A898 There is, however, real point in recalling the fact that the United Nations was created after the Fulbright resolution had been adopted by the Congress, and the North Atlantic Pact was negotiated after the Vandenberg resolution had been adopted by the United States Senate. An expression of opinion by the Congress of the United States gives infinitely greater assurance of a con~ tinulty of policy than any improvised action which might he taken by the executive branch. Certamly the many shifts in our policy with respect to Korea and the Far Bast during the last 6 years cannot give the world too great a confidence in the stability of purely executive action, During the last session of the Congress a resolution was introduced and supported by 115 Members of the House and by 22 Members of the Senate, which made a declaration of policy in substantial accord with the very matter which we are discussing. I doubt whether any resolution which has come be- fore the Congress has had so many indi~ vidual Congressmen and Senators eager to sponsor it at its inception. It never came to the floor of either branch for debate. A similar resolution is being introduced into the present session of the Congress. What course it may take I cannot predict, But I do know this: Members of Congress are extremely sensitive to the voice of the peo-~ ple at home. It will be passed when enough people insist upon it. However, the time is short. There is real danger that we shall get bogged down in the bypasses and fail to return to the main road. The clear voice of thousands of people ex- pressing their conviction can hold us to a steady course. I believe that those voices will be heard and will be heeded. I believe that given time and courage we can make of their convictions a reality. Oil Shortage Seen Facing Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL ALBERT OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following interesting article from the New York Times dated Sunday, Febru- ary 18, 1951: Or. SHORTAGE SEEN FAcING INDUSTRY-—-EXPAN- SION ProcraM, CosTING BILLIONS, InvOLvEs Arm From WaASHINGTON—DEPLETION RATE 4 Facror—Inpustry Sure or FrvaNncina Provipep Tax CHANGES Don’T MAKE BuRDEN Too Heavy (By J. H. Carmical) Despite its huge expansion since World War II it is becoming increasingly clear that the oil industry is facing a gigantic task in e@upplying military and civilian demand in the present emergency. In an effort to meet these demands the industry has embarked on a program to {norease its capacity by an additional 1,000,000 barrels daily. The chief difficulty in meeting that goal is expected to be in the crude oll branch. The first step is at the request of the Petroleum Admin- fetration for Defense. A committee has been appointed hy the National Petroleum Coun- ctl, This committee is headed by Dr. Robert . Wilson, chairman of the Standard Oil Co, (Indiana). The program ts expected to cost billtons of dollars, In addition, there will be materials and labor. However, as to materials, particu. larly steel, industry expects to have the ald of authorities in Washington. Despite the huge cost, the steel industry is confident that the necessary financing can be provided by itself or through private sources provided that the tax laws are not changed so that it will have to bear too heavy a burden. Already, it is maintained that the Treasury Department’s tax recom- mendations to Congress would make the oil industry carry an undue portion of the total tax burden. BILLION IN REVENUE Russell B. Brown, general counsel of the Independent Petroleum Association of Amer- 42a, last week estimated that, if these recom- mendations were enacted into law, the oi] in- dustry would be asked to account for 81,- 000,000,C00 in revenue over and above the proposed increase in rates applicable to all other corporations and individuals. In addition to increasing the Government levy on gasoline to 8 cents a gallon from 1%, cents, the Treasury would drastically reduce the 27'4 percent tax exemption now per- mitted for depletion of producing wells. Ale though there is some opposition to increas- ing the gasoline levy, which would bring the Federal take to roughly 25 percent of the refinery selling price, the chief objection, pare ticularly to those engaged in crude oil pro- duction, is to the proposed change in the de- pletion provision of the law. Mr. Brown pointed out that during the 25 years tn which the present depletion rate has been in effect the oil industry has explored for, found, and produced ever-increasing sup- plies of crude oll, He said that Congress es« tablished the present rate of depletion he- cause it had to find a method and an amount “that would insure proper tax payments and at the same time not discourage capital in- vestments in such risk industries.” TO ENCOURAGE RESEARCH Originally, the depletion provision was placed in the tax law so as not to discourage the search for ofl, If all the net profit re- sulting from the discovery of an ofl well should be taxed, Congress felt that the in- centive to search for oll would be lessened. For that reason, it was determined that 2744 percent of the gross income resulting from the production of oll and gas wells should be exempt from income-tax payments. With each of the 48 States levying a sales tax on gasoline and also some municipalities collecting an additional tax, many persons feel that gasoline is already paying more than its share. . Although the price freeze placed on crud ol] and petroleum products in December has not appreciably influenced production, the belief in the industry is that it should be re- viewed from time to time in order to main- tain a proper margin of profit. In recent months nearly every item entering into the cost of petroleum products has advanced and the chances are that there will be further increases. Generai’Price Ceiling Order EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER E. ROGERS OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. ROGERS of Texas. Mr. Speaker, the Legislature of the State of Texas, by House Concurrent Resolution 27, has clearly and ably set forth the dangers APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and pitfalls of the general price ceiling order of January 26, 1951, imposing price ceilings on cotton. Cotton is second only to steel as a war material, and, in my opinion, should not have been in- cluded in its raw state under the price. freeze order. The very logical reasons upon which I base this statement have been briefly and ably set out in the House concurrent resolution referred to, and I, therefore, place it in the Recorp with the request that all Members read it so that they may better understand some of the problems that can be cre- ated by such an order: House Concurrent Resolution 27 Whereas the Federal Government's general price ceiling order of January 26, 1951, im- posed price freezes on most agricultural com- modities, while exempting materials classed as necessary to the defense program; and Whereas cotton, which is second only to stee) as a critical war material, was included in this general price freeze; and Whereas past experience has demonstrated that, for many reasons, a price ceiling on raw cotton is unworkable and unenforceable, some of these reasons being the following: 1. Sufficient cotton must be produced to supply the Armed Forces as well as take care of our domestic and foreign requirements. Price ceilings on raw cotton might well dis- courage cotton planters, who have been asked by the Government to produce a 16,000,000- bale crop. 2. Raw cotton prices have little to do with the cost of the finished article. Only through controls of the finished products could price control be effective. 3. A short supply of labor and increased Wages, as well as increased costs of machin- ery, equipment, fertilizer and insecticides, will greatly increase the cost of producing the 1951 crop. 4. The very nature of cotton marketing, involving hundreds of gredes, staples and growths, makes it impracticable to place or enforce any ceiling on the raw product. 5. The nature of the cotton market is such that it must function freely; otherwise, with every potential buyer having a guarantee that the price could not rise any higher, the whole system of apot and future marketing would be adversely affected. Whereas, in World War II price ceilings were not placed on raw cotton but rather on the finished products made therefrom, which arrangement permitted the prices of raw cotton to find levels constatent with control of textile prices; and Whereas this method worked satisfactorily then and should be applied in the present situation: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the house of representatives (the senate concurring), That the President and Congress of the United States and the officials charged with the formulation and execution of price stabilization policies are hereby respectfully urged to reestablish the proven method of controlling cotton prices in the present emergency and thereby make possible the orderly financing, production and marketing of the 1951 cotton crop. Ben RaMsry, President of the Senate, Revsrw E. SEvrerrirt, Speaker of the House. I hereby certify that House Concurrent Resolution 27 was adopted by the house on February 18, 1951. CLARENCE JONES, Chief Clerk of the House. I hereby certify that House Concurrent Resolution 27 was adopted by the senate on February 18, 1951, Lover M. Bex, Secretary of the Senate,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Freedom’s Open Door EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK E. SMITH OF MISSIBSIFPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, the women’s auxiliary of the Veterans of Foreign Wars post in Rule- ville, Miss., recently conducted an essay contest open to senior class members in the Ruleville High School. The winner of this essay contest was Miss Nell East- land, of Doddsville, Miss. Miss Eastland’s essay is a fine expres- sion of faith in the American system. Under unanimous consent, I include it in the Appendix of the Recorp: Frrepom’s Orpen Door (By Nell Eastland) “Preedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, these are principles that have guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation.” Thus Thomas Jefferson expressed the sentiments which were in the minds and hearts of the Pilgrims and Puritans when they left their ancestral homes and came to a wild and unsettled new continent. America to them was freedom’s open door. These sturdy souls, who had for so long been persecuted by King James I for refusing to conform to the worship of the Anglican Church, left England to seek in America & refuge where they could worship God ac- cording to their own beliefs. Here they laid the foundation for the democratic form of government. They never allowed themselves to be enslavea. As the Colonies grew, England put more and more restrictions upon them—taxes on practically every article, restrictions and more restrictions. The colonists resisted, at first verbally, but then as the injustices continued their desire for independence became stronger, and they fought for their inde- pendence. Once again they had refused to be enslaved. The burning desire in the hearts of the toen who met in Philadelphia in 1787 to draw up the Constitution was to set up & demo- cratic government, a government in which certain freedoms would be preserved for the coming generations. They drew up the Oon- stitution of the United States, which guar- antees these rights: Freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom of petition. One of the most important and most de- aired of all freedoms 1s that of religions. Not all of the people in the world had this free- dom then or have tt now. In many countries the % still dictates to the church. Recently we have heard of the purging of s\inisters and high church officials by the dictatorial governments of the East Euro~- pean countries. These churchmen, by their words and deeds, had stood in the way of the complete domination of the people by the government. America is one of the few countries of the world where any citizen can express verbally or in writing his private opinions even though they are contrary to the policies of the government. A democracy thrives on constructive criticiam, but in dictatorial gov- ernments and their satellites a citizen does not dare express anything critical of the in- dividuals in power. Such peoples are not free. Only in a free country can public opin- fon mold the policies of the government. Fifty nations of the world have gladly banded together tn the United Nations or- ganigation and pledged themselves to pro- mote and protect the independence and lib- erty of all peoples and all countries. Almost every generation has been called to arms to defend their ideals of freedom. Sometimes men fight for their own Iberty, often to in- sure the rights of others. As the freedom bells rang out around the globe on October 24 the armed forces of the United Nations organization continued their fight to protect the rights of one of the weaker nations. So by promoting friendly understanding and cooperation between nations and the use of Torce only as a last desperate resort we hope to keep open freedom’s door. The Lesson of a Motto EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 7, 1951 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, there are many institutions in our country which have made a distinct contribution to American life and have helped make the United States the great country that it is. One of these institutions is the fa- mous Boys Home in Boys Town, Nebr., which was founded and led for many years by the late Father Flanagan, a Catholic priest and a distinguished American. Boys Home was established and flourishes to this day as a nonsec- tarian institution, offering a home, af- fection, belonging, and an education to homeless youths, regardless of race, color, religion, or national origin. On its board of directors sit prominent Americans of the Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish faiths. This institution continues to teach the American people a great and timely lesson through its motto, which is ac- quiring universal recognition. The well- known poet Joseph Auslander voices some very fine, soul-stirring thoughts concerning this motto which should touch the heart of every man, woman, and child in this country. His brief remarks were published in the maga- gine This Week, February 18, under a picture showing a GI in Korea carrying one of his wounded comrades. Both picture and words teach a beautiful mes- sage. The words follow: A Hann To HELP (By Joseph Auslander) “Ho ain't heavy, Father. He's my brother.” Motto of Father Flanagan's Boys’ Town. One of the first things thet rtrikes you as you enter Fathe: Planagan’s world-'mous Boys Town, in Boys Town, Nebr., is the sim- ple, inapiring plaque which has become a xind of symbol! of the spirit and work of that wonderful experiment in affection and faith—the picture of a sturdy young lad carrying a crippled little boy in his arms. Beneath this is written: “He ain't heavy, Father. He's my brother.” Today, against the background of current news stories and news pictures like the one shown above, it ts impossibie to read these words without « catch at the throat and a thrill at the heart. What a feason for all of ‘us—tndividuals, families, communities, and natians—-that utterance carries. If only, in our dally lives, at home or at our business, or in our dealings with our neighbors, we could share the burden, reach out a hand to help, lift another's load onto our shoulders for a while, If only, in their intercourse with each oth- er, the countries cf the world could apply this warm and generous human impulse to thelr councils and deliberations, the poisons of fear and envy and suspicion would surely evaporate in peace. If only everyone everywhere in the world, of whatever race, creed, color, or conviction, could stand before his God and say, “He ain’t heavy, Father, He's ny brother,” If only——— Why? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASBACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following editorial from the Boston Post, Boston, Mass., on February 14, 1951: Were Is tHe “Batory’? Do you remember the Batory, the Polish liner in which the Communist spy, Gebhart Eisler, escaped after his conviction here, landed in England, and was permitted to go free? Well, the Batory is again in South- ampton, England, getting the overhaul and cleaning which the shipyard workers it Brooklyn, N. Y., refused to do on the ground that she is a Communist ship. She will now be fitted out by the English workers to continue her service to the common enemy. Why, we wonder, does the British Govern- ment maintain such friendly relations with Russia, China, and the Red satellites? Why are British factories turning out great ma- chine tools for Rugsia, the very things that Russia most desperately needs to build up her armament? Why are Russian engineers being entertained in British factories and being shown how to make such things so necessary to the making of war? Why, again, ere British merchants doing a booming busi- ness with Red China through Hong Kong, reputedly the greawst boom in the history of that British outpost? Oil, rubber, and steel, the things the Red Chinese need most to carry on the war in Korea against British and American soldiers, are pouring into China to fatten English merchants. When the question arises as to whether General MacArthur may order his forces to gO north acroas the thirty-eighth parallel in Korea to run the Red army down, Mr. Attlee, the British Prime Minister, says “no.” Is England to dominate our foreign policy even to the point of dictating to our Armed Forces, while we supply the main bulk of the forces engaged in putting down the Communists? All these things are arousing deep resent~ ment here in America and the friendly rela- tions between Britain and America are being sadly frayed. The character of the present Labor Government in Britain is strikingly shown by the fact that they have now put up an out-and-out pacifist for a by-election to Parliament. There is only one strong man in England in whom ‘the American people have un- bounded confidence. He is, of course, the former Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, who currently is vigorously battling to throw Mr. Attiee’s Labor government of office. Years ago Mr. Churchill said that Labor was not fit to govern. He did not say that in easnobbish spirit. He simply meant that the British Labor Party was so essentially so~- Cialistio that it would bring about Britain's
A900 downfall, and apparently his convictions are being borne out by Britain's present policy. Britain and her satellites in the past year, even after the Korean fighting broke out, have time and again consistently voted against the United States inthe UN. Britain hurriedly recognized Red China to preserve her trade with that country and to bribe the Chinese not to take over the British colony of Hong Kong. It is high time for Britain to make up her mind whether she is going to put the dollar first in her foreign policy, or whether she is earnestly and honestly going to join heartily with the free peoples of the world in the fight against communism. At Cross-Purposes EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. TOM STEED OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr, STEED, Mr. Speaker, the follow- ing article by W. M. Jablonski, petroleum editor of the New York Journal of Com- merce, deals with a subject of taxation which is now before the Congress. For this reason I believe the article will be of real information and interest to the Members. The article follows: President Truman's request for a reduction in the traditional tax depletion allowance for ofl drilling reveals a startling lack of coordl- nation in the administration’s national de- fense objectives. To be sure, Congress will be hard pressed to finance our huge mobilization program. All of us will have to carry the increased tax burden. No group or industry can ask for, or expect, special privileges. But tampering with the depletion allow- ance for oi] exploration and drilling is some- thing else again. For a quarter of a century Congress repeatedly has upheld this 27%4- percent allowance in recognition of the ex- traordinary hazards in of! drilling (82.3 per- cent of the exploratory wells drilled in the United States last year were dry) and of the need for encouraging risk capital to insure adequate national petroleum supplies, Only last year Congress again upheld this allow- ance as no tax loophole but as @ necessary measure in the national) interest. To reduce the oil-drilling incentive now in order to help pay for the expanded mili~ tary machine we are building—when addi- tional oil capacity will be needed to oil that same military machine—would be working at cross-purposes. This is the time to do everything possible to encourage—not discourage—domeastic oil development, The Government itself has recognized the need for offering special tax incentives (ac- celerated depreciation) to encourage expan- sion of vital defense plants. Yet at the same time the President would cut away a long- standing incentive for oil development. The President's proposal is also hard to reconceile with the urgent request from an- other branch of the administration—the In- terior Department—for the oil induatry to study ways of expanding ite productive ca- pacity by 1,000,000 barrels per day for mili- tary needs in case of war. A glance at current oil figures will show the weakness of the tax proposal. Our crude oll producing capacity has been estimated by the oll States at about 6,700,000 barrels dally. ppraret4 sources ‘put the Mgure closer to To meet current requirements alone, do- mestic oil production has been stepped up above 6,000,000 barrels daily in recent weeks, supplemented by crude imports of over 600,000 barrels per day (plus imports of 400,000 barrels daily of heavy fuel oil). Our margin of petroleum self-sufficiency, without the benefit of imports, thus has dwindled to just about nothing, compared to the million-barrel-a-day domestic reserve that proved so vital in the last war. This situation 1s too tight for comfort right now. When it comes to oiling the military machine we propose to build it is alarmingly small. Only through the most drastic civil- tan rationing or an uninterrupted flow of overseas imports on @ vastly expanded scale could we meet the needs of all-out war. To tamper with the long-standing oil drill- ing tax incentive at this point would be little short of national folly. Illinois Central Railroad Centennial EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRANK E. SMITH OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, the Illinois Central Railroad, one of the great institutions of the Mis- sissippi Valley, is this year celebrating it. centennial. I include an article from the Christian Science Monitor on the his- tory of the Illinois Central: To CHANGE THE SussECT——CASEY JONES: RAIL- ROAD's COLORFUL ERA (By Bicknell Eubanks) This year marks the one hundredth year of operation for the Illinois Central—the “main line of mid-America” This 6,500- mile line, which numbered Abraham Lincoln among its legal staff, can boast that nearly every ton of freight which moves across the United States either passes over or crosses it: lines at one or more points. The railroad’s current president, Wayne A. Jounston, recently told a dinner gathering in New York City that “a study of the rail- road’s history tells one a great deal about th») development of America since 1850, when four-fifths of its area was in a primitive state and when there were fewer people in the United States than there are today in it; four leading metropolitan centers. “The history of the Illinois Central is the history of mid-America. When the railroad was organized there were only seven cities or towns on the 921-mile route from Chicago to New Orleans along what is now the main line of tha railroad. Chicago then was little more than a trading post, with a population of less than 30,000.” The Illinois Central had a brilliant cast of supporters in the Congress—Herry Clay, Daniel Webster, Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, and Jefferson Davis. Lincoln represented the Dlinois Central fromm 1853 to 1860, when he was elected President. He re- ceived from the railroad the largest fee earned during his legal career-—5,000. But all this history meant not nearly so much to me when I was growing up in Mis- aissippi. My father was a conductor on the Aberdeen branch of the IC, and I used to hear some wonderful tales about whet used to be the most colorful business in the United States—rallroading. Dad is now retired, but it doean’t take much to get him started on stories pf some of those colorful figures of the early part of this century. Among his most famous ac- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD quaintances was a dashing engineer whose handling of the whistle put him in the class of & symphonic French horn player, and whose exploits are recorded—a bit erroneous- ly—-in the famous folk song Casey Jones. I used to hear Dad talk about Casey Jones, but I was quite big before I connected him with the song I heard in those days in less aesthetic company than now will admit to its existence. Dad was @ young telegrapher in Durant, Miss., around 1900, when he first met Casey. Dad found a $50 bill wadded up in a bunch of discarded train orders, and tossed into a corner of the station. “That much money in those days scared me,” he always said. “I saw that it was in some orders which Casey had thrown away, so I took it to the station agent, Mr. Neely. When Casey came back the next night on No. 2 (then the IC's fastest passenger train) he was mighty glad to get back the money. Fe wanted to reward me, but I couldn't let him do that. The next trip north, though, he climbed down from the cab with a big bundle under his arm. It was a dressed turkey. He gave it to me.” Dad says that all the stories about Casey's handling of a locomotive are very nearly correct. But Dad always waxes wroth when anyone suggests that Casey was a reckless engineer. Far from it. He was a skillful engineer who knew how to get the most out of a locomotive. Dad recalls one time when No. 1, going south, had to pull into the hole to let No 2, going north, by. In spite of the fact that No, 1, with Casey at the throttle, had to pull out of the sidetrack onto the main line, wait for the flagman to throw the switch, then get started again, Casey pulled iy to Canton, 20 miles south, as No. 2 pulled into Durant, about five miles north. Dad always contends that it wasn’t care- lessness or disregard of orders that got Casey killed. In fact, paradoxically enough, Dad feels it was Casey's own brilliance as an engi- neer. He was good, and he knew it. When he pulled into Durant that night he had picked up about 1% hours since leaving Memphis. He was sure he could go into Canton, his division point, on time. Dad gave Casey his last orders, and, like most ralilroaders of that day will tell you, Casey wasn’t