APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Present world conditions leave no doubt that we must prepare for full mobilization, Even if God spares us the tragedies of another world war, as we all hope and pray, it is my firm belief that basic training for every young man, excepting those physically unfit, is the foundation of any plan for build- ing the defensive strength of our Republic. For many years I have favored universal military training. I believe every American, regardless of his station in life, should be ready to defend his country. My contention has been that if everyone were given basic training, it would be a great arm for peace. In my plan of basic training, I would want to teach the youth of r country personal hysiene—how to care for themselves in peace and war—what America stands for and an understanding of the American way of life. Military instruction teaches the value of organization and that we must aid each other in all our endeavors. Personally, I ‘eel that if we had a good plan, backed up by the American people, war could be prevented. My own plan would be to build the greatest Navy and the greatest Air Force in the world. We would then have land forces—the best trained, the best equipped, and the most mobile the world has ever known. Back of all of that, we must have a rearmed, spiritual America—an Amer- ica that is decent and obeys the laws and is willing to support itself. It would be a God-fearing America where the strong ap- preciate their obligations toward the weak. The people of the United States have a right to know our commitments. My mili- tary experience convinces me that we have made commitments that we are unable to fulfill, We cannot fight a war all over the globe. In my plan I would want to join with other countries that also appreciate individual freedom. I see no reason why the Nationalist Chinese should not be fighting the Communist Chinese. I see no reason why our military strategy should be re- stricted by preventing the destruction of enemy communication lines, enemy dumps and reserve positions. I don't want to see the American youth thrown into the battle. However, my own experience as a citizen and a soldter teaches me that in half a century America has thrown into battle its youth without proper training and without proper equipment. Referring to my own position as a youth, my military work taught me self-reliance and my duty toward my comrades. I left college as a sophomore and I came back and graduated from college. I was handicapped physically for a while as it took me 6 years to regain my health and weight. It made a better American out of me and a better worker for myself and my country. Again, 1 greatly appreciate your editorlal. With kind personal regards, I am, Very sincerely, Epwarp MarrTIN, Courage of the American People EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD J. THYE OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. THYE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous censent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, an editorial entitled “We Are Americans; Let Us Act Now As Americans Should,” published in the Saturday Evening Post last week. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: We Are Americans; Let Us Act Now as AMERICANS SHOULD Reading the newspapers these days, a Come munist agent might conclude that the American people were trying to scare them- selves to death. Commentators vie with military experts to expatiate on our help- lessness. It seems our equipment is non- existent, our allies are no good, our guard is down, and our morale js hopeless. An innocent bystander might conclude that the Soviets had already won the war and that Americans were already working under the lash of the Red Simon Legrees in Siberian timber camps. Stalin might well conclude it was time to start marching, except that he might also suspect that such abysmal despair was a booby trap. To be sure, there is nothing in our present state of affairs that justifies insouciant op- timism, We are in a dangerous mess. But, after all, America has been in danger before this—but before this she has expected to survive the danger. For our part, we see no reason to justify the apparently wide- spread feeling in certain circles that this time we are sunk for keeps. Sacrifices we shall have to make, anxieties we shnil have to face, and we may even have to repel an enemy from our own shores for the first time in 1385 years. But these hazards ought to be faced with the confident understand- ing that we have assets as well as liabilities in the struggle, whatever !t may turn out to be like, First of all, of course, we have courageous and well-trained defenders, potentially num- bering millions. The record in Korea is put down a~ a defeat. Nevertheless, the assign- ment as originally understood was brilliantly executed against heavy odds. South Korea was liberated, and the Reds were driven back to the Manchurian border. Only the inter- vention of the overwhelming Chinese Com- munist horde was capable of nullifying the United Nations exploit, under the command of General MacArthur. The Korean War suggests the risks in matching our limited manpower on the ground against the millions of Asia, but it also revealed the limitless courage, stamina, and resourcefulness of the American soldier. We cannot afford to forget that. Nor can we forget that, in contrast to the plight of the Russian millions and the un- willing satellites of the Kremlin, we have something important to defend. Our indus- trial capacity and know-how have not yet been fully mobilized, but does anybody doubt America's ability to outproduce and out- gadget the Russians, once a wartime tempo is achieved? It is our guess that the Kremlin, at any rate, has no illusions about this, Even the undoubted advantage of the Soviet system in manpower need not appall us—unless we are determined to engage it exclusively on the ground. Let us not forget that when Hitler invaded Russia in 1941, his armies took as prisoners hundreds of thou- sands of Russians who swarmed over the German lines on the supposition that they were being liberated. If the brutal invasion of the Nazis was thus received, should we Gespair of the possibility that freedom and democracy may have at least as great an appeal? The bosses of the Kremlin are not so confident as we, shaking in our shoes, think they are. The Communist bosses of China are reported to be in serious trouble, and it could be worse when and if our State Department chooses to exploit it. A world in chaos poses tremendous problems, but Amer- joa is not the only nation to face them. Surely if “courage mounteth with occa- sion,” that quality should be amply present now. Without vain boasting, or wishful opti- mism, or inane bravado, the American people A309 can weather these storms, no matter what the experts say. Genera) Eisenhower agrees. It is our opinion that, despite the pall of gloom which hangs over the insiders, the mass of Americans are facing what comes with firm hearts and realistic determination, They want to be sure their leaders are doing as well, The Welfare and Safety of Our Country EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN L. McCLELLAN OF ARKANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. McCLELLAN. My. President, on January 18, Col. J. Carroll Cone, vice president of Pan-American Airways, de- livered a very able and forceful address to the Women's National Democratic Club, here in Washington, D. C. 1 ask unanimous consent that the address be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: AMERICAN UNITY AND BOUNDARIES 1 thank you for your gracious invitation to be one of your speakers today and for in- viting me to select my own subject. Thia privilege tempted me to use it as an opportunity to talk about air transportation but on second thought it became obvious that we might better devote this time to a consideration of the welfare and safety of our country, Not only the United States but the entire free world is facing the grentest crisis in history. The manner in which this crisie is resolved will determine whether or not our children and children’s children will live in a happy world, or whether they shall be virtual slaves of a foreign and brutal government. These ominous clouds threatening our very existence can be dissipated only by the great- est determination and sacrifices on the part of every good American regardless of age, sex, color, politics, or religion. Should we shirk our responsibilities and duties now—should we try to continue to make the same profits, enjoy the same lux- urious and easy living—-we cannot criticize other Americans for the same conduct. If we all sidestep our duty in this time of dire peri] to our country, we shall certainly be defeated, and then our march to the con- centration camps, slave legions, and the fir- ing squad begins. We shall have selfishly profited for a short time, only to realize later that our actions, or failure to act, con- stituted a crime against our country. We cannot afford to profit in worldly goods, to enjoy easy living, while shirking our re- sponsihbilities to our fellowman everywhere, to our country, and to our God in times like these. “For what is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world and lose his own soul.” Our enemy has already proven his com- plete disregard for the dignity of man and for the teachings of our Maker. International law ig ignored, churches are maliciously destroyed, and the clergy im-~ prisoned or killed. Women and children are brutally manhandled in every evil manner. If we, our sons, daughters, and other loved ones are called upon to make the supreme sacrifice for the protection of the rights, op- portunities and ideals for which our ances- tors fought, we should go—nay, we must
A310 go, and encourage to go—every person who ean serve. Always in time of national peril we talk about boundaries. Yet no one has ever seen a boundary or a borderline anywhere but on a map. The exact point at which our na- tional claims end and those of some other nation begin is not visible to the naked eye. Now I think that many of the border lines that circumscribe our private lives to- day are figuratively just as shadowy. Con- trast our times with the days of the mercenaries—the Hessians, for instance, who fought for the British in our own Revolu- tionary War. They were paid to do a job. The British citizen felt little concern about the war and was only remotely conscious of its nature. War hardly impinged on his pri- vate life. Even in our own Civil War—or the War Between the States, if you prefer—it was not uncommon for a citizen to hire someone else to take his place in the ranks of the draftees. But in today’s world it isn't possible to buy immunity. It isn't possible to delegate per- sonal responsibility, or to provide 8 substi- tute for one’s own active participation. The boundary between the fighting man and the production man, from the standpoint of im- portance tn a war, is not easy to define. They e@re mutually dependent. Even the civilian who isn’t engaged in production becomes a vital element in providing the capital that war requires. The boundary where military responsibility ends and civilian concern begins is vague, and becoming increasingly so. Methods of transportation, technological advances, even the explorations of the hu- man mind in philosophy, are obliterating the old boundaries, Today, then, we are not fighting to preserve our coast line, nor our frontiers, nor our buildings. We are fighting to save something even less tangible but vastly more important. We are fighting not to preserve our houses, but our homes. We are fighting not to pre- serve our industries, but a concept of life in which an individual can maintain himself and his kin with dignity. We are fighting not for our bodies, but for our souls. Isn't that the essence of total war? People close to the imaginative minds in alr transportation are perhaps more con- scious than others of our lack of protective boundaries. Time and distance were once on our side; now they are gone. We have observed how populations can change. We have seen, tragically enough, how in the process of change ideas are transported that are more deadly than cholera, It is inconcelvable to us that there can persist today in the minds of supposedly responsible leaders the notion that our shores constitute a defense, and that our responsibilities end with our geographical borders. Total war takes no cognizance of bounda- ries or frontiers or established fighting lines. Total war enters and destroys the dwelling of the civilian. Even more importantly, it invades his mind. The insidious, stultifying effects of that invasion are apparent today in the kind of leadership which tnsista that the concerns of other nations are not ours. In retrospect we now recognize many mis- takes-——-honest mistakes—we, as a people, have made. Some of the mistakes we have made at home in our lack of prepared- ness, in our failure to recognize the dan- ger signs on the international horizon. The most hideous mistake we could now make would be to fight among ourselves, each ac- cusing the other, destroying confidence in each other—Democrats or Republicans alike. We cannot continue to survive under the slogan of business or politics, as usual. We must, as good Americans, close ranks and put up a completely solid front against our enemies, both domestic and foreign, end we have many dangerous enemies within the borders of our own land. The President of the United States is the President of Democrats and Republicans alike, He is a good President, loyal to our country, patriotic to the nth degree. He has inherited many tremendous and baffling problems. He has had many heaped upon him by persons and by governmenta who would destroy us. The solutions are not easy. Some maybe are impossible, but polit- ical friend and foe alike must admit, if they are honest, that President Truman is strug- gling unceasingly, patriotically and heroical- ly, to lead us out of the miasmic swamps of domestic and international discord to the sunlight of peace and freedom from fear. We must lay aside all destructive criti- cisms that may add to our dangers; we must unify the efforts of every patriotic American, ‘We must become ready for heavy sacrifices, Wo must do our utmost to safeguard the interests of future generations, and the con- tinued existence of our great country as the “home of the brave and the land of the free.” The new burdens we shall be called upon to carry will be heavy, heavier than Amer- icans have ever experienced. We shal! be forced into a long period of austerity. Lux- uries as we have known them will vanish. We shall have to devote every possible energy and asset to defense in order that we may not perish. While individuals are tightening their belts, our Government must eliminate every activity or expense that is not required for the security of our Nation. Waste in our homes, factories, In transpor- tation, and in Government, must be eradi- cated. Fuel, power, clothing and food must be conserved. Our every energy and re- source must be devoted to strengthening our ability to protect our country against numerically superior and merciless antago- nists. A Declaration of Dependence on Almighty God EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLYDE R. HOEY OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. HOEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix to the Recorp a declara- tion of dependence on Almighty God, prepared and delivered by Dr. Albert P. Shirkey, pastor, Mount Vernon Place Methodist Church, Washington, D. C. The 5 cople of America are accustomed to issuing declarations of independence, but it is most appropriate at this time that we should individually and collec- tively join in subscribing to this declara- tion of dependence. There being no objection, the matter referred to was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: DECLARATION oF DxPzNDENCE (Proposed by Albert P, Shirkey, D. D.) When in the course of human events the heert and soul of a nation’s life (that part for which our fathers bled and died) is being attacked by subtle and insidious forces, it becomes the duty and obligation of that nation made so aware to make certain decla- ra 8. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This declaration becomes imperative Arst, to insure the continuation of our people in that kind of life that issues in good citizen- ship, happy home life, honorable business practices, the stabilization of education, and the production of philanthropic impulses, Second, to make our Nation aware that man does not live by bread alone and that life does not consist in the abundance of things one es. Third, to inform our own people and the peoples of the world that it 1s our firm conviction that the mainstay of our political, national, home, and indi- vidual lite comes to its fulleat fruition only when God is written upon the mind, heart, and conscience of a nation's life. It is this that holds us true to the highest and noblest ideals. The loss of these ideals breeds in- stability, unrest, injustice, bloodshed. Then, to be true to our place in the family of na- tions, it becomes our solemn duty to issue a call that will bring not only to our Nation but to the nations of the world, that poise which ig the cherished possession of those who trust in God. We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America in general Congress assembled, led by the President of our coun- try, issue the following declaration: We believe in God, and we hereby reaffirm our dependence upon Him. Woven into our national life is this confidence that wo will not allow to be shaken. Upon our coing we have inscribed, ‘In God We Trust.” We now call upon the people of these United States of America to write this afresh upon the spiritual tables of their hearts—to guard this faith as one would guard his life. We remind our people that this country was founded for the purpose of allowing each man to worship God according to the dic- tates of his own conscience. Throughout our history God has been the warp and woof of our national existence, We believe in God. Democracy has been the outgrowth of this faith. It is this prin- ciple of government that we see fast dis- appearing in nations that have overthrown God. Wherever there is to be found rev- erence for God, the lowest have equal op- portunities for life, love, and liberty, which are the cherished possessions of the more fortunate. As lovers of liberty we declare that when God has disappeared from a nation’s life, slavery in some form or another has ensued. The dignity and worth of human personality has been preserved only when men have been made conscious that they are responst- ble to the Judge of the Universe for their actions. Thus, to preserve the life begun, protected, and fostered in our national history, we pub- licly make this declaration of dependence on Almighty God. The Role of Labor in the War Emergency EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL H. DOUGLAS OF ILLINOIS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr, DOUGLAS. Mr, President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address of Mr. George M. Harrison, president of the Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, and vice president of the American Federa- tion of Labor, before the Economic Club of New York, January 17, 1961, at the Astor Hotel, in New York City,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mr. Harrison is an industrial states- man who has honorably represented the interests of organized labor for many years, and I believe his thoughts should get careful consideration from every Member of Congress. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Mr. President and members of the Eco- nomtie Club of New York, it ts a great pleasure for me to be here to talk with you about some of the problems that are facing us to- day. It is a pleasure not only because I find such contacts always useful and en- lightening, but also because the present na- tional emergency demands of all of us that we try to reach os great a mutual under- standing among the people of the United States as 1; humanly possible. The war in Korea has finally unmasked the designs and the program of the Communists; anyone who had any doubt before must know now that the dictator in Moscow is willing to risk world war in order to extend his despotic power. We should realize now, too, that there is no limit to that appetite for power. We can’t satisfy that Russian bear with a little raw meat. The more he eits, the more he wants—and the meal he really has his eyes on is the United States of America. In the emergency that confronts us, the achieve- ment of effective national unity is of first importance. It {s important that we Americans try to build up our national strength, as much as we can and as fast as we can. We must try to resolve our own differences of opinion, as much as possible, to understand each other, so that we can pull together in the dif- ficult days that lie ahead of us. Unless we learn to stand together today, we may fall together tomorrow. You will not expect me, I know, to tell you of the problems or desires of American financiers, industrialists, or businessmen, The men who speak for the owners of Amer- ican industries assuredly need no help from me, especially before this group. You will expect me to tell you of the problems and attitudes of American wage earners; that I propose to do, as simply and directly as I can. It would not be any kindness to you, either, for me to pull any punches here; for your own good, and for the good of the country, you ought to know exactly what American workers are thinking, even though you may not like those thoughts. Let me say, first, that the working people of this Nation are fully awake to the men- ace of communism. We have faced that threat in many forms, during the past 20 years, and American labor has never for one moment wavered in its devotion to our free American institutions. No part of the citl- zens of this country are more determined to combat Communist dictatorship in whatever form and wherever in the world !t threatens than the men and women who work for a living. That determination springs, first of all, from the belief that our way of life—based on human freedom to worship, think, and speak, and vote as we believe—is right in principle, and the only just basis for any Civilization. Labor is for freedom and de- mocracy, and we are opposed to all Kinds of dictatorship. But we are also opposed to Communist dictatorship from the immediate and direct standpoint of our own interests. We know that our unions, our personal freedom, and our living standards could not and would not survive under Communist domination. Labor leaders, and every out- spoken workingman, would share the hon- ors of the firing squad with the leaders of business and industry if Communist dicta- torship were to be established in America. We know that. We know, too, that the same results would follow if our domestic breed of Communists were ever able to overthrow our form of government. Whether communism were imposed upon us by foreign aggresgion, or in some fashion slipped over on us b home-grown dictator, the effect would be the same, Don’t ever forget that fact or let any of the more rabid antllabor newspapers or columnists or