A136 Meanwhile various estimates of the amounts that Republicans would be able to pare off the Budget emanated from the mar- ble halls of Capitol Hill. Senator Tarr, of Ohio, thought possibly $3,000,000,000 might be the figure. Others of lesser caliber fore- saw reductions running as high as $17,000,- 000,000. All of them thought these reduc- tions possible, without reducing appropria- tions for the armed forces, at the same time making a large payment upon the national debt. Finally it dawned upon the more realistic of legislators that quite possibly the Presi- dent had been somewhat disingenuous, to say the least, in calling it a balanced Budget. This week some bewildered Members of Congress, and some even more bewildered political observers, still are asking ‘whether it is a balanced Budget on the basis of assured income and outgo of Government funds or is balanced merely on the basis of several easy assumptions made for political purposes. There are many reasons for thinking that the latter is the case. The Government estimates that {ts 1947-48 fiscal year income will be 887,780,000,000, down $2,500,000,000 from this year, but in view of the Budget total, leaving a surplus of $202,000,000, exclusive of excise tax receipts. This would be the first surplus since 1930. In his Budget message, President Truman asked for continuance of the wartime excise taxes, which cease automatically on June 380 because of his action in declaring hostilities at an end, which came just before New Year's. He asked also for postal-rate increases, close upon the action of the Seventy-ninth Con- gress decreasing airmail rates from 8 to 5 cents. Moreover, he warned emphatically against income-tax reductions, for another year at least. By this means, he hopes to get the 1947-48 surplus up to $1,800,000,000, all of which ‘would be paid on the national debt, reducing it by June 30, 1948, to a total of $260,200,- 000,000. Now it is implicit in the administration fig- ures that a comparatively large increase in national income was set down as the basis of a balanced Budget. President Truman said the Government estimates that the increase in national income will approximate $1,000,- 000,000, to a peak of $166,000,000,000. Thus Government income estimates for the 1947-48 fiscal year carry personal income-tax returns at an all-time high of $19,120,000,000, and corporate income-tax returns at §8,270,- What reason exists for thinking these fig- - ures even remotely realistic? There are rea- sons, indeed, for thinking them nothing of the kind, but instead a kind of politico- statistical pipe dream. If the so-called portal-to-portal retro- active-pay suits, which now demand sums in excess of $4,000,000,000, are not outlawed by Congress and are pressed to a conclusion, hundreds of industrial companies may go out of business this year and next. One rather large company already has done so. ‘Those industries strong enough to meet the back-pay demands will of course charge off the payments against taxes for the years covered by the court awards. Notably, one great company already has done this—the Dow Chemical Co., of Midland, Mich. On this basis, the estimated corporate in- come tax returns of about $8,270,000,000 would largely, if not entirely, evaporate. At the same time, closing of industrial plants would greatly reduce employment and personal income tax returns would decrease accordingly. Then what would become of the projected surplus of $202,000,000, or even of the bal- anced Budget? What would become of the projected $1,600,000,000 surplus on the basis of ‘continued excise taxes and higher postal rates This gives rise to an interesting question. The Budget estimates show a prospective surplus of $202,000,000, without the excise taxes on luxuries. When the excise taxes, and even the higher postal rates, are in- cluded, they show a possible surplus of only $1,600,000,000. Yet they carry excise tax re- turns alone, should Congress reinstate the taxes, at $6,118,000,000. How is that? Do $6,118,000,000 and ®202,000,000 add up to only $1,800,000,000, or is there a colored gentleman in the woodpile? One would be tempted, almost, to believe that the famous team of Amos and Andy had dreamed up such a@ financial absurdity. It can be argued logically that Congress never will permit the portal-to-portal pay suits to be tried. But what then? Many observers feel certain that organized labor, balked on the back-pay suits, will turn again to strikes as a means of attempting to correct the quite real and distressing disloca- tion between prices and wage rates, instead of going all out to increase production for the same purpose. This, too, would lead directly to reduced corporate income taxes, reduced employment and hence reduced personal income-tax pay- ments. Either way, the country faces the prospect of deflation and a sharp recession of business activity. When it will happen is anybody's guess, but many signs indicate its approach. National income is not likely to increase. But supposing that neither strikes nor back-pay suits bring on a depression; sup- posing that no depression arrives this year or next. Nevertheless, on the basis of figures presented along with the Budget, a balanced Budget remains a pipe dream. The President has recommended universal military training, although he left out the word “military.” Yet the Budget contains no request for funds to defray the cost of such training, which certainly would run into the billions each year. He included only 83,510,000,000 for so-called global finance, involving final payments to Britain on the British loan, famine relief around the world, and the near certainty of at least one additional large foreign loan. In his Budget message, President Truman asked for almost no reduction of the top- heavy Government pay rolls. Indeed, he asked for removal of the ceilings on Govern- ment personnel, imposed by Congress when it passed the 1945 Federal pay-raise legislation. Everything considered, the Budget message and the Budget itself, together with accom- Ppanying estimates, add up to just one more example of the loose thinking, the willing- ness to employ easy assumptions, and result- ant doubtful statistics to gain a political advantage, which marked the New Deal from start to finish. America Rises to a New Destiny EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON.. ARTHUR CAPPER OF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. CAPPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an able ad- dress on the subject America Rises to a New Destiny, delivered by the Honorable Alf M. Landon before the junior chamber of commerce at Minneapolis, Minn., on the evening of January 14. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: I greatly appreciate the privilege of talk- ing to you tonight. For four long years I have wanted to make a speech on a subject about which I feel deeply. For nearly three APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of those years, I held my tongue because we were at war. With the triumph of VJ-day, I eaid: “Now the time has come.” But the utter confusion, both economic and political, which followed that day of victory donvinced me that the timing was wrong. Tonight as I stand here before a group of men not only young in years, but fresh in viewpoint, I am certain that no better moment could be found for me to speak out. I want to talk to you about “America, Re- discovered.” I hope to show you that not only the future of our country but the future peace of the world depends on Americans re- discovering America. The origins of my message date back to midway in the war when we were being as- sured by press, radio and magazine, by speech, song and ode, that mighty Russia was win- ning the war singlehandedly. Unless you sang the praises of the Red Army, unless you memorialized the heroes of Stalingrad, you were not in step. I kept thinking that this was Russia's portion of glory in the war and that ours would be next. I did not then, and I do not now, want to detract one iota from the part that the Soviet Union played. But I began listening then and I am still listen- ing now for those same organ peans of praise for the gigantic part that our beloved Nation played. Let's take a look at the record. The fact is that the United States waged a war s0 colossal, so stupendously greater than that by any other nation that it is beyond our comprehension. Where Russia fought on a 2,000-mile front and a mere pond called the Baltic Sea—where Britain guarded a coast of 800 miles and a life line through the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean 10,000 miles long—the United States waged war on seven oceans, every sea, and on scores of fronts that totaled not two, but tens of thousands of miles. Our in- vasions of Jap-held islands alone were mili- tary feats heretofore never dreamed of. The invasion of Europe by British and American forces combined was a titanic operation which even the military mind still has diffi- culty grasping. The world has never seen the equal of the military achievements and military resources of our great and glorious Republic, From a production standpoint the job done by American industry singlehandedly, almost defies the imagination. Consider: Between 1940 and 1945, this country pro- duced 294,000 fighting planes, including ap- proximately 100,000 bombers—a plane pro- duction that far outstripped the production of all other nations of the world combined, enemy or Allied. In approximately the same period this Nation, which had only 7,695 ships in its Navy in 1941, had 100,000 fight- ing and auxiliary ships when the war ended in 1945. In fact, by the time the war was over, we actually had more ships in the United States Navy than we had men in its personne] in 1989. Today we have a Navy that far outstrips the dream of any admiral in history, and dwarfs all other navies of the world combined. Our construction of merchant ships was actually hair raising. In approximately 5 years, we built 7,100 sea-going ships in the merchant class with the result that when the war ended, America—not Britannia— ruled the waves, with the American flag flying on twice as many ships as all the other mer- chant fleets of the world combined. In & years, American industry produced 6,000,000 rifles, 5,000,000 carbines, 2,500,000 machine guns, and 2,000,000 submachine guns. In the same period our factories turned out 37,000,000,000 rounds of ammunition to sup- ply those same guns with fire power. We Produced 85,000 tank guns, 55,000 units of field artillery, 71,000 mortars, 770,000 trucks, 2,000,000 tons of high-explosive TNT, and 2,000,000 tons of smokeless powder. Those are figures that not even the mathe- matical mind can cope with, but I am not through. I want to offer you some figures
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which will give you a better perspective. on the might of the Soviet Union’s Red Army. In a little over 3 years—during the very time when we were hearing how Russia was winning the war almost unaided—we sent the Soviet Union by air or in our own ships and under our own escort through the treacherous Arctic and Persian Gulf routes, 14,450 fighting planes, including 9,700 pur- suit ships and 3,800 bombers; 7,000 tanks, 8,200 armored scout cars, 2,200 ordnance serv- ice vehicles, 62,000 jeeps, 363,000 trucks, 35,000 fhotorcycles, 8,200 antiaircraft guns, 185,000 submachine guns, 343,000 tons of ex- Plosiven, 105 submarine chasers, 195 tor- pedo boats, 7,600 marine Diesel engines, $320,000,000 worth of machine tools, 35,000,- 000 worth of metal-cutting tools, $43,000,000 worth of petroleum-refining equipment, $171,000,000 worth of electric ,enerators, 810,000 tons of nonferrous metals, 17,600 tons of ferro-alloys, 2,688,000 tons of steel, entire railroads, not to mention tons of food, in- cluding butter, which you did without. And if that is not enough to impress you, let me add that what we sent Russia was only two- thirds of what we sent Britain. And if you are still unimpressed, let me further add that the above list is not com- plete by several railroad systems, several hundred ships, and hundreds of millions of good old American dollars. Now I am prepared to stand up with any man and give Russia credit for ite part in the war, but at the same time I want to stand and pay the fullest tribute to the gal- lantry of our own armed forces, and these herculean accomplishments which our capi- talistic system made possible. When you consider that in addition to all this, we put 12,000,000 persons into the armed services and raised approximately $400,000,000,000 in taxes and loans from our people, I can scarcely be accused of flag wav- ing when I cry, “Wake up, America; you don't know your own strength.” Now, I purposely omitted the mention of one weapon which we produced that literally overshadows every other single effort of the war—the atom bomb. No words of mine can begin to describe its horrifying potentialities, At the moment it ts an American possession. How long it will remain our secret no one knows. But as Winston Churchill says, “It is the new balance of power in the world to- day.” It makes the United States, already armed with the greatest Navy, the greatest air force, and the greatest Army, the most awe-inspiring military power the world has ever seen. So here stands America, a stupendous na- tion—strong like no other before it—unaware of the vastness of its muscle, unsure in its leadership without which world solutions are impossible. What are you and I as Americans going to do about it? We have a role and it is a simple one. It is the task of impressing on Americans the plain fact that with our strength goes re- sponsibility. First, let us make every American sure in the knowledge that our strength derives not from communism, not from fascism, not from naziam, not from socialism, not from any totalitarian system, but from a mighty, free, competitive system, a republicanism which we have chosen to call democracy. It is a system which needs no borrowings from the isms of the Old World, the teachings of Marx, nor the decadence of the Orient. It is the greatest dynamic force in the world today and only by preserving it intact can America realize ite full role in human affairs. Second, let us ourselves realize and impress on our fellow Americans that with oceans reduced to mere rivers, and with weeks re- duced to mere minutes by the advent of jet propulsion and the harnessing of atomic en- ergy, no minor disturbance of the peace, be it in the Himalayas of Tibet or on the veldt of Africa, is beyond our concern. No longer can America close its eyes to the fact that, as a street fight may turn into a riot, so may a@ minor border dispute flare into the next world war. Finally, let us grasp and fully comprehend the terrible strength that 1s ours and realize unless it is put to wise and just use, it will be turned against us, just as surely as the peoples turned against arbitrary power of their protectors and rulers of other cen- turies. Wisdom, not passion nor prejudice, must be the keystone of the conduct of our for- eign affairs. ‘ On the domestic scene we are emerging from an era of confusion partly caused by totalitarian liberals attempting to drag us into the abyss that has engulfed every re- public that abandoned its ideals for human liberty in exchange for a totalitarianism masquerading under the guise of emergency and equality. On top of that basic conflict we are now wallowing in postwar adjustment. We hear men speak of recession, depres- sion, inflation, and deflation. We hear out- cries that labor is throttling the country, we hear screams that the robber barons are returning, now that the Republicans are on their way back to power. I think labor in many instances has abused the power it has gained. I believe that greed has not been erased from the heart of every financier. Of course I see the threat of inflation on one hand and a recession on the other. Pundamentally, we are in a period of transition, a period of readjustment of eco- nomic values, a period of restoration in the balance of political power. So long as Amer- icans like you here tonight grasp the impli- cations of what is happening, and seek to steer a safe and sound course, then so long will America be spared the burden of un- sold inventories and unemployed labor on one hand, of inflation and a panicked people on the other hand. Depressions and inflations alike are pri- marily a state of mind. Only ignorance and cistortion of values breeds either form of calamity. One only has to know America to realize its untold potentialities, to under- stand that only lack of our own wisdom can keep us from cashing in on tomorrow. On the international scene, as on the do- mestic front, we are also in a transitory stage. From some quarters come forecasts that Russian expansionism is going to throttle the world; that British imperialism and the pound sterling are once again spread- ing their tentacles; that fascism is not dead; that the United Nations is already a failure. Here again I raust say that the actions of the Soviet Union leave much to be desired. Nor does the difficulty of Great Britain in India or her policies in Palestine add to the peace of my mind. Other disturbing factors are Peron in the Argentine and Tito in Yugo- slavia. To me the Trieste treaty creates an- other Danzig. I read daily of new ineffectu- alities performed in the name of the United Nations. Yet I know that all these threats to the peace of the world can be diminished in direct ratio to the wisdom of the role played by the United States of America. At the moment we are possessors of the big stick, but I sometimes feel we speak too softly. Only if we encourage the Amer- ican people to awaken to their full strength can we expect our statesmen to speak with full voice. The United States of America today repre- sents the greatest concentration of technical skill and industrial power essential to mod- ern warfare. I do not speak in prideful exaggeration of our power, but of its place in people’s struggle for peace. Our goal is a lasting peace in the interest of all bumanity. That lofty objective is alded by tranquillity and stability at home. Our prosperity contributes to the welfare and order of the world, ‘The well-being of A137 America is essential to the safety of mankind everywhere. And America is sustained and made great by the energies and the endeavors of all her citizens. Frequently, our purposes cross each other. But our ability to work together is the heart of the life of our Re- public and of a durable world peace. ~ America's material production and unscl- fish spiritual ideas are a master force radiat- ing throughout the world to the inestimabie blessing of mankind. We must realize that tremendous affairs throughout civilization rest on affairs here at home—in America—the center of the world's gravity. So in the final analysis the conclusion can- not be escaped that in the hands and hearts of Americans rests the spiritual force and the instruments of power to bring about world tranquillity and lasting peace. There- fore, the task of rediscovering America is the task of each of us. Senator Taylor, of Idaho EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ELBERT D. THOMAS OF UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of Utah. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert into the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp articles by three of our most distinguished colum- nists commenting upon the courage, the idealism, the sincerity, and the parlia- mentary ability of the brilliant and able gentleman from Idaho [Mr. TayLor], who has taken so commendable a position on the question of the honor of the Sen- ate and of civil rights at elections. The Senator from Idaho was the first to call our attention, last June, to reports of illegalitics which it was alleged were committed in the Mississippi primaries. His forthright action on the opening day of this Congress served effectively to raise the issue above the level of parti- San politics, and to frame it in bold and fearless terms. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: [From the Washington Evening Star of January 15, 1947] MAN TO MaN—GLEN Tay or’s SENATE SPrecit om Brisorsm LONG WILL REVEREERATE OVER Untrep Stratos (By Harold L. Ickes) GLEN TayLor, Democratic Senator from Idaho, on the floor of the United States Sen- ate on June 26, 1946: “A United Press report which appeared in the New York Times of Sunday, June 23, ac- cuses * * * a Member of this body * ©¢ © of inciting people in his State to use ‘any means’ to prevent qualified voters of his State from exercising their right to vote for candidates for the United States Senate. The matter should be quickly and fully inves- tigated by the Committee on Privileges and Elections * * * ours is the duty, as well as the privilege, of passing on the credentials of our Members, and we cannot disregard charges such as these without a serious Joss of prestige.” The same Senator TaxLor before the Sen- ate Committee on Privileges and Elections, July 1, 1946: “This issue (Bilboism) is one which * * * tests the sincerity of our
