A290 trusting heart to be lied to by a weather vane atop the steeple of a church. Like Mr. Strunsky, we Americans always have hated public lars, men or miachines. Schoolboys were raised on the story of George Washington and the little cherry tree: “Father, I cannot tell a ite.” The greatest figures In our history—Jeffer- son, Adams, Lincoln—never questioned the Biblical test of an upright man—one “that sweareth to his own hurt and changeth not.” Today public lying has become almost the tule rather than the exception. And the {dealists, the reformers, the professional friends of the people are, on the whole, worse than the old-line politicos. Fiorello LaGuardia was a great Nberal whom no reporter wanted to interview un- less there were & Witness present. Franklin Roosevelt's reign gave birth to the cynical phrase “conditioning the public mind”— meaning, “tell ’em only what, and only as much, as you think will promote the policies which you, in your superior wisdom, have decided are good for them” Consider the recent performance of New York's Mayor O’Dwyer. In the face of a gambling scandal he resigned without warn- ing, to be hidden away by President Truman in the Embassy in Mexico City. The New York papers then printed the record of eight separate public denials by him that he ever would resign, all of them issued in a few previous weeks. He deserved to be thrown out of public life. Instead, he was promoted. This, I think is something we ought to get mad about. We ought to keep a boxscore of all the lies told by every important public official and every seeker after public office. A lot of us, regardless of party, would be giad to vote for the candidate who had lied the least. Is Our Bill of Rights Still Potent? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRANK T. BOW OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 22, 1951 Mr. BOW. Mr. Speaker, the Timken Essay Contest, of November 17, 1950, was sponsored by the Timken Roller Bearing Co., of Canton, Ohio, for boys and girls who were regularly attending the junior or senior—grades 11 and 12—classes of hig school and were children of Tim- ken employees. Its purpose was to instill in these children who will be entering the busi- ness and industrial world in the near future a fuller realization of just what the American way of life as lived through the Bill of Rights really means to every- one. In entering the contest, the students naturally had to do a good amount of research on the subject and this study- ing no doubt made a more lasting im- pression in their minds than their pre- yious exposition to the subject, The entries were limited to less than 1,000 words and were judged on literary style, contents, and evidence of original thought and imagination applied to the subject. The contest was judged by a five-man board of men not connected in any way with the company. They were: Right Rev. Msgr. George N. Habig, pastor of St. Peter's Catholic Church; Rev. Wil- lard I. Hackenberg, pastor of the Trinity Lutheran Church; Rabbi Lawrence H. Charney, of Shaary Torah Congregation; Judge George N. Graham, Stark County Common Pleas Court; Clayton G. Horn, editor in chief, the Canton Repository. Prizes awarded were in United States savings bonds as follows: First, $300; second, $200; third, $100, and 10 addi- tional prizes of $50 each, totaling $1,100. Winner of the contest was Joyce Ann Urbach, 16-year-old junior at Mc- Kinley High School, Canton, Ohio. She is the daughter of Harley J. Urbach, works engineer for the company. The essay follows: UNITED SraTEs BILL OF RIGHTS Can SAVE FREEDOM. (By Joyce Ann Urbach) We, the youth of today, are growing up enveloped in the problems of war and peace. We cannot remember a time free from war or the threat of war. We took to the fu- ture, not with a bright, eager expectancy as our parents did, but with doubt and hesl- tancy at what we see. Just what does lie ahead in this world Jeft to us by our elders? For a century and a half the Bill of Rights has stood as a magnificent signpost of personal freedom, but it can only point the way. The road to freedom we must travel ourselves. Americans have sometimes stumbled on this road, but they have always surged for- ward with a driving force. They have been inspired by the knowledge that what they were working toward wus the best form of government yet established on this earth * * © @ government of freedom and equality. For twenty-odd years now there has been an outside force trying to turn us from our rocky road of freedom to the smooth road of communism—smooth because it is effort- Jess just to drift along with the masses. Men acting as mechanical robots with all precious free spirit gone. Will the Communist plan succeed, or are the people of this count:y beginning to realize just what has been happening? Many people are now aware of this outside threat against our freedoms, but what about the threat from internal sources? Is our Bill of Rights in danger of violation in our own Government? Are there certain stumbling blocks set out on our road to freedom that seem to flash red as a warn-~ ing sign? For the past 18 or 20 years, our Govern- ment has lived by deficit financing. Debt destroys confidence, inertia sets in, and so- clalism is just a step further, The Gov- ernment steps over the Ine between de- mocracy and socialism when, through epend- ing and debt, it levies taxes on private busi- ness to the extent that companies cannot carry the tax burden and continue to grow. It is absolutely astonishing to know that $10,000,000 a year is used to operate Gov- ernment-owned automobiles. Can this be anything but mismanagement of our money? Our generation will have to carry g terrific burden of taxation largely due to the unwise spending of our predecessors, This 1s, in form, a curtailment of our liber- ties and may be considered unjust taxation on us. Two bills that may come to the new Con- gress whon it assembles are the Brannan plan APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and the bill for socialized medicine. We are teetering on the edge of a precipice when the Government ceases to regulate and begins to menage. So long as men are free to chocse their own work and develop their chosen fields America will march forward and prosper. The Brannan plan would, in substance, tell the farmers what, when, and how they can grow their crops. Are not such controls in- fringement of personal freedom? Socialized medicine means the Govern- ment would tell us what doctor we could call and tell the doctor what people he could serve. These things must not happen. We must keep our freedom of incentive. Be- cause of this our country has grown great and will continue to grow in all things that better our standards of living. This freedom distinguishes America from any other coun+ try. It’s a freedom we must save. Freedom of speech is a very precious herit- age. It gave a man the right to say in Cleve- land that some day, “We—meaning the CIO— wil! be able to tell the press what to print and what not to print.” By exercising one right he abused his responsibility to another. If the press ever becomes controlled by any pressure group we will have completely strayed from our freedom road. Freedom of the press came to the aid of our freedom of speech when General Mac- Arthur was not allowed to give his recent address, but it subsequently appeared in the newspapers. It has been truly said, “A state which dwarfs its men in order that they may be more docile instruments in its hands, even for beneficial purposes, will find that with small men no great thing can really be ac- complished.” According to the report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights the really flagrant abuse of the Bill of Rights is in regard to the Negro situation in the Southern States. There are seven States in the South with poll taxes that keep the majority of the Negroes from voting. There are many records of unfair and prejudiced trials held in southern courts. This minority race in our country suffers from many discriminations because of color, Where even a small section of our people suf- fer the loss of their rights as set down by our early leaders, our ideal of democracy is not completely realized. There should be constant effort to make the Bill of Rights a living experience of all our people regardless of color. These are a few of the threats to our free- dom and security. Notice that they are stumbling blocks which can be rolled away. They have not yet become permanent bar- riers on our freedom road. There are and always have been two kinds of government—without consent of the peo- ple and with consent of the people. Be- cause our fathers suffered under the first, they chose the second. They believed in democracy and freedom; we believe in it too. We must back our belief with positive action, Belleve, act, think American, all the way. We, the youth, in order to have faith in the future must come to the conclusion that our Bill of Rights ts still potent. We must know that the American people will not let us down. We want to know that they are aware of the existing threats to the basic freedoms, and will see to !t that we have the chance that they did. We should have the opportunity to enjoy all the liberties granted under the protcc- tive framework of our American Constitu- tion. It will then become our responsibility and privilege, with the help of God, to defend, preserve, and pass on to future generations on post sacred heritage—the American way of life.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The War in Kerea eed EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM S. HILL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 22, 1951 Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, a few days ago I included in the Appendix of the Recorp, @ report and a number of signa- tures on a petition concerning the wishes and desires of constituents of the Second District of Colorado, particular. ly Boulder, on the war in Korea. Today I include additions to the petition and a clarification of the objectives of the or- ganization: COMMITTEE FOR DECISION IN Korka, Boulder, Colo. Your signature has been noted on the pe- titions signed at the public meeting held Sunday, January 7, 1961. As you know this demonstration by the people can be effective only if it 1s Nation- wide. You can help by forwarding the enclosed petitions to your friends and relatives in other localities in the Nation, telling them of the campaign and urging a public meet- ing in their community When writing to your friends or rela- tives, we suggest you include the following explanations: 1. A legacy of $5,000 received from a serv- ice man killed in Korea, is being used to urge people to demonstrate thetr opinion to Congress and the President. 2 A few statements shuuld be included about the letter which set off the venture and the public meeting in Boulder which fol- lowed it. 8. The purpose of this group is not to form public opinion, but to bring it into focus. 4. The urgency of immediate action can- not be overstressed; events in Korea demand it. 5 We seek a decision in Korea around which American people can unite. 6 Originals of the petition should be re- turned to this committee; we recommend that certified true copies be sent to your representatives in Congress The most important action to be taken, however, in addition to completing the pe- tition is—a letter or telegram to President Harry Truman and congressional repre- sentatives. Now 1s the time to revive our democratic heritage of action. COMMITTEE FOR DECISION IN KOREA, R. A. Martinson, Chairman, SIGNERS OF THE PETITION Ralph Nielsen, Frank R. Burton, John E. Anderson, Harry M. Nordlok, Strasburg, Colo; Donald W. Jackson, Byers, Colo.; Henry Fruhling, Niel I. English, Elmer Hop- per, O. E. Brown, Mrs. Zylpha Brown, Stras- burg, Colo; Mrs. Zylpha Snavely, Byers, Colo.; Miss Martha Balanga, C. J. Linnehus, Mrs. ©. J, Linnehus, Strasburg, Colo.; George F. Tegeler, H. Strot, Everett Douglass, Rich- ard T. Bothwell, Wigging, Colo.; Henry Leb- soek, Brush, Colo.; G. L. Bothwell, Jesse Ber- nard, Robert C. Larson, Wiggins, Colo.; c. L. Maritt, Burney Sloan, Strasburg, Colo.; H. E. Bryson, Denver, Colo.; Mrs. Vern Rice, Stras. purg, Colo; R. W. Helling, Limon, Colo.; Donald Rin, Armal C. Hanson, Vernon D. Whelden, Emma Ehlers, Dal E. Gabhert, Btrasburg, Colo.; D. R. Baldwin, Denver, Colo.; Doria White, Mrs, James Warrea, H. H. Kruse, A. Dorothy Pescko, Strasburg, Colo.; Lohma Palmer, L. J. Tippett, Byers, Colo.; Martha A. Nordiloh, John H. Nordloh, Reed L. Nordloh, Strasburg, Colo; Courtland Rybicks, Bennett, Colo.; Claude H. Baxter, Robert Rice, Richard Rice, Vern Rice, Betty Rice, Jean Rice, Beulah Barrois, Wanda Barrois, Strasburg, Colo.; Roy Hinkle, Marvin Hinkle, Neil Hinkle, Luceille Hinkle, Wiggins, Colo,; D. Mitchell, Strasburg, Colo.; Robert Ehritch, Weldona, Colo; Mra. I. L. Wirth, J. L. Wirth, Wiggins, Colo.; Raymond Minaem, Byers, Colo.} Fred Poston, Henry G. Bartholomew, P. R. Hamilton, Charles B. Nordioh, Erushel O. Nordioh, William P. Nordioh, Ellen Belle Nordioh, Mrs. P. R. Hamilton, Chuck Landon, Strasburg, Colo.; Lyle Ingersoll, Platteville, Colo.; Floyd Price, Strasburg, Colo.; William C. Beck, Bennett, Colo.; Joan Klein, Donald Price, Neva A, Burton, Lina V. Gtuter, Leon Birney, C. H. Wlison, Earl Ennis, Eugene Berney, Stras- burg, Colo.; Bobbie Adams, Lucille Palmer, Clifford Orusby, Junior Gordley, Byers, Colo.; Ed G. Sohert, Beatrice Luke, T. J. Weddell, Marian Weddell, Strasburg, Colo.; Loren A. Guy, Deertrail, Colo.; Chester D. Derby, Walter L. Best, Byers, Colo.; Russel] Pote, Strasburg, Colo.; Howard Fox, Denver, Colo.; Victor D. Wright, Strasburg, Colo.; Otis Fitch, Burlin Pitts, Byers, Colo; C. BE. Fink- beiner, Little Rook, Ark.; B. J. Wawak, Bige- low, Ark.; Freeman Scott, Sanford L. Scott, James G. Wassin, Oryly Luse, Strasburg, Colo.; H. McLaughlin, Denver, Colo.; Frank Nyback, Strasburg, Colo.; Clifford Smith, Byers, Colo.; C. Oudukirk, Strasburg, Colo.; Russell W. Wood, Joe Andreotto, Denver, Colo.; James W. Sounsen, Wallace B. Black, J. W. McLaughlin, Raymond L. Zyback, L. M. Montgomery, Dorothy Driscoll, Gene Rice, Joe Tibebon, Chuck Bates, Strasburg, Colo.; William F. Guye, Bennett, Colo.; B. L. Moore- head, Strasburg, Colo; Robert M. West, Wheatridge, Colo.; Harold D. Carmichal, In- dian Hills, Colo.; Theodore Billinger, Brigh- ton, Colo.; Mrs. Nell Bradley, Walter Liew- ellyn, Mabel Liewellyn, Fred Beitler, A. W. Stahl, Ralph W. Williamson, William J. Rerksiek, Ross Blias, Karl M. Luke, Charles T. Heinricy, John E. Williams, Roy H. Funk, L. W. Burchfield, R. L. Beltts, Hubert A. Haugen, John Schmidt, Craig Miller, H. M. Mermenge, Frank Roberts, J. H. Ferguson, Lee Cooper, J. A. Hart, Gunnor Herskinel, Oliver Hibbs, Cecil M. Cook, Philander B. Rice, George Michell, R. H. Bauman, J. L. Pinzenzeham, Philip E. Pingenzeham, J, R. Rhine, Otto Engelbrecht, Benney Sloan, John Nordloh, Jr., Willis I. Young, Strasburg, Colo.; Chris Voldin, Byers, Colo.; A. P. Wag~- ner, Strasburg, Colo; Ben Wolden, Jr., Byers, Colo.; Halver Walden, Spring Valley, Minn.; OQ. L. Johnson, Denver Colo.; Glen Clark, Robert Beutels, Ross Perry, Byers, Colo.; Cc. L. Huston, J. W. Weddell, R. A. Meller, Audrey Cooper, May Cooper, Naonie I. Young, Elete Kerksiek, Ethel Pinzenzeham, Fannie Morehead, Strasburg, Colo.; E, D. Trour, Deer- trail, Colo,; Richard Vansyou, Walter Van- syou, Lydia Beltz, J. O. Beltz, W. H. Scott, Byers, Colo.; J. D. Rogers, Strasburg, Colo.; James E. Hunter, Bennett, Colo.; Herb Barr, Byers, Colo.; Lyle L. Butler, Strasburg, Colo.; Arlie Manen, Byers, Colo.; Ed Savard, Arthur E. Phillips, Wilmer Pimberton, Strasburg, Colo.; Tom Pemberton, Agate, Colo.; George Williams, Floyd R. Hamilton, Bill Pinchock, Strasburg, Colo.; A. W. Henderson, Watkins, Colo.; N, Scheure, L. W. Podoll, Aurora, Colo,; E. B. Zimmeura, Denver, Colo.; Walter Schroth, Joseph R, McEroy, Bub Bordner, Alvin Young, John Olair, Georgia EH. Clair, Harold B. Tuffs, Barney Stoffel, S&r., Tom Brockman, Glen Lascasta, Barney Stoffel, Jr., Bennett, Colo; Phil Tann, Greeley, Culo.; Norman Toft, C. R. Shuer, G. W. Hanlon, Ralph Hanlon, Roy Hanlon, Alvin Tedesko, Bennett, Colo, A291 Editorial Comment on Address by Hon. James A. Farley EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I ask unalimous consent that two editorials and an art.cle relative to the excellent aadress made by former Postmaster General James A. Farley to the State Chamber of Commerce of Florida in No- vember of last year be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. The first is en- titled “Farley Looks at November 7,” and appeared in the Bridgeport Post on No- vember 24, 1950. The second is entitled, “Mr. Farley Woos the South,” and ap- peared in the New York Herald Tribune on November 23, 1950. The third is in a column headed “Heffernan says Farley makes a diagnosis,” and appeared in the Brooklyn Eagle, November 80, 1950. There being no objection, the editorials and article were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Bridgeport Post of November 24, 1950] Faritey Looxs aT NOVEMBER 7 From all sections of the country political pundits have been having their say about the election on November 7, in varying degrees of importance, Perhaps the most significant analysis has come from James A. Farley, former Demo- cratic national chairman, who in two elec- tions successfully presented Franklin D. Roosevelt to the voters of the country, and then broke with him on the third-term prin- ciple. Mr, Farley has always been scrupulous about principles, in and out of politics. Although not active politically since then, the former Postmaster General still knowa more about the Democratic Party, and the men and women who make up that party, than any other citizen. There its no question about his qualifications to speak on the effect of the November 7 results on the party which he led to power. Defeats of union-endorsed candidates clearly indicate that the country does not want an independent labor party, he told the Florida Chamber of Commerce. “The principle upon which this Nation rests is that individuals vote as individuals, not as members of blocs. They vote their convic- tions through the party of their choice, and that party represents all interests, business and agricultural, labor and capital,” Mr. Far ley said. There are many lessons to be drawn, he said, which may not only make for a better Democratic Party, but a better two-party system for the Nation. He has always been a stanch believer in the two-party system and has often pointed out that it would be an error for labor unions to form a party of thelr own. The Ohio election proved beyond doubt how the people, and working- men themselves, feel about a labor party, Yet, he noted, there has been great danger that labor would do this through unlon political organizations set up in districts and in Btates,
A292 Buch a development would be contrary to the theory of government under our Amert- can two-party system, since it would allow the elimination of policies by one issue and by one group in the community. It was this fear, he believes, that drove many Democrats into the Taft column in Ohio. In his clear and frank appraisal of the results, he does not believe that people prefer to support third, or splinter parties, of which there were two in New York State. He scored the Democratic Party for allowing the Liberal Party, though less radical than the Am‘rican Labor Party, to move in and dictate candidates. He pointed out the perils to European stability because of the multi- plicity of parties. He believes the election carried a warning to the Government to go slow with further experiments in domestic affairs for at least the curation, He mentioned specifically the Brannan plan, socialized medicine, and other unsubstantial experiments. They won no honors in the recent election, the former chairman said, declaring that we want to be a humane progressive Nation, but we cannot be big-hearted with money we haven't got. Mr, Farley urged the abandonment of the proposed Federal civil rights legislation, be- cause the problems cannot be solved on a Federal basis. They belong to the States or to the region, and he finds the Southern States solving their problems in this regard successfully without the heavy hand of law. Mr, Farley's talk was filled with common sense, and if the Fair Dealers have any of that rare commodity, they will agree with hir1 and change their partisan tactics. If they don’t, Democrats will continue to vote with the more conservative Republicans, just as they did in Ohio, — {From the New York Eerald Tribune of November 23, 1950] Mr. Fartey Woos tue Sours James A. Farley, one may assume, did not Journey all the way ta Tampa just to hear himself talk. The former Postmaster Gen- eral’s address before the Florida Chamber of Commerce covered a variety of topics, but the references to civil rights appear to have & special purpose. It must have been pleas- tng to southerners to hear the former na- tional chairman of the Democratic Party say that “most of the problems raised by the so-called civil rights program are gradually and peacefully betng solved right here tn the South.” While Mr. Farley's position may not utterly coincide with that of the Dixie- crats, it is certainly the complete opposite of everything that President Truman and the Democratic Party profess to advocate. Mr, Farley was giving the audience what they wanted to hear—that Federal legislation is the wrong approach, that Mr. Truman really ought to sit down to friendly chats with the southern leaders, and that good people can be trusted to do the right thing. The trouble, from the South's viewpoint, is that Mr. Farley holds no position within his party. He speaks merely for himself, but the Farley opinion in political matters com- mands respect. And when Mr. Farley says that his party {s pretty much wrong on civil rights, it is logical to assume that he is pre- pared to push the challenge. Just what he proposes to do is not plain, but the evidence has been mounting for some time that this Democrat would like to get back into some seat of political power. Perhaps Mr. Farley is convinced that a swing to the right is on, and calculates that the South is just the Piace to try out. As a political analyst and tactician, he is among the best. It is easy to imagine that Mr. Farley would like to direct a@ conservative turnabout tn the Democratic Party. How he could ever sell the southern idea of civil rights to the big-city Democrats is a trifie obscure, but then the expert politi- clan is always good at hybridizing. [From the Brooklyn Eagle of November 80, 1950] Herrernan Says FarLEY MAKES A DIAGNOSIS What was in a): editortal this commenta- tor wrote in May of 1981 is beyond recall. But in his Mles he finds a letter in which James A. Farley wrote: “When I am again in Brooklyn I shall drop in and say hello to you, as I believe a personal chat would enable me to give you some informatior as to wkat I am trying to do around the State.” In what he was trying to do then he was conspicuously successful. Nineteen years, heavily freighted, have passed into hectic history since that letter reached my desk. Mr. Farley has been around the State, arouud the Nation, and ground the world. He has learne! much, His recent speech to the Florida Chamber of Commerse encompased much of what he learned. It was good medicine. The political doc- tor made an excellent diagnosis and pre- scribed medication. “Somehow,” said Mr. Farley, “I feel, a8 a Democrat, that the results generally, while they indicated a Republican trend, were good for the Democratic Party. That party atill holds the Presidency and it still holds both Houses of Congress. There are some Democrats who are disappointed. “And there are some who were never real Democrats who were deeply disappointed. But out of the lessons of this election we can draw soine w.sdom that may make for a better and more unified Democratic Party and a better two-party system for the Na- tion as a whole. I shall mention a few of these lessons.” It is not tuo difficult to identify those who were never real Democrats. Some of them transcended the bounds of democracy in the train of the leader in whose cause Jim Far- ley entered the political lsts 19 years ago. Some of them went down to defeat in the recent election. After touching briefly on the revolt of the workers against the labor bosses, notably in Ohio, Mr. Farley held up as a warning to honest liberals the danger of bloc or splin- ter parties which had reduced France to impotency when Hitler attacked and which now make difficult her decisions in the mat- ter of rearming Germany. We can pass his approval of the inclusion of Spain in the western alliance, and his plan for raising defense funds. Mr. Farley's views on the outstanding is- sues of the late campaign might well receive consideration from Mr. Truman if he has in mind the concillation of many interests, particularly those of the South. Thus: “as we turn from parties to issues there is another real leason in this election. Con- fronted as we are with a great peril in our foreign relations, with immense deficits and heavy taxation, the voters have made it clear that they want the Government to go slow with further experiments in domestic af- fairs for at least the duration. The Bran- nan plan, socialized medicine, and other un« aubstantial experiments won no honors in this election. We cannot be big-hearted with money we don't have. "This election and the primaries in the South that preceded it showed further that this country has no desire to follow Socialist Britain in adopting socialized medicine. “Preemen in whose hearts there lives a sense of justice and common sense can gen- erally be trusted to do what is right. I say to those anxious people who are too ready to lift the threat of authority to leave re- covery to the spirit of llberty.