APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Inflation and Medical Care EXTENSION OF REMARKS HGN. HARLEY M. KILGORE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. KILGORE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp two excel- lent letters; one in regard to the impor- tant subject of inflation, the second re- lating to medical care, which I have re- ceived from a distinguished West Vir- ginian, Judge Harlan M. Calhoun, of the twenty-second judicial circuit. There being no objection, the letters were ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: Srare oy WEstT VIRGINIA, TWENTY-sSECOND JUDICIAL CIRCUIT, Moorefield, January 29, 1951. Hon. HaRiry M. KILcore, United States Senator, Washington, D.C. Dsar Senator KitcorE: I want to express the view that the inflation of the present day is a grave problem, And by inflation I refer to the cost of all the essentials of life, I sometimes wonder if persons in authority are aware of the gravity of the simple prob- lem of making ends meet financially for the average American family. With some ex- ceptions, people of my acquaintance find it almost impossible to live on income avail- able. In more cases than I like to realize, it means using up savings, or In the absence of savings, simply going more and more into debt. I believe this situation prevails more now than at any other time since the de- pression, I believe this unfortunate condition ob- tains to an alarming degree among salaried people and other persons on fixed incomes. They are caught, in the present scheme of things, in a two-way squeeze. First, incomes within this group do not rise, and have not risen with price levels as among other groups; and second, persons within this group are hit the hardest by every raise in taxes, and particularly income taxes. I do not believe it is an exaggeration to say that salaried persons pay several times as much income tax as persons in other groups with comparable incomes. The reasons for this are fairly obvious and I shall not undertake to detail them. For instance, I wou'd say that a schoo} teacher in Hardy County pays several times as much income tax per 8100 income as the average farmer, or independ-~ ent businessman. This hardship to the individual 1s only one amall part of the problem created by the in- flationary price level. For instance, a bond issue for school building purposes recently voted in Hampshire County will not now build the schools. There ts no other money to supplement the fund, and the money can- not be used for any other purpose, such as to build a part only of the echools. Again, we find that our @50,000,000 bond issue for building secondary roads in this State will build comparatively few roads. As you well know, the cost of maintaining and equipping the Armed Forces essential to world peace and freedom is almost more than the na- tional economy can be expected to stand. This means that if n governmental functions and services are maintained at their former levels, more and more taxes must be levied. And I venture the assertion that the average American is now taxed about as much as the traffic will stand. And who profita by the present scheme of high prices, ceilings, supports? Frankly, I hardly know. I do ot believe it ts the average American, whoever he may be. If the wages of a laborer are doubled, and the cost of his living is doubled, he does not profit. He has gained nothing, perhaps haa lost nothing. But, meantime, the millions who have not had the benefit of the doubled In- come are penalized. Their income, in effect, is cut tn half and, meantime, their taxes are raised. I am afraid that more people than we realize at firat blush are among those ving on such reduced incomes. The aver- ege American cannot be expected to bulld and pay for a home today. If the tendency is as alarming as I believe it to be, there is a danger that few people will be able to buy refrigerators, radios, electric appliances; and I believe there is a danger of purchasing power being lessened to the extent, in normal times, of creating a surplus of everything available for sale, with consequent closing of factories and unemployment. Iam much of the opinion that ff all prices and incomes were now as they were at the close of World War IT, all individuals would have more spending money. I am quite cer- tain that the Government could buy a tank for a much, much lesser cost, and conse- quently the demand for public revenue would be eased in proportion. I am not an economist. I do not under- take to suggest a remedy. But, I do say that the matter of inflationary prices today is an extremely acute problem for the averame cit- izen as well as for the Nation, and I fear that we are caught up in a self-perpetuating spiral which must be stopped in some manner. Very respectfully yours, HaRLan M. CALHO™UN. — STATE OF WEST VIRGINIA, TWENTY-SECOND JUDICIAL CIRCUIT, Moorefield, January 2° 7751. Hon, Hanury M. E1.cozg, United States Senator, Washington, D. C. Dear Senator Kiicore: I believe the prob- lems relating to medical care and treatment are extremely grave problems. In fact, I be- Heve certain aspects of this problem are little short of a national disgrace. In connection with our efforts to get a 4-year medical and dental college in this State we have become acquainted with some rather startling facts. Briefly stated, I refer to the fact that the American Medical Asso- ciation will not accredit a medical school unless it conforms to certain standards., Among other requirements, there must be a hospital of certain specifications, Further- more, there must be so many beds in the hos~ pital per medical student. The required costs are almest prohibitive. All in all, the effect is to create a virtual “closed shop,” 80 far as the medical and dental professions are concerned. One of the saddest, and at the sume time one of the most provoking, things I have been called upon to contemplinte was the recent spectacle of thousands upon thousands of veterans who were denied ad- mission to dental and medical schools. They had fought for their country. They had the desire, and with the aid of the Government, they had the ability to complete the pre- scribed courses of study. There were more than the usual number in recent years because of the GI benefita avall- able for the schooling of veterans. But it is @ perennial problem. Exch of us knows many, many very deserving young men who have the desire, the means, and the capacity for becoming doctors and dentists. Yet, in this land of free enterprise, they are denied the privilege. The situation ts all the more shocking because of the fact that national health 1s an important public problem. I, peraonally, see no reason why, in this land of wealth and opportunity, one should, in small towns such as mine, be required to sit for hours in a doctor's office simply to con-* sult him about a cold; or why one should be A528 required to make an appointment with « dentist months in advance. If such a situa- tion should prevail in the garage business, enterprising Americans, in this land of op- portunity and free enterprise, would simply open up othet garages nearby so that the pub- lic could be served. But, under the exist- ing system, free enterprize is nullified, and in a field so vital as the national health. In the towns and counties of this area, I believe there are not half as many doctors os there were 80 years ago, partly because, compatition being virtually nonexistent, the doctors go to the larger cities where greater incomes are available, and partly because there are so few of them. I have spoken of the problem as a grave one in relation to the public health. As we all know too well, it is also a grave probleny in this very hour with reference to national safety. I am quite certain that in this sec- tion of our State, no doctors can be spared to the Armed Forces, with due regard to the health and welfare of our citizens. Probably more of them are available in the larger cities. Nevertheless, this system which I consider pernicious, selfish, and unnecessary, etrikes at two very vital points—our national safety, and our national health. I know that many doctors share this viewpoint and deplore it. I trust that we may never have socialized medicine: but if we ever have It, it will be only because members of the medical pro- fegsions make it the only apparent alterna- tive, The cost of medical care is another problem which 1s inherent in the scarcity of medical men. I am quite certain that the public health is hampered becauce so many people feel that they cannot afford medical treat- ment or hospitalization at prevailing costs. I feel that the Federal Government should tackle the problem. J believe it has the con- stitutional right to do so because the prob- lem so affects the national defense, as well as the health and welfare of the people, I believe the Government could well establish medica! schools in conjunction with its very tine veterans’ hospitals. I believe, also, that & aingle school might, under Government di- rection, be made available for the benefit of two or more States acting jointly; with the cost thereof to be shared by the States, pos- sibly with the aid of Government subsidy. I have understood that in certain instances, two or more States have combined their re- sources for this purpose, Or, in any event, in view of the serious nature of the problem, I feel that the Federal Government should see to it that medical and dental schools are made available to meet all reasonable de- mandr, even if it be totally at Government expense. Finally, I feel that the Federal Government, should set up its own standards for such schools, adequate in every respect. And if the American Medical Association fails to approve such standards, I believe they will, nevertheless, be sufficient In the eyes of the American public. Very respectfully yours, Harvan M, OaLHoun, Indians See Peril in Rule on Lawyers EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DENNIS CHAVEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. CHAVEZ. Mr. President, it has always been my contention that the American Indian can take care of him- self, I ask unanimous consent to have
A524 inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Indians See Peril in Rule on Lawyers,” written by Dorothy L. Pillsbury, and published in the Christian Science Monitor. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Christian Science Monitor of January 30, 1951] Inpians Sze Perry IN RULE ON LAWYERS (By Dorothy L. Pillsbury) Santa Fe, N. Mex.—Thousands of Ameri- can citizens may have their rights, inherent in the Constitution, jeopardized if new regu- lations of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs are approved by the Secretary of the Interior, according to observers here. These citizens are Indians of the United States and Alaska. The reguiations concern the hiring of attorneys by Indians to repre- sent them in lawsuits. These regulations, although more or less in effect previously, were put in written form and circulated November 9, 1950, They were drawn up without consultation with vitally interested groups, both Indian and white. In the opinion of many here they offer one advantage in that they are a definite, written statement of policy and procedure by the Indian Department, in approving or disap- proving the employment of attorneys by the tribes. Even when the Indians pay their legal representatives from their tribal money, thetr selection is largely circum- scribed in the new regulations. METICULOUS OPUS The document outlining these regulations is a long and meticulous opus. It seems quite evident here that the document is the ‘work of men unadvised by either the Indians, themselves, or interested groups of whites—such groups as the Association on American Indian Affairs of New York City, headed by Oliver La Farge, of the New Mext- can Association on Indian Affairs headed by Mrs. Charles Dietrich, or the National Congress of American Indians headed by John C. Ranier. The points covered require that before a tribe can hire a lawyer to represent them it must offer proof that it actually needs a lawyer and why. The why cannot be in gen- eral terms, but must be an exact statement of the exact services needed. CORE OF CRITICISM This seems doubly strange when, at the same time, the tribe's ability to pay the legal costs must be verified. In other words, American citizens whose ability to pay has been proved must have their attorneys hand- picked for them by the Commissioner. The Indian Department would be in control of the terms of the contract, the fees, and renewal conditions. The regulation that is arousing the most eriticism here is the one that in the case of claim contracts, fees, and expenses must be wholly contingent on the attorney's win- ning the case, Thie is the case even if the Indians have the financial ability and wish to pay customary fees. Many of these claim contracts involve expensive travel and re- search on the part of the attorney. It ia felt that few skilled and experienced attorneys would undertake such expenses on the distant possibility of being reimbursed for heavy expenses when the suit ls won— if it is. Many attorneys look with disfavor on contingent fees, feeling that they are con- trary to the ethics of the American Bar Asso- elation in that the attorney thereby becomes ® partner in a law suit. These regulations empower the Commis- sioner to contro] the amount of legal busi- ness to be undertaken by any one legal firm, thus Diocking the ratural decire of Indian tribes to hire at.: rneys who have shown their ability in successful suits in a given field. To eome observers this hints that the Depart- ment is on the lookout for lawyers who are “yes” men. It also is recommended that a tribe hire a local attorney for general legal services rather than one, say in Washington, where often he might be of the most value to them. The Commissioner also is given the au- thority to terminate a case without cause and without advance notice, subject to tribal consent, which consent might easily be brought about by administrative pressure. TIMING NOTED No informed person denies at this time the need of some of the Indian tribes for the supervision and protection of the Indian Department. The Navajos are a case in point. But this latest regulation of their legal affairs is thought by many to amount to a denial of the contract, General Fellers on Air Power EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin, Mr, Speak- er, as part of my remarks I am includ- ing an editorial that appeared in the Sunday Times-Herald, January 28, on the subject of Air Power. The editorial refers to an article by Gen. Bonner Fel- lers that appears in the current issue of Human Events. He refers to a recent speech by General] Bradley that seems to indicate that our military policy is to fight a ground war at the expense of American lives. This should not be the policy, according to General Fellers, who contends that if war comes we must win itin the air, The editorial follows: Am POWER The ruins of Berlin and Tokyo are monue ments to one fact that nobody can deny: It igs bad business to lose a war, It always was bad business to lose a war, for that mat- ter, but the worst that ever happened in the past was child’s play compared with the worst that happens to nations that lose a modern war. Now, cities are not just sacked. They are blown up. Individual soldiers do not have much opportunity to run down conquered streets and cut throats. The bombers have been there ahead of them to fill the street with broken bricks and bodies not even worth looting. War, as presently practiced, is played for keeps and the looser is pulverized. Out of World War II and the heavy bomber devel- opment there grew a rule that is worth re- membering. It is: “We no longer waste time milking the cow dry. We just kill the cow and she goes dry for good.” In other words, why waste time trying to defeat a nation by Killing its young men and destroying its material wealth out on battlefields if you can go over their heads and literally blow the nation up, behind them? The war in Korea, which has so far been confined to battlefields, has caused many people to forget that business of killing the cow instead of trying to milk it dry. But the princtple is still there, and the security and survival of the United States are con- tained within !t. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Which do we want to do, get in a milking contest with Russta or develop the power to kill the cow if we have to? THE TRUE PURPOSE A clear-thinking and clear-writing military man has summed up the challenge very neatly in the latest issue of Human Events, the weekly journal of analysis. The writer is Brig. Gen. Bonner Fellers, formerly on the staff of General MacArthur, and now director of veterans’ affairs for the Republican National Committee. Writes General Fellers; “The principal reason given for the enor- mous European program (the Eisenhower paper army) is that it will deter war. But will 1t? “The contention is that the presence by 1953 of 60 or 60 allied divisions will be the best possible war deterrent. But against these, Russia could now throw 175 divisions, some 25 of which are armored. “British and our own intelligence concede Russia can take Europe in a matter of days, * * * “What then is the true purpose of creating this collective defense force for Europe? The real hope is that it would act as a de- laying agent until enough American man- power could be brought to turn the tide. “In a recent speech General Bradley dis- closed the approved administration concept of the only way we can win a war: “‘T am convinced beyond any reasonable doubt that should this Nation be forced into still another conflict, we shall once more be forced to gain the inevitable victory over our dead bodies—those of our soldiers on the ground.’” To that declaration of administration policy, General Fellers submits this conclu- sive opinion: “If victory for the free peoples of the world can only be gained over our dead bodies— those of our soldiers on the ground—then it follows, irrefutably, that the free world has enjoyed its last victory.” It is perfectly true that Europe alone has enough manpower, counting bodies as bodies, to outmatch Russia, alone. But look at Europe. The politicians who hold office there can’t even agree on the time of day. They are so ridden with hatred and jealousy of one another they continue to quarrel on the very edge of the volcano, How many Europeans will follow these maniacal grafters to @ war, even if the mani- acal grafters could agree on what to do? And when Russia puts Chinese troops into her force, where are they, then? RUSSIA WINS ANY MILKING CONTEST Clearly, in any milking contest, a war fought to see which side can pile up the most dead bodies in open fields, the United States of America has nothing to gain in Europe. Says General Fellers: “If western powers are to survive in a war against communism, we must somehow manage to gain our decision by methods quite different from mass ground combat. Instead, we must draw heavily, not primarily on our manpower but on the genius of our people.” The supreme genius of our system, in war, is our air power. General Fellers outlines a plan to develop that in advance of war so that Russia may fear the death of the cow, and so abandon a contest in which she is inferior. The plan supposes first the fullest possible striking power in the air, and bases for it in Africa and the Middle East, beyond reach of Russia’s land-based armies or undeveloped air capacity. “However,” adds the general, “we cannot hold north African bases unless we enjoy the friendship of all the peoples in the Middle East. We must have these peoples’ consent to use their bases. Hence, on the diplomatic
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD plane, constructive changes are absolutely neceasary.” Everybody knows this ts perfectly true. Do we go on shoving young men into Europe to be killed in a milking contest with Russia, or do we bulld weapons and friendships that can protect the peace? Criminals Who Get Away EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the ConaressionaL Rec- orp, an excellent article entitled “Crimt- nals Who Get Away,” written by the out- standing writer Donald P. Wilson, when he was a research psychologist at Fort Leavenworth Penitentiary. This article appeared in the February issue of the Atlantic Monthly. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: CRIMINALS WHO Get Awar (By Donald P. Wilson) It The psychopathic personalities that fill our prisons are the least influential members of criminal society. It is an easily demon- strable fact that few of the smart operators are in prison; they are still operating on the outside. It is the dumb operator who gets caught. It is no wonder then that the convict thinks very little better of our con- science on the outside than we do of his. Many of his gripes are legitimate and « great shame on society. There were three specific reasons why most of the convicts I knew in the penitentiary were not penitent: 1. The caprictousneas of the written law and ita interpretation. 2. The corruption of law enforcement. 8. The respectability of the white-collar iminal. or . The six convicts who served as my assist- ants at Fort Leavenworth illuminated these reasons for me. Some of their arguments were warped by rationalization, Some were true and shocking. The sheer cumbersomeness of the body of written laws is one of its vulnerabilities. Over 875,000 new State laws have been passed in the United States in the last 30 years, and these are in addition to the more than 1,000,- 000 then existing State, municipal, and Fed- eral laws and ordinances. They are too nu- merous to enforce. Therefore you are a criminal only if you get caught. The trick is not to get caught: this ts a convict's con- cept of society's concept of a criminal. You hear it on every sikle. “You know the differ- ence between me and the guy on the out- side? I got caught.” A man is punished not for his crime but for getting caught. This view implies that crime is not an abso- lute moral offense, but a legal caprice. Not only does the decade in which you commit an act determine whether you are a criminal, but the place where it is com- mitted as well, A law which appears on the books in one State may not appear on the books of another, so that by an act you be- come @ criminal in one State but not in an- other. If the offense appears on the books of both States, the disproportionate sentences — of the two States are sometimes staggering. Two men in different States are guilty of arson. The prisoner in Alabama is in for 1 year, the prisoner in North Carolina for 40 years. Perjury carries 4 years in Connecticut, 20 years in New York, life in Maine, death in Missouri, 3500 and 40 lashes in Delaware, West Virginia punishes bigamy 16 times as severely as incest; Wyoming and Colorado punish incest 10 times more severely than bigamy. Another practice that feeds the convict's belief that crime is not absolute, but relative, is the fine system-—85,000 or 3 years; 6300 or 90 days. Though debtors’ prisons were the- oretically abandoned a century ago, 5&7 per- cent of those who are in prisons, jails, and penitentiaries are serving sentences because of debt—they cannot pay a fine. Many of the remaining 43 percent would gladly have paid a fine, but they had the bad luck to be sentenced by a judge who didn’t levy fines. It would be difficult to persuade a prigoncr that @ fine represents punishment in the sense that imprisonment does. Why, he would ask, does every man who can, pay? And why, when 8 fine is imposed, does the money go into public coffers instead of into some form of restitution for the offense com- mitted? One man pays a fine and goes home to his family. Another goes to prison, and he and his family are ruined. England and Scotland have solved the problem of fines by the simple expedient of installment payment. Imprisonment for nonpayment of fines in England exceeded 80,000 in 1913 but dropped to 11,000 in 1933, the latter representing largely unemployed and paupers. It seems odd that America, with its mania for Installment buying, has not applied this concept to its courts. Nearly a fourth of American imprisonments for in- ability to pay fines are for amounts less than $10, and 60 percent for fines of less thun $20. The fact that laws change in point of time, and have become too cumbersome to be prosecuted, may simply be the toll of civilization and the caprice of the written Jaw. But the inatter of fines versus sentence 1s considerably more sinister in its tmplica- tions. Is a man to pay for his crimes or his poverty? For his crimes or for getting caught? 1 Other evils effecting the convict are stool pigeons, false arrests, bail bonds, and fixed scntences—rackets which go hand in hand in many large cities in a sorry parade Of justice. While there are not many innocent men in penttentiaries, the prisoner's frequent com- plaint, “I been framed,” cannot be too quickly dismissed, One estimate claims that nearly a third of the prison population are serving time for offenses they did not tech- nically commit. They are in on false charges. Hither the offender agreed to plead guilty to a lesser charge in exchange for a fixed sentence, or he was actually framed by a stool pigeon in the employ of the police. The ;rocuring of a fixed sentence ts called bargaining. If the district attorney's office knows {ts case is weak, it may assure its conviction records by throwing a scare into the offender, urging him to plead guilty to a lesser offense in return for a lighter fixed sentence and thus avoid coming to trial. This scunde good to the uninitiated. The offense may be one that the offender actually aid commit in the past, or it may represent an unsolved case on the police blotter. "This procedure accomplishes several things. It increases the conviction records of the istrict attorney and those of the police de- partment, The offender gets off with a lighter d sentence, and often the fixing attorney and all concerned are the richer. A notorious case involved a highjacker who looted s truck of $80,000 worth of silk. The charge was armed robbery, subject to a sen- tence of ten years to life. .‘The highjacker pleaded guilty to petty larceny, was fined $1 and given 2 year in prison. — A525 A major stumbling block in the way of & convict’s developing a respect for the law is society's approval of the stool pigeon. The stool pigeon in the pay of the police and vice squads in most of our large cities is a common device in effecting false arrests. It is a practice used frequently to apprehend the small-time criminal who otherwise eludes the police. The stool pigeon is given marked money or stolen goods to place on the person of a victim. The victim is then immediately frisked by detectives or police lying in wait. What possible defense can such a victim make? Sometimes the stool pigeon is paid, and !s protected in the continuation of his own pickpocketing or dope peddling racket as long as he is valuable to police in his snitches. England uses no stool pigeons, yet she con- victs 70 percent of hor offendors. In 25 years, from 1860 to 1885, England closed 137 of her 193 local prisons through reforms in penal concepts. In another quarter century, from 1910 to 1934, the British Commiesioners of Prisons reported that annual prison recep- tions fell from 186,000 to 66,000. They fur- ther reported that these results were attrib- uted to reforms in the criminal law; reduc- tion of long sentences; abolition of solitary confinement (1921), useless labor, and the rule of silence; the introduction of school courses, concerts, and constructive labor; ine stallment payment of fines; and the assign- ment of the feeble-minded to hospitals in- stead of prisons. Thus by avoiding recidi- vism England closed 31 more prisons and has now but 25 on the whole island. Sh: reduced imprisonment 81 percent and crime 43 per- cent by these reforms. Scotland's record is even better. The stool pigeon system has many friends among authorities. Most American peni- tentiaries still defend and use il. Certain it ig that as long as tho system of giving immunity and protection and money to in- formers is used, no better system will be de- vised. That there are better systems should be quite apparent. Another nefarious practice in some of our big cities is the bail bond racket involving police, bondsman, attorney, and sometimes judge. Texts in criminology explain ane type of shakedown in this racket, wherein thou- sands of innocent nurses, shopgirls, wives, and landladies are paying vice squad mem- bers dearly to avoid the publicity growing out of & threatened or false accusation of prostitution. The racket operates by the stool pigeon placing marked money in plain view, in pay- ment for the alleged immorality, and “escap- ing” just as the raiding vice squad detail ap- pears on the scene. The woman is then booked on the false charge and released on bail. A shyster attorney agrees to fix the case and keep it out of the papers for an amount, usually a percentage of her ball bond, which in turn may be based on her savings account book or other collateral. If she pays the fee, which is split between the parties involved in the fix, the false charge may be dropped. Or sometimes she js re- peatedly “bled,” and when she can't con- tinue to pay, she is convicted on the original false charge. A prison term will usually shut her up. Men too are paying heavily to avoid publicity on a false homosexual charge engineered by the vice squad. A citizen would have a rough time battling the perjured testimony of the police in a jury trial. Other easy preys to false arrest and casual conviction without trial are convicts like two I knew at Fort Leavenworth: Weary Willie, whose chief pastime was riding the rods, and the man with an I. Q. of 38. These are sometimes picked up by the police as a convenient way to close « case lingering on the blotter, and the convict finds himself in prison before he knows what has happened.