going too fast; he already had made up his time when he started around that long curve near Vaughn, Miss. That is just about the most terrifying curve on any railroad. It seems to begin everywhere and wind up nowhere. But as Casey came around it, going slow, in fact, from his viewpoint, he saw that a couple of boxcars and the ca- boose of a freight train were sticking out. Casey grabbed hold of the air brakes, yelled to his fireman, Sim Webb, to jump, and tried to stop the train. He almost made it. No one else was even hurt. It wasn’t long after that that a Negro roustabout in a Memphis roundhouse started humming a tune, then fitting words to it, that is now one of the most famous of all folk songs. It was never copyrighted by the Alex Stirewalt, Outstanding Arkansas Citizen, Passes EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. E. C. GATHINGS OF ARKANBAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. GATHINGS, Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to an outstanding man whose recent passing after a brief ill-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD his county, State, and Nation. He was a Christian gentleman in the truest sense. A real American. He was loyal to his friends. The West Memphis (Ark.) Crittenden E , and services of this outstanding Jeader of men. The full text of the edi- torial is as follows: ALEX STIREwWALtT “That's one man whom I never heard any- one say & bad thing about.” “Whenever there was a job that required a lot of work to be done, they gave it to him, he took ft and did tt well.” “The flowers at hig funeral depicted his nature—the red, the richness of his heart; the pastel, his eoftness; and the white, purity.” Such wero a few of the tributes pald to Alex Stirewalt, esteemed by all who Knew him and recognized by all ag one of Critten- den County's most outstanding citizens. As the minister said at his final rites, Mr, Alex would have suggested: “Don't say any- thing about me, fust something for the fam- ily.” That's the manner in which he lived, always retiring and never seeking credit for the many duttes which he discharged so faithfully. Mr, Alex had about all the free jobs there are to bestow upon an Individual. Every time a secretary-treasurer was needed— Without compensation—tt was Nir. Alex who got elected. He not only did these assign~ ments éfficiently, but served as a leader for his communtty for every worth-while cam- paign tuiat was lagnehed. His pince es a leader in our county oan- not be ANed. His absence will be one feit more keenty with the passage of the days. Would that the world had more men who powessed his fine qualifications, What We Are Fighting for in Korea EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK E. SMITH OF MIMBISEIPRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuestay, February 20, 1951 Speaker, under unanimous consent, I include the following editorial from the Greenville (Miss.) Delta Democrat- Times of February 8, 1951: Aw Answer Back in June when the North Koreans crossed the fatal thirty-cighth parailel in open aggressive atteck, the whote Nation and moet of the tree work! applauded the quick and resolute action af President Truman, for the people of the United States. Wor the frat time in @ leng while Repabli- tans, Ddstecrats, Traman Desacorats, and just plain Democrats found taemacives - dy in ecoard and acting in unison. The 17 ofa united Nation put new life into 8 bat- tered and defeatist world. a g ; i j r | threatened on the heels of defeat, people TIEee te SAL re 4 ilfe i THEE gg gcd. 5 H ; & 5 8 | ae d i a 4 i} B fered vicertously for others, but in own direct defense. © * * The issue now joined is whether © ° ° the next Might of fear-driven people * * ° shall be step by step to close tn on our own home- Yand. * * * Never have members of any to prove an honcr to the profession of arms and a credit to those who bred us.” Salem’s Position Unchanged EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER NORBLAD OF OREGON IN THE HOUSS OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. NORBLAD. Mr. Spe:ker, under leave to extend my remarks, J include herewith an editorial by Robert Letis Jones in the Salem (Oreg.) Capitol- Journal concerning proposals before the CAB for a change of atrline service at that city. I thoroughly agree with the position which Mr. Jones has taken. I trust that the Civil Aeronautics Board will give full consideration to the pusi- tion expressed In this editortal as re- fiecting the views of the people of the community involved. 6aLEeM’s Postion UNCHANGED Od to Wi D. C., this week goes the final argument of the city of Salem in the Civil Aeronautics Board case which would substitute West Coast Airtines, a feeder line, for United Afr Lines service here. The case Salem's position in this matter which would substitute a feederline service for changed during the cave affects the city, Industry in and around the city, and the well-being of McNary Fiekd, Salem's position fs plainly this: United Air Lines service ts exsential to the 4901 Salem feels that main-line facilities of United are imperative considering geograph- aince United was the OAB to serve the city in 1941. That was the time when MoKay was the ington om the proposal. The economy of the city and surrounding demands adequate main-line, ing fees paid by United are such as to became @ vital part of the operating budget of the field. In fact, expansion of the airport and the new administration building on the flald, occupied last July, are predicated on an ex- panding service by United for the city. Cy e * e e The stand-by status of the city’s airport is not to be overlooked, either. Wield is the only adequate alternate field in this part of the State for air-transport trafic to the Portland airport. The Civil Aero- Rautics Administration bas recognized this fact. The expensive inetrument-lending system, along with the 94-hour weather and control-tower service, beara out that fact. Salem ts foroed to maintain an airport and administration building capable of handling Portiand’s alr-transport service when the Portland field is closed in by weather. The facts clearly indicate Salem's need for Keeping and developing United Alr Lines service here—aa wes realized when the threat to present alr service for the city developed more than a year and one-half ago. A Small United States Army for Earepe— German Participation in Europe’s De- fense ed EXTENSION OF REMARKS wr HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEw TORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 7, 1951 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, the ap- pended analysis by the distinguished commentator, Walter Lippmann, from the New York Herald Tribune of Mon- day, February 19, 1951, puts in realistic terms the reasons for our action and gets away from the unrealism of assuming we are trying to match the U. 5. 5. R. man for man on the ground in Kurope. Tepay any Tomorkow (By Walter Lippmann) 4 SMALL AMMY FOR KUROPS In giving the Aguree—four ground divi- ons added to the two already in Earcpe— Becretary Marshall was only making som:- what more specific what General of the Army Risenhower had already told Oongress. The aerge that they give away closely guarded
A902 military secrets, There is no such thing as hiding the long bustness of mobilizing and training American divisions, putting them on ships, landing them in European ports, and moving them to their stations in Ger- many. The Russians are in a position to know exactly at all times what ground forces are in front of them tn Europe and vice versa. Even during an all-out war, when passing back and forth across the lines is dificult and dangerous, it is only occasionally that as much as a division is hidden successfully for any length of time. Hiding an American division of talketive and letter-writing GI's ig like hiding an elephant with a siren ate tached to him on the stage of Constitution Hall. In the literal and obvious sense no ques- tion of military security 1s involved. But in another and Jess obvious sense there are very important military and political implica- tions, some of them which must be secret indeed, in the decision to plan at present for a small army unit of high efficiency. Why, it will be asked by many here and abroad, should we believe that a small Amer- ican Army of this kind is of great military importance? How, it might be said, can any army smalk enough not to frighten Mr. Hoover too much be strong enough to im- press Stalin at all? For obvious reasons so small an army would not, as General Mar- shall put it, “appear to represent in pure fighting power a large contribution to the immediate defensive strength of Western Eu- rope.” The key word, I believe, in General Mar- shall’s remarks is the word “defensive.” Asa @efensive force, in Mr. Hoover's sense of a “dam" against the Red Army, these six divisions, or even double that number, would be fantastically insuMeient. These six di- visions make sense Only if we look at the part they sre meant to play in the grand strat- egy—not of defense but of deterrence. Then they make hig sense and are in fact of great importance to the security of the ‘Western World and in the prevention of a great war. The grand strategy of deterrence rests fundamentally, of course, upon making it the indubitable fact that the Soviet Union could not win a world war because its main adversary, the United States, could not be defeated and would grow even stronger as the war continued. This is, and always has been, the military fact which protects the west, which protects otherwise indefensible places, such as west Berlin, Vienna, Iran. This is the military fact which protects Gen- eral of the Army MacArthur's bases and sup- ply lines, having given him unchallenged freedom of the air and sea over and around Koreas and Japan. This military fact is be- coming, happily, more and more of a military fact from month to month. Nevertheless, the west will not feel se- cure, nor will it be so secure as it is envitied to be, if Western Europe could be had with- out a fight. There is here a temptation which needs to be removed. For if Europe could be had without a fight, by surrender if the Red Army started to march, then Europe would be a hostage held in order to neutral- ize American power, The presence of an American Army is a guaranty that Europe cannot be taken or sur- rendered without a fight. Thus it will serve to rally those Europeans who do not wish to surrender without 9 fight and it will serve to prevent the Ruasians from thinking that Europe can be had without a war. All will see that--if there is the kind of fight that very modern weapons produce—there will not be much of military value tn Western Europe to surrender or to capture. In military par- lance, the power to deter, which is para- mount, will have been reinforced by the power to deny. Within this strategic conception many things that are otherwise confusing become intelligible. It makes intelligible the fact that General Eisenhower expresses so much confidence in the success of his mission, which is to prevent war, though in fact he will commend a amall army. It also makes intelligible the fact that he is not counting on a German army. The whole business would be less bewllder- ing to the American people—and to the Ger- mans—if it could be admitted frankly that it refiects a radical change in the atrategic and political plans which, from August to Novem- ber, the administration talked so much about. It was then that they taught Mr. Hoover and the Republicans and the general public to think that Western Europe could not be saved without a very large ground army to which we would have to make a very large contribution in order to induce the Germans to make a still larger contribution. The whole discussion of rearmament by Ger- mans in Germany has rested on this notion. That is why Dr. Adenauer, who has realized what General Eisenhower's report signifies, is making it publicly known how deeply dis- treased he is. His political position inside Germany is indeed weakened by our change, let us say, of emphasis about the indispensa- bility and urgency of German rearmament, But Dr. Adenauer is more disturbed than he needs to be if what he feara is that we would or that we could make a deal with Russia at the expense of Germany's chance to be again an independent nation. We do not betray nations in that fashion, But that the role of Germany in the Atlantic com- munity is not now what it appeared, quite falsely, in September is certainly true. That is a good thing for Germany, as it is for all of us. For if the proceeds of peace depend primarily on our power to deter, and then on our power to deny, they can be im- proved still more by eliminating from our ac- tivities, as General Etsenhower so manifestly wishes to do, the element of provocation. Nothing would be so provocative as the formation of a big German-American army capable of striking offensively on the ground to the Vistula and beyond. Strikes Against the People EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. T. MILLET HAND OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. HAND. Mr. Speaker, on Febru- ary 3, the Atlantic City (N. J.) Tribune published an editorial entitled “United States Antistrike Law Needed.” The thoughts that are expressed in this editorial are worthy of the careful attention of the membership, In the Seventy-ninth Congress I in- troduced H. R. 525 which sought to have the Labor Committee investigate equi- table means to prevent the interruption of work in any industry or establishment the continuous operation of which is necessary to life and health. My resolution particularly limited it- self to operations now defined as public utilities and to hospitals, and the proc- essing and transportation of essential foods and fuel. My resolution further particularly provided for full attention to special compensation, pension rights, and other forms of security to workers in such in- dustries, on the theory that if such work- ers were to give up their normal and inherent right to strike, they were en- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD titled to special protection in their rights as workers. While the right to strike in the nor- mal course of employment should not be subject to the slightest question, there is, indeed, a grave question as to the right to strike in those limited areas where the national defense efforts may be brought to a standstill, or where the health and even the lives of American people are endangered. Having for many years advocated ac- tion in this special field, I was much interested in the editorial which now fol- lows in part: UNiTep States ANTI TRIKE Law NEEDED Th state of paralysis and confusion ex- perienced by most of the Nation during the past few days when transportation workers have either called a strike or reported “sick,” should be ample reason for the President to request Congress to enact a public utility antistrike law. A similar bill has been in force in this State for a few years, and has been moder- ately successful in keeping utility workers on their jobs while wage disputes and other working conditions are ironed out during arbitration. Strikes by utility workers are not merely against an employer to gain their demands, but involve untold hardship inflicted upon the innocent public, and cause dangers to the health, safety, and welfare of the people of the United States and the security of their Government. We have stringent regulations governing the operations of utility companies that pro- tect the public from being at the mercy of even the most monopolistic utilities, but ‘we cannot at present do anything to con- trol utility workers who can, at the drop of a union leader's hat, tie up the Nation's ratfl- road system. Millions of dollars are lost by firms that cannot conduct their business during strikes, and unemployment 1s forced upon thousands of other workers due to plants having to shut down. » * s * s We are all being asked to face sacrifices in these critical times, and it would seem that the same sacrifices are incumbent upon ‘union workers as are expected from civilians who are joining our Armed Forces, A Federal public utility antistrike law should be broad enough to include unions and workers upon whom the public is de- pendent for health and welfare. This would include the mine workers, munition work- ers, food processors, transportation workers, and those upon whose productivity the Nation is dependent for food, power, com- munications, medical supplies, and arma- ment. ’ Address by Hon. Willis Smith, of North Carolina, at the Annual Convention of the North Carolina Farm Bureau ee EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLYDE R. HOEY OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. HOEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a very thoughtful address delivered by my dis- tinguished colleague [Mr. Surra] from North Carolina at the annual conven-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tion of the North Carolina Farm Bureau in Asheville, N. C., on Peyruary 14, 1951, There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Ladies and gentlemen of the farm bureau organteation in North Carolina, 1 do not come to speak #0 you today with any definite feeling that I can tell you anything that you do not already know, or that I can offer accu- rate solutions for the dificult problems thet you have considered. But I will talk about some paramount problems of our Gov- ernment. And I may go away feeling that 1 have in turn acquired from you sions and understanding of how you feel about some of these questions that so sorely perplex us. WENT WITH YOUR CsGANturion While I have not been active in your par- Goular organization, nevertheless it has been my privilege to be rather closely identified for many years with some of your subsid- laries where legal services were required, I found thoge associations most pleasant, and at times profitable. I have been interested in learning from time to time more about the basic and fundemental policies and prec- tices of your group and ite affiliated organizations. OUR NATION IM PERII-~A RELENTLESS SOE Today our Natian is in peril. We find our- selves confronted by what appears to be a relentiess foe, determined not merely upon securing for iteelf a temporary or evan & lasting edvantage in its own system of thought and life, but rather intent upon brin all the world under the domination eas, its policies, and its power. America stands between that philosophy and that power and the rest of the free world. What shall we do with this power, and how shall we meet the challenge to our type of etvilization and to our mode of lfe—this Civitieation, and this mode of Nving that has meant so much to our forebears, to us, and we trust to our posterity? METHODS OF MEETING THE CHALLENGE We can manet the challenge with reckless ebandon and emotion, ateempting te change suddenly our way of life, aa same ‘would feel necessary. In that process we may eink ourselves into the morass of additional problems that would be aure to arise and ua, Or, we can meet this challenge calmiy and pirattion that can assure us of victory. ‘That will be the way of calm and sound judg- ment, confidence in our institutions, and a Collective determination that we will not m time of wer abandon those inatrumentall- ties and safeguards in cur Government that have made us the greatest Nation on earth. Let us not abandon our own beaic freedoms. necessity is for every group to coope! merge their independent iteas, and attempt %o reach @ common understanding that will aT WAR——110T A POLICE a0rion We sre at war—and make n0 mistake about that. We are in a serious war, and not merely s police action. We are in this war not by the usual and constitutional can- greasional declaration of war as has been one of the cardinal provisions of our Con- atitution aince the foundation of the Re- public. Rather we are in war because we Qssumed certain obligations under the Chare ter of the United Nattons—whether wisely or unwiseiy we cannot for certainty know. Ont of that obligation and in sccordance with the determination and dictation of the executive branch of the Government, thou- gands of American boys have been sent 7,000 miles away from home. Tho contest is with 8 Toe, not beonuse of any activity of that foe against the territory of the United States, but rather in pursuit of a moral idea that may have been extentied a little too far. We call the force United Nations, but that is hardly more than just s name. The result of this today Is that thousands of American boys have fort their lives and lie in unmarked graves on Korean soll; that thousands upon thoveands of other boys have lost thetr arms, their legs, their eyse, and the use of other functions of their bodies. All of these things have been done, we xnow, without any idca o. self-aggran- dizgement, but because we believe in the ideals of self-government and democratic action among ali peoples, and some at least imagine that such a course was necessary. Whether our rulers acted wisely will have to be one of the verdicta of history. Whether we have benefited or injured Korea will be answered only in the years ahesd. We have at least assumed a tremendous responsibility in the destruction of not only ives but of human habitations, such ns they were, in the land of Korea, where 30 many Christian missionaries over so long a time had endeav- ored to keep precepts of the Christian re- WAR: BY WISDOM OR BY BLUNDER T realize, as you do, that regardless of how we got into this war, whether by wise design or by colossal blundering, we sre in it now. Amertoan prestige and freedom must be pre- served. Some contend that only an endless conflict of fighting and killing can “save our face.” We have slain thousands, and maybe slaying hundreds of thousands more may add to our giory. Few know precisely how and why we went into Korea so alone~and they are not saying much about it. There are militons of Americans who do not believe that we should ever have gone into Korea. ‘There are other m@Yions who believe that even today we should retire from the field. ‘There are these confifots ip reasoning and in emotion which are permeating tha minds of tnillions of Americans, Regardless of the dissimilarity of these views, they are all en- titled to be presented and to be heard with- out suppression. DISCUSSION WITHOUT SUPPRESSION It is wel] indeed that there bas been dis- cussion. Out of this situation and the reali- mation of the relentleas foe that we face in the world at large, there has arisen the ques- tion of what we shall do with respect to Burope—that section of the earth's globe which bas been called so frequently the cradie of civilization, and where the achisve- ments of human beings have been so great— gave only for their fatlure to erect a barrier against the possibility of war. ATO IN OEPENSE OF EUROPE War has indeed devastated Europe from time to time since the earliest dawn of his- tory, and war is again hovering over its life. Shall we join with the Europeans in all-out @efense of what we are pleased to term our Amerioan way of life and the freedoms of mankind of h wetaiksomuch? [ think that the average American citiven will feel that having joined the United Nations with the hope that !t could eliminate war from the human program of life, we should assist tm some messures in carrying forward the objectives of that as long as it appears that it can hope to accomplish anything. At times amidst the bickering at Lake Success that hope becomes faint, and yet there ts still some chance for effective cooperation of the civilized nations through that agency. My hope is somewhat dim for any real accomplishment, but yet I am willing to see America do it part to what Httle chance seg be left in that organisation. But I set’: AMERICA’ PART-~JOINT ENTRRPRIDG I do believe that tf we are to furnish sup- port and sustenance for the United Nations, and if we are to have American bays die 7,000 miles from home for an idea or ideal, we should likewise expect from the es. pare ticipants in that organisation, who believe im democracy as we do, equal at men and matériel, to the end that our ef- forts may indeed constitute a joint enter- prise, I do not believe that we abouid rush hastily into the sending of millions of Amer- ican boys to Europe, and certainly not until we have made sure that the Kuropeans are willing to do something substantial for themselves and in their own defense. CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS OF CONGEERS altp EXECUTIVE I know that {t is claimed that the Execu- tive and not Congress has the power to send American armies anywhere on earth, but to that theor: I do not subscribe. Section VIII of Article I of our Constitution gives to the Congress the duty of providing for the common defense, the declaration of War, the raising and support of armies, the pro- viding and maintenance of a navy, and “to make rules for the government and regule- tion of the Jand and naval forees.” And then in the eighteenth paragraph of tha} section VIII of Article I, Congress ts given the power - “to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying inbo execution the foregoing powers, and ali other powers vested by this Constitution tn the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereol.” Congress is given this power in the Constitution because Congressmen are the direct representatives of the people, with elections frequently—that ts to say, every 2 years. Nowhere in the Constitution ts the Exeou- tive given the power to abrogate the terms of the Constitution above set forth. It would seem, therefore, that there shoukt be no effort by any person in the executive Gepart- ment to ride roughshod over the powers of the Congress, or to challenge or defy ita au- thority, as provided in the Constitution. I hope that we may be able to reach a oom- mon understanding of what ts a proper tn- terpretation of these powers of government. Let us maintain our constitutionua) processes. They are our hope for the stoces of demoorasy. YOUR ORGANTRATION'S RIQKTS UNDER THR CONETITUTION Your organtpation ts interested In the pres- ervation of rights under our Constitution. 1 Know you believe in the principles of de- mocracy, and J also know that you are op- posed to dictatorship in any form, whether by cne group in Government or by another. You and your policymakers look askance, as I do, at every unnecessary proposed inno- vation in our Government—at ever, sreatric- tion upon the righta of cltizens—at every effort to impose unnecessary controls on the people. Reforms we do wish, but not at the cost of democratic freedom, It was with this in mind that the founding fathers of our Gov- ernment placed restrictions upon the repre- sentatives of the Government. They knew that in the history of tue world nations had risen to heights of glory and then declined because governments had reached too far into the control of everyday lives of oftizens, Buch abuses have generally been by the exeo- utive branch of the Government. Let us therefore be on guard to protect those rights and liberties which we have treasured for 50 long.