radio commentators mislead you. American labor is anti-Communist; American labor knows far better than Amer- ican business the evils of dictatorship and domination, the benefits of freedom and democracy. We know, because in the not distant past, American workers were denied industrial and economic freedom, and they lived under the power of some petty despots and dictators in American industry. This, perhaps, is as good a place as any to say bluntly that American labor will fight against the return of that kind of industrial op- pression in this country, and will fight as vigorously to get rid of it in the spots where it still exists. Let us look at the facts of our American situation frankly. In normal times we do a lot of fighting among ourselves; our basic way of living is that every man is supposed to have an opportunity to work his way up- ward, and the competition in every walk of life, if 1( is fair and free, is one of our ways of making certain that the able and upright man will gain advancement to positions of leadership. Down through the years, the struggles of individual men, and of groups of men, have brought great progress to us as @ people. American workers have not only improved their standards of living, but they have gained greater leisure for themselves, and they have won a substantial measure of freedom and democracy on their jobs. Part of that came from their efforts as individuals, but the great progress of recent years has been Accomplished by them through their labor organizations. It hasn’t been done, either, without great effort; every gain we have made in wages or working conditions, every right we have won, and every protec- tion we have thrown around our jobs have been over the vigorous opposition of many employers. Sometimes we have been able to persuade, with facts and arguments, but much more frequently what we have secured has come only because we have said, “This is what we want, this is what we have got to have, and this is what we are going to have.” The progress of the American working penple has been won over the resistance of the rep- resentatives of business and industry. I am not here complaining about that resistance. We have been free to ask for what we wanted, and the employers have been free, and willing, to answer ‘No. What I do complain about, however, is the methods and tactics that have been used. In ordinary times, we can trust to the ulti- mate sense of fair play of the American peo- ple, and our own efforts at explaining the facts, to get things set right in the long run. But now, in the gravest national danger we have ever faced, I believe we have a right to expect that the business community will police itself a little bit, as we have been try- ing to police domestic and international labor organization. We do not expect the American employer to drop all opposition to labor progress, any more than we expect the gun to rise in the west tomorrow morning. Before I explain what I mean let me give you the reasons for insisting upon fair play and broad-minded action from the repre- sentatives of industry. This world situation in which we find ourselves is not just a battie between nations or groups of nations. As the Russians and some of their friends are preaching it, this fight is what they call a class conflict. They insist that the world is witnessing a battle between capitalists and workers, between employers and labor. The Communists in the Kremlin tell the world that labor rules in Russia, and that Com- munist victory in every other country means labor will rule that country; more than that, they are shouting all over the world that the United States is a capitalist-ruled country, that labor here is oppressed and down- trodden, that the American Government is the tool of big business and stands for in«~ dustrial exploitation and the degradation of the workingman,. That, of course, Is the technique of the big lie. Hitler, I believe it was, said that if you tell a big enough lie often enough, it will be believed, because people will think you couldn't have the nerve to invent a really fantastic story. That’s the Russian Com- munist method today. Look, now, at the world situation. We are the main bulwark of democratic human freedom and private enterprise, but two- thirds of the world is still free from Com- munist domination. We are the No. 1 target of the Communists, but the No, 1 tactic of the Communists is to separate us from all possible friends and allies abroad. They seek, also, to win any possible support for their program from among our own political leaders and the working people. But mainly they are trying, in Germany, France, Italy, in all of Western Europe, to persuade the labor groups that Uncle Sam is a capitalist despot, that our way of life is fundamentally antilabor and proemployer. The Com- munists hold up Russia as labor governed, and America as capitalist dominated. The real battleground of today is not just the rice paddies of Korea, it is the minds of the political leaders and the working people of Western Europe, and even of many in Eng- land and more than a few in the United States of America. American Isbor is doing everything pos- sible to counteract that Communist propa- ganda, in America and throughout the world, I need not tell you of the campaign within this country; you must have seen the news stories of the constant vigorous opposition to the Communist Mine and Communist peo- ple in all labor unions. Most of our labor organizations are free from any actual Com- munist influence, although there may be individuals who are still unbalanced enough to accept the Russian Hne. But in the in- ternational field we have been no less active and determined. We have succeeded in smashing the Communist international la- bor front; we have destroyed the Communiat dominated World Federation of Trade Un- jons, and set up a vigorous and effective anti- Communist world organization. I think I may justly say that American labor leader- ship was primarily responsible for this ac- tion, In the fight we have been making, we believe we are entitled to the cooperation of American businessmen, to the extent, at least, that they will not in this emergency seek to evade their fair share of the sacrifices and burdens that are necessary to make our country strong and united so we can win this world struggle. In the development of this Nation, the Government has uniformly and consistently done its best to ald American business. La- bor has no objection to the principle, in general, that Government powers should be used for the benefits of the citizens. We be- lieve, with the founding fathers, that gov- ernments are instituted for those purposes. The long record of land grants, of tariff laws, of governmental subsidies, of patent legislation, of governmental loans and liberal Government contracts, the direct ald given by the State Department and occasionally by the Armed Forces tn foreign affairs—all of these things illustrate and attest the devo- tion of the United States Government over the last century and a half to the advance- ment of American business interests, While businessmen, industrialists, and financiers have sometimes disagreed about what meas- ures Government should adopt to foster and A311
‘A8l2 help the business community, they have sel- dom taken issue with the idea that Govern- ment should offer such help. The great total of billions of dollars that has flowed from Government to industry, and the other di« rect aids that have been given, have been tremendous factors in our industrial growth. But I do not recall having heard such gov~ ernmental assistance called socialistic, or communistic, or un-American, or paternal- istic by the representatives of business. this necessary background, I ask you to consider what is happening today. During the last year, and especially the last 6 months, the price level in America has risen sharply. Every American industrialist, practically, has shared in the wealth thus created; his debts bave abrunk, his on hand have grown, in terms of his dollar situation. Every American workingman, every consumer, on the other hand, has suffered; his debts oppress him more, his weekly income buys him less. Billions of dollars of real wealth have changed hands. What has been the reaction of the busi- ness community to this terrific windfall? The proposal to tax excess profits, for example, has met with an opposition that seems wholly incomprehensible in view of the facts. Business actually seems to expect that the new taxes, required in our national emergency, shall be secured from 4 Federal consumer's sales tax which will fall largely upon those same groups whose incomes have been shrinking under the impact of rising prices. And the business community, through its spokesmen, object to the con- trol of prices to prevent profiteering, al- though they are responsible for raising prices and the inflation that has occurred. At this time when every American family is being called upon to give its sons to the Nation for military service these business attitudes are profoundly disturbing to American workers, It does no good to speak a lot of hard words in such situations, but we cannot avoid a feeling that too many busi- ness representatives are adopting and ex- pressing a narrow, selfish, and greedy view~ point in this national emergency. We do not expect a suspension of the desire for reasonable and fair profits; we do not be- Neve the ordinary motives of economic activ- ity can be set aside in this emergency with- out disrupting our industrial efficiency. Labor knows the harvest that has been garnered by American business in the last year of rapid price increases, and the harvest that resulted from the price increases after the repeal of control laws in 1946. We know the rich gains to business resulting from the rapid amortization of war plants in the last war, and the sales of such planta in the postwar years. We see again the provi- sion for 5-year retirement of plant to be used in the new defense effort. In the face of those terrific, those unprecedented gains by American business, we believe we have aright to expect forebearance, common sense, and national cooperation from those who own our industries. We cannot reconcile the national emer- gency with the efforta being made not only to raise the price level still further, but, on the legislative field, to prevent excess profit taxation. The worst of it, from some standpoints, is that when the workers try to get enough wages to meet these price rises and to prevent undue hardship and suffering for their families some business men want to take away their fundamental Mberty. The right to strike is as fundamental as the right of any businessman to buy and sel], as fundamental as any right pro- tected by the contract provisions of the United States Constitution. It is as fun- damental, and we believe more sacred; no man’s property is as sacred as his liberty, his personal freedom. We cannot get around the simple fact that laws pro< hibiting strikes of workers in private en- terprise take away one of the few great fune mtal rights of every American citizen. We-tope that the business community will rise to the level of dignity, common sense, and patriotism that is required of them iw we are to preserve America and Americanism through the perils that lie immediately ahead of us, Since we all have a supreme stake in freedom, all of us must make our fullest contribution to its defense. With coopera- tion, labor and industrial management oan get much of the additional production that will be needed for an effective military de- fense and relieve much of the inflationary pressures, but the place to stop price in- creases is where they originate. The seller and the speculator fix prices, and if they won’t stop raising prices they must be controlled. If prices are controlled, then we agree that wages should be stabi- lized in parity with prices. Taxes must be raised to get the revenues to pay for our re- armament and they should come from cor- poration and excess profits and individual incomes, We are opposed to a national sales tax because it does not attack inflation at its source—the price and profit level. Govern- ment spending for nondefense activities must be reduced, but this does not require curtailment of essential social services. Postal services should be made self-sus- taining and the charges should be raised to get the necessary revenues. There is no good reason why private business should be furnished parcel poet services at a loss of 100,000,000 a year to be made up by the taxpayers. I would like to see the advocates of pri- vate enterprise practice what they preach and agree to a correction of this unfair sub- sidized Federal competition with private transportation. Soviet aggression constitutes a challenge to our free way of life. We can overcome that challenge if we stand together, as Americans have done in past emergencies. ‘We must convince Soviet Russia that Amer- ica has the will to fight and the strength to fight in defense of freedom and inter- national justice. We must make the Soviet leaders understand once and for all that America is willing to live and let live in American wage earners face the future and ite responsibilities seriously, but with con- fidence. We want peace and the opportu- nity that peace affords for new progress, But if we are compelled by circumstances beyond our control to wage another war, we are determined to let nothing stand in the way of victory—victory that will mean not only a better America, but a better and more peaceful world in our time. This Way to Suicide EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MILTON R. YOUNG ; OF NORTH DAROTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “This Way to Suicide” which appeared in the January 22 issue of Life magazine. I completely share the edi- torial regarding the unrealistic policies of Secretary of State Dean APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There being no objection, the edito- rial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tuts War To Suicis Wf we build our ‘we are building it—the Soviet rulers may face the facts and lay aside their plans to take over the world. That is what we hope will hap- pen, and that is what we are trying to bring about, That is the only realistic road to peace, The foregoing words should be read and reread by every American. They were spoken lnst week by President Truman in his sixth message on the state of the Union. On their face they are attractive and rea- sonable words. They refiect a hope of peace and a dread of war which endure in millions of human hearts. These words of the President occur in @ message which, but for them, would deserve to be applauded as a fine and forceful speech. It may very well be argued that the Presi- dent's words are a useful concession to the universal desire for peace, a necessary recog- nition of the European and Asiatic state of mind. But these words of the President cannot be dismissed in so easy a fashion. They can- not be dismissed on any ground. The President has shown too many times that he believes in the capacity of the Soviet rulers to face the facts and lay aside their plans to take over the world. Mr. Truman's principal adviser on world affairs, Secretary of State Dean Acheson, has shown too many times that he believes in what he has chosen to call the possibility of coexistence, a cooperative peace, a co- operative relationship with the rulers of Soviet communism. On the record the passage quoted here from the President's message must be taken for what it unquestionably is—a considered restatement, made in all good faith and with full conviction, of the major conception and major purpose underlying American policy. THE FATAL FALLACY Taken for what they are, these words of the President are mistaken and dangerous. Taken for what they are, these words de- mand the attention and the talents of all the participants in the great debate over United States policy, a debate which has ex- plored almost every aspect of the subject except the corrosive and fatal fallacy which the President preserved and restated. The nature of the fallacy is clear. The fallacy is that those whom Mr. Truman calls the Soviet rulers are capable of arriving by their own decision, at a state of peace with the non-Communist world. There is no prospect whatever that they are capable of doing 90. Not so long as they are the Soviet rulers, Not so long as the system which drives them to their conquests, feeds their purposes, and gives them their power is in being. Not s0 long as the vast complex of doctrine, nations, governments, parties, and men called Soviet communism is intact, un- defeated, and undestroyed. Not until its power—tts tnherent compulston—to harass, assault, and engulf the non-Communist world is effectively eliminated can there be any chance of peace in the world. The defeat and abolition of Soviet Com- munist purpose and power are not enough; the forces of anticommunism must always have other and more positive objectives. But, to repeat, there can be no peace worth the name and no secure progress toward @ better life and a better society everywhere so long as Soviet communism retains tts power to obstruct all progress and to assault all non-Communist societies, THE FALSE CONCEPT Make no mistake: The President does not Sasume and require the defeat and dismem-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD berment of the Soviet system. The official author of this fatal fallacy, Mr. Acheson, has recently said in 8 many words that “to sub- vert the Soviet Union"—that is to bring about the downfall of Soviet communism—is neither required for peace nor a proper pur- pose of American policy. When Mr. Tru- man speaks of enforcing peace through strength, he must, on the record of what he and his Secretary of State have said, be supposed to mean peace with the present rulers of the Soviet system. Many Americans do not need to be told that this concept is false, With their minds, in their hearts, and in their bones they know that it is false. Many others would like to believe in the possibility that Mr. Truman says he believes in. Many Americans do believe in it still. But their number lessens. Events visible to all, and the actual behavior of the Soviet rulers, make any belief in the possibility of peace with the present rulers of the present Soviet system more unreal with every day that passes. There is something nightmarish in the spectacle of a President of the United States who at this late and awful hour refuses to perceive that the concept which he restated last week is false. There is something night- marish, too, in the continued presence at the President's right hand of a Secretary of State who has so long cultivated this pernicious fallacy. It is terrifying, it is wrong, that this proud priest of coexistence with Soviet communism, Dean Acheson, should still be in a position to shupe the President's most vital conceptions and state- ments of American policy. Here, Life once more submits, is a real and present danger to this Republic. So long as the nature, the purposes, and the capacities of our enemy are misunder- stood and underestimated at the very pin- nacle of American policy, what hope is there that our policy will make sufficient sense? What hope is there that American power will be fully and effectively mobilized? What hope is there that, once mobilized, it will be used to maximum effect and with adequate awareness of the tasks before it? Whut price “the great debate” over policy when the declared objective of our policy is founded upon so glaring a fallacy? This fallacy is a source of weakness—a cancer——which only the President can eradi- cate. He can eradicate it, He can at long last drive from his councils all who have sold and fed him on the pap of coexistence with Soviet communism. He can drive from his own mind, and drop from his utterances, the paralyzing illusion that the rulers of Soviet communism as it now exists can be persuaded to peace or forced to peace, He can perceive that the situations of strength on which he relies can be effective only if they are used to bring about the dis- memberment of the Soviet Communist sys- tem as it now exists and to remove from the world the threat of Soviet power as it is now exercised. He can perceive that peaceful, stable co- existence with Soviet communism is utterly impossible. To hold that it is possible, as the President holds when he talks of forcing or persuading the Soviet rulers to lay aside their plans, is to perpetrate a pietistic fraud. THIS PRODIGIOUS EVIL If coexistence with the present Soviet Com- munist system is impossible, is total war inevitable? Maybe so. Maybe not. Given the pres- sures resulting from a full recognition on our part of what must be accomplished and a full determination to accomplish it, the Soviet Empire may start to change within and to crumble. No man can say just how the pure wickedness of Soviet communism will wtimately be banished from the earth, as some day it will be banished. But what no man has a right to say is that we can live peaceably and happily with this prodigious vil. Meanwhile what must be said is that the Soviet Empire, far from retreating, will con- tinue to expand unless it is opposed with ell our strength and all our mind and all our will. That includes the steady, calm, and constant acceptance of the risk of all-out war. The President said last week that his chosen road—the road to a contrived peace with the present rulers of the present Com- munist system—is “the only realistic road to peace.” It is not a realistic road to peace. It is not @ realistic road to anything. It 1s the road our enemy wants us to take. It is the road to our defeat. It is the way to suicide. Defense Program Seen Back Door to Fair Deal E..TENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HUGH BUTLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. BUTLER of Nebraska, Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Defense Program Seen Back Door to Fair Deal,” by Gould Lincoln, froia the Washington Star of January 13, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: DEerense ProGRaM SEEN Bacy Door ro Farr DeaL—-Lazor Support FoR TRUMAN GIVES Bopy to Rumor (By Gould Lincoln) A growing suspicion that the defense pro- gram is to provide a back-door route to the Fair Deal measures, advocated by President Truman and the so-called Mberal wing of the Democratic Party, is making itself felt in the National Capital. The alacrity with which some of the leaders of organized labor have gone to the front for President Tru- man’s recent message on the state of the Union to Congress gives body to this hovering rumor. The labor leaders say “O. K. We are going right along with the President, especially on national defense.” William Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, amplifies. He points out that Mr. Truman in a message urged Congress not to overlook improvements for the long pull— and Mr. Green spoke particularly of national health insurance. To Mr. Green, and, indeed, to all of the 100 percent Fair Dealers, compulsory na- tional health insurance does not mean socialized medicine, or even placing many more billions of dollars on the backs of the taxpayers. MORE REALISTIC VIEW The man on the street seems to have a more realistic view. But the man on the street soon is going to be ground down by heavier and heavier taxes; and when he is, for the sake of national defense, he may be forced into a frame of mind friendly toward proposals for free medical service. That at least is what the Fair Dealers hope, They will tax him until he is unable to pay for medical care, and then tax him again to sub- sidize free medicine. It’s a nice idea, for A313 the Fair Deslers who want the Government to do everything, if it works. Further, with the prices of foods going up to a point where the man on the street and his family are going to have a difficult time getting enough to eat, there is going to be a demand for Government subsidies to help keep these prices down to the consumer while at the same time letting the prices the farmer and the middleman get remain at higher levels. Then the Brannan farm pro- gram, with its production payments to farm- ers and ite subsidies to the consumers, is going to be launched again—make no mis- take. The administration promises that the Brannan pian will keep prices up for the farmer and low for the consumer may be as phony as the old medicine shows. But they will sound better, when the man on the street has been softened up enough. Here, too, the man on the street will have been taxed until he cannot buy food he needs for himself and family, and then will be taxed again to provide subsidies so he can get more meat and butter and eggs, etc. CORRECT VIEW UNDECIDED Washington also is trying to decide wheth- er the Mr. Truman who addressed Congress last Monday and who soft-pedaled the Fair Deal measure gives the correct view of the administration's present attitude, or the Mr. Truman who militantly declared at his press conference on Thursday that the Fatr Deal measures were not being abandoned at all. Mr. Truman made no plea to Congress to put through an FEPO law or other civil-rights measures—as he did with emphasis when he spoke to the last Congress. But at his press conference, when he was asked if the civil- rights program was being put aside for a while, his answer was an emphatic “No.” The idea has grown—immediately after the President's message to Congress—that he had decided not to press for civil-rights legisla~ tion now—or to seek a repeal of the Taft- Hartley labor law. His recent letter to Sena- tor Harry Byrrp, of Virginia, asserting he he- Meved they could cooperate, gave additional color to this belief. But when he was asked point-blank at his press conference about these things, the President gave emphasis to his assertions that these things had by no means been abandoned, even temporarily. Organized labor leaders, who are opposing Wage controls and demanding price con- trols, must have had some kind of as- surance from the White House, it is said here, that the President still stands for out- right repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act. Other- wise they prob.bly would have been yelling their heads off. Whether the Negroes are going to accept the Monday Truman, or the Thursday Truman, remains to be seen. Some hold that the Negroes are being sold down the river to bring about a rapprochement between Mr. Truman and the Southerners in Congress. Analysis of the 1950 Gubernatorial Vote in California EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM F. KNOWLAND OF CALIFORNIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr, KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an anal- ysis of the vote in the recent guberna- torial contest in California between Gov. Earl Warren and James Roosevelt,
