A3384 I include a résumé of the remarks which I made before the Loup River Basin Ir- rigation and Conservation Association, at Scotia, Nebr.: Trrr DEVELOPMENT OF IRRIGATION IN NEBRASKA It was 7 years ago, as a member of the Com-~ mittee on Irrigation and Reclamation, that I asked the then Commissioner of Reclama- tion, Harry Bashore, who now lives at Mitchell, where the money and plans were for the development of irrigation, power, and soil conservation in Nebraska, I remember the Commissioner’s reply. He said, “Dr, MiLier, there are no funds for Nebraska. We have to put the grease where the wheel squeaks the loudest.” I replied, “Mr. Com~ missioner, I expect to do a lot of squeaking. Nebraska needs the type of surveys given other States.” In other words, up to 1948, there had been no demands for a detailed study of the great water system of Nebraska, in order to determine how much water was available, what power could be developed and what lands could be irrigated. It was the resolution introduced at that time, and added to the Flood Control Act of 1944, which per- mitted the Bureau of Reclamation and the Army engineers to proceed with the present studies being made of the Niobrara, Platte, and the Loup Rivers. To come under the Federal irrigation laws you must form a legal irrigation district under State law. Your survey plans and feasibility must clear the regional office of the Bureau of Reclamation in Denver, and your own State department of public roads and irrigation. It must get clearance through the Bureau of Reclamation, the De-~ partment of the Interior and the Budget Bureau before being presented successfully to the Committee on Reclamation in Congress. Then the project must clear the committee, both Houses of Congress, and be approved by the President. This seems like a long road but do not get discouraged. The Reclamation Committee, of which I am still a member, has recently made some changes in the Reclamation Act. It makes more feasible some of the projects which heretofore could not comply under existing regulations. As you know, under irrigation laws, you originally had 10 years as the de- velopment period and then 40 years to pay back the principal without interest. The new proposed law extends the period of re- payment, There are certain nonreimburs- able items such as flood and silt control, recreation, navigation, and fish and wildlife that are not charged up against the project. It has been the history of good irrigation projects that water applied at the proper time is a great stabilizer, and gives comfort- ing assurance that this Nation can be well fed. It also assures the farmer a backlog of safety, security, and stability, not only to his family but to the community around an irrigation project. Irrigation brings new wealth to a come munity. It brings new purchasing power and improved standards of living, not only to the farmer, but to the professional and busi- ness men living in these irrigated areas. An outstanding example of the benefits which irrigation brings can be found in Scotts Bluff County where about 43 percent of the land is irrigated. The production in Scotts Bluff County, in 1944, was nearly six times that of 1910, when irrigation was just getting started. In 1940 the value of farm crops in Scotts Bluff County was double that of the hext ranking county of the State, The population in Scotts Bluff County actu- ally increased 405 percent between 1910 and 1940. There will be a further increase for 1950. The story of Scotts Bluf County can be repeated in a score of places in the Nation where water has been harnessed, and placed to work. upon our soil. Putting these new lands into production through irrigation, means hew wealth, new sources of taxes and better standards of living. We can create several Gardens of Eden in Nebraska. Some of my colleagues from the East raise the question of why bring more land under cultivation when we now have a surplus of some crops. These surpluses have not always existed. We should remember that the population of the United States 1s increasing about two and five-tenths million each year. We can well have 50,000,000 more people in 20 years. They must have food. The amount of cultivated land in the United States is limited. The development of irrigation projects is a long range endeavor. We ought to always look ahead in order that the people of the United States will have sufficient food for their needs. As we find new industrial uses for agricul~ tural products, I feel certain that the farm surpluses will not be plaguing the Nation. I doubt if we have ever had an oversupply of focd. More often it has been the inability of the people to buy. Since 1922 with the exception of 1 year, we had to import more farm products than we exported. The records will show that from 1934 to 1942 we imported, annually, on the average products from 50,000,000 acres 1n excess of our exports. These im- ports helped to cause the farm and general depression of 1929. We are again approaching the position where we are promising the farmer high prices for his products, and on the other hand we are importing the same products at less than our American parity level to keep the farmer from obtaining a good price. We have about 20,000,000 acres of land in the United States under irrigation. There are perhaps another 20,000,000 acres which, with the wise use of water, could be irri- gated. Iam hopeful that the feasible projects in Nebraska can get through the blueprint stage and be ready for action in Congress by 1951. I am sure that I can defend the Ne- braska projects as one which will bring not only new wealth, but will provide an expand- ing economy for generations yet unborn. We must plan, not for today or tomorrow, but for those who Will occupy this land after we in this meeting have passed over the Great Divide. It seems to me that the cor- nerstone and very foundation of our country is that of developing our resources for the benefit of mankind. We have brave and hospitable people. Give them fertile soil, a sound government, and they will reach new horizons which have been denied to the present generation. Peace or War in the Middle East? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, for months many of us in this House have keen warning that the arms situation in the Middle East is getting out of hand. We have been urging our Government, especially our State Department, to take Steps to stop the armament race between the Arab states and Israel and to per- suade Great Britain to cease her arms shipments to the Arab countries. Un- Jess that is done real soon, we may be faced with another conflict in the Middle East which would be more devastating APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and detrimental to the nations of that area and to the peace of the world. Secretary of State Dean Acheson is now in Europe and, according to reports, he is scheduled to discuss the Middle East arms situation with British Foreign Minister Bevin during the coming days. The outcome of that discussion may mean peace or war for the Arab states and Israel, it may mean life or death to the peoples of the Middle East. In connection with this matter, I de- sire to bring to the attention of my col-~ leagues a very timely and excellent ar- ticle by Roger Stuart, the noted Wash- ington staff writer of the New York World-Telegram and Sun, in its issue of May 6, 1950. Mr. Stuart, one of the best-informed journalists in Washing- ton on foreign affairs, visited the Middle East about a year ago and is well acquainted with the problems of that area. His article follows: Unirep States May Act To Stem FLow or BritisH ARMS TO ARABS—ACIIESON PLEDGES To Take Up Issur WitH BEVIN 4S FEARS OF New War AGarnst IsRaEL INCREASE (By Roger Stuart) WASHINGTON, May 6.—Washington is seri- ously concerned that an arms race, already tm“ prorracs in the troubled Middle East, may wed ws i other conflict between Israel and the Arab states, this time more devastating and costly than the last. Indeed, it is due to oft-expressed fears by congressional leaders of such a development that Secretary of State Dean Acheson hag agreed to take up with Ernest Bevin, British Foreign Minister, the whole question of arms shipments to the Arabs at the Big Three Conference scheduled to open in London Monday. The Secretary’s promise to do so was given to 32 Democratic and Republican Congress- men, who called on him to protest Great Britain’s part in rearming the Arab coun- tries. It was the first concrete evidence the State Department is more alarmed than it previously had chosen to admit. as recently as 2 months ago, Assistant Secretary Jack K. McFall, replying for Mr. Acheson to & query from Senator Henry Casor Lopar, Jr. (Republican, Massachu- setts), asserted he was “happy to inform you that an analysis of information available to the Department indicates that no party to the Palestine dispute is making serious prep- arations to renew hostilities.” BRITISH FURNISH ARMS Meanwhile, there was no hiding the fact— both the State Department and the British Government itself admitted it—that Brit~ alin was furnishing heavy arms, as well as lighter military equipment, to Transjordan, Egypt, and Iraq. No arms whatever were made available by the British to the Israelis, while the United States had consented to sell both Israel and the Arab states only such light equipment as could be used for internal-security purposes. That the arms being sent by the British to the Arabs consist of such potent items as jet planes, tanks, and cannon, subsequently was conceded by Foreign Under Secretary Ernest Davies in the House of Commons. He declined, however, to reveal figures on shipments. He contented himself with say- ing merely that Britain was under treaty obligations to sell arms to the Arabs, but was not required to supply the Israelis. Concern over the situation in the Middle East began to mount in Congress after the United Nations Security Council lifted its arms embargo last August. At that time both the United States and Britain declared they did not wish to see an arms race develop
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in the Middle East. But while this country declined to permit shipments of any heavy armaments, Britain immediately began to in- crease her help to her Arab friends in build= ing up their stock piles, even as the press in Arab countries renewed bellicose talk of a second round. “The Palestine war is not yet over,” screamed a Cairo paper, Akbar El Yom, “Egyptian blood which drenched the soil of Palestine has laid a path along which we are in duty bound to tread to clinch the victory for which our martyrs fought.” “We must all unite in strong opposition to Zionism,” cried the Iraq Foreign Minister, “in order utterly to destroy it.” Coincidentally, the Egyptian Government, its Embassy in Washington revealed, ap- proved the largest budget for “purposes of national defense” in the Nation’s history. Part of the money, it was announced would be used to establish a heavy-ammunition fac- tory, a light-ammuniton factory, “and will enable the Egyptian Government to open plants for the manufacture of airplanes.” One United States Congressman, Repre- sentative Jacos K. Javirs, Republican-Labor, New York, returned from a trip to the Middle East last winter with information of Arab rearmament sufficiently alarming to cause him to appeal to Secretary Acheson. He re- counted inflammatory stories he had seen in the Arab press and added it was his convic~ tion that “an arms race between the Arabs and Jews in the Near East is being forced” hy the British shipment of arms to the Arab states. DON'T EXPECT WAR His protest, however, elicited from Secre- tary Acheson only the assurance that the State Department did not expect a renewal of hostilities in the Arab-Israeli conflict, nor did it object to British arms sales to Iraq, Trans- jordan, and Egypt. . “There has most certainly been inflamma- tory and hbellicose statements made in both the Arab and Israeli press concerning a re- mewal of fighting,” the Secretary’s reply to the New York Congressman said. ‘While such an attitude on the part of journalists is deplorable and harmful to the eventual es- tablishment of good relations between Israel. and the Arab states, under the circum- stances, with bitter fighting only so recently terminated, it would probably be too much to expect that highly aroused passions should quickly cool. . “Some of the warlike pronouncements of Officials of near-eastern governments,” he added, “may well have been made for the purpose of domestic consumption.” ISRAEL WORRIED That was in mid-January. Meanwhile, word reached Washington from Israel that the Government of that infant republic was genuinely worried. In economic straits [t- self, due to the cost of its recent war for in- dependence plus the burden of repatriating more than 400,000 refugees from Europe, Is- rael was faced with two serious problems: (1) The stockpiling of arms by the Arab countries surrounding it, and (2) its own in- ability to procure arms in comparable quantities. There was increasing evidence, too, that the Arab League, loosely wrought organiza- tion of the half-dozen countries which had fought Israel, was determined its members never should reach a permanent peace set- tlement with the Jewish nation, at least not on the basis of present territorial status. Indeed, at a recent meeting of the league in Cairo the decision was adopted to expel any member who entered into peace negotiations with, Israel. This was almed primarily at Transjordan, whose King Abdullah had indicated a will- ingness to let bygones be bygones and to resume peaceful relations with its next-door neighbor. SENATOR IVES PROTESTS Repercussions immediately were felt in the United States, from whence much of the sup- port had come for the establishment of Israel in the first place. By now dozens of Senators and scores of Congressmen were going on record in protest against continued British arms shipments to the Arabs. ‘Typical of the many speeches made in Congress was one by Senator Irvine M. Ives, Republican, of New York, who declared: “Today the very survival of this strong- hold of democracy in the critical Middle East (Israel) is jeopardized by the inexcus- able rearmament of its Arab neighbors, openly engaged m all-out preparation for a second round. Already staggering under financial burdens nearly too onerous to bear, Israel 1s compelled to enter into an arma- ments race which even further drains her sorely needed resources.” Finally, on March 28, a delegation of 32 Congressmen called on Secretary Acheson to discuss the whole middle-eastern problem, including the Arab League’s reluctance to talk peace with the Israelis and the matter of the arms shipments by the British. No punches were pulled. One of the dele~ gation, Representative Epna P. Keitity, Demo- crat, of New York, told Mr. Acheson: “T am in disagreement with the policy of accepting England’s arming of Egypt. I be- lieve the unrest in this area can be overcome in three ways.” OUTLINES PLAN The first of these, she said, was for the United States and Britain to develop a co- ordinated course of action limiting quanti- ties of arms to be made available to both Israel and the Arab states. ‘The second was for an agreement between these two great powers to cease further shipments after a balance of armaments had been attained. And the third, she insisted, was for the United States and Britain to undertake im- mediate and earnest efforts to reach an un- derstanding and obtain permanent peace treaties between Israel and the Arab states, Representative AsrawamM J. MunteR, Demo~« erat, New York, another member of the dele- gation, later told the House that in his opinion, as long as arms continue to be sup- plied to the Arabs by the British, peace in the Middle East will be a mirage. It was at this meeting that Secretary Acheson agreed to take up all aspects af this situation with Forelgn Minister Bevin at the meeting in London starting next week. Subsequently the fact that he had agreed to do so was confirmed to Senator Scorr Lucas, Democrat, Illinois, the Senate ma- jority leader, by the State Department. As a result, Senator Lucas declared on the eve of Mr. Acheson’s departure for London: “IT have written the Secretary a letter com~- mending him for that decision. I feel con-~ fident that I can assure the friends of Israel that the United States will continue * * * working to minimize all possibilities of the recurrence of conflict in the Middle East.” Ghosts From Tehran and Yalta EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDGAR A. JONAS OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. JONAS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to include an editorial fram the Chicago Dally Tribune. ‘ In very concise manner the editorial has epitomized the manner in which A3385 Earl Browder former head of the Com- munist Party of the United States in- fluenced the shaping of policy of this Government in international affairs in 1942 and 1943, the full impact of which has not yet been felt. BROWDER AND ROOSEVELT Earl Browder’s boast before the Tydings invecticetineg committee that, as boss Com- miu'.- .r Co United States, he reported dur- ing the war to Mr. Roosevelt confirms the existence of a Communist-New Deal working relationship which has long been obvious to anyone willing to recognize it. Senator Typines, a Democrat, was not anxious to ex- plore the details, nor did Browder tell all that he might, but he told enough. Browder asserted that in 1942 and 1943 he gave information to Roosevelt which had an important role in reshaping American policy in China. He said that he was receiving military reports from Communist observers in China and rélaying them to Roosevelt. In turn, he said, Sumner Welles, then Under Secretary of State, gave him informa- tion to transmit to Mme. Sun Yat-sen, now a vice president of the Communist regime in China, and Welles and Lauchlin Currie consulted him at the State Department on American policy in China. Currie, adminis- trative assistant to Roosevelt, had been dis- patched to China hy the wartime President on January 24, 1941, to make an economic survey of Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Gav- ernment. Owen Lattimore, a professor specializing on the Far East, followed on June 29, 1941, as political adviser to Chiang by appointment of Roosevelt. Lattimore has been charged by Senator McCartHY with having served the Commu- nist cause in helping shape the State De-~ partment’s China policy. Currie was named in 1939 by Whittaker Chambers, principal witness against the convicted Alger Hiss, as a fellow traveler who never went quite so far as to Join the Communist Party, accord~ ing to the notes of former Assistant Secretary of State A. A, Berle, read at the second trial of Hiss, We find, therefore, that these two men, charged with playing with the Communists, were loaded on Chiang by Roosevelt, and we find that Browder was advising the State Department and the White House on what to do in China. At the end of an extended process, Chiang’s Nationalist Government lies in defeat, and the Communists are tri- umphant over all of China. Anybody who believes that every effect has a cause can draw the suitable inference. Now let us pursue Browder a bit further. In 1944 he published a book called Tehran, heralding the results of Roosevelt's first con- ference with Stalin, which had been held November 28 to December 1, 1948. Browder held that the Tehran decisions, which were wholly in Stalin’s favor, should guide Amer- ican policy in war and peace. The book con- tains fulsome praise of Roosevelt, who had gambled at Tehran on the theory that, by conceding Stalin everything and denying him nothing, Soviet cooperation would be assured in the postwar world, On page 59 Browder said that Roosevelt's defeat for a fourth term in 1944 was the main hope for salvaging a negotiated peace to preserve a base for fascism. On page 106, in order to avert this fancied calamity, Browder recommended that partisanship in the elec- tion be suspended. On page 108 he urged that Roosevelt be drafted by popular de- mand, and on page 109 that. the people must make Roosevelt’s campaign for him. "It must be @ nonpartisan campaign,” Browder said. Here we have some grounds to suspect. that what has variously been called the bipartisan, nonpartisan, and un~ partisan policy really owes its authorship to the man who then was boss of the Commu- nist Party.