A526 Sanford Bates, the former director of the Bureau of Prisons, himself reported the case of an ignorant mountain boy whose convic- tion was railroaded by 8 Federal marshal after getting the boy to “plead guilty of not doing it” on the day the revenuers raided a still, “Ab jes’ pleaded guilty to not bein’ dar, but heah ah is.” In England there is no racket in bonds. Charging for bonds is a criminal offense. Bond may be supplied by friends or any freeholder who will hypothecate his prop- erty for the defendant, but no fee may be charged and no relmbursement made. The practice was not exploited in America until this generation. Now a bondsman has legal protection and is a very busy man. There are, of course, hondsmen who are hon- est businessmen. But there are bondsmen who are not. If a bondsman is implicated in a fix, he ts either at the police station whe. the victim arrives, or he is phoned by the policeman making the arrest and arrives in a matter of minutes. He sometimes ar- ranges for the hiring of an attorney for the bewildered victim, and procures a financial statement from him or her, su that the bail bond figure can be arrived at by a judge who {s in on the fix. Although a bonds- man’s fees are now set by law, he can always refuse to write the bond in the absence of 8 bonus, especially if he 1s tipped off regard- ing the amount of valuables taken from the victim for safekeeping by a desk sergeant. Less than 2 percent of forfeited bonds are collected by courts, yet the courts still ac- cept millions of dollars in worthless bonds annually. Of more than 810,000,000 tn for- feitted bonds tn Chicago courts alone during a 5-year period, less than 1 percent was col- lected. One bondsman, who himself had been arrested 12 times, had forfeited $30,000 in bonds within a year; yet the courts ac- cepted 8670,000 more in bonds from him within the same year. He secured them with 8 $24,000 piece of property on which there ‘was & $31,000 mortgage. This was his only traceable asset, although he netted from 833,000 to 100,000 annually in his bail racket. Obviously a man who is out on bail has a better opportunity of preparing for trial than a man in jail. The difference between freedom and conviction may be bail, just as it may be one’s ability to pay a fine. Much has been written and documented about the lawless police in many of our large cities, in the use of the third degree, illegal search and seizure, arrest without warrant, holding of persons incommuni- cado, beating and brutality, and other viola- tions of the Bill of Rights. The offender's first contact with a judicial society is the police. If that contact is constructive and just, the possible salvage of the offender is greatly increased. If that first contact is sadistic and stupid, the hostility of the offender is directed toward all society through the police, because to the offender the police represent society. In a study of the annual arrests in the major cities of the United States, 47 percent of them are shown to be false, unwarranted, or illegal, and to result in dismissal without charge after interrogation. Criminals quickly learn to plead guilty to almost anything to avoid the third degree. The fact that the rough stuff is frequently delegated by the police to private detectives, who in most States are not supervised, bonded, or inspected, fools nobody—cer- tainly not the convict. A cartoon which hung in our office for months showed an exhausted police sergeant and two patrol- men dragging a much beaten suspect into the captain's office, stating that the prisoner had finally confessed to murder. “Fine,” said the captain, “now hold him until we have a murder.” That there are unimpeachable police de- partments, district attorneys, and judges throughout the country cannot be disputed. But equally indisputable 1s the fact that cor- ruption in law enforcement bodies as it has existed in the United States in the last 30 years is @ greater threat to a citizen's confi- dence in and a convict’s respect for the law than the open flagrancy of the underworld, which at least is not committed by oath of office to law enforcement. The fate of the jury system in the United States is another of the sad preoccupations of all our big legal minds. Although through the Bill of Rights and the Constitution we are committed as a people to the right of trial by a jury of peers, less than 10 percent of our cases ever reach a jury. This right ts completely and unconatitutionally abrogated by the Army and Navy in the court-martial and in the operation of the growing corps of secret police in America. In Massachusetts only 1.7 percent of cases reach the jury; in New York, 4.7 percent; in Chicago, 3.7 per- cent; and in St. Louis, 18 percent. About half of these fail of conviction. The reasons for the inoperability of the right of jury trial are several. Few people can aftord the cost of a court trial. Those who can afford it face crowded court dockets which sometimes result in the defendant's serving out his sentence in jail before he can come to trial, A judge cannot try a plea of not guilty; tt must be tried by a jury. In the light of the above obstacles it is small wonder that most cases are settled by the defendant's bargaining for a fixed sentence—pleading guilty to a lesser charge and getting the whole thing over with. But suppose the cit- izenry suddenly began to exercise their right of jury trial. With the intolerable number of laws on our statute books, municipal, State, and Federal, there would hardly be citizens enough in our Commonwealth to sit as jurors, mur Few of the prisoners at Fort Leavenworth Penitentiary complained that they shouldn't have been serving time. If they were not guilty of the crime for which they were con- viocted, they freely admitted they they were gullty of others that were never detected. Their attack was on the cupidity of the law that convicts one man and protecta another, and on the immorality of soclety which, having attached a price to almost everything else in life, has also hung a price on crime. But the last frontier to yield to rehabili- tation in the convict’s mind is the knowledge that society has hung a price not only on crime but on respectability as well. And this in the form of tho white-collar criminal. By this term is meant the man whose anti- social practices flourish with soclety'’s ap- proval as well as its protection, ‘We as a people hav; become supine about graft and politics going hand in hand. Oc- casional protest meetings are held, but at elections the same gangs ure too often put back in power. The graft and fraud in the regimes of Big Bill Thompson and Anton Cermak in Chicago, Jimmy Walker in New York, Boles Penrose and the Vare brothers in Philadelphia, and the Pendergast machine in Kansas Oity left the prisoners in the peni- tentiary shaking their heads over all the dili- gence displayed in rounding up the petty thieves and forgers. Tho box scores of personal bank deposits of police and prosecuting attorneys during these regimes were common knowledge in the penitentiary. Probably the record is held by an attorney for the zoning depart- ment in New York City during Walker's mayoralty. The attorney deposited $5,250,~ 000 to his own account in 5 years. A Kings County, N. ¥., sheriff banked $520,000, the sheriff of New York $360,000, and his dep- uty $662,000 in the same period of time. A minor employee of the New York bureau of standards was making 825,000 a month for 12 yeara on false weights. Currently the Kefauver investigation, Murphy's house- cleaning of the New York Police Department, and the grand jury's inquiry into police pay- offs in Los Angeles are cases in point. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Our national business philosophy of get- ting something for nothing; our admiration of the rugged individualists who boast that they can do anything as long as they do It cleverly; our crooked practices which are considered “good business” or “sharp busi- ness"; and our rationalization that graft and crookedness are all right “if they don’t hurt anybody” are criminal concepts, whether exercised on Wall Street or behind a gun- man's mask. A discussion of abstract criminal character as a cause of crime would be more support- able if these conditions in our national life did not exist. Whom do we mean when we say criminal? The gangster, the white- collar criminal, the corrupt police? Or the small-time criminal who is too often made the scapegoat for his more spectacular brothers? When the man in prison sees society give respectability to the white-collar criminal, and sees law enforcement bodies give protection to big-time criminals, it is not surprising that he looks upon crime not a8 a moral offense but as a competitive pro- fession, and upon his punishment as gross discrimination on the part of both society and law. Crime is with us always, on many levels, in many forms. The proportion of the prob- lem it poses is not reflected in the number of crimes on our books or convictions on aur police blotters or prisoners in our penitentia- ries. It is reflected in the attitude of our people toward what crime is. For what a nation comes to agree upon as being the na- ture of crime is what determines the nature of her criminals. Most of us would heartily agree that re- spect for law is essential to a Nation of peaceful communities. But in order to com- mand respect, the law, both in interpretation and enforcement, must be constant, unim- peachable, and equable. It is no news to the American people that we have been under- shooting that precept for the last 30 years. How could fear of punishment deter crime in the thirties, the era of the gangsters not yet closed, when an offender had an 85 per- cent chance of escaping arrest, a 93 percent chance of escaping conviction, and a.98 per- cent chance of escaping punishment? If constancy, integrity, and equability are not reflected in the law, all that is left to respect is the cop’s night stick and his third degree. This kind of respect can quickly turn to contempt, both in the law- abiding and the lawless. It is an affront to human dignity and resourcefulness. Our most serious problem in crime is not the run-of-the-mill convict in a peniten- tiary. It is the criminal at large who re- mains so with the knowledge of the popu- lace. It is not reasonable to expect the reformation of small-time criminals, while gangsters operate with political and police protection. The smalitime criminal then becomes only a red herring thrown to the public to feed the illusion that justice is being done. Organized crime could not sur- vive without protection. The small-time criminal knows this, so does the big-time criminal, so do his protectors. So do you and I. Spain Expects Larger Defense Role EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DENNIS CHAVEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. CHAVEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp an article
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD entitled “Spain Role,” appearing in the Christian Science Monitor for January 30, 1981. There being no objection, the article Was ordered to be printed in the Rzcorp, as follows: Brame Expects Lancer; Davensr Rous {By Arno Dosch-Fleurot) Mapew.—As Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower flew over Spain on his way from Lisbon to Rome there were few in Spain who did not wonder what the general thought as he looked Gown on the snow-covered plateaus and sierras of Spain. Byen though this country is not a member of that Atlantic Pact, whose military power General Eisenhower was examining, he was doubtiess asking himself how Spain could be fitted into European defense. For Spaniards of all opinions know that today they have more military power than was formerly the case. Their army and fleet were once negligible compared with those of France and Germany, but this has now changed, OUSTING OF COMMUNISTS The Spanish Army consists of about 600,000 men with rifle-stage training who could be mobilized at once. It could cover the Pyre- nees Mine of defense. But tf the emergency arose, the army could be swelled to 2,400,000, all troops with some military training and with an officer corps which has been rebuilt and augmented ever since the end of the civil war by generals who fought the civil war to a successful conclusion. It also has been the business of these same generals and their staffs to eliminate all sub- versive activities in the army and in the country. At times milltary courte have sat almost constantly trying Communists who either in the ranks of the army or as agents sent from abroad have either tried to organ- ize a Communist movement in the country or to break down discipline in the army. The Spanish Army has not, tn co nce, entered this critical period of history with its ranks weakened by defeatism. It has the normal qualities which reflect the national wilh to fight and repulee invasion. There are, of course, in Spain the same differences of opinion as always on the dic- tatorship of Generalissimo Francisco Franco, but betlore the threat of invasion there is a solid front. Yet the Spaniards know thet their army could not of itself and itn its present state of armament resiat very long even with the natural defense line of the Pyrenees, and no matter how heroic the resistance. EYE ON THE UNITED STATES Under these circumstances they have been asking themselves how they are to save themselves, and to them General Hisenhower has come to symbolize the will to fight, while the United States is seen as the one source of power and arms that make victory pos- sible. But they ask, how are they excluded from the Atlantic Pact to get those arma. The return of an American Ambassador to Madrid and the renewal of diplomatic rela- tions have led them to believe that the dip- lomatic way is now open. Both governmen- tal circles and the public foresee a new pe- riod in American-Spanieh relations out of which somehow will come an association in defense. This idea has not simply come out of the air. There has for some time been a differ- ence between the American attitude toward Spain and that of the European members of the Atlantic Pact. The American Navy has undoubtedly done the most to make the Spanish people feel that the United States is interested in them and thelr country, ENTERTAINMENT BY SPATW For a year and @ half, beginning with the visit of the American Fleet at the end of the Atlantic maneuvers in September 1949 to the Spantsh naval port of Zl Ferro), there bas been a number of definite acta on the patt of the American Navy in connection with Spain, the most recent nearly a week of official en- tertainment of a portion of the American Fleet at Barceiona. During all this time the two other prinel- Pal naval powers represented In Spain, the British and the French, have made no such friendly moves. On the military side, the development of friendly relations has been less evident to the public, but it is generally known that many high-ranking officers of the American Armed Fcrees have visited Spain, while Spanish officers have visited the American Armed Forces in Germany. So the conviction has grown in Spain that the United States will put aside polttical considerations, take an even broader view of Buropean defense than that offered by the Atlantic Pact, and take full advantage of Spain's strategic position. ANTICIPATIONS LISTED And once the United States goes into the defense of the Iberian Peninsula, Spain ex- pects {t to be thoroughgolng. The Spaniards anticipate in detail: First, a treaty or a serics of treaties such as already exist between the United States and Portugal, giving the United States the uce of Spanish naval and air bases. In exchange they expect Spain to receive the orms and equipment making it possible for Spain hy iteelf to meet any tmary emer.« gency, and, {n the event of great emergency, to have the American Army, Navy, and Air Force cooperating with theirs in the fullest poesible manner. In short they anticipate that the United States, by treaty, will work as closely with the defense ferces of Spain as it is preparing to do with ite fellow mem- bers of tho Atiantic Pact. In practice this would mean the develop- ment of all the naval bases on the mainland and in the strategic islands of the Mediter- ranean and Atlantic; the outfitting of the Spanish Navy with all modern devices, the development of the military airfields scat- tered about Spain until they could handle anything in the air; and the furnishing of all the modern erms the Spanish Army is prepared to use efiectively. The idea is that Spatn will become a huge military base, the central control position on the western Mediterranean and Atlantic, in Haison with an equally heavily armed and garrisoned north Africa, outfitted, if it were to come to that, as the principal point of departure for the reconquest of Europe. The Government Lobby EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD MARTIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legisiative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recoap an editorial entitled “The Most Powerful Lobby,” published in the Oil City Derrick on Jan- uary 25, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Reconp, as follows: Tux Moar Powraru: Loser In this period of talk and investigations of lobbying and related activities by private business, it may be of interest to review A527 what the Hoover Commission task force on Government publictty and propaganda had to say. Federal operations in the fields of pub- Melty, public relations, and dissemination of intelligence cost the taxpayers about $106,- 000,000 a year, f found. very Federal agency maintains ite public retations staff. It also said, “In many cases, public relations work ia conceated entirely from routine ac- counting review, principally by the device of carrying publicity operatives on the roll as supervisors, administrative assistants, and technical expsrts.’’ How potent is the Government lobby? Congressman Harness, who headed a com- mittee which worked 16 months looking into Pederal pressure groups, aaid “Everyone tn Congress ts keenly conscious of the tremen- dous power of this Government propaganda machine, for he comes tn direct personal contact with it every day. He lives with the lobbies, good and bad, which constantly seek to influence the course 0. legisiation, and he can hardly fal! to know that the most powerful, most persiatent of them all te the Federal lobby. It works around the clock every day of the year.” There is one more point of importance. for private interests must register with the Government, and thetr connections and purposes are known to all concerned. The political lobbyist knows no such restric- tion. He goes merrily on his way, seeking to drum up support in favor of this scheme or thet, and the taxpayers foot all the bills. This represents the continuous drive of an offictal aristocracy to extend its “powers and privileges. terete ene The Basis for Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT C. HENDRICKSON OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. HENDRICKSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an excel- lent editorial entitled “The Basis for Foreign Policy,” published in the Wall Street Journal of December 26, 1950. I urge every Member of the Senate to give careful attention and study to the editorial. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THe Basis ror Foreign Pouicy What should be the basis for the foreign policy of the United States? President Truman, in what has come to be known as the Truman doctrine, says that it should be the containment of communism, that this Nation should fight communism anywhere, and if necessary everywhere, that it threatens the 5 Former President Herbert Hoover says that the foundation of our policy must be to pre- serve this Nation and the Western Hemi- sphere, There is an important difference between these two points of view. That difference is now being openly and widely debated for the frat time in a silent decade. The two views need not, of course, confiict always or in every particular. To ight Com- munist power in particular places can be an essential part of our own defense. The de- fense of the Western Hemisphere does not preclude, and may require, fighting Soviet