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Editorial Comment on Address by Hon. James A. Farley EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT OF ARKANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNTIED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp three excellent editorials respecting a recent address by Hon. James A. Farley, former Postmaster Gencral and former chair- man of the Democratic National Com- mittee, There being no objection, the edi- torials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: {From the St. Louis Globe-Democrat of November 23, 1950] FarRtey Gives Advice To Fettow Democrats (By David Lawrence) WasHiIncTon, November 22.—Probably the sagest of the political observers of our times is James A. Farley, who, after twice piloting &@ Presidential nominee to success at the polls, nevertheless parted from that same indi- vidual on a matter of principle—opposing a break in the third-term tradition. What Farley says now in analyzing the re- cent election 1s particularly significant and revealing. For it is the opinion of a man who, more than any other outside of public Office, knows what the Democratic Party really means to its followers and what it can mean in pursuing a course that might he termed sound instead of unsound liberalism. The man who not only served in the late President Roosevelt's Cabinet as Postmaster General, but who led the Democratic Na- tional Committee is certainly entitled to speak about the Democratic Party as an in- stitution, “First,” says Farley concerning the last election, “it showed in Ohio and in several other places that neither the Republican nor the Democratic Parties, nor the workingman himself, nor the voters generally want an independent labor party. I have many times made myself clear on this subject. “Since labor unions became an effective force in our economy, it has been suggested by some that labor might conceivably form @ political party of its own, with the avowed objective of presenting its alms through the medium of a platform sponsored by an inde- pendent labor party. “Y want to say that I am definitely opposed to such an idea because I am a firm believer in the two-party system. “The great danger since the two big labor federations have set up their own political Organizations is that in many districts and in some States these organizations might well supplant one or both of the regular parties. The result of this would be the elimination of policies by one issue and by one group in the community. That is quite contrary to the whole theory of government in this Republic under a@ two-party system. The fear of that in Ohio I know in this year's election drove many Democrats to vote for Tart, And it is also clear that thousands of union members refused to be told how to vote by the political arms of the unions and voted for Tarr in protest.” This is a frank exposition by one who knows the trends in party fortunes and the changing attitudes of voters. Farley, how- ever, not only refers to what happened in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Ohio, but in his latest speech—made in the deep South at Tampa, Fin.—he calls atten- tion to the way the Amertcan Labor Party, which he says “came to be heavily influenced by Communists,” ran a ticket in New York State that was thoroughly buried by the reg- ular party vote. He adds that he is happy to note that the outlook ts very dark for third or fourth parties in this country. The former chief of the Democratic Na- tional Committee condemns also the Bran- nan plan, socialized medicine, and other unsubstantial experiments and calls on the President to summon the leaders of the South to solve civil-rights problems on a regional and State basis. “To pass a law," he remarks with reference to this issue that has aroused the South, “especially a Federal law, is never the best way to correct an injustice.” What Farley says to his fellow Democrats and to the Nation will be discussed widely. For it is the beginning of a very important dissent against new dealism and fair dealism which has been smoldering for some time, but which is now coming to the surface as the independent Democrats, forced to choose between radicalism under the Democratic banner or antiradicalism in the opposite party, are voting in favor of Republican can- didates. Thus they do not hesitate to leave their party for the time being—at least until the Democratic Party can get back on the track again. {From the Charleston (8. C.) Post of No-~ vember 23, 1950} Be.atep ADVICE A suggestion that 1s as sensible as it is belated comes from James A. Farley. yn an address at Tampa, Fle., Mr. Farley said President Truman should abandon his civil-rights program and leave the problems involved in it to be handled on a State and regional basis. Mr. Farley 1s a former Democratic national chairman, and he spoke as one pained over the split in the party. He plainly realizes that the cleavage has arisen mainly from Mr. Truman’s insistence on his so-called civil-rights program, despite the South’s unyielding opposition to It. Said Mr. Farley: “The President might as well, in the interest of national as well as party unity, summon the leaders of the South to solve these problems on a regional and State basis.” Mr. Farley misses an important point. The South's position is that Congress has no constitutional authority to onact measures such as the FEPC and anti-poll-tax legisla- tion. To do so would be to trample on the rights and powers reserved to the States. There is no call to summon southern leaders. As & Missourian, however, Mr. Truman could feel free to urge his State legislature to pass such laws. . The Democratic Party under Mr. Truman's dictation has for his oivil-rights program as a matter of politics. It has been motivated by a desire to win the votes of Negro and other bloca in doubtful States. Consequently the administration may not heed this warning from Mr. Farley: “To threaten the South with drastic Federal legis- lation is the worst approach to improving Negro-white relations.” The Fair Deal is either blind to that danger, or considers !t of leas consequence than getting votes. For all that Mr. Farley's approach to this subject ia & gound one, it comes late. His words might have meant something had they been uttered earlter—and in the North. Un- less his school of advice prevails, the Presi- dent ia going to continue to urge passage of the legislation so obnoxious to this section. And Mr. Truman has already said he will recommend his program to the new Congress. He evidently isn't in the market for good advice. —_— [From the Savannah Eventng Preas of No- vember 22, 1950] Ma. Fan.uzy'’s Goon Apvicz James A. Farley, who in the field of politics has 8 reputation for knowing whereof he speaks, has given President Truman and the others who preside over the policies of the national administration, sume good advice. Acceptance of Mr. Farley's advice by Mr. Truman would be a manifestation of the President's sincere interest in @ program which up to this time appears on the face of the record to be largely designed to catch the votes of some big pressure groups. Press dispatches quote Mr. Farley as hav- ing said in a speech in Tampa that the so- called civil rights program of President Truman is taking the wrong approach in seeking to achieve results by threatening legislation against the South, that the prop- er and productive approach would be through inviting those who know the problems best to solve them on a regional and State basis. Mr. Farley spoke emphatically against what, regardless of the names they may be called by their sponsors, are 1950-model force bills directed primarily against the South. Mr. Farley puts his fatth in free- men in whose hearts there lives a sense of justice and common sense rather than in edicts and flats. Such men as he desoribes, he goes on to say, “can generally be trusted to do what is right.” And !n the South they have been doing just that, working steadily in the direction of fatrness and expanding opportunities. Tremendous strides have been made in the South in race relationships, and this section bas more in this regard to point to with pride than have some other sections which have a very sorry performance and which have deceived people by pointing to their laws, lawa that actual conditions prove mean virtually nothing. In the South, where the problems are well understood, people of good will have been leaders in bringing about greatly improved conditions, and the progress is continuous and cumula- tive. The greatest dangers that the good work faces are the politically inspired force bill attacks and the misguided efforts of pressure organizations. Mr. Farley has a clear conception of how an ever-growing better relationship is to be nurtured. We repeat, he has given the President some excellent advice. Recommendations for Preventing World War Ill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LISTER HILL OF ALABAMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. HILL. Mr. President, I ask unani- mous consent to have printed in the Ap- pendix of the Rucorp a timely and able article by our former colleague, Hon. Prank P, Graham, of North Carolina, as it was printed in the Durham Morning Herald, of Durham, N. C., on Sunday, January 7, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: 4 A293 Ae a Step Towarp Preventina Woatn War TH-—RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ACTION (By Frank P. Graham) CHRISTMAS AND NEW YEAR Christmas 1950 and the New Year 1961 have come with their heritage from a great past and their hopes amid the darkness which broods over the peoples of the earth. In the nearly 2,000 years since the first Christmas there have been transmitted to the keeping of our generation the Hebraic, Greek, Latin, Catholic, Protestant, scientific, industrial, democratic, European, American heritage of human freedom and humane hopes yet unfulfilled and now imperilied in this world. In the reorientation of America aa part also of the Pacific-Asiatic world, it is of concern to us that in the East the spiritual heritage of the oldest civilizations is being uprooted by conquerors who would exalt the ideology of one generation and the quick ruthless methods of the police state above the wisdom of hundreds of generations, The need for reform is large and insistent in the East and the West. The East and the West need the values of creative cooperation in reform. This cooperation will be more crea- tive when based on a mutual respect for the deep spiritual heritage of historic peoples, a decent regard for the truth above the faise- hoods of hate as the basis for fair relations, the freedom of the human mind as the crea- tive source of progress, and the dignity of the individual and the moral antonomy and enterprise of the human spirit as the basis of enduring freedom and reform in this crucial age. In the womb of the mid-twentieth cen- tury are a-borning the ideological, economic, social, political, solentific-atomic-coamic, and spiritual forces which mayhap determine the destinies of peoples for generations. The modern economic framework of production and communication, which encompasses the earth with ite dynamic power, catches up ideas, depressions and wars anywhere and involves, and sometimes engulfs, peoples everywhere. Dictatorships have risen through and for the concentration under one central political control of the police state all the powers of production and communication (1) for its mastery over the bodies and minds, the work and life, the hopes and the spirits of the people; (2) for the subjugation of the free peoples; and (3) for the domination of all the peoples of the earth. The spiritual heritage of a great past and the humane hopes for a freer and better world in the west and the east are both now in peril. In two hemispheres the peoples, with both despair and hope, look from the background of centurtes gone into the years ahead pregnant with war or peace, freedom or slavery for hundreds of millions of people across the earth. The world-wide crusade for freedom and peace must climb from the valleys of weakness and fear into the hills of courage and power. In the midst of the global gloom of the closing days of 1960 Christmas came with its ray of hope in a darkening world. Nearly 2,000 years ago a Child was born in a lowly manger in a little country in Asia near the sea which yet joins with hope the east and west. Gilad tidings came in the datkne.s before the dawn. With the Child was born the hope of peace on earth and good will toward men. The Child became a man and lived and died for the brotherhood of all men and the fatherhood of one God. Jesus and the prophets and saints, east and west, taught the Golden Rule and human brother- hood: one God, one family, and one world of freedom, justice, peace and good will among men, unfulfilled to this hour,
A294 2%. THE YEARNINGS OF THE PEOPLES FOR PLACE 1. In the United States: In the United Btates today the mothers and fathers in homes, the sons and daughters who dream their youthful dreams of homes of their own, the people on farms, in factories, stores, mines, and upon the seas, the people in cities, towns, villages, and the countryside, in schools and churches, want peace. They ‘would have peace, they are sure, if only the cruel dictators of the Soviet Union would stop thelr aggressive tyranny and let the people have peace. @. In the Soviet Union: In the Soviet Union, the mothers and fathers in homes, the sons and daughters, who dream their youthful dreams of homes of their own, the people on farms, in factories, stores, mines and upon the seas, in cities, towns, villages, and the countryside, want peace, They would have peace, they have beer led to believe, if only the Fascist warmongers in the United States would let the people have eace, P 3. In other nations: In other nattons of the earth the mothers and fathers in homes, the sons and daughters who dream their youthful dreams of homes of their own, the people everywhere as they work and love, dream and hope, want peace. They would have peace, hundreds of militons of them believe, 1f only the Soviet Union and the United States would let the people have atte Tne people of all colors and creeds, races, and regions: The yellow, brown, red, black and white peoples want peace. The Buddhists, Hindus, Confucianists, Shintotsts, Moslems, Jews, Greek Orthodox, Roman Catholics, Protestants, believers and unbe- Yievers, want peace. The people of North and South America, Europe, Africa, Asia, Australia and the islands of the oceans and geas, want peace. All the peoples of the earth, who in this generation, have suffered through a world war, 4 world depreasion and another world war, yearn and pray for free- dom and security, justice, and peace. Il. THE UNIVERSAL YEARNING OF THE PEOPLES FOR PEACE CONFRONTED WITH THE HIGH POTENTIALS OF THE WORLD FOR WAR Against this time for universal good will, 4n the face of the universal desire of the peoples for peace, and despite the unreating efforts of the Government of the United States and other governments, the nations are confronted with dictatorship, imperial- ism and aggression. 1. The ways of dictatorship: The Com- munist dictatorship bag made war on re- ligion, subjugated the freedom of the mind, the freedom of representation in pariia- ments, the freedom of sgsoeiation in churches, corporations, labor unions, co- Operative soctettes, fraternal and civic or- ganizations, has broken treaties; blocked the unification of Germany and Korea; subju~ gated by methods of the police state nine nations and parts of two nations; sought to sabotage the recovery of Southern and ‘Western European nations; stripped Man- churie, poisoned the minds of hundreds of millions of people with falsehoods and hate; crushed the freedom to struggle for free- dom; enslaved increasingly more mil- Ions of people in enforced bondage than were ever held in slavery at any time in his~ tory; segregated 200,000,000 people behind the iron curtain; vetoed the international control and inspection of atomic power; blocked the international efforts and pro- cedures of the United Nations for peace; and has gone far in 6 m of aggression and imperialism for the domination of the world, 2. The ways of freedom: With all its un- fair but decreasing discriminations, injus- tices, failures, end frustrations of freedom and democracy, the United States has pre- served the freedom of religion, the freedom of the mind, and the freedom of association; has advanced the freedom to struggle for freedom by which more millions of Negroes in the last 85 years in the United States have msde more progress than any like number of people in any like time in modern history, revealing, against many handicaps, the in- nate capacities of a great people for self- development in an advancing democracy; liberated the Philippines; has, against both the Dutch and Communist imperialists, thrown its weight on the side of the inde- pendence and freedom of the 70,000,000 In- donesian people; has, against both the French and Communist imperialists, fa- vored the autonomy of the Indochinese people; has favored the self-determination of peoples in Israel and the Near East, in Southern Asia, Korea, West Germany, North- ern and Western Europe, and Great Britain; offered to give up its then monopoly of atomic power for international control and inspection; helped to facilitate the pro- cedures and cooperated with the purposes of the United Nations against aggression as the beat hope of freedom and peace in the world. 8. No appeasement of aggression: Stand- tng on the brink of the abyss of another possible world war between dictatorship which, with all its pretenses, would crush the freedom to struggle for freedom, and the democracies, which, with all their faults, would preserve the freedom to struggle for freedom, some free nations are still torn by the opposite pulls of appeasement and re- sistance to aggression. In the present com- plex world situation resistance to aggression in Korea or anywhere may lead to global war. Appeasement of aggression leads no less surely and even more disastrously into another world war. Not backward from a Dunkerque to a Mu- nich, but forward. In resisting aggression in Korea the United Nations risked the military disaster of a Dunkerque to avold the moral disaster of a Munich. If the recently victori- ous United Nations forces should be driven off the peninsula, the way would not be back- ward to Munich but forward with the United Nations for the ultimate triumph of free- dom, self-determination of all peoples, jus- tice and peace under the laws rather than by the wars of nations, In the present situation, whether we appease or resist, drift or plunge, or stand aside in isolation, the world potentials are so heavily charged that @ local spark may become a global con- fagration, In the global dilemma of the universal yearnings of the people for peace and the high potentials of the werld for war, it is only through heroic efforts of the Govern- ment of the United States in cooperation with the other governments of the United Nations, persistent against great odds, that & way may be found to make effective the people’s passion for peace against the ag- gressors’ will for war. The free peoples must stand resolutely together against appeasement of aggres- sions and any surrender to the untversal domination of a world totalitarian state. Iti, MEANTIME, MOBILISATION OF THE FREE WORLD FOR COLLECTIVE SELF-DEFENSE oF HUMAN FREEDOM Meantime, the United States, and all the nations of the free world, East and West, must mobilize their economic, military, actentific, democratic, human and spiritual resources for the cooperative self-defense of their democratic existence and the self-de- ‘termination of peoples. Denunciations, armaments, plans, and pacts—essential as they are—are not enough. The American people, in democratic and moral answer to fascism and communism, must relentlessly keep up the struggle against imperialism, privilege, monopoly, and discriminations, and take the next step toward fulfillment of our American dream and our spiritual hopes APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for the freedom and equal opportunity for all people in a free and federated world. The free peoples mus* stand together in defense of their commitments to the freedom of the human mind, the dignity of the human being, and the moral autonomy of the human spirit against a monstrous tyran- ny which seeks to subjugate all peoples in the expanding dominions of a world police state. IV. THE OPPORTUNITY OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS In such a complex and desperate altua- tion, where may the people of the earth look for the implementation of their univer- sal aspiration for peace? Not to the capital of any one or two nations. That way alone is the isolated way to war. Rather to the capital of all the nations. The way of in- ternational cooperation is the only way to enduring peace. The only international agency available for the balanced informa- tion and action of the peoples of all nations is the United Nations. With all its failures and frustrations, with all the need for amendment to its Oharter for a federated world, the peoples of the earth still look in hope to the United Nations dedicated by the noble principles of its Oharter to stopping aggression, preventing war, promoting free- dom, and maintaining peace in the world. 1, The General Assembly 1s the only world forum of all the nations: More democratically and organically the people now look to the General Assembly with new hope in the recently and over- whelmingly adopted procedures for uniting for peace. In the General Assembly are rep- resented 60 nations which include the over- whelming majority of the people of the con- tinents and islands of the earth by their own self-determination. In the midst of the almost unsolvable di- Jemmas on the edge of a world catastrophe, whose burdens are now heroically borne by the statesmen of the free world, time does not wait for amendments to the Charter, for stronger ways, better days, more democratic governments, or nobler people. To amend the Charter the United Nations must now save the Charter and itself from destruction. To become more democratic the people must save the freedom to be a democracy. Free- dom and democracy begin at home but with- out resistance to the aggression and tyranny of the totalitarian police state, freedom and democracy would have no home in which to grow. The people of the world, as imperfect as we all are in our human and Inhuman ways, are the only people available in this fearful time. Now and soon is the only time left. The General Assembly is the only world forum of all the nations. The Assembly of the delegates from 60 nations is the most representative of the organs of the United Nations. It is not subject to the veto in its own jurisdiction. It is the only agency in existence in this confused and yet hopeful world which has a chance of enlisting the attention of most of the peoples of the earth for making effective their hopes for peace. Q. A majority vote of the Security Council on a procedural matter not subject to the veto can Hft the dispute from the Council agenda and free the Assembly to make reo- ommendations: It 18 recognized that, in accordance with article 12 of the Charter, the General As- sembly cannot make a recommendation con- cerning any matter on the agenda of the Security Council. Nevertheless, since put- ting a dispute on the agenda of the Council is a procedural matter not subject to the veto, a majority vote of the Council can re- move & Matter from the Council’s agenda and thus make it a matter regarding which the Assembly can make recommendations. Now is the time and the General Assembly is the agency to make findings and recom~ mendations for the principles and procedures
