United States of America Congressional Record PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE Sorh CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Address of Hon. Tom C. Clark EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OVERTON BROOKS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following address by Hon. Tom C. Clark. the Attorney Gon- era] of the United States. presented at the winter quarterly meeting of the Interstate Oi] Compact Commission, Dallas. Tex., December 11. 1946: Present happenings und forebodings of happenings emphasize the necessity of con- servation of fuel, irrespective of type, as a bulwark against unforeseen national emer- gency. The importance of fuel in the economic life of this Nation cannot be overem- phasized. Every governmental resource should en- joy the cooperation of capital and labor in all reasonable efforts made to protect Amer- ica from national disaster brought on by insufficient fuel supply. The Interstate Oil Compact Commission was executed in this city February 16, 1935, and was subsequently ratified by 17 aill- and gas-producing States. The declared purpose of the agreement between the compacting States is “to con- serve oil and gas by prevention of physical waste thereof from any cause.” Each ratifying State has agreed that it would enact laws, or, if laws had been enacted to continuc them in force, to accom- Pplish within limits the prevention of: 1. The operation of any oll well with an inefficient gas-oll ratio. 2. The flooding with water of any strata capable of producing either oil or gas or both oll and gas in paying quantities. 8. The avoidable escape into the air or the wasteful burning of gas from a natural- gas well. 4. The creation of unnecessary fire hazards. &. The drilling, equipping, locating, spac- ing or operation of a well or wells so as to bring about physical waste of oil or gas or loss in the ultimate recovery thereof. 6. The inefficient, excessive, or improper use of the reservoir energy in producing any well. The States agree to deny excessive with- drawal to oil producers in violation of State laws and to provide penalties for the waste of oil or gas. It is important to re that article 5 of the compact provides that it is not the XCII—App.——1 Appendix purpose to authorize the States joining there- in to Umit the production of oil or gas for the purpuse of stabilizing or fixing the price thereof o1: creating or perpetuating a mo- nopoly, or promote regimentation, but is limited to the purpose of conserving oil and gas and preventing the waste thereof within reasonable limitations. The provisions of article 5, us written, if practiced, are entirely in accord with the American principle of condemning all prac- tices in violation of the antitrust laws of this Nation. The compact commission has no power to pass, or compel any State to pass, any con- servation law. However, a study of the laws enacted by the various States proves the di- rect influence of the commission upon their enactment. Consideration of the compact commission was first presented to Congress in a House resolution which was combined with a pcti- tion for the creation of a Federal Petroleum Administrative Board. Serious questions were raised concerning the advisability of such a buard. Shortly thereafter there was introduced Public Resolution 64, which gave the approval of the Congress to the forma- tion of the compact. This resolution was finally approved on August 27, 1935, in ac- cordance with the constitutional require- ments of article 1, section 10, of the Con- stitution. The compact thereafter became an official document epproved by the Congress of the United States. The compact, by its original terms, was @ 2-year agreement. Thereafter it was ex- tended by Congress and by the uction of the States exch 2 years until 1943, when it was extendcd for 4 years. It now expires by its terms tn 1947 unless renewed. In practically every instance State legis- lative action relating to the compact has been by almost unanimous vote. Congress likewise has been nearly unanimous in its various ~pprovals of the compact. At the time of cach approval the President of the United States and the governors of the mem- ber States have given it unequivocal support. Oil was discovered by the Drake well in 1859, just prior to the Civil War. During the first 40 years of ofl production only about 1,000,000,°30 barrels of oi] we’ produced, or slightly more than one-half of the 1944 production. In the period from 1859 to 1900 there was Httle or no market for such products as gasoline, fuel ofl, and lubricating oil. The situation at the beginning of the century is evidenced by a statement in an advertise- ment by one of the oi] companics appearing e few years ago: “1900 was a long timc ago. Then we featured lamp oil, axle grease, and candles. If you insisted, we would sell you some gasoline, but we didn’t keep much on band.” Beginning with the year 1900 the impor- tance of petroleum in the economic life of this Nation increased steadily to a point where the safety of the Nation and the world was dependent upon an adequate United States ofl supply. The need for protective measures and prac- tices as a means of conservation of gas and oil became immediately appxrent. Many Jaws, ruies, and regulations tooking to the prevention of waste and protection of of] and gas have been inaugurated. In 1900 the Supreme Court of the United States fully established the right of the State to control and regulate of] and gas produc- tion for the prevention of waste in its decl- sion in the famous case of Ohto Oil Co. v. Indiana (177 U. 8. 212), wherein the Supreme Court declared the power in the State to regulate by law the manner tn which gas and oil may be appropriated and thus prevent their destruction. During the period 1900 to 1920 crude-oill production increased in an average dally rate of approximately 50,000 barrels No one con- tributing factor seems to have had pro- nounced effect. Expanded highway systems resulting In in- creased motor-vehicle usage made possible the rapid increase which was later to follow. It was estimated that the United States tn 1918 was consuming 60.000 barrels a day more than {ft was producing. The renliza- tion of such a shortage Jed to efforts on the part of the Federal Government to encourage exploration. A comparison drawn between the situa- tion at the und of World War I and the situation at the end of World War IT 1s in- teresting In 1918 demand exceeded produc- tion capacity. In August 1945 demand ap- proached total capacity. This fact points to the necessity for encouraging further the development of maximum efficient produc- tion for peacetime purposes. Congress recently enacted a measure im- proving the administrative practices involved in the lensing of Government lands and establishing royally rate at a flat 1215 pcre cent, thus increasing the incentive for wild- cat operation The establishing of a flat royalty at a rate which continued during the existence of the ofl] lease affords an opportu- nity to the industry for increased search and discovery of new oil. Immediately prior to the exccution cf the interstate ofl compact the Federal Govern- ment exercised considerable jurisdiction in the matter cf oil. The national question in those days was whether the functions of conservation and accompanying control of production and gathering of oil and gas should be delcgated to the Fcdcral Govern- ment or handled by the Statcs. The ques- tion wus determined by the fuct that the problem of conservation varies 80 widely from one area or section to another that the A3
A4 whole Nation could not be under one abso- lute uniform treatment. It became clear that the solutions to oil-conservation prob- lems can b:st be handled locally, in the various States, acting in cooperation with each other for the general welfare of the Nation. No satisfactory national solution of the problem can be maintained without the as- sistance of the Federal Government by pre- venting interstate transportation of ofl and byproducts thereof produced in violation of State laws, rules and regulations, and by fur- nishing information as to supply and demand and controlling imports. Control of imports of oil is a very vital Federal function. The domestic industry should not be faced with the ruinous compe- tition of cheap foreign oils and at the same time our reserves should not be depleted to supply the world without compensating im- ports. It is, indeed, fortunate that thus far the gocd work done by the conservation au- thorities has prevented us from being forced to import our crude supplies. Membership of the Interstate Oil Compact Commission has grown from 6 to 17 States, which today produce approximately 90 per- cent of this Nation's gas and 80 percent of its oil. The commission has enlarged its associate membership for the additional States which may not have production but which have good prospects for the finding of necessary new oil. The commission is to be congratulated upon its achievements. The great advances made in secondary re- , covery, pressure maintenance, reinjection programs, and cooperative unit operations are entirely due to the untiring efforts of the staf of the commission in carrying on its engineering studies for the purpose of con- servation Today more than ever the official interest in the work of the compact commission in- creases in importance. It is generally known, but perhaps not gen- erally understood, that through the activi- ties of the compact commission practically every important geologist, engineer, physi- cist, economist, and other men of science have taken a vital interest in the program of the commission in its efforts to conserve our national resources in oi] and gas. A majority of the oil and gas industry has since the beginning been interested in con- servation programs. Today it is heartening to the Government to know that this inter- est of industry representatived is steadily increasing and the compact commission has the unanimous support and approval of all companies, major and independent, and of the individuals engaged in all branches of the oil and gas industry. Recent developments in the fuel situation of this Nation will, I feel sure, result in in- creased public interest in all States of the Union, whether or not they are oil or gas producing. The man in the street today knows his dependence upon the fuel indus- try, whether coal, gas, or oll, however far the center of this industrial activity may be from his home. ‘ During World War II the oll and gas prob- lem of America reccived consideration from the Pctroleum Administration for War. The compact commission will continue to under- take the solution of those problems which will best serve the principles of conserva- tion of oll and gas, to the end that there may he the greatest ultimate recovery of both these natural resources for the Nation. This undertaking calls for continued cooper- ation between al! departments of the Gov- ernment and the Interstate Oll Compact Commission. Such cooperation will protect our peacetime economy without fear of na- tional disaster resulting from depletion of reserves. The President recently requested that there be established within the Department of the Interior an organization which would “as- sure coordination in peacetime of the Fed- eral Government’s many interests in petro- Icum and petroleum products and associ- ated hydrocarbons.” The President believes that “to the extent possible one agency must bear the primary responsibility for providing a focal point for leadership and information for the numerous agencies of the Federal Government dealing with petroleum.” There has now been established within the Department of the Interior an Ol] and Gas Division whose functions are to assist in the execution of the President’s views, serving as a clearing house for current statistical data and other educational information re- lating to ol] and gas and to make recom- mendations with respect to developments in the petroleum fields as they relate to its adequacy and availability to meet the cur- rent and future needs of the Nation. The maintenance of contirued close rela- tionship between the Department of the Interior and the Intcrstute O11 Compact Com- mission is of vital importunce in the con- servation of the fuel supply of this Nation Natioral interest increases State responsi- bility. The efforts of the tndividual State, however, are made more effective as adopted in other producing States The failure on the part of any one State ‘» protect its reserves results {n a 1uture disproportionate drain upon the States which have adopted sound conservation policies. The Interstate Oj] Compsct Commission has been exceedingly helpful in this situa- tion. Continued efforts are, however, neces- sary if we are to safeguard against future emergency The future welfare of this Nation depends upon national oil security, availability of a reasonably priced supply of petroleum prod- ucts and the maintenance of a health in- dustry. Conservation alone my not be suf- ficient. Conservation must he supplemented by utilization of the best tn technological advice In this respect advances in the de- velopment of synthetic fuels must be made. Cooperatior carried cn with the advice of the industries and the programs for synthetic fuels now being developed will upply our peacetime economy and help prevent future disastrous emergencies. I would say a word upon the necessity of the prevention of the undermining of the faithful public service rendered by the com- mission by those who, in the mantle of con- servation, seek selfish interest at the ex- pense of their neighbor. Small independent refiners shall not be forced into bankruptcy by reason of industry practices, if any there are, which would deny them full opportunity to participate in available production. The Department of Justice will not allow collu- sive control of markets to injure the Ameri- can people. Free enterprise in this Nation shall and must be preserved. Selfish interests shall not dominate or ex- terminate the small man to protect the large. American business, large or small, must play the game according to American ideals to the end that competition and increasing competition may be preserved. The coming atomic age will not end the need for ofl and gas. Its original use will, in all probability, be limited to power plants for cities and industries. Over the years, atomic energy may displace low-priced gas and residual oil. Cost of electricity and steam may be lowered so that gas and dis- tillate fuel oils may be replaced for certain purposes. American genius may be counted upon to compensate for any loss resulting to the fuel industry upon the arrival of the atomic age. During World War II the armed forces of America never lacked oil in proper quantliy at the proper place. This is a special tribute to the resourcefulness, untiring effort, and magnificent accomplishment of the industry. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Where Is the Twenty-one Billion? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALVIN F. WEICHEL OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. WEICHEL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I want to say that there have been several sessions of the Committee on Mer- chant Marine and Fisheries examining into the disclosures of the audit of the Maritime Commission for the period ended June 30, 1943, which has been sup- pressed for a long period of time and evi- dently first came to public notice after insertion in the CoNGRESSIONAL RECORD on January 23, 1946. This sampling and simple audit of vouchers does not cover a transaction by transaction audit of the Maritime Com- mission and War Shipping Administra- tion, but in spite of that it has uncovered that ships were certified as seagoing after they were laying in port for repairs, that false entries on the books were made at the direction of those responsible for the Maritime Commission and War Ship- ping Administration, that the Kaiser syndicate was advanced $2,000,000 and the books of the Maritime Commission showed that they paid it to Kaiser for ship construction, that thousands of dol- lars were paid for entertainment and ship launchings, that $250,000 was authorized for memory courses as part of ship con- struction, that move than $200,000,000 were paid up to November 1943 as fees for building ships where the Federal Gov- ernment had paid for the land, paid for the buildings on the land, paid for the machinery on the land, paid for the labor to build the ships, paid for the material that went into the ships, paid for all ad- ministrative help concerning the building of the ships and paid for so-called execu- tive brains up to $25,000 a person, that there is absolutely no check and account- ing of property purchased by the Mari- time Commission and War Shipping Ad- ministration except that which they make themselves, and that no independ- ent agency or auditor of the Government has made a periodic check of $21,000,020,- 000 worth of property purchased by the Maritime Commission and War Shipping Administration as to whether the prop- erty went into ships, whether it was given away, or whether it still is in exist- ence and with the Government. With this as a sample of the uncover- ings growing out of a voucher audit which does not authorize an “air-tight audit” where every transaction is exam- ined, where it is made certain that the Government receives property for the money, where it is made certain what became of every item of property, where it is made certain what has become of every item of money, where it is made certain what has been destroyed or thrown away by waste and extrava- gance, and where it has been made cer- tain what money has been given away, especially where they paid money on the basis of moral assets and not on invest- ment, with no special investigators and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD under-cover investigation as to fraud covering the use of Government money and especially property. With this simple sampling to June 30, 1943, what has become of this ex- penditure of $21,000,000,000? The pub- lic and the taxpayers are entitled to know what became of the money, what became of the property, what became of the records, and what became of the people who assisted in the questionable transactions. The members of the Maritime Com- mission were informed by the Comp- troller General in 1942 that the records of Mr. Anderson were not available to check and examine the 1942 statement of the Maritime Commission, yet the members of the Maritime Commission approved this conduct and lack of rec- ords of its transactions, wished Mr. An- derson well, and kept him on the job to further complicate the expenditure of $21,000,000,000 by the Maritime Com- mission and War Shipping Admin- istration, and only in February 1946 did Mr. Anderson leave the Maritime Com- mission after the Comptroller General’s report of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1943, first came to public attention in the CONGRESSIONAL REcorp of January 23, 1946. I have introduced a resolution where- by the Comptroller General] has the full and complete right and is directed to make an airtight audit and examina- tion as detailed in the resolution so that the American people and the taxpayers of this country can definitely know what became of $21,000,000,000 spent by the Maritime Commission and War Shipping Administration during the period of the war. I include the resolution herewith: A bill to authorize a special investigation, examination, and complete audit of the Maritime Commission and the War Ship- ping Administration by the Comptroller General Be it enacted, etc., Thut the Comptroller General is authorized and directed to cause @ special investigation and audit to be made (in addition to any investigation and audit heretofore made) of all accounts and trans- actions of the Maritime Commission and the Wer Shipping Administration showing the receipt, disbursement, and application of public funds, and the acquisition, receipt and disposition of property by such agencies, beginning with respect to each agency on January 1, 1939, or the date of creation of such agency, whichever is later, and con- tinuing to the date of enactment of this uct. Without limiting the generality of the fore- going, the investigation and audit shall in- clude the following: (a) An item-by-item examination of all accounts showing receipts, disbursements, and application of public funds: (b) Any expenditure made without au- thority of law; (c) Any acquisition, receipt, or disposition of property made without authority of law; (d) Any property acquired or disposed of at a monetary loss to the United States; (e) All contracts for services, agencies, charters, property, ships, and payments and contracts for paymenta covering property end services over and above OPA prices and ceilings; (f) Any waste, inefficiency, or extravagance in the expenditure of public funds; (g) Any waste, inefficiency, or extravagance in the acquisition, receipt, or disposition of property; (h) Any cooperation, encouragement, or assistance rendered to any person, firm, as- sociation, or corporation having a contract with the United States under the jurisdiction of the Maritime Commission or the War Ship- ping Administration, by either of such agen- cies, in tax minimization or tax avoidance by placing earnings under such contract in tax-exempt funds or otherwise: (1) Any fraud or illegal acts committed by any person connected with the Muritime Commission or the War Shipping Adminis- tration in connection with the receipt, dis- bursement, or application of any public funds, or the acquisition or disposition of any property; (j) Any fraud or illegal acts committed by any person, firm, association, or corporation having a contract with the United States under the jurisdiction of the Maritime Com- mission or the War Shipping Administration, in connection with the receipt, disbursement, or application of any public funds or the ac- quisition or disposition of any property un- der such contract, Src. 2. For the purpose of making the spe- clal investigation and audit of the Maritime Commission and War Shipping Administra- tion, the Comptroller Gencral may use any offcer or employee now under his jurisdiction and is authorized to employ and fix the com- pensation of such additional accountants, specia) investigators, attorneys. officers, ex- Perts, and employees as he deems necessary without regard to the civil-service laws or the Classification Act of 1923, as amended. Src. 3. The Comptroller General shall re- port to the Congress as soon as practicable the results of his investigation and audit, together with such recommendations as he deems advisable. A New Great Movement in the Interests of the Masses and of Progressive De- mocracy EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ADOLPH J. SABATH OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. SABATH. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted, I am inserting in the Rec- oRD news accounts from the Chicago Sun and the New York Times of January 5 of the formation at a meeting here in Washington last week of a new liberal organization called Americans for Demo- cratic Action, formed for the purpose of strengthening American democracy. I know that millions of patriotic and progressive Americans will welcome for- mation of this organization, with its firm declaration for a native American pro- gressive democracy, and will flock to join with the outstanding American leaders who were named to the organizing com- mittee and to the committee of the whole. This is one organization which, by its ringing declaration against all authori- tarian government, guards itself from the start against the unfair, malicious, and unfounded charges of Communist taint which reactionaries, and especially Re- publicans, have hurled against other lib- eral and democratic organizations in the past. As a lifelong progressive Demo- crat, I welcome the advent of Americans for Damocratic Action, and I hope, and feel sure, that its ranks will be swelled A5 by millions of Americans who look to the future, not to the past, and to the New World, not to the old. The text of the news stories follows: [From the Chicago Sun of January 5, 1947] Democratic ACTION “FRONT” FormED: ONLY Reps BARrep WasHINGTON, January 4.—A new political organization named “Americans for Demo- cratic Action” was set up here tonight by a group of 150 which said that membership was barred to Communists and their fellow trav- elers As the first of six basic principles, the group endorsed expansion of the New Deal program. An organizing committee of 25 was ap- Pointed, including Leon Henderson, former Office of Price Administration Administrator; Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr.; Wilson Wyatt, former Housing Expediter; Elmer Davis, radto commentator; and Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers (CIO). HER NAME LEFT OFF Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, widow of the late President, was named chairman of the tem- porary program committee, but at her request her name was left off the organizing group. She pleaded pressure of other duties, in- cluding membership on the United States delegation to the United Nations. The meeting and the newborn political front were sponsorcd by the Union for Demo- cratic Action, which invited the delegates to & night and day session beginning here last night. COMMUNISTS REJECTED “We reject any association with Com- munists or sympathizers with communism in the United States as completely as we re- ject any association with Fascists or their sympathizers,” said a brief statement Issued as the closed conference broke up. The statement listed the six principles as follows: “1, The New Deal program must be ex- panded to insure dccent levels of health, nutrition, shelter, and education. “2. Civil Ubertics must be protccte.! from concentrated wealth and overcentralized gov- ernment. They must be extended to all Americans regardless of race, color, creed, or 6Cx. “3. Any sound foreign policy requires a healthy and prosperous domestic economy. "4 The United States must continue to give full support to the United Nations. The conference endorses the American plan for international.control of atomic energy. “6. Because the interests of the United States are the interests of freemen every- where, America must furnish political and economic support to democratic and freedom- loving peoples the world over. “6. Within the general framework of pres- ent American foreign policy, steps must be taken to raise standards of living and sup- port civil and political freedoms everywhere.” [From the New York Times of January 5, 1947] One HUNDRED AND THIRTY LIBERALS FORM A Group ON RIGHT—OPPOSITION TO ComMMU- NI8sM Is A MAJOR TENET OF AMERICANS FOR Democratic ACTION—ROOSEVELT MEN IN- CLUDED—PROGRAM CALLS FOR EXPANSION OF New-DeaL Eryorts AND AID FOR UNITED NATIONS WASHINGTON, January 4.—A group of 130 men and women committed to the propaga- tion of liberal ideals and rejecting collabora- tion with Communists and their sympathize ers established today a new organization called Americans for Democratic Action. The historic significance of thcir decision was the cleavage which it creates in the American lMberal movement. A week ago in New York another group formed the Progres- sive Citizens of America. The primary issue
A6 between the two is the attitude toward indi- viduals who hew to the Communist Party line in the United States. Today's meeting was an invitation affair sponsored by the Union for Democratic Ac- tion, an organization formed nearly 5 years ago. The UDA nominally remains in exist- ence, but it is expected that it will be dis- solved as the new and expanded body over- comes the problems of organization machin- ery. An organizing committee of 25 was ap- pointed to carry on the program begun by the conference. The conference participants included many who were associated with the administration of the late President Roosevelt, including his widow and his son, Franklin D Roosevelt, Jr. There alsu were leaders frum unions in the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industria] Organizations and from independent labor groups. FIRST GOALS OUTLINED The immediate objective, it was agreed, was a reconstruction of the Hberal move- ment, free of totalitarian intiuence from either the left or the right. Th: conferees agreed that no formal manifesto resolving all the problems of the Nation and the world could be drafted at a l-day mecting, but reported complete harmony on these basic principles: 1. Tre New-Deal program must be ex- panded to insure decent levels of health, nutrition, shelter, and educution 2. Civil liberties must be protected from concentrated wealth and = overcentralized government. They must be extended to all Americans regardless of race. Color, creed, or sex. 3 Any sound toreign policy requires a healthy and prosperous domestic economy. 4. Tbe United Stutes must continue to give full support to the United Nations The con- ference endorses the American plun for in- ternationa) contro) of atomic energy. 5. Because the interests of the United States are the interests of freemen every- where, America must furnish political and economic support to democratic and free- dom-loving peoples the world over. 6 Within the general framework of pres- ent American foreign policy steps must be taken to raise standards of living and sup- port civil and political frecdoms everywhere. These policics ure in the great democratic tradition Uf Jefferson Jackson, Lincoln, Wil- son, and Franklin D. Roosevelt We reject any association with Communists or sym- pathizers with communism in the United States as completely as we reject any asso- ciation with Fascists or their sympathizers. Both are hostile to the principles of freedom and democracy on which this Republic has grown great HENDERSON 18 A BACKER The choice of a chairman or president was believed to ile between Leon Henderson, for- mer OPA Administrator, and Wilson W. Wyatt. former Housing Expediter It was Mr Henderson who formally moved to es- tablish the new organization. The organiz- ing committee of which both are members was to select a chairman and other officers in week-end meetings and to draft a pro- posed program of action. Although the organization has third-party possibilities eventually, sentiment for that course now was not significant. Mrs. Roose- velt was reported to have indicated in a speech that the preferable course now was to attempt to work within the Democratic Party and to help shape that party's pro- gram. Pending a decision on financing, she called for subscriptions and promptly raised $5,000, in addition to $4,300 which was contributed at a dinner last night. Mrs, Roosevelt snid the liberals were fight- ing both Communists and Fascists and must not lose sight of either. They are not trying to tell Russians what kind of government they should have, she said. but they do not want communism in this country or in any democratic country. Mrs. Roosevelt also emphasized that the policy of the organization should not be merely negative, but should seek affirmatively to promote the welfare of this country and of democratic nations throughout the world. CIO 18 A PARTICIPANT Walter P. Reuther, president of the United Automobile Workers, CIO, said two difficul- ties would confront the organization. One was that some persons would be afraid to be called ‘“Red-baiters.” The other was a belief that the organization would accept anyone merely because he was anti-Communist. He said both ideas should be rejected. While the CIO was a participant through personal representatives of President Philip Murray, the question of the CIO's position in the divided liberal movement was not clearly resolved. The PCA last week named Mr. Murray one of its vice chairmen, al- though he was not personally present. Barry Bingham, editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal, answering questions at a news conference, said the primary areas of disagrcement with the PCA could be found in points 5 and 6 of the ADA statement. These referred to “the interests of freemen everywhere” and to the rejection of Com- munist sympathizers. Conferees named to the organizing com- mittee were as follows: Charles G. Bolte, New York City, chairman, American Veterans Committee; Elmer Davis, Washington; George Edwards, Detroit, presi- dent, Detroit Common Council; Ethel 8S. Ep- stein, New York City; Leon Henderson, Wash- ington; Hubert Humphrey, mayor of Minne- apolis; Mrs. Clyde Johnson, Cincinnati; Rein- hold Niebuhr, New York City; Edward Prich- ard Jr. Paris, Ky.; Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., New York City; Frank W. McCulloch, Chicago; Mrs. Gifford Pinchot, Washington; Bishop William Scarlett, St. Louls; Walter White, New York City, president, Association for Advancement of Colored People; Wilson W. Wyatt, Louisville, Ky.; Harvey Brown, president, International Association of Ma- chinists, independent: David Dubinsky, president, International Lxadies Garment Workers, A F of L: Hugo Ernst, Cincinnati, president, Hotel and Restaurant Workers, A. F. of L.; BF. McLaurin, international representative, Brotherhood of Sleeping Cur Porters, A. F. of L.; James Killen, Washing- ton, vice president, International Brother- hood of Pulp, Sulphite and Paper Workers; John Green, Camden, N J., president. Ship- building Workers, CIO; Walter P Reuther, president, United Automobile Workers. CIO; Willard Townsena, president, United Trans- port Service. CIO; Samucl Wolchuk, president, Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Workers, CIO; James Loeb, Jr., Washington, secretary. COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE Members of the committee of the whole were announced as follows: Stewart Alsop, Jack Altman, Douglas An- derson, Eugenie Anderson, George Baldanzi, Robert Bendiner, Andrew Biemiller, Barry Bingham, Genevieve Blatt, Dr. William Bohn, Chester Bowles, Evelyn Brandt, Harvey Brown, Andrew Brown, James B. Carey, John A. Carroll, Alison E. Carter, Marquis Childs, Jerry Clifford, George Cranmore, Kenneth Crawford, Nelson Cruikshank, Max Danish, A. Powell Davies, Elmer Davis, Charles Douds, David Dubinsky, John Edelman, George Ed- wards, Margaret Edwards, Emily Ehle, Ethel 8S. Epstein, Hugo Ernst, Morris Ernst, Herbert L. Fedder, Louts Fischer, Bernard Fleishman. J. Kenneth Galbraith, Leo Gamow, Adolph Gerner, Richard Gilbert, David Ginsberg, A. P Goldblum, Lester Granger, John Green, James Greer, John J. Grogan, Louis Harris, Glibert Harrison, A. J. Hayes, Mortimer Hays, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Allan Haywood, Anna Arnold Hedgman, Leon Henderson, the Reverend George Higgins, Melvin D. Hildreth, Dan Hoan, Johannes Hoeber, Sal Hoffman, Car! Holderman, Ed- ward Hollander, Sidney Hollander, Chet Holi- field, Frank Hoo*:, Robert W Hudgens, Gard- ner Jackson, F. Ernest Johu.son, Mrs. Clyde Johnson, Morse Johnson, James 8 Killen, Chester Kerr, Herman Koppelmann, Leon J. Kowal, Martin Kyne, Joseph P. Lash, Trude Pratt Lash, Leo Lerner, Mrs. Newman Levy, Alfred Baker Lewis, Sarah Limbach, Dr. Ed- uard Lindeman, James Loeb, Mrs. Alex Lowenthal. Frank McCulloch, A. M. McDowell, Jean McIntyre, B. F. McLaurin, Eugene Messner, Nathaniel Minkoff, Don Montgomery Edgar A. Mowrer, William L. Munger, Arthur Naf- talin, Reinhold Niebuhr, Bishop G Bromley Oxuam, 8. K. Padover, Cornelia B Pinchot, Nelson P. Poynter Puul A Porter, Joseph Rauh, Jr., Florence Reisenstein, Walter P Reuther, Emil Rieve, Mrs Franklin D. Roose- velt, Franklin D Roosevelt, Jr., Marvin Rosen- berg. William Rosenblatt, James Rowe, Jr., Alex E. Salzman, the Rt. Rev. William Scar- lett, Harry Schachter, Arthur M Schlesinger, Jr,, August Scholle. Boris Shishkin Anthony Wayne Smith Miss Laurence Stapleton Tom Stokes, Barney Taylor, Mrs M E. Tilly Wil- lard S. Tuiwnsend, Jay Turner, Jerry Voorhis, Georre Weaver, James Wechsler, Edward Wey- ler, Walter White, Samuel Wolchok, Wilson Wyatt, Hortense Young, Abraham Zwerdling. A Republican Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT A. TAFT OF OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr TAFT. Mr. President, I ask unani- mous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address en- titled “A Republican Program,” delivered by me on January 3, 1947, over the facili- ties of the National Broadcasting Co. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The organization of the United States Sen- ate today was blocked by a filibuster con- ducted by a few southern Senators against the swearing in of 35 newly elected Senators. They took this action because the Senate refused to seat at this time Senator BrLzZo, of Mississippi, who is charged by the Mead war investigating committee with tmprop- erly using his high office as Onited States Senator for his personal gain in his deal- ings with war contractors. The Republicans, and a number of Democrats, constituting about two-thirds of the hold-over Senators, took the position that Senator Brizo should be required to step aside temporarily until the Senate was organized and the President delivered his message on the State of the Union. The Br.so supporters took the ut- terly indefensible position that in spite of the opinion of two-thirds of the Senate, the Senate should not be organized at all unless Senator BrLso was first sworn in. I hope that BrvBo’s supporters may recede from this posi- tion tomorrow. Otherwise it will probably be necessary to hold the Senate in continu- ous session from Monday morning until organization is effected. It can only be said that cuch a clear abuse of the filibuster power will probably lead to a complete change in the rules of the United States Senate. The House of Representatives has now & Republican majority of 57. When a Sen-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ate is organised, the Republicans have a majority of 6. THE REGPONSIBILITY OF CONGRESS The responsibility of the legislative pro- gram, therefore, falla primarily on Congress, although President Truman, of course, has a veto power even in that field. It should be pointed out further that we still have a Dem- ocratic President, and that his powers are equal to and in many respects greater than those of Congress. He has the constitutional power to execute the laws, which gives him a wide freedom of choice in determining how any legislative policy shall be worked out. In the field of foreign affairs the Constitu- tion confers upon the President full power to deal with foreign nations without con- sulting Congress, and the legislation setting up the United Nations, the International Fund, the International Bank, and many other international institutions greatly in- creases his power in foreign affairs. In fact, about all that Congress has retained is the right to cut off funds where the foreign pol- icy requires an appropriation. Undoubtedly Congress can deprive the President of certain powers in the domestic field, but if the people desire to retain cer- tain established programs, it is not possible to tell the President in detail how those pro- grams shall be administered. Nevertheless the Republican Party will have great power in determining many do- mestic programs requiring legislative action. In the foreign field at the present time there is a general agreement between the two par- ties on our political policies throughout the world, and there was no substantial differ- ence on this issue in the election. THE REPUBLICAN MANDATE The main issue of the election was the res- toration of freedom and the elimination or reduction of the constantly increasing inter- ference with family Mfe and with business by autocratic Government bureaus and auto- cratic labor leaders. This was the issue made by the Republicans, and the overwhelming vote for their candidates showed that the people desired reconversion and the resump- tion of progress in the United States on the basis of those principles of freedom which have insured our progress for 160 years. It is to President Truman's credit that when the people spoke he changed his mind on the most outstanding of these controls and hastily accepted the verdict of the pco- ple. Even before the election he removed meat control. Afterward he almost abol- ished all price control. Then he greatly re- duced housing control and fired Wilson Wyatt. He has just declared that hostilities are ended and thereby eliminated the opera- tion of some 50 laws, some of them of great importance, like tho ending of the farm price guaranty in 1948 instead of 1949, and the repeal of some billion and a half of excise taxes. Before the election he had fought bitterly to retain price control un- modified, and recommended the increase of housing control. Only last week he wrote Senator Witry that the question of war powers was a very complicated one, that he was having a complete survey made and would later make suggestions to Congress on the subject. He did not stop to make those suggestions. There is some evidence that he would accept labor measures even more sweeping than those which he vetoed last year in the Case hill. I welcome the President's actions, but let us remember that it was all brought about by the battle which the Republicans made last year against the President, and the cam- paign issues made by them and approved by the people. With the President's change of heart, it is likely that there will be much less controversy between the President and this Republican Congress than between the President and the last Democratic Congress. With regard to a Republican program, I have no right to declare what that program will be. It will be determined by the 246 Republican House Members and the 61 Sen- ate Members. Many of them are new men who have not had time to study the prob- lems before Congress in detail, and it must be some time before a program is determined. I can only state in a general way my own views of what a program should be. IMMEDIATE PROBLEMS Roughly the program divides itself into immediate action required, and a long-term program of peacetime progress, though perhaps these two cannot be divided by a sharp line. The immediate program must be designed primarily to cleaning away the rubble of the war and the New Dcal to prepare the way for constructive building in the future. We must correct 14 years of confusion and unfilled promises. We must complete the transition from war to peace. We must modify control so as to release the productive energies of industry, labor, and agriculture. We must straighten out the finances and put the Government on @ pay-as-you-go basis We must reduce @ government swollen with war powers to proper peacetime proportions. The general purpose of the program 1s to restore to the people the freedom of initiative and enter- prise on which sound progress rests. A lot of the program may look to be negative, but essentially it is a constructive job like clear- ing the ground after a great catastrophe so that people may plan and build anew. END GOVERNMFNT CONTROLS The first task, therefore, is the ending of controls, partially accomplished by the President's own actions. There are, how- ever, a number of laws, dcpendent on the various declarations of emergency and on the duration of the war, which President Truman did not terminate. These should be definitely repealed, preserving only those which should form part of a more perma- nent program such as the maintenance of American troops in Germany and Jepan. In removing these controls, various special problems arise which must be dealt with by legislation. The whole emergency-housing program should be recast. Special Icgisla- tion will have to be adopted relating to sugar and probably wool. These are only samples of transition legislation. An immediate study should be made of the various prewar and New Deal laws, in order to eliminate many of the powers of the ad- ministrative boards and confine them to the real purpose of the various acts. During the New Deal period every statute was draftcd by smart lawyers in the broadest possible terms to give the unlimited executive power which was the very essence of New Deal policy. If Congress wishes to continue these programs the scope of each program should be defi- nitely determined by law. LABOR The second program relates to labor. The people have resented the interference to their daily lives brought about by the exer- cise of arbitrary power by labor-union lead- ers almost as much as they have resented the interferences by Government. Often the la- bor action has been encouraged by the Gov- ernment. The Republican Party has fre- quently declared its belief that the solution of employer-employee relations rests on a sound system of collective bargaining. In the carly part of the century all of the power of collective bargaining rested with the em- ployer, and he abused that power. By a series of laws, such as the Clayton Act, the Norris-LaGuardia Act, and the Wagner Act, Congress attempted to redress the balance. Perhaps these laws would not have gone too fer if they had not been supplemented by many rulings of executive boards and by many court decisions which carried the laws A7 far beyond the original intention of Con- gress. The result has been to shift the bal- ance of power so that it is too far over on the side of labor unions. If arbitrary power exists, arbitrary Inbor leaders are bound to use it, and every other labor leader has been forced to use it or lose his power. As 1 see it, the job of Congress is to reverse some of the things which have been done by law, regula- tion, or decision until employer and employee can meet on a fairly equal basis, and neither be tempted to insist on unreasonable de- mands because of the excessive power given to obtain them. The Republican Party lust year supported a bill to require lubor unions to engage in collective bargaining and making them responsible in court for violation of their collective-bargaining contracts. It 1s generally admitted that labor unions desir- ing to be certified as collective-bargaining agents should register and furnish financial reports to their members The bill last year also set up Federal mediation machinery to establish an independent mediation board, operating impartially between employer and employee. It is gencrally felt that in recent years the Government boards have strength- ened the hands of labor unions by almost taking their side in every controversy. The bill also provided that foremen could not be considered employees for the purpose of the Wagner Act, but as part of management. The bill also outlawed the secondary boycott by which unions have tried to bring pressure to support their claims through thrents and injury to innocent third parties, and have actually shut out from cortain markets goods made by members of unions of which they did not approve. All of these legislative proposals were sound measures last year when they were vetoed by the President, and they are sound today. They will be included in any Re- publican-sponsored labor bill. Many addi- tional proposals have been made, such as: 1. The outlaw'ng of closed shop. 2. Some limitation on the power of Nation- wide monopoly bargaining which brings about the Nation-wide strikes that interfere so seriously with the welfare of the pcople. 3. Measures intended to limit violence in labor disputes. 4. Proposals for a labor court and com- pulsory arbitration. None of these four proposals has received as yet sufficient study. The Republicans pro- pose that hearings be started tmmediatcly on all of these proposals 50 that a hill may be reported to the Senate by March 1. The com- mittee may determine thut some of these proposals are without merit, or that they require a more fundamental study than cun be made during the next 2 munths,. If it approves any additional meusures, they can be added to the program already approved and reported out in one bill. I believe most Republicans feel that they have a mandate from the people to adopt legislation which will put employer-employee rel tions on a basis Just to all and discourage the strikes which have so seriously interfered with the welfare and progress of the people. TAXATION Republicans have stated their intention of reducing the expenses of Government and cutting the personal income tax. The pres- ent burden of taxation weriously hampers the welfare of the cntire people. Singic men or women earning $1,200 a ycar, on which it is difficult enough to live, have to pay $110 in taxcs. The President of the United Stutes, receiving $75,000 # year, peys 810,000 in taxes. The very wealthy pay up to 90 per- cent and certainly have no incentive to take a risk in the new ventures which create cm- ployment, or do otherwire than invest their money in municipal bonds. These taxes are so burdensome that there is a constant effort to redress them by increasing wages and salaries. Of course, that merns increased costs, increased prices, and inflation. It ts
