APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Because of the great interest of the House in education and the attention its Members must give to all phases of the educational problem as it affects us nationally, I ain sure my colleagues will find interesting and helpful the follow- ing article in the University of Chicago magazine of May 1950 by Robert M. Strozier, dean of students: BRUMBAUGH FoR PRESIDENT Aaron J. Brumbaugh, A. M. 718, Ph. D. ’29— well remembered by university alumni as a former dean of the college and dean of stu- dents—is leaving his post in Washington, D. C., as vice president of the American Council of Education. He is to become pres- ident of Frances Shimer College at Mount Carroll, Ill, on July 1. [Succeeding Albin Bro, now on an important assignment to Korea.] Equally interesting, Frances Shimer will then become coeducational, and adopt a curriculum of liberal education modeled on that of our own university college. The 4- year program of liberal education will begin after the end of the sophomore year of high school, and an AB degree be awarded, after completion of 14 basic courses, as at Chicago. John Russell, now acting president of Shi- mer, and I made a trip to Washington to see Mr. Brumbaugh and work out a plan of af- filation; subsequent meetings of the boards of both the university and Shimer confirmed the plan. A coeducational school only 120 miles from our campus, administering much the same college program in quite a different setting, should prove to be a most interesting experi- ment. Shimer College, which is 97 years old, has an excellent physical set-up, attractive surroundings, an able staff, and a commit- ment to general education, From time to time, I meet parents who would like to have their children enjoy our college pro- gram, but who prefer not to send them toa large university. Shimer may prove the solution for them. Its campus offers such added attractions as a stable of riding horses, tennis courts, swimming pool and golf course. Mount Car- roll is a charming, small town and the college ts almost a self-contained community. The decision to adopt the Chicago curri- culum, according to an announcement made by Shimer trustees, Is in order “to promote and expand the opportunities for a general liberal education, and to cultivate the teach- ing and testing techniques which best sup- port such an education.” For several years, Shimer has been experimenting in the use of some of the general courses, offered by the College of the University of Chicago. Now it will not only extend the use of these courses, but adopt the testing and examin- ing procedures of the Chicago plan. In addi- tion to the required basic program, students will be able to take the noncredit courses in music, art, and drama for which Shimer is well known. The University of Chicago is interested In the collaboration since it permits expansion and development of the Chicago type of liberal education in a college not directly a part of the university. Chancelor Hut- chins, of course, has consistently maintained that the Chicago college offers a kind of edu- cation which can be universally established through colleges generally, and the Shimer adoption should provide independent evi- dence as to the value of the Chicago pro- gram. To provide for cooperation, an affiliation which has existed legally with the univer- sity since 1896, but which hasn’t been in practical effect for many years, will be reac- tivated. ‘There has always been a continuing informal relationship between the two insti- tutions through their boards of trustees. Dr. Harper was a member of the Shimer XCVI—App.——261 board, as was Thomas W. Goodspeed, Alonzo K. Parker, Frank J. Miller, and Lathan A, Crandall. President Ernest Cadman Col+ well of the university is presently a member of the board and its vice president. The new affiliation agreement will be re- vived at the end of 5 years, but may be termi- nated before that time with the consent of the boards of both institutions. Thereafter, either may terminate upon a year’s notice. Frances Shimer originally was established in 1853 as a coeducational college. During the Civil War all its male students were in the Union Army, and Shimer became a wom- an’s college. For a period after World War II it admitted some male veterans, as non- resident students. In 1896, Mrs. Frances Wood Shimer, cofounder with Miss Cinderella Gregory, transferred control to a self-per- petuating board of trustees. The original academy buildings were destroyed by fire in 1906 and replaced by the present quad- rangle of 12 main buildings of stone and brick, of colonial style architecture. Aver- age enrollment has been running about 200. Irish Ambassador Addresses American Ivish Historical Society EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER A. LYNCH OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 1, 1950 Mr. LYNCH. Mr. Speaker, the annual dinner meeting of the American Irish Historical Society of New York was ad- dressed this year by the first Ambassador from Ireland to the United States, Hon. John J. Hearne. On this occasion the society celebrated its fifty-third anni- versary by the presentation of its gold medal to Chief Justice John T. Loughran, of the New York State Court of Appeals. Annually the society selects an out- standing individual as the recipient of its award. Mr. John S. Burke, presi- dent of B. Altman & Co., said in making the presentation to Justice Loughran that the award this year was “in tribute to his eminence as a jurist.” Previously Mr. Joseph Scott, of Los Angeles, head of the American League for an Undivided Ireland, was the recipient of the medal, which has been presented to a distin- guished list of historians, writers, and others who have achieved prominence. The American-Irish Historical Society was organized in New York 53 years ago and is located at 991 Fifth Avenue, where its extensive library on Irish historical subjects is available for reference work. One of the founders of the society was President Theodore Roosevelt. Heading the society today is Mr. James McGur- rin, commissioner of jurors for the city of New York and himself an author of note. His excellent biography of Bourke Coch- yan is a most authoritative work on the heroic life of that distinguished lawyer, Congressman, and leader of the cause of freedom. Mr. Terence J. McManus, secretary of the New York County Lawyers Associa. tion, was the chairman of the dinner and presented to the guests from various parts of the Nation, the speaker of the evening, Ambassador Hearne. A4141 The text of the address by Ireland’s Ambassador, for which I have received unanimous consent to include in my re- marks, is as follows: Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, 3 years or so ago the American Irish Historical Society celebrated its golden jubilee. The occasion was marked by appropriate cere- monies and the event itself became a land- mark in the progress of your society as well as an episode of unusual interest and 1m- portance in Irish-American history. The half century of the existence of your or- ganization spans the whole eventful interval in which the national political movement in Ireland, interrupted by the death of Par- nell, successfully continued for a while under the leadership of a United Irish Parliamen- tary Party, interrupted again and ruptured if not shattered by the impact of World War I on Anglo-Irish affairs, was finally consoli- dated in the counsel and reformed in the philosophy of Sinn Fein. It happens that the period of which I speak largely synchro-~ nizes with that of my own lifetime, a coinci- dence, I do not need to add, of no significance at all in Irish history, but, as you can imag- ine, a circumstance of more than passing interest to the first Ambassador of Ireland to the United States of America. When, some weeks ago, I received your in- vitation, Mr. President, to be your guest speaker on this occasion, it occurred to me that it might not be inappropriate to offer you a brief account of political developments in Ireland with which you are long since familiar, but which, when presented to you at the end of a definite period or phase which has already become a turning point in our affairs, may commend itself to a great his- torical society like yours not only as a record but as a review. I know that the primary object of the American Irish Historical So- ciety 1s to place the achievements of our own people in America in their true light in American history. Notwithstanding that fact, or rather because of it, I am sure that a review of the political achievements of our people at home during the period of which I speak will have a deeper interest for you than for any audience anywhere as. distin- guished and as devoted as this to the study of the authentic history of our people abroad, but to the study also of the story of the his- toric Irish Nation itself, its significance for other nations, and its place in the peaceful and harmonious development of the world. The major political problem of Ireland in our time, Mr. President, was that of national freedom, The struggle for freedom had tak- en various forms. Within it had been fought the Irish land war, from it came the revo- lution and the cultural revival, and around it there crystallized, in the final or penulti- mate phase, the greatest constitutional con- troversy of the age. My purpose this eve- ning is to indicate the broad course of the constitutional struggle as I saw it take place, that is, in the half century or so between the treaty of 1921 and the proclamation of the republic last year. Trish constitutional history in that interval is a record of uninterrupted progress through a .continuous evolutionary process. The whole story of that evolution, and its politi- cal background at home and abroad, remains to be written. No work with which I am acquainted has followed it through the stages by which the constitutional system was gradually changed and finally trans- formed. The national constitution of Ire- land, enacted by the people in 1937, was in one sense the logical culmination of these events. In another, it stands apart from them and in a wider historical context. For when that instrument was adopted the epi- sode was over in which Irish constitutional history could be summed up as the recoid of a successful effort to free our institutions of the restrictions imposed on them from
A4142 outside. The path had been cleared for de-~ velopments in a new direction and of a wholly different kind. The time was, more- over, ripe for an authentic expression of the national will upon the form and basis of our society. And so, when the national constitu- tion was adopted, a whole new policy emerged with an unfettered organic structure en- shrining a national code of doctrines and principles of permanent value and universal validity. The treaty of 1921 stands at the beginning of the development of which I am speaking as the most sharply controversial document in modern Irish history. It became, how- ever, as much by the criticism of its op- ponents as by the patriotism of its authors and the advocacy of its supporters, an in. strument of progress. Hailed, on the one hand, as a stepping stone to freedom, as free- dom to achieve freedom, and condemned on the other as an attempt to foist the British colonial system on an old European nation with no colonial history or outlook, the treaty almost wholly determined the trend of our constitutional policy for over a quarter of a century. It largely determined our inter- national policy as well. For out of the treaty emerged a great national objective; that is, an objective of the two major political parties jn the state, to remove at first the colonial implications, and ultimately, the colonial form of the constitutional system based upon its more objectionable terms. That objective was achieved by the work of successive Trish delegations at British Commonwealth Con- ferences culminating in the Statute of Westminster of 1931. Out of the treaty came at the same time @ national objective to secure some general recognition of the status of Ireland in the world at large. This was achieved by the appointment of ministers in the key cap- itals of the world, the attendance of Irish representatives at international conferences, the conclusion of treaties with other states, and, above all, the determination of all par- ties to keep the foreign policy of the country steadily based on the League of Nations. The two strategies were not separately con~ ceived or separately purstied: they were dis- tinct, but complementary, and, together, constituted the best plan we could devise for a diplomatic campaign on two very com- plicated and, sometimes, fugitive political fronts. Their success was not immediate. It was slow, gradual, but inevitable, and, in the end, complete. A’ detailed account of the succession of textual constitutional amendments which accompanied or followed our steady advance in those years, amidst difficulties which, at times, seemed insurmountable, would fall outside the scope of these observations. Let me sum up what took place in that connec- tion by saying that, in a period of 11 years, 38 articles of the constitution of 1922 had been amended or repealed. Only 32 of the original 74 had remained intact. The char- acter of the parliament, the executive and the judiciary had undergone a fundamental change. Legislative, executive, and judicial sovereignty had been established. Let me sum up what resulted, in a wider connec- tion, by saying that the whole legal machin- ery of the colonial British Empire had been disassembled, and that the method of agree- ment had replaced that of imperial control as the instrument of cooperation between the countries of the group which then came to be called the British Commonwealth of Nations. And let me sum up what resulted in the world at large by recalling that, one by one, the countries of the British Com- monwealth had established diplomatic mis- sions abroad and had otherwise generally fol- lowed the path we had taken to national sovereignty and separate membership of in- ternational society. All I am saying, Mr. President, may seem trite, somewhat outdated, and archaic. I am fully aware of that. But I am trying to sketch for you as briefly as I can the pic- ture as I saw it on my way to Washington. It was a very long and arduous journey, pecause I have come a long distance and have been coming a very long time. I am not speaking personally. I am referring to the first ambassador of Ireland to this great country. I have indulged in that seeming digression to escape from the rigor of my text. But let me continue. The absolute liberation of our political system, by democratic processes, to the ex- tent which I have described was the chief development of all prior to the National Constitution of 1937. The treaty-constitu- tion settlement broke down internally and externally. It broke down internally be- cause it imposed a system of government on our people which, however acceptable to others, was axiomatically unsuited to the genius and traditions of the historic Irish nation. It broke down externally because it sought to define relationships, avowedly international, in constitutional terms. It stood against a permanent national tradition and a contemporary international trend, which, together bore down upon it, and bore it away. The evolutionary process in which the settlement of 1921 was caught up, and which, for the reasons I have stated, it ac- celerated, belongs to our constitutional his- tory, as an incident in the struggle for free- dom, rather than as a normal event in the substantive development of our national life. The real force which mostly, and most continuously influenced, and, at the appro- priate time deflected our course in the years under review, as you and I can so clearly see it this evening, was a coherent public opinion amounting to a national frame of mind on the basic issues involved. It preceded, in- formed, and survived the whole abnormal episode, so that, in the end, it was the people themselves who determined the form of our fundamental law and defined the juridical character of our relations with all other nations. I remarked a moment ago, Mr. President, upon the length of time it took to reach the point at which full recognition was accorded to our international standing by the recep- tion in Washington and elsewhere of Irish representatives of the highest diplomatic rank. Let me tell you of the circumstance which postponed that development for so long. It was our preoccupation with the problem of national unity. During all that time national unity was the chief politics of every Irishman worthy of the name. The whole soil of Ireland is the property and domain of the whole Irish people. If any man tells you today that the question of the ownership of the national territory of Ire- land, or of jurisdiction over this or that part of it, can only be settled by dividing it into two, that man’s argument will, I know, have the same effect upon the mind of every mem- ber of this society and on the mind of every American citizen as the plea of the false woman who would solve the question of the ownership of a little child by putting it to the sword, had upon the Judgment of King Solomon. The partition of a small nation, Mr. President, is a wholly evil thing. It is one of the cruelest wrongs that can ever be inflicted upon a people. All the principles involved in 1921 in the issue of independence have ever since heen involved in the issue of national unity. The main question is whether the majority of the Trish people, living in Ireland, have the right to rule the whole of our famous island. To put it in another way, the question is whether any power has a right to forcibly cccupy any part of the territory of another country against the declared wishes of the people of that country. For the partition of Ireland was not effected by Irishmen. The problem of Irish unity is not primarily an APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Irish problem: it is an Anglo-Irish problem. At every stage of the constitutional develop- ment which I have been describing, party after party offered hostages to their political fortunes in Ireland to secure British friend- ship, and British cooperation on plans for a united Ireland. National unity was not forthcoming, on the basis of the British Crown, or on the basis of membership of the British Commonwealth. We offered every kind of guaranty for the protection of the religious minority. We offered proportional representation. We retained, for a time, the British Privy Council as a final court of ap-~ peal as a safeguard for minority rights. We offered a federal system. And on the abdi- cation of King Edward VIII, we enacted the External Relations Act as a symbol of co- operation abroad and a basis of unity at home. All these efforts failed. And almost everyone of the offers made imperiled do- mestic peace, but our leaders, holding that national unity was an issue prior to every other, save that of national sovereignty, kept on keeping the door to unity open. Don’t think for a moment that because our efforts failed, they were not justified. We want unity, but we also want peace. And we are going to achieve unity without civil war. Never were our people more united than they are today on that challenging and un- changeable policy. It is an issue good enough and great enough to command the duty and the discipline of all Irishmen at home and throughout the world. Twenty- five years ago we blazed the cause of Irish independence across every continent and placed it in the keeping of this great democ- racy. Today, we are taking the same course and committing the cause of national unity to the same keeping. The same principles of democratic liberty which made America great will make Ireland one. And, one day, Mr. Fresident, an Irish Ambassador will speak to this great society of yours on behalf of a United Ireland. Would to God it were I. And he will explain to you why he was so long in coming as the representative of an Ireland again one and undivided and entirely free, as I endeavor to show you tonight some of the obstacles that lay in the path of the representative of an Ireland not entirely free on his way to Washington. And his audience will think as, I am sure, you are thinking this evening what a pity and a shame it is that elemen- tary justice can so long be withheld from, and elementary right so long denied to a storied, peace-loving land, cradle and nursery ground of missionaries of peace in every corner of the earth, cofounder of Western civilization, and beloved mother- land of so many communities of free and moral men which now forever girdle the globe. Let me turn for a brief moment, Mr. Presi- dent, to an aspect of my subject which has not often peen overlooked or obscured. What has mattered most to our people and our Jeaders through all the phases of our constitutional history has been the inner life of the nation rather than the external form of the state. Freedom can be lost and won, and lost and won again. But if the life of a nation is destroyed it can never be restored. Ireland might never gain the whole world but she had gone perilously near suffering the loss of her own soul. It was only when the inner life of the nation was at stake that Irish nationality came to be expressed in terms of freedom. Freedom is not an end in itself. It is a condition of self destiny. The whole purpose of the age old Irish stand against aggression and perse- cution had been to secure for those who would survive the struggle, however long {t might go on, freedom to found an Irish commonwealth on the tradition of life for which our people have been known. Irish national policy had always been expressed in these positive terms. To end alien rule yes,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD but to end it for a great spiritual purpose. That was why even before all the obstacles in the way had been removed, our people gave themselves a new national constitu- tion which embodied the whole philosophy of life with which our race had been identi- fied at home and throughout the world for more than 1,000 years. That was why at the same time We began the great work of reconstructing our society from top to bot- tom in the part of the national territory we at present effectively control, and ulti- mately upon the whole island. Now we go forward confidently under the aegis and star of a system of our own making, dedi- cated to the Almighty God of our fathers, in which the sacred and secular civilizations of our glorious legend, transfigured again, are woven at last into the organic life of the nation. Memorial Day Address EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. W. KINGSLAND MACY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 1, 1950 Mr. MACY. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Appendix of the Rzcorp, I include the following Memorial Day address I made on May 30, 1950, at Central Islip, Long Island, N. Y., in dedi- cating a park and stone monument com- memorating the war dead of that vil- lage in the last war: Mr. Chairman, honored and distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, it is a great and signal honor for me to have a part in this solemn ceremony in which you of Cen- tral Islip dedicate your war memorial. Here today you record for posterity the names of your men and women who responded to our country’s call and pay everlasting tribute to those who left this village never to return. While we cannot believe that anywhere in America its task forces have been forgotten, not every community sees its hope of a me- morial realized. It is to Central Islip’s great credit that its civic-minded and pa- triotic citizens, working as individuals and through local organizations since 1943, reached the desired goal. The entire village shared in this endeavor, and from that fact alone I am sure those whose names are perpetuated on this me- morial know deep gratification. Many have had a part leading up to this day of dedica- tion: Thomas P. Walsh (chairman), George Davison, Richard D. Clarke, Sr., George Howarth, the late Patrick Clerkin, Fred Cordes, and Dr. Earl McCoy, not forgetting Arthur Mulligan, who served with the com- mittee until his death, when this labor of love was taken up by his mother. Others were Mrs. Dorothy Wagner, Judge Vern L. Furman, Michael Van Ditto, Harry Rude, Henry Wolf, Sr., Dorothy Waddington, Mar- cella O’Connell (secretary), and Dr. Cor- coran. There were others, too, Everyone had a hand. To secure a fitting site for the monument, which is enblazoned with 10 gold stars and the names of Central Islip’s entire fighting complement of World War HI, the people of this community sought land from the county and procured it for this memorial park. De- signed and laid out under the supervision of Dick Clarke, it will belong for all time to the people, even as the memory of the names on this monument about to be unveiled will belong to them. AS we are gathered here this morning to think on our dead, men are gathered all over these States. In almost every com- munity for miles on miles we are turning out of our homes and converging at this hour on our Main Street corners and village squares in an observance that has, for me, at least, something of native America in its very essence. This is Decoration Day. It is a day for sad observance, but it is not wholly a sad day, and by that very reserva- tion America is proved a young people, ac- cepting sorrow in their portion, bowing their heads, and then again taking up life’s for- ward march. We stand here together now with full heart, remembering. We congregate quietly, not forgetting that the possibility of our so doing is owed to the valiant resting forever in. the seas or far places or brought home to sleep in our village graveyards. We think on our Nation’s past and momentarily grow fearful of our Nation’s future. We pause to reflect solemnly on life, its brevity and meaning, but this afternoon, after we have laid the last flower on the graves of our dead, we will put away our shining fire wagons, lay aside our uniforms, and crowd the children into the family car to drive them to the movies. We Americans can take sorrow in our stride and our bitterness turns to op- timism so swiftly that older nations, long roenco~inz. do not understand us. This is not sucllu "ess. This is the surging of strength. In this, this resiliency, this ability to see the sun anew each day as a new thing, lies Amer- ica’s brave defense against the destructive forces of science and the evil as yet inherent in men. This is a day of national awareness and eivic communion. From public gatherings and intermingling there emanates a pervad- ing communal power that can be assuring and even elevating, or, in the case of an in- cited mob, destructive. ‘Thus it is as we gather this morning, neighbors and friends together, we become participants in action. Possibly we may not think of it as action, since it needs must be quiet action (call it resolve, if you will), but here and now this morning let us silently determine to bend our efforts toward safeguarding and better- ing our land. Can we be in the presence of our starry flag, surrounded by men and women in the uniforms of their country, without vowing to ourselves humbly and without grandilo- quence, that nothing shall despoil it or harm in anywise the things for which it stands? Can we be in the presence of our flag without realizing that though it is a symbol of safety, s0 powerful a Nation have we become, it is at once a stern and terrible emblem reminding us that it, and it alone, has first call upon our lives? The blood and agony and the anxiety of war are horrible, but more horrible still is the stupidity of war. America is a great force for peace, for today deep in its sub- conscious there is instinctive aversion to the idea of aggressive warfare. With our might and technocracy we could set out like some Alexander to conquer the world, but we do not want to fight at all except to defend those things we hold precious. If this were true of all other nations, we would not need to pour billions into the maws of the arms- makers but could spend our heritage upon the enlightenment and betterment of all our people. As it is, with global conditions as they are today, we can only maintain our vigilance, trust our leaders will find sustain- ing wisdom from within our great tradition, and hope that as mankind climbs slowly up evolution’s hill to greater spiritual heights, reasoning will do away with warring, and peace will no longer he but intervals of bickering truce used to build armaments in- stead of understanding. We cannot look on the flag on this day three generations have set aside to bedeck A4143 the graves of heroes, without thinking thus of the fag and its dominion over our bodies as mere flesh and blood, but corollary to it is the flag’s symbolism of home and fireside which is the contracted essence and heart of the thrilling expanse that is fresdom. It 1s to this thing, this freedom, we can direct our will today, and in the days ahead to next Decoration Day. If we are to keep it, we must work unremittingly. We can let nothing—Government or individuals— destroy it. We must protect the law’s orderly process, but we must not let it col itself around us; we must not bureaucrat ourselves into ineffectuality; we must not trade our great histo~ir env cents vit the potential of proof for i rec... .oturts. that must forever remain hypotheses because they are not grounded in truth. This 1s the task that confronts us his- torically. Ours is an era of preservation, just as the era of the Revolution was an era of creation. We must dedicate ourselves to the belief that freemen can remain free within the framework of our Government. This is a difficult thing but is a simple thing too. It demands performance on the simplest level, the level of the individual, which, conversely, as God and our Constitu- tion decree, is the highest level. Only if the individual in the home, in the church, in the school, in the polling plece, in his heart, insists on the meunsenrones of first principles will we keep our freedom. Only if America safeguards that freedom so we can go forward seeking deliberately for brotherhood, only then will war be an an- tique reminder of an age long past, and gen- erations to come will not know the sorrowful pride of carving the names of sacrificing men on monuments such as this which we now dedicate in gratefulness and thoughtful hu- mility. Today as we look upon its beauty and re- new our faith to it, we are proud it was this flag—this flag and what it has given and promises—that took James Krause thousands of miles from Central Islip to die in the in- vasion of Okinawa, and made Edward Francis McGrath to give up his young life in the transport run of the North Atlantic and its dark waters. It was for this flag that Dale Watts died on the Siegfried Line, and William Sykora in a Nazi prison camp. It was this flag’s defense that took the lives of Frederick Dietz in action in the South Pacific, Arthur Mayer in embattled France, and Thomas O’Kane in shell-torn Italy. For this flag these youths have been transmuted for our sake into gold stars, and, with their companions in arms, Robert Storey, George Monsen, and John Duffy, they will live in memory not only as lads once known in this village, but as a part of the history of the United States of America. For it, for us, they laid down their lives and this morning our hearts go out to those they left bereft and longing. The unlived years of these 10 men are a gift to us. United States Is Without Effective Leadership EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 1, 1950 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, that outstanding writer, Mr. David Lawrence, points out in a recent article that the United States is without effec- tive leadership. I am including as part
A4144 of my remarks the article which ap- peared in the Washington Star of May 23, 1950: PLEA FOR A COMMISSION GIVES ImpPRESSION Tuat PRESIDENT Has FArmLep When a newspaper of influence in the National Capital comes to the tragic con- clusion that fear and frustration abound in the country and that a commission of citizens should be appointed to survey the major aspects of national security, it is a rather clear indication of the fact that Amer- ica is without an effective leadership today, either in the executive or legislative branches of the Government, The Washington Post presents a lengthy editorial analyzing the deep and troubled state of the Nation’s mind, and comes up with a suggestion for a national commission. Senator Humprrey, of Minnesota, Democrat, promptly introduces a resolution calling for the appointment of such a commission. What is most remarkable is that the edi- torial finds considerable fault with so-called witch-hunting and congressional investiga- tions and condemns those who have tried to capitalize for selfish political gain the frus- trations of the hour, but does not say a single word about the utter lack of competence of the leadership in the Congress, nor a single word about the fact that America is sup- posed to have elected in 1948 a Commander in Chief who presumably was deemed by a majority of his countrymen capable of deal- ing with the very problems that a commis- sion is now asked to solve. PRETTY LARGE ORDER The editorial recommends that the com- mission be unpartisan and that it survey “the internal menace of the fifth column, civilian defense, development of new weap- ons, the size and use of military expendi- tures, economic restoration of our friends and allies.” This is a pretty large order and gives the impression that somehow the President of the United States has failed or there would not be now a suggestion that a national com- mission take over and do what the President and his Cabinet officers and various national security councils and interdepartmental committees should have been doing right along. What would be more to the point would be an examination of the reasons why the morale of the country has deteriorated under the Truman administration. It doesn’t re- quire any resolution by Congress, either, for a group of prominent citizens to assume the initiative and take a look at the serious dam- age that has been done to America by the ward politicians in both parties. The country is sick and tired of politics— the machine variety that is tied up with gambling and gangsterism, and the machine variety that appoints to office only persons cleared by a national political committee. The country is also sick and tired of politi- cal junkets that are brazenly called non- political. It is sick and tired also of the way in which innocent persons are smeared while whitewashes of guilty persons are permitted. COVERUPS SUSPECTED Ths word from the country generally is that there is strong suspicion of all sorts of coverup of scandal and wrongdoing. The Amerasia case, the Fuchs case, the Hiss case, the mess at the Army finance center at St. Louis have all contributed their share to Nation-wide distrust. Also, no matter how many denials or counterdenials are issued, the fact remains that China has been lost to the west and the Communists rule more ter- ritory than any government ever acquired without a war. The leadership in Congress is lacking be- cause the central issue is not how many Communists stole papers or what persons sent in memoranda to formulate foreign pol- icy. The real issue is why China was lost. The so-called white paper doesn’t explain it, and only the other day Paul Hoffman of the ECA admitted publicly that China might have been saved from the Communists if a realistic attitude toward that country had been pursued in time. The basic trouble with America today is that it is saddled with rigid tenure for Pres- idents. In Britain or Canada or Australia they can overnight turn out a leader who fails and get another in his place. They can turn out one legislative body and elect an- other that is responsive to the people’s wishes. In America, leadership can be in- adequate and it takes months and months and sometimes years to get a new leadership. If a commission is needed now, it is one that will propose an amendment to the Con- stitution permitting the recall of executives and legislators as is the custom in other democracies. Arkansas, Land of Opportunity EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILBUR D. MILLS OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 1, 1950 Mr. MILLS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following addresses of the Secretary of the Treasury, Hon. John W. Snyder: ADDRESS BY SECRETARY SNYDER AT THE SIxTI- eTH ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE ARKANSAS Bankers’ ASSOCIATION, Hot SPRINGS, ARK., WEDNESDAY, May 24, 1950 ARKANSAS, LAND OF OPPORTUNITY I am glad to be able to participate in this annual meeting of the Arkansas Bankers’ Association, for it recalls many memories of my early days in banking here. It is always a@ real pleasure to be able to renew so many old friendships, and to revisit familiar and cherished scenes. It is usually on the occasion of a return visit that you find out what has been going on since you have been away. That is not the case today, for I have constantly kept in touch with developments here. The progress of Arkansas has commanded Nation-wide attention and your accomplishments have aroused intense interest. As the close of the war, Arkansas, along with the rest of the Nation, faced a crucial economic test. Under the pressure of war- time activities, our economy had grown to unprecedented heights. Concern was wide- spread as to whether such a high level of wartime production could be converted into comparable peacetime production. Arkansas had an answer to this problem, It called for business and government to work together in unified effort—not just to maintain the gains already made but to move forward to even greater growth. The tremendous wartime expansion of your in- dustrial facilities had awakened the entire State to possibilities that had for years lain dormant in Arkansas’ fields, forests, rocks, and streams. The people of Arkansas ac- cepted this great new challenge and went to work. The farmer, the banker, the factory worker, and the tradesman joined hands to build up their own home towns. They knew their State’s strength was dependent upon the growth of their individual communities. As a result of this cooperative effort, Ar- kansas has not only met its civilian readjust- ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment, but is finding an even greater pros- perity. ‘As leaders in the financial field, as well as in your cwn communities, you bankers have played a most important role in Arkansas’ decade of matchless progress. The impor- tant thing is, however, that you have only made a beginning in the achievements that can be yours if you continue to work together in common bond. For it is in your possi- bilities for future development that Arkansas merits its title as the “Land of Opportunity.” The better balanced economy which this State enjoys today has come, as you know, from increased industrialization. Manufac- turing leads the way in a growing region. And, as manufacturing grows, so grows the entire economy. Arkansas is, of course, essentially an agri- cultural State. But it is dynamic industrial development which brings «ven greater pro~ ductivity to agriculture. It has already prought science to agriculture on a scale which even the most visionary would not have thought possible at the beginning of the decade—airplane sowing and fertilizing, mechanical equipment cultivating and har- vesting your cotton and your rich new crops of alfalfa, soybeans and rice. The great strides you are making in con- tinuing to bring new industries to your State is a tribute to your cooperative endeavors. As a result of the industrial awakening here during the war, you have added some 1,500 new manufacturing enterprises in the post~ war years, Much of the new industrial wealth that is being added to your State comes from in- creased mineral production and fabrication. Arkansas is especially well-known for its bauxite which has attained not only national put world importance. It is here that over 90 percent of the bauxite or aluminum ore mined in North America is produced. This strategic material was an invaluable asset to our Nation in wartime. Arkansas was able to step up the production of this mineral from 362,000 tons in 1939 to over 6,000,000 tons in 1948—a 17-fold increase within just 4 years. As you have converted to a peacetime production, bauxite continues to be highly important to your State’s econ- omy. Bauxite is currently bringing in an annual income of around $9,000,000, and even greater returns are forecast as your plants move into capacity production. You may be interested to know that it was back in 1891—the year Arkansas bankers held their first annual meeting—that baux- ite was first discovered in this State. Only’ a century ago, in fact, aluminum was so scarce, it had a price equal to gold. Later, in 1868—the Treasury was considering the possibility of using this newly discovered metal in coinage. The Director of the Mint, in the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury for that year, admitted, however, there was one serious deterrent, and that was price. Aluminum was then selling at $10 a pound. But the Director went on to state that if the cost per pound shall be reduced to one-third of its present price * * * this subject will deserve, and should receive, the earnest and favorable consideration of the law-making power. It is interesting to review this statement in light of today’s mar- ket price of around 17 cents a pound. I might add that there is no consideration be- ing given today to using aluminum in our coinage. Bauxite is, of course, but one of Arkansas’ many mineral resources. Your future as a mineral producer and fabricator will depend in a large measure on the development of your nonmetallic deposits—limestone, dolo- mite, clays, shale, sand, gravel, tripoli, novac- ulite, barite, and gypsum. Barite, a product of just this past decade, has already shown dramatic gains. With an initial production of 2,500 tons in 1939,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD valued at $16,000, your barite production in- creased by 1948 to 362,000 tons at a value of-over $2,500,000. Arkansas now ranks first in barite production in the United States. The tremendous supply of high-grade clays likewise offers great possibilties here for the ceramics, as well as other industries. Technological developments in the petro- leum industry also hold exciting challenges for Arkansas’ future development. This in- dustry, originally producing kerosene and lubricants, then gasoline, is rapidly becoming a chemical industry. It has heen estimated that some 5,400 products are being currently produced from petroleum. Additional by~ products are being discovered daily. Expan- sion of facilities along these lines will bring even higher returns to your petroleum industry. As bankers in your individual communities, you, of course, have the information and experience to judge the particular lines of expansion which offer the greatest opportu- nities for sound development in your own localities. A prime consideration, of course, is that there be a market for your products. In determining market potentialities, how- ever, you are no longer restricted by county lines or State boundaries. The expansion of air-transportation facilities here during the wartime period opened up vast new markets for your products. Your fresh fruits and vegetables, for instance, which not so long ago had to be sold in neighborhood markets or not sold at all, are now, within a matter of hours, on dining tables in far distant States due to developments of refrig- eration and more rapid transportation. Markets, fundamentally, are people with purchasing power. Within your present Southwest trading area live approximately 36,000,000 people. Moreover, within a 500- mile radius of Arkansas there are over 66,=- 000,000 people, representing a tremendous potential marketing area. Many of your products, of course, move into every State in the Union and some go into export trade. In evaluating your opportunities for growth, it is essential, therefore, that you be alert to business trends not only in your own State but throughout the Nation. Today, business sentiment, on a national scale, is noticeably optimistic and new busi- ness has been on the upgrade. There is a general feeling of stability and there is a growing conviction that 1950. will prove to be one of the most profitable business years in our history. People this year have more money to spend and invest than ever before. Personal in- comes, even without the veterans’ dividend, are running at an exceptionally high annual rate of over $212,000,000,000. In addition, personal savings, which represent poten- tial purchasing power, amount to another record $200,000,000,000. Last summer we had an impressive dem- onstration of the powerful influence of con- sumer demand—the underlying strength of our economy. Despite a downturn in pro- duction and employment, consumers showed no tendency to curtail their buying. Retail sales remained high month after month, un- til factories eventually were obliged to step up their production. The continued high level of retail sales, which shows no slackening in 1950, provides a@ firm foundation for this year’s business trend. Total retail sales so far this year, in actual unit volume, are over 6 percent higher than during the comparable period last year. Reflecting our profitable business outlook, industry recently has engaged in a record- breaking program of capital expansion. New plants have been built, improved processes have been initiated, and new equipment has been installed to take advantage of the great technical advances of recent years. This plant and equipment expansion 1s still strongly under way. In fact, new con- tract awards in April for prospective con- struction of commercial and manufacturing buildings were 66 percent higher than in the same month last year, with a gain of 22 per- cent for the entire first quarter. New awards in the first quarter for public-utility con- struction were one-fourth higher than last year. New orders for machinery and machine tools have been rising sharply since the third quarter of 1949, The expansion of industrial capacity will provide new jobs for our growing labor force. This is currently being evidenced by a sub- stantial upturn in employment. Other business trends likewise lend an op- timistic outlook. With our population in- creasing at a rate of 2,500,000 persons each year, we have an ever-growing market for our goods and services. Also, our accumulated demand for many products, dating back to the long period of wartime shortages, is still far from being sat. isfied. Automobile production in May, for example, is likely to establish a new high record, yet this will be only the second month to exceed the monthly production record established 20 years ago. And we now have 80,000,000 more people to buy automobiles than we had then. The construction industry this year is es- tablishing new records. New home con- struction, as