A384 candidate and all those present—two being absent abroad—voted for him. They are to be congratulated, as is also Mr. Moss. In view of the constant parade of highly controversial problems in the board, one would hardly be expected to be in agreement with all of Mr. Moss’ decisions and policies. But in some of the most vital ones he has certainly been completely right, esnecteliv in his warm support of Superintend. . Vt .i'a Jansen’s current endeavors to oust pro-Com- munist teachers. Mr. Moss is one of Brooklyn’s ablest lawyers, is a devoted charitarian and is president of the important Brooklyn Jewish Community Council. Hes a firm but fair presiding offi- cer—-and he has certainly had to handle some tough situations that would try the patience of a Job. How he is able to devote such a large share of his time to this job without affecting either his law practice or his health we do not know. And 1t must be remembered that this is an unpaid post and President Moss’ painstaking discharge of his duties is in actuality un- assailable evidence of the seriousness with which he takes his civic responsibilities. The city could use many more like him. Segregation in Swimming Pools in Washington, D. C. EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM A. BARRETT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. BARRETT of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I want to sound a loud alarm to those people of America who are con- vinced that any weakening of our demo- cratic way of life in these anxious days constitutes an added danger to our Na- tion. I want to let them know that, even as we struggle to meet the onslaught of totalitarian ideals and methods from without, there is occurring in Washing- ton a series of shameful events that is opening a wide crack in the foundation of our democracy. I know that our citizens, no matter where they live, will raise their voices in a mighty protest when they under- stand the real design and purpose of the bill, H.R. 5968, reported out by the House Committee on the District of Columbia. I am equally certain that they will want and demand to know the attitude of the Commisisoners of the District of Colum- bia on the issue of racial segregation which forms the background of this proposed legislation. This bill is designed to transfer con- trol of the Capital’s swimming pools, built by money from taxpayers of all races, colors, and creeds, from the United States Department of the Interior to the District’s Recreation Board. On its face it appears innocent in motive and with- out mischief, and thus masquerades as a& mere organizational shift of responsi- bility. Behind it, however, is a history of broken faith, autocratic order-giving, vicious racial intolerance, and a gratui- tous judgment-of-men-by-men wholly offensive to the spirit of our Declaration of Independence and our Constitution, and in direct contradiction to the estab- lished policy of the President. This bill, if approved, will put the stamp of the Congress on the transfer of these pools from Interior to the District’s Recreation Board. Is this all? It is by no means all. If the Congress grants this transfer, it will be giving its approval to a completely undemocratic and dan- gerous solution to a problem which the Department of the Interior has already settled in a completely democratic man- ner. Even more deplorable will be the implied reinforcement by the United States Congress, before the eyes of the world, of the blatant intolerance which their “servant,” the District of Colum- bia government, has seen fit to permit. The Department of the Interior has offered to turn over the operation of these swimming pools with one p-oviso— that they be opened on a basis of non- segregation. The District’s Recreation Board has stated its desire to engage in such operation, but has refused flatly to be responsible for them unless races are segregated. This stand has been taken in spite of the prevailing pattern of use of Federal lands in the District by all races. In August 1949, the Recreation Board en- tered into a formal agreement with the Department of the Interior to conduct recreational programs in various Federal parks and grounds, agreeing to the stipu- lation that all recreational facilities were to be on a non-segregated basis. As early as 1939, the Department of the In- terior had ordered a discontinuance of compulsory racial segregation in the use of picnic groves. My colleague from Pennsylvania, Rep- resentative Cuuporr, reported to the House on May 9 the glowing success of those recreational programs in the Dis- trict which have been continuously pio- neered by the Department of the In- terior. Operated without segregation, these are programs in which all may participate without some being branded by ostracism as second-class citizens. He has told of the unhampered and free activities of all groups utilizing the pub- lic lands which belong to them all— utilizing them without conflict or strife. Adults and children, white and Negro, have accepted the real meaning of de- mocracy in this use of the parks and grounds for which all have contributed, and they have done so with a fine re- spect for the rights and the happiness of each other. There is no argument involved—these things that belong to the people are used by the people, and color or race cannot determine whether @ person can play tennis or golf, or whether he can build a picnic fire and enjoy what the Creator provided for all. The decision of the Recreation Board respecting the publicly owned swimming pools of the District is as destructive of a fine and proven tradition as it is of- fensive to decent men and women. It proclaims that the land may be used by all, the trees and flowers seen by all, the birds and the waterfalls heard by all, and the warm green grass touched by all. But the water—this, it believes, is for the white only, unless those whose skins are colored are willing to paddle around in water prepared for them alone. Have the gentlemen of the Board for- gotten that the Negro children, as well APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as the white children, suffer from the heat of Washington? Can they truly search their souls and find justification for insisting that Negro children merely stand and look through the fence as the children with white skins enjoy the pools which the money of all has constructed? This, Mr. Speaker, is not the kind of de- mocracy I believe in. To give protective color and logical justification to this despicable prejudice the Recreation Board states that it fears an opening of the pools to persons with- out regard to race or color will result in violence. It contends that its decision for segregation is in keeping with the community standards of Washington, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. As a last resort it announces piously that, if Interior opens the pools to all citizens without manufactured re- strictions, the Board cannot be respon- sible for what may occur. The Secretary of the Interior, Oscar Chapman, has announced that these pools will be open to all Americans ‘this summer in keeping with the completely satisfying pattern soundly established for other recreational facilities, The House Committee on the District of Columbia now reports out its bill to transfer the pools to the District—and the nefarious and undemocratic game of the Recreation Board is almost played out to its end. I think, however, that the game will not be finished. Any proposal as re- pugnant as this to the men and women of good will who are the fiber of our de- mocracy must be repudiated by the col- lective sense of decency of our Nation. I call upon our citizens to whom de- mocracy is a living and vital way of life to join me in protesting the proposed passage of this bill, H. R. 5968. In so doing, they can know that they have strengthened democracy before all the peoples of the world; yes, even before the eyes of those black, brown, and yel- low men and women whom we invite to become democratic nations along with us that together we may save our way of life. I do not personally intend to stand by silently when I sense an opportunity to aid in keeping communism from Amer- ica by strengthening cur democratic pat- terns and by making the fruits of de- mocracy available to all men, regardless of race or creed. And as a representa- tive of our people, I believe that this is the growing determination of America. This bill must not pass, Against those spokesmen for the Dis- trict government who have been respon- sible for establishing and maintaining this undemocratic and intolerant preju- dice I have described, the American com- munity should feel a deep resentment. The people of the United States who help to support the District of Columbia government in the management of their Capital have a particular right and an obligation to insist that the District’s official representatives observe the strictist adherence to those democratic ideals and provisions which our Consti- tution has established. This issue, exploited by the Recreation Board, has stirred up unnecessarily pas- sions of hate, fear, and intolerance at a
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD time when the Department of the In- terior had resolved it in an atmosphere of calm and peaceableness and in a man- ner fully in keeping with our established and cherished democratic traditions. The time has come when the people of America should be informed of the position the Commissioners of the Dis- trict Government take on this issue. They have been strangely silent in the face of this assault on our demccratic way of life. On May 9, a resolution was introduced before the Recreation Board which would offer that Board’s full co- operation to the Department of the In- terior in its operation of these pools. It is indeed significant that the District Government’s official representative suc- cessfully opposed this resolution, stating that the public judges us by our actions, not by resolutions. Does this statement by their represent- ative mean that the Commissioners themselves uphold this vicious policy of segregation and undemocratic discrimi- nation? In view of their silence, do we not rightly assume that he was speaking for them, and that they condone his at- titude as their own? Have the Commissioners: forgotten that the President has stated the policy of the Federal Government to be strict- ly against discrimination in any form? As employees of the Federal Government, how can they explain this overriding of the President’s policy? Do they consider that, in dealing with the District’s prob- lems, their judgment is superior to that of the President? Apparently they as- sume that they have the authority to re- voke the President’s policy on any mat- ter where their judgment differs. I think there is no room for insubordina- tion on this issue. Does the District government work for the people of this country, or does it serve only certain special groups from chosen races? . These are questions that the people want answered, and democracy gives them the right to have them answered. It is time for the Commissioners to state whether the views of their rep- resentatives are actually their own views, and whether he was speaking and acting for them. The people who breathe the air of freedom in this Nation must de- mand and insist that the District of Co- lumbia government cease for all time the toleration of official views that demo- cratic principles must not pollute the air over Washington, I think the people want to know, and want to Know now, exactly when the District government is going to begin to demonstrate that it acts for democracy, and not for some shoddy system of regulations and rules that veer dangerously toward the con- cepts of totalitarian states. Mr. Speaker, we all know that every possible inducement is being offered to ordinary people, in this Nation and throughout the world, to move over to the side of the Communists to seek se- curity. We know that democracy will win this battle for men’s minds only if it demonstrates that its precious gifts of freedom and equality truly exist for all men and women without distinction. Every new evidence of discrimination. in this country, and every story of the pareeling-out of freedom, is immediately spread throughout the world as a symbol of the fallacy of democracy’s strength. We can be sure that the nations whose people have a color that is not white are not closing their ears to this kind of propaganda. We cannot afford discrimination among our people on the world’s stage today, if for no other reason than that of our own security. We certainly can- not afford it morally, for intolerance and racial segregation eat out the fiber of our human conscience until suspicion and hatred start to grow within us. Democracy is based upon the essential dignity of all men, not just some of them. Each time that we deny that dignity we weaken democracy even as we keep on trying to build it. The bill coming before us must be de- feated. I call upon all men and women of good will and decency to join me in making known their demands for its de- feat before we drill another hole in the structure of our democracy. And I also call upon them to demand that the District of Columbia govern- ment abolish forever the support of a system that tries to establish second- class citizens, and that it remove from Office forthwith any of its representatives who find democracy painful and offen- sive. Red Proposals Selfish EXTFNSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rxcorp, I include the following editorial that ap- peared in the Daily Evening Item of Lynn, Mass., May 13, 1950: Rep PropoSaLs SELFISH Two new Russian proposals, one on Berlin and one on the long-delayed Austrian peace treaty, show very neatly how hard it is to negotiate seriously with the Soviet Union. On Austria, Moscow wants any pact to be preceded by Allied troop withdrawal from Trieste, former Italian port slated to be a free territory. This is demanded as evidence of good faith that “under one pretext or another Austria shall not also be transformed into an Anglo-American war base.” Never before, in all the years an Austrian treaty has been hanging fire, has Russia dragged Trieste into it. Now it suddenly be- comes a@ critical point on which the whole issue pivots. As for Berlin, the Soviet Union has accepted the idea of city-wide elections but has laid down seven specific conditions which must be met before the balloting can begin. It isn't necessary to examine the full list. The Russians want all occupying powers to remove their forces from Berlin. They call for abolition of the so-called occupation stat- ute under which the western nations govern their control zones of the city. They ask that “democratic” organizations be given freedom of activity in those zones, The tricks in these proposals are pretty obvious. If Russian troops left Berlin, they would still be on the outskirts of the city in the Soviet-controlled eastern portion of Ger= A3815 many. But withdrawing Allied soldiers would have to pull back more than 100 miles to the main western area of the country. Freedom for “democratic” groups in all Berlin means license to Russian-inspired Communist activities aimed at bringing the city completely under Moscow’s domination. Like the Austrian suggestion, these condi- tions are all designed to weaken or elim- inate western control of critical European sectors. What the Russians could not ac- complish by the Berlin blockade they now would seek to gain by other means. It is not likely the Russians expect us to take these proposals to heart. They are following their usual formula of asking, as a very minimum, sacrifices they know the West cannot afford to make. The newest moves are just further threads in the skein of propaganda by which Moscow eventually hopes to weave strong pro-Com- munist support in Germany—against the day when Russia’s chances of taking over might be stronger. They know the Germans want foreign troops out of Berlin and ultimately off all their soil, In the case of Austria, the Soviet leaders apparently have no real desire to negotiate a treaty, since that would compel them to remove their own troops from adjoining Hun- gary and then Rumania. When you do not want to do something, it is not hard to find excuses for inaction. That is, if you are a Russian. Some Figures on British Arming of the Arabs EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the ques- tion is often raised about the extent ot British arming of the Arab States. Iam placing in the Recorp an editorial on the subject of Arab armament which con- tains some interesting figures relative to the supply of arms to the Arabs and the type of such arms. I believe these fig- ures speak for themselves. If today anyone still questions the truth about British arms shipments to the Arab States and the extent of such shipments, these are some, though not all, of the figures. Since these figures became known, we have also learned that Britain is building a factory in Egypt to produce jet planes. I desire to commend to the attention of my colleagues the following editorial from the Jewish Advocate of Boston, May 11, 1950: ARMS FoR ARAB STATES Middle-eastern policy is one of the items on the agenda for the meeting of the For- eign Ministers In London, and it may well be that as a result of the discussions, par- ticularly between Mr. Bevin and Mr. Ache- son, some new approach to this problem. will emerge. In spite of de jure recognition of Israel by Britain, there is as yet no indication that British policy in regard to the supply of arms to the Middle East is changing. The Foreign. Office has, however, shown some signs of embarrassment at the unceasing campaign in London, Tel Aviv, and Wash- ington against the supply of arms to the Arab States while they are still refused to » Israel and has been put on the defensive
A38ié6 by the repeated publication of the alleged quantities being sent to Egypt and else- where. In the House of Commons, Mr. Churchill referred to 110 jet planes supplied to Egypt. Last week, a Reuters story from Tel Aviv said that “sources close to the Israel Foreign Office” alleged that Britain had intervened to stop a west-European country -from sell- ing jet planes to Israel and had exerted pressure on the United States to prevent the sale of arms to Israel. Israel military experts claimed, the Reuters story continued, that 48 jet aircraft—18 Vampires and 30 Meteors—had been delivered to Egypt since January and that 12 of each were ready for delivery. Britain had also, it was stated, delivered to Egypt a number of Lincoln bombers and Mosquitoes, six Furies, and three Tempests. Besides pur- chasing aircraft and arms from other sources, Egypt had received from Britain up to February 1950, 150 Bren carriers, 90 heavy- armored cars, 50 artillery vehicles, 30,000 En- field rifles, and 10,000,000 rounds of ammu- nition; 1 destroyer, 1 sloop, 4 frigates, and 1 corvette. In addition, it had bought a small frigate from America and # number of torpedo boats elsewhere. It was also alleged that Egypt had earmarked nearly £10,000,000 for armaments, had purchased a small-arms factory from Krupps at the end of 1949, & cartridge plant from France, and an explo- sives factory from Sweden and was negotiat~- ing with Italy for the purchase of a ma- chine-gun factory. It was also stated in Tel Aviv that al- though there were no treaties with Lebanon or Syria, Britain was building up a small Lebanese air force and had already delivered to Syria six jet aircrafts, with eight more to follow. Syria was also making purchases - elsewhere, while Britain had sent 270 armored cars to Jordan last year and 200 this year; four Fury aircraft and 20 tanks to Iraq. So far as Israel is concerned, one of the main considerations prompting the Foreign Office refusal to sell arms was stated to he that Israel could obtain them from other sources, which the Arab States, being short of currency, were unable to do. In the opinion of the Foreign Office, Israel is al~- ready well armed; and to supply her with further quantities would only foment an arms race in the Middle East. Our correspondent in Tel Aviv reports: A further Israel Foreign Office statement is- sued here reaffirmed that “a west European country” had offered jet fighters to Israel, provided that Britain did not object to the sale, and that when approached officially by the Israel Government the British had pro- hibited the transaction. Address by Dr. Walter Adams, Assistant Professor of Economics, Michigan State College, at the Annual Convention of Independent Bankers Association, Des Moines, Iowa ” EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JAMES H. MORRISON OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. MORRISON. Mr. Speaker, I wish to include in the Recorp the following article by Dr. Walter Adams: Mr. President, officers of the association, ladies and gentlemen, “Truth,” said Mr. Dooley almost half a century ago, “is a cruel boss. He don’t even pay you board wages and if you go to work for him you better have a good job on the side.” The fight against monopoly falls in much the same category; for, while there are many who pay lip service to the idea of free enterprise, there are few who are willing to support effective measures to preserve it, especially when their own vested interests are at stake. Neverthe- less it seems to me that if we are to perpetu-~ ate our system of economic, political, and social values—the kind of values that have made America great—we must avoid the road to further concentration of power, the very road that has led to disaster in Italy, Ger- many, Russia, and Japan. And if our busi- nessmen are to avoid suffering the same fate as did their brothers across the sea, it seems reasonable that the enforcement of free com- petition is the least regulation that they can expect; it isa minimum amount of regulation which, for the sake of survival, they must accept and accept cheerfully. As a nation we have traditionally been suspicious of concentrated economic power whether such power is in the hands of the Government, individuals, or large corpora~ tions. We have feared concentrated eco~ nomic power because it eventually tends to result in centralized political control—fas- cism or communism at worst or democratic socialism at best. Thatis why, in contrast to most other nations in the world, we have tried to curb not only excessive governmental power but also excessive private power; we have tried to maintain and preserve a sys~ tem of free competition in industry, trade, and finance on the basis of the fundamental belief that enterprise which is not competi- tive cannot for long remain free. It is for this reason that our Congress passed the first antitrust law in 1890. Yet today, 60 years after the Sherman Act became law, we are confronted with a con- centration of economic power unparalleled in our history. What is worse, the trend in that direction has been accelerated in re- cent years. Independent businesses are suc- cumbing to the encroachment of their larger rivals at an alarming rate. In industry after industry, a handful of concerns enjoy an ex- clusive position or are sufficiently dominant so as to enforce conformity among their smaller competitors. Whether we turn to steel or aluminum, to automobiles or petro=- leum, to motion pictures, or cigarettes, to chemicals or tin cans, there is the same sad tale of overwhelming size and entrenchment in strategic economic position. So serious is the situation that poor economics instruc- tors are hard-put to find concrete examples of old-fashioned price competition with which to illustrate their lectures. To be sure, we no longer have to contend with monopoly in its cruder forms. No long- er igs our economy infested with organiza- tions like the pre-1911 Standard Oil and American Tobacco companies. No longer is monopoly of the simple variety where a single firm dominates an industry. What we are confronted with instead is a type of market organization where a few sellers are dom~- inant—the so-called Big Four and Big Five; a type of market organization where the entry of newcomers is effectively deterred— not so much by the threat of economic re- prisals as by the size and entrenched power of existing firms. It is a type of market structure under which a seller no longer can afford to be independent in his price policy and under which he must, of necessity, take the reaction of his rivals into account. Thus United States Steel, for example, knows that price cutting will inevitably cause its large competitors to follow sult with the result that the market is shared as it was before— only at a lower level of prices and profits. It is this certainty that price cuts will even- tually be met; it is this fear of retaliation, that leads to conservative and nonaggressive APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD price policies in industries dominated by the Big Four and Big Five. The result is a system of friendly competi- tion. The result is a situation similar to that which would obtain if but a single concern dominated a field. Thus we get collusion— not in the common sense meaning of the word to be sure—but parallel action, never- theless, as far as the effects of market be- havior are concerned. As a very astute econ~ omist has observed recently: ‘A covenant signed with blood, an agreement signed with ink, an understanding without written words, concerted acts approved by a wink or a nod, @ common course of action followed without physical communication—these may be dif- ferent methods of collusion but the differ- ences are irrelevant if the effects are the same.” The dangers implicit in this system of friendly competition, this concerted action in the market place, should be abundantly evi- dent. Where a handful of firms are in a po- sition of dominance, consumers are not al~ ways protected—as under competition— against excessive prices and artificial short~ ages; the public is not assured that techno- logical innovations will promptly be intro- duced and the economy allowed to remain dynamic and progressive; newcomers, while enjoying legal freedom of entry into markets and access t. raw materials, are often de~ prived of the economic freedom to introduce themselves, their organizations and their ideas. It is the last point which looms especially significant, because the preservation of free enterprise requires that new men and new ideas and new firms constantly have the op- portunity to challenge the position of those already entrenched in an industry. It is this freedom of opportunity that has permitted America to climb to a position of preemi- nence in the fleld of industry, commerce, and finance. It is this freedom which must be maintained and expanded if we are to per- form as well in the future as we have in the past. And in order to do this, in order to Keep the channels of opportunity open and free, we must make sure that power remains essentially decentralized and that the right to make decisions in the field of industry, commerce, and finance is dispersed among as many individuals and corporations as pos- sible. Let me llustrate what I mean by drawing an example from a field with which you are especially familiar—the fleld of finance. Un- der a regime of competition, we assume that producers are responsive to the wishes cf consumers as expressed by the latter’s choices in the market place. We assume, for exam- ple, that if the demand for nylon Increases, the price of nylon will rise, the profits of man- ufacturing nylon will also rise, and that new producers will therefore be attracted into the nylon field, with the result that nylon production will increase and the price of nylon and the profitability of nylon making will return to normal again. While new re- sources flow into the nylon fleld they will be drawn from other flelds—say silk—where consumer demand has gone down. Thus, under competition, the kind of goods which consumers desire will be produced and they will be produced in quantities which con- sumers, through their choices in the market place, have indicated they want. There is only one hitch in this scheme of things. Im order to embark upon a career of producing nylon—assuming the absence of other artificial restraints—a new firm meeds financing. If it can obtain such financing from a large number of soures, it is not dependent on the whim or caprice, the doubts or conservatism of any individual banker. But when the supply of loanable funds is concentrated in the hands of a few, a potential newcomer to an industry might no longer be able to obtain the needed funds. He might find that insurance companies, investment bankers, or other large financial