A138 Senate. It was put before us, if the news- paper reports are correct, by one of our own Members, who saw fit to give us advance notice of a widespread plan to break Federal laws. He has allegedly named the time and place and pretty well described the details of the crimes to be committed. The threats are worthy of special credence because they were made in the context of a long history of similar crime. The election is tomorrow. If you act, you must act fast.” CITES COLUMN STATEMENTS From the Harold L, Ickes column of July 17, 1946: “The Senate of the United States can hardly expect the people to have more respect for it than it has for itself. And the Senate’s respect for itself, if its attitude toward THeoporE G. Brzso be any yardstick, can be measured in fractions of inches. I wonder if the Senate will ignore its obliga- tion to the people * * * the consti- tutional power to purge its own membership was given deliberately and for a purpose. If the United States Senate is willing to accept and fraternize with a man of Bilbo’s character, I cannot conceive of anyone to whom it could possibly take exception.” From the Harold L. Ickes column of Octo- ber 16, 1946: ‘If, as alleged, this product from the canebrakes of Mississippi (BiLs0) was elected Senator by ‘fraud and violence’ and other unconstitutional methods, he can sim- ply be denied the right to take the oath of office.” From the Harold L. Ickes column of De- cember 30, 1946: “It would be difficult to respect a Senate that would admit Bris0 on the record that he himself has tailored. And, 80, I say that it is the Senate that is on trial. It has the power and the constitutional Tight, it may even be suggested that it has the moral obligation, to bar the doors of the Senate to a political pariah, As a Sen- ator, BrLso would only degrade the Senate as he has disgraced his party, by flaunting his contempt for the Constitution that he has sworn, over and over again, to uphold and defend. The United States Senate can- not afford to become an accessory after the fact in political high crimes and misde- meanors that would make a mockery of pub- lic morality and strike at the heart of our institutions.” A GREAT SPEECH, THIS Senator GLEN TAYLor on the floor of the Senate, January 3, 1947: “It is not only Mr. Br.Bo who is on trial. Today it is the Senate itself which is on trial. We, the Members of the Senate, are not only on trial collectively, we ere on trial individually. * * *° Mr. Brpo * * * has toured the length and breadth of his State stirring up racial hatred, inciting white to hate black and causing black to hate white. To whites, who are themselves poor, ill-nourished, ill-clothed, and ill-educated, he does not offer prosperity, nourishment, clothing, food, and education. No, he offers to them the delicious sense of feeling superior to someone else, the cheap thrill of membership in a master race, the joy of kicking someone else around, To those on the lowest rung of the laddg, he does not offer a lift, he merely offers to create another rung still lower, so that the progress of man will be a series of descending steps. This is the same sort of cheap thrill that was peddled in Germany by an ambitious house painter some 10 years ago. We know that his doctrines and his methods brought no good to his people or the people of the world.” A great speech, this—one that will rever- berate throughout the country for a long time to come. The 20 Democratic Senators who defended Briso, the indefensible, have this upstanding young Senator from Idaho to thank that the excision of Bilboism was not entirely a Republican operation; Senator Tay- Lor started the fight against Brtso on June 26,1946. And he finished it, with the help of some other Democrats and of the Republicans whose appreciation of public morals was su- perior to that of those Democratic Senators who started a filibuster for Brizo. — [From the Washington Post of January 6, 947) ‘WASHINGTON CALLING (By Marquis Childs) DRAMA IN THE SENATE If Hollywood had written the script, the drama on the first day the Senate met could not have been sharper. It was a situation made for a movie producer. The triumphant Republicans were gather- ing. Handshakes and back slapping were the order of the day. This was the beginning of the new dispensation. The atmosphere on the Democratic side of the aisle was subdued. The losing team was taking defeat with dignified good humor. They were waiting for the Republicans to make their move to deny Senator THEODORE G. BILBO a seat. Then, from the back row on the Demo- cratic side, the young hero sprang up. It was perfect type casting. GLEN Tay.or, Sen- ator from Idaho, could be played by James Stewart or Gary Cooper. As it was, TAYLOR did very well by the part. In the first place, he had to be clever and quick to beat the opposition to the draw. On the other side of the aisle, Michigan's Senator HoMER FERGUSON was waiting for the moment, Fzercuson had brought the Bilbo issue through the Republican conference. He had won approval to bar the Senator-elect from Mississippi at the door of the Senate. But TayLor was in there first. He put in his resolution, and therefore it had preced- ence. What is more, he was prepared with @ speech, and a good speech. On top of that, he could read his speech in a voice that had some dramatic quality. It could be heard even above the disorderly buzz of the Senate. Perhaps more politicians should try the radio before they come to the Senate. The young Senator from Idaho had gone back into the record of previous instances when Senators-elect were met with charges disqualifying them from membership. In one such case he found that Senator WALTER F. Grorag, of Georgia, had made a most sig- nificant speech. In the move to oust Frank Smith, of Illi- nois, a Republican, the Democrats had taken the initiative. They were then the party of opposition. Republican leaders suggested that the day would come when the southern Democrats would have cause to regret that action. They would be faced with charges against one of their own number for vio- lating the election laws. How would they like it then? Senator Grorce solemnly rejected this sug- gestion. He said that if it was established that a Senator-elect had violated the Con- atitution—no matter what provision—then the southerners would vote to deny him a Place in the Senate. ‘ Having established this background, Tar- Lor went on to show how Brtso had violated the Constitution. He quoted the vicious, shocking language that Brzgo had repeated on platform after platform during his cam- paign for reelection. It had been a deliber- ate invitation to violate the amendments to the Constitution that guarantee to all citi- gens, regardless of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, the right to vote. In basing his case against Brs0 on the race issue, TAYLOR Was On sound ground. It is infinitely more important than the charges growing out of the war contracts. The lat- ter are bad. But they are nothing like as bad as the crude incitation to riot and vio- lence implied in the demagogic raving that Briso did in Mississippi last June. As though any further drama were needed, at the peroration of TaYLor’s speech, BrLs0 came over and sat down a few feet from the speaker. He sat there glowering up APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD with an arrogance rarely equaled in Senate history. From the beginning of his term 2 years ago, TayLor has been regarded as a maverick. He has not played by any of the Senate rules, whether printed or unprinted. Often he has gone off the deep end when his more cau- tious colleagues, even those who agreed w:th him, were for discretion. Again and again he has violated the first of the unprinted rules, which is, “Do not stick your neck out.” Occasionally he has looked foolish, and his cautious colleagues have snickered. But boldness and courage are now and then rewarded, even in politics. Tayior showed on the very first day of the new session that it is not essential for the Democratie Party to collapse like a worn-out accordion. This is a lesson which should be taken to heart by Democrats, not only in Congress but everywhere. Two living parties are essential to a two-party system. [From the Washington Daily News of January 4, 1947) Economics or BILsoism (By Thomas L. Stokes) There is a related and underlying economic issue in the Bilbo case in the Senate which should not be lost sight of, because it involves the typical southern demagog and the pur- pose he serves. This purpose is contrary to the best inter- ests of the South in its attempt to improve its economic conditions. It was brought out clearly by Senator GLEN H. Tayior, Democrat, of Idaho, in the speech on his resolution to prevent BILBo, Democrat, of Mississippi, from taking the oath and to refer the charges against him to the Senate Rules Committee for further in- vestigation, There was a spirit of tolerance in the Idaho Senator's speech. He led up to his penetrat- ing analysis of the southern demagog type by explaining that the problem of race relations 4m the South is a highly complex one requir- ing patience and good will. He was willing, he said, “to move as slowly as necessary, I ask only one thing: that we do move forward, that we do not turn back the clock, And I will vigorously resist any attempt to move in the opposite direction, the direction of 111 will.” Then he put his finger on the economic issue: “Mr. Briso has moved in that backward di- rection. He has toured the length and breadth of his State stirring up racial hatred, inciting white to hate black and causing black to hate white. “To whites, who are themselves poor, Ill- nourished, ill-clothed, and ill-educated, he does not offer prosperity, nourishment, cloth- ing, food, and education. No, he offers to them the delicious sense of feeling superior to someone else, the cheap thrill of member- ship in a master race, the joy of kicking some- one else around.” None has ever put more accurately the basic motivation of southern demaogogs who exploit the racial issue. And, sad to state, that also is the motivation of other interests in the South which want to keep the poor whites and Negroes on a low economic level for their own selfish purposes. They use such demagogs as Senator Briso for their purpose. That was a clear influence in the campaign of the late Gene Talmadge in Georgia. A native who returned to watch that elec- tion was amazed at the support of the Georgia demagog by powerful economic in- terests that knew how Mr. Talmadge, when governor previously, had harassed labor union activities. It 1s well to remember this background. Though it has no direct bearing on the basic issue in this case, which is. the Senator's attempt to prevent Negroes from exercising their constitutional right to vote in primary
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD elections, it does have its meaning in the battle for democracy in the South. The Brrso case presents a great national issue. The Senator has become the symbol of the forces of intolerance, bigotry, and Tacial prejudice by his inflammatory speeches and by his blatant and open efforts to intimidate Negro voters. The issue is simple. It cannot be ob- scured by tortuous arguments about State rights, by legalistic maneuvers over whether the Senator should be prevented from taking the oath first. pending further debate and investigation, or whether he should be ad- mitted and then expelled, or by filibuster- ing by southern Senators. One thing to remember is that our democ- racy is on test before the world today. Less than a year and e half ago it finally came, victoriously, through its greatest struggle for preservation, only to find that keeping it is a daily struggle in peacetime, too. It was therefore most fitting that our firat postwar Congress should open with a great battle for the extension of our freedom here at home, a battle to strengthen our demo- cratic processes on the issue of constitu- tional rights and civil liberties. For that is exactly what it is. Red Cross Record EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ARTHUR CAPPER OF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. CAPPER. Mr. President, there appeared in last night’s Evening Star a splendid editorial in praise of the won- derful work done by the American Na- tional Red Cross during World War II. Since I have a high regard for the Ameri- can Red Cross, as well as Basi] O'Connor, national chairman, I ask unanimous consent to have the editorial printed in the REcorp. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: RED CROSS RECORD Every man, woman, or child who assisted the American National Red Cross between July 1939 and July 1946 has reason to be proud of the record of those years, now dis- closed by Basil O'Connor, national chair- man, It is a report of an achievement prob- ably unequaled in the history of philan- thropic endeavor. The program represented in it extended to the ends of the earth, embraced all nations and all classes of peo- ple, served on every fighting front and car- ried on in the battle areas in aid of civil- jans after hostilities ceased. It still con- tinues to alleviate hardships caused by every sort of disaster—and is expanding into ad- ditional fields of safety, health, and general welfare effort. The number of individuals who supported the Red Cross with gifts of money was 56,- 550,738, Literally millions volunteered their labor through a total of 8,765 chapters. Members of the organized special corps of canteen, hospital, and recreation helpers were 3,838,000 in 1942-48. The list of paid employees included 2,098 persons in 1941 and 24,378 persons in 1945. Contributions for the period indicated reached ¢784,151,800, Expenditures during the 7 years were $730,- 749,160, of which §$965,816,818 went exclu- sively for services to the armed forces and “veterans. The roster of volunteer blood donors, Mr. O'Connor said, shows 6,668,121 names, Altogether, 18,326,242 pints of blood were given between February 1941 and Sep- tember 1945. Such figures are too vast to be compre- hended easily. To illustrate their astro- nomical character, it is suggested that the average individual life in the United States in the twentieth century runs about 64 years and the labor given the Red Cross from 1939 to 1946, without consideration of wages of any kind, approximated 24,458,100 weeks— or, roughly, 382,078 ordinary lifetimes. What matters most, however, is the fact that the whole tremendous globe-encircling enter- prise was and is free of even the slightest shadow of compulsion. It is a codperative fellowship into which nobody is pushed or @Griven. The quality of its ministrations is even more noteworthy than their variety and extent. Henri Dunant at Geneva in 1862 and Clara Barton right here in Wash- ington in 1881 builded better than they knew. Those who have followed them have been worthy of their example. No wonder the solemn and cautious Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences declares of the modern Red Cross: “To its founders its present scope would have seemed an impossible ideal.” The Job Ahead in the Missouri River Basin EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Rec- orp the text of an address on the sub- ject, The Job Ahead in the Missouri River Basin, delivered at Bismarck, N. Dak., on November 21, by Assistant Commissioner William E. Warne, of the Bureau of Rec- lamation. North Dakota is vitally con- cerned with the progress being made and planned by the Bureau of Reclamation and the Corps of Engineers in the de- velopment of the Missouri Basin pro- gram authorized by Congress in the Flood Contro! Act of 1944. The task ahead of us should be un- derstood both in the Halls of Congress and in the executive departments, and Mr. Warne has brought forcibly to the attention of the people of the United States the magnitude of the job ahead. I commend to the attention of the Congress and the people of the Missouri Basin, as well as of the entire West, the very able presentation of this subject which Mr. Warne made in the capital city of my State. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: In 1948, about this time of the year, I had the opportunity in speaking before the North Dakota Reclamation Association at Valley City to.outline what has now become the famous Basin-wide plan for the conservation aaa use of the waters of the Missouri River in, Since that time Mr. W. G. Sloan and Gen- eral Pick have each set down in detail their programs, one for the tributaries and the other for the main stem of the Missouri River, and these plans have been reconciled into a single comprehensive basin-wide plan. The Basin plan has been approved by the Congress, authorised for construction in the Flood Control Act of 1944, and the construc- A139 tion has actually been begun. The work that has been placed under way includes Boysen Dam on the Big Horn River in Wyo- ming, Kortes Dam on the North Platte River in Wyoming, the Angostura project on the Cheyenne River in South Dakota, and the Prenchman-Cambridge project on the Re- publican River in Nebraska, which have been started by the Bureau of Reclamation, and the Fort Randall and Garrison Dams on the main stem of the Missourt River, the Hardin County Dam, and other flood-control works on the lower tributaries which have been started by the Corps of Engineers of the United States Army. A dozen or more addi- tional units have been brought forward to the point at which work can begin on them in the near future provided that the neces- sary preliminaries are completed and that re- lease of funds for their construction is found to be consistent with the national program to combat inflation. One of the projects in the forefront of this group is the Hart River project at the very door of Bismarck. I shall discuss some of these projects in more detail later. I told a group in Omaha last spring that we were 57 years late in getting around to the task of doing something about putting the Missouri River to work. I measured the time from Maj. Arthur Powell's great speech on water conservation before the North Da- kota Constitutional Convention in 1889. His words demonstrate clearly that the problem was fully recognized then, although it has taken us more than half a century to prepare to meet it squarely. Let me repeat again some of the things that Major Powell, that doughty war veteran who, as head of the United States Geological Survey, did so much to kindle the fires of conservation in this country, said when your State was being organized: “The State of North Dakota has a curious position geographically in relation to agri- culture. The eastern portion of the State has sufficient rainfall for agricultural pur- poses, the western part has insufficient rain- fall, and the western portion is practically wholly dependent on Irrigation. “In the western portion all dependence on rains will ultimately bring disaster to the people. They are unwilling yet, a good many of them, to admit it, but the study of the physical conditions which prevail in this country and the application of the knowledge which has been given to mankind through the study of these same problems in Europe and Asia and Africa all prove this one fact— that in the western portion of this State they will have to forever depend on artificial irrigation for all agriculture.” Major Powell's prophecy has come through. In the western portion of North Dakota, they have now learned to irrigate, the lower Yellowstone project, for example, and at Wil- liston and elsewhere. The pioneer conscrva- tionist went on: “In the eastern portion they may depend upon the storms that come from the heavens and there is a middle belt between the two regions which js of very great interest. They will soon learn in the western portion to depend upon irrigation and provide them- selves with agencies for the artificial fructi- fying of the soil with water. “In the eastern part they will depend on the rainfall and in the middle portion they will have a series of years when they will have abundant crops; then for 2 or 3 years they will have less rainfall and there will be failure of crops and disaster will come on thousands of people who will become dis- couraged and will leave.” Again, Major Powell’s words were prophetic. The droughts of the 1930's started jalopy caravans carrying westward the people of North Dakota and other Plains States—west- ward to no more fertile land but to land that was dependably watered by irrigation, Thirty thousand farm families, it is re- corded, moved out of your State during those
A140 terrible years. I do not need to tell you that their leaving almost wrecked some of your communities. It caused a heavy drain on the financial coffers of the Nation, Dur- ing the 6 years of the drought, more than $600,000,000 flowed from the National Treas- ury to combat its effects in the six semiarid States in the Missouri River Basin. Of that sum, $92,000,000 was spent for Federal re- lief in North Dakota alone. I need not point out to you that this money would have gone a long way toward completing the develop- ments that we are now beginning for the permanent use of the waters of the Missouri River. The drought of the 1930’s and the Missouri River itself may seem remote to some living in the eastern tier of counties in North Dakota, and to many who live in the humid States of the East, but the prob- lems of the recurring droughts of the high plains are not remote from any part of North Dakota and I have just given you figures which clearly show that they affect the pock- etbooks of all citizens of the United States. But it took the people of the Nation more than 60 years to make up their minds to follow Major Powell's advice. He said: “Years will come of abundance and years will come of disaster, and between the two the people will be prosperous and unpros- perous, and the thing to do is to look the question squarely in the face and provide for this and for all years. “There's almost enough rainfall for your purposes, but one year with another you need a little more than you get. It is Nowing past you in the rivers. Stotms come and spread over the land and the water runs off into the rivers and is carried into the waters of the Gulf of Mexico. There are waters rolling by you which are quite ample to redeem your land and you must save these waters.” Major Powell asked the people to conserve their streams; told them that the water was to be preserved and stored during the seasons of nonirrigation, He said: “All other wealth falls into insignificance compared with that which is to come from these lands from the pouring on them of the running streams of this country.” In some respects, perhaps half a century is not too long a time for a great people to spend in mastering a new problem. Cer- tainly there were mitigating circumstances here. The pioneers who came upon the high plains in the dramatic trek that rolled our civilization westward to the Pacific had little experience, personal or racial, that would prepare them for the conditions they en- countered. Irrigation, the management of arid and semiarid lands, is much older than recorded history. In early Biblical times, the great Queen of Babylon caused ditches to be built, the land to be watered, and her people to prosper. But the words of these hidden passages in the Old Testament meant little to the sons of the frontiersmen who had been transplanted from the humid and well-watered sections of Europe to the humid and well-watered section of the North Ameri- can continent. Unlike the Spanish who brought a Mediterranean understanding of the irrigation of arid lands into the deserts of Mexico, Peru, New Mexico, Arizona, and southern California, the sons of the colonists were not well prepared to meet the condi- tions they encountered beyond the 20-inch rainfall line. Perhaps the best illustration of their lack of preparation to meet the problems which drought and aridity have fastened perma- nently to nearly one-half of the land area of the United States was the fact that our pio- neers brought with them from the humid lands of England the law of riparian rights. Under the original riparian doctrine, a man downstream who may have used the flowing water to turn a mill wheel could, within minor limitations, enforce his right to have that water continue to flow past his property, even though it could be much more benefi- cally employed for irrigation higher up on the stream. The contrasting doctrine of prior appropriation, on the other hand, was brought into our Southwest by the Spanish who knew the requirements of a dry land. This doctrine recognizes the right to ap- propriate the water for beneficial uses and when so appropriated for irrigation the use of the water becomes generally a right at- tached to the land. It has been a long atruggle between these two doctrines in our West, but now generally the doctrine of prior appropriation is recognized in the arid and semiarid States. You will recall, however, that express recognition of the superior right of making beneficial consumptive use of wa- ter in relation to some other uses was not written into our national law until the Flood Control Act of 1944 which approved the Mis- souri Basin plan. This endorsement of the paramount right of