you undoubtedly know, is at the highest level in our history. Moreover, new contracts awarded for future construc- tion of residential units continue at a spec- tacular pace. Since we entered the war in 1941, the num-~- ber of electric power customers has been in- creased by more than one-third, but we are continuing to add 2,000,000 more customers a year. The gains in this industry, I know, hold particular significance for the people of Arkansas. All these business trends point to contin- ued economic growth. We have every rea~ son to expect that the firm business founda- tion we have built in these postwar years will be maintained. It will be maintained so long as we avoid excesses of speculation or credit expansion, which, in the past, have been the direct cause of business recessions. I am certain the bankers of the Nation will continue to accept the responsibilities that fall to them in assuring orderly credit con- ditions. America looks to the future with confi- dence. Never before has our economy been stronger. Our opportunities for further growth are greater than ever before. We know, however, that with opportunity comes responsibility. If we continue to work to- gether—in both domestic and international affairs—our opportunities of today will be realities tomorrow. This, I am sure, we will do. For here in Arkansas, as well as in America, we are blessed with an abundance of human resources as well as natural re- sources. AppRESS BY SECRETARY SNYDER AT MEETING oF THE Lions, KrwANis, ROTARIANS, AND OTHER CIvic GROUPS, aT BLYTHEVILLE, ARK., Frmay, May 26, 1950 It’s good to be back in Blytheville—to mingle with old friends, to refresh old mem~- ories, and to again enjoy your fine hospi- tality. Mississippi County enjoys many distinc- tions in the field of agriculture. The peo- ple of the Nation know its dark, rich farm Jands produce more cotton than any county in the United States; more soybeans than any area in the South. Mississippi County’s undisputed dominance in the production of cotton fiber brought the world’s champion- ship cotton-picking contest to Blytheville— an annual event which attracts thousands of contestants and visitors from all over the country. Crops of the soil have spread the fame of Mississippi County all over the world; A445 but, in the presence of you old friends, I am more convinced than ever that the county’s best crop is people. For nowhere are they finer, nowhere are they friendlier or more generous, I am indebted to Blytheville’s Lions, Ro- tarians, Kiwanians, and other civic organi- zations for the opportunity they have given me to be your guest here today. As an honorary member for more than a quarter century of the Forrest City Rotary Club, I feel quite at home in a meeting of these combined service organizations here in Blytheville. I have always been a strong believer in clubs and organizations such as those rep- resented in this meeting. ‘Your service to the town, county, State, and Nation lies not alone in the development of ideals but in placing those ideals into practice. Through your good works you have taught men and women everywhere that service—honest, helpful, cooperative service—is one of the greatest offerings of humankind. I am deeply interested in the international scope of your clubs, for I am confident that if the spirit of the Lions, Kiwanians, and Rotarians could be planted in every community throughout the world, the prospect for world peace and unity would be greatly enhanced. Unity, the motivating force behind clubs like yours, is thoroughly American. His- torically, its first demonstration came with the establishment of our political inde- pendence, and down through the years this spirit of cooperative action has sparked all of our victories and achievements. The mani-~ festations of unity are on every hand. They take the form of parks, roads, schools, play- grounds, and recreational facilities. Better educational systems, better social conditions, better towns and communities—these are all tributes, not to the efforts of individuals, but to groups like yours working together, for man’s greatest accomplishments come through cooperation with his neighbors. A fine example of volunteer cooperative action is the savings-bonds program of the United States Treasury Department—a sales program which depends in large measure upon the efforts of a large body of men and women who are willing to give a part of their time to the service of their Government. While I should, perhaps, not engage in shop talk at this very pleasant reunion of friends, I do want to point out that this volunteer organization, active in every State, has sold the idea of thrift to millions of Americans, who now hold over $48,000,000,000 in United States savings bonds. Some people ask what the rewards are of community service—where and how it profits the individual to give of his time and energy to public causes and programs. The answer, it has always seemed to me, is a simple one. Whenever a man contributes to the better- ment of his community; contributes to the enlarged influence of his State or Nation, and makes them better places in which to live— he contributes to himself as well as to the welfare of his fellowmen. America is but the refiex of the communi- ties which in the aggregate constitute it. Therefore, your manifestations of civic conscience and civic interest in Blytheville are of concern to the Nation as a whole, not only for what you do among yourselves alone, but for what you inspire in others. All of our real achievements as a Nation had their beginning at the community level, where the fundamentals of good citi- zenship—tfree discussion, cooperative effort, and individual responsibility for progress— have their greatest meaning. When you work together in the creation of a better community or a better town, the results of your efforts are not confined to local bound- aries. You have also made a fine contribu- tion to a better county, a better State, a better America. The accomplishments we have made in this country since the close of World War IL
AA4146 pear testimony to the effectiveness of our system of government in the face of chang- ing conditions. Quickly converted back to peacetime use, our industries have modern- ied and expanded the roductive facili- ties and extended the *: the new processes and techniques of the war years to such an extent that 1989 and 1940 already seem to belong to a more distant past. Television, air freight, frozen foods, the new plastics, new sources of electric power, tens of thousands of miles of new highways, high peacetime farm production, 3,500,000 new bomes—these are but a few mmstances of the tremendous surge forward in the period since the war. Personal incomes are running at a rate of well over $200,000,000,000 annually, and the total liquid savings of the American people amount 10 another $200,000,000,000. Indus- trial output is at near-record highs. Our economy is flourishing, and our financial position is sound. We are fast recovering from the effects of world conflict and have been able to share some of our well-being with less fortunate nations, who seek to re-= store their war-wrecked economies. We have worked and are working earnestly for a last- ing peace throughout the world, while of necessity maintaining defenses against any aggression that might threaten our free in- stitutions. To attain our goals on both the domestic and foreign fronts, we must rely strongly on our system of free enterprise—a system which has brought us safely through every trial and emergency of the past. I have a deep and old-fashioned faith in that sys- tem, which gives me a calm and pervading faith in the future of America, I feel that we are making unusually fine progress. In listing the assets of the Nation, I failed to enter what we all consider to be one of this country’s prime holdings—the moral character and determination of its people, for it has truly been said that “a State to prosper, must be built on foundations of moral character; and this character is the principal element of its strength and the only guaranty of its permanence and pros- perity.” a8 Oo. ADDRESS BY SECRETARY SNYDER AT THE Firrit ANNUAL CraIcHEAD County 4-H Crus Ban- QUET, JONESBORO, ARK., MonpAY, Mayr 29, 1950 : Iam happy to join with the people of my home town in honoring these outstanding 4-H Club members—boys and girls who are making such a fine contribution to their community, their State, and Nation. My warmest congratulations are extended to the central figures at tonight’s banquet-—Craig- head County’s 4-H Club champions, Alma Jean Boley of Herman, and Virgil Griffin of Otwell; and the entire membership of the Dixie Club, whose group and individual achievements have made theirs the out- standing 4-H organization in the county. And Billy Pugh, president of the Craighead County 4~H Club Council, deserves special commendation for the able manner in which he is presiding over this meeting. Surely no finer program has ever been de- vised than that being carried forward by 4-H clubs. With the encouragement and aid of such adult groups as the County Farm Bu- reau, 4-H develops among its members those qualities of character which are so essential for useful citizenship. They are taught how to create better homes for better living— how to conserve nature’s resources for se- curity and happiness—how to produce more abundant crops. But of equal or greater importance is that part of the 4-H program which stresses good health, the sharing of re- sponsibility for community improvement, and the necessity for maintaining peaceful and friendly relations among the nations of the world, Yours is the largest rural youth organiza- tion in the world today. Its membership last year was almost two million strong, and since the first 4-H Club was organized, over thirteen and a half million boys and girls have benefited by its teachings—and the Na- tion has been greatly strengthened through its accomplishments. The four-leaf clover emblem, reoresent:ng your motto of “head, heart, hands, and health,” went along with American forces during the recent World War. In Japan, the islands of the Pacific, and western Germany, the wholesome philosophy of 4-H has taken firm hold. Requests, I am told, are coming in from far-away lands for advice in forming clubs. ‘Typical of the spread of this work was the recent organization of a club of 55 members on the island of Saipan by a native agricultural worker, who, as a student at the University of Hawaii, had become familar with modern farming techniques, and the aims and objectives of the 4-H organization. Your interest in world activities is reflected jn the recently imaugurated International Farm Youth Exchange project, a project which last year enabled 48 4-H Club members to go to Europe, and prought young farm people from 9 European countries to America. I have a very deep feeling that this group of boys and girls from our Nation’s farm com- munities constituted ~ most effective diplo~ matic mission. As a native of Jonesboro, my pride in the boys and girls of Craighead County is un- derstandable. But, abandoning personal in~ terest, I can say to you in all sincerity that Arkansans are deeply grateful for the work you have done and are doing. Back in 1927, Arkansas was named the Wonder State by action of the State leg~- islature. But all of us are aware that the Wonder State, as we know it today, was actually created long before that date by young people like you, who lived on Arkansas farms and in Arkansas fine towns and com- munities. Many of the members of my generation fell victim to the notion of the times that greater opportunity lay in the large centers of population—that the small town and farm did not hold sufficient promise for the future. So they migrated to the cities, not realizing, as do you 4-H Club members, that making ¢wo ears of corn or two stalks of cotton grow upon a spot where only one grew be- fore, presents as great a challenge as any or- dinarily encountered in business or industry or statecraft. But in the light of more ma- ture understandings, they now realize that without the production of the farms you 4-H members represent, without your energy and enthusiasm and vision, the arteries of trade would wither, and the cities of the land would vanish. The cooperative farm extension program in which 4-H clubs are affiliated, has been an important factor in bringing the farms of eastern Arkansas to their present fine pro- duction. County, State, and Federal gov- ernments have joined forces, here and all over the country, to help farm people with their problems—to teach them the values of conservation, crop rotation, and livestock improvement. The development of rural electrification has made electricity the serv- ant of the farm and farm home. And a sys- tem of price supports has removed some of the elements of chance from the business of agriculture. While the Government has lent its sup- port to the Nation’s farmers, I am convinced that the genius of the individual has been of greatest importanc> in achieving the marked changes that have taken place in Jonesboro, in Craighead County, and throughout our country during recent years. Government may create a favorable atmosphere for achievement—but, in the final analysis, the success of any venture is based largely upon the ingenuity of individuals—upon their ability to work harmoniously together in pur- suits and causes of common interest. These characteristics—ingenulty and unity—en- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD abled us to make our great contribution to victory in the recent war; and, when applied on an international scale, they will help us to maintain our leadership among the na~ tions of the world. These same characteristics have made pos~ sible Arkansas’ notable advances in agricul- ture and industry. Its roads and schools and homes are among the Nation’s finest and, after having seen a good part of the world, I am convinced there is no place under the sun I had rather call home. The primitive settler, who inspired the dialogue and music of “The Arkansas Traveler,” has long since moved on. The fertility of the eroded fields of his time has been restored, and all-weather roads have replaced the rutted trails over which his oxcart passed in the long ago. A modern school occupies the site of his log cabin, and a factory has been built where the old fellow swapped yarns with passers-by. Business and dustry here have kept pace with the Nation’s forward march. Arkansas has seen many changes, but the people them- selves retain the friendliness and hospitality for which they have always been noted. I feel quite sure that these fine human qual- ities were developed long ago to the highest perfection possible, and that no device of the electronic age can improve them. As a Nation we have made rapid strides toward full recovery from the effects of a long and costly war. Our credit structure is in a strong and healthy position. We are building as never before, and the oppor- tunities for the future appear limitless. Of course, there are situations that re- quire constant watchfulness. In the inter- national field we must exert every effort to strengthen the forces working for peace. We must mamtain adequate national de- fenses. We must unite as never before in solving the problems which came in a war's aftermath, both at home and abroad. Above all, we of the older generation must strive constantly to make the decisions and do the things for you boys and girls—the future citizens of America—which will insure a peaceful world, a prosperous world, a world of freemen. AppRESS BY SECRETARY SNYDER AT THE DEpDI- CATION oF A Wark MemorRrIAL ofr THE KING- Braztey Post oF THE AMERICAN LEGION at Forrest Crry, ArK., TUESDAY, May 30, 1950 You have accorded me a great honor by inviting me to attend these ceremonies in connection with the dedication of this beautiful war memorial, this monument you have erected to honor the brave men from St. Francis County who gave their lives in the two World Wars. Forrest City is a second home to me, and the presence in this assembly of so many friends, made during the years I spent here, adds greatly to the pleasure of my return. The King-Beazley Post of the American Legion, which is sponsoring these cere~ monies, was organized as the Forrest City Post in 1919, and I was one of its charter members. That was in the days, as many of you will remember, when people talked of Chateau~ Thierry, of Belleau Wood, of the Meuse- Argonne offensive. The first great World War had just been won by the forces of democracy, and the troops of Arkansas had returned to their homes with new garlands of victory on their battle standards. Guadalcanal and Attu, the Normandy Beachhead and the Burma Road, Anzio, the Belgian Bulge, Okinawa and Iwo Jima had never been heard of. They were the battle- fields of the future, the strong points of another world war to be stormed and con- quered a quarter century later by the sons fois men who had crossed the Rhine in As a member of the Expeditionary Forces of 1917-19, I personally know something of the bravery and spirit of the men from this
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD area who fought in the First World War. And the heroic deeds of Arkansas-born soldiers, sailors, and marimes, who gave their strength to more recent victories of our forces on the coral beaches of the Pacific and in the hedgerows of Normandy, are still fresh in everyone’s me nory. Engraved in the granite of this impressive memorial are 109 names—familiar American mames like Allen, Andrews, Ferguson, Hall, Williams, and Young—all St. Francis County men who failed to return home from the great wars. Listed in this roster of heroes are the names of the two Forrest City boys fo: whom your Legion post has been re- nemed—Frank King, Jr., who gave his life in Germany; and Ralph Beazley, whose life was sacrificed in the western Carolines. These were sons of old friends of mine, Frank King and J. W. Beazley, who, with me, had no thoughts when I left Forrest City 26 years ago that we would ever be engaged in a second world conflict. The men honored by this memorial died in defense of those ideals of justice and free- dom which have made America the strongest nation in the world, her people the happiest. They bravely carried the standards of de- cency across wide oceans and strange conti- nents; sacrificing life itself that our own lib- erties might be preserved, and in order that people everywhere might be given oppor- tunity to enjoy a way of life which has been ours since the birth of the American Re- public. In the hearts of each of you, memory has erected an invisible monument to your war dead—this memorial of stone has been built in order that future generations may know of their heroic deeds. There is, however, 2 greater and more lasting monument to the heroic dead of every war in which we have engaged since the Republic was founded. It is this broad country of ours—still free, still vital, still a land of opportunity, still the leader among all the nations—a monument upon which succeeding generations may look with admiration. Our country is working, as never before, for the causes of peace. We know that the prosperous country is not the war-torn country; but the one that devotes its en- ergies to constructive building, to the de- velopment of its resources, to the betterment of its institutions. But until all of the na- tions of the earth join with us in our quest for lasting peace, we must adequately main- tain our defenses, we must make sure that no aggressor nation threatens the freedoms we have purchased at such a great price. In describing the spirit that made the American soldier the ablest fighting man in the world, the late Gen. George Patton told this impressive story: When our troops were driving across North Africa, the General saw a Signal Corps pri- vate, oblivious of personal danger, climb a telegraph pole under direct enemy fire. Pat- ton asked him what he was doing on the pole at a time like that. “Fixing the wire,” the soldier replied. “Isn’t it pretty un- healthy right now?” the officer inquired. “Yes, sir, it is,’ the boy answered, “but this blasted wire’s gotta be fixed.” Members of the forces which today fight for permanent peace should be inspired by this story of a courageous soldier—a soldier who knew his job had to be done regardless of the dangers involved. As we dedicate this memorial to the men who gave their lives on world pattlefields, we should resolve to emulate their high courage in solving the problems which are ours to solve in this postwar period. Unfortunately, peace is never achieved on the battlefields. The supreme sacrifice made by members of the Army, Navy, Coast Guard, Marines and Air Forces in campaigns on op~ posite sides of the world represented the initial and most ‘mportant part of our latest struggle. Their victories made us @ more confident Nation. They helped us to retain that dynamic spirit which built America as a world leader. The job must be finished by us who live. At the close of the war, we faced a crucial economic test. Under the pressure of war- time activities, our economy had grown to unprecedented heights. Could such a high level of wartime productivity be converted into secure peacetime production? That was @ question the country had to answer. In the presence of Governor McMath and other distinguished guests from all over the State, let me say with the excusable pride of a native, that Arkansas was a leader in this Nation-wide effort to bridge the eco- nomic canyon which lay between war and peace. The people of Arkansas have un- dertaken to see that business and Govern- ment work together as a team—not just to maintain the gains already achieved, but to move forward in ever-greater growth. The necessities of war had awakened Arkansas to the possibilities which for a century had lain dormant in the State’s fields, forests, mineral deposits and streams. With the same courage that characterized your fight- ing men in uniform, you accepted this great new challenge and went to work—united, as never before, in a common purpose. The results lie on every hand—increased industrial output; new factories and new homes; expanded mine production; hun- dreds of miles of newly paved roads; new sources of electric power; better schools, and better towns, and more productive farms. As a single example of your enterprise, 1,500 new businesses have been added, providing nearly 30,000 new jobs, and industries are continuing to locate here at the rate of around 500 a year. United as never before, your farmers, bank- ers, factory workers, and tradesmen joined together to build their own home towns— good towns like Forrest City—in the con- fidence that their State’s strength was dependent upon the growth of individual communities. So Arkansas has not anly met its problems of readjustment, but is finding ever-greater prosperity in peacetime. You have kept faith with your fallen heroes. You have done your full share toward keep- ing the Nation strong and vital—our best guarantee of a peaceful and prosperous future. Never before has the American economy been stronger—never before have our op- portunities for further growth been more evident. The development of our human resources has kept pace with the marked development of our natural resources. We have gone a long way during these few post- war years, but we must continue to work closely together in order that the achieve- ments of the future may compensate for and reward the great sacrifices of the past. We believe in democracy; we believe in freedom; we believe in peace. It is our re- sponsibility—our very great opportunity—to