A3386 Browder certainly yielded to no one as a rooter for a fourth Roosevelt term, and after the election he claimed credit for Roosevelt’s election, stating that Communist policies and work contributed essentially to the victory of November 7. The Yalta Conference, at which Roosevelt made further vast concessions to Stalin, among the moct imncrtent of which was to give Russia s.ti .c1.¢c richi» in China at the expense of Chiang’s Nationalists, had been held by the time Browder made this boast, and it was acclaimed by him as un- reservedly as were the results at Tehran: “Our interpretation of Tehran has been con- firmed by Yalta.” Browder had great cause for satisfaction. Roosevelt had pardoned him in 1942 after 14 months in prison on a 4-year sentence for obtaining a passport to Russia by fraud and perjury. He had been acepted by Roosevelt and his circle as an unofficial adviser. The China policy he favored was in process of paying out with a Communist triumph. Roosevelt had greatly helped toward that re- sult, and so had his pro-Communist agents, Browder had returned these favors by making a scarcely disguised appeal for Roose~ velt’s selection by acclamation as fourth-term President. He contended that Communists had contributed heavily to Roosevelt’s suc~ cess, as was demonstrably true in New York State, where Roosevelt trailed 500,000 votes in the straight Republican-~Democratic Party contest, but picked up 800,000 votes from the pro-Communist American Labor Party and the Socialist splinter Liberal Party, which had broken away from the Labor Party. Looking back, it is clear that the associa- tion between Browder and the Communists and Roosevelt was one for mutual profit. Roosevelt’s dividends Were in domestic polit. ical support and success; what Browder col- lected was for the benefit of Soviet Russia and world communism, which were enor- mously aggrandized by the Tehran and Yalta agreements which shaped the future of east- ern Europe and China. Roosevelt died a month after Yalta. A Uttle more than a month after that the Kremlin, through Jacques Duclos, French Communist leader, directed American Com- munists, who had masqueraded for the pre- ceding year under Browder’s leadership as a “political association,” to reconstitute them- selves as a revolutionary party. Browder was ditched as its leader. He had served Stalin well, but now that Roosevelt was dead and Russia had got from him everything it had sought, the new Soviet policy setting the stage for the cold war demanded hostility to everything American. MRoosevelt’s good friend, Browder, did not fit the requirement after his years of professing that Commu- nists were merely advanced New Dealers. The Case for and Against the State Department EXTENSION OF REMARKS e HON. JOHN P. SAYLOR | OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. SAYLOR. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an editorial which appeared in the Johns- town Democrat on April 26, 1950, entitled “The Case for and Against the State De- partment.” ‘This forthright and frank discussion of the matters which vitally affect the security of our country and the integrity of our Government should give each and every person who reads this article cause for serious thought about the matters discussed. The editorial follows: Tur CasE Fork AND AGAINST THE STATE DE- PARTMENT President Truman has added his voice to that of Secretary Acheson in meeting the attack on 'ove'ty within the State Depart- ment cpeatheadea by Senator McCartuy. The difficulty about this whole business is that both sides are oversimplifying the 1s- sues, overstating their cases. The picture 1s neither all black, as Sena- tor McCartHy would have us believe, nor all white, as Secretary Acheson and Presi- dent Truman would have us believe. There are a lot of gray hues. A circumstance that lends itself to this extremism, on both hands, is the background of this Nation’s attitude toward commu- nism and Communists in years gone by. From the vantage point of the Monday- morning quarterback, we in America have many mistakes in foreign policy to answer for. Some of these errors were sincere, honest blunders of the type that will continue to be made as long as the human element is a factor in government. Perhaps, in some far-off, future day, when we turn over to mechanical-brain machines the formulation of foreign policy, we shall be able to arrive at the correct, the wise, the all-Knowing an- swer every time. ~ On the other hand, some of these blun- ders were the result of dirty work at the cross roads. In the past, we have been led into erroneous conclusions because of the disloyalty and the subversive activities of a few experts and advisers. When intellec- tual crooks lead well-meaning men to false conclusions, however innocently on the part of the misled Government officials, grave er- rors can result, and do result. And those errors can be just as fatal as though they were made by subverted officials—under their own power. The Truman admunistration now must realize this—although by some strange rule of politics, the present administration seems to think it cannot admit the truth publicly. For example, mistakes were made at Yalta—by President Roosevelt himself— which will have tragic significance in our foreign relations for 100 years. No one is trying to say that President Roosevelt was disloyal. But President Roose- velt, himself in ill health at the time, to- gether with many of his principal advisers, were given a couple of bum steers on policy. And those bum steers, on top of which was piled boner after boner, finally resulted in the loss of China to the forces of commu- nism. These are skeletons in the Democratic ad- ministration's closet. And Mr. ‘Truman is eager that the dust of that closet be not disturbed. Other skeletons there are, too. Probably more than any of us on the outside know about. But there are a few which briefly have been exposed to public view, however fleeting. Most dramatic of these, of course, was the Hiss case. And here the administration managed to stick its feet in its mouth. It was in the early phases of this exposé that the affair was described by President Tru- man himself as a red herring. Secretary Acheson also managed to get himself out on a limb for Hiss. It certainly was not in the best of good judgment that Mr. Acheson stupidly announced that he did not intend to turn his back on Alger Hiss, even though the latter had been convicted of what amounted to treason. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Perhaps the less said akout the Coplan case, the better—for the Government. Then there was the case of Henry J. Wad- leigh, a former State Department employee, who has confessed disloyalty, but has not been prosecuted because the statute of limitations ran out in the meantime. But, nonetheless, here was proved subversion with- in the State Department. The Amerasia case, too, does not refiect credit upon past security practices of the State Department. In this affair, hundreds of top secret State Department documents were spiriiled out of the files and photo- graphed. The Amerasia case, incidentally, likely will make the headlines again soon. New evidence has come to light which may make the FBI look like a bunch of chumps. A loyalty program has been set up by the Truman administration. And we don’t hesi- tate to say——on the basis of what we learned in Washington last week during an editors’ meeting there—that in our opinion that loy- alty program is working. Now, of course, it’s possible to say that the administration locked the door after the horse was stolen. And, to a degree, there is justice in this charge. But at least there is this advantage to present loyalty screenings. It’s going to be pretty tough for anyone to steal any more horses, That security for the future isn’t enough to suit Senator McCarrmy, and those who side with him in this controversy. As we see it, however, Senator McCartry, by the tactics he has used, is running the grave risk of doing more harm than good. Sure, root out the subversives. eliminate the poor security risks, due to moral turpitude. Sure, punish the guilty, when that can be done legally and within the framework of the Bill of Rights. But don’t burn down the school house, just because a teacher or two js suspected of being @ bad ‘security risk, From a very practical and a very real standpoint, the United Statics State Depart- ment must be maintained as a going, func- tioning, effective concern—even while it is being cleansed. The American State Depariment is an or~ ganization of 19,000 persons, The infected personnel within the State Depariment— even giving McCarrmy the benefit of every doubt—was an infinitesimal fraction of 1 percent of the total personnel. The vast majority of the employees of the State Department are loyal, sincere Ameri- cans who are earnestly trying to do the best job they know how to do at a time in world history when every bit of wisdom and cool- headedness is necessary if we are to win this ideological warfare—this “war that calls it- self peace,” to quote an ECA spokesman. We do our State Department and our national welfare a serious disservice if we make that job any harder than it needs to be made. And we seriously doubt that the best way to catch spies and perverts is to give the impression that the State Depart- ment is overrun with them. Senator MoCarruy is a smart cookie. He’s a& smooth operator. As we listened 10 him, we were impressed by his abilities as an in- fighter. And he has kept it up long after most men would have collapsed from over- exertion. But this is inescapable: Clear away the wreckage of the entire McCarthy crusade, and you discover that he has not made one single charge stand up in its entirety. That's not a gocd record. Even in the Lattimore case, the Wisconsin Senator’s charges have not beon borne out 100 percent, Professor Budenz says he has been told that Lattimore was a member of a Commu- nist cell. But Budenzg says he does not know Personally that Lattimore was a Communist. Nor was he willing to describe Lattimore as the top Communist spy in America; in fact, Sure,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Budenz went so far as to say that this charge by McCartiy was not correct. So, Lattumore is not yet proved to have been a commie infiltrationist. And no mat- ter what conclusions about Lattimore any of us may have arrived at individually, in this country a man is innocent until he is proved to be guilty. Lattimore has not been officially connected with the State Department for 5 years or so. He prepared a memorandum or two for the Department, but so did dozens of other people—who were not suspected or accused of Communist leanings. The more we think about this business, the firmer we are in these conclusions: The Government has much to answer for in the past. The Government was not honest with the people of the United States in fail- ing frankly to admit its past errors, made either through innocent but stupid fumble- fistedness as the result of throat-cutting by trusted advisers. The Government would be in.a much more defensible position today—and able to with- stand the McCarthy blunderpass attack— if it could come into court with completely clean hands. However, much of what McCartuy is shooting at already has been taken care of-— beginning back in 1947. The danger of the McCarthy attack is that it breaks down morale within the De- partment, among the thousands of loyal Americans; interferes with the effectiveness of the Department in dealing with today’s foreign problems, by diverting the time and attention of foreign policy leaders from their real job to the task of defending the De- partment; and, as a result of these circum- stances, strengthens the Communist cause by weakening the effectiveness of our ma- chinery to counter it, On top of all this, McCartiy’s tactics have made a mockery of democratic principles in his resort to the weapons of guilt by associa- tion and guilt by coincidence. Altogether, it hasn’t been a pretty perform~ ance. It is one that we will look back on, some day, with misgivings, if not.with shame, A Day of Memory, Contemplation, and Study EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com- mend to the attention of my colleagues the following editorial which appeared in the New York Herald Tribune of Sun- day, May 7: “Tymm Words THEIR MONUMENT’ “One does not,” as Jewish tradition holds, “set up monuments for the righteous; their words are their monuments.” Indeed, it is really so in all faiths; the monument is built out of what men thought, or suffered, or created in their time, and no memorial marker set up afterward can carry a greater content than that which is infused into it by the spirit of those to whose memory it is erected, It is for this reason, and in this tradition, that the Jewish Theological Semi- jhary suggested May 7 as a day of memory, contemplation, and study which would pro- vide a supremely fitting, if intangible, mon~ ument to the 6,000,000 Jews who perished in the frightful persecutions of the last dozen years, The victims are too many to remember— except in certain hearts, still burdened with some tiny fragment of the tragedy—as the individuals which they were. But it was @ culture which-was crushed together with the lives of those who served it. It was a culture woven of many brilliant strands— the scientific criticism of the German Jews, the saintless of the Polish-Jewish tradition, the Talmudic scholarship of the Lithuanian tradition, and many more. The men and women are dead; but this, the product of their minds and consciences, lives and should. be kept alive mm their memory. This is the spint of the May 7 observance throughout the country; this is the meaning of the me- morial month of study set aside this year to the works of the Rabbi Akiba, one of the great Jewish sp:ritual teachers and an earlier martyr az the harnas of Roman savagery, of Judaism, Here is a truly living monument, intangible but enduring, and fully worthy of those whom it commemorates, The Medical Services Team in Today’s Defense Forces EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CARL T. DURHAM OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. DURHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I inelude the following address by Richard IL. Meiling, M. D., Director of Medical Services, Office of the Secretary of Defense, before the annual convention of the American Pharmaceutical Asso- ciation, the Traymore Hotel, Atlantic City, N. J., Thursday, May 4, 1950: THE MeEpican SERVIcEs TEAM IN ToDAY’s DEFENSE FORCES It is a pleasure to spend this period with you and to discuss the current work of the medical services in the armed forces. With the changes which have taken place in our defense forces during the past 3 years, it is not surprising that there have been some corresponding changes in the medical serv- ices which support them. These organic changes in our military forces were not just the result of legislation; they were a con~ crete reflection of the fact that coxcepts of warfare, and our means of defencirg our- selves in such a war, have changed radically. On all sides, we see evidence that man’s sci- entific and mechanical achievements have thrust us into a new and challenging era. The plans of our military medical services must be revised in some respects if we are to keep step with the total defense plan. The advances in the field of medicine and the allied sciences during the past few years have influenced the basis upon which mod- ern medical defense plans are developed. Our ability to keep the fighting man in fight- ing trim has been vastly improved. Ob- viously the expanding importance of such things as the vaccines, serums, antibiotics— plologicals of all types—and a host of others means an even greater emphasis on the role of the pharmacist, whether in uniform or in civilian practice. It is a part of our broad mission of keeping the greatest number of soldiers, sailors, and airmen at combat-duty posts for the greatest number of hours. Yet these same new advances have served to demonstrate again a trend In medicine which is fast becoming an obvious fact. That is the emergence of medical care as a team concept. The more we have come to under- A3387 stand the complex human mechanism, the more we have tended to branch off into spe- cial fields of investigation and therapy. We now are at the place where one of the biggest needs is to reform these many contributors into a cohesive working unit which will pool and concentrate their combined knowl- edge and skills upon the requirements of the medical problem and, where applicable, on the needs of the patient himself. Let’s take a look at the present-day mili- tary medical services and the organization with the Department of Defense, The Office of Medical Services, of which I am Director, was established a year ago as an integral part of the Office of Secretary of De- fense. The Director of Medical Services is responsible for establishing and controlling policies, programs, and standards of military medical services, and for exercising general direction, authority, and control over the administration and utilization of personnel and facilities throughout the health services of the Armed Forces. The appointment of a civilian physician as Director of Medical Services is the appli- cation of the time-honored American con- cept of civilian control of the military pol- icies in our Nation’s defense organization. Through this we are achieving a close work- ing relation between the professional men in uniform and their colleagues in civil life— @ relationship which must be constantly maintained if the health programs of armed forces are to match the high professional level of care in this Nation generally. The organization of the Office of- Medical Services is built around three divisions, each headed by a general or flag officer of the three mulitary departments. The plans and policy division is a long- range planning group, working with such agencies as the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Munitions Board for the development of ma- jor programs and strategic and tactical value. The program coordination division is con- cerned with current medical activities of the three military departments at the broad pro- gram level. Major policy matters such as the joint utilization of hospitals and other med- jeal facilities as well as joint utilization of highly specialized personnel, are developed and promulgated. The third division is the Civil and Mili- tary Health Interrelations Division, which deals with a large number of agencies and organizations whose work is directly related to the health programs of the armed forces. These include such groups as the National Security Resources Board, American Na- tional Red Cross, National Research Council, United States Public Health Service, Vet- erans’ Administration, foreign military med- ical services and civilian professional or- ganizations. The Surgeons General of the Army, Navy, and Air Force are responsible for the opera- tion of the medical and health activities in their respective departments. They meet with the Director of Medical Services weekly or oftener as members of a military medical advisory council, to discuss the many med- ical and allied problems of the Armed Forces. In addition, the chiefs of the several aux- fliary corps in all three departments are reg- ularly available to the Director of Medical Services and are consulted on their special interests and problems. An important part of the policy-making pattern is the Armed Forces Medical Ad- visory Committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. Charles P. Cooper and composed of emi- nent physicians and dentists. This commit- tee which considers major problems of health in the armed forces and which reports di- rectly to Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson, represents some of the finest professional talent and experfence in the Nation and has performed an outstanding service for the Defense Establishment and for the country.
