V. Kozel, post- master, Senator W. J. Williams, Hugh Linn, superintendent of schools, Allard Row- botham, representing local railroad men, Kelly Hankins, representing local farmers, and Lyman Cass, local chairman, Democratic county committee representa~ tives from Buffalo, Sherman, and Dawson counties will also be present, and two women, Thelma Lang of Litchfield and Grace Bar- more of Cozad, members of the State central democratic organization. Besides these, there will be other digni- taries on the train, railroad officials, etc. The Secret Service men are expected in town several days in advance of the visit. They will determine the location for the train’s stop, and check on other security matters. On the night of the Presidert’s visit, the Secret Service will be present on uty, and will be assisted by men ircm the county sher:fi’s office and the State highway patrol. Although no trouble of any kind is expected, the officers take no chances. Mr. Truman has listed his tour of the western States as nonpcilitical in nature, and his remarks are expected to be of this tyre. Upon completion of his western trzp he will stop in Chicago for an address which he hes stated will be political. This editorial also appeared in the May 4 issue: TRUMAN’S Visrr : The visit of President Truman next Mon- day evening will be a memorable cccasion in Ravenna’s history. This will be especially true of the small group who will be privileged to get on the train and meet the President personally. The names of the persons on this committee have been submitted to Washington in advance, where they must undergo rigid checking for security purposes. The President is making several other stops im the State, but it appears there will be no lack of dignitaries here at Ravenna. Besides the important Government person- ages on the train, there w:7! bo cmmerton+ of- ficers of the Democratic a district, and county—Builington Railroad Officials, and perhaps others. The Presidential visits always have po- litical significance, and the fact that Ne- braska has been a strong Republican State in recent years doubtless has been a factor in the decision to make five stops in Nebraska. And'since Buffalo County has been in the Republican column almost without excep- tion, perhaps is a reason why Ravenna was selected as one stopping place. In fact, what few Democrats there are in Brffalo County are located up here in this corner around Ravenna. But even then the number isn’t too great. As one of the Democratic brethren put 1t the other day: “If only the Democrats turn out to see the President, we'll have to go some to fill up the depot platform. Guess we will have to borrow a lot of Republicans to make the occasion a success.” The following appeared in the May 11 issue: TRUMAN ADDRESSES AUDIENCE OF 2,500—-CRowD ORDERLY, EVERYTHING on ScHEDULE aT Presipant’s Vistr Monpay EvENING; TaLKED Asovut FaRMING, CONSERVATION President Harry Truman spoke to 2,500 rain-drenched people at Ravenna Monday night, a crowd that far exceeded expecta- tions. The special train arrived in Ravenna on time and was greeted with a cheer from the crowd which had been standing half an hour In a May shower. Introduced by Mayor Kozel, the President spoke of farming and soil conservation, and said he was reporting to this farming coun~ try as a “hired hand.” He told of the advance of soil-conserva- tion practices and the big job under way so the Nation never again would have a Dust Bowl. He said the whole Nation was enjoying prosperity now and it was his duty to keep it that way. He said the Nation’s prosperity was reaching down to every individual, the chief asset in keeping the Nation strong. By keeping it strong, he said, is the best way to keep it peaceful. The President declared that if the Nation remains strong Soviet Russia will not attack ‘us militarily and that the United States does not want to attack anybody. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The President looked healthy and strong and carried a big smile. He seemed well pleased at the reception here. Mrs, Truman and Margaret made a brief appearance on the rear platform also. When Margaret appeared someone in the crowd yelled “Let's have a song.” Margaret sroiled broadly and waved, but seemed to enjoy the jest. Many people here seemed to think the President looked like Albert Skochodopole, the local real-estate man. He is shorter in stature ‘han most expected him to be. A reception committee was on hand to shake hands with Mr. Truman, which in- cluded Democratic dignitaries from Buffalo, Sherman, and Dawson Counties. Kelly Hankins, one of the commuttes:, who was introduced as “a wheat farmer,” stopped the show. The President stopped for a short chat, asked about the crops here and about the farmers. Kelly told him the wheat didn’t look very good. Fred Wallace, of Gibbon, another of the committee, knew the Trumans when he was once chief of the AAA in Washington. Ha was invited into the President’s parlors to say “hello” to the ladies. Emil Kozel, after in- troducing the President, also stepped inside the bulletproof lavish special car. The Ravenna and Loup City bands were on hand to furnish music, but couldn’t per- form very well because their music got wet. But there was music, anyway. After the introductions the crowd broke into the strains of Happy Birthday, honoring the President’s sixty-sixth birthday on that day. The President got a birthday present, too. It was a fly rod and fishing filles, hand-made by Jack Krotz, of Ravenna, so he could go fishing at Grand Coulee. Pictures of Jack, and a brief account of his battle to overcome his polio handicap accompanied the gift. But the gift could not be presented pub- licly, as 1t had not been cleared in Wash- ington, It was given to him later, after a Secret Service inspection. A small crowd of police were on hand to keep order, but no incident occurred except ene heckler who stood near the front row. The young man was a stranger to Ravenna. The aides didn’t muffle him and the Presi- dent didn’t seem to mind, in fact retaliated to some of the sallies. Besides a gang of Secret Service men and aides, the railroad had four special agents here, the county sheriff and his force, the State patrol force, the local police force, and a group of local Legion, VFW, and firemen who were employed in keeping the crowd orderly behind the ropes. Special floodlights had been put up to light the station area and a big 30-foot ban-~ ner which carried the words “‘Welcome Presi- dent Truman.” The President noticed it with a gesture. After the program was over, souvenir hunters got the banner. During the program, two of the floodlights went out. The hot bulbs were hit by raindrops. Leaving Ravenna, the President’s train was in the hands of a Ravenna crew. B. F, Wallace was the engineer, Max Manasil the fireman, and Claude Foerst was the con- ductor. The brakemen were Hutchinson and Merritt, two Alliance men, working out of Ravenna at present. The May 18 issue contained the fol- lowing: TRUMAN’s Visit Hir THE HEADLINES The News is in receipt of a copy of the Los Angeles Examiner, sent by an unnamed donor, which shows that President Tru- man’s visit in Ravenna made the headlines. Under an eight-column banner head, the text of Mr. Truman’s speech appears under a Ravenna (Nebr.) date line. The International News Service corre- spondent, who was on the train and wrote the story, estimated the Ravenna crowd at several thousand,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In describing his Ravenna appearance, the correspondent wrote: “The Fresident was bareheaded and himself was pelted by the downpour. Loudspeakers carried his voice to the crowd, but at several points his talk was barely audible. Lightning flashed inter-~ miitently in the sky.” The reason for the big headline was the President’s statement that Soviet Russia will not attack this country militarily and that the United States does not want to attack anybody, The account, which went out to all papers in the Nation, appeared on Tuesday morn- ing, May 9, after the President’s appearance here May 8. The May 18 issue contained the fol- lowing editorial: President Truman has completed his west- ern tour, and is back home again. The crowds which met his train were large every- where, the papers report. We were glad that Ravenna made a fine showing in this re- gard, despite the rain. Mayor Kozel got a big kick out of intro» ducing the President and meeting the First Family. He says he is now charging his friends 25 cents to shake the hand which shook the