APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD First, let me say it is my considered opinion that we are going straight ahead with the Nation-wide Job of protecting our agricul- tural lands from impoverishment or ruin by soil erosion. It 1s likely to take about 20 years full speed ahead to get the basic con- servation measures applied to the land. After that is done, necessary maintenance and im- provement work will be required, but this will be comparatively easy and cheap. Twenty years ‘is not a long time to apply the basic conservation measures to so vast an agricultural area as ours. Nor is it a long time when you remember that we must deal with the land damage which has developed over more than a century of unbridled ero- sion. As a matter of fact, the achievement of primary protection for our agricultural lands within such a period would be progress at a remarkably rapid rate. I think it can be done. Second, I want to mention a practical mat- ter of politics. A friend of soil conservation asked me, not so long ago, how the Republi- can victory in the recent congressional elec- tions would affect the soi] conservation pro- gram. I imagine some of you have been wondering about the same thing. My answer is that the sof] has no politics. Republicans and Democrats alike recognize this fact. The soil conservation program has been, and will continue to be, nonpolitical. It is a well- known fact that members of the Republican Party, in and out of Congress, are among the outstanding supporters of the soil conserva- tion program and the Soil Conservation Serv- ice. The work of the Service has not even been controversial; it has been widely recog- nized as the most effective and practical, as well as the cheapest and most rewarding, program of land improvement and protection we have ever had in the country. I have full confidence that the new Con- gress will give maximum cooperation when it comes to soil conservation—comes to sav- ing a resource without which there can be no Congress, no vigorous nation. Furthermore, in connection with the non- political nature of soil conservation, it should be noted that in soil conservation districts all across the country farmers who vote Republican and farmers who vote Demo- cratic have joined forces, in a thoroughly nonpartisan way, to achieve joint soil con- servation objectives and halt the common enemy—soil erosion. Third, I believe it is important to mention the mental attitude of the people generally, for this has its effect on soil conservation. Today there seems to be a great deal of doubt and concern about the future. People every- where wonder what tomorrow will bring. They search for something solid and genuine they can count on. Many of the old slogans they once believed in have proven false. Few standards and values remain that are not subject to questioning, especially by the young men and women of our times. These are years of great change and no one can predict the outcome, except that it may be unlike anything we have ever known before. Out of this frame of mind, a new interest in the land is growing by leaps and bounds. You can notice it on all sides. Men and women who would normally have little or no concern about such a matter as soil ero- sion are spending great amounts of time and energy to help blot it out. These are signs of the times. People are beginning to see in productive land something that is good and tangible. They have discovered that produc- tive land, prcperly safeguarded against ero- sion, is something a man and his family can see, and feel, and count on, to a very great extent, through periods of trouble as well as in years of prosperity. Take care of the land and the land will take care of you is a good way to look at it. This idea extends beyond the farmer. Throughout our society there is developing a deeper respect and appreciation for produc- tive land as a source of strength and wealth. Not only farmers, but businessmen in the cities and towns across the Nation—manu- facturers, merchants, those engaged in trans- portation, bankers, professional people—are putting their support and influence behind the Job of real soil conservation. The same is true of educators and the churoh, of the newspapers, the broadcasters, and the maga- zines. Indeed, for a great many people, soil conservation has taken on the stature of a great national crusade and action program, Back of it all, I believe, is the growing realization that productive land is one of the real foundations on which a people can build, and prosper. I think this ts part of a new American attitude toward life which is emerging out of the trials of the recent war, the great depression of the thirties, and the unprecedented midcontinental drought of the same period. I hardly need add that men and women who recognize the true worth of productive land will not stand idly by and permit erosion . to ruin it; these people will be soll conser- vationists. Fourth on my list, though in many respects first in importance, is the unprecedented de- velopment of soil-conservation districts. Brought into being by the votes of farmers and controlled by the farmers themselves, these districts have proven to be @ popular and a powerful force for soil conservation. With the technical assistance of the Soil Con- servation Service available to them, they are getting the job done effectively, scientifically, democratically, and, by all reasonable stand- ards, permanently. Next year, some of the districts will cele- brate their tenth anniversaries. While it may have escaped the attention of some, this audience should take particular note that soil conservation districts are now an established part of the American system of Government—self-government. Their ex- perimental days are over; they are a fast- maturing institution to be reckoned with. In the months and years ahead, you can count on them to make known their wishes with respect to soil conservation. Two months from now, in this city, 1 am informed, the permanent organization of a National Association of Soil Conservation District Governing Bodies will be completed. This association, with direct lines of com- munication to the soil conservation districts of the country, is dedicated to the advance- ment of soll conservation through the spread of understanding and education. I am con- fident its work and influence will be felt. My fifth print concerns the Soil Conserva- tion Services. And right at the outset, I want to say publicly that I am 100 percent proud of the service and the men and women who compose !i, I am proud of their record during the war and I am. proud of their record in getting soil conservation measures on the land in yearly increasing amount and of steadily good quality. They have stuck to their job and maintained a spirit of public service which I claim is not surpassed any- where. The Service has worked for and won the respect and confidence of the farmers. As a fiat statement, I say the farmers like the way the Service works. They like the Service pro- gram, which is carried on cooperatively with the individual farmer, not indoors, but out in his own fields, pastures, wood lots, gullies, idle lands, where the job of conservation must be done. The steady, rapid growth and continued active cooperation of soil-conser- vation districts with the Service all over the country is the clearest proof, as I see it, of the favorable farmer reception of our pro- gram. Purther, the Service has won the support and the confidence of citizens, organizations, and business concerns far from the farms. We have won it on the demonstrated basis of getting a necessary job done well, with frugal use of money, full regard for the rights and preferences of the individual, and a pole A1295 icy of productive cooperation and sticking to our knitting. In short, the Service has the backing of the people of the country. We are proud of this support, and aim to keep it by continuing to earn it. As the technical arm of the soil- conservation program now moving ahead so splendidly in all parts of the Nation, in co- operation with soil-conservation districts, the support and confidence of the people is e@ factor of the utmost importance. It is a constant spur and stimulus, under friendly conditions, to greater effort, higher quality, and faster progress, I can’t resist telling a story here, as a kind of aside, about an incident of several years ago. On very short notice one day, I was called into the office of one of the top officials of the Government. He was smiling when I got there, so when he asked me how I was feeling, I told him I was doing pretty well. “Dr. Bennett,” he said, “how is the Soil Conservation Service getting along?” I told him I thought it was doing all right. Things weren't perfect, I added, but the job Was getting ahead in good fashion. “TI thought so,” he said. “The Service must be doing a really good job. Somebody else wants to absorb you. I've noticed something about the Government. Every time an agency does an outstandingly good Job, there's al- ways a move by someone else to take it over. That seems to be the penalty of success.” It wasn't hard to agree. In retrospect, it seems that somebody has always been trying to take over or absorb the Soil Conservation Service. The attempts are still being made, but with each passing month I think they are less likely to succeed. Getting back to my estimate of the imme- diate future for soil-conservation work, how= ever, I would summarize by saying the pros- pects look good. The major, important fac- tors are favorable to a sustained, strength- ened program in the years just ahead. Farmers are approving the program and speaking out for it. They are steadily or- ganizing new soil-conservation districts and are making established districts work in a manner that is most gratifying. Urban and educational interests of all kinds are stanch backers of the program, The indications are that Congress will continue its support and perhaps even strengthen it. And 1 know the Soil Conservation Service stands high in the regard of the people generally. They know that we have stuck to our job from the very beginning. Tonight, you see, I cannot be called a gloomy soil-saver. Even though the future may look promis- ing, I think it is scarcely necessary to re- mind you that now is not the time for soil conservationists to rest on any fancied laurels. Like liberty, the price of oppor- tunity .1s eternal vigilance. And eternal work. First and most important it is neces- sary to maintain and improve quality and keep up a good rate of progress. And there may always be a few who would like to wreck the program on one pretext or another; some, Iam afraid, would like to take it over— even though they never knew anything about the erosion problem in the beginning and never at any time raised a hand to do a single thing to get the program under way. During the next 20 years I look for the United States to make the greatest soil con- servation effort that’s ever been undertaken in history. I look for the United States to become the first major Nation in the world to take the steps necessary for effectuating permanent protection of its irreplaceuble soil resource. This js not just wishful thinking. It is based on my belief in the good business judgment of the people and the Congress of the Nation. ; Consider this: The cost of not going ahead with a scientific, acre-by-acre, soil conserva- tion program during the next 20 years, as we have planned, would probably amount to not less than €20,000,000,000, That means
A1296 the cost of inaction would average out at around 81,000,000,000 a year. This is the minimum price we would pay for not doing the job, as well as can be estimated. The chances are the bill would run higher. It would be levied against us in terms of re- duced yields, lost plant food, and reduced productive capacity, increased flood dam- age, increased damage to highways and rail- roads, increased silting of rivers and harbors, etc. Furthermore, always remember that those loagses which permanently reduce pro- ductive capacity cannot be calculated. How can you place a proper value on a lost pro- ductive capacity which would have produced commodities over many scores or hundreds of years? By contrast, the cost of doing the Job— of protecting the indispensable soil and water resources of our farm lands—would be a great deal less. In all probability, the total cost of doing the job would be less than one- third the cost of not doing the job. The Federal Government’s share of the cost of protecting our farm land soil and water resources during the next 20 years would amount to about one-twelfth of the Nation's total bill if the conservation job is not done. And remember, too, that after the 20-year period—after the basic conservation meas- ures are applied to the land—the bulk of the job will be finished. After that is done, nec- essary maintenance and improvement work will be much easier and cheaper. What a frightful lack of foresight, and what terribly false economy it would be, if we did not go ahead with the soil-conserva- tion job! Let’s now consider it from another point of view—that of our continued existence as a healthy, productive Nation, capable of standing steadily, effectively on its own strong feet. In this light, soil conservation is one of the two most necessary Jobs con- fronting the country. The other—equal in importance—is to keep the Nation out of another war. Failure in either will cost the ‘fe substance of our civilization. The 20-yeai period for completing the basic work of conservation could be extended, but at the same time the cost would be extended and increased. Moreover, if we postponed and put off in this way for too long, our supply of good land would dwindle to a level insufficient for our national needs. If we were to turn from scientific soll con- servation and adopt the costly, unscientific practice of applying poultices of alleviation to the patient, we would wind up probably in less than a hundred years with the out- right loss of the productive capacity of at least 50,000,000 additional acres (500,000 one- hundred-acre farms) and severe damage to all but about 100,000,000 acres of our best land. We couldn't continue to function as a healthy. sound Natton under such inconceiv- able circumstances. We would be a sick Na- tion in many ways and year after year we would have to look abroad, to foreign lands, for the food to feed ourselves. On the other hand, within 20 years we could do the basic or main conservation job on 400,000,000 acres of cropland and 600,000,- 000 acres of other kinds of farmland needing treatment at a maximum cost of $2 an acre as an average for governmental— assistance—Federal and State—and a maxi- mum cost of 84 an acre as an average to the farmers of the country. I say these would be “maximum costs” because accruing bene- fits of the work would sharply reduce these cost figures to both the Government and the farmers. The benefits might equal or even exceed the cost in that time; they would certainiy exceed costs within a few years after completion of this job. So, from the standpoint of national econ- omy and our survival as a productive nation, there is no valid alternative to a strengthened soil-conservation program of the kind now being advanced through soil-conservation districts. I feel sure the Nation will insist on it. What else will be happening, with respect to the land, during the next 20 years, and in the 80 years thereafter? Some of the develop- ments, I think, can be foreseen with fair clarity. Here in the United States, for ex- ample, conservation of soil and water re- sources will first become a major national ob- jective and then it will become an accepted, customary part of the American conduct of affairs. With few exceptions, each acre will be treated according to its needs and used ac- cording to its capabilities. This will become & fundamental practice among American farmers. I am sure of this because no other method of handling the land will protect it against erosion or insure its continued pro- ductivity. That is a certainty based on the physical facts involved with our complex con- ditions of land, climate, and types of agri- culture, Agricultural production will be more diver- sified and the per-acre yields will be increased, both here and in other countries practicing soil conservation. That other nations around the world will adopt soil and water conservation measures must be regarded as a foregone conclusion, The overwhelming urge of mankind for sur- vival dictates such a course. Before many more years have passed it will become at once apparent and imperative to all that every re- maining productive acre must be handled in such a way that it will continue to produce indefinitely. As a result of soil and water conservation work, agricultural production will be restored or improved in millions of communities througthout the world. This, in turn, will help solve to a considerable degree some of the most pressing problems of famine, food distribution, and human nutrition now con- fronting mankind. The development of land and water re- sources for agriculture—as by drainage or ir- rigation—will be governed primarily by fact- ual, technological elements of land use and land maintenance, rather than by promo- tional, exploitive, or political standards. Some of the fantastic patterns of land ownership, such as can be found in parts of Europe and Asia, and even to a limited ex- tent in parts of the United States, will be corrected. The operation of very narrow segments of land, resulting from progressive axial division among heirs, does not permit the owner to engage in economic production or practical soil-conservation work. Various governmental encouragements, such as preferential real-estate tax rates during the period of applying soil-conserva- tion measures, may possibly be adopted. Farming will tend to become an expert profession; the inexpert and the inept are likely to be forced gradually off the land. Most important, man will have learned the true value of his irreplaceable most priceless natural resource—productive land. The groundwork has been laid. Ahead, for soil conservationists and for the science of soil conservation, is one of the biggest, most interesting, and rewarding jobs ever under- taken for the improved welfare of mankind. At this point I am going to propose an eight-point soil- and water-conservation program for the United States and a six- point program for the world, which I believe soil conservationists and other scientists in- terested in natural resources, as well as re- sponsible citizens everywhere, can subscribe to readily. I will not undertake to enlarge on these points here, except to state that they are based on the pioneering experience in soil and water conservation that we have had to date in the United States. For conservation of soil and water resources on the farmlands of the United States I propose: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 1. An acceleration of the soil- and water- conservation program, through soil-conserva- tion districts, on the basis of the needs and capabilities of the land itself. The program should be geared to complete, within the next 20 years, the basic conservation meas- ures required to maintain and improve the productivity of the farmlands of the Nation. 2. The drainage of some 30,000,000 acres of good land to improve the production of that part now in cultivation, and to bring into cultivation, as needed, certain arcas now too wet for tillage of any kind, although con- sisting of potentially high-class cropland. Much of this wet land is in soil conservation and drainage districts and most of it already has been cleared for cultivation. (Such drainage work would help toward a needed shift away from cultivation on an equivalent or larger acreage of steep, erodible upland, which should go out of cultivation and into ® permanent protective cover of trees, grass, or legumes.) 8. The rehabilitation, development, and better utilization of land and water resources on approximately 12,000,000 acres, largely in subhumid areas. 4. Purchase by States, soil-conservation districts, or the Federal Government, of lands in hazardous areas which are tn acute need of protection for soil and water conservation, especially where proper treatment cannot be accomplished by individual farmers. When such lands have been properly treated and brougat into productive use, the policy should be to sell them to responsible buyers on the open market, with adequate safe- guards, as to use, for their continued pro- ductivity. 5. Quick completion of a land-capability survey of all the farm lands of the country. 6. A broadened educational program, through the school and university system of the country, and through all other appro- priate avenues for the dissemination of in- formation, to acquaint children and adults alike with the importance, condition, and needs of their basic agricultural resources. 7. The initiation of scientific investiga- tions, on a comprehensive basis, into the re- lationship between soil health, with partic- ular emphesis on the effects of erosion, and human heaith and nutrition, Authoritative information on this promising approach to human betterment is wholly inadequate. Separate Field Operations for Military Aircraft EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HORACE SEELY-BROWN, JR. OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. SEELY-BROWN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include the following copy of a letter from the New England Council and a report of the New England Council Aviation Subcom- mittee on the Investigation of the De- sirability of Separate Field Operations for Military Aircraft: ‘ Tue New ENGLAND COUNCIL, Boston, March 24, 1947. Hon. H. Srr.y-Brown, Jr., ‘ United States House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. . My Darn CONGRESSMAN SErELY-BROoWN: A report of‘a subcommittee of the New England Council's aviation committee recommending separate commercial and military airports to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD insure safe and efficient operations is en- closed herewith for your consideration. The committee, which has been studying the situation for the past year, is of the unanimous opinion that “operation of mili- tary aircraft from civilian fields in New Eng- land would seriously weaken civilian aviation and interfere with the safety of air-line oper- ations without furnishing the National Guard and Reserve Air Force units suitable bases from which to carry on efficient train- ing operations.” The committee further recommends that “in any New England State where no airport suitable for military operations exists, or where the use of such an airport would be detrimental to civilian aviation, the Federal Government should take steps to construct a suitable airport for the use of military aviation.” The importance of continuing a strong national defense air system was a basic con- sideration of the committee. Factors which led the committee to make its study included the pending activation of National Guard air squadrons, increased flying activity of the Air Force Reserves, and the assignment of jet-propelled aircraft to military fields in the region. The entire aviation committee of the New England Council, which is composed of rep- resentatives of New England business, sup- ports the recgmmendations of its subcommit- tee and urges that it be given the very seri- ous attention of military, Federal, and State Officials concerned with the-development of aviation. Very truly yours, Francis 8. MurRPHY, Chairman. REPORT OF NEW ENGLAND COUNCIL AVIATION COMMITTEE'S SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE INVESTI- * GATION OF THE DESIRABILITY OF SEPARATE FIELD OPERATIONS FOR MILITARY AIRCRAFT In the investigation of the desirability of maintaining separate field operations for military aircraft, your committee has from the start of its investigation, kept two salient thoughts always in mind: 1. That the national defense must not be relegated to a secondary position. 