A766 This being chiefly a farming community and realizing the importance of this act to the farmers of this community as well as in other communities, we. the members of American Legion Post, No. 402, of Silverton, Briscoe County, Tex., have voted and believe there is a dire need for the appropriation of the funds to carry on this important act. Since many of the farmers in this com- munity are returned veterans and have not had the opportunity to make financial gains to the extent that they can carry on their farming without help from some source, we feel that this is not the proper time to ter- minate said loans. Thanking you for your immediate atten- tion to this, we are, Respectfully, Warr FOGEason, Commander. T. C. Bomar, First Vice Commander. CuarLes C. ALEXANDER, Adjutant. Conspiracy or Blunder? EXTENSIOY OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, we in the House of Representatives do not have the responsibility of passing on the fitness for office of nominees made by the Execu- tive for various high offices. But I am sure that every Member of the House fol- lows the debates for and against such nominees carefully and that all of us run into information that proves to be of in- terest to many persons. In connection with the appointment of David E. Lilienthal to be Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, there has been published in Plain Talk a highly enlightening article entitled “Conspiracy or Blunder—Our Atomic UNRRA.” In the course of this article, Mr. Lilienthal’s fitness for office is dis- cussed, along with other facts that should be brought to the attention of al] Amer- icans. Under unanimous consent, I include this article in full in the Recorp, as fol- lows: CONSPIRACY OR BLUNDER?—OUR ATOMIC UNRRA (By Isaac Don Levine) Behind the rise of the most powerful com- mission in the history of the United States, the Lilienthal Atomic Energy Commission, is the still-untold story of our puzzling atomic policy. It is a story with many features of & vast conspiracy woven of the triple webs of atomic espionage, atomic propaganda, and atomic diplomacy. As the five civilian members of the Atomic Energy Commission, appointed by President Truman under strange circumstances in the confusion of the last days preceding the re- cent election, face confirmation at the hands of the United States Senate, many questions press for answers. And although some of the pieces necessary to solve the riddle why we set out to establish a kind of atomic UNRRA are not yet available, enough bas become known to make a shocking pattern. When did we first promise the Soviet Gov- ernment to put the atomic bomb under in- ternational control? This is where the mys- tery begins. Did it occur at Potsdam, in July 1945, 3 weeks before Hiroshima, when Presi- dent Truman told Stalin of our magic secret weapon? If, so, was it intended by international con- trol to turn over the atomic discovery to the United Nations Security Council under the existing power of veto, which would allow an aggressor to escape punishment? This enigma was also the crux of the conflict be- tween the Bernard Baruch and Henry Wal- lace schools of atomic politics. And was Bernard Baruch’s sudden and demonstrative resignation as America’s atomic representative to the United Nations caused by his fear that the newly created Commission under David E. Lilienthal, an adherent of the Wallace school, might, by easy stages, turn over the atomic power to Soviet Russia? Topping these is the crucial question: Who will protect the bomb now? Is the world’s mightiest weapon, upon which depends the security of the Nation and of free civiliza- tion, safe in the hands of a purely civilian body dominated by political innocents? How did it happen that President Truman had failed to consult either Bernard Baruch or Secretary of State Byrnes in his selection of the five members of the Atomic Energy Commission? It is true that Under Secretary Dean Ache- son picked the members of the Comm/'ssion behind the backs of Byrnes and Baruch, the same Mr. Acheson who, with Lilienthal, had sponsored the State Department's report on the International Control of Atomic Energy which bypassed the issue of the veto and of penalties? What significance are we to attach to the fact that the majority of the five members of the Lilienthal Commission may be de- scribed as Wallace liberals, who might be inclined out of lofty humanitarian motives to let Stalin have atomic power as well as the nullifying power of the veto, ij. e., with- out effective safeguards? Unequivocal answers to all of these ques- tions would enable the people of the United States to formulate a sober atomic policy in accord with the best interests of our national defense. It must be a policy which would eliminate any possibility of the weapon of world mastery falling into the hands of a tyranny capable of enslaving al] humanity. Three weeks before the A-bomb burst upon the world with all its incalculable force, President Truman went to Potsdam in the belief that he was bearing with him the secret of the ages. This was the beginning of our incredible adventure in atomic diplo- macy. Stalin was to be taken by surprise and in an overwhelmed condition be led meekly into the family circle. It can now be told that when the Presi- dent broke the great news to Stalin, the Soviet dictator hardly batted an eye. He received the intelligence in such a casual manner, displaying so little interest in the subject, that both the President and Secre- tary Byrnes were discomfited and decided that Stalin simply did not appreciate the immensity of the atomic discovery. To this day there are personages in Washington who are convinced that Stalin had no previous knowledge of the A-bomb and regarded it as just Yankee big talk. President Truman, on the other hand, did not know then that for more than 2 years Soviet espionage had been dogging the stepe of our atomic projects, that at least 100 scientific workers in the atomic laboratories and plants in the United States and Canada had during that period conveyed information to Soviet agents, that samples of uranium- 285 had been smuggied to Russia, and that Stalin probably knew more about our atomic achievements than the newly installed Presi- dent of the United States. Prom this moment on Btalin had the ini- tiative at Potsdam. He seized an opportu- nity later to reproach the United States and APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Great Britain for violating the wartime agreement which provided for an exchange by the Allies of information on weapons, When Stalin wanted to know why Washing- ton had withheld from Soviet Russia the secret atomic weapon our spokesmen did not counter by a blunt recital of the numer- ous Soviet failures during the war to share with the western allies the facts and means vital to the conduct of military operations. Instead a vague offer was made to put the atomic bomb under the international con- trol of the United Nations, which was tanta- mount to giving the A-bomb to Stalin. It must be remembered that Truman and Byrnes had gone to Potedam—and not Stalin to Washington—after the abject surrenders at Tehran and Yalta, a journey which by its very nature could only spell further appease- ment. This was implemented by the formal dec- laration of November 15, 1945, by President Truman, Prime Ministers Clement Attlee and Mackenzie King, of Great Britain and Can- ada, in which the A-bomb was offered to the United Nations after “appropriate controls” were set up. Stalin has interpreted it to mean that such controls would be devised under the Charter of the United Nations without abolishing the right of veto. Six weeks later came the Moscow Confer- ence. It was on December 27, 1945, that the Moscow agreement was announced under the terms of which Secretary Byrnes had com- mitted the United States to the establish- ment of a United Nations Commission for Atomic Energy Control. In the months which had elapsed since Potsdam several other highly significant developments oc- curred, all seemingly unrelated to the un- quenchable Soviet curiosity about the atomic discovery. First came the publication by our War Department of the now famous Smyth re- port, which assembled in one neat volume the widely scattered labors of many years and countries, giving away something like 97 percent of atomic knowledge. Since Great Britain and Canada shared it with us, anyway, was the publication intended for the only other major nation that did not have it—Soviet Russia? Strangely enough, there soon came an an- nouncement by a group of atomic scientists that the United States had no “enduring monopoly” on the A-bomb. It was followed by Senator McMaHon’s advocacy of civilian control of atomic energy—later translated into the law through the creation of the .Atomic Energy Commission. Senator Mc- Manow has since confessed that he had been motivated by the belief “that Russia and the world should get the secrets of atomic energy in time.” The campaign centering around the McMahon bill was echoed by the inex- plicable rise of national committees of atomic scientists, run by professional propa- gandists, who proceeded to agitate public epinion in the direction of Soviet interests. To cap it’ all came the Molotov warning of November 7, 1945, which was true to the well-established practice of the professional thieves who are the first to raise the cry, “Btop thief!” Molotov warned the western powers against “atomic diplomacy”—a warn- ing designed to bludgeon our leadership into @ policy of submission to Moscow. The circumstances surrounding the ap- pearance of David E. Lilienthal, of TVA fame, in the atomic picture and the behind-the- scenes influences which led to the State De- pertment’s creation of its own atomic com- mittee under the chairmanship of Dean Acheson may very well merit investigation by the Senate before it confirms the newly established Atomic Energy Commission. The Acheson committee served merely as a front. All the work was done by a board of consultants under Mr. Lilienthal. This board consisted of five members abd a secre- tary, Mr. Carroll L. Wilson, but actually there ‘Was @ seventh member, a former aid to Mr.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Lilienthal at TVA, who was now serving as legislative assistant to Under Secretary Ache- son in the State Department. His name was Herbert 8 Marks. Although officially it was a board of five, Mr. Marks left for posterity an unforgettable account of its deliberations under the Ara- bian Nights title of “Seven Men on a Prob- lem.” Fittingly enough, this account ap- peared in the New Yorker of August 17, 1946, filling 16 columrs and describing in detail the labors of the seven superpiunners over & period of 2 months. From this uninhibited interview it is clear that Mr. Marks, if the reporter is to be believed, had a major share in formulating the Acheson-Lilienthal re- port which laid the foundation for American atomic policy. The essential feature of this basic plan re- leased as a State Department document on March 28, 1946, was its total omission of any punitive provisions for violatore of our price- less atomic power. It proposed an interna- tional atomic corporation on the assumption that the whole planet was as free, as open, as peace-loving, and as devoted to civil rights and to democratic processes a8 the United States, Canada, Switzerland, or Sweden. At best, the plan fashioned under the hammer- ing of ideological crusaders was Utopian. A less charitable view might raise the question as to the way the State Department propos- als dovetailed with the drive behind the Mc- Mahon bill for purely civilian control of atomic energy and the equally powerful drive on the atomic propaganda front to share the colossal power with Soviet Russia. No wonder that Henry A. Wallace, our arch-utopian, told a meeting of the Political Action Committee at New York City on April 12, 1946, that President Roosevelt would have approved and supported the Acheson- Lilienthal proposals on atomic energy. The appointment of Bernard M. Baruch, however, as United States representative on the United Nations Atomic Commission, led to unforeseen consequences. No doubt the revelations of the vast Soviet espionage ring in Canada, as reported by the Royal Commis- sion, had their effect upon Mr. Baruch and his associates. When the latter group had finished with the Acheson-Lilienthal plan and had it drastically revised for submission to the United Nations in June 1046, the American proposal had a set of teeth in it. Not that, in the view of this writer, there can be any effective set of teeth put into any pa- per agreement with th. Soviet Government. But the Baruch committee made the utmost of an inherently bad situation. What was this situation? For some un- accountable treason, America was hell-bent upon sharing the atomic weapon with the Soviet dictatorship, and at the very time when Moscow was violating treaties, raping independent countries, launching aggressive moves in various strategic zones, and heap- ing insult and injury upon the United States. By the time Mr. Baruch took up his assign- ment we had committed ourselves to inter- national control of @tomic energy and to its civilian control at home. We had developed a guilt complex under the corrupting influ- ence of insidious Soviet propaganda. We were clearly determined to share the atomic discovery, regardless of the patent fact that no moral or political or purely selfish basis for such sharing existed, The Baruch plan proposed an international treaty as a prerequisite for the setting up of the Atomic Development Authority, which, according to the Acheson-Lilienthal draft, was to be built on UNRRA lines. It provides that the United States is to develop and install atomic power plants for civilian use throughout the world, including Soviet Rus- sia. The Baruch plan provided for various safeguards, the major one of which was the abolition of the veto power in matters re- lating to atomic energy by the signatories of the atomic treaty, 1. e., by the recipients of our atomic gift. It is no longer a secret that the Baruch plan met with terrific opposition. Only part of the story has been given to the American people. Thus, it became known only in Sep- tember that Wallace had addressed a long and confidential letter to President Truman on July 23, in which he assailed the Baruch Proposals and distorted them so as to argue in favor of the Soviet view of the issue. But it was not generally known that Under Sec- retary Acheson spearheaded the inside forces against the Baruch plan. “I state categori- cally—and the truth can only be provided by congressional investigation,” ‘declared George E. Sokolsky in his syndicated column after the resignation of Baruch, “that Dean Acheson never personally approved of Baruch's rejection of the veto.” The unsolicited and secret Wallace advice to President Truman was strangely followed 1 day later, on July 24, by the summary rejection by Soviet representative Gromyko of the Baruch proposals, “either as a whole or in separate parts.” A congressional in- quiry might profitably look into the real authorship of the pretentious communica- tion from the then Secretary of Commerce to the President. President Truman himself never faced the issue raised by his representative to the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission and never gave him his unqualified support. The election campaign was on and the pro- Soviet forces were most active. While Baruch was pressing his fight for the accept- ance cf his plan, the Acheson-Lilienthal group was organizing behind the scenes to take over the coming Atomic Energy Com- mission. Even before the adoption of the McMahon bill, Clare Boothe Luce. who inci- dentally voted for it, had declared on July 17 in the House that David Lilienthal was according to rumor slated to be one of the five atomic Commissioners. The conflict between Baruch and Wallace burst into the open after the release on September 17 by the latter of his secret let- ter to the President. It will be recalled that Mr. Baruch requested a retraction of various misrepresentations made by Mr. Wallace, that such a retraction was promisec but: never delivered. Toward the end of September at a con- ference in Chicago of the CIO Political Ac- tion Committee, the independent citizens committee of the arts, sclences, and profes- sions and the national citizens political ac- tion committee, this pro-Soviet bloc joined the fray on the side of Mr. Wallace. The Chicago meeting adopted a platform in which the Baruch plan was assailed on the basis of the misrepresentations which Mr. Wallace had originally submitted to the President. While the Baruch-Wallace controversy was holding the stage, the Atomic Energy Commission was being formed without ben- efit of publicity. It has been established that President Truman did ask Mr. Baruch in the course of two calls made by the latter at the White House, to suggest his candi- dates to head the Atomic Energy Commis- sion. One of these conferences took place in the presence of Secretary Byrnes. Mr. Baruch proposed President Karl Compton, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, or President James B. Conant, of Harvard. These nominees refused to take the post. About this time a large American concern which had manufactured precision machin- ery used in the making of the A-bomb, re- ceived an order from the Soviet Purchasing Commission for approximately $1,500,000 worth of equipment, accompanied by speciti- cations and blueprints which could only have been stolen in the United States or Canada. This shocking revelation is known to have been brought to the attention of Mr. Baruch and his associates. It is no longer a secret that Mr. Baruch used his influence to stop the execution of this order, A767 which made him the special target of the Soviet diplomats as well as the pro-Soviet elements in our midst. Late in October the make-up of the new Atomic Energy Commission became known to a source wo had it directly from the White House. The information was con- veyed to Bernard Baruch who could not believe it. The President had not consulted him about any of his selections. Secretary Byrnes was too preoccupied with the meet- ing of the Council of Foreign Ministers to keep in touch with the matter. On the morning of October 28, at the height of the preelection excitement, the Boston Post published an exclusive story by its Washington correspondent, Robert L. Norton, announcing President Truman's se- lection of Lilienthal as Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission and correctly naming the other members, with one ex- ception, “None of the members of the Commission are well-known national figures,” reported Mr. Norton. ‘Whether or not these appoint- ments would be approved by the Senate is problematical. 1t is stated here that Ber- nard M. Baruch, who is responsible for the American plan for control of the atomic bomb, was not consulted on the appoint- ments.” Secretary Byrnes was informed that morn- ing of the composition of the Commission. At first he would not believe it, as he, too, had not been consulted by the President. Yet his own Under Secretary, Dean Acheson, was the architect of this Commission. When assured of the authenticity of the information, Secretary Byrnes called the White House for an appointment to see the President. The conference was set for the noon hour that day. At 11 o’clock President Truman received the press and announced to the country his appointment to the Atomic Commission. Secretary Byrnes did not call on the Presi- dent that noon, So well prepared was Mr, Lilienthal for his new duties, which he was to assume only on January 1, 1947, that on the day follow- ing his appointment he announced from Washington that the Atomic Energy Com- mission would take over the Army’s atomic projeet. And as his first step Mr. Lilienthal named a temporary staff, which included Herbert S. Marks, Acheson's assistant, and Carroll L. Wilson, both of whom had served on the original Acheson-Lilienthal board. Simultaneously, Mr, Lilienthal came out in a public address with strong and well- taken criticisms of the Baruch plan, argu- ing that an international treaty would not provide the needed security. He went on to contend with considerable force that inspec- tion as a sole safeguard would be quite unworkable. And then, strangely enough, Mr. Lilienthal went back to his original vi- sionary scheme of a world corporation under an international authority composed of ‘the elite of the scientific world.” That such a class would also be the elite of political inno- cents, ideally misfitted to cope with totali- tarian chicanery, Mr. Lilienthal omitted to state, Whether it was due to the American re- fusal to fulfill the Soviet order for atomic instruments or to the outcome of the No- vember elections or to the victory of the Acheson-Lilienthal combine resulting in a commission which was believed to favor sharing the atomic secrets with Russia, there followed late in November an apparent about-face on the part of the Kremlin. Mr. Molotov unexpectedly came out for inter- national “inspection”? and made one of his famous equivocal statements on the veto, which was hailed by our gullible commenta- tors as a reversal of the Soviet policy of the previous July. In the meantime, the United Nations Atomic Commission, which had before it the