President’s hand. Jesse H. Jones, a Real Texan and Friend of the A. & M. College of Texas EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 23, 1950 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, the Asso- ciation of Former Students of the A. & M. College of Texas is honoring Jesse H. Jones, of Houston, by devoting an entire issue of the Texas Aggie newspaper to the life story of this great Texan. Iam inclined to believe that Mr. Jones se- lected the A. & M. College of Texas as the recipient of his many gifts because he has seen the product of the school with its outstanding leaders in the mili- tary, agricultural, and business fields. At the present time there are 28 young men at Texas A. & M. on scholarships provided by Mr. Jones, and this one donor is furthering the work of the ex-student association, for its members support the opportunity award scholarships for de- serving young men who could not other- wise attend college. The first Jesse Jones scholarships were for young men studying agriculture and related sub- jects and since then these scholarships have been supplemented by the “Jesse H. Jones military scholarships” to pro- vide for the development of future gen- erals in our military forces. We ex-students of the A. & M. College of Texas are grateful to Mr. Jones for his generosity in providing scholarships for so many young men, and we are proud to be a part of the school that is recognized for providing the thousands of officers who served in World Wars I and II and for recognizing this school that has taken boys and graduated men. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include one of the articles appearing in the Texas Aggie re- garding Mr. Jesse Jones: LEGEND IN SPITE oF HimseLr, JESSE JONES Srinn Harp at Work, BUILDING For FUTURE Jesse H. Jones has become a legend in his own time, in spite of himself. In the public mind he has become a remote and shadowy figure of tremendous power who mysteri- ously pulls the strings which cause unbe- lievable things to happen in financial and governmental circles Many stories are told about this man which could not possibly be true, and the tellers feel no restraint be- cause to them he is not quite real. This is probably the penalty of having in 76 years accomplished more in a wide range of fields than most of us are able to believe one man can accomplish in an ordinary life- time by understandable methods. The fact that he has worked quietly, and has never seemed particularly impressed by his own success has resulted in surprisingly little being written about him. There is nothing remote or shadowy about the man when you meet him. He is big, 6 feet, 2; around 200 pounds. He is well-buult, carries himself with ease and assurance. You immediately get an impression of power, completely controlled. His unhurried man- ner, apparent relaxation and soft speech put you at ease, while the intent look with which his gray eyes hold yours as you talk keeps you reminded of the power under- neath, Mr. Jones doesn’t waste words. Before answering a question he thinks it over and his reply is simple and direct. His questions are questions of fact, easy to answer if you Know your business; disconcerting if you don't. There is nothing vague about his con- versation any more than there is about his thinking. One of the man’s outstanding character- istics is his complete assurance. He acquired this early, when his father sent him to a nearby town and put him in charge of a to- bacco factory at the age of 14. He learned then to use his own Judgment and to trust it. He is a complete individualist, making his own decisions and taking full responsibility for them. He has never had a partner in any of his many businesses. When he has a decision to make, in business or otherwise, he gets all of the information possible, thinks the thing through and takes the necessary action. “Every person born into the world,” he once told a group graduating from col- lege, “has an uncharted destiny. Each must meet life and life’s problems for himself, and solve them in his own way. No one can do it for him.” He is a man of deep loyalties. To the people who influenced him most—his father; his Aunt Nancy, who mothered him after his mother died; Royal A. Ferris, the Dallas bank- er who gave him his first financial backing; and Woodrow Wilson, who showed him how political idealism must fit into a world of hard practicality—he gave a deep devotion. This loyalty extends to his family, his party, his church, his native State of Ten- nessee, and to his adopted State, Texas. In his business organizations everyone works hard; he sets a fast pace and expects those around him to keep up. At the same time, loyalty begets loyalty. Few people ever quit his organizations and many of the men around him have been with him for 30 or 40 years, At 76, Jesse Jones has a profound faith in the younger generation and in the future of his country. He had rather spend an hour talking with a youngster, especially one from the country, than visiting with some man of high position. He has never for a moment believed that the country was going to the dogs. A4021 “I believe in my country,” he wrote not Jong ago, “and have always operated accords ingly.” Some idea of the success of these operations may be gained from the following: JESSE H, JONES MILESTONES 1874: Born April 5, on a tobacco farm in Robertson County, Tenn., son of William Hasque and Anne Holman Jones. 1878: Upon the death of his mother, his father’s sister, Aunt Nancy, a widow with two children, became a mother to both fam- ilies. Until her death, some 20 years ago, Aunt Nancy was one of the strongest influ- ences in his life. 1884: First lived in Texas when his father moved to Dallas to become asscciated with @ younger brother, M. T. Jones, in the lum- ber business. Attended grammar school in Dallas 2 years, until his father moved back to farm in Tennessee. 1888: At 14, he received his first executive business experience when his father put him in charge of a tobacco factory 1n a neighbor- ing town, buying, grading, prizing in hogs- heads, and shipping for export, the tobacco raised by farmers in that area, and bought by his father and a partner. This first ex~- perience on his own, taught him to have confidence in his own judgment at an early age. It was necessary, since he had no one to appeal to for advice. 1890: His father brought the family back to Dallas, where Jesse went to grade school again and attended a business college. After graduating from the business college, he taught in the college for a few months, then traveled on the road as a salesman for a while, but did not make a success of it. 1891: He took a job in a lumber yard in Hillsboro, Tex., owned by his uncle, M. T. Jones, doing both manual labor and keeping books. His salary was $25 per month, then $40, then $60. A year and a half later, his father died, and Jesse went back to the farm in Tennessee to live with his family and raise his last crop of tobacco. From his father’s estate he inherited $2,000 but used it to pay debts on the farm which went to his sister. 1894: He returned to Dallas and took a job with the M. T. Jones Lumber Co. at $65 a month, and in less than a year he was man- ager of the yard at $100 a month. 1898: On the death of his uncle he moved to Houston as general manager of the com~ pany, operating a number of sawmills and lumber yards. 1902: He started on his own by organizing the South Texas Lumber Co. with a capital stock of $20,000, $15,000 of which he owned, continuing as general manager of the M. T. Jones Lumber Co. for a half dozen years until that company was liquidated. 1905: He first entered the banking field as @ director of the Union Bank & Trust Co., now the Union National Bank, and later be- came its largest stockholder and vice presi- dent, selling his stock in 1917. 1907. He helped to organize and was a vice president of the Lumberman’s National Bank at Houston, now the Second National. 1908: Following the panic of 1907, he ac- quired control of the National City Bank in Houston, and later merged it with the Lumberman’s National Bank. He also en- tered the field of building, owning and op- erating major business buildings. During the first year he built three 10-story office buildings in Houston. He entered the news- paper field as half owner of the Houston Chronicle. 1909: He bought control of the Merchants National Bank and merged it with the Union Bank & Trust Co. Organized Texas Trust Co., owning a majority of i}. stock, and was its president; later consolidated with Bank- ers Trust Co., which finally became Bankers
