A708 thought, judgment, untiring energy into making it work.” The mayor's philosophy for settling labor disputes is summed up in two points: “First, men and women, employers and workers alike, are inherently decent, want to get along and work with each other; and, second, every threatened strike is prevent- able.” OTHER SPONSORS OF PAMPHLET In addition to Mr. Shanahan, who served as chairman of the panel appointed by the mayor in the general trucking strike, the pamphlet's sponsors include Edward Anker, B. R. Armour, John A. Coleman, William C. Collins, Joseph Curran, Louis Donato, for- mer Presiding Justice Edward R. Finch, of the appellate division, and Reginald E. Gill- mor. Also, Bernard F. Gimbel, Norman S. Goetz, Basil Harris, Brig. Gen. John Reed Kilpatrick, Martin T. Lacey, former Presiding Justice Edward Lazansky, of the appellate division in Brooklyn; Brig. Gen. Arthur V. McDermott, Edward F. McGrady, George V. McLaughlin, and Supreme Court Justice James B. M. Mc- Nally. Also, William Mapel, Thomas A. Murray, John J. O'Rourke, Jacob 8S. Potofsky, James C. Quinn, Victor S. Riesenfeld, Hugh 8. Robertson, Moses Rosen, Commerce Commis- sioner George Sanders, Brig. Gen. David Sarnoff, David L. Tilly, Supreme Court Jus- tice Henry L. Ughetta, and former Justice Isidor Wasservogel, of the appellate division. Acheson-Lilienthal Report EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a statement pre- pared by representatives of a group of national organizations dealing with the Acheson-Lilienthal group. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Fesruary 17, 1947. As representatives of the following national organizations, which have endorsed the prin- ciples of the Acheson-Lillenthal report, we are deeply concerned by the recent attacks on these principles in connection with the hearings before the Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic Energy. We point out that these principles are the bases of the official United States pro- posals to the United Nations, that they are a fundamental part of the nonpartisan foreign policy agreed upon by Republicans and Democrats, and that as such they offer our best hope of achieving lasting security and peace. We firmly believe that to repudiate these principles would perilously weaken the hand of Warren R. Austin, United States repre- sentative in the international negotiations now in progress. Division of Social Education and Action, Board of Christian Education, Presbyterian Church, United States of America; Rev. Paul Poling. United Council of Church Women; Mrs. Harper A. Sibley, president. Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America; Dr. Samuel M. Cavert, executive secretary. American Association for the Unfted Na- tions; Clark Eichelberger, director, Federation of American Scientists; W. A. Higinbotham, executive secretary. Americans United for World Government; Raymond Swing, chairman of the board. National Council of Jewish Women; Mrs. Joseph M. Welt, president. National Farmers Union; James G. Patton, president. Friends Committee on National Legisla- tion; Mr. E. Raymond Wilson, executive sec- retary. Council for Social Action of the Congrega- tional Christian Churches; Rev. Ray Gib- bons, director. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Leslie 8. Perry. American Veterans Committee; Charles Bolte, president. National Commission for the Defense of Democracy through Education; Dr. Donald Dushane, executive secretary. National League of Women Voters; Anna Lord Strauss, president. Women's Action Committee for Victory and Lasting Peace; Mre. Norman DeR. Whitehouse, president. American Unitarian Association; Rev. A. Powell Davies. Council on Christian Social Progress of the Northern Baptist Convention; Dr. William G. Mather, chairman. Tri-State Conference of Scientists, Edu- cators, and Religious Leaders on Atomic Energy and Related Problems; Dr. Norman Dawes, president. Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam, secretary, Council of Bishops of the Methodist Church. National Women’s Trade Union League of America; Elizabeth Christman, secretary- treasurer. American Association of University Women; Dr. Helen Dwight Reid, associate in inter- national education. Do Lobbyists Serve the Public Interest? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS S. GORDON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. GORDON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address by Hon. A. J. SaBaTH over Station WTOP, Columbia Broadcasting System, Febru- ary 24, 1947: In the last session of Congress I introduced @ resolution calling for a sweeping investiga- tion of lobbies, lobbyists, and propagandists. Unfortunately the Congress did not act on my resolution, but instead the Committee on the Reorganization of Congress inserted in the Congressional Reorganization Act a sec- tion which requires lobbyists to register and state their duties, their salary, and their em- ployer, and which does not cover those lobby- ists and propagandists whose work is with the executive agencies. Now, the United States Chamber of Com- merce, which by registration of its represent- atives admitted that it 1s a business lobby, wants to have all Federal employees finger- printed and to require them to affirm their loyalty. I am of the opinion that that would be a very good thing for lobbyists. I think, in addition, that all lobbyists should be required to furnish a photograph and to swear that they receive no secret pay not reported when they register. Then the list, with photographs attached, could be furnished to all Members of Con- gress and Government executives. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But I am of the firm opinion that not even such steps would put a stop to all the various objectionable activities and meth- ods of lobbyists. . When I first came to Congress 40 years ago I found the ever-present railroad lobby, the banking lobby, the shipping lobby, and, most vicious of all, the power lobby, and others too numerous to mention. Not only are all those lobbies still oper- ating, but scores more have joined the battle of pressures, until today 544 lobbyists are registered under the law. They have not grown less vicious with in- crease in numbers. On the other hand, they are more expe- rienced, and they have perfected their tech- niques. Now they not only operate through per- sonal contact, but they also use every tool of propaganda—inspired campaigns of let- ters and telegrams, pamphlets, and every other kind of printed matter, and, yes, they even assault our ears by radio. These lobbyists study every Member of Congress, probing his background, and searching for his weaknesses, if any, and for avenues of approach. Many of the lobbyists deliberately mis- represent their influence and friendship with Congressmen, claiming to be able to deliver the votes of Members with whom they actually have not the slightest ac- quaintance. Nevertheless, they extort big fees on the strength of their misrepresentations. You can find these hucksters of pressure and of influence hanging around the leading ho- tels, entertaining both civilian and military officials. In late years many of the lobbies have merged activities in such Natlon-wide pres- sure groups as the National Association of Manufacturers, All of the big business lob- bies have learned to work together smoothly and with deadly effect. In the last few years w> have seen that deadly efficiency used effectively and de- structively against organized labor, housing, rent control, OPA, and against the public interest generally. The well-heeled, high-pressure big-bual- ness lobbies have work.d together and right now are still working together to destroy ad- ministration safeguards against inflation, and your own pocketbook tells you that prices have Jumped 3314 percent in just the last 6 months. Bankers, industrialists, and war profiteers through their lobbies succeeded in persuad- ing Congress first to force through the Ruml tax plan with its $€6,000,000,000 tax forgive- ness for business and then later to give these always profit-hungry corporations more billions by repealing the excess-profits AX. Now they are lobbying for a straight 20- percent tax cut, which would save millions upon millions for millionaires but only pennies for the little people. Selfish private-interest lobbies have cost the Government and the American people not millions but billions of dollars, and even human lives have been sacrificed to their greed. It was only 10 years ago that Hopson’s electric-power empire alone spent more than $2,000,000 in the fake-telegram campaign against the holding-company legislation. Yet, today the shameless and unembar- rassed power lobby and its big-business allies are engaged in a smear campaign against Lilienthal, although 85 percent of our newspapers and of the American people support Lilienthal and denounce the smears. These vicious lobbyists know that at least ® little mud always sticks. Our present lobby law does not reach the shrewd unscrupulous lobbyist or propa- gandist who operates from behind a fine- sounding name of an institute or founda- tion, leading the public to believe it is an independent patriotic research or educa-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tional project, when it is actually a lobby in Gisguise. Neither does it reach the social lobbyists, who are frequently women of wealth and position, who do their lethal work at parties, receptions, and dinners. The detrimental effect on the country of all these skilled and ruthless private-interest pressure groups has forced veterans, con- sumers, labor, women, and even religious groups to appoint their own legislative rep- Tresentatives to counteract these other poisonous influences and work for the pub- lc interest. To sum up, the law now, instead of out- lawing lobbyists, has given them legal stand- ing, and they are bolder than ever. Therefore, it is my aim to strengthen the law and put an end to the unrestrained activities of vicious pressure and propaganda lobbies against the best interests of the American people, which have all too often reflected unfairly against Members of Con- gress. We can remember in the past how these private-vested interests, through their lobby- ists and hired propagandists, assailed, at- tacked, impugned, and browbeat every Sen- ate and House investigating committee which dared to penetrate the darkness of their private transactions and to bring to light some of their vicious activities. I recol:ect how they attacked Senator Walsh from the start when he uncovered the unsavory Teapot Dome oil scandals. When Senator Wheeler exposed the monopolistic Practices of railroads he was similarly at- tacked. Senator Nye drew venomous criticism for his investigation of the munitions industry, and Senator (now Mr. Justice) Black and former Senator Sherman Minton are still be- ing persecuted for their part in the Senate investigation of lobbies. Whenever the practices of any business or industry, whether it is privately owned power or public utilities companies, insurance com- Panties, cartels, monopolies, petroleum, coal—wherever there is profit in private dealings which are of doubtful value or ac- tually dangerous to the public interest—the whole vast juggernaut of propaganda and publicity is set in motion to overwhelm the investigators and to disparage the facts found by belittling the investigators. Even Senator Gillette drew criticism for exposing scurrilous campaign literature. I say this, notwithstanding the fact that Col. John Thomas Taylor, who preceded me as speaker, and who says he is proud to be a lobbyist and defends the profession, him- self severely criticized present-day lobbyists who “use unethical means to attain unethi- cal ends” and denounced the false propa- ganda being put out to mislead the American people. He and I can agree on that, even though we might disagree in our judgment of what is bad propaganda, I myself listened to the shrewd radio talk last Saturday afternoon sponsored by the National Association of Manufacturers, who, in conjunction with real-estate operators and builders demanded abolition of the last remaining controls on new building con- struction and of all ceilings on rents and on new houses. In my opinion, this propaganda has been largely responsible for the delays in getting new homes built for our veterans and our citizens, This terrific barrage of propaganda brought about the removal of price ceilings which in turn resulted in heavy increases in the cost of living. I have already referred to the 3314 percent rise in the wholesale cost of food in the last 6 months, which retail prices have gone up practically 50 percent. The profits of all those interests have nearly doubled, all to the disadvantage of the American consumer, Prices are still going up and up and up. They are having their free enterprise— free of every restraint, including that of sound business practice and civic decency. T am of the opinion that the time has come for another investigation to show who is really putting on these huge and expensive propaganda campaigns and trying to stam- pede Congress into unfair and ill-considered legislation for the benefit of powerful pri- vate interests. Therefore, it is my intention to again intro- duce a resolution for the investigation of lobbies and of lobbyists and propagandists. The Lost People of Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLAUDE PEPPER’ OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. PEPPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a radio ad- dress on the subject The Lost People of Europe, delivered by Ira A. Hirsch- mann on Saturday, January 11, 1947. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: THE LOST PEOPLE OF EUROPE Just a few short weeks ago I was in War- saw, Poland. It is not a pleasant place to live in just now. Berlin and Vienna, which have been partially wrecked by the war, look normal compared to this once-proud capital. While the facades of buildings still remain in other war-torn capitals, great areas in War- saw have been leveled. The war and the problems of its aftermath blunt our sensitivities and memories. Most of us have forgotten that Warsaw was under fire from all sides and from within. Yet one is greeted with a surprising spirit of vitality among the Polish people. The temperature, which hovered around 15 de- grees below zero, served only to quicken the pace of the citizens. People were running instead of walking. Lack of fuel limited transportation and light to several hours a day. Yet the Polish Government seemed to be doing a heroic job against great odds. This government, which seemed to be firmly in the saddle and composed of members of various parties, was making every effort to reconstitute the life of a nation, hoping for less outside interference. While the Com- munist element in the government was cer- tainly influential, what I saw and heard gave me reason to believe that they, along with the majority of the people, were fired only by their urge for independence; that the Polish Government was for Poland first and no one else. My reason for going to Poland was to study the results of the return of the thousands of displaced Polish people who had been living in the camps in Germany. The people in the United States have a false impression of the displaced persons problem. It 1s not a Jewish problem. Last June when | made my first inspection of the camps in Germany there were 422,000 Poles, 187,000 Balts, 23,- 000 Yugoslavs, and 104,000 Jews. Obviously the major number and problem concerned it- self with the Polish people. Director General LaGuardia realized this and came up with a plan to offer 60-day rations to Polish people who would return to their homeland. Why this inducement, you may ask? A great deal of confusion existed in the minds of the Polish le in the camps. The so- called London Poles, led by the notorious A709 General Anders, had succeeded in placing his representatives in many of the Polish camps. They had no right to be there. Wherever possible we threw them out, but they had succeeded through clever propa- ganda, newspapers, personal contact, etc., in misinforming the Polish people about con- ditions in their own country. They had told them that they would be shot, punished, or otherwise coerced if they returned to Poland; that there was no food or means of sus- tenance there; thas the government was under the complete domination of Russia, non? of which is true. As a result uf the LaGuardie plan, it was reported that some 80,000 Polish people had voluntarily returned to Poland. In my meet- ing with the Polish Prime Minister in War- saw. I was informed that this figure reached as high as 140,000. This means that 140,000 Polish citizens who were charges of the United Nations have now returned to help rebuild their homeland and live with the.r famihes This is as it should be. Let me make it plain that no efforts were made to coerce or press these Polish people to go home. The truth about conditions—not rosy by any means—was revealed to them and they were given 60-day free rations. I checked the movements of numbers of a@ Cross section of these Polish people and the records of many others in Poland. In no single case did I find any evidence that even one who had returned to his homeland ‘was unhappy or wished to leave. The Polish Prime Minister and his associates were warm in their gratitude and commendation of LaGuardia and the UNRRA leadership for this constructive piece of work, and begged for its continuance. They stated categor- ically that without UNRRA Poland could not have survived. This fiery, nationalistic, and vital people have at last broken the vise of the feudal barons which kept them in servitude for centuries. Now they are struggling gallantly to reconstitute themselves, but are faced with an underground of a different nature from that of the war—an underground in- spired by other nations who would like to break up this present government. They deserve the chance to build a new nation. We ought to give it to them. Many people have asked me about anti- Semitism in Poland. Obviously this dread scourge, which was part of the poisoned roots of fascism and feudalism, cannot be up- rooted in a few short months by any govern- ment. I was convinced by the statements and actions of the government leaders that every possible means available is being taken to stamp it out wherever it rears its head. In Silesia a constructive new life is being developed for the Polish people and the Jews. Many small artisans, ranging from coal min- ers to shoemakers, are finding it a fruitful and safe place for normal life and business. Some 1,200 Jewish farmers resettled in that area are productively at work. One of my next stops was in Vienna, Aus- tria, I will not dwell upon conditions in that century-old capital, It is a war-bat- tered city. The refugees there constitute a sore problem. General Clark’s staff was deeply concerned about it. There are 32,000 United Nations displaced persons, 142,000 ex-enemy displaced persons, and about 35,000 Jewish displaced persons and refugees in the United States Zone in Austria. A plan was being submitted by the Army authorities recommending that these dis- placed persons be transferred to Germany before the peace treaty is signed this spring. But there is no place for thei in Germany. I will come to the German situation later. Italy, which has never been able to care for its large population, faces a crisis also connected with the refugee population. Some 400,000 have found safe haven there. UNRRA's deep concern was with those people in this shining country. I say “shining’’ be- cause the spirit and mood of the people were open, forward-looking, with an impatient
A710 desire to support a strong democratic govern- ment, and to be left alone by the Allied Pow- ers. Today the government and the people are dominated by Britain. When the peace treaty is signed, and it is hoped that it will be this spring, the Italians will be faced with the job of feeding and caring for the 400,000 refugees, or expelling them. Of this number only some 25,000 are displaced persons, I pleaded with the government heads not to evict any of these lost people—especially the displaced—during this difficult period. UNRRA's care will cease on July 1. It is hoped by that time that the new Interna- tional Refugee Organization will have been organized and ready to take wp the burden. This is conjectural. In view of the present IRO budget, which will provide only 45 cents a day for a DP instead of $1.30 a day which it now costs in Italy, funds must be found to keep this population alive. I submitted a formula to the Italian Government which we hope will be workable. Czechoslovakia has a displaced persons problem in reverse. It is begging for arti- sans, laborers, and others who will replace some of the 2,000,000 Sudetens who have been expelled. Surrounded on all sides by restless, broken nations, this newly formed country is demonstrating to the world that democracy can work, can live, can succeed, even in the midst of war-torn Europe. The spirit of the Czechs was like a fresh breeze. All is vital, affirmative, and con- structive there. I found this government also completely independent. And it is the one place in Europe where I had the satisfac- tion of seeing the Germans treated as they should be. They want no part of the Ger- man people and they are not quick to forget the savagery and brutality heaped upon their innocent citizens. Their memories are not as short as ours or that of the British. Per- sons caught speaking the German language are dealt with not too pleasantly by the Czech citizens. I was warned to speak any language but German. The Czech Government is considering opening its doors to some of the lost people from the German displaced persons camps. What an opportunity for leadership. Imagine this little nation pointing the way by open- ing its doors to those who are begging to become free and constructive citizens of the new world. Before making a tour through the capitals of Europe I inspected a number of the camps in the American zone in Germany. Winter had set in. The snow and frost surrounded these camps with a bleakness and gray sor- row. The spring and summer sunlight of hope with Palestine, the United States, South America, and other countries as possible havens had turned to cold disappointment and tragic aimlessness among the people. The aching, cold cement floors of the former Luttwaffe barracks, the unheated rooms in many of the camps, offered a setting which was grim and despalring. What could tomorrow bring? When and where would these lost people—caught in the vise of the aftermath of the war, betrayed by the victorious governments who promised them not the fruits of conquerors, but the simple decencies of security and home— where would they find a normal life? Peo- ple pulled at my coat as I walked through some of the dark, lightless rooms. “What will you offer us? You cannot leave us here in these wretched conditions, What about our children? Our futures? Do we not de- serve a place in the world?” I had no answer. Let there be no mistake. The United States Army occupation forces with the in- dispensable aid of the UNRRA team workers have on the whole done a heroic job with these lost people. But this is merely tem- porary aid. These people cannot be rooted into the German society. They do not be- long there, At the close of the war they rushed back to Germany, where their fami- lies had been massacred, for the protection which our victorious armies had promised them. No one had any intention that they should remain to live within the sight of their own graveyards. But, there they are, the problem children of our new era, with no place to go and no government apparently aware of its first obligation—to humanity. Can't we once and for all understand that a civilization, whether in the United States of America, Europe, Palestine, the Far East, or anywhere, cannot live part slave and part free; that when some one group must re- main concentrated in abnormal camps, with- out homes, without security, without a fu- ture, none of us is really free? I was informed in Germany that the British had recommended that the displaced persons’ population in the British zone in Germany be reduced in their rations to the level of the German population. I will say for General McNarney when I spoke with him that he would not hear of such a plan for the American zone. The Germans are living largely off our bounty—from our appropriations—from your taxes, They look rather well on the whole— certainly better than the displaced persons who were told that they had won the war. These Germans find ways of securing extra rations from indigenous supplies. To put the displaced persons on the same level with the Germans, who lost the war, would be tantamount to reducing the displaced per- sons below the level of the Germans. This is an alarming possibility, as you will see. A remnant of a people survived the in- tended massacre of the Germans; they find themselves betrayed in victory, and they have lost faith in the sorry promises of the democracies. I say, therefore, that there in Germany democracy is receiving its severest test. Will these people become political pawns? To- day they are the stepchildren of the world. Our people in the United States will live to regret the policy of the closed door. We who built our Nation on the sinews of Europe’s stalwart men and women who crossed from the Old to the New World can yet maintain this as the New World rather than the closed world—rather than the world hermetically sealed to the sorrows, the yearn- ings, the hopes, the faith in the people of America. Even our present immigration laws which provide for a minimum of en- trants have been thwarted. Few of those who were promised a foothold on our shores have been permitted to make the journey to add to the zest and glory of a free people. Let us not, in the preoccupation with our own domestic problems, lose sight of our hard-won world position of leadership and responsibility. Let us not refer glibly to the jron curtain of the East as we slam the steel door of the West, to what was once our Promised land in the faces of the lost people. Support of Churches and Benevolent Institutions EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. WILLIS ROBERTSON OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. ROBERTSON of Virginia. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rzc- orp an editorial entitled “Rich Man’s Mite,” published in the Northern Vir- ginia Daily of February 24, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rzcorp, as follows: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD RICH MAN'S MITE Americans should think long and seriously over a recent charge by a veteran newspaper- man that they tend to spend freely for lux- uries and to be miserly in their support of churches and benevolent institutions. James Wright Brown, president of Editor and Publisher, said in a public address that a survey by the National Stewardship Insti- tute showed a l-percent decreas» in contri- butions to churches and related benevolences in the 18-year period of 1988-45 as compared with the preceding 13 years. For luxuries, however, the Nation spent $58,000,000 more than in the earlier period. From the $67,500,000,000 the people of this country had at their command in 1941 after taxes and living expenses were met, Brown said, “we chose to give a scant billion dollars to churches and character-bullding agencies, Nearly twice as much was spent on tobacco, 3 times as much for movies and recreation, 7 times as much for alcoholic beverages, and nearly 10 times as much for jewelry, furs, and other luxuries. Apparently the social conscience is stronger when we are having hard times than when the money is rolling in, if we are to judge by the way we spend our money.” Mr. Brown said further that the institute report showed the percentage of gifts to churches and church philanthropies, as com- pared with the national income in 1944, was 73 percent lower than it was during the de- pression year of 1932. There are several fac- tors—among the wartime giving to special campaigns—which might be offered to soften this comparison, though we doubt that war- time giving affected the general result to any great extent. As a mutter of fact, the essential truth of Mr. Brown's argument is well known to those familiar with church and benevolent financing. The great majority of us use dollars to pro- vide ourselves with the luxuries which we have come to think of as necessities, and we support the church and character-build- ing agencies with nickels and pennies. True, there are those who give freely for these pur- poses, but their attitude only emphasizes the much greater number who give little or nothing. The story of the widow's mite holds eternal truth. There are many today whose giving is in that pattern. But there are far too many of us, even though we are not wealthy, whose giving could better be com- pared with the rich man's mite. Battle for Solvency EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ALBERT W. HAWKES OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. HAWKES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Battle for Solvency,” published in the Winchester, Va., Evening Star of February 25, 1947. The editorial was written by Harry F. Byrd, Jr., editor, who is the worthy son of a very distinguished father. The editorial contains words of wisdom which the American people may well ponder. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: BATTLE FOR SOLVENCYT—ParT 1 As able, thoughtful Senator Hawxes, of New Jersey, declared on the floor of the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD United States Senate last Friday, “There are two ways by which the United States of America can become a socialistic or totali- tarian state. One is * * * to be con- Quered in war * * * thesecond * * * . ° on is to dissipate our substance Like Lincoln, this newspaper believes that if ever we are destroyed it will be from with- in, and as a result of our own stubborn re- fusal to put our domestic house in order and reduce waste, extravagance, and inefi- ciency in Government. Since 1930 public indebtedness has increased from $16,000,000,- 000 until today we have a debt of $265,000,- 000,000; our budget has not been in balance for 17 years; our tax rate is approaching a point beyond which socialism will take the Place of democracy; the expenditures recom- mended by the President for the third peace- time year are four times as much as those in the year before the war, and the expendi- tures for this peacetime year exceed the total cost of World War I. If our Congressmen and Senators are not now willing to ight—not just talk—but fight and vote for substantial budget reductions, then when in heaven's name will a deter- mined effort be made to restore our Nation to fiscal sanity? It cannot be attained by wishful thinking. Cutting expenses is one of the hardest things a Congress ever does. But if it is not done now, in time of pros- perity. certainly it will not be accomplished should a depression develop. We need to conserve our substance to combat unforeseen emergencies. And another vital point which we must remember: Within the past 25 years we fought and won magnificent victories in two world wars. But let it be remembered we had an adequate financial structure. Lack of funds can ren- der a free people impotent. All history tells us that not a single democracy has ever been able to outlive financial insolvency. We must not join that parade, Nomination of David E. Lilienthal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrecorp a letter ad- dressed to me and signed by Dr. Frank Oppenheimer, Dr. E. 8. Loeffler, Dr. R. L. Meier, and Dr. Norman Morse, of the Northern California Association of Scientists, dealing with the Lilienthal appointment, as well as an editorial entitled “The Lilienthal Case,” published in the San Francisco Chronicle of Feb- ruary 12, 1947. There being no objection, the letter and editorial were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follo.7s: NorgtTHERN CALIFORNIA ASSOCIATION OF SCIENTISTS, Berkeley, Calif., February 14, 1947, Hon. Warne L. Morse, Senator from Oregon, Washington, D. C. Dear Sm: The unfortunate personal and political opposition to David Lilienthal'’s ap- pointment to the Atomic Energy Commission has aroused the deep concern of scientists. My, Lilienthal has gained our aincere respect for his outstanding contribution to interna- tional atomic energy control. As coauthor of the Acheson-Lilienthal report, which was the basis for the American proposals to the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission, he has become the symbol of the construc- tive efforts of the United States toward con- trol of atomic armaments. In our opinion, the present attacks against Mr, Lilienthal are directed not only against him personally but against the very idea that international atomic disarmement is a desirable goal. His repudiation by the Sen- ate might be construed by other nations as a repudiation of the United States‘ proposals. This would be a serious, if not fatal, set-back to the international negotiations now in progress. We believe this is the main issue. As butld- ers of the first atomic weapon, we must as- sume leadership in its control. We, there- fore, urge you to demonstrate your patriotic and nonpartisan support by a vote to confirm Mr. Lilienthal’s appointment. We further sincerely believe that Mr. Lil- fenthal’s record and achievements make him @ person exceptionally qualified for the chair- manshtp of the Atomic Energy Commission. We are taking this opportunity to call to your attention a recent editorial from the San Francisco Chronicle, which calls for bi- partisan support of Mr. Lilienthal’s appoint- ment. Very truly yours, Pranx OPPENHEIMER, E. 8. Lorrrier, R. L. Meer, NorMAN Morse, For the Executive Committee. [From the San Francisco Chronicle of February 12, 1947] THE LILIENTHAL CASE Among the ammunition his Senate oppo- nents, headed by the Crump machine's Sena- tor McKELLar, are shooting at David E. Lil- jenthal is the charge that he favors govern- ment ownership. Whether true or untrue, no accusation could have less point than this one. Lilienthal is up for confirmation as Chairman of the United States Atomic Energy Commission. Under the law he is to administer. everything connected with atomic energy is a Government monopoly. By the nature of the thing, the Government has to own atomic energy, all its sources, all the processes of fission, all the plants, and all the end product. Practically every American endorses this and would have it no other way. Certainly industry—and em- phatically the leading chemical industries which worked on splitting the atom— endorse it. So tt comes down to this, that if Lilienthal does believe in government ownership, as alleged, his ideas are going to have full and proper play in the work he has been appointed to do. The Senate should handle this affair with less partisanship and with more attention to the relevant merits of the appointment. The Chronicle believes Lilienthal should be given bipartisan confirmation. Seventeenth Birthday of Radio Station WSPA EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BURNET R. MAYBANK OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MAYBANK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in A711 the Recor» a letter from Mr. Charles R. Denny, Chairman of the Federal Com- munications Commission, relating to the seventeenth birthday of radio station WSPA, and an address by Gov. J. Strom Thurmond, of South Carolina, on the occasion of the celebration held in Spartanburg, 8S. C. There being no objection, the matters were ordered to be printed in the Rec- orD, as follows: FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS CHIEF CONGRATU- LATES WSPA FreprraAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION, Washington 25, D.C., February 12, 1947. Mr. WALTER Brown, Vice President and General Manager, Radio Stations WSPA—WSPA-FM, Spartanburg, S.C. Deak Mr. Brown: Congratulations t: WSPA on its seventeenth birthday. Th‘ seventeenth birthday is a particularly au’ Picious occasion because it signaliz the beginning of an all-out effort +t bring the blessings of frequency mod) lation to a greatly expanded audienc The increase of power from 250 watts t 3,000 watts will enable WSPA-FM to reaci many thousands of additional listeners ana will give them the benefit of this great technological tmprovement in radio broad- casting: freedom from atatic, freedom from fading, freedom from interference from other stations, high fidelity with full tonal range. Radio broaccasting at this particular time in our history has a greater responsibility and opportunity than ever before to inform our citizens of all sides of public questions so that they may act intelligently, to provide them with educationai and cultural programs and with wholesome entertainment. American radio stations are licensed to operate in the public interest and we know that WSPA and WSPA-FM will continue to be faithful to that trust. Please accept the best wishes of the Commission for many more years of public service to the people of South Carolina. Sincerely yours, CuarLes R. Denny, Chairman. ADDRESS BY GOV. J. STROM THURMOND, OF SOUTH CAROLINA I come to Spartanburg tonight delighted to perform three things. alli of which to me are extremely important. Naturally, I like to be among friends, and I feel that here in Spartanburg I am with the type of people who believe, with me, that South Carolina can be improved through the cooperation of all classes of people who are eager to work for the benefit of our State. The support that I have received from Spartanburg and the wholehearted co- operation that I am continuing to get from your representatives emphasize that we can advance if our leadership is unselfish and is determined to work for the improvement of our people and our institutions. And I want to congratulate Spartanburg on recapturing Mr. James F. Byrnes. I know that you love him and that you realize that he is a man of great ability and of tre- mendous accomplishments. But I some- times wonder whether you and the other people of South Carolina understand just how great Mr. Byrnes’ accomplishments have been. He has served this State and this country in more tmportant ways than any other man in the history of the United States. He has reached these heights by force of his ability, his integrity, and by his persistence to see a job to its completion. I am sure that this man, whose life has not been without its disappointments, but who carried on without complaining in the face of personal discouragement, would still be in public service if he had not been forced
A712 by his physician to slow down and become less active than his duties as Secretary of State would permit. It is fitting that he has returned to Spartanburg to enjoy the rest that is rightfully his. I hope that he will stay here in South Carolina with us, unless the demands of his country become so pressing that he is forced to forego his Present plans in order to serve the world again as it strives for peace. To Mr. Byrnes all of us owe a great debt. You can do your share of paying that debt by seeing that his life in Spartanburg is full of pleasantries and enjoyable living among friends, Our sympathy goes out to him now in his bereavement, and we regret he is not with us tonight. And my third mission here is to congratu- late the ownership, the management, and personnel of radio station WSPA on account of its seventeenth anniversary and on the occasion of its starting frequency modula- tion operation with 3,000 watts power. Both events are important. In the 17 years since the far-sighted indi- viduals began the operation of Station WSPA in 1929, many events of tremendous impor- tance have taken place in this State. Our people have become better informed on prob- lems of the day and on the importance of active citizenship. I am sure that the serv- ices rendered by WSPA and the other active and beneficial stations of this State have done much to help lift our citizenship to higher levels. The public-service features of radio broad- casting are obligations that most stations meet willingly, and I know that all of you will agree that WSPA in Spartanburg has been a leader in acceptance of these re- sponsibilities. If South Carolina is to grow— and it must grow in prosperity and in en- lightened people in -order to survive—our media for the dissemination of public in- formation must continue to serve the people of our State. Not for a day can they sit idly by and allow public opinion to suffer because that public is not properly informed. It is really a trust, and I know public opinion will recognize that fact and will continue to serve beneficially the people of South Carolina. I believe our radio stations have been placed in too much of a strait-jacket with reference to taking a stand on public ques- tions which affect the people they serve. Certainly, radio stations must be fair and impartial in presenting controversial ques- tions. But I do feel that radio stations could and should have programs for the social and economic betterment for the com- munities and sections they serve. Radio sta- tions should be free to editorialize in pro- moting these programs designed to improve the community life and promote good gov- ernment, WSPA and the new station we are dedi- cating tonight, WSPA-FM, serve a great sec- tion of the Carolinas. Speaking here in the heart of the Pied- mont, I want to reiterate what I have said before. The industrial growth of this sec- tion was no accident. It came about be- Cause you possess people of energy, of con- viction, and of practical dreams. It came about because your people are good workers and good managers, What impresses me more as I travel over this section is the fine balance here between industry and agriculture and within indus- try and agriculture. I want to commend the farmers of this area who have done s0 much in getting your agriculture away from @ one-way-crop system. They have truly diversified. The very fact that Spartanburg County last year shipped more fresh peaches than any otker county in the world speaks for the vision and efficiency of your peach growers. With Spartanburg County setting the pace, South Carolina has become the dominating peach-growing State. I am the farmers here are taking care of the land because without its continued and improved fertility no agricultural economy will remain sound. Already you have a well-balanced agricul- ture, but there is still room for greater di- versification. Much of the milk people of Spartanburg drank today was shipped in here from Tennessee and other States. Pro- duce more milk raise more livestock, develop your pastures, keep your peach and cotton lands fertile by proper rotation and planting of legumes, and the agriculture of the Pied- mont will continue to grow larger and larger. Your industries also are diversified. You have timber treating, textile machinery, and various plants other than your wonderful textile mills. There is room for more di- versification. The garment industries are on the move. You need more of these small industries and I urge you to go out after them. Some of you will recall that I came to Spartanburg before I was sworn in as gov- ernor and went to Washington with a com- mittee to keep Camp Croft. I regret we were unsuccessful. But this city and this section must not permit this great plant to be junked. The lands can be utilized for farm purposes and the cantonment area will furnish ideal sites for new industries. Also, some of the barracks should be converted as veterans’ housing. 1 hope the Spartanburg County Founda- tion will acquire Camp Croft. If I can help this splendid organization in this under- taking I want to do it. You cannot afford to permit this camp with all of its utilities and improvements to be junked and wasted away as was old Camp Wadsworth. The for- ward-looking people of Spartanburg, I am confident, will see to it that some arrange- ment is made to acquire Camp Croft for Spartanburg. I could go on paying tribute to this fine section, but I will be talking here again soon at the annual dinner of the chamber of com- merce and I will have more to say. I want to talk some more about radio, be- cause this is a subject that fascinates me. We are tonight marking a new venture in radio broadcasting in South Carolina. WSPA was the first standard broadcasting station in South Carolina and it is indeed fitting that this company should be the first to provide frequency-modulation broad- casting in our State. The service that will coine from the FM broadcasts will be far more enjoyable than that presented by our present system of broadcasting. 