prove to men and women everywhere that the American system of free entrprise, which eis based on these beliefs, can accomplish more than any other system on the face of the earth. Harry Outen Cole—An Outstanding Builder of the Panama Canal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROY 0. WOODRUFF OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 1, 1950 Mr. WOODRUFF. Mr. Speaker, a year ago I was privileged to be the prin~ cipal speaker at the fourteenth annual AAI47 dinner of the Panama Canal Society, of Washington, given in special honor of one of our former colleagues in this Chamber, Hon. Maurice H. Thatcher, of Kentucky, and member of the Isthmian Canal Commission and Governor of the Canal Zone during the construction of the Panama Canal. That was a notable occasion, at which our colleagues Con- gressman Reed, of New York; Cannon, of Missouri; Michener, of Michigan; Thompson, of Texas; former Congress- men Smith, of Idaho; and Bradley, of California; the Ambassadors of Panama and the Dominican Republic, Lt. Gen. Robert L. Eichelberger, Maj. Gen. Sandi- ford Jarman, together with other dis- tinguished men and women—some of them who served with Governor Thatcher on the Isthmus—were in at- tendance and joined in paying him trib- ute. My address then given was placed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. On Saturday evening, the 27th of May, the society held its fifteenth an- nual dinner at the Broadmoor Hotel in Washington, and there was again a fine body of men and women in attendance, with the Army Band Orchestra to render the musical program. Mr. Edward H. Davidson, an old-timer, president, pre- sided. Again I was a guest. Memoriali- zation of Harry Outen Cole, recently de- ceased, was the feature of the dinner, and the principal address of the evening was that given by Governor Thatcher in tribute to Mr, Cole, who was one of the outstanding engineers engaged in the construction of the Canal, and in charge of the great works in the Pacific division. The address was, in every re- spect, a splendid effort, and, under leave accorded, it is included with my remarks, as follows: Harry Ovren Corr: A EvLocy (Address of Maurice H. Thatcher, former Governor of the Canal Zone, and former Representative in Congress, at the fif- teenth annual dinner of the Panama Canal Society of Washington, D. C., on the evening of May 27, 1950) Mr. President, distinguished guests, fellow members of the society, ladies and gentle- men, it has been written— Where are the Friends of Yesterday? They slee’ For aye; and we who tarry Here must keep Their Mem’ries greener than their Graves until Our own Farewells cause other Friends to weep. However, while this occasion is one of memorialization, we do not mean that it shall be sad or mournful. We pay tribute to one who, in his career, typified all that is best in our American life. By his own industry, diligence, perseverance, talents, integrity, and ambition he rose to the highest place in one of the Nation’s most honored profes- sions. By the best school and college prep- aration, and through the exercise of the in- dicated qualities, he climbed the arduous slopes of worthy achievement, and climbed them with such dispatch that while he was yet in robust and youthful vigor, he stood on the summit of a well-earned fame. Nothing is more commonplace or trite than death, yet we would wish to believe it a gate rather than a wall. But whatsoever it may be, it is well that life be lived at its best for the good of all. He whose memory we commemorate this evening certainly chose the better part, and thus toiled and wrought. Our Panama Canal Society of
A4148 Washington now seeks to do him honor— and thereby to honor itselfi—for what he was and did. It desires to pay tribute to his memory for the worth of his life and labors; and particularly, for the splendidly effective and useful service he performed 1n and about the building of the Panama Canal. This society was organized by those who were hus fellow-workers in that great undertak- ing—most of whim knew him in the con- struction days. To these he was a friend and comrade; and they are especially desirous of indicating, in a just and appropriate manner, their appre- ciation of his Isthmian labors. They bring to this altar of memory their roses of affec- tion and esteem. They are proud of his deeds, and are grateful that they witnessed their performance. I have been chosen to express—as best I can—these sentiments for both those of the construction era yet sur- viving, and those who have carried on since that time—members of the society. For the honor thus accorded me I am grateful, and only wish that I were better able to say that which I know and feel. In the death of Harry Outen Cole, of Mor- gantown, W. Va., which occurred on the 18th of February 1950, another old-timer has passed into the Great Beyond. During the construction of the Panama Canal he was one of the outstanding engineers of that mighty project. From 1908 to 1914 he was engaged in the work of building the locks, dams, and other features of the Pacific Di- vision of the Canal set-up, from 1908 to 1912 as assistant resident engineer; and from 1912 to 1914 as resident engineer of the di- vision, succeeding the late Sydney B. Wil- liamson in that post, and thus serving until the work of the civision was completed and the entire Canal job finished. It was my privilege to serve as a member of the Isthmian Canal Commission and head of the Department of Civil Administration of the Canal Zone during the years 1910, 1911, 1912, and 1918. My headquarters and residence were in Ancon on the Pacific side. Throughout my Isthmian tenure I saw Harry Cole thus employed and I can bear witness to his faithful and highly efficient services. He was a civilian engineer; and, as we know, the entire Canal personnel was predominantly civilian. Skilled and widely experienced in his profession, in the full vigor of health and enthusiasm, of bound- less energy, resourceful, tireless, and clear- visioned, he performed his difficult tasks in superb fashion. He achieved enduringly. Whatever he did in the building of the great interoceanic link has stood the tests of time and use: and his name is imperishably writ- ten into the history of the Canal. Those who were employed in this work of construction—in whatsoever branch-—have been known as old-timers. Their ranks have been greatly depleted by the passage of the years. Perhaps less than a half dozen of the engineers of that period yet survive; and what is true of the engineers is largely true of every other group thus participating. A native of West Virginia, Harry Cole—as we always called him—was born near Mor- gantown April 3, 1874, the son of Nimrod Cole and Sara Jane (Lough) Cole. In the schools of his State he received his education, graduating from the West Virginia State University in 1898, with the degrees of B. S. and C. E., and with membership in the Phi Kappa Sigma. He was married twice: first, in 1901, to Mabel Wilson, whose death oc- curred in 1921, and who was survived by their one child, a daughter, Catherine, yet living, and married. His second marriage was in 1929, to Margaret Buchanan, who survives him, as does, also, his brother Otis O. Cole, who honors us with his presence this evening, and asister. He was draftsman and designer, 1898-1904; bridge designer for several rail- road companies, 1904-08; designer, assistant resident engineer, and resident engineer, Pacific Division of the Panama Canal, from 1908 to 1914, as already stated. After com- pleting his work on the Canal he rendered feenorte~+ service in Chile for the Chile Ex~ » “. ..t Co. and Braden Copper Co. de-~ sem From 1920 to 1945 he headed, as president, the Cole Bros. Construction Co., engaged in the building of highways, bridges, and other works, chiefly in West Virginia— in which activities he was greatly interested because of his ardent desire to serve the State of his nativity. Since 1945, up to the time of his death, he considered himself in retirement, though his concern for whatever affected the Panama Canal and West Vir- ginia was deep and abiding. Among his varied services might be mentioned his membership on the National Panel of Arbi- trators and the American Arbitration Asso- ciation. He was, also, a life member of the American Society of Engineers, and was ac- counted one of the ablest members of that important organization. In addition, he was a life member of several Masonic bodies, and had membership with the Elks, Kiwanis, and other fraternal groups. All in all Harry Cole was one of the Nation’s most eminent civil and construction engi- neers, and his work m the two American Continents—including that on the Isthmus of Panama—bears eloquent testimony of his skill and enterprise. Collectively, his achievements constitute an outstanding end lasting monument to his memory. He was @ man of character. In addition to his eminence in his chosen field, he was possessed of the finest qualities of forthrightness, e~wirenze ecovred judgment, diligence, and sim- s.tay a7 te had an undoubted capacity for friendship. He never failed to measure up to whatever came to him in the way of responsibility; and whatsoever he undertook, he accomplished with efficient promptitude. While the loyalty and affection for the Pana- ma Canal, on the part of all its builders, have been proverbial, with him it was espe- cially true. As regards the various important enterprises with which, in a long, full life, he had been connected, undoubtedly that of the construction of the Canal held first place in his heart of hearts, The difficult prob- lems encountered and mastered in that work; the vast value and significance of the mighti- est of all water-links, built, owned, main- tained, and operated by the great country of which he was a son and citizen; and the fact that he was privileged to perform such an important role in such a vital enterprise, all united to create in him, in marketd de- gree, the sentiment of attachment just named. On the Isthmus we noted his skill, his clear judgment, his ceaseless activity. Day by day we saw great projects, under his hand, grow into form and shape, and become the fruitage of the dreams which conceived them. These works stand in enduring evidence of his genius. Yet what he did so well was, in that aggregation, more or less typical. Others, in his own and other fields of Isth- mian service—caught up by the same spirite of inspiration—wrought similarly in all the categories, engineering, construction, health and sanitation, and civil affairs. What a mighty team the whole constituted! And Harry Cole stood up with the highest and most capable of the lot. And thus there was brought to a glorious consummation the dream of the centuries and the miracle of the ages: the sundering of the land to unite the seas in the veritable Passage to the Indies, so arduously—but un- availingly—sought by Columbus and the many other indomitable navigators and ex- plorers that followed him. How fortunate it was to have been associated or identified with the stupendous task. With what par- donable pride may everyone feel who was engaged in it—especially those of our own great Nation. In the old flat arch in the city of Panama each brick or stone was indis- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pensable; each was a key; and thus this architectural paradox has stood through the generations, a monument to the craftsman- ship of Spanish builders. In lke manner each person, each group, that contributed in any worth-while way to the construction of the Canal, helped to rear the watery arch from ocean to ocean, over which the com- merce of the world is moving, and earned the world’s gratitude thereby. In all this I would, of course, include the Government, the officials, and the people of the Republic of Panama. Their aid and co- operation, throughout, were absolutely nec- essary, and most freely given; and our Pana- manian friends join us 1n profound gratifica- tion that, in the providence of things, the Panama Canal was built and has been main-~ tained. The interests of the two countries are identical, and we must be, and remain, friends—each striving for the common in- terest and in the spirit of the Golden Rule. And in this general connection I may add that I have long hoped to see erected in the Canal Zone a memorial, collective in charac- ter, which would provide appropriate and ad- equate recognition and memorialization of the services of all those individuals, groups, and agencies that—directly or indirectly, and in a substantial way—contributed to the gen- esis and construction of the Canal, beginning with the early discoverers and navigators, and coming on down to the French effort and the finished work. In Congress I proposed such a memorial, and introduced a measure therefor, approved by two Governors of the Panama Canal, but, at the time, considera- tions of national economy were such as to preclude enactment. While I would not in the least subtract from the fame of the out- standing figures, I have always believed that to all those who made their contributions tangible and enduring recognition is due and that a grateful Nation should remember and memorialize all. Indeed~- There were workers great, and workers small— As judged by rank—in the enterprise; But glory enough there was for all, And each was great to seeing eyes. Let fame take care that her scroll. be fust, And to give to each his meed of praise— Else, out of the ashes and the dust, The shade of censure shall upraise. There is something else which might be appropriately mentioned. Although his en- gineering labors and accomplishments in and about the construction of the Panama Canal constituted, indeed, the crowning work of his life; yet in the current discussions of the type that should be adopted for increasing the capacity of the Canal, Harry Cole was willing to see the splendid monuments of his toil scrapped to be recreated in a single grouping of the three flight-locks on the Pa- cific side under what has come to be called the “Terminal: Lake Plan”; and with his ac- customed candor, courage, and vigor he so expressed himself by voice and pen. I men- tion this, not in any spirit of controversy, nor for the purpose of entering into any dis- cussion of the issues—touching which able men may differ—involved in the so-called “Battle of the Levels,” but solely with the idea of illustrating the character of the man, and his habit of rising above purely personal considerations in any matter of grave im- portance. In various public ways he gave currency to his opinions and conclusions. Because of his eminence as an engineer, with such outstanding Canal construction experi- ence, his views commanded and held the attention of all informed persons interested in the subject; and especially of those in Congress who were immediately charged with any duties relative thereto, or who were es- pecially interested in trans-Isthmian water- ways. Thus, what he had to say in this con- nection—whether by address, statement, or publication in technical periodicals—hbe-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD came parts of the ConcRrESSIONAL Rscorp, and entered into the libraries of the Nation. There was never any doubt of the fact that in all this he was motivated by his best judg-= ment and experience, and by patriotic im- pulse; and his views commanded, and will continue to command, the serious consid- eration of all. Two years ago he was the principal speaker of this society at its thirteenth annual din- ner, given in tribute to Sydney B. William~ son, his predecessor as resident engineer of the Pacific division, and he then spoke with his accustomed forcefulness and frankness in regard to these matters. In all his domestic and public relation- ships Harry Cole’s conduct was altogether praiseworthy; and he was a man of faith and reverence. The world is immeasurably better for his life; and his example, profes- sional and private, will serve to light the way of those who, in their day, strive to walk the ways that he knew. Unfailingly he bore a torch. Of optimistic spirit and out- look, he was ever active, and in apparent health until almost the moment of his death. His widow and those of his blood have the general sympathy; and they will find com- fort in the memory of what he was, and did. The Nation is made poorer by his passing, put has been greatly enriched because of his achievements. And so it is that while we must lament the fact that he is no longer with us, we are deeply grateful that he lived, and labored as he did; and that many of us knew him as a fellow worker in the construction period, and through the years that followed, cherish- ing meanwhile the important friendship thus induced. We rejoice that there was given to his beloved country such a life and career; that he was spared to a mature age, serving every public and private cause of merit pos~ sible; that he was himself to the last, with his faculties unimpaired; that he lived as the “happy warrior,” with life as a glorious ad~ venture; and that when the time came for him to go, he went quietly, suddenly, and without lingering distress. “How soon, how soon the Threads of Life are spun! How quick the Sands of Life’s lone Glass are run! How strong the Tide that bears us out to sea! How Much is hoped, but ah, how Little done! Yet, when the Light shall wane within the West, May we not count ourselves as something blest, If, on the Whole, in justice we can say, Our All—though Little—was, and is our Best?” Harry Cole, too, gave the world his all; but it was by no means little, and he also gave the world his best which, indeed, was the best. His death emphasizes the value of his life, and its worth and fame will long serve to inspire those who come after him. If the mortal span were not comparatively short, and if men and women did not have to work under the pressure of necessity, their achievements would, in all probability, be far less than they now are. Whether we are able to recognize it or not, there must be an overruling logic in what we call life and death, and we must strive to be comforted by this consideration. All was well with Harry Cole here, let us have faith to believe that all is well with him there, and that what he did so well here will, in some way, serve him there. His memory will surely be kept vital by his old associates, and by his friends generally, until they follow him; and so long as there shall be a Panama Canal, or any history of it extant, so long will the splendid story of his deeds endure. Stockpiling and Mineral Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WAYNE N. ASPINALL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 1, 1950 Mr. ASPINALL. Mr. Speaker, it should be one of the current obligations of our Government to see to it that we have a healthy and commanding metal mining industry ready at all times to take care of our needs whether our Na- tion is engaged in peaceful pursuit or armed conflict activities. This can be done without an excessive drain upon our Federal Treasury. It can be done by private industry with very little gov- ernmental interference, providing it is afforded some protection from unfair competition with slave-produced metals from foreign countries, In my opinion, it is not to the credit . of our National Government or those connected with it that our metal min- ing industry finds itself in the sickened condition which exists today. Neither is it to the credit of those in administra- tive authority that the Buy American Act has been bypassed as it has in rela-~ tion to the stockpiling program. It is my thought that the situation, as it current~ ly exists, is very clearly shown by an ad- dress of Robert S. Palmer, executive di- rector of the Colorado Mining Associa~- tion, made before the Mountain States Association at Boise, Idaho, on May 22, 1950. In his talk on stockpiling and mineral security, Mr. Palmer pointedly shows that there is an immediate neces- sity of aid to our domestic mining in- dustry. I am pleased to print his re- marks in the Appendix, under the per- mission which you have heretofore given me. They follow: STOCKPILING AND MINERAL SECURITY (Address of Robert S. Palmer, executive di- rector, Colorado Mining Association, before the Mountain States Association, Boise, Idaho, May 22, 1950) Congress recognized the importance of minerals to our well-being in times of peace and to our safety and security in times of emergency by enacting Public Law 520, ap- proved by the President on July 28, 1946. The act is cited as the Strategic and Crit- ical Materials Stock Piling Act but is gener- ally referred to as the Stock Piling Act. The policy of Congress was clearly set out in the first section as follows: “It is the policy of the Congress and the purpose and intent of this act to provide for the acquisi- tion and retention of stocks of these mate- rials and to encourage the conservation and development of sources of these materials within the United States, and thereby de- crease and prevent wherever possible a dan- gerous and costly dependence of the United States upon foreign nations for supplies of these materials in times of national emer- gency.” The statute provides that the Secretaries of War, Navy, and Interior, acting jointly through the Munitions Board, shall deter- mine the quality and quantity of materials to be stockpiled. Provision is made in sec= tion 3 of the act for purchase at the direce tion of the Munitions Board by the Procure- ment Division of the Treasury and for stor- A4149 age, refining, rotating and under certain cir- cumstances disposal. Section 7 provides that the Secretary of the Interior, through the Director of the Bureau of Mines and the Director of the Geological Survey, “is hereby authorized and directed to make scientific, technologic, and economic investigations concerning the extent and mode of occur- rence, the development, mining, prepara- tion, treatment, and utilization of ores and other mineral substances found in the United States or its Territories * * * which are essential to the common defense or the industrial needs of the United States, and the quantities or grades of which are inadequate from known domestic sources, in order to determine and develop domestic sources of supply, to devise new methods for the treatment and utilization of lower-grade reserves, and to develop substitutes for such essential ores and mineral products; on pub- lic lands and on privately owned lands, with the consent of the owner, to explore and demonstrate the extent and quality of de- posits of such minerals, including core drill- ing, trenching, test pitting, shaft sinking, drifting, crosscutting, sampling, and metal- lurgical investigations and tests as may be necessary to determine the extent and qual- ity of such deposits, the most suitable meth- ods of mining and beneficiating them, and the cost at which the minerals or metals may be produced. In addition to the Stock Piling Act, there are two other statutes which affect the or- ganization for stock piling. Under the pro- vision of the National Security Act of 1947, as amended, the Munitions Board became the successor to the Army and Navy Muni- tions Board. The act also created the Na- tional Security Resources Board, which was made responsible for advising the President concerning policies for establishing adequate reserves of strategic and critical materials, and for the conservation of these reserves, Under the Federal Property and Adminis- trative Services Act of 1949, the affairs of the Bureau of Federal Supply were trans- ferred to the General Services Administra- tion and the Federal Supply Service of that Administration succeeded to the function of the Procurement Division (later the Bureau of Federal Supply) of the Treasury Depart~ ment. In addition to the basic stockpiling acts and the organization authorizations, there are a, variety of arrangements providing for the purchase of materials under the Eco- nomic Cooperation Administration Act of 1948, This act, as amended, provides for assistance to European countries, and in sec- tion 115b5 provides that in consideration for such assistance participating countries are to facilitate the transfer to the United States of materials in actual or potential deficiency in this country. Subsection 115b9 provides for access to such materials by United States nationals. Section 117 of the ECA Act pro- vides for promotion by the Administrator of an increase in production of materials in which the United States is deficient. In section 8d of the amendments to the ECA Act of 1948, approved April 19, 1949, provision is made for allocation of not less than 5 per- cent of the special local currency accounts for the purchase of strategic and critical ma- terials and for local administrative expenses of the United States in the participating country. Further provision is made for the Administrator to initiate programs and aid where appropriate services to obtain or stim- ulate increased production of materials are needed in the United States. The adminis- trator is also authorized, with the approval of the Director of the Federal Supply Service, to enter into long-term contracts (not to exceed 20 years) for the purchase of strate- gic and critical materials for the stockpile. There are several additional statutes relat- ing to the methods of obtaining materials