CONTROLS ONLY WHERE CLEARLY NECESSARY “YT appreciate fully that your organizations are opposed to all controls that are not abso- lutely necessary, in order to protect our na- tional independence, and in that I can join you. I believe that one of the best exposi- tions of this principle that I have seen any- where ie the address of Mr, Roger Fleming, “treasurer of the American Farm Bureau Federation, made at the annual meeting of the National Cotton Counc) in Bilozt, Miss., on January 22, 1061. Many of you have doubtless read tt, but those who have not should do eo for the fine under- standing Which tt will most assuredly give of the dangerous subject of controls. Some of them we may have to have, bt I believe Mr. Fleming's interpretation of the dangers thereof 1s indeed pertinent. FARM BUREAU INDEPENDENCE—BRANNAN PLAN Your organization has shown independ- ence and courage, as witness ita magnificent fight against the so-called Brannan plan, which apparently was conceived for the pur- pose and with the intent of seducing the ‘unthinking voters of America. But the members of your organization were not de- ceived, and you saw it for what it was, & po- Utieal expedient based upon unsound eco- nomic reasoning. I was glad to have a small part in the condemnation of that scheme which you so quickly recognized as an en- slaving possibility for the American farmer. Let me commend you for the wiedom which your organization showed. MEAT RATIONING AND MY HOUS I do not have the time to talk to you about price controls and rationing as 1 would like to, but I must tell you about my own expe- rience in the rationing of meat in the last war. I bad a farmer client living about 25 miles from my city, who said thet if I would buy two pigs and furnish the feed he would raise them for me so that my family and the members of my law frm and thelr fam- ilies would not have to go to the open market and compete for available meat. I thought IT was doing a patriotic thing, eo I wrote him a check for the cost of the two pigs and for sufficient feed to carry those pigs to their tnaturity. When the fall of the year rolled around, I spoke in great glee to some friends about my meat supply. And then one of them in- quired, with a twinkle in his eye and a smile upon his facé, as to whether or not the hogs har yet Yee: killed, cured, and were in my possession. I replied in the negative, but said that process we expected to enter upon very shortly. Then to my surprise I was told that the-law was against me; that I could not kill those pigs without permission from Government representatives, and that in order to keep the meat I would have to have sufficient red ration points, which of course I did not have. Then, the fun began, I asked for permis- sion to kill the pigs and was told that J eould not do so in the absence of sufficient red points, I then asked if I could not kill them upon the basis that they were mine, that f had raised them and fed them. I was asked the question, how often had I seen them, and was told that if I hadn't visited them at least once every 2 weeks I had no authority to kill them and to take the meat. I replied that I had not been able to visit the pigs every 2 weeks because there was such 8 thing a@ gasoline rationing tn effect, and I had not been able to get enough gaso- line to visit my pigs regularly. The answer was again, “No,” I could not do that which I thought I was entitled to do. I then asked what should I do with the hogs. Nobody in the rationing department could give me any advice. Then suddenly someone called to my attention that there was a law or & regu- lation that after a hog had reached the weight of 200 pounds no more feed could be purchased for him. There I was, with two hogs, reaching the weight of 200 pounds, and I unable to purchase further feed to keep them alive. I inquired at length as to what I should do, but until this good hour J have never recetved a satisfactory answer, And, then, one day nature settled the whole prob- lem. Cholera got into a neighboring herd, was transmitted to the farm of my friend, and before very long he came to advise me that my two hogs were dead—dead of cholera, because I had not been able to give them a respectable death months before—dead, if you please, and four or five hundred pounds of meat lost to human beings with whom I would have shared that meat. So, you can understand that I have some misgivings about rationing and control systems. CONFIDENCE IN YOUR ORGANIZATION Let me assure you that it will be my desire to work with your organization to the end ‘that we may produce for that great and aub- stan’ial mass of our citizens, the farmers, the soundest economy that can be construct- ed. There is, of course, the possibility that we could not always agree upon everything, but, in reading the resolutions as adopted at your national convention, I see little with which I would differ. I hope, therefore, that I may be of some benefit in carrying out a sane, sound, and satisiactory program for the farmers of North Carolina, and of Amere ica as well, The interests of every group will have to be considered, and I shall not fall to give heed to what I consider to be sound eco- nomic doctrine from whatever source it may come, We must maintain a high and profit- able wage scale, in line wit the purchasing power of the dollar, because only by the eco- nomic stability of the great mass of our citi- zens can the industries and the farmers of America hope to permanently profit. I know that you would not desire that the wage earners of America be subordinated to your interests, but rather that they be made suc- cessful and financially independent to the end that they in turn could create the great demand for the products of farm and forest, DISLOYALTY IN GOVERNMENTAL DEPARTMENTS One other matter about which you have seen much ip the papers that I wish to men- tion—disloyalty in governmental depart- ments. Apparently t’.ere has been some— how much we do not know. As a member of the new subcommittee of the Senate Judi- Clary Committee, I hope that we may con- duct an efficient, exhaustive, but withal a fair investigation, We wish to smear no one. We wish to protect no one, I saw first- hand in Czechoslovakia in 1947 Communists in government disguised as Christian Social Democrats, or some such high-sounding name, The No, 2 vommunist therr so dis- guised sat next to me at & luncheon given by President Benes. He was under suspicion then by Mr. Benes and the late Jan Masaryk and Lawrence Steinhardt. He proved to be what they suspected but what the people gen ‘ally did not believe. He arose to take his Communist spot whcn oe time arrived. If there are such in our midst, they, should be exposed. They should not be coddied nor their activities condoned. The dangers from such in our State are not many, as generally we know one another, but nevertheless, we should be constantly on guard against en- couraging or harboring any such enemies of our society. May I thank you one and all for your at- tention. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Lincoln Day Address by Hon. James H. Duff, of Pennsylvania EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1952 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the Lincoln Day dinner address delivered by the Gen- ator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Durr) be- fore the Middlesex Club in Boston, Mass., on February 12, 1951. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: In any meeting of Republicans celebrating the birthday of Abraham Lincoln, it 3s supremely important to remember that Lin- coln achieved greatness, and through him the Republican Party came to power by fac- ing courageously and frankly the great social, political, and economic problems of that critical period, Lincoln came from the common people. He always kept himself in sympathetio con- tact with the common people, with their hopes, with their aspirations, and with their problems. Lincoln was sensitive to public opinion, And he understood public opinion because he was sensitive to it, So long as the Republican Party has kept to the course charted by Lincoln, we have enjoyed the con- fidence and support of the people. Only when we have veered from the paths that led to our greatness have we lost public con- fidence and thereby the support of the people in the election of our candidates to the highest office within the gift of the people. After a series of defeats such as we have suffered in the past four nattonal elections for the Presidency, there are those who have been willing to spend their energies berating what happened, without giving effort either to formulate a new course of action or to prepare for future success. At the outset, may I say that I feel it is a tremendous mistake to attempt to channel the thinking of all groups of the party with- in the confines of the thinking of certain segments in the party. In my Republi- caniam it is not heresy if what one believes does not happen to coincide with what prominent leaders of the party may believe on certain issues or problems; provided there is substantial agreement on final objectives. Jisagreement within the party should not be interpreted as a sign of party weakness. Strong disagreement on policy, actually re- fiecting sincere conviction rather than an endeavor to gain political advantage, is a mark of strength, not weakness. The fact is that disagreement within the party, based upon conviction, is one sure way that the party will grow strong enough sgain to gain control of the National Government. Con- flict of opinion certainly develops strength just as surely as it discloses weaknesses nec- essary to be corrected. As in college ath- letios, & strong ecrub team always makes a better varsity. The important thing is for the party as a whole to possess the wisdom to make the right choice between the different ideas ex- pressed by various leaders within the party. Certainly if the party leaders do not make these choices correctly the people certainly will, if given a free chance both on issues and-on candidates,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Instead of becoming steamed up on sible candidates for the Presidency. for isa, instead of factional fights to seoure and hold Gelegates to the nations) convention, in- stead of wasting energy on the petty dis- of the band wagon, let us spend our nergy and our initiative as a party in de- a olean line of party philosophy. Let us decide where we are going and how We expect to get there. Then, as in Lin- coln's time, those who give character to a true philosophy and to a true course of ac tion, and those who prove best able to fur- nish the strategy and tactics to make that course effective will furniah the vital natural 1 i will ever successfully produce. The time has come for the Republican Party to make some important decisions. But in making those decisions, there are some mighty important distinctions to be observed. Unless we start with a clear knowledge of those distinctions, we wil} not get as far as we ehould and certainly not so far as we will go if we are willing to make them. As a party we must be positive and af- firmative; not merely negative and critical, When we are opposed we should be opposed because we have a definite constructive al- ternative policy of our own. We need to have both a clear understanding and a clear definition of our attitude with respect to foreign policy, both in Europe and in the Par East. We need a clean-cut policy on ‘Military preparations and all the important pheses of those preparations. We need a definite and constructive policy on taxes, on domestic spending, on the use of atomic weapons, and a definite decision on party attitude with respect to how and when and under what circumstances American troops sre to be used. If this means that we have to have some rough scrapping within the party, let’s have it now. The sooner it's over, the better. The country will be for it and the right people will be for us if we are right in our decisions. No endeavor to gain party advantage by e@ppeal to emotions ought to be tolerated in reaching these decisions. These are decisions of such supreme importance that they ought to be decided on the merits without respect to any other consideration whatsoever ex- cept what is right and best in the circum- stances. Let the great debate go on, but above ali else let great decisions be arrived at, because what we need in this critical period is action, and our party must be & party of decision and action. It is true that this is a time when it is necessary for those in responsible positions in government to use “no” as a frequent word in their vocabulary. The demands upon government are so great, and from such various sources, that unless responsible officials can get around to saying “no” when “no” ig necessary, we will bankrupt govern- ment at every level. But while tt is im- peratively necessary to realise that there are a tremendous number of “no's” to be sald, there are alao certain sesential places where it will be equally fatal if we don't say “yes” when “yes” ts the proper answer to the prob- We need to sey a clear and unmistakable “no"—so unmistakab! istration. and the social planners have packed fat in that budget, when all we can sfford right now is lean meat. We need to say this, and we must say it, no matter whether it affects a Democratic district or a Republican district. We must say “no” to the waste of money in any form. And above all, we must remember that we can't do logroliing and back scratching as Republicans on favorite items of our own and expect to achieve what we will demand, namely a budget free of everything except the most vital necessities of this enormously critical period. The men and women who bullt this coun~ try were not negative, They were positive and aggreesive and bold. They were imag- inative and hopeful. They went about their tasks with the determination to make them turn in the direction they wanted them to turn. The Pilgrims who landed at Plymouth Rock to found the Massachusetts Bay colony and to create a New England in America; those who went through the terrible hard- ships and deprivation to found Virginia; those who crossed the Alleghenies and won Fort Duquesne and the Ohio; thoee who set- tied the Carolinas and Georgia and spread southward through the Gulf States and west~- ward through Tennessee and Kentucky; those who crossed the plains and followed the Oregon Trail to the Pacific; and the Santa Fe Trail to the Southwest; all these were men sand women who took every necessary risk for the future. They did not balance nicely the chance they took in comparing those riske with the objective they sought; they strove with courage, with hope, with imagination, and also with sac~ rifice and thrifty living, to do what they were determined to do in order to secure the blessings of liberty for themselves and their posterity. We in our day are of the same faiths and the same hopes ag were they. To be leaders as they were we must exhibit the same affirmative qualities and the same boldness of action with respect to the objectives we now seek as they did in thetr day and genera- tion in building this country. Above all else we must hold high the torch of hope and freedom at a time when it has gone out in go many other places in the world. Someone said of Cromwell that hope shone in him like a pillar of fire when it had gone out in other men, And that same hope must shine like a pillar of fire in us at a time when the deep shadow of communism 1s falling more darkly over large portions of today’s world. These are days of great challenge—days that try men’s souls as our fathers’ souls were tried in the great days of the Revolution, This ta a time when everything we believe in, everything that has made us what we are is challenged by the evil force of a new tide of barbarism in the world. Surely if we are to successfully stand against this onslaught against our civiliza- tion, we must adhere to our ideals as a peo- ple. We must join with those in other lands of like ideals, of like laws, of like manners, of like ethics, and of like religious beliefs in & power in the universe greater than our- selves. We must realize in this day of chal- lenge and change that if those of us with common ideals do not stick together, we will probably fatl together. I am confident as you are that we will be equal to the ordeal that confronts us, These are great days. They are days of trial and sacrifice. But they are days of opportunity and responsibility and of nobility of action that come to few generations of men, Bere in the renowned Commonwealth of usetts, in the great city of Boston, the critical geeeEF in Te Hit Hy gree gag lege of sacrifice for those things more won- Gerful than life itself. In Penneylvania last month before the end of my term as governor, & ceremony was arranged in which a replica of the Liberty Bell Nas to be presented to the people of Pennsylvania. ‘ore attending the cere- mony I imagined that it was to be a small uction, merely a miniature token of that bell that means so much to everyone who lovea liberty. Dut when I attended the ceremonies I observed the great size of the bell; then I realized it was an identical size with the bell of the revolution. I learned that the original beli had been re- produced exactly in all ite dimensions even to the size of the clapper; that a chemical analysis had been made of the metal in the original bell; that even the rood on which the reproduced bell hung was procured from the same oak forests in the mountains of Bwitserland as the original bell. Thus the replica given our people conformed in every particular with the original bel) except that the replica was not broken as the old bell was when it cracked more than 100 years ago while being tolied for the death of Ohief Justice Marshall. A cracked bell loses tone and resonance and is a mere dead, hollow imitation, It no longer is live and full of vibration and of resonance and soul. Thus those of us who heard the tolling of this complete replica of the Liberty Bell heard a sound that had not been heard ever before by any of us or those of our citizenry for many generations. We heard for the first time the true sound and tone and voice of the Liberty Bell of the Revolution. That atirred in every one of us, as it will stir in the heart of every one of ue who hears it, a new call to duty of authentic tone, the tone that requires the best of everything that we have and everything that we are. It is only by the ringing out of that bell in all the States and by the appeal that it can make and by our reaponse to that appeal that we of this day and generation are to be equal to the responsibilities of the cause that confronts us and to be worthy to be numbered with the great men and women of the Revolution, who in their day and gen- eration responded to the call of that bell, as we in our day must do likewise if we are to tranamit to those who come after us those bleasings of liberty which our fathers who heard the original bell had transmitted to ‘us and which makes America the best of all the places in the whole world. Lincoln Day Address by Hon. Edward Martin, of Pennsylvania EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MARGARET CHASE SMITH OF MAINE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mrs. SMITH of Maine. Mr. President, the senior Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Martin] recently addressed a group in Portland, Maine, at the Lincoln Day dinner of the Lincoln Club of Portland. What he said to that group, I think, merits the attention and consideration of every Member of this body, 1, there- fore, invite the attention of my col- leagues to this excellent address and ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp.