A314 There being no objection, the analysis was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Governor Warren’s total vote was 2,461,754 which exceeds his 1946 general election vote (2,344,542) when he was the nominee of both the Republican and Democratic Parties. Warren's vote exceeded Roosevelt's by 1,- 127,898. Although California hes 1,117,393 more Democrats than Republicans registered, War- ren’s margin of victory exceeded the Demo- cratic registration majority. . Warren received 11 votes for every 6 votes for James Roosevelt. A total of 73.82 percent of the registered voters in California voted in the election. Warren polled a greater percentage of votes than at any previous governorship election, primary or general, in which he was opposed. In his third bid for the governorship he polled @ greater percentage of the votes than was cast for him in 1942 when he first ran for the office. In number of votes received he broke all previous records for both himself and all other candidates for office, including 1946 when he was unopposed in the general election. Warren received 64.85 percent and Roose- velt received 95.14 percent of the votes cast for governor. In the p-tmary election War- ren received 60.75 percent of the votes cast and Roosevelt received 36.46 percent, No other major party candidate in Cali- fornia history has ever been defeated as de- cidedly as was James Roosevel*. Roosevelt was beaten by a greater ma- jority than any major party candidate for governor or United States Senator in any State of the Union at this election. Although 58.39 percent of the registered voters in California are Democrats, Roose- velt polled only 85.14 percent of the total votes cast for governor. Roosevelt's total vote amounted to only 43.56 percent of his own party's registration. Warren’s vote amounted to 126.58 percent of his party's registration. Warren won in all 58 counties, among which were such counties as Fresno, Kern, Solano, Contra Costa, Kings, and Sacramento where registration is better than 2 to 1 Dem- ocratic. San Francisco, with a registration of nearly 2 to 1 Democratic, gave Warren a mafority of 93,614. Los Angeles County, where the registration is better than 14% to 1 Democratic, gave Warren a majority of 438,539. Warren carried 22 counties by more than 2 to 1 and in 6 of these the ratio was more than 8 to 1. Who Are the Isolationists? EXTENSION OF REMARKS _ HON. ANDREW F. SCHOEPPEL OF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. SCHOEPPEL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the ConaressrowaL Record an editorial by A. Q. Miller, pub- lisher of the Belleville Telescope, Belle- ville, Kans., entitled “Who Are the Iso- lationists?” Here is a voice from the grassroots that could well be heeded by those who are prone to brand those who might dis- agree with them on our foreign policy as isolationist. The stark truth happens to be as Mr. Miller points out in this editorial and gives reasons why the com- mon people of this country feel as they do about what is happening on the Washington level. I commend it to my colleagues for careful reading. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Who Ark THE ISOLATIONISTS? (By A. Q. Miller) According to the administration standard, an “isolationist” is anybody who disagrees with the foreign policy of the administra- tion—a contradictory policy which has not only kept confused the people of this coun- try but also our so-called friends and enemies throughout the world. If a voice is raised in this country by a Congressman or a citizen, 8 a change or Improvement to make our foreign relations consistent and conform to the char- ter of the United Nations, some administra- tion spokesman cries out “Isolationist” and brands the individual an enemy of his coun- try. Timid Congressmen and frustrated in- dividuals do not have the courage to run the gantlet of hundreds of administration pub- licity hounds and therefore they acquiesce in policies which they honestly believe are detrimental to the best interests of the country. The result is that the people of this coun- try are committed in secret agreements by the State Department. Then Congress and the country are told what our foreign pol- icles are, This is the thing that has aroused many loyal and courageous Congressmen and individuals to speak out and brand the policy as wrong and not in conformity with our Constitution. These protestors declare that the Senate is the treaty-making body, and that Congress is the law-making body and the only author- ity which can declare war. Many Members of the next Congress which meets in January declare they are going to demand that the country go back on a constitutional basis. In times of great national and interna- tional stress when administration leaders make commitments agreeing to appropriate money and supply our troops to fight on foreign soll without a formal act of Con- gress, those commitments do not conform to our so-called democratic principles and American way of Ufe—and a few courageous souls have the temerity and courage to say so, thereby subjecting themselves to a “smear campaign” by politicians. Because of conflicting and incoherent poli- cies now existing between this country and a number of our allies under the United Na- tions, many demands are made that our foreign policy be examined and reviewed by Congress in order to know what commit- ments we have, but such auggestions are met by scorn and sometimes by harsh language. The administration rightfully demands unity in this country, but it does not hold out the olive branch and obviously does not recog- nize that unity is a two-way street, Billions of dollars have been appropriated by Congress for national defense under re- quests by the President without knowing how the money would be spent. We find in @ crisis that we are not prepared and our troops are not adequately equipped. We won two World Wars, the first to make the world safe for democracy and the second “a war to end war,” and in both cases we won the wars and lost the peace. Now we sre faced with another world war more devastating if it comes than the others. People are frustrated at a leadership that has fatled to keep vs out of war. We have had nearly 20 yeara to build a structure of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pence on a solid foundation and have failed. At Gan Francisco this country hed the con- Hdence and good will of practically every nation on earth, and we coult have written into the Charter of the United Nations prac- tically anything we wanted, but we followed the fatal policy of appeasement and gave Russia the veto power which completely de- stroyed the effectiveness of the Charter. And since that time the record is replete with examples of vacillation and appease- ment, which took us through the tragedy of Pearl Harbor and down to Korea and China, apparently without learning anything from experience or without ea sound foreign policy. Prankly, our foreign policy has been so vactl- lating and incoherent that we have lost the confidence and friendship of practically all of the world. India Starves Herself EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STYLES BRIDGES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an editorial entitled “India Starves Herself,” published in the Wash- ington Post of January 21, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Inpra Stanves Hersey A good deal of nonsense is parading under the guise of humanitarianism in the current clamor to send grain to India “vith no strings attached.” A correspondent in an adjacent column puts the finger squarely on the point. The self-defeating trade war with Pakistan has deprived India of large sources of food close to her own border. Even now food is available in Pakistan which would help greatly to alleviate the Indian crisis, In 1940 Pakistan is said to have offered to sell India 600,000 tons of wheat. Prime Minister Nehru spurned the offer at the same time that he was importing it at greater cost. The same situation still prevails. To be sure, the Pakistan exchange rate is some- thing of an obstacle in that Pakistan did not devalue her currency when other nations in the Commonwealth followed the devalua- tion of the British pound. Even s0, India is paying far more for wheat from Australia, Canada, and Argentina than she would have to pay from Pakistan. A similar situation prevatis with respect to cotton: India has Tefused cotton from Pakistan while buying it from Egypt. This does not mean that the famine in Indta could be wholly alleviated by imports from Pakistan and nearby areas, or that the United States should not view Nehru's re- quest for grain sympathetically. The famine is @ very real thing. We believe that some help is warranted and that Oongress should enable the Department of Agriculture to make some surplus American grain avail- able. But it would be worse than foolish to overlook the fact that the seriousness of the famine has been heightened by the Indo- Pakistan war. It is made worse by the dtyersion of agricultural land to jute pro- duction 80 as to be independent of Pakistan. And India’s financial position certainly is impaired by the immense drain of the army mobilized over the Kashmir dispute.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Now, it is said, is the psychological time to win Indian affections by a nonpolitical gift of grain. Whatever the merit in this argument, Congress would be sorely remiss if it did not insist on a quid pro quo. The plain fact is that Indla is not doing what she can to help herself. It is time for frank speaking on these points, We hope that Congress will answer India’s call, but only on the condition that there be some realism in New Delhi. The President’s Budget EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALLACE F, BENNETT OF UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. SENNETT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “The President’s ‘Strict Econ- omy’ Budget Begs for Congress’ Knife,” which appeared in the Deseret News, published in Salt Lake City, on Tuesday, January 16, 1951, I believe this editorial merits careful consideration at this time by Members of Congress and by the public. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rzcorp, as follows: THE PRESIDENT's “Staicr Economy” BupGer Brcs ror Conaress’ KNIFE While we beg @ day to mull over the com- plicated detail of the President's $71,594,000,- 000 budget request which he laid before Congress yesterday, we can note such items as these: If granted outright, without paring it down, that budget means #471 for every man, woman, boy, and girl in the United States. There are only about 152,000,000 of us to carry this staggering load, including babes in arms, public charges, and persons inca- pacitated by age, disease, or crippling inju- ries from doing any kind of gainful work. The next thing we can note is that there is a lot of fat stashed away in the mail- order-catalog-sized volume of budget itemi- zation. Despite his urgent admonition to every wage earner, housewife, business person, or private enterprise to practice the sternest disciplinary thrift as an aid toward meeting the national economic and fiscal emergency, Mr. Truman's proposed budget actually shows an increase in nondefense spending over the comparable items in last year’s deficit monstrosity. It was the fact that last year's was a defi- eit budget, when it should have been not only balanced, but overbalanced so that some headway, at least, might have been made toward reducing the national debt as @ protection against the inflationary pres- sures which the present situation are in- creasing—it was that fact which made that budget monstrous in the truest sense. Particularly since that budget could easie ly have been balanced not by raising taxes but by cutting unessentials out. There ts nothing more fruitless than cry- ing over spilt milk—a practice which this newspaper deplores and tries its best to avoid, But there is no greater folly than spilling the same kind of milk over again. And unless Congress sharpens its knife to do a shrew job of surgery on the unessen~ tional nonmilitary items in the budget now before it, the amount of fresh fiscal milk that will be split will be large. Out of the $71,594,000,000 that Mr. Tru- man has asked, €41,421,000,000 ts for military needs, That 58 percent of the total we cannot dis- cuss. For one reason, dictates of security kept it from being itemized; for another, Congress will not be too critical about its parts in any case, any more than will we, because in times of national danger parsi- mony which might hamper actually nec- essary national defense is unthinkable. And so though the amount asked is enor- mous—little more than a billion dollars less for military purposes alone than the total $42,428,757,406 asked for all purposes in the President’s budget last year. and more than twice the $20,427,000,000 which the Presi- dent estimates will be spent to meet military needs this year—still whatever the appro- priate congressional committees decide, after consultation with the appropriate experts and advisers, to agree on as proper expendi- tures for purely defense items, we are pre- Pared to accept as correct. It is the 82 percent of the new budget— 23,112,000,000 taxpayers’ dollars, @ 61,622,~ 000,000 increase rather than a five or six or eight or nine billion dollars decrease in the Federal Government's domestic costs, that particularly begs for the knife. The remaining 10 percent of the budget is debatable. In fact it is already in process of debate. It is the proposed $%7,461,000,000 budgeted for military and economic aid to foreign countries allied with us against the Red surge. It may be that this is far too much, as one side of the Dewey-Hoover-Kennedy Dulles- Taft et al. debate argues. It may be that the amount suggested by the President and his advisers is exactly right. It may even turn out that it is much too ttle. More than geo-political argument is in- volved in that question; certainly quite as important is, How much of a load can the American economy stnnd? It is pretty certain that it shouldn't have to stand a good deal of the purely domestic 82 percent, the twenty-three-odd billion dol- lars included in the budget which Mr. Tru- man curiously claimed, in his accompanying message to Congress, exercised “strict econ- omy in nondefense spending.” This newspaper tries not to be captious. We strive never to ask a question which is not posed in good faith. But how, we query, could anyone make such a strict economy claim as we have quoted, on behalf of a budget which slips in under the guise of defense need, major portions of the discredited Brannan plan, an FEPC civil rights scheme, expanded Federal ald to State-supported schools, taxpayer- provided housing for certain special groups, &@ version of an item of sociaiized medicine, $20,000,000 to get a St. Lawrence deep water- way-public power project under way, and other such truly dubious matters as that? It is such that we desperately hope Con- gress will examine coldly before raising the Nation’s tax bill by the whole $16,500,- 000,000 that Mr. Truman’s budget asks. Lacking in Business Sense EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANDREW F. SCHOEPPEL OF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. SCHOEPPEL. Mr. President, we have been requested by President Tru- A315 man to adopt a spending budget in ex- cess of $71,000,000,000. This is a colossal amount of money for the American people to take from their salaries, wages, and incomes, and remit to the Federal Treasury. It will mean great sacrifices for all, It will reach into every home across the land. Those in the lower and middle income brackets will sacrifice most of all in direct payment and in reduced standards of living. The Eighty-second Congress will fail in its duty to the people if it does not squeeze out every drop of water in this request. It must eliminate without fear or favor each item that is nonessential. My State of Kansas has contributed much to the field of journalism. In the contemporary group of Kansas journal- ists Mr. R. A. Clymer, editor of the El Dorado Times has few equals in express- ing convincingly and with clarity the trends of public thought. His editorial on the Federal budget appearing in the El Dorado Times on January 17, 1951, is, in my opinion, one of the finest in its analysis of, and the public reaction to the President's request for money, that I have read, I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the edito- rial was ordered to be printed in the Recor, as follows: LACKING IN Business SENSE President Truman laid down a spending budget of $71,500,000,000 for the Government next year, in his address to Congress, and de~ manded that taxes be increased over their present swollen proportions by nearly @16,< 500,000,000 to balance it. That, of course, as the mathematical sharps have already figured, means an outlay of $471 from every one of the 152,000,000 men, women, and children in the United States. The impact of these sums on the country was startling, though every form of public propaganda has been employed to prepare the Nation for the blow. More than half of the sum proposed would go to military needs, though no breakdowns were given on this score in the huge budget document—which is described as being of mail order catalog size. Reasons set forth for this were on the basis of security, and also “because estimates are still tentative.” This last leaves room for the juggling—and no doubt upping—of figures, as military depart- ments are notorious for having only hazy ideas of economy. No reduction was proposed in non-defense spending. Instead, elight increases were noted in many of the items. Tucked away in the Budget text were all of the fair deal fair-haired projects—the FEPC plan for equal rights for Negroes, Federal aid to State schools, Federal medical insurance with a first-year tax totaling $276,000,000, housing for low-income groups, the main part of the Brannan farm program, and the St. Law- rence power~seaway project, The President blandly put all these on a defense-needs foot- ing, though Just how some of them can be accepted on that basis arouses burning curl- osity. The effect of the whole Budget was reas~ suring in no sense. In fact, it indicated to even the most casual reader that wild and lavish spending will continue under the present administration—even at a time of national crisis, The people of this country will more or leas cheerfully produce all the money that must be had to meet the emer~- gency. But they have a right to insist that