A4150 for the stockpile. Section 204e of the Fed- eral Property and Administrative Services Act of 1949 provides that the administration may accept strategic and critical materials in lieu of cash to cover the proceeds of lease or sale of surplus property. Such strategic and crit- ical materials may then be transferred to the stockpile. Two additional statutes relate to the use of surplus agricultural commodities. For example, the Commodity Credit Cor~ poration is authorized under an act approved dune 7, 1949, to accept strategic and critical materials produced abroad in exchange for surplus agricultural commodities in its pos~ session. Tiis statute provides, however, that the Munitions Board retains the right to determine the cuality and quantity of such materials and provision is made for reim- pursing the Commodity Credit Corporation from stockpile appropriations at the market value of such materials. This detailed account of the legal author- ity for the stockpiling program should be understood before we can grasp the full sig- nificance of policies of our Government re- lating thereto, and the conflict engendered by the philosophy of those in and out of Government who have come to the conclu- sion that we in the United States have so exhausted our mineral reserves that we should depend upon foreign preduction largely in building up our national stockpile, Strategic and critical materials, as applied to stockpiling, have been defined as “rae terials whose procurement in adequate quan~ tity, quality, or time is uncertain during war. The uncertainty may be due to lack of sUfficient domestic or other dependable sources of the raw material, lack of produc- tion facilities and equipment, inadequate transportation, poor distribution of supply, lack of skilled manpower, and Jack of elec- tricpower. * * * Materials become stra- tegic and critical because they are required in a war economy to such an extent that the need exceeds the supply.” The classification of what is a strategic or critical material may change, as witnessed during World War II, much to the distress of the civilian population of the United States which was denied many of the metal neces- sities required to carry on ordinary living ace cording to American standards. The amounts of money expended for stock- piling seems to be somewhat of a secret, but the best information obtainable indicates that up until the present appropriation which has been approved by the House of Representatives, there has been appropri- ated $1,065,000,000 plus 470 million for con- tract authorizations. When considering such huge expenditures it is a bit startling until it is realized that approximately $42,000,000,000 have been made available for foreign aid. What effect has this program had on the domestic mining industry and the develop- ment of domestic sources of supply of these essential materials? Using a recent study of the condition of the small mines the pic- ture is not good, for 73 percent of the lead, zinc, copper, silver, and gold mines in the 11 Western States have closed since 1940. In that year there were 8,246 producing metal mines: in the Western States while only 2,244 were recorded in 1948. The per- centage of closures on a percentage basis since 1940 is as follows: California 77 per= cent, Colorado 83 percent, Arizona 69 per~ cent, Montana 71 percent, Idaho 71 percent, Nevada 62 percent, Oregon 92 percent, New Mexico 73 percent, Washington 82 percent, Utah 48 percent, and Wyoming 75 percent. As the present Director of the Bureau of Mines said recently in St. Louis, “The domes- tic mining industry is a sick industry. The price of (mine) products is not keeping pace with increasing costs of metal production and increasing costs of exploration.” He also said, “It has become obvious to all but the most blind that our reserves have not been developed at the desiredrate. The need for encouraging exploration must become more fully recognized.” Similar testimony depicting the deplorable condition of the domestic mining industry was presented to the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs and the House Committee on Public Lands at extensive hearings. A cost study of mining in the Rocky Mountain region further revealed that the mining industry’s main cost is labor and that the grade of ore is falling off. To illus- trate: In 1939 the average zinc-lead con- tent per ton of ore was 16 percent, put dropped to 10 percent in 1948. While the metal content of the average grade ore was receding labor costs were mounting to the extent that the costs for mining were in- creased 2.9 times or practically 3 times those of 1939. The studies further showed that the labor cost alone for metal in the Western States was 8.7 cents per pound, or 4.6 times the 1939 mining cost per pound of contained metal. Today the labor cost is estimated at 70 percent in our area of the total operating cost per ton mined. This is greater than that of any other industry and doos not include the labor costs of producing finished metal products. The causes of these increased labor costs are well known to most thinking Americans. Perhaps they can be attributed largely to actions of our Government. Social advances have proven an expensive item. In addition, innumerable tazes have been heaped upon the industry and have become so burdensome that in many cases mines have been forced to close, and in others development and ex- ploration programs have been given up as too expensive. All of this bears directly upon the national safety and security of our Nation, for without a healthy, active, going mining industry we can have no security in this country nor can we maintain a sound economy. While these burdens were being heaped upon the American producers by our Gov- ernment, we find that liberal aid and as~- sistance was being extended abroad, In using the word “assistance,” this is the term used in Washington when speaking of finan- cial contributions to foreigners or foreign governments; but when similar aid with ref- erence to the domestic mining industry is proposed, those who are primarily interested in developing foreign sources of materials with cheap labor and direct financial aid are prone to yell “subsidy.” Possibly they do this because they have portrayed the word “subsidy” in such a way 10 make it most ab- jectionable to the average American citizen. Aid extended to the socialistic government of England or the communistic government of Yugoslavia is sanctioned but aid to the domestic mining industry is called “‘socialis- tic.” Witness the most recent release from the Economic Cooperation Administration, dated May 2, 1950, as follows: “A new search for copper, manganese, lead and zinc now is being conducted in the desert and mountains of Algeria with the aid of Marshall-plan dollars’ (United States tax- payers’ dollars). “Thus far French geologi- cal crews, working under the supervision of the Algerian Mineral Research Bureau, have been furnished about $1,140,000 worth of American equipment. In addition about $2,604,000 worth of Marshall-plan equipment is helping to modernize existing Algerian mines. Algeria’s major lead mine is being converted from an underground system of mining to an open-pit operation. Other mining programs (and Iam quoting from the report), including electrification and road building, are being financed with the equiv- alent of $2,625,000 in counterpart funds— frances deposited by the French Government to match ECA direct dollar aid.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD A similar program for domestic mines is still pending before the Congress of the United States, although the Eightieth Con- gress did enact such legislation designed to encourage domestic exploration and develop- ment only to have the bill vetced by the President. Perhaps the additional influx of lead from Algeria into our markets will add to the difficulties now being experienced even by the low-cost high-grade integrated lead- mining companies of this Nation. A Lead Committee has presented a petition to the Yariff Commission asking tariff relief under the escape clause of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements. In its petition this group alleges: “That the lead-mining industry is threaten2a with and has already suffered serious injury from an unprecedented peace- time flood of lead from Mexico, Canada, Aus- tralia, Peru, Germany, Yugoslavia, and else- where.” ‘You will note that Algeria is not mentioned in this list. The petition con- tinues: “The main reason for the extraor- dinary volume of lead imports to the United States has been the low tariff on lead ore and metals and the unforeseen currency de- valuation by Mexico in 1948 and by Great Britain and other countries in September of 1949. Imports have multiplied sixfold com-~ pared with the prewar record and have grown to the point that imports are equivalent to or above the domestic mine production in volume.” The lead committee states further that “the lead industry does not believe it is in the best interest of the country to be over- whelmed. Unemployment is increasing in the lead mines and numerous properties have already closed down. Part of the competi-~ tion objected to comes from lead diverting from Europe to the United States by com-~- munistic Yugoslavia, where labor conditions are utterly different from what they are in this country.” The petition continues: “It is imperative for the mining industry to seek the restoration of traditional reasonable tariff protection under which the lead- mining industry of the United States has maintained world supremacy.” It recom- mends an upward revision of the tariff on lead in ores and concentrates from the pres< ent rate of three-fourths of a cent to 2% cents and an upward revision of the tariff on lead in bullion and metal from the cur- rent 1.06 cents to 33ig cents. The 1930 rates on lead ores were 114 cents, and on metal 2% cents. These were cut 50 percent by the Mexican Trade Agreement, with the pro- viso that they should be restored to 1.2 cents per pound on lead in concentrates and 1.7 cents per pound on metal 30 days after the termination of the unlimited national emer- gency. Unfortunately, the unlimited na- tional emergency has not terminated. An examination of this brief shows that in 1932 the tariff protection provided per pound of lead in ores of 47.2 percent; that the tariff protection in 1950 on the same item was only 6.8 percent. It should be kept in mind that not only have tariffs on metals been severely cut but the United States is at present operating in a comparable inflationary economy while other countries importing this metal to our shores have de~ valued their currencies to such an extent that it is very doubtful whether the in- creased tariff recommended by this dis- tinguished group of gentlemen would pro- duce the desired results. In passing it should be noted that the devaluation of the pound not only nullified modest tariff pro- tection but provided an additional bonus or subsidy of 2.26 cents a pound to the Aus- tralian lead producer. The committee evi- dently feels that this is not a fair competi- tive development and urges immediate tariff relief. The zine situation is not quite the same, for although under the Tariff Act of 1930
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the tariff was 1% cents a pound on zine bearing ores and 1% cents on zinc slabs, it was cut to % cent a pound in the Geneva av~poment of January 1, 1948, on the first ier cra to 08714 cent a pound on the second. The supply of zinc concentrates is short in the United States today and there seems to be a world-wide shortage of this metal which, among other uses, 1s combined with copper in the making of brass. Per- haps you have forgotten but many soldiers who used the substitute of steel cases for cartridges when zinc and copper became so short during World War II have not for- gotten how important it is to maintain a dependable supply of these metals for the use of our armed services. Other suggested relief measures include tax concessions, which of course are desired by the mining industry. The repeal of the Securities and Exchange Acts have also been advocated; but the more practical people in the mining business—largely those who are not drawing salaries unless their mines are actually operating and prcduci-7 metals profitably—have come to- ccc ot+ 3 that something has to be done to save our domestic mining industry—but quick. These mining people by the hundreds, together with their employees in the mines of America, have joined forces in support of S. 2105, commonly known as the O’Mahoney bill. This measure passed the Senate of the United States and died in the House on March 16, 1950, for lack of 22 votes. Among those who opposed the passage of the meas- ure in the House was a group of Congress- men who felt that the Stockpiling Act as referred to earlier in our discussion should be applied in such a way as to bring about the desired result, which all agree should be a healthy, active going mining industry. Some of these men were sincere in their views and they have shown their sincerity by request- ing the Committee on Armed Services of the House of Representatives to appoint a sub- committee for the purpose of studying the serious problem. In a communication dated March 21 of this year between this committee and the Muni- tions Board, it is stated that on March 16 of this year a debate took place in the House of Representatives which related in many important respects to the national defense; that the committee is extremely disturbed by the information brought out in the de- bate on S. 2105; that the bill was defeated by a vote of 166 to 144; that the legislation was directly pertinent to the Stockpiling Act, and that similar legislution has been coming before Congress since the passage of the Stockpiling Act; that each time the legisla- tion has been defeated by the narrowest of margins. The committee stated further that it is convinced that the Stockpiling Acts con- tain ample authority to accomplish the Na- tional Defense purposes of S. 2105; that the debate brought out that it is the policy not to implement the stockpiling authority in accord with the intent of the law; that if this is correct there is evident need for cor- rective legislation. Further the committee stated that it would sponsor such legislation unless remedial action is indicated. Addi- tional information is contained in the letter which serves no purpose here except that it points out that one of the objectives was the conservation of strategic and critical ma- terials whenever and wherever possible through the exploration, development, and production of such materials in this country. According to the committee any other course of action is ridiculous from a national defense viewpoint. The committee also stated that it is com- pelled to the conclusion from the March 16 debate on S, 2105 that a serious situation has been permitted to develop in the domestic mining industry through intentional failure to carry out the expressed intent of the stockpiling acts, In answer to this letter the committee re-~ ceived a letter which evidentiy enjoyed the approval of the admunistrative agencies. In this it was stated that the Government’s efforts to assure sources of materials in the interest of national security are larger than the stockpiling program; that officially in comm™ertire on §. 2105 the Munitions Board on benel stated: “It is the position of the Department of Defense that any reasonable measure de- signed to support a strong productive and effe:cr? rv-rinc~ industry is in the interest of *. 22 foe. The Department of Defense has, ‘however, consistently stated that any program designed to provide such support should remain entirely distinct from the nreerem of stockpiling for national- security purposes. Under no circumstances should the separate objectives of the two programs become confused in the process of developing legislation supporting the min- ing industry.” Further, “There is nothing in the statute nor in its history which indicates that there is any intent or that it is the policy of Congress to encourage subsidization of high cost production.” Here let it be noted that no such interpretation was made of the for- eign-aid program. end yet in the interpreta- tion of the S.ockpiling Act 16 1s quite appar- ent tha. these im cur Government are de- termined that we shall not subsidize the domestic mining industry in like manner to the aid being extended to foreign producers: The letter continues: “We are aware of no means by which the application of the Buy American Act to stockpile purchases can accomplish the pur- poses of S. 2105. This bill, as we under- stand it, was offered as a means to stimu- late private exploration and development of domestic mines and to preserve marginal minerals producing capacity by making pay- ments to mine owners to help them keep their mines pumped out and properly tim- bered when not in production. There have been repeated suggestions that the Stock- piling Act be employed to carry out these purposes, but we have not felt either au- thorized or justified in taking any such action.” Further, the official position of the defense agencies and of the administration, as stated in the official letter to the Armed Services Committee, shows that that group favors “any reasonable action to preserve domestic minerals-producing capacity in an operable or stand-by condition, even if its production is not now required for the stockpile or able to compete on the open market. * * * That it is clearly in the interest of the national security to preserve production capacity of strategic and critical materials that would be available to this country in time of a war emergency. It is a matter of significance to the national secu- rity. A strong, productive, and efficient do- mestic mining industry contributes im- portantly to the national security.” Congress intended the Stockpiling Act be used as an aid to the domestic mining in- dustry, but a directive of the Executive has so tied the hands of stockpile authorities that there is little likelincod that the do- mestic mining industry will ever receive the aid which it needs from that statute. True, several contracts have been made with do- mestic producers but they are not of much help to the vast majority of mines which are experiencing the rashes of distress imposed upon them by a government which only this week has appropriated three billion one hundred and twenty-one million addi- tional American dollars for foreign aid— $35,000,000 of this to be used for backward nations and a certain portion for guarantee- ing investments in foreign countries. A statesman once said, “Never attempt the impossible nor oppose the inevitable.” Per- ut the Department of Defense had A4151 haps tariff relief can be obtained under the present administration but realistic students of the subject are not convinced that such a program is possible. Perhaps tax relief can eventually be secured for the mining indus- try but this also may take time. The only possible aid which can be secured before the adjournment of the present session of Congress is, in the judgment of those closest to the problem, the passage of H. R. 8221, which is 1n fact the O’Mahoney Dill revised in the House so as to eliminate the Board and place the administration directly in the hands of the Secretary of the Interior. The appropriation has been cut in half and other minor amendments have been made, but in substance this is the same measure which has had the support of the rank and file of the mining industry of the United States. Those of us who have worked diligently to aid and assist the mining industry appeal to you who represent numerous lines of business to join with us in strengthening the mining industry of the United States, with the idea in mind that by so doing you will be securing your own safety and the safety and security of our Nation. There are many battle crys being used in an effort to pass legislation during this day and age of changing condi~= tions, but at no time in the history of this Nation has there been a more vital question before the Congress of the United States. Let us hope and pray that those charged with the responsibility of acting will do so now before it is too late. If we can’t have a bi- pertisan foreign policy let us hope that we cnn cz least develop a bipartisan domestic mineral policy. Memorial Day, 1950 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 1, 1950 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, the residents of Altoona, Pa., in cooperation with the various veterans’ organizations and patriotic groups, conducted the an- nual Memorial Day program at Fairview Cemetery on May 30. It was my privilege to deliver the fol- lowing Memorial Day address: This is a day of prayer and reflection— prayer for those in whose honor we observe this Memorial Day and for the loved ones~ they left behind; reflection upon the noble principles for which they gave their all and upon the manner in which we cherish and safeguard those principles. Memorial Day symbolizes the spirit of the American people—the will of a great, free, and enlightened nation to pay proper tribute to its honored dead. Today, from a myriad of flagpoles, Old Glory flutters at half staff as a moving reminder that, busy though we are, we still are willing to pause and re- member the sacrifices of the heroes in whose honor we are gathered here. Yet, free as we are, enlightened as we are, we are divided in our allegiance to the free- doms and the blessings for which these heroes died. While we and untold thousands of other Americans are reaffirming our fer- vent hope for an end to the anguish and the horror of war, others among us, cringing with fear of another conflict, are beseeching us to lay our precious heritage of freedom upon the altar of “peace at any price.” What more appropriate time than on Memorial Day to consider certain dangers which threaten our country today?
