A632 and thus build a solid, unified front against the western powers. According to Mr. Obbov, a federation al- ready exists between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, morally speaking. Formally, however, the Sofia government is delaying all action toward their desired goal of unification until such time as their peace treaty is ratified, after which they plan to take three main steps toward federation w:th Tito’s Red gov- ernment. First, Bulgaria, like Albania before it, hopes to work for a customs union with Yugoslavia, which {s paramount to abolish- ing the economic frontier between the two countries. Secondly, Bulgaria plans to set up a formal alliance with Yugoslavia, fol- lowed by a similar agreement with Albania. Complete union with Yugoslavia remains the final aspiration of Bulgaria. It is generally felt in diplomatic circles that this Bulgarian move to amass joint strength with neigh- boring Slav sisters is motivated, in large part, by the desire to overpower her tradi- tional enemy, non-Slavic, democratic Greece by either (1) forcing the Hellenes into Rus- sia's totalitarian fold, or (2) failing this, grabbing the rich Grecian granary which lies south of Bulgaria, as well as her many de- sirable warm-water ports. It is interesting to note Mr. Obbov's state- ment to the effect that one big stumbling block in Bulgaria’s plan for a Balkan federa- tion is the present situation in Greece. To quote Mr. Obbov, “Bulgaria cannot hope for amiable relations with Greece until she has a ‘democratic government,’” Washington off- cials are practically unanimous in inter- preting Mr. Obbov's term “democratic gov- ernment” in the accepted communistic sense—i. e., 8 communistic, dictatorial, to- talitarian government. Thus, Bulgaria, and Russia with her, are painfully aware that they must either win over traditionally democratic Greece to their extreme leftist viewpoint now, or else eventually clash with the Hellenes at the final show-down between eastern and western powers. Mr. Obbov concluded his statement on the planned Balkan federation with Yugoslavia by making known what the Sofia govern- ment’s demands from Greece would be, if and when Greece becomes democratic—de- mands which, in the traditional Red man- ner, are weighted so heavily in Bulgaria’s favor as to offer little inducement to clear- thinking Hellenes. Specifically, Mr. Obbov said: “If and when a new regime comes in, we would like bilateral arrangements help- ing us, First of all, we would like to in- crease the period for the payment of repara- tions levied against us to 15 or 20 years instead of 8 as now fixed. Second, we would like to obtain free economic passage to Ka- valla and Dede Agatch, and to see the con- struction of a really big Aegean port at Kavalia to facilitate our foreign trade, in- cluding the construction of new and more direct railways.” Fighters of Fate EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD J. HART OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, the people of Jersey City are justly proud of the many splendid institutions constructed and maintained by them which minister to human needs, In the main these are the result of the social vision, the com- passionate nature, the untiring energy, and fine administrative ability of the city’s long-time mayor, Hon. Frank Hague. One such institution is the A. Harry Moore School, which was established to provide education and training for chil- dren burdened with severe physical handicaps. It is the first school of its kind to have been constructed on the continent. It takes its name from New Jersey’s only three-time governor, whose lifelong interest in the welfare of under- privileged persons of all kinds has en- deared him to the people of our State. At its recent commencement exercises, its graduates were addressed by one of New Jersey’s most distinguished citizens, Mr. George E. Stringfellow. As a mining and metallurgical engineer, a member of the board of governors of the American Mining Congress, a director in several large commercial corporations, and as vice president of Thomas A. Edison, Inc., Mr. Stringfellow is widely known and favorably regarded in the business and industrial world. He is not less active, however, in civic affairs and in activities designed to improve the lot of his fellow- men, and to establish better relationships among various segments of society. He has been the recipient of awards on not a few occasions for his notable work in these and allied fields. The address he delivered at the exer- cises mentioned above was a source of encouragement to the graduates and a practical incentive to them in their struggle for success. It is appended herewith, as follows: Many of you probably know the story of the current popular motion picture, The Best Years of Our Lives, which depicts the victory of a disabled serviceman over his handicaps. The story of Harold Russell, who lost both of his hands in the service of his country, is the story of a courageous American youth. Hundreds of similarly courageous stories are being enacted every day. Many of you have accomplished even greater victories by conrage and determination than Harold Rus- sell. I do not intend to conduct a history les- son or to preach a sermon, but I think I can best develop the thoughts I have in mind by referring to history. First, however, this is graduation day—a day for congratulations. I congratulate you on having completed the course of work and study provided in this fine American school. I congratulate you and your city for estab- lishing and maintaining this A. Harry Moore School, which as you undoubtedly know, was the first of this type in the United States and is outstanding among its kind in the Nation. Finally, I congratulate you on your victory over handicaps, There are two ways of looking at a handi- cap. One is the defeatist way of weeping over one's imagined fate, of sitting idly by, and doing nothing about it. That, I know, is not your way. There is another kind of handicap. The kind used in sports and athletics. It is im- posed upon those believed to be superior in performance to their rivals. That's a good way to look at a handicap, isn't it? Not as a lability but as an “equalizer.” That's the way Thomas A. Edison looked at his deafness. That's the way Helen Keller must look upon her inability to see or hear. Charles Steinmetz was terribly crippled, but he became an electrical genius and world character. John Milton was blind, but he became a great poet, Ludwig Beethoven, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD perhaps the greatest writer of symphonic music the world has ever known, was deaf, and never heard his own music, Prof, J, Arthur Myers, of the University of Minnesota, wrote a book titled “Fighters of Fate,” in which he told the stories of many who had overcome handicaps to fight onward to real success. Listen to these familiar great names: Eliza- beth Barrett Browning, the poetess; Fred- eric Chopin, the composer; Cecil John Rhodes, who carried the British imperial flag to the diamond fields of South Africa; Christy Mathewson, the great baseball pitcher; Roger W. Babson, the famous busie ness statistician; Will Irwin and Eugene O'Neill, the great writers. It is a long lst, this list of fighters of fate. There are fighters of fate here in this room today. You have learned that the first thing you must have is an incentive. You have learned that self-pity will hold you back. You have learned that handicaps are simply challenges to be conquered and overcome. As a member of the Fraternal Order of the Mystic Shrine, I have often been in contact with the 17 hospitals for crippled children maintained by Shriners in various parts of the country. I have been greatly impressed by the high courage shown by these boys and girls. And, with all Shriners, I -was proud of those former patients who distinguished themselves on the battlefields during World War II, They had found the incentive. There is one thing I hope you will always do when you go into the world to make your way in competition with others. I hope as you look upon other people who are winners that you will ask yourself, “What handicaps have they overcome?” Keep ever before you the fact that almost everyone has one or more, and that there are many handi- caps for which you would not exchange yours. The more we study the lives of great men and women the more we are forced to the conclusion that the great things are accom- plished by men and women who found ways to handle their handicaps successfully. Those successful men and women must have looked upon their handicaps, not as labilities but as equalizers—given them by nature to make the race of life more equal for their less fortunate, although apparently less handicapped, fellow men. There is another priceless ingredient of success, necessary for us all. That is per- sonal integrity, Think back to the list of men and women I gave you a few moments ago. There, in these “fighters of fate,” are honest men and women. They are the essence of integrity and courage. With those two attributes, success can be yours, The greatest asset of our Nation is the character of its citizens. Let our people lose their fundamental honesty, and busi- ness will collapse overnight; let them lose their sense of decency, and no one will be safe anywhere; let them lose their sense of liberty, and tyrants will spring into power immediately. Thinking people know there is no substitute for integrity. The history of human progress is the rec- ord of men who could be trusted and who could trust themselves; men who put right- eousness, truth, justice, and freedom above personal gain, above personal power—yes; above life iteelf. Lasting success, which we all seek, like integrity, is not to be had without effort and self-discipline. You have learned that if you can control yourself you can accomplish great things. How great these accomplish- ments may be when you leave your school and enter the race of life depends entirely upon you. We are entitled to what we can earn, and our earning power is set, not solely by our physical and mental abilities, but by the way
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD we apply them. Wealth is a measure of effort intelligently applied, and no salary or wage is too high when it is earned. You have started life with the same fundamental assets of imagination, industry, determina- tion, and integrity. You can earn your way, not despite a handicap but because of it. For those who possess that priceless attri- bute—integrity—and a willingness to work, the future, was never brighter. During your studies you have happily learned that accomplishment is there for all who seek it. These years of study and work have been good years. They have-opened for you a new and greater vista of life. Again I congratulate you. You—the 1947 “fighters of fate’’—have learned how to fight the good fight. You have learned how suc- cess can be attained. It remains for you to put into action what you have learned. In closing, I want to leave with you this one thought: “Keep high your integrity and your courage.” If you do that, the coming years will, indeed, be the best years of your life. Statement of Principles of Kodiak, Alaska, Chamber of Commerce EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIS W. BRADLEY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. BRADLEY of California. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing statement: The Kodiak Chamber of Commerce, as- sembled in regular meeting the 9th day of January 1947, confirms the principles adopt- ed by the conference of Alaska Chamber of Commerce organizations, meeting in An- chorage the 14th and 15th of December 1946, to wit: 1. Private operation of vessels is preferred to Government operation. 2. Competition in the Alaska trade should be encouraged, and any tendency toward monopoly resisted. 8. Federal legislation, similar to the Rail- way Mediation Act, should be enacted which, while protecting the rights of labor, would provide a suitable means of settling maritime disputes without causing interruption of service und hardship to the public which is Gependent, as are all the people of Alaska, upon water transportation. 4. In considering the reasonableness of rates to Alaska, the Maritime Commission should insist on honest, economical, and effi- cient operation by the companies before ac- cepting their costs as a basis for rate mak- ing. Included in the concept of economical and efficient operation should be a consid- eration of the age and condition of ships and of their suitability to use in AlasKa trade. There should also be considered the diligence of management in resisting unreasonable demands by labor and in sceing that labor lives up to its agreements. 5. The excesses of maritime labor, includ- ing slow-downs and “feather bedding” prac- tices which contribute toward high trans- portation costs, should be curbed. 6. The people of Alaska, through their Territorial offices, including the attorney gen- eral and the Alaska Development Board, should be vigilant in resisting rate increases and in seeing that the public’s case is pre- sented effectively in proceedings pending, or which may be brought before the Maritime Commission. 7. No exclusive arrangement between the Alaska Railroad and any ocean carrier for joint through service to the Alaska rail belt should be tolerated, but other carriers should be encouraged to operate on the water por- tion of this haul, under joint tariff are rangements to be concluded with the Alaska Railroad. 8. The proposal of the Alaska Steamship Co, and Northland Transportation Co. dated November 19, 1946, covering the interim op- eration in the Alaska trade, should be re- jected as tending toward monopoly and be- cause its proposed over-all rate increases cannot be borne by Alaska residents with- out doing grave damage to the Territory's economy. 9. Section 27 of the Jones Act should be amended to remove the discriminatory pro- visions affecting Alaska. 10. Lighterage rates and terminal rates, because they also are definitely part of the costs of transportation to Alaska, should be scrutinized carefully by the Maritime Com- mission as to their reasonableness. V. G. ELLIS, President, Kodiak Chamber of Commerce. Statement of Steuben Society of America EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER C. PLOESER OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. PLOESER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks and at the specific request of the Steuben Society of America, I include the following paper in the REcorp: NATIONAL COUNCIL, STEUBEN SOCIETY OF AMERICA, New York, N. Y. We hold these truths to be self-evident: 1. That a national organism which has been created and integrated in centuries of careful endeavor, by trial and by error, can- not be torn asunder by decrees without do- ing irreparable harm to the world organism. A political vacuum in the heart of Europe must, sooner or later, cause the disintegra- tion of all of Europe; and transform the cradle of western civilization into a geo- graphical term—the outer regions of Eurasia. The German member-states never tended toward centralization as long as there was no pressure from beyond the borders. Only foreign intervention and the bitter experi- ence of 260 years of history when Germany was the battleground of European power politics in the north (as a weak and power- less Italy was the battleground in the south) forced the Germans to unite, economically and politically. They did only what the French and British had done centuries ear- lier. If oppression, dire need and hopeless- ness—all results of the 1919 peace dictates— had not been visited upon Germany and Austria, if the peacemakers had been wiser and less rapacious, such extreme centraliza- tion as finally took place, as the result of bitter necessity, could have been avoided. Prosperity and personal well-being are the best, in fact the only safeguards against cen- tralized government authority. We Ameri- cans, always anxious to preserve the author- ity of our 48 States, should not yet have for- gotten the lessons of only a few years ago when a centralization of power of unheard-of dimensions took place in our own country as the logical result of depression, unem-~ ployment and Nation-wide economic dis- ruption. If we split up the components of the Reich by force they will strive to the A633 utmost to reunite. If, however, we gave the Germans an opportunity to work, to produce and to become equal members of the family of nations then, by their very nature they will tend to guard their distinct character- istics and special rights and to shy away from centralization. But, Germany must be preserved as a national, political entity. AN ECONOMIC ENTITY 2. That Germany must be treated as an economic entity and that the economic clauses of the Potsdam agreement must be strictly enforced until such a time when Germany shall have gained her full sover- eignty. We question the feasibility of cer- tain proposals to develop the industrial po- tential of western Germany in the interest of the economic life of western Europe, in- cluding Germany. Furthermoze, in view of much evidence to the contrary, these pro- posals should have made it abundantly clear that all of Germany was meant, and not just the American, British, and French zones. The Germans, in these three zones, for the sake of perhaps temporary relief, will not leave their brothers and sisters in the Rus- sian zone to their miserable fate. They rece ognize, if all too many influential Americans do not, that the fate of Europe is in the balance; that the borders of Asia have been pushed to the Elbe and into the heart of Thuringia; that however, notwithstanding all these inroads, the Germany east of the Elbe and the Germany west of the Elbe are one which no power on earth can tear asunder. If those who wish to sacrifice millions of people in eastern Germany, in Poland, in Czechoslovakia, in Hungary, etc., to the despotism of Asia because they hope to make the Ruhr the factory for an economically strong western Europe as a counterpoise to Soviet Asia, they and whoever endorse their proposals in this country, will be fought bit- terly by all those millions of Americans who are beginning to wake up and take stock of what happened at Yalta, Tehran, and at other places. They all realize that only an economically strong and healthy and a po- lUtically united Germany is a safe rampart against the aspirations of an alien despotism which is far more dangerous to Europe and America than nazism and fascism could ever have been. TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY 3. That Germany must be preserved in her territorial integrity, not only in accordance with the sacred pledges embodied in the At- lantic Charter, but also as a matter of an enlightened American self-interest. The Saar is as German as Vermont and Missouri are American. The people of the Saar, not- withstanding a cleverly disseminated propa- ganda campaign, are German, feel German, and want to remain German. They gave proof of their unswerving loyalty when in 1935, under strict international supervision, they voted by an overwhelming majority to return to Germany. If France is permitted to detach the Saar us war booty, the seed for another conflict will have been sown. The eternal French outbursts about “security” and “aggression,” broadcast by willing help- ers in this country, are nothing but a cover- up for designs of aggrandizement. In the course of history, France has been the ag- gressor at least as many times as the Reich, and to the German, notwithstanding all at- tempts at reorientation, France was the ag- gressor on September 3, 1939. Do the Amer- ican people intend to send our young boys abroad again and again in order to be slaughtered and maimed for the defense of & cause that is unjust and utterly alien to American principles? Will they be expected to suppress, with planes and guns, the thoughts, the hopes, the justified aspira- tions of those on both sides of an artificial border who will want to be reunited and who will, eventually, strive to right a wrong? The same snne counsel must prevail as far as strips of Germany along her western and