A316 all frills be removed from Government opera- tion, and that something like an honest at- tempt to conduct the domestic establishment on an economic basis be exerted. The President's budget, as proposed, offers no evidence whatever of any intention toward these two objectives, ‘What it does reveal js that this country suffers not a paucity of dollars, but of strong, sensible, business leadership at the top. The World Situation and America’s Part EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LESTER C. HUNT OF WYOMING IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. HUNT. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Record an editorial en- titled “If You Agree, Write Your Sena- tor,” which appeared in the January 4, 1961, issue of the Wyoming State Jour- nal, published in my home town of Lander, Wyo. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rec- orp, as follows: Ir You Acres, Wrtre Your SENATOR The present military confilct, with its onrinous forebodings, has presented this country with a problem which js completely new in our military experience. For the first time we face the fact that our enemies, actual and potential, are superior in man~- power to us and our dependable allies. This, indeed, is something new for Uncle Sam who has never lost a war. In past wars, the situation was the re- verse, Then the Western Powers had men in abundance, and the primary problem was to find time to equip and train and harden them for the final grand assault on the enemy. In World War Z, Allied superiority in this field was tremendous. Look at the situation now. On paper, the nations which have been going along with us in the UN represent most cf the world population. But a statistic on paper doesn’t do any fighting. Many of those nations have pretty well made it clear that they intend to limit their participation in the world con- fiict—and it is a world conflict now, whether or not war is formelly declared by any power—to diplomatic negotiations and the ‘writing of polite notes to the various chan- cellories, Others have been terribly drained of men—and of spirit and morale as well— by the other wars. Others still are 80 geo- graphically situated as to be in the most imminent peril of national destruction. Russia alone has about the equivalent population of the United States, England, Canada, and Australia combined. No one knows precisely how many Chinese there are; Dut the figure fs somewhere tn the neigh- borhood of 460,000,000, and the birth rate is high. For many years there has been an optimis- tic theory that no one, the Communists in- cluded, could organize China, and create in China a really effective military force. ‘The recent terrible trend of events has certainly demonstrated the danger of stil! holding to that theory. Mao ts an able and resourceful man. It is probable that he has done more than any other Chinese ruler to suppress the debilitating ofictal corruption that char- acterized Chinese governments of the past. Fie has exploited to the full China's old hatred And distrust of the west. He has made it abundantly clear, if his acts and pronounce~ ments mean anything at sll, that he is gol- idly and without reservation on the aide of Russia in the world struggle. And he has built an army that no informed man dare to regard with contempt. The Ohinese Red soldier has had good training, He has morale atid & sense of purpose. By Asiatic standards, he ts well fed and well clothed. He has the fanatic, fatalistic courage of the Orient. And his name is legion. Here is why it 1s so strongly argued—in this country, and by practically every European spokesman—that the west must use every reasonable means to avoid a full-scale war with China. Here is why more and more emphasis ts being placed on the fact that the other western powers must, as Herbert Hoover has so ably pointed out, do a good deal more for themselves, militarily, than they have so far done. And if they don’t do it, then the United States alone cannot hold Europe. And to say that we should not attempt to do 80 is not isolationism, as the weak adminis- tration tn Washington now would have every- body believe, it is a matter of self-preserva- tion and just good common sense. We simply cannot carry the whole load, or the mafor part of it—~—we just haven't enough people. We will help to the full in the strengthening of Burope, but Europe must earn and justify that help by cooper- ating to the limit. No more American boys to Korea, or to Formosa, or to Europe until the European powers show that they are going to help themselves—that should be the stand of all Americans and Fremont coun- tyans can help bring this to pass by writing or wiring now to their Senators, taking this stand. The time for half measures has passed. Bank of North Dakota Sets Operations Record EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article ene titled “Bank of North Dakota Sets Op- erations Record,” published in the Grand Forks (N, Dak.) Herald of December 27, 1950. I wish to quote one paragraph from the article as follows: The bank manager, H. C. Bowers, in a re- port to.Gov. Fred G. Aandahl, said that as of December 21 the net operating revenue is "in excess of $1,000,000." On the same date, Bowers reported, deposits in the bank amounted to $96,870,000, I may say, Mr. President, that last year the bank also made a profit of nearly $1,000,000. This year the profit is more than $1,000,000. In my opinion that furnishes a direct answer to those who say that a bank cannot be operated by government when it is operated to take care of the interests of the people and is in reality not in competition with private banks, There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrc- orp, as follows: BANK or NostiH Daxora Szts OPgraTIONs Rerooany Bravance, WN. Dax.—The net operating revenue of the Bank of North Dakota for APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 1960, tte manager said, will be the highest in the tnstitution’s history. ‘The bank manager, H. C. Bowers, in a re- port to Governor Pred G. Aandahl, seid that as of December 21 the net operating revenue ts “in excess of $1,000,000." On the same date, Bowers reported, deposits in the bank amounted to $96,870,000. Bowers said thet from January 1 to De- cember 21 of this year, the Bank of North Dakota made 49 farm home administration insured loans for a total of $439,497, of which 18 loans were to veterans in the amount of 166,675. In the same period, he added, the bank made &2 GI loans for a total of #284,- 816.18 to assist veterans in buying or bulld- ing homes, establishing businesses or en- gaging tn farming. The bank manager said thus far this year 17 title IT insured loans for a total of §100,- 350 have been made to finance home con- struction. Loans to school districts and municipall- ties so far in 1950 total $2,603,093, in the form of certificates of indebtedness, bonds, or warrants. Bowers said securities covering loans and held by the bank of North Dakota on Decem- ber 20 this year totaled 612,20v,364.95, com- pared with $11,508,424.07 on December 31, 1949. So far this year, he said, loans made total $5,146,206.07 and loans paid total $4,455,261.19. Cost of American Armed Forces EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STYLES BRIDGES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Rrcorp an editorial entitled “Sanity Gets the Brush-Off,”” published in the January 11, 1951, edition of the Concord Daily Monitor, of Concord, N. H. There being nv objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Sanrty Gets THE Brosy-Orr Senator Brinczs prodded General Marshall yesterday about our ratio of one fighting man to every four others in the armed serv- ices and Ruasia’s ratio of four fighting men to every one in the armed services who does not Aght. In effect, the General's answer was that part of the difference was in pro- viding our men in the armed services with all the things which the Congress says they peared have in the way of recreation, and s0 ‘orth. There is no doubt at all about the Amer- ican propenaity for considering nothing too good for men in the armed services. We spend upon them lavishly, both while they are in service, and subsequently. The bill for veterans since World War IL exceeds $26,000,000,000, for example, enough to pro- duce & pretty good army according to any- body's standards except our own, What we seem to have done is to forget first principles again. Liability for service to protect one’s country 1s a responsibility which fells upon every citizen, It isn’t just the country which is thus protected, elther, for tn this Nation it is our individual liber- ties which we preserve if we protect the country, All war ts wasteful. Hence the waging of war should be held to a minimum of ex- penditure in manpower and in servicing that manpower. Far from taking this attitude,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD we in this country now go in for grandiose spending the moment war 1s mentioned. We do a lot of foolish things. We are for- ever changing the style of uniforms at ter- rific cost. We provide sheets for the beds of fighting men. We conduct the most mar- velous post exchanges, officers clubs, non- com clubs, recreational facilities for enlisted men, and so forth. that anyone could wish for. We pay our men wages far above any ever earned by fighting men of any other nation. We are excessively liberal with leaves. We go to extremes on military trans- port of all Kinds, And, as Senator Brincrs pointed out, we have four men serving every fighting man, many of the four-fifths of non- fighters living in greater comfort and with greater privileges than they enjoyed as civilians. Our men are good fighters on fighting fronts. But they could and probably would be just as good and perhaps better if less pampered in so many directions. Good soldiers or sailors or filers need tough training, for their own good on battle fronta. They need the best fighting equipment, and that doesn’t mean merely variety and quan- tity. It means quality, éspecially in guns, and so forth. Fighting men need substan- tial food. They need cigarettes, and they need beer, but beyond that their personal needs are simple. We must, with our ingenuity and inven- tiveness, have the means to prosecuting war, or preparing for war, at fur less cost than obtains, both in manpower and in goods, And one of the best components of a good de- fense against the world situation {n which we find ourselves is to maint-in Federal solvency, The economic aspects of the period ahead are as frightening os are the prospects of another all-out war. Except for a slight pause in 1949 we have been inflation-bound now for almost 20 years, and the prospect is for worse inflation in the years just ahead. Yet virtually nothing is betng done to counter this trend. Only today the admin- istration decided against imposition of any further price controls for the time being. Senator Bripces touched upon one source of our troubles economically when he ques- tioned General Marshall. The whole sub- ject needs exploration, and the general's fear of offending the fighting men in Korea by looking into the subject publicly is, we believe, ill-founded. They would feel better supported and less forgotten if they knew the Nation was practicing a little austerity at home, within the home-based Armed Forces as well as domestically. Will anything be done? No. The matter will drop with the brief exchange between the Senator and the general. The Nation, under the leadership of the greatest some- thing-for-nothing administration the world has yet seen, will rush ahead toward the ultimate doom it is inviting in the false name of national security. North Dakota Mill Operation Praised EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN Th. SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an article entitled “North Dakota Mill Operation Praised,” pub- ished in the Grand Forks (N, Dak.) Herald of January 8, 1951. I may say that the profit of the North Dakota State mill and elevator last year was more than $800,000. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Nortet DAKOTA MILL OPERATION PRAISED Bismarcx, N. Dak.—Management of the State Mill and Elevator was praised in ex- planation of the State requested appropria- tions made by Senator R. R. Morgan of Graf- ton, chairman of the senate appropriations committee at the 1949 session. The statement explained that it was im- possible for the budget board, the appropria- tions committee, or members of the legis- lature to intelligently pass upon the details of the operation of this complicated and technical business. “It is our belief that the mill and elevator has had excellent management during the past 12 years, and its financial statements bear this out,” the statement read. “The administration of the bill has sub- mitted to the budget board a detailed and comprehensive budget for the next 2 years, which is about 812 percent higher than the budget of 2 years ago. Basing our judg- ment on other costs of doling business in other lines of business, it would seem that this increase is very nominal.” The total allowed for the present biennium was $2,193,820. An increase of $190,030 Its requested for the present biennium, and the board approved the full request Of $2,383,850, which is expected to accrue from the profits of the mill. R. M. Stangler is manager of the mill. en eneneenen oenenenrenemnaamemael Support for the Troops in Korea EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STYLES BRIDGES OF NEW HAMPSHICE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an editorial from the Janu- ary 6, 1051, edition of the Evening Lead- er, of Manchester, N. H. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: “Back Up Our Boys,” Bringzs DEMANDS The soundness of Senator Brivdss’ reason- ing in his demand that we either back our boys up or take them out of Korea is ines- capable. These brave boys have been slaughtered long enough as a result of diplomatic restric- tions that have hampered their efforts. It is a hideous crime to send men to Korea to fight Communist aggression, and then re- fuse them the legitimate means to defend themselves against powerful enemy assaults. Senator Brinces’ labeling of the situation as ridiculous is putting the matter mildly. Our land forces, as he says, wage a total grim and bjoody battle, hopelessly outnumbered by Chinese and Korean manpower. In such a situation, the normal requirement is to give “the Air Force and the Navy a free hand to cripple the enemy’s offensive strength. But what do we find? The Air Force is allowed to fight only half a war. It operates gallantly in support of our Jand troops, while the mission for which it is particularly pre- pared-—~-bombing the supply lines and supply bases beyond the Yalu-—is forbidden by the endless debates going on in the UN. Meanwhile, the Navy, under orders to patrol the waters between Formosa and the A317 China coast, serves as a protecting screen for the Chinese Communist armies in Ko- rea by preventing a possible invasion of the China coast and the establishment of a sec~ ond front to relieve the pressure on our troops in Korea, In the face of this situation, President Truman's statement at his press conference that he has no intention of bombing Com- munist China, because it might bring on war in Asia, is positively idiotic. What is go- ing on now in Korea, if 1t is not war? Tru- man’s statement is more than idiotic. It reflects an indifference, an absolute disregard for the welfare of our boys whom he sent to Korea, and who are now fighting and dying in subzero weather on the frozen fields of that war-torn country. Ig this a face-saying gesture on the part of Mr. Truman, who is trying to cover up his mistakes by refusing to acknowledge them and to adopt alleviative measures? If 80, it is a tragic fact. For these boys could defend themselves successfully if their hands were freed and they were given a fair chance. The three steps Senator Bripors asks are ordinary military protective measures. We should remove restraints on Chiang Kai-shek at once and permit him to open a second front on the China mainland. We should permit our Air Force to bomb Red China’s supply bases and supply lines just as they would in any other war. We should blockade the coast of Red China and cut off her trade with the free world. If the United Nations won't support these measures, then to hell with the United Na- tions. It is a broken reed anyway to which Truman clings. These are the plain, simple, legitimate demands of the situation in Korea, If the Government won’t take them, then Bripces 1s right. The only alternative is to withdraw our men from Korea at once. Hon. Warren R. Austin, Homespun American Statesman EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 22, 1951 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, his- torlans will record the rugged courage, the high integrity, and the devoted sin- cerity of Warren R. Austin, the honor- able, loyal, and capable United States representative at the United Nations. His homespun Vermont philosophy, his strong and urgent voice has left no one in doubt as to what he meant or what the position of the United States was on many occasions. I have been proud of his representation of the Na- tion’s best interest and welfare many times in the Security Council and the political committee of the General Assembly of the United Nations. It is not only the plain, understand- able words and logic he uses but the strong, convincing tone of voice he has when he speaks that carries weisht and has more than once cut deep and shook the emotions of the apparently phleg- matic and immovable Malik of Soviet Russia in his debates with Malik in the Security Council about the Korean crisis. The people of the United States are fortunate to have a man with the back- ground, the stamina, and the sturdy Americanism as former United States
A318 Senator Warren R. Austin to represent them at the United Nations. How fortunate we would be if we had men of such high capabilities and attain- ment in some of the other vital high offices which are directing our foreign policy. We can be justly proud of our Ambassador at large, Warren R. Austin. Here is a brief appraisal of Mr, Austin recently written by William R. Frye: “Succes” AUSTIN, Fexe WoRLD’s CHAMPION (By William R. Frye) Unrrep Nations, New Yorx.—The man who 4s guiding American diplomacy through some of the stormiest waters the United Nations hag ever seen ts a humble, devout, rock- ribbed Vermont lawyer who combines burn~ ing idealism with an uncommon amount of the good old-fashioned “hoss sense’ which New England breeds. He is Warren R, Austin, permanent repre- scntative of the United States at the seat of tho United Nations—known universally by the less resounding and more affectionate title of “Senator.” Among his aides he now has a new title. As a result of his knock-down-and-drag-out verbal battles with chief Soviet Delegate ‘Yakov A. Malik in recent months, they call him “Slugger” Austin. The staff of the American delegation presented a pair of tiny boxing gloves to him for Christmas. RANK OF AMBASSADOR The Senator, or the “Slugger’—or, to be absolutely prectse, the Ambaesador, for that is his formal rank—spent 16 years, from 1931 to 1947, in the United States Senate. Well before World War II, he was an outstanding internationalist, defending his world viewpoint from bitter isolationist at- tack. One of his prime adversaries in those days was Senator Artur H. VANDENBERG, Republican, of Michigan, who later became e leader of bipartisan foreign policy. Mr. Austin is squarely on the firing line at the United Nations. Day after day he sits in the Security Council or the Political Com- mittee of the General Assembly with Mr. Malik just two seats away (by alphabetical placement) and ltstens to the torrent of Rus- sian abuse and vilification poured out against the country Mr. Austin so passionately loves. NO OUTBURSTS The Senator's lower jaw juts out, and his lips are pressed tightly together. His pince- nez seems to glower. His face reddens. But when he speaks, it ia clear that Mr. Malik has not succeeded in baiting him into some ill-considered outburst which could jar the Gelicate balance of American relations with India, Great Britain, or China. His words weigh a ton, whereas Mr. Malik's are a dime a gross, and the Senator knows it. There are two books which Mr. Austin uses constantly for reference, and he is thoroughly familiar wit both. One is the Statutes of the State of Vermont, which embodies many of the groat principles to which he is fond of referring—biting into the great with the rising inflection of a Senator and the relish of an orator conscious of dramatic effect, “J LOOK To THEE” ‘The other book is the Bible. Its pages are well thumbed. He often knows exactly where to turn for the right quotation. In speeches he delivers to children—the Senator makes time for talks to schools, Boy Scout groups, and organizations some diplomats would conaider a chore—he frequently quotes from ita pages. “In seeing you off at the beginning of the trail of the second half of the twentieth cen-~ tury,” he recently told a Scout group, “I give you the most precious wish that I possess: “It ja that you, in your sincere and earnest lives, may early realize in your fight for good and against evil that you are never alone; Sbat your heavenly Father is constantly at your side, and that in every righteous en- deavor you are upheld by His law.” Mr, Austin does not hesitate to invoke the same guidance and support for his own tre- mendously important endeavors on behalf of the United Nations and world peace. His intimates say one of his favorite pleces of literature is the poem of Samuel! Long- fellow which begins, “I look to thee in every need, and never look in vain,” and ends: “Embosomed deep in Thy dear love, Held in Thy law 7 stand: Thy hand in all things I behold, And all things in Thy hand. Thou leadest me by unsought ways, Thou turn'st my mourning into praise.” Bibliography of Material on the Proposed Columbia Valley Administration EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH B. MITCHELL OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. Speaker, the problem of development of a feasible plan for the coordination of the Federal activities in the Pacific Northwest re- mains most important for both the re- gion and the Nation. For those who wish to study this prob- lem, I ask that the bibliography of ma- terial on the proposed Columbia Valley Administration be printed in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp: . BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MATERIAL ON THE PROPOSED CoLuMBIA VALLEY ADMINISTRATION S. 1645, introduced by Hon. Warren G. Magnuson (for himself and Senators Ke- fauver, Humphrey, Chavez, Murray, Langer, Douglas, McGrath, Pepper, Sparkman, Hill, Green, Wagner, Taylor, Gillette, Johnston of South Carolina, and Johnson of Texas); Eighty-first Congress, first session; Senate document room, United States Oapitol, Washington 25, D. C.; April 18, 1949. A bill to reorganize and consolidate certain Federal functions and thereby secure their more effective administration by estabiish- ing a Columbia Valley Administration to assist in the achievement of unified water control and resource conservation and de- velopment on the Columbia River, its tribu- taries, and the surrounding lands, ‘H.R. 4287, introduced by Hon. Henry M, JaCKEon, and H. R. 4286, introduced by Hon, Hucw B, Mircwe.., Eighty-frst Congress, first session; House document room, United States Capitol, Washington 25, D. C.; April 14, 1949. Identical to 5S. 1645 above. Columbia Valley Authority needed in Pacific Northwest, by Hon. Hua B. Mircisn., House of Representatives, Washington 26, D. C. Reprinted from the ConarzssionaL Recogp, January 17, 1940. Better Government, Not Bigger Govern- ment, by Hon. Henry M. Jacwson, House of Representatives, Washington 25, D. C. Re- printed from Conarxssionan Recorp, May 11, 1949. Statement supporting the Columbia Valley Administration legislation. The OVA bill (H. R. 4286) sets forth a new and better way of doing things already being done by the Federal Government in the region of the Columbia, speech by Hon. Hua B. MITCHELL, Of Washington, in the House of Representatives, Washington 25,D.C. Re- printed from Conaarssionan Reconp, April 14, 1949. A discussion and section-by-section analysis of the CVA bill. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Question and Answers on S. 1645, To Bstab- lish a Columbia Valley Administration, ex- tension of remarks by Hon. Glen H. Taylor, of Idaho, in the Senate of the United States. Reprinted fro mthe Conormssronat Recorp, May 9, 1949. Questions and answers on the CVA bill, section-by-section explanation. President Truman calls for proposals on Columbia Valley Authority legislation, a reso- lution from the Columbia Basin Commission, of Washington, inserted in the ConaREssionaL Recorgp of January 24, 1949, by Hon. Huon B. Mrrcwenn, of Washington. Columbia Valley Authority Legislative Pro- gram, letter to President Truman from Hon. Huen B, Mrrcweny, of Washington, and news article and editorial reprinted from the Washington Post and reprinted in the Con- GRESSIONAL REcorp, January 27, 1949. The Truth About CVA, by Hon. Glen H. Taylor, United States Senate, reprinted in the CoNncressronaL Rscorp of July 27, 1950, by Hon. James E. Murray, of Montana. Speech in Rupert, Idaho, July 8, 1950, ex- Pplaining why Idaho needs CVA and answer- ing arguments of opponeits. Introduction to a Columbia Valley Admin- istration, pamphlet containing reprints from the ConcrzsstonaL Recorp, April 18, April 19, and August 25, 1940, inserted by Hon. WaRREN G. Magnuson, of Washington. The pam- phiet includes the following items: Message from the President of the United States to the Congress advocating Columbia Valley Administration; remarks of Senator WaRREN G. Macnuson on the proposed Columbia Valley Administration; editoria] comment— east and west; questions and answers on the proposed CVA; a section-by-section analysis of the CVA bill; comment on the comprehen- sive reports. CVA Facts, extension of remarks by Hon. Glen H. Taylor, of Idaho, in the Senate of the United States, Washington, D.C. Re- printed from the CoNarrssionaL RecorD, May 10, 1949. A discussion of the CVA and its relationships to present conditions; Hoover Commission recommendation, continutty of construction; the benefits of TVA experience, anti-CVA propaganda. Private Power Lobby Opposes CVA, by Hon. Hucn B. Mrrcue.r, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C., and reprint from Chris- tian Science Monitor editorial entitled “The Valley Programs.” Reprinted from the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp of January 81, 1949. My Position on the Pending CVA bill, 8. 1645, by Hon. WAYNE Morsz, of Oregon, United States Senate, Washington, D.C. Reprinted from ConeressionaL Racorp, October 14, 1940. Speech by Senator Morak in the Senate of the United States in opposition to the pro- posed Columbie Valley Administration. Columbia Valley Authority Memorial Passed by the House of Representatives of the State of Washington, a memorial passed by the Washington State House of Repre- sentatives urging enactment of CVA. In- serted in the CoNcres1oNaL Recorp of Feb- ruary 8, 1949, hy Hon. HucH B. MitcHeu., House of Representatives, Washington, D. C, Columbia Valley Administration, hearings before the Committee on Public Works, House of Representatives, EHighty-first Congress, first session, June 20, 21, 22, 48, 24, July 18, 14, 15, 18, 29, August 1 and 3, 1949. Testimony for and against H. R. 4286 and H. R. 4287, bills to establish a Columbia Valley Administration. Columbia Valley Administration, hearings before the Committee on Public Works, United Stateg Senate, Eighty-first Congreas, first pession, May 27, 31, June 1, 31, 22, 28, 24, 25, July 8 and 9, August $ and 4, 1949. Testimony for and agatnst 8. 1596, 8. 1631, 5, 1683, and 8. 1645, billa dealing with the development of the water resources of the Columbia River Basin and the establishment of a Columbia Valley Administration, and for other purposes. Por a Columbia Valley Administration, by J. &. Krug, Secretary of the Interior, Depart-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment of the Interior, Washington 26, D. C., June 22, 1049, Mimeographed. Statement before the House Public Works Committee in support of H. R, 4286 and H. R. 4287, which would establish a Columbia Valley Adminis- tration. Patr Deal on the Columbia, speech of Hon. HucH B, MrrcHs., House of Representatives, Washington 25, D, C. Reprinted in the Con- GRESSIONAL Recorp of March 9, 1949. How a Columbia Valley Administration Would Operate, by C.Girard Davidson, Assist- ant Secretary of the Interior, Department of the Interior, Washington 25, D. C., July 13, 1949. Mimeographed. Statement before the House Public Works Committee in support of H. R. 4286 and H. R. 4287 to establish a Columbia Valley Administration, including an analysis of how a Columbia Valley Ad- ministration would operate if 8S. 1645, H. R. 4286 and H. R. 4287 were enacted. What CVA Means to You, the Columbia Is Our River. League for CVA, 3015 Sixty- third Avenue SW., Seattle 6, Wash., May 1950. Free. Booklet explaining why the co- ordinated development of Columbia River resources through a Columbia Valley Admin- istration is important to the people of the Pacific Northwest. Government by Authorities, a Program of Socializing Our Economy at the Source by Controlling All Natural Resources—Do You Want It? Natural Resources Department, Chamber of Commerce of the United States, Washington 6, D. C,, 1950. Five cents each. Pamphlet opposing regional and valley au- thorities of any kind. Majority of Democratic State Legislators in Montana Support CVA, statement of sup- port for CVA by Democratic members of the Montana State Legislature, Inserted in the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp of March 16, 1949, by Hon. Huo» B. MircHen, of Washington, Blueprint for a Boom, by C. Girard David- son, Assistant Secretary of the Interior, De- partment of the Interior, Washington 25, D. C. Published in the May 15, 1949, issue of This Week magazine, New York Herald Tribune. Article outlining a means to main- tain prosperity in the Pacific Northwest by developing region’s resources under CVA. Kilowatts Out to Sea, by Richard L. Neu- berger, an article published in the June 21, 1949, issue of The Reporter, and reprinted in the CoNGRESSIONAL Recorp, July 7, 1949, by Hon. Estes Kerauver, of Tennessee. Article outlining the pros and cons of the struggle in the West for adoption of the CVA. Northwest, Feeling on the Columbia Valley, by Hon. Hug B. Mitcre.y of Wash- ington, reprinted in the CONGRESSIONAL Rxc- orp of March 21, 1949, from a reply published by the Washington Post. The Magnificent Columbia, CVA: An Over- All Plan for the Valley: CIO Committee on Regional Development and Conservation, Congress of Industrial Organizations, 718 Jackson Place NW., Washington 6, D. C., Jan- uary 1950, Publication No. 178, 15 cents each. Pamphlet dealing with the planning problems of the Columbia Valley. Discusses the various aspects of planning and points out its relationship to union people and the need for an integrated program. Fifteen Basic Objections to the Adminis- tration CVA Bills: National Water Conserva- tion Conference, 1215 Sixteenth Street NW., Washington 6, D. C., reprinted by Seattle Chamber of Commerce, 215 Columbia Street, Seattle, Wash. Lists 1B basic objections to the administration CVA bills. Two editorials on OVA: Two editorials from the Prosser (Wash.) Record-Bulletin, inserted in the CoNargrssionaL Recorp of April 7, 1649, by Hon. Hues B. MrrcHEtt, of Washington. CVA—A Business Proposition, by ©. Girard Davidson, Assistant Secretary of the Interior, Department of the Interior, Washington 25, D. C., August 19, 1949. Mimeographed. Ad- dress before the Young Men’s Club of Ta- coma, Wuash., pointing out that the develop- ment of the Northwest requires effective management of the Government enterprises &s provided by CVA and that the business- men of the whole region will benefit, Valley Authorities: Special number of Leg- islative Daily, Department of Governmental Affairs, Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America, Washington, D. C., Jane uary 10, 1950. A special edition pointing out the opposition to the CVA and to the valley~ authority idea in general by the Chamber of Commerce of the United States. The Growing Need for CVA, by Joe Miller, published in the New Republic magazine of April 11, 1949. Reprinted in the Concres- SIONAL ReEcorp of April 7, 1949 by Hon. Hua B. Mrtcwei,, of Washington. Jackson and the CVA, address by Earl Coe, secretary of state, Olympia, Wash., reprinted in part in January 1950 issue of Oregon Dem- ocrat. Oregon Democrat Publishing Co., 428 Southwest Eleventh Avenue, Portland, Oreg.; 25 cents per copy. Statement favoring CVA. Managing the Federal Investment in the Northwest, by C. Girard Davidson, Assistant Secretary of the Interior, Department of the Interior, Washington 25, D. C.; June 7, 1949; mimeographed. Address before Oregon Bankers Association, Portland, Oreg. A dis- cussion of Federal investment and the econ- omy of the Pacific Northwest, pointing out that CVA will create an economic base for further growth of business, industry, and agriculture. Read for Yourself What CVA Meane (full text of 8. 1645, reproduced from the original with marginal comments). Pacific North- west Development Association, 205 Multno- mah Hotel, Portland 4, Oreg. Marginal com- ments on CVA bill by opponents to the measure. ‘ CVA and Defense Production, by C. Girard Davidson, Assistant Secretary of the Inte- rior, Department of the Interior, Washing- ton 25, D. C., July 31, 1950. Mimeographed, Speech before Chamber of Commerce Forum Luncheon in Pendleton, Oreg. Emphasizes importance of hydroelectric power and other natural resources for defense production. Shows how present divided system of Federal resources operations has contributed to de- lays in providing necessary electric power and how CVA would speed the job. Coordinated Development of Pacific North~ west Resources, & resolution by the South- west Washington Public Utility Commis- sioners Association. Reprinted in the Con- GRESSIONAL Recorp of April 27, 1949, by Hon. Hugh B. Mitchell of Washington. Task Force Report on Natural Resources. Prepared for the (Hoover) Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government. United States Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. 1949. 50 cents. Analysis by experts employed by the Hoover Commission of present Federal sys- tem of river basin Gevelopment and resources operation. Points out in detall deficiencies of present system and recommends consoli- dation and decentralization of existing agencies. CVA—Order on the Frontier, by Richard L. Neuberger, published in July 1949 issue of The Survey, Survey Associates, Inc., 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, New York, 50 cents per copy. Article analyzing Columbia Valley Administration legislation in terms of needs of Pacific Northwest. The Canadian Portion of the Columbia River Basin, speech by the Honorable H. W. Herridge, member of the Canadian House of Commons. Reprinted in the CongRrssronAL Recorp of April 28, 1949 by Hon. Huan. B. MrrcHeELu, of Washington. Question and Answers on the Columbia Valley Administration Bill, Office of the So- Ucitor, Department of the Interior, Washing~ ton 25, D. ©, Multilithed. Analysis of spe- cific language of the CVA bilig in relation to existing law and administrative operations, showing fallacies 1n some charges made by opponents of CVA. A319 ”“. Wow 27 Men Can Oapture the United States, Pacific Northwest Development As- sociation, 205 Multnomeh Hotel, Portland 4, Oreg. Pamphlet charging that proponents of valley authorities would put the entire United States under socialistic government- corporation rule. Why You Need OVA, League for CVA, 3015 Sixty-third Avenue 8W., Sesitle 6, Wash. Pamphlet supporting CVA. . CVAand Public Power, by C. Girard David- son, Assistant Secretary of the Interior, De- partment of the Interior, Washington 25, D. C., August 26, 1949, Mimeographed. Ad- dress before Progress Conference on Public Power, Spokane, Wash. Traces the Oght for public power by the people 1n the Northwest against the private utilities and the present fight for a CVA by those who want cheaper power and better administration of our nat- ural resources, Northwest support of CVA, letters show- ing support of CVA by E. M. “Ed” Weston, president, Washington State Federation of Labor; Henry P. Carstensen, master, the Washington State Grange; Roy W. Atkinson, regional director, CIO; and Harold J, Gibson, president, Aero Mechanics Lodge No. 751, and president, Washington Council of Machinists, IAM. Also letter by John T. McCutcheon, Washington State Senator. Reprinted in the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp of May 18, 1949, by Hon. Huer B. Mrrcwent, of Washington. The Press and CVA, by Richard L. Neu- berger, published in January 1950 issue of Nieman Reports, volume 14, No. 1, Harvard Press, Cambridge, Mass.; also reproduced in part in March 1950 issue of Oregon Demo- crat, Oregon Democrat Publishing Co., 428 Southwest Eleventh Avenue, Portland 5, Oreg.; 25 cents per copy. A survey of the at- titude of the press regarding President Tru- man's proposal for a Columbia Valley Admin- istration. Analysis of Charges Made by Various Indi- viduals and Groups in Opposition to a Co- lumbia Valley Administration, Office of the Solicitor, Department of the Interior, Wash- ington 25, D.C. 1940, Multilith. Legal in- terpretations of passages from CVA bills to explain misconceptions underlying some ate tacks on CVA legislation. Washington Machinists Go All Out for CVA, a resolution supporting CVA by the Washington Machinists Council, published in the May 12 issue of Aero Mechanic, official publication of Lodge 751, 1AM. Reprinted in the ConarmssionaL Recorp of June 2, 1949, by Hon. HucH B. MiTcHe.t, of Washington. CVA Promotes Conservation, by C. Girard Davidson, Assistant Secretary of the Interior, Department of the Interior, Washington 25, D. C. September 17, 1949. Mimeographed. Speech before Izaak Walton League of Ore- gon, Bend, Oreg. Points out why conserva- tion agencies are strapped for funds and how the CVA will promote better conservation of fish and wildlife, soils, forests, and recrea- tional resources. Why the Northwest Needs a CVA, by Harold J. Gibson, published in the April 27, 1950, issue of the Machinist, International Asso- ciation of Machinists, Ninth and Mount Ver- non Place NW., Washington, D. C. A short newspaper article outlining the backing of CVA by labor organizations and the prospects offered labor by CVA. Pacific Northwest Trade Association Stand on CVA, letter from Hon. Huew B. MircH ZL, of Washington, to the Pacifio Northwest Trade Association regarding its negative at- titude on CVA. Reprinted in the Conarxs- SIONAL Recorp of June 9, 1949. People and Resources, by C. Girard David~- son, Assistant Secretary of the Interior, De- partment of the Interior, Washington 25, D. ©. August 26, 1949. Mimeographed. Address before the Catholic Conference on Industrial Problems, Portland, Oreg. Dis- cusses the relationships between people and natural resources, the necessity for proper
A820 nt in order to bring balance to eco- nomic and social aspects of our environment, and how CVA oan bring about this balance. From Analysis of the Administra- tion CVA Bills (H. R. 4886 and H. R. [8.] 1648) by E. W. Rising, Pacific Northwest De- velopment Association, 205 Multnomah Hotel, Portland 4, Oreg. Mimeographed. Expia- nation of opposition to CVA bills. The CVA Area, a 1 edition of the People's Voice, People’s Voice Publishing Co., 1205 Lockey Street, Helena, Mont. January 27, 1980. Price, 5 cents. Extracts from speeches, statements, and documents of pub- lic officials favoring OVA. Newspapers on CVA, an editorial published in the Western News of Hamilton, Mont., in the issues of May 12, 1949. Reprinted in the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp of June 9, 1949, by Hon. Hvow D. Mrrcwe.z, of Washington. TVA—Model for CVA? by Malcolm Bauer, the Oregonian, Portland, Oreg., March 17- April 1, 1949. Series of 16 articles written by city editor of the newspaper after # special month's study of the Tennessee Valley Au- thority, reporting on TVA operations in regional development in relation to proposed CVA. Resource Management by the Farmer and His Government, by Girard Davidson, As- sistant Secretary of the Interior, Department of the Interior, Washington 25, D. C., De- cember 12, 1040. Mimeographed. Address before the National Land and Water Qon- ference of the American Farm Bureau Fed- eration, Chicago, Ill. A discussion of the relation between efficient management of farm resources by the farmer and efficient management of river basin resources by his Government through CVA. CVA Legislation and Columbia River De- velopment, letter sent by Hon. Huon B. MYTOHELL, of Washington, to the chairman of the Public Lands Committee relative to OVA hearings, and Mr. MircHr..’s statement of testimony on OVA before the Committee on Public Works, Reprinted in the Concass- alona Recoxp of June 13, 1049. What About CVA? Editorial in Nature magazine, American Nature Association, 1214 Sixteenth Street NW., Washington 6, D. C. January 1950. Fifty cents per copy. Hdito- rial favoring CVA as the essential basic ap- proach to a broader and coordinated resource management program. Private Utilities in Washington Help Fi- nance Anti-CVA Groups, by Hon. Hugh B. Mitchell, of Washington, showing tabulation of partial list of contributions by Washing- ton utility companies to organizations op- posing OVA. Inserted in Conormssionan Recorp of June 16, 1949. CVA and Jobs for Lumbermen, by C. Gir- ard Davidson, Assistant Secretary of the In- terior, De ment of the Interior, Wash- ington 25, D. C., September 22, 1950. Mimeographed. Address before Northwest Council of the Lumber and Sawmill Workers Union, Portland, Oreg. Outlines the neces- sity for more complete utilizetion of timber oo as to create new industry using the prasent waste materials and how OVA promotes sta- bility of the lumber industry. OVA Speaker's Manual. League for CVA, 3015 Sixty-third Street SW., Seattle, Wash. Materials primarily for the use of those asked to participate in discussion of OVA. Con- tains quotations from advocates, and mate- rial relating to the CVA tasue. League for OVA Terms Pacific Northwest Development Asaociation Front Group for Private Power Companies. An editorial re- garding CVA from the Oregon Teamster, re- printed in the ConcagssrowaL Recorp of July 22, 1949, by Hon. Hugh B. Mitchell, of Wash- ington, More TVA's? by Willard R. Bspy, in New York Times magasine, May 7, 1050; reprinted in ConGrgssionaL Recorzp, July 6, 1050, by Hon. James E. Murray, of Montana. Article points out that valley authorities in Missour! and Columbia Basins only way waste, over- lapping, and logrolling now taking place there are likely to be eliminated; valley au- thorities need not be a way to spend money but & way to get far more value for the money we are spending now; valley authorities act ae a stimulus to free enterprise. Workers and Farmers fight for CVA, by Joe Miller, published in the December 1949 issue of the Butcher Workman, Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen of North America, 201 North Wells Street, Chicago 6, Nl. Reprinted in the ConanrsstonaL Record, January 27, 1960, by Hon. Hugh B. Mitchell. Article expressing the support of the workers and farmers of the Pacific Northwest for the proposed Columbia Valley Administration. Area Included in Proposed Columbia Valley Administration. Geological Survey, Wash- ington 26, D. ©. 10949. Map showing the area included in proposed Columbia Valley Administration. CVA Issues Reviewed by Northwest Writer, @ series of four articles on CVA, written by Mr. Stub Nelson, of the Seattle Post-Intelll- gencer.. Reprinted in the Concrrssronan Recorp of August 15, 1949, by Hon. Hugh B. Mitchell, of Washington. A series of three articles (separately titled) on forests, soila, and land problems telated to river basin development, by Ber- nard Frank and Anthony Netboy, in the Jan- uary, February, and March 1950 issues of American Forests Magazine, Society of Amer- ican Foresters, 919 Seventeenth Street NW., Washington, D. C. First article, Dams Are Not Enough, questions whether dams and engineering approach will solve water and watershed problems. Second article, Land Use-—Key to Our Water Problems, points ne- ceasity of coordinated planning of watershed conservation and land restoration with river control, Third article, Mirage of River Basin Development, points out incomplete and un- coordinated status of present river-control programs, with notes on accomplishments and shortcomings of CVA. Northwesterners Hold Round Table Dis- cussion on OVA, article published in the Wenatchee World by Howard Ordway, re- porting a round table on CVA held in Moses Lake, Wash. Reprinted in the CongrgssionaL Recorp of September 22, 1949, by Hon. Huam B. Mrrowey., of Washington. Federal Administration of Natural Re- sources Programs, by C. Girard Davidson, As- sistant Secretary of the Interior, Department of the Interior, Washington 28, D. C., June 29-30, 19560. Mimeographed. A series of two lectures given at Great Plains Work- shop, Montana State College, outlining the basic principles governing Federal adminis- tration of natural resources programs. Also contains a discussion of the administrative structure which inhibits efficient resource development and conservation. The situa- tion in selected regions ‘s noted and a num- ber of possible solutions is reviewed. OVA. This ts Ploneering. 1950 Style, special isaue of New Veteran, Oregon State Council of American Veterans Committee, 2 Bouth- weet Brugger, Portland 1, Oreg. February 1960, Wifteen cents per copy. Considera- tions of the proposed OVA legislation by Oregon American Veterans Committee. In- cluded are the following articles: The Press and CVA, by Richard L. Neuberger; the Farmer's Stake in OVA, by Morton B. Tomp- kins; A Union Man Looks at CVA, by Bill Way; the People and CVA, by Phil Dreyer; OVA and the Hoover Commission, by Sidney Lerak; Safeguards for Freedom, by George Holcomb; and others. CVA Foes May Have Overplayed Their Hand, by Joe Miller, published in the C1O News of December 26, 1949. Reprinted tn the Oowcnessionaz Recorzyp of January 6, 1950, by Hon. Hucun B. Mrrome:z, of Wash- Plan, Not Objective, Is Issue in Develop- ment of Columbia River. May 1949 issue of Rural Electrification Magasine, 1803 New APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Hampshire Avenue NW., Washington, D. C. This is third article in @ series published by Rural Electrification dealing with the present movement toward the full de- velopment of America’s river valieys. United States Chamber of Commerce dis- torts CVA issues, a letter from Mr, Licyd B. Dysart, member of the Centralia, Wash., Chamber of Commerce to the United States Chamber of Commerce and an article pub- MUshed in Labor News on the negative atti- tude of the United States Chamber of Com- merce on CVA. Reprinted in the Concans- SIONAL Record of February 14, 1950, by Hon. Huan B. Mrrcme.t, of Washington. Government and Water Resources, a symposium in the September 1980 issue of the American Political Sciencs Review, published quarterly by American Political Science Association, 450 Ahnaip Btreet, Menasha, Wis. $2 acopy. Symposium con- tains the following articles: Congress and Water Resources, by Arthur A. Masss; National Executive Organization for Water Resources, by Giibert F. White; The Val- ley Authority and ite Alternatives, by Charlies MoKinley; and Water Resources and Amer- ican Federalism, by Albert Lepawaky. Montana Wants Early CVA Hearings, a copy of a resolution passed by the Western Mon- tana Conference for CVA and reprinted in the Conarxss1onat Recorp of March 28, 1960, by Hon. HucH B, Mrrctun., of Washington. Long Beach Navy Shipyard Active Again EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLYDE DOYLE OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. DOYLE. Mr. Speaker, a few days ago on the floor of this great legislative Chamber, it was my privilege and honor to announce that the Navy had just informed me that it had been found that the inactive shipyard at Long Beach, my home city, had been found to be a necessary facility and would be imme- diately reactivated to its full capacity. The inactivation order was enunciated in September 1949. The reactivation ceremony and celebration will be ob- served at the Long Beach Navy Shipyard, Thursday, February 1, 1951. In the meantime, however, some 2,000 em- ployees are “demothballing” at the earliest possible date; peacetime em- ployee list is about 6,000; the last war peak was about 16,000. Following is a very appropriate edi- torial which appeared in the Long Beach Press-Telegram for Friday, January 5, 1951, clearly showing that the citizenry there readily comprehends the impacts and responsibilities arising from the shipyard being located there: Surpramp REOPENING ACCENTUaTES LONG Brack's Vaniwp Derunst Roe The mounting defense crisis bas accom- plished what Long Beach’s most valiant efforts failed to do a year ago. The reactiva- tion of the naval shipyards in many ways confirms the strong case presented by this community in opposition to the closure order of mid-1049. It 1a uselens now to discuss the question as to whether the shipyards should ever have been shut down. The happy circumstance is that the yard was not abandoned—tirat it
