APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD That ignorance of each other's ways and lives has been a common cause, throughout the history of mankind, of that suspicion and mistrust between the Peoples of the world through which their differences have all too often broken into war; That the great and terrible war which has now ended was a war made possible by the denial of the democratic principles of the dign‘ty, equality and mutual respect of men, and by the propagation, in their place, through ignorance and prejudice, of the doc- trine of the inequality of men and races; That the wide diffusion of culture, and the education of humanity for justice and Mberty and peace are indispensable to the dignity of man and constitute a sacred duty which all the nations must fulfill in a spirit of mutual assistance and concern; That @ peace based exclusively upon the political and economic arrangements of gov- ernments would not be @ peace which could secure the unanimous, lasting and sincere support of the peoples of the world, and that the peace must therefore be founded, if it 1s not to fail, upon the intellectual and moral solidarity of mankind. Enlistment of 18-Year-Old Boys EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWIW.C. JOHNSON IN THE SENATE OF “THE, ONITED ‘STATES Thursday, February 15 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. JOHNSON of Colorado. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a statement made by Clinton N. Howard, editor of Progress, official pub- lication of the International Reform Federation, before the Armed Services Committee of the Senate on January 31, 1951, which was published in the Feb- ruary 1951 issue of Progress, There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: SHALL We ENLIsT 18-Year-Oips? (Statement by the editor, Clinton N. Howard, before the Armed Services Committee of the Senate, January 31, 1951, in opposition to the enlistment of 18-year-old boys) Mr. Chairman, I am a “peace-i-fist,” but when might challenges right I am a pacifist as were my fathers before me who belonged to the plain people of Pennsylvania. On one occasion when a boy of 10 I dined with my father in a public house where an old- fashioned dinner bell was rung in and around the house to call the help, hands, and guests who came tumbling in like hungry hounds. TURNING OTHER CHEEK My father was a rural reverend and sat at the table with his broad-brimmed hat on. A rude fellow of the baser sort rebuked his table manners, asking him whether he wore a crock when he cut his hair. He also in- quired why he did not remove his hat when he “et,” My father explained that he never uncovered except in the presence of his su- perior. The diner rejoined offensively. Father replied, “Friend, my name is Howard, What is thy name?” He replied, “My name is Bell." Said my peace-i-fist father, “Friend Bell, if thee does not hold thy tongue, I'll knock the clapper out of thy bell.” The warrior subsided. Having turned the other cheek, my father argued that the Lord left him to his own valor and discretion. XCVII—App.——52 THE RIGHT OP SELF-DEFENSE We are at war. It does not matter why, when, or where, we are at war. There are only two alternatives. We will either win or lose, and I favor our winning, either by honorable arbitration or by armed confilct. While war is always to be deplored, defense is better than suffering wrong, humiliation, and defeat. War is not always wrong. We read in the Divine Revelation, “And there was war in heaven: Michael and his angels fought against the dragon: and the dragon fought and his angels, and prevailed not. And the great dragon, that old serpent, called the Devil and Satan, which deceiveth the whole world, was cast out and his angels were cast out with him.” Where did he go? The Bible says, “He was cast out into the earth.” Our Lord confirmed it, saying, ‘“Be- hold, I saw Satan as lightning fall from heaven.” And he has been waging war on the earth ever since. MILITANT MOSES If it was right to fight in heaven against an aggressor who rejected and defied Jehovah, it might be right to fight to stop communism when it resorts to force and uses an innocent infant nation as a shield. The Lord led the armies of Israel out of Egypt to the coast of the Red Sea, divided the waters and Israel crossed over on dry land. Moseg and the children of Israel sang, “The Lord is Man of War; the Lord is His name. I will sing unto the Lord for He hath triumphed gloriously: the Lord is my strength and song and He is become my salvation, Sing ye to the Lord, for He hath triumphed gloriously; the horse and his rider hath He thrown into the sea.” It was a song of victory, of right over might. For 40 years he trained them to fight and to conquer the more powerful nations that inhabited Palestine. It wag an army of in- vasion and God commanded them, saying, “Thou shalt utterly overthrow and destroy them, throw down their images, overthrow their altars and root out thetr groves.” They marched victoriously, crossing the Jordan, leveling the walls of Jericho and establishing the capital of Israel at Jerusalem where David the King, sang in triumph, “Blessed be God my strength who teacheth my hands to war and my fingers to fight.” THE ARMY OF THE LORD God was their commander in chief and named the conditions on which victory would be won. He did not send schoolboys to be slaughtered, but men to fight and He fixed the age of their enlistment. Again and again He commanded Moses and his successor Joshua, saying, “Take ye the sum of all the congregation of the chil- dren of Israel after their families, with the number of their names, every male by their polls; from 20 years old and upward, all that are able to go forth to war in Israel.” And when they ran short of young men above 20, that were fit to fight, the Lord said unto Moses, “Number the sons of Israel after their families and after the house of their fathers, from 30 years old and upward even unto 50 years old, every one that entereth into the service.” GOD SAID “EVERY MALE” Mark the significant fact that the families, the young women, the mothers and the youth and the children were commanded to remain. in the cities, only the males above 20 were to be drafted. That was the military age of service fixed by the Almighty. Not the wind- falls but the handpicked, 20 years old and upward that were fit to fight. Not 18-year- old adolescents without sufficient military training, as we did in Korea, ill-clothed, ill- trained, ill-armed, soft-spoken youth, from our high schools, but 20 years old and up- ward was the law of the Lord. SOBER SOLDIERS And of still more importance then the . matter of years, it was to be a sober army, a total-abstaining army, a water-drinking A817, army. In his last address, when Moses turned over the military leadership to Joshua, we read, “An‘1 Moses called unto all Israel and said unto them: ‘And I have led you 40 years in the wilderness; your clothes are not waxen old upon you, and thy shoe is not waxen old upon thy foot. Ye have not eaten bread (but manna), neither have ye drunk wine or strong drink: that ye might know that I am the Lord your God’.” When they were parched with thirst and cried out against Moses for bringing them into that desert place, saying, “What shall we drink?” God did not send them canned beer as a present from the brewers of Egypt, but water out of the smitten rock, and we are told in the divine revelation that the rock followed them, supplying potable water in e@ desert land. God gave them manna to eat and BLO to drink. Total abstinence and Divine dependence brought deliverance. THE WATER CURE There Mr. Chairman, members of the com- mittee, generals of the Army, and commander in chief of the American military forces in the White House, there is your cue: give our armies the water cure; enlist only those that are fit for military service, 20 years old and upward, and give them H,O to drink tne stead of hooch and our enemies will lick the dust. THREE MILLION FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND POOTMEN It is not a question of numbers but of fit- ness. When God called Gideon to fight the Midianites he told him that his army was too large, and he reduced it by 22,000, and re- duced it again until only 300 fighting men “who lapped water as they ran” remained, and the Midtanites, “who filled the valley like grasshoppers for multitude; and their camels without number,” fled in terror. God said, “By the 300 that lapped water will I deliver the Midianites unto they hand. * * * For the kingdom ts the Lord’s: and he 1s the governor among the nations. * * * The eternal God is thy refuge, and underneath are the everlasting arms. * * * Blessed 1s that nation whose God is the Lord; and the people whom he hath chosen for his own inheritance.” May that nation be the United States of America in peace and war, An Interesting Opinion Poll EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 15, 1951 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, those of us in positions of legislative responsi- bility cannot, of course, base our final judgments simply on the results of opin- jon polls. They are not necessarily sci- entific or a true refiection of the will of our constituents. Furthermore, there are times in our experience when we will reach the conclusion that the best in- terests of our country require us to follow a course which is not popular. Right rather than expediency must he our guide. Nevertheless, it is helpful to know how various segments of our people are thinking. The policies pursued by our country, if they are to be completely suc- cessful, must be backed by the over- whelming sentiment of our citizens, It is a wholesome thing, therefore, for Members of Congress to be furnished
A&iS throughout the Nation, ping ie Nai . A group of young people from the Fortieth Congressional District and ad- §eining territory in and around Roch- ester, N. Y., who have formed the Citi- zens Opinion Committee, have sent me a letter indicating an interesting proj- ect which they have just undertaken. With ft they have transmitted the re- sults of the first sampling of public opinion which they took. Under leave to extend my remarks, I include this letter and accompanying summary of replies to specific questions dealing with United States foreign pol- icy. The formulators of the questions and all those who participated in this venture are to be commended for their public-spirited interest in initiating this important undertaking. The letter and summary follow: Tare Crrizens’ Oprtion COMMITTEE, Rochester, N. Y., January 18, 1951. The Honorable Kennera B, Keatrva, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dear Sim: As one of our Representatives in Congress, you have undoubtedly wished many times that you might be better in- formed about the thinking of your constitu. ents. Nine of us in the Rochester area have vol- unteered our services to form a Citizens’ Opinion Committee. Our ages range from 23 to 31, with most members in their late twenties, The purposes of our committee are— 1, To present problems of governmental policy to citizens of voting age in this area, in such a way as to stimulate their thinking about these problems. 2. To determine the opinions of people on these policies. 8. To supply you and your other immediate Representatives and Senators with tabula- tions of our findings. In carrying on this project, we are trying to present the policies without personal or political bias and without influencing the decisions of the survey participants. While we recognize this as probably an imperfect instrument by some standards, we believe it aworth-while one. It presents opinions from many people who have often felt the need, but have seldom found the opportunity, to write their Congressmen. A copy of our survey statements, a tabula- tion by percents with graphs, and a list of the participants are enclosed. In the future we hope to have other surveys on governmental, foreign and domestic polictes. Briefly, here are some of the pertinent facts about our survey: 1. Twenty-one statemente are included in the survey, dealing with general and Asiatic phases of the United States’ foreign policy. 2. Two hundred survey sheets were dis« tributed by members of the committee through personal contact with friends, busi- ness associates, and, in some cases, through them to their friends and associates. The survey covered persons of all ages and with- out regard for political affiliations. 8. The survey was conducted between January 8 and 13. 4. The final tabulation included 115 re- turns. In addition to this, 15 were returned too late to be counted. 5. Persons taking part in the survey in. clude chiefly, executive, supervisory, and of. fice personnel in Rochester industries; teach+ era in the public schools; staff personnel from the University of Rochester; and house- wives, The following groups are represented in relatively fewer numbers: Skilled workers, larmers, merchants, engineers, State Teacher College faculty at Brockport, and retired per- sons. Approximately one-half of the returns are from college graduates. Virtually everyone participating in the sur- vey reported that our project had stimulated their thinking. Im fact, many reported that it had provoked extensive discussions within family groups and with friends and associ- ates. A few felt that they were not sufficient- ly informed to express opinions on Govern- ment foreign policy. For many, however, our undertaking has resulted in reconsideration of former opinions and formulation of new ones. We shall be greatly interested in your re- actions to this project and will welcame any comments you may care to make on its value to you or in any areas which might be sim- larly treated in the future. Very truly yours, Ricmagp E. Pours. Citizens’ Opinion Committee: A. William Ashley, foreman, Delco appliance division, GMC; Myra Howes, secretary, Taylor Instru- ment Co.; Richard E. Pultz, methods investi- gator Eastman Kodak Co.; William H. Van- denbergh, attorney, Lumberman’s Mutual In- surance Co,; Betty Cavanaugh, secretary, Uni- versity of Rochester; William 8. Nestle, campus school coordinator, State teachers college, Brockport; Jane Vandenbergh, housewife, 276 Ingomar Drive; Herman Walz, law student, Albany Law College; Jane Wilk- ins, assistant librarian, University of Rochester, GENrRaL ForsiGN PoLicy 1. Dean Acheson should be relieved from his office as Secretary of State: Agree, 65 per~ cent; disagree, 80 percent; no opinion, 5 per- cent. 2. The United States should use the veto, if necessary, to. prevent the seating of Com- munist China in the United Nations: Agree, 78 percent; disagree, 20 percent; no opinion, 3 percent. 8. Under no circumstances should the atom bomb be used: Agree, 7 percent; dis- agree, 89 percent; no opinion, 4 percent. 4. The United States should not use the atom bomb unless a state of open war ex- fats between Ruasia and the United States: Agree, 58 percent; disagree, 82 percent; no opinion, 10 percent. 5. The United States should immediately use the atom bomb on Russia: Agree, 2 percent; disagree, 96 percent; no opinion, 2 percent. 6. Although we must continue to send aid to Europe, we should concentrate our great- est efforts in arming Asia: Agree, 8 percent; disagree, 87 percent; no opinion, 5 percent. 7. The United States should give equal effort to the defense of Europe and Asia: Agree, 87 percent; disagree, 63 percent; no opinion, 10 percent. 8. While we continue to send aid to Asia, we should concentrate our efforts tn the defense of Europe: Agree, 46 percent; dis- agree, 43 percent; no opinion, 11 percent. 9. Our defense effort should be devoted entirely to the Western Hemisphere: Agree, 16 percent; disagree, 76 percent; no opinion, 8 percent. 10. The United States should not send arm- aments to other parts of the world beyond those required under our present commit- ments until the defenses of the United States ageinst direct attack have been greatly improved: Agree, 78 percent; disagree, 18 Percent; no opinion, 4 percent. 11. The present crisis warrants embarking immediately on s wartime ecanomy: Agree, 78 precent, disagree, 16 percent; no opinion, 6 percent. UNIred States Pottoy me Asta COREA 1. All United Nations forces and equip- ment should be evacuated from Korea as rap- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD idly as corsistent with the safety of these forces: Agree, 58 percent; disagree, 41 per- cent; no opinion, 6 percent. 2. United Nations forces should remain itn Korea to carry on a deleying action if possi- ble, without greatly increased reinforcement: Agree, 30 percent; disagree, 61 percent; no opinion, 0 percent. 8. United Nations should continue to make 2 stand in Korea at all costs: Agree 15 per- cent; disagree, 79 percent; no opinion, 6 per- cont. CHINA 1. The United States and other non-Com- munist countries should supply the Chinese Nationalist forces with the materials neces- sary for an invasion of the Chinese main- land: Agree, 68 percent; disagree, 27 percent; no opinion 5 percent, 2. The United States and other non-Com- munist countries should give sea and air force support to the Chinese Nationalists in any invasion of the Chinese mainiand: Agree 46 percent; disagree 47 percent; no opinion 7 percent. 8. The United States and non-Communtist nations should enforce an effective military blockade of the Chinese coast: Agree 70 per- cent; disagree, 21 percent; no opinion, 9 per- cent. 4. The United States, in conjunction with other non-Communist countries, should dis- continue all direct or indirect trade with Red China: Agree 98 percent; disagree, 4 per- cent; no opinion, 3 percent. &. The. United States should establish a vast counter-Communist propaganda pro- gram throughout Agia: Agree, 90 percent; disagree, 7 percent; ‘tio opinion, 3 percent. 6. The United States should supply mill- tary equipment to the French tn Indochina: Agree, 51 percent; disagree, 35 percent; no opinion, 14 percent. 7. The United States should seek the use of United Nations troops tn Indochina: agree, 32 percent; disagree, 51 percent; no opinion, 17 percent. PACIFIC—GENERAL 1, Further use of United States forces in Asia should be governed by United Nations policy only: agree, 48 percent; disagree, 40 percent; no opinion, 12 percent. 2. The United Btates should encourage the Japanese to rearm for the purpose of de- fending their homeland; agree, 85 percent; disagree, 10 percent; no opinion, 5 percent. 8. The United States should establish a strong Pacific defense line, which would in- clude the Aleutians, Japan, Okinawa, For- mosa, the Philippines, and Australia: agree, 98 percent; disagree, 2 percent; no opinion, zero, Congressman Hall’s Invalid Mother Is Attacked by Frank Gannett’s News- paper T emmamemaneead EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, beaten back, snarling, and frustrated over Enwiw Artur HALL’s never-failing defiance of its gangster journalism, Frank Gannett’s Bingham- ton Preas has just revealed a despicable ettack on the Congressman’s invalid mother,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Throwing all discretion to the winds, the unbridled fury of this wolf pack shows its true colors best in featuring a yellow poison-pen letter writer, a Press stooge, from which it quotes: One of the first things Haut did was to appoint his father as his secretary and his mother as clerk. His mother stayed quietly at home and never did any Government work whatsoever. This went on for several years until exposed by the Washington Post. My dearly loved and late lamented father worked day and night in my Washington office, usually putting in a 12. to 16-hour day. But he was never safe from the smears the Gannett newspaper hurled at him and at me during all the time he worked in my office. So great was the hatred which the editor held for my distinguished father, that his picture was withheld from Press columns at the time of his death, and the large funeral which he received hoe glossed over with scarcely a men- on. My mother was employed by me at the time she was on my payroll, taking important messages for my Binghamton office and addressing letters. She has as much right to be on my payroll as any other American. She earned every penny she received and has taken a world of abuse frém this Com- mie clique because she is loyal to your Congressman and her own son. Whenever my mother desires to work for me again and is sufficiently well, I will put her back on my payroll, regard- less of press smears. It is well to point out that in 1946 my mother suffered a serious heart attack after a similar press tirade. Gannett’s hounds are bent upon exterminating all of us to satiate their hateful desires. Hitler's storm troopers used to go about rubbing out free representatives and their wives as in the case of Herr and Mrs, Von Sleicher in the early days of nazism. Behind the fron curtain they liquidate whole families immediate to a person who dares speak his mind. But I do not find anywhere in recent annals, at least, a case as degrading as the press feature of this wanton attack upon the character of my mother, help- less to defend herself, ill from prolonged sickness, and victimized by the storm- trooper slander of our local Gannett smear tabloid. Mobilizing Our Farm Power EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN C. JOHNSON OF COLORADO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr, JOHNSON of Colorado. Mr. President, on January 30, 1951, the Hon- orable Charles F. Brannan, Secretary of Agriculture, delivered a notable address on the subject of mobilizing our farm power, at the annual meeting of the National Rural Electric Cooperative As- sociation at Cleveland, Ohio. The sub- ject is of such general interest that I ask unanimous consent that Secretary Brannan’s address be printed in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mosrimina Our Farm Power (By Charles F. Brannan) Just about the first thing that comes to @ person's mind at these meetings of the National Rural Electric Cooperative Associa- tion is the old saw: “Nothing succeeds