A8 essential that total personal income taxes be reduced by 20 percent and this can be done if the Budget does not exceed $34,000,- 000,000. The President has somewhat com- plicated the problem by removing one-third of the excise tax on liquor and various other luxuries, but these could be restored. There is no reason why the Budget shouldn’t be far below $34,000,000,000 without interfering in any wey with the strength of our military forces throughout the world. Such a reduce tion is the Republican program. Tax reduc- tion must be contingent on the reduction of expenses and a balanced budget. MISCELLANEOUS LEGISLATION There are a number of housecleaning jobs to be done. We irtend to propose a consti- tutional amendment limiting Presidents to two 4-year terms; also an amendment to eliminate what is left of the poll-tux as a condition of voting in five or six States. The minimum wage lav must be revised, and something done to eliminate the windfall claims resulting from the Supreme Court opinions on portal-to-portal pay. I feel very strongly that some action should be taken toward the unification of the armed services A careful study of the different plans proposed by the Army, the Navy, and others should be immediately be- gun, and the best one of these put into effect. Action should be taken to return the enlistment in the Army to a volunteer basis as rapidly as possible. BasiC PRCBLEMS And so we come to the broad program for the future. After 14 years of unfilled promises by the New Deal, these great chal- lenges of our times remain unanswered: 1. How to eliminate business crises with- out imposing a socialistic control to deaden the productivity of a free system. 2. How to reduce strikes and turn labor- management warfare into cooperation. 8. How to insure constantly improved sustenance, housing medical care. greater security for the aged and the unfortunate, and more widesprcad education for all our people. In short, how to make our commu- nities better places in which to Nve and work. 4. How to improve and strengthen the United Nations set-up to secure peace and justice throughout the world without com- promising the liberty of any nation. The Republican Party recognizes these as great goals of a good society. They know that such goals cannot be achigyed by empty promises, and they propose to deal with them by Icgislation and study. They propose to back wholeheartedly the economic study and constant report re- quired by the full-employment bill as that bill was rewritten by the Republicans in Congress. Unless business crises can be greatly reduced in intensity, they fully realize there is serious danger of this country turn- ing to regimentation and socialism as a solu- tion. Whatever labor bill may be adopted, a much broader study of all employer-em- ployee relations should be promptly begun in the labor field, calling in the leaders of all the groups to insure cooperation and the best expert advice. HOUSING I am particularly interested myself in the fields of housing, medical care and education, A committee under my chairmanship made a@ complete study of the long-range housing program and prepared a bill to cover all phases of the housing program. This in- cludes increased Government assistance through insurance and otherwise for the construction of rental housing, an urban re- development plan which will make s)um areas available for private housing, and a limited public housing program to provide quarters for persons with subnormal income. Z intend to join in reintroducing these meas- ures, although it may be wise to divide them into several different proposals. Nothing is more important if we wish to give children born in the United States an equal oppor- tunity to make progress in life than decent home conditions. Because of the cost of housing, it is impossible in my opinion to get rid of the slums and provide decent housing for the lowest income families un- less public housing is part of the over-all pro- gram. It should never be necessary to build Public housing in an amount more than 10 percent of the total new construction in any year. EDUCATION I believe also that there should be some assistance by the Federal Government to in- sure that no child shall be illiterate simply because the State in which he lives is unable to provide an adequate education. If u State makes an effort greater than the national average and is still unable to provide the minimum necessary to give children at least an opportunity for a minimum education, then 1 believe the Federal Government should ass:st that Btate. In this field, as in all public welfare measures, Federal legisla- tion should absolutely assure to the States and local governments complete power over the administration of their own health and welfare. Furthermore, the Federal aid can- not be so great that it imposes a burden of taxation which deters the very initiative necessary to produce the taxes. I do feel very strongly that the Federal Government should assist in putting wu floor under absolutely easential services. I believe the American People *hink that in a country as productive as the United States, we can and should eliminate extreme poverty, hardship, and lack of opportunity for American children. HEALTH So, also, in the health field, we are pro- posing a program to assist the States and local governments in making their treat- ment of the indigent and medically indigent more systematic and complete. We should encourage the formation of plans for vol- untary health insurance to be available to those who wish to take it out. On the other hand, we strenuously oppose the Wag- ner-Murray-Dingell bill, which attempts to impose a complete system of compulsory sickness insurance on all the people in the United States. That plan would tax the people to raise four or five billion dollars a year to pour into Washington to be used by @ Federal bureau to pay all the doctors to give free medical care to all the people of the United States. {t is not only a socialization of medicine, but it is the federalization of medicine. No other measure before the American people proposes such a tremendous increase in the right of the Federal Govern- ment to interfere with the daily lives of the people. It flies in the face of every principal for which the Republican Party stands. SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH We are ulso proposing a measure to set up &® permanent scientific foundation to pro- mote research in many fields. Our measure creates a scientific council of 50 leading scientists to select the director and deter- mine the scope of the work. This is a sub- stantial modification of the Kilgore-Mag- nuson bill of the last session which author- ized the President to appoint a director with 15 bureau chiefs and an elaborate organiza- tion, directly subject to political pressure. AGRICULTURE ‘One of the most serious problems relates to agricultural prices and the development of a permanent agricultural program. For 2 years the guarantees of 92 percent of parity by the Government will assure good farm prices. During that time we must work out @ permanent program, designed to keep the general average level of farm prices in line with the price of industrial products. Sev- eral Republican committees have been work- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ing on this subject, and a program will prob- ably be developed for presentation to the 1948 session. FOREIGN TRADE In the field of foreign trade the Republican Party is not so much inclined cs Henry Wal- lace and the New Dealers to make huge loans on a scale which probably will never be repaid, but they do favor reasonable assiss- ance to nations trying to get on their feet. Export trade based on lending is aitificial and uncertain_and inflationary. When the lending stops, as it must if its extent is too great, the boom collapses, as it did in 1929, and the resulting unemployment threatens the security of the Nation. There is no doubt that we require and will import huge quantities of goods, but we do not favor the importation of goods which we make ourselves in such quantity and at such prices as will destroy any American industry providing a substantial part of American consumption. In other words, we favor reasonable tariffs, but not free trade. FOREIGN POLICY In the general field of foreign political policy, I have great confidence that the For- eign Relations Committee of the Senate, under the 'eadership of Senator VANDENDERG, will continue the hipartisan support of Sec- retary Byrnes’ policy in Europe and develop cooperation tn other flelds throughout the world where the resulta have not been so satisfactory. In short, the Republicans will set in mo- tion at once a new program, and bring it to a@ conclusion as soon as the present ground is clear through the adoption of necessary emergency action. In every field they will invite counsel] from the best minds, initiate studies, and recommend measures for future enactment. Hall Announces Radio Program for Eighth Consecutive Year EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my own remarks, I include therein a radio speech I made recently to the people of my district: The new Congress is now assembled. Great hope for the future exists in Washington. The people have spoken. They want Amer- ica dedicated to attaining peace. They want this country to prosper and to grow. As your Representative, I want you people in the Triple Cities and elsewhere in my dis- trict to write me more than you ever have before. Let me know what you are thinking, how you feel the country ought to be run. Let me hear about your problems and what in- justices if any you are enduring. Tell me about how you think we can improve the Nation and raise our standard of living. Be sure to let me know if I can help you in Washington or back home. A letter to me will only cost you 83 cents and a little time spent in writing it. As I am in a position to help you, this small effort may be worth a lot to you. I will be on the air every Saturday evening at 6:55 over Station WNBF. Don’t fail to listen and don’t hesitate to write me in Wash- ington,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD President Wilson’s Prophecy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLYDE R. HOEY OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. HOEY. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the ConcressIonaL RecorpD an address delivered by Hon. Josephus Danieis, Secretary of the Navy undcr Woodrow Wilson and more recently Am- bassador to Mexico. The subject of this most interesting and timely address is Wilson’s Prophecy Will Be Realized. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rscorp, as follows: WYILSON’s PROPHECY WILL Br REALIZED (By Josephus Danicls, under the auspices of the Woodrow Wilson Foundation on the anniversary of the birth of Woodrow Wil- gon, December 28, 1946) A great man (who was crowned one day) Imagined a great deed: He shaped it out of cloud and clay, He touched it finely till the seed Possessed the flower; from heart and brain; He fed it with large thoughts humane, To help a people's need. He brought it out into the sun— They blessed it to his face. A great pure deed. that has undone So many bad and buse! O generous deed. heroic deed, Come forth, be perfected, succeed, Deliver by God's grace! Then sovereigns, statesmen, north and south Rosee up in wrath and fear, And cried protesting by one mouth “What monster have we herc? A great decd at this hour of day? A great just deed—and not for pay? Absurd—or insincere.” But he stood sad before the sun (The peoples felt their fate) “The world is many—I am one; My great deed was too great. God's frult of justice ripens slow; Men's souls are narrow; let them grow. My brothers, we must wait.” If Elizabeth Barrett Browning had sct out to make a pen picture of what many thought was the tragedy of Woodrow Wilson and put into words his thoughts when his country- men in 1919- 20 lacked the vision to translate the League of Nations into the chart and compass of a world just emerged from war and longing for peace, she could not have better divined the danger to humanity's hopes. Wilson, however, never lost faith that, though his generation stumbled, the day would come that the vision splendid he had shaped would bless mankind. In his inmost soul he felt that the missicn of the Prince of Peace would bring release from war and insure the fruits of peace to peoples long loosing out of darkened windows. Wilson not only looked into the future but, in the years between, predicted what would occur in the years from the rejection of the League to World War II. When in the sum- mer of 1919 he made his swing as far as the Pacific to stem the tide against ratification of the Covenant, Wilson made this prediction that showed he had prophetic ken: “I do not hesitate to say that the war we have just been through, though it was shot through with terror of every kind, is not to be compared with the war we would have to face next time. What the Germans used were toys as compared with what would be used in the next war.” On the nineticth anniversary of the birth of Woodrow Wilson, the greatest apostle of peace, the best appraisement of his greatness is to recall that he never lost faith in the goal to which his life was consecrated. He died in the supreme confidence that what blind statesmen rejected in 1919-20 would become the chief cornerstone of the pre- destined warless world. How do I know of his deathiess faith that the Covenant of Peace would one day light the path of mankind? Not a great while be- fore he fell in sleep, paying what proved to be my last visit to my revered chief, I could not refrain from expressing my depression and fear of the future bereft of the promise of his League of Nations. I remember he had come limping into the library when we talked in the house of his retirement on 8 Street in Washington. But his mind and his faith were unimpaired He had more faith than I. In my discouragement I told him my cher- ished dream of lasting peace had been shat- tered by the rejection of the Lengue of Nations and the return of the nations to imperialistic dreams or small isolationist con- cerns. He had been, as he said, “broken at the wheel,” but in that hour this man, who was the greatest casualty of World War I, placed his good hand on my shoulder He said very scriously and with solemn _ re- assurance: “Do not fear about the things we have fought for. They ure sure to pre- vail. They are only delayed.” He paused n moment. and confidently but in limping voice, with characteristic quaint- ness udded: “And I will make this conces- sion to providence. It may come in a better way than we proposed.” That prophecy is being fulfilled in our day. Though. like Moses of old, Wilson was denied entrance into the Promised Land he had explored. his mantle fell on my young assistant as Secretary of the Navy, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. I have always counted it a great privilege that fortune made me the tie between these two supremely great prophets and creators of peace. Inspired by like devotion, Roosevelt, who gave his strength and life to our leadership in World War II, took up the quest for peace when he called the nations into conclave at San Francisco. Lasting peace was clearly also closest. to his heart’s desire. He put his hope and faith in a speech which he did not live to deliver but which ts a great guide for us still. In that speech he said: “The work, my friends, is peace, more than an end of this war—an end to the boginning of all wars. Yes, an end, forever to this im- Practical, unrealistic settlement of the df- ferences between governments by the mass killing of peoples. * * ©& “The only HNmit to our realization of to- morrow will be our doubt of today. Let us move forward with strong and active faith.” We need to remember above all else the faith of these two lenders—and appropriate it. The only shadow that rests on the world as we cclebratc Wilson's birthday is the de- lay of the United Nations in achieving the peace comprct for which it was brought into being. It has been months since the fight- ing ceased. Because the Covenant of the League was signed at Versailles only 7 months after the armistice, a spirit of de- featism has taken hold of many people to- day on account of’ the longer dclay after World War II. They should remember that, as World War II was wider in scope and raised more difficult problems than World War I, the drafting of an instrument to reach all over the world is the supreme chal- lege to the statesmanship and the diplomacy of the ages. Will the men chosen for the high achieve- ment be abie to rise above archaic traditions, love of far-flung empire, ambition for ter= A9 ritory and exploitation, the imposition of creeds and ideologies upon other peoples, and perfect a chart that outlaws war? Will they be able to redeem the promise made to the millions who fought and those who made the supreme sacrifice to pttain universal and last- ing peace? These questions disturb the se- renity of the Christmas season and give anxicty on Woodrow Wilson's anniversary. Let us look back for encouragement to the conflict in Paris before the Leacue of Nae tions was fashioned. Differences today are akin to those which separated the Big Four of Worid War I. Then Wilson felt tmpelled to order the George Washington to take him home unless agreements were expeditid. Or- lando returned to Rome, where bitter dis- agrcement surged. Clemenccau lrcked faith in anything but arms. Lloyd George de- manded acknowledgment of Britain's nuoval supremacy. Smaller nations crowded into Parts secking aims of their own. But, in the end—at leust for a time in the world’s hope— wisdom and consecration to pcace rose sures rior to national aims, and tn the historic hall of Versailles all the Allied Nations overcame differences and with stately ceremony ap- pended their names to the first world pledge to end war. Let none be affrighted because the goal of the League of Nations was not realized. If it failed in the largest promise it was not be- cause it lacked the Divine spark, or failed to contain provision for such changes as would perfect its aims. The defect was chiefly because, snd to say, two of the greatest na- tions—the United States and Russia—were a. Ww o.1, Today, recalling Wilson's prophecy and Rooseveit’s faith, and heartened by the re- cent declaration for disarmament and the approach to agreements at New York, we celebrate Wilson's birthday in the confidence that his prophecy will come true and that the covenunt will be signed and kept by all the peopies of the world. I confidently predict that before another Christmas the Peace Agsize wili usher in the reign of peace on earth, and that the terms of Wilson’s prophecy; “Providence will bring Peace in a better way” than men have dreamed since the angels long ago at this season voiced their hopes and God's promise beside a star in the skies. Dedication EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACH USETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein a speech I deliv- ered in Lawrence, Mass., on Sunday, September 29, 1246, at a dedication of a monument to three brothers who lost their lives in the service of our country. The brothers were Albert, Bernard, and Carmen Campagnone, and were residents of Lawrence, Mass.: It is fitting and proper that we come to- gether 1n human fellow:hip on this com- mon, which is the heart of our community. From North Lawrence and South Lawrence, from Tower Hill and Prospect Hill, we meet in solemn requiem to dedicate this monu- ment to a sublime sacrifice, and in so doing dedicate ourselves to that great task for which Albert, Bernard, Carmen—three broth- ers of the Campagnone family—gave the last full measure of their devotion.