A528 power outside the Western Hemisphere, The two viewpoints can converge. There is, moreover, similarity of purpose in the two views. The advocates of con- tainment everywhere advocate it to save America, The objective of the others is also to stop communism from engulfing the whole world, including ourselves. They are all honorable men. Nevertheless, the difference is vital—not for what is intended but for what results. The Truman doctrine begins by accepting United States responsibility for defending all parts of the world from Soviet encroach=- ment; this becomes primary policy. In effect, the United States becomes @ Nation without differentiated frontiers, The frontier be- comes one gigantic circle around Russia's present sphere. And since the doctrine 1s to defend that circle everywhere, the relative values of the various points on the circle become lost, All points become more or less of equal value. The next progression, an unintended one, js that the responsibility of other peoples to defend themselves gradually becomes sec-~ ondary. Their self-defense 1s, of course, definitely desirable, But since containment everywhere is viewed as essential to our ultimate safety, we soon think we must defend other coun- tries regardiess of their own efforts. And the other countries soon begin to think they do us @ favor to let us defend them. At this stage decision becomes confused. Korea, let us say, cannot be weighed on any balance. It is a point on the circle, it is a part of the general responsibility we have as- sumed, and so we fight for it whether or not it has great value in terms of the larger fight. So long as the policy ls to contain every- where, there is simply no standard to distin- guish among Korea, Indochina, or the Rhine—all become Koreas if the Communists choose to make them s0. From this kind of thinking there !s an- other progression, also unintended but also inevitable. Unconscilously we begin to make the de- fense of this Nation a subordinate consid- eration in weighing any proposed action. If the policy ts to contain everywhere and there is a threat anywhere, what room is there to debate whether to fight this par- ticular threat will strengthen or weaken our own defenses? Unless we are to abrogate the polloy, there is no choice but to fight the threat anywhere. Action is automatic. The United States has then no choice but to in- tervene in Korea—or any other place. The Truman doctrine thus puts the defense of this Nation second in the minds of the men whose trust is the defense of this Nation. With the defense of this Nation as the par- amount policy all this is changed. From this premise the cost of any action would be measured against the gain; the risks of in- tervention in any Korea would be measured against the risks of abstention. Men would still differ in judgment. They would still debate the intervention in Korea, the rearmament of Germany, the reinforce- ment of Europe. All these things would still be difficult matters to decide. Even from the Hoover premise, men would differ on the Hoover proposals as to what is best or pru- Gent in a particular place. But in the debate men would have a com-~ mon plane of reference—the safety and pres. ervation of this country. There would then be something to measure against, there would be a standard for making value judg- ments, a balance on which to weigh mili- tary and political opinions. The policy of containment leaves us no choices. By trying to contain everywhere we become vulnerable every here and we Can be truly strong nowhere, In the name of saving the world this policy deprives us of the freedom to seek out what is best to save America. The policy of putting the safety of this Nation first is the only on which offers us a@ way of wisely measuring our strength against the task—or, indeed, offers any way of measuring at all. Therefore it, and not the policy of containment everywhere, ought to be paramount in the foreign policy of the United States. It may be argued by honorable men that this reversal of emphasis ignores morality. For in its application there may come a time when the United States, measuring what is best for her own safety, may have to make the harsh decision of abandoning tempo- rarily some cherished bastion. And the greater obligation, it is truly said, is to pre- serve the world from barbarism. To this we can only reply that there is in the world today only one power that stands in the way of that barbarism. So long as the United States stands the way is barred. 8o soon as it falls, the whole world will be engulfed. . It will profit neither ourselves nor civili- gation to risk the destruction of that power in the name of saving civilization. To pur- sue in the name of morality a course which weakens the power of the United States would be the true immorality. A foreign policy which puts anything ahead of the preservation of this Nation betrays the Mation and civilization. Sale of Surplus Ships EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN C. JOHNSON OF COLORADO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. JOHNSON of Colorado. Mr. President, the New York Times of Jan- uary 29, 1951, carried an interesting story on the revenue realized by the Treasury from the sale of surplus ships since the end of hostilities of World War II. I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: SELLING THE SHirs For 5 years, after it became evident that the Nation would have a tremendous surplus of merchant shipping left over from the frantic wartime building project, we have been disposing of tonnage to all comers, The final report of Vice Admiral Edward L, Cochrane, Federal Maritime Administrator, makes interesting reading. It is particularly gratifying since it relates the flow of money back to the National Treasury. Since the Ship Sales Act of 1946 the old Maritime Commission and its successor agency, the Maritime Administration, have sold to American and foreign buyers 1,960 surplus ships for 1,728,821,057. Other money has been returned to the Government for charter hire of Federal tonnage. Not counting the Cost of extra tooling and new shipyards for the unparalleled wartime build- ing program, the 6,500 vessels constructed cost about $13,000,000,000; we still have more than 1,800 vessels in the reserve fleet. Most of them are Liberty ships, the misnamed ugly ducklings. The finer ships are in operation, owned by United States-flag operators who bought, out of the disposal program, a total of 847 carriers. Few ports APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in the world have missed seeing the C-type freighters, high-quality ships with records of excellent performance. It might appear to the layman that, with ships waiting in mothballs, we are ready for the next emergency, but that is a dangerous assumption, We need new ships for two reasons: we cannot afford to let our war- built fleet grow obsolescent in a block, for competitive reasons; and for our next emer- gency we must plan with 20-knot enemy submarines in mind. Admiral Cochrane has already called for bids on fast new freighters that can speed great distances without convoy. To build the first 50 of these craft will cost but a fraction of the money recaptured in the bargain sales pro- gram. And in war or peace they will earn, as did the valiant Libertys and other stand- ard ships of the Second World War, the last dollar of their cost and keep. The Proposed Increase in Tax Rates EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROBERT C. HENDRICKSON OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. HENDRICKSON. Mr. President, several days ago I received a very ably written letter from Mr. Oscar H. Curry, one of my constituents in Riverton, N. J., dealing with our tax problem. Since the letter offers some thought- provoking suggestions, I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp. I hope all Mem- bers of the Senate will both read and heed some of the admonitions con- tained in the letter. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Riverton, N. J., January 15, 1951. Hon. Rosert C. HENDRICKSON, Senate Office Butlding, Washington, D.C. Dear SENATOR HENDRICKSON: The admin- istration is indicating that it intends to ask the Congress to increase personal income tax rates in the middle- and low-income groups 30 percent. I wish to protest such action because it will not produce the re- quired income the Government needs and will accelerate the already serious inflation trend. Personal income taxes at prosent are pro- ducing about twenty billions of our Federal {1 .come; an increase of 80 percent will in- crease such recelpts only six billions. Such an amount principally collected by payroll deductions will be considered an increase in cost of living by labor and be the stimulant for another round of wage increases; in- creasing the cost of Federal expenditures and leaving the budget in as unbalanced a posi- tion as it was before. Experience has proven that increases in wages to adjust for cost-of- living rises produce a perpetual-motion in- flation. Gross corporation earnings are running ap- proximately thirty billions per year. The ad- ministration indicates it will ask an 8 per- cent (47 percent to 55 percent) increase in the corporate tax rate. Such an increase is again insignificant when compared with the Government's requirements for additional income. Such a tax, too, would be inflation-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ary since it would remove much of the stim- ulant (profits) to be gained from economical operation. This would result in increased costs and establish the basis for incrensed selling prices which would become the foun- dation for another round of wage increases— again, perpetual motion inflation. The proposed increased taxes (six billions from individuals plus two and a half bil- lions from corporations) would produce but etght and a half billions of additional reve- nue, less than half of the amount required to balance the budget. This, once more, will react to violently motivate the forces of in- flation in our economy. If a subversive were given carte blanche control over our entire economy, he could not concoct a more lethal device for our destruction than the administration tax proposals. As an alternate, a national defense tax of 10 percent on consumer expenditures should be proposed. Such a tax will add between eighteen and twenty billions to Federal in- come which 1s sufficient to balance a Federal budget of seventy to seventy-two billions. It should be assessed only at the consumer level and should be collected as a tax at the time payment is made. It thus would not be a hidden tax and the individual would be mindful of his contribution to the national defense. The Congress should insert in the legislation that this national defense tax could not be used as basis for wage or price increases. Cost-of-living data would not in- clude this tax since the law should specify that quoted prices may not include It. A national defense tax of this nature would not be inflationary since it could not be used as a basis of supporting wage and price in- creases. It is flexible to the Federal budget requirements. Such a tax would penalize all alike and it would yield a further tax on the higher income group which cannot be reached by the administration’s proposals (consumer expenditures increase as a con- sumer’s income increases). Another factor to be considered is the prob- able effect of the tax on the individual. The administration’s proposal for individuals would increase the amount withheld from the employee’s pay; in addition to its infla- tionary reaction, such a tax would discourage the individual in an all-out defense effort. It would lessen his willingness to work longer hours because the withholding would seem to reduce his pay for such effort. If the worker did not suffer the additional with- holding, he would have the discretion of pay- ing or not paying the national defense tax by restricting his expenditures (another in- flation brake). It is my opinion, the most potent enemy we face 1s not communism but inflation. If we defeat inflation, we will defeat com- munism because communism could not stand exposure to the prosperity offered by our democratic ideals. I strongly urge your support of a national defense tax based on consumer expenditures, Yours very truly, O. H, Corry, Lewis Schwellenbach EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a state- XCVII—App.———-34 ment which is in the nature of a short and very fine biography of one of the most distinguished former Members of this body ever to serve in the Senate of the United States. He was a Senator from my State and a former Secretary of Labor-—-Mr. Lewis Schwellenbach. I commend the reading of the article to all those who served with him and those who loved him. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mr. SECRETARY (By Harry J. Martin) Our United States Government has three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial, To secure a high position in any one of these departments is something, but to be a mem- ber of each, in the short period of a dozen years, is worthy of considerable mention. Our great citizen, Lewis B. Schwellenbach achieved this quite unusual record. He be-~ came a United States Senator, a United States District Judge and a United States Secretary of Labor. I first met Lew when he was a young prac- ticing lawyer in Seattle, active in his Amer- ican Legion and, subsequently, its com- mander, in the early twenties, Born in Minnesota, Lew grew up in Spo- kane and later made a good record at the University of Washington law school. He was King County chairman of the Democra- tic central committee from 1928 to 1930. He was an unsuccessful candidate for governor in 1932, when Clarence D. Martin was nom- inated and elected, but when 1984 rolled around, Lew was a candidate for the United States Senate. He defeated Juhn C. Steven- son in the primaries and downed Republican Reno Odlin in the finals and was off for Wash- ington, D C. He and Harry 8. Truman met at the swearing-in ceremonies and became friends. Here Lew spent a hectic 6 years and broke his friendship with Senator Bone. Lew was a great speaker and really en- joyed the Senate. Vice President Garner as- signed to him some difficult jobs in the world’s greatest debating club and he always made good. He was a great favorite among his colleagues. For instance, on one occa- sion he appeared at the Young Men’s Demo- cratic Club’s annual banquet in Seattle and brought with him Senators Truman, of Mis- souri!; Minton, of Indiana; and Chavez, of New Mexico; and I recall Senator Minton saying, “Whenever any issue comes on the floor of the Senate we always know where old Lew stands.” Like most lawyers, Lew had a yearning to be a judge; so when a vacancy showed up Schwellenbach accepted F D. R.’s offer to be United States district judge in Spokane in 1940, and during Judge Schwellenbach's term in Spokane a Seattle lawyer took occa- sion to follow his work there. He told me that nowhere had he read briefs more pro- found in their reasoning. In this district Judgeship Lew served until his friend, Harry S. Truman, became Presi- dent in 1945. President Truman urged Schwellenbach to accept a place in his Cabinet—that of Secretary of Labor, This job was a tough one. During the 10 or 12 years prior to Lew's taking over, because of the war and other conditions, the Labor Department had become sadly de- centralized, Secretary Schwellenbach set himself to the task of reorganization and worked like a Trojan. During this period he made several trips home and I had brief visits with him. He looked well, I thought, despite reports of ill-health. He kept up his confining work and, with no advance news of his illness, the radio flashed the report of his death. After a service in Washington, D. C., Lew’s body was brought to Seattle by air. The A529 old Trinity Church was crowded to the doors, At Washelli Cemetery all the old party peo- ple from Governor Wallgren down were on hand. A soldier blew taps and I recalled all the life Lew had crowded into a few short years and thought, “What price glory?” Northwest Power Development EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERMAN WELKER oF IDAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. WELKER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “The Governor Speaks for Idaho.” This editorial has to do with the activity of one C. Girard Davidson, a former Under Secretary of the Interior, as he goes in and about the State of Idaho on a problem which fs of profound interest to the people of the State of Idaho. Written and printed by Idaho's oldest newspaper, the Idaho Daily Statesman, of Boise, I commend it to my colleagues for interesting and intel- ligent reading regarding a problem which must be met head-on in the State on Idaho. There being no objection, the editoria) was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tue Governor SPEAKS FoR IDAHO Governor Jordan may be occupying the limelight presently from the fact that he is & sharp man with a pencil but there should be no overlooking of his stand on water and natural resources. Here the Governor is for Idaho's best interests all the way. Interviewed Tuesday following a meeting in his office attended by water users and C. Girard Davidson, a former Under Secretary of tho Interior who is now making a special report to the Secretary of the Interior on northwest power development, Governor Jordan laid it on the line. He’s for private development, with private funds which would pay State taxes. He ts opposed to Government socialism and the blind theory that the Federal Treasury is a bottomless pit. The Governor ig one of the hard- headed type of men who knows that every dollar the Federal Government has to spend is taken from you and you tn taxes. Mr. Davidson, who has been coming to Idaho for several years in behalf of the Columbia Valley Administration (Authority) and who now seems to be operating with a new approach, but still under the steam of Federal cash, knows perfectly well that Idaho wants no part of any scheme he happens to favor. Not enough Idahoans agree with Mr. Davidson's dreamy ideas to make a quorum for a poker gume and Mr. Davidson just isn't going to be able to sell more Idahoans with any honeyed approach. Fact of the matter, Idaho doesn't consider Mr. Davidson either an authority on Federal resources or even a resident of the western country where the resources remain free. He can come here the rest of his life and he will only determine Idahoans more and more that what he has to offer is exactly what we do not want, now or any time in the future, “wah or no wah.” The fact that Mr. Davidson found this out from Governor Jordan (which we are confi- dent he did) will neither stop his effort or
cut faim loose from spending your tax money for ‘his canyp to choke something down Idaho's throst that the State simply won't swaltew. Yvery time Mr. Davidson comes to Idaho he will bring along the old OVA glint in his eye. Defeated in the main idea, he now has substitutes. Fortunately, Idaho remains on guard. To remain a free Idaho it can never stop. . Russia: The Giant on Clay Feet EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr, SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, the Ukrainian Bulletin for January 15, 1951 contains a pertinent editorial on the vulnerability of Communist Rus- sia. Our Government ahould be exploit- ing the suggestions contained in it which I insert at this point: THe Guwr ow Cray Fret On a number of occasions this publication endeavored to point out that Soviet Russia, despite ite superficial show of strength and its geographical extent, is not as strong as it appears. If only to help dispel the pessimism and defeatism that threatens to become widespread tn America, we must again de- alare that unbridgeable weaknesses are to be found in Russia's economy, industrial out- put, social and political structures, and above all, in its predatory nature. It has become essential that the entire west recog- nize and assess these weaknesses. It has also become essential that the west capi- telige upon them by all means to the full- ext extent. The economic and military strengths and ‘weaknesses of Soviet Russia are ably sum- Tmarized in a booklet edited by Mr. John F. Stewart, chairman of the Scottish League for Kuropean Freedom, Edinburgh, Scotland, The booklet itself 1s a compilation of re- ports presented by the various delegates of the peoples subjected by Soviet Ruasia at the of Independence Movements, held June 12-14, 1960. The delegates came from such countries as Azerbaijan, Byelorusela, Bulgaria, Caucasus, Kazakia, Croatia, Georgia, Hungary, Idel-Ural, Latvia, Lithu- ania, Rumania, Serbia, Turkestan, and Uxraine. Upoa the basis of these reports of con- ditions in the countries under the Soviet heel, it is definitely established that Rus- ala is not invincible, that the west has too long been misled by what reduces to Rus- sian propaganda, and that the power Rus- sia possesses has been built up mainly through utter misundertanding of Russia's neture and methods by the west. ATOMIC BOMB NOT ENOUGH The consensus of the reports ts that Rus- stan aggreesion will not be deterred by the threat of the atom and hydrogen bombs, but by a new faith of all freedom-loving peo- ples and a renaissance of religion and of na- tional idealism. Otherwise the ideal of ma- tertalistic communism will prevail by default. At least one opportunity for the renats- sancoe will arise at the time that Soviet Rus- sia launches an all-out attack upon the free world. If the west can draw fresh strength trom its roots, and confront the Kremlin fearlessly, Soviet Russia is doomed to ulti- mate defeat and destruction. The very fact that It oppresses millions of alien peoples, breeds the germs of this destruction. But the west must be extremely wise as well, should it wish to win these peoples to ite side. The appalling blunders committed with to them prior to thé present Soviet-American crisis must not be repeated. THR POWERFUL WEAPON IN OUR HANDS When war comes, or preferably before, the fe) nations must receive unequivo- cal recognition of their existence as national and ethnic entities, and above all, of their inalienable right to the fruits of freedom and national self-determination. Then, fired by patriotism and the love of their native soll, these nations might muster armies of mil- Hons. By giving full and unreserved support to the non-Russian peoples, we would be strik- ing at the very base of the Russian totall- tarian structure. Apart from the question of manpower, these nations possess great natural resources and economic wealth. ‘Without such, Russian imperialism would be deprived of its impetus and power. The coal, iron, manganese, and wheat of Ukraine, the mineral ores of the Crimea, the petroleum, manganese, and subtropical products of the Caucasus, the nonferrous metals and the coal of Turkestan, the petroleum and met- als of the area between the Volga and the Urals, and the timber of Byelorussia—all these riches are now being devoured by the Russians in order to extend and solidity their totalitarian imperialism. In agriculture, too, the non-Russian countries possess superiority in the cultiva- tion of sugar beet, cotton, silk, tobacco, tea, rice, and citrus fruits. Ukraine alone pro- duces over 75 percent of the sugar of the entire U. 5. 