A1138 Moreover, this ship marks a new trend in design and construction. She is one of a class of three cruisers which will have the dis- tinction of being the heaviest “heavies” in the world. Her over-all length is 716 feet and displacement of 17,000 tons will make her comparable in size with some of the fa- mous dreadnaughts of the First World War. In modernity, efficiency, and seaworthiness, she will be unsurpassed by anything afloat. The Newport News will have a main battery consisting of nine 8-inch rapid-fire guns, mounted in three triple turrets. She ts the first ship ever to carry rapid-fire weapons of this caliber. She will also be the Navy's first completely air-conditioned warship. To increase the fichting efficiency of her crew and to improve living conditions on board, virtually all her living and working compart- ments except the engineering spaces, will be air-conditioned. This cruiser bears a fine heritage. She comes from the same yard which has pro- duced some of the most famous ships to carry the flag of the United States in World War II. The aircraft carriers Yorktown, Enterprise, and Hornet were your ships. They were built here. On them rests much of the glory for the defeat of the Japanese in the decisive battle of Midway—an engage- ment the memory of which is perpetuated by another great carrier built here at New- port News—the U. 8. 8. Midway. I know you are all proud of the Newport News. I can see that in your faces. So sre we of the Navy. When she aails to join the fleet, you will miss her, but I know that you will follow her course at sea with great in- terest. There is no doubt that she will fully justify your solicitude and confidence. To her huilders and to the community leaders of the city of Newport News I wish to extend hearty congratulations. The first have done their job well and on schedule. The last may take worthy pride indeed in the name which this ship bears. May her service in the country’s cause be long, honorable, and successful. May her log add luster to the name of Newport News and brighten the annals of the American Navy. May she become an effective unit of the sea-air power of our Navy pledged by President Harry S. Truman to the support of world peace through the organization of the United Nations. Redaction of the Price Structure EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHARLES R. ROBERTSON OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. Speaker, a great responsibility rests upon the shoulders of American business today. Generally speaking, American business opposed the Government’s policy of price control, especially when it failed to in- clude wages. The failure to include wages is no doubt the contributing factor to its final collapse. Wages are of neces- sity a part of the cost of production in all instances. * Many of the present-day businessmen passed through the experience following the last war. The repercussions of that tragic period are still fresh in the minds of many of us. If a parallel situation is to be avoided, in a large measure it is up to American businessmen to recognize their responsibility now. Orderly price cuts in all lines of merchandise are urged, and urged now. There ts vital need today for more business practices as exempli- fied by the International Harvester Co. The accomplishment of American busi- ness is perhaps the outstanding contri- bution to our national American life. Business today can further enhance its influence by recognizing its responsibili- ties to the public and bringing about now an orderly reduction in the price struc- ture. The American people have faith in American businessmen. They have been worthy of the faith. Action now will en- hance their position. Prices must not only stop rising, but through the efforts of business collectively, we must bring about a downward trend. Under unanimous consent, I include herewith an article by Thomas F. Conroy taken from the New York Times, March 9, 1947, entitled “Orderly Price Cuts as Trade Aid Urged” as follows: Orper.y Pricr Cuts as Trane Alp UrcEp—Top Srore Execurive Wants SiasH or 5 To 10 PERCENT AT RETAIL AND PRODUCER LEVELS (By Thomas F. Conroy) A voluntary program of gradual and or- derly price reductions now, in steps ranging from 5 to 10 percent and involving a squeeze on profit margins, was urged upon manufac- turers and retailers by the top executive of one of the country's outstanding stores in an interview here last week. “Why wait until a price debacle develops and business crashes?” this executive asked. Such reductions, he said, would stimu- late consumer demand, which is still but- tressed by high national income and sav- ings. They would tend to minimize the pos- sibility of a 20 to 25 percent decline later when the price structure might crack in the face of diminishing demand. After a decline of these proportions, business would have to struggie painfully to recover its bal- ance, he asserted. OUTLINES REDUCTION PLAN Immediate, orderly price reduction on the other hand, he continued, would prove much less severe. The readjustment would break up an impending price jam and pro- vide a basis on which consumer demand could function freely. Manufacturers and retailers could move forward to achieve the goal of larger volume in increased unit sales. “As matters stand, anything may happen in the price situation,” this executive con- tinued. “It is no exaggeration to say that almost the whole merchandising set-up cries aloud for readjustment. With dropping of OPA controls, many ready-to-wear lines, for example, are 30 to 40 percent above OPA levels. Other price advances have been large and uneven. All kinds of maladjustments exist in prices of commodities and finished merchandise. Futures prices are lower than those for spot, indicating the lack of confi- dence in current levels.” Holding that a depression is man-made and not inevitable if business statesman- ship and sound economic policies are fol- lowed, this executive paid high tribute to the recent report of President Truman’s Council of Economic Advisers and in ticular to the views of Edwin G. Nourse, its chairman. Late Jast month Dr. Nourse warned that business should not sacrifice volume to preserve price or profit margins, The retailer who was interviewed said price reductions are both feasible and neces- sary at this time on two grounds: 1. Profit margins are still abnormally high in manufacturing and distribution, repre- senting a carry-over from 1946. This was 8 freak year when consumer spending bordered on the reckless, black-market money was & highly important factor, and the curve of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD retail sales rose sharply above the national- income line. Retail sales usually follow the income curve very closely. In other words, high-profit margins may and must be cut to obtain greater unit volume. 2. Management efficiency must climb to new postwar heights. Management effi- ciency was not great during the war and s0 far has not improved much. In normal times, figures show that one out of seven businesses was eliminated because of ineffi- ciency and. while this is undoubtedly regret- table, the process has got to be gone through again. NEED OF LAEOR ADJUSTMENT Labor, this executive added, must, to some extent, go through similar adjustments in the move to lower costs. This merchant revealed that his establish- ment has had numerous talks with manufac- turers on the price question, and has reached the conclusion that textile manufacturers are among the most adamant in their price views. He was convinced, he added, that a very large segment of the consumer goods price situation would be much healthier if the textile people from yarn makers to mills and converters were brought into line. Terming the textile situation a vital link, this merchant said he was seriously con- cerned with the outlook for ready-to-wear at the current price levels. “I personally am looking for a readjust- ment in ready-to-wear prices, similar to that which has already occurred in furs," this ex- ecutive said. “The readjustment in furs un- covered strong consumer demand at the lower levels and a similar development may be ex- Pected to follow in ready-to-wear. ‘Reports indicate the spring ready-to-wear season is opening comparatively poorly all over the country and prices may fall before Eastcr or after that holiday. The retail shoe situation is bad, with pairage unit sales fall- ing and consumer resistance strong to higher prices, “The consumer today wants value and re- sents being overcharged,” he concluded. “In- dustry still has a chance to put statesman- like price policies into effect by making price reductions from large profit margins. Re- tailers, too, can participate and are willing to take a squeeze on their own margins to move merchandise in the large unit quan- tities needed for a healthy economy.” Unequal Freight Rates on Steel Would Retard Pacific Coast Industrial Devel- opment EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, the old fight of eastern industrial opposi- tion to western industrial development has shown up again in a recent decision of the Interstate Commerce Commission in granting more favorable rail rates to the United States Steel Corp. plant at Geneva than to the Kaiser steel plant at Fontana, Calif. We feel that this action is unfair and an unjust penalty on a new industry which is badly needed in California. I agree with the following resolution adopted recently by the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors urging the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Interstate Commerce Commission to grant equal rail rates on steel to the Pacific coast: Whereas during the recent years of world conflict, southern California converted itself into an industrial area from its former status @5 an agricultural empire; and Whereas the future prosperity of the whole Pacific coast depends entirely upon the fur- ther ‘development of industry and foreign trade; and Whereas this development is hampered by the preferential freight rates given eastern industry, this being especially true in the steel industry, which affects directly the Kaiser plant at Fontana; and Whereas this plant, if given equalized freight rates, could furnish on a competitive basis a very large part of the stee] needed for the development of industry on the Pacific const: Therefore be it Resolved, That the Board of Supervisors of the County of Los Angeles at its meeting on March 11, 1947, does recommend to the In- terstate Commerce Commission that it take immediate action to equalize freight rates betweon Fontana and competitive plants in other sections of the United States; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be sent to members of the Interstate Commerce Commission and to the Members of Congress from California. The Current Crisis EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRANCIS CASE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. CASE of South Dakota. Mr. Speaker, a few days ago I received a telegram from the Huron (S. Dak.) Daily Plainsman asking fo. my opinion of the present crisis, President Truman’s speech, and the possible effect on the Budget. My reply was as follows: Am inclined to think President Truman made his proposals in the belief that Russia igs not ready for another war now and will slacken or possibly abandon efforts to gain control of Mediterranean waterways and Middle East oil reserves at this time. I would not minimize, however, the criti- cal character of issues raised. Never did 1 see as many Congressmen gather in groups to discuss Presidential message as on the floor of the House when Truman concluded. Per- sonally believe most serious aspect is in long- range policy rather than immediate effects on national Budget, staggering as they may be. Can we blanket earth with policemen or should we respect responsibility of United Nations organization in this respect? Can we send military mission to Greece to “train selected personnel” and not ex- pect assertion of equal right by Stalin or his successor to support friendly govern- ments in Argentine or Mexico when they de- sire to do 80? National budget of course will burst limi- tations if we take on this job. Last year we provided @425,000,000 for feed- ing occupied countries in military budget, not counting UNRRA’s money for liberated lands. Now asked for #300,000,000 to sup- plement that before July 1 and another $700,000,000 to carry on after that. Also being asked for $350,000.000 for feed- ing liberated countries and now $400,000,000 for Greece and Turkey with Iran and Irak and Palestine and Saudi Arabia all standing by in need of equal support against pressure minorities. Same plea made for increasing aid to Korea and China. There can be only one effect on national budget. President seemed to think only one alter- native but there may be other courses of action and personally believe it the duty of Congress and the country to explore them thoughtfully, carefully and prayerfully. Overextended Cooperatives EXTENSION OF REMARKS fe) . HON. WILLIAM J. MILLER OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. MILLER of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker, permission having been granted to me, I wish to insert in the Concres- SIONAL RECORD an editorial which ap- peared in the Hartford Courant of March 3, 1947. This thought-provoking editorial deals with a subject that I am confident will soon have the attention of the Congress. It follows: OVEREXTENDED COOPERATIVES In discussing cooperative purchasing and marketing organizations the use of general phrases may lead to misrepresentation of the ‘ssue, especially as it is related to taxa- tion. Also, one may either accept the de- velopment and expansion of the cooperative movement as a natural process without di- rect threat to the system of free enterprise or be wildly alarmed by the implications of the movement. Even some of the spokesmen for cooperatives give cause for the latter attitude. At the annual meeting of National Cooperative Congress last September the president of that organization, Murray D. Lincoln, joined with Walter Reuther, of the CIO, in a plea for a close alliunce between labor and farmers, urging cooperatives to be prepared to assume control and manage- ment of the Nation's business and agricul- ture in the coming revolution. At this convention national economies based on the profit motive were lambasted and the non- profit system of entcrprise fervently extolled. That apparently is the objective of the revo- lution that is to be—at least of Mr. Lincoln's and Mr. Reuther’s revolution. But not all cooperativists are revolution- ists, nor are all cooperatives to be con- demned for their tax-exempt privileges. A brief statement of the history of tax policy toward cooperatives will illustrate our point and at the same time indicate that Congress should be about the job of rewriting the tax laws concerning cooperatives. Originally a favored tax position was extended to farmer cooperatives engaged in either marketing farm products or purchasing needed mate- rials for farmers. In the latter class falls the Connecticut Milk Producers’ Association and also the Eastern States Farmers’ Ex- change, provided !t has not itself gone into fields of production through ownership of mills, mines, or oil refineries and the like. In that qualification relative to the Eastern States, which did a business of $56,000,000 last year, lies the just complaint against the tax policy toward cooperatives. Profits, the preferred word in cooperative nomenclature A1139 is “savings,” are plowed back into the busi- ness instead of being distributed to the mem- bers, With these tax-exempt profits on which no Federal or State income taxes are paid, cooperatives have extended their activities into many lines, even to banking, oll refining, drugs, cosmetics, luggage, automotive acces- sorics, and a host of others. In these they are competing with a private industry that must pay every last tax levied on business. Examples of this type of unfair competi- tion are numerous. The case of ths Midland Cooperative Wholesale of Minneapolis will illustrate the point. This so-called tax-ex- empt concern had a profit in 1944 of $837,984 on # gross business of $10,176,462. On that amount of earnings at wartime tax rates an ordinary corporation would have paid to the Federal Government a tax of $544,689. But not so with Midland. According to its own financial statement its Federal and State income taxes totaled $20,300. It put 884,- 256 into surplus on which it paid no tax and distributed stock certificates of $706,544 to its members as patronage dividends. Actu- ally this amount was retained by the coop- erative and made part of its working canital. This is common practice with cooperatives, especially those that are expanding into fields other than for the purpose for which they were organized and granted such tax exemptions as they enjoy. Quite sensibly some individuals high in the cooperative enterprise favor a revamping of the tax law and of the interpretations of the Treasury Department. They are aware that their case rests on rather thin ice. In fact, aside from Canada where some reforms have becn introduced, cooperatives in the United States are in a more favorable tax position when compared to ordinary busi- ness, than they are in foreign countries such as Great Britain and Sweden. There the movement is older, and more widely accepted and used. Furthermore some of our States, notably Kansas and Maryland, have been taking a serious look at the privileges con- ferred on cooperatives. Congress should do likewise, not for the purpose of penalizing this movement but of making i‘ carry its fair share of the tax burden. The indis- putable fact is that in their zeal coopera- tives have changed their character. From being associations of farmers for selling farm products and buying raw materials and sup- plies for their members, cooperatives are big business. If you do not think so, weigh this: Howard A. Cowden, the head of the Con- sumers Co-Operative Association, the largest engaged in the petroleum business, returned last November from a conference in Switzer- land where plans were formulated to launch an international petroleum coopcrative with a@ capital of 815,000,000 for what he termed & modest start It is described as just a brokerage operation in petroleum products moving gradually into every phase of the business. Yes, moving with resources re- tained because of tax privileges not conferred on private enterprise. Why Small Papers Succumb EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. J. PARNELL THOMAS OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing editorial from the Hunterdon
Al140 County (N. J.) Democrat of March 13, 1947: WHY SMALL PAPERS SUCCUMB Within the week, news comes of the de- mise of the century-old Mount Holly Mir- ror and the sale of the Belvidere Apollo to the owners of another Warren County pub- Mshing enterprise. The Mirror goes out of business altogether, while the Belvidere paper, which has been sold four times in 10 years, will be continucd, only because of economies made possible by combining tts printing with that of other publications. Meanwhile, at Washington, D. C., & con- gressional committce is probing into the rea- sons behind failure of s0 many small pub- cations, particularly weekly newspapers. The originators of this investigation are looking for sinister forces which have worked against the interests of small publications and thereby, it is claimed, have threatened the freedom of the press. At present, one of the major problems fac- ing small publications is the maldistribution of the nation’s newsprint supply. Perhaps something will come out of the investiga- tions to improve the situation, which is a natural outgrowth of the war and is tem- porary. But it is possible, in their search for a bogeyman, the congressional probers will overlook the worst villain of them all. The greatest enemy to small business tn this country today is not big business, but big government. And by that we mean a mul- titude of agencies, controls, and taxing au- thorities whose combined efforts make it extremely difficult for a small operator to carry on profitably and at the same time observe all the laws. The problem of han- dling a pay roll now involves heavy costs for accounting, much of which is done to collect Uncle Sam's tax. And the tax itself is no small item. There are three kinds of pay-roll tax de- ductions, in addition to income tax and local property tax. And the income tax for the new business absorbs capital sorely needed to develop an enterprise and make it efficient. There are controls on hours and wages, expenses for employers’ linbility insurance, expenses to meet labor laws and many other costs that the average small business can- not absorb as readily as the larger unit. And the combined effect is to confound and con- fuse the small operator as well as to waste his slender capital. If government, State and National, would devote some part of the time in simplifying its taxes and controls that has been de- voted to making them cumbersome, com- plex, and expensive to a small owner-pro- prietor business, there need be no investi- gation into the plight of the latter. Given some freedom of action, the small operator can usually give healthy competition to his larger, more unwieldy and impersonally Managed competitor. We repeat: The greatest enemy to small business is big government, Budget Reduction and the Armed Services EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD T. MILLER OF MARYLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. MILLER of Maryland. Mr. Speaker, there has been much said in the press and on the radio of late to indicate that the stand taken by the House in Concurrent Resolution No. 20 would re- sult in a crippling blow to the armed forces and endanger national defense. 1 have received, as I am sure have most of the Members of Congress, letters and telegrams from all sorts of people who are sincerely worried about what they have heard. Many of the messages are to the effect that the sender favors econ- omy but deplores a cut as deep as $6,000,- 000,000, on the assumption that that fig- ure would result in reductions that would cripple the Army and Navy. These fears are voiced by worth-while citizens and by some of our former comrades in arms. How the estimate is reached that $6,000,000,000 is too great a reduction but that two, three, or four billion is not, I do not know. With me the recommen- dations of the able leaders of this body and the joint committee on the Budget carry far more weight than the forebod- ings of columnists and commentators. It is true that the record of some peacetime Congresses has been none too good when it came to keeping our powder dry. Inthe past, unwise economy, with- out regard to the needs of our armed forces has more than once brought us to the brink of national disaster. I suggest, however, that the Eightieth Congress is still technically a wartime Congress. Moreover, it has a member- ship with unusual wartime experience. Of the 239 Members who voted for House Concurrent Resolution 20 on February 20, 112 of them are veterans; 74 have served with the Army, 29 with the Navy, 1 with both Army and Navy, 7 with the marines, and 1 with the Coast Guard. Three served in the Spanish-American War, 12 in both World Wars and the.re- mainder in one of the World Wars, 69 in the first and 28 in World War I. The composite service experience of this group is enormous. They have seen action all over the world in all sorts of capacities and engagements, in ships, planes, and tanks. Their number in- cludes citizen soldiers and sailors and at least one lifelong regular, and a holder of the Congressional Medal of Honor. Most of them have experienced added personal danger and hardship because of national unpreparedness. Many have gone ‘through the unhappy days of maneuvers, using flags to simulate men, broomsticks to represent machine guns, and delivery trucks in place of tanks. These 112 with their broad combined experience believe that economies can be effected without injuring the services. They also know that a sound national financial structure is as necessary to our defense as efficient personnel and de- pendable weapons. One need only look at China to see what happens to an Army when its national currency weakens. I am sure none of our veterans would knowingly endanger the forces that have been so much a part of his life and for which he has a fierce loyalty. But most of us believe that $6,000,000,000 can be cut from the Budget without appre- ciably impairing our fighting strength. That is the carefully considered view of a majority of those of the group with whom I have talked, and of many well informed veterans in and out of the serv- ices. If we are shown to be wrong, when the appropriations are taken up in de- tail, we will rectify our error. I am con- fident that no temporary pontical ex- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pediency would cause anyone of the vet- erans in Congress to risk withholding any necessities from our Army, Navy, or Air Force. Therefore, let our former comrades and the general public relax. This Con- gress will not jeopardize our national safety, even in the intercst of economy. Veterans are familiar with the heavy requirements of practical preparedness but they are not blind to certain wasteful tendencies that build up little staffs to big ones with accompanying increases in rank to certain individuals. This Congress and the voters that elected it are economy-minded. The armed forces must become likewise. When it comes to spending, even for na- tional defense, we must get a dollar's value for a dollar. We are not all from Missouri, but we must be shown. Arrest of American Merchant Seamen in Palestine EXTENSION OF REMARKS fe) HON. JOHN D. DINGELL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, the ar- rest of 18 American merchant seamen, most of them veterans of war service, by the British in Palestine, precipitates an immediate and embarrassing question— what is the Government of the United States going to do about this? The British have claimed that they imprisoned these sailors because they as- sisted what the British call an illegal activity. I submit, Mr. Speaker, that the bringing of Hebrew refurees into the Holy Land is not illegal in American law, in international law, and is not even il- legal under British law. The civilized nations of the world clearly set forth in the League of Na- tions mandate their intent that Palestine become a Hebrew homeland. Britain concurred in that intent and eagerly ac- cepted the mandate. She has, in fact, been extremely loath to relinquish the powers the mandate gave her and un- becomingly assiduous in extending those powers. Through the instrument of the Anglo- American convention of 1924, the Gov- ernment of the United States became a party to the mandate and underwrote its purposes and mechanism. The weight of law which supports the action of the American sailors is even heavier than that just indicated. There are also items, which the British have overlooked, of habeas corpus, of proce- dure with regard to the ships flying friendly flags, whose activity may be called into question—and the right of the British Navy to blockade Palestine at all. I have not heard of any state of war between Great Britain and the United States, and I know of no declaration of war by the British against Palestine. I suggest that if the Palestine government did not like what those American boys did, it could have turned them, or sent