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD toward the settlement of a crucial dispute. This further attempt to settle this dispute is another effort to prevent a total global war, which would engulf the peoples of the world in the killing of scores of millions of people across the earth and the fateful de- struction of the oiviligation accumulated from all ages and inherited from all peoples. As a starting point of the discussions for settlement of the dispute in Korea, the Ren- ville principles themselves suggest their own applicability to the Korean dispute. V. THE RENVILLE PRINCIPLES The Renville principles already approved by the United Nations in the Indonesian situation are a possible starting point for the consideration of principles and procedures for the Korean situation. The Renville principles are substantially the following: (1) Military provisions for cease fre, a truce, a demarcation line, de- militarized vones on both sides of the line, and the withdrawal by stages of all non- Korean armed forces under the supervision of the United Nations; and (2) political principles with proviaion for internal secu- rity, civil liberties, free trade, transportation, communication, economic rehabilitation, plebiscites or other forms of free elections, and convention of delegates elected on the basis of population, for framing a constitu- tion for a free, {ndependent, and united Ko- rean nation under the supervision of the United Nations for the self-determination of all the Korean people and their admission as an independent member nation into the United Nations. These Renville principles and procedures, modified and adapted to meet the Korean situation, could be the ways and means of substituting ballots for bullets and of sub- stituting law and the self-determination of peoples for war and the self-extermination of peoples. vi. THE REJECTION OF FAIR PRINCIPLES AND OPEN PROCEDURES FOR THE SELF-DETERMINA- TION OF PEOPLES WOULD REVEAL TO THE PEO- PLES OF THE EARTH THE DESIGNS OF DICTATORS FOR AGGRESSION AND WORLD DOMINATION If, in the face of the publication of the findings and recommendations for the truce and the principles and procedures for the settlement of the international dispute, any nation—and specifically the dictatorship be- hind the puppet government which refuses substantially to accept them but determines heedlessly to go on its way of defiance, ag- gression, and war—would thereby make Its position of recalcitrance and aggression dramatically known to the great majority of the peoples of the earth. Above the false propaganda of dictators and beyond the reasonable question of free peoples, such a position would make clear which govern- ment is recklessly bent upon aggression and war for the domination of the world. Any such government, in t disregard of the yearnings of the people for peace and in re- jection of the recommendations of the only existing international agency based on full and open discussions in the only world forum, brands itself as an outlaw before the judgment bar of mankind. Such an outlaw nation, exposed before the world, would have to take the consequences of the combined economic, political, military, and moral self- defense of a free world in carrying out the principles and purposes of the United Na- tions as the best hope of fulfilling the yearn- ings and prayers of the peoples for freedom, justice, and peace under law. While some wait for universal disarma- ment, a limited world federal government, world law, and a world police force, for the prevention of aggression and war, there must be mustered now on the side of human free- dom against aggression not only more peo- ple and more bombs but also a greater faith. In the moral potentials of the United Na- tions fully utilised {s more ultimate power than In the explosive force of atomic bombs. The muster of the effective power of the General Assembly for human freedom and the self-determination of peoples might pre- vent war and thereby avoid the use of atomic bombs against aggression. The world’s po- tentials for war and self-destruction of peo- ples must be brought under the contro of the United Nations’ potentials for peace and the abundant production by peoples. To the large executive power and influence of the Security Council, presently subject to the paralysis of the veto, must be added more promptly and effectively the moral power of the General Assembly of all the nations, which can, without a veto, make recom- mendations to the Security Council and to member nations—with the peoples of the world looking on with their hopes and lis- tening in with thelr great moral power. The yearnings and prayers of the peoples for freedom and peace are universal. The potentials for war and self-destruction are world-wide. The time to save freedom and peace ts des- perately late. The only agency which can now possibly express and muster the moral power of mankind for freedom and hope and peace is the General Assembly of the United Nations. The peoples of the world, under God, to save themselves and their civilization, shall have a rebirth of freedom and faith in the effective power of the moral opinion of man- kind, mobilized by the General Assembly of the nations of the earth against tyranny, ag- gression, and war. VII, THE ULTIMATE TRIUMPH OF THE SOVEREIGN- TY OF THE MORAL LAW THROUGH INTERNA- TIONAL COOPERATION BY WHICH DICTATORS MUST FALL, EMPIRES CRUMBLE, AGGRESSION FAILS AND FREEDOM PREVAILS IN GOD’8 GOOD TIME Undergirding the power of the free world and the principles of the United Nations would be the universal yearnings of the peo- ples of the earth for peace and the world- wide assertion, through the General Assem- bly, of the moral sovereignty in the minds and hearts of the peoples as a part of the structure of God's universe. False propa- ganda in the face of the truth will eventually become as chaff which the wind driveth away. All peoples will yet rise in self-deter- mination through the knowledge of the truth which will make them free. The light of Mberty will yet shine through the tron curtain of men’s minds. The warmth of human brotherhood will yet melt away the iron curtain of men's hearts. The people's hopes for freedom and peace still fly their flags high in the Western World and across the eastern seas. Against the ultimate sovereignty of the moral law which runs through the universe, the history of nations, and the minds and hearts of the people who pray for freedom, justice, and peace, empires will crumble, dictators fall, and aggressors make war no more. THE BIRTH OF THE CHILD With the birth of the Child the idea of the fatherhood of one God, the ultimate sov- ereignty of the moral law, and the brother- hood of all men, became fiesh in Jesus, Son of God, Brother of Men, Scourge of Wrong, and Prince of Peace. He was Son of man who had not where to lay His head, lived among men, ministered to the poor in body and sick of heart, was crucified and rose again in redemptive and spiritual power to resist aggression, tyranny, and injustice, and to bring peace and brotherhood on earth in the great adventure of the human spirit in our earthly pilgrimage toward the kingdom of God, A295 Charles E. Wilson, Director of Office of Defense Mobilization EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM BENTO.: OF CONNSCTICUT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. BENTON. Mr. President, when Mr. Charles B. Wilson, Director, Office of Defense Mobilization, testified before the Committee on Small Business, I was happy to be able to tell him that I had had at least a dozen messages from busi- nessmen from all over the country tell- ing me that his appointment, in their opinion, was the finest appointment the President could have made to the great and heavy responsibilities which he has assumed over the economy. The Presi- dent is often lambasted for his appoint- ments, but now I think we should pay tribute to him for the unusual men who appeared before the Small Business Com- mittee yesterday, including Gen. William H. Harrison, Mr. Jess Larson, and Mr. John D. Small. We should also con- gratulate these men on the patriotism which prompted them to accept their tough positions. I therefore ask unanimous consent that Mr. Wilson’s testimony before the committee be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. I believe that all Mem- bers of Congress will be interested tn this foreshadowing of what He: ahead. In the question period after his prepared testimony, I discussed with Mr. Wilson his closing paragraph. Unhappily thou- sands of businessmen are now faced with annthiliation because of material short- ages, Mr. Wilson agreed that allocations are urgent, and, as with wage and price controls, must be enforced at the earliest possible moment. Mr. Wilson sounded a cheering note for small independent businesses who are “on the ball vigorously seeking busi- ness.” He said that such businesses “got it,” and pointed out that regardless of the size of the vessel, “cream comes to the top.” This is the theme which I struck in Bridg*port in the first clinic sponsored by the, Small Business Com- mittee for small independent business~ men held last July 17, 1950. The prob- Jem of government is not to pamper and spoon-feed the manufacturer, regardless of his size, but to assist those with ability and enterprise to bring to the war effort their creative talents and capacities. Mr. Wilson pointed out the needs for sales skills, as well as engineering and production skills. When he said this, I think he must have been mindful of those thousands of Connecticut inde- pendent manufacturers among whom he lived as one of the leading citizens of Bridgeport for some 10 yeas prior to his appointment as President of the General Electric Co., when he was in charge of the great General Electric operation: centered in Bridgeport, ;
A296 I have suggested to the Small Business Committee an expansion of the small- business clinics, and I plan to work out such clinics once more in Connecticut in April. I suggest that those Mem\ers of Congress who come from manufacturing States, and who have not taken advan- tage of this idea developed by the Small Business Committee, should irvestigate it at once. There being no objection, the testi- mony of Mr. Wilson was ordered to be printed in the Rxcorp, as follows: C. E. Wiuson’s Testmmony Berors THE SEN- ATE Sevrct CoMMrrrze ON SMALL Business I am pleased to appear before you today to discuss some of the problems small business faces in the defense effort. As you know there are certain basic factors inherent in such an effort. Among these are time, integration, and expansion. Clear- ly, we must achieve our defense requirements Qs quickly as possible. We must, within a minimum period integrate our production resources, both large and small, into the de- fense effort. While this program js being carried forward we must expand our produc- tive facilities thereby increasing our defense potential and at the same time decreasing the strain upon our civilian economy. In any accelerated defense program there is, unfortunately, a time lag in some in- stances between the curtailment of civilian production and conversion to defense pro- duction, In an already tight economy stock~- piling and production for defense must have first call on materials needed to combat the threat of foreign aggression. To assure our military requirements, it is necessary to cur~- tall the use of scarce materials and provide a system of priorities and allocations. An unfortunate result of this in the early stages is hardship to some individuals. On an over- all basis hardship cases decrease with the increase of defense contracts at work in the economy. We are particularly aware of this problem and are moving as promptly as pos- sible so that dislocations may be held to a minimum. The individual hardship cases, however, are a matter for consideration by the particular operating agencies. In this connection it might be helpful if I briefly describe the present organization which has been set up to carry forward our defense efforts. As you know the Office of Defense Mobilt- vation was created within the Executive Of- fice of the President. The Director of that Office is charged with the duty, on behalf of the President, to direct, contro), and coordi- nate all mobilization efforts. These include production, procurement, manpower, food, transport activities, maintenance of a sound economy, and foreign aid. In discharging these functions the Director is assisted by an advisory board known ai the Defense Mobili- gation Board. The membership of this Board includes the heads of various executive de- partments and agencies having responstbill- ties connected with the national defense. The Office of Defense Mobtlization does not perform any operating functions. Its job is to determine over-all policies and to coordi- nate the activities and programs of the mo- pbilization effort. It is our duty to keep the machinery of defense mobilization running smoothly. The Defense Production Administration is the programing agency for the production phase of the program. It will perform func- tions incident to the determination of pro- auction programs required to meet defense needs and will establish procedures to ac- complish such programs. In this connec- tion the Administrator secures the produd- tion plans of all agencies and estimates man- power requirements to meet tham. He is charged with responsibility concerning the expansion of productive facilities and it is only upon his authorization that the General Services Administration can make purchases to promote expansion of productive capacity and supply. He also is the certifying author- ity for tax amortisation for emergency fa- cilities. In connection with expansion, the Defense Production Administrator ts responsible for the direct loan program under which loans may be made to private business enterprises for the expansion of capacity, the develop- ment of technological processes or the pro- duction of easential materials. Under the provisions of the Defense Production Act this program is limited to those cases in which financial assistance is not otherwise avail- able. I belleve that to the extent possible these direct loans should be utilized to inte- grate small businesses into the production effort and therefore applications from small business will receive careful consideration. Insofar as food 1s concerned, the Defense Production Administrator determines with the Secretary of Agriculture how the avail- able supply is to be divided between indus- trial and other uses. In the event of any differences between these agencies the Direc- tor of the Office of Defense Mobilization will make the final decision. In addition this organizational arrange- ment separates programing and operating procedures over priorities and allocations. The Defense Production Administrator will determine the over-all production priorities and will dectde when curtailment of civilian production ts necessary. The priorities and allocations orders, however, will continue to be issued by the various operating agencies subject to the direction and approval of the Administrator. Thus, the Secretary of Inte- rior will continue to have jurisdiction over petroleum, gas, solid fuels, and electric power. Any problem the public may have concerning these materials should be taken up with the appropriate agency within the office of the Secretary of Interior, These agencies are the Petroleum Administration for Defense, the Defense Minerals Adminis- tration, the Defense Solid Fuels Administra- tion, and the Defense Power Administration. With respect to food and food facilities the Secretary of Agriculture has assigned the op- erating functions within his Department to the Production and Marketing Administra- tion. Insofar as transportation 1s concerned, such matters are handled by the Defense Transport Administration. The Secretary of Commerce ts responsible for all other materials. In order to discharge this responsibility, he has established in the Department of Commerce the National Pro- duction Authority, which has within it an Industry Operations Bureau with industry divisions. Applications for adjustment in individual hardship cases are handled tini- tially by the particular industry divisions within the Industry Operations Bureau. You will notice that the various orders of NPA contain a statement to the effect that any person affected by the order may file an application for an adjustment or exception on the ground of extreme hardship, or that enforcement of the order against him would not be in the interest of the national defense program. To aid in meeting the problems of smal) business, a small-business office has been established in NPA. In the procurement field the responsibility of the Office of Defense Mobilization relates to general policies and coordination among the procurement agencies so that, among other things, the demand for raw materials may be channeled, the maximum use of tools and machines attained, and definitive sup- ply and requirements estimates procured. Although the Office of Defense Mobilization and the Defense Production Administration are directly concerned with procurement icles and programs, the actual contracting done by the Defense Department and the procurement agencies of the Government. For the present any problems of this type should be taken up with the appropriate procurement agency. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Economie Stabilization Agency han- dles price control and wage stabilization. Wien such controls are imposed there may be individual instances requiring adjust- ment. As the Agency is establishing pro- cedures to handle these matters, any prob- lems concerning them should be referred there. The Congress, in the Defense Production Act of 1950, has expressed its concern over the difficulties that may face small business in the mobilization effort. In section 701 it has specifically stated that “It is the sense of the Congress that small-business enter- prises be encouraged to make the greatest possible contribution toward achieving the objectives of this act.” In order to carry out thus policy, it has provided that information concerning the activities of the various agen- cies under the act shall be made available to small-business enterprises. It has also provided for representation by small- and medium-sized businesses on industry advi- sory committees; for the establishment of procedures so that small business may re- ceivo such exemptions from the act as may be feasible, and for the expeditious handling of all requests, applications, or appeals from small business. You may be sure that we are making every effort to carry out this legislative intent. Through arrangements with the Secretary of Commerce any citizen can procure from any one of more than five thousand offices throughout the country cooperating with the Department of Commerce and the Gov- ernment purchasing agencies information regarding Government procurement. These offices comprise local chambers of commerce and civic groups The purpose of this wide dissemination is to give small business every opportunity to participate in the defense effort. Specifically it includes a daily report of practically all proposed Government pur- chasing through competitive bids. With re- spect to negotiated contracts these agencies have available a weekly report showing the prime unclassified contracts awarded. The report, which lists the items, quantities, and contractors, is disseminated so that the small-business man may solicit subcontracts for components. In this connection the in- formation office also advises him of the facts he should supply a prime contractor when seeking a subcontract. I believe that small business must be given. every opportunity to participate in the de- tense program. True, some small-business enterprises may not be able to underbid large firms or in some instances only a large manufacturer may be able to supply the needed quantities. In such situations, how- ever, the prime contractor is being encour- aged to subcontract. The Secretary of De- fense ts of the same view and has issued a statement of policy to the effect that in pro- curement the mliltary departments should pay particular attention to: (a) The fullest possible use of small-busi- ness concerns, (e) The utilization in negotiation of com- petitive and multiple awards, whenever pos- sible. (f) The aggressive encouragement or re- quirement of subcontracting by prime con- tractors. I heartily agree with these principles and propose to see them carried out to the fullest extept possible. With respect to the advisory committees I plan to assign the Defense Production Ad- ministration the responsib{lity of coordinat- ing the utilization of such committees by the various agencies so that there will no longer be overlapping committees from particular industries. I shall also request the Adminis- trator to prepare, insofar as possible, uni- form procedures for representation on and ‘use of advisory committees. In this request I shall specifically ask him to consult with the Attorney General and the chairman of the Federal Trade Commission concerning those problems.