A768 Baruch plan, was to finish ite tenure on Decemper 31 and to be reconstituted on the rotation system in 1947. Mr. Baruch pressed for action in the face of dogged Soviet re- sistance, which he finally achieved on De- cember 30. His plan, with Russta abstaining, was finally reported out to the Security Coun- cil. This really terminated Mr. Baruch's ambassadorsbip to the United Nations, un- less President Truman had offered to re- appoint him as deputy on atomic affairs to serve with Mr. Warren Austin, United States delegate on the Security Council. President Truman made no such offer. Mr. Baruch then called the President. The conversation which ensued would make a gem in the story of our atomic politics. Mr. Baruch informed the President of his strange status, indicating that the question of disarmament was scheduled for early dis- cussion before the Security Council. The President listened and said nothing. Mr. Baruch then asked what the President want- ed him to do, pointing out that he had no intention of passing out of the atomic picture quietly. Still the President made no re- sponse. When Mr. Baruch declared that he would have to make his resignation pub- lic and wanted to know what to do about it, the President replied that he, Baruch, knew best what to do. On January 4 Mr. Baruch presented his resignation to the White House. As was generally reported, the President was in, but he did not receive his atomic envoy. Baruch then handed in his resignation to Secretary Byrnes. On January 1, 1947, the fabulous $2,000,- 000,000 atomic empire, extending over 18 States, including a number of great plants with a total personnel of 43,700, was trans- ferred from the War Department to the civil- fan Atomic Energy Commission. A new chapter in the most revolutionary discovery in history was about to open, a chapter which promised to lead to an atomic crisis. Had Henry Wallace been President of the United States, the character of the Atomic Energy Commission, with one possible ex- ception, could hardly have been any differ- ent. In fact, this is revealed by the recep- tion given to the Truman appointments by the New Republic in the very issue in which Henry A. Wallace announced, as editor-elect, that he wanted the New Republic to be a window on the future * * * always in terms of action. Anticipating this assignment of serving as a “window on the future,” the editors of our leading organ of innocent confusion hailed the Truman appointments as a triumph. “The men whom Truman chose, in a mo- ment of good judgment, guarantee that the victory is solid and complete,” crowed Wal- lace’s associates. No doubt as to the com- pleteness of the victory, but whose victory? And as to Truman's “good Judgment,” how strange that the real architect of the Com- mission, Dean Acheson, received no credit at all for the feat. Regarding the appointment of Davi. E. Lilienthal as chairman of the Atomic Com- mission, the New Republic could find no other words than to say “the only possible adjec- tive applicable to this choice is perfect.” It went on to add that “for the other two mem- bers, Sumner Pike and William W. Waymeck, the drama critics’ word ‘adequate’ is woe- fully insufficient.” About the one scientist on the Commission, Dr. Robert E. Bacher, the mouthpiece which Wallace elected to make his own went out of the way to “praise God” for “the integrity of his social philosophy.” It should be stated in all fairness that it also bestowed its blessings upon the one con- servative member of the Commission, Rear Adm. Lewis L. Strauss. In its exultation, the New Republic, true to its tradition of gullibility in international affairs, pointed to the inner nub of the whole matter. “By an intelligent policy for mak- ‘ng scientific information available,” it wrote, “the Commission * © © can make known to scientists of other nations those basic facts which, once understood, lead with the inevitability of a geometric proposition to one conclusion, the one which Acheson and Lilienthal were constrained to reach 7 months ago.” The Acheson-Lilienthal conclusion, as given in the State Department report, dealt with the disclosure of information as an essential of international action. It proposed the division of “our secret information into three categories,” and their release by easy stages. “when the plan is in tull operation there will no longer be secrets about atomic energy,” are the concluding words of the Acheson-Lilienthal report. “We believe that this is the firmest basis of security; for in the long term there can be no international control and no international cooperation which does not presuppose international community of knowledge.” The plan, it cannot be too strongly em- phasized, provided no punishment for viola- tors of the peace, for no abolition or modifi- cation of the veto power. If Moscow had secretly devised and prepared a plan for mak- ing the United States set up an atomic UNRRA, with the idea of foisting it upon a gullible America through its innumerable fronts, it could hardly have differed in this respect from the Acheson-Lilienthal plan. Now who are the men entrusted with the secret of the atomic bomb and with our de- velopment of atomic energy the world over? Are they mostly persons representing the Baruch school standing for the abolition of the veto, 1. e., for penalties, in international control of atomic power? Or are they largely of the school believing that Stalin's dictator- ship is a new kind of democracy, and that we should share with it the almost unlimited riches of atomic energy? Although Dean Acheson has no official con- nection with the Atomic Energy Commission, he remains one of the spiritual parents of our atomic UNRRA. Moreover, as Under Secre- tary he will be in charge of international atomic relations. Where does Mr. Acheson stand? Like Secretary of Commerce Averell Harriman, he has learned from bitter expe- rience the true nature of the Soviet dictator- ship and the impossibility of dealing with it on a give-and-take basis. But he has yet to acquire a real insight into the Soviet fifth column in our midst and in his own official environment in Washington. David E. Lilienthal, the chairman of the Atomic Commission, who has been called by Harold Ickes the busiest propagandist the United States has ever produced, is a man whose loyalty to this country could not be questioned and whose ability as an executive is widely and justly recognized. Yet Mr. Lilienthal has a record as an innocent in the world-wide jungles of Soviet policies which has been matched by many eminent leaders, such as that of the late Neville Chamberlain in the diplomatic jungle of Ribbentrop and Hitler and that of the astute Churchill him- self in the dark Tito-Stalin woods. The record shows, and an entire volume of hearings before the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, as well as more re- cent testimony corroborates it, that right under the nose of Director Lilienthal of the TVA widespread Communist activities had been carried on for years. Myr. Lilienthal himself was sufficiently innocent to act as sponsor and speaker for the Southern Con- ference for Human Welfare, known as a Communist front. His daughter Nancy, an employee of the Department of Labor and &@ member of the United Public Workers, a Communist-dominated union, only recently displayed her strong pro-Soviet attitude. At the beginning of December 1946, at a meet- ing of her local, a proposal had been made to endorse the resolution of the Atlantic City CIO convention condemning communism. The fight against the endorsement was led, with success, by Nancy Lilienthal. It may be that Nancy's outlook had been conditioned APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD not by her father, but by her mother. For Mrs. Lilientha) is reliably reported to have belonged in the middie thirties to several front organizations. Mr. William Wesley Waymack, who had ac- quired distinction as the editor of the Des Moines Register and Tribune, is one of those liberals who represents a cross between the late Wende)l Willkie and Henry A. Wallace. He is a natural believer in the goodness of man, even the men in the Kremlin. It was the owner of his paper, Mike Cowles, who accompanied Willkie on his one-world voy- age, Originally designed as Soviet propaganda, to promote Stalin’s campaign for a second front, and whose magazine 5 Ethiott Roosevelt's more recent flight into Stalin's dizzying political stratosphere. Mr. Way- mack's incurable innocence in matters per- taining to Moscow ts typical. He joined or- ganizations, such as the Russian War Relief, the Committee for Medical Aid to Russia, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and that strange outfit fathered by Louis Dolivet, first under the name of Free World and lately as Americans United for World Organization. Mr. Sumner Pike, ecstatically described by Jerome Frank in the New Republic as a Re- publican businessman who is a good poker player possessing infinite charm, and who had served as an assistant to Harry Hopkins after making a fortune in Wall Street, is a man without a record on Soviet issues, al- though he has made his pilgrimage to Soviet Russia. Perhaps that is what the New Re- public had in mind when it said of Messrs. ‘Waymack and Pike that they are “precisely the types with precisely the backgrounds for @ job of such overwhelming importance,” and that would also go for the social philosophy of the young Dr. Robert E. Bacher, who as a physicist ranks among the foremost in the United States. Dominated by innocents of the Wallace stripe, the Atomic Energy Commission is bound to attract a personnel raised in the same pseudo-liberal school of thought on in- ternational questions. One of the keymen in the new Commission is Herbert 8. Marks, who had been attached to the Acheson- Lilienthal board. Mr. Marks, a native of Pennsylvania and honor graduate from Har- vard, had served for 5 years as counsel to the TVA under Lilienthal. While in the State Department Mr. Marks 1s known to have held “liberal” views on the subject of Soviet Russia, similar to the ones which his chief, Dean Acheson, tried to pro- mulgate at first in our foreign relations. No one has ever impugned the loyalty or patriot- ism of Mr. Marks, but one witness before the Un-American Activities Committee did link him with alleged pro-Communist activities. The witness was Mrs. Muriel 8. Williams, of Chattanooga, Tenn., a clerk in the TVA and @ self-admitted member of the Communist Party. Mrs. Williams testified on July 6, 19/0, in the course of an interrogation on various persons identified with pro-Communist ac- tivities, as follows: “Mr. Barger. And Herbert Marks, you know Herbert Marks? “Mrs. WILLIAMS, Yes. “Mr. Barxxr. And you attended meetings with Herbert Marks? “Mrs, W1L114M8. Well, you see when you say this meeting business—yes.” Mr. Marks has also been a member of the National Lawyers Guild, which is controlled by Communists and from which Adolph A. Berle, Jr., Robert Jackson, Ferdinand Pecora, and other eminent jurists had resigned in protest. Three days after the Atomic Commission began to function a general advisory com- mittee of scientists was set up. In his ab- sense J. R. Oppenheimer was elected to be chairman of this group. Now, Dr. Oppen- heimer is recognized as one of the discoverers of atomic power and builders of the A-bomb. Be had served as one of the members of the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD board of consultants in the preparation of the Acheson-Lilienthal report. Politically, Dr. Oppenhetmer is an innocent of innocents. As far back as April 1940, he had joined a Communist-front committee which defended New York City public-school teachers charged with Communist activities. He was a member of the American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born, one of the most notorious fronts. He was reported to be @ subscriber to People's World, the California counterpart of the Daily Worker, an official Communist publication. The report of the Canadian Royal Commis- sion, which lifted a corner of the curtain hiding the enormous network of Soviet atomic espionage, should be made compul- sory reading for all atomic scientists, from Albert Einstein to the student in physics or chemistry. It reveals the incredible political naiveté of our best scientific minds. It also shows a frightening moral degeneracy among idealists fallen under the spell of totalitarian propaganda. That our own atomic scientists, including some identified with the Lilienthal commis- sion, have been either victims of or innocent participants in the pro-Soviet atomic propa- ganda campaign waged in this country is be- yond dispute. The role played by such propa- ganda in the shaping of our blundering atom- fe policy may properly be the subject of a separate investigation. It is part of that over-al] design which would surrender to the world's leading despotism the key to global domination. The American people have a right to know the stark truth about the politics of the atom. They have a right to demand of Con- @ress that it turn the searchlight upon the influences which shaped our atomic behavior. The dark links between the Canadian spy ring and its American partners must be exposed. The pro-Soviet propaganda brigade which en- snared our atamic scientists must be in- vestigated. Above all, the American people should get an answer to the §2,000,000,000 question: What is to prevent the Soviet Government and its puppets from expelling our inspectors and technicians—under the UNRRA prece- dents already set by Tito—after we have de- veloped and installed atomic energy plants in their countries? Final Address to the People’s Court by Archbishop Stepinac EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. J. HOWARD McGRATH OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. McGRATH. Mr. President, there has come into my possession a pamphlet entitled “My Conscience Is Clear; I Am Ready To Die.” It is the English transla- tion of the final address to the people’s court made by Archbishop Stepinac at his trial in Zagreb. It states in the archbishop’s own words the terrible religious persecution to which he and the Christian churches are being subjected by the puppet rulers of Yugoslavia. I commend it to the reading of my fellow countrymen, and for that purpose ask unanimous consent for its insertion in the Appendix of the Recoap. I—App.——49 There being no objection, the pam- phiet was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: “MY CONSCIENCE 18 CLEAR; I AM READY TO DIE” Following is the complete text of the final address to the people’s court, in Zagreb, Croatia, made by Archbishop Aloysius Stepinac, of Zagreb, before he was sentenced to 16 years imprisonment at hard labor. The tranclation from the Croatian language was made by the fathers of the Croatian Fran- ciscan Commissariat of the Holy Family, in Chicago. The fathers received the text from an absolutely reliable source in Zagreb. The official English translation was distributed in the United States by the National Catholic Welfare Conference News Service. The text: “To all charges brought forth against me here, I answer that my conscience in every way is clear (even though the public ridicule this), and I do not seek to defend myself against, nor appeal against the verdict. “For my convictions I am able to bear not only ridicule, hatred, and humiliations, but-— because my conscience is clear—I am ready at any moment to die. “Hundreds of times here I have been called ‘the accused Stepinac.’ There is no one 50 naive as not to know that with ‘the accused Stepina~’ here on the defendant's bench sits the Archbishop of Zagreb, the Metropolitan of Zagreb, and the head of the Catholic Church in Yugoslavia. “You yourselves have many times appealed to the accused priests here present to acknowledge that only Stepinac is guilty for theirs. the people's, and the clergy’s stand. The ordinary Stepinac cannot have such in- fluence, only Archbishop Stepinac. “For 17 months there has been waged a campaign against me, publicly and in the press; furthermore, for 12 months I have borne actual internment in the Archbishop's palace. “The guilt of the rebaptism of Serbs is ascribed to me. That is incorrect terminol- ogy. for he who is once baptized, need not be rebaptized. The question concerns change of religions, and of this I shall not speak in detail, except to state that my conscience ts clear and that history shall one ..ay render its judgment in this matter. “It is a fact that I had to remove pastors, for they stood in danger of death from the Orthodox. The Serbs wanted to kill these priests because they refused them entrance into the church. It is a fact that during the war the church had to traverse through difi- culties like a snake—and that for the sake of the Serbian people and with the aim of aid- ing them as far as it was at all possible. “The honorable judge has produced a docu- ment showing that I sought an abandoned Orthodox monastery (once belonging to our own Pauline Fathers) in Orahovica in order to fill it with Trappists whom the Germans had driven away from Retchburg. I hold that it was my sacred duty to aid my brother Slovenes, whom the Hitlerites had banished, to find temporary shelter. “Because I was the military ordinary, grave criminality is imputed to me. This honor- able judge asked me if I did not consider myself a traitor to Yugoslavia because in this matter I sought an understanding with the independent State of Croatia. “I was the military ordinary for the former Yugoslavia. I labored during those 8 to 9 years to bring this matter to a definite and solid solution. This question was finally solved through the Yugoslav Concordat, which was accomplished after great difficul- ties, solemnly ratified in the parliament, but then left to dissolve in the streets. “When the war between Yugoslavia and Germany neared its end, I had to extend spiritual aid to the Catholic soldiers of the former Yugoslav Army and of the newly cre- ated independent State of Croatia. If, there- A769 fore, the state had fallen, but the soldiers still remained, then I had to concern myself with this situation. “I was not persona grata to either the Germans or the Ustashi; nor was I an Ustasha, nor did I take their oath as did your clerks here present. The Croatian Na- tion unanimously declared itself for the Croatian State and I would have heen a blackguard had I not recognized and ac- knowledged this desire of the Croatian Na- tion, which in the former Yugoslavia had been enslaved. “T have said and declared that Croatians were not allowed to advance in the army or to enter the diplomatic corps unless they changed their religion or married a non- believer, That is the factual basis and backrround of my pastorals and sermons. “Whatever I have said of the right of the Croatian Nation to its freedom and inde- pendence is in complete accord with the basic principles enunciated by the Allies at Yalta and in the Atlantic Charter. “If, according to these principles, every nation has the right to independence, then why should it be denied to the Croatian Na- tion? The Holy See has declared that both small nations and national minorities have a right to freedom. Must, then, a Catholic bishop and metropolitan not be allowed to even whisper of this? If fall we muat. then we fall because we have done our duty. “Do not think that the Croatian Nation is pleased with this trial, or that if you give them an opportunity to express themselves I, as a result, shall suffer. I have honored and respected the will of my people. ard I shall continue to do so. “You accuse me as an enemy of the state and the people's authority. I today acknowl- edge your euthcrity, Who was my au- thority? I must repeat again: You were my authority from May 8, 1945, and not before that. Where is it possible in the world to obey two authorities; you in the woods, or they in Zagreb? “Should I have submitted to the authority of the illegal Somovic, or—as you say, ‘ex- iled’—government in London, or of that in Cairo, or yours in the woods, or theirs in Zagreb? Is it at all possible to serve two masters? That cannot be, according to Catholic morals, the laws of nations and common sense. We could not ignore the authority here, even if it were Ustasha. It was here. You have a right to call me to account only from May 8, 1945. “As to my s0-called acts of terrorism, you have no proof, nor will anyone believe you. If Lisak, Lela Sofijanec and others came to me under assumed names, and if I received a letter which I never read, then if it be a crime because men came to me, I shall accept the verdict with equanimity. “It does not trouble my conscience for issuing a certificate of free movement to the Reverend Maric, for I did not do so with the purpose of creating disorder, and for such guilt I would go to the other world with my soul at peace. “Whether you believe me or not, matters not. The accused Archbishop of Zagreb knows not only how to suffer but also to die for lis convictions. “President Bakaric (of Croatia) himeelf acknowledged to the Reverend Milanovic: ‘We are convinced that the archbishop stands behind these acts, but we have no proof.’ That, for me, is sufficient acknowl- edgment. “And now, what is the core of the con- troversy and our vicissitudes, and why has not a peaceful solution been reached? The state prosecutor has many times affirmed that nowhere else is there such freedom of conscience as in this state. I am free to bring out some facts showing the contrary. “Before all, I again affirm: 260 to 270 priests have been killed by the National Lib- eration Movement. In not one civilized
