A186 only hope, and we tried to ley all our bure dens on Him. But we bad trouble among ourselves. One of the fellows cried and carried on so that we were afraid he would give our position away. For a while we considered shooting him be- cause we knew if he kept on we would be discovered. I’m giad, of course, that we didn't have to do it. We looked after him, and he got a little better, but we had to watch him every minute. On the fourth day I was so hungry I didn’t care if I got killed. The others wouldn't go, go I walked down alone. I went along a road and came on a farmer in a rice paddy, and asked him about some food, I think I just about scared him to death. He didn’t want to have anything to do with me, But finally he agreed to give me something to eat, and took me to his little shanty on the moun- tainside. He and his wife gave me some mush—it was delicious to me. I got full, then kind of sick, and I was feeling mighty bad. The farmer kept urging me to go. I didn’t want to get him in any trouble, so I headed back for the hills. But just as I got outside about two squads of North Koreans came running up, screaming and Jumping up and down. They were in civilian clothes, but they had bayonets fixed, and they had hand grenades hanging all over them. T had read about what the North Koreans did to prigoners; 1 jerked my pistol from the holster and put It up to my temple. I intended to commit suicide. But I just couldn't pull the trigger to kill myself. So I dropped down on both knees and waited for them to bayonet me. But it didn’t come. They danced around me and whooped like Indians. Then one jerked me to my feet, slapped me across the mouth and asked if I understood Japanese. I told him I did, a little. So, right off the bat, he asked me what I thought of General MacArthur. I thought I had better play along, so I said I didn’t like the general. He asked me about President Truman, and I said the same thing. ‘Then he asked me about Henry Wallace, and again I said I didn’t like him. It was a mis- take, because I got cuffed around for that, But they didn't hurt me much. I became & prisoner. While they walked me into Taejon, I thought about all the fellows who had been killed, and whose last words had been gasped out tome. Battletield deaths aren’t so dra- matic as you see in the movies. Most of the time the fellows say something easy, like: “Well, I guess I didn’t dodge that one,” or “Get one for me, will you, doc?” I had a lot of ‘em die in my arms, and I thought about ‘em-—I’m atill thinking about them. And I was thinking that for a guy who had been 18 years old only a little over a month, I was getting near the end of a pretty short string myself. One fellow I went to on the field had a bad chest wound. He was going; I could tell. But he kept pawing at his chest, thrashing around and crying, so I opened up his clothes. He had a big picture of a girl under his cloti:es next to his skin. She was a pretty girl, and the bullet that killed him had gone right through her chest too. I took the picture and rolled it up and put it in my kit. I way going to try to find her if I got back to tell her about him, but the North Koreans took the picture away from me. As @ matter of fuct, they took everything ZI had. My shoes were already gone, and so was my belt. But they took my watch and my wallet, even my underwear. I slipped most of my money into my mouth. I’m glad I did, because later I was able to buy a cig- arette butt for $10. Another fellow paid 8200 for a half slice of bread. They marched me through the streets of Taejon and showed me a whole arsenal of captured American weapons. Then they took me to a command post, where I was questioned. Not just the intelligence officer questioned me, all the soldiers did, and civil- fans, too. What they wanted to know most was where they could find Gen. Bill Dean. Of course, I didn’t know, but they thought I did. They had the general's helmet liner with the two stars painted on it, and they had the silver stars from his Jacket too, But they didn't have the general. From that, we figured that Genera] Dean threw away his insignia to keep from being identified, and kept on fighting with the men until the end. [General Dean is still reported missing as this issue goes to press.