A922 have read volumes for and against the Tariff Act of 1930 and the misnamed reciprocal trade treaties. The facts are that the present admin- istration has erected more severe trade barriers than any administration has ever erected in the history of our coun- try. The following self-explanatory letter is one of many examples of how the New Dealers talk one way but perform an- other: DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, Washington, January 22, 1945. Hon. Rep F, MuRRAy, . House of Representatives. Dear MR, Murray: This is in reply to your letter of January 2, inquiring about the act of Congress prohibiting the exportation of tobacco seed and live plants. This law was enacted to protect the foreign market for American tobacco growers. It was felt that the large quantities of tobacco seed being ex- ported annually to China and other countries which normally imported large quantities of tobacco from our flue-cured districts were contributing to the decrease in these tobacco exports. The act forbids the exportation of tobacco seed except for experimental purposes, and the officials of the Department concerned with plant breeding stated that one-half ounce of seed is more than ample for plant- ing a regulation-size experimental plot. This, therefore, was adopted as the maximum quantity of seed that could be exported for any one variety. However, under an approval application, a permit may be issued to cover several varieties. Permits are issued only for seed to be used in the course of scientific experiments as conducted by governmental agencies. During the past 4 years the total quantity of seed authorized to be exported ha- been slightly under 11 pounds. A copy of the regulations governing the administration of this act is enclosed. Congressman KERR, of North Carolina, was instrumental in securing the enactment of this law, and you may wish to discuss it further with him. Sincerely yours, CHARLES F, ERANNAN, Assistant Secretary. Who was Secretar; of State when this Kerr bill was passed? None other than Mr. Cordell Hull from the tobacco State of Tennessee. If he reilly believed in good-neighbor policy, why no vocal or writen protest from him? Who was Secretary of Agriculture at that time? None other than Henry A. Wallace. Why no vocal or written pro- test Irom Henry? The American people have been misled if they believe that this administration has carried on a program of reciprocity or that such legislation is favorable to an honest and sincere good-neighbor Policy. Mr. Speaker, the above is by far the most severe trade barrier ever erected by any administration in the history of our country. It is absolutely contrary to a good-neighbor policy, and the worst trade barrier ever erected. The present administration cannot defend this act and cannot cloud the issue by talking about the iniquities of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act. The New Dealers vote to give added protection to cotton, tobacco, pea- nuts, and pretend to be for the reciprocal trade treaties. If one makes an effort to give any similar deserved protection to the livestock and dairy industry, a really large part of American agriculture, he immediately would become an economic isolationist. China produced nearly a billion pounds of tobacco last year without the benefit of United States seed. There are abso- lute quotas on cigar and scrap tobacco imports in effect now from the Philip- pines. There is also a quota on filler to- bacco from Cuba. Help, Help, Uncle Sam, Internat‘onal Fireman: 400,000 Americans Died Answering Last Alarm EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOWARD H. BUFFETT GF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. BUFFETT. Mr. Speaker, the March Catholic World carried a column entitled “Palestine: a Solution,” by Father James M. Gillis. With magnificent skillfulness, Father Gillis reveals the world disaster that has resulted from using the United States as the International Fireman. In reading this editorial, it is suggested that wherever the word “Palestine” ap- pears, you add the words, “Greece,” “Turkey,” and so forth. That mental addition will give you a quick under- standing of the hellish mess to which the so-called Successful Bipartisan Foreign Policy has brought us. PaLestINE: A SOLUTION A month ago in this space appeared the statement that there is no solution for the Palestine problem; none but the confession, impossible and unthinkable on the part of Britain, that she had been guilty of duplicity in promising the Holy Land first to the Jews and then to the Arabs. I am now confronted with the humiliating necessity of apologiz- ing for that apodictic utterance. There is a solution. The reason I did not see it is that I underestimated British diplomacy. I for- got—for the moment—the infinite resource- fulness of the mind of Winston Churchill. How so manifest a phenomenon could have been—even for an instant—obscured from r-y eyes, I cannot explain. But the fact ts there to confront and con- found me. The ex-Prime Minister of Brit- ain has come forward with a suggestion so simple that I have no excuse for not having seen it. Mr. Churchill says, “unless the United States will come in with us on a 50-50 basis on an agreed policy—on all the blood- shed, odium, and trouble, and work, we will lay our mandate at the feet of the Interna- tional Organization.” And he goes on to ex- press the hope that the Government of Brit- ain will, unless the United States comes in, “divest itself of a responsibility which we are failing to discharge and which in the process is covering us with blood and shame.” Now, why didn’t we Americans think of that solution, so simple, so equitable, indeed so inevitable? In particular, how could I have been so unwarrantably dogmatic as to declare that there was no solution? Of course there 1s @ solution. There is always a solution. Uncle Sam is the solution, All he needs do ts to step into the most impos- sible situation and bring order out of chaos. See how simply and easily we settled the problem of Poland, and of Yugoslavia. And APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Austria. And Hungary. And China and Ko- rea. This little Palestine business is a push- over. We can fix it in—well let's see, we can fix it in an afternoon, as some of our ad- mirals in the Pacific said we could settle the the problem of Japan. INTERNATIONAL FIREMAN So thanks for the suggestion, Mr. Church- ill. We will run right over and attend to the matter at once, As for the bloodshed, odium, trouble, shame, don't mention it. When you promised your own people “nothing but b!ood and -weat and tears” we insisted upon sharing their sufferings. We did it before and, en- couraged by the results, we will do it again. When we have fixed up Palestine, would you like to have us move on to India and straighten out that little gnarl? Okey dokey. That's right down our alley. We are the trouble-shooters of the universe. Don't thank vs. Happy to help you. Honored to. be asked. Here we come. Perhaps this matter is really too serious to be treated in a jocular way Of itself and by itself, the notion that we must do for Pales- tine and for al] the Empire what England nas found it impossible to do. is one that may ruin us if we accept it and act upon it, Walter Lippmann wrote in his column on February 11: “A crisis of great dimensions is manifestly in the making which, if it were allowed to run its course, could shake the world, and make our own position highly vulnerable and precariously isolated. There {6 no mistaking the signs which are the warning of that crisis. They are that the Canadian and American credits which were intended to last until at least 1051, are not going to be sufficient to see the British through the period of reconstruction in the British Isles and of liquidation and reorgani- zation in the vast regions of their imperial commitments in the Mediterranean and southern Asia.” He visualizes “a forced and disorderly liq- uidation of so many British external com- mitments * * * in Europe, Asia, and Afri- ca,” which with Winston Churchill's state- ment adds up to this: The maintenance of the whole British Empire depends upon our Participation on a 50-50 basis. It would be interesting to know what the American peo- ple think of that. H. R. 601 on Flammable Fabrics a Good Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEROY JOHNSON - OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. JOHNSON of California. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks I include an editorial from the Sacramento Bee. The editor speaks of a bill which I introduced and on which hearings have been held before the Interstate and For- eign Commerce Committee. The com- mittee gave a full and fair hearing on three bills, including H. R. 601, which I introduced. We hope that it will report a bill on the subject of flammable fabrics in order that the public may be protected against dangerous fabrics, which have and will continue to do much damage to innocent purchasers of these fabrics or clothes made of such fabrics. Natu- rally, I feel that my bill is the best ap-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RIECORD proach to the problem and will solve the problem because of its simplicity and be- cause it will be administered by the Bureau of Standards. The editor was kind enough to say that I pioneered legislation in this field, I having introduced two such bills in the Seventy-ninth Congress. The pres- ent bill—H. R. 601—is the evolution of my thinking, after my experience with the other bills and all the advice I could obtain on the proper method to safe- guard the public against dangerous flam- mable fabrics. But I wish to state that the editor of the Sacramento Bee, Mr. Walter P. Jones, is the pioneer in re- questing legislation on this problem, for it was through his efforts and the edi- torials of his paper that sufficient interest was aroused in the problem so that Cali- fornia legislated on the subject in 1945. When it was found by experience with that law that the problem was really a national one, the editor suggested that I might try to induce Congress to solve the problem for the whole Nation, and the result finally culminated in H. R. 601, which is now in the hands of the com- mittee above mentioned. The editorial referred to follows: STRONG LAW IS NEEDED Representative Leroy Jounson, of the Third (Sacramento) Congressional District, is wholly justified in asking the House Inter- state and Foreign Commerce Committee to recommend a strong law forbidding the use of inflammable goods in clothing. JOHNSON pioneered legislation against the manufacture and sale of highly inflammable clothing. However, some who favor softer statute at the risk of human lives have pro- posed a rival act permitting the sale of su-h hazardous materials if they were marked “flammuble—dangerous when worn.” ln some respects such a law would be worse than no law at all. The buyers, more often than not, would fall to see the labels. And it cannot be ex- pected the manufacturers would make them conspicuous or that the sellers would call the customers’ attention to them. Thus, this would not protect the public. However, 1t would be a means of protecting the manufacturers against possible legal uc- tions for damages in the event someone were killed or disfigured. The Johnson bill, designed to stop the sale of inflammable clothing and providing severe penalties for violations, is the measure which should he passed. Efforts To Fight Communism With Dollars Seen as Futile Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD KNUTSON OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. KNUTSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following editorial from the Detroit Free Press of yesterday: EFFORTS TO FIGHT COMMUNISM WITH DOLLARS SEEN AS FUTILE POLICY Pleas by the Greek Government for sub- stantial assistance to prevent that stricken country’s economic collapse should be viewed realistically by the peo:ple of the United States. Sentimentally, our hearts go out to the Grecks, who are torn by civil dissension re- sulting from Great Britain’s insistence that King George II, a listless and near-Fascist ruler, be returned to the throne. We share also her feurs of Russian agtres- sion and sympathize deeply with a gallant people facing up to the inevitable break- down of an already tottering economy. Since Great Britain, Greece's traditional protector, has served notice that she can no longer support a substantial army in Greece to preserve order, the problem is ‘thrown squarely in our laps because we ure s0 Closely tied to British foreign policy. The State Department is apparently com- mitted to Greek assistance in the amount of $350,000,000. It is explained publicly that a sum of this size is necessary to purchase food, clothing, and other emergency essentials. Additionally, the Greek note to the United States explained that American technical ex- perts are needed to help the country get to her feet. What neither the State Department nor the Greek diplomatic dispatch did say, and this iy the real issue, is that American money and perhaps her soldiers must be used if we are to prevent the spread of communism throughout the Balkans and the rest ol Europe. The argument, freely used by high officials and military leaders in off-the-record ses- sions with Washington newspaper corre- spondents, is fight communism with dollars. It is » cry that will be heard much more frequently and openly in the months and yeurs to come. It is an assertion that should be sharply challenged betore 1t becomes, through public inertia and Government propnganda, the pattern for our future foreign policy. Isn't it high time that we cume to grips with the facts? American dollars failed to resolve the po- litical differences in China between Gen- eralitssimo Chiang Kal-Shek and the Com- munists. We threw away bundreds of mil- lions in a vuln effort to bring order out of chaos and came away with nothing but the bitter taste of another political retreat. George Weller, of the Chicago Daily News Foreign Service, says that the postwar policy of “pay, preach, und retreat,” which hes fulled on # gigantic scale in China, hus failed in the Balkans, too, and it has cost the American people in postwar aid nearly $500,- 000,0C9 to lose their political shirts at the “little table" in tiny Greece us at the “big table” in China. The Free Press fuvored the British loan as an outright gift with no thought that it would ever be repaid. We believed that the gift of a few billlon dollars would prove either that Great Britain could survive as a great power with this assistance or that her economy had disintegrated so badly that it could no longer be propped up even with American financial support. The British are now back in the market for another loan. We made a very sizable loan to France, timing it to provide a potent argument for the rightists in the French elections. Yet France, with no semblance of strong leadership or direction, continues to drift gradually to the left. In the case of Greece British insistence upon restoration of the monarchy prevented the people from having a government of their own choosing. We have backed the British experiment in Greece to the hilt and now find ourselves the unhappy legatees of a moral and material bankruptcy. Can we fight communism with dollars? The projected 8350,000,000 gift to Greece is but another in a series of well-intentioned but utterly futile efforts to buy off the Com- munists at so much a head. A923 The history of the world proves that indi- viduals with strong ideological convictions are not for sale at uny price, except when it suits their purpose to be cooperative until the money hus been spent. There might be sume military justification for the Greek gift if, in return, we obtained a few naval buses in Greece and Turkey. Financially, it could be justified if Britain agreed to transfer Greek credits frozen in London to the United States so that Greece could buy some of the things it needs with its own money instead of borrowing from us. It might even be morally justifiable if it meant a thorough political house cleaning in Greece with new elections .o that the people might select the type of government they prefer. But, as George Weller points out, we are Jn effect only throwing more money into the bottomless kitty of na*ions who have anti- communism for sale. Can we fight communism with dollars? For one, I am convinced that we cannot. The tragic plight of the Greeks can be alleviated throug] privately supported groups such as the Greek War Rehef Association, which has had years of expericnce in this field. Cur Government should be ready to ship surpluses of food and supplies and let their distribution be supervised by trained and competent organizations which understand the problem. But the policy of paying Greece to support a token force of British trocps as a bulwark against the vastly supenor Russian armics in the northern Balkans is unrealism at its worst. For once I agree with Senator CLAUDE PeereR in his suggestion that the Greek question be referred to the United Nations on the theory that it is a global problem vitally aflecting the peace of the world. As time goes on and international diffi- culties increase, it will be impossible for the United States to patch up the remnants of shaky refimes and emptres the world over, If the United Nations is to refute the rising tide of cynical comment that it is just “another debating society,” the Palestine and the Greek problems must have its immediate attention. At this point somcone may well ask: “If we are not to fight communism with dollars, what. is the solution?" Unfortunately, the very simplicity of the question mnkes the unswer more difficult. There seems to be almcst universal agree- ment that communism is abhorrent to free- men. But who shall say that the people of any nation may not have communism if that is what they desire? If the ideological and military conflict with Russia is as inevitable as the wise men of the radio proclaim it to be, another little nation or two gone communistic won't prove to be the deciding factor in an atomic war, Let them demonstrate whether the com- munistic system can be successful. Let it be shown that people are happier without free speech, free elections, and freedom of opportunity. The capitalistic system is under constant attack from disaffected Americans who em- phasize its imperfections while enjoying all of its benefits. Perhaps the communistic system can pro- vide better living conditions, more abundant crops, finer cars, superior household acces- sories, and greater liberty than we have in America. Possibly some people could be happier liv- ing under the constant scrutiny of the secret police. Even a few of our sons and daughters see considerable merit in the communistic system. Let this be shown. We might all be convinced. Meanwhile, efforts to combat communism in the Balkans with American dollars are not \kely to succeed.