A4022 Mortgage Co., of which he is now the prin- cipal owner. 1912: Organized Houston Hotel Association and built the 1,000-room Rice Hotel, being the principal cwner. 1913: Ha was appointed chairman of the Houston Haibor Board by the then mayor of Houston, Ben Campbell, and installed Hous- ton’s fist harbor. Became part owner of the National Bank of Commerce, later to be- come one cf the major financial powers of the Mation. 1917: Appointed by President Woodrow Wilson as director general of the Depart- ment of Military Relief of the American Red Cross, in which position he served through- out World War I, starting his long career of service in the National Government. 1918: Appointed member of Red Cress War Council. During this period his close as- sociation with President Woodrow Wilson made a lasting impression on him; one that has greatly influenced his life. 1919: Served as an American delegate to the Red Cross conferences at Cannes, France, and Geneva, Switzerland, which organized the international League of Red Cross so- cieties. Served as a director of the Phe!ps Stokes Educational Commission which planned an educational system for the na~ tives of Africa, fer which he was honored by the British Government in London in 1925. 1920: Married Mary Gibbs, daughter of Dr. Jasper Gibbs, a prominent Mexia physician. 1922: Became president of National Bank of Commerce. 1923: Entered New York building field, organizing and heading Houston Properties Corp., of New York, which built and operates the Mayfair House, three large office build- ings, a hosvital, and numerous other build- ings. 1924: Became director of finance for the Democratic National Committee, turned a deficit into a surplus for the 1928 campaign, and brought the National Convention to Houston. 1925: Received his first honorary degree, doctor of laws, at Southwestern University, Georgetown. Since then he has received 10 other such degrees: Southern Methodist Uni- versity (1927), Texas A. and M..(1936), New York University (1937), Temple University (1937), John Brown University (1938), Ogle- thorpe University (1941), Washington and Jefferson College (1941), Lafayette College (1942), St. Louis University (1942), North- western University (1942). He was also awarded a regency in the field of finance by the Association of Arts and Sciences (1935). 1926: Named director general Texas Cen- tennial Celebration to be held in 1936. In addition to heading this State-wide célebra- tion, he conceived the idea, suggested the design, and headed the fund drive to erect the San Jacinto monument. In this same year he became the sole owner of the Hous- ton Chronicle. In a few years he acquired the Houston Post, but later sold it to for- mer Gov. W. P. Hobby. 1928: Unanimously endorsed by Texas delegation for Democratic nomination for President of the United States. 1982: Named a director of Reconstruction Finance Corporation by President Herbert Hoover. 1983: Named Chairman of Reconstruction Finance Corporation by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, beginning one of the most spectacular periods of national public serv- ice the country has ever seen. In 1935, 1987, and 1989, reappointed Chairman of the RFC by President Roosevelt. Later in 1939, appointed Administrator of the newly created Federal Loan Administration in charge of RFC, Export-Import Bank, Fed~ eral Housing Authority, and Home Owners Loan Corporation. 1937: Mr. and Mrs. Jones created Houston Endowment, Inc., and endowed it with a substantial portion of their estate. Through Houston Endowment they have aided hun- dreds of young men and women throughout the Nation to secure college educations. In addition to this principal activity, in 1945 they establisned and endowed the Wood- row Wilson School of Foreign Affairs at the University of Virginia. 1989: Appointed Administrator of the Fed- eral Lending Agency; United States Senate suspended its rules in order to confirm this appointment on the day it was approved by committee. 1940: Appointed Secretary of Commerce by President Roosevelt; Congress passed a spe- cial resolution to allow him to serve as mem- ber of the President’s Cabinet and Federal Loan Administrator at the same time. 1941: Appointed member of the National Emergency Council. 1942: Served on National Board of Eco- nomic Warfare, War Production Board, and Economic Stabilization Ecard, in addition to other governmental duties. 1945: Resigned as Secretary of Commerce and Federal Loan Administrator and returned to private life in Houston, after 15 years of Government service during two wars and a maior depression. 1947: Organized Commercial & Industrial Life Insurance Co., of which he is chairman of the board. 1948: Through Houston Endowment, Inc., Mr. and Mrs. Jones gave Hedgecroft Corp. a hospital in Houston for the treatment of polio. 1949: They built a library at Mexia, Tex., honoring Mrs. Jones’ parents, Dr. Jasper Gibbs, and his wife, Sallie Chandler Gibbs. 1950: Launched major building project in downtown Houston area, in block occupied by his National Bank of Commerce and Gulf buildings, Fair Employment Practice Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. LYNDON B. JOHNSON OF TEXAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 25 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Presi- dent, there recently appeared an edito- rial in the El Paso Herald-Post about the subject of the Senate’s recent debate on fair employment practice legislation. The editorial was written by Mr. Ed Pooley. Mr. Pooley is a progressive editor who pulls no punches. I ask unanimous consent to include this edito- rial in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: FILIBUSTER The recurring filibuster against what is miscalled the Fair Employment Practice Commission bill is on again in the Senate, The southerners, plus a few allies, have ral- lied again to keep this thing out of the law. We hope they win. The bill is a phony, which will help no American. It has become somewhat fashionable of ‘late years to decry the filibuster as an out- rage against democracy. The Communists do it, along with other leftwingers and the bleeding hearts whose pet Measures are threatened with asphyxiation by senatorial gas. We rather like the Senate filibuster. We think it is a pretty good institution in a Government such as ours. We can be quite calm at the sound of the scream that “the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD will of the majority is being defeated” with the realization that the rights of the minor- ity are being protected. The FEPC was conceived in political in- iquity and born in political sin. It was never intended to aid anyone but its propo- nents in office. It is a vote catcher, brought uo again and again for no other purpose. There is no evidence that the will of the majority is being defeated. The majority of the Senate, perhaps, where its influence on some voters in doubtful States is well known. But not the majority of the people. Except from the Communists, the leftists, the prac- tical politicians, and those who live by pro- moting “causes,” we have never heard any outery when the FEPC has been defeated. Anybody, even a pro-FEPC Senator, can see that the country gained nothing when it was in effect as a wartime measure, lost nothing when it expired, has not been hurt since, and doesn’t need it now. But those who would trade some people’s rights for other people’s votes pay no atten- tion to that. The filibuster is all that stands between them and the enactment of this odious bill. We wish for the filibusterers strong voices and great endurance. May their vocal cords stay in the pink and their throats clear and resonant, and may they talk and talk and talk until the FEPC is laid away to rest un- til another election year. Perhaps, and we are thinking wistfully and wishfully, 1950’s filibuster may bring death to this bit of hypocrisy. Preserving the American Way of Life EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. RUSSELL B. LONG OF LOUISIANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 25 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 ' Mr. LONG. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to include in the Appendix of the ConeresstonaL RECORD an address delivered recently before the Nicholson Post, No. 38, of the American Legion, Baton Rouge, La., by Chief Jus- tice John B. Fournet, of the Louisiana supreme court. _ There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rec- oRD, as follows: I believe I speak for all of the members of this post who are veterans of the First World War when I say that the thought we had uppermost in our minds when we were mustered out of service and returned to civilian life was that we had had a share in crushing for all time the threat to democ- racy and free men that had reared its ugly head under Prussian militarism. We re- turned to our homes, to our jobs, and to our studies determined that we would band together as a group to insure that this threat would remain forever crushed. You younger veterans can attest to the fact that this evil did not remain crushed but, instead, again ran rampant throughout the world. You also returned victorious from the battlefield to take up the broken strands of your lives secure in the belief that this time, surely, the world had been made safe for democracy and that this time, surely, the sacrifices you and your fathers had made would not be in vain. Today, how- ever, through the medium of a cold war that becomes increasingly hot daily, not only you but all veterans, all Americans, and all free nations find themselves again