—The Editors.] They kept me around a couple of days, and then they sent me to a POW camp in Taejon. There were about 70 Americans there, about 25 of them wounded. They had bad no medical attention, and there were no doctors or aid men in the prison until I ar- rived. ‘There was nothing to work with, but I ripped up uniforms and made bandages and did the best I could to help the guys out a little. We didn’t get much to eat— three rice balls a day. What we got was pretty hard to get down, and even harder to hold, The guards were rough, but their treatment seemed like Sunday School com- pared to what we got later. During the 5 days I stayed there a lot of the men died, but their dying was easy be- side the deaths of a lot of those who had to go later. It hurt me awful. I wanted to cry and hide myself, but I couldn't. 1 couldn't let down for a minute. My nerves, while still controllable, were almost to the breaking point. While we were there, I met Pvt. Edward Slayden, of Quincy, Ill, We be- came good friends and we swore never to leave each other. That promise cost me several chances to escape, for Slayden was later wounded. But I knew that had the situation been reversed he would not have left me. After the 5 days we were told that we were being shipped to Seoul by train, where we would be placed aboard airplanes bound for the United States, I knew it wasn't true, but some of the men believed it, I tried to encourage it, because it meant hope. ‘That's one way the Communists have of breaking a man. They beat you, starve you, and have you just about ready to die. Then they put out something hopeful. They pat you on the back, and then they drop the bottom out, and you're more hopeless than ever. The train never showed up, 60 we started out to walk to Seoul. Between 60 and 60 men were able to walk; the rest were left be~- hind. We moved at night, because the American planes were active against troops in the daytime, and while the guards were happy to have us strafed, they didn’t take to it themselves. We walked only about 10 miles when we were picked up in trucks and carried to Chochiwon. We got there in the morning. But by this time I had lost track of what day it was. They placed us in one of the few buildings left standing. Every day American planes came over and strafed, It was terrifying, and many of our men lost their minds as the bullets kicked up about us. We all tried to burrow into the concrete floor of the build- ing. Some of the men tore the flesh from their hands trying to scratch their way to safety. But, miraculously, our building was never hit. The march had hardly begun, but already death was everywhere, Rations had been cut to one rice ball a day. It was about the size of a golf ball and just about as good to eat. Once somebody brought in some green peaches. Oh, they were good, but they turned the insides of our men wrong side out. Dysentery hit and the men were mighty sick, passing blood nearly all the time. We were filthy and the place stank horribly. We were also crawling with lice, and though I must have picked a million off my own body, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for every one I picked off there were a hun- dred I missed. It was all bad, but the dysen- tery was the worst part. One man had sev- eral feet of his entrails on the outside of him, and he lived for a while with his insides tied to his leg so they wouldn’t swing when he walked. We left Chochiwon on foot, and walked the round-about route to Chonan in about 4 days. It was forced march all the way. We had almost nothing to eat. The wounded and sick were left to die alongside the road— if they escaped being shot or bayoneted. The guards beat us, too, only not too much. They knew we had to walk. Too much beat- ing meant we wouldn't be able to. The dysentery got worse all the time, of course, but they kept us marching. The names of many of the men on the death march I remember very well, but most of them are still classified as missing in action. I have had lots of letters and visitors wanting information since I got back to the States. But I still think it wise not to circulate those names. When we left Chonan, we all were getting much weaker. Sickness was getting worse. We walked about 20 miles. Then just outside of Osan they loaded us abroad a train and moved us to Suwon. There we stayed for 2 days, and of about sixty who had started from Taejon, I doubt if 40 survived. Fin- ally we got to Seoul, the South Korean capi- At Seoul we were joined by more than 300 other prisoners who had been sent back from all parts of the front. Among them was Capt. William Locke, who had married a girl from my home town, High Point, N. C. I talked with Captain Locke as much as we dared. I could have escaped with him later on the march but for my promise to Slayden. The death march started winding its way northward from Seoul almost at once. The destination was Pyongyang, the North Ko- rean capital. It was a peculiar route which we followed, carrying us many miles out of the way. There were 386 who left Seoul, but fewer than 100 ever reached Pyongyang. In a couple of days we were mighty hungry. After a while you get use to being hungry and it isn’t so bad, but when you're Just be- ginning to starve it’s the toughest. What made it really hard was marching through the farmlands where there was good food in the fields and apples and other fruit on the trees. They wouldn't let us have any. American planes strafed us daily and killed a lot of our men. But they didn't know they were doing it—and for those or us that lived, it helped a lot. When the planes came to strafe our column, the guards would run. That gave us a chance