like success.” Roughly 15 years ago only about 11 per- cent of the Nation’s farms had central sta- tion electric service. At that time, how many of us would have dared to predict that today—only a decade and a half later--87 percent of our farms would have central- station service? But that’s the record. Since 1936 the figures on farm electrifica- tion have been almost exactly turned around. Then, only about 1 farm out of 10 had power from a central station—now only about 1 farm out of 10 does not have power from &@ central station, The initial successes of the rural electric co-ops have been steadily expanded into greater and more glowing achievements. Your success is also an unanswerable re- joinder to those who argue that free enter- prise is handicapped in these days by Gov- ernment interference. Your co-ops are liv~ ing examples of free enterprise. They are living proofs that free enterprise cannot only survive but that it can, and will, thrive in an atmosphere of intelligent governmental assistance. So I want to tell you again, as I have in the past, that it is a real pleasure to meet with this great group of representa- tives of business-managed, tax-paying or- ganizations. I want to tell you that you have every right to be proud of your busi- ness management—of the fact that 99 per- cent of the loans “are being paid back on schedule or ahead of schedule—and espe- cially of the fact that you are successfully operating power systems in many areas that the utility industry refused to electrify be- cause it didn’t think it would pay out. As for the taxes you pay—well, I'm sure it would be news to you folks to find out that you didn't have to pay real-estates taxes, personal-property taxes on equipment, oc- cupational-license taxes, social-security taxes, various excise taxes, sales and use taxes. Of course, you pay these taxes—all of them—just like any other business. I never have believed that very many people are fooled by this phony tax-equality line—and I don’t believe it today. Once again, then, congratulations on the fine job you are doing. The tremendous success which you have achieved in helping to bring electric power to the great majority of our farms is one of the reasons why agri- culture can face the future with real con- fidence in its ability to meet the food and fiber needs of the Nation. I want to talk with you today along three principal lines. First, I want to review briefly the situation we face as a nation, Second, I’d like to discuss agriculture’s part in today’s challenge—what the Nation ex- pects of its farms—how well farmers are equipped to meet the Nation's require- ments—and what is being done to help equip them better. Finally, I want to talk with you specifically about the part electric power and the rural electric co-ops can play in the present emergency. We are living in one of the most critical periods in all human history. We have got A819 to realize that we are now facing probably the most serious threat to civilization of the past 20 centuries, There is no longer time to put things off until tomorrow or to depend on somebody else doing our job for us, We hope for peace—we want peace, ear- nestly and prayerfully, We have proved again and again that we are willing to go much more than halfway to achieve peace, But who could be so blind as not to recog- nize that we must be prepared for any- thing? Military preparedness is, of course, the most immediate essential. But military preparedness, in these times, has come to mean something much broader than ever before. It means more than planes, ships, tanks, and guns operated by trained man- power, Military preparedness involves in« dustrial and agricultural preparedness. Agriculture's job is to produce the food and fiber we need for the strength and vital- ity of our Armed Forces, for the health and productivity of our civillan population, for ample reserves, and for shipments to those other nations to which it is advisable to give aid. Our material answer to the alleged supe- rior manpower resources of the Soviet Union and its satellites is an economic answer— superior production. Man for man, there is a wide difference between the productivity of American producers on the farm, and those of the Soviet Union and its satellites. In Asia today it takes four persons on the land to support themselves and one per- son off the land. In the United States the situation is just about reversed—less than one-fifth of our population is on farms, and they provide food and fiber for themselves and the other four-fifths of our population. Not only does our agriculture provide food to keep the efficiency and vitality of our military forces and industrial producers at high level; it also provides raw materials without which American industry would be crippled. We are fortunate, indeed, that our agricul- ture today is in strong position to meet all foreseeable demands. Let me list some of the outatanding facta in this regard. Our farms are much more productive than they were 20, or even 10, years ago. Total food production is running about 40 per- cent above the years just before World War II. Our field-crop production in 1950 was bigger than in any year before 1948. Agriculture as a whole ts in a relatively good financial position. Farmera have plowed back a lot of their earnings into up- to-date machinery and equipment. Using the national programs available to them, they have built up reserves of soll fertility. We have developed programs and storage facilities to carry over reserves of corn, wheat, cotton, and other ¢rops. In the period of little more than a year, beginning in June 1949, 700,000,000 bushels of grain-storage facilities were added to our national capacity under the emergency storage program. This has been a big aid to our over-all defense position. There are more than twice as many trac- tors on American farms now aa there were in 1941, before Pearl Harbor. There are twice as many trucks on farms, nearly three times as many combines, and more than three times as many milking machines and mechanical corn pickers. We have made fine progress in the use of various new plant varieties and hybrid seeds, insecticides, and fertilizer, and in better breeding and feeding of livestock. The result of all these advances is that farm output per man-hour has risen ebout 50 percent above the 1935-39 average. Our agriculture, in short, 1s far better able to face the problems and demands of the
A820 end future than it has ever been in any previous national crisis. The Nation is depending on our agricul- ture to maintain this general high level of output this year and to step up production of the commodities that are in greatest de- mand. We paricularly need more pork, beef, corn, cotton, and wool. But we know from past experience that when the Nation is fully employed and when incomes are high, most farm products are faced with big demend. Our annual pig crops have been climbing for several years. In 1946 the crop amounted +o 89,000,000 head. Last year the crop was over 100,000,000 head. We look for this year's spring crop to run about 6 percent ahead of last spring. The number of cattle and calves on farms has also been on the upgrade every year since the end of 1947. We expect this trend to continue also. We ueed a big cotton crop this year—we hopa for 16,000,000 bales. One of the big questions farmers are ask- ing all over the country is this one: Are we going to have the manpower, supplies, and equipment to turn out the production that's needed? Farmers know that they use a lot more motor fuel today than they did in 1941. Actually, they use twice as much. They need twice as many rubber tires for cars, trucks, and tractors. Farmers know that they’re using a lot more electric power than ever before. REA consumers used 25 percent more power last year than they had used the year before. Farmers in general, according to industry estimates, used eight times as much elec- tricity last year as they did before World War UW. Of course, most of this is due to the greater number of farms now hooked up to power lines. Nevertheless, the average con- sumption of electric power per electrified farm is now estimated by industry to be two and one-fourth times as much as in the prewar period. The De} mt has se+ up a number of offices and facilities to aid farmers in get- ting essential equipment, manpower, and materials. In addition, we expect that the facilities of all the Department’s bureaus and agencies will be used to help meet the objectives of agricultural preparedness. This means that we will not only help farm- ers get essential production tools and sup- plies, but that we are going to encourage them in every way we can to make the best posstbie use of what ts avaitable. The important job in agriculture is going to need the whole-souled cooperation of organizations outside, as well as within, the Department. We are depending heavily upon your con- tribution to national defense. You folks are the leaders of rural electrifi- cation in your own communities and in your own States, You know the importance of electricity in wartime production. Many of you have been through this kind of emer- gency before and J am happy that you will therefore be better able to guide your co-ops through these troubled times. Today more than 2,500,000 farm families are depending on you to supply an essential utility service In an adequate and depend- able manner. This job of providing adequate service is really a double job. You need to make sure first that you have plenty of power to deliver and, second, that your systems are main- tained to deliver it. The defense production program will seri- ously strain the Nation’s entire power sup- ply. It will be increasingly dificult to get power for your needs. I urge you to plan atead as far as poasible to provide power not only to meet wartime demands but also to take care of the normal increase in power consumption on farma, It is vital also that you keep your systems m constant repair, so as to prevent trouble before it has a chance to develop into a the capacity of your sy: that they will be able to carry the loads that defense farm production will put on them. Farmers are depending on you. They need all the assurance you can give them that power will be delivered on an uninterrupted asis, But merely providing dependable power is not enough. Y¥f rural electrification is to be of maximum service to the defense program, your farmer members will need help in har- nessing thetr electricity for top efficiency. They wilt need guidance in substituting electricity for manpower. On a« great many farms, electric power can be more fully appHed to heavy time-consum- ing farm chores. Some of the most striking evidences of the Jabor-saving advantages of electricity may ve found on dairy farms. It takes a lot of time to milk 10 cows twice se day by hand. An electric milker can do the job in about half the time, with only one-half Kilowatt- bour of electricity. Fiectricity can save time and labor in sep- erating cream, pumping and heating water, hoisting hay, and grinding feed. It is im- portant in processing and preserving foods, A farmer with a milk cooler can cool 10 gal- lons of milk with about 1 kilowatt-hour of electricity. Rapid cooling keeps the bacteria count low and maintains the quality of the milk. I urge you to step up your programs of member education, and to work in close collaboration with other organizations and agencies to make sure that every farmer knows how to use electricity in his produc- tion job. Many farmers need advice on the care of their appliances and equipment. These tools may have to last a long time. Fortunately, you and your farmer members ezn do a lot to make the most of materials now on hand. The homemade pig brooder is a good example. By using baby-pig brooders, farmers can cut down the number of pig losses and produce an extra 30 percent or more of pork at weaning time. Looking at it another way, this means a saving of about 250 pounds of feed per litter. It doesn't take expensive or hard-to-get equipment to make a brooder. A 150-watt bulb, some scraps of metal for a reftector, some pieces of lumber, and a little know-how are all you need. I'm sure there are many other ways in which farm people can make equally effective use of electric power without heavy cash outiays. Research ts going ahead in the Department and elsewhere on new uses for electricity. I have no doubt that this emergency will give added impetus to this research. We all know that use of artificial light is an accepted practice in poultry enterprises. Light has also been employed to speed up plant growth, ar 1 it has been demonstrated that vegetable ylelds can be stepped up by fts use. New types of plants have been developed by treat- ing seed with X-rays. Black light has been used to eliminate defective seed. By the use of the germicidal lamp, it may be Die eventually to save a good deal of food that otherwise would be spotied by mold. In making these comments, I do not mean to evaluate any of the research that is now going on. I merely want to point out that in time of such national as this, research takes on new importance. I am sure that you will do your part in making availiable to the American farmer as many new uses for electricity as possible in the months and years ahead. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Besides all of these bilities that I have mentioned, you have a responsibility to the haif million or more farmers who still to make power available to these farmers. Though this is not an easy fob, it is by no means an impossible one. The speed with which you have built power Hnes— more than a million miles of rural distribu- tion lines tn 15 years—indicates what Amer- fean ingenuity and drive can do. These million miles of co-op poles and lines stand as a tribute to the initiative, determination, and perseverance of rural people. I know that you will continue your efforte to make the advantages of electric power even moro widespread. By taking full part in your own com- munity civil defense programs, your Co-ops can render stil! another service to the Nation. You can do this by working with the USDA agencies in your counties, by providing channels of communication to farm people for information on the defense program and its requirements, and by assisting your local eivic groups in helping rural industries, es- pecially decentralized war plants, to locate in your areas. Born of a community need and nurtured by democratic ideals, rural electric coopera- tives will surely shoulder all these responsi- bilities in the defense effort. It ts paradoxical thet while the Nation hes made great progress in rural electrification, the farmer's position with regard to tele- phaneé is worse todey than it was 25 years ago. Even im norma) times the rural tele- phone is much more. than a luxury or 4 pleasant convenience. In the event of shortages of tires, gasoline, automobiles, and other equipment, adequate rural telephone service takes on increased importance. Ac- cording to a recent survey in a Midwestern State, two-thirds of a farmer’s phone calls are business calls. The telephone program may well play a vital role in enabling the farmer to be a better, more efficient pro- ducer. From what I have already sald, it should be obvious that the Department of Agricul- ture recognizes the importance of the elec- trified farm and of the rural electric co-ops to the farm production program for national defense. I firmly believe that it would be a great error if the Nation allowed its potential for food and fiber production to be curtailed because of inadequate power supplies. In his recent state of the Union message to the Congress, the President emphasized the necessity for us as a Nation to increase our capacity for production and to keep our economy strong for the long pull ahead. He pointed out that only by increasing our out- put can we carry the burden of preparedness for an indefinite time. It was heartening to me—as I am sure it was to you—that he urged the Congress to give priority consideration to certain urgent activities, and that power development was among them. We have all seen the close relationship existing between the REA program and the development of power by public sgencies. One does not need to be a public power booster to recognize that the areas of our country where farmers have the cheapest power, and where they use the largest quan- tities of it, are generally those which have major Federal power projecta. On the other hand, it is equally obvious that the area of highest wholesale rates is in the Northeast, where there is no Federal power develop- ment—now. Growing support of the St. Lawrence development project may yet change that picture. Bvery addition to our power capactty, wherever if ts made, increases our national wealth. Every addition to our power ea- pacity, wherever it is made, increases our
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ability to turn raw materials into arma~ ments, clothing, and processed food for defense. This country has undeveloped resources along rivers in the Northeast, the Northwest, the Southeast, the Southwest, and along the Missouri, that potentially are capable of dou- bling our national power generating capacity. It is in the national interest that these water power resources be developed as rap- idly as possible. As our Nation moves ahead, rural electric co-ops must hold fast to their principies. They must cherish the rights which you and other leaders before you have won—the right to generate your own power when there are no adequate sources available; the right to transmit your own power, and above all the right to buy from the Government, power developed by the Government, for all the people. Well, I think that covers briefly the three principal topics that I wanted to talk over with you. Before I close, however, I'd like to add just a few words about the general situa- tion so far as agriculture and farm people are concerned. I have indicated that our agriculture is in a far sounder position to meet whatever demands may be made upon it than it has been in previous periods of national emergency. Iam convinced that this Nation as a whole is well able to take care of itself in any situation that may develop. It would be foolish to underestimate the strength that might be arrayed against us in the event of an all-qut struggle. But it would, I think, be equally foolish to under- estimate the strength of the American Na- tion and of the American‘idea of freedom and justice. In these times, let us give our whole- hearted support to our own national mo- pilization program. Let us unite with determination to do whatever needs to be done. Let us be resolute that this Nation shall remain free. Rail Unions Are Called Unfair in Their Attack on Steelman EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 15, 1951 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, in these days of hysteria when the slogan appears to be “smear those in public office,” it is, indeed, refreshing to be able to feast one’s eyes upon comment that is lauda- tory of one in public office. I am pleased to call your attention to an article which appeared in the New York Herald Tribune of February 14, 1951, about a distinguished public serv- ant, John Steelman, assistant to the President, He is only one of many who goes about his work quietly, unobtru- sively, and with only the one thought in mind, and that is how he can best serve his country. The item I refer to follows: Topay i WASHINGTON—Rat, UNIONS ARE Catuep UNFAIR IN THEIR ATTACK ON SOTUsLMAN (By David Lawrence) WasHinoton, February 13.—The railroads and the labor unions are getting closer to- ward a peace treaty. But there are some mysterious circumstances being revealed which show why the task of mediation at the White House has been made doubly difficult. A controversy has developed over the part played by John R. Steelman, special assistant to the President. For several days now ef- forts have been made from labor sources to discredit Mr. Steelman’‘s role, and this has been done partly by the dissemination of a report that he had set himself up as a sort of czar or 3-year arbitrator. This report is wholly untrue but the reason for spreading it would appear to be to try to weaken Mr, Steelman’s influence at the President’s side. Actually, John Steelman is one of the ace mediators in the country. For 7 years he was the head of the United States Conciliation Service and was involved in the handling of more than 10,000 strikes or threatened strikes and more than 80,000 labor disputes of all types. Mr. Steelman is not assigned exclusively to labor matters at the White House, but assists in general ad- ministrative tasks and gets into labor prob- lems only when they are sufficiently acute to require the attention of the President himself, FACTS IN CASE LISTED In the face of the long and efficient record of Mr, Steelman as a mediator, it came as & surprise to find the unions charging that he had set himself up as a 3-year arbitrator. The facts with reference to Mr, Steelman's part in the recent negotiations are these: 1. Mr. Steelman was not assigned to the railroad dispute by the White House but be- came involved in it at the special request of the four union presidents. He agreed to call meetings but with the understanding that the Railway Mediation Board would par- ticipate in the discussions. 2. When, on December 21, a memorandum agreement was signed in full by the four presidents of the railroad unions as well as by the representatives of the railroads, the documents set forth the understanding of both parties. It was not in legal language but it recited unequivocally the basic points of agreement in the form of a summary. 8. It was fully understood by both sides that the points in this memorandum would be put into legal language later. There was & provision which said that if the parties could not agree on the details before writing the actual agreement itself, John Steelman was to make the final decision. 