A3388 In the time we have here this morning, it is not possible to discuss all the current programs of the military medical services, yet it seems important for us to briefly cover some of the most outstanding ones. They have a basic importance in the over-all health plans for our military forces and therefore are of direct interest to you in the pharmacy profession, For some time we have followed the olicy of joint utilization of military hospitals, which I mentioned a moment ago. This means that the man or woman who wears the uniform of any branch of service may be hospitalized in the nearest hospital which is equipped to care for him, whether that be an Army, Navy, or Air Force facility. This policy was dictated by the simplest princi- ples of good management. For the sake of the patient, it is important that he be treat- ed promptly—which means in the nearest hospital. For efficient utilization of profes- sional manpower, the available personnel must be distributed in such a way that they may serve the greatest number of patients. For the conservation of time, money, and equipment, the wastage of unnecessary trans- portation must be eliminated. For all these reasons, joint utilization is the policy of the Department of Defense. It means conserva- tion of critical national health resources in time of emergency. Many of you are familiar with the out- standing job which has been and is being done by the Armed Services Medical Pro- curement Agency. This agency was devel- oped by the military medical services some 20 months before the Unification Act be- came the law of the land. The organization, which serves as a joint agency for the pro- curement of all medical supplies, drugs, equipment, and related matériel for all three of the military services, is an excellent ex- ample of interservice coordination in action. The combined purchasing functions of the agency have been welcomed by the industries which supply are Armed Forces, by the mili- tary departments themselves, and by the hospitals, clinics, and other facilities which depend upon them for supplies. Operating from one central headquarters in Brooklyn, N. Y¥., the Armed Services Medical Procurement Agency has simplified the maintenance of stock levels in all three departments; it has minimized the losses from out-dated drugs, biologicals, and so forth, and has done an exceptionally fine job in the testing and analysis of supplies and materials purchased for the Armed Forces. New programs are constantly being developed by this agency and the staffs of the military medical services to further improve the med- ical supply program. As we pursue these and many other pro- grams which make up the modern health organization of the Department of Defense, I am constantly impressed with the need for concerted team effort to reach our goals. The growing complexity of the demands which are made upon us in providing broad health. services for the military forces de- mands the combined knowledge and effort of many individuals and groups. We cannot meet our responsibility in any other way. For this reason I take this occasion to welcome the pharmacist to this team. I should like also to comment briefly upon the pharmacist in uniform, both as to the oppor- tunities for him and the contribution which he can make to the defense team, First, let us acknowledge that the actual number of assignments for full-time prac- ticing pharmacists in the military forces is somewhat limited. The large hospitals re- quire full-time pharmacists, as well as a few other installations. These are important assignments, yet they do not add up to a large total. There is a much larger number of positions throughout the services in which the officer’s principal duty is the man- agement of a pharmacy, with other Medical Department duties performed as part of the siafl organization. Additional billets are provided in various technical control work and in testing and research laboratories, as well as for the development of specifications, requirements, and procurement. But I should like to discuss with you to- day a concept which I believe warrants con- sideration by you and by your association. Under present organization and staffing ar- rangements, pharmacy officers are commis- sioned in the Medical Service Corps. From this corps must come the officers who will hold responsible posts throughout many phases of medical and allied work. It is in the Medical Service Corps that the military medical services must find able, responsible men to serve in hospital administration, re- search, and testing projects, medical supply, staff assignments, command duties within the medical services and a host of other vi- tally important duties. For most of these assignments, there is no standard background of education and traiming. If you were responsible for choos- ing individuals for these important tasks, to-whom would you turn? I believe you would seek men with a sound professional background, whose training and experience made them specially informed of medical needs and problems, and who by education, association, and knowledge were prepared to become key members of this medical team. In short, I believe you would turn to the pharmacist. To the pharmacist who finds a definite attraction in the military service, who de- rives a sense of personal and professional satisfaction from the stimulation of military medical problems, and who brings to his work a sense of devotion to the defense needs of our country, it is an attractive and gratifying career. The different interests of the individual oftcers can lead to a variety of assignments. This past week, I spent con- siderable time with the amphibious and air- borne troops, in both water and airborne landing operations. The famed Eighty-sec- ond Airborne Division had five pharmacists “hitting the s.lk” with their respective com- mands. These officers, fully trained in the military problem of an airborne operation, were actually in the air and on the ground to supply the first phase of the professional medical care—an essential part of the med- ical teamwork. Today these officers are com- pany commanders; tomorrow they will be staff officers, logisticians, mobilization ex- perts, etc., in the field of medical military planning. When the pharmacist extends his interests to broader fields of leadership, he is pur- suing exactly the same path which other professional men take as they rise in their chosen field. What happens to the profes- sional man who demonstrates his compe- tence and earns a place of respect among his associates? He soon finds himself re- sponsible for problems of management, of establishing relations with a variety of groups related to medical care, for taking leader- ship in his community—in short, for tack- ling and solving many problems which lead him far above the confines of his specialty. This is the history of every professional man who has demonstrated a capacity for leadership. It is the course of real oppor- tunity for the pharmacist in military service. The pharmacist is a valuable member of the health services in the practice of pharmacy— yet his true future lies in his opportunity to go on to more and more responsible posts. Members of the pharmacy profession have demonstrated many times in our history that they are completely capable of handling large~scale responsibilities, both in civil and military posts. You are aware, no doubt, that David Henshaw, a practicing pharma- cist of Boston, rose to a place of respect and distinction in our Nation when he was ap- pointed Secretary of the Navy in 1843, Since APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that time, many of your profession have served with distinction in Civic positions of great responsibility. ; The need for men of outstanding ability is greater today than ever before. The Medi- cal Service Corps will bear a heavy responsi- bility if this country should again be forced into an armed conflict. It looks to the pharmacy profession to provide both prac- ticing pharmacists and a source of trained professional men who can respond to the de- mands for a variety of essential and responsi- ble posts in the military medical services. Whether the pharmacist elects to serve in testing and research, in administration, in supply, in staff or command work depends upon individual preferences and aptitudes. Not every pharmacist is capable of assuming these command responsibilities, just as some civilian pharmacists are not able to extend their interests beyond the practice of pre« scription pharmacy. Yet for the pharmacist who has vision and the capacity for leader- ship, the military medical services Offer a real challenge, broad opportunities, and an important place on the medical team which serves our Nation’s fighting forces. Recovery in Midcareer EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN KEE ; OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. KEE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article entitled “Recovery in Midcareer,”’ which was written by Mr. Boris Shishkin, Director of the European Labor Division, Eco- nomic Cooperation Administration: RECOVERY IN MIDCAREER (By Boris Shishkin, Director, European Labor Division, Economic Cooperation Adminis- tration) April 16 was the halfway mark on the road toward European recovery. That date round- ed out 2 years since the Organization for European Economic Cooperation was formed to unite 19 governments of Europe in a com~ mon task. Their task was to rally the coun- tries of western Europe from their divergent, and often conflicting, economic paths, and guide them along an agreed course toward agreed goals of recovery and reconstruction, made attainable by a 4-year program of American aid. It is not unusual to hear the European recovery program described as if it consisted entirely of dollars provided by American tax- payers and spent for the benefit of Europeans. Such a description is doubly wrong. This program, envisaged by General Marshall and known as the Marshall plan, is made up of three elements. The first is self-help. As President Truman made it plain from the outset, the United States would’ help only those countries that help themselves. And no one can deny today that much of the progress from the economic disease and disaster of 2 years ago toward economic health has been due to the earnest, often desperate, effort of Europeans them- selves, within the limited resources and dis- rupted lives of their own countries. The second main ingredient of the ERP is mutual assistance. To be eligible for the American aid, European countries must help each other. And help each other they do. Age-long barriers have been swept aside in a mutual effort to stabilize currencies, to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD facilitate the transfer of money and credit, to make way for expanding trade and to open barriers to migration of workers. Mu- tual efforts of several countries have been bent to improve production of food, to pro- vide a common source of hydroelectric power and to establish Huropean-wide exchange of technical assistance. The third and the most important element of the European program is the availability of American dollar aid provided under the Marshall plan. For these are the dollars which Europe needs, and does not have, to buy raw materials, machinery, and equip- ment essential for the rebuilding of her economy. Most of these things European countries buy from the United States. So that by far the largest proportion of the dollar aid to Europe is actually spent directly in the American market and provides the source of income for the American worker, farmer, investor, and trader. But even the much smaller proportion of Marshall-aid dollars with which European countries make recovery purchases in Canada, Latin America, and other markets are event- ually spent in the United States for the pur- chase of American goods. This is true be- cause the receipt of these recovery dollars enables the other countries to buy from the United States products which they want but would not have otherwise bought. America’s aid to Europe is, therefore, not a charity. The fact is that during the last 2 years many American workers and farm- ers derived their employment and income from the production of export goods essen- tial for European recovery, which Europe would not have been able to buy without the Marshall aid. At the level of some $3,000,- 000,000 projected for the third year of the ERP, nearly 1,000,000 American industrial and farm, workers will receive employment due to the Marshall plan. Yet the reason American labor has given solid support to the European recovery pro- gram has not been a selfish one. The heaviest contributor among others in the American community, the worker, has under written his share in the earnest desire to lend a helping hand to our neighbors in Europe in their time of dire need. Along with his fellow Americans who also worked and fought for freedom in the war, he has known that a Europe impoverished and submerged in distress cannot resist Com- munist penetration from within or the threat of Communist attack from without. The American worker has been willing to help Europe get up on her feet and start on the road to self-government, self-sufficiency, and self-respect because that is his road and because that is the road to peace. What has the Marshall plan meant to the workers of Europe? At the halfway mile- stone of its progress, the European recovery program has already established a record of solid accomplishment in two respects most vital to Europe’s workers. Inflation was sweeping over Europe when the ERP began. The buying power of wages was dwindling from week to week as prices kept spiraling up, and black markets were gaining ground in many European countries. The Marshall plan has made it possible to check the most violent forces of inflation. Uncurbed, inflation would have quickly re- duced the masses of European consumers to starvation. It would have brought back barter and paralyzed productive activity. Today prices and currencies in western Eu- rope have been generally stabilized. When the ERP started, production in Eu- rope was at alow ebb. Raw materials were lacking and could not be bought with infla- tion-ridden currencies. Many plants were down for the lack of fuel and power. Others needed machinery replacement parts and even simple tools. The program has pumped XCVI—App.—214 into the arteries of the European economy a flow of materials, machinery, and equipment. Provision of these critical industrial needs has made it possible to raise the production index 20 percent above the 1938 norm and maintain high levels of employment in the majority of the participating countries. To bring to a war-exhausted continent a large measure of economic stability has been no mean achievement. To lift production volume from a low mark to one-fifth above the prewar level in the short space of 2 years has been a feat without precedent in the annals of Europe. But the very progress of the program has brought European industry face to face with the demands for far-reaching change. Muscle-bound in custom, often obsolete in method and organization, industrial enter- prise can no longer seek shelter in protected markets from the challenge of modern tech- nology in production and distribution. It has become clear that Europe cannot remain divided into a number of independ- ent economic compartments and at the same time achieve an expanding market sustained by a rising standard of living. And the ERP countries have embarked upon the task of chopping down trade barriers in order to free the flow of commerce within Europe. It has become equally clear that the old- fashioned methods of production, geared to high profit from limited output, cannot withstand the fresh winds of competition fanned by freer trade. Traditional methods are simply not efficient enough to enable Eu- ropean manufacturers to compete in the dol- lar market or to yield the low-cost products within reach of the mass of European consumers. The ERP countries are now coming to grips with this problem. The vast reservoir of technical know-how accumulated in the United States—especially in the last dec- ade—has been, for the most part, a closed book to many European industries. What is more, neither European employers nor Eu- ropean unionists have pursued the twin ob- jective of high wages and mass production for a wide and competitive market which so largely has been the practice in the United States. ' Today the ERP is opening this closed door to modern technology and providing Huro- pean industrialists and unionists the oppor- tunity to study the huge American workshop. It is likewise stimulating a brisk exchange of industrial experience and technology among the European countries themselves. As a part of the new productivity drive in Europe, a number of countries are establish- ing national productivity centers where a ‘competent native technical staff will co- ordinate the program, usually under the di- rection of a board on which management and labor are both represented. These cen- ters, whose work is expected to carry on after the Marshall plan, will not only help bring modern industrial techniques within reach of the country’s industry but will also make studies to help assure that the benefits of higher productivity are equitably shared and that high employment is sustained with a minimum of dislocation. To meet the productivity program thus formulated by each country, the Economic Cooperation Administration is providing a number of forms of technical assistance. This aid makes it possible for teams of manu- facturers, technicians, and trade-unionists to visit the United States and to have a first-hand look at the broad range of Amer- ican industrial activity and labor-manage- ment relations. Groups from particular in- dustries have been making more specific and detailed studies of organization and engi- neering of production in the related indus- tries in America. When these teams return to Europe they make their knowledge of new techniques A3389 available to wider audiences. In the mean- time American teams of consultants are coming to Europe to study the technical problems of industries there and give ad- vice based on the American experience. As a part of this program digests are being prepared from the major technical publica- tions in the United States, and samples of appropriate American products are being pro- vided for analysis by Europeans. Aides in the training and retraining of workers to help them meet the requirements of new technology are also provided. Such a comprehensive drive to increase the productivity of European industry is no easy task. In too many parts of the European industrial scene it will mean uprooting the deeply ingrown tradition of production limited to the requirements of a limited mar- ket. This has been made possible by fenc- ing industrial enterprises and groups of en- terprises within a solid wall of agreements, sheltering the producer against the risks of competition and protecting the less efficient producers in the cartel. Where this economic pattern has shaped the growth of economic life, all segments of the community, including the labor move- ment, bent their practices to fit this design. In many European countries this restricted pattern still prevails. But industrial re- sources of Europe must be freed from its stifling grip if the living standards of the great mass of European workers are to he raised and if European products are to com- pete in the world market. To become strong and dynamic the Euro- pean economy must also have a mobile labor force. Yet European labor is traditionally static, In modern times the workers of Europe moved only when they fled—as they have fled hunger, privation, and religious and political persecution. With the exception of limited seasonal migration, there has been little movement from region to region, from country to country, from industry to indus- try. The European worker is wedded to his community and trade. The obstacles to the free movement of workers in Europe are many. But the most important of all is the extremely acute housing shortage, which continues to plague virtually all European countries. Unable to move to new and better jobs or to jobs suit- able for the particular workers’ skills, a siza- ble proportion of European workers are not working on jobs for which they are best fitted and not getting the pay their skills could earn, The ECA, in close cooperation with the OEEC, has already done much to increase the mobility of workers within Europe. Agreements have been reached to resettle the unemployed workers of one country in other countries offering employment oppor- tunities. Cooperative programs have been developed for industrial training and re- training. Employment services of individual countries have established cooperative ar- rangements going beyond national bounda- ries. And a substantial beginning has been made to assist the construction of low-cost housing for workers near the jobs on which workers could be employed. Utilizing the resources and the experi- ences of the ILO which has long been work- ing on these problems, an enlarged pro- gram of technical assistance is being de- veloped with added intensity. A beginning has also been made in the larger task of fa- cilitating migration overseas—mainly to Latin America, Australia, and the dependent overseas territories of ERP countries—from the parts of Europe having a large surplus population. Italy and Western Germany are two coun- tries in which the problem of excess popu- lation is critical. Assistance to further mi- gration from these surplus areas has already been provided under the ERP in Italy, and the ILO is looked to as a base for a