A770 state in the world would so many priests be thus punished for such crimes, as have been imputed to them. Thus, for example, the pastor of Slatina, the Reverend Burger, as a member of the Kultur bund, should have been sentenced, say, to 8 years’ impris- onment; but no, you killed him because he, in fulfillment of his sacred duty as dean, had saved the sacred vessels of a national shrine. “The Reverend Povoljnpak was, without benefit of trial, murdered like a dog in the streets. And the same has been the fate of accused sisters. In no other civilized state would death have been meted out—only at the very most a prison sentence. “You have made a fatal mistake in mur- dering priests. The people ehall not forgive you for that. Such is your ‘freedom.’ “Our Catholic schools, built at the cost of great sacrifices, have been taken away from us. If I had not received seven carloads of foodstuffs from America, we Could not have done anything, and that for the children of our poor peasant folk. “With force you took away all the seminary property. You have done nothing less than what the gestapo did in seizing the seminary at Mokrica. We are not against agarian re- forms—the Holy See has issued many en- cyclicals on social reforms—but they should have been carried out in agreement with the Holy See. “Our orphanages have been useless. De- stroyed are our printing establishments, and I do not know if one still exists. We have no more our publications, which have so often here been attacked. “Ig it not manifestly scandalous to uphold that nowhere does the church enjoy freedom as here? “The Dominicans gave a spiritual book, which was translated by me from the French, to be printed at a cost of 75,000 dinars. But they never received these books. How much damage was sustained. Is that freedom of the press? “The St. Jerome Society has ceased to exist. It is a grave offense against the people thus to treat their greatest and oldest cultural in- stitution. You have reproached me for the work of my ‘Caritas.’ But I say to you here: ‘Caritas’ has performed untold services for our people and your children. “Then there is the question of religtous in- struction in the schools. You have laid down the rule: in the higher grades of the sec- ondary schools religious instruction is for- bidden, and in the lower grades it is accord- ing to choice. “How can you give to children the right to determine for themselves when they have not grown up, while those in the higher grades who have the right to vote are not allowed freedom of choice in this regard. “Our nursing Sisters in the Catholic hospi- tals must bear untold miseries and hardships. “Against the overwhelming opposition of the people you have introduced civil mar- riages. Why did you not interpret this free- dom in accordance with the mentality of our people in America—where rules a wise Re- public—where one is free to choose either civil or religious marriage? “We do not deny to you some control over marriage. But it grievously pains our people when they must first of all enter a civil be- fore a religious marriage. If you had turned to us, we would have given you suggestions on this matter. “Buildings of some of the religious in Backa have been confiscated. Some churches in Split (I do not know whether it is still the case), have been converted into warehouses. Church lands have been seized without any agreement with the Holy See. You have seen that the people, because of your agrarian reforms, refuse to take that land. “No, the material question is the least of our problems. The sad thing is this: not one priest or bishop is today certain of his life day or night. Bishop Srebrnic was attacked in Susak by youngsters at the instigation of influential persons. For 3 hours they tor- mented him and even penetrated his room while your police and militia merely looked on. “And I myself experienced the same in Zapresica when I was attacked with rocks and revolvers. Bishop Lach, when he was on a confirmation assignment across the Drave, and even though they knew his purpose, was sent back and held the whole night in the prison at Koprivnica. In fact, your own men who were in the woods came to me and declared: ‘This is unbecoming conduct. We shall protest to the authorities.’ “Rocks were hurled through the windows of the house where Bishop Buric was staying while on.a confirmation tour. Bishop Pusic, as I heard, ‘vas recently the object of rotten apples, eggs, etc. “Such freedom we hold to be an illusion. And we do not want to exist like outlawed slaves. We shall fight, with all Just means, for our rights—and right here in this state. “Here are—so that you may understand why we fight—some three or four more ex- amples of your freedom. In the classrooms it is officially af_frmed—in defiance of all his- torical proofs—that Jesus Christ never exist- ed, Know you then: Jesus Christ is God. For Him we are ready to die. And today, it is your teaching that He never actually lived, If a teacher dared to teach the contrary, it would be certain that he would be cast out. “I tell you, Mr. Prosecutor, that under such conditions the church is not free, but will be annihilated in a short time. “Christ is the foundation of Christianity. You have concern for the orthodox Serbs. I ask you: How can you conceive of orthodoxy without Christ? How can you conceive of the Catholic Church without Christ? That is an utter absurdity. “In the school books it is stated that the mother of God is an adulteress. Don’t you know that both for Catholics and orthodox the mother of God is the holiest of thoughts and affections? “You have ordained, as the official doc- trines, that men originated from the apes. Perhaps, some may have that ambition. But why order that as an official theory when to- day no scholar of world renown holds to it? “According to your understanding, mate- Tialism is the only worth-while system. And that means erasure of God and Christianity. If there is nothing but matter—then thank you for your freedom. “One of your men of higher influence once boasted: ‘There is no one in this state whom we could not bring to court and sentence.’ “To these outrageous charges whereby you place us among murderers and friends of ter- rorists, I say to you that not all the evil deeds in the former independent state of Croatia were perpetrated by the Demobrani and the Ustashi. “It was not easy for the church, and many difficulties had to be overcome. “Let no one think I want war. Let the present authorities come to an understanding with the Holy See. The church does not rec- ognize dictatorship, but she is not against honest understandings. If that could be achieved, then the bishops will know what is thelr duty and there will be no need to seek our priests to point out their (the bishops’) guilt, as was done here, “Finally, I want to say a few words to the Communist Party, which in reality, is my ac- cuser, If you think I have taken the present stand because of material things, you are wrong, for we have remained firm, even after you have made us poor. “We are not against workers realizing greater rights in the factories, for this is in the spirit of papal encyclicals, Nor are we against reforms. “But let the leaders of communism allow us to say: If there shall be freedom to spread materialism, then let us have the right to confess and propagate our principles; Catho- Nes have died and will die for that right, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD "I conclude: With good will, an under- standing can come about. The initiative lies with the present authorities. Neither I nor the Episcopate are the ones to enter this basic agreement, That is a matter between the state and the Holy See. “As to myself and as to the verdict, I seek no mercy. My conscience is clear.” Grazing Lands EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL A. HATCH OF NEW MEXICO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19). 1947 Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the REcorp a very well-written and well- considered article recently published in the Denver Post dealing with the prob- lem of the so-called land grab of Govern- ment-held grazing lands. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Livesrock LAND Gras Is Durerep-—Movz CALLED REVERSAL OF FEDERAL OWNERSHIP ‘TREND (By Frederick P. Champ, chairman, subcome mittee on public land policies of United States Chamber of Commerce) Much has been said recently by well- meaning conservationists and some who have less constructive motives relative to the so- called “land grab” which the stock growers and other interests concerned with the eco- nomic development of the West are reported to be attempting to perpetrate on the West and the country at large. Since the crux of the argument centers around the aspiration of the stockmen to own the land upon which they operate, it seems to me that an objective study of the aim or ultimate private owner- ship of the public lands, which can thus be put to their highest use, is in order. As a starter let’s consider for a moment the historical background of the public lands question. But first of all, let's get straight the objectives which all conscientious stu- dents of the problem, whether for or against private ownership, are working for. In the first place, let's state for the record that there is no gainsaying the assertion that our nat- ural resources, including the resources of the public lands, must be used and preserved for the benefit of future as well as living genera- tions; that grass and natural cover constitute @ great natural resource which can only be processed by the livestock industry; that ero- sion has been going on since long before the coming of man; that since settlement we have noted that soll displacement, whether on the farm or the range, is followed by hu- man displacement; and that every good citi- zen is concerned with attaining the highest use of the vast area of public lands (some 140,000,000 acres) involved in this contro- versy. We might add the self-evident fact that the grazing of livestock is and has been a basic western industry, contributing sub- stantially to the economy of the western pub- lic-land States, the areas of which are still substantially half in Federal ownership, and that its functioning is essential to the food supply of the Nation as well as to the main- tenance of our national income. WANTED TO SELL LAND At one time we thought in terms of dispo- sition of our public lands. Our first predomi- nant public-land policy was sale for revenue purposes. The second was the homestead or settlement policy, under which most of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the area between the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains and many of the moun- tain valleys were settled. The more recent policy has been one of withdrawal, classifi- cation, and development by the Federal Gov- ernment or under its supervision, With which has been associated an ecceleration in Fed- eral land acquisition until the Federal Gov- ernment now owns, exclusive of its Alaska holdings, approximately one-fifth of the land area of the continental United States. It is'apparent that the Federal public land policy of today, as administered by the de- partments concerned, contemplates perma- nent Federal ownership and management. While we may agree to the application of this policy to some lands and some resources, we must grant that the productive use of the balance of the Federal public domain is necessary {f the populated areas of the West are to prosper. The question is how best in the public interest can we achieve the highest and permanently most productive use of those lands. DIVERSE VIEWS As has been recently well said, “The West is suffering from an omnipresence of the public interest.” To some the public interest is inseparably linked with public ownership. To others the public interest is best achieved through the operation of private initiative wnder a program whick lends incentive and stability under a minimum of governmental regulation and control The people h ve spoken unmistakably in thei: demand for a@ restoration of local government anc State sovereignty. I believe that the peop’e, as they will always do when they have the facts, have spoken wisely, and that the stockmen and others allied with them in their de- mand for an opportunity to graduate from tenantry are simply advancing in a specific way that part of the over-all program with which their industry is concerned. Beyond this, the wertern livestock men, as citizens of the public-land States. are asking for a partial fulfillment of the ‘iistoric prom- ise of State or private ownership of their areas which was made under the Constitution to the States which were carved cut of tr> lands remaining or acquired after the cre- ation of the original 13 States Even the Supreme Court of the United States has, in effect, held that the enabling acts under which these public-land States were ad- mitted to the Union do not foreclose their right to own the Federal public lands within their borders. There is a strange inconsistency in assum- ing that the original States and those which under the Constitution were permitted to retain their lands should attain full eco- nomic development under one policy, and that the States which have thus far been deprived of this privilege of statehood should be expected tu achieve it under another. . There is similar inconsistency in pointing to the economic strength, stability, and pro- ductive capacity of the Eastern States, which from the start have been State or privately owned, as compared with relative economic subservience of the Western States, and in the same breath call for continued public ownership of more than half of the latter as the means of best achieving their full destiny. Unless we deny these fundumental facts and admit that the American citizen is not capable of private ownership, we must look for a means of reversing the trend of Fed- eral encroachment previously noted and pro- vide a conservative means of passing into private ownership those public lands which can be put to their highest use in private hands, with due consideration, of course, to the preservation of watersheds, mineral resources, wildlife, and scenic wonders. Let us, therefore, examine briefly the proposal of the joint livestock committee on public lancs which has been referred to by alarmists as a plan to despoil the public domain. PROPOSAL OUTLINED In essence, the proposal is a plan to per- mit the established user of these lands to acquire them over a period of years at a price to be determined by the Government when he is able and disposed to assume the burden of investment, improvement and tax- ation which private ownership entails. The plan as proposed applies only to those re- maining lands not heretofore selected for or considered adaptable to settlement or cultivation and which, being without water and dependent for their use and productivity upon privately owned base lands or ranches, are now being administered under the Tuylor Grazing Act, which was enacted more than 12 years ago as a temporary measure “to promote the highest use of the public lands pending their final disposition.” There is no provision of implication that the forests, parks, or other public lands are included. What is the basis for the alarm being sounded over such a proposal unless those who protest are permanently dedicated to the principle of public ownership or are interested in perpetuating and expanding the Federal bureaus and agencies involved? Since the ensctment of the Taylor Grazing Act the Federal agency concerned has been continu- ously engaged in making adjustments in leases and permits to see that these lands are so allocated as to promote their highest use tn conformity with the act. The transfer of these lands. !f and when made, wil! con- form to this allocation. LAW OF ECUNOMICS To deny this proposed right of tranrfer in the name of congervation would be tu assume that the American citizen who makes an in- vestment in land and assumes the financial obligations of ownership will forthwith pro- ceed to destroy and not improve the property he purchases. Such a position would like- wise deny the fact that. on a grazing basis, overgrazing is an economic impossibility be- cause the operator must produce 290 pounds of beef or a comparable value of woul and mutton per unit or the law of economics will wipe him out long before he has done serious damage to the range. On the other hand, if he does operate on this basis he will give his land better care than the Federal Government has done. To cppose this suggestion is also to deny the faci, establishcd by surveys, that grazing lands generally increase sutstantially in value when they pass from public to pri- vate ownership, in addition to contributing their share to the tax revenues of the local governmental unit. For the foregoing and other reasons which space will not permit enumerdting, we should, it seems to me, give unprejudiced cunsidera- tion to the merits of this proposal for restor- ing the historic pol'cy of Federul land dis- posal—the first in recent years which has the general support of the users of the range and others who are concerned with the orderly progress and ultimate sovereignty of the western public-land States. Editorial Comment on Lincoln Day Ad- dress by Goverror Green, of Illinois EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. C. WAYLAND BROOKS * OF ILLINOIS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. BROOKS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in ATU the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled ‘An American Program for the Republican Party,” published in the Feb- ruary 26, 1947, issue of the Chicago Her- ald American, dealing with a very able address delivered on Lincoln Day in Washington by Gov. Dwight H. Green, of Illinois. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: AN AMERICAN PROGRAM FOR THE REPUBLICAN PARTY The Lincoln Day speech delivered by Gov. Dwight H. Green, of Illinois, under the auspices of Republican Members of Congress wes a forceful and forthright declaration of the patriotic duties of the Republican Party. and of the national policies which must be initiated by the Republican Party in order to perform those duties. The people of the United States are re- assured by this fine American speech that the object they sought to obtain by restoring the Republican Party to power in national affairs will be obtaitned—this object being the re- establishment of patriotic tntegrity in gov- ernment us a means of preserving the peace and the security and the free institutions of the country. A government of integrity, as Governor Green admonished the leadership of the Re- publican Party, is not one which is neglectful of national defense or nigvardly or short- sigated in providing the essential instru- ments of national safety. “When we mention the preservation of every military and economic resource of our national strength and pledge their mainte- nance,” he said, “we mean tull development of atomic weapons until the world has reached a condition of security far bcyond what confronts us today. “We mean the prompt acquisition and full equipment of every essential naval and air baze, and maintenance of American air supremacy.” A government of integrity, he further warned his party leaders, is not one which resorts only to half meusures or no mexusures at all to eradicate the poisonous infection of Red fascism from the administrative and executive branches of government which af- fect every phase of the national life. “The Republican Party.” he challenged, “has no more important task ahead than to stop the spread of communism in Amenica. “We must be unrelenting in our eflorts to drive the Communists from every hiding place in our National Government. “We must drive their ideology out of our schools, our colleges, and our daily life.” A Government of integrity, he particularly urged the Republican Party to constantly bear in mind, is not one which appeases fc r- eign aggressors and condones their despotism and thus becomes a party to their crimes against international] justice and human dig- nity. “When we give secret or tacit consent to the permanent enslavement of prisoners of war, when we suscribe to the abolition of national freedom, suppression, and persecu- tion of religion, to mass exile and starvation as in Poland and other countries overrun by agents of the Red Empire,” he charged, “we throw out of the window the Declaration of Indcpendence, the Constitution of the United States, and the Gospel of Jesus Christ.’ Governor Green's Lincoln Day speech was true to the American precepts of the be- loved and immortal man the occasion hon- ored. It was a ringing challenge and charge to the Republican Party to be worthy of the confidence placed in it by the American people.
