APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD THE CLOSED SHOP It would be pleasant and easy if anyone who has given the subject considerable thought could state flatly either that the closed shop is all wrong or the closed shop is all right. But it isn’t that easy. It is possible to say that jurisdictional strikes, organizational strikes, secondary boy- cotts, collusion between an employer and a unign to wreck a competitor, goonism, mass picketing are all wrong, and should be pro- hibited. The closed- or union-shop question, how- ever, deals with contracts, individual and group rights, labor-relations stability. It is something Congress should analyze carefully before passing any prohibiting laws. Puni- tive and unreasonable laws incapable of en- forcement are not good laws. There are a large number of union prac- tices and contracts that usually are lumped together loosely under the name of closed shop. Under one form of contract the employer hires anyone he wants, but after a set period the employee must join the union and re- main in good standing. This, actually, is the union shop, but often is incorrectly called closed shop. In the closed-shop contract the employer hires only union men through the union, and the union is charged with keeping a com- petent supply of skilled workers available. One of the worst abuses of this type of con- tract is the closed shop-closed union prac- tice, in which the union does not fulfill its obligation of keeping an ample supply of skilled workmen available and forces the em- ployer to use available men at overtime rates, sending production costs soaring and shut- ting the door in the face of young men who want to get in the craft. Actually, this is an out-and-out labor monopoly and should be treated as such by the law. But how about the case of a union and an employer who agreed on a closed-shop contract, and that contract has worked out satisfactorily to both parties? Many such contracts have keen in existence for decades, and have stabilized labor relations in many industries. Should all those be wiped out through &@ general outlawing of the closed shop? If such contracts are made illegal, are con- tracts similar in context between non-labor associations, groups, and corporations also to be made illegal? Much has been made of the statement that the closed shop takes from the indi- vidual his constitutional right to work or not to work where he chooses. Although that is a catchy statement, it isn't true. The Constitution does not guar- antee that. Economics, ability, ambition, relatives, and many imponderables usually determine where and when you work. It is true that closed shops have limited the number of openings in many crafts. But one of the reasons some of those jobs seem so desirable now is because the closed shops have so greatly raised the standards of those jobs, Just as have the standards set by medi- cal schools and associations, law schools and associations made those professions more financially and socially profitable. Some employers claim that union leaders have rammed closed-shop contracts down their throats, and later the union leaders have not been able to control the union mem- bership, which showed no sense of con- tractual responsibility. That is true, and perhaps setting some financial responsibility would promote more moral responsibility. There's no doubt at all that many of the abuses of the closed shop can be corrected through well-thought-out laws, but it is dificult to see now how a general outlaw- ing of the closed shop is going to help toward the goal of fair, workable, stable labor relations and sound collective bargaining. Labor relations should not be thrown into a chaotic condition through the passage of hasty, prejudicial laws. There's been enough chaos. What is needed is a little more order. A Country Editor Speaks on Debt EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. KARL STEFAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. STEFAN. Mr. Speaker, our coun- try’s gigantic public debt and the effort orm the part of Congress to economize is attracting Nation-wide attention. An excellent editorial on this subject was re- cently written by one of the outstanding country editors of Nebraska. Mr. W. H. Plourd, publisher of the Nance County Journal, Fullerton, Nebr. I include it in my extension of remarks for the infor- mation of the Members of the House: The young person who is advised not to live beyond his means must wonder some- times about the soundness of this advice when he contemplates that his own country is head over heels in debt. Debt is of two kinds: Under one head is honest debt—the debt that results from misfortune or the debt that comes from undertaking a thrifty investment that will pay out through the debtor's industry and management. The other Kind is the debt that comes from extravagant living and thriftiessness. Toe United States national debt embraces both kinds of indebtedness. The war cost @ great deal of money. That is an honest debt. But there are billions of other indebt- edness that was incurred, and is still being incurred, by the Government living beyond its means, paying too much for things, and spending money for things that are un- necessary. A group in Congress, composed of both Republicans and Democrats, after much agitation from the people, is determined that the debt must be reduced by cutting the new estimate of Government expendi- tures. A certain amount of this cut is scheduled to come from the funds for the armed forces, and a lot more from extrava- gant and unnecessary services now being car- ried on by the Government. A huge howl has gone up from the spenders, charging that this cut in the President's budget wculd hamstring the Army and Navyeand threaten the national security. What they are really afraid of is that a lot of bureaus and bureau- crats will be cut off the pay roll. A prominent defender of the President's 8$37,500,000,000 budget (18 years ago the Fed- eral budget was only about $4,000,000.000) thunders that it is impossible to cut a single dime from this amount without inviting chaos. Anybody with a lick of sense knows he Is talking through his hat, and he knows it himself. There is scarcely anyone who can’t point out where savings can be made in Federal spending. When dead beats collect unemployment benefits along with the deserving, when bu- reaus fight for the chance to do things for the people that they would rather do for them- selves, when millions are spent for a “screw- ball” art exhibit to be sent on a tour of the world to “show the people of other nations what American art is like,” well, anybody who couldn’t find ways to save public money to- day couldn't find a goat in a telephone booth. Nebraskans pay over @362,000,000 a year in taxes to Federal, State, and local govern- A805 ments. This amounts to about 63.50 a day as the proportionate share of the average tax- payer with a wife and two children. The citizen has to gage his spending to fit his income. The country is made up of Its citizens. The country itself must sooner or later do with its Government spending what the citizen is forced to do with his private spending—kcep it within the bounds of in- come, It has got to be done sooner or late: Right now would be a wonderful time tr start. Game Preservation EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN L. McMILLAN OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. McMILLAN of South Carolina. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent. I insert in the Recorp the following specch I delivered before the State Wild- life Bureau at Florence. S. C.: Mr. Toastmaster, members of the South Carolina wildlife organization; and distin- guished guests, nothing is closer to my heart than the preservation of our wild game re- sources in this country. We have been ex- tremely negligent in this great country of ours in taking steps to preserve our natural resources. In these United States we have over 2,000,000,000 acres of land and water. A little over 1,000,000,000 acres of this area is privately owned farms or grazing land. More than half of this lies in the Mississippi Valley and east to the Atlantic Ocean. About 50 percent of the people of the United States live in this territory and as our population increases there is a tendency to clear more forest land and develop our property to the extent that certain species of our wild game is becoming extinct. Wildlife is fast being pushed into different environments and 16 unable to find sufficient food and shelter for protection. It is rather hard to understand why the individual person in this country and also our Federal and State Government: have failed until recently to recognize the great asset we have in wild-game resources We have approximately 130,000,000 people in this country and it is estimated that 20,000.- 000 people depend on fishing and hunting for recreation. This means that one person out of every seven people living in the United States participates in the sport of hunting or fishing at some time. It is also estimated that the value of fish and wildlife recreation assets run in the neighborhood of $2,000,000 a@ year in the turn-over of equipment and money spent for hunting and fishing trips. The term “wildlife’’ embraces fish, birds, mammals, and the related associations uf flelds, forests, und waters. In South Carolina we have three large game preserves, namely, Cape Romane Refuge, located in Charleston County, Carolina Sundhill Refuge, in Chester County, and the Santee Refuge, located in Clarendon and Berkeley Counties. Thou- sands of birds and all types of wild animals find their refuge on these preserves, where bunting is not permitted. It is my opinion that what we need in South Carolina and throughout the United Stutes is o general educaticnal program on the subject of wildlife. Every student in school should be required to tnke at least one course on this subject si..ce 20,000,000 of our people depend on wildlife sports for recreation. We should certainly impress this more now than ever since so many thousands of our young men who were drafted during the recent war were rejected
A806 on account of physical disabilities, I un- derstand from authoritative sources that the majority of these disabilities could have been corrected if the young men had prop- erly developed themselves by entering into normal sports such as fishing, hunting, and other popular outdoor exercises. We can- not take a chance on fighting another war with the prospect of having one-third of our young men rejected from service on account of physical disabilities. If our schools would teach our children to be good sportsmen and not destroy the natural resources that we have at our dis- posal, so many of our choice animals and birds would not be diminishing to the extent that within the next ten years they will be ex- tinct. I personally Know of bird hunters here in our own midst that will make a desperate effort to kill every bird in the covey when they should be sportsmen enough to kill only three or four birds out of a covey. I have seen hunters go into the woods and Kill more than 10 squirrels in 1 day when they could not possibly use one-half dozen for food purposes. This is an absurd waste of our game and such hunters should be out- lawed from hunting by the good sportsmen of the country. During the year 1940 I introduced a bill calling for an appropriation of $50,C00 to create a wild turkey preserve in the lower part of Marion and F.orence Counties. I am advised by the Director of the Bureau of Wildlife that the only pure strain of wild turkeys left in the United States are located in the coastal section of South Carolina. This bill was bejore the Agricultural Com- mittee on the House when war was declared in 1941; hence no appropriation was made for this purpose. I expect to reintroduce my bill this year since the war js now over, in an effort to protect the last remaining few pure bred wild turkeys we have in this country. First. Wildlife is dependent upon its en- vironment for food, shelter, and a place to breed and rear its young. Soil and water con- servation, erosion and flood control, reforesta- tion and other forest programs, planting of shelter crops, the improvement of ranges and other similar activities are undertaken for the benefit of man’s own living and working conditions. However, these improvements are of extreme value to the wildlife restoration program. As stated above, we must install a sound educational program for the preserva- tion of wildlife in this country or the most choice wild game will soon become extinct. Second. By wise manipulation to so man- age the environment that wildlife protection and utilization may be controlled and main- tained at certain levels. We must learn that it will be impossible to keep our wild game if we continue to destroy more than is raised. During the past 10 years the Congress of the United States has at last become inter- ested in this subject and has continuously increased appropriations for the preservation of wild game in the United States. I hope that every citizen in this country, and espe- clally our sportsmen, can be taught to realize that we do not have an unlimited supply of wild game in this country and will not un- necessarily destroy same. We should use our game for sporting purposes and not try to see how many birds or how many fish could be destroyed on a single hunting or fishing trip. The members of the South Carolina Wild- life Association can always feel free to call on me when I can be of assistance to them in promoting or supporting legislation that will assist in carrying out our wildlife pro- gram here in this State or in the United States. Again let me thank the members of the wildlife association for extending me an in- vitation to attend this meeting, and trust that you will give me an opportunity to meet with you again in future years. Labor Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLAUDE PEPPER OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 3 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. PEPPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a statement by Lewis Merrill, president, United Office of Professiona] Workers of America, CIO, on legislation pending before the Senate Libor and Public Welfare Committee. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the REcorD, as follows: My organization, the United Office and Protessional Workers, a union of some 70,000 men and women employed in insurance, banking, engineering, social service and other white collar fields, is deeply concerned with the labor bills now being studied by your committee. We subscribe fully to the viewpoint pre- sented by CIO President Philip Murray, par- ticularly his statement that ‘'These measures are forerunners of a serious depression in- volving all Americans.” There are serious economic storms ahead. The large profits of business, secured through the increasing concentration of economic power by the big corporations and their de- liberate inflationary policies, are shrinking the domestic market. Labor's activity in raising living standards and creating a larger body of active consumers is vital to the in- terests of the Nation. The constant decline in the real income of salaried employees ® already having the gravest personal consequences to these 12,000,000 Americans. They are in no posi- tion to absorb today’s high prices. Even a minor economic crisis would reduce millions of white-collar workers to poverty. The national interest in the year 1947 is that the large productive facilities created during the war be used to raise the lving standards of the people. It requires that every section of the working population, in- cluding the white collar workers, be free to organize to achieve their needs. The white-collar workers need a strong la- bor movement and a strong Wagner Act. Their need for organization is so great that no force can finally prevent it. If legisla- tion is passed which compels constant strife and turmoil in establishing their right to organize, the white-collar workers will meet the opposition as staunchly as manual work- ers have done in building their unions. But such bitter and costly struggle should not be imposed on them by their Government. A large number of the members of my union are employed as insurance agents by such powerful corporations as the Metropoli- tan, Pri.dential, John Hancock, Boston Mu- tual, and other insurance companies, Their organization in 1936 met with vicious re- sistance. Should Congress adopt measures to weaken the Wagner Act, some of these companies will consider it an invitation to bust the union. They will not succeed, but much costly turmoil will take place. Have not these employees the right to demand of their Government that they should not again be required to prove their right to be- long to a union? Another group of our members are the technical employees—engineers, chemists, draftsmen, and others. It is the aim of too many corporations to take from these akilled men and women the products of their in- telligence and genius, at salaries inadequate APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to provide them with decent living stand- ards, and then, after picking their brains clean, to discard them at will. Only union- ization can protect them. Their freedom to organize and right to strike contributes to a better science and technology by resulting in more adequately compensated and bet- ter satisfied technicians. Another important group of UOPWA mem- bers is the social-service workers—a group of people who devote themselves to the wel- fare problems of people in the community. The Social Planning Council of St. Louis found that approximately one-third of the employees of community-chest agencies in that city recelve less than $100 per month, while 75 percent were paid less than $2,000 a year, Numerous prominent social workers, such as Charlotte Carr, executive director of the Citizens’ Committee on Children and for- merly director of Hull House in Chicago, ad- vocate the strengthening of organized labor not only because of their concern for the employees of social agencies but because they recognize that unless workers generally or- ganize to improve living standards, the so- cial agencies of the country will be flooded with applicants for relief and service. Take the case of the financial employees. It is not without cause that Wall Street has become a symbol of greed and exploitation. Bank employees have been among the worst paid in the Nation. Salaries of 820 and $25 per week for young women clerks and 840 for tellers have been typical for this group of workers who are expected to be above temp- tation, Even with the existence of the Wagner Act, the giant Wall Street firms are resorting to intimidation and terror to prevent their employees trom free-collective bargaining. At the Irving Trust Co. in New York, detec- tives have been employed in large numbers to spy on employees. While professing hor- ror at the thought of strikes in banks, the banks have refused to accept arbitration. Any restriction of the right to organize, bargain collectively, and strike means con- demning the 300,000 bank employees of the Nation to a permanent low standard of living. Millions of pious words have been uttered about the plight of white-collar workers. Yet we do not see representatives of business coming forth with proposals to establish higher minimum wages, extend social security or in other ways improve the status of white- collar workers. Instead by measures to weaken the labor movement, designed to in- crease profits and strengthen their control over our economy, they propose to interfere with the efforts of white-collar workers to improve their own conditions. This can be seen most clearly through an examination of some of the specific measures proposed, such as: Proposals to amend the Wagner Act ad- vanced under the sham slogan of granting equality to employers, which would, in fact, encourage employers in their attempts to halt, intimidate, and interfere with white- collar workers who are exercising their rights to organize and bargain collectively. Proposals to curb strikes, which are open invitations to employers to refrain from com. ing to an agreement. Proposals to outlaw union security, which deny the experience of hundreds of unions and employers, including those in our field, where agreements providing for union secu- rity have created a stability of relationship beneficial to all. It is not true to say that workers are coerced. Our experience shows that where workers are given the choice of joining the union or paying the equivalent of union dues to charity they have almost without exception joined the union. Proposals to limit or illegalize industry- wide collective bargaining, which deny to workers and their unions the right exercised
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD by management of American industry to make judgments on economic adjustments in the light of the facts prevailing in an entire industry. Industry-wide bargaining in the white-collar fields would, in fact, seri- ously curb the haphazard salary scales, ca- prictous use of white-collar labor and heavy turnover which are detrimental to business and the people it serves as well as to the workers. Proposals to -xclude supervisory em- ployees, which would leave at the mercy of management the many employees in com- mercial offices such as head tellers and head bookkeepers who are termed supervisory but who are in reality low-paid employees whose interests are harmonious with those of other employees. . Proposals to deny deductions from em- ployees’ pay, such as welfare funds, which in fact deny the individual employee the right to decide how part of his compensation should be administered. CONCLUSION It is our conclusion that all bills almed at weakening labor should be rejected. The Re- publican Party, if it sponsors such measures, will not be reading the election results cor- rectly. White-collar workers in the last elec- tion voted against inflationary policies and not for the destruction of social legislation benefiting working people. Instead of adopting antilabor measures, this Congress should take steps to raise the living standards of the people, including the white-collar workers, to curb inflation and forestall severe economic dislocations through such measures as rent control, higher minimum wages, tax exemptions for low-income groups, adequate housing, and social security. Why Is Conscience a Crime? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAYMOND S. SPRINGER OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. SPRINGER. Mr. Speaker, undcr leave to extend my own remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include an article appearing in the Christian Cen- tury, of date November 27, 1946. The article is as follows: Way Is CONSCIENCE A CRIME? (By Josephine Johnson) One purpose of government is to protect the consciences of men from oppression. That at least was the view of George Wash- ington, who said in 1785: “Governments be- ing, among other purposes, instituted to pro- tect the consciences of men from oppression, it certainly is the duty of rulers not only to abstain from it themselves, but according to their stations to prevent it in others.” Measured by that standard, our Government must be set down as a failure. TREATED AS FELONS Today, more than a year after the end of the Second World War, it is keeping in prison a thousand men whose only crime is that they obeyed their consciences rather than the atate in the recent war. Thousands more who have been released live on with their civil status impaired by the brand of felony, being treated as society treats convicted murderers and thieves who have been re- leased. Under the strange code of this civili- gation the man who kills and the man who refuses to kill stand together outside the common pale in a pariah caste. Men accused of wartime sedition have gone free without a trial, Ex-convicts who entered the Army from prison were granted amnesty. Men and women convicted of election frauds which undermine the whole basis of democratic government have been pardoned. But am- nesty is denied to men who acted from the deepest conviction in behalf of a lasting peace and a true democracy. Like those young soldiers who fought in the war believing that they took the one course possible to put an end to murder and oppression, the young men who would not fight made their choice also. They chose prison and social ostracism, believing that they took the one course possible to prevent murder and oppression from growing and spreading down the centuries. They fore- saw some end to the Killing, if not for those who died heroically in this war at least for the generations of young men after them. In some far day, they hoped, the nations would hear, as Abraham heard, the voice of God above the fire, and cease offering up their sons, but turn instead and find the ram in the bushes—the ram with the golden horns—and make the real and acceptable sacrifice. A REBUKE TO AMERICA “It is inconsistent with the spirit of our laws and Constitution to force tender con- sciences,” wrote Thomas Jefferson in a pruc- lamation concerning paroles. But we have not only forced the ‘“‘tender conscience” (a debatable adjective since it has such iron integrity); we have levied on the young men of belief far longer sentences in prison than on persons convicted of traffic in white slaves or the peddling of narcotics. Some sentences do not expire until 1961, and even then the convicted man comes out without his civil rights and in some States cannot vote, hold office, or get professional jobs. The reasons for the radical step taken by the conscientious objectors were varied. Be- sides the religious pacifists, there were Negro objectors to army jimcrow, Puerto Ricans, Moslems, Hopi Indians, and Asiatics. Some objected on political grounds, some on moral and humanitarian grounds. Yet they all share “the peace above all earthly dignities— a still and quiet conscience.” That peace the conscience of the Nation and its law- makers cannot share so long as we condone the hypocrisy of universal lip service to free- dom and tolerance while penalizing those who attempt to practice these things. The millions of written words and thousands of speeches on freedom and tolerance, com- bined with our complacent belief that more freedom and tolerance are enjoyed here than in other countries, rise up to rebuke us. The fact is that in these less enlightened lands, both enemy and allied, political pris- oners, and conscientious objectors have been released, The prison doors in Japan are open to free, among others, those once convicted of seditious thoughts. Canada has granted amnesty to 14,000 men; England has only 26 left behind her bars; and those men of con- science whom Hitler imprisoned, if they are still alive, are free. THE RECORD OF CO’S The record of conscientious objectors has been noteworthy during these years for serv- ice rendered in one way or another to others and to the national life. Having once taken what appeared to most people a negative and quiescent stand, they have turned that neg- ativeness into a force for good and construc- tive action for their fellow men. They have voluntarily starved, frozen, contracted dis- eases and been bitten by lice in scientific experiments. They have voluntarily under- gone worse treatment in prisons and gone on hunger strikes to end racial discrimina- tion and other abuses. They have fought for reforms in mental hospitals, and have A807 been directly instrumental in exposing and correcting our medieval heritage in the treatment of the insane. There are many reasons why amnesty should be granted these men and a Presi- dential pardon given those in prison, with restoration of civil rights to them and to all who have bcen released. These reasons range from the overly sentimental to the coldly historical. They include the notable social contributions of the conscientious ob- jectors and reasons which may be considered only religious ones by people who think of religion as a segmental rather than an inte- eral part of life. But it is a fact, very ter- ribly true, that when the state imprisons men for conscience’ sake, when men are classed as criminals and deprived of civil rights for refusal to commit what they con- sider crime, then that society, that state or nation, may no longer declare itself free and democratic, but has begun the long invisible descent into fascism, the slow freezing into the iron image of the master state. No sacrifice in all the war was made for this. Views of Columbia Typographical Union on Labor Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 3 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have published in the Appendix of the Recor? a letter which I have received from a_ labor leader, Jesse B. Manbeck, president of the Columbia Typographical Union, in which he sets forth some of his views regarding the labor legislatior pending before us. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the REcorD, as follows: COLUMBIA TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION. Washington, D.C., February 21, 1947. Senator WAYNE MoRSsE, Senate Office Butlding. Washington, D.C. My Dear Senator: Noticing your published comment upon the testimony thus far by representatives of labor before the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee, permit me to add my contribution as the executive head of the oldest lubor union in America, if not the world, in continuous existence, and because of our 132 years of labor history be- hind us, our organization has a greater depth of experience in labor work. Iam in agreement with that part of your comment which condemns the negative ap- proach thus far evidenced by labor repre- sentatives upon proposed legislation. As one labor representative, though strictly a local one, but representing one of the largest and highest-paid organized groups of skilled craftsmen in the Nation’s Capital, and the one labor organization re- sponsible, in large part, for both the forma- tion of the American Federation of Labor as well as originating the closed-shop idea here in Washington in 1842, my more than 31 years’ membership in the International Typographical Union has given me a few ideas that may be of interest: 1. Just as there are different laws for differ- ent types of banking, and fire-insurance laws are not the same as life-insurance laws, 50 should labor laws be enacted according to at
A808 least the two types of labor—seasonal, such as the building trades, etc., and tenure or year-round labor. 2. That all labor unions should be required to elect all their officials through referendum elections of members at least once every 2 years, and not at conventions through dele- gates, etc. 3. Members of labor unions should be able to impeach their own elected officials—na- tional or local—upon proper charges with- out jeopardizing thelr own membership or without being subjected to arbitrary pun!- tive actions by the very officials they seek to impeach. 4. The International Typographical Union requires a three-fourths vote by secret ballot by members who have been in good standing in the local union for at least the preceding 6 months, and all members must be notified when any union meeting is called to vote upon a strike. (See p. 75, art XIX, ITU 1947 Book of Laws). It requires only a ma- jority vote by secret ballot to call off an ITU strike. Surely such a democratic procedure already tn effect for 84,000 union printers would not be objectionable. 5. Since 1816 this local union has required foremen, or anyone with the authority to give working orders to our members, to be- long to our union, and in 132 years there have been no adverse effects or objections by man- agement. Our union laws recognize only one foreman in a shop, with authority to hire and fire, but nothing is permitted to interfere with the giving of instructions by others for the proper execution of work. 6. A legal prohibition of the closed shop would be impossible of enforcement, at least insofar as the skilled crafts are concerned. Take our union—an apprenticeship of 6 years or equivalent experience is one of the mini- mum requirements for membership. It is hardly likely that members accepted upon such minimum standards are going to per- mit an anti-closed-shop law to undermine the standards they were required to have. Again, an anti-closed-shop law would be giving preferred status to the nonunion member—the “hitch-hiker.” Statistics re- cently publicized state that 70 percent of the manufacturing industries of America are op- erated under closed-shop contracts. Would it be fair to give preferential treatment to the 30 percent? The United States Government Printing Office here in Washington, D. C., employs the largest number of union printers in the en- tire country—some 1,600, but less than one- half of 1 percent of these printers are not members of the union. Even the United States Government, operating on an open- shop principle, finds that it has to depend upon a labor union for its supply of printers to produce the CoNGRESSIONAL REcorD, Fed- eral Register, and all Federal printing re- quirements. An anti-closed-shop law would result in an intensification of union organizational work so that the labor supply would be en- rolled in the various unions, Members of labor unions are subject to disciplinary re- strictions, and as has been done by our union in those States which have passed anti- closed-shop laws, “conditions of employ- ment” have been prescribed, and union members violating same are subject to dis- ciplinary action by the union of which they are members. Certainly labor legislation should be con- structive if it is to be remedial. Substitut- ing preferential protection or treatment for the unorganized as against the organized has the appearance of substituting one alleged discrimination for another. Making chicken salad by using one horse and one chicken doesn’t necessarily make the two component parts equal just because there's one of each. In conclusion, as one local labor leader, it is my opinion that Congress could do a real job on labor legislation by legislating to— 1. Require referendum elections for local and national unions’ officers at least once every 2 years, with union legislative ma- chinery available so that the membership could impeach officers, if necessary. 2. Require at least a majority vote on strikes by members who have been on the books of the union for 90 or more days prior to the vote, and all members to be notified in writing before a strike vote could be taken by secret ballot. 3. Require foremen or similar administra- tors to belong to rank-and-file unions, with full voting rights, so that management can thus have a voice and vote, if desired, in the affairs of the unions. 4. Require mandatory grievance arbitra- tion under the terms of the contract, but leave contract terminal arbitration upon a voluntary basis. 5. Put a statutory mit within which jur- isdictional disputes should be settled, or mandatory arbitration could be invoked by either party or parties to the dispute. 6. Make it mandatory for management to deal upon a local level with labor unions, with the national unions, or representatives only assisting the local unions, but never usurping the prerogatives of the local union. Very truly yours, JxssE B. MANBECK, President. Lambert-St. Louis Municipal Airport EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER C, PLOESER OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. PLOESER. Mr. Speaker, on Jan- uary 9 I addressed the House on the sub- ject of the Lambert-St. Louis Municipal Airport. On that occasion = included in my remarks a report of the St. Louis Airport Commission, explaining the vi- cious merry-go-round of various Gov- ernment departments in which the city had found itself after many months, while attempting to regain its airport. There is no need of my again stating the St. Louis case, except that on that occa- sion I extended into the Recorp a copy of my letter to the President. I am happy now to announce that a very satisfactory and just agreement has been reached between the Government agencies and the city of St. Louis. In expressing my thanks to the President and to the various departments, I feel that it is likewise my duty to express my thanks to this House. The following is the letter which I addressed to the Presi- dent on February 26. This closes the matter at this time, insofar as the House of Representatives is concerned. CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, HOUSE oF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C., February 26, 1947. Hon. Harry 8. TRUMAN, The President of the United States, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear M8. PRESIDENT: On January 7, 1947, after months of fruitless negotiations, I wrote you concerning the difficulty the city of St. Louis was having in regaining the Lambert- St. Louis Municipal Airport. This is to ex- press my appreciation of your action in bring- ing together the various Government agen- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cies and the officials of the city of St. Louis into discussions at the White House. As you well know, these discussions bore fruit. In addition, I want to express my appre- ciation to Mr. Clark Clifford who acted in your behalf. His arrangement of the confer- ences, and the few minutes he was able to spend with us were most helpful. Only after months of dealing, which proved that the Federal agencies failed to compre~ hend the equities in the dispute, did I both- er you with the subject. It then took 2 weeks and 1 day of conferences to get an agreement which brought a just settlement. One newspaper headline stated that St. Louis had regained its airport dirt cheap, and another newspaper editorially seemed to think of it as a successful military coup on the part of the city officials. Neither is fact, nor was it at any time my purpose. All that I wanted was justice for St. Louis, the proper balance of equities. If the city of St. Louis had paid more, it may have proved profitable to do so. If the city had just claims it might have foregone them without too great a loss, but such a bar- gain would have lacked equity. If at times I exhibited an excessive amount of Missouri stubbornness, it was only because I believed implicitly in the city’s position. The deal might have been settled in 2 days and been a good bargain for the city, but not an equitable settlement. We were not out to get something for nothing. We were out to get prompt justice. I think it has been attained through your cooperation. I do not want St. Louisans to think of my part in the airport matter as getting some- thing for nothing for the city. I prefer them to think of it as getting something that rightfully belong: to St. Louls—nothing more or nothing less. May I say that the cooperation received during the conferences from Mr. Arthur Man- ley and Mr. Edward Bridges, of War Assets Administration; Mr. Linus Kelly, of Recon- struction Finance Corporation; Mr. George Borsari, of Civil Aeronautics Administration; and Captain Pihl, of the Navy, is deeply ap- preciated by me. Warm personal regards. Sincerely yours. Memorial of Oregon Legislature Favoring Increase in Payments to Veterans Re- ceiving On-the-Job Training EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following House joint memorial of the Oregon Leg- islature: House Joint Memorial 10 Whereas the Servicemen’s Rendjustment Act of 1944, as amended, provides, among other things, for the readjustment of war veterans of World War II by a plan of edu- cation and training which makes available to men who are attending school or receiv- ing on-the-job training a payment from the Federal Government of 865 a month to single men and $90 a month to married men; and Whereas Public Law 679, which amended the original act, became effective in August 1946 and placed a limit on the gross earn- ings, including the payment from the Gov- ernment, of a veteran receiving this benefit
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in the amount of 8175 for single men and 6200 for married men; and Whereas this benefit, especially as it per- tained to men receiving on-the-job training and apprentices, was intended to supply a total payment somewhat approaching a journeyman’s pay during the training pe- riod: and Whereas the amounts thus provided are inadecuate considering living costs and the reduction has created hardships for those involved in the program; and Whereas while a reasonable ceiling should be placed on gross earnings, those as estab- Itehed are too low: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives of the State of Oregon (the Senate jointly concurring therein), That the Corgress of the United States be urged to increase the limit to 8260 for single trainees and appren- tices and 8300 for married trainees and ap- prentices, Adopted by house February 20, 1947. Joun H. HALt, Speaker of Hause, Adopted by senate February 22, 1947. M. E. Cornett, President of Senate. Allen T. Treadway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES A. PLUMLEY OF VERMONT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. PLUMLEY. Mr. Speaker, Allen T. Treadway was one of New England’s most distinguished sons. A native of Massachusetts and a graduate of Am- herst College, 8 member of the Massa- chusetts house, and president of the State senate, he came to Congress back in 1914, while my father was then a Member. When I was elected to Congress and when the first rol] call to which I an- swered was completed, Mr. Treadway and a half-dozen others—old-timers from both sides of the aisle—came down into the well of the House to greet the son of the man with whom they had served. That was some group. An. to that dis- tinguished group I owe much, because of their advice and good counsel, invalu- able to me as of the early days of my experience in Congress. I know of no man more conscientious in the discharge of his duties than was Allen Treadway, or more capable in their performance. The war years tired him. They taxed his strength unremittingly, for his love of country was paramount to party or policy. Allen Treadway’s career in Congress was marked and permeated by his strong convictions and his unquestioned in- tegrity. His life was in itself his monu- ment, dedicated as it was to a notable service, not only to his immediate con- stituents, but to all people everywhere. His was a life rich in rare honesty of purpose, strengthened by indomitable courage to fight for the right as he saw it. This courage was balanced and abetted by brains and an uncanny ability to use them. Allen Treadway consecrated himself to the service of the people, who now mourn his passing. They realize and appreciate the fact that his sole intent and purpose was to serve them. No man can have a more lasting monument than that inscribed in the hearts of those whose confidence in him was never be- trayed. Such a monument is Allen T. Treadway’s, H. R. 496 EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EMANUEL CELLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday. February 17, 1947 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recor», I include the following state- ment before the Miller subcommittee ot the House District Committee, on H. R. 486, by Milton S. Kronhcim, president of Milton S. Kronheim & Son, Inc., Wash- ington, D. C.: Gentlemen, my name is Milton Kronheim I nm a wholesale licensee under the Alco- holic Beverage Control Act of the District of Columbia and have been since the pro- hibition law was repealed 13 years ago. I feel that I have not only a right as a citizen to appear before your committee and dis- cuss this bill but I have a duty to do 50 be- cause of the fact that I have had extensive experience with confirmed alcoholics as well as sensible drinkers. I was in the alcoholic beverage business prior to prohibition as was my father be- fore me. I learned much of the human ele- ment entering into the sale of alcoholic bev- erages at that time. During the period of prohibition I was in the bail-bonding bust- ness in the District of Columbia. In that business I learned probably more than ever before about the pitiful wrecks who turn up in our police court and who appear in places where they would least be expected. At first hand I learned the heart-rending conditions of these people—people from the lowest gutter type to those still clinging to some thread of respectability. The hcrror of their condition impressed me deeply. Although I returned to the alcoholic bev- ernge business upon repeal, the horror re- mains with me. I know it impresses others Truly, these dere!icts deserve our sympathy and they must have every ounce of intelli- gent help which we can give them, I, and those associated with me in the beverage business have not neglected to study the best means of aiding these un- fortunate people. Many of us have found that the most effective assistance we could give was to the individual from the indi- vidual. However, we have for some years been engaged in a study of the problem which it is proposed to deal with in Repre- sentative Hé£BERT’s bill now before you. I want to be perfectly frank in my dis- cussion of this proposal. I, therefore will at the outset say unequivocally that I find the bill unsatisfactory. I have so told Mr. HEBERT. I do not, however, want you to think that I or my associates stop merely with our objection to this bill. We have gone further and before concluding my testimony, it is my hope, that I rhall be able to outline proposals which might wel] serve as a substitute for the Hébert bill, and which might better A809 bring xbout a solution of the problem which Mr. Hesert and I certainly want solved. While I do nct wish to appear antegcnistic, I find, and believe that you will find, uocn study, that section 1 of the bill, which cut- lines its purposes, js far from basing te‘r to those who consume alcoholic b:veragez, as well as to these who dispense them. This section places upon the beverage indu.try the blame for many things which we co not accept, while at the same time it fails to meniion many of the benefwjal asy cc's of cur business—a businges v.l.ch, let me re- mind you, is conducted undzr the Conrtitu- ticn, the lcws of this Congress, and at the with and will of the people. Specifically, the section makes generalizations which c: nnot be proven and which I do not believe to be the tact. As one illustration, I will read the follow- ing paregraph from the first paragraph of section 1: “The purpose cf this act is to establish a prcgram for the rehabilitation of alecholics, promote tempcrance and provide for the medical, psychiatric, and other scientific treatment of chronic alecholics, to minimize the deleterious effects of exccasrive drinking on those who pass through the courts of the District of Columbia; to :1educe the financial burden impored upon the peo- ple of the District of Columbia by the cbu- sive use of alcoholic beverages as is reflected in mounting accident rates, decreased per- sonal efficiency, growing absenteeism, and a general increase in the amount and serious- ness of crime in the Dictrict cf Columbia and to substitute for jail sentences for drunkenness medical and other scientific methods of treatment which will benefit the individual involved and more fully protect the public.” There is no proof that this bill would re- duce the existing heavy financial burden t{mposed upon the people of the District ot Columbia. In fact, there is little in the bill to indicate it would do so When I come to a discussion of the financial aspects of the measurc I expect to show to all clenar-minded men that !t prebably would not do so. Moure- over, there is no proof, and I do not believe that any agency in the community could prove, that the abusive use of alcoholic beverages is reflected in accident rates, per- sonal efficiency, absenteeism, and the amount and ser'ousness of crime in the District of Columbia. It is easy to say that these things exist, and it might be ecsy to say that existing they are attributable to abuse of aicoholic bever- ages. But the facts and figures do nct from any study I hove been able to make prove them to be true. The same paragraph authorizes the ccurts, in order to accomplish these purpcses— which as I say are not proven—to take judicial no- tice of the fact that a chronic alcoholic is a sick man. This is a revolutionary authoar- ization to give to the courts. There ts con- stant friction not only as to what consti- tutes a chronic alcoholic but over the sim- ple--relatively—question of whether a man is intoxicated or not. There are general bills designed to consider this relatively simple problem, yet none of them is acceptable to the legal profession in its cntirety nor to the medical profession. Yet there is a swecping provision in this bill which strikes out ail doubt as to the reully difficult question of what constitutes chronic alcoholism. I turn now to page 3, section 2, which at- tempts to define the term “chronic ulco- holic.” The definition does not seem tu me to define a chronic alcoholic, and entirely leaves out those persons who are chronic alcoholics. I mean those who drink “smuke” and antifreeze, 14 of whom have died in the community since the first of the year, 2 of them in a District penal institution. Section $ directs the Commussioners to establish and equip a clinic in connection either with some existing hespital or with