A3390 broader program of technical assistance to help European migration overseas. If markets within western Europe expand, productivity increases and the real income of the mass of the workers is improved with the aid of the ERP, the prospect of sustained high employment in Europe will remain well assured. A large share of the responsibility for the attainment of these objectives rests upon the free trade-unions of Europe. It is up to the European trade-union move- ment to make sure that the benefits of recovery, increased productivity, and freer trade are shared equitably among the various groups in the economy. Free trade-unions in Europe showed states- manship and remarkable restraint in their wage demands during the period of inflation following the war. To these unions goes @ large measure of credit for the winning of Europe’s postwar battle against inflation. The free labor movement of Europe today is ready to cooperate in a program to raise industrial productivity providing it is carried out within the context of full em- ployment and in the framework of policy designed to translate the benefits of higher productivity into lower prices and higher wages. Despite the bitter and insidious attacks from the Cominform, the European recovery program is succeeding by bringing vitality and stimulating a healthy flow of produc- tion and trade to western Europe. It is giv- ing new assurance of growth and strength in a Europe only recently dominated by devastation and despair. A healthy and strong Europe arising upon the solid founda- tion of a vigorous productive effort need not fear the future. . Aided by the ERP and set firmly toward the objective of rising income and full employ- ment, Europe will easily throw back the challenge of communism and give the lie to the prophecies of doom spread by the Communist agents. We in America have a special obligation to keep the faith with the workers of Eu- rope. They look to us in America for making good on a task well begun but which today stands only half done. It must be com- pleted. The structure of economic coperation we are helping the Europeans to build must be brought to its full completion in the next 2 years. Unfinished, it would make a fail- ure of our purpose. Completed, it will stand forever as the pivotal structure in the larger building of a prosperous and peaceful world. Home Demonstration Week EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHASE GOING WOODHOUSE OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mrs. WOODHOUSE. Mr. Speaker, this first week in May is known as Home Demonstration Week and is a noteworthy occasion to at least 3,000,000 women who during the past year have taken part in a great homemakers’ educational movement. These women, found in ev- ery county of the United States as well as in the Territories of Alaska, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico, are marking another milestone in their progress toward wiser and more skillful management of their homes. You may hear about and perhaps see for yourself what a neighbor or friend has accomplished through this practical, down-to-earth method of getting and applying knowledge to family and home preblems. Rural women are placing their achievements on exhibit during Home Demonstration Week. The information and help needed to produce these results was obtained from some 3,500 home-demonstration agents. The agents are specially trained in the arts and sciences of homemaking and have direct channels to the resources of the land-grant institutions and the United States Department of Agricul- ture. They live in the county seat and belong to the community which they serve. Each is a member of the agricul- tural extension team which serves our farm areas and is supported coopera- tively by the Federal, State, and local governments. When added up, the results of the work of home-demonstration agents, in some 56,000 communities, is impressive. For example, some million and a half families improved their methods of can- ning, freezing, drying, or storing their food products. More than 200,600 in- creased the efficiency of their kitchens. Twice that number did some planting and improving of their home grounds with the advice and help of the home- demonstration agent. Statistics for family health, child training, clothing, nutrition and other fields of home eco- nomics are equally impressive. ‘These achievements were made possible be- cause nearly half a million volunteer local leaders willingly cooperated in at- tending special training schools and then took the information back to their own club or group. Rural people have indeed been for- tunate in developing such an educational movement which brings to women in their own homes all the newer knowledge in the arts and sciences of homemaking as well as the basic information needed for good family living. At present more than two-thirds of the counties in the United States have home- demonstration agents. In the other counties, approximately 600 of them, the county agricultural agent gives women and girls some services in the field of home economics. I hope the system will steadily progress to the point where every county will have a home-demon- stration agent—trained women to do the necessary teaching, not only in rural areas but in the urban communities as well, I have seen home-demonstration work pay dividends in my own State. I have seen girls taught to design and make clothes for themselves and the members of their families. I have seen the help given women in combining unlikely ma- terial with skill and hard work to make their homes livable and comfortable. Better homes have inspired women to extend their efforts toward improving their communities and their States. are proud of their achievements in rural areas for they mean healthier, happier, more effective citizens. But all homes are not in the country. ‘We have homes in the city, too. City women are also faced with the problem of feeding and -caring for their families, We. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of making their homes more convenient and comfortable. The city woman, too, is eager to make the best home possible for her family. She wants to learn about labor-saving techniques for her homemaking tasks and to know about newer discoveries in science which might help her in caring for her family. Some cities, notably Buffalo and Syra-~ cuse, N. Y¥., have retained the services of a home-demonstration agent since the First World War. A few other cities such as Baltimore, Md., and Portland, Oreg., have quite recently established a successful home-demonstration service for their residents. There are other scattered examples but they are few and far between. By and large, the woman in the city still does not have ready access to this practical, out-of-school education which she needs for her home- making job—an opportunity which the rural woman in general does have. I believe that this inequality should be corrected—that the time has come when city women too should have avail- able the help of home-demonstration agents. State and local governments should be encotiraged to provide such services in the same way as it is pro- vided for rural people through the Coop- erative Agricultural Extension Service. Secretary of Agriculture Brannan paid a well-deserved tribute to the work of rural women during Home Demonstra- tion Week. He told them: “It is in the home that great achievements in coim- munity life, in national life, and in the development of modern civilization itself have their inspiration and their stimulus. So, yours is indeed a challenging re- sponsibility.” I am not unmindful of the excellent educational work done in the public schools by vocational teachers of home economics. They have approached the problem in a fundamental way with good results. But, in addition, a movement is needed in which the city homemakers themselves take the leadership. On April 3, approximately 175 men and women, leaders in the rural communities of my own State of Connecticut, met at the University of Connecticut at Storrs to consider agricultural policy. One of the recommendations coming out of this conference asked that “more consumer education in foods and: nutrition be inaugurated as soon as possible in urban areas” and suggested that “urban areas should have available educational work in foods and nutrition similar to that available to farm people.” This attitude on the part of rural people in one State is perhaps significant for the country as a whole. The theme of Home Demonstration Week is “Today’s home builds tomor- row’s world.” It is just as true that “tomorrow’s world depends on today’s home” meaning all homes, in the city, in the small town, on the farm. President Truman in his message to rural women on the occasion of Home Demonstration Week said: Our homes are 4s important to the coun- try as they are dear to each of us. Our homes are the basis of our democratic freedom. Most of our work is done with the home in mind. Home is where we turn the modern
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD wonders of science into bstter, healthier, happier living. Home is where we develop future citizens, and where we lay the founda- tion for community and world-wide under- standing. All of us can agree with the President on the importance of the home to the welfare of the Nation. The welfare and the improvement of the home is our con- cern. A practical education system has been provided for assisting homemakers in rural areas. It is past the experi- mental stage and now should be ex- tended to homemakers in our cities. Section IV of Current Appropriation Bill Is impractical and Sheuld Be Deleted EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CHET HOLIFIELD OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. HOLIFIELD. Mr. Speaker, the roblem of establishing some control over deficit and supplemental appropria- tions is a very important one, and a very old one as well, having plagued the Mem- bers of Congress from the earliest days of the Republic up to the present. We would all like nothing better than to do away with deficit appropriations alto- gether, but under the democratic system of government as it has developed in this country, this is hardly possible. In order to accomplish such a purpose, it would be necessary to have firm estimates of both revenues and expenditures, neither of which is possible. Much as we would like to know exactly what revenues will be available for appropriation under ex- isting laws, it is.impossible to see far enough into the future to determine with any great degree of precision what effect changes in the general economic situa- tion may have upon tax receipts 6 or 9 months or a year from now. Similarly, we would like to be able to make appropriations for the various de- partments and agencies of the Govern- ment on the basis of firm estimates of what it would cost to operate them through a 12-month period, but here again there are many variable and un- predictable factors. The Federal Gov- ernment has, for instance, committed itself to paying the costs of administra- tion for certain aspects of the social- security program. If a change in eco- nomic conditions causes an unforeseen increase in the number of persons apply- ing for unemployment compensation, the adnainistrative costs for this activity will increase and the Congress will be faced hae the responsibility for paying the ill. The number, size, and complexity of the problems of this character now con- fronting us, or that may confront us at any time in the future, almost staggers the imagination. There is the problem of veterans’ benefits which have had a way, throughout the years, “of growing and growing the more as they grow older.” The costs of national defense in a world in which peace is so uncertain cannot be estimated very far into the future or very accurately. Our vast foreign commitments, which are all a part of the defense picture, are subject to similar uncertainties. There are fur- ther uncertainties connected with public works, the volume and cost of which is bound to depend, to some extent, on the general econcemic situation. Even in an established undertaking like the post office, there are large areas of uncer- tainty. These situations all point to the urgent need of action on the part of the Congress itself to establish some sound and workable procedure for financial planning. In the complicated social and economic structure of the present day, such situ- ations as I have so briefly referred to, are bound to arise. As a result, we are confronted by a dilemma. On the one hand, as a matter of good financial man- agement, we desire by every suitable means at our disposal to eliminate the necessity for deficiency and supple- mental appropriations, while on the others, we are confronted by numerous emergency situations involving expendi- tures which are often necessary if the Government is to discharge its responsi- bility to its citizens. Many of these situ- ations involve questions of human need. So far as I am concerned, I can see only one possible choice, when confronted by these alternatives. I firmly believe in the importance of good financial man- agement, but when attempts at such management result in the paralysis of essential Government activities and in needless injury to individual citizens, I prefer to cast my vote for the continu- ous functioning of such services for our citizens. At an appropriate time, I shall propose an amendment covering these provisions of H. R. 7786. The Bite Is On EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDGAR A. JONAS OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. JONAS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orb, I wish to include the timely editorial from the Chicago Daily Tribune of May 5, 1950. This pithy editorial points out the fraud to the taxpayers of this coun- try in the financing of the Democratic political circus to be held in Chicago on Monday, May 15, by the Bureau of In- ternal Revenue having issued a ruling that contributions for financing the show are deductible items for computing income tax of the contributors. The editorial is as follows: SPONTANEOUS RECEPTION The Chicago branch of the Pendergast party of humanity is out putting the clip on businessmen for $250,000 to lay red carpeting on the streets for Harry Truman on his com- ing 8-day visit. Truman is coming here to play politics with a brass band in behalf of A3391 himself, his party, and Scorr Lucas, his wob- bling candidate for Senator. He says, and his managers say, that the stampede is wholly nonpolitical. This is fraudulent enough, but the fraud is compounded when the boys in charge of his entertainment tell the businessmen they are soliciting, that any contributions to the New Deal kitty are deductible from income tax either as business expense or a gifts to a nonpartisan civic cause. This view has been propounded by the Democratic chairman of the State racing commission and by another worthy who Kicked through with $4,000 for Democratic campaigning, while his wife gave $2,000. Their precedent may be that the Democratic Party was exempted by its own Bureau of Internal Revenue from tax hability on the $420,009 proceeds of the cabaret performance highlighted by Truman’s oratory at the $100- a-plate Jefferson-Jackson Day party round-~ up in Washington. This considerate ruling saved the Democratic National Committee from parting with 20 percent of the loot to the Public Treasury, although the Republi- cans had been nicked at that rate on a $1 box supper a few days earlier. The Chicago pow-wow shapes up as an even more flagrant steal than the Washington job, and an added touch of shamelessness is that Republicans as well as Democrats are being subjected to the bite. A few State and city inspectors might be around looking for viola- tions on their business premises should they prove reluctant to hold still. Still another scandal is that the National Guard is being routed out to march for Truman. Attendance is optional, but guardsmen sensitive to pros- pects for promotion may be expected to form ranks. Barney Hodes has told the union bosses that their cooperation in routing out the rank and file for what he deftly terms a spontaneous reception will be appreciated, and cash contributions also are welcome. In the degraded moral atmosphere of the times, incident to the ascension of the Pen- dergast-Binaggio-Truman mob, these sordid proceedings may not awaken too much revul- sion, in the estimation of the mob. The Democrats have got away with so much that by now they may think they can get away with anything. Let Her Go, Joe! Let Her Go! EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEERASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. Speaker, we hear so much mouthing these days from every conceivable source to the effect that free enterprise is fast going on the rocks because of the actions and the at- titude of the great sponsor of the Fair Deal, President Harry S. Truman and his faithful cohorts. If one gave the slightest credence tc the moans and groans of reactionary Repulicans and Democrats, both in and out of Congress, one would fancy that the long unemployed referees and receivers in bankruptcy were about to do yoemen service again as they did during the re- gime of the last Republican President, Herbert Hoover. It takes very little imagination if one believes the political bellyachers to hear the hoarse voices of the auctioneers as they cry the forced
A3392 sales under this Nation’s last Republican national rule. It therefore seems a bit strange and embarrassing to be sure to reactionary republicanism to find the press of the Nation reporting the tremendous pros- perity of big business under the auspices of the Fair Deal. If I were a reactionary Republican I would never cpen my big, lying mouth again until there was a slump in busi- ness, and if reactionary republicanism did that they would keep their mouths closed forever, or at least from here on out. In support of my claim as heretofore made that big business is enjoying pros- perity, the likes of which it has never before experienced, I quote the following from page 1 of the April 29, 1950, issue of the newspaper Labor, published in Washington, D. C.: Fam Dra ToucH on GM Orricians? Not By $8,000,000—Hucz Eonus ExpLains WHY Tuey’Rs So ANxIous To Cur Taxes ON RicH-—-SIxTY-ONE SHARE GIANT “MELON”’— DIscLosurRE Makrs COMPLAINTS Harp To Unvberstann; WHat Do THEY Want? A move to limit income taxes is becoming the rallying cry for all kinds of lobby and propaganda groups in an effort to weld them into a single body bent on upsetting every- thing that the Fair Deal stands for. Their often-repeated complaint is that Fair Deal spending and socialism are ruiming the country. Some of the loudest complainers, and the heaviest contributors to the propaganda groups, are Officials of the giant General Motors Corp. After General Motors reported record profits of $656,000,000 in 1949—the largest ever made by any corporation in a single year—many people began to wonder what they were complaining about, and how much it would take to satisfy them. WHY THEY WANT TAX CUT This week it became clear why they are so interested in efforts to put a limit on income taxes. For 61 top officials of the company were disclosed to be sharing a huge bonus melon for 1949 of better than $6,000,000 in cash, plus ‘24,338 shares of the company’s stock, worth nearly $2,000,000 at present prices. Uncle Sam, of course, will get quite a chunk of that in income taxes, but the com~ pany arranged to pey it in five annual install- ments to help the officials keep out of the upper brackets, so they can keep as much as possible. The announcement certainly is not going to help their propaganda about the Truman administration making it tough for business to get along. The bonus action had to be made public under regulations of the Securities and Ex- change Commission, which requires that such information be given to stockholders. It was contained in proxy statements mailed to the company’s 400,000 stackholders with notice of the annual meeting to be held in Wilmington, Del., May 19. Charles E. Wilson, president, topped the list, with a total of salary, bonus, and direc- tor fees for 1949 of $586,100, which suggests that he has not suffered greatly from the Fair Deal. His salary and fees totaled $201,- 100, and the bonus was $308,021 in cash and 1,243 shares of stock. The shares were given an award value of $76,979, although at pres- ent market prices they would bring more than $100,000. Next behind him were three executive vice presidents: Albert Bradley, who gets $511,225 all told; Harlow H. Curtice, $496,100, and Marvin E. Coyle, $496,000. As further corroboration of the fore- going statement, I quote the following from page 1 of the May issue cf the news- paper, The Voice of 770, published in Los Angeles, Calif.: GM's Winson Dornc WELL (By Lewis Arlington) Top pay for any corporation official in the United States last year went to Charles E. Wilson, president of General Motors Corp., who hauled in $586,100 in salary, director’s fees, and bonus. This was disclosed today in GM’s proxy statement to stockholders announcing the corporation’s annual meeting in Wilmington, Del., May 19. The giant auto ev™orr+icn not only broke allrecordsinthep. .. :.. to one man, but also reached an all-time high in net profits in 1949. Its take was $656,434,232, the big- gest profit ever made by any United States corporation and a 49 percent increase over its 1948 profit, In announcing the company’s profits ear- lier this year, Wilson modestly described 1949 as a year of “substantial achievement” and said that because of GM’s gains “material benefits accrued to a large number of indi- viduals as well as the economy as a whole.” The “material benefits” Wilson referred to were spelled out in the proxy statement Iis- sued April 22. The statement showed that GM’s 61 officers and directors, including Wil- son, shared among themselves a total of $6,035,248 in cash. Exclusive of bonuses, their take repre- sented an 18 percent increase over their pay for the previous year. In addition to the over $6,000,000 in cash paid its executives, GM also gave them 24,338 shares of common stock, payable in five an-= nual installments under its bonus plan. The company valued the stock at $61.93 a share. The shares on the New York Stock Exchange closed April 22 at $82, making their total value nearly $2,000,000. GM tried to soften the impact of the dis- closure of Wilson’s 1949 haul by complaining that he would have only a little over $150,000 left after taxes. This is still almost 50 times as much as the average GM worker made last year before taxes. According to GM’s own misleading payroll figures, which lump to- gether earnings of upper-crust executives and hourly paid production workers, average pay for GM employees in 1949 was about $3,500. Government statistics show workers in the auto industry last year average $64.85 a week. GM workers, who took a 2-cent hourly wage cut in March of this year, are demanding a 81-cents-an-hour package increase in cur- rent negotiations conducted by the United Auto Workers. Wilson’s total remuneration for 1949, when the 1,243 shares of common stock he re- ceived are valued at their April 22 price, was actually $610,947. Three GM executive vice presidents followed Wilson on the gravy train. They are: Albert Bradley, who re- ceived $511,225 last year; Harlow H. Curtice, $496,100; and Marvin E. Coyle, $496,000. Other vice presidents who received big amounts are Frederic G. Donner, $411,300; Louis C. Goad, $411,100; Ronald K. Evans, $411,000; and Francis L. Burke, $311,000. GM board chairman, Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., struggled through last year with pay of $48,600. The proxy statement noted, how- ever, that as of February 28, 1950, Sloan owned 571,825 shares of GM common stock, In a defense of the huge salaries paid to GM executives, Sloan said in 1946 that “the cost to the business of maintaining the highest available standard of managerial talent is relatively inconsequential.” “What such talent may create in terms of more job opportunities, better product values, and additional profits is most im- portant,” he said. “The penalty of any dif- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ferent approach might well involve, and, in fact, must eventually bring into question the effectiveness of the whole administrative structure of the business.” Mr. Speaker, the foregoing indeed is something for the apostles of doom and the prophets of gloom to cry over, so let her go Joe. Let her go. As an old Polish housewife neighbor of mine was wont to say, “Cry your pucket full today and be dehydrated ta- morrow, and then we will all get a rest from your insane, ill-warranted, stupid grief.” The Statehood Bills EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. E. L. BARTLETT DELEGATE FROM ALASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. Speaker, the case for statehood for Alaska and Ha- waii was restated this morning with force, clarity, and logic in editorials ap- pearing in the New York Herald Tribune and the New York Times, and I take pleasure in submitting those editorials for the Recorp: [From the New York Herald Tribune of May 8, 1950] A Convincine APPEAL The President’s appeal to the chairman of the Senate Interior Committee, Josrrpm C. O’MaHONEY, urging swift passage for the bills admitting Alaska and Hawaii to statehood, is an able and convincing document on its own and is directed to a significant cause. Approved by the House, the two bills that would add a forty-ninth and a fiftleth State to the Union have been the subject of care- ful hearings in the Senate; and the time for action is definitely at hand. If anything could add to the general sentiment in favor of these bills, Mr. Truman's reasoned argu- ment that admission of Alaska and Hawaii will “not only promote the welfare and devel- opment of the two Territories, but also greatly strengthen the security of our Nation as a whole,” sets a final pinnacle upon the case for statehood. This newspaper has maintained that both principle and expediency impel us to take the step. The history of the American Union is one of growing Territories being brought within the sustaining and stimulating frame- work of confederation; the tendency has al- ways been to extend the hand in faith, rather than wait until population and economic development had reached a stage of fulfill- ment. Alaska with its hardy climate bids fair to breed a race of hardy and determined citizens. Hawaii may seem at first glance to present itself under a new aspect, but its dis- tance across the open water creates no greater obstacles to union than the long overland routes which separated our early Western States from the settled East; and its admix- ture of racial strains is not basically dissimi- lar from that which we confronted in the old Southwest. As for the frequently re- peated argument that, in the case of Alaska at least, the new State Senators would repre- sent a disproportionately small constituency, Mr. Truman remarked with entire accuracy that this problem had been dealt with and disposed of in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. The case for statehood does not rest, how- ever, merely on ground of tradition and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD precedent. The urgencies of the present strongly reinforce it. The need is for vigor- ous democratic communities at our western outposts, not only adding strength in their own right but as symbols of the continuing creativeness of the American experiment. The admission of Alaska and Hawaii at this juncture will permit the United States, in keeping faith with its past, to meet the chal- lenge of today. [From the New York Times of May 8, 1950] Tue STaTEHOOD BILLs President Truman is right in urging fa- vorable action on the bills to admit Hawaii and Alaska to statehood. The measures have passed the House. Hearings on them have been conducted by the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. What remains now is to bring them out to the Senate floor and adopt them. President Truman is ob- viously apprehensive lest they die in com- mittee as did the Hawaii statehood bill in the Eightieth Congress. The balance of argument on these meas- ures weighs heavily in their favor. They are, we believe, enthusiastically endorsed by a substantial majority of the public. There is reason to suppose that if they can be brought to a Senate vote they will have the requisite support for passage. They can be defeated by inertia and the seasonal legis- lative log jam. If that is done the will of the public will also have been defeated. The opposition to these measures comes down, eventually, to rather narrow partisan political grounds. This is not the proper