to steal food from the fields and eat while they were rounding us up again. Iremember once I stole two pump- kins and ate them raw—I don’t believe it took me more than 5 minutes. The guards fired over our heads a good deal to keep us in line. But by then moat of us had lost any fear of death itself. We were more afraid of living another day like that. The planes were terrible. The guards al- ways cried, “Hongo,” when the planes came over. “Hongo,” means “Get down.” The guards followed their own orders better than we did. During our breaks, which came only when the guards got too tired to go on, those of us who were able tried to bury our dead. Most of the men who died went during the breaks. It seemed that a fellow could keep going as long as he was moving, but once he sat down his will couldn't keep him alive. We made little crosses out of sticks and said prayers over the graves. But the Koreans would laugh at us and kick the crosses down. God! How I hated thelr guts. We finally got so it was almost too much effort to hit the dirt when the planes came over, We just stood in the middle of the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Toad and waved. After a while the pilots figured out that we were American prisoners and didn’t shoot, but it took a lot of lives before they recognized us. At Sariwon, on the way to Pyongyang, some of the sick were loaded into oxcarts because they couldn't walk any more. Captain Locke, the only Alr Force man with us, was about through walking because he wasn't trained for it. But when he saw American planes drop a wing and head for us, he cried for all the men to get off the carts. Not one moved except Captain Locke. The rest were too sick to move, so the Air Force shot them up without knowing they were Americans, But then it wasn’t long before the Alr Force quit shooting at us. Still, while one threat to our lives was gone, it meant we had to march in the daytime, because the guards then knew it was safe, As I walked along I had plenty of time to think. I thought and prayed mostly about my mother and father and three kid brothers back home in High Point. I thought some, too, about our chances. I always remem- bered the Korean officer in Seoul who asked me what I thought of General MacArthur. By that time I was fed up with them, so I told him the General was just fine. He spit right between my eyes for that. I'll never forget it or him. About 50 miles before we got to Pyongyang, Ed Slayden slipped into a field for some food. The guards shot him and he was badly wounded, but he made it back to the column and I practically carried him the last 50 miles. That sounds like quite a job, and it was, but not a bit more miraculous than our escape in the end. The Koreans did every- thing they could to have us killed without actually doing it themselves. Still, we man- aged to stay alive. It was no accident. There is only one power big enough for that. I still Know that God alone brought us through. God gave me strength to walk and half-carry Ed, and kept Ed alive even after he spit up blood with every breath. Even after we got to Pyongyang, the Koreans tried ways of killing us. They starved us, beat us, and they threw hand grenades into the buliding where we were quartered. We threw them out again before they could explode. They took our Bibles and tore them up. But we kept on praying, and they kept on laughing. Though weaker every day, I was still in much better shape than most of the men, Being younger and in good shape when it all started, I was able to stand the march better than the older fellows. Those of us who could, tried to bury the dead, but it was a hard job. Those North Koreans still kicked the crosses off the graves almost as soon as we put them up, but we put them up anyhow. We finally tried to find a bottle of some kind for every man who died. In the bottle we put his name and scrial number, so, if the graves-registration men ever find them, they'll know who they are. It is a little hard for me to remember just when we left Pyongyang, but one day we were told we were being moved to a perma- nent camp near the Manchurian border. Few of us could have walked any distance at all. Without mercy, the North Koreans beat the sick ones to get them on their feet, and clubbed them with the butts of their rifles— Russian rifles. They loaded us aboard a train, It was get- ting cold then, and we had nothing but our fatigue clothes. Nobody had any real shoes and the grass slippers which some of us had stolen were not much help, so everybody had foot trouble. The train was made up of coal cars. It was night, and pouring down rain. We had a new set of guards—a bunch of South Koreans who had been “‘converted”— and they were just as mean as the North Koreans had been, They beat us and kicked us around, The surest way to get a lick was to show fear. You had a better chance if you could look ‘em in the eye, Sometimes I could, sometimes I couldn't. All night the train shifted