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD institutions are already allied to existing nylon producers and therefore reluctant to provide the funds with which their previous investments would be jeopardized and with which their older clients would be made to suffer the unpleasantness of competition. They might be reluctant to deal with a little fellow, preferring to lend out their money in large chunks to big boys who can afford to borrow in quantity. They might be reluctant to venture forth into the hinterlands where the little producer is located, preferring to protect the interests of a region or locality with which they have been affiliated in the past. For these and simular reasons, loanable funds may be with- held from potential newcomers in industry when the supply of such funds rests in the hands of a few. For these and similar rea~ sons, competition in industry may be re- strained and the freedom of economic op- portunity curtailed, simply because the de- cision to lend or not to lend is a matter of discretion for a few people or concerns to excrcise. That this is not idle speculation is borne out by the facts. Thus it is a fact that the 16 largest insurance companies in America control over 80 percont of insurance-company assets. It is a fact that of the 730 mem- bers of the Investment Bankers Association, 38 houses transact 91 percent of the invest- ment banking business, and the Big Six of Wall Street 57 percent of the total business. The significance of this financial concen- tration was stated by the Justice Department in 1947 when it asked a grand jury to return an indictment against 1'7 Wall Street houses. The Justice Department at that time charged the investment bankers wtih power to de- cide which industries were to be helped in expanding and which industries were to be retarded. The Department accused these bankers of determining areas for competi- tion and monopoly, of fixing prices, of de- ciding which technological improvements and patents should be made available to the public and which to be retarded or sup- pressed altogether. The Department con- cluded that here, at the pinnacle of indus- trial and financial power, there was almost complete monopoly, there was suppression of free enterprise, and that all this was being accomplished in violation of our antitrust laws. In the commercial banking fleld similar tendencies are making themselves felt—as you know from your personal experience. Here the onslaught of monopoly is heing led by branch banking, chain banking, and holding-company banking, which have an especially strong foothold on the west coast. I need not elaborate on this subject any further in view of the fact that your organ~ ization was formed for the express purpose of preserving our system of independent banking by keeping the ownership and man- agement of banks well diffused. It 1s your organization which has realized that if banking becomes closely held and a few large systems dominate the banking fleld of the country, we will eventually wake up to a banking monopoly that would dwarf into in- significance any monopoly so far seen—a banking monopoly that would extend into all other segments of our economy as well. Granted then, that concentrated economic power—whether in the field of industry, commerce, or finance—is dangerous for the continued existence and health of a free- enterprise system; what can be done about it? Can the trend be reversed and can it be reversed without resorting to Government ownership or strict Government control? I think it can be and on the basis of this bellef I have, last December, presented a proposal for a new antitrust law to the Congress of the United States. " My proposed law, which would deal with nonfinancial corporations only, has a dou- ble purpose: To preserve, wherever feasible, a competitive structure of industry while at the same time providing safeguards against an interference with business efficiency. In cases where these basic goals come into con- flict, the proposed law would forsake com- petition and choose efficiency as the objective of public policy. Specifically the bill provides that corpora- tions which control 10 percent or more of a commodity’s supply (or corporations with assets totaling more than $25,000,000) must register with the Securities and Exchange Commission. These corporations must then file pertinent data so that the Commission can delermine—in a case-by-case approach and in accordance with specific standards set forth in the bill—whether the corporate structure of a given firm, its position in the industry, or its business policies and prac- tices have a detrimental effect on the inter- ests of investors, consumers, or the general public. If they do, the Commission can, after opportunity for hearing, order the dis- solution of such a firm or the divestiture thereby or divorcement therefrom of any property, assets, securities or other holdings which are not reasonably incidental, or eco- nomically necessary or appropriate to its efficient functioning * * * or which tend to hinder, obstruct, *rred> om render dificult the maintenance c= ici... .¢' of effective competition in one or more lines of commerce. This simply means that, if the Commission were to discover that the du Pont control over General Motors and United States Rub- ber was not economically necessary or ap- propriate to the efficient functioning of a chemical flzm—or that such control was mo- tivated primarily by a desire for monopoly— the Commission might order du Pont to rid itself of the General Motors and United States Rubber holdings. Similarly, if the Commission were to find that Gencral Motors was indecd an efficient producer of automo-~ biles but that its manufacture of Diesel loco- motives, refrigerators, electric appliances etc. merely represenicd an attempt to agegrandize the firm's size and economic power, the company might be forced to con~ fine its inns 10 11¢ automobile field, Finally, * vae Commiss cr were to find that a@ firm like United States Steel could operate as efficiently but less monopolistically at one-third its present size, an order to that effect could be issued. Here then is the central provision of the proposed law: It permits an administrative authority, subject to judicial review, to order a giant firm to ‘unmerge,’’ wherever the ef- fect of such an order is likely to stimulate competition and/or increase efficiency. But the bill goes further. It leans over backward to afford companies protection against wan- ton and arbitrary atomization. This protec- tion Is provided in the form of escape clauses under which an industrial giant can avoid eee ed TU Ge dissolution or divestment orders by tr 2 Com-. mission, if it can demonstrate that its pres- ent size is necessary for the attainment of efficiency or that its business performance in the past has materially benefited the general public. Contributions to the public interest can. be established imply by showing that the company in question has participated in technological progress, passed on savings in cost to consumers, provided enough plant ca- pacity to fill consumer needs and actually used such capacity to the fullest, earned a normal rate of profit as compared to competi. tive industries, and has benefited consumers by price reductions as well as by advertising competition. When a company, Judged by these standards, can show that the manner of its past performance has been in the pub- lic interest, it escapes dissolution or divest- ment—regardless of its monopolistic position in the economy. The main advantages of the proposed bill are threefold: First, it is not a general dis~- solution decree against all industrial giants, A3817 It is not a death sentence for big business merely on the grounds that itis big. Instead, the bill provides for a careful, selective, case~ by-case approach to cope with such concen- trated economic power as is conducive neither to a maintenance of efficiency or the encour- agement of competition. Secondly, the bill proposes to benefit not only consumers and the general public but corporate investors as well. It does so simply by requiring that no business be so big that its component parts could function more efficiently as separate units than as parts of the whole. That this J. not an idle claim was amply demonstrated in the public-utility field where a similar law (the Public Utility Holding Company Act of 1935) produced a considerable increase in efl~ ciency of operation. This was reflected by the security values of those operating com- panies which were divorced from their parent organizations. Thirdly, the bill implements dissolution proceedings by more sophisticated techniques than the hammer and tongs method available under the Sherman Act. Whereas the Sherman Act equips the Justice Departrrent with a blunt ax, this bill provides the ento.cemen,. agency with a set of fine sur- gical instruments. By contract with the Sherman Act, it sets up standards which are sufficiently clear and concrete to obviat> con- fusion and uncertainty as to what is lawful or unlawful conduct in the market place. In this connection it might be noted that Sena- tor Tart recently recommiended that our law- makers “should consider whether we should place a limit on the proportion of any indus- try which can be controlled by any company and whether it is possible to make the Sher- man Act more definite and effective.” While my proposed bill is by no means a panacea for our rest -stcms; while it should not ‘i measures designed to -"ct~+ man or to reform the t-ba patent laws; while it should go hand in hand with statutes designed to prevent further concentration in the “Imuncia: field; it must, nevertheless, constitute the core of any com- prehensive antitrust program. AG LI In conclusion, let me . peat the warning of Senator Murray who some years ago said: “If we believe that our system of free enter- prise should be preserved, if we believe that the American economy should be the expres- sion of a free society, then we cannot stand idly by and watch the march of monopoly to power. We cannot risk the consequences— for in this struggle, if we are too little and too late, there will be no second chance.” Rural Electrification and Rural Telephenes EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GEORGE H. CHRISTOPHER OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. CHRISTOPHER. Mr. Speaker, electricity has become a necessity of modern life. Cheap electricity to the consumers of this country will make it possible for them to use the appliances that are so necessary to make their home pleasant, comfortable, and attractive and relieve the burdens of drugery which the average housewife, without electricity, is compelled to endure. I have no apolo- gy for the battle I have waged for REA and Southwestern Power. TVA is the outstanding development of its kind in the entire history of the world and many other rivers are being and will continue
A3818 to be harnessed to serve mankind by generating cheap hydroelectric power. The forces of greed and exploitation will fight a losing battle against these great public improvements. The water power of this land belongs to the Federal Gov- ernment and the current generated by the multipurpose dams constructed by the Army engineers belongs to the peo- ple of the United States and not to the Power Trust. REA Co-ops are preferen- tial customers under existing law. The electricification of farm homes in my State is little more than half com- pleted and, like JonN Rankin, of Mis- sissippi, I want the fight for REA and rural telephones to continue until a rural telephone line and REA line reaches every rural home that a draft board can find in the time of war or a tax collec- tor can find in time of peace. Residential users of elctric current in the State of Missouri in 1948—which is the last year for which I have complete figures—paid $36,185,900 for electrical current. If they had been able to secure that current at TVA rates it would have cost them $20,227,918, or $15,957,982 less than they paid. If the commercial users of electrical current in the State of Mis- souri in 1948 had been able to secure the current at TVA rates, they would have saved $15,781,867. The industrial and other users of electrical current would have saved another $14,258,713, which makes the staggering total of $45,998,562 that the Power Trust overcharged the users of electrical current in my State during the year of 1948, measured by the TVA yardstick. It is out of that over- charge that the cost of full-page ads, ap- pearing in hundreds of papers all over the State, are being paid. With an over- charge like the above which runs to the staggering total of $2,097,071,724 for the United States as a whole—no wonder the Power Trust can buy full-page ads, keep the mails full of propaganda, and em- ploy lobbyists in the Nation’s Capital, the yearly salaries of some of whom run as high as $6: ,000 per year plus an expense account. It is the overcharge to the con- sumer of electrical current that is pres-~ ently financing the propaganda of the Power Trust in the press, the radio, the mails, and personally in the cloakrooms of the Nation’s Capital. So long as the Power Trust was confi- dent that it would be able to grab at the busbar every kilowatt-hour of current generated by the hydroelectric dams, they were in favor of the Army engineers continuing to build these dams. But now that it appears that there is more than a possibility that REA will be able to pick up at least a part of this cheap current at the dams, they are turning their attention to attempting to kindle widespread opposition to any further construction by the Army engineers. If private power companies would sign a contract with the REA co-ops in the State of Missouri binding themselves to furnish to these co-ops all the firm cur-~ rent they needed for a period of 30 yeais at 6 mills per kilowatt-hour, wholesale, and deliver the current to the points of need, I would see no reason for the construction of the two proposed lines across the State of Missouri, But I see no indication that the power com- panies would be willing to sign such a contract or that they would be able to make good on it if they did. A great hue and cry has gone up against the building of those two lines in Missouri and the construction of the two steam plants to firm up current from Bull Shoals and Norfolk on the White River. Forty-two cities and towns in the State of Missouri have municipal plants and generate their own current. My home town of Butler, Mo., has such a plant. The list includes such towns as Carthage, Chillicothe, Columbia, Hannibal, Hig- ginsville, and even Independence, and it should be remembered that Independ- ence is so close to Kansas City that the towns have built together until you have to watch the markers on Truman Road in order to know when you leave Kansas City and enter Independence. These forty-two towns and cities in my home State have every right to generate their own electrical current and incidentally they feel they can generate it more cheaply than they can buy it. But, if it is all right for these towns and cities in my home State to own their plants and generate their current why is it socialism, communism, and boondoggling for all the farmers in all the State of Missouri to borrow enough money from the Fed- eral Government to construct two lines across the State and two steam plants to firm up the hydroelectric current gener- ated by the White River so that REA may have dependable sources of cheap elec- trical energy that they know will not be taken from them? Do not let anyone tell you that these lines and plants will be built by the Gov-~ ernment and given to REA. REA will pay for the current generated on the White River, to energize these lines the same as any other purchaser. The money used in the construction of the lines and the two plants will be repaid with interest to the Federal Government. RBA has been and is ahead on its pay- ment schedule and will continue to main- tain that position: unless throttled and strangled by the power trust. We are only seeking in Missouri, as well as other places all over the United States, to get for REA a dependable source of electrical energy at a wholesale cost that will per- mit the co-ops to buy it and repay the Federal Government the cost of con- structing their lines so that the farmers of America may own their electrical sys- tem. I want to impress on all farmers, and those in my home State particularly, that there is a tremendous battle being waged between REA co-ops and the in- terests that seek to maintain and con- tinue their monopoly on the current that is and will continue to be necessary to keep the lines energized. The average farm user of electrical current will be using 2 to 10 times as much current 5 years from now as he is today if he can get that current at a price he can afford to pay. The power trust is planning a propa- ganda program, the cost of which will run into the millions of dollars. It has been reported that a motion-picture film is to be made the title of which will be, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD If You Don’t Watch Out. This film is purported to depict what the Power Trust choose to refer to as “galloping social- ism.” 'This shows the length to which the power monopoly is willing to go to deceive the American public. Users of electrical current should remember that they are being forced to pay for this propaganda barrage that is being used against them. It will be well if farmers who have REA service and other farmers who hope to receive such service in the near future will make enough inquiries that they will know who are their friends and who are their enemies. The figures quoted above are taken from tables presented by the Honorable Joun E. RANKIN, of Mississippi, and made a part of the ConGRESSIONAL REcoRD on Friday, July 1, 1949. Tariff Tinkering EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE M. GRANT OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. GRANT. Mr. Speaker, there is scheduled to be another round of tariff tinkering in September. Our working people and manufacturers are threat- ened with possible plant closure, person- nel reduction and competition most diffi- cult to meet. We cannot maintain American stand- ards on a basis of foreign manufacturing costs. That is a self-evident fact. To flood our markets with cheaply produced foreign products is to strike a blow, for some a death blow, to our economy. The Committee for Reciprocity Infor- mation will begin hearings on May 24. This committee is charged with the re- sponsibility of holding hearings with re- gard to tariff changes, to gather infor- mation and to digest and transmit it to the Committee on Trade Agreements, which is the same group as the Commit- tee for Reciprocity Information. The Committee on Trade Agreements has served notice of intention to negotiate with 17 other countries in England in September, under provision of the Trade Agreements Act of 1934, as amended. A lengthy list of products imported in- to the United States on which United States tariff concessions may be consid- ered touch many industries—-chemicals, metals and manufacturing, agriculture, textiles and ceramics. Wholesale large-scale reductions would open our doors to a dangerous flood of cheap foreign products and might well mean disaster to many of our industrial plants and the loss of jobs to millions of workers, both skilled and unskilled. I represent a district in which numer- ous textile mills are located. I feel these mills, already threatened with shrinking domestic markets, with a shrunken American dollar, with increasing un- employment and blighting competition from Japan foisted by our military gov- ernment in that country, should be spared further harassment and material
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD difficulties. I oppose with all the vigor I possess, any further lowering of our tariffs until conditions are more equi- table as between the participating na- tions and the resultant competition of a more legitimate and reasonable nature. I do not subscribe to the philosophy of “letting the manufacturer look out for himself—he is able to do it,” when that doctrine might throw millions of workers out of employment. It 1s a blighting philosophy. I should like to read you some of the messages I have received from my dis- trict regarding this important matter: Here is one from Mr. A.C. Smith, pres- ident of the First National Bank, of Greenville, Ala.: Local unit of Alabama Mills is devoted ex- clusively to manufacture of corduroys. This payroll is a vital factor In economic welfare of Greenville and Butler County. Under- stand Committee for Reciprocity Informa- tion to make recommendations to President for reduction in tariff on corduroy. Im- portant that tariff not be reduced. Would seriously affect mills operation and payrolls. Please do what you can to prevent changes in present tariff. Advise us. And here is a wire from the Greenville Junior Chamber of Commerce: Please refer to plan of Committee for Reci- procily Information, advising President to re- duce tariff on corduroy. This action seems unfair and discriminatory. We request you oppose this matter. Our local mill with $750,000 annual payroll will be closed or greatly handicapped. Another one from Mr. Howard Hay- good, secretary of Greenville Chamber of Commerce: Please refer to plan of Committee for Reci- procity Information, advising President to reduce tariff on corduroys. We consider ac+ tion damaging, unfair, and discriminatory and urge your opposition and efforts against same. This telegr.m authorized by 143 members of chamber of commerce as it will probably close local mill with $'750,000 an- nual payroll. And here is one from Mr. Jeff P. Bee- land, a businessman of Greenville: In 1934 Congress gave the President au- thority to increase or decrease tariff rates on goods coming into this country from foreign countries. Present information is that the Committee for Reciprocity Information will recommend to the President that the tariff be removed from corduroy. There are very few manufacturers of corduroy in America, and our manufacturers of this fabric will be compelled to curtail, or even shut down, if the President decides to eliminate the tariff on corduroy. The local mill, which has an annual payroll of $750,000, will very likely be forced to close. Surely this is damaging and harmful authority that seeks to estab- lish the textile Industry of Japan in compe- tion with American labor, We can readily see that if applied to all textiles it would ruin the laborers of America, If carried out on one textile, it is certainly discriminatory. It should not ke permitted, and with all sin- cerity I urge your untiring efforts to assist in preventing same from happening. Will you introduce a bill, remove this authority, and place such authority back in the hands of Congress? This should be done for the protection of the laborers of America. Will you do it? Mr. Speaker, I hope this threatened assault upon the working people and the businessmen of America will not be perpetrated, “] Am an American” Day EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE Or MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave lo extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following timely editorial that appeared in the Bosion Daily Record of May 18, 1950: “I AM AN AMERICAN” Day The American people, by their annual ob- servance of “I Am An American” Day, which will be observed next Sunday, earnestly and enthusiastically welcome all new citizens to active participation in the affairs of the Nation, There are many mullions of such new citi- zens each year, mostly by virtue of the fact that somany young men and women become of legal voting age and thus enter upon the estate of active and responsible American citizenship as a matter of heritage. But, in addition, a large number of foreign- born residents of the country have made themselves competent to perform the duties of citizenship and have made themselves worthy of the high estate to which they have aspired. The pride with which every American Is able to accept and discharge the responsi- bilities of citizenship is properly and right- fully expressed on such an occasion as “I Am an American” Day. Those of us who were born to that estate of patriotic resporsibuicy snould be mind- ful of the debs of gratitude we owe to the happy circumstance of birth which has no greatly enriched our lives. Those who achieve that place among us of their own volition, and are only asked as a condition thereof that they pay the tribute of loyalty to their adopted country, are often first among us in their understand- ing and appreciation of what a good and grand and beautiful thing it is to be an American, Such a man was the late Emil Schwarz- haupt, a native of Germany who died this year after 40 years of residence in the United States as a naturalized citizen. Mr. Schwarzhaupt prospered more than most men in consequence of his life in Amer- ica, but it was not his great wealth which marked him for national attention at the time of his death but the legacy of apprecia- tion and gratitude he left as an example and inspiration to all who have the right to call themselves Americans. The truly precious and priceless thing about America which had been disclosed to him was the gift of dignity and of oppor- tunity and of challenge to personal worthi- ness attendant upon American citizenship. So the bulk of his fortune, more than $4,000,000, was set aside for the establish- ment of the Emil Schwarzhaupt Foundation, to which he ascribed the following purpose: “The upbuilding and betterment of Amer- ican citizenship and increasing among all American citizens and especially among the foreign born the knowledge of the history of the United States Government and the meaning and obligation and privileges of citizenship in the United States of America.” The purpose and spirit of “I Am An Ameri- can’? day have never been given better ex- pression than by the proud and grateful words of this man who became an American by his own choice. Let all of our new citizens be made wel- come and given a special place of honor among the patriotic people of our land, A3819 Let “I Am An American” Day be observed by all of our people with respect for the free institutions of our country and with reverence for the traditions of human broih- erhood and justice which distinguish and sustain it. Honor to Mr. Whittington, Chairman, Pub- lic Works Committee, House of Repre- sentatives EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May,18, 1950 Mr. LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, under authority granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp I wish to call to the at- tention of the Congress the crowning accomplishments of a service rendered to his country at the end of his retire- ment from the Congress by a distin- guished Amcrican, Hon. Wit, M. Wuirt- tTincton, chairman of the Public Works Committee of the House of Representa- tives. Mr. Speaker, since 1928 Mr. Wurrrine- TON, aS a member and as chairman of the Flood Control Committee, and pres- ently as chairman of the Public Works Committee of the House, has guided every piece of legislation in regard to flood control through the Congress. On May 17, the President signed H. R. 5472, the omnibus flood-control and riv- ers and harbors authorization bill of 1949-50, included in which are proj- ects in every State in the Union amount- ing to $1,731,251,825, and the President presented to Mr. Wurrrrnecron one of the pens with which he signed the bill. Mr. Speaker, today Mr. WHITTINGTON, as chairman of the Public Works Com- mittee, has most ably presented the Fed- eral-aid road bill providing for $660,- 000,000 Federal aid to the highways of the Nation, and the bill was passed al- most unanimously. Mr. Speaker, no encomium is required by me for the work in the Congress of Mr. Wurrrincton, for I think that the demonstration several days ago in the House by his colleagues is sufficient testimony of the appreciation and es- teem in which he is held by the mem- bership. I would like to submit a copy of a resolution adopted by the National Rivers and Harbors Congress at its an- nual convention in Washington, as fol- lows: RETIREMENT FrRoM CONGRESS oF Hon. WILLIAM M. WHITTINGTON Since the Government of the United States has recognized its abligation and respon- sibility in regard to the development and utilization of our water resources, and over a period of nearly 30 years in the Congress of the United States there is one man who, at great personal and financial sacrifice, over and above all others has made the greatest contribution in the study, initiation, se~ curing authorizations, appropriations and completion of the great programs and proj~ ects of navigation, flood control, power de~ velopment, irrigation, and water resource development.