4. This service to be rendered by Mr. Steel- man was to end as soon as the agreement was drawn up in legal language and hence his part was to be temporary—probably for & few days, 5. There was an understanding at the time that a blank space was to be left on one of the points dealing with the price for cou- pling or uncoupling hose but, once the final agreement on this rule was reached, Mr. Steelman was no longer to arbitrate any- thing. 6. An understanding was reached also that after July 1, 1952, the parties would go to Mr. Steelman again in connection with wage stabilization but only to set in motion ma- chinery whereby the President of the United States would appoint a referee to determine whether further wage increases were Justi- fied under Government policy. ATTACK CALLED A REPRISAL The foregoing sets forth the actual con- nection of Mr. Steelman with the entire af- fair, and yet for some odd reason there has been an effort to make it appear that some- how the President’s assistant was setting himeelf up for some special job of a perma- nent nature out of which presumably he waa to derive a benefit. This type of unfair attack could only have been started as a reprisal against Mr, Steel- A821 man because he stood his ground—and so did the President—in insisting that the original memorandum of points signed on December 21 was binding and that the four union presidents who signed it should in good faith have recommended it to their organizations for ratification ingtead of backing down on it. Mr. Steelman has been the center of con- troversy before when he settled the coal miners’ dispute in 1941, as a special arbi- trator appointed by the late President Roosevelt, but he was attacked then as too friendly to the unions. Plainly the lot of a mediator is a hard, hard lot, but John Steel- man’s record for fairness isn't going to be tarnished by insidious propaganda from rail unions which played “sick” and recently caused hundreds of millions of dollars in losses to the American people. Voice of Democracy Contest EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. THOMAS B. CURTIS OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1961 Mr. CURTIS of Missouri. Mr. Speak- er, for several years the United States Junior Chamber of Commerce, the Na- tional Association of Broadcasters, and the Radio-Television Manufacturers Association have been sponsoring the national voice of democracy contest among the secondary schools throughout the country. This is one of the best of the many excellent projects which con- tribute so greatly to the strengthening of our Republic. Through calling the attention of the younger people to the basic tenets upon which this Nation 4s founded, they are doing an exceptional job in encouraging this type of thought and in its dissemination among the citi- zens at large. The residents of the Twelfth Congres- sional District of Missouri, including myself, are greatly honored that one of the winners of the fourth annual con- test resides in that district. Robert Bur- nett of St. Mary’s High School, who lives at 4209 Hartford Street, St. Louis, Mo., was one of the four final winners in this Nation-wide contest. The other three winners are Marcia Anne Harmon, 16, of Del Rosa, Calif,; Norita Newbrouch, 16, of Baton Rouge, La., and Richard Ro- mulo, 17, of Washington, D. C, IT am very desirous of calling to your attention the high quality of the radio broadcast which brought to Robert Burnett this coveted award, I also want to commend the United States Junior Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Broadcasters, and the Radio-Television Manufacturers Association for their fine public service in establishing this annual contest. Each of the four winners receive a $500 college scholarship and a trip to Wash- ington, D. C. These young people are now in Washington, D. C. visiting the
A822 various shrines of democracy and the liv- ing government which these shrines inspire. I am happy to put into the Recorp a copy of Robert Burnett's winning radio script. It is regretted only that the full value of this broadcast cannot be re- tained when it is put into the printed word. T Grrax For Democracy Do you know who I am? I am the voice of de . Listen! Listen, American! Listen, citizen John Doe, to the most startling words in all history, for they are the beginning of my life’s story. “We, the people.” Have you got that straight? Not, mind you, we the royal elect; or we, the sovereign king; but we, the peo- ple. Listen, citizen Doe, those words place my very life in your hands. I’m your per- sonal responsibility. Do you hear that? Your personal responsibility. Now what I've got to say here won't be very flowery, just straight American talk. You know, there’s a lot of people around today trying to tell you I'm no good; trying to tell you that democracy’s got some weak spots. Well now, some of that’s true. I've made my mistakes. Sometimes I've forgot- ten just what my job is, and made a slip here and there. But those mistakes are never too big, and never too many. I al- ways manage to catch myself in time. That's because my blessings outnumber my weak spots a thousand to one, That's why I speak for democracy. Now these blessings I talked about don't just happen. What I mean ts this; you can’t have rights unless you take the duties with them. And that’s what a democracy is—a mixture of both—rights and duties. Rights and duties, John Doe. So John, the next time you say, “I've got my rights,” then save & little breath to add, “but I’ve got my duties too.” You want to know something—something big? Well listen. Just what do I do for you, John Doe? What does democracy give you? Let's take a good look. Anybody ever come to your house early in the morning and take you away because you had a different idea than the President? Any American cop ever invade your home without a warrant? I don't think so. And as long as I'm around, you'll never experience that fear. And here’s something even bigger, John Doe. You can walk into the church you want to. You're free to speak and write what you think. You can choose the kind of gov- ernment you want. Mighty good, John, mighty good. Here’s something else I mean to you— something fresh and clean, I’m that lttle farm of yours up tn Vermont, with no big barbed wire fences around it. I'm that ranch and pasture land in California—big, free, windswept, No heavy iron curtain out there, John. Just a lot of land with a lot of free- dom. And that’s the way you want it to stay, ten't it? A lot of good things, and they're here. They're here because democ- racy is at work. Think it over John, You like it, don't you? And, John Doe, if I ever die, it won't be a natural death. Because you'll have to kill me. ‘You, yourself—John Doe. You'll have to kill me with negligence, with laziness, with indifference. Oh, don't vote. Don't run for office. Don't serve on juries. Don’t support good men. Then I'll die. But you'll have to do it to me, Citizen Doe. 8o John, don’t start to use me next year— or next week; start to use me today. Yes, John Doe, start to use me today, for tomor- row may be too late. Don't you ever forget it, Citizen Doe, de- mocracy is your personal responsibility. A House Divided EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. HOWELL OF WEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. HOWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I wish to include the following edi- torial from the Evening Star of Wash- ington, D.C. It strikes me as being an important and sensible point of view to reflect upon as we strive to unite our efforts in the common defense: A Hovssz Drvipzp Some Senators think General Marshall's announcement that our present policy con- templates the sending of only four addition-~ al American divisions to Europe will have a sobering influence on the great debate. It will be a good thing if the opinion of these gentlemen is correct. For this country, in & critical hour, is a house divided aga net it- self, and, as the Bible reminds us, such a house cannot stand. The current scene is chaotic, Republican Senators have just returned from a swing around the Lincoln-day circuit, in the course of which they registered various degrees of dissent from our foreign policies. In the House of Representatives 118 of the 199 Re- publican Members signed a so-called decla- ration of policy which, with other things, calls upon this Nation to refuse further aid of any kind to Western Europe unless per- suaded that Western Europe is carrying its full share of the burden. Just what that means the Republican Members do not say and may not know. But Representative Wruutams, of Mississippi, says there are those on the Democzatic side of the House aisle who are not without sympathy for the Re- publican view, and Representative Dorn, of South Carolina, reporta that if his mail ts an accurate barometer the people have lost confidence in the top executives of the country. Against the background of this battle among ourselves, the so-called fight against communism goes on. General Eisenhower returns to Europe to try to persuade the Western Europeans that the United States 1s not going to let them down. Secretary Acheson—brave man—reminds the Com- munist countries that the President has warned that any aggression might well strain to the breaking point the fabric of world peace. Threatened Yugoslavia is visited by an assistant Secretary of State. Are the Yugoslave expected to believe that an America which cannot make up its mind what to do about Western Europe can be counted upon for help in event of a Com- munist attack? Secretary Finletter of the Air Force has been in Turkey, a most valuable potential ally in event of war. It would be interesting to know what assurance he felt able to give the Turks, and how the Turks felt about any that may have been given. The great tragedy in all this is that we may well be booting away the last hope of a free world. Unless General Eisenhower is a starry-eyed dreamer, and not even the rash- est critic of the policy he advocates haa called him that, there is an excellent chance that the free world can be saved from both Communist domination and war. All that ig needed is understanding of the problem and the danger, plus a willingness to take reasonable preparatory measures. That will never be done, however, unless the Uni Btates takes the lead. We must encour weaker nations by our example, but we will never do that by wrangling among ourse}ves, by eying allies with excessive suspicion, by APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD anesthetizing ourselves with the notion that, after all, it won't matter too much if we let Burope go by the boarda. There are those who say that our foreign policy has been a costly failure. That sim- ply is not true. Our policy has not achieved all that might have been hoped for. has achieved a great deal. Those areas of the world that are really vital to our eco- nomic well-being and our physical security remain threatened, but they also remain outside the Communist camp. If we had done nothing they surely would have been lost to us. Because of what we have done, there still is a chance—a good chance—that they can remain safely this aide of the iron curtain. Let those who are ao prone to reckless accusation, who say that our policy has failed and should be abandoned, consider the alternatives for a moment. Do they really believe that this proposed additional effort should not be made, that it would be better to chuck the whole business and re- sign ourselves to the prospect of withdraw- ing into an isolated armed camp in this hemisphere and trying to stay alive there from now until doomsday? There can be only one rational answer: ‘We must make reasonable effort to go for- ward with the work that we are en upon, And so the Star hopes that the Sen-~ ators are right; that the four-division an- nouncement will have a sobering effect; that ‘we will stop tearing ourselves apart; that the Senate's indorsement of the principle of this program will be forthcoming, and that, be- fore tt is.too late, we will be able to demon- strate to the rest of the world, both friendly and unfriendly, that-:-we haye made up our mind as to what we Intend to do, and that we are determined to act on the basis of that decision. Address of Gov. John S. Battle EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WATKINS M. ABBITT OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. ABBITT. Mr. Speaker, the Com- monwealth of Virginia and her fine people are fortunate indeed in having as chief executive a man of ability, in- tegrity, and foresight. The Honorable John 8. Battle is truly a Christian gentleman of the old school and we in Virginia are proud to call him our Governor. It is with pride that I include with my remarks the speech of the Honor- able John 8S. Battle, Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, which he made at the dedication exercises of the McLean Peace House on April 16, 1950, at old Appomattox Courthouse: These ceremonies here today, in the truest sense of the word, commemorate not the close of an internal war but the real begin. ning of a firmly united nation which was envisioned by our firat President. In his Farewell Address to the people of the United States, he said: “The name of America, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, rust always exalt the just pride of patrio- tism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations.” The restoration of the Appomattox bulld- ings, including this beautiful McLean House, does not represent a monument to the South or to the North; nor does it perpetuate any thought of victory or defeat. It simply gives
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD recognition to the fact that here honest, courageous, and patriotic men laid the ground-work for the rebirth of a strong America, dedicated to the principles of free government and free institutions upon which our country has risen to its present position of world leadership as the champion of individual freedom and representative democracy. Suffice it to say of that April 9, 1865, that every man who trod this soll could rever. ently repeat the words of General Lee: “You will take with you the satisfaction that pro- ceeds from the consciousness of duty faith- fully performed.” Certainly devotion to duty and loyalty to principle are as essential today as ever be- fore. In an era of world-wide conflict of ideologies, it is imperative that those who espouse democratic principles allow no ex- traneous matters to interfere with the funda- mental goal of maintaining the type of gov- ernment and the kind of institutions which make possible the enjoyment of the greatest good by the largest possible number. The defense of our homeland and the democratic way of life we have maintained since the establishment of American Gov- ernment has called for the expenditure of our finest resources in other wars since 1865. The closely knit union which grew from those troubled years reduced that cost in life and blood to an extent no man can accurately judge; but it is certain that without a strong, freedom-loving America, whose people al- ways are ready and willing to resist the forces of oppression and tyranny, the life we have known in America through the centuries today would be no more. I can think of no higher tribute to those valiant men who fought for what they be- lieved in the War Between the States than to envision as their indestructible monu- ment these great victories for democracy in two world wars. The Commonwealth of Virginia is proud of this restored setting at Appomattox, which ultimately will take on the appearance of the original village. The National Govern- ment, through the National Park Service, has rendered a distinct public service in advancing the project to its present stage and I am sure the people of the entire country who have the opportunity of visit- ing it will draw inspiration of a value far out of proportion to the financial cost in- volved. I am delighted that the Commonwealth can have a part in refurnishing the McLean House and can thereby assume a joint re- sponsibility of reteaching the lessons of his- tory which were written here. It is in- deed a privilege and a high honor to accept, on behalf of the Commonwealth of Virginia, this addition to the public shrines of America. Administration of Selective Service System EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM H. AYRES or OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. AYRES. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I enclose the fol- lowing letter received from a veteran in my district. Judging from the mail re- ceived in our office, there is still con- siderable confusion in connection with the Selective Service System. It seems ridiculous that we should invest money in training men for the Navy and then draf them against their wishes into the Army. I trust other Members of Con- Gress will speak out against the inequi- ties that are so apparent. In my opin- jon, the manner in which our boys are being called into service is doing more to disrupt the morale of the American people than any single thing our Gov- ernment is doing today. The letter fol- lows: Arron, On10, February 13, 1951. Hon. WILLIAM H. AYRES, Congressman, Fourteenth District, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dear MR. Ayres: I am writing you as a very much confused veteran. I realize you are busy but the matter I wish to discuas with you is of great concern to me. I enlisted in the United States Navy Sep- tember 5, 1945. Honorably discharged July 12, 1946, with the rate of seaman first class. My serial number is 792-55-87. In order to keep my standing with the Navy I joined the Naval Reserve August 17, 1948, and was active for some time until my work necessitated me to go inactive. On February 1, 1949, I received from the draft board (113) a notice classifying me as 1-D. My selective service number is 33~113- 27-568. On February 6, 1951, I received a second notice that reclassified me into 1~A. Upon receiving the latter notification, I was informed that inasmuch as I did not have a full year of service, I was not con- sidered a veteran and was subject to the draft. I have received approximately 2 years of college and other rights under the GI bill due to the fact I had served over 90 days. I have been under the impression that the Navy would call me back into service, but when I received the notice of a 1-C classi- fication, it confused me. If it is necessary for me to go back into service, I would preter going back into the Navy. With the train- ing that I have had and my status as a reserve member I think it only right that I should try to protect this interest. Hoping that you will be able to rectify this situation in which I find myself. I remain, Lowe. F. BowMAN, Frances Elizabeth Willard EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp an address I delivered in Statuary Hall on last Fri- day at the memorial services for Frances &. Willard, former national president of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. There being no objection the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: My friends, we are meeting today to honor the memory of a great woman-—Frances Elizabeth Willard. She ranks among the very top of the great personages who have made America the great country that It is today, and a perusal of her life is an in- spiration not only to the youth of this coun- try, but to those of us in the legislative Halls of Congress who are constantly striv- ing for those higher things in life which build up character. ‘ ‘A823 Frances Eligabeth Winlard was born in Churchville, N. ¥., September 28, 1839, She died on February 17, 1998, It had always been her request that when the end came her friends should regard her passing not as death but as birth into the heavenly life. And so the organization which she did s0 much to build and establish, the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, celebrates her “heavenly birthday” each year on February 17, Because of a request by the Architect of the Capitol, this ceremony is being held on the 16th instead of on a Saturday when few employees would be on duty. Miss Willard was primarily an educator. She was the first woman to be elected the president of a college, the Evanston Col- lege for Ladies, a new venture in higher education for women. The experiment was not @ success financially and in 1878 it was merged with Northwestern University, Miss Willard becoming dean of women and pro- fessor of aesthetics in the faculty of liberal arts, She held the then radical belief in the feasibility of student self-government and on account of a disagreement over this with the president and trustees of the univer- sity, she resigned in 1874. She had been interested in the woman’s temperance crusade and went East to study the temperance movement, particularly in Maine. While in Cambridge, Mass., she re- ceived on the same day two offers, One was the position of lady principal of a fashion- able New York finishing school at the then princely salary of $2,400 a year. The other was an urgent plea from Mrs. Louise 8, Rounds, president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Illinois to accept the presidency of the Chicago union without re. muneration. Miss Willard declined the first and accepted the second invitation, and for some months went without lunch because she had no money to buy food and walked for lack of carfare. Finally she was per- suaded to make known to the women her financial situation, and a small but living salary was raised for her. When the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union was organized at Cleve. land, Ohio, in November 1874, she was of- fered the presidency but declined, and was elected national corresponding secretary. She was olected national president in 1879. Miss Willard was outstandingly an organ- izer. In 1881 she started a tour of the Southern States with her secretary, Miss Gordon, and eventually bullt up the WCTU to the then unheard of strength of 200,000 members. In 1883 after a tour of San Francisco's opium dens, she conceived the idea of a world’s WCTU and put it into practice the following year when the national WCTU sent Mary Clement Leavitt, of Boston, around the world carrying the polyglot peti- tion signed in practically every known lan- guage, petitioning the world's governments for the abolition of the traffics in alcohol and opium and the protection of women and children. One fruit of this effort was the enactment of the Hague and Geneva Opium Conventions and the establishment under the League of Nations of the Perma- nent Central Opium Control Board. This has now been taken over by United Nations and its Commission on Narcotics. The world’s WOTU promoting the sisterhood of women all over the world in the effort to defend their homes and give childhood full opportunity has been one of the great factors in making possible the understanding between the nations of the world on which our hope for & future of freedom for humanity must rest. Because it was necessary to obtain legisla- tion to unmuzzle the teachers before the facts about alcohol and narcotics could be taught in the public schools, the women, whose concern for the problem of the alco- holic had led them into the temperance crusade, were led to venture further into