back and forth. I don’t think we made more than 10 miles that night. We were freezing. The next morning they gave us some hard crackers to eat. You couldn’t throw one of them down and break it. More of our men died from exposure, pneumonia, dysentery, and exhaustion. One of the guards was a pretty good guy— we called him John, He was American- educated, and he would have nothing to do with beating any of the prisoners. He even tried to slip us food. He was later shot because he wouldn’t beat us or help shoot us in the massacre which was to follow. They took us off the train in the morning. We walked to a ravine, where we sat down and rested all day. That night they put us back on the train, and then they made us get off again. This sounds like a simple order. But to some of our men, getting on and off a train was a great effort. The next day they put us back on the train and started shifting around again. When we got back on the train the third time we were in a regular passenger car-~they picked it up after bumping Into a deserted train which had been left standing idle on the tracks, The shifting forward and back continued— I don’t think we moved over 25 miles in two nights. On the third day I left Ed Slayden in the rear of the car and crawled under the seats to the forward part to talk with Allen J. Gifford, from New Jer- sey. Allen was an old friend, my room- mate in Japan before we went to Korea. We had a reunion as prisoners. We talked for quite a while about old times in Japan and about the march. We talked about how hard it was to walk by the flelda and orchards full of crops and fruit without being allowed to eat. We shared broken hearts over having seen pilots in planes who were within hollering distance of us, and yet couldn't help us. Suddenly we went into a tunnel which ran through a mountain, The train stopped. We paid little attention—we had beon stop- ping and starting for 8 days. The guards said something about food. That brought me up from under the seats in a hurry. They said we were going to near-by farm- houses to eat, Not taking a chance on miss- ing food, I was the fourth man tn Hne off that train. Some of our fellows had little bowls or pieces of cups they had picked up, so they brought them along. They marched us along the railroad track out of the tunnel the same way we had gone in. We walked through the brush to a little ravine. There they let us sit down. Those who had little dishes were cleaning them out and getting ready to eat. Then I heard a rifle bolt slide home and, a minute later, a shot. The guy next to me pitched over on his face. He was dead. I screamed something in the way of warning, and hit the ground. Then all hell broke loose. They opened up on us with rifles, machine guns, burp guns and everything else that would shoot, The men were screaming and begging for mercy, and calling on God to spare their lives. But the Koreans kept on shooting. They raked the ground up and down with fire, cutting the screaming men to pieces. I was on the ground almost at the first shot. Another fellow piled on top of me. He saved my life at the cost of his, They shot him all to pieces and his blood ran all over me, It was warm and sickening. f wanted to jump up and cry, but I kept still. The shooting continued. It seemed a very long time. In reality it was all over in about 16 minutes. A187 ZI had been hit in the right arm and the right leg, and I was losing a good deal of blood, But I lay still, The Koreans then made the rounds of the bodies. They stuck some with bayonets, and they broke the heads of others with their rifle butts. I could see the detail coming toward me. But they didn’t hit me in the head—only in the chest. Though I had the print of the rifle butt for several weeks, there was nothing serious done to me then. I was praying. Not out loud, but praying anyhow. I prayed that it would come quickly, that I would be dead without any more suffering. It hurt me more than I can ever tell, to think about those poor, helpless men who had walked and suffered all those miles, only to be shot down without a chance. I can hardly bear to think of it now. Gifford was lying beside me. He was moaning that he was dying. I whispered to him to be quiet. He, too, lived through it all. He cried, “Don’t leave me,” over and over again. I tried to reassure him in whispers. Finally, all the Koreans left but one. Then he, too, left, and we were alone among all the bodies of our friends, It was the second time for me, but the fact that I had been through something like it before didn't make it any easier. We waited quite a while, and then we found that there were four able to walk, Some of the others were alive, but we had to leave them behind because we were too weak ourselves to carry anyone slong. It hurts me yet to think of leaving those fellows. But we had to try to save ourselves then. We made for the hills, but we couldn't go far. I ripped out a piece of my fatigue jacket and made a