2. That the ever-present hazards of civilian flying must be minimized by a network of all feasible safety regulations designed to guard against these hazards. In arriving at its recommendations your committee has talked with many officials connected with both civilian and military fly- ing, with air-line officials, civilian and mili- tary pilote—men of wide experience and sound judgment, The over-all program of national defense as regards the Army Air Forces calls for a strong National Guard air arm, made up of groups and squadrons, and a large AAF Reserve of air crews and ground personnel, as our first line of reserve. These National Guard and Reserve units are to be equipped with late-model pursuit, bombardment, and reconnaissance aircraft. Such pursuit aircraft as the P-51 Mustang and the P-80 Jet, together with fast twin- engine attack bombers have already been assigned. Military flying differs from civilian flying in that the safety factor, both in the aircraft and in the type of operation, has of necessity been subordinated to the accomplishment of the missions for which the aircraft are in- tended. This committee feels that whereas there should be no appreciable increase in the haz- ards to civilian flying by the use of civilian airports by military pilots flying primary, basic, or advanced military training planes, for the purpose of maintaining their flight proficiency, or by flight operations of Civil Air Patrol, the operation of military aircraft on tactical training missions, from civilian Arp.—~-82 airports that are used by air lines and/or for nonscheduled flight operations by com- mercial, private, or student pilots, would, in its opinion, result in tremendous increase to the hazards of flight at and near the air- port. In addition to interfering with the economics of civilian airport operations by interruptions of both scheduled and non- scheduled flights, it would also result in a lowering of morale among the military per- sonnel, who would be obliged to carry on military training operations under condi- tions that at best are “a court of last resort” as far as military proficiency is concerned. Relatively slow, comparatively small civil- jan aircraft together with air liners, operat- ing under a network of CAA safety regula- tions, simply will not mix with fast military aircraft, operating on tactical training mis- sions governed by Army Air Force regula- tions, without a tremendous hazard to all concerned. The committee thoroughly understands that the national defense comes first and that air power has become our first line of defense. However, there can be no such thing as true air power without a strong and healthy civil aviation and an air-line system second to none. Military aviation is really the spearhead of the over-all picture called air power. In the opinion of this committee, opera- tions of military aircraft from civilian flelds in New England would seriously weaken civilian aviation and interfere with the safety of air-line operations, without furnishing the National Guard and Reserve Air Force units suitable bases from which to carry on effi- cient training operations, thus weakening the broad over-all picture of air power and the national defense. The committee realizes that whereas suit- able atrports, from which purely military training operations could be carried on, exist in some of the New England States; in others, setting aside a suitable airport for the sole use of the military, would result in a severe set-back to civilian aviation. Bearing in mind that our whole military air defense plan is predicated on a strong and efficient National Guard and Reserve air arm, the committee recommends, that in any New England States where no airport suitable for military operation exists, or where the use of such an airport would re- sult to the detriment of civilian aviation, the Federal Government should take steps to construct a suitable airport for the use of military aviation. Such action should be conaidered a part of the Nation's first Jine of defense, even as the Federal Government has taken steps to build armories, where none have existed before. In submitting their report, the committee is unanimous in the belief that the use of civilian airports in New England by our mil- itary air arm, whether it be Regular, Reserve, or National Guard, engaged in tactical train- ing operations, could only result in greatly increasing the ever-present hazards of fly- ing to all concerned, and in a severe lower- ing of efficiency of both civilian and military flying operations, and that therefore, civilian airports should not be used as bases from which to conduct military-training opera- tions, Respectfully submitted. JOHN F. Brown, Chairman. Magcn 6, 1947. Note.—Members of the council's aviation subcommittee making this report were: Col. John F. Brown, chairman, wine commander, New Hampshire Civil Air Patrol, Concord, N. H.; Milton V. Smith, president, Northeast Aviation Co., Portland, Maine and W. Allen Traver, president, Franklin Process Co., Providence, R. I. Francis 8. Murphy, pub- lisher of the Hartford Times, Hartford, Conn., is chairman of the council’s aviation com- mittee. A1297 Aid for Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE H. BENDER OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 25, 1947 Mr. BENDER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include in the Recorp a thoughtful letter from Mr. Ernest T. Weir, of Pittsburgh, Pa., as follows: The proposal of President Truman with regard to Greece and Turkey confronts the United States with one of the gravest ques- tions in its history. Acceptance of that proposal involves com- plete reversal of our long-standing policy in foreign affairs. It involves intervention and Participation in and responsibility for the internal affairs of other nations. It involves an economic drain on the people of this country which, from a relatively small be- ginning, may proceed to an extent which no one can now foresee. More than that, it in- volves employment of the military power of the United States—again apparently on a small initial scale but again also with no predictable limits. It projects this country directly into the complexes of both Europe and the Middle East under circumstances which may well lead to war. It has not been established why it 1s to the vital interest of the United States to take this step. Nor, if it can be conceded that the vital interest of our country is actually affected, has there been any revela- tion of the facts in this situation that make hasty action imperative. All that the Congress or the people have been given is the President’s assertion that the vital interest of the United States is involved and that immediate action is es- sential. And the President's address is much more remarkable for its vagueness and resort to generalities than for any light it has shed on the reasons for making it. As a matter of plain common sense, how- ever serious the straits of Greece and Turkey, they cannot become too much worse in the time that will be required for the open and thorough discussion of this situation which alone can give the American people the op- portunity to know what they are being asked to do, what the material cost will be, and what commitments of other natures are to be made in their name. It is the plain duty of Members of Con- gress to prevent hasty action—to insist that all the facts are made known—to see that these facts are laid before the people in un- derstandable terms—and finally, to take ac- tion in the light of the facts and the ex- pressed will of the people. Members of Congress can serve no good purpose by premature and ill-considered statements of opinion. Such, for instance, as the one attributed to Senator VANDENBERG to the effect that we must uphold the hands of the President. Certainly. our history gives abundant evidence that Presidents can make mistakes. The welfare of the country is always a consideration of far greater mo- ment than support of the President in either national or international affairs. Twice in a single generation our country has become involved in the wars of others. In each case, the American people endurcd the suffering and sacrifice of war for lofty ideals. In neither case have they seen those ideals realized. On the contrary, this coun- try emerged from each war werker than it entered, and after each war the world in gen- eral was in a worse condition than before. We lost men and wealth, we exhausted ire .Teplaceable. natural resources, and we bred
A1298 conditions that caused widespread dissatis- faction and doubt among the American peo- ple concerning their principles of govern- ment and way of life. Intrinsically, we are a weaker nation today than ever before in our history. We appear strong only by contrast with a prostrate world. In this weakened condition are we now to embark on a new adventure about which we know nothing, but which may lead first to war and second to the final demorali- gation of the world and the disappearance of the slightest hope for an orderly society? The two World Wars caused the virtual Gestruction of the great British Empire. Is that not a sufficient example to make us pause before starting down a road which may lead to the same end? The President said: “There is no other country (except the United States) to which democratic Greece can turn.” What does this statement mean? That no other country cares anything about Greece as a democratic country? That no other country cares enough to help alleviate the physical want of her people? Or that no other country has the resources to extend ald? : Under any interpretation, the implication of the President’s words are far-reaching. There are 2,000,000,000 people in this world. Out of this number can the 140,000,000 people who comprise our Nation be the only ones who can assume the burdens of weaker coun- tries? Is it a practical possibility? If so, can we do it, or even attempt to do it with- out destroying ourselves? The President said: “The United States contributed $341,000,- 000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.” Where is the freedom and where is the peace? Is the world we have today the kind of a return on investment that justifies the beginning of a new outpouring of funds? The President said: “The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than one-tenth of 1 percent of this invest- ment.” Does the President or anyone else think for a moment that the amount he proposes will be the whole amount? Obviously, 400,000,000 will be only the start. It will be followed by other millions and billions in those countries and in other countries which, with Greece and Turkey as precedents, will make claims on our generosity. The President said: “The very existence of the Greek state is today threatencd by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by the Communists.” If a government is so weak that it cannot cope with several thousand armed men un- der auy leadership, there is no reason to con- clude: (1) that if many of the people of the country do not actually sympathize with the several thousand they at least do not care much one way or another, and (2) there is little that an outside power can do to aid such a government. If we take this action in Greece, we will in effect say to Russia, “We are opposed to communism and intend to help the govern- ments of Greece and Turkey oppose it.” Under the circumstances, is not Russia likely to reply, “You are free to do that, but if you do, we will take measures of our own to support communism.” It must be re- membered that Russia has many means, short of war, to foster the spread of com- munism; many more, in fact, than we have to oppose it. Wnpalatable as the idea is, we must also realize that many people in coun- tries throughout the world look with favor on communism and regard it as a superior form of government. In our own country, we have a Communist movement which ts far from large, yet there is little we can do to halt its acceptance by some of our people. You cannot stop a political growth any more than you can stop a religious growth—par- ticularly by use of force. And the adventure in Greece, whatever its other aspects, is basically a use of force. ‘ At Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam, commit- ments were made for the American people without their knowledge or consent. Secrecy was excused by those who indulged in it on the ground that it was essential to war se- curity. Yet there is little doubt today that those secret deals, in which a few men ground a table played with the destiny of na- tions, were important causes of the world’s present condition. There is no excuse now— not even a lame one—for asking the Ameri- can people to move blindfolded and in haste into a situation of most serious consequence. Certainly the time has come to end secret diplomacy. The urgency, the need for haste which the President so strongly emphasized has an artificial quality. It smacks of the rush act of the high-powered salesman. Britain ac- cepted Greece as a responsibility during and after the war. Admitting that Britain's economic condition is unhealthy, why does it suddenly become absolutely impossible for her to continue that responsibility beyond the outside date of March 31, just 19 days after the President's address. Would Britain collapse if she stayed in Greece until April 80 or May 31? Or was an almost immediate date selected to force Americans to act be- fore they could think? Although it has been mentioned only in passing, the thing of paramount importance in this entire matter to the United States and her people is the interest of the United States, not only the immediate interest but also long-range interest. Certainly if it is not in the interest of this country to take a step, then there can be no other good rea- son for it in Greece, Europe, the Middle East or elsewhere. With its present huge debt and the other weakening influences of the war, the United States should regard any commitment with caution. This caution should be doubled and redoubled in the face of a step as grave as that into Greece with all the implications of a continuing economic drain if not the actual threat of another war. Might not the United States best contribu- tion to the world be the rebuilding of her own strength so that she can in fact remain the strongest bulwark of free government? These questions should be resolved before we take an action which may prove to be a costly. gamble. Today, the American people do not have the information on which to base either support or rejection of the President’s Proposal. Congress alone has the power, and it must exercise that power, to see that the people get the facts—all the facts. Sincerely yours, Ernest T. WEIR. Icebound American Seamen Plead for Fair Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRANCK R. HAVENNER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. HAVENNER. Mr. Speaker, I have received a communication from 230 American seamen who are on five ships which are icebound at Kariskrona, Swe- den, where they have been since last January. These seamen have asked me to bring to the attention of Congress a resolution which they adopted at a mass APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD meeting held in the frozen harbor where their ships are stranded. Following is the resolution and the names of the seamen who signed it: To the Honorable Members of the Congress of the United States of America: We, who are members of the merchant ma- rine of the United States of America, want to go on record, that is to be read into the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp, the following resolu- tion regarding antilabor legislation. We feel that certain individuals who are affiliated with big business are not fulfilling their honor and integrity in dealing with measures regarding labor. “Resolved, That Senate bill 70. which was passed by the House, is very detrimental to all forms of labor. There is no need to quote the Gwynne bill to you, as already you are familiar with it. “The following bills which also deal with antilabor are as -ollows: 8. 55, Taft-Smith- Ball bill; 8. 105, Antiunion Security bill; 8. 183, Antibargaining bill; 8. 316, Wagner Act amendments. “Gentlemen, we who are members of the undersigned Jabor unions who have chosen their respective bargaining agents as their intermediary officers and who wish to keep these officers to act for us between labor and industry want to go on file as against these bills. “This bill known as the Case bill, H. R. 725, is another antilabor bill which is being pushed through against the wishes of the working people. After all, the working peo- ple means us. Will you deprive us of a living which we earn, by trying to lower the stand- ards of our Jabor unions? When you do this you are denying us our right to exist as a democracy on which our country was founded. We ask in all fairness to us to vote againsi this bill. . “H. R. 17, 34, 68, 75, and 76: These anti- labor bills that have been proposed by five Republican Congressmen give the President the power to break strikes which are our only means of action after negotiations have failed. We do not ask for the impossible. We only ask that our employers give us a decent livable wage so that we may be able to support ourselves and our families. Striking 1s a method of freedom of speech which cannot be denied any American. We demand that these measures be defeated in the interests of national welfare. “Our labor unions have kept faith with us, the working people; we want to keep faith with them. Do not deny us this right; be it further “Resolved, That the method that American shipowners are using in registering their ships under foreign flags and thus denying American seamen of a livelihood should be stopped immediately. This ts a very deplora- ble situation and unless the Congress of the United States takes action in this matter, our American merchant marine will cease to exist; be it further “Resolved, That the situation regarding the use of 50 of our Liberty ships to transport supplies to and from the country of Germany, using German seamen, should not be toler- ated. By doing this you are creating a severe unemployment situation amongst the sea- men of the United States.” Members of the following seamen’s unions have signed this resolution. All are mem- bers of the crews: National Maritime Union; Seafarers International Union of North America; National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards; Marine Firemen, Oilers, Wipers, and Watertendera Union of the Pacific Coast; Sailors Union of the Pacific; Marine Engineers Beneficial Association; Na- tional Organization of the Masters, Mates, and Pilots; American Communications Association. 8. 8. Clarksville Victory. Richard V. Kiem- ens, Alfred J. Weaver, Obio; Daniel J. Gallezzo, Massachusetts; Leon H. Manucy,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Florida; Matthew Cravaglia, Rhode Island; Edward McKnight, Florida; Rudolph J. Nelson, Virginia; Marion T. Loomas, Vincent McCloud, William E. Walters, Ernest Coklup, Florida; Olive Guthrie, New York; W. E. Hampton, Florida; Walter Olinez, Maryland; Joseph Sharp, Virginia; Earl Walker, Georgia; Dan Newman, Maryland: Manuel Quirino, Florida; H. ‘Pollard, New York; Arthur Max- well, Georgia; C. Caswell, Joseph Sugg, Florida; Heischel Forrester, Kansas; Augustus C. Sides, Ohio; Roderick W. McCaffrey, Louisi- ana; Robert E. Patter, California; George E. Jorgenson, Virginia; J. N. Bucholz, New York; J. E. Brammen, Massachusetts; Lloyd G. Bouch, Louisiuna; Lawrence O. Posey, North Carolina; Richard W. Fulsaas, California; Edwin A. Foderingham, New York; F. H. Parsons, Ohio; H. C. Roper, South Carolina; Albert E. Smith, New York; Berry E. Talburt, Louisiana; Roland H. Clark, Ohio; Kenneth V. Ryan, California; William Smith, Lester Green, Georgia; Walter Kirkland, Florida; James A. Loberson, W. J. Hickey, New York; John R. Cooper, Virginia; Richard Spivey, North Carolina; James Grant, John D. Cole, Leon Small, Edward E. Myrick, Boyd V. Suber, Jr., Georgia; John Machavych, Pennsylvania. 8.8. South Bend Victory: W. R. Chernault, M. 8. Maxwell, Maryland; J. Sczygiel. Michi- gan; R. J. Keck, 8. H. Beuke, Missouri; M. J. Laws, Idaho; John C. Bond, Maryland; John Becca, Ohio; Ernest E. Franklin, Virginia; Lewis Humphries, North Carolina; D. E. Smith, South Carolina; Robert G. Gambrill, Charles Glanville, Maryland; Jack D. Wise, North Carolina; Douglas E. Treadway, South Garolina; Ral H. Thompson, Kentucky; Harold G. Kelly, Maryland; Peter Hrenyo, Pennsylvania; John Sanches, Hawall; Fred- erick W. Kroll, Florida; Heywood B. Fivey, California; Michael J. Harty, Jr., New York; Boyd Myron Aldrich, Florida; George W. Moores, Maryland; Walton C. Thompson, Vir- ginia; T. L. Brozler, H. A. Wertz, Maryland; Alan Brown, Pennsylvania; Kar] R. Trisdale, North Carolina; Robert B. Harper, Georgia; Robert L. Harrell, Virginia; Robert Mafiom, Massachusetts; Lester W. Beuce, Georgia; Marvin L. Wright, Virginia; Robert L. Kayl, Missouri; W. G. Breedlove, Georgia; Gerald R. Wheatly, Florida; Bert Price, Missouri; Claude J. Hill, Georgia. Steamship Morgantown Victory: James Phe- Jan, Iowa; Clarence Hawkins, Virginia; Giul- bourne Carnes, Georgia; Clarence R. Johnson, Indiana; Thomas E. Darieng, Georgia; Le- Grand Corley, South Carolina; Samuel H. Mc- Burney, Michigan; Robert L. Harris, Virginia; Johnnie Lee Hunter, Georgia; Huey Roy Mc- Gehee, California; Max -M. Mizzelle, North Carolina; Richard A. Hargett, Georgia; Sam J. Beasley, North Carolina; Willie Wright, Willie Jones, Florida; Leroy Johnson, Geor- gia; Zygmount Horofs, New Jersey; Edward W. Dobson, North Carolina; Herman C. Park- er, Willis Albight, Georgia; John H. Squire, North Carolina; Othello H. Williams, James Harley, Georgia; Eugene W. Jarvis, Virginia; Henry Fenner, Woodrow Ferguson, Georgia; LeRoy Ryan, Missouri; Joseph L. Neeland, Virginia, Daniel Woods, Robert Brown, Geor- gia; Robert Jones, Louisiana, Kenneth J. Ru- fener, Ohio; Ramand E. Pitt, Georgia; Oswell Varador, Louisiana; Robert E. Lee, Georgia; Doss Pearson, Washington, D. C.; Oscar Os- mund, Elmer Osmund, Virginia; Herbert R. Hall, North Carolina; Edwin E. Daniel, Geor- gia; W. T. Kosyk, New York; James F. Un- derwood, Alabama; Thurmen Hof, Jr., Geor- gia; Wayne F. Staley, North Carolina; Bru- land Spalberg. New York. Steamship John Whitter: M. Henry, B. R. Scott, California; Arne Mackie, Minnesota; Sabino Agueror, New York; Lee E. Moore, Kansas; Dan Reynolds, Utah; Charles B. Ham- ilton, Louis Hollins, William A. Sargent, Har- old M. Redfield, William T. McCauley, Califor- nia; Robert Nelsen, New York; Louis £E. Bishop, New Jersey; Jacob Reiken, South Da- kota; Fred A. Gould, Arkansas; Dimitios Fou- trakis (alien), Greece; George T. Pollard, Ohio; Narciso Lopez, California; Floro de Souza, New York; Edward J. Cammack, Ken- tucky; Olifton Bollong, Ho Ming Tak, L. F. Barnett, Andrew Calmese, Jr., Charles E. Walker, California; Sam Moran, Ralph B. Watson, Arizona; Thomas Sydon, Pennsyl- vania; J. Revels, Ashton H. Reeves, Cali- fornia. Steamship Mount Whitney: 8. J. Samcrash, Connecticut; William Everett, New Jersey; Severn Hughes, North Carolina; Ruvubert James, Washington; William M. Summet, Vir- ginia; Edwin M. Nifong, Ralph Faircloth, North Carolina; Hobart Smith, Ohio; Jabian Boyce, Virginia; Julian R. Hamilton, Robert B. Fitch, North Carolina; W. O. Bolling, Vir- ginia; R. F. Corter, Florida; Kenneth W. Mc- Graw, Arkansas; Frank Edmonds, North Caro- lina; Lloyd D. Richardson, Virginia; Billy C. Doby, North Carolina; Henry Kennedy, Washington; Ralph Watts, North Carolina; Melvin Fisher, California; John W. Perry, Calvert Teamer, Jerome Leonard, James M. Howe, Virginia; John Pietz, Oklahoma; V. V. Marshall, North Carolina; Felix Kleinhamph, Bohemia; R. Balman, Illinois; LeRoy Haskins, North Carolina; Roy M. Green, Missouri; Lewis Fuller, Georgia; Mathew W. Bates, Vir- ginia; F. B. Hogab, Georgia; Frank Boyd, Wil- liam E. Runn, Virginia; Arthur H. Ehusole, California; 8. Scott Morris, Maryland; E. R. Chappell. Virginia; Fred C, Prior, North Caro- lina; Leonard Sears, Louisiana; William C, Walter, New York; Carl Schwartz, Maryland. Long-Range Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following