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD haa been only closed and kept tn readiness for rapid reactivation if ordered. The yard has been kept tn an excellent state of repair, and @ major project 1s under way to remedy the subsidence problem, which was given officially as the principal reason for its closure. Tt will take time, of course, to reataff the faciity and get it back into full operation, but the announcement to Representative OLype Dor.e’s office indicates that there will be no lost motion in that direction. Locally there has been some puzziement over the fact that the reopening was not started sooner, in View of the Korean War, the gen- eral defense situation, and the overloading of other west coast yards. There is something about the presence of a closed facility such as the shipyard that is embarrassing to a community, no matter what the justification, Long Beach is nat~ urally gratified that the naval shipyard, which had auch an outstanding record dur- ing World War IT and in the immediate post- war demobilization program, is now to make its contribution to the revitalized defense effort. What the local effects of the shipyard re- opening will be are still somewhat in the conjectural stage, naturally. It will, of course, carry a strong impact on the com- munity in such fields as employment, hous- ing, and general business conditions. At present Long Beach has an unemploy- ment roll of between 7,000 and 8,000. The minimum of shipyard employment is set at 8,600, and opening the yards will obviously cut the jobless roll sharply. However, filling the shipyard’s needs will not be simply a matter of hiring 3,500 persons from among those 7,000 to 8,000 unemployed lsted by the State employment office. The employment office Msts approximately 1,300 skilled and 811 semiskilled workers as un- employed. Among these, very likely, there are many potential anipyard employees. On the other hand, the unemployment lists con- tain numerous clerks, domestics, and so forth who wouldn’t be available for shipyard work, While large numbers of shipyard workers may be recruited from local manpower, it is believed many employees will come from out- side. Observers expect some difficulty may be encountered by the shipyard in filling the more highly skilled and key positions. The decline in the construction boom in Log Angeles and in Orange County is beginning to throw construction men out of work. Many of the skilled workers—particularly those who have commuted to those areas from Long Beach—should find employment at the shipyard. As for housing, Long Beach is far better prepared to meet the housing needs of a busy defense center than it was during the hectic days of World War II. In 1950 alone, approx- imately 17,000 new houses were constructed in this immediate area. There are at pres- ent nearly 4,000 vacant residential units in Long Beach. People are moving daily from in-the-city apartment to new housing in the big suburban tracts. Further, it ia to be assumed that many of the men who will work in the shipyard are already residents here. All of this adds up to a much looser housing situation than existed in World War II days when from 5,000 to 7,000 men were employed at the shipyards. The critical world condition that brought on the reactivation of the shipyard is not a welcome circumstance, of course, but it is gratifying that this community, through its reactivated shipyard, its airplane factories, air fields, ammunition and net depot, harbor, oil fields, and other facilities, will play an important roie in the mighty defense effort of the free west. Making that contribution will require cooperation, sacrifice, and con- structive solution of many problems. It is hardly necessary to say Long Beach will rise to the challenge. XCVII—App——21 Evewrs or Past 10 Days Parsace CHANGES It Lona Bsacu Aims, THINKING Long Beach has just spent 10 of the most eventful days in its history—days whose ao- tivities foreshadow marked changes in the lives of local citizens. Rapidly Long Beach has begun gearing for defense. The meshing may be heard in almost every area of local society. Here are some of the developments: The city heard that the naval shipyard here would be reactivated. Immediately, of- ficials began receiving and processing ap- plications for employment from skilled ship- yard workers and stenographers and typists. Capt. Emmett Emerson Sprung, 51. graduate of the Naval Academy class of 1928, was ap- pointed commander of the shipyard And two of his key officers were to be Capt. Homer Dahlke, in charge of planning, and Capt. Charles Tooke, production. Only a few hours after announceinent of reactiva- tion of the huge installation, workers heard that the first big project would be the dik~ ing of drydock 1, which has handled many of the major ships of the feet. At the same time, Undersecretary of the Navy Dan Kimball announced in Washing- ton that expansion of the Seal Beach Am- munition and Net Depot wuuld keep pace with the reactivation of the shipyard here. Bids were opened on repairs to facilities at the depot, and the restoration goal was set at 90 days. New naval] trainee activities here were presaged by the announcement that the Los Angeles Naval Base, which hud been on naval station status, would be reestablished es a base. Simultaneously, the Coast Guard announced its intention of expanding its activities in this area and called for new barracks facilities. Long Beach and Los Angeles harbor authorities announced they Were perfecting security plans which will be coordinated with Coast Guard activities. Dougias Aircraft revamped and strength- ened its executive structure to meet the problems of accelerated defense production, A stone’s throw away, at munictpal airport and Los Alamitos Air Station, stepped-up air training activities were noticeable. The civilian defense front hummed. The Long Beach Red Cross chapter launched a Preparedness training program aimed at training 80,000 persons in this area in new first-aid techniques. Meanwhile, a training perlod began for civilian auxiliary police, officials hoping to recruit a force of approxi- mately 1,000 eventually. The Chamber of Commerce pledged to gear its 1951 program to the needs of preparedness, while the Board of Realtors voted to offer their services, as a group or individually, to the director of civil- fan defense. Councilman Bazil U. Carleson Buggested that some of the city’s largest storm drains might be used as air raid shel- ters. The city tested a new air-raid-warning system, and immediately it was urged that 15 new sirens be purchased at once. Oity Manager Vickers said he would seek an ordinance providing for a Long Beach civil defense and disaster council, supplanting the present ordinance which provides for a dis- aster council, and giving greater emphasis to all aspects of defense. As these events unfolded, Long Beach citizens experienced others which gave sig- nificance to the revitalized defense program. New casualty lists, some of them contain- ing names of local boys, furnished a re- minder of the front line which all these home-front activities must support. And the parrplegic ward at Long Beach Veterans’ Administration hospital received Major Ray- mond Pepple, 41, of Seattle—the hospital's frst casualty from Korea, These things, and many others connected with defense, happened during a 10-day span, Suddenly, in so brief a period, the atmos- phere of national preparedness hag come over this city, changing local alms and habits A821 of thinking. Because of its coastal situation and ite possession of valuable military and industrial installations, Long Beach is ex- Pertencing the metamorphosis more rapidly and more rigorously than most other cities tn the country. Upon the shoulders of local people fall many of the initial responsibilities of the defense effort. They must accept the position of leadership which has been ac- corded them. The Republic of Mexico Is Solving Economic and Social Problems EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BROOKS HAYS OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. HAYS of Arkansas. Mr. Speaker, I was among the half-million citizens of the United States who.visited Mexico in 1950. It was the most favorable tourist trade year in Mexico’s history. I was impressed first by the fact that there are two civilizations—the ancient rural society still resembling that of the eighteenth century and the other, a fast- moving and progressive urban life. Probably in no other part of the world is the contrast so striking. Mexico City has modern buildings and factories, Good roads, electric power development, and vast construction projects indicate that economic progress is welcome throughout the country and is rapidly affecting rural life. Cultural patterns are more resistant, Latin America is not likely to abandon all of its old-world practices, many of which have a special charm. The contribution of the United States to rural improvement is notable. The Rockefeller Foundation, financed entire- ly by private funds, began an unusual research program in 1943 that has al- ready brought revolutionary results. It is resigned to increase improved yields of corn, wheat, beans, and other crops, Mexico's progress in corn production, for example, is demonstrated by the fact that in 1948 for the first time in 35 years it was unnecessary to import corn for its 27,000,000 people. Another program of great significance is the sanitation and health projects directed by the Institute of Inter-American Affairs, staffed by able American technicians and cooperating to the fullest extent with the Mexican Government. My contact with the Government was confined to a single visit to the Mexican Congress, Through the courtesy of two members of the Chamber of Deputies, Hon. Teofilo Borunda and Hon. Mario Romero Lopetegui, I was privileged to observe proceedings during an afternoon session. I understand that an official delegation from the Mexican Congress will visit our body in 1951 for the pur- pose of returning battle flags taken by Mexican troops in 1847, There was abundant evidence that this Govern.; ment’s action in returning Mexican flag taken in the same engagement inspired’ great appreciation on whe part of the Mexican people.
A322 The Mexican people had a longer struggle for their freedom and inde- pendence than we. The revolutions of 1821, 1857 and 1867 produced many heroes and slogans, but the devotion which one finds everywhere to the prin- ciples of the revolution was inspired by the great upsurge of 1910 against dic- tatorship. Mexico is proud of its history and makes full use of its archeological re- sources for the benefit of tourists. We saw impressive works of the Aztec In- dians thousands of years old. And with the Spaniards came a genius for con- struction that we have not surpassed. What of Mexico's future? There is hopefulness in every field of thought and action. Businessmen are quite im- pressed with the potentialities of trade with the United States and the benefits to flow to our own country. A new and valuable market is at our doorstep. The building of good relations through the agricultural and educational! activities I have mentioned is a very important de- velopment. The United States needs Latin-American friends and Latin America needs us, As I have indicated, the most promi- nent official activity of our Government is that of the Institute of Inter-American Affairs. Its operations are carried out through the Mexican Government’s agency, Direccion de Cooperacion Inter- americana de Salubrida Publica. Our contributions since 1943 have been rather modest—$6,100,000—but the results have been enormous. As of May 30, 1950, the Direccion de Cooperacion Interameri- cana de Salubrida Publica has had under construction or had completed 46 potable water supplies in various towns within the Republic. There had also been in- stalled 16 chlorinators to protect already existing water-supply systems. During the same period the agency had under construction or had completed a total of 22 municipal sanitary-sewage systems. In the field of preventive medicine the following activities have been carried out: First, field investigations of such di- seases as brucellosis, onchocerciasis, pinta, and malaria; second, training of public health workers within Mexico, in the United States, and in other Latin- American countries; third, promotion of disease control activities, with special emphasis on malaria, tuberculosis and typhus; fourth, promotion of general public health activities, including con- struction and equipping of health cen- ters, and technical assistance in their operations, The magnificent results attained by the American and Mexican Govern- ments’ program for the eradication of foot-and-mouth disease are already well known. In these two official programs and the research activity of the Rockefeller Foundation, a basis has been laid for a successful cooperative program under point 4 legislation. Its value in terms of the Western Hemisphere’s defense is apparent. Mexico’s future depends partly upon the faith exhibited by privileged groups of both countries tn the capacity of the rural population to achieve a higher level of living. Rural people have looked upon a more prosperous and satisfactory way of living and they aspire to reach it for themselves and their children. It will take a generation or longer to achieve some of the economic and social goals erected by Mexico's progressive leadership, but I am confident those goals will be achieved. In the mean- time, I shall occasionally recall the half- pleading but bright little eyes of a baby hanging limp from the mother's shoul- ders in a village street. Faith Can Master Fear—Mankind Can Learn To Live in Cooperation, Trust, and Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LOUIS B. HELLER or NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 4, 1951 Mr. HELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following article by G. Ernest Thomas from the Miami Herald of January 16, 1951: FarrH CaN Master FEAR—MANKIND CAN Learn To Live In CooPpEeRATION, TRUST, AND PEACE (By G. Ernest Thomas) (Out of a firm belief that the human spirit will prove supreme again, as it has in earlier crises, G. Ernest Thomas has written a new study of fear and its cure by faith. This is the second of six articles taken from his book, Faith Can Master Fear.) A great principle which should be recog- nized by those who are in thw grip of a fear of the future is this: Men can learn to live together, Much of our uncertainty for the future is centered about the international situation, We fear that nations will again resort to war. We fear the conflict of systems of thought which we assume to be incompatible, The history of human fear indicates that this point of view has caused greater worry than any other. The earliest records of peo- ple who were filled with terror come from the civilizations which were dominated by the obsession that destruction was inevitable be- cause men could not get along with each other. When man came upon the earth countless ages ago he had to live in fear in order to survive. Every day he met hostility from man and beast. He feared every savage who came out of the forest, perhaps sometimes just to look curiously at his neighbors. It took thousands of years to convince man that he could trust the families on the other side of the hill and that he could serve his own best interest by joining with them to make a tribe. It took more thousands of years before the tribe learned that it could best protect its interest by uniting with other tribes to form @ larger unit. It took countless generations before tribes could learn that their best security lay in the nation. It has taken centuries until the people of the world would even consider the idea of a United Nations. Every step of the way fear has slowed man down. Yet the testimony of the ages is ir- refutable. Man can learn to live together. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Much of our fear of the future will be dis- pelled if we accept this fact. The divisions which seem to make a cleavage between the peoples of the world today are minor com- pared with the severe bandicaps to unity which already have been overcome. It is true that the development of agents of human destruction has been so rapid that we do not have as much time to resolve our difficulties as people have had in former gen- erations. We must quickly learn how to live together. Time is running out for us. The way of cooperation must be found. The evidence of the ages indicates that 4 plan for cooperative effort will be-found, and will be put into effect, Men can—and, we believe, will—learn to live at peace with each other. Another principle which will help to dispel our fear of the future is this: The human spirit is supreme. People for many generations have lived in abject fear of their future because they be- lieved that weapons, or money, or govern- ment was supreme. Because they could not contro] the power of those weapons, or be- cause they did not possess enough wealth, or because they had no part in the Government, they felt helpless and weak. They were afraid. The Christian attitude toward life is close- ly bound up with the idea of the supremacy of the human spirit. “Man shall not live by bread alone,” said Jesus. For Him the soul of man was of greatest significance. How does that affect the attitude of the individual Christian who ts confronted by a world in which his neighbors tremble con- stantly with fears of the future? Just this: He knows God is the Father of all mankind. He believes man is made in the tmage of God with divine possibilities for life. He accepts the clear witness of our faith that the human soul js immortal. He does not understand all the mysteries in- volved, but he ts aware that the noblest wit- neas Of the ages is Christ, and the voices of the greatest of the philosophers and the poets are united in proclaiming that man is made to live forever. He is immortal, Such a faith in human immortality is a sure antidote for our fear of the future. Suppose the world is faced with dire uncer- tainties; suppose the civilization of this age ia headed for destruction. The Christian soul has within it the seeds of immortality. The blazing light of such a faith has the power to dispel even the darkest fear. Fear of the future often is based on the idea that material factors are the ruling agencies in life. But courage often has been @ more valuable factor than an army. Love frequently has overcome the strangling power of money. Brotherhood sometimes has been more useful than political might. The human spirit is supreme. More often than we think, it can be victorious over the threats to security and peace which cause us to fear the future. If the human spirit can- not find the means to transform the world in which it lives, it still can seek a better country under the providence of a loving God. Fear of the future plagues almost every- one who lives in this generation. We wish life might be different, we say, but the world looks dark. Rich or poor, highly educated or ignorant, American or Russia, we fear the future. In those moments when we are given to wishful thinking we long for some miracle to dispel those shadows. John Bunyan, in Pilgrim's Progress, painted a picture of a world held fast in the stran- gling power of fear. Pilgrim is made to say to his wife: “I am for certain informed that this our city will be burned with fire from heaven—in which fearful overthrow both myself with thee my wife and our sweet babes shall miserably come to ruin, except (the which yet I see not)