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD faced with the same challenge that has vexed the human family throughout all recorded history—the challenge of growing tyranny. We ask ourselves: “Why?” “Why?” “Why?” In what way have we “fumbled the ball’? Have the horrors engendered by these two terrible wars we have fought in the first half of the twentieth century taught us nothing? As Gen. Omar Bradley has so aptly put it, “The world has achieved brilliance without wisdom, power without conscience. Ours is a world of nuclear giants and ethical in- fants. We know more about war than we know about peace; more about killing than we know about living.” I believe that with the usual hindsight given to most Monday-morning quarter- packs, we all now realize our first and our biggest mistake was to hold our fire, with- draw our weapons, and, under deliberately provoked pressure applied by parents on Con- gressmen facing reelection, bring our fighting men home before we had won the peace. In doing these things we fell right into the hands of a people who were but waiting to turn their cannons in our direction and aim them at our retreating backs. We thought we had a friend; we found we had an enemy. ‘We thought we had an ally; we found we had been alined with a dictatorial and tyran- nical opportunist. While we naively ex- tended our hand in friendship, an arm and band holding a hammer and sickle was en~ circling our homeland. We learned the hard way that no amount of polite talk, no amount of cautious behavior, will earn for us the friendship and good will of a totalitarian nation that can understand no reason but force and that thinks nothing of starving a whole city to gain a political advantage. The evil of communism is not a stagnant evil. It is a living and a moving thing, in- sidiously but surely invading every phase of our life. We find it in the Paul Robesons of our entertainment world; in the Marcan-= TONIO’s of our Congressional Halls, in the Harry Bridgeses of our labor and economic movement, and in the O. John Rogges and Alger Hisses of our governmental depart~ ments. The American Legion deserves ever~ lasting credit and the thanks of a grateful America for its unrelenting effort to ferret out these insidious and subversive influences and expose them for what they are. The Legion’s work in this respect is not new. In the fight against communism it has long played a dominant role. Well aware of the chaos that followed in the wake of the world conquest sought by the Prussian military and by the hate-spreading Nazis, the Legion was immediately sensitive to the threat to democracy and to America itself that was being engendered by the false phi- losophies and the false propaganda of the Communists. These ideologies, wearing dif- ferent uniforms and shouting different slo- gans, were seeking a world conquest of an even more devastating nature than their predecessors—the conquest of the minds of free men and the paralleling enslavement of their bodies. Since that time the Legion’s allegiance to the cause of educating Ameri- cans to the privileges and responsibilities of citizenship and the cause of making America strong—secure against aggression from with- out and against subversion from within— has been unswerving. The very recent All- American Conference held in New York under the sponsorship of the American Legion is but an example of its effort to build a strong and a loyal America. Firm in the belief that the final battle in the cold war will be won or lost in the minds of men, the Legion has charted a course that calls not only for guarding our Amer- ican heritage, but also for proving to the world that democracy is a real, live, and progressive thing. This is as it should be. While the Legion is placing a great deal of emphasis upon Americanism, Americanism, in the final analysis, means more than a mere negative resistance to Communism. It means a positive faith in democratic ideals and procedures. The Legion believes all true Americans have an abiding faith in the democratic way of life. It seeks but to be the instrument that stimulates our citizens and prods our Government to the end that America will be fully prepared to meet ag- gression from any quarter, without or with- in. It wants to keep America always Amer-~ ican. I believe the American Legion, more than any other force at work in the country today, possesses the ability to do just that. The task of steering a true American course through the succession of emergencies that are indicated for the years immediately ahead will not be an easy one. As I re- marked earlier, we have had to learn the hard way that we can never live in freedom and peace while we are faced with a preponder- antly hostile and undemocratic people whose enmity we have incurred for no other rea- son than that we persist in living as free men. Brig. Gen. Frank Howley in his cur- rent book entitled “Berlin Command,” tells us in plain, everyday language that we can all understand just why it is impossible for a free people to live in harmony in one city with those who advocate a communistic dictatorship. If this is true at the local level, how much more so is it true on a national and an international level. Are you, as Americans, doing everything you can to assist in your Legion’s fight for liberty, or are you, through a sense of in- difference, surrendering to this new type of enslavement? At this halfway mark in the twentieth century, it behooves each and every one of us to take personal inventory of ourselves so that we may determine what we can best do to insure that these foreign ideologies become a diminishing instead of an increasing threat to our freedom, This is essentially what Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., and Set. William Patterson did when, during their convalescence at a base hospital in Paris in 1918, they dreamed of an organiza- tion of veterans that became the American Legion. An organization of veterans is not a new thing. Undoubtedly every war since the beginning of time has produced a group anxious to preserve after the end of hos- tilities the comradeship born on the battle- field. But the men who founded the Amer- ican Legion envisioned a gcal that tran- scended the mere spirit of good fellowship among members of the armed forces. Theirs was a vision of the vital part such an organi- zation could play in building a strong Amer- ica, in maintaining the peace, and in pre- serving the dignity and freedom of man. By combining their feeling of comradeship with their love of country, their desire for peace, and their determination to fight ever and always for the principles of true democracy, these founders set a seal upon our organi- zation of veterans that distinguishes it from all others. During the intervening years the high aims and ideals of the founders have flowered into a powerful and potent instru- ment for good in an insecure and chaotic world. With your unstinted support, re- pledged in commemoration of the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of your post, it will continue to stand as one of the domi- nant guardians of America’s destiny. In conclusion, let me say to those of you who have been members of Nicholson Post, No. 88, for 30 years that your acts and deeds of service merit the admiration of a grateful community and its people. The goal that is uppermost in the mind and heart of every legionnaire and that is the fervent prayer of every