A10 On this Sunday morning in our separate churches we went to worship the Creator of all liie according to our separate faiths. This afternoon we gether before this public altar to put aside all distinctions of race and creed. We join as men and women who are equal in the sight of God to honor the sacrifices which have been made, in the name of human dignity, by the Campagnone family. Before this supreme giving we become aware of the faint glow of divinity that Hives in the spirit of our fellow men. Before this stand- ard of service we bow our heads in humble tribute. Conscious of our own shortcomings, we pray that in the days remaining to us we, the living, may redecm the faith which the Campagnone brothers had in us. Never did the people of Lawrence owe 80 much to so few. Three vrothers gave up all the promise of their young lives that we might live. They bought with their precious life's blood and with the triple shock of bereavement—a price which no other family in Lawrence has been called upon to pay—they bought at fearful cost this second chance for us. What are we going to do with this second chance? The tributes which we offer this dey will mean but little if we fall back into the nar- row interests of personal living and neglect, or forget. the responsibilities which we owe to our communit, to our Nation. and to the worla The old world which we Knew before 1941 is gone, consumed by the fires of a global war. The new world we must build. It can be butlt only through cooperation, us each one of us learns that he must give the best that is in him to the making of that world. The sum total of our giving, in body and mind and spirit. will build a world of peace, security, and progress in which the machines of man's invention will be used to ennoble life and not destroy it. The Campagnone boys died to defeat the barbarism which threatened to overwhelm us. They have won for us a second chance to build a civilization that will be worthy of their giving. For us that job begins here in Luwrence, We have come, this day, to dedicate a monument to a supreme example of service. In the true spirit of this dedication let us search our hearts and ask ourselves if we are fully awake to the needs of our times. Is each one of us doing his or her level] best to messure up to the mature thinking and co- operative action that is required of all? Only by so doing, can we, as free men, solve the challenging problems of this new age. In our humun relationships, at our work, in our play. and in the day-to-day responsi- bilities of citizenship are we using every dy- namic resource of our minds and hearts to improve democracy? Make no mistake about it, my friends, democracy dcpends, not upon leaders, but upon you. It will develop, in- suring a better government, a better educa- tional system, and a fairer distribution of the products of our skill and labor through voluntary teamwork. In our community, that forward progress will be animated and sirengthencd by the example we honor today. Not far from here, three Campagnone boys grew up in a home that traincd them to live up to the finest tradition of American manhood From this common, we can see the schools and the spires of the churches where they learned the eternal truths of the mind and the spirit. Over there is the play- ground whcre they spent many of the hap- piest hours of their boyhood in the physical joy of developing their bodies as they learned to play the game. How well they played, above and beyond the average call of civic responsibility, we commemorate today. Out of the eternity to which they have Bone, their voices seem to come back to us, urging us to fight clean and hard, for that is the American way. Fight on in peace against ignorance and greed and fear and hate. Fight and, if need be, die for that which js right. For the lives of the three Campagnone brothers came to have a meaning and pur- pose as they fought and died to save us from evil. We can do no less than to carry on with their courage and their unselfishness to help win a decent world for all. Many, many years ago, when our unity was endangered by the terrible agony of a civil war, a great President of our United States, upon hearing that a Mrs. Bixby of Boston had lost two sons in that conflict, wrote her a letter of sympathy. In it he sald; “I feel how weak and fruitless must be any word of mine which should attempt to begulle you from the grief of a loss so over- whelming. But 1 cannot refrain from ten- dering you the consolation that may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father may mitigate the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherishcd memory of the loved and lost, und the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so castly a sacrifice upon the ultar of fieedom ” That letter was signed: “Abraham Lin- coln”" We are assembled here today to dedicute & monument to a greater sacrifice. Here et the crossroads of our community Hfe, by the friendly paths along which many people walk and where generations yet unborn will some day pause and read and wonder, we consccrate this tablet of bronze and stone to the memory of three gallant brothers. To their survivors—Mr and Mrs. Stephen Campagnone, Anthony, Angela, and to the widow of Albert—we offer the deepest respect and homage of the people of Lawrence, of Massachusetts, and of our United States of America We meet not only to dedicate a monument but to dedicate ourselves, May we hold the example of the Campagnone brothcrs close to our hearts as a living memorial that will Inspire us and our posterity to build the better life, in the cnuse of which they gave theirs in triple devotion. Sugar EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE A. DONDERO OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. DONDERO. Mr. Speaker, one of the great daily newspapers in the city of Detroit, Mich., has put on a campaign urging the people in that great metro- politan area to write to their Congress- man in regard to the sugar shortage. As a result of the above-mentioned cam- paign, I have received numerous letters and protests. Sugar is an essential of life and one of the most widely used foods. The shortage of this commodity is well known by everyone, and no one deplores the condition more than Members of Con- gress. . Cuba is the greatest source of sugar in the world. Since 1941, its entire crop has been purchased by the United States. During 1946, however, the administration invited other nations to take most of it for their use. Furthermore, the production of sugar in continental United States has not only APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD been discouraged by the New Deal ad- ministration over the last 10 years but actually restricted and reduced. This condition must and Shall be cor- rected. Sugar is not a matter of legisla- tion; it is one of produetion and dis- tribution. Blow Aimed at Agriculture EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSF OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, the President is about to enter into ne- gotiations with foreign nations to reduce tariff by another 50 percent. This is an- other step toward free trade and a blow aimed at American agriculture. The so-called, but| misnamed, Recip- rocal Trade Agreements Act enacted in 1934 is the source of authority under which the President proposes to lower the tariffs on competitive imports, espe- cially on foreign agricultural products. I am sure the free-trade advocates will recall that it was their contention in 1934 that the trade-agreement bill, if and when enacted, would make for peace. The trade-agreement bill was passed but, instead of resulting in peace, it was the prelude to the most devastating war in recorded history. So much forthat. The record shows that when it was prorosed to extend the Trade Agreements Act from March 1], 1937, to June 12, 1940, it was claimed by its advocates that it would stimulate our exports. Did it? It failed to such an extent that the dictators in the Axis group of nations were urged to buy munitions to the limit of their ca- pacity. Why was this done? The pur- pose was to build up the promised ex- ports. Thus the trade-agreement advo- cates armed Japan and assisted in arming Hitler. Ten million tons of steel were rushed to Japan, and also airplane engines, of], and other war materials, re- sulting later in a deplorable shortage of these materials to provide for our own national defense. All this was done by the low-tariff trade-agreement advo- cates in an effort to prove that the trade- agreement program had increased ex- ports. Our boys paid for this un-Ameri- can program with their blood and thou- sands paid with their lives. I wonder if the American people in the light of the ghastly experience under the trade agreements will again yield to the craven hypocrisy of a_ conscienceless group of internationalists masquerading as idealists and peace promoters. I am delighted to know that the South has become aware of the disastrous con- sequences to their agriculture from the low-tariff policy inaugurated under the trade agreements. Under leave to extend, I am inserting in the CONGRESSIONAL REcorpD a brief filed by the Association Southern Commis- sioners of Agriculture protesting the pro-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD posed reduction in the tariff rates en American agricultural products by an- other 50 percent: ARGUMENT IN BRIrF COMPREHENDING THE Views oF ASSOCIATION SOUTHERN COMMIS- SIONERS OF AGRICULTURE WITH RESPECT TO ProrosaL To NEGOTIATE RECIPROCAL TRADE Acrrementrs WITH AUETRALIA, BELGIUM, Braziz, CANADA, CHILE, CHINA, CUBA, OZECHOSLOVAKIA, FRANCE, INDIA, LEBANON (Synro-LEsANESE Customs UNION). LUXEM- BuRG, NETHERLANDS, New ZEALAND, Norway, UNiON or SOUTH AFRICA, UNION OF SOVIET Sociarisr RePustics, UNitEp K1ncpom This argument in brief submitted by the Association Southern Commissioners of Agri- culture is intended to express the collective views of the commissioners with regard to tariff and other concessions that might be made within the scope of the Trade Agree- ments Act and in the negotiations with each of the 18 foreign nations with whom the President has proclaimed negotiations are to begin. Whereas section 350 (2) of the Trade Agreements Act of June 12, 1934, as amended, gives expression to the purpose of the act and states it to be in part that: “For the purpose of expanding foreign markets for the products of the United States (as a means of assisting in the present emer- gercy in restoring the American standard of living, in overcoming domestic unemploy- ment and the present economic depression, in increasing the purchasing power of the American public, and in establishing and maintaining a better relationship among var- fous branches of American agriculture, in- dustry, mining, and commerce) by regulating the admission of foreign goods into the United States in accordance with the char- acteristics and needs of various branches of American production”: and Whereas section 350 (a) of the Trade Agreements Act of June 12, 1934, as amended, further provides that: “e « * The President, whenever he finds as a fact that any existing duties or other import restrictions of the United Stutes or any foreign country are unduly burdening and restricting the foreign trade of the United States and that the purpose :.bove declared will be promoted by the means hercinafter specified, is authorized from time to time— “(1) To enter into foreign trade agree- ments with forcign governments or instru- mentalities thereof; and,” Whercas section 4 of the Trade Agreements Act of June 12, 1934, as amended, provides that: “Before any foreign trade ugreement is con- cluded with any forcign government or in- strumentality thereof under the provisions of this act, reasonable public notice of the inten- tion to negotiate an agreement with such government or instrumentality shall be given in order that any interested person may have an opportunity to present his views to the President.’ It 1s pursuant to these several sections, and particula.ly section 4 of the Trade Agrce- ments Act, that now comes the Association Southern Commissioners of Agriculture: (1) To exhibit for the bencfit of the Pres- ident the association’s interest in the pro- posed foreign trade agreements under dis- cussion, and (2) To point out to the President the economic overburden to southern agriculture which would ensue from Presidential exercise of power to effectuate the proposed agree- ments, and (3) To make prayer to the President that the trade agreements proposals now under discuesion for the reasons hereinafter set forth be not enacted with any of the follow- ing countries: Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, France, India, Lebanon (Syro-Lebanese Cus- toms Union), Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Union of South Africa, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and United Kingdom (4) To point out still further to the Presi- dent that ‘inder the favored-nations clause any and ull concessions granted on any and every product to any une of the above nations is ipso fucto extended to all so-called azrec- ment nations in the world, regardless of whether or not negotiations are even at this time being considered with respect to that pa.ticular nation. For example: Any concession made to Can- ada or to Australia, such as on meats or meat products, will open our domestic mar- kets to a veritable flood of similar meat products—canned corned beef. roast beef, chicken, and the like, from the Argentine, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Brazil, as well as to any and all European and Asiatic nations. Arguments later to be advanced will show that the pending negotiations, contemplate ing the reduction of existing protective tariff rates, which result in opening our domestic markets to a flood of foreign evricultural products from tre world is, in effect, a vio- lation of the act when viewed in the light of the declared nurpose of Congress in enacting the samc. The Ass: ciation Southern Commissioners of Agricul‘ure is, as the name connotes, a confederation of the commissioners of agri- culture of the States of Alubama. Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky. Louisiana, Mis- sissippi, South Carolina, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Texas, Tennessee. und Virginia. Your petitioners, the commissioners of the above-enumeraied States, function in their respective States unrier constitvtional authority and statutory regulations. They were elected by the people or. as in the case of four, were uppointed by the Governor who was clected by the people. Each tn his official capacity operates his office through a State-wide t.x-supported agricultural organization set up to meet the economic requirements of agriculture under the constitutional authority and the stat- utory regulations of his particular State. May we here point out that the State com- missioners of agriculture arc ever in close and understanding contact with their farmer constituents; that they are fully cognizant of the moral, the physical, the spiritual and the economic requirements of their people; that we know their hopes, their needs, their wants, and their ambitions. These agricultural commissioners, indi- vidually and collectively, address this their prayer in behalf of their constituencics and in so doing are operating under the declared principle of its association members: strictly in conformity with constitutional authority exercised within statutory regulations, sup- plemented by rulcs and a set of bylaws adopted by them for the purposc of facilitat- ing and dispatching public business pursuant to the good-will objectives and purposes of their association. The 37,000,000 of citizens of the great southland and their duly elected State ofll- cials, the southern commissioners of agri- culture, are each one sprung from the loins of those who for more than 100 years carried the standards of the Democratic Party in never-ending struggle, and even on the ficld of battle, paid to support the economic theory and doctrine of free trade versus the protective tariff. For reasons hereafter to be enumeratcd these stalwart and democratic southern peo- ples, after long trials, and due to the Kaleido- scopic changes attending the national ccon- omy of the United States in a more modern world, are with reluctance compelled to burn all bridges behind them and to make prayer to their Chief Executive that he now rctain in behalf of their agricultural products the vestiges of tariff protection which still re- main of the act of 1980. That he do so in All order to keep the markets of these United States open to them for the sale of their American produced crops of fats, foods, feeds and fibers, and without an undue overburden of competition from foreign producers of identical crops. It is unnecessary to recapitulate the his- toric privations endured by the people of the cotton South, whose agricultural economy was hitherto hinged to a one-crop system. Neither is it necessary to recall to you, sir, the hardships endured by our pcople during the world-wide depression of the late 1920's, Then we had on annual production of un- ward of 18,000,000 bales, spindles of the world geared to spin American staple; cotton, then king, had maintained the balance of trade ngninst the world for these United States and for upward of half a century. In the midst of world-wide depression in the early 1930's, a beneficent and sympathetic Executive as well us an understanding Con- gress addressed themselves to solving our problem, There was much talk then as to whether the increase in existing cotton sup- plies was merely an increase in the annual carry-over or was it a cotton surplus. But that is beside the point. Conferences were held. Extended hearings took place in the Halls of Congress and in the cotton-procucing States themselves Action programs were promulgated Effective legis- lation was instituted. Enabling acts and finances were quickly made available from the Fedcral Treasury, to put these legisia- tive programs into effect. Our cotton production was reduced. Our acres were measured. A plow up campaign was instituted. Markcts. domestic as well as forcign, were controlled. We were told where and what to plant, in what quantities and to what grades; where, when, and how to market our production at what prices; and to whom, Yes, we were suffered even to endure pen- altics for noncompliance with multiludi- nous administrative rulings and failures to act in accordance with Federal] regulation under the various crop controls, Agricultural Adjustment Act, Bankhead bills, domestic allotments, markcting. grading, and other statutcs. Of necessity, as stated by the Chicf Execu- tive, all of this was experiment by the trial and crror method. But, by and with the encouragement of a continuing sympathetic and truly Democratic controlled national ad- ministration, the Cotton Scuth went along with the entire program. The Nation's pecr- less leader, from his Georgia homestead, taught the southern farmers not by word alone but by deed and in action on his own lands the value of diversification of crops, of compliance to regulation * * *, of co- operation, of soiJ-conscrvation practiccs and marketing controls—all in the hope that the great bencfits then expectcd and forecast would flow out of the program. This program has now been in effect for more than a decade. Its adaptation to the South has been attended by costly social legislation—the organization of labor, old- age pensions, social security, minimum wage laws, tncreascd income tuxes, increased rail rates, and other increased charges and costs of production—the net result of which, from a@ financial standpoint, can be summed up by saying that while cotton prices have about been doubled, our production has been de- ercased from eighteen to approximately nine million bales per year, and with the cotton- reduction program has gone a large part, if not all, of our foreign markets for cotton. At the same time costs for fertilizer, feeds, seeos, fuel for agricultural operations, fence ing, agricultural machinery, ginning, rail rates, taxcs, and other increased production and marketing charges were geared to & highe: standard of social existence,
Al2 From the standpoint of net income and purchasing power derived from over-all cot- ton production, it is highly debatable whethe; or not the South has made any mi rked financial improvement whatever under the new order that now obtains. On the other hand, agricultural extension courses, teaching good soil-building and soll- utilization practices, stressing the need for diversification of crops as expounded by the United States as well as State departments of agriculture, have brought new and untold wealth and happiness to our section of the ccuntry. We look now to our fruitful orchards and to the ever-incrensing dairy and beef herds that graze in our southern woodland puas- tures. We count the tremendous !ncrease in our swine herds, our annual increase in in- spected packing-house slaughter. We look to our creamerles, our margurine and peanut butter, and to our cheese plants, to our new potato starch industry. to our Increased poul- try and egg production, and to trainload after trainload of early spring vegetables, ber- Ties, peaches, plums, and melons which now flow into northern markets, made possible u-der the new ngricultural economy that has been builded for our people. It can in truth bk. said that in spite of the aftermath of World War II and all the so-called regimentation to which our peoples have been or have subjected themselves, that out of the new system has been born a tre- mendously increused measure of spiritual happiness and creature comforts to our cot- ton South today. Somewhere in the Sacred Book it is writ- ten that “The Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away." Quite recently due to forces which have not as yet been assessed or dis- covered, the price uf cotton fell more than 10 cents & pound in one single month. Con- comitant with that decline in price comes no- tice of a very small crop this year under federally imposed controls. With it, however, comes notice of a tre- mendous cartel set up in the British Empire, financed in Parliament with an approxima- tion of 8850,000,000. This cartel, working under the British system of marketing, will undertake to control the cotton markets of the world in behalf of British cconomy and can only do so to the detriment of our own southern markets in behalf of British and other foreign growths of cotton staple. Arguments later will be advanced and demonstrations made that this action on the part of the British Government, entirely apart from other reasons, gives rise to the question as to whether or not any trade agreement whatever should be negotiated with the United Kingdom of Great Britain, while the actions of the British cotton cartel remains in obscurity. As this ts being written, it is evident that the American cotton planter finds himself in a precarious situation with respect to his foreign markets since the production of the cotton crop this year as produced under Fed- eral control, 1s but slightly more than ample to service the needs and requirements of the American people themselves. Cotton, no longer king, can no longer balance world trade. Now comes from the Committee on Rec- iprocity, Presidential notice of proposals not alone to reduce the tariffs on cotton manufactures and semimanufactures, which tended to secure the home market to the southern cotton planter, but in these trade agreements negotiations proposal is made to reduce the protective tariff rates on many other competing fibers. Apparently unmindful of the terrific in- creased production of synthetic fibers due to wartime expansion itn the wartime United Btates, the cotton South by virtue of the trade-agreements program is to lose more and more of its American cotton markets to the war industries not alone of America but now of Europe, turned from making muni- tions of war to the manufacture of rayon, nylon, and other synthetic fibers, filaments, yarns, threads, nolls, and other semi and manufactured synthetic fibers for future ex- port to the United States. A further proposal is made to reduce the tariff rates which in a large measure per- mitted us profitably to increase our herds of beef cattle and milk cows. Not alone do pending trade-agreement negotiations pro- pose the reduction of tariff rates on livestock and the meat products thereof, but on butter, cheese, miik, and cream, be it condensed, evaporated, or dried. The Committee on Reciprocity also makes proposals to barter our home markets for eges in the shell, dried or frozen