A3820 * puring the long period of years as mem- ber and chairman of the Flood Control Com- mittee of the House of Representatives, and later upon the reorganization of House committees, as chairman of the Public Works Committee of the House, his unlimited energy, outstanding ability, sound judg- ment, administration and guidance has made possible great public works which will inure and endure to the benefit and protection of our country and people, and which will be living and lasting monuments to their author and champion. In our organization his service covers State vice president for the State of Mississippi, national director, and senior national vice president The National Rivers and Harbors Congress regrets profoundly the announcement of the decision of Hon. WitLiam M, WHITTINGTON, of Mississippi, to retire as a Member of the Congress of the United States, for especially at this time the country can ill afford to lose in the Congress the presence and influence of such a statesman and patriotic American of the stature of our friend and coworker. Our gratitude goes to Mr. WuiTrineton in his unselfish contribution to the cause to which he was devoted, and we extend our sincere wishes for his health and happiness, and notwithstanding the above, we express the sincere hope that it may yet be possible for him to reconsider his decision to retire. Mr. Speaker, as a further evidence of the esteeem in which Mr. WHITTINGTON is held, I wish to say that on the occa- sion of Mr. WHITTINGTON’s seventy~ second birthday, on May 4, 1950, the Members of the House Public Works Committee tendered a testimonial din- ner to Mr, Wurrrinctom at the Statler Hotel, and I would like to include an ex- cerpt from the remarks of Mr. Don- dero, ranking minority Membex speak- ing for the committee, as follows: It is with deep personal emotion that I rise to extend greetings and congratulations to my personal friend, my illustrious col- league, and my noble and able chairman, the Hon. Win M. Wuuitrincron, on this, the seventy-second anniversary of his birth. His has been a successful and distinguished career—teacher, lawyer, State legislator, and Member of Congress for a quarter of a cen- tury. He has contributed much to leader- ship and legislation of national importance— legislation which has been of great benefit to the Nation. There is one thing that is admired above all others in men, and that is success. There is an old saying that “nothing succeeds like success.” It matters little along what line of human endeavor a man’s talents lie. The fact that he succeeds is the all-important thing. It proves that in his fleld of activity be did “build a better mousetrap than his fellow man.” We respect his ability and his zeal. He is a benefactor to mankind not only for his con- tribution to the enterprises of the world but for the inspiration we derive from the lofty example he sets for others, All that I am saying in truth represents our distinguished colleague. Many people believe success is largely due to luck or to birth or to circumstances. But it takes ability to shape circumstances. It is true that there is a tide in the affairs of men which, taken at its flood, leads on to fortune. Only an able and wise man, how- ever, knows when. the tide is at its flood. Our friend and colleague, our distinguished guest and chairman, has achieved a large measure of success. His success has been political, legislative, and material. But that success was not achieved hy luck. I am sure it came as the result of hard work and dill- gent application. Undoubtedly, early in his life he learned one thing that is now one of his fine char- acteristics, namely, thoroughness. He has earned true greatness and we, his friends and colleagues, who have been so closely asso- ciated with him, at least for a part of his life, rejoice that this is so. We are honored by his presence here to~ night and, also, that of his family. We hope that this modest occasion is expressive of that esteem and affection in which he is held by all of us who know him so well. I can think of no word or line more appro~ priate on this occasion and, in contemplation of his withdrawal voluntarily from public life and in contemplation of his return to his Mississippi home where he and his good wife walked in full strength of their years, than the sentiment expressed by General Lee to his army at Appomattox, when he said: “You will take with you that satisfaction which proceeds from a consciousness of duty faith- fully performed.” Speaking for the committee, of which you are our honored chairman, I congratulate you again upon your seventy-second birthday. Somewhere the poet has said: “Age is a quality of mind. If you have left your dreams behind And hope is cold; If you no longer look ahead And your ambition’s fires are dead; Then you are old. But if from life you take the best And in life you see the jest, And love you hold; Then no matter how the birthdays fly, No matter how the years roll by; You are not old.” Address of Hon. William J. Green, Jr., of Pennsylvania EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. FRANCIS E. WALTER OY PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. WALTER. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following address by Hon. Wiiiiam J. GREEN, JR., Congress- man, Fifth District of Pennsylvania, at the forty-eighth annual convention of the Pennsylvania Federation of Labor at the Benjamin Franklin Hotel, Philadel- phia, May 8, 1950: Mr. President, honored guests, and friends, at the very outset, let me remind you that this is a political year. Instead of being coy and shadow-boxing, I will tell you right now that my remarks will be largely political. Everything that labor has gained over the decades has been achieved through wise la- bor leadership and by the ballot box. So there is no more appropriate place to talk politics frankly. In a@ world which never before knew such fear and uncertainty, it is a pleasant con- tradiction that organized labor is in better shape than at any time in its history. This is a tribute to many leaders and workers who have crossed to the great beyond and also to men like Jim McDevitt and you who are still fighting the good fight. America is strong economically and politically. Never before was our wealth so widely diffused, and at no time have we been as free from the menace of “isms.” There are far more employables now than in previous times, which explains in large APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD measure the unemployment picture. But every responsible adviser believes this lag is on the way to being wiped out. Ordinarily I avoid quoting statistics in a speech. But here are a few which are dramatic in their importance. They cover most of the very 48 years in which you have been meeting annually. You and your predecessors did much to bring them about. ' Columnist Sylvia F. Porter, writing in the Philadelphia Inquirer, said: “For a long time I have been seeking some hard facts on the buying power of work, then and now, for that is a major yardstick by which to measure the true prosperity of the majority of Americans. Today I have those facts * * * via the National In- dustrial Conference Board * * * which has just finished surveying what an hour’s work would buy in 1914 and what it would buy in 1948. At the start, let us say the dis- closures are exhilarating. For, since 1914, the purchasing power of an hour’s work in our country has just about doubled. In this pe- riod the average factory worker’s wages have risen twice as much as prices. Today’s fac- tory worker has to work only about half the number of hours that the 1914 worker did to pay the family bills. * * * “Today’s Americans are so far ahead of their 1914 equivalents that any nostalgia about the good old days is ridiculous. In those good old days of 1914 the average wage earner had to work over 51 hours a weck, and some other member of the family had to earn additional income to supply the aver- age amount of goods. He received 25 cents an hour and earned a total of $12.72 a week. He needed $16 to support his family, how- ever. So, to make ends meet, o'ru: members of his family had to work an extra 14 hours. Today’s factory worker has to work only 34 hours to supply his family with the higher living standard now considered average. He receives $1.47 an hour and earns a total of $58.52 a week. Thus, he has a surplus he can use for saving or for improving his liv- ing standard. “Consider food costs as an illustration. The dollar cost of food has skyrocketed since 1914. As Iread some of the food prices prev- alent then, I find it difficult to believe they were real. But the average food basket cost the average worker 29.4 hours a week. To- day’s typical basket costs today's worker 12.4 hours. Or consider clothing costs * * * and, again, the soaring prices of the last decade have obscured the basic long-term gains. To clothe himself and his family cost the average factory worker 9 hours in 1914. Today’s wage earner can finance his cloth- ing expenses with less than 5 hours 9 week, And so the comparisons go down the line in housing, transportation, fuel and light, household operation, and furnishings. And they are still valid after deduction of the income tax, our new form of family expense.” Now, these figures deal with the average American who is a worker. They depict bet- ter than any oratory how the average em- ployee has improved his lot since 1914. Most of that progress has been made since the Wagner Labor Relations Act was written into law, Labor unions, bargaining within its framework, have been the force which brought it about. This fine statement of our economic health is made just 18 years after Herbert Hoover predicted that grass would grow in our streets and that America was about to embrace state socialism. Mr. Hoo- ver will be remembered for many things, but I always think of him as the man who gave Republican candidates their bird call. Little city children who never heard a screech owl, or & whippoorwill, or a robin in its vesper song, are familiar with the Republican candidates cry of socialism. It ig uttered in a loud voice, from the bottom of the throat, each October and early No- vember; 1t becomes particularly shrill in the week imediately preceding the Tuesday
; APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD after the first Monday in November This is usually followed by a great hush which occurs on Tuesday night or Wednesday morning. In 1948 the b.:d ery grew dim after midnight and at five in the morning was reduced to a whisper. As an indica- tion of the fall season you can be more certain of this call than the frost upon the pumpkin, or the world series. They cried “socialism” when we wrote the Social Security Act. They cried “socialism” when we wrote the Wagner Labor Relations Act. They cried “socialism” when wages and hours standards were set. They cried “socialism” when the security exchanges were regulated. They cried “socialism” when decent housing became a matter of Govern- ment interest. And without benefit of a crystal ball we can predict that the old familar bird call will ring out when they discuss the welfare state next fall. They _ M1 still yell “socialism” in spite of the steady earnings and dividends and the back- log of orders in business. They are still in charge of their businesses and Govern- ment imposes regulations only when it is in the public interest. And tha’ is a duty of government. When the cry of “socialism’’ pierces the autumn air I think the orators should define the word for us. Certainly any Republican candidate should be willing to accept Sen- ator Tart’s definition, given in oa recent tele- cas’. He said: “Socialism is where the Gov- ernment runs cverything.” That is terse and accurate. It has no application to a welfare state which both Churchill and Attlee endorsed. They dividec. on the Gov- ernment taking over businesses, which is socialistic. This has been done in Great Britain to perhaps a degree of 20 percent. The conditions which brought it about are strictly British and have no counterparts here. Before the Republican candidates prac- tice their bird call let me tell them this: I have never met and talked with a respon- sible Democrat, from President Truman down, who would not bend every effort to prevent socialism from replacing our private enterprise system. I talk to many labor leaders and I have yet to encounter one who would change our private enterprise method. I will go further; I have many conversations each day with just plain Americans, and I have yet to meet one who wants socialism. And let me add, after 18 years of the same dismal November wail, nobody is scared any more. We are doing too well, I recently passed a Carnegie Mbrary in my district. It brought to mind the many surveys covering the first half of the cen- tury, which appeared in our newspapers on New Year's Day. The little steelmaster was an industrial giant during an impor~ tant part of that period. He left Ubrary buildings to perpetuate his memory. He built the enduring part of his monument, And with Scotch canniness, let the city tax~ payers provide the perishable books. It is unfortunate that the library did not evoke the thoughts of fondness and endearment which monuments usually do. Instead I kept thinking of how the Carnegie fortune was amassed. In the place of pondering on Mr. Carnegie my thoughts dwelled upon his ruthless era. Here was the trickle-down period when great fortunes were set up for the few, with the thought that some small portion would trickle down to the rest of us. This was the heyday of Republican high protective tariffs, maintained long after our industzies needed protection. Through this Republican device, Mr. Carnegie sold steel for cheaper prices in Europe than you could buy it in Pittsburgh. I thought of how ready Republican Gov- ernors always were to call out the National XOVI—App.——-241 Guard in a strike. My mind dwelt upon those dismal company towns with their rack- eteering company stores, their heavily armed company police and sometimes, even a com- pany-dominated church. I thought of how Mr. Carnegie’s companies kept labor under thumb by recruiting in European countries. Ellig Island was the convenient answer to any labor unrest. Also to mind came thoughts of blacklisting, yellow-dog contracts, labor spies, and strikebreakers, at a time when Re- publicans were elected in Pennsylvania with sickening regularity. And that fact brought to mind the ballot- box frauds in Philadelphia and other cities of our State. Also the Bois Penrose assess- ments upon members of the Pennsylvania Manufacturers’ Association to pay for all this. During this shameful period in Pennsylvania labor history, we had nothing but Republi- can Governors, yet you have been gracious in inviting our present Governor and he has shown typical consideration in accepting. But as I review the labor record of his party, I feel something akin to sympathy for him. Despite his well-known calm, he or other Pennsylvania Republican politicians must feel very much like a whisky distiller address- ing the Women’s Christian Temperance Union, when they talk to a labor group. Next November Republican money will be poured into this State by interests opposed to labor, When the famillar bird-cry is at its loudest it is possible that you may read of some alleged Inbur leader who has decided to throw his influence (which is usually neg~ ligible) to the Republicans. He will claim that he is doing this in the cause of the workingman. This will fool nobody. He is acting in his own personal interest. For the moment he will achieve headlines and then sink to we'l-earned oblivion. Right now there is a primary fight between two factions of the Republican Party backed by Mellon, of Pittsburgh, and Grundy, of the Pennsylvania Manufacturers’ Association. This is the equivalent of choosing between smallpox and diphtherla. Neither the ty- coons, or the candidates they endorse, have ever shown any interest in the workingman, except in November. In Senator M~vrrs you have a definitely known quantity. Read his voting record and then emphasize it among your worker friends. Frank has become a real power in Washing- ton and he has won that high esteem in the short space of 6 years in the Senate service. No matter where you live in the State, make it your business to know your Congressman’s voting record in the House. Statewise, we never entered an election with as much confidence. You will hear that Richardson Dilworth should serve out his term as Philadelphia city treasurer. Even as a candidate for that office he advocated that it be abolished. He said then, before his election, that the treasurer was only a glorified cashier and urged that the office be absorbed by the comptroller. Dick really ran last November to show what a shellacking he could administer to the Philadelphia Re- publican gang. It is the one they will never forget and may not even survive. What a competent Governor Dilworth will make. In closing, let us reiterate to each other that we want no part of socialism and that welfare features do not produce that kind of government. Neither do we want any return. to that form of rugged individualism that became too rugged for us under Hoover. We are all out for enterprise that is decent, that serves the people well, and which accords la~ bor the dignity to which it is entitled. With the memory of the Hightieth Congress and the infamous Taft-Hartley Act, we know that this position can only be maintained by vot- ing the straight Democratic ticket. A3821 Speeches by Hon. Joseph E. Casey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Rrecorp, I include therein two excellent speeches delivered some time ago by my valued friend and our former colleague, the Honorable Joseph E. Casey, my distinguished predecessor as Representative of the Third Massa- chusetts District: SPrecH Maps oN THE Day THE UNITED STaTEs DEcLareD War ON JAPAN Mr. Casry of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, prior to yesterday we were a divided Nation with respect to our foreign policy. That division of sentiment has interfered with the eflicient marshaling of our energies and our resources. America has been a sleeping giant. This attack by the Japanese has awakened us. We are no longer divided. We are one people. We sre a Nation talvanized into action. The whole world will svun learn that a truly oere2-invrs Noticr can strike with awful «rer ter Teton vv aroused, Mr. Speaker, we, Almericuns uli, at this critical hour in the life of our Nation, place all that we hold dear—our lives and our sacred honor—upon the altar of our country and at the feet of our country’s cause. God helping us, we will not fail. (Source: Con~ GRESSIONAL REcorp, House, December 8, 1941, p. 9521.) [From the ConcressIonat Recorp of March 31, Mr. CaSEY of Massachusetts, Mr. Chairman, I offer the following amendment, which I send to the desk. The Clerk read as follows: “amendment offered by Mr, Casey of Massachusetts: Page 1, line 8, strike out *8825,000,000' and insert in leu thereof “8850,000,000’, and in line 9 strike out ‘$100,= 000,000’ and insert ‘$125,000,000.’ ” . Mr. Cassy of Massachusetts. Mr. Chair- man, this amendment in the sum of $125,- 000,000 offers us on this side of the aisle a common ground upon which to meet, Make no mistake about it, this is an important vote, an important vote for those who come from the industrial centers of the country and an important vote for those who come from the agricultural districts of the country. More than that, it is an important vote so far as the Democratic Party is concerned. Here we have the party that was put into power because during the crisis the Repub- lican Party failed miserably to meet the exi- gencies of the situation created prior to 1932, I have heard arguments against the WPA. Of course, relief is an unpleasant topic, and it is an unpleasant situation with which we have to deal, needy men and women. We would like to walk away from it and just say, “Let them take care of themselves.” Relief and WPA were never intended to restore pros- perity to this country. It is not an economic panacea. It is, however, our method of say~ ing that we believe it to be the duty of the Government to give needy men and women whom private industry cannot employ an op- portunity to exist and support their depend- ents until these distressful times have passed, Throughout the world men and women, through no fault of their own, through no fault of any political party, were thrown out of work. It became a problem for every other nation as well as this country. The totall- tarian nations have solved it by putting their