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Provision has also been made for exemp- Sra rr cone pcs es ntain 5: exemptions for small business. There is no doubt that special provision should be made for ex- peditious handling of all requests, applica- tions, and the like whether they be from small business or any other segment of the public. One of the main problems concerning small business is integration into the mobilization effort. In my opinion we can accomplish this in several ways. Among these is the direct joan program through which we can assist and encourage small business to convert to defense production and, if necessary, expand productive facilities. In undertaking such a program we must, of course, see to it that small business receives its fair share of prime contracts. In those instances where this may not be possible, we must continually on- courage subcontracting to smaller enter- prises. Then, too, efforts can be made toward pooling of manufacturing resources by Smaller manufacturers in order to handle prime contracts. Although this is not specifi- cally mentioned in the law, I believe that within the scope of section 708 of the Defense Production Act governmental agencies may under appropriate conditions enter into voluntary agreements for so-called produc- tion pools. These then are but a few of the efforts which should be made to carry out the legis- lative intent of the Congress concerning the contribution of small business toward ac- complishing the purposes of the act. In order to insure the implementation of this policy, I am directing the Administrator of the Defense Production Administration to lend encouragement and support to small business through the Small Business Office of the National Production Authority. It will be their duty to determine methods and set up procedures by which small-business en- terprises can be integrated into the defense effort. In this connection all the agencies having operating functions in the mobiliza- tion program would be requested to adhere to these principles in the issuance of orders curtailing production or use of materials by business enterprises with a view to insuring that small-business concerns will not be dis- proportionately affected by such orders, Moreover, I believe that the other small-busi- ness programs such as direct loans for small business, assurance of equitable treatment in the issuance of prime contracts and the en- couragement of subcontracting can be ap- propriately centered in this official. Undoubtedly the steps which have been taken so far with regard to this problem are in the right direction. There are many ad- vantages in centering this activity in one office. Not only does it allow for realistic study and programing but it also gives the small-business man a central office to which he can appeal for expeditious action. President Truman, in his state of the Union message, pointed out that our pro- gram calls for increased “capacity to pro- duce and to keep our economy strong for the long pull.” This phase of the program ts essential to meet the threat of Communist aggression. As a part of this program we must have vigorous small-business enter- prises capable of participating in a united effort for defense. The more effective and energetic these enterprises are the stronger our economy will be, I appreciate that once a business disbands it ts practically impossible to recreate it. The engineering skills, the labor force, and the management are soon dissipated. Such loases are detrimental to our economy and steps must be taken to avoid them. In the administration of the mobilization effort we shall make every effort to keep such casual- ties to a minimum. Final Peace Rests on Espousal of Christianity EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM H. AYRES or OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 22, 1951 Mr. AYRES. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I submit the article Final Peace Rests on Espousal of Christianity. Mr. Paul E. Belcher is one of Akron, Ohio's, most prominent citizens. Although he is of the opposite party of that which I am @ member, my observations of the past have proved to me that neither party has & monopoly on stupidity or intelligence. I will appreciate your comment regard- ing the article which follows: [From the Akron (Ohio) Business Analysis of January 16, 1951} Frnat Peace Rests on EsPousaL oF OXRISTIANITY (By Paul E. Belcher) The concept of armed isolation for the Americas has received increasing attention during the last few months. The idea has different meanings for different people. Bome would only avoid future involvement on the mainland of Asia, Othera would in« clude all of continental Europe in the ban as well. There are those who would aban- don all territory they believe to be indefen- sible, but no more. Still others would re- turn immediately to our side of the protect- ing oceans, here to construct an invincible continental fortress, if that is possible. Last June our Government was confronted with the necessity of choosing a line in the Orient on which the spread of communism would be resisted. For better or for worse, that choice was then made. Some modifica- tion in its details may have been, or yet may be, impelled by our experiences in Korea. But otherwise the die there has been cast. More recently, tentative lines must have been officially affirmed for Europe. Amend- ments in these lines may be forced upon us by future developments, the fortunes of war, or irresistible logic. Nevertheless, the over- all pattern of this phase of our foreign policy would now appear to be fairly fixed as to Europe. It has already been implemented by the selection of General Eisenhower as supreme commander and by sending addi- tional American troops to Europe. Originally, we had two choices avatlable to us. They represented the extreme view- points. We might have retired to our own shores. Had we done so, our problems and costs would have been one thing. Instead, we elected to make our stand as far away from home as was then possible. In conse- quence, our logistics, foreign commitments, economic requirements, costs, taxes, and everything else will be quite another matter. Each possibility held out its group of ad- vantages. Neither was devoid of risks and detriments. A decision between them Iin- volved selecting positions offering the most benefits and the least evils. The national interest, and only the national interest, as seen by men in authority, was determinative of the issue. So it must ever be. Ig world war III is eventually inevitable, several fundamental questions must be re- solyed. For instance, where shall the battle fronts be initially established? We invite them to be on or close to this continent by permitting the Communists to absorb the rest of the world. We keep them as far away from home as we can by attempting to draw our battle lines first in distant lands. . more difficult their bombing missions be- comé. By the same token, the the opportunity we give ourselves for successful interception of their efforts. In any event, we are likely to suffer bomb damage when the next war is fought. Shall we add to our problems of success- fully destroying the enemy's cities, factories, and other essential concentrationa? Cer- tainly not if we can help ourselves. Yet the farther these targets are from our airfields, the more difficult our bombing assignments will become. That we would forego this kind of attack is senseless. If Communist nations must be occupied by our ground forces to stop thelr aggran- dizement—and how else can it be done—from what point should we undertake that job? It would seem that the less territory we had to conquer before we reached the heart of our opposition, the better off we would be. The risk of being pushed back or out ta an ac- companying military gamble. Shall we rely solely upon our own man- power for the forces with which to fight Russia of ahall we aleo use the manpower of other nations to the fullest extent possible? The latter expectation becomes impossible of achievement if foreign populations on which we might draw are permitted to fall under the domination of the Reds, The 150,000,000 people of the United States should array themselves alone against the Com- munist hordes only as a last resort. Now it may be argued that world war IIT is not inevitable and, hence, that none of the foregoing questions is pertinent. True, in- deed, but who, in the light of world events of the present and the immediate past, wants to run that risk? We ought to seek dili- gently and long for acceptable peaceful solu- tions of the world’s problems. We must never forget that a single dictator can start & war. ‘ The hope of ultimate peace rests on the espousal of the precepts of Christianity by all peoples. So long as national leaders and the masses from which they spring regard human life as freely expendable, the indl- vidual as nothing, might as right, morals and ethics as weaknesses, the means to every end as immaterial, solemn commitmente as void- able, liberty and justice as meaningless—Just so long will the threat of war becloud this earth. The work of the ministry is not yet finished. Perhape the Communists would not over- run the lands we were unwilling to defend. Perhaps, but history indicates quite the con- trary. Not once have they failed to absorb every country they could conveniently swal- low. ‘They are not likely to change their ways at our request. A more reasonable as- sumption would be that they might seize all of Asia and Europe despite everything we have time to do. Some would not undertake anything we haven't, or think we haven’t, the strength to do if challenged. Appeasement readily springs from this philosophy. Nothing was ever accomplished on its foundation, Such a show of weakness invites disaster. The Kremiin understands nothing except force. The A-bomb 1s still the most potent force yet harnessed by man, and we have it. Every people should certainly aid in its own defense. Each ought to have a supreme interest in that endeavor. A people's con- tribution to that cause, its will to Aght, its unity with others similarly engaged, the training of its personnel, and the adequacy of its matériel are all eseential to success. Our own national interest could well dictate that we assist in this effort of others beyond
A298 ordinary limits, even perhaps, in the face of possible early military reverses. There is no assurance in the impregnability of any part of this globe. Powerful air and aea arms With isolation might be enough to save us and then, again, they may not be. ‘We have no exclusive right or ability to con- struct the implements of confilct. ‘Many wars have been commenced against nations fully armed. Seldom have any of them ended ina draw. Less than a rounded prepa- ration for possible war in every sphere with every conceivable weapon hardly seems ap- propriate to present exigencies. Regardless of where we establish our lines of resistance, the economic cost of the period ahead will be truly astronomical. To be sure, the cost of preparation for any particular defense will differ from that of any other. No one can accurately measure any of these costs {n advance. We may be eventually bankrupted by the effort we must make but that effort must still be made. No cost could possibly equal the cost of ultimate defeat. The underlying motive of all we shall do is the national interest. Naturally, each of us has his own optnion of what that is, from time to time, and how it can best be served. Those opinions should be expressed and dis- cussed. They will be diverse, however, even when predicated on identical understandings of the facts. Yet some particular policy must always be determined and followed. Responsibility for all determinations of policy rests finally upon the President with the advice and consent of the Senate. Both branches of Congress must frequently act. Every decision will not be right and many cannot be hedged. Once a course is laid out, its alternatives will usually be over the dam. But right or wrong, our salvation depends on carrying out all decisions made in the na- tional interest with singleness of purpose. Note well what has happened to every people who disregarded this requisite to their con- tinued freedom. NO WAY OF AVOIDING INFLATION The Economic Stabilization Agency has a tough job before it. Over-all prices have not been effectively frozen by the Government. Certain automobile companies have caught it in the neck because the administration was piquéd. Gradually, mandatory price ceil- inge will be established over the principal components of war goods. Similar treatment will be accorded many items comprising the basic costs of living. Eventually everything may be covered. But practically everything js presently subject to voluntary controls. That really means that each seller whose product or service is exempt from mandatory controls must judge for himself what he will do about his selling prices. Each knows pretty well what the Government wants. He has his conscience to deal with. His sense of patriotism must be satisfied. The threat of eventual controls, either with or without price roltl-backs, constantly impends. These deterrents are often powerful but seldom compelling over long periods. In spite of them, uncontrolled prices will climb. The volume of money prevented from entering the legitimate markets for goods under control—for lack of enough such goods to absorb all of that money—will compete for goods available for purchase outside those limitations. Here, the law of supply and de- mand will operate under the sole restraints of an honor system. A considerable variety of goods and services may be had on these mar- kets for months to come. Existing law does not authorize the Gov- ernment to clamp fixed price ceilings on everything. The prices of farm products may be tied, at best, to prices farmers pay—par- ity—or to agricultural price peaks during the month preceding June 25, whichever ts high- er. Such items as real estate, professional fees, utility rates, insurance premiums, the Publishing business, and others are specifi- eally exempted from price control by and under the Defense Production Act of 1950. Of course, Congress could eliminate parity and extend the price control law to every present exemption. The President could, and in due time un- doubtedly will, impose price ceilings where he has not yet seen fit to do so. However, even when these events occur, human behavior will still interpose a serious impediment to the control of real prices. The natural laws of economics cannot be legislated out of ex- istence. Prices represent the exchange values of goods and services. Fixing those values in dollars and cents freezes real prices only if the composition and quality of goods and services remain unaltered. In practice, com- position frequently changes and quality tends to deteriorate. This rule is not uni- versally applicable but it usually obtains. To the extent that it does, real prices rise. Inflation then occurs in concealed form. Substitutes must now be found for mate- Yials the civilian use of which has been cur- tailed. Regardless of the cost of the sub- stitutes, no one claims that they are, in every respect, as desirable as the originals. Their use is dictated by the exigencies of our times, Products superficially resembling previous models and intended to satisfy identical needs come into being. This is especially true where price rollbacks have been invoked. Defense period models sell at prices in excegs of what they would have brought if offered for sale in competition with goods they replace. Thus, despite price controls, do prices indirectly increase through decline in the composition of goods. The war effort transfers much skilled help to war industries, The Armed Forces acquire a lot more of it. Replacement workers in civilian industries cannot be expected to put out products of the same quality as highly trained labor could have done. Rarely do they actually do so. Yet this fact is not re- flected in price reductions. We continue to pay ceiling prices for the best products avail- able. Prices just are not frozen, in reality, by the mere process of stating fixed figures on the price tags. Price limitations in the face of excess money and credit produce black markets. These markets flourish because human na- ture tries to satisfy its wants whenever and wherever possible. The fact that such mar- kets are illegal and that punishment may be visited upon those caught dealing in them adds its premium to the prices that would prevall in them if such markets were merely gray. Whatever is paid for goods and serv- ices on the black markets serves to increase the real level of prices regardless of the ap- parent readings of official price indexes. This discussion should not be construed as an argument against price controls. Nor is it intended to make the Government's prob- lems any more difficult of solution than they are. The control of prices is no simple under- taking. It has its limitations. It cannot accomplish the impossible. This is especially true of voluntary price control. The public should thoroughly realize the economics in- volved. The very strictest of Government price controls may postpone and conceal the immediate effects of inflation but it cannot stop inflation. The Crusade for Freedom EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM BENTON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. BENTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Appendix of the Rrcorp, a copy of a remarkable letter from Gen. Lucius D. Clay, national chairman of the Crusade for Freedom. This is a report of what the people themselves can do when they recognize the urgency of a problem. Here is a concrete effort by the people to penetrate behind the iron curtain. Of the $1,288,000 received in contribu- tions for this Crusade, the great bulk came from persons who contributed a dollar or less. The people are developing an increasing awareness of the need to penetrate the iron curtain with truth and the principles of democracy and freedom. The Russians called the Freedom Bell the “bell of death.” This is a typical distortion of the Soviet propagandists. General Clay’s Crusade for Freedom is a two-way inspiration. We in Con- gress should encourage the citizens of this country to dedicate themselves to this purpose, and, conversely, I feel the people of America should urge the Gov- ernment to dedicate itself to a similar purpose, There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Empire STATE BUILDING, New York, N. Y., December 22, 1950. Hon. Wittiam BENTON, United States Senate, Washington, D, C. DeAR SENATOR BENTON: Although some contributions and signatures continue to be received at national headquarters, the re- sults of the Crusade for Freedom campaign are now substantially in. The number of signatures of Americans on the Freedom Scroll has passed the 15,000,000 mark— 15,507,877. Breakdown by States is attached. Total contributions amount to $1,288,000. With only a few gifts of over $1,000—largest gift was $2,500—the great bulk of this total came from small contributions of under 61. I think we can all take just pride in this accomplishment, Since all expenses of conducting the cam- paign were met from a special contribution to the National Committee for a Free Eu- rope, the entire amount contributed by the public is now being used for the purposes intended—namely, the expansion of the op- erations of Radio Free Europe. As you know, Radio Free Europe began broadcasting to the satellite countries on July 4, 1960, over a 7,500-watt short-wave transmitter located near Frankfurt, Ger- many. It now has under construction in Munich a powerful medium-wave trans- mitter, which should be on the air by late winter. It also has on order eight addi- tional transmitters—thanks, in no small measure, to the support of the American public in the Crusade for Freedom drive. There is no way, of course, in which we can accurately estimate the intangible values of the Crusade. The presence of nearly half a million Berliners at the Freedom Bell dedi- cation ceremonies—100,000 of them from the Soviet sector—gives us more than a hint of what it meant, in terms of hope and en- couragement, to those behind the iron cur- tain. High Commissioner John McCloy ex- pressed his feeling that the event was com- _ parable to the airlift in its effect upon the morale and confidence of the German people. Without question, also, the campaign served to strengthen our own peoples’ basic understanding and appreciation of the free- doms we enjoy. It is my personal belief that recent world events make an intensified effort in this field of idea warfare even more important. We must build up our strength in this psy- chological field just as we are doing mili-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tarily and economically—in order that we oan meet and turn back the menace of world Communist aggression. Speed is of the utmost importance, If we are able to do these things fast enough, we may be able to avoid full-scale war. The next 2% to § years, in my opinion, will tell the story. With respect to the future, a meeting of the executive committee of the Crusade was held on December 4. The organi#ation has been incorporated and a committee is at work studying all of the ideas for a continue ing program that have been sent in from the field. Our tentative ideas for 1951 will be forwarded for your comment in the next few weeks. With deep appreciation and every good wish for the holiday season. Sincerely, Luctus D. Cray, National Chairman, Crusade for Freedom, Furrzzen Mouion AMeERicaNs Join FrRexpom CRUSADE—CONTRIBUTE $1,288,000 TO RaDIO Faex Evrops New Yorx, N. ¥.—Gen. Lucius D. Clay, national chairman of the Crusade for Free- dom, today made public the results of the recent Crusade for Freedom campaign. Although contributions and signatures are still continuing to come tn to national head- quarters in the Empire State Building, Clay announced that the number of signatures of Americans on the Freedom Scroll have passed the 15,000,000 mark (breakdown by States attached) and that total contributions ex- ceed $1,288,000. “I wish to thank, most sincerely, the thou- sands of Crusade workers throughout the country who have made this accomplishment possible,” Clay said in a letter to field chatr- men. “Radio Moscow sneered that the American public was being forced to pay to join the Crusade. All contributions, of course, were completely voluntary. The great bulk of the total came from small contributions of under $1. Since all campsign expenses were met from a special contribution to the National Committee for a Free Europe, the entire amount contributed ts being used to expand the operations of Radio Free Europe, the American people's ‘freedom station’ in the shadow of the fron curtain.” BUILDING NEW TRANSMITTERS “Radio Free Europe began broadcasting to the satellite countries of Eastern Europe on July 4, 1950, over a 7,500-watt short-wave transmitter located near Frankfurt, Gere many. It now bas under construction in Munich a powerful medium-wave transmit- ter which should be on the air by late winter. It also has on order eight additional trans- mitters—thanks, in no small measure, to the support of the American public in the Crue sade for Freedom drive. “The presence of nearly half a million Ber. liners at the Freedom Bell dedication cere- monies—100,000 of them from the Soviet sector—gives us some idea of what the Cru- sade meant in terms of hope and encourages ment to those behind the iron curtain. “High Commissioner John McCloy has exe pressed his opinion that the event had @ pro- found effect upon the morale and confidence of the German people—comparable, in this respect, with the airlift. “Without question, alsa, the campaign served to strengthen our own people's basto understanding and appreciation of the freedoms we enjoy.” INTENSIFIED EFFORT MAY PREVENT WAR “T¢ is my personal belief that recent world events make an intensified effort in this fleld even more important. We must build up our strength in this area of ‘idea warfare’ just as we are doing it militarily and economi- cally~in order to meet and turn back the menace of world Communist aggression. Bpeed is of the utmost importance. If we are able to do these things fast enough, we may be able to avoid full-scale war. The next 2% to 8 years, in my opinion, will tell the story.” Clay stated that the Crusade organization has been incorporated under the laws of New York State and that a committee is now at work developing a continuing program for 1951. Launched by Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower on a Nation-wide broadcast on Labor D.y, September 4, the Crusade offered the indi- vidual American citizen an opportunity to fight back against vicious Kremlin propa- ganda, and to help send the truth through the curtain. Almost overnight, thousands of local committees sprang up across the country, scrolls bearing the Declaration of Freedom! were circulated in all communi- ties and the public began making contribu- tions to Radio Free Europe as they signed. Symbol of the Crusade—the massive 10-ton World Freedom Bell, inscribed with the para- phrase from Lincoln, “That this world, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom’”— toured the United States from coast to coast, crossed the ocean on a DP transport and ar- rived in Berlin 2 days ahead of its scheduled dedication and ringing o1 United Nations Day, October 24. Its solemn notes were heard by millions of people throughout the free world over the largest international radio hook-up ever attempted. An estimated 450,000 Berlin citizens gathered hours ahead of time in Schoeneberg Platz to hear the former leader of the Berlin airlift say, “As this bell rings, may it strike a note of warn- ing to all oppressors; a sound of courage to those called upon to defend their freedom; and a message of hope to those who are enslaved.” MOSCOW LIES Moscow, as Usual, lied to the Russian peo- ple about the event. Their controlled press and radio stated falsely that the people of Berlin ignored the ceremonies; that they called it a “bell of death,” symbol of United States militariam contrived by the warmon- gerers, Eisenhower and Clay. The scrolls, they said, were signed by a handful of Govern- ment employees—policemen and fremen— who were forced to do so by threats from Washington. (The facts are that 2,000,000 American signatures were enabrined in the bell tower with the Freedom Bell on October 24. Thirteen million more will be added in special ceremonies in the near future.) According to Moscow, barbed wire and a whole bevy of armed police were required to protect the speakers during the cere- monies. (Actually, the small force of city police was completely inadequate to handle the immense enthusiastic crowd.) Also particularly annoying to the Kremlin was the presence of the UN flag, flown that day for the first time in Germany. “This is the same evil banner,” Radio Moscow told its home-service Hsteners, “under which the United States cannihals are shedding the blood of Korean patriots.” (This, though Russia is a member of the UN and on that day at Lake Success Vishinsky and Malik were conducting their short-lived peace offensive, which proved to be the prelude to Red China’s attack on UN forces.) BROADCASTS EXPOSE COLLABORATORS The tones of the world freedom bell are now being heard 15 times a day aa station breaks between the foreign-language programa of Radio Free Europe. The identification goes like this: Announcer: “This is Radio Free Burope.” Sound: Four strokes of freedom bell. Announcer: “That was the freedom bell to remind you that you ere listening to 1 believe in the sacredness and dignity of the individual. I believe that all men derive the right to freedom equally from God. I pledge to resist aggression and. tyranny wherever they appear on earth. A299 ‘Radio Free Europe, your constant and re- Hable source of information.” In addition to news broadcasts, Redio Free Europe carries warnings regarding specific informers and collaborators, commentaries which point out deliberate falsifications in the Communist-controlled press, and pro- grams of folk music, history, and Mterature banned by the regime. Very offective, also, ere satirical sketches on the Soviet system and addresses by exiled leaders, well known in their homelands, speaking on present con- ditions of labor, government, religion, and economics, Campaign signatures and contributions by States Stato Signatures |Contributions Alabama....c.ssceene- wones 20h, 26 Aun. 0. ‘ Bn #6 wa, » rkunsas, .... 