A634 northern borders, but especially as far as Pomerania, Silesia, East Prussia, and the rest of eastern Germany are concerned. They may be lost for the time being. They have been usurped with the tacit approval of the American Government, and, with their Ger- man population driven from their ancestral homes, they have become the western ram- parts of Soviet Asia. For the German, wherever he is now, they will remain sacred German soi] and for the millions of Ameri- cans of German descent whose birth places these despoiled cities and villages were, they will remain German, too. It should not be forgotten that the German-Polish war of 1989 became a world war because the west- ern democracies had “guaranteed” the terri- torial integrity of Poland. They entered the conflict to defend that integrity and, a few years later, they capitulated, completely and miserably, when they tacitly approved the rape committed by Hitler and Stalin, in 1939, as far as the latter is concerned. In order to salve their conscience, the Western Pow- ers compensated Russia’s new satrap by handing over to this new Poland an enormous tract of German territory to which Poland never had any claim whatsoever. The Amer- ican citizens of Germanic descent hereby protest against this theft of old and hallowed German territory. GERMANB TO SOLVE THEIR OWN PROBLEMS 4. That Germany will become a heavier and heavier burden upon the taxpayers of the United States unless economic strictures &Sre lessened and the Germans are permitted to solve their problems of reconstruction in their own way, not handicapped by artifi- cial borders erected by the four occupying powers. With her “bread basket” in the east delivered to a Soviet-dominated Poland, in which democracy is trampled underfoot; with millions of expellees from the eastern provinces, from the Sudetenland, from Hun- gary and Rumania within her borders, Ger- many—a nation half the size of Texas and with more than half the population of the entire United States—will be less able than ever before to take care of her people. Only by giving the industriousness and inventive- ness of her population a full outlet for their energies; only by permitting Germany to re- enter foreign markets; only by permitting German ships and commercial planes to ply their trade abroad, will Germany be saved from utter ruin and the Old World from ulti- mate catastrophe. NO WAR REPARATIONS 5. That war reparations, in money or in kind, have proven a miserable failure after the last war, just as costly to the victorious nations as they were to the defeated coun- tries. Germany has not only lost her rich trade with South America which, most de- cid2dly, antedated the Hitler regime by sev- eral decades, but also her globe-encircling shipping and air lines. She has lost innu- merable industrial and commercial assets in every nation and on every continent. Many factories have been taken from her soil and transported to other countries. Millions of patents, the resulta of inventive genius, have found their way into the draft rooms and industrial plants of Europe, America, and Asia. There is nothing left that the Ger- mans may call their own. They have been examined, purged, and left naked with a thoroughness which has no equal in human experience. They have paid in blood, in goods, and in all the things deemed sacred. For the sake of a rapid recuperation of all of Europe, the United States of America will have to stand on the inflexible determination that no more reparations be exacted from Germany and Austria. If the Western Pow- ers give in to the huge claims of Asia-domi- nated Poland and Yugoslavia, they will, in due time, have become their own grave- diggers, PRISONERS OF WAR TO BE RETURNED 6. That no durable peace will come to Eu- rope unless the millions of German and Aus- trian prisoners of war detained in western Europe, and especially in Soviet Russia, and employed as slave labor in violation of the terms of the Geneva Convention, are re- turned speedily and immediately to their home countries. The United States, which has become involved in such practices by handing over our prisoners of war to France and other nations, should demand such a repatriation not only for reasons of humane- ness, but much more for reasons of an en- lightened self-interest. These prisoners of war, broken in spirit, 11] and full of rancor, unless led back into gainful employment as quickly as possible may well join with the unemployed, with the young desperadoes who have never known peace and work, with the small, miserable partyman who has been branded as an outcast by a short-sighted American occupation policy, and witb all the other discontented people roaming the countryside and the devastated cities of Ger- many to form a new army of nihiliam. AMERICA’S GRAVE RESPONSIBILITY In conclusion, we believe that it is not the atom bomb which is the gravest potentifl danger with which we will have to contend. Nor does Germany constitute the weightiest problem which has to be solved. The gravest responsibility of this Nation during the Moscow negotiations lies in the protection of a weakened and confused Eu- rope which lacks farsighted statesmanship, from the encroachments of an alien ideology which can be stopped successfully only if all of Europe, including all of Germany, finds itself united in the sacred pledge to defend @ common cultural heritage of which Amer- ica is @ part, against the negativism of Soviet Asia and her satellites. This demands leadership and strong con- victions. Europe is desperately sick; Europe is shrinking in size, and we are not blameless. Will later generations say that America was found wanting in Moscow because she chose cheap expediency instead of standing up for eternal principles? Will we be accused by posterity of being guilty of the destruction of Europe because we destroyed Europe’s eastern bulwark, whose historical task it has always been to protect the West from the onrushing surge of the Asiatic tide? Respectfully submitted. STEUBEN SOcIETY OF AMERICA. Jobs for Ex-Presidents EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GORDON CANFIELD OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. CANFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I have introduced H. R. 504, a bill to make ex-Presidents Senators at Large. On February 1, 1947, the New York Daily News endorsed this bill in the following editorial: JOBS FOR EX-PRESIDENTS Ex-President Herbert Hoover's European trip to survey the German food troubles of the United States taxpayer is a good peg on which to hang some remarks favoring a bill recently introduced in Congress by Rep- resentative GoRDON OANFIELD, Republican, of New Jersey. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Canfield proposal is that any person who has served as President be eligible after- ward, for the rest of his life, to a position as Senator at Large in the United States Senate. These Senators at Large would have all the privileges, pay, and mileage allowances of regular Senators, except that they would not be able to vote on measures before the Sen- ate. To permit them to vote, of course, would give them too much power under cer- tain circumstances. The main objects would be to give the people the benefit of what wisdom and ex- perience an ex-President had gained in the White House, and to give the ex-President a dignified official forum in which to speak his views. A secondary object would be to provide in an appropriate way for any Chief Executive who might, on leaving the White House, be financially broke or badly bent. Not that Mr. Hoover, our only living ex-President just now, is that way; but plenty of our ex-Presi- dents have been poor men. Three of them were Jefferson, Monroe, and Grant. Now that Congress has a pension system for its Members—and rightly so, we be- lieve—we hope it will turn into law this proposal to make ex-Presidents Senators at Large. Presentation of a Citation to the College of the City of New York EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SOL BLOOM OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. BLOOM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following remarks by the Honorable James A. Farley, chairman of the board, the Coca-Cola Export Corp., in presentation of a citation to the College of the City of New York, Wednes- day, February 12, 1947, at an alumni luncheon at the Hotel Astor, New York City: The year of 1847, which has been so often referred to as the pioneer year in the ex- pansion of our country—when the great push across the Mississippi and the opening of the West took place—saw an unusual example of the pioneer spirit right here in New York when City College opened. Here for the first time, as far as I know, was established a college where the will to learn was the only standard of admission. No one questioned the applicant’s religion nor the locality from which he came, for men of every race, every national background were welcomed; it was one place where equality of opportunity was not just preached; it was offered to all who sought it. City College may well be proud of its con- tribution to the life of our city and to the Nation. We cannot name a ficld of human endeavor in which we do not find a distin- guished alumnus of the College of the City of New York. The roster is long, and the time allotted to me today is short, but I must mention a few names—Dr. Duggan, General Goethals, Justice Frankfurter, Senator Wag- ner, and a man who may well be called a leading American citizen, Bernard M. Baruch; all graduates of City College. I am going to take advantage of this op- portunity given me today to address this gathering, associated with one of our greatest colleges in New York Oity, and one which is moat highly regarded academically, by bring-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ing to your attention what I feel is a most important responsibility now resting upon our institutions of learning. Every day we read in the press of those who would incite to class conflict, substitute foreign ideologies for our American way of life, outlaw God and inject atheism, banish free enterprise, and establish totalitarianism. We hear, with alarm, protests of discrimi- nation by certain universities in admission to postgraduate and professional schools on religious and racial grounds. Movements are on foot to abate these practices. But re- strictive measures alone will not work a cure. The causes, if any there be and wherever they be, must be removed. Our colleges owe & duty to assist, by eliminating from their teaching body, those who by precept or sug- gestions point the way, or give encourage- ment, to the spreading of subversive and anti-God propaganda. In the classroom there must be taught the greatness, glory, and beneficence of our Declaration of Inde- pendence, our Bill of Rights, our economic system of free enterprise and unbounded individual freedom and opportunity, and devout belief in the guidance and wisdom of Almighty God. I hope sincerely, from my heart, that you who are listening to my few words will mark well what I say to you. On the letterhead of the National Confer- ence of Christians and Jews, this line ap- pears: “For justice, amity, understanding, and cooperation among Protestants, Catho- lics, and Jews.” The conference seeks to promote that ideal. City College has pioneered in a com- Parable ideal. Its long life of a hundred years proves the worthiness, the success, and the truth of the ideal, It is, therefore, on behalf of the National Conference, an honor to confer upon the College of the City of New York this cita- tion. It is a great and personal privilege for me to present this award to Dr. Harry N, Wright, president of City College. Elimination of Unfair Discrimination Based on Sex EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mrs. DOUGLAS. Mr. Speaker, I in- troduced a bill on Monday, February 17, to eliminate unfair discrimination based on sex, which is in line with the declara- tion in the United Nations Charter. The General Assembly of the United Nations, to which I was privileged to be a member, passed a resolution last De- cember reaffirming this purpose, I placed the text of the resolution in the CONGRESSIONAL Record February 6. I have in my hand a statement by Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, a United States delegate to the General Assembly of the United Nations, in support of the bill in- troduced today which establishes a policy for the United States on the status of women, and empowers the President to appoint a commission to make further recommendations to us. Mrs. Roosevelt’s statement is as fol- lows: I am very much interested in the new bill which is being presented in the Congress and which declares the policy of the United States as to distinctions based on sex. I have never been in favor of a constitu- tional amendment because I felt it would be far easier to attack, State by State, the laws which discriminate against women un- wisely, and retain such labor laws as are still needed for the protection of women in industry. That does not mean, however, that I am not anxious to remove all pos- sible legislation which hampers women on account of their sex. This law will provide for a comprehensive evaluation of the status of women by a commission to be appointed by the President. The commission would study the economic, civil, and social and political status of women and make recom- mendations for such legislation as may seem to them necessary. This bill also provides for immediate action by all agencies of Government to wipe out practices discriminating on the basis of sex to the extent permitted by existing legisla- tion. It asks the States to follow the lead of the Federal Government and, of course, it is in the States in many cases where action is most necessary. It is perfectly clear that for biological rea- sons, women are different from men. In many ways this does not require any con- sideration in the economic ficld, but in some ways it does for the good of the Nation. These things should be recognized but not used a8 a reaSon for making life harder for the woman who must earn her own living. ELEANOR ROOSEVELT. Fresruary 14, 1947. Resolution of Board of Supervisors of Los Angeles County, Calif. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIS W. BRADLEY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday. February 20, 1947 Mr. BRADLEY of California. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing resolution of the Board of Super- visors of the County of Los Angeles, State of California, Tuesday, February 11, 1947: IN RE COASTWISE AND INTERCOASTAL WATER FREIGHT SERVICES Resolution requesting Congress to take firm and immediate action in insuring continu- ance by extending authority of Maritime Commission of United States Whereas the ports of the cities of Los Angeles and Long Beach ure of the utmost economic importance to the citizens of the county of Los Angeles; and Whereas the taxpayers of this county have expended millions of dollars in the develop- ment of these ports; and Whereas thousands of residents of this county are dependent upon a continuing and prosperous harbor activity for their earnings; and Whereas, the thousands of manufacturing plants in Los Angeles County are dependent on coastal and intercoastal water commerce for their raw materials and as a means to gain access to other markets with their finished products; and Whereas, the United States Maritime Com- mission has, on February 5, 1947, issued or- ders to domestic water carriers directing them to cease advertising sailings and mak- ing bookings for voyages commencing March A635 1, and this action will mean the end of coastwise, intercoastal, and some territorial steam services as of midnight, February 28, 1947; and Whereas this action by the Maritime Com- mission of the United States was made necessary because Congress has thus far failed to act in extending the authority of the Maritime Commission so that our mer- chant marine may become reestablished fol- lowing total mobilization for war, and Whereas the President of the United States did on January 21, 1947, state to Congress of the United States that “the national economy and interest will be seriously preju- diced unless shipping operations continue and unless the Commission is given addi- tional time to dispose of the merchant ships left under its jurisdiction"; and Whereas the cessation or reduction of coastwise and intercoastal shipping opera- tions is certain to seriously cripple the econ- omy of this community by cutting manufuc- turers’ lines of supply and by placing thou- sands of people in a state of unemployment: Be it thercfore Resolved, That the Board of Supervisors of Los Angeles County go on record as request- ing the Congress of the United States to take firm and immediate action in insuring the continuance of uninterrupted coastwise and Intercoastal water-freight services by extend- ing the authority of the Maritime Commis- sion of the United States in this regard to a period beyond March 1, 1947, such period being as sufficient to permit the domestic water-freight services to become fully rees- tablished in their conversion from a war to & peace economy; be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution, with appropriate messages be forthwith transmitted to all California Members of the House of Representatives of the United States and of the Senate of the United States. Establishing Ceiling for Expenditures for Fiscal Year 1948 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTONI N. SADLAK OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. SADLAK. Mr. Speaker, this day, with snow falling outdoors, while we de- bate House Concurrent Resolution 20, there is a significant comparison. I liken the falling snow to the falling of items from the astronomical budget sub- mitted by the administration. These items being the padding, the extras, the unnecessaries to efficient government, which will be discovered when justifica- tion for them will be asked by the Ap- propriations Committees of both Houses. In accordance with the provisions of the Reorganization Act of 1946, the re- port of the Joint Committee on the Leg- islative Budget had to be submitted by February 15. The instant resolution is the outgrowth of said report, and, as I understand it, set a goal of desired lim- itation on the budget submitted by the President. This limitation is not a legal but a moral mandate of an over-all ob- jective and its realization depends en- tirely upon the fina] action of the Con- gress upon budget estimates, individually and collectively.
A636 Because it gives notice that we aim to restore economic health to our Nation, I shall vote for the resolution. This is possible only by a fiscal policy that will eliminate waste, duplication, and unnec- essary expenditures. And this is pos- sible without affecting the efficiency of our armed forces or impairing our na- tional defense. An Antidote for Juvenile Delinquency EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD J. HART OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, the pages of our periodicals are largely taken up with discussions of the problems which arise due to the wide prevalence of juve- nile delinquency. Social workers, pro- fessors, clergymen, magistrates, and even grand juries pour forth daily an ava- Janche of words relating the dangers which it holds not only for our youth but for our country. Many years ago Jersey City undertook to do something about the problem. The system set up by Mayor Hague has proved eminently successful. It has practically eliminated the problem in that city. Mayor Hague has had full cooperation from his associates in the city commission in the execution of his plan to forestall delinquency among youth. Commissioner Frank H. Eggers, the city’s director of parks and public property, has been especially zealous in combatting this evil. The following editorial from the Jersey Journal describes some of the praise- worthy results of the work of Mr. Eggers and his staff: RECREATIONAL ANTIDOTE FOR JUVENILE DELINQUENCY SPREADS OVER STATE Fourteen public schoolhouses in Jersey City that heretofore have stood closed, dark, and gloomy at night are now lit up. Lights in many rooms remind passersby that Jersey City at last is getting real money's worth out of the millions invested by the taxpayers in these school buildings. The reason for this is that after the teach- ers finish their task of instructing the pupils in the three R’s and other studies the build- ings, beginning at 8:30 p. m., are thrown open to the highly commendable recreation program that City Commissioner Prank H. Eggers, in conjunction with the public school department and the parks and buildings de- partment, is carrying out as an antidote and & most effective remedy for juvenile de- linquency. Parents, citizens, and taxpayers who do not know all that is going on ought to take an hour off, wander into these schoolhouses, and get there in the merry laughter of boys and girls and best medicine for the blues, for imism and for grouches. All is not gloom in this confused world after all. In these schoolhouses fathers, mothers, and other adults will find not only 3,000 or more boys and girls who have suddenly been provided with fine, wholesome amusement, and worth-while recreation to while away the evening hours up to 10 o’clock, but they will find city officials working long after reg- ular hours to give their time, energies, and talents without extra cost to the magnificent task of helping save the youths of our city from early error and missteps. In these schoolhouses the public will see boys in many school gymnasiums engaged in the healthful exercise of basketball, com- peting nicely in many rival teams. They will see boys and men having their boxing, fencing, and gymnastic hours. They will see girls and young women enjoying instruction in dressmaking and getting first lessons in sewing. Then there are the school tanks, with the boys in healthful swimming les- sons, while in other schools the aquatic pro- gram is open to the girls. In another school you will come across young folks being taught dramatios, as teachers here and there note talents that warrant prophecies regarding coming actors and actresses. The hilarious antics in another school are partly due to fine exhibitions in tap dancing and new gymnastics. Then there is the instrumental music in which scores of youths are being in- structed. Orchestras are being formed overnight. Needlecraft and handicraft are not neglected. Commissioner Eggers’ right-hand men— Frank Deisler, Arthur G. Humphrey, and R. Dudley Meters, of the department of physi- cal education, and Louis Lepis, of the de- partment of recreation—are some of those who are busy day and night keeping this most notable city venture in successful operation, Happy Jersey City youths, in spacious schools, having joyous times at night, are a@ sight to bring good cheer to the most callous. Nor is the Eggers’ idea of catering to the youths confined to Jersey City. Other mu- nicipalities are catching the impetus. School superintendents and officials come to Jersey City at night to see for themselves how Commissioner Eggers’ experiment is working out. Then they go back home and introduce the idea in their own bailiwicks, first on a small scale, then on a larger scale, as flaming youth rates the idea a success and happy parents give it their vigorous support. The State's attitude toward buoyant youth is suddenly changing. The public is waking up to the truth of the old Roman proverb: “Times change