A3822 unemployed in as shock troops and putting them to work under direct Government su- pervision in the Army. England tried to solve it by the dole. From authoritative sources I have read and have been told that the dole system has been demoralizing; that men are growing to middle age now who have never seen their fathers earn a single dollar and who have themselves never earned a dollar, but merely march up once a week and get a pit- tance from the Government without doing anything for it. The WPA, with all its faults, and they have been set forth clearly and fully, is a much better method of relief than has yet been trought forth in any nation on the face of the earth today. Of course, there has been criticism. “Swing” Mikado, building world’s fairs, and so forth, but there has not been a single word said in its favor about the hos- pitals, about the schoolhouses, about the sewer and water systems that all of you know have been erected in your districts by WPA. I say, in view of the enormity of this pro- gram, Nation-wide in its scope, trying to deal with the misery and suffering of millions and millions of unemployed, it has stood the test of being brought into the light of day. Surely there has been travel pay that has seemed exorbitant. I do not defend that, put even in private industry you have heard salesmen talk about swindle sheets, Of course, there has been waste and extrava- gance, but there has been much good done, not toward restoring prosperity but toward helping these distressed people and helping to take care of the needy and unemployed. That is allit was meant for. That is all that can happen with WPA. The Republicans failed. We have put this into effect. The President said, “We need 150,000,000.” There are others who said, “We need $100,000,000.” Now, where shall we go? We have denied the President $150,000,000. Let me say to you Democrats that I never believed before 1932 that there was any great fundamental difference b2tween Republicans and Democrats, but President Roosevelt breathed meaning into the Democratic Party japplause] and gave it life and made a clear and fundamental difference that enabled a great many liberals and people who believed thai the weaker should have some protection in government and who did not care about political ties to join with him. It enabled those north of the Mason and Dixon’s line to send Democrats to Congress because of their faith in progressive government and not merely because some of us were born Democrats. I say to you, let us meet on this common ground and not undermine the Democratic Party, which has been instru- mental in enacting into law progressive, far- reaching measures that not even the Repub- licans, if they ever regain power, will dare repeal. [Applause.] [Hore the gavel fell.] (Source: ConGrEssIonaL Recorp, 76th Cong. ist sess., vol. 84, pt. 4, pp. 3667-3668, March 81, 1939.) Ecenomy and Service to the People EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, we hear so much about economy in Federal ex- penditure these days that I often wonder whether those who keep up the cry of economy fully realize that by reckless ac- tion we may cause the disruption of many important services which our Gov- ernment is rendering to the people of this country. Without sufficient forethought or .exact analyses of the effects of this so-called economy, we may wake up one day to find that we have committed irretrievable harm to these services and that it will then cost us considerably more to reestablish them. Under such circumstances the economy will prove to be very costly. It must be remembered that besides the promise of economy, we owe the peo- ple whom we represent certain ele- mentary governmental services and func. tions. If we should fail to give them these services, we will not be doing our duties as representatives of the people and we will be weakening the Govern- ment and the services it is supposed to administer and perform for the benefit of our citizenry. In connection with this vital matter, I desire to draw the attention of my col- Jeagues to a brief article by the noted columnist, Ernest Lindley, in the Brook- lyn Daily Eagle, May 14, 1950. His ar- ticle, Congress Deals Frivolously With Nation’s Finances, is as follows: Concrpess Drats FrivoLousty WITH NaTION’s FINANCES (By Ernest Lindley) The “across-the-board” cuts in Federal ex- penditures voted by the House were made, of course, in the name of “economy.” Ac~- tually no one knows precisely what their effects would be. In all probability they would disrupt some services which are now efficiently and economically rendered. Other necessary or useful activities might not be seriously impaired. No one knows. In- deed, even after detailed study, the exact ef- fects may not be predictable. Obviously, this is not an intelligent way to try to achieve economies. And because it is unintelligent it is likely to be ineffective. Many who voted for the sweeping amend- menis realize this. They simply thought it was good politics to put themselves on record, dramatically in favor of economy. They were acting irresponsibly. The sweeping amendments were tacked onto an omnibus appropriation bill—the first of its kind—which had been reported after long and careful work by the House Appro- priations Committee. The committee had effected economies. The chairman of the committee, Representative CLARENCE CaN- WON, of Missouri, had fathered the idea of an omnibus bill as a means of attaining a more responsible treatment of the Federal finances by Congress. The result at the moment is a murky mess. If economy is to be sought by across-the- board cuts such as the House approved, there is no point in having an Appropriations Committee. There is no point-in requiring representatives of the various executive agencies to spend their time, or that of the committee members, in explaining or justify- ing their budget requests. The other side of the Federal financial problem—income—likewise seems unlikely to receive responsible treatment. The House Ways and Means Committee is still working on a bill. It has agreed tentatively upon cuts of approximately $1,000,000,000 in excise taxes. These appear to have been agreed upon by familiar log-rolling methods. The committee has made no headway as yet in finding alternative sources of income. Yet the Federal Treasury faces a big deficit this year and again next year. Some excise taxes should be cut and some should be removed altogether. These changes should be made with a view to pro- moting general prosperity and eliminating APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD taxes which are more annoying than lucra- tive rather than with a view to pleasing the lobbies which have the most friends on the committee or can put the most pressure on it. But the Government cannot stand the loss of revenue. So other tax increases are nec- essary. Many Members of Congress are, how~ ever, reluctant to approve them. The up- shot of this political and frivolous approach is likely to be no change in taxes at this ses- sion, 1950 Census Uncovers Serious Unem- ployment Problem in City EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WINGATE H. LUCAS OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. LUCAS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from the Weatherford Democrat by Claud Gar- ner: 1950 Census UNcOvERS SERIOUS UNEMPLOY= MENT PROBLEM IN Ci1ry When the personakle young lady census taker started on her rounds to take the 1950 census of Weatherford, Tex., one of her first visits was to see my good friend, Lloyd Doughty. She found Lloyd loafing around the house, keeping his father company. “what is your profession, Mr. Doughty?” asked the atiractive young lady, after she had covered the dining table with her big four-page census form. “Well, I used to be in business, but at pres- ent Iam staying here with my father.” “Did you spend any time last week at your regular business?” “No, I stayed around the house all week.” “How about the week before? Did you spend any time at your regular work?” Lloyd looked a little shame-faced but an- swered truthfully, “No.” “would you consider yourself employed at the present time?” “No. I guess you would class me as belng unemployed.” The young lady failed to ask Lloyd how much time he spent during these 2 wecks counting the money he had recelved from rents, dividends, and other investments. The well-mannered young lady finished her work and gathered up her materials and went about her business. Her next stop was to see our world renowned portrait painter Douglas Chandor, Two weeks before, Douglas had returned home from New York, where he had spent 6 months in his Waldorf Astoria studio painting portraits of only such people as were able to be listed in Who’s Who In America. Douglas looked the part of a dirt farmer, he was dressed in his wrinkled work clothes, wearing a pair of old scuffed-up shoes and a slouch hat that looked Mke one of the old hats Fred Cotten brings out occa- sionally. The artist was busy inspecting one of the many rare plants in his beautiful and exotic garden, when the census taker found him. “what is your profession, Mr. Chandor?” asked the attractive young lady as she struggled to hold the oversize Federal form with one hand while she wrote the answers with the other. “XY am a portrait painter.” “Did you work at your profession last week?” “No, I spent last week working in my garden.”
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “How about the week before? Did you spend any time working at your regular profession?” “Practically none. I had just gotten home and spent the week looking over the place.” “Then at the present time, you are not gainfully employed?” “You are right. Working in my garden doesn’t make me money, but it costs me plenty, so I guess you would call me unem- ployed at the present.” Douglas didn’t mention the fact that he had painted por- traits of the crown heads of England, Frank- lin Delano Roosevelt, his wife Eleanor, and many other dignitaries. Ina, the wife of the artist, who handles all the bookkeeping wasn’t at home and couldn’t tell what be- came of the $25,000 Bernard Baruch paid for one of Chandor’s portraits of Winston Churchill. The census taker asked many questions. She wanted to know how many hogs, sheep, goats, cattle and horses he had on the place. She even asked if he had any hives of bees to help pollenize his flowers. Douglas was glad to help the young lady gather up her armload of census forms and books of in- struction so she could be on her way and he could get back to work. A few calls later the census taker dropped by the home of Douglas Gibbs, but Douglas was out of town on one of his tomcatting jaunts and wasn’t there to answer her ques- tions. This was lucky for Weatherford, be- cause Douglas would have added one more to the city’s list of unemployed. It took two trips to the Doss house before she caught J. H. at home. Mr. Doss spends much of his time walking the strects between his home and the bank, because when he gets to the bank he finds that his son, James, has taken over the business and there is nothing for him to do, so he walks back home. The library table wasn’t big enough to hold all the various census forms, so the young lady spread them out on the floor and started asking questions. “what is your business, Mr, Doss?” “Well, I used to run the bank, but my son took my job, so at present I am unemployed.” Many of the questions asked on the census form, seemed a bit foolish to Mr. Doss but he liked the efficient manner the young lady Ihandled her job. When she asked him for the total amount of his 1949 earnings, he had to give her an estimate, since the adding machine he had at home wouldn’t add fig- ures in that amount. When she finished her work she gathered up her things and the information contained in the form would in~ dicate another unemployed for Weatherford. She had no trouble finding Clay Waller at home and proceeded to spread her huge census forms out on the big davenport and started asking for information. “What is your business, Mr. Waller?” “T used to be in the grain and feed busi- ness but the long hours on my feet made me give up the business.” “Do you have any other business?” “T used to fool with cattle but since I can’t ride horseback I quit that too.” “Did you spend any time during the last 2 weeks working at your business?” “No, I have spent almost all my time here at home.” “Then at present you are not employed?” “No, I might be classed as being unem- ployed,” admitted Clay regretfully. Clay should have told her that those fallen arches came from carrying too heavy a money bag and that he had gotten callouses from riding over his big ranch trying to count all his cattle. No doubt, when our experts in Washing- ton finish their tabulations of the 1950 cen- sus, many.of our best citizens will fall in the category of the unemployed. I happen to know that BE. A. Frantz has not invented anything new for a long time and I never catch him at work, so he too, will likely be classed among the unemployed. Fortunately, I live outside the city limits and will not add to Weatherford’s growing list of unemployed. In this connection, I want to compliment our census takers, they performed their duty efficiently and did a fine job, and followed the instructions sent them by our Federal Government. If when the final figures are released and our efliciency experts have finished with their tabulations, We find the number of unem- ployed running into the millions, do not be alarmed. These census figures may not be accurate, but they will be just about as reliable and accurate as other figures and statements coming out of our Nation’s Capital. Yours for what it is worth. Ciraup GARNER. “Country Not Going to Hell” H. T. Tells Cheering Crowds—Boldly Champions Every Fair-Deal Issue; Even Unfriendly Press Concedes Trip Was Success EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I wish to include an article by Ray- mond Lonergan, which appeared in Labor, a national weekly newspaper pub- lished in Washington, D. C.: “Country Nor Gorna To Heit,” H. T. Tenis CHEERING Crowps~-BoLpiy CHAMPIONS Every FarrR-Dran Issvz; Even UNFRIENDLY Press Concrpgs Trip Was Success (By Raymond Lonergan) “Truman has crowds eating out of his hand.” That’s a headline in the Sunday edition of the conservative Washington Post. The story is written by Robert ©. Albright, whose father was a conductor on the South- ern Railroad. Bob is as conservative as his paper. He accompanied the President on his swing to the Northwest and reports the facts as he saw them. On the same train was Joseph A. Fox of the still more conservative Washington Star. In the Sunday edition of his paper Cox wrote: “President Truman is pulling them in at the whistle stops. Newsmen with him 2 years ago and again this time see no difference in either the size or the attitude of the crowds; they turn out at all hours of the day and night; they listen with quiet attention to matter-of-fact discussions of the global problems with which the President deals daily and they react with the customary out- burst to the homely. sallies punctuating his talks. “If the President has lost ground in the past 2 years, it is not evident in the reception he has received from the Mississippi to the Puget Sound country.” COURAGE IS THE WORD The American people admire courage. During his long trip, meeting all kinds of people, the President never once pulled his punches. That’s why the crowds warmed up to him. He demanded the repeal of the Taft-Hart- ley law and the enactment of a substitute, fair alike to labor and management, At the mighty Coulee Dam he went all-out for public power development, reclamation A3823 of arid lands and flood control. The Secre- tary of the Interior, who accompanicd him, described Grand Coulee as an enterprise with a cash register attached. That meant it was paying for itself. In fact, the demand for power is so great that it cannot be satisfied. The President ridiculed those who say that the country will be ruined if we buy goods from our friends in Europe and Asia. “We can’t sell to them unless we buy from them,” Mr. Truman emphasized. WE'RE NOT GOING TO HELL Everywhere he pleaded for world peace. America must be strong in order to check the advance of communism. He advocated more low-rent housing, the Brannan plan to safeguard the farmer and at the same time give consumers cheaper food, broader sacial security, and every other feature of the New Deal program. “I don’t believe the country is going to hell,” he told one laughing crowd. The Taft-Republicans, after many confer- ences, worked out a plan to stop Truman. They picked Victor Johnston, a high-pres- sure publicity man, who once worked for Senator Joz McCarrmy and was also on the payroll of the Northwest Grain Associates— a@ polite name for the lobby which represents the grain gamblers and the flour interests— gave him an airplane and instructed him to follow Truman's train, distributing answers as he went. TOO MANY SLOGAN MAKERS The President and his lieutenants publicly Invited Johnston to stop risking his neck in the air, buy a ticket, and get aboard the presidential train. They even went so far as to get the Secretary of the Interior to help distribute Johnston’s releases. The news- men treated Johnston’s performance as a joke. In the meantime, back in Washington, two or three times a day Republican lenders rallied the mewspapermen and told them it ‘was all a part of the President’s socialistic program, Of course, those tactics were not effective. Apparently there is no one at Republican headquarters who is capable of making an effective appeal to the voters. Chairman Gabrielson has never been in touch with the plain people. He was given his job because he was believed to be a money raiser. He had been a lawyer on Wall Street and knew the men who hated Truman and feared reform of any kind. He has raised a good deal of money and he has used it to hire a lot of high-pressure publicity men like Johnston, and they are really manufacturing the slogans and plan- ning the campaign of the Republican Party. To one who has observed political battles for many years it doesn't look very smart. Truman’s trip was such an outstanding success that even those newspapers which hate him have been compelled to give him the finest kind of publicity. Here is a sample of the way President Truman presented his case to the enormous crowds which flocked to hear him: “The use of the government to achieve @ higher living standard and a fair deal for all the people is not statism and it is not socialism, It's part of the American tra- dition. “The best Over-all measure of a nation’s economy is its annual output of goods and services. In the United States the annual output of goods and services has increased in the last 10 years about 60 percent. THOSE WHO YELL LOUDEST “Now how does this affect the individual eltizen? <A favorite theme of the boys who are always trying to run our country down, instead of trying to build it up, is that the Government takes all our gains away by high taxes. ;
A3824 “But the truth is that the annual per capita income of our citizens, after taxes, has increased in the last 10 years by more than 40 percent. “And some of the people who are doing the loudest yelling are the very people who have got the biggest increases. Most of them are better off than they have ever been before in their lives.” “WIPE OUT ORSTRUCTIONISTS” The wind up of the Truman tour came in Chicago, day show, including a meeting of the Cab- inet, where the various Secretaries ‘‘made reports to the people.” The affair was dragging a Httle until the President appeared on the scene. It 1s esti- mated that half a million watched the pa- rade and, of course, the stadium was packed. The President had some good things to say about the present Congress, but he ap- pealed to his hearers to “wipe out the ob- structionists.” He thought it would be a good thing to start in Illinois by reelecting Senator Scorr Lucas, Democratic floor leader in the Senate, over former Congressman Dirksen, who is just as reactionary as ‘“Bos” Tarr. “DREAMING” NOT A BAD THING “Our sour critics say our hopes for the future are just idle dreams,” said the Pres- ident. “The Democratic Party would deserve to be retired from office and hustled off to the ash heap of history if it ever stopped dream- ing of what we can do to make our country better.” Naturally, the crowd came to its feet to cheer that one, and it continued to cheer as the President added: “I do dream of mak~ ing our country a better place to live in.” The two biggest jobs, he said, involve lift- ing the standard of living of the American people and collective action to insure peace of the world. 1r’s “IMMORAL” SAYS TAFT On Tuesday night Tarr replied to Tru- man in a Nation-wide broadcast. The Ohio Senator repeated his charge that Truman is leading us to destruction, In fact, he declared the program put forward by the man in the White House was im- moral, as well as socialistic. My guess is the American people can't be scared by that Kind of talk. United States Customs Reform EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK ! IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com- mend to the attention of my colleagues the following article which appeared in Foreign Commerce Weekly for the week of May 8, 1950, written by Nathan Ostroff, general counsel, Office of Inter- national Trade of the United States De- partment of Commerce: Unirev Starzs Cusroms REForM: CHARACTER AND PurpPosrt OF PROPosED LEGISLATION— H. R, 83804 Arms at IMPROVEMENT oF Customs SERVICE AND MINIMIZING or Cost Our customs practices and producers are generally agreed to be unnecessarily onerous, and many of them derive from laws long an- tedating the basic Tariff Act of 1980. It is true that the importer and the foreign ex- porter are directly concerned with the costs Democratic leaders staged a 3-- and burden of customs formalities, but it must also be kept in mind that the domestic consumer and the taxpayer ultimately pay the bill for the expense, delays, and uncer= tainties that are inherent in present prac~ tices. It would seem, therefore, to be in the public interest generally that this situation should be changed. In this connection, it should be noted that the Congress, in 1947, provided a special fund to tiie Treasury Department for the purpose of making a study of the possibilities of simplifying and reducing the cost of customs operations. In addition to its own spccial- ists from the Customs Bureau, the Treasury employed a nationally known management firm to assist in this work. Also, other Gov~ ernment agencies, notably the Departments of Commerce and State and the Tariff Com-~- mission, made suggestions, as did a number of private trade groups familiar with im~ porting problems. A number of recommendations which could be accomplished by administrative action have already been put into effect, and some are still under study. And now the Secretary of the Treasury has sent to the Congress a proposed bill that would take care of those recommended changes in present practices which require statutory authority. It should be emphasized that this bill would not change the present rate structure. Rather, it is concerned with the mechanics of im- porting, with the objective of giving im- proved service to the importer and minimiz- ing its cost to the public. Mention might also be made of the fact that enactment would be in fulfillment of the customs admin- istrative provisions of the proposed charter for an International Trade Organization which is now before the Congress, and like- wise would enable the Government to make effective the administrative provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. More important, however, and to repeat, the proposed bill is offered and should be consid- ered on its own merits as being calculated to simplify, improve, and make less costly the customs service of this Nation. The following is a brief explanation of the major provisions of this bill which are of general interest: VALUE Under existing law, the value of imported goods for duty purposes is based upon “‘for= eign value” or “export value,” whichever is higher. If these are not ascertainable, then the “United States value” is used, and if that also is unascertainable, “the cost of produc- tion” governs. The proposed law would eliminate “foreign value” and rely primarily upon “‘export value,” and where the latter is unascertainable, the standards in order of application would be “United States value,” “comparative value” and “constructed value.” Elimination of foreign value and use of export value as the primary method of val- uation should expedite customs administra- tion and reduce its cost. It would mini- mize the need for determining facts and conditions in a foreign country—which is often time-consuming—and, instead, rests upon transactions in our own import trade well known or readily ascertainable by im~< porters and customs officers. It would inci- dentally eliminate the present arbitrary prac- tice of including in dutiable value internal taxes applicable only to domestic sales within. the country of origin. “Export value” is defined as the market value or price, at the time of exportation to the United States, at which the merchandise is freely sold or offered for sale in the prin- cipal markets of the country of exportation in the usual wholesale quantities and in the ordinary course of export trade. “United States value” is to be determined by reference to the prices, at the time of exportation, at which the merchandise is freely sold or offered for sale in the usual wholesale quantities to the principal United APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD States market for domestic consumption in the ordinary course of trade, with allowances for actual commissions or profits, and gen- eral expenses. (Under present law, such al- jJowances are arbitrarily limited, such as 6 percent for commissions and 8 percent for profits.) Inland transportation expenses and import duties or taxes are also allowable. In determining “United States value” of