eggs, egg yolks, and egg albumens. A downward re- vision in these tariffs is, at this time, un- thinkable to any sound agricultural econo- mist. Argument might be advanced that the increased importations of these products are percentagewise, smal! in comparison with total nnnual consumption within the Nation and therefore not important either to the southern agricultural economy or to the national economy as a whole. Take the matter of butter imports which undoubtedly will flow out of the enactment of any one of several of the trade agreements either through unilateral, bilateral, or multi- lateral trade It should be noted at this point that the butter situation in the United States at this very moment is daily under the scrutiny of the Federal Government which Government, until some 2 months ago, was paying a sub- sidy of 13 cents a pound to the producers thereof. It should be noted also that the tariff rate now on butter is 14 cents per pound. In addition to many other commodities, the Commodity Credit Corporation through- out the last year has been called upon many times to make purchases of butter in local markets in order to maintain the parity floor for this commodity set by the Congress of the United States, and under present stat- utes they will be thus compelled to issue these prices for the next 2 years. In the face of this costly Government sub- sidy, Mr. President, let the Association of Southern Commissioners of Agriculture sub- mit for your consideration the notable and historic fact that the arrival one time in the New York market of a single shipload of butter from New Zealand in one single day depressed the American market prices an average of 5 cents per pound. Will the Federal Government attempt to maintain a floor and support prices on the foreign butter to follow the enactment of these treaties? The largest single income item to the aver- age southern cotton planter, outside of the cotton staple itself, is the price that he re- ce'ves for the compliment of cottonseed pro- duced with his cotton that is because of the value of the cottonseed-oil content from which, among other items, is produced mar- garine. Proposal is made in pending ncgo- tiations now to reduce the existing tariff rates on both cottonseed oil and margarine. It is to be noted also that decreased rates of duty on competing edible oils and fats, as well as on margarine, are to be made the subject of negotiations for tariff reductions. What a travesty on economic justice for the Committee on Reciprocity to barter away the American market for butter, cottonseed oil, oleo, and other margarine oils, as well as many other oils, fats, and directly competing oll-bearing seeds, by reducing the tariff to the foreign producers when at the same time the United States Government itself main- tains a tax of 10 cents a pound and imposes that tax even on a southern cotton planter APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD if he wishes to produce and sell colored mar- garine from the cottonseed oil he himself produced. In addition thereto, many of the States north of the Mason and Dixon's line, follow- ing the pattern set by the Federal Govern- ment, impose prohibitive license fees and State taxes against margarine, an American- produced agricultural product of our own cotton South, when offered to the people of the United States by the southern producers thereof. One among the many hundreds of agricul- tural products upon which proposal is made to negotiate tariff reduction is that of pota- toes. Under date of November 26, 1946, Clinton P. Anderson, Secretary, United States Department of Agriculture, addressing the Honorable ELMER THOomas, chairman, Com- mittee on Agriculture and Forestry, United States Senate, pointed out the precarious position of the American farmer with respect to the production and marketing of the present potato crop. Wrote the Secretary of Agriculture on that date: “The basic relationship between our agri- cultural price support commitments and pro- duction levels for the various crops involved is one of the most fundamental questions before us at this time. * * © While this situation will have more serious implications for the future, if domestic or foreign de- mand for the products of our farms falls off materially, it is also of immediate concern. We are having,” wrot# the United States Sec- retary of Agriculture, ‘very real trouble with potatoes this year. In calling this whole question to your attention I should like to review the potato program—in light of the difficulties we are having in carrying out price support commitments with this first of the major postwar surplus crops.” The Secretary of Agriculture then goes into lengthy detail with respect to the present potato situation in the United States. He tells of the harvest, the surplus, the acreage cultivated, the dollar values. He tells of our downward adjustment in production goals * ©* * and despite their every activity, * © * advises the chairman of the Senate Committee on Agriculture and Forestry “the situation in 1946 is much worse than it was in 1945.” The Secretary then gives a graphic picture as to how the Department has endeavored to get rid of these potatoes by distributing them to schoo] lunches and free of charge to approved public institutions, of diversion of Government stores to starch mills and as livestock feeds, to the manufacture of alco- hol, and, among other facts which have to be faced, continues to write: “Reports will soon begin to appear, telling how potatoes are rotting in the fields or going to waste in other places. This is an unpleasant situation, but it is a stark reality we must face. The over-all cost to the Gov- ernment for the 1946 potato support program is estimated at $100,000,000. Of this amount the Department will recover, roughly, $20,- 000,000, leaving a net cost to the Government of approximately $80,000,000.” Mr. President, now hear the Association Southern Commissioners of Agriculture well on this point. In that letter the Secretary of Agriculture advises the chairman of the Senate Commit- tee on Agriculture that the Federal Govern- ment has on hand at this very moment 90,000,000 to 100,000,000 bushels of pota- toes costing the United States Govern- ment a net loss of @80,000,000, that they are not in such storage as will prevent them from freezing this winter; that they cannot be absorbed by the American starch mills, and yet, and at this very time the committee on reciprocity contemplates bartering away the American markets for starches in general and potato starch in particular by proposing how
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to further reduce the protective tariff on potato starch in order'to open the potato starch markets of the United States to for- eign producers of potato starch. Not alone, Mr. President, do they con- template reducing the protective tariff on the potato starch but, unthinkably so, on white or Irish potatoes, while the Federal Government owns nearly 90,000,000 bushels. As it 1s, Mr. President, with potatoes and potato starch, so it is with corn and with corn starch. Negotiations are to be con- ducted that will look to the reduction or fur- ther abatement of tariff rates that will at one and the same time shut down the corn starch factories of the United States and open our home markets to the flood of hundreds of millions of pounds (imports in some past years have been in excess of half a billion pounds’ of cassava, tapioca, sago, arrowroot, and other farinaceous substances and starch- bearing products imported from foreign lands to be sold directly in competition with corn starch, in this, the banner corn-crop year of corn production in these United States. Advices Just received from the Department of Agriculture are to the effect that “the starches made from culled sweetpotatoes were found wholly adequate in making ad- hesives for use on the back of United States postage stamps and flaps of envelopes; that until quite recently white-potato starches had historically been used for that purpose.” What a sad commentary on the economies of our national life is the fact that one of the specialists of the United States Depart- ment of Agriculture presumes that this letter will reach your desk, Mr. President, carried by & postage stamp not stuck either with American-produced white- or sweet-potato starch, but with an adhesive made from imported cassava roots, upon which the com- mittee of reciprocity wants to negotiate a reduction in tariff, while 80,000,000 bushels of potatoes now owned by the Government rot in storage. It is not considered amiss here to insert ® list which will exhibit a few of the many products ‘indigenous to the Southern States and some of those directly competitive there- with upon which proposal is made to reduce the tariff rates now afforded the American producers: Cattle. Live and dressed poultry. Meat and meat products. Lard and lard substitutes. Oleomargarine, other edible ofls and fats. Milk and cream: Condensed, evaporated, dried. Butter. Cheese. Fish and fish products. Eggs: In shell, dried, frozen. Egg yolks and egg albumens. Leather and hides. Whale oll, seal, cod, and other marine and fish ofls. Barley, buckwheat, oats, and rye. Rice, rice meal, and broken rice. Wheat and wheat flour. Barley malt. Oil cake and oil-cake meal of soybean, lin- seed, peanut. Dry and ripe beans, limas, peas, lentils. Tamarinds, grapefruit, limes. Pineapples. Apples. Berries and raisins. Apricots, prunes, and peaches. Coconuts, peanuts, walnuts, others. Broken nuts and nut products. Peanut butter, etc. t Cottonseed and other vegetable oils and ats. Molasses and sugar sirups. Honey. Oll seeds: castor bean, copra, palm kernel, Perilla, babassu nuts, and other oil-bearing eceds and nutes. oe coconut, palm, perilla, and linseed oil. Tobacco and tobacco manufactures. Cotton manufactures and semimanufac- tures. Woolen manufactures and semimanufac- tures. Rayon and other synthetic textiles. Rayon filaments, staples, yarns, threads, noils, waste. Rayon fabrics, wearing apparel, gloves, hosiery, handkerchiefs, mufflers, laces, em- broidertes, ribbons, and other manufactures. Wood and wood manufactures. Peanuts: shelled, not shelled, blanched, salted, prepared or preserved, and peanut butter. Peas: green and ripe peas and chick peas. Onions, white and Irish potatoes, Tomatoes in their natural state. Rutabagas, turnips. Cucumbers. Squash. Celery. Lettuce. Cabbage and all other vegetables not especially provided for. It is indefensible that any executive agency of the Government in support of what has been proven to be an unsound economic theory would today contemplate making seri- ous inroads into the agricultural economy that has been nurtured in the Cotton South during this last decade and a half under a truly sympathetic and understanding Demo- cratic administration. The markets of Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, New York, Detroit, Chicago, Kansas City, and all the great industrial trade areas compre- hended within that territory had for years been the market of the Cotton South for its annual crops of early green garden vege- tables, fruits, melons, and berries. It is stated without fear of successful con- tradiction that if the program contemplated in the currently to-be-conducted trade- agreement negotiations is carried out that we in the great Southland will see our southern-grown early green vegetables— potatoes, tomatoes, turnips, eggplants, squash, carrots, cucumbers, celery, lettuce, cabbage, spinach, beans, peas, peppers, corn—rotting in our fields and on our land, while the Florida East Coast, the Seaboard, and the Southern Railways will haul train- load after trainload of identical vegetables— the product of foreign labor farms and gar- dens—across our fertile fields and through our Southern States to our own historic northern markets under the guise of a reciprocal trade-agreements pact. Now, Mr. President, hear the southern commissioners weil on this: It may be true that in the realm of world trade northern industry can sell 100 auto- mobiles or 100 tractors or 100 typewriters to the owners of the plantations in foreign countries whose peon labor produce their products. These foreign producers do not have to pay the minimum wage scales per hour imposed by the United States Federal Government. They do not have to pay Fed- eral rates of workmen's compensation or so- cial security taxes imposed upon the agricultural producers of our South. Unlike our producers, they are not faced with the payment of the income taxes cheerfully borne by our own southern truck farmers and work- ers. The foreigners are not afforded free schools, and old-age pensions, regardless of race, creed, or color, or other beneficences that flow out of the enlightening admin- istration of local, State, and National Gov- ernment in these United States of America. It is axiomatic, Mr. President, that if the Present rates of tariff now imposed upon these commodities were prohibitive and unduly de- structive of all competition, how come the large imports of these articles which we have Al13 seen Cross our frontiers and which are an- nually reflected in the foreign commerce report of agricultural imports? Equally, let it be known to all men that if the present tariff rates do afford our south- ern producers some measure of protection necessary to rctain home markets and main- tain the American standards of living, then why reduce them? If ever by the exercise of P esidential power the proposed trade agreements are effectu- ated, the truck farmers in Floridu, Alabama, Georgia, Mississipp!, Louisiana, Arkansas, the Carolinas, yes, and the farmers in the Rio Grande Valley and those who cultivate the irrigated acreage in the Texas winter gardens, will some day find themselves dumping their spinach, their new potatoes, their tomatoes, their carrots, their snapbeans, their citrus fruits, and their melons into the irrigation ditches as a result of not finding markets that will so much as profit them to hervest, pack, and ship their stock—puaying federally imposed wage scales—and all the while Illi- nois Central trains will speed across their acres burdened with the garden products of Mexican peon labor working at little or no wage on Mexican flelds, while on this side of the border minimum-wage scales imposed by the Federal Government and organized Jabor rates are made cffective against all Jabor used in harvesting and packing crops. The southern textile industry itself is now threatened by the flood of cotton tcxtiles s00n to be loosed upon America in northern as well as southern cotton markets, once the proposal to slash the tariff rates on cot- ton manufactures and semimanufactures 18 mde effective through the enactment of the proposed trade agreements. ‘We must be cognizant of the fact that the trade-agreements program in its entirety was an experimental progrum for the pur- pose recited in the act itself. Section 350 (a) of the act of June 12, 1934, as amended, provided in part, as follows: “For the purpose of expanding foreign markets for the products of the United States and as a means of assisting in the present emergency, in restoring the American stand- ard of living, in overcoming domestic unem- ployment and economic depression, in in- creasing the purchasing power of the Ameri- can public and maintaining a better rela- tionship among the various branches of American agriculture, industry, mining, and commerce.” That was the dcclared purpose of the Trade Agreements Act, as expressed by the Congress of the United States at the time of its enactment. Wherein, Mr. President, the Association Southern Commissioners of Agriculture re- spectfully ask of you, will the negotiation of the present trade agreements (to quote the language of the act itself, “assist in the present emergency, restore American stand- ards of living, in overcoming domestic un- employment and economic depression, in In- creasing the purchasing power of the Ameri- can public,” and “establishing and main- taining a better relationship among various branches of American agriculture, industry, mining, and commerce”? The declared purpose of Congress as fur- ther recited in section 350 (a) of the act it- self provides: : “Regulating the admission of foreign goods into the United States in accordance with the characteristics and needs of various branches of American production.” Note well that the act specifically recites that it was “for the admission of foreign goods into the United States in accordance with the characteristics and needs of various branches of American production.” Mr, President, read this in the light of the letter the Secretary of Agriculture ad- dressed to Hon. E.mer THomas, chairman of the Senate Committee on Agriculture and
Al4 Forestry, under date of November 26, 1946, wherein he recites the $80,000,000 loss to the Federal Government this very year on the potato crop alone; he tells of the inability of starch mills to absorb more potatoes and further points out that: “Because the problems we are already fac- ing with regard to potatoes may arise for other commodities in the not far distant future, it is obviously imperative that the whole question of price support policy, to ac- complish the underlying objectives of the legislation, be given prompt and thorough consideration.” How then, in the light of this letter writ- ten by the United States Secretary of Agricul- ture, can the Committee on Reciprocity give any serious consideration whatever to re- ducing cxisting tariff rates on potatoes, potato starch, poultry, and hundreds of other agricultural items of which we have at the moment not only enough for domestic needs but of which we have exportable surpluses? Who is there to say that the southern agriculturists will not in this crop year or in the crop years to come be able to raise enough string beans and peas and spinach and carrots and peppers and tomatoes to satisfy the needs of the American markets, and that therefore tariffs must now be re- duced to supply whom: ‘various branches of American production,” to wit, the pro- ducers themselves. Argument is advanced that the principle of the reciprocal trade-agrecment program, initiated more than a decade ago as an ex- Periment in foreign trade relationship, was intended to cure an economic evil, malad- justment, and disease in our domestic and foreign trade relationship. Argument is now also advanced that the cure hus become a part of, if not worse than, the discase itself. The reciprocal trade- agreements program, now a more difficult problem to our national economy, is full of more potentially dire effects upon our peo- ple than was the maladjustment which gave birth to the act. May we respectfully submit to your con- sideration that the so-called agreement nations with whom negotiations are cur- rently to be conducted have many products which in the past have contributed much to our American standards of living and to our way of life. They include agricultural, mineral, semimanufactured and manufac- tured products and goods In the matter of effectuating hemispheric solidarity and world peace, no man questions the wisdom and the potency of trade, but let us have a truly reciprocal trade amongst the American farmers and the farmers and agriculturists of other nations. Let us negotiate the free flow of crops of American cotton, wheat, and lard and other exportable surpluses for the agricultural and forest products of other nations, such as natural rubber, coffec, tea, bananas, silk, jute, sisal, and neither seek to penetrate their markets by dumping our goods on them nor, at the same time, permit them to dump into our already surfeited American markets their surplus of grains, beef, milk, poultry, eggs, vegetables, fruits, nuts, and berries—leaves, stems, stalks, or roots—to the continual and everlasting detriment of our own agricultural economy. By the same token, Mr. President, let the heavy mass-production industries of America exchange the products of their techniques, their ponderous presses, skilled labor, techni- cal equipments, and scientific instruments, for the industrial products of foreign in- dustrial producers, but let us dispel all thought of selling American-manufactured goods in the markets of the world when we know at the outset that the foreigners can make no payment in kind and can only meet their obligations in the banking houses of the United States by shipping floods of agri- cultural products, drowning out the Ameri- can markets, the American producers, and sorely distressing the domestic economy of the Nation as a whole by destroying in large part the purchasing power of the American farmers themselves. Mr. President, let us in the Cotton South sell our farm products in American markets and with the proceeds thereof buy the prod- ucts of our home industries; America will then have the products and also the in- dustrial goods, Buy your farm products abroad and ‘tis true you will have the products but they, the foreigners, will have the tractors and automobiles, while our own agriculture goes back to a subsistence level of diet and of life. Respectfully submitted. ASSOCIATION SOUTHERN COMMIS- SIONERS OF AGRICULTURE, C. C. Hanson, Secretary. Congress Modernized EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp I wish to include herein a radio address I delivered over radio station WMEX Bos- ton, Mass., on Thursday evening, Janu- ary 2, 1947. The subject of the address was on the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946. CONGRESS MODERNIZED You are u shareholder in the biggest busi- ness in the world, the Government of the United States. As one of your duly elected representatives, I serve you in the Congress, which is the board of directors, as it were, entrusted with the task of establishing the policy line for this business. From time to time I report back to you, to tell you how the business is getting along. Tonight I want to speak to you about something which has needed doing for too many years. It is about a law which has not received enough publicity. It is, I am proud to say, one of the most progressive steps taken by our Congress in this or any other generation. By name it is the Legis- lative Reorganization Act of 1946. Why its it so important? Because before the economic, political, and social pressures of our time, democracy is on trial. We've got to make it work or else. We have just emerged from a war in which we defeated aggressive dictatorship. But another regimented way of life remains, and it is in competition with ours. Many na- tions which experimented with democracy after the First World War were unable to make it solve their problems. And so, they are listening to the siren call of communism. They have seen the one remaining democ- racy—the United States—torn by many cross tensions during the past year. And they have jumped to the conclusion that if we, with all our wealth and power, cannot estab- lsh domestic order and tranquillity, then it is hopeless for them to attempt self-govern- ment. They forget that we are an adaptable peo- ple, with a long experience in democracy which has enabled us to survive many crises. All we need is a little adjustment in the ma- chinery of government to bring it up to date. And that is what we have started to do, effec- tive this very day, through the moderniza- tion of our Congress, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The founding fathers intended that the Congress should be the heart of our repre- sentative form of government. In this cen- tury, however, the office of President has steadily acquired more power and prestige and the two branches have not always co- operated for the national interest. Herbert Hoover, a Republican President, had a Demo- cratic Congress, and the two were at constant odds. Asa result, nothing was accomplished to ward off the longest and severest depres- sion that our country has experienced. In 1932, when Franklin D. Roosevelt became President, the Nation was paralyzed with fear. Millions of men were out of work, banks were failing, and, in desperation, the people cried out for direct action to save the Nation. The Congress, hidebound by old and slow procedures, was in no position to meet the emergency. It surrendered its law-making functions to the White House. There, the President with his advisers. made the laws which Congress approved, second- hand. The executive branch of the Govern- ment had become supreme. 8o serious was the crisis for the Nation that there was no alternative. We were saved a domestic upheaval at the cost of learning that the stage-coach traditions of Congress could not cope with the problems of the m-chine age. Serious-minded men and women, knowing that the failure of the legislative function in other countries had been the first step toward dictatorship, feared that we were headed in the same direction. As we weathered the storms of depres- sion and war, Congress began to reassert it- self. Instead of cooperation between the two branches of government, as hoped for, the old contest for power reappeared. In 1946, a coalition of Republicans and south- ern Democrats voted down President Tru- man's recommendations. In this confusing situation, responsibility for failures could not be defined clearly. But the public, in its wrath, took it out on the party which by name, if not in fact. was in power. Tcday we are confronted with a clearcr division between the two. We have a Demo- cratic President and a Republican Congress. If the two square off--as some people fear— we shall have a deadlock in government which would seriously imperil our whole way of life Frankly. I do not expect to see such a break-down in constitutional government. The Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 is destined, among other things, to bring Congress and the Executive closcr together— working as a team rather than as com- petitors in a struggle for power These reforms have come just in time. Streamlined techniques are nceded in gov- ernment in order to make it work efficiently in this year of 1947. Last year the total cost of the Congress, which is the voice of the people, amounted to little more than $50,000,000. By way of contrast, the little-known and minor agency called the Office of Indian Affairs spent $27,000,000. Congress had not had a thorough reor- ganization since 1898. Its machinery of that day was designed to control only three one- hundredths of the task which confronts it today. A Congressman’s job is to make laws, but through the years the people, in steadily increasing numbers, have called upon him to do all kinds of little errands. As a ree sult, 80 percent of the average Senator's or Representative's time is taken up by work of @ nonlegislative nature. Consequently, Mem- bers of Congress not only do not have time to study legislation but they do not even have time to vote. And day by day the measures coming up before Congress are more technical, involving not only the wel- fare of a district, a State, or the Nation but sometimes that of the world itself. Worried, lest it lose its constitutional place in government, and impressed with the need