article from the Philadelphia Inquirer of March 26, 1947, entitled “Wanted: A Long-Range Foreign Policy”: WANTED: A LONG-RANGE FOREIGN POLICY Under Secretary of State Dean Acheson has indicated that we may have to pour quite a few millions into southern Korea. The ob- ject: to overcome conditions created by the usual overriding iron-curtain type of Rus- sian domination in the northern half of that haplessly “liberated” country. This suggestion calle for a very long leap from the admittedly acute and imperative problems presented in Greece and Turkey. to Korean difficulties which may still be sus- ceptible of localized adjustments. And, on the broader implications, we doubt that the national purposes of the American people or their pocketbooks are capable of traversing the tremendous distances both might be required to go in order to set up @ system of dollar defenses at every global point where we might see or fear the Red tide. It is essential, therefore, to have more than the present deeply disturbing glimpse of where we are headed. We have got to see clearly. American foreign policy must be well considered, well planned. It must not be a mere hopeful course of action, reacting to emergencies, but a thoughtful design. It must refiect the highest honesty of which we as @ people are capable. And it must be wisely designed for the long pull of hard years ahead. Very nearly every American, we are satis- fied, has a pretty correct idea of the situation in Greece, The country is financially pros- A1299 trate. It is torn by civil strife. The evidence is overwhelming that this has been fostered by Red intrigue and the overt acts of un- friendly Communist-dominated nations above the northern Greek border. Britain, struggling with her own economic distress, is forced to withdraw financial and military aid hitherto accorded to Greece. We know what impends. If we don’t shove in with our money communism will take over. And it wouldn't stop there. It would gobble up Turkey and instantly dominate or overrun the whole Middle East. Should we let all this gu, the entire world balance, already so delicate, would full heavily toward the side of Soviet Russia. The prob- lems of peace and recovery would then assur- edly become infinitely more complicated than they now are; perhaps impossible of solution. Admittedly, therefore, the United States has an emergency on its hands—no time for exhaustive debate, less time to drop it in the laps of the United Nations. Either we must act about Greece and Turkey, pour in our millions, or turn our backs and let the Soviet landslide go its way. But beyond this emergency we must care- fully consider our road. Shall we be called upon to carry on a dollar crusade against communism at every threatened spot on the earth? Are we to take care of all of Britain's problems and interesta—in India, for in- stance? Neither blunderingly nor designedly should we follow such a course. The power and resourcee—the dollars, if one pleases—of the United States will prob- ably have to be expended lavishly in many parts of the world to aid struggling peoples and, we need make no bones about it, to help them to be free as we are free. But we can't afford to act blindly or on a perpetua) emer- gency basis, Everything we may be able to do anywhere with our money or by any laudable means, to establish tranquillity and revive courage, liberty, and justice, we must do. That would be anticommunistic only in the sense that where those great factors are able to take over communism cannot flourish. But we must know what we're doing—and we must think our problems through. It is vital for the United States Govern- ment to construct at once a long-range for- eign policy which can be fully understood at home and cannot be misunderstood abroad. It must be a policy that will show unmis- takably where we are headed, as straight as we can go with probity and wisdom toward world peace. Raise Wages by Tax Cat EXTENSION OF REMARKS... HON. WILLIAM J. CROW OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. CROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial by Mal- colm Forbes and appearing in Forbes magazine, March 15, 1947: RAISE WAGES BY TAX CUT Within the next few weeks labor contracts expire in many major industries, and unions are requesting another round of 18-20 per- cent pay increases. Such a vicious twist to the wage-price spiral could easily be the cat- alyst for our long-heralded recession. An obvious, simple, sound way to avoid such a dangerous step is available—the most effective, healthy way to raise wages at this
A1300 critical juncture is through reduction of in- dividual income taxes. Take-home pay to*most workers consti- tutes their wages; surveys show that the withholding tax, social-security deductions, etc., make a peculiar impression on labor. Their pay, so far as they are concerned, is what's in the envelope, and the arithmetic about deductions leaves them unimpressed, indifferent. An income-tax reduction would mean more take-home pay. So far as the worker is con- cerned, his wages will have been increased, just as much as if his hourly rate had been upped over-all with no change in the present tax structure. The Republican majority ts committed to both debt reduction and income-tax reduc- tion. Both are of tremendous importance, but tax reduction should not be looked on as secondary, as @ luxury to be taken up with what's left of surplus income after the budget is pruned, A cut in individual income taxes will in- crease wages without imposing another big over-all raise that could touch off a painful period of economic adjustment. Effect of Unification on Marine Corps EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DENNIS CHAVEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 27 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. CHAVEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent, out of order, to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp an article by David Lawrence entitled “Move to Undermine Marine Corps Is Seen—Armed Forces Merger Bill Could End Organization,” published in the Washington Star of March 27, 1947. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mover To UNDERMINE MARINE CorPs Is SEEN— Argmep Forcrs Mercer Brut Coutp Enp ORGANIZATION (By David Lawrence) The Marine Corps is again fighting for its life. Despite the wonderful record made by the Marines in World Wars I and II and the sacrifices made by its officers and men in some of the toughest fighting that troops have ever faced, a program of legislative sab- otage is under way to undermine the future of the Marine Corps. Marine Corps officers from top to bottom are disturbed over what is happening and are calling on their friends everywhere to become informed on what is going on. The problem lies in the utter vagueness of the proposed bill which is supposed to merge the armed services. Almost every- thing is left to Executive Order. The Marine Corps, which has hitherto enjoyed the pro- tection of a statutory definition of its role and mission, could be abolished overnight if the pending bill is passed. EXCLUDED FROM STAFF The bill before Congress, which is sup- posed to reflect the administration point of view, gives the new Secretary of Defense au- thority to modify or redistribute functions in the future as he sees fit. As the bill is now written, marine officers are excluded from serving on the Joint Chiefs of Staff or as aides or assistants to the Secretary of Defense. The reference in the present bill is to “officers of the Navy.” This phrasing according to legal experts, would not in- clude Marine Corps officers. Also the Bec- retary of Defense has absolute power over the budget and could decline to recommend funds for the Marine Corps any time he wished to do so. Senator Brrp, Democrat, of Virginia, al- ready has announced that he will not vote for the merger bill unless functions are more specifically defined in the statute than ts done in the pending bill. It is significant that President Truman in his message to Congress on June 16 last did include a clear and satisfactory defini- tion of the roles and missions which he fa- vored for the Marine Corps, so the President can hardly blame the Marine Corps for being disturbed by the sins of omission in the present bill. Mr. Truman recommended, in identical letters to the Senate and House committees, that roles and missions such as he outlined be enacted into legislation. It ts puzzling that the commandant of the Marine Corps should not be given the right to participate in conferences of the United Btates Joint Chiefs of Staff. He was not even put on the list of witnesses in connec- tion with the hearings, though individual members insisted on calling him for next week: SPECIALIZATION IGNORED When General Vandegrift, the hero of Guadalcanal, testified last year he referred to secret papers in the War Department General Staff containing discussions looking toward the crippling of the Marine Corps, It seems certain that publication of these will be forced, and this will bring into the open something which the public has a right to know—the deliberate effort to wipe out the Marine Corps as it has been previously known. The marines, it appears, would be relegated to the status of light units of the com- mando type. This would be a blow to the security of the United States. For experi- ence teaches that the Marines are the finest kind of troops. They are, in fact, an intelli- gent variety of suicide troops, for they take objectives, such as were faced in Saipan and Iwo Jima, in a manner that has won the admiration of fighting men the world over. It isn't that other American troops are any less brave. On the contrary, it is not a mat- ter of bravery merely, but of specialized train- ing and corpse spirit. To make a merger on paper which deprives America of the ma- rines—whose units have been fighting, espe- cially in amphibious operations, since 1789— is to ignore specialization and set the clock back in amphibious warfare. Thirty-eight Reasons Why Merger of Our Armed Forces Is Unnecessary EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, ad- vocates of the so-called merger plan for the Army and Navy are continually talk- ing of the economy that will result from such @ union. Without any breast thumping or fan- fare, the Army and Navy have, for months, been carrying out a policy of co- ordinating their efforts in practically every phase of activity in both branches of our armed forces. The following are some of the more consequential boards or committees which are in existence today and which, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD through avoiding duplication, through clarification of responsibility, and through coordinating efforts of the serv- ices, are instrumental in saving money: AEMY-NAVY MUNITIONS BOARD Formulates and maintains plans and policies for industrial mobilization in an emergency to assure the development of the total industrial requirements of the United States and the full application of the Nation’s resources toward sup- plying such requirements in the short- est possible time; coordinates the work of the War and Navy Departments with regard to industrial matters, including procurement plans for the services; su- pervises such joint bodies as are or may be created to consider any subject fall- ing within the scope of the Army-Navy Munitions Board’s responsibility; exer- cises supervision over and be responsible for the work of all elements or subordi- nate echelons of the Army-Navy Muni- tions Board. In support of the Army-Navy Muni- tions Board in carrying out the functions assigned above are the following joint committees: ORDNANCE PROCUREMENT COMMITTEE Considers joint ordnance procurement problems in light of the experiences in World War IU, to the end of effecting the maximum standardization and the maxi- mum practical economies from joint pro- curement or single procurement for both services. MEDICAL PROCUREMENT COMMITTEE Responsible for the development of procurement policies with respect to medical and surgical equipment and supplies. CONSTRUCTION MATERIEL AND MECHANICAL EQUIPMENT COMMITTEE Achieves standardization between the Army and Navy construction matériel and mechanical equipment; effects in- terchange of information and data con- cerning procurement and procurement planning; recommends and advises Mu- nitions Board on standardization and procurement of matériel and equipment. MARINE LIFESAVING EQUIPMENT COMMITTEE Makes recommendations to the Army- Navy Munitions Board with reference to standardization and procurement as- signment of marine lifesaving equip- ment, except vessels, both sea and air. VESSELS AND VESSEL PROPULSION COMMITTIE Makes recommendations to the Army- Navy Munitions Board with reference to standardization and procurement as- signment of vessels and vessel-propul- sion equipment. SPECIFICATIONS BOARD—JOINT ARMY-NAVY Sets up operating methods and proce- dures; establishes working committees space requirements, and personnel com- plements to carry.out the functions of the Army-Navy Munitions Board; obtains close coordination of specifications cov- ering similar items, materials processes, and standards issued by War and Navy Departments. PACKAGING BOARD—JOINT ARMY-NAVY Coordinates the activities of the Army Packaging Board and the Navy Packag- ing Board and resolves differences be- tween them; publishes uniform instruc-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tions relating to packing and packaging in War and Navy Departments so con- tractors will pack more economically and efficiently for both services; studies pro- cedures on the subject and prepares au- thoritative specifications. TEXTILE AND CLOTHING PROCUREMENT COMMITTEE Makes recommendations to the Army- Navy Munitions Board regarding pro- curement assignment of textiles and clothing. BTRATEGIC MATERIALS COMMITTER é Advises the Army-Navy Munitions Board on all matters related to the stock piling of strategic materials, in accord- ance with the provisions of Public Law No. 117, Seventy-sixth Congress, and section 2 of Public Law No. 457. STOCK PILE STORAGE COMMITTEE Advises the Army-Navy Munitions Board on matters of storage of strategic materials. MATERIALS REQUIREMENTS COMMITTEE Advises the Army-Navy Munitions Board on matters relating to require- ments for raw and processed materials under current and subsequent mobiliza- tion plans. NONFERROUS METALS COMMITTEE Assists the Army-Navy Munitions Board in all phases of its work related to nonferrous metals (including copper, aluminum, and magnesium). IRON AND STEEL COMMITTEE Responsible for assisting the Army- Navy Munitions Board in all phases of work relating to iron and steel. CHEMICALS AND DRUGS COMMITTEE Assists the Army-Navy Munitions Board in the development of features of the industrial mobilization plan related to chemicals and drugs as specifically covered by Army-Navy Munitions Board directives. INDUSTRIAL FACILITIES COMMITTEE Assists the Army-Navy Munitions Board in the development of industrial mobilization plans related to or dealing with industrial facilities; determines the productive capacity of industry for the range of raw materials to end items; compares industrial capacity with mo- bilization requirements; recommends retention, expansion, or conversion of existing facilities, or the construction of new facilities needed to assure sufficient productive capacity to meet all require- ments. INDUSTRIAL EQUIPMENT COMMITTEE Assists the Army-Navy Munitions Board in all phases of work related to industrial equipment. END PRODUCTS AND COMPONENT PARTS COMMITTEE Assists and advises the Army-Navy Munitions Board on matters relating to the War and Navy Departments require- ments for end products and component parts under current and subsequent mo- bilization plans. UNDERGROUND SITES COMMITTEE Explores the general subject of under- ground caverns and working in relation to their suitability for certain military purposes; compiles comprehensive rec- ords to be available to all military ac- tivities; and coordinates any planning which may be directed for the use of suitable underground sites. OCEAN SHIPPING COMMITTEE Receives all proposals of the Army, Navy, and Maritime Commission; War Shipping Administration for the acqui- sition of port terminal facilities; deter- mines if conflict of interest exist and, where possible, adjusts such conflicts; and approves clearance for the Army and Navy Munitions Board of those pro- posals on which there is complete con- currence of the committee. LUMBER POLICY COMMITTEE Establishes policies and procedures for the Army-Navy Lumber Agency and su- pervises the observance of the policies and procedures in accordance with the objective of the Army-Navy Munitions Board. FOREIGN TRADE POLICY COMMITTEE Receives, clears, and answers questions referred to either Department on the subject of military interest in foreign trade. AIRCRAFT COMMITTEE Assists the Army-Navy Munitions Board in the development of features of the industrial mobilization plan related to aircraft as specifically covered in Army-Navy Munitions Board directives, In the performance of its duties the com- mittee will, among other things, report on: availability of productive capacity to produce aircraft and their components; recommended procedure to provide for a deficiency of capacity or to release sur- plus capacity; recommended dispersal including installations underground; rec- ommended plant capacity allocations; recommended scope and forms for a sur- vey of the aircraft industry necessary for industrial mobilization planning; legis- lation required to implement industrial mobilization plans pertaining to the air- craft industry. CATALOGING COMMITTEE Examines systems of cataloging in or- der to determine the most practicable methods and procedures for accomplish- ing a common system of cataloging for the armed services. RUBBER COMMITTEE Assists the Army-Navy Munitions Board in the development of features of the industrial mobilization plan related to rubber as specifically covered by Army- Navy Munitions Board directives. JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF Under the direction of the President, the Joint Chiefs of Staff consult together on matters of joint concern to the armed forces, advise the President as to their use, and take appropriate action to im- plement his plans and policies as Com- mander in Chief of the Army and Navy. In support of the Joint Chiefs of Staff are the following major boards and com- mittees: JCS ARMY-NAVY PETROLEUM BOARD The agency of the Joint Chiefs of Staff charged with performing for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, appropriate agencies thereof, the Army-Navy Menitions Board, and the Aeronautical Board those A1301 duties relating to petroleum and petro- leum products, including storage and containers therefor, responsibility for storage, distribution, issue, statement of requirements, purchase and coordination of specifications and standards. JCS JOINT LOGISTIC COMMITTEE As the primary logistics advisory and planning agency of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, recommends appropriate actions to the Joint Chiefs of Staff to establish the relative military urgency of new pro- duction of supplies and equipment which are necessary to support war plans. JCS JOINT MUNITIONS ALLOCATION COMMITTEE Allocation of finished munitions among forces to the Army and Navy in accordance with over-all logistics plans. JCS JOINT MILITARY TRANSPORTATION COMMITTEE Advises the Joint Chiefs of Staff on ad- ministrative and operational matters concerning military overseas transpor- tation; coordinates overseas transporta- tion movements; advises other various Government activities on requirements of shipping and makes allocation neces- sary to support war plans. JCS JOINT COMMUNICATIONS BOARD Advises the Joint Chiefs of Staff on communications policies; coordinates methods, procedures, applications, and operations of communications matters; recommends procedure and methods con- cerning research and development of communications equipment. Other major agencies, not subordinate to the Joint Chiefs of Staff or to the Arniy-Navy Munitions Board, include the following: AERONAUTICAL BOARD Investigates and reports on all ques- tions affecting development of aviation of the Army and Navy; recommends ac- tion to establish sufficiency and efficiency of coordination of effort as to aviation. JOINT RESEARCK AND DEVELOPMENT BOARD Coordinates all research and develop- ment activities of joint interest to the War and Navy Departments; its scope in- cludes the subjects of aeronautics, atomic energy, electronics, geographical exploration, geophysical science, and guided missiles, MILITARY LIAISON COMMITTEE Consults with Atomic Energy Commit- tee on those atomic-energy matters which relate to military application. CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE GROUP Acts as the executive agency of the National Intelligence Authority; collects, evaluates, and disseminates intelligence required in our national defense; co- ordinates the intelligence activities of other Government agencies. STATE-WAR-NAVY COORDINATING COMMITTEE Reconciles and coordinates the action to be taken by the State, War, and Navy Departments on matters of common in- terest; establishes policies on politico- military considerations. AIR COORDINATING COMMITTEE Includes representatives from the State, War, Navy, Post Office, and Com- merce Departments, and the Civil Aero- nautics Board; examines international and domestic aviation problems and
