A1420 committing tragic errors by the enactment of laws that would be destructive of our lib- erties and detrimental to the welfare of our people. The Democratic Party is now in power. For the next 2 years at least it is entrusted with the stewardship of national affairs. Its task is difficult. Its responsibilities are heavy and grave indeed. Possibly there was never a similar period of time in our history that was fraught with greatcr dangers than those now confronting us and which are indicated in the immediate future. We are living in a dangerous world—in a time of wars and rumors of war Free peo- ples everywhere are gripped with lear and anxiety lest there now be a third world war 1n the making. Freedom and democracy are being attacked on all fronts by an atheletic ideology of communism under the rule of totalitarian aggressors. Obviously they seek not the establishment of pence or good will among men. They are bent upon destruction and conquest. There is every indication that these abominable forces of evil will resort to any means or measures to achieve thei: goal, including the instigation of another world war if and when they be- come convinced they can win. That hore rible prospect is neither mythical nor imagi- nary. Our very existence is challenged. The whole free world ts imperiled by this mon- ster that seeks to devour the liberties and freedoms ot mankind. That is the danger we face from without. That danger com- pols us to rearm and get prepared for any eventuality. We face other dangers from within. The burden of unprecedented expenditures for rearmament will place a strain upon our economy that could well jeopardize if not shatter its very foundations if we neglect or fail to promptly invoke the most rigid econ. omy and pursue sound fiscal policies in the expenditures of the Federal Government. Strong inflationary trends are present every- where Unfortunately spending “as usual” seems to be still in order in many quarters. Higher taxes are inevitable. A pay-as-you- go policy cannot and will not succeed unless the Federal Government as such makes sacri- fices in spending comparable to those 1t calls upon the people to make in their way of living. A wrecked economy and national insol- vency resulting trom devastating inflation and unbearable indebtedness are the dangers we face from within. If such occurs, our Hberties would be greatly impaired and our military fortress so dangerously weakened that it would be vulnerable to any mighty assault that might be made against it. If we are to stay strong, a sound economic and fiscal position must be maintained. Federal spending for normal services and functions must be materially curtailed. Every budget- ary item that is not a fixed cost of Govern- ment should be reduced to the essential minimum. Expenditures for national de- fense should also be carefully scrutinized to prevent waste and extravagance. All pro- posed expenditures that are unnecessary to the indispensable functions of Government and that are not absolutely necessary for our mobilization and war effort must be rejected The President's budget should no longer be regarded as sacrosanct. Congress should— and I believe Congress will—accept the challenge of the President and reduce it. Budget requests to initiate and provide for the iniquitous FEPC, for the infamous so-called Brannan plan, and for the social- istic national compulsory health tnsurance, and other such schemes should be denied. They will be denied. I mention those three specifically only as samples and illustrations, They clearly indicate an attempt on the part of the administration to take advantage of the war emergency to impose these unpopu- lar and undesired proposals and programs on the American people against their will, These items shall not pass. It is along these lines that I have disagreed with party leader. ship. Associated with such proposals is another danger to America, as I see it. During the past two decades the false philosophy that Government should provide for and insure the economic security of every citizen has Guined dangerous headway in our Nation. Both major parties must share the blame for having indoctrinated many of our people with the illusion that the Federal Govern- ment has and must exercise a paternalistic responsibility and attitude toward the indl- vidual economic needs of every citizen. Our Government war not founded on such prin- ciples The cry that was heralded thiough- out the land in 1776 was the cry for “liberty.” When your own Patrick Henry exclaimed, “Give me liberty or give me death,” his words, their spirit, and their meaning, were heard and understood around the world. Our founding fathers undertook to and did establish a Government that would insure freedom of the {ndividual, and not a Govern- ment that guaranteed their economic se- curity. In the past few years both major political parties, motivated no doubt by po- lMtical expediency, have sought to entice voters by emphasizing the responsibility of the Federal Government to provide economic security for every citizen The modern cry of our day too often is, “Give me security,” without due regard for freedom. More than 60 years ago when threats of socialism were limited and weak and betore paternalism had become entrenched in the National Government as it is today, another great American and a great leader of our party, Grover Cleveland, wisely counseled in these words: “The lessons of paternalism ought to be unlearned, and the better lesson taught that while the people should patriotically and cheerfully support their Government, its functions do not include the support of the people ” Thomas Jefferson foresaw that this danger would arise and warned the Democratic Party and the American people against it when he suid: “T place economy among the first and most important virtues and public debt as the greatest of dangers to be feared To pre- serve our independence we must not let our rulers load us with perpetual debt. We must make our choice between economy and lib- erty or profusion and servitude. If we run Into such debts, we must be taxed in our meat and drink, in our necessities and in our comforts, in our labors and in our amuse- ments” And then he gave this warning: “If we prevent the Government from wast- ing the labors of the people under the pre- tense of caring for them, they will be happy ” These modern schemes, such as tho FEPC, the Brannan farm plan, and the proposal for national compulsory health insurance, all come within the category of the Federal Government wasting the labors of the people under the pretense of caring fo1 them, I strongly urge that our party abandon and repudiate these obnoxious proposals, We are already loaded with an astronomical perpetual debt. We are already taxed in our meat and drink, in our necessities and in our comforts, in our labors and in our amuse- ments. Higher and higher taxes are de- manded and needed. We are told we must tax “until it huits.” If the leadership of our party insists that we do that, and if it is necessary that we do it, then it is the sol- emn duty and responsibility of our party and our leaders to see that the Federal Gov- ernment correspondingly economizes ‘until it hurts.” This crisis we are in requires and demands the most and best in statesmanship and not greater artifice and cunning in partisanship. I should like to see our party return to the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD basic ideals and fundamental virtues that were so wisely proclaimed by Thomas Jeffer- son. It should dare to put the interest and welfare of our Nation and the American pede ple above politics. It should champion economy and pursue sound fiscal policies rather than indulge in wasteful expenditures and extravagant promises of more paternal- ism in Government. These are some of the reforms that many of us are fighting for within the party. We are not fighting against the party, but fight- ing for it and for the survival of America. Sometimes we fight with our backs against the wall and under most unfavorable and adverse conditions Our labors are not al- ways pleasant. The charge of disloyalty is often hurled at us. We who oppose paternal- istic und socialistic schemes and advocate economy and common sense in government are not the ones who are disloyal. We are those who are true and faithful to the party's original ideals and concepts. If any betrayal of party is involved in these issues and con- flicts, then the shoe is on the other foot. I have never assented to or accepted the test of party loyally that some would attempt to impose My concept ot party loyalty does not require abject subservience to the whim or will of any temporary leader. Nor does it compel me to support platforms, planks, or legislative proposals that are repugnant to and violate the fundamental principles of our liberty. Iam a Democrat. I want the Democratic Party to remain in power. I want it to re- tain and deserve the confidence and support of the American people I want it to be worthy of that confidence and of victory in future elections. I want it to be the party best equipped in leadership, in policies, and ideals, and the party most capable and com- petent to guide our destinies and steer us through the storms and dangers of the pres- ent to a happy landing on the distant shores of peace. The party that will have the courage to be forthright and the wisdom to present a plat- form of principles and policies that are re- assuring to the American people, the party to which they can always come with confl- dent hope that under its leadership Amer- ica will survive and our Mberties and democ- racy will be preserved—that is the party that will triumph tomorrow. The people today are considerably con- fused and greatly distressed. They are no longer complacent or indifferent They are becoming militant and determined to have better government. They are looking for in- tegrity and character in party standards and leadership. Let us not be under any illusions regarding future party successes They are not a certainty. We must earn and deserve victory if we are to remain in power. The people will change administrations if we trifle with their confidence So, I want to see the Democratic Party clean up, straighten up, and measure up to its opportunities and responsibilities and be worthy of its founder, its traditions and the continued confidence and support of the overwhelming majority of the American people, Senator McCarran EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ERNEST W. McFARLAND OF ARIZONA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. McFARLAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in the Appendix of the Recorp an ar- ticle regarding the senior Senator from Nevada (Mr. McCarran) which ap- peared in the February 1951 issue of the American Foreign Service Journal. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rec- oRD, as follows: SENnaToR Pat McCaRRan (By Joan David) “Anyone who enjoys work certainly can have a hell of a good time in this office” 1s the sign that greets the eye on entering the small suite occupied by Senator Par Mc- Caran, of Nevada, and his staff on Capitol Hill. If anything, that sign is an under- statement. Hardest worker in the office is the Senator himself. As one staff member plaintively put it, “By working at top speed all day, you can be even with the Boss when you go home at night. But by the time he gets to his desk at eight the next morning, he's way ahead of you. Not only does he take work home with him at night, but he starts in on it again when he wakes up in the morning, around 4 or 6 a m" McCarran is the first native-born Nevadan to be elected to the United States Senate. He was born in 1876 and he likes to think of his birthplace as “a century after the Decla- ration of Independence.” An only child, he worked summers during his high school and college years herding sheep, gradually ac- quiring a flock of his own. At the University of Nevada he attracted notice as a star de- bater and popularity as a star athlete. On the football team he first played left guard, then right tackle. He claims he's “never been left of center since.” McCarran was 26 when he was elected to the Nevada State legislature While there he introduced (in 1904) the first bill for an 8-hour day. It was for the miners and smelt- ers of Nevada. There, too, he continued the reading of Blackstone he had started in his ranching days (the marks of the saddle thongs still show on the old volumes) and was admitted to the bar when his 3-year legislative term was up. Next he became 8 District Attorney of Nye County and was jater elected Chief Justice of the Nevada Supreme Court. None of his decisions has been overruled. McCarran is very proud of the fact that tho law firm he established goon after that judicial interlude still exists (McCarran and Wedge) although associates have changed and he does not actively prac- tice now. Nevada has no law echool of its own and it has become traditional there now for promising young men who want to study law to come to Washington. Mc- Carman gets them daytime jobs—there are always five or six of them on his own staff— and they go to school at nights. Thirty- eight such proteges have now graduated and gone back home with the result that there are “city and district attorneys all over the State who are devoted to him.” IN POLITICS FOR 40 YEARS At 74, Par McCarran has been in politics off and on for 40 years. He is now serving his fourth term tn the Senate. Although a Democrat, the political position he can be said to have followed most consistently has been that of Nevada's United States spokes- man. Nevada’s welfare has even been in- corporated into some of the major foreign legislation he has sponsored. Both his pro- posed China Ald Act of 4 few years ago and more recently the Spanish Assistance Act contained provisions for loans of ailver bullion to those two countries. On non- Nevada issues, it’s not his party but his con- science, that ts his guide. 1 Afd to Bpain as finally passed by Congress, McCarzan‘s fourth try on this pet project, was incorporated tnto ECA's Marshall plan activities, ENERGETIC AND CONSCIENTIOUS McCarran takes his congressional obliga- tions with an earnest sense of duty. While others may attend committee hearings when it is convenient, McCarran makes sure that nothing else interferes. Keeping up with senatorial committee work is a full-time job in ttself. For McCarran, chairmanship of the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee during the Eighty-first Congress meant at- tending the bulk of the 330 separate hear- ing sessions held by the committee and its subcommittees (the Judiciary Committee handles over 40 percent of the Senate's busi- ness). He usually gets one or two calla before a meeting from Members who just can’t make it but say that anything he ap- proves will be all right with them. In addi- tion, McCarran is chairman of the Apppro- priations Subcommittee which handles the budget for the Justice, Commerce, and State Departments, and he is a very vocal member of the Appropriations Subcommittee on For- eign Aid and played a leading part in the establishment and work of the ECA watch- dog committce. McCarran's physical energy leaves his col- leagues amazed, his assistants exhausted, and the opposition wondering just what hit them He never seems to get tense or tired and claims that he is refreshed simply by turning from one problem to another. McCarran believes that the Appropriations Committees are just beginning to realize the full extent of their legislative responaibili- ties and power. He feels that in the current session this broadened concept will be de- veloped and exercised. VIEWS ON THE FOREIGN SERVICE So far as the Foreign Service itself is con- cerned, McCarran declares that while this is bound to be a year in which defense items must have budgetary priority, the Foreign Service is an important civilian element in the safeguarding of our national security. He does protest, though, that certain ele- mente of the Foreign Service have lost touch with the things that make up America. He feels that these elements are prone to apolo- gize for the American way of doing things, rather than holding the American methods and ideals out as firm guides to countries that do not enjoy the benefits of our way of life. For this reason he feels that ap- pointments made from all walks of American life can contribute immeasurably to a speed- up of negotiations and resultant understand- ing between countries. The so-called “ca- reer diplomat,” he says, “is brought up from the beginning in the obscurities of diplo- macy, rather than the realities of interna- tional relations.” He singled out the ex- change-of-persons program as one that was certainly all to the good. Also he would favor doing everything possible to improve our relations with our southern neighbors, Uppermost in his mind vegarding the De- pariment is to clear the State Department of those who are sympathetic with Commu- nist activities or with the so-called one- world movement. He also feels that the Department has improperly appropriated to itself a share in telling the Defense Depart- ment what to do. MCCaRgaNn’s aides are quick to point out that this is not an anti- State Department prejudice, but a question of issues. Most recently, MCCARRAN has been defending the Department’s stand on the in- terpretation of the Internal Security Act as against that made by the Justice Depart- ment, McCarran’s legislative record reveals a considerable interest in aviation. He spon- sored the first bill for a separate Air Force, in 1936. He was largely responsible for the civilian pilot training program, and he au- thorized the bill for the establishment of the Civil Aeronautics Authority. His cam-< paign Usting of his achievements for Ne- vada, incidentally, includes along with roads, dams, post offices, etc., some 10 Nevada aire ports for which he helped secure Federal Al421 funds. The Las Vegas airport is known offi- cially as McCarran Field. McCarran led the anti-Court-packing fight during Roosevelt days. In 1046 he spon- sored the Administrative Procedures Act which generally tidied up and made uniform the regulations governing cases tried before those agencies (such as the Federal Trade Commission, Interstate Commerce Commis- sion, Federal Communications Commission, etc.), which act as courts as well as prose. cutors. His 1951 contribution, along with these lines is the recently introduced omni- bus bill, which is a complete revision and codification of the hundreds of old immigra- tion and naturalization laws which had grown into a hodgepodge over the years. DP legislation (one of his few notable de- feats) and the Internal Security Act have brought McCarran as bac public relations on @ national scale as almoet any one of his col- leagues has ever had on any issue. McCar- RAN was Urged not to stick out his neck on the question of admitting DP’s to this coun- try. Friends pointed out that it was an ex- plosive issue and didn’t affect Nevada at all. But the Senator felt he must protect the country against being overrun by Commu- nist agents and by cheap foreign labor. McCarran makes no attempt to combat his bad publicity. He sends out press releases on particularly important issues, but never on himself He almost never accepts sreak- ing engagements. While one may disagree with him, it is impossible on gotng into the debates on these, or any issues on which he takes a stand, to fatl to recognize his sin- cerity. His staff vouches fo~ the fact that he goes into a subject exhaustively before mak- ing up his mind. When he does, it is almost impossible to shake his conviction that he is right. McCarran’s staff, who treat him with all the reverence due a prophet, feel sad but re- signed about his bad press. They wish that when events prove him right there could be some publicity, too. Almost wistfully they point out that during the debates a few years ago when MCCagranw wre urging ald for Chiang to combat the Red menace in China he predicted what has happened in Korea, Hundreds of people come to McCazRran’s cffice every week. The largest classifiable groups among those who are not Government Officials are like the young man in an Air Force uniform who came just as 1 was leav- ing to “see about gettin’ my wife here from It'‘ly.” Next come those who want free legal advice on establishing residence in Nevada with its twin attractions of quick divorce and no Btate income tax. Although his staff usually takes care of thease as well as many others, McCanRaw per- sonally sees a great many people in his office The overflow he sees at home where his wife keeps track of business appointments from about 7:30 on for most evenings. He almost never takes the time for any of Washing- ton's social life. As for peace and quiet and time to call his own—that must wait, he rue- fully explains, until he gete back into the sagebrush country. But after all, he phi- losaphizes, “it's better to wear out than to rust out.” Benjamin Stolberg EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. McCARTHY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed
Al422 in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “Benjamin Stolberg,” from the February 12, 1951, issue of the Freeman, and one entitled “He Was a Man,” by Charles Yale Harrison, from the Freeman for February 26, 1951. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Freeman of February 12, 1951) BENJAMIN STOLBERG All through the popular front and wartime periods of “everything for Russia, even our self-respect,” a pitifully small handful of prophetic writers in this country kept reiterating that it was dangerous to put any long-term trust in Stalin's dictatorship, The strain of bucking the great delusion for virtually two decades is now apparent in the death notices. A few weeks ago James K, McGutnness, the stanch leader of the antil- Communist fight in Hollywood, died of a heart attack. And just within the fortnight Benjamin Stolberg, irascible, delightful, catankerous and amusing Ben, followed Jim McGuinness at the all-too-young age of 59. In his case, too, it was a heart attack. Ben Stolberg was one of America’s pioneer anti-Communists among the intellectuals, A labor journalist in the twenties, Ben be- gan by admiring the theories of Marx and Lenin. But Ben always believed in letting facts correct his theories, and when he caught the American Communists of the twenties in a red-handed theft of Sacco- Vanzetti defense funds he cried out in righteous anger. This was the beginning of a change of mind and heart that led him quickly back to passionate individualism. In 1937 Ben undertook to do a series of articles on the CIO for the Scripps- Howard papers. He discovered communism at work in some of the CIO unions, and said so. When the articles were expanded into a@ book, The Story of the CIO, the Com- munists and fellow-travelers in New York ganged up on Ben's reputation, smearing him in a thousand-and-one snide and utterly despicable ways. The smears had their powerful effect in editorial offices. But when Phil Murray finally got around to kicking the Communist unions out of the CIO a decade later it was on evidence, now fully corrob- orated by time, that Ben had originally as- sembied when it was dangerous to assemble it. Ben paid a high price for being right at the journalistically wrong moment. Like other men of integrity before him, he was forced to live uncomplainingly in very strait cir- cumstances. He developed a writing “block” largely because he felt there was little place for his work in the generally soft-headed American press. But he continued to have a very large influence. The wittiest of con- versationalists, Ben poured out his ideas in talk that will be remembered to the day his last friend dies. If Ben had only had a Boswell among his acquaintances he would go down in history as the Dr. Johnson of the social struggle. Maybe his friends, if they tug planfully at their memories, will constl- tute themselves a sort of collective Boswell in Ben's behalf. Certain it is that Ben never lived a day without fashioning a new and devastating epigram. His epigrams were not merely clever; they were also enduringly wise, Reporters, columnists, editors, politicians, young book writers, trade-union leaders fell into the habit of calling Ben up to consult him on everything from personal problems to world affairs. At the time of his death he had become a sort of one-man general staff for virtually all the good soldiers in the anti- Communist struggle. A passionately intellectual man (the de- scription is Andrew Overby's), Ben was re- gious in hisown way “God,” he said on one occasion, “is freedom" Since these few par- @graphs cre all too in Gequato a farewell to Ben Stolberg as he goes to meet his God of freedom, we promise our readers & more extended estimate of Ben's significance in an early issue of the Freeman. Meanwhile let us say it right here and now: ‘Ben Stolberg was a better fighter for truth than any of us.” {From the Freeman of February 26, 1951] He Was a MAN (By Charles Yale Harrison) We are adjured, and quite properly, to say nothing but good of the dead. This is an injunction, however, with which compliance is sometimes difficult. But in speaking of Benjamin Stolberg it is, I think, particularly easy, since there was so much that was not only good but distinctive and superb in his life. There was, for instance, his wholehearted and unalterable devotion to the cause of human freedom in the face of the threat of totalitarian slavery. There was, too, his brilliant intuition, his keen insight, his sen- sitive awareness, his incisive and sometimes deadly wit, his engaging humor, and his un- mistakable, distinguished prose style. William Haglitt once remarked that the love of liberty was the love of others and that the love of power was the love of our- selves. If this it true, as indeed it is, then Ben Stolberg’s love of others was boundless. He was among the first of us to recognize, with amazing clarity, the threat to our free institutions inherent in communism. And for this foresight he paid a heavy price. For years he was relentlessly maligned, traduced, and vilified by the agents of Stalin’s fifth column both here and abroad. He was boy- cotted, blacklisted, and frequently denied the opportunity freely to express himself while, at the same time, Communists and fellow-travelers were appointed to high pub- lic office and were courted and touted by too many publishing houses, broadcasting companies, and influential magazines. There was no honor in his country, except among 2@ relatively small group, for this prophet who had foretold with clairvoyant accuracy the enormous dangers with which we are now confronted. As a result, for sev- eral years he lived in a kind of courageous, genteel poverty, borne with fortitude and a graceful indifference which was sometimes heartbreaking to behold. But always, even to the end, the very end, there was his sav- ing grace of humor. Somehow he managed to be gay and witty; to laugh in circum- stances that would have reduced lesser men to despair. Who of us will ever forget that laugh of his? It started, as many of us now ruefully remember, as a low chuckle coming deep from within, from his heart, as all true laughter should, and finally broke into open, delighted, infectious, boyish hilarity. And, of course, there was Ben's extraordle nary capacity for living. He loved people, ideas, and the clash of honest opinion. But above all he loved conversation, and he was a virtuoso at it. He had been almost everywhere and had known almost everyone worth knowing. He chose his friends and his enemies with a@ fine discrimination, and he had an enviable collection of both. In short, he lived fully, richly, and with com- pleteness. Perhaps you may recall a character known as Father Latour in Willa Cather's “Death Comes for the Archbishop.” In conversation with a younger man the good father smiled slowly and said: “I shall not die of a cold, my son, I shall die of having lived.” And of Ben Stolberg it may be truly sald that he died of having lived. Now he ts lost to us. And the tears we shed for him are not the tears of altruism. ‘We weep for ourselves. We weep because we have all been irreparably impoverished by his tragic death. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Manpower of Free China EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. H. ALEXANDER SMITH OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article by a constituent of mine, Mrs. Geraldine Fitch, of Leonia, N. J., who, with her husband, has spent much time in China, and has important sources of information as to what is go- ing on there. The article, entitled “Manpower of Free China,” appeared in a recent issue of the magazine called the Freeman. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: MANPOWER OF FREE CHINA (By Geraldine Fitch) Whatever the past blunders of China, and whatever the past sins of America against China, the naked truth today is that our one hope of curbing the Chinese Communists is to avail ourselves of all the help Free China can give us. For today Free China is our only potential source of ample man- power. The help available there divides itself into two parts: the troops on Formosa and the Nationalist guerrillas on the mainland. Had we supplied those guerrillas, the Chinese Communist armies could never have been thrown in such numbers into Korea. When on June 27 the United Nations called on all member states “to furnish such assistance to the Republic of Korea as may be necessary * * *” Chiang Kai-shek of- fered 33,000 troops on behalf of National China, charter member of the UN. Apart from our own troops, that is more than the combined forces supplied by other UN members, The offer was rejected for the os- tensible reason that acceptance might incite Red China to intervene on the side of the North Koreans. And so far as I know, Gen- eralissimo Chiang was not even thanked. After the fiction of Communist “volun- teers” had been dispelled, and Communist Gen. Lin Piao’s armies had been identi- fied, the Generalissimo repeated his offer. To date it has not been accepted. Those 33,000 men would be a big help to our bat- tle-weary GIs and to the forces of the Ko- rean Republic. Moreover, Chiang's aid could be expanded, probably up to a quarter of a million men or more. Last May I was one of a group of 25 news correspondents, radio commentators, and photographers who visited Formosa. Our party saw a new Nationalist army; the oft- defeated and formerly dejected forces had beon reorganized, retrained, and revitalized. This near-miracle is largely the work of Gen, Sun Li-jen of Virginia Military Insti- tute, who put the infantry through a com- plete course of indoctrination along with their military training, and has given the army new blood by recruiting soldiers from among the sturdy Formosans. Though for security reasons we were not told the exact size of the new National army, we had data on which to base our estimate of about 600,000 on Formosa itself. While we were there the troops were evacuated from Hainan. At Kao-hsiung, where the ships were coming tn, we saw trainloads of soldiers, Worn and thin but in high spirits, leaving for
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dispersal pojnts. We visited emergency hos- pitals for the wounded and the sick (many with malaria); we talked with the soldiers, both on the pier and in hospitals. Young officers were still sure that in tlme they could have won. Reports had been cir- culated abroad that Hainan was given up without a struggle. It was not true, they said. The decision on top levels 2 months earlier had been to evacuate troops and equipment if the Communists ever suc- ceeded in landing large numbers. Eleven assaults had been repulsed. Then, under cover of darkness, many of Mao's soldiers were put ashore, and soon reinforced by Com- rrunist guerrillas infesting the hills, Great piles of equipment, neatly stacked on the pier, were evidence of an orderly withdrawal. No officer and no unit had defected. Only the dead were left behind, and a unit of Nationalis. guerrillas whose business it would be to harass the Communists sufficiently to keep Hainan's tron ore from moving. On Hainan the troops had acquitted them- selves well. On Tan Po and Quemoy islands they tasted victory. Today there are sea- soned troops as a hard core for the army on Formosa. Soon after our press party returned to the States, Nationalist troops and supplies were evacuated from the Chu-san Islands. This strategic move with no leak to the enemy was rightly regarded as a victory by the Generalissimo. Concentrating al) available troops and equipment on Formosa was neces- sary because a midsummer invasion was ex- pected, and without military aid from the United States the Nationalists could not possibly defend all the outlying islands. While on Formosa we visited the air force training center. The Chinese Air Force (CAF) had moved from Chengtu, West China, a year and a half before, to a former Japanese base on Formosa—bombed into a rubble heap and without roads, light or water. Now it was occupied by the signal corps school, communications and mechan- ics training institutes, and the flying school; and new Offices, classrooms, laboratories, library, barracks, mess halls, athletic flelds, and a awimming pool had been bullt—a miracle of achievement. We talked with fine officers who had flown 50 or 100 missions against the Japanese. Many of them wore the wings of the Chinese-American Com- posite Wing as well as those of the CAF. Some had been with General Chennault in the Fourteenth Air Force. Others had taken their advanced training in Texas or Okla- homa. One, who had flown 160 combat missions and wore the American DFC, was said by his colleagues to have 21 service bars which he was too modest to wear all at one time. Prevented by fog from flying to the tank corps base, we were briefed on the mecha- nized troops, We learned that a long-de- ferred shipment of tanks, purchased under the 125,000,000 military appropriation of Congress (1948) had recently arrived. Sur- plus tanks, “demilitarized for combat use” at the end of the war, had been imported trom Hawail and “cannibalized” or welded together again. We inspected an arsenal where captured Japanese rifles were being re- bored to use standard Chinese ammunition, and where excellent sub-machine guns were coming off the assembly line. The Chinese Navy, greatly handicapped by want of spare parts and 8-inch shells, had given a good account of itself in the effective blockade of the mainland. It was training technicians, midshipmen, and offi- cers, and repairing its few war vessels. Be- fore the fall of Nanking, the navy was credited with destroying or seriously dam- aging 8,531 Communist motor-powered and sailing junks, and capturing 325 others. Fol- lowing the Nationalist withdrawal from Shanghai, the navy held the advanced bases on Tan Po, Quemoy (Kinmen) and the Chu- san Islunds, and patrolled the coast. Ac- knowledged by some to be 97 percent effec- tive, the blockade brought forth loud protesta from the British shipping companies and the American Isbrantsen Line, which were block- ade-running for trade with Red China. Last year the Chinese Navy stopped 32 foreign ships and persuaded them to turn back, forcibly turned back 8 others, and captured 63 Communist craft. On Formosa js the largest trained antl- Communist force in Asia. From what we saw with our own eyes plu: reliable reports of the Chusan withdrawal soon thereafter, some 700,000 effective Nationalist ground troops are there, in addition to the air force, navy, and tank corps. Equipment is needed—more ammunition, spare parts, radar, new planes, and ships. But a UN military mission would find that the aid needed would not include a single American Gu. What is the potential strength of Na- tionalist guerrillas on the majnland? There are anti-Communist underground forces in every corner of cont‘nental China, some op- erating in small groups which hit and run, while others number tens of thousands. They probably total at least a million and a half—a rough average between what the Communists concede and the exaggerated re- ports of the overoptimistic, At least a mil- lion can be located. Moreover, since large numbers of Nationalist soldiers joined the Communist armies when Chiang was pres- sured by the Marshall mission into demobil- izing more than a million of his troops, most of them could be won back. The division of Lin Piao’s Fourth Field Army which was reported to have rebelled and joined the guerrillas may have been part of those de- mobilized units. Among the guerrillas are large numbers op- erating under the Ministry of Defense, 1. ¢., maintaining direct contact with Formosa. There are other groups, actively anti-Com~- munist, but not necessarily pro-Nationalist. An able American who has made a voluntary nonmilitary, nonoffictal survey of guerrilla potential says there are 200 splinter groups having their representatives in Hong Kong and hoping to get aid somewhere, somehow. Vice President Li Tsung-jen has lost his guerrilla following because of his failure to return from the United States. Gen. Chauy Fa-kwei, known as Old Ironsides, has 4 considerable following, but no third force can command anything like the strength of the forces still loyal to Chiang Kai-shek. Reliable reports indicate that the Nationale ists in general, and Chiang in particular, are daily growing in favor on the mainland and their return is fervently desired. The greatest concentrated guerrilla strength and the area most favorable for the initia- tion of an organized counterrevolution is in south China, Fukien, Kwangtung, and Kwangst provinces. This is partly because the Communist advance in China began to snowball after the disintegration of the Na- tionalist front on the Yangtze. Political commissars had less time to indoctrinate the people and, as they advanced to the southern provinces, they found a more militant re- sistance. The Canton area is traditionally the seat of Chinese revolution; its merchants, at home and overseas, are among the world's best. Canton was one place the Chinese Communists had to garrison, not just organ- ize. When Lin Piao’s armies moved north from south China and eventually into the Korean War, this area was left poorly de- fended. Translated from the Chinese, the names of anti-Communist guerrilla forces are cumber- some--the People’s Anti-Communist Self- Protection Army, the Southwest People’s Na- tional Salvation Army, the Southern Fukien Mobile Column. To give an example of guerrilla organization, that of Fukien Prov- A1423 ince te divided into four areas. Ten coun- ties in the southern section alone have an aggregate of 60,000 men. In northern Fukien the first guerrilla leader to raise an anti-Communist flag rallied 1,000 picked men. Another has his headquarters in the hills 18 miles from Foochow, the provincial capital, and from time to time raids the city. An old guerrilla leader operates from Matsu Island in the mouth of the Min River (still in Nationalist hands), sending his men on frequent raids inland. Many of the units of South China are com- posed of peasants; others are led by college graduates and rally more of the educated youth. A former Nationallat garrison com- mander of Canton, now called “the general with the black fiag,” has 60,000 guerrillas in the western hills of Kwangtung, and ts well known among Chinese overseas, who would gladly support him with arms and ammunition if United States permission to purchase and export were granted. Out in Yunnan Province 3 brothers direct 200,000 guerrillas. In Anhwel Prov- ince, from whose mountain fastnesses the Communists back in the early thirties harassed Chiang Kal-shek with armed re- bellion before their defeat and long march to Yenan, the tables are now turned Na- tionalist units today work throughout the hundreds of miles of mountainous country, assailing the occupying Reds. In Szechuan Province—known to Americans as West China—the People's Liberation Army, the Anti-Communist Salvation Army, the Peo- ple's Revolutionary Army, and similar groups, number 400,000 guerrillas. Manchuria has a smaller force known as the Anti-Communist Iron-Footed Army (cavalry) actively operat- ing against the entrenched Reds. In the desert area of Jehol, Chahar, and Sulykuan Provinces with their grassy plains, two Mon- golian princes are in revolt. Chinghai Prov- ince is almost wholly Mohammedan, and the Mohammedans are revolting against Red domination. In every province resistance groups and their leaders can be named, and their availability for an organized resistance movement is assured, The Communist generals and the Peiping radio admit (by understating their troubles or overstating the number of guerrillas they have liquidated) that resistance is growing. General Peng Teh-hual recently conceded that “thousands of guerrillas are operating in the area of Sining (capital of Chinghal) and the mountain areas of Kansu and Ningh- sia.” In recent dispatches to the New York Times Henry Lieberman quotes official Com- muuist papers as declaring that “the Korean war has stimulated resistance activity in East China” and calling upon all security bodies “to rid themselves of complacency and crack down harder on ‘bandits,’ ‘sabo- teurs,’ and ‘special agents,” which in our vocabulary means “guerrillas.” ‘ Does this mean that all the Chinese main- land is about to rise and throw off the ine cubus of Communist control? Not at all. From all available information, that is not yet possible. But there are islands of resis- tance In every part of China, some large, some small; some armed, some serving as unarmed operators skilled in sabotage, This ig the potential, awaiting direction from Formosa, or supplies by airlift, or commando raids along the coast, now prevented by our Seventh Fleet But to encourage a simule taneous uprising of all guerrilla units with- out giving it ald and direction would mean only temporary resistance, after which— with the best leaders liquidated, and terrible reprisals on guerrilla families—the resist- ance movement would be broken, Com-~- munist control would be consolidated, and hope would die in millions of disillusioned people, On the other hand, once the UN or the United States alone decided to use the Free
Al424 Chinese to fight Red Chinese, a Chinese- American composite group similar to our wurtime OSS could unify, organize and sup- ply this resistance and through {t could make Communist China blow up in Stalin's face. It would not be necessary to send American ground troops either to Formosa or to the Chinese mainland. In Red China is the man- power that our mistaken foreign policy al- lowed to be organized against us. On For- mosa, and in the mainland resistance move- ment. is the manpower still available to the free world. We can save that world by recog- nizing our past mistakes, and by combining our military and industrial might with the manpower of anti-Communist China, War Mobilization Is Everyone’s Concern EXTENSION Of REMARKS HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr MADDEN. Mr Speaker, the Chi- caz0 Sun-Times in the following editorial sets out a few facts regarding the justi- fied protest of organized labor in the mobilization program. It is the concern of al] important seg- ments of our economy that they be rep- resented and given a part in our home- front war effort. Lasor's Just GRIEVANCES Organized labor has plenty of reasons to be gore about the present defense mobiliza- tion set-up. For instance, we can't see why labor shouldn’t be admitted to full partner- shin in the mobilization high command, on a par with big business. And it seems to us that a fairer wage increase formula can be worked out. Lahor has every right to be alarmed over the rising prices of all cost-of-living items, and food in particular, It's demand that all segments of our economy share equally in mobilization is just and right, But just grievances are one thing and a boycott of the entire defense mobilization establishment is another. The latter smacks too much of the strike technique Men who walk out on their responsibilities today raise doubts about the wisdom of giving them re- sponsibility. It is not fair, however, to ask that only Jabor exercise the high degree of stuatesman- ship so badly needed at this time. Defense Mobilizer Wilson has done little to make labar feel that it has a vital part to play in rearming the free world. Yet Wilson as well as labor knows no amount of planning can succeed until blueprints are converted into planes, tanks, ships, and guns by workers in the Nation’s factories, shipyards, and arse- nals. The trouble is that too many of our lead- ers, in Government as well as out of it, have tended to go their separate ways. Too few have tried to view the mobiliza- tion program as the single unit that it should be, tying wages, prices, credit policies, man- power, and production into one manageable whole. Congress 1s derelict in its failure to pass speedily the tax boosts needed to help lick inflation. President Truman has let the peo- ple down by failing to take decisive and cor- rective action against the disastrous easy- credit policy of his trusted crony, Secretary of Treasury Snyder. That policy is one of the major factors in today’s mounting costs of living and rearmament, The farm bloc, with the connivance of both major political parties, has refused to budge from the price support programs which make it impossible to impose real ceilings on the family grocery bill. So far as wages are concerned, we feel some of the present inequities could be wiped out if the Government's wage order were broad- ened. The Government should say that if the cost of living creeps up, wages will be allowed to creep up too. That would be done by permitting all col- lective bargaining contracts to include esca- lator clauses for cost-of-living wage increases or, as it may be, decreases. The Government order now freezes inequities by approving only the few industry-labor contracts which already have escalator clauses, Resolutions on Broadcasts by Martin Agronsky by American Legion, Post 52, Department of Texas to EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. McCARTHY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF TLE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the ReEcorp resolutions by American Legion, Post 52, Department of Texas, regarding broad- casts by Martin Agronsky, together with a letter from John P. Rogge to Martin Agronsky, which appear in the Appen- dix. There being no objection, the resolu- tions and letter: were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: “Whereas Martin Agronsky is making dally appearances on the American 7 a. m. news- cast and is misusing that time to scatter his left-wing philosophy, smearing the reputa- tions of patriotic citizens who are cham- pions of the American way of life, and more particularly undermining the cause of the National China Government and furthering the cause of Communist China: Now, there- fore, be it “Resolved, That American Legion Post, 52, Department of Texas, at regular meeting this December 4, 1950, now go on record as ex- pressing its disapproval of the character of the Martin Agrousky newscast and as rec- ommending to the sponsors of the same and to the American network that his services in that capacity be discontinued immedi- ately; be it further “Resolved, That copies of this resolution properly authenticated be sent to American Broadcasting Co., to Martin Agronsky and to the present sponsors of his newscast in the Houston area” The foregoing {s a true and correct copy of the resolution adopted by unanimous vote at the regular meeting of American Legion Post, 52, Department of Texas, December 4, 1950. JouHN L. Compton, Post Commander, ZENOBIA DOLEZOL, Post Adjutant, “Whereas our State Depattment as now constituted and under the leadership of Dean Acheson, Secretary of State, has proven itself to be unworthy of the confidence of the people; and APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “whereas its foreign policy, whether the result of honest mistake or the result of treasonous conduct on the part of the said Dean Acheson or other personnel, has led our military efforts to the brink of disaster and has placed our Armed Forces in Korea in mortal jeopardy; and “Whereas there has resulted a clamor throughout the country calling for suitable action against the said Acheson, recommend- ing congressional censure or a vote of lack of confidence in the said Acheson; and “Whereas it appears to this body that any such congressional action would serve only to make official the lack of confidence which already exists but would not serve to correct the complaint itself; and “Whereas it is the considered opinion of this body that definite action is now required which will at once register the Nation-wide appraisal of the said Acheson and at the same time positively remove him from office: Now, therefore, be it “Resolved, That American Legion, Post 52, Department of Texas, in regular meeting this 4th day of December 1950, now go on record as favoring prompt impeachment of the said Dean Acheson, as Secretary of State, proceeding under article 2, section 4 of the United States Constitution; and be it further “Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the Honorable ALBERT THoMaS, Congressman from the Eighth Con- gressional District of Texas, as the urgent demand of this post that he at once offer in Congress a bill calling for the prompt im- peachment of the said Dean Acheson by the House of Representatives; und be it further “Resolved, That copies of this resolution, properly certified be forwarded to each of the Houston daily papers and to the State De- partment, Washington, D C, to the Honor- able Tom CONNALLY, chairman Senate For- eign Relations Committee, and to the Hon- orable JosEr.s R. McCartHy, United States Senate” The foregoing