basis upon which a question of such solemn magnitude should be decided. The status of these two great Territories is at stake. The judgment on that status should be one in statecraft, not petty politics. The Senate should get its chance to act, and if it does we believe that it will act wisely. Repeal of Wartime Excise Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN D. DINGELL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following statement, letter, and resolution of the Interna- tional Union of Brewery, Flour, Cereal, Soft Drink, and Distillery Workers of America: DEFINING ATTITUDE OF THE INTERNATIONAL UNION OF UNITED BREWERY, FLOUR, CEREAL, Sorr Drink, anp DISTILLERY WORKERS OF AMERICA The national coordinating committee of the beverage industry, composed of repre- sentatives of organized labor and of the alcoholic-beverago industry, held their first official meeting on March 23, 1950, in Chi- cago, Ill. Joseph E. Brady, coordinator of the In- ternational Union of United Brewery, Flour, Cereal, Soft Drink, and Distillery Workers of America, CIO, was elected permanent chair- man of this group and will direct its ac- tions in conjunction with a board of di- rectors. Paul BE. Jorgensen, executive direc- tor of the National Licensed Beverage Asso- ciation, was named secretary-treasurer. Representatives of industry and labor who were in attendance pledged their full support to make the comuittee a strong and effective organization, Much discussion centered around the Lan-~ ger bill, S. 1847 (to prohibit the transpor- tation of alcoholic-beverage advertising in interstate commerce). This legislation will presently be voted on by the members of the Senate Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee in executive session. A resolution was adopted by the commit- tee which asks the Congress for an across- the-board repeal of all wartime excise taxes imposed by the Revenue Act of 1948. The adoption of the resolution climaxed a day-long meeting in the Stevens Hotel held for the purpose of developing a coordinated campaign to combat any and all Federal leg- islation of a prohibition nature. Brady stated that due to the high taxes placed upon the products of the alcoholic- beverage industry, bootlegging, moonshining, and other practices of the prohibition era are encouraged and are on the upward trend. Such illicit practices are causing the Gov- ernment large losses of revenue. “As things stand now,” he added, “the alcoholic-bever- age industry is the Government’s largest in- dustry taxpayer and provides employment for approximately 1,100,000 workers. If these tax inequities placed against this industry are ever to be corrected, it will be necessary for us—labor and the industry—to work to- gether in wholehearted cooperation and co- ordination, It is the only way we can im- press upon the American people and our friends in Congress the seriousness of the possibility that this industry could be taxed out of existence.” To this end the committee’s officers were authorized to contact the top level execu- tives of the alcoholic-beverage industry, who, it is hoped, will lend their support to the undertaking. Among those attending the Chicago meet- ing representing industry were: Edward T. Donahue and William W. Wadel of the Blatz Brewing Co., Milwaukee; Harold R. Thielecke, Wine and Spirits Wholesalers of America; Paul HE. Jorgensen and Wendelin Kraft, Na- tional Licensed Beverage Association; Joseph A. Gollin and Jack Garvey, Schenley Dis- tillers, Inc.; Roland S. St. Pierre, Licensed Beverage Industries, Inc.; Russell H. Hopkins, National Beer Wholesalers Association; and John Daly, Bronx Tavern Owners Association. Representing labor were: Eric B. Bjurman, International Association of Machinists (in- dependent); Roland J. Hidde, Wisconsin State Council of Brewery Workers (CIO); Fred B. Sweet, Hotel and Restaurant Em-~ ployees and Bartenders International Union (A. F. of L.); Paul E. Maxwell, Glass Workers (A. F. of L.); Frank Poidl, Coopers Interna- tional Union (A. F. of L.); and Joseph E. Brady, International Union of United Brew- ery, Flour, Cereal, Soft Drink, and Distillery Workers of America (CIO). Congratulatory telegrams from organiza- tions unable to send representatives to the meeting were read. Among these were mes- sages from Repeal Associates, Washington, D. C.; Amalgamated Lithographers of Amer- ica (CIO), New York; Pennsylvania Commit- tee for Moderation and Law Enforcement; Distilled Spirits Institute, Washington, D. C.; Pennsylvania Federation of Fraternal and Social Organizations; and from Members of the Congress. THE NATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF THE BEVERAGE INDUSTRY, March 31, 1950. Hon. Rozrrr L. DoucHTon, Chairman, House Ways and Means Committee, - House Office Building, Washington, D.C. My DEAR CONGRESSMAN: As chairman of the national coordinating committee of the bev- erage industry, I have been instructed to forward you the enclosed resolution. This resolution was passed at a 1-day con- ference by members of the above-mentioned A3393 committee, meeting at the Stevens Hotel in the city of Chicago on March 23. The national coordinating committee of the beverage industry requests that this resolution be given consideration by the House Ways and Means Committee. This committee is composed of representa- tives of both labor and industry, and the members who were in attendance and who east their vote favoring this resolution are as follows: Representing industry: Edward T. Dona- hue and William W. Wadel, of the Blatz Brewing Co., Milwaukee; Harold R. Thielecke, Wine and Spirits Wholesalers of America; Paul E. Jorgensen and Wendelin Kraft, Na- tional Licensed Beverage Association; Josh A. Gollin and Jack Garvey, Schenley Dis- tillers, Inc.; Roland S. St. Pierre, Licensed Beverage Industries, Inc.; Russell H. Hop- kins, National Beer Wholesalers’ Association; and John Daly, Bronx Tavern Owners’ Asso- ciation. Representing labor: Eric B. Bjurman, In- ternational Association of Machinists (inde- pendent); Roland J. Hidde, Wisconsin State Council of Brewery Workers (CIO); Fred B. Sweet, Hotel and Restaurant Employees and Bartenders’ International Union (A. F. of L.); Paul E. Maxwell, Glass Workers (A. F. of L.); Frank Poidl, Coopers International Union (A. F. of L.); and Joseph E. Brady, Interna- tional Union of United Brewery, Flour, Ce- real, Soft Drink, and Distillery Workers of America (CIO). I would like to call to your attention the fact that the participating labor organiza- tions on this committee at the present time represent over 1,000,000 union workmen and that some of the organizations representing industry are of national scope. Very sincerely, JosmrH E. Brapy, Chairman, CINCINNATI, OHIO. RESOLUTION ON THE REPEAL OF WARTIME Excise TAXES, BY THE NaTtONAL COORDINAT- ING COMMITTEE OF THE BEVERAGE INDUSTRY Whereas the Seventy-eighth Congress did pass legislation known as the Revenue Act of 1943 which placed additional taxes upon many articles of commerce; and Whereas the Seventy-eighth Congress did pledge to the American people that these wartime excise taxes would be repealed 6 months after the cessation of hostilities, and that the war has been over for nearly 5 years; and Whereas these added wartime excise taxes were to be of a temporary nature and were imposed to curtail consumer purchases dur. ing wartime; and Whereas said wartime excise taxes place an unequal burden upon working people and others of limited income and has a depress- ing effect upon all industry, thereby aggra- vating unemployment and business reces- sion, particularly in the industries affected by such taxes and their allied industries; and Whereas legislation has been introduced to repeal all wartime excise taxes of the Rev- enue Act of 1943 with the exception of the alcoholic-beverage excise tax of said Revenue Act; and Whereas the alcoholic-beverage industry is the Government’s largest industry taxpayer, having paid to the Federal, State, and local governments the enormous sum of $26,823,- 255,944 from 1933 to 1948; and Whereas the alcoholic-beverage industry and its allied industries give employment to approximately “two and one-half million workers; and Whereas due to the high excise taxes plaged upon the products of this industry, boot- legging, moonshining and other practices of the prohibition era are encouraged and are on the upward trend, thereby causing the Government large losses of revenue; and
A3394 Whereas the repeal of all wartime excise taxes of the Revenue Act of 1943 would great. ly stimulate business in all industries upon which they are now levied: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the National Coordinating Committee of the Beverage Industry hereby respectfully requests that the Congress keep its pledge to the American people by repeal~ ing each and every one of the unfair and dis- criminatory wartime excise taxes of the Rev- enue Act of 1943; and be it further Resolved, That the House Ways and Means Committee, and all Senators and Repre- sentatives be advised by written communica- tion or other means of this action. This resolution passed this day, March 23, 1950, by the national coordinating commit- tee of the beverage industry, at Chicago, Tl. Improved Health Standards EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. CARL T. DURHAM OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. DURHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ord, I include the following remarks of Admiral William H. P. Blandy, United States Navy, retired, president, Health Information Foundation, at annual con- vention, American Pharmaceutical As- sociation, Atlantic City, N. J., May 4, 1950: In the few months since my retirement from the Navy and my appointment as presi- dent of the Health Information Foundation, it has become increasingly clear to me that— barring brief periods when we have been the victims of severe epidemics, like influenza and polio—there has been no time in our history when more popular and professional attention has been centered on health ques- tions. Our newspapers and our magazines are filled with news and commentaries on health, More and more people are joining organiza- tions like Blue Cross and Blue Shield. New associations are being formed to fight spe- cific ailments—like heart disease and cere- bral palsy—to take their places with the or- ganizations fighting cancer, tuberculosis, po- lio, and other diseases. There are some 20,- 000 voluntary agencies in the United States, in addition to Federal, State, and county agencies, which are concerned to one degree or another with health. We are striving to encourage the enlistment of more doctors, more nurses, and more technicians in the fight against disease. We are building more hospitals. We are discovering new drugs. States and other areas which have fallen be- bind in the heaith parade are striving to catch up. All of these things—the news stories, the new agencies, the recruitment drives for nurses, the rapid expansion of Blue Cross- Blue Shield—and many more which I have not time to mention—mean one thing above all others. The people of the United States have undertaken a crusade to win for them- selves better health standards. They want better health. They are d@ermined to get it. And, in spite of all the hurly-burly con- fusion which goes with such a high rate of activity, they actually are getting better health, Any review of health progress during 1949 which you might pick up would convince you that the people of the United States are going ahead full steam to improve their health standards. There is no sign during 1950 that this rate of progress is slowing down. It seems to be picking up. It is estimated, for instance, that during 1950 a total of 14,000,000 persons will be X-rayed to see if they have tuberculosis. There were 10,500,000 such X-rays in 1949. And, incidentally, the tuberculosis rate per 1,000 of population was 45.8 in 1940, dropped to 830 in 1948, and was 26 in 1949. The success of tuberculosis detection on amass scale has been such that there is now @ movement on foot to put into action a multiphasic screening program for case de- tection of such other chronic diseases as syphilis, diabetes, anemia, heart disease, high plood pressure, and eye and ear defects. It is contended that mass testing for chronic diseases can be accomplished expeditiously through the use of rapid diagnostic proced- ures. And when we consider that 5 out of every 6 hospital beds are occupied by the chronically ill, we can see the importance of early detection. It may be that in our zest for better health standards we are biting off a rather large piece with such mass testing. It won’t be cheap and sometimes, you know, you have to decide whether you want a new car or a new television set. But, in the field of health, I would rather see us try to get too much than too little. ‘We have accomplished so much, here and there in our huge country, by applying the fundamental virtues of common sense and Yankee ingenuity that I should like to cite a few instances of acomplishment in the health field on a local scale and point out to you that—with the application of a little more common sense and a little more Yankee ingenuity—each of these accomplishments could be duplicated elsewhere. I grant that in many cases we would have to make ad~ justments for local conditions, but I doubt very much that a problem which has been solved in Wyoming cannot be solved, by sim- ilar methods, in any other State, allowing for the natural differences of geographic and economic conditions and for variations be- tween those States which are predominantly urban and those which are chiefly rural. All over the country we hear the cry that more doctors are needed in rural areas and too many are crowded in the big cities. A great portion of the State of Kansas is about as rural as a State can be and Kansas needed doctors very badly in its farm centers. It was a serious situation, as it still is in other rural areas, but Kansas responded with an answer. All over Kansas, in sections where doctors were badly needed, the people have been baiting doctor traps. When you want to catch a mouse you set up a situation which will attract mice to where you want them. In Kansas they have done just that—except that they wanted to attract doctors to rural sections of the State. People who knew the situation in Kansas analyzed it this way. Any young man of ordinary income who de- cides to become a doctor has a mighty ex- pensive road ahead of him before he can support himself. Medical education is just about the most expensive kind there is. When the young doctor is finally ready to go into practice he needs access to a lot of expensive equipment—especially diagnostic equipment. He has been trained to Use mod- ern machines to diagnose illness. The old family doctor who knew measles by his sense of smell has given way to the highly-trained product of our highly efficient, up-to-date medical schools who feels secure in his diag- nosis only when he has checked his judgment against the X-ray, the electrocardiograph and other diagnostic devices which were not available to many doctors a few years ago. Very naturally, they gravitate to the larger cities where the diagnostic facilities they pave been trained to use are available to em. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Informed men in Kansas knew about this situation and they devised a way to meet it. In small town after small town—and I am speaking of places like Mankato, Kans., which has a repulstion of 1,500—the townspeople got togecier and raised or pledged funds to buy the kind of equipment which would attract doctors to their communities. The last figure I heard was that 150 doctors have settled recently in Kansas towns which were sorely in need of medical aid and which su;- plied the ewrrmont reeded to bring med- jieal aid to “c's. Tur lericte I understand that many more are waiting to settle in other Kansas communities. The doctors, inci- dentally, have not been too fussy about the appointments and decor of the places they are willing to work in. In these Kansas communities some of them have set up their offices in converted storefronts—but those storefronts have been equipped by the towns- people with the kind of tools that the mod- ern doctor has been trained to use—and at relatively low cost. That is what I mean by baiting doctor traps. Every professional man, and every business man, whether he be a doctor, a dentist, a pharmacist, a tailor, or a hardware merchant, wants to work where his abilities will be realized to the utmost. No one feels happy doing a half job. No doctor who is worthy of his M. D. feels that he is doing his best when he does not have access to the tools which will help him cure his patients. The moral seems to be this: if your town needs a doctor, find out why it doesn’t have one. Then bait your town with what is needed to attract a doctor. Several States—Michigan, Virginia, Con- necticut, for instance—have begun to im- prove the preparation of medical college graduates for rural health work by assigning them to small town hospitals, where they complete their training and do resident work. I am sure that other States will follow suit, or devise other answers to the problem, just as so many States have been quick to seize upon the plan developed in Alameda County, Calif., where the medical society discovered that too many patients felt their doctors were overcharging, too many were unable to get a doctor in an emergency, and too many believed that in cases of malpractice doctors sided together against the layman. So Alameda County doctors established a bu- reau which provides 24-hour emergency serv-~ ice and, as has been proved in actual court cases, sides with the patient against the doctor in instances where fees have been too high or careless errors have resulted in in- Jury to a patient. Incidentally, there has been remarkably few such cases since this system was established. The interesting re- sult, however, has been that 20 other medi- cal socities around the country have either followed suit or making local studies aimed at setting up similar systems. Almost everywhere you look there is an answer to a medical problem which can be either copied or adapted to solve similar problems elsewhere. Michigan’s Hillsdale Plan, started only 2 years ago in rural south- ern Michigan, is an example. Doctors work- ing with this plan—and there are only 16 doctors in the county—concentrated on early cancer detection. Each of them made his Office a cancer detection clinic. They in- formed the people that they were ready, at low cost, to give cancer examinations to every resident of the county. The result has been that the rate of early cancer detection among Hillsdale County residents has been four times as great as in the rest of the United States—and, of course, chances of cure has been greatly enhanced by this early detection. Furthermore, Michigan has established 18 health information centers, where any resi- dent can go to find out what to do about his own peculiar health troubles. . These things which have been done in Michigan, in Alameda County, in Kansas, and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in so many other areas of the United States &re an object lesson to the whole country. There is not a single town, country, or State which cannot do at least something to im- prove its health facilities. It does take ini- tiative, and, of course, it requires access to proper guidance. A great many of our problems of health, it seems to mé, are really problems in commu- nications. A good many of the answers to our health problems already exist in a lab- oratory, in the files of a health agency, in some system which a town, or county, or other unit has set up to solve a problem which it thought was peculiarly its own but which, when we examine it, is common to similar towns or counties all around the country. But if these solutions remain in the files, their usefulness is limited. If Michi- gan’s methods can be applied in Ohio, why not tell Ohio about it. If Kansas has found at least a partial answer to maldistribution of the supply of doctors, why cannot this answer be used in Minnesota? Maybe Minnesota has not heard about what axansas is doing, although actually the suc- «ess of the Kansas technique has been such that I am sure it is well known in medical circles. I am citing it simply as an example of what I mean by the necessity for commu- nications. Let us assume that Kansas solved itis rural doctor problem but kept quiet about it, All the good that could be done by ap- plying this technique would be locked up in one State. ' It requires communications, the distribu- tion of useful information, to get the most good out of these answers to our health problems. The media of communications are many, but because I am addressing an audi- ence with a special interest in pharmacy I should like to point out to you that the retail pharmacy is a fine communications agency. Some 24,000,000 Americans visit drug stores every day. They have confidence in their pharmacists as men of professional training and responsibility and they listen when the pharmacist speaks. I am pleased to note that the pharmacist is being used by several alert agencies in the distribution of health information to the public. The American Cancer Society has been aided by the cooperation of your as- sociation. There was very useful cooperation between American pharmacists and the American Diabetic Association in bringing to the people’s attention the importance of early detection of diabetes. The American Pharmaceutical Association and the Ameri- can Social Hygiene Association are coopera= ting in a joint attack on the venereal diseases. The American Heart Association has benefited from the assistance of pharmacists in fund raising, in communicating to the people the importance of research in heart disease. This is a form of communications we do not often consider. In the field of health it is a very special avenue of comunications and I hope that it will be more widely used. Iam sure that when the Health Information Foundation is in a position to call upon the pharmacist for help in conveying health facts to the people it will do so with a full realiza- tion that the pharmacist is in the front line of American health defense. Communications will be a very vital part of the work of the Health Information Foun- dation. I have indicated to you my strong conviction that it is not enough to have the answers to our health problems—we must see that they are used and used widely. The only way to do this is to distribute the answers to points where they are needed. The Foundation is, in the first place, a fact-finding organization. It will do re- search at several levels, national and local, to find out the facts about American health and health facilities. It will analyze those facts. Then it will disseminate the facts—and in doing so it intends to use every possible medium of communications, from news- papers to radio, from magazines to phar- macists. There is a third step in the foundation prograri—and I think it is the one which will determine the success or failure of that program. I am a great believer in action. Information is of only potential value until it is put into action. It is not enough to know what should be done. We must do it. And I believe that the foundation, in order to achieve its purpose—in order to make a really valuable contribution to the better health of America—must be a stimulus to action by the people, in their individual com- munities. The first purpose of the foundation, as stated in its charter, recognizes the vital im- portance of this stimulation. The first in the list of purposes of the foundation is as follows: “1, To stimulate greater public interest in the progress that has been made by medical science and to encourage still greater gains, and to assure increased availability of medi- cal services throughout the broadly expand- ing field of medical care, with no sacrifice of quality.” We must stimulate the people to act upon their health problems, as they have acted in so many different, but unfortunately in many cases sporadic, instances such as those that I have cited. The foundation, once it has gathered the facts, hopes to be able not only to tell the people what they can do about their health problems but to stimu- late them to put the answers into action. We need to put the answers into action if this country is only to maintain the rate of health progress it has seen during the past 50 years—let alone advance that rate of progress. It is a paradox that our health needs will increase as we become healthier but it must he perfectly obvious that the higher percentage of older people in our population, which is increasing every day, means that we will require more and more health facilities. Older people need more medical attention than do the younger gen~ erations. The time to begin this action is now. We cannot let America lag behind in health progress, any more than we can let it lag be- hind in other areas vital to national strength. If we are to live in a competitive world we must be strong enough to compete. The Grange Farm Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. Speaker, the Committee of Agriculture will soon con- duct extensive hearings to endeavor to draft a new, long-range agricultural pro- gram to take the place, in whole or part, of the present laws. A number of farm programs will be presented, undoubtedly, and among them will be the grange farm program. There appears in the May issue of the magazine Grange the following article presented by National Master Goss at the Minneapolis Farm Forum last March, which I am sure will be interesting to the readers of the CONGRESSIONAL REcoRD: GRANGE Farm ProGRAM (So many inquiries have been received about the Grange farm program, as. pre- A3395 sented by National Master Goss at the Min- neapolis Farm Forum in March, his address is printed this month in full. The talk has been described variously by editors and oth- ers as “the only practical and positive pro- gram yet offered”; as “leading back to a self- help system”; as “you can’t beat subsidy pro- posals with nothing,” and that “The Grange program provides what is needed.” It will bear careful reading.