A824 the path of . This again was an- other highly radical measure. Miss Willard, because of her immense personal prestige and the respect she commanded, became one of the most effective pleaders in her own day and generation for the ballot for women. When she passed away in the Empire Hotel in New York City, Mary Lowe Dickinson said: “We know no other woman whose home. going would heve left so many other women feeling as if the sun had gone.” And her funeral train resembled the funeral proces- sion of the martyred President Abraham Lincoln, Last of all, the great State of Mlinois chose her to represent them here—the only ‘woman in our Nation’s hall of fame. Frances E. Willard, educator, organizer, leader of women, and above all, servant of God. Address by Hon. William F. Knowland, of California, at the Lincoln Day Dinner in Kansas City, Mo. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM F. KNOWLAND OF CALIFORNIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp an ad- dress delivered by me at the Lincoln Day dinner at Kansas City, Mo., on February 17, 1951. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rzc- orp, as follows: Mr. Chairman and fellow Americans, first of all I bring you a “hands across the con- tinent’ greeting from the people of Call- fornia to those of Missouri and also express the sincere regret of Gov. Earl Warren that because of Ulness he was unable to be with you tonight. In a free nation the citizens must have the facta in order to make sound decisions. This administration and its predecessor have not been frank with the American people nor with their elected Representatives in Congress. The time has come when the doings of the Executive Department must no longer be hidden from both the Congress and the Nation. There is, of course, 8 legitimate field of security to protect information about gecret weapons or battle plans. Security must not be used to cover up mistakes, past or present. Before commitments of far-reaching con- sequences are made the people of the United States are entitled to know the prospective cost in manpower and tn dollars. They are also entitled to know the impact such poli- ses will have on their economic and political e. Iam convinced that if the American peo- ple are treated as adults they will respond as such. But no person in the executive branch, be he the President or an official in one of the executive departments has the right to assume that he has constitutional or psychic powers which permits him to give the country one piece of the jigsaw puzzle at @ time when he alone or in association with a handful of others knows what the entire pic- ture will be when the pieces have been takingly put together. In this country, as yet, the people run the Government rather than the Government running the people. But we have trod the path of big government about as far as 4 free people dare go without taking stock of the situation and determining what our future course of action should be. Our budgets have grown to such astro- nomical figures that it is hard.for our citt- gens to grasp the full significance of the amounts being spent and proposed. Asa boy I grew up part of the time in Washington, where my father represented the sixth district of California in the House of Representatives for the 12-year period 1903 to 1915. In 1010 the total appropria- tions for all functions of Government, in- cluding the military, reached $1,044,433,- 622.64. It was front-page news all over the country. We had become a “billion-dollar Government.” Por next filecal year the President has proposed a §71,500,000,000 budget. Our foreign policy has a direct relationship to our military policy. Our Armed Forces under the proposed budget for the next fiscal year will take over $41,500,000,000 out of a €71,500,000,000 total. The total gold production of the entire world from the time of the voyage of Co- lumbus to America down to the present has been €42,6U0,000,000. By next year, if not this, we will be spending almost double that amount annually. The total value of all farm production in the United States for 1950 was an estimated $30,400,000,000. The budget already sub- mitted by the President for next fiscal year will spend more than double that amount for the Federal Government alone. State and local costs of government are in addition. After years of savings, the American peo- ple have accumulated in their savings banks, building and loan associations, and the Postal Savings System $59,690,000,000. This entire amount would only pay the cost of the Federal Government for 10 months at the President's budget proposed rate of spending. In the 158 years from George Washington through 10 years of the administration of Franklin Roosevelt 32 Presidents spent ap- proximately €250,000,000,000. the 6 years Harry Truman has been President, together with his budget proposals for the next fiscal year, his administration will have spent over $275,000,000,000. During 16 of the last 18 years that the Democrats have held the White House, the country has operated with a deficit. The exception was the 2 years of the Republican control of the Eightieth Congress. Can this Nation afford such fiscal policies and main- tain a solvent Government or economy? No business, large or amall, could afford such management without leading to bank- ruptcy, nor can a government. History is replete with the sad tale of nations that have traveled this primrose path. Nineteen hundred and fifty-two is the year for the American people to get rid of both red ink and red herrings. Every American citizen having a sense of responsibility fully recognizes the fact that the free way of life is being challenged by international communism. He knows that the victory for international communism would be more costly tn human liberty, in looting, and in reparations than even these vast astronomical figures we have discussed, I believe that our people are prepared to oarry the heavy burdens of necessary de- fense expenditures and for the essential functioning of the Government. They have a right to expect, however, that all unneces. sary fat will be cut out of the budget and that a full dollar's worth of value is received for every doler spent in the military as well as the civilian establishment. Of the estimated $16,500,000,000 deficit at least $6,500,000,000 should be made up by the curtailing of nonessential tures and not to exceed $10,000,000,000 by new tax- ation. The President expects the country to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD practice austerity. He and the executive de- partments should go and do likewise, The power to tax is the power to destroy and we must guard our political and e0o- nomic system from destruction by bad fiscal policies as well ss from the aggression of hostile foreign enemies. This week we are celebrating the birthday of Abraham Lincoln. One of the primary faults of the Democratic administration has been that they lost sight of Lincoln's view that “What is morally wrong cannot be po- Utically right.” At Yalta without the knowledge or con+ sent of the American Congress or the Amer- fcan people the executive branch of the Government bartered away the rights of the Republic of China in Manchuria, This was done without the knowledge or consent of the Republic of China, our long-time friend and wartime ally. By this act of expediency we made certain Soviet domination of Man- churia, made inevitable Communist domina- tion of the mainland of China, and paved the way for Communist aggression tn Korea. In 1947 Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer was sent to the Far Hast to make a report on condi- tions in that area of the world. His very able report on China was suppressed for 2 years though it was many times requested by responsible committees and Members of the Congress. His report on Korea made at the same time has been suppressed to this very day though there have been official requests made for it by the Appropriations Committee of the Sen- ete. It is my personal belief and I state it on my responsibility as a Senator that had the information contained in this report been made available prior to the outbreak of hostilities in Korea the Congress would have insisted that steps be taken to strengthen the defenses in Korea against the strong possibilities of aggression which were antici~- pated in the document. There are many other examples that can be cited of pertinent information withheld from the Congress when if such informa- tion had been available tragic errors in executive Judgment might have been pre- vented or stepe taken in time to alleviate damage already done. The President's Judgment has not been demonstrated as being so sound that he should be entrusted with blank check powers over sending unlimited armed forces anywhere in the world for an unlimited period of time prior to approval being given by Congress. Legislation dealing with economic conse trols should have a definite termination date and in addition should give Congress the power to terminate it by veto-proof cone gressional resolution. In Korea since June 26 of last year we be- came engaged in support of international law and order against aggression. We are now furnishing 90 percent of the armed forces and suffering 00 percent of the casu- alties. We have already suffered more casualties in this struggle against aggressive commu- nism than we did in the Revolutionary War (12,200); War of 1812 (7,000); Mexican War (17,000); and the Spanish-American War (10,000) or a total for those four wars of 46,000. The latest Korean casualty list re- leased by the Department of Defense gives @ total of 48,035. This Government and this Nation should not br satisfied with the part played by the United Nations as a whole and the part Played by many individual members of that organization. Our casualties alone are con- siderably greater than the total number of ermed forces all the other United Nations combined have in Korea. The Republic of China alone (and the offer haa not been accepted to date) was willing to send within 5 days of the invasion 88,000 of the best troops from Formosa to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD help stem the tide of aggression in Korea, This is @ greater number than all the other United Nations members, excepting the United States, have laced in Korea to date, At least if they are not going to help us by carrying a fair share of the burden of sup- plying armed forces we should make it plain that we expect them to stop giving moral and material aid to Red China, If they are not willing and ready to cut off trade we should do so forthwith by a blockade of the China coast. Our Government has been weak and timid in dealing with our fellow members of the United Nations in this re- gard. Either they want a collective security system or they don't. This is the time to find out. On January 11 in a speech on the Senate floor I stated that I would support the strengthening of the defenses of Western Europe against Communist aggresston even in advance of our obligation to come to the aid of our North Atlantic Pact Allies in the event of aggression. It was my belief then that some formula should be worked out that would make certain that our European allies were putting up their full share of the manpower for the common defense. Without a declaration of a state of war by Congress or the bringing into effect of our treaty obligations by an act of aggres- sion by the Soviet Union or jts satellites or approval of such éttibn bwy-Congress I do not believe the President has blank-check powers, to place Ameen rope without limit as to fn ime. The Congress has anconegitutional obliga- tion it cannot and, not abdicate to this or any other Président be he Democrat or Republican.’ Many of otf troubles today stem from the willingness of Congress to rubber stamp the acts of the President. It is long past time for Congress to reassert itself as a coequal branch of the Federal Government under the Constitution. Al- ready there ig far too great a concentration ot power in the hands of the executive branch of the Government. The time to stop is now and the Congress can do it if it has the will. Within the last 18 months two catastrophic events have taken place. These are the Soviet success in atomic development (as announced by the President of the United States on September 23, 1949) and the estab- Ushment of a Soviet-recognized Communist regime in China. Only in retrospect will we be able to finally determine which event will have the most far-reaching influence. Both have set off chain reactions that have not yet run their full course. These events separately are sufficient to Cause everyone who believes we should have a free world of freemen to examine his own conduct to determine if he is making his greatest contribution toward freedom. The combined events make it mandatory that we do it., Our economic system is tied with Slamese- twin attachments to our constitutional form of government. If one 1s destroyed they both perish. There is no need for either catastrophe to happen if we get off the per- petual defensive and take the offensive. There are too many people who have had our hos.itality or advantages joining forces with Moscow and her satellites in spreading their views on “What’s wrong with America?” Those who believe in our system should start a crusade to tell “What is right with America?” We, of course, will not close our eyes to the liability side of the ledger, but as citizens with our feet on the ground and common sense gained from experience and observa- tion we know that America's assets in free- dom of religion, speech, and press, and in agricultural, educational, fiscal, industrial, and governmental categories to mention but a few, greatly exceed our Habilities, Seventy-eight million Mfe-insurance pol- icyholders own policies with a face value of an estimated $228,000,000,000. For contrast, our Federal public debt is now over $256,- 000,000,000. Individuals who still believe that thrift is @ virtue also own directly or through insti- tutions for their account some $56,790,000,- 000 in s..vings institutions and $2,900,000,000 in the Postal Savings System. A substantial part of the 885,000,000,000 of time deposits in commercial banks is theirs. They also have a stake in annutties and pension funds amounting to an estimated 65,000,000,000 and 8 direct stake in the Social Security System (Federal, State, and local) of $29,000,000,000. We have more stockholders than any other nation in the world. According to the 1950 census estimates we have 24,000,000 home owners. To permit this solvent, going concern of ours to be liquidated by the strong-armed action of international communism or to consent to the voluntary bankruptcy pro- ceedings of state socialism are both un- thinkable and unnecessary. We need an alert and determined citizenry if the battle 1s not to be lost by default. We muat not let complacency destroy the spirit that has developed a great world power out of & small colony in less than 175 years. ‘We must not build or depend upon military or economic Maginot lines. This Nation has never been wedded to the status quo or ruled by the dead hand of the past. Our economic as well as our political system broke away from Old World patterns. Short-sighted European-style capitalism built the gallows for its own execution by allowing and encouraging monopolies, car- tels, low wages, and great aggregations of capital narrowly held. The lifeblood of our system to the con- trary is competition, productivity, good wages, and widespread ownership of our eco- nomic structure. We must continue to demonstrate to the world that here in America we have political and economic freedom. Here our people, since the founding of the Republic, have looked forward to leaving to thetr children a better land than they themselves found. The challenge we face is to meet the eco- nomic, social, and political needs of the twentieth century while we maintain free institutions under a constitutional Govern- ment. Certainly security alone is not the whole answer. The most secure man is the one who has his clothing, food, medical care, and housing guaranteed for life—as an inmate of a state prison. The sustained stability and progress of our American system of capitalistic free en« terprise requires high real wages, sustained buying power for abundant markets, and maximum production at low unit costs, American agriculture, labor, and industry must not be undermined by the dumping of goods produced by low-paid labor abroad while outside markets are closed to our prod- ucts. In meeting the growing challenge of s0- clalism and communism the dynamic Amer- ican system must continue to demonstrate that labor, management, and investors all have a vital interest in maintaining our way of life. High productivity and widespread distri« pution of that which our Nation can produce is more sound than the doctrine of scarcity brought about by stoppages of production or by governmental action. In the growth of our economy there have developed powerful groups in business and in Jabor. Not all of them have recognized that with power must go responsibility, No man or group of men in the ranks of labor or business have the right to strangle the eco- nomic life of 150,000,000 Americans and by so doing endanger the entire free world, A825 The Government of the United States established economic traffic laws many years ago to protect our businessmen and cone sumers against unregulated monopoltes, These were the antitrust statutes. More recently, first through the Labor Relations Act of 1985 and later through the Labor-Management Relations Act of 1947, the Government has sought to establish a national labor policy that would be fair and equitable, not alone to labor and manage- ment, but to the general public as well. While some well thought-out amendments are in order, they should be weighed in the light of their effect upon the entire popula- tion, and not just one part. Our entire national economy must not be at the mercy of one man or small group who can give an order that will cause a creeping paralysis to close down our mines, factories, and transportation systems and work a hard~ ship on countless people. This is far too much power for any responsible man to want and any trresponsible man to have. There are some in Government who appar- ently believe that if an individual spends his own money it is inflationary, whereas if the Government takes it from him and spends it such is not the case. This is economic non- sense and aquirrel-cage thinking. Govern- ment spending has been and is a major ine flationary factor, I make no claim that we can “unscramble the eggs” of Government finance, but I do maintain that we should no longer ignore the warning lights that have led to disaster when ignored elsewhere in the world. We are faced with the necessity of greatly increasing our defense expenditures. This makes al] the more essential the cutting out of not essential fat from the President's budget. The American position should be billions for the defense of freedom from aggressive communism, but not a penny for boondog- Bling or socialistic programs. The problems facing us on the home front cannot be solved by Government alone. They cannot be solved by labor, management, or the farmer alone. Here in America, as Lincoln put it, we have “this last best hope of earth.” Each of us has an individual and collective responsi- bility for its preservation. We are interde- pendent one on the other. An American economic collapse would bring despair every- where except in Soviet Russia. There have never been 60 many people in the entire history of the world who have had as large a stake, as much to gain, or as much to lose as the people of the United States of America, Nor does history record a people who have been as unselfish in their possession of their power, their resources, and their good will, In this century, which is not yet half over, they have sacrificed blood and treasure in two World Wars and in the current opera- tions tn Korea to prevent the destruction of free institutions on the continent of Europe. Few dispute the fact that all of Western Europe and perhaps even Britain would today be behind the Communist iron curtain if it had not been for the firm stand taken by this Republic and a considerable contribution of our resources to prevent the complete economic collapse of those war- torn nations. Communism thrives on chaos. A rehabili- tated Europe was the only chance for sur- vival had by free institutions in that area of the world. While communism has been at least temporarily stopped in Western Europe, it has made great gains in the Far East. At the end of the war communism ruled less than 200,000,000 people. Today 800,000,000 are within the fron curtain. By what standards do you measure success in foreign policy?