is a true and correct copy of the resolution adopted by unanimous vote at the regular meeting of American Legion, Post 52, Department of Texas, December 4, 1950. Joun L. Compron, Post Commander, ZENOBIA DOLEZOL, Post Adjutant. Houston, Tex., December 8, 1950. Mr. MARTIN AGRONSKY, Ame? ican Broadcasting Co. Washington, D. C. Sm: Mr. John L. Compton, commander, Post 52, American Legion (Houston), De- partment of Texas, has instructed me to for- ward to you the attached copy of resolution adopted unanimously by that post in its regular meeting last Monday, December 4. By coincidence this resolution was adopted on a day when your “news” cast was more obnoxious even than usual—contaminating the morning air with your condemnation of Senator McCartnuy’s demand that National- ist China be allowed to take to the field alongside our boys. Taking your usual left- wing slant you stated that would bring Com- munist China definitely into the war and that only by calling up more American boys would we be able to stem the Chinese Com- munist tide—or words to that effect. Inti- mating that this would all start a real war you came to the main insolence in that broadcast. “If Senator McCartHy wants to fight, somebody hold his coat” ‘You should have gone further and told your listeners that in the past var the Benator was actu- ally in the war on the front—making history while you were on the air—reciting it. Lo! How low a man can go to get a living? Yours, JouN P. Roos,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Government by Decree EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. MCDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, the treaty-making powers of the United States Senate have been threatened with relegation to a minor role, in spite of the fact that the Constitution decrees that the President ‘“‘shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two- thirds of the Senators present concur.” During the administration of the late President Roosevelt, the prerogatives of the President in foreign relations were stretched to the point where in 1944 nearly all foreign arrangements were handled as exccutive agreements, and in that year there were 74 executive agree- ments and only 1 treaty. The present Truman administration has continued to follow the precedent set by President Roosevelt, and recently Sec- retary of State Acheson, on his own motion and without reference to the ad- vice and consent of the Senate, proposed that the fate of Formosa be decided by Russia, Communist China, Britain, and the United States, if they could get to- gether within a year, otherwise by the United Nations. It is certainly time for the Senate of the United States to call a halt to this type of unconstitutional negotiations, and to declare that treaties must be rati- fied by the Senate in accord with our Constitution, or that they will not be valid. The assumption of the treaty-making power by the Executive is just another step in the New Deal-Fair Deal program to establish law by decree rather than by legislation, and this policy must be stopped now. The following is a recent editorial which appeared in the Saturday Evening Post by Draper W. Phillips, which analyzes the loss of treaty-making powers by the Senate, and it is a subject that must have immediate attention: Tue Senate Must Recover Irs Lost Powras IN TREATY MAKING (By Draper W. Phillips) The extent to which President Franklin D. Roosevelt stretched his prerogatives in foreign relations threatened to relegate to a minor role, if not to obliterate altogether, the treaty-making powers of the United States Senate. In view of the great crisis which again threatens our country, it is high time that the Senate repudiated this of unconstitutional dealing, and pro- claimed to the world that treaties must be ratified by the Senate in the traditional manner in order to bind America. During the war years nearly all foreign arrangements were handled as executive agreements, for which senatorial concur- rence was not asked. In 1944 there were 74 executive agreements and only 1 treaty. This compared with 25 treaties and 11 execu- tive agreements in 1930. The Truman administration, far from re- pudiating this usurptaion by the New Deal, has done its best to perpetuate these agree- XCVII—App.——-80 ments as a proper subject for executive ac- tion, Most recently Secretary of State Acheson, on his own motion, and without reference to the advice and consent of the Senate, proposed that the fate of Formosa be decided by Russia, Communist China, Britain, and the United States, if they could get together within a year, otherwise by the United Nations. Until the advent of the New Deal, the con- stitutional limitation on presidential treaty- making power was well known and accepted by American officials and foreign powers. William Howard Taft, while acting as envoy for the first Roosevelt, said that it was im- possible for the President to enter into even an understanding without the consent of the Senate Even as late as 1940, the Attorney Gen- eral, in an opinion to the President concern- ing the latter's right to acquire sites for naval and air bases from the British, indi- cated the limitation on the President la deal- ing with foreign powers The Attorney Gen- eral said that negotiations involving com- mitments as to the future are customarily subniltted for ratification by a two-thirds vote of the Senate He approved the Presi- dent's power to act alone tn this case only because the President was accepting a bene- fit without express or implied promise by the United States of any obligation to be carried out in the future. Early in World War II, and before we had entered the conflict, President Roosevelt had frequent meetings with foreign rwers and diplomats who were not thus circumscribed in their diplomacy. Wallace McClure, lawyer and official of the Treaty Division of the State Department, bolstered the President in 1941 with the startling thesis, which he pub- Mshed in a large volume, thut anything that could be done by treaty could also be done by executive agreement Thus was R ose- velt launched on the series of private deals which have exposed us to the evils and dan- gers of communism. Prof. Edwin Borchard, of Yale University, has been the most outspoken opponent of this new theory of presidential omnipotcnce. Looking back to the origin of the Constitu- tion, he saw its framers with thelr fear of powerful executives and secret diplomucy. They were careful thut a treaty should re- flect the mature sentiment of the people. The overwhelming weight of authority fur- nishd by decisions of the Supreme Court and by presidential action itself sustains those scholars who have defended ths tra- ditional method of treaty making. Many question the feasibility of open ne- gotiations in foreign affairs, claiming that the pitiless public glare would muke com- promise difficult, if not impossible. This, of course, is true, but negotiation is entirely a different thing from a secret agreement. If and when secrecy Js necessary in conclud- ing a treaty under the American system, the Senate can collaborate in secret as it has done on several occasions in the past. Wildlife, Fish, and Game Conservation EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES OY FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, I am today’ introducing a measure to promote effec- tual planning, development, mainte- nance, and coordination of wildlife, fish, and game conservation and rehabilita- tion in Military Reservations, This pro- A1425 posal is prompted by the success which has attended the operation of an earlier measure, now Public Law 345 of the Eighty-First Congress. Public Law 345 deals with the same subject but is con- fined to the Eglin Reservation at Eglin Air Force Base, Fla. At this military reservation long prior to the passage of Public Law 345 there was an obvious need for sounder game, fish, and wildlife con- servation, but due to the lack of a specific authorization for such a program very little could be accomplished. Since the act has been in force, the half-million- acre Eglin Reservation has shown in- creasing promise as one of the outstand- ing wildlife development projects in the Nation. This work is being carried on by trained personnel without interfer- ence in any way with the military-train- ing program. Also significantly the work is being carried on without cost to the Government. All costs are borne by small fees collected from hunters and fishermen. Because of the _ success which is attending the Eglin Reservation program, personne, from a number of other military establishments have con- tacted me requesting that steps be tak- en to provide similar legislation appli- cable to all military reservations. That is the sole purpose of this bill. It will nat cost the Government any money. It does offer an opportunity to build up our wildlife resources and provide addi- tional recreational facilities for military personnel and civilians. Buenos Aires Papers Please Copy EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WAYNE L. HAYS OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. HAYS of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks I include a front page editorial from the Wash- ington Daily News of Monday, March 12. The News is performing a notable jour- nalistic service in making available to La Prensa space for editorial comment by the staff of this distinguished Argen- tinjan newspaper, which has been throttled by Dictator-President Peron: Buenos Ares Parers PLEASE Cory ‘The voice of La Prensa cannot be heard in Buenos Afres. It can be heard in Washington. The Washington Daily News today offers La Prensa dally space. We will make availiable whatever is needed for editorial comment from the staff of La Prensa. The News has cabled the editors of La Prensa that this space is available imme- diately, and for as long as the editors want it. La Prensa has been shut down by the gov- ernment of Dictator Peron, acting through its creature, the Central Committee of the General Confederation of Labor. The story of how this was brutally done, and of this newspaper's situation today, is told on page 5. We hope the editors of La Prensa will find space useful in the Washington Dally News, particularly during the conference of North and South American ministers, which con- venes here in 2 weeks. La Prensa will then
A1426 be able to address, while they are in Wash- ington, the diplomatic representatives of every nation in this hemisphere. As the accompanying story on page 5 points out, freedom of the press is not on the agenda of this meeting. But if press freedom is not formally discussed, !t can at least be informally discussed by the ministers of free nations. They may want to consider it in terms of their general problem which the meeting was called to study: that of hemispheric de- fense How can that goal best be reached— if it can be reached—when one nation has deliberately turned its back on the liberal ideal and is plunging with ever-increasing speed toward utter totalitarianism? President Peron takes the view it 1s no- body's business but his own if he throttles his country's leading independent newspa- er Pp He may be in for some unpleasant sur- prises on that score, Quite a few sister republics of the Ameri- cas, including the United States, are get- ting their backs up over his disregard of the ordinary liberties and decencies accorded to a free people. Freedom of the press is a measure not only of a people’s freedom but of the good faith of a government in their name. By silencing this great independent news- paper, Peron shows how far he can be trust- ed to assume a fair and honorable share in the councils of free nations. Our idea to invite La Prensa to be heard in Washington stems from a proposal of Her- bert Moses, president of the Brazilian Press Association. Senor Moses suggested that all Brazilian newspapers devote a fourth of a column cach day to La Prensa's editorial comment According to news dispatches he, in turn, apparently was inspired to his proposal by & suggestion made to him by a press asso- clation man in Peru--that the newspapers of the Americas give space each day to La Prensa's plight. We would like to see a column a day, car- rying the masthead of La Prensa, or even the fraction of a column a day, printing La Prensa’s opinions in newspapers all over North and South America. The blow against La Prensa already has been called informally to the attention of the United Nations by a Latin-American representative We hope that it is also brought up, at least for floor discussion, at the meeting of the American Foreign Ministers here in Wash- ington later this month After flirting with the Axis Powers during the war, Argentina restored herself to the good graces of the American community only by promising to adhere to the Cha- pultepec agreement. That pact contains a freedom-ot-the-press declaration. By abro- gating it or ignoring it, Peron once more could find himself ostracized by democratic nations. United States-Argentine relations now have hit a 4-year low as a result of public disgust and sense of outrage in this country. For this is no little thing. Once again it is demonstrated that an idea cannot be shot, or bombed out, or hung to a lamppost. Even an evil idea. The totalitarian Hitler attacked the free peoples and finally was buried under the most fantastic holocaust of bombs; the total- itarian Mussolini came to an obscene and terrible end, brutally destroyed by his own disillusioned people. But totalitarianism did not die. And many of Hitler’s and many of Mussolinti’s one-time henchmen are doing well in Argentina. There, perhaps, they find the air salubrious, For totalitarianism does not die when dic- tators die, and we would be naive to sup- pose it. Mankind’s struggles for political and eco- nomic security and individual safety are un- ending. Over the centuries, his gains are small and slowly and bitterly won. It is for all of us to show that good has at least the stubborn vitality of evil, and that men who are dedicated to political de- cency, who stand for the right to honestly criticize their government, who stand to tell the truth as they sincerely see the truth— these men must stand together, wherever they may be. Therefore, we gladly and proudly offer to La Prensa the columns of the Washington Daily News, so that, as the ministers of North and South American nations convene here March 26, the voice of this great news- paper need not be silent. Conscientious Objectors Fully Protected Under Selective Service Act of 1948 EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CLIFFORD R. HOPE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ‘ Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. HOPE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp, I include herewith a letter written by Mr. Frederick J. Libby, executive secre- tary, National Council for Prevention of War, and my reply to the same: NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR PREVENTION OF War, Washington, D. C., March 6, 1951. Hon. Cutrrorp R. Hope, House Office Building, Washington, D C. Drar Mr Hope: You are perhaps fumiliar already with the story contained in the en- closed clippings from this afternoon's Wash- ington Daily News, which is covered also in the editorial from the same paper As I have just written Senator SCHOEPPEL it is the most shocking abuse of the rights of conscience that has occurred in the pres- ent crisis, I cannot help thinking that you will want to do all you can to clear the fair name of Kansas of this blot on its reputation for justice, and tor the maintenance of our great American traditions. Sincerely yours, Freperick J Lissy, Exccutive Secretary. House or REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C, March 7, 1951. Mr. Freperick J Lissy, Executive Secretary, National Council for Prevention of War, Washington, D C Dear Mr. Lipsy: I am in receipt of your letter of the sixth with which you enclosed two tear sheets from the Washington Dally News of yesterday, one of which was a news article concerning the trial and conviction of Robert Michener, the other an editorial commenting on the news story. I appre- ciate your sending me these articles and I am glad to comment on the same. May I say in the beginning that this con- viction was for violation of Federal laws and in a Federal court. Neither the State of Kansas nor the laws of the State of Kan-~ gas were involved. I have no information on the matter except as contained in the two articles which you sent me, both of which are very sympathetic to Mr. Michener and his viewpoint. It would seem to me that the sentences imposed are extremely severe and it may be that they should be modified, I would not want to comment APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD further on that question, however, without knowing more about the facts. It seems to me, however, that your letter as well as the article and the editorial over- look entirely the fact that there is no rea- son under the laws of the United States why this young man should be in his pres- ent situation except that he deliberately disobeyed and flouted the laws of his coun- try. According to the article which you sent me, Mr. Michener was convicted about a year ago of refusing to register for the draft. He was sentenced to jail and has served that sentence. After getting out of jail, Mr. Michener further showed his con- tempt for the laws of his country (1) by refusing to fill out a questionnaire, (2) by failing to report for a physical examination, (3) by failing to report for induction. He made no defense to any of these charges and admitted his guilt. I firmly believe in the right of those whose conscious and religious beliefs impel them to oppose participation in war to be exempted from combat training and service. The pros- ent Selective Service Act makes ample pro- vision for such exemption and ceferment Section 6 (Jj) of the Selective Service Act of 1948 reads as follows: “Nothing contained in this title shall be construed to require any person to be subject to combatant training and service in the Armed Forces of the United States who, by reason of religious training and belief, is conscientiously opposed to participation in war in any form. Religious training and be- lief in this connection means an individual's belicf in a relation to a Supreme Being in- volving duties superior to those arising from any human relation, but does not include essentially political, sociological, or philo- sophical views or a merely personal moral code. Any person claiming exemption from combatant training and service because of such conscientious objections whose claim is sustained by the local board shall, if he 4s inducted into the Armed Forces under this title, be assigned to noncombatant service as defined by the President, or shall, If he is fou .d to be conscientiously opposed to par- ticipation in such noncombatant service, be deferred. Any person claiming exemption from combatant tralning and service because of such conscientious objections shall, if such claim is not sustained by the local board, be entitled to an appeal to the appropriate appeal board. Upon the filing of such ap- peal, the appeal board shall refer any such claim to the Department of Justice tor in- quiry and hearing The Department of Jus- tice, after appropriate inquiry, shall hold a hearing with respect to the character and good faith of the objections of the person concerned, and such person shall be notified of the time and place of such hearing. The Department of Justice shall, after such hear- ing, if the objections are found to be sus- tained, recommend to the appeal board that (1) it the objector is inducted into the Armed Forces under this title, he shall be assigned to noncombatant service as de- fined by the President, or (2) if the objector is found to be conscientiously opposed to participation in such noncombatant service, he shall be deferred. If after such hearing the Department of Justice finds that his ob- Jections are not sustained, it shall recom- mend to the appeal board that such objec- tions be not sustained. The appeal board shall, in making its decision, give considera- tion to, but shall not be bound to follow, the recommendation of the Department of Jus- tice, together with the record on appeal from the local board. Each person whose claim for exemption from combatant training and service because of conscientious objections is sustained shall be listed by the local board on a register of conscientious objectors.” This section sets up 8 procedure by which any conscientious objector may present his case and claim his exemption. The articles which you sent me would indicate that Mr,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Michener is a genuine conscientious objec- tor. Had he followed the simple procedure outlined in the law, there would, in my opinion, be no quretion about his exemption and deferment. Thousands of conscientious objectors have followed this procedure and thousands more will do so. In other words, they will abide by the laws of their country. Mr. Michener, for reasons which are wn- known to me, chose to disregard, flout, and disobey his country’s laws. If we are to be fair to the millions of young men who have obeyed the selective service law and espe- cially those who have been inducted into the service, there {gs nothing that can be done except to charge Mr. Michener with violat- ing the laws of his country and convict him when he admits such violation as he did in this case. Thourands of men who obeyed the law, which Mr. Michener flouts, have given their lives in Korea. Hundreds of thousands have left their homes and their families te enter the service of their coun- try. Your letter wouid imply that Mr. Michener ts right and that thete law-abiding young Americans are wrong I cannot agree with you. Had Mr. Michener obeyed the laws of his country and availed himself of the provision which {s made for those who have con- sclentious objection to combat training and service, he would be a freeman today Had every American boy between the ages of 18 and 26 followed the course of Mr. Michener, it would be the greatest macs Jaw violation in history. It would utterly defeat our de- fense program. Are you advocating that others follow the course of Mr. Michener and refuse to regis- ter or to carry out their obligations under the Selective Service Act? Are you urpring conscientious objectors to follow this course ri ther than to obey the law and Tring them- selves within {ts provisions relating to con- scientious objectors and securing exemption and deferment by that lawful method? Very sincerely yours, Cuirrorp R_ Horr. Letter to Farmers Urging Them to Step Up Production That America May Be Healthy and Strong EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. M. G. BURNSIDE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr, BURNSIDE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letter: Dear FRIEND: Now is the time to get the old sow out of the pen and you should bring the younger sows with her. Spring is here, If you have a cow that's getting dry, you should breed her, too. We need bacon and beef. The city fellow has the money and 1s anxious to buy what you produce. Prices are up ard you are bound to make some profits. One of the best ways to save money is to raise your own meat and fix it right at home so you can use tt the year around, When you send it to market and buy it back you pay a lot of other people for moving it, shipping it, and processing it. Everyone who handles it has to make a profit. Why can't we keep that profit among the home folks? We can do just that in three ways. First, you can check with your home demonstra- tion agent and she can tell you how to can meat if you don't already know. She might even know a better way than you are now using. Second, in some of our towns and cities meat lockers can be rented for a small fee. Make use of these. Your county agent can tell you where they are located. Third and a modern new way is to buy now or plan to buy a deep freeze for next year. These boxes make money for farmers by keeping fine home grown meat well preserved. You can also use these boxes for your strawber- ries, beans and other fruits and vegetables to keep them in good shape for a healthy family, There are many suggestions which could be made, but I am sure you’ve got the idea. I am counting on you and I am sure you will do your part in helping keep America healthy and strong. If I can be of any service to you and your neighbors, please do not hesitate to call upon me Altoona (Pa.) Chamber cf Commerce Supports the State of Pennsylvania’s Oppositicn to the Construction of the St. Lawrence Seaway Project EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN TNE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 My. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, one of the many Pennsylvania communities op- posed to the construction of the St. Lawrence seaway is the city of Altoona. Speaking for the citizens of Altoona the chamber of commerce adopted the fol- Jowing resolution which goes into detail in explaining why the citizens of Penn- sylvania oppose construction of such an economic monstrosity as the St. Law- rence project. The resolution follows: Whereas a bill was introduced tn the Sen- ate of the United States on February 1, 1951, approving the agreement between the United States and Canada relating to the develop- ment of the resources of the Great Lakes- St. Lawrence Basin for national security and continental defense of the United States and Canada’ providing for making the St. Lawrence seaway self-liquidating; and for other purposes: Be it Resolved, That the Chamber of Commerce of Altoona, Pa., is unalterably opposed to this bill because: 1. At the height of the greatest crisis in our Nation's history, when world communism has embroiled us in what may become a series of Koreas or World War III, we are asked to divert from our national defense effort man- power, matertals, and financial resources, On manpower it has been estimated by Lt. Gen. R. A. Wheeler, Chief of Engineers, United States Army, that the international rapids section alone would take 140,235,000 man hours. He said, “If computed on 4 years to finish, the Labor Department estt- mates the average number of employees at the site as 11,150, varying from 6,400 a month in winter to 23,600 in the summer.” This at the very time when our existence depends on an all-out manpower cffort to do those things that are genuinely vital to our na- tional defense. On materials it is clearly evident that this gigantic seaway will take millions of tons of vital and scarce defense materials at a time when they cannot be spared. A1427 On financial resources it has been esti- mated that the cost will range between $300,- 000,000 and $1,850,000,000. Yearly operation costs will be approximately $20,000,000 and adequate defenses would probably come to another billion dollars. 2. The project would take at least 4, and probably 7, years to complete. This is too long, when the element of time is on the side of our enemy. 3. The propocal is a particular threat to the economy not only of this immediate vi- cinity and the vitally important industrial capacity of the State of Pennsylvania but it is also a real threat to the economy of the entire northeastern section of the United States. All our great eastern ports are seri- ously threatened not only by loss in tonnage but by competition from ship Hine: whose lower-paid employees pay no income taxes in this country. It would also be a severe blow to our railroads through Joss of freight ton- nage and the importation of foreign goods, This coupled with the importation of foreign coal and crude oil would severely threaten our great coal-producing industry. Thus Pennsylvania's two great industries would be seriously affected. 4 Our merchant marine, on which we have spent more than $19,000,000,000, finds that beca ise of size only 9 percent of ite vessels could use the seaway. Smaller foreign ves- sels again would have the advantage. 6 The St. Lawrence River ts tcebound for virtually 6 months out. of the year, and dur- ing the fall and spring, and even in summer, is blanketed by fog. 6 The seaway would give us 1,677 more miles of coust line to defend and a bomb dropped at any single point would cripple the entire project. 7 The claims of need for more electric power, und that the undertakings are too big for private enterprise to finance are spurious. Private, taxpaying enterprise is already fur- nishing all electric power presently required and can raise the money tor any profect if there is sufficient demand fur the services; be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be sent to all Pennsylvania Representatives and Fenators and that they be urged to uphold this resolution and to defeat the joint reso- lution, Senate Joint Resolution 27, now be- Yore the first session of the Eighty-second Congress. (This resolution udoptec by the board of directors of the Altoona Chamber of Com- merce Thursday, March 8, 1951 ) The Italian-American World War Veteran EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following address of Mr. Anthony V. Lo Popolo, Pennsylvania department commander of the Italian-American World War Veterans, which Mr. Lo Pop- olo delivered on Sunday, March 11, 1951, over radio station WJMJ, Philadelphia, Pa.: Why does the Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States exist? The preamble to our national constitution estab- lishes the basis. From what is its name de- rived? The name ts one that acts as a living perpetual memorial for all those Itallan~ Americans who served and those who died
A1428 for their country, the United States of Amer- ica, There is no more fitting tribute, no better honor to bestow. If the organization grows the memortal becomes more brilllant and refulyent. If the organization wanes and diminishes, the memorial becomes dull and gathers moss. It is for us the living to see, to be ever vigilant that our service will work toward the betterment of mankind. The Italian-American World War Veter- ans of the United States, Inc., believes in brotherhood in action, It teaches and ex- horts clean, upright living, tolerance and good will, It symbolizes faith in our coun- try and faith in God. It is a preponderant influence in building good citizens and loy- alty to the laws of the Nation, State and municipality. It believes in the expansion of industry, ecominerce, agriculture and transportation. It believes in fatr, Just and adequate rights for labor to imsure Jabor a ving and just wate, It helieves in the development of our great natural resources tor the benefit of all our citizens, the haid-pressed taxpayer and other backwood nations on a busihess- like basis. It believes in adequate schools, hospitals, universities, centers of art and music, churches of every denomination It believes in the improvement of the living siandard It believes in che obliteration of crime, racketeering, federations of law-enlorcement officials and public officials with criminals and gamblers. Statistics show that crime syndicates in the United States net approxi- mately $15,000,000,000 This money 18 taken from families that can least afford it The money is then diverted by these racketeers and gamblers to purchase political control, It believes that corrupt officials in) towns, cities, States and in the Federal Govern- ment who succumb to the wishes of these criminals and cast uside their oaths to serve in the public interest should be quickly re- moved from office and punished severely, It believes that cach citizen should become aware of his civic duties Each citizen has riehts Each citizen has obligations = It belleves that every citizen should take part in politics, community affairs, in State, na- tional and international problems. It believes that each citizen should act freely and without coercion. It believes that each citizen should excite public opin- fon to a higher standard of ethies, to culti- vate an obedient respect for the law and to bring about confidence in the qualifica- tions of our officials and in the integrity of our courts It believes that each citizen should exer- cise his right to vote to see to it that only the best qualified, high caliber men are chosen and delegated to do our work as we want it done, so that the perennial misfits, cherp politicians and gangsters who are al- ways standing ready to slip in and very ad- roitly take over by our failure to vote will be thwarted. It believes that with strong, qualified, and fearless men on the job, quis- Hngs will be ousted as soon as spotted It believes that the connivance engendered by money and influence is great but that the power of an aroused, demanding electorate is more powertul, It believes in the American way of life. It believes that law and order must prevail over the rule of men, coteries and pressure groups. It believes in a strong and united America without endangering our priceless freedoms It belicves in aid and assistanco to other nations under constitutional process to maintain the checks and brlances estab- lished by our forefathers. It is when we do nothing that we continue the triumph of evil. This is the organization that the depart- ment presents to all Italian-American vet- erans who are interested in establishing a local post as a permanent living memortal for those Itullan-Americans who served and those who died for their country, the United States of America. Medicine in Crisis EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. JOHN 0. PASTORE OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp 2 more of a series of 22 articles in the series en- titled “Medicine in Crisis,” which have been written by Mr. Selig Greenberg, and which appeared in the Providence Jour- nal and Evening Bulletin, newspapers published 1n the city of Providence, R. I. This series presents an impartial and objective discussion of conditions faced by our medical schools and the medical prote.sion in general. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed 1n the Recorp, as follows: [From the Providence (R I.) Evening Bulle- tin of March 1, 1951] MEnIcINnE IN CRIsIs-——STRICT RATIONING RULES CareErs IN Unirep StTaTes MEDICINE-— 22,280 SEEK To ENTER 72 SCHOOLS ABLE TO ACCOMMODATE BUT 7,187 (By Sclig Greenberg) Cornell University Medical College last fall accepted 80 freshmen and turned down 2.870 applicants This was a ratio of one adnilssion to 37 applicants While Cornell had the highest proportion of rejections in the country, much the same thing happened in many ot our medical schools. A FEW FIGURES Here are just a few figures Columbia Col- lege of Physicians and Surgeons accepted 120 out of 2,800 applicants, New York Medical College took 124 out of 3,153, Harvard Medl- cal School, 112 out of 996, Temple University School of Medicine, 125 out of 3,089; Yale School of Medicine, 65 out of 1,401, West- ern Reserve, 80 oul of 1,800, Vanderbilt, 52 out of 1.415, Tulane, 128 out of 2,000; Syra- cuse, 76 out of 2,600, Rochester, 70 out of 2,100; Northwestern, 128 out of 2,103, Boston University School of Medicine, 72 out of 1,875, Because of the extreme difficulty of mak- {ug the grade, most applicants apply to more than one medical school. Some have been known to file applications in the same year with os many as 25 schools without any success, ONE OUT OF THREE Lust fall 22,280 students filed a total of 81,930 applications in the Nation’s 72 medi- cal schools Of these, 7,187 were enrolled, which was a ratio of nearly one out of three, But an important point to bear in mind is that the proportion of successful applicants in the better schools was much lower. Youths trom 11 States, including Rhode Island, which have no medical schools find it even harder to get a chance, There is an increasing trend among State-supported medical schools to restrict admission to resl- dents of their own States. According to the American Medical Asso- ciation’s breakdown of the residence Of freshe men medical students in the 1949-50 aca- demic year, there were only 30 such fresh- men from Rhode Island. FIFTEEN PERCENT DROP OUT As a rule, about 15 percent of medical students are flunked or dropped out for other reasons. This means that only about 25 of the Rhode Islanders enrolled in 1940-50 can APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD expect to graduate. Twenty doctors died in this State last year and an unknown number retired. While the supply of physicians entering practice here is not limited to resi- dents of the State, it is significant that de- pletions in the ranks of doctors in Rhode Island probably exceeded the number of those from this State given an opportunity to become replucements. All of which points up the fact that there is strict rationing of careers in medicine. Failure of our medical training facilities to expand enough is depriving thousands of young men and women of a chance to enter the profession of their choice at a time when the threat of war faces us with a possible serious shortage of doctors. WASTED EFFORT The intense competition for medical school openings has unquestionably contributed to the generally high standard of students by permitting the schools to pick the cream of the crop. But it has also meant a tragic waste of many good candidates It brings frustration annually to thousands of stu- dents. For some of them premedical train- ing has turned out to be a wasted effort. This situation recently led Dean Simeon E Leland of the College of Liberal Arts at Northwestern University to remark that “medicine ts the only profession where the element of competition comes only at the beginning" While somewhat exaggerated, this observation is not without truth The limited opportunities have other dis- turbing implications They have to a con- siderable extent restricted access to medical education to the well-to-do and permitted discrimination against racial and religious minorities. TUITION RUNS HIGH Although it covers less than one-fourth of the cost of operating the schools, tuition runs as high as 6835 a year, The training schedule ts usually so heavy that students find it impossible to support themselves by working after school hours This automatic- ally rules out many gifted students from low-income tamilles. Some observers have commented on the fact that medicine frequently tends to be- come an hereditary affair, with doctors’ sons following in their fathers’ footsteps. One reason for this may be that doctors often have fatter bankbooks than most other people Nor is it unreasonable to suspect that sons of medical families find it easier to vault the admission hurdle. ROOM FOR PREJUDICE Applicants for admission to medical schools are judged not only on the basis of thetr scholastic standing in college, which usually has to be very high, but also on their personality and character. These are, obvi- ously, qualifications not subject to precise measurement. As a report of the New York Academy of Medicine put it, “any appraisal of these matters is necessarily so inexact that it leaves room for the operation of prejudice against applicants whose sex, race, or creed differs from that of the examiners.” There is undoubtedly discrimination against women, Negroes, Jews and, to & lesser extent, students of Italian extraction. Some medical educators go so far as to claim that the 7,100-odd places now open annually in the country’s medical schools just about cover the available pool of fully qualified applicants and that in the case of substantial expansion it would be difficult to recrult a sufficient number of candidates of the proper intellectual and moral caliber. A statement along this line was actually made in the official 1948 handbook prepared by the Association of American Medical Col- leges for premedical advisers. YALE DEAN DISSENTS Dr. C. N. Hugh Long, dean of the Yale 6Bchool of Medicine, recently dissented from this point of view when he declared that
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “the country needs more doctors but this deficiency is not due to any lack of material to supply them.” Some officials of other medical schools continue to insist that be- cause of grave deficiencies in our educational ssytem there is a dearth of good candidates. Leading educators outside the medical field feel that such a claim is absurd. Our educational system, all the way from gram- mar school to college, is far from perfect. But with 2,500,000 students enrolled in our colleges, it is inconceivable, they say, that only about 17,1CO are fit to be picked for training as doctors. American medical education is of the highest quality in the world, and it is impor- tant to preserve that quality. But the in- sistence on preserving quality, which 1s perfectly valid in itself, can also be used as a cover for other motives. There are indications that it has been accompanied by @ growing cult of exclusiveness in the medi- cal profession and an almost pathological fear of the possible leveling effect of grenter numbers. {From the Providence (R. I.) Evening Bulletin of March 2, 1951] Mevrcine mm Crists—Docror-PoPULATION Ratio For UNITep States LOowtr THAN IN 1909—-NUMBER OF GENFRAL PRACTITIONERS AND MEDICAL ScHOOLS ALSO DECLINES (By Selig Greenberg) There are fewer doctors in the United States today in relation to the population than there were 40 years ago. It is true that some of the physicians at that time were graduates of low-grade medl- cal schools which have since been closed. But quality in medicine, while crucial now, was far less important in those days, when doctors had tew specific remedies for dis- ease. It is therefore valid to cite the historical record of the supply of physicians in this country. For it shows the extent to which expansion of the profession has lagged be- hind the increase in population and in dee mand for medical services. TWO HUNDRED AND ONE THOUSAND TWO HUN- DRED AND SEVENTY-SEVEN DOCTORS IN 1909 In 1909 there were 134,000 physicians, or one for every 671 Americans The latest count in 1949 showed a total of 201,277 dec- tors—one for every 750 persons In the 40- year period the population of the United States increased 65 percent. But the num- per of doctors rose only 50 percent This lag developed despite the tremendous increase in the things that medicine can do for people. It developed in the face of a rise of about five times in our national income. Yt occurred at a time when there was a stead- lly rising curve in the proportion of older people who need extra medical care, The increasing trend toward specilization makes the decline in the ratio of physicians to population even more serious than it looks at first glance. FEWER GENERAL PRACTITIONERS Around the turn of the century virtually every doctor was available for general treat- ment of patients. By 1920 about 15,000 doc tors reported that they were confining thetr practice to a specialty. There are now more than 55,000 physicians who do so and who are thus tacitly excused from carrying cases beyond the chosen limita of their specialty and their chosen hours of work. The number of general practitioners, who are supposed to be always on call, has sharply declined. Specialization also has contributed to the concentration of physicians in the cittes, where the level of income is higher and hospital facilities are available. Further aggravating the situation has been the rise in the number of salaried doctors, many of whom do not furnish direct medical care. The proportion of salaried physicians has nearly doubted during the past £O years. In 1905 there were 160 4-year medical schools and 2-year basic science schools in the United States. (Students who take the basic sclence school course complete the last 2 years of their training in the 4-year schools.) These schools had a total of 26,147 students and graduated 5,606 doctors. Gen- eral college enroliment in 1905 stood at 138,000. NUMBER OF SCHOOLS SLASHED There sre now only 72 4-year medical schools and 7 basic science schools. Last year they graduated 5,558 M D.’s. In the current ycar there is an enrollment of £6,193, and a graduating class of about 6,000 1s exe pected. While college enrollment has in- cieased 18 times since 1905, the number of medical students has remained static The number of medical schools was slashed as the result of a revolution in Amcrican medical education launched in 1910. In that year the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching published a study of the country’s medical schools made by Abraham Flexner, 2 noted educational authority. Flexner reported that many of the schools were hopelessly inadequate and some of them were little more than diploma mills, The resulting unfavorable publicity and the efforts of the American Medical As- sociation’s Council on Medical Education and Hospitals forced many of the schools to close and others to raise their standards. CLAIM OPPORTUNITIES DOUBLED Shortly after publication of the Flexner report, the AMA graded 66 of the medical schools, with a total enrollment of 12,530, as class A. It placed 43 schools Jn class B and 22 in class C. In 1929 the AMA discon- tinued this method of grading and confined its recognition to 76 medical and basic science schools which it sted as approved. There are now no unapproved medical schools in the United States. Since 1929 four new medical schools have been estab- lished and three 2-year schools have been converted into 4-year schools, AMA spokesmen contend that it 1s unfair to compare the enrollment of 45 years ago, which included many students in substand- ard institutions, with the present total of medical students, They maintain that op- portunities to study medicine in approved schools have doubled and have thus more than kept pace with the growth in popu- lation. The closing of the inferior schools must, of course, be taken into consideration in viewing the over-all picture. But many au- thorities argue that the rise in population, in the complexity of medicine and in the health consciousness of the American peo- ple and their demand for medical services more than offsets the gain from the higher quality and efficiency of most of our present practitioners. An important byproduct of the reforms which followed the Flexner report was the emergente of the AMA's Council on Medical Education and Hospitals as the accrediting body for the medical schools. EXPANSION DISCOURAGED Since 1910 the AMA council has set stand- ards for the medical colleges. These stand- ards provide a minimum ratio of faculty, leboratory equipment, and other train- ing facilities to students and thereby control enrollment. Legal requirements or the rules of licensing boards in virtually all States specify that only graduates of medical schools approved by the AMA council may take the examination for admission to practice. The co":ncil also certifies hospitals where newly graduated physicians may take internship or residency training, There is no question that the AMA council has made «4 great and positive contribution to the cause of medical education in this country. Its influence has been good in se- A1429 curing higher standards. It was courageous and public-spirited in the vigorous house- cleaning it conducted in the years after 1910 to rid the Nation of poor medical! schools. But there is also some evidence that the council] has at times used its influence to discourage expansion of medical training facilities. In at least one instance it has openly advocated that enrollment be cut down on the ground that the profession was overcrowded. Initially, the drop in enrollment was an unplanned result of the intensive drive for higher standards. There is some reason to Goubt that the subsequent fatlure to provide better opportunities for medical schooling was always unpremeditated. Bread and Butter EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GEORGE A. DONDERO OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. DONDERO. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent granted by the House to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include therein an editorial from the Pontiac Daily Press, of Pontiac, Mich., for March 9, 1951. The people of this country need not fear “big business.” Business is not bad because it is big. Their real fear should be of “big government” which threatens to engulf them and make them the ser- vant of the state. Our country was founded on the theory that the individual is master and the state is servant. The editorial which follows indicates the tremendous amount that industry contributes to the expense of the Federal Government. General Motors is the largest corporation in the world. Its contribution to the welfare of this coun- try is well established. This editorial, by one of the finest newspapers in the United States, points out that fact: Ponttac’s BrEAD AND BUrTLR According to the statement just issued by the General Motors Corp., the 1950 tax bill was $1,536,000,000. For fear someonc may misread the total, or think we've gone naught happy, the tg- ure is written in a different way. Here it is. Ong billion five hundred and thirty-six million dollars, The press is speechless, We're open-mouthed. Words are inadequate. Two challenging facts stand out and com. pel attention, First, this total would have paid all the costs of our Federal Government for any complete year up to the First World War. Perhaps that gives a better picture of the terrific tax bite placed on all those in modern economy, No one escapes. The salaried man, the hourly worker, and corporations alike are belted amidships. This gigantic, gargantuan, and enormous sum taken from one corporation, alone would now run the Federal Government less than a week under President Truman's cur- rent proposal, Even under that very wasteful Mr. Hoover (as the Democrats charged in 1932), the fig- ure quoted above would have paid all the ex- penses of the Government for 5 months.