and we change with them.” Birthday of Thomas Alva Edison EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALVIN F. WEICHEL OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. WEICHEL. Mr. Speaker, the memory of one of America’s greatest sons was honored when the Nation, from coast to coast and Lakes to Gulf, com- bined in a spontaneous observance of February 11, 1947, as the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of the late Thomas Alva Edison. Edison’s genius, which gave the world the electric light, the phonograph, the motion picture, and numerous greater inventions, was memorialized throughout the Nation and by persons from all walks of life. President Harry 8. Truman sent to the inventor's widow, Mrs. Mina Miller Edi- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD son, of West Orange, N. J., the following message: The world in which we live would be 4 poorer place without the heritage which the genius of Thomas Alva Edison gave us, & permanent contribution to our daily com- fort and convenience. Through all the years that he labored, from youth to fruitful old age, his eyes were ever to the future. Always before him was the vision of a better and happier world, to the fulfillment of which he made such notable contributions. It is an honor and a privilege to pay homage to his widow on the centenary of his birth. The United States Post Office Depart- ment joined the observance by issuing a special commemorative stamp carrying Edison's portrait. At appropriate cere- monies this stamp was placed on sale for the first time on February 11, 1947, at Milan, Ohio, the inventor's birthplace. The United States Army illuminated the skies over New York City and Balti- more with giant, war-developed search- lights on the night of the centennial anniversary in honor of the man who made such electrical displays possible. The United States Navy paid tribute to the man who founded the Navy’s re- search facilities in numerous ways, in- cluding a radio broadcast by the United States Navy Band and special Edison exhibitions at its research centers and in museums, such as the Museum of Science and Industry in New York City. Plans for a documentary motion pic- ture dealing with Edison’s career and achievements were announced by the United States Department of State. The film will be distributed through our em- bassies and consulates throughout the world as part of an international good- will program. In cities and towns in every State cere- monies of varying nature marked the centennial date. Civic dinners or lunch- eons honoring Edison were held in New York, Washington, Chicago, Detroit, Boston, Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, Cleveland, Minneapolis, New Orleans, Kansas City, and in many other cities and towns. The Nation’s youth of high-school age was reacquainted with Edison’s inspira- tional life through a series of educational posters distributed by the Thomas A. Edison Centennial Committee. Henry Ford is honorary chairman of this com- mittee and Mrs. Thomas A. Edison and a son, Charles Edison, former Secretary of the Navy and former Governor of New Jersey, are honorary members. Charles F. Kettering is national chairman, Frank M. Tait is national vice chairman, and the following outstanding scientists, ed- ucators, public servants, and industrial- ists complete its membership: Winthrop Aldrich, George Baekeland, Alex D. Bailey, Thomas H. Beck, Col. H. S. Ben- nion, James B. Black, H. C. Blackwell, Vice Adm. H. G. Bowen, George H. Bucher, L. Ray Buckendale, Dr. Oliver E. Buckley, W. Gibson Carey, Jr., Louis 8. Cates, Dr. Harry Woodburn Chase, Dr. Robert C. Clothier, Dr. Karl T. Comp- ton, Dr. James Byrant Conant, Dr. Wil- liam D. Coolidge, D. A. Crawford, Stu- art M. Crocker, Dr. Alian R. Cullimore, C. E. Davies, Dr. Harvey N. Davis, Wat- son Davis, George V. Denny, Jr., Harry
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD L. Derby, Edison Dick, Dr. Harold W. Dodds, Lewis W. Douglas, Willard H. Dow, Gano Dunn, Joseph L. Egan, Charles Engelhard, Harvey 8. Firestone, Jr., W. W. Freeman, Walter Geist, William Francis Gibbs, Walter: 8S. Gifford, T. M. Girdler, David M. Goodrich, A. 8. Goss, Eugene C. Grace, James G. Harbord, T. J. Hargrave, A. L. Holme, Charles R. Hook, Hon. Herbert Hoover, W. W. Horner, Frank A. Howard, Dr. Hubert 8. Howe, D. E. Hyndman, Dr. Frank B. Jewett, Eric A. Johnston, Dr. Waldemar Kaempffert, Cornelius F. Kelley, C. W. Kellogg, H. Donn Keresey, Ray E. Lar- sen, Clarence L. Law, ¥. B. Liewellyn, Henry R. Luce, James H. McGraw, Jr., J. H. McNabb, F. W. Magin, Dr. Carl 8S. Marvel, Dr. Robert A. Millikan, Dr. F. R. Moulton, Malcolm Muir, W. C. Mullen- dore, William 8. Newell, Edward A. O’Neal, J. W. Parker, Walter E. Poor, John Lee Pratt, Gwilym A. Price, Edgar Monsanto Queeny, Martin J. Quigley, Terry Ramsaye, Philip D. Reed, A. W. Robertson, David Sarnoff, F. L. Schlagle, Dr. Charles Seymour, Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., John W. Studebaker, Arthur Hays Sulzberger, Ralph H. Tapscott, Edwin Vennard, Capt. A. F. Wagner, A. F. Wake- field, Arthur Walsh, Thomas J. Watson, George Whitney, R. L. White, Dr. Wil- liam E. Wickenden, S. B. Williams, Charles E. Wilson. Robert B. Wypers, Robert D. Yarnall, Victor Young. Edison's unparalleled contributions to civilization were extolled in the news and editorial columns in the Nation’s press, both large and small, from the New York Times and other great journals to the small-town weekly newspaper. The Na- tion’s radio networks and independent stations joined in the tribute to Edison, as did the newsreels, magazines, and tele- vision broadcasters, Edison Pioneers, an organization of men who were associated with Edison during his lifetime, accepted the respon- sibility of coordinating the activities, and did so by creating the Thomas A. Edison Centennial Committee and designating the historian of Edison Pioneers, John C. F. Coakley, to serve in a liaison capac- ity between all interested individuals and groups and the national committee. This demonstration of America’s love for her honored great bore witness to the fact that Edison’s genius enriched man- kind. Establishing Ceiling for Expenditures for Fiscal Year 1948 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, all my life I have been compelled to practice rigid personal economy. Having from necessity been forced to economize, I have learned to seek to apply rules of economy to public agencies. There can be no question but that in order to balance our budget we must eliminate every possible unnecessary ex- penditure. There is, however, such a thing as false economy. It is my pur- Pose to vote for the elimination of every useless or nonessential agency and/or person. I will not, however, vote to jeopardize our national military strength at this crucia] period of world history. It is to be regretted that those in con- trol of the Congress, to wit, the majority party, have not furnished us with a bill of particulars so that we may know where the ax of economy is to be applied. Until the peace is won we must look to and rely upon our armed forces. Our military advisers, inciuding the Secre- taries of War and Navy, as well as our distinguished Secretary of State, seri- ously advise against the proposed meas- ure reducing our National Budget by a lump sum of $6,000,000,000. At the proper time and in regular order, I am “very hopeful and feel confident that we will effect substantial reductions in our National Budget, but not in this thought- less and arbitrary manner. There are agencies that should be continued but from every indication will be completely eliminated if this drastic cut is applied with no thought to what agencies will be affected. It appears that our Republican friends feel that if an error is to be made here today it should be made on the side of economy. Mr. Speaker, I submit that if our national security is in jeopardy then economy avails us little. If I am in error today in casting my vote against this measure I can feel confident that I have erred on the side of national secu- rity. We are the only Nation to emerge unscathed from the great war. That was because of our strength. That strength must be maintained until such time as peace and security return to the world. Since the end of the war our armed forces have been reduced 90 per- cent—to a strength of 1,070,000 men. Russia has an army of 5,500,000 men. My vote against this measure is not to be construed as indicating my failure to recognize the fact we must reduce im- proper expenditures. I am simply un- willing to jeopardize our national-de- fense program in this manner. Rent Control! and Sugar Rationing EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mrs. DOUGLAS. Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday I voted against the deficiency appropriation bill. The following is a letter from Mr. Max McCullough, Com- missioner of the Office of Price Admin- istration. In it are the facts of the results of Tues- day’s action. Here are the reasons why I voted against the deficiency appropria- tion bill. The majority party has again today asked us to vote a blind cut in the Presi- dent's budget. Mystery has surrounded A637 the Republican cuts. No one knows what they are. The action on Tuesday throws some light on what we expect to develop out of today’s mystery. The letter follows: OFrice or TEMPORARY CONTROLS, OFFICE OF PRICE ADMINISTRATION, Washington, D.C., February 20, 1947. The Honorable HELEN GAHAGAN DovuG.as, United States House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mrs, Douctas: Thank you very much for telephoning and expressing an interest in our present financial situation. I should like to answer your questions as directly as possible. A recission of $9,000,000 wil Ikill rent con- trol and sugar rationing immediately. The more than 60,000,000 people living in rented accommodations would face immediate and drastic increases in their rent bills; nor would they have any protection from evic- tion save that provided b; local and State laws. You expressed particular interest in the effect the rescission action would have on veterans, First of all, they would be af- fected by the inevitable rent increases which would follow this action. As you know, vet- erans constitute the largest single group in the country in present need of rental hous- ing accommodations. As rents increased, millions of veterans with limited incomes would be forced into less and less desirable housing accommodations. In areas of great- est pressure, this would mean that many of our veterans, along wit:: the aged and others living on annuities, would be forced into substandard dwellings. In addition to that, this agency is charged with the responsibility of enforcing sales prices of houses built for veterans under housing regulations. This responsibility was delegated to OPA largely because of its fleld organization, and it would be difficult for any other agency to effectively enforce. Even though immediate liquidation were undertaken, a rescission of 89,000,000 would not permit the agency to carry out its legal obligations with respect to records and prop- erty disposal and the payment of leave legally due employees. The immediate and total liquidation of OPA required by the proposed rescission would cause the Gov- ernment to lose millions of dollars in sub- sidy payments which are being saved as a result of audits made by OPA. In addition, the Government has claims against price violators amounting to more than $75,000,000 at single damages—claims which could not be perfected unless funds for such work are made available. The financial condition of the agency on March 1 will be as follows: Original appropriation.....-.. $101, 000, 000 Less obligations, June 30, 1946, to Feb. 28, 1947..-.---.--.. 85, 606, 000 Balance available Mar. 1, 1947 ..-....---------. 15, 394, 000 Less rescission in H. R. 1968... 9, 000, 000 Available for operations, Mar, 1 to June 30, 1947 _-------------- += 6, 394, 000 Less lump-sum leave pay- ments__.....-.-..-----.---- 7,411, 000 Deficit based on H. R. 1968 ...-.--.-..---.-. —1, 017, 000 Concerning the need for a supplemental appropriation, I should like to point out that no program of curtailment, however drastic, begun at this time will enable OPA to con- tinue rent control and sugar rationing through the fiscal year on its present appro- priation if lump-sum leave payments are made from these funds.
A638 In the absence of a supplemental appro- priation, all programs would have to be im- mediately curtailed, and the reduction in force would be of such a magnitude that programs would have to be terminated March 15 and full liquidation undertaken. To continue rent control, sugar price con- trol and rationing, to complete subeidy audits and carry on necessary litigation, and to con- tinue enforcement action under the Vet- erans’ Housing , OPA needs a sup- plemental appropriation of $5,950,000. Again, thank you for your interest. If there is any further information I can give you, please do not hesitate to call on me. Sincerely, Max McCuLLouaGH, Commisstoner, Platform and Program of the Steuben Society of America EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ELLSWORTH B. BUCK OF NEW YORE -IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. BUCK. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following platform and pro- gram of the Steuben Society of America: PLATFORM AND PROGRAM OF THE STEUBEN SOCIETY OF AMERICA PREAMBLE Whereas we recognize the tremendous problems confronting these our United States, we pledge ourselves to stand un- fiinchingly for government by due process of law and denounce in the strongest terms any groups—open or secret—that attempt to take the law into their own hands, and we will oppose any organization whose activi- ties are based on prejudice or discrimination against any citizen or class of citizens for reasons of race, color, creed, or political be- lief. 1, GOVERNMENT SYSTEM (a) We believe in the system of govern- ment as provided for in our Constitution, vis: the executive, the legislative, and the judiciary. (b) We believe that, if our existing system of government is to be changed, it shall be done not by indirection, but by the orderly process of amending the Constitution. (c) We believe in limiting the terms of President and Vice President to one term of 6 years, or to two terms of 4 years each. (d) We advocate the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution known as the Norris plan, which will more equitably express the will of the people in the choice c% the President. The effect of this amendment is to give to each candidate a proportionate number of the electors to which the State is entitled. Each candidate in the final count shall re- ceive the sum total proportion of the elec- toral votes of every State as received by him. (e) We advocate a constitutional amend- ment limiting the power of the President of the United States to appoint Justices of the United States Supreme Court to not more than three Justices during his tenure of of- fice of whatever length of term. It is further advocated that if more than three vacancies shall occur during such tenure of office, then the additional vacancies ahould be filled for the interim by the United States Senate and House of Representatives until the election of a new President of the United States. (2) We oppose any legislation which has for its purpose the abrogation of the stand- ing rule calling for a two-thirds majority of the Senate to accept a peace treaty. (g) We recommend the submission of pro- posed constitutional amendments directly to the qualified voters of each State. Until three-fourths of the States shall have ratified such amendments, or until more than one- fourth of the States shall have rejected the same, any State may change its vote. When- ever more than one-fourth of the States shall have rejected an amendment the rejection shall be final, and there shall be no further consideration of such amendment by the States, Proposed amendments shall not be- come operative unless ratified within 7 years from the date of their submission, 2. NATIONAL DEFENSE (a) We advocate adequate preparation for the defense of our country. For that purpose all the resources of the country as well as its manpower shall be made available under such regulations as the Congress shall prescribe. (b) We believe in a 1-year universal mili- tary training program, such training to be- gin at the age of 18 on a voluntary basis, but to become compulsory at the age of 21 with- out any post-training service remuneration. (c) We advocate the retention of all island bases that we may need for our protection in the Pacific, and the retention or the acquisi- tion of such bases in the Atlantic located in the Western Hemisphere, these to be acquired by negotiation, in lieu of lend-lease and credits extended during and after the war. 3. VETERANS We believe in the GI Bill of Rights. 4. PEACE (a) We advocate the application of the principles of the Atlantic Charter and the four freedoms in all countries—everywhere. (b) Whereas it is becoming more and more evident that serious differences have arisen in carrying out the provisions of the Tripartite Conference of Berlin as released under date of August 2, 1945 (known as the Potsdam Conference), and whereas, we be- Neve that certain provisions of said confer- ence pertaining to the determination of new boundaries are contrary to the spirit of the Atlantic Charter as outlined therein under Principle No. 3, as well as being contrary to historic and ethnic facts, and we refer spe- cifically to article VI, article IX, subdivision B, and article X of the Potsdam agreement, namely the city of Koenigsberg and adjacent territory, the suggested western frontiers of Poland and the South Tyrol, we advocate that the provisions of the Tripartite Confer- ence of Berlin, known as the Potsdam Con- ference, be reconsidered and revised along the lines of historical and ethnical facts, and not along the lines of revenge and territorial aggrandizement. . (c) Inasmuch as it is impossible for our occupational Army to furnish the number of calories even necessary for maintaining life, and whereas the relief given by the agencies established under Cralog are insufficient, we recommend that the activities and scope of the UNRRA, or any succeeding relief organ- ization now existent or hereafter created, be extended so as to include the peoples of our former enemy countries, and that all restric- tions on food and clothing shipments be re- moved immediately. (dad) We believe that the release and re- patriation of prisoners of war should be car- ried out in the spirit of the Geneva Confer- ence as promulgated by the United States Government in the Official United States Statutes at Large. 5. TAXATION We advocate: (a) There shall be no tax exemption on any classes of securities hereafter issued. (b) To the Nationnl and State Govern- ments that a national survey of tax problems and sources of possible taxation be under- taken by the National Government to include APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Federal, State, and municipal tax questions, for the purpose of formulating a uniform, intelligent, and nonconflicting system of taz- ation throughout the country for the purpose of avoiding the pitfalls of invisible taxes and duplication of taxes by the Nation, States, and municipalities. (c) We advocate the adoption of a consti- tutional amendment to the effect that the power of Congress to impose taxes—gift, estate, and income taxes—shall be limited to @ maximum of 25 percent, except in the case of a war creating & grave national emergency, when the limitation may be temporarily sus- pended by a three-fourths vote of both Houses of Congress. (ad) We advocate that rates on individual incomes should be revised substantially downward. (e) We advocate reduction in present cor- porate normal taxes by graduated stages. Congress thereby would encourage individ- uals to save and provide for their own secu- rity and for that flow of new capital which an expanding economy will need in order to provide full employment of all employable workers, (f) We advocate that the 65 years of age requirement of the applicant for old-age benefits of said law be reduced to 60 years of age, and that the recipient of such old-age benefits be entitled to collect the same, whether he has other salary income or not, just as long as he or she shall have reached the age of 60 years, and shall otherwise be entitled to said benefits pursuant to the pro- visions of said social-security law. 6. GOVERNMENTAL EMPLOYMENT UMDER CIVIL SERVICE (a) The employment of any person by the Government under civil service jurisdiction shall not be based on his or her political affiliations, nor shall employment in the civil service be based on any qualifications other than merit. (b) We believe that public service should be fostered as a career. 