and military goals, the United States went to war 
against Iraq in March 2003 without clearly defined 
political and military goals. 
(2) Contrary to the Powell Doctrine, which 
states that if the United States is to use military 
force it should be ‘‘overwhelming’’ military force, the 
United States went to war against Iraq without the 
troop levels or strategy needed to secure a post-inva-
sion Iraq. 
(3) Ignoring the advice of United States mili-
tary leaders and experts, the President sent United 
States troops into war against Iraq without suffi-
cient levels needed for post-conflict success and with-
out sufficient armor and related equipment, and has 
used the United States military in such a way that 
today it is straining under the weight of the war. 
(4) The justifications cited by the President for 
using military force against Iraq—that Iraq pos-
sessed weapons of mass destruction and Iraq had 
links to al Qaeda—have not, to date, been proven 
correct. 
(5) On May 1, 2003, the President announced 
the end of major combat operations in Iraq, thus 
starting an entirely new phase—the occupation of 
Iraq. 
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(6) The justifications cited by the President for 
using military force against Iraq have shifted dra-
matically since Congress passed the Authorization 
for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 
2002 (Public Law 107–243), from combating the 
threat that Saddam Hussein allegedly posed to the 
United States, to establishing an Iraqi democracy, 
and to a larger vision of Middle Eastern democracy. 
(7) Public Law 107–243 authorized the Presi-
dent to use force to ‘‘defend the national security of 
the United States against the continuing threat 
posed by Iraq’’. 
(8) Currently, United States troops are not fac-
ing a military force or direct threat to the United 
States in Iraq, rather they are facing both a Sunni 
insurgency against the United States occupation of 
Iraq and a violent, long-standing struggle between 
Sunni and Shia Islam on the streets of Baghdad— 
neither of which pose a ‘‘continuing threat’’ to the 
United States. 
(9) Public Law 107–243 clearly reflected the 
President’s policies of preemption and unilateralism 
that have left the United States with an open-ended 
and ill-defined occupation of a country in the middle 
of a civil war. 
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(10) The President’s policies of preemption and 
unilateralism that led the United States into Iraq 
now leave the United States with no clear exit strat-
egy from Iraq. 
(11) The escalation of the use of military force 
in Iraq continues the retreat from long-held United 
States policies of diplomacy, deterrence, and contain-
ment. 
SEC. 2. REPEAL OF PUBLIC LAW 107–243. 
The Authorization for Use of Military Force Against 
Iraq Resolution of 2002 (Public Law 107–243) is hereby 
repealed. 
SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS. 
It is the sense of Congress that— 
(1) Congress should vote on a new authoriza-
tion for use of force resolution that— 
(A) reflects the current situation in Iraq; 
(B) abandons the Bush Doctrine of pre-
emption and unilateralism; and 
(C) realigns United States policy with its 
long-held engagement priorities of diplomacy, 
deterrence, and containment; 
(2) the United States should establish a quick- 
reaction United States military force with an over- 
the-horizon presence in the region to respond as 
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needed to imminent security threats in the Middle 
East; 
(3) the United States should enhance and in-
tensify diplomatic relations that will provide the 
proper external environment and support for the dif-
ficult internal steps that the Government of Iraq 
should take to promote national reconciliation; 
(4) the United States should increase efforts to 
engage all neighboring countries and the League of 
Arab States in promoting stability in Iraq; 
(5) the United States should maintain its com-
mitment to continue to provide humanitarian and re-
construction assistance in Iraq; 
(6) the United States should redirect diplo-
matic, economic, and military support to Afghani-
stan, where the Taliban continues to destabilize the 
region; and 
(7) the United States should aggressively pur-
sue Osama Bin Laden, Ayman al-Zawahiri, al Qaeda 
and other terrorist organizations that continue to 
pose an imminent threat to the United States. 
Æ 
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