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD @ome way of escape can be found, whereby We May be delivered.” You remember that Pilgrim began to run with his feet on the path and his eyea on the shining light which led to the wicket gate, On the journey he was not alone, for the Evangelist met him and guided nim. Fear of the future is well described by the experience of Bunyan’s Pilgrim. But too few of us accept the light which Bunyan saw. if we walk forward with our feet on the path of righteousness, and with our eyes set on noble goals, we too will discover a strange power and peace to calm our frightened maindg. And on the journey we shall find that a Givine spirit is leading us. Our fear of the future will have disappeared. Benefits Available to World War | Veterans Ce cammeeenamed’ EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL ELLIOTT OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 22, 1951 Mr. ELLIOTT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an article from the Disabled American Vet- erans’ semimonthly, January 16, 1951, entitled “Summary of Major World War I Veterans’ Benefits”: SUMMARY OF Mayor WorLp War I Veterans’ BEeNevirs (Enrron’s Nore.--Basic eligibility require- ments for all major benefits that VA admin-« isters for World Wer 1 veterans, their de- pendents and beneficiaries in the United States, its possessions and Territories, and in foreign countries are briefly outlined be- low. More detailed information may be ob- tained from any VA office in the United States, ts possessions or Territories or from any DAV national service officer, In foreign countries it may be obtained from any United States Foreign Service office.) MEDICAL AND DOMICILIARY BENEFITS Hospitalization—World War I veterans, if discharged or separated under conditions other than dishonorable, are entitled to VA hospital treatment, under the following pri- ority system. First, emergency cases. Becond, those suffering from injuries or Aiseases incurred or aggravated in line of duty during wartime service. Third, those who state under oath that they are unable to pay hogpital charges for treatment of non-service-connected disabili- ties or illnesses, These veterans, if not in the emergency category, must wait unt a bed becomes avatiabie. Emergency patients may be taken directly to the nearest VA hospital. If possible, the veterans, or someone acting for him or her, should communicate with VA by telephone ox telegraph. In all other cases, the veteran, his nearest relative, guardian, or representative, should OU in the proper form for hospital care, These forms are available at any VA office. If admission to @ VA hospital or home has been approved, Government tranaportation may be provided as jollows: 1. Hospitals: To the hospital and, upon completion of treatment in service-connecteda cases, $0 his or her home. This servioe may be provided for non-service-copnected cases it they are unable to pay tor the transpor~ ion. 4. Homes: To 8 VA domiciliary home. Domiciliary eare: Domiciliary eare is de- aligned to provide a “home” for those veterans who have a chronic condition which incapec- itates them from earning a ving and who require minimal medical attention. Re- quirements for admission to domiciliary care are essentially the same as for hospital treat. ment. Transportation at Government ¢x~ pense as 4 rule is provided only for the initial admission. The veteran, or his nearest relative, guardian, or representative, should obtain preadmission approval from the nearest VA installation having facilities tor domiciliary case. Out-patient medical treatment: Out-pa- tient medical care is available for veterans in need of treatment for service-connected disabilities. Under this plan, oligible World War I vet- erans niay recelve treatment at VA bospitais, or other Neld stations furnishing medical treatment, or from approved private physi- clans, Each veteran's eligibility must be de- termined by VA before treatment of this type can be authorized. Neecesary drugs may be obtained from “home-town” drug- gists at Government expense by veterans who are authorized to report to private physiciang for treatment. Outpatient dental treatment: Veterans en- tilled to outpatient dertal treatment may, ‘upon VA approval, be furnished denial treats ment by private dentists at Government ex pense. Here, again, the condition must be determined by VA to have been incurred in, or made worse by, the veteran's wartimo serv- ice before treatment can be authorized. Pre~ liminary cxaminations may be made in a VA dental clinic or, if VA dental facilities are not feasibly available, by a participating den- tist, Treatment, Lf approved, may be com- pleted iu a VA clinic, or the veteran niny be assigned to an approved private dentist, Prosthetic service: A veteran’s eligibility for prosthetic appliances may be estade Mehed if (1) he has a service-connected or service-aggravated disability requiring an appliance or (2) if an appliance te deter. mined necessary as @ part of hospital treat- ment or domiciliary care. Complete information and necessary forms for procuring needed appliances, equipment, and ropairs are available at any VA office. Examinations: Free medical examinations if required, will be given veterans filing com-~- pensation claims, Veterans desiring 10 rein state their United States Government Ue insurance may receive a physical examination free of charge at any VA medica) office. DIGABILITY COMPENSATION A veteran disabled by injury or disease in- curred in, or aggravated by, service during World War I may qualify for dieability com- pensation. He must have been discharged under conditions other than dishonorable. Monthly rates range from $15 to $150, de~ on the degree of disability, plus statutory awards for amputations, blindn.ss, etc., up to & maximum of €860. Veterans rated 50 percent or more disabled receive ad~- ditional sums for dependents, DISABILITY PEMBION A World War f veteran who becomes per- manently and totally disabled for reason not traceable to hie service in the Armed Forces may be entitled to pension. He must have been discharged under condittans other than dishonorable after a minimum of 96 days service, or else discharged fer disability. ‘The veteran 1s disqualified if his ineome exceeds $1,000 per year tf he ts single, or €2,600 tf he is roarried of has a minor child, The monthty rate is #60, whieh ts increased to 672 after 10 years or when the veteran teaches age 66. DEATH COMPENGANION The widow, children, and dependent par ents of a deceased World War I veteran whose death was due to service may quality for death compensation. A widow joses her entitiemant if abe remarries, The child loses ita entiticment, normally, upon reaching age 18. Monthly amounta vary according to the number and relationship of the dependents, Examples are: widow, no children, $76; one child alone, no widow, $68; one parent, 860. DEATH PENKION The widow and children of a deceased World War I veteran who died of causes nut due to service, in most canes are entitled to death pension beneftse. The widow ts dis- qualified if her annual income exceeds $1,000, or $2,500 if she has a child or children. A child is ineligible if his or her income ex- ceeds $1,000 per year. A widow loses ber entitlement upon remarriage, and children hormally Vecome ineligible when they reach age 18. A widow alone recelves $42 per month, with additional allowances for children. Where there is no widow, a single child is entitled to $21.60, with added amounts for more children. UNITED STA11S GOVERNMENT LIFE INSURANCE A veteran of Worki War I who served at any time from October 6, 1917, to July 2, 1921, still is eligible 10 apply for up to 810,000 of United States Government life insurance, whether or not he took out such ee while in service or has since let it ae, He may get term inaurance cr any of six permanent plans available—ordinary Ife, 20-payment Ufe, 30-payment Ufe, 20-year: endowmont, 30-year endowment, and endow- ment at age 62. No one may hold at any one time more then $10,000 worth of Government insurance inejuding National Service Life (World War IT) Insurance. The veteran must furnish satisfactory evi- dence that he is in good health. Ordinarily, this 1s done by submitting report of complete physical examination which will be given without charge at any VA regional office or hospital. Alp IN ACQUIRING EPHCIALLY ADAPTED HOUSING A veteran of war or peacetime service who is entitled to compensation for permanent and total service-connected disability for loss or oes of use of both legs due to certain specified conditions euch as to prevent him from moving about without the aid of braces, crutches, canes, or a wheel chair, may qualify Tor assistance in acquiring specially edaptied housing with special fixtures made necessary by the nature of his disabitity. Eligible veterans will receive Federal grante of sot more than 60 percent of the cost of the homes up to 6 maximum of $10,000 with ‘which to pay part of the cost of building or buying such homes, or to remodel existing homes for their requirements. The grant also may be used to pay off the indebtedness on such a special home already noquired by an eligible veteran, : Application for the grant may be made at any VA office. GUARDIANSHIP SERVICE. Incompetent World War I veterans, their, mtvor dependents and incompetent benefi- | claries are entitled to protection of their estates derived from benefits paid by the Veterans’ Administration under acts of Con- gress. Sueh fon ts provided by the chicf attorneys of VA regional offices—tin accord- ance with the State and Federal eahdinrpn VA reguiations—acting under the direction and ion of the legal service (guard- fanahip) of the VA Solicitor’s office, The ebtef attorney maintains supervision over guardians appointed by State (probate and eounty) courts, as well as legal custodians recognized by VA in their respective jurtedic- tions.
A324 BURIAL BENEFITS Puneral expenses up to 9160 will be paid ‘by the Government in the death of any World ‘War I veteran discharged under conditions other than dishonorable. Additional costs, covering transportation, will be allowed if the veteran dies in a VA hospital or domiciliary home, or while hospi- talized at the expense of VA, or while in transit to or from a& VA hospital, home or regional office at the expense of VA. All claims must be filed with VA within 2 years from the date of permanent burial, These allowances are payable only to under- takers or to reimburse the person who paid the funeral expenses. BUBIAL FLAG An American flag to drape the casket, which may be retained as a memorial by the next of kin, is supplied in the death of veter- ans who have been discharged under condi- tions other than dishonorable. Such flags are issued upon application, by fleld offices, most first-, second~, and third-class post of- fices and those fourth-class post offices lo- cated in county seats. APPEALS The Board of Veterans’ Appeals is available for rendering fina) decisions in all cases ap- pealed to the Administrator of Veterans’ Af- fairs, wherein a claimant has been denied benefita to which he claims entitlement. The Board has no original jurisdiction (except in claims of disabled emergency offices); its work is similar to that of a court of appeals, Rejection of Reds by Koreans Sets Exam- pie for AH Free Men EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CLYDE DOYLE OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. DOYLE. Mr, Speaker, I am pleased to present to you and my other distinguished colleagues an editorial viewpoint as released by the editor of the Long Beach, Calif., Press-Telegram, This important daily is admittedly rec- ognized and rated as Republican in edi- torial policy. And as said editorial refers to an ap- peal for help written by B. C. Limb, Min- ister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Korea, I also call to your attention the full text of the “appeal” to which the Long Beach editor refers, The editorial was on Thursday, Jan- uary 18, 1961, REJECTION OF Reps BY KorEANS SevTs EXAMPLE yor ALL Free Men Communist Chinese snubbing of the UN cease-fre proposal turns attention again ‘upon the Reds’ own major condition for ces- sation of hostilities—withdrawal of United Nations troops. The United States is against such a re- treat. Voluntary withdrawal from Korea, giving the Reds that territory which they really expect to get only at severe cost, doesn't make sense from either a military or a diplomatic standpoint. It doesn’t make sense at this moment—and certainly it doesn't make sense from the long-range viewpoint. Look at today’s forum column, elsewhere On this page. You will find a powerful ap- peal for help written by B. C. Limb, who is the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Re- public of Korea. Mr, Limb presents cogent arguments for continued United Nations participation in Korea. When he describes Korea as the “front line of worldwide de- mocracy,” be is reemphasizing the concept which led the United States and the United Nations to accept the challenge posed in June py the North Koreans. Those who would abandon Korea now, hoping to end far eastern troubles, have a naive approach to the problem. They fail to consider the Kremlin’s program—outlined in speeches by Communist leaders, recorded in books by Communist writers, and inher- ent in party doctrine—for domination of the world. The free world should have learned, after its experience with Hitler, that to ignore those fantastic programs of the dictators is only an invitation to trouble. Broadly speaking, the Russian Communists intend to dispose of all other existing types of government and set up in every conquered country a system of militant communism which would prevent counterrevolution, It’s simply another totalitarian movement, in {ts way as bad as fascism and nazlism. These are the things you have to keep in mind when you speak of dealing with the Reds. Appeasing totalitarianism is the be- ginning, not the ending, of your trouble with it. If this view {s accepted, it is difficult to see how the UN can voluntarily withdraw from Korea, for the remaining question is &@ military one, and, militarily, the situation is far from the debacle stags. By withdraw- ine slowly and only under pressure, the UN forces make the enemy pay, and after the demonstration at Hamhung of its power to . hold @ beachhead by alr and naval power for an indefinite time, the UN certainly should not agree to any terms which would give the Reds their heart's desire. Impor-+ tant military leadera believe the Pusan beachhead can be held, just as the Hamhung beachhead was held. In fact, this appar- ex.tly 1s the line of reasoning which governs the campaign. People who are faint of heart may take instruction from Foreign Minister Limb’s countrymen. Millions of Koreans have abandoned their homes and endured hor- rible suffering in order to escape the Com- munists. Millions are crying for arms. Faced with choices, they have turned down the Reds. They entertain no illusions. They are willing to endure present hardships in order to avoid future slavery. While the choice between opposing coms munism or appeasing it is not so immedi- ately personal and dramatic to many other people in the world, that choice is nonethe- less an existing problem for them. It exists for them now in the question whether the United Nations should leave Korea or stay there and fight. Stronghearted people know the right answer. ABANDONING Korea WovLpn’t Arp WorLD Freepom Causr Enprror, Press-TELEGRAM : Would it benefit the world cause of freedom to abandon Korea? It is freely suggested in these trying days that the democratic world should avoid being drawn into an extended conflict in Korea, It ought, according to this view, to disengage itself there in order to have more strength to employ ‘n Europe. This view is clearly fraught with danger for the free world everywhere. International communism has made clear its design to conquer the peoples of the Far East. It is in Korea that this design has, for the first time, been brought to at least a temporary halt. Now if Korea be abandoned, would not other Asian countries as well be left open to Communist conquest. Would it be deemed equally expedient to abandon the defense of Southeastern Asia, or of Formosa, or of India, or of Iran, or of Turkey, or of Greece? Is it not a simple fact that the union of the endangered peoples of the world APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD can erist only upon the one solid assumption that all are equally precious to the defense of freedom? The urgent need of the hour fs manpower. It is the manpower of the Chinese Commu- nists which brings so much defeatism to many men who are otherwise strong and honorable. This defeatism is a major cause to defeat. Fear has blinded them from a major source of victory. The Government of the Republic of Korea has repeatedly and earnestly asked the demo- cratic powers that weapons be supplied to it so that it can arm 1,000,000 of its young men who are already organized to fight and an- other hal? million who are still available to be mobilized for the struggle. Let us arm the Korean youth, who have the best reasons in the world for fanatical fighting spirit. Let us pour waves of our own upon the waves of the foe. These Koreans will show you how to turn the tide of war into a victory. Thus far it is perfectly plain to all of us here and to the mothers and fathers whose brave sons are engaged in the battle front of Korea that this war is being fought more on political than upon military grounds, The enemy ts being protected less by his own strategical plans than by the decisions that are made—or by those that remain un- made—in the capitals of the democracies, No war in history has ever been waged on such unequal terms as is the war in Korea. No enemy ever enjoyed such protection from his own victims as the Communist Ohinese and their Russian cohorts are enjoying now, For us to retreat is to die. And where we stand the front line of world-wide democ- racy is saved. Our advance is the advance of democratic freedom. We are all in this struggle together. Surely the struggle can- not be aided by fear, withdrawal, and aban- donment. It can only be aided by the pro- found determination to stand and to win. B. C. Lis, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Korea, The March of Dimes Campaign EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN C. JOHNSON OF COLORADO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. JOHNSON of Colorado. Mr. Pres- ident, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Appendix of the Recorp a beauti- ful tribute, in verse, to the March of Dimes campaign, written by Milford E. Shields, of Durango, Calif. There being no objection, the tribute was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THe Marcu or Dimes That awitt, insidious breath, that void of ate Called polio, that thirst unslaked and great Draws life from children that is pure and fresh And leaves them with a starved and withered flesh. We cannot give them ours, though try we might, For they are entities in God's high sight; But we can give them elements of hope, The utmost care within man's mortal scope— Translate our dimes and dollars into love And give for them with passion from above— Let our love walk with them and buoy them up, Their love will drink with ours from life’s sweet cup. -—Milford E. Shields.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Foreign Policy of the United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS SENATOR WILLIAM BENTON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, January 23 (legisiative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Reconrp, the bread- cast of Sunday, January 21, on the American Forum of the Alr. Senator Tart and I participated in this broad- cast on the subject A Foreign Policy, What's the Answer? under the able chairmanship of Theodore Granik, pioneer in the development of radio forums, now in his twenty-second year of broadcasting. I was happy on the pro- gram to be abie to congratulate Lim on achieving an NBC xetwork sponsor. Representatives of the Motor Trans- port Association of Connecticut were on hand to applaud this sponsor, the Amert- can Trucking Association. I told Mr. Granik and officials of the Association that from my long experi- ence with the University of Chicago Round Table, for which I was responsible for nine years, I thought this type of pro- gram was not only most suitable for such a trade association, but would prove to be a most effective promotion and public relations instrument—in reaching key people throughout the country, and in developing public understanding and good will. Here is an example of an ad- vertiser wha, in benefiting himself, at the same time renders an important public service. Here is an example of enlight- ened self-interest. There being -10 objection, the broad- cast was ordered to be printed in the Racor», as follows: A Forxicn Pourcy, WHat’s THe ANswr? Onairman Gaanix. The great debate rolls on in the newspapers, on radio, on television, and on street corners. Here are a few of the headlines in this week's news describing same of the developments: “President invites backing of Senate on sending troops.” “Tarr would limit number of divisions.” “Military chiefs urge twenty-seven months’ universal training for eighteen-year-olds.” “United States alone in branding China aggressor.” “Soviet claims France lies about defensive aim of Atlantic Pact.” To, of the President and you sitting down to- gethe. to discuss our foreign policy? Senator Tarr. Well, I made an offer, Mr, Granik, but tt didn't seem to be greeted with very much favor. Chairman Gaantx. What are the chances? Seneter Tarr. I don’t think that tirere i anything to add to what I said before the National Press Club. Chairman Granrx, All right, Senater. Do you want to go on with the general subject of whet is the answer to our foreign policy? Senator Tarr. The great and over-riding Purpose of a foreign policy shouid be to maintain the Mberty of the people of the United States. The second is perce for the United States and for the world; a war onty when it is absotutely easenttal to protect our liberty which ts our first concern. Today the great threat to liberty and the peace alike is Soviet Russia, which threatens the domination of the world through propa- ganda, infiltration, and military aggression. To meet that threat, the fret necessity of our foreign policy is to bulltl up and maintain & great sea and air force so that we may have absotute control of the sea and air through- out the entire world, a bastion of freedom for all, a means of access to every country in the world. If we maintain that control, it is inconceivable that the iberty of our people could be seriously jeopardised by Soviet Russia, and Russia knows it and is lems likely to begin a war. From a position of complete control of sea and air we can extend our power in many instances into continental territory, even to some extent on the Continent of Europe, but Korea should teach ws thet we should avoid power they can outnumber us in the end ten to one. Chairman Granix. Senator BENTON. Senator Benron. Thank you, Ted Grantk, for that little phrase “Mr. Democrat.” 1 will try to live up to that although I never ex- pect to achieve the eminence that con- notes the “Mr. Republican” that is attrib- whed to Senator Tarr. As I have itstened to Governor Stassen and General Eisenhower, and John Poster Dulles, and other Repubiicans on the subject of foreign policy perhaps it would be fair to Republican,” or even sixty-six and two-thirds percent Republican. Senator Tarr. 1 think the Republican Party in the end is a little more likely to sup- port my point of view. Chatrman Geant. There is your answer. Senator Bewron. The Senator has always been Sooking ahead, and I can see that he is looking hopefully ahead now. The wing of the party represented by your speeches, Sen- ator Tart, and by President Hoover's speech in the current debate, seems to me much too centered on military policy rather than for- eign policy. By atr and seapower, I fee! that the particular viewpoint you represent is , seeking a kind of nostaigic return to the nineteenth century Kind of security. The New York Times, in reporting your first con- gresstonal speech, summarized this viewpoint by saying, “Senator Tarr said in effect what was needed now was a return on a greater and more modern scale to the balance of power, once preserved by the British Fieet.” T admit you are consistent on this, Senstor Tarr. Back in 1940, you may remember say- ing that “the day of large armies is wanting,” but I deny, perhaps this is the most tm- k the support of nations who * must now see! on Burope today? erator Tart. Well, I don't know, and I I do not think ment. They have not moved Russian troops beyond the sone of influence that we so gen- erously gave them at Yalta. Of course, we have to assume that they may. We have to bwiid up an army that can meet them. Inci- @entally, as far as sea and air power i con~ cerned even the Joint Chiefs of Staff todry give a good deal more money in thts whole rew budget to the sea and atr than they do to the Army, so maybe they think the days of mass armies, the days when they were the predominant feature, are going by. But I think we have to assume if Russts intends a military attack, I ask a question thet no one has been able to answer for me, Why should they wait three years for us to build up a great army that will prevent such an attack? And not only that, if the army contempiated is great enough to prevent such an attack, it certainly has an aggres- sive threat against Russia. Why will they wait, Mr. Bewros? Senator Bewron. There we are—back talk- ing about military strategy and problems, Senator Tarr. I agree with this point, how- ever, and this is where I welcomed your speech and President Hoover's speech—that war is much too important to be left to the generals, but I don't claim to have the an- swers on many of these military questions, and I certainly don’t claim I know what the men in the Politburo are thinking about. I know they are able men, and I know that they are realists and you have asked for conclusive evidence that they don’t plan to attack. Where is the “conctusive” evi- dence that they are not going to attack? Chairman Granrx. Senator Tart. Senator Tarr. I do not ask for conclusive evidence. I think there ts none. Senator Buwron. Of course, there is no contiusive evidence. People who are going to attack are not going to give you conclusive evidence they are going to attack. Further, I submit there is no conclusive evidence that they are not gotng to attack, and here is an illustration of the probiem of risk and hegard involved in foreign policy. Now, could I—on the theory that there is much evidence of Russian hostility—and on my doctrine that we are in a better position to resist it if we have as friends the French and the British and the Italians— may I take an Italign today and ask you to imagine how this resident of Florence or Milan pictures our policy when he hears the debate from the United States saying, “Let ws put our confidence wholly in air power and sea power, in airpianes to bomb the land and destroy Milan if and as the Communists take over Milan”? Senator Tarr. Oh, no, no; but to Keep them out; as a matter of fact, sea power, if we furnish one hundred percent of sea power in Ttaly, 1f we helped them defend their borders, thetr Exstern borders, tt would be almost as effective as soldiers and I don’t know of any Amertcan who intends to send any American soldiers to Italy to help defend Italy, and nobody has suggested that program. So I think what the Itatians are Interested In is having their own army and having them
