A836 the Appendix of the Recorp two edito- rials, one entitled “Edison’s Shining Ex- ample,” published in the Philadelphia Inquirer, and the other entitled “Thomas A. Edison, Man of Vision,” published in the New Brunswick (N. J.) Daily Home News of February 9, 1951. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the Recor, as follows: [Prom the Philadelphia Inquirer of February 9, 1951] EvIson’s SHINING EXAMPLE George E. Stringfellow, vice president of Thomas A. Edison, Inc., speaking in Pater- son, N. J., has taken notice of the fact that in these times there fs more moral signifi- cance in Edison’s failures, hard work, and handicaps than in his successes. Since Edison was born 104 years ago in Milan, Ohio, widespread changes have come about in American life. Some of them— electric lghts, radio, television—-were brought about directly or indirectly by Edi- son himeelf, But if there is one thing clear about Edl- son it is that he didn't achieve his successes by observing a 40-hour week. He was able at the age of 31 to throw himself into the task of creating not only an incandescent bulb but an entire city generating and distribu- tion system only because he had been con- ditioned from childhood to take 24-hour days as a matter of course for weeks on end. The principal secret of Edison's method was to try all the wrong ways of doing a thing in order eventually to find the right one, That called for patience and a unique ability to face repeated failures with cour- age and renewed optimism. Above all, it called for the will to work on against heavy odds, That jis an attitude hard to find these days. Perhaps the majority of our research scientists do still have it. And there are others. It is upon them that America will have to depend for survival and the contin- uance of the basic ideals which have made it great, {From the New Brunswick (N. J.) Datly Home News of February 9, 1951] THOMaS A, Epison, MAN or Vision Members of the Paterson Rotary Club were fortunate yesterday in having as their speak- er a man who was intimately associated with Thomas A. Edison through the later years of the great inventor's fe. Their speaker was George E. Stringfellow, vice president of Thomas A. Edison, Inc., and one of New Jersey's leading citizens, and his subject was “Edison’s Vision.” Mr. Stringfellow spoke eloquently not so much of Thomas A. Edison's successes as of his failures for it ts from man’s failures and from his misfortunes that much of progress comes. In working to perfect the phono- graph, for instance, Edison had difficulty eliminating hissing consonants. Mr. 8tring- fellow recounts that Edison worked 20 hours & day, every day, for more than a year to get the word “specie” perfectly recorded. There were countless failures in this experi- mentation. But each failure was a step to- ward success. Each failure ruled out a faulty step. Success came eventually. Edison had real and permanent failures, too. He devised a magnetic ore separator to utilize low grade iron ores. It cost him and his backers 63,000,000, Then rich iron ore deposits were discovered. There was no need for the magnetic separator. A technical success, it was a financial failure. But there may still come a day when our Nation, faced with an iron shortage, might practically use the Edison principle. Mr. Stringfellow says that losses are more frequent than profits in business life, but as we learn from the rise above the losses, as Edison did, we triumph. And he adds elo- quently, “Unlimited possibilities are ahead through the new Edisons being born today; the men and women of imagination and character who are each'in their own way helping today and will help even more to- morrow to make America an even greater wonderland of the world.” Regional Shifts Will Offer Opportunities to Haverhill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE D. AIKEN OF VERMONT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, an excellent article entitled “Regional Shifts Will Offer Opportunities to Haverhill,” writ- ten by Eugene L. Belisle, and published in the Haverhill (Mass.) Gazette of Feb- ruary 7,1951. The article deals with the opportunities for the development of the natural resources in New England and in the Northeast, and places particular emphasis on the need for the develop- ment of the St. Lawrence seaway with- out delay. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: REporT TO HAVERHILL-—REGIONAL SHIFTS WILL OFreR OPPORTUNITIES TO HAVERHILL (By Eugene L. Belisle) (Evrror’s Norg.—The Gazette presents herewith another installment of Eugene L. Belisle’s report to the Haverhill Industrial Commission on his studies preliminary to recommending & program to help the com- munity meet its needs and opportunities for growth.) Physics, chemistry, and electricity applied to natural resources have given entirely new meanings to old or previously unusable ma- terials and substances, The twentieth century has witnessed the rise of a whole group of industries requiring vast amounts of electricity for processing (such as abrasives, aluminum, sponge iron, heavy welding, heavy plating, etc.) with elec- tric supply and costs a paramount factor. Industries requiring the largest and cheapest electricity supplies have in this century sought locations as near to major water power localities as posisble, insofar as reach- able by low-cost (preferably water) transpor- tation, Hence aluminum production in the Columbia Basin, the St. Lawrence Rapids, and the Saguenay River with bauxite moving all the way from South America to the latter point—1,000 miles past the New England coastline. Harnessing or failing to harness new sources of energy available to a region has been of great significance to its industrial development during the last quarter century. Nor is by-passing of the task of harnessing available natural sources of energy in river and possibly tidal waters on the ground that atomic energy will in time render this unnecessary any answer for a region to make, Each major development of natural resources sets up a new center for development of re- lated satellite industries and these in turn for secondary manufactures. Atomic energy installations will further focalize new indus- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD trial development and population and mar- ket growth in its peripheral areas. New England has long neglected its ad- mittedly Mmited but still substantial unde- veloped hydroelectric potentials within tts borders (principally in Maine) and its still larger potential resources of this type Jn the St. Lawrence and northern tidal waters (which admittedly require pilot plant de- velopment at high unit costs before the full potentials can be harnessed with resulting low unit costs). There is now a clear tend- ency to continue this neglect on the ground that atomic energy development will render the hydro potentials unnecessary. On the basis of a century of experience first with coal, then with oil, natural gas, and hydro- electric energy, this is wish-thinking. Industries utilizing large amounts of high heat are a second major type of twentieth century industry (glass, ceramics, heater-re- duction products, etc.); natural gas, oil, and coal are sources (except where electricity is required or can be used). Regions more dis- tant from these carbon deposits, such as New England, must pay transportation on them which adds to cost of manufacture as com- pared with the originating region. But any new transportation development (such as the natural-gas pipeline) opens up new oppor- tunities to develop such industries in the previously isolated market location. Application of physics, chemistry, and elec- tricity to either both exhaustible (mineral deposits) and renewable (soil products) re- sources has developed a whole range of new substances, products, and industries. For example: Nylon from coal; plastics from many substances, including peanuts, soy- beans, and cellulose (wood, cornstalks, etc.), and many other products; sugar, alcohol, yeast, and many other products from sulphite liquors previously dumped into rivers by pulp and paper plants (the Northwest pio- neered in this; New England still fails to follow suit); magnesium from brine, oyster shells and electricity (Michigan, not sea-girt New Engiand pioneered in this); dairy prod- ucts stabilizer from sea moss (Japan, Mary- land, and various other areas beat New Eng- land to this). Karl T. Compton, former president of MIT, pointed out vigorously in 1939 that New England lost the rayon in- dustry because of its failure to be awake to the magnitude and significance of the revo- lution in physics and chemistry underlying development of synthetic products. This revolution has given new meaning and possibility to every old substance and re- source under the surface of the earth, or growing or capable of being grown from the soil of the earth in forest or farm, and in the waters of the sea, and even in the atmosphere (nitrogen fixation via electricity). Yet, to- day, after 30 years of relative or absolute economic loss, including clear loss of op- portunities in rayon, aluminum, abrasive, and some other industries, New England is not yet systematically reexamining its en- tire natural resources in the light of this revolution. Meanwhile, systematic, ener- getic, well-financed researches of this type are going on in numerous other regions of the United States whose natural growth po- tentials are such as to demand less effort of this kind on their part. Unless we look searchingly at basic facts about our natural geography and natural re- sources in the light of such past, current, and anticipated future developments, appraising frankly both the assets and ‘the abilities thereby revealed, we will continue to bulld on the obscuring of liabilities and the neglect of assets, as we have been doing for at least 30 years. A series of fundamental studies in these respects was begun in the twenties by a few outstanding and foresighted New England minds in industry, business, and various branches of research. These begin- nings have been neglected and lost—some- times purposely. Despite continued thought and study by a few individuals and smali re-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. search agencies, the region lags behind other regions in ite awareness, action, and appli- cations, Meanwhile the myth lives on of maintain- ing industrial advance solely on the basts of the presumed perpetual superiority of those assets most susceptible to migration—man- agement, capital, and labor—eimply because we once held the historical initiative in these (as @® Consequence of natural re- source locational factors). This myth is New England's Achilles heel. Our leadership in research, in managerial and labor skills, in financing, and in the whole field of agcondary mranufactures (metals and machinery as well as nondurable products) is being, and will be even more seriously challenged by the rise of industries tn the newer, younger regions. The only way to undergird these secondary durable and nondurable industries and to butld a logical pattern of diversification is by the development of such new prime indus- tries as the region is capable in the new light of its natural resources viewed through the eyes of modern physics and chemistry. We need indigenous industry of new types as & fundamental basis of our future develop- ment. The developments going forward in eastern Canada, offer great new opportunities in these respects. But we will find it necessary to about-face on some of our most cherished blindness of the last quarter century if we are to see or use these natural opportunities. The running out of the best ore grades and cheapest extractions of the Mesabi Range to- gether with the discovery and prospective de- velopment (financing already well advanced) of vast iron ore deposits in Labrador point to the establishment of a new, major steel and heavy industry area in the North At- lantic Continent; it would He in the St. Law~ rence Basin below Montreal—unless joint United States and Canadian military and national security agencies decree otherwise, What will their thinking be? If war is to be the yardstick of the future, a strong case can be made for diverting these orea much farther inland. Nothing could more dramat- ieally indicate the profound degree to which natural trends will be diverted by the as- sumption that war is the world’s destiny. Strict economic logic points to a vast in- dustrial complex at a point along the naviga~- ble upper reaches of the St. Lawrence to em- brace (1) ore by rail or river from Labrador and thence toward; (2) coal by rail, lake, and river from the Middle West or from Nova Scotia; (3) near the vast hydro developments and potentials of the St. Lawrence and its tributaries; (4) to which water-borne bauxite is already flowing for processing into alu- minum; (5) with the Great Lakes and On- tarlo Basin tributary lands of farm and more distant forests. Canadian thinking with re- spect to its peacetime future has been under- atandably taken with this logical develop- ment for many years. And the development has been taking form; but with the major phase yet to come. But the above is not all. Such a develop- ment would throw open the previously locked-up mineral resources of the upper eastern Adirondacks and Champlain Valley (including large reserves of titanium ore) and those of northern Vermont (including turpentine rock) and New England in gen- eral, which flanks the St. Lawrence. Involved in this development is the St. Lawrence deep waterway and power project. The ssaway will eventudfly be built anyway by Canada perhaps on an all-Canadian route, tf the United States does not ratify the agreement of 1982 with Canada to bulid it as a joint project. The er ments will be built respectively by Canada and New York State if not as a joint international project, as long planned. For more than 20 years New England has been the chief center of national political opposition to the combined joint interna- tional projects for seaway and power devel- opment, originally prepared by Herbert Hoover, Yet the most competent and far- sighted business and industria! leaders and ‘engineers in New England favored this proj- ect after long and careful study during the 1920's. And all that has been accomplished by the opposition that has developed since that time—through arguments revealing & woeful lack of knowledge of natural geog- Taphy and transportation and power eco- nomics—is to delay the project. This delay has cost New England millions in inability to develop industries requiring large volumes of low-cost power, or based upon the new low-cost deep-water route be- tween the New England coastline and the Great Lakes. When it 1a bullt—and it will be built within the next 2 decades—New England will get (1) some of the low-cost power, but leas than if we had not opposed and thereby made it almost inevitable for New York to obtain more than its natural share of the power available to the United States; (2) some new industrial and trade opportunities, but less than if we had not delayed it and thereby given Canada the initiative to seize many of these opportuni- ties for the St. Lawrence Valley. Qur opposition to this development has been “of a piece’ with our general unintel- ligence regarding natural geography, natural resources, and transportation economics during much of this century—and which has been reflected 1n the withering and death of water-borne traffic in New England, in un- necessarily drastic collapse and losses in tex- tiles and shoes, 1923-32, and in many other losses, either of Industries or of industrial opportunities. Yet beginning with the first settlement until the end of the nineteenth century, a healthy respect for and relatively advanced knowledge of these very factors were omniprecent in New England's history. One of the proofs of whether we have yet learned or are ready to learn anything will be when the St. Lawrence question next arises. Meanwhile, we might study and ponder the full significance to New England of the great potential development in the St. Lawrence Valley, of which Saguenay and St. Lawrence power; Labrador iron ore; sponge-procesa iron; seaborne buuxite; Niagara abrasives; the eastward plant move- ments of Republic Steel; Hanna Steel, Na- tional Lead; Nova Scotia coal; Adirondack titanium; Vermont minerals; surplus Maine potatoes; northern New England forests; On- tario farmlands; the St. Lawrence seaway; Passamaquoddy and Fundy tidal power; the natural gas pipeline; and ocean minerals and organic substances, are all among the pres- ent or potential coraponents. Even the re- sources of Greenland are a part of this pic- ture. Does this square with the often-presented picture that New England has no important natural resources? That we must content Ourse'ves with being ever more the marginal and dwindling manufacturers of low-wage, low-value-added-by-manufacture products of shoes, textiles, pulp and paper, apparel, novelties? Or, conversely, that our superior skill alone will save us by giving us the lion's share of new high-skill manufactures? Yet the whole prospect of possibilities for more substantial und of the livell- hood and life of 9,000,000 people in this old and increasingly rundown region is bound up with the question: Does the future He in ‘war or peace? And if in war, what happens to this opportunity of our northern flank and with what consequences to our opportu- nities for averting this region’s decline? As we conie to now to a closer view of the prospects of the specific region with whose destiny Haverhill’s is mostly closely bound up, it will be clear that New England's A837 chances of coping with its internal complex of developing conditions adverse to economic and industrial development and population maintenance will be materially and perhaps fatally reduced untess this great prime in- dustry expansion to the northward can be assumed. For it alone among the regional shifts within the North American Continent offers natural opportunities clearly out- weighing natural potential losses at least for two or three decades. The development of eastern Canada would not bring many automatic benefits to New England; tndeed, 1t would be a potential point to which New England industries and population might migrate, as some have al~ ready done. But this is not a natural trend except in a few cases. ‘The predicted developments in all other regions will work somewhat more to the dis- advantage of New England during the next 20 years than to ite advantage, even if Now England puts iteelf tnto the best of shape. But to put itself into the beat of shape is precisely the problem. For the shape it is in has already been indicated in the discus- sion of “What Has Happened to the Land’— which can now no longer be escaped as a problem requiring vast capital investment in doliars and in iabor before there will be either yield or safety. It has been Indicated in the discussion of “What Has Happened to the People’—which will require a vast in- vestment of capital, in both dollars and work, in order to preserve this ultimate resource. Finally, it will require a vast investment in both dollars and labor to reconstruct the en- vironments for living—the cities, the road towns, the industrial and rural slums, the urban factory, commercial and civic centers and districts, the transportation and traffic arteries, the protective belts of reatored open Jands, enclosing neighborhoods, commu- nities, secondary metropolitan areas, and primary metropolitan areas in order that each may begin to take form as a reflection of a design of developing social and physical order, arresting the present drift toward physical and social topsy-turviness and un- manageability. Theae three interrelated investments and taska represent a challenge of such magni- tude that we cannot find a successful prece- dent in experience. They can be planned and undertaken only.through a great search- ing through earlier and current related ex- perience, and devising new designs and meth- ods. Failure to perceive the overall dimen- sions of the task and to provide for living growth through the enlargement, not merely revision, of our perception of designs neces- sary for livelihood and living in our new technological era is resulting in the dis- orderly disintegration of our cities. The need is for an intelligently conceived decentraliza- tion, which is the only other alternative, and the only constructive one, In order to do this we must simultaneously check the process of disintegration, and plan and develop the needed decentralisation. We already have to grapple with the fact of declining old cities and new, baphazardly mushrooming intercity areag; this combina- tion creates massive, mounting public costs and countless addition direct costs to indus- tries and people: In the old city centers, we nee direct economic wastes—such as those experienced in transportation, materials handling, distribution, time wastes, vehicle fuel wastes, trade volumes at lower levels than the market potentials, excessive public and private land-taking costes for widening, excessive operating costs in many aspects af public service and maintenance directly re- sulting from physical and land-use patterns, im the new road towns and intercity areas, the jumble ts even worse with even heavier capital outlays and service costs in relation to revenues, than the old weakened city centers.