A4152 It is the day when we look back and review the causes in which our departed comrades died. By the same token, it can and should be a day for looking ahead in appraisal of the forces which seek to destroy us and make a mockery of the noble principles for which those honored dead gave their full measure of devotion. Every thoughtful American is deeply con- cerned over a growing movement that has as its ultimate objective the destruction of the United States as a free, independent Nation, and the abject surrender of our national sov- ereignty to a visionary and untried system of world government. Such a proposal is embodied in several resolutions now before the Congress of the United States. It has the backing of a number of groups, and each has advanced its own ideas of the form such a world federa- tion should take. But basically, they are the same. They have a common objective—unconditional surrender by this country of its powers and prerogatives as a free and independent Nation. It is common knowledge that servitude cannot buy peace and freedom. No truer words have been spoken than those of Patrick Henry when he voiced his immortal query: “Is life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?” There is no longer room in this country for extreme nationalism. Never again can we withdraw behind our two oceans with a sense of security from attack from any quarter. Likewise, there is no place in America for the other extreme—the super-state idea with its dream of peace through surrender, its false assumption that nations with diverse interests, different languages, and varying standards of living, can be welded into a federation of states comparahle to the Ameri- can Republic. The world state idea is not new. As early as the fourth century before Christ, Plato dreamed of a world republic. Plato’s ef- fort to bring peoples together in such a union failed, and that failure set the pattern for subsequent unsuccessful attempts. Perhaps the nearest approach to a success- ful world federation was the Roman Empire, that is, if one may use the word “success- ful” in describing a union that was held to- gether by sheer force of arms. This “super- state” lasted for 500 years, its unity main- tained largely because of the might of the Roman legions. Napoleon dreamed of a world empire or world state. He, like Alexander the Great, sighed for more worlds to conquer, but he found that conquest alone could not unify peoples of divergent interests, conflicting re- ligious beliefs, and differing ideas of the fundamental principles of government. Sir Thomas More got nowhere with his utopia of the sixteenth century. Francis Bacon found no takers for his “New Atlantis” in the sixteen hundreds. The German phi- losopher, Immanuel Kant; the French nov- elist, Anatole France, and an English philos- opher, James Harrington, all failed in their proposals to set up world government, as did one William Ladd with his international so- lution in the eighteen thirties. Within our own generation, we have seen the collapse of two “superstate” attempts— those of Kaiser Wilhelm and Adolf Hitler. It is noteworthy that, in modern times, efforts to form world federations have inevi-« tably brought war. The unlfication of Ger- many led to domination of the whole by Prussia, and brought on two wars—the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, and the First World War in 1914. Attempted unification of Italy led to dreams of revival of the old Roman Empire. The rise of fascism, then war, were the 1n- evitable results. When the Yugo-Slav fed- eration was formed, with a union of Serbs, Croats, Montenegrans, and Hungarians, unity was lacking, and minorities looked to Ger- many, which even then was preparing for the war which came in 1989. A distinguished American, Warren R Aus- tin, one of the United States representatives at the United Nations, has described any attempt to create a world government as “a stepping stone into a cloud-cuckoo land of mutually inconsistent ~-f*i4litics ” and he added that he does ncz « -c7e Ss) world favermment “is feasible in the foreseeable Tuun.’ Cur own State Department-is of like mind. Testifying recently on a world government resolution introduced in Congress by Sena- tors Tosey, of New Hampshire, SPARKMAN, of Alabama and Kzrauver, of Tennessee, Assistant Secretary of State John D. Hicker- son has this to say: “We recognize that the growth of a world community requires the existence of an im- pressive beacon which reflects the aspirations of the world’s peoples. We recognize the importance of working through the standards which have been set forth 1n the Charter of the United Nations. “We recognize the concern of the Ameri- can people and their desire to review under present world conditions what we undertook to accomplish 1n creating the United Nations. Wo also recognize that organizational form can contribute to clarifying public under- standing of what they do and do not want to accomplish through international organi- zation. “But for the reasons given we cannot sup- fort this resolution.” He stated further that “We cannot afford to risk jeopardizing or losing what we have without some real assurance that we are getting something better in its place.” Proponents of world government schemes have carefully avoided answering two vital quest.ons concerning their proposals. One has to do with the Soviet Union. They ad-~ vance their ideas of world government as the most logical means of stopping the arma- ment race among nations of the world. But, in the same breath, they admit there is little likelihood that Russia would join a world federation now or in the foreseeable future. Can we assume for one moment that a world federation with Russia on the outside would put an end to the building up of armed strength? Would the Soviet Union halt, or even slacken, its armament program while the proposed federation went ahead with the building of a world army, navy, and air force? On the other hand, should the Soviet Union and its satellite countries join the federation, would not Russia and its puppet states be in position to exercise a majority vote in the world government? Available figures clearly indicate that such would be the case. Were the government to function on a popular representation basis, Russia, China, and the Soviet satellites in Europe would have a total of 750 votes, while the peoples of the North Atlantic Pact nations, and the peoples of South America could muster no more than 500. Even with a smaller differential, we could not for one moment assume that the United States, in most cases, could win the sup- port of all the non-Communist nations within the federation, The other question which the world fed- eralists have left unanswered is that of immi- gration. Under any system of world govern- ment worthy of the name, there would have to be freedom of movement among all its citizens—just as we in this country are free to go from one State to another without restriction or regulation, This could mean only one thing: That the gates of the United States would be thrown APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD oper. With its high standards of living, Its high wages, its unlimited industrial oppor-~ tunities, the United States would be a magnet that would attract teeming hordes of the underprivileged from other countries. The result would be an unprecedented burden upon the labor market and upon the economic machinery of this Nation. Could the United States, by any stretch of the imagination, expect to gain the support of a world congress in erecting barriers against such an invasion? Upon this day of prayer and reflection, upon this day when we pause to honor those who have died in the cause of freedom, I beseech the American people to heed this warning of imminent peril. I beg them to recall the words of Abraham Lincoln, who said, “You cannot strengthen the weak by weakening the strong.” I plead with all true Americans to join a crusade against the spread of the plague of world federalism. George Washington, in his infinite wisdom, told us that “There can ke no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation, It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a Just pride ought to discard.” Let us, on this Memorial Day, rededicate ourselves to the noble causes in which these our comrades died. Let us fortify ourselves to resist the evil schemes that would tear down the structure we have reared in the plood of these heroes. Peace we must have if we are to survive. But it must be peace with honor. Let us here, beside the resting places of our hon~ ored dead, resolve to give our best—all that is in us—in the cause they espotised. More we cannot give. To give less would bring dishonor upon them. Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner Address by the Vice President EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. TOM CONNALLY OF TEXAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, June 2 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. CONNALLY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the Jef- ferson-Jackson Day dinner address de- livered by the presiding officer of the Senate, the Honorable ALBEN W. BarkK- LEY, Vice President of the United States, at Austin, Tex., on May 27, 1950. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: I am greatly complimented by the invi- tation to come to Texas at this time to par~ ticipate in the Jefferson-Jackson Day din- ner. IJ am greatly complimented by the great crowd which has assembled here in the name of democracy’s two earliest heroes— Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson. I am happy to be here because the Dem- ocratic Party today is still true, and has always been true, to the fundamental prin- ciples laid down by Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson in the establishment and fortification of the democratic ideals in the Government of the United States. Iam happy to be a member of the Dem- ocratic Party, not alone because of its origin, not alone because it is the only continuous, uninterrupted political organization in the history of America, but because of the un- exampled record which it has made, and is
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD making, in applying democratic principles and ideals to the solution of the people’s problems. The Democratic Party has written into the statutes of this Nation a greater record of progressive legislation than all other po- litical parties combined. It is, and has been, the only real progressive political or- ganization in the history of the Nation, Most of the legislation which the growing complexity of our economic and social life has made necessary was enacted under Dem- ocratic leadership. The first rural mail route in America, and the first act to regulate commerce, were brought about under Grover Cleveland, the first Democratic President since the War Between the States. The initial steps toward the reformation of our civil-service system were taken by him. Following the stalemate and deadlocks during 12 years of Republican administra- tions following Mr. Cleveland, the Demo-~ cratic Party produced another great leader, during whose administration more recog- nition was given to the current needs of an enlightened legislative program than in any previous period. It was under Woodrow Wilson that the first act granting Federal aid in the con- struction of highways was authorized, It was under Woodrow Wilson that a workable farm credit system was set up. Of course, it ceased to function under the Hoover ad- ministration because of the lack of con- fidence of the people in that administration and in its method of dealing with the tragic problems of the people. But after that it was revived again and is and has been a serviceable agency of the Government in behalf of agriculture. It was under Woodrow Wilson that the Federal Trade Commission was set up, offer- ing a forum for honest business to seek redress against monopolistic practices. It was under his administration that the Clay~ ton antitrust law was enacted, moderniz- ing the machinery against monopolistic prac- tices, and giving to labor and agriculture @ charter under which they might form associations for their advancement and pro- tection. It was under Woodrow Wilson that the great Federal Reserve System was estab< lished, which has given us the soundest and the best banking system in the history of this country, or of the world. It was under the Wilson administration that the policy of dollar diplomacy began to give way to an era of friendship among the republics of the Western Hemisphere. It was under Woodrow Wilson that a new freedom was set before the American people as a worthy goal of government and its rela- tionships with them. World War I interfered with this great progressive legislative program for dealing with our domestic economy, and concen- trated all our efforts in the world’s greatest struggle for democracy up to that time. Then came Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover, which was characterized in the beginning by the great era of public corruption in the Na~ tion, and ‘in its ending by the greatest de- pression and debacle in the history of the Nation. As has always happened, the people turned again to the Democratic Party for leadership. It turned to the great Demo- cratic leader, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and elected him by an overwhelming majority. No President ever faced a more tragic sit- uation. No President was ever called on sud- denly to infuse new confidence into the peo- ple. He did this by a series of bold, dra- matic demonstrations in support of Jeffer- son’s belief and his lifelong policy that the Government should be the servant of the people and not their master. Roosevelt made the Government the servant of the people in every field of human activity, whether of labor, industry, agriculture, or international trade. He revived the waning confidence of the people in government itself. The long list of legislative enactments to make our Government and its people more Tespousive and responsible to the growing need of the modern day in which we live can- not be matched by any previous record in the history of the Nation. Farm legislation, seeking to put agriculture on an economic basis equal to industry, was enacted, which included not only an Agri- cultural Adjustment Act but soil conserva- tion, rural electrification, farm supports, re« search into the discovery or greater markets and greater uses for agricultural products. This was linked with flood control to protect our river valleys from recurring and devas- tating floods, which each year destroy more property than it would cost to protect the people permanently against these disasters. A Fair Labor Relations Act, giving equality to employer and employee, was enacted. Minimum wages and maximum hours were provided for labor. : A reciprocal trade program, which has ex- panded our trade with the nations of the world, was inaugurated, and has been con- tinued over the opposition of the antiquated Republican idea of unscalable tariff walls. A social-security system was initiated, pro- viding old-age pensions, old-age assistance, and unemployment compensation, and rec- ognizing the duty of society to those who have spent their lives in its service. This system is now on the verge of further expan- sion and greater benefits. These are only a few of the great measures which the Democratic Party, under its leader- ship for more than three-quarters of a cen- tury, has brought to the American people. I challenge any other political organization, past or present, to show such a record. World War II came to interfere with and retard this great domestic program of re-~ habilitation. But, in spite of World War II, with all its tragedies and expenditures, we are still the most prosperous and most happy and most democratic Nation under the shining sun. This great record of progressive legislation and administration has been continued by President Harry S. Truman, who is carrying on the burden of government in the tradi-~ tion of Jefferson, Jackson, Cleveland, Wilson, and Roosevelt. We are seeking to make democracy more democratic, government more responsive, and the people more conscious of their obli- gation to government, no less than its obli- gation to them. Many of these measures to which I have referred, from Grover Cleveland to Harry S. Truman, were objected to and opposed on the ground that they were paternalistic, or that they invaded the field of private enter- prise. But, we know that great national problems can only be solved through the cooperation of the people and their govern- ment. It is of no value to call measures for the benefit of the people either paternalistic or socialistic. Jefferson was called a vision- ary and a demagog because he advocated equality of the people, because he advocated the public education of the children by the State, and established a great university as the capstone of that system, Jackson was called a dictator because he used the rough and ready powers of his per- sonality and his office to destroy institutions that were gnawing at the vitals of democracy. It was Cleveland who said that “Public office is a public trust, and not a private snap.” They accused Woodrow Wilson of being a scholar in politics and a visionary dreamer, but his dreams came true in the realization of a magnificent program that benefited all classes of our people, regardless of their occupation. They applied epithets to Franklin D. Roose- velt and they have applied them to Presi- dent Truman. But we do not believe in government by epithet. We do not believe in government by slogan alone. A little seg- AA4153 ment of the reactionary Republican leaders has issued a slogan for the 1950 congres- sional elections, ‘“‘Liberty versus socialism ” But the American people are no more frightened by epithets than are the leaders of the Democratic Party. The American people are not beguiled by euphonious slogaftis. They are not beguiled by empty promises and empty phrases, because of the bankruptcy and intellectual sterility of those who lead the opposition. The record of the Democratic Party is its slogan. It hurls no epithets at its opponents. It invites them to an enlightened consideration of the day in which we live, and an enlightened solu- tion of the complex problems which face not only our people, but face the world. In the midst of this great record in behalf of our domestic prosperity and happiness, we have been required, in one generation, to fight two World Wars to preserve democracy, liberty, and free institutions. Peace has not yet settled upon the world, and because of this, we have been required to undergo addi- tional sacrifices in the way of aid to the freedom-loving peoples, in order that they may bolster their own courage and their own institutions against communistic invasion and economic chaos. We have been com~ pelled to maintain a peacetime armed force greater than ever before, and greater than any of us anticipated at the conclusion of World War II. While these burdens are heavy, we have enjoyed a prosperity which is unequaled in any period in our history. Republican mouthpieces claim we are on the road to bankruptcy and we are on the last mile to- ward the police state. No nation is on its road to bankruptcy whose people enjoy a national income of $220,000,000,000 per year, No nation is on its way to bankruptcy which, in 1 year, produced $250,000,000,000 worth of goods and services, for which it finds a ready market. No nation 1s on its way to bankruptcy which has more than $100,000,- 000,000 of savings, which it has accumulated since the dark days of the late 1920’s and early 1930’s. No nation is on its way to bankruptcy which is able to guarantee the deposits of the people in its banks without crippling the soundness of its economy. No nation is on its way to bankruptcy which finds 60,000,000 people employed at higher wages than ever before. No nation is on its way to bankruptcy into whose hands the leadership of the world has been thrust, and which is seeking and is able to carry the torch which is essential to light wp the dark places of economic and political realities, so as to make our own democracy and our own institutions safe, and prevent our having to become an armed camp to protect ourselves against the godless and ruthless ideology which seeks to engulf the world. These are the things that make Democrats proud. We may have some individual dif- ferences over issues that are vital, or seem vital to many groups of our people, but, in spite of these, we are more completely united than any political party that offers us op- position. This grows out of the fact that we look forward, instead of backward. We are not like the South American bird that flies backward and never knows where it is going, but only where it has been. I congratulate the democracy of Texas upon its outstanding delegation in the Sen- ate and House of Representatives, not only now but in the days that are gone. I am happy in the company of my old friends and fellow workers for a generation, Speaker Sam RAYBURN, Senator Tom CONNALLY, and a new and able Senator, LYNDON JOHNSON. Through the years I have served in both Houses with many of the outstanding states- men of Texas, and I have received inspira- tion from their courage and their forward looking viewpoint in dealing with the prob- lems of this complex day.