true and loyal American is the mainte- mance of the peace without any detraction from the dignity and freedom of man. This can be accomplished by keeping America strong and thus insuring her safety and pre- serving inviolate our democratic way of life. A4023 Under the guiding hand of your leadership, that may well be emulated by your younger buddies, this goal can be brought to fruition, and we can hope for everlasting peace on earth and good will among men, Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 25, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Rrecorp, I include the thirty-first article by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop on the infiltration of communism in our country: Brecrst STorY (By Frank C. Waldrop) Few men have ever openly challenged the will of Joseph Stalin and lived. Even fewer have ever told the story under oath and cross~examination. Thus, in this and the next few days’ items, Iam dealing with material of rare historic quality, as I review the testimony of not one but two such men. Whoever wants to examine the full record ean find it in the hearings of the House Committee on Un-American Activities in volumes 7 to 11, inclusive, taken between September and December 1939. Benjamin Gitlow and Jay Lovestone were the two above-mentioned. And they came before the committee armed with documents and records to support their testimony. I happen to know a little of the back- ground of maneuverings that caused them to appear after having declined several times before to open up their grim book of ex- perience. On August 23, 1989, there was signed in Moscow the deal between Hitler and Stalin that pulled the trigger for war. That amazing contract provided that neither party would attack the other or join in a war, if either were attacked by a third power. Each promised not to join any group of powers “which is directly or indirectly aimed at the other party.” Now it is a matter of open, public record that Mr. Roosevelt’s Communist friends in the United States of America, had been ham- mering at him for years to break the neu- trality laws enacted by Congress from 1934 on, And it is also a matter of open, public record that he began to follow their lead with the notorious “quarantine the aggressor’ speech at Chicago, Ill., October 8, 1937. He was totally committed by 1939. Thus, once Roosevelt was committed for war and with him England and France, Stalin pulled his ever-dependable double-cross. He was all set to grab off the countries that would be broken up by the wars of others when he, too, was attacked by his partner, Hitler. It was in the moment of the world’s shock at Stalin’s spectacular abandonment of Roosevelt for Hitler, that the House Com- mittee on Un-American Activities persuaded Gitlow and Lovestone to talk. And they did so inthe hope that the United States of America would at last un- derstand Stalin and keep away from him, thereafter, But the tragic record shows that Stalin knew his man. The Roosevelt who had fall- en for his promises in 1933 and who had let the Communists run through the United
AAO24 Siates Government thereafter, was the same Roosevelt at Yalta. So Stalin was still able, after all, to grab off the broken nations. And so now we turn to our historic wit- nesses who in 1939 tried to make the country hear what Roosevelt would not. Gitlow, the first witness, told how, at the age of 18, he became a Socialist and from then fell by stages into communism. He was the first Communist in the United States of America to be imprisoned, so far as the records show, having been arrested in New York City in 1919, by a State legisia- tive investigating committee. “T was in prison for currovimcic’? 3 years and pardoned by Cev: Sr. 1.1 1925, I believe,” he testified. “T had been, a part of thas time, out of prison pending appeal—and in 1922, curing my freedom from prison and efter I was par- doned, I was always active in the Communist movement and always held one of the lead- ing positions in that movement. “Tt was always a member of the central executive committee; was a member of the secretariat; ran for public office for the party, important public cffices, Held important offices in the trade-union and other activities of the organization and was highly publicized by the Communist Party press. “My first trip to Moscow was in the year 1927. I was called to Moscow following the death of Ruthenberg, who was general sec- retary of the party, by a cable which was sent to the American party insisting that I come to Moscow. “I was practically the only important party leader who had not been 1n Moscow. The cable which was sent to the American party instructed them that under all circumstances I was to proceed to Moscow, by Nicholas Bukharin, who was chairman of the Com- munist International. “From that date on I held the highest posi- tions in the Communist International organ- ization. I served on its executive committee. I was a member of its presidium, its leading ruling body, and I was also a member of the executive committee of the Red Interna- tional of the Trade Union, the international trade-union organization of the Communist International. “In other words, I have served the Commu. nist movement as a top leader and not as a rank-and-filer from the very first inception of the movement.” Thus you can see that in Gitlow we have a witness who had been in the very heart of the Communist conspiracy from its start. He should know, if anybody does, how it works. H. R. 6217—Why Penalize the Spanish War Veteran Because Somebody Didn’t Keep Records in 1898? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BARRATT O’HARA OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 25, 1950 Mr. O’HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I am informed that it is the expectation that H. R. 6217 will come before us on the consent calendar on June 5, I hope that no voice of objection will be raised and that the House speedily will pass H. R. 6217 that it may be considered in the other bady and, I hope, enacted into law before we adjourn, I wish to impress upon my colleagues the urgency of this proposed legislation. Some of the aged veterans whom it would benefit will not be here if we wait for the Highty-second Congress to do what now we have the opportunity of doing. To the younger veterans of World War I and World War If let me explain that in the Spanish-American War there were practically no hospital records. There was much sickness, bo.h cverseas and in the camps in this country. This was due in part to the miserable and potsonous focd, which later resulted in a national seandal, and in part to lack of proper medication and sanitation and even of cJothing suitable to hot climates. I might furnish some idea of the condi- tisns that prevailed by referring to my own experience. The infantry regiment with which I served in the siege of San- tiago in Cuba was in action on July 1, 1898~the hottest day I, who had spent several years of boyhoed in Ceniral America, can remember—wearing an issue of heavy winter clothing. During our weeks in Cuba the beef issued us was putrid and had to be thrown away, and we subsisted on hardtack soaked in the grease of “sour belly.” A month after the capitulation of Santiago on July 17, 1898, the situation as regards the health of our invading troops was so bad that in my own company but two of us were able to report for duty. It was “Teddy” Roeosevelt’s “round robin,” for which un- der the laws of war he might have been court-martialed, that finally got the grievously ill remnants of the army that stormed Santiago back to Camp Wikoff at Montauk, Long Island. Of the trip from Santiago to Montauk, and the con- ditions on the transport, I quote from an article by Charles Johnson Post in the American Legion magazine of July 1938: For 5 days we had been packed in on the Grand Duchesse. Five men to a stateroom, no hospital, sick and well lying thickly about the decks; fighting at the distilled-water butts twice a day, with the well men winning first place and the sick left to take the hot water as 1t came from the condenser after the one cake of ice had melted, and then hoard it in a sour tin cup in the shade of an August sun until it was tepid enough to drink. There was no water to wash a mess kit, cooking bits of bacon over candles in your statercom with delirious men whimper- ing in the bunk beside you—it was better than the hardtack and salt-beef slum of the travel ration. And all of us copiously and unashamedly lousy. One man died in the former second-class washroom