A838 Mississippian Finds Herbert Hoover e Man of Frustrations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT OF ARKANEAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrecorp an article headed “Mississippian Finds Herbert Hoover a Man of Frustrations.” The article is written by Mr. David L. Cohn, who is one of the most powerful writers of our times. The article was published in the Delta Democrat-Times, of Green- ville, Miss., whose editor is Mr, Hodding Carter, on January 28, 1951. I think the article is well worth the attention of the Senate. I have an estimate of cost of printing of the article, which will occupy 2% pages in the Conaressronat Recorp, of $184.50. Nevertheless, I ask unanimous consent that it may be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Miasrssrppran Finns Hersrrt Hoover a MAn ‘OF FPRUSTRATIONS—His8 ISOLATIONISM Is Br- TRAYAL ON Bic SCALE (By David L. Cohn) When 8 Missiasippian wants to describe a confused, frustrated man, he says of him that he is “acting like a blind dog in a meathouse.” A current example is Mr, Her- bert Hoover, whom the press describes as “our only living ex-President.”” This seems to me redundant as well as wasteful of high cost newsprint because the dead, filled with a mellow wisdom, preserve a becoming silence, while the people may be relied upon not to confuse Hoover, Herbert Clark, with Hoover, J. Edgar. Mr. Hoover, the Iowa wrong-way Moses, who 25 years ago led the Republican Party into the poison-ivy patch from which it has never emerged, last month made a major speech on our foreign relations, It is also— especially as the pronouncement of a man whose massive dullness seems indicative of stolid virtue—devious, callous, pitiless, im- poral; its only Nght the cold glint of glacier ce, IT find it a department store of the mind where one may shop under one roof for nearly anything. Your money returned— but not your life—if the goods should prove unsatisfactory, Military merchandise, sir? Step this way. Gift-wrapped, the defense of the United States looks good, But I'm afraid of it. As most of us, I buy brand names on the assumption that the name on a product of @ long-established manufacturer is a guar- anty of its worth. Therefore I don't want the Hoover product because he has no com- petency in this fleld. His one venture into the military occurred during the depression when he chased a ragged mob of squatter unemployed from Washington's outskirts, ‘This scarcely qualifies him even to lead men to defeat. As a conservative and a conservator, I admire him extravagantly. Against great pressure he managed to hand over the de- pression intact to his successor who, un- grateful and wastrel, undid all the good work he had done by breaking up the depres- sion and so acquired the affections of an unpredictable people, many of them filled with an unreasonable desire to eat. But militarily, I'd as soon trust Gen. Lew Wal- lace as General Hoover. He marched a regi- ment up and down for 24 hours almost with- in sight of the battle of Shiloh without finding it. (He was later rewarded with an embassadorship to Turkey, and returned the compliment by writing Ben Hur.) CAR IN EVERY POT Over here is a package of Mr. Hoover's economics. But again, I’m afraid of it. Gazing backward into the mirage of that distant day when he sat ponderously upon the Constitution to prevent its violation by rude men, I can see the car in every pot, the chickens in every garage, and sad-faced men selling apples at every street corner. Mr. Hoover, by his actions and inactions when he filled the White House with the light- nings of inertia, has become our one classi- cal economist. Classical in the sense that the country has long known what to avoid by not doing what he then did, and doing what he did not do. Item: During the depression when wheat sold at 30 cents a bushel, this great econ- omist doubling as President of the United States told farmers at Des Moines that their salvation lay in a higher tariff. Since wheat then sold for 30 cents, while the tariff on it was 40 cents a bushel, foreign wheat could have come in only if shippers lost a dime on every bushel and paid the freight besides. Economics is not, I grant you, an exact science. Mr. Hoover, however, made it al- most a science of inexactitude. Hence, without too much difficulty, I can restrain my enthusiasm for his offerings in this field, NO GRAZING RIGHTS In his lighter moments he sometimes ap- pears as a tea-room mystic gazing into the dark future. Once he predicted that unless the country were run by sound men, grass would grow in Detroit's streets. The un- sound men prevatled, but Detroit has sold no downtown grazing rights. He now reminds us, with equally flashing insight, that we may go broke. May I respectfully remind him that we face the imminent prospect of going blind? If we should go broke and preserve our freedom, is this a high price as against the possible alternative of national death, deg- radation, slavery? The material wealth of the country lies in its farms, mines, ranches, factories, forests; in the skills, energies, in- ventiveness, and will of our people. These would remain if all our savings were lost. I have not observed that the amorous pro- pensities of boar hogs are affected by Treas- ury statements. THE RIGHTS OF MAN Spiritually this was a great country lo before it became a big country. we. shall sink into decline whenever we aspire to greater bigness instead of bigger greatness. Greatness was breathed into it at its birth by great men, and we profoundly moved the eighteenth century European world before we had scarcely moved a wheel. Then this tiny infant Nation, at a time when absolut- ism prevailed nearly everywhere and few men had rights, proclaimed the stupendous doc- trine of the rights of man. American; spoke more of a standard of life than a standard of ving. Sometimes they expressed their mood in the phrase, “high thinking and plain living.” Materilally, this country’s bigness lies in 4ts productive capacities. Its greatness re- sides in its incomparable unity in diversity: its Bill of Rights; its conscience; its sense of fair play. These are the glories of the Na- tion. They proceed, not from savings, but from the spirit, and, treasured up for a life beyond life, it may be assumed that they will survive the corruptions of inflation. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD THE SURVIVAL Some of us have gone broke before and survived. In April 1865 men of the Army of Northern Virginia rode home on the mules and horses that General Grant had magnani- mously let them retain. They returned to their ruined farms, houses burned, stock destroyed, ditches caved in, slaves flown, fields grown up in weeds, But by June 1865 they had a cotton crop planted. The next year they prod‘wced a larger crop, and they eventually rose with help from nobody, Let mo one drench tae wines of the American spirit with the dirty crankcase oll of defeat- jsm. Men must soar before they can walk. If we should loge our savings we could be- gin over again and rise to bigness. But if we should lose those things that are the glo- ries of the Nation, we could not arise again to greatness. In his speech he assures us that he does not advocate isolationism, but something new called retreatism. This merely leaves one’s head, not one’s body, expdédsed to the enemy. Rejecting oll actual or potential allies except the British Commonwealth— if it would cooperate—Japan, Formosa, the Philippines, we would thereby save our- selves. God, bringing up the rear in Mr, Hoover’s wake as a celestial salvation army, would, it is presumed, save the rest. Even the minority whom Mr. Hoover would graciously save shudder at his method: a thrown rope that falls just short of the drowning men. Western Europeans, noting us recklessly playing with destiny and toy- ing with dishonor, fervently wish that one of their boys—Christopher Columbus—had stayed at home. They know that we can destroy them through our recklessness, They are less certain that we can save them through our wisdom as they observe our divided counsels, a polite euphemism for the cell fission of idiocy. Nor are Europeans altogether touched to fire as they watch Senate debate upon the life-or-death crisis of our times descend to ward-heeler level; recrimination rushing in as reason, shrieking for her life, rushes out. Similarly, their confidence in our intelli- gence is not overstimulated as they see our compass pointing in all directions at once while we look for the villain who done us wrong. The plug-ugly is, variously, Presi- dent Roosevelt, Mrs. Roosevelt, the whole Roosevelt family by affinity or consanguinity, Harry Hopkins, Harry Truman, Mr. Acheson, whose especial opprobrium it is that he can- not bear the sight of a aplit infinitive, the Democratic Party, the Republican Party, and all Europeans, wretched foreigners that they are. TIED TO OUR APRON Fearful, therefore, not of our intentions but of our dispensations, Western Europeans would like to get shet of us as much as Mr. Hoover would like to get shet of them. But they are tied to our apron strings. Con- sequently they sweat it out while we indulge in our favorite sport of being garrulous but inarticulate or alternately play possum or partisan. The New York Times reports that— “To observers who attended the recent sixth conference of foreign ministers of the North Atlantic Treaty powers one fact seems to stand out: the universal—almost desper- ate—hope of Europeans is that the United States will close its ranks, stifle its domestic quarreling, and assume need to confront Soviet expansionism.” Lincoln said that a house divided against itself could not stand. How could he know that we should one day live in ideational trailers; here today and gone tomorrow? The Times continues— “Republican attacks on the administra- tion—especially personal condemnation of Secretary Acheson—have alarmed and de- Pressed Europeans, They see in them signs of American wavering and the possibility of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD & return to tsolationism—making far easier the Soviet policy of terrorizing its weak opponents into paralysis.” Mr, Hoover would send no soldiers to Western Burope. He ts doubtful of its will and good will. We could not send enough soldiers, even if we would, to protect tt. Europeans must do the greater part of the fob. Hence their request for American sol- diers is not evidence of a desire to hide be- hind us. It ts, on the contrary, nothing less than an invitation to at least short-run Gtaaster. For by so doing Europeans are in- viting us to make their homes our battle- ground in the event of war. But perhaps ft is better to fight along the Missouri than the Marne. AVOIDED COMMUNISM As for the alleged decadence of Western Europe, implied by Mr. Hoover, it has, I sug- gest, done what we asked of it at the incep- tion of the Marahall plan: avoid commu- niem through economic health as the condi- tion precedent to continued democracy and defense. It has not gone Communist. It has succeeded so brilliantly in doing what it set out to do that in 1050, for the frst time in a generation—not merely since the end of the last war—it appeared that its economy might work. This is not enough for Mr. Hoover. He dleats about the sacrifices we made in bring- ing about this miracle. Aside from the fact that we did not help the Marshall plan coun- tries merely as a selfiess philanthropy but helped them to save themselves as part of the plan to save ourselves, we made no sacri- fice at all. The Marshall plan Js the greatest bargain we ever bought since the Louisiana Purchase. For a few billions we retained as potential allies 270,000,000 people. Nearly double our population, they are one-third more numer- ous than the Russians. Our intellectual, spiritual, and technical equals, they run the world’s largest workshops outside our own. There are among them thousands of the earth’s foremost scientists and technicians. (Radar, guided missiles, jet propulsion, the A-bomb: all these are essentially Huropean in origin.) They are largely democrats from whom we derived the basic principles of our Government, and they are one with us in religious faith, traditions, aspirations. Where should we now be if Italy and France had gone Communist 3 years ago? What victory have we scored over Soviet Rus- sia except our great victory in Western Eu- rope? Sacrifice nothing. Using crassnese as ® measure, let us spell out our bargain. It has cost us about $14 per capita per annum to save these great people to our side for the duration of the Marshall plan. During the game period we spent $85 per capita for booze and $200,000,000 annually for potato chips to create more thirst for more beer. Then we paid farmers §$500,000,000 to produce the potatoes for part of the chips, throwing the remainder in a kind of keep-the-change mood to the hogs. Off-stage in this moment of sacrifice, the Eightieth Congress reduced taxes by $6,000,000, and only yesterday some of our great minds were addressing them- selves to the sovereign question whether we should continue the tax on mink coats, BLIND LEADING WEAK Mr. Hoover is petulant because Western Europe did not rearm and recover at the same time. We might have rearmed but did not. Europe did not rearm because it could not. We could have bad guns and butter. Europe's bleak alternative was between guns and bread. This presents not a choice but a compulsion. Had we armed, Hurope would fee] more secure. But wnarmed cuselves, we are insecure in the presence of an unarmed Burope. This is the end result of the tri- umph of hope over expertence; of the blind misdirecting the weak. In his gpeeoh, Mr. Hoover wears at different times the uniform of the military, the gown of the academician (school of economics), and the garb of the preacher. In the latter capacity he upbraids Europeans for their al- leged lack of spirituality. This holier-than- thou touch, this repulsive self-righteousness, seems scarcely equable with Christian hu- mility. Lifting hie eyes piously to Heaven, he says: “America cannot create their (Hu- Topeans’) spiritual forces.” Rome, abandon St. Peter's. Go out into the wilderness and there, like St. Anthony of Padua, seek that God whom you have eo shamelessly abandoned. Chartres, draw 8 vell of rayon over your glorious stained-glass windows molded in the light of the Lord's grace in the great age of faith. You have sinned in Mr. Hoover's face and are unworthy. Lacking the awful eye of God that peers into the inmost eyes of men, I cannot plumb the depths of European spirituality or chart its shallows. Europeans, however, might retort that our spirituality personified in Mr. Harding and the Ohio courthouse gang caused the United States to withdraw from the world not long ago in the name of “normalcy’—that is, to betray America's greatness in the name of shabbiness; and now it sees our spirituality, personified in Mr. Hoover, offering it a brimming draught of hemlock in a cup of thorns cunningly wrought. BANKEBS TO WORLD Europe is poor. This, in the eyes of the rich, ts original sin. But in 1914 Britons walked the allen earth lordly and secure. They held the gorgeous East in fee. Their King-Emperor’s writ ran over half the earth, Everywhere it was the highest praise of a man’s solvency and integrity to say that he was “as good as the Bank of Engiand.” They were bankers to the world while we were bor- rowers. They were a creditor nation but we were a debtor nation in 1914. They fetched and carried for the world on all the seas, and they also insured the ships and cargoes. The while, from Waterloo in 1815 to the outbreak of the war in 1914, we grew in security for 4 hundred dynamic years behind the shield of the British Navy as it policed the earth. Let us recall—even if a dose of humility kills us—the days of the Battle of Britain. ‘Then jitters swept this potentially mighty, put actually weak, nation, Then 180,000,000 Americans found security in the porsoy of a handful of RAF filers—many of them with the down of youth on their cheeks. Win- ning that battle, they gave us a chance for survival. FRENCH A6 EXAMPLE In 1914 the French were the world’s richest people per capita. Five francs then bought 61. Now it takes 400 francs to buy $1. Such were the fearful bloodlettings they suffered in the First World War, one-fourth of the men who went out in 1989 were orphans of that war. They could add that the Germans, during the last war, took into Germany as slaves 2,600,000 of their young men. (This, on the scale of our population, is equivalent to 7,500,000 men.) ‘They kept them for nearly 5 years. Many died. Many went home diseased and broken. Then, by way of footnote tinging the whited page with more blood, they could write that they now month- ly lose more officers in Indochina than their military schools can produce annually. It cannot be pleasant—despite Mr. Hoover—for a once rich, powerful, and still proud people such as these, to rattie the tin cup on Capitol Hill. It cannot be pleasant, either, to hear themselves de- nounced as material and spiritual beggars. It might be salutary for Mr. Hoover to re- member that pride not only goes before a downfall, but it also accelerates it. The west now facing extermination, Mr. Hoover suggests tsolationism; futility thrice compounded. What if {¢ is the suicide of reason on the grave of frustration? What does it matter if It is panic parading as poll- cy; delusion masked as doctrine; inertia be- A839 come ysis; magic ascendant over mind? It ts something even tf tt is dishonor preced- ing eventual death. More sadly perhaps, it 4s the last remaining item in our bag of tricks that we have hitherto tried and found wanting as we sought to evade the inexorable responsibilities of our power. WRONG FOR LIFETIME The proposal ts lent a certain weight be- cause 1t comes from an elder statesman. (Agar jelly, injected into an ox tongue, also lenda it weight if no nourishment.) For, in our theology—erthritis become art— when a man bas achieved the feat of being consistently wrong for a lifetime and re- mains wrong longer than others by outliving them, he is elevated through common con- sent into the sacrosanct statue of elder statesman. One might say of some of these oornland Ciceros what Bentley said of George the Third: “George the Third Ought never to have occurred. One can only wonder At 80 grotesque a blunder,” Resorting to magic, we proclaimed neu- trality at the start of the First World War; the moral equivalent of proclaiming immu- nity to smallpox. It failed. The next time, some of our medicine men got up as elder statesmen, suggested cash and carry as an addendum to neutrality. Two monkey bones are a more powerful ju-ju than one. We were delighted with the cracker-barre] Mach- faveliianiam of cash and carry even if it was eo transparent a hoax that it could not have deceived even an adult. (A child- loving people, we do not attempt to decetve them. We merely betray them.) But it also failed. 8&o we wearily fought a war again. We won it again. And we threw away the victory again; threw it away with our customary levity as though the cosmic were the comic. DISASTER PRODUCTION Tt ts clear that international political error, in our hands, is an interchangeable part permitting the mass production of dis- aster. Thus, having made all the other mis- takes possible, it {s now proposed to return to the most ancient error of all—isolation- ism—happy in having before us the models that did not work in 1807, 1914, 1989. For old mistakes are cozier than new ones; the reason perhaps why so many men and women remarry their divorced mates. Isolationism {fs a form of what psychol- ogists call retreat to the womb; the yearn- ing of an insecure adult to return to the place of prenatal security. It is the mar- supial approach to international relations. Gather all Amoricans in the pouch of mama opossum (a native American animal) and no harm can come to them. But psychol- ogists must be astonished to find what they identify as a malady in individuals being erected into a doctrine of fancied security for a nation. Nor is this all. Ysolationism ts indicative of a dangerous—and perhaps ultimately fatal—flaw in our national character. It reveals that in our inmost heart we do not want to live up to the responsibilities of our power, We do not want to police the world. We do not want to keep our young men stationed in distant outposts. We do not see why we should be disturbed in the enjoy- ment of our abundant goods. We merely want to be let alone, (So did the Natchez and Tchopitoulas Indians. Dead at our hands they live on fn the names of dingy New Orleans streets.) We want, in short, to evade destiny; to short circult it; or, that failing, to exercise it by the voodoo of iso- lationism. SEALING OUR DOOM Matertally, it would seal our doom. For, attempting to penetrate the clouds of Mr. Hoover’s deviousness, he seems to be saying
A840 that we ought to abandon Berlin, all Euro- pean, and Middle East strategic bases for bombers, and the Belgian Congo whence we derive uranium ore for A-bombs. We would abandon nearly the whole world to Soviet Russia carrying on only with Britain if it should cooperate. He does not tell us how Britain could cooperate if ita sea approaches reeked with Soviet submarines and Soviet guided missiles were launched upon her in fiery showers from Calais 20 miles distant. Proposing to give most of the world’s popula- tion and its resources to Russia, Pravda paid Mr. Hoover a unique honor. It printed his speech in its entirety; majestic proof of Mr. Stalin's approval of his views. Spiritualy, Mr. Hoover's isolationism would spell our degradation preceding our death. It is betrayal on @ world scale; the brutal renunciation of our treaties with, and our promises to, Western Europe and the United Nations. He indicates with callous cavalierness that if Russia should take Europe, it would one day rise again. This is frozen nonsense. If anyone doubts that @ culture can be destroyed, let her go to Mexico. There the Spaniards quickly did to death the ancient Aztec culture, The Rus- sians, taking Europe, would shoot every moral and intellectual leader so that each conquered land became a headiess, amor- phous mass of people. They would transfer large parts of the native populations to @iberia to die as slave laborers, replacing them with Cossacks, Kalmucks, Tadjiks. There would be no road back. Yet Mr. Hoover, calmly contemplating the crucifixion of Europe, does not offer any of its people asylum here. They must die for their sins where they are. (O America, compassionate mother, you who have offered asylum to the heavy- hearted, the sore-oppressed, the lost and homeless of this earth; you who have taken its hurt and weary children to your bosom and made them whole again; you who have been faith and hope and charity to all the world for 50 long as you have lived—is this your son speaking?) Somehow I do not think that Mr. Hoover's isolationism would make us happy even if we should achieve it and walk for a little while directtoniess men on the cold crust of a cold dungheap. Imprisoned within our own fortress, hearts dead, consciences tor- tured, slowly choked by the contracting forces of the enemy, he could leave us alone to die of shame. Or, weakened, he could assail us with the force of the world at his back and destroy us. This might be our final triumph. For then we should have an all-American tableau as we died in the streets of our towns and perished on our doorsteps, every man wept over by his own mother and buried by his own father, until their turn came to mount the pyre, the sun sinking blood red on the final day of America and its all-American policy. The Russians might then place an electric sign on the dome of the Nation's Capitol blinking this legend into the eyeless night: “The only truly self-contained commu- nities in the world are the cemeteries.” The Coal Industry in America and in Britain EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD MARTIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “What a Difference,” discussing the coal industry in the United States and in Britain, published in the Wash- ington (Pa.) Reporter of February 14, 1951. The article deals with the mining of coal in the United States compared to the mining of coal in Great Britain un- der a socialistic plan. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: WHAT A DIFFERENCE Do you want to see the difference between socialized enterprise and free enterprise? Take a look at the coal industry here and in Britain. In the last 5 years more than 220 large coal mines, each with a daily capacity of over 500 tons, have been opened or placed in de- velopment in this country. In addition, about 800 smaller mines have been opened, plus many new surface or strip operations. These new facilities alone have a productive capacity of 280,000,000 tons of coal a year— more than half of the expected production total of 1950. It all represents new growth, new risks, new ventures. Now for Britain. In 1949 the total deep- mine production of British coal was 28,000,- 000 tons less than in 1939. Absenteeism, under government ownership, reached a peak and was largely responsible for the drop in production. England’s mines were far in- ferior to ours even under private manage- ment. Under nationalization, which was supposed to produce Utopia in a hurry, the inferiority has become still more marked. What it all amounts to ts that free enter- prise has scored another triumph in the United States. There has been a quiet revo~ lution in our coal mining in recent years, characterized by a great and dramatic ex- pansion of mechanization and research. This could have been accomplished only as it was accomplished—by the cumulative efforts of progressive, private management working for the greater good of all and striv- ing to earn a profit at the same time. Here’s one more case where the facts speak for themselves. Re Selective Controls EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BURNET R. MAYBANK OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MAYBANK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edito- rial entitled “Selective Controls,” pub- lished in the Washington Post of Febru- ary 19, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: 8. Lective ContRoLs The action of the Federal Reserve Board in tightening credit curbs on most new com- mercial construction was preceded by two regulations imposing similar ourbs on resi- dential building credit, Consumer credit has also been restricted by means of selective controls specifying minimum down pay- ments and maximum maturities for instal- ment sales of specified goods. These selec- tive real-estate and consumer-credit controls relieve the upward pressure on prices of labor and materials, At the same time they re- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Jease scarce materials for defense production. They are, therefore, not only a very effective means of restricting loan expansion, they re- enforce the efforts of other agencies to con- trol prices and regulate production by cutting down the output of nonessential goods and stimulating expansion of defense industries. Selective controls are, in fact, a much more effective means of restricting loan expansion than nonselective control—that is to say, control which curbs loan expansion by rais- ing the cost of credit, or increasing inter- est charges on borrowed money. There is a good deal of truth in Secretary Snyder's contention that limited increases in interest rates have little deterrent effect on private borrowing, especially when business is boom- ing. At any rate, the powerlessness of the Federal Reserve System to prevent an ex- pansion of loans through nonselective over- all credit control, so long as it is committed to support of the bond market, does not pre- clude effective use of selective controls re- ducing the volume of loans by limiting the amounts that may be advunced to private borrowers for specified purposes. These types of control can always be tightened or relaxed in response to changing conditions. They can also be extended to good advan- tage to cover other forms of lending. The planket kind of control, on the contrary, makes it impossible to discriminate between credit advances ‘hat are in the public in- terest and those that are undesira’ Thus the Reserve Board’s new regulation does not apply to certain classes of construction, such as schools, hospitals, churches, and public utilities. If the Reserve Board were given broad au- thority to apply selective controls at its dis- cretion, it could cooperate with the Treasury in stabilizing the bond market without in- creasing the upward pressure on prices that would be intensified by continued excessive expansion of bank loans. oo aeeeeereeeeeeeenenemasl Public-Private Power Truce Spells New Era for State EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT S. KERR OF OKLAHOMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. KERR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an article entitied “Public- Private Power Truce Spells New Era for State,” published in the Tulsa (Okla.) Tribune of February 10, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: PusLic-Private PowrrR TRucE SPecLs New ERa ror STATE—LONG-Timzr ENEMIES Now ARE Bupptes (By Roger V. Deviin) On a wall in an office of the Southwestern Power Administration is a huge map of the Southwest. A large area in the center of the map-——embracing all of Oklahoma, a large section of Texas, most of southern Missouri and a big portion of western and northern Arkansas—is shaded in blue. That blue is the color of an electric spark. It defines the area which, says Douglas G. Wright, SPA Administrator, is being served by the Nation's only partnership of public and private power, It is an area where industry can be offered, because of that partnership, lower power
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD For yeara the two private systems have sought & no-holds-barred battle against the But the battle now is ended. ha They have agreement a few days ago. It earlier had been approved by the two compantes and the pro: built and building: PBO and O. G. & EB. get theirs from steam- generating plants. But bydroelectric dams must contend with weather factors which provide them one ing the other, but that would be inefficient. They attempt to balance it out by generat- than capacity over the full , ating at near capacity for short periods each day, then cutting back for iv senerating capacity than they need during the rest of the day. Both the steam and the hydro syatems thus had a grave weakness, economically, when Operating independently and fighting each other, The partnership eliminated those weak- Nesees with the stroke of a pen, It tied the junction point of th other end of an OG&E line, ~ tomer, SPA buys back that block of power for delivery to the REA, The private utility is r what virtusliy amounts to use of its trans- mission line. ‘The REA geta a low Governe ment-power rate, Everyone ts happy. Obviously, the pertnership—tt is called interchange agreement—is much more com- Pitcated and detalled than thove illustra- But the important thing is that for the first time in history pubic and private power have gotten together for thetr mutual bene~ Ait, instead of fighting, and that thetr co- operation will be of tremendous benefit for Oklahoma and the Southwest. “The power potentialities of this area, under this ment, are terrific,” says Wright. “We can handle any foreseeable industry. “As far a8 power fs concemed, this can become the most favorable area in the country.” And Governor Murray agrees: “This ts the kind of spirtt we must have to attract new industries,” & i Hi The Legislator’s Dilemma EXTENSION OF REMARKS or OF AREAITSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I ask utanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Rzecoargp two editorials entitled “The Legisiator’s Dilemma,” published in the Arkansas Recorder on February 2, 1951. They were written by Mr. John Wells, who is a@ well-known journalist from my Btaie, and one of the most penetrating writers on public affairs of whom I know. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: (Any stmilerity to current sftuations ‘political Incumbents ts strictly cotnciden- tal—it could happen fn any administration.) Before scolding the general assembty in general, or any member tn partiouiaz, imag~ dine yourself in the legisiature, You are the representative cf Just-Any ty. You know that your people want Highway 00 biecktopped. Furthermore, John Amanev’ oldest son ts holding down a 6350 per month job in the revenue department; ae eee the through dege, Wants you to get ber daughter onto the education department stad. Moreover, the publisher of the principal Newspaper im your county is a member of ane of the major commissions by appoint- So the committee rubber stamps the bill By that time, the word has seeped beck to the office that you are opposed to the legisiation. You are invited to the governor’s offke but for the time being you dodge that interview. That night you get a telephone call from John Smones, whose boy is tn the revenue department. Mr. Smones can deliver his township, with 400 votes, 4 or 6 to 1; in fact he gave you that margin in the primary; you can’t afford to be ungrateful. Patiently and earnestly, you state the case against the bill. You point out to him that it ls adding $100 in potential tax load for each member of his family, with nothing in return, That gets no rise out of him—then you catch on; way should he be concerned about 9600 more tax load, while his son is being paid $8,000 = year plus expenses and has & State-owned car to drive? Discouraged, you promise to review the proposal thoroughly, and, yes, you'll go to ate the governor tomorrow. That ts really what Mr. Smones ts calling about, he con- fides. The governor was pugvied and a little miffed that his vequest for you to visit him had not been complied with. Next morning Mrs. Spiinther's daughter ts watting in the house Chamber for you. She hes been put on notice that her application for ® position in the education department is going to be pigeonholed if you persist in bucking the administratton’s pet bill. You ask her to ait down, and then expound in detail the barm that the measure will do to every citizen, including her. She listens, put she's thinking only about that Job she wants. She doesn't know any- thing about the legislation, and she isn interested; but she is interested in that job, and she knows tt is in jeopardy—becauee of you. Her family and friends do not think tt very considerate of you to tet your personal views on a bill that the Governor wante interfere with Miss Spitnther’s embition to advance in the educational field. In desperation you write the newspaper publisher at home, pointing out the obvious faite in the propoted act. You suggest that an editorial setting the public straight would be a genutne service to hts journal’s readers. Before you can mail the tetter a page sume mons you to the telephone. It's a call from Mr. Publisher. He cannot prive your county of improvements and your poopie of recoguition from the administra-
A842 “You respond quickly that you had just written him about that very piece of legisla- tion. Through the telephone, you sense his impatience, as he lectures you on the futility of tilting windmills. He declares emphati- cally that the bill is going to be passed any- way, so why knock him off the commission and prevent other fellow citizens from re- ceiving honors and benefits that the admin- istration can bestow? You agree to try to find a basis for going along on the bill—and, yes, you will talk with the governor. Wearily you trudge back to your desk, tear up the letter to the pub- lisher, and head downstairs to see the Gov- ernor,. Shall you state your objections, or just listen? You Hsten, The Governor, having publicly and privately plugged for the measure, is in no position to consider objections to it. His prestige is at stake, and he is counting on his friends to stand by him. You muster up the to withhold a commitment, but—with the feeling that your publisher friend, Mrs. Splinther and daugh- ter, Mr. Simones and son, and Uncle Jim are breathing down your neck—you repeat the promise to give the proposal further and sympathetic study. As you walk out of the governor's private office into the reception room, you run smack into Uncle Jim—now who had tipped him off to be at that spot?—and he looks you squarely in the eye, and cautions you to be practical. He remind you that plenty of men would like to have his job, which he owes to the Governor. Oh, yes, he’s been down there through two administrations, but to- day his obligation is to the incumbent and it would embarrass him if his nephew loomed up as a troublemaker in the house. You figure that, here at least you can vent your irritation, and you cut Uncle Jim short with a flat statement, which you would like to believe, that you were elected to do what 4s best for the greatest number, and that’s what you intend to do. Your dander roused, you decide to solicit reinforcements. You've always regarded Representative Jamestone of an adjoining county as an especially able lawmaker, and he’s been in the house for four terms. He surely must be aware of the bad features of this bill. You take a seat next to his, and proceed to interrogate him. ‘Yes, he’s read the bill; he knows that it’s not what the State needs; but he is not going to sacrifice his county's interests. Besides, he reminds you, the newspapers have endorsed the bill, and are going to give any legislator opposing it a rough time. You see that nothing is to be gained by arguing with him, so you retire to your desk. Await- ing you there is the senator from your district. He asks what's the idea of jJeopard- izing Mr. Publisher's reappointment to the commission, and cutting your neighbors out of that long-needed blacktop job from the county seat to the county line. The senator has talked with enough members to know that the administration has the votes to pass the bill—why mess us all up by creating ill will in high places? With that, he abandons you to your medi- tations. Just then, a messenger drops 380 to 40 telegrams on your desk—they are demands from influential citizens back home that you vote for the bill that's bothering you. Not one of them could possibly have read it; but they are telling you how to vote. * * * « * The clerk is reading the bill. The speaker sends a page for you, and when you reach the speaker's stand, he leans over to say that he’s going to be terribly disappointed unless you give this an “aye.” In your seat again—the drone of the read- dng clerk’s voice Js just background noise for your confilcting thoughts. Not even one constituent has suggested you should vote against the bill. Of course not, for the only constituents who know anything about it are those who have been flatttered with contacts from administration sources. That can be your defense later on—that the only recommendations from home were that you support the bill. Then you think of your duty to that son of yours. Some day he is going to have to share the tax burden. At least you hope he does, for you would not like to see him leave Arkansas to live in some other state. This is where he be- longs. Well, are you going to load more taxes onto his generation, and perhaps drive him from the State’s borders? You can’t kick this one around any more. They are ready for a roll call. The moment of decision is at hand. How are you voting? — More than once in the 60-day session, the lawmaker will have to make a decision which he would like to avoid. Where lies his duty? From all sides, he is besieged by demands from constituents with a financial stake in keeping the administration's good will, and from powerful individuals who may make or break him in the next campaign. The average citizen not on the public pay- roll and not drawing money from the State does not make demands on his representa- tive. He is not even aware of proposed legis- lation which may cost him dearly, either in direct levies or indirectly in the division of tax revenues from proper purposes to waste. ful promotions. If the legislator decides to vote contrary to the demands of those applying pressures, he is not likely to receive the plaudits of the taxpayers whose cause he has defended in the face of threats and promises. No, his compensation must come from within—from the knowledge that his oath of office has not been merely the prating of a political parrot. 1. Consider the possible choices and the consequences. The bill before the House ts not in the public interest, but the only constituents who have been heard from want it passed— for only-to-obvious reasons. No one else who helped elect our man has expressed the faintest interest. A public official does have an obligation to those who assisted him with their votes, support, and contributions. No one will condemn him too much for standing by those who stood by him—so he decides to vote “aye.” Its over now. The bill has been passed. The administration is satisfied. Unole Jim Tests easy once more in his job on the comp- troller’s staff; Mr. John Smones’ son figures that his job with its 6250 per month salary, expense account, and State-owned car is safe for the time being; the road from the county seat to the county line will be black-topped; Mrs. Mary Splinther’s daughter has assur- ance that she will be selected for the educa- tion-department position for which her ap- plication is pending; the newspaper-pub- lisher constituent is assured of reappoint- ment to the commission on which he has been serving. The lawmaker seeks consolation in the fact—and it is a fact—that his vote has got- ten a road for his county and patronage and honors for constituents. After all, should he let his personal convictions penalize his home folks, the people who elected him? He will explain all that to his son a decade hence when the young man 1s wondering what part his dad had in the general as- sembly when legislative enactments laid the foundation for ruinous debt without com- pensatory benefits in public improvements. ‘Will the explanation suffice? Or will son shake the dust of Arkansas off his shoes and depart to the asphalt and concrete of other States whose politicians had not progressed to the point of corraling votes at whatever the price, in roads, jobs, contracts, and bene- fits from public funds? APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD What if there are no such States left? Then son might as well stay in Arkansas, Is that something to hope for, or not? 2. The legislator, heeding his conscience, backed by his best judgment, votes “No.” The newspaper back home lashes him for having obstructed the administration’s pro- gram; but the publisher is told that, despite his fine editorial sentiments, he must recon- cile himself to giving up his Commission appointment—all on account of his Repre- sentative’s stubbornness. Uncle Jim gets his dismissal notice from the comptroller. He'll have to look for a job. Horrible thought, isn’t it? And old John Smones is going to have to support his son in the style to which he has grown accustomed on the Revenue Depart- ment payroll, with his nice salary, expense account, and State car; or else the Smones boy will have to try self-reliance for a change. Poor Mrs. Splinther. She wanted so much for her daughter to get that specialists’ as- signment in the education department. Now the young lady will have to apply for a teaching job somewhere. All of them are off their Representative for life. He will get no more votes from them, His conscience is clear, but what’s it worth to the people of his county, who know that his vote cost them the blacktop on the road from the county seat to the county line? ANOTHER DECISION TO MAKE Another set of alternatives is before him, He can tae it lying down, and abandon hope of any satisfaction from political ac- tivity now or in the future; or he can go at it the hard way, and acquaint the people of his county with just what was involved in the bill he voted against. He chooses the latter course. The first week-end at home provides an opportunity for a conference with friends whose only con- cern with State government is that it be properly conducted. He finds them inclined to regret that he voted as he did, against & bill which the administration wanted so badly it felt impelled to show its displeasure by disciplining the whole county and several of its residents. The situation calls for careful, thorough preparation. He reads portions of the bill to the group, points out its promotional aspects, puts his finger on the sections and phrases that provide an outlet for public money to reach the bank accounts of pro- moters, He convinces his listeners that he voted right; and they agree to work up a larger meeting for the next week end, so that others may be similarly informed. For this gather- ing the county is combed for leaders in all lines of endeavor. They, too, are won over to the lawmaker's view of the legislation. An explanation and endorsement of his position is prepared by the group, and taken by a committee to the newspaper which had denounced his vote. They ask the pub- lisher to carry a story about the endorsement. r he refuses, they buy advertising space for Invitations to address various civic clubs come to the representative, and he has the chance for which he had wished in vain a few weeks before—to explain in detail why he could not in good consclence go with the administration on the bill under discussion. His senator, by now, is busy explaining why he was for the bill. And nearby counties have begun to take notice; their representatives who helped pass the bill are on the defensive. The adminis- tration by now wants it understood that it was the legislature's doing—the governor merely signed it after it had been over- whelmingly passed. Democracy works if right-thinking polf- ticlans work, The lawmaker looks ahead to the next campaign with optimism and en- thusiasm—his faith in the integrity and in-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD telligence of the people, once they are in~ formed of the truth, stronger than Seer. He concludes, with reason, that when peo- ple go wrong in an election, it can usually be put down to lack of information or mis- taken impressions. In such instances, the blame belongs at the door of the press and the politicians who may have tried, but somehow missed, pointing out the right road. When that no longer is true, elections will be & waste of time and money, and democ- racy will have died, Doctor Shortages Ahead—Dr. Rusk Urges Larger Classes With Speeded Courses ——— EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GEORGE M. RHODES OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. RHODES. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include an article from the New York Times: Docror SHorTaces ABEAD—Da. RvusK Urces Larcrr Crassrs WITH SPEepep COURSES (By George Eckel) Unless medical education is expanded and accelerated at once the Nation faces a deficit of 22,000 physicians by 1954, Dr. Howard A. Rusk, chairman of the national advisory committees on mobilization, sald here today. The deficit would be undiminished by 1960 in the absence of measures to counteract it, he added. Even {ff both recommended measures were begun at once the deficit in 1954 would be 14,500 physicians, but by 1960 it would be reduced to 2,000, he asserted. Any such deficits, he declared, meant “a serious threat to the health and welfare of our people.” He called on the medical profession and the medical schools to undertake the added workload necessary to cope with the situa- tion. Dr. Rusk, who is associate editor of the New York Times, addressed the forty-sev- enth annual Congress on Medical Education and Licensure, sponsored by the American Medical Aseociation, the Advisory Board for Medica! Specialists, and the Federation of State Medical Boards of the United States, TWO STUDIES SUMMARIZED Hie presentation summarized the conclu- sions reached by two committees which he heads, the Health Resources Advisory Com- mittee to the National Security Resources Board and the National Advisory Committee on the Selection of Doctors, Dentists and Allied Spectalists to the Selective Service System. Dr. Rusk held, that unless the profession was to fall to meet the mobilization chal- lenge, enrollments in medical schools must be increased by 15 percent and accelerated courses of studies must be instituted to turn out an extra class every 8 years. Some 178,000 physicians were in active practice today, he stated, and by 1054 there would be a need for 210,600. The expected supply under present conditions would be about 188,600, he added. The eatimate, proceeded, was predicated on Armed Forces of 6,000,000 men by 1984 and continuing at that level through 1960. %¢ the ceiling through 1960 was not raised above the 8,500,000 men in uniform contemplated by the end of thie year the penett could be reduced by 2,000 to 20,000, e . Dr. Rusk declared that the studies by two committees made these assumptions: 1. The emergency state of part or com- plete mobilization would continue for 10 years. 