A924 Then, when we have bankrupted ourselves trying to bail out the staggering nations of Europe, communism will have a field day in the United States. Of course, the capitalistic system will be blamed for the debacle when actually it is being drained so systematically that even today it has considerable less than an even chance to prove its worth. We have poured forth a golden and s¢em- ingly endless stream of American dollars in our policy of “pay, preach, and retreat.” With nothing to show for our immature generosity except more calls for help, the time has come to call a halt before we join our friends in the international breadline. Joun 8. Entcnt. Removal of Geverament Controls Over Basiness REMARKS HON. JAMES C. DAVIS QF GRORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. DAVIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, during the period of the war, the Ameri- can people recognized the fact that Gov- ernment control of production was nec- essary. We checrfully submitted to many unusual and strict regulations, and sur- rendered much freedom of action and conduct to the Government and its vari- ous departments, boards, and bureaus. We did this in order that all the great resources of our country could be exclu- sively devoted to the task of winning the war. As a result of this situation, the Gov- ernment assumed control of many details of business life, which the American peo- ple would never have surrendered to the Government except for the war emer- gency. The war was ended more than a year and a half ago now, and with the ending of the war also ended the reason for Government control in many details of our business life. It was not intended that freedom of action in business life should be surrendered permanently, nor was it intended that the Government should permanently contro] American business. The time has come now when the Government should get out of busi- ness, and let the American people get back into business. Since September 1, 1941, there have been in force Federal regulations which restrict credit sales of automobiles, taxi- cabs, stoves, washing machines, ironing machines, refrigerators, radios, sewing machines, vacuum cleaners, and house- hold furniture of all kinds. These restrictions were placed in effect by the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System on September 1, 1941, under authority of Presidential Executive Order No. 8843, dated August 9, 1941. The regulation issued by the Board of Governors is known as regulation W. Regulation W has no ending date or ter- mination date, but will run indefinitely uniess affirmative action is taken to end it. Under this regulation W as it now stands, applies to any person who is engaged in the business of making ex- tensions of installment credit in amounts of $2,000 or less, or discounting or pur- chasing obligations arising out of such extensions of credit. It applies whether the person is a bank, loan company, or finance company, or a person who is so engaged in connection with any other business, such as by making such exten- sions of credit as a dealer, retailer, or other person in connection with the sell- ing of consumers’ durable goods. Every merchant and dealer who sells the articles mentioned above, and every bank, finance company, or individual, who lends money to buy these articies, or buys purchase money notes executed for them, must be registered with and have a license from the Federal Government to do business, and may be prosecuted for a violation of the regulations, and pun- ished by a fine of $16,800 or imprisonment for 10 years, or both. Regulation W as it now stands, ap- plies to the purchase and sale and lend- ing of money with which to purchase cer- tain listed articles, whether new or used, ranging in value from $50 to $2,000. Un- der the terms of regulation W, on certain items the purchaser must make a down payment of 3343 percent, and must pay the remaining 66% percent in not less than 15 months. These regulations ap- ply among other articles to automobiles, including taxi cabs, cooking stoves and Tanges, washing and ironing machines, refrigerators of less than 12 cubic feet capacity, radio sets, phonographs, or com- binations, sewing machines and vacuum cleaners. The regulation further requires that on household furniture, a down pay- ment of 20 percent must be made. and the remainder must be paid within 15 months. As an illustration of how this regula- tion affects the average citizen, tf he buys a new automebile for $1,508, he must make a down payment of $580, and must pay the remaining $1,000 within 15 months. A bank or loan company is not permitted to lend the purchaser any money on the installment plan with which to make all or any part of the down payment. The seller is not permitted to extend credit to the buyer for any part of the down payment and the seller is not allowed to sell the buyer the car if he knows or has reason to know that the buyer has borrowed any portion of the down payment from any cther person or company. : These stringent regulations necessarily retard business activity and make it very difficult for many people in the lower salary brackets to buy any kind of auto- mobile, whether new or used, and make it very difficult for many housewives to purchase articles which would materially add to their comfort and convenience, and to the comfort and convenience of their families, such as washing machines, ironing machines, new stoves, new re- frigerators, new radios, new vacuum cleaners, and many other items of house- hold and kitchen furniture. When this regulation was adopted, there was a need for control of the use of installment credit because the manu- facture and sale of the articles affected were absorbing resources needed for na- tional defense. Also at that time there APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD was a need for contro! of instaliment credit in order to curb unwarranted price advances and profiteering; in restrain- ing inflationary tendencies, and for the further purpose of channeling savings away from the purchase of goods, into our defense program and the purchase of war bonds. The situation now has entirely changed. Instead of decreasing peace- time production, the need now is to in- crease »2acetime production. If the pro- duction «f peacetime goods is to increase, of course there must be a market for such goots. The elimination of this regulation W will do much toward the creation of a great safe market for pro- duction of these peacetime articies. It is time for the Government to give up control of consumer credit, and I have today introduced a bill to cancel both the Presidential Executive order and regu- lation W itself. Regulation W having been inaugurated as a temporary wartime measure, and that emergency having now passed, this regulation is both ineffective and unnec- essary in the national economy as an anti-inflation measure. It is undemccratic in its application. The man who buys a car costing more than $2,000 is not affected by it. Yet the man who buys a lower-priced car is obliged to comply with its strict terms. There are many veterans who want to establish homes, buy furniture, possibly washing machines, refrigerators, and the like, and possibly an automobile, and pay for all these items in regular installments from thei) salaries. To do this, it will be necessary that he have more liberal installment terms than those now al- lowed by regulation W. America reached its piace as the great- est producing country in the world through free enterprise. I do not believe we need fear that our banks and the lend- ers of money are going to engage in un- sound or unsafe practices in financing the sales and purchase of these listed items. We are lending and giving bil- lions of dollars all over the world to help citizens of other countries get on their feet. The removal of the restrictions im- posed by regulation W will simply help the American people, the American vet- eran, and the American worker to rees- tablish their own homes and their own family life by their own work and labor, and on terms which they can afford to comply with. The removal of this regu- lation will cause markets to expand and production to increase. It will give more work to labor and more investment for capital and wil! contribute to prosperity for America as a whole. Children Whe Known Ne Childhood EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF | TATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 my pendix of the Recorp, I include an ar-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ticle from the Sunday New York Times of March 9, 1947, a feature story entitled “Children Who Have Known No Child- hood,” by Gertrude Samuels. This ar- ticle bears on the situation which appeals so profoundly to the heart of our coun- try—the fate of the unhappy children who were orphaned by the Nazi and Fascist terror. In an effort to deal with this situation I have today introduced a bill to permit such orphans under 14 years of age to enter the United States as nonquota immigrants for adoption: CHILDREN WHO HAVE KNOWN NO CHILDHOOD— HERE IS A FIRST-HAND REPORT ON THE ORPHANS OF THE NAZI GHETTOS AND SLAVE LABOR CAMPS (By Gertrude Samuels) Of all the survivors of the Hitler era in Europe, perhaps the most tragic and the most desperate are the “unaccompanied chil- dren’’—the orphans of the ghettos, concen- tration camps and Sslave-labor forces who lost every precious thing except their lives. In the American zone of Germany, living still within a few kilometers of prison camps which now hold their old torturers, are some 6,200 of them. I saw these children. In the past few weeks, traveling through Germany to special child centers and displaced persons camps, I have had a glimpse of their past and present lives. I watched the processing of the fit and literate near Frankfort on the Main, Heidel- berg, and Munich as wards of the United States Committee for the Care of European Children, which sponsors their passage to America. I witnessed the desperation of those who face an uncertain future because of resettlement restrictions. I talked and ate with them. And I watched 86 of these boys and girls, ranging in age from 314 to 18 years, carrying their worldly possessions in roped-up valises and satchels, wearing cut- down GI uniforms, coats from Army blankets, and UNRRA issue boots, go silently and wear- ily up the gangplank of a former troop trans- port at Bremerhaven to sail for America. I sailed with them—among the first to come to America—shawing their immigrant status to gather their stories at first hand. Physically, though many are undersized, they look almost normal, a striking contrast to their appearance after liberation 2 years ago when they were found with rickets, third-degree impetigo, hunger edema, spin- dly legs. Most are in their teens, because few babies or younger children survived the concentration camps. Psychologically, the scars are plainer. Sur- viving by their wits for years where adults had failed; sent from decent homes to ghet- tos, later to as many as nine concentration camps, where they became numbers, or living like animals in the woods to escape certain death by the Nazis and Fascist guards; beg- ging and stealing food; stubbornly groping back by night to centers where their families were last seen in hopes of finding them again, they are children without a childhood. Burned in their memories is the phrase “went to the left.” It signifies the lining up by SS troops of parents and the youngest and oldest brothers and sisters for the gas chain- bers and crematories, while they, selected children, were marched the other way to forced-labor camps and road gangs. All have stories of unprecedented horror like that of the boy who stoked fires at Dachau while his comrades waited to be cremated. Because of their resilience and courage and also be- cause of the work of some men and women who believe in simple justice, they are learn- ing to live again. Perhaps to trust again. For though these are not ordinary children, neither are they emotional pariahs. Though they feel a hostility toward the adult world which abused them without cause, though their greatest ally is their own self-reliance, they have known goodness and sympathy from social workers who were for the chil- dren, And though their memories are very green, they could smile and laugh, and they did, among friends who had shared common experiences, or with those they grew to like and trust. As one UNRRA welfare officer put it: “They react to that highest type of dcctor—human kindness.” Since May 20, 1946, when the first group of adult displaced persons arrived in New York harbor, the United States Committee, whose honorary chairman is Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, has sponsored the immigration of 650 Of these orphans. During the war it found temporary havens for children evacuated from Britain and Europe as part of the work of the Na- tional War Fund, and in later years repatri- ated most of those children. Now, from 140 Cedar Street, New York 6, it is the central sponsoring agency for the war orphans; all leading national welfare groups, from the Quakers, National Catholic Welfare Conference, and American Joint (Jewish) Distribution Committee to the Children's Bureau in Washington, cooperate with it to find foster parents. The commit- tee must raise $800,000 this year to carry on the work for the war orphans. To qualify for its aid the children must pass all the customary immigration tests—physical, lit- eracy, CIC (counter-intelligence)—and prove that they were in the American zone on or before December 22, 1945. Taken collectively, the children—repre- senting more than 15 nationalities, including Poles, Balts, Rumanians, Czechs, Hungarians, and Ukrainians, and the Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant religions—reveal the amazing pattern of Hitler's plan to (1) exterminate inferior peoples (2) impoverish child popu- lations of neighbor countries, and (3) main- tain the German population by child impor- tations for absorption into the Reich. Partly the pattern is supplied by the children them- selves; partly it has been turned up by a group of the most self-effacing, industrious workers the peace has produced—UNRRA's Child Search Teams. For example, at the International Chil- dren’s Center at Prien near Munich—largest child center in the zone—the 385 children who live, work, and get some schooling in its 12 UNRRA-operated buildings were in Ger- man camps or slave labor forces when the Allied Armies conquered the country. After liberation many lived first in DP centers or worked with the Americans as KP, drivers, and medical assistants. Among them was Leopold Willinger, 17-yeur-old Czech Jew who acted as one of my interpreters on the ship and whose history is typical. Of medium height, thin and pinched looking, his clothes hanging indifferently on him, his pale blue eyes direct and hard, he told me he was born of a middle-class family in Velky Seviyus. When he was 11 his father was tuken as slave labor and was never heard from again. Two years later he and his mother were taken to Auschwitz concen- tration camp. A number was branded on his lower left arm—A (for Auschwitz) 18247. Then, “on a day I shall never forget—June 4, 1944—they lined up all the older people of the camp. My mother was among them.” His voice trembled but his eyes, shaded by his soiled, low-slung cap, never changed. “It is enough to say that I saw my mother burned at Auschwitz.” For the next 12 months he was trans- ferred from one camp to another—Gross- Rosen, Dachau, Garmisch. He was beaten and starved; he dug ditches and helped to build roads for the Germans. Finally, at Partenkirchen, his weight down to less than 90 pounds, he was liberated by the Americans, “It is impossible to describe these expe- riences,” he said, “and impossible for anyone who hasn't lived through it to understand. What has happened has happened. But A925 why? Nobody can tell us why. Or whether it can happen again.” Traveling to Prien, I had stopped to see Dachau, now a sanctuary with arrows point- ing to the “old” and “new” crematories, com- mon graves and pistol ranges, a military gov- ernment sign reading “This area is being re- tained as a shrine to the 238.000 individuals who were cremated here.” Who could answer Leopold’s questions? The 86, sailing on the small Kaiser-built boat, were of 9 nationalities and 3 great re- ligions. Though they were symbolically at the crossroads of 2 worlds, none had a last sentimental look for the world he was leav- ing. But could they ever forget it? Would their mood change as we left Germany be- hind? What, if any, were their hopes and expectations? Did they, in their youth and bitter wisdom, still have illusions? As each wintry wave thudded against the floating DP world of 721 immigrants which plied through the icy River Weser to the English Channel and on into the green At- lantic, the change came slowly but obviously, The children seemed gradually to accept their new surroundings as real, This was what they had been waiting for so long that they had never really believed it could come. It had come. And as gingerly but as surely as their fect tested the rolling and pitching decks, so their mood lifted. While reason apparcntly compelled them still to weigh and suspect, their emotions were clearly some- thing else, at the surface, stronger than rea- son, eager for security and friendship. This was shown in group and individual reactions. If they had appeared subdued at Bremen they were amazed beyond words as they sat down for thelr meals. To an American it seemed normal enough. To them the white tablecloths, vases of jonquils, plates of white bread, chunks of butter and platters of meat, potatoes and string beans were a mir- acle. They ate slowly. They looked at the bread before they put it in their mouths; then, remembering, they reached for the butter. The pyramids of apples and oranges on each table were a source of wonder. Back in our cabin, they clustered around and one of them put the question which appearcd to be in all minds: ‘Do we have that each day?” On the last day of the voyage the children crowded at the ship rails, watched the pilot board the ship to guide her into harbor, waved at the Statue of Liberty, shouted greetings to ferries and launches and took in the Manhattan skyline. Leopold summed up their mood when he said, with a rare smile: “This is not Bremerhaven.” As they poured down the gangway one boy pressed forwaid to ask an immigration olfli- cial, “Will I be allowed to keep my letters and pictures?” There were no censors, he was told. Chartered busses were waiting to take them to a temporary reception home in the Bronx—a 40-room building with small dormi- tories and a recreation room where they could receive a clothing issue. Few were coming to relatives or friends. Within a week or so the majority would be dispersed to foster or children's homes all over the country, going into many of the 28 States where other war orphans have found homes. Ultimately, if they and their new foster parents liked the arrangement, they might be adopted. This was for the children, the United States committee and welfare groups, which receive applications for adoption, to decide. It was Leopold who demonstrated what a little human kindness can reap. When I re- turned to the Bronx Center a few days after our arrival all the children had a brand-new glowing look. In neat American clothes and good shoes they seemed as normal as any young high-school group. But the biggest change was in Leopold. Gone was the droop- ing figure, slouched cap, and fixed look, In
A926 his clean shirt and new suit, a warm topcoat, and a gray felt hat, his happy face reflected some inner security which he must have found. It was hard to say goodby to these chil- aren whom one had come to love and respect. How many would find the welcome mat down in their new search for peace? What would happen to the thousands who were waiting for their “break”? I knew that many tn their new-found world were turning to the place in their foreign-language prayer books to which they had turned as they packed their bags at Bremen: “Praise to God, the God of the world, who gives the dreams before our eyes.” Leadership Thrust on Us ee EXTENSION OF REMARKS fe) HON. CARL T. DURHAM OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. DURHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorD, I include the following editorial from the Greensboro (N. C.) Daily News of March 5, 1947: LEADERSHIP THRUST ON US Britain’s admissicn of inability to main- tain her commitments in Greece, together with the probability that she will relinquish her strategic position in the Near East by handing Palestine over to the United Na- tions, brings the United States face to face with the problem of how far we should go in taking over Britain's role of international peace officer. Should the United States reverse ite tradi- tional role and enter actively with arms, goods, and money into the arenas of Europe and the Near East in order to check the ex- pansion of the Soviet state and the spread of communism? The question is a very seri- ous one. On the one hand we are not suf- ficiently experienced to assure a successful outcome of such intervention and we are not in any too good shape to stand indefinitely the huge financial sacrifices which such a program will entail; on the other hand we are not disposed to stand idly by and see the result come about which we fought the war to prevent, that is, the domination of Europe and the Near East by one dictatorial power. If we could be sure of establishing liberal democratic governments where we pleased the problem would be much simpler, but our experience in China and Britain's in Greece indicates that the choice frequently may be between two extremes, a reactionary govern- ment and a Communist one. The cost of our defending against Russian expansion on all fronts by propping up ineffi- cient, corrupt, or unpopular governments with arms and gold may well be prohibitive. What is the answer? It may lie in reaching an agreement with the Soviet Union at the Moscow Conference limiting intervention in broad areas. Secretary of State Marshall, whose mind has been trained to deal com- prehensively with complicated problems, knows that our ends must be adjusted to our means and that Russia’s must be also. Like Britain and all other countries which suffered most severely in the war, Russia needs peace for recuperation above all else. Therefore she has halted her territorial ex- pansion and has soft-pedaled threats to Iranian, Grecian, and Turkish territory. But she is communistic as well as a nationalistic state—an anomaly but a fact—and she now threatens internally rather than externally. At least she influences peoples who are down and out and who are willing to risk the ex- periment; what looks like a threat to us looks like a promise to them. This is the situation with which Secretary Marshall and his chief counselor, John Foster Dulles, have to deal. Mr. Dulles realizes that communism and democracy are rivals for world leadership, but he also knows that ideas cannot be successfully fought with bullets, and he has said that our free society, if it is to be the leader, must generate ‘the constructive ideas for which the world stands in wait.” Force is important in stopping external ag- @ression. But if the United States under- takes the leadership of the world, which is being thrust upon it, we shall need wisdom commensurate with our power in order not to wreck the world but to lead it along a narrow and treacherous path to a new day of peace and freedom. Investing in the Future EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orb, I include therein an editorial from the New York Herald Tribune of March 10, 1947, entitled “Investing in the Future’: : INVESTING IN THE FUTURE What President Truman intends to tell the congressional leaders today we naturally do not know. It is believed that he will add requests for aid for Turkey to those which he has already made in behalf of Greece. If so, it will be time enough to discuss the facts and details of the immediate problem when some facts have been made available for discussion. The amounts, the kinds, and the destinations of the proposed assistance must obviously be subjected to careful acru- tiny. But tt will be impossible to scrutinize them intelligently except against the back- ground of the broad issue which ts already plain before us and for which Greece and Turkey are hardly more than the initial symbols. That is the issue of whether this country is to shape its own world or allow it to be shaped by others. The old British Empire is no longer able to do that for us, as it very largely did throughout most of our national history. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the British peoples poured out their surpluses of money, energy, brains, and self-confidence to establish their kind of world throughout a great area of the globe. They invested in many ways. Some of their effort went into military power. Some went into the more tawdry pomps of empire. Some was wasted and lost. But some went into American steel milla and Argentine railroads and Malayan rubber plan- tations. Much went into raising the stand- ards of living and health and education in vast areas of the earth, and much went into stabilizing the nineteenth-century interna- tional society and maintaining it, for as long as that was possible, against the shocks which might otherwise much sooner have de- stroyed it. That ts a function which the old British - Empire is no longer able to perform. But it must be performed in some way for the new international society emerging from the two wars. The simple question confront- ing the United States is whether we are to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD resign the task to the Soviet Union or wneth- er we are to share in it, to defend a viable area of political democracy and regulated free-enterprise economy in the world and so to demonstrate that our own system possesses the vitality, the courage and the outgoing energies without which it will be doomed to certain extinction. There is far too much talk about possible war between Russia and the United States and far too little realization of the existing competition between the two systems for men’s minds and loyalties. Like Britain in the last century, the Soviet Union has a Great deal more to export than bullets. It has energy and enthusiasm; it has order, full employment, the classless society, the end of the grosser forms of social] injustice. But the totalitarian subjection and the NKVD inevitably go with them. The United States has for export individual liberty and personal security, it has the highest standard of living, the greatest economic freedom, the best technical skills, the greatest liberty of cultural and political expression known to the world. But do we possess the energy and self-confidence to export, to invest these values? The confidence was there after the first war, when we poured out our foreign loans and dreamed our visions of empire, but the wisdom was not. We now have greater wis- dom; we have the knowledge and many of the requisite agencies to invest soundly in our kind of future. But do we have the self- confidence and the breadth of view? We had better have; for otherwise the future, for all our wealth and power, will go to those who do possess such qualities, Address of Mrs. L. W. Hughes, President, National Congress of Parents and Teachers EXTENSIO?!: OF REMARKS HON. CLIFFORD DAVIS OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. DAVIS of Tennessee. Mr. Speak- er, Mrs. L. W. Hughes, president, National Congress of Parents and Teachers, spoke last week at Atlantic City on The schools are ours, in which she called for a mili- tant and aggressive educational program. She is an outstanding leader in the cause of education, and under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, it is my privi- lege to include that splendid address in order that my colleagues may be able to read it. The address follows: The obligation to do justice to my topic “The Schools Are Ours” does not rest lightly upon me. I am firmly convinced that the public school is an institution of the people, by the people, and for the people, and that educators can give their best service only when they have the complete understanding of the people they serve. Because I repre- sent an organization of 4,000,000 members made up of a true cross-section of the Ameri- can people, I feel a responsibility to reflect, to the best of my ability, what these people think about their schools and why. Today, in the second year of the atomic age, We are again confronted with a major crisis, one unequaled in the history of Amer- ican education. This crisis might have been averted, but that is now beside the point. What is important is that we must. through our combined energies, ward off the immedt-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ate dangers and bulld so broad and so firm an educational structure that it will never again be threatened, never again even be vulnerable to attack. One of our chief objectives, from our earliest beginnings as an organization, has been to familiarize parents and the public in general with the aims, methods, and prac- tices of the American public school system. FOUR-POINT PROGRAM One of the points of the National Con- gress’ Four-Point Program, now in full swing is none other than better school education. In this area the four specific objectives toward which 27,000 local PTA’s are directing all their initiative and ingenuity are these: 1, To strengthen community support of local and State legislation so as to obtain adequate funds for public schools and equal- ize educational opportunities within the States and unite all forces to pass current legislation providing Federal aid to the States on the basis of need. 2. To secure community support for estab- lishing @ local teachers’ salary schedule, be- ginning with at least $2,400 a year for 4-year college graduates with full professional train- ing and increasing each year thereafter to a level of $5,000-86,000 for experienced efficient teachers. 3. To work for the establishment of con- ditions that will make teaching more attrac- tive to talented young people as a life career and that will retain qualified teachers in the schools; and conduct an active teacher-re- cruitment drive in the community, empha- sizing the public-service aspects of teaching as well as its professional advantages. 4. To encourage and give financial support to the elementary schools and high schools in plans to modernize their programs, their equipment, and their facilities so that all children may have the best educational ad- vantages; and advocate more active lay par- ticipation in school planning, thereby cre- ating a more effective home-school partner- ship. We maintain that the responsibility for education rests where it properly belongs— in the hands of professional educators like yourselves, persons trained to administer our schools. On the other hand, we have never intended that the public should relinquish its particular obligations to public education, But somehow, somewhere along the line—it would be wasteful to stop now for analysis— the people and their schools have drifted apart. Yet if ever there was a time when this country cried aloud for intelligent lay leadership, that time is the present. To whom shall we look for direction if not to you, the guardians of our schools? I believe to the utmost that you under- stand our needs and that you want to help build that leadership. I believe, too, that the present educational crisis has awakened all of us to the stern necessity of making the home-school partnership a truly functioning one. To do so, we must know clearly and fully what each expects of the other. I have already given you an account of the ways in which we parent-teacher members are ful- filling our part of our partnership. May 1, then, now be so bold as to speak of some of the things we feel that we have a right to ex- pect from you? WANT TO BE INFORMED In the first place, we want to be informed about the needs of our schools more immedi- ately and more concretely than we have been in the past. Furthermore, we want to hear about these needs directly from you. We should have known that a crisis was pending in our schools before that crisis broke; the time to meet danger is before it strikes, not afterward. Moreover, we should have been informed at the earliest possible moment by you, not when it was almost too late, by news- paper editorials and magazine articles, im- portant as these channels are for reaching our eyes and our ears, EXPECT DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP Next, we have a right to expect that those who administer our schools shall, by their own high example, inspire all who work with them to act in accordance with democratic principles. I wish with all my heart that there was no need for me to speak of this, Yet speak I must if I am to Keep faith with the many teachers who have confided their hopes and fears to me. My main interest is in the children, for it stands to reason that boys and girls born to freedom can most ef- fectively be educated by those who them- selves know the taste of freedom. And they cannot know it if the schools do not reflect, both in structure and in spirit, the essential elements of true democracy. If our children are to learn what democracy 1s all about, they must sense it and see it in the schoolrooms in which they spend so large a part of their young lives. Doctors and lawyers realize that much of their success depends on their personalities. But what about our teachers, those persons whose manners of speech, whose very walk and toss of the head may be imitated by mil- lions of impressionable youngsters? What chance has the teacher to develop his person- ality until it shines like a gleaming shield? Very little, if he belongs to a system in which conformity is absolute and ultimate. Very little if he must bow submissively to a school principal who stopped growing 20 years ago and refuses to tolerate new ideas because new ideas demand fresh energies, fresh hopes. Wherever such stagnation exists, there the torch of learning is easily extinguished. I believe, therefore, that we have every right to expect school teachers to be superbly themselves, to explore their own talents, and thus to fashion their lives into beauty and meaning. In short, the superintendent who wants teachers truly inspired to teach will give them ample opportunity for both pro- fessional and personal growth, Finally, we want a voice in determining the kind of education our children shall be given. By whatever techniques you achieve it, we want our children trained to think aright about their place in the modern world. We want instilled into their hearts and minds & positive attitude toward life—an attitude that will make them unafraid of the chal- lenging future. KINSHIP WITH OTHERS Gladly do we leave it to you to determine the best method by which to teach them how to read and write and calculate. What we cannot leave to you is the substance of their thoughts. We could not if we would, for building this ideal citizen is not the task of parents or of educators alone. Neverthe- less it is still incumbent upon the schools of America—those citadels of democracy—to do all that education makes possible to build into our children willingness to share in the work of the world—bulld into them, too, the highest regard for their birthright and the deepest desire to preserve the American dream intact. We want our children taught self-disci- pline and self-management. More, we want them emancipated from the domination of those ideas that diminish the love of hu- manity rather than enlarge it. It takes a quickened imagination and a warmth of feel- ing to experience a kinship with others. We want the schools to provide situations that will stimulate both. KNOWLEDGE NOT ENOUGH Iam not depreciatiig knowledge. Happy is the individual who possesses it. But knowledge in and for itself is not enough. That was proved to us beyond the shadow of a doubt by the highly skilled and highly trained youth of the dictator-ridden coun- tries. What we need is a generation who knows how to use knowledge for the benefit of mankind, not for its destruction. If edu- cation is for anything it is to enhance the A927 worth of each and every human being. It is to give him insight into how to build the good life for himself and to help build it for all others like him in body and in soul. What if there are those who would thwart us? There are, still, more than enough good people, thinking people, in the world to make sure that the kind of education we want shall prevail. If such an education is more expensive, let me assure you that the Na- tional Congress of Parents and Teachers is fighting with all its resources to procure Federal aid for our tax-supported public schools, and that we intend to get it. Just because we have never had an all-embracing Federal-aid bill is no reason why we must be afraid of it. The tyranny of the past cannot bind us in this direction any more than in the liberation of outmoded curric- ulums. What we ask of you is a united front. Together—our efforts fused—we can- not fail. PTA PLEDGES SUPPORT In its turn, the National Congress of Parents and Teachers pledges itself anew to build the kind of public opinion that will give the teachers of our land the status and the salaries they so richly deserve. We pledge ourselves to continue creating a pub- ie opinion that will not tolerate a half- hearted support of our school system; that will not permit the voice of the politicians to drown out other voices; a public opinion that will, in short, brook no interference with the raising of schoo] standards. Education has a priority with us. Wher- ever the scales are tipping you can count on us, your partners in the educative process, to weigh the balance in favor of the kind of education thoughtful Americans want 80 desperately. All we ask of you is a mere militant leadership, clearer blueprints, stronger, and bolder direction. The outcome will more than justify your efforts. There are those who tell us we haven't too much time. I, for one, am not disheartened. We didn’t have nearly enough time to pre- pare for the war we have just won. But action for tomorrow begins today, and we are already a few yesterdays behind. And so, I beg of you let’s get busy, let's make every moment count. If we act now—and act to- gether—TI, for one, am certain we shall win all that the war was worth fighting for—the chance to build, through a truly educated citizenry, the only kind of world that can make possible a lasting and fruitful peace for all mankind. Portal-to-Portal Pay Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mrs. DOUGLAS. Mr. Speaker, I wish to introduce into the Recorp an article by Walter Gellhorn, professor of law, Columbia University, on the Gwynne bill or the so-called portal-to-portal pay bill, which appeared in the New York Herald Tribune, February 28, 1947. I spoke and voted against this bill for the reasons so aptly and thoroughly stated by Professor Gellhorn. CRITICISM OF THE GWYNNE BILL-—-PROFESSOR GELLHORN BELIEVES PROPOSED MEASURE WOULD ‘WEAKEN WAGE-AND-HOUR LAW To the New Yor HERALD TRIBUNE: The House of Representatives is about to consider a bill, which, if enacted, will dras- tically weaken and perhaps even destroy the
A926 his clean shirt and new suit, a warm topcoat, and a gray felt hat, his happy face reflected some inner security which he must have found. It was hard to say goodby to these chil- dren whom one had come to love and respect. How many would find the welcome mat down in their new search for peace? What would happen to the thousands who were waiting for their “break"? I knew that many in their new-found world were turning to the place in their foreign-language prayer books to which they had turned as they packed their bags at Bremen: “Praise to God, the God of the world, who gives the dreams before our eyes.” Leadership Thrust on Us EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL T. DURHAM OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. DURHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorD, I include the following editorial from the Greensboro (N. C.) Daily News of March 5, 1947: LEADERSHIP THRUST ON US Britain's admissicn of inability to main- tain her commitments in Greece, together with the probability that she will relinquish her strategic position in the Near East by handing Palestine over to the United Na- tions, brings the United States face to face with the problem of how far we should go in taking over Britain's role of international peace officer. Should the United States reverse its tradi- tional role and enter actively with arms, goods, and money into the arenas of Europe and the Near East in order to check the ex- pansion of the Soviet state and the spread of communism? The question is a very seri- ous one. On the one hand we are not suf- ficiently experienced to assure a successful outcome of such intervention and we are not in any too good shape to stand indefinitely the huge financial sacrifices which such a program will entail; on the other hand we are not disposed to stand idly by and see the result come about which we fought the war to prevent, that is, the domination of Europe and the Near East by one dictatorial power. If we could be sure of establishing liberal democratic governments where we pleased the problem would be much simpler, but our experience in China and Britain's in Greece indicates that the choice frequently may be between two extremes, a reactionary govern- ment and a Communist one. The cost of our defending against Russian expansion on all fronts by propping up ineffi- cient, corrupt, or unpopular governments with arms and gold may well be prohibitive. What is the answer? It may le in reaching an agreement with the Soviet Union at the Moscow Conference limiting intervention in broad areas. Secretary of State Marshall, whose mind has been trained to deal com- prehensively with complicated problems, knows that our ends must be adjusted to our means and that Russia’s must be also. Like Britain and all other countries which suffered most severely in the war, Russia needs peace for recuperation above all else. Therefore she has halted her territorial ex- pansion and has soft-pedaled threats to Iranian, Grecian, and Turkish territory. But she is communistic as well as a nationalistic state—an anomaly but a fact—and she now threatens internally rather than externally. At least she influences peoples who are down and out and who are willing to risk the ex- periment; what looks like a threat to us looks like a promise to them. This is the situation with which Secretary Marshall and his chief counselor, John Foster Dulles, have to deal. Mr. Dulles realizes that communism and democracy are rivals for world leadership, but he also knows that ideas cannot be successfully fought with bullets, and he has said that our free society, if it is to be the leader, must generate “the constructive ideas for which the world stands in wait.” Force is important in stopping external ag- gression. But if the United States under- takes the leadership of the world, which is being thrust upon it, we shall need wisdom commensurate with our power in order not to wreck the world but to lead it along a narrow and treacherous path to a new day of peace and freedom. Investing in the Future EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPEHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orD, I include therein an editorial from the New York Herald Tribune of March 10, 1947, entitled “Investing in the Future”: ; INVESTING IN THE FUTURE What President Truman intends to tell the congressional leaders today we naturally do not know. It is believed that he will add requests for aid for Turkey to those which he has already made in behalf of Greece. If so, it will be time enough to discuss the facts and details of the immediate problem when some facts have been made available for discussion. The amounts, the kinds, and the destinations of the proposed assistance must obviously be subjected to careful scru- tiny. But it will be impossible to scrutinize them intelligently except against the back- ground of the broad issue which is already plain before us and for which Greece and Turkey are hardly more than the initial symbols. That is the issue of whether this country is to shape its own world or allow it to be shaped by others. The old British Empire is no longer able to do that for us, as it very largely did throughout most of our national history. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the British peoples poured out their surpluses of money, energy, brains, and self-confidence to establish their kind of world throughout a great area of the globe. They invested in many ways. Some of their effort went into military power. Some went into the more tawdry pomps of empire. Some was wasted and lost. But some went into American steel mills and Argentine railroads and Malayan rubber plan- tations. Much went into raising the stand- ards of living and health and education in vast areas of the earth, and much went into stabilizing the nineteenth-century interna- tional society and maintaining it, for as long as that was possible, against the shocks which might otherwise much sooner have de- Btroyed it. That is a function which the old British - Empire is no longer able to perform. But it must be performed in some way for the new international society emerging from the two wars. The simple question confront- ing the United States is whether we are to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD resign the task to the Soviet Union or wneth- er we are to share in it, to defend a viable area of political democracy and regulated free-enterprise economy in the world and so to demonstrate that our own system possesses the vitality, the courage and the outgoing energies without which it will be doomed to certain extinction. There is far too much talk about possible war between Russia and the United States and far too little realization of the existing competition between the two systems for men’s minds and loyalties. Like Britain in the last century, the Soviet Union has a great deal more to export than bullets. It has energy and enthusiasm; it has order, full employment, the classless society, the end of the grosser forms of socia) injustice. But the totalitarian subjection and the NKVD inevitably go with them. The United States has for export individual liberty and personal security, it has the highest standard of living, the greatest economic freedom, the best technical skills, the greatest liberty of cultural and political expression known to the world. But do we possess the energy and self-confidence to export, to invest these values? The confidence was there after the first war, when we poured out our foreign loans and dreamed our visions of empire, but the wisdom was not. We now have greater wis- dom; we have the knowledge and many of the requisite agencies to invest soundly in our kind of future. But do we have the self- confidence and the breadth of view? We had better have; for otherwise the future, for all our wealth and power, will go to those who do possess such qualities, Address of Mrs. L. W. Hughes, President, National Congress of Parents and Teachers EXTENSIO? OF REMARKS HON. CLIFFORD DAVIS OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. DAVIS of Tennessee. Mr. Speak- er, Mrs. L. W. Hughes, president, National Congress of Parents and Teachers, spoke last week at Atlantic City on The schools are ours, in which she called for a mili- tant and aggressive educational program. She is an outstanding leader in the cause of education, and under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, it is my privi- lege to include that splendid address in order that my colleagues may be able to read it. The address follows: The obligation to do justice to my topic “The Schools Are Ours” does not rest lightly upon me. I am firmly convinced that the public school is an institution of the people, by the people, and for the people, and that educators can give their best service only when they have the complete understanding of the people they serve. Because I repre- sent an organization of 4,000,000 members made up of a true cross-section of the Ameri- can people, I feel a responsibility to refiect, to the best of my ability, what these people think about their schools and why. Today, in the second year of the atomic age, We are again confronted with a major crisis, one unequaled in the history of Amer- ican education. This crisis might have been averted, but that is now beside the point. What is important is that we must. through our combined energies, ward off the immedt-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ate dangers and build so broad and so firm an educational structure that it will never again be threatened, never again even be vulnerable to attack. One of our chief objectives, from our earliest beginnings as an organization, hus been to familiarize parents and the public in general with the aims, methods, and prac- tices of the American public school system. FOUR-POINT PROGRAM One of the points of the National Con- gress’ Four-Point Program, now in full swing is none other than better school education. In this area the four specific objectives toward which 27,000 local PTA's are directing all their initiative and ingenuity are these: 1, To strengthen community support of local and State legislation so as to obtain adequate funds for public schools and equal- ize educational opportunities within the States and unite all forces to pass current legislation providing Federal aid to the States on the basis of need. 2. To secure community support for estab- lishing a local teachers’ salary schedule, be- ginning with at least $2,400 a year for 4-year college graduates with full professional train- ing and increasing each year thereafter to a level of 85,000-$6,000 for experienced efficient teachers. 3. To work for the establishment of con- ditions that will make teaching more attrac- tive to talented young people as a life career and that will retain qualified teachers in the schools; and conduct an active teacher-re- cruitment drive in the community, empha- sizing the public-service aspects of teaching Qs well as its professional advantages. 