A1430 The second and equally inescapable fact pertains solely to the size of General Motors. GM ts an industrial colossus. All rivals are distanced, It storms ahead alone. Pontiac is very fortunate to have this sound, brilliantly managed, and well- financed giant as the basis of our livin, and very existence. Allah has smiled on the civic namesake of the flery and picturesque red man, Our workers have suffered a mini- mum of lay-offs. They have benefited by steady and continuous employment beyond the ken of those in most occupations, Retail circles profit accordingly. The whole area prospers. It's nice to be part of the biggest industrial family in all the history of the world. That’s precisely what we are. Colonel Lindsay Says EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. A. LEONARD ALLEN OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. ALLEN of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, I have heretofore placed in the Rrc- orD several guest editorials by Col. C. H. Lindsay, general manager of the Tre- mont Lumber Co. mills in Louisiana. I have another editorial written by Colonel Lindsay which I desire to place in the Recorp. This outstanding builder and industrialist is doing some good think- ing on the question of communism. The editorial is as follows: TEAMWORK VERSUS COMMUNISM (By C. H. Lindsay) It is teamwork that completes a touchdown and makes thousands of tans rise from their seats to cheer. Teamwork is a great factor in everyday life. Without teamwork, a war cannot be won or a world peace crystallized, To bring out the finest and best in man- Kind'’s productivity, we must always unite toward that harmonious end. Nothing short of working in harmony with & square deal plainly in view will suffice We must meet present-day conditions—commu- nism-—by fair play among ourselves and our neighboring countries. From where I sit, which is closer to general conditions than you may think, I know that we have had too much pulling in opposite direction by two groups of people both striving for the same goal. So let's have a pep talk before the game and let both groups pull in the same direction to attain a last- ing cooperation based upon mutual trust, understanding, and ajpreciation of each other's problems with full respect of rights and responsibilities. It is fine to have a captain of our team, but he cannot see everything and think for every individual. He cannot win the game alone. Every player must think for himself, So it is today, every individual citizen must think for himself and stop to analyze every single issue that is presented to him; or else he will be caught in the booby trap of a communistic doctrine. Communists don’t Just happen; they have had rigid training by the party. A little thing like the truth means nothing to them. They were trained to let nothing stand in their way of world domination. It takes a great man to make a good lise tener and a greater man to separate the truth from the untruth. Don’t take stock in all you hear, but be able to thresh the wheat from the chaff and show yourself to be a thinking man. Let us apply our teamwork in our fight to stay free. Let us think right and act ac- cordingly. Let us pray for a better under- standing of our fellow man. Let us work together for the good of all, Song of Susan—A True Story Concerning the Lincoln Family EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. CARL T. CURTIS OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. CURTIS of Nebraska. Mr. Speaker, Mrs. Sue Josties, of 814 East Seventh Street, Hastings, Nebr., has made a real contribution to the field of literature concerning America’s great Abraham Lincoln. This article speaks for itself, and un- der leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude the article that was published in the Omaha World-Herald on February 11, 1951: (By Sue Josties) The melon bears fruit on the ground, and the apple tree high in its branches. Our rose blossoms red, and our pansies and violets purple. The meadowlark trills one song; the bobwhite and thrush each another. So must I tell my story, although it differs from others as oak leaf and pine needle differ. Who can say which is more worthy? which is to live? Which be stricken? Each has its place, and my story, too, 1s worth telling whenever folks talk about Lincoln. This is my debt to my parents. I must write now, ere the sun of their declining years ease softly below the horizon; lest my own sun, now at its zenith, streak through the western sky, and there be no late afternoon shadows. I must write now, lest the story not ever be written, or they never know that I wrote it. I know they would rather I tell of the home which gave the world Abraham Lincoln than anything else I could think of. ABE'S “OTHER MOTHER” Back of Abe's life was another, who, from the time he was 10, had been his “other mother.” At their first meeting, she saw that destiny claimed him. Sensed that this child in her keeping had it within him to tower in the hearts of his fellows as his great height towered above them. Sensed that an hour would come when the man ‘would be needed to match it. Knew she was needed to help this gaunt man child get ready. Not much is written of Sarah Bush, Lin- coin’s atepmother, but my people knew her. In Illinois they knew her, in Goosenest Prairie, near Charleston, They knew that when Abe utered those words so often re- quoted, “All that I am I owe to my angel mother,” he spoke of Sarah Bush Lincoln, and not of a flesh-and-blood parent. There is one book, Abraham Lincoln's Other Mother, by Bernadine Bailey, which tells how, unlearned herself, she urged her stepson to keep up his learning: how, al- though they moved often, she helped him to put down his roots in the eternal, everyday APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD verities; how she held politics out to him, urged him to follow. Tom Lincoln had been dead 10 years when Abe was elected, and, before leaving the State, came to Goosenest to visit. They were God-fearing people who settled in Goosenest Prairie. They were glad when &@ preacher could come, but they needed no preacher. Each taught his children the Scriptures, and each was admonished to “work out his own salvation.” Each him- self tested the promises, found them suffi- cient, and each one had his own reason for the faith burning within him. Isaac Rogers had given the land for the graveyard called Shiloh. (After the Civil War, when the church was erected, tall trees were cut down, and in the foundation the trunks were used without splicing to run the full length of the building.) Abe came to his father's grave, and pausing beside it, solemnly picked up some bark and whittled @ marker. He asked a man, Isaac Rodgers, to care for Tom Lincoln's grave. As he talked he placed both his hands on the head of a child who stood with them. That man was my grandmother's father; the child was his daughter named Susan. She was my fath- er’s own mother, and I am named for her. THE GRIEVING SARAH The book does not tell of the time that Sarah was sorry for the way she had in- fluenced her stepson. When the word came that Abe had been killed, she would have fallen herself, remorseful and grieving. But there were neighbors—my people—who, grieving with her, helped her to see that he had ved a full measure. The child had finished his task. Her Abe had been ready when needed. Abe had been dead 4 years when she took to her bed, and a neighbor came tn to help her, keeping the cabin warm, nursing her, trying to coax strength into her being The neighbor sat by her side as she joined the son she still grieved for. Elsie Price was the neighbor, and she was my mother’s own mother. Both of my grandmothers, thus, were family friends of the Lincolns. Elsie lived on the eighty adjoining and Susan a scant mile west of the Price home. Susan married John Baker. They lived a stone’s throw from the churchyard and Susan went often to work there. * * * There she found change from the farm work, her house, and her family. The solitude calmed her, brought peace and fulfillment. She remembered the hands on her head and the trust Abe Lincoln had given as she cared for the Lincoln graves as well as for those of her loved ones. The bark where Abe Lincoln had whittled his father's initials was long since destroyed, and souvenir hunt- ers had chipped almost completely to bits the marker that Abe's son had placed there. One late afternoon as she worked she heard someone weeping. An orphan youth slumped by the unmarked mounds. Susan talked to him, tald him the graves where he wept were the graves of the people who gave the world Abraham Lincoln. She told him that if he faced hardships, the Lincolns had surely faced greater. She took him home, fed him. He went on his way the next morning, en- couraged. SUSAN'S CAMPAIGN But Susan kept wondering what might have happened if she had not been in the churchyard. She saw that monuments must be erected, so anyone passing by—not just the people of Shiloh—might take new cour- age as they were reminded of Lincoln. Monuments would cost money. She had some, and gladly would give it. However, she felt that this would not be right. Abe was a man of the people and this was a thing, she believed, in which many people should share,
APPENDIX TO THE’ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD And also, @ part of her project was that, In rpising the money, she re-tell the story of Iincoln and his paths to greatness so that all who heard her might stand to their own highest stature and set their own feet on those pathways. She set about making speeches. For years she talked nothing but Lincoln. Into a small stone jar went the money from eggs and from butter, She used it to pay her expenses, I remember the black alpaca that was new when she went to Chicago There she met, among others, Bruce Barton. He helped her re-tell her story. She went, too, to Springfield, asking the legislature to provide the tombstones at Shiloh. Once, when she finished speaking, & man came and told her that he was the orphan whom she had helped with her story. All through the years while her babies (among them, my father) grew up about her, this was the cause to which she gave her devotion. She seemed to get nowhere, Discouraged she must have been. But, she knew the story of Lincoln and she simply would not know failure. Abe placed his hands on her head, and others must know his story so that they, too, could take cour- age. Abe placed his hands on her head and others must know—other mothers, so that they guide well the children who came to their keeping And when her hurband dled, she must soon have followed, except for her task, still un- finished, SUSAN'S SUCCESS Fate cannot be stubborn forever when great soule have courage. They who work toward the things which they pray for must find their prayers answered. One more speech, this time at Mattoon, and it hap- pened. There, at the Lions’ Club luncheon, the State president dropped in to isit. He heard her He wanted a project Here was a thing he might do and be proud of, or not do and always be sorry. In that moment her task was accomplished, her years of en- deavor rewarded. We have her picture, there in the church- yard at Shiloh, beside the stone she had worked for. On the granite are chiseled the names of the Lincolns, and then: “Thetr humble, but worthy home gave to the world Abraham Lincoln.” “Her picture hangs also in the reception room at the tomb of Abe Lincoln in Spring- field. Paved roads now take you to Goosenest from Charleston, over the trails where wheels of the surrey sank deep {n the mud in the springtime. Nearby, on the Lincoln home- stead, fs @ replica of their cabin, Their own was taken away to the world's fair in Chi- cago and no one knows what happened to it. (My mother’s father, a wounded war veteran, watched as the cabin was loaded. A splinter fell off, and we have it.) You see a rail fence on the homestead. A bobwhite calls from the bushes flanking the creek where the deer came to drink in the cool of the evening. Visitors come from all over the world to walk in the lush green grass and stop in the churchyard at Shiloh. I like to go there. In that one graveyard, under the carpet of green, lies buried some- one from my family who fought in each of the wars since the Revolution. From New Orleang to Antietam, through the Argonne, and now the airborne invasion, those silent tombetones at Shiloh shout out their saga of freedom: the story of parents who gave to their children a sense of eternal values, children who grew up to manhood and when they were needed were ready. ANOTHER SON In the evening my 12-year-old rests from his romping. Rests with his chin on his hands on the fluur in front of the fireplace. And as the flames beckon his fancy to follow, he begs me: “Tell me, now, mother, how was it we came to know Lincoln?” I know how the tales of the past may well fashion the call of the future. So I tell it— tell my son over and over how Abe always plowed a straight furrow; how Sarah taught him to tote a full pall without splashing; how she taught him to hold to his faith in the right as God gave him to see it. No need to mention how much these meant in the White House; or how they helped Abe to get there. I tell him, too, how his people knew and loved Sarah Bush Lincoln, I see my s0n's soul stir within him. The light in his 12-year-old eyes leaps like the flames of the hearth fire. His comment: “You know, mom, that's really something " Then it is bedtime. He stands up, he seems to be taller. Next morning, I find his bed made and his clothes neatly hung, neatly folded, I see his treasures about me—his Scout things, the sports stuff, his miniature horses. The book- shelves; the blue catchechism, the clippings he keeps on Korea. His bank makes me think of the ways he earns money, of the garden he soon will be planting. On his desk he has made out a schedule, the week aheud planned to the fullest—well planned, so his load won't splash over. And, at the top, idly scribbled, “We knew Abe LincoiIn"” I fondle the block of black walnut he picked up in the graveyard at Shiloh and carefully sanded and polished. Humbly I ponder if hands have been laid on my young- est. I ponder where destiny may yet call him. Dear God, help me help him get ready. Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1951—Re- construction Finance Corporation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER NORBLAD OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. NORBLAD. Mr. Speaker, to me it is regrettable that the White House did not send the Congress « proposal to reorganize the RFC by abolishing it rather than the present legislation we have before us. Certainly the RFC did have a useful function at the time it was established in the early 1930’s but it has long since outlived its usefulness, The Hoover task force report made on this organization a year or two ago was excellent and should have been followed by the Congress, They proposed that this agency be abolished and that in the case of necessary national emergency loans that they could be made by private banks and approved and backed by the Federal Reserve Board, That proposal makes sense to me and I hope sincerely that the Congress will undertake as soon as possible to undertake the passage of such legislation. I introduced recently @ bill providing for Just such action and I commend it to your attention, Al1431 Tribute to the Hills of West Virginia EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HARLEY M. KILGORE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. KILGORE. Mr. President, a well- known writer for the Boston Herald, Bill Cunningham, recently visited my State of West Virginia and wrote a re- port for his paper. His report appeared in the Boston Herald on March 1, and was reprinted in the Charleston Gazette of March 11. I ask unanimous consent to have it printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Tue His or West VIRGINIA (By Bill Cunningham) Montoomery, W. Va., February 28.—'I will lift up mine eyes unto the hills from whence cometh my help.” This first verse of the one hundred twenty-first Psalm ia cast in bronze in the rotunda of Charleston's practically unbelievable airport station. It hits the arriving visitor hard because he’s just flown for an hour over rugged hills, no matter what his quarter of approach, be- cause the beautiful sky-high airport, itself, was made by leveling the tops of three mountains, and because, in no matter what direction he looks, he sees nothing but the tops of the Appalachians marching silently into the purpling distance. This is not only one of the most beautiful airports in America, but it must be one of the most unusual in that it’s high above the communities on a valley's floor, it's brought cluge to the outside world in the last few years. It doesn't, however, take even & stranger long to reach the conclusion that that quotation from the psalter could serve as # secular trade-mark for this entire area, and that it could, and probably would, be sincerely felt, if not actually spoken by the citizens of the rest of these troubled United States, if they could see and meet what is here, PLANTS FUMING "ROUND CLOCK For there’s help here, plenty of it. This fe the start of the great coal region, the black, billion-dollar empire of John L. Lewis. Along this busy valley of the great Kanawha River, huge plants are fuming ‘round the clock making chemicals, rayon, synthetic rubber, electric power, and other things, some of which are industrial, and even mill- tary secrets. This is a region, rich in water power, coal enough, apparently, to last for- ever, and gas. That’s convenient fuel mok- ing for economical production. That means major help to a Nation forced to stock itself again with the engines of war, and to pro- duce enough, otherwise, to Keep itself in something approximating normal operation, First, however, maybe I'd better explain. In this mountainous State, populations can’t run to metropoll, because there simply isn’t enough level ground. Charleston, the State capital, and leading metropolis, is a city of about 75,000 in actual count of heads, but it serves as general headquarters for pos- sibly a quarter of a million West Virginians who live scattered around in smaller com- munities.