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD them away from its shores. Their im- prisonment, however, seems unprece- dented and unwarranted. I have heard it said that the Hebrews in Palestine claim they are at war with the British. We have also heard, Mr. Speaker, that the British deny there is a war. Why, then, the blockade? The freedom of the seas has a long history in American interest from the shores of Tripoli to Leyte Gulf. I should not like to see that freedom abandoned on the shores of Palestine. I should especially not like to see it abandoned under cir- cumstances in which every precept of law, honor and humanity asserts its dignity. Conflict Between Christian Civilization and Marxism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT THOMAS OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of Texas. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my re- marks in the REcorD, I include herein a letter from Mr. Lamar Fleming, Jr., of Houston, Tex. The letter is unique and scholarly. Mr. Fleming expresses most clearly his views on the conflict between Christian civilization and Marxism, and why he feels we should help Turkey and Greece. It follows: Houston TEx., March 14, 1947, Hon. ALnrrr THOMAS, House Office Buildtng, Washington, D.C. DrFar ALBERT: I want to urge you to back the President up in the policy which he recommended in his speech day before yes- terdny. A French friend put his finger on what I consider the real question we have to de- cide. I was questioning him about French internal politics. He said about a third of the Frenchmen are voting for Com- munists, about a third for leftist center parties, and about a third for more conserva- tive parties. He said a good many of those who vote for the Communists and even more of those who vote for the leftist center par- ties do so because they feel that Franco will be without help if she gets crossed with Russia. He says these votes would go for moderate center parties if these voters thought that the United Stutes would back them up if they were threntened by Russia. I know that the situation in Italy is similar to his description of the situation in France; and I believe the situations are similur, in varying degree, in Belgium, Holland, Scan- dinavia, Finland, and even England. We calnot expect any one of thcse weary little countries to act with courage in the face of Russian threats if we leave it to be- Neve that it stands alone. At the present juncture, the only way to prevent that belief is for us to stand beside them. If, with our encouragement, these little countries of Europe will assume a courageous attitude toward Russia, their combined strength will be greater than that of Russia. Then, the more exposed countries, like Ger- many, Austria, and Hungary, and I think even Poland, will feel enough strength at their backs so that they also can face Russia courageously, On the other side of the world, like decisions have to be made by the Chinese, the Koreans, and the Japs. As I see it, the greatest danger to us and to our Christian civilization is that we may allow our natural allies in the struggle between Christian civilization and Marxism to be picked off and absorbed one by one. That mistake would be the catastrophe of all history. Our natural allies in this struggle include all the people who have been brought up under the teachings of the Catholic and Protestant churches. They all cherish the individual spirituality, dignity, and rights which are God-given through divine pater- nity, and they all belleve in, however teeble their observance, the obligations of human brotherhood, through common divine pa- ternity. None of them can accept the sub- jection and humiliation of the individual, which is the first rule of Marxism; nor can Marxism accept any part of Christianity. The fight between Christian civilization and Marxism is on, whether we like it or not; and we will win only through en- couraging and protecting all those who be- lieve in Christinn civilization and patiently waiting for those who have had Marxism imposed upon them to learn that they will find greater huppiness in our civilization, In the meantime, we must see that those on our side are stronger than they ure, which is the greatest hope that bloodshed will be spared to both sides; and we must not get in the frame of mind where we will sur- render everything to escape bloodshed. I do not mean to use the phrgse “Christian civilization” in an exclusive sense Those who subscribe to religions which teach that the Spirit of God is in the individual come within the phrase as I mean it. Yours sincerely, Lamar FLEMING, Jr. Meritorious Niche for Ex-Presidents EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON CANFIELD OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. CANFIELD. Mr. Speaker, further editorial support of my bill, H. R. 504, to make ex-Presidents Senators at Large, comes from the Soo News, of Sault Ste. Marie, Mich., and the Stamford Advo- cate, of Stamford, Conn. The Soo News says: MERITORIOUS NICHE FOR EX-PRESIDENTS Now Representative GoRDON CANFIELD, of New Jersey, places a bill before Congress to make all former Presidents Scnators at Laige. They would be able to speak from the floor and have al] the rights and privileges of the Senate. including salary, clerical help, and the like. But they would not vote, since if they did they would upset the balance of the vote of States they happen to represent, The Nation thus would have the benefit au- tomatically of the experience of such men, rather than have their services depend on a chance appointment, And the Stamford Advocate: USING EX-PRESIDENTS What to do with ex-Presidents is a ques- tion which has plagued Washington for dec- ades. H. L. Mencken, never noted for mean- ingless amenities, suggested long ago that they be shot immediately upon completion of their office terms, He also recommended A1l141 this procedure for unsuccessful Presidential Candidates. A less violent answer might be in using them to good advantage in the service of the Government, much as President Truman has recently done with Herbert Hoover. Cer- tainly, any man who hus served his country as Chief Executive for four or more years is capable of rendering additional service in another capacity. In Mr. Hoover's case, his detailed and prac- tical knowledge of the Europeun fvod situa- tion, and his previous experience in handling food shipments abroad qualify him for his present position as a sort of ambassador at large, and reporter on world food conditions. To make better use of ex-Piesidents, and put their activity on a permancnt, logical basis, Representative Gornon CANFIELD, of New Jersey. has introduced a bill to make all ex-Presidents Senators at Large, with all sen- atorial privileges except the right to vote. This would insure the country getting the full benefit of an ex-Chief Executive's opin- ion in a place where it would do the most good. This certainly sounds better than merely relying on a chance appointment to a par- ticular job. The sume is true of defeuted Presidential candidates. Wendell Willkie rendered great service to the Nation through his travels and his book despite the fuct that he was defeuted at the polls. There seems no log- ical reason why future Presidential aspirants who are beaten cannot also give useful serv- ice, even in a capacity of loyal opposition. Better to have the Nation gain from their Knowledge, than follow Mr. Mencken's sug- gestion that they be shot. The Clover and the Harp EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under lcave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein the following arti- cle which appeared in the Christian Science Monitor of Monday, March 17, 1947: THE CLCVER AND THE HARP Once harps resounded among the arches of Canterbury Cathedral. This was true in the time of Dunstan, archbishop of that great edifice from A. D. 960 to 938. Dunstan himself loved music and was an expert player on ‘the hearpe,” as the Anglo-Saxons then called their small 11-stringed instrument brourht from Ireland. It was from the Irish that Dunstan had learned nimbleness of fin- gers and poesy of heart. for he'd been born near Glastonrury and gon? to school there. At Glastonbury, ths deep-eyed Irishmen taught a boy more than letters; they taught him to love God, to be gentle with his fcl- lows, and to hurken to the wondrous tunes of carth, Forests, streams, and winds, the bright fiight of stars—each had its melody to enrich the human ear andeye. Only leta boy listen. For 200 years, all during the fifth and sixth centuries, men of Erin had been crossing the waters, carrying Christianity into heathen Britain, Two by two, or three by three, in small boats they dared the Irish Sea and St. George’s Channel, carrying their cruits, their copies of the classics, their Celtic dreams. With faith and labor, they built schools at
A1142 Lindisfarne and Durham and Ripon and at many another fair place, Glastonbury among them. They were the greutest savants of that northern world and they brought fresh color into English life. Bywnstan was the son of a West Saxon noble, a lad of lively wit. What he learned at Glastonbury he never forgot. Long seasons after, when the cares of Canterbury were upon him, he still loved to stand his cruit on the sill of an open win- dow and hear the air sing through its strings. Even so, almost 2,000 summers before him, King David, in Jerusalem, had done. Cruit was the early Irish name for the small harp, which prelates and lay-folk alike carried about on their travels. It was easily slung across the shoulder or tied to the girdle, and there was no pilgrim afoot or ahorse but relished the joy of his harp. At day’s end the inns were always sweet with music, and sweet with music were the hearths of homes. The clairsech, or large harp, could not be so rendily carried, and it needed deeper skill for its playing. Never- theless, it found its way up into Scotland at the close of the sixth century, and its name there has not changed since. Many a dour chieftain and war-ridden ruler has been charmed into smiling by the hands of Irish harpers sweeping over strings. Renowned among these was Rory dall O'Cahan, who cheered the court of King James VI, during gray winters in Edinburgh Castle, with ancient airs and lively airs of his own com- posing. Oh, Give Me Your Hand! and the Lame Yellow Beggar are perhaps most re- membered. Like his hapless mother, Mary Queen of Scots, James was unfortunate in his ruling and enjoyed other things more. Quartered on his royal seal is a gold harp with silver strings upon a blue ground. When he went from Edinburgh to London, in the year 1603, to become James I of Eng- land, he took his seal with him and ulso the King’s Band of Musick. His mother’s hurp—richly ornamented and having 29 brass strings—has its home now among the treas- ures in Edinburgh’s Antiquarian Museum. Queens have ever loved pretty harps and Shub-ad of anclent Sumeria had her own instrument all of silver, inset with gleam- Ing shell and lapis lazuli. The Sumerians were great musicians—perhaps the greatest of antiquity. They lived along the lower Euphrates in the land once known as Baby- lonia, but which we now call Iraq. They banqueted to harp music; and with harps in their hands they climbed the terraced tower, the high ziggurat, to sing hymns. Westward from Sumeria, the harp went on its high mission, easing the hearts of people. The Hebrews became harpcrs, as Bible readers already know. They formed harp guilds, called themselves “The Sons of Korah.” Assyrians, Phoenicians, and Egyp- tians were all skilled players on the harp, so in a lesser way were the Greeks. Of the early Mediterranean peoples, it was only the Romans whose fingers never grew adept. On the wall of a Pharaoh's tomb, !n Upper Egypt, is carved ‘The Song of the Harp Plaver”’—a beautiful, sacred song dating back to 2100 B. C. or beyond. Oddly enough, the little isle of Erin had business traffic with Egypt in fairly early doys soon after Jesus was born. So, no doubt, the musical art of the more civilized southerly country inspired the men of Erin. At any rate, of all the harpers in history, none have played more valiantly, more sweetly, than those of the Green Isle. For centuries none were so honored as these composers and bards, who wandered from feast to feast, from court to court, singing and sweeping the strings. Gray winding cloaks they wore, with brooches of gold, and circlets of pearls round their heads. Romance hovered round the harpers and honor traveled with them as they climbed the clover-clad hills. Sweet was the shamrock, the little white clover of Ireland and much sought by bees. With bee-song in thelr ears and a shamrock-bloom between their lips, the trudging harpers were happy. What more could a man want than his own harp upon his shoulder and the misty earth teaching him music. Beautiful his harp was and fashioned by his own fingers. It had an angel upon it, folding back her gilded wings above the strings. On his banner, the Prince of Leinster put the gold harp and white clover, a thousand summers before Amer- ica was born. Later it became the flag of all Ireland. Until the year 1916, the clover, the harp, and the legend “Erin go brath” (“Ire- land till Judgment Day’) flew above the Emerald Isle—the only land in history to make music its emblem. Lucy Emsury. Gen. George C. Marshall and Bernard Baruch EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp an editorial from Collier’s magazine of March 22 entitled “Giants in Our Time.” In this editorial] tribute is paid to two great Americans—Bernard M. Baruch and Soccretary of State George C. Marshall. Virginia and the South take peculiar pride in the world-wide recognition of these two men, as General Marshall is a graduate of the Virginia Military Insti- tute and is now a resident of Virginia, and Mr. Baruch is a southerner imbued with the traditions and ideals of the South. There being no objection, the edito- rial was ordered to be printed in the REcorD, as follows: GIANTS IN OUR TIME Somebody remarked a while ago that in the person of Winston Churchill we had all been privileged to see greatness in our time. We agree With that estimate. But we'd like to add to the list of present-day grcate the names of two Americans, at least—Bernard M. Baruch and Secretary of State George C. Marshall. In these two men, we think, all Americans can take the highest pride, while any young American can profit by acquainting himself or herself with the life stories and the prin- ciples of Baruch and Marshall. The new Secretary of State, of course, made the bulk of his reputation to date in the Army, us a brilliant young captain under Black Jack Pershing in World War I and as Chief of Staff in World War II. He went on from there to become the President's special envoy to China, his job being to reconcile the warring Chinese Com- munists and Nationalists if he could. He failed to bring about an immediate peace; but he did tell the Chinese what ails them, in « brilliant and incisive report which in- spired various patriotic Chinese to try again to compose their differences. Largely because of his performance in China, we're strongly inclined to discount the dour predictions that little good can come of making a top-flight military man Secretary of State. Marshall, like MacArthur and APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Eisenhower, is much more than just a mili- tary man. Mr. Baruch’s services to his country in its two latest wars have been as spectacular as those of any civilian. In the First World War he coordinated and supervised produc- tton of war materials, and got in some fiighly effective blows against inflation. In the second, the Baruch synthetic rubber pro- gram, carricd through by William M. Jeffers, saved the Nation from a transport break- down which might have lost the war for the Allies. The latest Baruch achievement as we go to press is the formulation of a plan for safeguarding the United States through the delicate, dangerous, and self-imposed busi- ness of telling the world how we make atom bombs, the ultimate objective being to out- law the atom bomb everywhere and start a move toward general disarmament. In selling this plan to the administration and our United Nations delegation, Mr, Baruch ran head on into a crowd of idealists, Russia Firsters and America Lasters who were determined to force disclosure of the atom- bomb techniques without assurances that the knowledge would not be used against us. It was a tough fight, in which our own knuckle heads naturally had the able assist- ance of Messrs. Molotov and Gromyko, of Russia. But at this writing Mr. Baruch appears to have won the fight completely. Thereby, he may have saved this country from a deadher war than it has ever yet fought. Speaking of greatness tn our time, we give you, again, Bernard M. Baruch and George CO. Marshall, Income Tax Reductions for Lower Brackets EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL ALBERT OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, in view of increased living costs, current Fed- eral income tax rates are placing an enormous burden on taxpayers in the low income brackets. Men with large families, with children in school, are finding it more and more difficult to make ends meet. This is repeatedly being brought to my attention by farm- ers, teachers, ware earners and small businessmen throughout southeastern Oklahoma. The so-called twenty-percent-across- the-board plan will not remedy this situation. Under this plan the taxpayer, with a wife and two children, making $2.500 per year, will save only $19 per year. This saving will increase his “take home” pay only eight-tenths of 1 percent, The taxpayer making $25,000 per year will save over $1,700. This will increase his net income by 10.3 percent. The tax- payer making $300,000 will save over $45,000 in taxes and his net income will be increased by about 70 percent. Ob- viously, this system will not remove the tax burden from the shoulders of the man or woman who is unable to bear it. In my opinion, the simplest and surest way of granting relief where it is sorely needed is by increasing the personal exemptions of all individual taxpayers.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I have accordingly introduced a bill to raise the personal exemptions from $500 to $1,000, and to increase the credit for dependents from $500 to $750. The bill will also give to married persons and heads of families an exemption of $2,000. A copy of the bill follows: A bill to increase the normal tax and surtax exemption from 8500 to $1,000 and the credit for dependents from $500 to $750 Be it enacted, etc., That section 25 (b) (1) of the Internal Revenue Code is amended to Tread as follows: (1) Credits: In computation of both the normal tax and the surtax, there shall be al- lowed the following credits against net in- come: (a) Personal exemption: In the case otf a single person or a married person not liv- ing with husband or wife, a personal ex- emption of $1,000; or in the case of the head of a family or a married person living with husband or wife, a personal exemption of $2,000. A husband and wife living together shall receive but one personal exemption. The amount of such personal exemption shall be $2,000. If such husband and wife make separate returns, the personal ex- emption may be taken by either or divided between them. (b) Credit for dependents: 8750 for each person (other than husband or wife) de- pendent upon and receiving his chief sup- port from the taxpayer, if such dependent person is under 18 years of age or is incapable of self-support. Sec. 2. The amendments made by this act shall be applicable only with respect to tax- able years beginning after December 31, 1946. The New Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STYLES BRIDGES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, the Daily Monitor, of Concord, N. H., in its issue of Monday, March 17, 1947, con- tained a thought-provoking editorial entitlea “If Liberty Is Not To Perish.” The editorial discusses certain aspects of the recent address delivered by the President of the United States concern- ing aid to Greece and Turkey. I ask unanimous consent that the editorial] be printed in the Recorp. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RrEcorp, as follows: IF LIBERTY IS NOT TO PERISH The Truman declaration as to foreign pol- icy is, in effect, an extensidh of the Monroe Doctrine to cover the whole world rather than @ single hemisphere. If thus understood, rather than as meddling or imperialism, and if thus applied. it should help to keep the world at peace av least longer than ii any great power continues a policy of aggression under whatever pretext. Russian aggressiveness cannot be denied. The roll of States which it has incorporated into the Soviet Union, or which it dominates through occupation and manipulation, is long. Since before the war it has brought into the fold Finland, Latvia, Estonia, Lith- uania, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Ru- mania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Albania, Man- churia, and part of Korea. In addition to this, Communists are active in about every nation on earth, claiming no less than 100,000 members in the United States, and actually dominating the predom- inant party or groups controlling the gov- ernment in such states as France. Back in the war days the Russians went through the motions of dissolving the Com- munist International organization, but there was rcason then and there is more reuson now to believe that the move was designed mainly as a device to move the machinery underground, so that it might be more effective. The Russians are doing exactly what Japan did in Manchuria, Mussolini in Ethiopia, and Hitler in the Ruhr and Austria and Sudeten- land. They ure using exactly the same tac- tics in defending their aggressiveness. That is, when the United States says the spread of Communist totalitarianism must be stopped, the Russians accuse us of pursuing a Hitler- jan policy. The timid thinker half believes this. It has becn an age-old stunt by thieves, when they fear apprehension, to cry thief and divert attention to innocent persons, thus gaining time in which to effect their own escape. Russia wants time more than anything else. Each day that passes permits them to consolidate the areas they have gobbled up, and to commit new aggressions. Each day helps them tu make Russia stronger, against the day when the peoples in some of the gobbled-up areas revolt, and with the help of nations which have still managed to retain their liberty, war on Russia, The cry of the Russians and of the weak- hearted in Congress, and throughout this Nation, that the Truman doctrine bypasses the United Nations is another assertion which many readily believe partly. But so long as the United Nations is hamstrung by the veto power which the Russians insisted upon putting into that world organization, reference of problems of aggressiveness to it is a waste of time, and as we have pointed out, it is time which the Russians want more than anything else. One Russian, through the United Nations, can keep the rest of the world dawdling for months. One Russian can thus accomplish what otherwise it would take great ermics to do. President Truman has ended the babes-in- the-woods policy of his predecessor. Because he does not bypass his Cabinet as did Frank- lin D. Roosevelt, it must be assumed that what he has done was with the full knowl- edge of the Secretary of State, General Mar- shall, and that Marshall feels that his hand is strengthened in foreign diplomacy, in striv- ing to draw the peace treaties in which Rus- sia must participate, and in making the United Nations more truly a world organi- zation. It would be wonderful if this Nation could withdraw from the rest of the world and let Eurasia stew in its own vile juices. But two great wars in this century, plus the tremen- dous scientific discoveries of the same pe- riod, have made isolation forevermore im- practical and foolhardy. The strong can remain strong only by being strong. It was British weakness in keeping hands off when Japan went into Manchuria and Mussolini into Ethiopia that brought Britain to its Knees in the past decude. This Nation had the courage to want to stop the Japanese then. Now we cannot wait upon Grcat Britain or anyone else in these matters. We must make our own decision, and it has been made by our President and those who advise him. The choice will involve us in many con- troversial situations. In carrying out the policy we will make mistakes. But at least we have won through to a course of action which is essentially necessary if liberty is not to perish from this earth. A1143 New Bedford, Mass. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES L. GIFFORD OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. GIFFORD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, I include the following historical statement relating to the famous city of New Bedford, Mass.: New Bedford was wrought up 100 years ago today. Maybe the townsfolk were not quite as excited as if two or three whaling barks just hau come in after several years at sea, louded to the gunwales with oi] and bone. But the bustling, prosperous. cob- ble-paved, lantern-lighted town of 16,000 population faced the prospect it might be- come a city within two days. Feeling was strong both for and against such a radical change. A special town meeting had been called to decide the issue. It is a matter of record today that the ayes prevailed, and New Bed- ford on March 18, 1847, accepted a charter of incorporation and became a city. But on Tuesday, March 16, two days before the decisive town meeting, a good many persons were hoping anxiously the article wouldn't pass. Others had their hearts set on push- ing it through. It is not hard to imagine what arguments went on around the big cast-iron stoves in the taverns, the whaling outfitters’ shops, the banks, and the shipping offices, and in the gray-stone town hall, now the free pub- lic library, which then was surrounded by elm trees and a lawn bordered with benches— @ pleasant place for loitering in fine weather. No one could have accused Benjamin Lind- sey, Jr., editor of the Morning Mercury, of adding fuel to the controversy. Mr. Lindsey preserved an attitude of genial impartiality until the last moment. A city government, Ben observed edito- rially January 20, 1847, might make for more “directness, vigor, and discipline in enact. ing public ordinances.” On the other hand, it probably would “multiply official person- ages, adding possibly a trifle to the yearly expenses,” and it would mean “delegating powers which now are exercised by the peo- ple at large according to the unwieldy sys- tem of the ancient democracies,” No doubt alluding to opposition predic. tions, he continued, “We suppose there is little to dread froni usurpations of power, or from a too strict exercise of it. No street will probably be run through the town hall or extended to the confines of the outer bar- barians—but matters will probably go on much as usual “To be or not to be a city, that its the question. Whether ‘tis nobler in the mind to bear thc upbraidings, taunts, and jeers of Salem, Lowell, Roxbury, and Cambridge or nobly to take up arms against selectmen and by opposing, end them,” he observed, paraphrasing Shakcspesre. “Let every man be persuaded in his own mind. If we must live in a village or a town, we shall do so with becoming humil- ity. If the people insist upon moving into a city, we shan’t be proud, and shall nod as familiarly as ever, albeit a little condescend- ingly. to the men of Fairhaven.” By March 18, however, Mr. Lindsey found himself detinitely on the side of those who favored city status for New Bedford. Urging everyone to be sure to vote, he admitted in his editorial published the morning of the fateful town meeting that he was “for it. Shall New Bedford be the seventh city in
A1144 Massachusetts,” he asked, “or iet Lynn, Springfield, Worcester, Pittsfield, and some other growing towns precede us in municipal honors?” LARGE POPULATION CITED “Some zealous Democrats whom we es- teem as citizens,” he added, indicating the opposition had resorted to frenzied argu- ments, “would fain persuade the people that the mayor will be a most despotic personage whose flat will prevent not only the erection of comfortable habitations for the living but even the burial] of the dead.” James B. Congdon, a member of the com- mittee to prepare tho charter and one of the most honored citizens of the community, commented calmly in the Mercury of Febru- ary 5, 1847, on arguments for the change and the work the committee had done. “Our population is large,” he said. “There is no place where all the citizens can assemble to act on municipal affairs. There is no place so large as this in New England which has not adopted the city form of govern- ment. Every large community has adopted it and no one has ever given it up after they have once tried it.” CITY RANKED HIGH “We now rank fourth, if not third, in the State in population. We already have five cities in the Commonwealth and Charles- town no doubt soon will be added. Three of the six are smaller than New Bedford. We are a compact population, more so than Roxbury or Cambridge.” Mr. Congdon asserted he believed the pro- posed charter was superior to any other in the State. Representation of all sections of the community was assured ior there war to be an alderman from each ward, four members from each ward in the Common Council, three members of the school com- mittee from each ward, and an overseer of the poor from each ward The fateful afternoon finally arrived. “An act to establish the city of New Bedford” was accepted by a vote of 1,150 in favor, to 814 opposed. Election of city offictals fol- lowed April 20. The wheels of city govern- ment began turning with the swearing in of the mayor, Abraham H. Howland, and his fellow officers April 28. PROPOSAL DEFEATED The ratification uf a city form of govern- ment in 1847 climaxed a 5-year effort by men who felt that New Bedford, tourth- ranking seaport of the Nation in point of tonnage (only New York, Boston, and New Orleans had more tonnage), known in every port of ths world, ought to take on greater municipal dignity. Their proposal was nipped in the bud Feb- ruary 6, 1842, by a test vote taken at a town meeting. The vote stood 373 to $20 in fa- vor of the negative resolution offered by Benjamin T. Congdon “that in the opinion of the citizens of New Bedford the time has not yet come when the convenience of the Citizens or the public neccssities call for an act incorporating this town into a city.” By the same resolution, consideration of a city charter was postponed indefinitely. By 1846 sentiment for incorporation had gained ground. The selectmen were in- structed at a special town meeting January 25 to petition the general court for a char- ter fo: & city government, and a committee of 20 was appointed to draw up a charter. Members of the committee included a fu- ture mayor, Rodney French, and Charles W. Morgan for whom the whaling ship now en- shrined at Mystic, Conn., was named. SPECIAL EFYORT FAILED The copperplate script of New Bedford's last town clerk, Henry H. Crapo, who later became Governor of Michigan, recorded that the voters refused, February 1, 1845, to have the charter committee report that day on its work, or to set a date for a meeting for that purpose. Obviously, the opposition was going strong again. A motion to reconsider the adverse vote was rejected. At @ special meeting, April 1, the matter was brought up again. “The meeting deter- mined not to adopt the charter,” Mr. Crapo recorded, underscoring the words, which was an extraordinary procedure on his part. One suspects he was registering strong emo- tion, one way or the other. Another meeting was called April 7 in an endeavor to obtain consideration of the char- ter committee's report. Someone quickly moved an indefinite postponement. After lengthy debate the motion was withdrawn. A vote was taken. The charter, which had been approved by the legislature, was re- jected, 728 to 678. And that was that. OLD CHARTER USED The work of the rebuffed committee had not been altogether in vain. The charter it drew up was used as a basis for the work of the new committee appointed in 1847. The townspeople voted, February 6, 1847, to have a committee petition the general court again to grant New Bedford a charter of incorpo- ration as a city. The opposition still was determined to keep New Bedford a town if it possibly could. It had a specia} town meeting called March 6 to act on a proposal to memorialize the gen- eral court not to grant the charter. Seth Russell, a member of the Charter committee, prevented the opposition pro- posal from coming to a vote by moving in- definite adjournment the moment a mod- erator had been chosen. Moderator Thomas A. Greene had his hands full quelling efforts to debate the motion to adjourn. The excited citizens finally voted on the question by filing past his desk to be counted, first the ayes, then the noes. Those in favor of adjournment prevailed. The sequel already has been told. The legislature granted the charter, and it was accepted March 18 by majority vote. Now, 100 years later, it is possible to sympathize equally with those who worked so hard for the change and those who so bitterly opposed it. Herbert Hoover Approves Service for American People To Send Packages to Europe Through Facilities of CARE EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. BROOKS HAYS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF ARKANSAS Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. HAYS. Mr. Speaker, this week each of us received a letter from an or- ganization called CARE. It was signed by Paul Comly French, the general man- ager, and included the following tele- gram from Herbert Hoover: Pavut CoMLy FRENCH, General Manager, CARE, New York: I had some hand in the inspira- tion of CARE as a private, nonprofit organi- zation to be established along the lines so successful after the First World War. I have had the opportunity to see its opera- tion on the ground. The service is the only sure and efficient way of sending packages to friends and relatives in Europe. The great volume of over 100,000 packages a month to Germany, and over 30,000 a month to Aus- tria, ts an important contribution to thetr food supply. These packages have con- tained enough food to supplement the gov- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ernment ration of a family of five up to an endurable level for over 3 weeks. Anyone who wishes to serve friends, relatives, or in- stitutions in the countries served by CARE now have a sure and certain way. In fact, there is no other way where there is real cer- tainty that such packages will reach their destination. Heazert Hooves. I was deeply impressed with the tele- gram and made a special inquiry into the background, the purpose, and the ac- complishments of CARE. I would now like to take a few minutes to report on my findings and to include this brief résumé of the organization, since this matter is of great national interest. Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe, Inc., known by its initials C-A-R-E, distributes an average of 200,000 pounds of food a day to individ- uals or to specified groups in Europe, in the name of individuals or specified groups in the United States. CARE isa nonprofit American organization, run by Americans both here and abroad. These packages are delivered in the name of the American who sent them. One of the unique things about this organiza- tion is the fact that this tremendous volume of good-will packages is a strictly American voluntary operation. When our armies marched into the various countries of Europe they found in most areas that the populations were suffering from years of malnutrition, without food reserves, without adequate clothing. Millions of Americans, with ties of kin and friendship abroad, wanted to send immediate help in the form of food and clothing. But their individual packages sent through the mails were often lost or pilfered or hopelessly bat- tered by the time they were delivered. Some unscrupulous firms charged exor- bitant fees for packages and often even those packages never arrived. The major relief organizations in this coun- try concerned with foreign relief decided that there was need for an organization which could help individuals and groups who wanted to send packages to “desig- nated” individuals and groups in Europe. Twenty-two of these relief groups formed the Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe, Inc. Since it was incorporated a little more than a year ago, CARE has signed agreements with 13 European countries guarantee- ing the entrance of its parcels duty-free, tax-free, and without loss of local ra- tions to the recipient. Another impor- tant feature of these agreements is that CARE ifiself delivers each package in each country, or uses the services of one of its member agencies. At first, through an agreement with the War Assets Administration, CARE made available surplus Army 10-in-1 rations. Each package contained 30 complete meals. CARE delivered these packages, as designated by the Ameri- can donor, first for $15, and then later, under terms of a new agreement, for only $10. More than 50,000,000 pounds of food were distributed by CARE through these 10-in-1 packages. Today, CARE has a new food package with an even higher calorie value than that of the 10-in-1’s. The price is still only $10. Each package contains basic items that can combine with foods avail-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD able in each country to make nationally preferred dishes. In addition, within the past 2 months, CARE has introduced another package—a blanket package containing two Army-surplus blankets, composition heels and soles, and sewing material to convert the blankets into clothing. Just last week CARE also in- troduced a woolen-textile package with 314 yards of fine worsted wool, with cot- ton lining and with sewing materials— everything necessary to make a full suit for a large man. It is a simple operation to have a CARE package dispatched to Europe. An ap- plication blank, together with a cashier’s check on any bank, a postal money order or a personal check, can be sent to CARE offices, 50 Broad Street, New York, and the order will be mailed immediately. Most banks, Red Cross offices and YWCA offices have CARE circulars. Countries with which the organization has signed agreements are Austria, Bel- gium, Czechoslovakia, Finland, France, Greece, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Po- land and the American, British and French occupation zones of Germany and all of Berlin. At the present time CARE cannot ac- cept orders for other countries nor for the Russian zone of Germany. I am gratified that there is an organi- zation functioning smoothly and ef- ficiently to aid Americans to get food and clothing help to relieve desperate need abroad. And I think it is important that we recognize that all this is being done in the name of the United States of America and that each package is helping to build good will for this coun- try in every home where a CARE package is delivered. War Veterans in the Eightieth Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, on March 13 I inserted in the CoNGRES- sionaL Record a list of war veterans in the Eightieth Congress, as compiled by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress. It develops that the list, as compiled, was incomplete, and in an effort to cor- rect the many errors, the Legislative Reference Service has furnished me a new list. The new figures indicate that the Senate has 47 veterans, while the House has 204, or a total of 251 veterans of all wars. The roster of veterans follows: War VETERANS IN THE EIGHTIETH CONGRESS, Frrast SEssIon I. ROSTER OF WAR VETERANS IN THE EIGHTIETH CONGRESS (Key to symbols: W1—World War I, W2— World War II; S—Spanish-American War.) The letters “A,” “M," “N,” and “C.G.,” decignate branches of the service to which @ member belonged: Army, Marine Corps, Navy, and Coast Guard. M. M. designates merchant marine. Senators BALDWIN, RAYMOND £E., (W1-N). BREWSTER, OWEN, Maine (W1-A). BrIcKER, JOHN W., Ohio (W1-A). Brooks, C. WAYLAND, Illinois (W1-M). Buck, C. Dovaiass, Delaware (W1-A), Cain, Harry P., Washington (W2-A). CaPrHarRT, Homer E., Indiana (WI-A). ConNnALLY, ToM, Texas (S-A; W1-A). Cooper, JoHN SHERMAN, Kentucky (W2-A). Corpon, Guy, Oregon (WI-A). DworsHak, HENRY C., Idaho (W1-A). Ecron, ZALES N.. Montana (W1-A). ELLENDER, ALLEN J., Louisiana (W1-A). GREEN, THEODORE FRANCIS, Rhode Island (& A). Gurney, Cuan, South Dakota (W1-A),. HayYpDEN, Cart, Arizona (W1-A). HICKENLOOPER, BOURKE B.. Iowa (W1-A). HILL, LISTER, Alabama (W1-A). HOLLAND, SPESSARD L., Florida (W1-A). Ives, InviNG M.. New York (WI1-A). JENNER, WILLIAM E., Indiana (W2- A). JOHNSTON, OLIN D., South Curolina (W1-A). Kem, James P., Missouri (W1-A). KILcore, HaRLry M., West Virginia (W1-A). Connecticut KNOWLAND, Wu.mM =F. California. (W2-A). LopcE, Henry Casot, JR., Massachusetts. (W2-A), Lucas, Scotr W., Illinois (W1-A). MAGNUSON, WaRrREN G., Washington (W2-N). MALone, GrorcE W., Nevada (W1-A). Martin, Epwarp, Pennsylvania (8, W1, W2-A). MAYBANK, WI-N). McCartiry, JoSePH R., Wisconsin (W2-M). MCCLELLAN, JOHN L., Arkansas (W1-A). MCFARLAND, Ernest W., Arizona (W1-N), MILLIKIN, EUGENE D., Colorado (W1-A). O’Conor, HEnnenrt R., Maryland (U.S. Naval Reserve) PEPPER, CLAUDE, Florida (W1-A). REVERCOMB, CHAPMAN, West (W1-A). Rosertson, A. WILUIs, Virginia (W1-A). ROBERTSON, Epwarp V., Wyoming (Boer War) RuSSELL, RiciarpD B., Georgia (W1-N). SALTONSTALL, LEvERETT, Massachusetts (W1-A). SPaRKMAN, JOHN, Alabuma (W1-A). THOMAS, ELBERT D., Utah (WI-N. G. Utah and U.S. Reserves). Ture, Epwarp J., Minnesota (W1--A). TYDINGS, MILLARD E., Maryland (W1-A). UmstTeap, WitriaAmM B., North Carolina (W1-A). WHenrry, KENNETH S., Nebraska (W1-N). Representatives ALBERT, Cart, Third District, Oklahoma (W2-A). ALLEN, JOHN, J., Jr., Seventh District, Cali- fornia (W1, W2-N). ALLEN, Leo E., Thirteenth District, Illinois (W1-A). ANDERSEN, H. Caru, Seventh District, Mine nesota (W1-N). ANDREWS, GEORGE W., Third District, Ala- bama (W2-N). ANDREWS, WALTER G., Forty-second District, New York (W1-A). Argenps, Lesuize C., Seventeenth District, Illinois (W1-N). AUCHINCLOosS, JAMEs C., Third District, New Jersey (W1-A). BAKEWELL, CLAupg I,, Eleventh District, Missour! (W2-N). Barpen, GrawaM A,, Third District, North Carolina (W1-N). Barertr, Fraanx A, at large, Wyoming Burnet R., South Curolina Virginia A1145 Barrie, Laver C., Ninth District, Alabama (W2-A). BEatu, J. GLENN, Sixth District, Maryland (W1-A). BLATNIK, JOHN A., Eighth District, Minne- sdta (W2-A). Boces, Hate, Second District, Louisiana (W2-N). Boces, J. CALEs, at large, Delaware (W2-A). BonnNeER, HERBERT C., First District, North Carclina (W1-A). BRADLEY, Frep, Eleventh District, Michi- gan (W1-A). Braptey, Wittis W., Eighteenth District, California (W1, W2-N). Brrimm, WALTER E., Eleventh District, Ohio (W1-A) Brooks, Overton, Fourth District, Louisi- ana (W1-A). Broryy, JOHN C., Fourth District, Wis- consin (W1 N). Bryson, JosePH R., Fourth District, South Carolina (W1-A). Buck, EttsworTH B., Sixteenth District, New York (W1-N). BuULWINKLE, ALFRED L., Eleventh District, Norvb Carolina (W1-A). BURLESON, Omar, Seventeenth District, Texas (W2-N). Busrey, Frep E., Third District, Illinois (W1-A). Camp, A. Smpney, Fourth District, Georgia (W1-A), CANFIELD, Gorpon, Eighth District, New Jersey (W1-A). Carzo.., Joun A., First District, Colorado (W2-A). CARSON, HENDERSON H., Sixteenth District, Ohio (W1-A). Case. Francis, Second District, South Da- kota (W1-M). CHELF, Frank L., Fourth District, Ken- tucky (W2-A). CurprrrigLp, RoperT B., Fifteenth District, Dlinois (W1-A). CuurcH, Ratpu E., Tenth District, Dlinois (W1-A). CLASON, CHARLES R., Second District, Massae chusetts (W1-A). “-EMENTS, Ear.e C., Second District, Ken- tucky (W1-A). Core, WinutaM C., Third District, Missouri (W1-N). CotNneErR, WILLIAM M., Sixth District, Missis- sipp! (W1-A). Cootey, Haroip D., Fourth District, North Carolina (W1-N). Cooper, JFRE, Ninth District, Tennessee (W1-A). Counert, FrRevEric R., Jr., Scventeenth Dis- trict, New York (W1-A). CourTNEY, Wirt, Seventh District, Ten- nessee (W1-A). Cravens, Favso, Fourth District, Arkansas (W1-N). Crow, WILLIAM J., Twenty-third District, Pennsylvania (W2-A). CUNNINGHAM, PAvL, Fifth District, Iowa (W1-A). Dacur. Pau. B., Ninth District, Pennsyl- vania (W1-M). Davis, JaMEs C., Fifth District, Georgia (W1-M). Dawson, Wi.114M L., First District, Illinois (W1-A). Devitt, Epwarp J., Fourth District, Minne- ‘gota (W2-N). DIRKSEN, EvrrEtt M., Sixteenth District, | Dlinois (W1-A). Dotutver, JAMES I., Sixth District, Iowa (W1-A). DoMENGEAUX, JAMES, Third District, Louisi- ann (W2:A). Donouvez, Harotp D., Fourth District, Massachusetts (W2-N). Dorn, W. J. Bryan, Third District, South Carolina (W2-A). DurHaM, Cart T., Sixth District, North Carolina (W1-N). EBERHARTER, HERMAN P., Thirty-second District, Pennsylvania (W1-A).