A4154 I look forward to long and honorable serv- ice by the Democratic Party on behalf of the people. We live in a democratic age. We must act democratic in dealing with this age, and the Democratic Party and its lead- ership afford, at present, the only instru- ment through which this leadership can be secured. a Address by Hon. Elbert D. Thomas, of Utah, on Unveiling of Statue of Brigham Young EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. ELBERT D. THOMAS OF UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, June 2 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. THOMAS of Utah. Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the ConGRES- sIonwaL REcorp the address which I deliv- ered yesterday at the ceremonies held in the rotunda of the Capitol in connec- tion with the presentation of the statue of Brigham Young by the State of Utah. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: Brigham Young has been dead 73 years. Few people who hear my voice saw him. He is, therefore, a figure of history. Mention of his name produces emotional reaction. Like all great men in history, he both attracted and repelled his contemporaries. An uncle of mine was an idealistic follower of Brigham Young and sacrificed unbelievably to join him in the “valleys of the mountains,” only to turn against him at first sight. Yet my father saw Brother Brigham and thought him the greatest man alive and honored him as such to his dying day. In my family is one who is a descendant on both his mother’s and father’s side from the first group of 1847 pioneers who entered the Salt Lake Valley with Brigham Young. Today, therefore, is a day of happiness to me as it is a day of happiness to all other sons and daughters of our Utah pioneers. The placing of Brigham Young’s statue in the Nation’s Capitol is acknowledgment of his contribution in the building of this Na~ tion. Just to mention the number of Brig- ham Young’s sons, grandsons, and great- grandsons who served in t!.¢ armed forces of the United States in time of war is honor almost beyond comparison for one man and a service outstanding enough to bring the thanks of the Nation. It took courage to conquer the desert. It took sacrifice to build a home in a barren place. It tock faith to select a wilderness for a “promised land.” But to leave to un-~ born generations the ultimate success of his great undertaking demanded an understand- ing of eternal purposes both for his people and his country. Brigham Young lived, planned, built, and worked in tune with the Infinite, and God was his companion not only when he prayed but i all walks of life. We who were raised by those who knew Brother Brigham know that they perish who are not led by vision. Faith, love, courage, sacrifice, devotion to a cause and to one an- other, understanding, and wisdom, are all words which will ever be associated with Brigham Young and his work. We, today, sensing our debt to our pioneers because of their courage, faith, and zeal in carrying the American flag into foreign territory, find in those attributes complete satisfaction. But Eecause these attributes are so worthy of honor we sometimes fail to recognize the real national and international significance of what they did. Therefore, my task today is to present the meaning of the migrations, under Brigham Young’s leadership, in the making of America. In 1847, Utah was Mexican territory. The contest for the control of what is now the western part of the United States had been going on for years. The Spanish-Mexican control reached as far north as Oregon. The Russians were in Alaska and had settle- ments as far south as California. French fur traders had penetrated most of the West and traders from all nations were wandering over it. The British claimed the Pacific coast between what was Russian and Mexi- can territory. The United States seemed, therefore, to be checked as far as ultimately having a Pacific coastline. America, for many years before 1847 and for several years after, was on the alert and restless about her boundaries. There were the Texas independence and later the Mexi- can War. These represent active, expanding cultural and political groups with economic hopes. The people of the United States were not united in their reactions to these great movements. No one saw clearly, as we do today, the naturalness of our expansion to the Pacific. The period was one of political disagreement, plans and counterplans, and internal strife which ended only with the close of the War Between the States. During the Mexican War the Government recruited Mormon boys as an active unit and, before that, did nothing to hamper Sam Brannon’s sea journey to California. But counteraction to overcome the success of both journeys was in minds of many. Amer- icans feared Americans quite as much as they did the British, the Russians, and the Spanish-Mexicans. There were four separate migrations which, as far as the people who took part in them were concerned, were above pure adventure, conquest, pursuit of wealth, or expanding empire. One, although con- nected with war and therefore part of con- quest, was the march of Kearney's army with its Mormon battalion. This march cut the Mexican-controlled empire in two. Two movements were wholly inspired by Mormon thought and necessity; the pioneer journey, under the leadership of Brigham Young into the Salt Lake Valley; and the trip of Sam Brannon and his associates around the Horn to San Francisco. The fourth decisive journey was the sister move- ment of those who carried the Bible and the plow into the Oregon Territory. The journey to Oregon was for home- making and home-building. The Mormon expeditions were for the same purposes, but motivated by revelation and in fulfillment of prophecy, They carried with them the Bible with its prophets of the past, but they always acknowledged being led by living prophets of the present. Brigham Young led a band of religious de- votees to a new home, His life’s mission was to bring souls to God. But in founding a home for such souls, gathered out of the world, he wanted to make that home a place where those souls could develop to their ultimate spiritual and temporal potentiality. Therefore, his settlements meant not only the home, the plow, and the Bible, but also the school and the theater. Add to these the irrigation ditch, the source of life on earth, and the temple, the promise of life hereafter, and we have the basic institutions on which Utah was foundec. Work con- quered the desert, but religion put meaning into the work. As a founder of a State, Brigham Young wanted that State to be a place where soul growth would never be hampered. He be- lieved that men’s lives could be betlered by better conditions for life. He was both a man of religion and a founder of a State. And what State in history has persisted without religion? APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But from the standpoint of Nation-build- ing, the Brigham Young inspired movements had above their vision, their relying on the plow and the Bible, and their home-building culture, something even more significant, It was their international effect. Millions have made homes in foreign lands without affect- ing the international politics of those lands. But the Mormon journeys resulted in the transferring of political sovereignty, a trans- porting of a culture and a civilization, and making certain of a land dedicated to the free. America’s expansion did not stop with the coast. Perry with his ships was in Japan by 1853. Caleb Cushing had negotiated his treaty in China in 1844. The Mormon-cred- ited part of America’s restlessness in the Pacific was Gibson’s so-called conquest in Hawaii in 1861. Mormon missionaries had circled the globe before the death of their prophet-founder in 1844 and before the mi- gration to the Rocky Mountains began, Brigham Young represents the spirit of all this activity, world-wide in its significance and ultimately global in its effect. The Utah pioneer movement, whether viewed as part of the spread of the white man over the globe, or whether viewed as a movement inspired by United States rest- lessness, has left its mark on its people and in the development of American culture and traditions. Every true follower of Utah pioneer ideals, whether he be American or foreign-born, knows the part Brigham Young’s leadership played in the building of America. And when he is thoughtful of things to come, he views with unquestioning faith the influence of this great leader of men in the destiny of the world. One cannot speak of Brigham Young and Utah’s pioneers without using the word “Mormon.” And when once the word is used one thinks of religion. But, in the build- ing of Utah and the vast country which became Utah Territory, men and women from many nations and many faiths took part. All people contributed, all infiuences were there, all constructively built, and, in the main, cooperatively. It is the united people of Utah who today honor Brigham Young in the placing of this monument. It is the united people of Utah who have builded our State and Territory. Utah is not a one-religion State. Its people are of all nationalities. Utah is as cosmo- politan as any State in the Union. But her people are all Americans. They are as free as the glorious air they breathe, for, in spirit, Utah is America. Washington News Letter by Hon. Francis J. Myers, of Pennsylvania EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS J. MYERS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, June 2 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MYERS, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Rrecorp my Washington News Letter of May 4, 1950, which is in the nature of a personal report to the people of Pennsylvania. There being no objection, the news letter was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: WASHINGTON Nrws LE&ETTER—A PERSONAL REPORT TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA May 4, 1950.—A $42,400,000,000 Federal budget was recommended by President Tru-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD man for the coming year. House and Sen- ate Appropriations Committees, seeking ways to reduce this figure, are nearly finished with the one-package appropriation bull which will provide funds for operation of our Government between July 1, 1950, and June 380, 1951. War accounts for 71 percent of the budg- et—paying for past wars, and n~evertins f7y~ ture ones. The four largest iwiG-¢ ies, totaling nearly $30,000,000,000, make up this 71 percent. National defense: $13,500,000,000 (almost one-third of the entire Federal budget) is earmarked thus: Navy, $4,100,000,000; Army, $4,100,000,000; Air Force, $4,400,000,000; de- velopment of new weapons, $250,000; and stockpiling strategic materials, actually an investment, is listed as a $650,000,000 expenditure, Veterans’ services and benefits: $6,100,- 000,000 for our 19,000,000 veterans of all past wars. This is $800,000,000 less than last year, and the money goes for care of the dis- abled, construction of hospitals, education and training, loans, and pensions to some 3,000,000 veterans or their families. Interest on the public debt: $5,600,000,000 for interest on savings bonds. Our national debt, now $258,000,000,000, increased sixfold during World War II. International affairs: $4,700,000,000 is the estimated cost of our bipartisan measures to achieve peace and halt communism. This is for programs such as the Marshall plan and point 4, for military aid abroad, for conduct of our foreign affairs, and for our contribu- tions to the United Nations. All other costs of Government are esti- mated at $12,500,000,000, or 29 percent of the budget. Of this total, $3,300,000,000 goes direct to States in loans and grants for pro- grams which the States administer, fre- quently matching Federal funds with their own. Loans to industry, and for purchase of mortgages, will total $1,600,000,000, and $2,- 000,000,000 goes for Federal public works, such as flood control, reclamation, etc. The $12,500,000,000 consists of: Social welfare, health, and security: $2,- 700,000,000 in grants to States for care of the aged, blind, and dependent children, for pub- lic health programs, school lunches, grants to communities for hospital construction, and so forth. Natural resources: $2,200,000,000 for main- tenance of rivers and harbors, flood control, forest and mineral resources, fish and wild- life. Eight hundred million dollars of this money goes for atomic developments for peacetime and national defense. Agriculture: Two billion two hundred mil- lion—#$500,000,000 less than last year—for price supports, loans, conservation, rural electrification and telephones. . Housing and education: One billion eight hundred million dollars for aids to public and private housing, slum clearance, school housing, school aids, libraries, and museums. Transportation and communication. One billion seven hundred million dollars for highway construction by States, local air- port construction, merchant marine, and the Post Office. All others: One billion eight hundred mil- lion dollars for RFC loans to business, unem- ployment compensation, labor mediation services, statistical compilation, everything else. ° The President estimated this budget would cause a $5,300,000,000 deficit. However, if you consider that Government loans to busi- ness, to communities,’ and to individuals, actually are investments that will be repaid, these investments would be listed as “assets” under many business accounting practices— and thus, our actual deficit would amount to something between $1,500,000,000 and $2,- 000,000,000, instead of $5,300,000,000. A balanced budget is everybody’s goal. Cuts which undermine our peace efforts or that threaten national security are out of the question. Nor can cuts be made in pro- grams such as slum clearance, flood control, FHA insurance, RFC loans, farm credits, and many others, which encourage new growth of private business and strengthen our na- tional life. But many economies can he achieved. The number of Federal employees has been cut almost 50 percent in the past 5 years, and today, 8 out of 4 Government workers are found in the Department of De= fense, the Post Office, and the Veterans’ Ad- ministration—three vital fields. Hoover Commission recommendations already car- ried out by the President and the Eighty- first Congress will permit big savings in the future—and still greater economy can he had by carrying the Government reorganiza- tion work forward, I have consistently sup- ported the Commission’s purposes—as I have other sound measures for achieving econ- omy—and I shall continue to do so. Natural Gas at the Crossreads EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. IRVING M. IVES OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, June 2 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. IVES. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the text of an address entitled “Natural Gas at the Crossroads,” delivered by Mr. Roderick Stephens on the occasion of the annual convention of the Pennsylvania Retail Coal Merchants Association, at Werners- ville, Pa., on May 25, 1950. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: NATURAL GAS AT THE CROSSROADS I have never been sufficiently interested in the subject of ostriches tr discover whether this powerful bird really does bury its head in the sand when danger «pproaches. But I am sufficiently interested in the fuel indus- try to have studied the growth of the natural gas market and its impact upon the Nation’s economy and security. And, in either case, you don’t have to do much studying to know that burying your head in the sand is not a very good method of dealing with danger. So, I was very pleased to hear from Lang- don Cook, your program chairman, that the Pennsylvania Retail Coal Merchants Associa- tion had scheduled two talks on natural gas—a subject that involves serious prob- lems for you as citizens and as fuel dealers. If wnat they say about ostriches may be true, but it is obviously not true about you. Of recent years, my associates and I have had occasion to make an intensive study of natural gas and its vital role in the Nation’s peacetime and wartime economy. We have also studied the impact of natural gas upon all branches of the coal industry and upon the oil industry. Out of these studies has come one all-important conviction. It is this. Granted that, at the moment, natural gas is a cheap, convenient fuel; that does not necessarily mean that the public welfare will be served by the construction of facilities adequate for its distribution, for pnlimited domestic, commercial, and public- utility use, from the Pacific to the Atlantic and from Canada to Mexico. For one thing, we do not know that we have enough natural gas for such widespread use. There has never been an authoritative, A4155 disinterested determination of the quantity that is actually available from pools already discovered. All estimates so far made have come only from interested industry sources and the discrepancies in these estimates, as officially recorded, are startling and ominous. We should also calculate the amount of natural gas which will be required yearly for the efficicn. cncv-*ion of the extensive network of .... -u: ‘ec pipelines already constructed or authorized. These lines are supplying certain areas and certain types of users, each of whom has already invested in gas-burning equipment. Each of these pipelines has been promoted and authorized on the basis of an assured supply for 20 years. On such representations users in these areas have been induced to discard coal- or o1l~burning facilities and to buy new equipment. Should we not demand a comprehensive and authoritative estimate of the total amount of natural gas already dedicated by contract to supply these pipe- lines and these areas and these users to the end of those contracts? Should not this information be had before new consumers are induced to scrap existing facilities and invest in new equipment? Wouldn’t Gov~ ernor Dever, of Massachusetts, and others who are demanding that natural gas be zped into their communities, be wise to demand such information before users are urged to discard fuels which are giving sat- isfaction, and of which a supply is assured for centuries? Nor do we know how much natural gas remains undiscovered. Obviously estimates of the total content of new wells struck in the course of test drilling are subject to all the uncertainties and exaggerated hopes and ofttimes desperate need of wild- catters and promoters of varying degrees of responsibility. Yet it is on such irresponsible data, so-called, that additions to proven re~ serves of natural gas are soberly reported, year by year, by committees of the American Gas Association. The same sort of data are relied upon by committees of the American Petroleum Institute to justify reports of additions to proven reserves of petroleum. By identical processes joint committees of these two Nation-wide, powerful, and repre- sentative industry associations report jointly on the proven reserves of natural-gas liquids. Earlier this month, I addressed the An-= thracite Conference at Lehigh University on the topic Our Fuel Resources and the Na- tional Defense. I refer you to that address (which I can supply j1. quantities) for chap- ter and verse to support my earlier statement that our information on natural gas and oil reserves is undependable; in fact, is mis- leading. When natural gas was first used in Penn- sylvania and in New York State, i. came largely from within each State. Today, however, these local wells are largely ex- hausted and these States are now depending for their present and future supply on nat- ural gas that must be transported by long distance pipelines from Texas, Oklahoma, and other fields almost 2,000 miles away. To propel natural gas for so great a distance, very high pressure must be maintained throughout the :ystem. Pressure booster pumping stations must be installed at in- tervals. Also, the pipes must be laid near the surface so that repairs can easly he made. This system does make for quick re- pairs. It also makes sabotage correspond- ingly easy. Even in peacetime every foot of this great network of pipe lines is actually policed by inspectors. Helicopters are being used to speed the discovery of breaks in the lines. In the event of war, I wouldn’t want to be solely dependent on so vulnerable a source of fucl. And I wouldn’t want to be living near one of those pipe lines. When they explode, brother, they really blow. This explosion factor is no bogey raised by jealous competitors. All one has do is to refer to the record. Not a week goes by that an
A4156 explosion is not reported along the Big Inch or Little Big Inch lines. Not only is this a hazard of the long-distance transconti- nental lines; it is a hazard wherever gas is distributed under pressure. It is my belief that this accounts for the increasing fre- quency cl ~ouc7t> -* ~ialent explosions in gas- served “ate? Siyte high-pressure local service areas are being created. It is obvious that the greater the pressure, the greater is the amount of gas that will escape, if a leak occurs. This means a larger area of explosion, once an explosive mixture develops and is ignited. Admittedly, gas is convenient, but con- venience is a relative term. If the consumer wants convenience, it can be had from coal or from oil or from manufactured gas. Many persons do not realize how much con- venience has been built into the newest automatic coal-burning equipment. “Vhy, then, go 2,000 miles for natural gas? Some say it’s cheap. How cheap, say we! Not today, as a household fuel! Tomorrow, perhaps, not for industry. Why not find out? Why climb on the band wagon of the promoters of long distance pipelines until you Enow what the cost of natural gas will be tomorrow, next year, and beyond? Already, the price of natural gas has doubled in the field. There is much glib talk about the cheapness of natural gas. Why not get the facts before spending hard-earned dol- lars to convert perfectly good coal or oil- heating systems? That is a question that many people have ignored, to their sorrow. Where I come from, veterans are being sold cheap houses. Many of them have a little gas furnace in the attic. It has a tiny insulated smoke pipe running through the roof. It’s automatic. It’s cheap for the builder, but it’s costly for the veterans. He’s tied to gas for his heat and hot water. Only last month, our local paper reported a survey of the county. Its headline read, “Gas Heat Cost Found Higher Than Forecast Before Rate Rise.” The article Closed with this comment: “The mild December—January period this year increased the gas bill only 84 percent compared with a 28 percent in- crease in the first year of the new rates. But the subzero snaps in February were reflected in gas bill jumps of 49 percent last year and 62 percent this year. Such a gas user can hope we don’t have a normal winter—or switch to an oil burner.” Notice, please; no mention of coal. That is a re- flection of the essential unity of the oil and gas industry. They will always gang up against coal. That last remark points up a vital prob- lem; the problem of convertibility. This involves the question of ability to convert if the need arises, as well as the question of the availability of the fuel. If conversion is for the sake of economy, delay would not be too serious. If it is a matter of necessity, delay in obtaining equipment or unavaila- bility of fuel might be serious. In an emer- gency—a war emergency perhaps—it could entail tragic consequences for those- whose gas supply has been interruped. Is war so remote a contingency that the public can afford to ignore the danger and to make its decision on the simple basis of con- venience? I don’t think so and I don’t be- hheve you think so. Certainly, such respon- sible and diverse authorities as the Chair- man of our Joint Chiefs of Staff (General Bradley), the new Chairman of the National Security Resources Board (Mr. Stuart Sy- mington), and the eminent Republican con- sultant to the State Department, John Fos- ter Dulles, all agree that we cannot afford to disregard the threat of war. Less than 10 days ago, Mr. Dulles warned the Nation that if we wait for a shooting war before imposing the discipline of war- time on our economic and political life, “we shall have waited too long.” “Usually free societies shift over to dis- ciplined action only under compulsions of armed attack,” Mr. Dulles said. “If that kind of attack were to come now, we would respond with quick transition. * * * Our political confusions would be brought to an end. * * * Political smearing would be called off * * * Qur economy would quickly be shifted from its fabulous produc- tion of sport cars, radios, television sets, and gadgets, to meeting more serious needs. Cer- tain consumers would tighten their belts and exercise self-discipline.” On May 14, the executive secretary of the Munitions Board, Petroleum Division, Rear Admiral Biggs, United States Navy, said that “every last drop of oil that this hemi- sphere could produce would be required were this Nation to become involved in an- other war. Some may say,” he continued, “that we have about 1,000,000 barrels per day excess productive capacity and that, plus savings, should carry us—but,” he warned, “while a parallel set of conditions carried us through World War II, let us not lose sight of the fact that conditions have changed. In the first place, military demand in an- other war would be greater. Secondly, on the civilian side, each year sees demand getting greater and greater.” On the sub- ject of military demand, he cited as one ex- ample, the jet engine, which “requires 7 times as much fuel per hour as the conven- tional reciprocating-type engine.” Admiral Biggs also asserted that “we must realize that the more civilian demand increases, the less we will be able to cut it back in the event of war, since less and less of the total being consumed can be classified as non- essential.” It would be i»terectims to review