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of self-improvement, the Seventy-eighth Congress authorized a joint committee of its own Members to make a thorough study of its organization and operation. It was my privi- lege to be one of the six Members from the House of Representatives who served on that committee. After a year of searching investi- gation and hearings, we reported a bill which, with some exceptions, was passed by Congress and became effective on January 2, 1947. We had found, for instance, that Congress had more than 80 standing committees, many of which overlapped, making the machinery for legislating slow and defective. Six sepa- rate committees in the Senate deal with the rules and the administration of that body. In the House, six committees vie with one another for jurisdiction over legislation con- cerning public lands and three with veterans’ affairs. Taxes are levied by some commit- tees, and appropriations or expenditures by others. Oftentimes, the left hand does not know what the right hand is doing. A Con- G@ressman may be a member of four commit- tees, all of which are meeting on the same hour of the same day. This led to confusion and waste of valuable time. It is reported that Jesse Jones, a highly placed and re- sponsible public servant, was called away from his work on 18 different occasions to appear before 18 separate committees to de- liver the same 2-hour speech. To correct this cumbersome set-up, we re- duced the number of committees from 81 to 34. Many of these 15 committees in the House and 19 in the Senate are parallel in scope. Twin committees may hold joint hearings on the same bill, thus saving the time of busy administrators end legislators alike. Furthermore, the Reorganization Act pro- vides that each standing committee shall employ four staff experts (nonpartisan career men) to marshal the facts, plan the hearings, brief the committeemen, and prepare reports on pending measures. The Legislative Ref- erence Service of the Library of Congress is to be expanded and legislative counsel pro- vided to help Congressmen to properly evalu- ate the flood of complex problems which come before them. The Reorganization Act will not only help Congress to pass legislation, but assist them in seeing to it that such legislation is carried out with congressional intent With the increase of Federal functions during the twentieth century, Congress has created many commissions and agencies to perform them and has delegated its rule-making power to them. Too often, a decree tssued by one bureaucrat in any one of the ugencies has had the effect of law. To strengthen congressional oversight of administrative performance, standing committees of both Houses will keep watch over the execution of the laws in the public interest. The bill raises the salaries of Members of Congress, and permits them to participate in the Federal retirement system now avail- able to other Federal employees. It also re- leves Congress from consideration of the many local and private claims which have heretofore diverted its attention from na- tional policy making. Without impairing free speech, the Reorganization Act requires the registration of all lobbyists, with infor- mation concerning their membership and the source of their contributions, and their ex- penditures so that Congress may properly weigh the worth of the arguments presented by these pressure groups when it comes to enacting legis'ation. By simplifying its operations, supervising the administration of the laws, controlling Federal expenditures, and hecoming more responsive to the need for quick and expert action on postwar problems, this act will accomplish much. By lifting the work-load and expediting the process of legislation, the Reorganiza- tion Act will strengthen our democratic form of government to meet the tests which lie ahead. To safeguard the ‘s interest and to become more efficient in their behalf, the Congreas needs your continuing interest and advice on matters of government. Improvement of Congress, though im- perative, is not an absolute guaranty of bet- ter government. We need good men and good will, But, above all, our greatest need is for an alert and well-informed public opinion which is the heart of democratic govern- ment. We have done much to modernize Con- gress. With your help we shall do more. When any legislative body becomes merely a debating society, playing with words when it should be passing constructive legislation to meet urgent problems, dictatorship is not far away. A revitalized Congress is your concern as well as mine. It is useless to sit back and criticize government. We must do something positive to improve it. At the beginning of this new year of 1947, let us resolve to devote more thought and effort toward the improvement of our Gov- ernment so that democracy will survive, and go forward with confidence into the future. Address by Hon. Robert F. Wagner, of New York, Dedicating a Plaque in Mem- ory of Joseph Medill Patterson EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. WAGNER OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. WAGNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the text of my address to the members of the New York Daily News Chapel, of Typographi- cal Union No. 6, on September 9, 1946, in dedicating a plaque tro the memory of the late Capt. Joseph Medill Patter- son, one of the great figures of our time. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: My friends, we have met here today in response to a single impulse: To draw in- spiration once more from the memory of a great and valiant man whom we learned to love. Our purpose ts to erect a perpetual testimonial of our admiration and affection for Capt. Joseph Medil! Patterson. You and I, who knew and worked with Captain Patterson, have no need for speeches to explain our presence here Each of us could commune with himself and from his own asscctation with this man of vigor and vision, readily call to mind the qualitics which evoke our fond recoliection and com- mand our loyalty and homage. But we are not content with such silent communion. We want the whole community to hear our refiections, to learn and to know that a great-hearted giant had lived in our midst. We desire to communicate to future genera- tions our response to his greatness, his sim- plicity, and his humanity. Let us, therefore, record the noteworthy fact that we, who are here assembled, are the members of the Datly News Chapel of the Typographical Union No. 6. We are members of a labor union which chooses to commemorate in honor and affection the man who was our boss. This novel and ar- rested fact alone, this departure from the usual pattern, vividly demonstrates that Al5 Captain Patterson was an unusual man. The stereotyped cartoon of a publisher as a fat man, chewing a fat cigar, his vest be- sprinkled with dollar signs, was not con- ceived with Mr. Patterson as the model. He was an extraordinary man, and he ex- hibited the rare man’s paradoxes. He was born and bred to aristocracy, but none de- spised more vehemently the trappings of caste and class. He was accustomed to great wealth, but few had keener understanding of the problems of poverty. He had access to the high and mighty of the land; he pre- ferred to know the alms, ambitions, and strivings of the little people. By natural aptitude he was a fighter and a man of action, but he selected the printed word as his sword and tool. Already, even in his lifetime, his name was embroidered with legendary exploits. There is the story that he used to come to his editorial desk at the Chicafo Tribune dresced in corduroys and a turtle-neck sweatcr. You have heard reports of his excursions among the derelicts, sampling their lonely and bit- ter existence. Numerous tales have circu- lated about his uncanny perception of the trend of public taste and mood. There are two stories that I like best, because they hold up a clear mirror to the man himeclf. The first is the story of an argument )e- tween Patterson and one of his executives, which concluded with these words of the publisher: “The fact that I decide against you is no proof that I'm right and you're wrong. It may be that I’m wrong and you're right. It's purely because of an accident of birth that I happen to be in a position where I get my way.” Few men of wealth and power see themselves with such candor and clarity. The second incident I cherish as the sym- bol of his simplicity. It is the text of what he wrote when his circulation manager passed away: “Mcmo to Max Annenberg,” he wrote, “Good-bye, I am going to miss you a lot. Hope to be seeing you some day.” There were no flourishes, but all who read that unadorned memo knew that here was a man mourning the loss of his friend. He was a playwright whose plays appeared on Broadway: he was 4 soldier so conspicu- ous that General MacArthur spoke of him as “The greatest natural-born soldier that. ever served under my command” It was not In his make-up to seek an easy assignment or a safe berth In five of the most violent engagements in World War I, he demon- strated the stuff he was made of. Before World War I, he had already served a term in the Illinois Legislature und in the office of commissioner of public works of the city of Chicago. Already he was giving conmicu- ous evidence of those qualities which ulti- mately produced his greatest enterprise—the New York Daily News Each day during the past 28 years that paper has reflected his singular independence of mind, the vividness of hia imagination, his genuine understand- ing of the grent masses of his fellow citizens. That understanding never failed him be- cause it was founded upon a true sympathy with the common people With Patterson it was not a rhetorical flourish but the ex- pression of his very being. when he carved upon the face of this building the closing phrase of Lincoln’s immortal saying, “God must have loved the common people; he made 60 many of them.” When I consider the magnitude of his achievement in building this great tnstitu- tion, the News, I put in second place the fact that it is a stupendous business under- taking, outstripping all ite competitors in a contest in which all the odds were against him, providing a Mvelihood for thousands of families and great wealth for its stockholders and managers What I put in first place is that he succeeded in building a pipe line for the transmission of news, opinion, and in- telligence into 4,000,000 homes—the largest channel of its kind in the United States.
Al6 He wes its inventive genius, its architect, its Gesigner. It is today a photographic image of his versatile personality. You, my friends, helped to maintain It, to sustain its pressure, and to carry its life-giving cargo to a vast population, In many a cause in which I was privileged to carry the banner, he was a potent, re- sourceful, and trusted ally. There were times when we disagrced and then he waa an equally potent, resourceful, and always chivalrous opponent. Even in the grimmest disagree- ments, no one could ever question the integ- rity of his motives, the purity of his patriot- ism, or his complete devotion to our country. Men capable of wielding great power fre- quently become obsessed with a sense of their own wisdom and lose respect for the view of others. That sorry trait Mr. Pat- terson never exhibited. No one whose char- acter is marred by such a flaw could have invented the idea of the annual battle page, where both sides in the campaign could equally and freely express their views re- gardless of the position taken on the edi- torial page. And there is not a newspaper- man on the staff of the News who has not felt perfectly free to espouse any public cause without fear of reprisal. Men who can command the fulfillment of their every wish sometimes become thought- less of the fate and fortune of their strug- gling brethren. Not so Mr. Patterson. He said to me once, “I have to go slow. I have to consider so many people—the people who work with me. If I make a business mistake I am likely to penalize them without intending to do so. If I should wreck this business, thousands of people I have never seon would suffer; their children might go hungry. The responsibility frightens me sometimes. Thut is why I have to go slow.” Anc that is why we have come to lay a wreath of our tribute, our esteem, and af- fection at his feet. That is why, I am sure, in the Great Beyond, he is huppy to witness these ceremonies, happy to win that which no one has ever amassed enough wealth to be able to buy—a little silver plaque bearing the evidence of the love of his coworkers. The price of that is a great human heart. Captain Patterson, we salute you. Well have you earned the rest that Kipling spoke of: “When earth's last picture is painted, and the tubes are twisted amd dried, When the oldest colors have faded, and the youngest critic hus died, We shall rest, and faith. we shall need it— lie down for an eon or two, Till the Master of all good workmen shall set us to work anew! “And only the Master shall praise us, and only the Master shall blame; And no one shall work for money, and no one shall work for fame; But each for the joy of the working, and each, in his separate star, Shall draw the thing as he sees it, for the God of things as they are!” Reciprocal Trade Treaties EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, I regard the speech made by Mr. Wheeler McMillen, editor-in-chief of the Farm Journal, before the New York Economic Club dinner, May 23, 1945, on the subject of reciprocal trade treaties a logical and unanswerable indictment of the low- tariff program of the trade-agreement advocates. Under leave to extend, I am inserting Mr. McMillen’s speech: Since the reciprocal trade treaty program was instituted in 1984, the duties on 1,226 items have been reduced. A considerable number of items have been found on the free list. Not one single item has experienced an increase of duty Now demanded is not merely renewal of Executive authority to continue the program but the right to reduce duties by 50 percent below those reductions which already have been made. No doubt can exist, therefore, about the intent of the proponents of these treaties. Their purpose is to reduce, to reduce again, and, if possible, to destroy whatever protec- tion the tariff affords to the markets of Amer- ican farmers, to the jobs of American workers, and to the ability of American business to serve the American people On the evidence of their acts, and not merely of their words, their objective is that illusive international dreamland, the state of free trade among nations. In behalf of these treaties more than one naive sophism has been advanced. Once they were earnestly recommended to the American people as a preventive of war. Now, with supreme contempt for the inter- vening history, they are soberly advocated as & preventive of future wars. Among the other ills which the treaties promised to moderate was unemployment. Six years after the act was passed, and after a dozen other employment nostrums had been tried, until war made a temporary abundance of jobs, unemployment was as prevalent as before. Their contribution to the creation of new jobs during that period was imper- ceptible, if, indeed, they did not decrease employment. The framing of the first legislation in au- thorization of the trade agreements was ac- companied by a regrettable note of dishon- esty. Although not distinguishable from commercial treaties among nations, they are called agreements. This term was written into the legislation for a single purpose, a purpose which I believe no defender of the treaties will attempt to deny That purpose was to evade any review of their provisions by the congressional representatives of the people. It was to confine all authority with reference to them to the executive depart- ment of the Government. If the tr +ty pro- cedure therefore smells a bit with the odor of totalitarianism, those who established the procedure chose the aroma. PROPAGANDA BATHES TREATIES IN IDEALISM A prodigality of propagunda has sought to blind the American people to any doubts about the immaculate virtue of the treaty program. So overwhelming has been this propaganda, so lovingly has every line and syllable been anointed with the functions of idealism, that whoever remains unconverted can expect to be regarded as one reeking with reaction, as the personification of sordid selfishness, unregenerate with isolationism and steeped in original sin. The public funds of the Nation and the powerful propaganda machinery of Govern- ment have been enlisted to perfume the treaty program with this fragrant atmosphere of idealism. So effective has been the appeal to unselfishness that philanthropic gener- osity from many sources has surged forward to contribute money to further the propa- ganda. Among these sources are such pious idealists as the exporters and importers, the export manufacturers, the marine and ship- ping corporations, and international bankers. Remarkable as the fact may be, even certain of the foreign industrial and agricultural competitors of the United States have been APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD induced to support the abolition of our tariff duties. CHANGED CONDITIONS ARE NOW TO BE FACED This is a timely moment to review a pro- gram for which so much factitious fervor has been aroused. The question comes up at an hour when we face a future filled with unknown and unpredictable quantities. For nearly 6 years the violent forces loosed in a devastating, consuming war have altered the economic conditions of the earth. Allusions to whatever effects may be alleged, pro or con, to have resulted from the trade treaties in the 1930's can have little weight in this discussion tonight. The world’s face has changed. One could hardly say with ac- curacy that the world’s face has been lifted; rather, it has been bashed in. This is now a world that has spent most of its savings, destroyed large portions of its capital wealth. and which has profoundly distorted the former relationships among nations. This is now a world in which an- cient hatreds have been intensified and new hatreds have flamed into evil existence. We shall hereafter be dealing with nations and peoples who will be striving desperately to recoup their damaged fortunes, to restore their former well-being, to assure their fu- ture safety from aggression, and to realize whatever they may of the shining hopes that have been held out to them as promises of the postwar ere. Here in the United States we shall be obliged to repair the ravages wrought upon our own economy first by po- litical recklessness and then by war. Nevertheless, we are profoundly and sin- cerely anxious to help the less fortunate peo- ples of the earth. Genuine, effective help to others by the United States can be justified on the ground of enlightened selfishness no less than in the cause of humanitarian de- cency. As Americans, we crave for every nation the highest possible standard of living that its people can earn. We oppose the exploita- tion of those who are economically or politi- Cally weak. The United States can derive no advantage, either in prosperity or security, because of poverty anywhere else in the world Prosperity, anywhere in the world, is a buttress to prosperity and security every- where in the world According to the precepts taught by the advocates of free trade und parroted by the proponent. of the reciprocal-trade treaties, mutual international prosperity can be ad- vanced by providing unobstructed access to world murkets for those commodities which each nation most readily produces because of natural advantages or developed skills. If this premise were true, and if it were supported by the evidence of fact, a simple and desirable formula for worlu welfare would b> in our possession. Unfortunately it is not true; the fundamental error of their own basic theory deludes its advocates. Building upon the sands of this false premise, the advocates of free trude are cer- tain that the United States can strengthen other countries by constant reduction and eventual abolition of American tariffs und thereby admitting into this, the richest of all national markets, an unrestricted volume of competitive production from the rest of the world. HOW FREE TRADE HAS PERPETUATED POVERTY With no consideration for the moment as to the effect of such policies upon the for- tunes of the American people, let us examine their actual effects upon those abroad whom we would like to help to achieve higher standards of living. Under the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, fully 65 percent of the imports of the United States entered on the free list, without pay- ment of duty, and the free list has not been decreased since that time. It stood at about that figure, also, during the previous decade. Thus for a quarter of the century the United States has admitted approximately two-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD thirds of ita imports without duty. This record, certainly, affords a substantial basis of experierce for estimating the effect of free trade upon the people in other lands who have produced those goods which we have bought freely and in abundance. Among the products which we bought from abroad was rubber. We are the world's largest consumers. How much did free access to the American market improve the stand- ard of living of the rubber producers in the East Indies? Their wages are variously reported at from 10 to 20 cents a day. Have they in return been able to buy auto- mobiles or tires or even raincoats? Have they been able to exchange their labor for radios and refrigerators or even for the small comforts and conveniences such as abound in our stores? Has free access to the Ameri- can market benefited the people of the E2zst Indies, or has it cxploited those people to provide Americans with cheap rubber? Has it, in fact, diverted them from developing production of other goods which they need for themselves? From the same region the United States has imported annually from 300,000,000 to 400,000,000 pounds of tropical starches, most- ly free of duty. Have those transactions en- riched the farmers of the East Indies, or have they rather served to reduce the opportuni- ties of American farmers? Free of duty from South American coun- tries we have imported large quantities of coffee In addition we have imported, from there and other tropica) areas, huge quan- tities of vegetable oils. Is there evidence that we have thereby built up the standards of living for the producers of those com- modities? One answer may be found in the recent statement by a Brasilian economist. He speaks of a country vaster in extent than continental United States, older in discov- ery, and not inferior in natural resources. The average standard of living in Brazil, he declared, is below that of India and China, where the standard is so notoriously low that an increase of eighteenfold would hardly bring it to the American level. Have the jute farmers of India overcome their poverty by eccess to world markets? Have the fellahin of Egypt reveled in pros- perity from sending their cotton into the in- ternational channels of trade? What bene- fits are enjoyed by the laborers in the tin mines of Bolivia? Did free access to the American market create either prosperity or peace for the silk workers of Japan? What is the matter with this picture? According to the principles of free trade ad- vocates the producers of rubber, of tropical starches, of Torrid Zone vegetable oils, of coffee and tin and jute and silk ought to be prosperous. They ought not to labor for the world’s lowest standards of living. Before answering that question, it is per- tinent to ask another. What are the two most constant problem crops in American agriculture? One is cotton, and the other is wheat. Both depend for a large part of their market upon world demand and foreign abil- ity tobuy. Farmers of the United States have relatively little difficulty in finding profitable markets for the poultry and dairy products, the meats and fruits and vegetables which they sell within the United States. PRODUCTION HAS TWO JOBS TO DO The fact is that the advocates of free trade overlook an important economic law to which the textbooks have given all too little atten- tion. This is the law which secms to con- demn to a condition of disadvantage nearly every large group ui people who labor as orig- inal producers of an abundant raw material which must find its markets through world trade. The people who are forced to concen- trate upon such production become the ready victim of exploitation by the ruthless forces of world competition. They are never far from the verge of an economic slavery which they can escape only by developing alterna- xXCITI—App.