A1432 This ttle town of Montgomery, which has Just been so gracious to your roving cor- respondent, is about 25 miles farther along the big and busy river, and while it has a very real identity of its own, it seems to have practically a suburban relation to the State capital, Montgomery, itself, however, is a very compact toy metropolis at a bend in the river, with a population of 4,000, and it can't have any more unless it goes in for skyscrapers, because there isn't any more land here on the flat. It, however, is a self-sufficient place, with its own churches, schools, banks, shopping district, newspaper, radio station, etc. It even boasts a fine college, the West. Virginia Institute of Technology, under a very able president, Dr. M. J Horsch. Like Charleston, it, too, services a surrounding community estimated at about 30,000 From any evidence to the contrary, the people must do pretty well here. 1 was in- vited down to participate in the golden an- niversary of the Montgomery National Bank. It's the larger of two banks in this busy place It has deposits of close to 87,000,000 at present and it has been above the $7,000,- 000 mark. That's the highest per capita deposit rate in the entire State of West Vir- ginia This institution, which pays me the honor of sponsoring me over the Montgomery Mu- tual radio station WMON, obviously has Plenty of faith in the future. In honor of the anniversary, it completely and expen- sively remodeled its entire interior, install- ing the most modern equipment and bright- ening its sizable premises with the most modern decor, Yesterday, with business suspended, was the formal opening with the public invited The bank invited the community to hear me speak in the evening, and we all repaired after dinner to the local college pymnasium, That's not the institution’s formal audito- rium where such affairs generally are held but a larger number can be accommodated there The audience was big, attractive to look at, and exceedingly quick on the trigger. Afterward, we walked a few steps to the attractive residence of R L. Holstein, presi- dent of the bank, where the friends and neighbors gathered, complete with wives, and we all swapped yarns, partook of some noble refreshments the ladies prepared, and I even operated on the piano while a considerable cholr gathered around and rendered such standard present-day opera as the Tennessee Waltz, My Heart Cries for You, I Had a Dream, Dear, etc. LOOK LIKE A TEAM This all was a heartening experience to their visitcr, thinking in terms of the trials that face us, because I had just finished dotng exactly these same things with com- parable representatives of the public in Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont. I could have shut my eyes last night, and belleved they were the same peo- ple. They responded to approximately the same speech in exactly the same way. They asked the same questions, and made the same comments afterward. Many of them offered the same observations of their own, Banker Holstine, Cashier Bill Buchonan, Raymond Kandel, the Vickers brothers, former president of the State senate, Ar- nold—who was my official chaperone—and the rest, were exactly like the friends at home. So were their very swell wives. Proud of their community, proud of their Btate—-they took me through their hand- some State capital which cost $10,000,000 in 1982 and looks it, and presented me to their Governor, the Honorable Okey L. Patteson-— concerned about the futures of all of us, and well informed on all counts, these citizens of another region proved a matter I've been maintaining, That's that, thanks to the press, the radio, the automobile, the plane, and two wars, there's no regional isolationism any more. We're all the same folks now, no matter where we live, or, if we're not it’s the fault of the individual, not the locality. We Americans are now beginning to look like a team. “I will lift up mine eyes unto the hills from whence cometh my help.” There's a mighty reservoir of help, physical and spir- itual, in this region I’ve been visiting these past 2 days. Don’t sel] America short. The St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEVERET™ SALTONSTALL OF MASSACHUSEITS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. SALTONSTALL., Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in vhe Appendix of the Recorp an edito- rial entitled “St. Lawrence Confusion,” published in the New York Times on March 12, 1951. The editorial is a fac- tual statement of some of the problems and enormous expense which would be involved in the construction of a St. Law- rence seaway. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Sr. LAWRENCE CONFUSION After 20 years of disputation there {ts still no agreement on any phase of the St. Law- rence project—not even on engineering policy The present plan calls for a channel 27 feet deep. One school of thought would increase the depth to 35 feet, so that bigger vessels, especially those that fly the Amer- ican flag, could make use of the St. Law- rence from {ts mouth to the Great Lakes; another school maintaing that if big ships were lightened to decrease their dra{t to 27 feet they could still make money Once upon a time it was argued that the wheat of the West could be transported more cheaply through the seaway to Europe that is possi- ble by way of Atlantic or Gulf ports; now we hear more of our growing need of Labrador's iron ore. The argument in favor of national security had much in tts favor in 1941 when the United States-Canadian agreement of March 19, 1941, was signed; today Army officers ad- mit that the seaway, though desirable, is no longer vital in nattonal recurity, that the locks and dams could be bombed in a long- range aircraft attack by way of the Pole, and that a single atom bomb, properly placed, could block all the shipping in the channel. In 1948 it was estimated that a seaway with a 27-foot channel would cost about $785,000,- 000. The cost of constructing the seaway and hydroelectric power plant would be at least $618,000,000 today for a 27-foot chan- nel. Ifa 35-foot channel alone will serve us adequately its cost will be at least a billion and a half, with an annual debt charge cf 860,000,000 plus $5,000,000 for operation and maintenance. Estimates of the traffic that will pass through the seaway vary from 20,000,000 to 84,000,000 tons. The busy Panama Canal handles only 25,000,000 tons annually. Pes- simists maintain that this Panama figure might be reached in 10 years, but that 10,- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 000,000 of the 25,000,000 will have to be new tons carried in ships of the United States. If this estimate is correct tolls would have to be outrageously high if the project 1s ever to pay for itself. It must also be borne in mind that the construction of a seaway and a hydroelectric station is not enough. Great Lakes ports will have to be dredged, at a cost of hundreds of millions. Lastly, it is objected that ice will close the seaway for 5 months in the year, and that long-term obli- gations will burden both this country and Canada for years. It may be that the possibility of shipping goods to and from Europe through the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes ought to be converted into a reality. But what are the facts? We have a good picture of what may be gained by carrying out the hydroelectric piauns of this State's power authority but only rough appraisals and romantic specula- tions of what may be expected of the seaway. For the resultant confusion special and sec- tional interests are responsible. A waterway that stretches 2,200 miles to the head of the Great Lakes is clearly of such continental importance that sectionalism should be dis- regarded, We need a study that objectively considers national exigencies, both economic and military. Until that is before us judg- men. on the St. Lawrence project must he deterred. The Menace of Usurpation EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 5, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth is the need of the hour. Bureaucratic self-serving propaganda paid for out of public funds has been a curse to our people. Once in possession of the facts relating to public problems the citizens of our Republic will find the correct solution. The New Deal has sought to mislead and deceive the people with reference to the real purpose of legislation, but this program of hypoc- risy is being unmasked and the perfidy exposed. Under leave to extend I am inserting in the Appendix of the ConcRESSIONAL Record an article, as part of my remarks, which appeared in the Freeman of Feb- ruary 26, 1950, by Edna Lonigan. en- titled “The Menace of Usurpation”: THE MENACE oF USURPATION (By Edna Lonigan) WASHINGTON —The momentary hope that the Fair Deal PAC faction, which steers the Democratic administration, would forego political warfare for the duration is now in the discard. The Fair Dealers have been buay working out new political strategems since the morning of November 8. What is news 1s that Congress, as a body, is no longer willing to bow to their demands. The great Senate debate on foreign policy is part of Congress’ declaration of inde- pendence from Executive domination, but equally important—perhaps more important in terms of political power to resist domi- nation—was the contest in the House over the rules to be used by the new Congress, As recently as last summer able and cou- rageous Members of Congress, who wanted
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to stop the march to one-party government, were hopeless, even broken-hearted. They believed that Congress as an institution had lost its last chance to act independently. They knew that the Fatr Deal could count on a large bloc of Senators and Representa- tives whose only hope of reelection lay in obeying the orders of PAC pressure groups. Administration strategists could also defeat independent Members who opposed their wishes by building up mass pressure groups in the recalcitrant Congressmen's districts. This was all done under the surface, and the public had little chance to know what was going on. It is a fine thing, you will say, for Con- gressmen to be willing to go down to defeat for a principle. But if the electors do not know what the contest is about, a good Reprecentative will be defeated only to make room for one more congressional errand boy of the Executive power. When members of a Jaw-making body can be retired by the central government and its party apparatus, rather than by the voters in their constituencies, representative gov- ernment is lost, and we have in its place the self-steering Executive—responsible to no one, and able to use the legislative body as a sounding board for whatever “law” it wants. The mortal struggle over representative government, which now centers in this coun- try, has three phases. In the districts in- dividual voters are struggling to win more political strength than the mass voters arilled by the central power In the rela- tions between Congress and the Executive, Congress {s trying to reestablish its primacy Mn policy making Within the Congress it- self the true representatives of free com- munities are attempting to take back man- agement of Congress from the pseudo reprecentatives, v-‘sals of the Executive arm, The shape of the struggle within Congress, between pressure-group demociacy and the representative principle, could be clearly seen on the first day of the new session, in the debate over the rules under which the House of Representatives was to carry on its work Hardly had the opening words about na- tional unity been spoken before Representu- tive SapaiH, of Illnois, introduced the in- nocent-sounding resolution which wap to lay bare the cleavage between two irreconcilable political philosophies. He proposed that the House adopt the same rules they used in the last session. Here we must digress Seen in two dimen- sions the debates in Congress often look like technical minutlue or factional disputes Only by looking below the surface can we see the struggle between two systems of power as dramatic as in the First Conti- nental Congress, the Estates General, or the Long Parliament of Charles Stuart's 1eign. For nearly 30 years the House has had a Rules Committee whose duty it was to regu- late the traffic when too many bills awaited the attention of the Members. The Fair Dealers took away its power over this traffic after the victory of 1948. Now they wanted to keep the 1948 procedures in the new Cons Tess 8 Administration leaders argued that the old Rules Committee had violated the will of the majority by bottling up bills that a ma- jority of the Members favored There was no particle of evidence for this charge, though it was repeated fervently by admin- istration supporters in the press. The Rules Committee's control of the traffic in bills originated in the revolt against Speaker Jo- seph Cannon, led by Representative George W. Norris, of Nebraska, hardly a reactton~ ary. The majority had two simple ways to override the Rules Committee whenever they wanted to do so. On Calendar Wednesdays the chairmen of conimittees could call up bills the Rules Committee had blocked, or a petition signed by 219 Members could bring about the discharge of any bill, Obviously the real issue lay elsewhere. The trouble was, as the Washington Star said: “Pressure-group tactics have been pere fected to such an extent that some House Members, for the sake of their own political fortunes, would feel compelled to vote for certain Fair Deal moasures which they se- cretly oppose But if these measures can be kept from reaching the floor, they will not have to record their vote.” Now we can see more clearly. Under the 1048 rules individual Members could be co- erced by the administration; under the ear- lier rules they could not be coerced. The old Rules Committee had not been opposing the will of the majority, It had been opposing the will of the pressure groups, ut the behest of the majority. In the Eightieth Congress, the Rules Com- mittee had blocked tho bills of the Fair Deal- PAC leaders, not against the will of the ma- jority, but to take the Members off a political hot spot in their districts Enraged at this unexpected barrier to the passage of their blueprint for Federal doml- nation of all American life, the PAC-ADA- Fair Dealers waved the 1948 Presidential cam- paign on the issue of the Do-Nothing Elght- feth Congress The Republicans did not op- pose their strategy (although Truman's slo- gans almost paralleled those in the Daily Worker), The combine which rules the Democratic Party swept in, with the Fair Deal-PAC victorious over the rest of the ad- ministration and over Congress Representative Cox, a Democrat, tells us what happencd in the 1948 Congress “When we assembled here 2 yeurs apo, fresh as we were from a great victory, there wus demand for the scalps of people who had stood in the way of retorm measures advo- cated by many prominent figures in this House and the country The Rules Com- mittee had incurred the displeasure of many because it had, in keeping with what it be- lieved to be the good of the country, refused to stampede under the lash of the whip ap~ plied by strong unofficial minority groups.” Relentiessly the winners set to work to change the rules of the House so that the Rules Committee could not bar their wiy Under their proposal any bill could he brought out in 21 days by a militant minor- ity, even though the majority wanted it burled, The Fair Dealers put through the 1918 rules, as Representative Herrer said, “under very peculiar circumstances, The gentleman from Illinois [Mr SapatH| moved that the rules of the previous session he adopted wilh an amendment; that amend- ment was not in type, it was not printed, nobody had a chance to read it. Then the gentleman from Illinois moved the previous question so there could be no debate on 1t.” This in the name of democracy. The difference between the Eightieth Con- gress, alded by the Rules Committee, and the Eighty-tirst, with no check rein, is nicely re- flected in the budget. Freed from all re- straints, the Eighty-first Congress passed every possible spending bill. Only a few civil-rights bills escaped because the admin- istration did not want to count heads on those measurcs. Representative ALLEN of Illinois, former chairman of the committee, said: “During the Eightieth Congress * * * I Invited the attention of the members of the Rules Committee in session to the standing committees of the House, which approved bills appropriating at least $20,000,000,000 more than the revenue estimated to be re- ceived. “We felt that something should be done about it, that the budget must be balanced even though it was necessary to hold up sev- eral bills with considerable merit. As a re- A1433 sult of the rules adopted by the Eightleth Congress that Congress saved the taxpayers considerable money, and for the first time in 18 years the income of the Federal Govern-~ ment was larger than its outgo. In other words, since 1933 it was the first Congress that balanced the budget.” This is the record which was so bitterly denounced in the 1948 Presidential campaign. And defended by no one In contrast, the Eighty-first Congress, un- der Fair Deal-PAC control, voted to spend deficit tunds for all the old stand-bys of the welfare state, und new projects like the fed- eralization of science, In 2 years it author- ized a total of $135,000,000,000 and raised the debt to the highest point in our history, The Korean war sent the total higher, but even without the war Mr. Truman's Fair Deal out- ran New Deal welfare spending. With the Korean war, he and his pressure bloc have received $266,000,000,C00 in 6 rears. It took Ttoosevelt 12 years to spend $372,000,000,000, With two more war years to go, the ‘Truman administration may well spend more than all our Presidents together since 1789. It is significant that in the 1950 campaign the Republican Party again studiously re- frained trom any really unkind words about the record of the Eighty-first Congress in hurrying us down the road to financtal chaos, in & world preparing for all-out war. Obviously the administration wanted to keep the rules under which they could make Congressmen vote for spending they did not belleve in = In tho new Congress Fair Deal- ors argued for the 1948 rules because they helped the common people, while the oppo- sition, according to Mr. Sasaru, “uses its power to defeat liberal and progressive leg- islation and * * * it invariably sup- ports and votes for all legislation advocated by the vested interests" Hauieck, of Indiana, summarized the case for the insurgents: “Let ug get this matter out in the open, Let us quit shadow-boxing about it, * © © The reason the proponents of the 21-day rule are so vigorous and so active is that they think they see in the Committee on Rules something of a balance wheel in the way of unwise, unsound, and ill-timed, spend- thrift socialistic measures,” There ig some question, however, whether economic ruin and Socialist regimontation are the only issues in this contest between the Fair Dealers and the reactionaries. It is a sad commentary on our political blind- ness that the Fair Deal, s» much more subtle and dangerous than the New Deal, has re- ceived so little of the attention it deserves. President Truman has always hewn closely to the program laid down by the PAC-ADA- Farmers’ Union. His legislative messages Have always urged socialized medicine, Fed- eral control of education, public housing, federalized civil rights, point-4, and a s0- cial security system designed to bring the whole population under a plan meant for proletarian wage earners. We have heard vigorous debate on the question whether the proposals would bring welfare, but there was another, more serious, problem. The separate “parts” of this pro- wram all fitted together to make an oddly definite political pattern. They all led to spending ourselves into bankruptcy with money we did not have. They all helped to condition our people to centralized controls in peacetime, and to federalization of activ- ities like voting, police, and justice which, in Anglo-Saxon tradition, had always been left to private or local direction. It is the subtlety of this program which is most dis- turbing The parte seem so precisely Atted to a blueprint for our undoing. If all the parts of the program, including price control, rent control, and rationing, had been adopted we would now be a thor- oughly rezimented people, with all power
A1434 centered in Washington, with the debt far higher than it is today, and with deep and incurable divisions among our people. Perhaps this is only socialism, but perhaps it is something more. We know the Commu- nists were present at the birth of the PAC program. We know they supported every part of it in their propaganda. We may well ask what better plan could saboteurs have devised to keen our people divided, to spend us into bankruptcy, and to put restraints on our habit of improvisation, so we could not win a long war? Looking back, we can be profoundly grate- ful to the Elghtieth Congress that this strait- jacket of the permanent war economy was not put into effect just before we had to pre- pare for a great war. Obviously the men on opposite sides of such a debate did not hear each others’ argu- ments with their minds. There was no room for conciliation. The issue was settled by the southern Democrats, They voted for the old rules The Fair Dealers knew they had met a major defeat. Their existing power over Congress was broken, Representative SasaTH bitterly denounced “some of the gentlemen of the Democratic Party, whose responsib!l- ity it is to carry out the program of the ma- jority in power, [who] do not work with the leaders, and although we have a so-called majority on the Rules Committee here, it ts only a paper majority. * * * In fact only yesterday * * * I am informed that these three Democratic members of the Committee on Rules, elected by the Demo- crats, were in conference with Republican leaders for the purpose of arranging for the defeat of the resolution I have presented here today ” The southern Democrats recognized that they were faced with a constitutional, not a party, issue PAC-Fair Deal domination of our congressional districts is not a party fesue but the death of representative gov- ernment. The impending conflict between irresponsible executive power with its own money and its own voting blocs, and repre- sentative government, with control of law- making and of the purse firmly in the hands eof agents of the people, cannot be settled by any compromise. The southern Democrats have not yet made any decision about coalition, nor have the Republicans. There are deep technical and psychological barriers to coalition for most purposes. But there is reason for re- joicing when on a clear constitutional fasue Republicans and southern Democrats join together and fight through to victory. This is not the last contest over represent- ative government in this session. The Fair Dealers are scared, but they will not quit. ‘The President's message was, on the surface, & compromise between the Fair Deal-PAC faction and the old-line Democrats, who oc- cupy most of the offices but have little share in the inner councils. For the benefit of the real Democrats most of the emphasis was on national security, with a ringing insistence thet we cut nondefense spending, and bal- ance new expenditures by taxes. In his 10 recommendations for action, however, the President included every important plank in the Fair Deal-PAC line-up—socialized medicine, subsidized medical education, pub- lic housing, a new farm program, Federal aid for education, ECA, point 4, and civil rights. They were all in battle dregs, of course, but otherwise unchanged. The administration's bold new program for winning the most in- tellectually complex of all wars is to ask for everything in the PAC program, about as it stood in 1944, plus Mr. Roosevelt’s arsenal of democracy. Even before the President delivered his Message, the Fair Deal members had intro- duced in the new session bills for health insurance, Federal control of lynching, civil. righta, federalization of unemployment in- surance, and aid for State and local gov- ernments. Their members have been moved to most of the important new vacancies on congressional committees. They ob- viously plan to make even more skillful use of the committee system for propaganda than they did last year in the Tydings in- vestigation. They plan a spate of new Bu- chanan committees to harass their oppo- nents, and to prevent the opposition from investigating their war powers. They have new and more subtle means for managing public opinion than those they worked out lagt year to win public acceptance of point 4, Standing against the Fair Dealers’ new strategies, so fat, are only scattered Indi- viduals, who do not study the carefully charted designs of their opponents, and do not have any of their own. They have only native good judgment, and true devotion to representative government, But that is all the colonists had to set up representative government in the first place. A Suggestion About Surplus Property EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL T. CURTIS OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. CURTIS of Nebraska. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Albert B. Colby, of Phoe- nix, Ariz., writes a very constructive suggestion concerning future surplus property. I think it has much merit so I am submitting it into the Recorp. The letter is as follows: Marcu 8, 1951. Hon, Cari T, Curtis, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Dear Cari: Wasn't it Ben Franklin who said, “A penny saved is a penny earned”? We, as a Nation, in the conduct of our national business, often seem to overlook this sage admonition, particularly has this been true in the conduct of our wars and more particularly their termination. After World War I we proceeded to give away, abandon, or sell at a ridiculous price millions of dollars of supposedly “surplus property.” After World War II we did the same thing, but the amount went up into the billlons. All because no comprehensive pian had been made in advance for a con- servative disposition of such property. (This of course 1s not so true in the case of maritime and naval vessels after World War II.) The newspapers here yesterday carried the story of a surplus dealer selling back to the Government several thousand Army cots for 84.95 which had been purchased from Surplus Property recently for $1.30. This is not an isolated case; it is being re- peated dally. My thought is this: Let us take steps now to conserve the surplus materials which will inevitably develop from our present defense activities. No. 1: Erect in the Southwest, on Govern- ment land, where weather is so mild that in many cases only storage sheds would be needed, warehouses for the storage of all so-called aurplus materials that may accrue from now on. Catalog it and make it avail- able to all branches of the Government for present and future use, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD No. 2: Establish repair, and maintenance shops with personnel to care for these items. No. 3: Establish a competent board of sut- veyors on a high policy level whoge function it would be to Gecide on disposal if and when prudent business judgment dictated such @ cource. Our Government is now in the market pur- chasing billions of dollars of automobiles, trucks, motorcycles, desks, chairs, type- writers, filing cabinets, tools, bulldozers, cranes, steam shovels, motors, and hundreds of similar ttems—most of which could have been on hand, in storage in good and usable condition. Not only would millions of dollars have been saved but, more important, time as well. Then too the impact of civilian con- struction would have been lessened and a certain amount of inflationary force eliml- nated. As you know, we abandoned millions of dollars of supplies and equipment on foreign shores after World War II. We lost much “face” by doing this in many spots. In others it was picked up and is being used today against us. In too many cases, favored purchasers bought immense quantities of this surplus material for resale for fantastic profits. All in all it has been very poor business and this in a Nation that prides itself on its efficiency. It would not cost too much to establish such a base as I so meagerly outline in the fourth paragraph of this letter. It would be a rather gigantic undertaking, comparable in size to the amounts it would undoubtedly save us. Such a plant should be built in this section of the country because of the mild weather, little rain, no snow or ice or storms, For weather reasons the structures can be built much cheaper than in sections where it has to be considered. Many thou- Bands of acres would be required for storage of motor vehicles and larger pieces of equip- ment. The Government has the land out here, idle, nonproductive, and lying along railways and highways (Federal land in this State runs to approximately 22,000,000 acres ) Buch an undertaking belongs properly under the Secretary of Defense with liaison with other departments that may require materials not only in time of war but in peace as well. We have spent and are spending millions of dollars in the stockpiling of critical ma- terials. Don't you think it would be prudent to similarly stockpile the items already on hand that are manufactured from those critical materials? Very sincerely yours, Atsget B, Coxsy. Abolition, Not Reform EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUBE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include a timely editorial from the Rochester Times-Union on the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. The editorial follows: ABOLITION, Nor Rerorm Shocking testimony and even more shock- ing maneuvers in the past week make clearer