1 am told that frequency modulation soon will be the primary means of radio presenta- tions and that the public will be so pleased with the results that they will quickly forget the previous standards, even though they may have seemed high several years ago. Spartanburg, which has been first in so many important developments in South Carolina, should receive wide acclaim for the service that will come from the operation of the new station. ; Radio can mean much of value and enter- tainment to the people of this State. We still are a rural State and by means of the radio—and especially by means of frequency modulation—many people away from centers of population can be reached and kept in- formed with good radio service both day and night. Personally, I have had so much experience with radio and I have come to the conclu- sion that it is a tremendous force for good. The management of WSPA has demonstrated it realizes how important radio is for the good of the people it serves, and over WSPA- FM I am confident it will present entertain- ing, educational, and religious programs to the people of the Piedmont area. And so my friends, I admonish you to listen to the programs of this new station and I call upon the station itself to be care- ful in ite presentations so that the very APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD greatest number of people will be benefited by the programs and the entertainment that are offered. Station WSPA-FM can—and I am sure will—help tremendously in carrying out my ideas for the betterment of South Carolina. Now, on this inaugural program, it takes upon itself a trust—a public trust. I am sure that it will carry out that trust faithfully and eagerly. In my inaugural address last month, I made the specific recommendation that radio be widely used in our educational program. I said—and here I quote—‘“We should con- sider the prompt establishment of a fre- quency modulation educational radio sta- tion, as has been planned in 21 other States. Later, additional stations can be added to form a State-wide network of such stations. There is strong sentiment favoring a suit- able memorial to World War II veterans. Could a more fitting memorial to the vet- erans be established than a State-wide sys- tem of radio for educational purposes? I repeat that recommendation now. All of you have seen how radio not only helps your enjoyment of living but brings to you many benefits. The new system of fre- quency modulation, with its static-free re- ception and with its fidelity of tone, will bring to its listeners improved quality and heightened pleasure. The natural sounds that will come from your FM sets will mean that music, for example, can be presented properly to many additional thousands. The fidelity of reception will mean a fuller un- derstanding of music, of diction, of literature, and of many of the other fine things of life. I hope that the schools of this area will quickly secure sets for FM reception. I know that pupils who receive these additional benefits and who share in this adjunct to normal education will be better citizens thereby. Spartanburg has the first FM station in South Carolina. I know that it will not be the last. As a matter of fact, I understand that Anderson, Greenville, and other cities have stations now in the process of construc- tion, and I hope that other communities will follow because we will need numerous FM stations to cover adequately all of South Carolina. The idea that has now started in Spartanburg should spread. All of our edu- cational institutions should take advantage of the quality presentations that are to come from their FM sets. And perhaps soon we will have sufficient sets and sufficient stations in South Carolina to serve all of our people. Once again I want to congratulate the management of WSPA for the progressive manner in which they are increasing their section and for the example of service to the people of the Piedmont area, and also for the leadership that has been set for all of South Carolina. I would also like personally to congratulate my friend, Walter Brown, who is progreasive and always in the forefront in matters pertaining to the welfare of his State and Nation. Thomas Alva Edison—One Hundredth Anniversary of Birth EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following address de- livered by Assemblyman John P. Morris- sey to the members of the New York State Assembly on Tuesday, February 11,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 1947—the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of Thomas Alva Edison: Thomas Alva Edison was one of America’s most illustrious sons. He was the foremost inventive genius of our age and one of the leading benefactors of mankind. By the force of his matchless genius, aided by his tireless energy, he struck the shackles of drudgery from untold millions of human beings and lifted the world into the light of a new civilization, the like of which human- ity had scarcely dreamed. Although 100 years have passed since Edi- son's birth, he seems to be as much a part of the present as even you and I. He lives with us today through his fabulous inven- tions and discoveries. He seems close to us because it is Just a short 16 years since this great inventive genius died and took with him one of the greatest productive minds in history, Throughout his 84 years Edison re- mained an untiring worker and he was the inventive leader for a space of two genera- tions. Edison's place in history ranks high among the leaders of men of genius of all time—Homer, Galileo, Michaelangelo, Rem- brandt, Mozart, Cervantes, Shakespeare, Co- lumbus, Jefferson, Newton, and Marconi. Towering amid that brilliant group, the im- mortal figure of the Wizard of Menlo Park rises in glorified silhouette against the horizon of ages, sending a glow of radiance down the centuries to come to stir the hopes and fire the imaginations of toilerr of the future who struggle for the betterment of mankind. Any attempt to magnify his virtues or to clothe him with the qualities he did not have would add little to the stature of Edi- son. All that is necessary to commend him to the minds and hearts of peoples of all climes is the simple story of this earnest, patient man, toiling through the silent hours of the night to make the world a better place in which to live. He was the greatest public servant of his day; yet he founded no political party, he advanced no new political creeds, he held no political office. Therefore, no array of illus- trious speakers volunteer to sing his praises or use his name as a sounding board to further selfish gains. The kindly Edison was one of the mightiest conquerors this world has ever seen; yet he waged no wars of human destruction, he fought no bloody battles, he stirred no fires of human hate. But he conquered the ele- ments, as it were, and gave to humanity the greatest ascendency over the forces of nature the world has ever known. He brought the dawn of a new civilization—the electric age. It may seem ironical that no memorial has ever been erected to him in his coun- try’s Capital, no monument dedicated to his name, no blazing epitaph to proclaim his services to the world. Do we really appreciate the services of men of genius? They acale the heights and blaze the way to those sublime achieve- ments that make the milestones in the prog- ress of the race, while men of talent dig in, solidify, and hold the gains and enjoy the progress that genius makes. But on this one hundredth anniversary of his birth we find a significant monument to Thomas A. Edison. His monument is in every home in the world—in every building that has an electric switch. His epitaph is written on every heart that beats in grati- tude for the services he gave. He needs no pompous memorial to commemorate his life. He needs no monument save the eternal and indestructible substance of his own great- ness to commend him to the consideration of all coming ages. His name will live and his fame will reach to the remotest times in which civilized men shall dwell upon the earth. Although Edison belongs to the world, the United States takes pride in the thought that his rise from humble beginnings and his unceasing struggle to overcome all obstacles on the road to success illustrate the spirit of our country. We are happy to share his achievements as our contribution for prog- ress. Thomas Alva Edison represents the nest traditions of our citizensbip. Peace for Palestine EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker; under leave to extend my remarks, I include an address delivered by Senator James E. Murray, at @ dinner conference on He- brew liberation, sponsored by the Ameri- can League for a Free Palestine, at Hotel Astor, Saturday, February 8, 1947: I am personally interested in the program that Senator Gillette is so valiantly leading for the American League for a Free Palestine, and I want it known that I am in complete support of the American league's program. The cause is just, and the Hebrew right will triumph today, as in the past all legiti- mate fights for freedom and independence have triumphed. I pride myself that had I been alive in 1TT6, I would have, without hesitation, taken the side of the colonial patriots in their fight for freedom, out of whose courage has come this great Nation. But perhaps an even greater challenge is, How do we react to- day to an equally just fight against oppres- sion? Jn the fight of the Irish, I took my stand for an Irish Nation, and an Irish Gov- ernment. Today, IJ take my stand for the rights of Hebrews to have a government of their own, and to be recognized as a nation. As I look upon Palestine tonight, with all the terrible tensions that are there tonight, I see the very same situation that existed not s0 many decades ago right here in America, and not so many years ago in Ireland. Remember this—and this is a truth that the oppressor always fails to conquer—all territories on the face of the earth are created by God Almighty to give people of the world—all the people of the world—a chance to live decently and in peace. And certainly the Hebrews have the right to live in peace and in decency in Palestine—the legal and moral right. As a Member of the Congress I am more aware, perhaps, than the average layman, of the need and power of a government to protect its people. The Hebrew people must have their own government if there is to be any protection and safeguard for Hebrews today and in the future. Had there been such a government in the past terrible war years, there undoubtedly would have been many millions of Hebrews saved from death at the hands of the Nazis. I believe it essen- tial that in constituting a government in Palestine for the Hebrews, provision must be made to include the displaced Hebrews of Europe who live even today without pro- tection for themselves, their families, their properties—that is, what is left of their properties. It 1s because I know that this Conference on Hebrew Liberation, sponsored by the Amer- ican league, is working so courageously to bring about such a solution for the dreadful situation in which Hebrews now find them- selves in their efforts to constitute a nation and a government in Palestine—that I am happy to take part. I am proud to add my voice to the many voices at this confer- A713 ence, who are working out a nonsectarian plan of action for America that will bring peace and sanity to Palestine. Amortization of the National Debt EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, one of the eminent mathematicians of this country, Prof. Charles W. Watkeys cf the University of Rochester, has sent me some interesting figures on the amor- tization of the national debt. With proper mathematical humility I am happy to share these computations with my colleagues. Even though we may not be able to follow Professor Watkeys in the steps he takes, we cer- tainly will be interested in the final con- clusions at which he arrives. Someone has truly said “there is no substitute for facts.” In approaching the fiscal problems which confront our country and in planning its financial future, it is important for us to have be- fore us such data as set forth below. Professor Watkeys’ computations follow: AMORTIZATION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT Assumptions: 1, National debt is $275,000,000,000. 2. Interest rate, 2 percent compounded semiannually, constant throughout period. Question. How much is required annually to remove the debt in 25 yrars? Formula used: Where A is the amount of the debt R the semiannual pay- ment tthe interest rate nthe number of years “Qu, © R 39.05 og.1 = 1.0000-1 — 50 log. 1.01= .2180 jog. (1.01)-%=0.7850—1 (1.01)-4 = 0,6095 1—(1.01)-% <= 1—0,6085 = 0.3005 276,000,000,000 "~~ 39.08 =7,040,000,000 semiannual payment R 14,080,000,000 annual payment Jog. 275,000,000,000-= 11.4393 bog. 39.05—= 1.8017 9.8476 Annual payment to reduce the national debt to one-third its present figure in 25 years: 34 of 275,000,000,000= 183,300,000,000 183,300,000,000== ( 10.00)" oo) =R 3005 _183, 300,000,000 Jog. 163,300, 000,000 11.2622 = 9.0715 =4,693,000,000 semiannual amortization payments 916,700,000 interest on unpaid part 6,609,700,000 ¥ (275,000,000,000) = 91 670,000,000 2. Semiaunual interest on part not be ing amortized 916,700,000 11,219, 400,000 total annual payment
A714 Amortization of the national debt Annual ent ' pay Annual inter- Amount amortized est on part not amortized $275,000,000, on (all of debt paid) .......1$14,080,000,000 |$8, 780, 000, 000 |$7, 110, 000, 0 $183,300,000,000 (44 of debt paid). 11, 220, 000, 000 765, 400, 000 | 5, 740, 000, $1, 834, 000, 000 $137, 500,000,000 (34 of debt paid). 9, 724, 000, 000 2, 750, 000, $1 70,000,000 (44 of debt paid)... 4, 684, 000, 000 3, 666, 000, 000 000 (34 of debt paid). d }, QUO, 4, 125, 000, 000 yore Ne payments on amortization..-|.....-.....-- EE Pee eee Sees 5, 500, 000, 000 Letters From John H. Bunzel to the Daily Princetonian EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLAUDE PEPPER OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. PEPPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp two letters from John H. Bunzel, president of the Princeton Liberal Union, a student at Princeton University, addressed to the editor of the Daily Princetonian. There being no objection, the letters were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: TH PRINCETON LrBERAL UNION To the Eprror OF THE DAILY PRINCETONIAN: On November 14 the Committee on Extra-Curricular Non-Athletic Organizations granted a charter to the Princeton Liberal Union. PROMOTE LIBERAL IDEAS The Princeton Liberal Union is a society formed, as its constitution states, “for the express purpose of bringing together people of liberal viewpoints for their mutual pleasure and profit in exchanging ideas and enlarging the scope of their genuine understanding through scientific observation and sympa- thetic interpretation of human problems. It is further the intention of the society to foster and promote these liberal ideas and viewpoints on the university campus and wherever these ideas are of particular and vital concern to students, to work to have them put into practice.” To make liberal ideas familiar in the university, the Prince- ton Liberal Union intends to conduct forums and other public meetings on the campus, The Princeton Liberal Union is young and small. It ts still in an organizational stage. But already there are many undergraduates an” faculty members who have endorsed the aims of the union. But what, it is asked, constitutes a liberal? Who may join the liberal union? This entire question is now being consid- ered by the governing council of the union. Certainly “liberal,” as a word, can mean any- thing one wants it to mean. Philosophy has taught us that definitions are just agree- ments or resolutions to use words in a cer- tain way. A more practical question, the liberal union feels, is how can one readily distinguish Mr. Smith from Mr. Jones by calling one a “liberal”? In other words, how should the word be used? Broadly speaking, the Liberal Union sup- ports the ideas of Franklin Roosevelt, sup- ports the interests of labor, will fight for racial equality, for better and cheaper health, for public education, for science, for civil rights. It is felt it is easier to denote liberals, that is, point to them, than say what they aie there a need for such an organization at Princeton? The Liberal Union feels strongly that there is. Recently a member of the faculty said privately, “You know, Princeton is a conservative place. In fact,” he went on with a smile, “there used to be a time when there were two subjects almost forbidden here: Harvard and Franklin Roose- velt.” FORMED LAST SPRING Applied strictly to the general attitude of undergraduates toward the times and events of today, this statement by itself is an ex- aggeration. Yet last spring a small group of individuals shared the feeling that there was 8 genuine need for an element of liberal thinking at Princeton. This feeling stemmed from a belief that there is a lack of social consciousness at Princeton, an atti- tude of political apathy to the world outside the ivy-covered walls of Old Nassau, an atmosphere of lethargy and listlessness. Are Princeton's high academic standards being reflected materially outside the classroom, where ultimately the fruits of a real and good education are tested? Or are there evi- dences of sinking into a social pattern por- tending more disaster than the light-hearted exhibitionism of the “roaring twenties’? DO WE KID OURSELVES? The Princeton Liberal Union feels that while these questions on the surface may appear dramatic and high-sounding, there is a basic element of truth and fact in them. It sees this same unconcern, this same indif- ference permeating the entire country, where there is not even the spirited antinomian attitudes of the twenties. There is too often an immature selfishness, even a self-pitying confusion. The Liberal Union wonders if Mr. Hutchins was not right when he said re- cently, “Americans are boring themselves to death.” Their boredom has become a mass soporific, a clinging to fun-making to avoid facing even their most material needs like getting a house to live in, securing their em- ployment future and preventing the atomic destruction of the world. Is the average American citizen today contributing 4s much to his political life as he should? Some one said the other day that the average Soviet citizen contributed more to his political life than .the average American, and some one else was quick to point out what is true, namely, that the Russian believes a lot of things which are not so in doing it. But equally true is that Americans believe a lot of things that are not so in not doing it. How often do we kid ourselves into thinking that because we are legally free to change our society the way we want to, that our society is the way we want? The Princeton Liberal Union feels that these kinds of thoughts and ideas and queries are important. Another member of the faculty, upon hear- ing that the university had granted a charter to the Princeton Liberal Union, said, “It isn't surprising that there is a liberal union now at Princeton. What is surprising is that Princeton didn’t have one long ago.” Joun H. Bunsen ‘46, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD DISCLAIMS AFFILIATIONS To the Editor of the Daily Princetonian: The Princeton Liberal Union is an inde- pendent organization with no affiliations of any kind with either a national organization or with some other university group or or- ganization. At no time has the Liberal Union entertained either the thought of, or the de- sire for affiliating itself with any other group, activity or organization. The Liberal Union is a Princeton society formed to foster and promote liberal ideas and viewpoints on the university campus, “and wherever these ideas are of particular and vital concern to stu- dents, to work to have them put into practice.” At the meeting of the Liberal Union held Tuesday, December 10, with a quorum present, the following statement was presented to the membership for adoption. It was unani- mously accepted, and it was further agreed that it become the platform of the Princeton Liberal Union. A copy of this platform is attached herewith and is presented in full. JOHN H. Bunzet, President. CHar.es R, SCHWAB, Vice president, T. Kxnt DUPRE, Secretary. Oris BENSON Davis, Treasurer. Henry H. Herascu, Rosgrt M. Brown, Marx ETHERIDGE, Jr. “LIBERAL UNION PLATFORM “The Liberal Union believes that it is the responsibility of students at Princeton to concern themselves with problems of their university, of students generally, of their community, and of their country. “1. The Liberal Union stands opposed to racial and religious discrimination. In par- ticular, on the campus it shall support and work for a policy on the part of the uni- versity administration of accepting appli- cants on an equal basis regardless of race, creed, or color. This necessitates the open encouragement of admission of minority ‘groups which perhaps have felt in the past &@ policy of discrimination was being prac- ticed against them, and the acceptance of responsibility on the part of undergraduates to help in their proper assimilation in the college community, Furthermore, we recog- nize our responsibility to cooperate with groups in the community active in com- batting such discrimination. We shall also endorse National, State, and local legislation designed to insure equal pdlitical and eco- nomic rights to all persons regardless of race or creed; and shall oppose all forms of segre- gation and other discriminatory practices wherever they exist. “Advocate assistance “2. In the fleld of education the Liberal Union believes that opportunities for higher education should be made possible to all who are qualified by aptitude and intelligence. We advocate increased assistance to those who, otherwise qualified, are limited by financial need. We do not believe that all universities are fulfilling their responsibilities in this connection, and therefore support in- creased help in the form of State and Federal aid, along ‘with greater financial assistance from the institution concerned, “8, The Liberal Union believes in the neces- sity of providing for a decent standard of living and health protection for all. The at- tainment of genuine economic security must be based on the establishment of certain fundamental guarantees among which are steady employment, a minimum-wage level and adequate low-cost health insurance. An approach of this nature, it is felt, comes Closer to the roots of present economic strife than
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD efforts to pass harsh or punitive legislation in the field of labor-management relations. “4. The Liberal Union recognizes that there is no problem of greater importance or worthy of more urgent attention than achieving international unity and lasting world peace. We see as a serious obstacle to peace all tendencies on the part of one group or nation to consider the protection of their particular institutions and values more important than the larger considera- tions requisite to any workable plan for in- ternational accord. We strongly advocate international control of atomic power to pre- vent its use for military purposes, and to insure its use for the progress and welfare of the world. “6. The Liberal Union especially defends the free expression of ideas within any under- Graduate body, and in particular believes that increased participation and interest on the part of students in undergraduate organs of public opinion, in student-faculty rela- tions, and in student government should be furthered. The Princeton Liberal Union was founded on these premises. The Princeton Liberal Union shall act on them.” No Place to Whittle EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN J. SPARKMAN OF ALABAMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr.SPARKMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial en- titled “No Place to Whittle,” published in the Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser of February 25, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: NO PLACE TO WHITTLE However much Congress may want to whittle on the President's budget, solons find new difficulty each day in locating a place where a nice splinter may be shaved without striking a knot. Temporarily discouraged in attempts to pare the military side of the budget, Con- gressmen turned with hope and determina- tion to the agricultural section. If any sec- tion of the budget should stand a judicious paring, this was it, thought some of them. But they reckoned prematurely. The farm- bloc Senators lost no time putting themselves on record for the sanctity of agricultural appropriations. Like the appropriations asked for by the Army and Navy, the agricul- tural section of the budget is untouchable. A roll call of Republicans opposed to slash- ing agricultural funds is enough to deter the most stout-hearted ax-wielding Senator. Congressmen have maneuvered themselves into a spot that may prove acutely embar- rassing. Apparently a good many Members of both Houses believed the Truman budget could be cut sharply without harm to the national stability. Campaign promises left no alternative but to cut, yet Congress in quest of a place to whittle finds itself blocked at every turn. As the search continues from one section of the budget to another, Congressmen may find that President Truman calculated bet- ter than they thought. Any major reduction 1s bound to éntall restricted operation of those agencies of Government involved, and any curtailment of governmental service will evoke loud protests from those who get the shortened services. It may be that Mr. Truman padded the budget outrageously as Chairman Reece has charged. But if he did, Congress is not quick about locating the excessive padding that may be removed. Justice for Korea EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE. OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a letter from Prank D. Joseph, Jr., dealing with the situation in Korea, together with a brief statement by the Korean-American council. There being no objection, the letter and statement were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: This letter was written by Mr. Frank D. Joseph, Jr., and mailed to the following list: The Honorable George Marshall, Secretary of State; Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg; Sena- tor Tom Connally; Senator Wayne Morse; Senator Robert A. Taft; Senator John W. Bricker; Senator William F. Knowland; and Senator Owen Brewster. Mr. Joseph is the holder of many medals and citations, including the Distinguished Service Cross, the French Croix de Guerre, and the Belgian Croix de Guerre. Write to your Congressmen and Senators today. “It is later than you think.” THE KorEAN-AMERICAN COUNCIL, Ashland, Ohio. Dear Sm: The reason for my writing this letter is that the other night I had the priv- ilege of hearing a young Korean patriot, Dr. James Shinn, pleading the cause of his coun- try's liberation with frankness, simplicity, and sincerity. During our latest World War, I, too, fought. I was decorated six times by three countries, and now I feel that it is my duty to fight again. We have fought for our freedom and our fellow man’s, for without his freedom ours was not and is not secure. Are we to con- tinue to sacrifice the highly idealistic con- cepts at the altar of expediencies; making the same old mistakes over and over again ad infinitum; allowing the hydrahead of tyranny to rise again? I was willing to give my life for those noble principles that our country has stood for. Why are you, as a great statesman, permitting the Communists and pro-Com- munists in our State Department to liquidate those very principles for which many of our dear friends died in the far-flung battlefields of the world? Somewhere in my befuddled mind rings the slogan, “Justice based upon international law.” Then what about Korea? When is that little country with a great heart for America going to get its freedom? After fighting 40 years for everything that we have stood for, are we going to sell her down the river to communistic Russia? When did Russia fight 40 minutes for our prin- ciples? When are we going to stop saying “Yes, Russia,” “Yes, Uncle Joe,” and say in- stead, “Yes, America’? Pascism brought about the Pearl Harbor attack that Korea has been warning of for 40 years. Are we going to have the second Pear] Harbor by another ism? A715 Thanking you for what you may do to combat the greatest menace of mankind— communism. Very respectfully yours, Franx D. Joseru, Jr. The Reorganization of Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MILLARD E. TYDINGS OF MARYLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article en- titled “The Reorganization of Congress,” prepared by Franklin L. Burdette, asso- ciate professor of government and poli- tics of the University of Maryland, and editor of publications for the National Foundation for Education in American Citizenship. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE REORGANIZATION OF CONGRESS (By Franklin L. Burdette, associate profes- sor of government and politics at the Uni- versity of Maryland and editor of publica- tions for the National Foundation for Education in American Citizenship) The action, on February 14, by the new Joint Committee on the Legislative Budget, which then recommended reductions of $6,000,000,000 in the President's estimates, is a significant reassertion of congressional authority. But this illustration of the con- stitutional importance of the Reorganiza- tion Act of 1946 does not mean that the place of the legislature in the American sys- tem of government is as yet wholly clear. The first paragraph of the Constitution, after the preamble, provides that: “All leg- islative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Rep- resentatives.” Does this language mean that Congress should not delegate lawmaking power to ad- ministrative agencies? Or does it merely mean that an agency like OPA or NLRB must be subject ultimately to congressional control? The issue has never been fully resolved. The doctrine that legislatures ought to confine themselves to ultimate responsibility 1s expressed by men who would trust the experience and policy-continuity of a strong executive. It is not a new doctrine, having been clearly stated by John Stuart Mill in his Considerations on Representative Gov- ernment (1861). He asserted, as our early national experience had taught, that repre- sentative assemblies cannot properly execute the law. “But !t is equally true,” Mill wrote, “though only of late and slowly beginning to be acknowledged, that a numerous as- sembly is as little fitted for the direct busi- ness of legislation as for that of administra- tion.” In Mill's opinion laws should be drafted by a small commission appointed by the executive. The legislature, while authorized to suggest bills, would have only the power to enact, reject, or remit for further con- sideration. “The per office of a repre- sentative assembly,” he thought, “is to watch and control the Government.” Members of Congress, regardless of political viewpoint, have usually feared rather than