2. The 1949 ratio of physicians to popula- tion in the civilian population was accepted as adequate and was used as a base line, 3. The ratio of physicians to servicemen and women in the Armed Forces would have settled by 1954 to 2.7 per 1,000, a rate sub- stantially below the Worid War II rate and below the present rate. 4. The estimate of physicians required for civilian defense must assume the possibility of catastrophe, not only physical but epi- demic, A 15-percent increase in enrollments of medical schools, which now graduate 6,000 physicians a year, would not produce any increase in graduates until June of 19565, or of graduates who have finished a 1-year interneship until June, 1956, at the earliest, Dr. Rusk stated. GAIN BY MEASURE ESTIMATED By 1960 this measure alone, he added, would reduce the proepective deficit of 22,000 by only 5,000. The increase per class in World War II was 12/4 percent, he noted. Acceleration of medical training, by run- ning four 8-month school years together and compieting them within 36 months, would yield 6,000 additional physiciains every 3 years, he said. By 1954 this would reduce the deficit in active physicians from 22,000 to 14,500 and by 1960 to 10,000, he estimated. After stating that, based on the Armed Forces reaching and keeping a level of 5,000,- 000, the two measures together would cut the deficit in 1954 to 14,509 and in 1960 to 2,000. He eatd that if the Armed Forces did not exceed 3,500,000 the two measures together would erase the deficit by 1960. Physician requirements by category in 1954, if the Armed Forces had 5,000,000 men, were analyzed as {follows by Dr. Rusk: 183,600 for the civilian population, 8,800 for civilian defense, 1,800 for industry and rehabilita- tion, 2,800 zor public health, 500 for medical schools and 18,600 for the Armed Forces. Dr. Rusk defended the measures he rec- ommended, despite the known defects of ac- celeration, as the only solutions to a situa~ tion in which nothing is possible to avoid or even reduce this deficit before 1954. “These plans are flexible, and no perma- nent oversupply is imposed,” he declared. “Any part of the program could be adjusted if the aituation eased enough to permit it, “No account is taken of the increased aging of our population, or of the rehabill- tation of the wounded veterans coming back from combat.” He noted that “we recognize the difficul- ties of an accelerated program.” “We should, however,” he went on, “be able to profit by our experience in the last war. The depletion of teachers can be pre- vented, internships could be extended rather than curtailed, in a8 much as internes already are performing medical services,” Dr. Rusk stated that the present author- ized physician ratio in the armed services was 5 per 1,000 men, calling for 17,500 this year in that category alone, but plans called for a tapering off to 8.7 per 1,000 men, as the requirements are leas after the formative shakedown phase of mobilization. A panel discussion on problems arising from mobilization following Dr. Rusk's pres- entation showed varying opinions on his recommendations. Dr. Stockton Kimball, dean of the Univer- sity of Buffalo medical school and chairman of the joint committee on medical education in time of national emergency, reported that three-fourths of the medical schools tn the association of American Medical Colleges did not favor the principle of acceleration, “Practically each of the errors in medical education du the last war we are now asked to repeat,” he stated. Dr. Kimball also produced estimates that for an expansion of 1,000 in enroliments by 1964, approximately the 15 percent recom- mended by Dr. Rusk, medical schools would require an additional 6,200,000 for operating expenses, an additional 67,000,000 for new school construction and an additional §82,- 000,000 for hospital construction. On the question of financial aid to schools, Dr, Rusk said that the health resources ad- visory committee would, if necessary, back any reasonable program to provide adequate funds with adequate safeguards, Dr. Victor Johnson, director of the Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Re- search, Rochester, Minn., raised a question on Dr. Rusk’s figures for civillan requtre- ment of physicians. If the 22,000-physician deficit developed, he said, it would be almost entirely at the ex- pense of the civilian population. On the basia of Dr. Rusk’s figures, he added, this would reduce the civillan physician ratio only from 1 in 850, the 1949 level, to 1 in 950, whereas during World War II the ratio ‘was 1 to 1,850, admittedly too small. Would so slight a reduction make so much differ- ence? he asked, in effect. Dr Rusk replied that we needed the physi- cian ratios we had in 1949, that in World War II we were lucky in having nothing that even looked like a major epidemic, and that the obstetrical case load was very low be- cause of the absence of 18,000,000 men. He remarked that many physicians were heavily overworked in the last war. Col. Richard H, Eanes, chief medical officer of the Selective Bervice System, declared that a draft of physicians might not be necessary because military requirements might be met through the efforts of the profession. Alaska EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorn two very fine articles from the Christian Science Monitor on the subject of Alaska. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the Recoro, as follows: ALasKa's Natives Staive WitH OLp ano New Wars (By Louis R. Huber) Jungav, AxasKa—About one-third of Alaska’s present 128,000 population is made up of people who have always lived there— the natives. They are row In various degrees of acapta- tion to the white man's way of living with which, inevitably, they will have to conform. In Metilakatla, southernmost settlement in Alaska, 800 Tsimshian Indians live in what undoubtedly is the most prosperous town— white or native—in the entire Northland, In the Brooks Range near the Arctic Ocean an undetermined number of Eskimos con- tinue living happily in their traditional ‘ways—their only concession to modernity being the use of guns rather than spears and bows and arrows, for hunting. Each of these groups, the Metlakatla Tsim- shians and the Brooks Range Eskimos, en- joys a stable economy. But the Tsimahians
As44 have come full circle around to the white man’s life and have made a success of it. The Brooks Range Eskimos are still living as their ancestors have for centuries. In between these two poles of native life are thousands of other Alaska natives trying in varying degrees to turn to white men’s ways. A few are succeeding, but many are worse off than before. The latter are those who are thrown without safeguard into con- tact with white folk. The use of liquor undoubtedly contributes mightily to the frustration of many Alaska natives. This writer talked with Wayne Waldrip, United States deputy marshal at Dillinghom (southwestern Alaska), about the native liquor problem. Mr. Waldrip is in the thick of it: Eskimos, Koniags, and mixed Alaska natives in his jurisdiction come to Bristol Bay each sum-~ mer to work for the salmon canneries there. Bach native earns what is, for him, a sizable amount of money during the short red-sal- mon season. “But all too often the first thing he does is to turn to liquor when the fishing season is over. He may not spend much of his money for liquor—but somebody is sure to see to it that he is relieved of all he earned before he sobers up. He then goes home broke,” said Mr. Waldrip. He favors the enactment of a law which would prohibit the sale of liquor to natives, with stiff penalties for its violation. Not all Alaskans familiar with the native problem agree with this as a remedy, however. This writer also talked with Judge Joseph W. Kehoe in Nome. Judge Kehoe has had long experience in Alaska; he is situated in the center of the largest group of natives in the Northland—the Eskimos—who, in his region, outnumber the whites. “While I have no cure for the liquor prob- Jem,” said Judge Kehoe, “I am not unfamillar with the failure of the attempt to ban in- toxicants during the many years the eight- eenth amendment was in effect. The State of Washington once tried denying Indians liquor, and so did Alaska, Neither effort was entirely effective.” Judge Kehoe added that practically all the Eskimo people in the northern part of Alaska are themselves well aware of the menace of Mquor. Annually they petition that no liquor-sale licenses be granted in or near their villages, and their petitions are granted. “Any part of life is as good to the Eskimos as another—and they like it all. They have no sense whatever of urgency or schedule, Midnight is as good as noon—a feeling they may have got from the long summer days and the unending winter nights,” a Nome resident said. Where leadership has been provided, as at Metiakatla, the natives have come through with flying colors. But where no leadership is given and the natives have to fumble thetr own way, the results are usually disastrous, It is significant that the Metlakatlans’ ad- vance into civilization was due to the work of a religious leader. William Duncan, & lay missionary of the Church of England, was the man who led the Tsimshean Indians of Metlakatla in their rise from savagery. But before he ever thought of becoming a missionary, Mr. Dun- can was & successful Yorkshire leather sales- man. And after he arrived in the midst of the Talmehians (at Fort Simpson, British Co- lumbia, where they then lived), Mr. Duncan spent a whole year learning the Tsimshean language before he attempted to interest the Indians in becoming Christians. His program was a rigid one, but the In- dians, already aware of the degradation com- ing to them through their untutored agsocia- tion with white men at Fort Simpson, fol- lowed Mr. Duncan almost without question. The penetration with which this great leader perceived his task and the effective- ness with which ‘he carried it out stand yet as @ mohument of missionary achievement. In any discussion of Alaska natives the question of reservations naturally comes up, because reservations have been proposed time and time again in recent years—and a few, indeed, have been established in Alaska, But the trouble with reservations, accord- ing to Alaskans who have lived longest with and studied hardest the native problem up north, is that reservations butld a wall be- tween aboriginal and civilized Hving. The reservation principle tells the native to take his spears and fishhooks and go on living as his ancestors did—often on land that the world needs in one way or another. The northland natives themselves, mainly in southeastern Alaska, have taken a hand in their own affairs by forming the Alaska Native Brotherhood and the Alaska Native Sisterhood. Both are organizations actively seeking to forward the cause of natives. And progress has been made. At Hyda- burg, Kake, and Klawock the natives have developed an economic self-sufficiency ap- proaching that of Metlakatla, and largely through their own efforts. OncE Proup ALEUTS Face THREAT OF EXTINC- TION—LEADERS Nuxpep, Hetp EsseNnriaL Seattty.—A thousand once-proud Aleuts, who numbered 16,000 in their island-chain homes 200 years ago, are well on their way to extinction. This is the alarming forecast of natural scientists who have visited that region dure ing the past several years. “It 1s a familiar picture to anthropolo- gists: that of a formerly vigorous and nu- merous people, physically and culturally well adapted to a rigorous environment,” said Prof. William 8. Laughlin, of the University of Oregon. SITUATION SERIOUS “The Aleuts themselves are aware of this condition,” he added. The Aleut village of Nikolski on Unimak Island, which his excavations have shown to be around 4,000 years old, was cited as an example of how the Aleuts are disappearing. At the turn of the century Nikolski had approximately 126 inhabitants. In 1938 it had 85, and today it has only 59 inhabitants. Migration away from the village has been negligible, said Professor Laughlin. Does this mean that extinction is inevi- table for the Aleuts? Not at all, he says, The trend can be reversed and the Aleuts, whose intelligence he praises, can once again flourish. He blames bureaucratic indiffer- ence and mismanagement. “It 18 one of the saddest ironies of his- tory that these people should succumb now to American paternalistic neglect,” said Professor Laughlin. AGENCY AIDS NATIVES The Aleuts, like nearly all Alaska natives, are ministered to by the Alaska Native Serv- ice, Bureau of Indian Affairs, United States Department of the Interior. This Agency, with headquarters in Juneau, the Territorial capital, is one of the largest— if not the largest—in Alaska. With a total of more than 600 employees, tt has teachers, doctors, nurses, and institutions through- out the entire northland. “The objectives of the Alaska Native Serv- ice cre to discharge the moral and legal obligations of the United States Government to the native people of Alaska—particularly to bring to them health, education, and an economic base which will permit the native people to become an integral part of the social, economic, and political life of Alaska,” says Hugh J. Wade, recently appointed area director of the ANS. Professor Laughlin, whose views coincide with those of other natural scientists famil- far with Alaska native problems, focuses his attention on the Aleuts and charges that the objectives of the ANS are not being reached. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD RESULTS OF SURVEY A seven-man research party from the Pea- body Museum of Harvard University made a study in 1948 of the Aleut villages of Atka and Nikolaki, he said, finding the average in- dividual diet to have a value of approxi- mately 800 to 1,400 calories a day. (About 8,000 calories are needed dally per individual for healthful living.) The Aleuts are thus starving, says Professor Laughlin, because they have no economic base—no regular employment—and the ANS has done nothing to provide such. “The only income the Aleuts have is what they may get from fur trapping; they catch fish and seals and, with other food supplied them, that is their entire diet,” says Profes- sor Laughlin. “They are starved physically and deeply frustrated mentally; it is no won- der if they take to drinking with economic oblivion staring them daily in the face.” He contrasted the Aleutian-chain life with that of the Aleuts on the Pribilof Islands. Under the Fish and Wildlife Service there, the Aleuts have regular annual employment at the seal rookeries and are healthier, have higher morale, and are on the increase. Mr. Wade answered by saying that his agency could do more in providing an eco- nomic base in the island chain if Congress would provide funds—much was spent in building up the Pribiloff sealeries, a natural industry, he explained. MODERN HOMES The Aleuts live in houses built for them by the Government to replace homes they lost when war swept over their islands. The houses are of modern construction—but the occupants have no jobs. The only regular contact the ANS has with these people is through the husband-and- wife teacher team in each village. Either the husband or the wife is the teacher; the other spouse then is classed as “special assistant.” Although offictally prescribed duties may not include other offices than teaching, the husband-wife team through force of cir- cumstances becomes, also, personal adviser, doctor, nurse, janitor, handyman, and moral and economic leader for the village. Professor Laughlin's criticism falls heavily on the inadequacy with which, he charges, the husband-wife team fails in the latter categories. Even the teaching function, he says, is imperfectly carried out inasmuch as only English is taught. “In order to help these people,” insists Professor Laughlin, “the white leaders who come to them must speak their language and speak it well.” It is significant that the second in com- mand in his research parties for the past several years has been Dr. Gordon H. Marsh, & linguist of Columbia University. He is an accomplished scholar in the field of Aleutian folklore and the Aleutian dialects. Mr. Wade says that the ANS instructs its teachers to respect and encourage the use of native foods—and, indeed, this writer has seen circulars and pamphlets sent out by the ANS for that purpose—but Professor Laugh- lin declares his experience has shown that the teachers scorn both native foods and native traditions, many of which are whole- some, Reforms in RFC End Some Abuses ee EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROBERT S. KERR OF OKLAHOMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. KERR, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Appendix of the Recogp an article en- titled “Reforms in RFC End Some Abuses,” written by Jack Steele, and pub- Ushed in the New York Herald Tribune of February 17, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recor», a8 follows: Rervoams In RFC Enp 80ms ABUsrs SENATORS ASSAILED—-NEW AgEeNcy Heap Descuisas Cuancrs—Haragk Toox Over Wuen In- Quiny Was Enpina, Acrep Brrors Its Rarort (By Jack Steele) Wasuinaton, February 16.—A series of im- portant reforms in the Reconstruction Fi- nance Corporation has been put into effect quietly in recent months, it was disclosed today by W. Elmer Harber, who became Chair- man of the lending agency 6 months ago. The reforms abolish some of the RFC prac- tices which were sharply criticized by the Senate Banking Subcommittee at its public and private hearings last year. They were instituted before the subcommittee issued ita blistering report on favoritism and in- fluence in the RFC 2 weeks ago. The new regulations, among other things, bar RFC employees from taking high-paying jobs with borrowers whose loans they help arrange, require that at least three of the agency’s five Directors approve all loans of more than $1,000,000 and seek to bar the RFC's doors to influence peddlers. FIARBER TELLS OF REFORMS Mr. Harber, a homespun country banker from Shawnee, Okla., came to the RFC after the subcommittee’s inquiry was virtually completed and was not named in its crit- {cal report. He outlined the RFC’s own re- form program in an interview. He said the program is atmed primarily at setting up good business procedures in the RFC, although he conceded that it would alter practices which brought on some of the subcommittee's sharpest criticism. Senator J. WILLIAM FuLsricutT, Democrat, of Arkansas, chairman of the subcommittee, also has proposed that most of the same reforms be written into law through legis- lation he has introduced to abolish the five- man RFC Board and reshape its lending policies, PROMISES FURTHER STEPS Mr. Harber spoke with deep feeling as he outlined the steps already taken by the RFC and promised that others will follow to put {ts lending operations on a “business basis” and ban any “influence peddling” in connec- tion with its loans. He made no attempt to defend or apologize for some past actions of the RFC, Neither did he mention his fellow directors, three of whom were singled out for criticiam by the subcommittee. He said, however, that the changes already made had been authorized unanimously by the board. In apparent anticipation of the reopening of the subcommittee hearings slated for Wednesday, he also satd he was ready to fight any move to abolish the RFC or to fix any blame on the great majority of the agency's employees. The reforms he listed include the follow- 1. A rule barring any concern receiving RFC loans of more than $100,000 from hir- (This move will prevent repetition of many cases cited by the subcommittee in which RPO employees helped arrange ioans and then turned up with high-paying jobs with the borrowing One sch case was that as manager of the Boston agency. He gave up his $10,000-a-year RFC job to become president cf Waltham at $80,000 a year. When Waltham closed despite the loan, Mr. Hagerty went back to RFO as an assistant to the directors. Another was that of E. Merl Young, named by the subcommittee as & $60,000-a-year expediter of RFC loans. He left an examiner’s post to take jobs simul- taneously with two borrowers, the Lustron Corp. and F. L. Jacobs Co. Still another was that of Allen Freeze, who went from assistant controller of the RFO at ¢10,750 to &@ $22,600 job with the Texmass Petroleum OCorp., for which the RFO had approved a $10,100,000 loan.) VOTE SY THREE DIRECTORS 2. A rule requiring that at least three di- rectors vote affirmatively to authorize any RFC loan of $1,000,000 or over. (The subcommittee assailed the RFC for approving the controversial $10,100,000 Tex- mass loan by vote of only two directors. One voted against it, one refrained from vote and one was absent. This loan marked the RFC's first venture into the highly specula- tive oll] business. Jesse Jones, who guided the RFC for many years as Federal Loan Ad- ministrator, refused even to consider loans to oll companies.) 3. A regulation requiring all lawyers and expediters representing prospective borrow- ers to register with the RFC. (The subcommittee charged that such agents, many of them former RFC employees, appeared to have easy access to RFC officials and were reported to be promising to arrange RFC louns for a fee.) 4. A companion rule requiring that such agents have letters of authorization from their clients before being permitted to dis- cuss pending cases with RFC offictals. (The subcommittee did not mention this matter, but Mr. Harber noted that it would prevent influence peddlers from gaining in- side information on RFO affairs unleas au- thorized by prospective borrowers to repre- sent them. “We are trying to tell people they don’t need lawyers or influence peddlers to represent them before RFC,” he said. “If they go ahead and hire the wrong kind of agent, RFC is not to blame.”) ECONOMY PROGRAM 5. A thorough economy program aimed to streamline RFC operations and save more than 865,000,000 a year. Mr. Harber said the alm was “to make both cndc meet”’ - though the RFC has always claimed its op- erations were profitable. The agency is dropping 978 employees in its Washington and field offices to save $4,375,000 a year. It hhas raised tts interest rate on new loans from 4 to 5 percent to bring in 61,000,000 a year. It has also instituted application fees and now charges interest to borrowers who do not use the full amount of a loan within 4 months after it is approved. (The subcommittee at its h last year charged that the RFC was actually op- erating at a loss although the agency claimed @ sizable profit. The subcommittee’s argu- ment was based on the fact that the RFO iteelf pays no interest on surplus funds it lost about $6,500,000 on its lending opera- agencies to make final decisions on all loans them to the board of directors. the quently to grant small loans which had no public interest.) AS45 Myr. Harber said the RO directors were also considering another move to foreclose against all borrowers as soon as their loans become delinquent. In the past, the direce tors have often extended the loans of bor- rowers who fell behind in thelr payments. The RFO Chairman indicated that these reforms were already producing results. One of the first lawyers to be ordered to register was Archibald Palmer, New Yorker and one-time attorney for Judith Copion, What Price Gold EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE BENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, an ad- dress entitled “What Price Gold,” de- livered by Mr. Frank Lilly, of Spokane, Wash., before the Colorado Mining Asso- ceaton at Denver, Colo, on February 2, 951. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Wart Paics Goto (By Frank Lilly) The names of “the six honest serving men” who, Rudyard Kipling says, “taught me all I knew,” were “Where and What and When and Why and How and Who.” I propose on this occasion to let these “six honest serving men,” individually and as a group, teach us what we should know about gold with particular reference to what the price should be. This is not designed as an argument in behalf of the gold producer or of any mone- tary policy except as the facts, “hewed to the line,” speak for themselves. TWO DAYS AND SEVENTEEN YEARS AGO It was 2 days and 17 years ago today that President Roosevelt issued the proclamation which fixed the United States Treasury price of gold at $86 an ounce. In this single sen- tence we have the Who, When, What, Where, and How—everything but the Why. The Why runs back to August 1014 when, at the outset of the First World War, Great Britain went off gold as a war measure. To her everlasting credit, Great Britain made an honest effort, in 1925, to restore the gold standard which she had maintained for neare ly 100 years, but, because she made the mis- take of pricing her gold too low at $20.67 an ounce, she was again forced to go off gold in September 1031—not, be it noted, because she wanted to do so but because she did not have enough gold to back her currency. GOLD PRICE ALWAYS RISKS No inconvertible paper currency can, in the very nature of things, be as good as gold, hence the value or price of gold always rises in terms of such devalued currency. So the price of gold in Great Britain rose from 85 shillings 12 pence, the equivalent of $20.87 an ounce, to 02 shillings 6 pence in the last quarter of 1931, to 116 shillings in 1932 and - 4m November of 19388 to a high of 148 shillings 2 pence, or the equivalent of $34.91 an ounce, The United States, in the meantime, had remained steadfastly on the gold standard, and, both before and after his election, Pres- ident Roosevelt had insisted that he had no intention of “ta: with the currency”; which I firmly believe he meant. However,