and his hkody, yellow with fever, lay there from morn- ing to late afternoon while we stepped over it and the swinging door bumped its head with each new entrant. Another was picked from his bunk, cold and dead, with his squad bunkie lying unconscious beside him and the stateroom foul with dysentery. Each morning Gus Piton and Jimmy Lowe lifted a squad mate in a blanket and tied him to the ship’s rail in a kind of hammock, and all day he lay there motionless, his eyes glassy and half open, with pus drooling from his emaciated lips, Down with typhoid, malaria, yellow jack, tropical fevers, and all varieties of intestinal breakdowns, we shuffled weakly from port to starboard to get into the shade as the sun swung from east to west. * * * There were no medi- cines—it was our regimental surgeon who told me so—not a pill of bismuth, only a few of compound cathartic and only a little quinine. . APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Conditions were much the same on the transport, the Harvard, on which I re- turned. Perhaps a half dozen of us were well enough to be about, and we spent our time nursing as kest we could the hundreds who were painfully, danger- ously ill, and some of whom died and were buried at sea. At Mantauk Point the fever at long last caught up with me, and for 3 months at my home in St, Joseph, Mich, I was in bed, with the doctor giving no hope to my parents. My pup-tent mated, Charley Loefier, 11 in the same manner, died, as did others of Company I. I have never quite recovered from that illness. Yet there is no way by which I could establish officially these facts. There were no records. There was none in the case of Charley Loeffler, of the many ethers who died at home from illness contracted while in service, of most of these who died before reaching home. What was true in the case of those in overseas service was equally true with those who served in the fever-infested camps in the United States. It would be difficult for the younger veterans to visualize the conditions of food, cloth- ing, medication, sanitation, and hos- pitalization that were faced by the armed services in 1898. That was over a half century ago. That was really in the horse-and-buggy era. The point is that records just were not being kept. The purpose of H. R. 6217, in a nut- shell, is to keep a veteran of the Span- ish-American War when he is now past 70 and grievously ill from being denied a hospital bed for the one reason that in 1898 someone did not keep books. That is all there is to H. R. 6217. It will not affect many veterans, and I am afraid it will not be many years before it will not affect any. I hope and pray that no voice in this House will be raised in objection when this bill comes up on June 5. I am including in my remarks ex- cerpts from an editorial in the National Tribune of May 18, 1950: Now Fo.ttow THrRovucH We wish it were possible to name in this comment those members of the Committee on Veterans’ Affairs who voted last Wednes- day to report favorably to the House of Representatives the bill, supported by Spanish War veterans, which may grant to them certain medical and hospital privileges they do not now enjoy. We would like par- ticularly to call the roll of those who made the parliamentary moves by which Con- gressmen may now have the privilege of righting a wrong that has prevailed for more than 50 years through no particular fault of any individual, but the committee busi- ness was conducted in executive session, be- hind closed doors, so we cannot hand out those well-deserved bouquets. However, we understand that the final vote was unan- imous, and we take this first opportunity to voice a fervent thanks on behalf of all sur- viving veterans of the campaigns of 1893~- 1902 to those members of the committee who did such a grand thing on May 10. This measure, H. R. 6217, has not had an easy road to travel because there are those of hesitating mind and a bent for economy who have feared such legislation would create a precedent for the many thousands of younger veterans of later wars. Their fears are groundless because there is no parallel in history, yet both the House and Senate must
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD vote on the proposition and it would be well, therefore, to review the facts so that they may be understood clearly by both Congress- men and the beneficiaries themselves. Per- haps it would be well, also, for interested per- sons at the Veterans’ Administration to re- fresh their memories because, although the VA has not directly opposed the bill, there has been some viewing with alarm. H. R. 6217 would duck around veterans’ regulations and give some special consider- ation to this group of servicemen whose ages range from 70 years th~oucvh 190 and who average in age 74 years. I. Would for pur- poses alone of out-patient treatment—and, incidentally, for hospitalization when nec- essary—assume that they suffer from serv- ice-incurred disabilities. On the surface, that would appear to be a far-fetched pre- sumption, but it is nothing of the sort be- cause in most instances that is the actual fact. The men are service-connected. They suffer from disablements that actually go back to war days, but they are powerless to prove it only for the reason that in those times—48 to 52 years ago—there were no such things as official hospital and treatment records. They have no place to which to turn in an effort to show the inception of physical troubles and an unfortunate dis- crimination therefore arises that cannot be overcome. Under present VA procedure, hospitaliza- tion is accorded by the Government in an order of preference. A veteran with a proved service~connected disability has first choice to a bed for the treatment of that disability. Next come peacetime veterans with condi- tions attributed to service in uniform, and then follow service-connected war veterans with other disabilities, and war veterans for any condition that is emergent in character. The latter are in that 27,000 line-up of ap~- plicants, who can have a bed only when available, and the Spanish War group, with the exception of about 700 of them, are so classed to the last man. Whenever a man is seventy-odd years of age, he is an emergency case. He should get some Kind of a break, but he cannot because of the current short- age of hospital beds and staff, so, when he applies, he is usually denied help. He can- not afford the local hospital prices where he lives, so he is sent home to die. The medical director at the VA called such a statement “hogwash” the other day, but we have lists of cases that give the lie to the intemperate statements of the medical boss, and we are prepared to use them. That list is composed principally from the Spanish War class. Fifty years ago these men, who would benefit by H. R. 6217, created a precedent of their own and one that is unusual in this day and age. They volunteered to a man to go away to war that cost little as such things go and that netted a dollars-and- cents return to their country high in the billions. It was the first war for humanity, was fought ‘round the wortd under condi- tions that could never prevail today, and actually resulted in making ours the leading nation on earth. There was little in the way of medical care for participants who served on their nerve alone. Succumbing to diseases of the times, hardly a man was left unscarred among the 460,000 who donned the uniform. Each was given his pills, painted with iodine, and marked duty, or, if temperatures rose to far over 100°, he was packed in ice and hoped for the best. The result was eventually weakened hearts, damaged kidneys, and rotted guts. A few managed to prove later that they were sick, only because some partial records were kept on the backs of old envelopes or other scraps of paper. A few came back with lost legs or arms, and bolo scars, so they also proved @ degree of service connection, but by far the most of them just came home as good soldiers do, picked up where they left off, and called it a day. Now their troubles, aggravated by age, have caught up with them, and only the Congress can give them the relief they need. It isn’t so hard to understand, when one knows about it. This bill, H. R. 6217, just straddles the years and gives a few thousand old men the just consideration that they require and which is especially essential now in this period of bed scarcity. It permits at the taxpayers’ expense the bottle of medi- cine that will do them the most good or allows to them such other medical and