A772 A Jersey Adventure EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHAPMAN REVERCOMB OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. REVERCOMB. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the ReEcorp an edi- torial entitled “A Jersey Adventure,” dealing with the subject of cancer, pub- lished in the Newark (N. J.) Star-Ledger of February 16, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: A JERSEY ADVENTURE What can be done about cancer? * Can it be held in check? Is it curable? Is it pre- ventable? The question can be answered hopefully but not complacently. Much effort has been made and much reward has been gained. Re- sults have been good enough to warrant the greatest concentration of effort, and incom- plete enough to demand further concentra- tion of effort. The public has become vaguely familiar with an annual drive for funds by the Amer- ican Cancer Society. Is that effort worth while? It should be examined critically. The cancer campaign does not come in the form of a slot machine into which the public pours contributions for the purpose of ex- tracting standard packages of cancer progress. The problem is relatively unexplored, and the work of the American Cancer Society 1s in the nature of a great movement in which laymen and scientists join forces in an or- ganized manner to make the most effective possible use of existing Knowledge and facili- ties while research continues. The fight against cancer has something of the drama and the philosophy of our wartime crusade for atomic energy. In both instances men and women by the scores of thousands, individually incapable of the necessary ac- complishment, are achieving wonders almost beyond their imaginations. The only difter- ence is that the secrecy of the search for atomic energy becomes a publicized process in the search for an answer to cancer. It is an actual fact, however, that a club- woman or businessman can without trou- bling his lay mind with scientific perplexi- ties, contribute knowledge to the great cam- paign of research against cancer. Gratifyingly, New Jersey holds first place in the Nation for achievement in this respect. The New Jersey Cancer Society is a grass- roots organization, with active chapters in every county. Laymen act with medical men on the local level, making certain that local hospitals pool whatever equipment can be made available and that local research goes into the vast world pool of research. It is not an unexciting business, this great crusade for well-being. Just as scores of thousands of scientists and laymen were as- sembied in the highly speculative search for the atom bomb, so laymen and doctors are being assembled in local, self-governing unite throughout New Jersey and the Nation in an adventurous campaign to free the human race from a terrible scourge. Money ts the least of the concerns of this organization. New Jersey oversubscribed its quota last year with ease. What is the sub- ject of intense local pride is the fact that New Jersey ranks first in the Nation, not only in per capita contributions, but in the quality and relative number of its local, self-governing cancer societies. Every one of New Jersey's 21 counties has an active cancer society contributing to local welfare, as well as to the general cause. Medical projects of immediate aid to local residents have been launched, as a result, in 30 hospitals in 11 counties. This State his naturally attracted national attention, but it is to be expected that New Jersey will blaze the trail of progress still further in the 1947 campaign. Definition of Democracy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAYMOND E. BALDWIN OF CONNECTICUT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. BALDWIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have incorporated in the Recorp an excerpt from an edi- torial published in a recent issue of Life magazine dealing with definitions of democracy up to date. It is a very ex- cellent editorial and I should like to have it printed in the Recorp so my fellow Senators may read it. There being no objection, the excerpt was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE CoMMON CAUSE DEFINITION There is definite value in keeping our definitions of democracy up to date, provided each new definition affords room for growth. That is the useful thing about the definition given recently by a movement called com- mon cause. A dozen educators and experts im public affairs worked on this for 2 years. Here is a summary: “Democracy means persona] worth: Every human being is precious in his own right and is always to be regarded as an end, never as @ means merely. * * * The state is made for man, not man for the state. Here 1s the foundation of all humane conceptions of life and the ultimate source of the other articles of our faith. “Democracy means freedom: All men should participate actively in selecting leaders, in shaping the laws and in discharg- ing the responsibilities of government, Every man should be free to think and speak, to write and create, to approve and criticize, to assemble and organize, to choose an oc- cupation, to move from place to place, to improve his condition, to worship God as he chooses, to follow the dictates of his con- science, to pursue in his own way truth and happiness. * * * Freedom is the ancient, eternal, and implacable foe of totalitarianism and every form of tyranny over the bodies and minds of men. “Democracy means equality * * * rec- ognizes no races, castes, or orders commis- sioned by God or qualified by their own at- tributes to exploit, govern, or enslave their fellow human beings. “Democracy means rule of law: The struc- ture and functions of government should be Clearly defined in constitutional provisions; the entire political process of elections, legis- lation, administration, and judicial decisions should be conducted according to rules and principles freely established by the people. All individuals and minorities should be pro- tected in their rights and liberties against the passion of mobs, the vengeance of party, the power of privilege, the tyranny of police, the caprice of officials, the ambitions of mad- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD men, and the arbitrary invasions of govern- ment. “Democracy means public morality: It means elementary standards of decency in the conduct of all public affairs. * * * Without mutual trust and charity society itself must fall into decay and dissolution. “Democracy means individual opportunity: It means a mobile and progressive society in which any man can make his way according to his own talents, inclinations and beliefs— a society which makes available to all an abundance of opportunity in work, in health, in education, in social relationships, in human enlightenment, in all the arts and sciences of life. “Democracy means individual responsi- bility: All men should be disciplined by a sense of common brotherhood, a devotion to the general welfare and a love of truth and justice. If (men) employ their liberties merely to further their own selfish interest, if they are callous to wrongs and inequali- ties, if they are indifferent to the public good, they will surely sink back into bondage. Democracy surpasses all other social systems in its demands on the time and energy, as well as the virtue and understanding of the citizen.” OUR JOB Well, there we are. Certainly it is not a definition having geographical boundaries. It is offered for universal application from the New World where the fortuitous coming to- gether of men seeking religious freedom, political liberty and economic opportunity, has resulted in our present accomplishment. Yet many reading this definition will realize that it is not an exact statement of what we have. It is, in large measure, a revelation of our present aspirations. We shall survive and history shall judge us on how well we fulfill these applications. Let us look to it. Mr. Truman Grows EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM T. BYRNE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. BYRNE of New York. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the ReEcorp, I include the fol- lowing editorial from the New York Her- ald Tribune for today: MR. TRUMAN GROWS This newspaper has already expressed its congratulations to Mr. Lewis W. Douglas on his nomination as Ambassador to Great Brit- ain. It is not amiss, it seems to us, to ex- press our congratulations to President Tru- man as well, on his ability to recognize Mr. Douglas’ qualities and to summon them to the public service. This one appointment will further add to Mr. Truman’s standing, which has unquestionably been growing measurably in recent weeks from the low ‘point which is reached in the course of the distressful summer and fall. “Ding’s” cartoon, appsaring in an adjoin- ing column, reflects a certainly widespread sense that Mr, Truman has dug up from under the rubbish of New Dealism a certain long-forgotten simplicity and honesty which people can understand and to which they are inclined to give their confidence. Mr. Tru- man himself has tended to develop under adversity. He is no longer the provincial politician, confined to the horizons of the Missouri gang; and his successful encoun- ter with the formidable John L. Lewis in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD early December indicated a greater sure- neas of touch in difficult moments than had been apparent earlier. And he is no longer merely a lieutenant fo. the memory of Frank- lin D, Roosevelt; new problems are producing new, and characteristically Truman policies. All of these tendencies are symbolized to some extent in the Douglas appointment, and they all point to the probability that Mr. Truman will be much more a factor to be reckoned with in 1948 than seemed likely on the morrow of the Republican sweep of the congressional elections. ‘ This newspaper, for one, is glad of it. The Mlusion that the Republicans could elect a dog catcher to the Presidency next year was benefiting neither the country nor the party. To have a man of stature in the White House during the coming difficult months is not only essential to the national interest; it will alao demand of the Republican Party that it must develop a man of stature to oppose him and develop policies of consist- ency and coherence to replace those of the crumbling Democratic coalition over which he presides. The abler the President shows himself, the better the quality of men and statesmanship which the Republicans must offer. That will be good for the country: and it will be particularly good for the Re- publicans, More Tariff Trouble EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSF OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Bristol (Pa.) Courier of February 25, 1947: MORE TARIFF TROUBLE A perfect illustration of what jis wrong with the present tariff set-up at Washington 1s contained in the Supplemental Bargaining List now bing circulated by the Unite States State Department. Under the pfovisions of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, as extended by the New Dea! Congress in 1945, the State Depart- ment dropped a bombshell on industry just after the election last November. Out of a clear sky at that time it listed a long and complicated list of items on which it was proposed to reduce the tariffs another 60 percent. Since many of these materials already had suffered a 650-percent cut under the trade agreements, and since many domestic manu- facturers were already gravely worried whether they would be able to meet foreign competition under existing rates, the an- nouncement came as a sharp and unhappy jolt to industries already plagued with labor, tax, and reconversion problems. . The suggested reductions were presented as a sort of emergency program, necessary at once to prevent a break-down in our diplo- matic and trade relations with the rest of the world. Of course the fact of the matter is that the State Department had started to put the cuts into effect months early, but delayed doing so for the purely political reason that it feared its tariff monkeying might grow into a political issue, and boomerang in the November elections. The New Dealers lost the election anyway, 80 they decided to jam the tariff slashes down the Nation's throat regardless of conse- quences, Quite aside from the matter of shattered morale, at a time when industrial confidence in this land was none too good at best, what the State Department announcement meant was that every manufacturer in the country had to drop his other activities long enough to trace the effects which tariff cuts in this complicated list would have on his own busi- ness, This is no simple task. Many of the items concerned are obscure. Any one of them might have a direct effect upon an industry which, at first glance, would seem wholly un- related. Then the material had to be as- sembled and put in form, and in most cases, attorneys and Washington reprcsentatives consulted, in order to present the industry's case before the Washington bureaucrats— who, in the past, have thought they were do- ing industry quite a favor merely to listen to these protests. All this served to reawaken an issue which many citizens believed was, if not dead, at least thoroughly asleep—that of the protec- tive tariff a historical part of the Republican doct-ine. A Republican group in Congress began moving to strip away fram the President and the State Department the arbitrary power to Play world power with the welfare of Amer- ican industry—and hence with the earnings, job-security and standards of living of Amer- ican working peop'te. For a time it looked as though the Repub- lican majorities in the two Houses of Con- gress might lock horns with the State De- partment and revamp the whole program. Then there was brought forward a ‘com- promise,” on the strength of which a tem- porary truce has been in effect. This ‘“com- promise’ is a rather ingenious proposition. In effect, the State Department prom‘ses to do what most experts felt it was the inten- tion of the law to make them do—think oc- casionally of the effect on American industry and labor of the tariff “presents” they were giving foreign nations with such lavish hands. The concession which the State Depart- ment promised was, in effect, that it would deal a little more gently with industry, would give more adequate notice, would listen more clocely to protests. Of course this was what the law itself intended—but when a law like this one is so drawn as to prevent court appeal by injured parties, then those who en- force it don't have to pay much heed to its provisions. How little attention the State Department really expects to pay to this “new policy of sympathy with industry” is wel) shown in the fact that a new, and fairly complicated, list of commodittes has suddenly been added to the previous list of those considered for tariff reductions. The first word in the list, “eucalyptol,” well illustrates the difficulties which manufac- turers face in dealing with such a piece of “second-guessing’’ by their State Depart- ment. What is it? What industrial processes are affected by its price Muctuations? And does it enter into the making of essential parts of manufacturing lines? The dictionary is not very helpful. It says eucalyptol is the same as cineol, and cineol is closely related to terpin. Is this double- talk? Of course it is to the layman, but the experts know the difference. Having just finished one bout with statisticians, indus- trial consultants and lawyers, the industrial chiefs can go right out and do it over again. They have until March 18. Farmers, who may have thought they were getting the go-by from the State Depart- ment because the first list didn’t hit them hard, will be interested to learn that they are not overlooked in the supplement. Cuban corn tariffs are to be further slashed. So are rates on grass and other forage seeds, on grapes; and on dried peaches and pears. All these reductions will put a damper on A773 cost-of-production prices on the American farm. The watch industry, largely demoralized because of the State Department’s persist- ence in giving Switzerland all the best of It, may have thought it had convinced its na- tional leaders that it was already unpro- tected—but it is down for new competition with across the board tarif reductions in virtually everything which goes into the mak- ing of watches and clocks, as well as all pre- cision instruments. Lenses, plywood, tapestries, silk fabrics, imitation pearls, handmade or imitation handmade paper—these are significant items included in this “added-starter” list. Even fishhooks aren't forgotten. But the main fishhook in the whole proposition 1s the autocratic and arbitrary authority of white-collar bureaucrats in “our" State De- partment to play world politics with America’s industrial security. H. R. 2157 EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. AUGUSTINE B. KELLEY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. KELLEY. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks I wish to say that, in my opinion, H. R. 2157 is hasty and punitive legislation. There seems to be violent disagreement on it among the members of the House Judi- ciary Committee which had the respon- sibility of bringing this legis!ation to the floor of the House. In the first place, I think Uhat the pro- posed legislation should properly have gone to the Committee on Education and Labor, since it involves a controversy be- tween management and labor and since the Committee on Education and Labor has under consideration other legislation dealing with these problems. Secondly, I do not think that any hasty legislation involving labor and management prob- lems should be enacted. The reason is that these problems which concern labor and management are deep-seated. They involve intricate social and economic factors which should not be pussed over hurriedly or over- looked. No legislation can be enacted unless an exhaustive study is made of conditions surrounding employer and employee relationships. Early this year I introduced House Joint Resolution 8&3 which was referred to the House Com- mittee on Education and Labor. Noth- ing has been done about it as yet. This resolution calls for a joint commission of the House and Senate and three pub- lic members to begin an exhaustive study and investigation of the underlying causes of disputes, including union and employer policies and practices, eco- nomic and other factors, methods and procedures for carrying out the collec- tive-bargaining process, Government policies, present and proposed legislation affecting such disputes, and the measures by which such disputes may be elimi- nated in order to safeguard the public interest, particularly cooperative meas- ures between labor and management
A774 which can be promoted by the Federal Government. The scope of the study and investiga- tion would encompass the problem of Nation-wide strikes in essential indus- tries affecting the public interest and many other problems that are involved in the management-labor picture. This commission was to report on or before June 1, 1947, so that there could not be any serious delay in enacting any legis- lation that might be recommended. The time, however, is growing short and unless something is done in this respect very soon, there will not be sufficient time to do the job. This very problem of portal-to-portal pay belongs in such a comprehensive study, as it undoubtedly concerns labor and management, and there is no good purpose served by passing legislation such as was passed today or any other legislation that might be enacted in haste. I do not believe the American people want that sort of legislation, for what inevitably happens in such in- stances is that when the law is put into practice more problems arise from it. This is very much to be avoided. Draw- ing from the experience in the past with such legislation, it is a wonder to me that any Member of Congress would be rushed into such action. The famous Smith- Connolly Act was designed and enacted in great haste to forestall certain labor difficulties, and what did it do? Noth- ing in that respect. There have been more labor disputes and labor unrest since its enactment than before. I am not unmindful of the position that many employers are in on this portal-to-portal controversy, but I do not believe that the solution lies in this sort of legislation. Certainly where suits have been brought the courts are going to be just in the matter, and these exor- bitant figures that have been set up are not going to be granted. The whole subject deserves more care- ful investigation and deliberation than has been given it. Mr. Speaker, I earnestly hope that some attention will be paid to a thor- ough and complete study and investiga- tion of these problems. Not until this is done can we hope to eliminate the causes of the unrest and achieve peaceful labor and management relations. Waste Continues EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM H. STEVENSON OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. STEVENSON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend by remarks, I include the following editorial from the La Crosse (Wis.) Tribune: WASTE CONTINUES The country is honeycombed with Federal officers which had nothing or little to do with the prosecution of the war. The number has been increased since the war ended. As means of reducing expenses of government this wasteful set-up seems to be ignored. One diligent worker on economy in gov- ernment is Senator Harry F. Byrp, Virginia Democrat, who is assisted by a joint com- mittee from the two Houses of Congress The major object of this group is to reduce non- essential Federal expenses with reference to the number of principal units in the execu- tive branch, It has found that in December 1946 there were 1,039 principal component parts of that branch of the Government. Exclusive of the Office of Emergency Management units, which dealt with war and postwar problems, the number last December was greater than it was at the height of the war. In the rush of the emergency it was but natural that innumerable agencies, commis- sions, and boards should spring up. While even then their efforts overlapped, the sit- uation was accepted as probably necessary to carry on the war effort. All that is past now and what happens? Instead of being sliced down appreciably the number of such boards and commissions has increased, Cessation of hostilities has brought little reduction anywhere along the line in the tremendous war expansion of the Government. As the Byrd committee observes, it is in- conceivable that the departments and old- line agencies, expanded to 777 principal com- ponent parts at the height of the war, should now need to expand still further to require 920 principal component parts. The conditions do more than that. They add weight to the repeatedly pointed out fact that the Government, with the exception of the War and Navy Departments and the war agencies, is constantly increasing. The VJ-day total of 957,683 employees hus grown to 1,251,942 at the first of this year. There is no justification for having in addi- tion to the 1,039 component parts, 1,200 Fed- eral offices in New York, 1,000 in Chicago, and more than 500 each in Philadelphia and Los Angeles, to mention only a few. It is not enough that war-agency offices be closed. This general hodgepodge collection of branch offices, field offices, regional offices, State, county, area, and district offices is an apparent attempt of the establishment of the executive branch of the Government to per- petuate themselves and their tax-draining personnel. All this takes place in the face of constant demands on the part of Congress and the citizens as a whole to curtail expenditures, Portal-to-Portal Pay Suits EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE A. SMATHERS OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. Speaker, I think that the salvation of the country lies in all Congressmen voting for those measures which they think are for the best interest of all the people. It is un- democratic and un-American to repre- sent here in the Congress only a special interest—be it big business, small busi- ness, agriculture, veterans, or labor. I am opposed to the general principles upon which the many portal-to-portal suits were based and would vote without reservation for a clean bill which em- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD bodied provision which remedied that condition. However, I am voting for this present bill with some reservations. I believe in the principles of the wage- and-hour law, as well as those of the Walsh: Healey Act. I will not knowingly vote for any bill which is designed to take away the just and lawf! rights of labor or which may be punitive or re- taliatory toward labor. It has been rep- resented that this bill—H. R. 2157—upon which we are voting today will in no way interfere with the rights of labor, other than to eliminate the basis of unjustified portal-to-portal suits. I fee] that when this bill is considered by the joint com- mittee of the Senate and House some of the loose ends which now appear in the bill will be removed and that substantial justice will be done. Amendment of United States Housing Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. KLEIN. Mr. Speaker, I have today introduced a joint resolution, at the re- quest of Mayor O’Dwyer, of the city of New York, which would amend the United States Housing Act by exempting certain contracts from cost limitations. I include a memorandum explaining the resolution: CONGRESSIONAL JOINT RESOLUTION AMENDING THE UNITED STATES HOUSING ACT OF 1937 BY EXEMPTING CERTAIN CONTRACTS FROM COST LIMITATIONS This bill is recommended by the city of New York and the New York City Housing Authority. It proposes to amend the United States Housing Act of 1937 (hereinafter re- ferred to as the act) by exempting certain contracts for the construction of low-rent housing projects from the cost limitations established by the act. Subsection (5) of section 15 of the act pro- vides that no contract for any loan, annual contribution or capital grant made pursuant to the act shall be entered into with respect to any project costing more than $4,000 per family-dwelling unit or more than 81,000 per room, except that in any city exceeding 600,000 in population the limit shall be $5,000 per family-dwelling-unit or $1,250 per room, if in the opinion of the Federal authority such higher costs are justified. These cost Mmitations exclude the cost of land, demolition and nondwelling facilities. The construction of numerous low-rent housing projects throughout the country, commenced under contracts entered into be- tween. the Federal authority and _ local housing authorities, was suspended by reason of the war emergency. Orders sus- pending construction were lifted with the termination of the war. The urgent need for rehousing returning veterans of every in- come group demanded speedy and effective action. Post-war high construction costs have rendered it and continue to render it impossible in many instances to proceed with construction of low-rent housing projects to accommodate veteran and other families of low income, because of the cost limitations fixed by the act. The alternative of having localities take over the burden of financing these projects