A716 applauded the rapid progress of Mill's argu- -ment. In testimony before the Joint Com- mittee on the Organization of Congress, Representative Jerry Voorhis, of California (defeated for reelection in 1946), said: “I doubt that more than a mere handful of Americans would favor such a course for our country’s Government. It means a gradual growth of a type of government which the whole tradition of our country is against * * * Congress has to a con- siderable extent permitted itself to become absorbed tn * * * routine matters and has thus largely abdicated its most essenttal function, namely, that of devising on its own motion long-tange legislative programs gear- ed to the necessities of the times.” Representative E. E. Cox, of Georgia, replied: “You have veen classified as an ultra- progressive and I as a mossback reactionary, - and still there is not the slightest difference between my views and the statement you make' un Both Woodrow Wilson and Lord Bryce, more than a half-century ago, pointed out that the internal organization of Congress is pecullarly designed to discourage the formulation of broad, coordinated govern- mental policies Congress is charged with wider duties, and is more distinctly separated from the Executive, than any other major legislature in the world. Re'ying heavily upon its own resources, Congress has divided its labors among stand- ing committees in each House. Important legislatures abroad, depending on guidance from the executive—indeed, making what we call the administration virtually a com- mittee of parliament—have never utilized standing committees to the degree known in America. The committee system, developed early in the past century, has tended to destroy the unity of Congress. Conflicting jurisdictions of committees—little legislatures as they have been called—have time and again pre- vented general plans for national policy. Passage of the Legislative Reorganization Act, under the leadership of Senator La Fol- lette and Representative MONRONEY, was an indication of the concern in Congress over this dilemma. Faced with an undeniable need for broad plans, at a time when the administration was more than ready to pro- vide them, Congress could either act or reconcile itself to a permanent decline in prestige. It chose to act. The new law reduces committees in the House from 48 to 19 and in the Senate from 83 to 15. It defines their jurisdictions, limits the number on which Members may serve, authorizes larger staffs, and adds to their investigatory powers. Revenue and appro- priations committees are directed to cooperate in analyzing the Federal budget before adop- tion. The currently proposed reduction of six billions is a result of that cooperation. The act provides for expansion of legisla- tive reference and bill-drafting services. It requires the registration of lobbyists. Con- gress is relieved of much detail by the eub- stitution of administrative or judicial pro- cedures for private bills concerning pensions, tort claims, bridges, or correction of military or naval records. Congressional salaries are increased and Members are made eligible for an exceptionally generous contributory re- tirement system. mz Congress does not merely make laws. It also supervises administration and controls expenditure. The power to investigate, to obtain information from many sources, is indispensable to all three functions. As it passed the Senate, the Reorganization Act prohibited special committees, contem- plating investigations only by the standing committees to which legislation is regularly referred. The leadership of the House in- aisted on eliminating this restrictive pro- vision. The Senate position was based on the view that special investigations duplicate the work of standing committees, which must hold hearings again if specific remedial legisla- tion is proposed. It was further argued that the efficiency of legislators and administra- tors is alike impaired by frequent and repe- titious hearings; and that more dependable information could be obtained by standing committees with the increased powers and larger staffs provided by the reorganization. In reestablishing two special Senate com- mittees in the Eightieth Congress (to in- vestigate the national defense program and to study the problems of small business) , Re- publican leaders insisted in face of opposi- tion that the earlier Senate attitude on the subject should not prevent continuation of these investigations in their origina] manner. Special investigations have had great ad- vantages in the past, and not all of those advantages are preserved in the recent strengthening of standing committees. The special committee has been able to cut across the jurisdictional limits of the standing com- mittees. More important, it is possible to obtain information by special investigation when standing committees through partisan- ship or inertia are reluctant to act. More- over, men competent to ferret out carefully concealed conditions are not always assigned to the appropriate standing committees. A suggestion by Senator Typinas (Demo- crat, Maryland) has merit in tending to com- bine the advantages of special and standing committees in investigations. Legislators not members of a particular standing committce might be given special, nonvoting status in the committee for the purpose of advocating and perhaps conducting an investigation. Freedom of debate in the Senate is a factor in investigations which is not to be over- looked. The privilege of any Member to ex- press his views at length may well force a majority to permit investigation which a few Senators regard as essential. The advan- tages in freedom of debate can be retained without permitting extended filibusters. Iv The Legislative Reorganization Act, as now in effect. is an important beginning in con- gressional self-examination and improve- ment. The new law does not deal with the troublesome question of committee assign- ments by seniority, a practice more easily condemned than improved. The Senate version of the bill contem- plated majority and minority policy com- mittees in each House. Moreover, a joint legislative-executive council was planned, to consist of the majority policy committees (with the minority invited on some occa- sions), the President, and Cabinet. These provisions were rejected by the House leader- ship. Development of a truly cooperative rela- tionship between Congress and the adminis- tration is the crux of the problem of long- range legislative reorganization. The legis- lative-executive council, firmly institution- alized and adequately staffed, offers inspiring Possibilities for lifting Congress above the compartmentalization which has been the byproduct of its committee system. It is noteworthy that the principle of such a council is now employed in one form or an- other in 12 States. From the point of view of the executive, such a council would afford a regular, rather than intermittent, flow of advice and infor- mation from sources both elective and ap- pointive. The actions of the council would of course be only recommendations for con- gressional consideration. But they would carry the weight and prestige of majority participation, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD While representative government thrives on discussion, it makes progress by means of intelligent organization. The future role of legislatures hangs more critically in the bal- ance than the more firmly settled places of the executive and judiciary. Students of Mein Kampf are well aware that Hitler's first attack was on parliamentary incompetence. The vitality of legislatures is the barometer which measures the strength of democracy or the rise of dictatorship. Tariff Concession on Linen Fire Hose EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT L. DOUGHTON OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. DOUGHTON. Mr. Speaker, the following statement from the Depart- ment of State and the accompanying Presidential proclamation withdrawing the tariff concession on linen fire hose granted in the trade agreement with Canada illustrates the flexibility of the trade-agreements program: [No. 145] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, February 25, 1947. The President has issued a proclamation withdrawing the tariff concession on linen fire hose granted in the trade agreement with Canada, the Department of State an- nounced today. The duty on this product will accordingly return to the rate provided for in the Tariff Act of 1930. This action was taken to alleviate injury threatening a domestic industry because of unforeseen and increased competition result- ing from extension of the concession to countries other than Canada. The procla- mation was issued under article XIV of the Canadian agreement, which provides that either Government has the right, after con- sultation with the other, to withdraw or modify a given concession if it is found that third countries are receiving major benefits from the concession, and that imports are increased to such an extent as to threaten serious injury to domestic producers of the article in question. There are similar provi- sions in some other trade agreements. After informal conferences and investiga- tions held by the Committee for Reciprocity Information, the United States Government announced on January 10, 1947, that imports of linen fire hose were entering the coun- try principally from countries other than Canada and were considerably higher in vol- ume than they had been before’th2 granting of the concession. It was also stated at the same time that this Government proposed to withdraw the concession unless convincing reasons for not doing so were presented to the Committee for Reciprocity Information before January 30. No such reasons were offered, The Canadian Government has been consulted and has offered no objection to withdrawal of the concession. The President's proclamation, issued today, withdraws the tariff concession on “hose, suitable for conducting liquids or gasses, wholly or in chief value of vegetable fiber,” granted in section 1007 of schedule II of the trade agreement with Canada, signed Novem- ber 17,1938. Under the trade agreement, the duty had been reduced to 10 cents per pound plus 7% percent ad valorem. The duty on this product will now return to 19% cents
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD per pound plus 15 percent ad valorem, which is the rate provided for in the Tariff Act of 1930. Imports entering the United States under this item are almost entirely of linen fire hose. The text of the proclamation follows: By THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA—A PROCLAMATION Whereas, pursuant to the authority con- ferred by section 350 (a) of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended by the act of June 12, 1934, entitled “An act to amend the tariff act of 1930" (48 Stat. 943), the period within which such authority may be exercised having been extended by joint resolution approved March 1, 1937 (50 Stat. 24), the President of the United States of America, through his duly empowered plenipotentiary, entered into a trade agreement on November 17, 1938 (53 Stat. 2350), with His Majesty the King of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British do- minions beyond the seas, Emperor of India, in respect of Canada, through his duly em- powered plenipotentiary, which trade agree- ment was proclaimed by the President on November 25, 1938 (53 Stat. 2348), and June 17, 1039 (53 Stat. 2394), acting pursuant to the authority conferred by the said section 350 (a); Whereas article VII of the said agreement provides as follows (53 Stat. 2852) : “1, Articles the growth, produce or manu- facture of Canada enumerated and described in schedule II annexed to this agreement shall, on their importation into the United States of America, be exempt from ordinary customs duties in excess of those set forth and provided for in the said schedule, sub- ject to the conditions therein set out. The said articles shall also be exempt from all other duties, taxes, fees, charges, or exactions, imposed on or tn connection with importa- tion, in excess of those imposed on the day of the signature of this agreement or required to be imposed thereafter under laws of the United States of America in force on the day of the signature of this agreement. “2. Schedule IT shall have full force and effect as an integral part of this agreement.” Whereas item 1007 of schedule IT annexed to the said agreement provides as follows (53 Stat. 2388) : U~.8. Tariff Act of 1930, par.— 1007 | Hose, suitable for con- ducting liquids or gases, wholly or in chief value of vegetable fiber Description of article Rate of duty 10 cents per pound and 71s percent ad valorem Whereas article XIV of the said agreement provides as follows (53 Btat. 2354) : “The Government of each country reserves the right to withdraw or to modify the con- cession granted on any article under this agreement, or to impose quantitative regu- lations on the importation of any such ar- ticle if, as the result of the extension of such conceasion to other foreign countries, such countries obtain the major benefit of the concession, and if in consequence im- ports of the article concerned increase to such an extent as to threaten serious injury to domestic producers: Provided, That before any action authorized by the foregoing res- ervation is taken, the Government proposing to take such action shall give notice in writ- ing to the other Government of its intention to do so, and shall afford such other Gov- ernment an opportunity within 30 days after receipt of such notice to consult with it in respect of the proposed action”; Whereas as a result of the extension to other foreign countries of the concession on hose enumerated and described in the said item 1007 of schedule II annexed to the said agreement, such countries have obtained the major benefit of the concession on the hose enumerated and described in the said item, and in consequence imports of said hose have increased to such an extent as to threaten serious injury to domestic pro- a@ucers; Whereas notice in writing has been given, and an opportunity for consultation afford- ed, to the Government of Canada by the Government of the United States of America regarding its intention to withdraw the con- cession on the said articles; Whereas the Government of Caneda has signified its agreement with respect to such withdrawal; And whereas the final sentence of said sec- tion 350 (a) authorises the President of the United States of America to terminate in whole or in part the proclamation of the trade agreement entered into and proclaimed under said section 350 (a); Now, therefore, be it known that I, Harry 8. Truman, President of the United States of America, acting under the authority con- ferred by the said section 350 (a) of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended, do hereby Proclaim that the proclamations of Novem- ber 25, 1938, and June 17, 1939, insofar as they relate to hose enumerated and described in item 1007 of schedule II of the said agree- ment, shall not be in effect after March 81, 1947, and that the provisions of paragraph 1007 of section 1 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended (46 Stat. 644), shall be in effect on and after April 1, 1947. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed. Done at Washington this 22d day of Feb- ruary A. D. 1947. and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hun- dred seventy-first. Conscientious Objectors EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp two articles deal- ing with conscientious objectors, one by Dorothy Thompson published in the New York Post of December 23, 1946, and one by Paul Jones published in the Saturday Evening Post of November 23, 1946. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: |From the New York Post of December 23, ON THE RECORD (By Dorothy Thompson) Amnesty the CO's Now that the second postwar Christmas is here, would it not be fitting to free Ameri- can conscientious objectors from prison? The Allied Governments went to war against war. In Nuremberg they have tried German Nasis for the crime of resorting to aggressive war as an instrument of national policy. The speeches made in the United Nations Security Council and General As- sembly have repeated, over and over, charges and counter charges that this or that nation or regime is a “threat to the peace.” In all the world there is no statesman who would dare praise war. All agree, or pretend to agree, that war is the world’s greatest evil, A717 Then why do we keep locked up in jail or deprived of civil liberties some 6,000 Ameri- cans who have proved, more decisively than any others, that they agree with this “con- science of mankind?” These men even did not believe in going to war against war, or that peace can be pro- moted by, what to their minds, ts organized murder. They refused to serve in the American as others refused to serve in the Britsh and French forces. I did not agree with them. I never have believed that in- dividual pacifiam will stop war. Yet I am glad they exist. I did not find it unjust to constrain them during war. For if one believes in anything as passion- ately as they, it is right and fitting that they should suffer for their belief as the brave young men, who idealistically offered their lives on the Meld of battle, suffered for theirs. It is well they exist. For no one can deny that if statesmen and leaders everywhere believed az they do, all war would end—international war, industrial war, civil war. The conscientious objector is a peculiar phenomenon of free societies. Their attitude toward him, however, reluctant, is one of concession to something in their own con- sciences. In time of conflict conscientious objectors are profoundly embarrassing and in war's routine are pushed aside, shut up, in one way or another. But they are not shot as traitors, nor treated as totalitarian states treat objectors to anything. Free social orders are free precisely because they do not totally claim the bodies, minds, and souls of their people. Even in a life and death strug- gle to which an entire nation is committed, free men recognize that this or that one of them who says, “No, I will have no part in this thing,” may, conceivably prove right on longer view; and though he becomes tempo- rarily outcast, something still whispers: His time may yet come. Just why, however, in time of peace, and praise of peace, those who believe in peace at any price should still be treated as prison- ers of war, is confounding. I shculd think it would be a good idea to pul] them out of their prisons, everywhere, and send them to make the peace. For they actually believe that all the swords should be beaten into plough- shares. They would not talk of limitations of armament, but of universal total disarma- ment. This is, of course, fantastic and it wil] not be done because states, who must make and maintain peace, are, by their origin and na- ture, instruments of force. Peace, too, rests on force and peace and war are but two faces of the same humanity and dilemma. But humanity, being what it is, cannot afford to exclude from itself those who repre- sent—whether humanity acknowledges it or not—that spirit which it secretly worships and openly affronts. To understand the paradoxical attitude toward peace would perhaps lead us into a research on the question of why western man, the greatest beast of prey ever let loose on this globe, worships Jesus of Nazareth. The great split in the western mind is that while {t has produced the warrior as a type and ideal in soctal and economic life as well as in international relations; while it can only imagine supplanting war between states by war between classes, it still celebrates in its loftiest moments Him who prophesied that the meek would inherit the earth. Perhaps what grace we possess is in that never triumphant inner voice of conscience, that never-realized and barely striven-for ideal that in the most warring moments whisper restraint. Conscientious objectors become such restraining voices in the most hate-infested times. They carry on for the vast majority their temporarily abandoned tender-mindedness. In a profound sense