8. R., while Turkestan produces 91 percent of the cotton, the remaining 9 percent being produced by Azerbaijan, Cri- mea, and Southern Ukraine. As a result the non-Russian countries have tremendous industrial potentialities. For the nonce, however, their products are funneled into Soviet Russia’s armament plants and workshops. MILITARY POTENTIAL From the military viewpoint, Soviet Rus- ela’s power is extremely sensitive to any out- side influence, since the great majority of its armed forces are unreliable and in fact can be turned against Russia by proper political and psychological handling. It is certain that millions of Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Caucasians, and others, once assured of & free and decent life in a liberated land, will not fight for Moscow. It ig foregone that they would fight against it. According to the proceedings of the Con- gress, in the event of war, there will be over 10,000,000 militarily fit Ukrainians in Ukraine and outside it; half of them may be put in the Soviet armies and the other half used in the other branches of the Soviet ap- paratus, But whether in uniforms or in working clothes, these pecple will be with us, as will the other non-Russian peoples, because they hate Soviet Russia's enslaving hand. Hating Soviet Ruasia and craving their freedom, they constitute an over- whelming force, which the West must atrengthen and utilize fully in order to de- stroy Soviet Russia and tous save iteelf, From the geopolitical viewpoint, the non- Russian nations present a highly significant picture as well. Most of them We on the periphery of the U. 8. 8. R., and hence are accessible to the armies of the west. The Carpathian basin, populated chiefly by Ukrainians, offers the crossing the strategic roads leading toward the east, south, and northeast. Ukraine's geopolitical position, protruding into the heart of the European territories now under Soviet Russia's control, opens tre way toward the Don and the Caucasus, while her river system connects the land with the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. This but underscores the highly important post- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tton of the non-Russian countries, among which Ukraine, because of ite populetion, natural resources, and ite geopolitical sig- nificance, is the most outstanding. In the light of these facta, ae attested to by the spokesmen of the oppressed nations, Boviet Russia becomes something less than an invincible enemy. While the iron cur- tain has served to shut out the west from the inmates of the of nations, it has aleo performed the no less vital function of shutting off Soviet Russia from our view. For our own survival, it has become im- perative for us to riddle this curtain with truth and to assure enslavéd peoples of justice. Only then will the Giant on Clay Feet assume his proper and puny stature. Tribute to a Great World Figure: F. D. R. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 Mr. KLEIN. Mr. Speaker, I am sure that it is no exaggeration to say that in all history there has been no one man so beloved in his lifetime by the millions upon millions of human beings who toil and struggle unknown to fame or dis- tinction, and so bitterly hated by the thousands of specially privileged crea- tures who, in Jefferson's memorable phrase, “ride booted and spurred upon the backs of the people,” as Franklin D. Roosevelt. Because of the near-idolatry bestowed on the magic name of Franklin Delano Roosevelt by the common people every- where, and perhaps too because of the insensate hatred of the same name by the secure few, our late President has already assumed, in the folk memory of the people, a halo of deification which he himself would not have liked. We think of him now in company with’ the greatest of men—with Washington, Lincoln, Jefferson, with Moses, Solon, Aristotle—though he has been gone from us only five short years. DYNAMIC CHAMPION OF LIVING DEMOCRACY Franklin D. Roosevelt was the apoth- eosis of the best kind of American prag~ matism. He was the dynamic champion of a living, growing, expanding democ- racy. He held out as an attainable ideal, as have other great Americans, the hope of realization of the opposed but com- plementary goals of the democratic way of life: freedom and equality. The genius of this great American was the genius of a great America: to make things better, but not to destroy what was already good. With the noble political idealism which animated the founding fathers and the succeeding exponents of freedom and equal opportunity, he combined a charm of personality seldom equaled by the sons of man. MEMORABLE TRIBUTES Of the many tributes to Franklin Delano Roosevelt which appeared to mark the observance of his birthday on January 29, it ssems to me that the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD column by Walter Winchell, published in the Washington Post of January 30, most happily and memorably caught the Roosevelt spirit. Like so many of us, Walter Winchell’s own life and philosophy was changed and shaped by the Roosevelt impact. F, D. R. had a tremendous gift for formulating the unformulated thinking of millions of people, and for those with articulate gifts of expression the col- lision of ideas was often pyrotechnic. A whole body of American literature was founded on the reaction of eager intel- lects to the Roosevelt leadership. It is with real gratitude to Walter Winchell for his Roosevelt column of 1951 that I insert the article in the RECORD: WALTER WINCHELL IN New York F.D.R Historians frequently evaluate leaders sole- ly on the basis of their public records. The rosulting portraits have the quality of marble statues—impressive but cold, History, of course, is not a mere compilation of dates, apeeches, treaties, and charters, It is com- posed of people equipped with human frail- tles and attributes. And these character- istics often play a major role in domestic and international decisions. To understand history it is necessary to understand the per- sonalities of those who make it, Newspaper- men call it human interest. Franklin Roose- vel) was intensely personal. He always translated abstract principles in terms of human problems His genuine affection for people was his most conspicuous character- istic. And the feeling was cordially recipro- cated, not only by hia friends but by millions of strangers. F D R once noted that his discussion with mill-workers gave him a deeper insight into the meaning of an economic depression than theories expounded by economists, The many-faceted Roosevelt personality defied the analysis of his closest friends, However, there was an apparent trait they could all detect: His supreme self-assurance, F. D. R.'s infectious smile was not a vote-get- ting ornament; it reflected his inner warmth. He was an innate optimist. Even during the darkest days of the war he never succumbed to despondency. His jubilant spirit was con- tinually unfurled—and he carried it like a banner. “Some people see clouds and think of storms,” he once remarked. “But I have seen clouds form beautiful sunsets.” Despite the torrent of books, the architects of the Roosevelt story have scarcely sketched the foundation. There remains a moun- tainous mass of material for historlans to assess. For 37 years F. D. R. saved every- thing, from a youngster’s postcard request- ing an autograph to crackpot letters. His administration was completely documented. Even the thousands of Christmas cards he received were neatly filed. Tragedy ig the handmaiden of agony, but it also inspires lasting exaltation in those who triumph over it. The most tragic inci- dent in F. D. R.’s life had ‘ts blessed aspects both for himself and our Nation. His lengthy bout with polio gave him time for contemplation and an opportunity to forage his philosophy. The physical affliction am- plified his spiritual power. He emerged from his {llIness with a deeper sense of humility, patience, and courage. Roosevelt’s malady gave him a wider understanding of the social and political ills purdening humanity. The strength he lost in his legs he gained in heart. A man of great personal valor, he had one fear, It stemmed from his infirm- ity, which prevented mobility. He dreaded being caught in a fire. His gregarious nature revolted ageinst pompous frills which impeded friendly xala~ tions. F.D. R. cut through the icy exterior of diplomatic formalities by dispencing with customary stilted speeches of greeting for new envoys, He welcomed them as friends with light-hearted conversation. Never in history was there a closer personal relationship between the heads of two na+ tions than the friendship between Roosevelt and Churchill. It was based on mutual re- spect and affection. A striking illustration of their informality is this merry tale: Churchill once emerged from the bathroom stark naked as F. D. R. entered his bedroom. Winston quipped, “The Prime Munister of Great Britain has nothing to conceal from the President of the United States.” He was a devoted father until the preasing responsibilities of the war years forced him to neglect his paternal duties. Momentous official problems devoured almost all of his energy and most of his time. Consequently, he was almost completely cut adrift from his family. F, D. R. was awure of the loneliness attached to the stern functions of high pub- lic office. He went into the public domain, And his family became the American people. He was one of the fortunate few who was completely fulfilled in his job He frankly reveied in public adulation, and the political give-and-take increased his zest for life. He accepted the honors and druma that come with the Presidency with almost childlike exuberance. And he faced challenges with the confidence of a champion. Of course, what his friends described as conlidence— some foes called arrogance. His remarkable political acumen was root- ed in his knowledge of human nature. When he was New York's Governor he arrived at his office accompanied by a friend. A num- ber of men were in the anteroom, He paused as he passed through and offered an ancient quip. Huis friend later remarked that it was &® very oid joke. “I know,” Roosevelt chuckled. “But I wanted to find out which of those fellows wanted favors, They were the ones who laughed,” He had a passion for simplicity. F. D. R. slept on an tron bed with a thin, hard mat- tress and used an old gray shaw) for a blanket. He was 8 moderate drinker and a small eater. Chain-smoking was his chief vice. F. D. R. originally intended becoming a midshipman, but his father dissusded him. Of such minor quirks of fate Js history made. He loved the seu, and tuok great pride in his seamanship. Next to stamp collecting, his pet hobby was conversation. Roosevelt’s jaunty spirit was expressed in his love for humor. He relished the company of witty companions F. D. R. could define his political tenets in a single crackling line: “I am not trying to muzzle the upper dog. But I want to take the underdog off a leash.” Fearing it might disrupt his close attach- ment with his mother, F. D. R. did not tell her about his courtship until the date the engagement was announced. He had known Eleanor (a distant cousin) since he was four. Their marriage attracted wide attention. President Theodore Roosevelt gave the bride away. She was his niece. He was a devout man who knew many Bible passages by heart. He once explained why he did not worship publicly more often, “I can do anything in the goldfish bow! of the President's life, but T’ll be hanged if I can say my prayers in it. It bothers me to be looked at by all the tourists in Washington when I go to church.” Here is one of history's little known fronies: While serving as Assistant Navy Secretary he formed a friendship with another Govern- ment official, which lasted several years. They had numerous ideals in common and spent many happy weeks together traveling through the United States and Europe. His companion’s name, Herbert Hoover. This was F, D. R.’s reply to a reporter who asked him to explain his philosophy: “I ama Ohristian, Democrat, and human being.” A531 And the greatest of these was his warm humanity. It isn't Just his statesmanship and leadership that millions miss. What made the grief of his passing so deep and lasting was that he took so much of you-- and left even more—of himself. Freedom is such a beautiful American word because it contains the inspiring letters: F.D. R. Lost 400,000,000 Allies in China EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 81, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, Freda Utley in Spotlight points out a few salient facts about the fall of the Nationalist Government of China. Chiang Kai-shek was our friend, and still is, but in 1946 Stalin tried to steal him from us by promising the return of in- dustrial machinery that had been stripped from plants in Russia. In spite of this promise, which was a con-~ siderable inducement, Chiang Kai-shek refused to do business with Russia. On March 5, 1946, he rejected the Soviet offer. It was Truman and Marshall, however, who put an embargo on the shipment of military goods to China, with the result that the Chinese Com- munists overran China. Members of this body should be in- terested in this article. It is an answer to the State Department's propaganda picture: Why Korea? The answer to that question is found in a review of events in China since 1946, and prior thereto to the Yalta Conference in 1946, The article follows: How WE Losr 490,000,000 Atiizs (By Freda Utley) A fitting epitaph for the tomb of United States interests in the Far East is either “Too Mttle and too late,” or “They knew not what they did.” Whichever inscription one chooses, the record shows that it was ignorance or political ambition or Commu- nist sympathies in the State Department “which brought China behind the iron cur- tain. It was tle United States which first put Soviet Russia in a position from which Stalin could dominate Ohina. At Yalta, President Roosevelt not only broke pledges to Chiang Kai-shek to return Manchuria to China. He also secretly agreed to let Russia step into Japan's shoes. Chiang never once doubted that he should be loyal to the west. He fought Japan single-handed for 6 years before, by the tragedy of Pearl Harbor, he became America’s ally. Yet, far from winning the friendship of America, he lost the much-needed bulwark of American aid. It was perfectly clear that the officlal American attitude was not one of interest tn the survival of China as an in- dependent nation opposed to communism. What critics of Chiang did not Know, or did not want to know, was that he had every opportunity to play Stalin’s game and save China by eat least staying on as head of a puppet government. The atory of Stalin's efforts to win Chiang Kai-shek over to his side has never been made public in America, In 8 supreme ef- fort to appease the United States, Chiang and his foreign office were silent when hy shouting aloud they might have saved China,
In Jenuary 1046, just as General Marshall ‘was inunching his mission to compe! the Nationalist Government to accept the Com- munists tnto their ranks on the latter's terms, Chiang Kai-shek’s son, Chiang Ching- kuo, was in Moscow conferring with Marshal Stalin. At this time the Chinfes National Government wae facing the refusal of the Red Army in Manchuria to observe the terms of the 1945 Sino-Baviet Treaty. The Soviet Government had promised noninterference in China‘s interna] affairs and would "ren- der to China moral support and aid in mili- tary supplies and other material resources, such support and aid to be given entirely to the National Government as the Central Government of China” (Chiang’s govern~ ment). China patd a high price for that promise. She had to give up Port Arthur and give Russia jotnt ownership of the Manchurian railways. The Soviet never even pretended honoring this agreement. Ite representatives in Manchuria declared they would transfer responsibility “to whatever existing military authorities” they found on the spot. The only “existing military authorities” were, of course, Chinese Communist forces. It was in this situation that Chiang Kal- shok sent his son to talk with Stalin. Chiang Ching-kuo had spent many years in Moscow. Ho had a Russian wife and on the whole he was friendly to the Soviet Union. Stalin was not at all unfriendly to young Chiang. He proposed that if the Nationaliat Govern- ment of China would collaborate with Soviet Russia against America, he would instruct the Chinese Communists to submit to Chiang Kai-shek and enter a coalition government in which the Kuomintang should maintain it. ascendance. Provided American influ- ence and business interests were excluded from Manchuria, he would return the billion dollars of machinery removed by the Red Army in Manchuria and thus restore Man- churia as the workshop of the Far East. Specifically, he proposed that all Manchurian industries be monopolized by a joint Sino- Soviet authority. Shortly before Stalin made this offer to Chiang’s son, the economic adviser to the Russian commander in Manchuria formally submitted the same proposal. Ohiang Kat- shek's representative in Manchuria was handed a Mst of 154 plants, comprising 80 percent of Manchuria’s heavy industry, which Stalin suggested should be jointly operated by Rugsia and China. The list included air- fields. The Gino-Soviet corporations to be set up were to operate for 80 years with a 50-60 share for Russia and China. China wes warned that if Rusala's proposal were rejected the Red Army would remain in Manchurla. On January 21, 1046, the offer - ‘was renewed in Ohungking. These offers were not published in the western world. When I was in Ch and Shanghai, in this oritical period, I tried to perauade the Ohinese Foreign Minister, ‘Wang Shieh-chieh, and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek himself, that China’s one hope lsy in revealing the truth to the American pub- Ne, I got nowhere. Wang Shieh-chieh sald to me: "The Polish Government protested and look what happened to Poland. It is better to be patient and make sacrifices than to risk extinction by protesting, Since we ourselves cannot fight Ruasia, we must do what America wants, hoping thet the United States will restrain Rusala if we do every- thing which America wants us to do,” I must contess I had no answer to this argument. Perhaps China can he con- demned for the inadequacy of ber foreign policy. Perhaps she ehould have been real- istic and not trusted us so implicitly. But how can we explain our betrayal of our own interests in the Par Kast? Apparently C) EKla-shek was confident that America w support China i£ the Communists attacked in violation of the tecms of the treaty. So, on Maroh 5, 1946, he rejected Stalin’s offer. His reward was General Marshall's embargo on arms aid to Nationalist China, Cornered, he again ac- cepted Stalin's invitation to vielt him in Moscow in late September 1946. But when Gen. Nikolat Rushchin, the Soviet military attaché, made it clear that no compromise with Ruasia wae possible unless Ohina agreed to exolude America from Manchuria, Ohiang canceled the visit to Moscow, Over 9 years Jater, General Rushchin, now Soviet Ambassador to China, admitted that Chiang Kai-shek’s failure to visit Moscow in 1946 was due to the Generalissimo’s loy- alty to America, for he said that Chiang had decided not to vistt Stalin because of “the return of General Marshall to China with his pockets stuffed with American cheoks.” This accusation was, of course, ridiculously untrue. Far from bribing Chiang to resist Soviet enticements, Marahall had clamped an embergo on American shipments of arms and ammunition to China in an effort to force Chiang to come to terms with the Communists. Chiang Kai-shek‘s loyalty to America ruined him and his Government. Because he refused to agree to the exclusion of American interests from Manchurie, this territory was converted into the base for Communist operations, first against China, then against us in the Korean war. Throughout this period of warfare against Nationalist China, the Communists received powerful assiatance from some 65,000 Korean troops, under Li Hung-kwang, and trained by Ruestan officers, some of whom were vet- erans of Stalingrad. The fighting abilities of the North Koreans, who killed or wounded nearly 40,000 Americans in 1950, were due in large part to their experience in fighting our Chinese allies. Substitute for Blood Plasma Discovery EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. KERSTEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, I would like to draw the atten- tion of the House to the wonderful dis- covery recently made at Marquette Uni- versity. AS a result of the experiments in the Marquette University Medical School, it now appears that it may be possible to substitute okra for blood plasma to replace blood losses in patients suffering from shock, burns, or bleeding. If this use of okra proves successful in human beings as it has already proved successful in dogs, medicine will have made great strides for its simplifying the methods of assisting people who need external supplementary blood supplies. I include herewith two articles, one which appeared in the January 28 edi- tion of the Washington Evening Star, and another which appeared in the Jan- uary 28 edition of the Milwaukee Journal: [From the Washington Evening Star of January 28, 1951) GvnertrvTs For BLoop Puasa Mane or OxRa Founo Erragcrivs Mi.wavuxks, January 27,—A substitute for blood plasma made of okra, a Dr. John Hirschbosok, dean of the Mar- quette Medical School, the discovery sald ‘was made by Dr. Hiram B. Benjamin, anstomy. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD instructor. The substitute of powdered okra, he added, has heen used successfully in dogs and ia being purified to meet the standards of the Federal Food and Drugs Act for trial on human patients. Plasma, the quid part of blood before clotting, 1s needed to replace blood losses in patients suffering from shock, burns, or bleeding. Whole human blood alsa is used. Dr. Benjamin, experimenting with okra in the treatment of ulcers, made his discovery while working on a test dog. The animal was under anesthesia after a previous experi- ment in which it was bled. A huge Injection of the okra product into the dog's blood stream revived the animal. Subsequent ex- periments with doge confirmed the scientist's theory. Okra is @ green vegetable very common in the Southern Statea. It grows 3 to 8 feet in height and bears pods 4 to 6 inches in length. According to Dr. Benjamin, the substitute for plasma was prepared by grinding the pods and then removing the waxes and fats with ether and alcohol. Unlike human piasma, the okra substitute need not be refrigerated for storage. Working with Dr. Benjamin in the develop- ment were Dr. Harry K. Ihrig, vice president in charge of research at the Allis-Chalmers Manufacturing Co.; Walter Zeit, director of Marquette’s anatomy department; and Ron- ald Roth, a Marquette student. [From the Milwaukee Journal of January 28, 1951} Bioop PrasmMa SUBSTITUTE DEvELorED aT MaR- QurTte—Propuct Is Mapr From Oxra sy Serenrist at UNIvensiry—TEsts INDICATE ADVANTAGES A cheap and limitless source of lifesaving blood plasma has been discovered in a com- mongarden vegetable by a Marquette Uni- versity Medical School research team. The Marquette researchers found in okra— the gumbo in chicken gumbo soup—a sub- stitute that is said to be better than the original. Plasma is the fluld portion of the blood before clotting. Administered as a transfu- sion to yictims of shock after injury, surgery, bomb blast, or other tissue damage, it is an invaluable ald to survival. Heretofore, its Only source has been whole human biood. SAME BENEFICIAL EFTECTS In teats on animals, the okra substitute ap- pears to have the same beneficial effects as plasma. It does not carry 4 harmful virus ag some Plasma does, 1¢ is stable, and can be stored for long periods without refrigeration. It oan be prepared as a powder for storage. Less than an ounce of the powder, mixed with sterile salt water, la the equivalent of & quart of plasma. It can be produced with existing facilities in drug-proceasing plants and some food- proceasing factories, DISCOVERED BY DR, BENJAMIN The plasma substitute was discovered by Dr. Hiram B. Benjamin, a member of the anatomy department staff at the Marquette Medical School. He was helped by Dr. Harry X. Thrig, formerly a physical chemist at the Globe Steel Tubes Co., and now vice presi- dent in charge of research at the Allis- Chalmers Manufacturing Co. Dr. Donald Roth, Slinger, Wis, a chemist, who fs a medical student, also assisted. The research was goordinated by Dr. Walter Zeit, head of the anatomy department. The need for plasma or a substitute in the event of an atomio bomb attack has been haunting civil defense officials. Amare foan Medical Association and Red Cross experta have agreed that it would be all but impossible to atock pile enough human