3 Canes: 169, 933 451, 39 Northern. ae 886, 174 67, 905. 08 Southern. 672, 108 95, 486, 00 Colorado... - 230, 411 62, 629, 58 Connecticut... 285, 160 2, 152, BO Dolaware..... 2.2... -- , 000 2, O58. 60 District of Columbia , BOS 2, 140.31 Florids.. 421, 689 13, 340. 89 Georgia 802, 032 65, 342. 38 aho 57, 048 11, 646. 80 Minois.. 830, 608 21, 904. 26 Indiana. 876, 259 26, 838, 10 Owa.... 83, O41 8, 710, 68 Kansas - 143, 080 S) Kentucky... 416, 038 , 728, 76 Louisiana , BAS 1, 386, 23 Muine... 101, 0% 6, 684, 08 Maryland 23, 666 10, 641, 07 Massachusetts. . 235, 541 12, 470. 13 Michigan. 477, 748 21, 031. 65 Minnesota... 54, 36, 857, 08 Mississippi... oo... eee 139, 622 6, 808, 43 Missouri: Fastern. 303, 627 44, 235, 42 Ne 16h, 788 $20, 578. 90 Montuna.... 78, 104 13, 858, 74 Nebraska. . BH, 702 4, O79. 89 Novade......... 70, 917 &, 180, 82 New Hampshire 61, 444 , 827, New Jersey. _..- 1,011, 470 23, 187, 87 Now Maxico..._ 108, 814 4, 833, 12 New York ; 05 Tyrvtate._..- 805, 280 147, 419, 38 New York Cit 2h9, 417 #108, 033. Nassau County... 85, 000 2, 722 03 __ Westchester County. 72, 000 6, 763. 62 North Cerolina...........- . 200, 508 15, 688. 56 North Dakota... 2%, 171 4, 690. U8 Ohio... 22. 1, 165, 267 22, 084, 03 Oklahoma, 218, 319 10, 980, 35 Oregon...... 203, 072 21, 261. 69 Ponnaylvania: Fastern.. «| 1,081, 217 58, 635, 84 Western ... 408, 72 30. 350. 58 Rhode Island... - 94, 3 &, 207, 74 Bouth Caroline. 148, 141 6, AS2. 26 South Dakota. 65, 771 4, 668. 65 ‘ETL G888E, 489, 033 27, 20%, 75 Toxas. 421, O80 80, 707 94 Utah . 102, 000 ¥, 413 16 Vermont. 44, 378 &, 706, 86 Virginia, ._. 170, 590 37, 870 38 Washiny Boe 16, 248, 0 West V; 207, 089 5, 085, 93 Yisconain .... 2%), 504 6, 602, 98 Wyoming. ......2--2--220-- 72, 653 10, 271, 60 Unidentified out of COUNTY... oe encnecwer menor eeeeentene 23, 504, 68 st) 2) 15, 607,877 | 1, 288, 044, 50 ————. 1 Bee western Missourl, ‘Inoluding Kanaas. § Including special campaigu. American Ground Troops in Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH S. WHERRY. OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STA'LES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 » Mr. WHERRY. Mr. President, the junior Senator from Maryland [Mr.
A300 Butter] delivered a very interesting ad- dress before the Twenty-ninth Division Association, Inc., at the Washington Hotel on the night of January 20. He discussed the question of sending ground troops to Western Europe, and I believe his observations will be of interest to the Senate and the country. T ask unanimous consent that the text of the address of the Senator from Mary- land be inserted in the Appendix of the REcorD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Comrades, I'm happy to be here tonight. Truly so because I feel at home, And, I'll tell you why. Right now I’m going through an experience you and I know all about. Remember when you were a rookie and were taking your basic? I'll never forget the first weeks I spent at camp. I remember how new everything was. How strange I felt. How many mistakes I made. How frustrated I felt. Well, I'm going through the whole thing all over again. Maybe it’s @ little more re- fined where I am now. The top sergeants don't yell as loud as they did when I went to my first Army camp. The brass doesn't enoot me—all the time, but, I'm a rookie just the same. Of course they don't call it that, They call me a freshman—a freshman Senator. I came in with the newest class of Sena- tors. You know they are all graded accord- ing to seniority. That is, first on how many years you've served in the Senate, then how many years you've served in the House of Representatives or whether you’ve been a governor of your State. You know this is my first venture into politics. I never held any kind of public office before. So, my name is on the bottom of the list with a couple of other Senators when {t comes to patronage, influence, and authority. Now I'm not telling you all this because I need a crying towel or a slip to my chaplain. I asked for it when I asked the people to elect me Senator and no matter how tough it 1s or how tough it gets I'm going to stick to my part of the agreement. I’m going to slug it out like every rookie that was ever born has had to do. But right now I want you and the people who sup- ported me to understand what the score 1s. As soon as I get a Httle more experience and maybe win a stripe or two I'll be able to help solve more and more of the problems now facing the people in this great country. Right now I am a member of the Com- “mittee on the District of Columbia and the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service, These two committees do extremely impor- tant work for Congress but they are not rated among the big committees such as Appropriations, Foreign Relations, Finance, and Judiciary. Now of course I wanted to get on the im- Peed committees but old man seniority locked the kick. I have a feeling however that things are going to be different in '52. Then I can move up to a more important position, However, at the present time I can see where I'm going to have my hands full on the committees to which I have been assigned. For instance on the District Committee I understand I will become in effect a mem- ber, of the City Council of Washington. I think I’m going to like that. I know there are a large number of Marylanders working in Washington, Thetr problems can be han- dled through the District Committee. And then there {s another angle to this assirnment—problems Iike atomic defense, sanitation, and transportation are so inter- twined in this metropolitan area that they must be coordinated. An atom bomb recognizes no State lines. I intend to lend my efforts to see that District authorities and Maryland officials work hand in glove on all problems affecting this area. Also I'm glad to have some say in running affairs of the Nation’s Capital. Next to my home town of Baltimore I think Washington ig the best city in the country. And I know Washington is the greatest capital in the world today. I think it is beautiful. I want to do everything in my power to keep it great and beautiful. As for my other committee, I feel that having had some experience with civil serv- ice I will be able to be of assistance in this field. I was a member of the City Service Commission of Baltimore, which is the civil- service commission of that city. I am strongly in favor of an efficient Gov- ernment. I do not want any drones on the public payroll. I do not want to see money wasted. Even before coming to the United States Senate I developed a great respect for the work of my colleague, Senator Byrp, of Virginia, in urging Government economy. On the other hand, I want to see the civil- service system conducted so that the loyal Americans we are asking to handle the coun- try's business are fairly and squarely treated. I know this is especially necessary as we struggle through the present emergency con- ditions facing our Nation today. . I do not have any legislation in mind to bring before these committees at the present. As a matter of fact, I am going to be very chary about introducing any legislation for several months. Not that I do not intend to take an active and vigorous part in the work of the Senate, it is just that I believe first we have too many laws on the books today, and, second, I intend to study very carefully the proposals now pending which are spon- sored by the more experienced hands in my party. For instance, the Senate is today engaged in a most important foreign-policy debate. It is a subject of such vital interest to every person living in the United States, and for that matter everyone living in the world today, that every effort should be made to give every viewpoint intelligent considera- tion. I have not made any firm commitments on any of the various phases of the problem under discussion, and I shall not do so until the Senate debate is finally at an end. How- ever, there are several points on which I have reached a conclusion on the basis of the present situation. Right here I want to say that when I do make up my mind on the basic elementa of our foreign policy I am determined to see this country stop the bumbling and fumbling that has brought on this present serious condition, One of the aspects now under scrutiny is the avowed intention of President Truman to send more troops to Europe. There ts a very gerious doubt in my mind as to the constitu- tionality of this move without the consent of Congress. I call attention to the following provisions of the Constitution: “Sec. 8 The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and ex- cises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; * * * 3 “To declare war, * * *%: “To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the Unitei States, * * *,” Certainly, the very foundation of our Gov- ernment will be shaken if the executive branch is allowed to usurp this power of the people placed exclusively in the hands of Congress. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Now on Tuesday the Senate 1s to vote on a resolution introduced by Senator Wurary, minority leader, This resolution says simply: “Resolved, That it is the sense of the Sen- ate that no ground forces of the United States shall be assigned to duty in the Euro- pean area for the purposes of the North At- lantic Treaty pending the adoption of a pol- icy with respect thereto by Congress.” I have made up my mind to vote in favor of that resolution. I understand, however, that an effort will be made, probably with the consent of the minority, to send this resolution to the Foreign Relations or some other committee for hearings. I have read in the newspapers that this move is being contemplated in order to give General Eisenhower time to get back from Europe and report cn conditions over there. I don’t object to this. The question involved here ‘s not whether troops are to be sent to Europe. It ts whether a commitment should be made to send them prior to the time of the ratifica- tion of such commitment by the Congress, My vote for the Wherry resolution does not mean that I am opposed to dispatching troops to Europe to become a part of an integrated international army. It is not necessary at this point to make that de- cision. All my vote means is that I am opposed to making operative any commit- ment in that connection by the President until the Congress or the people have had an opportunity to examine it, I deem it appropriate to acquaint you with my present feeling on the principal question of whether or not we shall commit troops to Europe. But, before doing so I want to emphasize Iam not for running out on our Western European allies. I do not think that we can in all conscience repudiate the Atlantic Pact. In that pact this Nation has given its word to aid our allies of the North Atlantic community, and if they face the murderous onslaught of an aggressor, I favor keeping our word. However, it is worthy of note that when the Atlantic Pact was signed the Congress was told by Secretary of State Dean Acheson that our aid would consist of matériel, not men, Now, today, without consulting or even advising with the Senate of the United States. President Truman has apparently decided to expand and supplement the At- lantic Pact by sending ground troops to Europe. He depends upon his authority as Communder in Chief of our Armed Forces to legalize this act. The Wherry resolution merely asks Presi- dent Truman to hold up any action imple- menting the Atlantic Pact until the Senate has decided the issue. Surely the country does not want the President to bypass the Senate on this very important facet of treaty making. It is clearly set forth in our Con- stitution that the Senate alone by two-thirds vote has the power to bind this country in treaty. If the Atlantic Pact itself had to be ratified by the Senate, it logically follows that any extension must likewise be so ratified. Iam tired of this Executive grab for power, Let's call a halt on this move to place @ standing army of United States troops in Europe as a part of an international army until all constitutional provisions have been met. After we put a curb on this impetuous act then will be time to hear from General Eisenhower, I want to hear the general’s opinion as a military expert on conditions in Europe. I want to know what European nations are doing about the threat of aggression that we gre now rushing headlong to meet on foreign shores, To return to the principal theme, Z en- tertain the conviction that the first shock
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cf an attack upon a member of the Atlantic community should be borne by the country upon which the aggression is launched, However, I do not say that I am rigidly Opposed to committing 4 limited number of American troops to an integrated interne- ttonal force for the purpose of absorbing the initial shock of such an on, if our military leaders feel that the pres- ence of some of our troops in Europe is beneficial to the attainment of the over-all Objective of containing the aggreesion or ultimately rever it, I would not object too strenuously. Such « course would give us command of bases from which we could bomb out the enemy's potentials. In this connection I would like to direct your attention to the speech of that great and good American, ex-President Herbert Hoover. I think the meaning of his great pronouncements have been deliberately dis- Mr. Hoover, at the outset of his speech, said: “‘No appraisal of the world situation can be final in an unstable world. However we find our national path, we must con- tantly reexamine where we have arrived and at times revise our direction.” He then pointed out that from his observations the tree peoples of Western Europe were Jacking in a will to defend themselves and that dis- unities were manifest. But he also said: “We are not blind to the need to preserve western civilization on the continent of Europe or to our cultural and religious ties to it. But the prime obli- gation of the defense of western continental Europe rests upon the nations of Europe. The test is whether they have the spiritual force, the will, and acceptance of unity among them by their own volition. Amer- joa cannot create their spiritual forces; we cannot puy them with money.” I have the temerity to tell you that in my opinion what Mr. Hoover has said is that upon the basis of present appraisal, Europe hasn't the means nor the will to defend it- self, That being so, our dollars, while mak- ing up the insufficiency in means, will not restore the will. However, if upon reexamination it becomes apparent that the differences and disunities of the North Atlantic community have been resolved and a desire for freedom is apparent and the will to defend it is present then our former President would be the last man in the world to say that aid should be denied them. Maybe the wish is the father to the thought. I hope that is what Mr. Hoover means, although at the moment, as I have said, I am prepared to go a little further and favor the dispatch of a limited number of troops to Europe in the hope that their presence there will bring new hope and cour- age to our Western allies and wake them up to their responsibilities to them- selves and the rest of the free world. However, I do not believe in sticking our nose into situations where we will have to stand alone as a target from all sides. Let’s find out what Europe is going to do first before we further pledge the resources of this country in a foreign policy, if it can be called that, that has again led us to the Place where we must assume all the risks— & place where we stand to lose everything and win nothing. Look at our situation in Korea. Do you think it could be worse? From what I read about 1t our top military men have said over and over again that our posi- tion on the peninsula is untenable. If that is so, why do we keep on fighting there? ‘Why don’t we get out before we sacrifice any more Americans to save face? There are a lot of my people in Maryland who think we should never have gone there in the first place. There are a number of Marylanders who think we should get out now. They have heen writing to me about it. I am certainly going to give close con- sideration to their argumenta. America is big and strong. America bas the spiritual fortitude to take defeat such a8 we have suffered in Korea and to make a come-back. Everyone in life takes a licking Once in a while. The courageous acknowl- edge it and begin over again. The wise look upon set-backs as a lesson on which to build success, We may not like taking a beating, but as long as we fight for 4 righteous principle we have nothing to be ashamed of if we lose now and then. Certainly if we are in an untenable poai- tion in Korea we should drop back to another line. We should regroup our forces in a Position where our men will have a fighting chance of survival. We should not wait to be shoved out of Korea while our men are daily being mowed down by the weight of superior forces. We know the Chinese forces are winding up to swamp our Army. We know that the refusal of the Communists in China to ac- cept the terms of a reasonable cease-fire order means that they are determined to push the United Nations Army off the peninsula, Uniess the military strategists can increase our forces with help from other United Na- tions countries to an extent where we will have e@ fighting chance of victory, I am in- clined to follow the pleas of the people who have written me on this subject and to de- mand our withdrawal. Regardless of what action the administra- tion orders in Korea, and Europe, we are faced again with the demand to increase our Armed Forces. And again I reserve the right to make up my mind as to the necessity of this move efter all the chips are down. I want to be thoroughly convinced we need the tremendous number of men under arms the new program calla for before I vote to put our sons fn uniform for 8, 4, or 6 years of their lives. I am disturbed for instance about the proposal to draft youths 18 years of age. I think that age is too young. I enlisted the day after war was declared in World War I. I was 19. New I have two sons in draft age. One is eighteen and a half, the other is nineteen and a half years old. They will be drafted soon I know and they are thinking about enlisting even before they are called in the draft. As I look at them I realize that it is time for them to assume their responsibility of defending the country in which they have lived thelr youth. I also realize that the shock and brutality of war will rest heavy on them if they are sent into the fighting. And Ido not believe they would have been ready to do the part that is now being asked of them if they had been called when they passed their eighteenth birthday. 80 I do not believe your sons or anyone's son should be called to make this sacrifice until they are ready to do the job. And since my sons have passed their eight~- eenth birthday my reaction will in no way protect them, but perhaps I can throw my weight toward preventing unnecessary trag- edy in thousands of other homes throughout the Nation. I wish to make some reservation in con- nection with the stand I am taking against an 18-year-old draft. First, 1f this country was placed in dire straits and the very young and the very old were called upan to ald in defending these shores of ours I would not stand in the way of calling the youth of the country to its defense, And if it is deemed necessary to build up @ reserve for our Armed Forces by placing 18-year-olds in uniform to prepare them for active duty after they become seasoned I would be inclined to go along. For inatance, if 18-year-olds were drafted with the specific Traman-Congress Amity Near EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD J. THYE OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 ‘ Mr. THYE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, an article entitled “Truman-Congress Amity Near,” by David Lawrence, published in the weoshington Evening Star, January 19, 951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Troman-Concress Amiry Near-—Sprerr or Cooperation BrTwren Srats DrrarTmMenr AND LawMakrrs Aso WoUuLD HELP Com- MON CAUSE (By David Lawrence) Relations between Congress and President Truman are getting better, There's a rift in the clouds and a bit of amicability is be- ginning to appear. Apparently President Truman didn’t mean to be brusque with Congress last week when he aaid, in effect, he would consult Congreas but would do as he pleased about sending troops abroad. He told the reporters that . Maybe they didn’t write the story the way he meant it. They, of course, wrote what they heard him say. Mr. Truman thinks the implications of his words were perhaps mis- construed or ignored. These misunderstandings will occur. Mr. Truman is really not complaining that the reporting was unsound but that at times things don't sound in print as they sound when he says them. Maybe they ought to have a system of sound effects to cure this 80 that the exact intonation of voice could be recorded. Maybe the whole press conter- ence should be put on radio and television so that the public—whoee business is being discussed—can judge for itself what the in- flections of a Presidential voice really mean. As for Congress, there are signs that Sen- ator Tart is softening or clarffying his post- tion, too. He wouldn't object to sending troops to Europe, he says, but wants Con- gress to spell out some sort of ratio so that America will supply certain divisions and the other nations some divisions in proper roportion. P Anyway, there seems to be a convergence toward agreement. So far as foreign gov- ernments are concerned, they can properly derive from the modifications, clarifications, and explanations that the executive and leg- talative branches of the American Govern- .ment are beginning to see eye to eye on the major things—they are agreed on what the diplomats call the principle, and there are