A718 they represent us all—as the warriors fight- ing for righteousness represents them, too, though they would deny it. But it is preposterous and hypocritical that they should continue in prison during peace. They never wanted to help win—or lose—a war. They endured the obloquy of their fel- lows to win peace. Isn’t that what we are all, now, supposed to be up to? And isn’t it Christmas? {From the Saturday Evening Post of November 23, 1946] SHOULD THE CO'S GO FREE? (By Paul Jones) Last fall General MacArthur ordered the release of nearly 1,000,000 political prisoners in Japan, including pacifists. In July of this year General Clay announced an amnesty for about 1,000,000 German political offenders under the age of 27. Canada has ended her draft-registration system and written off the cases of some 14,000 deserters, including 8,000 conscripts who took to the woods rather than report for induction. Only 18 con- scientious objectors remain in British fails. In this country, President Truman has pro- claimed a general amnesty for all men con- victed for any reason under Federal law who later served meritoriously in the armed forces during World War II. But our conscientious objectors remain in prison or do what amounts to forced labor for little or no pay in the Civilian Public Service camp and unit system, supervised by Selective Service. Under the act of 1940 establishing the draft, 32,248,038 citizens between the ages of 18 and 65 were required to register, up to October 1, 1945. Of these, approximately 15,000,000 passed through the armed services. During the same time the FBI investigated a total of 519,864 complaints of selective-service violations, of which about 30,000 were worth taking to trial. Only a minority of these cases were con- cerned with conscientious objectors. Some 6,000 conscientious objectors drew prison terms, about 60 percent for failing to report for induction and 27.9 percent for failing to report for civilian public service when given that choice. The number of conscientious objectors jailed for active obstruction, coun- seling or aiding evasion was only 28, a micro- scopic fraction either of the total called up or of the conscientious-objector group itself. Objectors differed among themselves on the extent and application of their individual or group principles. Some who objected to the use of force served with credit in medical or noncombatant detachments, and one earned a Medal of Honor for conspicuous bravery beyond the call of duty. But others were unable to reconcile their beliefs with any participation in war. About 1,500 of these men are still in prison. The 4,500 who have been released have lost their civil rights and can regain them only through an amnesty. More than 70 percent of those sentenced to imprisonment belonged to Jehovah's Wit- nesses, a stiff-necked and peculiar people who took no stand on the war itself, but claimed that each and every member of their church was ipso facto a minister of religion, and therefore entitled to absolute exemption. Failing this concession, they would do noth- ing. In general, they drew stiffer sentences than other CO's, but they were definitely conscientious objectors by religious belief, Congress, in the original draft act, set just and reasonable terms on which a man conscientiously opposed to participation in war in any form might substitute work of national importance under civilian direc- tion. Pay for such service in CPS camps or projects was not to exceed Army scales, But in practice selective service by admin- istrative regulation put CO’s to work in Government camps without pay, without family allotments, and without insurance or accident compensation. They got nothing but a pin-money allowance of $2.60 a month. Where church groups managed OPS camps, they were compelled to pay $35 a month for the support of each CO. These impossible conditions, in apparent contradiction to the intent of Congress, drove many CO's to de- sert the camps, with consequent prison sentences. Local draft boards made their decisions on the good or bad faith of asserted consci- entious scruples as best they could, according to their lights. Some refused to believe that a Methodist or a Catholic or anybody not a member of the historic peace churches like the Friends could possibly be a sincere CO. Reviewing authorities were not much clearer on many points, and the courts up to the Supreme Court—Justice Murphy dis- senting—agreed that no judicial relief was possible unless and until the individual obeyed the induction order. This, of course, was what many CO's felt was against their deepest convictions. Sentences imposed by the courts on con- victed offenders varied very widely. The average was 30.6 months, higher than the punishment given to dope peddlers, white slavers, or mail swindlers. But in Vermont, during the year ending June 30, 1943, the average was 1.1 months; in South Dakota during the same period it was 55.7 months. Everything depended on the Federal judge hearing the case. Today, in the Northwest, CO’s are let off or given a suspended sentence. In the East an over-age objecter—31—who has been in Civilian Public Service since June 1942, when he was drafted, recently received a 6 months’ term in prison for walking out of a mental hospital where he had been assigned to work as an attendant. During his more than 3 years in CPS he had volunteered as an ex- perimental guinea pig in important vitamin and cerebral-blood-flow tests. The picture is confusing, as it always is when the ideal of individual liberties comes in conflict with the necessities of total war. In all civilized, democratic countries freedom of conscience is one of the most jealously guarded human rights. But when the national existence is deemed to be at stake and when the law requires all male citizens of certain ages to serve, the con- scientious objector must suffer for his be- lief. Generally, the climate of war being what it is, he suffers rather more than he should. But in all free, civilized countries, it is also true that when the danger is ended and the emergency over, governments of that kind restore as quickly as possible the nor- mal state of affairs. To extend an amnesty now to conscientious objectors could do no possible harm, and would follow a sound American tradition recognized by such widely different Presidents as Washington, Lincoln, and Coolidge. EpiTor’s Nore.—Mr. Jones is a member of the editorial staff of the Philadelphia Eve- ning Bulletin. Lincoln Day Address of Hon. Clarence J. Brown EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HOWARD A. COFFIN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. COFFIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rac- orp, I include the following address by APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Representative Crarence J. Brown, of Ohio, chairman of the executive commit- tee of the Republican National Commit- tee, delivered before the National Re- puiican Club of New York, February 12, Mr. Rager, Governor Stassen, Congressman Macy, Dr. Peale, my fellow Americans of the National Republican Club, your guests, and the radio audience, I deem it a great honor and a rare privilege to be invited to address your patriotic Republican organization to- night on this anniversary of the birth of Abraham Lincoln—the man of destiny given to the Nation in an hour of crisis by Divine Providence. As Republicans and good Americans we meet here to pay tribute to Abraham Lincoln, the man, the President, and the true founder of the Republican Party, who gave his life in martyrdom that the Nation he loved might survive. Lincoln not only saved the Union, but he also led the world into a new era of human freedom. Lincoln was a true liberal, and it is the Lincoln type of liberalism which I would like to discuss with you for a while tonight. Of course, in this day and age, everybody calls himself a liberal. It seems to be the fashion. But when it comes to definitions of the word “liberal,” there are thousands of them. There are as many varieties of liberals as there are kinds of breakfast foods adver- tised over the radio. Each variety has its own brand and its own label. There are Re- publican liberals, Democrat liberals, Socialist liberals, and Communist liberals. Frankly, as I look them over and listen to their preachments, it seems to me they cannot all be liberals. In fact, they do not agree among themselves as to who is or who is not liberal, as well as on anything else. It used to be, in the days of Thomas Jeffer- son and Abraham Lincoln, a liberal was a person who believed so much in human lib- erty that he wanted to share it with all man- kind. His greatest desire was to increase human liberty for every human being. Abraham Lincoln once suid—“The world has never had a good definition of the word liberty, and the American people just now are in need of one.” Were Mr, Lincoln with us here tonight he would probably say the same thing about liberalism. In his amaz- ingly homey manner he would undoubtedly point out that everybody wants to be known as a liberg] but refuses to answer why. No doubt there are many different reasons why s0 many people want to be called liberal. From my own experience in Congress I am convinced that the activities and desires of many so-called liberals are limited to being liberal with other people’s money—but there is certainly nothing truly liberal about that. Now I do not want anyone to misunder- stand me. I certainly do not believe—nor do I want you to think—that the Republican Party is either illiberal or reactionary. In- stead, ours is a party which believes in the great fundamental of American civilization; that the Government was created by the people, in their common interest, to perform those tasks which they desire and need to perform in common—to do those things which the common weal requires to be done through a common effort. No true Republican can possibly believe that the Government of the United States rules its people, or that the people are but hostages of government. Rather, we believe that the inalienable rights of the people can- not be weakened or lessened, whittled away or legislated out of existence, in a free coun- try, such as ours is—and must always remain. The so-called liberals of the New Deal dif- fer on that. They believe the Government is the master. This was evidenced by the words of the leader of the New Deal, who
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD once said, “We have forged new instruments of power.” As Republicans and true. liberals we deny that any individual, any party, or any group of men within our Nation, can forge new instruments of power. To believe otherwise would be a total negation of true American- iam which holds that all power is vested in the people, and that all public officiala— whether elected or appointed—are but in- struments of the people. If that thought describes liberalism, I am for it. If anything else is liberalism, I am against t. I speak of this tonight because it has be- come fashionable in this country, not only for all kinds of diverse persons to call them- selves liberals, but for all such folks to look away from their own country and toward the failures of Europe, the foreign experiments which missed fire, the alien trickeries and obscurities that brought to millions of hu- man beings nothing but hunger, misery, and death. Why such people think the political and economic systems and theories of the Old World are so much better than our own is hard to understand. If our form of government, our type of free economy and our way of life are all such poor ones, why is it that we alone, of all the peoples of the world, are able—after two Great wars and a depression that lasted 10 long years—to feed ourselves and as much of the rest of the world as we are permitted to enter? Why is it that we have been able to contribute more than 70 percent of the cost of all the operations of UNRRA, in ad- dition to the charitable work of our armed forces and our welfare agencies among both conquered and liberated peoples? Why is it that we have been able to carry the greatest burden of taxation and the heaviest load of debt ever known in the history of man with- out impoverishing our own people? Why, may I ask, have we, among all the peoples of the earth, been strong enough to safeguard the liberties of man, to preserve his civil rights, and to protect him from the tyranny of government which elsewhere has enslaved him? Certainly our American system must have real virtue to have accomplished all of these things. It must have real value if, in an era when opposition is being ruthlessly trampled under foot by those in power, the people of this country could, in a free election, choose and give to the opposition party a majority in the Congress, while leaving the new minority party in control of the executive department. It must have real worth, when these two po- litical parties, without compromising their positions, can cooperate fully and patriotical- ly in forming and supporting a national for- eign policy. It is free men who can, with dignity and high principle, choose their own pathways and walk them without fear. And, if the necessities of national welfare require that these paths converge and meet, that, too, is accomplished—not in terror and in trem- bling—but in the true spirit of free men who unite in love of country without in any way sacrificing the individuality of their convic- tions. If that is liberalism, I am for it. But any system or theory which involves compulsion of mind and spirit, as it does in many lands, and as some would have it here, cannot properly be called liberalism, and I desire a more accurately descriptive label. You have undoubtedly noted that after the election of last November 5 the New Deal Uberals broke up into many groups. One group is called ADA, as was announced at a meeting in Washington. Another is called PCA, which seems to be PAC somewhat twisted. That group was organized in New York. These ancient so-called liberals now designate themselves as Progressives, but they hate each other, The ADA group say they refuse to associ- ate with known Communists. The PCA folks are not so particular. One group is headed by Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt; the other by Henry Wallace. It appears as though the object of each is the defeat of the Democratic Party in 1948 on the theory that if they and their New Deal friends cannot own the Democratic Party, then they will smash It. If that be liberalism, I say, let them smash away. : Ladies and gentleman, I am convinced that the people of America are sick and tired of slogans, catch-phrases, and tricky words. I feel certain they are weary of charm with- out substance, of prose without philosophy. They are fed up with the schemers, the clever manipulators and the poll followers. What the people of the United States seek today is honest political leadership based upon homespun American principles. They want a government that serves but does not master them. They want public offictals who, adhering to the ideals of this Nation, apply practical common sense to its manage- ment. They desire a President who is frank, outspoken, honest, fearless—one who says what he means and means what he says with- out regard to the momentary flurries of popularity. Most of all they want to be per- mitted to attend to their own affairs; to pro- vide for their own families by their own labors; to determine and supervise the edu- cation of their own children; and to take an active part in restoring friendly relations among differing human beings, each of whom is endowed with certain inalienable rights by the Creator in whom all Americans believe. Those of us who belong to the Republican Party, differing from those who prate s0 loudly of their liberalism, recognize the im- perfections of man and are able to refrain from attributing to ourselves the qualities of omniscience which only the Deity can possess. We appreciate that the people may not always be right, or always act wisely, but that out of necessity they have the right of choice—the right to decide for themselves— 4s to the pattern their own lives shall follow. No Republican desires to control the life or acts of others. As Abraham Lincoln so wisely put it: “Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, compared with the men of this war, we shall have those who are as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good.” There are 140,000,000 of us who are like that today. We have our weaknesses and our strength. We have our foolishness and our wisdom. We are both bad and good. But together we have produced the freest, hap- piest, most prosperous country on earth— the envy of all the world. Let us keep America great, happy, and pros- perous, but even more, let us keep her free. Brooklyn Newspaper Praised House Un-American Activities Committee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted me by the House, I am calling attention herewith to an edi- torial published in the Brooklyn Tablet, published in Brooklyn, N. Y. The edi- A719 torial deals with the procedures and policies of the House Committee on Un- American Activities, under the chair- manshir of the gentleman from New Jersey, J. PARNELL THOMAS. The Brooklyn Tablet is one of those papers which is courageously waging a campaign to enlighten its readers and its community on the evils and excesses of the Communist conspiracy in this country. It is helping to put the spot- light of public opinion upon the party members and the fellow travelers of the Communist Party in America. It is aid- ing in the exposure of the many front organizations which are infiltrated with Communists. It is consequently with pleasure that I observe the high words of praise which this patriotic paper has written about the current program of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. WELL DONE The House Committee on Un-American Ac- tivities is proceeding with its investigation in a manner which deserves the approval of the American people. The charge has been made repeatedly by Louis J. Budenz, one-time Communist and managing editor of the Daily Worker, that the Communist Party in the United States is an effective fifth column for Soviet Russia, definitely en- gaged in a conspiracy to destroy our Ameri- can form of government and to substitute the Soviet form in its place. The report of J. Edgar Hoover on the activities of Ger- hard Eisler, whom Budenz named as the No. 1 man of the Soviets in the United States, indicates a wide field for the investigation of the House committee to uncover the ex- tent of the Communist conspiracy and of Soviet espionage. The House committee is definitely on the right track and is proceeding with a care- fulness and a dignity that will allow no basis for the charge that it is indulging in Red baiting or engaging in a “witch hunt.” Thus far the House committee has more than fus- tified its existence both in the facts which it has brought to light and in the manner with which its proceedings have been con- ducted. In the more recent past subversive activities have been carried on, while much of the worth-while efforts of those inter- ested in uncovering these activities were wasted amid the confusion of side issues and “red herrings” drawn across the trail of investigation. Collaboration between the FBI and the House committee should bring the results which the American people want in ferreting out the real conspirators and the men behind the scenes in subversive ac- tivity. For what the House committee has accomplished thus far it deserves a ‘Well done” from the American people. United States Eyes Boston Vets’ Job School EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing article, by Bill Cunningham, from the Boston Sunday Herald of February 23, 1947:
A720 Unitzp St4Tes Eyes Boston Vers’ Jos ScHoOoL—Sussions Hetp Ex-GI Scan FIe.p, Six Up Himsk_F, CONVINCE EMPLOYER (By Bill Cunningham) Official governmental endorsement and national recognition is about to be extended to a Boston idea as well as to the Bostonian who evolved the idea. The idea is Boston's own plan for helping veterans find jobs. The Bostonian is Roland Darling, whose title ig director of the School for Jobs of the Greater Boston Veterans’ Service Center, a red-feather service. Don't tune us out at this point, under the misapprehension that this is only another article about veterans, about job hunting, or even about Roland Darling, a gentleman who is by no means a stranger to this space. There'll be sundry ingredients in this par- ticular thesis, First of all there’s some news. The news is that Darling’s public-service academy for teaching ex-GI’s how to look for work has been secretly sized up, tested, officially approved, and is now about to be cited as a model to every city in the United States. Darling himself has been asked by Maj. Gen. Graves B. Erskine, Retraining and Reemployment Administrator of the United States Labor Department, to come to Wash- ington next month and address a meeting of the directors of veterans’ centers who will be assembled there from all parts of the country. Further than that the Labor Department, within 2 weeks, will issue a booklet describ- ing in full the Boston School for Jobs pro- cedures and processes and distribute it through the Nation ac the officially endorsed program for this type of activity. All this came as a complete surprise to Mr. Darling, and to the gentlemen who assist him and who might be called his faculty. It seems that Major General Erskine heard of the work in Washington, and in order to check on it sent a couple of his own men to pose as vets and take the course. These visitors returned to Washington such enthusiastic alumni that their report brought the Director himself on for an offi- cial visit last December. From that report, that visit, and a survey of similar needs over the rest of the Nation came the official en- dorsement and recommendation. REALLY A SCHOOL FOR JOB FINDING This ‘school for Jobs” is a war transla- tion of the late and unlamented depression's “40-Plus Club,” which was likewise founded by Mr. Darling and which has been widely publicized. Now under the mothering wing of the Community Fund the School for Jobs is really a School for Job Finding. It offers no jobs and has no jobs to offer, but it con- cerns itself with teaching the veteran how to size up the fleld, size up himself, and then go about selling himself to an employer. A man can attend as many times as he desires, but “the course” is really so arranged that he can get what it has to orfer in two fairly lengthy sessions. The first of these provides him with information about how to approach employers. The second schools him in what to say and do and ask during an interview. That's the school part, but there is really a lot more. Each “pupil” receives, for in- stance, a manual which was written with the help of 50 Boston employers and employ- ment managers. He gets occupational in- formation about..the fields in which there are supposed to be openings available to vet- erans. He gets individual job counseling if he needs it or wants it. There's a weekly bull session on job hunting in which he can sit in, swapping informa- tion and tips with men such as himself. Out of these, jobs frequently come as some unsuccessful applicant explains what he lacked or what some job lacked to make a perfect fit. Along with all this Mr. Darling, with the cooperation of local radio stations, broadcasts &@ regular sertes of Job forums. This serves to keep public interest kindled and the hope always is to interest the local employer. COST TO VETERAN IS NOTHING The cost of this to the veteran is nothing. The Community Fund pays the expenses. The school is operated by Datling and a re- search assistant. The job counseling is done by trained job counselors at the Greater Bos- ton Veterans’ Service Center. The weekly schedule of meetings for any veterans who may be interested is as follows: Tuesday evening at 7 o'clock, first session at the Boston YMCA, Wednesday morn- ing at 10 o'clock, first session at Radio Sta- tion WEEI. Wednesday evening at 7 o'clock, first session at the Hickox Secretarial School. Wednesday evening at 7 o'clock, second ses- sion at Hickox Secretarial School. Local em- ployers and employment managers cooperate fully with the undertaking. In 5 months @ total of 257 of these have participated in the school’s program. The school has no accurate record of what happens to its alumni. Operating as a free service on Red Feather funds, and with such things as