goods in which there is no previously estab- lished trade, the proposed law would author- ize consideration of actual sales of the mer- chandise undergoing appraisemcnt or sim- ilar merchandise if made within 90 days after importation. “Comparative value” would be ascertained from sales or offers of other merchandise comparable in construction and size. ‘“Con- structed value” is simply a more descriptive term for cost of production, but this new term is further defined so as to eliminate the present minimum limits allowable on general expenses and profits. All of the significant terms and phrases used in these standards are defined in the proposed law so as to clarify their intended meaning and, incidentally, to override exist- ing inconsistent interpretations. For exam- ple, usual wholesale quantities is defined so as to mean the price at which the greatest volume of the particular goods is sold, rather than, as at present, the price at which the greatest number of individual transactions occur. Similarly, the new definition of freely sold or offered for sale would, con- trary to existing interpretations, permit re- liance upon sales or offers which are unre- stricted except for restrictions imposed by law, or which limit the resale price of ter- ritory, or else are trivial with respect to the value of the goods to the wholesale pur- chaser. REPEAL OF AMERICAN SELLING PRICE, PRESERVA= TION OF PROTECTION In a few special cases under present law, dutiable value is based on the American sell- ing price. This standard would be repealed by the proposed law, but provision is made to preserve existing tariff protection by re- quiring the Tariff Commission to fix new duty rates calculated to produce an equivalent de- gree of protection to that now afforded to the articles affected by this change. AMENDMENT OF ENTRIES, AND DUTIES ON UNDERVALUATION Existing law provides for an undervalua- tion duty of 1 percent of the final appraised value of merchandise for each 1 percent that such value exceeds the entered value. It also authorizes seizure and forfeiture of the merchandise in cases where the Appraised value exceeds the entered value by more than 100 percent, such entries being presumptively fraudulent, Existing law also provides that assessment of duty shall be on the basis of the entered or appraised value, whichever is higher. In effect, therefore, the importer is now in this embarrassing situation: If he enters his goods at too low an amount, he incurs an undervaluation duty; if he enters them too high, he loses the benefit of the lower final appraisement. To relieve the harshness of this situation somewhat, the present law authorizes amendment of entries at any time before appraisement. However, such amendments represent a heavy burden of paper work and are costly and time-con- suming to the customs service and the im- porter. The proposed law would eliminate such amendments, but at the same time would eliminate or minimize the need for them by providing that the undervaluation duty shall apply only in cases where there is not only an undervaluation but also a willful failure by the importer to furnish the appraiser with all relevant information available to him at the time of entry or within a reasonable time thereafter. The proposed law would also provide for deletion of the presumption of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fraud and requirement of seizure in the case of 100 percent undervaluation and, further, would permit the appraised value to be used when lower than that entered. In effect, under the proposed law the importer would not be penalized if he acted in good faith and furnished all information in his possession and reasonably available to him. It was felt unwise to provide for outright repeal of undervaluation duties, as recommended by the Import Advisory Committee of the De- partment of Commerce, because of the im-= portance of obtaining the fullest disclosure of value information irom importers, without which customs administration would neces- sarily be more costly and slow. IMPORTS OF SMALL VALUE; ADMINISTRATIVE EXEMPTIONS Under existing law, Customs officers are authorized to disregard differences of $1 or less between estimated duties and duties deposited or tentatively assessed and the duties actually due. They may also waive the duty when the expense or inconvenience of collecting it is disproportionate to the amount involved, up to a limit of $5 In the case of articles for personal or household use, or $1 in any other case. The proposed law would increase the first provision mentioned from $1 to $5, and would allow persons to bring with them, or import by mail, up to $10 for their personal use, and otherwise up to $5. Liquor or tobacco products are specifically excluded from the latter pro- visions. INFORMAL ENTRIES AND CERTIFIED INVOICES Under existing law, imports up to $100 in value may be covered by informal entries prepared by Customs officers, and they do not require certified (consular) invoices. The proposed law would raise this amount - to $250, COMMINGLED GOODS Under existing law, goods subject to dif- ferent rates of duty, but so packed or min- gled that the quantity of each cannot be determined, are dutiable at the highest rate applicable to any part thereof, unless seg~ regated by the importer under customs su-~ pervision within 10 days after entry. The proposed law would allow 20 days for such segregation. Where a part of the dutiable portion of the goods is commercially negli- gible and the commingled goods will not be segregated prior to use, it is further pro- vided that segregation may be waived if it would be too costly and it appears that com- mingling was not done with intent to evade duty. Such goods would then be considered as a part of the merchandise subject to the next lower rate of duty (including a free rate) with which it ls commingled. Segre- gation might also be waived in those cases where duty is readily determinable by sample, by entry documents, or by means of recognized commercial settlement tests, DRAWBACK ON REEXPORT OF GOODS NOT ORDERED Under existing law, drawback of duties paid, less 1 percent, is allowed upon goods not conforming to sample or specification and returned to Customs custody for reex- port within 380 days. The proposed law would extend this provision to cover also goods not ordered and would increase the time period to 90 days so as to allow for possible discovery of latent defects or those ascertainable only by test or use. CURRENCY CONVERSION As the primary method of conversion, the proposed law would eliminate the present system of quarterly findings by the Director of the Mint of rates of exchange based upon the metal content of coins which, as a mat- ter of fact, has had no practical application since 1984 when the United States departed from the gold standard, and instead it. would provide for the use of par values as estab- lished by the International Monetary Fund or pursuant to any special exchange agree- ment. Where multiple rates exist, provision is made for the Secretary to issue regulations relating to their use for customs purposes, or, in the absence thereof, for the ‘Federal Reserve Bank of New York to certify one or more of such rates to the Secretary for such purposes. CORRECTION OF ERRORS AND MISTAKES Under existing law, only purely clerical errors are subject to correction. The pro- posed law would permit correction of clerical errors, mistakes of fact, or any other clear inadvertence (but not involving construc- tion of law) which is adverse to the im- porter. REQUIREMENT OF MATERIAL INJURY BEFORE IM- POSING ANTIDUMPING OR COUNTERVAILING DUTY Under existing law, a finding of injury isa condition precedent to the assessment of special so-called antidumping duties on im- ported goods found to have been sold at less than their fair value. However, duties to cfisct foreign subsidization (so-called coun- tervailing) may be imposed without such a finding. Under the proposed law, such duties would be assessed only upon a finding of material (rather than mere) injury to a domestic industry. In addition, the new law would specifically prevent the imposi- tion of both countervailing and antidumping duties in the same case and would not per- mit the imposition of a countervailing duty based on an exemption from a tax or customs duty by the exporting country. REPEAL OF SPECIAL MARKING REQUIREMENTS Under existing law, certain imported articles, principally cutlery, surgical and sci- entific instruments (including hypodermic needles and thermostatic bottles), must be marked with the name of the manufacturer or the importer as well as the country of origin. These requirements would be re- pealed by the proposed law, leaving in effect, however, the general mark of country-of- origin requirement applicable to all imported articles. CUSTOMS SUPERVISION In cases where customs supervision is re- quired, the proposed law would authorize spot checks when the expense of continuous supervision is disproportionate to ihe amount of revenue involved. Generally speaking, that is the existing practice, but in some instances—-for example, marking of goods after importation—customs supervi- sion has been required to be direct and con- tinuous, which is, of course, quite costly. FREE-ENTRY PROVISIONS The proposed law would permit the free entry without bond of nonresident travelers’ automobiles or other means of conveyance. Also, up to the value of $200, it would elimi- nate the present requirement of bonded transportation applicable to articles such as gifts carried by nonresidents in transit through the United States. The proposed law would prcvide for cancel- jation after 5 years of bonds required for articles imported duty-free for noncommer- cial exhibitions. This would minimize rece ord-keeping by customs made necessary under existing law which requires such bonds to be unlimited in duration. It would also permit free disposition of such articles after 5 years. Temporary free entry under bond for not more than 1 year is provided under existing law for certain articles, not for sale in the United States. The proposed law recognizes that, in the case of such articles as samples imported into this country for exhibit at trade fairs, the duration of the present bond is insufficient, and, accordingly, it would ex- tend the period to 3 years. A3825 AMERICAN GOODS RETURNED Reimported American goods are subject to duty equal to the sum of any drawback al- lowed upon their original exportation plus any applicable internal-revenue tax. The proposed law would simplify the entry of such goods, which at present entails con~ siderable paper work and certain other prac- tical complications, by giving the Secretary of the Treasury and the collectors more ad- ministrative authority to determine the ap- plicable duty. INTERNATIONAL TRAFFIC AND RESCUE WORK A new provision is included to permit free entry of search, rescue, and salvage aircraft, and the temporary entry of cquipment and supplies for fire fighting and disaster relief. SIGNING AND DELIVERY OF MANIFESTS The present provisions concerning the en- try and clearance of vessels are inconvenient with respect to certain aircraft, because the pilot of a plane is not always able to perform some of the functions of the mastcr of a slip. The proposed law would permit the authorized agent of an alr carrier, as well as the pilot, to be responsible for signing and delivering the plane’s manifest. SUPPLIES AND EQUIPMENT FOR VESSELS AND AIRCRAFT Existing law provides for the free entry of equipment and repair parts for foreign air- craft only, and this would be extended to cover such equipment for foreign vessels as well. In addition, free entry is also extend~ ed to ground equipment for foreign aircraft with respect to duties and any other import taxes. Continuation of the Draft Law—“Yes, But” Men Needed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, I de- sire to insert under an extension of my remarks two editorials from Connecti- cut newspapers, one on continuation of the draft law is from the May 12 issue of the Bridgeport Telegram; the other very aptly points out that it is not “yes” men needed in Congress; rather it is “ves, but’? men contrary to the Presi- dent's statements on his “nonpolitical” tour. I commend the staff member of the Ansonia Sentinel responsible for this fine editorial. ; [From the Bridgeport (Conn.) Telegram of May 12, 1950] ConriInvaTION oF Drarr Law Perhaps most of us are wrong in thinking of the present as a peacetime period. If we were actually at peace, there would not be so much need for vigilance about what 1s going on in so many parts of the world. There would not be so much need for de- fense preparations, not only in our own country, but also in those nations abroad which live in daily fear that they will be invaded. It is because of the world picture, and be- cause of numerous events which have taken place during the past few weeks and months, that Congress is changing its mind, and in- clining toward more preparedness, rather than less.
A3826 Only the other day, Representative PATTER- son, Republican of Connecticut, referred in Washington to the change which had come over him personally. “When the Director of Selective Service,” he explained, “some months ago called for a further extension of the draft law, I was skeptical, to say the least. Enlistments in every branch of mili- tary service had increased; the draft itself was on a stand-by basis; and our relations with Russia, while not improved, seemed no worse than had been the case for some time.” In the view of Representative PATTERSON and of many other capable observers, how- ever, during the past few weeks there has been a distinct change for the worse, so far as world affairs are concerned. Things are not getting better, in fact, it is much easier to draw the opposite conclusion. And it is because of the changed situation, and the warnings of Defense Department officials, that Representative PaTrerson voted with the majority of the House Armed Services Committee for continuation of the draft law. There is something very significant about some of the developments which have taken place within recent weeks in widely scattered parts of the world. Viewed separately, many of these incidents are apt to be tossed off by the average observer, as of no conse- quence. Under normal peaceful conditions, trifling incidents can be adjusted or com- posed to the satisfaction of all parties con- cerned, without too much difficulty. But there is something more than normal- ity in many recent events, and when they are put together logically, they invariably form a pattern which assumes threatening pro- portions. That is why officials of the Defense Department have been emphasizing the need for this country to build up its strength be- yond its present proportions. The continuation of the draft law, with no immediate prospect of its early application, seems to be warranted by threatening con- ditions which are indisputably beyond our control. [From the Ansonia (Conn.) Sentinel of May 16, 1950] Darn Ricur We're “Yss—But Mrn” In his Fargo, N. Dak., speech, President Tru- man said that “fundamentally there is no more reason to be afraid of fair competition from foreign goods than from domestic goods.” He suggested that those who do not see eye to eye with the administration’s “ex- perts” on tariff policies are ‘“‘isolationists” and “yes—but men.” With the reasonableness of fair competition from abroad, a great many will agree, pro- vided the President makes it clear what he means by fair. But is it fair that American Industry and American workingmen should compete in our own American market with products of slave labor entering this coun- try from iron-curtain countries under low- ered tariffs? Czechoslovakia has slave labor in the sense that the ursurping Communist minority which rules it has become the employer, and ils working people work when and where the Government tells them to; the state fixes their hours of toil, determines what they shall be paid and how much their earnings shall be worth. Most Americans will be neither flattered nor misled by having the President hang an ‘Ssolationist” tag on their vary natural con- cern about protecting their jobs from this sort of slave-labor competition. And most Americans will glory in being termed “yes—but men,’”’ which merely means that they are not “yes men.” They are “yes—but men” in that they are intelligent enough to see the distinction be- tween “fair competition” from abroad and slave-labor competition from iron-curtain countries, which is manifestly unfair. “Fair competition? Yes. Slave competition? No.” It is quite true, as the President pointed out, that one of the reasons this country be- came great is that it has had no barriers to trade between its States. But there are many other reasons for that greatness, chief of which is that since the Civil War our laws and economy are those of a free people and do not support the institution of slave labor. President Truman will find that most of his fellow Americans agree with him in favoring promotion of international trade on a “fair” basis. But he will also find that great numbers of them do not regard it as “fair” that imports of goods made by slave labor in iron-curtain countries shculd put them out of a job or on the WPA. Instead of saying “yes” to letting stooges of Stalin, exploiting their own people, close down American factories, Americans will be proud to be regarded as “yes—but men,” with loud and ringing emphasis on the “but—” and what follows it. “But no subsidizing Stalinist slave labor at the cost of American jobs.” Blood, Sweat, and Tears EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON, J. HARDIN PETERSON OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. PETERSON. Mr. Speaker, the phrase “blood, sweat, and tears” has come to have historic significance. The fol- lowing rather interesting article appeared in the Jacksonville Journal, Jacksonville, Fla., on April 5, 1950, which chronicled the use of the phrase by Hon. Frank A. Kennedy, prior to the Prime Minister’s speech, May 13, 1940: Wuo CoInep Twat PHRase on Wiio Just Correp Ir? (By Tom Logue) This is the kind of story that may rever- berate in two of the great capitals of the world, London and Washington. But, on the other hand, it may not. never can tell about these things. We stumbled on it Just a few days ago. No; that’s not right, either. You couldn't call it stumbling. Frank A. Kennedy, the Journal’s Washington correspondent, pushed us, or else Winston Churchill pushed us. That’s the whole trouble. We can’t figure out who that guy up there is. Breaking the problem down a little, for greater clarity and confusion, here’s the sct- up: The man who originated the phrase “blood, sweat, and tears” was Winston Churchill. But Frank A, Kennedy originated the phrase “blood, sweat, and tears.” Therefore, Frank A. Kennedy is Winston Churchill. Kennedy, or Churchill, as the case may be, did this thing in the Clearwater Sun, 21 years ago, in the final stanza of a plece of doggerel about the tearing. down of the old Clearwater Island toll bridge. To be exact, 1t was on September 1, 1929, and we have a photostat on hand to prove it. The photostat was furnished by the unknown party in Washington, D. C. The full poem is entitled “Horatius at the (Clearwater Island Toll) Bridge.’ It is You APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD rather long and we are not about to print the whole thing. Here’s the passage in question: “But quail’d he not, nor duck’d the job— Of better stuff was he Than he whose ancient name he bore, Who only fought, you see, And shirked the greatest task of old, The task that no one cheers— The task of pulling down the bridge, In blood and sweat and tears.” Of course, it may be that the other fellow, the leader of His Majesty’s loyal opposition— Kennedy or Churchill or whatever his name is—picked the thing up from the Clearwater Sun and filed it away for future reference. Significantly enough, he was in this country at about that time, crossing from Canada at Niagara Falls on September 19, 1929. Accord- ing to the best available statistics, it takes just 19 days for a copy of the Clearwater Sun to get into general circulation in Niagara Falls. Maybe we'd better start at the beginning and find out what Kennedy did in the Boer War. Frank Kennedy, referred to therein, is a rather remarkable newspaper man. He has been in Washington for a number of years and has earned acclaim as a re- porter. It is with considerable pride that I call attention to the fact that he came to Washington from the great first dis~ trict of Florida, which I have the honor to represent. The original article re- ferred to by Mr. Logue was published in the Clearwater (Fla.) Sun, on September 1, 1929, and in view of its historic signif- icance, I am including it here: MARGINALTIA HORATIUS AT THE (CLEARWATER ISLAND TOLL) BRIDGE (News item:—“Work of demolishing the now unused wooden toll bridge to Clearwater Bench began yesterday. Since the erection of the million dollar causeway, this ancient structure has been in disuse.”) Up rose the brave Horatius, His hacksaw in his hand, And march'd him forth upon the bridge, Perdidoes to disband, Crumbling piling ring’d him round, Barnacles tore his side; And spikes there were, to slash him, too, And pierce his bleeding hide. The ugly splinters of the boards Tore off his fingernails, And while he labor'd might and main, The blisters rose {m bales. To irk him in his bloody fight To clear the channel clean, The tide began to foam at him Yo threaten, low and mean. And overhead, the broiling sun, In skies without a ficck, Beat down in blazing fury on The hackles of his neck. And as he pull’d and heav’d and swore, To pull the pilings up, The woeful ‘skeeters rose in swarms To overflow his cup, The ants and bugs and other things That lived in rotted wood, Began to swarm upon his back To hurt him all they could. As one by one the piling foll, And boards he split in twain, Horatius mopped his sweating brow, And garnered in more pain. High rose the sun, Ukewlse the tide, And now to ink him more, A jellyfish, with flery touch Prick’d him in rear and fore. And as the tide came surging in Yo wash him off his feet,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD A swordfish thither wander’d, too, In search of fresh, raw meat. Horatius, with a mighty lunge Dispatch’d this fish of prey, And used the sword he thus came by, The boards to pry away. So brave Horatius strugegl’d on, His battle not half o’er; The mile-long file of piling stood To snatch out all his gore. The gnats were there the flies were too, But Horatius didn’t mind; He clutch’d his crowbar once again, Another pile to find. And many were there, yet to fell, In all that long array, But brave Horatius raised his bar And tore one more away. The sandflies rambl’d over him, And set him all afire, But brave Horatius beat them off, And forced the fighting higher. And to these woes Horatius turn’d A red and blister’d face, And tore, with scarr’d and blister’d hands, A piling out of place. He tore and ripp’d and pounded, too, The bridge to pull apart; Impal’d he was on bolt and nail That pierced him like a dart. But always brave Horatius dar’d, With greatness in his heart, To put his shoulder to the job, And take another start. Through weary hours, and tortur’d days, Horatius toiled in pain; He toil’d in heat, in blood, in tears— Next day he came again. And as the battle wax’d and wag’d The shrinking piling fled, With none to mark the gory place Where ‘brave Horatius bled. But qualiicd he not, nor duck’d the Job— Of better stuff was he Than he whose ancient name he bore, Who only fought, you see, And shirked the greater task of old, The task that no one cheers— The task of pulling down the bridge In blood and sweat and tears. “Simpatico’s” one and only fan-mail letter which appeared several days after publication of the “Horatius” poem: . APPRECIATION Eprror, CLEARWATER SuN: Well, “Simpatico” certainly covered him- self with glory, and we give him loud acclaim, for his parody on Horatius at the Bridge was a masterpiece and covered the case most ex- céllently and fully, for we had heard of those details so well set forth, and all for 25 cents an hour. The misery of it. To think that any man, no matter what his color, should have to suffer like that. Can you really pic- ture 1t? And to think a hundred men needed and asked for a job like that. If it were belng done in the winter season, it might have been a trifle less uncomfort- able, but hot sun, now and then a shower, heavy timbers to be handled, bugs galore, not to mention mosquitoes. The pity of it, and yet each man was and is Just as valuable as any other of our citizens. We will forgive you all other utterances, “Marginalia,” and forget the past, for you have a heart and a soul, when you can see things as they are, and tell us in such a splen- did way. We read a short time ago that these days we should be hard-headed, but not hard-hearted, but you are neither, praise be. Tell us some more truths, and may every reader take it all to heart. “PEN” PENNINGTON. It will be noted that the Kennedy poem, published 11 years before the Prime Minister’s speech, used the ex- pression “He toiled in heat, in blood, in tears,” and in another place the expres- sion “In blood and sweat and tears.” In Mr. Churchill’s book Blood, Sweat, and Tears—Putnam, 1941—the original use of the phrase is quoted as “blood, toil, tears, and sweat,” page 276, Prime Min- ister, May 13, 1940: I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this Government: “I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat.” It will be noted that the Prime Minister used in the original statement the word “toil” just as the Kennedy poem nearly 11 years before had used the same word. In view of the fact that my friend and constituent, Frank Kennedy, and the newspaper published in my district first published these historic words, I felt it rather important that we record the facts for the pages of history. Eulogy at Requiem Mass for Rt. Rev. Walter S. Carroll, D. D. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AUGUSTINE B. KELLEY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. KELLEY of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, at the requiem mass for the Right Reverend Walter S. Carroll, D. D., in St. Matthew’s Cathedral, Washing- ton, D. C., on last February 27, the eulogy contained so much beauty and character that I thought it should adorn the pages of the ConcressronaL Recorp. It was delivered by the Most Reverend John H. Wright, D. D., Bishop of Worcester, Mass. Monsignor Carroll served in the im- portant position of Vatican Secretariat of State, and at his office in Rome he not only carried out duties exclusively of a religious nature within the Catholic Church, but he also was active in the battle against the forces of communism in Europe—a campaign which is of such vital concern to the Members of this Congress. He died at the age of 41, while in the midst of this crusade. Monsignor Carroll’s mother, Mrs. B. Margaret Hogan Carroll, is a resident of Pittsburgh, Pa. His brother, Msgr. How- ard J, Carroll, is general secretary of the National Catholic Welfare Conference, with offices in Washington, and another brother, Rev. Dr. Coleman F. Carroll, is pastor of St. Maurice Church in Pitts- burgh. This inspirational sermon by Bishop Wright is a highly deserved tribute to this beloved member of an outstanding American family: - “I have fought the good fight. I have finished the course. I have kept the faith.” It is my sad privilege to speak this morn- ing a few words of fraternal tribute to Msgr. Walter Carroll and of Ohristian com- fort to his loved ones. I speak as the representative of monsig- nor’s classmates and of his priest friends. However, if I may intrude a personal note, there is a slight reason why I might appro- priately be one appointed to serve to interpret the sympathy of all to monsignor’s family, A3827 In the first days after our ordination to the priesthood Father Walter Carroll and I offered our masses simultaneously one morn- ing in Saint Ignatius’ great Roman church. Father Walter’s mother was present at those masses, and afterward, out in the sunshine of a Roman square, we had a reunion which she will remember as lighthearted with the joy of new priests, genial Roman customs and the happiness of first masses. The mass in Washington this morning is one of requiem—but it is the same mass as rejoiced us that day in Rome. The same Christ is offered. The same priesthood is His instrument. The same Roman faith is ex- pressed. The same God is pleased. The same persons are present for this moment of passing sorrow as were present then on that morning of springtime priesthood. The mass which Father Walter then offered himself is not less efficacious now that it is offered for him by the representative in America of Christ’s vicar on earth. The same Christ with whom Father Walter was then united at the Roman altar is even more intimately his life and his being now that he is united to Him in eternity. Roman faith has been transmuted for him into a yet more perfect form of knowledge in the vision of that divinity of which we saw only the broken reflections when we were students those years ago in holy Rome. The God who gave joy to our youth and to Walter’s mother on that morning 15 years ago, is with us yet, to give us another joy, a@ joy more subtle, more profoundly spiritual, the joy of resignation to God’s will, of con- fidence in Christ’s promise that whosoever believeth in Him, though he be dead, shall live; He shall not die, but shall have life everlasting. It is easy to see in false perspective the dignities and distinctions which came so early in his life, but perhaps so fatally for the health of Monsignor Carroll. One might be tempted to say: how wonderful that one so young should have honors so great and be entrusted with responsibilities so serious. Yet such a speaker would reveal no -under- standing of the crushing weight of some honors, the toll that such responsibilities take of those who bear them. On the other hand, another might be tempted to say: how sad that one so young should die, should be taken in the very maturity of his priest- hood. Such a speaker would reveal no un- derstanding of what a privilege it is to be worn out in the service of Christ’s Vicar and Christ’s church, to be quickly, eagerly spent in the service of Christ Himself. The time of a good priesi’s death is always in the hands of God and we must never speak of it os premature, however young, however gifted, the priest may be. When Giosue Borat wrote his spiritual testament in the very springtime of his life, yet the eve of his death, he set forth sentiments which come even more spontaneously to the lps of the good priest, such as Monsignor Carroll most certainly was: “A better end could not have crowned my life, and I feel the pleas- ure to have made a good and generous use of it. * * * Do not weep, for it was written in Heaven that I should die. Do not mourn, or else you would regret my happiness. I am not to be mourned but envicd ... My daily death shall have come to an end, and I shall be face to face with the Judge whom I have greatly feared, with the Lord whom IT have greatly loved.” Tf the devout Italian soldier so wrote, sure- ly this devoted priest would have spoken in no less patient and joyous resignation to God’s Holy Will. Think of how many things, much more difficult than dying, he did out of love and loyalty for Christ and for His church! Two years ago in a London bookstore I was fingering through the war memoirs of a British Army officer in Africa and Italy. I
A3828 was suddenly startled to find in the index the name of my classmate, Walter Carroll. The references were few, but significant. Reading around them and between the lines one could imagine the firmness and forti~ tude with which Monsignor Carroll, like so many of the representatives of the Holy See and of Christ, was obliged to resist political maneuvers when these would do violence to the law of God or the true welfare of men—~ to state, simply yet strongly, the position of the church and therefore of God when this might otherwise have been forgotten or neglected or despised. Reflecting on the priestly career that Mon- signor Carroll was destined to have, espe- cially during the recent war, I thought of the words in which St. Paul proclaimed the glory—the hard-earned glory—of his apos- tolate: What journeys I have undertaken, in danger from robbers, in danger from my own people, in danger from the Gentiles: danger in cities: danger in the wilderness, Surely the parallel is clear, What jour- neys Monsignor Carroll! undertook on er~ rands for the Holy See and in the service of the church and therefore of Christ. Jour- neys under wartime conditions and with all the hazards of war. In danger, in a sense, from his own people whenever, as must fre- quently have been the case, it was neces- sary in t-e name of religion and of the church to resist plans or policies conceived in mere political or military convenience, in short- sighted reasons of s‘ate, not to say prejudice, jrreligion or ignorance. In danger from other nations constantly. In danger in cities as an agent for Christ in the midst of intrigue. In danger in the wilderness as an envoy from Christ to soldiers far from home and far from normal spiritual controls the while they did the brutal work of Caesar. So Monsignor Carroll can also say now with St. Paul, as he lays down his arms from strenuous service: I have fought the good fight. I have finished the course—Bonum certamen certavi. Cursum consummavi. Fidem servavi, So we come back to the thought of his journeys, all the journeys from Rome to Africa, to parts of Europe, to America, jour- neys which were to be the threads out of which was woven his apostolate, an aposto~ late unique among the priestly carcers of our classmates. On each of these journeys friends would see him off as the boat sailed or the plane left the ground. And each time that friends would see him off they thought the thoughts which people have always thought, from the beginning of time, when loved ones go forth ona journey. We stand on the pier, or on the ramps above the air- field, or on the railroad platform. The ship moyes slowly away from us; it gains the great ocean. The train slides from its terml- nal, gently at first, then it gathers speed and rolls rapidly on its way. The plane vibrates, eager to leave the carth; it skims along the field, it is lifted skyward, it recedes further and further into the blue. At length we no longer see the loved ones who have ventured forth on their journey. First they, then the ship, the train, the airplane become mere specks and disappear beyond the horizon where earth and sea and sky all meet and merge with one another, Then someone always says: “There! gone.” Gone where? Gone on his journey—out of our sight, that’s all. And even as we say “He's gone,” we think to ourselves and we remind one another of those who shall he awaiting at the other end, waiting to meet him, to welcome him, to learn of him the details of the journey. The ship, the train, the plane—though now they seem mere specks—are as large in di- mension, as strong in force, as able to bear their load of living freight as they were when they stood by our sides, Their diminished He’s size as they fade from view is in us, not them. And just at the moment when we cry out: “e's gone!”—other voices, beyond the limit of our sight, are ready to cry: “Lo, he comes!” So it was with the wartime Journeys which constituted so great a part of Monsignor Carroll’s apostolate. So must it be with journey by which his journeys end. We stand by the side of death and, in language like that of the traveler’s friends when they see him off, we cry: “There He’s gone,’ Gone where? Gone from our sight—that’s all. , Gone on the journey which ends where all journeys must: in God—in Eternity— with Christ. Gone to be welcomed by all those who before him made that same journey—-but especially, in the case of Mon- signor Carroll, by those “ho preparec for eternity by doing work like to the work that he did: the unique work of special service to the Holy See. Surely Christ must have some particular welcome for those who collaborated with His Vicar at the heart’s core of His Church. Surely the Holy Apostles, Peter and Paul, must receive with special warmth one who labored so long, so hard in the City that is theirs. Surely all heaven much acknowl- edge the right of Monsignor Carroll to echo the words of the Apostle even before God’s Judgment Seat: I ha fought the good fight. I have finished the course. I have kept the faith. Eternal rest grant unto him, O Lord. May he rest in peace. May his soul and all the souls of the faithful departed through the mercy of God rest in peace. Amen. Official Position of District of Columbia Recreation Board on Swimming Pool Controversy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. KLEIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave, I include here as part of my remarks the report made by Mr. Harry Wender, Chairman of the Recreation Board, to the Board on May 9, 1950, without com- ment of my own for or against the state- ments therein, except as they show clearly that the Recreation Board can- not accept operation of the pools at this time, and to applaud Mr. Wender’s dec- Jaration that he opposes segregation. This supports my contention that the passage of H. R. 5968 is unnecessary and unwanted. Report of BoaRD CHAIRMAN Today marks the one hundred and twenty- first stated meeting of this Board, concluding 8 years of unparalleled growth and accom- plishment toward the building of an ade- quate and modern recreation system for the Nation’s Capital. It is significant that Mr. James E, Schwab, vice chairman, and Mrs. Alice C. Hunter, sec- retary, have served with me as the Board’s only officers since its inception. I am truly grateful for the confidence our colleagues have indicated in vesting us with the honor and responsibility of leading the Board through these formative years. It is extremely fortunate that a majority of the Board’s membership has remained constant since our formation, thus insuring APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a better understanding of our problems and a continuity of sound policies and purposes. As Mr. Schwab’s second 4-year appoint- ment is about to expire, it is incumbent upon me to repeat the tributes I have previously made to his loyal, conscientious, and inde- fatigable service to this Board and the entire community. Only the Superintendent and your Chairman are fully aware of his tremen- dous capacity for work and his willingness to accept difficult and time-consuming assign- ments at great personal sacrifice, physically and financially. Although we have not al- ways agreed, I have always fully respected his independence of thought and vigorously defended his right to express a point of view which is undoubtedly shared by a large per centage of our citizens who are justly en- titled to representation on a democratically selected, wholly independent Board such as this. I am personally indebted to him for sharing many of the heavy responsibilities of Board leadership which other members have been unable to assume. Although in previ- ous years he has frequently evidenced a strong desire to resign because of family and business duties, it is a source of gratification to me that he has remained to assist in the solution of problems which still beset the Board. Hence I unhesitatingly acknowledge the tremendous value of Mr. Schwab's un- compensated and little publicized public service. He represents a valuable and tangi- ble asset to our community life, worthy of commendation by all and of further reten~ tion in office. Mrs. Hunter's long Board experience has demonstrated her fine resoluteness of char- acter and outstanding civic virtues. Her Board activities have never been confined to narrow racial representation, while her lib- eral views have strongly influenced the Board’s disposition to assume leadership in the removal of segregation and discrimina- tory restrictions. Whatever may be our dif- ferences of opinion as to the best time and methods to be pursued, I fully endorse her aims and objectives, for her guiding princi- ples are noble and irrefutable. Mr. Walter L. Fowler, District budget off- cer, has admirably and ably represented the District Commissioners, giving us Invaluable assistance from the beginning by reason of his broad knowledge of District adairs. We are likewise deeply appreciative of the gen- erous support and understanding accorded our policies and our budget requests by the District Commissioners. Mr. Irving C. Root, Superintendent of Na~ tional Capital Parks, an ex officio member of the Board from the outset, served the Inte- rior Department with distinction until April 12, 1950. On that date your chairman was advised by letter from Mr. A. EH. Domaray, Associate Director of the National Park Serv- ice, that Mr. Edward J. Kelly, Spcctal Assist- ant to the Superintendent of National Cap- ital Parks, would henceforth represent Mr. Root on the Board. Legal precedents justify- ing this substitution were forwarded by Mr. Demaray. Without any reflection upon Mr. Kelly, intended or implied, your chairman and the superintendent were concerned with the legal problems involved, and on April 18 the Commissioners at my request authorized the corporation counsel, Mr. Vernon E, West, to rule upon Mr. Kelly’s appointment. Mr. West informally advised me on Apri 25, con- firmed by his letter of May 4, that the issucs raised are complex and dimMicult to determine, involving extensive research which require considerable time to conclude. Since a Board poll, as well as this meeting, were imminent he suggested that I recagnize Mr. Kelly’s credentials at this time subject to his later findings and opinion which will be binding upon the Board. Therefore, we welcome Mr. Kelly, with whom we have had a long and pleasant rela- tionship, to the Board on the basis of the foregoing and extend to him our complete
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cooperation and the opporunity of full par- ticipation in the Board’s activities. We rec- ognize that the past 8 years have produced many sharp disagreements between the Board and the Interior Department. Never- theless we are delighted that virtually all of our differences have been reconciled. We trust that within a short time those that remain will be finally resolved, so that the Board may once again resume a unanimity of action that uniformly obtained during its first 5 years of operation. Mr. Albert S. Steinem, prominent local at- torney, is the present representative of the board of education. He has proven a worthy successor to three eminent predecessors; Dr. Frank W. Ballou; Mr. Robert L. Haycock, for- mer superintendent of schools; and Mr. Cc. Melvin Sharpe, who served with us most ably until his election as president of the board of education in May 1949. Mr. Steinem’s keen interest in our work has brought about an even closer relationship between the two poards than ever before. The effective co- operation and the mutual respect and under- standing which have been manifested he- tween these two public agencies have been remarkably satisfying, meriting emulation and approval throughout the country. Mrs. O. G. Hankins, an outstanding citizen and parent-teacher leader for many years, is the latest appointee to lay membership on the board. On June 24, 1949, she succeeded Mrs. Andrew Saul, who was compelled to resign because of ill health. Mrs. Saul had replaced Mrs. George Garrett when the lat- ter’s husband was appointed minister (now ambassador) to Hire. Both ladies rendered distinguished service to our board. Mrs. Hankins, in the comparatively short period of her membership, has acquired extensive knowledge of her duties and of the depart~ ment’s constantly expanding programs and facilities. Despite numerous other impor- tant civic responsibilities, she has shown & devoted attention to the board’s problems for which we are extremely appreciative. We have been equally fortunate in the high caliber of alternates who have served at times in place of official representatives on the board. The board of education alter- nates have included Mr. Haycock, Dr. Robert A. Maurer, Mr. Steinem, and the incumbent, Mrs. Elviria Z. Magdeburger. Mr. Root’s al- ternates have included his able assistants, Messrs. Harry Thompson, Frank Gartside, and Edward Kelly. Mr. Geoffrey Thornett, sec- retary to the board of commissioners, has been Mr. Fowler’s regular alternate since 1942, except when Deputy Budget Officer William Wilding has attended in h:; absence. Probably the most fortunate circumstance attendant to the Board’s successful develop- ment has been the acquisition and retention of a loyal and devoted staff, highly skilled and experienced in meeting the changing recreation needs of our community. Every employee has been engaged entirely on the basis of merit and ability without regard to pressure either within or without the Board’s membership. The continued wise leadership from the very beginning of Mr. Milo F. Christiansen, our superintendent, one of America’s foremost recreation statesmen, and his fine principal assistants, Miss Sibyl Baker and Mr. John L. Young, has proven a con- stant source of inspiration and comfort to the members of this Board, as well as to their professional colleagues, One cannot help but feel a friendly sense of personal regard for them as a result of our mutual association these many years in an enterprise of such vital importance to every citizen. I know that I speak for each member of the Board in expressing to each member of our staff our deep and abiding thanks for their great loyalty and devotion to duty, ofttimes under trying and difficult circumstances. Having endeavored to describe and eval- wate the Board’s past and present personnel, Iam impelled to take notice of serious and alarming charges which have emanated in recent weeks from various sources, Because of their grave nature, it is my duty to reply formally at this time. Despite past criticism by individuals and organizations, the Board has advanced sub- stantially during the past year in liberaliz- ing program and eliminating segregation in many spheres of activity. On June 14, 1949, the Board adopted a policy later incorporated in the bylaws, article II, section 2, as follows: “The Board will make every possible and realistic effort toward the removal of racial segregation in public recreation in such se- quence and at such rate of progression as may be consistent with the public interest, public