A906 There being no objection, the address ‘was ordered to be printed in the Reconp, as follows: Iam ctncerely grateful for the privilege of addressing this meeting of true Americans and loyal Republicans in the grand old State , of Maine. We are assembled to honor the memory of the greatest of all Republicans—a plain man of the people who rose from the depths of poverty and hardship to a commanding place among the world’s immortals. In celebrating the one hundred and forty second birthday anniversary of Abraham Lincoln we recall the vast contribution of his faith, tolerance, good will, and courage to the preservation of the Union. We pay tribute to his greatness as a fore- most champion of freedom and human rights. We praise him as a stanch exponent of the American way of life which we are now fighting to preserve. And we remember with deep gratitude his service to the Nation as one of the founders of the Republican Party and as a stalwart advocate of Republican principles which guided our Nation during three generations of its greatest progress. Iam happy to be here tonight because of the bonds which join your State of Maine with my State of Pennsylvania in historic association. I am proud that West Brownsville, in my home county of Washington, Pa., was the birthplace of your distinguished statesman, James G. Blaine. It was in Washington County that the future Speaker of the House, United States Senator, Secretary of State, and Republican nominee for President spent his boyhood and received his education. In Pennsylvania also we are proud of the valiant service of the men of Maine on the battlefield of Gettysburg. Enshrined in hon- ored memory are the names of Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain, a hero of Little Round Top, and Gen. Oliver Otis Howard, who held pemetery Hill in the center of the Union ne, Another Hnk between Maine and Penn- sylvania was established a few years ago when we gained the services of your distin« guished former Governor, Horace A. Hildreth, as president of Bucknell College. We hope to keep Governor Hildreth and to convert him into a real Pennsylvanian, but I’m afraid he retains strong and enduring ties with the State of Maine, I welcome this opportunity to express my high regard and warm admiration for your distinguished United States Senators, Owen Brewster and Mrs. Marcarer Cuase Suirn. They serve your State and the Nation with patriotism, courage, and outstanding ability. Senator Brewster is recognized as one of the outstanding leaders of the Senate. He is a great American and a great Republican, The substantial Republican gains in the Eighty-second Congress were, to a large ex- tent, due to the hard work of Senator Brewstrr as chairman of the senatorial campaign committee. Mrs, Smirn’s sturdy independence, her tireless energy, and her high sense of public duty reflect her deep understanding of real Americanism, In these days of critical and momentous decisions it is appropriate to consider Amer- joan policies. It is fitting to hold such dis- cusaions in a Republican meeting. In Lincoln's time the Nation was torn asunder by a great internal upheaval. The preservation of the Union was the sacred cause to which Lincoln dedicated all of his Joyalty, his patriotism, and his passionate love of the United States. He succeeded in saving the Republic be cause he rallied all the Union strength to his side by the power of his faith in the people, Through the dark days of defeat, disap« pointment, and discouragement he held firmly to faith in himself, faith in the right- eousness of the Union cause, and faith in God. Today we face a crisis just as grave and just as challenging as in Lincoln's time, The basic issue confronting us is the preserva~ tion of freedom in the United States and in the world. We face a well-organized, well-prepared, and well-disciplined enemy who knows no truth, no honor, no justice, and no God. His weapons are lies, deceit, treachery, and force. Since the end of World War II the Com- munist dictators of Soviet Russia have gained control of one-third of the world. They have placed 700,000,000 people in Eu- rope and Asia under the iron rule of terror and tyranny. They have prepared the plans and have stockpiled the weapons for world conquest and the enslavement of all free people who dare resist their fiendish pur- pose, That, my fellow Americans, is the grim picture of @ world in which the future civili- gation hangs in the balance. It ts a world tottering on the brink of a third world war, more terrible, more destructive of human values, than any conflict in recorded history. The time has come when the American people must know the plain truth. We the people are the American Government—not the President, not the State Department, not the Congress, not the courts—but we the people. Our objectives, our foreign policy, and the commitments into which we have entered must be set forth in the language the peo- ple can understand. Within the limits of security they have a right to know the obligations we have un- dertaken in secret agreements. We know that much of the trouble we face today ts the result of secret agreements made at Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam. It is not my purpose tonight to review the terrible mistakes, the glaring blunders, and the coniused bungling of the past. But it is pathetic to look back only 6 years and to realize that in that short period we have dissipated and squandered so much of the strength that made us the most powerful Nation of all time. In five short years we bartered away the victory won at great cost in precious lives and treasure. We have crushed the hopes and asptrations of millions of freedom- loving people in many nations who looked to us for moral leadership and the better- ment of the human race. And when the Communist forces of age gression launched their brutal invasion of South Korea we were totally unprepared, even though nearly $50,000,000,000 had been appropriated to prepare for such an emer- gency. In recent weeks I visited a number of camps where our boys of the Armed Forces are training for whatever duty may He ahead. Everywhere I went I heard the same ques- ons: What is our defense plan? What is our objective? Why are we fighting in Korea? Are we fighting the Koreans, the Chinese, or the Russians? Why isn’t General MacArthur allowed to bomb the Communist supply bases, com- munication lines, and reserve positions? Why don't we let the hundreds of thou- sands of trained Chinese Nationalist soldiers fight the Chi.1ese Reds? Should America send ground forces to Europe? The soldiers and the American people are demanding the answers to these questions, It'a high time for those who have been operating in secret to take the people into their confidence, And it’s high time for Mr, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Truman and his State Department to take the Congress of the United States into their confidence. I can tell you that the Members of Con- gress have been just as much in the dark about the defense policies and the foreign policies of our country as the average citizen. How can we arrive at the right decisions when the true facts are withheld and con- cealed? How can Congress have a real bi- partisan policy under such conditions? Abraham Lincoln trusted the people of the Un.ted States. One of his outstanding characteristics was his undeviating faith in the capacity of free men to govern them- selves, He realized that they might be led astray fo. a time by false hopes and deceptive prom- ises. But he was firm in his belief that the good judgment of the American people and thetr love of freedom would lead them, in the end, to the right decisions. Government that does not trust the people is not representative government. Government that is not responsive to the people will degenerate into dictatorship. The American people are aroused, They are fully aware of the dangers forced upon us by Communist aggression. They are pre- pared to make every sacrifice demanded for the defense of the American way of life. They are ready to fight to the death to pre- serve their rich heritage of liberty and inde- pendence. All they ask is leadership. In this hour of peril they want leadership in which they can place their full trust and confidence. They look in vain to Washington for leader- ship that will rise above deception, double- talk, and the shifty trickery of the machine politician. With nearly 50,000 casualties in the frozen mountains of Korea, the cry is for leader- ship that will prevent further bloodshed and needless loss of life in new and worse political blunders. We do not have that kind of leadership in the White House. We do not have that kind of leadership tn the State Department. That, fellow Americans, is one of the rea- sons why our people are worried, confused, and perplexed. In my opinion, there is another reason that strikes at the fundamentals of American moral strength. Highteen years of New Deal and Fair Deal philosophy has misguided many of our oitizens into believing that they must look to the bureaucrats at Washington to solve all their problems. They have been taught to believe that the great white father in Washington would assume all their re- sponsibilities. The false promise of some- thing for nothing has led so many to forget that initiative, industry, self-reliance, and thrift are the only sound foundation for indi- vidual progress and national security. Today they are bewildered and dismayed. They have learned at great cost that those who offered the doubtful blessings of a planned and controlled economy lack the leadership so badly needed in these days of crisis, Jniversal military training will help drive out this false philosophy. Just a month ago President Truman, in his state of the Union message, raised the hopes of Congress and the American people when he said, and I quote: “The Government must practice rigid econe omy in its nondefense activities. Many of the things we would normally do must be curtailed or postponed.” Yet a week later he submitted a budget for the 1952 fiscal year calling for the highest nondefense expenditures in our Nation's history. Instead of cutting spending not related to mational defense, he proposed nonmilitary expenditures estimated at over $30,000,000,- 000. That unbelievable sum represents an
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tacrease of more than €6,000,000,000 over this year's figure. In that amazing budget message President Truman made tt clear that his administra- tion has no intention whatsoever of practic- ing “rigid economy in its nondefense activities.” He left no doubt that if his recommenda. tions are adopted nothing that the Fair Dealers normally demand will be curtailed or postponed. My good Jeffersonian Democratic friend, the able and distinguished Senator from Vir- ginia, Harry Brrp, had this to say about Mr. Truman's budget, and I quote: “Th my experience of 18 years, considering the perils that confront our country, this message represents the very height of fiscal irresponsibility.” With all the sincerity at my command I submit that this is no time for fiscal or any other kind of irresponsibility on the part of those at the head of our Government, Even greater and more shocking disregard for the critical times in which we live was manifested when Mr. Tran loaded into his budget all the excess baggage of his soclalis- tie proposals. Rejected and discredited by one Congress after another, these fantastic spending pro~- grams are again pushed forward, not as part of a so-called social-welfare program, but in the guise of measuros essential to national defense, Included are the Brannan plan, to regi- ment agriculture at a cost of billions of dol- lars to the taxpayers, the vicious echeme to socialize the practice of medicine, the dan- gerous proposal to place education under Federal regulation, and other socialistic schemes. Are these consistent with the President's pledge to practice rigid economy in non- defense activities of the Government? Are they in Iine with the sacrifices which our citizens will have to make in their dally lives? Are they justified in view of the tremen- dous burden of new taxation which must be imposed upon every man and woman? The American people are ready and willing to accept the vast burden growing out of the Gefense program. But they must have un- mistakable assurance that the additional taxes will not be squandered by continued wasteful extravagance. First and foremost in the hearts and minds of the American people is the security of our Republic. In my opinion we can be spared the trag- edies of another world war. There are certain steps we must take. We must know the friends we can depend upon, We must have a navy and an alr force 60 strong that we will have absolute suprem- acy on the sea and in the air. . We must have the best-trained, best- equipped, and most mobile ground force so that 1¢ can be speedily sent to any pert of the world. This does not mean & large and expensive professional army. The manpower for defense must be made ready through universal military training, There must be no exemptions. We must not send apy man into combat service without at least 1 year of intensive training. Before we send cur soldiers to Europe or anywhere else we must have # carefully thought-out pian that the people can under- stand and will approve. Three-fourths of the strength of an Amer- ican army is morale. You cannot have that morale unless our people give wholehearted support to attaining our objectives, In advocating universal military tratning Iam guided by the principle laid down by Gen. George Washington, who said, “Every citizen who enjoys the protection of a free government owes not only a portion of his property but even of his personal service to the defense of it.” The defense plan of Washington placed rellance upon the citizen soldier, Wash- ington was tight. The citizen soldier has won our battles. He has kept us a stable, powerful, and progressive nation because he believes in the American way of life. Wars are not won by people who put poll- tics first, or business first, or profits or spe- cial advantages first. Not for many years will we return to the easy peacetime ways. Babies born today may reach selective- service wge before the Communist drive to conquer the world is defeated. We must Keep in mind that military prep« aration is only one phase of our ‘defense effort. Stalin's greatest fear is not the number of divisions we Lave in the lield. He will fear our potential military strength if we have universal military training. He would then know she number of well-trained Reg- ular Army, National Guard. and Organized Reserve divisions that we can throw into battle. He will know that the number will increase each year. Stalin will also fear a financially strong America. , To achieve that end we must work for a balanced budget. We must meet the costs of defense as far as humanly possible out of current revenues, We must have a stable currency and main. tain the purchasing power of the dollar by defeating inflation. We must have sound fiscal policies, not only in the Federal Government but also at the State and local levels. Stalin will also fear a powerful industrial America, producing an endless stream of planes, ehips, tanks, arms and munitions. Stalin will also fear a rearmed moral aud spiritual America—an America that believes and practices the American way of life— tolerance, good will, and love of God, In reflecting upon the greatness of Abra- ham Lincoln we are reminded of his deep religious convictions, his humility, and his sound common sense. In an address at Snringfleld, Tll., he set forth a lesson in right ving which gives new patriotic inspiration with every read- ing. I quote from Lincoln's speech as follows: “Let every American, every lover of lib- erty, every well wisher to his posterity swear by the blood of the Revolution never to vio- late, in the least particular, the laws of the country, and never to tolerate their viola- tion by others, Let every man remember that to violate the law ts to trampie on the blood of his father and to tear the charter of Ais own and his children’s Iberty. Let reverence for the laws be breathed by every American mother to the lisping babe that pratties on her lap, let It be taught in the schools, in seminaries, and in colleges; let it be written ir primers, spelling books, and in almanacs; let it be pre.ched from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and enforced in courts of justice.” We can strengthen our country if we all resolve to live by Lincoln’s precepts. We can strengthen our country if we turn again to God for guidance. In the struggle that will determine the course of civilization we need the revitaliz- ing spark of a great spiritual and moral awakening to rekindle the flame of right- eonsness and freedom in the dark days ahead, We are committed to a task of unprece- dented magnitude, The greatest honor we can pay Lincoln is to plan to preserve the Nation he so nobly served and in the words of the great eman~ cipator: “With firmness in the right as God gives ‘us to see the right, let us strive on to Anish the work we are in © © © to do all which may achieve and cherish a lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.” A907 America’s Opportunity for Leadership EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address on the subject America’s Opportunity for Leadership, delivered by me before the American Business Assoclatlon, at the Hotel Statler, in this city, on Feb- ruary 20, 1951. There being no objectioi , the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Ameaica’s OPPORTUNITY FOR LEADERSHIP AB We read history, we see that leadership has come to various nations through the centuries. It is our hour now, and the ques- tion ts whether we will be adequate. This lendership that we are c led to requires that ‘we spearhead the defense of the great human freedoms. This Nation has physically been unharmed in the last two World Wars. She has sacrificed much of her sealth and her blood, but the dynamic free-enterprise rys- tem, her great politica! values, and the vital- ity of 154,000,000 people are all intact. As there has been no formal treaty of peace with Germany and Japan and no declera- tion of the Congress, we are still at war with these nations, We ure at war in Korea with Communist China, who is backed up by the Kremlin, and all over the world our armed forces from land, alr, and sea, are poised for action, if Russia begins anything. Leadership today calls for offensive peace, That offensive calls for the highest typs of statesmanship and generalship to open the eyes of the Kremlin so that it will see the utter futility of pursuing ite course in ate tempting to take over the earth. Leadership calls also for building adequate atr, land, and sea forces to be ready for any emergency. It 1s impossible for us to crawl into our shell and think that by so doing we can serve our own best interests and provide the leadership that the world is hungering for, We dare not allow a vacuum to be crented throughout the world tor Russia to take over, and we dare no longer permit Joseph Stalin to carry on his policy of divide and conquer, which would divide us from our Atlantic Pact allies and permit him to gobble up theee nations, one by one. In our offen- sive for peace and for adequato defense, there is no place for retreat. THE GREAT DEBATE IN CONGRESS You have read a lot about the great debate in Congress, Right now, we are holding hearings before the Foreign Relations Com- mittee and the Armed Services Committee on the Wherry resolution. Everyone agrees it is necessary to build a defense that is adequate. The simple issue 48, Should the President, should the Con- gress, or should the two of them knock their heads together and try to agree on what percentage of our Jand forces should be avull- able to aend to Burope under the Atlantic Pact? At present it appears that any peace offen- sive that has been launched has been in- effective. The Kremlin continues its inter- national criminal activities. If another war should start, Europe would be the prize. The judgment of our military is that while we could knock out Russie’s industrial po- tential, because she has stockpiled so much war material, unless she could be stopped in