mimeographing and necessary per- sonnel donated, it naturally keeps its budget as low as it can. It hasn't the office force necessary to handle records and paper work and there's no particular reason why post- graduate records should’ be kept anyhow. Men who get jobs are asked to report their success. Those who don’t are invited to come back with their failures. Some do. Some don't. It is known however that hundreds who have taken the course have found jobs and are working. How much of the credit belongs to the school and how much to the fact that this has been a hiring market up to here, anyhow, might be hard to tell. No- body's trying to tell. The idea is to help the veteran find a job, and none at least has had his chances lessened by taking this short but expertly administered briefing in how to look and what to say. NOW WILL SERVE AS NATIONAL MODEL That, in brief, is the outline and the service to date of the Boston School for Jobs now to serve as the national model. That, however, is not all the story there is in this particu- lar subject. Veterans are veterans, and some of them will always be hard to place. There's the case, for example, of the veteran 31 years of age who had 4 years of war and before that 8 years in the CCC. He never, up to here, has had a job in his life. He has a wife and three children. Where can he be placed in a job that will support them all? But granting all the problem cases and the general unsettlement, a very real idea of the Nation’s progress in reconversion can be had from watching how these young men do or do not slip easily into employment. Other things can be read—the effects of strikes for instance. Mr. Darling, at the moment, is concerned. He’s concerned because his stu- dent body is increasing and because he sees in it a recognizable number of repeaters. A certain percentage of men who got jobs 8 or 4 months ago are back. Through the October-November-December period, the average of his school ran something over 800. Today it’s 1,200 and as above, it’s the second time around for quite a number. But who are these men? Where have they been? What do they know? What can they do? STATISTICS OF AN AVERAGE GROUP Last Wednesday, at the request of your correspondent, Mr. Darling checked without preliminary announcement and taking sim- ply those who came, and as they came, a group that reported for the regular job class session. The following statistics resulted: The average age was 26 years, 11 months; 72 percent were unmarried, 18 percent were APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD married and fathers, 10 percent were mar- ried but childless. The average time since discharge was 11 months. One man, how- ever, has been out 3 years. Another was on terminal leave. In terms of work expe- rience, 64 percent had jobs before the war and have also worked since their discharge; 20 percent never worked before going into uniform and have been unable to find jobs since; 6 percent had prewar jobs, but have not been employed since discharge; 10 per- cent went into service directly from school and have not as yet found a job. In terms of compensation, 70 percent had collected their $20 a week under the GI bill in some period, but only 4 percent had taken it all. The average man in the group had taken his $20 for 14 weeks. In terms of physical fitness that might have bearing on occupational availability, 22 percent reported service-connected disabilities, but all were looking for work. In educational background 4 percent had only a grade-school education; 25 percent were high school graduates, but went no farther; 18 percent had started college, but failed to finish; 8 percent were college grad- uates. Ten percent started, but did not finish high school, but every man in this particular group had taken a commercial or trade-school course. Thirty percent of the entire group had improved their educational status since discharge with the help of the GI bill of rights. Another 25 percent had been unable to get into the schools or col- leges to which they applied for further ed- ‘ucation. EDUCATION SEEMS TO EASE CONFUSION Of this entire group, 22 percent said they didn’t know what sort of Joba to seek, and 60 percent of these have had jobs since discharge, but had lost them. A generality seemed to be that the men with the least education were the most con- fused in the matter of their job objectives. Several of the younger seemed confused be- cause they went into uniform from jobs in war work that paid much more than any- thing offered today. One 22-year-old vet- eran said he earned $90 a week before going into uniform. For 10 months, he’s been loafing on his $20 a week, without even tak- ing any courses. He said he didn’t have any idea of what sort of job to look for. His educational equipment is three years of high school. A large percentage of those who had been employed and had lost their jobs said they had been laid off within the last 60 days along with other employees of the same con- cerns. It was this last item that started Mr. Darling talking. “I want to make it plain,” he said, “that I am not an economist and that it is no part of my business to report upon the in- dustrial scene. Our concern here is to take a confused young fellow, help him figure out what he thinks he can do, and then try to help him walk in to an employment man- ager and tell his story the most intelligent way. We have no jobs here to offer and no authority to comment upon why more jobs are or are not available. “We are, however, quickly conscious of these lay-offs because they generally send men back to us. Strikes, holding up critical ma- terials, have been and are just now being responsible for many of these. The elec- tronics field, for instance, was expected to be terrific in this postwar period. Instead, it isn't hiring. In fact, it’s laying off. Lack of critical materials is the reason. It can't work. The stuff isn't coming through. “The same is true in the field of electrical refrigeration. Many a GI who saw that asa promising career, and who used his GI bill - of rights to take courses in it, is stalled at present, because it is stalled. Instead of hiring, it's laying off. “That's a factor, and a big one, but I think, too, there’s a possibility that the public is in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD danger of thinking itself into the muchly ad- vertised ‘rescession.’ Practically everybody has predicted that a recession is coming. No- body ever explained why one had to come, but the word has gone around. If it keeps going around a recession can’t avoid arriv- ing. From what we see here, many em- ployers, instead of driving full tilt to make one impossible, listen to the bear stories, lay off men, and batten their hatches against the possibility of having to ride one out. That may or may not be a way to survive one, but it’s a certain way to help bring one. We get that here on our end. EMPLOYERS MAY HAVE WRONG IDEA “Those are things, however, that are a little out of my sphere. But something else isn’t. That's a word to employers about the type of veteran now looking for work. I’m afraid the average employer may get the false idea that the men calling on him now repre- sent the bottom of the barrel. Especially if a@ veteran has had a job and has lost it, I'm afraid a prospective employer will think he isn’t any good. “That isn't the way it is. As these statis- tics show, many of these men weren't laid off because they couldn't do the job. They went out in a general lay-off, a shut-down, when old help as well as new was let out. But there's another type. That’s the young fellow who overmatched himself, or who allowed some employer to overmatch him. He deliberately tried for something he wasn't certain he could do, or some boss, figuring he was a veteran and entitled to a break, gave him a job that was a little beyond him on the chance that maybe he could handle it. Whichever way it was, it didn't work out, and the young fellow's back where he started. “That's nothing against him. He just tried for the wrong job, possibly conscious of the fact that he was taking a chance. I can’t, and don't want to, try to pose as an expert upon why there aren’t more jobs and shouldn't be more all the time, but I can, and do, urge employers who do have jobs, not to jump at conclusions about vet- erans who have had a chance and have lost it. In as many cases as not, it isn’t the veteran’s fault. If the employer has any doubts, let him give us the chance to talk with him. We know the story here and we'll be glad for the sake of him, the veteran, the community, and the Nation, to show him the true picture before he makes his decision. That's our job and we're trying to do it.” The Coming Moscow Conference—State- ment on Poland’s Recovered Territories EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, this afternoon I called upon the State De- partment, and I submitted the following statement to the Secretary of State: As the crucial Moscow conference of For- eign Ministers approaches, proposals are being made that Germany should be given back her territories which, as a result of the Potsdam Agreement, were placed under Poland's administration. The constituents of my district—largely populated by Americans of Polish descent—are alarmed by this at- titude. They cannot understand why we should want to reward those responsible for World War II at the expense of our allies, the Polish people. Indeed, the entire Polish- XCIII—App.——46 American community—6,000,000 strong—is united in its belief that for the sake of the future peace and security of America and the world, Poland should retain her recovered territories. From whatever angle one examines this question it becomes apparent that the Pots- dam Agreement was just and correct in tak- ing these areas away from Germany and placing them under Poland's control. For the past one thousand years, Germany has followed a policy of brutal aggrandize- ment against all of its neighbors .and par- ticularly against the Polish nation and the Polish people. The territory east of the Oder and the Neisse Rivers is ancient Polish land which was taken away from them by German military power. It is time to deClare an end forever to the German policy of “Drang nach osten.” Under the Potsdam Agreement the Polish nation is not being rewarded with 1 inch of German lands. The policy is one of restoring to the Polish people lands that had been previously taken from them by Ger- man military power. For years these territories have been the lair of Prussian militarism. The large Junker estates provided the base from which the Prussian militarists prepared their wars of conquest, including World War II. Silesia was used as an arsenal of war. By returning these territories to Poland, the great powers at Potsdam provided safe- guards that would prevent the Nazi and Junker remnants from playing a dominant role in future German policy. Today, under Poland's administration, the Junker caste has been rooted out of these territories. If these lands are wrested from Poland, we will sow the seeds for a revived Prussianism and provide Germany with a base for future aggression. America’s future security to a great ex- tent depends upon Germany being unable to commit acts of aggression against its neigh- bors. Germany's bordering nations must be given sound strategic frontiers. Poland, a direct neighbor of Germany, has been over the centuries an easy victim of German expansion. This was due to the absence of a defensible border which rendered her vulner- able to attack by Germany. Poland is now guaranteed a protective border along the Baltic and the Oder and Neisse Rivers. This not only means greater security for the European nations, but also, for America. Since Potsdam, Poland has realized many economic, social, and cultural achievements in these territories. Despite grave shortages in transportation, communication, supplies, etc., over 4,000,000 Poles have been resettled and approximately 500,000 Germans remain. Devastated areas have been rebuilt, fallow fields resown, transportation and communi- cation lines repaired, factories resurrected from the ruins, and thousands of schools and hundreds of libraries started. In short, the basis for a fuller and richer life has been laid. If these territories are taken away from Poland, all the good that has been accom- plished will be undone. While under German control, some of these industries and agricultural lands never de- veloped to their fullest extent. This was due to the Junkers who, in order to perpetuate their own feudal power, purposely kept their lands agricultural and distant from the cen- tral German markets. Now, for the first time in its history, the Polish Nation has an opportunity to develop a healthy industrial economy. The return of Stettin and Pomerania, and its control of the Oder River, insures Poland rapid expansion of the Silesian industries and the possibility for increased foreign trade. Poland particu- larly needs heavy machinery for her recon- struction program in the recovered terri- tories. America can supply this much-needed industrial product. American independent businessmen will profit ‘by the trade possi- bilities with Poland’s recovered territories. A721 But, without the recovered territories, Po- land's 3-year plan for economic reconstruc- tion would be severely wrecked. The five or six million Poles who in 3 years will have re- settled in these areas would have to live in & much smaller area. Without these areas, Poland would have overpopulation, low con- sumption, and a lower standard of living. The effect this would have on world trade ts obvious, As if these considerations were not suffi- cient to warrant Poland's retention of these territories, some indu8strialists, columnists, and politicians are posing specious and un- tenable arguments to show why certain areas, Pomerania and Brandenburg in particular, should be given back to Germany. They argue that these areas were the peacetime granary of Germany, and that if they are not given back to the Germans, America will have to bear the burden of supplying them with necessary foodstuffs. This is the same tune that was sung by the German delegation at Versailles, Then, just as today, the stanch defenders of Ger- man interests claimed that these areas were economically indispensable to the rest of Germany. But many German scholars have Proven conclusively that Pomerania and Brandenburg are no more indispensable to Germany today than they were after World War I. In the light of the foregoing facts, Ameri- cans of Polish descent feel that the Potsdam decision revising the Polish-German fron- tier, and placing 39,000 square miles of ter- ritory under Poland's administration, was correct and timely. Any deviations from this policy will do irreparable harm to the cause of world peace. The American people above all want an enduring peace, security, and a more fruitful life. They hope that our representatives at the Moscow Confer- ence will recognize these desires by support- ing a program of preventing Germany from ever again becoming fr threat to world peace. One of the essentials of such a program is for Poland to retain her ancient territories. The Function of Congress Is To Legislate and Not To Bargain REMARKS HON. THOMAS A. JENKINS OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. JENKINS of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, on yesterday the President issued a for- mal statement discussing a purported agreement between the executive branch and legislative branch of the Govern- ment with reference to reciprocal trade agreements. I have never known of the executive Gepartment and the legislative depart- ment of Government entering into any agreements of any kind. Under our con- stitutional government the legislative branch cannot speak except through legislative enactments made according to law and according to the rules of the two legislative bodies. The President has no authority to legislate. The President’s statement is to the effect that he and his State Department made an agreement with reference to reciprocal trade agree- ments with certain Republican leaders in one of the legislative departments of the Government.
A722 The rules of the House of Representa- tives do not permit me to be more specific, but it is generally known to whom and what Irefer. The President says in effect that he has made this agreement and that he is carrying out his part of the agreement and that he is glad that from all indications the other gentlemen will carry out their part of the agreement and that as a result the proposed conference which is to be held in Geneva on April 10 wil] be permitted to be carried on with apparent accord of the executive and leg- islative branches of our Government, According to the President’s statement this agreement resulted from conversa- tions between two members of the State Department and two members of one of the legislative branches of the Govern- ment. I wish to protest most vigorously against any such action. I think that every Congressman and every Senator who does not feel that he has given his consent to be bound by any such agree- ment should also join with me in express- ing our resentment against any such attempted action. I maintain that we as Members of the legislative branch of the Government are sent here to legislate in an orderly fashion where every Mem- ber of the House and every Member of the Senate has a chance to publicly state his position with reference to the matters presented. The agreements of one or two individuals surely cannot commit the en- tire legislative body, both the House and Senate. This would be clearly incon- sistent with our theory of government. The Constitution provides that all leg- islation for the raising of revenue should be initiated by the House of Representa- tives. The Constitution goes further and makes it a duty and responsibility of the House of Representatives to assume this important function. This is in effect the control of the purse strings of the Nation, which the founding fathers expressly delegated to the House of Representa- tives. All legislation dealing with the setting up of the agencies by which the recipro- cal trade agreements are made origi- nated with the House of Representatives upon the recommendation of the Ways and Means Committee of that body. The Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives has pend- ing before it legislation dealing with the matter of reciprocal trade agreements. That committee has been diligent and has indicated through its chairman that it expects at an early date to give thor- ough consideration to all of these mat- ters pending before it and which deal with exactly the same matters which the President claims he has settled by com- promise with certain individual legisla- tors. : The common courtesy which has ex- isted between the various branches of the Government from the beginning would strongly recommend that if the Presi- dent wished to have any communica- tion with the legislative branch of the Government with reference to this mat- ter that he should communicate with that branch of the Congress constitu- tionally having charge of the matter. While bills have been introduced seek- ing to repeal reciprocal trade agreement laws, it is not likely that they will be given immediate consideration by the Ways and Means Committee or the Re- publican leadership of the House. The Ways and Means Committee, however, has indicated that it will give immediate consideration to legislation which seeks to relieve the conditions against which many industries and labor organizations have bitterly complained. On January 16, 1947, I introduced a resolution in the House known as House Resolution 52. By this resolution, I at- tempt to bring legislative relief to the complainants. More goods were im- ported into the United States in 1946 than in any year in our history. These importations have been increasing grad- ually until they now threaten the ex- istence of many producing industries in our own country. This resolution reads as follows: Resolved, That the President and all agen- cies of the Federal Government are hereby requested to postpone any action seeking the further adjustment of duties under sec- tion 350 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (the so- called Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act), as amended, until sufficient time has elapsed to permit a scientific study of the necessity for further action under the reciprocal trade agreements policy. The United States Tariff Commission is hereby directed to make such scientific study and report its findings to the Congress. - The resolution seeks to accomplish two purposes: First. It requests the President to postpone any further reduction of duties until sufficient time has been given to have a scientific study of the necessity for making such reductions. Second. It requests that the United States Tariff Commission be directed to make these studies and to report its find- ings to the Congress. - This resolution does not in any way seek to repeal any portion of the Recip- rocal Trade Agreements Act. This reso- lution has been approved by many in- dustries in the country and also by the labor organizations representing the em- ployees of such industries. It has also been approved by many Members of Con- gress, who have shown their approval in communications which they have sent to the President or the State Department, which administers the reciprocal trade agreement laws. Not until this proposed legislation was so vigorously supported did the Presi- dent or the State Department show any inclination to improve the conditions against which so many complained. Negotiations were then begun by the State Department with some members of the legislative branches of the Govern- ment by which the State Department promised to change its method of dealing with the American public in its enforce- ment of these trade-agreement laws. In due time these overtures were com- municated to some members of the Ways and Means Committee and were rejected on the ground that practically every- thing the State Department promised to do it was already bound to do under the law. The State Department was APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD now offering, in response to public de- mand, to do the things which it should have done in the past. It is little wonder, then, that the Presi- dent so proudly boasts that he has ef- fected this agreement to which I have referred. All the President does and promises by his Executive order is the things that should have been done previously. As proof of this, how could the Presi- dent now do and order done anything different than what he had a right to do previously? This Congress has en- acted no additional legislation of any kind and has given the President and the Secretary of State no additonal au- thority. The President does nothing more than to admit the failure of his State Department to do what it should have done. He admits that the com- plaints of the American businessmen and the laboring men are well founded, and that he and his State Department have deliberately ignored the rights of these people under the law. In his statement he discusses escape clauses to be a part of the new agree- ments. Every contract entered into since the first contract of 1935 provides escape clauses which would have been adequate if the State Department had not arrogantly refused to give any con- sideration to the complaints of ag- grieved parties. His promise that future agreements should contain more ade- quate clauses because it is well recognized that since the Mexican agreement was made all future agreements shall con- tain adequate escape clauses. One of the fundamental bases of all reciprocal trade agreements is the dif- ference between the cost of production in a foreign country as against the cost in our country. There is no question but that the Tariff Commission, whose duty it is to seek this information with reference to cost of production, has been unable to do so and that the State De- partment does not now possess adequate knowledge and information with refer- ence to foreign costs to enable the State Department to