A302 just some alight details of difference on how the principle shall be applied. Basijoally there never was any doubt that, 4% the President asked Congress for authority to station our troops in Europe as a part of our North Atlantic treaty obligation, he would get such authority by overwhelming vote. The legalists who told him a bad prece- dent would be created if he asked for such authority were giving Mr. Truman poor ad- vice. The President of the United States can always act of his own initiative in sending troops out of the country if there is danger. He does not need to walt for congressional action. But where there is time, the words of the Constitution would seem to imply that he ask for congressional authority soon after he sends the troops abroad, if not before. It may be stated also that a declaration which recognizes a state of war with Com- munist China, if submitted to Congress now, would pass by an overwhelming vote of both houses. Congressional sentiment is almost unanimous on the rejection of the phony “peace” proposal made by the Chinese Com- munists, and there is complete backing for the State Department in its efforts to obtain the adoption at the United Nations of a reso- lution condemning Red China as an ag- -gressor. Under the American system of free discus- sion, world policies are praised or criticized, or proposals for amendment sare made pub- licly. Thus every official of the State Depart- ment knows what Congress is thinking about and, if not, members of the congressional committees are free to come in and talk about it or write in or telephone. What is needed here mostly is to encourage a spirit of cooperation—to instill the feeling at the State Department that Members of Congress have a responsibility to their con- atituents and also to instill on Capitol Hill the feeling that the State Department will welcome advice. Having established the right kind of relationship between the two branches of Government, it then becomes essential for Congress to recognize that under the Constitution the conduct of foreign rela- tions ig an executive function and that the President and Secretary of State must make the final decisions and be held accountable for them to the country. As one looks back on the somewhat clumsy performances of the last few days, one won- ders how much it is all due to the deep- seated partisanship of the President himeelf, which distrusts the opposition party, and conversely to the distrust which the opposi- tion party has with respect to Mr. Truman and his Secretary of State. Contribution of Industry in the Pacific Northwest EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH S. WHERRY OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. WHERRY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp, a statement by the distinguished Senator from Washington [Mr, Cam] regarding the contribution of industry in the Pacific Northwest in the present situation, to- ‘gether with a letter from Jack Hickman, peacident of Northwest Marine Indus- 85, . There being no objection, the state- ment and letter were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Svatemenr sy Hon. Harry P. Carn, oF WasHINnGcTton One of the characteristics of a free peo- ple has always been that in times of trouble they voluntarily unify in a common effort in behalf of the Nation. This is true of American industry. I think it can be truly said that there is no section of our Nation or our economy which exceeds any other in its patriotism—in its eagerness to con- tribute in full measure to the national se- curity. I am proud, however, Mr. President, in be- ing able to point out that the progressive workers, and industry of the Pacific North- west have always been in the vanguard of our defense and war efforts. Characteristic of this eagerness to serve the Nation is the Pacific Northwest marine industry, the industry which provided the oceanic highroad to victory in two world wars. That industry stands ready today to provide that same highroad to victary in the present mobilization effort of America and other free nations of the world. Mr. President, I call upon the leaders of our Military Establishment to make full use of the ingenuity, the technical skill, and the patriotism of the men and women who de- sign and build the ships of the Pacific Northwest. Mr. President, I have here a letter from Mr. Jack Hickman, president of the North- west Marine Industries, Inc., cosigned by Mr. John McNichol and Mr. John M, Haydon, of the Northwest Marine Industry Mobiliza- tion Committee, which constitute that in- dustry’s declaration of its readiness to serve in the present crisis in whatever capacity it can best contribute to the defense of Amer- ica. I should like to call it to the attention of the Nation and the Nation's leaders by having it printed in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD: NortTHWesT MARINE InpDustTrizs, INC., Seattle, Wash., January 11, 1951. The Honorable Harry P. Cain, United States Senator, Senate Office Building, Washington 25, D. C. Dear SENATOR CaIN: The membership of Northwest Marine Industries, Inc., repre- senting the boatbuilders, marine suppliers, ship chandlers, marine manufacturers, and allied maritime industries of the Pacific Northwest, wish to voice through you to President Truman, the Chiefs of Staff, and the heads of the various Military Establish- ments, the sincere desire of this assocla- tion to aid in any way possible in the suc- cessful conclusion of the present emergency, and to pledge that every ounce of skill, and all the resources of this association are in- stantly available. Obviously, in the type of warfare which now appears imminent, the availability of skillfully constructed, rugged, seaworthy boats will be of prime military importance. Of equal importance will be a reservoir of skilled labor and properly equipped plants to build such craft. This organization knows that an unmatched combination of such skill, equipment, and know-how exists within its membership, We are anxious that this supply of manpower, knowledge, and tools be put to the proper use insofar as winning the current struggle is concerned, The industry which for years has built eco- nomical small craft for fishermen and com- merctal boatmen to withstand some of the world’s most rugged and trying waters—as in Alaska and the Bering Sea—obviously will be able to do a real job for our Government and military in the present emergency, It should be remembered that the work horses of the Navy were largely built in this APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD area during World War Il, among them air- sea tescus boats, harbor and seagoing tugs, salvage vessels, mine sweepers, and. many other types of small and medium sized mil- itary craft. The recent award to a builder in this area, Tacoma Boatbuilding Co, Ta- coma, Wash., of a contract to build five mine sweepers is an indication that the job this area did in the last war is not forgotten. At present the geographical area covered by the membership of Northwest Marine In- dustries, Inc., has a boatbuilding, matinte- nance, and repair pool of thousands of trained, skilled men—espedially in the wooden boat construction fleld—and p total of 851 yards in Washington, Oregon, Alaska, and British Columbia which are ready, will- ing, and able to be of service. Of these latter, 819 are yards for the bullding of wooden vessels and 32 are yards capable of building either stee] or wooden ships. In addition, the great maritime Pacific Northwest has menufacturing facilities for virtually every type of equipment used on a boat or ship, including such items as winches, Diesel engines, paints, radio and electronic communication and navigation equipment, remote controls, botlers, marine stoves, tanks, propellers, and many others. In this same territory are located a num- ber of the largest marine supply houses in the world. This area is also, with approxi- mately 33,000 registered small boats, the second largest such district in the United States. It holds the same position in regard to the number of documented vessels in the area, with Juneau, Alaska, In the third posi- tion nationally. In the interests of our Nation, this great maritime potential must be put to the most valuable use. We would appreciate your working with us as closely as possible, par- ticularly in the matter of seeing to it that we are quickly informed of any possible ways in which our capabilities may be put to use. Your past interest in our affairs assures us that you will do so. And may the memberchip of Northwest Marine Industries, Inc., repeat that all our skills, equipment, and manpower stand ready to serve in any way. All that is needed, ncw, is the word to swing into action. Sincerely, Jack HICKMAN, President, Northwest Marine Industries, Ine. JOHN MACNICHOL, Joun M. Haypon, Northwest Marine Industry Mobilization Commission, Measures for the Defense of the United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, on January 17, my able colleague, the junior Senator from Florida {Mr. Smarwers), delivered before the Junior Chamber of Commerce, at Alexandria, Va., an ad- dress in which he presented, among other things, several most useful facts with ref- erence to the Organized Reserves of our Armed Forces, I ask unanimous consent that the address may be incorporated in the Appendix of the Recorp,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD There being no objection, the address was ordered to he printed in the Recorp, as follows: Would that I could bring good news to you tonight, It is always popular and pleas- ‘urable to say those things which please the fancy of those to whom we talk, but under the present circumstances which exist in the world today, it would be futile and immoral for me to attempt to be gay or to be the conveyor of news. Today it is trite to ring the bell of gloom. The facts of this Nation’s sad and dangerous plight have been intoned by grave and dour voices over and over again. To say that we face a long pertod of sacrifice, hard work and danger is to trespass on the obvious. Every- one who can read the headlines of any news- paper knows of these things, he knows of the critical and perilous situation that world communism has placed us tn. There ts an old Chinese proverb which says “Tt is better to strike a light than to curse the darkness.” Well, let's have some light on what we are trying to do today. What we must try to determine is, now that we are in this situation, what. are we doing about it? Where are we going? What are the prospects for the future? ‘Now that the Communists have made it abundantly clear that they are not only will- ing, but intend to use force and military might where it will advance their cause, it leaves us only one course open—that of get~- ting ourselves militarily prepared. What are we doing along that line would be the next question. The President, day before yesterday sub- mitted a budget message to the Congress calling for increased appropriations for the military by approximately #39,000,000,000 over that actually spent in the period from July 1, 1949, to June 80, 1960. In that 1949-50 period we spent $12,303,000,000 for the mili- tary. The President's budget this year asked for $50,971,000,000 of appropriations for the 1962 fiscal year. However there is a large difference between authorizing money to be spent, and having on hand military equipment and manpower. Large apprupriations, big tax bills, won't by themselves stop an enemy bomber nor a battalion of Communists. The only true test of defense is equipment and manpower avail- able for use, and on that in the words of Al Smith, “Let's look at the record.” In the past 9 months we have increased the size of our Armed Forces from 1,460,000 before the Korean invasion to a present-day strength of 2,367,000. The Department of Defense estimates that we will have in the armed services by June 1 of this year some 3,225,000 men, and it is anticipated that by January 1, 1952, there will be approximately 5,000,000 men in the Armed Forces. These men are being placed through vol- unteers, Reserve programs and the draft. It seema to me as we progress in this matter of building our Armed Forces, that some changes are drastically needed in this matter of procuring menpower. For under present operation, each of us knows of many injus- tices which daily occur. According to recent figures submitted by the Department of Defense to the Armed Services Committee of the Senate, 28 percent of all the men between 19 and 26, eligible for the draft, have been rejected for one reason or another. In a breakdown of that 28 per- cent rejection figure, 18 percent were rejected for literacy or intelligence reasons and 16 percent for failing to meet the medical stand- ards. This high rejection of manpower puts the heavy burden of defense more and more on the Reserves and creates a greater and greater pressure to start drafting veterans. Most of the Reserves today are inactive. At the end of World War II many officers were not discharged, but were automatically placed in the Reserve on inactive duty. Most of them have so remained. Others have evi- denced their willingness by becoming week- end soldiers and flyers. Generally speaking, these men and the veterane—~not in Reserve are the ones who carried the burden of the last war—they are the men who gave up from 2 to 6 years of their young lives to satiafy the appetite of the monster war. Most of today’s veterans have had overseas’ experi- ence, many of them know, first-hand, of the anxiety and the danger of momentarily hav- ing one’s life snuffed out quickly and pain- fully by an enemy bullet. Those youngsters of the last war—today’s veterans—were the bulwark, the bone and the marrow of our successful fight against the dictatorship of Hitler. And today it is these men who are just now getting a delayed start in life. The majority of them are now married; they have small children and responsibilities; they are now beginning for the first time to get over the hump in the matter of earning a livell- hood, and they are becoming an increasingly important part in the Natlon’s economic life. These men, veterans of the last war, except for their ages, are generally speaking, physl- cally fit. They are good citizens, they are great Americans, thelr patriotism Is beyond question, and they are ready and willing to take up arms again if there is an urgent need for them to do #0. But they already know of the long wait at sick bay and in chow lines, the tediousness of policing bar- racks, the boredom of digging over and over again slit trenches, the driving of jeeps, the assembly and disassembly of M-ls, the monotony of close-order drill. They have already experienced that and more, and they do not want it again unless it is absolutely necessary. They would like to understand the theory of why a man should be rejected by a draft board because he has flat feet when they know, and he knows, that it would not interfere with that man's driving a jeep. They would like to know why a man who has @ broken eardrum still cannot operate a car pool or drive a bulldozer. They would like to know why it is that a four-fingered man who throws a football with great accuracy on Saturday afternoons could not with equal accuracy throw a hand grenade or at least a shovel full of dirt. They would like to know why @ man who has poor vision cannot issue shoes, or cook food, or be @ general's aide. For as a matter of fact, every day these men who are rejected for some slight physical de- fect, do a similar or more difficult job in civilian life than that which they would be called upon to do in military life. Everybody in the military doesn't actually carry a gun, or fly a plane. The latest estimate, I believe, is that for every combat soldier at the front, there are seven other men behind him who arrange for his feeding, his health, his pay, his transportation, and all the rest. The time has now come to more realisti- cally consider this manpower problem and perticularly the drafting of men. Men with certain physical defects can be used in spe- clalized jobs, and the proper use of our manpower should be made by drafting men for specific jobs. It is not essential to have a pertect physical specimen plan meals, re- pair trucks, or code messages. Certainly the men who have already served overseas should not be yanked away from their homes, their new family responsibilities for the sec- ond time within a period of 10 years, at least not until those who can serve, even though suffering from a slight physical defect have firat rendered their service and taken their turn at giving their time for their Nation. And so as the military program moves for- ward, a5 More men are taken into the Army, it seems to me essential that we change the present policy of calling up only those men who have no disabilities, and begin to realis- tically draft men for the job which they can do, A363 Another specific program of preparation for the future is that of seeking the support of allies throughout the world, This is, in essence, the subject of the great debate, as the newspapers term it, which is now going on tn the Senate, As I have listened for the past week to this debate, it seems to me that all sides are rather close together. All recognize the desirability of having active participating allies on our side when faced with a fight against a powerful opponent. The only points in issue are first—how far do we go in encouraging those Western European countries to become ac- tive participants in joint defense programs with us. One group of Senators take the position that the United States should do nothing more to assist the people of Europe. They advocate no more aid or encouragement to them until they, over there, manifest a stronger will to defend themselves. The other group says that the people of Europ. know they cannot defend their countries without our active, real, and practical help, and that we must encourage those countries to bestir themselves to action, by showing them we will help, by sending arms, equip- ment with which to fight, and by actually joining forces with them in 2 mutual defense program. This latter group argues that when and as this is done, the fceling of despair and hopelessness will disappear and a spirit of resistance and cooperation will develop. For my part, I think the answer to this question could best be answered with 8 ques- tion, Which course of ours would make Joe Stalin happier? I think Stalin would be most pleased !f we abandoned our former allies of Western Burope. Such a course on our part would be opening the door and inviting Stalin to step in and fill the vacuum. It seems to me, it is our own self-inter- est to encourage those people of Europe to join with us as active allies and resist com- munism. This must be done practically and within our own limitations. But it should be done, for in truth, the people who wish to preserve their way of life need each other in the face of Communist aggression. They, over there, need us, and we need them. The other point under discussion in the great debate is an offshoot of the first. Does the President have the authority to send troops to Europe without first consult- ing the Congress? I think a strict technical interpretation of the President's authority would give him the power to send our troops overseas. But I think the President is too politic not to submit the matter to the Congress in one form or another, for to do so would reassure the people of the United States and gain thelr better cooperation for future pro- posals and add much to the unity of the Nation. However, it's my opinion, that for all prac- tical purposes, the issue of troops going to Europe will be decided by one man—Gen. Dwight E. Eisenhower. If he recommends against it, no troops will go. If he recom- mends for It, I believe that they will go. There are many other specific programs for the future which are today being worked on and in which we in Government and you out of it must take a vital interest, but time does not permit the discussion of them here. There is, however, one point I would lke to briefly make in closing, and that 1s this: The battle in which we find ouselves unwill- ing participants is one in which the victor will not necessarily be that nation with the biggest, most destructive war machine. This battle in which we find ourselves today is one in which the victor must not alone seek to control the bodies of men but must seek to convince the hearts and minds of men as well. For the past 5 years we have allowed Com- munist propaganda against us to keep us