order, and effective administration. The Board by majority vote of the whole Board at a stated meeting shall from time to time issue necessary orders to the super- intendent to implement this policy.” This statement met with universal ap- proval of liberal elements and was endorsed by the Secretary of the Interior, the District Commissioners, and all of our daily news- papers. The Board has striven tirelessly and continuously to carry out this policy. It was rot to be expected that anything we did would meet with the hearty approval of those who sought immediate climination of all segregation practices. Some 22 specific instances were recently cited to the Secretary of the Interior indicating our progress in implementing the policy. Secretary Chap- man has privately and publicly stated his satisfaction with the results of our efforts to date and the evident good faith with which we proceeded. The sole areca of difference between the Sec- retary and the Board Mes with the policy to be pursued in the operation of the six swim- ming pools now under GSI management. We have never fully operated them in the past, but only during morning periods, 5 days a@ week. We do not now have funds or per- sonnel to operate them fully. The Secretary offered them to us on the basis of full-time management on a wholly nonsegregated basis. For a variety of factual reasons, in- cluding insufficient funds, likelihood of fi- nancial loss, inadequacy of trained person- nel, the lack of absolute control over our employees, and the possibility of contro- versies ensuing from an operation by us under the Secretary’s terms, your concessions committee agreed with the Secretary that the Board could not accept his offer at this time and that the Department of the In- terior should assume responsibility for full operation this year. This conclusion was ap- proved by five members of the Board. We are relinbly informed that the Secretary of the Interior has made careful plans to pro- vide for the safe and efficient operation of all pools this summer. Although the Board has requested the Commissioners to seek legislation vesting administrative control in the Board of all swimming pools and lands assigned to the Commissioners by the Na- tional Capital Park and Planning Commis- sion, pursuant to the intent of our organic act of 1942, it is generally recognized that no legislation could: be adopted in sufficient time to affect 1950 operation. Nothing that this Board or your chairman has said or done remotely implies (a) that the Department of Interior should not op- erate the pools in accordance with that Department’s announced policies, (b) that the Department cannot be successful in such operation, or (c) that the Board or your chairman are hopeful that incidents will again arise this summer which will fan racial hatred and strife, resulting in the. closing of the pools. Nothing can be fur- ther from the truth than the fantastic as- sertion that this Board and your chairman “have a vested Interest in violence” and that “we are practically giving the green light to A3829 troublemakers to see to it that something dces happen.” It is an obvious and reasonable conclu~ sion that the Board’s reluctance to accept respcnsibility for the Secretary’s swimming~ pool policy was because, although it lacked confidence in its own ability to discharge that policy satisfactorily, it could rely upon his assurance that he was prepared to do so with complete safety to the thousands of citizens who need and will use the pools if they are adequately protected in their right to use them, For myself, I quote from the minutes of the Board’s April 11 meeting when the com- mittee report was adopted: “He (Mr. Wender) stated that he hoped the operation of the pools was going to be successful as well as the education program so that the pools can be used without diffi- culty. “The committee feels and the Secretary himself stated he agrees that the Recreation Board is not ready to take over the pools at this time under the terms offered by the De- partment of Interior.” I have endeavored to demonstrate my per- sonal devoticn to democratic principles dur- ing half a lifetime of clvic activity. I have resolutely tried to drive out segregation and discrimination in all of the many organiza- tions with which I have served. My abhor- rence for segregation has been repeated over many years in the press, at public gather- ings, and at the Board meetings. My sup- port of the administration’s civil-rights pro- gram has long been known to those familiar with my activities even though I have stated my opinion that the methods utilized by the President’s Committee on Civil Rights in ac- quiring facts concerning Washington result- ed in some unfortunate inaccuracies relat- ing to recreation. I am proud of the prog- ress the Board has made thus far in remov- ing segregation, partly due to my own efforts and convictions. Hence I have no apology to make to anyone for my attitude on this matter even though my views are undoubt- edly too liberal for a great many and not pro- gressive enough for others. This statement is made so that no doubt can remain even in the most prejudiced and distorted minds—TI despise violence, disorder, and mob control for any purpose—most of all by those who would deny others their legal freedom of action. I denounce any person or organization who would interfere with the Secretary's determination to make any or all of the six park pools available this summer on an open basis. It is my earnest hope and plea that all citizens will cooperate with the Secretary in making his program successful and that in the deplorable event that any stupid, ill-advised hoodlums should attempt to harm or interfere with the peace- ful enjoyment of the pools by those who want to use them, they will be summarily arrested and prosecuted, without pity or consolation from any decent citizen. In view of the foregoing I have prepared a resolution which I recommend be consid- ered and approved by the Board at this time: RESOLUTION “This Board wishes to dispel conclusively any suggestion that it is antagonistic to the Department of the Interior’s plan to operate the perk swimming pools this year on an open basis, Such unfounded implications are false and without fact. This Board offers its full cooperation to the Secretary and De- partment insofar as it is able to assist them in their operation and control of the pools. We deplore any suggestion that we are de- sirous of implementing, aiding, abetting, or in anywise encouraging disorder at the pools or abstention from their use by any person. On the contrary, the Board urges all persons to deport themselves lawfully and with dig- nity so that no further untoward incident
A3830 may occur, resulting in disgrace and shame to the Nation’s Capital, and thereby marring the fine reputation for peace and good order which should belong to a community of law- abiding and reputable citizens.” Harry S. WENDER, Chairman, District of Columbia Recreation Board. Restoration of Independence of Lithuania EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, the New England district, Knights of Lith- uania, recently met in annual conven- tion in Waterbury, Conn., and adopted the following resolution which reaffirms the principles to which we all subscribe. Truly, there can be no just peace in the world while people are oppressed by dic- tatorial rule as is the case in Lithuania. To: The President of the United States, the Honorable Harry S. Truman; the Secretary of State, the Honorable Dean Acheson; the two Senators from the State of Connecti- cut the Honorable Brien McMahon and the Honorable William Benton; the House ma- jority leader, the Honorable John W. Mc- Cormack, from the Tenth Congressional District of Massachusetts; the Congress- man from the Fifth Cro7zsicss*7-.7! District of Connecticut, the I™. u's .t. J mes Pate terson; the Congressman at Large from Connecticut, the Honorable Anthony Sad- lak; and to the press: The priests, dclegates and guests of the an- nual convention of the New England District of t.. Kriol’. of Lithuania, congregated at St. C..ema.l « aditorium, Waterbury, Conn., on May 14, 1950, unanimously passed the following resolutions: “Whereas members of the Knights of Lith- uania, all of whom are Americans of Lith- vianian descent and are deeply concerned about the present sad plight of Lithuania, the land of their forebears; and “Whereas the delegates to the convention realize that the complete and untarnished Independence of Lithuania has since been suppressed and is being suppressed by an in- sidious and Godless Soviet Communist horde and its satellites, now threatening and beat- ing on our shores; and “Whereas the delegates appreciate the sup- port and assistance given the Lithuanians by the Federal, State and local Governments of these United States, and “Whereas the delegates are in favor of and desire the continued support and assistance for the independence of Lithuania, now more than ever, of the Federal, State and local Governments of these United States: Now, therefore, be it “Resolved, That the delegates to the An- nual New England District Convention rep- resenting the following local councils of the Knights of Lithuania: Lewiston, Maine; Brockton, Mass.; Cambridge, Mass.; Water- bury, Conn,; Hartford, Conn.; Lowell, Mass.; Worcester, Mass; Providence, R. I.; Athol, Mass.; Westfield, Mass.; South Boston, Mass.; Lawrence, Mass.; Norwood, Miass.; be on rec- ord as favoring and having these United States of America affirmatively assist and take action in regaining and restoring the com- plete aud untarnished independence of Lith- uania as well as that of all shackled and sup- pressed peoples dominated by the Soviet Communist and Godless hordes; be it further “Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be sent to the President of the United States, the Honorable Harry S. Truman; the Secre- tary of State, the Honorable Dean Acheson; the two Senators from the State of Connecti- cut, the Honorable Brien McMahon and the Honorable William Benton; the House ma- jority leader, the Honorable John W. McCor- mack from the Tenth Congressional District; the Congressman from the Fifth Congres- sional District of Connecticut, the Honorable James Patterson; and to the press.” JosErH A. LoLa, President. ANGELA MASONIS, Executive Seerctary. Proposed Transfer of District of Columbia Recreation Areas to Control of Com- missioners Is Unnecessary and Should Be Defeated EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. KLEIN. Myr. Speaker, there is a bill pending on the Union Calendar which I hope sincerely will never be called up for consideration in this Con- gress. I refer to H. R. 5968, a bill to invest in the Commissioners of the District of Columbia control over all public swim- ming pools, playgrounds, and parks situ- ated in the District of Columbia. Fundamentally, my opposition to the bill is based upon democratic principles to which I adhere against all assaults because of the hidden retrogressive pur- poses of this measure. I have a deep respect and affection for my chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia, and I expressly dis- avow any intent of personal animadver- sion or controversy. I will not believe that this bill was introduced, as has been charged, with the deliberate intention of putting every Member of Congress, Democrat or Republican, who believes in American principles of democratic ac- tion, on a political hot spot, nor will I accept or credit the suggestion that my chairman is attempting to split the Democratic Party in the House by this issue. PEOPLE WITH AXES TO GRIND The fact is, of course, that there are people with private axes to grind who are trying to make capital out of this bill, and are industriously sowing rumors and false reports. To repeat, Mr. Speaker, my funda- mental objection to this bill is one of principle. Its real purpose is very much different than its ostensible purpose. There are, however, sound practical objections to its consideration now or in the future. First of all, it is totally unnecessary. There is ample existing authority, under legislation which Congress has enacted, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD whereby the District Recreation Board and the District Commissioners can ob- tain full utilization, or even jurisdiction, if jurisdiction is necessary, of the pools or any other recreation facilities in the parks. Congress has already enacted legislation enabling such transfers to be made by agreement between the District Commissioners, the Recreation Board, and the Department of the Interior. These acts are the act of April 29, 1942 (56 Stat. 261), the act of May 20, 1932 (47 Stat. 161, 40 U. S. C. sec. 122), and the act of July 1, 1898 (sec. 4, 30 Stat. 570). These statutes fully and com- pletely cover the subject of transfers of Jand between the District and the In- terior Department. There is no need for this bill, if it is intended solely to transfer jurisdiction. What, then, is the purpose of this bill? H. R. 5968 has only one purpose: It is designed and intended solely to designate the use of the swimming pools on the basis o2 race and not on the basis of need. It is this matter of racial discrimination, which the Recreation Board has so vigor- ously sought to impose on the public swimming facilities in this, our Nation’s Capital, that has been the only obstacle to an agreement between the Recreation Board and the Department of the In- terior. The Secretary of the Interior has frequently and publicly offered to let the Recreation Board operate the swimming pools and other recreation facilities in the park lands, provided only that the Recreation Board admits all law-abiding citizens without regard to race. This the Board has refused to do. It desires to impose racial discrimination on these public facilities which are now admin- istered without regard to race. Second, it is very ill-timed. The Recreation Board had no money for administration of the recreation areas when the bill was introduced; and if the cuts which the House Appropriations Committee injudiciously imposed just the other day on the District of Colum- bia appropriation bill are conflimed by the House and the Senate, it seems un- likely that the Recreation Board will be able to carry out its present responsi- bilities. Third, the bill is not desired even by the Recreation Board. Just a few days ago the Chairman of the Recreation Board flatly stated that the Recreation Board does not want to have the swim- ming pools transferred to it. This is what he said: We do not now have funds or personnel to operate them fully. The Secretary [of the Interior] offered them to us on the basis of full-time management on a wholly nonseg- regated basis. For a variety of factual rea- sons, including insufficient funds, likelihood of financial loss, Imadequacy of trained per- sonnel, the lack of absolute control over our employees, and the possibility of contro- versies ensuing from an operation by us un- der the Secretary’s terms [the Recreation Board’s}] Concessions Committee agreed with the Secretary that the Board could not ac- cept his offer at this time and that the De- partment of the Interior should assume re- sponsibility for full operation this year, This conclusion was approved by five members of the Board. We are reliably infarmed that the Secretary of the Interfor has made care-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ful plans to provide for the safe and efficient operation of all pools thissummer. * * Nothing that this Board or your chairman has said or done remotely implies (a) that the Department of the Interior should not operate the pools in accordance with that Department’s announced policies, (b) that the Department cannot be successful in such operation, or (c) that the Board or your chairman are hopeful that incidents will again arise this summer which will fan racial hatred and strife. Fourth, this bill is wholly inconsistent with the basic principles of the bill for home rule for the District of Columbia (S. 1567) which is now pending in the Committee on the District of Columbia of this House. The home rule bill does not attempt to transfer lands from the Federal Government to the District gov- ernment. It leaves any such transfers to be accomplished by agreement under the acts of April 29, 1942, May 20, 1932, or July 1, 1898, which I have just referred to. Section 904 (b) of the home rule bill specifically provides that the Federal Government shall remain responsible for the jurisdiction, maintenance and im- provement of grounds, buildings and other recreational facilities in the parks; and section 904 (b) further provides that the proposed District of Columbia De- partment of Recreation may use such park lands and facilities by making agreements with the National Park Serv-~ ice of the Department of the Interior under the act of April 29, 1942 (56 Stat. 261). OPPOSED BY NEGRO ORGANIZATIONS Fifth, passage of the bill will be taken by all Negro organizations as a colossal affront to them and to our democratic principles, regardless of political affili- ations, because of the hidden purpose of the bill to turn back the clock to ante- bellum days. ‘It so happens that my po- litical and personal convictions coincide with opposition to this bill; and regard- less of its final disposition my opposition to it will meet with the approbation of my constituents and it will help me to live with myself, Moreover, Mr. Speaker, there are at least three-fourths of the membership of this House who are committed, morally and politically, against the principles of this retrogressive bill. It is highly ob- jectionable to their constituencies. The political reverberations will be powerful and of long duration; a vote for this bill will, in at least 85 States of this Union of ours, call forth the angry protests of the voters. LET THE BILL Dig ON THE CALENDAR Mr. Speaker, the kindest thing that can be done with this Trojan horse meas- ure is to allow it to die on the calendar; if its few proponents insist upon bringing it to a vote, then I can only foretell that it will be defeated. And this is a measure upon which a record vote will be de- manded. Aside from the flerce opposition of every Negro organization to this bill, and the fact that its passage would be a dire insult to every Negro citizen, it is strongly opposed by religious and liberal. groups as uncharitable and un-American. I can say that every religious organi- gation of which I have knowledge is strongly opposed to the bill, and I have received many telephone calls and let- ters expressing that opposition. The great strength of the Christian churches in America, Catholic and Prot- estant alike, and of the Jewish synagogs, is united against the measure as im- moral and deliberately intended to make a mockery of the indivisible brotherhood of man. Illustrative of this deep-seated oppo-~ sition are the following statements and communications which I have received. MRS. ROOSEVELT AGAINST BILL I include an extract from the daily col- umn, My Day, written by Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, widew of the great wartime President, as published in the Washing- ton Daily News, of Wednesday, May 17: Districr or Cotumpra Is Nor a PLrack WHERE SEGREGATION SHOULD FLOURISH (By Eleanor Roosevelt) New York, Tuesday.—I have just had a letter from the National Committee on Seg- regation in the Nation’s Capital, Inc. The Capital of the United States is not a place where segregation should flourish. While it is often spoken of as a southern city, it is nevertheless, the Capital of the whole country, and the place where foreign- ers from all over the world must come to transact much of their business, regardless of their race, color, or religion. They should come to a city where all human beings are equal before the law, and where men and women treat each other in the spirit of brotherhood. The Interior Department has under its jurisdiction in the District of Columbia cer- tain recreational facilities which it makes available for the benefit of all people with- out segregation. Repeatedly, the Interior Department has offered to transfer all these facilities to the local Recreation Board pro- vided that the Board will keep them open to all citizens. A bill will shortly come up in Congress, sponsored by Representative JoHn L. McMitian, Democrat, of South Carolina, chairman of the District of Columbia House Committee, which will, if passed, transfer all recreational facilities now operated by the Interior Department to the District Com- missioners. It sounds innocent, but what it really does jis to place in the hands of officials the power to enforce racial segregation. This seems a pity in the Nation’s Capital, UNITARIAN ASSOCIATION OPPOSES BILL I also include in my remarks a letter addressed tome by Mr. Merrill E. Bush, director of adult education and social relations for the American Unitarian Association, Boston: AMERICAN UNITARIAN ASSOCIATION, Boston, Mass., May 17, 1950. The Honorable Artaur G, KizIn, Representative from New York, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. KLern: It has been brought to our attention that the House Committee for the District of Columbia has reported out H.R. 5968. We hoped that any legislation involving jurisdiction of the District of Columbia swim- maing pools would protect the nonsegregation practices, and it has been brought to our attention that there is considerable question whether H. R. 6968 does offer adequate pro- tection of the nonsegregation principles, A3831 The American Unitarian Association has gone on record as opposed to all practices of segregation, and in October 1947 passed a resolution specifically dealing with the Dis-< trict of Columbia: “SEGREGATION IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA “Whereas segregation is a violation of the principles implicit in the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man; and “Whereas segregation and discrimination are manifest in the businesses and institu- tions of the District of Columbia, making it impossible for Negro residents and visitors to have equal access to hotels, restaurants, and other public places in the Nation’s Cap- ital; and “Whereas at the one hundred and twenty- second annual meeting of the American Uni- tarian Association on May 22, 1947, it was re« solved to seek to schedule Unitarian confer-~ ences, conventions, and other meetings in hotels and other public places which do not discriminate against racial, religious, or na- tional minorities: Be it therefore, “Resolved, That the general conference of the American Unitarian Association assem- bled in Washington, D. C., on October 15-17, 1947, commends those individuals, businesses, and institutions in the District of Columbia which are eliminating segregation and urges those which are serrerntirs to cease such practices; and be +. .aminer “Resolved, That the general conference urges the Congress of the United States early to enact a civil rights statute for the Dis- trict of Columbia.” Very truly yours, Merrit E. Buss. COMMUNITY CHURCH OPPOSES BILL Iam next including a letter addressed to me by Mr. Arthur William Randolph, secrelary of the social action committee of the Community Church of New York, made famous by its pastor emeritus, John Haynes Holmes, whose tradition is ably carried on by the Reverend Donald Har- rington and the Reverend Maurice A. Dawkins: Tur Community CHurcne or New Yorx, New York, N. Y., May 17, 1950. Representative ArrHuR KLEIN, House Office Building, Washington D.C, Drar CONGRESSMAN Kirn: It has come to the attention of this committee that the House Committee for the District of Colum- bla has reported out H. R. 5968, and that this bill will be up for action on May 22. This bill, if passed, would transfer jurisdiction over swimming pools in the District of Co- lumbia from the Department of Interlor to the Commissioners of the D.strict. Because of its innocent-sounding provision the aver- age Congressman may not be aware of the dangers of such @ bill, It is not merely a transfer of jurisdiction but is rather a device to take control of these pools from those who have maintained a policy of nonsegregation, and transfer the power to the Recreation Board of the District, whose officials have over the years maintained a policy of segre- gation. If they have the least opportunity to do so we may be sure that these officials will then operate the pools on a segregated basis. The Nation’s Capital should be a model of brotherhood, for the impressions that many visiting foreign travelers and diplomats get from Washington are published throughout the world. Also, we may be sure that the Communists will not be slow in realizing how great a propaganda tool will be such proposed action. The measure will come up for study and discussion on Monday, a day when it is cus- tomary for the House to discuss and handle District legislation. This is also a day when