the sig- nificance of Ad ::. E . ‘ reference to our need for every last drcp of oil this hemi- sphere could produce. Does he mean to :m- ply that our Defense Establishment could protect tankers bringing oil from South America? If that is so, it would have an important bearing on our fuel situation. If, as I have reason to believe, we will be wholly dependent upon what we can produce and transport within our borders, then the prob- lem 1s even more serious than his statement seemed to imply. This situation points up the need to project and adopt a national fuels policy. As fuel men, you will also be interested in a statement by Mr. Frank W. Abrams, chairman of the board of Standard O11 Co. (New Jersey) at a very recent meeting of the Committee for Economic Development. Mr. Abrams suggested that management must apply to its relations with the rest of the community ‘the same type of searching analysis that it would make of its more usual business problems.” Speaking for business, Mr, Abrams continued: “We must curb our occasional enthusiasm for special protection or other forms of assistance. We must be sure we do not support the imposition of measures that are of benefit only to the in- terests that we may personally represent— measures that may fail to service the in- terests or may even be contrary to interests, of everyone else” In the light of this statement by Admiral Biggs, repeated in almost identical words on Monday of this week in San Francisco by Fleet Admiral Nimitz, I wonder whether Mr. Abrams might not now be prepared, as a matter of public service, to recognize the need for an authoritative and disinterested study of our reserves of fuels, our fuel needs, and our ability to meet those needs, in the event of war? T use the word “now,” advisedly, for I have yet to see or hear of a public statement by the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey or an official of that company or any other major oll company, projecting the situation that ‘would confront their company, or their in- dustry, or the oil-consuming public, in the event of war. ‘. ‘ If the glaring discrepancies of official in- dustry estimates can be reconciled and if a APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD study of present and potential domestic de- mand for oil and natural gas disprove the fears that our lack of a national fuel policy invites disaster in the event of war, such a survey will more than justify itself, in the consequent demand for these fuels. I pointed out on another occasion that it was with precisely such thoughts in mind that Senator Francis J. Myers, from Pennsyl- vania, introduced on the floor of the United States Senate by unanimous consent, on March 15, past, a resolution of inquiry which was referred to the Senate Committce on In~ terior and Insular Affairs. This resolution, known as Senate Resolution No. 239, pro- posed that the committee (or a subcommit- tee) shall inquire into the available fuel reserves of the Unitcd States, with the aim of formulating an over-all domesiic fuel policy. Can we now look to Mr. Abrams to join in urging passage of the Myers resolution? Will Eugene Holman, too, agree to support a disinterested appraisal of our fuel supplies and fuel needs? While other resolutions have been intro- duced in this Congress to inquire into the fuel problem from various standpoints, Sen- ate Resolution 239 is the only one that gces directly to the heart of the problem. In urg- ing favorable action, Senator Myzrs sug~- gested that our growing dependence on oil might require the development of a syn- thetic-oil industry upon which we could de- pend if the onset of war ended our imports of oil. That question would, of course, be directly within the scope of the inquiry he is urging. In his introductory speech, the Senator referred to a similar problem which we faced at the onset of World War II when our prin- cipal sources of natural rubber were cut off by enemy action. By deep civilian rationing and the expenditure of huge sums of money, we hastily improvised a synthetic rubber in- dustry which saved the day for us and our alhes. If there is likely to be similar need for a synthetic industry to produce high-octane gasoline and other essential products of petroleum, our first and most logical course of action would be to erect these plants in natural-gas territory. The reasons for this are simple. We have the know how and are actually producing high octane gasoline at present-day competitive prices from natural gas in a large commercial plant in Browns- ville, Tex. It is true that the Government and private industry are experimenting with processes to convert coal, also o1l shales, into gasoline, hut such projects are still in the experimental or pilot-plant stage. For those reasons, it may well be that it is contrary to the national interest to use natural gas as a low-grade boiler fuel. This may sound like a plug for coal. Actually, I believe it is a plug for national defense. Rail transportation service and facilities are also directly involved in the problem of national defense. Transportation of men and material involves the military problem of logistics. There is no more important problem of logistics than the logistics of fuels for defense. Here, too, it is vital to recognize that we cannot improvise rail fa~ cilities and we will do well to determine how rail transportation will be affected, if a Widespread conversion of fuels will be de- manded by defense needs. This whole question of fuels deserves ceri- ous thought. It also demands vigorous ac- tion. We need to know the facts, I know no better way of learning the facts, than by way of the Myers resolution. If you agree, I suggest you communicate with your two Senators and urge them to press for a fa- vorable report from the Committee on In- terior and Insular Affairs. That will bring the resolution to the, floor for adoption. Once it reaches the floor, I predict favor- able action will follow without delay. Natural gas is at the crossroads. see to it that it takes the right turn. Let’s
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD To the Pioneers EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ELBERT D. THOMAS OFr UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, June 2 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. THOMAS of Utah. Mr. President, the unveiling of the statue of Brigham Young in the Capitol has brought forth the thoughts of pioneer days in the minds and hearts of many. I ask unan- imous consent to have the poem written by Leonard R. Bailey, of Salt Lake City, Utah, printed in the Appendix of the RECORD, There being no objection, the poem was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: To THE PIONEERS The Mormon pioneers’ faith was strong; They worshipped God in prayer and song. They did not cross the dreary plain In quest of power or worldly gain. They were an cxiled band to flee From a land their fathers helped to free, New England gave to that noble band The choicest blood of all her land. Trials over which their sires had won Were none too great for these valiant sons. It took that stock and breed of man Who crossed the seas to cross the sand. The despot had no place with them; For they were all God-fearing men. They broke no laws, nor e’en rebelled Though tortured by the imps of Hell. No sect nor creed loved country more; They were the products which she bore. Then need a nation blush with shame— Born and made in freedom’s name— For on her borders that winter’s night Homes burned and men were put to flight. Pursued by a lawless drunken band, They bade farewell to their native land. Befriended exiles on foreign soil, Homeless after a life of toil, Not a murmer escaped their tongues As they turned to the land of the setting sun. These were the pains that were sent to warn, That the virile West was not yet born. No greater march was ever planned O’er a thousand miles of desert land. Who took that journey knew his mind; The weaker ones were left behind With heirlooms garnered through the years— A parting fraught with hope and tears. To give one’s all for religion’s sake When even life is set at stake, That belief is more than mere pretense; Truth demands such recompense. Had they been loath this price to pay, There would have been no West today. Gold and adventure took men by, Sagebrush attracted not the eye; Yet « triumphant gaze stood on every face As their leader exclaimed, “This is the place!” They thanked their God on bended knee, And unfurled Old Glory to a western breeze. Days were divided into pounds; The quotient small was passed around. Each household had its meager share Meted out with a mother’s care. The wolf of want lived at their door, There were no rich, for all were poor. ' Yet the greatest love that was ever known Was found in those first Mormon homes. The sound of a prattling babe was there; A mother’s love song filled the air." There was no time to give to strife ‘When time for all had a lease on life. XCVI—App.—— 262 The day of trial and want is o’er; The West has opened wide her door. Where once All life appeared entombed Now a thousand orchards bloom. The streams that nurtured desert seed Are harnessed to a city’s need. Where sagebrush flanked the paths they rod A Temple rises to their God. Proud we are to bear the name And laud the sires from whence we came. Now that their long, long race is run The load is shifted to their sons. Then praise the man whose faith and might Gave substance to a dream for right. Genius, seer, and statesman great— A town unique lies in his wake. Symbolic, Brigham Young will stand Among the heroes of our land— A man who led, yet could abide The counsel of a Higher Guide. Who shall say that his day has passed So long as the glowing West shall last. As we see the outgrowth of his plan We're proud to claim the Pioneer Man. ~—Leonard R. Bailey. Biweekly Report by Hon. Francis J. Myers, of Pennsylvania, to People of Pennsylvania EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS J. MYERS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, June 2 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MYERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp No. 26 and No. 27 in the series of biweekly reports made by me over the radio to the people of Penn- nylvania. There being no objection, the broad- casts were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: ‘Text oF TRANSCRIPTION BY UNITED STATES Senator Francis J. Myers Over PENNSYL- vaNia Rapio STaTIONS, WEEK END or MAy 12-14, Incxusive (No. 26 In BIWEEKLY SERIES) Senator Mrzrs. Now that spring is really down to business in putting on its annual show, millions of people all over Pennsyl- vania are busy making plans for all sorts of out-of-door activities—long drives into the country or picnics or hiking or bird walking or fishing. We in Pennsylvania have been particu- larly fortunate because our State has been heavily endowed with a great many natural attractions. We have our mountains, our great forests, our lakes and streams and rivers, and a widely varied selection of plant, animal, and bird life which have been the proud possessions, not only of Pennsylva- nians, but of people all over the country. America has always been blessed with great natural resources, but as a Nation we have not always used our natural bounties wisely. Our early history is dotted with tales of wild extravagances in slaughter- ing great numbers of birds and animals, of denuding great areas merely to strip them of their timber, then leaving the land to be carried away by erosion, and the instances of this sort of thing are innumerable. But for half a century or more we have had a growing consciousness of our duty to preserve these natural resources for the AAI57 generations to come. Today, as a result of the efforts of those who fought Iong and hard for conservation, every State has its own parks, and forests, and there are na- tional forests and national parks scattered from one end of America to the other. Moreover, conservation efforts made on pri- vately owned land have done an almost unbelievable job in helping to restore our forests, save our land and our wildlife. Our States have enacted game laws, and as a result of a treaty with Canada, we have the laws which protect migratory birds. These are, all of them, examples of what is being done to preserve our natural resources for the use and enjoyment of our people. On this broadcast, I have invited Mr. Albert M. Day, Director of the United States Fish and Wildlife Service of the Department of Interior to join me in a discussion of some of the programs that are going on today in Pennsylvania. Mr. Day, when he became Director of the Fish and Wildlife Service in 1946, brought with him to that job more than a quarter of a century of distinguished Government service in the field of conservation and wildlife manage- ment. Mr, Day, I know that for some years now there has been a Cooperative Wildlife Re- search Unit in operation at State College. Could you tell us something about it? Mr. Day. The Cooperative Wildlife Re- search Unit at Penn State, Senator MyeErs, is 1 of 14 such units that have been estab- lished in land-grant colleges all over the country. The original program was estab- lished by Congress back in 1935 to assist in the training of specialists in wildlife man~ agement, and to provide information for the proper use of wildlife resources. All of the units receive cooperation from the land grant colleges where they are lo- cated, and the balance of the funds for the program are furnished by State game com- missions, the United States Fish and Wild- life Service, and from the Wildlife Manage- ment Institute. I might add that the Wild- life Management Institute, though it cooper- ates in the program, is a private organiza~- tion, and contributes to the units because the institute shares with the schools, the States, and the Federal Government a real interest in promoting wildlife management work. The unit at Penn State is one of the older ones in the program, and has done a fine job in helping to train men and in bringing pack a number of birds and animals that needed better management. Senator Myzers. What are some examples, Mr. Day, of the work that’s been done at the cooperative unit at State College? Mr, Day. The wild turkey is a good ex- ample. Fifteen years ago, wild turkeys were quite scarce, and were becoming fewer every year. The Pennsylvania Game Commission went to work on the problem and started taking eggs laid by wild birds, and hatching them out in incubators where, under con- trolled conditions, many more of the young birds survived. After the first set of eggs was taken, the birds in the wild would nest a second time, and that way it was possible to get two broods a year. Today, as a re~ sult, wild turkeys have increased greatly in mumbers, There are more wild turkeys in Pennsylvania now than in any other North- ern State—more than in all the other North- ern States together. The cooperative research unit worked closely with the commission on many phases of this wonderfully successful turkey-restoration program. Senator Myzrs. What about deer? Al- though I find it hard to believe, someone told me recently that there are probably more wild deer in Pennsylvania today than there were in Columbus’ time. Is that really truc? Mr. Day. Yes, Senator Myers, there are probably more deer in Penusylvania now ,
A4158 than there were when America was discov- ered, although there aren’t as many today as there have been in the past. At the peak, there were perhaps a million deer—and only about half that number now. Senator Mrrrs. Why is that, Mr. Day? Mr. Day. You see, Senator, deer depend upon getting their food close to the ground— and they do very well in young forests where there is a lot of underbrush. Under those conditicns, 3 to 5 acres of land will support enough food to feed one deer. But when the forests grow older, and the trees get tall enough to shade out the underbrush, a single deer may be forced to range over 50 to 75 acres to fing enough to eat. People who remember seeing many deer in a particular area in the past are always surprised when the number diminishes, but they don’t seem to realize that the forests have grown up in the meanwhile, and the woodlands will then support fewer animals. So, while the amount of underbrush is be~ ing replaced by aging forests in Pennsylvania today, there 1s still much more food avail- able for deer now than was to be found in early colonial times when most of the State was covered by giant forests. Senator Myers. Are other animals and birds affected by the changes that take place in the way the land changes over the years, even when there is no hunting? I'd think that deer wouldn’t be the only ones affected by the fact that forests grow older and that underbrush disappears. Mr. Day. Oh, yes, Senator Myress. All wildlife feels the effects of changes in the kinds and amounts of food. Many of the game birds—take the ruffed grouse, for ex- ample—thrive best where there is a lot of ground feed and cover, and because they are woodland birds, the grouse population changes with the changes in the character of woodlands, That’s true of the woodcock and the bobwhite as well. Senator Mrrrs. What are you able to do, Mr. Day, when you see particular kinds of animals or birds declining in population as a@ result of diminishing food supplies? Mr. Day. A great deal, Senator. Most peo- ple who live in the country get a great deal of pleasure from having many wild animals and birds around them, just to have them there, or perhaps for hunting. So a great many private landowners want to know what they can do to their land to restore certain Kinds of wildlife when they’re on the de- cline. The cooperative research unit at Penn State and the game commission have an ex- tensive educational program in operation— and for that matter, so do many private or- ganizations—among the sportsmen and oth- ers interested in conservation. As a result, we are able to advise landowners as to changes they can make on their own land. And the changes generally improve the land at the same time. It’s usually safe to say that 1f you find a reasonable amount of ani- mal and bird life in an area, that the land itself is valuable and is in good shape. On the other hand, run-down land generally is pretty well depleted of wildlife, so land- owners are generally anxious to make changes that increase wildlife and improve the value of land at the same time. Senator Myers. Well, what about farm ponds, Mr. Day? In driving around Penn- sylvania in recent years, I’ve noticed more and more ponds on farms, and in talking to farmers about them, I’ve heen told that these ponds serve many purposes. They store water that runs off during a rain, and the ponds don’t need to be fed by springs or streams at alI—so they provide the farms with more water, and at the same time, les~ sen the dangers of floods on the rivers to some extent. But the farmers tell me, too, that they are stocking the ponds with bass and sunfish and that some of the fish are coming from hatcheries owned by the Federal Govern- ment. Mr. Day. That’s quite correct, Senator Myers. The United States Fish and Wud- life Service has hatcheries at Lamar and Farnsworth, and last year we furnished about 50,000 bass and sunfish for farm ponds, That was about one-tenth of the fish we produced in those two hatcheries. The hatchery up at Farnsworth stocks the streams in Allegheny National Forest, and this year Farnsworth is ready to stock the Allegheny Forest with about 45,000 legal-. sized trout. Senator Myrrrs. Where does the State fish commission fit in with the two hatcheries operated by the United States Fish and Wildiife Service, Mr. Day? Mr. Day. The United States Fish and Wildlife Service does all of the stocking done in Allegheny National Forest, and we furnish stock for the farm ponds, because the State fish commission doesn’t partici- pate in either of these programs. We of the Fish and Wildlife Service also stock streams and rivers elsewhere in Pennsylvania in re- sponse to the applications which we re- ceive, and in this field we work along with the State fish commission so that our pro- gram of stocking streams fits in with their own. Senator Myers. The Pennsylvania State legislature does not appropriate any State funds at all for these fish and game programs as I understand it, and both the Fish and Game Commissions must depend upon reve- nues from the Federal Government received under the Pittman-Robertson Act, and from license fees collected from  sbortsmen through the sale of hunting and fishing li- censes. I understand that license fees brought in about $3,500,000 last year as a result of selling some 600,000 fishing licenses and over 850,000 bin*'~+ licenses in Pennsyl- vania, AsIreca ,..u> i. . of Pennsylvania got quite a bit of money from the Federal Government for conservation work last year under the Pittman-Robertson Act. Do you happen to recall the details, Mr. Day? Mr. Day. Yes, Senator Myrrs. The Pitt- man-Robertson Act provides that the Fed- eral Government should turn back to the States the money collected in excise taxes on the sale of sporting firearms and ammu- nition. The share each State gets depends upon the number of licenses sold in each State, and upon the area of each State. Last year, the money turned back to Penn- sylvania under the Pittman-Robertson Act came to $431,000. The only condition which the act imposes on the States is to require that the money be spent only for wildlife purposes, and for no other. In Pennsyl- vania, it has been used for farm game devel- opment, forest wildlife improvement, and for research. Senator Myers. One more question, Mr. Day—though this is a bit early for this one— how do you expect the duck-hunting season to be this year? Mr. Day. Tough question, Senator. We hope that it may be about the same as last year—but a lot depends on whether there are drought conditions on the northern breeding grounds. There has been a big increase in hunters since the end of the war, and we have had a few dry seasons on the breeding grounds—so the ducks haven’t fared so well. But that is one of the prob- lems We are really devoting a lot of attention to, and the revenues from the Federal duck stamp are doing much to keep the ducks and geese on the wing. Senator Myrrrs. Thank you very much, Mr, Day. My guest on this broadcast has been Mr. Albert M. Day, Director of the United States Fish and Wildlife Service. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Text or TRANSCRIPTION By UNITED SraTes SENATOR FRANCIS J. MYERS OVER PENNSYL- vaNtIa RaDIo STATIONS, WEEK END OF May 26 to 28, INCLUSIVE (No, 27 IN BIWEZSKLY S=ERIZS) Senator Mvyzrs, Some things seem almost impossible to picture. Can you imagine, for instance, a circus without a clown? Or a schoolroom without blackboards? Or this country of ours without millions of cars and trucks streaming along millions of miles of highways? And yet, just 50 years ago, in the lifetime of many of us, a handful of cars—8,000 to ke exact—and practically no surfaced highways was the piciure. Even by 1916 our State of Pennsylvania only had 230,000 registered mo- tor vehicles. But today America has more than one ve- hicle for every fomr rereoms Pennsylvania itself has over (‘(¢{) +: «¢ of highways. Over 6,000 cities in the country are entirely dependent on busses and automobiles for transportation. Almost 90 percent of the Nation’s farm products now reach their mar- kets by highways, and some could not even be harvested without highway transporta- tion. The fact that four out of five farms today have electricity can be traced, to a large degree to the availability of highways. We have consolidated rural schools, week- end motor trips, rural-mail delivery—in short, a way of life the continuance of which depends a great deal on having cars to drive—and highways to drive on. The Federal Government, from its very beginning, has played an important role in develop:ng our highway system. Our Con- stitution assigns to the Federal Government the duty of providing for national defense, establishing post roads, and encouraging commerce among the States. And any of these duties offers plenty of justification for the active steps taken by Congress to grant help to the States for constructing highways. Today, I have as my guest, Mr. H. E. Hilts, Deputy Commissioner of the Bureau of Pub- lic Roads, that division of the Department of Commerce which handles the Federal-aid program for the construction of highways. Mr. Hilts, a native of Pennsylvania, has had many years of experience in this field, both with the State and National Governments, He served as deputy chief engineer of the Pennsylvania Highway Department back in its infant days in the 1920’s, and has been with the Federal Government since 1936. Just when did this business of construct- ing decent highways first begin to receive serious attention, Mr. Hilts? Mr. Hitts. That depends on how far back you want me to go. As a matter of fact, our State, Pennsylvania, can claim the most im- portant development in highway construc- tion in the early days after the Revolution- ary War. Back in 1792, a 65-mile stretch from Philadelphia to Lancaster was ma- cadamized. And this surfacing, according to highway historians, marks the beginning of construction of hard surfaces suitable for use throughout the four seasons of the year. Senator MyYERs. Well, I didn’t really mean quite that far back. Didn’t some legislation passed by Congress back in President Wil- son’s administration represent the first im- portant effort to handle the problems brought on by rapid growth in the number of motor vehicles? Mr. Hitts. That’s right, Senator. In 1916 Congress passed the Federal-Aid Road Act, a@ large number of States—Pennsylvania was not among them—had not even organized State highway departments. But since the legislation provided that no grants could be made unless the States had working organ~ izations to handle the highway construction, all the 48 States soon had highway depart- ments, Senator Mrrrs. What was the main objec- tive of this initial legislation—-was Congress