those who make beneficial use of water was a signal victory for western irrigationists and an omen, I trust, of more good laws to follow in the completion of a sound state- ment of a national water policy. In the coming months, there will be much discussion, I expect, as there has been in the months just past, of new legislation to implement the Missouri River and other basin plans, I do not know whether you peo- ple of North Dakota fully realize the extent of the good fortune that has been yours in the enactment of the comprehensive plan for the development of the Missouri River. The reclamation law of 1902, under which Great strides have been made in the irriga- tion of western lands, has served well the primary single-purpose project. But it needs to be revised to fit our new river-basin con- cept. The basic authorization for the Mis- souri Basin development went a long way toward correcting the weaknesses of the older and more fundamental law that governs ex- clusively elsewhere, but much still needs to be done. I urge you, as men who are con- cerned with the needs of your State, to give the revision of the reclamation laws your at- tention and best judgment. But let us return to the major point of this discussion—the problem of the Plains, the climate which causes optimistic folk during rainy years to forget the need for irrigation ‘until, too late for them to do anything about it, the drought descends again upon them. Our task is to teach the value of conservation of water so as to reduce the leanness of the lean years that are sandwiched in between the fat years. You will note that I say re- duce the leanness of the lean years, Neither the Missouri River Basin plan nor anything else that we can do today will eliminate droughts. Droughts will come again and again down through the years. The best that we can hope to do is to mitigate their effects. Properly used, the waters of this region can be made to eNminate the adverse effects on your economy of droughts, even severe and protracted ones. But the droughts will come again, and each time some adjustmen* will have to be made. There is no excuse, how- ever, ever again to permit this region to be caught in the trap of the 1980's. We have the skills, we have the knowledge, we have the plan to store, conserve, divert, and use the waters to make it unnecessary ever again to slaughter breeding stock to keep them from starving to death in the High Plains. We are a great and compassionate people, but it takes a dramatic event to seize our imagination. The creeping paralysis of the drought in the High Plains that wore down, defeated, and drove away tens of thousands of families did not stir us to the immediate action with which we as a Nation usually re- spond to such catastrophes. The reason was that it was slow in its processes. I recall that at the same time, in 1936, there was a great earthquake in some remote region of Turkey, and some 50,000 people were ren- dered homeless. Here was sudden catastro- phe—awful and easily pictured. As a result, within a week, children were saving their APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pennies to take to Sunday school for the relief of the displaced and stricken people. But we have here a problem that is always with us, even though it reaches acute form only during certain years and at intervals. T believe now that nearly everyone under- stands what that problem is. We have even drawn up and adopted a plan and commenced work on the first small section of it. This is no time to relax. The big job remains ahead. Only the barest start has been made on tne construction of the works that are required to control and use the waters of the Missouri River. Much, much more must be done. It will take the aid, the understanding, the constant vigilance and cooperation of the people of North Dakota and the other Missouri River Basin States through many years to come to complete the Missouri River development. Here are a few facts that will show that where the water supply is controlled and the waters are used by man !t is possible to strengthen agriculture. In 1945 some 4,- 000,000 acres of land, served by the Bureau of Reclamation in 17 Western States, pro- duced 12,000,000 tons of widely diversified creps that were valued at more than $435,- 000,000. Predictions are that the 1946 crop will equal this record. Irrigated acres in North Dakota contributed their share to these food and money gains. Let us glance for a moment at reports from McKenzie County, in which part of the lower Yellowstone irrigation project in the Mis- sour! Basin is located. Fifteen thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven acres of ir- rigated land in McKenzie County produced crops that were valued at $79,425 in 1945. This is almost 10 times the general average per acre of the crop value in the State. The report from this irrigated acreage in North Dakota is proof that diversified agri- culture made possible by irrigation is the best kind of security. As you well know, under continued de- pendence on dry-land agriculture, North Da- kota is losing population. While the na- tional population during the 1930's increased by 7.2 percent, the population of North Da- kota decreased by 6 percent. Forty-three of your fifty-three counties had a net decrease of more than 40,000 people. There are those who will say, “Oh, you are talking about the drought years.” But since 1940, in spite of prosperity, the population ef North Dakota has continued to decline. Now, let me repeat that the Missouri! River Basin plan is not a panacea for all ills in North Dakota and the Plains States. The worth of this development depends on how soon its dams, power plants, and transmis- sion lines are built and how well they are maintained. A few wet years and there might be a repetition of what happened during the early days of the Williston and Buford-Trenton projects. These projects were constructed in western North Dakota shortly after the pas- sage of the National Reclamation Act of 1902. When the wet cycle came, some of the local . farmers and the people of the State lost in- terest in irrigation and abandoned the facili- ties that had been constructed. When the drought struck in 1984, if the old Williston and Buford-Trenton projects had been in working order they would have paid for themselves in a single year. The Bureau of Reclamation was asked to re- construct these projects and to build others in North Dakota. The Buford-Trenton has been reconstructed and it produced $177,783 on 8,776 irrigated acres in 1945. As for “the other projects,” the Missouri River Basin plan is the answer to that re- quest. It will bring under irrigation 1,266,- 440 acres of land in North Dakota and pro- vide power from three hydroelectric plants with an installed capacity of 458,267 ktlo- watts, The Heart Butte Dam of the Heart River “unit in west central North Dakota is sched-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD uled as the next construction job of the Bureau in this section of the basin. This will be the fifth unit in the Missouri River Basin plan to be placed under construction by the Bureau. The Heart River drains an area of 3,390 square miles in west central North Dakota and is a tributary of the Missouri River, joining that stream from the west, near Mandan and Bismarck. The proposed plan of basin development includes two unite—the Heart Butte unit serving these lands lying along the lower 60 miles of the Heart River and the Dickin- son unit near the headwaters. The Heart Butte unit includes 13,538 acres of irrigable land served by one gravity di- version and 87 individual pumping plants. The pumping units will serve 9,638 acres, in tracts ranging from 82 to 3,402 acres in size, with a total installed pumping capacity of 548 kilowatts. Distribution can be made by the simplest of laterals excepting the 3,420-acre tract neur Mandan where a more elaborate canal system is necessary. Pumping lifte will vary from 15 to 32 feet. The one gravity diversion will serve 3,900 acres, The proposed Heart Butte Dam will im- pound 50,000 acre-feet for irrigation storage plus additional storage for allt detention and flood oontrol. The dam site is about 60 miles above the mouth of the Heart River where the valley is constricted by sandstone cliffs. An earthfill structure approximately 123 feet high and 1,250 feet long on the crest is proposed Dickinson unit, in the immediate vicinity of the city of Dickinson, provides storage for municipal use and irrigation use. The proposed dam is an earth-fill structure with a maximum height of 45 feet and a con- crete-lined spillway at the right abutment. The total storage capacity is 16,500 acre-feet, of which 3,000 acre-feet are reserved for silt detention, and 9,500 acre-feet is flood-control superstorage, above the spillway crest. The city of Dickinson will provide the necessary facilities for treatment and delivery of the water to existing water mains. The irrigable lands to be supplied by the proposed Dickinson Reservoir consist of six separate pumping units, ranging in size from 50 to 264 acres, and totaling 780 acres. The city of Mandan suffered heavy flood damage during the flood of 1943. With the flood storage provided in the proposed Heart Butte Reservoir, the city will be well pro- tected against future floods. The largest portion of the area drained by the Heart River is made up of dry-land farms devoted primarily to the production of wheat, and relying on the production of other grains and livestock production for supplementary inoome. Irrigation develop- ment has been slight, and the agricultural économy has met with catastrophic reverses since 1930 due to drought and to the absence of irrigation as a stabilizing influence. The salvation of the area can be attained in the largest measure by the development of irri- gation to supplement dry-land farming and livestock operations. That is what the project is designed to do for the people of the immediate area. The 29 initial units of the Missouri Basin plan include in addition to the Heart River project, the following projects for North Dakota: the Missouri-Souris development, Knife River unit, and five irrigation pumping systems on the main stem of the Missouri. The Missouri-Souris area in North Dakota and Montana totals 1,311,800 acres, of which 1,108,600 acres are in North Dakota. It is important to note that during the thirtics, farmers living within the boundaries of the Crosby-Mohall area of the Missouri-Souris unit in the northwestern part of North Da- kota harvested nothing on 50 acres out of every 160 acres which they seeded, as an aver- age, for ten successive years. In addition to the benefit from tion, the Missouri-Souris will supply municipal water to cities and towns in the James River and Red River Valleys which, together with the restoration of Devil's Lake, makes it truly of State-wide significance. The Bureau is also jooking into every pos- sibility of using the irrigation and power potentialities of Garrison Reservoir, being constructed by the Corps of Engineers in this area. The power-transmission line now being built by the Bureau to carry power from Fort. Peck Dam for construction purposes at Garrison Dam will have permanent use in the transmission grid that will transport Missouri River power to rural areas of weat- ern North Dakota. Power is an important part of the Missouri River Basin development, for it will help re- turn to the Government a major part of the construction costs as well as supply energy for lighting your homes and developing new industries within the basin. The Missouri River plan calls for the production annually of 5,500,000,000 kilowatt-hours of hydro- electric power. The return from the sale of this energy is expected to average $21,800,000 per year. The Bureau of Reclamation of the Depart- ment of the Interior is planning to market this power wholesale off a transmission grid that will serve the entire area and inter- connect all major power plants constructed by either the Bureau of Reclamation or the Corps of Engineers. This power will be made available at consistently low rates to mu- nicipalities, rural electrification cooperatives, other public agencies, to industries, and to others as broadly as possible. In its way as significant as irrigation, this hydroelectric energy will spread the benefits of the great undertaking for the development of the Mis- souri River to rural areas, and to isolated towns throughout the great expanse of the Missouri River Basin. This energy will be taken from the waters stored by the 100 dams on the Missouri and its tributaries—flood waters that can be used to irrigate about 5,000,000 acres of new lands, thereby creating 53,000 new farms. Supple- mental water supplies will also be provided for another half million acres in the basin. The people of North Dakota and other States in the Missouri River Basin with a stabilized agriculture based on irrigation and industrial development made possible by low-cost power will offer new markets for the products of the other parts of the country. Thus, the whole Nation will benefit from the prosperity of people who in times of flood and @arought were not able to eke out an existence from the land. In the 3 years since the Missouri Basin plan was first discussed at Valley City more progress has been made toward controlling and using the Missouri River than during the 50 years that had elapsed since Major Powell so clearly set forth the problem. The big job of building the structures, diverting the water, generating and transmitting the power, controlling the floods, establishing navigation on the main river, still lies ahead. But our feet are firmly planted on the road. If we go forward together we shall control the Missouri River and make it bring a new prosperity and security to the entire basin. Laber Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial Al4l1 which appeared in the Boston Herald and another from the Washington Post, on the subject of labor legislation. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the ReEcorp, as follows: [From the Boston (Mass.) Herald] ACT, BUT STUDY, TOO We have no doubt that the new Republican Congress will move swiftly to enact what it regards as corrective labor legislation, while brushing aside President Truman's request for a commission to study the labor situation in advance of legislative action. In doing so it will be short on memory. One of the major GOP criticisms of the New Deal was its angry race, in punitive mood, to slap all manner of regulations upon the financial and business communities. New Deal critics laughed when President Roosevelt recommended in 1938 a Temporary National Economic Committee to study the national economy which the New Deal had already subjected to major surgery in the absence of a factual study. It acted first, studied afterward. Now a distinguished professor, Dr. Jacob Viner, of Princeton University, recommends a Temporary National Economic Commission to investigate the monopolistic practices of or- ganized labor to fill out the picture developed by the original TNEC, which confined itself almost entirely to studying monopoly in in- dustry and finance. We think the subject is one of sufficient importance to the national future that a thorough study should be made by competent experts, not in 2 or 3 months, but in whatever time it takes to achieve com- petent investigation of the whole subject of labor monopoly and management-labor rela- tions. Congress will probably feel it necessary to take early legislative action in this field. But if tt would learn a lesson from the New Deal, which its-majority upbraided so long and so lustily, it will regard its initial actions as neither final nor punitive. It will admit the improbability of doing a thoroughly good job so fast, regarding its first labor legislation as of an interim nature subject to the findings of a commission, such as Professor Viner pro- poses. We agree with the Republican leaders in Congress that early action is necessary to eliminate the more obvious faults in existing labor legislation, but we hope the Congress will also find ways of getting the whole pic- ture before it so that any faults of haste may later be corrected. After all, we can hardly stand another New Deal so soon, [From the Washington (D. C.) Post] APPROACH TO LABOR LEGISLATION It may be assumed that there will be strikes in 1947. There always will be strikes so long as we live in a democratic society that permits men to lay down their tools to enforce a demand or voice a grievance. The objective of the legislation that Congress is seeking to write cannot be to outlaw strikes, but to discourage them and to minimize their effect. We cannot stop men from dis- agreeing, nor should we seek to resolve every disagreement by Government fiat. But we can, and must, strive to protect national interests against the consequences of major disagreements. Government therefore should rarely, if ever, try to tell labor and management what the terms of their bargains should be. In- stead, tt should make peaceful machinery available to either party whenever there is danger that collective bargaining may break down. Any other course would lead us back to the situation that existed from 1942 to 1946, when both employers and labor unions lost the habit of bargaining with one another because it was always possible to run to the National War Labor Board for a decision. This was understandable, and perhaps in- evitable, during a war, but a democratic government cannot afford to play a similar
A142 role in peacetime. The Government must never again be put in the position of render- ing a decision which it is not able and willing to enforce. Nor should it be required, ex- cept in the most extreme situations, to make and then enforce decisions that are bound to be resented by large segments of society. The only way to avoid these dangers is for Government to eschew the role of referee wherever possible. Then, when the excep- tional case comes along, its power and pres- tige will operate unimpaired. There are, of course, some situations in which Government can take the lead with- out endangering the self-reliance of manage- ment or labor. For example, the fixing of minimum wages and maximum hours is now generally accepted as a proper field for gov- ernment intervention. Of course, there may be differences of opinion as to how wise a particular minimum or maximum may be, But the fixing of such standards is not likely to discourage the practice of collective bar- gaining, for their imposition is normally im- portant only in situations in which individ- ual, rather than collective, bargaining is still the practice. The Wagner Act provides another example of Government participation that is consist- ent with a policy of nurturing the practices of collective bargaining. Indeed, the very ob+ jective of that statute was to enable em- ployees to organize free from employer in- terference. The result is that in recent years organizational strikes, according to the Bu- reau of Labor Statistics, have dropped to about 20 percent of the total. It is, there- fore, accurate to say, although it is too rarely said, that the Wagner Act, by providing an administrative remedy, has diminished atrikes from those particular causes which it was intended to remove, It is also accurate to say, however, that the Wagner Act has not had the effect of re- ducing all types of industrial strife. The membership and power of labor organizations have grown greatly during the past decade partly as a result of the protection which the act has afforded employees. Since VJ-day many of these labor organizations have been engaged in a running battle with employers for the purpose of securing wage increases, These struggles, and therefore today's prob- lems, do not flow from the denial of the right to organize. They flow from vigorous dif- ferences of opinion between equally power- ful interests as to the division of the fruits of industry. It would not prevent the strug- gies or solve the problems to repeal or seri- ously eviscerate the Wagner Act. Such a remedy would not be appropriate to the disease in our present industrial relations. Some extremists will say, to be sure, that if Government had not encouraged collec- tive bargaining, unions would not be strong enough today to call effective strikes. Those who take that position, however, must be prepared to go back to the days of the indi- vidual bargain, when American working peo- ple had to battle for the mere right to pool their strength. Such a solution is defeatist. It looks backward. We must, rather, evolve techniques, voluntary wherever possible and compulsory only where essential, by which labor assumes responsibility commensurate with its power. If a boy whose muscles have only recently developed to the point where he can hope to box successfully with his classmates occasionally abuses his newly won strength, we do not try to solve the problem by deliberately weakening those muscles again, for that would only restore a pre- existing inequality. We seek, instead, to teach him the rules of fair play, to impress ‘upon him that he must be as wise and con- siderate as he is strong. Government can, and should, encourage a similar development in labor organizations. There are indications, tn Gallup polls end elsewhere, that the members of labor unions would welcome that course almost as much as their fellow citizens. They, too, believe in the observance of contracts, in the elimi- nation of jurisdictional disputes and sec- ondary boycotts, in the wider dissemination of information concerning union finances, and in greater democracy within labor or- ganizations. They—and most of their lead- ers—do not like to use the strike weapon, According to a recent survey by the maga- zine Factory, a majority of union members doubt whether the benefits they gained from recent strikes were worth the sacrifices made. Their leaders should heed that fact. Still more believe, however—and this should open the eyes of management—that they would not have been accorded these benefits if they had not struck. It thus appears that the working people of the country are as anxious as the rest of us to reduce the incidence of iadustrial war- fare. We must cultivate this desire for peace, not stimulate the desire for war, as we would by a program of strongly antilabor legislation. Specifically, we have in mind as “reforms” to reject the abolition of the hard-won fundamental guaranties contained in the Norria-LaGuardia and National Laber Relations Acts. This does not mean that some amendments of theses statntes are not now desirable. They are. Certainly we must increase union responsibility and give to em- ployers the feeling that they have equal re- course to the agencies of Government. America cannot afford to have either man- agement or labor believe that it is not recei¥- ing fair treatment at the hands of the repre- sentatives of the people. Legislation, to repeat, is necessary. But it would compound an ancient fallacy to as- sume that labor problems, which are prob- lems of human retations, can all be solved by passing laws or creating new Government instrumentalities. There are other methads, effective although admittedly not infallible. Stronger mediation machinery is the first requirement. That is the gravamen of the unanimous report issued on December 15 by the prominent representatives of industry and labor who comprise the United States Conciliation Service's labor-management ad- visory committee. Public utility strikes can- not be tolerated, and more than mediation may be required to prevent them. A con- ference just held under the auspices of the Secretary of Labor gives promise of bearing fruit in the form of an over-all management- labor agreement to bar utility strikes, If this project succeeds, it should provide a founda- tion of practical experience for later legisla- tion in this field. The success of local industry-labor panels in Toledo and Louisville suggests that similar agencies could operate effectively on a na- tional scale. Their good offices should only be invoked by the President, and then on thoee rare occasions when there is a threat of a break-down in collective bargaining in an industry so basic that a work ge would affect the economy of the entire coun- try. Too frequent use of such panels would weaken their prestige and dilute the quality of the personnel available to serve on them. Moreover, it would interfere with the success of those long and often painful bargaining negotiations that should always precede the appointment of any such panel. The task ahead promises to be unusually difficult. We must.design methods that will prevent a future John L. Lewis from attack- ing the Nation's jugular vein, without at the same time endangering those freedoms that are every bit as essential to the life of Amsr- ica as the coal that Lewis sought to withhold. There can be no perfect solution, no infal- Uble cure-all. But this must not discourage us from seeking early improvement. While much depends upon a change in the hearts of men, there are places at which a change in social controls will also tend to ease our pres- ent discontents. The task of finding those places and making those changes will call for ingenuity, for patience, and for rare disinter- estedness. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD If the approach is sound, the measures ultimately adopted will be equally so. In view of the results of the congressional eleo- tions, it is essential that Republicans and Democrats join hands in a bipartisan ap- proach to the formulation of a national labor policy. What has worked in dealing with foreign relations could work no less well in coping with our most important domestic problems. The Truman administration and the Republican leadership in Congress can serve their country best if they will put par- tisan considerations aside in attacking labor relation problems in the weeks ahead. It can be done. It has been done in the Btate of New York, where the wholly bipar- tisan Ives joint legislative committee suc- ceeded, throughout an 8-year period, in studying, rejecting, and legis- lation without internal dissent, and did so with the acolaim of both industry and labor. Bome of the committee's most effective work was done during a period when the Repub- lican Party controlled both houses of the legislature and the governor was a Demo- crat. To cite one example, the chairman of the committee, a Republican, experienced no difficulty in discussing, and later devising, a legislative program in collaboration with the Democratic chairman of the State's labor board, It would not be as easy to do the same thing successfully in the Washington . But that is no reason for avoiding the attempt. A coincidence should encour- age the attempt. Two of the men who worked together in the Empire State are now in Washington, one as that State's new Repub. lican Senator and the other as chairman of the National Labor Relattons Board. What they and others did once, they—and others— can try to do again. But the effort, if it is to be made, cannot be long delayed. The patience of the public ia growing short. It will disappear altogether if a new wave of strikes descends upon the country. Careful, objective study will be needed before wise legislation can be passed, but that study must end before the trees are green. While we cannot afford to legislate as s00N as January, we cannot afford to wait until July. Farm Practices Influencing the Incidence of Multiple Sclerosis EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. BOURKE B. HICKENLOOPER OF IOWA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. HICKENLOOPER. Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address entitled “Farm Prac- tices Influencing the Incidence of Mul- tiple Sclerosis,” by Dr. James Asa Shield, who is assistant professor of neuropsy- chiatry at the Medical College of Vir- ginia. The address was delivered on November 7, 1946, at the convention of the Southern Medical Association, at Miami, Fia., and is a discussion of de- generative diseases resulting from the continued use of chemical fertilizers on the soil. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rucorp, _ as follows: Man's kinship with and dependence upon the soil are expressed by Dr. V. G. Simko-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ‘s problem. Ube deotor mmst de- mand ‘t the agniomltunist grogune « food that will meet the multiple proteplesmic mesds Jor optimal growth, development, and function. @rescribing a geod dist is not enough. hare & very wide variation in diet brought from a ahop was not enough. Shey ware Jovced to grow the foos themselves and to use not new methods, but the ancient methed of returning waste to the soll. Man's interference with the perfect balance be- tween the natural processes of growth and aecay may be largely regponsible for the Poedicament of our malnutrition, in apite of adequate diet by the present standards. A fertility that is optimal for the produc- tion of nutritional foods depends not only upon various elements, humus, physical structure, tillage, moisture, sunlight, but also upon the fauna and flora of the soil. Micro- organisms play an important part in making air nitrogen available to plants and in the decomposition of humus. Mycoorhizal fungi surround rootlets and stimulate metabolism as a living fungus bridge which connects soil and sap? In this discussion our interest centers in @eficiency in the trace elements (iron, cobalt, copper, zinc, chlorine, sadium, magnesium, manganese, sulphur, silver, boron, nickel, aluminum, arsenic, fluorine, iodine)—all protoplasmic needs known and wniknown that are imfiuenced by farm practices. The soll is being depleted of its fertility by large urban populations and indnetries. The matmbenance of Jem, but the feod that the American peaple consume is everyone's problem. Farm prac- tices must protect and maintain this fertility in order that we may be able to buy foots ‘that have the capacity to give optimal nutri- went to our bodies. ‘The sof] of Emgland was heing depleted in 1886 when Carswell’ first noted a muttiple solerotic pons and cord, as an interesting neurological apecimen. The soils of France 1Bimkovitch, Vladimir A.: Hay and History, Wome's Fall, Meconsidered from an Under- stan@ing of Jesus and Other Historical Btudies, p. 161. New York: The Macmillan Oo., 2921. * Gowerd, Bir Albert: An Agricultural Testa- ment. Oxford Untversity Press, 1930. , Robert: P: mlustretions of the Elementary Forms of Dis- ease, London: Longman (et al.), 1888, fertility is a farmer's prob- | in 1699 when Oreveilixter ‘ in afiiitien to water. fits crude ahowsd tthe same elements were it qualttatively im glamts and amimals, poms of MBS and 1840. 4 oentury ago the prevailimg practior in ! Wee to tele from te sot wkth- wplaremest af its store. of fume, Cropping had &e- sO imtense in Gemmany, Fremce, and Qngland thet ontere could not replenieh the sail, The naximeal] proness of laying osm top 0] was too dow, ‘The intretinction af inor- ganic cheminals resviited in quamitty profiuc- tion of Sead. The at the end their tem@ency to ar- other elements im the antl, is mow fosing Tec- apnined toy agricultural sesearth." and appearance of the new, esulting im a chronic degeneration of the nerve paren- chryma My observation has been in agreement with other neurologists in regard to the condi- tions that precipitate and influence exacer- bation of this illness, namely, pregnancy, infections, imorganic chemicals, tramma, strains and stresses, exposure, vaccimes, mar- riage, emotional upests, lumbar punctures, and gross tietery restrictions. There is one vcorrmon feature tm all of the verious things ~which precipitate the attack, incnsased de- mand on the human body. It follows that these factors oan only precipitate the fliness tn intividuals who are vulnerable. The geo- Rraphic distribution of the inoifiemce points out those who are relatively provected and those who are cantiidates for multiple sclero- sis when hit with sufficient Force by a precipttating factor. WHO 4RE THE VULNERABLE? Muttiple sclerosis, though thought by manry doctars to be rare, and almost un- heard of by the public, caused 1,301 deaths im the United Gbmtes in 1944 as compared with 1,361 dexths from infantile paralysis ‘ Cruveilhier, J.: Anatomie Pathologique du Corps Humain, ou Descriptions avec Figures hiées et Onloriées des Diverses Alte- rations Merbides dont le Corps, Humain est Busceptible, v.2. Paris: 3. B. Bailliere, 1042. ®* Charcot, J. M.: Mtstologie de la Scitrose en Plaques. Gaz. d. Hop., v. #1, pp. 354, 557, 556. 1868. °Yerkes, A. P.: Soll—A Foundation of Health. International CGo., Chi- cago, 1948. ' Auohter, E. C.: Report of the Administra- tor of Agricultural Research, 1943, pp. 2-3. United States Department of Agriculture. ‘Puatmam, Tracy J.: A Multiple Sclerosis and Encephalomyelitis. Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, v. 19, p. 310, (May) 1943. AIS and 2045 deaths from pernicious anemia” S@ultipie etberanis ts both Jess neoagmized by ‘the physician and more cripplimg to the patient than infestile paralpeis. In the New York City area in the Grst 46,875 seiec- tees examined, 29 were found to heave mail- sclerosis, while 784 head tusercubceis, had diabetes, amd 8 had pernicious ame- ene ee remy Of onnomie ill. oe Mew York hospitals mevealed oases of mmultiple sclerosis and &81, oa iciows anemia among a total 283028 cases. <A survey in Saevitenr- and disclosed 36 multiple sclerosis cases per too so. {2 ome locality there were 70 per 100909. A survey in Emgland and Wales ‘showed £6 per £80000." Im onder that we might have a better con- Sule Ea te wa is tee high urban and low rural incidence of the disease. Oomtraty to the 4aopnessian, it is shown that mul- _ fclereais is mot rare in the Southern States. i bebteve there is a tendency for ‘ amvabtaple sclerosis to be in ; ratio with the number of neurologists low side <ime to diagnostic error and inter- yecorded as cause of death in patients with multiple sclercsis. Multiple sclerosis could not wall be a de- ficiency dimease in the usual concept. The Ohinese caloric imbake is from 2,000 to 2,500 per day. The Ohinese diet is deficient in calcium, in vitamins, proteins, and fats. Yet tine Chinese do not have sclerosis of their nerves, their blood vessels, blockage of their veins, or hypertension. They do not have kid- mney or gall stones. They have limited food supply, but this food is better suited to meet man's body nesds as evidenced by the absence of degenerative diseases, in spite of the high incidence of infectious diseases. Their lim- ited supply of food is grown by farmers who do not use inorganic chemicals which, in the light of present knowledge, tend to disturb the chemical balance of the soll and, in turn, to disturb the mineral and chemical content of the craps and, thus, affect the health of the animals that feed on the crops. The Chinese do not have multiple acierosis. ‘What evidence is there that the absence or insufficiency of trace elements affects plants and arntmals? Beeson” writes, “The recent Increase of interest in the distribution of nu- trittonal trouble tn plants and animals is & natural sequence to the earlier work of diagnosing earrd classifying these troubles and their symptoms.” He gives three United States maps; first, of the occurrence of boron and manganese deficiencies in plants; sec- ond, of the ccourrence of copper, iron, mag- mesium, and zinc deficiencies in plants; and third, of the ovceurrence of mineral nutri- tional dtweaves in animals, namely, cobalt, copper, and fron causing nutritional anemias, calctum and phosphorus causing bone dis- eases, selenium toxicity and grass tetany. ‘The 1048 report of the Administrator of Agricultwral Sesearch™ discussed the soil- plant nutritional relationship, “Cattle in where cobalt is deficient in native * Statistics obtained through courtesy of the U. 8. Department of Public Health. 2° Statistics obtained from the Association for Advancement of Research of Multiple Sclerosis. 11 Beeson, Kenneth C.: The Gceurrence of Mineral Nutritional Disease of Plants and Animals in the United States. Soil Science, v. 60, No. 1, (July) 1945.
A144 plants become gaunt owing to loss of appe- tite, become listless and anemic; the hair coat becomes rough and the skin is scaly, After extended exposure to the deficiency muscular atrophy develops and death occurs. In North Carolina cobalt deficiency is accom- panied by a low manganese content for the forage; while in Massachusetts the tron con- tent is low. These multiple deficiencies have prevented a normal development of dairy and . beef cattle. Trouble with sheep and dogs also occurs in North Carolina in those areas where the soil is depleted of certain trace elements.” A survey was made of pastures and hay lands in the Northeast where an ailment in cattle, called grass tetany, has been reported to be associated with intensive fertilization with nitrogen, potash, and phosphate. What is the relationship of mineral imbal- ance in soil, plants, and animals to multiple sclerosis? Ferraro” with repeated adminis- tration of potassium cyanide rather regularly produced pathologic changes characteristic of multiple sclerosis. Other chemicals, such as injection of sulfanilamide, have been fol- lowed by encephalomyelitis." Carbon mon- oxide poisoning has precipitated a progres- sive multiple sclerosis. The chemical substances such as sulfanila- mide, potassium cyanide, lead, arsenic, arsphenamine, carbon monoxide, and nitrous oxide have been found to disturb the struc- ture of the central nervous system and pro- duce pathology closely resembling post- infectious encephalomyelitis. In animals that live on food from soils depleted of some elements such as cobalt, manganese, iron, et cetera, or from soil overfertilized with nitrates, potassium, and phosphates evi- dence of central nervous disease is found. “The fertilization may possibly have ac- centuated incipient deficiencies of certain other elements in the soil. Preliminary re- sults with new techniques developed by the laboratory to study the effects of fertilizer and soil treatments on the mineral content of food and forage plants indicated that the amounts present in minute quantities in both hay and green vegetable crops are af- fected by liming and fertilization practices. On the basis of these results, it seems pos- sible that modifications of liming and fer- tilization practices may result in an increased content of some of the essential elements in solis”* and in foods. Thus, circumstantial evidence points to the fact that unbalanced chemical fertilizers, either too much or too little, or in the wrong combination of minerals, interfere with the soil’s ability to supply the necessary chemi- cal elements for hea)thy plants and animals. “The plant needs varying amounts of dif- ferent elements, much of one, little of an- other; for example, cotton as a general rule needs at least 36 pounds of nitrogen, equiva- lent to 225 pounds of natural nitrate per acre, Natural nitrate contains a large amount of nitrogen, 16 pounds per 100, but application of 100 pounds per acre would not be adequate to correct the nitrogen defi- ciency of the soi] as measured by the require- ments of the cotton plant. On the other hand, “saltsick” (an anemia) of cattle feed- _ing on certain pasture land in Florida is prevented by addition of a trace of cobalt to the fertilizer treatment. Application of @ little zinc oxide per tree, or driving one small zinc-covered nail in the orange tree, 3 Ferraro, A.: Experimental Toxic Encepha- lomyelopathy. Psychiat. Quart., v. 7: 267, 1943. 13 Fisher, J. H.: Encephalomyelitis Follow- ing Administration of Sulphanilamide. Lan- cet, 2: 801, 1939. “Hilpert, P.: Kohlenoxydvergiftung und Multiple Sklerose. Arch. f. Psychiat., 89: 117, 1929-30. controls the mottle-leaf disease for a period of several years.” * Composts of vegetable matters and animal manure contain all of the known elements contained in the human cell and likely many other factors needed by the human cell that are as yet unknown to the biochemist. Thus, natural manures have the potential capacity to give to the depleting soils a com- plete fertilizer, while the chemical fertilizer is an incomplete food supply for the plant and will continue to be until we perfect and advance our knowledge of microbiochem- istry. Therefore, full quality food can only be raised on virgin soil and on soil that has been replenished by the refuse from all of its produce, both plant refuse and animal refuse. The natural phenomenon that nature has presented for us of multiple sclerosis’ occur- ring here and not there, of its occurrence only in places where incomplete, commer- cial fertilizers are used in farm practices, presents for our consideration an experiment that has been carried on for over a hundred years. The subjects and potential subjects run into the millions. In order that we may have a limit to our geographic research, let us again take China, which has an esti- mated population of 450,000,000 people and is 90-percent rural, and Germany, which, as greater Germany, had an estimated popula- tion of 79,000,000 people, with a rural per- centage much smaller than China but which cannot be ascertained exactly. The time ele- ment in this experiment goes back a cen- tury. I do not think statisticians could question the number nor the time of this experiment. The Chinese farmer uses natural manure to produce his food; the German farmer uses inorganic chemical fer- tilizer to produce his food. In 1840, von Liebig introduced the prac- tice of applying inorganic material to the lands as fertilizer to replenish the depleted soils of Germany. This practice spread rapidly, and it became customary to apply mainly nitrates, potassium, phosphorus, and lime. This incomplete fertilizer provided the major needs of the soil but overlooked the minor needs, minor though equally vital to the soil. On the other hand, in China the agricultural practice of intensified farming demanded that the depletion of these soils be prevented. For centuries the Chinese have returned to the land the refuse of the prod- ucts of the soil and the manures of animals including man. In Germany before the war, multiple sclerosis was second only to syphilis in causing pathology of the nervous system. In China multiple sclerosis is such a rarity that authorities, such as Snapper and others, state that it is nonexistent. Where soils are depleted of certain min- erals, biologists tell us of deficiency disease in plants, and they have found that very small amounts of the proper mirferals added to the soil will eliminate the deficiency dis- ease. For instance, in New Zealand there was a soil deficiency of cobalt in the grasses that made the pasture, which in turn caused . the sheep to become paralyzed. The applica- tion of 3 or 4 pounds of cobalt per acre pre- vented the deficiency of the grass and elim- inated the bush paralysis in the sheep. In spite of our present knowledge of chemistry and of chemical fertilizer, we have not developed a technique-to determine the minute traces of iron, cobalt, copper, boron, gine, chlorine, sodium, magnesium, manga- nese, sulfur, and perhaps many other chem- ical substances, that are needed by plants. It 1s true that plants can grow without these trace elements, but in order for them to give @ complete optimal diet to the animals that feed on them, they must be grown on a soil that is a completely fertile soil. Until we If They Could Speak. Chilean Nitrate _ Educational Bureau, Inc., pp. 6-7, New York, 1941. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD develop further knowledge of soil and plant chemistry, reliance can be placed only in the natural manures that give a more com- Plete and balanced fertilization. IN SUMMARY We have a story of depleted soil, soil that man in the western world has attempted to correct by the use of a few chemicals. These chemicals are inadequate to meet the full needs of plants and animals as they rep- resent only a few of the protoplasm’s min- eral needs. These chemicals have the ca- pacity to disturb the mineral balance and the natural fauna and flora of the soil. People whose food comes from soils fertilized with chemicals appear to have more degen- erative diseases, more vascular diseases. Multiple solerosis is a degenerative disease. : Its clinical characteristic of acute or subacute onset, with symptoms that improve or dis- eppear, points to involvement of the circula- on. Feople who are fed on food produced by incomplete, inorganic fertilizers appear to be more Hable to circulatory disease, more lia- ble to central nervous system circulatory dis- ease, more liable to vascular constrictions and dilatations, more Mable to perivascular infiltration and to edema in their nervous systems and local glial proliferation, due to disturbed mineral balance in their bodies and their blood streams. Therefore, when greater demands (the precipitating factors of multiple sclerosis) are put on their vul- nerable bodies, these people develop the syn- drome of multiple sclerosis. The conolusion, thus, is indicated tha. the incomplete fertilization program carried on in Germany, England, Europe, and the United States is contributing largely to the inade- quacy of the quality of the diet, with de- ficiency of trace elements and unknown fac- tors, contributing to and being largely re- sponsible for the presence of multiple scle- rosis in what appears to be ever-increasing incidence in the occidental world. It is also indicated that the use of complete and nat~ ural manures in the oriental world may be the factor in producing a more adequate diet, thus, explaining thé orient’s freedom from multiple sclerosis and some of the other degenerative diseases. International Pacific Salmon Fisheries Commission —eoe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an address delivered by A. L. Hager, Chairman, In- ternational Salmon Fisheries Commis- sion, at a meeting of the Pacific North- west Trade Association held in Vancou- ver, British Columbia, on November 25, 1946. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The International Pacific Salmon Fisheries "Commission has just completed its field sea- son for 1946. This year has been an impor- tant one for the Commission. It is the year in which the very serious obstruction at Hell's Gate has been permanently removed. The stretch of dificult water found at Bridge