4. To encourage and give financial support to the elementary schools and high schools in plans to modernize their programs, their equipment, and their facilities so that all children may have the best educational ad- vantages; and advocate more active lay par- ticipation in school planning, thereby cre- ating a more effective home-school partner- ship. We maintain that the responsibility for education rests where it properly belongs— in the hands of professional educators like yourselves, persons trained to administer our schools. On the other hand, we have never intended that the public should relinquish its particular obligations to public education, But somehow, somewhere along the line—it would be wasteful to stop now for analysis— the people and their schools have drifted apart. Yet if ever there was a time when this country cried aloud for intelligent lay leadership, that time is the present. To whom shall we look for direction if not to you, the guardians of our schools? I believe to the utmost that you under- stand our needs and that you want to help build that leadership. I believe, too, that the present educational crisis has awakened all of us to the stern necessity of making the home-school partnership a truly functioning one. To do so, we must know clearly and fully what each expects of the other. I have already given you an account of the ways in which we parent-teacher members are ful- filling our part of our partnership. May 1, then, now be so bold as to speak of some of the things we feel that we have a right to ex- pect from you? WANT TO BE INFORMED In the first place, we want to be informed about the needs of our schools more immedi- ately and more concretely than we have been in the past. Furthermore, we want to hear about these needs directly from you. We should have known that a crisis was pending in our schools before that crisis broke; the time to meet danger is before it strikes, not afterward. Moreover, we should have been informed at the earliest possible moment by you, not when it was almost too late, by news- paper editorials and magazine articles, im- portant as these channels are for reaching our eyes and our ears, EXPECT DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP Next, we have a right to expect that those who administer our schools shall, by their own high example, inspire all who work with them to act in accordance with democratic principles. I wish with all my heart that there was no need for me to speak of this. Yet speak I must if I am to Keep faith with the many teachers who have confided their hopes and fears to me. My main interest is in the children, for it stands to reason that boys and girls born to freedom can most ef- fectively be educated by those who them- selves know the taste of freedom. And they cannot know it if the schools do not reflect, both in structure and in spirit, the essential elements of true democracy. If our children are to learn what democracy is all about, they must sense it and see it in the schoolrooms in which they spend so large a part of their young lives. Doctors and lawyers realize that much of their success depends on their personalities. But what about our teachers, those persons whose manners of speech, whose very walk and toss of the head may be imitated by mil- lions of impressionable youngsters? What chance has the teacher to develop his person- ality until it shines like a gleaming shield? Very little, if he belongs to a system in which conformity is absolute and ultimate. Very little if he must bow submissively to a school principal who stopped growing 20 ycars ago and refuses to tolerate new ideas because new ideas demand fresh energies, fresh hopes. Wherever such stagnation exists, there the torch of learning is easily extinguished. I believe, therefore, that we have every right to expect school teachers to be superbly themselves, to explore their own talents, and thus to fashion their lives into beauty and meaning. In short, the superintendent who wants teachers truly inspired to teach will give them ample opportunity for both pro- fessional and personal growth. Finally, we want a voice in determining the kind of education our children shall be given. By whatever techniques you achieve it, we want our children trained to think aright about their place in the modern world. We want instilled into their hearts and minds @ positive attitude toward life—an attitude that will make them unafraid of the chal- lenging future. KINSHIP WITH OTHERS Gladly do we leave it to you to determine the best method by which to teach them how to read and write and calculate. What we cannot leave to you is the substance of their thoughts. We could not if we would, for building this ideal citizen is not the task of parents or of educators alone. Neverthe- less it is still incumbent upon the schools of America—those citadels of democracy—to do all that education makes possible to build into our children willingness to share in the work of the world—bulld into them, too, the highest regard for their birthright and the deepest desire to preserve the American dream intact, We want our children taught self-disci- pline and self-management. More, we want them emancipated from the domination of those ideas that diminish the love of hu- manity rather than enlarge it. It takes a quickened imagination and a warmth of feel- ing to experience a kinship with others. We want the schools to provide situations that will stimulate both, KNOWLEDGE NOT ENOUGH I am not depreciating knowledge. Happy is the individual who possesses it. But knowledge in and for itself is not enough, That was proved to us beyond the shadow of a doubt by the highly skilled and highly trained youth of the dictator-ridden coun- tries. What we need is a generation who knows how to use knowledge for the benefit of mankind, not for its destruction. If edu- cation is for anything it is to enhance the A927 worth of each and every human being. It is to give him insight into how to build the good life for himself and to help build it for all others like him in body and in soul. What if there are those who would thwart us? There are, still, more than enough good people, thinking people, in the world to make sure that the kind of education we want shall prevail. If such an education is more expensive, let me assure you that the Na- tional Congress of Parents and Teachers is fighting with all its resources to procure Federal aid for our tax-supported public schools, and that we intend to get it. Just because we have never had an all-embracing Federal-aid bill is no reason why we must be afraid of it. The tyranny of the past cannot bind us in this direction any more than in the liberation of outmoded curric- ulums. What we ask of you is a united front. Together—our efforts fused—we can- not fail. PTA PLEDGES SUPPORT In its turn, the National Congress of Parents and Teachers pledges itself anew to build the kind of public opinion that will give the teachers of our land the status and the salaries they so richly deserve. We pledge ourselves to continue creating a pub- lic opinion that will not tolerate a half- hearted support of our schoo] system; that will not permit the voice of the politicians to drown out other voices; a public opinion that will, in short, brook no interference with the raising of schoo] standards. Education has a priority with us. Wher- ever the scales are tipping you can count on us, your partners in the educative process, to weigh the balance in favor of the kind of education thoughtful Americans want 80 desperately. All we ask of you is a mere militant leadership, clearer blueprints, stronger, and bolder direction. The outcome will more than justify your efforts. There are those who tell us we haven't too much time. I, for one, am not disheartened. We didn't have nearly enough time to pre- pare for the war we have Just won. But action for tomorrow begins today, and we are already a few yesterdays behind. And so, I beg of you let’s get busy, let’s make every moment count. If we act now—and act to- gether—I, for one, am certain we shall win all that the war was worth fighting for—the chance to build, through a truly educated citizenry, the only kind of world that can make possible a lasting and fruitful peace for all mankind, Portal-to-Portal Pay Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mrs. DOUGLAS. Mr. Speaker, I wish to introduce into the REcorp an article by Walter Gellhorn, professor of law, Columbia University, on the Gwynne bill or the so-called portal-to-portal pay bill, which appeared in the New York Herald Tribune, February 28, 1947. I spoke and voted against this bill for the reasons so aptly and thoroughly stated by Professor Gellhorn. CRITICISM OF THE GWYNNE BILL-—PROFESSOR GELLHORN BELIEVES PROPOSED MEASURE WOULD ‘WEAKEN WAGE-AND-HOUR LAW To the New York HERALD TRIBUNE: The House of Representatives is about to consider a bill, which, if enacted, will dras- tically weaken and perhaps even destroy the
A928 Fair Labor Standards Act of 1998, the Fed- eral wage-and-hour law. The bill in question is the Gwynne bill, H. R. 684, which has been favorab:y reported by the House Judiciary Committee. This proposal purportedly deals with the so-called portal-to-portal or walk- ing-time lawsuits which in recent months have produced many spectacular headlines though, so far as I am informed, not a single judgment against an employer. If the bill were in fact limited to its ostensible purpose, public examination of its terms might be un- necessary. Eut since in truth the measure will expose honorable employers to unfair competition and will remove from needy em- ployees the fundamental protections of pres- ent law, the Gwynne bill should receive more critical attention than has yet been accorded it. Among the major deficiencies of the Proposal are these: 1. AY] claims arising out of violations of the wage-and-hour law would be barred after 1 year. Nearly 10,000,000 workers covered by “the act do not belong to unions. As a rule they do not have enough resources, informa- tion, or Confidence to protect themselves ‘against overreaching employers. Steps to secure redress against underpayment of pre- scribed weges are rarely taken until] after Government investigators have uncovered the violations. The job of inspecting €00,090 business establishments is a tremendcus one which can never be completed in a single year. If this bill were to pass, many just claims would be outlawed, thus harming the Toost necessitous group of employees and giv- ing the chiseling minority of employers a competitive advantage over the rest of the business community. It is significant that every State which has large-scale employ- ment has a much longer pericd of limitations for wage claims than the Gwynne bill advo- cates, ranging from 6 years in Ncw York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania to 3 years in Ohio and California. 2. The Gwynne bill would absolve an em- ployer from all liability for any violation of law which was not marked actively by bad faith. Jt would also relieve him of liability for nonpayment of wages for an employee's activities in the employer's behalf, unless payment was required by an express con- tract or by the employer's own past practice. In other words, before a violator of the law could be required to make good to his under- paid employees, !t would be necessary to preve that the violation had not been in good faith—an extremely difficult task. Moreover, if it had not been the employer's practice to pay for this or that sort of work, he would be absolved from the neces- sity of doing so in the future. For example, it he did not pay his plant guards for in- spection or drilling time, he could continue to ignore his obligation to do so even though all his competitors throughout the industry were paying their employees for like services. Thus the Gwynne bill would legalize unfair competitive advantages in interstate com- merce which it was the very purpose of the Fair Labor Standards Act to eliminate. 8. The Gwynne bill would permit the waiver or release by an employee of his just Claims under the wage-and-hour law. The Supreme Court has solemnly warned (Brook- lyn Savings Bank v. O'Neill ($24 U. 8. 697) ) that this would “tend to nullify” the force of the statute. And all the leading State minimum-wage laws recognize that needy workers can be easily beguiled into surren- dering claims for back wages for a mere fraction of their true value. The proposed waiver provision ignores Nation-wide ex- perience in the administration of compa- rable protective legislation. But the Gwynne bill goes a step further in discouraging effective enforcement of the wage-and-hour law. The bill also forbids employees to assign their claims to anyone else, but instead requires each one to sue individually on his claim. Since individual claims, no matter how meritorious, may be for relatively small amounts which would not justify individual litigation, this prohibition against the pool- ing of claims will make it yet easier for an unscrupulous employer to escape his respon- sibilities. 4. The Gwynne bill undertakes to absolve & person from all liability for acts done in good faith in conformity with any admin- istrative interpretation, ruling or policy. On the surface this seems fair. In fact, however, it would permit the positive terms of the law to be set aside whenever an individual correctly or incorrectly applied any one of the literally thousands of informa] advisory rulings which Government officials make an- nually, by way of expressing tentative opin- fons in response to inquiries. These in- formal opinions are usually given on incom- plete statements of fact, and without hearing both sides. They are intended to be and are helpful, but they are not authoritative. If Congress wants to permit absolute re- lance on them, it should empower the Ad- ministrator of the Wage and Hour Division to apply the statute and to make determina- tions of fact which will be binding on all parties until set aside in appropriate pro- ceedings. An administrative determination that an employer does owe his employees back pay should have the same effect as an administrative determination that he owes them nothing. But the Gwynne bill does not produce this equality. Instead, it says that if any official, no matter how obscure or ill-trained, expresses an opinion favorable to an employer, the employer can rely on it absolutely to bar the Mabilities the law imposes on him. But if the opinion is unfavorable to the employer, and even if it is formally expressed by the highest officials, it is given no binding quality. The evils which Congress struck at in the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 have not been wholly eliminated by the passage of time. Excessive hours and inadequate pay produce a blight which affects not only the workers immediately involved, but also the communities in which the workers live and all the ethical employers who must compete against substandard producers. The present law advances the interests of the public at large. Congress, if it chooses to deal with the probably overemphasized issue of the portal-pay suits, should avoid at the same time eviscerating a statute which has long proved its worth. The National Consumers League and other nonpartisan, nonlabor organizations oppose the Gwynne bill because it will do just that. Watters GELLHORN, Professor of Law, Columbia University. New York, February 25, 1947. E. Kent Swift EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks in the Recorp I include therein a recent most impressive article from the Boston Post outlining the life and achievements of E. Kent Swift, a prominent and out- standing industrial and civic leader of my district. Mr. Swift’s illustrious career is a typically American success story which illustrates vividly that the door of opportunity is open to individuals of capacity, character, and generous APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD social impulses, that under our free in- stitutions men of worth and ability can start at the bottom and rise to the top of the ladder of success. I hope and pray that in time to come the Nation may be blessed with many more humane, forward-looking leaders like Kent Swift, who, as they drive for- ward our intricate industrial machine, never will forget their own early strug- gles, nor turn their backs upon the hopes and aspirations of those who toil, and their sons and daughters. For his noteworthy achievements in business, his outstanding public and civic contributions, for his solid character as a man, Iam honored to add my tribute to a great American. First Worx Par Him $1.50 A Wexx—ELisai Kent Swirr Starrep Our as BLACKSMITH'S HELPER—Now Heaps MACHINE FACTORY (By Lester Allen) The story properly begins in the forge of a blacksmith named Brunnell in Eau Claire, Wis., where a $1.50-a-week biacksmith’s helper in a leather apron several sizes too big for him watched the sparks fly upward from the forge and decided that the fashioning of metals was to be his life work, GOES TO FLORIDA Elijah Kent Swift, chairman of the board and treasurer of the Whitin Machine Works in Whitinsville, Mags., was born in Eau Claire, Wis., the son of Elijah and Myra (Evans) Swift, on December 10, 1878. The Swift family is rooted to Falmouth, Mass., on land they settled in 1660, and Mr. Swift still spends his summer there. The transition from Falmouth to Eau Clatre, Wis., came through the disorder of the War Between the States. Having grad- uated from Harvard in 1852, the elder Swift went to Florida to lumber live oak on the Government account. The gathering storm of the Civil War brought him North to fight on the Union side, and then sent him West to Wisconsin to engage tn lumbering there. His son, Elijah, attended Beloit College Academy and, during school vacations, worked for the local blacksmith in Eau Claire, where horses were shod and wagons with stout axles and rugged wheels were made. He sought to learn about welding, then a new technology. The elder Swift didn't ap- prove of a coeducational! college for the train- ing of a young man and, as Beloit had be- come a coeducational institution, Elijah Kent Swift was sent East to Williams Col- lege to enter in the class of 1900. SUMMER DECIDES It was in his mind then to become a mining engineer, and his plans were to enter MIT and take a course in mining engineering after he had completed his liberal-arts education at Williams. The summer vacation of 1900 was @ deciding factor in Mr. Swift's career. Visiting after the close of college with the Marston Whitin family at Whitinsville, Mr. Whitin, a cousin of Mr. Swift, invited him to enter the Whitin Machine Works rather than undertake his mining-engineering course at MIT, “My trunks were packed that September to Go to MIT when Mr. Whitin suggested that I might go to work in the plant and learn some- thing about the textile-machinery business,” Mr. Swift explained. MATTER OF POLICY It was a policy—and still is—that those of the family who went into the business must learn it from the ground up. This was so in 1831 when John C. Whitin founded the busi- ness with an improved picker developed in a small ell of the cotton mill operated by his father, and the policy is extant today.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “I went to work in overalls in the shop pushing trucks loaded with castings. It was 60 hours a week, starting at 6:45 o'clock in the morning and finishing at 6 o'clock at night On Saturday we quit at 4:30 in the afternoon.” The other night Mr. Swift sat down at dinner with 57 men who have worked 50 years or more in the shops, 32 of whom are still actively working there One of them has put in 66 years in the machine shop. These active veterans average 71 years of age, and they have worked a total of 1,622 years for the Whitin Machine Works. GETS POINT OF VIEW “It was the most valuable experience I ever had when I went through the shops,” Mr. Swift said. “Today I am still good friends with the men with whom I worked. I got to understand the point of view of the work- men and how they look at things.” His college education, he feels, had given him the ability to meet, understand, and direct other men. “It was probably as good as an engineering course would have been. All that I had been given was a chance and an opportunity to make good. He filed burrs off castings and went through the various departments as a fitter and he finally moved on to the experimental room in overalls, before he finally got into the managerial end of the business. The Whitin Machine Works makes a full line of woolen machinery, a full line of cotton ma- chinery, a partial line of worsted, rayon, and nylon working machinery. Everywhere that fiber is worked into ma- terial, a Whitin machine does some part of the work and, from the quiet little valley of the Mumford River, 5,000 workers in a 45-acre plant have contributed, in a large measure, to the clothing of the people of the world. ° CAN MEASURE WORTH It is not an operation encompassing a single generation, nor is it the work of a single man. Mr. Swift explained that it has been company policy for 116 years to train men to take over jobs at all levels of management, to test, try and develop the men who will run the organization before the need arises for the services of that man. Because the Whitin Machine Works is a self-contained industry, in a self-contained community—a self-contained industrial microcosm containing in addition to other dwellings and businesses 1,000 workers’ apartments, boarding houses, and a hotel— engaged in complete fabrication of textile working machinery, everyone knows every- body else in town, and is able to mensure the world of every neighbor. Only men of vision could keep this indus- trial entity supple, dextrous, and free from the dry rot of traditionalism. The measure of the success of the Whitin company may be found in its war program. Overnight the company converted. MAKE WAR GOODS The roving frames for cotton mills gave way to steam engines for Liberty ships. The spinning frames for woolen mills gave way to magnetos for airplane engines. Carding machines gave way to steam tur- bines, pumps for fuel, and lubricating oil flanges and bleeder plugs for ships, torpedo parts, projectiles, governors for Diesel en- gines, ring gears, and other miscellaneous parts. Not until 1907—after seven gruelling years of working upward through the plant, did Mr. Swift reach the inner council of manage- ment. He was then made assistant treas- urer, After 14 years he was made general manager in 1914, and after 20 years he was made treasurer as well. After 83 years of work in the plant he became president, XOIII—App.——59 treasurer, and general manager, and last year became chairman of the board and treasurer. At least once a week the workers see the wiry, smiling, and energetic boss making his way through the various departments of the plant, pausing now and again to talk to men he has known all their lives. His days are crowded, for he is a director or officer in 11 banks, insurance companies, or factories, and president of the Scott Lum- ber Co. of Burney, Calif., his single connec- tion with the lumbering business in which his father spent a lifetime. His associates say that the shrewd, hu- morous eyes, twinkling behind rimless spec- tacles, miss no detail in the textile-machinery business in which technological changes are always progressing to meet new demands of efficiency, new fibers, new requirements of automatic operation. He says that he believes very profoundly in the desirability of close contact of top management with any kind of a business enterprise, and he is equally critical of ab- sentee ownership of any productive organi- gation. HAS HERD OF CATTLE The mill town, which has had its detrac- tors, might very easily become a minor ty- Tranny, but the success of the Whitin Ma- chine Works in its town, Whitinsville, is to be given a testimonial in a book to be pub- lished from a study of Whitinsville made by Harvard Business School. Mr. Swift lives at 307 Hill Street, Whitins- ville, and one of his interests is the Castle Hill Farm, where a herd of 175 Ayershires provides milk and cream for many of the townspeople and milk for milk bars through- out the plant. In summer Mr. Swift sails a 40-foot cruiser around Falmouth, and he goes in for tennis and golf—not so much of the former now as he did a few years ago. FROM MANY NATIONS “The people here are from many nations,” Mr. Swift said thoughtfully. ‘They are all good Americans, working together, living to- gether, industrious, freedom-loving, and raising their children in the American way of life.” When his son, Elijah Kent Swift, Jr., fine ishes his education at Harvard he will go into the plant in overalls to learn the busi- ness as he learned it back in the 1900's, Mr. Bwift said. “Working shoulder to shoulder with the men and women whose livelihood, hopes, and ambitions derive from the successful opera- tion of this industry is the only way to ac- quire the fundamental knowledge required,” said Mr. Swift. . On triple columns soaring above the vil- lage, surmounting Corinthian capitals, is a huge eagle, wings upraised, poised over a sphere. WORKS IN GOOD HANDS It is a summation of the feeling for the American way of life for which Mr. Swift and the men who came before him, and who will succeed him, have been striving—simple, free, and unchallenged, a memorial to men who gave their lives in the Nation’s wars, When Mr. Swift retires he feels that the Whitin Machine Works will be in good hands, hands trained in the village and wise in the ways of the village, its needs and its progress. A large percentage of the people who live there depend upon the plant for a living, and the village and the plant are insepara- ble, thus giving the men at the top a greater responsibility in the preservation of Ameri- can democracy. It is no theory with Mr. Swift. He has ced it all at first hand. “I am satis- fied that I can hand the responsibility along to men fit for the task,” he said. A929 Which Way, America? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., chairman of the board, General Motors Corp.: WricH War, AMERICA? (By Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., chairman of the board, General Motors Corp.) (Good times and peace in which to enjoy them are within our grasp—if we use com- mon sense. A great industrialist outlines the steps we must take.) On election day last November a wave of common sense swept across the country. Both a political and an economic era were simultaneously completed—eras during which we sought to have more by produc- ing less; to satisfy hunger by destroying food; to preserve our freedoms by limiting economic initiative; to promote free enter- prise by creating labor monopolies; to expand employment by increasing costs; to encour- age enterprise by largely confiscating profits; to promote enterprise by discrediting its leadership. Now such things are finished—at least for the time being. But the election verdict should be viewed as a protest against, not an endorsement for, It represents an oppor- tunity, not a victory. It will be a real victory only if we can now embark upon a peacetime program of sound accomplishment for the benefit of all the people. The same prob- lems remain to be solved. The necessity for constructive leadership nationally, and of all economic groups, is accentuated. Those who would change our way of life will look upon the verdict of the electorate, not as a defeat but as a challenge. As America turns her face to the tasks ahead, let us pause to take stock. Where do we wish to go as a people and as a Na- tion? What are our objectives, economic, social, and political, at home and abroad? Upon what resources can we base our efforts? What obstacles lie ir our way and how shall we set about overcoming them? As I guge the collective will of the Ameri- can people, two objectives stand out as of paramount importance. One is domestic, the other world-wide, and both are interlocked. At home we want to preserve and solidify for all time the American way of life and our system of free competitive enterprise, For without that we know that our political as well as our personal freedom sooner or later must cease to exist. Abroad we wish to see established permanent peace and good will among all the nations of the earth. If we are to achieve the first objective, if our existing order of things is to endure and progress, we must not only maintain but must advance existing living standards. Ad- vancing living standards and economic prog- ress are synonymous. Economic progress is an essential factor in political stability, and both are vital components of social prog- ress—the end purpose of all human effort. Only through economic progress can we abol- ish want and the waste of human idleness. Only if we move ahead economically can we insure for the future a society in which men are free to pursue their lives according to their own desires, and in which everyone has the opportunity of doing so. Democracy and hunger are incompatible.