A908 Europe, she could take over Europe. There- fore, it appears that America should be pre- pared to send such further military contin- gents, air, sea, and land, to Europe as will accord with the recommendations made by our highest military chieftains. Of course, our land forces should go, when and if de- termined, only in an amount proportionate to Western Europe’s own contribution. We feel that under the circumstances that exist that Congress and the Executive should cooperate as partners, each fulfilling tts re- sponetbility—Congress in control of appro priations and the President spearheading the policy. Congress should not become a “rub- ber stamp” of the President; but neither should it attempt to take over constitu- tional executive functions. Our aid abroad has for its purpose to build up the morale and bring about the tmprovements of the military potential of our western allies. ANOTHER TYPE OF LEADERSHIP Bome time ago I recommended that there be created a Board of Counter-Revolutionary Strategy along the lines of the work of the Office of Strategic Services during World War II. You and I know that in all the satellite countries, in the Ukraine and else- where, the serfs and the slaves under the fron hand of the Kremlin are not happy. ‘We know that here is an opportunity to stir up the flames of revolt and dissension in Josef Stalin's own camp. Silver bullets— which means dollars—spent in this direction, by utilizing the right kind of propaganda and by penetrating behind the iron curtain, would get results and save a great deal of money and lives. We read in the paper that already some of Josef Stalin’s front in Italy and elsewhere is cracking up. Let’s add fuel to that situation. Let's exemplify that lead. ership that is so necessary so that a real shooting war will not result. AMERICA SHOULD DECENTRALIZE While we are putting on an offensive for peace and while we are getting ready for an emergency, let us remember that there 4s another step that should be taken. I have been arguing about this for years. The time is overdue ior the Government to decentral- ize its agencies and spread them out among the small communities of this land. We need basically three types of action: (a) Decentralization of Government. (b) Decentralization of population, (c) Decentralization of industry. If you merely disperse an agency from Washington to some other huge, crowded city, that merely amounts to moving the agency from one target center to another. You know that there is at present in con- templation the idea of spending a hundred and fifty million dollars to disperse agencies within 20 miles or so of Washington, D. OC. That, to me, is ridiculous. These agencies should be spread out to the “grass roots.” A bomber might well miss the heart of the target and get the agency 20 miles away. The whole plan is indicative of an utter lack of what the world situation means, ECONOMIC LEADERSHIP We are called upon as leaders to demon- strate not only to the world but to ourselves that, economically speaking, we have the vision that will save the Republic. This calls for— (a) Paying for our offensive for peace and our rearmament as we go. We have a na- tional income approximating $250,000,000,000, If you are going to save the goose that lays the golden egg (I mean America's economic and political system), you've got to “tax until it hurts” but not “until it kills.” (b) We've got to get a system of procuree ment into the military (Army, Air, and Navy) that will return a dollar's worth of value for every taxpayer’s dollar expended. (c) We've got to get the criminals, Com. mies, the chiselers, and the grafters behind the bars. (d) The best brains in America must be gotten into the positions of trust and exe- cution. A hundred and fifty-four miljion of us Americans have to be thinking a Uttle dif- ferently than we have before. We've got to realize that this is our job. Like Lincoln, we will have to get on our knees and pray that we may be adequate to fulfill the job before us. Lincoln, the Man of the People EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RALPH E. FLANDERS OF VERMONT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. FLANDERS. Mr. President, for many years Vermont was represented in the House of Representatives by the Honorable Charles A. Plumley. Re- cently, at the Pavilion, in Montpelier, Vt., at q dinner given by the Women’s Republican Club of Washington County, he delivered an address entitled “Lin- coln, the Man of the People.” I think this address is well worth printing in the Appendix of the Recorp, and, therefore, I ask unanimous consent to have that done. There being no objection, the address ‘was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mr. Toastmaster, on my way to the Capitol one morning last December, I stopped once more to look at that classic memorial, where sits the marble statue of Abraham Lincoln, the man who needs no monument, the re- curring anniversary of whose birth we honor ourselves today by observing. Rugged, honest, steadfast—his persever~ ance, his unwavering loyalty to the funda- mentals of American government, his gene uine respect for the Constitution, his grave concern for the destiny of the Republic that he saved, ended only with his untimely death. Strong without symmetry, humorous with- out levity, religious without cant, tender, merciful, forgiving, a profound believer in divine love, an earnest worker for human brotherhood—Abraham Lincoln was perhaps the best contribution which America has made to history. His origin among humble laborers, his native judgment, better than the wisdom of the schools, his perfect in- tegrity, his very ruggedness and angularities, made him a fit representative of the young Nation which loved and honored him. So many people have so well said those things which all of us would be proud to put in words that little remains to be said or can be said which has not already been spoken. One poet has sald: “Some opulent force of genius, soul, and race, Some deep life current from far centuries, Flowed to his mind and lighted his sad eyes, And gave his name, among great names, high place.” No monarch ever had greater power than he; none ever employed it so tenderly, so APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD benevolently, so graciously. No power of pardon, except that of Providence, was ever exercised so mercifully, so benignly. No other human being dried so many tears, stopped so many heartaches, revived sO many hopes. In the words of Edwin Markham in his poem, Lincoln, the Man of the People: “Up from the log cabin to the Capitol, One fire was on his spirit, one resolve— To send the keen axe to the root of wrong, Clearing a free way for the feet of God, The eyes of conscience testing every stroke, To make his deed the measure of a man. He built the rail-pile as he built the State, Pouring his spendid strength through every blow; The grip that swung the axe in Illinois ‘Was on the pen that set a people free.” Though Lincoln is dead, wet today and for all time, and to eternity, he stands upon the earth— “As some tall cliff that lifts its awful form Swells from the vale, and midway leaves the storm.” “With malice toward none; with charity for all, following the right as God (gave him) to see the right,” there he stands, like the Christ of the Andes, at the top of man's world. A redeemed and reunited Republic is his monument, Today, as in his time, the United States of America faces a crisis—only greater because we have no right to lose what those who sacrificed and died for it made possible for us. A momentous perl] portends, involving the destiny of civilization and destruction of all that we hold dear and that Lincoln saved for us, a catastrophe of such magnitude threatens such as the world has never experi- enced, growing out of the maddened strife across the sea. Trapped between two hostile oceans, the flooding problems of the world have already submerged those problems of our own on the correct solution of which our own per- petulty depends and is predicated, and in high tide the destructive isms undertake to sweep on to destroy the peace, order, and security of the world. We stand today, a solid wall so destined against the further encroachment and seep- ing in of these atheistic and medieval doc- trines of the Old World, as the last haven for free men. As Jefferson wrote with re- spect to his day and time, so today: “Bole depositaries of the remains of human liberty, our duty to ourselves, to posterity, and to mankind, calls on us by every motive which is sacred or honorable, to watch over the safety of our beloved country during the troubles which agitate and convulse the residue of the world.” " It 1s an unsatisfactory and empty philos- ophy which suggests that the way to bring peace and order and security and abundance to the world is for us to undertake to settle the problems of the world, alone and first, Was it not this man Lincoln, looking far ahead and beyond his day, who satd, “At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer,” said Abraham Lincoln, “if it ever reaches us it must spring up amongst us, it cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot we must ourselves be ite author and finisher. As a nation of freemen we must live through all time or die by suicide.” So far as the future is concerned, I wonder if there will be a future for my grandchil- dren, or if they will ever enjoy the privileges and opportunities which have been accorded me and you, if such a standard of living as we have enjoyed shall be maintained, or is it worth the price? So I wonder, and have wondered, and one night, believe it or not,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD t wrote what I call a poem. I called it “1 Wonder," and this is what I satd: “As once I wanderad at eventide alone ™ ratn-drenched garden paths through flowers and weeds, I wondered ff any day and sun would ever follow to atone Por all the wind and dark hed done; to which no heed in world at large Is pala for by those who idly pass to waste both Iives and time and money never earned, Lightly burdened by thought or care of whence these came or what # burden some must bear To save us from the catastrophic fiair For reckless, wicked waste of things they claim do make men great, “Gull stand 1 wondering what will be their ‘ate— The fate of those who measure not nor caicuiate The depth to which by ili-considered reck- . legsness with lives of other people's sons, and dollars, not their own, They have condemned those generationa yet anborn. To travail such as other age has never known.” The unvarnished truth is that ss we solve or fail to solve our own domestic, economic, social, and internal problems, so in the last analysis shall we and the western democ- racies stand or fall. We alone are respon~ atble for our own welfare and the stability of our cherished form of government. Our own domestic problem should be our great- est concern. Yet, as Wordsworth said: “We must be free or die, who speak the tongue Which Shakespeare spoke; The faith and morals hold which Milton he! ” Let me tell you that in this crisis our re- sponsibility ts as great only, and just so great as is our opportunity, We must not sacrifice our democracy im an effort, emotion- ally superinduced, to help maintain a dem- ocratic ideology world wide. What we shall do must be the result of our calm, cool, cou- rageous consideration of all the angles that the situation, forced upon us, now presents. The qttestion that confronts the American people today is: Which roed, if we take it, wil lead us away from rather than toward our possible destruction and involvement in the age-old controversies now seething and boiling anew Which is the way out for America and the world? Quo vadis? Bo we look agsin tonight to Lincoln, un- common commoner, great emancipator, Tam proud of the fact, and justly so, that I served to ome Congress in the nine terms Which I did serve when the Republicans were made a greater mistake in their lives than they did when they returned to power those who are entirely reaponsibie for the mess in whieh we find ourselves today. What did the Wightteth Congress do? I will tell you very briefy, viz: Tt gave the the promise of secom-~- pltehment incident to a change in edminis- tration. It afforded an opportuntty for de- liverance to those people corrupted by the gratuities of the New Deal and the Fair Deal and the Welfare State. Ht is too bed, but ft is true, that a majority were content to continue in power an administration based upon the postulate that this was a good gov- ernment in which to live so long as one could live off it. That day has passed. We have scraped or will have seraped the bottom of the bucket, Only by terrific sacrifices, personal, such as otr friends and neighbors in Europe have ex- pertenced, which God save us from, shall we ever be able to survive. I mean just that. Pew folks reslize the truth. They have too long lived on a Santa Claus no longer existent, The future which confronts them involves a fight for survival which will cost sweat and blood and tears in comparison with which that suffered and sustaine@d by European neighbors is nothing but a drop in the bucket. Why will people be s0 dumb as not to rea- lise that today we face the executioner. Why do they not realize that we shall survive or go down tnto the Hmbo of lost nations if we do not appreciate the fact that this le our day of decision? The Eightieth Congress and its record will go down in history as one of the greatest of achievement under most adverse circum- stances ever accomplished in a most trying era. What did it do? Let me tell you very briefly. It was confronted hy the disastrous results of 14 years of New Deal Democratic bad government. The country was threat- ened by economic disintegratian of our free economy and a revolutionary change in our free government. The Bightteth Congress with understanding, courage, and foresight met the challenge to the preservation of the Republic and undertook to reverse the ruin- ous New Deal polictes and establish solid foundstions upon which our country could grow and go on forever. For the firet time in 16 years it balanced the Federal budget. Tt shaved 67,000,000,000 off the public debt. 2t cut President Truman's padded budget more than $6,000,000,000, Despite three Presidential vetoes, it re- duced taxes €4,800,000,000, 71 percent of the tax relief therein found going to those with incomes under 95,000. Tt improved labor-management retations by the passage, over the Presidential veto, of the Taft-Hartley Labor-Management Act, which provides for fair and just procedures for peaceful settlement of lebor-manage- ment disputes. It exposed the Communist infiltration in Government and labor untons, and in the Holiywood film industry. It caused the jail- ing of Communists for contempt of Con- It passed 186 bills meeting the needs of war veterans. It expanded scoial security over Preeiden- tial veto. Tt aided small business. A909 It pamed hundreds of other measures benefiting every segment of our population, crea wholesome conditions for prosper- ity and happiness. , ty for the bankrupt diplo- macies of the Trtman sdmintstration cannot be escaped by ft, for an administration which harbors so many whe eee in the Rus- aian way of doing things greater benefit than in our own could not be expected to follow @ consistent and firm position In dealing with Communists at home or abroad. The major issue of today is the same ae it was in 1045. It is between radicalism, regimenta- tion, all-powerful bureaucracy, deficit spending, as against American freedom for the individual, a pay-as-you-go economy; and the protection of the American way of Hfe against Fascist or communiastic trends. The Republican Party rejects the alien ideology which calls for an all- centra) gov- ernment. We have faith in our free people and believe that freemen in cur Republic have accomplished more and will continue to accomplish more for the happiness and oontentment of humanity than has been or can be accomplished by men in any other kind of system. The Republicans in the Rightteth Congress pledged themselves for economy as against the fact that President Truman holds the record for the biggest peacetime expenditure of all time. The Bightieth Congress cut the President's budgete to the tune of over 62,000,000,000 and more, to the extent that the total sav- ings accomplished during the first session of the Eightieth Congress amounted to ap- proximately $4,500,000,000. The Eightieth Congress went on record by example and by precedent to insist that taxes muat be 60 imposed as to stimulate creative enter- prise, not destroy it, and to afford the tndi- vidual adequate purehasing power. Three times President Truman vetoed tax-reduc- tion bills, but the third time this Congress passed ft over his veto. The Eightieth Congress was relentiess in battling communism, fescism, and other alienisms. Senator Nrsan, then a Republican Representative, compelled the exposing un- Ger protest, and caused the trial of Alger Hiss and others. Bach time the Eightisth Congress revealed that there were disloyal persons on the Federal payro!] and elsewhere, no determined efforts were made by those in top authority to purge those charged from the Government household or to locate sub- versive, un-American groups spotlighted ‘by the House of Representatives committee without fear or without favor. I ehould eay to you that the founding fathers never intended that our foreign pol- icy should be made by only one man. The people reserved that right for themselves, acting through their Representatives in the and their President. I regret that New Deal Democrat Presidents, past anc pres- ent, have stretthed their constitutional rights to make agreement with foreign gov- ernments. Neither the Republican leader- ship in Congress nor the American people were consulted when the secret deals were made at Quebec, Yalta, Tehran, and Pote- dam; deals to remap much of the world; deals to freese the future of our war enemies; deals that bypassed “Songress and the Ameri- can people. ‘The Truman administration record in for- eign affairs ts serious in reversals, vascilla- tion, fumbling, and bungling which cannot be escaped, nor can it be tossed into the lap of the Republican Pasty, for we were not consulted. The Eightieth Congress delivered On its pledges to the people. Ite progress was made despite obstruction every step of the way by an administration whose philosophy of government revolves around radicaliam, regimentation, all-powerful buresueracy, Class exploitation, Government extravagance,
A910 stifling and destructive taxation, centraliza- tion of power and authority in Washington, coddling of Communists, and corrupt big-city politics. The Hightieth Congress undertook to show the people the way out. This is a Govern- ment of, for, and by the people, although that very fact may speli the end of the de- mocracy our founding fathers undertook to establish, President Truman called the Eightieth Congress the worst, but even so, from his standpoint, in addition to what I have enu- moerated, this so-called worst Congress did something that the New Deal and Fair Deal never could do during their long years of mismanagement—it balanced the Federal budget. Furthermore, it created a surplus of same 88,000,000,000. And while it was pursuing this worst pos- sible course. it made substantial payments on the national debt, and {t took 7,000,000 low- income Americans completely off the Federal tax rolls, saving them some 65,500,000,000 a year in taxes, . Do the voters everywhere know that de- spite President Truman's promise that there would be no nonessential spending in next year's budset, almost $10,000,000,000 has been earmarked for nonessential spending, including every socialistic plan ever dreamed up by the administration schemers—soctal- ized agriculture, medicine, and industry? Under the proposed $71,500,000,000 budget, enly slightly more than $20,000,000,000 of expentiitures has been justified through itemization. The remainder is only a blanket request for lump sums, and we don’t know how these sums are to be em- ployed, or for what purposes. In other words, the President has sent to Congress an arbitrary figure for his new budget, but he does not justify more than a small portion of his request. This is one budget at which both Houses of Congress will take a long look and, I feel certain, trim out all the nonessentials, particularly as they apply to the socialistic program of the miscalled Fair Deal. While the budget appears to be tops at 75,500,000,000, it actually is much higher. The budget requests permission to authorize, not appropriate, a total of 894,500,000,000, plus another $4,000,000,000, Does the ad- ministration think that the United States economy can take the punch to the jaw that an almost $100,000,000,000 budget would de- ltver? Do the people realige what an addi- tional $16,500,000,000 tax burden this year will do to their standard of living? And do they know that while the administration is preaching austerity for the populace, it is practicing luxury for Government? Do the people realize fully that the same administration and State Department crowd that fumbled us into the Korean war still is on the job and still fumbling? We must recognize the evils of reckless spending and inflation; of weak, fumbling policies, and of the loss of traditional liber- ties through creeping socialism. If I were to say what I think should be done, which nobody has asked me to say, I would say: 1. We shall have to stop regarding world politics as a game of chance. We must devise practical strategy—political, economic, psy- ebhologtcal, and military—to meet the Soviet threat in the moat effective way. a. We must end tho dangerous neglect of our home defenses by building up our strong- ert fighting weapons—sea and air power. 8. We must keep the United States finan~ cially and economically sound by a realistic arrangement of the national budget so that we do not spend ourselves into ruinous infla~ tion; nor tax our system into national bank- 4. There must be an, abrupt end to foreign policy by secret agreements and by Executive suthority; the peaple are tired of the conse~ quences of both, 5. See to it that the people are aroused to elect a Congress which may duplicate that of one of the greatest—the Eightieth. In conclusion, upon this occasion and of - this date, may I repeat the statement I have made before, in substance, to the effect that once I stood in admiration before the tomb of Shakespeare in the church at Stratford; another time I stood in awe before the tomb of the mighty Napoleon in the Invalides at Paris. Often I have stood in suspense before thy tomb of the father of our country at Mount Vernon. Before I left Washington I went again to the tomb of Lincoln. I wanted a message from bim to give to Vermonters, His spirit seemed to say: “The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work we are in. * * * To do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations. “Go tell my Vermont friends,” he con- tinued to say, “and all my fellow Americans everywhere, in these days of stress and con- fiict everywhere, to be brave and have no fear. Tell them to stand by any man who stands right; stand by him while he is right and, part from him when he goes wrong. Tell them that we here highly resolve * # © that government of the people, by the people, for the people shal] not perish from the earth.” Address by Hon, Edward Martin, of Penn- sylvania, at the Annual Dinner of the Trafic Clab of New England EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEVERETT SALTONSTALL OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 My. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President, Massachusetts has had the honor of having both distinguished Senators from Pennsylvania address our citizens re- cently. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the address delivered by the senior Sen- ator from Pennsylvania {Mr. MARTIN] before the annual dinner of the Traffic Club of New England in the Statler Hotel, Boston, Mass., on February 13, 1961. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: I know that those of you who have come from many points in the United States and Canada share with me the great pleasure of betng here tonight. The historic Commonwealth of Massachu- setts has contributed so much to the preser- vation of the ideals of the patriots, heroes, and founders of American independence. In the proud pageant of American history Massachusetts has a place of honor and glory. Here were enacted the opening scones in the drama which electrified the struggling Colonies and inflamed the spark of freedom in the New World. Here the first American blood was shed in resistance to tyranny and oppression, Here the embattled farmers defied the armed might of the world’s most powerful empire. The inspiring story of Concord, Lexington, and Bunker Hill should be to)d wherever free APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD men meet to champion the inalienable human rights we hold to be God's gtft to all mankind. The herotc past of Massachusetts lives on in its greatness of today and in its loyalty to everything that is American. That loyalty and devotion to all that ts best in American way of life is exemplified in the patriotic and unselfish service of your distinguished United States Senators Lev- ERETT SaLTONSTALL and Henry CAsor Lopag, JR. It is a great honor to be associated with these outstanding sons of Massachusette in the Senate of the United States. Both served with honor and distinction in time of war. Both serve their State and the Nation with the highest degree of constructive statesman- ship in these days of troubled peace. In the House of Representatives both great political parties have turned to Massachu- setts for leadership, with your distinguished Congressman, JoHn W. McCormack, as leader of the Democratic majority and the dis- tinguished former Speaker of the House, Jor Marty, as the leader of the Republican minority. If I may ‘e permitted to say so at this non- political meeting, we Republicans are con- fident that in the next Congress we will re- verse the situation with respect to the minority and the majority. It 1s an honor to be here tonight because the railroad men of America represent one of the strongest and most constructive forces for a powerful, progressive, and prosperous nation. I am happy to pay tribute to the Amer!