tourniquet for my arm, I managed to stop the bleeding in both my wounds. But I was so weak that I fell down, and it started again. Then I couldn't stop it, and I got weaker and weaker. When the sun came up I was spitting up blood, and I was sure that I couldn’t live through the day. We were all just about dead. I prayed hard most all day, for myself and for the folks back home, About 4 o'clock that afternoon we heard voices and people walking around, and we thought the Koreans had us again. The folks we heard were shouting for us to come on out—that we were free, and saved. But we had been lied to and tricked too many times. We were afraid to answer at all for a while. Then when they Kept calling, I yelled down. “Who is Betty Grable'’s hus- band?” I was pretty well convinced that the folks we heard were Americans. But we were still cautious. I got up on my feet, feeling pretty dizzy, and hollered, “If you guys are Ameri« cans, come up here!” We didn't have long to wait. In just a few seconds a big sergeant came up the path, I ran, fell, crawled to him, and dropped into him arms. Yes, I even kissed him. My prayers had been answered. We were taken to an aid station, where our ‘wounds were tended, and then evacuated to Japan. After a term in the hospital there, I was flown to the United States, and I spent 8 short time in a hospital on the Pacific coast. When I landed in Korea I weighed 162, When I was liberated I weighed 98. I'm back up to 140 now, and feeling fine. I hope to make the Regular Army my career, But the entire muscle in my right arm jis gone, and my right leg will never be exactly normal again. SoI may not be fit for military duty, but I hope té be, As I said before, we prayed a lot in Korea, But I had been taught to pray all my life, so dt was nothing new tome, The fact that our prayers were answered, while wonderful, was ho great surprise. God brought us out of there, and I want to tell the world that I know He did it,
A188 Net So Self-Suficient EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr, MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include therein the follow- ing editorial from the New York Times of Sunday, January 14, 1951, entitled “Not 80 Self-Sufficient” : Nor So Se.y-Surricaanr In the debate over continuance of Ameri- can ald to our democratic friends and anti-+ Communist associates abroad, most of the emphasis has been placed on their depend- ence on the United States and on our moral, political, economic and military obligations to help them. These countries do need our nesistance: but sometimes we tend to forget that we, in turn, need theirs. In fact, when it comes to obtaining an adequate supply of certain vital raw materials absolutely essen- tlal to our military effort, the United States is now totally or largely dependent on for- eign areas, and on areas outside the Western Hemisphere at that. Much-needed steps are being taken to establish with our allies a Joint procurement policy for some of these commodities whose price has skyrocketed— tin and rubber, for example—and also to prevent them from getting into unfriendly hands. But the fact remains that the United Btates needs these raw materials; and if wa were cut off from the sources of supply in Asia and Africa, we would be in serious straits, It is precisely because of this dependence that we have embarked on a gigautic stock- pile program, The strategic stockpile, more and more shrouded by the Munitions Board in military secrecy, is fer from complete; yet Congress has already appropriated almost $3,000,000,000 for the purpose since 1946. But since no man can tell how large a stockpile of any given commodity would actually be needed to carry us through an emergency of indefinite duration, this device is at best only partial insurance against our lack of self-sufficiency. We are, for example, stockpiling tin—an essential metal for military uses—of which we produce virtually none in this country. Moat of it comes from southeast Asia. Formerly dependent on Russia, we now turn to Africa and India for manganese, indispen- sable in steel production. The United States produces about one-tenth of its own needs. We get chromite, necessary for high-speed \Outting steels, mainly from Turkey and other far-distant areas. This tremendously valu- able metal also used to came principally from Russia. Cobalt, the importance of which has shot up because of {ts use in mak- ing jet engines, ts tmported mainly from the Belgian Congo—the United States pro- ducing about one-ninth of its own consump- tion. The Congo is also our primary source of uranium, basic constituent of the atom bomb. These are only a few of the out- standing examples; but the list is, of course, not confined to minerals, One of our most vital deficiencies is in natural fubber. We produce none ourselves and import prac- thally our entire consumption from Asta. Our synthetic rubber industry ts growing; but for certain uses—-truck tires, for exe ample—a