A930 Unless we achieve political stability and continuing economic progress at home we can contribute little to the attainment of our other great objective—the establishment of permanent peace throughout the world—to which objective we owe a great responsibility. With our own affairs intelligently directed we can reach out to other lands and contribute by example and know-how to bring order out of existing chaos. We can help the people of these lands to better their living standards by encouraging international trade and world-wide industrial development on the basis of a two-way street. These, then, are the objectives we seek. As we face them, what are the resources upon which we tan count? Only the superlative sufficcs to measure them. We have the world’s greatest and most efficient plant; the most productive agriculture; the greatest poo! of skilled workers and technicians; the keenest management brains and know-how; the greatest scientists and laboratories; the largest available supply of raw materials, still abundant though not inexhaustible and re- quiring intelligent utilization. We have ample supplies of capital ready and anxious to finance our efforts whenever suitable in- vestments are offered with a reasonable ex- pectancy of a return adequate to balance the risk. All this has been demonstrated in peace and dramatized in war. We have also the highest health standard In the world; the best living standards; the best medical services; the greatest educa- tional system and the world’s finest transpor- tation. _ Over and above all these we have the courage and initiative to attempt the new and unknown; to assay the big job and per- severe in it until achievement 1s reached. With all these manifold blessings, why, then, are we in such a state of confusion? Why do we falter and stumble? Why have we wasted and why do we still waste so much time in listening to false prophets and fol- lowing blind alleys? Why, in the name of common sense, with our objectives so clearly marked and our resources so abundant, do we not put away doubts, suspicion, and fear and proceed confidently on our way? The fault lies, I believe, in the human element; in the perversity of men, leaders and followers alike, who are unwilling or in- capable of seeing the great opportunities available for the benefit of all. Men who lack the willingness to follow the demon- strated paths of progress. Men who dis- regard policies beneficial to all to pursue narrow, selfish ends of only temporary bene- fit even to themselves; or other men who, enamored of some economic theory, use their position to pursue it to the uttermost, no matter what damage is done to the cause of freedom—entirely disregarding the les- sons of history and failing to recognize the truly amazing accomplishments of a nation that has based its destinies upon unrestricted freedom of individual opportunity. It is in this fatlure of the human element that our confusion exists. We have not brought to bear on our problems the political and economic statesmanship which their solution demands. Our failures in the polit- ical sphere became accentuated ten or more years ago when, our national leaders, in a time of national stress, fell back upon panaceas and unorthodox schemes, nearly all of which had time and again in history proved ineffective. Not the least consequen- tial aspect was the persistence of error—the continuance of policies which were not only not working but could not work, and the con- tinued application of new schemes pyramided one on top of another into a gigantic mess of rules, regulations, controls, obstacles—and frustrations. After the necessary regimentation of the wer effort, the climax of our economic ad- ventures came on October 30, 1945, on the political front. At that time industry was moving out of war production. It was in the process of reconversion. The adjust- ments essential to passing from a controlled war economy to a free peace economy were before us. Everything depended upon a sound national policy, courageously and in- telligently administered in the interest of the country as a whole. On that day came @ pronouncement of national policy. It was in two parts: 1. Wage increases were imperative. 2. We must, above all else, hold the line on prices. The concept that wages can be raised sub- stantially without affecting prices—unless efficiency also increases—constitutes an amazing misinterpretation of economic law. This is true regardless of time and circum- stances, or whether the economy is moving either into a state of inflation or deflation. There appears to be much confusion in the general thinking on this whole subject. Wages, salaries, and other forms of compensa- tion constitute in the aggregate more than three-fourths of what the consumer pays for goods and services. When wages rise in an important sector of enterprise—and espe- cially as 9 result of declared national policy— the increase is contagious. It spreads in the course of time and in degrec to other sectors. Prices begin to move up. The cost of living increases. Wage rises are stimulated in other areas not previously affected. The end result is that most things cost more. Some people have more dollars available to pay the higher prices, but they get no more for the money than they did before. Others cannot pay, and still others can pay only in part. Therefore the ability to purchase on a national basis becomes restricted. Produc- tion falls and employment declines. The community cannot gain from a spiral of increasing wages and prices. A real gain in living standards can be achieved for the people as a whole only when efficiency is in- creased so that goods and services can be sold at lower prices, thus stimulating consump- tion and encouraging increased production and employment. The wage component in prices varies great- ly from one industry to another and between different producers in the same industry. The prices paid by a producer for his mate- rials, supplies, transportation services are components of the cost of his product; but these prices are determined by the wages paid, in turn, by the suppliers of these goods and services. In other words, the cost of one producer's materials and supplies is based partly on another producer’s wages. Therefore a general wage increase on a na- tional scale must reflect itself finally in a substantially corresponding increase in cost and in the price the consumer pays for goods and services. The confusion existing today fits exactly the economic pattern just described. It is a lopical outcome of ignoring inescapable economic relationships. The two-part pro- gram laid down by the Government—one point in direct conflict with the other— served as justification for wage demands on the part of labor. The increase demanded could not be supported by a corresponding increase in productivity; hence there has re- sulted an unbalancing of prices in relation to wages. A wave of strikes which seriously interfered with the production of both raw materials and finished products further in- tensified already acute shortages. The second point in Government policy— holding the line on prices—had a further destructive impact on production by inten- sifying material shortages even more and in- terfering with the completion of finished goods. This so-called stabilization policy of the Government failed because it was un- sound. In fact, it took us in a direction opposite.to that in whish we had to go. Instead of expanding produc- tion and encouraging lower prices through the competitive influence of a greater abun- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dance, most of our people have less real Wages rather than more. Even those or- ganized groups which achieved extensive in- Creases in wage rates must now realize that they have gained little. We still face the problem of attaining a sound economic relationship between wages and prices. In many lines costs, and hence Belling prices, are moving out of reach of important sectors of their potential mar- kets. The accumulated savings of the war years are being reduced in value by the de- preeiation of the dollar in terms of these higher prices. Recent demands on the part of labor for still further wage increases threaten to interrupt production again, in- creasing existing shortages and necessitating another advance in the prices of goods and services. This is a dangerous course we are follow- ing. If we do not turn from it economic law will sooner or later demand an account- ing. Unless business and labor leaders quickly recognize their common goal—and peril—and agree to adjust the present out- off-balance wage-price relationship, they may find themselves facing a more rapid adjust- ment involving a more or less, though tem- porary, shrinkage of business volume and employment. If so, we can mark it down as the penalty of our own folly. Perhaps we shall be wise enough, honest enough—and lucky enough—to prevent the serious consequences of our past mistakes. In any event, let us at least resolve to correct the policies which brought about these con- ditions. Only by so doing can we build a foundation solid enough to support the superstructure of an expanding cconomy. In accomplishing this objective we have the support of the last election; in fact, already we see an accelerated trend to more intelli- gent economic policies beginning to take form. We have much more to do. We have to deal on the political front with many problems affecting our economic opportunity. We must face them and deal with them now. Of paramount importance—probably the most consequential problem of the day—is the need to restore the balance in both privileges and responsibilities between labor and other groups within the economy. We must do this without in any sense infring- ing on the just rights of labor or limiting its proper progress. The Wagner Act, hailed as @& Magna Carta of labor’s rights, has oper- ated to deprive workers and others of their rights. If we respect the principle of equal rights for all and specia! privileges for none, our labor legislation must be drastically overhauled. Let us enumerate a few of the most outstanding inequalities in order that we may chart our course to a better balance, in the form of a 10-point program: 1. The employer is not free to speak to his employees over a loudspeaker during work hours. The union is free to circulate union literature and antimanarement material dur- ing work hours, and on the premises. The employer's freedom of speech should be established. 2, Collective bargaining should be defined. Where does it begin and end? What are its responsibilities? If the employer is required to bargain with the union, as now ts the case, should not the union be required to bargain with the employer, which now is not the case? Collgctive bargaining on an in- dustry-wide basis should be prohibited as a monopolistic practice. 8. Bureaucratic decisions, having the effect of law and often not supported by law, are not now subject to review through an appeal to judicial authority. A court review of the decisions of all administrative agencies should be granted. The National Labor Re- lations Board, if it continues in existence, should not.be permitted to.act as judge, jury, and prosecutor. Such a practice is contrary both to common sense and to the funda- mental principles of justice.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 4. Only the employer fs responsible now for losses incurred through breach of con- tract. Unions should be made equally re- sponsible and their responsibility should be enforced by adequate penalties. A contract is valueless, in fact, unless it effectively binds both parties under all circumstances. A strike should be {llegal during the term of a contract. 6. Management must be represented throughout all the various steps of produc- tion. Otherwise management cannot func- tion effectively. Foremen must be recognized by law as component parts of management are, thetr allegiance must be to management e. 6. The closed shop is monopolistic. It isa limitation of the right to work and the right to employ. No man should be required to pay for the privilege of working. The closed shop should be outlawed. 7. Such questions as may be required by union procedure to be submitted to its mem- bership for determination, should be passed on by a representative proportion of the en- tire membership—not by a iimfited minority consisting largely of union bosses, as is now too frequently the case. 8. Unions should be required to make pub- lc their financial operations, including state- ments of their income and expenses. Unions should be prohibited from making contribu- tions to, and, as unions, from political activitices—ea restriction now, and very properly, imposed on bustness. . All forms of violence and coercion should be. outlawee with heavy penalties. Workers must not be ruled by fear of union action. 10. Unitmited right to petition for bar- gaining elections should be granted em- ployers. No such right now exists for the employer unless two or more unions are in conflict. These inequalities have contributed tn part to the situation in which we find our- selves. They have thrown far out of bal- ance the responsibilities and privileges of labor and management in our tndustrial economy. The problem, as I see it, is not to move the pendulum back in the opposite di- rection, but to stabilize it at the neutral point. Our aim must be not to reduce the gains of labor but to restore the rights of management. We face also the problem of strikes and what to do about them. It is a problem which has grown to tte present proportions largely because of labor monopolies. Mon- opolies can and do exist in a democracy such as ours, but as stich they must be subjected to complete regulation on all counts. On- regulated monopolies cannot be permitted tn @n economy of free enterprise, for unre- stricted competition is a necessity to insure the essential balances. Years ago, business in some instances was moving toward mon- opolistic practices both in form and in pol- icy. Something was done about it. Today, labor has become a monopoly, and something must be done about it. Unregulated mon- opolies lead to dictatorships, and dictator- ships cannot be tolerated in a democracy. To overcome this we must outlaw exist- tng labor monopolies and limit by law the jurisdiction of any one union eo that the public interests cannot be substantially prejudiced by strikes. This can be accomplished in either of two ways: (a) By dissciving existing unions into parts so no one part has the economic power substantially to affect the public in- terests; or (b) by limiting the power of any one union, as now constituted, to strike eo 6o large a part of any one industry as would prejudice su substantially the public interests. Under these restrictions, collective bargain- ing must be allowed to proceed without re- striction or interference. It must continue until a settlement is reached, even ff it in- volves a strike and irrespective of the con- sequences to either contending party. Thus we must erect a strong and effective barrier against encroachments on the com- petitive system of free enterprise. Com- plete freedom in collective , lime fted to the that a resulting strike could not substantially prejudice the pub- lie interests, ts that barrier. The Sherman Anti-Trust Act, by outlawing business mo- nopolies, has not destroyed business nor any association of business. Its principles ap- plied to unions will not destroy unions. It is @ fair and equitable menus of requiring both business and unions to eanform to the fund- amental of the competitive system. It is essential if we wish to preserve that system, Arbitration, compulsory or otherwise, fact- finding boards, iabor courts, and the lke as applied to controversies within the free- cnn eon area, offer no sound solution for Those who advocate such courses and there are many—have not thought the problem through to its final conclusion. Wage rates so adfudicated would involve the appraisal by an outside agency of all the opeteting phases of the business, such as dividends, profits. operating sched- ules, ate economic trends, distribution policies, and all other problems, economic and otherwise, now the responsibility of busi- ness management. There is sure to be in- jected in such adjudication the question of the ability to pay—one of the most unsound, unrealistic economic philosophies cfered 25 a basis of wage determination, prefudicial to the tnterestse of business, labor, and the witimate consumer alike. It is clear that im the final analysis some form of bureaucracy would have to assume the functions of management, hence man- agement would no longer be held respon- sible. Business would become a creature of the state. We would pass to a regimented economy. It is a dangerous course. These, then, are some of the obstacles to our two-point objective which we must over- come by political and industrial statesman- ship If we are to move ahead. ff we can substitute for the human frailtties of aeif- interest and false thinking the equally hu- man qualities of forbearance, reasonable- ness, and willingness to earn before we get, & concern for the general welfare rather than for individuals or special groups, we can Progress into a future whose poasibiities are limited only by our imagination. Science and technology have only scratched the surface. The possibilities of atomic en- id awalt our exploitation. New processes, new discoveries to make tife casiel, better, healthier, and happier are within our grasp. We have the industrial know-how. We have the resources to real- ize rapidly on this great opportuntty and to create on this earth a virtual for ourselves and to help other peopies do likewise. Such is the only true course to democracy and peace among all peoples. There is only one real question mark: Have we enough common sense? OF HON. GEORGE W. SARBACHER, JR. OF PENWSTLY. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Speaker, in- semich as we are all vitals’ concemed with the future of one of the country’s largest enterprises, and with a particular A931 mind to the deep-rooted faith and belief of all our youth in the sporting world, I wouid like to extend in the Racorgy at this time a most sincere and timeiy resolution adopted by the Philadelphia Sports Whereas gambling on the outeome of | the point differential in tbe final of athietie contests has increased alarmingly in the last few years: and Whereas attempts have becn made to pre- arrange the results of games and/or the point differential of athietic contests In ama- teur as well as professional sports; and _ Whereas ‘two convictions for bribery and been obtained in the courts of the Gtate af New York within the lest few yearn: end Whereas the National Collegiate Athletic Association, the Nationa] Footbal) League, And other sports organizations are now press- ing for State and Federal leristation which will make {t unlawful to offer or promise a bribe to any partictpant, offictal, coach, man- ager, or anyone connected with sports; and Whereas at this dete New York is the only major State in the Union with an adequate jaw to protect sports fram carruption oar attempted corruption by gamblers; and ‘Whereas several officials of sports orpani- vations and others have stated that the publication of predictions on the results of games and the probable difference in point scoring by participating teams in the edito- fial and advertising columns of dally acws- papers and other publications bas contrib- wbed to the spread and increase of gambling on atbletic contests In America; and ‘Whereas we believe the integrity of sports has long been and fs an important trufiwence for the ¢ood on the morals of the county, particaflarly the youth of the Nation: There- fore be it Besoived, That the Philadelphia Sports Writers’ Association does hereby urge legis- gators of Pennsylvania and other States and of the Federal Government to push with all speed for antibribery and antigembling lnwe as related to sports, and does hereby urge newspaper publishers to review their policy of publishing in editorial and advertising columns the predictions af probable scores and point differentials of athletic contesis, except in horse racing an which gambling as been legalized in many States; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be forwarded to newspaper publishers and leg- felators in this and other Staves and to the » Philadelphig Sports Writers’ Association. Study of Govermmental Procedure in High Schools EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OREN HARRIS ‘THE HOUSE OF IATIVES Monday, March 10, 19€7 Mr. HARRIS. Mr. Speaker, I received & most unusual communication last week which I felt would be of equa! interest to al] Members of Congress. it was a letter from Miss Jeanette Carroway, a seventh- grade student of junior high school in Florence, & C. She includes with her letter a copy of a bill which he: Caz had introduced in my name considering