A810 some correctional institution for the “classi- fication, hospitalization, confinement, treat- ment, and study of persons who are found to be chronic alcoholics.” It places the supervision and direction of the clinic under the Department of Corrections. Omitting for the moment a discussion of the vague- ness of the directions given to the Commis- sioners, I point out that if the chronic alco- holic 1s a diseased person and is to be treated tn a hospital, certainly the clinic in which he is placed should not be under the direction of the Department of Corrections but under either the Department of Health or the Board of Public Welfare. Section 4 directs the Judge of a court be- fore whom a chronic alcoholic may be found guilty of any offense, to send the chronic alcoholic to the clinic but it mits the time which he may be sent there to 90 days. I do not think that even the able Dr. MILLER. chairman cof this committee. can say that if the chronic alcoholic jis a diseased person his treatment can be standardized, or that a chronic alcoholic could be cured in £0 days. While section 3 places the clinic under supervision of the Director of the Depart- ment of Corrections, section 5, for some strange reason, xuthorizes a representative of the Board of Public Welfare to set active procedures in motion to commit the so- called alcoholic. And again, strangely enough, while other sections limit the treatment to 90 days, sec- tion 6 which provides for voluntary admis- sion to the clinic of a person believing him- self to be a chronic alcoholic, provides that when the patient registers at the clinic the Commissioners—not the courts—but the Commissioners, shall xdmit the chron‘c alco- holic “for such period of time as is estimated by the Director as necessary to effect a cure.” ‘rhe contradiction in these provisions is ob- vious and confusing. The courts are lim- ited to 90 days. The Commissioners, not a judicial body, are unlimited. Section 7 gives the Director of the clinic, whose qualifications are not set forth in the bill, great power. It provides that he shall first send a person committed to the clinic to a classification and diagnostic center. After the person has been committed as a chronic alcoholic it seems to me to be a little late to start diagnosing his condition. Section 11 reads as follows: “No chrenic alcoholic or offender shall be committed un- der the terms of this act until the District Commissioner shall certify to the Municipal Court of the District of Columbia the extent to which proper and adequate treatment facilities and personnel have been provided to carry out the purposes of this act.” To me this appears slightly ridiculous, but it is a relief to know that no one could be com- mitted until the District Commissioners cer- tify that there is a proper place to which to commit them. Under section 12, “The Commissioners of the District of Columbia may contract with any appropriate agency not under its control for the custody, care, subsistence, treatment, and training of offenders committed to the alcoholic clinic herein authorized.” I take it that under this provision no such clinic need ever be established and the Com- missioners could start tomorrow to send those admitted to be chronic alcoholics to any place they thought suitable. This might mean any institution now caring for intoxi- cated persons. It might mean Gallinger Hos- pital. It might mean the George Washing- ton Hospital, which, in its new building now under construction, will have one floor re- served for the care of alcoholics. On the other hand, it might mean that the Com- missioners could resort to the old and well- known Keely cure at any one of a number of establishments in the States operating for the care of intoxicated persons. Frankly, I question the wisdom or the necessity of this section, Section 13 authorizes and directs the Com- missioners to appoint a totally unlimited number of employees to carry out the pur- poses of the act. The very vagueness of this section as to the number, type, and quality of those to be employed is indicative of the vagueness with which we are approaching a very definite, delicate, and difficult prob- lem, Section 14 reads as follows: “The director of the clinic shall from time to time submit to the Commissioners such recommendations as will further the rehabilitation of chronic alcoholics, prevent the excessive and abusive use of alcoholic beverages, promote temper- ance, and he shall also gather and publish as complete and accurate data as is possible relating to the physiological, psychological, economic, and social effects of the abusive use of alcoholic beverages, and shall prepare and publish materials, data, and informa- tion to be used in a program of public edu- cation in the District of Columbia directed toward the prevention and use of alcoholic beverages excessively and abusively.” All of the reports and recommendations called for in this section 14 should be avail- able now to the Commissioners. Some of them are required to be submitted by the Police Department. Some of them are re- quired to be used by the board of education in instructing school children to prevent the excessive usé of intoxicants, and some are re- quired or have been given by the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board. I should like to see the Control Board make more extensive reports and more extensive studies. The Board formerly did so, and I hope it will continue to do so in the future. Neverthe- less, it is a fact that data information called for and the program of public education out- lined in section 14 now are, or should be, available to the District Commissioners. Furthermore, the information should be used. Section 15 sets up a speciul tax, rather vaguely estimated, for the purpose of carry- ing out the objectives of the act. Let me be personal for a moment in dis- cussing this section. Throughout my life I have been a total abstainer from the use of alcoholic beverages. If a way could be de- vised to prohibit anyone from drinking alco- holic beverages I would be the first to close the doors of my warehouse. We have tried prohibition, Various States have tried other forms of control. I think we have found in the operation of the Con- trol Act of the District of Columbia probably the best method of curbing the excessive use of alcohol. I should be distressed to see the system disturbed unless there were set up a program which we knew would accomplish the highly desirable purpose in the minds of so many. However, the prohibition law was repealed by the overwhelming sentiment of the people of the United States. A recent poll of the people of the District of Columbia conducted by the Washington Post showed that 78 per- cent of our people are in favor of retaining the existing system of control. I do not think that under those conditions we should needlessly and without a firm foundation throw away the experiences of 13 years. Now, briefly I wish to outline to the com- mittee some of the things the industry is trying to do to meet a problem which we know must be solved, namely, the abuse of the product which the public wants and will have. For many years I have been among those supporting a national organization making a study of this identical problem. We have worked with those at Yale University and we are now working with those at Cornell University, It was only recently that Cornell Uni- versity was brought into the subject and at that time a number of individual firms made a total grant in aid to Cornell to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD finance research on the problem which we are attempting to solve here today. This has not been done through any organiza- tion because organizations dissolve. The pledges have been made by individual firms. They amount in total to $250,000 a year. The pledges are made by substantial firms in the industry. It ts our hope that out of these researches will come some definite material which we can bring to you gentlemen in Congress ard say to you, “Here is the best scientific study that can be made; here are the recommenda- tions of those well qualified to speak.” Pending that, I recommend to the com- mittee that the committee itself as a part of its conduct of the District government make a definite study of the matter. Let us call in our outstanding citizens and those who handle alcoholic beverages and find out from them what their best thoughts are. There should be no offhand thinking, nor thinking based on prejudice or bias, because we have this problem with us and It js going to remain with us. As to the matter of a special tax for this proposed clinic, frankly I oppose it. It is my theory, supported Ly many other businessmen, that special-tax funds are not sound for city financing. The alcoholic-bev- erage industry collects now some $3,000,000 a year which goes into the general fund of the District. Whatever additional taxes it is asked to raise should likewise go into the general funds. You Members of the House all know that recently the Congress with very little con- sideration extended the Federal wartime cx- cise taxes which, it had been fully expected, would be repealed. I am not complaining about this. The District Commissioners are preparing a tax bill which would double the taxes on alcoholic beverages in the District. I hope to appear in opposition to the man- ner in which the bill is being drawn. Let me remind you that this is a legal business established by act of Congress. Let me further remind you that it is a highly competitive business—that the least unbal- ancing of taxes in one jurisdiction destroys the business in that jurisdiction and sends it into another community. I repeat my sympathy for the chronic al- coholics who continually appear in the police court. I pledge you that I would willingly do anything possible to aid them, and I be- lieve that anyone in the trade would do the same. But this bill will not do it. Agricultural Marketing Research at Earliest Possible Date Asked by Oregon Legislature EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following house joint memorial of the Oregon Leg- islature: House Joint Memorial 7 Whereas Oregon agriculture again faces the possibilities of an agricultural depression caused by surplus production; and Whereas a program of planned scarcity is neither an economic nor sensible solution to the problem; and Whereas increased consumption of agri- cultural products is the sound method of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD meeting the problem of surplus production of agricultural products; and Whereas the Seventy-ninth Congress en- acted the Hope-Fiannagan Act, Public Law 738, which provides for a marketing-research program to develop new and greater markets for agricultural products; and Wheres the act authorizes substantial an- nual appropriations for marketing research; and Whereas marketing research is of special interest to the State of Oregon because of the large variety of specialty crops it pro- duces: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives of the State of Oregon (the Senate jointly concurring theretn), That the Congress of the United States be urged to appropriate the funds authorized by the Hope-Piannagan bill for agricultural marketing research at the eartiest possible date; and be it further Resolved, That the secretary of state of the State of Oregon be authorised and directed to forward immediately certified copies of this joint memorial to the President of the United States, the President of the United States Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States, the Members of the Oregon congressional delega- tion, and the chairmen of House and Senate Agricultural Committees. Adopted by house February 12, 1947. Joun H. HALu, Speaker of House. Adopted by senate February 21, 1947, M. E. Cornett, President of Senate. Inside Labor EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. E. H. HEDRICK OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. HEDRICK. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp the follow- ing article from the Charleston Gazette, Charleston, W. Va., dated Friday, Feb- ruary 28, 1947, and entitled “Inside Labor”: INSIDE LABOR (By Victor Riesel) It’s a benevolent Congress we have. It spends millions keeping wildlife, itinerant birds, fish, seals, and sea otters happy. I didn't get any information from a mermaid. I got it from the national budget. This Government of ours, operating strangely in those block-square, multiwin- @owed Federal fortresses along Pennsylvanian and Constitution Avenues, spends $1,500,000 &@ year to keep fish alive—yet some congres- sional busybodies are planning to cut the funds which will keep coal diggers from dying a gasping, flaming death in some caved-in pit. We spend $819,307 yearly to protect seals and sea otters so the befurred Pribilof Island natives won’t be unhappy. But up on the Hill here Congressmen with spyglasses plan to slash the funds which might save some 12-year-old kid from sunstroke in fields and exhaustion in canning plants where he (or she) is working illegally for a few dollars a Gay. This country spends $6,000,000 each year to prevent white pine trees from getting blisters. We pour out $725,000 to learn why fish die. We dish out $2,000,000 for the well- being of migratory birds. We're so concerned with the good humor of mammals and birds that we hand out $853,000 to keep them in their native haunts. We disburse €125,000 so that the fishing crowd can have a Govern- ment fishery news publication. If you're tired of fish and game and ro- dents—$1,000,000 for the rats, incidentally— you might like to know we pay $320,000 so strong-lunged chaps can shout ‘Oyez, oyez” in Pederal courts each year. And under Pri- vate Law 438 this Government paid €4,500 for two medals for an admiral and a general. I’ve got nothing against the birds and the bees and white pine trees—but it’s five-star stupidity to put sea otters and wild ducks before men, women—yes, and children—who toil for their daily bread. And that’s just what Congress is doing. Millions are going for tribute to wildlife— and virtually nothing for defense of the aver- age employer and the average Joe in the average factory. Penny-picking Congressmen, for example, want to slash almost in half the United States Labor Department's operating bu<iget of $32,000,000 (less than what we pay to care for wild trees). This would force the Labor Department to fire almost half its 7,000 em- ployes and operate a major department with only 3,500 persons. And what will the penny-pickers save? They'll keep $400,000 from the Labor De- partment by sliashir, the Conciliaticn Sorv- ice. Who wins on that one? No one. The Nation's employers lose—and heavily. Last year the Conciliation Division settled 13,00 labor-management feuds and _ threatened stvikes without losing a single man-hcur in stoppages. Yet Cong ess wants to cripple the Division by depriving it of less than half the amount !t takes to protect otters in some frozen sea, What else will the penny-pickers save? They want to drop $2,000,000 from the Labor Department's Bureau of Labor Statis- tics—a division which does everything from service employers on details of labor agree- ments to set the index for alimony payments. All that to save 82,000,000—just abcut the amount the Government spends to keep mi- gratory birds good natured. In all, the penny-pickers proposed slash otf Labor Department funds comes to about $15,000,000 of the Department's @32,000,000 current operating expense. That $15,000,000 will provide a heyday for chiselers. The slash will cripple codes for training of GI appren- tices and Federal inspection of factory and mine safety measures (more than 2,000,000 workers were injured in 1946, 16.500 of them fatally). Their injuries cost management and labor $€3,500,000,000 (that’s right, billions). The division which keeps kids out of factories until they’ve had a chance to get some life into them; and the bureau which studies problems of women in industry will dis- appear like a ball off Hank Greenberg's bat. I think birds are wonderful. But I like people better than anybody. Congress should ease up on wildlife and spend its dollars to keep us humans in our natural habitat. The Right to Work: Who Will Protect It? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER C. PLOESER IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. PLOESER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include an article entitled “The A8l1 Right To Work: Who Will Protect It?” by David Lawrence: THE RIGHT To Work: WHO W111 Prorect IT? (By David Lawrence) (Closed-shop monopoly is contrary to fun- damental principles of democracy—individ- ual right to work supersedes group right to strike—duty of Congress is to protect inter- est of all the people.) The right to strike is considered by trade- union leaders to be inviolate. Let any legislator venture to propose that it be restricted and that the community be safeguarded against general strikes or work stoppages which interfere with the supply of food and necessities—and what do we hear in protest? From labor-union leaders of prominence comes a chorus of denunciation. Why, this is involuntary servitude. Who dares to con- sider the interests of the community to be above that of a union—as, for example, the United Mine Workers of America® When the great Government of the United States sought by simple injunction to enjoin a closed-shop labor-union monopoly from starving the Nation, the legal staffs of the AFL and the C1O went into action in defense against the common enemy—the vast major- ity of citizens who were being injured by the strike. Why, it was asserted, the very idea of as- suming that the Government of the United States can use the injunctive process to stop a strike. Didn't Congress deliberately deprive the Government of the power to protect itself when the Norris-LaGuardia Act was passed to abolish injunctione or re- straining orders against labor unions? Wasn't the Government itself barred from applying the law of self-preservation—the law that is higher than statute law? The mere posing of that question revealed the plight into which the relation of the Government to human society in America had fallen. RIGHT TO WORK IS FUNDAMENTAL It was, in effect, seriously argued that Con- gress, by a simple statvte, could take away fundamental rights from the citizens—rights inherent in the Constitution itself. For what is more fundamental than the righ‘. of every citizen to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"? What civil liberty is of greater import than the simole right to work? The labor-union leaders and many of the so-called liberals are quick to cry out against any discrimination by an employer who relates the test of Job qualification to the question of race, creed or color, »r poli- tics. Yet the job test in many industrics in America today actually is whether the worker will pay tribute to a union oligarchy, whether ho will yield his convictions and swear alle- giance to a union-~a wholly separate system of government which owes its chief support to a special privilege granted by the Govern- ment itself. How can anybody with the slightest respect for the word “liberalism” defend the prin- ciple of the “closed shop’? Under what theory of government can it be urged that the right to work in America must be ruled upon by a union board of directors and that the employer must be bound thereby? — CLOSED SHOP RARELY VOLUNTARY It alleviates the situation not a bit to say that the closed-shop contract is a private matter as between the employer and the union. It does not alter fundamentals one jota to say that the contracts are voluntary and hence legal, as the Wagner Act, with transparent dishonesty, avers. For everyone who wasn't born yesterday knows that closed- shop contracts have rarely been signed vol- untarily. They have been signed only as a result of a strike threat or a strike. Closed- shop contracts are about as voluntary as the
A812 ‘arrangement between the hold-up man and the victim who hands over his money at the point of a gun. There are those who rationalize the case for the closed shop. They say the nonunion minority should not be privileged to reap the benefits of the negotiations carried on by the majority, who pay the dues and pay for the work of the negotiators. This is plausible on its face but, after all, isn't this a@ matter for the individual worker to decide? Why must it be a matter of discipline en- forced by the employer at the behest of a union? Is trade-unionism so weak in its ad- vantages and doctrines that it cannot hope to persuade the minority to join the union and pay dues, but instead mus. use employer coercion to club them into submission? The real reason, of course, is not to cover the minority into membership to get their relatively small contributions in dues or in- itiation fees The real purpose is to get con- trol of the whole shop so that nobody can be hired who doesn't join and nobody can stay in his job who incurs the tre of the union Officers. Any kind of closed shop—sometimes called a union shop or maintenance of member- ship—is contrary to the fundamental prin- ciples of freedom-loving citizens who have been raised under a democracy. For a closed shop is a form of totali- tarianism. [t is utterly incompatible with democracy. To grant to any group of citizens the right to say who shall or shall not work is a scheme analogous to that which was set up under the NRA when a code authority was formed to manage each industry. That smacked of the corporate state and was promptly repudiated in 1935 by a unanimous opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States, with liberals like Justices Brandeis, Cardozo, and Stone concurring. The Court said that Congress could not delegate to any group of citizens the right to run American business or industry and to make laws therefor. The principle is just the same with respect to the closed shop. If the closed shop were proper for union groups, it would be proper for management groups, and we should drift into the vicious cartel system which is the foundation of fascism. The trouble with present-day union lead- ers is that they have been infected with col- lectivist doctrine. They do not see that the individual is the key to democracy and to the success of a free-enterprise system and that, if any regulating in the common interest has to be done to protect the state against the excesses of the individual, it is the govern- ment of all the people which must exercise the power to legislate. UNIONS CONTROL WORKERS’ LIVELIHOOD The national unions have become a sys- tem of government, They have laws and rules which are more powerful in affecting the opportunity to earn a livelihood or operate a business than any provision of the Wagner Act or wage-and-hour law. For nothing is more germane to the oppor- tunity of an individual than the right to work. The right to work is more sacred than the right to strike in a body. The right to work and the right of an individual to quit work are on the same level in a fundamental sense. But the right to strike as applied and exercised today is the right of a few individuals to order tens of thousands of other citizens to quit work, even though they do not wish to do so. The penalty is the permanent loss of a job in the one trade in which a worker may be qualified. The clesed shop gives to an oligarchy the right to force work stoppages. That oligarchy operates in totalitarian fashion. On this page last week we printed a frank statement by a former member of the international executive board of the CIO Steelworkers Union telling how littl2 democracy there is inside unions now- adays arid how much the whole thing re- sembies the totalitarian state. DEMOCRACY IMPERILED BY MONOPOLY True liberalism demands the abolition of any such restraint or monopoly power. To contend that the closed shop has been here a@ long time and should be accepted as cus- tom or that labor unions will be indignant and will dare to strike if Congress acts is to say that the Government has already become powerless. Whenever any group of citizens becomes bigger than the Government, ft is the duty of all the people to put such groups in their place, no matter how loud the cries of pain or indignation that come from those who are reluctant to give up special privileges. It is a stern duty of the Congress to pro- tect the right to work by removing from the Wagner Act the sanction written therein which gives legislative protection to the closed-shop monopoly. It has no more right on the statute books than would an amend- ment to the antitrust laws giving a group of stee) companies the right to determine whether a new competitor shall be admitted to the steel business or whether a company member of the group shall be penalized if it refuses to abide by the rules and regulations laid down by the board of directors of the trade association. The right to work is inviolate. No other labor-union rights are on a par with it and until the right of the individual to work is assured, superseding the collectivist right to engage in strikes or lock-outs, democracy in America 1s in peril. H.R. 2157 EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, it is most unfortunate that the people of these United States have been led to believe that the Gwynne bill, H. R. 2157, which passed the House last Friday, is a bill only to correct the situation arising from the so-called portal-to-portal suits. It is much more than that. It is, as its title properly indicates, a bill to limit the jurisdiction of the courts, and goes so far that the Judiciary Committee, after holding hearings, reported this bill to the House and found itself divided into five groups. Eighteen members were represented by the committee report, five members joined in a minority report, two members presented joint minority views, and two other members presented their individual views. Imagine having four minority reports on the one bill. All of us are agreed that of the many portal-to-portal suits filed a large num- ber would not stand up in court. There are pending, however, some valid suits, involving chiseling by unscrupulous em- ployers. These should be determined on their merit. They should be decided by the courts and their determination should not be barred by legislation. The bill goes further, however, and re- stricts to 1 year the time within which an employee may file claim against his em- ployer for wages to which he is entitled. The statutes of limitations governing APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD other classes of suits to recover money due run, on the average, to 3 years.: That being the case, I fail to see the justice of placing a 1-year limit on suits to recover wages earned. Section 2 (f) of this bill permits com- promising claims for back wages due under the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. While in the ordinary case com- promises of strictly,private rights of indi- dividuals are favored by the courts, the United States Supreme Court has held that claims under the Fair Labor Stand- ards Act are of a different category. and cannot be compromised. The reason is obvious, Claims due under the act are not merely private rights of individuals but are a matter involving public rights and interest. The purpose of the act was to create a uniform Nation-wide policy of guaranteeing every worker entitled to the benefits of the act a basic minimum wage and payment of overtime and to prevent chiselers from gaining an unfair com- petitive advantage by paying sweat-shop wages. If claims can be settled for less than the minimum requirements of the act, it would mean that the honest em- ployers will be paying the full statutory amount while the chiseler who is a good bargainer will not. As a result the act would be meaningless and the sole yard- stick for paying wages will be how good a bargainer the employer is. The employee who needs the protec- tion of the act the most is the lowest paid and financially defenseless. Most of these are unorganized and do not know what their rights under the statute are. When an employer offers them an amount as full settlement of their claims, which by itself is a considerable sum, many will accept the compromise even though, unknown to them, it is only a fraction of what is due. Even when these employees know that the employer is settling for less than the full amount required, they are not in a Position to object. The low-paid bread- winner with a wife and children depend- ing on his day-to-day wages cannot afford to stand up against his employer and assert his rights. To him a half a loaf is better than none even though the Congress of the United States has determined that he is due a whole loaf. The only employer who will benefit by this provision is the chiseler who thinks that it is smart business-to exploit the American worker. Any compromise he will offer will be no more than a take-it- or-leave-it proposition with no attempt to reach a mutually satisfactory settle- ment. Under the present law a worker forced to resort to the courts to collect wages rightfully his under the law, recovers not only those wages but an equal additional amount as damages. A worker who has been deprived of his just wages until he actually recovers them after a time- consuming lawsuit has clearly sustained real damages. Surely the employer who has withheld the wages lawfully due and thereby gained competitive advantage over the law-abiding employer should be required to pay for the damage done. But the committee’s bill penalizes the honest employer, penalizes t/ne already