7. BUSIMESS, CAPITAL, AND LABOR (a) We believe in the competitive system, protection of independent business, and the strict enforcement of the antitrust and monopoly laws. (b) We believe that individual initiative and enterprise should be encouraged. (c) We believe that capital and business Management should not be interested solely in profit, but that it must also assure the welfare of labor and the public from whom it receives that profit. (d) We believe that labor has the inherent right to organize for self-protection and for the betterment of conditions, but we also believe that labor must interest itself in the question of wages with due and careful consideration of the ability of business as to how much it can pay without undermining the stability and common welfare of the Nation, State, and community. (e) We believe that labor unions should be subject to the same laws and regulations as applied to business corporations. (f) We believe that neither management nor labor shall cause work of af- fected public interests. We further believe and advocate that there should be created a Federal court for management and labor dis- putes, such Federal court to have final deci- sion, enforcible by law, after all arbitration has failed. (g) We believe that, whenever a labor union, or any affiliate thereof, engages in political activities, tax exemption as now provided for under section 101-1 of the In- ternal Revenue Code shall be revoked, thereby placing any labor union or affiliate thereof in the same category as any organisation, club, or society which engages in political affairs, This would in no way interfere with or abro- gate the right of any labor union or affiliate thereof to engage in political activities,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 8. CONSERVATION We are in favor of the conservation, de- velopment and effective National or State control of our country’s water power and natural resources, and the supervision and regulation of public utilities using them. We heartily condemn any subsidies for nonproduction of any natural resources, in- cluding agricultural or farming processes, or any destruction of God's gifts to mankind. 9. EDUCATION (a) In a democracy the safety of the state depends upon the intelligence of the citizen, and an intolerable condition now confronts large parts of the country which deprives thousands of children of even the rudiments of education. We urge upon the Federal Government the need of helping the several States in main- taining proper standards of instruction, housing, and teacher training through grants of money or through loans; but deprecate any attempt on the part of the Federal Government to establish control over the educational systems of any State. (b) A knowledge of foreign languages has been found absolutely necessary for scien- tific study, and is a prerequisite for entrance to scientific courses in most of our educa- tional institutions and military, naval, and merchant marine academies. We believe that every citizen should understand and correctly use the language of our country; however, we realize that the Knowledge of foreign languages enriches the social, cul- tural, political, and commercial life of the community. We, therefore, urge that the study of for- eign languages be more effectively promoted in the educational system of our country. (c) We believe that school books treating with historical and cultural subjects should be based upon careful research and should not deviate from established historical truth. (ad) We condemn the improper attempt to use educational institutions for the further- ance of private interests. (e) We condemn the attempt to use our educational institutions for the propagation of ideas subversive to our form of govern- ment. Rent Stabilization and Transit Fares in New York City EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER A. LYNCH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. LYNCH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks I am includ- ing an address made by me on February 10 last before the board of estimate of the city of New York. The hearing was called by the mayor of the city, Gen. William O'Dwyer, to determine whether an increased fare would benefit the fi- nancial structure of the city. My ap- pearance before the distinguished mem- bers of the Board of Estimate as presi- dent of the Monroe Democratic Club and as the Member of Congress from the Twenty-third Congressional District of my State, was in opposition to any in- crease in fare in the city-owned trans- portation lines on the ground that any such increase was an indirect rent in- crease to the tenants of New York City. As a member of the Banking and Cur- rency Committee in 1942, I worked for and voted for the Price Control Act un- der which we have present rent controls. I am in favor of the continuance of rent controls as is until adequate and suffi- cient housing is available. I am in ac- cord with the democratic program that rent controls should remain until the supply of dwelling units approximates the demand, and if there is any devia- tion from that program the people of Bronx County—and we have three Dem- ocratic and one Republican Member of Congress from the county—will know that the change has been effected by the Republican Congress. I am definitely opposed, and the Dem- ocratic Party of Bronx County of which I am proud to say I am a member is definitely opposed, to an over-all increase in rents or any modification of the pres- ent OPA regulations that would directly or indirectly permit an over-all increase in rents. My address on this all-important issue to New Yorkers of increased fares on city-owned transit lines follows: Mr. Mayor, I appear here as president of the Monroe Democratic Club of the First Assembly District, Bronx County, in opposi- tion to an increased fare on the city-owned transit lines. As the Member of Congress from the Twenty-third Congressional Dis- trict, I can assure you that I know, from the scores of letters I receive, from the many tenant delegations with whom I have met, and my own personal contacts with the peo- ple of my district, that they are as one against rent increases, and let me say, that this proposed 10-cent fare is an indirect rent increase. My district roughly is all that area between the Bronx Kills and the Har- lem River on the south, the Harlem River on the west, Tremont Avenue on the north, and on the east Third Avenue down to One Hun- dred and Forty-ninth Street and thence down St. Ann's Avenue to the waterfront. The area, which has a population of approxi- mately 350,000 persons, is served principally by the Eighth Avenue subway, the Seventh Avenue subway, the Lexington Avenue sub- way, and the Third Avenue elevated. When I tell you that two of the proposed city hous- ing projects are to be constructed in the district, you will readily appreciate that the people are, for the most part, in the low- income groups and view with apprehension the efforts to increase transportation rates. It seems to me that it is important to de- termine whether this is a bona fide plan to aid the city’s finances or a cute little scheme, Bo oft and persistently repeated, of relieving real estate of any part of the necessary in- crease in the operation of the city, even though our debt service costs arc included in the real estate levy and are steadily in- creasing. Personally I cannot see where through any such increased fare the financial structure of the city will be appreciably im- proved. If my analysis is correct, the only difference involved is a shifting of the bur- den of transit costs from the landowner to the subway riding public, who for the most part are tenants. From 1934, when the real estate tax levy amounted to 84.2 of the total tax budget, there has been a steady down- ward trend to 60 percent in 1946-47 and a further estimated decline to 59.1 in the fiscal year 1947-48. The most striking fea- ture of the whole situation is that from the beginning of the war years to the present time the real estate tax levies have been re- duced almost 842,600,000, and that in a time when apartments were 100 percent filled, when rent concessions were in the remote and distant past, when painting and elevator and other services were faint memories and where commercial properties had increased their rents in many instances more than 50 percent. A639 It is a sound economic principle of tax- ation that taxes should be levied against those best able to pay. Real-estate inter- ests are best able to pay today and in fact they are so well able to pay that while only 5 years ago they were storming Washington to have Federal agencies established here, today they are asking for the removal of these agencies from New York. The loca- tion of these Federal agencies in New York gave the realty interests here substantial profits during the war years. The request for their departure means that higher rents and more profits could be obtained from pri- vate business. So you see, it is not a ques- tion of real estate operating at a loss—it is a question of more and greater profit. I read this morning the statement of Chairman Gross, of the board of tranapor- tation favoring the 10-cent fare. I think that General Gross has established that there is no magic in a 10-cent fare—that a 10-cent fare in and of itself will not provide sufficient funds for rehabilitation or for the construction of new lines and further ex- tensions of our present lines. I quote from the chairman's statement: “It cannot be too strongly emphasized that the increased revenue from an increased fare will do little, of itself, to provide improve- ments for the passenger. It will go pri- marily to pay for the present costs of the ride. The small remainder between a return of 8222,000,000 and expenses of $208.500,- 000 plus $1,000,000 plus interest on rehabili- tation debt cannot accomplish much. The direct benefit, as indicated above, will be felt in the city’s expense budget. SEEKS BENEFITS FOR RIDERS “Improvement for the passenger will come almost wholly from the expenditure of capi- tal funds released by a fare truly self-sus- taining, that will convert presently non-ex- empt city debt to the exempt status. If the fare is set lower than 10 cents, if wide extension of free transfers is forced, so that present debt charges cannot be fully met, no capital funds will result; and the passen- ger will get no benefit as a rider, even though he may from other city services. Further- more, even if the fare is made truly self-sus- taining, the passenger will benefit as a rider only to the extent that capital funds released are allocated for transit improvements. Their diversion to other purposes will bet- ter his lot in other fields but not in that of transit.” Mr Mayor, taking the figures of General Gross on the increased fare, what do we have? A return of 8$222,000,000 as against a total of $208,500,000 for operating expenses and present debt service, plus another $1,000,000 for increased wages of administra- tive personnel, plus $12,500,000 for further dcbt service on the rehabilitation cost, or a Grand total of expense amounting to $222.- 000,000, leaving exactly nothing for extension or construction of new lines. I again call your attention to that part of General Gross’ statement which reads: “Furthermore, even if the fare is made truly self-sustaining the passenger will bene- fit as a rider only to the extent that capital funds released are allocated for transit im- provements. Their diversion to other pur- poses will better his lot in other fields but not in that of transit.” IT cannot help but state at this time that my experience on the Ways and Means Com- mittee of the House of Representatives con- vinces me that the same interests that are advocating the increased fare will be here vigorously opposing any allocation of capital funds and demanding instead a reduction in the real estate tax levy. Mr. Mayor, the realty interests who are here advocating a 10- cent fare are here for one reason only—it is not primarily for subway improvement; it is not for the comfort and safety of riders on the city transit lines; it is to reduce real
A640 estate taxes and enhance their own profits. They remind me of a banker friend of mine who met me on lower Broadway last Friday and told me that we were right in continu- ing the war excise taxes generally, but we should have repealed the tax on safe deposit boxes. Mr. Mayor, I desire to refer to another part of General Gross’ statement, which I consider most forthright and illuminating. I rather think that many of our citizens, who believe that those who use the subways should pay the toll, are of the opinion that the 10-cent fare will solve the financial problem of the city for all time. They will be disillusioned by the frankness of the distinguished Chair- man of the Board of Transportation who says: “The increased fares of 10 cents on rapid transit and 7 cents on surface lines, grant- ing some stability of present wage rates, would therefore be self-sustaining for a pe- riod until, say, 1952-54, when the charges on new construction costs would have to be met from other than operating revenues.” Mr. Mayor, that means that the 10-cent fare is not a permanent cure; it is only a sedative that will quiet our financial jitters for the next 6 or 7 years, provided that there is no substantial increase of wages in the transit system. What happens 5 to 7 years hence? We must look to other sources of revenue to meet the increased charges on new construction—or we must again raise the fare. Mr. Mayor, with the help of God and the Democratic party, you and your colleagues will be here five years hence and if the 10-cent fare goes through now, you will be bedeviled by a 15- or 20-cent fare before your second term of office is over. As I see the picture, the additional reve- nue of #88,000,000 derived from a 10-cent fare would simply mean -the removal of $75,000,000 from the city budget and un- doubtedly would be used to reduce real estate taxes a corresponding amount, leaving $9,000,000 for transit rehabilitation. In other words, for the city to get $8,000,000 free money, the plan is to lower realty taxes $75,000,000, and recoup the $75,000,000 through a 10-cent fare which would yield $83,000,000. While you would be thus re- ducing the real estate tax, you would, in effect, be indirectly adding every month ap- proximately $2.00 to the family rent for each worker in the family using rapid transit and €2.00 per month for 9 months for each high school child using rapid transit. I think that everyone would prefer to see our transit system self-sustaining, but we must remember that our underground high- ways—our subways—are as much a part of our city service as are our streets and ave- nues. If a 5-cent fare 1s too little from Pelham Bay Park to Nostrand Avenue—and I venture to say there are few who daily make that trip—a 10-cent fare is too much from Mott Haven to One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street or Forty-second Street; and thousands make that trip daily. Even @ 10-cent fare is a recognition of the fact that rapid transit is a public service ren- dered by the city for the common benefit of the community. We are today facing the possibility of the repeal or drastic revision of rent controls, which would add another 10 or 15 percent to the rent now being paid for living quarters. With that possibility—I will say with that probability—confronting the people, the city should not permit the indirect raising of rents by this shifting of the tax burden from the landlord to the tenant. May I say in conclusion that I am thor- oughly. in accord with the program of the city administration to obtain a greater share in the revenue collected in the city by the State. I think it fair and equitable. May I also suggest that consideration be given to the recoupment of the $100,000,000 in- vested in Idlewild. That is a headache which you have inherited. The concept of Idlewild showed imagination, but it also displayed overenthusiasm and overextension. The construction of an airport is no more the city’s busmness than the construction of a railroad terminal. In my opinion, it would, as a defense measure, be within the proper sphere of the Federa] Government to main- tain terminal airports along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts for possible military use in time of war, but which could be used for commercial purposes in time of peace. I leave the thought with you with the assur- ance that the New York congressional dele- gation would be happy to cooperate with you. A Teacher Looks at His Job EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mrs. DOUGLAS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrec- orp, I include the following article by Henry G. Borchardt: A Teacher Looxs aT Hrs JoB—TEACHING, ‘Worst PAID PROFESSION IN THE UNITED Srates, No LONGER Atrracts Goop Mzn— Recutts: SCHOOLS ARE BEING FEMINIZED, DISCIPLINE 1s Lax (By Henry G. Borchardt) Several years ago my son and I were having a serious discussion about his choice of a future career, and at one point in the conver- sation he said he thought it would be nice to follow in my footsteps and enter the teaching profession. “Heaven forbid,” I told him. “You can be a plumber or a taxi driver if you like, but whatever you do, don't aim at being a teach- er—at least, not in the public schools,” This may have been shameful advice—in- deed it was shameful—but it was given con- scientiously, and I am positive that 99 out of 100 teacher-fathers would tell their sons the same thing. I have been a public-school teacher for nearly 80 years, an experience which includes rural and small-town teaching, teaching in middle-sized communities of 30,000 or there- abouts, and finally in Chicago high schools. During thig period I have encountered all, or nearly all, the abuses and indignities which the present school system inflicts on teachers at every level. I understand very well why the supposedly honored profession of teaching today is nearly without honor, and why it is attracting fewer and fewer Ca- pable young men as careerists. Life's recent editorial, Teacher Troubles, failed to differ- entiate between male and female teachers, but there is an important point to be made here. The fact is that school teaching already is a preponderantly feminine calling and rapidly is becoming almost exclusively the domuin of women. In the Chicago schools, with a current enrollment of about a third of a million pupils, there are close to 13,000 women teachers and only.2,000 men. Much the same ratio prevails throughout the country, and the scales are going more and more off balance in favor of women, To be quite accurate I should not say “in favor of womon” but “by default of men.” For while teaching fails to offer sufficient rewards and incentives to at- tract the intelligent and ambitious males who should be entering the school system, it does provide a congenial short- or long-term haven for certain groups of women. One consists of recent girl college graduates mark- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ing time and saving money until they get married. Another -is co! of married ‘women glad to swell the family budget with their teaching pay checks. A third is a group of irreconcilable spinsters who have hied themselves to the classroom as to a nunnery. I have no animus against women teachers as such, and I certainly intend no slur on their abilities. In the lower schools women are as capable of dealing with younger chil- dren as the majority of male teachers would be, and at ail school levels there obviously are certain subjecte—domestic science, for example—which they are far better able to teach. But formal teaching is only part of the job. An equally important part of it ig discipline; not discipline in the Prussian sense but the total discipline of intellect and democratic behavior. In this sphere the woman high-school teacher is at a terrific disadvantage. It is difficult enough for the male teacher to maintain simple order among several dozen of the restless and often re- bellious youngsters in the urban high-school popuiation; for the woman teacher it is fre- quently impossible. For instance, because of the 25 percent drop in the number of male teachers during the last few years, more and more young women in their early twenties have entered the Chicago high schools as sub- stitute instructors in various courses. Among their pupils are precocious and irreverent lads of 18 and 19 who in the corridors be- tween classes salute these substitutes with the wolf-calls and comments usually heard from the street-corner gang. Even mature and experienced women teachers are sub- jected to embarrasement and on occasion have been heckled out of their own classrooms by rowdies of both sexes who regard them as fair game. Possibly this might have comic potentialities in a movie, but in a real school it is tragic because it represents a serious weakening of morale. In the big school, as in the Army, morale is the force which gives the group purpose and unity, and in both Cases it depends largely on the prestige of the leaders. In the case of the Army these are the officers, and in the case of the schools, the teachers. During the war the morale situation was particularly bad. In the high schools there was nearly a complete break-down because almost anyone could get a night job or part- time job in a factory. Most of the pupils in my school took such jobs, and in some cases earned more than my yearly salary in 4 or 5 months of part-time work. I rememter one 17-year-old girl who arrived at class one morning wearing a handsome new fur coat— and promptly fell asleep at her desk. She had been working on the night shift in a ma- chine-tool plant for weeks and was ex- hausted. I told her afterward that this rou- tine was much too strenuous for her and that she would have to give up school or give up the job. When she said that she would stop school I tried to reason with her, point- ing out that in the long run her education would be more valuable than high pay in a temporary war job. “Gee, I might as well get the money while I can,” she replied. “Look at this fur coat, and I have a savings account, too. Besides, what good is an edu- cation anyway? It seems to me the more you know the less you make.” She refrained from adding, as she might have, “Look at you teachers.” Since the end of the war my pupils have become more interested, more serious, and better behaved. They are smart enough to realize that the easy days are coming to an end, and they have been sobered by the re- turn of older brothers and sisters from the services. But the fact that the current high- school generation is more serious-minded ‘and more eager to learn than the boys and girls of the war crop only points up the main question: How well are we prepared to edu- cate them?