hos- pital care as circumstances warrant without foreing the old boys to get down on their knees to beg for it. Too old to travel dis- tances to hospitals, 1t brings the services to them. This legislation has traveled a rocky road. A somewhat similar bill to grant hospital privileges on the presumption of service connection for disabilities was favored by the committee in the Eightieth Congress, but came out too late for final enactment, It was taken up twice by the Veterans’ Com- mittee during the last session, but was voted down due to that foolish fear that it might result in similar requests by younger vet- erans, most of whom among the disabled have medical records as complete as modern science and specialized warfare can make available. But now-the committee has given unanimous consent to a somewhat modified measure the enactment of which will be a boon to these most elderly of our war vet- erans. Indeed, they are grateful, but the hill is not yet law. United States-Canadian Relations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. VIRGIL M. CHAPMAN OF KENTUCKY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 25 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. CHAPMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a very able, informative, and interesting article written by former Senator A. O. Stanley, of Kentucky, now the distinguished Chairman, United States Section, Inter- national Joint Commission, entitled “Three Thousand Miles and Never a Quarrel,” which appeared in the June 1950 issue of the Rotarian, a magazine published monthly by the great organi- zation, Rotary International. Senator Stanley, after 12 years of bril- liant service in the House of Representa- tives, was elected Governor of Kentucky, and his constructive administration as war Governor during World War I con- stitutes one of the brightest chapters in all of the glamorous history of Ken- tucky. His fellow citizens then elected him to the Senate. In this body he was recognized as an assiduous student, an erudite scholar, a courageous statesman, a skillful parliamentarian, a brilliant debater, a superb master of English prose, and an unsurpassed orator. As Chairman of the United States Sec- tion of the International Joint Commis- sion, Senator Stanley has striven indus- triously, diligently, and constantly in the performance of the important duties of his official position, devoting his splendid talents unstintingly to the attainment of A4025 the laudable and devoutly hoped for ob- jective of peace, friendship, and good neighborliness between the United States and Canada. This article from Senator Stanley’s pen ought to be read by citizens of the United States and also by our friends and neigh- bors north of the border. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Ture THOUSAND Mites AND NEVER A QuUAR- REL—-THE CENTURY OF PEACE ON THE UNITED SvaTES-CANADIAN BorpDER Dipn’r JUsT Happen; MEN Mave IT (By A. O. Stanley, Chairman, United States Section, International Joint Commission) Battleships poised for action at the mouth of the Columbia River; a United States Sena- tor calling for 30,000 to 40,000 rifles beyond the Rocky Mountains; the British Premier declaring in Parliament that “England knows her rights and dares to maintain them”; and a United States presidential campaign won on the slogan “54-40 or fight”—that was the situation which preceded settlement of one border dispute between the United States and Canada about 100 years ago. The Northwest boundary controversy finally was settled by a compromise treaty. But the Oregon question was only one of many border disputes which strained rela- tions between the United States and Canada from the Revolutionary War until less than 40 years ago. Today friendliness and harmony between the two great North American neighbors are taken for granted. It is generally assumed to be a natural outgrowth of the similarity of language, customs, and laws of the two countries. History disproves that assumption. Until 1912, when the International Joint Commis- sion was formed, interminable disputes ac- companied every effort to establish the ap- proximately 3,000 miles of boundary extend- ing from Passamaquoddy Bay to the Strait of Juan de Fuca. On more than one occasion border controversy brought the two countries to the verge of armed conflict. The background of hostility and distrust dates back to the period when the American Colonies broke with England. At the out- preak of the Revolution, numerous and pow- erful minorities resisted any resort to arms or separation from the mother country. And at the end of the war an army of exiles, es- timated at more than 100,000, sailed for Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, or swept across Lake Huron and the Niagara River to people the uninhabited wilds of Ontario. They in- cluded many of the clergy of the established church, great landed proprietors of New York and Pennsylvania, and rich merchants of the seaboard cities. With them they carried bitter memories of 8. years of savage civil warfare. They passed on to their children and their chil- dren’s children stories of confiscation and exile, keeping alive a feeling of resentment and hostility toward the United States. Sir Robert Falconer, president of the Uni- versity of Toronto, in his recent work, The United States as a Neighbor, says: “A com- mon substratum of loyalism underlies the English-speaking population of Ontario and the Maritime Provinces. * * * It may perhaps be not too much to say that the loy- alists have been the most influential element in the history of these provinces * * * and until today the traditions of loyalism so pervade sections of eastern Canada that in some measure they determine the attitude of the country to the United States.” For a century an atmosphere of suspicion pervaded our international relations and literally hung like the Sword of Damocies over the borderland.
A4E26 It was not until 1817 that the Rush-Bagot Convention provided for disarmament of the Great Lakes, and the boundary between Maine, New Brunswick, and Quebec set by the Treaty of Versailles in 1783 gave rise, because of its ambiguity, to a dispute 50 years later in which both sides were pre- pared to hold parts of the questioned terri- tory by force of arms. The boundary finally was determined, after lengthy negotiations, by the Webster-Ashburton Treaty, which was disappointing to both sides. And as late as 1908 a controversy over the Alaskan boundary provoked discord. In that dispute Mr. Hay induced the Senate to con- sent to a tucs*™ rvevidiv-r tom “six impartial jurists of "1 Ue de Ger judicially the questions involved. The Dominion of Can- ada named two representatives and the Home Government one—Lord Alvertone, chief jus- tice of England. Elihu Root and Senators Lodge and Turner represented the United States. A 4-to-2 decision was rendered, Lord Alvertone voting with the Americans. A strong protest arose in Canada. Tt was alleged that the decision was neither diplo- matic nor judicial; that the British were cultivating the friendship of the United States—in this case at the expense of Cana- dian national interest. Sir Wilfred Laurier, the Canadian states- man of his day most friendly to the United States, expressed the attitude of his coun- trymen at the time when he told the Cana- dian Parliament; “T have often regretted—and never more than on the present occasion—that we are living beside a great neighbor who I believe I can say without being unfriendly to them are very grasping in their national actions, and who are determined on every occasion to get the best of any agreement which they make.” Following the Alaskan boundary dispute, it became more and more obvious that not only the prosperity and happiness of both countries but the peece and security of the world might uite:a * . greater or lesser de= gree upon the maintenance of a more friend- ly feeling between the two countries and in securing, if humanly possible, closer and more cordial relations. Both Governments were looking for a more flexible and more direct means by which to settle boundary disputes. That delicate and dificult task was assigned to the two men who, in all the world, probably were best qualified to discharge it—the then United States Secretary of State, Eyhu Root, whom Theodore Roosevelt declared was the wisest man he ever knew; and James Bryce, British Ambassador to the United States, and dean of the diplomatic corps. From their efforts came the Boundary Waters Treaty, which set forth as its objec- tive: “To