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD Whole blood, plasma or a substitute is needed frequently to replace fluid lost from the blood stream. For this reason, a plasma substitute might be a lifesaver if kept in police squad cars. Officers trained in trans- fusion technique could use the substitute at an accident scene before an ambulance arrived, HAS SEVERAL ADVANTAGES The okra substitute seems to be just the thing that civil defense officials have been seeking. In Milwaukee alone, doctors have estimated that about 300,000 units of plasma would be needed urgently the first 24 hours after an atomic bomb was dropped on the city, Such amounts are not available; if they were, the cost would be too high to buy them. Dr. Benjamin was doting research with okra for treating ulcers about 2 years ago when he first saw the possibilities of the vege- table as a plasma substitute. He was making a standard research test to determine how much of a drug it takes to kill an animal—the minimum lethal dose, test. The test dog, “Annie Okra,” had been bled for a previous experiment and was under anesthesia when Dr. Benjamin in- jected a dose of the okra product into the animal’s blood stream. Instead of dying, Annie began to come out of the anesthesia and recovered re- markably. It was then that the doctor con- ceived the idea that the okra substance might be an excellent plasma substitute. USED AS SOUP THICKENER Okra is a kind of hibiscus; its botanical name is “hibiscus esculentus.” It grows to a height of 2 to 8 feet and bears pods 4 to G inches long. Powder made from the pods is used for thickening soups, and the seeds sometimes are roasted as & coffee substitute. Okra is the second largest crop of the south. It grows as far north as Wis- consin, where it is raised by home gardeners, but not commercially. Dr. Benjamin made the plasma substitute by grinding up the pod and removing the waxes and fats with ether and alcohol. The remaining material was suspended in water, then purified. The plasma powder was made by precipitation or freezing. REMOVED 72 PERCENT OF BLOOD Okra “plasma” is a complex sugar—a poly- saccharide. Unlike the Swedish plasma sub- stitute, dextran, the molecules of the okra product are of uniform size. They are large enough so that they are not excreted from the body, but not so large that they damage body cells. The chief difficulty with dextran is the high cost, a result of tight patent con- trol by a Swedish firm. Dextran, on which the Pabst Brewing Co. is doing research, is excreted by microorganisms ordinarily found in the sugar-refining process. In Dr. Benjamin's work with dogs he re- moved a8 much as 72 percent of an animal's blood and brought about its recovery with the plasma substitute, In one experiment & dog stopped breathing for 5 minutes—as close to death as is generally thought pos- sible—and was brought back. It would have died without the transfusion. A dog’s normal blood pressure is 150 to 160 millimeters of mercury. Dr. Benjamin re- duced thia to 27 millimeters by bleeding and kept it there for relatively long periods. The animal's heart was fluttering and it was close to death. Transfusion with the okra product saved the dog. MARQUETTE MAY GET PATENT Drs. Benjamin and Roth were helped in preparing the powder form of the substitute by Darwin Kaestner and Joseph N. Jacquse, chemists at Lakeside Laboratories, Inc., of Miuwaukee. Dr. Benjamin has applied for a patent on the “plasma,” If it is granted, the patent will be turned over to Marquette, which will license manufacturers of the product and control its quality. Marquette would receive royalties, which would be used to finance research at the university. Dr. Benjamin is a native of Austria. He was graduated from the University of Roches- ter (New York) and from Marquette Medi- cal School in 1930. He practiced privately in Milwaukee and served in the Navy in World War II. After his release from service he en- tered Marquette graduate school and in 1949 received a master of science degree. Since then he has been a full-time member of the anatomy department staff. Assistance for Domestic Mines Essential for National Defense EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER S. BARING OF NEVADA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, in view of the pending seriousness of world con- ditions and also the lackadaisical atti- tude of our own bureaus relative to the naticnal stockpile, the lack of strategic metals, and the lack of help given to our domestic mines, I have today sent the following letter to Mr. Harrison. It is my hope that every Member of the House of Representatives will read this message and support me on legislation which will recognize our western mines and our national defense: JANUARY 31, 1951. Hon, Wiutiam Henry Harrison, Admintstrator, Defense Production Administration, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Harrison: As a Member of Con- gress from a mining State I am fully aware of the problems and needs of small-mine operators and the basic requirements of any Government program that may be conducted for the purpose of obtaining maximum pro- duction from the mines and undeveloped mineral deposits of the United States. Although the Defense Production Act of 1950 provides the President with broad pow-~ ers to encourage and expand exploration, de- velopment, and the production of minerals and metuls from domestic deposits, I am alarmed and discouraged to find that the defense-minerals program as it is now plan~ ned and functioning is not intended to be an all-out program to obtain the maximum production of strategic and critical minerals and metals from domestic sources. I call your attention to the policies out- lined by Dr. James Boyd, Administrator of the Defense Minerals Administration, in an ad- dress before the annual members’ meeting of the American Mining Congress in New York City on December 5, 1950. These poll- cies, in effect, exclude probably 95 percent or more of the active and potential small-mine operators from obtaining any materal assist- ance under the defense-minerals program. One policy announced in the DMA press release of December 5, 1950, that automatic- ally excludes small mines from considera- tion and participation under the production program conducted by the DMA, is as follows: “The applicant for certification of a pur- chase contract * * * will be required to demonstrate to the satisfaction of the Defense Minerals Administration that ore re- serves * * * are available and adequate to fulfill the requested contract, and the ap- plicant will be required to satisfy the De- A533 tense Minerals Administration that he oan meet a firm delivery schedule.” Few small -1ines, especially those that are inactive, have sufficient developed ore re- serves to obtain a negotiated contract of any consequence or duration and probably fewer still could satisfy the DMA on the matter of meeting a firm delivery schedule. Those familiar with small mining enter- prises know that such operations, in com« parison to the larger enterprises, generally are conducted on a hand-to-mouth basis. Financial limitations, size of operations, and the physical characteriatics of many small mine-ore bodies are handicaps that generally make it impractical if not impossible for most small mines to develop known ore reserves more than several months ahead of ore ex- traction. This, in turn, prevents emall-mine operators from estimating their future min- ing costs, average grades of ore, rates of production, and potentialities with any de- gree of accuracy. It was found that most small mines operating under the premlum- price plan for copper, lead, and Zinc dur- ing World War II, when presenting data in support of thetr requests for premium-price assignments invariably, and to their great disadvantage, underestimated future operat- ing costs and overestimated anticipated grades of ore and rates of production. You probably realize that the amount of currently known ore reserves at a particular property is not of itself any indication what- soever of the potentialities of a mining prop- erty and its ability to produce under an appropriate incentive system. Dr. Boyd also announced in the DMA press release of December 5, 1950, that— “Projects to be approved by the Defense Minerals Administration must, in its Judg- ment, show definite promise of yielding ma- terial * * * jn amounts that will signifi- cantly improve the mineral supply position for national defense.” It is a foregone conclusion that this policy also would exclude all small-mining enter- prises from the benefits of incentive assist- ance under the defense-minerals program. While the production of any one small-min- ing operation would be insignificant inso- far as improving the mineral supply posi- tion of the United States, the total produc- tion obtainable from several) hundred or several thousand small mines under an in- centive system adapted to their needs would be considerable. Based on the experience record of World War If and the known requirements of small-mining operations, it appears conclu- sive to me that in order to activate and ob- tain substantial amounts of minerals and metals from thousands of small mines and undeveloped mineral deposits in the United States it will be necessary to effectuate methods of assistance adaptable to the needs and abilities of small-mine enterprises, as follows: 1. For small copper, lead, and zinc mines, an incentive program similar to the premium- price plan for copper, lead, and sinc as it was conducted and administered at the termination of the plan on June 30, 1047, but with necessary improvements. 2, For small mines producing minerals and metals other than copper, lead, and gine, purchase programs patterned after those con- ducted by the Metals Reserve Company of the RFC during World War II, with their re- tarding and objectionable features removed. 8. Exploration assistance and liberal de- velopment loans as were provided during and following World War II. However, this type of assistance would prove of little value to most small mines without the programs pro- posed in items (1) and (2). In view of the current minerals and metals shortages, the still greater shortages in pros- pect for the future, and the growing list of orders and regulations cutting back and controlling the use of minerals and metals,
A534 I find it impossible to reconcile the fact that the Federal Government has not embarked upon an all-out and effective program to obtain the maximum production of min- erals and metals from the mineral deposits of the United States, both large and small. What is being done is too little and it 1s fast becoming too late. In order to improve the mineral supply position of the United States to a much greater extent than {s otherwise possible and es a matter of equity, I strongly urge that present policies and methods of admin- istering incentive assistance to the minerals industry by the Defense Minerals Adminis- tration be changed from those designed to favor and assist only the larger and more substantial enterprises to policies and methods which encourage and readily enable full participation by small mining enter- prises. In my opinion either the passage of H. R. 976 or 8S. 240, Eighty-first Congress, as an amendment to the Defense Production Act, or drafting its text in the form of an Bxecu- tive order to be issued under the broad authority of that act, would promptly cure most of the ills which beset mineral produc- tion at thia time. Had this been done last September, the present mess the Defense Minerals Administration has gotten us into would have been avoided. Many Members of Congress are becoming highly incensed at the situation. Should there be no intention of correcting the con- ditions which I have brought to your atten- tion, I would appreciate receiving a full ex- planation for the reasons involved. In the event that material changes are to be made in the defense-minerals program, I would lke to be fully informed of the same. Yours very truly, Watrer S. Barina, Congressman From Nevada. Ambassador Robert Butler Resigns EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL STEFAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. STEFAN. Mr. Speaker, I have been advised of the resignation as Am- bassador to Cuba from the United States of the Honorable Robert Butler. His resignation is a great loss to our foreign service and Cuba has lost a real, under- standing friend. In spite of his resigna- tion I hope the future will find Mr, Butler soon again in the service of our country, especially during the present crisis. Before and during the war this great American has contributed much to our Nation’s cause. In peace he has been one of our outstanding industrial- ists. Those of us who have had the pleasure of knowing Mr. Butler extend to him much happiness in whatever future pursuits he may follow. Our Cuban neighbors have learned to love, respect, and admire Mr. Butler during his service as our representative in that country. This admiration 1s reflected in the following three editorials which I insert as part of my remarks: [From the Diario de la Marina, Habana, Ouba, of January 31, 1951] {Translation ] Departurs oy AmMbassapOR BUTLER The news of the day is the resignation of Mr. Butler who, for personal reasons, has given up his high position as Ambassador of the United States of America to Ouba, Being a distinguished engineer and induse trialist and leader in naval construction, it is natura] that he would feel It necessary to give his services to his countrymen along those same lines which, in the past have in~ cluded the very important Farragut Naval Training Station, the second largest in the United States, which Mr. Butler constructed for his country shortly after Pearl Harbor. He also bullt the great chemical arsenal in the State of Alabame. Now, faced with further totalitarian aggression, equally as traitorous and with the same sinister dangers of a third world war, it {s natural that this diplomat should want to give his beat services to his country which also, in @ sense, means serving the community of free nations which are now mobilizing their intelligence, will, and re- sources for the international defense of liberty and for the rights of man. Yet, for Cuba, the absence of an Am- bassador of such high personal and cultural qualifications as those possessed by Mr. But- ler, will be saci. He has gained the friend- ship, the confidence, and the esteem of all real Cubans. When loyalty and a spirit of cooperation and reciprocal service is used in the cultivation of good relations between countries, there is also gained a harvest of understanding and sincere friendship. That is what occurred when Mr. Butler took his first diplomatic post in Australia. In Can- berra they called him “an Ambassador to and from,” referring to his fine work so that the people of the United States should know the people of Australia better. He has done the same thing with exceptional success In Cuba. This was rightfully recognized by Dr. Carlos Prio Socarras when he said at the University of Villanova that of the Ambas- sadors to Cuba none has been as good as Ambassador Butler. The President expressed regret over the departure of the Ambassador of the United States to Cuba, calling him also the Cuban Ambassador to the United States. He re- iterated the same sentiments of the Ambas- sador's good will which inspired his reputa- tion tn Australia. Some of the fruits of the Ambassador's diligent work have been in the sale in 1949 of the surplus sugar which was sold in Lon- don and paid for with American dollars, He was able to accomplish this with the co- operation of our representatives. President Prio also called attention to the incident when the statue of Marti was profaned, and the action taken by Mr. Butler in the name of his country when he offered profound ex- pressions of regret to the apostie. He did this without waiting for instructions from his chancery. In cultural and economic fields we have found Ambassador Butler always cooperat- ing and offering efficient suggestions drawn from his technical abilities to Cuban engi- neers with the hope that his suggestions could be used for the development of con- structive plans for the country in an effort to stabilize and expand its economy on per- manent foundations. Mr. Butler also showed his good intentlona toward Cuba, leaving his permanent seal at the University of St. Thomas of Villanova, which college recently honored him with an honurary degree. He ‘was also honored by them with homage at a dinner. These private universities, the wings of the future of Cuba, along with the official uni- versities, have in the rapid and great devel- opment of St. Thomas of Villanova Uni- versity a very high example. That is why, Ambassador Butler, looking toward the cul- tural improvement with the tdea of estab- lishing Orm and realistic foundations, has made the important suggestion that chemi-~- cal industrial engineering be made part of the curriculum of the university because of the high importance these professions would have on the expansion and diversification of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the country’s economy. This advice is timely and sound. It might also include mining engineering. A man of enterprise is aware of the fact. that greater employment and permanent prosperity for a more generous material life are to be found through technical progress and research in the development of national resources, together with the spiritual and moral uplifting of the community and con- tributing to more employment and perma- nent prosperity. The above are a few phases and a few facts which illustrate the personality of Mr. Rob- ert Butler. Both place him among the good and sincere friends of Cuba. And the Cu- bans will look upon his departure with the same reciprocal feeling of friendship. {From Informacion, Habana, Cuba, January 31, 1951] [Translation ] Our Apiv ro Mr. Buriers—Her Is a Goon Farnp oy Cuma—He Fuiiry UnpegstToop Our PROBLEMS The Ambassador of the United States in Cuba, Mr. Robert Butler, for personal reasons, as is announced by the White House, has re- signed his dipiomatic post to return to pri- vate life. His letter of resignation addressed to President Truman, as well as the latter's reply accepting it, which we published in yes- terday’s edition, are not only two examples of human documents but in the text of both letters it is stated once again and the mutual understanding that exists between Cuba and the United States is recognized. Mr. Butler, up to the last moment, has served further to strengthen this solid and constructive friendship between both countries. What may be considered as Ambassador Butler's last official appearance was his at- tendance at the banquet of the father who directs Villanova University, which was tendered to the President of the Republic, Dr. Prio Socarras, for having sponsored and promulgated the law authorizing private universities, the bill which led to the law having been drafted by Dr. Ange] Fernandez Varela. In addressing this gathering the chief of state, with his customary gener- osity and serene spirit of justice, made a brief summary of Mr. Butler's activities in Cuba, emphasizing that, in his opinion, he has been the best representative of the United States here, in spite of the fact that there have been other ambassadors wha have done a wonderful task for the benefit of both countries. Atter referring to differ- ent matters in which the participation of Mr. Butler was final and served the just as- piration of Cuba in her relation with the United States, he spoke the following words which are the greatest homage that can be rendered an American diplomat: “That is why it is to be regretted that the Ambassador of the United States in Cuba, and what is more, the Ambassador of Cuba to the United States, is leaving us. I am at least consoled by the fact that Am-< bassador Butler is surely going to render greater services in his country and whatever he does or wherever he lives, Cuba can count on a good friend. And that is why I do not bid adieu to a friend, but to a brother.” The activities