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD EDUCATION BY WOMEN What chiefly concerns me, in looking ahead, is the small number of young men teachers. Quite apart from the psychologi- cal factors involved in school discipline, I wonder whether the present and oncoming generations of public-school pupils will be particularly benefited by the increasing femi- nism of the teaching staffs. While I do not agree altogether with Mr. Philip Wylie's out- bursts against “mom” and “momism,” there is no question that a matriarchy is develop- ing in the United States. It will come full circle in a few years when education is handed over almost entirely to women. The rapid decline in the total number of male teachers is bad enough-—-12 men to 68 women in one high school I know of—but that is only part of the story. All but a handful of the existing male teachers are old veterans like myself, carrying on for the last few years until we are pensioned off. Many of my former colleagues failed to re- turn to teaching after their service in the Army or Navy. They had discovered that others with equal or inferior abilities and educational attainments were commanding much more respect and remuneration than they were. Practically no new men are com- ing along to take our places, and when we disappear the women will inherit the schools almost completely. Why has this come about? What are the current conditions which make men avoid the teaching profession? Why do so many young men quit after a few years in the classroom? It is such an old and familiar complaint that I hate to mention it again, but one fun- damental trouble is that teachers always have been and no doubt always will be un- derpaid. No one enters the field expecting to get rich. He must be motivated by a genuine love for youth and must find his chief rewards and satisfactions in the job itself—a job which is always exacting and which often is mentally and physically ex- hausting, I don’t say that all male teachers are pure idealists, or anything of the sort, but to be successful they must be dedicated to the service of youth rather than to their pay checks, and I believe that most of them are. GAME PAY FOR 20 YEARS But the point has been reached where such dedication is no longer possible except for a very few men with private resources. For instance, while the cost of living steadily rises, the pay of Chicago high-school teach- ers stays almost exactly where it was in 1929. A teacher gets $2,350 his first year. Small annual increases bring his salary to $3,150 by the end of his fifth year. He is then eligible to take an examination and, if he passes, the annual increases continue until he makes $3,950. This is the maximum he can ever earn unless he is promoted to some other job, and I know many men who today are receiving the same money they got 20 years ago. Meanwhile they have been un- mercifully squeezed by the cost of living. I might add that the teacher is in somewhat the same position as the young doctor—no matter how poor he is, the community ex- pects kim to put up a certain front. For instance the teacher is supposed to set an example by being neatly dressed. He would not dare show up in school wearing the work clothes of a truckman, even though the truckman’s earnings greatly exceed the teacher’s. And so it goes through many other departments of living. Unless the male teacher is a bachelor, it is virtually impossible for him to get along on his sal- ary in high school, to say nothing of the lower achools where the pay is worse.. Yet in only a very few places (notably New York City) is a teacher's pay higher than in Chi- cago. No wonder that in schools all over tne Country the male teacher is joining the xXCII—App—4i As 8 matter of practical necessity, nearly all of us are forced to take on extra jobs in order to get by, and at present I do not know a single male teacher who 16 not doing this. T happen to teach in night school after my regular day's work is over, but in other years I have gone far afield in order to earn a sup- plementary income. One summer I worked as a helper on a beverage delivery truck, and at various times I have been a private police- man in a packing plant, a shoe clerk, ship- ping: clerk, railroad brakeman, timekeeper, and crew hand on a tugboat. Some of my colleagues have built up very profitable side- line businesses. One owns a neighborhood tavern; another has a Contracting concern; others are spare-time lawyers, accountants, architects, real-estate operators, illustrators, magazine writers, and publishers of vocational textbooks. I have even known teachers who served as strikebreakers or in even more dubious capacities. In a number of cases the teacher's outside employment brings in as much as he earns at school, and teaching becomes a mere avocation to which he gives lip service but little more. The only reason many of these men con- tinue teaching ts to keep their pension rights, although a few do go out of a sense of duty. In Chicago, teachers are eligible for pen- sions of 9800 a year after 25 years of service but may stay on until the automatic retire- ment age of 65, when a larger pension is granted. Although pensions have always been paid in the past, there may come a time when such will not be the case. When mu-~ nicipal finances are disrupted, teachers are among the first to suffer. I well remember a time many years ago when a salary Check due me before Christmas was not issued until late in January. Tax warrants, too, had to be cashed at a 15-percent discount in order to buy coal and other necessities because the city’s credit was so bad. Our salary and pension expectations are only as good as the balance in the town treasury, and the teach- er’s alleged “security” is apt to go glimmer- ing at any time. A JOB ON THE SIDE What fs the effect of the double-job system which has become commonplace today among male teachers? To be blunt, it is highway robbery of our children. Certainly all teachers should have outside interests and activities to keep them mentally refreshed and prevent them from succumbing to the dry rot of pedagogy. A creative part-time job which does not intrude on classroom work and which does not drain a teacher's energy may indirectly contribute to his pupils’ edu- cation. However, it should be an avocation rather than a necessity. But as matters stand, in many cases the outside job becomes the mainstay while the teaching job suffers. In the classroom the teacher's mind 1s often distracted by thoughts of his business activi- ties (if he does not actually carry on some of them, such as correspondence, during school hours) and when the last bell rings he dashes to his other job. He has no time or inclination for unpaid extra work with gifted of backward children, no chance to or- ganize or participate in discussion groups, athletics, social organizations, or other extra- curricular affairs which in the total develop- ment of his students may be more important than formal book learning. Furthermore, after working a full day at school and then at another job, the teacher certainly is not able to give his best to his boys and girls; in short he cannot do what he is hired to do. Is this the teacher's fault? If so, how can he help it? “If the board can’t or won't pay us & living wage, it forces us to take outside jobs,” one teacher told a school principal. “We will teach as well as we can, but don't expect us to give the children as much as we could if we were only teachers. They surely deserve it, but after working half the night we just don't have the energy.” A641 I wish I could say that the teacher's griev- ances spring entirely from his economic sit- uation, but unfortunately this is far from the truth. One of the most serious defects of the system is the deadening of initiative through the removal of incentives. I men- tioned before that after 5 years’ probation, the Chicago teacher receives a permanent ap- pointment with a salary fixed for life. It makes no difference how much extra time he puts in or how much extra attention he gives his pupils; there is no recognition—monetary or otherwise—for his efforts. A successful hog slaughterer in a packing house will get @ bonus check, a testimonial dinner, and a gold watch from the company president when his retirement date rolls around, but for the teacher there is no word of thanks or praise from anyone. His only chance for getting ahead lies in being promoted to an assistant principalship or some other job above the teacher level. As a young man he may steam along in the belief that hard work and ability will earn him such promotion, but he soon loses this naive idea. One of my earliest teaching jobs was in a small western city. After a couple of years of successful apprenticeship I went to the superintendent and asked him for a raise. He said he would think it over, and a week later I had my answer—dismissal. I learned slowly that the main function of the smell-town school superintendent is to keep costs as low as possible, regardless of how much extravagance there may be in other directions. One of the favorite devices is to slough off an ambitious teacher as soon as he requests more money and replace him with a beginner. POLITICS VERSUS EDUCATION I also learned enough to fill several books about the vindictiveness of local school boards and the way personal whims and preJ- udices of the gentry on the boards determine whether the teacher keeps his job. In one instance I was dismissed from a school be- cause I refused to give the daughter of a board member a special examination after she had failed the regular tests. The big- city teacher is immune from petty persecue tions of this kind, but in too many cases his progress depends on his family, personal, or political connections. The idealistic teacher hesitates to strive for success on this basis. He becomes cynical and disgruntled when he sees others succeed by metbods he would not use. When administrations change, the friends of the victorious party are given the key positions. The idealistic teacher who doesn’t keep his fences mended still remains in the classroom. Finally, the teacher forever encounters a most disheartening public attitude. People seem to be inwardly contemptuous of teach- ers because they don't make much money and visibly uneasy with them because they are supposed to Know more than the aver- age man. So when I am introduced to a new group I try to conceal the fact of my profession as long asIcan. Otherwise there is a great backing away and in a few minutes I am left standing by myself. Granted that a teacher may be as big a bore as the next man, I don’t think that there is anything in the job itself which makes that inevitable. But the fact remains that it is amazingly dificult for a teacher to establish normal social contacts outside his own professional circle. I once was blackballed by a men’s club while principal of a school which sev- eral members’ children attended. Reason? Several of the men were afraid that I would correct their grammar and be shocked at their swearing. Another said, “Aw, he'd just be a wet blanket on everything.” In other words, I might be good enough for their children but too goody-goody for them. ARE TEACHERS PEOPLE? ‘Can anything be done about the situation? Is it possible to reform and transform the
A642 system so that I might advise young men: Go into teaching by all means; while you won't make a fortune, you will have rewards beyond price and you will be doing one of the most important jobs in the world. Frankly I have no idea how to change the general notion that teachers are social poison. Nor do I have a ready prescription for divorcing the schools and teachers from political domination. That must come from the voters and quickly, if our public educa- tion system is not to disintegrate. But I have a few positive suggestions which might be applied immediately. For one thing, to replace the present fixed salary arrangement, I would propose 8-year or 4-year contracts with graduated raises. I would adjust sal- aries so that no teacher had to take outside work, and I would limit any outside jobs to approved ones which did not hamper class- room performance. In addition, I would in- sist that teachers use their summer vaca- tions constructively—one season in travel, another in advanced study, a third in prac- tical work and a fourth in relaxation. The salary would be on a 12-month basis. It seems to me that a program somewhat along these lines would provide incentives now al- together lacking; eliminate the economic in- security which defeats the teacher and de- frauds the taxpayer; prevent the mental stag- nation which is the inevitable result of a routine existence. Is it important? Judge that for yourself, Dr. Robert Hutchins recently predicted that if the United States was not wiped out by the atomic bomb within a few years, it would die of boredom. Education is about the only defense we have against either of these fates, and education means teachers. Without them the schools are empty shells. Labor Legislation: Mediation Board Proposals EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ELBERT D. THOMAS OF UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 M:. THOMAS of Utah. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have in- serted in the Appendix of the REcorp a radio address delivered by Hon. Lewis B. Schwellenbach, Secretary of Labor, over the Columbia Broadcasting System net- work on February 15, 1947. The address was on the subject Labor Legislation: Mediation Board Proposals, and is of interest because of the many proposals on this subject which are now pending before the Congress. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: During the 18 months since VJ-day the American people carried out the most tre- mendous job of military and industrial de- mobilization in our history. There were set- backs and disappointments, including many serious and costly labor disputes. Despite that fact, however, American production in 1946 exceeded all previous peacetime levels. I cannot predict what will happen during this next year in the field of industrial rela- tions. But I do know that both labor and management now have a much more con- structive attitude today than during the first troubled months that followed VJ-day. The Congress of the United States now has before it a number of bills designed to pre- vent a recurrence of last year’s industrial strife. There is one particular proposal that I would like to discuss rather fully. This proposal takes two forms: One would set up & mediation board outside the Department of Labor; the other would set up a mediation board within the Department, but would make the board practically independent and transfer to it the work of conciliation and mediation now being carried on by the Labor Department. From past experience I feel sure that such a board would be in the De- partment for housekeeping purposes only. Some advocates of this procedure contend that the Labor Department and its Secre- tary cannot act impartially, because we have @ mandate from Congress to “foster, promote, and develop the welfare of the wage earners of the United States.” . The best answer to this argument would be a full review of the record and policies of the United Stat.s Conciliation Service. I cannot undertake that in the time at my disposal. But I would like to quote four character witnesses, if I may call them that. Four groups whvu have a vital stake in col- lective bargaining and the American way of life. They are: the National Association of Manufacturers, the United States Chamber of Commerce, the American Federation of Labor, and the Congress of Industrial Or- ganizations. Necessarily, these groups have had a great deal of experience with the Conciliation Serv- ice. They are in a position to judge the work of the Conciliation Service because they take part in it. Day in and day out they watch negotiations being carried on with the friendly, impartial help of our Com- missioners of Conciliation. Let me remind you that during the last year, the Commis- sioners, urder the capable direction of Edgar L. Warren, aided in the peaceful rettlement of 13,000 industrial disputes. Moreover, in 90 percent of the disputes where Commis- sioners were called in before work had halted, no stoppage occurred. Last year we also aided in settling 3,400 strikes. Of these, nearly two-thirds had begun before either of the parties called for the services of a conciliator. Equally important, all of these settlements were reached by voluntary methods of con- ciliation and mediation. Knowing that record, the NAM, the AFL, the Chamber of Commerce, and the CIO are unanimously opposed to the creation of a mediation board. Let me quote the Cham- ber’s board of directors: “The establishment of a Federal media- tion board, or any similar body by another name, would interfere with and disrupt vol- untary collective bargaining. There would be a tendency to refer important issues to such a board, which would undermine vol- untary agreement.” My own expericnce as Secretary of Labor fully supports that view. During the war we could see this perfectly natural tendency at work. Time and time again the parties to a dispute were so eager to have “their case” settled by the National War Labor Board that the preliminary negotiations were little more than shadow boxing, a warm-up for the big show in Washington. Consequently, the Board found itself heavily burdened with a huge backlog of cases. But after VJ-day, when numerous wartime controls were lifted, the War Labor Board quite properly began to turn its case load back to the parties for settlement. As a result, about 8,000 cases were left to col- lective bargaining, and the overwhelming majority were settled peacefully—even dur- ing the troubled months of reconversion, when labor and management faced a host of unfamiliar problems. Without attempting to gloss over the fact that labor disputes did retard the rate of reconversion, I want to remind you that we now have more than 14,000,000 workers who are covered by some 50,000 union contracts, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Yet even during the worst period of labor unrest in our history 45,000 of these contracts ‘were renewed or renegotiated peacefully—not to mention the successful handling of count- less grievances that are bound to arise whor- ever men work together. To me, and to many others who are close to the labor scene, this indicates a much greater area of basic agreement than most people realize. Can we afford to move in on this large area with Government mandates or a supermediation board? The answer is: Not unless we are prepared to follow up with further controls and increasing Government participation in collective bargaining. Here again our wartime experience is re- vealing. In the fiscal year 1943, the Concilia- tion Service handied more than 14,000 dis- putes, but 31 percent of these were referred either to the National War Labor Board or the National Labor Relations Board for final action. In 1944 the Service closed nearly 22,000 disputes, and, of these, 32 percent were referred to one of the two boards. In 1945 an all-time high was reached when the Con- ciliation Service handled over 23,000 disputes and referrals reached 33 percent. Today the story is very different. Labor and management are again learning to use the collective bargaining process. AS we entered the new year 1947, work stoppages were the lowest since VJ-day. Not only were there fewer strikes but the number of workers involved and idleness were also well below those early months of 1946. As of January 1, 1947, our conciliators were attempting to mediate 111 stoppages involving only 35,000 employees. A yeur ago they were handling 145 strikes involving 10 times as many em- ployees. Quite apart from its effect on the Con- ciliation Service, there is another reason why I am convinced that a meditation board would impede industrial peace. My own ex- perience has convinced me that the job is not one to be done by a board, because the solution of labor disputes requires great flexibility, Solutions cannot be reached in an ivory tower. Every case is different; the issues are different; the personalities are dif- ferent. It requires different types of indi- viduals to handle different cases. During the last year and a half we in the Department have acquired an intimate knowledge of the current problem of each industry and the various companies within the industry. We know the background and the mental attitude of the negotiators on both sides. No super-duper board can handle such a many-sided and complicated task— regardless of the character, ability, and ex- perience of the men who might be appointed to such a board. With the best will in the world, a board would find itself delayed by technical problems which might prove a fatal handicap to successful collective bargaining, The general public may not be aware of these facts, but labor and management know them well enough. They know, too, what steps have been taken to develop and strengthen the Conciliation Service. I am particularly proud that what has been done was an outgrowth of a unanimous recome- mendation by the President’s labor-manage- ment conference in November 1945. Every- one in the conference agreed to the report, which recommended that the Conciliation Service remain within the Department of Labor and that it operate with the advice of an advisory board consisting of represent- atives of both management and labor. This advisory board takes its work seriously, and the results have been very gratifying to all concerned. Again, time does not permit me to review these changes in detail, But I can tell you that the Conciliation Service today is better equipped than ever before to aid both unions and employers at the bargaining table. For example, all of the arbitrators now on the roster of the Service were passed upon by the regional labor-management