A932 itself the Congress of the United States which considered the bill, passed it, signed it by their officers who assumed the names of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the President pro tem- pore of the Senate, and the President of the United States. Mr. Speaker, it is highly commendable of these fine young junior high school students to give their thought and study of governmental procedure and to familiarize themselves by actual experi- ence in their own class in the manner and procedure of enacting legislation by the greatest legislative body in the world, the Congress of the United States. I think it is perhaps a precedent which other high-school students and classes might very well follow, and to my mind deserves the attention of us charged with the responsibility of providing for the needs and welfare of the people of this Nation, and in many ways, the world. We have heard much about com- munism in this Congress and indeed throughout the United States. The bill from this class deals with the preven- tion of communism and the procedure as to the manner in which we should dis- pose of and punish the enemies of our American democracy. It is encouraging to see these young people at a very tender age concerning themselves with good citizenship. It is by the training of our boys and girls in government and citizenship that gives us the greatest future security that we could hope for, and in view of the unusual character of this communication, as well as of its im- portance, under unanimous consent, I include in my extension of remarks the letter of Miss Carroway and the bill formulated and passed by the seventh- grade class: FLORENCE, 8. C., March 2, 1947. Dear Mr. Harris: I'll bet you will be sur- prised to find out that I have temporarily assumed the use of your name, but I hope you will not mind. My seventh-grade class of Florence Junior High has written and passed a bill. Each person had to choose the name of a real Senator or Representative. We went through all the regular procedures, having sessions of both Hcuses of Congress, committees, etc. I am enclosing a copy of our bill as passed, and signed by Speaker of the House, Presi- dent pro tempore of the Senate, and Presi- dent Truman. Yours truly, JEANETTE CARROWAY (Alias Representative OrEN Harris). Whereas communism and its related fac- tions are fast becoming a threat to democ- racy in these United States; Whereas in future times, other enemies of democracy may rise, we do hereby propose the following: Item 1: The enforcement of this bill shall be under the guidance of a special division of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Item 2° Any candidate for a position in the United States Government or any employee of the United States Government if so ac- cused, must prove in good faith that he is not @ member of, or in sympathy with, any of the aforesaid factions hostile to democracy. Item 38: Any Government employee charged with treason shall be deported; should the treason be of a serious and highly aggravated nature such as to warrant capi- tal punishment this shall be so inflicted, Item 4: Treason charges against the aforesaid shall be duly executed in a Federal court of justice; the dectsion of the court shal] be final except in such instances when just cause shall be shown for an appeal to the Supreme Court. Signed, sealed, and delivered on the 27th day of February 1947. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, Speaker of House. ARTHUR VANDENBERG, President pro tempore of Senate. Harry 8. TRUMAN, President of the United States. Testimony of Hon. Emanuel Celler, of New York, Before the House Commit- tee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EMANUEL CELLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following state- ment made by me before the House Com- mittee on Interstate and Foreign Com- merce on my National Science Founda- tion bill, H. R. 942: Mr. Chairman and members of the com- mittee, in the last session of Congress, the Senate passed and the House of Representa- tives foiled to act upon national science- foundation legislation. It is, therefore, gratifying that the House of Representatives has taken the Icadership in this session and that your committee has already begun the formal study of this important legislation. It is rather anomalous that a nation as great as ours has not even found a cure for the common cold, let alone heart disease and cancer. This points up the need to give impetus to specific scientific and medical re- search. It must be made clear at the outset that the setting up of a science foundation in no- wise interferes with the activities of the Atomic Energy Commission which is set up for a specific purpose, namely, development and control of fissionable matter and atomic energy. The purposes of the science founda- tion are far broader in scope, and in no way impinges upon the purposes and jurisdiction of the Atomic Energy Commission. National Science Foundation legislation is more urgently needed now than it was last year, It is regrettable that a year has passed without the creation of a National Science Foundation Our Nation is today the lead- ing industrial and technological country in the world, and it has been amply demon- strated that if we are to maintain this posi- tion we cannot depend on philanthropy and purely private resources to promote funda- mental science and to provide adequate sup- ply of ‘scientific personnel. Although we are the leaders in applied science, we do not have the same preeminent position in funda- mental sciences, In the past we have de- pended to a very considerable extent on the great fundamental scientific resources of Germany. We cannot and should not do so any longer. If we pass this legislation, we will be providing one of the necessary guarantees that our Nation will always hold @ leading place among other nations. If we design the National Science Foundation so that it will serve primarily as a peacetime agency, it will bring to us many advances in health and standard, of living comparable APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to the great advances in armament which science brought to the war effort. I am appearing today before your com- mittee to urge speedy and favorable action on behalf of legislation creating a National Science Foundation. You have before you two types of bills: H. R. 942, introduced by myself and, as an alternative proposal, H. R. 1830, introduced by the gentleman from Arkansas, Mr. MILs. Bills identical with Mr. Mitzs’ bill have also been introduced by the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. CAsE; Mr. Priest, Tennessee; and Mr. Hayss, Arkansas. Before describing briefly the pro- visions of H. R. 942 and the reasons for adopt- ing legislation of this particular form, I am going to trace the origin of this bill. As many of you know, the proposals for a National Science Foundation had their origin in the separate studies made by a subcommittee of the Senate Military Affairs Committee headed by Senator Kircore and by the Office of Scientific Research and De- velopment headed by Dr. Vannevar Bush. In June of 1945 Senator K1LcorF introduced & bill which embodied the results of the 3 years’ study by his subcommittee on the problems of scientific and technical mobiliza- tion. At the same time, Senator MAGNUSON introduced a bill which embodied the specific recommendations made by Dr. Vannevar Bush. Both bills, just as the two types of bills now before you, created a foundation designed to serve as the central scientific agency of the Federal Government. Both bills, just as the two types of bills now be- fore you specifically authorized the founda- tion to do the following: 1. To support financially and promote re- search in the fundamental sciences. 2. To support financially and promote re- search for national defense. 8. To support financially and promote re- search in medicine and health. 4. To expand the Nation's scientific talent through the granting of scholarships and fellowships. The original Kilgore and Magnuson Dills, although agreeing on these principal func- tions, differed as to method of administra- tion and several other features. Extensive hearings were held jointly by Senators Kit- GoR®¥ and MaGnuson, in which over 100 ex- pert witnesses were heard from all walks of life. These hearings were followed by u series of discussions by a bipartisan group of the Senate, representatives of the executive de- partments, and representatives of interested scientific organizations. Out of this exhaus- tive study came a bipartisan sponsored bill popularly known as the Kilgore-Magnuson- Saltonstall bill which was favorably reported out by the Senate Military Affairs Committee on April 9. This bill still previded for the four principal functions which both the Kilgore and Magnuson bills each provided but differed very substantially from the original bills in its details. It was con- sidered a perfected bill by virtually all the groups interested in scientific legislation. This bill had the support of outstanding scientific groups in the country in the last session of Congress. When it was debated before the Senate on July 1 to 3, last year, it was passed with only one substuntial amendment, namely the amendment which eliminated a division for £ cial sciences. Having a deep personal interest in science legislation and having followed closely the careful process by which the Kilgore-Magnu- son-Saltonstall bill of the last Congress was developed, I have introduced it in the House in the belief that it is a well-perfected piece of legislation which should be speedily en- acted. This is the bill H. R. 942 now before you. I have with me copies of the original report submitted by the Senate Military Affairs Committee which describe each of its provisions in considerable detail and also give the reasons for adopting those particular pro- visions. My bill, H. R. 942, as does also the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mills bill, H. R. 1830, provides for two func- tions in addition to the four enumerated above. They are: 5. To promote the development of science through international cooperation. 6. To coordinate the diverse scientific ac- tivities now conducted in the several] depart- ments and agencies of the Federal Govern- ment, I believe that all the Members of Congress and representatives of scientific and other groups who have been studying this problem ate agreed that the principal functions which the proposed new Foundation should per- form are those which have been enumerated from 1to6. I bad understood that there was a large measure of agreement on details along the lines of H. R. 942, but an alternative has been presented to you in the form of H. R. 1830 and its companion bills. These bills differ chiefly with respect to (a) the admin- istration and organization of the Founda~ tion, (b) the inclusion of social sciences, (c) the provisions for apportionment of re- search funds on a State quota basis, (d) the provisions which require the results of fed- erally financed research to be fully and freely published. Let me summarize briefly the reasons for the specific provisions of H. R. 942 with re- spect to the above four features. ADMINISTRATION AND ORGANIZATION OF THE FOUNDATION H. R. 942 provides that the Foundation be headed by a single Administrator appointed by the President with the approval of the Senate and who will be responsible directly to the President and through him to the Congress. Originally many scientists were interested in having the Foundation headed by a board of noncompensated citizens— dollar-a-year men, so to speak. President Truman and many students of Government administration felt that this was a danger- ous and undemocratic way to organize a Fed- eral agency, particularly in the case of an agency which would be spending Federal funds. On the other hand, it is recognized that noncompensated experts, particularly leading scientists attached to private organ- izations, could help the Foundation, the President, and the Congress in advising and inspecting the activities of Federal scientific agencies. H.R. 942 therefore creates a series of advisory boards which will have full ac- cess to the work of the Foundation and will be able to make recommendations directly to the President and the Congress. THE INCLUSION OF SOCIAL SCIENCES I understand that most scientists believe that the Foundation would not function ef- fectively if an attempt were made to draw sharp lines between the different sciences and to exclude the Foundation from support- ing social sciences. In this day and age, when the physical sciences are so far ahead of our ability to organize ourselves socially, it is important that the Foundation be given specific authority, as is done in H. R. 942, to support social science through a Division of Social Science. DISTRIBUTION OF 25 PERCENT OF ALL RESEARCH FUNDS ON THE BASIS OF STATE QUOTAS All sections of the country will have to finance this new foundation through the Federal Treasury and all sections of the coun- try should participate directly in its work. The largest part of the agricultural research funds have been spent on the basis of a State quota formula and it is universally agreed that this has been a very beneficial experience not only for each of the States but for the Nation as a whole. As repre- sentatives of the people, we in Congress should note that this method has prevented the rise of an arbitrary sctentific bureauc- recy In agricultural research. . While it is true that some States may at the present time be better equipped to use Foundation funds than others, if from the beginning a portion of the Foundation’s research funds is distributed on a State quota basis we shall soon find that all States will be able to share effectively in this work. FULL AND FREE PUBLICATION OF THE RESULTS OF FEDERALLY FINANCED RESEARCH The wartime experience as well as the prewar experience show that too often the new knowledge and the patents which re- sult from a federally financed research proj- ect fall into the hands of private companies or institutions. I do not believe anyone can quarrel with the fundamental principle that wherever the public puts up the money for a research project the results including pat- ents should either be freely available to all users or, if controlled, should be controlled by a public agency. If your committee wants fuller information on the extent to which public funds have been taken ad- vantage of in this respect, I would urge you to examine studies already made on this sub- ject by the Senate Committee on Military Affairs and by the Department of Justice. The Department of Justice study, prepared by its Claims Division, is a very exhaustive one, While it has not been publicly released as yet, I am sure that arrangements can be made to secure it for this committee in its study of science legislation. I would like to point out that section 8 of H. R. 942 which covers the use and dissemi- nation of research findings allows for con- tractual exceptions to the basic policy of public dedication in those cases where the invention 1s the result of a substantial in- vestment by the private contractor. In conclusion, let me urge the committee again that it act speedily and favorably on this legislation. In the past year in the ab- sence of a civilian National Science Founda- tion the War and Navy Departments have spent great sums—about 8100,000,000 for fundamental research—so that our Nation can have a strong scientific foundation. It is a dangerous step to have the military carry on @ peacetime function which they them- selves recognize should be carried out by a civilian agency. Divisions Among the Justices EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER A. RAMEY OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. RAMEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orD, I include the following editorial from the Christian Science Monitor of March 10, 1947: AN INTIMATE MESSAGE From WASHINGTON (By Richard L. Strout) DIVISIONS AMONG THE JUSTICES WASHINGTON.—The Supreme Court is back in the news again with its split decision in the John L. Lewis contempt case. The Roosevelt-Truman Supreme Court continues to be divided like older courts, but not over the same issues. Today, the tent of the so-called commerce clause has been stretched so wide that it encompasses about any type of restriction or control that Congress can think up. What, then, the publio asks, does the Court now divide over? One of the issues is a matter which in the past was largely a question of detail. Today, all members affirm the right of Government to intervene in matters of social control unthinkable a A933 short time ago, That fight is settled. The controversy has gone on to new ground. One difference today is over the conception of judicial function. One observer ascribes to Mr. Justice Black a “leaning toward get- ting the result in a particular case, as if it were a legislative choice.” To Mr. Justice Frankfurter, frequent leader of the opposite side, he ascribes a “leaning to respect the outlines and many of the details of an es- tablished legal system.” The Black thesis seems to be that the Court should act as guardian of the people, or groups of people, against the aberrations of democracy. Contrasted to this view, Mr. Justice Frankfurter, often supported by Mr. Justice Jackson, appears to follow the more traditional view that the Court should keep hands off legislation, wise or unwise, except in extreme instances. Criticism is sometimes directed against the majority group, often led by Mr. Justice Black, on the ground that it is in fact legislating; that it tortures congressional statutes in the course of interpreting them. This has been the contention of occasional Frankfurter- Jackson dissents. One of the most difficult and controversial recent 5-to-4 decisions involved another matter—the right of a community in New Jersey to pay parochial school bus fares. Back in 1929 the Supreme Court ruled that a State may furnish free textbooks to paro- chial schools. Does that decision, along with the new one in 1947, mean that ali legal barriers that have stood in the way of State aid to church schools are now down? That is the contention of at least one national news magazine in commenting on the mat- ter, Lawyers here who have carefully studied the majority opinion feel differently. On one side in this case were Justices Black, Vinson, Douglas, Murphy, and Reed. In dissent were Justices Rutledge, Jackson, Frankfurter, and Burton. ‘fhe Black majority opinion argued that the Court should not prevent the State from extending public- welfare legislation benefits to all citizens without regard to religion. It compared the extension of parochial bus service to the fire and police protection, offered to all churches and schools. In sharp dissent, Mr. Justice Jackson wrote that at first he had agreed with the majority but on reflection changed his views. “The undertones of (Justice Black's) opinion ad- vocating complete and uncompromising separation of church from state, seem utterly discordant with its conclusion yielding sup- port to their commingling in educational matters.” Mr. Justice Black stated that although in this instance aid to church schools was allowable, this was about as far as the matter should go. Although the law, he specifically said, was “within the state’s constitutional power, it approaches the verge of that power.” This limitation did not satisfy the mi- nority. “The case which trresistibly comes to mind as the most fitting precedent,” acidly ob- served Mr. Justice Jackson, “is that of Julia who, according to Byron's reports, ‘whisper- ing “T will ne’er consent”—consented.'"” An Expensive Diplomatic Blunder EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT J. ENGEL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. ENGEL of Michigan. Mr. Speak- er, one of the reasons the American tax- payer is called upon and is now being
A934 asked to provide billions of dollars to feed Europe is the way in which Germany was divided between Russia, England, and the United States for occupational pur- poses. Each nation is under interna- tional law, responsible for feeding the people in their occupied areas. In mak- ing that division England got the steel and coal of the Ruhr and some agricul- tural areas; Russia got coal and that part of the bread basket of Germany which was not given to Poland; while the United States got the scenery and the Hartz Mountain canary birds of Bavaria. You cannot export scenery, and who wants to buy canary birds? The result has been that we have had that part of Germany which had the least agriculture and, therefore, required the most funds for feeding people of that area. It was a most expensive blunder at the expense of the American taxpayer. Here is the score to date for 1947 and 1948, if we give them everything they ask for: $1,450,000,000 to feed people of occu- pied areas, including Germany, Austria, Korea, and Japan; $350,000,000 for a new UNRRA paid for by the United States— we paid 73 percent heretofore; $250,000,- 000 for Greece, including the arming of the Greek Army. The total of these three items aggregate $2,050,000,000. This is just the beginning. Turkey is already asking substantial aid. Why shouldn’t she if Greece is to obtain $250,000,000? Others will follow. Just how far can we go and just what is the cost going to be to the American taxpayer if the United States adopts the British policy of imperialism and tries to tell every country what kind of government she is going to have, equip and support both the civilian and military popula- tion, as we are asked to do? The Defense Budget EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WALTER NORBLAD OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. NORBLAD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the Rxecorp, I include an edi- torial by Mr. Fred Andrus, an outstand- ing northwest journalist, on the subject of the defense budget. This was pub- lished in a recent issue of the Astorian- Budget, Astoria, Oreg.: THE DEFENSE BUDGET Congress 1s wrestling now with the prob- lem of the high cost of our armed forces, and there is much talk of drastic reductions. This is a matter which must be ap- proached cautiously by Congress. We do not want to cut military appropriations to the point where our armed forces are not ade- quate to their big tasks of the postwar world, nor do we want to encourage waste in the Army and Navy. “Congress must realize,” said Senator Byrp, of Virginia, in a speech the other day, “that our military leaders are accustomed to the waste of war, and it is easy to continue such waste, even though it be lesser in degree, in time of peace.” The Senator pointed out that the Army and the Navy have 1,117,000 civilian employ- ees compared to armed personnel of 1,600,000. In 1939 the Army and Navy got along with 222,136 civilian workers. The average cost per man of the armed forces according to the 1948 budget, Sen- ator Byap pointed out, is 06,700. The average cost per armed man during the war was $6,960. The reduction in expense is only $170 per man. Every individual who served in the armed forces in the war is aware that there was tremendous extravagance and waste—some of it inevitable in war, some of it the result of poor planning. Congress must seek the elimination of this waste, for the Nation cannot afford it in peacetime. The heavy cost of our Military Establishment will militate for some years to come against our efforts to reduce the tre- mendous national debt, and debt reduction js perhaps as important to the national fu- ture as adequate defense. On the other hand, Congress must be aware that the task of our armed forces is much greater than in prewar days. We have oc- cupation armies to maintain in Japan and Germany and expert observers tell us that we must expect to keep them there for many years, We are likely to adopt a policy of more adequate defense than we had before the war, perhaps involving universal military service and certainly providing for a bigger Army, a bigger Navy, a bigger National Guard, and for more training. The Army and Navy have also the job of caring for the vast amount of equipment saved from the war—as, for instance, the Navy is caring for a fleet of amphibious war craft here in Astoria. All these things make extra expense, and we must be prepared to take care of that expense indefinitely. Experience should have taught us by now we can no longer afford to be unprepared for defending ourselves as we were in 1917 and again in 1041. Blind, unreasoned budget slashing in Con- gress will jeopardize and weaken our de- fenses at a time when we can ill afford it. It will weaken our diplomatic policy, upon which the future of world peace mainly de- pends. Another thing the Congress must think about is Government support of financial research because of the importance of this sort of work to national defense. The atomic bomb is the big example of how research proved of vast military im- portance. But we cannot rest on the atom bomb alone. Scientific research is at work in other countries on tasks involving radio- guided missiles, jet planes, radar and a hun- dred and one other new weapons of both de- fense and offense, We cannot afford to be hehind in research matters, and for that reason the Govern- ment must consider subsidizing scientists. It is done in almost every important nation, Russia being outstanding in that respect. The Russians coddle scientists to the ut- most, Government-subsidized science is valuable not only to the defense of the Nation but is certain to have byproducts of value to our peaceful economy that may outweigh the value of the military features. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Rise in Mergers—Federal Trade Commission Reports on This Threat to Free Enterprise EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, I wish to call attention to a report just sub- mitted to Congress by the Federal Trade Commission, entitled “The Present Trend of Corporate Mergers and Ac- quisitions.” The report was prepared under section 6 (f) of the Federal Trade Commission Act, which provides that the Commission shall “have power to make annual and special reports to the Con- gress and to submit therewith recom- mendations for additional legislation.” In presenting this report, the Com- mission has put its finger on what is probably our No. 1 domestic problem, namely, the growing increase in monop- oly and economic concentration. Un- less we meet and solve this problem, it will be impossible for us to demonstrate to the world that our free enterprise system really is “free’ and actually does promote “enterprise.” We must face the fact, unpleasant though it may be, that economic concen- tration has risen to perilous heights in this country. The Temporary National Economic Committee provided us with abundant information on the extent of monopoly and economic concentration just before the war; more recently, the Senate Small Business Committee and a subcommittee of the House Small Busi- ness Committee, of which I was chair- man, have prepared voluminous docu- ments, showing the increase in economic concentration which took place during the war; and now, with this report of the Federal Trade Commission, the picture is brought up to date. It is a picture which perhaps all of us would prefer to ignore; but if we really do believe in the free enterprise system, we cannot ignore these economic facts of life. It is a fact that every highly in- dustrialized nation, in which private monopoly has become dominant, has suc- cumbed to one form or another of state control and collectivism. If there is one lesson we can learn from recent history, it is that state collectivism follows pri- vate monopoly just as certainly as night follows day. Consequently, the Federal Trade Com- mission, by submitting to us this report on the increase in monopoly through mergers, has struck a telling blow for freedom everywhere. The purpose of the report is twofold: First, it points to the existence of a seri- ous loophole in the law which has made section 7 of the Clayton Act a dead letter. The Commission at the present time is empowered to prevent acquisitions which take the form of purchases of stock, but it-can do nothing to prevent acquisitions