of Mr. Butler here have evi- dently been very advantageous for Cuba, since he was smart enough rapidly to be- come acquainted with our character and . immediately realized what the basic needs of our country, in its relations with the coun- try that he represented, were. His action and his words on different occasions have been the subject of our editorial comment. That ts why we believe that the words apoken by the chief executive in publicly bidding adieu to Mr. Butler are the result of some- thing that is true and are due to a full recognition of Mr. Butier’s activities in Cuba, of his desire to bring our country as close as possible to his own and to obviate the difficulties that might exist in an eco-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nomic order so that when financial trans- actions were entered into, especially in con« nectton with sugar, they would not be detri- mental to the future of our main national industry. With a foot already in the stirrups, Am- bassador Butler called on President Prio. In his statements following his conference, which we also published in yesterday's edi- tion, the American diplomat once again proved that he was a good friend of Cuba and that he was fully aware of its internal situation as regards its possibilities in case of war. Referring to the United States, he said that his county was ‘perfectly aware of the fact that, in the event of war, the United Nations should be faced with the ex- treme emergency of a war. Cuba is not in a position of furnishing large military forces, and maintain order within its own frontiers to control the subversive elements that might exist within the country. It’s coop- eration with the United States should pri- marily be in the economic field. Those words reflect the true internal sit- uation of Cuba in the event of a war, and it is very proper that the same were spoken by such an impartial criterion as that of the representative of the United States. That is why Ambassador Butler, who knows our problem 80 well, is departing from Cuba and leaving behind him a trail of sympathy and affection and a memory which time will not be able to obliterate. — [From the Habana (Cuba) Post of January 31, 1951] A Goop Frienp LEAVES When Ambassador Butler leaves Cuba about a fortnight hence, after having re- signed from the diplomatic service, Cuba will miss a good friend. Practically from the moment of his ar- rival Mr. Butler began his effoits to ald Cuba’s industrial development. Many peo- ple, particularly members of the press, will recall hig showing of a color film tuken in Australia which depicted what that country from “down under” had done to develop its agriculture and industry. Mr. Butler's words seem still fresh, “That can be done here too” From that moment the departing Ambas- sador, who has had ample experience and succees in the industrial field, has been con- stantly striving to ald Cuba in its economic development. His interest in furthering pro- duction of kenaf is outstanding. An album of mills for the industrialization of kenaf brought the query, “Do you think that would be successful here?” “Why not?” was his rapid answer, demonstrative of a deep con- viction that Cuba can produce and tndustrial- ive the fiber necessary for making the bags for its sugar crop as well as for other articles. It is not only in the industrial field that Mr. Butler has endeavored to help Cuba. He has, since he came here striven unceasingly to make Cuban-American relatione still bet- ter. He has had some difficult problems to solve, and solved them superbly. Cfficials, businessmen, and the Cuban people regret the Ambassador's departure, How he has endeared himself to officials ts exemplified in President Prio's remarks at 4 dinner tendered the Ambassador Monday night by the priests and officials of Villanova University, whose establishment he aided. The President called him, “my brother” and went on to relate how, at a time when Cuba felt gloom under a surplus of suger on hand, Mr. Butler was instrumental in getting cred- its for soft currency countries to purchase Cuba's surplus ‘This was of great benefit not only to producers of sugar, put to the Cuban people at large whose dependence on sugar is practically absolute. The social world will also miss the Am- bassador, who with his charming and tal- ented wife and their simpatica daughter mace many sincere friends. We feel that though Mr. Butler will leave, he will always think of Cuba and that at every opportunity will endeavor to be of service to this Nation. In thus taking an interest in Cuba’s wel- fare and lending aid wherever possible, Mr. Butler has proven an able diplomat and served his country well. For he has further intensified that traditional friendliness of the two peoples which some elements under influences inimical to democracy would de~ stroy. We wish Mr. Butler, and feel convinced that it is also the wish of all Cubans, that he may attain the same large measure of success in any new enterprise ag he has in diplomacy, Waste and Inefficiency in Government EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EARL WILSON OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. WILSON of Indiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrecorp, I include the following state- ment by Senator WILLIAM E. JENNER: Waste and inefficiency are still the watch- words and battle cry of the Truman Fair Deal, At a time when the people of America face the greatest burden ever imposed upon a tax-paying public, we find the bureau- crats seeking to embark on another boon- doggling expedition which will nullify every sacrifice made by the people during this New Deal-Fair Deal created emergency, The Republican-controlled Eightieth Con- gress balanced the Federal budget for the first time in approximately 20 years and reduced Federal taxes to permit the flow of risk capital. The Republican Eightleth Con- gress realized the necessity for a strong mill- tary defense and provided funds for a 10+ group Air Force; 1t recognized the need for adequate housing facilities and sought to ease the critical housing shortage. Each of these accomplishments hus been scuttled by President Trurian and his army of double- talking, power-mad bureaucrats. This is the same type of bureaucracy that killed little pigs, plowed under row after row of cotton, thus creating a scarcity through which public money could be patd in subsidies for the patent purpose of buy- ing votes. Today, in the midst of what President Truman chooses to term a “great emergency,” it 1s still politics and waste with his adminis- tration. Never was there a more crying need for housing facilities in view of our indus- trial and military expansion created by this present crisis. In the face of this need comes the latest instance of the Truman gang's waste and inefficiency. It ts a recommendation of William Henry Harrison, National Production Authority Administrator, that the property of the Lustron Corp. of Columbus, Ohio, be turned over to the Navy Department to be used as an assembling plant for the North American Aviation Co. The North American Aviation Co. is now beginning occupation of the buildings ad- jacent to Lustron for construction of air- planes. I am advised further that North American Aviation Co. does not even hope to be in production for a period of 16 to 18 months, As a matter of fact, Iam told the company cannot be tooled and ready to start operation in less than 12 months. At a time when housing is one of the most critical problems facing our country and while mothers are writing to me about their sons who are in training tn the Air Force A535 at Larkland Air Base, Tex., and other felds, and who are sleeping in tents in near gero weather, Mr. Harrison's proposal constitutes inexcusable and wanton waste of public money. The North American Co. requires only 200,- 000 square feet of space for additional pro~- duction purposes, yet Mr. Harrison would revert to WPA days and plow under approxi- mately 900,000 square feet of floor space and destroy millions of dollars worth of valuable machinery which could be utilized in turning out 100 prefrabricated houses every 24 hours. Defense agencies today are spending $30 per square foot for houses outside the con- fines of the United States. The Lustron Corp. proposes to construct similar houses, which require no upkeep, for $25 per square foot, a saving of 814 per square foot to the American taxpayer. It is almost impossible to imagine the stupidity of a proposal to waste this floor space when it cannot possibly be put in use for approximately 18 months. I wonder how many similar projects are in the making. If that is a pattern the multibillion dollar budget request of the administration will be only a small ante in our international poker game. There is another crying need in this Na- tion, in addition to housing and military preparedness. That is the need for com- petent leadership. And when and if that leadership is obtained, we must remove the shackles that are placed on it by underlings whose patriotism is exemplified only in a re- vival of the ‘tax, spend, and elect’’ theme. United States Government Asked To Buy Almonds Crowded by Imports EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUBERT B. SCUDDER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. SCUDDER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from the Chicago Enterprise Record of January 24, 1951: UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT AsKED To Bur ALMONDS CROWDED BY IMPORTS SACRAMENTO.—Faced with continued heavy imports of Mediterranean almonds, the Call- fornia Almond Growers Exchange has peti- tioned the United States Department of Agri- culture for assistance to the California al- mond industry under section 32 of the AAA. D. R. Bailey, general manager of the grower-owned exchange organization, per- sonally filed the application in Washington Tuesday. It calls for a diversion purchase of almonds displaced from normal trade channels by excessive importations. Balley pointed out that imports during the past 60 days have been greater than in any like period during the past 25 years. Earlier in the season, in its recommenda- tion to the Secretary of Agriculture concern- ing the marketing of the 1960 crop, the Al- mond Control Board had expressed the opinion that the State’s entire production could be marketed successfully provided tm- ports were held at or below a season total of 6,000,000 shelled pounds. Imports have already exceeded 7,240,000 pounds of shelled almonds, and have been entering the United States at the rate of approximately 500,000 pounds per week dur- ing the last 2 months. Unless the rate of importation during the first 4 months of the 1950-51 crop year is curtalled, the season's
A536 imports will reach a total of 18,000,000 to 20,000,000 pounds of shelled almonds. Imports for the week ending January 18 totaled 497,444 shdlled pounds, with ap- proximately 485,000 pounds of this total originating in Spain. Until last week im- ports from Spain have not been a factor in the domestic markot during the past two seasons, and exchange officials here attrib- uted the significant increase to the removal of the countervalling duty on Spanish al- monds on November 16, Subsidies paid by the Spanish Govern- ment to almond exporters had led to the im- position of the countervailing duty in No- vember 1948. In addition to the present application for the diversion purchase of almonds, the growers also have before the Tariff Commis- sion a petition for import quotas. An interim report published by the Commission on November 24, 1950, stated that the effects of imports on the domestic market were un- der continuing investigation. Can We Stop Communism? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WESLEY A. D’EWART OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. D'9EWART. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rsc- orp, I include the following toastmaster talk by Dr. C. O. Watkins, reprinted from the Sidney (Mont.) Herald: Can We Strop COMMUNISM? (Toastmaster talk by Dr. 0. O. Watkins) You have heard many times that commu- nism ts a people’s movement. Our society 1s made up of a great number of people's movements. If we are to understand communism, we must know more about the basic nature of the people’s movements. The term, “peo- ple'’s movement,” in itself means little. All people's movements can be divided into two types—free movements and ideological movements. Each type has some particular Purpose it hopes to accomplish. They dif- fer only in the basic method used to accom- plish that purpose. Communism is an ideological movement, and if we are to stop it, we must learn more about the basic nature of such movements. What are some ideological people’s move- ments? There is socialism, there is Christianity and other spiritual movements, there is the Townsend movement of a lIttle different nature, to mention only a few. What are some free people’s movements? Our labor unions, our service clubs; in fact, any movement which does not have a firm ideological basis. All ideological movements have one thing in common: They are all constructed around ideas. In the frailer movements these are ideas thrown together rather loosely, but the stronger ones have a firm, well-defined, ideological core, usually in the form of & philosophical) teaching or doctrine. One of the basic weaknesses of an ideological movement is that its ideas by which a pur- pose is to be accomplished are regarded as more important than actual accomplish- ment of the purpose. Free soctal movements are built around a given purpose, but there is no sacred way or fixed ideological formula that must be used to accoruplish thet purpose. The strength with which we have built our great society 1s found in this fact. But also, tt is the same facta which make us weak in warding off the threat of the Com- munist scourge today. We lack the unity of & society built around & firm ideological core. To understand communism, it is best to pick out another ideological movement with which to compare it. Then, you must start forgetting much you know about your way of life. We can use the Christian movement for comparison, if you will keep three {!mpor- tant differences in mind: 1. Christianity is a spiritual movement while communism is a social one, thus in a temporal realm. 2 The missfonary methods of Christianity Were based upon casual experience or what we call the empiric method. The missionary methods used by communism to condition Marxist minds are scientific and perhaps were developed tn the laboratories of the Pavlo- vian institutions of Russia. 8. You must keep in mind that the ulti- mate effect of the Christian movement is good. The ultimate effect of the Commu- nist movement, if it succeeds in capturing the world, will be tragic and carry our society back to the level of the Middle Ages, per- haps in but one century. That statement can be well supported by logic and historical fact, but to do s0 would take time. For now, I ask you to accept it. if you will keep these three points in mind we can use the Christian movement for our comparison, so that we might understand communism better. Now start forgetting. Forget national boundaries if you want to understand com- munism. The only boundary communism knows is between the minds of the Marxist and the non-Marxilst. Christianity knows no national boundaries; it knows only the boundaries between the Christian and non-Christian. Forget na- tional, State, and local governments as you know them. In communism, they govern nothing because the teachings of Marx 1s the governmental authority. The national, State, and local governments are only police forces. Their function is only to enforce the Marxist doctrine. The Christian church has the same type of government. There the teachings of Christ are the actual authority, The function of church government on all levels is but to preserve and carry out the teachings of Christ. If you would understand communism, for- get the importance of democracy. The sys- tem by which the government is formed under a Communist society ia unimportant, The government governs nothing, anyway. They perhaps are, or at least could be, demo- cratic and it would change matters but slightly. Most church governments are democratically selected, but it is unimpor- tant. In communism, as in the church, only those are elected to office who are ardent supporters of the central doctrine because it 4s their responsibility to preserve and carry out its teachings. TI could go on drawing parallels, but what you want to know is: Can we stop commu- nism, and if so, how? To answer that question, let me ask you some questions, Could we stop Christianity if we wanted to? How would you go about stopping Christianity? Could you stop it by armed force? Could you stop it by di- plomacy? Could you stop it by a treaty? Could you expect your civil government to stop it? Could you stop Christianity by any of the methods now being used to stop com. munism? Doesn't history tell us that Chris- tianity has already withstood all of these? Yet we Know that Christianity was stopped. Like a fire, it spread half way around the earth and then came to a sudden halt when it reached the Moslem and Hindu people’s movements. It was stopped by these other strong people's movements. In 2,000 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD years, there has been but little Christian penetration of the Moslem or Hindu lands. Obristianity filled a great spiritual vacuum that existed throughout half the world. To- day Marxism is filling an ideological social vacuum because we do not give the formula of our way of life ideological expression, Despite the great need of military might today to defend ourselves from military ag- gression, no amount of military power will fil] that vacuum. Here I make my first point: The only way to stop the Communist people's movement is by building another people’s movement in the area of social government. In short, we must build a people's movement to pro- tect our way of life. If we are to build a people’s movement, what kind of an ideological core will we build it around? For the past 800 years, we have had uninterrupted social progress. There must be some basic reason for our great progress in the foundations of our social structure. Some ideas that exist as a foundation to our way of life which we are today unaware of must be the answer. What has been the secret formula of our 800 years of uninterrupted social progress? So far as I know, our basic formula does not even have a name. But it has been our method for the past eight centuries to find the solution to every social problem through free investigation and experimenta- tin, to repeat the process again and again, to find yet better solutions, and all without regard for any preconceived Ideological so- clal doctrine. Using this formula, we have learned to solve social problems better than any other people in history, and until today, hardly any among our people suffers indig- nities or nhumanities, That formula is sup- ported by logic and 800 years of history. That formula is the sleeping giant which is the ideological foundation of our way of life. My second point is this: Today, we must raise that formula to the level of a primary principle and build a people’s movement around it. If we do not do this, it will be replaced by Marxism. If my construction is right, and I believe it 1s, we have determined certain things: 1, If communism is to be stopped, we must build a people’s movement, 2. If we are to build a people’s movement to stop communism, wa must build it around those basic ideas which are the foundations of our way of life. . 8. If we are to build a people’s movement to stop communism around these sleeping giants, we must do it soon. Comparison of Draft Age and Length of Military Service in Atlantic Pact Nations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES W. VURSELL OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. VURSELL. Mr. Speaker, the thinking people of America are deeply concerned about the future of our Na- tion. The women of America are aroused as never before. The people, and the women of America in particu- lar, are justified in their concern, and may I say their resentment, of the mis- taken policies of the party in power that has brought us into the most danger- ous position our country has faced in its history.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mr. Speaker, with leave to extend my remarks, I am inserting a letter from a woman in my district, typical of many letters I have been receiving, which, in an able and intelligest manner, ex- presses, in my judgment, the voice and thinking of millions of American women, The Members of Congress must find the right answers to as many of these ques- tions as possible in the interest of our Nation. The letter follows: Hon. Congressman CHARLES VURSELL, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear CONGRESSMAN VURSELL: Several months before and on November 7, every woman in this community and district left their household duties and helped elect our present Senators and Congressman, because we knew we were putting inte office men who would stand up and debate for what issue might come up for the betterment of this district, State, and Nation. These same women, who have read, done research work, and pondered over our pres- ent crisis, are now asking our Congressman and Senators to stand up and fight for an issue which is not only a serious matter for today but for our future generations, and that is, Why is the United States furnishing two-thirds of the manpower in the fight in Korea? Why should we furnish men for the whole UN? Why should the cream of our Nation leave school to make an Army 50 great that it curtails the future generation, who will be our future leaders? The following compares the proposed De- fense Department with those of the Atlantic Pact nations: Draft Nation ane Service Months United States... eee eee eee ee 18 TANCE... X21 1s Italy ..02.2.. W-21 12 Denmark . 20 12 18 Norway... 12 O12 Bolgium_ 20 42 Not berlane 21 1 Tortugal.. 