A826 Four factors relating to the ability of the Western World to defend itself against Com- munist aggression are: (1) Industrial ca- pacity; (2) population, (8) raw materials; (4) territory. Except for the first, international com- munism now has the edge on all the others. Fifty years of friendly interest on the part of our people and our Government in a free and independent China and the overwhelm- ing contribution made by our Army, Navy, and Air Force in the Pacific during World ‘War Ii, gave us the power, the prestige, and the op ty for constructive action no western nation had ever before possessed, We could have pioneered in exporting the ideals that inspired men who loved freedom everywhere following our own break-away from colonial status. All this opportunity has been frittered away by a small group of wiliful men who held positions in the Far Eastern Division of the State Department and who had the back- ing of their superiors. They were aided by others in and out of Government who by de- sign or ignorance helped to advance the cause of the Communists in China. In Europe where the record of Soviet alms was clearly outlined in Poland, Czechoslo- vakia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Rumania, Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, we finally stood up to communism in Greece, Turkey, Iran, Berlin, and Western Germany. Knowing that communism thrives on eco- nomic and political chaos we gave economic ald through the ECA. With the North At- lantic Pact and the arms implementation legislation, we have given moral and mate- rial support for the protection of Western Europe and the Middle East from overt ag- gression. In that area we have given hope and support to those advancing the cause of a free world of freemen. Munich certainly should have taught us that appeasement of aggression, then as now, is but surrender on the installment plan. Mr, Chamberlain, Prime Minister of Great Britain 10 years ago, may have sincerely thought that he was gaining peace in our time by consenting to the destruction of a free and independent Ozechoslovakia by Nazi Germany. We know now that paying such international blackmail only increased later demands that made World War II inev- itahble, The men in the Kremlin are as power hun- gry as the Nazis and their system is as de- structive of human Mberty as was Hitlerism with which they were bedfellows while Po- land was being dismembered in 1939. They have, however, learned some new techniques. In terms of ultimate destructive impact upon our free institutions, what difference does it make whether an American citizen, such as Gold betrays his country, or whether our country is betrayed by an alien such as Dr. Fuchs? What difference does it make whether the betrayal is done for pay or for love of the Soviet system? What difference does it make whether it is done by 8 card- carrying Communist member or by a pervert who, being in a key position, has been black- matied to deliver State secrets? What dif- ference does it make whether the secrets are stolen by a burglar from an office at night or whether they are carried out in daytime by a naive employee with a gold badge and a tarnished sense of responsibil- ity? The end result ts the same, and those who set the policies and were careless or tolerant or ignorant, cannot escape their responsibility at the bar of American pubilo opinion. Communism is destructive of human liberty everywhere in the world. It is no less destructive in Chine or Korea than it is in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Hungary, Rumania, or Bulgaria. The pattern may differ slightly. In Poland the opposition leader, Mil- kolajezk, was forced to flee; in Bulgaria Petkov was hanged; in Rumanta the king ‘was given a 2-hour ultimatum to change the government regardless of the constitution; in Czechoslovakia Masaryk’s life was for- feited when it became apparent that coall- tion with communism would not work. A chinese official put it clearly by saying to me recently: “There can be no real coali- tion with a tiger unless you are inside the tiger.” In Europe during the postwar perlod we have had a foreign policy in which the Re- publicans and the Democrats have contrib- uted to the initiation and formulation of doctrines that are understandable. In the Far East, during the same period, there has been no such bipartisan foreign policy. The Republicans in Congress were not consulted in the moves leading up to the bankrupt China policy which now stands revealed in all its sorry detail. The administration, and it alone, has the full responsibility for the debacle which has taken place on the continent of Asta and which day by day and hour by hour is en- angering the future peace of the world and the security of this country. Yes; we have waited for the dust to settle, and the American people can now see the wreckage of the position once held by this great Nation in the Far East. Alger Hiss at Yalta and the Amerasia Red network in Washington all contributed to losing in the Pacific that which our fighting men had won. It has been lost to the Soviet Union which participated in the Pacific war for 6 days. In China, up to this very hour, the State Department has been more interested in saving face than in saving freedom. The representatives of our Department of State persistently tried to get the Govern- ment of the Republic of China to form a coalition with the Communists. When they refused, we placed an embargo against the shipment of any arms or ammunition to the legal government of the country while during those same months the Soviet Army of occupation, in Manchuria as the result of the Yalta agreement, was turning over to the Communist forces large amounte of captured Japanese war stocks. That the National Government of China made mistakes, has had Benedict Arnolds and men who betrayed their trust, needed no underscoring from us in the way and at the time it was done. Our own history also has examples of men who have betrayed their trust from Cabinet members down to ward bosses. We have also been plagued with racketeers, highwaymen, and 6 percentere at various times. The basic objective the United States should have kept constantly in mind was to preserve a free, independent, united, non- Communist China. In the postwar illness of that Nation, we prescribed that the atrychnine of communism be taken. The State Department having contributed greatly to the Chinese disaster still proclaims that we must investigate some more. State De- partment China policies have been directed toward a postmortem rather than a con- sultation. Had China been a former enemy, lke Japan and Germany, we would have, since VJ-day, been giving large amounts of super- vised material help and sending many of our ablest military and civilian leaders to atabilize her currency, feed her people, and protect her from Oommunist aggression. Both of these former enemy nations have received more aid from us since VJ-day than has our wartime ally and long-time friend, the Republic of China. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Uike Mr. Chamberlain at Munich, there are some in this country, in Great Britain, and in India who belleve that by appeas- ing the Communists they may change their way of life, This is nalve and such a view- point is dangerous to the peace of the world and the security of this country. The question ts asked: Can anything be done at this late date? I believe that it can. While desperate, the situation is not more desperate than it was at the time of Valley Forge or at Dunkerque. First, of course, we need an undefstand- able foreign policy in the Far East. As a basis for such @ foreign policy, I suggest the following: 1, That we make clear that we have no intention of recognising the Communist re- gime in China and that we will give vigorous leadership to the free nations in the United Nations in opposing the seating of the Com- munist representatives. It is inconceivable that the free nations of the world will yield to Soviet blackmat) by seating the Communist regime of China in the United Nations. Such an abject sur- render to the Soviet Union will be destruc- tive of the ultimate objectives of the United Nations. Any such a surrender to Com- munist pressure will properly be acclaimed throughout the world as a Communist tri- umph and will have a tremendous psycho- logical ‘effect throughout, the entire Far Kast. Our Becretary of State at the time he an- nounced that our own vote would be against removing the reproserifatives of the Republic of Ching and ‘seating ‘the representatives of the Communist regime in their place also announced that we would not urge any other nation to vote for or against the prop- osition and that we would ourselves not use & veto. By these latter two announcements he largely destroyed the effectiveness of our own vote on the matter. 2. We should give supervised aid to the legal Government of China now on the island of Pormosa in the same way we have given it to the legal Governments of Greece and Korea both of which have also been targets of aggressive communism. There is a larger population on Formosa than in Greece or Australia. There are more anti-Communist troops than in all the other non-Communist areas of Asia combined. The forces of the Republic of China, if given arms and ammunition, are in a posi- tion to attack the flanks and rear of the Communist forces fighting against the United Nations in Korea. They are willing and able to help and if we take off the neutralization restrictions they can make commando type raids on the long coast line of China and can supply the more than a million non-Com- munist guerrillas operating in south and central China. A mission headed by a man of the caliber of General Wedemeyer could supervise the requests for aid, advise with the, Chinese Government relative to the training of troops in the use of equipment, and make certain from a logistical point of view that the sup- plies were received at the points where they Were needed. 8. We should forthwith move in the United Nations for economic, political and military sanctions against the Ohinese Communist aggressors in Korea. (a) Economic sanctions would include the cutting off of trade by all nations with Com- munist China. (b) Political sanctions would include the withdrawal of recognition of the Communist Chinese regime by United Nations members who have extended diplomatic recognition. (c) Military sanctions would include a naval blockade of the China coast and the striking by the United Nations air forces of military targete north of the Yalu River from which arsenals, supply depots, and concen- tration points are coming the supplies and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD reinforcements attempting to destro United Nations forces in ores, y the Neither the United States or the United Nations should use ground troops on the mainiand of Asia outside of Korea. We should support with suppifes, non-Commu- nists of Asia who desire to fight for their free- dom from Communist domination. There are still millions who are ready and able to do so if they get some moral support and equipment. Yes; America has come of age. We can no more return to & policy of isolation than an adult can return to childhood. We must assume our responsibilities as a great world power without whose active support there can be no adequate international system of law and order. We need a dynamic American foreign pol- ley. Liberty is still & greater force than slavery. Gur own fight for freedom electri- fled the world. Let us rekindle the torch. We must as- sume & moral leadership that we lost at Yalta. Let us make it clear to freedom- loving Poles, Czechs, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Rumanians, Latvians, Estonians, Lithuani- ans, Koreans, and Chinese that their desire for liberty is understandable to us. Let us make clear to the Soviet Union and her satellites that we and they are on a diplomatic quid pro quo basis. The United States Government should serve notice that we will no longer tolerate our Ambassador and diplomatic officlals being restricted to Moscow and occasional outside trips while theirs are free to ro from Pennsylvania to California, and from Maine to Texas. We should make it clear that we wijl no longer permit five times the nymber of visas to be issued for Soviet citizens to visit this country as are issued to our citizens to visit Russia, It should be made clear to all the Soviet satellites that they will treat our diplomatic representatives and our citizens with respect and international law, or we will break off diplomatic relations and tell their people why it is being done. Of course, we should seek a just and last- ing settlement of the cold war, but not by another Munict. or another Yalta. Any settlement to be worth while must include freedom from the tyranny under which ‘nillions of people suffer, in part at least, as a result of our past mistakes. No nation or its leader had the moral right to barter the lives of millions of men, women, and children into the godless hands of in- ternational communism, The Soviet Union has long since violated various part of their wartime agreements with the West. To Polish and Chinese patriots a public de- nouncement of the Yalta executive agree. ment would clear the atmosphere and give them renewed hope and courage. As a member of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy I recently visited the Nevada testing grounds and was there for the final explosion. I returned to Washington greatly encouraged by the splendid teamwork of our scientists and our armed services. This is no time to take a defeatist attitude vis-a-vis tre Soviet world. It is no time for faint hearts to sell America short. It was Lincoln who said: “Fellow citizens, ‘we cannot escape history * ° ° the flery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the latest gen- eration. * * * We, even we, here have the power and bear the responsibility * * * in giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free. * * * We shall nobly save or we shall meanly lose this last best hope of earth.” If we use the same courage and common sense that motivated the men who sat in the Constitutional Convention at Philadel- phia, there is no domestic problem we can- not solve and there Js no foreign foe we need fear, Address Delivered by Hon. Watkins M. Abbitt, of Virginia, at a Meeting of the Future Farmers of Americr EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WATKINS M. ABBITT OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. ABBITT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following address delivered by me at a@ meeting of the Hub Federation of the Future Farmers of America, at Appo- mattox, Va., Friday, January 26, 1951: At no time in the history of our Nation has 8. much depended upon the young men and women on the farms. Today you in your teens and early twenties stand as a bulwark against the evil forces that would enslave your country. You are in demand on the farm and in the Armed Forces. Many of you Future Farmers in the lower age groups are skilled through the training in your organization and your love of the land to the point that you become key men in farm production. This is par- ticularly true where you have played a big part in the family-operated farm. On such farms you become a vital part in our Nation's agricultural production. The big part you play is indicated by the fact that farm operators and unpaid members of their families make up three-fourths of all farm workers. With this in mind I understand that an assistant to the Secretary of Agriculture stated before the Preparedness Committee of the Senate that the availability of deferment authority is of particular importance so that some key workers may be retained on farms until qualified replacements are found or until persons who have completed thetr service are available. Of course, this means that agriculture and military service are definitely tied together as they always have been, The Minutemen at Concord and the soldiers at Valley Forge alternated between the farm and the battlefield in order that the freedom of their farms and families might be maintained. So both the usefulness of youth on the bat- tlefield and on the farms is brought into focus. It {s recognized, however, in making defer- ment that even though a farm-reared buy in the 18- or 19-year-age group may already possess substantial farm skill, the men in the higher age groups who might be liable for military service if the younger ones are not taken possess even greater farm skills. Un- der any circumstance on the farm or in the armed services, the Future Farmers of America stand solidly in the front line of forces fighting for our Nation's survival. If the part played by the Future Farmers of America in our Nation’s agriculture has al- ways been a fundamentally important one, it now takes on far greater stature. In- creased production of food and fiber is the foundation upon which the military and diplomatic forces of our country is built. Although increased production is the watchword, that does not mean that we have alarming shortages or even mild shortages, It simply means that demand for farm prod- ucts will continue to advance and that we must be prepared. Foodstuffs shipped to Yugoslavia and India recently represent food in diplomacy, By aiding these hungry countries, we are able to point out to them the attitudes of free peoples toward their neighbors and the abil- tty of democratic countries to produce more A827 than they need. Although adequate supplies are naw on hand, larger stocks to meet the anticipated increased demand wil make a defense against inflation and Hghten controls needed over food commodities. In order to assure this abundance, acreage allotments have been removed for cotton. To be on the safe side, the Nation needs at least 16,000,000 bales from the next cotton crop. Allotments for wheat and corn have been called off and larger plantings of both crops are being urged. However, there need be, as I said, no alarm that we have present any severe shortage of food. In fact, we have quite large supplies of grains and other storable commodities on hand. For example, at the beginning of the corn marketing season (October 1), stocks stood at a new record high—859,000,000 bushels, But the speeded-up demand is ajready making rapid inroads upon this all-time high stock. The increased demand for meat and other livestock will drain further from these large supplies as the months go on. So it is expected that our reserve carry-over of corn next October may be cut down by about 600,000,000 bushels. The wheat situation Is equally strong. The carry-over at the end of this current market- ing season is expected to exceed 430,000,000 bushels, which would be about the same as at the beginning of the season. The with- drawal of wheat allotments gives the grower a@ chance to put in more spring wheat and at the same time have the advantage of price supports. So it is that to these large piles of food laid away must be added still greater ylelds, You might ask why it takes more and pro- tein foods to feed the military. Is not the military made up of the same men and women that were eating thelr dally quota of food in civilian life? Surely that is true. But the men and women in service, because of thetr strenuous and continuing expendi- ture of physical and mental energy, need more food. Then too, food stockpiles must be built up in every area where an enemy may possibly attack. Although only a few of them may actually ever be used as food, And then there is another drain upon our food supplies that comes with an emergency, More people are employed at higher wages and harder work, They too have an appetite for heavier diets and the job creates an ap- petite which comes with higher wages— money enough to pay for the best of food. Of equal interest to the production of food in the emergency ie the price of food. The price the consumer pays and the price the farmer receives are both of dramatic concern to all. Here’s where price control now being extensively discussed will come in. Factory workers look at it this way. They say they won't sit by for a freeze on wages while food prices go up. At the same time, the farmer cannot sell his crops unless he receives for them a price that {s on 9 parity with the in- come of labor. (Parity stated quickly and simply is a figure arrived at through complex processes which establish the point at which the farm products prices are on a level with other prices.) Now if we take this through easy I think we can work out just what the farm price situation is now and give real meaning to our price-control legislation, Let us start back in 1949 and the firat part of 1950 when farm prices had fallen so drastically as to bring most of the commodity prices out of Hne with the cost of things the farmer had to buy—all these costs as we ree call being on a distinct upgrade. To correct this situation, we in Congress inserted a provision in the national defense jaw-—the one that empowers the President to put on price controle—that would permit farm prices to come back in Hne with parity before any price ceilings could be put upon them. To say it another way, the Defense
A828 Production Act earnestly tries to give the farmer this protection by providing generally that no ceiling on tural commodities be imposed at levels below the higher of the two standards: (1) Parity or (2) the higher prices during the 80-day period in May and June prior to the outbreak of the Korean confilct. The very strong position that agriculture finds itevlf in today so far as large stocks of grains and other storable commodities and 80 far aa price is concerned, did not come about by chance or luck or just happen to happen. The capacity of our farms to make the fabuieus record of production that they achieved through the past 11 seasons came about through the intelligent planning and the hard work of the farmers working in with broad-gage Government pro- that helped them to increase produc- and to maintain an income that put om @ sound financial footing for con- big yields. and your fathers and your families your part in making each new year the mning of the last war to today year. Today the yields of American ‘3 are 40 percent greater than they were in the 1086-39 average. AH that you and other Future Farmers throughout the country have learned about soil conservation and all the projects of the various sorts from water holes on the limit- less cattle ranges of the West to terracing on the steep slopes of Appomattox County farmland hes le secure great areas of our Nation's soil. It has held the soil et wind and water, Grassland farming, ter pastures, and legumes have encouraged the earth, aiding humus and guarding it against eroéion. Fach fob that you did on your farm be- came a part of a vast tmprovement of our greatest natural resource—the land. Work- ing with you was the Department of Agricul- ture. Through agricultural production pro- greene it Aiton by paying in part the cost of soli-consteving practices and so assis farmers who in most instances could not have eartted on the project without help. Let me take time just to quote a few fig- ures, I think they are amazing enough to be woeth while and give you a rough idea of how all of us working together have made a real and an astounding contribution to our national wealth end given assurance of a foo@ supply for our citizens in war or peace. Nearty 3,000,000 farmers are cooperating in the Agricultural oonservation program. Ginoe 1836 theese cooperating farmers have seeded 51,000,000 acres of soll-conserving pas- ture. They have bullt a million dams, used 260,000,000 tons of Mme. They applied 24,- 000,000 toms of superphosphate. Two hun- area and fifty-five million acres of green manure crops were established and turned under to the continued enrichment of those millions of acres of hard pressed soll. Just a few more. One hundred and thirty million acres were contoured. And last but not least 826,000 acres of trees were planted. In Virginta alone 47 percent of the farms, totaling ‘almost 10,600,000 acres, took part in the AOP programs. Over 70 percent of the larmere received eome assistance with the average gross assistance amounting tb $67.36. With such Paul Bunyen-like achievements going on across the Nation, the vast pro- duction that bulwarked our troops and war warkers throughout the last wer and enabled them to win is explained. So great was the of our farmers and the strength of our sof! even after the drains in energy and demands made upon the soil, we were able to follow through hy feeding the war-wrecked and sofl-depieted nations of the democratic world until they could be back on their feet. ‘The coat of this gigantic operation in soll saving considered in the light of a basic de- fense move was indeed a bargain. Defense usually comes high with airplane carriers Proposed at a cost of $300,000,000. Airplanes PHL | in experimental stages at 8100,000,000 apiece are not out of the ordinary for the new supersonic models. The cost of the ACP program last year, in which nearly 3,000,000 farmers took part and 681,000,000 acres were benefited, came to $985,000,000, Going alone hand in hand with the en- couragemont of better farming methods was the price program which gave the farmer reasonable assurance of an income adequate to keep his farming operations go- tng. The need for an economic protection to the farmer if we were to have a eound national economy and to keep our farms operating as going concerns was pointed up in the early thirties, Then with no econamic protection we saw 32-cent wheat, 19-gent corn, 10-cent eggs, and 18-cent butter. Along with the wreckage of the price structure went the foreclosures. Millions of acres of land lay idle and naked to erosion. Farmers could not afford to put in the arops. It was our good fortune that no marauding dictators saw fit at that time to take a crack at us. It would have been very bad for us had they. This economic stability which has accrued to the farmer and has benefited the Nation as a whole by pouring untold billions of dollars into the national wealth and into trade, was bought very cheaply. Before we consider the cost let’s get price- control operations in focus by seeing what they have done for tobacoo growers in Vir- As you may know, Brunswick and Mecklen- burg Counties, along with Halifax and Pitt- syivania, stand out as counties where to- bacco is the most important product. Of course, in the counties of southside Virginia especially, tobacco represents a far greater portion of farm income than for the State as a whole. And that means something because the proportion of Virginia inoome from tobacco is on the increase. Twenty-one years ago the value of all the tobacco produced in all the Commonwealth represented only one- fourth of our total Income from farm crops, That is on an average from 1925 until 1929. Theat is a Uttle before most of you Future Farmers were around here. But from the period 1945 to 1949, which all of you remember well, tobacco repre- sented one-third of the total income of the Commonwealth. And in this census Hali- fax, Pittsylvania, Mecklenburg and Bruns- wick Counties stand out. Four-fifths of their total cash income was from tobacco. The farmers of this great Commonwealth have worked together and with thelr Gov- ernment in the tobacco programs that have assured a fair return for labor expended. They are to be congratulated for having accepted their responsibilities in the pro- motion and operation of those programs. For when the farmer receives a good price for his tobacco, his neighbor shares in his prosperity. Good prices to the tobacco grower help to assure jobs and good in- come to all of the people in our Common- wealth. In the 17 years of the operation of price supports, the total cost has been 6736,800,- 000 or an average of $43,000,000 a year over the 17-year period. For most of this time only wheat, corn, cotton, tobacco, peanuts, and rice-—-all storable commodities—consti- tuted the basic crops protected by price sup- ports. It was not until the recent war that an attempt was made to support perish- ables. The $43,000,000 average loses a year is attributable mostly to losses on potatoes, eoges, dried milk, butter, and cheese. In fact $598,000,000 of the loss was accounted for by these perishables letting the joes on the storable commodities at $132,800,000 or an average of $7,800,000 per year. 8o far so good. You Future Farmers have had projects that have been fun to do and that have paid off in better crops, better APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD livestock and given you the fun of trying for an honest goal. Now how are these projects to be turned to the defense of our Nation? Here are a few things that must be done— done right away. First, we have got to take care of our farm machinery and equipment. We have got to work with the soldiers at the front and those who are going to the front. Equipment and repairs for farm machinery will not have frst priorities. The materials that go to make up tractors, plows, discs, and steel silos will first go into weapons of de- Tense, planes, trucks, and all thet are needed to keep the enemy from our shores, Of course, this means that there will be leas farm machinery to be brought first hand from now on. So it’s up to the future farmers of Amer- ica and the present farmers cf America, if America is to have a future and farmers are to farm as we know it in America, to coop- erate in order to maintain the mechanical efficiency of American farms. Many of you future farmers took part during the last war in projects which helped keep crumbling farm equipment in order. It you didn't take part in it, you heard about it from elder brothers, your fathers, and your teachers. They told you what the set- up was. : : When we came into the last war we had even less farm machinery than we have to- day, and more of it was In bad repair. This was due to the fact that we had not recov- ered from the depresditvh, and farmers had not yet ‘obtained inoste enough to get all the machinery which they needed. The comparative mechinery situation Hines up ltke this: tres So here's what we can do with what we have. First, make a project of looking over your farm equipment in the light of future events. Look it over carefully. You will know what it needs and what it is going to need in the way of repatra. So the best to do is to order the repairs needed and the repairs that it looks like you are going to need. After you have got these lined up, order them at once. It will help your coun- try and your farm and save you a lot of trouble Later. I am saying this despite the fact that your farm might be better equipped than it ever was mechanically. I would still look around for parts that are wearing out or that look like they are going to give out. Out of 100,000,000 tons of steel normally used by farm implement manufacturers, 20,- 000,000 go into repair parte. Rationing indicates that 75,600,000 tons will go into new farm machinery and that by the same ratio 16,000,000 tons will go into repair parte. An effort is being made to adjust this rela- tionship so that a larger percent of the material available will be used for parts. Here's another way to make your farm a profit to yourself and to your country. Use fertilizer and lime. Get your order in for your lime and fertiliser now. Take the fer- tilizer now and store it on your farm until you are ready to use if. By doing so you can Keep the factories and the mixers working steadily and save storage and transportation teat oan be used to further other defense Your Future Farmers have had many proj- ects in the efficient use of labor. The care of equipment, the ordering of new parts and the use of fertilizer in accordance with the antic- ipated demand for them is naturally labor