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD River Rapids has been similarly eliminated and now, for the first time in history, we are assured that the runs-of sockeye salmon are able to pass up the main Fraser River with- out delay. The year 1946 has further significance to the salmon industry for it marks the begin- ning of regulation of the sockeye fishery of Puget Souni and the Fraser River by an International Commission, The terms of the treaty required 8 years of investigation pre- liminary to the actual regulation of the fish- ery. During those 8 years much was accom- Plished in gaining a fundamental concept of the problem with which we are dealing. Fish were tagged at various places along the route of migration and times of passage of the var- fous runs through the fishery were estab- lished. As a result of extensive tagging oper- ations at Hell's Gate the disastrous blockade was brought to light. Other work has cov- ered the spawning grounds, the Indian fish- ery, the commercial industry and its history; all of which are building toward a real under- standing of our problem of rehabilitating the sockeye salmon fishery, The sockeye salmon of the Fraser River pass through the waters of Juan de Fuca Strait, Puget Sound and the Gulf of Georgia, and many are taken by the very intensive United States and Canadian fishery. In 1913 these waters produced over 2,000,000 cases of sockeye salmon of the highest qual- ity. This was one of the largest runs of salmon ever to enter any river, and its failure to return in its cycle year of 1917 and its continued small yield have literally meant disaster to the salmon industry of this area. It was to restore this valuable fishery to its former greatness that spurred both Canada and the United States toward international cooperation, The sockeye treaty was finally ratified in 1987 and the Commission was created to re- build this lost resource. The very essence of the treaty is to restore this fishery to its former level of production in as short a time as possible and that, gentlemen, is the real purpose around which the activities and policies of the Commission are centered. The Fraser River watershed covers some 91,000 square miles. The sockeye spawning areas located throughout this system are invariably tributaries of lakes, for peculiar to the life history of the sockeye salmon, the young must spend at least 1 year in a lake before going to sea. Most of these spawning areas are in the most primitive regions; in the tributaries of Stuart Lake and lakes beyond, some 800 miles from salt water; in the Bowron area, where observers are constantly harassed by grizzly bears; in the Chilko area, over 60, miles by rough wagon road to the nearest telephone or post office. The observers make long, tedious trips to cover the spawning grounds to obtain the information so necessary to gage the suc- cess of regulation. These same men have to make frequent contacts with the Indians to keep a close watch over the places of fishing and the numbers of sockeye each family takes. I mention this so that you can visualize condi- tions which we are up against in order to collect the information for each season's work. I have pointed out that the primary duty of the Commission is to rebuild the fishery; put before this could be done, it was first necessary to determine the real cause for the failure of the runs of sockeye salmon to maintain themselves. Through extensive tagging programs, one of the principal sources of trouble was found to be. at Hell's Gate. It was conclusively shown that @ most serious blockade existed there between the water levels of 25 and 40 feet; that frequently huge losses occurred there; and that the conditions for passage were unusually such as to kill off. the valuable up-river races. XCIII—App.- -10 Huge runs, like that to the Quesnel area, have been virtually exterminated by this and other blockades upstream. To proceed with rehabilitation without first correcting the causes for the decline would have been folly, It became apparent that the elimination of the Hell's Gate blockade was an essential step toward rehabilitation of the runs. Hell's Gate is located in the very heart of the Fraser Canyon, about 130 miles from the mouth of the river. At this point rail- roads pass on either side as well as com- munication lines with the East. The can- yon at this point is only 190 feet across, with sheer rock walls on either side. To remove rock or blast channels blindly would only have made conditions worse for the fish Before any plans could be formulated, a detailed engineering study was made of this stretch of water. After months of experi- menting with a scale model constructed at the University of Washington, fishways of an entirely new design were tested and found to meet our requirements. Vertical baffles, instead of the common horizontal steps, re- duced the current from the 25 feet per sec- ond found in the river to 1% feet per sec- ond in the fishways. At the same time that structures were being designed for Hell’s Gate, studies were made at Bridge River Rapids, Farwell Can- yon, and at other suspected obstructions to salmon. In 1944, $2,000,000 was made avail- able by the United States and Canada to eliminate all known areas of difficult passage. At the end of the 5-year program that has been outlined by the Commission, sockeye will be able to ascend to spawn without danger of delay or loss. After studying the operation of the nearly completed fishways eat Hell’s Gate and at Bridge River Rapids, I am very pleased to tell you that research conducted this year shows without doubt that the fish have been able to ascend easily and without delay dur- ing the levels at which fish were formerly blocked. I want to make it clear to all u1 you that the fishways at Hell's Gate functioned per- fectly at the water stages for which they were designed. They have eliminated the very serious obstruction at the 25- to 40-foot levels which we knew conclusively to be one of the principal causes for the present de- pleted condition of the fishery. The Com- mission was fully aware that a few fish might be temporarily delayed. at certain levels be- low 25 feet. We know that there are stages above 40 feet that cause difficulty. Steps are now being taken to clear the canyon at these other levels. We are carefully watching tor other stretches of water which might delay the migration of sockeye salmon to their spawn- ing grounds. This year one such area was found at China Bar—about a mile above the gate. Here the fish were experiencing real difficulty in ascending the rapids during the height of the South Thompson run and the Commission took immediate steps to blast out a temporary channel so that the fish were able to covntinue their journey up- stream. We were not so fortunate iu clearing an obstruction in the South Thompson River which, because of the extremely low water, affected the latter part of the South Thomp- son run. A work crew was rushed into this area and a temporary channel cut, as soon as the block was discovered, but it is known that a few of the weaker fish failed to get through. A detailed study of this area will be made and measures taken to prevent fur- ther loss of fish. I believe this is a good time to review the regulations which were prescribed by the Commission in 1946, It should be kept in mind that the members of the Commission are striving toward a single aim; to restore A145 the sockeye salmon fishery of the Fraser River and adjacent waters to its former size as soon as possible. Therefore, when regu- lations for the 1946 season were first con- sidered, the problem was not “How many fish could be taken from this year’s run,” but rather, “What are the sizes of the de- pleted upriver races and how best can they be protected while going through the com- mercial fishing areas?’ This follows closely the intent of the treaty to rebuild the fishery. The staff of the Commission has made a detailed study of the cycle runs of 1938 and 1942 and complete records of the catches and spawning for these years are available. When the time came to consider the 1946 regula- tions this information was carefully weighed and regulations were drawn up which would allow the early up-river runs—those which had been hardest hit by conditions at the Gate—complete protection, while the great run to the South Thompson could be heavily and profitably fished. Therefore, after con- siderable discussion with the advisory board and the staff, July 25 was set as the opening date for the fishery in the United States and Sooke waters and August 8 (2 weeks later) for the Fraser River area. The extent and the progress of the run is still fresh in the minds of many of you. True to prediction of the Commission, there was no evidence of any great runs passing through before the fishery opened. It was found that the first 3 weeks of fishing were mediocre and it was not until August 26 to 80 for the United States and after September 4 in Canada that the expected South Thomp- son River run hit. The run was large and concentrated and the industry on the whole did very well. Now came a most difficult problem for the Commission—adequate escapement had to be assured and sometime during the season the fishery had to be closed to allow sufficient fish to ascend the river. This was the first time that guides to measure the relative size of the run were put to practical use in regu- lation, and frankly many sleepless nights were spent pondering the decisions which had to be made, The progress of the fishery from Cape Flat- tery to Mission on the Fraser River was fol- lowed by the staff which collected records of the total catch and the catch of each boat in each area. The Commission knew at all times during the season the total number of sockeye that had been taken within less than 24 hours after the fish were landed. The volume of the escaperent to the spawning grounds was closely watched through the daily catches of the Commission's biologists at Hell's Gate. Comparison of these meas- ures of the 1946 run with similar records from 1942 enabled us to maintain a constant watch of the relative sizes of the 1946 and 1942 runs. As the fishing season unfolded these meas- ures of abundance were closely watched by members of the Commission. On September 2 and September 7 the Commission met at Bellingham to review the most significant aspects of the run. Later, on September 21, the Commission met and learned that, first, the Canadian catch had exceeded the United States catch and to carry out provisions of article VII of the treaty, fishing must be Closed immediately: Secondly, few Osh had yet arrived at Hell's Gate; and finally, the catch indicated that the run this year to the South Thompson was slightly smaller than that of 1942. It was imperative that the fisheries of both Canada and the United States be closed immediately. Terms of the treaty do not permit the Com- mission to open or close the fishery. The Commission must recommend to the State of Washington and to the Dominion of Can- ada its desires; and it takes time to put a closure into effect—48 hours usually.
E f Ba F it | f - i eH | E if He fli I fit! i 4 7 ie i Mf Nit ati i nla! bie otk ‘ bi I: i iat BLE rH = It fi Be scarred andi battered amd showed the effects of difficulty at Hell's Gate. The Commisaion will soways this wimter to: 3 difieuiity for all time. im onder to measure the success When I was on the grounds tn October, I sew thousands of fish epawning in the Little and Adams Rivers, and in the Shuswap Lakes. Mos of the sh that reached the area came the fishery and that good ‘ishing is assured for 1950. Before closing, 1 would like to say a few words about the prospects for the next year, 1947. After examining the spawning and catch records for the cycle years of 1943 and 1839, we find ourselves canfronted with e very serious situation. The total pack for ‘1843 ‘was only sbout 49,000 cases, less than one-thirteenth the pack for the past season, @ur major producing areas had almost a neg- spawning stock; the South Thomp- son with 10,000; the Chtlko, 18,000; the Stel- lake, 000—all extremely poor. The Birken- thead @iver, with tts 80000 spawners, prac- tically supported the entie fishery. To re- store these rums to a profitable aine will re- qitire that sockeye fishing be reduced to the minimum in 1047. T want ‘to eaoure all that my teliow Oom- @ronp of men, devoting a of ttheir time without recompense to the great ms All comoemexl ave comfinmed im ‘the "welltef that the project will in time mens- wre wp to our highest hapes. The Gaited IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. PEPPER. “ir. President, I ask | . ‘bo this young student in er stucty of civic affaira, and may pro- vide interesting reading to the Members of the Senate. There being no objection, the paper was ordered to be printed in the | REQUIREMENTS OF A SENATOR aD GENERAL INFORMATION CONCERNING Him A Senator must: Have been a citimen of the United States for D years before he may Serve. Be o resident of the State fram which he is elected. Be at least 30 years of age. GENERAL INFORMATION Two Senators are elected from each State by the direct vote of the people for a term of the Senate is APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD thiames wevtil the next general electim, at whith time a Senator is elected! to fill the mainder of ‘the Ge showld attend the ghould atéend as many of - 7 ine belongs as he ts to without seing absent fram ithe Senate b's) (Aliso ‘taken ‘by the Representatives) I do eclemnly awear (or affirm) that £ will support aot defend the Constitution of the Umitedi Bhgtes against al] eneaméss, foreign and @omastic; thet 1‘ allegiance to the same; that 1 will take this cbiieation frealy _ vation or planpose of evasion, and thet I will well and Zatihntully the duties of the office an S&hich 1 am about toenter. So help me God. OSFECIALS AND THER FUNCIUONS Feb andl person performing such Wiee Preaifemt (usual Presiding CiMoer): “None (was President Truman). Seorstary: Leslie : / at Arms: Wall Doxey. ‘Clerk: John C. Crockett. erian: Charles L. Watkins. Becretary—majority: None (was Lealie L. Beoretery—minority: Carl A. LoefMfer. ~ Rev, Preferick Brown Harris, D.! Legislative clerk: Bmery L. Frazier. Sournal clerk: Hdward J. Hickey, Offictal reporter. Page boys. ‘The Vice President: Presifies over the Sen- ate and signs the enrolled bills. ‘The President pro tempore: Performs in the absence of the Vice President the duties of that office. The Secretary: Preaides over the Senate ‘when the Vice President is absent. When the President pro tempore is elected he is the custodian of the seal. He demands the money used for the axpenses of the Senate; Bdministers ouths, sttests (to bear witness to) dilis and joint, comourrent, and Senate resolutions. In impeachment trials he may tssue, under the authority of the Presiding Offfcer, of courve, all ortiers, mandates, writs, and precepts that are atrthorized by the Ben- ate. He also certifies to the President of the United States the ratification of treaties and the names of the coniirmed or re- jected upen the nomination of the Presi- dent, The at Arms: Keeps arder in the Chamber. In case of a violent argument be- tween two Senators the Sergeant at /rms takes the mace in his hand and carries tt toward the quarrelers. ‘The mace is a bundle of rods with an eagte on the top. It is a wymbol of authority and it reminds Members that they can be expelled if they do not behave. The Chief Clerk: Has general supervision over all the clerks under the authority of the Secretary and is the reading clerk. The Partiementartan: Must know down to foes oe setall all the rules by which meet- eve run. &Nn argument comes Up per- ‘taining to the rules, he looks up the past records and tells the Presiding Officer how etmitar meetings in the past have beer run,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD He also indicates the references of bills and executive communications to different com- mitteea, Secretary of the majority and minority: I am not writing on political parties so I am leaving references to these jobs out. Chaplain: Offers a prayer at the beginning of the daily sessions of the Senate. Legislative clerk: Endorses action on bills and any other papers presented to the Senate. He prepares the legislative calendar and is the assistant reading clerk. Journal clerk: Keeps the Journal of the legislative and impeachment proceedings. The official reporters: Report stenographi- cally the proceedings of the Senate. The page boys: Run errands for the Sen- ators (and Representatives). They also an- ewer telephones in the lobbies, carry messages, get books that Members want, and keep papers in order. Twenty-one pages work in the Senate. They are appointed to their jobs usually by the Members who have been in the Senate for the longest time. If a Senator ‘wants a page he snaps his fingers. Pages earn “ ied every day that the Senate is in session. THE WORK OF THE SENATE A. The Senate elects a President of the Senate (President pro tempore) to in the absence of the Vice President. B. The Senate approves or rejects the nominations to Federal offices made by the President. C. The Senate tries, as in a court, all the persons who have been impeached. A two- thirds vote is needed to convict them. D. The Senate, by a two-thirds vote, may ratify, amend, or reject all proposed treaties between the United States and foreign countries. E. The Senate meets on the second Wednesday in February, after the Presiden- tial election, with the House to count the electoral vote. If an election results, the President pro tempore of the Senate an- nounces the election successful, and an- nounces, also, the winners. If no election results, the Senate elects the Vice President. F, The Senate, in joint action with the House, makes new Federal laws and changes old ones. They also declare war; order the mint to coin money; provide for the Army and Navy; and propose amendments to the Constitution. DID YOU KNOW? Senators cannot be arrested when Congress is in session, or while going to or from a session. Also, at these times they cannot be forced to testify in court or serve on a jury. Of course, they should avoid commit- ting a criminal offense as they can be ar- rested and tried anytime Congress isn’t in session, A Senator is not called by his own name in the sessions. He is referred to as “the Senator from Iowa," or whatever his State may be. Senators should be addressed by “My Dear Senator So and So or My Dear Senator.” Senators need not pay postage. Their mail is carried free. In place of a stamp is printed the Senator’s printed signature and uuderneath that “United States Senator.” This is called the franking privilege. Below is an example: “United States Senate, Committee on For- eign Relations, free. Ciaung Perrsr, U. 8. 5S. “Miss Polly Kurtz, care of John Kurtz, Clearfield, Pa.” Demonstrations of approval or of disap- proval by the people in the gallery are strictly forbidden by one of the rules of the Senate. The rule is enforced very rigidly. The Senate's title was originally derived from the Roman Senate. When the Senate is tn session three white lights burn outside the door of the Senate Chamber—that 1s, at the main entrance. United States Senators were originally elected by the State legislatures until the seventeenth amendment was passed stating them to be elected by direct vote, effective to Senators elected after May 81, 1913. Eating places are provided in the Capitol for Senators and their guests. The restau- rant is in the Senate wing and is accessible to the Senate Chamber. Members of the Senate are not permitted to smoke while on the floor. The Senators are provided with a one-rail electric train in a subway for quick transpor- tation from their offices to the floor of the Senate Chamber. x ITEMS OF IMPORTANCE I have not put these items in order or in any sequence as they are general items which would not fit in any other part. Senatorial courtesy Senatorial courtesy is a custom where the President, in making nominations to Federal Offices, is expected to consult the United States Senators from the State in which the vacancies exist, before giving the nomina- tions to the Senate to approve. If the Sena- tors are of a different political party, other than that of the President, the custom ts not applicable. When a Senator desires to speak, he rises and addresses the Presiding Officer and does not proceed until he is recognized. Also the Presiding Officer recognizes the Senators who first address him. Members of the Senate are not subjected to impeachment, but the Senate can with the concurrence of two-thirds expe] a Member. Members are subject to prosecution for trea- son, felony, or breaking the peace, the same as a private citizen. How long may a Senator speak? The only limitation on debate in the Sen- ate, except such as may be imposed by unani- mous consent, is that provided by the cloture rule. (Provides Senators may end a debate by a two-thirds vote.) The first woman elected to the Senate was Mrs. Hattie Caraway in 1932. The first wom- an to serve in the Senate was Rebecca Felton in 1932. The term of the Senate is 2 years, begin- ning January 8, of the odd years. Senators may be called to a special session by the President. Filibusters Filibustering is the practice of deliberately taking advantage of freedom of debate—in the Senate—to delay action on a bill, and so forth. In 1917 the cloture rule was adopted by the Senate providing the Senate may end a debate by a two-thirds vote. Then no Senator may talk longer than an hour on one bill. Lobbying Lobbying means to discuss a subject with a Senator and try to get him to vote on it the way you think he should vote. The Senate meets in the Capitol. The Senate meets every year not long after January 1 and continues in session until the business for the year is finished. This is usually some time in the summer. 1. We Are the Government. 2. Congreasional Directory, January 1944. 8, Lincoln Library. 4, World Almanac, 1946. 5. Our American Government: What Is It? How Does It Function? 6. Growing in Citizenship. 7. United States Government Manual, sum- mer, 1044. 8. New Century Book of Facts. 9. iibrary of Congress, Reference Depart- ment, Al47 I really enjoyed working on the Senate as my term paper. It was an absorbing as well as educational project. I learned many things which I did not know about the way my Government functions. I also uncovered some very interesting bits of information on the United States Senate. I know more of my duties as a citizen to help keep the wheels of my Government turning. Now that I have learned as much as I have about the Senate, I would like very much to attend a session of the Senate some time in the future. Potty Kurtz. Thoughts for Our Times EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, these times call for clear and dynamic think- ing as few previous occasions in man’s history have. I ask unanimous consent that there be reprinted in the Appendix of the Recorp the text of an article on the subject of thoughts for our times, which I wrote for the magazine Think in its issue of October 1946. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THOUGHTS FOR OUR TIMES (By Hon. ALEXANDER Witey, TJnited States Senator from Wisconsin) (The irresistible power of an idea ripe for development and translated into brilliant action. Thoughts as powers for good or evil in the lives of nations and of individuals.) All history is full of the illustrious names of great men and women who reversed seem- ingly irresistible tides of human affairs. These leaders emblazoned new chapters of man’s progress in the chronicles of time. These pioneers in thinking and action, such as the men of 1776, seized upon an idea, an idea ripe for development and translated it into brilliant action. “There is nothing more powerful in this world than an idea whose time has come,” said Victor Hugo. As a legislator who has served in the United States Senate during the trying years of the Second World War and the challenging first postwar year, I have seen how thoughts are weapons. They are powers for good and evil both in the life of a nation and in the life of an individual. Your thoughts and mine can make of your life and mine a thing of radiant beauty, of majestic growth, of fascinating in- terest, of eternal inspiration for those who are to follow after us. These are not just words; they are proved truths. No man is so humble that his thought cannot make for good in his own life, in that of his family, and in that of his neighbor, “As a man thinketh in his heart, so is he,” is proved every day—in your office and mine, in our home, and in our house of God. Thoughts that are, dynamic, that are alive and keen, enable you and me to seek life's meaning. “Life has meaning,” said Brown- ing, “and to find its meaning is my meat and drink.” It is this spiritual food which nourishes the humblest soul and the greatest soul. It is this incentive which enables us to meet our proudest obligations to others, to our Nation, to our God, to ourselves. Creative ts, constructive thoughts, aspiring thaughts, liberate each of us from