A304 ‘on the defensive, dodging, ducking, denying. ‘The time has now come when we must move from the defense to the offense. A great selling job is called for, not only by the Government but by all the people of this Nation. We have the greatest commodity on earth to sell—freedom, democracy. And yet our efforts to sell them in recent years have been puny and ineffective. We must in- still within our people and the people who represent us in Government a fervor and en- thusiagm for democracy greater than that which the Communists feel for communism. ‘We must begin to send the message of the blessings of freedom out to every corner of the globe. We must be particularly inter- ested in our neighbors to the south, for the Latin-American countries—all the nations of South Amerioa, are today of extreme and utmost importance. We must develop our relationships with them and develop their love of and desire for freedom, independence, and democracy. Tnie is not a one-man job. It’s not alone the Government's job. It’s everybody's job who looks hopefully to the future. But it particularly falls on the shoulders of the young people, for as you have longer to live, more to look forward to, your stake in the future is greatest. The challenge to freedom and opportunity should ring loudest in your ears and in mine. For we are the young people of America. The responsibility of keeping our lives free, our system of government intact, is rushing toward us. And like those who have preceded us we must step forward and accept the challenge. That’s the way with all God's creatures— as the aged wither and die, the young move up to replace them. This is our time on the stage, and the scene will be short, with- out rehearsals or repeats, With our knowledge that men who are free to think, work and worship as they choose are always happier and superior to those who live on their knees under communism with their hearts and minds in chains; with our faith that right makes might; and with our willingness to step forward and meet this challenge, I know that the lamp of freedom and liberty will continue to burn brightly for generations to come, The Proposed Cease-Fire Order in Korea EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH S. WHERRY OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. WHERRY. Mr. President, I send to the desk an editorial bearing on the United Nations Organization, which seems to have come to a dead-end in its discussions of a cease-fire order in Korea at the price of blackmail paid to the ag- gressor forces in Asia. So that the record on these points may be as com- plete as possible, I ask unan!.aous con- sent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, a most pertinent editorial on this subject which appeared in the Cleve- Jand Press, one of the Scripps-Howard newspapers, on Monday, January 15, 1951. It is entitled “A Vote To Pay Blackmail.” There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: A Votre To Pay BLacKMAIL The United Nations now stands ready to reward aggression by offering to give Formosa and China's seat in the UN to the Chinese Rede in return for a cease-fire order in Korea, The old League of Nations had some sordid chapters in its brief history because of its cowardly retreats from aggression in Man- churia and Ethiopia. But it merely looked the other way, without condoning aggres- sion by paying it tribute. The latest UN act is one of infamy. The UN cannot jong survive this base be- trayal of the very purpose for which it was created. The memory of every soldier who has died in Korea fighting under its flag will rise to haunt {t. The day Red China is seated in the Security Council, this country should walk out, That much is due our honored dead. No nation can have any faith in the idea of collective security as it is administered by the UN, because if it will sell out one gov- ernment, it will sell out others. Indeed, if the Reds accept the bribe which has been offered them, what more can the organiza- tion be considered than a cat’s-paw of ag- gression? ‘ CHINA’S BETRAYAL Protesting against the betrayal of Nation- alist China, which is a member of the organ- ization, its delegate, Dr. T. F. Tsiang said that Formosa was being treated as though it were a no man’s land. Actually, he said, Formosa is the home of free China, defended by an army of a half million men, the largest single unit of power against Communist imperialist aggression in the Far East, The proposed peace talks with the Reds, he added, pose only one ques- tion: “How do you want Formosa, rare, medium, or well done?” That is not funny. The lives of 17,500,000 people, including permanent residents of the island and the refugees from the mainland, will be in jeop- ardy if Formosa is handed over to the mer- cles of the Peiping Reds. Many of these people on Formosa have been branded as ‘war criminals for no other reason than that they have opposed communism. Thus we treat our friends—the first gov-~ ernment to offer its assistance when we took up arms in South Korea. And we are doing this at the urging of India, which proclaimed its neutrality in that crucial hour. VOICE OF FREE ASIA How will the free nations of Asia react to this perfidious act by the great powers? That question was answered on the floor of the United Nations by Gen. Carlos P. Romulo of the Philippines. “How far, sir, can the United Nations keep retreating from established, sound moral po- sitions without courting final disaster?” he asked. “A retreat in the course of battle is under- standable and sometimes inevitable, but a retreat from right principles while a battle is being waged for those principles cannot be Justified on any ground whatever, “My country Knows the nameless terror and agony of war as few countries around this table do. Therefore, we understand the anxious desire of many delegates to exhaust every possibility of avoiding a general war. But we also know there is at least one thing that is worse than war itself, and that ts the degrading enslavement that would surely follow an abject surrender before the threats of a fanatic and implacable aggressor.” The United Nations was saying to Peiping, he charged, “You may stop hitting and kill- ing my boys so that we can discuss how to reward you with the gift of Formosa and a seat in the United Nations.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD General Romulo warned the United Natians 4t would lose its reason for being if it re- sorted to appeasement in this situation. “We have heard moving appeals to the free nations of the world to close ranks,” he said. “But such appeals cannot be met by an admission of weakness and abject sur- render. The march of Communist aggres- sion cannot be arrested by a policy of moral retreat and surrender.” Indeed, doesn't the betrayal of National- ist China and Korea put every free nation on notice that its best hope lies In making peace with Moscow on the best terms it can? OUR SORRY ROLE Where did the United States stand when the roll was called on this unhappy occa- sion? Ours was a craven "Me, too” vote. Warren R. Austin, the American delegaie, supported the proposal to buy off the Reds, explaining that he did so in the interest of unity. Afterward, it was explained that Mr. Austin did not expect the Reds to ac~- cept the proposition, and then he would be free to revive his resolution condemning them as aggressors. Would he add as @ sec- ond count of his infictment their refusal to accept a bribe? We assume Mr. Austin was carrying out orders of Secretary of State Dean Acheson. Nothing less than immediate resignation of both men could in any way relieve this country of even @ small part of embarrass- ment caused by the indefensible position our Government has taken. The administration first lost the initiative in the UN by failing to press for forthright action against Red China, then joined Britain and the other appeasement advo- cates in offering to pay blackmail. That act is a virtual admission that the whole Korean undertaking wus a miscalcu- lation, and that Red China was right and the United States was wrong. The appease- ment offer to which our UN spokesman con- rented cannot be appraised on any other Asis. We don’t believe Congress or the American people will buy any part of it. They can- not forget the case of Private First Class Brown, who hasn't been seen since Sep- tember 4. That day, Pfc Melvin Brown, of Mahaf- fey, Pa., stood atop a 50-foot wall at Kasan, Korea, and beat back the enemy single- handed, while his platoon regrouped to re pel the attackers, Private First Class Brown fired his rifie until he ran out of ammunition. Private First Class Brown hurled grenades until he ran out of grenades. They still kept coming up that wall. Private First Class Brown wasn't a man to let @ little thing Ike no ammunition thwart him. He took his entrenching shovel and bashed those Reds over the head as they came up—delivering skull-crushers with his shovel to a dozen of them. Last week at the White House President Truman presented a Congressional Modal of Honor to the father of Private First Class Brown. “Outstanding personal bravery” the cita- tion reads, And a good solid American brand of per- sonal bravery, that Private First Class Brown delivered atop that lonesome wall in Korea. Private First Class Brown was in a position where he had to call a spade a weapon, Countless hordes of Chinese Reds have swept down on the Private First Olass Browns in Korea. Our leaders and Allies are not in the post- tion they put Private First Class Brown in, but they should be statesmen enough to call &@ spade a spade.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD How Much Are You Willing To Sacrifice for Peace? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND OF FLORIDA IN TRE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have incorporated in the Appendix of the Recorp an un- usual editorial entitled “How Much Are You Willing To Sacrifice for Peace?” from the St, Petersburg Times of Janu- ary 14, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ord2red to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: How Mucw Are You Witting To Sacririce For Peace? (I am well aware of the toll and blood and treasure that it will cost to maintain this Declaration and support and defend these States. Yet, through all the gloom I can see rays of ravishing light and glory. I can see the end ts worth more than the cost.— John Adams, 1776.) It is literally impossible for anyone to comprehend the full meaning of the $100,- 000,009,000 defense program for next year which President Truman has said will be necessary. Of that dmount only #40,000,- 000,0CO0 will be in cash; the remaining $60,- 000,000,000 will be in contract authorizations. Even thus broken down, those figures are beyond grasp. The President's goals of 1,000,000 more meh and women in the armed services in the next few months, and 4,000,000 more persons in defense production by the end of the year, are not quite so hard to under- stand. But what they will mean to us, in changing our accustomed living habits, we still have to learn. This much is certain: Never in the life- time of any living person if, tndeed, in the history of the Nation—have the American people been called upon to assume so tre- Mmendous a burden. Never have we heen faced with a program promising such aus- terity and sacrifice, The road ahead will challenge every re- source, will call for every ounce of moral stamina on the part of every citizen. Were atom bombs today to fall on Chi- cago and Pittsburgh, or an enemy fleet to appear off our shores, or enemy paratroop- ers to drop in Alaska—or Mextco-—-then there would be no doubt about the response of the people. If we were engaged in all-out war—even though it were not on our shores—no one would complain of working longer hours, putting up with rationing and price con- trols, paying heavier taxes, sending our young men and women off to war. In the face of disaster or its imminence, the Amer. iean fiber is the toughest in the world. But we are not now engaged in all-out wer. There is disagreement in the ranks of demo- cratic leaders the world over as to how im- minent all-out war is. There is doubt as to whether Russia and its satellites want all- out war—either in the immediate future or for years to come. Tronically, what we may find the most dim- cult thing facing us is not war but nonwar, since what we have and what lies ahead for & long time to come cannot be called peace. The ultimate goal of our Nation, and of all free nations is, of course, peace—-peace with freedom and justice. XCVviI—App.——20 It may be that we may achieve that goal only by victory in all-out war. Or, if we are strong enough and determined enough, we may win it without total war—perhaps even with no war at all. But make no mistake about the cost of a nonwar victory. If we are to be spared the devastation and death of war—-more terrible than ever before—then we must still pay the same price of taxes, tall, deprivation, regu- lation, discomfort, and sacrifice. We can win the victory we seek without war. Totalitarianiam carries within itself the seeds of its own destruction. Because it is politically, economically, and morally wrong, no totalitarian system can long sur- vive, However, it is equally true that we can lose without war. We can lose if we are not willing to pay the price of being so impregna- bly strong that it is not necessary for us to fight. We can lose if, through the “Gibral- tarlsm” of Herbert Hoover or the isolation. ism of Joseph P. Kennedy, or the eqtiivoca- tion of Senator Rovert Tarr, we permit the rest of the world to succumb to the im- perlialism of Russia, It 1s far harder to face and endure the sacrifices which will be needed for victory if there 1s no war than if we are plunged into a life-and-death struggle. The “rays of ravish- ing light and glory” which John Adams fore- saw shine far brighter through the murk of battie and the smoke of dying cities than they do through the gray gloom of a non- war which is not a peace. Each of us—this day—ought soberly to face the facts and do some earnest soul-searching. We ought to realize just what we're up against. We ought to ask ourselves whether we are prepared for the task—and if we're not, then adjust our thinking, our plans, our hopes, and aspirations. Let's take up some specific items: Longer hours: With the stepped-up de- fense program and the drain of manpower by the Armed Forces most of us are going to have to work longer hours. Are you prepared to work 48 or, if need be, 66 hours a week— and take your overtime pay in defense bonds which can’t be cashed until after the emer- gency is over, so as to fight inflation? Shortages: Are you prepared to drive your present car for 5 years longer—do with your present radio and vacuum cleaner and wash- ing machine for a long time to come? Rationing: When rationing comes—as it will shortly—are you prepared to accept tt freely and cooperatively, so that a vast army of enforcement agents will not be needed to combat the evil of black markets? Even if you know there {s some cheating, will you, personally, shun the black market? Taxes: Are you prepared—have you adjust- ed your budget-—-to pay perhaps half again or even double your present taxes? Service: If you are a young man or woman apt to have your schooling interrupted by military service, will you go back to college after your hitch ts up? Politics: Are you willing to put the inter- ests of the Nation—of other people, if neces- sary——ebove your own or your party's, so that we can be assured of a Government which will preserve democracy despite the tempta- tion which defense regimentation will bring? Production: If you are a manufacturer of steel, aluminum, rubber, or other critical products, or a producer of electric power— or a stockholder in such a company—are you prepared to help vastly expand the produc- tive capacity of your industry without hold- ing back for fear of postwar overproduction? These are not all the sacrifices which we must make if we are to achieve victory; you can think of the others yourself. And the most vital question of all is this: Are you prepared to do ali these things~- as you probably think you are—without the stimulus of war? Are you prepared to pay A305" the price of peace for year after year—pos- aibly for 20 years? ‘ The gamble which Moscow will make—tf it chooses not to precipitate total war—is that the American people and the other free peo- ple of the world won't have the courage and firmness of purpose to pay the price of peace, They will gamble that we haven't enough guts to take it year after year. They will bet on their ability to hold their rotten sys- tem together by the force and terrorism of police tactics until we succumb to our love of luxury and comfort. There is no excitement, no fun, no glory in a nonwar struggle. On the other hand, neither is there blood and tears, nor widows nor orphans nor dev- astated cities and a scorched earth. Is it worth the price? You—and you alone—have the answer to that. Contribution of Farmers to the Defense Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. EDWARD J. THYE OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. THYE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rxcorp an address I made before the annual convention of the Minnesota Farm Bureau Federation, at St. Paul, Minn., on Wednesday of last week. The address deals with the pro- duction of food, with the farm parity program, and also with Western Euro- pean ideas on those questions. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: I am indeed happy to have the privilege of speaking to you at your annual Minnesota Farm Bureau meeting, and to meet again so many of my old friends. With many of you, J have been associated in farm organization activities for many years. You and I worked together in those frightful depression years, In those days the farm organizations had much to do with obtaining improvements and enactment of farm credit legislation which enabled farmers to refinance their farm operations and stave off what appeared to be positive foreclosure for many a farm family. ‘You also were instrumental in help- ing to write the farm-support legislation that has stabilized not only the agricultural economy but the very economy of every one of our Main Street merchants throughout the entire Nation. Today we have legislation that permits us to deal with the farm questions and possible emergencies that may occur, due to the Ko- rean crisis and the general possibility of com- plete and full mobilization. The Secretary of Agriculture can encourage increased pro- duction by incentive payments in any com~ modity of which we sare in short’ supply. Likewise, we have the stabilizing factor in our agricultural program that protects the producer, should he overproduce, against a drastic price decline that would spell ruin for him, There is a need for strong farm organiza- tions. For the past half century the num- ber of people residing on farms have been on the decline until at present less than 20 percent of the Nation's population is en- gaged in productive farming, Because of
A306 the amall percentage of the Nation’s popu- lation, you must be a part of a fatm organi- gation. You must speak as a unit and be represented in the halls of your State capi-~ tcl as well as in the Nation's Capital. I want to report to you, the members of the Minnesota Farm Bureau, that your of- Moers, Frank White, your president; J. 5. Jones, your eecretary; and the board mem- bers are doing a commendable job repre- senting the farm families before State legis- lative committees and testifying tn your be~- half. Yes, I have met them in Washington, appearing before congressional committees along with members of the nationa) board of directors, and particularly such leaders as, firat, Ed O'Neill, and no"', in later years, Allan Kline, the prestdents of the American Farm Bureau Federation. GAINS IN YARM LIFE There have been many gains in improving farm Ife. Ooe in which the Government hae had a large part is rural electrification. Anyone who has carried a lantern for many years doing chores, and has experienced the inconvenience and dangers of a kerosene lamp in his home, fully realizes and appre- ciates what rural electrification has brought to the farm home and the farmer. Rural electrification has brought not only safety, convenience, and the possibility of a mod~ ern home on the farm due to the automatic electrical water pumps, but it has provided the possibility of increased production to the farmer's poultry flock in the long winter months, as well as many other conveniences that I need not mention to you. The farm organizations have also greatly asaisted in improving the educational op- portunities of the rural child by helping to bring about consolidations of schools and the establishment of school busses and im- provement in highway conditions that make these school busses possible. The present State commissioner of agriculture, Mr. Clark; J. 8. Jones, your secretary; and Dr. J. O. Christianson, of the school of agri- culture, consented to serve on the educa- tional study committee which I, as your Governor, organized here in Minnesota in 1945 to make a study of the over-all school question and to report back to the State dJegisiature. The University of Minnesota, with ite agricultural experiment station, has made ours a leading State in agricultural research. Dr. Peterson, of the university, is recogniaed the Nation over, The Minnesota State Legislature is to be commended for its foresight and support of sound legislation in this field and I know that Governor b 4 has a commendable record in guppart of research in the fleld of agricul- ure. These important and constructive contri- butions are of utmost significance. The new frontiers of today are your experimental sta- tions and research laboratories. The ex- perimental stations are constantly improv- ing ‘he variety of and livestock, searching ever for higher yield and produc- tlon, greater disease resistance, developing &@ product through improved methods of processing to broaden the consumer's de- mand, We have made improvements in breeding of new grass strains but we have much to learn still in this particular fleld and adequate appropriations must be made in order that this scientific research may be carried on. It has most generally been the practice of the farmer to use his poorer Jand for pasturing purposes, paying little, if any, attention to improving not only the variety of grass grown on this land, but the condition of the soil iteelf. Fortunately, however, much attention is being paid now to these questions through the research studies made at our National Research Oen- ter in Beltsville, Md., the agricultural de- partments of the University of Minnesota, the splendid educational and demonstra- tion work carried on by the Extension Serv- Ice and soll-conservation programs. We are meeting here in this Farm Bureau convention today in ea pertod of national emergency. I should like to discuss with you some phases of our agricultural problems and give you # report of my views, as your Senator, on our immediate obligations so far as Europe is concerned. NEED FULL PRODUCTION The Korean crisis and the threat of Com- munist aggression by Soviet Ruasia are caus- ing this Nation to expand its military man- power and also to reactivate many war plants. This has brought about a tremendous de- mand for additional manpower and it has also increased the purchasing power of some individuals, This increased manpower, in- creased earnings, and the fear of scarcity are threatening this Nation with inflation. To meet this inflationary trend in food costs ‘we must have Increased production in agri- culture in order that we may have an ample supply of food and fiber. Only an ample supply can hold down the inflationary trends. The first problem that we are confronted with ia the question of manpower. Our farms today are highly mechanized, and the machines require experienced operators. Those administering the selective service and recruiting of military personnel must study every phase of this manpower question and make deferments where deferments are necessary in order that we do not handicap our agricultural operations, They must recognize this need and make deferments of 2 sufficient number of competent farm workers that we may be able to continue the high production and even expand it in some commodities in the immediate future. Together with building up our military strength and gaining full production in in- dustry, we must have full production in nericultural products as a prime factor in the economic stability and strength of the Nation. Only if there is an ample supply of food and fiber from the farms can this coun- try meet the grave crisis tt faces. Agricul- tural production, already at high levels dur- ing World War II and during the postwar period, can and must be further increased. The farmer's needs for machinery must be considered in the allocation of raw mate- rials. The farmer must have adequate sup- plies of fertilizer and power. He must have assurance of a stable price structure. In order to avoid controls and rationing of meat we must increase our production. First in poultry and turkeys, and next in pork. All this can be accomplished in the year 1961. I know each end every one of you farmers, as you have in the past, will try to save a greater number of pigs farrowed. Every little porker you are able to save will increase the meat supply. Beef is a longer cycle, requiring more than 1 year. We had a splendid increase in 1980 in cattle by 3,200,000. Beef prices are above perity. We can increase the over-all pound- age of beef if we can continue to encourage feeding, filling our feeder lots With feeder cattle, thereby producing greater poundage of meat per animal slaughtered. FARMERS’ SHARE LESS There are those who feel that controls and rations are a necessity to avoid inflationary food costs. It has been moat disturbing to many of us since the Korean orisis ta see, in far too many instances, an unreasonable mark-up not only in food prices, but in other merchandise. I had a Uttle experience one day in a grocery store in Washington. I