considerable admixture of natural with synthetic is essential, Silk, needed for specialized wartime uses, is imported from Japan; wool for uniforms comes from Aus- tralia and other distant countries. If ship- ping from South America were very seriously interfere with—as tt probably would be in case of war—we would find ourselves short of many other vital products—for example, bauxite, the ore from which aluminum ts obtained. Bome of these critical materials can, of course, be produced at great cost and with much expendtutre of time and labor in this country. Vast deposists of low-grade man- ganese, for example, exist in the United States, and they sre beginning to be de- veloped with Government assistance through the newly created Defense Minerals Admin- istration. Conservation of imported mate- rials and substitution of one ingredient for another can prolong the use of existing stocks. But there are no substitutes for some items tn certain uses, and even where substitution ts possible it is likely to cause further dislocations, shortages, and disrup- tion of war industry. The brutal fact remains that there is no easy way out. The United States is not, and probably never can be, self-sufficient. While we could conceivably squeeze by for a con- siderable time under war conditions without access to the world beyond the Americas, we would be at 8 monumental disadvantage in respect to raw materials. For this reason alone—leaving aside for the moment all question of morals and politics, of strategic bases, and of industrial and «conomic pow- er—our renunciation of the rest of the world and voluntary withdrawal to the so- called Gibraltar of the American Continent would be a policy as foolish as it is danger- ous. We believe that If its advocates looked squarely at the facts as they are now and as they are likely to be for years to come, they would recognize the error of such a course. Spies and Laws EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include editorial comment from the Washington News and Washington Evening Star ad- vocating immediate Congressional ac- tion to aid Federal investigative agen- cies in their efforts to apprehend and convict traitors, saboteurs, enemy spies, and other disloyal elements by permit- ting interception of their communica- tions with one another. The editorials follow: [From the Washington (D. C0.) News of December 28, 1950} Serres ann Laws Congress has passed, at the Justice De- partment's request, a bill authorizing FBI agents to make arrests without warrants in cases involving espionage, sabotage, and other felonies. Another bill, introduced by Representative K. B. Kxattna, of New York, would legalize FBI wiretapping to obtain evidence against suspected spies and saboteurs. Both measures result from the New York Pederal Appeals Court decision which voided Judith Coplon’s conviction for stealing secret Government information and giving {tt to a Russian agent. The court held that, al- though her guilt was clear, Miss Coplon had been deprived of the constitutional right to due process of law because—~ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD FBI agents, who arrested her without a warrant, failed to prove as present law re- quires that this was necessary to prevent her escape. The Government failed to prove that FBI wiretaps led to none of the evidence Used in obtaining her conviction. Present Federal law makes ft a crime to intercept and divulge communications. Yet the FBI does intercept—does tap wires-—in its work of protecting the country from spies, saboteurs, and other public enemies. It must firet get permigsion from the Attor- ney General, who acts by authority of an Executive order issued by President Roose- velt in 1940. But tf information the FBI obtains by wiretapping ts divulged by its use as evidence in court, that can give a guilty apy basis for a successful appeal from conviction. Thet is a ridiculous situstion. If FBI wiretapping was essential to national secu- rity in 18940, 1t ts more essential now. It should be legalized. Information obtained by this method should be made acimissibie as evidence. And safeguards against its abuse, and for the rights of innocent per- sons, should be provided. The Keating bill proposes that the FBI be required to obtain wiretap permits from Federal courts, upon showing of good reason to believe that information thus obtained is necessary to proper investigations. This would seem a much better safeguard than the present requirement for permite from the FBI's boss, the Attorney General. te [From the Washington (D. C.) Evening Star] “FOOLHARDY AND INEXCUBABLE” ‘The House Committee on Un-American Ac- tivities has used the right language to de- scribe the handicaps imposed on American counterespionage agents by the anti-wire- tapping provision of the Federal Communi- cations Act. It ts indeed foolhardy and in- excusable to continue to give spies and saboteurs the protection they now enjoy under section 606 of