—The Editors.) First, let me make it clear that we do not approve our present farm program or any program which contemplates the destruction of food as a means of maintaining satisfac- tory farm prices. Neither do we approve any program. which would make it necessary for the farmer to look to the Government for his livelihood. Most people seem to think we should be either in one camp or the other. ‘We have never been in either camp and have continually pointed out that there is a much better way. Second, let me make it clear that we re- alize that the farm problem is only a part of a very serious economic problem with which the Nation is confronted; that during 7 years of unprecedented emergency effort, we increased our national farm and indus- trial output tremendously, particularly our industrial production which we increased as much as we would normally increase it in almost two generations, that we must find some way of using this tremendous increase if we are to avoid closing down factories and creating an unemployment situation head- ing directly to depression that no farm pro- gram can succeed unless we find ways of maintaining reasonably full employment; and that there is no turning back—we must either maintain a full production economy or follow the dismal road of depression which might destroy our whole system of free econ- omy. The problem of industrial unemploy- ment looms far more ominously than the farm problem. If it is not solved, nothing can prevent a collapse in agriculture. If it can be solved, the farm problem becomes much more simple, for in general, coupled with a program for upgrading our diets, farm production can be adjusted to our needs, and the problem of assuring plenty without de- structive surpluses can be met. On the other hand, the maintenance of a@ prosperous agriculture is the most impor- tant element in meeting the problem of in- dustrial surpluses. Farming is the largest manufacturing industry in the Nation. Farmers eat, wear clothes, and live in houses just like other folks, but, in addition, they buy machinery, fertilizer, and supplies of every description, create the bulk of our transportation industry, and, although now only 20 percent of our population numeri- cally, they and the 20 percent who are direct: ly dependent on farm trade for a livelihood consume a very substantial part of our total industrial production, Anything which seri- ously curtails this purchasing power imme- diately affects employment and upsets our whole economic balance. At the bottom of the whole problem, therefore, is the neces- sity of maintaining a reasonable balance of output and income among the great eco- momic groups which make up our society. Third, we should recognize that there is no single farm problem. During World War I, we produced tremendous surpluses to win the war. Following the war we struggled for 20 years to find an answer to the problem of farm prices and surpluses. We tried the equalization fee, the export debenture, the domestic allotment, and many other devices in our hunt for some formula that would cure the trouble. The most valuable lesson we should have learned from this experience is that there are almost as many problems as there are varieties of crops, and that no single remedy will cure them all. The plan which will meet the problems of the wheat grower may not work at all on eggs; the plan which will suit eggs won’t fit oranges; and the program which would bring help to the
A3396 orange grower would probably prove entirely unworkable when applied to cotton. The Grange believes that we must have a wide range of corrective measures available to apply to different crops under different con- ditions, in order to meet the many problems where farm production is as diverse as ours, The Grange believes that agriculture is en- titled to a fair price for its products at the market place, and we accord the same right to industry and labor. The economic bal- ance previously referred to is essential to stable prosperity. Guidepost two helps point the way. As a means of determining what is equitable and fair, we therefore start with the development of a parity formula which will act as a measuring stick to determine what is a fair and equitable price level for farm products. While we have what we be- lieve to be a more equitable and practical parity formula than the new formula which became effective January first, we have ac~ cepted this modernized parity formula as reasonably sound. In fact the Grange pro- posed this formula about 8 years ago. Wedo not like the law which permits the use of two different formulas with instructions to use whichever results in the higher price. We believe we should stick to the single mod- ernized parity formula until a better one is made available. ORDER OF PREFERENCE PROGRAM With an equitable parity price level for a goal, our problem is how to attain market prices which will be as near as possible to that goal, and at the same time maintain a plentiful supply without unmanageable sur- pluses. The Grange recognizes that with such a wide variety of crops a broad program of measures is needed to meet the wide va- riety of conditions under which those crops are raised and sold. We favor just such a broad line of measures, and would make them available for use to meet whatever need may arise in a definite order of preference pre- scribed by law. That order of preference would start with those measures which call on the Government for the least assistance and control and end with those which call on the Government for the most assistance and control. These measures would fall into six major categories: First, we recommend a Federal Farm Com- mission with two major responsibilities. If a wide variety of measures is to be avail- able, someone must use discretion as to what measures to employ. Obviously this is a point at which the best of experience and discretion should be used, and equally obvi- ously we should avoid the choice of one method or another for the purpose of politi- cal advantage. We believe this discretion can best be entrusted to a Commission of 12 members, 1 drawn from each farm credit district, thus assuring widespread knowl- edge of regional problems. To avoid poli- tics, not more than half should belong to any one political party. The President should call for nominees from producer, processor, and distributing organizations. At this point we have a unique proposal de~ signed to assure efficiency rather than po- litical influence. The nominees should be transmitted by the President to a Joint com- mittee representing the Committees of Ag- riculture in House and Senate for their re~ view and recommendations, together with any other names he may have under con~ sideration. The Joint Committee could sub- mit other recommendations. The President would not be required to follow the recom- mendations, but if he ignored them he would have great difficulty in having the members confirmed by the Senate. The use of a joint committee both in making recommenda- tions on appointees and reviewing the rec- ommendations is a new but very potent safe~ guard, for the only interest of such a com~- mittee would be to see that the laws the Congress passed were administered on as sound a ‘basis as possible. This committee would act in an advisory capacity to the Secretary of Agriculture. It should have access to all the information of government on matters pertaining to their responsibilities, and should report to the Congress all the recommendations it makes to the Secretary with the reasons supporting them. Thus they would be the representa- tives of Congress designed to assist in the sound administration of law, and while the Secretary would not be legally bound to fol- low this advice, no secretary, no adminis- tration would survive long which would wholly ignore the recommendation of such a@ committee and the wishes of Congress. One major duty of the Commission would be to keep a continuing inventory of supply and prospective outlets for farm products; to work with producer, processor, and distribut- ing groups in pushing items in surplus sup- ply, and assist in adjusting supply to prospec- tive demand. In our judgment, a very large part of the problem, particularly relating to fruits and perishables, would disappear at this point. There is plenty of evidence as to how effective well-directed marketing ef. forts can be. Our present problem is that we have neither the necessary information on which to base a well-planned marketing program nor the legal means of bringing to- gether representatives of producers, proces- sors, and marketing agencies to assist in car- rying it out. In the Federal Farm Commis- sion we are proposing such means. As we have said, we would provide ade- quate measures to meet the various complex problems arising in the wide variety of com- modities we produce. It would be the re- sponsibility of the Commission to study the various problems as they arise and to recom- mend to the Secretary the use of the measure best designed to do the job, with due regard to the order of preference as set forth in the act, always reporting its recommendations to the Joint Agriculture Committee of the Con- gress so that it could be fully informed as to the administration of the laws the Con- gress enacted and the need for additional legislation, if any. This feature would assist materially in preventing either domination of the Commission by the Secretary or ignor- ing its recommendations and serve, at the same time, to maintain the best of coopera- tion between the Department and the Con- gress. Second, we favor a broad expansion of the marketing agreements act so that every commodity which could make use of it would find it available. If this could be extended to all crops on which it could be used, it would probably prove to be the most useful single piece of legislation enacted by the Congress in meeting the farm problem in the last dozen years. For example it has enabled the dairy industry to maintain an ample supply of milk at all times with the resultant necessary surplus diverted to sec- ondary uses such as butter, cheese, or skimmed milk, distributing the loss from such diversion to all producers. We believe in an economy of plenty. Under such an economy there are bound to be surpluses and we believe some such method of handling surpluses is necessary so that they will not destroy the basic markets, but will be di- verted to useful purposes with any losses which may occur distributed among all the producers. Thus if the surpluses thus di- verted become too big and involve losses the producers have an incentive to adjust production to meet the demand, yet main- tain adequate supplies. When the Farm Loan Act was passed in 1916, the Farm Loan Board was charged with the duty of carry- ing on an educational campaign as to the advantages of the act. So we would charge the Commission with the duty of promot- ing sound marketing agreements where they would serve a definite need. Third, in such cases as the marketing agreement method would not serve, we would provide some other form of a two-price or APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD multiple-price system. The purpose would be the same, to divert the surpluses to sec- ondary uses and distribute any loss which may occur among all the producers. There are a number of ways in which this could be done, including the equalization fee, the certificate plan, some form of debenture, or other means. These could be employed do- mestically in such ways as making wheat available for feed or making alcohol out of surplus potatoes, or they could be employed in foreign trade with adequate provisions against dumping. The lack of an adequate two-price system seems to be the weakest point in our present program. We support prices and make no provision to care for the surpluses. This leads to such inde- fensible situations as our present potato mess. We will not attempt to discuss the details of plans by which multiple-price sys- tems can be developed. Again different methods should be available to meet the varying conditions of different commodities. It will be noted that these three major provisions are self-supporting except for minor administrative expense. The Govern- ment would not be called upon for either money or controls. It is our belief that along these three lines the major part of our crops would be marketed in normal times. We feel that our whole program should he directed toward attaining a normal balance between supply and demand and obviate the neces- sity of Government controls or direct aid. Fourth, we recognize that in abnormal times conditions will arise when the three self-help proposals we have presented may not suffice. To meet such conditions, we favor price supports related to parity. There are two types of such supports—flexible and fixed. In most instances, we prefer the flex- ible support. The case of potatoes may be used as an example to explain why. The law provided for a support price on potatoes at 90 percent of parity. Suddenly DDT came on the market, mechanization ex- panded, and, with the use of fertilizer, enabled the producers to increase their pro- duction tremendously and thereby reduce their production costs. Under the modern- ized parity formula which has just gone into effect, such a condition would adjust the parity index for potatoes, if given time, but this would take years, and the industry was confronted with a most unusual and abrupt change in cost. It became so profitable to raise potatoes that growers increased pro- duction tremendously. This incentive to in- crease production was because the support price was too high and left too wide a mar-~ gin of profit which brought out more pota- toes than the country could use. If it is true that the supports were too high, the logical remedy would be to reduce the sup- ports so that the margin of profit on pota- toes would he in line with the margin on other commodities, and keep the production in ine with the consuming demand. A sup- port price, therefore, related to surpluses would seem to be the most practicable and equitable way of managing most supports, but it is entirely impractical to write into law any uniform basis of changing the sup- ports, up or down, which will fit potatoes, eggs, oranges, cotton, wheat, and a hundred other varieties of commodities. Certain goals must be set and the right to modify the supports must be left to the discretion of the Federal Farm Commission, or the Secre= tary, acting with their advice. - The Grange has never contended that flexi- ble supports would fit all commodities. Such commodities as wheat and cotton, which his- torically must seek world markets for part of their outlets, cannot safely be left to the manipulations of foreign governments in re- gard to surpluses and demand. In some in- stances the Grange would approve fixed sup- ports, although I might repeat that it would be only when a two-price method or some other self-supporting method would not serve adequately, If fixed supports bring
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD out too much production, it may ke neces- sary to find some way to control production either through marketing quotas or acreage allotments, Fifth come production controls either through marketing quotas or acreage allot- ments. While we do not like either, we rec- ognize that they may be necessary, if fixed supports are to be used, and possibly in some cases With flexible supports. We prefer the marketing quota to the acreage allotment pecause the marketing quota 1s reasonably manageable while the acreage allotment is yoo easily evaded resulting in little or no production control whatever. As an example, some years ago the acreage of cotton was cut to half, but farmers laid aside their poorest acres, poured fertilizer on the remainder, and many raised more cotton than they did be- tore the cut. In most crops, we consider both devices as emergency in character, to pe used only in extreme cases where it is necessary to make rapid substantial read- justments in production. Marketing quotas and acreage allotments are, therefore, ac- cepted as a fifth general class of measures which we would make available but we would put them near the bottom of the list in order of preference. Sixth, and at the bottom of the list, we would make production payments available only as an emergency measure. We do not want to see agriculture dependent upon Treasury payments for its existence, not only because of its effect on agriculture, but we believe that it would be economically un- sound. We do not want to see farmers re- duced to the uncertainty of income based upon the annual action of Congress. We do not want to see farmers reduced to the politi- cal necessity of voting for the candidate who would promise the biggest and best raids on the Federal Treasury. We do not want to see the Government paying a portion of the food bill of American consumers, rich and poor alike, with an unknown drain on the taxpayers which would inevitably result in inflation similar to that which has brought so much economic distress to so many European nations, making the rich richer and the poor poorer. We do not want to see the wide- spread regimentation of farmers which would follow, with the hordes of public employees necessary to administer such a program. Nevertheless, we feel that in periods of emer- “gency or adjustment it may be necessary to use such payments to meet a condition which could not be met in any other way, provided such payments are safeguarded by a definite order of preference to be used in connection with the recommendations of the Federal Farm Commission. We believe that such a provision should be available for use, but should not be used until it was clear that other means would not suffice. We feel that it would be a serious mistake, and would go a long way toward destroying the incentive for farmers to develop self-help, self-support- ing programs, if production payments were made the main reliance for meeting the farm problem. Eventually upgrading our diets will have a most important part to play in adjusting our production to consumption necds. Armed with adequate measures to promote stability such as we have outlined, a Federal Farm Commission, or the Secretary, with the advice of such a Commission, could assist very ma- terially in promoting adjustments designed to bring such an upgrading about. The Commission would help to bring common sense to bear in meeting the many intricate Phases of our farm problems as they arise. In closing, I call your attention to the fact that our program is flexible, "and is broad enough to get the job done, yet is 50 set up as to use Government aid and Gov- ernment controls only to the extent neces- sary, and to get rid of them as fast as self- help means can be made to meet the prob- lem. It is designed to divorce the admin- istration of farm programs from politics as far as possible. It would strengthen the rel_tions between. the Congress and the De- pariment of Agriculture and assure constant infc.mation to those responsible for provid- ing adequate legal measures for meeting farm and marketing problems. It would not discriminate among commodities. If labor and industry would approach the problem of a well-balanced national economy with the same degree of equity and thoroughness, we would be a long way down the road to the solution of our most difficult domestic eco- nomic problems, From time to time as I learn of new farm programs being offered for consid- eration, I shall insert them, or so much of them as brevity will permit, in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. I do hope that we can draft a farm program which will be in keeping with the importance which agriculture bears to the Nation’s economy, and as free from partisan politics as possible. Our Nation’s economy is geared to agricul- ture and agriculture is more than a busi- ness, or an occupation, or a political football—it is a way of life. It is the very backbone, and not the wishbone, of the Nation, Polish-Americans Again Pay Tribute to Freedom Ideal EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CHESTER A. CHESNEY OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. CHESNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include an article entitled “Polish-Americans Again Pay Tribute to Freedom Ideal,” by Roman Pucinski, a constituent of the Eleventh Tlinois Dis- trict, an outstanding writer fer the Chi- cago Sun-Times, This fine article, which appeared in the Sunday, May 7, 1950, edition of the Sun-Times, certainly re- flects the patriotism of Polish-Americans and their everlasting struggle to preserve the ideals of free people. It follows: POLISH-AMERICANS AGAIN Pay TRIBUTE TO FreepomM IDEAL (By Roman Pucinski) It was once said that wherever you find two or more Poles you're bound to find a Polish organization. A casual observer might add: In Chicago you'll find more than 4,000 Polish organiza- tions serving an estimated 600,000 Chice- goans of Polish ancestry. They range from benevolent groups to athletic clubs with a large number of cultural, professional, civic, social, and choral clubs in between. Sunday, most of those 4,000 organizations will participate in a mass tribute to the one hundred and fifty-ninth anniversary of Poland’s Constitution, adopted May 3, 1791. The colorful ceremony will be in Humboidt Park near the monument of Gen. Thadcleus Kosciusko, Polish patriot and hero of the American Revolution. TEN THOUSAND IN PARADE A parade of 10,000—ranging from young- sters to old-timers in their nineties—will pre~ cede the observance. Many will be in na- tive Polish costumes. The parade starts at 1 p. m. from the Polish National Alliance A3397 Building, Milwaukee and Division, and will move along Augusta to the park. The annual tribute to the charter which gave Poland freedom from serfdom and from religious persecution is expected to attract 100,000 persons. It’s a far cry from the small group of Polish refugees who cbserved the first Polish Constitution Day in Chicago in 1884, There were only 235 persons present then. PATTERNED IN UNITED STATES The Polish charter was suspended 2 years after its adoption when Russia and Prussia partitioned Poland for the second time. But it always has served as a symbol of freedom to the Poles. It was patterned after this country’s basic charter of liberties and was described as the most liberal document of Europe in its time. Chicago’s Polish Americans are organized into four parent fraternal groups with mem~ bers from coast to coast. Their headquarters are on the near northwest side, frequently called Polonia. Their total assets exceed $101,000,000. The four groups are the Polish National Alliance, 1520 West Division, sponsor of Sun- day’s observance; Polish Roman Catholic Union, 984 North Milwaukee; Polish Wom- en’s Alliance, 1809 North Ashland, and the Polish Alma Mater, 1645 Milwaukee. All were organized in Chicago. The organizations—along with 50 Polish Roman Catholic churches in Chicago—have served as focal points from which the Poles made their cultural, economic, industrial, religious, educational, and political contri- butions to Chicago’s growth. PROGRESS DOCUMENTED In the lavishly decorated Polish Roman Catholic Union Museum at Augusta and Mul- Waukee are carefully kept documents of Polonia’s growth here. They show that two Polish-Americans voted in Chicago’s first mayoralty in 1937. By 1867 there were 30 Polish families in Chicago, and the first Po- lish parish was organized at Noble and Brad- ley. Known as St. Stanislaus Kostka parish, it grew rapidly. By 1899 it had 50,000 fam-~ ilies and was considered the largest Catholic parish in the world. It still is one of Chi- cago’s largest religious centers. Holy Trinity, the second Polish parish, was founded at Noble and Chapin in 1872. Spe- cial services will be held at 10 a. m. Sunday in its ornate church to commemorate the Polish Constitution. Some 200 Polish-Chicagoans Joined the Union Army during the Civil War. And Capt. Peter Kiolbasa, one of the outstanding Polish leaders in Chicago at the time, joined the Confederate Army. When he was taken prisoner, he promptly transferred his services to the Union Army where he again became a captain. WHERE THEY SETTLED Early Polish settlers made their homes in the vicinity of Milwaukee and Division— still called the heart of Polonia. But as their ranks grew, they fanned out northwest along Milwaukee to Jefferson Park, south along Ashland and on the far southside in Pullman. Now hardly a community in Chicago lacks Polish-origin names on its poll lists. In their desperate effort to escape poli- tical persecution in their native land, the Poles migrated here in ever-increasing num- bers at the turn of the century. By 1890 there were 57,756 Poles in Chicago. By 1918, there were 383,000. In 1928 their ranks num- bered 427,000 and the latest census figures are expected to exceed 600,000. ’ A recent University of Chicago population study indicated there still are 95,000 native- born Poles in Chicago. With the steady in- flux of Polish DP’s—being brought here by the Illinois division of the Polish-American Congress—the figure is expected to pass the 100,000 mark soon, It is not uncommon to hear the Polish language spoken by second generation