21 12 England..... oo weeee eee econ ane 18 24 Luxemburg, Iceland, and Canada (volunteer system). Are we following the footsteps of England or are we still the land of the free? If we take these boys at the age of 18 years out of thetr scholastics how many will return and finish their education—the percentage will be very, very few. Already more boys have been killed in Korea, for time duration, than in any other war. Are we going to make fodder out of our youths? World War I—4,744,000 partici- pated—131,000 deaths. World War II-—-16,- 635,000 participated—409,000 deaths. Com- pare this with today’s deaths, Stop, ponder, and think over éhis not for a few minutes, but by the hours. We, as Americans, have always been proud because we believed in the education of our youths; yes, in some cases more than their financial status could stand without sacri- fices elsewhere, so that our children could be able to pick their vocation in life, whether it was a teacher, preacher, lawyer, scientist, druggist, dentist, or doctor—he was free to pick his choice. Are we blindly going to stumble into the standards of Europe where they know nothing but turmoil and wars? They have no choice as to who is elected as the President nor any other leader of our Government. Should they be forced to give up their future plans of life, selecting their future vocation, when they are not con- sidered old enough nor intellectual enough to give their vote as to who the leaders of our Government will be until they are 21 years old? The people proved to you on November 7, 1950, that a change was needed; let's not let these people down, nor our forefathers, who gave us the land of the free, home of the brave; zo let's fight for what we know to be right. * * * Is Anna B. Rosenberg, an Austrian-born woman, going to tell you and the rest of the United States how to run our Government without a fight? No; I know you better than that. Please weigh every measure pro and con, hour after hour, before you give your final answer. You know what we and the whole of the American people want. Don’t be in- fluenced by anything but your good, sound Judgment. What does the future hold if this is not accomplshed? Yours very truly. Reduce Expenditures Before Increasing Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NOAH M. MASON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. MASON. Mr. Speaker, before levying heavier taxes, or even before we look for new sources from which to get the additional billions we need to bal- ance the budget, we should give serious consideration to reducing nonessential Federal expenditures. Both the Hoover Commission and Senator Byrp have pointed out where $7,000,000,000 of Fed- eral spending can be lopped off from non- essential Federal expenditures. Senator Bypp in his recent letter to the President offered his complete cooperation in any move to reduce the expenditures of the Government; and in that letter he spelled out in minute detail just where and how the reductions could be made without in any way hampering or hindering the national defense. Should we not insist that these reduc- tions in the nonessential items of the budget be made before we consider add- ing additional taxes upon our already overtaxed people? A reduction of $7,000,000,000 in Federal spending would go a long way to make our task of trying to balance the budget less difficult, and at the same time it would be much easier upon the overburdened American tax- payer. We should give the proposed $7,000,000,000 reduction in Federal spending priority over any new or addi- tional taxes in our effort to obtain a balanced budget. THEN AND NOW In 1940 we had 4,000,000 individuals paying personal income taxes; today we have 52,000,000 people making personal income tax returns to the Government, In 1940 a married couple with no chil- dren had a tax-exemption allowance of $2,500; today the exemption allowance is $1,200. In 1940 the tax rate in the lowest tax bracket was 4 percent; today the tax rate in tre lowest bracket is 20 percent. In 1940 the top corporation tax rate was 19 percent; today it is 47 A537 percent, with an excess-profits tax added on top of that. In 1940 Uncle Sam col- lected a total of $4,000,000,000 in income, corporation, and excise taxes from the American taxpayers; today Uncle Sam collects a total of $55,000,000,000 from these same three tax sources. Ten years of New Deal bungling in both domestic and foreign affairs has made these changes in our tax burdens. Mr. Speaker, in connection with my remarks on the need for reducing Fed- eral expenditures, I include the following statement from Senator Byrp on the same subject: How To Save %7,000,000,000 (By Senator Harry F. Byrn, of Virginia) When the President said that nondefense expenditures would be cut “to the mini- mum required to give effective support to the defense effort,” I pledged my full sup- port. He told news correspondents that he welcomes my support but had not examined my data because he did not believe I knew much about the budget. I may not know much about his budget, but as Governor of a State which lived within its income, and as a United States Senator for 18 years and active in the exposure of unessential Fed- eral activities, my acquaintance with gov- ernmental economy is much longer and more intimate than the President's, He will need all the help he can get to keep us from financial chaos. Secretary of the Treasury Snyder fore- casts for the coming fiscal year expenditures of some $75,000,000,000. Including new tax- ation already enacted, Federal revenue may reach more than 861,000,000,000, and, as- suming conditions short of total war, we shall have an annual deficit of nearly @25,- 000,000,C00. It is appalling to contemplate continued 825,000,000,000-a-year deficits. They must be wiped out or greatly reduced by more tax increases and by deep cuts in expenditures nonessential to defense. Few rivers and harbors, public roads, and reclamation projects are essential to the de- fonse effort. The Post Office Department, which has an annual deficit of more than half a billion, should be self-supporting, 4s it was during World War II. About 25 per- cent of the domestic-civilian budget is for State ald: public assistance, housing, edu- cation, agriculture, civil airports, business promotion. At this critical period, the ex- tent to which these items help the defense effort must be the controlling factor. Most of them are tied to long-term statutory com- mitments, and Congress and the President should agree to legislation which repeals, amends, or suspends those commitments. Some domestic-civilian programs must have more money for activities which tie in with defense. These include control and allocation agencies, labor training, revenue collection, and the like. In data I submitted to the President, these increases added up to some 625,000,000, and no reasonable person would deny their necessity. But thetr inclusion must not swell the total of nondefense items. Instead, that total should be—and can be— cut by at least 43,600,000,000. In my long study of Federal fiscal affairs, I found that excessive civilian employment was the key to extravagance and inefficiency. Today’s worst offender is the Department of Defense, where there is one civilian employee for every two men in uniform, At the peak of World War II, the ratio was one civilian for every five uniformed persons, Should the Military Establishment cut its estimate of 1,250,000 civilian employees by 150,000, the saving would be a half billion dollars, Neither at home nor abroad are give-away programs defense essentials. Foreign eco- nomic aid, which this year ts $4,000,000,000, is due to expire a year hence anda already has
A538 been withdrawn from Britain. Meanwhile, the billions etnce appropriated for military ald overlap ECA programs at many points. In the new budget, ZOA should not exceed commitments already made, and this would mean a reduction of 63,500,000,000. The savings I have outlined total §7,600,- 000,000. They can be made if an enlightened public opinton makes itself heard. Officials who impose austerity upon the American people must also practice it, If business as usual is out, the same must hold for spend- ing as usual. If readers will express their convictions on this possible saving of $7,000,- 000,000 of taxpayers’ money, they will be giving helpful guidance to their Representa- tives in Congress. Risvumt or Senator BYRD’s DATA FOR REDUC- ‘T10on~s In Domestic-Civi.tan Buport Irems Figures in table below are exclusive of all military and related items such as atomic energy, merchant marine, stockpile, Coast Guard, National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics. Also exclusive of ECA, vet- erans’ costs, and public debt interest. Domestic-civilian expenditures by major functions (compared with war, postwar, and new emergency fiscal years) [In bfilions af dollars) Expenditure categorice 1, Welfare, health, se- curity. .....2..-.. 2. Housing and com- younity facilities_. 3. Edueation and gen- er In fiscal year 1946 we were descending from peak military requirements. In the coming fiscal year we shall be ascending in military requirements. The total of suggested re- ductions for domestic-civillan program ex- penditures for the coming fiscal year would be approximately 86 percent higher than in fiscal year 1946. GENERAL COMMENT BY ITEMS 1, Most welfare reductions would be in public assistance and construction grante to the States. Contributory soctal-security sys- tem would be unaffected. The total of this item, after all reductions, is nearly one-third higher than at the end of war. 2. Calls for elimination of all but essen- tial defense housing which would be financed from returns from housing loans of previous years. 8. Includes increase for scientific research directed to the defense effort. 4. Reductions principally in Commodity Credit Corporation's price supports. If food subsidies are imposed, as in World War II, price-support receipts should meet the cost as they did then. 5. Major reductions are in nonessential to-defense public work by Army engineers and Bureau of Reclamation, Rematning total is twice figure of World War IZ. 6. Decreases would be in nonmilitary high- way and afrport construction. Also elimi. nation of postal deficit. Increases provide for navigation aids and regulation of trans- portation and communications necessary to defense effort, 7, Reduced sums for ordinary activities, but increases provided for export and do- mestic controls along with those eovered in “General Government™ item. &. Figures cover 1946 level of activity with increase for labor training. 9. Provision is made for increased immi- gration control costs. Also for civilian con- trol incident to current conditions and for increased Federal retirement costs, Using All Man (and Woman) Power EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. CHESTER B. MeMULLEN OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. McMULLEN. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the St. Petersburg Times of Janu- ary 30, 1951: Usina ALL Maw (ann Woman) PowER Defense Secretary George Marshall caused considerable commotion when he told the House Armed Forces Committee that there weren't going to be any more 4-F profes- sional athletes. His manpower assistant, Mrs. Anna M. Rosenberg, hastily assured the alarmed moguls of pro baseball, football, etc., that “there aren't golng to be any special rules about athletes.” That's probably as it should be, but Gen- eral Marshall's statement made a lot of sense to most people. It’s perfectly obvious that any man tn good enough physical condition to make a living as a professional athlete could do something useful in the armed services, or in some civilian defense job. This is no refiection on the professionals who were IV-F’s in the last war, or are 80 classified now. Most of them didn't ask for it.. But it is a reflection on the classifica- tion rules. At present out of every 100 men fn un!- form in any of our services, only 23 are actu- ally in combat units. The other 77 are in various service, supply, communication, transport, and administrative jobs, In contrast, the Russians are able to put 80 out of every 100 men in their armed serv- ices into combat. Secretary Marshall is aware of this huge Giscrepancy, but he says there is little we can do about it and still have our fighting troops the best armed, best fed, best sup- plied, and best transported in the world. And this, of course, is our great strength. However, at a time when we are on the verge of drafting 18-year-olds and obviously are going to be severely strained for man- power both in uniform and in industry, it seems appropriate again to raise the issue of filling ag many as possible of those 77 out of 100 noncombat jobs with persons who can't fight, 30 as to free the physically fit for combat duty. There is @ natural reluctance on the part of professional military men to include in their regular personne} anyone with physical handicaps or limitations. They ike to feel that a supply sergeant, yeoman, clerk, or storekeeper can, if necessary, be shoved into e shooting job. Since our particular type of warfare, how- ever, has become complex, and so much of our uniformed personnel necessarily is at all times engaged in noncombat work, cepts have to be accepted, Gen. Lewis Hershey, Director of Selective Bervice, inatsted all through World Wer IZ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that the Armed Porces standards were far too rigid and that many, if not most, IV-P’s could be used in some capacity. He’s still saying the same, oven toucer, and we think it is time he was heeded. If the atrait-jecketed military mind can’t get the idea, this is a perfectly justifiable spot for Congress to step in. Maybe tt doesn't need to legislate. In this instance it might be sufficient just to investigate. It ta certain that the public would take much more Kindly to the 18-year-old draft— which we believe is imperative—if the people were certain that the only IV-F's deferred were those who literally were completely useless to the armed forces. To a lesser extent that goes for using as many women as possible in uniform. And here legislative action by Congress is needed, since at present the number of women per- mitted in the Armed Forces is limited by law. Despite the fact that women themselves repeatedly have indicated by public opinion polls that they ere willing to be drafted, our chivalrous males—at least in Congress—- probably aren't up to that yet. To the extent that they are willing to volunteer, however, women ought to be al- lowed in the WAVES, WAC's, SPARS, and Marines to the full extent of their useful- ness. Here again the “old pro” military need & lot of prodding. Although the ice was broken in World War II, there are still a lot of jobs the girls can fill which cause the old pros to shudder to admit. Por instance, early in 1944 the Navy ex- perimentally assigned five WAVES to the Naval Air Combat Intelligence School. Con- sidered among the toughest of all Navy schools, there was little expectation that the WAVES could make the grade. As it happened, however, four of the five finished in the top quarter of the class and the leader, an understanding miss, eased up in the last couple of weeks to permit a mem- ber of the stronger sex to nose her out for the coveted No. 1 spot. There never was another WAVE to this school, despite the fact that at least a third of the work of ACI’s could have been done by women. Tough as things are and will be for a long time to come, the Nation simply cannot afford the extravagance of unrealistic chivalry, needlessly high physical or mental standards, or rigid and outdated military concepts which waste our Man and woman power. We're up against the most enormous mili- tary manpower pool in the history of the world. The only way we can hope to hold our own against it is by the fullest utilization of the skills and abilities of every man and woman in the Nation. . United States Badget EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. HARRY McGREGOR or OHIO IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. MoGREGOR. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, T include the following editorial en- titled “United States Budget,” which ap- peared in the Ashland Times-Gagette, Ashland, Ohio. I suggest the reading of this article: Unirzn Srates Bouperr ‘ Most people will agree that there is noth- ing we can do but go along with the Truman budget from the standpoint of strengthen- ing our military defenses.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But there is no reason why Congress can- mot make some rather drastic cuts in all sections of the budget dealing with nonde. fense items. No legitimate arguments can be presented for any major reductions in budget items Gealing with defense exp2nditures during the emergency. Do you recall that President Truman, in his state of the Union message, stated that nonmilitary expenses should be reduced? That statement doesn’t jibe with the in- creased requests for funds for nondefense items in the budget. The American people will be grateful to Congress if steps are taken to slash these exaggerated requests. It is possible, we be- Neve, to chop several billion dollars from budget items such as housing loans and sub- sidies, public works, farm subsidies, welfare and public assistance, and the Veterans' Ad- ministration. It appears that the President is making an effort to push some of the Fair Deal pro- posals through under the guise of the all-out defense program. It is up to Congress to see that some of these uncalled for expenditures are elimi- nated. We should operate on a pay-as-you-go basis. If we can save several billion by re- ducing nonessential expenditures, it may mean that the new tax bill can be held considerably under that $16,000,000,000 fig- ure estimated by the President. Isn’t it worth some effort? Sticking It Out Is Matter of Principle EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE N. ASPINALL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. ASPINALL. Mr. Speaker, most arguments of any importance have at least two sides. This, of course, applies to political matvers especially, and all the more so to those involving interna- tional relations. Recently we have heard a great deal about the desired necessity of pulling out of Korea. One of the outstanding papers in my district recently carried an editorial entitled “Sticking It Out Is Matter of Principle” in which the other side of this question is well set forth. Be- lieving that we should have all of the thinking on this matter in particular, I am inserting with my remarks the fol- lowing editorial which appeared in the Herald-Democrat, published in Durango, Colo.: Sricxine It Out Is MATTER OF PRINCIPLE The “new phase” of the Korean War now hag proceeded far enough to make it plain the United States is not simply conducting an orderly withdrawal in prelude to a final evacuation of the peninsula. We're fighting to hold as much free Ko- Tean soil as we can—as long as we can. At least, in the words of Chief of Staff General Collins, that is our present intent. Insofar as this keeps a subatantial pro- portion of our trained combat troops tied down and thus unavailable for duty else- where, the policy may actually be viewed by Russia as an advantage on her side, But evidently the leaders of this country believe the gain to Russia is outweighed by the gain to us. First of all, we are continuing to exact a high price for aggression, Our defense of key positions south of Seoul has cost the Chinese and North Korean Reds dearly. Surely they understand that if they wish to push us off the peninsula tt is not going to be a quiet walk. Secondly, by staying in Korea we are atand- ing by our declared friends, by @ free people in distress. The fledgling Republic of Korea is virtually a ward of the United Nations; more than almost any other, !t ts entitled to protection from the countries which assisted at its birth. To get out of Korea without being driven out by overwhelming enemy forces would be to tell nations in both Asia and Europe that it doesn’t pay to side with us, that when the chips are down we'll desert them. We'd be saying, in effect: “You'd better make the best terms you can with the Communists. You can’t count on us in the long run.” This we decline to say. And so we go on fighting and dying there, as we have for 6 months past. Short of all-out involvement with Red China, we intend to stick—if we can. We insist upon showing the Reds up as the bullying gangsters they are. We in- tend to give them no free soll on a platter. In other words, the high principles that led us to enter Korea in the first place are still valid reasons for being there. It is regrettable that the United Nations has been so slow to suport us in the Chinese phase of the Korean War. But it’s hard to grasp the reasoning in the argument we should leave Korea if the UN refuses to con- demn China as an aggressor. If the UN will not do so, that will be bad, both for us and the UN. For it will gravely woaken the UN as a peuce agency But the situation may be made worse if we should then proceed ourselves to abandon the prin- ciples we are asking the UN to espouse. No matter what the UN does or does not do, we must maintain our status as the rally- ing point for the noblest aspirations of free- men. Other peoples’ failure to live by high principles is no excuse for our own failure. We are still the great torch-bearers of liberty. That's why we're in Korea. Effect of Inflation on Bond Values EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MYRON V. GEORGE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp the fol- lowing article by Fulton Lewis, Jr., in which he quotes the remarks made by Senator Scuorerrer, of Kansas, on the effect of current inflation on the value of bonds: WASHINGTON REPORT (By Fulton Lewis, Jr.) Perhaps the most puzzling of the many inconsistencies of national labor union leaders is the unwavering regularity with which they cheer every new spending plan concocted by Mr. Truman's so-called e@co- nomic planners, Socialized medicine, the Brannan farm program, Federal ald to education, socialized housing—anything that comes along, Their idea, of course, is that in those prow grams the Government is giving the