- can railroads and to the men who run them. We are proud of their accomplishments un- der the American free-enterprise system in the face of the restraint that ie‘placed upon them by taxation and regulation. The advance of the railroads to their pres- ent greatness is an outstanding achievement of American initiative, enterprise, and cour- age. From the small wood-burning engine of the early days to the giant Diesel of today, their record is one of continuous progress and improvement. No other country in the world is served by such a vast network of railroads as we have here in the United States. The American people owe a great deal to the American railroads—more than they know—and more than they appreciate. No country is any greater than its natural re- sources. No country 1s any greater than its transportation system. Transportation in America has meant, and still means, prin- cipally the railroads. This country was developed by transporta- tion, tied together by transportation, and preserved by transportation. Railroads are not only essential for their peacetime function, but they are of extreme importance in our national defense. They must never become Government owned or operated. A little more than a century ago my State of Pennsylvania ventured into public owner- ship of transportation. A system of canals was constructed at a cost of more than $40,- 000,000, a stupendous sum in those days. It was held out by the promoters of the system that the revenues would remove for- ever the necessity of levying State taxes. But that hope quickly vanished in thin alr. The venture of government in busi- ness was so badly managed and proved so unprofitable that it placed the State in danger of bankruptcy. The project was abandoned and the bonds which fnanced the system were not finally paid of until There should be a Jesson in Pennsylvania's experience for those who advocate the na- tionalization of power, transportation, and other basic industries. In World War I, under Government ad- ministration, railroad operating costs more than doubled and the taxpayers footed the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the disastrous results than J car tell you. During World War II the American rail- roads, under the efficient control of private paid millions of dollars in Federal and State taxes and, in addition, boaree arial payment of dividends to the If tt had not been for the performance of Tailroade—a performance no one thought possible—the great armada that went to the far reaches of both the Atlantic and Pacific to bring victary to the American Republic and our allies would never have been posalble. As railroad men you have many problems but J will leave the discussion of those ques- Hons to men better qualited to do so than am. | I feel that this is an appropriate time to consider the dangers that face our country and the world today. The t issue is the preservation of freedom in the United States and in the world. If we ail to solve that issue nothing else will matter because freedom is the most possession of the human race. Today we face a wall organized, well pre- pared, and well disciplined enemy who knows no truth, ao honor, uo justice, and no God. Hts weapons are lies, deceit, treachery, and force. Sinoe the end af World Wa: II the Com- munist dictators af Soviet Russia, by armed aggression and diplomatic trickery, have control of one-third of the world. They have placed 700,000,000 people in Europe and Asia under the iron rule of ter- ror and tyranny. They have prepared the plans and stockpiled the weapans for world conquest and the susiavement of all free people who value freedom of the Individual and respect the dignity of man. That, gentlomen, is the grim picture of a world in which the future of civilization hangs ia the balance. It is a world tottering on the brink of a third world war which, if it comes, will be more terrible, more destruc- tive of human values, than any conflict in recorded history. it is not my purpose tonight to review the terrible mistakes, the blunders, and the confused bungling of the past. I shall not attempt to Ax the responsibility, but dt ds tragic to look back only § years and realize that in that short period we have dis- sipated and squandered ao mach of the atrength that made us the most powerful Nation of all time. In five short years we have bartered away the victory wan at great cost in prectous lives and treasure. We have crushed the hopes and aspirations of inilitons of freetom~ loving people In many nations who tovked to ‘us for moral leadership and the betterment | where are we going? They are raking, What are we going to do about it? How are we going to defend freedom against Communist , the economic point of view, and from the standpoint of our reevurce: and our whilities. The peopte should know the facts Deceuee 1f we are to encoeed We must have the patriotic support and backing of real Amertoan. There are some in high places w: to be without a plan. They seem se B38 F ae 4 each new development as it comes along without e~y well conceived notion of the direction they are taking. They are upest by fright and misguided by emotion. They fear political repudiation by the people for the cumulative errors of Yalta and Potedem and the irresponsibie course they have taken im recent years. In this time of grave decision we should forget the errors of the past. It ta a time for all of us to work together, It is a time for cool, hard-headed thinking and sound common sense. I have always felt that the position of the United States in international relations would be greatty strengthened tf! we had 4 foreign policy which the people could under stand and approve. In February of 1949, befure China had been taken over by Oommunist Russia, I sald: “We must calt forcefully to the attention of the peopie the shameful outoome of 4 foreign policy which has placed millions of people 1.. Europe and Asia under the tyranny of Soviet Russian. * * © We must point out so all may understand the fallacy of spending Dilitons of dollers to prop Up Western Europe while we leave the back daoor wide open for Communist domination over 450,000,000 helpless people in China.” I voted to a the Charter of the United Nations in the hope that it would develop into an instrument for peace in the world. Y supported the North Atlantic Pact tn which the free nations of Western Europe agreed to develop thetr individual and col- lective capacity to resist armed attack. They pledged each other that an attack against one shall be considered an attack against all, Since the close of World War I, I have continuously advocated a defensive pect of the free nations of the world and prepared- ness to meet any emergency. On May 5, 1947, speaking to the Amertoan Legion in Indianapolis, I satd: “while war with Russia may not be im- minent, we must be ready for any eventual- ity—strong, alert, and united at home. Wea have got to keep America a powerful enemy and a powerful friendabroad * * *. Un- til the nations of the world indtoate their willingness to ttve in peace, let as go our wry with an atomie bomb tn one hand and the spirit of the Cross in the other * * °. Then every nation can choose which hand it prefers.” Continuing, I said: “Our national tiefense must be based upon the ideals of our Republic. That means equal obligation as weil as equal rights for every citizen. In the kind of world we live in today, in which things happen swiftly, equal obligation means to me universal military training. That is the only way to be ready on time when an emergency oc- curs * * *, I stand for a highly trained Reguiar Army, batked by ea well-organised, well-trained civilian Reserve. We shovid have the best and strongest Navy and the best and strongest Air Force we can con- ceive * * °*, Our fiscal policies must in- clude @ balanced budget, reduction of the debt and equitable distribution of the tax burden. Every expenditure of our Govern- ment, whether for use at home or abroad, must be carefully scrutiniweet © * °. If we collapse financially or if uncontrolled inflation resulta, Anverion could eaally drift into a dictatorghip.” I believe that statement was sound then and I believe it is sound now. Again in March of 1948 I warned in these words: “Congress should provide a pian to train our young men in the fundamentals of pro- tecting themselves under fire. Otherwise, they may have to tearn under the hell fire of bomb, shot, and ehetl. We must, there- fore, without delay take leadership in bring- ing the God-fearing, peace-loving nations AS11 of the world together in « defensive pact jotaing the Ola World and the New for mu- tual protection against Ocmmenist domina= tion and enslavement. We srust tell the eggressors, clearly and forcefully, that if any one of these nations is molested all ‘will fight to preserve tts freedom. We must teave no room for doubt. That policy, tf backed by powerful military strength, will avert wer * * *. We must take dovisive action before it Is too late. Delay will prove sostly to us and the world.” Tonight I want to outline what I think thould be done to meet the present sttua- tion and how we should approach itt. Certainly no one wants to abandon Burope. We have given billions of dollars during and since World Wer TI toward the preservation of the free nations of . Nearly all of us here in Amertes ure de- scendants of people from those countries, Our civilization, cur culture, and our re- ligion are interwoven, They are dependent, in # large measure, upon us and we are de- pendent upon them in trade and commercial relations. It is, therefore, to our mutual advantage to work together andi cooperate with each other, From a selfish point of view on our part, ft is much better that we stand together against Communist aggres- eton than to be placed in a position where We may have to face it alone. It {s equally clear, however, that if the nations of Furope are not ready and willing to assume thelr share of the responsibility, if they lack the sptrit to sacrifice, to endure hardship, and fight for freedom, we can ac- complish nothing but harm to ourselves if we continue to pour our substance iuto furope. ZI have the greatest respect for Ganeral Eisenhower, his love of country, his patri- otiam, his sincerity and bis judgment. I am eure he does not want the Congress or the American people to accept his judgment blindly. Iam confident be wants the Can- gress and the people of America to think carefully, to obtain all the information pos- sible, and to arrive at a sound decision. 8o the first questicn we must resolve, giv- ing full consideration to General Kisenhow- er's report, is whether or not the free peopie af Europe are willing to lace up to the facts and make the necessary sacrifices. If they are, then we must help them butld the necessary defense. The second decision we should make is that we must pay for the cost of buliding our defense cut of current revenue. It must could destroy us through national bank- ruptey. The third question to be decided is this: How much can we tax American people each out delay. We must have the best and strongest Air Foros in the world so that we will have com- plete supremacy in the alr. ‘We must butld up the most powerful Navy so thatewe, together with Great Britain, will have comptete of the sea all over the worid. ‘We must speed up and put into high gear all our industrial capacity for defense. We must produce ships, tanks, weapons, muni- tions, and equipment on a scale surpassing anything we have over done before. To achieve that tremendous production for ourselves and the friendly nations of Barope te the moat important job we have right now, It will require a great force of manpower on the home front,
It is therafore clear to me that We cannot at the same time maintain a ground force of millions of men in the field over a long period of time. To do so would rob us and our allies of the critical defense material without which no army can fight, Some have suggested that we should or- ganize an army of 100 divisions as quickly as possible. Let me explain why any attempt to main- tain such a force indefinitely would spell out national bankruptcy in the boldest let- ters. Zach infantry division is made up of ap- proximately 18,000 men. Behind that fght- ing force are the soldiers at the corps and Army level as well as the supply and other auxiliary troops. With these, each division comprises more than 60,000 men. One hun- dred divisions, therefore, means upward of 6,000,000 men. The cost of maintaining a soldier in the Regular Army 1s approximately 5,000 per year. That covers the cost of shelter, food, clothing, and pay. It does not include the ‘weapons and.equipment he is trained to use. Translating these figures into an army of 100 divisions, it would represent approxi- mately #30,000,000,000 a year for shelter, food, clothing, and pay. The other costs would just about double that staggering figure. A ground force of 6,000,000 men would cut 80 deeply into our manpower that we would not be able to turn out the ships, the tanks, the planes, the bombs, and the other equip- ment so necessary for ourselves and our allies. It is, therefore, clear to me that the other Atlantic Pact nations, with more than 200,- 000,000 people, must provide the ground forces for the initial defense of western Europe. They are in a better position to supply this manpower if we are to mobilize the productive capacity of America for the giant task of furnishing them with food, arma, and equipment. While they are building up the ground troops of Europe we would be building our Navy and Air Force to be the air and sea arm of a well-rounded defense force operat- ing from bases in the Atlantic or such other places as the military leaders might decide. This question naturally arises: “Don't you intend to have an American ground force?” The answer is “Yes,” but we cannot main. tain a huge ground force in Europe and in Asta and here tn America except at a cost which would mean national bankruptcy, And, in addition, it would be bad military strategy because we would be dividing our forces and would be spreading ourselves out too thin. The ground forces of Asia must come from the islands of the Pacific, Japan and the Chinese nationalists. With our help they must supply the army for the initial defense of the Pacific. Our responsibility will be to provide the air and sea power both in the At- lantic and the Pacific. It must be remem- bered that the greater distance we take our soldiers away from America the longer the supply lines become. That means more men and more money are required behind the ines to maintain the soldier in the front ne. Iam, therefore, opposed to sending Ameri- ean ground troops to the far corners of the earth at this time without knowing if and when they will be needed, e T would subdstitute another plan which in my opinion would provide a much more effec- tive means of atrengthening the United States and of helping our Allies. I would maintain here at home a well trained regular Army of modest size, drawn from Selective Service under the present age mits. It would be equipped with the most modern and finest weapons. It would be the fastest and most powerful striking force, with the greatest fire power the world haa ever known. It would be completely motor- 4zed on the ground and could be moved by air or sea to wherever it might be needed. I would adopt universal military training for every boy in America, beginning at the age of 18 or upon graduation from high school, whichever occurs later. He would be given 1 year of intensive military training. From my own experience as 8 soldier cover- ing half a century, I know that no young man should be sent into combat without a year of such training. It trains him to protect himself and teaches him that he has an obligation to his comrades and to the flag. The well trained soldier has a better chance of coming home alive. The soil of Europe and Asta is the final resting place of many American boys who would have returned had they been properly trained and if we had not been forced to throw them into battle before they were ready. After a year of universal military training the boys would return home to pursue their education or to enter upon civilian jobs, They would then become members of the organized Reserve or the Nationa) Guard. Under that system approximately 1,000,000 young men each year would be fitted into a definite military organization, trained and ready to be called to the colors in a matter of days, I have tried to emphasize the fact that manpower is the thing that wins wars. Man~ power provides the cutting front on the bat- tlefield. It produces the food, the trans- portation, the weapons, the munitions, and the equipment. 1t is most important, therefore, that we save manpower wherever possible, We must cut it down in Government. We must elim- inate every possible nonessential function and every unnecessary job in the Government service. This should be done not only in the Federal Government but also at the State and local levels, Many men unable to pass selective-service requirements could be used in noncombat jobs to replace able-bodied men in uniform. Government spending for nondefense pur- poses should be slashed to the bone. We must have sound fiscal policies that will pre- serve the solvency of the Nation. We must have a stable currency to maintain the pur- Chasing power of the dollar and check the destructive force of inflation. We must never forget that we can be de- stroyed from within. It is not enough to build up our military strength alone. We must have in America a great moral and spiritual rearmament. We must live in righteousness, obeying the laws of God and man, If we do these things we can overcome the forces of evil and preserve peace in the world. If we fail it will be because “we have neglected our duty to our country and to posterity. God helping us, we will not fall. Lithuania EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the speech I delivered in observance of Lithuanian Independence Day by the pa- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD rishoners of St. Francis’ Church, Law- rence, Mass., Sunday, February 18, 1951: When Lfthuania was robbed of her inde- pendence, that loss was felt by all Ameri cans, Because our own country was established on the belief that all men are created equal. The progress of the human race toward emancipation has been long and difficult. Sometimes the freedom once gained has been lost to an aggressor. Whenever that hap- pens, the one great hope of mankind 1s en- dangered. That is why we are fighting in Korea. That its why we sincerely grieve with the people of Lithuania. In every age there have been tyrants, men who wanted to get complete control over the lives of the people by reducing them to slavery. History is filled with stories of the devas- tation and the suffering inflicted by these evil men. In the end they were always defeated be- cause the people knew them to be con- querors and resisted them from the begin- ning. ‘ The would-be dictators of the twentieth century are more cunning. They come like the wolf in sheep’s cloth- ing, pretending to be gentle and kind so that they can get into the house. Once inside, they attack and overwhelm the vic- tim before he knows what has happened. That is the tragic fate of Lithuania and of every other free country that has been taken over by the trickery and force of Red Russian imperialism. But that is not the whole story. We, the people of the United States, of Great Britain, and France, and other na- tions allowed ourselves to become weak and indifferent. We stood by while these crimes took place without lifting a finger to help our brothers in humanity. Perhaps we kidded ourselves at the time into believing that the Communists were not as bad 95 they had been pictured. Whatever the reasons, or lack of reasons, we know better now. Because we are in danger. We are rearming fast, because we now know the facts of life in dealing with com- munism., Pretty words won't protect us. And we can't survive all by ourselves. We need friends and allies. Like Lithuania and others, who cannot help us now because we did not help them in their time of peril. I said at the opening of my remarks that when your homeland was seized by the Reds your loss was felt by all Americans, I want to qualify that statement. In August of 1944 when the Nazis were expelled, we thought that Lithuania and the other small Baltic countries were sim- ply occupied by the Russian Communists. Just as we occupied a part of Germany and all of Japan. But what a difference there was in the two methods. ‘We came to bring peace, to rebuild, and finally, to restore the countries we occupied to the full control of their own people. But the Communists had other ideas, They moved in for keeps, either by com- plete incorporation of these nations into the Soviet Union or through the device of puppet governmenta which foola nobody, not even the traitors who played the Soviet game, Tito, the Commuist dictator of Yugoslavia, held out against complete domination of his country by the Kremlin. Other quialings watted too long, and now they cannot escape from the trap of their own making, The lesson in this is that anyone who thinks that he can be half-Communist or a Communist for the sake of his own individual country as he sees it will be either liquidated