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD saving. If you have a machinery part that is faltering and you have already ordered and have on hand its replacement, much labor has been saved. It is a long trip to town and it may be a long time that you ait idle on the tractor while your implement dealer sends to the county distributor for the part and the county distributor sends to the factory for the part. All of that 1s labor saving. And there are others— And last, but not least, we have the soil. In days when we do not know how long it will take to win the conflict that now faces us, we must be sure of one thing—and that is the efficiency of our soil. As we talked before about how the produc- tion increased year by year through the last war and all through the world famine because we had care for our soll. Today there is a greater obligation on the part of the farmer and the Government to see that the agricul- tural conservation programs step out and fight the enemies on the home front—care- less farming and its allies wind and water erosion—-and protect us from the devasting raids upon our land that this pair make. In other words, it is up to us to see that pasture improvement, cover crops, terracing, and all the other soil saving methods are practiced with even greater intensity in these times than in ordinary times. It 1s up to all of us to help ourselves and each other in order that each of us may work our own farms, choose our own girls, and rear our own children in accordance with our own beliefs, and do our part to see that as many others as possible in this world have the same opportunities—opportunities of freedom. , Postwar Assistance to France EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN C. JOHNSON OF COLORADO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. JOHNSON of Colorado. Mr. President, on February 14 it was my good fortune to be host at a small luncheon in honor of the Honorable Charles Del- bruck, president of the Lutheran Churches of France. Unfortunately, many Members of the House and Senate were out of the city at the time, but we invited as many Lutherans as we could find, and most of them were present. Mr. Delbruck is a lay Lutheran, and operates a textile manufacturing busi- ness. All of us present had a very profit- able luncheon hour. Economic, political, and religious questions were discussed. Notes were not kept of the questions and answers, but I do have our distinguished visitor’s eloquent opening statement, and I ask unanimous consent to insert the statement in the Appendix of the RECORD. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Dear brothers in Christ, I wish to express in the name of the Lutheran churches of France, the gratitude which is overflowing our hearts and that I cannot keep to myself any longer. Let me tell you that following the last war we met your representatives in Europe to have the Lutheran World Federation and we have experienced a wonderful and most precious feeling of Christian love coming from over the ocean and surrounding us, We are thoroughly thankful to you for the wonderful help you gave us and are still giving us; for the promptitude of your action and its efficiency coming as it did when our country was Mberated of the occupant. It came at a time when everything was so dif- ficult for us, when the tremendous task of reconstruction as well as moral and spiritual regeneration faced us, when we had to re- build our churches, our parsonages, our parish houses and our homes, our schools, our factories, our roads and bridges, our railroads, and telephone and telegraphic systems; when such a work seemed far from possible, and when there was no food and no clothes for our children. And just at that time, when we were not far from despair, answering our prayers to God to give us help, came the news that our brothers in faith from over the ocean had made a tremendous effort to help us, bringing to us a new hope and possibilities to stand again and little by little to resume life again. We heard and rejoiced to hear that funds had been gathered, that this effort was to last, but, above all, we had the feeling that we were not alone before this heavy task awaiting us, that brothers in faith were praying with us and for the success of this task; that we were children of the big Lu- theran world-wide church, that our brothers and sisters in faith stood by us and shoulder to shoulder with us, And this was the an- swer to our prayers to God when we felt so distressed and helpless. And this is why I wish to say to you, quite simply today, but from the deepest of our hearts, ‘We thank you for all that you have given to us your brothers in Jesus Christ. Thank you for the brotherly and Christian way and for the spirit in which you have oome to our help.” The Republican Party and the Future EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OWEN BREWSTER OF MAINE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, a speech entitled “The Republican Party and the Future,” delivered by Malcolm William- son, of Waynesville, N. C., at the Lincoln Day box supper, Uline Arena, Washing- ton, D. C., on Monday, February 5, 1951. There being no objection, the speech was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tue Rerustican ParTy AND THE FUTURE On the eve of the celebration of the birth of Abraham Lincoln, whose name has become almost synonymous with the Republican Party, it is fitting that we consider the Republican Party and the future. From the days when Lincoln, the dark horse candidate of the Republican Party, was elected President with only 1,866,000 popular votes, until now, 13 of the 17 Presi- dente of the United States have been mem- bers of the Republican Party. In the 90 years since 1860 our country has made such great strides that today we can truthfully say we are the most powerful and influential Nation on earth. The American way of life has become the envy of all peoples who long for the material and spiritual blessings which A829 through the years of Republican guidance came to this land of freedom and oppor- tunity. I need not remind you that the freedom and prosperity of our country, in large measure has been due to the Repub- Mean belief in free enterprise and despite the Democratic belief in creating prosperity through endless Government subsidies. The only way to increase a standerd of living is to produce more. Fortunately, the Republi- can Party realizes this, Our party's history ts adorned with the names of great national leaders Iike Lincoln, and McKinley, and Theodore Roosevelt who demonstrated that America could not only become strong in- ternally, but could become, in a short 40 years, the hope of freemen everywhere. The Republican Party has contributed much to America in the past. It can and it will con- tribute even more in the future. The Republican Party has had days of ad- versity as well as days of prosperity. Though it is true that from 1932 until now our party has suffered a set-back in the national elec- tions, this eclipse has never been total. These losses show that in many areas the party has suffered from disunity. In recent years many Republicans have meekly fol- lowed the leaders of “me-tooism.” This me- too philosophy 1s the most dangerous enemy of the Republican Party today. Its futility is obvious. By the defeat of the Republican ticket in 1948, the people have shown that if they must have the Democratic program, they will elect Democrats to carry it out. This has been an expensive lesson, but I believe that we have learned it. As evidence of the abandonment of ‘“‘me-toolsm,” in every 1950 Senatorial race where the Republican fought for Republican principles, he was elected. If the Republican Party is ever to regain power, we must say and do what we believe. Re- publican policy must not be merely a few vague principles. It must be manifested in the everyday decisions of the United States Government, as it was in the extremely con- structive Eightieth Congress, On the surface the future looks dark for America, The inevitable retribution for past mistakes is about to overtake us. The ad- ministration leaders realize that thelr past is catching up with them. They seem so worried about their political careers, how- ever, that they can see no way out. Their only proposal is to arm to the teeth even if it bankrupts the Nation, which is exactly what Russia wants. Fortunately, we have Republicans in Washington with the ability to chart other courses for the ship of state. Largely through Republican efforte we are at long last telling our allies that they must either stand with us all the time, regardless of petty differences, or they must stand by themselves. Through Republican efforts the administration is being forced to consider allowing Chiang Kai-shek's troops to fight their enemies instead of making American boys bear all the sacrifices, Through Repub- lican efforts America is about to construct its first real foreign policy since Franklin Roosevelt recognised the Soviet Union. Though it is true that the present predica- ment of the United States cannot be blamed on the Republican Party, we can be blamed if we do not fulfill our duty to work end- lessly for a workable, peaceful solution to our tragic plight. The Republican Party also has a great re- sponsibility to the future of America in the field of domestic policy. The greatest bless« ing a government can bestow upon its people 1g to give them a sound currency. Through inflation the Soclalist schemers have almost realized their dream of making old people de- pendent on the Government by destroying the value of their savings. Inflation can never be checked by minor controls around the edges. It can only be stopped at its source—-reckless Government spending. Re- publicans have always realized the danger of an unbalanced budget and are at last achieving a measure of success against deficit
A838 financing. Caivin Coolidge might have of- fered ss e remedy to governmental extrava- gance, the simple statement, “I do not choose to spend.” Republicans in Congress must balance the budget, reduce the national debt, eliminate unnecessary and undesirable Gov- ernment agencies, and give the American people government at a cost they can afford to pay. If Republicans will take the lead in achieving these goals, I have no doubt that the Republican Party will receive its just reward. To regain control of the National Govern- ment, the Republican Party must become strong in the South. This is a difficult task, but it is not a hopeless one. I believe that the average southerner 1s in symptathy with the Republican principles, but does not real- ize it. They call themselves southern Demo~ crats, but everyone knows a southern Demo- crat is a Republican too stubborn to admit it. With a little education, work, organiza- tion, and perseverance the Republican Party can win the South. ° The greatest need of the United States to- day is leadership. The Democratic Party has been unable to provide it. The Republican Party can. It offers an alternative to war. It offers economical government, labor-man- agement stability, increased prosperity, a logical solution to inflation, and it offers hope to America. Surely the American peo- ple will eagerly accept the party with these policies and in 1952 we shall elect a Republi- can President, Proposed Dispersal of Federal Agencies EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp, an editorial from the Sun, published in Arlington, Va., with respect to the proposed plan for the dispersal of Federal agencies into Virginia and Maryland. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: A Vitw on DISPERSAL ‘We hope Congress takes a long and search- ing look at the current proposals for dispersal of Federal agencies into the Virginia and Maryland countryside. This week indica~ tions were that the ideas of the Federal planners were arousing a lot of questions on Capitol Hill. Last week Senator Byrn told an Arlington audience he was reserving opinion on the Gispersal plan. He pointed out that an enormous initial cost would by no means be the end of the expense involved, and more important, he pointed out that dispersal, as it is understood now, would still leave in Washington the really vital personnel and units of Government. Additionally, we think it is high time something was said about the moral aspect of a flight from Washington, There is an element of what some might call cowardice in the prospect. At a time when, above all else, the United States should display complete firmness and faith in itself, it offers the rest of the world the picture of administrative buregus running away from the Nation's capital. If we admit, as under dispersal we would admit, that we can't defend our own capi- tal city against » potential foe which must traverse thousands of air miles to reach it, then it seems to this newspaper we pre- gent a sorry sight for all to behold. What can Washington expect the great manufacturing cities of its own country to think—-Pitteburgh, Detroit, Chicago, New York, and all the others? No one speaks of dispersing their factories or their teem- ing populations of producing workmen. Let dispersal of Washington bureaus become @ fact, and it tsn’t hard to imagine the ecorn and derision—to say nothing of the bitterness—with which the Capital would be regarded throughout the Nation. No layman knows today what the author- itative judgment may be on the probability of a sneak attack on this country. Common- sense prudence would dictate that certain archives be removed and that preparations be made for a speedy shift from Washing- ton of the heart of the military establish- ment, of the President’s office, and of Con- gress, at the moment when a potential con- dition became critical. But that sort of preparation is a vastly different matter from the shifting now of thirty to fifty thousand administrative personnel a few miles out- side the city. As they think it over thoroughly, Mem- bers of Congress may find that the disper- sal plan as it has so far been drafted will, if carried through, leave them open to some very embarrassing questions at home. And the Nation will, we think, find its prestige seriously undercut in every other capttal. The threat which Russian communism poses becomes greater, and bolder in ac- tion, exactly in proportion to the degree the rest of the world exhibits apprehension and uncertainty. Under present conditions, re- moval of a considerable segment of the ma- chinery of Government from Washington would amount to a tacit admission of fear and doubt, which the Kremlin would find most cheering. Benjamin Stolberg EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT A. TAFT OF OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. TAFT. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent to have printed in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, an article and a statement relating to Benjamin Stolberg, who died recently. The article, written by George Sokolsky, was published in the Washington Times-Herald of January 29, 1951, and the statement was pub- ished in the January 31, 1951, issue of Human Events. Benjamin Stolberg was one of the outstanding figures in this country in the battle against commu- nism, I believe the article and the state- ment pay to Mr. Stolberg a well-deserved tribute. There being no objection, the article and the statement were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [Prom the Washington Times-Herald of January 28, 1951] Tuess Days (By George Sokolsky) I suppose when a man passes 50, he begins to go to funerals. For years, I never went to one. During the past week, I went to two and could have gone to a third were I in San APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Francisoo, where my friend, Edgar Rickard, died after living a long and good life. Friends pass on and leave a void that is not filled too soon and sometimes never. The death of Ben Stolberg is a greater loss to thie country than is readily realizable. Ben might have been regarded as the theo- retician, the guide and philosopher of anti- Marxism in America. Long before many who today are shocked by the almost inhuman brutality of the Com- munists realized the dangers of an unmoral way of life, Ben Stolberg recognised the evil and the peril to mankind. He inspired a band of fighters. Ben was a Jew from Germany who came to this country early enough to go to Harvard and the University of Chicago. Although not native in English, he developed a lit- erary style that was pungent, sharp, and pre- cise. His use of words mirrored his mind, for he cut through dross and shams with the deftness of a surgeon and found the heart of the problem where it stood out uncovered, for better or for worse. His integrity was so crystal clear that he suffered for being in advance of the times. But in recent years, he talked more than he wrote. Many of us found in his mind a storehouse of precisely cataloged data and experience, and his wisdom a guide to the We took his wares, hardly realizing that he could have used them to his own advan- tages. And he gave to whoever asked, with- out regard to himself,'. He lived a cause, and his ostise ‘Was anti¢conimunism. To put it more ‘donstructively,'he had discovered the soul of America and made it his faith. It is interesting—and surely of more than passing significance—that this immigrant should have loved America so uncompromis- ingly. This was no second home. This was no place of refuge. This was all to him. Perhaps it may sound exaggerated to those who take everything for granted that they find here, but Ben Stolberg literally loved the United States, its traditions, its institu- tions, it soul. His only son, David, fights in Korea. Perhaps the full sadness of this apparently jolly man’s fe was a consciousness that he might have done it all differently. For his convictions and beliefs and faith matured in his fifties as he could not have foreseen in his twenties and thirties. Once perhaps cynical, he had found faith. He had become a conservative in the truest sense of the word; that is, a conservator, one who constructively seeks to preserve, to guard the richness of tradition, making progress within the disciplines of historic truth. Had he lived longer, this mature view of life would have given his work a new and powerful direction. This I can tell you: Many articles written by many writers, many speeches spoken by great public figures found their inspiration in the conversation and in th: notes which Ben Stolberg bestowed so lavishly. And yet he had nothing of worldly goods, nor did be even live comfortably. I am cer- tain that in recent years he was not dis- turbed by the income tax. Boycotted and blacklisted by Communist and fellow-traveler magazine and publishing house editors, he regarded that, too, as part of the fight against Stalin. In fact, while he was dying, in his last hour, he smilingly sald: “Yea, I did kill Joe Stalin.” And so our friends go and we weep for them and move on to our work. And then each of us goes, too, and a new generation takes over. Always the satisfaction must be that.nothing really dies. We plant our little seeds and the trees which we never live to see grow. We hurl tdeas into the air and they do take root. Stolberg Hved long enough to see the day when most ere sure that com- munism is not just a political pariy, but an +
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD evil out of the Apocalypse. He heard the hooves of the four horsemen long, long ago. We can all hear them now, for they are upon us. — {From Human Events of January 31, 1951] BENJAMIN STOLBERG The sudden death of Benjamin Stolberg last week is indeed a severe loss. A list of his books appearing in the obituary notices in the papers bears testimony to his erudition and knowledge of politics, espectally in the labor field. Recent pieces in the American Mercury—one on Tarr, another on Latti- more—showed his talents undimmed. But it 1s not 80 much the loss of his pen, brilliant as it was. Ben was a Bohemian—somewhat like that artist in Balzac’s Cousin Bette; many of his masterpieces were talked, not written, It was in that very role that his influence-—the influence of the cenacle—was exerted. As George Sokolsky well pointed out the other day in his column, Ben’s great background knowledge, the pyrotechnics of his conversation, and the shrewd alertness of his mind proved of inestimable inspiration not only to other writers and thinkers, but also to many figures in the arena of politics. His death came with special cruelty, for the word had gone around that Ben was making a@ come-back. It may be recalled that he had been so bold, in the thirties, as to ex- pose the Communist ramifications in the American labor movement. To use a jour- nalist’s expression, the story was “broken too soon.” It was not too soon for the good of the country, but at that time the Com- munist infiltration and influence had risen to a new high; and “liberals,” tn and out of editorial offices, found the Stolberg frank- ness too strong a medicine. Within 10 years, of course, Phil Murray and his aides were sweating profusely in an effort to purge the Reds whom Stolberg had uncovered a decade before, As ® result of this cowardice, Ben was blacklisted and his hitherto familiar by- line disappeared from national magazines, His is but one case of the general boycott imposed on writers of independence. There were others: John T. Flynn, William Henry Chamberlin, Eugene Lyons—to mention a few. They were punished for being “right too soon.” But the events of the past year began to have effect; a few editorial doors closed to Ben were beginning to open, When we saw him a fortnight ago he was filled with plans for articles, books, a column, etc. Then suddenly it was all over. Telegram From Senator Lehman to Lithuanian American Information Cen- ter on Thirty-third Anniversary of Inde- pendence of Lithuania EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, Friday, February 16, was the thirty-third annt- versary of the independence of Lith- uania. On the occasion of that day I was very pleased to address to the Lith- uanian American Information Center a telegram greeting Americans of Lithuan- jan descent on the observance of this historic occasion. I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my telegram in the Appendix of the Recorp, There being no objection, the telegram was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Feprvary 13, 1951. Miss Mary Kuz, Executive Secretary, Lithuanian Ameri- can Information Center, New York, a a Following is message marking anniversary of Lithuanian independence: “This thirty-third anniversary of the inde- pendence of Lithuanta is for all a day when we must rededicate ourselves to the libera- tion of a people who after a century of Rus- sian domination, and brief years of inde- pendence are again under the heavy yoke of foreign tyranny. It is the prayer of all of us that the spirit and courage of the people of Lithuania will remain steadfast and unchanged during these darks days of oppression. To those Americans with friends and relatives in their native country, I can offer only the continuing hope that they may again be reunited through the reestablish- ment of a free and independent Lithuania. All who are devoted to freedom, liberty, and justice are resolved to hasten that day of the deliverance of Lithuania into the family of free nations.” Hersert H. LEHMAN, United States Senator, Soil for Peace or War EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUBERT H. HUMPHREY OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. HUMPHREY. Mr. President, the State of Minnesota is extremely for- tunate to have as one of its leading farm editors Mr. Alfred D. Stedman, farm editor, St. Paul Dispatch-Pioneer Press, St. Paul, Minn. Mr. Stedman has had years of experience in agricultural mat- ters, having served with honor and dis- tinction as an official of the Department of Agriculture. His intimate knowledge of the agricultural economy of the Mid- west is revealed by his penetrating and constructive articles concerning agricul- tural legislation and programs, On February 8 last, Mr. Stedman ad- dressed the Minnesota Association of Soil Conservation District Supervisors. His comments pertaining to the value of soil conservation in our defense program are worthy of the attention of every Mem- ber of Congress. Therefore, Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent that ex- cerpts from Mr. Stedman’s address be printed in the Appendix of the Rzcorp. There being no objection, the excerpts were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Som ror PEACE on WAR The roots of the United States-Russian contest for world leadership go deep into the soll. The dead dynasties of the past He buried under eroded earth. The modern maritime empires have failed or faded, But surviving are two landed nations. The con- test of ideologies is between these landed giants. The United States has one of the A831 world's great rich-land areas. Russia has the other. Today their contest moves toward some grand climax, or we hope anticlimax, that is atill hidden and holding the world in suspense. The rivals’ strength comes from their re- sources of the earth—their metals, coal, ol, waters, timber and also vital food to feed their working, planning and fighting forces. Thus the soil producing the food has a key place in the preparedness program that aims above all to maintain peace by making war prohibitively dangerous to Russia or, if that aim should fail, to win World War III. We have some land advantages, but so has Russia, We have the freedoms of our farms and homes that are not a dictator's but here can be our own in fee simple. We have superior food producing power con- veyed by machines and know-how. Russia, however, has untapped soll resources east and west of the Urals that she 1s busily exploiting. In the Danube Basin, Poland, and East Ger- many, she has a grip on the bread lands of other countries. But we of the United States are compelled to stand or fall on the soil we've got. So we are hit by the most urgent of all farm questions, What will our Nation do to safeguard its soil? In the emergency, the United States is getting set to put great new strains on its remaining soil fertility, The official call is out to grow more, more and still more food. This continuing burden is to fall on & shrinking soil reserve. More than 280 million acres already have been ruined or nearly 80 by erosion. Half a million more go down the drain each year. Scientists say the curve of our productive soil resources still slants sharply downward. The line of worn-out cash-cropped soils is moving westward across our state and Nation. Cropping alone is removing soil nutrients from Minnesota lands six to nine times faster than their replace- ment by fertilizers. All this is weakening the food foundation of our Nation and others depending heavily on us for food. And the too-precarious margin of food safety is ex- posed to imponderable dangers of drouth, of grain rust or livestock epidemics, either acci- dental or unloosed in biological war. And now your soil conservation district work feela a deep and patriotic urge to get ahead faster. The goal is a technically sound soil conservation plan for every farm. But you have never had enough technicians to draw those plans and right now you urgently need more appropriations to supply them. In the Nation, the task of getting such farm plans in operation isn't yet one-fifth done, In Minnesota, it has reached only 1 farm in 15. At last year’s rate, getting the whole job done nationally would take until 1987. ‘At a stepped-up rate being proposed by Chief H. H. Bennett, it would take until 1971. For this essential, farm-by-farm con- servation program, that would represent great progress. But the United States now faces emer- gency as well as long-time soll needs. The need to hasten with gully control, contour- ing, terracing, and tree planting rematns, and is more pressing. But besides that there are additional needs for easing the special, intensified drains of emergency farming. Rapid speed-up in adoption of crop rotation systems is urgent. More acres need to be returned to legumes and grasses. More acid soils ought to be limed. More humus and plant nutrients should be going back into the land. So the emergency side of the soil Job will need close attention by you and the consolidated Federal agency that ts soon to get the conservation job, We must come to grips with the question of how to win over many more of a very substantial minority of farmers to conservation farming. This is especially true when farm labor abortages fan the urge to farm in simple, familiar ways.