properly deal with other countries so as to protect American in- terests. There are instances where com- moditties have been imported into our country during the last few months when the State Department authorities and the Tariff Commission knew or should have known that the same were brought into the country at a price much below our cost of production. Every trade agreement heretofore en- tered into has resulted in a reduction of duty on commodities coming into the United States. While the State Depart- ment authorities have a right to increase as well as to reduce, the records fall to disclose that any increased rates have ever been agreed upon. The President and the State Depart- ment have condescended to make these concessions which they have been bound to make under the law from the begin- ning simply because of the protest made by American industry and American labor and by the introduction of House Resolution 52 and other bills dealing with the same subject,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The House of Representatives should proceed in an orderly way to deal with this subject regardless of any horse- trading tactics by any other departments of the Government. This is an impor- tant matter that should be handled as the law provides. We should not permit the prerogatives of the House of Repre- sentatives to be usurped. We owe a duty to the American people to conduct legislative matters according to law and the rules of our duly elected and duly constituted legislative bodies, Federal Grants-in-Aid REMARKS HON. JOHN W. BYRNES CF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. BYRNES of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, in a speech on February 10, I called the attention of the House to the startling growth in recent years of Federal grants-in-aid to the various States and Territories. I pointed out that the Federal Government had usurped the position of the State and local units of government as the greatest spender of the taxpayer's dollar, and that while the States as a whole remain rela- tively solvent, the Federal Government’s financial position has become adunittedly precarious. In view of these facts, I sug- gested that the whole system of aids and grants should be thoroughly reexam- ined, saying: In connection with this reexamination I think we might weli ask three questions in connection with every aid and grant that its made. First, if it is absolutely essential to the welfare of the Nation; second, if it is not historically and constitutionally a more proper function of the State and local govern- ments; and, three, if the individual States in view of their present financial condition are not better able to assume the entire re- sponsibility for some of these functions. When this had been done, I suggested that those functions which were found to be within the proper jurisdiction of the Federal Government be reviewed and scrutinized carefully for waste, con- fusion, and duplication with services of- fered by the various subordinate units of government. I called the attention of the House to a resolution adopted by the board of managers of the Council of State Governments at Miami Beach, Fla., on December 4, 1946, which said in part: These systems (grants-in-aid) * * * have developed separately and independently without relation to each other, with the re- sult that there is a different policy, different program, and different administrative pro- cedure with respect to almost every activity. The net result has been and is overlapping, duplication, and confusion which not only result in waste of public funds but also make it extremely difficult for the States to estab- lish and maintain a constructive and eco- nomic over-all budget system. So that the Congress may have all the facts in order to eliminate Federal grants where possible and to place them where necessary upon an efficient and produc- tive basis, I have today introduced the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on Expen- ditures in the executive departments, act- ing as a whole or by subcommittee, is au- thorized and directed to conduct a full and complete investigation and study of exist- ing programs to provide aid to States and territories by grants-in-aid, by payments in lieu of taxes, by matched payments, and by other means, with the view of recommend- ing which of such programs, if dy, should be continued and of recommending the poli- cies that should be adopted and procedures that should be followed with respect to such programs in order to limit expenditures to the lowest amount necessary for the efficient performance of essential services and to elim- inate duplications and overlappings of, and conflicts between, Federal and State agencies. The committee shall report to the House (or to the Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) on or before the tenth day following the date on which the second ses- sion of the Eightieth Congress begins the re- sults of its investigation and study, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. For the purpose of carrying out this reso- lution the committee or subcommittee 1s au- thorized to sit and act during the present Congress at such times and places within the United States, whether the House is in session, has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, and to require, by sub- pena or otherwise, the attendance and tes- timony of such witnesses and the production of such books, records, correspondence, mem- moranda, papers, and documents, as it deems necessary, Subpenas may be issued under the signature of the chairman of the com- mittee or any member of the committee des- ignated by him, and may be served by any person designated by such chairman or member. Mr. Speaker, the adoption of this reso- lution will go far, I believe, to place us upon a sounder financial basis by clari- fying and streamlining the whole system of Federal grants-in-aid. I urge its early consideration and passage. Waste Continues EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL M. LeCOMPTE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. LECOMPTE. Mr. Speaker, from all parts of the country letters are pour- ing in to Congressmen urging economy in government and expressing approval of the action of the House in its efforts to reduce the Federal budget by a substan- tial amount. An editorial on this subject appeared in the Ottumwa (Iowa) Cour- jer on February 18 which is worthy of having the attention of all Members of the House. Under unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the editorial from the pen of John Huston, who is editor of the Ot- tumwa Daily Courier: WASTE CONTINUES The country is honeycombed with Federal offices which had nothing or little to do with the prosecution of the war. A723 The number has been increased since the war ended. As means of reducing expenses of government this wasteful set-up seems to be ignored. One diligent worker on economy in gov- ernment is Senator Harry F. Brrp, Virginia Democrat, who is assisted by a joint commit- tee from the two Houses of Congress. The major object of this group is to reduce non- essential Federal expenses with reference to the number of principal units in the execu- tive branch. It has found that in December 1946 there were 1,039 principal component parts of that branch of the Government. Exclusive of the Office for Emergency Management units, which dealt with war and postwar problems, the number last December was greater than it was at the height of the war. In the rush of the emergency it was but natural that innumerable agencies, commis- sions, and boards should spring up. While even then their efforts overlapped, the situ- ation was accepted as probably necessary to carry on the war effort. All that is past now and what happens? Instead of being sliced down appreciably the number of such boards and commissions has increased. Cessation of hotilities has brought little reduction anywhere along the line in the tremendous war expansion of the Government, As the Byrd committee observes, it is in- conceivable that the departments and old- line agencies, expanded to 777 principal component parts at the height of the war, should now need to expand still further to require 920 principal component parts. The conditions do more than that. They add weight to the repeatedly pointed out fact that the Government, with the excep- tion of the War and Navy Departments and the war agencies, is constantly increasing. The VJ-day total of 957,683 employees has grown to 1,251,942 at the first of this year. There is no justification for having in addi- tion to the 1,089 component parts, 1,200 Fed- eral offices in New York, 1,000 in Chicago, and more than 500 each in Philadelphia and Los Angeles, to mention only a few. It is not enough that war agency offices be closed. This general hodgepodge collection of branch offices, fleld offices, regional offices, State, county, area, and district offices is an apparent attempt of the establishments of the executive branch of the Government to perpetuate themselves and their tax-draining personnel. All this takes place in the face of con- stant demands on the part of Congress and the citizens as a whole to curtail expendi- tures, Riley in the Box Struck Out Casey EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RICHARD F. HARLESS OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. HARLESS of Arizona. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp, I include the following copyrighted article from the Arizona Daily Sun of January 29, 1947, by James Patrick McGovern, entitled “Riley in the Box Struck Out Casey,” which should stir the blood of all who love the grand old American game of baseball;
A724 RILEY IN THE Box Srrucn Ovr Casey Wasuinoron, D. C., January 29, 1947.—At a birthday dinner given me on January 24 in the National Press Club by some old friends, including Arizona's former United States Senator, Henry Fountain Ashurst, the talk Grifted to baseball—past world series, fea- tured players, and the like. Suddenly one of the guests participating in the round-table after-dinner discussion asked Ashurst, “Sen- ator, as one so well informed on sports, can you tell us the name of the pitcher who struck out Casey?” With hardly a moment’s hesitation the versatile Arizonian paid a trib- ute in verse to “Riley in the box, the man who struck out the mighty Casey,” adding that “we should be spreading his fame instead of boosting the guy that lost that game.” I scribbled down the lines as he proceeded and polished the rough edges a bit, with the fol- lowing results: RILEY IN THE BOX “Who cares about this Casey who used to slam the ball So far the fielders gasped to watch it clear the wall, While roars of all the bleachers swept from stand to stand With echoes that resounded from Mudville through the land? “Who cares about this Casey now he has lost his crown? The winner, not the loser, fs the talk of every town. Great Casey's star has fallen, while Riley's awes each tongue, And this is how the saga by every fan ts sung: “In that tense ninth, with bases packed and two already out, When Casey was expected to make his home- run clout, All cheered the slugger Casey at bat to win the fray— What chance had pitcher Riley’s inshoot and fadeaway? “Tt then was unknown Riley who proved his skill and grit, He fired the ball like Nghtning into his catcher'’s mitt. ‘Strike one,’ the umpire shouted, while Casey at the plate Thought that he might have swung, but he thought just too late. “Again the obscure Riley wound up and shot the ball; Again the bleachers waited, but saw no swing at all. ‘Strike two,’ the umpire bellowed, for Casey in blind pride Judged the pitch an inshoot, but it cut the corner outside. “Riley knew that Casey, now set to make a kill, Would blast the cover—unless he missed— right off the pill; And so he twirled a floater, slow and straight and square; ‘Strike three.’ Too soon great Casey madly struck—the air. “Then Riley rode the shoulders of gleeful mates that day, While Casey and all Mudville fied in shame away; This Riley was so modest; that Casey had such gall. Silent hero Riley—was not acclaimed at all. “Tt's Riley in the box, not Casey at the bat, A Mathewson of pitchers, not a Ruth of swat. Whom fans now hold in wonder and rever- ence in name, The greatest of the idols in baseball's hall of fame.” id —James Patrick McGovern, Free Enterprise Versus Planned Economy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY J. LATHAM OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. LATHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to include herein an article rom the New York Times of February , 1947: “PLANLESS” ECONOMY HERE OUTWORKS ORDERED RIVALS—AMERICAN CRISES CALLED THOSE OF ABUNDANCE, AGAINST SCARCITIES, SHORTAGES ABROAD (By Russell Porter) A great paradox seems to be developing in the postwar economic world. The “plan- less” economy of the United States, which was expected to collapse in a major depres- sion—at least as predicted by advocates of planned economy—thereby endangering the stability of the rest of the world, is still going right ahead, overcoming its own ob- stacles one after another and shipping abroad goods for the United Nations Relief and Re- habilitation Administration and for private relief as it sent lend-lease during the war, while the planned economies of Europe and Asia, despite all the aid that we have given them, are running into one economic crisis after another, The coal shortage in Great Britain, despite its possession of some of the world’s finest coal deposits, has furnished the most dra- matic news of the week, threatening British industry with paralysis and the population with freezing, but difficulties have been re- ported elsewhere also, There are wheat crises in parts of Soviet Russia, threatening star- vation in a land of almost unlimited agri- cultural resources; there are inflationary crises in France and China, threatening pov- erty and misery. In America the immediate reaction has been traditionally humanitarian, as shown by President Truman’s offer to divert coal ship- ments to England. There has been little or no gloating or smugness by the believers in free enterprise. Whatever ill-natured comment has come from the extreme right has been more than matched from the ex- treme left, notably in demands of the Com- munist that Britain Soctalists abandon the attempt to make nationalization conform to democracy and adopt the coercive meth- ods of communism. There has been wide agreement that Amer- icans would be wise to study these foreign crises against the economic background of the countries in which they are taking place, with a view to learning whatever lessons may be applicable to our own economic future. In this background two things seem par- ticularly pertinent: 1. The crises of foreign countries under socialism and communism continue to be Crises of scarcity, of shortages of food, cloth- ing, and shelter, the necessities of life, which grind down the people; whereas the crises of free enterprise in the United States have been crises of abundance. 2. Foreign countries in general have never known free enterprise in the American sense— that is, individual competition protected by antitrust laws as well as private capitalism— but have allowed private capitalism to de- generate into private monopoly, which finally has become governmental monopoly in varying forms of socialism, communism, or fascism. Russia went directly from the mo- nopoly of feudalism into the monopoly of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD communism; Britain, by way of domestic monopolies and international cartels under private management, into Socialist mo- nopoly. Some of the lessons which Americans seem to be drawing at least tentatively from world events today seem to be somewhat as follows: 1. Neither communism nor socialism can be depended upon to free the world auto- matically of militarism, imperialism, or pov~ erty, despite all the claims of propagandists and all the dreams of utopians. In fact, these evils of monopoly capitalism seem to have been accentuated by Government mo- nopoly, with the rivalry of Communist Rus- sia and Socialist Britain keeping the world an armed camp nearly 2 years after the end of the war in Europe. With all the sympathy in the world for the people of the war- devastated areas, it is recognized that their governments still are keeping under arms men who might better be digging coal in Britain and growing wheat in Russia, and are forcing us to maintain a huge and costly Military Establishment. 2. Under any economic system, hard work and productivity remain the keys to indi- vidual and social well-being. Coal cannot be dug with socialistic tracts, nor wheat grown in Communist manifestoes. 8. The opportunities and incentives of free enterprise have given the American eco- nomic cystem a dynamic quality which has stimulated production and an ever-rising standard of living over the years, and havo enabled it to save the world with its indus- trial machine in time of war and to feed and clothe it during peacetime emergencies. 4. So far communism and socialism have proved themselves as economically static as monarchy or private monopoly, Instead of goods for the people, they seem to produce an overabundance of sterile intellectualism or pseudo intellectualism, just as monarchy produced a shallow aristocracy, and private monopoly, an idle rich. 5. The great enemy of the people is mo- nopoly, either private or governmental, be- cause it restricts production, raises prices, lowers real wages and the standard of living, and exploits workers and consumers in the interests of a privileged class. But govern- ment monopoly is the worst, because, backed by military power and secret police, it is the hardest to get rid of. Legislation and public opinion can curb business and union mo- nopolies, but only a revolution can free a people from a government monopoly that wants to perpetuate itself in power. In view of such considerations, plus the first-hand reports of conditions abroad brought home by several million GI travelers, the American people seem to have made up thelr mind that free enterprise has proved itself both as an essential element of democ- racy and also as an economic asset. United Automobile Workers, an Affiliate of World Federation of Trade Unions, Communist Dominated EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE A. DONDERO OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr, DONDERO. Mr. Speaker, I offer for the Recorp copy of a radio address which I made over Detroit’s powerful radio station WJR, on February 8, 1947, showing that the United Automobile
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Workers of America (CIO) is an affiliate of and subordinate to the World Fed- eration of Trade Unions, which in turn is controlled by the Communist commis- sars in Moscow: Fellow citizens of Detroit, tonight I wish to deal with a problem which is of grave con- cern to the many thousands of men and women in the automobile industry, to the people of Detroit, and to the Nation as a whole. I propose to show the full signifi- cance to all of us of the fact that the United Automobile Workers of America (CIO), which includes hundreds of thousands of men and women in this area, is an affiliate of and subordinate to an organization known as the World Federation of Trade Unions, which is controlled lock, stock, and barrel by the Communist commissars in Moscow. This organization is moving heaven and earth in its implacable hostility to the Unit- ed States in every part of the world. Let me make certain things plain at the outset, however. I am a full believer in the right of labor to organize and bargain col- lectively, I am a firm believer in the prin- ciple of labor-management cooperation for a better America, Labor and management must cooperate or they will both be doomed to Soviet slavery and destruction. But I am just as strongly opposed to any entangle- ments whereby American labor may become the pawn of a foreign power. I believe every loyal member of the United Automobile Workers agrees with me on this. Therefore I question whether the commit- ment of the United Automobile Workers with the Soviet-controlled World Federation of Trade Unions was ever discussed in all its import with the rank and file of the union, Certainly no referendum of the members was ever taken on this all-important question. Since no one else has taken the initiative in telling the truth on this matter, I propose to do so today. During the war there was some reason- able grcund for an alinement with the Soviet trade unions in order to further the pro- duction of war materials and accomplish the speedy defeat of Adolf Hitler. In carrying out this task, the workers of Detroit did their full share and they are justly proud of it. What sense is there to the affiliation of the auto workers with the Communist-domi- nated World Federation of Trade Unions today? A misleading pamphlet issued by the CIO recently attempts to show that no one country controls the organization. How can they overlook or deny the fact that the over- whelming majority of the Federation repre- sents a Communist bloc of unions from the following countries: Russia, Poland, Yugo- slavia, Albania, Hungary, Rumania, Czecho- slovakia, Finland, Italy, France, Latin Amer- ica, and other lands? Why should any group of American workers subordinate itself to this set-up? And let me ask what is the chief purpose of the World Federation of Trade Unions now that the war is over. I will tell you. Its purpose is to maneuver American labor against American industry and against the American Government, through politically inspired strikes and general strikes, moti- vated not by any desire to improve wages and working conditions for the American work- ers, but solely to further the imperialist de- signs of the Soviet Government. In the face of the fact that the United States has not sought any territorial aggrandizement from the recent war and in the face of the aggressive expansionism of the Soviet Union, the spokesmen of the World Federation of Trade Unions are actively propagating the idea that the United States is fomenting war against the Soviet Union. “The choice before the workers of Europe and the workers of the world,” said the Indian delegate to the September 1945 con- ference of the World Federation of Trade Unions in Paris, “is between the finance capital of the United States on the one hand and the social economic order which 1s rep- resented by Soviet Russia alone on the other.” The French adherents of the World Fed- eration of Trade Unions have called a boy- cott of American films, which may result in unemployment for American workers in the film industry. They may decide a similar movement against American automobiles next. The Polish affiliates of the World Federa- tion of Trade Unions adopted a resolution on September 7, 1946, which reads as follows: “Mr. Byrnes’ speech constitutes a great dan- ger, a danger of diverging from the road of general peace followed by the United Nations during the war, which road they promised to follow after the war.” William Z. Foster, chairman of the Com- munist Party, USA, has been even more out- spoken about Communist aims in his state- ment of April 21, 1946, when he declared: “It is imperative that the world’s workers, through the World Federation of Trado Unions, should intervene in the proceedings of the United Nations in order to defeat the imperialists who are now active in that body and are threatening the peace of the, world. It should ring with protest against the war-mongering course now being followed by the American delegation in the United Nations. It should let Truman and Byrnes know that they are violating the peace will of the American people.” I am supremely confident that loyal Amer- ican trade unionists do not want their or- ganizations used to weaken the hands of the spokesmen of this country and that they are wholeheartedly in accord with a policy of firmness toward Soviet expansionism. The World Federation of Trade Unions has appointed numerous investigating commis- sions to examine conditions in American oc- cupation zones in Germany, Korea, Japan, and