A148 whatever chains may bind us in our particu- lar circumstances. Man was not meant to be bound. ‘I was born free,” said St. Paul, “free of man-made limitations.” The thirst for new thoughts enables us to reap the legacy of man’s recorded history, the wonders of science and the arts, of religion, philosophy, which are available to each of us in our personal libraries, in the libraries of our schools and our offices and in our public libraries. Each of these institutions is crowded full of stimulating ideas waiting for you and me to grasp. Knute Rockne was right. He said, “The idea’s the thing.” And with his new ideas, he fashioned the greatest football teams in United States gridiron his- tory. But whatever our fleld of endeavor— sports, commerce, manufacturing, retailing, education, homemaking—the idea's the thing. So what? What if all this be true, then what? If all this be true, and I am certain that it is, it behooves each of us—you and me—to make himself the master of his think- ing. It behooves us in our own way to smash the shackles that may bind us—the shackles of apathy, the chains of fear, anxiety, and worry. It behooves us to awake and sing of our freedom by cleansing our minds of man-made doubts. We know that fear paralyzes growth; that it can poison the mind as it can poison the body. We know that ridding ourselves of fear does not mean throwing sensible caution to the winds but rather purging our minds of senseless worry about all] those things which will probably never come to pass anyway. It was a wise man indeed who said on this sub- ject, “I have more trouble with myself than with anyone else.” Part of that trouble is our apathy—yours and mine—our tendency to get mired in out- worn habits and practices, tc use not the best approach, the most streamlined approach, the most effective approach to our objectives, but rather the old moth-eaten approach to which we may have grown accustomed. Apathy-drugs thinking. “There is no expe- dient in this world to which a man will not go in order not to think.” Do you remember the story of the chained eagle? When it was young, it was free to fly as it would. Later, it was caught and chained. Always, thereafter, it would walk only to the end of the chain and no further, One day, the chain was released. But the eagle did not fly away. It walked only to the same length and then stopped. We must not al- low ourselves to be chained that wa) by our own rut-bound thinking. Each of us, then, is called upon by his own higher self and his own higher destiny to rise and explore new interests, new vocations, new avocations, to seek new beauties, to edu- cate his mind with new truths. The mind rusts with excessive rcst. We must keep it active. By doing s0, we will slash the bonds of fear and apathy which muddle our thinking, becloud our intellect, give us synthetic thoughts rather than real, creative thoughts. We must keep moving forward or we shall find ourselves slipping backward. “Hitch your wagon to a star,” said Emerson. This doesn’t mean having a wild grandiose notion about our own potentialities and becoming overaggressive in our ambitions. It does mean soundly and realistically appraising our possibilities in a free America that awaits with warm and open anne new thinkers who will help it to achieve greater progress— spiritual progress, material progress. What the individual can do, the Nation can do—think more clearly, more construc- tively than ever before on the economic issues, the political issues, the social issues at home and abrorad. We can Frid our na- tional thinking of fear and apathy. By doing 80. we will help to realize a still better and fuller life for our own people and help set a standard for the world. These then are the thoughts for our times. They, too, can turn the flank of history and of your history and mine. American Dollars Fight for Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ELBERT D. THOMAS OF UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of Utah. Mr. resident, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp an article written by me and appearing in the No- vember issue of the American Magazine, on the subject of dollar democracy. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: AMERICAN DOLLARS FIGHT FOR PEACE (By Evsert D. THOMas, United States Sena- tor from Utah) (What's really behind our 615,000,000,000 of aid to foreign countries, revealed here for the first time by a member of the Senate For- eign Relations Committee. An over-all na- tional policy designed to keep democracy alive in a chaotic world.) At London, Paris, Moscow, or wherever rep- resentatives of the American Government go to carry out our foreign policy, they carry the world's biggest bank roll with them. That bank roll has been a potent factor in many of the victories we have won for our point of view. Every nation is acutely aware of America’s wealth. And it is no accident that American dollars frequently implement our foreign policy. Everybody wants our dollars because they represent a claim upon American prcduCction. America, you see, is still the only major in- dustrial nation of the world whose produc- tive plant is intact, in good working order, and capable of turning out vastly more than its own citizens require Since everybody around the world seems to want dollars, our foreign-policy directors have tried to see that they go where they will do democracy—and America—the most good. Already our Government has apportioned out some $15,000,000,000 in 144 years to help cre- ate an economic atmosphere abroad in which democracy can thrive. Democracy always thrives best—you will note if you look around the world—where people have a fairly high standard of living. Totalitarianism thrives on poverty. Right now the world is gripped in a world- wide war of ideas. The contest is between the democratic way of life and the way of life that prevails in the totalitarian state, such as Russia or Spain. America has no quarre) with Russia as a nation, In fact, Russia can contribute enor- mously to our well-being because she wants to buy our goods. But America does want to discourage the appearance of totalitarian states wherever it can. In this sense, our new policy of dollar democracy occasionally does conflict with Russian policy, because Russia is encouraging the formation of to- talitarian states wherever she can in Europe. While our policy of dollar democracy aids our foreign policy, it is not a bald business of buying friends. It represents a valiant -effort by America to assist allies badly hit by APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the war back to their feet, so that they car prosper, enjoy democracy—and buy our prod- ucts. The large-scale export of our dollars will not only help revive prostrate nations, but will help maintain the value of our dole lar. Our dollars represent America’s stand- ard of living built upon our savings accounts, insurance policies, and dollar investments. During the war I sought, unsuccessfully, to pay off every American GI serving overseas in dollars instead of in foreign currencies. The plan, if it had been followed, would have made the dollar the world currency, because everybody wants the dollar. If there was any doubt that America is using dollars to combat totalitarianism it should have been dispelled by the debate in the House of Representatives on the 63,750,- 000,000 credit to Great Britain. One of the leading congressional advocates of the loan put the matter bluntly when he said: “It 1s in my heart and I am going to say !t: I do not want Western Europe, England, and all the rest pushed farther toward an ideology which I despise.” As I will show, the loan to France last spring just before her elections was also influenced by political considerations. There 1s absolutely no question that the factor which tipped the scales to nsrure congressional approval of so big a loan to Britain was the fact that it would strengthen the democratic cause in the world. This con- sideration was sc powerfully persuasive that it dwarfed such opposition arguments as the popular one that we had already sent too much money overseas to help our friends. The opponents could add the loans and gifts up to about $15,000,000.000, not including our 82,700,000,000 commitment to the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Adminis- tration. In round numbers, the amounts involved were these: Six billion dollars—Total commitment to the Bretton Woods fund and bank. Three billion dollars—Loans by our Export- Import Bank. Two billion five hundred million dollars— Credits financing the sale of overscas war sur- pluses and lend-lease leftovers to foreign governments. Three billion seven hundred and fifty mil- lion dollars—The British credit. That, admittedly, was a lot of money by any kind of measurem nt. But our top offi- cials felt 1t was the only way to keep the rést of the world from the economic chaos that breeds totalitarianism. It was obvious that if we did not make loans and contribute generously to relief, there was nobody else who could. The alter- native, unmistakably, would have been panic, poverty, disease, and despair, the four horse- men of totalitartanism. While the United States uses the promo- tion of economic health and stability as a weapon in its fight for democracy, it is alleged that the U. 8.8. R., for example, uses the pro- motion of poverty and despair for the ad- vancement of totalitarian regimes in east- ern Europe. I personally doubt that Russia ts following such an avowed policy, but our State Depart- ment seems to think so. In its note to the Kremlin on July 28, it specifically accused Russia of promoting the economic disinte- gration of Hungary. In our fight to prevent people from getting into the desperate frame of mind where a dictator seems appealing to them, we fave already made loans to Great Britain, France, Finland, Belgium, the Netherlands, Greece, Czechoslovakia, Saudi-Arabia, and Poland. The State Department came nearest to be- ing frank about its use of dollars for political objectives in the case of credits to Poland. It said, without qualification, that we would Jend $90,000,000 to the Poles if they held free
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD elections and let our foreign correspondents report what was going on there. The biggest remaining prospect for our loan program (aside from Russia, which at the moment is hardly a promising prospect) is China. General of the Army George C. Marshall, special Presidential envoy, went to China several months ago with authority to grant a $500,000,000 credit at such time as it would be useful to his mission of trying to get the Chinese to stop fighting among them- selves. : Other possible Export-Import Bank loans regarded as serious possibilities at this writ- ing are additional advances to Czechoslovakia and new credits to Turkey and Italy. All of these countries are in or near the Soviet orbit. The British credit, largest ever made in history by one government to another, was not an Export-Import Bank loan like the others, but was approved directly by Con- gress. It was more generous in its terms than any other credit because of Great Britain's unusual importance to world trade. No other nation was in a position to give us s0 much in return by helping to promote freedom on the avenues of world commerce. Britain's exports had been cut to a third by the war, her dollars and gold reserves were down to about half of what they had been before the war. The nation's economy was in very serious trouble. Without the credit, the British could not have gone along with the Bretton Woods Fund and Bank, or other parts of the broad program of freer, nondis- criminatory trade to which our foreign eco- nomic policy was dedicated. In exchange for the credit, Britain agreed to break down her Empire barriers and preferences. Without the loan, the two great western democracies undoubtedly would have been crossing swords in the most vicious trade war in history. Nothing, probably, would have pleased the Russians more. The Soviet press and American fellow travelers mude this plain by attacking the British loan as just another example of a Western conspiracy against the Soviet. Our campaign to distribute American dol-+ lars tu needy nations may look haphazard in the pages of your home-town newspaper. And it has looked haphazard to a good many uninformed iawmakers on Capitol Hill. Ac- tually, it has been a well-planned program, though the administration has not been hartiging out signs advertising this fact. Certain Congressmen apparently don’t re- member it, but about a year ago Congress established the National Advisory Council on International Financia] and Monetary Prob- lems to coordinate these loans for their greatest effectiveness. The NAC was to see that our foreign loans made sense. With the wealth of the richest country in the world at its disposal, the NAC became the most powerful financial group in the world. Meeting at least weekly for the past year, it has been as busy as it has been pow- erful. It is a truly representative body, con- taining persons with such diverse political and economic views as the extremely liberal Henry A. Wallace, Secretary of Commerce; the strong anti-inflationist Marriner S, Eccles, who is Chairman of the Board of Gov- ernors of the Federal Reserve System; Wil- liam McChesney Martin, Jr., Chairman of the Export-Import Bank; Secretary of the Treasury John Snyder; and William L. Clay- ton, representing the State Department. Mr. Clayton, who is Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, is one of the adminis- tration'’s foremost philosophers of free world trade. Secretary Wallace is by far the most gen- erously inclined regarding foreign loans. Some of his NAC colleagues figure he regards this lending as just another form of deficit spending or “pump-priming” to help keep national employment up to the 60,000,000- job level which he has so widely advocated. You can call this spending pump-priming if you wish, but I would call it plain common sense. Long before the NAC was created I had introduced into the Senate a resolution calling for international economic coopera- tion and pointing out that in the new world organization there should be an economic as well as a political division. It is my conten- tion that poverty anywhere tends to make poverty everywhere, and general prosperity anywhere helps bring prosperity everywhere. The world is interdependent when it comes to economic well-being. . At any rate, the NAC now coordinates our efforts to raise living standards in other parts of the world. It never puts its approval on a loan, however, without shrewd regard for the political considerations raised by the United States Department of State. And in a num- ber of instances the State Department has even initiated loans which it thought should be made for political reasons. . When Congress began consideration of the British loan last spring it soon became evi- dent that the loan wouldn't have a chance unless the administration made it clear that (1) somebody at the top level was coordinat- ing foreign loans with our foreign policy, and (2) that this lending would stop pretty soon. Consequently, the NAC made its first and only report to Congress on March 1. The report pointed out that loans were be- ing coordinated, and further stated there would be no more requests to Congress for loans for specific countries, as in the case of the British credit. All other loans would have to come out of the Export-Import Bank fund, which was already running low. The NAC proposed an additional $1,250,000,000 for the fund, and that would be all. It was at this time also that Leon Blum, French Socialist leader, was scheduled to arrive in Washington to start negotiations for a loan to France. So there seems to have been further curious timing to the report. Paris dispatches had been carrying all sorts of astronomical figures as suggestions of what the French Financial Mission would want by way of credits from the United States The NAC report, therefore, served notice on the French that any loan comparable in size to the British credit, or one which would require special congressional action, was out of the question. A few hours after the report was announced the French sent word that sudden illness had required the postpone- ment of M. Blum’s trip. Whether or not he was actually ill, the 2 weeks’ delay in de- parture gave the French experts time to re- aline their figures. I talked with M. Blum soon after his ar- rival, and felt (both before and after the talk) that France should be granted a gener- ous credit. It was another case of helping an old friend back on her feet so that she could again become one of our leading custo- mers. But it soon developed that the French, even after the NAC report, had a misleading impression of the money available in the Export-Import Bank fund. Actually the bank's free balance was getting perilously pelow $1,500,000,000. And the French kept talking of a loan from the bank running into 10 figures, which was clearly out of the question. Then, in the midst of the French negotia- tions, diplomatic correspondence was re- newed with the Russians over a Russian ap- plication for a $1,000,000,000 loan that had been made months before, but which ad- ministration leaders professed to know noth- ing about. It seems that the $1,000,000,000 had been more or less promised to the Rus- sians in the spring of 1945 (while the war Was still on) by Leo T. Crowley, Foreign Eco- A149 nomic Administrator, provided that the Rus- sians met our terms. When this Russian application was found in the midst of the French negotiations, the Export-Import Bank felt it necessary to ear- mark 61,000,000,000 of the bank’s 61,500,- 000,000 remaining funds for the Russians, even though few officials felt the Russians would meet our terms. This meant that the French could have no more than the remaining $500,000,000. That was the figure generally assumed in the NAC to be the top amount the French could get, until word came from Paris that Secretary Byrnes had been saying “yea’’ to even larger sums in his informal conversations with the French. Rather than “let Jimmy down” the NAC agreed to 650,000,000 for France. But to do that it had to first remove the ear- marking of the §1,000.000,000 for Russia. Thus the phantom “loan to Russia” became the substance of the credit to France. And, to the great relief of our officials, the French dcal was closed in time to have what- ever effect {t could have on the lection in France on June 2. There is no question thut the loan played a considerable role in causing the French people to reject the bid of their Communist Party for power. United States press reports continue to breathe life into the Russian loan, much to the embarrassment of the officials con- cerned. With the Export-Import Bank's funds down to around 8300,000,000 by the time Congress went home, there Was not the faintest likelihood of such a credit until some time next year, if ever. A most miraculous change in Soviet will- ingness to cooperate in international affairs would have to come about before Congress would give the Export-Import Bunk enough money to grant such a loan. President Tru- man showed his awareness of this situation when he failed to ask Congress for the addi- tional $1,250,000,000 for the bank recom- mended by the NAC, even though he had said in March he would ask for it. By holding up the request for expanding the lbank’s lending power, the President thus blocked the Kussian loan, because, as things stand now, the bank does not have enough money 10 make such a loan. It is apparent the President will ask for the money out of which a loan could be made to Russia only if the U. 8. 8. R. indicates a change of heart with regard to cooperation. I think it is only fair to look a borrower in the eye—as any banker does—and ask how the money will be used. In the case of Russia we should make the loan only if Rus- sia cooperates in helping to raise the world's standard of living and in helping to raise barriers to free world trade. If Russia would join the Bretton Woods bank and fund and abandon its policy of making economic vas- sals of foreign countries by all-encompassing agreements with them we would be favorably disposed, I am sure, to make a loan. Which brings us down to the gist of this whole loan program. Either we do things like lending money, providing relief, and setting a good example as becomes our new position of leadership in the world—or we let the outside world, still largely prostrate from the war, fall into the hands of dictatorial regimes. such regimes thrive on poverty and are in- capable of trading and dealing with other nations on a friendly basis. Hungary, our recent enemy, offers a strik- ing illustration of the contrasting methods of totalitarian states, such as Russia, and ourselves. While Russia was bleeding the Hungarian economy to such an extent that we protested to the Kremlin, we showed the Hungarians how we felt about their welfare by returning to them their entire $35,000,000 gold reserve which the Nazis had stolen. We tried to promote sound currency and eco- nomic stability, while the Russians fostered inflation.