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD underpaid employee—and rewards the chiselers—for i‘, requires the employee to prove that tne employer acted in bad faith, and even then leaves the award of damages entirely to the discretion of the trial court. Thus the enforcement of supposedly national standards would vary in each and every court in the land and employers would be encouraged to disregard the statute’s standards, secure that even if they got caught they would pay no more than they should have paid in the first place. Moreover, if they can get away with it for one short year, they are safe—the employee has no redress and the law-abiding em- ployer is under a handicap. These p.ovisions of the bill defeat the bencficent purposes of the act—and by no stretch of the imagination have any real bearing on the _ portal-to-portal question. I agree with the conclusion of the mi- nority report that this bill will accom- plish a virtual destruction of any stand- ards in Jabor practices. I think many of the provisions of this bill might ac- complish this destruction, and I invite your attention to what I consider a par- ticularly vicious provision, that is. sec- tion 2 (g) which makes the award of dameges for violation of the law a matter wholly within the discretion of the individual courts. Can anyone con- ceive of any degree of uniformity in the enforcement of this law, which is sup- posed to establish national minimum labor standards, if each and every State or Federal court in which an action is brought may decide in each case what underpaid employees shall recover? I can hardly conceive of a more effective way of promoting unfair competition at the expense of low-paid workers and of insuring a complete break-down in en- forcement of the act. Archbishop Stepinac EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE O}F REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, in Jan- uary, at the request of the Holy Re- deemer Athletic Association, of Roches- ter, N. Y., I protested to the Secretary of State regarding the grave injustice done to Archbishop Stepinac by the present Yugoslav Government in sentencing him to imprisonment at hard labor for a period of 16 years. Now I have received from the com- mander of the Streb-Lappan-Klem American Legion Post, of Rochester, a forceful denunciation of this example of godiess tyranny. Enclosed in the letter are the stirring words of the Archbishop of Zagreb, uttered in his own defense, at the travesty of justice called a trial. As one of the Protestant faith, I com- mend in the highest terms the Catholic organizations and the American Legion posts who have taken up the fight to as- sure that, even if the release of Archbish- op Stepinac cannot be effected because of the unwillingness of our Department of State to inject itself into what is considered the internal administration of a foreign power, at least the sacrifices of this courageous man of God will not have been in vain. The treatment he ha: received has shocked the conscience of the Christian world. Those responsible, who know not, the meaning of justice under law, should be made to understand that Archbishop Stepinac is to the American people a symbol of courageous godliness in the face of tyrannical abuses and excesses with few parallels in history. Under leave to ext:nd my remarks, 1] include the letter which I have men- tioned from the American Legion post. I had intended also to include the full text of the inspiring aetense address of Archbishop Stepinac but will not dupli- cate the action just taken by my col- league from New York. Stree-LappAN-KLEM AMERICAN LEGION Post, 1591, Roucheste), N. Y., February 22, 1947 The Honorable KENNETH B. KeaTINcG, The House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sim: We are presenting herewith a man's statement which deserves a just hearing. It is a true copy of the words of Aloysius Stepinuac, archbishop of Zagreb, Yugoslavia, at his recent trial. Despite this forthright defense, the Partisan court sen- tenced him to 16 years’ imprisonment at haid labor. This American Legion post is named in memory of three men who lost their lives in World War II, men who went to war inspired by the four freedoms, the Atlantic Charter, and the desire to bring these basic human rights to their fellowmen. We respectfully call your attention to the shocking violation of human rights in this case, an example, we believe, of Tito tyranny. As our Congressman, we think you can- not be indifferent to this injustice. The present Yugoslav Government owes its existence to the diplomatic and military sup- port of this Government. Its survival has been made possible by our continued diplo- matic recognition and generous financial support. This case is a clear one of religious persecution. The state flagrantly violates the civil and religious rights of one of its own subjects. We strongly recommend the reading of this noble defense in the Halls of Congress in order that appropriate action may be taken. Very sincerely yours, JouHN M. Henass, Commander. World Role for United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr, Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude the following interesting but chal- lenging article written by Hanson W. A813 Baldwin, and appearing in the New York Times of March 2, 1947: WORLD ROLE FoR UNIIED STATES-- SURVIVAI. OF WESTERN CiviLizaTION Is Hrip To DEPEND ON Our ACTIONS (By Hanson W. Baldwin) Heavy are the responsibilities of power, and never heavier than in this age of dissolution and decay of old values and the emergence from the dust of dead empires of a new world order. Today, the torrent of history is seeking a new channel. The forces of the surging waters are conflicting and convulsive, roiled and troubled; they tear at the dam o! the past and undermine the ramparts of tradi- tion. They will not be stayed but they can be guided. The United States today lies squarely in the stream of history; it cun guide that stream or be swept away by it. The new is inevitable; ehange is certain, but that change can be either malevolent or salu- tury. The United States, far more than any other single factor, is the key to the destiny of tomorrow; we alone may be able to avert th decline of western civilization, and a re- version to nihilism and the Dark Ages. Today's situation was neither unexpected nor unforetold. Plague and pestilence, suf- fering and disaster, famine and hardship, and the complete economic and political dis- location of the world we had known was cer- tain to follow World War II. Titanic con- vulsions were the inevitable consequence of the titanic eruption of history's greatest war CONVULSIONS IN EUROPE We are today in the midst of those con- vulsions. Germany is divided and broken, slowly starving, a cancerous growth in the heart of western Europe, a breeding place for the dark philosophy of Nietzsche. There festers in her ruins the poison of fascism. the virus of communism; either totalitar- ianism flourishes in decadence and destruc- tion, In the Netherlands, the wealth of the In- dics no longer build stately mansions; scores of thousands of Dutch want to emigrate from a broken Europe. Belgium is scarred by old wounds and an- client animosities, and France—still politi- cally bankrupt and ethically and intellec- tually confused—lies weak and torn and di- vided. Communism is strong in France, in the labor unions, in the Army, in the Air Force, in the Government, in the under- ground; it could precipitate civil war at any time, More than 20,000 irregulars, remnants of the Spanish republican forces, and French Communists form a rag-tug, bobtatled army. owing no allegiance to France, which fs scat- tered in southern France opposite the Span- ish frontier, and is supplied intermittently with arms and equipment by Russia. Communism is strong in Italy; the still secret peuce treaty terms dealing with the disposition of ships of the Italian Fleet may— when published—strengthen the lett, All eastern Europe lies behind the iron curtain, and Greece, riven by strife, is the new frontier. The Palestine issue is still un- settled, and in China the civil war is increas- ing in tempo. EMPIRE IN LIQUIDATION But most important to the course of his- tory is the plight of Britain. Winston Churchill said he did not intend to preside at the liquidation of the British Empire, but that is what is occurring today. The world's “Pax Brittanica” was kept in decades past by the power of the British pound and the power of the British Fleet, supplemented by allies and a small but efficient Regular Army scattered over half the world.
A814 Today the power of the British pound has lost its magic, and the British peoples, stripped of the wealth of empire and bowed under a crushing burden of taxation, are trying—in an economic sense—to pull them- selves up by thelr bootstraps. This means that the British pound will no longer be available in Greece and in other areas of the earth to back up the forces of western civilization; this means, inevitably in time, the reduction in size of the British Army, the British Navy, the British Air Force, with consequent creations, unless we fill them, of power vacuums in many un- stable regions of the earth. Nature and communism abhor vacuums. And there c7n now be no doubt; indeed, there has never been serious doubt of the aggres- sive and expanding policy of the Soviet Gov- ernment Communism, as practiced in the world today, is a doctrine of fanatical viru- lence; its disciples justify and preach the pernicious philosophy that the ends justify any means” As long as such a government holds power in Moscow there can be no real or lasting compromise with the values which western civilization has held high for 2,000 years, Yet Russia today is far wenker than the United Statcs, and may, indeed, Jong remuin 80, unless the heart and soul and spirit and will of the American people succumb to de- cay. The Russians do not yet have the atomic bomb, and many of their key indus- tries—despite public assertions to the con- trary—are considerably more concentrated and vulnerable than are ours. The frantic Russian search for second-rate and third-rate atomic scientists and engi- neers in the countries bordering their fron- tiers indicate that the Soviet is still some distance from achieving the atomic bomb, although one recent estimate—crit:c.zed by Bome as pessimistic—indicates that Russia may have the bomb and a fleet of perhaps 500 to 1,200 very long-range heavy bombers to carry it by 1950. The Russians have virtually no Navy: their immediate attempt to compensate for our superiority at sea is confined largely to sub- marine development and construction, based on German designs. But the United States has a clear and major lead in the air and, so far as can be learned, a smaller technological advantage in missiles and other new weapons, an ad- vantage greatly aided by the superiority of our industry. But our land forces are weak, indeed, compared even with the demobilized Army of Russia. RUSSIA AVERSE TO WAR Russia is economically weak; she is ex- periencing severe shortages, particularly of food, and certainly wants no major war in the near future. But there is no doubt that her Government will take advantage of every weakness and will move into any power vacuum. All this means that today the United States and Russia are face to face in a strug- gle for the world, a conflict short of war, but a struggle, nevertheless, that wil’ alter world history. The weakness of Britain and France, and the virtual dissolution of the rest of western Europe means that the United States, and only the United States, is capa- ble of sustaining western civilization. Yet it is the inherent tragedy of our times that few of the American people seem to have a sense of historical responsibility, of their own personal responsibility for the future of history, of the national responsibility that inevitably goes with the power and the glory. Today we have in real truth no finished, over-all military policy; our fighting forces are handicapped not only by demands for economy but by lack of legislation, and by piecemeal legislation. There is no rounded and complete policy to guide them in ore ganization or development of our post-war forces. The formulation of a sound and well- rounded military policy, which will provide effective support for our foreign policy, and promote efficiency and reasonable economy is probably the most important job of this session of Congress. Urges System of Payments in Lieu of Taxes Based on Fair Value of Forest Lands and Other Real Property of United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to exiend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following memorial of the Oregon Legislature: House Joint Memorial 9 To the Honorable Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled: We, your memorialists, the House of Rep- rescntatives and the Senate of the State of Oregon, in legislative session atsembled, most respectfully represent and petition as fol- lows: Whereas there are now pending in the Congress of the United States of America certain measures designed to abolish the present method of making in lieu tax p.y- ments to States and their local taxing sub- divisions on account of national forest lands and other real property owned by the United States, and to substitute therefor a system of annua: payments based on equitable per- centages of the fair value of such lands; and Whereas such payments in lieu of taxes unc :r existing Federal statutes are based on varying percentages of the receipts, if any, derived from the administration of such property, which receipts vary greatly from year to year and provide a very uncertain source of revenue which the local taxing subdivisions of the State of Oregon are un- able to anticipate or forecast with any de- gree of accuracy in order that they may be included in their budgets in conformity with local constitutional and statutory require- ments; Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives of the State of Oregon (the Senate jointly concurring therein), That the Congress of the United States be and it hereby is, memorialized, and this Forty-tourth Legis- lative Assembly of the State of Oregon does hereby petition that honorable body to enact such remedial legislation and to place in op- eration a system of payments in lieu of taxes based on the fair value of national forest lands and other real property of the United States as soon as circumstances will permit; and be it further Resolved, That the secretary of state of the State of Oregon be, and he hereby is, directed to transmit copies of this memorial to the President of the Senate, to the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States, and to each Senator and Rep- resentative therein, representing the people of the State or Oregon. Adopted by house February 14, 1947. Joun H. HAtt, Speaker of House. Adopted by senate February 21, 1947, M. E. Cornetr, President of Senate. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Address of Attorney General Tom C. Clark EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MIKE MANSFIELD OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. MANSFIELI) of Montana. Mr. Speaker, under leave to exiend my re- marks in the REcorp, I :nclude the fol- lowing address by Tom C. Clark, Attorney General of the United States, before the Veterans of Foreign Wars, Statler Hotel, Washington, D.C. Saturday, Feb- ruary 22, 1947: Commander Starr, Colonel funsicker, and fellow veterans, the honor I fee] on being in- vited to address you is wholesnmely tem- pered by the knowledge that . am the only no-star “general” present. I am provd to say, nowever, thet 1, too, am a veteran of our country's armed forces, war before last. More important, I share with you, as only one who has been a top sergeent himself can share it, the resolve that for our sons and daughters, there will be no next war. And as we had our problems back in 1918- 19, the memory of those disturbed times gives us a better understanding and a fuller sympathy With the present generation on their long, long trail to battlefields over- seas, and home again. In World War II, you know, there was a bit of advice that gained currency among the boys in the Army. It went like this: If it moves, salute it. If It doesn’t move, pick it up. If you can't pick it up, paint it. Today, with those boys back with their families, new problems confront them. And that advice has been changed to fit the occasion. Now it goes: If it cries, change it. If it’s on wheels, buy it. If it’s vacant, rent it. Since the time of George Washington, whose memory we honor on this day, the two hundred and fifteenth anniversary of bis birth, the domestic problems that grow out of war, the economic upheavals, the difi- culties of readjustment, the growls and the gripes, have been pretty much the same in every war our country has fought. So much has been said and written about Washington that from this distance down the long road of history, we are sometimes in danger of missing the truth for the cherry trees. But if you dig back into the history of those formative days of our Nation, you will find there the same war frauds, the same profiteers, the same rent gougers, the troubles when the boys came home—counterparts of almost every situa- tion we have faced in the aftermath of this greatest war of all. I say almost every situation. But this time there is one exception. And it is im- portant—so important that for the world of our children, it means the making or the breaking. The difference this time is that we have had our last war for civilization. We can- not win another war. If there ts a next war the only winners will be the moles, the bats, and the carrion things that crawl] a broken, silent earth. This we know. We have had it demon- strated to us—most fearfully. And nobody disagrees, The astonishing thing, the shocking thing, is that with this knowledge before them . as clearly and as certainly as night follows day, there can be so many among us who
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD are doing their utmost to bring on just such @ war. History shows us that there are several very effective, tried-and-true ways to bring on war in the world. One is to crawl into our shell and tell ourselves that the rest of the world can go hang. Every time we have tried that we have found ourselves faced with Ben Frank- lin’s off-quoted alternative—of hanging to- gether or hanging separately. Another way to bring on war, also his- torically tested and found practically sure fire, is for a nation to squeeze its neighbors in the vice of its own greed—to insist on selling to them without buying from them; to build tariff walls over which they cannot Geliver their product, thereby creating such economic chaos that the whole world be- comes engulfed in war. And a third way—perhaps the most dan- gerous way of all to risk a war—is to ask for it by being unprepared to fight. This was as true in the day of Washing- ton as it is now. I can think of no better authority to cite than the Pather of our Country, George Washington, who said: “If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace— one of the powerful instruments of our rising prosperity—it must be known that we are at all times ready for war.” Again and again, Washington repeated his warning against the kind of “economy” that we have been hearing of late. In his first annual message to Congress in 1790, he said: “To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace.” In a letter to Elbridge Gerry, he said: “There ts nothing so likely to produce peace as to be well prepared to meet an enemy.” Of course it costa to be well prepared to meet an enemy. Even after sifting out the gold braid, the frills, and the fruit salad from the real essentials of national defense and cutting to the bone—the figure is high— some $11,000,000,000. A big sum? Of course it’s big. So big that you and I can't see around it in one jook. But so is the explosion of an atom bomb big. So big that you and I couldn't even look at it—not twice anyway—for once makes, you permanently blind. Little wars aren't fought any more—not when we are drawn into them. We can't come out sec- ond. Another Texan, Gen. Ira Eaker, put it right when he said: “A second-best army is ike a second-best poker hand-—-and it brings the same result.” Well, some folks have sat themselves down, taken out their pencils, and begun to figure. Some seem to think they know better than the men of the high command who led our armed forces to victory in World War II. They must think that men like General Eisenhower and General Marshall and Ad- miral Nimitz and Admiral Leahy didn’t know their business. And just to show you how little Eisen- hower and Marshall und Nimitz and Leahy knew about it, these people, with their lit- tle pencils, attempt to prove that the armed forces should have only $6,000,000,000. Yes, sir, almost in half. Marshall and Eisen- hower and Nimitz and Leahy on those fig- ures would be off by almost 50 percent! Now if you do believe that, then you must agree that we ought to fire Eisenhower, Mar- shall, Nimitz, and Leahy. We ought to com- bine the armed forces—both tanks, both ships, and all three gune—and make these _ pencil pushers the generalisstmos. If we are to have any such 2-cent army, they de- serve the high command, for they certainly exhibit penny wisdom. The wisdom of George Washington has been proved time and again, but never was it more applicable than at this moment. Sec- retary of State George Marshall is about to meet the spokesmen for the leading powers that were allied with us in winning the war. The American people are, at this moment, friends with the world. There is no war in the offing. But friendly nations, engaging in the give-and-take that we call diplomacy, seldom see the world and its problems eye to eye. They seek meeting grounds somewhere between original viewpotnts that may be far apart. That is the case today. Our Secretary of State ts undertaking to reach an agreement with the other powers on one of the most important of all postwar problemsa— the prob- lem of Germany. History, perhaps destiny itself, is in the making in this hour. But our neighbor nations, peace-seeking though they may be, will deal with us realis- tically. If we approach them as the most powerful nation on earth, they will deal with us in one way. But make no mistake about this, my friends—if we approach them as a third-rate power, they will deal with us in quite another way. Yes: we are strong. But our strength us of this moment is not what counts. If we adopt a course now that points in the direc- tion of a third-rate status for America, our neighbors will not be ignorant of that fact. They will know. And they will anticipate. And our spokesmen will very soon discover that America’s opinion, America's hope, America’s will, has lost weight in the world. When we contrast the world of Wuashing- ton's day with the world as we find it, there is no escaping the fact that the responsibili- ties and the perils of the United States of America are now immeasurably more vast. You who have served with our forces over- seas know that not only is the world today @ smaller one in every sense than it was in 1776, but that our stake in peace and pros- perity throughout the world is tremendously greater. The oceans on either side of us are, in comparison, but lakes. And, of course, the pathways of the air not only invite the universal spread of trade and commerce, but are pathways for the new weapons which man has created Our first emphasis in this new world must be upon extending the benefits of trade and commerce, so that the condi- tions upon which peace and amicable rela- tionships rest can exist throughout the en- tire globe. Yet, at the same time, the responsibilities which the maintenance of peace and se- curity throughout the world impose upon this Nation, and upon the other members of the United Nations, deserve a place of equal prominence. The preservation of peuce, through the United Nations, imposes a con- tinuing duty upon us. In the interest of peace itself, we must remain strong. President Truman is also studying the problem of universal training for the youth of this country. We all know the path which we