other areas. It has demanded inde- pendence for Puerto Rico. On no occasion, however, has it ventured to send investiga- tors to the slave-labor camps in Russia, Po- land, Yugoslavia, and other Soviet-controlled areas. Nor has it demanded independence for any of the Soviet puppet states or free elections for any of these policed states. On the contrary, when a delegation of the World Federation, including Mr. R. J. Thomas, of the United Automobile Workers Union, vis- ited the Soviet Union, it brought back a glowing report despite the deplorable living conditions, the abject standard of living, forced labor, the Stakhanoff speed-up system, and the absence of free trade unions. In its desire to secure control of the en- trance to the Mediterranean, the Soviet Un- fon is conducting a world-wide agitation against the Spanish dictator, Franco. Unions affliated with the World Fedcration of Trade Unions are being pressured to take strike action on an international scale toward this end and this goes for the auto workers of Detroit. The Communist-ruled Latin-American Federation of Labor headed by one (Vincent Lombardo) Toledano, affiliated with the World Federation of Trade Unions, has de- nounced so-called American imperialism in Japan, Korea, the Philippines, China, and throughout Latin-America. It has con- demned Present Truman’s inter-American de- fense plan as “big stick” diplomacy. This inter-American position has been approved by the CIO News of January 6, 1947. Has this policy, reminiscent of the Communist line during the Stalin-Hitler pact, ever been approved by the membership of the CIO? The WFTU affiliates in Iceland, Cuba, and Ecuador have opposed granting air bases to A725 -the United States for mutual defense pur- poses. From these few examples it will be clear what V. V. Kuznetsov, delegate of the Soviet Government-sponsored trade unions, meant when he declared in Parts in September 1945 that the World Federation of Trade Unions “has various means at its disposal to compel governments and employers to reckon with it.” Of course, he did not mean the Soviet Government, as a subject of such compulsion. Clear too will be warning of the British trade union leader, Arthur Deakin, when he declared at the Paris WFTU conference, “We are asking for extra-constitutional recogni- tion of a world organization providing that approach which goes beyond our internal uf- fairs and may involve us in very serious com- mitments.” Here and now I ask whether the working men and women of Detroit have been appraised of these commitments and whether they have been asked to approve of them, The (Communist) Daily Worker of No- vember 4, 1945, has described the World Federation of Trade Unions as “the result of efforts which began 25 years ago’ with the Red International of Labor Unions with headquarters in Moscow. It was therefore singularly uppropriate that the meeting of the executive committee of the WFTU held in Moscow in June 1946 was greeted by none other than A. Lozovsky, former head of the Red International of Labor Unions and member of the executive committee of the Communist International. Present at the meeting was Mr. R, J. Thomas, vice president of the United Automobile Workers, whom the Worker of October 8, 1944, has described as “fighting side by side” with the Communists. He was the only trade-union leader who graced the reception in honor of the Russtan revolution at the Soviet Embassy in Wash- ington on November 7, 1946. Who ts this A, Lozovsky? Michigan has good reason to remember him. Under the alias of Brooks he served as the representa- tive of the Communist International at the secret Communist convention held at Bridg- man, Mich., in the summer of 1922. The con- vention was raided by the Government and its delegates were charged with criminal syndicalism. Mr. Lozovsky, now a prominent Soviet of- ficial, has been very frank in his exposition of the functions of trade untons. He has laid down very clearly the line now being followed by the Communist leaders of the World Federation of Trade Unions. As head of the Red International of Labor Unions he opposed the idea of the “defense of ‘our' country” and advocated the “necessity of war for the defense of ou: own proletariat state,” meaning the Soviet Union, of course. In his book on Marx and the Trade Unions, Lozovsky outlined his conception of the trade unions as pawns in the class struggle for the establishment of a Soviet dictatorship. He said, “Marx knew that the economic strike was an important weapon in the hands of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, since everything that deals a blow to the capital- ist deals a blow also to the capitalist system.” “Our main aim.” declared Lozovsky, “is to defend and strengthen the Russian revolu- tion.” He considered the unions as “schools for communism.” Louis Saillant is the big boss and general secretary of the World Federation of Trade Unions. He has been cited by the depend- able New York Times for his sympathies with the Communist Party and has addressed im- portant Communist meetings in France. On a number of occasions the Communists have demonstrated that it is their purpose to utilize the World Federation of Trade Unions to involve American labor organizations in politically motivated international strikes. Such international strike action was planned in support of the Committee for Maritime Unity, headed by Harry Bridges. The New
A726 Masses, Communist weekly magasine, deé- clared exultingly at the time of the threat- ened maritime strike in June 1946, “For the first time in history the newly formed WFTU, with 60,000,000 members, will throw its earth-encircling weight behind an American strike.” If you want to know one reason why there is little sugar on your table, ask Harry Bridges, who in cooperation with WFTU leaders in Cuba and over the head of Philip Murray, has been conducting a series of international strikes which have tended to cripple the American sugar industry. Mr. Hanson W. Baldwin, prominent mili- tary authority, wrote as follows in the New York Times of January 9, 1947, on the danger to our national security of Communist activ- ity in the maritime field: “Complete control of these unions by the Communists could hog-tie America at a time of international crisis . . . The Congress must make impossible a repetition of last summer's catastrophic blow to Alaska and the Aleutians, a geographical area of tre- . mendous strategic importance. Any ship- ping strikes that virtually strangle Alaska as the recent strikes did, and that also im- peril an adequate defense in the Hawaiian Islands, cannot be tolerated.” If and when the Soviet Union should de- cide to expand its aggressive designs from Europe to the American continent, it hopes to strike at the vital part of the American war machine, at important industrial centers like Detroit, through its hold upon the World Federation of Trade Unions. Having witnessed the loyalty, the devotion, and self-sacrifice of the auto workers of De- troit during the last war, Iam confident that they will spurn with indignation and con- tempt any such attempt to inveigle them into @ conspiracy against their own Government and their own interests. The American worker knows that he enjoys the highest standard of living in the world. He knows that he enjoys a democratic freedom which is not surpassed anywhere. He knows that the so-called workers’ paradise in the Soviet Union is characterized by slave labor camps in which millions of workers toil under in- human conditions, substandard living con- ditions, a cruel speed-up system, and the ab- sence of any vestige of civil rights. He is realistic enough to understand the relative superiority of conditions in this country de- spite some inequities. He knows that under our system they can be corrected. He does not live in any fool’s paradise. Let the rank and file of the workers of Detroit demand the discussion of the issues I have raised. Let them demand an all- American union, free of foreign entangle- ments inspired by insidious Communist con- spirators. Let us all work unitedly, both labor and management, for a better America and a better world for all of us. Warsaw Invites the Signers of the Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I desire to bring to the attention of the Members of the House a very timely and appropriate article written by Dr. Oscar Lange, former Polish Ambassador and now Polish delegate to the United Nations Security Council, which ap- peared in the monthly bulletin Poland of Today, for the month of February. I think that every one of us will agree that Warsaw is the proper place for the signing of the peace treaty with Ger- many. Warsaw is the best example of Nazi brutality and bestiality. The arti- cle follows: Warsaw INVITES THE SIGNERS OF THE PXACK (By Dr. Oscar Lange, Polish delegate to the UN Security Council) One of the most important political events in 1947 will be the preparation and comple- tion of a peace treaty with Germany. Ger- many was the center and the leader of the Axis engaged in a war of aggression against the countries which later banded together as the United Nations in a common effort to win the war and to establish a permanent peace. Consequently, the peace treaty with Germany will be the most important step in the liquidation of the war and in the changing over to a new and stable inter- national order. The Polish Government will propose that the peace treaty with Germany be signed in Warsaw. There are several reasons which prompt us to make such a proposal. World War II was started by Germany’s aggression against Poland. It is true that the war had earlier origins, running through the Japa- nese invasion of Manchuria, the Italian in- vasion of Ethiopia, the Italian and German intervention against the Spanish Republic, the annexation of Austria by Germany, the destruction of Czechoslovakia, the annexa- tion of Albania by Italy. But it was the in- vasion of Poland and Poland's armed resist- ance to further Axis expansion that started the chain of resistance which led to World War II and to the subsequent destruction of the Fascist Axis. Poland is the country which has suffered most from the war and from the horrors of German occupation. Suffice it to mention that 6,000,000 citizens of Poland have died at the hands of the Nazis. This alone shows the enormity of German crimes in Poland. In addition, however, Poland was chosen by the Nazi leaders as the place for the exter- mination of peoples other than Poles. In addition to the millions of Poles and Polish Jews who have died in the extermination camps of Majdanek, Tremblinka, and Oswie- cim, millions of others were brought from all over Europe to these camps, established on Polish soil, to meet their death in gas chambers and furnaces. Nothing is as illustrative of the destruc- tion which Poland has suffered under the German occupation as the fate of Warsaw. Three times the people of Warsaw have waged a heroic resistance against the Germans. In September of 1989, when the Polish Army was defeated, when the Government and ad- ministration had already disintegrated, the People of Warsaw, under the leadership of their mayor, Stanislaw Starzynski, took up arms, and, with the aid of parts of the Polish Army who found themselves in or near War- saw, defended their city for five whole weeks, For five whole weeks the people of Warsaw withstood the punishment of bombings and artillery, of fighting in the streets and sub- urbe, and behind its barricades kept alive the spirit of Polish freedom and independence. Only lack of ammunition and hunger forced them to capitulate. The spring of 1948 witnessed the great up- rising in the Warsaw ghetto. The Nazis had put all the Jewish population of Warsaw into a@ ghetto where they were forced to live in segregation from the rest of the people. The Jewish population was being systematically deported from the ghetto. For a long time the Jews of Warsaw did not know about the destination of the deportees. Finally, how- ever, the horrible truth came out. The de- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD portees were being taken to extermination Camps and put to death. When thie infor- mation spread through the ghetto such Jews as remained decided to defend themselves by force of arms. In this action they received the support of the Christian population of Warsaw and of the Polish underground, which supplied them with arms. The Ger- mans stormed the ghetto street by street, house by house. It took several weeks for the great German Army to conquer the War- saw ghetto. When the battle was over only a heap of ruins remained where once had been the most densely populated pert of Warsaw. In August of 1944, when the Red Army was approaching, the people of Warsaw once more took up arms to oust the Germans by their own effort, and thus to contribute with their own hands toward their liberation. In a magnificent effort Warsaw was cleared of Germans and the Polish flag waved on all the buildings of Poland’s capital, which had lib- erated itself by its own effort. For 8 weeks the Germans were kept out of Warsaw. They had to reconquer Poland's proud capital street by street, block by block, and house by house. The lack of ammuni- tion and of food, and the temporary setback of the Red Army on the other side of the Vistula, finally caused Warsaw to fall. Dur- ing this insurrection 250,000 people lost their lives. The German authorities took a horrible vengeance on Warsaw, whose people had dared to rise against their rule. Hitler odered the destruction of Warsaw. The remaining population was removed from the city and a large part of it was sent as slave labor to Germany. Meantime house after house was ransacked, looted, and then either dynamited or burned down. A visitor to Warsaw cannot help being astonished at the huge effort which the Ger- mans put into the systematic destruction of the capital, for it takes a great effort to destroy a city deliberately house by house. Today Warsaw has the appearance of a ghost town. Its ruined houses, churches, and mon- uments are the most visible evidence of the crimes perpetrated by the Nazis throughout Europe. One has to see Warsaw to know what Nazi cruelty meant. One has to see Warsaw to know what a German victory would have meant for the whole world. And yet in these ruins a new life is being born. Half a million people have returned and are rebuilding the capital of Poland. Factories, workshops, stores, and Government offices are being opened in increasing num- bers. Streetcars and busses and other ve- hicles are onc> again running. One illustra- tion of the ability of the people to survive can be seen in the fate of Warsaw's churches. Most of them—and among them were many old historic pieces of architecture—were de- stroyed by the Germans along with all other buildings. Yet, on Sunday mornings crowds gather in the basements or undestroyed parts of these churches at services which are sug- gestive of those in the old Christian cata- Combs. These services, too, reflect the irre- sistible spirit of the Polish nation. Amid the ruins a new and busy life is hustling and bustling, the life of a new and free Po- land which no amount of Nasi cruelty, terror, and destruction was able to subdue. It is thus befitting that the peace treaty with Germany be signed in the place where the Nazis committed their greatest crimes and where such strong spirit of resistance and such great ability to survive the German attempts at extermination were shown. The choice of Warsaw as a place to sign the peace treaty with Germany will serve as a demon- stration of the triumph of justice and as a warning that the crime of aggressive war does not pay. It will also serve to demon- strate that wherever people truly love free- dom and are ready to make sacrifices for freedom’s sake, their efforts shall not be in vain.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Reciprocal Trade Agreements Are a Menace to American Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN'THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, the effect of reciprocal trade agreements on the industries in my congressional dis- trict is alarming. Almost daily I am receiving information from various in- dustries citing the menace created by the State Department’s program of reciprocal trade agreements. Since 1934, when the present program was inaugurated, a large number of items of trade imported to the United States have been removed from the customs list, while over 1,200 items have been granted decreases in the amount of duty charges. The State Department is now consider- ing granting a further decrease of 50 percent in the present duty rates. It is said that the purpose of such a policy is to secure the friendship of other nations. The premium paid for such good will will . be the wrecking of American industry, and that is too great a price in return for such a rosy promise. - The State Department, acting through the Committee on Reciprocity Informa- tion, has been receiving appeals from American industry to halt the unbridled : passion of caring for the rest of the world and leaving this Nation facing certain _ peril to its domestic economy. It is expected that at the Geneva con- . ference to be held in April the State De- > partment will put in effect further reduc- : tions in duty on hundreds of items that ‘ have already been reduced as much as ’ 60 percent in duty rates. Such action . will not only indicate that a deaf ear has . been turned to the pleas of American in- - dustry but it is certain to stifle our pro- duction and result in unemployment and financial chaos in our industrial life. If we desire to play the role of world * benefactor we should not forget the age- old truism that charity should not be practiced at the expense of the well-being . of our Nation and its people. Goods manufactured in foreign na- - tions at wages comparable to that paid ’ to slave labor will glut our domestic mar- kets and usher in an era of financial failure that will spell economic ruin to American industry and American work- men. In my own congressional district we have factories and mills that are a monu- ment to free enterprise and a tribute to American industrial genius and the skill of American labor. Some of these en- terprises represent generations of toil - and sacrifice. Their employees repre- sent families whose forebears settled these communities. Employees in these industries and their families are greatly worried over the en- croaching policies of reciprocal trade. They see the threat of unemployment and the misery and suffering that is cer- tain to follow. If you have any doubt concerning the dire effects of reciprocal trade agree- ments to American industry let me cite the paper and pulp industry in Pennsyl- vania as one of the many examples of the menace to our domestic economy. The importance of the paper and pulp industry in Pennsylvania is evidenced by the fact that there are 53 paper mills and 10 pulp mills in Pennsylvania, repre- senting a capital investment of $226,- 499,000, or $19,000 per worker. .They em- ploy 11,921 workers with annual wages Of $27,275,312. The sales of these mills amount to $220,000,000, paying $13,200,- 000 in Federal taxes and $3,200,000 in State and local taxes. Paper and pulp mills not only operate as manufacturing establishments but are a market for farmers in their respective areas for the sale of pulpwood, which affords such farmers an opportunity to earn money in the seasons when normal farm operations are at a minimum. The great importance of the industry to Pennsylvania is not shown only by the above figures, Out of sales come not Only wages and taxes but also supplies, raw materials, power, machinery, trans- portation, and so forth. These paper and pulp mills are located largely in communities dependent on these plants for their prosperity. The communities in Pennsylvania which are estimated to be 50 percent or more de- pendent on these mills for their entire business life are as follows: Austin, Barto, Betzwood, Buck Run, Chesterville, Downingtown, Durh, Johnsonburg, Lock Haven, Minisink Hills, Miquon, Mount Holly Springs, Ransom, Riegelsville, Roaring Spring, Spring Grove, West Con- shohocken, Williamsburg, and York. In the event that paper and pulp pro- duction became unprofitable, these com- munities could have the same fate as Wilder and Fitzdale in Vermont, also, Raymondville and Feltsmills in New York State. They became ghost towns through placing newsprint on the free list. Addi- tional communities in the State would be affected to varying degrees. The Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act authorizes reductions of tariffs up to 50 percent of the rate in existence on Janu- ary 1. The State Department has invited 18 nations to negotiate trade agreements with us and each other for the reduction of tariffs and other trade barriers. It is alarming to realize the effect of the reciprocal trade agreements on the newsprint industry. In 1913 there were 72 newsprint mills in the United States. In that year a reciprocal trade agreement placed newsprint on the free Mst. Today there are only 7 companies making news- print in the United States. The annual consumption gained 2,231,264 tons while United States production dropped with 447,628 tons less per year. Production and consumption figures for 1909, the latest available figures prior to placing newsprint on the free list, are contrasted with those for 1945, the latest available. This clearly illustrates the blow to the industry. Production, 1909, 1,168,098 tons of newsprint. Production, 1945, 725,475 tons of news- print. A727 \ A loss of 442,623 tons in annual produc- tion. Consumption, 1909, 1,119,358 tons of newsprint. Consumption, 1945, 3,350,622 tons of newsprint. A gain of 2,231,264 tons in annual con- sumption, Canadian newsprint exports to United States, 1909, none; 1945, 2,668,798 tons. This shift of newsprint production from the United States to Canada repre- sents a huge lost opportunity for Amer- ican capital and labor. Every ton of paper imported is equiv- alent to three potential lost days of work for American workers. Imports of news- print in 1945 amounted to 2,668,798 tons. This equals a loss of 8,006,394 days of employment to American workers for this year. Newsprint is not the only loser. A similar course is being followed as a re- sult of trade agreements already in effect on other grades of paper. Printing and wrapping are excellent examples of cur- rent developments extending throughout the industry. Mr. Speaker, this condition cannot exist much longer if American industry is to survive. As Representative of the Twenty-second District of Pennsylvania I want to join the many Members of the House who are insisting that some def- inite action be taken by the Eightieth Congress to curb what may be properly termed the ruthless destroyer of thou- sands of jobs of American workmen. Washington Birthday Address EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. W. KINGSLAND MACY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. MACY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include an address that I made before the Sons of the Revolution in the State of New York, following addresses by Gen. Courtney H. Hodges, United States Army, commanding general, Headquarters First Army, and Admiral Thomas C. Kinkaid, United States Navy, Commander, Eastern Sea Frontier, and to include the remarks and introduction by Col. William M. Chadbourne, president of the Sons of the Revolution in the State of New York, at their annual dinner celebration of Washington's Birthday, at the Waldorf- Astoria on the evening of February 22, 1947, at 7:30 o'clock. Colonel Chadbourne’s introduction is as follows: Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, may I, as president of the Sons of the Revolution in the State of New York, express my per- sonal appreciation. We, who revere the memory of the founders of the Republic, have gathered together to commemorate the two hundred and fifteenth anniversary of the birthday of Gen. George Washington. In those immortal documents, the Declara- tion of Independence, the Constitution of the United States and the Bill of Rights, the