A846 circumstances alter cases and wise men change their minds. Since Great Britain, in going off gold, gave gold a higher measure of value in that coun- try than it had in the United States, our ex- porte to Great Britain declined and our im- ports increased, with the result that we lost gold in settlement of trade balances to the extent of ¢446,210,397 in 1932 and another 8178,445,607 up to April 1933, when an em- bargo was placed on gold exports. THIRTY-FIVE DOLLARS A “LUCKY” FIGURE Meanwhile, in the confusion and hysteria of the time, Congress passed, in a single day and without any debate, a law nationalizing gold and making it a crime for @ private citizen to own or trade in gold. In May 1933 the United States entered the world gold market through the RFO and brought back, on a@ rising scale, some of the gold that we had lost at $20.67 an ounce. nally, the price was arbitrarily set at 435 because that Oigure was considered a “lucky” number and not because any investigation had been made to determine whether or not the figure of 835 was a true and proper price, Prima facie evidence that 635 an ounce was not an ade- quate price is furnished by the fact that the President and his advisors in the Treasury Department have never subsequently made any attempt to restore the gold standard. As a matter of fact, neither the President nor any Treasury official has ever made an at- tempt either to provide for currency con- vertibility into gold at any other price or to determine what the United States price of gold should now be, although this country is atrictly “isolationist” in adhering to a $35 price. NICE BUSINESS FOR FEDERAL RESERVE BANKS In this connection, it 1s of interest to note that the gold, which by Jaw must be turned into the United States Treasury, is not paid for directly by the Treasury. The proce-~ dure is for the Treasury to issue gold certif~ icates, which are turned over to the Federal Reserve System, and receive in return Fed- eral Reserve note currency that is then used by the Treasury to pay for the gold. Inci- dentally, the Federal Reserve banks, which are privately owned banks, operating under what amounts to a Government franchise, could, under the law, issue additional cur- rency against gold to an amount equal to three times 885 an ounce, or a total of $140 of currency on each ounce. Nice business if the gold producer could got it. It is only fair to point out that the Fed- eral Reserve has not so far taken full ad- vantage of this inflationary privilege, but they do not need to do so when, under their monopoly over our currency, they are real- izing enormous profits in their use of what should really be the people's gold—your money by inalienable right. This is how it is being done, but the why les in the fact that the public does not realize what has been done and is being done. THE WHY OF HIGH PRICES When gold convertibility was taken out of the monetary system, the brake which would have prevented, or at least slowed down, in- flation was removed. The why of today’s high price is uncontrolled, debt-based, printing-press currency that has in the last 17 years reduced the purchasing power of an ounce of gold to approximately one-third of $35. Assuming, for the sake of argument, that $35 may have been a fair and proper price for gold in 1994, it does not necessarily fol- low that {t 4s a proper fit for 1951 eny more than the sizes of hat, shoes and clothes that dJuntor wore at that time would be proper for the young collegiate of today. Inci. dentally, try to get your wife to wear today the styles of 1984—just try it, Junior has grown up, styles have changed and the world of today 1s ns far removed from the world of a decade ago as the tron age was from the stone age. This is now a world of approximately 2,500,000,000 people—more than there have ever been before, despite the losses of World War II. This ts the atomic age, combined with speed, unprece- dented production and a high scale of living, all of which call for a reexamination and revaluation of former standards. FOREIGN CURRENOY DEVALUATIONS The monetary systems of every other coun- try tn the world have undergone tremendous changes. Some of them; China, Greece and Hungary, for example, have been forced into complete repudiation of their paper curren- cies. Italy has devalued its currency to a figure equivalent to $1,145 an ounce for gold and France, to $486.60. Russia devalued its currency 10 to 1 as of January 1, 1948, and revalued in gold on March 2, 1950. Great Britain devalued the pound sterling to the equivalent of $2.80 in September of 1949 and her example was followed by 40 other coun- tries, chiefly in the sterling bloc. So what? says the average United States citizen. Just this: These devaluations, be- cause they have given gold a higher measure of value abroad, are the “why” this country has lost a total of over two and one-quarter billions of its gold since Great Britain’s devaluation in September 1949. Few realize that this is equivalent to more than one- third of all the gold produced in this country during the last 150 years; or that the total loss during the last 6 months is nearly three times as much as this country lost from 1981 to 1983, the 2 years preceding ve rais- ing of the price of gold to $35. As a matter of fact, the average weekly loss during the past 6 months has been as much as is now produced in the United States in an entire year, ONLY ABOUT 10-PERCENT GOLD BACKING OF TOTAL UNITED STATES MONEY SUPPLY It is true that, despite these losses, we still have nearly 60 percent of the world’s monetary gold. This does not, however, nec- essarily mean that we have enough in rela- tion to our monetary needs. Actually, we have a gold backing equivalent to only a little over 10 percent of our t al supply of money, including bank deposits, but not in- cluding many billions of Government bonds and other obligations that could be con- verted into currency. Incidentally, our total supply of gold on the basis of $35 an ounce would pay only about one-third of the an- nual budget now before Congress. We must not forget that world trade op- erates exclusively on gold in the settlement of trade balances. We hear much about the preeminence of the dollar but the cold fact is that over a billion of the world’s popu- lation now operates within the sterling bloc and nearly a billion in the Russian gold ruble bloc, both of which give gold a much higher measure of value in their economies than the 835 an ounce price we use in pay- ing foreign trade balances. UNITED STATES PAYS IN CHEAPLY VALUED GOLD The United States is currently paying ex- traordinarily high prices for the world’s com. modities and paying for them in cheaply valued gold. A year ago an ounce of gold would, for example, have bought nearly 60 pounds of tin; today it will buy only a little over 15 pounds. Just why we should cut off our nose and spite our face by stubbornly refusing to utilize the purchasing power of gold demonstrated by other countries can- not be answered by any of Kipling’s “honest serving men.” A part of the confusion over the price of gold lies in the fact that there are actu- ally several prices for it; n@mely, (1) an ex- change price, (2) a commodity price, and (3) & monetary price, which is the measure of value given gold in a nation’s monetary sys- tem. The price in the United States is the game for all three. In Great Britain, how- ever, the exchange price, which is officially APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD controlled and essentially a fiction, is main- tained at approximately $36. The commod- ity price paid by processors, jewelers, den- tists, etc., is equivalent to about $60 an ounce. The monetary value, on the basis of legal parity, is $102.17 an ounce, according to figures furnished me by the United States Mint. In other -vords, Great Britain's two devaluations, the first in September 1931 and the second in September 1949, have given gold the same measure of value in that country has if the price of gold had been raised to 8102.17 an ounce. You have no doubt read several newspaper reports about people who hive risked the logs of large sums of gold in their efforts to smuggle gold out of this country so as to dispose of it at a large profit in Great Brit- ain, India, and other foreign countries. These facts speak for themselves as to the true price of gold abroad. NO PROOF $70 WOULD BE PROPER PRICE In the course of my study of the ques- tion of What Price Gold, I have asked a large number of well-informed men for an expression of opinion as to what the price should be. The great majority have replied “$70 an ounce”; but in no case he: anyone attempted to justify that ficure by relating it to such factors as purchasing power in commodities and/or wages, foreign devalua. tions, and world or United States monetary requirements. It 1s interesting, and probably significant, to note that if the price of gold were related to the present purchasing power and wages the price here would be approximately the same as the figure of $102.17, which is the London equivalent, on a legal parity basis, of the United States price; for commodity prices and wages have, on the average, trebled over that of the period of 1934-88. Accordingly, to justify, on a comparative basis, a price of 870 an ounce for gold, both commodity prices and wages would have to be rolled back to 1939-44 averages. GOLD PRICE MUST BE INCREASED OR ELSE One thing, therefore, seems crysta] clear: Either commodity prices and wages must be rolled back or the price of gold must be in- creased—unless, of course, we continue on down the path of inflation via a debt-based paper currency to bankruptcy and repudia- tion. I believe all thinking men must agree on this conclusion. TIMES CALL FOR QUICK DETERMINATION A free market for gold would probably be the best way to determine what the price of gold should be, but we seem to have waited too long for that and must, accordingly, re- sort to some plan that will permit quicker action. Under the circumstances, the sug- gestion of the American Mining Congress that the price be determined by a Monetary Com- mission, should, I believe, be carried out without further delay. As a matter of fact, why wouldn't it be proper for the Colorado Mining Association to act and itself appoint such a commission instead of merely sug- gesting? HOW A PROPER PRICE COULD BE DETERMINED It would, it seems to me, be possible to arrive at a reasonable conclusion on a proper price for gold by way of the following steps: 1. Determine just what this country’s over- head is or, in other words, the amount re- quired to meet our fixed charges and living requirements. 2. Determine how much production is needed to provide the income and profits necessary to meet those fixed charges. 8, Determine how much money is required to attain and maintain that necessary pro- duction, because such production would not be possible without an adequate amount of money. 4. Having decided how much money is necessary, proceed to make our money sound by backing it with a minimum 40 percent of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD gold and restoring the gold standard with convertibility of currency to gold. Then, finally, if we do not now have enough gold to provide a 40-percent backing on the basis of $85 an ounce, or $70 an ounce, raise the price of gold to whatever figure is needed to give the neceesary gold coverage to make our money sound. THERE 18 GOOD IN GOLD Failure to use the atom bomb in the pres- ent world emergency can be justified on the grounds that its tremendous power to de- stroy is a two-edged sword. The power in gold, however, is constructive, and failure to use the larger measure of value inherent in it to attain and maintain the healthy econ- omy that is a prerequisite to a peaceful world is not only inexcusable but comes close to being wicked. There is good in gold. Let‘s make the greatest possible use of it. Why Not Try Christianity—Now? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLYDE R. HOEY OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. HOEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix to the Recorp an article en- titled “Why Not Try Christianity— Now?” written by Dr. Clarence Poe, who is president and editor of the Progressive Farmer, one of the leading agricultural papers of the United States and which has animmense circulation. This article is followed by A Working Program For Peace, which supplements his discussion applying the principles of Christianity to our present world situation. I think this whole article is well worth perusing, and I trust that the suggestions which he makes will receive éonsideration in con- nection with the settlement of our inter- national problems. ‘ There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Wavy Nor Ter Curistiantry—Now? (By Clarence Poe, president and editor, the Progressive Farmer) A tew weeks ago I was talking with one of the ablest women I have ever known. A woman of great practical judgment, she has inherited and is active in directing large business interests. She also has a deep and sound interest in all movements for the de- yelopment of her State, our underprivileged classes, and the South as a whole. Some- how the talk turned to religion, and she used one unforgettable expression: “Every time I have tried to do anything that Jesus tells us to do,” she said very simply, “I have found that it works.” Very often since then, as wars and rumors of war have all but drowned out the Chris- tian message of ‘ on earth, good will to men,” I baye thought of this woman‘s matter-of-fact tribute to the everyday prac- ticability of Christianity. “When we try to do what Christ tells us to do-it works.” And if it works in our relations, why should it not work in international relations? If putting Obris- tlanity into practice among individuals returns in and good will, why should not putting Christianity into prac- tice among nations do so? In other wards, why not try Christianity as a way out of the present un-«Christian threat of world war III and world destruction? This does not mean that we should stop or lessen our present efforts to arm America with weapons of war so long as we are threat- ened with weapons of war. But it does cer- tainly mean that we should try Christian- ity—and keep on trying Christianity—as a means of preventing such a war. We in America profess to be a Christian nation. So do the people of Britain and all Europe. The President of the United States often praises the Sermon on the Mount. So do our Senators and Congressmen and our diplomats. Why, then, should they not get down on their knees along with all our com- mon peopie and pray in all sincerity, “By God's help we will try to learn—and then to use—Christ’s way of dealing with the gigantic devastation and destruction that now threatens our human race." Suppose we should with all our hearts try to find Christ’s way, what conclusions would we reach? Every reader must answer that question for himself, I can report only what my own sincere efforts lead me to conclude for myself. 1. First of all, most of all, I believe we should have to act in a spirit of Love. God is love, we are told, and love is certainly the keynote of all Christ’s teaching. The King of Engiand gave the world its noblest Christ- mes 1950 message when he declared: “If our world is to survive in any sense that makes survival worth while, it must learn to love, not to hate; to create, not to destroy.” Every move of our diplomacy, every effort to strengthen our armaments, would have to be tested by the yardstick, is this in har- mony with the spirit of love—a sptrit of love not only for our own Nation, but for all nations; not only for cur own people, but for all peoples?” Because war always kills the innocent many along with the guilty few, how can any Christian nation justify it 80 long as there remains any istian way to avoid it? Should we not say with General Marshall, “Wherever there is a conference table, the United States should be the first one at it and the last one to leave it’? 2. If we have Christ’s spirit, must we not also say, “Always the only justifiable use of force 1s to repel the use of force’? We must arm to prevent other nations from using arms against us and we must use arms if arms attack us, but we must not be rushed into any unnecessary or so-called preventive war by any foolish talk that war is inevitable and that we should start it whenever we believe we can win it by slaughtering mil- lions of poor, plain men and women in other lands who no more wish to kill us than we to kill them, 8. If we have the spirit of Christ, we Amer- icans must also learn a new sympathy for suffering in other lands. Why should the average American farmer boast of his pros- perity when he thinks 100 acres of God's earth too little for his family while millions in Asta have lees than 2 acres per family? Why should American businessmen take the credit for a prosperity that is so largely due to the fact that the rich resources of our country are divided only among 160,000,000 people instead of one thousand million as they would be in Asia? Instead of boasting of our supertority to other peoples, should we not rather humbly pray in the language of the Psalmist— “Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto Thy Name give glory.” 4. Purthermore, tf we have the spirit of Christ, should we not be ready to spend out of our abundance, not merely for war and guns but to help the poverty-stricken mil- lions abroad who live half-starved, die piti- fully young, and go through life almost without hope, all because they lack the priv- ileges God has given us? A truly great “Christian Alternative to World Destruction” AB47 is found in Senator Berm McMAron's pro- posal first made lest spring, namely— (1) That all nations reduce armament and spend two-thirds of their then war budgets for a world program of reconstruction, irril- gation, education, health, industrial progress, and human welfare, (2) That if other nations agree to do this, the United States would itself give ten billion for this purpose. No other program our President or Con- grees or our people or our Christian churches can support would likely do so much to check the world-wide trend toward commu- nism and war and instead set the govern- ments of all nations upon & new era of hope and progress and peace. Ten billions s0 spent might save world peace, while 50,000,- 000,000 to wage war or prepare for world war III may (or may not) end only in world war IV or world suicide. A WORKING PROGRAM FOR PEACE We have just presented the general princi- ples that we believe should be followed if ‘we try to apply the principles of Christ to prescnt world conditions. Next— 1, As for spectfic polictes, we believe first of all that the United Nations is indeed the hope of the world, the only alternative for the ;ocursed war system of settling inter- national disputes, and that we must use it as the one great agency for promoting world peace. It can be made effective now by transferring any question from the Security Councli, where Russia has a veto, to Gen- eral Assembly, where there ts no veto, and giving UN greater military power. 3. The next great need is to turn the ener- gies and purposes of all nations from war and destruction to a great program of peace and progress by adopting some such plan as Sen- ator McMaHon’s for world peace and recon- struction. 3. We must also make easter the efforts for peace by remembering that Christ never called sincere peacemakers “appeasers.” Rather, He called them “the children of God.” Also, our foreign policy should be truly non- partisan and our President and generals must quit making decisions without fully consulting the peoples of Asia and Western Europe who would be the first to be overrun in case of war. 4. There are three fatal mistakes Russia wants us to make: (1) To get hopelessly bogged down by a war with China, (2) to lose the support of other UN nations by insisting on our own way about everything, and (3) to spend ourselves into bankruptcy by trying to get peace by guns without also using UN and the principles of Christianity to prevent war. We must not make any of these mistakes. 5. Peace in Korea might possibly be brought about by using almost exactly such principles and policies as Dr. Frank Graham used to bring about peace in Indonesia and the principies Dr. Ralph Bunche used in Palestine. 6. Finally, we should have faith that if we can only delay war, we may also prevent war from happening at all. We should re- member that the plain people of all nations want peace, that Russian leaders and poli- cles could possibly change, and that tyranny nearly always breeds rebellion—and eventu- ally successful rebellion. We may slso well remember that the stages of the Russian Revolution have been not unlike those of the French Revolution: (1) Confiscation of land by the peasants, (2) chopping off the heads of opposition leaders, and (3) repudi- ation of religion. Yet France soon greatly changed. So may Russia and China. His- tory seems to say to us in America, “If you will not only keep strong but also support such a Christian program for world unity, peace, and progress, as Senator McManon proposes, you may not only delay world war Or put possibly prevent it from happening
A848 © Fight or Get Out EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN L. McCLELLAN OF ARKANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “Fight or Get Out,” ap- pearing in the Morning World-Herald, of Omaha, Nebr., on February 13. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Fiaur or Ger Our Monday morning headlines related that the UN forces were back in Seoul. But by Monday afternoon the Reds (Chi- nese and North Korean) had launched an- other thunderbolt, had smashed through the South Korean lines, and the UN divi-e sions were tumbling backward all along the front. So here we go again, up and down the peninsula, First one side grabs the ball and runs to the 65-yard line. Then a spectacular goal-line stand, and the other fot takes the ball and runs back up the eld, In football this see-saw business can be very exciting. But in Korea men are being killed. Thousands of them in every offen- sive. And so far as can be observed from the side lines, nothing is being accom- plished—nothing, at any rate, which is worth the cost in American lives. The people and their Congress have been very patient. They have accepted the view that their leadere—military and diplomatic— knew what they were doing and that their plans would bear fruit in due season. But the further the campaign Proceeds, the more difficult it becomes to maintain that sublime confidence. Two articles of American policy in Korea simply do not wash. The first is the determination of the State Department to keep Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek out of the war, Chiang has an army variously estimated at from 300,000 to 800,000 men on Formosa. Some of them are experienced and well-equipped troops, eager to fight. Others need only Amert- can arms to make them formidable fighting units. But all of them are kept immobile on Formosa because the State Department does not wish to sully its lily-white fingers by joining hands with Chiang. Representative Joserm W. MARTIN, Repub- lican leader of the House, discussed this is- sue yesterday in his Lincoln Day address in Brooklyn, and asked the question which must have occurred to millions of bewildered Americans: “What kind of logic is it that lets our sol- diers die in Korea when, by shipping the proper supplies to the Generalissimo, a sec- ond front could be opened in China without a single GI being forced to place a foot on the soil of the Chinese mainland?” The second incomprehensible article of this -ountry’s Korean policy is the continued eoddling of the Chinese Communists. After weeks of nervous debate, the United Nations finally was persuaded to pass a reso- lution which timidly avowed that the Reds had committed an act of aggression. But there the matter lies. There has been no retaliation. Neither tn trade nor in military ways has China been made to suffer. Even nations which voted for the aggressor reso- lution are still doing business with the enemy, and apparently the State Department is sO weah, 80 lacking in good American qualities, that it does not even dare to pro- test. If American soldiers are to be kept on Korea, they should be backed to the limit by their Government. They should have all the support, military and diplomatic, that their countrymen can give them. If Washington is not ready to give them that kind of support, it should recal' them from Korea at once. In other words, America should fight or get out. ‘The young men on Korea should be sup- ported, or they should be evacuated. American blood should not be poured out in a seemingly endless series of inconclusive campaigns up and down the Korean Penin- aula. Ce ee eee pene St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an editorial entitled ‘“Rush- ing for Seaway Bandwagon,” published in the Detroit News of February 4, 1951; an editorial entitled “Senator Doucias Scores Again,” published in the Spring- field (Ill.) State Register of February 6, 1951; an editorial entitled “Bringing the Ocean Closer to South Dakota,” pub- lished in the Sioux Falls (S. Dak.) Argus Leader of February 6, 1951; and an edi- torial entitled “The Seaway Again,” pub- lished in the Cincinnati Inquirer of Feb- ruary 6, 1951. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Detroit News of February 4, 1951] RUSHING FoR SEAWAY BANDWAGON Like a glacier suddenly enlivened by the big thaw, the inch-by-inch progress of the 40-year-old St. Lawrence seaway project has quickened to a pace daily more like that of an avalanche, Rumblings of this movement begin to be heard throughout the land. Widening cracks are seen in the opposition so long solidly effective. The time clearly has come for Michigan Congressmen and citizens to put their backs into boosting the movement's gathering headway. Now, if ever, opportunity is fran- tically beckoning. This 40-year-old dream of a deep-draft channel connecting the Great Lakes with tidewater and the oceans at last shows signs of coming true. Stalin, it can be said, may be bringing to pass what both Hitler and the Kaiser failed to accomplish. After each world war the fact was noted and attested by highest authority that neg- lect to build the dams and locks to flood out the St. Lawrence Rapids had prolonged the fighting. Lack of the seaway had denied to national defense the use of Great Lakes shipyards. It had multiplied difficulties of transporting war materials abroad and criti- cal raw materials inland. Lacking the seaway, the Nation had denied itself the ability to bring to bear on the enemy its maximum potential efficiency. It was much as though we had deliberately handicapped ourselves by partially blocking New York Harbor. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD However, after each war, it was said this was the last. Hopeful of peace everlasting, those jealous of the seaway’s promise of opening a great new trade route quickly resumed efforts to stop it at any cost. This time history may not have to repeat itself. This time, at last, we may see to the development of our greatest remaining natural resource, before war comes, The change is due as muck as anything to Stalin's known possession of the most formidabie submarine fleet of all time. Along with that, it has been noted that Lake Superior fron deposits, depleted by two World Wars, cannot stand another one. If not, via the seaway from the newly dis- covered Labrador-Quebec deposits, the needed ore must be brought from overseas. It is either the seaway or exposure of the chief essential of our national defense to the hazares of undersea attack. It has taken facts like th se to inspire the Ohio State Chamber of Commerce to recon- sider its traditional opposition to the project, It was the facts, and patriotism, that in- duced Chairman Buckuey of the House Pub- lic Works Committee to announce after the recent White House conference, his conver- sion to the seaway. He comes from New York City and, like others in that hotbed of jealous opposition, heretofore has fought the project. These are the signs, now accumulating, of what may achieve the irresistible power of @n avalanche. But it still needs pushing, as those of us well know who recall how readily self-interest distorted and dismissed the facts of 1918 and 1945. Now is the time for this Great Lakes region to throw off the habit of defeat and demand the project on which its own industrial future, no less than the safety of the Nation, depends. [From the Springfield (Ill.) State Register of February 6, 1951] Senator Dovua.as Scores AGAIN Newsmen and radio commentators are kept busy by the tremendous constructive activi- ties of United States Senator Pau. H. Doua- was, Of Tilinois. He has been talked and written about in connection with a variety of responsibilities, including Secretary of State and President df the United States. The press story suggesting that Senator Dovatas is one of a number being considered as successor to former Senator “Happy” Chandler as high commissioner of baseball, while complimentary, is not to be taken too seriously. The Senator cannot be spared from the battle front of statesmanship. One of the most recent public declarations of Senator DoucLAS was as cosponsor of the bill for the St. Lawrence seaway and power project. On this subject Senator Dovcias makes a specific six-point presentation of conclusions which command favorable public considera- tion and official action. The Illinois Senator analyzes this project from the viewpoints of navigation, war sup- plies, national defense and that transcendent fundamental—to supply low-cost power to defense industries. Expansion in the north- east States will be seriously limited without this new source of power, as he points out. Senator Doveras has dared to strike a blow for liberty on a highly controversial issue which always arises when low-cost power is advocated. The expression ts ana- thema to what has long been called the power trust. It was the courage and initiative of the late Franklin D. Roosevelt in advocating low- cost power and conservation of hydroelectric resources in New York State when he was Governor which placed him in line for the Presidency of the United States. There may be 8 parallel in the Douglas case, but Senator Dovatas ts placing the wel- fare of the people and the safety of the Na-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tion, a8 well as the peace of the world, above all considerations which relate to his own personal and political welfare. In Senator Dovatas today the State and Nation are recognizing masterful leadership which 1s finding favor with unprejudiced authorities on the fundamentals of govern- ment throughout America, — [From the Sioux Falls (S. Dak.) Argus Leader of February 6, 1951} BRINGING THE OCEAN CLOsmR To SouTH Daxkora From & reader who knows much about transportation comes the suggestion that the Atgus-Leader give full endorsement to the proposed St, Lawrence waterway. “You can help South Dakota a lot by sup- porting it,” he writes. Support of this project by the Argus Leader would represent no change in thought On the part of this newspaper because we supported it some years ago when 1t was actively in limelight. ‘The reason for endorsement, of course, was the manner in which it would affect South Dakota beneficially in respect to transporta- tion. The St. Lawrence waterway project would make it possible for ocean vessels to reach the Great Lakes, This would mean that Duluth, Minn., actually would be an ocean port. Thus in effect the ocean would be that much closer to South Dakota, including the cheap water rates that prevail. Such a de- velopment would be heipful to the commerce of this State generally as well as to other inland States in the area of the Great Lakes. The project is in the foreground again be- cause President Truman has suggested prompt action in respect to it. As a result, discussion of the project is again widespread. The Philadelphia Inquirer, for example, refers to it as “costly hoax.” But its special concern is well exemplified by one state- ment in its editorial, as follows: “By diverting ocean traffic, including iron ore, to the Great Lakes, the seaway would cause untold losses to eastern United States ports, including Philadelphia.” But what would be Philadelphia's loss in this respect would be the gain of Duluth, South Dakota, and many other inland areas, The Argus-Leader cannot agree, however, with President Truman's contention that immediate construction is in order as a de- fense measure, Years would be required to complete the project and its development would interfere with other more necessary and vital undertakings. And the cost would be at least $1,500,000,000, So, let's forget about it for the present, But let’s keep it in mind as a desirable proj- ect for the future, {From the Cincinnati Enquirer of February 6, 1951] THE SEaAwAy AGAIN The recurrent issue of the St. Lawrence seaway and power project comes to the fore again at a moment when its possible uses for national defense purposes are more en- gaging than ever before, Powerful political and economic issues are involved in the project—as previously—but it seems to us that now if ever is the time to examine the proposal strictly on its ma- terial merits and in terms of its actual use- fulness in continental defense. } ' Inland steel producers, including such im- posing figures as W. W. Seebald, president of the Armco Steel Corp., have argued that Unless the navigation phase of the St. Law- ‘rence seaway is completed, the steel industry of the central United States will be starved for lack of quality ores, since the Mesabi Range bordering on Lake Superior is near- ing depletion, If the seaway is completed, XCVII~—App.——--54 it would give the ore fleet of the Great Lakes access to the new and immense deposits in Labrador, via the St. Lawrence River, which at present will not accommodate deep-draft vessels at its mouth. This surely ts a matter in which expert opinion is available, and therefore a decision could be made on the basia of practical need. There are other, and for the moment pos- sibly more important questions, of course. One is how long tt would take to accomplish the project and how much of a diversion of manpower and materials it would require from the more pressing tasks of national defense. If it would not seriously conflict with the immediate needa of national de- fense and could be carried to completion within a relatively short space of years, it certainly recommends itself. On the other hand, if it cannot be finished inside of a decade or a decade and a half, and mean- while would be in serious conflict with more urgent defense tasks, it certainly does not recommend itself. All of these are questions which can be answered factually, and should be answered factually. The Senate Preparedness Subcommittee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT S. KERR OF OKLAHOMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. KERR. Mr. President, on Janu- ary 19, 1951, the Washington Daily News contained two excellent articles and the Washington Star an editorial on the wonderful work being done by the Preparedness Subcommittee under the chairmanship of the distinguished junior Senator from Texas (Mr. Jounson]. I ask that the articles and editorial be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, There being no objection, the articles and editorial were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: {From the Washington Daily News of February 19, 1951] PREPAREDNESS COMMITTEE CHaRcESs AIR FoRcE Hoarps Msn The Senate Preparedness Committee today accused the Air Force of Hoarding the best of the Nation's available manpower. “This must stop,” the committee said in a report charging overcrowding at the Lack- land (Tex.) Air Force Base. It blamed the overcrowding on Air Force greed for the elite of the Nation’s manhood, The committee, headed by Senator Lrnpomw B. JoHNson (Democrat, Texas) said the Air Force made a deliberate effort in December and January “to enlist beyond its capacity too great a share of the good material avall« able.” The result, it said, was that 68,7381 men and women were crowded into a base which can accommodate only 27,500 and men who might have made “invaluable” Army officers are now Air Force privates. “STOP STOCKFILING” “This is an illustration of the wrong kind of stockpiling,” the committee said. “We don’t have enough men for one service to build itself up as a mentally and physically elite corps. This must stop.” Accordingly, it demanded that all services hereafter draw thelr men from a single draft pool. A849 The Senate investigators said they found that conditions at Lackland were substand- ard, but concluded that “no undue hard- ship to enlisted personnel resulted from the housing, clothing, food, or medical care offered at the base.” They scuttled rumors of a pneumonia epidemic killing off men at the base, saying that only two deaths had occurred there in 18 months—one from an accident, one from cancer. The investigators found that, because of congestion, 5,653 men were living in tents with dirt floors and thousands still were wearing civilian clothes. But they had abundant and good food and medical care, they said. There was “no evidence of op- pressive discipline” and morale was high, but there were some “cry babies,” the com. Taittee said. CAPTAIN ROTH CRITICTZED The committee castigated Capt. Myron Roth, base public information officer, for Claiming without substantiating evidence that subversives had spawned the rumors about conditions at Lackland. It sald Cap- tain Roth’s explanation was a “direct affront and served to discredit the Lackland com- mand.” The report absolved the base command of any wrong doing, saying full guilt falls on Air Force headquarters here for a grab-the- best enlistment policy which is irrespon- sible and merits censure. ! It said the policy was an inexcusable breach of the unification law and “was de« Mberately contrived to deprive the other services of manpower.” The committee said this ts reprehensible, | “The Air Force's apparent unconcern for the other services is not merely a rebulf to the spirit of unification, it is also an atti- tude detrimental to the best interests of the Nation,” the committee said. | Despite appeals by base officers to head«' quarters to slow up enlistments, the com-' mittee said, it was not until January 16 that enlistments finally were suspended. By that time, it said, the base was hopelessly overs, crowded and there was a complete break~ down in basic training, “The Air Force,” it concluded, “hoarded far more manpower than it was prepared to utilize. The committee is inclined to be- lieve the Air Force knew what it was doing and, from all indications, did it for a cal- culated purpose.” COMMON POOL It said if there ever was “a persuasive argument for compelling all the services to draw their manpower from a common pool through selective service, this performance by the Air Force is it.” Declaring that ‘we don’t want any more Lackland situation arising,” the committee said it is investigating indoctrination sta- tions and camps for all three services, it said inquiries are under way at Fort Dix, N. J.; Camp Chaffee, Ark.; Fort Knox, Ky.; , Camp Breckenridge, Ky.; Fort Jackson, 8. C.; Fort Leonard Wood, Mo.; Fort Riley, Kans.: Camp Roberts, Calif.; and Fort Ord, Calif., all Army installations. . Also being investigated are the Navy’s New- port (R. 1.) indoctrination center, Great Lakes (I1l.) Training Station, and San Diego (Calif.) Naval Station, and the Air Force's Sampson (N. Y.) Air Force Base, and Shep- pard (Tex.) Air Force Base, and the Marine Corps Parris Island (8. C.) Base, and San Diego Marine Recruiting Barracks, [From the Washington Dally News of February 19, 1951) How LACKLAND INVESTIGATION Broan (By Marshall McNeil) Senator Lynpon JouNson, Democrat, of Texas, chairman of the Senate Preparedness.
t , told in an exclusive interview to-~ ‘the inside story of how his group inves- the Atr Force's greedy and irresponsi- ble Handling of enlisted men at Lackland Air Force Base near San Antonio. The technique used in this case ls SOP—~ standard operating procedure—for the com- naittee *{ got the firat complaint from a New Eng- land Senator,” Senator Jomnson sald. “Then I got a couple of letters myself. I read them to Air Force officlals in a closed session of our committee, asking them to cheek on the situation by telephone. They didn’t Go that. So we moved in.” FOUR PROAERS Furst, Senator Jommaon sent four tnvesti- gator to Lackland, with orders to present their credentials to the commander, They did. The commander invited them to lunch. They declined. “Instead, they dremed in Air Force uni- forms and lived among the boys, in their crowed, uncomfortable, inadequate quar- ters, mostly tents,” the Senator went on. By letter and word of mouth there had been many wild rumors out of Lackland: stories about such overcrowding and sub- standard conditions as led to suicides, many deaths from pneumonia, poor food, and in- adequate medical care. Sons had com- plained to their mothers, mothers their Sen- ators. Senators raised cain with Air Force headquarters. Nothing much happened. There was an effort to brush off the whole thing as subversive rumors from some nebu- lows fifth column. SLEPT ON COTS “The four investigators slept on cots, sometimes without mattresees," Senator Jounson said. “Oh, sure, it was better than a froven foxhole in Korea, but nevertheless darned uncomfortable—and inefficient, too, if you're trying to indoctrinate a young man with the idea that he is a vital cog in our Armsd Forces.” Each night an investigator would tele- phane Washington and dictate a report to a stenographer in the Johnson office here. T¥rom the Washington Evening Star of February 19, 1951] Waona War To Mosinize Strong language was used by Senator Lyrn- ron Jonson's Preparedness Subcommittee in reparting on overcrowding at Lackland Air Force Base in Texas, but the group’s findings justify strong language. Although rumors of deplorable health and morale con- ditions proved to be unfounded, the subcom- mittee was shocked by the chaos created at the base by what the investigators described as the Air Force's “greed for the best of the Nation's available manpower.” The “inexcusable waste of manpower causetl by the selfishness of the Air Force” — as the stibcommittee put it—resulted in the jamming of 68,781 men at one time into a training camp with a rated emergency ca- pacity of only 27,500. The inevitable hap- pened. Thousands of recruits had to be housed in hastily erected tents, hundreds of them without floors, stoves, or lights. Dur- ing part of last month many of the men on canvas cote without mattresses and with insufficient covering. Bathing and shaving facilities were overtaxed. Serious clothing shortages developed. (It was dur- ing this period that rumors were circulated that the hardships had caused numerous deaths from pneumonis or from suicide. Actually there had been no deaths from either cause.) More serious than the discomforts of the men was the complete collapse of the train- ing program for which the men were sent to Lackland. It became utterly impossible to give the recruits the preliminary training which is so important to sotdiera or flyers. ge Undisclosed numbers of Air Force recrutts were sent on to advanced bases under the handtoap of little or no indoctrination. The subcommittee exonerated the Lackland com- mond of blame for the meas, after it was shown that Washington had ignored re- peated protests from the base. “What this adds up to is, bluntly,” said the report, “that the Air Force made a deliberate effort to enlist beyond its capacity too great a share of the good material available.” It was un- fair hoarding of manpower by one service at a time when the Army was seeking good material, too. This destructive form of in- terservice competition is the reverse of the teamwork which unification was supposed to bring. The Defense Department should take whatever steps are necessary to prevent & recurrence of the mistakes of Lackland— including the mistake of trying to cover up the facts in misleading press releases. The FBI Agent Who Cannot Quit EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY OF NEW TORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include the following article entitled “The FEI Agent Who Cannot Quit,” by Carol Hughes, which appeared in the February issue of Coro- net: Tax FBI Actnr Wo Cannot Quit (by Carol Hughes) One day back in 1901, President Theodore Roosevelt was taking his daily horseback ride through Washington’s Rock Creek Park. On duty in the park was Joseph F. Amos, & Negro mounted policeman whom the Presi- dent knew. On this day, Amos summoned his nerve and approached the Chief Executive. “Mr. President,” he said hopefully, “I have a young gon, but he's beyond my control. I know Jim’s an all-right boy, Mr. President, and I wondered if you knew of a job he could get.” Roosevelt smiled. “Amos,” he sald, “you just send that boy around to me—TI’ll con- tro! him.” Like a startled deer, young Jim Amos popped from the bushes where he had been hiding to have his first close look at his future boss. If the most kindly fairy hed waved her magio wand over his head that day, she could hardly have granted him a more fortunate future. For that was the beginning of a career that was to make him an almost intimate member of a President's household, and one of the most distin- guished Special Agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. For almost 11 years, James E. Amos was closer to “Teddy” Roosevelt than almost any man who entered the White House. He was a “nursemaid” to the Roosevelt chil- @ren, a second butler at all state dinners, and finally was a bodyguard, major damo, friend, and idolator of the President. He was alone in the room with the ex-Presi- dent's head cradled in his arms when the great man died. 4s a trusted member of Roosevelt's staff, Amos carne in contact with Washington's top statesmen, politicians, ambassadors, citl- zens. From this coveted position, he went on to one of the Nation’s highest posts of trust and honor, Jim has been Special Agent Amps of the FSI for almost 80 years. In his years with the FBI, Jim has played _ Many roles, encountered many dangers, en- — APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD gaged in many secret eases. He has vinked his life often; known much high adventure; and is today one of the firearms experts in the FBI. There ten't a gun in existence that Jim Amos can’t take apart blindfolded and put back together again. When Federal legis- lation finally permitted FBI men to carry guns, Jim assisted in training the men, and in setting up safety rules for the firing range. The final test of Amos’ ability lies in the fact that J. Edgar Hoover has three times petitioned the President of the United States to retain Amos in the service, after he had passed the mandatory retirement age. The bright young Negro boy who appeared in the President's office on that J day back in 1901 could hardly foresee what the future held for him. After serving first as nursemaid to the six lively and adventurous Roosevelt children, Jim moved up the White House ladder to the great dining room. Here, where State secrets were discussed, Jtm quickly learned to keep his ears open and his mouth shut. So well did he do both jobs that he was soon Roosevelt's almost constant companion. Today he says: “Mr. Roosevelt was not only my employer, he was also my dear friend to whom I could always go with my most personal troubles. I loved him deeply and served him, I hope, falth- fully.” When the President retired to his home at Oyster Bay, he insisted that 4mos leave his service anc go on to more profitable enter- prises. But Jim always remained subject to call, and when finally Roosevelt knew that his time was short, he sent for his faithful friend. No one else could quite handle the sick old Rough Ruder. From then on, Jim never left the room at night. On the final night, Amos heard Roosevelt breathing irregu- larly. He went to the bed and held the ex- President’s head in his arms until he breathed his last. Jim entered the FBI in 1921, working at Washington headquarters, His main duties were encoding and decoding confidential my and handling important mail. These duties gave him an enviable view of the entire operation of the fledgling bureau, and when he graduated to field work Jim was ready. In hundreds of cases over the years, Amos has proven invaluable in tracking down his man, J. Edgar Hoover says: “He has sources and contacts enjoyed by few other agents in the service.” In the case of Ralph Richards, a bandit as well known for his escapes ac for his armed robberies, Jim took up the trail when it seemed hopeless and finally located his quarry in Mount Vernon, N. Y. Richards was arrested, and Jim went on to other affairs. Soon thereafter the call went out for Amos again, Richard had escaped. Week after week Jim investigated every clue, fol- lowed every lead. Finally he found Rich- ards in a mid-Manhattan rooming house, and called for another agent to ald him in making the arrest. As they entered the room It was the ick thinking, along with the agile body of 08 that saved both agents’ lives. Amos, in the lead, saw the fugitive's hand dart under his pillow. Jim leaped from the door to the bed to land on his prisoner. Under the pillow was a 46 automatio, On another occasion Amos found it neces- sary to arrest his prisoner without the aid of a second agent. As Jim moved in on the vicious hoodlum he handed over the warrant and stood there unarmed, waiting for the man to read ft. “You don't think rm going with you?” said the thug con- ip’ tuously. Amos looked at him calmly. “What does that warrant say?” oan hoodlum said, “To bring me or my y"