A832 Conservation farming eppesis powersaly to established, careful farmers, pride in good work, in good soil, in service to the Nation, and a very warm spark of religion in their souls. It offers them bigger and surer long-time returns. From grass in rota- tion, they can get more feed units per acre and return more nutrients to the soll, with great savings In labor. Over the years, they can average more corn or oate or flax on fewer acres. Their built-up soil reserves are & fine investment for self, for posterity, and for country. Why, then, do so many go right on straight cash-cropping, uphill and down, just mining the soll in the same old way? With some, the case for conservation has simply failed of any convincing presentations. Some find it hard to change long, ingrained habits of farming. Some want to take one more big gamble at selling off soil fertility while these prices hold. Maybe a few are emotionally “ag’in” it. But many are up against very real troubles. Some of these have farm mortgages so heavy as virtually to compel the mining of their soil. Some renters have annual leases giv- ing small assurance of return of long-time investments in building the land. Some just haven't the money to pay the first costs of conservation. How can more of this large number be won to conservation farming in the emer- gency and after? A much better tnforma- tion job by all organs of information, in- cluding the press, can and should be done. Also, we can look into the chances for re- forms in the lease laws. Further, we could ask the banking fraternity to help work out reforms in those conventional farm loan practices that are now virtually forcing vicious mining of the soil. Also, we can continue to use inducements to offset frst costs and get conservation prac- tices started. That’s not buying or bribing. Rath it is a familiar way to launch a sell- ing job. Business far and wide uses induce- ments every day to get sales campaigns roll< ing. To increase defense plant capacity, Defense Mobilizer Charles BE. Wilson officially stresses the offer to business of induce- ments in the form of Government loans, tax assurances, and guaranties. The Government has been offering con- servation incentives in forms of technical aid, sayments, or shares in the costs of ferti- Itgers, lime, and seedling trees. If practical businessmen consider that a big scale offer to business of incentives is necessary to in- crease defense plant capacity, the moderate use masy also be found wise for safeguarding soll-producing capacity. If not, then a great hunt will be needed at once for other effec tive means of greatly expanding the scope of soil conservation in the emergency. America can, in that emergency, go on neglecting the soil foundation of her food supply. In that way seems to lie the great- est risk. Or America can do her best to safe- guard her soil. In that way seems to lie the best chance of strengthening the prepared- ness program’s bid for peace, and hence of serving the greatest safety for the Nation. Liberation of Slovakia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OWEN BREWSTER OF MAINE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BREWSTER, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a letter ad- dressed to me under date of February 12, 1951, by Dr. V. 8. Krajcovic, chairman of the National Committee for Liberation of Slovakia. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Nartriowat, COMMITTEE FOR LIBERATION OF SLOVARTA, Washington, D.C., February 12, 1951. Hon. Owen Brewsres, United States Senator, Washington, D. C. Dean Sewaror: As chairman of the Na- tional Committee for Liberation of Slovakia, I ike to express my deep appreciation for this opportunity to demonstrate the neces- sity for this solemn protest against the viola- tion of religious freedom and the crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Red regime in Czechoslovakia, which on January 18, 1951, sentenced Bishop Michael Buzalka, of Bratislava, and Bishop Bugen Gojdic, of Presov, to life imprisonment, while the dean of Slovak hierarchy, Bishop Jan Vojtaasak, of Spisska Kapitula, received 2¢ years of im- prisonment. These three Slovak bishops have been tried and imprisoned because they too—iike Car- dinal Mindszenty and Archbishop Stepli- nata—dared to oppose a totalitarian dictator- ship for its ruthless suppression of religious freedom. These three latest victims of religious per- secution were tried at Bratislavd, wartime capital of Slovakia, for high treason, military espionage, and other crimes. All three were arrested several months before the trial opened and were subjected to a condition- ing treatment. Their arrest came after they criticized the Red regime's pseudo-Catholic seminary which opened last fall at Bratislava. Earlier these gallant prelates had scored Communist authorities for liquidation of Catholic convents and monasteries which the defendants were said to have opposed. The bishops were blamed for everything done by the Nazis and politicians during World War qd. They were charged with having conse- crated illegal bishops in their own dioceses on orders from the Vatican. The Prague Red radio announced that all three defendants had confessed their crimes. But to the listeners to the excerpts of the trial broadcast there was every indication that the bishops were speaking compietely out of character as they mechanically re- cited their confessions at the prompting of the Czech prosecutor, Karol Bedrna. One other proof of the conditioning of the three Slovak prelates is the fact that these con- fessions were replete with Communist ideol- ogy which was totally at variance with the usual manner of speaking of the bishops. Bishop Buzalka, of Bratislava admitted at this travesty of Justice and mock trial, that he maintained a negative attitude toward the people's uprising in 1944; that he was spreading antipeople propaganda at con- firmation ceremonies, missions, and retreats; that he sent calumniating reports on church conditions under the Red regime. He ex- pressed his scorn of falee Vatican radio re- ports, admitted allegad illegal contacts and espionage reports. At one point in the mock trial, the Red stage managers had overplayed thelr hands. Prompted by two identical questions, Bishop Busalka twice picked up and painfully recited the same paragraph. When the Red prosecutors realized that their tactic had misfired, they tried to drown out Bishop Buzalka's speech with a volley of new questions. The 78-year-old dean of Slovak hierarchy, Bishop Vojtassak of Spiaska Kapitula, hardly stood on his feet, but proudly uttered into the face of his Communist persecutors the belief that Slovakia will be free and that again the religious freedom and the high principles of humanity will prevail. He ‘was ch of reosived from Amer- jean Slovak Catholics €10,000, but arranging to have the funds remitted to exiled Slovak APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD leaders; for having announced excommunica- tion decree against Communists; for with- holding dispensation for Sunday work ordered by the Communists; and for mimeo- graphing of illegal pastorals and distribut- ing subversive leafiets. \ Bishop Eugen Gojdic, of Presov, the only living Greek Catholic bishop behind the fron curtain, was cherged with writing in- citing pastoral letters and illegal leaflets; with sending espionage reports to the Vati- can, and with helping the underground forces in Slovakia. . Thus, on January 15, 1951, Bishop Buzalka and Bishop Gojdic received the life sentence, while Bishop Vojtassak received 24 years of imprisonment from the hands of Communist perpetrators of crimes against humanity and crimes against religious freedom. The shameless comedy of this mock trial buried the three great Slovak bishops in prison and thus the three most powerful bastions of the Slovak national resistance sgainst communism have been annihilated. Since then a month passed, and although the imprisonment of these three Slovak religious leaders was a case of flagrant Viola- tion of basic human rights and a case of violation of religious freedom, the demo- cratic world was left apathetic to what goes on in Slovakia and behind the tron curtain, Urged by such representants of American Slovaks like Rev. Emery Gottschall and Mr. John T. Kmetz, the National Committee for Liberation of Slovakia taid its protest with the President of the United States, with the Secretary of State, and with the General Secretary of the United Nations, with the request to investigate these crimes and to protest officially by the Ozechoslovak Gov- ernment, The three Slovak bishops became martyrs only because they committed the crime to worship their Master in their own way, and the crime to preach in their own way the essence of the four freedoms to their Slovak people. But the still free world did not protest, and the United Nations Commission for Human Rights did not even raise its voice for the defense of these democratic and religious leaders of a resisting Slovakia, which even now struggles for its survival. In this world of apathy and darkness there was, however, one light which came from oppressed Slovakia itself. In the same time when the brave bishops received their sentence the Slovak anti-Communist resist- ance opened fire against the tyrants in order to convince the world that the hope for freedom is still alive in Slovakia, and that the Slovaks deserve the recognition of their National aspirations for freedom. In conclusion, I urge you, dear Senator, in the name of all Slovaks who resist com- muniem, to ask the President and the Con- gress of the United States of America to make an official protest to the Czechoslovak Government against the unjust imprison- ment of the Slovak bishops and the perse- cution of religion and other crimes against humanity which are daily perpetrated in Slovakia, and to bring the case of Slovakia to the attention of the United Nations. Respectfully yours, Dr. V. S. Krascovic, Edison’s Vision EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT A. TAFT OF O#10 IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. TAPT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Appendix of the Recorn, an address -entitied “‘Edison’s Vision,” delivered by George E. Stringfeliow, vice president, Thomas A. Edison, Inc., before the -Rotary Club of Paterson, N. J., on Feb- ruary 8, 1951. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Eprsow’s Vision (By George E, Stringfellow) Nothing its more impressive to our eyes and to our imagination than the rising sun, inoreasing the light from the faintest begin- mings to the full splendor of a brilliant morning. This planet was a dreadful place before the sun had done ite work. Monsters infested the earth. The air was saturated with poison gases. No creature now living could possibly have breathed before the sun puri- fied the air. The sun has been working for ea long time to improve things. We now have a planet upon which we can live and upon which we have made at least a start toward looking at the best side of nature. King Solomon was said to be wise. But, when the thunder roared and the lightning flashed, his conscience troubled him. The king would turn away from his many wives and his own doubtful associates. Solomon would run to the bed and put his head under an embroidered pillow where he would lay shivering. Even Sheba could do nothing for him. The thought that lightning could be tamed and put to work never entered Sol- omon's mind. I speak today of the man who made light- ning our servant. I refer, of course, to Thomas Alva Edison, who was born tn Milan, Ohio, 104 years ago next Sunday. You know much about his successes. Let me tell you something about his failures, for it is mainly from thetr failures and what they did in the face of their misfortunes that we learn most about the great men of history that will help us. Edison lived to be 64. His formal educa- _ijon was limited. to.8 months in the public schools. His teacher sent him home as & moron to be cared for by the State. Edison insisted that he could not have suc- ceeded without the lessons of his misfortunes and failures. In fact, he emphasized that even the misfortune of deafness, from which he never recovered, was a great asset. When Edison was 12 years old he was work- ing as a newsboy on a train between Port Huron and Detroit. One of the way stations on this run was Smiths Creek. It was there the happening occurred which made Edison deaf. Now we shall see what were the facte. There are many vivid and contrary versions of the origin of Edison's affiiction, but what actually happened may be told in his own words: “My train was standing by the plat- form at Smiths Creek station,” said Edison, “and I was trying to climb into the freight cat with both arms full of newspapers when. the conductor lifted me by my ears. I felt something snap inside my head. My deaf- ness started from that time ane has continue ously progressed,” concluded the genius, Here is & boy, 12 years old, seized by a man and lifted by his ears, to be made deaf to the end of his days. A word of compleint? Never throughout his long life. Bitterness toward the man—for this was the act of # man, not an act of nature—a feeling of self-pity, frus- tration, rancor, “Why did this have to hap- pen to me?” Well, hardly. Look at the consequences, ‘Bdieon spoke of his deafness much as Helen ‘Keller speaks of her blindness. “My deafness hes not been # handicap but 9 help to me,” said Bdieson, “From the very start, after the earache pain ceased, deafness probably drove me to reading.” xCVN—App.——53 He was, in his energy, courage, compassion, and sincerity, sven thankful for the neces- sity of adapting his experlments to his affiic- tion. He attributed at least two important developments to that necessity—the tele- phone as civilization knows it today and the phonograph. ‘ “In experimenting on the telephone,” Edi- son explained, “I had to improve the trans- mitter so I could hear it. This made the tele- phone commercially practical, as Bell’s mag- neto telephone receiver was too weak to be used as @ transmitter commercially. “It was the same with the phonograph. The great defect of that instrument was the rendering of the overtones in the music and the hissing consonants in speech. I worked over a year, 20 hours a day, Sundays and all, to get the word ‘specie’ perfectly recorded. When this was done I knew that everything else could be recorded.” This greatest inventor of all time was never discouraged by his amall knowledge of any- thing. It wasn't so much what he knew that helped him but what he tried to know. He ‘was a true genius. When he was pressed for 8 definition of a genius he coined the famous adage: “Genius is 1-percent inspiration and 99-percent perspiration.” Edison knew that freedom and progress for an individual or a natlon—or even a genius— does not mean “I do not have to work.” He knew the future belongs to those who pre- pare for it. And he knew that the common- est form of opportunity ts harder work and better work. Edison knew that the heavy ball of progress needs a great deal of pushing. Said Edison, “I recall that after we had conducted thou- sands of experiments on a certain project without solving the problem, one of my asso- ciates expressed discouragement and disgust over having failed ‘to find out anything.’ But we had learned something. We had learned for @ certainty that we couldn't do it that way, and that we would have to try some other way.” With a full measure of friendliness and good will Edison expressed gratitude to those who saw him through. He credited the American free-opportunity system as an es- sential factor in what he wae able to do for all mankind. In America's low-cost products, crested by enterprises without which these products would not exist except for the rich and powerful, Edison saw an asset, like the assets flowing from the sun. “We live in a cooperative commonwealth,” he said. He often pointed to October 28, 1878. This was the date on which thirteen enterprising men who had resources and believed in Edi- gon delivered to the New York County clerk’s office the papers for incorporation of an undertaking to support and develop his work, Edison was one of the incorporators. They called it the Edison Electric Light Co. To the public it sounded as strange as if you or I were today to form the Atomic House- hold Products Co. This group risked @300,- 000 in an enterprise that had as its only anset the $l-year-old brain of Edison. But this brain, alive and humming with effort and imagination, was searching for a filament that would glow brilliantly in a glass bulb when electricity passed through the filament. This was a problem of dis- covery which was buried in the mysteries of electric incandeacence. In 861 days, with the support of his business associates, Edi- son produced @ light which later illuminated the world. Actually, the lamp itaelf was only a frac- tion of what Bdison needed to accomplish if the light was to be useful on streets, in homes, in workplaces, and if the thousands of future tasks of electricity were to be born—in short, if men and women were to have an electrical age, electricity must be produced and distributed so effectively, so A833 inexpensively, and so safely that people could afford to use it, , While the glowing lamp was the symbol! of Edison's success, be had to develop, and his aseociates had to Anance, an entire genera- ting and distributing system including the invention and construction of giant dyna- mos, conduits, power lines, wires, insulators, sockets, meters, fuses—everything. ‘ Of Edison's 1,007 patents, 360 dealt with the generation and distribution of power. The glow in that little lamp took up the taak of light where the sun left off. While Edison overcame the scientific dimi- culties in the delivery of power and the de- feat of darkness, he pointed out that it was cooperation, vitality and risk-taking willing- ness of American business enterprise that sustained him and brought his results with- in reach of all. It was this enterprise, and the American opportunity for free enterprise, that left him free to develop his wonderful talents of invention and development. It ran the risk and supplied the vast capital needed to translate his inventions into tools for human advancement. In short, Ameri- can enterprise made the inventions widely useful to average people, and at a low cost to all. And this is the essence of human progress. This is the system which our in- tellectual morons would take apart, tamper with and destroy in the name of liberalism. Oh, liberalism, what sina are committed in thy name against humanity. But Edison's risks were not over. I spoke of failure a few minutes ago. This is what I meant. About 1890, 11 years after the first suc- cess of his electric light, Edison set out to devise a system of mining and milling low- grade tron ore that would be economically sound, He was convinced that the country's known deposits of iron ore were disappear- ing. In short, he was now going beyond and even deeper than the wires in the bulb, the power stations, dynamos. He was going to the problem of the supply of tron ore it- self. His supporters stayed with him. Through hig tremendous effort and what was for them &@n enormous expenditure of 83,000,000 Edi- #on invented and put’ into operation a revo- lutionary method of reclaiming iron ore through ore refinement. It was called the magnetic ore separator. But the undertaking did not work out. After 6 years, unforeseen developments left Edison and his backers with a terrible fall- ure on their hands. New and immensely rich iron-ore deposits were discovered by other men of imagination, working in other progressive undertakings. Edison's refining methods just could not compete. Looking back on this period, Edison said, “For a good many years I worried about my payroll; didn’t know how I was always go- ing to meet tt. My trouble had been that I always had too much ambition and tried to do things that were financially too big for me. If I had not had so much ambition and had not tried to do so many things, I probably would have been much happier, but less useful.” Here is a good example af what ia meant by the profit and loss system in our country, & term which should always be used in re- ferring to the way enterprises live instead of merely saving the profit system. For losses, you know, occur even more frequently than profits in business life. While the immediate outlook for civiliza- tion is not encouraging, yet this old world and our relatively new country have with- stood many storms of adversity. In sub- stanttation of that statement, may I quate briefly from an editorial from Harper's Weekly: “It 1s a gloomy moment in history. * *° * Not in the lifetime of men who will read this editorial has there been such a grave