A1302 developments affecting one or more de- partment or agency; coordinates activi- ties of the interested departments or agencies and recommends integrated policies and actions. BOARD TO STUDY FACILITIES SUSCEPTIBLE OF COMMON UTILIZATION BY THE ARMY, NAVY, AND AIR FORCES Explores the possibilities of increased economy and effectiveness through com- mon use of certain facilities of the Army, Navy, and Air Force, paying particular attention to port facilities, communica- tions, medical, transportation, service, post exchange, recruiting, supply, and others. Coordinates with similar studies initiated by Army and Army Air Forces, UN Control for Japan EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, it has now been over a year and a half since Japan surrendered. I believe the American people endorse General Mac- Arthur’s proposal that the United Na- tions take jurisdiction over the control of Japan as soon as possible. Our military authoritics have con- structed a foundation for democracy in the island of Japan. The American soldiers, sailors, and marines now in the Far East are anxious to return to their native land. Their mothers, fathers, and loved ones are waiting their home- coming. H. B. Snyder, editor of the Gary Post- Tribune, Gary, Ind., has interpreted the thoughts of the American public in the following editorial: UN CONTROL FOR JAPAN General MacArthur proposes that a Japa- nese peace treaty be written as quickly as possible, and that the United Nations be given the task of handling whatever con- trols are imposed on Japan. The suggestion was something of a surprise; indeed, it is reported that he spoke without prior con- sultation with Washington. But that does not affect the merits of the proposal. The suggestion comes at a good time. The United States, through MacArthur, is now the actual boss of Japan. A move to give up our authority there and shift it to the United Nations should be uccepted by Russia as evidence that we have neither imperialist motives in the Far East nor a desire to use Japan as the base for an attack upon the Soviet. The Charter of the United Nations provides for the UN type of trusteeship, as suggested by MacArthur, as well as a trusteeship under one or more nations. Control could be placed in the hands of the General Assembly, where there is no veto power. Such a trusteeship would give the United Nations a task of importance. It is essential that the UN soon be given such @ job, lest it retrogress to the status of an international debating society. MacArthur believes the work of demili- tarizing Japan has been done. The task of political rehabilitation also is near comple- tion—or as near as can be achieved under an occupation, he believes. Economic reor- ganization cannot be advanced fer until a peace agreement is reached. Economic strangulation by the allies is continuing, MacArthur points out. There has been almost no question con- cerning the work MacArthur has been doing in Japan. If he thinks the United States ca’ get out and that the remaining super- vision can be handled by the United Nations, we'ro strongly inclined to endorse such & program, Aid for Greece EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ADAM C. POWELL, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orb, I include the following article by Wil- liam L. Shirer from the New York Herald Tribune of March 16, 1947: Heitp ror Present Greek REGIME Is QUES- TIONED—SHIRER SUGGESTS UNITED STATES AID May Go Tc a LEADERSHIP No More DEMo- CRATIC THAN COMMUNISM—AND ASSURE AN EVENTUAL COMMUNIST TRIUMPH (By William L. Shirer) To oppose Russian expansion and the spread of communism by assuming our re- sponsibilities as the great democratic world power that we undoubtedly are is all well and good. But I wonder if there is just a possibility that in our unreasonable world you cannot buy world peace and stability nor even purchase resistance to Marxism, no matter how many good Yankee dollars you are ready to shell out. Is it barely possible that it may take some- thing more? I am not suggesting that American troops be sent to the far-flung periphery of the Bo- viet Union to halt the Red menace. No one in the Government or the Congress will stand for that, and the Kremlin knows it. IT am suggesting that it may not be enough merely to dole out dollars to prop up rickety and dubious regimes which happen to be an- ti-Communist and anxious to stay out of Russia's orbit. Such a practice, in fact, is most likely to lead to failure and indeed to play into the hands of the Soviet Union and communism. It may be in the end that, annoying and troublesome though it will be, we will have to sprout an idea and formulate an Ameri- can policy that will be both different and better than that pursued by the British. It might even have to take into account that in Asia the old order has either collapsed, as in India, Indochina, and Indonesia, or is threatened with collapse, as in China, and that even in the Mediterranean world, where the threat of Soviet expansion is most im- mediate, you cannot set the clock back. A lot of uman beings, millions upon mil- lions of them, live in these regions on the periphery of the Soviet Union. Their lot, judged by American standards, was never @ very happy one, and it has been made im- measurably worse by the ravages and disloca- tions of the terrible war, Most of these peo- ple are, in fact, desperate today and, rightly or wrongly, are demanding a change. That change could be to communism and an alinement with the Soviet Union. But it need not be. It need not be if the American power is wisely use. to aid domestic forces other than those which for too long have ground down the masses, keeping them in abject poverty and g@enying them the very APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD democratic rights which have made us Amer- icans so strong and prosperous. The mass of the Chinese people, who are peasants, are not interested in communism. They want only the end of slavery to vicious landlords and money lenders and corrupt officials and the whole feudal system that has kept them in such shocking misery. Is that an unreasonable desire? Is it one the American people are determined to oppose under the mistaken impression that by so doing we are saving China from Red tyranny? And yet unconditional American support for Chiang Kat-shek’s feudal, corrupt, and reactionary regime, which General Marshall castigated on his recent departure from China, would help, for a time, to chain 300,- 000,000 Chinese peasants to their starvation existence, It would also help, in the long run, to drive them into the camp of the Chinese Con.munists, whose major achieve- ment so far has been in land reform tn the considerable areas under their control. LACK OF POLICY BLAMED The necessity of the President's plea to Congress last week for funds and arms for Greece might never have arisen had the American Government had an inkling of a policy of its own for that valiant land after its Hberation from the German barbarians. We had none, and stood idly and rather stupidly by while Mr. Oburchill stumbled from one blunder to another until he had Paved the way for Greece's present tragic condition, which we are now to cure—we think—with a quarter of a billion dollars, to begin with. It might be helpful if Americans could re- call how Greece came to its present plight. Though Mr. Churchill vehemently denied it, I think there ts little doubt that the prin- cipal resistance movement in Greece wus the EAM, with its combatant branch known as ELAS. The secret documents of the German high command which I saw at Nuremberg left no doubt that the German Army consid- ered ELAS as almost the only serious armed resistance movement it had to deal with. A British general who hud worked with ELAS for 2 years told Allied correspondents in Athens after its lMberation that the only real resisters and fighters against the Ger- mans Were the ELAS, a remark which seems to have resulted in his sudden withdrawal from Greece. There seems to be little doubt either that the leadership of EAM-ELAS came in time to be dominated by Communists, though its mass following was non-Communist—a coa- lition of moderate Republicans, agrarians, Socialists, and Communists. There is no evi- dence that during the German occupation ELAS got any help at al! from the Russians. The only outside help they received was from the British, who maintained regular army of- ficers with them as liaison. British intelligence reports confirm that at the time of Greece's liberation the coun- try was overwhelmingly Republican in sen- timent. Mr. Churchill, however, wanted a royalist government and determined on the restoration of King George II, whose chief claim to fame previously had been his re- sponsibility for setting up the Metaxas Fas- cist dictatorship in Greece, second only to the German in its brutality and its stamping out of democratic liberties. There is no rec- ord that the American Government offered any objection to the King’s return, and today it is his feeble, undemocratic regime which President Truman has now come to the rescue of. ZAM PROMPTLY DESTROYED The EAM movement was promptly de- stroyed by American-armed British troops with the help of two curious Greek detach- ments little known to the American people. The first was the royalist Mountain Brigade, specially trained by the British. The second consisted of the so-called security battalions, a Greek quisling militia formed by the Ger-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD roans and. wearing German. uniforms. These. two strange units later became the. core of the royalist Greek army which is now to re- ceive American arms to put down the leftist guerrillas. Is that a worthy object for American arms? Is it sheer lunacy, at this stage, to suggest that the best—and perhaps the only—way to halt bolshevism and.Russian expansion is to back the genuine democratic elements which are so numerous along the periphery of the Soviet Union—the kind of people who prefer cur kind of democratic freedom to the tyranny of either the Chiangs and King Georges or the totalitarian Communists? Let Us Be Sure We Are Right Before We Go Ahead EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN H. FOLGER OF NORTH CARCLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. FOLGER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks I include therein an article by Hon. Harold Ickes: MAN TO MAN—Proposep. Loans TO GREECE AND Turxer Become Lrse CLEaR WiTH More Lieur The more light that ts shed upon the “quickie” recommendation by President Tru- man that we lend 8250,000,000 to Greece and $150,000,000 to Turkey, the less clear it be- comes. For instance, Acting Secretary Dean Acheson, whose ability I greatly respect, tes- tifled before the House Foreign Affairs Com- mittee last Thursday that “It seems to me that by strengthening the forces of democ- racy and freedom you would do much toward removing the causes of friction between the great powers.” This was in response to an inquiry by Representative MansrigLp, of Mon- tana, “if he thought the grant of funds, arms, and administrative help to those countries would lead to war.’ This was an interesting reply to a question that must be in the mind of every thinking American. But to me it was not a reply at all. It was a diplomatic circumlocution that ignored tmportant facts which should have been stated frankly so that the Congress and the country might draw their own conclu- sions as to the possibility of eventual war. Acting Secretary Acheson did not elaborate on what he meant by “strengthening the forces of democracy and freedom.” Why “decorate a lily and scent a rose’? Does he regard Turkey as a democracy or as a cham- pion of the cause of freedom? Where was Turkey during the First World War? And just what ~ the way of aid or comfort did it hold out to the Allies when they were so hard-pressed by the Nazi gangsters during the sccond conflict? While tragedy was threatening “democracy and freedom” every~ where in the world, Turkey “black marketed” its valuable chrome—an essential war mate- rial—to Hitler. No one will deny that mod- ern Turkey is strongly nationalistic and wants to live unto itself. However, it hardly knows the meaning of the word democracy,” except possibly as an interesting abstraction. Perhaps it was King George of Greece and his entourage that Secretary Acheson had in mind when he spoke of the forces of democ- racy and freedom. High-mindedly the State Department seems to think of King George as an unimportant figurehead. But would we be upholding a real democracy in Greece with King George still occupying the throne, supported by the most selfish and reaction- ary elements in Greece? If we send these huge sums of money to Greece and Turkey, they ought to be to in- vest in democracy. Undoubtedly Greece needs financial help now more than Turkey. Greece had no chrome on which to build up @ great war fortune, in addition to which Greece was in the war on the side of the Allies and so learned by personal experience how cruel and deadly the Nasi gangsters were. King George TI is sustained in power by the wealthy Greeks. And they are buttressed in their position by an inequitable tax sys- tem which rests most heavily upon the poor. It is one thing for this country to propose to share the burden of maintaining Greece, but it 1s another thing for us to permit the money that we pour into Greece to be si- phoned off into the hands of a few, including the court. Those who now hide secure be- hind a tax system designed to favor the well to do should also be willing to make the same kind of sacrifices that the income taxpayers in the United States are about to be called upon to make. We ought not to establish a new doctrine that the United States helps those who do not help themselves. WHAT OF ARGENTINA? Another question that might have been asked of Acting Secretary Acheson or some other representative of the State Depart- ment is whether we are undertaking a holy war against commurism or against all forms of totalitarianism. If we are opposed to to- talitarianism and not merely to communism, which is only one phase of it, what do we propose to do about the Fascist regime of Peron in the Argentine? If we are too deep- ly involved in Greece and Turkey to bother about this dangerous example of Nazi total- itarianism that is much closer to us, would we be willing that the United Nations, or one of our allies, helped to sweep our own doorstep clean while we are engaged else- where? Perhaps Great Britain, or even Rus- sia, might undertake to act as the deputy of the United Nations in cauterizing Naziism in the Argentine. The fact seems to be that while we now become so belligerent at the very thought of communism, our blood turns to skim milk when we are asked to face the menace of fascism, which is so much the twin of com- munism that they cannot be distinguished. We have allowed Peron, the dictator of Ar- gentina, to thumb his nose at us. While Spruille Braden is still an Assistant Secre- tary of State, he has apparently been ham- strung. Meanwhile, we are misrepresented by Am- bassador George S. Messersmith, who has endeared himself to this totalitarian apple which has the potentialities of corrupting all of the others in the South American barrel. Committee on Armed Services EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. MARGARET CHASE SMITH OF MAINE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mrs. SMITH of Maine. Mr. Speaker, the chief clerk of the Armed Services Committee, Robert H. Harper, reports that while it is entirely too soon to ap- praise the work of any committee, it ap- pears that the Committee on Armed Services has done fairly well considering the fact that it is a complete new set-up including chairman and staff, as well as A1303 & completely new set of responsibilities and functions. There have been 251 bills introduced and referred to the Armed Services Com- mittee since the beginning of the Eight- ieth Congress. Forty meetings have been held by the subcommittees since the committee began functioning on Febru- ary 1, Thirty-two bills have been re- ported to the House; 16 of which have passed the House and two of which have become law. With the exception of one Army pro- posal and. one Navy proposal, every measure sent to this committee by the War and Navy Departments has either been reported, considered in subcommit- tee, or scheduled for hearings. I am in- formed by the Judge Advocate General of the Navy that this is the first time that any congressional committee has so completely considered their legislative proposals. A Bigger Panama Canal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DAVID M. POTTS OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE O!' REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. POTTS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following cditorial from the New York Times of March 19, 1947: A BIGGER PANAMA CANAL When the Oregon had to round the Horn to join the fleet in Caribbean waters during the Spanish-American War it was obvious that the digging of the Panama Canal could no longer be deferred. But was it to be a sea-level or a lock canal? For many months the controversy raged. In the end the sea- level project was rejected chiefly because the deep cut required would have complicated the control of slides and because of the great- er cost and delay. The old controversy now flares up again. since Congress must con- sider the matter of enlarging the Canal to meet traffic demands which are bound to overtax the present twin locks by 1961. The construction of a third set of locks was authorized by Congress in 1939. Work began in 1940, but was stopped i. 1942 because of the wartime drain on manpower and mate- rials. We have some yawning excavations which have cost us $75,000,000; they could be transformed at no great additional cost into locks that would be behind the techno- logical times. Even if the finished new locks can accommodate our largest carriers, which the old ones cannot, a revision is necessary. What gives both the Army and the Navy most concern is the relative vulnerability of lock and sca-level canals. Even before the atomic bomb appeared it looked as if a few block busters of the type dropped on German cities during the last year of war might cripple both old and new locks, separated as they would be by only half a mile at mcst, The atomic bomb increased this apprehension. It fol- lows that we must consider the relative mer- its of sea-level and lock canal in the light of new exigencies. As matters stand, the argument seems to be in favor of the lock canal which the Navy recommends. A sea-level cunal is not much less vulnerable to atomic bombs than a lock canal, and in any event there would have to be a lock on the Pacific side to overcome the
A1304 difference in level that prevails there over the Atlantic side. Both the Army and Navy agree that a 'arge lake or basin should be pro- vided on the Pacific side in which ships can anchor when fog makes it dangerous to go through the narrow Culebre Cut and that a sea-level canal would require much dredging. No doubt Congress will weigh the relative advantages of the two types of canals, but in its present temper it is likely to vote for the Navy lock canal, which will cost about 500,000,000, as compared with a billion and @ quarter and possibly two billions for the sea-level plan. When engineering opinion is 80 equally divided, lower costs are likely to prevail. Tax Reduction EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER R. JONES OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. JONES of Washington. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I wish to call the attention of the House to an editorial which appeared in the Times-Herald, Washington, D. C., on March 22, 1947, which points out the fact that the House GOP Members are carrying out the promise they made to the people of this country during the last campaign. The editorial also comments favorably upon the outstanding contribution made to the tax program now before this House by my distinguished colleague and fel- low Washingtonian, the Honorable HAL Hogs. The editorial follows: HOUSE GOP ATTACKS TAXES One of the chief Republican campaign promises last fall was that if the voters would do the right thing a GOP majority in Con- gress would try its best to force a radical reduction in the crushing tax rates built up over the last 14 years by the New Dealers. The voters did the right thing from the Republican’ point of view. When the new bosses of Congress a few weeks ago decided not to cut the 20 percent wartime excise taxes on various luxury items, e lot of people, ourselves included, were in- spired to remark that it looked as if a welsh- ing, reneging spirit had moved into Republi- can circles from somewhere. It is all the more pleasant now, therefore, to see the House Ways and Means Committee get busy and frame a bill for some genuine tax cuts, retroactive to January 1, and clear the road for early passage of the measure. The House can pass the bill next week if it wants to. As now written, this is a modification of Representative Harotp KNuTSON’s, Republi- can, of Minnesota, original proposal for a 20- percent-personal-income-tax cut across the board. We think the modifications are an improvement on that first Knutson plan. The scheme now is to reduce taxes 30 per- cent on net incomes of $1,000 or less, to drop them 20 percent on those of $1,000 to $302,- 000, and to limit the brackets above $302,000 to a 1014-percent reduction. A novel feature of the bill is that it grants an additional $500 exemption for taxpayers over 65 years of age, provided they report tax- exempt income from such things as social security pensions or railroad retirement benefits. This quick action in the House committees Was spurred mainly by some of the new mem- bers— freshman Congressmen — prominent among whom were Representative Rosgsrt W. Kean, Republican, of New Jersey, and Hat Hotmes, Republican, of Washington. These men deserve considerable applause, we think; and their exhibition of drive and initiative might well be carefully noted by various Re- publican Senators we could mention who have been resting in comfort on the Novem- ber 5 election returns ever since the Eightieth Congress convened. That this is a real tax reduction bill is shown by the size of the revenues the ‘Treasury will lose by it if 1. becomes law. A total of $3,840,000,000 will be cut from Treasury income tax receipts per year, as- suming taxable incomes run along as at pres- ent. That is not hay, even in these times. These $3,800,000,000 which the Government Will have to do without will go into more food, clothes, houses, radios, and so forth, for the lower-income groups, and, it is to be hoped, into investment in new business or plant expansion by a lot of people in the upper brackets. . TAX REDUCTION AND PROSPERITY All this should make new jobs, preserve many jobs now in existence, and stimulate business generally. It happened that way after the other war. The Republicans re- duced taxes, business spurted, and this in- creased business paid taxes so copiously that the Republicans were able to make heavy payments on the principal of the national debt. Of course, the big 1929 bust came along in due time, one reason being that tax reduc- tion had been overdone. With a national debt some 10 times as big now as it was then, however, it is hard to see how taxes can be ~educed dangerously any time soon. After all, there is a fixed charge of about @5,000,- 000,000 a year on that debt, before the Gov- ernment can spend money for anything else. So we are hoping that the Senate and Hous" will pass substantially the tax bill written by the House Ways and Means Committee, and too bad about the lamentations of the “spend and spend, tax and tax, elect and elect” New Dealers. They've had their fun, and we've ell paid for it through the nose. If the Republican majorities in Congress Will pass this bill with reasonable speed, they will probably appease many of those who voted for them last November and are now asking why that mandate to clean up the New Deal mess isn't being carried out. Though it is a fact that you can’t rectify all the mistakes of 14 years’ mismanagement overnight, you can at least roll up your sleeves and get started. It’s gratifying to see that this truth has dawned on many of the Re- publicans in the last few days—and none too soon, Announcement by Otto E. Passman EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OTTO E. PASSMAN OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. PASSMAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following an- nouncement which appeared in the Monroe (La.) News-Star of March 24, ANN OUNCEMENT I will make my quarterly tour of the Fifth District in accordance with the schedule of dates and times listed below. On account of my urgent duties in Wash- ington, it will not be possible for me to spend APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD much time in any of the places listed. The Fifth District covers a wide area, therefore, my visits must be hurried in order for me to be able to return to Washington without undue delay. Interested persons are invited to contact me regarding any of their congressional problems, be they veteran claims, agriculture, drainage, flood control, or pending legislation, and I shall do my utmost to be of assistance. SCHEDULE Tuesday, April 1: Bastrop, 9 a. m., court- house; Oak Grove, 12 noon, courthouse; Lake Providence, 2:30 p. m., courthouse; Tallulah, & p. m,, courthouse. Wednesday, April 2: Farmerville, 9:30 a. m., courthouse; Bernice, 12:30 p. m., post office; Ruston, 3 p. m., courthouse. Thursday, April 8: Rayville, 9:30 e. m., courthouse; Winnsboro, 12 noon, courthouse; 8t. Joseph, 4 p. m., courthouse. Friday, April 4: Harrisonburg, 11:30 a. m., courthouse; Jonesville, 2:30 p. m., post office; Ferriday, 4:30 p. m., courthouse. Saturday, April 5: Columbia, 11:30 a. m., courthouse; Jonesboro, 3 p. m., courthouse. Monday, April 7: Alexandria, 7 p. m., flood control. Wednesday, April 9: Monroe, entire day, Monroe office. Otro E. PassMAN, Congressman, Fifth Congressional District. Antidiscrimination Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ADAM C. POWELL, JR. _OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Dayton (Ohio) Daily News of March 3, 1947: ANTIDISCRIMINATION BILL To Tus Epiror oF THE NEws: Recently in Columbus the Ohio Chamber of Commerce issued a hocus-pocus kind of statement which said that it was for the fair employment practices law (FEPC) in prin- ciple, but that the whole idea was somehow strangely un-American and unworkable. Last week the Dayton Chamber of Com- merce followed suit. It, too, declared the law was fine in principle, then charged that it (8. 10) would lead to “bureaucratic rule by men and not by law,” an important- sounding, if meaningless, grouping of words. The sole object of an antidiscrimination law 1s to insure that workers shall be hired strictly on the basis of their abilities to produce, and are not discriminated against by management because of their creed, color, or national origin. What has a person’s com- plexion or his ancestry got to do with whether or not he can produce? Yet much of man- agement, with its feet still firmly planted in an earlier age, chooses to forget that this is the century of the common man, the year TI of the atomic age, and seeks to continue euch anachronisms as discrimination. New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Connecticut Legislatures, in tune with the times, have enacted FEPC laws. And pro- gressive Ohio forces are determined on pas- sage of Senate bill 10, which would help keep our State in step with the forward march of its sister States and the world. The Ohio Pastors’ Association, meeting early last month, unanimously passed a reso- lution calling for an FEPC law with teeth in it. The CIO, long pledged to the abolish- ment of every form of discrimination, has