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and thereby completing construction, places a heavy, difficult, and in many instances, im- possible burden upon such localities. Fed- eral funds were initially made available for construction of low-rent housing projects, contracts were entered into by the Federal Government for loans and subsidies to iccal hous‘ng authorities for this purpose, and the Federal] Government should now carry this program throvgh. To cite an example, the assistunce contract for Jacob Riis Houses, project NY-5 8, was entered into on March 29, 1941. When this contract was entered into, construction of the project in compliance with the cost limita- tions of the act was feasible. Although con- struction standards are the same as originally contemplated, it is now impossible to proceed with construction of this project within the cost limitations imposed by the act. The cost limits of the act reflect cost con- ditions of 1937, when the act was passed, and are unrealistic in the present market. It is imperative, if monies already advanced and spent in connection with project develop- ment are not to be lost, and if urgently needed housing accommodations are to be provided, that these cost limitations be elim- inated with respect to contracts under which construction of projects was suspended dur- ing the war, which projects cannot now be completed because of increased costs. It 1s to meet these conditions that the congressional joint resolution has been pre- pared. Exemption from the cost limitations is, under the bill, contingent upon a finding that the project will not be of elaborate or expensive design or materials, and that the average construction cost will not be greater than the cost of dwelling units currently pro- duced by private enterprise, which is a re- affirmation of the conditions contained tn subsection (5) of section 15 of the act. Statement of Hon. Herbert Hoover EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Reccrp, I include the following state- ment by Hon. Herbert Hoover, February 28, 1947: To this proposed appropriation of $350.- 000,000 must be added large sums for areas under the American flag in Germany and Ja>an and Korea. In addition, two other im- portant funds are in the offing to which our Government is expected to contribute. Those are the United Nations Refugee Or- ganization, to look after the displaced per- sons in Europe, and the United Nations child- feeding program. I suggest to the committee that, although other congressional commit- tees may be dealing with these other relief programs, you should, at least, have all the proposals before you. IT have made no personal inquiry into the relief programs proposed except that of Ger- many and Austria and the children's fund. I have brought the committee a copy of my report on German agriculture and food re- quirements and should be able to furnish such information on Austria in a few days. In view of the world shortage of food and the great strain upon the American taxpayer, I have thought it necessary to recommend that we hold the German and Austrian pro- grams to the very minimum under which health and work can be sustained. I suggest to the committee that relief to other coun- tries cannot, in view of these same consid- erations, be put at any higher levels than those 1 have recommended for Germany and Austria. I strongly favor aid to the UN project for special feeding of subnormal children. This fund, however, would take some part of the relief load off the countries it is proposed to serve with this $350,000,000 appropriation and, as I am including child feeding in the German and Austrian program, that would in turn take some of the load off the UN chil- dren's fund. The total of all these claims upon the generosity of the United States comes to very large sum. And we must not forget that they are supplemental to the five to six bil- lions we have already spent on civilian re- lief since the war and of our own resources. Charitable relief by government is today a doub’e tax upon most of cur people. It is not only a direct burden upon the taxpayer but these unremunerative and unbalanced exports keep up prices and the cost of living. In thetr miseries the peoples abroad believe our possibilities of giving are unlimited. They do not realize that our tuxes, Federal and local, are now, 2 years after the war, still taking about 35 percent of the national in- come. It is in the interest not only of our- selves but of the whole world that we stop. look, and listen. America, even with all our burdens. never has, and, I hope, never will, cease to do its utmost to prevent starvation in any country. However, we should bring governmental relief to an end as soon as is possible, en- couraging the assumption of the burden by well-equipped private organizations. More- over, I believe we should begin to secure repayment of these sums and have the full right to demand efficiency and economy in the use of public funds for relief. and we have the further right to see that they con. tribute to thut productivity and peace which will alone end these burdens. I would, therefore, like to suggest to the committee some policies or methods that should be placed administratively or legally under this proposed appropriation. These suggestions are not made in criticism of the proposed legislation but in the hope that they will be helpful in accomplishing the ends we all desire. 1. No relief other than food, medicine, seed, und fertilizers should be furnished un- der these relief appropriations. In some cuses limited supplies of clothing might be included. 2. Relief from our contribution to these funds should be limited to United States products and to transportation. We should not use American doliars to purchase else- where. 3. None of this fund should be used for countries which are abie to pay in cash or to secure credit or supphes through other channels, 4. A further careful estimate of need and costs of this relief should be made after full examination on the ground by special- ists appointed by the United States Depart- ment of Agriculture and the United States Public Health Service and the International Emergency Food Council. These estimatcs (except for Austria) should include only the period from the end of UNRRA operation to the 1947 harvest. At that time the whole relief problem should be taken up afresh in the light of the situa- tion then. In view of short world supplies and the needs of our own taxpayers, any further gov- ernmental relief program should, as I have said, be calculated upon no higher bases than that we have proposed for Germany. 5. The distribution should be continuously under supervision of, and satisfactory to, specialists from the agencies named. 6. No obligation or promise should be en- tered into with any country for any specific amount of relief; the distribution must be A715 & month-to-month program terminable at any time. There are many reasons for such action implied in its emergency nature. Morevover, dificult policy questions arise in connection with relief to peoples whose governments are said by our Government not to have kept their promises or agreements with the United States Another such difficult situation is that of the governments of small countries which are maintaining military forces far beyond any necessity for police purposes, say, a number not more than one-halt of 1 pei- cent of the population. This mobilization keeps men from producing food or making things that could be exported to pay for fc od We have no desire to fail to do our full part in alleviating the starvation of women and children merely becuuge of actions by their officials. But at some point American patience and humane action 1s likely to be- come exhausted. 7. No food from relief or domestic pro- duction in any relief country should be used for pobitical pressure and there should be no racial or other discrimination. 8. No relief should be given where either commodities or cash are going out of that country for reparations or the purchase of arms. Such commodities or cash should be used to pay for food. 9. In my view, any nation receiving relie! should obligate itself to pay the cost thereof. either to the United States and other donors or preferably to a fund to be established by the United Nations for future famine relief. The nations receiving reparations from re- lief countries should be asked to defer rep- arations until these relief costs are repaid. The justice of this proposal lies in the fact that this relief obviously serves to preserve the manpower productivity and therefore the ability to pay reparations. Both the nations under reparations and those who are not should agree to assure repayment, by a tax of, say, 5 or 10 percent, upon all exports from the debtor country to be paid tn the currencies of the countries receiving such exports. Such payments to begin in 2 or 3 years. In conclusion, such methods as_ those would give some protection to the American taxpayer yet would deprive no needy people of relief if thetr governments are willing to cooperate with the United States in secur- ing efficiency and economy in the use of relief; in the restoration of productivity and the promotion of freedom and peace. Peacetime Conscription EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GERALD W. LANDIS OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. LANDIS. Mr. Speaker, since introducing House Resolution 73, a reso- lution urging the President, the Secre- tary of State, and the United States delegate to the United Nations to work for an international agreement to elimi- nate compulsory military training in all nations, I have received hundreds of let- ters, wires, and petitions from individuals and various businesses and organizations from all parts of the country voicing their approval of the measure and ex- pressing their desire that it be favorably considered by the Committee on Foreign Affairs where it is pending. I have writ- ten to the chairman of said committee
A776 urging that this resolution be considered and reported to the House at the earliest possible date. Iam convinced that the adoption of this resolution would be a definite step toward world peace. The text of House Resolution 73 fol- lows, together with excerpts taken from communications, which I have chosen at random, received from parties interested in the adoption of the resolution. House Resolution 73 Whereas the first concern of every Ameri- can is the security of the Nation; and Whereas the American people are deter- mined that their Government shall hence- forth make proper provision for the continu- ous maintenance of such security; and Whereas, in accordance with this firm de- termination, it has become necessary to con- sider 2 system of compulsory military service in the United States as u permanent part of our insurance against unpreparedness in the event of sudden war; and . Whereas compulsory military service would result in greater restrictions over the lives and activities of our people, would impose heavy burdens on them, causing greater taxes and profound changes in their way of life; and Whereas compulsory military service has long been customary in many European states and elsewhere, but has been contrary to Amer'tan tradition since the founding of our Republic; and Whereas compulsory military service has never prevented war in Europe or elsewhere, but, on the contrary, causes suspicion and fears to grow between nations and inclines the rulers of men to war rather than to peace; and Whereas most of the nations of the world have expressed their desire for peace, and resOlved to make greater efforts than ever before to abate the fear and likelihood of wer in the years to come; and Whereas the United States has become 4 member of the United Nations and all the people of the United States desire our Presi- dent to take a leading part in fulfilling the great purposes for which the United Nations organization was formed; and Whereas there will never be a better time thin the present period following the ccssa- tion of hostilities in World War II to secure international agreement looking to perma- nent peace; and Whereas an agreement between the nations of the world to eliminate systems of compul- sory military service would itself be greatly conducive to that restoration of peace which is so profoundly desired by all the plain peo- ples of the world, and would release thelr energies and resources for rebuilding their war-devastated countries; and Whereas world-wide abolition of compul- sory military service in no way precludes the maintenance of national or international mil- itary forces adequate for safeguarding na- tional or collective security: Therefore be it Resolved, That, before the United States adopts compulsory military service, the Presi- dent of the United States, the Secretary of State, and the United States Delegate to the United Nations organization, Warren R. Aus- tin, be, and hereby are, urged to work un- ceasingly for an immediate international agreement whereby compulsory military serv- ice shall be wholly eliminated from the poli- cies and practices of all nations. PHILADELPHIA, PA. As a representative of the Philadelphia Youth Council to Oppose Conscription, I would like to take this opportunity of ad- vising you of our wholehearted support of your resolution (H. Res. 73) advocating an international abolition of conscription, Mapison, WIS. I was greatly interested in news dispatches reporting your comments on the need for striving for international abandonment of conscription prior to action on the proposal for peacetime conscription in this country. This is the position the Progressive has taken for several years, and we were delighted to find you expressing that viewpoint so ably. Escaton, CALIF. We wish to commend you for your effort in favor of international abolition of conscrip- tion. We earnestly pray that you and many others may be guided by the Eternal Spirit, that all of us may live in an atmosphere of love and brotherhood of man. SHREVEPORT, LA. Hats off to you, sir! Way down here in Dixie land we are for you and your resolution. Push it! You and Jor MartTIN are 100 percent right on this anticonscription in peacetime— and we are Democrats too. But we love America and our way of living and our boys too well to see this thing foisted upon us. Los ANGELES, CALIF. We wish to congratulate and thank you on the stand you are taking against military conscription. We are heartily in accord with you, and have been writing our various rep- resentatives urging them to take a similar stand. OskaLoosa, Iowa. I would like to congratulate you on ycur sound and internationally constructive ap- proach to the conscription problem in calling for its world-wide abolition rather than our own submission to it. ROCHESTER, N. Y. With the United Nations working on world-wide disarmament, I fee] strongly that the policy of conscription should be abol- ished in this country. It seems to me to be inconsistent to be proposing disarmament through the United Nations, while at the same time we adopt universal training in our own country. STANFoRD UNIVERSITY, CALIF. I want to take this opportunity to con- gratulate you for introducing your resolu- tion calling for the world-wide abolition of compulsory military training. This is espe- cially timely, for the best energies of this Nation and of other great nations are all needed to work out arrangements to handle mutual problems and to erect machinery necessary to prevent future war. Interna- tional cooperation cannot be successful if nations are independently diverting their greatest attention to building up their own military strengths. New York, N. Y. Would appreciate your sending special de- livery copy your resolution to eliminate com- pulsory military training. Congratulations on your stand, CLINTON, Conn. We are heartily in favor of your resolution for an international ban on compulsory mili- tary training. Let us spend as much to pre- vent war as we do for weapons and educa- tion for war, and the goal will be a peaceful world and not a devastated one. Hurcninson, Kans. You are certainly on the right track in introducing your resolution against peacetime conscription. Do not relax your efforts until APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD conscription is defeated in the United States of America and finally throughout the world. Exoin, Inu. I would like to commend you for the pro- posal to Congress to go on record for an in- ternational agreement to remove compulsory military training from the policies and prac- tices of all nations. In such a proposal we could put our hopes for the future. TERRE Haute, IND. It was a great joy to me to see in our local paper that you are sponsoring a resolution to ban compulsory military training from the policies and practices of all nations. To my mind this is one of the most constructive measures to be introduced and seems to me to be the answer to the question of compul- sory military training. . CHAMPAIGN, Iu. Iam firmly convinced your resolution is a move in the right direction, and hope it will get the support it really deserves. I shall write my Congressman to give it support. ANN ARBOR, MICH. Congratulations on your resolution that the United States take the leadership for world abolition of military training. In this ‘way we can impart the American dream of peace to a troubled world. Be assured of general support for this measure. NorTH MANCHESTER, IND. I want to commend you most heartily in this move. I believe national security lies only in this direction. It is to be hoped that your colleagues will rally to your sup- port and place a large majority behind your excellent resolution, WATERTOWN, Mass, Peacetime conscription is incompatible with the American way of life, the way which I am sure both you and I are anxious to preserve, The European system of peace- time military conscription has left nothing but tragedy and destruction in its wake. Its abolition in Europe would free the peoples of many nations from the military yoke which has oppressed them for decades. As & veteran of the recent war, and as a think- ing man, I want above all to avert the un- thinkable catastrophe of another war of which we now so glibly speak. Your reso- lution is certainly a step in the right direoc- tion for peace. WAYNESVILLE, N. C. Such a resolution on the part of the Con- gress would do much to dissipate the gen- eral feeling that the United States Govern- ment is not sincere in its support of the disarmament proposals now before the United Nations Security Council. What you say with respect to conscription never having in history prevented war is most true. Geonrce, Iowa. After reading of your sound attitude to- ward military conscription, I wish to assure you that many of your constituents as well as others throughout the United States sup- port your resolution. Woosrrr, Oxo, Your resolution would be consistent with efforts in the United Nations to achieve world- wide disarmament and international control of atomic energy. . PORTLAND, OREG. Aside from disastrous effects upon our democratic educational system and the per- sonal development of the boys themselves,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I believe that sich a step as compulsory military training by the United States at this time would rightly be taken by the other nations as a complete denial of our intention to seek a just and durable peace, based upon mutual confidence. RIcHMOND, IND. I wish to register my hearty approval of the resolution you submitted January 27 calling for the international abolition of conscription. I hope that the Committee on Poreign Affairs will not bury it. The Late Honorable Clinton Egbert, of Hamilton, Ohio, and the late Honorable Daniel C. Brower, of Dayton, Ohio EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAYMOND H. BURKE OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. BURKE. Mr. Speakei, in the last few hours I have learned of the passing of two prominent Americans. On Wednesday evening, I was advised of the sudden death of the Honorable Clinton Egbert, Hamiltqn, Ohio, Repub- lican county chairman of Butler County. Mr. Egbert was an accomplished trial lawyer and a prominent member of the Butler County Bar Association. He was interested in all community and civic af- fairs. He was a lcver of his country and placed its welfare first in his political philosophy. He was active ii the coun- cils of the Republicar Party and attend- ed the various national conventions as a delegate, as well as State and county conventions. He was enthusiastic and always worked hard for the success of his party. His guidance and political poise will be missed. This morning, Friday, came the news of the passing of the Honorable Daniel C. Brower, Dayton, Ohio, Republican county chairman of Montgomery Coun- ty. Mr. Brower was a successful insur- ance representative of many great com- panies. He had been «. leader of the Re- publican Party in his county for more than 30 years. He, too, could always be counted upon to place the well-being of his country above his party. He spent long hours and time no end in promoting the success of Republican principles. He loved the work, and no one could be more enthusiastic. He was a delegate to many national and State conventions and was prominent nationally as well as locally. The State of Ohio has lost two fine Americans in the passing of these leaders of the Third Congressional District of Ohio; the Nation has lost two real and valiant Americans; and for myself, per- sonally, I have suddenly lost two good personal friends. The world is better off for their having lived. Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Will the gentle- man yield? Mr. BURKE. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio. Mr. BROWN of Ohio. I join with the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Burxs] in his tribute to two great Americans. Clinton Egbert and Daniel C. Brower were two of my close persona! friends. We had worked together in Republican Party af- fairs for more than 30 years. Each was aman of honor. Each made great con- tributions to the welfare of his com- munity and State. As party leaders, they supported the principles of the Republi- can Party, but as Americans the welfare of their country always came first. In their passing, I have lost two warm per- sonal friends. Our State has lost two fine citizens; the Republican Party has lost two great leaders: and the Nation has lost two true Americans. Grand Coulee Pays Of EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOR C. TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an editorial appearing in the Evening Star, Washington, D. C., February 27, 1947: Grand Cover Pays OrF — GOVERNMENTS 6165,000,000 INvEsTMENT RETURNS Divi- DENDS IN WAR AND IN PEACE Grand Coulee Dam on the Columbia River, in the State of Washington, has cost the American people $185.382,000 to date. The 2,700,000-horsepower rating of Grand Coulee's generating plant tops Boulder Dam's 1,835,- 000 horsepower and the 746,000 horsepower of Russia's Dnieprostroy Dam, partially de- stroyed by the Germans during World War II. Some 7,000 men, the daily maximum, toiled during 6 years at the erection of the dam until it was officially turned over to the Department of the Interior in 1942. It has taken the experts nearly 5 years to gather sufficient data to give the Ameri- can public an exact idea of the return on their investment. In his 1946 annual report to the Secretary of the Interior, Dr. Paul Raver, head of the Bonneville Power Administration, which markets Grand Coulee electricity, says offi- cially that the return from the sale of the big dam’s power will fully cover all opera- tion and maintenance expenses, and all re- imbursable construction costs will be re- turned to the United States Treasury within 50 years. The Government will also receive 2% percent interest on its invested money. ONLY SIX GENERATORS INSTALLED In round figures, Grand Coulee Dam elec- tricity to date has been sold wholesale by Dr. Raver for approximately $44,000,000, although only 6 of the 18 generators have been installed. The big dam has paid into the Treasury about one-quarter of the orig- inal cost of the dam and power plant. This is the gross return. However, Dr. Raver says in his 1945 annual report that 37 cents out of every revenue dollar he received were available as surplus. That would then make the net return so far from the sale of Grand Coulee Dam electricity at least $15,000,000. When one studies what Grand Coulee Dam did for the war effort, this alone, without counting financial return, seems to justify the great barrier’s construction. According to Dr. Raver's 1946 report, the aluminum produced in Northwest plants dur- ing the war was sufficient to turn out 10,000 3B-20s or 150,000 fighter planes. And without A777 Columb‘a River sources of electric power the large Northwest aluminum plants would never have been started. Grand Coulee Dam also made possible the erection of the immense half-billion-dollar Hanford Engineering Works near Pasco, Waseb., where ingredients of the atomic bomb are manufactured. CONTRIBUTION TO WAR EFFORT Dr. Raver further states that approximately 65 percent of the electricity genciated at Grand Coulee Dam from 1942 to 1945 went into the war effort. For instance, Noithwest shipyards needed immense quantities of elec- tricity. During one year alone these No)th- west yards turned out 181 ships. Now that World War II is over Grand Coulee Dam seems destined to aid Northwest peacetime jobs. From 1941 through July 1946, Grand Coulee Dam generated 18,814,936 megawatt (1.000 kw.) hours. If it were possible to put this power into a giant storage battery and place it in the vicinity of Washington, it wceuld supply this city and parts of Montgomery and Prince Georges Counties through 1957. New York City would get enough power out of the battery so that all its electrical needs would be amply supplied for over two years. Grand Coulee Dam has produced since 1942 the equal of about 1 percent of the total power generated in the United States in all years prior to 1941. Certainly Grand Coulee Dam is no financial flop. Pienty of figures prove that. Nor as a defense measure has the big barrier's worth been negligible. Ard it is apparent that Grard Coulee Dam will serve the Nation well in its peacetime efforts. Memorial of the Legislature of the State of Washington EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. THOR C. TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28 1947 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I include a memorial of the Thirtieth Leg- islature of the State of Washington: Senate Joint Memoria] 1 To the President of the United States and the Honorable Senate and House of Repre- sentatives of the United States of Amer- ica, in Congress assembled: We, your memorialists, the Thirtieth Levis- lature of the State of Washington, convened in regular session, respectfully represent that: Whereas the water-power resources of the State of Washington constitute the only ade- quate source of low-cost fuel for industrial development; and Whereas the State of Washington has achieved a marked industrial growth, the ex- istence and extension of which depends pri- marily upon a dependable supply of inex- pensive hydroelectric power; and Whereas low-cost electric energy from the Federal projects on the Columbia River has made feasible electrification of rural farms an@ homes in sparsely populated arenas; and Whereas the program for reclaiming large bodies of arid land in the Pacific Northwest is primarily dependent upon the sale of large blocks of surplus hydroelectric energy, which can be marketed to basic industries only at the prevailing low rates; and Whereas a retention of existing wholesale power rates is essential to the further de- velopment of the natural resources of the
A778 State, the creation of new opportunities, em- ployment, and taxable wealth; and Whereas Congress is being urged to seek an increase in power rates for energy from Bon- neville and Grand Coulee Dams and other projects to be constructed on the Columbia River, because of the unfounded contention that prevailing rates are not sufficient to amortize the Federal investment within a reasonable period of time; and Whereas independent commercial audits for the operation of the Columbia River power system clearly indicates that electric power revenues have not only been sufficient to meet all costs of power operation, but have provided a net surplus of $16,326,047 dollars as of June 30, 1946; and Whereas a comprehensive survey of exist- ing and potential power markets, made by the Department of the Interior, indicates that existing power rates will provide ade- quate revenues to repay not only all costs allocated to power, but also to reimburse the Federal Government in excess of $200,000,000 of construction costs allocated to irrigation, and further to provide a substantial surplus: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate of the State of Washington (the House of Representa- tives jointly concurring therein), That your memorialists hereby respectfully petition and memorialize the President and the Congress of the United States to take no action that would lead to an increase in the wholesale Power rates for energy generated at the Fed- eral projects on the Columbia River; and be it further Resolved, That the secretary of state of the State of Washington is hereby directed to forward certified copies of this joint me- morial to the President of the United States, the President pro tempore of the United States Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States, and the members of the congressional delegation from the State of Washington. Passed the senate January 30, 1947. Victor A. MEYERS, President of the Senate. Passed the house February 12, 1947. Hersert M. HAMBLIN, Speaker of the House. Fishing an Important Connecticut Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HORACE SEELY-BROWN, JR. OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday. February 28, 1947 Mr. SEELY-BROWN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from Connecticut Progress for February 1947: FISHING IMPORTANT CONNECTICUT INDUSTRY Deep-sea fishing on a commercial scale usually brings to mind such well-known fish- ing ports as Gloucester. Even Connecticut residents may not be aware of the fact that there are also important fishing ports on our own shores, and that daily shipments from the Connecticut shore form an important part of the fish supply to the famous Fulton Market in New York City. The total value of fish and fish products brought into Connecticut ports is more than @ million dollars per year, according to the latest published figures of the State Board of Fisheries and Game. This represents the return to fishermen, not the final price. Aside from oysters and other shellfish, moat of this catch comes into ports tn the eastern part of the State, near the entrance to Long Island Sound. One of the most important of these ports is Stonington, where there is a large fleet of draggers. This dragger fleet is one of the largest fishing fleets between Boston and New York, and the largest supply- ing the New York City market. Because this Connecticut industry is con- fined to a relatively few communities along the shore and is little known even to Con- necticut people who vacation nearby, Con- necticut Progress is devoting this issue to a description, in words and pictures, of the year-around operations of the Stonington fishing fleet. It is interesting to note in this connection that a large proportion of the fresh fish available for Connecticut families is caught by Connecticut crews operating in boats owned almost entirely by Connecticut peo- ple. Fish constitutes one of the few food products in which Connecticut is not only self-sufficient but has an exportable surplus. Progress is indebted for much of the infor- mation in this issue to Mr. John B. Bindloss, of Stonington, proprietor of the Bindloss dock and other enterprises connected with the fishing industry in Stonington, and a member of the Atlantic States Marine Fish- eries Commission. The Chicago Tribune Speaks EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following editorial which appeared in the Chicago Daily Tribune of Wednesday, February 26, 1947: REPUBLICANS ON TRIAL Too many members of the Republican ma- jority in Congress continue to putter, falter, and evade their campaign promises. Evi- dently the will to keep faith was not strong enough to move the Senate, in particular, and a large, lethargic group in the House, as well, to prompt action. A third of the Senators and all the Repre- sentatives will have to face their constituents in the primaries next year. The members of the congressional majority cannot be unaware that they have disappointed their supporters. If some of the honorables do not pay with their political scalps it will be surprising. The voters who elected Republicans wanted action. The citizens who cast their ballots for New Deal candidates wanted to keep the status quo. Many of them had a selfish per- sonal interest in the tremendous waste of Federal funds. If they were dissatisfied with their income-tax bills they were at least not 8o disgruntled that they were willing to see a reduction in expenditures essential to any tax cut. These New Deal voters were in favor of Federal controls and interference in every phase of the citizen’s life. They wanted no interference with the abuse of power by labor organizations. They were satisfied with the betrayal of American interests abroad, the waste of American money, and the endorse- ment of bestiality and slavery implicit in the Truman-Vandenberg foreign policy. In the course of nearly 2 months the Republican majority in Congress has passed virtually none of the legislation desired by its friends or opposed by its enemies, Mr. Truman, in his vain effort to win the election, relaxed more Government controls than Con- gress has since it met. If the Republicans APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD think that by these tactics they can placate and convert the New Deal voters they ure a crowd of ninnies. The people who voted against Republicans last fall will vote against them again in the fall of 1948. If they continue their present tactics the people who voted for them will, in large measure, become so disgusted that they won't even go to the pojls. If the party doesn't do better, and especially if, for lack of a positive program, it lets the Democrats control the Republican national convention, as they controlled the conventions of 1940 and 1944, the Republicans will lose the Presi- dential election and control of the House with it. Part of the responsibility for the Repubii- can inaction appears to lie in the failure to throw off the pay rolls of Congress itself its Democratic political attachés. Fifteen years ago the Democrats didn't let friendship stand in the way of installing their own payrollers wherever they found an oppor- tunity. In failing to do the same thing the Republicans are extremely stupid. The political patronage involved is not important. What is important is that, by keeping Democratic deadwood in various committee jobs, the party organization has stifled the activities of those committees through unsympathetic staffs. The hold- over payrollers should be fired and replaced with vigorous young Republicans who will work for the legislative ends of the majority. If the Senators and Congressmen want to be reelected they had better assert their republicanism. Instead of converting the opposition, the present tactics serve only to alienate their own supporters, Food Requirements of Germany EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NFW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following text of the Hoover mission’s findings on the food requirements of Germany: Text OF THE HOOVER MISSION'S FINDINGS ON TH: Foop REQUIREMENTS OF GERMANY (Herbert Hoover's report to President Tru- man on conditions in the British-American Zone of occupied Germany follows: ) Fesruary 26, 1947. The PRESIDENT, The White House, Washington, D.C. Dean Mg. PRESIDENT: I have now com- pleted the economic mission to Germany and Austria which I undertook at your request. 1 enclose herewith a memorandum on the economic conditions affecting food supplies for the newly combined American and Brit- ish Zones, together with estimates of sup- plies and costs involved in deficiency appro- priations for the last half of the fiscal year 1946-47 and appropriations for the fiscal year 1947-48. I shall submit detalled annexes to this memorandum as soon as they are com- pleted. I shall report separately on Austria, and at a later date I shall have some further report on other economic and health problems in these areas. In this examination of food questions in the combined zones I have had the inval- uable service of Dr. Dennis A. FitzGerald in food questions and that of Dr. William H. Sebrell, Jr., in nutritional and health ques-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tions, together with the able assistance in other economic questions of Mr. Hugh Gib- son, Mr. Louis Lochner, Mr. Frank Mason, and Dr. Gustav Stolper. I have received the full cooperation of Generals McNarney, Clay, and Draper, Colonel Hester, and their able staff, as well as General Robertson, Sir Cecil Weir, and Mr. T. F. Griffin, and their able staff on the British side. My thanks are also due to the devoted service of Mr. Tracy 8. Voorhees, Special As- sistant to the Secretary of War, and to the Air Transport Command for their coopera- tion and skill. Faithfully, HERBERT HOOVER. REPORT ON AGRICULTURAL AND FOOD REQUIRE- MENTS Introduction At the time of her surrender Germany had exhausted all of her reserves and most of her stocks of consumer goods and raw materials. We now know that, driven back into her own borders, she would have blown up in chaos within a short time without further mili- tary action. Promptly after the surrender her liquid Tesources from which she could have been provided with supplies were seized and divided as reparations. The population thus became largely dependent for its life upon the armies of occupation. It is hardly necessary to repeat that parts of Germany were annexed to Poland and Russia and that the shrunken territory was divided into four military occupation zones between the Russians, French, British, and Americans. The American and British zones have now been administratively combined, each nation bearing one-half the expense, and this report relates to that area only. Changes tn population and manpower The changes which have taken place in Population profoundly affect all economic problems. The population of the combined zones in 1939 was about 34,200,000. The Ger- mans expelled from the Russian and Polish annexations, together with those from Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Austria, have raised the population in the American and British zones to about 41,700,000. It is esti- mated that an additional 1,000,000 will come into this area by December 1947. There are also about 400,000 British and American military and civil personnel. Thus, the two zones will have to accommodate about 43,000,000 people, bringing the population approximately 9,000,000 above that in 1939. The ekilled manpower and the ratio of working males in the population have been greatly affected by the war. For the whole of Germany, it is estimated that 5,700,000 were killed or permanently injured. It is also estimated that over 3,000,000 prisoners of war are held in work camps in Russia, 750,000 in France, 400,000 in Britain, and 40,000 in Bel- gium. The detention of large numbers of skilled Sudeten German workmen in Czecho- slovakia bears on this problem, As applied to the American and British zones, this represents a present subtraction of over 6,000,000 of the most vital and most skilled workers in the population. Likewise, the 90,000 Nazis held in concentration camps and the 1,900,000 others under sanctions by which they can only engage in manual labor naturally comprise a considerable part of the former technical and administrative skill of the country, and the restrictions upon them, however necessary, add to administrative and industrial problems. One consequence of these distortions is that in the age groups between 20 and 40 there are 6 men to 10 women, and in the age group between 40 and 60, about 7 men to 10 women. Thus, there are in these groups be- tween six and seven million more women than men, The results upon productive power are bad enough, but the consequences to morals are appalling. . Housing The housing situation in the two zones is the worst that modern civilization has ever seen. About 25 percent of the urban housing was destroyed by the war. Therefore 26 per- cent of the urban population must find roofs from among tthe remaining 75 percent, in addition to all the destitute expellees and other groups brought in. There has been little repair of damaged houses, due to Jack of materials and transportation. The result of all this is that multitudes are living in rubble and basements. The average space among tens of millions is equivalent to between three and four people to a 12-by-12-foot room. Nor is the overcrowding confined to urban areas, for the “expellees” have been settled into every farmhouse. One consequence is the rapid spread of tuberculosis and other poten- tially communicable diseases. Coal The shortage of coal is, next to food, the Most serious immediate bottleneck to both living and the revival of exports to pay for food. The Ruhr, which is now almost the sole coal supply of the Anglo-American zones, is, due to lack of skilled men and physical vitality in labor, producing only 220,000 tons per day, as against a former 450,000 tons per day. Of the present production, a consider- able amount must be exported to surround- ing nations which are also suffering. The shortage leaves the two zones without suffi- cient coal for transport, household, and other dominant services, with little upon which to start exports in the industry. The coal famine all over western Europe and the unprecedented severity of the winter have produced everywhere the most acute suffering. As an example in Germany, no household coal has been issued in Hamburg since October. Other German cities have been but little better off. Agricultural production It must be borne in mind that about 25 per- cent of the German prewar food production came from the areas taken over by Russia and Poland. Moreover, the Russian military zone in Germany was a large part of the bread basket of Germany. Some millions of tons formerly flowed into the American and Brit- ish zones from these areas. These sources now contribut® nothing. The British and American armies and civil- fans are entirely fed from home. The large Russian army is fed upon their zone. Due to a lack of fertilizers, good seed, farm implements, and skilled labor, the 1946 agri- cultural production tn the American and British zones was about 65 percent of prewar. A generalized appraisal indicates that in the American zone the harvest of 1946 yielded a supply, beyond the needs of the farmers (self- suppliers), equal to about 1,100 calories per day for the non-self-suppliers. The simi- lar supply in the British zone was about 900 calories per day average to the non-self- suppliers. These amounts contrast with 8,000 calories of the prewar normal German consumption. With the efforts being made to improve agricultural production there is an expected small increase from the harvest of 1947, espe- cially in potatoes (if better seed is provided in time). The steps which I recommend, however, should show greater production from the 1948 harvest. Food distribution This terrible winter, with frozen canals and impeded railway traffic, has rendered it impossible to maintain even the present low basis of rationing in many localities. The coal shortage and the consequent lack of heat, even for cooking, has added a multitude of hardships. The conclusions in this report as to the food situation are, however, not based upon the effect of this temporary dis- location, but upon the basic conditions, to which the winter has added many difficulties. A779 From the food point of view, the popula- tion of the combined zones has been divided as below, based upon the German census un- dertaken last autumn. The table must not be regarded as precise for the different groups, as the Berlin sector Was not distrib- uted on the same basis as others. It is, how- ever, accurate enough for food-computation purposes. Self-suppliers, 1. e., farmers and their families........----.. 7, 640, 0CO Non-self-suppliers, 1. e., urban population: Prospective and nursing moth- ers _-.---------+------------ 660, 000 Children, 0-6 years of age..... 3, 070, 000 Children, 6-15 years of age---. 4,495, 000 Adolescents, 15-20 years of age. 2, 100,000 Normal consumers, 20 years up. 17,910, 000 Moderate hard workers__-.--_- 2, 5CO, 000 Heavy workers_-.__....-- -- 1,910,090 Extra heavy workers__ -- 720, 000 Displaced persons....-------- 680, 000 Total. ...--------------2- “34, 045, 000 Total population, 2 zones_. 41, 685, 000 The base ration is 1,550 calories per per- son per day to the normal-consumer group, with priorities and supplements, as the sit- uation requires or permits, for other groups. For instance, milk and fats are given in prior- ity to nursing mothers and children up to 6 years of age; more food, including more meat, is given in supplement to hard workers, etc. This basic ration for the normal consumer compares with the minimum temporary maintenance food intake recommended for normal consumers by eminent nutritionists, as follows: Drege Recom- | Present dresent mended defi- nuainimum | ciency Percent Carbohydrates . grams_- 2a3 435 16 Fats-. 24 45 A7 Protein. . f2 65 w» Calories... . 1, 60 2, 000 a“ Thus with the deficiency in quantity and in fats, protein and other nutrients, the 1 550 ration is wholly incapable of supporting health of the groups, which do not have sup- plem -nts. Nutritional condition of the population The nutritional condition of the above different groups, irrespective of the immedi- ate consequences of the hard winter, are: (a) The 7,640,000 self-suppliers are, nate urally, in good condition. (b) The supplements and priorities in spe- cial foods given to 3,730,000 prospective and nursing mothers, and children ‘in der 6 years of age, appear to be enough to keep them in good condition. (c) Over half of the 6,595,000 children and adolescents, especially in the lower-income groups, are in a deplorable condition. Their situation is better in limited localities where school feeding has been undertaken but out- side these limits stunted growth and delayed development is widespread. In some areas famine edema (actual starvation) is appear- ing in the children. A study of groups of boys between the ages 9 and 16 years showed 5.5 pounds under minimum standard weights, with girls 6.1 pounds below such standard. Other groups studied showed even worse con- ditions. (ad) A considerable part of the “normal consumer” group Of 17,910,000 1s likewise in deplorable condition. This group comprises the light physical workers and is in large majority women, and many are aged. Some portion of this group are able to supplement the 1,550 calorie ra- tion by purchase of some supplies from the black market, from the free markets in the