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of assets. This situation developed out of the historical] conditions existing when the Clayton Act was originally passed. The economic background which under- lay the passage of that act was the great consolidation movement of 1897-1904, during which period some 200 important consolidations took place involving com- panies with a capitalization of over $5,000,000,000. Nearly all of these con- solidations were brought about by the purchase of stock rather than assets. Therefore, Congress, in passing the Clay- ton Act several years later, thought that it had created a means of preventing the really important method of consolida- tions, namely the purchase of stock. Congress simply did not anticipate the fact that the act would subsequently be evaded by a different type of purchase, the acquisition of assets. The second major purpose of this re- port is to call to our attention the rapid increase in monopoly power which is now taking place through acquisitions and mergers. Since 1940 more than 1,800 manufacturing and mining companies have been purchased, most of them hav- ing been acquired during the last 3 years. That these acquisitions have already had a significant effect upon the structure of the economy is indicated by the fact that the asset value of the concerns acquired amonnted to $4,100,000,000, or nearly 5 percent of the total asset value of all manufacturing corporations. What is perhaps the most dangerous aspect of the current merger movement is its impact upon small business. The pattern of the current movement is that of the purchase by giant corporations— largely financed out of their immense wartime profits—of independent small business. Thus, fully 70 percent of all the firms bought out since 1940 have been small businesses with assets of less than $1,000,000. The other side of this picture of big business buying up small business is in- Gicated by the fact that nearly three- fourths of the total number of firms ac- quired during this period have been ab- sorbed by large corporations with assets of over $5,000,000. Eighteen large cor- porations, alone, have bought up 242 formerly independent companies, or an average of more than 18 firms apiece. I wish to call attention to the fact that the American Home Products Corp. has bought up no less than 38 different com- panies since 1940; Burlington Mills has purchased 19; National Distillers 17; Safeway Stores, 16; Borden Co., 14; and so forth. As may be noted from the name of these concerns, a striking feature of the present drive is the movement into tradi- tional small business industries. More than one-third of the total number of acquisitions were accounted for by only three industries—food, nonelectrical ma- chinery, and textiles and apparel—all predominantly small-business fields. Big business has practically taken over such former strongholds of small business as stee] drums, wines and tight cooperage. For example, the giant steel corporations have increased their ownership of steel drum fabricating capacity from less than 10 percent before the war to nearly 90 percent today. At the same time that the big steel com- panies have expanded forward into fab- ricating flelds, some of the big metal- using companies have expanded back- ward into the basic-metals industry, thereby assuring themselves of a supply of these tight materials, but reducing the amount of such materials available for smal] business. Thus, the General Elec- tric Co., the Borg-Warner Corp., and the International Detrola Corp. have all pur- chased steel mills, which formerly con- stituted an important source of supply of steel sheets for small business. These are only a few of the highlights of this extremely interesting and in- formative report. I think all members of Congress should join together in express- ing gratitude to the Commission for this courageous and forthright presentation of the facts. Without facts, Congress will inevitably operate in a vacuum. The report closes with this highly sig- nificant conclusion: Tf, then, the development of political super- government is to be prevented, the rapid growth of private supergovernment in in- dustry must be halted. And the first step to be taken is to halt this alarming increase in mergers and acquisitions. The original purpose of the Clayton Act, as stated by the report of the Senate Committee on the Ju- diciary on January 22, 1914, was ‘‘to arrest the creation of trusts * * ® and monop- olies in their incipiency.” The Federal Trade Commission recom- mends that the Clayton Act be amended in order to accomplish this basic objective. I concur heartily in this recommenda- tion. To achieve it, a bill, H. R. 515, which would plug the loophole in section 7 is now before a subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee, headed by the distinguished and able Representa- tive from Iowa, Representative JoHN Gwynne. A similar bill was reported out favorably last year by the House Judi- ciary Committee, but did not receive a rule from the Rules Committee. I might point out, in passing, that the action by the Judiciary Committee last year was nearly unanimous for the simple reason that the arresting of monopoly has never been regarded as a partisan issue. Hear- ings on the present bill will get under way within the next 2 weeks. It is hoped that all organizations and individuals that are interested in the proposed legislation. and in the problem with which it is in- tended to deal, will be able to present their views before the committee. An Amendment to the Fair Labor Standards Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHARLES A. PLUMLEY OF VERMONT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. PLUMLEY. Mr. Speaker, a few days ago I introduced a bill to amend A935 the Fair Labor Standards Act. Its number is H. R. 2230. The amendment I proposed reads as follows: Section 7 of the Fair Labor Standards Act 1s amended by adding at the end of subsec- tioa (a) the following: “Where an agreement between the em- ployer and the employee or his representative specifies an hourly rate of compensation which is not less than the minimum wage specified in section 6 of this act, such hourly rate shal) be considered the regular rate at which the employee is employed and shall not be affected by the receipt of additional com- pensation from the employer whether such additional compensation is paid pursuant to the agreement as overtime or otherwise." Despite the protests of those not so well informed, this proposed amendment seeks only to remedy a situation which is unfavorable to both labor and manage- ment, to the end that both may know what they are doing and be able to rely thereon and profit thereby. I agree and insist that two offenses under the Wages-Hours Act as adminis- tered have been baffling to everyone concerned. First is that of the employer who re- wards an employee occasionally for doing more than he had to do, paying beyond what was expected or agreed. Likewise with the case of the employer who pays a profit-sharing bonus to a group of em- ployees. There is no way under the rules of the wage-hour people for this to be done without permanently penalizing at least the employer. This is an offense, and the administrator rules that the reg- ular rate of pay has been upset. The second offense results when an em- ployer and employee agree to a fixed weekly salary for a fluctuating work- week above 40 hours. “The regular rate of pay” may be above the minimum. The time above 40 hours is at least the time-and-a-half rate of pay. Eventually an employee who is on stand-by for 5, 10, 15, or 20 hours of overtime does not work all of it. The Wage-Hour Adminis- trator then threatens suit or even brings suit for the offense of “paying overtime rates for time not worked.” By this triumph of bureaucratic en- croachment the time-honored right of agreement between employer and em- ployee is set aside. Stand-by contracts are called “fictitious and illegal.” The employer who has a fluctuating work- week above 40 hours must pay a fluctuat- ing weekly wage, or stand suit from the Wage-Hour Administrator. The Belo case of June 1942, in which the Supreme Court by 5 to 4 decision sustained such contracts, has been largely ignored and overridden by the Administrator since then. And the courts have often sus- tained him. The record shows a series of fanciful interpretations of the mean- ing of the Wages-Hours Act. It would appear untimely for business to discuss the guaranteed annual wage when an administrator has power to nullify a guaranteed weekly salary for a workweek of over 40 hours. The Fair Labor Standards Act pre- scribes minimum wages and the mini- mum increase in pay for hours over the
A936 statutory workweek. These require- ments are apparently simple and clear. But the courts have found in them im- plications from which have arisen a com- plicated system of controls. Overnight Motor Transportation Co. paid employees, for a fluctuating work- week, wages sufficient to exceed the stat- utory minimum, with time and a half for overtime. The Supreme Court held that this was not sufficient compliance with the law. Since no hourly rate was fixed, the weekly wage must be divided by the number of hours worked and the quotient would be the regular rate of pay—Over- night Motor Transportation Co. v. Mis- sell (316 U. S. 572). Subsequently in Walling v. Stone (131 Fed. 2d 461) the Circuit Court of Ap- peals for the Seventh Circuit had be- fore it a case where compensation was by a total weekly wage, but the trial court found that the employer and employees intended that the fixed weekly wage would cover both regular and overtime work; and the amount was sufficient to comply with the statutory minimum. But the appellate court disregarded this intention of the parties and held the weekly wages did not include anything of the extra pay required for overtime. In Asselta v. 149 Madison Avenue Corpn. (65 Fed. Supp. 385) the district court held that the weekly wage in- cluded no extra pay for overtime, even though the parties had agreed that the base pay was the weekly wage divided by the sum of (a) hours worked in the regular workweek plus (b) one-half of the number of hours in excess of 40. The parties were in agreement; the wages exceeded the statutory minimum, with the statutory overtime differential; but the court would not recognize the agrecment as capable of defining their rights. In two cases decided in 1945, Walling y. Youngerman Reynolds Hardwood Co., Inc. (825 U. 8S. 419), and Walling v. Harnischfeger Corp. (325 U. 8. 427), the court had before it contracts involving piecework. ‘The contracts specified an hourly rate but piecework earnings were higher and were the basis of settlement. The Supreme Court held that the agree- ment of the parties as to the hourly rate was unavailing. The result was a fur- ther impairment of freedom of contract. THE BELO DECISION At the same time that the court decided the Overnight case—June 8, 1942—it de- cided the Belo case, Walling v. A. H. Belo Corp. (316 U. 8. 624), where the employer paid a guaranteed weekly wage for a fluctuating workweek, but there were specific hourly rates agreed upon, with provision for an overtime differential as required by the statute. Only a bare ma- jority of the court joined in the judgment that under the statute employer and em- ployee thus could fix the regular rate of contract. Four of the judges asserted that what the regular rate is “is a legal not a factual conclusion.” Since the Belo case was decided the course of the opinions has been so ad- verse to this freedom to contract that some circuit courts of appeals have said: If the Supreme Court has not repudiated its holdings in the Belo case it has come so close as to leave no room for its application except upon an identical state of facts (Walling v. Alaska Pacific Consolidated Min- ing Co. (December 1945, C. C, A. 9; 152 Fed. 2d 812, 814); Walling v. Uhiman Grain Co. (Oc- tober 1945, C. C. A. 7; 151 Fed. 2d 381, 383); Walling v. Richmond Screw Anchor Co. (March 1946, C. C. A. 2; 154 Fed. 2d 780, 784) ). By these and many other decisions, the simple barriers expressed in the statute have been used as a basis for evolving— by what is called interpretation—a com- plex system of wage exactions. There is no longer clarity, safety, or stability above 40 hours per week. This system far outstrips the primary purpose o. the. act to place a floor under wages and a ceiling over hours to be worked at the regular hourly rate of pay. It exacts wages which much exceed the statutory minimum; wages which the parties never agreed upon; wages which are computed in violation of the express compacts of the parties. Freedom of contract has been substantially destroyed. Common sense can be restored and freedom of contract can be regained. So I have introduced a simple amend- ment, H. R. 2230, to the Fair Labor Standards Act, which will correct the sit- uation I hope. No Experts on Everything EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HOMER A. RAMEY OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. RAMEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Christian Science Monitor of March 8, 1947: NO EXPERTS ON EVERYTHING When CIO Vice President Van A. Bittner told the House Labor Committee in effect that it could not write a good labor bill because it was not made up of labor experts, he touched on one of the most fundamental problems of representative government. Can the citizens of a republic expect that either their legislators or their judges be ex- perts on everything which may come before them? Obviously, they cannot. The most they can demand is that their oublic servants have the intellectual ability and the open- ness of mind to grasp the implications to public policy of what the experts tell them. Does Mr. Bittner, himself a former coal miner and steel worker, qualify as an expert on the shop practices and pay bases of the textile worker and of the teachers—two of the unions which come under his supervision? The real question lies in the capacity and fair-mindedness of the committee member- ship, and in the caliber of the witnesses they have called before them. As to the first, the tating so far looks at least good average. As to the second—while lots of irate industrial- ists have beaten a path to the committee's door, a goodly representation of labor- management authorities and labor leaders have been called too. The latter to their own detriment, and that of the public, have made disappointingly small use of their opportunity. Mr. Bittner came up the hard way—when and where unionists had a bitter struggle for recognition. For that reason the warmth of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD his reaction to what he considers antiunion curbs is understandable. But he is also a capable and a moderate man. He should know that neither his indictment of the com- mittee, nor his stronger observation on Con- gress in general (“It would be a wonderful thing if Congress met every 10 years”) makes good sense, Carrie Chapman Catt EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRANCES P. BOLTON OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mrs. BOLTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following article and editorial from today’s New York Times: Carrie C. Catr Dries or Heart ATTACK— Woman’s SUFFRAGE PIONEER, LONG AN AD- VOCATE OF WoRLD Prace, SUCCUMBS AT 88— Urceo Support or UN--LEaperR IN TOLER- ANCE Drives, ORGANIZED FIGHT FOR VOTE ALONG POLITICAL LINES Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, pioneer in woman's suffrage and advocate of world peace, died yesterday at 3:30 a. m. in her home at 120 Paine Avenue, New Rochelle, N. Y., of a heart attack suffered in bed. She apparently had been in good health on Sat- urday. Her age was 88. Mrs. Catt’s last day was spent in customary activities. She had discussed with her bi- ographer, Miss Mary Gray Peck, a collection of photographs that she planned to give to the Susan B. Anthony Memorial in Roch- ester, N. Y. Miss Alda Wilson, an architect, who was companion and secretary to Mrs. Catt for the last 19 years, was with her at her death. Mrs. Catt had suffered a heart attack com- plicated by pneumonia, tn May 1944 and was in the New Rochelle Hospital] for a month. SPOKE HERE IN JANUARY She made her last public appearance on her eighty-eighth birthday, January 9, at a dinner of the American Association for the United Nations, of which she was honorary vice president and a board member when it was founded in 1923 as the League of Nations Association. At the dinner she urged bolder peace aims, declaring that the present ones would not avert another war, and advocated interna- tional disarmament, It was on this occasion that Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, who in 1938 dedicated her book, This Troubled World, to Mrs. Catt, praised her as a leader in peace movements who had helped bring the world to a point where the outlines of peace were visible. In a radio broadcast on March 8, 1935, Mrs. Roosevelt mentioned Mrs. Catt among 11 American women as “friends and acquaint- ances who have been and are a constant in- spiration and help to me.” Mrs. Catt was a stanch believer in the United Nations. In an interview on the eve of her last birthday she remarked that the best wish she could make for her natal day and the world would be that the “United Nations would make a perfect success and that we never would have another war.” SALUTED RUSSIAN WOMEN She joined Mrs. Roosevelt and other women, including Dean O. Mildred Thomp- son of Vassar College, in saluting Russian women and their efforts to build a peaceful world, in recognition of International ‘Women’s Day, observed on Friday.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It was largely through Mrs. Catt's political insight and organizing ability that the nine- teenth amendment became t of the Con- stitution in 1920. The suffrage movement had been mainly “wishful thinking” until she started to organize it along political lines, even including assembly districts. The hap- piest day in her life, she said, was the day she returned from Tennessee, last State in the Union to ratify the amendment. With this great victory gained after more than 80 years of preaching, crusading, and writing, Mrs. Catt turned her attention to world peace. As head of the National Com- mittee on the Cause and Cure of War, she agitated for disarmament. She had urged the United States to join the League of Na- tions and the World Court, and had opposed military training in echools and colleges. Asserting that recognition of women as voters was not enough, but that they should be educated to assume the responsibility of citizenship, Mrs. Catt founded the National League of Women Voters in 1919 and served as honorary president until her death. The group has since become recognized as the leading women's nonpartisan organization for educating all voters, DENOUNCED SALE OF SCRAP “It isn't enough for you to vote for your party ticket,” she told an audience at a Na- tional Council of Women luncheon in 1941, at which she also denounced the sale o acrap iron to Japan. ' “You have got to do a little deeper think- ing than you have ever done before, and when you have got to the bottom of it, you have got to speak, and speak more boisterously than you do now.” Mrs. Catt and the League of Women Vot- ers were among the opposition to the “Equal Rights” amendment, proposed in 1923 by the National Women’s Party. They contended it would repeal protective legislation for women. “Prejudices will not melt away because the Constitution decrees equal rights,” Mrs. Catt declared on one occasion in opposing the proposal. Although her name was often suggested for political honors, she invariably declined to consider the proposal. During the conven- tion of the National American Woman's Suf- frage Association at Chicago in 1920 her name was suggested for the Presidency of the United States by Mrs. Petcr Olsen of Minnesota. The newspapers reported the next day that “Mrs. Catt waved the sugges- tion away with a smile.” In 1986 President Roosevelt received her in the White House. At the same time Mrs. Roosevelt extolled Mrs. Catt’s life work be- fore Congress, on the Completion of a half- century of public service by Mrs. Catt. Although an enrolled Republican who had voted for Herbert Hoover for president in 1928, Mrs. Catt expressed her admiration for President Roosevelt in 1934 on the eve of her seventy-fifth birthday. She declared that she was sorry that prohibition had been re- pealed, for she was an avowed dry, but added that she considered President Roosevelt to be “head and shoulders” above all living men, and hoped he would win a second term, When the war saw the dissolution of the National Committee of the Cause and Cure of War, which Mrs. Catt helped found in 1925, she became honorary chairman of its successor, the Women's Action Committee for Victory and a Lasting Peace, which was or- ganized in March 19483 to work for full American participation in international organization. Born in Ripon, Wis., the daughter of Lucius Lane and Maria Clinton Lane, Mrs. Catt attended Iowa State College, where she plunged into the fight for women's rights by obtaining physical education instruction for female students. In 1880 she entered a lawyer's office to study for the bar. A year later she became principal of Mason City (Iowa) High School, and 2 years later she was made the city’s first woman superintend- ent of schools. In 1884 she was married to Leo Chapman, the owner of the Mason City Republican, and worked on that newspaper until Mr. Chapman's health failed and they moved to San Francisco. Her husband died in 1886, and shortly after that Mrs. Catt became ac- tively interested in the women's suffrage movement. Her first specch on this subject was delivered at a gathering held at Marshall- town, Iowa, in 1887. During the next 2 years she served as State organizer of suffrage clubs in Iowa. Her real organization