have followed in the past of preparing for war after war had descended upon us. We all know the disasters and tragedies that have resulted from that policy. In an atomic age we cannot afford to gamble with fate. We must take steps to insure preparedness on the part of the men who will be called upon as citizen soldiers to share in our de- fense if war comes—we cannot afford to rely solely upon a small standing army. The details of the President’s program are now being formulated. I believe he plans to send @ message to the Congress on that subject in the near future. But I am sure that one of the keystones of the President’s view of universal training is the training it will give, not solely in military science, but in the broad factors of character building. By this I mean those factors which will come from emphasis upon citizenship, physical fit- ness, cooperation and teamwork. As you know, I have been greatly con- cerned for the past 2 years over the problem of juvenile delinquency. The postwar world is a harsh one. It has produced a vast num- ber of problems for the youth of America. A815 I have tried to do my part in extending a helping hand to young men and women who have fallen prey to its temptations. I think real progress is being made by the many State and local organizations that are work- ing on this problem. At the sume time, I think that one of the great contributions the Federal Government can muke along this line is to provide a system of universal training which will provide real and substuntial bene- fits for the young men purticipatine in it. It was George Washington who, when the war had been won, told the Governors of the States: “T will speak to your Excellencies the language of freedom and of security with- out disguise—there are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to the well being, I may even venture to suy, to the existence, of the United States, as an in- dependent power: “First, an indissoluble union of the States under one Federal head. “Second, a regard of public justice. “Third, the adoption of a proper peace establishment; and “Fourth, the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity; and in some instances to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the com- munity.” Indeed we do have an indissoluble Union. We gave much of our-blood to achieve this in the battle between the States. As to public justice. Washington's second essential, I have much to do with that. We now face two great menaces in America—fascism and communism. Both are totalitarian, antireligious, and mate- rialistic. In fact, they wear the same clcak. Both are the opposite to the American way of life. If other folks want communism, Jet them have it. But it has no place here with us in America. You met the Hitler and Mussolini brands of Fascism and defeated them on the battle- field. We must arise and focus the spot- light of public opinion upon Red and Black fascism and build up barriers of com- mon decency through which it cannot penetrete. You defeated dictatorship with bullets— and we can defeat Red and Black commun- ism with brains. Lixe crime, we cannot permit America to become infested with its malignant growth. I count on you to help. And now for the fourth and last essential as outlined by Washington. We must, in- deed, cast aside our prejudices and hatreds. There is no place here for intolerance and bigotry. America is made up of all nationalities. As Washington so aptly put it, we must sacrifice our individual advantages to the interest of the community. Our country cannot be divided by individual greed. We must act and we shall act for the best interest of all the people. I pray God that in this fateful hour the will and the wisdom of George Washington will prevail. Shall We Save $6,000,000,0007 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NOAH M. MASON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. MASON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- oap, I include the following radio address
A816 by the distinguished former Member of the House, “The Gentleman From In- diana,” Mr. Pettengill: SHALL WE SAVE $6,000,000,000? Last Thursday the House of Representa- tives voted to reduce spending next year by $6,000,000,000. They did this to avoid seri- ous trouble. One of the two or three largest banks in America says: “The national budget is out of control un- less Congress, with the backing of the public, can reestablish control over expenditures and put us on the sound road of paying off debt and lightening the tax load. * * * We are heading for serious trouble.” Mind you, they do not say we will have trouble. They say we will have trouble un- less. The problem, the bank says, “is to arouse the people to the danger that they may demand and support action by Con- gress.” There you.have it—unless you de- mand action. President Truman declares: “There is no justification now for tax reduction.” Let's Bee about that. Let’s compare some of Mr. Truman's demands for your money with the last peacetime year under Mr. Roosevelt. That was the year 1939, when there were still 8,000,000 unemployed to be helped, whereas now the Nation is at work. In 1939 the Federal Government spent $9,000,000,000. This coming year Mr. Tru- man demands $37,500,000,000. This is four times as much as Mr. Roose- velt spent, It will average $1,000 in taxes for every family in the United States of America. Mr. Truman demands three times as much as Mr. Roosevelt for running the White House and its staff. Do you think some tiny bit of that might be saved? VAST LABOR DEPARTMENT FUND Mr. Truman demands four times as much as Mr. Roosevelt for running the Department of Labor. What has that Department done this past year on the matter of preventing strikes—to justify striking us now for four times as much as in 1939? Mr. Truman demands 13 times as much as Mr. Roosevelt for running the Department of Commerce. That, you will recall, was once Harry Hopkins’ and Henry Wallace's Depart- ment. Do you think the Department of Commerce might get along next year by tak- ing out of your pockets just a little some- thing less than 13 times as much as Harry Hopkins spent running it? Mr. Truman demands 13 times as much as Mr. Roosevelt for public housing and other community facilities. Do you think they might possibly squeeze by with less than 13 times what was spent on the various Tugwell towns of the Roosevelt era? Now, if I were comparing Mr. Truman with what was spent by Calvin Coolidge or Grover Cleveland, Mr. Truman might have an argu- ment. But the comparison is with Mr. Roose- velt who, without a war, was the greatest spender of public funds the world has ever known and who, in 4 years as Governor of New York, and 12 years as President, ran in the red every one of those 16 years. RAT HOLES AND YOUR MONEY Well, those are just a few of the rat holes your money is going to be thrown into unless you wake up. For some Members of the Con- gress you elected last fall are showing signs of playing ball with the bureaucrats—and not with you. Here's a juicy little item given us by Con- gressman TABER, who is the Harry Byrp of the Republican Party. Taser is chairman of the Appropriations Committee, and is fighting like a bulldog to do what you elected the Congress to do. Taner tells us that the Washington office of the OPA has more em- ployees getting $4,000 a year and up than it has getting less than 84,000. “More generals than privates,” as he puts it. They have 122 economists, 147 accountants, 168 lawyers, and 6 historians, in the Wash- ington office. Six historians. One historian, Woodrow Wilson, wrote an eight-volume history of the whole United States—from Christopher Co- lumbus on down. One historian, Gibbon, wrote the monumental History of the Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire, covering 500 years. But OPA has six historians. Washington is running out of the ears with historians. Yet Mr. Truman tells us that we can't cut taxes a single dime. WAKE UP TO THE FACTS I told you 2 weeks ago that you have got to wake up to the fact that your Federal Government has become a huge racket, pad- ding pay rolls just as Tammany and Frank Hague, and the Hinky Dinks and the Bath- house Johns padded their pay rolls, and for the same reason—to keep themselves in power. Here is proof on that point. At- torney Genera] Clark told a congressional committee the other day that whenever a bureau chief wants a promotion—and that, of course, is all the time—he hires a bigger staff so as to look important. Well, of course, everybody who has been in Washington a month knows that is true, but it is mighty refreshing for one Cabinet officer to admit it, and I commend Mr. Clark for his frankness and honesty. He is turn- ing out to be the best Attorney General we have had in blue moon. The way he inter- vened, no doubt with President Truman's approval, tn the portal-to-portal racket, and stood up to John L. Lewis in the coal strike deserves a vote of thanks. But to return to what happens to your money—your pay envelope. We are leaking money all over this globe. Now, I know, a lot of people go around on tiptoe and say. “We can disagree on do- mestic policy, but we've got to be united on foreign policy.” I say, “Why? And on what subjects? Foreign policy costs money just the same as domestic policy.” Now, listen to this: Italy is asking $100,000,000 from us. That is the very same amount Russia is extracting from Italy. We pay Italy 100,000,000. Italy turns it over to Russia. Not only that, but Italy must pay 8125,000,000 additional to Yugoslavia, which is run by Stalin's stooge, Tito, who shot down our airmen. All told, we have contributed $1,000,000,000 in goods and services to Italy since she quit fighting. A quarter of that billion Italy must pay over to build up communism in Europe under treaties which we are a party to. ARMING A PROSPECTIVE FOE? Having done that to build up Communist Russia, we next demand universal military conscription of American youth and $11,000,- 000,000 for national defense, when the only nation We may need to defend against for a long time is Communist Russia. Does that make any sense to you? When anybody in Washington says that all the workingmen and farmers and school ma’ams in America who pay and pay and pay, must hush their mouths on foreign policy, I say—Nuts. I claim that the little homes all over Amer- ic who furnish the boys who do the dying in foreign wars, have the right to know what is going on in foreign policy and pass jucg- men’ on it, and don't deserve to be given the “hush-hush" by anybody—Democrat or Republican. As a matter of fact, you could save some taxes by demanding that every Communist, and near-Communist, in the State Depart- ment and in all other departments be kicked out before another week goes by. There is a strong argument for spending billions of dollars next year for military ap- propriations to keep Communist Russia from sweeping over the world. But if that is so, why should we spend money paying the sale APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD aries of Communist termites and stooges right in our own Government buildings? That we are doing that, you have the word of former Senator La Follette, of Wisconsin. Well, here’s another sweet morsel—the Post Office Department. It’s running in the red, too. President Truman demands that postal rates be increased. He is absolutely right on that if the deficit is not due to inefficiency and waste. But here's the point: POST OFFICE IN THE RED American Socialists point to the Post Office Department as exihibit A in favor of Govern- ment ownership of business, and the politi- cal management of business. Let’s look at exhibit A: Do you know that during the past 120 years the post office has operated at a profit only 7 percent of the time and at a loss 93 percent of the time? Do you know that in second- and third- class mail, in parcel post, money orders, reg- istered mail, insured mail, special delivery, and c. 0. d. service, the Government is losing money in every one of them? And this, when the postal business is on the boom? Do you know that first-class letter mail 1s the only branch of the post office that pays its way, and that it does so only because it is a monopoly by statute, as the law forbids any private enterprise to compete with it in carrying first-class mail? Well, that is the fact. But if the post office is a shining ex- ample of socialism in action, I'll take vanilla. When John Wanamaker was Postmaster General he said the Government could save several hundred million dollars a year if it turned the mail business over to private en- terprise, which can't charge its losses to you and therefore has to keep the leaks plugged up. But, of course, if we did that we'd have to get someone else to hand out the political plums beside the Postmaster General, SQOMF EXCELLENT TESTIMONY Can we run the country for 86,000,000,000 less? Here are four men who ought to know. Every one of them served as Under Secretary of the Treasury, and three of them in the Roosevelt administration. They know the inside of Government finance; they know how the bureaucrats pad their estimates with & big margin to spare. These four men are Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, Arthur Ballan- tine, John W. Hanes, and Roswell Magill. They join in saying that a $6,000,000,000 cut leaves “more than enough to run the Federal Government.” What is $6,000,000,000? Look at it this way: If a man earns 61 an hour, 40 hours a week, and has steady work for 50 years from the time he is 20 until he becomes 3 score and 10, he will earn $100,000. This shows that $1,000,000,000 represents the uninterrupted lifetime work of 10,000 men. Six billion dollars are the life earnings of 60,000 men. So, instead of talking about saving $6,000,000,000, let us ask whether we want to save the lifetime toil of 60,000 men. In fact, as they would need at least 80 per- cent of what they earned to live on, and could pay no more than 20 percent in with- holding taxes, you would need 300,000 men. THINK ABOUT THIS SENTENCE! Wouldn't you think a long time before sen- tencing 300,000 young men to a life sentence to support 1 year’s waste in Washington? So it all come down to this: How much of what you make are you willing to turn over to the Government to spend, or to waste? That is up to you. Don’t think you are help- less in this matter. Tell your Congressman what you want him todo. Tell him in words of one syllable. Tell him, “Stop waste. Re- duce the debt. Cut my taxes.” Join or organize taxpayers’ committees. Discuss this matter in labor union meetings—all kinds of meetings. Write letters to your local paper. Remember this. Every tax cut amounts to @ Wage increase for you. Every waste of Gov- ernment money is deducted from your pay envelope.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD General Eisenhower’s Address in St. Louis EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK M. KARSTEN OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ‘Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. KARSTEN of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address of Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower in St. Louis on February 24: Through this historic city flowed the pio- neer energy that expanded the Nation beyond the plains and mountains to thre Pacific. Our national history, short in years, rich in mani- fold development and growth, has been 17 decades crammed with achievement, Men and women, inspired by faith in man's dig- nity, goaded by conviction in man’s responsi- bility, labored that this land might be a better hom? for those who followed them. Because every American generation at- tacked its problems with fresh vigor, we have peopled a continent, subdued its prairies and wilderness, tamed its rivers, and devoted its resources to the betterment of those who dwell init. The concepts of government, de- signed by our forefathers to assure all men freedom, justice, and equality before the law, have been sustained and amplified in this land of vast resources so that the United States is today the world's most prominent citadel of human rights and the greatest provider of human opportunity. From the days of the fur trade and the settlers’ wagon trains St. Louis has funneled and fed our epic westward growth. Through- out its colorful history, this city and the Army were in closest association. Here was Fort Bellefontaine, our first Army post west of the Mississippi. This was the operating base for the soldiers who explored the West and later harnessed its rivers. Here lived and served great military leaders—Grant, in the dark days of Hurdscrabble Farm; Lee. as river engineer and cayalry commander at Jefferson Barracks. Not fur away were born and reared two of our modern military great—Porshing and Bradley—and the Army’s Commander in Chief, the President. To every soldier St. Louis brings memories of those who served before him; to every American St. Louis sym- bolizes the spirit and will that built a great Nation. GOALS OF THE FUTURE Today the future holds for us goals that exceed our past accomplishments and it im- poses responsibilities weighty beyond those we have borne, Twice in our generation we have had to defend our heritage by resort to arms. The time approaches, however, when resort to arms may leave the wilderness as the only conqueror. But the certainty is also here that if we can eliminate wars from the face of the earth this country and all the world can reach new heights of prosperity and happiness, exceeding even the most sanguine dreams of our forebears, Between us and the attainment of all the hopes represented in a permanently peaceful world runs a tortuous and even dangerous path; its successful negotiation will demand all we have of faith in ourselves and in de- mocracy; all the labor of our hearts and minds and bodies; all our mora] and material strength. Should we falter in our forward march or shirk our duty we jeopardize not only world peace but our very existence. A soldier's hopes for the dawn of eternal peace are possibly more vivid than those of men who have not lived through the night- mare of the battlefeld. Moreover, the soldier, like all others, realizes that security, XCII—App.——52 in the absolute sense, cannot be achieved by force. Its perfect state can never be attained by any nation until it is enjoyed by all, which will mean that armed forces, beyond policing elements, will be forever gone. But until a truly effective organization can be fully trusted our own relative security must rest firmly in our own hands. Thcre is no bright future for the slack or the fatuously complacent among nations. There is no security for those who shy at its burden. Security is the reason for the Army's exist- ence. In the early days of the West the Army was a neighborly force that intimately served the people. It protected them daily and assisted in many fields. Its strength and composition, based on the needs of the grow- ing nation, were relatively easy to compute. On our coasts were a limited number of vital points exposed to destruction or capture, re- quiring a definite number of men and guns for their defense. Against Indian forays a measurable number of posts and soldiers were needed. There was, then, no possibility of lightning attack that could obliterate a city, cripple an army. or shatter a fleet. It is stil] the same Army, a protective cloak for the people it serves, designed and tailored for their security requirements. But it grows increasingly difficult to state, at a given time, exactly what constitutes adequate defense. Every changing factor in the global situa- tion—the mood of an international confer- ence, the outcome of a test-tube experiment, the discovery of a mineral lode, even the abundance of un annual harvest—each of these has its impact on our security in a world where isolation is impossible. One example is at your very door. Today hunger stalks many sections of the earth, and when men are themselves starving and see before their eyes their families and loved ones wasting away it is idle to talk of peace and freedom and the rule of right. No excess, no act that we nominally class as crime will balk man, either individually or collectively, from attempts to satisfy this basic need. Here, virtually at the confluence of the three great river valleys that produce a sig- nificant portion of the world's food, you are widely insulated by distance from direct con- tact with these hungry areas. Nevertheless, there is a clear and inescapable relationship between the Missouri! farm, world stability, and your Army's responsibilities. QUESTION OF ARMED SECURITY No sane American, aware of the world's need for our stabilizing influence, denies the essential role of armed strength for our ow1 security and for the maintenance of peace. The important question is how much, for likewise no one denies the crying need for economy. Neither of these conflicting re- quirements can be ignored; in every military activity and project they must be considered together. Economy, insofar as it confines expendi- tures to essentials and requires thrifty and careful administration, is always necessary, whether we are concerned with the manage- ment of a household or city or army. For example, a profusion of military posts, once necessary for the protection of pioneers, should now be consolidated in the interests of economical administration and profes- sional efficiency. Every Army activity should be held under a critical eye to determine that satisfaction of national needs does not pro- vide excuse for indulgence in careless spend- ing. There is no risk or danger in such econ- omy. Quite the contrary; but neither is there any economy in military nakedness. Time and again we have proved the stagger- ing extravagance of penny-wise policies. Strength, however, even military strength in its narrowest sense, does not spring solely from money invested in tanks and planes and ships. It comes from the integrated pur- poses, effort and resources of a whole nation, In war it was unity of purpose that provided the Nation's power to execute its aims; it was A817 the cooperation of industry. Government and the armed services of lubor, capital, and management; of scientists, farmers, and fighters that produced the mighty instru- ment of victory. In peace, it is only as we achieve coordina- tion between the professional duties of the armed services and the concerted brains and skills of science and of all industry that we can be reasonably able to protect ourselves. Moreover, only through continuing public in- terest can we achieve effective defense at minimum expense. These things are your business as much as mine; all of us pay itor them and are protected by them. By wise governmental policy we are defi- nitely committed to the temporary control of the nations which brought on the recent cataclysm, eradicating for the foreseeable fu- ture, not only the capacity but the will for aggression. These are heavy commitments in terms of men and money, and they have been carefully and economically calculated. Although successful accomplishment bears mightily on future world stability and, there- fore, on our own long-term security, these tasks are essentially police in character and contribute only to a limited extent to the immediate protection of this country, rich and tempting target that it is. For reasonable security we require air, ground, and sea establishments, efficiently organized into a force capable of holding the key outer bases on the periphery of defense; ready at all times to intercept or set up im- Mediate defense against air surface attack; potentially powerful enough either to seize or to destroy the sources of attack. A neces- sary part of this force is a trained and strong National Guard and Reserve, annually re- vitalized by trained reinforcements. The functions of these components are increas- ingly important, as capabilities of weapons and possibilities of sudden destructive at- tack continue to mount. MUCH DEPENDS ON SCIENTISTS Policies, under which we are at present operating, are not sufficiently broad and far- reaching to encompass all the requirements of the Nation’s defense, and supplemental measures will soon be considered by the Congress. In such matters the professional soldier can advise, but only the American people can decide how much they will pay for their safety. Too much would be waste- ful extravagance; but in any future emer- gency too little would, almost certuinly and finally, be too late. We are al) acutely conscious of the awe- some developments in the field of military weapons. To a far larger degree than ever before, our security depends on the efforts of our scientists. We must, to the limit, assist and encourage them to lead the field in every technological phase of our defenscs Should there be another war, it may be won in the laboratory before the issues that cause it rise to the surface. Our scientists already have astounded the world by their mastery of the universe's hid- den power. However, I decry loose and some- times gloating talk about the degree of se- curity implicit in a weapon that might de- stroy millions overnight, Those who meas- ure security solely in term of offensive ca- pacity distort its meaning and mislead those who pay them heed. No modern nation has ever equalled, prior to the outbreak of war, the crushing offensive power attained by the German war machine in 1939. No modern nation has been broken and smashed as was Germany 6 years later. So in the long-term view, I do not stress alone the material aspects of our defense, the arms and the services that use them. They constitute an essential shield, our outer protection. In them we want efficiency and sufficiency—no more. But in themeclves they are shells that require inner quality and spiritual strength if they are not to collapse under the pressure of war.