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD enthusiastically endorsed the bill. The Progressive Citizens of America (Ohio chap- ter), the National Association for the Ad- vancement of Colored People, the American Jewish Congress, Americans of Italian De- scent, the International Workers Order, the American Slav Congress, and many other bodies have called for its enactment. Only the chamber of commerce and the Ohio Manufecturers Association have op- posed the anti{discrimination bill, even as they fought the temporary FEPC which, for the duration of the war, so effectively con- solidated labor's efforts in producing the ma- terial needed to win the great victory. Cer- tainly it is no secret that the chamber of commerce and Ohio Manufacturers Associa- tion speak for the largest interests within management. Nor is it secret that the mo- nopoly forces in business have, on numerous occasions, seemed positively eager to feed upon divisions within the workers’ ranks, playing off white workers against Negro workers, Italian workers against German workerf. Jewish workers against gentile workers, wherever and whenever they could effectively create a split. This policy is easily recognizable as the age-old game of divide and rule, divide and conquer, a technique which Ohio big business apparently consid- ers essential and seeks to perpetuate in order to weaken the entire working-class move- ment. It therefore becomes imperative thut mem- bers of all minority peoples, and all pro- gressives, demonstrate their active support of a fair employment practices commission. If we permit the giant forces of reaction to get by with their slick trick of keeping us divided from our brothers, we most certainly will be conquered and destroyed, as in Fas- cist Europe—piecemeal]. Obviously race and religious prejudice has an economic base. Discrimination can be defeated, however, partly by direct political action, and partly through education for de- mocracy. The law plus education comple- ment each other. When reactionaries, mis- guided liberals, and some unthinking civil Hbertarians insist we cannot legislate away discrimination, it is good to point to New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Con- necticut, where FEPC is working to the deep satisfaction of all men of good will. It may be well also to remind the skeptics that the laws of one generation frequently have be- come the good manners of the next genera- tion. Lewis Booru, Member, Executive Committee, Na- tional Association for the Ad- vancement of Colored People. DaYTon, House Tax-Cut Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following edi- torial from the New Orleans Times- Picayune: HOUSE TAX-CUT BILL The Knutson income tax-cut bill, as re- vised by the Republican steering commit- tee in the House, was approved by the Ways and Means Committee yesterday by 16 of its 265 members—16 Republicans and 1 Democrat, Of the 10 Democratic commit- teemen 9 voted against approval. Thus the measure will go to the House next Wed- nesday as a Republican project. Accord- ing to Speaker Martin it will go in under a closed rule, barring amendments. In all probability therefore the House vote will be cast closely along party lines. There is a possibility, of course, that some Repub- licans may balk, but no apparent likelihood of an intraparty division sufficient to prevent its passage. As revised by the steering committee, the iIncome-tax reduction will amount to 30 per- cent for the small-income group, estimated to include some 20,000,000 taxpayers; 20 per- cent on incomes in a wide middle range, and 1044 percent on incomes above $302,000. Mr. Knutson had urged a 20-percent cut across the board. The total over-all reduction is estimated by Washington dispatches at 83,- 840,000,000. The reductions are made retro- active to January 1 last—subject, of course, to Senate approval. This retroactive feature may bring a fight in the upper house, where Senator Tarr and other Republicans favor July 1 as the effec- tive date. Also there has been evidenced among the elder statesmen some doubt of the wisdom of drastic tax reduction at this critical time when demands for added ex- penditures are being pressed. Nobody can say precisely, at this moment, what the Govern- ment’s monetary needs may be for the fiscal year ahead, And not even the Republicans themselves can be sure that their Spartan stand for drastic budget cuts to Justify their hefty tax cut can be maintained in their own camp when the pressure for appropriations reaches high tide. Finally the important question of national debt reduction must be faced in the final reckoning and on that, too, intraparty division is foreshadowed. From the statistical and economic angles and in the light of the uncertainties ahead, the Congress Democrats stand on solid ground in opposing the modified Knutson project. But political exigencies as the ma- jority sees them prompts the drive for the sweeping tax cut for which a good many folks are clamoring loudly regardless of its ulti- mate cffect. The House majority, after weighing the one set of considerations against the other, seems bent on taking the political road. The Crisis in Our Foreign Affairs EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT HALE OF MAINE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. HALE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following radio address made by me on March 20, 1947: Good evening, ladies and gentlemen: Let me begin by expressing my appreciation to Station WGAN for giving me, along with the others who have the honor to represent the State of Maine in the Congress, the courtesy of their network to discuss questions of in- terest to our people at this time. I shall talk to you tonight about what is being widely referred to as the crisis in our foreign affairs. This expression seems to me rather misleading. There has been a contin- uing crisis in our foreign affairs ever since the rise of Adolf Hitler to power in 1933. In some weeks or months we may be more acutely conscious of the crisis than we are in others, but the crisis is always there. It is presented by the rise of totalitarianism dic- tatorship in great nations, the tendency of that type of dictatorship to aggression, and A1305 the dislocations, displacements, and ruin oc- casioned by aggression. The continuing crisis has presented a series of problems for this country and imposed burdensome re- sponsibilities which are felt with especial force by those of us obliged to render a de- cision as to this alternative or that. Everybody knows, but it is easy now to for- get that while the war was in progress, Rus- sia was our ally. Had she not been our ally the present situation would scarcely have arisen. We supplied the Russians enormous guintities of war material without which they could probably not have had the strik- ing military successes which they had. How- ever, the collaboration between Russia and this country was never on the same cordial footing as the collaboration between Britain and the United States. The Russians in their dealing with us have always been timid, sus- picious, and grudging. They have been even more so in their relations with the British. There is nothing surprising about this. This country has not been friendly to communism elther as an economic philosophy or as a political force. Neither were the British in years past. Both of us invaded Russia in 1919. Our troops actually occupied Archangel and Vladivostok in that year. Back of that in 1907 it was American support which brought about the Treaty of Portsmouth which cemented the Japanese victory over Russia and the loss of Korea and Manchurta. Russian memories are probably good. At the meetings at Teheran in November 1943 and at Yalta in February 1945, there were discussions not only with Russia about the conduct of the war, but apparently about the spoils of war. President Roosevelt in order to stimulate Russian cooperation in the European war and to procure Russian aid in the war against Japan made various promises to Russia, the nature of which has not yet been fully disclosed. and may never be fully disclosed. We do know, however, that at Yalta. Russia was promised the trans- fer of the Kurile Islands from Japan and apparently occupation of northern Korea and we agreed to a delineation of the Polish fron- tiers which I think was unduly favorable to Russia. And we either assented to Russian activities in Poland or acquiesced in their activities in such a way as gravely to preju- Qice the future of the Polish state. I fear that history will say that our wartime con- cessions to our Russian ally were excessive. In the final war conference at Potsdam there were discussions about the future of Germany and an agreement was reached, among other things, that Germany should be administered as a single economic unit. Pursuant apparently to an agreement reached at Potsdam, Russia came into the war against Japan a week before it ended, but the Russian participation in the war against Japan was insignificant and involved none of the overwhelming sacrifices which Russia un- deniably made in defending herself in Europe. We seem to have paid dearly for Russian aid against Japan and gotten a poor bargain. Since VJ-day, as everyone knows, our rela- tions with Russia have been getting steadily more difficult. The Russians were not will- ing to adhere to the agreements made at Potsdam to administer Germany as an eco- nomic unit. Over and beyond that, the Rus- sians have succeeded contrary to the terms of the Yalta agreements, in dominating com- pletely the governments and policies of most of the eastern European states. Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, nations which estab- lished their independence from Russia in 1918, were completely extinguished as na- tional entities. Poland, Yugoslavia, Rumania, and Bulgaria have been suffered to retain a nominal independence but have become in all respects puppet states of Russia. In cen- tral Europe, Hungary alone was for a time able to preserve some semblance of inde- pendence which is now virtually gone. At the extreme south of the tier of east European
A1306 states, Greece was able to preserve her free- dom through British intervention at Church- ill's instance in September 1944. It is probably true, as Walter Lippmann has said, that we went about peacemaking the wrong way. Instead of beginning with the major European job—peace with Germany and Austria—we first made treaties with Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania, con- cluding those treaties only on February 10 of this year. General Marshall, our new Secretary of State, is now in Moscow in an attempt to settle the future of Germany and Austria. Their problem could never be easy. Ger- many is in the heart of Europe and millions of people depend for livelihood on her pro- ductive capacity. Her industries were high- ly developed even before Hitler diverted them to war production. Germany was second only to this country as an industrial nation. Eu- rope cannot sustain itself without the pro- ductive capacity which Germany had. With- out a decent living standard in Europe there can be no peace. But with Germany pro- ducing for war there can be no pence either. The problem is to revive at least a substan- tial part of Germany's productive capacity and economic sufficiency and not to revive her war potential. This problem could be solved with Russian cooperation. It can’t be solved if, as seems likely, Russia wishes to destroy the German economy in the name of reparations and then buy German aid for her future aggreasions by promises to restore it, The awful truth is that even today, nearly 2 years after the German surrender, most of Europe is homelecs, hopeless, hungry. only one notch above chaos. Perhaps nothing can put the truth more literally than to say vul- garly, “Europe was shot to hell.” While the aggressions and sinister machi- nations of our late ally Russia present a se- rious difficulty, on the one hand, we are embarrassed much more severely than most people realize by the troubles of our other late ally the British. From the British victory at Waterloo in 1815 down to 1914, Britain was undoubtedly the world's dominant power. She had the largest navy and the largest merchant fleet in the world and boasted with some justice that “Britannia ruled the waves,” that the sun never set on her dominions. Rudyard Kipling writing of Queen Victoria could sing: “Walk wide o’ the Widow at Windsor For ‘alf o’ Creation she owns. We ‘ave bought ’er the same with the sword and the flame, An’ we've salted it down with our bones. s e e e e For the Kings must come down an’ the Em- perors frown When the Widow at Windsor says stop.” England governed the vast eastern spaces of India, Burma and Malaya. Hers was the dominant interest in the Middle East. By controlling Gibraltar, the Suez Canal and > Egypt, Britain effectively controlled the whole Mediterranean Basin. Portugal and Greece were particularly subject to British influence. All this activity of the British was known as British imperialism and was widely de- nounced as such by many people. Never- theless, the functions which the British per- formed in their own selfish interest were extremely uscful to this country in the main- tenance of world peace and order which in the last century we were not strong enough to take care of alone. Thomas Jefferson recognized this as early as 1802 when he advised us to “marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation.” Madison wrote to President Monroe in 1823: “With the British power and Navy combined with our own, we have nothing to fear from the rest of the world; and in the great struggle of the epoch between liberty and despotism, we owe it to ourselves to sus- tain the former, in this hemisphere at least. I have even suggested an invitation to the British Government to join in applying the ‘small effort for so much good’ to the French invasion of Spain, and to make Greece an object of some such favorable attention.” But since 1914 we have had two world wars which have left the British desperately weak while leaving us at least relatively strong. Forced alike by public opinion and their own weakness, the British have committed themselves to granting independence to India and their other possessions in the Far East. They have removed their troops from Egypt. Most important of all, their economic position at home ts a desperate one. The British Isles have virtually no raw ma- terials except coal, and their coal output per miner ts only about one-sixth of ours. Brit- ain is forced to buy from abroad a good part of all her food and many of the necessities of life, and must pay for what she buys with exports produced in her factories, which also have to be fed with raw materials from abroad. Britain’s immediate problem is to create exports enough to supply her with the necessary imports. To what extent Britain can get on her feet again no one can proph- esy with too much confidence. Many Brit- ons are still optimistic, but they have had to lower their living standard to a point sub- stantially below what it was during the war, and far below anything they have known since the Napoleonic War. The weather has been unkind to them this winter, and they now have a Socialist Government, a luxury which I do not think that they can afford. Hence, no well-informed person in Washing- ton was surprised at the news that Britain would have to give up the aid which they have been giving to Greece since before the end of the European War. Obviously, we cannot compel the British to go on, and the only practical question is whether we shall take over the work they have done in Greece or accept whatever alternatives there may be. No one here doubts that the immediate alternative will be to make Greece like Yugoslavia—a puppet state of Russia, Turkey, already hard pressed by Russia and virtually on a war footing with a million men under arms, will then be encircled, and Iran, Iraq, and the whole Mid- dle East will lie virtually helpless before the Russian expansion. Forced with this situation, we must think clearly. No question is now involved of help- ing Britain. In last year’s credit to Britain we took that step, though perhaps inade- quately. What we must appraise now is the danger of Russian expansion, and the appro- priateness of ald to Greece and Turkey as a counterpoise against that expansion. I be- lieve that the dangers to us in uncontrolled Russian aggression cannot be overestimated. If half a bilion or even a billion dollars will preserve the integrity of Greece and Turkey, I think it money well spent. If in 1936, this country had insisted with the help of Britain and France in keeping Hitler out of the Rhineland, it could posi- tively have been done and done at no great cost. Defeating Hitler in the 41 months from December 7, 1941 to May 7, 1945 cost us €341,000,000,000 in money alone. We do not want by neglecting precautions now to repeat that mistake. If we are to give ald to Greece and Turkey, it goes without saying that every possible safeguard should be thrown around the ad- ministration of relief and as little room as possible left to local corruption and intrigue. The Government of Turkey is reputedly better and more stable than that of Greece which seems to lack any moderate center party between the extreme right and the extreme left. But in both countries there should be enough Americans on the spot to know exactly what goes on. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This is an issue which we must decide before the British quit on March 31 and it will preoccupy our thoughts while it is being decided and long afterward. I have no doubt but that Congress will vote to give the aid substantially as the President has recom- mended. But when we have done this, we still have new problems created by this vast Eurasian nation rich in resources and manpower, nourishing behind its iron curtain alien ideologies and great ambitions, while our old allies the British, with whom essentially we have so much in common, struggle precari- ously for their existence. And let us not deceive ourselves. The liquidation of the British Empire if it comes about will shake the earth as profoundly as the liquidation of the Roman Empire. Fortunately the new order is not as Adolf Hitler planned it, but it is a new order all the same and not a happy one. Radio Station WKYW, Louisville, Ky. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK L. CHELF OF KENTUCKY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr.CHELF. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarkr in the Recorp, I include the following radio address made by me on March 26, 1947: Fellow Kentuckians and my friends across the line in Indiana, I am delighted to have this opportunity this afternoon to pause for a few brief moments from my duties on the floor of the House of Representatives, here in Washington, to record my tribute to the untiring efforts of an energetic, enterpris- ing, and public-spirited group of Kentuckians who have made the radio voice of WKEYW, Louisville's newest radio station, a reality. I want to congratulate all of the splendid officers and staff of WKYW, and all of the people of Louisville and central Kentucky where this station will be heard. I am especially pleased to learn that WKYW has @ normal coverage of approximately 70 miles and that it will reach a tremendous num- ber of the 300,000 folks of the Fourth Con- gressional District, which I have the honor of representing here in Congress. Personally, I believe that Loutaville and Kentucky are extremely fortunate in being able to secure radio station WKYW. Their coverage of the news, current events, topics of the day, music, entertainment, and many other worthwhile contributions to our peo- ple, combined with Louisville's other splendid radio stations, WHAS, WINN, WAVE, and WGRC, will afford them the latest and best source of information, education, news, and enjoyment. My friends, there is not a child of school age who does not know and appreciate what radio actually means to the health, welfare, safety, happiness, prosperity, and economic and spiritual life of a given community, county, and State. During World War I radio was in its em- bryonic stage. During World War II radio had reached its majority and with it we heard announcers with portable radio transmitters actually accompanying our troops into bat- tle where the roar of cannons, machine guns, and bombs could be heard above the muffled voice of our radio correspondents, which gave ts the advances and successes of our own GI's and thoee of our allies. My friends, at this particular moment, may I pay tribute to those many brave radio, yes, and newspaper, correspondents who sacri-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ficed their lives as did thousands of your sons on the battlefields, in order to give us here at home the story as it was written in gold upon the pages of eternal history Not only Was radio the first to bring us the glad tidings of VE- and VJ-day, but likewise it played & prominent role and made an invaluable contribution to the winning of World War II. At the present time, and during the days that He ahead, radio is bringing, and will continue to bring, a play-by-play descrip- tion of the speeches, efforts, and actions of our statesmen, representing us not only at the peace conferences but in the Congress of the United States. Not only has radio proved its worth in war and in peace, but it has be- come a definite part of our American way of life. Those of us who are privileged to live in @ democracy should be everlastingly grate- ful for radio and the newspapers which are the unbridled champions of the constitu- tional amendment which guarantees to us our freedom of speech. In conclusion, let me say that it is a high honor that as a Representative in Con- gress of the great Fourth Congressional Dis- trict of Kentucky, I am privileged to share in the dedication of this new milestone of progress in radio in Kentucky. To the owners, managers, and sponsors of radio station WKYW, and to ail of you good Kentuckians within the sound of my voice, I wish good luck, a full fruition of your Greams, and a happy realization of your endeavors, Conscientious Objectors EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ADAM C. POWELL, JR. OF NEW YORE IN SHE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27. 