A150 Our policy is not anti-Russian, but it is, rather, an effort to build up conditions of prosperity and free trade throughout the world. It is only under such conditions that we, ourselves, can prosper, for long. Dollar democracy represents the American Government lending money on generous terms to other friendly governments to help them preserve their economic structures 80 that they can remain democratic and pros- perous. When they are democratic and pros- perous they are good customers for us. Low Power Rates EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 15, 1947 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “This Region Is Entitled to Its Low Power Rates,” published in the Seattle Star, under date of Wednes- day, December 18, 1946. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: THIS REGION 18 ENTITLED TO ITS LOW POWER RATES Midwestern Congressmen who are threat- ening to block all appropriations for the ex- pansion of Columbia River power develop- ments—unless power rates in this area are increased—may think they are battling for private enterprise as against public owner- ship in the power field. But the response from the Pacific North- west must tel] them the facts. If the power rates in this region are increased the Grand Coulee-Bonneville Administration and the public power moveruent generally will not be the only or even the chief sufferers. The economy of the whole region will be dealt a devastating blow and an entirely un- justifiable one. The Pacific Northwest is nandicapped in some topographical respects. The Columbia River and other streams have carved deep canyons. It js, for this reason, more difficult and costly to develop large reclamation proj- ects than in more favorably situated States. A smaller proportion of land is available for cultivation than in the Mississippi River Valley. But the heavy run-off and the deep canyons are ideal for hydroelectric-power develop- ment. It is for this reason that the Pacific Northwest can offer industry lower power rates than any other section of this country. There is ample justification for the $17.50 kilowatt year rate offered by the Bonneville Administration. Its operations have been audited by an independent firm which finds that under present rates the Administration should be able to return to the Federal Government all sums advanced for power development, meet a considerable share of the irrigation costs associated with the Co- lumbia Basin project, and still show a surplus, It is natural, perhaps, that less favorably situated sections of the country should look covetously upon this region's power resources. But that fact neither excuses nor condones an attempt to stifle the development of the Pacific Northwest. It is right that cheap hydro-electric power from this region should be distributed as widely as possible. It is not feasible, how- ever, to transmit power from Grand Coulee to the Middle West. If Congressmen JENsEN, of Iowa, and JonEs of Ohio, who have launched the at- tack on further development of Columbia River power, are merely peeved because their States cannot benefit from the cheap elec- tricity of the Pacific Northwest they are put- ting on a dog-in-the-manger act that may have serious consequences, not merely for this region but also for the Nation. For sound economy demands that industry establish itself where conditions are most favorable. If industry is denied the right to use cheap power and if the Columbia and other rivers remain only partially harnessed while industry is required to buy coal and other fuels, the whole national economy suffers. Congressmen JENSEN and Jongs happen to be Republicans. This is not to say that the movement against public power has a Re- publican tinge. In the last Congress two Oklahoma Congressmen, both Democrats, spearheaded the fight against public-power development. Both were retired by voters in the Oklahoma primary. Governor Earl] Snell, of Oregon, himself a Republican, has done good service to the Pacific Northwest, and incidentally to the Re- publican Party, by calling for an all-western battle against any attempt to stifle Columbia River development. This region's interest in power js not a par- tisan interest. The late Senator Charles McNary, of Oregon, fought for the building of Bonneville Dam. His name will be given to the dam at Umatilla, provided for by con- gressional action. President Roosevelt, of course, is entitled to primary credit for ordering both Grand Coulee and Bonneville development but long before 1932 Republicans and Democrats of this region were voicing their demands that the National Government put the Columbia to work, instead of allowing its water to waste its energy in falls and rapids. Cheap and abundant power is the right of this region. Cheap power has been attained and present rates can stand any unbiased examination. To deny the Pacific North- west the right to offer its power in abundance would be a calamity for the region, an injury to the Nation. Sectional prejudice can go further than follow a dog-in-the-manger policy. It can develop into a case of cutting off the nose to spite the face. That is what these mid- western Congressmen appear to be attempt- ing in this case. Looking Ahead in Food and Agriculture EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLIFFORD R. HOPE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 16, 1947 Mr. HOPE. Mr. Speaker, under per- mission granted me to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I submit herewith an address which I delivered before the Kansas State Board of Agriculture, To- peka, Kans., on January 9, 1947: Two years ago I had the pleasure of speak- ing before this group. I enjoyed it then and am happy to be back again. At that time we were in the midst of the war. In Europe the Battle of the Belgian Bulge was still on. In the Pacific the end still seemed far away. Many are the changes which have taken place during these 2 years. Yet, from an agricultural standpoint, conditions are APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD not greatly different from what they ap- peared to be when I spoke at your meeting in 1945. In fact, in looking over a copy of my remarks at that time, I find that much of what I said then is applicable today. This is largely because of the fact that the end of the war did not mean the end of war conditions. The last shot was fired almost 17 months ago, but it has been only a little Over a week since the President proclaimed that hostilities were at an end. During most of the intervening period our business econ- omy, including agriculture, operated under wartime controls, almost to the same extent as during the war. Furthermore, the need for food and other agricultural products in the war-torn coun- tries has made it necessary for American farmers to continue production at wartime levels. Without that production and its dis- tribution, through UNRRA, the United States Army, and commercial channels, misery, starvation, and death would have encom- passed the globe. But world agriculture is slowly being re- stored. By another year it is likely that de- mands from the war-torn countries will shrink materially and American farmers will no longer have that outlet for their prod- ucts—at least, not in the tremendous volume of the past 2 years But the shift from war to peace is only one of the conditions which make a recon- sideration of our agricultural program neces- sary. In recent years we have seen a revo- Jution in agricultural] production through increased mechanization and the develop- ment of new and improved varieties of crops and breeds of livestock. The pro- duction of wheat has been almost entirely mechanized. The corn picker and the use of hybrid varieties have completely changed the picture so far as corn production is con- cerned. New and improved methods of farming 1n the plains area have freed crop production from the weather hazards which formerly prevailed there. At present, mech- anization is beginning to muke great changes in the production of two important crops: cotton and sugar beets. The soybean has within a few years become one of our most important crops. These changes will go on Agriculture must keep up with them and they must be considered when agricultural legis- lation is framed. This makes it important for all of us to do some straight thinking and talking, as to what lies ahead in the field of food and agriculture, and that is what I want to dis- cuss with you today. I am not here with the idea of proposing @ program, but rather to talk about some of the questions of an agricultural nature which are likely tc come before Congress, and to urge that you help me and my colleagues to find the correct answers. We are fortunate at this time in the respect that there is no immediate price emergency confronting agriculture. All of you who were farming then recall the disastrous slump which took place in agricultural prices following the other war. That is not in the picture now, because of the legislation passed by the Congress during the war, which will support most agricultural prices at 90 per- cent of parity during the next two crop-years. It is true there may be some difficulty in ap- plying these price supports. There is trouble already as to potatoes, and eggs are begin- ning to look like a problem. The question involved is whether the price guaranties im- ply the authority to impose a limit upon the quantity of the commodity eligible to price support, or whether !{t applies to all of the commodities which farmers may desire to produce. This question, however, is not ap- plicable to. the basic commodities—wheat, cotton, corn, tobacco, rice, and peanuts—in- asmuch as other legislation provides for the imposition of marketing quotas when sup- plies reach a certain point.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In the case of some commodities, prices at 90 percent of parity are a positive stimulus to overproduction, As to others, such prices are less than present costs of production. This indicates that parity at the present time does not represent a normal relation- ship between the prices of the various agri- cultural commodities. No doubt, it did rep- resent such a relationship during the 1909-14 period, but mechanization, the de- velopment of new varieties of crops, greater general efficiency, and differences in the amount and cost of labor used, have greatly changed the situation. In my opinion, most of the difficulties in price stabilization which we are likely to have during the Steagall period will arise out of the fact that the parity relationship has not been brought up to date. Some have raised the question as to whether the commitments under the Stea- gall amendment will be kept now that the political control of Congress has changed. To me that is no question at all. The Steagall amendment is a solemn pledge on the part of Congress that farmers who, at the request of the War Food Administration, expanded their opcrations, made new invest- ments in land and equipment, and under- took the production of new and unfamiliar crops, will be given an opportunity to adjust their operations to peacetime conditions. Farmers have done their part magnificently, and Congress will do its part and keep its pledge as to prices. Both Republicans and Democrats made the pledge and Republicans and Democrats will keep it. But when we speak of what's ahead for agriculture, most of us are not thinking about the next 2 years. We are thinking what is going to happen after that time. Before we try to answer that question, let's take a look at the present situation. In brief, it is this: During the war, American farmers increased their production approxi- mately one-third. They did it under the most adverse conditions as to labor, ma- chinery, and transportation. They did, on the whole, have the benefit of moderately good weather. What they accomplished clearly indicates that with increased mech- anization now or soon to be available, with better methods and practices in common use, and with better varieties of crops, postwar productive capacity will equal or exceed what it was during the war. We consumed this production during the war and since. The hard, cold question is: Can we continue to do it? While the war was on, our domestic-food consumption increased substantially. Everybody was working. They had plenty of money to spend. Things for which they could spend it were limited. Food prices were held down by ceilings and by vast subsidy programs. Asa result, Amer- icans generally spent a smaller proportion of their incomes for food than in any recent period, and still ate better than any people ever ate in the world’s history. Great quan- tities of food were taken by the Army where consumption was high, not only because of good appetites but because of waste. At the same time, our allies took every pound of food which we could spare and transport to them. Consumption has continued high domes- tically. Buying power is still high and most goods, except food, are still scarce. Foreign nations are still taking a great deal of the food although, directly or indirectly, we are paying for most of it. But wartime condi- tions are gradually giving way. Perhaps we will have another year of substantial exports to war-torn countries. We do not know what exports will be after that. In another year or two the American people will be able to purchase many things they have been wanting since the war began. Some money which has been going for food will be spent for refrigerators, cars, and radios, Ceilings and subsidies are out and consumers are now paying more for most agricultural products. This may reduce consumption. What will these changes mean to an agriculture which has the capacity and desire to produce at wartime schedules or better? Can farmers continue to produce in abun- dance? A lot of people seem to ve taking it for granted that they can, and, of course, farmers want to do it. The question is: Can they do so without producing surpluses, which in the past have meant price demoral- ization? All of us know how even small sur- pluses frequently result in drastic price cuts, which are more severe in the case of perish- able commodities but are not limited to them. This is a phenomenon which 1s peculiar to agriculture, and stems from the fact that ordinarily the individual farmer has nothing to say about the price of what he produces and sells. He likewise has nothing to say about the prices of the things he buys, which are fixed by those who manufacture and dis- tribute them. The general recognition of this dilemma has resulted in governmental policies which undertake to stabilize agricultural prices. While the temporary Steagal] legislation goes farther than any other, in one form or an- othcr, we have had attempts at price stabi- lization ever since the creation of the Federal Farm Board in 1929. In my judgment, there is now general acceptance by the American people of the principle that the Federal Gov- ernment must stabilize farm prices to the extent that farmers will never again suffer from severe deflations like those which fol- lowed 1920 and 1929. Thut principle is as firmly embedded in our governmental policies as is the principle of social security Not set- tled as yet are the questions as to (1) the level upon which prices should be stabilized and (2) the methods and procedure which should be used in bringing about such stabilization. Experience has taught us a great deal about such operations. One thing we have learncd is that it is impossible over any considerable period to support prices above prevailing free markets without controls over production or marketing, or both. Another is that the higher the support price, the greater the con- trol that is necessary. We have learned also that you can’t support prices on just a few commodities without causing serious shifts and dislocations in production. I think the most important question confronting agri- culture today is that of deciding how much price support and how much control there is to be in our postwar agricultural program, keeping in mind that the two inevitably go together, and that the higher the price sup- ports the more rigid the controls. I do not believe there are very many, either in Congress or out, who would want to say that they have the complete answer as to what is the best postwar program for agriculture. That is something upon which all of us are going to have to work—and work hard. With that thought in mind, I am going to ask the House Committee on Agriculture to hold extended hearings on the whole prob- lem of postwar agriculture, with a view of determining what changes in legislation and in policies are necessary to meet the prob- lems which have arisen in recent years. The matter should, of course, be considered from an economic, rather than a political, stand- point. It should include a careful study and reexamination of the policies and pro- grams now In effect. These programs should be considered on their merits. Those which can be justified as useful and helpful to agriculture should be retained. Those which cannot meet this test should be discarded. At these hearings, we shall certainly want to hear from farmers and farm organizations, and I take this opportunity to say that the views and suggestions of any of you on the Ali1 question of a long-time agricultural program will be welcome. While I do not at this time fee] that I can say what our future agricultural policy should be as to programs and details, I do want to make some suggestions as to the di- tection which I think it should go. My an- swer on that is that our objective, as far as possible, should be abundant production rather than a policy of scarcity and controls. That, however, is a question which cannot be decided independently for agriculture. Farmers can’t follow a program of abundant production if industry and labor are going to follow monopoly practices, or scarcity economics, whatever you want to call tt. We have had plenty of experience with indus- trial monopolies in the past and we still have them, in spite of the antitrust laws. In re- cent years we have seen monopoly practices increase in labor until we have Nation-wide labor monopolies exercising almost absolute control over vital industries. These monup- olies have been fostered and perpetuated by governmental policy. The first step we ought to take to assure abundant production in agriculture is to get rid of monopoly in whatever fields it now exists. We have got to insist that other groups besides agriculture enter the fleld of free competition and abundant production. I don’t think it is necessary to elaborate on this. Sufficient to say, if we are going to make any headway in that direction it will require an entire chunge of thinking on the part of many leaders in labor and industry, as well as the application of antitrust legis- lation, or its equivalent, to labor monopoly. What further moves can we make in the direction of making abundant production possible? For one thing, we can take some definite steps in the field of expanding mar- kets. First of all, I think we should go into the field of research in the marketing and utilization of agricultural products—some- thing which has been almost entirely neg- lected up to now as far as governmental poli- cies are concerned. It is natural that when research activities were first undertaken by the Department of Agriculture many years ago, they should be in the field of production. At that time most of our production was for use at home or in nearby communities. Marketing had not become the problem that it is today. Marvels have been accomplished in the fleld of production. Without adequate marketing machinery to handle this pro- duction, neither the farmer nor society as a whole is in a position to get the real bene- fits which come from more efficient produc- tion. The war brought about many changes in the transportation, preservation, and proc- essing of agricultural products, as witness the developments in the fields of dehydration, compression, and freezing. Except for that, however, progress in the transportation, dis- tribution, utilization, and marketing of agri- cultural products has fallen far behind pro- duction. The time has now come when the Department of Agriculture, the various State agencies dealing with agriculture, transpor- tation agencies, processors, distributors, and farmers themselves, must work together in bringing about an expansion of agricultural marketing and consumption. Authority for such a program js contained in bipartisan legislution passed by the last Congress. That authority must still be im- plemented through adequate appropriations by Congress and by a sympathetic admin- istration in the Department of Agriculture. Along with better marketing, we necd re- search in the field of new uses and in the development of new crops, which are nceded here and which we can produce efficiently. This also is covered by the legislation to which I have just referred. There should be many things ahead of us in the field of nutrition. Not only do we need more research and information on this
A152 question, but we need to make that knowl- edge available to the public. The school- lunch program established by the last Con- gress means more than nourishing meals and tmproved health to school children. If prop- erly carried out, it means the dissemination of practical and helpful information on food, not only to school children but to parents as well, That in turn means more food con- sumption, In a very practical sense, improvements in marketing and distribution, and wider information on nutrition, will eventually mean more dollars in the farmer’s pocket. This is because food is in competition with many other articles for the consumer's dollar. It is foolish to say there are no chances to expand farm markets here at home when only 2 comparatively small part of our na- tional income is spent for food, and when we are currently spending about $7,000,000,- 000 annually for alcoholic liquors and four billion more for tea, coffee, and soft drinks, as well as other billions for amusement and recreation, What about foreign markets for agricul- ture in the years ahead? That, like some other things, depends on our general poll- cies as well a8 on our agricultural program. Certainly we should do everything possible to build up our exports of such agricultural commodities as the world needs and which 72 can produce efficiently. Of course, we can't export without importing and, for that reason, our general tariff and trade policies will largely determine what we can do on agricultural exports. I think we should try to see what can be worked out in the way of international com- modity agreements. The preliminary meet- ing of the World Trade Organization which, has recently been held in London has been giving consideration to this matter. I be- Heve that in the case of commodities which enter into world trade on a large scale, like wheat, cotton, wool, sugar, and rubber, com- modity agreements embracing the leading consumer as well as the important producing nations, offer a sound approach to the prob- lem of expanding international trade and stabilizing prices. This brings up the program of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, the FAO. I have attended the two annual meetings of this organization, one at Quebec, the other at Copenhagen. To me the organi- gation represents a significant step in bring- ing about better international relations and understanding. There is no subject as uni- versal as food and agriculture. Everybody consumes food, and two-thirds of the world’s people are farmers. In much of the world, just getting enough to eat still occupies most of an individual’s time and efforts. If the nations of the world, through their repre- sentatives, can get together just once a year to talk over the engrossing. important, and universal] subject of food, it may mean much in bringing about world understanding. Of course, the FAO has broader and more definite aims than that. It seems to me that the objectives most likely of early realization are those which would make sctentific knowledge in agriculture available to the countries which have been backward in their agricultural progress I know that at the two meetings which I have attended, this possi- bility has been at the forefront of the dis- cussion as far as these countries are con- cerned. The matter which seemed to excite the most interest among representatives of the countries in which agriculture was highly developed was that of surpluses and inter- national trade. This year Sir John Boyd Orr, the Director General of the organization, pro- posed his world food board plan. This pro- gram, which calls for setting up a world food board, would convert surpluses in countries in which they exist into food for hungry peo- ple in others, and makes a great appea! to the imagination. 