——-2 tive products and new sources of earning power. The more they concentrate upon their specialty, the more narrow becomes their dependence and the more certain their poverty. It must be emphasized that production has two functions. One is to create goods. The other is to create purchasing power. FPro- duction that does not earn buying power does not fulfill its human purpose. Here in the United States the American people have built their unprecedentedly high standard of living over a century and a half by achieving a remarkable diversity of pro- duction. That diversity, promoted where de- sirable by a fairly continuous policy of pro- tection from excessive foreign compctition, has, under freedom, enabled Americans to develop an unequaled variety of sources of earning power. Our national prosperity is not dependent upon a few Nmited species of economic activity. With so great a variety of means to earn, Americans rnre in consequence able to buy an overwhelming proportion of the goods produced within the United States. The fact that always more than nine-tenths and sometimes as much as 95 percent of our busi- ness is done among our own people. and that sO little of it is subjected to the vagaries of world trade. has enabled our people to sus- tain and steadily to increase their high standard of living. DOMESTIC PROSPERITY CREATES FOREIGN TRADE The prosperity which has resulted from the long American protective policy has en- abled Americans to become the world’s largest consumers of imported materials and therefore the world’s best customers for the products of other lands Domestic pros- perity is the most powerful stimulant of foreign trade. In periods of highest pros- perity we import the largest volume of the raw materials which we do not produce. and import the largest quantities of the luxury goods which we can then afford to add to our standard of living. That higher volume of international trade is not the cause, but the product of prosperity at home. A correct system of protective tariffs is a fertilizer for international trade and not, as the propagandists would force us to be- lieve, a barrier. Such a system has enabled Americans to build up the production of the enormous variety of things Americans have wanted. That production has earned them the means to buy other commodities from elsewhere. That system has created diversification and abundance of earning power. We have not lHmited ourselves to a paucity of means to live, nor restricted our- selves to a few limited varieties of economic activity. Our farmers are not confined to the cotton and wheat and corn fields, but have a hundred other profitable activities. Our workers are not confined to the auto- motive, business machine, and other indus- tries in which our efficiency may be excep- tional. They have a tremendous choice of jobs. Does anyone really want to reduce that choice by limiting American production to a few specialties for world markets with Jess purchasing power than ours? HELP OTHERS TO HELP THEMSELVES The American people are quite generally agreed that their best service to the rest of the world may be to help other populations to help themselves. That service will not be performed merely by opening our markets to the unrestricted delivery of their products. Such a course would only intensify the exploitation of other peoples to augment our supplies of cheap raw materials and cheap luxury goods. It would only narrow the fields of economic opportunity which they might create for themselves. A far wiser and far more effective way to help less fortunate peoples to help themselves will be to uid them to produce for themselves the things they need for themselves. That Al7 course will be far more enlightened than to reduce thelr opportunities by exploiting their labor to produce for us the things that we have reasons to need to produce for oursclves. Neither does itt follow that a protective system which has yielded high returns for the United States can be exactly suited to the needs of any other country; nor, cer- tainly, should a great Nation hke ours, with & large natural capacity for self-contain- ment, be influenced to imitate a policy de- veloped for » small have-not nation such as England. Free trade, with all its accom- paniment of exploitation, may be necessary for a country which can produce neither most of its food nor of its raw materials. In the United States we can produce most of both. We do not need to exploit the cheap human labor of distant lands. On the con- trary, our most selfish interest, as well as our most generous good will, will be served if we aid such people to produce for themselves the goods they most need for themselves. SHALL THE UNITED STATES UPSET FISCAL POLICIES OF OTHERS? If trade treaties are to be reciprocal, and if they are to create this so-called free trade, the United States must demand that other countries reduce their duties in return for reductions by us. Most of the nations of the world depend upon customs duties for a far higher percentage of their national revenues than does the United Stutes Whereas the customs provide only about 9 percent of the income of our Government. Brazil, for in- stance. derives 48 percent of her revenue from customs. Every other Latin-American na- tion counts upon customs for more than 25 percent of national taxes, ranging up to 88 percent in Guatemala. Sweden and China look to customs for more than half their revenues, and Indian for nearly 70 percent. The United States may perform a doubtful kindness when it exerts its power of negotia- tion to upset the already delicate fiscal sys- tems of less secure nations. Thus far I have indicated that what is called freedom of trade tends to the exploita- tion of workers and producers in less diversi- fled areas; that it restricts, rather than im- proves, the range of their economic oppor- tunities; that it tends to bind them to en- terprises of doubtful advantage: that it tends to deprive them of the power to develop diversified sources of earning power; that it puts them ut the mercy of conditions beyond their control in world markets and keeps them in the power of their customers. I do not believe that Americans wish to encourage the exploitation of any foreign people. I refuse to belleve that Americans desire to become parties to an ill-conceived Program which can only lead to the further pauperization of other nations. I do not be- lieve that the genuine idealists of free trade themselves, if they truly understood the per- nicious effects of their doctrine, would cone tinue to be its advocates. Never yet has it been possible to produce all the goods of all Kinds for which human desires exist There is no limit to the poten- tials of human consumption except purchas- ing power. In turn, the only limit upon pur- chasing power is earning power, the power to produce exchangeable goods. The policy in every nation. therefore, ought to be to nurture and nourish, to stimulate and expand the capacity of the pcople to earn. How to maintain such a policy will shortly fccome the major concern here in our own country. IF UNITED STATES BOUGHT EVERYTHING FROM ABROAD Let us suppose, for one moment, that the United States succumbed aftcr the war to the extremists in this passing frenzy of internationalism. Let us suppose that we decided to adopt this porous doctrine of free trade, and accepted the theory that we could prosper best by purchasing everything from wherever it might be obtainable most
A18 cheaply. After the war nearly every product Americans use might conceivably be offered somewhere, by nations eager for exports, at 8 price below the level required for profitable production here. What, then, would be the consequence? What could it be except the rapid destruction of American earning power? The illustration may be fantastic, but the principle is not. The preservation and in- crease of American economic strength is a first duty of Americans. The United States cannot hope to be a power for peace and stability in a turbulent world, and cannot expect to exert moral force for human good, and at the same time permit ourselves to abandon any kind of production that will improve our national strength. Only the United States will help the United States. By 1940 our country had not yet emerged from the long depression Since then the debt, destruction, and distortions of war have been superimposed upon the effects of the depression. We are in no position blithely to assume the costs of vast new theoretical experiments. SHALL WE TRADE THREE-AND-ONE-HALF JOBS FOR ONE? The motorcar industry is admired as a triumph of American efficiency. No other country makes so much car for so little money. The free-trade theorist therefore reasons that we should export more auto- mobiles, and should reduce tariffs of some less efficient industry tn order to import something to pay for the exported cars. It so happens that in 1939 the automobile ‘wage earners and the cotton textile industry's Wage earners were approximately equal in number. The value of the output of the automobile worker was three and one-half times the value of the cotton mill worker's output. Therefore, it might seem logical to trade our efficiently made motorcars for cot- ton products from abroad, especially since several foreign countries have textiles to offer. Simple arithmetic reveals what the effect would be. To create one job at making motorcars for export we should have to im- port enough textiles to displace three and one-half cotton workers. Is that the kind of business that will pay our public debt and maintain America strong? Incidentally, a British mission this year reported to Lancashire that British spinners produce 18 to 49 percent less per man-hour than Americans, and British weavers 56 to 67 percent less. Our textile industry is not so ineficient. WHICH MARKET BUYS MORE AUTOMOBILES? The production of sugar beets in this coun- try has long been scorned by the free traders as an uneconomic business. In any sugar- beet area of the United States an automobile will normally be found for every four or five persons. In Cuba there is one automobile for every 175 people. Which looks like the better way to build an automobile market, to buy some sugar from American beet farmers or to buy all of {t from Cuban plan- tations where the actual workers buy no automobiles at all? Morcover. when Detroit sells an automobile to an American citizen someone else sells a garage, a highway, a hot-dog stand, tire re- placements, gasoline and oil, hotel rooms, and a whole train of goods and services. When an automobile is sold overseas only an automobile is sold. Does some one complain that every Ameri- can consumer has to help buy the sugar beet farmer's car? That could be. Assum- ing that the full amount of tariff is reflected in every pound of sugar, the duty adds up to about $1 , er person. That kind of a dollar is job insurance for the automobile »mployee and for many other American workers. With the kind of employment problem that may roll up in a few years, the need- less importation of goods America can pro- duce will be recognized for what it ie—the export of jobs. How many jobs can we afford to export? NATIONAL DEFENSE DEMANDS PROTECTIVE MEASURES Not for many years will the United States again dare to permit itself to be unprepared for war, for our preparedness will be assur- ance of peace. We know now that prepared- ness includes almost everything. Yet we see rising a new breed of isolationista who are willing to see their country isolated from sources of essential supplies. The short- sighted failure to encourage our synthetic rubber industry years ago left us in 1941 iso- lated from rubber. Thanks to a wise protec- tive tariff enacted in the early twenties we were not also isolated from the indispensable chemicals from which we were cut off once before. The tariff-protected American chem. ical industry has performed an immeasurable share in the Job of saving civilization. The national defense demands that there shall be produced in some quantity and at some cost, somewhere within continental United States, every possible essential item for military needs and for maintenance of the civilian economy during the war. A SMALL UMBRELLA OF APPEASEMENT The appeal is raised that unless we are willing to cut another 50 percent from our present tariff rates we shall not be able to keep the friendship of other nations. When these reductions have been made, will our margin for the purchase of friendship be reduced to 25 percent of the 1930 rates? Shall we then be asked to surrender this last margin in the holy cause of purchased international good will? And when that is gone shall we be obliged to fight? Or shall we then begin to subsidize imports? One answer is as logical as the other. The appeal itself is absurd. A nation great as the United States cannot in fact be dependent upon 80 smal] an umbrella of appeasement. The most immenee of all the oversights of the free-traders is their failure to understand the new American philosophy. For centuries men assumed that the world had only so much wealth, and that if one man or one nation were to obtain more he must take it from others. That was the predatory phi- losophy Here under freedom we have developed something so great and so new that most of the statesmen and economists have not yet discovered its existence. Ours is no longer a predatory philosophy, but a philosophy of production. Through science we learn to obey the laws of nature and to create out of the materials of the earth vast arrays of goods such as never existed before. This is new wealth which we take from no one. We make it out of the soll, out of the air and sea, and even out of the waste heaps of a more ignorant past. . In less than three-fourths of a century we have created 15 new major industries which account for a tremendous share of our em- ployment, of our wealth, and of our stand- ard of living. The rest of the world is wel- come to take our tools of production, to learn our skills, and to do the best it can to equal our standard of living. That, not our mar- kets nor our jobs, is our best contribution to humanity The reciprocal trade-treaty program is a narrow, old-fashioned, one-way, down-grade alley that can only lead America and the other participating countries direct to the economic slums. I have tried here to lay before you a con- cept of the true seeds of prosperity and the soii in which they will grow, whether that soil is in our part of the earth or far over- seas. When we shall have helped the world’s less fortunate peoples to produce for them- selves the things they need for themselves, we shall then have helped them on the way to genuine and durable prosperity. Foreign trade 1s the fruit, not the seed, of prosperity. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD As others grow in welfare and well-being, as they build up their real earning powers, trade over the face of the earth will flourish as never before, discord will decline, and the productive ideals of American freedom will everywhere be called blessed. Pearson Lists New Year Resolutions for Certain Needy Citizens EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ALVIN F. WEICHEL OF ORTO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. WEICHEL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I am including herewith an item tou, the Cleveland News of January 2, PEARSON Lists New YeaR RESOLUTIONS FOR Cretan Neepy Crrizens (Bv Drew Pearson) WASHINGTON.—Today I suggest the follow- ing New Year resolutions for certain peo- ple-—-who could use them: Harry Truman: I resolve to become Presi- dent of all the people, not some of the people—from Missour and Arkansas, John L, Lewis: I resolve to count to 3,500,« 000 before starting a strike. Patrick J. Hurley: To post a “dead end” sign along the Santa Fe Trail. Harold Stasser: To t+ comforted by the fact that the GOP didn’t want Willkie, either. Governor Dewey, of New York: "Til ‘48, patience and fortitude. Governor Warren, of California: Ditto. Senator-elect Brickrr of Ohio: Ditto. Senator Tart, of Ohic: Likewise. Senator VANDENBERG, of Michigan: The samc. John Snyder: To pay more attention to running the Treasury Department and less attention to trying to run marry Truman. Brain-Truster Clark Clifford: To develop @ passion for anonymity. Senator McKerrar: To eat less and Senator Tom Connatty: To speak more cautiously to Mr. Molotov, and to fellow- Texan “Parry” O’DanrEx not at all. REPUBLICANS MAY STEAL FOUR DEMOCRATIO PROBES One backstage maneuver already has been pulled by the Republicans to steal four im- portant reports by the House Merchant Ma- ring Committee, in which the Democratic majority did some frank and unmerciful probing of fellow Democrats. Here are the facts as to what happened. Last week Democratic Merchant Marine Chairman Oris BLanp, of Virginia, called a meeting of his committee and placed before it four critical reports, as follows: 1. The antiquated accounting system of the Maritime Commission showed that over $1,000,000,000 of the taxpayers‘ money can- not be aceounted for. 2. Tax manipulations by large shipping companies, with Maritime Commission know]- edge, would have robbed the Government of a huge tax bill but for the sharp eye of young Democratic Representative Henry JACKSON, of Washington. As a result the Treasury will collect $40,000,000. 3. Excegsive trade-ins allowed by the Com- mission to the United States and Grace Lines’ on the purchase of new vessels will cost the taxpayers many millions. Chairman Brann has forced the Commission to take steps to recover overpayments,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 4, An over-all report on the committee's work for the year. OHIOAN WRICHEL TWICE STALLED OFF PUBLICATION When the reports were presented, Judge Buianp moved for adoption, whereupon Rep- resentative At WEICHEL, Ohio Republican, wanted to carry them over until 1947. He insisted they were “only interim reports.” However, two fair-minded GOP colleagues, Curis Herter, of Massachusetts, and Rosert Haz, of Maine, did not agree. When they seemed likely to side with Democrats for im- mediate acceptance of the reports, WEICHEL raised the point of “no quorum.” This stymied the committee. Two days later the group met again. Again WEICHEL opposed publication of the re- ports” and again he saw that he would not have the full backing of his Republican col- leagues. Ten members were present-—one short of a quorum--but the proxy of Rep- resentative ExpsworatH Buck, New York Re- publican, was reported in favor of immediate release of the reports. WErICHEL insisted that it not be honored. Meanwhile Chairman BLanp was seeking to reach Representative Dick WELCH, San Fran- cisco Republican, who will be committee chairman next year Although the meeting date had been se* to meet WELCH’s con- venience, he left word with his secretary that he wus not to be disturbed—not even for a phone call from BLANp. So, because Wetcn refused to leave his office and walk a few steps to the meeting, WEtIctizEL was able to make his point of “no quorum” stick. Thus the four critical re- ports prepared by Democrats will be brought under the new Republican Congress. Export of American Sugar EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, in the Lamborn sugar-market report, dated October 11, 1946, entitled “Are You Tired of the Sugar Shortage?” it was stated that— Yugoslavia, whose belligerence toward Americans is all too well known, secured tens of thousands of tons of sugar through UNRRA this year with the approval and aid of our Government. The accuracy of this statement pub- lished in the October 1946 Lamborn sugar-market report was challenged in an article published December 19, 1946, in PM, a New York newspaper. Under leave to extend, I am inserting the reply to the charge of PM, which ap- pears in the Lamborn sugar-market re- port under date of December 24, 1946: UNRRA SHIPPED 54,591,400 POUNDS OF BUGAR TO YUGOSLAVIA DURING THE FIRST 7 MONTHS OF THIS YEAR (Authority: U. 8, Department of Commerce) Our many friends in the producing, prcc- essing. distributing, and sugar-consuming industries use, and depend upon, our facts and figures on sugar. In our pamphlet of October 11, 1946, entitled “Are You Tired of the Sugar Shortage?” we stated: “Yugoslavia, whose belligerence toward Americans is all too well known, secured tens of thousands of ons of sugar through the UNRRA this year— with the approval and aid of our Govern- ment.” A New York newspaper, PM, published an article on December 19 denying the accu- racy of the above-quoted statement. They labeled our statement “bunk” and said that “Yugoslavia got no sugar from UNRRA this year.” They based their statement on the authority of the Agriculture Department. Presumably they meant the United States Department of Agriculture. Lest some of our readers might be confused as a result of the article in PM, we wish to Point out (a) It is a matter of public record that on April 24, 1946. the United States De- partment of Agriculture announced “the Combined Food Board has reached an agreed recommendation [for the allocation of sugar for the calendar year 1946." Yugoslavia was included in the countries to which an allo- cation was made to meet the allocation recommended for UNRRA; (b) The United States Department of Commerce wrote us on November 18 giving us a list of shipments of refined sugar from the United States to foreign destinations for the period January- July 1946 This record states that 54,691,400 pounds, valued at 82,601,733. were shipped to Yugoslavia by UNRRA. The number of pounds mentioned is the equivalent of 27,295 tons. In view of the foregoing, it will be seen that our statement of October 11 !s absolutely correct, Many, many years ago we recognized that no sugar-brokernge organization could give a@ complete service without an adequately equipped statistical department. We tuke considerable pride in the fact that our statis- tical department has always gone to the greatest length to furnish our friends with accurate, unbiased, and complete datua~on all sugur activities here and abroad. Need- less to say we make no statements in our publications without carefully checking and double checking our facts