A818 On the solid foundation of human rights established by our forefathers has been built a mighty structure which stands before the world as a stronghold of freedom and democ- racy. Its girders are the pioneer traits of initiative, resourcefulness, self-reliance, and pride in uchievement. These were the fac- tors that made the trained American the formidable giant of the battlefield, who con- quered the armies of Germany, Italy, and Japan. Those traits distinguished also our men in mines, factories, and farms as well as in planes, ships, foxholes, and laboratories. In seeking to maintain a secure United States the same qualities are the core of our future. If our youth and the generations to come clearly understand the relationship between individual effort and common good; if they perceive that our privileges and advantages in this great country, won by toil and sacri- fice of generations before them, can be re- tained only by a comparable expenditure on their part; if they appreciate that a corollary to our promise of man’s dignity is his ind!- vidual responsibility to maintain it against any threat; then the future of our country is sc-cure. And in broader fields, a vibrant, purposeful America will be the greatest single factor in progress toward world order. Leadership for peace cannot be attained by armed strength alone, any more than it can merely by lofty words. But with a clear moral probity evi- dent in all our international dealings, a unified, productive nation can demonstrate the manifest advantages of cooperation over coercion. If we will it, this land shall re- main proof and example to all the world that men, of themselves, for themselves, may build in concord a better dwelling place, whether it be city or continent or globe. Joint Memorial Urging Congress To Set Aside Tracts in the Boundaries of Van- couver Barracks as a National Monu- ment EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following House joint memorial of the Legislature of Oregon: House Joint Memorial 11 Joint Memorial memorializing Congress to set aside certain tracts, within the present boundaries of Vancouver Barracks, as a national monument under the direction of the National Park Service To the Honorable Harry S. Truman, Presi- dent of the United States of America, and to the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States in Congress Assembled: We, your memorialists, the Senate and the House of Representatives of the State of Oregon, in legislative session assembied, moet respectfully represent and petition as follows: ‘Whereas Vancouver, Wash., is one of the oldest cities of the western part of the United States having been established by the Hudson's Bay Co. in the year 1825, with Fort Vancouver thereafter becoming the center of all business, government, agriculture, commerce, education, culture and civiliza- tion on the Pacific slope of these United States; and Whereas Vancouver Barracks, presently a United States Military Reservation located in Vancouver, Wash., contains the site of this historic landmark; and Whereas the restoration of old Fort Van- couver is now mandatory in order to preserve for present and future generations this shrine of early American history, ranking equally in historical importance with those already perpetuated by the Nation on the Atlantic coast of the United States; and Whereas the preservation of this historic shrine transcends local interest and concern and is of historic value and essence to each and every citizen of the United States of America; and Whereas the probable cost of the restora- tion of this landmark is beyond the financial means of local, state and regional govern- ment and rightfully should be borne by all of the citizens of this Nation, they being joint inheritors of the history and civiliza- tion here begun; and Whereas failure to keep and preserve for all time this historical site would constitute incalculable loss to all citizens of this Repub- lic; and Whereas Vancouver Barracks is now sur- plus to needs of the War Department and is to be disposed of as surplus property, there- by making immediate and effective action imperative: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That we, the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Oregon, do hereby respectfully memorialize and petition the Congress of the United States, that the following tracts within the present bound- aries of Vancouver Barracks be forever set aside as a natéonal monument under direc- tion of the National Park Service. (1) That area south of what is known as Officers’ Row to East Fifth Street and from the present eastern boundary of Vancouver Barracks Military Reservation to McLoughlin Road; and (2) That area within 200 feet of what is known as the Pirst Apple Tree now enclosed within a chain fence; and (3) The building known as General Grant's Quarters, and (4) The military cemetery; and be it fur- ther Resolved, That copies of this resolution be placed in the hands of the Honorable Marry S. Truman, President of the United States, the Members of Congress, and in those of all persons, corporations, groups, or agencies interested in the preservation for posterity of this their rightful heritage. Adopted by house February 20, 1947. Joun H. Hat, Speaker of House. Adopted by senate February 22, 1947. M. E. Cornerr, President of Senate. School-Lunch Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include there a resolution adopted by the Warwick (R. I.) City Council, pro- testing against the withholding of Fed- eral funds for the school-lunch program. The resolution follows: Resolution 1584 Whereas Senator Amen, of Vermont, has forcibly brought to the attention of the public that there is a serious danger that Federal funds for the school-lunch program throughout the country may be drastically APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD curtailed or eliminated entirely by the Con- Bress; and Whereas this council believes that low-cost lunches tend to promote the health and well- being of our children and increase their efficiency in school work; and Whereas though this city council is in ac- cord with any measure to produce economy in the Federal Government, it does not be- leve that the Government should economize at the expense of the school children of the country and that it should continue the appropriation of Federal funds for the maintenance of low-cost-lunch programs in our public schools: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That this city council respect- fully urges the Congress of the United States to appropriate sufficient funds to permit the continuation of the low-cost-luncheon pro- gram in the schools of the country; be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be sent to our Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the United States, with the respectful request that they lend their aid and assistance to secure favorable action by the Congress on this request. Laber’s Opportunity EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT A. MEYER OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. MEYER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my own remarks in the Recorp and to include therein an edito- rial from the Daily Reporter, of Inde- pendence, Kans., I wish to state that recently when William Green, president. of the American Federation of Labor, appeared before the House Committee on Education and Labor he was quoted by the press as making the following state- ment: The majority of the American people op- pose the proposed new curbs on labor unions, and if Congressmen want to be reelected they had better vote against every retroac- tive labor bill offered so far. Iam not clear, Mr. Speaker, as to what Mr. Green means by “retroactive.” But I do know that labor legislation being considered by the Senate and House is remedial legislation to put industry and labor in balance and to safeguard the welfare of the public. I know, too, that the insistence of Mr. Green and other labor leaders that no such remedial legislation is necessary, and their refusal to offer constructive suggestions is hurtful to the cause of la- bor. I might also add that his threat of reprisals at the polis is a disservice to labor and merely serves to stimulate the intent of Congress to enact such reme- dial legislation. It is in confirmation of these com- ments of mine, Mr. Speaker, that I in- clude the following editorial from the Independence Daily Reporter which re- fiects the viewpoint of the grassroots of the country: LABOR’S OPPORTUNITY As hearings progress before congressional committees, approval of some proposed changes in labor laws is beginning to be heard from a few men in the ranks of unions. But the top men in unfonism still hold a atiff-necked attitude of opposition to any
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD change whatever. They warn that what they call restrictive labor legislation will unloose & wave of strikes. This manner of standpatism coupled with threats of strikes has worked ever since the Passage of the Wagner Act and, unlike the Supreme Court, the labor magnates do not seem to read the election returns. When William L. Green, AFL president, appeared before the Senate committee a new Senator gave him something new to think about. Senator IrvING Ives, a New Yorker with a record in his State's legislature favorable to organized labor, told Green, “Bear in mind that the public is demanding that something be done. The problem is what to do, You just can't sit there and say this or that won’t work.” There was a time when a Congressman would not have had the nerve to talk like that to a union big shot. The Congressmen, however, have not only read the election re- turns, but many of them are in Congress now over the opposition of labor leaders. So Green and others would do their own cause more good if they would drop their threats and blind opposition and heed what Senator ELLENDER of Louisiana told Green, “We want your help. We don’t want a nega- tive attitude.” There are going to be some changes made without a doubt. How much better the union chieftains would serve their cause and their members if they would cooperate to see that the changes are intelligently worked out, The main object of Congress is, and of both union and management organizations should be, to protect the public welfare against excesses by either side in labor strife. Cooperation by labor leaders would enhance their cause. Rivers and Harbors Projects EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, at a re- cent meeting of the Rivers and Harbors Subcommittee of the Public Works Com- mittee, of which I have the honor to be chairman, I invited Lt. Gen. R. A. Wheeler, Chief of Engineers, War De- partment, to appear before the commit- tee and present to the committee the procedure of the Corps of Army Engi- neers in the consideration of projects for river and harbor development which are presented to the Army, engineers by the Congress for consideration. Under leave heretofore granted, I include here- with the following statement by Lieu- tenant General Wheeler in response to the invitation: STATEMENT TO RIVER AND Harzsor Suscom- MITTEE OF COMMITTEE ON PuBIC WORKS OF THE Houser OF REPRESENTATIVES BY LT. GEN. R. A. WHEELER, CHIEF OF ENGINEERS, WAR DEPARTMENT . 1, Federal policy: The control by the Fed- eral Government over rivers and harbors is derived from the third clause of the eighth section of article I of the Constitution which provides that the Congress shall have power “To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.” The policy with respect to Federal improve- ments of rivers and harbors in the interest of navigation has been formulated through laws enacted by Congress over a span of many years. Following the decision of Chief Jus- tice Marshall in the case of Gibbons v. Ogden, decided in 1824, it was generally rec- ognized that the lifting of a snag, the re- moval of a sand bar, or the building of a breakwater, is a national work, with a na- tional character and a national consequence, and a proper subject of national appropria- tion. This policy, Nmited in scope at first, has grown and broadened from year to year with the advance of population, the increas- ing needs of commerce, and navigation. The first distinct act of Congress for improving navigation was that of May 24, 1824, which appropriated funds for removing sand bars from the Ohio River, and planters, sawyers, and snags from the Mississippi. Since that date the functions and responsibilities of the Corps of Engineers have been clarified and expanded by succeeding acts of Congress. Some of the more significant of these acts will be discussed in detuil later. 2. Process of project development: It is belicved important at this point, even at the risk of repeating facts already well known to the members of the committee, to describe the process by which a project develops from its initial conception to the ultimate provi- sion by Congress of authority and funds for its execution. The authorization of a river- and-harbor or a flood-control project follows a definitely prescribed democratic course of action. It is based upon the activation of the desires of local interests, the people who are most vitally interested. Local interests, as individuals or groups through the action of their Representatives in Congress, make re- quest for an item to be included in a river- and-harbor or flood-control bill which will authorize a study by the Corps of Engineers for the purpose of determining the feasibility and the economic soundness of doing the work desired. In case such an investigation has been made previously, then formal] action by means of a River and Harbor or Flood- Control Act is not necessary and instead a study can be authorized by the adoption of a review resolution by the Public Works Com- mittee of the House or the Public Works Committee of the Senate, formerly the River and Harbor or the Flood Control Committee of the House or the Committee on Com- merce of the Senate. Preliminary examination: The Chief of Engineers then assigng the duty of making &@ preliminary investigation to the district engineer in charge of the district in which the project will fall. The district engineer, mintful of the need for developing all public opinion, holds an open public hearing at which not only the views of those interests that are active in obtaining the authoriza- tion of the proposed work, but also all other views, are obtained and encouraged. Hav- ing thus developed the desires and feelings of the local citizens, the district engineer makes a study. Many of the projects even- tually are found not feasible, hence the first type of study is a preliminary investigation which is not costly. The results of that in- vestigation are then sent forward to the Chief of Engineers, who in turn refers them to the Board of Engineers for Rivers and Harbors for study and recommendation as to whether sufficient merit exists in the proj- ect to warrant a more costly survey. In case the project is not deemed feasible from the standpoint of either engineering or economics, an unfavorable report is sent to Congress with a recommendation that no further action be taken. It is interesting to note that about 50 percent of all projects covered by preliminary investigations and surveys are found not justified. Detailed survey: If the preliminary in- vestigation indicates that further study is warranted, the duty of making the survey is to the district engineer, who at that time goes into an exacting analysis and study of the various details of the project in an endeavor to set up a practical en- A819 gineering solution and determines the cost involved. At this stage he may, if neces- sary, again hold public hearings in order to obtain the current views of the citizens. He correlates his work with other Federal agen- cies involved. He obtains the views of the local and State governments, Finally, the results of his survey are sent to the Chief of Engineers in Washington and are again referred to the Board of Engineers for Rivers and Harbors. There, if necessary, an addi- tional public hearing may be held. The board, after consideration of all the factors involved, makes its recommendation to the Chief of Engineers. At that time the chief sends the report, together with his proposed recommendations, to the governors of the States involved in order that their views will be obtained and made a permanent part of the record. The formal views of other Fed- eral agencies interested are also obtained at this time, as well as a statement from the Bureau of the Budget as to the relationship of the project to the program of the Presi- dent. Authorization: Finally, the report is sub- mitted to Congress to be considered by the appropriate committees. At this stage, ad- ditional hearings are held by the committecs. The report then usually is included in an omnibus river and harbor or flood-control bill and is subsequently enacted into law. Appropriation: After the project 1s author- ized by act of Congress, funds for its execu- tion may be included in budget estimates. Atter consideration and possible revisions by the Bureau of the Budget, these estimates are submitted to the Appropriation Commit- tees of the Congress und, with such modi- fications as may be made by Congress, are included in appropriation acts. 8. Coordination with other agencies: Sec- tion 1 of the River and Harbor Act approved March 2, 1945, and section 1 of the Flood Con- trol Act approved December 22, 1944, provide for close cooperation with the Department of the Interior on projects having irrigation benefits and for equally close cooperation with State agencies. Section 1 of these acts declared it to be the policy of the Congress: “That in connection with the exercise of jurisdiction over the rivers of the Nation through the construction of works of im- provement, for navigation or flood control, as herein authorized, it is hereby declared to be the policy of the Congress to recognize the interests and rights of the States in deter- mining the development of the watersheds within their borders and likewise their inter- ests and rights in water utilization and con- trol, as herein authorized to preserve and protect to the fullest possible extent estab- lished and potential uses, for all purposes, of the waters of the Nation's rivers; to facilitate the consideration of projects on a basis of comprehensive and coordinated develop- ment; and to limit the authorization and construction of navigation works to those in which a substantial benefit to navigation will be realized therefrom and which can be operated consistently with appropriate and economic use of the waters of such rivers by other users.” The 1938 Flood Control Act provides for cooperation with the Federal Power Commis- sion on multiple-purpose projects having power benefits. A Federal Inter-Agency Basin Committee was created in 1943 by joint agree- ment of the four agencies primarily con- cerned with water resources, the Federal Power Commission, Department of Interior, Department of Agriculture, and War Depart- ment. Recently the Commerce Department, which has the Weather Bureau and other functions related to our work, became the fifth member of the committee. There are a number of subcommittees of staff level col- laborating on technical matters such as ben- efits and costs, sedimentation, hydrologic data, and power. In addition, two regional committees have been created which include representatives of the States as well as of the Federal agencies. These are the Columbia