A3398 youngsters in Polish homes. Polish radio programs and two daily newspapers pub- lished in Polish have contributed toward retaining the old-country ties. The spirit of close a-ter tration trnto wert ous groups helped .¢ 2... 2-AMas establish their own institutions in practically every field of social and economic endeavor. In 1891 the Rev. Vincent Barzynski, C. R, pastor of St. Stanislaus Kostka Church, founded the first Polish school of higher learning. At 1456 West Division, 1t is now known as Weber High School. Several other Polish high schools followed, St. Mary of Nazareth Hospital—oldest Polish medical institution in the city—was founded in 1894 at 1120 North Leavitt. And St. Hedwig’s Orphanage—now a haven for Polish war orphans as well as Chicago youth—was, organized in 1910 in Niles. POLITICAL START Polish-Americans got their official start in politics in 1877 when Peter Kiolbasa was elected to the legislature. Their solidarity in voting for Polish-named candidates has been the subject of frequent debate. But they insist all other national srouns are motivated by the same national s.r.t in supporting their own candidates. The Poles point with pride today to Kiol- basa, who was the first city treasurer to re- turn interest in city funds to the treasury. Until his time it had been the practice of city treasurers to use the funds for them- selves while in office. Kiolbasa was elected treasurer in 1891. The history of Poles here is almost as old as Chicago. Their most priceless historic object is a perpetual light at the museum surrounded by bits of earth from every battlefield where Poles fought from 1331 to date—dedicated to their stubborn belief in the freedom of man. Hammonton News Says: “Little People Can Halt Extravagance” EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. T. MILLET HAND OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. HAND. Mr. Speaker, I am in- cluding in the Recorp an editorial with the above title. I do so because of my great desire to advance in every possible way the truth that the enormous burden of Government and Government taxes is being paid in full measure by the aver- age American family, who tends to over- look the excise taxes and indirect and hidden taxes which they pay to the Fed- ral Government every time they move. When the truth once becomes known to all of our people, we will then halt the extravagant head-long rush of the ad- ministration toward national bank- ruptcy, The editorial is entitled “Little People Can Halt Extravagance” and appears in the Hammonton (N. J.) News. It fol- lows: + Lirtiz Proriz Can Harr ExtTravaGaNnce Too often it is only the sensational news story that comes out of the Congress that meets the attention of the reading public, but Congressman T. Minter Hann, of this district, rose in the House a few days ago and made statements which should be brought to the attention of every person in this great Nation. In a few words, the Congressman brought out that, when the day comes that millions of Americans whose earnings are too low to pay much, if any, direct taxes realize that by a clever system of hidden taxes it is they who are really paying the bill for the extrav- agant waste in Washington, then, and only then will the wild spending be stopped. Much spending at all levels of Govern- ment has been permitted simply because too many people feel that they don’t own their own homes or make sufficient income to put them in the income-tax brackets. This is unsound thinking today, the Con- gressman believes. There isn’t any item that any of us buys that isn’t loaded to the hilt with hidden taxes. Every time you pay a@ nickel for a newspaper or buy a loaf of bread you are paying high taxes, pyramided through every level of Government, Hanp told his colleagues. Surveys have shown that, if all the money of the wealthy were confiscated, it would operate the Goverment for only 81 days. This shows clearly that the average man with the low income pays the bulk of the tax bill. We agree with Congressman Hanp that not until the people generally become tax conscious will there he sufficient pressure to effect substantial Government economies. Oily Swindle EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. EDGAR A. JONAS OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. JONAS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include an editorial published in the Chicago Daily News under date of May 5, 1950. This editorial refers to Mr. Truman’s visit to Chicago as the big political circus. It levels a blistering attack at the good faith of the jaunt and charges that the promoters are skating close to a@ species of fraud. The editorial follows: OILy SWINDLE Like other Chicago people, we look for- ward with interest to the big political circus President Truman and his Cabinet will be putting on in Chicago May 13, 14, and 15. It will be a pleasure to have these people in our city. It would be even more of a pleasure if the expenses were kept reason- able. But still, the quarter-million-dollar orgy actually planned has its educational value as a symbol of the Truman administra- tion. The main purpose of this extraordinary performance is to try to reelect Senator Scorr Lucas, whose chances do not look any bright- er in the light of what happened to his col- league from Florida, Craupk PxrpPrr, The Chicago visit is part of a long west- ern tour which the President is undertaking to rebuild his party’s political fences, The tour is labeled nonpolitical so that the President can. charge the traveling ex- pense to the Government instead of the Democratic Party.’ This is an oily swindle, little different morally from some frauds for which less important people have been prosecuted in court, We regret to note that the promoters of the affair in Chicago are skating close to an- other species of fraud. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Barnet Hodes, the former corporation counsel, has got the Treasury Department to issue a statement that contributions to the Chicago Host Committee may be de- ducted as business expense from income re- ported for taxes. Conditions are attached to this assurance from the Treasury, but the conditions are likely to be lost sight of by those actually putting the clout on the contributors. The condition is that there must be a rea- sonable expectation on the contributor’s part of making some money out of the crowds ex- pected to swarm into the city. In the case of some concerns, principally hotels and restaurants, the expectation would be reasonable. But for many others, any such pretense would be as completely false as the pretense that this whole affair is a nonpartisan tribute to Thomas Jef- ferson. We do not believe Thomas Jefferson would feel honored by an income-tax fraud. The politicians engineering this circus have enough ways—too many ways, in fact— of shaking down and blackmailing the peo- ple without involving the United States Treasury. Should Rent Controls Be Continued for Another Year ?—I Say “Yes” EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. Speaker, it is comforting indeed to have our progres- sive President, Harry S. Truman, recom- mend to the country and to the Congress that rent control be continued, where it has not been taken over by State authori- ties, for another year, and to learn that Housing Expediter Tighe Woods opened his fight before the Senate Banking and Currency Committee to extend such rental controls for a year. The inglorious real-estate lobby has claimed falsely that rent controls have put a damper upon new housing con- struction and more new dwelling houses would be built if rent controls were not extended but allowed to expire. In reference to this matter as pointed out on page 3 of the May 4, 1950, issue of the Machinist, Mr. Tighe Woods had this to say in answer to that claim of the real-estate lobby: In Spokane, Wash., in the 5 months fol- lowing the killing of rent control, new hous- ing construction increased 72 percent; but in Seattle, which is still under rent control, the increase was 75 percent for the same period. In Knoxville, Tenn., in the 7 months that followed the death of rent control, new hous- ing construction increased 9 percent; but in Nashville, which is still under control, the increase was 198 percent for the same period. In Tampa, Fla., in the 6 months following the ending of rent control, new housing con- struction declined 15 percent; but in Shreve- port, La., still under rent control, building construction increased 121 percent during the same period. In answer to another phase of rent de- control, that rentals have increased in- stead of levelling off, I received recently the following very interesting and in-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD formative letter from the Honorable Glenn Cunningham, Progressive Repub- lican mayor of Omaha, Nebr.: CITY OF OMAHA, April 27, 1950. The Honorable Eucenst D. O’SULLIVAN, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DrarR CONGRESSMAN: As the mayor of a large city in which rent controls were re- moved last November, I feel it my duty to report for your consideration the experience we have had under decontrol. Under the provisions of an act of the Ne- braska Legislature, rent controls were abol- ished in the entire State of Nebraska, on November 2, 1949. Since that time, every- one «grees, Omaha’s rent prices have risen. Exactly how much they have risen is a wide- ly discussed question, because there are vari- ous ways of computing it. I have been told, however, that the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported an average raise of 13.2 percent for this city. But figures, for various reasons, do not tell the whole story, because human hardships cannot be expressed numerically, and al- though I cannot argue statistics, I can give cogent testimony concerning hardships brought about by the lifting of controls. It would be highly illogical to maintain that all of the evidence to be considered in the question of rent control is on the side of the tenant. Everyone must realize that there were cases of landlord hardships when rents were under control. Landlords, how- ever, were granted increases while controls were in effect, and were able to receive ad- ditional increases if the facts warranted. Without rent control, tenants have no such recourse, and must pay whatever is demanded in order to have a place to live. It is readily apparent that neither control nor decontrol is the path to perfection, and that hardships will be experienced under either measure. I feel, however, that control is the better of two difficult alternatives, and that it should be continued wherever nec- essary until such time as the housing supply more closely approximates the demand. Sincerely yours, GLENN CUNNINGHAM, Mayor. Mayor Cunningham has been in the forefront of the fight for bigger and bet- ter public housing projects, and more reasonable rentals, without doing in- justices to property owners and private builders. He is to be commended for his liberal Republican thinkings and doings, which point the better way for the young Republicans of Nebraska to follow, in- stead of groping in the political dark with outmoded reactionary Republi- canism, Why Is It Important to Our Ferm of Government That All Qualified Voters Cast Their Ballot in a Primary Elec- tion? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD H. JENISON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. JENISON. Mr. Speaker, every- one who studies the problems facing our form of government today comes to real- ize the danger resulting from widespread failure to meet a primary responsibility— namely, the failure to vote in elections. This has been particularly true in pri- mary elections. In an effort to take a constructive step toward solving this problem, the Illinois Agricultural Association and its affiliated county farm bureau organizations spon- sored an essay contest prior to the re- cent primary election in Illinois April 11. The results were astounding, not only from the number of entries among the eligible school students, but from the quality of the essays themselves. In Effingham County, Ill, 1 of the 11 counties in the Twenty-third Congres- sional District I have the honor to rep- resent, over 150 pupils composed essays on this challenging question. The re- sults indicated a study of the problem and an understanding of what cought to be done about it. In fact, the essays were so uniformly good that one teacher, Teressa N. Hoffman, instructor in the Plain Tree school, wrote the president of the Effingham County Farm Bureau as follows: Mr. Forrest PHILLIPS. Dear Sir: Enclosed you will find the essays written by the pupils of Plain Tree school. The rules say to send the three best papers from my room. That is hard for a teacher to decide, so please forgive me for sending them all. My pupils were so eager and en- thusiastic over your splendid project that I simply could not stifle that enthusiasm by not sending in all the papers. I think it is wonderful for the Effingham County Farm Bureau to sponsor such a splendid campaign as this is. A few years ago I had a job in which I made a survey of a cross section of the voters. I wus so thoroughly disgusted when upon inquiry I found how few people really made use of their great privilege of voting. So you see I really appreciate your effort in teaching our future citizens the worth and value of their vote. I think it is a splendid project and thank you most heartily. Teresa N. HorrMan. EFFINGHAM. Chosen as the best in Effingham Coun- ty was the essay of Thelma Bannick of the Palmer school at Dieterich. ‘The other community winners were Gary H. Larrimore, Beecher City school unit win- ner; Donald F,. Berry, Watson, eighth grade, Effingham community winner; Marcella Hartke, Teutopolis school unit winner; and Rose Marie Bauer, Alta- mont school unit winner. Because it is vital to the welfare of the Nation that such interest in government as is indi- cated by these essays be encouraged, I am including them in the ConGRESSIONAL Recorp under permission granted by the House. The essays were first published in the Effingham Daily News, this public- spirited newspaper having cooperated with the Effingham County Farm Bu- reau in carrying on the contest. The essays follow: The first-place winner: Wry Is Ir Important To Our Form or Gov- ERNMENT THAT ALL QUALIFIED VoTERS Cast . THEIR BALLOT IN A PRIMARY ELECTION? The purpose of the primary election is to nominate candidates best sulted for office. If we vote in the primary elections, we can help to pick these candidates, A3399 If we nominate good candidates in the pri- mary, we may be assured that competent Officials will be elected. American soldiers have shed their blood on the battlefield to give the American cit- izens the right to vote. By voting according to the dictates of their own conscience, American citizens can go far in making their contribution to good govern~ ment throughout the United States. People in our penitentiaries have their cit- izenship taken from them; therefore, they cannot vote. Voting is an opportunity to help run our Government. Our voices in Government are heard through our votes. THELMA BANNICK, Dieterich, Ii1., Rural Route No. 1, Palmer School, Dieterich Community Unit, No. 30. Beecher City unit winner: Wy Is Ir Important to Our Form or Gov- ERNMENT THaT ALL QUALIFIED VOTERS Cast THEIR BALLOT IN A PRIMARY HLECTION? It is important to our form of government, that all qualified voters cast their ballot in the primary election because our voice in government is heard through our votes. We should vote for the man best qualified for the office regardless of politics so the best man will be elected. The people who elect poor officials are the ones who stay away from the polls in the primary election. Our primaries govern our elections. It is every voter’s duty to vote in the pri- mary. Vote in the primary election April 11, 1950. Help make a better government for American people. Gary H. Larrmmors, Beecher City, Ill., Route 1, School Unit No. 20. Effingham unit winner: Wat Is THE IMPORTANCE OF VOTING IN A PRIMARY ELECTION? There is a lot of importance involved in a primary election. Primary elections are held for the picking of the candidates who are to run in the general election. If a person who is unworthy of the job is nominated for running in the general election, he may be put in office because a lot of people vote for the party and not the man. The reason for this man being in office may be because you never voted in the primary election. What good will our democracy do us if only a small percentage of people vote in primary elec- tions? What good is the privilege of voting for the great percentage who don’t vote in the primary elections? If we of the United States are to take advantage of our freedom of self-government we will have to vote in our elections. Dona.p F. BErry, Watson Eighth Grade, Effingham Community, Unit No. 40. The Teutopolis winner: Way Is Ir Important ro Our Form or Gov- ERNMENT THAT ALL QUALIFIED VOTERS Cast ‘THEIR BALLOT IN A Primary ELECTION? Do you really appreciate the right to vote given to you by the writers of our Constitu- tion? It is the difference between a dictator- ship and a democratic system of government. Records show that in some places even in some townships of this county as few as 20 percent of the voters go to the polls on primary election day. This is inexcusable. Take advantage of your privilege and fulfill your duty. Come to the polls on April 11. Voting in the final election is no more important than on @ primary election. In order to be on the ballot for the final election a candidate must win in the primary. So everyone can readily soe that it is the duty of every voter to see to it that the best quali- fled person wins in the primary election. If
A3400 each political party has a good qualified party election in the primary, it doesn’t matter much who wins the final election, MARCELLA HARTEKE, Teutopolis, Ill., Teutopolis Community Unit No. 50. The Altamont unit winner: Wry Is Ir IMrortTanr TO Our Form or Gov~ ERNMENT THAT ALL QUALIFIED VOTERS Cast ‘THEIR BALLOTS IN A Primary ELEcTION? One of the most important duties and priv- ileges of a democratic people is to take part in electing national officers and nominating and electing local officers. If our Govern- ment is to be “of the people, by the people, and for the people,” each and every voter must express his wishes through the ballot box. He should do this not only in the gen- eral election but also in the primary election. If competent and honest men are nominated in the primary then it should not matter which candidates are elected because good statesmen are in charge. Too many people blame the Government but do not stop to think that the officials in our Government are men who are there pecause people voted for them or because they didn’t vote at all. Rose MaRig BAUER, Altamont, Iil., Rural Route No. 3, Mound School, Altamont Unit No. 10. National Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ELMER THOMAS OF OKLAHOMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. THOMAS of Oklahoma. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the RECORD an address delivered by Maj. Gen. W. H. Arnold before the Reserve officers’ convention, held at Oklahoma City. Okla., on May 6, 1950. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: , I feel that it is a real honor to be asked to speak today before a group which has already served our country so well in time of need and which stands ready to renew that service if the Nation calls. Iam going to talk with you about national security in view of the present situation. In this day of high taxation and overwhelming defense budgets it is essential that we all understand alike how much can be done with the money that is available. In short, we are obligated to obtain the most effective possible national defense with the expenditure of a minimum number of dollars. This can only be done with your seif-sacrificing support. Why it must be done is a somewhat longer story. As you well know, the United States 1s presently involved in a cold war. This term has been coined to describe a type sit- uation successfully exploited by the Soviets during their early struggle for power in Rus. sia—a situation once described by Trotsky as “No war; no peace.” The unannounced opening of thir conflict by our erstwhile ally occurred even before the cessation of hostili- ties with Germany and Japan. For our part, & somewhat longer time was required to digest the inevitability of the quarrel. What is this so-called cold war? What is its motivating force? What are the stakes? Basically, the cold war 1s a clash of ideolo- gies, of two mutually opposing concepts of the way in which the peoples of the world shall live and be governed. It is motivated by @ minority cult who are imbued with the teachings of Karl Marx, as interpreted and perverted by Lenin and his ostensible dis- ciples. This minority, now at the head of a great state, asserts its inalienable right to determine for all the peoples of the world what is good and what is bad for them. Clearly, it is the intent of this modern tyr- anny to dominate the peoples of the world, either through ideological conquest, if pos- sible, or by force of arms, if necessary. The stakes are simply stated. Shall we or shall we not retain a Christian democratic way of life? As recently as February 10, 1946, Joseph Stalin specifically said: “Wars are inevita- ble so long as capitalistic states exist.” Again, Stalin has written: ‘Words must have no relation to actions; otherwise, what kind of diplomacy is it? Words are one thing; actions another. Good words are a mask for concealment of bad deeds. Sin- cere diplomacy is no more possible than dry water or wooden iron.” Those are some of the words, and these are some of the confirmatory actions that have already taken place: Behind the so- called iron curtain in Europe certain sig- nificant developments have occurred. Satel- lite governments have taken overt action against United States diplomatic and mili- tary personnel, in addition to conducting a savage and relentless attack on Christian re- ligions and democratic political parties and institutions. In Bulgaria, there kas been a severance of diplomatic relations; the infor- mation Services of the American legations in Rumania and Czechoslovakia have been closed; Hungary and Poland have demanded the recall of some of our military attaché Personnel. In Poland and Czechoslovakia, Communist imperialism has resulted in in- creased domination, even to the point of Placing Russian officers in key military posts. In the Far East China is now subject to communistic direction. Russian airplanes and military personnel have been reported by the press in the Shanghai area. Southern Korea is kept in ferment by continuous guer- rilla invasions launched from the Com- munist puppet state of northern Korea. Currently, southeast Asia is being subjected increasingly to partisan warfare, sabotage, and espionage. Recently the frontier with Iran has threatened to become active again, while diplomatic moves have been made against the Dardanelles and Trieste, as well as in the United Nations. And only lately, Russian fighter pilots have been publicly decorated presumably for shooting down an American plane in the Baltic, with the loss of 10 American lives. The pilot of the miss- ing plane was a Reserve officer of the Navy on active duty. As a result of the victory of the Com- munists in China, some 600,000,000 people, more or less, have come under the domina- tion of the Kremlin. Vast quantities of the world’s natural resources also are now under their control. Should this march of Soviet imperialism in the guise of international communism continue—and I think any reasonable analysis of the present situation indicates that this is likely—then our situa-~ tion will become progressively more acute as time goes on unless we are willing and able to counter the Communist expansion through constructive democratic efforts rather than mere containment. Our new international policy, as expressed by President Truman and Secretary of State Acheson, is to take constructive action to halt the spread of communism so that the free peoples of the world may work out their own destinies in their own way. As the