1t appeals to common sense as well. Certainly, anything which can be done to translate burdensome surpluses into life-saving food for the hungry should be carried out. All of these proposals, abundant produc- tion, by labor and industry, expansion of farm markets, new uses for agricultural prod- ucts, wider education on the subject of nu- trition, cxport markets, move in the right direction. They are in harmony with a pro- gram of abundant production. Their im- mediate effect may not be so great, but it will be cumulative and should make price supports and strict controls less and less necessary. This does not mean, however, that I think we can do away altogether with price sup- ports and controls in the near future. I think we may need them at some levels for some time—perhaps always, in order to pre- vent price debacles like we had in 1920 and 1929. That is far different, however, from attempting to continuously support all farm prices at above market levels which must inevitably mean stringent controls. The more we can expand markets along the lines I have indicated, and the greater the defree of real, free enterprise we have in industry and labor, the more we can get away from support prices and Government controls. There are many matters which I have not had time to mention because they are not concerned directly with prices and marketing. They are, however, of the greatest importance and I must not conclude without mentioning them, Perhaps the greatest of all of our farm problems, from the standpoint of national interest, is soil conservation. Our fertile soil is our greatest asset. It must not only be maintained, but improved. In the larger sense, it is not a farm problem, but a prob- lem directly affecting the very future ex- istence of the country. May I refer also to the necessity for study and action for the purpose of bringing about better rural health conditions, better edu- cational facilities in rural communities, and expansion of rural electrification and farm- to-market roads. Today farmers and farm workers are deprived of the benefits of so- cial security Our laws should be amended sco’ as to permit them to participate. These are some of the things ahead of us, as I seem them. They are matters which 1 hope will be studied and discussed in every farm home in America, as well as on street corners and in community meetings. Yes, they should be discussed in the cities as well, because there is nothing so vital to the welfare of our cities and the Nation as’ & whole, as a sound agricultural and rural life. History is filled with examples of the decline and fall of great nations when they neglected the land and the people who cc- cupied and tilled it. This Nation, great and powerful as it is, must not fail to heed these clear warnings of the past. The farm home must remain as it always has been, the cor- nerstone of American life and progress. Truman-Dewey Economics EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RALPH A. GAMBLE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. GAMBLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted by the House, I present for insertion in the COncREssIONAL RECORD an editorial which appeared in the Daily APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Times, published in Mamaroneck, N. Y., on Thursday, January 9, 1947, titled “Truman-Dewey Economics”: TRUMAN<DEWEY ECONOMICS There was political significance that the two men who may grapple for the Presidency in 1948, Harry 8. Truman and Thomas E. Dewey, spoke simultaneously yesterday to their respective legislative bodies on what should be done for the best interests of the people along economic lines. And, as likely 1948 opponents, a comparison of their views is pertinent. Governor Dewey recommends maintenance of six so-called emergency taxes but also retention of the 60-percent cut in the State income taxes; President Truman says Federal taxes should be kept at the present level and that it would be “unsound fiscal policy” to reduce wartime income taxes. On this point, Mr. Truman will find opposition from a GOP Congress pledged to cut income taxes as a measure to build up the take-home pay of the worker. Governor Dewey talks of a $400,000,000 State veterans’ bonus, which if approved may raise the State debt to almost a billion; on Monday President Truman said that with the exception of minor adjustments, Federal aid to veterans has been completed. Governor Dewey advocates extension of the State labor-mediation service and estab- lishment of a research agency to study labor- management relations; President Truman wants minimum wages raised, social-security benefits increased, a broader coverage of the wage-hour law. It is significant that no- where did the President express sympathy or support of the Nathan philosophy that in- dustry’s profits can permit a 25-percent rise in wages without endangering economic stability. Governor Dewey wants private housing construction encouraged for use by families with middle-class incomes, and also & $25,000,000 appropriation to supplement the $35,000,000 emergency housing prbgram for veterans begun last year; President Truman urges a long-range housing program which will start 1,000,000 new dwellings this year and which will in time reduce housing costs. Governor Dewey urges utilization of the St. Lawrence water-power resources; President Truman wants industry to build up unde- veloped areas and depressed regions. While the economic theses of the two Exec- utives do not conflict sharply at any one point, there is a marked difference in the de- gree with which the two stress important basic philosophies. Governor Dewey is defi- nitely for lower income taxes, while President Truman is not. Dewey warns sharply against new demands of pressure groups, pointing to @ recent group of proposals which would cost the State more than one and a quarter bil- lions. Truman is not nearly so emphatic in denunciation of new spending. Particularly interesting is the President's belief that taxes can be maintained at present levels and at the same time prices can be lowered by expanding production and the “Initiative and inventiveness” of our indus- trialists. That is, we submit, a debatable point. If the cost of living is to be reduced, where better to begin than on taxes? And since taxes enter into the cost of every com- modity, especially where wages play a large part in the cost, how better can prices of such commodities be lowered than through reduc- tion of processing taxes? And how better can wages be stabilized than through reduction of the Federal income tax, allowing larger take-home pay and by that degree at least lessening the threat of strikes? In general, to summarize, President Tru- man is perceptibly less anxicua to reduce taxes, especially income taxes, than is Gov- ernor Dewey. Truman is obviously more anxious to appease organized labor than !s Dewey. And, most important of all, Truman
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD faces a deficit and unbalanced Budget, while Dewey has a large surplus. It remains to be developed which is the better equipped to avoid a boom-and-bust era—but to date the odds are with the Governor. Air Accidents REMARKS HON. CARL HINSHAW OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 14, 1947 Mr. HINSHAW. Mr. Speaker, on yesterday the gentleman from South Carolina {Mr. Rivers} brought up the subject of an air-accident investigation. This is a very important matter indeed, and I trust that the House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce through a subcommittee or acting as a whole will be prepared to conduct such investigation as may be necessary to de- termine what relationship any action or any inaction on the part of a govern- mental agency, including the House of Representatives and the Senate, may have to these accidents, I include the legislative body because, of course, there is the matter of adequate appropriations for the operation of airways and airway facilities. As soon as the committee can get organized, I hope we will be able to proceed to learn something of the facts in order to be able to make an early report. I have submitted this matter to the chairman of the committee and I trust and hope that his concurrence and ap- proval will be had. If it is necessary to introduce a resolution to give special authorization to the committee, he will do so. The Select Committee of the House of Representatives To Investigate Air Ac- cidents, appointed pursuant to House Resolution 125 of the Seventy-seventh Congress, of which I had the honor to be a member, conducted 28 such investi- gations and made certain recommenda- tions. A number of those recommen- dations were made effective. But since those days, 1940-42, there has been a great expansion in air traffic and many new problems are presented. These problems demand our attention, and our action where congressional action is in- dicated, as the airways of this country are constructed, operated, controlled, and maintained by the Federal Govern- ment, Bureaucrat Creates Bilbos in Iowa County With Taxpayers’ Funds EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOWARD H. BUFFETT OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 16, 1947 Mr. BUFFETT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following Department of Agriculture letter: Uniten STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, Bedford, Iowa, January 7, 1947. Dear Friends, after reading this don’t say, “I didn’t know it.” First, the war is over and millions of our boys have returned overjoyed to be home alive, many crippled for life, others that have not, and will not return, died for their loved ones at home and for buddies that they might return to a free world. Yes, they died for the slackers too. Who ia responsible for the slacker? Is it not you and I? Second, 1946 brought a record harvest of all crops. Has there ever been a year in history when a bumper crop was needed more than the past year? The farmers’ cribs and bins, our ele- vators and our Government steel bins (ever- normal granary) all empty and the world starving with but one source to look to for food. The Year 1946, Mother Earth, Nature, and the Supreme Power that watches over us. Yes, 1946 was a wonderful year for which we truly are thankful. Do we appreciate our position and enjoy the material things of life so much we forget who brought all these things about? Yes, many of us do. Let’s not forget our Senator Brtpos. Did we not have our Brigos in Taylor County dur- ing the war? Yes. Let’s watch their every move though camoufiaged as our friends. All is not gold that glitters, Opportunities of 1947 confront us: Triple A’s job is one of soil conservation. A great deal of the top soil on our rolling land has washed away. The past year a great deal has been done to hold as much as possible of what good Soil remains on thousands of acres, but this work has only started. This work must be speeded up. More land owners and tenants must be convinced of the need of conserving our soil if future genera- tions are to live on this same land. I am convinced if our hillsides are to be farmed they must be terraced. Many of our hill- Sides have washed away until what remains is worthless from a standpoint of production. It is not too late to save what is left if we act now. The sign up for 1947 is expected to be carried out in February. Landowners and tenants must plan together the practices you expect to carry out at the time of sign- ing your intentions for there will be no shifting from one practice to another. Neither will you be permitted to add another practice. The practices on which payments will be made are the ones shown when giving your intentions. You should give your plans serious thought. Just what should I do? Should I build terraces instead of lim- ing and fertilizing? Perhaps both, but your allowance may not go as far as you had hoped. A great deal of serious thinking will help you and your township committemen solve your problem. In order to keep the record straight and to correct the belief of at least a few, we are offering the following explanation. A few farmers in our county have come into our Office thinking it was the Farm Bureau Office and wanted to leave us $10 as mem- bership dues. Naturally, we informed them they were in the AAA Office, after which they inquired if it was true that they must be- long to that organization to be eligible for soil conserving technicai help such as laying out terraces, dams, etc., from our office and that of the Soil Conservation Service, also to be able to get lime and phosphate deliv- eries. We informed them, it was not true, and that AAA is a Federal agency; it is our duty to help everyone alike. It is also the duty of every State and Federal agency, which is tax-supported to serve all the people and not just a few. As far as AAA and Soil Conservation Service is concerned in Taylor County, everyone will be given the same consideration whether or not you belong to A153 a farm organization, church club, or any secret orders. Under our Constitution any- one desiring to join any organization is strictly their own business so long as it does not interfere with the rights of others. A special privileged few is “Hitlerism.” Yours truly, Frep O. HuNTER, Chairman, Taylor County A. C. A. Jefferson National Forest EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN W. FLANNAGAN, JR. OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 16, 1947 Mr. FLANNAGAN. Mr. Speaker, on August 24, 1946, the High Knob Develop- ment Association staged a five-State pic- nic party on High Knob, Wise County, Va. The association was organized for the purpose of developing the Jefferson National Forest as a vacation and recrea- tion spot and has made wonderful prog- ress in its undertaking. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the ReEcorp, I include herein the address I delivered on the occasion: The American people live too fast to see and enjoy the beauties and opportunities of nature. We would be repaid a thousand- fold if we only took time to take advantage of the opportunities nature affords for pleas- ure, for recreation, for meditation. We have gathered here this afternoon upon one of God’s watchtowers, situated tn the midst of one of the great playgrounds the All-Wise Architect included in His plan of creation for the enjoyment of His people, from which vantage point we can behold one of the loveliest scenes in nature's gallery of art. Most of us only live a few miles away, and yet how many of the peopl are here for the first time this afternoon? How many of you present here this afternoon ever took time before to come up here and enjoy this great playground, which is a part of your inheritance, by Just )laying around, behold- ing the beauties that greet you on every side, and communing with nature and nature’s God? We all need to “pack up our troubles” now and then, forget the cares of the day, repair to some choice spot such as this, and bask in the sunshine or sit beneath the shade of some verdant tree, breathe good wholesome air, and just meditate on the goodness, the beauties of nature and nature’s God: or, if we are not in a meditative mood, take a plunge in the lake, row and fish around, play golf or tennis, throw horseshoes, walk down some bow-covered path, climb sume rugged steep; and, if we do, we will find that “the cares that infest the day will fold their tents like the Arabs and as silently steal away.” As I visit other sections of the world, the thought keeps coming back to me that in the creative period, God, after creating the earth and pronouncing it good, came back to this section, seated Himself on Holston’s White Top, Cumberland’s Pinnacle, the Towers of the Breaks, or here on High Knob, surveyed the surrounding territory with the purpose in mind of making it the loveliest spot of all His creation, and when He got through level- ing down a peak over here, raising a peak over yonder, putting a little more curvature in a ridge over here a little more symmetry in a ridge over yonder, pushing the moun- tains back to widen a valley over here, pull- ing them closer together to narrow a valley
Al54 over yonder, putting in an extra river over here, a sparkitng branch over yonder, and then clothing it in blue grass, giant oaks, and etately poplar, and bedecking it with the dogwood, the redbud, and the rhododendron, He was greatly pleased because there lay before Him, in all its loveliness, His greatest handiwork—your land and my land—south- west Virginia. Ah, my friends, the Great Architect in shaping and formmg Southwest Virginia brought into play all of his unlimited tal- ents. His practicability is reflected in our fertile valleys and long, sloping b:ue-grass hillsides where the good earth responds to man's every demand: in our wonderful for- ests, abounding in hard and soft woods of the finest texture; in our inexhaustible lime- stone deposits; and in our excellent coal seams that produce the finest black diamonds nature has bestowed upon man. His artistic, picturesque is bere reflected in @ veritable fairyland of streams, all crystal clear, some playmg hide and seek as they wend their way through blue-grass pastures and rugged defiles in the mountain ranges, where the mountain bass, the King among the finny tribe, basks tn sun-Kissed pools or battles the current in rapid shoals; other, high up on the mountains, sperkling and cool, where the speckled trout, shy and elu- sive, brings into play every strategy known to the angler; of stubbied fields and unkept fence rows, where man's heart gets an extra beat and his being responds to every call of nature as he watches the pointer and setter range in quest of quail; of valleys, narrows, tong and winding, furroughed by age, where babbling streams and sweet-throated song- birds compose the orchestra by which the elves at twilight dance and sing; and of peaks, rugged and nature-worn, that rise in majesty and grandeur to within speaking distance of the heavenly throng, and where the angels steal on moonlit nights to get a glimpse of what God can do at His best. Such, my friends, is our inheritance. Why mot enjoy tt to the fullest by making its choice spots accessible, not only to our peo- ple but to the people of our whole country? The development of High Knob, which ts one of our choicest spots, is an undertaking that, if successfully carried forward to com- pletion, will now and in the future years bring joy and happiness to untold millions. God has done His part; it 1s up to us to @o ours. Complete Repeal of Regulation W Is Necessary ee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD C. HAGEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 16, 1947 Mr. HAGEN. Mr. Speaker, I have just finished reading an article which ap- peared in the business section of the New York Times yesterday, January 15. It was written by Charles Hurd, an able Times correspondent. The basis for Mr. Hurd’s article was a letter addressed to Congressman Puinzp J. Puriam, of Massachusetts, by the Fed- eral Reserve Board, outlining their in- tentions relative to the continuing of controls on the use of credit by con- sumers, I have taken an active interest in the repeal of regulation W because I believe that this regulation and control is detri- mental to farmers, veterans, and low- income consumers who must depend on credit to secure many of the necessary good things of life. The Federa) Reserve Board now has advised Congress, through their letter tu Representative Priam, that it was planning to manage and contro] con- sumer demand through juggling the permissible terms of credit on durable goods. The Board said it expects to adjust credit terms from time to time under its regulation W—to Jessen the influence of credit on busi- ness cycles. It further said it realized the principal effect of its present credit terms has been to restrain consumer demand for automobiles, washing machines, and other household accessories. This is one of the most outrageous pro- nouncements ever to come from abn agency of this Government. The Board confesses it is deliberately attempting to reserve the mar- ket in autos and other durables for the rich—for the families with sufficient wealth to make large cash payments. It wants to cut off from the good things of postwar in- dustry, now coming through tn ever-tnereas- ing quantities, the wage earners, the average veteran, and others who do not have big cash accumulations These people have good jobs and the capacity to pay out of their earnings, on reasonable installments, for the items they need, just as badly as do the well- to-do group, who have most of the ready cash savings. The installment buyer, who bought 70 per- cent of all autos manufactured in recent pre- war years, hss as much right to a car today as does the cash buyer, whether supplies of autos are limited or not. However, the Board's credit terms, requiring one-third down and payment of the balance in 15 months, act to set the amount of install- ments at a prohibitively bigh figure for the average family. This power of the Board, in effect, pre- determines the standard of living of mil- lions of American families. Moreover, we want no more self-appointed supermen to try to manage and control im- portant phases of our economy from a Wash- ington offee. The Board mentions more than six important economic factors which it plans to wetgh—including such ponder- ous intangibles as “the general level of eco- nomic activity.” “the price level and its movement,” and “public holdings of liquid assets,” as it omnipotently juggtes credit terms, imposes its will and Judgment on hun- dreds of thousands of businessmen, manu- facturera, and bankers throughout the coun- try and forces them to exact unreasonable and repressive credit terms from their cus- tomers. The American people voted last November to get the Government out of business, wherever possible, and to terminate restric- tive wartime emergency controls at once, be- cause the war is over. Now we see the Fed- eral Reserve Board is planning to hang on stubbornly to consumer-cfedit controls, hampering industry and using war powers to manipulate normal business in peacetime. It ts high time this interference was ended, and I prophesy and hope that Congress will strip these powers from the Board promptty and completely. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tndastrial Trafic League EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WRIGHT PATMAN IN THE HOUSE Of REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 16, 1947 Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am in- serting herewith a circular gotten out by the National Industrial Traffic League, Mr. Alonzo Bennett, Memphis, Tenn., president, relative to the coal strike last fall; also a resolution adopted at the thirty-nimth annual meeting of this as- sociation, regarding the coal strike. It is as follows: Tue NATIONAL : Trarric LEAGUE, Washington, D. C., November 25, 1946. To Members: Attached is a copy of the resolution adopted at the annual meeting of the Na- tional Industrial Traffic League at New York City, last week, Thursday, November 21, re- garding the coal strike which threatens na- tional economic strangulation and the extension af a precedent already set, of usurpation by selfiah orgunized minorities of the power to tax which is the power to de- stroy. Copy of the resolution was sent im- mediately to the President of the United States over the signature of President Ben- nett, with a letter of transmittal reading as follows: “The Nation is deeply concerned with the problems confronting you by reason of the coal strike. While we hope you can find a solution, the event is but symptomatic of fundamental defects in Federal statutes governing labor organtzations and the re- sponsibfitty for thetr actions. “At the thirty-ninth annual meeting of the National Industrial Traffic League, the attached resotution was adopted, with the hope that Congress can be prevailed upon to correct the disease while you are dealing with the symptoms. “The National Industrial Traffic League is an organization of individuals, firms, and corporations actually engaged in the ship- ment and receipt of commodities; also com- mercial, trade, and traffic organizations, deal- ing with traffic or transportation matters, located in the United States. “The vast preponderance of our citizenry are hopefully behind you.” Coptes of the resolution also have been sent to Members of }. Particular attention is invited to the sug- gestion in the Jast paragraph of the reso- lution that regional and local organizations take similar action. In response to many inquiries regarding the possibility of a general freight embargo, the latest advice is that there is a possibility none will be tesued this week. The ratl- roads, of course, must conserve their avail- able supply of coal, end are hopeful that a freight embargo will not be necessary (should the atrike continue) until their supply of coal is down to a 80-day basis. Passenger-train mileage on coal-burning railroads has been curtailed by 25 percent. General Order ODT 68, effective 11:59 p. m., November 24, prevents rail carriers from op- erating a total daily coal-burning passenger servioe locomotive mileage tn excess of 75 pereent of the total coal-burning passenger service locomotive mileage operated by them on November 1, 1946. The order further pre- vents the operation of special passenger trains requiring the wee of coal-burning loco-