1947 Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the New York Herald Tribune of January 5, 1947: CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTORS Just before Christmas President Truman appointed an Amnesty Board, headed by for- mer Supreme Court Justice Owen J. Roberts, to examine appeals for executive clemency from 11,000 violators of the Selective Service Act. Some 5,000 of these are conscientious objectors. Some were convicted when they refused either noncombatant service or work in public civilian service camps. For the 25,000 consctenttous objectors who served in the armed forces as noncombatants: and about 12,000 who served in the civilian work camps there is no necessity for am- nesty, no question of abrogation of civil rights. Those convicted, however, have lost their civil rights, including the right to vote and to hold public office. The principal functions of the new Board will be to pass on applications for restoration of those rights. It will not exercise any jurisdiction over men still serving a prison term. But all these will be automatically paroled after serving 142 months (now the period for Army service of draftees) and may appeal for clem- ency on their release. “Freedom of conscience is basic in our American tradition of individual liberty,” the President said in establishing the new Board. It may be expected to recommend pardons and restoration of civil rights by setting up approved categories so that ull convicted on similar grounds may receive the same treatment. Its task is, however, a ticklish one. The courts themselves have divided in passing upon objections based on moral and philosophical, rather than on purely religious grounds. Forgiveness now to all bona fide objectors impelled by con- science to refuse war service seems to us in keeping with the American tradition of in- dividual liberty. Certain Claims of the Sioux and the Indian Claims Commission EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS CASE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. CASE of South Dakota. Mr. Speaker, under permission heretofore given, I offer for the Rrcorp a letter I wrote to Ralph H. Case, attorney for the Sioux Tribe of Indians, urging that cer- tain claims be presented to the Claims Commission as soon as it is organized for business. Following my letter to him is his reply. Now that the President has nominated the membership for the Com- mission, I believe that the matters here- in discussed are of such equity that they should receive early consideration. ConGREsS OF THE UNITED STATES, House oF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D. C., January 2, 1947. RALPH H. Casez, Attorney, Washington, D. C. Dear Mayor Casz: During my visits at var- ious councils and with individual members of the Sioux Reservations in South Dakota the past fall, I found a great deal of interest in the meaning of the new Indian Claims Commission Act. In response to various questions, I said that there were definitely three claims which I thought should be prepared and presented as soon as the Commission organizes. They are: WOUNDED KNEE CLAIM (1) The so-called Wounded-Knee claim, which has never been adjudicated. I think the evidence developed in the hearing on a pill I introduced in the House a few years ago which is embodied in the committee hearing report will be of help in preparing such a claim. OLD-AGE LIENS (2) Refunds to the Indians concerned of Mens which were levied for old-age assist-. ance. Under the holding of the court in the Black. Hills claims, the Government of the United States promised.to take care of the Sioux people until they were self-support- ing, or words to that effect. The court held that this promise was, in effect, payment for the Black Hills. On that ground the court denied that the Black Hills were taken with- out compensation, Since the Government itself fell back upon that promise to avoid lability for the taking of the Black Hills, it does not seem right to me that the Government should now turn around and make the allotments of the Indians themselves pay for providing that care. The granting of certain land was made at the same time as a part of the compensa- tion, and I can see no justice or equity in forcing the aged Indians to use a part of the payment made to them to discharge the other part of the payment which the Gov- ernment promised them. Working on this about the time the war etarted, I asked Governor Sharpe for figures A1307 on the amount of money which had been expended for old-age assistance to aged Indians. At the time the figures were com- piled I believe the amount totaled $900,000. Perhaps it is double that by this time. The pressure of the war and the possibility that the Indian Claims Commission might be established led me to defer further action until the Commission bill passed, in the hope that we might be able to get this claim considered by that Commission. The Commission bill became law and now that the President is about to appoint the Commissioners, I feel this claim should be among the first presented. FORCED SALES [IN GUNNERY RANGE (3) A third claim should be presented, in my judgment, on behalf of those members of the Pine Ridge Tribe who were forced from their homes for the creation of an aerial gunnery range in the north part of the res- ervation for the use of the Army Air Base at Rapid City. You recall that a few years ago I was suc- cessful in getting legislation passed to reim- burse Indians and counties who had lost moneys by reason of the issuance of forced patents on allotments, in violation of the trust. The courts held that when patents were issued without the application or con- sent of the allottee that the Government made a mistake, by violating the trust. In the gunnery-range situation, the pat- ents were forcibly issued to the Indian allot- tees without their consent. In fact. they did not even see the patent. The Superin- tendent accepted for them the payment which rs for the War Department said was the value of land taken. Then that money was deposited to the credit of the individual Indian allottee and his name was stricken from the old-age- assistance rolls. He was then required to give up the proceeds from his forced patent. In my judgment, this was a double wrong done to these individual allottees. In the first place, the same wrong was committed as in the so-called forced-patent cases. The Government has the right of eminent domain, but the Indian Office should either have given the individua] Indian allottee his patent outright and 1: him protest the payment proposed by going into Federal court, the same as any other citizen had a “ight to do whose lands were taken, or the Superintend- ent of the agency should, in my opinion, have asked for a court determination of the sufficiency of the price offered. The second wrong is a compounding of the Injustice done in the claim I mentioned above with respect to the filing of liens against Sioux Indians for old-age assistance, when the Government as a part payment for the Black Hills promised to provide for them: until they were self-supporting. Agatn, 1 do not see how the Government could require Indians to use a portion of the payment made for the Biack Hills (that is: land allotments) to discharge the other part of the payment which the court held the United States obligated itself to make. It is commonly reported that the President expects to name the members of the new Commission within a short time; presumably the Commission will organize shortly there- after. I am writing you this memorandum letter, covering the subject as we have dis- cussed it in our recent conferences, in the hope that it will serve as a suitable memo- randum on which you as the recognized at- torney for the Sioux Tribe of Indlans will take such steps as are necessary to get these claims before the new Indian Claims Com- mission for early placement on the Commis- sion's docket. With kindest regards and best wishes for the new year, I am Sincerely yours Francis CASE, Representative in Congress, Second South Dakota District.
A1308 THe ATTORNEYS FOR THE Broux NATION, Washington, D.C., February 21, 1947. Hon. Francis Case, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear CONGRESSMAN CASE: I regret I have been delayed in answering your two letters of January 2. I have been so closely en- gaged in, matters for the Sioux Nation and other Indian tribes that it has not been possible to prepare # proper reply to the questions presented in your letters. SIOUX TRUST FUND CASES I now have reference to your letter in re- gard to the Sioux Trust Fund cases, six in number. You are correct in your statement in your paragraph 4 as to the amount of the recovery of 86,000,000 which should have been allowed by the Court of Claims, but which was wined out by the Sioux benefit offset of $8,498,038.38. These are the cases in which I filed petition for certiorari, August 5, 1946. In October 1946 the Supreme Court denied my petition. This appeared to be the end of the cases. I was not satisfied with this result, and in November last I filed a motion asking the Supreme Court to reconsider the entire mat- ter. I also asked that the cases be sent back to the Court of Claims for further pro- ceedings. I set up the act of August 13, 1946, the Indian Claims Commission Act, and pointed out to the Supreme Court that this act was signed after I filed my petition for certiorari. I also pointed out that the act of August 18, 1946, amended the Sioux Jurisdictional Act and prohibited the use of set-offs or counterclaims for educational purposes or for health, highway, bridge, administrative, and other purposes. I stated in my motion that the Sioux Tribe was entitled to a new trial on the basis of the new act. SUPREME COURT GRANTS MOTION On December 9 and 16, in two separate decisions, the United States Supreme Court granted my motion, vacated its own decision, granted my petition for certiorari, and re- manded all the cases to the Court of Claims for further proceedings in accordance with the Indian Claims Commission Act of Au- gust 13, 1946. All six of the cases have been referred to Commissioner Ewart W. Hobbs, of the Court of Claims. It is his duty to find the facts and report the facts to the Court of Claims. I am now engaged in the work of prepar- ing a set of requests for findings. The cases now pending are No. 11, the Land Opening of 1889; Nos. 18 and 19, Rosebud Trust Funds; No. 21, Crow Creek Trust Fund; No. 23, Cheyenne River Trust Fund; No. 24, Stand- ing Rock Trust Fund. It is my position that the payments called Sioux benefits were educational in their na- ture. Their purpose was to enable the Sioux people to learn to be farmers. Farmers were to be employed to teach the Sioux how to raise crops and livestock. Therefore, I say the expenditures are barred by the Indian Claims Commission Act. TWO OTHER CASES——20 AND 22 There remain of the old Sioux cases, No. 20, Pine Ridge, where expenditures for high- way and bridge construction were disallowed by the Court of Claims, I shall move for a reopening of this case by the Court of Claims, and I hope the court will grant this motion in view of the decisions by the United States Supreme Court. If this motion is not granted, then this case should be filed with the new Indian Claims Commission. There is also case No. 22, ‘Lower Brule. This case was for 80,000 acres taken from the Lower Brule Reservation by an erroneous sur- vey. The Court of Claims found that the claim was just, but that it was filed by way of amendment in 1934. The Court of Claims held that it did not have jurisdiction to consider it. This claim necessarily must go before the new Indian Claims Commission whenever that Commis- sion is appointed and organized for business. I have told the representatives of the Lower Brule people that this particular claim will be filed and prosecuted vigorously. The foregoing covers all of the matters suggested in your first letter of January 2. In regard to your second letter of January 2, my reply is as follows, and I follow the numbers of your paragraphs: ON WOUNDED ENEE (1) The Wounded Knee claim, which has never been adjudicated. The Wounded Knee Survivors Association comes within the defi- nition laid down iu the Indian Claims Com- mission Act as a “recognizable group of Indians.” Their claim must be presented to the Commission and should include loss of life, loss of property, injury of a personal nature, or other losses sustained by the peo- ple of Big Foot Band of Indians. Action should be taken by the survivors’ association to authorize the prosecution of this claim. If the survivors’ association wishes me to act for them, I will do so, but only upon the understanding that I will not charge, nor will I accept compensation for my services. As I stated before the subcommittee which considered this matter several years ago, I refuse to accept any compensation for a re- covery of what I regard as blood money. The claim should be prosecuted. It 1s valid, it is just, and it comes within the Claims Commission Act. OLD-AGE-RELIEF LIENS (2) Answering your paragraph No. 2, no Indian of the Sioux Tribe who was or whose ancestors were parties to the treaty of 1868 or covered by the act of February 28, 1877, should be charged with old-age assistance or any other form of relief, particularly in- cluding rations or provisions. Section 5 of the act of February 28, 1877, places the obligation on the United States to furnish all aid in the education of the Sioux Nation and all its people and guaran- tees that provisions will be furnished until the Sioux people are able to support them- selves. The United States cannot escape this lia- bility. The Court of Claims and the United States Supreme Court have held that the liability is a continuing obligation and that the obligations contained in section 5 of that act are part of the payment for the Black Hills. UPHOLDS MY CONTENTION Your statement in regard to the legal and the moral situation is exactly in accordance with the facts, and the law as decided by the courts. The State of South Dakota should not be required to advance any money to Stoux Indians for relief or for old-age assistance. These are matters which fall within the obligation of the United States. Under no circumstances, should the estate of any de- ceased Sioux Indian be charged with matters of this nature. The Sioux people are entitled to provisions as may be n as part payment for the Black Hills. All of those payments should be made out of the Treas- ury of the United States. THE BLACK HILLS CLAIM A further question should be presented to the Indian Claims Commission as a claim for the value of the Black Hills. It is my position that the Black Hills claim will never be settled until it is finally decided on the basis of honesty and fair dealing. The Black Hills claim was denied by the Court of Claims on the ground that the Sioux Jurisdictional Act did not give the Court of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Claims the right to go behind or change, In any way, the act of Congress which took the Black Hills from the Sioux peope. That claim must, by all means, be presented to the new Claims Commission, whenever it is appointed and organized. The new Commission does have the power to consider this claim under paragraph 2 of the Claims Commission Act. That paragraph is as follows: “SEc. 2, The Commission shall hear and determine the following claims against the United States on behalf of an Indian tribe, band, or other identifiable group of Amer!- can Indians residing within the territorial limits of the United States or Alaska: (1) claims in law or equity arising under the Constitution, laws, treaties of the United States, and Executive orders of the Presi- dent; (2) all other claims in law or equity, including those sounding in tort, with re- spect to which the claimant would have been entitled to sue in a court of the United States if the United States was subject to suit; (3) claims which would result if the treaties, contracts, and agreements between the claimant and the United States were re- vised on the ground of fraud, duress, un- conscionable consideration, mutual or uni- lateral mistake, whether of law or fact, or any other ground cognizable by a court of equity; (4) claims arising from the taking by the United States, whether as the result of a treaty of cession or otherwise, of Jands owned or occupied by the claimant without the payment for such lands of compensation agreed to by the claimant: and (5) claims based upon fair and honorable dealings that are not recognized by any existing rule of law or equity. No claim accruing after the date of the approval of this act shall be con- sidered by the Commission. “All claims hereunder may be heard and determined by the Commission notwith- standing any statute of limitations or laches, but all other defenses shall be available to the United States.” ALLOWANCE FOR OFFSETS “In determining the quantum for relief the Commission shall make appropriate de- ductions for all payments made by the United States on the claim, and for all other offsets, counterclaims, and demands that would be allowable in a suit brought in the Court of Claims under section 145 of the Judicial Code (36 Stat. 1136; 28 U. 8. C. sec. 250), as amended; the Commission may also inquire into and consider all money or prop- erty given to or funds expended gratuitous- ly for the benefit of the claimant and {f it finds that the nature of the claim and the entire course of dealings and accounts be- tween the United States and the claimant in good conscience warrants such action, may set off all or part of such expenditures against any award made to the claimant, ex- cept that it is hereby declared to be the pol- icy of Congress that moneys spent for the removal of the claimant from one place to another at the request of the United States, or for agency or other administrative, edu- cational, health, or highway purposes, or for expenditures made prior to the date of the law, treaty, or Executive order under which the claim arose, or for expenditures made pursuant to the act of June 18, 1984 (48 Stat. 984), save expenditures made under section 5 of that act, or for expenditures under ary emergency appropriation or allotment made subsequent to March 4, 1988, and generally applicable throughout the United States for relief in stricken agricultural areas, relief from distress caused by unemployment and conditions resulting therefrom, the prosecu- tion of public work and public projects for the relief of unemployment or to increase employment and for work relief (including the civil-works program) shall not be a proper offset against any award.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “Sxc. 11. Any suit pending in the Court of Claims or the Supreme Court of the United States or which shall be filed in the Court of Claims under existing legislation, shall not be transferred to the Commission: Provided, That the provisions of section 2 of this act, with respect to the deduction of payments, Offsets, counterclaims, and demands, shall supersede the provisions of the particular jurisdictional act under which any pending or authorized suit in the Court of Claims has been or will be authorized; Provided fur- ther, That the Court of Claims in any suit pending before it at the time of the approval of this act shall have exclusive jurisdiction to hear and determine any claim based upon fair and honorable dealings arising out of the subject matter of any such suit.” I suggest that the broad provisions of the quoted jurisdiction section be given con- sideration by the Sioux Nation. I know you are familiar with it, but it certainly permits the Sioux Nation to refile and retry the Black Hills claim, CLAIMS IN GUNNERY RANGE (3) I now have reference to your Claim No. 3 on page 2 of your second letter. This relates to the members of the Pine Ridge Tribe who were forced from their homes for the creation of an aerial gunnery range in the north part of the reservation. This matter has never before been pre- sented tome. The injustice which was done to the people of Pine Ridge is almost beyond comprehension. You make a complete state- ment of a valid claim against the United States and this claim certainly should be filed with the new Indian Claims Commission. It will be necessary for the people who suffered losses, due to the creation of the aerial gunnery range, to organize as a group of Indians and in such form that the Indian Claims Commission will recognize the group in accordance with the Indian Claims Com- Mission Act. It will be necessary for the new group, by whatever name is chosen, to employ counsel to file and to prosecute their claim. I do not regard my contract with the Sioux Nation as covering this particular claim. All claims previously discussed plainly come within my contract, but this new claim I feel is not included in my present contract. I can only account for the whole situation created by this aerial-gunnery-range pro- cedure as a matter arising in wartime when Many of the rights of the citizens of the United States were overlooked. I know the Sioux people are extremely patriotic and it appears to me that they en- dured the terrible injustice shown by your letter without protest at that time, largely because of their well-known patriotism. The injustice done to them, however, should not be overlooked. CITES PAYMENT PROMISED I feel very strongly that they are entitled to recovery of just compensation for their land and certainly they should not be charged with any expenditures which pre- viously were guarantced by section 5 of the act of 1877 which took the Black Hills from the Sioux people. That section is as follows: “Article 6 of this agreement reads in part as follows: “In consideration of the foregoing cession of territory and rights, and upon full com- pliance with each and every obligation as- sumed by the said Indians, the United States does agree to provide all necessary aid to assist the said Indians in the work of civil- ization; to furnish to them schools and In- struction in mechanical and agricultural arts, as provided for by the treaty of 1868. Also to provide the said Indians with sub- sistence consisting of a ration for each in- dividual of a pound and a half of beef, (or in lieu thereof, one-half pound of bacon), one-half pound of flour, and one-half pound of corn; and for every one hundred rations, four pounds of coffee, eight pounds of sugar, and three pounds of beans, or in lieu of said articles the equivalent thereof, in the dis- cretion of the Commissioner of Indian Af- fairs. Such rations, or s0 much thereof as may be necessary, shall be continued until the Indians are able to support themselves.” It is my position that the United States should allow payment of the value of the Black Hills lands. As against this amount it is entirely proper to charge the payments Yor provisions and education which were guaranteed by section 5 of the Black Hills Act. In other words, if the United States is willing to pay just compensation for the Black Hills, then the Sioux Tribe is willing to give credit for partial payments received any time up to final settlement. I trust the foregoing covers the qucstions in your two letters and with your consent, I would like to have your letters and this letter placed in the hands of the people on the several reservations in South Dakota, North Dakota, and Nebraska, who are in- terested as members of the Sioux Tribe. Please accept my very sincere thanks for your continued, highly intelligent interest in behalf of the Sioux Tribe. I know the Sioux Tribe is deeply grateful to you for your aid and your understanding of their complicated problems, Very sincerely, Raupx H. Case, Attorney for the Sioux Nation. Penny-Wise, Pound-Foolish EXTENSION OF REMARKS fe) HON. JOHN D. DINGELL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, I include the following editorial from the Boston Daily Globe of March 25, 1947: PENNY-WISE, POUND-FOOLISH All enlightened Americans earnestly favor governmental economy. But in view of the breadth and depth of the protest already registered against action or inaction at Washington which would effect an $80,000,- 000 slash in the Treasury Department budget for the new fiscal year, Congress will do well to reconsider, and the facts call loudly for the Presidential veto in case they do not do so. The Senate has failed to act on a $50,000,- 000 emergency appropriation measure to tide the Customs Division over, and of the hun- dreds of agents yesterday handed their no- tices of dismissal, the Boston staff alone stands to lose 72 trained customs officials in various branches of the service, leaving only 10 to cover all Massachusetts ports of entry. There will doubtless ensue a happy holiday for all types of smugglers and saboteurs. With respect to the Internal Revenue Bu- reau's budget, the House proposes to the Senate a 830,000,000 retrenchment in ex- penditures. This would necessitate the dis- charge of hundreds of special agents just as this Bureau is about to expand a drive that already has brought in an added $1,000,000,- 000 ascribed to tax evasions. Economy is a virtue, but neither of these Treasury agencies seems to be a field in which to practice it under conditions as _ they are and are likely to continue to be. A1309 What of Tomorrow? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address by William S. Livengood, Jr., secretary of internal affairs, before the Philadelphia Chapter of American Institute of Banking, at Philadelphia, Pa., March 22, 1947: Yesterday we fought a Second World War to save that which we perceived to be the truth. Today we see that truth assailed on every hand—in many instances by those for whom and by whose side that war was fought. We see England, the mother of parlia- ments, forsake the ways of freedom for the will-o'-the-wisp of governmentally guaran- teed security. We watch that great bulwark of freedom beaten to pieces by the waves of socialism. We learn that there 17 different agencies of the Government now have authority to enter private homes without a search warrant, and know that in the land of the Magna Carta @ man’s house is no longer his castle. Small wonder then that the people of America cry out, “What of tomorrow?” We are this hour being committed to a program single-handedly and alone to save the world and the truth of government as we know it. As we face this new role and this new tomorrow, it is well that we take stock of our assets and liabilities. The Nation as a whole—and Pennsylvania in particular—during the late war paid a frightfully heavy price for preservation of the ideal that is America. Three hundred and fifty thousand of our young men died for it. Three hundred and forty-seven billion dol- lars were spent for it. Huge inroads were made in our natural resources to assure it, and now millions must live lives of devotion to preserve it. Never did « State pour out more blood and treasure in defense of an ideal than did Pennsylvania in the recent world conflict. Now, a8 good citizens and wise business- men, it behooves us not only to count the cost but take an inventory of our spiritual and material assets. We fought only for an ideal. We endured the loss of blood and treasure solely for preservation of the freedom of thought, free- dom f speech, freedom of action, and free- dom of worship which constitute the basic principles upon which the Republic was founded, and without the perpetuation of which it must go down into oblivion as have countless nations that have turned their eyes from the altars of freedom to worship the false gods of security and expedicncy. Let us ask ourselves then, what of these spiritual values for which we fought? Have they increased in luster as a result of the bloody and costly sacrifices made in their bchalf? Is the shadow of a large cross to continue to cast its redeeming rays across the great fields of other crosses that mark the last resting places of Americans, the world around, who died, that they might give life to the ideals their fathers fostered when they brought this Republic into being? Or are they to be replaced by the black shadows of materialism? The difference between this beneficent system of ours and that by which we are challenged is that ours is founded on the