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that what the Reconstruction Finance Cor- poration needs most is not reform but abo- lution. Testimony on influence-peddling quickly ran into a conflict that led Senator Toszy to declare, “One of these two men is a Mar.” Then it developed that, as Senator FuLsRIGHT says, some bright boy at the White House or the RFC attempted to silence the inquiry by having Senators’ letters to the RFC about loans sent to the White House. The squirming done by top men in the RFC when the committee sought to learn who authorized this threat was a complete commentary on the nature of the RFC as now operated. Finally {t was determined that President Truman himself and his patronage aid, Donald Dawson, had discussed the pro- curement of the letters from RFC files with W. Elmer Harber, Chairman of the RFC Board. Going to such lengths to protect an influ- ence kingdom maintained by public funds inspires wonder whether the Fulbright com- mittee, fine as its work has been, has got to the bottom of the RFC. The RFC in its early days served a useful purpose. There was a lack of credit then. Today there is no lack of credit. There is, in fact, too much, Any enterprise that wants to borrow money for a sound purpose or on sound security can do so from any of a dozen private sources. The door ought to be closed on influence p-ddlers of political loans, by liquidating the whole establishment. So long as there is a place where those who know the right people or can pull the right wires can dip into pub- lic funds, there will be scandal, The RFC is such a place. Worse Than a Murderer EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON CANFIELD OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. CANFIELD. Mr. Speaker, with drug addicts on the increase, particu- larly among teen-agers, Dr. Harry J, Anslinger, Commissioner of Narcotics, and all associated with him in efforts to rid the Nation of a menace which has even caused alarm among our military leadership, will be pleased to learn of the action of Passaic County Judge Alexan- der M. Mac Leod, of Paterson, N. J., in his recent sentence of a narcotics peddler to the limit of the law provided in New Jersey—7 years behind the bars. Recent testimony by Dr. Anslinger be- fore a House subcommittee on appro- priations emphasizes that the work of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics in re- cent months has been set back by light jail sentences, particularly in the so- called Hollywood cases. It is the hope of Dr. Anslinger and his men that the Congress will enact new legislation pro- viding stiffer Federal jail sentences for first, second, and repeating offenders. The Paterson (N. J.) Evening News, editorializing on Judge Mac Leod’s ac- tion, writes: Worse THAN A MURDERER Anyone reading the vigorous and forth- right statement of County Judge Alex. M. Mac Leod as he sentenced a narcotics peddler to the limit of the law cannot help but feel & sense of pride in the jurist’s clear-cut enunciations of a fundamental principle of society. The News congratulates Judge Mac Leod and bespeaks for him continued strength and determination in helping to uproot this foul evil which destroys men's minds, char- acters, and souls, Judge Mac Leod’s message as he imposed a sentence on a peddiler of marihuana is a ser- mon in itself: “A fellow who will go out and sell narcotics, in the opinion of the court, is worse than a murderer, because one who sells or distrib- utes narcotics kills the soul of a person. The narcotic vendor brings slow death and dis- grace, for the addict loses pride, honor, and integrity; his usefulness is gone and his vee racity destroyed The illegal dispenser of narcotics is a major criminal. He 1s a triple threat to the health, safety, and morals of the community. Where people prey upon the weakness of a man, where they sell narcotics to addicts, I think there 1s no adequate pun- ishment. It 1s one of the most corrupt rack- ets in the United States today. From it come mind-, body-, and soul-destroying habits that rob the victim of reason. There is no habit that can more encourage criminality in its worst form. All this can be laid to the viper who puts narcotics into the hands of victims for the gain of money.” All over the country spread of the use of narcotics is developing with alarming speed. Perhaps it's a manifestation of the restive- ness of the times. With the world in tur- moil, ives uprooted by the demands of unt- versal stress, young folks not knowing whither they are going, morals become loos- ened, normal restraints abandoned. In this fertile Meld the vermin who deal in the traffic of dope bore in among otherwise decent and unsuspecting people. Young folks especially are susceptible to the slippery and slimy wiles of the peddler. It only takes one whiff of a reefer to make some people addicts, and from there on in the story is one of human devastation. Judge Mac Leod’s characterization of the appalling effects of this dread affliction ts mild in spite of its powerful impact by com- parison with the end result. Youngsters who become victims of the dope are lost forever. finally sinking, as he points out, into the lowest depths of degradation. The only language these lice understand is the language Judge Mac Leod spoke which puts them safely behind bars for as long as the law will permit. Let’s have more sen- tences of the same type for any similar violators. The Paterson (N. J.) Morning Call editorialized as follows: Narcotic Pepoter Has 7 \ EARS 10 REPENT One source of marihuana cigaret upplies in Paterson has been closed by the severe penalty given by County Judge Alexander M. Mac Leod to Charles Ervin, 31, said to be by police one of the most prolific independ- ent vendors, nt 50 cents each, of the s0- called “reefers” in this area. Ervin will have 7 years, lesa time off for good behavior, plus enriching the county by a $2,000 fine to re- pent. The exposé vf racketeers in Brooklyn sell- ing narcotics over the candy-store counters to children of school age aroused the public to the extent vendors were operating in their vile traffic in hugnan lives. There was no evidence that there is any organized traffic in marihuana cigarettes here, but the author- ities are checking on independent operators. Their vigilance paid off in the conviction of Ervin. A month's investigation by City Detective John Broda and County Detective William A435: Walter led them to Ervin, who had 26 “reefers” in his possession when arrested. The officers and Judge Mao Leod, who sug~ gested narcotic peddlers were worse than murderers and imposed the maximum sen- tence allowed by law rendered the public a very commendable service. Meanwhile Er- vin will have several long years to reflect on whether his racket was worth the risk, Military Aid to Western Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, every one of us in this great chamber knows that there is a wide difference of opinion throughout the country on the vital is- sue of what our future policy should be regarding military aid to Western Euro- pean allies. Like my colleagues, I have seen news- paper editorials both favoring and op- posing my personal stand. I welcome all such judgment on this issue. I feel that debate is healthy in newspaper col- umns, just as it is healthy on the floor of the Congress. At this time, I have in my hand an editorial published in the Tuesday, March 6, issue of the Racine Journal- Times. This editorial very kindly com- mends my stand. At this time, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the editorial be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. I do not do so because of its personal praise of me, but rather because I feel that it represents a view- point widely held regarding the position which many others and I have taken. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Wivey PLayinga VrraL Rove WELL Senator ALEXANDER WILEY of Wisconsin ts the senior Republican on the important Foreign Relations Committee. During the present foreign policy debate, he has an opportunity to help guide this Nation through a grave period of international rela- tions that may determine whether the world can find a road to peace, or be thrown into a@ maelstrom of conflict. Since assuming the top GOP spot, because of the extended jlIness of Senator Vanorn- serc of Michigan, WiLey has shown the re- straint and foresight that becomes the minority leader on the Senate committee. In the present debate over sending troops to Europe the Wisconsin Senator is placing the welfare of his country above party politics. In a recent interview in Milwaukee, Winry showed a clear understanding of the current issue, and enunciated a sound set of prin- ciples that should help Congress and the Nation reach an agreement on foreign policy. Said Senator Wrier: “There is considerable misunderstanding about the differences of opinion, but the dis- agreement cannot and must not obscure the fact that our Nation is in danger,
A1436 “There fs no disagreement on three key questions. Everyone js agreed that the Pres- ident has power to send occupation troops to Germany, since after all we are still at war with Germany until a peace treaty is drawn. Everyone is agreed that the Presi- dent can send American troops to Europe, under American control. No one contends that he needs congressional approval for either action, Everyone is also agreed that they are not opposed to sending air and sea support for Europe. “There is only one disagreement, that is whether the President needs to ask Congress for approval before he sends American troops into an integrated international army of At- lantic Pact nations. Even that point is coun- tered by the common agreement that we must send troops to help any Atlantic Pact ally that is attacked. “There isn't much ground for disagreement left, and I think that we'll see the end of that soon * * * Especially since the executive branch is ready to discuss the mat- ter with the legislative and there is no threat to our Republic by breaking down the balance of power.” We sincerely hope that the area of agree- ment is as wide as outlined by Senator WILEY. If it is, the people have been misled by speeches of Hoover, Taft, and Kennedy. Full discussion of the important foreign policy issues is helpful to any democracy, but, as Senator WyrLey said, it must not be allowed to obscure the fact that the Nation is itn danger. Senator Winry ts demonstrating that he is fully conscious of the important role that he, and his party, must play in guiding this Nation's foreign policy. It is encouraging to report that he {s meeting those responsibili- ties in a manner that is a credit to himself, his State, the Republican Pa:ty and his coun- try. Entertainment of Servicemen by Loyal Order of Moose EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MATTHEW M. NEELY OF W"ST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. NEELY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a letter re- garding the activities of the Loyal Order of Moose in entertaining servicemen, as outlined in a letter from Malcolm R. Giles, the director general. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: SUPREME LODGE OF THE WoRLD, LOYAL ORDER OF MOOSE, Mooseheart, Iil., March 10, 1952, Hon Matruew M, NEEvy, Untted States Senator, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C Dear Senator NEELY: It occurs to me that you might be extremely interested in know- ing what the Loyal Order of Moose is doing in an effort to entertain and lift up the morale of our valiant men in service of our country in the wide-flung outposts of de- mocrecy. On next Friday, March 16, a star-studded theater group, headed by Roy Acuff, of Grand Ole Opry fame, will leave for an extended tour of Europe to entertain our servicemen in United States Army bases and hospitals. The unit, consisting of 25 performers, is being financed by lodges of the Loyal Order of Moose in Pennsylvania, Ohio, West Virginia, and New Jersey. Everything possible in the way of high-class talent has been included in this show, which is to be called A Night With the Moose. It should do much to give & lift to the boys who are striving so valiantly for the advancement of our way of life. You will also be happy to learn that this Js the third such entertainment unit which has been financed by the Moose. The first played to capacity audiences in United States Air Force bases in Alaska and the Aleutians The second unit traveled to Labrador, Greenland, Newfoundland, and Bermuda. In order to bring a bit of synthetic warmth to the frozen outposts of our defense perimeter, the first two units were entitled “South Pacific Re- view.” These two units played to more than 50,000 of our United States Air Force serv- icemen. The unit leaving next Friday will enter- tain our servicemen in 18 United States air bases and hospitals in the Azores, Germany, Austria, England, and Newfoundland. They will be on tour of the Continent until April 11, a total of 27 days. It 1s estimated that they will entertain more than 100,000 service- men in that time We are espectally proud of this effort to do our bit in easing the tension which these “ambassadors of freedom" are under during these trying times. Especially so since we helleve we are the only organization, fraternal or otherwise, which is engaging in such an enterprise during the present emergency. Due credit must be given to the originator of these shows, Loyal Order of Moose Regional Director J. Jack Stoehr. The shows have been especially produced for the Armed Forces by special arrangement with the headquarters of the United States Air Force, which is fur- nishing transportation and housing. Tam also enclosing an editorial which ap- peared today in the Aurora (Ill.) Dally Bea- con-News, which lauds the Moose for this venture and gives the itinerary of the show troupe. With every good wish, I am, Cordially yours, MALcoLm R, GILEs, Director General. This Nation Under God EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo} HON. JOSEPH R. McCARTHY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an oration on the subject, This Nation Under God, delivered by Oscar J. Schmiegge, Jr., age 16 years, who was the winner in an ora- torical contest held in the Appleton High School, Appleton, Wis. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THis NATION Under Gop (By Oscar J. Schmiegge, Jr., age 16, winner of the Appleton High School, Appieton, Wis., oratorical contest) On 4 cold, bleak November day, fourscore and seven years ago, Abraham Lincoln stood before a vast throng assembled at a place called Gettysburg. In that day of national crisis, as America faced the great problem APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which ensued as a result of the Civil War, he uttered these words, “We are testing whether this Nation or any nation so con- ceived and so dedicated can long endure.” Now eight decades have passed since then. America, at present, is facing a far more serious crisis than that. Only six short years after winning the most costly war in our history, we are confronted with the threat of another war, more costly—more devastat- ing—more terrible than the last war. The present situation Is vastly different than it was 6 or 7 years ago. We are not facing Germany, Italy, and Japan, three small na- tions, each fighting for their own goal, dis- united, and having inferior forces. We are facing half the world. Russia and her sat- ellites are united and have one goal in mind—to wipe out forever from the face of the earth America, democracy, religion. They have superior forces with which to carry out that objective. We are quite obvi- ously on the defensive. Today, those words spoken at Gettysburg are truer than when President Lincoln said them: “We are testing whether this Nation or any nation so conceived and s0 dedicated can long endure.” Wce’re all quite concerned with that problem, aren't we? What goes on in the world is going to vitally affect your life, and yours, and yours, and everyone in this auditorium. There are times when v : reflect upon the world’s problems that we become discouraged and wonder whether there is an answer to all the confusion. President Lincoln sketched it when, in closing his address he made a slight, but very important addition to his original draft. “We here highly resolve that these dead shall rot have died in vain; that this Na- tion—” and it was here, as he reflected upon what he was saying, that he added the two words he knew he should never have left out, and so he said “that this Nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that this government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth’ This Nation “under God’— this is the answer. The answer to the great personal prob- lems brought on by times such as these and the answer to a troubled world—prayer, faith; the answer 176 years ago when it looked as though the fundamental law cf this country might never be formulated. When the fathers of our Nation met to frame the Constitution they labored several hours, rejecting copy after copy, until final- ly the situation looked hopeless; they were ready to give up in despair. Then wise old Benjamin Franklin spoke forth, “Gentlemen, we have forgotten something, we have for- gotten to pray.” Every man assembled knelt down to ask divine guidance in framing our Constitution. They arose, the seemingly insoluble deadlock wae broken, and the greatest piece of national legislation the world has ever seen was produced. Wash- ington at Valley Forge; Lincoln pacing the streets of our Nation's Capital at 2 o'clock in the morning: MacArthur at Leyte; Amer- jeans all, finding hope, strength, and heip in prayer, And then there was just plain GI Joe finding God while sitting in a fox- hole. A prayer that came forth from World War II very clearly illustrates this: “Look, God, I have never spoken to You, But now I want to say, ‘How do You do.’ You God, they told me You didn’t exist, And, like a fool, I believed all this. “Last night from a shell hole I saw Your aky. I figured right then they’d told me a lie; Had I taken the time to see what You made, I'd have known they weren’t calling a spade a& spade. “I wonder, God, {f You'd shake my hand; Somehow I feel You will understand. Funny I had to come to this hellish place Before I had time to see Your face.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “Well, I guess there isn’t much more to say, But I'm glad, God, I met You today, I guess the zero hour will soon be here, But I'm not afraid since I know You're near, “The signal—well, God, I'll have to £0, I like You lots; this I want You to know, Look, nov, this will be a horrible fight— Who knows, I may come to Yuur house to- night, “Though I wasn’t friendly to You before, I wonder, God. if You'd wait at the door. Look, I’m crying Me, shedding tears! I wish I'd known You these many years ” We do need people of faith today iv our America, because you can't win wars with just guns, bombs, and planes You must have people with an unconquerable spirit The spiit we need today is the sprit that gown through history has confronted fiery furnaces, Hon's dens, and crosses, and con- quered them all The spirit that cannot, will not die What did Washington, Lincoln, MicAvthur, and plain GI Joe find? They found a power beyond themselves who would listen to their troubles, who cared for them, and who would give them His help You too will find what they did when you turn to Him) In devout, humble men of faith like these Iles also the solution for the world’s perplexities <A little bov once dis- covered something that we imnust discover today; ais futher, wanting to read his news- paper undisturbed, tore out one page upon which wae printed a large map of the world; tearing it up into pleces he tossed them on the floor and suid, “Alright, son, let's see whether you can put the map together again” Within a very short time the small boy said, “There it is, dad, all fixed” - and it was The amazed futher asked, “How in the world did you do that so fast?” “Oh, it was easy,” 1epled the boy, “you see, there was a picture of a man on the back of it and when I get the man fixed the world was fixed too” You can’t change the world until you change the individuals in that world Your personal responsibility ts to get yourself fixed, and when we have enough individuals fixed, ike you, with a living, loving faith-— then your influence, under the guiding hand of God, will lead us from the night ot per- plexity and confusion into the day of peace and harmony We must leceive strength, guidance, and ald and then plunge forth as warriors into actlon—strong In love—-strong in courage—strong in faith—to help the world find the better way of life Then let the storms of hate, confusion, and hopeless- ness rage and beat against you and the land you lo‘e—upon the rock of your falth you shall stand and prevail Simple words once spoken by Jesus sum up and express more beautilully than my words ever could begin to, the solution to our modern dilemma, “Come unto me all ye that labor and are heavy laden and I will give ye rest, take my yoke upon you and learn of me for J am meek and lowly in heart, and ye shall find rest unto your soul.” EE Peter Norbeck EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRANCIS CASE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. CASE. Mr. President, many Members of the Senate will remember Peter Norbeck, that great, sturdy Sena- tor South Dakota sent to the Capitol some years ago. By action of the legis- lature, South Dakota has recently ac- cepted and placed in the State capitol a bust of Peter Norbeck created by the famous sculptor, Gutzon Borglum. Four of Mr. Borglum's figures are to be found here in the Capitol of the United States—the incomparable head of Lin- coln in the rotunda, and the figures of Greenway, of Arizona; Stephens, of Georgia; and Vance, of North Carolina, in Statuary Hall. The widow of Peter Norbeck, Mrs. Lydia Norbeck, also well remembered in Washington, was present for the cere- monies at Pierre, S. Duk. The principal address was dehvered by Hon John A. Boland, Sr, himself a five-term member of the South Dakota State Senate, and long time president of the Mount Rushmore National Memorial Society. Mr Boland’s address was outstanding and .t 1s appropiate that if be placed in the CONGRFESSION\L REcoRD, partly be- cause Norbeck was a great United States Senator, partly because Rushmore is a national undertaking, and partly because it is part of the story of the United States admirably told I therefore ask unanimous consent that an editorial from the Rapid City, (S Dak) Journal of March 9, 1951, which incorporates Mi. Bolane’s ad- dress, be printed in the Recorb. There beine no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Pitrr Norsrck A bust of the late Peter Norbeck, former governor and United States Senator, now re its in a special niche in the State capitol, reserved for South Dakota's immortals The bust was unveiled at impressive cere- monies on the dav betore the 1951 legislative session adjourned Because of the press of legislative news, the Norbeck coremonien did not receive the attention in the newspapers it ordinarlly would have commanded One of the speakers at the dedication cere- monies was John A Boland, Sr, Rapid City. Hi remarks concerning the father o1 Custer Stat. Park were outstanding Snid Boland: “T deem it a distinct honor and a great privilege to take part in this brief ceremony to honor the late Peter Norbeck He was a great conservationist, owning a national as well as a State reputation, as such. From a meager beginning, through his efforts, both mental and physical, over a perlod of years, Cuter State Park became one of the nation's most attractive and largest State parks It was by his leadership and personal interest that wild game was secured, facilities were provided, lakes and roads were constructed and the scenic beauty and natural resources were preserved Surely he was the father of Custer State Park. “He also was a great student of art When the late Doane Robinson conceived the idea of # national: monument in the Black Hills, he joined with him and others in the organ+ ization of the Mount Harney Memorial asso- ciation that contracted with the sculptor and provided the funds by popular subscription for the installation of equipment and to start the work. The composition of the monument was largely the product of his fertile brain, the heroic figures of Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, and Theodore Roosevelt commem- orating the founding, expansion, preserva- tion and unification of the Great American Republic. It was he who gained the profound A1437 interest of the late President Coolidge in the project It was he, who with the able assist- ance of Congressman Williamson, secured the enactment of the Federal law creating the Mt. Rushmore National Memorital Com- mission, and providing, in part, the funds to carry on the work. But to me, his greatest cyntribut.on to this shrine of democracy wus his abiding faith and firm determination— taith in the monument and for what it stood, and determination to see that it wus com- pleted “Regardless of the perplexing problems that confronted the commission from time to time, he never lost his faith and determina- tion, and until his death he always insisted that this great American memorial must and would be completed Belleve me when I say that if there had been no Peter Norbeck, I greatly doubt if there would have been a Rushmore Memorial Indeed it ts appro- priate that the bust to be unveiled should be the creation of a great American sculptor, utzon Borglum, who, as Peter Norbeck, was a product of the West, reared under humble and trying conditions, and who, as he, was the bon of Scandinavian parents. “It seems to me that it is proper and fit- ting that this heroic bronze bust of this great, though humble man should be placed in the halls of the capitol building of the State where he was born, and that he loved so well and served so faithfully. It was tn this building thut he labored as State sena- tor, Heutenant governor and governor, then rounded out his career by serving his State us United States Senutor for 16 years. Truly Peter Norbeck was the prairie statesman " The above words by Mr. Boland speak for the hundreds of triends of Peter Norbeck throughout the Black Hills His good deeds for this section of South Dakota will Hve in the memories of the people as long as they live And history will record indelibly Nor- beck's part in develuping the Black Hills and Badlands area A beautiful section of the hills between Rushmore Memorial and Custer State Park has been named in Norbeck’s honor, The bust of the late Senator, sculpturec by Gut- zon Borglum, is a proper addition to the halls of the State capitol. Inside Labor EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. McCARTHY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 14 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a column entitled ‘Inside Labor,” by Victor Rie- sel, as it appeared in the New York Daily Mirror on January 22, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Insmme LABoR (By Victor Riesel) In Hollywood not too long ago I signed a membership card in a purty the FBI has not yet discovered. I was recruited in a $7-a-steuk bistro while the rest of the eatery was distracted by Mike Romanoft's princely mixing of Caesar Balad, The card I signed appropriately had a transparent middle section---and was evi- dence of membership in the cellophane wall party.