A1146 Eis, Hupert 8., Fourth District, West Virginia (W1-A). ELLSWORTH, Harris, Fourth District, Ore- gon (WI1-A). ELSTON, CHARLES H., First District, Ohio (W1-A). ENGEL, ALBERT J., Ninth District, Michigan (Wi-A). Evins, Jor L., Fifth District, Tennessee (W2-A). FARRINGTON, JOSEPH R., Delegate, Hawali (W1-A). FEnton, Ivor D., Twelfth District, Penn- Bylvania (W1-A). PLeTcHer, CHARLES K., Twenty-third Dis- trict, California (W2-N). Fuutirr, Hapwen C., Thirty-fifth District, New York (W1-A). Futon, James G., Thirty-first District, Pennsylvania (W2-N). Gary, J. VAUGHAN, Third District, Virginia (W1--A). Gavin, Lron H., Nineteenth District, Penn- sylvania (W1-A). GEARHART, BERTRAND W., Ninth District, California (W1-A). Gorr, Are McGrecor, First District, Idaho (W1, W2-A). Gore, ALBERT, Fourth District, Tennessee (W2-A). Grancer, Wattrr K., First District, Utah (W1-M). Grant, Grorcre M., Second District, Ala- buma (W1-A). Grirrirns, P. W., Fifteenth District, Ohio (W1-N). GwyYNNE, JOHN W., Third District, Iowa (W1-A). Hate, Roser, First District, Maine (W1-A). HALLECK, Cuares A., Sccond District, In- diana (W1-A). HARNESS, Forest A., Fifth District, Indiana (W1-A). Hays, (W1-A). Heprick, E. H., Sixth District, West Vir- ginia (W1-~A). HESELTON, JOHN W., First District, Massa- chusetts (W1-A). Hess, Witu1am E., Second District, Ohio (W1-A). HinsHaw, Caru, Twentieth District, Cali- fornia (W1-A). HoeEveN, CHARLES B., Eighth District, Iowa (W1-A). HOuIrie_p, CHET, Nincteenth District, Cali- fornia, (W1-A). Horr, CuirFrorp R., Fifth District, Kansas (W1-A). Horan, Watt, Fifth District, Washington (WI1-N). JACKSON, DoNALD L., Sixteenth District, California (W2-M). JACKSON, HENRY M., Second District, Wash- ington (W2-N). JARMAN, PETE, Sixth District, Alabama (W1-A). Javits, Jacos K. (Jack), Twenty-first Dis- trict, New York (W2-A). JENISON, Epwarp H., Eighteenth District, Tilinois (W2-N). JENKINS, MITCHELL, Eleventh District, Pennsylvania (W1, W2-A). JENSEN, Ben F., Scventh District, Iowa (W1-A). JOHNSON, ANTON J., Fourteenth District, Tiinots (S-A). JOHNSON, GLEN D., Fourth District, Okla- homa (W2-A). JOHNSON, Leroy, Third District, California (W1-A),. JoHNSON, LyNnpon B., Tenth District, Texas (W2-N). Jones, Homer R., First District, Washing- ton (W1, W2-N). Jupp, Wattrr H., Fifth District, Minne- sota (W1-A). Kean, Ropert, Twelfth District, New Jer- scy, (W1-A). KeaRNEY, Bernarp W. (Pat), Thirty-first District, New York (W1-A). Brooxs, Fifth District, Arkansas Keatrnc, KENNETH B., Fortieth District, New York (W1, W2-A). KENNEDY, JOHN F., Eleventh District, Mas- sachusetts (W2-N). Kersten, Caries J., Fifth District, Wis- consin (W2-C. G. (T)). KILBURN, CLARENCE E., Thirty-fourth Dis- trict, New York (W1-A). Kina, Orci. R., Seventeenth District, Cali- fornia (W1-A). Kirwan, MicHart J., Nineteenth District, Ohio (W1-A). Kunxe,, Jonwn C., Eighteenth District, Pennsylvania (W1-A). Lanois, Geraup W., Seventh District, In- diana (W1-A). LaNE, THomas J., Seventh District, Massa- chusetts (W1~A). Larcape, HENRY D., Jr., Seventh District, Louisiana (W1-A). LatHaM, HENRY J., Third District, New York (W2-N). LreComprr, Karu M., Fourth District, Iowa (W1-A). LeFevre, Jay, Thirtieth District, New York (W1-A). Lopce, Jonn, Davis, Fourth District, Con- necticut (W2-N). Lucas, WINGATE H., Twelfth District, Texaa (W2-A). Lye, JoHN E., Fourteenth District, Texas (W2-A). McCormack, JoHN W., Twelfth District, Massachusetts (W1-A). McGrrcor, J. Harry, Seventeenth District, Ohio (W1-A). McManion, Grecory, Fourth District, New York (W2-N). McMiuz1an, JoHN L., Sixth District, South Carolina (W1-N). MacKinnon, GeorcE, Third District, Min- nesnta (W2-N). MappEen, Ray J., First District, Indiana (W1-N), Mansrie.p, Mike, First District, Montana (W1-A-M). Martin, THomas E., First District, Iowa (W1-A). MaAtHews, Frank A., JR., Fourth District, New Jersey (W1, W2-A). Meane, HucH A., Second District, Maryland (W2-N). MEApE, W. Howes, Seventh District, Ken- tucky (W2-N). Mever, Hernert A., Third District, Kansas (W1-A). MICHENER, Eart C., Second District, Michi- gan (S-A). Mittrr, A. L., Fourth District, Nebraska (W1-A). Miuirr, Epwarp T., First District, Maryland (W1, W2-A). MILLER, Grorce P,, Sixth District, California (W1-A). Miter, Wim11am J., First District, Con- necticut (W1-A). MITCHELL, E. (Epwarp) A., Eighth District, Indiana (W2-N). Morris, Tosy, Sixth District, Oklahoma (W1-A). MokrTON, THRUSTON BALLARD, Third District, Kentucky (W2-N). MUHLENBERG, FREDERICK A., Thirteenth Dis- trict, Pennsylvania (W1, W2-A). Murray, Tom, Eighth District, Tennessee (W1-A). NIXON, RICHARD M., Twelfth District, Cali- fornia (W2-N). Nopar, Robert, Jr., Sixth District, New York (W2-A). NorniaD, WALTER, First District, Oregon (W2-A). Norre.t, W. F., Sixth District, Arkansas (W1-A). O’HarA, Josepx P., Second District, Minne- sota (WI1-A). Owens, THOMas L., Seventh District, Ili- nois (W1-A). PassMan, Ofro E., Fifth District, Louisiana (W2-N). Patman., Waicur, First District, Texas (W1-A). APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Parrerson, JAMES T., Fifth District, Con- necticut (W2-M). Preven, Preston E., Seventh District, Okla- homa (W2-A). Prrraxson, J. Hardin, First District, Florida (Wi1-N). Pisin, Pure J., Third District, Massa- chusetts (WI1-N). PHILLIPs, JoHN, Twenty-second District, California (W1-A). Poace, W. R., Eleventh District, (W1-N). Preston, Prince H., Jr., First District, Georgia (W2-A). Pricr, Me.vin, Twenty-second District, Illi- nols»(W2-A). Rasryn, BENJAMIN J., Twenty-fourth Dis- trict, New York (W1-N). RANKIN, JOHN E., First District, Mississipp! (W1-A). Reep, CHAUNCEY W., Eleventh District, Ili- nois (W1-A). Rees, Epwarp H., Fourth District, Kansas (W1-A). Rerves, ALBERT L., JR., Fiftr District, Mis- sourl (W2-A). Ricwarns, JAMES P., Fifth District, South Carolina (W1-A). Rirey, Jonn J., Second District, South Car- olina (W1-N). Sap.ak, ANTONI N., At Large, Connecticut (W2-N). SaARnACHER, GEORGE W., JR., Fifth District, Pennsylvania (W2-M). Sasscer, LANSDALE G., Fifth District, Mary- land (W1-A). Scorr, Harpig, Third District, Pennsylvania (W2--A). Scorr, Huacx D., Jr., Sixth District, Penn- sylvania (W1—A, W2-N-Merchant Marine). Scrivner, E. P., Second District, Kansas (W1-A). Sre.y-Brown, Horace, Jr., Second District, Connecticut (W2-N). Strort, Dewey, Seventh District, Missouri (W1-A). Sixes, Ropert L, F., Third District, Florida (W2-A). Simpson, RIcHArRD M., Seventeenth Dis- trict, Pennsylvania (W1-A). Simpson, Sip, Twentieth District, Ilinols (W1-A). SMATHERS, George A., Fourth District, Flor- ida (W2 M). SMITH, LawRENcE H., First District, Wis- consin (W1-A). Texas Smirn, Wint, Sixth District, Kansas (W2-A). Somers, ANDREW L., Tenth District, New York (W1-N). °* Sprincer, RayMonp &8., Tenth District, In- diana (W1-A). SNYDER, MELVIN C., Second District, West Virginia (W1, W2-A). Stricter, Wii11amM G., Second District, Okla- homa (W1-A). STRATTON, W. G., At Large, Illinois (W2-N). Tate, Henry O., Second District, Iowa (W1-N) Txaaus, Orn E., Sixth District, Texas (W2-A) Tuomas, ALBERT, Eighth District, Texas (W1-A) , Trromas, J. PARNELL, Seventh District, New Jersey (W1-A). TowE, Harry L., Ninth District, New Jersey (W1-N). TRIMBLE, JAMES W., Third District, Arkansas (W1-A). Twyman, Roser J., Ninth District, Minois (W1, W2-N). Vai, Ricuarp B., Second District, Mlinois (W1-A). Van ZANDT, JAMES E., Twenty-second Dis- trict, Pennsylvania (W1, W2-N). Vorrs, JoHN M., Twelfth District, Ohio (W1-N). Wandsworth, JaMEs W., Forty-first District, New York (S-A).
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Water, Francis E., Twentieth District, Pennsylvania (W1, W2-N). WerIcHEL, ALVIN F., Thirteenth District, Ohio (W1-A). WHEELER, W. M. (DON), Eighth District, Georgia (W2-A). WIGGLESWorTH, RIcHARD B., Thirteenth Dis- trict, Massachusetts (W1-A). Wi.i1aAMs, JOHN BeEti, Seventh District, Mississippi (W2-A). Wotcort, JEssE P., Seventh District, Michi- gan (W1-A). Woop, Jown 8., Ninth District, Georgia (W1-A). Wooprvurr, Roy O., Tenth District, Michi- gan (S, W1-A). Wor ey, Evcene, Eighteenth District, Texas (W2-N). ZIMMERMAN, ORVILLE, Tenth District, Mis- souri (W1-A). Recapitulation Senate: Total Grand total__.....-............. 251 The Congress: Boer War_..------------.--------- 1 Spanish-American War....-...---- 4 Spanish-American and World WarI_ 2 Spanish-American and both World Wars. ...-------------------------- 1 World War 1 (only) --...-.--------- 163 World Wurs I and II---..-.------..- 13 World War II (only) ---.-.------..- 67 Total .-..-....-----.----------- 251 Sources: America's Fighting Congress, by William P. Kennedy, Litt. D., S. Doc. No. 94, 78th Cong., 1st sess., Washington, 1943. Official List of Members of the House of Representatives of the United States, etc., Eightieth Congress, Jan. 14, 1947. Com- piled by John Andrews, Clerk of the House of Representatives (includes a list of the Senators). U.S. Government Printing Office, 1947; 16 pages. New Faces in Congress, Washingtor Post, November 1946~January 1947; Who's Who in America, 1946-1947. (This report supplements compilations dated Feb. 20, 1945; Jan. 2, 1945, and Mar. 12, 1946, which are related to this subject.) Lewis J. WILLIAMS, General Research Section. March 18, 1947, Outlawing the Communist Party EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. W. STERLING COLE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. COLE of New York. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letter dated March 14, 1947, from Ed Will, of Watkins Glen, N. Y., with reference to outlawing the Communist Party: Warkins GLEN, N. Y., March 14, 1947. Hon. W. STERLING COLE, . House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Cote: I am taking this oppor- tunity to express my personal views about & matter that I see by the papers is to come up before Congress shortly. It is the matter of outlawing the Communist party. I think that you know enough about me to know that I can by no stretch of the imagi- nation be considered a sympathizer of the Communists. My leanings are strongly con- servative, in a more or less progressive way. The truth is that I have a great hatred of all communism stands for. I have no illusions about it, I fully realize that to a great many Communists, communism ts the same thing to them as religion is to a religious fanatic, that they obey the dictates of communism with the same fanaticism that the Moslem dervish obeys the dictate of his creed. I real- ize that communism is, in a way, a substitute for religion amongst some godless people, and that therein lies its threat to our way of life, rather than being merely a political threat, And I am as alarmed as anybody with the powcr they have gained by their underhanded methods, In fact, I am personally suffering &@ severe hardship as a dircct result of their powcr, since I have been waiting for a year for delivery of a tractor from Allis-Chalmers where a Communist dominated union still holds production down to a trickle by a year- long strike. I am in the position of operat- ing a fair-sized farm without a tractor, and without hired help. Nevertheless, I cannot help but be opposed to any bill that would outlaw the Communist Party. Putting aside all questions as to vio- Iation of freedom of speech, etc., I am afraid of the long range effects of such outlawing on the strength of the Communists. It is a well known fact that the Com- munists work best of all underground. Can you think of a single country in the world where the Communists have been outlawed where they did not sooner or later emerge from underground greatly strengthencd? Take France, for instance. There the Com- munists were outlawed when they were much weaker than they are at present, but they have emerged from an underground party to practically control the country. The same is partly true of Germany. And in every other instance where they were outlawed much the same thing has happened. They thrived underground; to drive them under- ground is to play into their hands. Any student of ancient history, and this happens to be a hobby of mine, knows that never in history has persecution been suc- ecssful in stamping out any idea. Always it has strengthened. Were it not for the early persecution of Christians, Christianity might today be an obsure religion in isolated parts of the Middle East. By outlawing the Communists, we will lay ourselves open to the charge that we are afraid that our theories of democracy cannot compete with communism in open competi- A1147 tion. You can depend on it that the Com- munists will know how to make the most of this argument, and how to use it among the great numbers of workingmen who are not overgiven to thinking things out for them- sclves, but who are only ton ready to accept ® ready-made thought. “Why did the Gove ernment outlaw communism?" They will Bay to these people ‘“‘becuuse the Govern- ment is afraid of it. The Government is all for the rich, and the rich mucky-mucks are afraid, and had the Government outlaw the Communists.” I have been among such peo- ple enough to know too well the devas- tating force such an argument can have amongst certain types of workers, especially those who have not done too well for them- selves, and are seeking someone or something to blame for their own inability. However, I am also against any pampering of the Communists. If a Communist breaks the law, he should be prosecuted as promptly and sentenced to just as severe a sentence as anyone else. There has been too much leniency shown Communists, especially as to passport violations, such as the case of Earl Browder. Also, I am greatly pleased that at last some beginning has been made to weed fellow travelers out of the Government. In the past, fanatics of all sorts have even- tually tended to calm down, unless undeer constant persecution. Many sects of re- ligion that were once extremely fanatical, such as the Mormons and others, once out of reach of persecution, settled down into more conservative and conventional groups, I am convinced that in time, the fanaticism that goes with communism will take the same course. The fanatical period that communism is now going through has sel- dom lasted more than a few generations in other religions, and I consider commu- nism as a substitute for religion to certain people. Meanwhile, I think that it is our job to try to hold our democratic principles intact against the inroads with as much tolerance as possible. I believe that in Russia, the source of communism, this fanaticism has already grown much dimmer, and a hard- headed realism, together with personal grabs for power, is gradually taking its place. Communism there is more of a business and less of a religion. Eventually this same idea will gradually filter through to Communists everywhere, to be Communists for what they can get out of it, and when this happens, much of the threat of Communism will dis- appear, for it is in its appeal to fanaticism that communism is dangerous. To put com- munism underground would be to only delay this eventual change, Sincerely yours, Ep WILL, The President’s Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp an exceedingly able column written by Mr. Arthur Krock in the New York Times of March 20. This article adds greatly to a fundamental consideration of the long-range impH- cations of the so-called Truman doc- trine. As a foreign policy in America is effective only in proportion to its public
A1148 support, all discussion leading to public enlightenment is beneficial. Mr. Krock, I believe, has made a real contribution to sound-thinking on this most vital ques- tion. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: In THE NATION SOME QUESTIONS ARISING OVER THE TRUMAN DOCTRINE (By Arthur Krock) WASHINCTON, March 19.--Senator SMITH, of New Jerscy, today listed questions for which he seeks answers from the adminis- tration on the meaning, implications, and scope of future of the Presidcnt’s new anti- Communist foreign policy. Senator VANDEN- BERG, in his capacity as chairman of the Com- mittee on Forcign Relations, urged his Republican colleagues to compose a question- naire so that Congress may know as nearly what it will be voting for in the immediate mattcr of the grants to Greece and Turkey as the administration can or will tell them or, on the basis of informution supplied, they can conclude for themselves. And Mr. SmirTH is one of the first to publish his response to the invitation. Doubtless the interrogations will run into the hundreds, many will be repetitious, some stupid, and some insincere. But in compos- ite they will reflect the honestly troubled mind of Congress and of many citizens as the dend linc of March 31 draws near. And the cogent part will have grown almost entirely out of one passage in the President’s recent address ut the Capitol, which was: “It must be the policy of the United States to support frec peoples who are resisting at- tempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressure.” On that policy, Mr, Truman set his pro- posal for its first expressions—the grants of money and other forms of supervised aid to Greece and Turkey. This correspondent in the last few days has listened to the views of many persons of influence, experience, and responsibility in foreign policy, both in and out of Con- gress His conclusion is that the major questions for which answers will be sought from the administration and on which many votes in Congress will be founded are these: What is meant by “support”? The Presi- dent used the word without any hint of reser- vation as to money or method. Is it an approval of unconditional “support” that he asks of Congress and the American people? What is the President's definition of ‘free peoples?” The Palesine Arabs insist they arc, but we are exerting “outside pressure” there The Chinese Nutional Government is resisting an “armed minority,” but, since the people under it are certainly not “free,” would they be excluded from the operations of the new policy? Are certain peoples in the Caribbean and in Latin America “free” in the general North American definition? If they are not, does the President mean to suggest that his new policy would not apply to areas essential to our national defense because of the limita- tion he expressed? The statement is of a global policy. Is the administration prepared to estimate what the annual budgetary reserve for so vast an objective should be? What should be the immediate budgetary reserve, in view of the situation that already exists in China and Korea within the framework of the words “armed minorities” and “outside pressure’? If such estimates can be indicated, how will they affect our internal economy, which by common agreement must remain strong if the policy is to be effective? And are the American people prepared to take on @ global obligation at an eventual cost which can only be guessed at? Have any alternatives to the policy stated in the President’s words above been can- vassed? If so, what are they, and what were the reasons for rejecting them? It has been suggested that the proposed policy, if adopt- ed, should be limited to our assistance (for the reasons Mr. Truman gave) to that part of Europe west of a line from the Oder to the mouth of the Adriatic, to this hemisphere and to strategic areas in the Far East. Was any consideration given to such a program, and, if not, why not? Did the administration propose’ to strengthen the Communist regimes in Po- land, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, and facilitate the current Communist rape of Hungary, as one of its current bills in Con- gress would have permitted before it was re- viscd, while at the same time forcefully re- pelling communism in Greece and Turkey? If so, was this discrepancy meroly the result of the haste with which the new policy was conccived, of muddled thinking, or of an ad- ministration with two minds and conflicting programs under the same policy? What assurance is there that, without troops and no more money than the British used, we can do in Greece what they with troops could not do? The questions are important to a clarifi- cation of the issues raised by the President's specch, and it is conccivable that Congress would not act satisfactorily for the admin- istration by March 31, or ever, if answers to some of them are not sincerely attempted. There is no reason to think there is a dis- position in the executive department not to do so, for otherwisc, however fully this Con- gress may cooperate, the new policy would begin in a cloud of doubts and fears and would be in danger of crashing on its first flight. There are questions above to which obvi- ously no human mind could supply the an- swers; they concern the area of incalculable risk which the policies of great nations nec- essearily must invade, whether they are in- terventionist or isolationist. These were listed only because of their sources. But there are enough interrogations which pene- trate to the roots of the issue to call for adequate and informed responses. The ef- fectiveness of the decision that is to be made in Congress depends on the vigor with which they are pressed if, as during the lend-lease debate, the effort is to evade them, The Loan to Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLAUDE PEPPER OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. PEPPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an editorial entitled “Tru- man Wants To Police World With United States Dollars and Troops,” written by John 8S. Knight and published in the Miami (Fla.) Sunday Magazine of March 16, 1947, There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rec- orp, as follows: TRUMAN WANTS TO POLICE WORLD WITH UNITED GTATES DOLLARS AND TROOPS So that our readers will clearly understand what is in store for them, I quote a para- graph from a New York Times dispatch by James B. Reston, their specialist in interna- tional affairs: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “What worrles President Truman's ad- visers at the moment is not this loan to Greece and Turkey but the next one.” In that one sentence Mr. Reston epitomizes our future foreign policy: “Fight Commu- nism with dollars.” It is an easy slogan and should go down well with timid Americans who put the covers over their heads every night just in case the Russiuns might decide to drop a few atomic bombs in their neighborhood for target practice. The true meaning of the slogan should frighten them even more for actually it means: “Fight communism with dollars— and men !f necessary.” The President, influenced by his military advisers for whom he has a profound re- spect, has in effect told Russia to keep hands off Greece and Turkey although we have con- sistently encouraged Gieat Britain to rule the Greeks with force through a puppet king. In view of the idealistic statements made by the leaders of all countries during the early days of the United Nations, our moral Position with regard to the Greeks is highly untenable. What we are actually proposing to do, al- though the vast majority of Americans scem- ingly are failing to grasp its significance, is to assume the burden.of world security ith American dollars and troops. This is a step that gues far beyond our humanitarinn desire to aid Greece tn her postwar difficulties, the premise upon which many people arc blindly accepting the Presi- dent's rccommendations, With unconscious trony, President Tru- man's address to Congress was delivered while an 1ll-nation commission from the United Nations Security Council is in Greece trying to get the facts. In bypassing the United Nations so casu- ally, the President has dealt that organiza- tion's prestige a serious biow. Did we not accept the UN as the menns to world pence, to security for the small nations? Why, then, should the United States take unto itself the full responsibility for deciding how world peace shall be main- tained when the problem had been spccifi- cally assimned to the United Nations from the outset? Lest your memories be short, a few quota- tions from earlier pronouncements by United Nations leaders aro in order: April 26, 1945: “This conference 1s called upon to consider the problem of setting up an organization to protect the general pence and security of nations after the war. * * It is obvious that no one wishes to restore a League of Nations which had no rights or power. * * * The Soviet Government is a sinccre and firm champion of the establish- ment of a strong international organization of security. * * * We will fully cooperate in the solution of this great problem with all the other governments which are genuinely devoted to this noble cause.” (V.M. Molotov, chairman of the Soviet delegation to the San Francisco Conference.) July 15, 1945: “We all have to recogize— no matter how great our strength—that we must deny ourselves the license to do always as we please. No one nation, no regional group, can, or should, expect any special priv- flege which harms any other nation. * °* * That is why we have here resolved that power and strength shall be used not to wage war, but keep the world at peace, and free from the fear of war.” (President Tru- man at the San Francisco Conference.) June 21, 1945: “Both the Greek Govern- ment and the people as a whole look friendlily and admiringly at the Soviet Union by whose side they fought, and still fight, for the maintenance of human liberties.” (Under Becretary Zakynthinos, of the Greek Press and Information Department.)