A820 and Missouri Inter-Agency Basin Committees. The objectives of the interagency basin com- mittee as set forth in the joint agreement of 1943 are to cooperate more completely in the preparation of reports on multiple-purpose projects and to correlate the results to the greatest practicable extent. Conferences are held in Washington at least once each month between the Chief of Engineers, the Commissioner of Reclemation, the Land Use Coordinator, the Chairman of the Federal Power Commission, and the representative of the Department of Commerce. Conservation of Wildlife Act approved Au- gust 14, 1946: This ect amended the act of March 10, 1934, entitled “An act to promote the conservation of wildlife, fish, and game, and for other purposes,” and provides for co- operation with the States and the United States Fish and Wildlife Service with a view to preventing loss of and damage to wildlife resources in connecticn with projects of the War Department as well as of other agencies. 4. Significant acts of Congress: It was Btated at the beginning of this conference that certain particularly significant acts of Congress with respect to the duties of the Corps of Engineers in waterway development, especially in the river and harbor field, would be discussed. These include the following: Three hundred und eight studies: The River and Harbor Act approved January 21, 1927, authorized comprehensive studies of the principal river basins as recommended in House Document No. 308, Sixty-ninth Con- gress, first session. and as supplemented by that act and the Flood Control Act approved May 15, 1928. In ita House Document No. 308, the S:xty-ninth Congress reccgnized the importance to a great and growing Nation of comprehensive, coordinated data covering the still undeveloped wealth of national! resources in our river basins. This recognition took the form of the above-mentioned authoriza- tion for a comprehensive study by the Corps of Engineers to determine the needs and pos- sibilities of developing the river basins for flood control, navigation, and related water uses such as irrigation and power. The wealth of information gathered by the re- sulting so-called 308 Reports form the backbone of the succeeding detailed studies on which our present and prospective work is based. Flood Control Act approved December 22, 1944: This act contained two especially im- portant provisions. One of these authorized the Corps of Engineers to construct, main- tain, and operate public park and recrea- tional facilities in reservoir areas under the control of the War Department, to permit the construction, maintenance, and operation of such facilities, and to cooperate fully with Federal and local agencies in developing plans for realizing the benefits to recreation and to fish and wildlife conservation. The second provision of major importance. speci- fying that the Corps of Engineers will turn over all generated hydroelectric power to the Department of the Interior for marketing, is contained in section 5, which is quoted as follows: “Src. 5. Electric power and energy gen- erated at reservoir projects under the con- trol of the War Department and in the opin- ion of the Secretary of War not required in the operation of such projects shall be de- livered to the Secretary of the Interior, who shall transmit and dispose of such power and energy in such manner as to encourage the most widespread use thereof at the lowest possible rates to consumers consistent with sound business principles, the rate schedules to become effective upon confirmation and approval by the Federal Power Commission. Rate schedules shall be drawn having re- gard to the recovery (upon the basis of the application of such rate schedules to the capacity of the electric facilities of the proj- ects) of the cost of producing and transmit- ting such electric energy including the amor- tization of the capital investment allocated to power over a reasonable period of years. Preference in the sale of such power and energy shall be given to public bodies and cooperatives. The Secretary of the Interior is authorized, from funds to be appropriated by the Congress, to construct or acquire, by purchase or other agreement, only such transmission lines and related facilities as may be necessary in order to make the power and energy generated at said projects avail- able in wholesale quantities for sale on fair and reasonable terms and conditions to fa- cilities owned by the Federal Government, public bodies, cooperatives, and privately owned companies. All moneys received from such sales shall be deposited in the Treasury of the United States as miscellaneous re- ceints.” Recreational boating (Fletcher Act): Pub- lic Law 16, Seventy-second Congress, ap- proved February 10, 1932, provides that the term ‘‘ccommerce” shall include the use of waterways by zeasonal passenger craft, yachts, houseboats, fishing borts, motor- boats, and other similar water craft, whether or not operated for hire. Policy on terminals (River and Harbor Act, approved March 2, 1919): Section 1 of this act cets forth the following policy on ter- minal facilities: “It is hereby declared to be the policy of the Congress that wa.er terminals are es- eential at all cities and towns located upon harbors or navigable waterways and that at least one public terminal should exist, con- structed, owned, and reculated by the mu- nicipality, or other public agency of the Siate, and open to the use of all on equal terms.” Public roads over dams: The Highway Act, approved July 29, 1946, amends and supple- ments prior Federal Aid Road Acts to pro- vide for the design and construction of dams under the jurisdiction of a Federal agency so that they will serve as foundations for high- way bridges, to provide for the design and construction of highway bridges upon and across such dams, and for other purposes, provided that the highway department of the State in which such dam shall be lo- cated jointly with the United States Com- missioner of Public Roads shall first deter- mine and certify that such bridge is eco- nomically desirable and needed and shail agree to reimburse the agency having juris- diction over the dam for any additional costs which it may be required to incur in connection therewith? 6. Miscellaneous civil works are varied in character and include the administration of the Federal laws enacted for the pretec- tion and preservation of the navigable waters of the United States. These laws include sections 9 to 20, inclusive, of River and Har- bor Act of March 3, 1899; section 7 of River and Harbor Act of March 4, 1915; section 5 of River and Harbor Act of August 18, 1894; section 7 of River and Harbor Act of August 8, 1917; Railroad Bridge Act of June 21, 1940, and General Bridge Act, title V, of Leg- islative Reorganization Act, approved Au- gust 2, 1946. Such laws govern the follow- ing: Granting of permits for structures or operations in navigable waters; approval of the location and plans of bridges, dama, dikes, or causeways; alteration of obstructive bridges; investigation and removal of sunken vessels or other obstructions ering navigation; establishment of regulations for the use, administration, and navigation of navigable waters, including drawbridge regu- lations; establishment of anchorage grounds, special anchorage areas, danger zones, dump- ing grounds, restricted areas, fishing areas, and harbor lines; investigations of the dis- charge or deposit of refuse matter of any kind in navigable waters; prevention of pollu- tion of coastal navigable waters by oil; de- termination of the heads of navigation and the extent to which the laws shall apply to specific streams; supervision of the har- bor of New York to prevent obstructive or injurious deposite in the tidal waters thereof, including the waters of Long Island Sound; APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD establishment of reasonable rates of toll for transit across bridges over navigable waters; granting of permits for the occupation and use of Federal works under control of the Corps of Engineers; construction of Anacostia Park and the reclamation and development of Anacostia River and Flats, D. C.; mainte- nance and repair of the Washington Aque- duct, and increasing the water supply of the city of Washington surveys and charting of the northern and northwestern lakes, in- cluding the Lake of the Woods; studies for the preservation of Niagara Falls and the su- pervision of power companies diverting water therefrom; reports of international boards on operations affecting international bound- ary waters; and issuance of instruments au- thorizing the occupation of Government- owned land under the jurisdiction of the Department. The Railroad Bridge Act of June 21, 1940 (Truman-Hobbs Act), provides for the ap- port:onment of the cost of alteration of bridges used for carrying railroad traffic or both railroad and highway traffic over navi- gable waters of the United States. Under this act the Secretary of War is authorized to issue and cause to be served upon the parties concerned an order requiring such alterations of such bridge as he finds, after holding a hearing. to be reasonebly necessary in order to render navigation through or under it reasonably free, easy, and unob- structed, having due regard aleo for the necessities of rail or highway traffic there- over, The Gencral Bridge Act approved August 2, 1946 (title V of Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946) grants the general consent of Congress for the construction, maintenance, and operation of bridges over the navigable waters of the United States. Accordingly, & separate act granting consent for an in- dividual interstate bridge is no longer nec- essary. Authorization for construction of an international bridge still requires a spe- cific act of Congress as heretofore. 6. Statistics of water-borne commerce, as collected and compiled by the Corps of Engi- neers and published in part II of the Annual Reports of th2 Chief of Engineers, are highly important in determining the need for and justification of the improvement and main- tenance of rivers and harbors for commerce and navigation Euch data are also of value to commereial and shipping concerns, various Federal and local agencies, and others inter- ested in transportation. The collection and compilation of these statistics has been undertaken continuously since the enactment of the River and Harbor Act approved June 23, 1866, section 2 of which provided that the annual report shal] state “what amount of commerce and navigation would be benefited by the completion of each particular work.” The Congress has since supplemented this legislation and strengthened the law to re- quire navigation interests to report the movement of water-borne commerce. To achieve the utmost in economy and efficiency, to assure accuracy and speed in their collec- tion, and to prowde uniformity in their presentation, statistics are now being col- lected by prescribed report forms and proc- eased by machine method at centrally located Offices in the major regions of the United States and the office of the Board of Engi- neers for Rivers and Harbors in Washington. Under the provisions of section 500 of the Transportation Act approved February 28, 1920, the Corps of Engineers prepares and publishes a series of reports on port and terminal facilities in cooperation with the Maritime Commission and reports on trans- portation lines, port and terminal charges, water transportation in general, and related shipping matters. 7. Related functions and activities: The Congress has by law created certain boaras and commissions which are charged with specific duties related to the Corps of Engt- neers civil works activities. These bodies include:
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Board of Engineers for Rivers and Harbors, created by the River and Harbor Act approved June 18, 1902, and assigned pri- marily the duty of reviewing and submitting of recommendations on reports of examina- tions and surveys called for by Congress cov- ering proposed improvements for navigation, flood control and allied purposes. This board, which has seven members, all senior officers of the Corps of Engineers, has a permanent office and staff in Washington. The Beach Erosion Board was created by the River and Harbor Act approved July 3, 1930, section 2 of which assigned to it the duty of assisting the Chief of Engineers in the conduct of studies of beach erosion prob- lems and the review of reports thereon. This board has seven members, four of whom are engineer officers and three are civil engineers, representatives of the cooperating State agencies. The studies of beach erosion are made in cooperation with State agencies, in accordance with the provisions and the above-mentioned section 2, with local inter- ests bearing 50 percent of the cost. California Debris Commission wus created by act of Congress approved March 1, 1893, and has jurisdiction over the drainage area of the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers, Calif., for the following purposes: First, to regulate hydraulic mining in such a way as to permit its resumption and continuance under such restrictions as to prevent the re- sulting debris from being carried into navi- gable waters or otherwise causing damage. Second, to study and report upon general hydraulic and hydraulic-mining conditions and matters affecting or affected by them and to make surveys, mature and adopt plans for the purpose of improving the navigability, deepening the channels, and protecting the banks of the rivers, and affording relief from flood damages. Mississippi River Commission, created by act of Congress approved June 28, 1879, is charged with the prosecution of improve- ments in the interest of navigation on the Mississippi! River above Baton Rouge, La., to Cairo, Iil., and of improvements for flood control of the Mississippi River and its tribu- taries and outlets so far as they are affected by backwater between Head of Passes, La., and Cape Giradeau, Mo. International boards and commissions have been created in connection with the regula- tion and control of the international bound- ary waters. These include the International Joint Commission, the St. Croix River Board of Control, the Lake Champlain Board of Control, the Niagara Control Board, and Lake Superior Board of Control. Permanent International Commission of the Congresses of Navigation: By an act ap- proved June 28, 1902, and subsequent acts, the Congress has appropriated funds for the support and maintenance of this Commis- sion which is also supported by member na- tions. Its object is the promotion of inland and maritime navigation by means of or- ganized congresses, and the publication of pertinent information. Its headquarters 1s in Brussels, Belgium, but the congresses are held (except during war periods) in various countries. In addition to the foregoing, the civil func- tions of the Corps of Engineers include: Work for other agencies: In accordance with the provisions of section 1 of the River and Harbor Act approved June 20, 1938, stating that Federal improvement of rivers and harbors and other waterways shall be prosecuted by the War Department, the Corps of Engineers performs work for other agen- cies from time to time of a river and harbor nature not previously authorized by Con- gress with funds transferred to the Chief of Engineers by those agencies, which include the Navy Department and War Shipping Administration. Detail of engineer officers: From time to time officers and civilian engineers of the Corps of Engineers are detailed to admin- ister or perform certain civil activities for other Federal agencies and foreign govern- ments. Also, officers of the corps are detailed to administer and supervise the maintenance and care of the Panama Canal, which is un- der the direction of the Secretary of War and the Governor of the Panama Canal, the lat- ter being an engineer officer. 8. Summation: As indicated above, all civil-works activities of the Corps of Engi- neers are carried out in accordance with spe- cific directives of Congress, In the develop- ment of a river and harbor project, there are three principa] stages, each of which requires the specific authorization of Congress, namely: (a) Field survey and development of gen- eral plans, authorized in the form of a pre- liminary examination and survey in a River and Harbor Act. (b) Authorization of the project in a sub- sequent River and Harbor Act based upon recommendations in reports submitted to Congress upon completion of stage (a) above. (c) Appropriation of funds with which to undertake construction and maintenance of the completed work is contained in the an- nual War Department Civil Appropriations Acts subsequent to authorization, stage (b) above. The prosecution of a project from its in- ception, when it is first advocated by local interests, to and including its completion, operation, and maintenance, is carried out in close cooperation with all Federal, State, and local interests concerned. No project is recommended for construc- tion unless the average annual benefits to accrue therefrom are determined, after care- ful and thorough study, to be greater than the average annual charges for construction, amortization, and maintenance. In general, local interests are required to participate in the project by contributing funds, providing adequate terminal and other shore facilities, furnishing necessary lands and releasing the United States from claims for damages that may result from the Federal work of improvement. After authorization of a project, its con- struction is carried out as soon as may be consistent with budgetary limitations. Reciprocal Trade Agreements REMARKS HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, I listened with interest to the remarks yesterday of my good friends and colleagues, the gen- tleman from I}Hinois, EVERETT DIRKSEN, and the gentleman from Michigan, CLARE Horrman, who in a very emphatic man- ner suggested it was about time that we give consideration and protection to these great United States, and start to look after our own backyard and Uncle Sam’s interests. Everything in Washington now is in- ternational; international this and in- ternational that, and if you are not inter- national in your thinking you are out of step. I hold in my hand a booklet entitled “Products on Which Possible Tariff Con- cessions Will Be Considered in Reciprocal Trade Agreement Negotiations.” I un- derstand these agreements are to be con- sidered sometime in April at a conference to be held in Geneva. Why not hold it in the United States? Maybe we could A821 make some better trades; at least we would know what kind of trading was going on. It would be interesting for the Mem- bers to secure a copy of this booklet from the State Department and ascertain just what branches of the industrial and eco- nomic life of their districts are to be af- fected in this proposed list of products which are up for trading. We have before the Ways and Means Committee, House Resolution No. 52, re- questing that these reciprocal trade agreements be held in abeyance until such a time as Congress has an opportu- nity to explore the situation further. The Members of Congress should be given an opportunity to be recorded on this resolution. Panel discussions are being held by various branches of the Government on this matter at this time and I am in re- ceipt of a letter from the Under Secre- tary of State for Economic Affairs, W. L. Clayton, in which he states, and I quote: No decision as to what, if any, concession may be offered can be reached until all views submitted to the trade-agreements organiza- tion through the Committee for Reciprocity Information have been digested and studied along with other information available to the Government. An _ interdepartmental committee will then consider each item listed before any decision is made to recom- mend a concession. So it becomes evident the program is well under way. The trade-negotiations conference will be held in Geneva in April and I am of the opinion there will be plenty of con- cessions granted by Uncle Sam which will work a hardsaip on various branches of our economic and industrial life. When the bars are let down and cheaply pro- duced foreign products flood the markets and industries fold up, the American people will demand to know why the Con- gress did not do something about it. Recently I had this matter up with the Pennsylvania Federation of Labor and I have been advised by James L. Mc- Devitt, president of the Pennsylvania Federation, that they are highly in ac- cord with the objectives sought in the Jenkins resolution, No. 52, and suggests the postponing of any hasty action on this very important matter. This indicates to me that labor too is greatly concerned over the coming inter- national trade negotiations to be held in the near future and what it will do to American pay rolls. The Congress should take action on the Jenkins resolution. 1. How Much Food Can the United States Supply? REMARKS or HON. REID F. MURRAY OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. MURRAY of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, as a preface please allow me to state that I am not opposing or proposing
Ae2Z2 additiona] tood shipments. I do feel that I should try to get the facts in order to approach this serious problem. With the large world demands for food, it ap- pears to be the appropriate time to get the facts as to the world’s food supply. First, we must keep in mind that from 1925 to 1942, and in the year of 1944, even, the United States did not feed itself and that the United States was not al- lowed to be agriculturally self-sufficient. If anyone now states that the United States can feed the world, he must have some facts to show that it can be done. The argument is not whether or not it should be done. The problem is how can we approach the objective of helping feed a hungry world. With a depletion of the food reserves of the United States, the American con- sumer faces two situations: One is a direct assessment in the form of taxes to provide the money to purchase the food for relief purposes. Two, the consumer is faced with higher domestic prices for his foods, as a result of channeling larger quantities of food normally consumed in the United States to world relief chan- nels. How far on this road can we travel without disturbing our whole economic Set-up in regard to wages? How far on this road can we travel without jeopard- izing the health, the nutrition, and well- being of the American people or at least a large segment of our peoples? I shall include today a 1946 report on exnorts and imports of agricultural products from Holland which is as follows: Holland: United States exports of princi- pal agricultural commodities to Holland, 1946! Commadity Unit |Quantity| Value Wheet sce pounds per | Bu....{11, 001, 672) 23,783,61! ushel Raw cotton .. ..........| Bale YK, GO6,18, 972, £46 Tobneeo, leaf... ..._.-.. Lb. - .. |20, 049, 940 12, 1€2, 704 Reef and veal, fresh or | Lb._-.133, 266, 264, 7, €97, 013 frozen. Wheat flour.._..-.-...... Cwt..| 1, 466, 216) 7, 121, O58 Lard... .2- 2... - eee eee Lh... _-|12, 2F0, 03h) 2, 051, 238 Cattle hides, _ -| Piece..| 17%, 457} 1, 60%, 004 Boyhbean vil Lb... } 7, 855, 897) 1, 493. 051 Cats (32 pounds per | Bu ---] 1,329, 701] 1,349, 8&2 bushel). Evaporated, unsweetened | Lb... |10, 669, 716] 1, 181, 453 ni Soybeans, except canned.| Lb___./21, 458,040) 607, 156 Pork, except canned_.__..| Lh_.._| 3,575, 028| 764, 800 Sansage, bologna and | Lb....| 1,880, 280) — €95, 492 frankfurters, canned. Fruits, ‘ried . aeceeee-| LDL-W-] 4,141, 801) 678, 443 Dried skim milk. —---_._. Lb__..| 3, 60%, 575| £84, 997 Fruits, fresh or frozen (€0 | Box...] 122,706) 575, 232 pounds per box), Cheese. ......... 0 .------ Lb____| 1, 288, 064} 05, 651 Malt) (34 “pounes per | Bu....| 219,417) £03, 134 bushel). Soyhean flour, edible. .... Lb...-| 7,033, 200} 00, 440 Pork, canned ._...-.-.--- Lb] 1, 622, G5I| 478, OK7 Expressed vils, nonessen- | Lb....| 1,577, 6641 = 434, 007 tis Dried whole milk O41, 001 382, 118 Cirass seeds... -| 1,384,036) 331,217 Vegetable se ws 724), 460 52, 243 Sausage casin: 7 107, 206; =. 25), 980 Horse ment (all kinds)....] Lb..._} 3,654, 741) = 230, 965 Clover seed Lb... 547, 604) 217, IW Fruits canned Lhb...-] 1, 446, 136) 200, 650 Field seeds, n. Lb....] 2,184, 100) 197, 418 Essential oils. Lb... 46, 064) 18S, 420) Hops ... ....2..-------0- Lb....] 197,055) 15, 601 Cc crea foods ...... Lb... 762, 649} = 180, 363, Burley (48 pounds per Bu... 96, 501] 174, 829 bushel Buckwheat (48 pounds | Bu.... 69, 81 130, 052 per bushel) Eges in shell............. 110, 010 All other... .... 846, 604 2 i ne ia 84, 960, 249 ! Preliminary, subject to change. Bource: Gomplled from records in the offices of the Secretary of Commerce. In looking over these 1946 agricultural exports to Holland, we find: First, that of our exports about 20 percent were for livestock products. Second, that about 40 percent of the exports were for wheat and wheat and soybean flour. Third, that many of these exports were dairy products that under normal conditions are imported into the United States. Holland: United States imports for consump- tion from Holland,' by principal commodi- ties jor 19462 Commodity Unit }Quantity| Velue Tulip bulbs _ . No... 70, 150, 621)$3, 474, 160 Narcissus hulbs. No... .{31, @31, 149) 1, a ee Hyacinth bulhs___ No... {17, 427, 378 1, 384, 228 Buths, roots, clumps, etc. . No... 77, 448, 393) 056, 407 Tlan3 - 314] 373, 320 Lily bulbs” . Ne ---| 1,841,446, . 38, 268 Spinach __ "| Wb 277} 1 728, 65, * 08, 322 Malt liquors (beer, «tout, | Gal_- 103,372] 04, 64 Caraway seed Lb___| 1, 181, 657) 50, 424 Crefted or budded | plants, No....