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD or enslaved in the end by the tin gods who play the one-way game of tyranny from the control center at Moscow. Even the leaders of Red China will learn this bitter lesson, if they haven't learned it already, We know that they are the pris. oners of Stalin, even though they appear to be acting on their own. The question is, do the Chinese Reds know how they have been fooled by Stalin yet? We, as Americans, cannot afford the luxury of being against communism 1 day a week, and then forgetting about it the other 6 days, because the Reds are plotting against us and working against us 7 days and 7 nights in every week. Toward the close of 1945, immediately after the war's end, we began to break up our Army, Navy, and Air Forcé@ as if our defend- ers were Our own worst enemies. Everybody wanted to get back into the per- sonal game of life again and to forget about everything else. We wanted to retreat into the childhood days of this Nation, when two vast oceans did separate us from the rest of the world, and we could tend to our own business. But Stalin knew better. He did not dis- band hie power. He did not start to build new homes and automobiles and television sets for his people. He went right on build- ing up his military power while we were tear- ing ours down. Of course our possession of the A-bomb secret did make him think twice about ex- panding too far and too fast. But he could shove a little here in one country, making it look like a civil war, or he could buy a few traitors in another coun- try. Gradually he would be able to eliminate our friends one by one while we did nothing to help them, always creeping closer and closer to us—the main prize. And he knew that sooner or later he would get the A-bomb and thereby cancel out the one advantage that we had. Meanwhile, he felt that the United States would retire to the deep freeze of tsolation- ism, permitting him to build up for the final blow that would give him conquest of the world. But we did wake up suddenly, although a little late, and now we are feverishly trying to make up for the lost time during which we permitted the Communists to extend their gains. Why did we make this startling about- face? It began with Lithuania. We were a little disturbed by the few rumors we heard as to what was going on in that country under Russian occupation. But then we conveniently put this problem out of our minds on the excuse that it was none of our business anyway. And besides, it was too far away. In 1950, however, we decided that Korea, even though it was a greater distance away, needed UN troops to protect its independ- ence. We have made a little progress in our thinking since 1944, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia were gobbled up by the Russian bear without even a real protest from us, Then came Poland. Here the Reds tried to conceal their greed behind the filmfiam of words. Sure, they promised democracy and free elections, and then proceeded to eat up that country after it had been flavored with “Russian dressing.” Czechoslovakia was next on the menu, The way it was swallowed up really warned us that there was no limit to the appetite of communism. When Moscow tried to bite off Turkey and then wash it down with Iranian oll, we got worrled because the Reds were threatening to clean up everything in sight. We stopped XCVII—App.——58 the reach of the Russian bear in that direc- tion, at least temporarily. And we helped the people of France and Italy to feed themselves before the Reds fooled them into giving up the little they then had for themselves, The Russian bear has a tapeworm that demands more the larger it grows. When the Communists took over China, we thought it would take a long, long time for them to digest that huge country. But when it pounced on Httle Korea soon afterward that was the last straw. The line had to be drawn somewhere, and the sooner the better. Communism would never be satisfied until it ate the dessert, which was us. It was then that our counter-move, called operation tapeworm, went to work to hold the Communist appetite in check. ether we will ever be able to physic communism out of Russia remains to be seen, but at least we must tame the bear and make it give up what it has devoured. To say this is one thing, to do it is another. If we could read the unknown future we might find that our hopes will come true and see there the end of the Communist Menace where it began—in Moscow—and as & result of a house-cleaning by the Russian people who were the first to be enslaved, But it would be folly to rely upon that alone, Strength to resist aggression anywhere is the first order of business, and the most im- portant business in the world today, because it is the price of collective security. A man who does not stand up for his friends, who fails to come to their aid when they are attacked, will wind up by having no friends when he needs them. And the same goes for any nation, The trouble is that we have failed to look ahead tn the field of foreign affairs, to do something before and not after the fact. That is why we must share some part of the blame for the present misfortune of Lithuania, If we had stated clearly and courageously, even before World War II was over, that we would never tolerate the taking over of any one nation by any other, Lithuania might have been saved. But we didn't do it then. And the result is that we must make up for this neglect the hard way now. To rally the support that we must have from the God-fearing nations of thfé world and from the peoples who exist under the hammer and sickle, we must declare that we will work for the liberation of all nations that have been conquered by Red Russian imperialism. Nothing less will suffice if there is to be peace and freedom for all the peoples of this earth. High on the list of the wrongs that must be righted is the restoration of independence to the brave people of Lithuania. Peace Pilgrimage to Washington EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. S. J. CARNAHAN OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. CARNAHAN. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include herewith my ietter of February 12, 1951, to Secretary of State A913 Dean Acheson, and his reply of February 16, 1951: ; Concreas oF THe UNrrep STATES, HOUSE or REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C., February 12, 2951, Mr. DEAN ACHESON, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mv Dear Mr. Secretary: My attention has recently been called to stories In the news~ papers concerning a so-called Peace Pilgrim- age to Washington, on March 1, , A number of my constituents would like to know the nature, objectives, and affilia- tions of the American Peace Crusade, which 4s the name of the group sponsoring the Pligrimage. ; I would very much appreciate any in- formation you can give me. Very respectfully yours, A. 8. J. CagNaHaNn, Member of Congress. THe SECRETARY oF STATE, Washington, February 16, 1951. My DraR Mr. CARNAHAN: I have received your letter of February 12 concerning the American peace crusade, and tta plans for a peace pilgrimage to Washington on March 1. From the membership of the group, and the general tenor of its pronouncements, it is obvious that this American peace crusade is merely a continuation or regrouping of the spurious partisans of peace movement, which as you know has been the most concentrated and far-flung propaganda effort of the inter- national Communist movement in the post- war period. The partisans of peace movement was or- ganized by several Communist-controlled groups in Paris in 1949. The focal point of ita original effort was a world-wide drive to collect 400,000,000 signatures to the so-called Stockholm appeal, an adroitly framed peti- tion which superficially appeared merely to be an affirmation of the world-wide desire for peace and the universal desire for effective control of atomic energy. What the Btock- holm appeal actually called for, however, was the adoption of the Soviet plan for the regu- lation of atomic energy, @ plan which has been overwhelmingly rejected again and again by the majority of the United Na- tions. The partisans of peace and its partner, the Cominform, announced that one goal of the movement was to collect 5,000,000 signa- tures in the United States. In spite of the most intensive campaign by Communist agents and those deceived by them, a final count of 2,000,000 signatures was officially claimed by the Cominform as having been collected in this country. I know it is as shocking to you as it is to me to think that even that small percentage of our citigens ‘would sign their names to a petition which by its very nature had as its objective the weakening, if not the destruction, of the bonds which unite the free world. What the appeal in effect called for was the banning of any use of the atomic bomb, without any admission of the destrability of banning the tremendous armies and armament the U. 8. 8. R. and its satellites have maintained since 1945, not to speak of the illegal re-' armament of Hungery, Bulgaria, and Ru- mania beyond the mits {imposed in the peace treaties, ‘ In this latest manifestation of the parti- sans of peace, American peace crusade or peace pilgrimage, or whatever name it goes by at the time, the same people are calling for the same things, but this time they have added two more points. The first 1s that the peace crusade calls for the UN forces to withdraw from Korea, The
ASid Sominform has been calling for an immedi- ate withdrawal from Korea, too. The Com- inform wants us to withdraw from Korea because if we do withdraw, it will mean that we are not willing to restst aggression where- ever it may break out. Voluntary with- drawal from Korea would be a clear tndica- tion to the forces of international commu- nism ‘that the United States, as the leader of the forces of the United Nations, was abdi- cating its responsibilities, abandoning its allies, and renouncing the moral force which has made this country what it is. The second point these peace crusaders stress is that we should immediately seat Oommunist China in the United Nations, When you consider that by an overwhelming yote Communist China was recently con- demned by the UN as an aggressor, a sud- den seating of Communist China would in effect be an invitation to other aggressive- minded governments to flout the principles of the Charter, and would, indeed, offer a premium for the very sort of aggression we are combatting. Of course, the peace crusaders call for Tam sure you will agree with me that it is the duty of every American to reject and expose the false mo- Dean AcHEEON, Mr. Wherry’s Courage EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Racozp an editorial entitled “Mr. WHErry’s Courage,” pub- lished 1 in the Washington Times-Herald y. ‘There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorn, as follows: Mn. Warnat’s Covnacs ‘Once again, Senator Waxerr, of Nebraska, showed himaeif on Monday to be as valiant & fighter for America as this generation has produced, The Senate's Foreign Relations and Mili- tary Affairs Comeittees were meeting in joint session to take testimony on Mr. Wruwasy’s resolution declaring that the Presi. dent may not send foot soldiers to garrison Burope without congressional approval. Many of the members of the committees are un- Stiendly to the Wherry proposal, and such of them as are in agreement with him had Tittle to say. The burden fell upon him and he carried it manfully. BEA Now 4 COWARD ‘The witnesses were the highest brass in the Pentagon. They had their orders and they had their story well prepared, but unlike his colleagues, Mr, Werexny was not weak- kneed and he was not intimidated. Mr. Wazury elicited some information of great value. In response to a question, Gen- eral Collins, the Army chief of staff, said that in the last war France contributed little to the Army on the western front because she had been overrun. This time, satd Gen- eral Collins, the French might be expected to provide from 80 to 100 divistons. But if that is so, as Mr. Warrny tan now argue, what need is there for any American divisions in Burope? If France, to say noth- ing of the other alltes, has all that poten- tial strength and is being provided with the most modern of arms as 8 gift from America, how can anyone say that half a domen Amer. ican divisions are all that stand between Western Europe and catastrophe? Yf the French wish not to be overrun by the Russians, the means to save themselves are in their own hands, and any troops that we send will merely enoourage the French to depend upon us instend of themselves. Senator Wrreeny was contending for the princtple of governmental responsibility to the people and thetr Congress. He was seck- ing to save the lives of American young men and to save the National Treasury from bank- ruptcy. He had the courage of a man who knew he was in the right. With the same moral armament, Washington stood firmly at Valley Forge, I Decline to Accept the End of Man EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON, FRANK E. SMITH OF MISEISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I include the following statement by Mr. William Faulkner, distinguished Ameri- can author, upon the occasion of the award to him of the Nobel prize in Nterature. Mr. Faulkner's statement is dn itself worthy of taking rank as one of the great challenges to humanity in this period when defeatism and despair are all too prevalent. The above-mentioned statement follows: I Decurne to Accerr Tae Ep or Man (By William Faulkner) T feel that this award was not made to me a2 a man, but to my work—a life's work an the agony and sweat of the human spirit, not for glory and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award ts only mine in trust. It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and asignifiernee of ite origin. But I would ike to do the same with the ac- claim, to, by using this moment as a pfn- nacle from which I might be Mstened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travall, among whom is already that one who will some day stand here where I am standing. Our tragedy today is a general and untver- sel phystoal fear ao long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There are no longer problems of the spirit. There ts only the question: When will I be blown up? Be- cause of this, the young man or woman writ. ing today haa forgotten the problems of the human heart in confilct -vith itself which alone can make good writing, because only APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that is worth writing ahout, worth the agony He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all things ts to be afraid, and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room tn his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart, the old universal truths lacking which any story is and doomed-—— love and honor and pity and pride and com- passion and sacrifice. Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love but of rust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victortes without hope, and, worst of all, without pity or compassion. His griefs grieve on no universal bones, leav- ing no scars. He writes not of the heart but of the glands. , Until he relearns these things, he will write as thougt. he stood among and watched the end of man. I deciine ‘o aocept the end of man. It is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure; that when the last dingdong of doom has elanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening, that even then there will still be one more sound; that of his puny, inex- haustible voice, still talking. I refuse to ac- cept this. I believe that man will not merely endure; he will prevail. He {s immortal, not because he alone ameug creatures has an in- exhaustible voice but because he has @ scul, @ spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance. The post's, the writer's, duty is to write about these things. It is his Privilege to help man endure by Lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be one of the prope, the pillars to help him endure and prevail. Abraham Liacein crete EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr, WILEY. Mr. President, on Feb- ruary 11, I heard a great address by a great and spiritual American, Rabbi Norman Gerstenfeld, of the Washington Hebrew Congregation. The subject was Abraham Lincoln. I ask unanimous con- sent that the address be printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rsacorp, aa follows: Asaanam Lrconyw The devout souls who founded the Wash- ington Hebrew Congregation first met for worship in the year 1852. The President of the United States whose signature later ap- peared on our charter from Congress was Franklin Pierce. Whenever I look at our charter in the library of our temple I am reminded of the kind of America we had in the fifties of the last century. Franklin Pierce, the youngest man to have becorhe President, had been the nominee of the Demooratic Party, a coalition of southern Planters and conservative éastern buainess- qaen, and on a platform of opposition to anti- slavery agitation had been swept into affice by all but four of the States of the Union. In
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD his inaugural address Franklin Pierce rightly interpreted his election as a mandate from the people to bury the antislavery contro- versy and to permit human bondage to con- tinue wherever it existed in our States. Never had the old slave society seemed more assured of its future in our land as in the 1850's. Thomas Jefferson had wanted to erase it, for he had said, “I tremble for my country when I refiect that God is just; that His justice cannot sleep forever.” It is true George Washington had repeated these words, “Not only do I pray for the rooting out of slavery on the score of human dignity but I can clearly foresees that nothing but the rooting out of slavery can perpetuate the existence of our Union by consolidating it into a common bond of principle.” It is true many of the planting aristocracy had begun to realize that slavery was undesirable and in 1820 had gone so far as to accept the Missouri Compromise whereby the larger Portion of the Loulsiana Territory was dedi- cated to freedom. It is true the agitation in the North against slavery had become increasingly bitter: William Lloyd Garrison had started his magazine, the Liberator, in 1831 and for nearly a quarter of a century had thundered in the condemnation of slavery as crime and demanded the emanci- pation of the slaves; there were Wendel Phillips, the eloquent New England aristo- crat; Whittier, the poet; James Russell Lowell, the author; and Emerson, the phi- losopher—all had labored to raise the moral issue of human bondage. In 1862 Harriet Beecher Stowe had dramatized the abolition- ist creed in her play Uncle Tom's Cabin; but as someone said, “it deepened the horror of slavery but did not change a single vote.” For in spite of all these, in 1852 the Demo- cratic Party on a proslavery platform had carried every State except four in the entire Union. Indeed, from 1820 on it seemed that slavery had become stronger than ever, The use of steam and steel in the new textile looms of the North had produced a great need for cotton; and the invention by Whitney of his cotton gin had increased the picking power of every slave even a thousandfold, To feed the hungry mills of England and New England there had been a transformation of the old gentle plantation life gradually veer- ing toward freedom to a new feverish hunger for new land for cotton, where overseers could drive slave gangs across new areas in mad search for new profits. To justify their slave system a great corpus of learning—in the fields of history, and law, of economics, philosophy, and even religion had been gathered, where with profound sincerity and eloquence they won many to the acceptance of the rightness of slavery. They were so convincing that in 1835 Gar~ rison, the abolitionist, was dragged by a mob through the streets of Boston—a mob composed of some of the most respectable as well as the street urching—and Garrison's life was only saved because the police put him in jail. The attorney general of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts addressed &@ mass meeting of some of the leading citi- Bens in the sacred confines of Faneuil Hall, the cradle of liberty, where he praised the mobs that attacked and even killed some abolitionists and compared them to the patriot fathers of the Boston Tea Party. In the famous debates in the Senate in 1850 of Calhoun, Olay, and Webster, even Webster asked only for compromise acceptance of sectional slavery. In the few years that fol- lowed new concessions were made to it. In 1854 the Congress repealed the Missour! Com- romise and threw open vast areas of the uisiana Purohase to slavery, once closed tt for decades, In 1857 Chief Justice ‘aney in his Dred Scott decision had ruled the Missouri! Compromise had been vold from the beginning, that Congress had no power to forbid slavery anywhere. This was followed 2 years later by another decision of our highest courts upholding the fugttive- slave laws and their drastic enforcement. ‘When the new Republican Party had run on ® platform opposed only to extension of slayery but permitting it to thrive where !t was, in spite of the decades of abolitionist agitation in our land, they were hopelessly outvoted. It seemed as if slavery was not only here permanently but was about to sweep westward and southward inta a vast slave empire of the entire hemisphere. As Wendell Phillips, the lover of freedom, said, “The sky was never so black.” But in a few years, just a little more than one decade, so much of that past that seemed 80 ominously threatening or rigidly secure was trust aside. All this cannot be grasped without understanding Abraham Lincoln. He was born in a Kentucky log cabin, but he ‘was swept westward to the frontiers of the Ohio. He was early aroused by the inhu- manity of the slave trade, but as he said, “I bit my lips and kept quiet.” He did even less, for when he ran for Congress he con- demned the abolitionists as agitators endan- gering the cause of freedom, and even joined & group of southern Whigs to name a slave- holder as the candidate for the Presidency. It was only after he had retired from Con- gress that he began to sense the dangers of the ethics of slavery to the workingman's charter of freedom, As late as 1858 in his debates with Senator Douglas we find in hie “house divided" speech these words: “A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all of one thing or all the other. Hither the op- ponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike Jawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.” Lincoln challenges the Justice and the political honesty of the Dred Scott decision that extended slavery to the new West, but he does not object to it in the Old South. In fact, he had won the Republican nomination in 1860 precisely be- cause he was a conservative in his views on southern slavery. At his inauguration Lin- coln appealed for union, peace, and friend- ship. He spoke up against secession, but could anything be more conciliatory than this plea to the few Southern States that had seceded? He said: “If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely pre- vall by the judgment of the great tribunal of the American people. * * * My country- men, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect, and defend it. We are not enemies but friends, We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and pa. triot’s grave to every living heart and hearth- stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, 48 surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.” These words were said in March of 1862 but by September of the next A915 year Lincoln had issued the Emancipation Proclamation freeing the slaves in great areas of the Old South. Why? Was Lincoin really an abolitionist who had pretended to be a conservative and had taken advantage of his position to destroy the old slavery? No, The evidence is all against it, The an- swer is that the same flood that moved Lin- colin from a log cabin in Kentucky to the western frontier, a similar tide swept Lin- coln forward by the tragic necessity of his duty to a beckoning new frontier of the American dream. We find it stated with abounding earnestness in the Gettysburg Address he delivered in November of the same year, in these noble words it is ever wise to repeat: “Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal, Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that Nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle- field of that war. We have come to dedicate @ portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave thelr lives that that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, ‘we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow-— this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add ar de- tract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devo- tion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that fovernment of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” These noble words that speak of man's dedication as part of a divine compulsion is even clearer when Lincoln said in the fol- lowing year: “I clatm not to have controlled events but I confess the events have controlled me, The Nation’s condition is not what either party or any man devised or expected. God alone can claim it.” The Civil War was not only a tragedy that Lincoln tried his best to prevent but had come as the result of moral imperatives arousing out of great social forces he could not ignore. The historians of our time point out that these States thought they had the power to win their extremist demands, which they deemed just. They thought that even though fewer in number their control of the flow of cotton and other raw materials would ruin the North and win the aid of England and France, whose upper classes were with them and whose mills needed them, They thought that nearly all the military skill and munition supplies were in the South—-which for years had kept the Federal Govern- ment without military strength—and that through their contro] of New Orleans they could easily capture the Mississippi Valley, the granary of the North. They thought that because the North was not only unarmed but divided into so many different factions— with a President elected by a minority—and @ crude citizenry of, to use this snob term, y mechanics with all kinds of confiict- ing opinione—though the North may be larger and richer—it could not or would not fight. The South thought it had the power to secede from the Union and to bulid a new