A780 vegetable seasons and from package remit- tances. Some part of this group are too poor to purchase even the 1,550-calorie ration, In any event, a large part of the group shows a steady loss of weight, vitality, and ability to work. A study in the British zone shows urban adult males over 19 pounds and females nearly 5 pounds under proper weight. A study in the American zone showed from 5 to 20 pounds under proper weight. Famine edema is showing in thousxnds of cases, stated to be 10,000 in Hamburg alone. The increased death roll among the aged is ap- palling. In persons over 70 in 3 months last autumn the increase was 40 percent, (e) While the workers’ rations, due to supplements, are perhaps high enough in themselves, yet the universal tendency is for the worker to share his supplement with his wife and children, and therefore it does not have its full effect in supplying energy for the worker himself. (f) The 680,000 displaced persons are about one-third in the British zone and two-thirds in the United States zone. In the British zone they receive the German ration only. In the United States zone they re- _ ceive supplements which amount to 700 calo- ries per day, so there can be no doubt as to their adequate supply in that area. In fact, the American ration is above the ‘‘nor- mal ration" of the other nations on the continent, except the former neutrals. These nutritional conclusions are based upon surveys made by Dr. William H. Sz- brell, Jr., of the United States Public Health Service, who was a member of my mission. At my request, he also visited Italy, France, Belgium, Holland, and Britain to study the comparative nutritional situations of these countries with that of Germany. He reports that the nutritional condition in those coun- tries is nearly prewar normal, while the spe- cial German groups that I have mentioned are not only far below the other nations but disastrously so. A new program The Anglo-American bizonal agreement of last autumn calls for an increase of rations by 250 calories per day at some undetermined date. Such an increase is highly desirable. However, the world shortage in cereals, evi- denc’d by the early reduction of bread ra- tions ir several other nations, renders such an increase impossible until after the harvest of 1947, Such a program also implies in- creased import supplies, which, in terms of grain, would add 1,260,000 tons and $136,- 000,000 annually to costs, above the already huge burden upon the taxpayers of our two nations. As the present base of 1,550 calories for normal consumers is not enough to main- tain health in many children or health and working energy in many adults, I propose a different program. This new approach is to repair the weakest spots in the nutritional situation. I believe that this method will accomplish the major purpose of the proposed general increase in ration as nearly as can be accomplished within the limits of avall- able supplies and finances for the remainder of the fiscal year 1946-47. In many ways I believe it is a better pro- gram, and if this method proves a successful remedy during the next few months, it may modify the necessity of so large an increase in imports in the fiscal year 1947-48 as has been proposed under the bizonal agreement. There are two groups to which this repair of wealtness should be given quickly: First are the children over 6 years of age and the adolescents. The number of this group who are undernourished is estimated to be about 3,500,000, or more than 60 per- cent. To cover this group and assure that the food reaches the child, the British in their zone, aided by the Swedish and other charities, are giving a small ration in certain schools. There is no systematic school feed- ing in the American zone. A system of soup kitchens to provide a hot meal of appropriate body-building foods (meat, fats, milk, etc.) of at least 350 calories daily is imperative for the children in the worst areas of the com- bined zones if a future Germany of whole- some character is to be created. In order to start this system at once ] recommend using the Army surplus 10-in-1 rations, now en route, and certain excess stocks not adapted to Army feeding and now in control of the American Occupation Forces. These resources can form the major base of this system for a considerable pe- riod. This is the more possible as it is pro- posed to slaughter during 1947 over 5,000,000 head of cattle, hogs, and sheep in order to lessen the animal consumption of ground crops, and a portion of these meats and fats can be applied to this program. These vari- ous supplies, together with some minor cereal allotments, should carry the program for 6 months. : The second grouv demanding immedlat relief is the “normal consumer” group of about 17,910,000 persons, now receiving 1,550 calories per day. I strongly recommend sev- eral lines of action. (a) A certain portion of them should be advanced to the group of moderate heavy workers and receive the sup- plement applicable to that category. (b) An emergency supply of cereals should be allotted to the German welfare organizations with which to provide a supplement to fam- flies in need and the soup kitchens. (c) I recommend that the aged in the “normal consumers" group, and others where medi- cally certified be issued tickets upon the soup kitchens for the meal of 850 calories per day during the school week, to be con- sumed either at these kitchens or taken home. These supplemental measures will substantially improve and will at least carry over the most needy part of this group. By aid to the children and adolescents some pressure will be removed from the “normal consumer" group, who naturally tend to cut their own fcod to help their children. In support of the above program for chil- dren and “normal rations” I have included in the recommended deficiency appropria- tion an emergency supply of 65,000 tons of cereals. These measures, as I have said, are in substitution for the great increase other- wise necessary to import for the proposed program of a lift in the whole ration system by 250 calories. In addition to these measures I have in- cluded in the sums given below, which I recommend to be appropriated for the bal- ance of this fiscal year 1946-47, an amount necessary for the shipment of 400,000 tons of surplus potatoes from the United States. The object is twofold. Due to spoilage during this unprecedented winter and other causes, there are not enough potatoes by 250,000 tons to cover that portion of the minimum 1,650-calorie ration until the next harvest. Certainly we cannot allow the ration to fall below its already dangerous levels. Of even more importance, most of the potato seed of our zones normally comes from the Polish-annexed area and the Rus- sian zone, and is not available. If we can forward 200,000 to 250,000 tons of good po- tato seed, with some already in hand, we should be able to assure a yield from the 1947 harvest of 5,000,000 tons and thereby effect some savings in overseas food imports for the fiscal year 1947-48, Necessary tmports and finance The supply and finance of food and col- lateral relief imports and the development of exports with which ultimately to pay for these imports has been organized upon the baris of dividing foreign trade into two cate- gories: . APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Category A covers imports of food, ferti- lizers, and petroleum products for the civil population. This category is to be paid ‘or by appropriations, and thus one-half by the taxpayers each of the United States and the United Kingdom. It has not been deter- mined whether seeds fall in this group. In my opinion they should be and I have tin- cluded them in my estimates of supply and cost which appear below. Category B is under the Joint E«port- Import Agency, who regulate the imncrtation of raw materials and the ex‘ort of coal, ssme other raw materials and manufactured prad- ucts. The oiganization started with a cer- tain working capital and all exports of coal and other commodities are credited to this fund until the exports exceed the raw ma- terial imports when the surplus will be ap- plied to the cost of category A. It is hoped that the export surplus will begin to con- tribute to category A in the last half of 1948 and cover virtually all the cost in the calen- dar year 1950. Therefore, the cost of category A for the balance of the 1947 fiscal year, in which a deiiciency apprepriation is involved, and the whole of the 1948 fiscal year, will fall upon the taxpayers of America and Britain. Cost and supplics of category A imports for the last half of fiscal year 1946-47 The program of supplies and costs to cover category A for the 6 months from January 1 to July 1, 1947, will appear large compared to the program given later for the whole fiscal year 1947-48. The reasons are that imports were unduly low during the last 6 months of 1946 and the drain on indigenous food unduly large. Also, it is necessary to include the ccst of purchases and shipments prior to July 1 so as to provide in June for arrivals in Germany during the period July 1 to August 15, for which appropriations for the 1947-48 fiscal year cannot be available until after July 1, This works to lessen the burden on the fiscal year following that date. I have, as said, included the allotment of 65,000 tons of cereals to support the normal ration group and the potato imports. The following is the estimated cost for both zones; for the 6 months January 1 to July 1, 1947, in which are included the sup- plies already shipped for this period: Cereals (wheat equivalent) 2,605,000 tons_-.-._-__--_-_.. $288, 000, 000 Other foods, 720,000 tons___.. 54, 000, 000 Fertilizers__ 17, 500, 000 Seeds ___.2...--------------- 12, 500, 000 Petroleum products (civil population) ..-...---.------ 12, 000, 600 Total ------- ee 384, 000, 000 The United States contribution of one- half of this is 192,000,000. What portion of these expenditures are already covered by appropriations und what portion must need be covered by deficiency appropriations is not known to me. Supplies and costs for fiscal year 1947-48 In considering the supplies and cost of category A for the fiscal year 1947-48, the supplemental supports I have proposed to strengthen the children, adolescents, and “normal ration” group, should undoubtedly carry through these groups until October, especially with the spring and summer prod- uce, Therefore, it will not, in any event, be necessary to increase the general ration by the 260 calories provided in the bizonal agree- ment until that date. It is my hope that the revised methods by which the weak places in the system are strengthened may partially or wholly avoid this necessity after that date. I have, however, provided in the estimates an item of $62,300,000 for such an increase after October. I have also included in these estimates an enlarged fertilizer and seed pro- gram. It is my belief that these latter meas-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ures will greatly lighten the burden on our taxpayers in the fiscal year 1948-49. The following 1s my estimate of the sup- plies and costs needed for the fiscal year 1947-48 covering category A: Cereals (in terms of wheat) for 1,550 calories level, 2,785,000 tons ....---.----~--------- 278, 500, 000 Cereals for “normal consum- ers” emergency supplemental feeding, 192,000 tons-__..-.-- 19, 200, 000 Child-feeding program (in- cludes special foods), 130,000 tons .-----------~.-------- 35, 000, 000 Other foods, 450,000 tons_.-_-.. 715, 000, 000 Fertilzers (available) -.--..--. 45, 000, 000 Seeds ___......----.--------- 27, 000, 000 Petroleum products for civil population -..------------- 25, 000, 000 504, 700, 090 Cost of ration increase to 1,800 calories on or about October 1947 _...------------------ 62, 300, 000 Total ...-----.---.----- 567, 000, 000 of which the United States share of 50 per- cent amounts to $283,500,000. Due to these changes in method, the above program is different from that submitted by the War Department for the fiscal year 1947-48, but the total cost is no greater. It is my conviction that these appropria- tions for category A for both the 1946- 47 and the 1947-48 fiscal years should have first consideration, even in priority to appro- ptiations for military purposes. The occu- pational forces cannot be reduced without these assurances of minimum food supply. From the point of view only of maintaining order, the need for these forces is not great if we can meet the food needs. Their size will depend upon other considerations. Further savings to the taxpayers that can be made There are ways by which these costs could be reduced, although they are not certain enough to be deducted in advance against appropriations which must now be deter- mined. 1. If these changes in rationing program render the general calory lift unnecessary, there would be a saving of 862,000,000. 2. If through the 1947 deficiency appro- priation the seeds are provided in time, there should be substantial additions to the Ger- man potato harvest, in relief of 1947-48 ex- penditures. If the fertilizer and seed rec- ommendations for the fiscal year 1947-48 are accepted, there should be savings by in- creased indigenous production in the year 1948-49. : 8. There would be savings it prices proved lower and if climatic conditions for the in- digenous crops turned out exceptionally favorable. 4. The Potsdam Declaration results in Germany having no consequential overseas shipping. If we could effect some temporary operation by German crews of, say 75 Liberty ships, now laid up, to transport food and raw materials, all of the expense could be paid by the Germans in marks, except for fuel, and thus save a very large amount of dollars otherwise coming from the American and British taxpayers. This would probably amount to $40,000,000 per annum. 5. A further saving of possibly several mil- lion dollars could be made for the taxpayers if the large American Army return equip- ment, now being transported at high ocean rates, were sent home on the return voyages of these Liberty ships. 6. There are food surpluses in the control of other nations than ourselves and the British. They comprise possible increased catches of fish in Norway, Sweden, and Den- mark, which otherwise are little likely to find a@ market, and some surpluses possible from the South American states. It would seem to me that some supplies could well be fur- nished by these nations, being repaid as indi- cated below, pari passu with the British and ourselves. 7. The Germans lost a considerable part of their deep-sea fishing fleet. If more such boats could be found and leased from Amer- ican surplus small shipping, the fish supply could be greatly increased. The fishing grounds in the Baltic and North Sens are be- ing limited against German fishing. As there are ample supplies of fish in these seas, it seems a pity that, with this food available, British and American taxpayers are called upon to furnish food in substitution for fish the Germans could catch for themselves. Fish is particularly needed, as the present diet is sadly lacking in protein content. 8. A still further saving to British and American taxpayers is possible if maximum expedition could be made of exports of Ger- man manufacture. The Joint Export-Im- port Agency is doing its best, but such ex- ports are hampered by the lack of coal for manufacture, by  trading-with-the-enemy acts, and restrictions on free communica- tion, together with Hmitations on dealings between buyers and sellers The restoration of trade is inevitable, and every day's delay in removing these barriers is simply adding to the burden of our taxpayers for relief that could otherwise be paid for in goods. No one can say that fn her utterly shattered stute Germany is a present economic menace to the world. Should there be such good fortune as to realize all these possibilities, we could not only increase the food supply to health levels but also lessen the joint costs by 8150,000,000 during the fiscal year 1947-48. However, as I have said, I am convinecd that the larger sum should be provided for. German repayment for these outlays The great sums hitherto spent on relief of the German civilian population from outside Germany's borders, together with those in the future, should not be an irrecoverable expenditure to our two Governments. I have, therefore, urged upon the Ameri- can and British authorities that it be an- nounced as a policy and stipulated in all peace arrangements that these expenditures for the relief of the civil population (Cate- gory A). past and future, should be made a first charge upon the economy of Germany and repaid from any future net exports from Germany before any payments to other na- tions of any kind. At my instance all Allied nations in the First World War agreed that German civilian relief expenditures at that time should be re- paid from any liquid assets and ranked ahead of any reparation claims. They were 80 re- paid. The grounds which I advanced at that time are no less valid today. By these relief expenditures we are rebuilding the economy of the German people so that other payments can be made by them. These costs should be a sort of receiver's certificate. If this policy be pursued, these appropriations for relief asked from the Congress and the Par- liament can become a recoverable expenditure and not a charity londed onto our taxpayers. It would seem that a tax upon exports of some percent, to be paid in dollars after July 1, 1949, might be an effective implementation of such a provision. Organization I have made certain recommendations to the joint military governments of the two zones as to organization matters, which I believe will improve administration now that bizonal operation, under larger German re- sponsibility, has been undertaken. Conclusion It may come as a great shock to American taxpayers that, having won the war over Germany, we are now faced for some years with large expenditures for relief for these people. Indeed, it is something new in hu- man history for the conqueror to undertake. A781 Whatever the policies might have been that would have avoided this expense, we now are faced with it. And we are faccd with it until the export industries of Germany can be sufficiently revived to pay for their food. The first necessity for such a revival is sufficient food upon which to maintain vitality to work. Entirely aside from any humanitarian feelings for this mass of people, if we want peace, if we want to preserve the safety and health of our army of occupation, if we want to save the expense of even larger military forces to preserve order, if we want to re- duce the size and expense of our army of occupation—I can see no other course but to meet the burdens I have here outlined. Our determination is to establish such a regime in Germany as will prevent forever agsin the rise of militarism and aggression within these people. But those who believe in vengeance and the punishment of a great mass Of Germans not concerned in the Nazi conspiracy can now have no misgivings for all of them—in food, warmth, and shelter— have been sunk to the lowest level known in a hundred years of Western history. If Western civilization is to survive in Europe it must also survive in Germany. And it must be built into a cooperative mem- ber of that civilization. That, indeed, is the hope of any lasting peace. After all, our flag flies over these people. That flag means something besides military power. Third-Term Ban EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the REcorD, I include the following editorial from the Washington Evening Star of February 28, 1947: THIRD-TERM BAN The drive for a constitutional amendment limiting future Presidents to two terms has about it un atmosphere of political 1mma- turity—a suggestion that the inheritors of the best political system in the world lack confidence in the essential foundation of their political structure. It is probably true that, in the absence of unusual circumstances, the best interests of the country are served when a President does not serve more than two terms. There ts nothing magical, of course, about two terms, and it is worth noting that the Senators and Representatives who are supporting the pro- posed amendment apparently see no incon- sistency in having themselves reelected to as Many successive terms as possible. Still, in the absence cf exceptional conditions, an excellent argument can be made for the proposition that a President should serve two terms at most, and then turn the job over to someone clse. Implicit in this, however, is recognition of the fact that in some future grave emer- gency the national interests might be served best by continuing a President in office for more than two terms, and the trouble with the proposed amendment is that it would make this virtually impossible. There are those who say that the amendment, if adopted, could always be repealed, but this is an argument which overlooks two things— first the time element, and second the very important fact that a constitutional amend- ment, once adopted, cannot be repealed ex- cept by vote of two-thirds of the States.