A1310 dignity of man, guided toward a bright des- tiny by a star and a cross, while that other 4s symbolized by a hammer and a sickle; founded on the conception of man as a creature of the state. This spiritual asset of ours we must cherish and strengthen. With it as our pillar of fire by day and pillar of cloud by night we shall be led safely through the wilderness of confusion that is the world of today into the promised land of tomorrow. If it be dimmed, or lost, in our mad desire for tem- porary security, we shall, as a people, perish by the way, and the last great light of a groping world shall be forever dimmed. But, as man cannot live by bread alone, go man cannot live without bread. As Israel learned of old, godliness and pros- perity not only are not incompatible—they should be true partners; they often have been in the past, they must be so now. While Sclfishness and materialism lead only to sack- cloth and ashes, the wisdom and thrift that were Joseph's lead at once to rectitude of conduct and the comforts of enlightened civilization. Along with our spiritual blessing, we of Pennsylvania have inherited the God-given blessings of natural riches in the form of huge deposits of minerals which have been made the basis for that prospority which has meant so much to us in times of peace, and which enabled us to become the arsenal of freedom in time of war. During the years of conflict, and before, we poured out this wealth with reckless prodigality. Now it is time to take stock. Before we undertake to save the world, we must know with what and in what manner Wwe propose to accomplish that salvation. As a chart for postwar industrial planning, the department of internal affairs brought forth a book entitled “Pennsylvania’s Mineral Heritage,” in which we attempted to present @ picture of these natural assets and the pos- sibility of their future use for the benefit of all our people. By reason of these widely diversified min- eral resources, plus the initiative of an enter- prising and energetic people living under the blessings of our free government, Pennsyl- vania evolved from a wilderness into the greatest mineral and mineral industries State in the Union. Pennsylvania is now paying the price for pioneering, and for the war waste of her great resources, and is rapidly losing many of her initial advantages. Penn- sylvania has come to a place where it must fight to hold what it has won. To wage that fight we must know precisely what we have left and how it may best be ‘used. From the earliest date up to 1935, Pennsyl- vania led the United States in the production of mineral wealth. In 1935 Texas, favored with a great flood of petroleum, took over first place and has retained it to date. As a@ producer and processor of mineral products Pennsylvania has no rival, and it is this for- tunate combination of mineral raw mate- rials, fuels, and technical akills upon which the industrial life of the Commonwealth is dependent. Before 1900 the workers in the mineral in- dustrics of Pennsylvania produced about one-half of the total mineral wealth of the United States. Since 1900 there has been a constant decrease in the percentage of the Nation's total mineral wealth that is pro- duccd by our State. This decline is relative and is due not to u drop in actual production but to the increase in production in some of the States to the west and southwest. The general industrial stagnation of the 1930’s was accompanied by a substantial de- crease in output. The widespread stimula- tion of all activity by the war has caused ca- pacity operation of our mineral industries. It is significant that the annual dollar valuation of mineral production in Pennsylvania has exceeded 81,000,000,000 in four separate years, a record not yet attained by any other State, Measured by quantity, Pennsylvania is the leading producer of anthracite, raw clay, mineral paints, stone, cement, coke, and as- sociated byproducts, pig iron, ferroalloys, steel, glass, and refractories. It is second as 8 producer of lime and bituminous coal. It also leads the country in the production of metallic zinc and sulfuric acid obtained from sulfide ores originating outside the State. Pennsylvania’s minerals have dominated and do dominate its economy. In strictest sense the “Commonwealth” has been, and is now, mineral wealth. For this reason it is that as secretary of internal affairs, I am about to supplement the vast accumulation of information already on file in the department with a more complete and exact inventory of every mineral in the State, what we have, how much we have, and where it is to be found. Such is the progress of technology that truly the stone which yesterday the builder rejected may tomorrow become the head of the corner. Let me give you an example. Years ago ganister was considered a mere cumberer of the earth—cursed as less than worthless by lumbermen and land-hungry farmers alike. Then came the discovery that from it could be made excellent firebrick, and to- day it is the basic material for many re- fractories, employing thousands of men. With chemistry and engineering what they are, and the atomic discoveries just begin- ning, the most worthless mineral of today May become the source of untold wealth of tomorrow and it behooves us to list our mineral assets more fully and more carefully than ever before. It becomes important also, as western re- serves are rapidly depleted, to make a com- plete new survey of our Vast acreages of so- called low grade iron ore, to which our steel industry must shortly look for additions to waning supplies from other sources. I propose to start this new inventory of mineral resources at once and to push it to an early completion, so that in Pennsylvania we may know today the assets upon which ‘we must depend to face tomorrow and what- ever problems that tomorrow may bring. So must we take stock of all our resources, natural, physical, industrial, financial, and agricultural. Here is a field in which Government can truly serve the people. Let us have less gov- ernmental control and more governmental service: less Government in business and more business in Government. The labor of America will supply the thrift and the skill; the industry of America will supply the tools and the methods; the banks of America will render financial assistance where warranted; the farmers of America will supply the food; and the people of America as a Whole will supply the courage with which we can face tomorrow unafraid. These, with intelligent use of the resources that God has given us, will, if allowed to work under a Government that is a servant and not a master, enable us to know the truth in a world of propaganda and knowing the truth we shall be forever free, The Lilienthal Nomination EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STYLES BRIDGES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 27 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the AJpendix of the Rrcorp an article APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD under the headline “Fury rages as Lilien- thal debate opens—United States Am- bassador ‘fired’ in reprisal against Mc- Kewzar,” written by William Moore, and published in the Knoxville, Tenn., Jour=- nal of Tuesday, March 25, 1947. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Fury Races as LILIENTHAL DEBATE OPENS— Unirep States AMBASSADOR “FIRED IN RE- PRISAL AGAINST MCKELLAR (By William Moore) Wasninatron, Murch 24.—The long awaited debate over David E. Lilienthal began late today with such dramatic fury and bitter- ness as has rarely been heard in the Senate. Lilienthal 1s seeking confirmation as $17,- 500-a-year Chairman of the Federal Atomio Energy Commission. The debate began a few minutes after the Chicago Tribune was informed that John D. Erwin, American Ambassador to Honduras, had been fired in a State Department re- prisal against Senator McKe.uar, Democrat, of Tennessee, for. McKELLAR’s opposition to Lilienthal. Erwin received his appointment through McCKE£.LLaR’s sponsorship. The debate was touched off by a eulogy of Lilienthal from Senator HIcKENLOOPER, Republican, of Iowa. HICKENLOOPER is chair- man of the Senate Atomic Energy Commit- tee, which heard witnesses testity that Lilien- thal permitted communism to flourish in the Tennessee Valley Authority while TVA Board Chairman. HICKENLOOPER struck at the emotional in- nuendo, insinuation, and suggestion of the evidence heard by the committee, much of which was brought out by McKELLar. Senator Bricker, Republican, of Ohio, the only member of the committee to vote against the New Deal in its campaign for & committee recommendation of the pro-= posed confirmation, promptly challenged HICKENLOOPER. In the space of 45 minutes, nine Senators sprang to their feet in angry clashes. One was McKgEtiar himself, who moved a chair out into the great center aisle sepa- rating the Republicans and Democrats, There he sat, swiveling about to face each new speaker that arose. Fighting with the Republicans, MCKELLAR supported and enlarged upon their charges that Lilienthal refused to make the custo- mary Goverment accounting of TVA funds as TVA Chairman. Recalling that Lilienthal became TVA czar after the late President Roosevelt ousted Dr. A. E. Morgan as TVA board chairman, McKELLaR roared: “Dr. Morgan built the TVA dams. Lilien- thal never had anything to do with the building of the dams. As soon as Morgan got through with the dams, Lilienthal came here and honeysuckled around our good friend, Roosevelt, “He just sat around him and pussyfooted with him and teased him and begged him and got him to give him Dr. Morgan’s place.” One of the most spectacular outbursts came after Senator Brags, Republican of New Hampshire, told the Senate nobody but the best qualified man in the United States should be confirmed for the all important atomic energy post, which controls the atom- ic bomb and all atomic energy development. “I certainly hope,” retorted Senator Hatcx, Democrat of New Mexico, “that the people of New Hampshire never adopt such a rule when they elect one of their Senators, leat we might lose one of our most distinguished and valuable Members.” “I will take my chances in New Hamp- shire,” Brinczs shouted, “‘as long as the Sen- ator from N-w Mexico will in New Mexioo, And I'll be in the Senate as long as the Sen- ator from New Mexico.” Hatcnm apologized and offered the explana- tion that he had failed in trying to be funny.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Democrat.of Louisiana, Senator proposed that Lilienthal himself ask Presi- dent Truman to withdraw the nomination in view of the opposition. This brought minority leader BaRKLEY, Democrat of Ken- tucky) to his feet to support the White House -campaign for Lilienthal. BARKLEY said there had been strong oppo- sition to confirmation of both former Ohief Justice Charles Evans Hughes and the late Associate Justice Louis .D. Brandeis of the Supreme Court. Bargxrzy said the Nation wou'd lose the services of good public serv- ants if nominees under fire asked their own withdrawal. Briwazs hurled a rebuke at Barkusy for. linking Lilienthal with Hughes and Brandeis and said: “T for one resent having Lilienthal placed in the same category or on the same level with those two great men.” BARKLEY replied that he was just recalling two outstanding cases, Erwin has been the American representa- tive in Honduras since 1933. He has just been informed of his dismissal by Acting State Secretary Acheson, who is leading the State Department's crusade for Lilienthal. Acheson acted in the absence of Secretary Marshall. McKELiarR confirmed the firing of Erwin and said Erwin attributes it to McKrrvar’s stand against Lilienthal. McKee iar quoted Erwin as saying the dismissal order gave no reason and failed to mention the choice of @ successor. Members of the Senate, informed by the Tribune of Acheson’s action, called it a stra- tegic blunder that will increase the Senate opposition to Lilienthal. Senators said the State Department will win no votes for Lilienthal by venting its spleen on an American diplomat to punish a Senator who dares oppose the Department. In fact, they said, such disciplinary action may change the attitude of some Senators who had decided to bow to the administra- tion demand that Lilienthal be confirmed. Many of the Senators have not had oppor- tunity to study the testimony on Lilienthal taken during 6 weeks of hearings by Hicx- ENLOOPER’S committee. Eastern newspapers have presented the case as a vindictive per- sonal campaign against Lilienthal by Mc- KE.Lag, and published little of the testimony, But Bricker and other Republicans who have not succumbed to the administration's global philosophies plan to bring out the facta in the Senate debate, which may last a week. Indonesia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ADAM C. POWELL, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following article by John R. Andu from the Washington News Digest for January 1947: A New Nation Is Born: INDONESIA (By John R. Andu) World War IJ has awakened the colonial peoples of the world to a consciousness of national patriotism. This national awaken- ing is particularly strong in south and southeast Asia. In the Philippines we wit- nessed the proclamation of a new Republic under sponsorship of the United States. Great Britain has been compelled to grant India an interim. Indian Government,.which is to the Indian masses for inde- pendence. The peoples of Indochina fought against the return of French imperialism. The French recognized the Viet-Nam Re- public. The last area that is now being sta- bilized is Indonesia. With the end of the war in the Pacific, the situation in Indonesia was unruly and explosive. The peoples of Indonesia revolted against the Japanese mas-. ters even before their official surrender to thse United States. In a few days most of the Japanese.weve locked in jails and-their weap- Ons were captured by Indonesians... On August 17, 1945, Indonesia prociaimed its own Republic. This Republic included Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes, Moluccas, New Guinea, and the Lesser Sunda Islands, and has an area of 735,000 square miles. The population is 75,000,000. In the meantime a republican form of government was set up in the capital, Batavia. The Government consisted of & president, a vice president, 17 ministers, and a central committee of 200 delegates from all the islands. Main leaders of the Indonesian Republic are President Soekarno, who 4s called the George Washington of Indonesia; Dr. Mohammad Hatta, Vice President, and a well-known economic expert; Sutan Sjahrir, Premier, a former youth leader and fighter in the underground movement against the Japanese. The first two leaders are Moham- medans, while Sjahrir and also Mr. Amir Spariffoedin, minister of defense, are Christians. INDONESIANS TAKE CONTROL When the British and the Dutch arrived in Java and Sumatra, the Indoensians were in complete control of the government, com- munications and the economic life. As a matter of fact the British and the Dutch were looked upon as unwanted intruders. The Indonesians felt that they have had enough of colonial exploitation. They had been ruled for nearly 350 years by imperialist powers. First, by Portugal, then came Hol- land, then a British tntermission period in Java, and finally by the Japanese Empire for nearly 4 years. During these centuries of foreign rule, the conditions of the people and the country have improved only slightly. The literacy percentage was only 7 percent. Wages aver- aged 20 cents a day. No serious attempt was made to educate the masses. The Dutch spent. for education only & percent of the annual budget of the Dutch East Indies Gov- ernment. The Japanese occupation Was even more cruel. During the Japanese rule, over 1,000,000 Indonesians died from starvation and mistreatment. It is but natural that the Indonesians want to prevent their country from being colonized again. The first signs that warned the British and Dutch about this sentiment were the slogans that were painted on walls, buildings, streetcars—everywhere—“We want government by the people, of the people, and for the people.” ‘Freedom is the birthright of all nations.” “Better to be in hell than to be colonized again"—and more. The Indonesians want to do more than merely plaster up slogans. Millions of young men took up arms to defend their country against any return of colonialism. Many of them fought valiantly against penetra- tion by the British and Dutch military forces, and sacrificed their lives in doing so. . American newspapers have carried reports of the fighting in Soerabaya, in Semarang and in Bekassie. In Soerabaya, alone, the Indonesians sacrificed 40,000 men, women, and children in their fight against British tanks, bombers, and machine guns. Many of the Indonesian soldiers were armed only with bamboo spears. In most instances the Dutch pushed the British troops into the forefront, while Dutch soldiers came into the areas after the British had pacified it. A1311 DUTCH ARROGANCE The game was soon over for the Dutch, however. Especially so, when the Dutch Officials once more acted arrogantly toward everybody and committed repeated cruelties on the native populations. Thousands of British-Indian soldiers deserted their ranks and joined the Indonesian fighters for free- dom. At the same time the British dis- covered that the Indonesians had set up a stable government and wanted genuine democracy, The Indonesian Republican Army assisted the British in repatriating the Japanese na- tionais and prisoners of war. Dutchmen in detention camps.in the interior of Java ‘were gradually released from the Japs by the Re- publicans, even though as soon as they were released the Dutch Government recruited them to become soldiers. CAPABLE LEADERS The reason that the Indonesian problem did not develop into a full-scale war between Indonesia and Holland is due to the able leadership of the heads of the Republic who restrained the population from taking aggres- sive measures. When Dr. Sutan Sjahrir was first appointed as Premier he issued a pam- phiet called, “Our Struggle,” in which he urged his compatriots to cease all radical actions and extremist activities. Intead he urged all Indonesians to follow moderation. With the Indonesian Government reorgan- ized, elections were held for muncipal. pro- vincial, and state councils. At the same time assistance was sought from abroad, especially in the technical, economic, and educational field. The leaders admitted frankly that the Republic was by no means perfect, and that therefore Indonesia needed foreign help. A political manifesto issued on November 1, 1945, declared that Indonesia was very eager to trade with all industria] nations of the world. Indonesia is rich in raw materials: sugar, rubber, rice, spices, quinine, tapioca, tea, coffee, copra, citronella oil, kapok, teakwood, oll, tin, coal, iron, and gold. Surpluses of these materials are available at this time. For instance, in Java, there are 1,500,000 tons of sugar ready for shipment abroad; also about 250,000 tons of crude rubber. Under a recent trade agreement with India, Indonesia will send 750,000 tons of rice to famine-stricken areas in exchange for tex- tiles, tires, trucks, bicycles, and agricultural implements. The program of the new gov- ernment calls for similar deals to be ar- ranged with other countries of the world. POLITICAL CONFERENCES Today negotiations are going on between high Dutch and Indonesian officials to sete tle the political situation. Reactionary Dutch forces are trying to hang on to the old political relations. On the other hand, Indonesians want complete independence at the earliest moment. On November 19, 1946, a text of a proposed compromise agreement between the two forces was published to the world. The plan contained therein must be approved by both the Dutch Government and the Indonesian Parliaments, Criticism of the plan is to be expected both in Hol- land as well as in Indonesia. Holland is willing to recognize a republic for Java, Sumatra, and Madura. It is pro- posed that other islands be held under tem- porary Dutch tutelage until 1949. By that time these territories are to be handed over to the republic. The republic ana these outer states will then form a sovereign demo- cratic state on a federal basis, to be called the United States of Indonesia. It will then apply to join the United Nations. Indonesia and Holland will join in a Netherlands-In- donesian union. 1949 will witness the birth of a united democratic nation in southeast Asia.