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD November 23, 1945: “What does it concern Great Britain whether Greece is a monarchy or a republic? It is not for us to decide.” (Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin.) February 22, 1945: “The Three Powers “pledged joint action to uphold the right pro- claimed in the Atlantic Charter of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they shall live.” (Edward R. Stct- tinius, Jr., Secretary of State.) March 1, 1945: ‘Vaguely defined ‘sphercs of influence’ are incompatible with the basic principles of international collaboration.” (From Franklin D. Roosevelt’s report to Con- gress on the Yalta meeting.) June 26, 1945: “Establish a special orpan- ization for defense of peuce and insurance of security, frorn among the representatives of the peace-loving nations; to place ut the disposal of the stcering body of this organiza- tion the maxlmum quantity of armed forces sufficient for the suppression of aggression; and to convince this organization, in case of necessity, to send without uny delay these armed forces for the prevention and liquida- tion of aggression, for the punishment of those guilty of aggression.” (A. A. Gromyko, acting chairman, the Soviet delegation at San Francisco.) The noble wurds quoted ubove are just as noble today. The tragic difference is that they huve been so soon forgotten. Russia is guilty of obstruction and hair splitting in the councils of the UN while practicing a determined isolationism for her own selfish advantage. Great Britain, facing economic collapse, loss of empire, and living in fear of Russia, has turned once again to the United States for succor. Our political and military leaders ure so sure that we will eventually go to war with Russia that they have determined to call Russia's hand in the Balkans, a course of action that muy ignite the first spark of the war they would avoid. The fallacy of our position is that: 1. We are not supporting a representative government in Greece. 2. The Greek problem is a world problem and not one specifically reserved to the United States and Great Britain. 3. A political lonn to Greece further weak- ens the United Nations. 4. We are inaugurating a change in for- eign policy which commits us morally to bail- ing out cvery tottering nation in Europe and liquidating their Communists, 6. The constant druin upon our own re- sources will eventually make it impossible for us to aid anyone. 6. We are asking for a war with Russia. Granting that Greece needs money, what about the $9,000.000,000 that are gathering dust in the World Bank of the United Nu- tions? What is being done with Greek os- sets frozen in London? Why can't the sta- bilization fund of the UN proceed to stabilize her currency? American taxpayers have already poured $480,000,000 into Greece since the end of the war, The Greek army, described by President Truman, as “small and ill-equipped, “has ab- sorbed about 44,000,000 worth of equipment, some of it second-hand lend-lease. Do the dreaded Greek guerrillas from the mountains have more? When we have made the loan advocated by President Truman, what about the 70 percent of Grcece’s overscas debts that are held by British banks, Will we pay them too? Or will they be waived by Great Britain in return for our policing her “spheres of in- fluence?” What do you think? It was Franklin D. Roosevelt's concessions at Tehran that gave Russia nine-tenths of the Bulkans. Having handed so much to the Communists on a silver platter, we now belatedly deter- mine to save the end piece for Great Britain, We intend to do it by opposing the guer- rillas who fought the Germans under British and American orders. We intend to do it by backing the Greek army which upon Chicago Daily News Cor- respondent Gcorge Weller’s authority is “heavily spiked with quisling members and officers of the pro-German security battal- fons.” These are the “democratic forces which new American loans will arm in their anti-Communist crusade against the moun- taineers who fought the Nazis." Weller also asks why, if President Truman's claim that 85 percent of the Greeks support the royalist government, it should cost so much American money for the British-armed five-sixths of the pupulation to annihilate “that sixth man.” I do not belicve that American people real- ize the gravity of the step which President Truman has advocated. It is not a question of sending $400 000,000 to aid Greece and Tur- key but rather the assertion of our determina- tinn to combat the spread c. communism everywhere. If this policy is carried out to its logical eonclusion, it will drain our treasury while destroying any hope that the United States and Russia can ever work together. Our decision to appropriate the policing functions of the United Nations is a step fraurht with such grave potentials that Con- grees should not be stampeded into giving blanket approval to the President's proposal. For, as President Roosevelt once said, “You can’t shake your fist and then shake your finger.” Joun S. KNIGHT. Saddle River in the Snow EXTENSION CF REMARKS HON. J. PARNELL THOMAS OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of New Jersey. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the RECORD, I include the fol- lowing poem by Jessie Alsop, Ridgewood, N. J., which appeared in the Pat- erson (N. J.) Morning Call of March 19, 1947; a poem so aptly descriptive of a beautiful stream in northern New Jer- sey: SADDLE RIVER IN THE SNOW Snowflakes kissing Saddle River Frozen darts from Cupid, quiver; Though the check may feel a shiver Still the heart is warm. Saddle River's waves are spraying, Little frozen twigs are swaying, ‘Cross the moon us fingers playing, Love tunes to the dawn. Saddle River's snows endearing On the willows, in the clearing, By the course her flow is stecring, In the sun at morn. Never weary in her labors, Filling wells for all her neighbors; Glist’ning with bright dancing sabors, Graceful as a faun. And the snow of winter covers, Footprints of her Springtime lovers, While their love forever hovers, Where the sedge is torn. Like a vein or throbbing artery, Through the Bergen towns and country; Rippling with her joyous poetry, Laughing, yet forlorn. Riparwoop, N. J. —Jessie Alsop. A1149 Real Americans EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FRANK A. MATHEWS, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. MATHEWS. Mr. Speaker, one of the most refreshing experiences I have had in a long time was to receive a statement signed by 24 persons, being approximately 44 percent of the total number of employecs of a business con- cern in my district, which statement I am hereafter quoting. I have obtained the written permission of these 24 cmployces to insert this state- ment in the Recorp, without, of course, giving thcir names. Among the workers in this particular industry are members of a local of the CIO steelworkers. But all of them are not members of this union. Some are membcrs of other organizations, such as the Patternmakcrs Guild. Others have no union affiliations. The signers of this petition who are members of the steelworkers union, fear, and probably with considerable jus- tification, that if their names were dis- closed they would lose their jobs, would be blackballed so that they would be un- able to get work in the area, and some being married men with families, felt that they could not take that chance. With this feeling I sympathize as deeply as I deplore the conditions which jus- tify it. Mr. Spexaker, the statement of these workers is as follows: We, as employees of the Trenton Brass & Machine Co., have requested that we be able to put our signatures to the letter written by them to the Congressmen and Scnators representing us in the Congress at the pres- ent time. We feel that the Congress should pass legislation to make the labor unions equally responsible as corporations and that the check-off and closed shop should be out- lawed, so that a man has the right to earn his living where and how he pleased without paying tribute to any organization. Any- thing that you can do in the way of seelng to it that this legislation is passed will be greatly appreciated by all of us. James D. Preston EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, one of our most beloved human institutions in Washington is Jim Preston. I have known him for many years, and I am happy to call him my friend. He has truly a unique position. In a recent article in the New York Times, entitled “Mr. Washington,” an account is given of his life. I ask unanimous consent
A1148 support, all discussion leading to public enlightenment is beneficial. Mr. Krock, I believe, has made a real contribution to sound-thinking on this most vital ques- tion. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: IN THE NATION BOME QUESTIONS ARISING OVER THE TRUMAN DOCTRINE (By Arthur Krock) WASHINCTON, March 19.—Senator SmrrH, of New Jerscy, today listed questions for which he seelss answers from the adminis- tration on the meaning, implications, and scope of future of the Presidcnt’s new anti- Communist foreign policy. Senator VANDEN- BERG, in his capacity as chairman of the Com- mittee on Foreign Relations, urged his Republican colleagues to compose a question- naire so that Congress may Know as nearly what it will be voting for in the immediate mattcr of the grants to Greece and Turkey as the administration can or will tell them or, on the basis of information supplied, they can conclude for themselves. And Mr. SmirH is one of the first to publish his response to the invitation. Doubtless the interrogations will run into the hundreds, many will be repetitious, some stupid, and some insincere. But in compos- ite they will reflect tho honestly troubled mind of Congress and of many citizens as the dead line of March 31 draws near. And the cogent part will have grown almost entirely out of one passage in the President's recent address at the Capitol, which was: “It must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting at- tempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressure.” On that policy, Mr. Truman set his pro- posal for its first expressions—the grants of money and other forms of supervised aid to Greece and Turkey. This correspondent in the last few days has listened to the views of many persous of influence, experience, and responsibility in foreign policy, both in and out of Con- egress His conclusion ts that the major questions for which answers will be sought from the administration and on which many votes in Congress will be founded are these: What is meant by “support”? The Precsi- dent used the word without any hint of reser- vation as to money or method. Is it an approval of unconditional “support” that he asks of Congress and the American people? What is the President's definition of “free peoples?” The Palesine Arabs insist they arc, but we are exerting “outside pressure” there The Chinese National Government is resisting an “armed minority,” but, since the people under it are certainly not “free,” would they be excluded from the operations of the new policy? Are certain peoples in the Caribbean and in Latin America “free” in the general North American definition? If they are not, docs the President mean to suggest that his new policy would not apply to areas essential to our national defense because of the limita- tion he expressed? The statement is of a global policy. Is the administration prepared to estimate what the annual budgetary reserve for so vast an Objective should be? What should be the immediate budgetary reserve, in view of the situation that already exists in China and Korea within the framework of the words “armed minorities” and “outside pressure’? If such estimates can be indicated, how will they affect our internal economy, which by common agreement must remain strong if the policy is to be effective? And are the American people prepared to take on a global obligation at an eventual cost which can only be guessed at? Have any alternatives to the policy stated in the President’s words above been can- vassed? If so, what are they, and what were the reasons for rejecting them? It has been suggested that the proposed policy, if adopt- ed, should be limited to our assistance (for the reasons Mr. Truman gave) to that part of Europe west of a line from the Oder to the mouth of the Adriatic, to this hemisphere and to strategic areas in the Far East. Was any consideration given to such a program, and, if not, why not? Did the administration propose to strengthen the Communist regimes in Po- land, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, and facilitate the current Communist rape of Hungary, as one of its current bills in Con- gress would have permitted betore it was re- vised, while at the same time forccfully re- pelling communism in Greece and Turkey? If so, was this discrepancy mercly the result of the haste with which the new policy wus conceived, of muddled thinking, or of an ad- ministration with two minds and conflicting programs under the same policy? What assurance is there that, without troops and no more money than the British used, we can do in Greece what they with troops could not do? The questions are important to a clarifi- cation of the issues raised by the President's specch, and it is conceivable that Congress would not act satisfactorily for the admin- istration by March 31, or ever, if answers to some of them are not sincerely attempted. There is no reason to think there is a dis- position in the executive department not to do so, for otherwise, however fully this Con- gress may cooperate, the new policy would begin in a cloud of doubts and fears and would be tn danger of crashing on its first flight. There are questions above to which obvi- ouftly no human mind could supply the an- swers; they concern the area of incalculable risk which the policies of great nations nec- essarily must invade, whether they are in- terventionist or isolationist. These were listed only because of their sources. But there are cnough interrogations which pene- trate to the roots of the issue to call for adequate and informed responses. The ef- fectiveness of the decision that is to be made in Congress depends on the vigor with which they are pressed if, as during the lend-lease debate, the effort is to evade them. The Loan to Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLAUDE PEPPER OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. PEPPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an editorial entitled “Tru- man Wants To Police World With United States Dollars and Troops,” written by John 8S. Knight and published in the Miami (Fla.) Sunday Magazine of March 16, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rec- orp, as follows: TRUMAN WANTS TO POLICE WORLD WITH UNITED STATES DOLLARS AND TROOPS So that our readers will clearly understand what is in store for them, I quote a para- graph from a New York Times dispatch by James B. Reston, their specialist in interna- tional: affairs: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “What worries President Truman's ad- visers at the moment is not this loan to Greece and Turkey but the next one.” In that one sentence Mr. Reston epitomizes our future foreign policy: “Fight Commu- nism with dollars.” It is an easy slogan and should go down well with timid Americans who put the covers over their heads every night just in case the Russians might decide to drop a few atomic bombs in their neighborhood for target practice. The true meaning of the slogan should frighten them even more for ac.ually it means: “Fight communism with dollars— and men if necessary.” The President, influenced by his military advisers for whom he has a profound re- spect, has in effect told Russia to keep hands off Greece and Turkey although we have con- sistently encouraged Great Britain to rule the Greeks with force through a puppet king. In view of the fdealistic statements made by the leaders of all countries during the early days of the United Nations, our moral position with regard to the Greeks is highly untenable. What we are actually proposing to do, al- though the vast majority of Amcricans scem- ingly are failing to grasp its sifnificance, is to assume the burden.of world security ith American dollars and troops. This is a step that goes far beyond our humanitarian desire to aid Greece in her postwar difficulties, the premise upon which many people are blindly accepting the Presi- dent’s recommendations, With unconscious frony, President Tru- man’s address to Congress was delivered while an 1ll-nation commission from the United Nations Security Council is in Greece trying to get the facts. In bypassing the United Nations so casu- ally, the President has dealt that orguniza- tion’s prestige a serious blow. Did we not accept the UN as the mcuns to world peace, to security for the small nations? Why, then, should the United States take unto itself the full responsibility for deciding how world peace shall be maine tained when the problem had been specifi- cally assigned to the United Nations from the outset? Lest your memories be short, a few quota- tions from earlier pronouncements by United Nations leaders are in order: April 26, 1945: “This conference is called upon to consider the problem of setting up an organization to protect the general peace and security of nations after the war. * * *¢ It is obvious that no one wishes to restore a League of Nations which had no rights or power. * * * The Soviet Government is a sincere and firm champion of the establish- ment of a strong international organization of security. * * * We will fully cooperate in the solution of this great problem with all the other governments which are genuinely devoted to this noble cause.” (V.M. Molotov, chairman of the Soviet delegation to the San Francisco Conference.) July 15, 1945: “We all have to recogize— no matter how great our strength—that we must deny ourselves the license to do always 88 we please. No one nation, no regional group, can, or should, expect any special priv- llege which harms any other nation. * * * That is why we have here resolved that power and strength shall be used not to wage war, but keep the world at peace, and free from the fear of war.” (President Tru- man at the San Francisco Conference.) June 21, 1945: “Both the Greek Govern- ment and the people as a whole look friendlily and admiringly at the Soviet Union by whose side they fought, and still fight, for the maintenance of human liberties.” (Onder Secretary Zakynthinos, of the Greek Prcss and Information Department.)