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Without changing expression Amos said, “Make up your mind.” The hoodlum went. Today Amos’ fabulous knowledge of crim~ inals has made him a favorite of law-enforce- ment officers from coast to coast. For years he served as liaison between the New York field division of the FBI and the New York City Police Depurtment. And although Jim as special agent has performed many serv- joes for the Negro people, there has never been any tendency on the part of the Bureau to make this a specialized duty. Today Jim looks back and chuckles over two of his favorite big casea—involving so-called Negro saviors. One was the spectacular Garvey, who called himself the “provisional president of Afri- cr”—leader of the colored races of the world, Jim was almost a rookie when he was assigned, in 1923, to get evidence to convict the swindler who had raised millions of dol- lars to transport his people back to their homeland. Garvey was selling stock in the Black Star Line, a corporation having for its purpose "the acquisition of steamships to transport to Africa members of the Negro race who would build the promised Jand.” Amos knew that Garvey’s fraud appealed to many honest Negroes, so ploddingly he set out to become friendly with some of Garvey’s followers, and to collect evidence of how money was collected and spent. Amos sent his man to 6 years in Atlanta Penitentiary, and thought his case was finished. But when word dfifted back that Garvey yearned to start all over again, Amos got deportation papers for the swindler. When Garvey left prison, he was shuttled to the British West Indies—and Amos went on to nab his successor in Harlem. This time it was “Father Abraham,” who was passing himself off as the reincarnated Lord and speaking a gibberish that he told his disciples was the ancient Hebrew tongue. “Father Abraham” had established temples for his followers in which they could live free if they signed over all their worldly goods. Jim kept him under surveillance while dieging back into his past. He discovered that Abraham was 4 native of Georgia, where he had worked as a waiter. When Abraham began to transport young girls to his tempies in New Jersey, he was arrested on white- slavery charges, Although eligible for retirement as far back as 1941, Amos did not quit because of a special request from Hoover that he be allowed to remain on duty. A pleasant-faced keen-eyed man with graying hair, Amog at 70 does not appear to be more than 60 years old, In all Jim's years of service, there have been a few times when heart ruled his head, but never to the detriment of the Bureau. One of the occasions involved one of the biggest cases he ever worked on. He was sent to the Midwest to join some 20 picked fellow agents in an investigation of a white- slave ring. Amos goon unearthed a woman who went by the picturesque name of “Stack of Dol- lars,” and persuaded her to act as under- cover agent. With her help, Amos was able to turn over information which aided the FBI in netting 87 suspects who were later convicted on charges of protecting white slavers and dope peddlers, During another white slave investigation in the East, Amos met a madame who freely answered all questions, until he began to in- quire about her background. Finally, as Jim persisted, she broke down. She said she was willing to testify, that she knew she would have to go to jail, but would he grant her one favor. A 16-year-old daugh- ter who knew nothing of her mother’s life was coming home that night from boarding school and the mother would be in jail, She pleaded with Jim to meet her daughter at the train and take her home. Jim was a very busy man that day. He helped transport the prisoners to the United States attorney's office in Trenton, N. J., filed his reports, and finished his day. Then Jim took a train for Philadelphia to meet an unsuspecting girl. He escorted her home and followed the mother’s instructions to the let- ter. And to this day the girl knows nothing of her mother’s past. In presenting Special Agent Amos with a 25-year-service award, Mr. Hoover said: ‘The uneelfigh and willing contribution of hard work and personal sacrifices which you have made in the Bureay’s behalf have earned for you a distinct share in whatever ac~ complishments it can claim. I should like you to accept this key as an expression of my gratitude and appreciation for your eplendid services, and with a wish that, through our continued association, I shall be able to make a similar award to you on your thirtieth an- niversary.” Jim Amos, who has lost none of the spirit of enthusiasm he has always shown in his work, is quite sure he will get his thirtieth. anniversary key. For as J. Edgar Hoover says: “He wears with distinction and honor of ‘fidelity, bravery, integrity.’ ” The Marble Plaques Adorning the Walls of the Chamber EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ANTONIO M. FERNANDEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. FERNANDEZ, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the sixteenth and subsequent short sketches being published by the Wash- ington Pust with respect to the men honored by the plaques which adorn the walls of the Chamber: SULEIMAN: SULTAN OF TURKEY AND REFORMER OF CIVIL AND Muiuitary Law (A, D. 1494- 1568) Suleiman (1494-1586) was known in Turkey as the lawgiver. His claims as a legislator rest mainly on his organization of the Ulema, or clerical (religious) class, in tts hierarchical order, The judges belonged to this class, while all executive and admin- istrative power remained in the hands of the military. He inaugurated a new system for feudal tenures and improved the lot of his Chris- tian subjects. Suleiman also is remembered for his en- couragement of learning and the arts. He wrote verses and it is from his time that historlans note the rise of the influence of the harem and Turkish political develop- ment. His plaque was done by Joseph Kiselewski, a New York City sculptor, Smad Grorrus: Durer STATESMAN AND AUTHOR OF THE Fiest TREATISE ON INTERNATIONAL Law (A, D, 1683-1645) Grotius (1583-1645) was an extraordinary man, He wrote Latin verse at the age of 0, was ready for the university at 12 and at 15 edited an exhaustive work on Martianus Capella. The Dutch jurist wrote important books on theology, history, and classical subjects, but gained his most lasting fame from writ- A8il. ing the "De Jure Belli et Pacis”-—considered the first definitive text on international law, The work is a study of the principles of positive “natural” law. It recognizes that prior to any political organization, there still exists law, based on reason and the nature of man as a social being. The Grotius plaque was done by Paul Jen- newein, of New York City, — Cousert: REFORMER or THe Fresor Ledan Syverem (A. D. 1619-63) Colbert (1619-1683) was the chief power in the administration of Louis XIV. His influ- ence was felt in several felds of government. He overhauled the financial administration of France, including tax levying and collect- ing. He instituted rigid controls over pro- duction in both industry and agriculture, His most lasting achtevement was the ea- tablishment of the French marine. Not a champion of personal liberty, Colbert or- dered judges to sentence as many men as possible to the oar to supply oarsmen for his galleys. He reformed certain aspects of the judi- clary by reducing the length and expense of trials and codifying ordinances. The Colbert plaque was sculptured by Laura Gardin Fraser of Westport, Conn. Porumer: ANOTHER FPrencu Jurist (A. D. 1689-1772) Pothier, Robert Joseph (1609-1772) was a French judge and professor of law. He studied law for the purpose of qualifying for the magistracy and was appointed judge of the presidial court of Orleans in 1720. His “Pandectae Justininac in Novum Ordl- nem Digestae” is considered a classic in the study of Roman law. He wrote many mono~ graphs on French law, much of which was incorporated almost textually in the French Code Civil. The Pothier plaque was done by Joseph Kiselewski, of New York City. Two Ways To Do a Job: The Easy Way and the Washington Way EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. MARTIN of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Lestie Gould, finan- cial editor, in the New York Journal- American on the proposed ceilings on motor gasoline octane numbers: Hrew Octane Gas Cur-Back: TRUMAN WAY OR Easy War? (By Leslie Gould) There are two ways to do a job. The easy way and the Washington way. A casein point is the Washington move to reduce civilian consumption of tetraethyl lead—the stuff that gives more power and zip to gasoline. If there is too little tetra~ ethyl lead in your gasoline your car motor will ping or knock. Instead of ordering a flat, across-the-board percentage cut in the amount of tetraethyl lead each company can have, Washington is dreaming up a ceiling on the octane rating Of gasoline. Under this proposal, premium gasoline must not have an octane rating in excess
A852 of a intermediate grades, 86, and regu- This would require policing and checking, and in the end it might not save any lead. For motorists with cars requiring higher oc- tane gas would move up from the regular grade to the intermediate or to the pre- mium. Even those who can get by with a lower quality gas could make the shift to the better grade. Such an order also would put a ceiling on individual company competition—for there would be no point in seeking improvements in gas quality. The ceilings are there, and @ company could not exceed them. The sound and easy way to handle tt would be to cut everyone back 12% to 15 percent in their use of tetraethyl lead, and how they use what lead they receive would be their business. Each company would be on its own in research, and competition to improve the product would continue. There would be an incentive to find new and better ways for improving gas quality. Another thing which an octane rating ceiling ignores is the effect of altitude on motor performance, Each thousand feet of elevation ts equivalent to two octane num- bers. A car at sea level using 90-octane premium gas would need at 2,000 feet alti- tude only 89-octane gas for the same per- formance. A national ceiling on octane rating would mean nothing, and if there were a rush to premium grade, the next step would be ra- tioning. That is what the Washington boys want anyway—full regimentation of the country. To date, price control is a joke—but not funny, “‘ha, ha,” as far as the average house- wife is concerned. This kind of restriction as proposed for the ol] industry would be about the same thing. Civillan use of tetraethyl lead is about $70,000,000 pounds annually. Military avi- ation use currently is around 650,000,000 pounds. The stockpiling boys, who have been awful slow in acomulating almost everything, want 24,000,000 pounds set aside in the next 6 months. This would mean a out-beck of 12144 percent. Will it be done the Truman way or the easy way? Utilization of Western Land and Water Resources EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE N. ASPINALL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. ASPINALL. Mr. Speaker, one of the most difficult decisions to make dur- ing a time of threatened or real interna- tional disturbances is just how far we should go in continuing our programs to build those facilities which make for the development of our domestic economy. It is dificult because the intelligent citi- zens of America know that it is abso- lutely necessary to dispose of a common enemy. However, at the same time in- telligent citizens of our Nation also ap- preciate the fact that if, in the dispos- ing of a common enemy, there is a pos- sibility of jeopardising those values which make us desire the disposition of such common enemy we may not long continue to have the desire which causes us to be virile in the first place. One of the problems confronting the people of the reclamation States—that is, the 17 Weatern States of the Nation-— at this time, is the extent to which they should go to press their wishes in re- gard to continued construction of au- thorized projects, new authorizations, and new construction. Recently, Judge Clifford H. Stone, one of the outstanding authorities on recla- mation and irrigation, made a state- ment before the House Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. In my opin- ion, the logic of it demands the reading and study of Members of Congress. Ac- cordingly, I am having it placed in the Appendix of the Recorp so that Mem- bers of Congress, especially those from the East, will understand the position of their fellow citizens of the West con- cerning the continuing development of this great storehouse of our Nation’s natural resources. STATEMENT BY OLtFrorp H. STonz, oF DENVER, CoLo., BEFORE THE House COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS, FEBRUARY 14, 1951 It is a great honor and privilege to appear once again before this committee of the House of Representatives. The Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs is concerned with prospects for continued prosecution of the country’s program for the development, conservation, and utilization of western water and land resources. I, too, am con- cerned with the self-same matter. I venture to address you today—not in my capacity as director of the Colorado Water Conservation Board, nor in my capacity as vice chairman of the Upper Colo- rado River Commission, nor even in my capacity as first vice president of the Na- tional Reclamation Association, I speak to you rather as a citizen of the West, as one who has been living close to western water problems for more years than it may be wise to remember and, finally, as one who has been urged by his friends to make this atate- ment today. I do not propose to speak to you today of any particular interest that I may have in the authorization and in appropriations for one or another great reclamation project. For this is an occasion when we may not devote ourselves to the interests of one or another State or group of States. The an- swers to the question which is before this committee and before the country today transcend the interests of any one State, or group of States. They affect the interests of all 17 Western States. It is no exaggeration to say that they may well affect directly the economic welfare, strength, and survival of the Nation. They affect the interests of our Territories and insular possessions as well, Indeed, they go further than that. They effect the entire world. The question I pose to you members of the House Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs and, through you, to the Congress of the United States of America is this: What about the Federal reclamation program in this and in the years to come? Now, I am well aware that one possible answer to such a question can consist simply in en expressive shrug of the shoulders, signifying hopelessness, accompanied by a reference to perilous world conditions, the need for immense expenditures, bh at home and abroad, and to the slight pros- pect, in the light of these conditions and of this need, for the authorization of new proj- ects and for sdequate appropriations for projects authorised or under construction. T have, however, too great a for this committee and for our great legislative branch of the Federal Government, to expect APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that I shall ever hear in these halls the coun- sel of despair that would be inherent in such an answer. The people of this Nation look to this committee and to the Interior and In- sular Affairs Committee of the Senate for something better than that. I have referred to the Nation as a whole; for, remember, this cannot properly be viewed as a sectional program. No doubt, every member of this committee has a better grasp of world conditions than I have. Yet I doubt thet any one of you can say whether we shall be at war on & large scale tomorrow, or the next day, or 10, or 20 years hence. We may well con- tinue in our present state of feverish preparation for years to come. Does this mean that the Federal reclamation program is to be virtually abandoned for euch @ period—whatever it may be? The blow to our economic system that would result from such a shut-down might well be beyond the endurance of the 17 Western States. It might well be reflected, too, in adverse economic effects on the country as a whole. Furthermore, quite aside from the economic disaster that would follow such a shut-down, there are other reasons why I think this country cannot afford an affirmative reply to that question. It ts authoritatively reported that the population of our country, during the period 1920-50, has increased by more than 40 percent. And the trend 1s even higher. But what about the rest of the world? Well— the same thing seems to be happening else- where. In many other parts of the world, according to an article published by the Population Reference Bureau, here in Wash~ ington, populations will more than double within the next 25 to 50 years. It becomes clear, then, that the time is not far ahead when we shall be hard put to it to fulfill our domestic needs for the prod- uots of agriculture. It is clear, too, that the time lies not too far ahead—tf, indeed, it is not already here—when we may need to ship food and fiber abroad in ever increasing quantities. We can strengthen the demo- cratic governments abroad by shipments of food and fiber, as well as by the shipment of guns, Yet, we cannot maintain adequate food supplies for our own increasing popu- lation, at endurable prices, much less make needed shipments abroad, unless we con- tinue to build our agricultural economic strength at home by continuing the pro- grame of land and water resource develop- ment. . I have not said these things because I believe that we should seek to do the im- possible. I realize full well that budgetary conditions may become such, from time to time, as to indicate the need for some re- trenchment of domestic expenditures, in- cluding expenditures for reclamation, until most urgent defense requirements are met. The 17 Western States can and will do their patriotic bit to bear that part of the bitter fruit of man’s apparent lack of capacity to wage peace as well as war. But—remember this—we cannot afford, by reductions in ap- propriations for projects authorized or under construction to throttle the reclamation program. That program must be kept going. And the conclusion is inescapable that you must also build a shelf of authorized projects, both large and small, that can be undertaken during periods of reduced stress. You should have these projects ready to go. Reclamation projecta are not investigated, planned, and built over night. Their engi- neering takes a lot of time. The investiga~ tions that must precede them take a lot of time. This work should be done now. Projects should be authorised now. In other words, we should plan now for peace and, to the fullest practicable extent, we should build now for peace as we prepare for war. There is much emphasis today on the power features of reclamation projects. This
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD is not {mproper. Nor is it unnatural. We must have power in large quantities for the processing of mineral resources which are acutely needed in the production of industrial and defense materials. Hydro- electric power has been a part of the recla- mation picture in the 17 Western States since 1906. It plays a part, not only in its own right but as a companion to the agricultural phases of the reclamation pro- gram. We would have it continue so. And, in order to assure that it will so continue, we would urge that even in those cases where the need for power is deemed more acute than the need for increased agricultural production, the whole project of which power is a feature will nevertheless be authorized, even though construction of irrigation facil ities be deferred, thus assuring the neces- sary protection of agricultural rights in water and suitable financial assistance in the return of irrigation costs. What about the Federal reclamation pro- gram in this and in the years to come? The answer to that question is in your hands. I hope that you will agree with me: First, that the Nation cannot afford to throttle that program today; second, that the Nation cannot afford unduly to curtail that program; third, that the Nation cannot afford not to have a shelf of authorized projects ready for construction; and, fourth, that needed power production shall be ob- tained from features that derive their valid- ity from the fact that they are parts of authorized reclamation projects, The coun- try looks to your vision and to your courage. Even during this tragic period when we must put our minds and hearts to the task of preparing for defense, so we should also keep our minds and hearts on present domes- tic needs and on building for posterity. Let us not be guilty at home of having provided too little too late. A Problem for Generals EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, the fol- lowing editorial by H. B. Snyder, of the Gary Post-Tribune, sets out some prac- tical thoughts regarding the size or num- ber of our military forces to be sent to Europe: A PROBLEM FOR GENERALS The most responsible lawmakers of both political parties agree it is wholly fitting and desirable that Congress express its views on the big question of sending a sizable force of American soldiers to Europe. In the Senate hearings now getting under way, that program will be thoroughly exam- ined. And no doubt the Senate's final attl- tude will be given concrete character through action on a formal resolution of some sort. If, a8 is likely, the decision is to approve dispatching more men to Europe, then it is fair also that Congress ask for definite assur- ances from the Atlantic Pact nations that their own contributions of manpower are proportionate to ours. Again, there appears to be no dispute among responsible men on the need for these assurances. But it is quite something else for the Sen- ate or the whole Congress or any other group of laymen to say exactly what that propor- tion should wisely be; or to place a rigid, arbitrary limtt on the size of any force we shall gend. The basic military strategy affecting the defense both of the United States and the Atlantic community must be entrusted to our military leaders. They—and no others— are competent to Judge how many men, how many planes, how many tanks, how many ships we need for the defensive tasks we have assumed, It is @ military—not a political—decision to state that only a certain number of troops, let's say 100,000, should be sent to Europe. That might be a perfectly satisfactory total. But it’s for the generals to say, not our Senators. The men in the Senate who today are con- tending it is their business are declaring in effect that our military men are unfit for their jobs. They are seeking to superimpose their judgments on those of the best military minds in this country, Now if our military leaders are really as incompetent as this suggests, then we in America are in a very uncomfortable fix. We are in @ position where we might have to fight @ general war from the floor of the Senate and House. Anyone who has ever watched the day-to-day operations of our lawmakers must shrink from this prospect. However justifiable their tactics may be in legislative matters, they are totally out of place in the conduct of a military campaign. Fortunately, though, the outlook is prob- ably not that dark. In spite of the pro- nouncements of a growing force of Capitol Hill generals, there is a good chance that our military leaders really do know their business. When the test comes, the American people almost certainly will rest their confidence in the generals to decide military issues. For they understand that we are beyond hope of saying if the men who must guide our mill- tary destinies are not equipped for their re- sponsibilities, we would have no other place to turn, The Soil Conservation Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN E. WILLIS OF LOUISIANA IN THE ‘JOUSE OF PEPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. WILLIS. Mr. Speaker, I have made it a practice to acquaint myself with the work of the Federal agencies in my district during every recess of Congress. The first-hand information thus obtained is invaluable. The ex- perlence so absorbed on the ground is ed- ucational. Moreover, thereby I am en- abled to make up my mind on how the programs we devise in Congress are car- ried out and whether the funds we pro- vide are well spent. The Third Congressional] District of Louisiana, which I have the honor to represent in the Congress of the United States, is predominantly agricultural. I was born and reared on a farm and in addition to the practice of law, I am proud of the fact that for many years I have owned and operated my own farm. It is but natural, therefore, that I should pay close attention to our farm program, A few weeks ago, I described an on- the-farm visit with a group charged with the administration of certain phases of the program. Today I want to talk about a tour I made with the loca] heads of the soil conservation program, A853 Almost 2,000 years ago we were ad- monished by infallible authority that as we sow, so shall we reap. This homely lesson refiects the experience of the ages. It cannot be violated with impunity. Nature will not stand for us to keep on taking everything out of the ground without putting something back into it, China did this for centuries until today Mother Earth there refuses to produce. She has been milked dry; she is ex« hausted. Stripped of once fertile top- soil, huge areas in China today are al- most completely barren. The seeds pro- duce only poverty, hunger, and pesti- lence—yes, and the fruits thereof, com- munism. That simple is the lesson; that import- ant is its observance. On this back- ground was conceived the soil-conserva- tion program, which was designed to en- courage prover soil conservation prac- tices throughout the United States. In the mountainous regions the problem ad- dresses itself to combatting soil erosion. In the fiat regions of my district we are mostly concerned with drainage, fertili- zation, pasturage, and similar problems peculiar to more or less leve] land areas. The questions are, is the program worth while? Is its administration in competent hands? Is the money well spent? The best way to judge is to ob- serve the results in specific cases. The particular area I visited is with- in the jurisdiction of the Grand Coteau Ridge Soil Conservation District, in charge of or guided by Mr, A. C. Morris and Mr. De Louis Soileau. This parti- cular unit has 311 farms receiving assist- ance and expert advice. The following are typical examples of actual perform- ance, as explained by Mr. Morris. D. B. Ozenne beef cattle ranch was the first place visited. Mr. Ozenne is one of the largest and most progressive cattle- men in southwest Louisiana. This place is located on the lowlands along the At- chafalaya River Spillway. Six years ago this land was covered with noncommer.- cial underbrush and timber and provid- ing little or no grazing for livestock. With the assistance of the Soil Conserva- tion Service technicians, this 2,082-acre ranch has been changed from unprofit- able Jand to highly productive pasture land. The first step necessary was to establish a few of the main drainage canals. From year to year Mr. Ozenne cleared from 200 to 250 acres, completing the drainage in this acreage as clearing ‘was accomplished and preparing the seed bed and seeding to clovers and grasses, This procedure has been followed from year to year, and at present Mr. Ozenne has established about 1,500 acres of ex- cellent pasture land. Mr, Ozenne raises Brahma cattle and has been carrying from 1,000 to 1,500 cattle on his pasture, which has been highly profitable. A Jower portion of this ranch consists of approximately 800 acres which have been subject to backwater from the Atchafa- laya River when the river is high. This area is being salvaged by constructing a levee around the area with a series of drainage canals inside the levee, with a floodgate at the lowest point, which will permit drainage and prevent backwater from flooding the land.