A1312 AMXRICAN-INDONESIAN RELATIONS Before that time arrives, however, 75,000,- 000 Indonesians are most anxious to estab- lish the very closest relations between their country and the United States. One of the possible obstacles in the path of a realization of such close cooperation is the discrimina- tory immigration policies of the United States toward the people of those islands. In fact, the Indonesians in the United States today face deportation, because they are not al- lowed to become citizens or even remain as residents. The reason is that no immi- gration quota has been established for In- donesia. Seventy-five million Indonesians breathing freedom for the first time, after centuries of servility, strain their eager eyes across the far stretches of the Pacific to- ward their pattern of liberty and ask as one of the first friendly gestures of the United States be, through its Congress, a lifting of this humiliating exclusion. Program for Americanism Adopted by the Fleet Reserve Association EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, the following forthright Jeclaration of pol- icy on Americanism adopted by the Fleet Reserve Association is highly commenda- ble, cnd I am confident it will meet with the approval of all patriotic citizens of the United States. The Fleet Reserve Association is one of the most valuable and dependable organ- izations of Navy veterans that we have. They have served the Nation with honor during all wars and always stand ready during times of peace to be called to duty if their services are needed. Their adopted policy on Americanism is as follows: THE ENEMY WITHIN Since from the dawn of history man has been struggling up from the mire of slavery to the sun-washed peaks of individual lib- erty; and Since 168 years ago our forefathers estab- lished on this continent a nation dedicated to ine principle of freedom of the individual; an Since our forefathers fought, bled, and died to attain and maintain that freedom from generation to generation; and Since we, the members of the Fleet Reserve Association, have fought, some one, some two, and some three wars, to carry on the tradition and hold high the torch of liberty to light the whole world on the road to free- dom; and Since it is our utmost desire to see our children receive, maintain, and pass on to their children the same freedom we have enjoyed; and Since there have of late years sprung up various totalitarian isms such as fascism, national socialism, and communism, all stemming from Marxian socialism; and Since said socialism is the absolute oppo- site of liberalism, and absolutely denies to the individual his freedom as we have known it, since socialism is merely an elaboration of the earliest form of government, namely, dictatorship by the head of the family; and Since our free way of life under our Con- stitution and Bill of Rights has made the United States of America the greatest and most powerful nation on earth, with the highest standard of living ever known to man; and Since believers in these alien isms have infiltrated into our schools and colleges and into the various Government departments, including the Army and Navy, with the avowed intent to steal our freedom from us, while we were fighting the greatest of all wars to maintain that freedom and to ad- vance it to all corners of the earth; and Since in our law, the definition of treason is “to conspire to overthrow the Government of the United States by force”; and Since the Communists in national con- vention assembled in the year 1945, while this Nation was at war, did spawn a recru- descence of the Communist movement, in- cluding infiltration into the armed forces of the United States of America, and “The Revolution of the Proletariat”; and Bince communism is dedicated to world conquest and requires of its disciples every effort to destroy all other forms of govern- ment, “by force if necessary”; and Since no person holding Marxian beliefs or sympathies can truly take the oath of office, either civil or military, of the United States of America; and Since we, the members of the Fleet Reserve Association, have each and every one of us taken the oath, which requires that we “uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States of America against all its ene- mics from within or without”; and Since we so subscribe in the Preamble of our Constitution; and Since in strict conformity with that oath, and with absolute determination to do our utmost to prevent the treasonable attempt of alien isms to undermine and destroy our Constitution and Bill of Rights, the open declaration of which intent, while this coun- try was in a state of war, we believe to have been a treasonable act; and Bince we, of the Fleet Reserve Association, have given the major portion of our lives to the defense of our beloved country and are still willing to, in the words of the immor- tal Abraham Lincoln, “Pay the last full meas- ure of devotion” in sald cause; and Since these alien “isms,” spawned of envy, lazinegs, and incompetence have raised their obscene voices to such a pitch that they bring confusion and strife into our national life, we, the members of the Fleet Reserve Asso- ciation, in convention duly assembled do de- clare that the time has come for all those who truly believe in the American way of life, that is, the freedom of the individual, to stand up and be counted, to the end that their voices shall become a mighty roar tn the ears of those whom we have elected to carry on our government, thus drowning out the squealing of those totalitarian-minded ver- min; and ' Since we are forthright speaking freemen who, tn the words of that great American, Theodore Roosevelt, do not “pussyfoot” or use “weasel words” to express our beliefs. We, the members of the Fleet Reserve As- sociation, do place ourselves on record as setting forth the following as our Amert- canism program: (a) Recapture by the Congress of its full constitutional power and authority and re- turn to the constitutional system of checks and balances wherein the Congress initiates and passes laws, the President approves and executes them, and the courts hear and de- termine the meaning thereof; thereby aban- doning the lately assumed prerogative of the courts to determine public policy, and of the President to dictate to Congress what laws it shall pass. (b) Abolishment and liquidation of all emergency wartime agencies and Government corporations, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ‘(c) Complete abatement of all bureat- cratic a and abolishment of all public relations offices and officers pertain- ing thereto. (a) Removal from public office, from the civil service, from commissioned, warrant, noncommissioned rank in the armed forces; from positions as police or peace officers or in fire departments; or from any other employ- ment whatsoever, the pay or remuneration for which is derived from public funds, goods and/or services, howsoever collected or dis- bursed, of the Federal, State, or municipal governments, or of any political subdivision thereof, or of any corporation which is main- tained or contributed to, in whole or in part, by said funda andor services: or from em- ployment in any school, college, or university or other institution of learning which is maintained, in whole or in part as herein set forth, or by tax exemption, or in any labor union or other organization which is granted any special privileges or protection by law; of any and all persons, without regard to sex, race, color, or creed, who believe in, or have sympathized with, contributed anything of value to, or in any way or manner, knowing the same to be such, forwards, harbors, dis- seminates or promulgates, the principles or literature of any form of marxism, or of any other ism which is in conflict with our true republican form of government as set forth in the constitution and bill of rights of the United States of America; or which advocates, or in the past has advocated, the overthrow of our government by force for any reason or under any circumstances whatsoever. (e) That it shall be prima facie an act of treason for any person described in para- graph (d) to attain any such office or position as set forth in said paragraph (d). (f) That any labor union or cther organt- zation which knowingly admits any such per- son to membership shall lose all such special privileges c. protection at law as described in paragraph (d). (g) Strict vigilance by al] agencies of gov- ernment to see that the above conditions are permanently maintained. (h) Return of the Supreme Court to the condition of a nonpartisan, nonpolitical tri- bunal. (i) That the United States Senate be em- powered to “withdraw” its consent in the same manner as now given to the appoint- ment of any person to office who holds said office by reason of “appointment by the Pres- ident with the advice and consent of the Senate,” such withdrawal of consent to con- stitute an immediate removal from office of the person so affected. (j) No more than two terms of 4 years each for any President of the United States. (kK) Positive opposition to any further so- cialistic legislation; revival of thrift and in- dividual pride; absolute denial of the idea that the state owes the lazy and shiftiess a living; decentralization of government; re- turn to the several States of their full con- stitutional rights and powers. (1) Absolute assertion of the right of every person to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness, i. e., the right of every person to sell the product of his brain and/or brawn where- soever he finds a market and to whomsoever d.sires said product, at whatsoever price or wage he sees fit to accept without let or hin- drance from anyone, including government, without prejudice to the right of the Gov- ernment to maintain national security. (m) Liquidation of planned economy and return to the law of supply and demand and free competition in labor and r-anagement. (n) Equal opportunity and responsibility for labor and management. . (0) Positive opposition to the expenditure of any Federal public funds other than such as are appropriated br Congress for the spe- cific purpose named in the appropriation as constitutionally provided.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD <P) Advocacy of constitutional amend- Coawarrus E. ANpEnson, Member and Past National President. Henay J. Wis, Member and Past President, Rranch No. 2. JamMEs H. Vamw SuYCKE, Member and Past National President. Rosxrt F. BowamanrTe National President, Member Ez Officio. Appropriations for National Defense EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GEORGE A. SMATHERS OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following Gallup poll with reference to the Army and Navy budeet: THe Gattur Po.tt—Mrrrary Cur Orrosen (By George Gallup, director, American Institute of Public Opinion) Among voters who say they have followed the arguments in Congress over the Army and Navy budget, the majority is opposed to any reduction. President Truman's budget called for about $11,500,000,000 for national defense, by far the largest item in the budget. Any substantial reduction of this amount, military chieftains claim, would seriously hamper our military power and prestige abroad. Crities of the budget, however, have maintained that there is always some water that can be squeezed out of any budget and that in this case appropriations could be cut without too much damage. FOUR IN TEN INFORMED In testing public sentiment on the matter, the institute first asked voters whether they had followed arguments in Congress for and against reducing the Army-Navy budget. Slightly more than 4 in every 10 (43 per- cent) said that they had been following the igsue, while the rest said they had not been following the arguments of both sides. Those who said they had followed the argu- ments were asked: Do you think Congress should reduce the amount of money which the Army and Navy have asked for? Peroent Should reduce......................... 34 Should not.....-.....-........-~.--. a 60 No opinion.........-.....-..-..----... 6 The point of view of the largest number is that so long as no general European peace settlement has been made and Russia con- tinues her expansionist foreign policy, we should maintain our military strength. THE ARGUMENTS - Typical of this attitude is the opinion ex- world think we're soft and flabby.” The main argument in fevor of cutting the military and naval budget, as seen by voters, XCII—App.——83 is typified in thie opinion from @ housewife in Oe eople “who pay taxes will get fed up with having to carry the load of a big army in peacetime.” Generally speaking, the American public has for many years taken the Army's side in arguments over defense appropriations. During the 1930's polls found public opinion substantially in accord with plans to build up the Army, Navy, and Air Force. FAVOR TRAINING There is wide public support, too, for peacetime compulsory military training to maintain a large reserve. Even before the war ended polls were finding large majorities in favor of such a program. The attitude has remained unchanged; the most recent poll, reported last month, found 72 percent in favor, 23 percent opposed, and 5 percent undecided. Veterans’ Job Placement EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 25, 1947 Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, based upon information that I have been able to secure from the field, that {s, on the State level, the Veterans’ Employment Service has been doing a splendid job in finding employment for returning veterans. They have been es- pecially successful in securing positions and in the placement of the blind, the amputees, and others suffering severe physical handicaps in good positions. Any reduction in the appropriation for the Veterans’ Employment Service will seriously affect those veterans who have not been placed to date. This is highly specialized work, and it takes a great deal of time to train field personnel to effectively promote the interest of the employer in the disabled veteran. Common sense dictates that a veteran is not wholly rehabilitated until suitable employment is found for him. It follows, therefore, that now, of all times, is not the time to interrupt such an important phase of the veterans’ rehabilitation pro- gram. There has been some discussion and opposition to the Veterans’ Employment Service on the grounds that it duplicates the work of the State employment serv- ice. I have been unable to find any sound basis for this statement, whereas, according to my information, just the opposite is true. I have authentic information that the personnel employed, charged with vet- erans’ job placement, has been working in close cooperation with the State em- ployment service offices and do not du- plicate the work but, rather, supplement and assist the State employment service offices in extending the facilities of the offices to the veteran. -Representatives of the veterans’ or- ganizations are very much opposed to any reduction in this appropriation, as they believe it will materially affect the welfare of all veterans, especially the physically handicapped. A1313 It should be remembered that as our demobilization of the armed forces is nearing completion, it becomes more and more difficult for those being discharged from the armed services to find suitable employment. Let us not forget, also, that under our educational and training pro- gram for veterans, the time is here when these veterans are completing their in- stitutional and other training and are now in need of assistance in securing po- sitions in industry. In this connection, the Veterans’ Administration records show that as of February 28, 1947, there were 1,659,142 veterans in schools, col- leges, and universities. As of the same date there were 625,719 veterans in train- ing on the job. The report for February 1947 shows that 2,984 have completed their period of eligibility or their entitle- ment had been exhausted. As of February 28, 1947, 64.3 percent were in schools of higher learning, or 1,066,018, leaving 593,124 in other schools, making a total of 1,659,142. As a result of the information regard- ing the effective work of the Veterans’ Job Placement Service and the need of the veterans for assistance in finding jobs, especially the disabled, I shall try to have the amount the Appropriations Committee took from the Veterans’ Serv- ice restored. I remind the House that if the veterans are placed in jobs, money is saved to the Government as unem- ployed veterans can draw unemployment insurance. I voted both for the Van Zandt and Forand amendments, to re- store appropriations for the Veterans’ Job Placement Service. Future Political Structure of Germany EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Dorothy Thompson from the Wash- ington Star of March 26, 1947: ON THE RECORD (By Dorothy Thompson) Secretary of State Marshall's statement to the Council of Foreign Ministers in Mos- cow, setting forth his views on the future political structure of Germany, restored what has long been lacking from international conferences: namely, exactitude of expres- sion. Mr. Marshall uses words to convey mean- ings, not to obscure them. The mind that formulated the proposals of the United States delegates so crisply that they are con- tained in a thousand words or less reveals itself as orderly, candid and prec'se. One needs but compare the Marshall statment with those of Teheran, Yalta, Potsdam, or even with the preamble to the San Francisco Charter, to see the difference between fuzzi- ness and clarity. For that matter, one need but compare Mr. Marshall's statement with that of Mr. Molotov, made at the same time, to see the enormous difference between two minds and two cultures. Mr. Marshall says exactly what