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD November 28, 1945: “What does it concern Great Britain whether Greece is a monarchy or a republic? It is not for us to decide.” (Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin.) February 22, 1945: “The Three Powers “pledged joint action to uphold the right pro- claimed in the Atlantic Charter of all peoples to chocse the form of government under which they shall live.” (Edward R. Stet- tinius, Jr., Secretury of State.) March 1, 1945: “Vaguely defined ‘spheres of influence’ are incompatible with the basic principles of international collaboration.” (From Franklin D. Roosevelt's report to Con- gress on the Yalta mecting.) June 26, 1945: “Establish a special organ- ization for defense of pence and insurance of security, trom nmong the representatives of the peace-loving nations; to place at the disposal of the steering body of this orguniza- tion the maximum quantity of armed forces sufficient for the suppression of aggression; and to convince this organization, in case of necessity, to seud without any dclay these armed forces for the prevention and liquida- tion of aggression, for the punishment of those guiltv of aggression.” (A. A. Gromyko, acting chairman, the Soviet delegation at San Francisco.) The noble words quoted nbove are just as noble today. The tragic difference is that they have been so soon forgotten, Russia is guilty of obstruction and hair splitting in the councils of the UN while practicing a determiiued isolationism for her own selfish advantage. Great Britaln, facing economic collapse, loss of empire, and living in fear of Russia, has turned once again to the United States for succor, Our political and military leaders are so sure that we will eventually go to war with Russia that they have determined to call Russia’s hand in the Balkans, a course of action that may ignite the first spark of the wer they would avoid. The fallacy of our position js that: 1, We are not supporting a representative government in Greece. 2. The Greek problem ts a world problem and not one specifically reserved to the United States and Great Britain. 3. A political Joan to Greece further weak- ens the United Nations. 4. We are innugurating a change in for- elgn policy which commits us morally to bail- ing out every tottering nation in Europe and liquidating their Communists. 5. The constant drain upon our own re- sources will eventually make it impossible for us to aid anyone. 6. We are asking for a war with Russia. Granting that Greece needs money, what about the $9,000,000,000 that are gathering dust in the World Bank of the United Na- tions? What is being done with Greek as- sets frozen in London? Why can't the sta- bilization fund of the UN proceed to stabilize her currency? American taxpayers have already poured $480,000,000 into Greece since the end of the war, The Greek army, described by President Truman, as “small and ill-equipped, “has ab- sorbed about 844,000,000 worth of equipment, some of it sccond-hand lend-lease. Do the dreaded Greek guerrillas from the mountains have more? When we have made the loan advocated by President Truman, what about the 70 percent of Grecce’s overscas debts that are held by British banks, Will we pay them too? Or will they be waived by Great Britain in return for our policing her “spheres of in- fluence?” What do you think? It was Franklin D. Roosevelt's concessions at Tehran that gave Russia nine-tenths of the Balkans. Having handed so much to the Communists on a silver platter, we now belatedly detere mine to save the end piece for Great Britain, We intend to do it by opposing the guer- rillas who fought the Germans under British and American orders. We intend to do it by backing the Greek army which upon Chicago Daily News Cor- respondent George Weillcr's authority is “heavily spiked with quisling members and officers of the pro-German security battal- ions.” These are the “democratic forces which new American loans will arm in their anti-Communist crusade against the moun- taineers who fought the Nazis.” Weller also asks why, if President Truman’s claim that 85 percent of the Greeks support the royulist governgient, it} should cost so much American money for the British-armed five-sixths of the population to annihilate “that sixth man.” I do not believe that American people real- ize the gravity of the step which President Truman has advocated. It is not a question of sending $400 000,000 to uid Greece and Tur- key but rather the ussertion of our determina- tion to combat the spread c communism everywhere. If this policy ts carricd out to its logical conclusion, 1 will drain our treasury while destroying any hope that the United States and Russia can ever work together. Our decision to appropriate the policing functions of the United Nations is a step fraucht with such grave potentials that Con- erces should not be stamneded into giving blanket approval to the President's proposal. For, as President Roosevelt once said, “You can’t ehake your fist and then shake your finger.” Joun 8S. Knicut. Saddle River in the Snow EXTENSION CF REMARKS HON. J. PARNELL THOMAS OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the REcorD, I include the fol- lowing poem by Jessie Alsop, Ridgewood, N. J., which appesred in the Pat- erson (N. J.) Morning Call of March 19, 1947; a poem so aptly descriptive of a beautiful stream in northern New Jer- sey: SADDLE RIVER IN THE SNOW Snowflakes kissing Saddle River Frozen darts from Cupid, quiver; Though the cheek may feel a shiver Still the heart ts warm. Saddle River's waves are spraying, Little frozen twigs are swaying, ‘Cross the moon as fingers playing, Love tunes to the dawn. Saddle River’s snows endearing On the willows, in the clearing, By the course her flow is steering, In the sun at morn. Never weary in her labors, Filling wells for all her neighbors; Glist'ning with bright dancing sabors, Graceful as a faun. And the snow of winter covers, Footprints of her Springtime lovers, While their love forever hovers, Where the sedge is torn. Like a vein or throbbing artery, Through the Bergen towns and country; Rippling with her joyous poetry, Laughing, yet forlorn, Rincewoop, N, J. —Jessie Alsop. A1149 Real Americans EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FRANK A. MATHEWS, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. MATHEWS. Mr. Speaker, one of the most refreshing experiences I have had in a long time was to receive a statement signed by 24 persons, being approximately 44 percent of the total number of employees of a business con- cern in my district, which statement I am hereafter quoting. I have obtained the written permission of these 24 employees to insert this state- ment in the Recorp, without, of course, giving their names. Among the workers in this particular industry are members of a local of the CIO steelworkers. But all of them are not members of this union. Some are membcrs of other organizations, such as the Patternmakers Guild. Others have no union affiliations. The signers of this petition who are members of the stcelworkers union, fear, and probably with considerable jus- tification, that if their names were dis- closed they would lose their jobs, would be blackballed so that they would be un- able to get work in the area, and some being married men with families, felt that they could not take that chance. With this feeling I sympathize as deeply as I deplore the conditions which jus- tify it, Mr. Speaker, the statement of these workers is as follows: We, as employees of the Trenton Brass & Machine Co., have requested that we be able to put our signatures to the letter written by them to the Congressmen and Senators representing us in the Congress at the pres- ent time. We feel that the Congress should pass legislation to make the labor unions equally responsible as corporations and that the check-off and closed shop should be out- lawed, so that a mun has the right to earn his living where and how he plcased without puying tribute to any organization. Any- thing that you can do in the way of seeing to it that this legislation is passed will be greatly appreciated by all of us. James D. Preston EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, one of our most beloved human institutions in Washington is Jim Preston. I have known him for many years, and I am happy to call him my friend. He has truly a unique position. In a recent article in the New York Times, entitled “Mr. Washington,” an account is given of his life. I ask unanimous consent
A1150 that it be printed in the Appendix of the REcoRD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Mr. WASHINGTON AFTER 50 YEARS IN THE HALLS O¢ THE SENATE JIM PRESTON IS A SYMBOL OF THE CAPITOL ITSELF (By Truman Felt) WasHINGTON.—Cartoonists evolved the humorless figure we accept as Uncle Sam, but that was before they knew Jim Preston. Today every ncwspaper man and cartoonist who has worked in Washington long enough to earn his press gallery card knows Jim. His official title is Indexer of the Senate Jour- neal. But in his cluttered, high-ceilinged Office, just off the Senate floor, he serves unofficially for a host of newsmen and offi- cials as a sort of living encyclopedia of fact and anecdote. This month marks the fiftieth anniversary of Jim Preston's first appearance in the halls of the United States Senate. Throughout this long period his relations with life on Capitol Hill have been so intimate, his in- tercst in the men who have made American history so keen, that he seems to personify Government itself. Born in Washington, August 2, 1876, James David Preston has grown up with the Capitol. Senator ARTHUR VANDENBERG, Of Michigan, said of his old friend once, “You and the Senate press gallery are as indivisible as the Capitol and its dome.” To Representative Louis Luptow, of Indiana, whom Jim initi- ated in press gallery ways back In 1901, it seemed that Preston must have been there always. “I well remember,” LupLow wrote, “when you and Noah and I first came to the Capi- tol. We have lost Noah, but you and I are going as strong as ever. I recall how mad Daniel Boone and I used to get when you miude us park our long-bored flintlock rifles outside before you would let us in the press gallery.” With a reminiscent smile prompted by Lup.tow’s whimsy, Preston recalls that cor- respondents attending the opening of Con- gress when the McKinley administration took office in 1897 were far from Daniel Boone types. They not only scorned coonskin caps but riveled the sartorial best of the Senators in silk hats, Prince Albert coats and striped trousers. Jim Preston himself is not without a flair for clothes in a British week-end way. He has been compared often to Neville Chamber- lain, whom he impersonated in one Gridiron Club skit, but the resemblance is only sue perficial. The son of a distinguished Washington cor- respondent, Herbert A. Preston, Jim had worked briefly as a newspaper man before he established his first connection with the Senate. That was in 1897 when Washington correspondents chose him as unofficial super- intendent of the Senate press gallery—no such post had yct been created by the Gov- ernment—at $1,440 a yenr. Before Preston's time the superintendent kept the ink wells filled, supplied writing paper, and did little else. But that was not Jim's idca of a press gallery. He gathered copies of bills end committee reports, searched tirelessly for facts needed to inter- pret the news, and began coaxing Senators to make tcxts of their prepared speeches available in advance. More than that, Jim himself was a fund of information vital to correspondents, who be- fore World War I were calling him the Soc- rates of th: Press Gallery. When he left the Press Gallery after 34 years to become Senate librarian, 865 cor- respondents obtained permission, never be- fore granted, to use the Senate Chamber it- self to conduct mock impeachment proceed- ings. Preston was speedily found “guilty” of devotion, friendship, and service “beyond the average known among your fellow men,” and of deserting those who “leaned upon you as a rock to strengthen and a staff to guide.” As librarian he ferreted from long-forgot- ten and decaying files many priceless historic documents, including the original handwrit- ten drafts of George Washington's first in- augural address and the Bill of Rights. Then for a time he served in the Archives of the United States, introducing improved British methods of preserving important records, But this took him away from the Capitol, and he soon fulfilled the predictions of his friends by returning to the service of the Senate, this time as indexer of the Journal, the job which he holds today. On Dissolving the Draft EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OVERTON BROOKS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orD, I include the follcwing editorial from the Shreveport (La.) Times of March 17, 1947. ON DISSOLVING THE DRAFT After a conference with Secretary of War Patterson, the Senate Armed Scrvices Com- mittee last woek adopted a recommendation that selective-service records be retained in local board offices throughout the country until nex June 380. President Truman had recommended that the records be consolidated at State capitals when the selective-service law expires March 81. The committee’s recommendation may or may not be heeded by the Senate and House. The cost of keeping the local boards in oper- ating trim for an additional 8-month period would be approximately $2,000,000, and there will doubtless be some sentiment for saving the money. However, one can rendily understand the uneasiness felt by Army leaders as the day nears for breaking up the selective-service system. A few short months ago everyone expected that by March of 1947 the need for selcctive service would be nonexistent. The assumption was, that unrest and tension throughout the world would subside. These fond hopes heve not materialized. Instcad, President Truman’s message on aid to Turkey and Greece has put in motion currents of uncertainty which in a sense are unprecedented for this nation. American miltary powcr, greatly reduced since the end of the war, is scattered thinly over the globe. There are a dozen danger spots. Never before in “peacetime” has the United States faced such a combination of circumstances. The sense of insecurity felt by the man on the street is apparently shared in the top levels of our Government. The framework of selective service should be retained at least until some of the clouds roll by. This would strengthen the hand of the President and of the State Depart- ment during troubled days ahead, when the question of whether or not the United States is actually ready to back up a policy of open opposition to Soviet expansion may become the dominant question in world affairs. What Congress should do, without further delay, is to set up the system of universal peacetime training which national security APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD requires. Once the necessary legislation in that field is enacted, and the first training begun, the world would have due notice that the United States does not intend to lapse into the disastrous unreadiness which came upon the Nation after World War I, Economics I EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY J. LATHAM OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. LATHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I am including an article which ap- peared recently in the New York Sun: ECONOMICS I “Henry Wallace dined with a friend at a midtown restaurant. Highballs were brought to the table, together with the plastic mix- ers. After the mixers were used to stir the drinks, Wallace snapped them into small pieces. ‘Why did you do that?’ Wallace was asked. “They're made of a milk ingredient,’ he said. ‘When I break them it means new ones have to be ordered. Since they're made of milk, new orders mean increased business for the farmers’” (Leonard Lyons). The Midtown Association of Restaurant Keepers marched up to the offices of Henry Wallace’s New Republic last week, taking with them a bouncer with an ax, a burly chef with a meat cleaver, and a cook with a can opener. “Open the door, Henry,” they cried. When Henry refuscd the bouncer said, “O. K., Hank. I'll Just bust it open with my ax. Good for the carpenter, you know.” (C-r-rash, went the door.) The chef led the way inside, using his meat cleaver on the books as he passed by the bookcases. “Good for the publishing business,” he remarked lightly. The cook with the can opener dug his instrument into Henry Wal- lace’s upholstered reading chair. “The seat’s made of leather,” he announced. “New ore ders for leather mean increased business for the cattle growers.” They took Henry’s new ball pen and snapped it, making more business for the pen manufacturers; then they took off Henry's pants and tore them up in ribbons as a pres- ent to the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. “Anything for prosperity, Hank, old boy, anything at all,” said the visitors. JOHN CHAMBERLAIN, The Settlement With Virginia Electric & Power Co. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. VAUGHAN GARY OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. GARY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rscorp, I include an editorial which appeared in the Richmond (Va.) News Leader on March 15, 1947, in relation to the settle- ment of the differences between the Vir- ginja Electric & Power Co. and local
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD unions of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. The adjustment of this labor dispute is a splendid example of what can be accomplished when labor and manage- ment enter into a conference with a de- termination to settle their dispute with- out resorting to strike. It is interesting to note the conciliatory attitude on the part of both and it is highly gratifying that the fair and impartial attitude of the Federal conciliator was an important factor in the consummation of an ami- cable agreement. The editorial follows: THE SETTLEMENT WITH VEPCO Settlement of the differences between Vepco and the eight locals of the Interna- tional Brotherhood of Electrical Workers is 80 welcome that most of us will be inclined to sigh with relief, to ask no questions, and to hope for a similar quick agreement be- tween the company and the foremen’s union. This is not the wisest view of the accord for the reason that.several new factors distin- guished these negotiations and deserve study. First of all was the attitude of the com- pany and of the union. Both parties, it seemed to us, appreciated the serious import of their conference; neither carried a chip on the shoulder. This was apparent from the outset and was, we think, the basis of ac- cord. Once more we have to say that where there is a will to agree there usually is a way. Die-hards, ambitious leaders or Com- munists boring from within are responsible for nine-tenths of the impasses that lead to strikes. Reasonable men normally can ef- fect an adjustment. A second favorable factor was the attitude of the Federal conciliator, D. Yates Haefner, This gentleman is a newcomer in local ne- gotiations. He started out on the principle that his task was what his title indicated— that he was here to conciliate and not to strut his personality or secretly to support one side. Frequently a so-called conciliator is manifestly a sympathizer with the union and works to get the absolute maximum for the workers, rather than to act as a non- partisan in bringing the parties together. Mr. Haefner set so high a standard and 80 strongly impressed both the company and the union that he restored the faith of some of the negotiators in the possibilities of con- ciliation. Either the spirit of the Concilita- tion Service has changed or Mr. Haefner him- self has a temper and a technique distinctly his own. To what extent was agreement facilitated by the existence of the Public Utilities Act of 1947, passed by the general assembly in anticipation of trouble between Vepco and the union this spring? The correct answer to this question will be disputed. Some union officials will say that agrecment was reached in spite of the Jaw and not because of it Leaders of the Brotherhood believe firmly that Vepco inspired the Public Utilities Act and worked in secret with the governor to fashion a club to hold over the unions’ head. So fixed is this conviction that dental is well-nigh futile, but the fact is, the com- pany fen.s this law as much as the unions do, but for a different reason. The unions think the statute is designed to break strikes; the company believes the operation of the law might place its property in the hands of the State indefinitely, perhaps permanently. Private utility companies, like unions, have their phobias. Government ownership of power is one of them. To Vepco, the Public Utilities Act represents an indirect and an unintended but all the same a dangerous approach to State operation of its properties. It is entirely probable, therefore, that both sides were disposed to reach agreement by direct negotiation because neither side knew what the effect of the new law would © ® most interesting situation. Spiritually Inspired Homes Prevent De- linquency—Program by League for the American Home EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN PHILLIPS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. PHILLIPS of California. Mr. Speaker, last Novembcr a conference was held in Washington, known as the Na- tional Conference on the Control and Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency. Distinguished men and women, leaders in the movement to study, curb, and prevent juvenile delinquency, took part in it. One of the leaders who attended was Dr. C. E. B. Ward, executive sec- retary of the League for the American Home, member of the Home Responsi- bility Panel, whose address is room 1214, Carnegie Hall, New York City. The Washington office is room 1030, Wood- ward Building. I have known Dr. Ward, and his wife, Blanche Ward, and other members of his family, for more than 14 years. All have given a lifetime of interest, work, and sacrifice to this movement. I know their ambitions and their hopes. For that reason I have asked today for permission to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the REcorp and to include the recommendations made to the conference by Dr. Ward on behalf of the League for the American Home, Inc. RECOMMENDATIONS These recommendations are the out- growth of a first-hand study, over a pe- riod of 19 years, of American home life with several thousand boys (and separate homes for girls), of different nationali- ties and religious backgrounds—all ages and social strata—the privileged, in the opinion of the world, as well as the underprivileged. These boys were taken into the intimacy of small-unit homes throughout the country, the first of which the boys themselves named ‘‘Mar- vel House.” The history of Marvel House, and its outgrowth, the League for the American Home, will be found in the CONGRESSIONAL ReEcorp for July 30, 1946, placed there by the then Representative of the Twelfth Califor- nia District, Congressman Jerry Voor- his. In 20 such houses in 10 different communities, in 4 States, these young people were cared for in family-sizcd groups, literally as sons and daughters, by trained mothers or by man and wife, under the personal and general super- vision of Blanche Ward. The results of this incredibly success- ful home experiment cost for variable periods, according to time required to give the boy a new outlook, an average of only about $52.50 per boy. Checked through approximately 40,000 personal interviews with representative Ameri- cans, Mr. and Mrs. Ward gained a@ cross section of public opinion, and secured counsel in forming a home program for youth. A member of New York Presby- tery, Mr. Ward’s life work as a clergy- man, especially in a large institutional church built during his ministry in New York City, and as interstate fleld sec- A1151 retary of Christian Endeavor, centered in youth, ‘‘a service to which Mr. and Mrs. Ward have given the best of their lives and all their substance.” PROGRAM OF THE LEAGUE FOR THE AMERICAN Home This program was presented to the con- ference in three parts: I. Emergency program for the control of juvenile delinquency through religiously in- aspired homes similar to Marvel House Homes created for neglected and delinquent youth whose homes and parents have failed. Fifty such homes scattered over America— one in each State—established by the Gov- ernment, supported by the State and/or by local communities, costing a total of $500,000 would demonstrate, on a national scale, the transforming power of spiritually inspired homes, in dealing with delinquents, These homes would prepare annually 10,000 youth for civic and spiritual leadership. II, A long-range program for the preven- tion of juvenile delinquency, based on the right functioning of America's 36,000,000 homes, through a trained parenthood for religious education of children from infancy by parents in the home. III. Top notch testimonials to the sue preme importance of spiritual home valuesé for religious faith and the sound character for citizenship in a republic. No other ine stitution has such power in the solution of delinquency and crime; nor is any so potent and indispensable an influence for world peace. I, EMERGENCY PROGRAM 1. Create homes Ninety-five percent of delinquents are products of homes which failed to meet their moral and spiritual needs; homes which even started them on careers of crime. Parents quarreled or nagged, in- qdulged or repressed; left children’s training and morals to servants or the street. Ob- viously delinquents should not be scent back to such homes. Neither should they be sent to jails, recognized schools of vice. Nor to reformatories which do not reform but leave a permanent criminal stamp. Nor ineptly, to institutions. Fair play leaves no recourse but to provide real homes, every child's birthright. Estab- lish homes. Purnish them with emphasis on beauty and comfort. With music, humor, cheer, and service, the socially sick can be nurtured back to moral and spiritual health. Install a devoted mother-hearted woman. Give her a few neglected boys (or girls) not as “inmates,” but as members of her family. Offer her every encouragment and assistance in creating a wholesome, happy atmosphere. This is the formula for building worthy cit- izens. Homes, not institutions. This first step in any youth program is within the reach of any church, club, group or community sufficiently convinced of its potentialities to give it w# try. (For history of Marvel House small group homes for youth see siatement in CONGRESSIONAL RecorD, July 30, 1946.) 2. Small unit groups Emphasize the small group for intimate, individual care and service. Mass produc- tion is chenp for commodities but costly for humans. God never made a mother or teacher who can effectively handle at one time a room full of children—to sit down repeatedly by the hour with each of 30 or 40 boys and painstakingly discipline, mold, and inspire, and plan with him for his life career. Obviously, intensive character building is a one-by-one proposition. Note the economy of the small group home plan: Being personal and intensive, in most cases, an unbelievably short time was re- quired for character transformations, with @ consequent rapid turn-over. In Marvel House homes the cost, for variable periods re- quired to give each a changed viewpoint of life, was an average of only $52.50 per boy.