A854 'The second farm observed was the 85- acre Keystone farm belonging to Mr. L. Charles Willis. When Mr. Willis came in possession of this farm about 2 years ago, it was in a very low state of produc- tion, having been grown in sugarcane for probably half a century without ap- plying proper soil conservation and soil building practices. Little was known of such practices at that time. Mr. Willis applied to the Grand Coteau Ridge Soil Conservation District for assistance in planning and applying proper soil con- servation and soil building practices to produce pasture for raising beef cattle. A conservation survey was made, classi- fying the soil. A soil analysis was made to determine the plant food needs. With Mr, Willis a plan was prepared, setting forth the best known practices needed to be applied to obtain early and satis- factory results. These practices con- sisted of establishing proper drainage, applying needed fertilizer and lime, proper preparation of seed bed and seed- ing to a mixture of clovers and grasses. Sufficient pasture forage was produced the first year to graze one cow per acre for a period of 8 or 9 months and leave the pasture in good growing condition. The third area observed was a pasture on the Expadie Laperouse farm near St. Martinville, La. Mr. Laperouse has been ® successful farmer all of his life. This was an old pasture area which was con- verted from native grass without treat- ment to improve pasture, including land preparation, fertilization, and seeding to lespedeza and grasses, This work was relatively new but was furnishing splendid grazing. The next farm we visited was that of Regis LaGrange. LaGrange is an out- standing planter and businessman in my parish. It is a 1,158-acre farm located in the lowland of the Atchafalaya River. Five or six years ago, as in the case of Mr. Ozenne, this farm was growing un- desirable and noncommercial under- brush and timber. On the request of Mr. LaGrange, Soil Conservation Service technicians worked out a conservation pian for this farm. Drainage being one of the primary needs, a few of the main drains were established first. Mr, La- Grange cleared from 100 to 150 acres of this land each year. Following the clearing, » complete drainage system was established, and the land prepared and planted to farm crops. During the next 3 years 758 acres of this 1,158-acre farm were cleared, properly drained and put into cultivation of highland crops. This land has produced as much as two bales of cotton per acre and equally as pro- ductive in other crops grown, namely, sugarcane, sweetpotatoes, and corn. Thus, land that was unprofitable 3 years ago today is highly productive and occu- pying services of 14 families, We then visited the Willis brothers’ 1,000-acre farm. A large portion of this farm has been in operation for a number of years. Another portion of it extends into the lowland area of Bayou Portage. On request, a conservation plan was worked out with Mr. Charley Willis for this farm. One of the primary needs of a portion of this farm was proper drainage. A complete drainage plan was prepared and the principal portion established. This has resulted in in- creasing production on a large acreage which formerly was low in production because of lack of proper drainage. Other areas which because of soil type and lack of suitability for cultivation were prepared and seeded to clovers and pasture grasses, This is one of the best examples of diversified farming we have locally. There is a balance between cul- tivated crops, pasture land, and live- stock. The principal cultivated crops consist of sugarcane, cotton, sweet po- tatoes, corn, and beans. The pasture land is divided into three areas, a por- tion on which beef cattle are raised and on another portion hogs. An additional acreage is cleared, This will be con- verted to improved pasture. One of the local farmers, Mr. Robert Champagne of Patin community, made the tour with us. He, with a group of his neighbors, has obtained assistance through the Soil Conservation Service. He explained that this group of neigh- bors has cooperated in establishing a drainage system which improves their land to the extent that the production in many cases has been doubled. Other lands that were not in cultivation at all can now be converted into productive cultivated land. He expressed the ap- preciation and support of the commu- nity for this type of work and stated that no other work could assist farmers in a greater way in their community. But, Mr. Speaker, the Soil Conserva- tion Service could not be a success with- out local cooperation. In fact, the spark plug of the whole farm program in my parish is Mr. Stanley Angelle, our ex- perienced county agent. We are for- tunate also in having a police jury com- posed of cutstanding farmers and busi- nessmen. Mr. Paul (Dell) Angelle, Jr., has been president of our police jury for over 20 years and under his capable lead- ership the program could not be any-~ thing but a success in St. Martin Parish. Mr. Speaker, what I have said about my own parish is true throughout the third district of Louisiana. For instance, I have just received the annual report of the Iberia-Vermilion Soil Conserva- tion District. The members and officers of the Board of this district are as fol- lows: Nedier J. Le Blanc, Delcambre, La., chairman; Paul Barras, Loreauville, La., vice chairman; J. F. Noel, Abbeville, La., secretary-treasurer; Joseph Zaunbrech- er, Gueydan, La., member: J. Malcolm Duhe, Jeanerette, La., member. The annual report is an outstanding record of accomplishment, I am glad to say that Mr. Nedier J. LeBlanc, the chairman, has extended me an invitation to visit the work in his district, and I loo‘ forward with pleasure to observe the Planning and application of soil and water conservation practices from farm- to-farm in the Iberia-Vermilion Soil Conservation District. Mr. Speaker, I am proud of the part I took in providing funds for the opera~ tion of the soil conservation program, be< cause from actual observation I can testi- fy to my colleagues of its success In my district. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Marketing Agreement on Raisin Grapes ‘Seems To Favor Processors Rather Than Grape Growers EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEROY JOHNSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Speaker, it now appears that the Agricultural Marketing Agreement Act of 1937, as amended, and administered by the United States De- partment of Agriculture is falling far short of accomplishing the fine objec- tives of its declared policy with respect to the ederal marketing agreement and order governing raisins grown in Cali- fornia. It appears that the division of the United States Department of Agri- culture having executive authority over the marketing agreement and order to take care of the surplus crop of 1949 was administered in a negligent, incompe- tent, and unsatisfactcry manner greatly to the detriment and loss of the raisin growers. To explain the matter more fully I submit a copy of o letter from Mr. Guard C. Darrah, attorney for the Biola Packing Co., Ralsin Growers Associa- tion, and Raisin Growers Protective As- sociation, a group of interested raisin producers. This letter was sent to Mr. S. R. Smith, of the Department of Agri- culture, under whose supervision this agreement and order was administered. I hope thir letter will be read by all members of the Agriculture Committees of the House and Senete, as it presents the views of one group of grape grovers who believe they have a real grievance, The letter follows: Stoceron, Cauir., November 14, 1956, Unirro States DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTULE, Fruit and Vegetable Branch, Washington, D.C. (Attention: Mr, S. R. Smith.) Dean Sm: Your wire, addressed to me, dated November 9, 1950, apparently arrived in the evening of that day and was not de- livered to my office until November 10, 1950, too late for me to catch a plane or any available train so that I could be in Fresno at 2 o'clock p. m., Pacific standard time, No- vember 10, 1950, at the meeting you sched~ uled. I am not convinced that it would have ,been of any avail to me to be there and present the views of myself and my clients, The program was inaugurated to take care of a very unfortunate market situation that existed in 1949. The spirit and purpose of the Agricultural Marketing Agreement Act of 1987 is certainly laudable as well as justi-~ fiable. Almost any business can go broke in this country, but if farmers ere not kept in business, we will starve and nobody will be in business. Our group feels that so much money should be spent as is necessary to bring to aconclusion the program launched with such high hopes to take care of the surplus crop of 1949, although they feel that as admin- istered, it developed an intolerable situation; in this, that although in its concept, it con- templated control of the program by grow- ers, actually quite a number of the so-called Srowere on the advisory boerd and admiz. istrative committee were actually far more interested in packing houses or winertes. Consequently, the Raisin Administrative
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Committee, which has administered the pro- gram seems in the eyes of many growers to have acted not in the growers’ interest, but in the interest of the packers. At the open hearing conducted in Fresno in May, I believe it was, of this year, it de- veloped that wineries were paying #45 to 850 @ ton for early deliveries of Thompson seed- less green to start their winery operations with. The San Joaquin Valley produces sweet wine, which is fortified wine. In order to fortify the wine, alcohol taken from an equivalent amount of must, or crushed grapes, is added to the new crush to fortify it. This price of $45 to $50 a ton was higher than prevailed at the close of the 1949 glut season, but was justified by the current fore- cast of a short crop for 1950. For the pur- pose of a winery, raisins, which contain four times as much sugar per pound as grapes, would have served the purpose of producing fortified brandy just as well. This fact was brought out at the hearing. This justified a price for raisins of from $180 to $200 per ton. I am assuming that you un- derstand that all of the alcohol produced by grapes or raisins comes from the sugar content; therefore, it is sugar alone that the winery is after when it wants material with which to produce fortifying brandy (alco- hol). Notwithstanding this obvious demand, the Raisin Administrative Committee recom-~ mended a price of either $142.50 or $143 per ton for raisins. These raisins were not made available to the public, but were divided up, like cutting a melon, by the packers on a predetermined proportion with the proviso that should any packer fail to grab his allot~ ment of the raisins of the poor farmers, who are being sold down the river, such packers should be reallocated to the pack- ers who were so eager to get their hands on these raisins. At the time this price was arrived at, raisins were already selling in excess of that amount. The packers who bought them, took no chance whatsoever since they were like money in the bank in light of the strong demand, Actually, these raisins were sold in great part by the pack- ers for #350 a ton in competition with the 1950 crop. The current price, until the recent with- drawal from the market by the packers, has been $275 a ton to the grower and $350 a ton to the trade. The reserve pool was used throughout this program to prevent the price of raisins from approaching parity. Every time the market tended to rise, more of the reserve pool was released and the rise was checked by supplying the packers with all the raisins they needed at the moment, It 1s the belief of a number of the grow- ers that at the present time, the recession in demand 1s caused by the availability of large quantities of the 1949 crop. My clients would like to have a list of all of the buyers of the &620,743.87 warth of surplus raisins sold for livestock consumption. They be- lieve that these same raisins are now enter- ing the market in competition with their current crop. ‘When it was revealed that I was to write this letter to you, one of the growers just wrote and suggested that the following five statements would be in order: 1. This Marketing Agreement and Order contains @ dishonest principie and is a dis- grace to the United States Department of Agriculture. 3. It has been maladministered, and there is little prospect that its future adminis- tration will be improved. $. The administration of this Marketing Agreement and Order has brought about a lower average price for raisins rather than correct such price level toward 90 percent of parity or 100 percent of parity, which is the declared policy of Congress in enacting the Agricultural Marketing Agreement Act of 1937, as amended. 4. The administrators of the Marketing Agreement and Order have spent an unrea- sonable and fabulous amount of money in administering it, and have lost the raisin producers millions of dollars. 5. A continuation of this Marketing Agree- ment and Order in its present form and un- der present personnel which govern it would be a tremendous detriment to the interests of the raisin farmers. In explanation of this rather blunt langu~ age, let me say that what the writer means when he says the order contains a dishonest principle, is that he feels it 1s dishonorable for any person to purport to act on behalf of growers, as the members of the Raisin Administrative Committee are doing, and then sell to themselves as packers, the grow- ers raisins, and to @ certain extent, he is right. No packers, processor, or consumers should have any part in determining the price they are to be able to buy raisins for from a reserve or surplus pool. To permit such a thing violates the basic morals in- yolved in the law of principal and agent. At the present time there are many sources from which our statistics date necessary for the proper operation of any of our agricul- tural enterprises. It is our understanding that this and the expansion of public rela- tions and grower informational phase of the program are the justification for raising by assessment the $97,500. The expression “ex« pansion of the public relations and grower informational phase of the program” is hazy, nebulous, and cloudy. It is purposely vague to enshroud the real purpose of carrying on the program which in the opinion of myself and my clients is to keep entrenched those who control the raisin industry for thelr own benefit, to wit, the raisin packers. If it had been the desire of the Raisin Ad- ministrative Committee to permit growers to know what they are doing, it would have invited them freely to attend their meeting, whether they allowed them a voice or not. If you had intended for them, or even a small segment of them, to have at the most a@& weak and quavering voice in the matter, you would not have given me less than one day's notice to break standing appointments and attend a meeting 120 miles from here. We ask that the Honorable Secretary of Agriculture disapprove this proposed budget. Yours very truly, Brora PAckine Co. RAISIN GROWERS ASSOCIATION. RatsIN GROWERS PROTECTIVE As- SOCIATION, Poem by Enlistee in the Air Force at Lackland, Tex. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcoap a poem writ- ten by a young enlistee in the Air Force at Lackland Field, Tex., which I think is rather interesting, in view of the inves- tigation of conditions at Lackland, re- cently consummated. There being no objection, the poem was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: A855 Down in the Texas flatland Lackland is the spot, Down with the snakes and lizards In the land that God forgot. Down with the snakes and Itgards Where the airman geta his due. Down in the middle of nowhere A thousand miles from you. No one knows we are living, No one gives a damn; Back home we are forgotten, We belong to Uncle Sam. Four years! Oh, how can we stand it! We slave for cur hard earned pay To protect the people with millions For two and a half a day. Some day when life in this world is over And we will go to a place known well, St. Peter will say, “Those are the boys from Lackland, They have served their time in Hell.” Universal Military Service: The Promise Is Security, the Record Is Disaster— Ambitious Leaders Always Involve Nation in War To Perpetuate Their Power EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOWARD H. BUFFETT OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. BUFFETT. Mr. Speaker, once again Congress has before it a demand for a peacetime universal military serv- ice law. In 1948, Congress surrendered part of the American people’s basic lib- erty by passing a temporary peacetime conscription bill. But those who think military strength will result from compulsory military service are not satisfied. Using the cur- rent crisis as a backdrop, they propose permanent universal military service, taking each youth at 18. Such a law would constitute a decisive repudiation of the unalienable rights of liberty and the pursuit of happiness, guaranteed in the Declaration of Indepeadence. Such a law would be a surrender to and imitation of Soviet Russia's system of slavery, for article 132 of the Soviet Constitution says: “Universal military service is law.” Significant as these facts are, I do not wish to dwell on them now. Instead I propose to discuss peacetime universal military service on the ground chosen by its proponents—the claim that this scheme will bring national security and peace, The necessity of adequate prepared- ness for national safety is not debatable. On this goal we all agree. The issue here is: Will universal mili- tary service give us the security its spon- sors claim? Will peacetime conscrip- tion prevent us from being attacked or assure us of victory in case of attack? Fortunately, this proposal can be eval- uated by facts instead of theory and