prevent disputes regarding the use of boundary waters, and to settle all ques- tions involving the rights, obligations, or in- teresis of either nation in relation to the other or to the inhabitants of the other along their common frontier, and to make provi- selon for the adjustment and settlement of all such questions.” The treaty provided for the establishment and maintenance of an International Joint Commission of six members to carry out that objective. Three members are appointed by the United States and three by Canada. A commission without precedent in the history of international relations, this unique body is clothed with many of the attributes of a court of international justice. It has varied and plenary powers—administrative, investigative, arbitral, and judicial. In fact, it has some form of jurisdiction over all “matters of difference involving the rights, obligations, or interests of the United States or of the Dominion of Canada either in rela- tian to each other or their respective in- habitants.” Few courts, national or international, have ever been called upon to exercise jurisdiction over a wider domain, a greater number of inhabitants, or more vast interests. And mo such court from the days of Henry of Navarre to this day has been so phenomen- ally successful as the modest International Joint Commission. At its start, in 1912, the Commission had brought before it many boundary questions of long standing, and on February 28, 1915, Senator Jones, of Washington said on the floor of the Senate: ‘During the first 8 years of its existence, it adjusted more disputes than had pre- viously been settled through diplomatic channels or by arbitration since the Amer- ican Revolution.” In later years the two statesmen who set up plans for the Commission viewed its results with satisfaction. Lord Bryce declared that “the creating of the International Joint Commission was one of the best things done in our time for peace and goodwill between the British Empire and the United States.” And in 1935 Mr. Root described the Com- mission’s work as “a signal illustration of the true way to preserve peace by disposing of controversies at the beginning, before they have ceased to be personal and nations have become excited and resentful about them.” There is a general impression that the International Joint Commussion functions only upon the request of the State Depart- ment of the United States or the Dominion ot Canada and then acts only and simply as a fact-finding body, the validity of whose recommendations and conclusions is en- tirely dependent upon the subsequent ap- proval of the two Governments. That is true only in certain phases of the Commission’s work and applies only to one uf the 14 articles prescribing the duties, juris- diction, and procedure of the body. Besides investigative powers, its duties are both ju- dicial and administrative. For instance, under its judicial functions, the two Governments have vested in the Commission an absolute and final determi- nation as to the propriety of raising or low- ering levels of boundary waters and waters crossing the boundary. Their findings in such matters as construction of dams for navigation or power purposes, the opening of irrigation ditches or any other obstruction, or diversion of international waters affecting such levels or flow are final and conclusive. The enormous increase in the use and de- velopment of hydroelectric power has multi- plied the problems arising before the Com- mission over 2,000 miles of lake and river front because the terms of the 1909 treaty confer on it the task of authorizing, super- vising, and apportioning the use of all boundary waters for irrigation and power purposes. Yet, despite the ever-increasing demands of both countries for the use of boundary waters and the necessarily conflicting claims of the nationals of each, which have raised a great number of questions of great delicacy and vast importance, only once in nearly 40 years of operation have the members had occasion to deliver a divided opinion. A dis- position to come to a unanimous conclusion and to prevent even the appearance of dis- cord among the Commissioners has had the most salutary effect 1 pon both Nations. Besides its effect on the member coun- tries, it is infinitely gratifying to the mem- bers of this Commission to realize that this modest but efficient kody has merited and received the commendation of discerning critics throughout the world. The late Governor Osborne of Michigan, in his recent work, Conquest of a Continent, gives this picture of world-wide recognition of the Commission’s value through the years: “The example of the United States and Canada in their successful solution of embarrassing and at times irritating inter- national problems may well he commended APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to other nations. At the Lausanne Confer» ence in 1923, Lord Curzon spoke of the Inter- national Joint Commussion as a possible model for the adjustment cf differences at the Dardenelles. In a series of lectures at Cambridge University of Toronto, the Inter- national Joint Commission was made the subject of an address. The Prime Minister of Canada, W. L. Mackenzie King, has been instrumental in bringing 14 before states- men of the League of Nations in Geneva, At the dedication of the Thousand Islands Bridge 1n 1938, the Canadian Premier built his address about the International Joint Commission and the Rush-Bagot agreement as important bridges of international friend- ship and understanding, and monuments of international coopsration and good will. “Aristide Briand, late Premier and Foreign Minister of France, on more than one occa- slon expressed the desire and hope that a Similar commission might be created to deal with questions along the frontier between France and Germany. At the meeting of the Institute of Pacific Relations in Shang- hai one of the delegates spoke of the Com+ mission as an example of what might be ancomplished between Japan and Soviet Russia in dealing with the vexed problem of the boundary between Siberia and Manchukuo.” The civilized nations of the earth are more and more impressed with the fact that the indescribable destructiveness and horror of modern warfare necessitates the substitution of some other method of adjusting inter- national differences. One of the greatest achievements of the international joint commission 1s the part it has played in drawing closer and closer together two pow- erful and friendly nations alike in funda- mental institutions, social conditions, and spiritual aspirations. And never before in nearly 40 years of serv- ice to both nations has the commission been called upon to consider matters of such mag- nitude as those now on its agenda. Among applications and references now before the commission are: A pollution reference covering the bound- ary waters at Sault Ste. Marie, the St. Clair River, Lake St. Clair, the Detroit River, and the Niagara River, which is one of the pioneer efforts for correction and prevention of pollution. Measures expected to be rec~ ommended by the commission for accom- plishment by various agencies of the two governments will form the basis for legisla- tive action by the two countries and will lead to many millions of dollars’ worth of pollu- tion-abatement activity. The Columbia River reference calls for a comprehensive investigation of the water re- sources of the Columbia River Basin to de- termine if development of the water re- sources for the purposes of navigation, flood control, irrigation, power development, and other purposes ie feasible and in the interests of the two governments. The reference calls for recommendations by the commission as to the divisions of costs of such work be- tween the two countries and the extent of indemnification in erther country for dam- ages which may result from the works. This investigation 1s of far-reaching significance and will effect development costing several billions of dollars extending over several de- cades into the future. Similar to the Columbia River reference are those of Waterton-Belly and the Souris- Red River references, while the Passama- quoddy reference calls for a preliminary in- vestigation of the cost of making a complete survey of the proposed Passamaquoddy Tidal Power Development. Public-works projects now or recently be- fore the Commission, including those men- tioned above along with Similkame2n Dam, Libby Dam, and the proposed Passama- Quoddy Project,’ would involve an expendi- ture of more than $2,000,000,000,