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD advisory committees, thus insuring compe- tent and impartial arbitrators who have been approved by leading labor and man- agement represenatives in their respective areas. The same can be said of Conciliation’s Technical Division, which assists the parties in disputes where highly technical problems arise, such as incentive plans, job evalua- tions, merit rating systems, workload studies, and related questions. Beyond these regular methods which the Conciliation Service offers, we have devel- oped several other means of promoting in- dustrial peace. Fact finding is one of them. During the last year I appointed nine fact- finding or special inquiry boards. In each instance their investigations led to a satis- factory settlement of the controversy. The public has not heard much of this success, but I believe it can be repeated in the future, provided that certain basic princi- ples are followed. These principles include the full and vol- untary cooperation of both parties, the selec- tion of board members who are thoroughly familiar with the industry concerned, and, of course,a clear understanding that a board's recommendations will not be forced upon the parties. Rather, I send each side a copy of the report and tell them that, in my opin- ion, it should be used and considered in further negotiation. In other words, I do not convert the board from a mere fact-find- ing function into an arbitration function. I have tried to outline for you some of the things the Labor Department is doing in the eld of industrial relations. Equally impor- tant are the fundamental objectives behind this work. Unless I am very much mistaken, our goal is the same as yours. We in Amer- ica want full, sustained production and fair distribution—the kind of distribution that will reward incentive and preserve the free- doms we hold dear. Free collective bargaining does impose serious responsibilities on both labor and management. Recent developments in steel and autos and in the vast construction in- dustry show how different the industrial cli- mate is today from 1 year ago. Unless I mis- Judge the caliber and democratic purpose of labor and management, they will meet their joint responsibility—without coercion or compulsion from our Government. Christian Race Relationship EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the ap- pendix of the Recorp a reprint from the Southern Presbyterian Journal with re- spect to the harmonious relations that exist between the whites and the Negroes in Tazewell, Va. This article was written by the Rev- erend William F, Junkin, who was 4 missionary to China from the Southern Presbyterian Church for many years. He is now retired and is living in Tazewell. He is a grandson of George Junkin, who was at one time president of Washington and Lee University. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Several weeks ago there was held in the Presbyterian Church, in Tazewell, Va., a very inspiring, helpful, and exemplary service. A Mr. Holley, a Negro barber, held in high regard by all people of the community, white and black, had died. The buildings of the several Negro churches are small. The offi- cers of the Presbyterian Church offered the use of their beautiful building for the funeral service. The main auditorium was crowded with Negroes. The large Sunday- school assembly room, thrown open to the main auditorium, was about two-thirds full of white people. The service was conducted by Negro and white pastors. Mr. Freeman, pastor of the Presbyterian Church, read a very beautiful summary of the life and character of Mr. Holley. The choir was com- posed of members of the different white churches. A Negro woman sang a 5010. The impression on the community was profound. One man of an old Tazewell fam- fly said to me: “This is an example of the best of the South.” The relation between the whites and Ne- Groes in this town is unusually fine. One notes this cordial relationship in the pleas- ant greetings between white and black as they meet on the streets. We never hear of interracial trouble. Every summer, in addi- tion to the daily vacation bible schools for white children, there is a daily vacation bible school for Negro children held in the educational building of the Presbyterian church, with an attendance of more than a hundred. If this kind of Christian recognition and regard were more real and exemplified here and all over our Southland, there would be less talk of that kind of mixing of the races which is not to be desired by right-thinking people of either race. The Editor Is Thinking EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DEWEY SHORT OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. SHORT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following editorial from the Marsh- field Mail of February 13, 1947, published in Marshfield, Mo. The editor of the Marshfield Mail is Mr. T. Ballard Wat- ters, a capable journalist, who a few years ago served as president of the Mis- sourt Republican Editorial Association. I think this editorial is well worth the reading by every Member of this House. It follows: THE EDITOR 18 THINKING (By T. B. W.) Most all Webster County people will want to endorse legislation introduced in the Mis- souri State Legislature to outlaw the closed shop in this State. The new bill, introduced by Representative J. W. Wagner, Polk Coun- ty, provides that “the right of people to work shall not be denied or abridged on account of membership or nonmembership in any labor unton or labor organization.” No one should have to pay tribute to some labor boss in order to get or hold a job. England is facing 8 crisis due to the short- age of coal. The mines in England were socialized this last year and already the in- dustry is bogged down. Socialism, communism, and new dealism have been tried in many lands and in many different ages in the history of the world and never have they been successful, Any A643 ism that takes away the incentive to work and produce has been, and always will be, a failure. All wealth is the result of produc- tion. When people quit working or cut down on production by short hours, or regue lation, people are going to suffer the result- ing shortages. We hope the Republican Congress has enough sense to reject the proposed addi- tional social-security legislation . just pre- sented by the head of the Social Security Bureau. What most people want is to be let alone. A lot of us want no part of social security or to be bothered by the professional do- gooders. We don't need any socialized medi- cine or forced health insurance either. We are tired of being pushed around and being spoon-fed by the bureaucrats. We believe that true Americans prefer to look after themselves instead of adopting more of the ideas of government held by the Hit- lers, Roosevelts, Stalins, and so forth, in which the state controls the people instead of the people controlling the government. And the country is just plain fed up with the liberals—defined liberal with the other fellow’s money—and the politicians who think up all the schemes to tax and tax and spend and spend. Seventy-ninth Anniversary Charity Dinner of the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SOL BLOOM OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mr. BLOOM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrec- orp, I include the following address by Hon. James A. Farley at the seventy- ninth anniversary charity dinner of the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks, Lodge No. 1, Commodore Hotel, New York City, February 15, 1947: A few days ago groups of men and women throughout the land met to pay tribute to the memory of one of the greatest of Ameri- cans, the man whose courage and vision saw beyond the clouds of war, and the barriers of internal strife, the rising of a great Na- tion, with one fag, all lines of sectional de- marcation swept away, and one ideal—hu- man lberty. As you know, I speak of Abra- ham Lincoln. In just a few days from now the Nation will pause to honor the memory of another great American, a man who came, not like Lincoln, from the humble folks, the toilers, but from a long line of aristocrats, a man of wealth and position, and yet so imbued was he with the spirit of liberty, the aspirations of Colonia] America to be free, that he re- nounced al] that held him to the past, jeop- ardized his very birthright, and led the Army of the Revolution to ultimate victory, and gave to the world the first nation founded upon people's rights rather than the privileges of monarchy. This was Gen. George Washington. In between the dates of these illustrious birthdays comes that of the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks. Like Lincoln, the order had a humble beginning. As you know, it was founded by a few men of the theatri- cal profession for the purpose of mutual as- sistance in times of stress and trouble. It ministered to the sick and needy in strict conformity with the principal tenet of the order “practice charity without ostentation,”
A644 and adopted as the order's foundation and ground work the divine admonition: “Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." I think it can be truthfully said that no fraternal organization in the United States during the period of its existence has con- tributed more generously to worth-while charitable causes than has the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks, and New York lodge in its lifetime has been in the fore- front in that activity—it has done its work at all times in true observance of the order's precepts. As the order grew with such rapidity and it soon became apperent that men following the nomadic theatrical profession could not give the time and attention necessary to its growth and development, the theatrical bar- riers were lowered and the membership opened to broad-minded men in other walks of life who sympathized with its ideals and who would carry on in the spirit of the founders. Shortly after the organization of the grand lodge was completed, and the order be- came national in scope, citizenship was made a requirement of membership and the Elks became a truly distinctive American fra- ternity. How the order has carried on as a patriotic force is written in the records of two wars, In World War I it gave financial, physical, and moral support to our Government. Seventy-five thousand Elks served in the armed forces tn that war. The Elks were among the first to send medical units over- seas, to build a reconstruction hospital for the wounded coming home. The order also erected a community house for the use of relatives visiting soldiers at Camp Sherman, Ohio. It gave substantial financial coopera- tion to the Government's vocational train- ing program, and established a revolving loan fund for returning veterans, and the Salvation Army publicly acknowledged that its great work could not have been carried on without the financial assistance rendered by the Elks. This is but a brief sketch of the service rendered by our fraternity in a war in which 1,000 Elks gave their lives. When Hitler started his march on Poland it was evident that World War II was on its way, and the subversive elements here in America let loose a flood of propaganda against national. preparedness which was aided and abetted by short-sighted isola- tionists who could not, or would not, see that sooner or later America would be forced into the fight. At this time the Order of Elks rendered one of its greatest services to the national cause. The grand lodge created a National defense and public relations com- mission and launched an intensive campaign to awaken our people to the necessity for paredness. Public meetings throughout the land were held for the purpose of stim- ulating patriotism; prizes offered to high school students for the best essays on pre- paredness, and schools to qualify young men for the Government aviation training course wore only a part of the aggressive battle waged by the Elks to prepare our country for its inevitable entry into war. When the bombs fell on Pearl Harbor the Elks’ war commission went into action on all fronts. The memory of its activities are too recent to require recital here. We all remember the “Write ‘em a letter” cam- paign, to bring letters from home to the men and women at the front; its recruiting service rendered both the Army and Navy; the chain of fraternal centers ranging from coast to coast, which served millions of members of the armed forces on their way to and from the front. We also know that millions were invested in war bonds by Elk lodges, and hundreds of their homes were turned over for Red Cross and other community pur- poses. The fighting phase of the war is over. The record of the Elks’ contribution to victory is written in the pages of history. What we all must remember now is that the price of our victory is eternal vigilance. There is just as much need for a militant Order of Elks now, as in the darkest days of the war. Peace, when it comes, must be an enduring peace. It is the duty of this gen- eration to see that the next generation is not required to fight another war. A war, which if it comes, will mean the end of civilization. War weakens the moral fiber and if it ever comes again what the atom bomb leaves will come crashing down in complete disinte- gration of humankind. We must have a strong America, we must never let down our defense and tempt an enemy to rush out and try for a quick knock- out. We must have a brave America, quali- fied for world leadership and courageous enough to lead along the path of right. We must have a citizenry working harmoniously under the greatest Constitution ever devised for a country where tolerance and good will shall be their guide. Let us not forget that America has her enemies at home and abroad. Crack- brained theorists are quite willing that our structure of government should be destroyed in order that their schemes for a “better life” might be tried. Communism is not dead. It is eagerly watching for a breach in our walls to swarm in and overwhelm our Gov- ernment. Intolerance is far from extinct. It ts attempting to crawl out of the hole into which it was driven during the war. This is indicated by spasmodic stirrings of the Ku Elux Klan. It is a movement that will not happen in the State of Wisconsin, the home of Grand Exalted Ruler Charles R. Brough- ton, of the Order of Elks, for he went into the courts and succeeded in having the charter of the Klan revoked. That is mili- tant Elkdom. An organization of more than 800,000 American citizens pledged to- uphold the Constitution, to respect the rights of their fellows, to be tolerant to all men, must gen- erate a moral force that can be used against the enemies of America. It has the power, strength, and will to stand firmly against any encroachment on the Constitution, or the rights of Americans of every race, creed, and color to enjoy freedom guaranteed by our Constitution and laws. The right “to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness”’ is in- herited from our forefathers, and it was pur- chased by their blood. It must not be de- stroyed by ruthless seekers for world power from abroad, or by the purveyors of moral hatred and religtous intolerance at home. - In World War I 1,000 Elks died in the hope that they had purchased a free world with their blood. More than 1,800 died in World War II, hoping that they finished the task begun by their brothers of World WarI. The question “have they died in vain” must be answered by you and me, and every loyal citizen of America, and it must be “no.” One of the .world’s most beautiful me- morials stands in the city of Chicago. It isa building of unsurpassed architectural rich- ness of design. It was built by the mem- bers of the Order of Elks as-a tribute to their brothers who died in two world wars. Let us with all our hearts, souls, and minds, with every fiber of our being, pray that this memorial to our heroic. dead will never be destroyed by enemy bombs. Bankrupt Leadership EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EARL WILSON OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. WILSON of Indiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Recorp, I include the following edi- torial from the Washington Evening Star of February 21, 1947: BANKRUPT LEADERSHIP If nothing else will persuade them, the remarks of Republican Senator Morsg, whose sympathy with unions is not open to ques- tion, should convince men like William Green and Philip Murray that they are pro- viding their followers with a very dubious quality of leadership. Senator Morseg, after listening to Messrs. Murray and Green tell the Senate Labor: Committee they were opposed to all of the proposed labor bills, warned them that some kind of legislation is going to be enacted. Expressing the hope that he would be able to vote for good legislation, Senator Morsr added, however, that if the choice were be- tween no legislation and legislation that goes too far, he would vote for the latter. And he went on to ask: “What are you peo- ple in labor doing? You're giving us no help at all.” This happens to be the fact. Presumably fearing that if they endorse sound legisla- tion they will be opening the door to that which is unsound, the top labor leaders have fallen back on the old technique of oppos- ing anything. Furthermore, except for the somewhat patronizing proposal by Mr. Mur- ray that the committee arrange a meeting between himself and “Willie” Green to dis- cuss remedies for jurisdictional strikes, these men offer no solutions of their own. Instead, they talk of banding together to fight labor legislation and try to whip up their members by alarmist warnings of plots to destroy the labor movement. This is nonsense, but it has worked before and the presumption is that Mr. Green and Mr. Murray are riding on the hope that it will work again. That, however, is where their leadership falls down, for in all human prob- ability some labor legislation is going to be enacted at this session of Congress. Undoubtedly there are some men in both House and Senate who would like to destroy unions. The same thing is true of some peo- ple throughout the country. But in each instance these are minority elements. The majority, in and out of Congress, are deter- mined to have legislation dealing with abuses, but they do not want to destroy unions and they recognize the futility of trying to do so. Because of this, it is un- fortunate that men like Mr. Green and Mr. Murray insist on pursuing a course which plays into the hands of the extremists. If they were wise leaders they would take the initiative in this matter and come forward with legislative proposals of their own—pro- posals adequate to deal with the abuses which are as obvious to them as to anyone else. A Time for Brotherhood EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, in the midst of contention, argument, and de- bate, which everyone daily encounters in @ modern world and to which we, in this body, are peculiarly subjected, it seems altogether fitting to pause for a moment to call attention to the fact that this is Brotherhood Week. Under leave to ex- tend my remarks, I include the follow- ing editorial from the Washington Eve- ning Star on this timely subject:
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD & TIME FOR BROTHERHOOD Every normal person will say he is in favor of brotherhood and the Golden Rule. The trouble is that we do not consistently live up to what we favor. Prejudice, bigotry, narrowness of mind, and meanness of spirit are part of the human make-up. They have plagued mankind from the beginning, and they probably will be with us always. But they can be moderated. They can be bridled. They can be educated out of our system to a point where they will cease be- ing a threat to the happiness and safety of our national and world society. This is the theme of the Brotherhood ‘Week now being observed here and through- out America under the sponsorship of the National Conference of Christians and Jews. It affirms that we all belong to one family living in one world under the fatherhood of one God. It affirms, as a practical rule of existence, that we should do to others as we would have others do to us. It affirms what is most needed to promote a decent and en- during peace—the simple. common-sense principles that are universally endorsed but not practiced nearly enough. It is good to devote a week to soul-search- ing on this subject. America is a place made up of diverse racial strains and reli- gious beliefs. It is a place where brotherhood and the Golden Rule, if practiced more faith- fully than in the past, could work wonders. The sooner we ourselves improve in this re- spect, the sooner will there be similar im- provement abroad, and improvement all around is vitally necessary. In the atomic age, in our own land and the world at large, we are either going to cultivate the art of human relations and exalt the brotherly spirit or we are going to gamble with the survival of civilization. This is an excellent time for everyone to give thought to that and look into his heart for the dark things that may be there to be cut out. The Budget Cut EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address by Hon. Robert P. Patterson, Secretary of War, from the New York Times of February 21, 1947: Every old soldier enjoys a reunion with his former outfit. It is with particular pleasure and pride, as an ex-doughboy in the Seventy- seventh Division, that I am attending this activation of the Seventy-seventh Division and its associated units of the Organized Re- serve, under command of Gen. Julius Adler. This is not the time for you and me to swap stories about the wartime exploits of the Seventy-seventh Division. The divi- sion’s deeds stand bright on the Nation’s military records in two wars, from the Vesle to Ormac Bay, from the Argonne to Okinawa. As for me—well, General Adler and I served together in the Three Hundred and Sixth In- fantry Regiment in those days of 1918-19, when our only point of difference was whether F Company or H Company was the best company in the regiment. I proved over and over again that F Company was, but he was stubborn and I could never convince him. Any tall tales that I might tell about those days, General Adler (Captain Adler to me) can top, I am sure. In this war my military concerns were dif- ferent, but I always found time to follow ths career of the Seventy-seventh Infantry Di- vision in the Pacific, and to keep track of what the Twenty-second Corps Artillery was doing in Europe. It was my fortune to be in Japan a year ago, shortly before the Sev- enty-seventh was mustered out, and to talk to General Bruce, who commanded the di- vision, and the men from my old company who were kind enough to take the trouble to come from quite a distance to greet me. I do not propose to dwell on the exploits of the Seventy-seventh and of the Twenty- second Corps Artillery in battle. Instead, I want to refer to a noncombat incident of the campaign that recovered Guam from the Japanese. The incident involved Company L, Three Hundred and Seventh Infantry, but the reaction of those men to the situation was, I am sure, that of any true American. It was near Asinan that patrols of Company L, in mopping up the Japanese, came upon @ concentration camp where 2,000 Chamorros had been held prisoners. KNEW AMERICANS WOULD COME Loyal to the core, carrying tiny American flags which they had hidden from the Jap- anese, the Chamorros told their rescuers, “We wait long time for you come.” Their voices and attitude expressed full confidence that the Americans would come. In the words of the official history of the campaign, our soldiers, ‘“‘watching the tiny children who carried huge baskets, and the women who trudged along with their household posses- sions on their backs * * * realized the meaning of freedom for these enslaved people. It is worth remembering that this great American Nation kept its word and protected the little people under our flag. Yes, it is worth remembering—but it is not the com- plete picture. Those Chamorros who were killed in the Japanese attack on Guam in December 1941, those who died in the Jap- a@nese concentration camps, died because we in the United States in 1941 were not in a position to fulfill our commitment to pro- tect those people against foreign aggression and conquest. Big-hearted, generous America had prom- ised that it could produce, simply and solely because we did not prepare in time for tho emergency that history and events of the past decade had warned us would come. Yes, we did come back—but that was cold comfort to the Chamorros who died in slav- ery while they waited, or to the American soldiers and marines who suffered severe losses in routing the Japanese out of an island where the American flag had flown for more than 40 years. That was a long, hard, bitter war. It cost the United States 400,000 lives, 8350,000,000,- 000 in money. Those losses are a heavy burden for the people of this country to bear, a huge mortgage against our future prosperity. Yet it is a moral certainty that there would have been no World War II if we had had a first-rate Army in 1939, prior to the out- break of war in Europe, instead of an inef- fective ttle Army of 175,000, with obsolete guns and obsolete airplanes. Hitler and the Japanese warlords would never have dared to launch their drive for world rule, would never have gone on the rampage, if the United States had had readily available mili- tary strength. The whole situation came about because they were armed and we were disarmed. OUR WORDS WERE IGNORED Twice within the last 30 years we have been drawn into world wars, simply because we were disarmed, helpless in a military way, utterly lacking in power to control world events and make our influence felt in the direction of peace. Our diplomats wrote magnificent documents in favor of peace. We were eloquent in words but words were not enough. Nobody paid any attention to our words. Today the question is whether this Nation is going to close its eyes to the facts of the world we live in, a world where power A645 counts. whether we are going to make the same mistake a third time. If we rush to disarm while nations overseas maintain their armaments, we will be asking for World War III, with all the sorrow and anguish that goes with war, with the ruinous losses, with the risk of defeat, with the people who put their trust in us doomed once more to wait a long time for us to come. A strong defense is our best security. It is at the same time the best means of sup- porting the work of our statesmen to bring about world organization for peace under the auspices of the United Nations. If we have a strong defense, you may rest assured that 1t will deter any future aggressor from start- ing a war. But a strong defense, in an era of long-range weapons and planes with 4 10,000-mile radius, cannot be potential strength alone, available for use after months or years of mobilization. It must be ready strength, available immediately. I should |'ke to explain, as briefly and as clearly as I can, the importance of the part which you as Reservists are to take in main- tenance of a strong defense. The planned strength of the Regular Army as of July 1 is 1,070,000 men—400,000 in the Air Force, 670,000 in the Ground Force and supporting services. More than one-half of the effectives are overseas, chiefly in the areas assigned to us in Germany, Japan, and Korea. Those soldiers are the outposts of our na- tional security. The vital importance of the work they are doing, in preventing the re- currence of war in those overscas areas, in- habited as they are by 100,000,000 Germans and Japanese, makes it imperative that the strength of those forces should not be cut down. Of the troops left in this country the greater part are engaged in activities that sustain the forces overseas—in ports of em- barkation, in hospitals, in training centers, in transportation and supply. With the bulk of our effective forces committed, di- rectly or indirectly, to the task of occupation, scattered far and wide, the number of Regu- lar Army troops available and uncommitted, in readiness for emergency, is too small to be effective. Present prospects are that no more than 2 divisions in the Ground Forces (30,000 men) and 18 air groups (48,000 men) will be available in this country as tactical forces. Yet, it does not take much of an expert to know that an army is not strong unless it has a considerable portion of its troops avail- able to meet any emergencies that may come up. TRAINED CIVILIANS NEEDED American tradition and American economy will not accept a great standing Army. The alternatives, unless we are to stand defense- less, with commitments unredeemed and our national security at the mercy of any aggres- sor, is to rely for mobile tactical forces in case of emergency on a strong force made up of trained civilians—the National Guard and the Organized Reserves. There is no way in which this action can have available in time of peace the number of trained men needed for a balanced force in the National Guard and Organized Re- serves without universal military training, the plan for which would include a short period of basic training and a further re- quired period of service in the National Guard, Organized Reserves, or equivalent service. Without such a system, the Na- tional Guard units and Organized Reserve units that exist on paper cannot be ex- pected to obtain their allotted strength. And without universal military training there will be no pool of trained men for replacements and possible expansion. You can be counted on to explain to the people of America the necessity for an ade- quate military defense and the soundness of universal military training as a program to fill that need. The time to begin is now. We cannot begin too soon to give the United States the