and the sources. California the Golden EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. MCDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, the following article by John Gunther, which appeared recently in the magazine, Holi- day, gives some idea of the magnitude of California. Especially the last para- graph showing the tremendous increase in population, which has increased our social and economic problems. I trust the Members of the House will appreci- ate this when you hear appeals from the members of our delegation: California, the thirty-first State to enter the Union, is the second American State in area (158,693 square miles) and the fifth in Population (somewhere around 9,000,000). It contains the highest point in the United States (Mount Whitney, just under 15,000 feet) and not more than 60 miles away is the lowest point (Death Valley, 276 feet below sea level). California is the third State in the Nation in value of agricultural products, the first in airplane manufacture, the first in golding mining, the second in university graduates; it is second in oil, third in eggs and wool, and fourth in production of elec- tricity. California has the highest living standard in the country, and the second highest per capita income of any State— A19 $1,420 as against $1,081 for the Nation as a whole. It contains the richest American county (Los Angeles with its citrus crop), and the biggest, San Bernardino. s . . s s California is, it is often said, two States; the dividing line is the Tehachap!, one of the few east-west mountain ranges in the United States. But more than this spine of mountains divides northern California from southern. The chief criterion of de- marcation is water. Above the Tehachapi, speakingly roughly, water is abundant; be- low, it is scant aud precious. An interest- ing line is the right-of-way of the Los Angeles aqueduct; Los Angeles is below the Tcha- chapl, but part of the water supply of a community of 2,000,000 pcople is above. Water aside, the fact that the State is two States causes other problems. For instance, there ts a State building in Los Angeles as well as Sacramento; there are two peniten- tiaries; the university is split in two, with separate campuses—virtually autonomous— at Los Angeles and Berkeley. Northern California ts itself so vartegated that to describe it in a paragraph is neither possible nor necessary. Here is the Golden Gate and the wonderful complex of com- munities around San Francisco; here 1s Mount Shasta, Lake Tahoe, and the only active volcano in the United States (Mount Lassen); here is the upper Sonora, of which John Muir wrote, “For a distance of 400 miles your foot crushes a hundred flowers at every step”; here are those fascinating communi- ties, Carmel, Monterey, and Salinas. The whole gamut of California history may be traversed in 20 miles tn this region, from Monterey-~which was the old Spanish capi- tal—to Salinas, which is the scene of much of John Stelnbeck’s Grapes of Wrath. Southern Califoruia, the third of the State below the Tehachapi, is something else again; it has a mood, an ethos, absolutely different from the California of the north, so much so that it is a different world. This is the California of petroleum, crazy religious cults, the citrus industry, towns bascd on the rich renticr like Santa Barbara and Pasadena, the movies, the sprawling giant of Los Angeles, the weirdest architecture in the United States, refugees from Iowa. a steeply growing Negro population, and devotces of funny- money. It is, above ull, the California where climate is worshiped as a god. Yet all of it would shrivel and disappear—almost over- night—if it were not for imported water. Everything depends on irrigation, i. e., artifi- cial rain comes by pipe and canal. * * ° * . I began by saying that the population of California was about 9,000,000 In 1940 it was 6,907,387. But with the war--as we know—came a tremendous influx, not mcrely of military personnel but of defense workers and their families. By 1943 the population was estimated at 7,795,000 and by 1944 at 8,373,080; today the figure is probably about the same, though some estimates go as high as 9,250,000. Conservatively, it is agreed by all authorities that since 1940 the State has gained at least 1,500,000 people; this is an increase of 22.4 percent. Some astonishing details were released if we break these figures down. For instance the city of San Diego jumped from a popula- tion of 289,300 in 1940 to an estimated 425,000 in 1944—a rise of 47 percent. The San Fran- cisco area rose from 1,734,308 to 2,147,660 (24 percent), and Los Angeles County from 2,782,998 to 8,322,000 (16 percent). Los Angeles is today the third largest city in the country. Some single counties—particularly in the bay region—more than doubled their population in the war period; they rose 100 percent or more, This prodigious increase came, moreover, atop other increases. In 1900 the population of the whole State was only 1,485,000. In other words the war brought to California in 4 years more people
A20 than its total population 40 years before. And there seems little doubt that, within the next few decades, California will surpass New York and Pennsylvania, Dlinois and Ohio, to become the most populous State in the Union. Modernizing Our Diplomacy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE UF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp I include therein two editcrials, one from the New York Times of December 30, 1946, entitled “Modernizing Our Di- plomacy,” and one from the Boston Herald of December 31, 1946, entitled “Streamlined State Department”: (From the New York Times of December 830, 1946] MODERNIZING OUR DIPLOMACY A certain looseness in the organization of our Department of State has been obvious for some time. It has become more ap- parent since the end of the war and the death of President Roosevelt, who to a large extent chose to act as his own Secretary of State and kept policy decisions in his own hands. The present condition of affairs, partly an inheritance and partly due to the clumsy functioning of an outmoded and rickety system, has resulted tn international confusions and on occasion in considerable national obfuscation. It is therefore reassur- ing to learn that Secretary Byrnes is consid- ering a basic reorganization of his Depart- ment and our Foreign Service The Secretary has been overburdened with a tremendous two-man job For most of the year he has been away from Washington serving a8 ou. chief representative at the various international conferences trying to hew a pathway to peace. He has served the Nation brilliantly and well, bringing the United States from a position of cautious participation to one of world leadership. But his necessary absence abroad has left our State Department at home without his own leadership and without the immediate direc- tion he might have exercised. Sometimes it has seemed that the Depart- ment, with no available individual command and no sufficient authority, was simply not on the job. Outsiders have stepped into this vacuum and attempted to speak for it with most unfortunate consequences. Examples will readily come to mind. The Henry Wal- lace episode, which resulted in his retirement from the Cabinet, is one. Admiral Halsey's announcement that our fleet would go any- where in the world “it damn well pleased” is nnother. Sometimes it has seemed that one section of our international service was deliberately pulling against another. The fundamentally opposed policies of Ambassa- dor Messersmith and Assistant Secretary Sprullle Braden regarding Argentina is a typical case. The Department's Office of Far Eastern Affairs has often seemed antagonis- tic to the program of our own representatives in China. The Department has also seemed at tirnes to reach decisions on the spur of the moment without any reference whatever to long-term governmental policies and com~ mitments. Thus we have been left facing in different directions in different parts of the world with no over-all chart to guide us. All this adds up not only to poor adminis- tration but to general confusion. The public becomes bewildered. Rearranging the play- ers on the old team has proved ineffective. Now it is proposed to create a kind of General Staff. This would remedy the apparent lack of Maison and cohesion between the various divisions. It would be extended to embrace our entire Foreign Service and bring our diplomats abroad into union and harmony with officials at home. Finally *his depart- mental high command would explore the widening ground ahead, prepure a plan of operations and outline general policies for Specific application. Extemporizing our strategy in so broad an effort as that for peace is outdated and dangerous. Such a fundamental reorganization is overdue. Mr. Byrnes is said to be discussing it in detail with his most trusted advisers. If we are to maintain our position of world leadership we must forge new tools and mod- ern machinery with which to do it. [From the Boston Herald of December 31, 1946] STREAMLINED STATE DEPARTMENT If ever a theme has needed reiteration in these days when the United States is, for the first time in history, playing the leading role in world affairs, it is the demand for revitalizing the State Department which Mr. James Reston so effectively revived in the New York Times on Sunday. However, word that Secretary Byrnes 1s considering a wholesale modernization of the State Department's antiquated adminis- trative set-up comes as somewhat of a shock at this belated date tn view of the fact that the Secretary bas never made public, nor done anything perceivable. about the reor- ganization plans he demanded in a hurry from former Budget Director Harold D. Smith on the day he was sworn in as Secretary back in July 1945. Within the hearing of wit- nesses Mr. Byrnes asked Mr. Smith at the White House on that day to prepare as soon as possible a comprehensive plan for over- hauling the Department. Mr. Smith set his experts to work and completed it with as- tonishing speed. largely because the Budget Bureau had been making continuing studies of the State Department upon which it could draw. Secretary Byrnes soon received the Plan, but it has never been made public de- spite repeated requests for its release. Even if the Secretary exercises his right to disapprove of all or parts of the Budget Bu- reau's recommendations, the least he can do is to muke it public so that this expert docu- ment may provide a focal point for public, as well as official, discussions of a vitally im- portant problem. As Mr. Reston pointed out, the State De- partment has been subjected to at least two paper reorganizations in recent years. How- ever, they made about as much difference in the effectiveness of the Department's policy- making and administrative procedures as did the pretty pastel paint which former Secretary Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., ordered on the Department's previously drab walls. What is needed is something fundamental, and it can be said from a most casual ac- quaintance with the contents of the Budget Bureau's report that it prescribed precisely such alterations. What makes the reorganization doubly urgent, beyond the obvious fact that our Nation is playing a role in world affairs far beyond the capacity of the machinery which traditionally dealt with these matters in Washington, is the fact that events of the past 10 years have completely revolutionized the techniques of diplomacy. Foreign offices not many years ago practiced just diplomacy, and that was all. But the Nazis taught the rest of the world that propa- ganda and foreign economic policies were just as vitally parts of foreign policy admin- istration as silk-hat diplomacy. During the war we saw the physical evi- dence of these two new departments of foreign affairs in the colossal Foreign Eco- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nomic Administration and the not so big, but big enough, Office of War Information. The remnants of these giants have been welded into the State Department without the kind of advance planning that one might expect to have preceded such an im- portant amalgamation. True, the Secretary did create an Assistant Secretaryehip for Foreign Economic Affairs, but it was soon evidenced that the job was even more tm- portant than that, and William L. Clayton, the original holder of this office, was elevated to be an under secretary It all grew like Topsy, and perhaps not as well. A great remaining need of the Depart- ment, as Mr. Reston pointed out, is better liaison in planning and policy-making with other Government agencies. What one so easily overlooks is that the vastness of our foreign interests and commitments now lends a foreign aspect to the operations of numerous departments which were always regarded as domestic. In his scarch for means to better coordinate the policies of these agencies with our over-all foreign policy, Mr Byrnes could look for no better example than the little known National Ad- visory Council on International Monetary and Financial Problems, a statutory body presided over by Secretary of the Treasury Snyder. Its other members include the Secretaries of State and Commerce, the Chairman of the Export-Import Bank, and the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board. It has coordinated our foreign economic policies as Mr. Byrnes seeks to coordinate our over-all foreign policy. Military Training EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrec- orp, I wish to say that during the last session of the Congress I was one who was in favor of some form of universal military training, and I am of the same opinion at this time. As a matter of fact, developments since the close of hos- tilities of the last war convince me more than ever that this country should be prepared for the defense of our country, and I have advocated the retention of all of the islands and bases in the Pacific where our boys st.2d their blood, as well as the acquisition of all bases in the At- lantic and elsewhere required for our defense. I have also consistently advo- cated our retention of a strong air force, navy and army, and have pointed out my reasons for this position time and again. Mr. Speaker, in connection with this position, under unanimous consent, I in- clude in these remarks a copy of part of 8 statement by Gen. Peyton C. March, World War I Chief of Staff, issued on his eighty-second birthday, and printed in the Washington Post of December 28, 1946, as follows: GrweraL Marcn, 82, CALLS For TRAINING ALL Gen. Peyton C. March, World War I Chief of Staff, yesterday marked his eighty-second birthday by urging universal military train- ing as the surest protection against another war.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Reminding reporters assembled at his home, 1870 Wyoming Place NW., that he had proposed universal training as chief of staff 27 years ago, March said: “It was talked to death in Congress. This time I hope it will have a better fate. The fact that we have more effective weapons now does not affect its validity at all. “If we had had such a pool of trained man- power between the last two wars no nation would have dared stir us up and we probably would never have been involved in the recent war.” The aged general, alert and active despite his years, said he placed little faith in the ability of the United Nations or any other international] body to avert war. KEEP A-BOMB SECRET, HE SAYS “You can't stop war by legislation or pacts,” he declared. “The League of Na- tions and the Kellogg-Briand treaty to out- law war showed that ” March said emphatically that the United States should keep the secret of the atomic bomb from all other nations. Mr. Speaker, I also include in these remarks a copy of the editorial entitled “Military Training” from the Washing- ton Post of January 2, 1947. as follows: MILITARY TRAINING Those critics of universal military training who object to it on the ground that it would “prussianize” our youth would do well to review their history. The danger of “prus- sianization,” as we recently witnessed only too graphically in Germany, arises primarily from the entrenchment of a professional military cult which wields power beyond its legitimate realm. The best antidote for a large American professional army is an ade- quate reserve of citizen-soldiers who have been grounded in the rudiments of military training. Indeed. the concept of a militia composed of all able-bodied men is an old one, still recognized in several States. It is based on the fundamental] obligation of all citizens to safeguard the national defense. It is this democratic obligation, lying at the very roots of our society, which the pro- Ponents of universa) military training are now seeking to embody. Perhaps the most salient feature of the plan outlined in a War Department pam- phiet distributed to Members of the new Congress is that the training would be under civilian direction. It has no connection with ou: commitments in Germany and Japan or with the draft in its present form. Rather, it is designed to provide a pool of manpower which could be retruined rapidly in the event of an emergency. Under this plan, men would be inducted at the age of 18 or when they finished high school. They would serve for 1 year or for 6 months with a like period in the active Reserves or National Guard Those who showed an aptitude or signified a desire for additional training would be selected for officer training or for technical schools. To be sure, the amount of strictly military training that could be assimilated in this period would be limited. In this respect the word “military” is a misnomer. The train- ing would give the Army a chance to weed out misfits and to classify men according to their skills. It would give the trainces an invaluable democratic experience with their fellow men. It would provide the necessary adjustment which took time from the other aspects of military training during the war. There is no valid reascn to believe thi train- ing would diminish the desire for education or deprive the Nation of young scientists. On the contrary, if experience during the war can be taken as indicative, interest in further education would be whetted. And the Nation would have, in return for the training, a physically healthier, more ma- tured body of men, better equipped for the responsibilities of citizenship. Nor is the idea of universal military train- ing inconsistent with our hope in the United Nations. In this respect the argument ad- vanced by the War Department pamphict seems to us unimpeachable. “The very best guarantee of a successful United Nations,” the pamphlet points out, ‘is a strong United States.” In the event of a serious show- down while the United Nations is still in infancy, the strength of the United States would be the determining factor in pre- venting aggression. Our own security is in- extricably bound up with the proposal. “Nations are seldom attacked by aggressors,” the report asserts, “where there is substan- tial doubt in the mind of the aggressor that its victim would be quickly overcome” In an atomic attack we most certainly would not huve the 2 years we required to mount our offensive after our actual involvement in World War II. The annual cost of universal military training would be less than the cost of a mere 3 days of World War I]. Most, if not all this expense, the War Department be- lieves, could be absorbed by the savings resulting from unification of the urmed forces. The issue of our future national defense is one with which the new Congress will surely have to grapple, and the age in which we live makes universal training a fundamental of that defense. Speaking of Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EUGENE WORLEY OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Moncay, January 6, 1947 Mr. WORLEY. Mr. Speaker, I insert herewith a very timely editorial from the January 3 issue of Collier’s magazine: SPEAKING OF TAXES The Republicans had hardly fin.shed lick- ing their chops over their 1946 congressional election landslide when their leaders began to talk tax reduction A 20 percent personal income tax cut across the board was among the more delightful of the subjects brought up for discussion. We're as human as any- body else when it comes to paying taxes, 80 we naturally take to this talk like a cat toa crock of cream, It is encouraging, too, to hear Messrs. KNUTSON, TAFT, TADER, Bripces & Co. assu:e us that big economies can be effected by bouncing hordes of Government pay rollers, cutting out unnecessary Government agen- cies and services, and so on. We hope it works out that way. We're worried about only one thing; and that is the fact that in many an economy drive in times past the Army, the Navy, and the Air Forces have been the first victims of the econo- mizers. There have been times when it wasn't es- pecially dangerou: to trim defense appropri- ations. But this is not cne of those times. A great deal of righteous talk about gen- eral disarmament is being heard, especially from the Russian Government; but no con- crete moves toward general disarmament are being either made or promised at this writing. Russia has anywhere from 3,000,000 to 5,- 000,000 men under arms. The current Rus- sian budget allotment for military nurposes amounts to about $16,000,000,000 in United States money. Great Britain has some 3,- 000,000 men in its armed forces. Far from reducing its military potential, Britain is keeping on with conscription in peacetime. A21 vertainly we could disarm, as we did after World War I. In 1] ose naive times, we kidded ourselves that we were setting the rest of the world a noble example. What we were actually doing wus extending to the rest of the world a handsomely engraved invitation to come and take us after a while, if it could. Japan and Germany tried to accept that invitation, and it was only by dint of a colossal war that we kept them from doing BLU, When and if we're assui.d that other na- tions will disarm in step with us, we can safely discharge some more sovldiers, lay up some more battleships. and scrap some more warplanes Until then, let us make the armed forces not ou first economy target, but our lust. If this works out to prevens any irastic tax reductions for quite a while to come. O. K. It is some 9,099 percent better to pay high taxes than to pay tribute to a conqueror. The House of Representatives and the Farmer EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLIFFORD R. HOPE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. HOPE. Mr. Speaker, under per- mission granted me to cxtend my remarks in the Recorp, I submit herewith an ad- dress which 4 delivered before the annual meeting of the American Farm Bureau Federation. San Francisco, Calif., on De- cember 10, 1946: It is a pleasure and an inspiration to attend this great Farm Bureau convention and to hav a part in your program. I am glad to be here with Ed O'Neal, my dear friend and your great and distinguished president for so many ycars—years which have been of tremendous interest and im- portance to farmers Iam happy, also, to be on the same plat- form with my friend Senator RusseLt—Dicx RUSSELL we call him in Washington. I am glad to say to this audience that the Amer- ican farmer has no stronger or more effective champion in Congress than he. I am glad to be here because I believe in organization. It is only by working together that people can accomplish things. I belong to the farm burcau in my home county be- cause I believe in the work it is doing and because I know that it would be impossible to do that work without organization. I believe in the work which the American Farm Bureau Federation is doing. It has many functions—one of them js to represent farmers in Washington. More than any other group perhaps, farmers need somcone to speak for them in a legislative way. Out of the 26,000,000 farm pcople scattered over the country, very few ever have an opportunity to come to Washington and discuss their problems before a congressional committee. It is true that all of them have the opfor- tunity to take up matters with their own Representatives or Senators, and I know of no Member of Congress who does not wel- come such activity on the part of his con- stituents. Individually, however, farmers can usually only present their own problems, They are not in a position to present the great common problems which are of such importance to agriculture. I have been a member of the House Com- mittee on Agriculture for 20 years. I know whereof I speak when I say that the Ameri- can Farm Bureau Federation has well and effectively represented the farmers of this