A1152 This family-size plan lends itself to segre- gating youth of different faiths, in separate units when desirable. Also to shifting mothers where the one in charge fails to measure up to her task. 3. In the country on farms Locate these homes preferably on farms away from the city's distractions, and allure- ments, amid simple, rugged surroundings to escape artificial environment. The boy should roam fields and woods with a skyline of fences, trees, hills, and clouds. For com- panions animals, plants, brooks, and whole- some friendly neighbor boy pals. In Marvel Home a quiet hour for rest and meditation after lunch was the most valuable period of the day. An hour of leisure to ponder, in which to face himself, take stock of his resources, study his past, and chart his future. d. Plenty of hard work Programs of recreation and play alone, pale in comparison for health, happiness, char- acter building—and as antidotes to juvenile crime. A Government bureau declares against too much dependence on recreation. Another bureau recently estimated 18,000,000 children between the ages of 7 and 14 without planned recreation “on the loose’—no adequate home supervision and guidance. Rich soil for spawning crime. Boys may think they want chiefly recrea- tion, amusement, fun. But, as Marvel Houce boys would say, what they really want is “worth while work and to be directed—made to do what's right.” 5. Vocational guidance Find him a job in line with native apti- tudes and he fits into it, sticks to it, and drives himself in tt happily to success. Few factors are as vital for contentment and de- velopment as his vocational adjustment. His job will increase his sense of importance. If it does not, he seek this in daring hold-ups or other crimes. No vocational agent can compare with a good home and wise mother in her 16-to- 24-hour-a-day associations. No person can know 89 well his talents, potentialities, and motivation as the one close to him in the intimacies of home. 6. Homes must teach religion A noted juvenile judge refused to place children, even of atheistic parents, in non- religious institutions or homes. Another juvenile judge testified that he had no trouble with children raised in old fashioned homes where faith is taught and exempli- fied. In Marvel House most of the boys had made no profession of religion. Seldom had attended church or read the Bible. Knew little about the Ten Commandments or prayer. The daily family devotions with a brief scripture message, lively spirtual songs, an earnest petition for daily guidance, for the welfare of the boys and for world peace awakened dormant Godward emotions which eventually changed their lives. Every effort was made to persuade them to attend church, They rarely consented. But they never missed “the sing,” as they called it. All wanted to ask questions, all talking at once, eager to apply the Bible stories to their daily experiences. All had been starved spiritually. If this devotional exercise were delayed, they asked, “Aren’t we going to have the songs tonight?” Religion was the means. The power which effected the transformation. 7. Emphasize the mother Mothers are the common denominator of boydom. Fathers are essential. Mothers are indispensable. A boy chooses among his heroes a prize fighter, movie star, or top notch general. But in his hour of greatest need or supreme joy it is the mother to whom he turns. Psychiatrists, educators, theologians may rush in where even devoted mothers fear to tread. An American school axiom is “One mother 18 better than 100 teachers.” A Spanish Proverb reads, “An ounce of mother is worth a pound of clergy.” A mother: An intelligent woman who loves, serves, nurses, counsels, disciplines. And prays. She therefore saves. There is no substitute in salvaging delinquents. The greatest challenge America faces is the equipping of such mothers for this service—the biggest job on earth. The public has notably failed in not recog- nizing mother-vocational possibilities and in not preparing her for this significant part of her service to youth. Hence, the need for emphasis on a Government-sponsored program of training for homemaking and parenthood. Create in every boy the sense of his own importance and unique destiny. As a Marvel House boy wrote from the California School for Boys, “I learned here that every- body has a special mission which if he fails to perform will never be done.” Home training and influence for all youth is not a debatable question. It is the right of every child born into the world. In self- defense, both as economic and as social measures, men in business and industry, civics and Government must come to the point where they will provide real homes for our children. Faith and confidence in the boy’s innate powers, cheerful companions and comrade- ship, careful vocational adjustment, and with useful arts, crafts, and trades—and re- Mgion—these were the dominant features of Marvel House and will do the job—the simple psychotherapy of spiritual atmosphere and the comfort of a mother with— “A heart at leisure from itself, To soothe and sympathize.” This is a boy's first need. Il, LONG-RANGE PROGRAM 1. Family group homes (See I. Emergency Program) Urge local communities widely throughout America to create small group homes super- vised by trained mothers: (1) In cities as home centers of light for fostering home ideals and methods; (2) in the country on farms where youthful offenders may, in the normal home way of dealing with all youth, be nurtured back to physical, moral, and spiritual health. 2. Home and religious instruction The importance of thousands of institu- tions operating outside the home is played up to the nth degree. Why not play up the importance of religiously inspired homes? Where the family with home religion is mag- nified, delinquency and crime slough off. Where they lapse, these evils become ram- pant. Place the highest possible premium on these much neglected factors. Leave no doubt in the public mind as to their place of supremacy in the welfare field. (See following top-notch testimonials.) 3. Legislation Foster legislation for compulsory educa- tion in all schools, in preparation for mar- riage and parenthood responsibilities. The work of even : one man’s campaign with governors and legislators for the passage of bilis in a drive for such training would ac- complish wonders. 4. National Home Week Conduct a National Home Week, through Presidential proclamation, to spread facts re- garding delinquency conditions and the necessity for taking vigorous Nation-wide measures for its cure—through sermons, lec- tures, broadcasts, syndicated press articles, conferences, forums, mass home rallies, posters, billboards, and advertising, essays and oratorical contests in schools, letters, phones, wires, personal interviews, and house- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to-house visitation in every city, town, and rural community. Make it a week that will indelibly impress on the entire Nation the decisive place of homes with religion for the character devel- opment required in American leaders. To this end attempt as far as possible to or- ganive every community, church, school, men’s and women’s clubs, welfare agencies, and groups in a program of cooperation for a vigorous campaign of work to eradicate juve- nile crime from every corner of the Nation. In short, conduct a war on all conditions which contribute to juvenile crime. 5. National commission Appoint a national commission for study and research in the home field, to act as a National clearinghouse for all home interests and activities. Reasearch—and then more research. The investment of a few millions in home experimentation and research—in line with the few hundred thousands in- vested by the League for the American Home—would yield incredible results in ideas and methods, practical suggestions for solv- ing youth and home problems. 6. Education and promotion Conduct a continuous Nation-wide pro- gram of home education and promotion to awaken the public. By every means to cap- ture the imagination as widely and ardently for home-mindedness as, say, for aviation, athletics, movies, and atomic energy, chan- neling a national enthusiasm into intelli- gent action, 7. The church’s responsibility Stimulate and aid the church to specialize in the equipment of parents for assuming their responsibilities in the religious edu- cation of their children. This should be the most important factor in church growth, and it 1s the church’s prime duty for the char- acter development of youth. It ts also the church's first civic, patriotic duty for a ma- ture citizenry and basic for world peace. 8. Special national conference Call a special national conference to con- sider a long-range program for the preven- tion of juvenile delinquency. In this spe- cial conference, discussions and programs should center: 1. In the home and mother as ~he funda- mental deciding social factors, instead of in institutions and agents. 2. In the young child at the uncunscious and impressionable age, instead of in adult youth. 38. In moral and spiritual training of chil- dren in religious faith by parents versus mere secular and scientific training. 4. In the individual responsibility of every American citizen for the creation of a higher type of American home life and training, in- stead of undue emphasis on government and welfare agencies. It is worth noting that the fourth White House conference on Children in a Democ- Tracy placed its major emphasis on these four points which have been the major theses of the League for the American Home for 25 years. I. TOP-NOTCH TESTIMONIALS President Calvin Coolidge: “With the rapid growth of community activities we are prone to forget that the American home is the true civic center. The source of our strength lies there.” Dr. E. Stanley Jones: “Home is the most nearly perfect cooperative unit, therefore nearest to the Kingdom of God.” Roger W. Babson: “A father and mother of cheracter living together with their children Go definitely more in making a strong nation than presidents, governors, legislators, edu- cators, or clergymen * * * and settle the character and destiny of a child for time and eternity.” Lin Yutang: “The final test of any civili- gation is the type of husbands and wives and fathers and mothers it turns out.”
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Modern Psychology: “The permanent bent of a child's life is determined before it is 2 years of age—in the period when wholly un- der home influences.” James M. Barrie: “Scotland has five great universities. But her poor, though proud homes, are the greatest of them all.” New York Times: “Endowment funds ag- gregating three and a half billions are avail- able for charity and education, but when there is'question of providing sorely needed homes, capital is lacking. Yet the home ts the primal source of all health and education, without which the billions of philanthropy must be powerless. Give the home a chance. This is better than to spend increasing bil- lions correcting errors that might have been avoided * * * if only 5 to 10 percent of the money lavished upon institutions were invested in homes.” Fortune magazine: “The crisis in which modern man finds himself is spiritual. It will be surmounted by the reaffirmation of spiritual values.” Gov. Thomas E. Dewey: “It is a deeply distressing fact that no fewer than 17,000,000 children in our country receive no religious instruction whatsoever. Without religion no nation can survive.” Dr. Henry C. Link: “The strategic time is when a child is too young to understand, but not too young to accept.” Ex-President Lowell of Harvard: “No uni- versity can take away the religion a child gets at its mother’s knees.” Lincoln: “I remember my mother’s pray- ers. They have clung to me all my life. All that Iam anc. hope to be I owe to my angel mother.” Wall Street Journal: ‘What America needs more than railway extension, western irri- gation, low tariff, a bigger cotton crop, or a larger wheat crop, 1s a revival of religion. The kind that father and mother used to have. A religion that counted it good busi- ness to take time for family worship each morning right in the middle of wheat har- vest. A religion that prompted them to quit work a half hour earlier on Wednesday 80 that the whole family could get ready to go to prayer meeting.” Dr. John R. Mott: “It is impossible to overestimate the importance of early reli- gious training of children by parents in the home.” The Bible: “These words shalt thou teach diligently unto thy children * * * lest thou forget the Lord.” Count Cavour of Pledmont: “It costs far less to save 400 children than to reclaim 1 criminal.” Thomas Mott Osborn (while warden of Sing Sing) said to the League founders:. “What you peoplo are doing through the home will put me out of business.” Judge McIntyre (New York Court General Sessions): “Crime is due primarily to the failure of the home, especially of parents to teach religion to their children.” Judge of a juvenile court: “I have no trouble with children raised in old-fashioned homes who believe in God.” Sing Sing criminal (before execution): “I am here because I had only the street for a home. Tell America to give its young people homes and save them from my fate.” Warden Johnson (Alcatraz Island Federal Prison) : “It is absolutely uscless to talk about the solution of the criminal problem until fathers and mothers get back on their jobs.” Dr. Prichard: “Ten generations age, the Hastings family migrated to America and founded a positive Christian home by ac-~ knowledging God in a daily family religious experience. All descendants signed an agree- ment—and kept it—to read the Bible and pray daily in the home. As a result, there has been no delinquency, crime, or divorce in the Hastings descendants for 800 years. There have been distinguished clergymen, or- ganists, and teachers, and all known de- scendants have been decent, law-abiding cit- —T3 igens. By people of such religious faith and practice America was founded and will be kept free. This is in marked contrast to the Jukes family, where there was practically no home religion but nearly all descendants were criminals.” Senator ALpert W. Hawkes: “Anyone who can do something for the home has done mere for world peace than all peace treaties. For a treaty is worth no more than the char- acter of the persons who make it.” Kirchway: “The schools are doing their best to form character in their pupils. But schools cannot adequately do the job. Character building is primarily the function of the home.” Archbishop Spellman: “In religion alone lies the hope of lasting peace.” The Bible: “Peace on earth among men of good will.” Price Ceilings on Typewriters EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTONI N. SADLAK OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. SADLAK. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I am inserting an editorial which appeared in the Hart- ford (Conn.) Times of March 17, 1947, with reference to an amendment offered to the Treasury and Post Office Depart- ment appropriation bill by my colleague, the Honorable Wi1LLIam J. MILLER, to re- move price ceilings on standard type- writers. I find myself in agreement with this editorial and I commend it to the attention of the House. MR. MILLER WAS RIGHT In his wholesome, though unsuccessful, effort to have the sale of typewriters to the Government brought under the conditions of a free market, Representative Wiaxu1AM J. Mier has disclosed some peculiar quirks in bureaucratic thinking. It seems that in 1913 the Government General Supply Committee asked every typewriter manufacturer in the country to submit bids. This was done with the understanding on the part of the com- panies that the low bidder would receive a contract to supply the full needs of the Gov- ernment. No contract was forthcoming but the following year the lowest bid thus re- ceived was made the maximum price the Government could pay for typewriters. This strange procedure was adhered to for about 8 years. Then, in 1922, an appropria- tion bill was passed specifying a ceiling price on standard typewriters of 870. Regardless of costs of production, or improvements in the machines, the Government decreed $70 as its purchase price for more than 20 years. Last year it was raised to $77. Mr. Mrtter pointed out that there are no such ceilings on adding machines, calculators, or even electric typewriters, and that the ma- chine for which the Government now offers to pay $77 is selling in the open market for 6148.50. As a result, the Royal Typewriter Co. refuses to sell at all, the L. C. Smith Co. limits its governmental sales to 500 machines, Remington-Rand to $3,000, and Underwood to 5,000. In this connection Mr. MILLER ex- plained that Royal makes nothing but type- writers and “cannot make up their loss on sales to the Government on some other product.” In the course of the debate, the purchas- ing philosophy of the Purchase Branch of the Federal Bureau of Supply was brought out by a quotation from the deputy director in A1153 charge. This gentleman, Mr. William Free- man, said at a hearing on this typewriter question: “We feel that a limitation, such as has ex- isted on typewriters—not necessarily at the existing price but a limitation—should con- tinue to exist, and if an increase in that limitation should be considered, that the companies should be forced to show their costs, to prove that the price increase, whate ever it might be, would be justified to allow for a reasonable profit, but not an excessive one, in relation to the probable cost to do Government business.” That is to say, according to the chief pur- chasing officer of the Government, before the Government will pay over 87 more than it paid for typewriters 25 years ago, the manutac- turers will be “forced” to open their books for Government inspection and to “prove” that the increase in price allowed them “a reasonable profit, but not an excessive one.” If such is the economics of our Government with respect to the price of typewriters, why should it not apply the same process to the purchase of everything else? Mr. MILLER’s proposal to end the arbitrary price mandate was defeated overwhelmingly but it seems an inconsistent action from a House supposed to be sympathetic to the free enterprise sys- tem, and opposed to price fixing by govern- mental decree. The Royal, in refusing to sell at all under such conditions, has adopted an unpleasant but sound policy. Proposed Labor Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my re- marks, I desire to include in the Recorp a letter that I have received from one of America’s outstanding labor leaders, Mr. Elmer Walker, international vice president of the International Associa- tion of Machinists. Mr. Walker, who is a legal resident of my congressional dis- trict has long been associated with the labor movement in a number of capaci- ties. During the war, Mr. Walker served our Government in various war agencies. His was a real contribution to the vic- tory that was achicved. In my opinion the counsel that he gives in his letter might well be sought by those who are suggesting legislation to restrict the rights of labor. This warning from Mr. Walker should be heeded, I hope that it is. Hon. MELVIN PRICE, Member of Congress, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PRICE: I am u registered. voter in the Twenty-second Illinois District. My dutics as general vice president of the International Association of Machinists re- quire me to be away from my congressional district a great part of my time. Despite this fact, through my local union, Lodge 121, in East St. Louis, Ill., I am kept informed of their views and reactions on all matters per- taining to their economic well-being. We are all concerned over the interpreta- tion that too many of the newly elected Rep- resentatives in Congress are placing on the outcome of last November's elections, name- ly, that organized labor and the workingmen
Al1154 of this country are a great menace to the national welfare. During the war it was my privilege to serve in several capacities in Washington—in the War Production Board, the Smaller War Plants Corporation, a mem- ber of the Shipbuilding Commission of the National War Labor Board, and as a member of that Board. I know that while our Nation was at war and all-out production by the workers of this country was so necessary to our victory, this including the record pur- chase of war bonds, praises were heaped upon workers, both organized and unorganized, for the fine job they were doing. When victory Was assured all seemed to be quickly forgot- ten and, as after the First World War, reac- tionary interests are hell-bent on taking from American workers the gains which have lifted ours to the fullest economy on the face of this globe. If Congress persists in what at the moment seems to be the enactment of legislation which will emasculate present laws and fur- ther restrict or deny rights guaranteed un- der our Constitution, then certainly the re- sponsibility will rest squarely on the shoulders of those Members of Congress who take this step. With the world condition as it is today, with the ever-lengthening shadow of communism spread over the globe, this is no time to level attacks upon those who, in fact, are America. As one who has been a member of organ- ized labor since early 1918, it is my judgment that each of you should carefully weigh your responsibilities in this matter before casting a vote which may have a very seri- ous effect on the future of our country. I would make the same statement if legisla- tion were under consideration which would affect any other branch of our whole econ- omy. Certainly, if legislation such as is pro- posed can be applied to labor, only a@ fool would believe that the same could not be done to any other group. I urge you in closing to oppose the enact- ment of any legislation which would deny rights accorded citizens of this country un- der our Constitution. Sincerely yours, ELMER E. WALKER. No Easy Way to Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MARGARET CHASE SMITH OF MAINE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mrs. SMITH of Maine. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorD, I include an editorial entitled “No Easy Way to Peace,” taken from the Evening Journal, Lewiston, Maine, March 15, 1947, because it is typical of the constructive, sound, and realistic policy of this publication. NO EASY WAY TO PEACE As Secretary of State Marshall stands up under the Soviet hammering at Moscow and as the fears and hopes of Americans alternate in the presence of a great decision about to he made by Congress, words from Marshall's final report on the war are of compelling interest. Marshall as he wrote them was Chief of Staff of the Army of the United States: “There is no easy way to safeguard the Nation or preserve the peace. In the imme- diate years ahead the United Nations will unquestionably devote their sincere energies to the effort to establish a lasting peace. To my mind there is now greater chance of success in this effort than ever before in hise tory. * ®* © Our own responsibilities to these efforts are great. Our diplomacy must be wise and it must be strong. Nature tends to abhor weakness. * * * If our diplomacy is not backed by a sound security policy, it is, in my opinion, forecast to failure.” Now he is working for that peace. He sees without the hindrance of inexperienced idealism. He hears without the static inter- ference of impracticality. Again he is confronted with realities that have to be estimated. He must take cal- culated risks. He has been tempered by fire. He has been wisened by many crises. He has seen and appraised the dangers of weakness. Marshall had a guiding voice in the deci- sion of President Truman to speak out against a Soviet expansion that knows no stopping and will not stop until a brake is put to it. Marshall is at Moscow without illusion. By a life training in self-discipline, In con- stantly estimating what lay before him, he has developed a resistance to pin pricks and deeper thrusts. He will not be diverted by such stinging blasts as Izvestia, the Kremlin's newspaper, directs against President Truman and the United States. He is an old hand at taking it. It is very well that the United States has such @ man and mind as Marshall in the buffeting sessions of the Big Four Confer- ence. It is fortunate that a man represents the United States who knows that there is no easy way to peace but believes there is now @ greater chance of success than ever before. Democracy means one thing in Russia. Another in the United States. Yesterday, Marshall gave his concept to the Foreign Ministers: “To us,” he said, ‘‘a society is not free if law-abiding citizens live in fear of being denied the right to work or deprived of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” A free society also is one that, like the American, permits a discredited former Cabi- net member and Vice President of the United States, by press and radio, to give aid and comfort to the country that would stifle a world under its red banner of communism— a@ union of peoples governed by the tyranny of a few, as is the Soviet. This was what Henry A. Wallace did, knowing full well in his two-by-four consciousness that the Krem- lin would broadcast over the air and in its controlled press, his remarks, his castigation of the President, while omitting to publish what the President told America. We wonder why the cunning Wallace doesn’t settle in Moscow or Siberia, We think that we know. For if Wallace should get out of sorts with the Communist government and sounded off like he did with safety in the United States, he'd be copy for the obituary column. While we stand for his right to say what he did, we challenge his Judgment and his patriotism, Hotly spoken words from out the mouths of the Soviet masters were expected. If no agreements can be reached at Moscow, this would be a gain. We believe progress will be made at this conference in spite of the rough relations that exist at this moment between the East and the West. Open Letter to Congress From America’s Oldest Labor Union EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. JOHN D. DINGELL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, cure rently we read and hear much about proposed restrictive labor legislation and APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD these demands are predicated upon the assumption that labor has abused the right to strike, withheld publication of financial statements from the public, and, in the establishment of closed-shop contractual relations, has transgressed upon the rights of free labor and violated basic rights of employers. It is wholesome, therefore, to enter in the Rrcorp the open letter appearing in the Washington Star of March 17, ad- dressed to Congress by America's oldest labor union, Columbia Typographical Union, No. 101. I direct attention to the open letter and commend its reading to every Member of the House. I believe that the membership of this House will learn much of value in read- ing this communication by Jesse Byron Manbeck, president. It would be super- fluous for me to review the letter para- graph by paragraph. The eloquent facts set forth are convincing in themselves and need no explanation from me. The fair-minded individua! will recognize the forcefulness of truth contained in the letter. The skeptic will find it difficult to answer Mr. Manbeck on the record. I am pleased, Mr. Speaker, to state that I have been an active dues-paying member of the International Typo- graphical Union since March 15, 1913, a period of more than 34 years. I am proud of my affiliation in an organization composed of intelligent, progressive, and patriotic trade-unionists. On more than one occasion I have been honored by my fellow craftsmen of Colorado Springs Typographical Union, No. 82, of which I am still a member. At one time I was elected and served this local as its vice president. AN OPEN LETTER TO CONGRESS FROM AMERICA’S OLDEST LABOR UNION Since January 7, 1815, this labor union has functioned in the Nation’s Capital, and in the 132 years of this union’s continuous ex- istence its members have been involved in only four strikes—none jurisdictional. Under its own union laws, the members of America’s oldest labor union: 1. Require a three-fourths vote by secret ballot of members in good standing for at least 6 months before a strike can be author- ized, and all members must be given reason- able notice such a strike vote is to be taken. “A majority vote by secret ballot can call off any strike. 2. Require that itemized financial state- ments be published every 90 days, after union and CPA audit of same; monthly financial statements are published by the national of- ficials. 38. Require referendum election of its of- ficers, union auditors, and convention dele- gates. 4. Require that foremen and similar super- visory printers be members of the union, but are unhampered in the issuance of job in- structions. This labor union originated the ‘“closed- shop” idea in America by adopting, in 1842, a resolution prohibiting its members from working with nonmembers. This policy has been in effect for 95 years without a serious objection by management. Our apprentice- ship training standards would be seriously impaired under “open-shop” conditions, and GI job training undermined. * Since 1892 our members on Washington newspapers have had the 7-hour day, and since 1933 the 35-hour workweek, by agree- ment of management. If America’s oldest labor union can funo- tion successfully for 182 years right here in Washington, D.C., and grow from 19 members
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in 1815 to 8,200 today, with less than 10 per- cent of this time covered by the Wagner Act; If this labor union can raise the economic level of its members from $9 per 60-hour week in 1815 to $2.20 per hour today for a 35-hour week for District of Columbia newspaper printers with only 4 strikes in 1382 years; Certainly, if this labor union can volun- tarily compile such a 132-year record, with- out mandatory Federal legislation, then it can be done. If there must be new labor !aws, or old laws amended, the Eightieth Congress should keep in mind that there arc different bank- j1g laws for national banks than for savings banks, and that the legislation governing fire insurance 1s different than that for life insurance. Why should there be only one labor law for all labor? There are at least three kinds of labor—seasonal, tenure, and industrial. Congress should get all the facts, and give labor the same consideration as was given the bankers and insurance people. Any labor union that can function suc- cessfully and continuously for 132 years, and survive six American wars, should be a good example to follow—not less seasoned unions. We have had only four strikes in 132 years of labor union existence—uny new Federal law or amendmen. which would cause or re- sult in more strikes is no remedy for indus- trial strife. JESSE BxyRON MANBECK, President, Columb& Typographical Union, No. 101, of the Internae tional Typographical Union, AFL. WasHINGToN, L. C. Five Alternatives Confront America at This Critical Crossroads in the History of Our Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL E, MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Speaker, the deci- sion confronting the United States as a result of the situation and recommenda- tions described in President Truman’s message to the joint session of Congress which was called to hear the President’s message on the conditions in Greece and in Turkey is far-reaching and history shaping. This country has arrived at a crossroads in its foreign policy and the five alternatives which confront us all involve ramifications and possible results which will go far toward directing the entire future of the United States. It is my opinion, Mr. Speaker, that the time has come for the administration to take the American public completely into its confidence and to make available to it a step-by-step description of the events and conferences which have brought us to the sorry and startling situation in which we now find ourselves. We have had too many secret con- ferences, too many secret commitments, too many secrets of every kind in the fashioning of the foreign policies which the White House and the State Depart- ment have pursued both before, during, and since the war. Now that the war is over, I see little continuing excuse for denying to our people a completely can- did and inclusive account of the events, the agreements, and the concessions which have led up to the present sit- uation. Mr. Speaker, I think it especially im- portant that the administration make available to Congress and the country photostatic copies of the unexpurgated transcripts of the agreements which were made and signed at the conferences held in Cairo, Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam. It is quite apparent to us all that the im- plications of the present situation in Greece and Turkey and the vast ramifi- cations flowing from the proposals of the President cannot be divorced from the agreements and commitments made at these historic conferences. It is generally believed, and vaguely hinted at by the State Department, that these conferences discussed conditions and boundary lines by which our leaders tended to commit this country, insofar as individuals have the power to commit a country which relies upon legislative mandates, to a division of the world into spheres of influence. If such spheres of influence were created by these agree- ments, this country should know what they involve. Weshould know what was said at these conferences about Greece, about Turkey, about the Balkan and the Baltic countries, about China, and about the Middle East. It violates the dictatcs of sound procedure that Congress should now be called upon to make epochal deci- sions while being denied access to the records of the events Jeading up to these decisions. AMERICANS, TOO, SHOULD HAVE THE FACTS Mr. Speaker, the seal of South Dakota contains the motto, “Under God the Peo- ple Rule.” That concept of government has prevailed in the United States since 1776. Isubmit that the citizens who rule America have as much right to the rec- ords of what transpired in the numcrous conferences and secret sessions under- taken by our leaders with Russia, for example, as the citizens who rule Russia have a right to those records. Mr. Speaker, the citizens who rule Russia are few in number bv't they do have access to those records. These records are available to Mr. Stalin and his politboro; they are available to Mr. Molotov and his associates. Those men rule Russia and they enter into international policies with the benefit of the full record of the conferences forming a background for the shaping of new Russian policies. But, Mr. Speaker, in America the people rule. We are not the subjects nor the po- litical serfs of the President or the Sec- retary of State. We rule ourselves. To do this wisely and prudently in these critical times, however, I submit that it is important that our people now have made available to them the full, accu- rate, photostatic records of all agree- ments and commitments which form the background of events from which we must now formulate new policies best designed to serve America and the peace-loving people of all the world. Mr. Speaker, this is indeed a time for greatness. It is also, most emphatically, a time for frankness and for candor. WE FACE THESE FIVE ALTERNATIVES As I analyze the situation which we now confront, America faces five alter- natives in its selection of a course of A1155 action by which to meet the unhappy challenges which have been thrust upon us. Out of the sorry and disillusioning situation which grew up in large part because of the ceaseless and cringing ap- peasement of Russia which our leaders sanctioned at Tehran, at Yalta, and at Potsdam as well as in countless lesser conferences, there are now but a lim- ited number of alternatives. None of thom can be considered attractive. None of them reflect the bright new world we were promised as a result of victory in the war. Hcre are the five alternatives now being discussed in Washington: 1, Continucd appeasement At Cairo and Tehran we agreed to in- vade Europe through France and not througn the Balkans. At Yalia we aerced to sacrifice Poland, eastern Eu- rope, and the Balkans to Russian con- trol. At Potsdam we agreed to let Rus- sia take the industrial eauipment from Germany—out of all zones—and now we face a multibillion-dollar program of feeding Germany during our occupation since that country’s buying power has been destroyed. We permit Russians to map American industries, to circularize American citi- zens, to buy American patents. We eme- ploy Communists in our State Depart- ment and in other Federal positions. All that is part—but far from all—of the appeasement program. Should it con- tinue? Apparently, the President’s message on Greece and Turkey means no. At least in Greece and Turkey. 2. Take over British commitments The British Empire faces bankruptcy. The four billion four hundred million loan, now considered here as a gift, we made a year ago is fast running out. There is talk of a new loan. Under the Socialist Government in England, pro- duction has decreased steadily; one American workman now produces as much as two and onc-third British work- men. Facing financial disaster, Britain is giving up her protectorates over Pal- estine, Greece, Turkey, and Esypt. She is giving India full independence. Iraq is to be turned loose. Britain is moving out of Iran. Should the United States move in wherever Britain moves out? If we do not, will Russia? If both countries meet each other moving in, do we fight? The President does not know for sure. Neither does anybody else. The President proposes four hundred million for Greece and Turkey, plus three hundred and fifty million in relief and about five hundred million to feed Ger- many. Thus, we pay reparations for victory while Germany pays them for defeat. If we can get by, peacefully underwriting and reenforcing Greece and Turkey, should we also take on Egypt, Iran, Korea, India, China, Iran, Syria, Italy, and Hungary? They also say, “If we eet no help, we must go Communist.” If we help, can we avoid the end result of facing financial disaster which the British tell us their experience achieved? 3. Isolation Under F. D. R., America adopted the neutrality laws. Later, upon F. D. R.’s advice, we repealed them. Then we
A1156 loaned money; then we gave material; then we sent men. Since 1941 isola- tionism has been an archaic policy in America. Should we again embrace what we previously rejected? In an atomic age, how can one country isolate itself from supersonic weapons, atom bombs, and jet-propelled disaster? Could Amer- ica maintain the mighty armed estab- lishments isolation would require without facing financial disaster? 4, Fight Russia now Nobody wants that. But one hears the suggestion every day by those who argue “If we must whip the Reds eventually, why wait until they get strong enough to fight a prolonged war? Why not use the atom bombs which are still exclusively ours and fight them now? Then we can build a free world on Christian princi- ples.” But this would be contrary to American tradition. We do not start wars; we fight back. And, who could be sure Something as bad as communism might not arise from such atomic chaos just as communism now replaces nazism and fascism as the new menace? Could a sustained Christian civiliza- tion grow from such an un-Christian procedure as atom bombing millions into oblivion? If we atomized Russia who would then occupy it? If it is to cost over a billion a year to occupy Germany, how much would it cost American taxpayers to occupy Russia? Is another war so soon the best dividend we are to get from our new internationalism? §. Define and support an American foreign policy Some suggest we cease shaping our foreign policy as a series of reactions to what takes place in Moscow, in the Brit- ish Empire, or the Far East. They sug- gest we set aside perhaps a month for a full dress American debate on what our American foreign policy should be. De- bate it in the Senate, in the House, over the radio, on the rostrum, in every com- munity large or small, Insist as a fore- runner to such debate that the American public be given the full texts of what was conceded and to what we were com- mitted at Cairo, Tcheran, Yalta, and Potsdam. Our atomic bombs will at least protect the peace during this debate. Out of the debate, let an American for- eisn policy be created from the area of agrecment thus developed. Write it in definite, direct language which neither appeases nor antagonizes any power but which recognizes our world responsibility and describes the steps we propose to take to implement it. Zet the public, the Army, the tax- payers, and the world know what it mcans in terms as definite as those by which the Monroe Doctrine notified the world of our position in an earlier, easier age, when that doctrine proved sufficient to safeguard our interests. In this atomic are, ve need something more and mightier—but is that any reason why it cannot be written with equal clarity? Why must foreign policy now be the secvet formula of a few? Was not one value of the Monroe Doc- trine the fact that everybody knew what it wes and understood it? Might not a now American foreign policy likewise be niade more effective if it were enun- ciated with equal candor and in equal detail? Those are the five alternatives. There are no happy choices among them. But we cannot dodge the march of history. This is not a time for quick conjecture or for “I-told-you-so’s” or “It-might~ have-beens.” It is not a time for ob- stinate decisions. All of us have been wrong part of the time. All of us have been right part of the time. The imperative challenge of today is that enough of us be right this time to protect and preserve a world in which all of us can live without loss of the right to disagree and the freedom to worship God and shape our plans in pesce. None of the five alternatives from which it is hoped a constructive inter- national situation may emerge proposes American withdrawal from the United Nations although alternative No. 3 en- visages limitations on American com- mitments in the United Nations by the creation of a so-called Western Hemi- sphere bloc. Likewise, none of the five alternatives reveals any confidence that as now operating and at this time the United Nations is able alone to meet the challenge confronting our world. Mr. Speaker, America is a strong, cour- ageous, resourceful republic. If the administration will now give our people all the facts and disclose the complete record, we will rally behind whatever decision is necessary to meet the chal- lenges which we confront, Security for FBI Employees EXTENSION OF "REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Retirement Benefits for FBI Agents,” published in the Light, San Antonio, Tex., on March 13, 1947; an editorial entitled “Security for FBI Maen,” published in the Boston Evening Amcrican, on Thursday, March 13, 1947; an editorial entitled “An Earned Retire- ment,” published in the Jackson Citizen Patriot, of Jackson, Mich., on March 4, 1247; and an editorial entitled ‘Support This War,” published in the Miami Daily News on March 11, 1947. There being no objection, the editorials were ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: [From the San Antonio (Tex.) Light of March 18, 1947] RETIREMENT BENEFITS FOR FBI AGENTS Senators Brinces, of New Hampshire, and Lancer, of North Dakota, are the cosponsors of a pending bill in Congress which would amend the Civil Service Retirement Act to give retirement priyileges to veteran em- plcyees of the Federal Bureau of Investiga- tion, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The effect of the bill would be to offer an annuity, on his own application, to any agent of the Bureau who has at least 20 years of service and has attained the age of 50. This is a provision which is no more richly deserved in any other branch of the Federal service than in the Federal Bureau of In- vestigation, and it is long overdue as a com- pensatory and appreciative policy of the Federal Government. S'milar provision for annuities in retire- ment are already made by the Government for veterans in other branches of Federal service, including the Foreign Service repre- sentatives of the State Department who won that recognition from Congress last year. Police agencies of many States and com- munities have long cnjoyed the right of compensated retirement. It is a chollenging matter, and really a very shameful matter, that the most efficient and deserving of all Federal employecs—the law-enforcement agents, who have substan- tially reduced the costs and the tragedies of crime in the United States—are denied the sense of security in their hazardous careers which only an earned and adequate retire- ment program can give. The lack of such a retirement program, more than anything else, accounts for the frequent resignations from the service of muny of its most effective agents at the peak of their careers, private employment offer- ing them not only higher immediate pay, but opportunities to achieve the ultimate se- curity which the Government denies them. Moreover, the agents who remain in the Federal service to the end of their active years are often lost to the service at the very time when their experience makes them the most valuable—for it is a young mun's work done at a killing pace, especially after reaching the -ge of 50 years. So it is only natural that, while they are still young enough to do so, the very best men of the Federal Bureau of Investigation take security where they can find it—with private employers picking the fruits of a rich experience which the Federal Govern- ment lacks the foresight to assure to itself. There is no doubt of the justice and wis- dom of the amcndment propvscd by Scnators Brinces and LANGER, and there is no ques- tion of the utter necessity for it. The competent and resourceiul agents of the Federal Eureau of Investication give the country its most effective means of protec- tion against the evils and dangers of or- ganized crime. They are entitled to adequate compensa- tion for the years so usefully and dangerously devoted to public service, and they are en- titled to the ritht of security in retirement when it is earned—and the Congress should recognize these obvious rights by prompt ap- proval of the Bridg-s-Langer amendment. [From the Boston (Mass.) Evening American of March 13, 1947] SECURITY FOR FBI MEN Senator [rinses, of New Hampshire, and Senator Lancer, of North Dakota, are co- sponeors of a pending bill in Congress which would amend the Civil Service Retirement Act to give retlrement privileges to veteran employces of the Feceral Bureau of Investi- gation, The effect of the bill would be to offer an annuity, on his own application, to any agent of the Lureau who has at le-st 20 years of service and bas attained the rre of 50. This is a provision which is no more richly deserved in any olher branch of the Federal service than in the Federal Bureau of In- vestigation, and it is long overdue ns a come pensatory nnd appreciative policy of the Fed- eral Government. Similar provision for annuities in retiree ment are alrendy made by the Government for veterans in other branches of Federal