acknowledged leader of the democ- racies, the United States must shoulder the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD responsibility for planning to meet the chal- lenge and for furnishing most of the resources then required. Boiled down to tangibles, the basic resources at our disposal are mili- tary strength and economic wealth. Ob- viously there are many other vital factors contributing to our inherent stability and strength. Some of these are: The moral and spiritual fiber of our people and our allies among the other peoples of the democratic world; our deep-rooted belief in the rights of the individual and in the democratic process of law and government; and our in~ dubitable abhorrence of regimentation and slave-state processes. But from a practical viewpoint, and for speedy application, miiltary power and eco- nomic might are overriding factors. From the standpoint of military power, we alone cannot hope to achieve quantitative superiority vis a vis our potential enemics. This limitation is applicable not only to military manpower, but to most of the con- ventional materials of warfare. We can, however, hope to approach equality in these ereas if we take into consideration the means possessed by the other nations of the demo- eretic world. By applying our economic resources to the augmentation of their means, while simultaneously achieving qualitative improvement in our own military power, a sound basis for effective military security will be established. Qur Government has recognized the neces- sity for this course of action by the estab- lishment of the mutual defense assistance program, and previously by acts granting military assistance to Greece and Turkcy. Some $2,000,000,000 is involved in these trans- actions, There is no question in my mind put that this expenditure is well justified, for time, which is of the essence, has been gained. Nothing is more valuable to our cause today than the purchase of time— time for our friends to recover from the last war’s devastation; time to regain hope for the future; time to learn their danger and strengthen their will to resist. I do not believe that we can expect the democratic peoples of Europe and Asia to retain the moral and spiritual fortitude nec~ essary to successfully combat communism unless they acquire individual and collec- tive military power sufficient to deter aggres- sion. This cannot be done in a day, in a year, but it must be done as quickly as pos- sible. The American people today must be brought to the realization that the military assistance thus far granted our allies is not sufficient to accomplish its basic purpose. The stakes are too high to permit halfway measures. As in poker, he who checks is often lost. ' Should we alone attempt to achieve su- periority in being in military manpower and conventional armament, our very effort would most likely insure our ultimate de- feat. Our greatest strength Mes in our in- ventiveness and productive capacity. These capabilities would be seriously weakened by any sizable diversion of manpower and raw materials for purely military purposes. I do not think at all that we should attempt to match our probable enemies man for man, plane for plane, ship for ship, or tank for tank. I do think, however, that as an al- ternative, we must remain qualitatively in the lead. In addition to preserving our own economic strength, we must foster economic well-being throughout the democratic world. .Here again, our Government commenced opera-~ tions some 2 years ago. The inception of the Economic Cooperation Act, carrying out the Marshall plan, has been of incalculable value in arresting Communist expansion. In 1949 nearly $6,000,000,000 was granted ta friendly foreign nations by the United States. Here again, the task is not finished; and, until it is finished, hunger, unemployment, and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD poverty will fertilize the growth of insidious Communist aspirations. A determination of the proper balance be« tween military power and economic stability is of paramount importance. I, for one, feel that a reasonable balance can he achieved and that the determination of this balance is the urgent business of an informed Ameri- can people. Here, I would like to quote the Secretary of Defense, who said in December 1949: “But, while it would be disastrous to wreck our economy by inordinate military expenses, it would be equally disastrous to be penny pinching. The watchword must be military security first; economy second, And if we are realistic, we must face the fact that our military requirements are not static, but flexible. They are bound to be affected by major shifts in the international situation and new developments in science and warfare. “* « * military security must by its very nature be relative. Obviously it is im- possible to be absolutely secure. The cost of such security and the risks of obsolescence in a fast moving scientific age tend to negate efforts to achieve absolute security. This means that our military organizations must be adequate, efficient, and readily adaptable to change; our planning must always look to the future as well as the present.” The foregoing forms the basis for the pres- ent division of the Federal budget as be- tween national defense and other expenses of Government. It is doubtful if there ever was or ever will be complete agreement, even among military experts, as to what the composition of our forces should be under present world conditions. Yet, there is al- most unanimity of opinion on two points relative to the maintenance of military forces in being. One is that these factors should be as large as the Nation can afford without throwing too great a strain on the national economy. The other is that our present military budget represents about the maxi- mum amount which can be spent without seriously straining the Nation’s economy. It thus becomes the responsibility of our key military leaders to so program the utili- zation of our funds and resources that we gain the utmost of a force in being and at the same time strengthen our military po- tential in reserve. To be effective, programs must be based upon realistic long-range plans, which in turn require some guaranty of the resources to be made available as the plans unfold. Nothing is more costly or pays less i1 dividends than annual ups and downs in the funds appropriated for our use, fre- quently resulting in an inability to carry soundly conceived programs to a satisfactory conclusion. In the Army we are developing a balanced minimum Regular force, large enough to meet our extensive commitments for occu- pation and to provide for the security of the United States, as well as for retaliation in the event that we are attacked. In this connection, it should be noted that under the North Atlantic Treaty we have assumed an obligation to assist the other signatories of the pact in the military defense of west- ern Europe. Our foreign commitments are at present so extensive that we must take calculated risks in spreading our minimum force to the four corners of the world. The outbreak of war would find us immediately engaged in a fight for survival with such forces as are in being. We cannot quibble for there are no second prizes in war. . Yet, despite the need for maintaining a sizable regular force, we must somehow devote a reasonable proportion of our efforts and re- sources to the building of a truly effective Organized Reserve and National Guard. To Keep Reserve units properly equipped with the latest types of modern armaments is alone a tremendous burden. While the Army is doing its best in this field, the program can only he effective if given the solid sup- port of a patriotic-minded Reserve Corps. Currently, the Army is endeavoring to keep the qualitative potential of the Regular force at a maximum by improving and modernizing equipment as rapidly as possible. We are conducting an extensive research and devel- opment program, and we plan to keep our in-being force equipped with the new arma- ments and trained in their use. Here is one of the most difficult problems facing the military leader operating on a _ limited budget: At what point does one leave the development phase and go into the “hard~ ware” phase, that is, the actual procurement in large quantities. Modern weapons are extremely complicated and expensive, and frequently they require considerable time for manufacture. On the other hand, modern research moves rapidly so that often the weapon of today is obsolete tomorrow. Our force in being must be trained up to the minute and our industry must be geared to produce the latest weapons in the shortest time possible. Yet, we cannot waste our lim- ited dollars on obsolete matériel which would soon have to be consigned to the scrap heap. - To overcome this problem takes skillful long- range planning; but most of all, as I men- tioned earlier, 1t requires a guaranty of in- come over a reasonable period of time. With respect to the Organized Reserve Corps specifically, the Army has devoted con- siderable thought to the problem of how to achieve the necessary potential without ex- pending a disproportionate share of the de- fense dollar. In view of the cold war and the heavy requirements imposed upon our minimum regular force, how much of our dollar, for example, can be set aside for Re- serve pay? How much of the dollar is need- ed for rifles? We must decide together; and we must justify our decisions to ourselves. The postwar ORO program laid down in 1945 became increasingly unrealistic by vir- tue of rapidly changing circumstances and revised strategic objectives. The new pro- gram is based upon a realistic appraisal of our means and our current strategic require- ments. Within our budgetary authoriza-, tion, the Army intends to make the ORC as effective and efficient as possible. The new ORC rrogram establishes a firm troop basis, with 9,000 units maintained at 100 percent officer strength. Provision is also made for progressive, efficient individual training; simplified organization and admin~ istration; and the issuance of adequate equipment for training, as fast as additional facilities can be made available. A sound system of promotion and attrition is estab- lished, with improved opportunities for pro- fessional advancement while providing max- imum protection to the individual. I am sure that the majority of you have seen the statement of the Secretary of the Army in the February 1 issue of Report to the Army relative to drill pay. Let me em- phasize that the recent revision of drill pay policies was dictated entirely by budgetary considerations and in no way reflected a lessened interest in the ORC’ program. ‘We in the Army are keenly aware of the necessity for economy in our operations; and we are doing our utmost to extract a real dollar’s worth for every one we spend. We are trying to be realistic, and above all, ob- jective in our planning and thinking. But we must have the support of all components of the Army to insure success. If we cannot attain a desirable working balance between the Regular Army, the Organized Reserve Corps, and the National Guard, we shall either fail to meet our vital responsibilities with respect to national security or we shall fail to retain our perspective with respect to the even more important balance between ‘ military strength and our national economy. I believe that it is possible to win the cold war without bringing on a shooting A3401 war. As one who participated in the war in. the Pacific in a major capacity for 3 years, I am convinced of the utter stupidity of re- course to combat as a means of curing the world’s ills. I believe we are all convinced that the best way to achieve victory in any war is to prevent the war itself. I believe that we can prevent another war only if we maintain the maximum military strength that our economy can support. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Rrec- crD of today’s proceedings the complete statement made by William C. Doherty, president of the National Association of Letter Carriers, before the Senate Post Office and Civil Service Committee this morning. Probably there is no other person in the United States who has made a more thorough, more compre- hensive, or far-reaching investigation of this question. Mr. Doherty’s reputation for honest, plain, and unbiased testi- mony is known to every Senator. His timely statement on the postal crisis should be read by the American people everywhere. It speaks not only for the letter carriers, but also for the clerks, messengers, motor-vehicle employees, postal-transport employees, mail han- dlers, custodial employees, and prac- tically all other employees in the postal service. Mr. President, I have an estimate from the Public Printer that Mr. Doherty’s statement will exceed by two and one- half pages the two pages allowed by the rule, without a statement of cost, and that the cost will be $369. Nevertheless, in view of the importance of Mr. Do- herty’s statement, I ask unanimous con- sent that it be printed in the Recorp. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: STATEMENT BY WILLIAM C, DOHERTY, PREsI- DENT, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF LETTER CaR= RIERS, AND EIGHTH VICE PRESIDENT, AMERI< CAN FEDERATION oF LABOR Mr. Chairman, my name is William C. Doherty. I am president of the National Association of Letter Carriers and eighth vice president of the American Federation of Labor. The present membership of the National Association of Letter Carriers is 102,830, represented in all of the 48 States, the Hawaiian Islands, and Puerto Rico. At the very outset, I desire to express my profound thanks to the members of this digtinguished committee for granting me an opportunity to voice my views on the man- made postal crisis created by the orders contained in the Postal Bulletin of April 18, 1950. In so doing, I desire to place the Na- tional Association of Letter Carriers on record as wholeheartedly favoring immediate action -on Senate Resolution 261 and Senate bill $450. Both of these measures were intro- duced by Senator Wir1u1am Lancer, of North
A3402 Dakota; also S. 3560, Senators JoHNSTON of South Carolina, Nerty, and Humrpurey. A large number of similar proposals have been introduced in the House of Rerrasextatives. All of them are designed to ecaipel the Yost- master General to immediately rescind his il-timed, il-advised, unnecessary, unwar- ranted, and obnoxious orders of April 18. The Postmaster General’s instructions to reduce delivery trips and to eliminate other service features heretofore available to the Americ2n public will result in an inferior postal 2. .i...:92. Mail users will now have to use the remaining facilities of the Post Cffice Department at the convenience of the ofselals in charge. The historical role of the postal system as one of swift, certain, and dependable means of communication 1s dis- carded. Congress and the general public should meet this challenge head-on by stating in the most unequivocal terms that the United States Post Office belongs to the American people everywhere. It 1s one of the most useful and cherished American institutions. Tt is not an instrument subject to the whims of penny-wise and pound-foolish adminis- trators. The orders contained in the Postal Bulletin of April 18 will result in irreparable damage and destruction of our fine postal system. It will make the postal service—the Govern- ment function closest to the lives of the American people~—a second-rate inferior Government agency. Letter carriers have always been mighty proud of the fact that the postal service rendered excellent neces- sary service, ‘The service ideal is assassi- nated by the orders issued by the Post Office Department. Delivery of mail Nation-wide is restricted to one delivery a day in resi- dential districts and service is greatly re- duced in business areas. Parcel-post deliv- eries are to be cut in half in business areas. Weekly magazines, such as Time, United States News, Newsweek, and all others that have become an important part of Ameri- can life, will no longer receive expeditious handling. The prompt mail delivery that the American people have been receiving since the days of Benjamin Franklin will not be available. Postmasters have been ordered to discon- tinue directory service on all ordinary mail other than perishable matter and parcels of obvious value. While the reduction in the number of deliveries in the residential areas has attracted the most attention, there are other extremely far-reaching reductions pro- vided for in the Postmaster General’s orders of April 18. These orders affect practically every operation of the Post Office Department. The collection of mail is curtailed. In one of the largest cities in the country located on the west coast, stickers were placed in the mail boxes informing the patrons that hereafter there would be two collections of mail daily from the box. No time was stated for these collections. Inasmuch as boxes in business areas fill up rapidly and require several collections during the business hours, it is impossible to determine how the mail can possibly be handled under the proposed schedule. The drastic cut in collection serv- ice will result in many hours of delay at the post office of origin, The orders further provide that no mail shall be received at the windows or over the platforms except between the hours of 8 a. m. and 6 p. m. Every post office in America is practically bursting at the seams. It is impossible on a 24-hour basis to adequately handle all of the mail received, Yet, by this order the receipt of mail is drastically Hmited with the exception of a few classes of mail to a schedule of 10 hours a day. Many man- ufacturing plants confronted with a shortage of plant capacity meet the challenge by put- ting on additional shifts. The Post Office Department, carrying a volume of mail that cannot be handled in 24 hours, meets the challenge by reducing the hours of receipt of mail to 10 a day. The order further provides that the dis- tribution of many classes of mail will be limited to 2 10-hour daily schedule. We are living in the atomic age; the Post Office Department however is reverting to the stone age. Mail received in the post office will remain there for many hours before being dispatched. Air mail will be placed upon an airplane and sped across the country in 12 hours. These great planes traveling over 300 miles per hour will speed the mail to the Offices of delivery. When the mail arrives at its point of destination, in many cases it will take 20 or 80 hours before it 1s delivered. The mail travels through the air at a rate greater than 300 miles per hour, but it can well take 20 or 24 hours to deliver 1t 300 feet. The orders are unquestionably the most drastic and destructive ever issued in the entire history of the Post Office Department. The ideal of service is completely eliminated from ali future postal operations. Appar- ently the Postmaster General bases his poli- cies upon the action of the House Commit- tee on Appropriations in recommending for the fiscal year 1951 the total sum of $2,- 207,500,000. According to the Postmaster General’s Bulletin of April 18, the actual evrenditivo- for the fiscal year 1950 will be soar: 532 At the hearing before the Treasury and Post Office Department Appro- priations Subcommittee on February 27, 1950, Postmaster General Donaldson made the following statement: “The obligations for 1950 are estimated at $2,188,517,086,”" He further stated: “There is available through amounts ap- propriated to date for 1950, and 1949 bal- ances ot appropriations available in 1950 the sum of $2,102,251,486. At this time it ap- pears that the Department would require ad- ditional appropriations in the sum of $81,- 265,600 to cover the new salary increases and the requirements for increase in prices, rates, and additional postal business.” At this point, I desire to include a brief summary of the despicable orders which amount to a rape of the postal service: 1. For the immediate readjustment of residential city delivery routes so as to pro- vide one delivery each weekday, Monday through Saturday. 2, Collection of mail from street Letter boxes shall be limited to a minimum num- ber of collections. 3. Deliveries to neighborhood stores and professional offices shall be limited to one delivery a day. 4. Deliveries of parcel post shall be re- stricted to one delivery each day in business areas. 5. Service for parcel post shall be discon- tinued where business houses are closed on Saturday. 6. Window service at the main post office shall be provided between the hours of 8 a.m, and 6 p. m. and at stations, between the hours of 8 4. m. and 6:30 p. m. 7, At the main office and stations where mail matter is received in large quantities over loading docks, the acceptance of such mail shall be limited between the hours of 8 a.m. to 6 p. m., except for first-class mail, air mail, daily newspapers, and weekly news- papers of local origin, 8. All bulk mailings of second-, third-, and fourth-class must be deposited between the hours of 8 a. m. and 6 p, m. 9. Discontinue preferential treatment of so~called time-limit third-class matter. 10. Discontinue, during the hours 6 p. m. and 6 a. m., the distribution of all mail, both incoming and outgoing, other than air mail, first-class, daily newspapers, and parcel post. 11, Saturday window service shall be re- stricted to between 8 a.m. and 12 noon at stations and branches, Im some cities it APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD may be possible to discontinue Saturday service altogether, according to the order. 12. In readjusting carrier deliveries to one trip basis, surplus regular cairiers will re- sult. Postmasters are instructed to assign these carriers as follows: (a) one regular carrier for each five regular carriers, for the purpose of granting « .yi~ | “3 time; (b) assign surplus carric s ")e Uranting of annual and sick leave and other absence without pay. 18. All vacancies will be held open until further notice from the Department. There are many other equally vicious pro- visions contained in the curtailment orders which clearly constitute a complete about- face on the part of Postmaster General Jesse M. Donaldson, Please, gentlemen of the com- mittee, let me prove that statement by quot- ing the exact words of the then Acting Post- master General, uttered on July 7, 1947, and which appear in the printed hearings on the second supplemental appropriation bill for 1948, before the subcommittee of the Committee on .Aa7~o7r'o*o~s. House of Rep- resentatives, ' “7. Cv css, first session, part I, Post Office Department, page 14: “The big increase in the volume of mail began to hit us with all kinds of complhints from postmasters, and from postal organiza- tions, in Mareh and April, particularly in April. And I think it was more pronounced to us because in those months we were cut- ting expenditures and reducing the delivery service and the clerical service in not allow- ing postmasters as much money as they wanted for duxiliary expenditures. Reducing the cost with an increase in the volume of mail just flooded us with complaints not only from postmasters but from the public. We get anywhere from 3,000 to 5,000 letters in the run of a week from the public on curtailed postal service. But we did curtail drastically during May and June of this year in order to come within the amount appro- priated, “We went back practically in every city in the country to a one-trip service in residen- tial sections. I never thought in all of my years of experience that the public would complain so much about that, because I felt that the two-trip service in residential sections was more of a service function than just the public seeing the carrier come to the door twice a day. I knew that our two- trip service was not based upon what the public needs in the way of having a carrier come to their door, but is based upon a pre- vention of delay in mail. So much mail ar- rives in these big cities at an hour in the morning when it cannot he distributed and get out to the stations from which the car- riers emanate, in time for delivery on the morning trip and therefore, if we do not de- liver it on the afternoon trip, it is delayed until the next morning. “Likewise, if you put carriers on @ one- trip basis, we have got to determine whether he can handle his route on a basis of 8 hours within 10. It means that he must leave the office at 8 or 8:80 in the morning and he is continually on duty unless we swing him on his route somewhere, until his 8 hours are up. That means that some people do not get their mail during the morning, and some people do not get it until as late as 4 o’clock in the afternoon. “I thought that there would not be so much kick about that until we began to do that during May and June and the people began to write us letters, because unless we can get that mail out in the afternoon de- livery, it 1s delayed until the next morning. We have not been able even to begin to answer the complaints because we do not have enough force to handle that corre- spondence that has come in to us on account of this one-trip basis.” If further proof is needed in pointing up General Donaldson’s complete about-face, let me cite statements made by him less