re- marked, “These prices have certainly gone up.” The grocery clerk informed me that {t was the farm support that was the cause of it, I saked a few questions, and all that he could say was that it was the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD farm price supports that hac caused the rise in food costs. This propaganda has been going on across the Nation. I would say that the farm organizations need to do more of a job of public education relative to what effect farm support legislation has had on the retail cost of foods of al) kinds. Farmers’ produce and commodity prices have not been excessively high. If we cx- amine the entire price index, we would ind some commodities slightly above parity, others below parity. For instance, wheat. As of December 16, 1980, it was 88 percent of parity. Corn was but 86 percent of parity. Of the nonbasics, butterfat per pound was but 81 percent of parity; nallk, wholesale per hundredweight, 89 percent of parity, Beef- cattle prices were above; in fact, beef was at 141 percent of parity as of December 15. Hogs were only at 88 percent of parity. Lambs were 138 percent; live turkeys but 90 percent; chickens, live, 74 percent of parity. Form price supports have not been respon- sible for increased consumer prices during the present emergency. Let us take a further look at the record. Of the consumer’s dollar the farmer did not receive as much in the year 1950 as he did in the years of 1946 and 1048. On all food products, in June 1946, the farmer received 63 percent of the consumer's dollar: in July 1948 he received 52 percent; but in October 1960 he received only 48 percent. On meat products the farmer received 76 percent of the consumer's dollar in June 1946, but in July 1948 he received 65 per- cent, and in October 1950 only 63 percent, Poultry and eggs are the same. In June 1946 the farmer's share was 72 percent; in July 1948, 71 percent; and in October 1950 but 61 percent. Take bakery and other cereal products. In June 1946 only 31 per- cent of what the consumer paid was repre- sented by the farmer's share; in July 1948 it was 30 percent; but in October 1950 it had dropped to 27 percent. For dairy prod- ucts the ratio was 56 percent in June 10946, 59 percent in July 1948, and 55 percent in October 1950. For all fruits and vegetables the farmer's share of the consumer’s dollar in June 1946 was 43 percent. It dropped to 36 percent in July 1948, and to 84 per- cent in October 1950, It is clear that ithe farmer has recelved for food products a con~ tinuously smaller percentage of the price to the consumer, As we examine the records of our livestock population, all cattle, ae of the last official report, we find that the total was up to 83,600,000. All cattle on farms increased by more than 3,000,000 animals in the year of 1950. We have had a steady rise in all live- stock population in 1948 and 1949. Unless controls and rationing are relmposed, J am confident that increases will continue in the livestock population, Certainly the volume of meat produced will be on the increase if we can continue the movement of light cattle to feeder lots to be finished out, and thereby actually get the big poundage of meat per animal, Many think that controls and rationing of food are an immediate necessity. I do not share this conviction. The immediate necessity is, first, there must not be any more undue mark-ups in the prices or exces- sive profit taking. Secondly, the purchaser must not hoard food stocks. There is no need for it. There ts an ample supply of food and fiber to meet the needs if there is no hoarding. Many of the housewives have been buying unnecessarily, fearful that shortages would occur and that rationing would be reestablished, MUST CONTROL INFLATION Controls and rationing of food products at this time would subject us to a threat of black-market operations. Such black- market operations would deny the legitimate merchant the product to sell, but more espe-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD olally, the very byproduct that is saved in the established slaughter yards that go into medical processes would be lost to the public, Likewise many of the hides, too, would be destroyed. Such were the experiences under contro] and rationing of meat and food prod- ucts in World War II. You folks, the producers, if granted favor- able growing weather, will expand your pro- duction. You will do it first in poultry, as that can be done in the next few months, Next in pork, which can be accomplished within the year. Beef, however, requires a longer cycle. If the housewife will purchase the poultry we can avoid inflationary prices in meats in general. There are several ways of help avoid infla- tion. Increased taxes for defense needs and control of consumer credit have been inl- tial steps. The full effects of those steps have not yet been felt or noted. However, the increase in taxes and the credit con- trols as imposed by the Federal Reserve, have been effective as safeguards against inflation- ary trends. The tax committees of Congress are going forward, studying acientifically the entire tax question to make certain that we tax to the maximum of our ability to pay without jeopardizing the future of this great Nation, paying as much of the defense costs as our economy can stand so that the very men fighting today will not be com- pelled to bear the indebtedness incurred due to the conflict. The Korean crisis and the unsettled world condition makes it necessary that we plan for further stabilization of our economy. We must consider most carefully the con- tinued allocation of scare materials. We must determine whether price and wage con- trols on a selective basis are now necessary. But I repeat, at this time our major prob- Jem in agriculture is to stimulate increased production without too much restriction in order to insure ample supplies of food and fiber and avoid the dangers which we expe- rienced in World War II. THREAT OF COMMUNISM You and I are indeed very fortunate people to be citizens of the United States of Amer- ica. We need to think and forever talk about the great opportunities of this land in order that future generations may huve strong convictions of the greatness of our country as we inherited it from the found- ers and from our pioneer parents who blazed tratls out across the wilderness of North America, establishing homes and little com- munities in the Territories that were later to be incorporated into States. We have achieved in America a standard of living higher than has been known to the average person in any country of the world in all of its history. All of this and the freedom of man is threatened today by Soviet Russia and the atheistic, Communist ideology and philos- ophy which they are endeavoring to spread out over the earth like a dragnet to involve all. Since the ending of World War II we have learned of mistakes, serious mistakes made by this Nation in secret agreements entered into and made in conferences, such as those held at Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam. This great Nation made a mistake when we per- mitted Russia to hold a corridor about the city of Berlin, thereby causing this Nation the great expense of the airlift in order that we could supply our sector of Berlin with foods and other supplies. We, likewise, made another serious mistake tn later conferences that permitted Russia to enter into Man- churta, thereby giving Russia a control of all of the lines of communication and railroads which enabled the Communists to gain con- trol of vast areas of China that eventually forced Chiang Kai-shek to flee from his country to Formosa. And now the Commu-~- nists are demanding of the United Nations that they be recognized as @ nation. I joined with others in Congress in spon- soring # resolution, demanding that any agreements made in conferences by our na- tional leaders must be made known or the full text of those conferences or agreements must be made available to Members of Con- gress in order that we do not make mistakes in this day comparable to some made in those secret agreements of years past. I supported the Marshall plan. I fully realized that the war-torn and devastated countries of Western Europe needed our assistance in order that we could rebuild their economies, bringing hope and courage not only to the businessmen of those coun- tries but to the citizens to fight against com- munism. I spent many weeks on the Euro- pean Continent in the fall of 1949 to learn first-hand what we had achieved under the Marshall-aid program and also what we could hope to achieve and accomplish through the Atlantic Pact, and I am indeed grateful that General Eisenhower again has answered the call to duty and has gone to Europe to per- sonally confer with the leaders of those coun- tries, seeking information. We must assist, and give them the leadership, the incentive, the hope, and the courage that will create a will on the part of the leaders of those coun- tries to develop a military strength that can resist Russia. MUST GIVE AID TO EUROPE The redevelopment of a military force on the European Continent is absolutely essen- tial, I believe. It was for that reason that I supported the North Atlantic Treaty and, likewise, supported the appropriation that would assist countries of Western Europe to obtain the military equipment and modern equipment that an army should have. It has been exceedingly disappointing to me that the State Department and the military have been unable to develop the military forces that we hoped for and that the Atlan- tic Pact authorized. Let us hope that Gen- eral Eisenhower will achieve what we have all hoped and prayed for. I also feel that rearming and developing military strength in Western Europe will serve us militarily here in the United States for this reason: It 1s absolutely essential, I believe, to maintain air bases in countries of Western Europe. It would be exceedingly costly were we to build up a fleet of bombers, long-range bombers that could fly from this continent to Russta if 1t became necessary to strike effectively were we faced with an aggressive Russian warfare against our conti- nent. Were Communist Russia to attack us by a fleet of long-range bombers, hoping to get enough planes through our line of de- fense, endeavoring, even though it be a sul- eidal filght, to bomb out our industrial cen- ters and cripple our lines of communication, it would then be highly advantageous for us if we had a friendly relationship with the countries of Western Europe which were pro- tecting our very air bases from which we could counterattack speedily and decisively, thereby destroying the enemy's ability to continue her attack on us. Such a national defense would be less costly in defense fighter planes to guard long flights. If all of Western Europe were to fall to communism and go behind the imaginary jron curtain and we had no such military bases as I have just described, I think we would find it far more difficult, our long flights more vulnerable to air attacks, and certainly far more costly in the development of an aerial striking unit. It was for this reason that I have felt strongly that Spain offered certain military advantages, not only to the United States but to the Buropean countries that are endeavoring to fight com- munism. I have felt that a recognition of Spain would strengthen our position, Spain certainly showed a friendliness during World War II. We have the question of the defense of Gibraltar that we must not lose sight of. The Pyrenees Mountains in Spain offer a pro- A307 tection against an invading land army as there are but few passes through there that would have to be guarded and, likewise, it offers certain security from air attacks. CONFIDENCE IN EISENHOWER These many questions have led me to the conviction that we have much to gain in the development of military untts and a military strength in the countries of Western Europe. I feel confident that General Eisen- hower will be able to achieve what we had hoped for in the Atlantic Pact when Con- gress ratified it. An army such as the At- lantic Pact really authorizes, will bring the German youth, che French, the Italian, the Belgian, the Scandinavian, and the British, as well as the Dutch, into a closer under- standing and relationship which will enable those people to work together much better in future generations. The hatred ts so evi- dent in the breast of the youth of these for- eign countries against the people of other countries. They have inherited it from their elders. It is still present, ready to flame into a bitter fire of hatred. I hope that that wall of hatred that has separated those countries in generations past can be torn down and overcome by such a military organization as is hoped for under the Atlantic Pact pro- visions and I am confident that General Eisenhower will be able to develop such armies from the manpower that is available in the countries of Western Europe, thereby not compelling ‘this Nation to develop the necessary ground troops to guard the serial installations and to give security to the countries of Western Europe against an in- vading Russian army. Yes, we have the technical know-how to develop the strongest aviation strength on earth. We have the greatest naval strength on earth and we can continue it as such providing that we can keep the industrial potential of Western Europe and Africa on our side and on the side of free Christian people rather than in back of the iron cur- tain. There is a great challenge in these proh- lems at this critical time. I have supreme confidence that a united America will meet that challenge with the courage, the self- sacrifice, the hard work, and the faith that are required. Omnibus Appropriation Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, a re- markably able statement by the junior Senator from Maine {Mrs. Smurx], which appeared in the Washington Daily News today. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Omnisus Bupcer Bit Is Burssinc TO THE TAXPAYER (By Senator MarGarer CHase SMITH) The prize of the economy advocates in Congress—the single, or omntbus, appropris- tion bili—is in jeopardy in this Eighty- second Congress after itr trial run in the Eighty-first Congress, There is a vigorous drive under way to abandon this system of putting all of the
A308 appropriations in one big bill, The atm ts to reborn te the expensive and obsolete method of Serving several separate appropriation bills. I am against this movement. I am for the omnibus appropriation bill, particularly now when there will be such great preasure to pass appropriation bills hurriedly on the argu- ment that we must act fast to get our de- fensea up. lL certainly see some weaknesses and short- comings in the single appropriation bill as it worked last year. But surely the faults cannot be attributed to lack of speedy action or tardiness. The failures must bs laid to House and Senate leadership. It’s not a weakness of the system. It’s a weakness of the men who legislate or, more accurately, appropriate. In judging whether the single appropria- tion-bill system should be retained, we should review some of the arguments pro and con. The greatest argument in its favor is that since it puts all of the appropriations together, each Senator and Representative can know better just how much money he is voting to appropriate and lay on the back of the taxpayers. That makes good sense. I remember when I was a housewife and had to operate on & household budget. There was just so much money available to apend for running the house and I had to keep that tn mince to stay within the budget. The single appropriation bill performs this function for Members of Congress. It stands as a constant guide as to whether s balanced budget is being achieved or can be achieved and, if not, how much more we will have to raise taxes to get a balanced budget or bring the budget back into balance. The single appropriation bill makes it ensier for Congress to detect and eliminate duplicating and overlapping appropriations. It checks “pork berrei” logrolling. It gives the advocates of economy a much better chance of getting over-all reductions, The record proves this. For the first time in 5 years the House last year made 8 aizable reduction from the amount reported out by the Appropriations Committee. The big argument against the omnibus ap- propriation bill system is the time that it takes. That is an argument to be leveled more properly at those who control the calendar and the debate on legislation. They say it encouraged absenteeism, But attendance Jest year was better than average and dis- proves this argument. Regarding attendance prior to the single appropriation bill, it was the spenders who made it a point to be present to get their pet projects through. In contrast, the best at- tendance last year was during roll-call votes on reduction amendments. There are rough edges to the single appro- priation bill system, as there are to any new system. All new systems need polishing up as expertence dictates. That apples to the omnibus bill system. It should be retained and improved with revistons. It is one of our best hopes for efficient, businesslike opera~ tion of our Government on expenditures and taxes, Draft of American Youth EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. EDWARD MARTIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 22 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr, MARTIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendtx of the Recorp, an editorial entitled “We Agree, But,” published in the Altoona Mirror, January 13, 1951. T also ask that there be printed follow- ing the editorial a reply to the editorial which I wrote to the editor of the Mir- ror on January 17. There being no objection, the editorial and the reply were ordered to be printed in the Recor, as follows: [Prom the Altoona (Pa.) Mirror of January 18, 1951} We Acrer, Bur Senator Epwakp Magqtin, former major gen- eral, former Governor of Pennsylvania, and now senior Senator from Pennsylvania, is quoted in a Washington, D. C., dispatch as favoring the drafting of 18-year-olds for the armed services. Senator Martin says the 18-year-old boy makes a grand combat sol- dier. “Older men are more likely to be set in their ways,” he is quoted as saying. The Senator should know something about both points. He is now 71 years of age and has something of a reputation of being set in his ways about a number of things. He served for a number of years in the Armed Forces and, according to the same Washing- ton quotation, says he served in the Spanish- American War before he was 19 years of age. The 52 intervening years were spent for the most part either in the Army or in the service of the Government. He served Pennsylvania in a number of capacities and to his credit it must be said that he usually served Penn- sylvania well. So, we agree with the Senator that 18-year- old boys make good soldiers. But we must also point out to our Senator that 18-yerr-old - boys make good in a number of other fields also and that it should be the aim of this Nation to give them an opportunity to make good in these other fields. Eighteen-year-old boys make good stu- dents. This is the period in life when youth learns quickly and it is just about the age when most boys finish high school. After school most boys either enroll tn college or start learning a trade or business. Ameri- can parents want something better than Army training for their sons when they graduate from high school. They certainly don't want their 18-year-old boys to be trained for duty in foreign lands. They are not too keen about making them available for “police action” in another Korea. Nor do they want them sent to some other shore on the say-so of any individual. Before the citizens of this Nation will agree to the drafting of their 18-year-old sons they ‘want some assurances from Congress that this Nation is being operated as a republic. The popular notion around the country, as we get it, is that only the American Con- gress has the power to declare war. We do not believe that the American people want any more undeclared wars, where troope are sent in without the sanction of the Congress. Mr. Senator, 18 years of age is a grand age for many things. At 18 most of us had grand illusions of a better way of life. We had higher ideals than those of us who are more advanced in years have heen able to keep. We had a better knack of getting along with our fellows and just a little more of the joy of life than at any other time of fe. The boy of 18 is standing on the thresh- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD one of the international set that has lost faith In America’s ability to defend herself? Do you believe that we must send more and more men to Europe to defend nations that up until the present time have shown littie tangible evidences of the will to defend them- selves? ‘ America needs !ts 18-year-old boys. It needs its 18-year-old girls. There ts a line of defense that is as important to our way of life as any army or navy Ime that has ever been thrown about the Nation in its hours of need. That line of defense, my dear sir, is the line of industrial and moral ey that has been nurtured by our free-enterprise system. We are 8 great ‘Nation because we have had the individual freedom to develop our lives as Providence intended them te develop. We are a great Nation because we know how to do things. The greatest advances of the past 80 years have been made by men and women who received basic training in fisids other than the military during the formative years of life. Amertca owes its No. 1 position #2 the world today to the men and women of sctence, of business, of education and to the boys and girls of yesteryear who were able to develop their talents in the formative years of life. Where are we going to get the engineers, the technical experts, the doctors, the min- isters, the merchants and, yes, the fine mechanics that are necessary to operate our complicated machines and gadgets of t%e modern world if we allow all of our youth to be siphoned off as soon as they finish high school? Great technological advances have been made since our senior Senator was 18 years of age. In the world of manufacturing and business the advances have been most pro- nounced. The implements of modern war- fare have been altered so rapidly thet what was modern a year ago is ancient today and what we had 6 months ago may be outmoded tomorrow, Must we match the enemy, man for man, slug it out, toe to toe, or might we ao better if we overmatch him with weapons so far superior to his own that even a reck- leas regard for life will not be able to over- come them? America needs men who think in modern terms in its positions of great trust. War is no longer fought on the same level as it was back in 1896. There is no romance about war. It is a deadly business. It is serious business~—too serious for the Congress of the United States to hand over to the decision of any one man or small group of men. It will take courage, Mr. Senator, to face the charge of being an isolationist. It may take courage to regain the power that has been handed over to the executive branch of Government. It takes courage to take a posi- tive stand about anything these days. It takes courage to be wrong occasionally. It ta‘:es even more courage to admit error. But it is going to take a lot of courage to get this Nation out of the trouble in which it has be- come involved. A lot of that trouble, Mr. Senator, can be traced to those of us who are past the middle years of life. How much of it can be laid at the doors of the 18-year- JANUARY 18, 1951. Altoona, Pa. Dear Mrz, Retyenrpre: I have a copy of your sattorta of January 18 entitle ° “We Agree— ae aeprectate very much indeed this fine jon of one of the most critical prob- ever to confront our country. Only by atid free discussion can we reach de- that truly represent the willl of the and will make the greatest contribu- to the preservation of American ideals. ie ¢ 3