A782 Thus a decision which might be vital to all of the people could be controlled by the whims or the procrastination of seventeen Btates. The question which should be posed to the sponsors of the amendment is this: Why should we of this generation undertake to tie the hands of our children in any and all circumstances, none of which can be fore- seen now? Surely, on the record of our own performance, we have no valid claim to the requisite wisdom. Why not permit them to make their own free decision in the light of conditions which they will have to face and which we cannot possibly anticipate? That is the essence of the democratic process, and we would pay ourselves a highly dubious compliment in undertaking to short-circuit it. This amendment is one which should not pass, and the Star hopes that it will never be written into the Constitution. Residencies in Naval Hospitals EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. L. MENDEL RIVERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, it is with extreme satisfaction that I learn of a report recently rendered by the Council on Medical Education of the American Medical Association by the distinguished Dr. M. G. Westmoreland, of the Ameri- can Medical Association. The report referred to cites the splen- did accomplishment of the Bureau of Medicine and Surgery of the Navy con- cerning residencies in naval hospitals. The report, among other things, states as follows: It is clearly evident that more constructive effort has been made by the Navy toward the creation of acceptable residencies than any Federal agency. I place this report in the Recorp with- out reflecting on any other agency of the Federal Government. My satisfac- tion is so pronounced because of the fact that I have been a Jong time friend of the present Surgeon General of the Navy, Admiral Clifford A. Swanson, and because it is his desire to maintain a splendid standard for his organization and it is his constant effort to improve medicine and surgery in all of its phases throughout the Navy. In this endeavor, I know he will have the unlimited backing of the Congress. RESIDENCIES IN NAVAL HOSPITALS It is clearly evident that more constructive effort has been made by the Navy toward the creation of acceptable residencies than any Federal agency. This new adventure has re- sulted from the full-time assignment of the Chairman of the Advisory Board of Medical Specialties to organize the details of resi- dency training. The “essentials” of these training programs have been submitted to the entire council staff for criticism and closely parallels the council's essentials. Other full-time assignments to activate this program have included a naval officer who is a diplomate of the Board of Internal Medi- cine. A group of civilian consultants repre- senting approximately 19 specialties include @ dean of a medical school, several members of specialty boards, a consultant from the council, and outstanding diplomates. This group has met several times for guidance and control of the residency program in naval hospitals. In addition, the training branch is in more or less constant corre- spondence with members of the Board of Consultants for advice. Local civilian consultants have been ap- pointed before the training program has been activated in a hospital. These local con- sultants are not limited to officers in the Naval Reserves, but include board members, professors, and local teachers of proven value. The major services will have several local consultants whose duty is to visit the hos- pital regularly for ward rounds to give or- ganized instruction to the house staff and to guide the Department in the over-all training program. In fact, it is the custom of several of these consultants to take the residents in naval hospitals to their civilian teaching centers for additional rounds, con- ferences, and other types of specialty in- struction, In these major services, such as internal medicine, there are a sufficient number of consultants so that an average of one civilian teacher will be present each weekday for a minimum of 2 hours. Only a few hospitals will be used for resi- dency training. There are nine major cen- ters where several residency programs will be activated. All but one is located in the same community where a strong medical school is found. A total of six other hos- pitals will be used for one or a few of the major residencies. To date there are only six of the principal centers that have been activated. Emphasis has been placed on obtaining a sufficient amount of consultation and guidance to guarantee a program that exceeds the essentials and to complete the detail of arrangements for local civilian con- sultants. Changes in policy are no longer common because of the various items men- tioned. Inspections of 30 of the naval hospitals have been made by the council's staff. Re- ports are typed and indicate that a wealth of clinical material is avajlable. Conserva- tive recommendations for approval have re- sulted in acceptance of 70 residencies by both the council and the respective specialty board. In addition, one limited and one principal center remains to be inspected. Changes in the chief of a department and an increase in the quality of teaching mate- rial at some of the principal centers will result in additional facilities that can be approved. Thirty-seven residencies in the principal teaching centers have been recom- mended by the council staff, but have not been cleared by the board. Forty-six resi- dencies in these same centers have been approved by both the council and the re- spective specialty board. All of the residency training for naval officers will not be limited to the centers mentioned above. An active interest in outstanding civilian teaching centers has re- sulted in arrangements for 12-month and shorter courses. Last July there were over 40 commitments for one or more naval officers to receive 12 months of training in designat- ed specialties at such locations as Massachu- setts General Hospital, Lahey Clinic, Har- vard University, New York Hospital, Memo- rial Hospital, Bellevue Hospital, University of Pennsylvania, Jefferson Hospital, Johns Hopkins University, Duke University, North- western University, Washington University, University of Iowa, Mayo Clinic, University of California, and several others. Additional commitments have been made since July by equally outstanding civilian teaching cen- ters; also, a variety of civilian short courses of less than 12 months have designated that enrollments will be kept open for naval offi- cers. More than 85 medical officers are cur- rently enrolled in 6- to 12-montl. courses in renowned civilian centers. Several of the other hospitals that have been inspected will be used for a short pe- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD riod to furnish refresher instruction. Ap- pointments to duty under instruction in this fashion will not carry board credit but like the short courses in civilian centers can act as a buffer for physicians who are selected for residency training but must be assigned until a vacancy occurs in an activated and approved program, Variety of teaching material is also dis- tinctive of Navy hospitals. In addition to the service-connected disabilities and the common ailments of such a large number of personnel there is a huge volume of teach- ing material derived from veterans of pre- vious wars. Shipyard workers and other em- ployees furnish a variety of degenerative dis- ease and industrial medicine for a broader educational program. Apparently the Navy hospitals are the only Federal units where @ sufficient volume of teaching material is found in pediatrics, gynecology, and obstet- rics to justify separate residencies in these specialties. Medical officers on other serv- ices will gain experience in differential diag- nosis and in the care of these patients throughout consultation and referrals as is common in large civilian hospitals, The items mentioned in this report are distinctive of the Navy program. Other agen- cies have either not developed along these lines or have done so only recently and are still in a stage of flux wherein changes of policy are both common and sudden. The progressive improvements and the enormous amount of on-the-scene consultation coupled with the fact that a stabilized program has evolved are highly commendable and should be considered favorably, IMPORTANT FACTS CHARACTERISTIC OF NAVAL RESIDENCIES Principal teaching centers: Bethesda, Md.; Chelsea, Mass.; Great Lakes, Ill.; Houston, Tex.; Long Beach, Calif.; Oakland, Calif.; Philadelphia, Pa.; St. Albans, N. Y.; and San Diego, Calif. Limited residency instruction will be acti- vated at Annapolis, Md. (obstetrics-gynecol- ogy): Corona, Calif. (tuberculosis, medical surgery, obstetrics-gynecology); Norfolk, Va. (obstetrics-gynecology); Portsmouth, Va. (medical surgery, obstetrics-gynecology) ; and Brooklyn, N. Y. (pathology, obstetrics- gynecology, surgery, medicine). Residencies have begun at Philadelphia, St. Albans, Chelsea, and Oakland, while at Long Beach and Bethesda problems are being solved which will insure good residency training. Examples of local consultants (internal medicine is used for these examples) : Phila- delphia, Drs. Kern, Crane, Pote, Crellin, and Willard. Jefferson Medical School will be used for basic-science instruction. St. Al- bans, Drs. Messinger, Block, and Douglas; New York University for basic sciences. Chelsea, Drs. Sprague, Brailey, Burrage, Mc- Guinn, Hogt, and Norcross. Oakland, Drs. Kinsell, Rosenbloom, and Crenshaw. Addi- tional appointments are contemplated. Eleven other local appointments have already been made at other teaching centers, even though the residency program has not yet been activated. These include deans, pro- fessors, and outstanding specialists. National consultants representing all spe- cialties and the council have met several times to guide the policies on residency training. Essentials for residency training in the Navy closely follow the essentials for the council. Total of 202 residents will be trained in all specialties each year; only 145 have been appointed this year. Forty-six residences in the principal centers have been approved by the council and the boards. Thirty-seven other recommendations have been made by the council. The scope of teaching material includes all age groups. (Pediatric residences have been recommended for approval after they were investigated, and the large number of vet- erans from World War I insures adequate
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD teaching material in the older groups.) Both sexes ave represented. Several obstetrics and gynecology programs have been accepted by both the board and council. M. G. WESTMORELAND, M. D. Address of Speaker Joseph W. Martin, Jr., of Massachusetts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARROLL D. KEARNS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. KEARNS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include an address by the Hon- orable JosrpH W. Martin, Jr., Speaker of the House of Representatives, before the annual convention of the Pennsyl- vania Manufacturers’ Association, in Philadelphia, on Tuesday, February 25. The Speaker, in one of the most excel- lent addresses of his career outlined a legislative program for this, the Eightieth Congress, and expressed his confidence that this Congress would make history by passing legislation which would put the United States of America on its feet again. Mr. Chairman, Governor Duff, Mayor Sam- uels, Senator Martin, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans, I am glad to share the speaking program with your splendid, able, and progressive Governor Duff and your distinguished Senator MaRTIN, who in a few brief weeks has made a fine impression upon his colleagues for his ability and good com- mon sense. I am pleased to see here this fine big delegation of Republican Congress- men from Pennsylvania, who through their sturdy support of sound Americanism are meking a notable contribution to putting America back on the right track. IT am pleased to be able to bring a mes- sage from the National House of Repre- sentatives which I believe will give you cour- age and strength in helping to put America on the track to happier and better days. A united Republican membership is dcter- mined that it will keep faith with the Amer- ican people and restore sanity, honesty, and sincerity in our National Government, Our program for the session is an ambi- tious one. We shall take the government out of the peoples’ hair by striking off the shackles of bureaucracy which hold the American people in bondage and restricts the freedom of action which is necessary if we are to have an expanding economy. It is our purpose to return America to sol- vency and sanity in government. We face in this Nation today certain con- ditions which we must examine very closely. We are now in our thirteenth year of a desperate drive by subversionists to destroy our American system of economy and of government. They would set up a central- ized government, with a false form of con- stitutionality, and the heart and purpose of a communistic or fascistic despotism. This drive to destroy our American sys- tem of government, economy, and society is still under way. Many well-meaning people are misled by the communistic propaganda. They take part in attacks on the Congress and unwit- tingly aid the effort to destroy the confi- dence of the people in the stability and efficiency of our American Government. The Eightieth Congress is less than 2 months old. It was organized, for the first time in our history, under a reorganization plan. You know the outlines of that plan. Neces- sity and wisdom required the organization to proceed with care. Notwithstanding these handicaps, we have done a good job of reorganization and are now ready to act expeditiously upon the leg- islative program, Yet before committees were organized, some people were demanding the Congress lay down an exact, detailed blueprint of where the Congress will reduce appropriations: of how much, and where, !t will reduce taxes: exactly what kind of labor legislation it will pass; what changes will be made in foreign policy, and so on. These attacks, for the most part, were politically inspired by those who do not wish us to succeed. They are headed for disappointment. We will succeed in our program, and it will be a program which the people will like. The election of a Republican Congress did not automatically solve every problem. There are no push-button solutions. Any leadership attempting such rash, ill- advised legislative action as demanded by those trying to needle the Eightieth Congress, would not be worthy of the confidence of this Nation. The very people making these demands for haphazard haste would be the first to criticize the Eightieth Congress if it at- tempted to legislate with any such speed as they demand. The E'ghtieth Congress 1s going to legislate with all speed possible; but it will not be stampeded into legislating rashly, and blindly. We shall try to legislate wisely and well. The United States of America ts today an island in the rising sea of terrorism. There is a dangerous trend toward statism every- where. The most reactionary doctrine ever promul- gated is the political cult of a ruling class. Whether it is called a dictatorship of the proletariat, fascism, or socialism, it is still part and parce] of the ancient practice of despotism, which does not set men free, but enslaves them. This spirit of despotism is « cold, ruthless, cunning. determined movement to deceive und enslave the people of the world. It is engineered and managed by men of evil intent. They are moved by an insatiable lust for power over their fellow men. They are willing to sink civilization into the pits of ignorance and terrorism to satisfy their lust for power. This evil spirit of dictatorship operated through the most clever misrepresentation, and false promises, ever devised by any group of men. For 13 years the promoters of state social- ism have had the opportunity to snarl up our Federal Government and tangle the af- fairs of the American people. It will take more than a few weeks to undo what they have done. It will require wisdom, patience, and restraint. Only a fearless, determined spirit of free- dom can defeat the spread of compulsory government which threatens to enslave the peoples of the world, Those who defame our American system falsify every fact of history. They do not want to admit the miracles of progress in peace and defense in war which we have accomplished in our American way. Those who seek to destroy America use many techniques. They try to concentrate power in the hands of the Federal Government and to enable their wreckers in the bureaus to strangle, first, the small community in- dustries and businesses, and second, the bigger business, through a multiplicity of controls. They almost succeeded. I do not have to remind you how they crippled in- dustry, and agriculture, and the retail estab- A783 lishments of this Nation with those regula- tions. Indeed, I hesitate to recall to you the painful memories of those days in which beef producers were advised from Washington not to slaughter any more “female steers.” And that sage advice that farmers take the shoes off their horses each night to save wear—or perhaps it was to change the shoes on the horse’s feet from time to time to even up the wear like automobile tires. Another approach to cripple business was a drive to destroy all rights vested in patents. Our patent system was devised by the founding fathers to encourage inventive diligence to create more and better things for the people—all the people. Every home in America including the poor- est—has numerous comforts provided by the inventive diligence and the _ productive capacity of our Nation. If the Communists and their fellow- travelers could have the Government take over patents and divest inventors of the fruits of their eager and arduous labors, then the inspiration for inventive talent and effort to produce would be destroyed. There have also been determined attempts to destroy scientific research rights. Every individual in this Nation is the beneficiary, in both necessities and luxuries, of long, ex- pensive scientific research. Such research must be carried on by aggregations of capital, not possible for individuals or small com- panies. Scientific formulas and trade-marks must be properly protected. Still another method by which supervision- ists try to strangle business Initiative is in striving to destroy vested interests in na- tional brands, Manufacturers of ability and foresight put fine quality into their products. By skillful management of production they reduce prices to the minimum and secure markets which will absorb their brands of goods year after year. If the enemies of our free economy could kill special brands, and standardize all labels, they could destroy all the benefits reaped by the people from these efforts of industry to excel in quality. and in economy of production and lower prices. All of these moves are to freeze all incen- tive for venture capital to go into the busi- ness of prcduction. No sensible man or wo- man would put money into business without hope of getting it back, or of getting a reason- able profit. Right here are also involved deficit spend- ing: governmental waste; staggering national debt; high taxes, and the constant anvil chorus over the radio, and in certain sections of the press, to defame business. If the national debt can be increased; if governmental ecxtravagances can be nulti- plied by the bureaucrats; and if taxes can be kept heavy enough to destroy the chance of a fair profit return on investments, ven- ture capital will not enter the field of ex- perimentation, research, and production. In such case, the Government would have to finance all business, big and little. That is exactly what the enemies of our American system want. The small community industry feels the impact of such a hostile policy first. The scheme of the Communists and their asso- ciates is to destroy the independence of small business; the small press; small argriculture; and of labor. They would then proceed to make a mass assault on bigger business and wreck it quickly. If the Government financed business it would have to control business. It would have to impress into economic servitude all workers; all professions; everybody—under governmental decrees. The American people—farmers— industrial workers—white collar workers—professional people—all want to remain free. They will not tolerate being told by an arrogant politi- cal bureaucracy at Washington where to
A781 work, what to produce, what pay they may receive, where and how to live, think and vote. The young men and women of America want no such Governmental control of busi- ness. Those who braved the horrors of the front lines, and those who labored on the home front, want a chance to develop their own opportunities. Those who are gifted for scientific research, or for business careers, or who seek better jobs at better wages, pre- fer to take their chances of succeeding under the American system. They know that under totalitarian Government they have no chance at all except to do what some bureaucrat overlord might order them to do. Free Americans want no Government bosses under political paternalism. They want freedom of action in a fair field—and that we propose to give them. We must not close the door to opportunity for American youth. For 13 years, and more, those who would destroy and then loot this grand Nation of ours have shouted that success was some- thing to be condemned. Success is to be desired. Failure has been held’ up as some kind of a virtue. Failure is not «desirable. Reasonable profits are the fair wages of venture capital invested in production. Management's salaries are the reasonable wages of men and women who know how to manage plants and market products. Plant and tools are the means by which the wage earners produce. But we must not forget, wage earners, farmers, professional people, management, and people with capital, all are consumers. Another method by which this country could be wrecked is by fomenting irrespon- sible strikes resulting in stoppages of pro- duction. Some of the communistic schem- ers and their unwitting allies have actually gone to the point of asserting the right to strike against the Government itself in time of war. There exists no right to strike against the Government by anybody at any time. It cannot be tolerated. Jurisdictional strikes, wildcat strikes, strikes based upon utterly unreasonable de- mands cannot be tolerated. This is espe- cially true in essential industries and serv- ices where the welfare of whole communities or the entire Nation is put in jeopardy. These operations must continue while dis- putes are »eing settled. The right of col- lective bargaining is essential. It must also be fair and responsible on both sides, ‘he right to strike is essential—but it must not be distorted into license to endanger entire cities, or the Nation. Farmers and wage earners should and must receive every dollar of revenue and wages possible, consistent with a sound and prosperous economy. Farmers and wage earners cannot exist in any other kind of an economy, except as paupers. Production and more production, lower prices and still lower prices, better quality, and still better quality, are the guideposts on our highroad back to national peacetime prosperity. More production, lower prices and better quality, increase all real income. They bene- fit every man, woman, and child in the Na- tion without penalizing anyone. It is to that end we intend to stop bu- reaucratic squandering of the peoples’ money; to balance the tudget; to reduce taxes; and to reduce the national debt. It is to that end we intend to demand sound foreign policies not detrimental to our domestic welfare. We know the welfare of America rests upon a sound and prosperous agriculture, a sound and prosperous industry, and a pros- perous and satisfied citizenry. World conditions today require America to maintain an invincible national defense. That national defense rests not alone upon armies and navies. Our armed forces must be equipped with the most modern, power- ful, offensive and defensive weapons known. But cquallv as important is a hcme line of defense composed of citizens who 60 love liberty, who are so thoroughly satisfied with their American way of life, and with their Government they will rise up and defeat any enemy, from without or within, who tries to change their way of life or wreck their Government. Contented citizens never revolt. Good plants, good tools, good tranrporta- tion, good communication, good business management, good labor leadership, good wages, are the invincible weapons of the de- fense lines on the home front. In 160 years our American system has proved to be far and away the finest system of government, economy, and society ever de- vised by man. Nowhere in the world do people live so well, so securely, and so happily as in the United States. People all over the the Nation are looking to Washington for action. I promise you that action. The Congress know; the prob- lems of every American citizen have been complicated beyond reason by follies of the aederal Government. Some of the problems we intend to solve are: 1. To stop communism or fascism and re- store Americanism. 2. To stimulate greatly increased produc- tion at lower prices. 3. To encourage healthy business activity free from constant political attack. 4. To achieve a basis for industrial har- mony under fair laws requiring equal re- sponsibility between labor and management. 5. To effect economies and reduce waste in the Federal Government. 6. To begin a program of debt retirement. 7. To free the individual from excessive taxation and governmental interference. There are other pressing problems. These I have enumerated are well out in front of our program for real Americanism. The House of Representatives last week voted as an earnest of its effort to put our governmental finances in order a goal to cut the budget of President Truman by $6,000,000,000. This is a worth-while effort. We must save every possible dollar if we are to keep America solvent. If this country cannot make an important stride to readjust its finances now, it is a serious question if it can ever be done. To- day we have a large volume of income; em- ployment is good. To say that we cannot drastically reduce the swollen peacetime budget presented by the administration would be a confession that we do not have the courage to do the job which must be done to keep America solvent. An America which could win the World War must have the courage to win the war to keep this coun- try the land of opportunity. Business, large and small, must be free to serve. It is the intention of the Eightieth Congress to make that possible. But busi- ness will not be free to serve unless we first recognize that business includes in its scope the activities of most of the American peo- ple. Government policy must be framed accordingly. ° Business is not a privileged few. It in- cludes the farmer. It includes the profes- sional man and woman. It includes the specialist, and the skilled worker. It in- cludes the managers even though they be listed as employees. It includes all white- collar workers, It includes the holder of a life-insurance policy, or a share of stock, or a bond, or a mortgage, or @ piece of property. Business is the activity of living, and of filling human needs. Business is serving. Business is investing. Business is insuring, and saving, and providing for the future. The rewards of business are the rewards of the people, and must not be subject to con- stant attack and depletion by government. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Business people are great moulders of pub- lic opinion in their respective fields. You can make a great contribution to your Na- tion's welfare by taking the offensive and striking from the shoulder against these Communists and Fascists who seek to destroy our American systein. While you do that in your home communil- ties, the Eightieth Congress at Washington will see to it waste is decreased, and efficiency increased, in your Government; the budget will be balanced; deficit spending will be stopped; taxes will be reduced in the way to render the greatest good to the Nation. Governor Duff has wisely stressed the need of returning many activities from the Nation to the State and from the States to the municipalities. I say if this can be done the people could look forward to greater tax reduction. America must be kept safe, sound, solvent and secure. This can be done. With the support of the millions of true Americans who believe in our principles and who want America to continue to be the beacon of hope and freedom for all mankind—it will be done. We in Congress plead for the co- operation of all who believe in America to help us in our efforts. Repeal Also Fails EXTENSION OF REMARKS ' HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, Iam sure that the country was astounded to learn from the testimony recently taken be- fore the Committee on the District of Columbia regarding the drinking of alcoholic beverages here in the city. As a part of my remarks I include here- in a recent editorial from my home town newspaper which ought to arouse the entire country on the temperance ques- tion: REPEAL ALSO FAILS Part of the hue and cry that brought the repeal of the eighteenth amendment and the end of prohibition was that it would reduce drinking. For the past 13 years we have been giving that claim a test, and it is not holding. All figures now available show that there is far more drinking now than during the prohibition era and that the rate of con- sumption is increasing. According to the American Businessmen’s Research Foundation, the consumption per capita in 1945 was 20.25 gallons as against 7.93 gallons per capita in 1930, when the dry amendment was in effect, In 1934, 1 year after repeal, the amount of liquor drunk per capita was up to 10.53 gal- lons; in 1935 it was 12.05, and, as we've just said, it reached 20.26 in 1945. Figures for 1946, not yet available, indicate even greater consumption. In other words, there has been an increase in drinking since 1934 of 81.5 percent. Another claim that ardent repealists made in urging the restoration o% legal liquor was that there would be no saloons, Today there ere more than 400,000, many of which are politely called taverns. Such spots, as far as offering places for crime breeding, are the same as saloons. FBI figures reveal an increase in the num- ber of arrests for drunkenness. The number of accidents, especially highway, due to liq- uor, 1s far greater.