A1438 My movie script writer friend said there were only a few members for there were Bo few williig to stand up at a cellophane wall and be shot at from both sides for criticizing all sides. Today I've sent for a new batch of mem- bership cards. For on the morning of Feb- ruary 10, at 10 a. m. to be exact, @ non- pertisan group of labor leaders, Congress- men, and columnists will meet in Philadel- phia to say in effect that even their friends can be wrong This will be the first time any important proup inside labor will disclose publicly that there is a sharp split among the men who for 20 years have worked together, first to oust the Communists from strategic Govern- ment policy-making posts, then to drive the leftists out of their unions. Well, virtually all big untons are solidly in anti-Communist hands today With that common defensive and offensive bond no longer needed, labor leaders are now examin« ing more closely what their friends “think internationally ” Here is bitter isagreement, At the moment the explosive dispute pivots en the foreign position taken by Walter Reuther. This swiftly moving, cross-coun- try hopping redhead is the dynamo of the Americans for Democratic Action, the or- ganization of old New Dealers who believe they are carrying on from the point at which Franklin D. Roosevelt's personal saga ended. This organization, now headed by ex- United States Attorney General Francis Biddle, is being accused by Important na- tional leaders of a “soft” attitude on the Chi- nese Communists, of trying to appease Mao Tce-tung The critics of the ADA which has con- siderable influence on many of Mr. Tru- man's foreign policy makers and is on inti- mate terms with Dean Acheson, point to a statement made by Reuther at a recent ADA ecnference in the Henry Hudson Hotcl here over the December 8 week-end. The critics’ records show that Mr. Reuther said with great intensity: “1 am not interested in fijhting world communitm I'm only interested in fighting Communist imperialism I draw a distinc- tion between world communism and Com- munist imperialism. I'm willing to leave the fight against world communism to Mc- Cartuy and the Republicans.” Later, referring to the Chinese Nationalist Government on Formosa, Reuther argued that “Chiang Kai-shek is a company unton and you never work with company unions ” Understandably, this aroused consider- able resentment in top AFL circles for Mr. Reuther has great influence in the highest Washington war boards, both personally and in the name of CIO The AFL disagrees with Mr. Reuther The AFL maintains a representative, the world- trotting Willis Etter, in Formosa working closely with Generalissimo Chiang’s free Chinese labor federation there. Etter is in Washington this week but soon will cross the globe again to Chiang’s headquarters. The reaction to Reuther’s position has been quick and bitter. A spokesman for the upholsterers union (AFL) which is lend- ing its facilities to the February 10 confer- ence, retorted the other day with: “For over 20 years we have been pointing out the link between world communism and Communist imperialism and in one sentence these men would wipe out this highly vital and significant connection.” So a few days ago representatives of the AFL's upholsterers and hatters unions dis- patched invitations to 30 representative in- ternational union chiefs, 50 Democratic and Republican Congressmen, some 20 profes- sional people, and reveral newspapermen to meev vl February 10. Purpose will be to hammer out a common approach to Nationalist China which makes sense and doesn’t appease the Reds. And to tell the world that American labor doesn't want to abandon Chiang, Also, of course, to tell the State Depart- ment that it has a disastrous policy * * * and that “those invited are men and women who have never faltered in the belief that communism and aggression should be re- sisted and counterattacked in any accessible quarter of the globe where we can find an ally to fight by our side in the open or underground.” These men and women will be hit by their friends as well as their enemies They now are eligible for my Cellophane Wall Party. Transferring Individuals From Minnecota One Hundred and Third Reserve Divi- sion EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, I commend to the attention of my colleagues the fol- lowing correspondence which I have had with the Secretary of Defense concern- ing the transferring of individuals from cadre units of the Minnesota One Hun- dred and Third Reserve Division. I believe that this is the first official announcement that has been made by the Department of Defense in connec- tion with preservation of troop program units; therefore, under unanimous con- sent, I include with my remarks the fol- lowing letters: Fepsruary 8, 1951. SEcRETARY OF DEFENSE, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir I would like to quote below from a letter I have received from one of my con- stituents for your consideration and com- ments: “As you may Know, I have been interested In the Reserve program of the Armed Forces for a little over 5 years. Most Reserve units are formed on the basis of “cadre” strength, with the mission of rapid expansion to full strength, and the training of ‘fillers.’ 1 hap- pen to belong to the One Hundred and Third Reserve Division, with two regiments in Minnesota and one, regiment together with division headquarters in Iowa. The unit is commanded by Maj. Gen Hanford MacNider, of Mason City, Iowa, who ts a fine leader. “As long as it was guaranteed that the division would be called, when and if, as a unit, morale was high, enlistments were progressing, and I felt that the whole thing was worthwhile. Certainly, there were some who were postponing their draft calls by be- ing members of the division, but it seemed that the public interest was being served by the unit, no matter what motives some of the people in it had. “It now develops that we are to have our Junior officers and enlisted men taken as in- dividuals, in increments. Our regiment has been ordered to submit rosters of Heutenants already, and the apparent result is that a continuation of this policy will knock the props out from under the unit. If we are to train a cadre, we have to have the people, because 9 to 10 hours of training per month is none too much. The great promise that we could hold out to veterans was that they APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD could count on going ‘with the unit,’ when called. To people with World War II ex- perience, this is a big item, as the replace- Ment system was not pleasantly regarded ry anyone who was subject to it. “As you know, r illions of dollars have been spent in forming and training thege cadre units—in fact one-third of a million dollars was just spent in remodeling two re- serve armory buildings at Fort Snelling, one of which we occupy. It seems a shame to have this dissipated on units which will ap- parently never survive to accomplich their basic mission, expansion, and absorption of fillers. We lully recognize thet the chortage of infantry officers murt be met, but it seems a little rourh 2n Minnesota, where no ROTC infuntry officers are being commissioncd to keep our ranks up to strengih. The uni- versity has QM, Air Force, AAA, and other branches of training, but no infantry. There- fore, infantry officers’ quotas are being mct by tapping organized cadre units. “If the hic her commanders lose patience with the program, as seems poccible, accord- ing to their utterances off the rccord, then many hours and dollars arc down the drain.” Eincerely yours, Warten H Juno, Member of Congress. Mancu 5, 1951. Hon Water H Jupp, House of Representatives, Dear Mr. Jupn: This letter is in further reference to your communication of Feb- ruary 8, 1951, in which you asked for {nfor- mation with regard to the policy of recalling to active duty as individuals, commiesioncd and enlisted personnel who sre members of Active Reserve units As you may recall one of your constituents has written you in pro- test of this policy, with particular empheris as to its effect on the One Hundred and Third Division, of which he is a member. Upon inquiry I find that the commanders of the continentul -rm’es, who are rerpon- sible for the selection of individuals for ac- tive military service, have becn directed to precerve the integrity of the troop program units by retatning therein sufficient perscn- nel to maintain mobilization potential of these units after all voluntary and involun- tary recall orders have een issued. A re- port received from the commanding general, Fifth Army, who ts the responsible Army commander insofar as the One Hundred and Third Division is concerned, reveals that one officer who volunteered, two officers commis- stoned from a senior ROTC untt and who had had less than 1 yesar of active Federal service, and two other company-grade officers have been ordered to active duty from this Qivision. Twenty-six others have been se- lected but have uot been ordered to active duty pending # determination as to whether such action will impair the mobilization potential of the division. Officers and enlisted men who are members of troop program units of the active Reservo have been permitted to volunteer for ective military service since it is considered hivhly desirable to make the maximum use of vol- unteers in attaining the objectives of the recall programs. On the other hand, officers who have been commissioned from the ROTC program and who have less than 1 year of active military service to their credit are being recalled as a matter of equity to assure that reservists with long prior mili- tary service are not ordered into the active military service ahead of those with short prior service. Please be assured that it is the policy of the Department of the Army not to seriously deplete the Reserve units of personnel by the individual recall of members of these units, and that insofar as possible every ef- fort has been, and will continue to be, ex- erted to preserve ther integrity against the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD neceasity for such future use as may be dic- tated by the military situation, Sincerely yours, O, G, BLAKENEY, Colonel, GSC, Office, Chief of Legislative Liaison. Book of Genesis Tells Story of Income Tax EXTENSION OF REMARKS oO HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 6, 1951 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, Milt Dean Hill, able and popular Washington correspondent for the Federated Publi- cations, has written a timely and illumi- nating article which was printed in his newspapers Sunday, March 11, 1951, headed “The Book of Genesis Tells Story of Income Tax” Under leave to extend my remarks, I include this article and commend it to Members of Congress: Book or GENESIS TELLS STORY OF ORIGINATOR OF INCOME TAX (By Milt Dean Hill) Thursday when you send in your last year’s income tax—blame it on a guy named Joe, Not Joe Stalin, either, though the Russian generalissimo 1s responsible for the depth to which Uncle Sam ts reaching into your pockets for his cut Actually, the author of the first tncome tax law in history—and the world’s first commissioner of internal revenue was a bib- lical character who got his start as a poor shepherd boy. He never went to college, they didn’t have ’em in those days, but he was a psychologist and did reach the highest office open to an immigrant. DREAMS UP INCOME TAX He was the man who sold folks on the Idea he could tell them what their dreams meant, Ho was only 30 when he dreamed up the nightmare that’s plagued the world since— income tax But nobody remembers him for his nefare fous contribution to society. He's known mostly for wearing a coat of many colors that made hts brothers so Jealous they sold him as a slave in Egypt. But that was almost 3,500 years ago. Joseph’s first income tax figures out to be only slightly less than the basic rate of to- day’s taxes. The Tax Foundation, an independent re- search organization in Washington, dug the story out of the Book of Genesis. BECOMES TAX COLLECTOR The Pharaoh, it seems, was addicted to dreaming Joseph apparently knew sume- thing of the 14-year flood cycle of the Nile River, su he gave his boss the good word. He suggested that the Pharaoh find a dis- creet citizen, give him a staff of collectors, and sock a 20-percent tax on every Egyptian's income and his grain crop. The Pharaoh, as kings and presidents and Pharaohs are wont to do, went for the idea. He named Joseph the commissioner of in- ternal revenue—or whatever the local title was at the time—and gave him a handsome young thing for a wife. The bride was a priest's daughter, that bee ing incidental to the fact that priests were the only ones who got an exemption from income tax. Joseph, according to the record, was & dill- gent young tax collector. He stored away 80 much that wher the drought came, he was the man with the answer. THE BIBLE EXPLAINS When Joseph unloaded his stored grain, he brought the money into Pharaoh's house— which, by then, must have looked like the United States Treasury. The Bible tells how it all came out: “When money failed, Joseph said ‘give your cattle.” And they brought their cattle and Joseph gave them bread in exchange. “When that year was ended they said ‘Our money is spent; my lord hath our herds of cattle; there is nought but our bodies and our Jands; buy us and our land for bread.’ “And Joseph bought all the land of Egypt for the Pharaoh, and the people he moved to the cities from one end of the borders of Egypt to the other end thereof.” Whatever you think of the custom now, Joseph had broken the cycle. He taxed in the good years and fed his people in the bad. WE'RE STILL PAYING That, according to the Tax Foundation, makes him the real author of the theory of cycle-neutralization which, in effect, means hit 'em high and hit ‘em low. The point of which ts that Joseph did a pretty efficient job—but he got all the money, horses, sheep, and cattle, and almost every- thing else Plus that, he got a contract on the services of all the people of Egypt-——for life After that, he handed out the seed, told them to plant it and declared that from that time forward, one-fifth of everything they raised should belong to Pharaoh. You're still paying ‘hat 20 percent. TT Increase of Salaries of Federal Civil Employees EXTENSION OF REMARKS oO HON. M. G. BURNSIDE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. BURNSIDE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I am including the following res- olution adopted by the executive commit- tee of Local No. 575, National Federation of Federal Employees, representing em- ployees of the Veterans’ Administration in Huntington, W. Va.: The executive committee of Local 575, Na- tional Federation of Federal Employees, rep- resenting employees of the Veterans’ Ad- ministration in Huntington, W. Va., on Feb- ruary 19, 1951, adopted the following res- olution: “Whereas there has been a material in- crease in the cost of living since Congress last fixed the salaries in the Government civil service, and it is generally conceded by Gov- ernment economists and others that further substantial increase cannot be prevented; and “Whereas Federal employees, especially those in the lower salary ranges, by reason of such increased costs, and increased taxes on incomes, are sorely pressed to earn a sub- stantial livelihood for themselves and their dependents, and many have already been driven by these events to accept a lower liv- ing standard; and “Whereas for sundry other reasons all of which are matters of general knowledge; “Now, therefore, the executive committee of Local 575, National Federation of Federal Employees, representing the employees of the Veterans’ Administration in the regional of- A1439 fice and the hospital at Huntington, W. Va., respectfully solicit your support of pending legislation providing for a fair and just in- crease in basic salaries of Federal civil em- ployees: Provided further, That the presi- dent of local 575 is hereby authorized and instructed to send a copy of this resolution Ke each of the six Congressmen from this ate.” Voice of America Penetrates Iron Curtain EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. 0. C. FISHER OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 14, 1951 Mr. FISHER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ap- pendix of the Recorp, I enclose two newspaper articles relating to the Voice of America: [From the Baltimore Sun of February 15, 1951) Voice CRACKS Rep BarRIER—30 PETcenT oF ProcRAMS ARE BELIEVED REACHING Rus- SIANS (By Robert W. Ruth) WASHINGTON, February 14—-The Voice of America finally has succeeded in driving a sizable crack in the Iron Curtain. This achievement, accomplished mainly in the last 6 months, is the most significant development in the entire postwar existence of this country’s international broadcasting effort to present American views to the world. A year ago the Voice as it came into Russia, was largely drowned out by a ter- rific barrage of noise set up by Soviet jam- ming transmitters. At best only 15 percent of the programs were getting through, usually much less, State Department offi- cials who operate the Voice spoke of its effectiveness in Russia tn the most con- servative terms. THIRTY PERCENT GETTING THROUGH Now, however, they estimate that 30 per- cent of the programs are gctting through in arenas where the Soviets are using more than 1,000 transmitters to jam our broadcasts, The American Embassy in Moscow which monitors the Voice programs, offers evi- dence of their new effectiveness. In the outlying areas away from the big cities there is almost no jamming Reasons for the Voice's new success in- clude the following: More powerful signals are being sent out from European transmit- ters. The Voice is using a cuddling tech- nique—beaming its programs into Russia on frequency bands adjacent to those the Rus- sians use for their own broadcasts. If the Russians jam the Voice program, they prob- ably also jam their own. In addition, the western European nations have arranged their broadcasts so they go on the air at the same time, That means that the Soviet jamming facilittes are taxed to the full. NEW AND SECRET METHODS New and secret methods of piercing the fron curtain are now being devised. Since the facilities needed for Jamming are about twice those for broadcasting programs, and since America’s manufacturing potential for electronic equipment ts vastly greater than Russia's, Voice officials look to the future with optimism. The Voice 1s also vigorously pushing its idea of distributing 200,000 small $15 radio