| 612,837 192, 384 cuttings, ete., n.s. p. {, Foppy teed . eee] Lb....| | PRA 248) 188, 730 Crocus corms bulbs, ~----| No-_...}2), 919, 148) 186, O16 Starch, potato. ...... -| Lb....| 1, 969, 208 168, G28 Flower feeds... ‘ . 47, 771 119, 520 Cocoa, unsweetene 374, 400 114, 205 Orchid plants. . ?, 199, 100, 334 Mustard seed, wholo..-.- £47, Oxy! £8, BOK Chocolate sweetened-.-.- 146, baa! 82, 3K’ Rape seed 428, 385, 4X, 421 Rose plants... +08, 48" 46,815 Cucun ber pickles. 316, 417 83, BOG Feathers. 0.2... 24, 476 70, 417 Caraway vil] _.22 222227 4, 348 25, 725 Cauliflower. ......22-22.2. a 1, #R4: 19, 684 Pose seedlings and cut- | No...) [es 5&0! = 17, 965 tings of rose stock 3% years uld or less. Cut flowers, fresh, dried, |.-......]--......-- 14, 747 prepared, or preserved, Drugs cf anin al origin, | Lb_._ 11 13, 250 n.¢. s, Hide cuttings, raw, with | Lb... 79, 910 12, 488 or without hair. Woo), scoured, Donskoi, | Lb... 1, 30) 11, 659 Smyrna, ete, Oniors, pickled or packed | Lb.... '6, 632 A, 122 in brine. Lime oil.. .. 22222. -222 2. Lb.... 720 i, 007, Edam or Gouda cheese. ..| Lb_-- 10 b2 Allother .... .----------|----- eee Jee eee ee 104, 89Y -- |10, C00, 208 1 Imports of principal agricultural commadities. 2 Preliminary, subject to change. 3 Includes “‘Hackled and not hackled.” In reviewing the imports, it should be noted that the agricultural items are largely nonfsod items. You will note the 1,959,000 pounds potato starch im- ports, the $304,000 malt-liquor import, the $11,000 wool import, the $11,000 onion import. None of these agricultural imports are of any large magnitude within them- selves. One cannot, however, refrain from wondering why the food imported into the United States could not or was not channeled to European relief needs. The question once more arises as to how the available foods of the world can be channeled to the areas of the greatest need. The total United States agricultural exports following World War II are much smaller than the 1919 total agri- cultural exports. The post-World War II exports of food, however, are much greater than the food exports following World War I. The present agricultural exports, in other words, are apparently made from the viewpoint of supplying foods rather than of general agricultural products, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It is also apparent that with this world food situation to face, we should not tol- erate a set-up that allows 80,000,000 bushels of potatoes to be used for non- food purposes or wasted, and entails an $80,000,000 loss to be paid by the tax- payers of the United States. Natural Gas Shortage in Western Pennsyivania Explained EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, my congressiona] district is among the many districts in western Pennsylvania af- fected by the shortage of natura] gas. During the past several weeks some of our key industries in Pennsylvania found it necessary to close down because of the shortage of natural gas. In an effort to solve this perplex'ng problem I contacted gas-company offi- cials in Pennsylvania and also Mr. Nel- son Lee Smith, Chairman of the Federal Fower Commission. The consensus of opinion is that the increased use of nat- ural gas with the depletion of the sup- ply in the flelds of western Pennsylvania created a natural shortage in the first place. To meet this condition it was necessary to transport gas from the Southwest via pipe lines. However, the critical shortage of steel pipe proved a barrier and contributed to the inability to transport a greater supply of gas from the Southwest. There has been a marked increase dur- ing the past several] years in the number of domestic and industrial users of nat- ural gas. In reply to my inquiries I re- ceived an interesting letter from Mr. Nelson Lee Smith, Chairman of the Fed- eral Power Commission, which I wish to read at this time as it contains factual information that I am certain will be of interest to all Members, especially those of us representing districts in western Pennsylvania. Chairman Smith's letter is as follows: PrpgraL Power COMMISSION, Washington, February 27, 1947. Hon. Jamzs E. VAN ZANDT, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. My Drar ConangssMaN: Thir will acknowl- edge your letter of February 11, 1947, in which you requested information relative to the cause of the current natural-gas short- age in western Pennsylvania. A shortage of natural gas exists, not only in western Pennsylvania but throughout the entire northern region of the country where natural gas is being distributed, extending from Colorado to the eastern seaboard. The principal factors contributing to this unde- sirable situation, particularily in the Ap- palachian area, are the inability of gas pro- duced in local fields to meet exceptionally large increased demands and the difficulty of obtaining steel pipe for the construction of new pipe iines from the highly produc- tive gas fields of the Southwest.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Depletion of local fields, particularly in the so-called Appalachian area of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, West Virginia, and Ken- tucky, was accelerated during the war by heavy withdrawals to meet requirements of war industries. At the height of the war effort the steady drain on local supplies began to take effect and make necessary a special allocation of steel pipe to Tennessee Gas & Transmission Co. for the construction and operation of a new pipe line extending from Texas to’ West Virginia for the purpose of making additional supplies of gas available to the Appalachian area. In addition, priorities on critical materials were issued to Panhandle Eastern Pipe Line Co. to increase the capac- ity of its existing system for the purpose of Gelivering 100,000,000 cubic feet of natural gas from Texas and Kansas into Ohio. The Tennessee Gas & Transmission Co. line was completed in the latter part of 1944. with a sales capacity of approximately 205,000,000 cubic feet of gas per day. This was subse- quently increased to 263,000,000 cubic feet per day by the end of the war. This volume of gas transported into the area for war purposes did not satisfy the needs of the postwar markets because in- dustrial demands for natural gas continued without recession at the wartime rate and there developed tremendous demands for gus for house heating by domestic consumers. Reports submitted to the Commission show that during the past year thousands of con- sumers have installed gas-fired heating equipment because of shortages of other fuels and because increased costs of other fuels, particularly coal, have made gas little, if any, more expensive for house heating than coal. During the war the increase in use of gas for house heating was controlled by war agencies and lack of equipment; in addition, few new homes were built. Upon release of restrictions, demands pent-up dur- ing the war came upon all companies si- multaneously and created the unprecedented increase in demand. As a result of these large domestic requirements, most compa- nies have had to order complete shut-downs of industrial service during cold spells this winter to protect domestic service to the full- est extent possible. Even with these dras- tic measures, thousands of domestic con- sumers were at times without gas during recent cold spells. To meet such increased demands addi- tional volumes of natural gas from the Southwest are required. In July 1946 the Commission authorized Tennessee Gas & Transmission Co. to construct additional fa- cilities for the purpose of increasing its sales capacity by approximately 118,000,000 cubic feet per day to a total of 381,000,000 cubic feet per day. Due to the critical shortage of steel pipe, the company has been able to complete construction sufficient to add only 18,000,000 cubic feet per day to its capacity and the outlook ts uncertain as to when pipe will be available to complete the re- maining 100,000,000 cubic feet per day ca- pacity. A further increase in capacity to 600,000,000 cubic feet per day is now proposed by Tennessee Gas & Transmission Co., but completion is dependent upon the avail- ability of steel pipe. The dute of comple- tion of this and such other projects as may be found to be required is conjectural, According to statistics of the American Iron and Steel Institute, steel pipe takes approximately 8 percent of the total steel production. The major part of the steel pipe is used for oil operations, leaving a very small amount available for gas pipe-line construc- tion, For economic and technical advan- tage, it is the current practice to construct long-distance high-pressure gas lines of 26- inch diameter pipe. There are only two pipe mills in the country capable of rolling 26- inch diameter pipe, thereby further increas- ing the disadvantages operating against the Taste A-~1.—Major natural gas companies in Appalachian area—Actual deliveries and Company Columbia Gas & Electric Co_._...2..2---22. eee ee ene Hope Natural Gas Co. 22... The East Ohio Gas Co. _. --- New_York State Natural Gas Corp. The Peoples Natural Gas Co.._..-.. United Natural Gas Co... Troquois Gas Corp _...-. Pennsylvanin Gas Co. Equitable Qas Co__..-.. 22. Louisville Gas & Electric Co Carnegie Natural Gas Co........ 0-2-2 eee ee eee nee ee nee Total requirements... 222.220.2222 eee eee eee eee ne from Big Inch pipe lines on Jan. 21, 1947 {All figures are volumes of gas in thousands of cubic feet] A823 companies seeking materials to construct such lines. During the past year, gas company officials testifying before the Commission have em- phasized their inability to obtain large- diameter steel pipe because the tremendous demand for such pipe by oil companies, for domestic and foreign operations, and by gas companies has far exceeded the capacity of Pipe-fabricating mills, The situation is ag- gravated by the inability of pipe fabricators to secure an adequate rupply of the necessary steel plate because demands for stecl for all purposes exceed the supply. It is understood that pipe fabricators cannot fill orders on hand for several years. In December 1946, the Commission author- ized the emergency operation of the Big Inch lines for the transportation of natural gas to Ohio and western Pennsylvania. With the assistance of an Industry Advisory Com- mittee composed of gas company representa- tives, delivery of gas through the Big Inch lines is being allocated in proportion to the requirements of the several companies re- questing such gas. We are inclosing a tabulation showing the natura] gas require- ments and shortages on the systems obtain- ing gas from the Big Inch lines on Janu- ary 21 und 22, 1947, and estimates submitted by these companies as to their requirements and shortages during their February peak duy. These data show the seriousness of the gas supply situation in this area. We appreciate the opportunity to submit this information to you and trust it will prove helpful in answering the numerous inquirtes you have received pertaining to the current gas shortages. We shall be happy to furnish any further information you may require, Sincerely yours, NELSON LEE SMITH, Chairman, deficiencies of gas companies receiving gas 1 Domestic . » | Lostand |, Jee ‘Total and Industrial | 2 trer ut Mey company Hotel de Deficiency | require- commercial ies use ‘ nents wee eee ec eee e eee eee es ee eeee 595, 400 210, 100 1201, US 127, 000 1, 224, 486 7h, ORB 1, 209, 572 : 53, 106, 33, 496, 24, Sa? 16, A732 12, 762 [ove - 119, 762 386, 4tb 70,023 |... 2-8. 4, 0) 460, 491 64, 964 520, 445 es Poe 378, 237 WH 7s, AOS {eo TH, AGS 91,672 71, OSS 1, 450 3, 709 167, Wo 18, TAR 186, 704 32, 400 4) 200 3,300 3, 200 43, 100 12, 275 BRATS 106, 300 4, 600 4,100 1, 000 116,000 4,100 120, 100 42, £00 2, 600 700 1, 2K) 47, 600 1, 600 48, 600 90, 500 46, 700 Joc. 13, 400 254, €00 3,145 2, 745 48), 000, 8, 000 2, F00 4, 000. 63, 800 Joo. - , S00 ween e cece een n ene ee een n ene 2, 800 52, 800 |.o eee ee £60 46,00 |. 14, 000 70, £00 we ween ween w een e wu eee nceee 1, 459, 146 £03, 604 382, 260 | 175, 114 2, 480, 125 | 194, G58 2,725, O81 1 After deducting wholesale sales by Pittsburgh division to climinate duplication In Carnegie and United Fuel data, oo. 1 After deducting wholesale sales to East Ohio, Peoples Natural, New York Natural, and Manufacturers Light & Heat to eliminate duplication. 2 After deducting wholesale sales to United Natural Gas Co, to eliminate dupleation, ¢ After deducting wholesale sales to Iroquois Gas and Penn Gas Co, to eliminate duplication, Taste A-2.—Major natural gas companies in Appalachian area—Actual deliveries and deficiencies of gas companies receiving gas from Big Inch pipe lines on Jan. 22, 1947 {All figures are volumes of gas In thousands of cubic fect] ————— Domestic Other utile | Od | ott de- . Total 7 - and Industrial Hine company wring | Deficiency | require: Company commercia. wes use hveries ments Che ee 628, 700 230, 400 1 288, 736 125, 600 | 1, 273, 336 172, 636 1, 445, 872 Hope Nutural Gi a Oo er TIIINNIINII 59, 338 24,376 | 710, 362 15,917 | "109,903 |b, 102 11, 005 The East Ohio Gas Co 420, 575 11, 780 wetter ecee 4, 000 445, 355 172, 207 617, Bia Now York State Natural Gas Corp... 2... oe ence ee eee ence en eee eee ete e enna ee lee ee eens vecnnn[aemen ene enee 379, 651 181 7M, 782 1, 463 bl 145 The Peoples Natural Gas Co... eee ee eee ee eee nee eee nee e eens 107, 533 50, 107 1, 338 3, 708 182, 687 30, 062 201, 740 United Natural Gas Co_....----s2cc----eececccccccoeccccceneecnceeneee were nen e ween 39, 300 1,300] . 43, 500 3, 000 47, 10 30, 480 580) Troquols Gas Corp. .......-caccccesssceccesececocesseecocesenecesssseancccessesenenees 116, 300 4, 600 4, 100 1,000 | 126, 000 10, 000 Pennsylvania Gas Co... 44, 400 200 700 1, 200 46, 500 5, 600 Equitable Gas Co... 2.2. eee een nen n cen ec eee ne cee en enee 121, 300 36, G00) |_......- = 17, 500 175, 400 17, 023 y : Louisville Gas & Electric Co. 49, 450 8, 100 3,7 3, 750 65,000 [eee 6h, 000 Carnegie Natural Gus Co...... 2, 800 52, 800 |.-------.--- 900 6, 500 34, 00 70, 500 Total requirements.........sccceccaceccecccccecnnncenenanececsnennntenencennes 1, 598, 690 420, 263 392, 087 176, 607 | 2, 587, 053 471,373 | 3, 059, 026 1 After deducting wholesale sules by Pittsburgh division to eliminate dupleation in Carnegie and United Fuel data. 2 After deducting wholesale sales to East Ohio, Peoples Natural, New York Natural, and 3 After deducting wholesale sales to United Natural Gas Co, to eliminate duplication. * After deducting wholcsule sales to Iroquois Gas and Penn Gas Co. to climinate duplication. anufacturers Light & Hoat to eliminate duplication
A824 ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Taste A-3.—Major natural gas companies in Appalachian area—Estimated requirements of gas compantes receiving gas from Big Inch pipe lines, peak day, February 1947 [All figures are volumes of gas in thousands of cubic feet) Company Columbia Gas & Electric Co Hope Natura! Gas Co.. The East Ohio Gas Co. New York State Natura “orp. The Peoples Natural Gus Co-... United Natural (ias Co... .. Iroquois Gas Corp_..- Pennsylvania Gus Co Equitable Gas Co-_._...--.-- Louisville Gas & Electric Co... Carnegie Natural Gas Co... Total requirements._.....-.-.----.2-- enn n nee een 1 After deducting wholesale sales by Pittsburgh division to eliminate duplication in Carnegie and United Fuel data. | 3 After deducting wholesale sules to East Ohio, Peoples Natural, New York Natural, and Manufacturers Light & Heut to eliminate duplication. 3 After deducting wholesale sales to United Natural (ins Co. to eliminate duplication. 4 After deducting wholesale sales to Iroquois Gas and Penn Gas Co, to eliminate dupeation. ® Deficiency included in deficiency of United Natural Gas Co, Big Business EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. NOAH M. MASON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 3, 1947 Mr. MASON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following radio address delivered by the Honorable Samuel B. Pettengill, former Member of Congress from Indiana: Bic BUSINESS We talk a lot about big business—its good points and bad. Today, I am going to speak about the biggest business in the world. It is the United States Government. It proposes to spend 837,500,000,000 this coming year. How big is a $37,500,000,000 business? It almost equals the entire income of the American people in 1932. It is almost half as much as they made in 1939. It is bigger by #4,000,000.000 than the income of all Americans living in the 23 States west of the Mississippi River (with the exception of Cali- fornia). It is $8,000,000,000 more than the United States Government spent in the 128 years from the founding of the Republic until 1917. TOPS FIRST WORLD WAR COST It is more than we spent in the 3 years of 1917, 1918, and 1919, during World War I. It is more than we spent in the 4 years before Pearl Harbor when we were arming for war. Even in 1942, when we were fighting with our backs to the wall in the Pacific and pour- ing vast cargoes of munitions across the Atlantic, we spent 85,000,000,000 less than Mr. Truman proposes to spend in a peace- time year. If next year, 32,000,000 of our people turned over their entire earnings to the Govern- ment, and were themselves able to live on nothing, their combined income would not pay the bills of the biggest business in the world. While war costs are whittled down, this budget proposes to increase the peacetime spending of the Government in 1948 by $9,- 000,000,000 more than it spent for those pur- poses in 1946. This increase alone is equal to the entire amount spent by the Govern- ment in any year from 1930 to 1940. Yet, Mr. Trumen says taxes cannot be reduced. Domestic and comwercial FEDERAL PAY ROLL STILL LOADED Federal civilian employees still number 2,300,000 as compared with 900,000 in 1939, or 500,600 in 1933 when Mr. Roosevelt said, “Government costs too much.” According to Senator Byrn, we should dis- cherge 1,000,000 of them costing us 83,500,- 000,009. This saving would permit a 20 per- cent tax cut clear across the board without impairing a single essential service. And this is the Federal Government alone. Add to that $12,000,000,000 more for State and local governments, and you have a total of $50,000,009,000 to pay the bills of the big business of Government. Fifty billion dollars is more than the entire incomes of all the people in the richest coun- try in the world in either 1932, 1933, or 1934. Have we gone completely nuts? Have the bureaucrats and spenders and wasters be- come our masters? Suppose the national, State, and local gov- ernments levied a tax against all the farmers in the United States by compelling them to deliver free of charge to the Government all their farm crops—wheat, cotton, tobacco, sugar, everything that is grown in the ground—cl] their livestock—hogs, cattle, sheep—wool, milk, poultry, eggs, etc. The cash value of all these crops and livestock would run the Government just 5 months. If the Government then seiz-d all the coal that is mined, all the metals dug out of the earth, all the timber cut in the forests, and all the sea food caught in the water, it still would pay for the cost of Government for only 10 or 11 months. Such is the tribute levied against us. BIGGEST HOLD-UP IN HISTORY This is the most colossal hold-up in mod- ern history. For anything similar, you would have to go back to Bible times to read of the decree that went out from Augustus Caesar that “all the world should be taxed.” Caesar was a piker. Big government is the curse of every civili- zation since the world began, whether under the Pharaohs of Egypt, the Caesars of Rome, or the Hitlers of the twentieth century. Big government is the harbinger of certain dis- aster to every nation that long tolerates it. As a great historian said, “The civilization of ancient Rome was not destroyed by bar- barians but by the imperial tax gatherers” (Ferrero). The blight of high taxes, spending, and debt drowns ambition, discourages thrift, skyrockets prices, and makes the citizen a bootlicker of the spenders. Increasing debt and taxes finally submerge nations under the inflation flood, as we have Total require- ments 1, 650, 610 65, 875 Total de- Hveries | Deficiency "573, 805 | 3, 442, 505 twice witnessed in Europe in a single gener- ation. WHY EXPECT UNITED STATES TO BE IMMUNE? Why do we think we are immune to a plague no free people has ever survived? In 1776 there were enough brave men to break away from big government. They put its taxes, rationing, price fixing, and arbi- trary controls behind them. For a century and a half we were freemen. Government was small, its tax burden was easy, and ite debt insignificant. For a century and a half the individual American was the master and government was his servant. For a century and a half government did not confuse itself with God. For a century and a half we ad- hered to the faith that that government is best which governs least. Now, we have foresworn the creed of the greatest political philosopher of all times, Thomas Jefferson, and embraced the Old World doctrines of Karl Marx, Bismarck, and Caesar. Now, once again, the dark eclipse of big government is sweeping over America. Will it be said that this glorious century and 8 half was nothing but a happy interlude in the age-old struggle between the world’s parasites and the world’s producers? BUREAUCRATS ON OUR BACKS It was said of Russia under the czars that every peasent carricd a soldier on his back. That truly great Russian, Count Toletot, pictured the parasites of imperial Russia as saying: “I sit on a man’s back, choking him, and making him carry me and yet telling him that I am very sorry for him dnd wish to ease his lot by all possible means—except to get off his back.” Here in America we have a similar lot of bureaucrats, these “troublesome insects of the hour,” as Edmund Burke would call them, telling us how much they want to do for us, and how helpless we are without them. Yet, as in Russia under the czar, our bureaucrats never suggest that they get off our backs. We have got to recognize that govern- ment in America has become a big new racket and lifetime career of making jobs at the public trough. The corrupt pay-roll padding that goes on under the big city ma- chines has become a national profession. And the plan is to make big government even bigger. AVALANCHE OF NEW CONTROL BILLS Senator O’Manoney tells us that despite the election, 200 bills have already been in- troduced in Congress to extend Federal con- trol and pay rolls. More billions are to be poured down new and bigger rat holes.