ASi6 kind of Wation based on slavery and sweep- ing forward to a new kind of racial destiny. Thus the South which seemed s0 secure in the 1850, refusing to take the steps toward conciHation and compromise—ft fought on heroteally unti? tte test straggling armies ‘were dispersed, all ite homes were in ruins— and the old plantation aristocracy was left crashed and tmpoverished in a ruined land. Tt had sowed the wind and reaped the whirtwind. There ts a power than men thet brings retribution for our moral fatlures. Thus many of the people who m this very city of Washington were tn the seats of the mighty tn the 1850's were efther ruined or kifled tm the 1860's, because of what they and others had done or fatied to do to face the moral challenge of their time. How wasteful that Civil War was. It not onty cost us more than 600,000 lives but if we had yaid every master for every slave it would have cost less than the money we spent in the Bloodshed. But it had to be, for so many men require suffering before they can tmder- stand the error of their ways; so many drfft eelfishty without thought of a nobler vista of tomorrow; sO many are blighted by the eth- icat impotence of the countless numbers who felt the horror in Uncle Tom's Cabin But would not change even their vote from the old ways and certainly could not rise to the new motal disciplines for a new age. The greatness of Abraham Lincoln wes that he had the vision and the strength of character to see hia duty and rise to tt. Limn- coln wes not an Abolittonist even after he had won the election. Lincoln waa not aware of the long-range effects of the tm- pending changes of the new industrial Amer- ica doveloping in the North; a remarkable political pattern never before achtoved— that combined an empty land beckoning to the Old World’s homeless, in a continental economy whose open frontier gave its new immigrant labor the bargamning power for its freedom and whose tariff walle helped its new tndustry to grow mightily without for- eign competition. Lincoln was not aware of any battle with a preindustrial feudalism. But, Lincoln was aware of the moral au- pertority of the American ideal of liberty and union end by the logic of his duty to that ideal and by the bitter reality of his fruftiess efforts to keep the Galists who could not be world. Hitler was born in a village hut in Bohemia and Mussolini knew im the blacksmith home of hie f: In utter sincerity one srove from bum! ‘ i Qs E iz # s 8 g g 8 5 a ak 1 month before his death, we can understand why the tomb of this sad backwoodsman has peoome the shrine of American In these words he uttered the faith that Am a faith that not only with malice none and with charity for all but “with firmness in the right as God gives ws to see the right"; a faith in the necessity of the courageous integrity of free soule dedicated to the discipline a free conacience dictates, knowing that charity without a firm con- E E di APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD trontier of cur American hope, and to his mame, In the words of the poet, “men come es to 0 shrine and temple of the to be made sweet and strong of heart in Lincoln's brotherhood.” Amen. The Cure for Inflation eee EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. ANDREW F. SCHOEPPEL Oy MaNess IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. SCHOEPPED. My. President, on February 2, 1951, there appeared in the Beviland (Kans.) Journal an editorial entitled “Production Is the Only Cure.” hesitancy on the part of those in au- thority and power in our Government to meet the tssues head-or, it would be well to read and reread this editorial I ask Paopuction Is tmx ONLY Cuar The people of the United States have be- come reconciled to the necessity of the Na- of us alt. Instead, most of us have 1 that the other fellow should pay the bill, It's the other fellow'’s profits which should lhe limited and the other fellow’s business which should be reguiated. We are in favor of rny tax and any regulation so long as it is placed on somebody lac. For cost of government increased, an sttempt was to cover the increase without touching the potketbooks of the great HE a i i BE
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Any kind of control is only a stop-gap measure. It is notacure. Production is the only thing that will stop inflation, along with @ decrease in Government spending. Since 1932 the Government has had a deficit every year, except for the 2 years when that “do nothing, good for nothing Hightieth Con- gress” was in control. Most people agree that Control of prices is needed, although the ad~ ministration waited until everything was at its highest to put it on. No one, even those in Washington, knows what the present con- trol will do or how it will be made to work. But no control will stop inflation until the Government stops holding up the prices of foodstuffs artificially; until it stops financ- Ing the inflationary housing boom; until it stops subsidizing an inflationary export boom. It must stop its bond-pegging policy and its low inflationary interest rates, If such steps are taken, and other unnecessary spending stopped, we will get the all-out pro- duction that only free markets and a free economy can provide, Rege@@iless of whom we may agree with or differ from, one thing should be kept in mind—the first responsibility of every Amert- can citizen is the perpetuation of individual lberty and our representative form of gov- ernment. This primary objective must al- ways remain ahead of personal comfort and security for civilians as well as the troops in the front lines, F.J.C. teeter” Dividends From UN EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rscorp an editorial eatitled “Dividends From UN,” published in the Washington Times-Herald of today. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Divipenps From UN In the first 5 years of its life the United Nations has succeeded in spending almost 857,000,000. Of this the United States cons tributed $424,000,000—~almost half of the to- tal. By June 30, UN outlays will approach $1,000,000,000, and of this sum the United States will have contributed $543,000,000. HALF-BAKED EXCURSIONS Can any American explain what possible benefit the United States has received from &@ single dollar contributed to UN, let alone half a oillion of them? We have been treated to a never-ending wrangle, to a wholly use- less and costly war in Korea, to the threat of another world war with unimaginable de- struction, to military and economic regimen- tation in preparation for war, and to some half-baked, wholly unrealistic, and dangerous excursions into social uplift on a global scale. The Declaration of Human Rights and Geno- cide Convention are typical of these. The facts and figures on UN have been the subject of study by a Senate subcommittee under the direction of Senator O’Conokr, of Maryland, and the report of this group leaves no doubt that UN has degenerated into a racket. The only people who profit directly from its operations are the new class of glo- bal bureaucrats who draw tax-free salaries. Trygve Lie, the Secretary-General, benefiting from 11 forms of allowance and 6 of benefita, draws 653,000 a year, free of tax. He may be worth 883,000 to himself, but to no one else. The Senators speak of the vested interests that have been created in UN by interna- tional bureaucrats whose principal object is to keep every existing project going and to invent new ones constantly. Among these js a study of the effect of chewing coca leaves, Others proposed or in existence are world clinics for alcoholics, the improvement of obstetrical practice in China so that the ranks of the Chinese Red armies may be kept up to quota, a world compact. to end divorce mills, a atudy of the gocial problems of South American aborigines, the standardization of map symbols, legal procedure for the issu- ance of death certificates of persons missing in war, an Asiatic flood-control program, and an investigation of the scientific basis of Yogi. WHO GETS THE DIVIDENDS? There are almost 10,000 UN bureaucrats living largely off the American people. The old League of Nations was able to stagger to the grave with only a fraction of this horde of payrollers and at only a fraction of the cost. With each passing year UN grows more grandiose in its pretensions and more futile in its effect. The common stockholders in the organiza- tion are supposed to be the citizens of the United States and of other governments, For them there are no dividends. The pre- ferred stockholders are presidents, premiers, and dictators who regularly collect through the ability of UN to keep international ten- sions strung tight so that there are always wars and threats of wars with which to keep the people cowed and quiescent so that they will submit to the constantly increasing exactions of the state upon thelr incomes and their very lives. When are the people of the world going to get onto this gigantic fraud? Religion’s Part EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD MARTIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rxcorp an editorial entitled “Religion’s Part,” published in the Somerset (Pa.) Daily American of February 17, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Raconrp, as follows: Rewiaron's PART Because the United States has become strong and rich, there is a disposition in some quarters to slight, or ignore the part that has been played by religion in its devel- opment. Indeed, throughout the Western Hemi- sphere the part of religion in the making of & great continent, has been fundamental. Along with the Spanish explorers there came friars to spread the gospel among the Indians. The French colonization projects in Can« ada failed until Henry IV sent missionaries to convert the Indians, The commercial en- A917 deavors of the first Frenchmen who came to America aroused the suspicions of the red men. They heard the gospel gladly. But the Spanish had alight influence upon the people who comprise American citizen- ship and the French influence did not ex- tend far into the United States. Freedom of religion was not immediate tn the colonies, Different colonies were settled by men of different faiths. The Church of England dominance in Georgia, the Carolinas and Virginia left no place for other falths there. And the union of church and state in those colonies made it possible for the col- onies to collect taxes for the church, for the parishes to employ no clergy and then at the end of each year to declare a dividend out of the revenue that had been provided by the state for the support of religion. The New England colonists were insistent upon freedom for their own religious faiths, but none for those who dissented. Roger Williams fled to what we know as Rhode Island to escape the tortures of the Puritans, Maryland, under the Roman Catholic Cal- verts, and Pennsylvania, under the Quaker Penn, were exceptions. These colonies set the pattern that was followed when the Con- stitution was adopted. New Jersey was per- haps the last State to throw off intolerance. Not until the adoption of the constitution of 1844 did Roman Catholics enjoy all the privi- leges of American citizens, there. Although they did have freedom to worship according to their consciences, there were privileges of importance denied them. Because of the fundamental serlousness attached to religion, the French statesman de Tocqueville, after visiting the United States, in 1831, wrote his Democracy in America and states that in the United States religion is the chief concern of the people. It is therefore quite appropriate that dur- ing the Lenten season respect should be paid to & subject that from the beginnings of this country has been foremost. It ts interesting to observe, further, that Somerset churches were more largely at- tended Sunday morning than they had been for months, The civilization under which Americans live is known as the Western civilization and 4t {s founded upon the doctrines of western Ohristianity. Universal Military Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ANDREW F. SCHOEPPEL OF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. SCHOEPPEL. Mr. President, on February 13, 1951, there appeared in the Topeka State Journal an editorial en- titled “Do We Want Universal Service?” This editorial points to some funda- mental positions once familiar to all of us. Since in the near future this body will be called upon to consider the ques- tion of universal military training it is well for us to have before us frank and clear points of view on this most impor- tant proposed change in our funda- mental policy. I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the ConcressronaL Recorp.
A918 There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recoan, as follows: Do We Want Uniyersa Bsevice? Should the country adopt the universal military service plan which ts before Con- gress? One citizen group called the Com- mittee on the Present Danger, made up of assorted educational, scientific, and profes- sional VIP's, believes emphatically that the country should, Let's look at this interesting movement, The Committee on the Present Danger supports a bill which, as the committee says in its recont atatement, would cause military service in this country to begin at the age of 18 or at the end of the high school year after reaching 18, The 27 months of service and training authorized in the bill—after deduction for customary termina] leave--in reality means sbout 25 months to total e@ctual military service. As such it need rep- resent for students a break of only two aca- demic years.’ “We support the bill,” says the committee, “pecause it is a real universal military serv- ice bill and not merely an extension of the Selective Service Act to include 18-year-olds. The power givon the President to call up men by age group is the distinguishing feature. When this call goes out, the draft boards will make no deferments for this age group on grounds of occupation or dependenoies. en the program becomes fully operative, the services could count on at least 700,000 to 760,000 men from each age group under ent physical standards, and another 100,- for iimntted service by lowering present physical and mental standards for induc- tion,” Then follows the old argument that over the years this would provide a pool of trained manpower, though not mentioning that in the event of later war the pool of trained manpower would have to be com- pletely retrained to catch up on new weapons and ways of waging war, for nothing grows obsolete faster than an ultra-modern war. The committee's tntegrity and great sin- cerity 1s immediately acknowledged, but we hope it will realize that even the judgments of its VIP’s in all walks are fallible, and that there are two sides to this question of adopt- ing a permanent military class or reservist training system. The other side has been hinted at by Pearl Buck, Nobel prize winner in Hterature, who wrote a letter to Look mag- auine (February 13 issue) “profoundly de- Joring" Dr, James Bryant Conant’s earlier ok article, “A Stern Proposal for Survival.” Harvard's President Conant, a chemist by calling, is a member of the afore-mentioned Committee for the Present Danger. Mrs. Buck wrote: “Dr. Conant * * * proposes that all young men be put under military control. Their teachers are to be men trained in the inevitable narrowness of the military out- look, men ced only in the ways of physical and mechanical force, and in a type of strategy oblivious to human psychology. For the two most educable years of young manhood our men must live in an environ- ment of low standartls of personal behavior and moral integrity, © © “° What is the gatn 1f we commit our national life to miil- terism? Dr. Conant does not know. He hopes at best for ‘a global stalemate.’ But he cannot promise !t. * * * Many Amari- cans will consider victory not worth while if, in order to avold tyranny from abroad, we put ourselves under military control at home, for tyranny has always begun with military control. * * * The molstake of military men has always been that they see problema too simply and have only the one simple remedy of more militariam, “* * * @ pro- @ram which has nowhere ever been finally successful in achieving even its own pur- poses.” It might be said further that this plan for systematic militarization would change something very fundamental about this country and what it has meant ea a beacon to the world. Do you recall that millions of Europeans emigrated to this country—per- haps your own ancestore—to escape compul- sory military service and Europe's round of wars, fed and readied by the class reservist system? Further, Europe has had this uni- versal service and training for a long time, yet Europe is chronically diseased with war. Germany had {it and lost. The system has done nothing whatever to further or insure peace, yet many of its American advocates promise such a benefit here. Again Europe has universal service now, but the debate is over Europe's ability or willingness to supply divisions of men to defend itself. Shall we continue to say there are two sides to such a fundamental change and not rush into it? Congress probably will not, That doesn't mean that Selective Service couldn’t use 8 complete overhauling to stop leaks arid equalize standards. The Commit-+ tee’s point about lowering present physical and mental standards for induction should be applied as matters stand. Senator Lodge and Labor EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT C. HENDRICKSON OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 21 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. HENDRICKSON. Mr. President, in the February 14 issue of the Boston Herald there appeared, under the cap- tion “LopcE and labor,” a letter to the editor, over the signature of James F, Hughes, past president of the Central Labor Union, A. F. of L., at Lawrence, Mass, Inasmuch as his communication pays a very just and fitting tribute to our distinguished colleague, the junior Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. LopcE] I hope it will receive the serious con- sideration of every one of his colleagues in this body. To that end, Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent that the jetter may be printed in the Appendix of the Recoxp, There being no objection, the letter ‘was ordered to be printed in the Rscorp, as follows: Lopcx AND LaBor To the Eprror or Tx Herarp: "he unoffialal announcement that Gov- ernor Dever will seek Senator Londn’s seat, were it authentic, would place organized Tabor in Massachusetts and in the Nation, in a rather embarrassing position, provided labor adhered to ite policy of electing its friends. Fortunately, Senator Lopax and Governor Dever are friendly to labor, making it diff- cult, but mandatory for labor to suppart both when seeking reelection to their present respective positions. The official organ, the League Reporter, of the American Federation of Labor ists Lopvor in ita columna as a liberal. Why? 1, Benator Lopes yoted in favor of the re- peal of the Taft-Hartley law. 9. Senator Longs voted in favor of a mini« mum wage. %. Senator Lopar voted in favor of iiheral- iaing the social-security law. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 4. Senator Lover voted in favor of higher monthly compensation to pensioners under the old-age and survivors insurance law. 5. Senator Lovey voted in favor of extend- ing the old-age and survivors insurance law so that farm help, domestic help, and nu- merous other groups of workers be included. 6. Senator Lovcr favors the union shop with adequate safeguards. 7. Senator Lopez opposes the issuing of injunction tn labor disputes without first hearing labor’s side of the case. 8. Senator Lonce favors extending Federal financial aid to private and parochial schools, 9. Senator Lopes introduced a bill to have the President and Vice President of the United States elected by popular vote, the vote of the people. 10. Senator Lopez, in the years from 1947 to 1951 sponsored an all-out program of pre. paredness, a preparedness program which would be the dagger in the ribs of the Rus- sian and Chinese Rede. 11, Because of his determinatipn, clear« mindedness, and his patriotism” President Truman appointed Senator Loncs as United Btates representative to the UN. This brilliant, unblemished, and fearless record of Senator Lopce marks him as an outetanding public official, worthy of the support of labor and all fair-minded citizens, Democrats as well as Republicans, in the State of Massachusetts. Those who may try to unseat the Hon- orable Hrngy Capor Loner, Jz., would do well to consider his smashing victory over the late popular and beloved Senator, David I, Walsh. JaMeEs F. HUGHES, Past President, Central Labor Union, A. F. of L., Lawrence, Mass Food Price Amendment to the Defense Production Act Still Urgently Needed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YoRK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, appended hereto is the lead editorial in the New York Times of February 17, 1951, en- titled “Stabilization Without Tears”: SrasrwizaTION WirHouT Tears The House Ways and Means Committee has rejected President Truman’s request for im- mediate action on a §10,000,000,000 tax bill and let it be known that it is going to hald Tull hearings and listen to all proposals for dealing with the financing of the rearma- ment program, The idea of getting an uncomplicated “quickie” tax bill passed first and following it up later with a second revenue bill has much to recommend it from the standpoint of keeping revenue receipts ahead of spend- ing. However, we think the Ways and Means Committee has acted wisely in its decision » ing teat entire tax Reld before com- on the program outlined b the President. And we are the more con. winced of this after reading news reports on the testimony given before the committee by Eric Johnaton, Economic Stabilization Director, and hia Price Administrator, Michael DiSalle. ‘The fact is that, whatever {te previous in- tention might have been, the Ways and Meana Oommittee might well have been moved to reconsider its whole approach to the revenue program simply on the basis of this testimony. Consider the aituation for