A646 strength required by our place in the world. An army on a blueprint is a poor asset for security. Another phase of the national defense program that needs your support is recruit- ing for the Regular Army. We must keep the Regular Army up to strength. Not only are the Regulars the backbone of any mili- tary plan, but they are indispensable for training the other components of the Army. No other source can provide the professional soldiers who can test strategy, tactics, ‘weapons, and equipment, and who can pass on to the National Guard and Organized Reserves the benefit of their experience. There is a third indispensable for a strong defense, just as important as universal mili- tary training and men for the Regular Army, and that is an adequate appropriation of money. There is not enough time to go into the subject thoroughly at this moment, Let me say, however, that the War Depart- ment is well aware of the need for economy in Government expenditures. We learned in the last war the military value of the Nation's productive capacity, and we know well enough that a high level of productive capacity cannot be retained unless the economic condition of the coun- try is sound and solvent. Full account of the need for retrenchment in expenditures was taken when the War Department budget for the coming fiscal year was made up. We reduced our preliminary estimates of ex- penditures by 40 percent, cutting wherever it was possible. For one thing, much to our regret, we reduced the Army Air Forces from 70 groups to 55 groups. WHAT BUDGET CUT WOULD MEAN If the proposed further cut of $1,000,000,000 is made from the military budget, it will mean a reduction in effective strength of 200,000 soldiers, one-fifth of the Army, and that will mean an army too weak to carry out the duties assigned to it; it will mean @ cut of 50 percent in the program for the National Guard and Organized Reserves; it will mean a further reduction in the pro- gram for scientific research and development; it will mean an Air Force reduced to 38 groups, only 6 of them in this country—a second-rate air force, equipped with planes soon to be obsolete. In the matter of paring down appropria- tions we should bear in mind General Mar- shall’s appraisal of the condition of the Army in 1939: “Continuous paring of appro- priations had reduced the Army virtually to the status of that of a third-rate power.” If the additional cut of half a billion dol- lars is made, as proposed, in the appropria- tion for the civil functions of the War De- partment, the half billion must come, wholly or in great part, from the funds requested to prevent famine in the areas of Germany and Japan occupied by our troops. Famine in those areas would render impossible the continuance of occupation. Your presence here at this activation cere- mony shows that you have made a good start toward solving the problems that lie ahead of you and the Army. I have the utmost confidence in your success. As combat men during the war, you bore the brunt of the struggle for victory.’ You took everything the Japanese and Germans could throw at you, and gave the enemy more than he could take. I know that you who fought, you who saw your comrades fall in freedom’s cause, will do your part to defend that cause from fur- ther peril, in a world where military power still has such importance in international relations. Because I realize full well that the difi- culties you may encounter in your peacetime service will act only as incentives, not as barriers, I repeat to you General Bruce's brief comment on the Seventy-seventh Division's solution of a battle problem in the Philip- pines: “The book would say it can’t be done, but it was done—it had to be.” Higher Wages From Lower Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HOMER A. RAMEY OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. RAMEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks, I include an article in today’s Collier’s, written by James D. Mooney, president of the Willys-Overland Co., of Toledo, Ohio. It is a most constructive opinion from a man who has spent years completely for- getting himself working for the public good. This article, which has been wrought out after a great deal of re- search and study, presents the conclu- sion of this outstanding citizen on how a reduction in taxes will bring about an increase in Federal income. It follows: Hraner Waces From Lower Tax&s (By James D. Mooney, president, Willys- Overland Motors, Inc.) Business and industrial men know that the surest way to cut volume and profits is to raise their prices so high that people stop buying—to overprice their markets. But somehow or other this fact of life seems to have escaped the men who decide what Fed- eral taxes will be. I believe we have reached the point where Uncle Sam has actually over- priced the tax market. The Federal tax rate of 38 percent on corporate income, as an example, is so high that it is gradually drying up corporate in- come. Business is being slowly starved to death. Large and small companies in greater number every year are having to go to the banks and insurance companies for working capital. I believe that this 38-percent tax is actually operating to reduce the Federal revenue. I submit that if the corporate in- come-tax rate were cut from 88 percent to 20 percent, the Government would actually get more money—just as in business you get more profits in dollars if the profit per unit is lowered to the point where vastly more sales are made. When you talk about corporate income taxes you are likely to leave people pretty cold. It sounds kind of abstract anyway. And why worry about taxes on somebody else—especially a corporation? That might be all right too—if that is the way it really is. But actually you—the con- sumer—pay all corporate taxes in the end. All business costs must come out of the income the business gets through sales of its products. All taxes are part of these costs—and they are part of the price of everything you purchase. As a consumer and user of everything from bread to locomotives you are the one who finally pays all the costs and all the taxes. And today things have gotten to the point where you are paying a great many taxes you may never even have heard about. In 1945 the total national income equaled $152,604,000,000, and the total taxes collected equaled @51,432,000,000. What this all comes down to is that about $15 out of every $45 you earn goes down the chute marked “taxes.” When you buy a 61,200 car, for example, you are actually getting only about 900 worth of automobile and approximately 6300 in taxes. Two hundred and six separate un- seen tax levies are plastered on the various units of a 6900 car from the time production on it starts until the time you take it off the dealer’s floor. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD After you get the car and start using it, the tax bite is put on you regularly mile by mile. The Federal gasoline tax of 1% cents a gallon is one. Oil, tires, parts, and accessories are on the tax list too, and each of them comes to you bearing a Federal ex- cise tax. This sort of tax burden does not hit just in automobiles; it covers everything. You've read a lot about the housing problem. What would you think of a house advertisement like this? “Ten thousand dollars gets you a $7,500 house with $2,500 taxes as special hidden fea- tures.” That’s about the way it is. So don’t let yourself get lulled into complacency on this tax business, for it’s the No. 1 item on any shopping list. The cost of living is obviously high, but it certainly would do no harm to start talk- ing about the need for a little economy in our Federal housekeeping. Let's take a look at some Government pay- roll figures. In 1935 there were just under 720,000 civilian employees on the Federal pay rolls. Today there are nearly 8,000,000. What do they all do? Are they all neces- sary? Have you ever stopped to think that everyone of those nearly 3,000,000 employees is living at your expense? GROWTH OF FEDERAL “TAKE” In 1935 the average Federal tax was about $25 per person per year. In 1946 the aver- age is about $300. That's quite a jump in anybody’s money—and don't forget it 1s, or rather was, your money. Yet a cut in tax rates can increase real wages, increase prof- its, and increase Federal income, all at the same time. That sounds like a self-contra- dictory statement, doesn’t it? But let’s an- alyze it for a minute. Suppose Government taxes were cut in half. Suppose that instead of $15 out of every 845 you earned, taxes were reduced to $7.50 out of every $45. That would, in effect, increase your take-home pay from 830 to $37.50, by cutting down the price of every- thing you had to buy. For instance it would make that $1,200 car cost you only $1,050, be- cause the tax burden would have been cut from $300 to 6150. Novy, it does not take any crystal-ball gazing to see that if automobiles could be cut from $1,200 to $1,050 there would be a lot more cars sold and a lot more people would be working in the factories that make the cars, in the service stations, and in all the supplier factories as well. More steel would be needed—more jobs in the steel mills. More freight traffic would create jobs for more workers on the railroads and so on, all down the line. Here 1s one subject that management and labor ought to get together on. Both man- agement and labor are likely to overlook one all-important fact, namely, that they are all consumers and that in the end it is as consumers that high tax rates hit them. Every workman, whether he knows it or not, is working about 6 hours a week for taxes and for nothing else. If labor and management ever really got together on that one, they would bring the tax facts home to every man, woman, and child in America in such a way that no Con- gress would resist. Any way you look at it, such a combined fight against waste in government would be the most construce tive economic crusade which labor or mane agement has ever undertaken. And it would be a crusade in which everybody would be a winner, Every 8 months, come drought or rain, every business in America, large or small, has to step up and plank down 38 percent of its income in taxes. Have you ever stopped to figure out just how much of a burden thts is? You know from experience in running your own affairs, that it is hard to build up enough cash sur-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD lus, or savings, to take care of repairs on the ouse, doctor bills, insurance and the hun- dred and one other items that make up your operating budget. No home and no business can escape the necessity for providing for such expenses. Ordinarily, the first duty of any industrial manager is to keep his working capital in- tact. He is supposed to set aside enough out of current income to keep the business in shape to pay his bills. That was a tough enough job under any circumstances, but today, with the tax collector coming around every 8 months and asking for a 38-percent cut of net income, more and more businesses are finding it necessary to borrow the money to pay the tax bill. BORROWING AND INSOLVENCY That can’t go on too long, because sooner or later there won't be anyone left who will be willing to make the loan. By any rule of business arithmetic no business can be con- sidered solvent if it has to borrow money every quarter to pay its tax bill. Generally, a business is considered well managed if it is able to earn 7 percent on its working capital over a period of years. As a matter of historic fact, most of them do not earn that much every year. In the past they have been able to lay aside enough in the fat years to carry them through the lean years, at least for a time—not all of them, mind you, only the better-managed ones. But now with the tax rate of 38 percent coming up and hitting them every 3 months, it is a mighty lucky company that doesn’t have to hit the banks for a loan just to pay the tax bill. The tax structure cries aloud for a compre- hensive analysis and reorganization. Piece- meal adjustments and makeshift rearrange- ments will not meet the needs. The new Congress can render the Nation no greater service than to overhaul the tax structure and streamline it to provide relief for industry and business, higher real wages for workers, and sufficient revenue for good government. If at the same time it cleans out waste and eliminates unne bureaus and em- Ployees and gets the governmental machinery oiled up for efficiency and economy, it will win the plaudits of a grateful nation. California Gives Uncle Sam Big Insurance Dividend EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCK R. HAVENNER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. HAVENNER. Mr. Speaker, last year I inserted in the ConGRESSIONAL Recorp a statement of the fine showing made by the California State insurance fund in its coverage of Government proj- ects during the war. I am in receipt of a letter from Hon. Paul Scharrenberg, director of industrial relations for the State of California, in which he states that the California State fund has made an additional return to the United States Maritime Commission on its insurance premium for workmen’s compensation coverage at the shipyards of Marinship Corp., Sausalito, Calif. Mr. Scharrenberg’s letter follows: Reference is made to your extension of remarks, read into the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Seventy-ninth Congress, on July 1, 1946, titled “California State Insurance Fund Saves Money for Uncle Sam.” At that time, speaking of workmen’s com- pensation insurance for Marinship Corp., Sausalito, Calif., you cited an insurance pre- mium saving of $391,657.19 to the United States Maritime Commission, which was made possible by the nonprofit plan of the State Compensation Insurance Fund of Cali- fornia. I know you will be interested in the at- tached copy of February 4, 1947, letter ad- dressed to the United States Maritime Com- mission. A further premium adjustment has made it possible for our State fund to return the additional sum of $64,301.92 to the Mari- time Commission, making a total saving to date of $455,959.11, or 39 percent of the $1,169,125.93 premium paid by Marinship during the one year the State fund was permitted to carry the insurance. This is in accordance with the State Fund’s agree- ment to adjust the premium on January 31, 1947, and again on January 31, 1948, based on a revaluation of incurred losses, taking into consideration the final termination and actual cost of numerous serious injury claims not heretofore completed. It is quite pos- sible that still further savings will accrue to the United States Maritime Commission when final premium adjustment is made in 1948. You will recall our recital of the difficul- ties encountered by the State Compensation Insurance Fund of California, as well as other competitive State funds throughout the Nation, in the attempt to secure a fair share of the insurance covering war projects conducted at Government expense on a cost- plus-a-fixed-fee basis. Had not the war projects rating plan, or “package” deal, been concocted by Government insurance men, the competitive State funds would not have been subject to serious discrimination and practical boycott. Rather, they would have been privileged to save untold millions of dollars for the war effort, as exemplified by the outstanding performance of the State fund of California in connection with the Marinship Corp.—United States Maritime Commission policy during 1944~—45. While it is the fervent hope of every one of us that we shall not become engaged in another world conflict, we should highly resolve to profit from past experiences and to never again permit our Treasury to be raided by self-seeking partisans. It must be remembered that the State funds of Amer- ica have given distinguished service to in- dustry and to labor for nearly 35 years. They have earned the right to participate with equality in the affairs of our Nation, either in peace or in war, and it is our obligation to give that right the fullest measure of protection. Mr. Speaker, for the additional infor- mation of Members of Congress I am also appending the text of a letter sent to the Maritime Commission from the Cali- fornia State Insurance Fund, in which was enclosed a check for $64,301.92, dated February 4, 1947, and representing an additional dividend settlement on the Marinship Corporation policy. That let- ter reads as follows: We are enclosing our check for $64,301.92, Additional dividend settlement on the sub- ject policy. This payment is in accordance with “Agreement regarding dividend ad- justment” negotiated in May 1946, wherein the amount of incurred losses is to be re- valued as of January 81, 1947, and January 91, 1948, and the dividends to be adjusted at the time of e&ch such revaluation. The current adjustment represents a fur- ther dividend of 5.6 percent on $1,169,125.93 earned premium, based on indicated in- curred losses totaling $623,997, a loss ratio ef 653.5 percent. This payment of ¢64,- A647 801.92, plus $391,657.19 previously paid, repre- sents a total saving to date of $455,959.11, or 89 percent of the premium paid under the policy. Admission of Jews Into Palestine EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of a let- ter which I wrote yesterday to the Secre- tary of State on the vital matter of ad- mitting 100,000 Jewish displaced persons into Palestine be printed in the Appendix of the REcorD. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recor, as follows: UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, February 20, 1947. Hon, Grorcz C. MARSHALL, Secretary of State, State Department, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. SECRETARY: Knowing of your countless and pressing duties, may I never- theless bring to your attention my earnest recommendation on a subject which I feel calls for immediate and definitive American action. May I respectfully recommend to you that the Department of State use its good offices in making its strongest representations to the British Government for the immediate admission into Palestine of 100,000 Jewish displaced persons. You are, of course, familiar with the long history of American support and sympathy with this objective and with the long record of the British Government in barring the doors of Palestine to immigration of the people of Israel. There has been more empty talk and broken promises upon this subject than perhaps on almost any other in the whole field of foreign relations. The need for admitting the 100,000 Jews into Pales- tine demands fulfillment at this time rather than further delaying tactics, vague prom- ises, or further investigation. May I point out to you just a few facts which seem to me irrefutably to reinforce my recommendation. 1. President Truman’s repeated recommen- dation, based originally on the Harrison Re- port of September 1945, for the admission of 100,000 Jews into Palestine is a year and one- half old, and still there has been no action along this line. 2. The recommendation for admission of 100,000 Jews into Palestine made by the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on April 28, 1946, has also been gathering dust. 8. It is 2 years since VE-day, and there are still some 225,000 stateless Jews in Europe, more than 90 percent of whom have signified their fervent desire to emigrate to the Holy Land. 4, The Congress on many occasions, most recently through its Senate Concurrent Resolution 44 of the Seventy-ninth Congress, ‘urged the free entry of Jews into Palestina to the maximum of its agricultural and economic potentialities (which are still very vast), toward the goal of upbuilding of Pales- tine as the Jewish national home. 5. The Permanent Mandates Commission of the League of Nations in 1039 declared
A648 the English white paper invalid and con- trary to the Balfour Declaration for the establishment of the Jewish national home in Zion. 6. The League of Nations’ Palestine man- date to the British Government says that Britain is to “facilitate Jewish immigration.” That mandate, endorsed by 52 nations, still stands until it is superseded by any other covenant, It is embodied in the Anglo- American Convention of 1924. The mandate Power must fulfill its obligations and cannot alter any of the terms of the mandate with- out the consent of the other signatory powers. : 7. To further delay the matter of immi- gration will mean a tortuous wait until perhaps September when the United Nations Assembly will meet. The needs of the dis- Placed persons cannot wait until that time. May I, therefore, in the light of these and countless other incontrovertible facts, re- spectfully recommend that you take action in order that the humanitarian objective of Jewish immigration may be realized, and in order that the good word of the United States may be fulfilled. With kindest personal regards and assur- ances of my high esteem, I am Sincerely yours, . ALEXANDER WILEY. Apology to Author of “Pearl Harbor” EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. ALBEN W. BARKLEY OF KENTUCKY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. BARKLEY. Mr. President, a few days ago I had printed in the Recorp an editorial from the Chicago Times en- titled “Pearl Harbor.” In the editorial, comment was made upon a book of the same title. written by George Morgen- stern. In fairness to Mr. Morgenstern, the Times has written a subsequent edi- torial entitled “Apology to an Author.” I ask unanimous consent that the edi- toria] may also be printed in the Appen- dix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: APOLOGY TO AN AUTHOR We have received a letter from George Morgenstern, author of the recently pub- lished book Pearl Harbor. He says, in part: “You say, ‘What Morgenstern didn't men- tion was that two of the four Republican members of the committee, Representatives BrarTranp Grargwart, of California, and Frank B. Kexrs, of Wisconsin, signed the majority report.’ In the foreword, page X, the mem- bers of the congressional committee are listed, with their party affiliations. Also in the foreword, page XI, you would have found, if you had looked, the following paragraph: The committee reports, submitted July 20, 1046, constituted three separate state- ments of opinion. The majority report was signed by all six‘Democrats and was adhered to without express qualification by Repre- sentative Gearuart. The mitnority report was submited by Senators Ferncusonw and Brewster. Representative Keers, although signing with the majority, filed a supple- mentary statement which, in essential re- spects, placed him with the minority.’” Our apology to Mr. Morgenstern for skim- ming over his foreword, where this informa- tion appeared. We had expected to find such vital facts in the body of the book. The fact remains that Representatives GrarHaRT and Kerrs did sign the majority report. Myr. KErrr's separate report was in the nature of a straddle. Three months of hearings and more than 10,000,000 words of evidence failed to convince anyone but Sen- ators BrewstrrR and Frrauson that the finger of blame should have pointed to high Washington officials. And their minds were made up before the hearings ever started. Address of Hon. John Davis Lodge, of Connecticut EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN DAVIS LODGE OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr, LODGE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address I made to the New Canaan Republican Town Com- mittee at their Lincoln Day victory din- ner on Saturday, February 15, 1947, at the New Canaan Country Club: My friends of New Canaan, it is always a delight for me to be back in New Canaan. I have a very special feeling for you here for it was in New Canaan on Memorial Day last year that I was accorded a reception which I shall never forget. The fine citizens of this community encouraged me to go into poli- tics and assisted me in many ways during the campaign victoriously concluded on November 5. Repeatedly in the past you have shown in this New England town a sense of civic re- sponsibility and the sort of intelligent in- terest in public affairs which is essential to the preservation of our system Of govern- ment, This is vital particularly today when this system is held up for reexamination and attack, when those things for which we re- cently fought a war are still very much in Jeopardy. I am very much honored to be here with you this evening to talk to you at this Lin- coln Day celebration. It was approximately fourscore and seven years ago that Lincoln came into national prominence, and it was fourscore and seven years before that, that our Nation was born. Accordingly it is ap- propriate that we should think deeply about this man whose one hundred and thirty- eighth anniversary we are clebrating. It is appropriate—nay, it is vital—that we should give more than mere lip service to the atti- tudes for which he lived and died. It is vital because if we fail to understand the portentous implications of our present pre- dicament, we may in the end forfeit those very things which Lincoln apostrophised in his speeches and which he defended with his life. We who are Republicans can rightfully claim Abraham Lincoln as our guiding spirit and as the founder of our party. We can claim this while recognizing that Abraham Lincoln, because of his philosophy, belongs to all parties, all races, all creeds—and, indeed— all nations. In recognizing this, we should rededicate ourselves to those principles for which he stood, and thus vindicate our great inheritance. What were some of these principles? Abraham Lincoln said: “As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy. Whatever alffers from this, to the extent of the differ- ence, is not democracy.” In saying this Abra- ham Lincoln admirably stated what is in fact the great challenge of our system. It requires APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD at all times a nice balance not only between the three branches of our Government—the legislative, the executive, and the judicial— but also between the Government and the People. In recent years we have witnessed @ gradual departure from this thesis. As Abraham Lincoln said: “The legitimate ob- ject of Government is to do for a community of people whatever they need to have done, but cannot do at all, or cannot so well do, for themselves, in their separate and indi- vidual capacities. In all that the people can individually do as well for themselves, Gov- ernment ought not to interfere.” In other words, it is the function of Government to regulate, but not to control and to remain at all times the servant and not the master of the people. In my opinion three main factors have contributed to the extension of the executive power: First, the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution which has been interpreted so loosely that elevator Operators in buildings in which certain in- terstate businesses were housed have been held to be subject to Federal regulation; secondly, the general welfare clause of the Constitution has been given such a wide latitude that the Federal Government has come increasingly to do for the people that which they can do better for themselves; and third, the sixteenth amendment in 1913 which gave the Federal Government the pow- er to collect income taxes and by so doing enlarged its power over the people. To be sure this power was placed in the hands of Congress. However, since the money once appropriated is spent by the executive de- partment, it contributed to its growth. I beliéve it was Lord Acton who said that “All power corrupts and absolute power tends to corrupt absolutely.” We should do well to bear this in mind, especially today, when because of the suffering and depredations of the recent war people all over the world have come to lose faith in popular govern- ment. We must restore that faith in order to survive; we cannot restore that faith un- less we live by it within our own borders; we must believe in our system; we must believe in individual responsibility rather than Government responsibility. If men use their freedoms simply in their own interests, then we are well on our way back to human bondage. Our system depends on a high sense of public morality and mutual trust for its continuance. These qualities Abra- ham Lincoln personified for all Americans. If we can really live according to his pre- cepts, then we need have no fear for the future, for we shall build in this country a civilization which will match in deep spirit- ual purpose the unprecedented might of our industrial and military machine. There is no escaping the central truth that men can go no further than their own moral fiber will carry them. Conflict exists between those who believe in group progress and those who recognize that all progress must be individ- ual in order for the group to benefit. It is this respect for the individual which distinguishes our system from the others, It is the function of our Government to safe- guard minority interests while protecting the majority from minority control. When majority rule is thwarted, the indie vidual is gradually reduced to serfdom. Lin- coln said: “A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and senti- ments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority as a permanent arrangement is wholly inadmis- sible. So that, rejecting the majority prin- ciple, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.” (First inaugural address, March 4, 1861.) We who believe passionately in our sys- tem, believe that the people should often unite but that they must never be fused.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In @ constitutional democracy, a republic such as ours, people are protected by rules and regulations rather than by men. If the people of this country are to continue to be immune from the whims of public officials or the vengeance of irresponsible groups, then must we indeed live according to the ideas which we so loudly proclaim. If we are to be safe from the arbitrary interfer- ences of government, then it is urgent that we should play the part in our Government to which our franchise entities us. It is not enough to indulge in lazy complaints; it will get us nowhere to hur] bitter invectives at the Congress, at the Supreme Court, or at the executive department, if we are not ready to do our share in peace as moet of us did it in war. We are living in a period of continuing conflict, and we cannot afford to grow tired at this time. There has been a tendency in some quar- ters to expect the Eightieth Congress to elim- inate overnight the wastefulness and extrav- agance and duplication of the New Deal. This we cannot do. It is easy for the various agencies of our Government to find plausible reasons for their perpetuation. Cleaning house is a dificult proposition and becomes more difficult as the unwieldy weight of our Government increases. I am very much op- posed to curtailing our Military Establish- ment in any way which threatens our na- tional safety or which makes it impossible for us to discharge our national commit- ments. We must pay the interest on the na- tional debt, and it would be highly dangerous for us to reduce this interest. We must not jeopardize the Government holdings of mil- lions of Americans; we must not diminish the confidence of the people tn their Govern- ment. It is unlikely that we can diminish the expense of our Veterans’ Administration, and there is no question that we must to some extent give assistance to people outside our borders who face the future with a de- spair born of acute physical suffering. Having said all this, however, we can still cut the budget. I believe that we can cut the budget, balance it, make payments on the national debt, and reduce personal in- come taxes, and I believe that this should be done as expeditiously as possible. I be- lieve further that a reduction in tax rates will, as in the past, bring an increase in tax revenues. It will do so if we reduce the penalties on thrift which have curtailed men‘s ambitions in recent years; it will do so if we provide relief for those millions of Americans of fixed income who have suffered from the inflationary pressures of the post- war period; it will do so if we diminish the tax burden of the millions of workers on whose productive capacities many millions of people depend. . If we can provide a substantial measure of relief along these lines we will not only do much to restore the Government to the people, but we will also have made an im- portant step toward solving the urgent prob- lems with which labor management rela- tions have been fraught. In this connec- tion I hasten to add that we must approach without animosity the questions which have arisen in recent years with respect to our Nation's economy, bearing in mind that it is not the function of Government to take sides in these conflicts. The Government is not properly a biased referee changing its allegiance with shifts of public opinion. ‘The Government must hold itself aloof from these passing passions in order to provide the steady guidance needed to restore bal- ance to our economy. Just as we must re- store balance among the separate branches of our Government, s0 must we in the inter- est of the national welfare of all the people achieve an economic balance. I reject the battle lines between labor and management which were drawn up during the past few years by the New Deal Government. I re- ject them as false and pernicious, The real battie has been between the Government and the customer—in other words, between the Government and the people. This balance cannot be restored until the Government withdraws the dead and heavy hand of medi- ocrity from the life of the Nation. It cannot be restored until the ban on initiative has been removed. We in the Republican Party believe with Abraham Lincoln that “Property is the fruit of labor * * * property is desirable as a Positive good in the world * * * that some should be rich shows that others may become rich, and hence is just encourage- ment to industry and enterprise.” This at- titude is as valid today as it was at the time it was uttered. Almost 100 years ago Lincoln said: “To secure to each laborer the whole product of his labor, or as nearly as possible, 1s a worthy subject of any good government.” How can this be done if the Government arrogates to itself more and more control over the lives of the people? How can this be done if morbid and predatory bureaucracy takes the place of adequate incentives for outstanding achievement? Again to quote Lincoln: “Were we directed from Washington when to sow and when to reap, we should soon want bread. * * * When all Government, in little as in great things, shall be drawn to Washington, it will become venal and oppressive.” This is the main job which lies before the Elghtieth Congress: To rise above the pres- sures of the moment, above persona! political safety; above the expediencies of the hour in order to achieve a return to the concept of individual freedom personified by Abraham Lincoln. The Government can provide no open sesame to an earthly paradise; neither can it reduce taxes while continuing the high level of appropriations. There is a field for Government to act tn, but that field must be limited to those aspects of life where the in- dividual is unable to act effectively. Now, what did Abraham Lincoln think about our foreign relations? He said: “In our intercourse with other nations, it be- hooves us to be at once compromising and stern. If international understanding can be perpetuated by giving a little more and taking a little less, why, then, let us give u little more and take a little less. But never must we do all the giving. Rather in the case of a long and threatening misunder- standing let us prepare for the worst and work for the best.” I think we can safely use these wise counsels as our criteria of conduct at this perilous time. We know from bitter experience, both before and after the recent war, that a policy of appeasement encour- ages aggressiveness. Our greatest strength lies in our ability to give a vigorous demon- stration that our private property competi- tive incentive system of free workmen can continue to provide more benefits for more people than any system in the world. Ladies and gentlemen, this is a decisive hour. These are days in which our vision is sometimes impaired by the conflicting in- fluences to which we are constantly exposed. The storms of controversy and the passions of special interests which swirl about our Government create a difficult climate for im- partial judgments. There is nothing new in this. We know that Abraham Lincoln faced turmoil and vindictive criticism during the entire term of his Presidency. It has always been so. Man was born to struggle, and struggle he must if he is to survive. It behooves those of us who have been elected by the people to serve them in high office to approach these problems in a spirit of calm deliberation. We must attempt to make our decisions from source material and on the most complete information available. We must weigh these vital issues on the sales of the general welfare and then move to rapid and effective action, certain in the knowledge that our decisions will not meet with unanimous approval. We must do this in the same spirit of high service as that in AG49 which the war was fought. This we can achieve if we will carry with us into the arena of our peacetime conflicts an abiding sense of those principles which we regard to- day as truly Lincolnian. These principles, if they are adhered to, can preserve for us the best of the past and prepare us to meet the tremendous challenge of the future. Republicans Hailed for Budget Courage EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EARL WILSON OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. WILSON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorD, I include the following article by David Lawrence: REPUBLICANS HAILED FOR BupcETr CouRAGE— Carita, ATMOSPHERE SURCHARGED WITH NEW Dea SPENDING SPIRIT (By David Lawrence) The Republicans in Congress are entitled to the applause of the whole country for their political courage. For when politicians who could get votes by giving the public's money away to special groups or blocs apply restraints to them- selves and actually try to cut down the Gov- ernment’s expenses and save money for all the people, the action is so rare that it merits attention. So surcharged is the Washington atmos- phere with the New Deal habit of spending and spending that the National Capital still seems to be dominated by critics from the Democratic side who are horror struck at the idea of a general cutting of the budect. It may take a long while to rid official Washington of the spending complex it has had since 1933—-that monty 1s something turned out by printing presses and that debt is just a thing that can be piled up indefinitely. COMMENTS ARE AMAZING It is amazing to read the comments that are going forth these days about the determi- nation of the Republicans to cut the Truman budget by several billions. One would think that 837,000,000,000 budgets are normal and that anyone who attempts to cut them is destroying the Government. Indeed, the cry of calamity if the budget is cut is a familiar one as it comes from bureaucratic circles. Only a few Democrats, like Senator Byrp, of Virginia, have been pleading for economy during the last decade, and now the Virginia Senator joins with the Republicans in demanding a $%6,000,000,000 cut in the budget. Whether the budget can or cannot be cut exactly by any such figure is less im- portant than the formidable opposition to any budget cutting which is coming from most of the Democrats and from President Truman. Just how Chairman Hannegan ex- pects to reelect Mr. Truman—when he has sent a budget of $37,500,000,000 to Congress and only last month predicted a deficit for the current fiscal year, and there is already @ cash surplus of more than §2,000,000,000 visible for next month—will remain some- what of a mystery. The Democrats generally are lining them- selves up with the apenders. They are not helping in the budget-cutting process. Only the Republicans are carrying the ball on that issue, and they are doing it despite the snip- ing from the left wingers who, of course, want more and more spending and their vested interest in bureaucracy to continue.
A650 The decision of the Joint Budget Com- mittee of Congress to cut $6,000,000,000 from the Truman budget has been favorably re- ceived by the House of Representatives, where @ large number of conservative Democrats are joining with the Republicans to cut down waste in Government. In the Senate, some Republicans here and there are weakening but a coalition may order a cut anywhere from 4,500,000,000 to $6,000,000,000. ECONOMIES STARTED The details, to be sure, are not yet avail- able, but already it is apparent that the de- termination to cut is having its effect throughout the Government departments. Economies that should long ago have been made are now being put into effect, especial- ly in the Veterans’ Bureau. As long as the psychology is one of increasing rather than diminishing expense, there can be no prog- ress made. This is the tide that Republican policy is now reversing. When it is considered that Mr. Truman wants to spend more than 837,000,000,000 a year and can't see any substantial cuts im- mediately—notwithstanding the fact that the budget he submitted for the fiscal year which ends June 80, 1948, will be covering Government operations fully 3 years after the war ended in Europe and almost 3 years from VJ-day—indicates how far away the administration ts from recognizing that the people of America want to get back to a peacetime basis. The difficulty, of course, is that the Demo- cratic Party is still a New Deal party and is still wedded to the philosophy of getting votes by spending money. The Republicans, too, played that game many years ago but fortunately today they are trying to benefit the maximum number of people by cutting the budget and stabilizing the value of the dollar. Hats Off to Indiana EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LEMKE OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. LEMKE. Mr. Speaker, State governors, mayors of cities, and many others throughout the Nation, have re- quested Congress to balance the budget and stop deficit spending. Few of these governors or mayors or others ever stopped to think that in order to enable Congress to stop deficit spending, they must stop deficit begging. I am glad to note, however, that the Eighty-fifth General Assembly of the State of Indiana passed House Concur- rent Resolution 2. This resolution reads as follows: Indiana needs no guardian and intends to have none. We Hoosiers—like the people of our sister States——were fooled for quite & spell with the magician’s trick that a dol- lar taxed out of our pockets and sent to Washington, will be bigger when it comes back to us. We have taken a good look at said dollar. We find that it lost weight in its Journey to Washington and back. The political brokerage of the bureaucrats has been deducted. We have decided that there is no such thing as Federal aid. We know that there is no wealth to tax that is not elveady within the boundaries of the 48 tates, So we propose henceforward to tax our- selves and take care of ourselves. We are fed up with subsidies, doles, and paternalism. We are no one’s stepchild. We have grown up. We serve notice that we will resist Washington, D. C., adopting us. Be it resolved by the House of Representa- tives of the General Assembly of the State of Indiana (the senate concurring), That we respectfully petition and urge Indiana’s Con- gressmen and Senators to vote to fetch our county court house and city halls back from Pennsylvania Avenue. We want government to come home. Resolved further, That we call upon the legislatures of our sister States and on good citizens everywhere who believe in the basic principles of Lincoln and Jefferson to join with us, and we with them to restore the American Republic and our 48 States to the foundations built by our fathers. Indiana is to be congratulated as the first State in the Union to realize that they cannot pull themselves up by their own bootstraps by accepting Federal aid. The first State to realize that if the Fed- eral budget is to be balanced, and deficit spending is to be stopped, the States and their political subdivisions must stop deficit begging. We are just beginning to realize that as a people we have been sleeping at the switch. We have allowed a large part of our form of government to slip away from us. We asked our Uncle Sam for donations, relief, and aid for all kinds of projects. These he has given us, but the price he exacted—government by bu- reaucracy—has come too high. In our desire to get something for nothing, we forgot that the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. Address of Hon. James A. Farley EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DONALD L. O’TOOLE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 21, 1947 Mr. O'TOOLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following address by Hon. James A. Farley, chairman of the board, the Coca-Cola Export Corp., at the luncheon opening the 1947 campaign of the United Lithuanian Relief Fund of America, Inc., the Astor Gallery of the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York, N. Y., January 24, 1947: We are gathered here today to open the 1947 campaign of the United Lithuanian Re- Nef Fund of America. This organization, which, in the past, received most of its funds from the National War Fund, now embarks under its own power in search of aid from friends sympathetic to its cause. This cause is not new or unusual. The aftermath of war has left millions of inno- cent war stricken men, women and children impoverished and unable to help themselves. Among them, and in great numbers, are the Lithuanians in Europe. For centuries, this nation waged many battles for its freedom and heroically re- sisted all foreign attempts of occupation and oppression. It fought and defeated the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Teutonic Knights. It resisted all attempts of denationalization by the Russians during their 120 years of occupation of Lithuania. Finally, the end of the first World War saw the return of complete independence to Lithuania and for 22 years it firmly estab- Ushed itself in the family of nations. It proved without doubt that Lithuanians, es free men, under a democratic system of gov- ernment, rightfully deserved their hard- earned freedom. The Second World War inflicted furious and unsparing havoc on this small nation. In proportion, it was one of the most afficted. It suffered carnage of its population, destruc- tion of its land and property and, worst of all, foreign military occupation. A large percentage of its population was de- ported to slavery in strange and unfriendly lands. Others, seeking fundamental free- doms and human rights, left their homeland, and sought temporary refuge where they could. . . To aid all these distressed Lithuanians !s the chief aim of the United Lithuanian Relief Fund of America. During the past 3 years, this humanitarian agency extended all the relief and aid it could summon and assemble. It drew upon the generosity of the Ameri- can people with vigor and appeal and when distribution was made abroad it was always done in the name of the American people who so generously responded. Want knows no religious, racial, or physical poundaries. Under similar conditions, it af- fects all in equal degree and manner. Lith- uanians in Europe share this common fate, a common fate of general want, of despair and uncertainty. It is generally recognized and accepted that the people of Europe, and especially the refugees and the displaced persons, still need ald. To this end, international and volun- tary relief agencies have worked unceasingly with force and sacrifice. However, interna- tional relief organizations alone cannot suc- cessfully meet this great and complex prob- lem. Voluntary agencies, therefore, have been invited into this field to supply not only supplementary requirements and serv- ices, but also to provide the items of aid not coming within the scope of international bodies, We are fully aware that lack of all things material is prevalent throughout Europe. This lack is all the more acute among the displaced persons. And what is most de- plorable is the fact that these poor unfor- tunates have to depend on others for their food, clothing, and medical supplies. None of these essentials are available to them in adequate amounts. They can only share in what we Americans can and do spare. The plight of the Lithuanians, suffering the terrible consequences of the war, deserves the attention, the sympathetic understand- ing, and support of every charity-minded American. Without this support, there is no other hope for their survival. If, however, they do receive the help which the United Lithuanian Relief Fund of Amer- ica has obligated itself to provide them qur- ing 1947, their faith in true democracy will be further strengthened. The realization of this fact, too, shall bring them solace and consolation in thetr misery and want. But material aid alone is not sufficient. The Lithuanian refugees, like the homeless of other countries who cannot return to their native lands, are seeking refuge in free lands of opportunity. They are sick to death of dependence upon others, They languish only in the hope of again living in freedom and self-sustenance. Let us not “close or nar- row our gates” to them. They, like their relatives and friends here before them, will Prove themselves worthy of our rich Ameri- can heritage and prosperity, and become use- ful and valuable Americans,