the law establishing the FCC. That section forbids interception and divulgence of communications, The Ssu- preme Court has ruled that this bars the use in court of any evidence derived from wire tapping. The committee, in its year-end report to the House, cites an anonymous case to illus- trate the absurdity of permitting this legal restriction on prosecution of known spies and traitors to remain on the statute books. “The committee knows,” the report states, “as do the intelligence agencies of the execu- tive branch, the identity of an individual who has turned over secret and confidential information for the use of the Soviet Union, Proof of this traitorous act, together with proof that this individual perjured himself when he denied the accusation, is contained in the form of evidence which cannot be used in court because of a prohibition con- tained in the Federal Communications Act, The committee is aware that this is not the only case in which prosecution is affected by the act.” (The report indicated that the case referred to is that of tho mysterious Scientist X, said to have passed atomic information to Russia.) The committee ex- pressed ite horror «et the immunity from prosecution conferred on such suspects by the much-debated section 605. Congress has dillydaliied too Jong with the wire-tapping problem. Burely there has been. enough evidence of fifth-column operations within the past several years to convince any reasonable person of the grave risk of sllow- ing spies to go free because of an ill-advised legal restraint on law enforcement. The cause of national security demands imme- diate amendment of the FCC law to enable the FBI and other intelligence agencies to liaten in on spy communications and to use what they hear in court.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Hands-Off-Korea Advocates Lead Press Poll, 514 to 1 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr, Speaker, under permission previously granted me to place extraneous matter in the Appendix of the Recorp, I submit the following article from the Bingham- ton Press: Hanps-Orr-Korea ADVOCATES LEAD Press POLL, 6% ro 1 The hands-off-Korea advocates have dom- inated the Binghamton Press opinion poll by a landslide margin of 514 to l. The believers in a stay-out-of-Europe pol- icy also have prevailed in the poll, but with a lesser show of strength. Their margin is about 2 to 1. A tabulation last night showed that 663 readers checked off and submitted the poll ballots published in the Press. Exactly 620 readers voted on the Korea issue Of that total, 527 readers, or 85 percent, said the United States should withdraw its troops immediately from Korea itn order to provide a combat-trained corps for the big army of recruits now being built up in the United States. This lett only 93 readers, or 15 percent, who said the United States should keep its troops in Korea as long as possible to main- tain a strong bargaining position in the hope a settlement can be negotiated with the Chinese and North Korean Communists. The question of participation in Europe drew responses from 636 readers. Of these, 417 readers, or 6544 percent, said the United States should refrain from send- ing men and arms to continental Europe. They believe the country would serve its own interests by strengthening its own defenses, with perhaps Great Britain as its farthest Atlantic outpost. This left 219 readers, or 3414 percent, who said the United States should send men and arms to western continental Europe, provided that Europe itself assumes a fair shure of the defense. They believe the United States thus would serve its own interests by deter- ring the Soviet Union. Yesterday’s tabulation showed approxi- mately the same proportions as an earlier accounting, when only 212 ballots had been tallied. The later count showed just u slight strengthening of the “stay-at-home” faction, About 100 of the readers had strong enough sentiments to attach notes to thelr ballots. In all but a few cases, these readers believe we should get out of Korea and stay out of Europe. One reader advised adoption of this rule in international affairs: “People are a great deal better off if they mind their own business.” Another said, with reference to Europe, that assignment of troops “should always be decided in Congress.” One reader, summed up a feeling shared by several others this way: “We need more men like Eoover and Tart.” At least four readers suggested bitterly that the big shots in Washington should be sent to Korea, This, they said would halt war. One reader came up with a slogan: “Tarr or MacArthur for President.” Another said: “We should export all Russians and per- guade all western nations to do 60, The taxpayers should be ang, to pay their way back to Paradise, U. 8. 