worker something for nothing. So it's good policy for the union bosses to support them. A539 The truth is that the cost burden, in avery instance, falls directly on the rank-and-file wage earners of the Nation—which means the union members—and if we get into an era of wild inflation, which currently seems & sure bet, the worker will be among the hardest hit. Economists agree that excessive Govern- ment spending is the most powerful of all inflationary forces. It increases the Govern- ment’s drain on available materials, and at the same time pours additional money into the hands of the public to bid for the short supplies left for civilian consumers. And it is incontrovertible history that in perlods of inflation, wages and salaries al- ways lag far behind prices. They always have and always will. The heaviest damage, however, falls on the capital holdings of the unions: The re- tirement and pension funds and social se- curity plans into which members have been contributing for years. The dollars they contributed are still there, but the inflation that already has worked into our national economy has cut the value of those dollars to the extent that they now buy only half of what they did 10 years ago. In short, the pension payments which the union members have been looking to to take care of them in thelr retirement days, will provide only half the actual living that they paid for. A good line on what happens to dollars when the Government keeps dipping into the taxpayers’ pockets is to get out your war bonds and add up what they are worth today. With the mint working overtime to pro- duce defense dollars, Senator Awnpy ScHoerre., Republican, of Kansas, did just that. Here is what he has to say: “Iam sure that many of you patriotically bought these bonds in 1940 with the dollar that would buy you 10 loaves of bread and four or five pounds of beef. “As an example, let's suppose that you bought in 1940 a $100 bond for 875. It ma- tured in 1950 for 8100. You are required to pay an income tax on the 825 profit, leav- ing you a net of perhaps 886 which will not buy you as much as 840 would in 1939 in the way of requirements in life.” ScHoepre., back in the early twenties was an all-America football end at the Univer- sity of Nebraska who helped stop Notre Dame in the days of the famous Four Horsemen. He can't tackle the value of the dollar that has already vanished; but he does think something could be done to stabilize the dollar at its present level to prevent its value from falling even lower. As a starter he points out—for the benefit of the new Congress—that the Eighty-firat Congress that just went out of business doled out 830,000,000,000 more in Federal funds than the much-maligned GOP-controlled Eightieth Congress. The Kansas Senator says that if the spend- ing for nondefense projects keeps up, the Government is going to have to print more money, Some of the economic planners now are talking about again reducing the gold con- tent of the dollar, which may sound Ike pretty fancy fiscal talk, but it actually is a simple matter. Prior to 1934 you could take your dollar pill to the bank and get 23.22 grains of gold. In 1934 the Government reduced this to 13.71 grains, and then printed 3,000,000,000 more dollars, deflating your dollar by statute. Later the New Deal hit on the formula of in- creased taxing and increased Federal spend- ing. Now the Government is getting nervous and wants to tamper with the gold content of the dollar again. If it does, it means that the printing presses will roll again, which in turn means sealing
into our money system & new and permanent reduction in buying value of the dollar. So the union members take a further licking on their savinge. Watch the bosses, when the Kighty-second Congress takes a look at the Truman spending proposals in the weeks to come. They are already set to give the big hurrah, and anybody who falls to go along with them will be a “viclous reactionary"— or worse, Carl Sandburg EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. J. GLENN BEALL OF MARYLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. BEALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article on Carl Sandburg by Robert Blake Kimble: Cag, SANDBURG (By Robert Biake Kimble) In the March 1914 issue of Poetry magazine there appeared this poem: “CHICAGO “Hog butcher for the world, Too) maker, stacker of wheat, Player with railroads and the Nation's freight handler; Stormy, husky, brawling, City of the big shoulders; They tell me you are wicked and I believe them, for I have seen your painted women under the gas Jamps luring the farm boys. And they tell me you are crooked and I an- awer: Yes; it is true I have seen the gunman kill and go free to kill again. And they tell me you are brutal and my reply is: On the faces of women and children I have seen the marks of wan- ton hunger. And having answered eo I turn once more to those who sneer at this my city, and I give them back the sneer and say to them: Come and show me another city with lifted head singing so proud to be alive and coarse and strong and cunning. Flinging magnetic curses amid the toil of piling job on job, here is a tall, bold slugger set vivid against the little soit cities; Fierce as a dog with tongue lapping for action, cunning as a savage pitted against the wilderness, Bareneaded, Bhoveling, Wrecking, Planning, Building, breaking, rebuilding, Under the smoke, dust all over his mouth, laughing with white teeth, Under the terrible burden of destiny laugh- ing as a young man laughs, Laughing even as an ignorant fighter laughs who has never Jost a battle, Bragging and laughing that under his wrist is the pulse, and under his ribs the heart of the people, Laughing! Laughing the stormy, husky, brawling laughter of youth, half naked, sweat- ing, proud to be hog butcher, tool maker, stacker of wheat, player with railroads and freight handler to the Nation.” This was a song of a city. An American song. A song so thoroughly Yankee Doodle that those Americans whose ears were tuned for Buropean music failed to recognize it. But for those whose eyes were for Lincoln, far those whose ears were tuned to the great poet of Lincoln's day, here was a new song coming over the ridges, a new song by a new Whitman, the poet of our day. As he came closer, as they got to see his face and to hear his music better, he says, “There was pussiement as to whether I was 8 poet, a biographer, a wandering troubadour with & guitar, a Midwest Hans Christian Andersen, or a histortan of current events.” And no wonder. Little chance that we would recognize all these in one man. He became our great American poet; he gave us our greatest monument of biography in his six-volume Abraham Lincoln; he went about our land, singing and playing his guitar, singing to us about ourselves; he told tales and sketched our dally lives tn rhythmic verse. All this in one man? = All this is Sandburg. Mr. Sandburg was born in Mlinols on Jan- uary 6, 1878. His parents were Swedish im- migrants and as a boy he had to do many kinds of work. When the Spanish-Ameri- can War began, he enlisted tn the Army and served in Puerto Rico. After the war he worked his way through Lombard College. He became a newspaper man, then a free- lance writer. In 1914 he won the Levinson prize for his poetry. In 1919 and 1921 he was cowinner of the Poetry Society of Amer- ica prize In 1928 he was Harvard's PBK poet. During World War I he performed many services among the OWI foreign broadcasts and the commentary for the United States Government film Bomber. He stands now, dean of American poetry, be- loved and honored by his people. The people, yes. He loves the people. Es- pecially the plain, the simple; especially the tolier and hand worker, For they are he. “Iam the people—the mob—the crowd—the mass, Do you know that all the great work of the world is done through me? I am the workingman, the inventor, the maker of the world’s food and clothes, I am the audience that witnesses history. The Napoleons come from me and the Lincolns. They die. And then I send forth more Napoleons and Lincolns. I am the seed ground. I am a prairie that will stand for much plowing. Ter- rible storms pass over me. I forget. The best of me is sucked out and wasted. I forget. Everything but Death come to me and makes me work and give up what I have. And I forget. Sometimes I grow, shake myself and spat- ter a few red drops for History to re- member. Then-—I forget. When I, the People, learn to remember, when I, the People, use the lessons of yesterday and no longer forget who robbed me last year, who played me for a fool—then there will be no speaker in all the world say the name: "The People,’ with any fleck of a sneer in his voice or any far-off emile of derision. The mob—the crowd—the mass—will ar- rive then.” Mr. Sandburg likes the language of the people. He uses it. He talks to us in our own tongue. And that is good for he has much to say, and often much to teach us; as when he asked me once: “Can you bewllder men by the millions With the transfusions of your own passions Mixed with Hes and half-lies And then look for peace, quiet, good will Between nation and nation, race and race Between class and class? Who are these so ready With a hate they are sure of With a perpetual and considered hate— Who are these forehanded ones?” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Finally, when we have read these poems, when we have lived in the pages of his great life of Lincoln, when we have heard his own voice say, “The people, yes,” we want to honor him and on his birthday to tell him that we love him. But we find that we cannot honor him without honoring ourtelves. Kansas Celebrates Ninetieth Birthday EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MYRON V. GEORGE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- ord, I wish to include an article written by Mr. Fred W. Brinkerhoff, editor of the Pittsburg Headlight, entitled “Kan- sas at 90.” I also wish to call to the attention of the Members of the House that Kansas, during the past 90 years, has developed into the largest wheat- producing State in the Union and ranks high in all agricultural pursuits. In addition to this, our State has devel- oped its industrial potential. From a cultural standpoint, Kansas has always been one of the outstanding leaders in education and religion. We are proud of our citizens and their accomplish- ments. The editorial by Mr. Brinker- hoff follows: Kansas at 90 Kansas is starting on the last decade of its first century. Ninety years ago the struggle between two different economic and social ideas had been decided in blood and suffering on these prairies that comprised the territory of Kansas. The fight was to get control of the new State that it was con- ceded would be admitted to the Union, On one side were those who were against hu- man slavery and wanted to wipe it out both 8 a social and as an economic menace. On tho other side were those who believed that ® very vast section of the country, meaning the South, could not exist except for slavery. The question had been in politics since the founding of the Republic. It had grown ag a menace to a continued Federal Union for half a century. The whole question was brought out across the Mississippi River and was dropped into Kansas Territory. The antislavery forces in New England and in the North gen- erally set out to populate Kansas with set- tlers who would fight and vote for a free State. The South did not take strongly to the idea of putting permanent settlers into Kansas because the South did not have po- tential settlers. It did not have people to spare. It put its reliance on the influence of the power of neighbors, particularly the neighbors in nearby Missouri, It does no violence to history to say the southern statesmen set out to win Kansas by intimi- dation, and they used ruthless Missourtans for that purpose. Thus for several years free State settlers in Kansas and political emissaries from Missouri engaged in bloody struggles which finally came to an end as the free-Btate population built up and over- whelmed the good neighbors on the east. After ite atruggles to write a constitution, Kansas finally obtained one that would pass. Congress passed the act admitting Kansas under a free-State constitution, and the State came into existence January 29, 1881. When that happened, the country was mov- Ing swiftly into the great Civil War. The
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD arguments and debates and conflicts of 50 years over slavery had been brought to a heading in the Kansas question. And so Kansas could not escape them and cannot escape now, its significance in connection with that great war. So Kansas was a famous State on the first Gay of statehood. It has pretty well main- tained its place during these 90 years. It has been an independent roughneck part of the times. It has been sumewhat cultured and refined at other times It has generally been decent, and always it has heen patri- otic. But never in its history has it been too timid to step forward, too bashful to speak up, or too cowardly to do what it thinks It wants to do. It has produced fakes and fakers in its time. It hag indulged in a good deal of flapdoodile, and it has been embar- raseed by many freaks. But all in all, up one side and down the other, Kansas has been sturdy and robust and rugged, which, finally, when added to a fair degree of com- mon sense and honesty and decency, will make up a wholesome public, The people of Kansas make Kansas. The wheat fields, the vast pastures, the oil wells— these and scores of other natural assets are incidental, Kansans have made Kansas out of resources God gave the State and out of the resources they wrought themselves— and of a spirit that is thei: own creation. Robert Gordon Sproul, Champion University President EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEROY JOHNSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an article which appeared in the January issue of the California Monthly. It con- cerns “Bob” Sproul, who last June 30, 1950, completed 20 years of service as president of the University of California. President Sproul, when appointed, was referred to as the administrative type of president, His 20 years of administra- tion have certainly brought the Univer- sity of California to the pinnacle of suc- cess. Whether he is a scholar or not, he appreciates and understands scholars, and no president—no matter what his background—could have created a bet- ter academic climate than President Sproul has created for scholars by his skillful administration. Lincoln was not a great scholar of English, but his Gettys- burg Address is pointed to as a model of perfect English. Californians are prone to be a little optimistic—some rudely call it boastful- ness—about the products of our State. The author of the article referred to has expressed my view of our hero In his last sentence. This is the article, which I commend to my colleagues who wish to know about the great men of today: PRESIDENT Ropert Gordon Sprovun . It is scarcely necessary to identify the pic- ture appearing on the cover of this issue of California Monthly as that of California's first citizen, Robert Gordon Sproul, 1913. But it may be news to most that on July 1 last he began his twonty-first year as presi- dent of the university, and thereby shattered the long-standing presidential endurance record for the Golden Bear course established some time ago by his greatest predecessor, the beloved Benjamin Ide Wheeler. This is quite an achievement for a young fellow trained in civil engineering who as an undergraduate functioned as drum major for the band, and ran the 2-mile for the track team. It is not easy to administer the larg- est university in the world for 20 years and do it to the satisfaction of 23 fellow regents, not to mention what is perhaps the largest, Anest, and most discriminating company of scholars at any university in the world. There are some 900 years of tradition be- hind the concept of a great university, and every faculty with any pretensions to great- ness knows that {t must carry a torch for the fundamental principles involved. There 1s often a tendency to view with alarm any president who has not had an early back- ground of teaching and research, because he might fail to understand the teacher's ap- proach or to appreciate the importance of the intangibles upon which greatness rests. Faculties have usually preferred to select a scholar as president and take a chance on his administrative ability. This procedure worked with fair success in past ycars, but in the present day of very large, highly complex universities, a presi- dent without administrative experience or skill would soon find himself too snarled up to even think of greatness. The more one reflects upon such facts, the more he comes to appreciate what Robert Gordon Sproul has meant to the University of California, and to know why the faculty and the regents have consistently joined forces to hold him whenever attractive op- portunities to go elsewhere presented them- selves, It was outstanding administrative skill, demonstrated as cashier, comptroller, and vice president, during the years 1914 to 1930, which won for Robert Sproul the confidence of the regents. It was his consistent defer- ence to the opinions of the academic senate, and his ability to represent the university brilliantly and successfully on every public front, which won him the respect and loyalty of the faculty. He not only demonstrated an understanding and appreciation of trua greatness in a university, but he provided the practical ability to maintain and increase that greatness. It has been his privilege to count as friends a tremendous number of those leaders who control sources of support, both public and private, No man could have had a greater test of loyalty than was provided by the un- fortunate loyalty-oath controversy. On occasion “Bob” Sproul has smilingly said that he would never have survived the demands of the presidency without the Latin which he learned in high school from Monroe E. Deutsch, 1902. Later, of course, he was bolstered by having 15 universities confer doctors’ degrees upon him, honoris causa, including the far-famed academic Emily Post, Harvard. If the truth must be told, his success results from nothing more than an extraordinarily friendly personality and a wonderful sense of humor, backed up by a remarkably clear and quick mind, a phe- nomenal memory, an inexhaustible store of energy, and a larynx of commanding quality. When “Bob" Sproul became president in 1980 there were a good many people who felt that the concept of a single great university for the State of California, however desirable it might be, would soon be destroyed by a lack of confidence on the part of southern California in any institution closely asso- ciated with northern California for almost two-thirds of a century. If any single fac- tor is responsible for the aurvival of the University of California, it is the confidence which “Bob" Sproul has won personally from the thoughtful and far-seeing leaders in the South. A541 All-University Week End, a modern Call- fornia tradition, aprung straight from the core of the university-family philosophy, is an annual tribute to President Sproul, that philosophy's strongest advocate. It was sig- nificant, then, that students, faculty, and alumni chose thosé few days last year to celebrate his twentieth year as president, This was the second major tribute among in- numerable smaller ones that has been paid to “Bob” Sproul by students and alumni, In 1946 they awarded him the “highest honor at their command,” the alumnus-of-the~-year award, for hig “manifold services to univer- sity, State, and Nation,” This brief sketch cannot hope to cover the subject of President R. G. Sproul, For a complete list of honors and achievements see “Who’s Who tn America.” We prefer the epitome coined by the late Prof. Dixon Wec- ter, who said that God doubtless could have made a better university president than Sproul, but doubtless God never did, My Visit With Tito EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAURIE C. BATTLE OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. BATTLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing article I wrote recently about Yugoslavia for the Methodist Laymen’s magazine: My Visrr WirH Trto (By Cengressman Laurtg UC, BATTLE, of Alabama) Arriving in the United States last Novem- ber after 6 weeks in Europe, including several days in Yugoslavia, I felt humble and thank- ful for the privilege of living in this great land of ours. It is very difficult for Americans to com- prehend what life in Yugo'lavia means to- day. Yet it is extremely important from the standpoint of improving our relations and in getting a realistic glimpse of Stalin's difficulties, economically, politically, and militarily as he tries to enslave the world by taking over one nation after another. Since the Dictator, Marshall Tito, broke with the Kremlin the tron curtain has been rolled back beyond Yugoslavia’s borders—the only instance of such a roll back to date. By com- parison with the tron curtain which has been drawn tight between Yugoslavia and Rus- sia, there is only a lace curtain between Yugoslavia and the West. Like some of Rus- sia's satellite countries in the Balkans, Yugo- slavia is suffering from the drought of last summer, in addition to internal collectivist policies which are not bearing fruit. All told, an extra hard winter is in prospect and pres- sure from the Soviets is mounting. In traveling through the city of Belgrade evidences of Tito’s break with Stalin could be easily seen. In one section, where a new area of the city was being developed, a series of skeleton structures loomed s#gainst the sky. These buildings could not be completed because the supply line of materials from Russia had been cut off. Most of the shops were bare, We learned that a bar of soap, if one could be found, would cost us about $8, After visiting in a little home along the roadside I gave the lady of the house a 25-cent script pencil with the words “U. 5. House of Representatives” printed on it. She had given our group some apples which