work for the cause, however, dates from 1890, when she became State lecturer and organizer of the Iowa State Woman Suffrage Association. In 1892 she entered the service of the National Amer- ican Woman Suffrage Association, of which she was president from 1900 until 1904 and . from 1915 unt!) her death. HEADED INTERNATIONAL GROUP It was in 1904 that Mrs. Catt became presi- dent of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, and she remained in that post until 1923. During the earlier part of that period she not only worked for woman's emanctpa- tion tn successful campaigns in nearly all the woman suffrage States, but she attended con- ferences in Sweden, Austria-Hungary, Ger- many. and other European countries. She was elected president of the international body at the congress held tn Berlin, succeed- ing the late Susan B. Anthony. While Mrs. Pankhurst and her dauchters were the leading spirits in the suffrage move- ment in Great Britain, Mrs. Catt occupied a similar position in this country. In 1910 the campaign had become extremely vigorous, although it never became as militant as it did in England. Mrs. Catt spent 18 months during 1911 and 1912 on a world tour of observation of wom- en's conditions. Despite financial handicaps, Mrs. Catt worked with remarkable zeal and vigor. This was rewarded in October 1914 when Baroness de Bazus (Mrs. Frank Leslie) left almost $1,500,000 to the suffrage cause and empow- ered Mrs. Catt to spend it as she saw fit for that purpose. HONORED BY WOMEN'S CLUBS The increasing years did not diminish the activities of Mrs. Catt, nor decrease the hon- ors she received. She was voted the first of America’s 12 greatest women by the League of Women Voters in 1929, and the next year received the gold medal of the New York City Federation of Women's Clubs. A dele- gate to the Institute of Pacific Relations con- ference held at Honolulu in 1927, she visited Europe and South America. In 1933 she announced the formation of the protest committee of non-Jewlsh women against the persecution of Jews in Germany, reporting that the signatures of 9,000 Ameri- can women had becn affixed to a protcst sent to the League of Nations. That same year she received the American Hebrew Medal for the promotion of better understanding be- tween Christians and Jews in the United States. . Mrs. Catt worked in 1934 to ald German refugees, for ratification of the child-labor amendment to the United States Constitu- tion and for international understanding. The same year and the next she urged Ameri- can adherence to the World Court. During the recent war she matched her crusade for woman suffrage in impassioned efforts to aid the victims of Nazi aggression. The Finnish Government, through its consul general in New York, conferred upon her in December 1941, the Order of the White Rose for her services to women. Mrs. Catt was married in 1890 to George William Catt, president of the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific Co., engineers and contractors. He died in 1905, A937 She leaves two nephews, Clarence Lane of Riverside, Calif., and Warren Lane of Charles City, Iowa. A private funeral will be held at the home tomorrow. Burial will be in Woodlawn Cemetery, the Bronx, beside the grave of a friend and associate in the suffrage move- ment, Alda Wilson, mother of Mrs. Catt’s secretary. Cargkig CHAPMAN Catt Back in the gay and thoughtless nineties most Americans, if they had heard of her at all, regarded Carrie Chapman Catt as a crusading crank, misled into leadership of the hopeless cause urged by such pioneering feminists as Susan B. Anthony and Anna Hov-ard Shaw. With the turn of the century her vigor and earnestness began to impress a previously indifferent public. Twenty years later, when the nineteenth amendment was ratified, she was the national] heroine of a great victory. More than anyone else, she had turned woman suffrage from a dream into a fact. Mrs. Catt's 30 years’ fight was against in- tolerance, inertia, tradition, and the one- track mind. Her attack was logical, organ- ized, and unanswerable. She was never as militant as Mrs. Pankhurst and the English suffragettes. Under her wise guidance Amer- ican women petitioned, paraded, demon- strated, and worked with selfless zeal, but few found it necessary to chain themselves to lampposts or barred gateways. Against the complacent slogan “Woman's place is in the home” they hurled their insistent question, “Are women people?" There could be only one answer. No doubt feminine con- tributions to victory in the First World War and the soul-searching that followed it has- tened the day of success. But woman suf- frage was an irresistible movement from the days of its feeblest infancy. The question of whether women have raised the standard of American politics still re- mains. Mrs. Catt believed that in time they would do so and organized the National League of Women Voters to prove it. It functions today as a powerful lighthouse Pointing the way toward better and more intelligent citizenship. Mrs. Catt, however, did not approve the equal-rights amendment proposed by the National Woman's Party. She felt that women still needed the pro- tective legislation they had slowly won. “Prejudice will not melt away,” she said, “be- cause the Constitution decrees equal rights.” Mrs. Catt scorned political preferment. She chose to remain what she had been from the beginning of her carecr—a teacher, a leader, and a prescient thinker, She took her honors easily, though they were omong the greatest ever showered on an American woman, At the placid age of 88 her mind was still clear and active. It was no one- track mind. Other causes than that of wom- an suffrage were close to her heart. She was one of our earliest and most urgent advo- cates of world peuce and an end to warfare. It is characteristic of her fursightedness that the nations of the earth at last are making it their cause. One Hundredth Anniversary of Post Office at Astoria, Oreg. EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER NORBLAD OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. NORBLAD. Mr. Speaker, a cele- bration was held at Astoria, Oreg., this
A938 past week end commemorating the one hundredth anniversary of the establish- ment of a United States post office in that city. This event, in my opinion, is of great significance in American history, for without the early settlement and con- tinuous maintenance of this community, this country might not have acquired title to the vast domain of the Pacific Northwest. The establishment of this office at Astoria came as the logical con- clusion to a series of claims of our coun- try to this territory. It became the key- stone of our Government in this entire area. Territorial status and subsequent statehoods followed as a natural and logica] sequence. The initial claims of the United States to the Northwest began with the Lewis and Clark Expedition which established its western terminus near Astoria, Oreg., in 1804. They spent the winter of 1804— 5 on the banks of what is now known as the Lewis and Clark River. In 1811 the Astor party settled at Astoria and this became the first American post on the Pacific coast and the Pacific Northwest. This community has remained on that same location since that time. During the War of 1812 it was taken by the British but restored to us in 1818. Fora number of years after that date the sta- tus of this large segment of our country was in doubt with both Great Britain and ourselves making claims thereto. During these troublous times when “54-40 or fight” became a national battle cry, this settlement stood as a major bulwark of our right and title to the entire area. In 1846 the United States and Great Britain agreed by treaty to the boundary between the United States and Canada as it now stands and our Government im- mediately thereafter undertook the es- tablishment of this post office at Astoria as our first official Government post in the Pacific Northwest. This was com- pleted on March 7, 1847, when the new office under John Shively opened for business. The following year the Terri- tory of Oregon consisting of the present State of Oregon, Washington, Idaho, and parts of Montana and Wyoming came into being under an act of Congress. The several statehoods followed. The importance to our country of As- toria as a community and of this post office as our first Northwest keystone of Government has not been fully realized by the rest of the country. If this part of our Nation belonged to another coun- try it is doubtful that we would be the great Nation that we are today. With its great and vital industry, its trans- Pacific ports, its lumber, ores, and agri- cultural products, it is now one of the most important parts of the United States and without question on the threshold of even greater development. Let us today give due and just credit to the historical events at Astoria which formed the basis for the Pacific North- west being a part of our Union and mak- ing its great contributions to its well- being and prosperity. Daylight Saving in the District of Columbia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. F. EDWARD HEBERT OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. HEBERT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks I desire to direct the attention of the House to an excerpt from a broadcast made recently by the very able and alert Lou Brott of radio station WOL on his program Dis- trict Assignment relative to daylight sav- ing in the District of Columbia, On that occasion Mr. Brott had the following observation to make: An overwhelming majority of residents in the District and nearby suburban areas have indicated through various polls they want summer daylight saving time, yet the House turned the measure down because a majority of the Members felt voting for daylight sav- ing time was contrary to the interests of their constituents. Actually the opposite is true because my information tonight is, that by Congress keeping the District of Columbia on stand- ard time, thousands of citizens all over the country and especially in the smaller commu- nities will be deprived of reading the day's news from Washington in their afternoon and evening newspapers. They wil] have to wait till the following day to catch up with the news or in some cases miss out entirely on certain items because as you know, there’s nothing as dead as yesterday’s news head- lines, These readers will miss out because I am told the Washington news wire services are all setting up their wires here on a daylight saving time schedule so as to conform with daylight time schedules in their other offices, Washington INS Bureau Chief Bill Hutchin- son tells me al] bureaus here will go on a 1:30 p. m. (daylight saving) Washington Geadline which actually means 12:30 p. m. standard time. Now we all know that by 12:30 Congress has had little opportunity to transact much of the day's work. So you see I think the men in the House by not voting for daylight saving have not only ignored the wishes of the District's resi- dents, but have in a sense acted contrary to the interests of their constituents. The men in the House can change their minds by fa- vorably considcring Senator Howarp Mc- GratH's pending daylight saving bill that would permit the District commissioners to establish fast time in the Nation's Capital. How Words Grow Legs EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE P. MILLER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. MILLER of California. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I include in the extension of my remarks an editorial appearing in the February 18 issue of the Los Angeles Daily News, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD entitled “How Words Grow Legs.” I think the author of this editorial hits the nail squarely on the head. If we are to have a balanced economy and one prepared to meet the future exigencies that may arise affecting the welfare of this country, it must be a decentralized economy. During the war we spent billions of dollars spreading our heavy industry over the face of the country so that it would not be vulnerable to concentrated attack from without or from saboteurs within. There are sounder reasons why the steel industry that plays such a vital part in our economy should be decen- tralized and the great western part of the United States should not be depend- ent for steel on other sections of the country. Sometime ago the major steel com- pany in these United States decided upon a plan of decentralization and went so far as to hold a meeting of its board of directors in San Francisco at which time pious mouthings were given to the press to the effect that this company, being national in scope, wanted to disabuse the West of the idea that it was now under ‘the protective umbrella of “Major Steel.” Many of us feel that this proposed plan of decentralization was brought about because an independent potential competitor had developed in the western section of the country. But, as I read the editorial, I have come to the conclu- sion that this competition has been pretty well blocked out. The Interstate Commerce Commission can do something about this if it wants to, and it is high time that people west of the Rockies take cognizance of the discrimination in rates that effectually throttle the development of a balanced economy in our section of the country. [From the Los Angeles (Calif.) Daily News of February 18, 1947] HOW WORDS GROW LEGS It's no good making fine phrases about the American way of life and what ts socially and economically desirable for a free repub- lic of free, enterprising people unless those Phrases grow legs and march from the printe ed pages and the tongues of politicians into the life of s community as it meets the problems of each living day. What is happening to western steel surely proves this point. It proves that if the West is to go forward to new markets and new industries and a still higher standard of living for the 16,000,000 Americans of the 11 Western States, it can only go forward by meeting each separate threat to its eco- nomic future as that threat arises. Before the war, and for peacetime uses, the western market consumed approximately 8,600,000 to 4,000,000 tons of steel annually. Of this total, roughly 1,500,000 to 2,000,000 tons were supplied by west coast open hearths, which cooked their fiery mixes ex- clusively from eastern ore, steel, pig, and Scrap. Before Pearl Harbor, the entire region west of the Rockies had no basic steel plant, no blast furnaces producing pig from west- ern ore. The war, however, brought the West two Plants: the Government-built plant at Geneva, Utah (now a United States Steel Corp. property), and the privately built Kaiser plant at Fontana, here in Southern California,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Together, Geneva and Fontana reached and are currently maintaining an annual production capacity of 1,300,000 ingot tons. Basic steel production has thus come to the West, although at present western steel is able to supply only about one-third of the region's pre-war needs. And since (1) econ- omists figure a conservative postwar con- sumption of not less than 600 pounds of steel per capita,and (2) the West's population is growing prodigiously, it’s easy to see how the market for locally produced steel will multiply in the immediate years ahead, pos- sibly doubling the prewar demand. All of which simply means Southern Cal- ifornia needs a booming, locally owned basic steel plant if it ts to build a solid founda- tion for ita new industrial economy. But to have a local basic steel plant you have to have conditions under which it can operate successfully. Unfortunately, and despite much fine talk about equity, competition and the dangers of monopoly, these conditions are far from being met. As a matter of fact, what is happening, in- stead is that inequity in steel manufacture is being compounded and monopoly 1s being buttressed and strengthened. MHere’s how: For overlong the West has suffered a freight-rate “differential” which prescribes higher transportation costs for western prod- ucts than for those made in the East On January 1 of this year the Government authorized a Nation-wide rate increase of 17% percent. At the same time western rail- roads announced they would grant a 31-per- cent decrease to the Geneva, Utah (United States Steel) plant. The Kaiser plant at For::tana was thereby blocked behind the eight-ball. Under the guise of “voluntarily adjusting western rates downward” to repair the inequities of the tortured old “differen- tial,’ railways granted special privilege to one scement of western industry, and that an ex- clusively eastern-owned industry, a “share- cropping” branch of a great trust. Obviously, if it’s going to cost Fontana more to ship its materials than it will cost Geneva, Fontana can’t compete. Locally owned in- dustry will then have been beaten by eastern- owned industry. Consequently, the Kaiser interests are ask- ing the Interstate Commerce Commission to prevent the granting of the proposed rate de- crease to Geneva and to see to it that freight tariffs are maintained on an equitable basis, A fundamental, certainly, is at stake. What ts involved here is far more than merely the fate of the Fontana plant. What is in- volved is the economic fate of the West generally. The portenta discernible in the freight-rate sleight-of-hand, therefore, need to be understood by every westerner, Citi- gens of the West must realize their pocket- books and their future are tied closely to the struggle of interests such as these. The West is growing rich in people. It must also grow rich in home-owned heavy industries if it is to use and develop its human resources. And that's why the phrases won't wash un- less out of each challenge or issue they're translated into economic reality. : R. E. G. H. UAW Members Petition Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN ‘IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- oRD, I wish to include the following peti- tion, which has been sent to me by members of the United Automobile Workers from small shops in Detroit, who are skilled in their trades. These men and their families are justi- flably concerned with the legislation now pending before Congress which imperils their standard of living and their very right to earn that living. We petition our Michigan Senators and Congressmen to work and vote against all bills that attack labor's rights or that threaten to raise our rents. Fred Williams, Frank O. Feldt, Paul Dourcuy, Yeat Vistae, James T. Cren- shaw, Jr., Wilfred Bird, Paul Peetsck, Barrno Semskoe, Alfred Eckerle, W. H. Squrin, Robert Saltzqive, Thomas Gar- land, J. L. Cormell, Emmett Melannick, Tom Parry, Edward Chernutsky, Alf Fagerstrom, E. Ereckson, Maxine Bur- nick, Carl W. Chelstrom, Eltore Big- nott!, John M. Parzondek, Helder G. Tregie, Leo Saruwy R. F. Dwidas, John P. Lovett, W. McNally, Joseph A. York, Stuart Hicks, James A. Green, John Brook, Louis Locker, Merrill Bigson, Adam Riebel, Charles Fay, Charies A. Perine, Gilbert Blocker, Gerberd Te- puss, John Pierce, Paul Hillis, R. H. Goyot, Norman J. Walkowski, Leo Kis- man, Melvin J. Jones, Ed. Shiputh, Stephen A. Ryan, Nat Ganley, Elva Thomas, J. E. Slater, Saster Budinekz, R. Bernat, Joseph Pesotta, J. Heiue- bodt, Teo. Hagan, Robert Dodds, Wm. Chandler, Frank Gabrish, John Cle- Jand, Harold Waring, Fred McCoy, Alex Singel, James A. Gill, Andera Fran- Kinsez, David Harrison, William Lee, T. O. Chatmon, John Duglas, Curt Deolecy, Milles Williams, Frank D. Taylor, Gals Foster, Nick Ocund, Ce- cil Chesney, Michael J. Schultz, David Coleman, R. Walker, C. Davis, Ellis R. Booker, John Atkins, Floyd Sheridan, Alex Fugott, Lioyd Thomas, James Williams, Gentle Washington, C. K. Armstrong, George E. Suppers, Lauson Allen, Frank Beawm, James Wer, Da- vid Cunningham, John H. Neal, James W. Best, B. F. Atkins, T. Gilbert, Rob- ert Thompson, Barbara Karam, Harold Suberlin, F. Sanders, Frank Kanas, Wm. B. McDaniel, Martin Pelker, Will Johnson, E. Canfield, Pvt. R. A. Berd- ish, Earl Neive, Mack Grayson, Mrs, Emma McComick, William Symark, Michael Nolan, Jack Slarin, Lonnie Johnson, Clarence Brown, Wm. Pauch- man, William J. Hall, Myr! W. Mergan, Frank Jones, Anderson H. Bryant, Eugen Nonnim, Joe Schiigt, L. Rogers, Elizabeth Cowan, Mildred Pollock, Willie B. Hind, Dave Rogers, E. Dom- kowsk!, Wiley Hattley, Margaret An- derson, John Gembic, Crafton Cooper, Robert M. Denault, James Penn, Frank J. Martin, Al Waters, I. Saiah, Cunni- gan, H. Benson, Harry Boikey, C. A. Muller, Christopher C. Alston, Lewis Cowan, Fred Koster, Kitty L. Koester, William Boeder, Charles C. Mushead, Fulins Genbet, Ann Emjart, Desire Maes, Russell Leach, Hazel McCoy, Joseph Ameskavich, Rudolph Dayga, Jerry Miller, Annie Case, Bethel Hallis, Robert Allison, Phil Horn, George A. E. Davis, Edward Miklanzerski, Reynold Bearce, Elis Marshell, Donald Badd, Mike Sz2gepansk!, Carl Hill, Ruby Long, Joseph Battaglia, Rose Hill, Larry Wallson, Douglas Creech, Eddie Brown, Milton Lanier, Bartin Cousar, M. Verbanic, Webster Brown, Ray M. Mike Spruseo, Frank Smolky, Thomas F. Patterson, Koester, Alan Bignotti, BE. Bullard, A939 Hodges E. Mason, Walter Hacrel, Tony Can, Willy Bates, Eelix Perez, T. O. Chatman, Robert McKee, Marion Dembek. No Favors, Please! EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WAT ARNOLD OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10 1947 Mr. ARNOLD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include an editorial taken from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, con- cerning the deficit in the Post Office De- partment: NO FAVORS, PLEASE! With a deficit of more than 8350,000,000 forecast for the Post Office Department in the next fiscal year, the plan to reduce the post- age on local first class letters from 3 cents to 2 will probably be abandoned. Even 50, a deficit of more than $150,000.000 will re- Main and Postmaster Gencrul Hannegan is looking around for more revenue. He is looking specifically at the ratcs on second class mailing matter, comprising newspupers, magazines and pamphiets. In fiscal 1945, the last year for which complete figures are available, the department spent $136,000,000 to perform this service, for which it collected only $29,000,000. Results: a second class deficit of $107.000,000. This is in effect a subsidy to newspapers and magazines. Such deficits were defended in the past on the grounds that this material was educational and served to keep citizens informed of what went on in the country. This is true still, but it Is a function which is not exclusive with newspapers and magazines. A radio station could claim an operating subsidy on the same ground. The press, by and large, is a profitable in- stitution and should pay its own way. It usually attacks subsidies for other industries and should accept none itself. Second class postage rates should be raised to pay for the service rendered. Mrs. Guy Patterson Gannett EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MARGARET CHASE SMITH OF MAINE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mrs. SMITH of Maine Mr. Speaker, during the past 6 years, the destinies of the National Federation of Music Clubs have been guided by a woman from my home State, Mrs. Guy Patterson Gan- nett. The work of this organization has broadened immeasurably it that period and has embraced many new channels of public service. A war-service pro- gram of large proportions has brought intimate contact with officials of the Army, Navy, and American Red Cross. An augmented program of international music relations has involved a close as- sociation with the State Department. A Nation-wide music-in-hospitals program