8S. R." From the other side of the fence, an inter- nationalist said the first published results of the poll must have “the local Communists jumping with glee.” He also said cryptically that “maybe you should have taken the poll” at Harpur Col- lege, and added: “I’m for Truman, Acheson, Dulles, Dewey and Austin.” Another internationalist said American troops should stay in Korea as long as Gen- eral MacArthur advises it. This reader also sald, “We should not leave our European allies in the bag.” Feelings ran strong on both sides in this barrage of notes. One reader suggested simply that another poll be held on the subject: “Should we impeach the President?” What Are We Waiting for? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, recent news dispatches from abroad, concern- ing which there has been almost no com- ment at all in the newspapers, may pro- vide an explanation of the hysteria which marks the actions and the pro- nouncements of the Truman adminis- tration. From the signs and portents plainly visible in these news dispatches from re- sponsible representatives of the major wire services, one is compelled to wonder if the administration rcalizes, and dare not admit, that it is later than anyone had thought. The President concedes that it will be late in 1952, or possibly 1953, before Uncle Sam's fighting muscles regain a respectable size and strength. He con- cedes that the same is true with respect to our Western European allies. He re- mains, as yet, unwilling to do anything about building up the strength of our alhes and potential allies in the Far East. Yet these news dispatches reveal an over-all situation that calls for no vacil- lation, no delay, and for the most stren- uous efforts to speed up war production and to put our economy on a wartime basis. One dispatch, dated about 2 weeks ago, told how Russian soldiers, muni- tions, and equipment have been pouring through Black Sea ports into Bulgaria. Later news indicates that at least seven new divisions have thus entered the sat- ellite nation lying closest to Yugoslavia, with more on the way. A later dispatch told how Soviet Rus- sia, within the last week or so, haps massed troops in excess of half a million men around Vladivostok, close to Japan and not far from our Alaskan frontier. Dispatches from various sources, in the last 10 days, have told how Soviet Russia is stepping up the effort to enlist the sympathies of oil-rich Iran, and take that country away from the camp of the western nations. The dispatches indi- A189 cate that this effort is meeting with con- siderable success. Within the last week dispatches from Berlin have told how the Russians have reestablished in part the former Berlin blockade, whereby coal from east Ger-~ many is prevented from reaching west Berlin. This was done in an apparent effort to create the necessity of a new Berlin airlift, which would draw Amer- ican planes away from the Far East. The action in Berlin would seem to hook up directly with the latest dis- patches, which say that the Chinese Communists have massed several thou- sand vessels at Amoy and Foochow in readiness for an invasion of Formosa as soon as weather permits. It would seem to hook up, too, with General Douglas MacArthur’s belief that Japan will be attacked, when and if American troops are driven entirely out of Korea. The reason for Soviet Russia’s appar- ent attempt to draw American planes away from the western Pacific, it seems to me, is the fact that our planes are important in the blockade now being maintained between Formosa and the Chinese mainland. Also that Russian strategists know well enough that our air power would be the greatest factor in preventing an invasion of Japan. When all of these things are added together, and to them is added the ap- peasement of both Russia and the Chi- nese Reds, now sought by Great Britain and some other members of the United Nations, the outlook for halting the early onset of a new global war does not ap- pear rosy. In view of this black outlook for global war by next spring, it would seem to any reasonable person that the present vacil- lation and delay, the tendency of the Truman administration to preoccupy it- self with the partisan political aspects of mobilization and the change to a war economy, unless laid aside at once, can lead only to further disaster. Governor’s Message to the Thirty-first Session of the Legislature of Idaho EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERMAN WELKER OF IDAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 15 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. WELKER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the very profound inaugural address delivered by the Honorable Len B. Jordan, Governor of Idaho, at the convening of the thirty- first session of the legislature, on Janu- ary 9, 1951. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Governor’s MESSAGE TO THE THIRTY-FIRST SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE OF InpaHo, 1951 Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and members of the thirty-first legislature. We are gath- ered here today in joint session to examine