A834 and deep apprehension. Never has the fu- ture esemed so incalculable as the present. * © © ‘The political pot seethes and hub- bubs with uncertainty, Russia hangs like a dark and silent cloud over the horizon of Europe. * * * All resources and energies of the Brittsh Empire are sorely tried.” That editorial was written 96 years ago. Therefore, do not become too despondent about the immediate future. Edison's last message to the American peo- ple was, “Be courageous. * * * History repeats itself again and again. Be as brave @s your fathers before you, Have faith. Go forward.” Edison lived a good life and when the game was over he turned and met the Great Referee smiling, unafraid, for he won without boast- ing and he lost without whimpering. He ‘was @ man of great courage. He was imbued with the spirit of our founding fathers. He was the essence of intellectual integrity. Human progress is endless and continuous as the rising of the sun. Much has happened to this planet since the monsters disappeared. But more good things have happened to us than to men and women any place in the world, Look around your town, your home, your living room, your work place, your parks and streets, your stores. The greatest op- portunities lie ahead. The great days of America are by no means done. We have only touched the border of our achievement. If you and I did not be- Neve this, we would not believe in America. Because that falth in America is America. Unlimited possibilities are ahead through the new Edison being born today; the men and women of imagination and character who are each in their own way helping today and will help even more tomorrow to make America an even greater wonderland of the world, The Mighty Men of Rushmore EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, a poem ded- icated to the Mount Rushmore Memorial. There being no objection, the poem was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: {From the American Legion magazine of February 1951] Serax! Fatiers or Our Lann (By Daniel D. Coons) Speak! great men on granite throne, Your deeds shall ever stand On history's scroll as America’s soul, Speak! fathers of our land. You began our house with lasting stone, Have we been building well This house supreme—your zealous dream, What does your vigil teil? What see you now, brave Washington, As on you gaze through storm and sun At your democracy? Think you that we have nourished well ‘Your hard-won freedom? Can you foretell If time may see Some act dispel Our Hberty? Wise Jefferson, proclaimed your pen Our independence; say you amen In silent retrospection? Grant you full sanction for our deeds, Laws, diplomacy, political creeds? Wise Jefferson, What further needs Must still be won? Great martyr Lincoln, your guiding hand Our Union saved in war-torn land. Will world-wide unity Yet gain United Nations goal, To make mankind’s afearing soul Forever free From tyrants’ toll And slavery? Bold Theodore Roosevelt, your dauntiless force Gave to world trade the Isthmus course Toward the setting sun. What lies ahead for free estate? Will despots’ greed yet devastate What trade has done? Can UN re-create ‘What barter won? Watch on, great men; through endless years Watch on from boundless sky, Your granite throne is freedom's dome Your deeds shall never die. God grant your land of joy and tears Shall never cease to be, The star of hope to all who grope For priceless liberty. Manpower for the Military EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. LYNDON B. JOHNSON OF TEXAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Pres!i- dent, last Thursday I inserted in the Recory several editorials from leading American newspapers concerning the manpower question. I ask consent now to have printed in the Appendix edito- rials on the same subject from the New York News, the New York Post, the New York Times, the New York World Tele- gram-Sun, and Philadelphia Inquirer. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the New York News of January 14, 1951] Wat Kinp or Drarr? One of the most urgent chores of the Eighty-second Congress is that of deciding which of many plang for easing America’s young men into military service would be best for our national seourity—and fairest for all the youths involved. Unfortunately, there's no longer any doubt that some sort of compulsory service is neces- sary. Officially, these are peace times, with some loud police action overtones. But we'd hate to try to convince any GI now in Korea that he isn’t tangled in a genuine 18-carat war. And if you don't believe that Joe Stalin would pump us on a minute's notice, any time he thinks he has a jackal's chance of getting away with it, take a look at the latest maps of Europe and Asia. The bitter fact: If we want to survive as the United States of America we've got to gather up and train enough young man- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD power to warn off any and all Red Napoleons or to rock them back on their heels when and if they do take an all-out swing at us. So how has America handled this problem before? As historians know, we war-loathing and free-wheeling Americans have never taken overkindly to any draft system. In our Rev- olutionary War plenty of patriots volun- teered, but other rugged souls resisted all pressure to make them join up with the Continental Armies except at their conven- fence. Some took to hissing American officers or even got completely sore and signed up with the Redcoats. In our Ctvil War all hell broke loose in many parts of the country. In New York City’s own draft riots, July 18~16, 1863, some 1,000 men were Killed. Most common protest against the Civil War draft was that any citizen with a few hundred spare dollars, and able to find a substitute, could hire said proxy to do his share of the fighting. DRAFT DODGERS AND IV-F'S In World Wars I and II draft reactions were still not entirely satisfactory. The smile- when-you-say-that word of 1917-18 was “draft dodger.” In the last war the com- monly used term of scorn was “IV-F’— though the too often forgotten fact was that most IV-F’s weren't draft dodgers at all, but completely patriotic guys who had flunked a physical or mental examination, Nobody be- came a IV-F by applying for the title. As we see it, the universal military service and training plan presented to Congress the other day by Defense Secretary George Mar- shall and Assistant Secretary Anna M. Rosen- berg should do away with many previous conscription headaches. In essence, their proposal is to assign some sort of defense spot to every possible Ameri- can male as he reaches the age of 18. At present 1,050,000 attain that age annually. Of these, about 700,000 should be found physically and mentally fit for full combat service. Another 100,000 could be used in non-combat-service jobs. Still another 20,000 could probably be brought up to snuff by means of a physical rehabilitation program. Of the remaining 230,000, about 150,000 could not qualify for military induction, but might be found capable of doing some useful work in con- nection with the defense effort. Only 70,000 or 80,000, according.to Defense Department estimates, would be incapable of any type of assignment because of “extreme physical, mental, or moral handicaps.” TRAINING AND JOBS One big benefit of such fine-combing of our youth power, of course, will be to ease the discontent and irritation which accompanied our last war's 84-percent rejection rate. Under the new plan, all but completely dis- qualified youngsters will be doing their share, with or without a rifle. As for pay and length of service, the re- cruits would get 880 a month for 4 months. Thereafter, for the duration of their draft hitch of 27 months, they would get a pri- vate's pay of 675 for 4 months, then 685 as privates first class. To avoid cutting off the Nation’s upcoming supply of young doctors, scientists, and highly trained specialists, the first 3 years of UMST make provision for the deferment of 75,000 promising students. But even these would get their 4 months’ basic training first and then would “owe” the military 23 months’ gervice. Further details of UMST will have to be debated and decided in Congress, when and if. Right now, though, Uncle Sam needs as many of thoze 1,050,000 young men annually as he can get, and we have yet to see a draft plan that looks fairer or niore effective than this one.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD {Prom the New York Post of January 12, 1951] Tux 18's These days many issues become intensely personal and we intrude almost timidly into what must seem like intimate family discus- sions, Who can paes righteous judgment on the Defense Dopartment’s proposal to draft 18-year-olds—except the kids and their parents? What soothing words are there to comfort a mother whose son faces induction? We don't own the words and we shall not try to borrow them. We know only that in Russia’s slave empire conscription of all hu- man beings !s routine; no editorialist dares question it, and a mother alrs her sorrow only at grave personal risk, That is the short-run strength of the com. missars. In their domain no single life 1s deemed worthy of lamentation; the anguish of parents Is a publicly proscribed symptom of bourgeois weakness. In our way of life the projected draft of 18-year-olds is a kind of national tragedy, signifying the fatlure of go many hopes. Its advocates are as mourn. ful as its opponents. We have no inside dope to refute General Marshall's plea for induc- tion of the 18 group and we are sure it gave him no pleasure to propose it. If large-scale induction of the 18's will help to persuade the Kremlin that aggression won't pay off, the action may some day justify rejoicing. But there is no visible impulse now to let the brass bands play and to pretend that the 18's are lucky fellows. For that sanity, at least, let us all be thankful. [From the New York Times of January 12, 1951] UNrversat Miurtary SERVICE TRAINING The question of universal military service and training has now been put before the country in a form that demands a speedy respo.se from the Congress and the Amer!- can people. Withcut prejudicing the nec- essary arguments and discussions on the details, tt is our opinion that the time has come when a failure to enact a universal military service law would endanger the sé- curity and even the democratic survival of our country. We are being forced in a number of flelds to make some of the most crucial and com- prehensive decisions in the history of the United States. This is one of them, and we must all face it with clear vision. It is not a simple emergency measure that we can handle with a feeling of “Let's get the agony over with.” This is a proposal to change our nationa) structure in a more or less permanent way. General Marshall men- tioned 10 years; in reality the political sit- uation in the world, with the vast forces of totalitarianism and democracy lined up in strength, does not allow the hope that we could abandon a powerful defensive struc- ture in our generation. We must strike 4 high level of defense and keep it-—-what Gen- eral Marshal! called a durable layer of mili- tary protection that would survive the alter. nate moods of public alarm or complecency. The democracies have always been reluc- tant to adopt UMST, although the equality of obligation that it assumes ie of the es- sence of democracy. The French were the first to realize that fact, appropriately enough during thetr great revolutionary pe: riod, in 1798, Untversal military service always met opposition from the pacifistic potnt of view, and, in the case of a few, from religious scruples. (Great Britain, for in- stance, struggled against it for years. Clement Attlee, as head of the Parlismentary Labor Party, led the opposition to it in the House of Commons on April 27,1939. Yet, as Prime Minister, Mr. Attlee, head of His Maj- esty’s Government since 1945, continued wartime conscription. Reduced to 12 months under left-wing pressure, the term was raised first to 18 months and then, last October, to 2 years. France, too, in this postwar period cut its UMST term to 1 year, but last Octcber raised it to 16 months. The 27-month maximum that ts proposed for our service would be # little longer than that of any of the other democracies. But why not? We are urging other countries to step up military defense, and we should set an example. No one will claim that a perfect, immutable plan is now being offered. The present pro-~ gram results from the best judgment of the administration, the Secretary of Defense, and the civilian and military heads of all our Armed Forces. It has features that are cer- tainly admirable. Eighteen years is the right age to call up youth. The proposals would use up all but a small and permanently un- qualified group, and there are careful plans to sustain our educational structure and keep up an untterrupted flow of ecientiste, tech- nicians, and professional men. The economics of the program seems to be well worked out. General Marshall vouches for the fact that the new plan is best adapted “to give us protection at # cost in men and money that ts within the capacity of our economy to bear.” Mrs, Anna M. Rosenberg, indeed, claims that UMST will actually save the country money, since the alternative would be to call up married men and pay dependency allowances. Possibly there are some risks in the pro- gram, but we live in a period when risks are unavoidable. The greatest risk of all lies in weaknesses and inaction. Despite divisions of opinion on what to do with our Armed Forces, the country is united in its determ- ination to rearm and build up our defense, Former President Hoover and President Tru- man, Seator Taft and Secretary Acheson, Republican and Democrat, are all agreed on the basic necessity for armed defensive strength. UMST, in General Marshall’s words, “!s at once the most effective, the most economical, and the most democratic way to safeguard our Nation.” We should put it into effect as scon as possible, [From the New York World Telegram-Sun of January 13, 1851] Tux SOONER, THE BETTER Defense Secretary Marshall and his man- power assistant, Mrs. Anna Rosenberg, made two impressive points when they presented the broad outline of a universal military service and training program before a con- gressional committee this week. They made clear that universal military service and training jis at once the least ‘ costly anc the most effective means of at- taining immediate partial mobilization and at the sare time assuring a vitally necessary pool of trained men for the next decade. Economically, there is this consideration: If we don’t draft the 18-year-olds we shall have to tap the young married men, with and without dependents, who are now ex- empt. There are now 630,000 of these in the 19-26 age group potentially available for induction, If they were called up it would cost the Government ¢979,000,000 a year including their pay and dependency allowances. If, instead, an equivalent number of 18- year-old were taken—as proposed under universal military service and training— since they are almost uniformly without de- pendents, the cost for a year at the pro- posed pay rate would be ¢466,000,000. Thus the annual payroll savings alone would be €513,000,000-—-not counting the loss to in- dustries and farms and to the purchasing power of families that would be involved in calling up married men. But something much more important than money te involved. From his experience in World War 1, General Marshall said thet men of 18, 19, and 20 unquestionably mace the beat sol- diers, They have stamina and recuperative power far beyond that of the older groups. A835 By starting the training of our young men at 18—instead of 19 as at present—we not only immediately solve the problem of reach- tng the 3,200,000-man Army goal by next July. We also start an ever-expanding flow of well-trained men into the Reserve com- ponents. It ia this important Reserve pool, now lacking, from which an army in being could be doubled or tripled almost overnight. I is the cushion, or durable layer of military protection that would survive the alternate moods of grave public alarm and compla- cency over the next decade. It could mean the difference between national survival or total defeat. At the same time these youths whose combat training started at 18 will have greatly enhanced their own chances of sur- vival if they are required to go into battle. The urgency of the situation is beyond question, This newspaper believes, along with General Marshall and other advocates of universal military service and training, that the sooner it is put into effect the greater will be our national security and the stronger our voice for lasting world peace. — {Prom the Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer of January 17, 1951] Time To Ger To Worx on REAL NATIONAL Srrvics Law Defense Department decision to ask Con- gressional authority to extend enlistments due to expire in the fiscal years 1951 and 1952 for one year sherply points up the per- sistent delays in tho military manpower program. The fairness of such extensions is decidedly in question. But the necessity for thom may be unavoidable. This proposal, and others such as the plan to accept 21-month volun- teers for the Army demonstrate the ineffec- tiveness of the present draft system. It is plain that the goal of 3,462,205 in the defense forces by June 30 cannot be reached under the prosent setup, and perhaps not even if the new Universal—National—Mill- tary Training Act geta through Congress. The Defeuse Department draft of that law has not yet been sent to Congress But pros- pects are not too good that if tho draft is submitted within a day or two as now promised it will be dealt with expeditiously. Futher, there are indications that Its effec- tiveness may be impaired by restrictions on the use of 18-year-olds and other changes. One thing is sure: more speed on the part of the Defense Department and Congress ts needed, In addition Congress itself should make certain that the law shall not have im- bedded in it crippling amendments, such as the present Selective Service Act contains. The tmportance of this problem {s given new emphasis by clear {ndications that fresh troops will have to be forwarded soon to re- lieve the harried and battle-weary men who have been taking a pounding in Korea for months, and to replace heavy losses, It {sg already late to act. No more valuable time should be lost in enacting a national training measure that will work. Thomas A. Edison EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT A. TAFT or OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. TAFT. Mr, President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in