A3832 many eastern representatives are not present, and when precisely those who oppose fair civil rights for all are dominant. Therefore, the Social Action Commuttee of the Com- munity Church of New York urges you to be present on Monday, May 22, in order to vote against this vicious measure. Sincerely yours, ArrHuR WM. RUDOLPH, Secretary, Social Action Committee of Community Church of New York. INTERIOR DEPARTMENT POLICIES Next, I insert the press release issued by the Department of the Interior an- nouncing the last offer which Secretary Chapman made to the Recreation Board to operate the pools: Secretary of the Interior Oscar L. Chap- man today offered full operating control of the six National Capital Parks swimming pools to the District of Columbia Recreation Board subject to the condition that they continue to be operated as nonsegregated pools, The offer was made at a conference petween the Secretary of the Interior and members of the District of Columbia Recre- ation Board held in the Interior Building. Secretary Chapman explained to the Board members that the policy under which these swimming pools are operated was formu- lated in recognition of the Government’s obligation under the Constitution to guar- antee equal rights to all citizens. “The President has clearly enunciated a national policy that all public services shall be ad~- ministered without distinction of race, color, creed, or national origin,’ Mr. Chapman stated. “I strongly believe that it is imper- ative that this policy be clearly demon- strated in the District of Columbia. The eyes of the entire world are fixed upon our National Capital. Every act of the officials responsible for the administration of public facilities becomes a symbol of our ability as a Nation to function in strict adherence to the principles of our democracy. “It is the duty of the Government to pro- vide swimming pools and other recreational facilities which are essential to the public welfare and to make them available to all of the people. By the same token, the Gov- ernment does not compel people to use these facilities. It is, however, the responsibility of the Government to protect the rights cf all of the citizens who choose to use such public services.” Secretary Chapman called the attention of the Board members to a swimming pool op- erated by the Navy at the training center lo- cated in Anacostia Park. The area is on National Capital Park lands, which since 1941 has been used by the Navy under permit. This swimming pool, located in the recrea~ tion building, is operated on a nonsegregated basis, naval personnel, both white and col- ored, and members of their families having access to the facilities on an equal basis. The Interior Secretary said that he had been informed by naval authorities that no racial tension has ever been generated through the nonsegregated use of the pool, thus it would appear that with the coopera- tion of all concerned the same situation could be obtained at the pools operating in the National Capital parks. In his discussion with the representatives of the District of Columbia Recreation Board, Secretary Chapman explained that it has been the traditional policy of the Interior Department to cooperate with District of Columbia authorities in the conduct of the recreation program for the National Capital. For many years prior to the establishment of the District of Columbia Recreation Board, the greater part of the program conducted by the former District of Columbia Play-~ ground Department, was carried on on lands within the National Capital park system through the cooperation and consent of the National Capital Parks. In an effort to foster unified recreation for the District of Co- lumbia, the Department of the Interior ‘on April 1, 1940, agreed to permit the then exist- ing District of Columbia Community Center and Playground Department to assume op- erational functions, including the issuance of permits, supervision, and leadership in connection with the program of supervised recreation in the National Capital parks. The facilities involved included an archery green, 4 badminton courts, 18 baseball, and 27 softball diamonds, 2 basketball courts, 7 croquet courts, the Palisades Fieldhouse, 11 football gridirons, 4 hockey courts, 34 horse- shoe courts, 4 marble rings, 79 picnic groves, 2 shuffleboard courts, 3 soccer fields, a speed- ball court, 50 tennis courts, and 5 volleyball courts. Responsibility for the foregoing facilities previously had been a function of the Na- tional Capital Parks Recreation Division. The District of Columbia Recreation De- partment succeeded the Community Center and Playground Department in 1942, continu- ing to operate the afore-mentioned facilities as agents for the National Capital Parks. On August 29, 1949, a formal agreement be- tween the Department of the Interior and the District of Columbia Recreation Board, as provided by the act of April 29, 1942, which created the Board, gave the Recreation De- partment permission to conduct a recreation- al program in Anacostia Park, Archbold Park- way, Barnard Hill Park, Barry Farms Play- ground, Battery Femble, Fort Bayard Park, Fort Bunker Hill, Fort Dupont Park, Gar- field Park, Glover Parkway, the Mall, Mont- rose Park, the Washington Monument grounds, Oxon Run Parkway, the President’s Park, Rock Creek Park, Rock Creek and Po- tomac Parkway, West Potomac Park, and Fort Stanton Park. The recreational facilities within these areas include many which previously had been operated by the District of Columbia recreation authorities by permit. The agreement of August 29, 1949, also pro- vided that other National Capital Park areas might be made available to the Board from time to time and that the facilities operated by concessioners under contract with the Interior Department would be made a part of the agreement as soon as arrangements could be made with the concessioners. These included golf courses, tennis courts, boating and bicycle concessions. The Department of the Interior regulation specifying that all of the park facilities should be operated upon a hasis of nonsegregation was accepted by the Recreation Board and the agreement further provided that the Board would make every possible and realistic effort toward the removal of racial segregation in public rec- reation with respect to the facilities, public activities, and programs which it now super- vises on areas not under the jurisdiction of the Interlor Department. The swimming pools were not included under this agreement because of the un- willingness of the District of Columbia Rec- reation Board to operate the pools as non~ segregated public services. The Recreation Board has been in negoti- ation with the present golf course operator with a view to assuming responsibility for the operation of the golf courses. The Board has not yet obtained funds to liquidate the claims of the present operator as provided in his contract with the Depart- ment of the Interior but is hopeful of doing so in order to take over the golf course oper- ation by January 1, 1951. The Board has indicated that it will assume operation of bicycle, boating, and tennis fa- cilities how operated by Government Services, Inc., upon the expiration of the contract between the Department of the Interlor and Government Services, Inc., in 1951, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Also of interest to the Members c- this House is the following summary of the contributions which the Department of the Interior has made to democracy in the Nation’s Capital: Procress IN THE Movement To GUARANTEE Equa, RicHTts For ALL CirizeEns IN THE NaTIONAL CAPITAL For the steady movement toward equal rights for all citizens in the Nation’s Capital, no one group or agency can claim exclusive credit. However, the contribution of the Department of the Interior has been clear and sustained. Notwithstanding the pres- sures of interested groups and timid tradi- tionalists, the Department has moved to im- plement democratic values and to clarify the role of the public agencies in their ad- ministration of tax-supported facilities. The objectives and example of the Interior Department may be briefly summarized in the principle so often stated by the Presi- dent and the Supreme Court, namely, that the power of government in a democracy must ever be exercised to insure the equal enjoyment by all citizens of publicly sup- ported services and that the government must refrain from using its powers to deny any racial, religious, or ethnic group free access to and enjoyment of such facilities. The Department of the Interior has been steadfastly mindful of the special signif- icance of Washington as the Nation’s Capital and its unique role as the symbol to all the world of America’s democratic ideals. 1. PUBLIC RECREATION FACILITIES The Capital has never had a rigid or com- plete pattern of enforced segregation in any area of its public or private life. But in the two decades aftcr 1925, the various au- thorities administering public recercation fa- cilities adhered quite uniformly to the prac- tice of keeping Negroes and whites apart in their use of such facilities. When the De- partment of the Interior in 1933 was ns- signed control of the local park system, it inherited practices of compulsory segrega- tion. But in that same year the Super- intendent of National Capital Parks an- nounced that “There is no legal way to pre- vent law-abiding citizens from using the parks, regardless of their race.” This judgment that the Federal Govern- ment lacks authority to make distinctions of color in its administration of park lands was reiterated in 1935 by the then Acting Super- intendent of the National Capital Parks. Concrete action to implement this basic policy in the use of park facilitles began in 1939, when the Secretary of the Interlor or- dered the discontinuance of compulsory ra- clal segregation in the use of picnic groves. Permits have since been issued for all picnic areas without regard to the race of appli- cants. No racial frictions have arison. On the contrary, the people of Washington have demonstrated that white and Negro groups can picnic harmoniously side by side. Since 1940, by order of the Secretary of the Interior, the Washington tourist camp, Jong maintained as an exclusively white fa- cility, has been operated on a basis of avail-~ ability to all citizens without distinction of color. Here, again, mo incidents of racial friction have been reported since that time. Also, in 1940, the Secretary ordered that the lighted tennis courts in West Potomac Park and the 17 courts on the Mall be opened to all applicants without distinction. They had been operated for white players only. Not a single incident of conflict based on race has occurred in 10 years, In 1941 the Secretary ordered that the federally operated golf courses similarly be opened to all citizens. With the exception of a minor incident agsoclated with the pub- Uc announcement of this order, both races
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD have used the golf courses since that time freely and without. friction. The six swimming pools on park lands have also been open to all citizens for a decade, Until 1949 Negroes applied to swim only in two of the pools. In that year colored swim-~= mers used two others. At only one of these— in Anacostia Park—interracial friction de- veloped which resulted in the closing of the pool. Since 1941, the Department’s contracts with concessioners in the national parks have required them to operate in accordance with Interior policies; since 1945 all such con- tracts have carried provisions explicitly guar- anteeing the right of all citizens to receive service from concessioners without distinc- tions of race, creed, or national origin. Throughout this entire period, the National Capital Parks outdoor nature and history in- terpretive programs have been open to all citizens. The Department’s basic policy—that jt cannot enforce racial segregation in granting the use of public facilities and that it must protect all citizens in their right to use the parks—has now been in successful dally operation for a decade. Because of this rec~ ord, the Department in recent years has re- peatedly urged the District of Columbia Recreation Board to abandon the rigid policy of compulsory segregation under which it has operated since its inception. In June of 1945, the Recreation Board, which had been created 3 years earlier, in- corporated in its by-laws ao provision that racial segregation must be enforced in the use of all recreational facilities under its con- trol. The Acting Secretary of the Interior jn a letter dated July 10, 1945, reaffirmed the policy of the Department as one calling for the unrestricted use of areas under its juris- diction, and stated that this policy must pre- vail in all areas under the control of the deparment even if administered by the rec- reation board. Since that time, the Secretary of the In- terlor has taken every action within his legal authority to require that the recreation poard administer facilities on park lands in accordance with the national policy. Thus, in February 1949, the Secretary ordered the recreation board to cease discrimination in the granting of permits to play tennis on 18 courts located on park lands, and to grant them without disinctions of race. The Department’s efforts, however, were greatly hampered by © procedure of the National Capital Parks and Planning Com- mission whereby it assigned park lands to the District Commissioners who then turned them over to the Recreation Board for op- eration under its policy of enforced segre- gation. A cover of legality was provided for this action by the Planning Commission's arbitrary designation of certain areas ex- clusively for white recreation and others ex- clusively for Negro recreation. Action insti- tued by the Assistant Secretary of the Inte- rior on March 15, 1949, led to the removal of such designations from the Commission’s maps and plans, Two months later, the Chairman of the District Recreation Board issued a public report acknowledging that the Board’s pol- icy of enforced segregation was out of tune with accepted practices in the community, and that the action of the Planning Com-~ mission had removed the last barrier to its modification. Thereupon, the Board (a) for the first time authorized the evening use of public-school buildings by interracial groups, (b) adopted a bylaw under which it is pledged to apply as rapidly as possible @ policy of granting to all citizens equal access to all its facilities, and (c) permitted the Society of Friends (Quakers) to operate two playgrounds throughout the summer on @® nonracial basis. Both the example and the voice of the Department of the Inte- rior were instrumental in realizing all these advances. These signs of progress were climaxed in August of 1949 by the signing of a formal agreement under which the Recreation Board is to operate recreation programs on 19 park lands. Additional lands may be made available to the Board from time to time, and facilities operated by concession- ers under contract with the Interior De- partment—golf courses, tennis courts, boat- ing and bicycle concessions—are to be made part of the agreement as soon as arrange- ments can be made with the concessioners. The crucial significance of this agreement lies in the provision that the Recreation Board shall operate all these facilities in ac- cordance with the Department’s policy, 1. e., “none of them shall be restricted to use by any people on the basis of their race, creed, color, or national origin.” 2. PUBLIC ACCOMMODATION In recent years the auditoriums in Fed- eral buildings have not enforced segregation in their audiences. But because of its size and ready availability to the public, the Interior Department’s auditorlum was re- garded for several years as almost the only place in which interracial events could be staged. Year after year, the Watergate con- certs, ceremonies and celebrations on the Washington Monument Grounds, at the Lin- coln Memorial and in other park areas have further demonstrated to Washingtonians the practicality of a policy of nondiscrimination in public entertainment. In particular, Secretary of the Interior Ickes drew na- tional attention to the conflicting patterns of race relations existing in Washington in 1939: Miss Marian Anderson, great Negro contralto, had been denied the use of a pri- vate hall and then of a public school audi- torium, when the Secretary offered to ar- range @ concert on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. Committees on arrangements for all such observances have included Negro representatives. More recently, 8 nondis- criminating summer theater has been es- tablished at Meridian Hill Park. At none of these functions has the racial trouble antici- pated by pessimists arisen to frustrate ex- pression of the democratic creed, The views of Secretary Ickes with respect to the enforcement of racial segregation were so well known in the Department that no specific order was necessary to insure equal access to the cafeterias in the new Interior Building when it opened in 1937. Interior led the way in the trend which soon devel. oped to guarantee free use by all employees of the eating facilities in Government build- ings. More recently, in the wake of this development, other Federal agencies have opened to all patrons in the restaurants at the National Airport and National Zoological Gardens. Over the years the Department’s demon- stration of the practicability of democracy in recreation and in admission to entertain- ment and eating places has exerted a steady influence on the practices of private proprie- tors in the District, In recent years several downtown movie theaters have opened their doors to all comers; Washington's new legiti- mate theater is operating successfully with- out enforced segregation; university audi- toriums have been opened; a major sports arena has stopped segregating its patrons. Restrictions imposed by local bodies on inter= racial competition in amateur athletics have been, removed. With ome major exception, Washington’s universities have opened their doors to students of different races. Most recently a large number of downtown restau- rants have ended the practice of turning away. Negro patrons. While Interior has peen only one among many contributing forces in this unmistakable trend, its ex- ample and its volce have played a vital part A3833 in creating the atmosphere in which progress ean occur. As recently as the autumn of 1947 the policy and practice of the Interior Depart- ment were one of the few encouraging signs that the President’s Committee on Civil Rights could find to offset the otherwise “in- tolerable * “ ™“ failure of democracy” in the Nation’s Capital (To Secure These Rights, pp. 87-95). 3. FAIR EMPLOYMENT PRACTICES As early as 1934 Secretary Ickes appointed to his staff an advisor on racial matters in the field of public works—the first such ap- pointment in a Federal executive agency. This practice spread widely in the next few years and contributed substantially to the gradual improvement of administrative and personnel practices in the Federal establish- ment. Thus, Interior was the first agency to insert in all its contracts a clause requir- ing nondiscriminatory practices in employ- ment by the contractors. Long before the issuance of an Executive order on the sub- ject in 1941, Interior articulated the policy of fair employment in its own operations. The United States Park Police demonstrate the validity of this policy every day in the performance of their duties. 4. OTHER ACTIONS The Department of the Interior has con- stantly sought to implement further the President’s program of civil righis. It con- tributed actively to the prepuration of the Government brief in the District of Colum- bia restrictive covenant cases before the Supreme Court. The Department sup- ported Senator Nerny’s bill to establish a Human Rights Commission for the District, which the Senate District Committee recently reported favorably to the Senate. Wher- ever racial discrimination has raised its ugly head in Government affairs, Interior has been in the forefront of those combating it. CONCLUSION Much progress has already occurred in the racial practices of the Nation’s Capital. More far-reaching developments are just over the horizon. The Department of the In- terior has shown by gradual, revolutionary action that democratic principles work in Washington. Events have fully justified our faith in the good sense and decency of the people of the District when forthright lead- ership is provided. The Department will continue to express the high principles of the Constitution and the Chief Executive; it will continue to work to the end that the Nation's Capital shall be 9 living symbol of the American democratic faith. AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION The Washington chapter of Americans for Democratic Action has written the following letter and statement to me: WASHINGTON CHAPTER, AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION. Washington, D.C., May 5, 1950. Congressman ArTHur G. KLEIN, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dear CONGRESSMAN Kunin: The Washing- ton chapter, Americans for Democratic Action urges you to be on hand when the McMillan bill—H. R. 5968—comes up on Monday, May 8, and to vote against it. We were shocked that this bill was voted out of the District Committee when only 14 members were present and in spite of the fact that the public hearings which were promised were not held. LR. 5968 would vest in the Commis- sioners of the District of Columbia control over all public swimming pools, playgrounds, and parks situated in the District of Colum- bia. The effect of this will be to administer the pools on a segregated basis.