A326 armed as we are willing to arm them and having our airplanes and our Navy in the Adriatic to help them defend themselves. Why, they are not asking for American troops in Italy, Mr. Bzwron. Chairman Geanrk. Senator Bewron. Benator Benton, I would just as soon take ®& Frenchman or a German, Senator Tart. You said in response to Senator FuLsricut’s question on the floor of the Senate that with the Communist armies taking Western Eu- rope on the assumption of war, taking over European production resources—that one P' of our alt power could be to bomb and destroy the Ruhr. Now imagine your- self, a resident of the Ruhr, reading in your German newspaper that we are building up this great air force to destroy your home and family. It may become necessary—I do not deny it might become necessary—but where is the hope for the resident of the Rubr? How do we give him hope? Senator Tarr. There is no hope elther way for the resident of the Ruhr and the Germans today are refusing to arm because they know that, under the policy you are advocating, a great army in Germany means the destruc- tion of Germeny. Just look at the map. Here is the line of the Elbe they talk about defending. Why, you can’t defend the line of the Elbe. Look. Here is the Russian Zone. The Russians are away over half way to the Rhine already. We can't defend the line of the Elbe. There isn't any defensible line in Germany except the Rhine, and if we choose the line of the Rhine, if we fall back to the Rhine, we would have to bomb the Ruhr as we did in the World War. The Ger- mans know that the policy that we are ad- vocating means the destruction of Germany, of course, because that is going to be the battleground between the European na- tions and Russia, Consequently, of course, the Germans today don't want to be armed. They don’t want to assist in this project and today they are substantially refusing to do s0, As a matter of fact, the line shows the tremendous difficulty of this project, a great international army led by an American, fight- ing in Germany. Incidentally, rs to bombing, how do you suppose that the French and British are go- ing to defend Paris and London against Ruselan bombing? We are building or spending two and a quarter billion dollars building air shelters tn this country for fear the Russians may bomb Detroit and New York. It ts about ten times as easy for them to destroy Paris and London, when this war starts. So that as far as the project you are proposing here, it is a project which if war sterts means the destruction of Europe. I don't care how it 1s, whether we do the bombing or whether they do the bombing, and war has shown in Korea that when that occurs, both sides do the bombing. All of the cities in Korea have been destroyed to- ay. Chairman Granrx. Senator BeNToON, Senator Brnron. Senator Tart, I hope when I have been in the Senate as long as you have I will be as sure as you are on the answers to some of these highly compli- cated questions. Even our generals and leading strategists all over the world differ profoundly on how the next war will be fought. The only thing we know for sure fe that it won't be fought like the last one, Senator Tart. Well, Mr. Benron, I agree. Senator Brewton, All we know for sure is that it is going to be different. Senator Tarr. That is my point. This whole program is a program of fighting the third world war on the same lines on which the Second World War was fought, and my only objection is, I say, “Yes, I am willing to commit some troops to Europe, I am willing to help build up these countries and help them build up their own defense, but let us not put all of our eggs in one basket, let us not make that our main feature be- cause maybe that ie not the way we will want to fight the third world war if it comes, on the Continent of Europe, where the Rus- sians can outnumber our manpower three or four or even ten to one, if they get the Chinese in. Senator Benton, I think that our troops in Europe must be fudged by psychological grounds as well as by military grounds. General Eisenhower sees this very clearly, and I know your admiration for him as expressed juat the other day, but you may not have noticed his remarks at the Dutch airport, when he repeated that “success is certain, and I repeat that success does not envision military victory, but it envisions the avoidance of war.” You do not find General Eisenhower in Europe announcing that there is no hope for the Ruhr, ‘You do not find him going to France and to Italy and talking about the destruction of their productive facilities in the defense of the United States. Senator Tart. I say that 1s what will hap- pen if you get a war in Europe. Now, the question, of course, the main problem is to bring peace. I think it is very impor- tant—and we are committed to this project in Europe to a certain extent—and I think it 4a very tmportant that it should be made perfectly clear to Russia that it is not an aggressive attack, because that is going to incite the Russians to war when perhaps they have no idea of a military attack. I don't know about that. In other words, {f Mexico went communis- tic, and they sent a great Russian army to defend Mexico, we would be very dubious about the actual intentions of that army. So they will be doubtful about the inten- tions of this army. Senator Benton. Just a minute. That is the kind of talk that I think leads to great confusion on the part of the American peo- ple. We do not intend—literally nobody in- tends—to send the kind of army to Europe that can attack Russia. Russia is sitting there with one hundred and fifty or one hun- dred and seventy-five divisions, and it takes twice as many men to attack as to defend. Even the great power of Hitler couldn't con- quer Moscow and Stalingrad. There is not the slightest intention on anybody's part—and the men in the Krem- lin know this perfectly well—of developing the kind of European army that can march through Russia into the Russtan cities. The purpose of sending troops to Europe 1g to give the people of Europe hope and faith that they can and should defend them- selves, and to show them that there will be a fair sharing of burdens in the defense of the western world and in the defense of the western countries seeking freedom. Senator Tarr. Well, now, that is all right, but in the first place, you have got to get this army there. If it could spring into existence overnight, I would say it would give them some hope. But they know it is going to take two or three years to do it, and the Russians are there, and I say, Why will , they wait if they see that force gradually in- creasing in strength? I agree fully; the intentions of this proj- ect are entirely pacific. I am only saying that to the Russians it may not look pacific. I am only saying that when you send over the conqueror of Germany as the head of a great army to be made up largely of Ameri- cans, the Russians are going to be suspi- cious. They are a suspicious people anyway. I hope we can do it in such a way that we ean make perfectly clear that it is not an aggressive force, that it is not intended for that purpose. Let us not station the army on the borders of the German Zone or on the borders of Czechoslovakia, I agree that the Atlantic Pact got ua into this, and I am willing to go through with it, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But, you say, we are not doing our share. In Europe we have already given twenty bil- lion dollars to build up their economic strength, and we have increased their pro- duction forty percent over prewar, and we have already appropriated six billion doljars and we are willing to give any amount of money to give them the arms for their soldiers, And we have given them a few divisions. And I am perfectly willing to commit a lim- ited number of divisons at least to show our spirit, Wé know for any war in Europe we are now planning to do fifty percent of it anyway, under the present circumstances, and if we add a tremendous land army we would go up to ninety percent where we are in Korea today. Senator Buwron. I think that there is a basic fallacy in your point. You are talking about Europe today as if it is a thing apart— we over here and Europe over there—and this fallacy applies to all of this argument about the Atlantic Pact and our obligations under it, and whether we have them or have not got them on sending troops to Europe. The truth is that from the standpoint of American foreign policy, and the preserva- tion of our freedom, the preservation o Mberty and peace as you stated in your opening comments, Europe is an opportu- nity, and should be judged as @n oppor- tunity and not an obligation. The truth is that the Atlantic Pact provides us with an opportunity to help raise our own defenses in Western Europe, defenses which can help maximize the chances for peace and mini- mize the risk of Russian attack, In the case of Czechoslovakia and other countries on which the Russians have moved in and taken over, the Czechs pacific inten- tions have certainly been no deterrent to Russian aggression. Senator Tarr, you may recall two or three years back when you re- marked that the Communists, in taking over Czechoslovakia, were just consolidating the U. 8.8 R. spheres of influence. I am afraid that that same kind of invitation can be {nvoked by the men of the Politburo if we don't have a strong Western Europe. Chairman Gran. That is our dilemma. It is time for questions from the audi- ence. Gentlemen, there is a question. Go ahead. Question. My name is Freeman Alberry, and I am with the staff of the Civil Aero- nautics Board, and my question 1s addressed to Senator Benton. If the United Nations fails to brand Communist China as an ag~- gressor in Korea, will it have failed and should the United States withdraw from the United Nations? Senator Benton. May I precede my answer to that question by commenting on the inter. ruption we have just experienced, and by congratulating you, Mr. Granik, on your achieving the goal of every radio broadcaster after twenty-two years—on finally achieving @ network sponsor. Chairman Granmt. Thank you. Senator Benton. The Motor Transport As- gooiation of Connecticut and the other State associations join in sponsoring this program. My answer to the question of course is an unequivocal “No.” We are going to have many, many set-backs in the development and strengthening of the United Nations. I have no sympathy with the people who are 60 willing to abandon the UN or to toss it casu- ally over the left shoulder on one excuse or another or on one set-back or another set- back. In the American Congress, as Senator Tarr well knows, progress is made through com~ promises. One problem in the United Nations is that you have a group of countries with which you cannot compromise, with which you cannot compromise without forsaking American principles. But because we cannot compromise on certain basic principles we
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD must nat withdraw. Indeed we must never give up hope for the UN, a great new poten- tial vehicle for ocllective acttom of the kind for witch men have been longing for cen- Chairman Gran. Senator Tarr. Benator Tarr. Well, I don"t think we cught to draw out of the Untted Nations. [ have beer advocating for same time a proposal cf amendments and a conventian to try: to amend it to make ft an effective weapon as it was originally intended to be before Rus- sia vetoed everything, and some method of eliminating the veto end the sye- tem. If this should fall, after a determined effort, because of Ruesian vetoing the attempt to change ft, then I would withdraw from the United Nations, and try to set up an in- ternational body leaving Russia out. Chairman Gaante. Talking about wea- pons, there have been recent proposals to use the atom bomb agatnet enemy troops. How do you feel about that? Senator SBssron. I with Senator Tarr, I do not favor that poliey. I concur with his statement of a few days ago. Chairman Gaanix. Let us take another question. Question. My name ts Silvia Hoitaberg, and Iam a housewife. Iam eddressing my ques- tion to Senator Tasr. Is our recent foreign policy being pursued to save face as it were, or wouldn't e change save billions of dollars and thousands of lives? Senator Tart. Well, you are asking me to comment on the motives af the President and Secretery of State, and I never know what people's motives are. I think the pol- icy could well be changed to save lives and billions of dollars. Chairman Gaanix. Senator Beton? Senator BenToN. I think I know something about Senator Tart’s motives. I am sure that there are areas in which we could save billions of dollars, but I con- cur with Senator Tarr that that question in effect opens up the whole subject of our pro- gram, the whole area of debate upon our foreign policy. However, I admit I think Senator Tarr and I would disagree about money if we were debating about money. I have greater faith than he has in the strength and ability of our American eocon- omy to resist some of the attacks upon it over a period of years. Senator Tarr. Mr. Granik, of course our economy can stand almost anything in all- out war. What we face here ls something we have never faced before, though, and that fs perhaps ten years of semi-mobiliza- tion, and I think it is most vital that we do not set up an armed force outfit so great that we can't handie it by paying for it as we go to prevent inflation and adopt a policy which in the end perhaps can eliminate controls, although they may be necessary in the be- ginning, and it seems to me vital that we must not destroy our strength at home in order to set up this armed force. Now, what that shall be, I don't know. I think the army is very reasonable on the whole. I don't greatly differ fram their general program of three million four bun- dred thousand men under arms, I think, and I think that that could be handled, but Z certainly disagree with Senator Dovoiss’ idea of six million men under arms, and I think it would mean inflation and I think it would mean a steady increase tn prices, devaluation of the doflar and weakening of our whole economic strength. Chatrman Gran. Senator, do you sub- sexribe to some of the ’ Secretary of State? a s 3 es z 8 Es 5 F y which he had pursued. Chairman Gain. How about the sugges- tion that Dewey be made Secretary of State, Senator Tarr? Senator Tarr. f have no power to appoint Secretaries of State. Benator Beazow. Zt ts « lot ensler to say who should not be Secretary of State than to aay who shovid be. Zntirely from whether Secretary Acheson should continue as Secretary of State, and, of course, J am a great admirer of kia, and I am enthusiastic about his experience and his capacity, and I hope thet he carries on, but entirely apart from that, a real issue that makes for tragic disunity in this country 1s the kind of scur- rilous attack we have had on our Seoretary of State, unwarranted by fact and unwar- ranted by any evidence whatsoever. Ohairman Grate. Will you continue on with your summary, Senator Beerron, please? Senetor Bewron. Y hope that Senator Tarr, efter this current debate is over, will speak again, Mr. Chairman, on one aspect of his key speech of earty January to whicn he devoted onty a paragraph or two. In this speech, he stated, “But I also believe we should adopt ive methods of propa- ganda, We have something to sell,” etc, ete. T feel that tn our efforts to develop a strong foreign policy we tn Congress should get over this phase of talking Hke generals end try- ing to outdo each other as military experts, and should devote ourselves to the prob- lems of buliding a foreign palicy emphasis- ing nonmilitary aspects—the great develop- ment of Point 4, for example, and the great strengthening and development of the Voice of America. I solicit Senatar Tarr's coopere- tion with me in the Senate on the develop- ment of programs and appropriations toward that end. Chatrman Granix. Thank you, Senator, for your summary. Senator Tarr. Senator Tart. I fully agree we have to de- feat communism in the minds of men, and any method that is going to be effective for tnat purpose I am going to support, and I did not develop it in my speech but I put it in because it must be a part of any pro- gram. I think as a matter of fact there is a pretty wide agreement here on fareign policy and only eome points of disagreement. I feel the question is, How we ars going to defeat communism and maintain peace? I go along with the whole picture, except I think that the emphasis ought to be on com- plete control of sea and air so that there is no doubt of our position in that field, and so the Russians know ijt, and they know they can‘t conquer the world, and ff they know that they are less likely to start to begin to conquer the worid. The only difference I have ts that I think it is doubtful whether we should commit a great land army, seven hundred and fifty thousand men, fifteen divisions, to the Con- tinent of , because in the first place I think it is likely to bring wer, and tn the second place I don’t know ff the war is brought there, whether it ts a place where ‘we can win the war. Chairman Gaantx. Thank you. You heave been listening to another in 4 series of dis- cussions on foreign policy, What le the an- sewer? Our speakers have been Senator Ros- zer A. Tarr, Republican, of Ohio, and Sena- tor WnuusMm Betrron, Democrat, of Oon- necticut. perfectly confident or perfectly certain. ‘There is @ real ares of disagreement between us. Senator Tarr. The question of a bomber getting through, that doses not necessarily mean you haven't got control of the air, and A327 it is going to be pretty difficult for a starting five thousand sulles away to success- fully bomb a city in the United States. . Chairman Gaanm. Another question. Question. I am Radford, and my question is addressed to Senator Tarr. The question is this: Why shouldn't the representatives of all of the governments of the world be entitled to a seat in the United Nations, par- ticularly Communist China, even though it is Communist China? Senator Tarr. Because we have now the Nationalist Government of China, which we have recognised, and we never have recog- niged the Chinese Communist Government as anything but a rebel government, and I don‘t think that we should do so. Chairman Grawrr. Do you want to com- ment on that, Senator Brvron? Senator Bawron. Well, I agree with Sena- tor Tart, but the spirit af the question is an interesting one, because if the Commu- nist Government matntains control and establishes itseif certainly and surely as the Government of China, there should come a time, in my opinion, when they should be re That will involve diplomacy, a trade, a deal, negotiations, and this is why we have diplomatic representatives and this is where the role of diplomacy comes into the conduct of our foreign policy. So, I agree with Senator Tarr on the immediate answer and I agree with the questioner on the ulti- mate goal. The ultimate goal is to work out a satisfactory and constructive negotiation that will strengthen the United Nations and solve this among many other complex prob- lems with which the United Nations is today Taced in Asia. Senator Tarr. There is one more vital rea- son today, and that is that the United Na- tions ordered or asked their nations to 4o into Korea to resist aggression, and while they were there the Chinese Communist armies attacked them. In such a condition are we going to therefore reward them by admitting them to the United Nations? Senator Bunton. I agree with the Senator on that. Chairman Cranix. We question. Question. My name is Ray Bart. I will admit self-interest in this question, and as an ex-GJ. Senator Tart, are you in favor of drafting eightcen-year-olds, and if so, will you place any restrictions on their service? Senator Tart. I have always been oppused to drafting eighteen-year-olds, and I was be- fore. The investigation we have made then seems to indicate that while probably a good majority of eighteen-year-olds were perfectly competent to be drafted, there were still a fair number who hed not matured suflicientiy so that they could be certain that they would not be injured by the experience in the Army. Of course, necessity le the last law, and if you are going to have to have three million five hundred thousand men you have to get the best method of getting them, and If by tak- ing elghteen-year-olds you can avoid some- thing else that might be worse, there may be an argument. I haven't analyzed the figures. I have felt myself, however, that there should be some restriction against any boy being sent abrosd until he is nineteen years old. Chairman Grane. Do you want to com- ment on that, Senator BENTON? Senator Brewton, I think the nineteen-year- old boys in some parts of the country look younger than the elghteen-year-old boys in other parts of the country. I agree with Senator Tarr. Tt is too bad and it is tragic ard diffiewlt at eighteen or at nineteen to interfere with the chance for education of ree tae neoesaity “egeinst “the oom. the aga C) . That LY what General Marshall and Ars. Rosenberg are attempting to do. I am not on the committee exposed to the problem, have another