A1314 he means, and nobody can possibly misin- terpret him. Content and form are perfectly fused, and thereby the English language at least is rehabilitated. . Mr. Marshall has restored style to public documents, Style has been singularly lack- ing, not only from statesmanship but from statementship, during the war and postwar pericds. Words like “peace loving” and “democratic” have been liberally sprinkled into every policy statement, their meaning reserved for anybody's interpretation. The results have been disastrous. In Mr. Mar- shall, at long last,.we have a leader whose statements we can read with pleasure. Mr. Molotov continues to speak in the peculiar hobble-gobble jargon of Communist idiom, which has hitherto seemed infectious, Soviet words are deliberately designed to con- vey at least two meanings—one to the inter- national Communist church, well versed in interpreting Communist cabalism, and the other to the trusting innocents outside. The Yalta declaration, a statement of incredible sloppiness, leaving all the “i's” undotted and “t’s” uncrossed, thus conveyed to the world Communist movement the news that the Soviets had triumphed and the Lublin Camarilla made certain of tenure. Mean- while, everyone else took comfort in the promise of democratic elections, which might reverse or modify the coup de force. Mr. Marshall, however, in demanding a democratic German state, defines in six points exactly what he means by such a state. Had Yalta been as precise in definitions, the recent elections would have had to be can- celed by the UN. 1. All political power is recognized as orig- inating in the people. 2. Popular elections held at frequent inter- vals. * * ¢ 8. Conducted under conditions in which freely competing parties submit programs and candidates. 4. Political parties * * sociations of citizens * * joys any privileged status. 5. Basic rights of free speech, freedom of religion, assembly, association * * * guare teed * voluntary as- * no party en- an . 6. Individuals protected against arbitrary arrest, search and seizure * * * equality under law. In point six, Mr. Marshall—for the first time in any postwar document, and includ- ing the four freedoms—seeks to reestablish the primary and most important of all free- doms, namely, habea: corpus--security from arbitrary arrest. There is all the difference between Mr. Marshall’s statement and “‘free- dom from fear.” It is the difference be- tween clarity and ambiguity; between a specific pledge and a Utopian promise; be- tween saying what you mean and hoping that events will give the “correct’’ inter- pretation to a pious hope. If Mr. Marshall's longed-for lucidity is that of a military mind, thank heaven for some qualities of that kind. When the military mind designs ard orders an operation to achieve an objective, it dare not describe it in terms open to a dozen in- terpretations by the commander. In mat- ters of life or death, meanings must be crys- talline. But peace is also a matter of life or death; the fate of frantic millions hangs on the meaning of words. Let the words, therefore, be honest, clean, impid, candid, factual, committal, affirma- tive, civilized. And down with weasel words, shaded meanings, noncommittal. Down with adjectives that destroy the noun, and adverbs which disarm the verb, Down with the language of conspiracy, ob- scurantist, cabalistic. Down with the de- atroyer words; the undermining words; the words that make an anarchy of language. iaand UP with the words of order and of We Dixie in Black and White _EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ADAM C. POWELL, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following article by A. G. Mezerik from the Nation of March 22, 1947: DIXTZ IN BLACK AND WHITE (By A. G. Mezerik) Onmaret Hitt, N. C.—Alone of the regions in the United States the South has a tradi- tion of a hereditary aristocracy, of landed bourbons. Their philosophy, molded by gen- erations of slavehoiding, has been con- temptuous of those who work in trade, tn- dustry, or the learned professions. These bourbons were and are the great resisters of change, the strong defenders of their yes- terdays. The virtues and vices of the southern bour- bons are not confined to their class, but have set a stamp on the whole society. The South has glorified physical prowess and adventure, the exploits of the hunter, the pomp and courage of the military man. It has nour- ished a strangely distorted code of chivalry which expresses itself even now in duels, fights, and horsewhippings. It exalts sports- menship and gives a high place to horse- Tacing, cock-fighting, and feuding. The legacies of the plantation mind are apparent to this day in the opposition to prog- ress in education, health, industrialization, unionization, an religious practices. Re- ligion has felt this hand of the past very heavily, perhaps because spiritual aspirations are conditioned by other goals. The South has always had the largest percentage of church membors of-any section in the coun- try; it has, in fact, been derisively called the “Bible Belt.” The God of the Southern Prot- estant Churches has been, much more than in any other region, a personal God, watch- ing over the individual, assuming responsi- bility for his luck or misfortune, supporting him in his fights and feuds. The aim of the church has been the good individual rather than the good society. This is the setting in which the South has matured. There have been some changes, but until recently they have lagged far behind the needs of the people. The great crisis of 1930 ushered in a violent awakening. And with the advent of Roosevelt in 1933, factors which would begin the transformation of the social, political, and economic status of the South came into being. The waste of land was slowed by programs to correct soil ero- sion. The farmer, accustomed to thinking of himself as a lone individual who had no interest in a society bigger than his family Clan, found that a Nation was interested in his welfare. Without markets for his pro- duce, with hunger penetrating his kitchen, the farmer awoke to the meaning, in his own life, of Government purchases of his crop at prices far above the open market. His broth- er in the villages and the towns found that in work relief, PWA and WPA, society was showing an interest in him, too, and he re- clprocated that interest. Farmer and towns- man began to think about their Government, to go to the polls, and to look around at the bigger world. Farm security brought the first freedom from the fear that a man might work hard to create a home and a farm and lose his all to a bad crop—and it would be no one’s busi- ness, for, in the bourbon ideology, no one cared. Social security erased a few of the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD lines in southern faces with the hint that old age might not be the years of the un- wanted they had always been. Laws on minimum wages and maximum hours brought a tiny surcease from the never-end- ing struggle to earn a bare living and to get some resting time that wasn't also worry time. A:d the TVA was being built, provid- ing work and a new way of life for a region. The towns which dot this rolling country- side are lovely. Raleigh, Durham, Charlotte, and Greensboro have a warm ingratiating quality which seems to insure ease of living. There is a pervasive feeling that things move slowly, that the even tenor of old ways could not easily be disturbed. Yet the old is giving way to the new. On a sunny, cool morning of November, in the beautiful mountain resort of Asheville, the North Carolina Baptist Convention’ was holding its one hundred and sixteenth annual meeting. The “messengers,” as the delegates from the local churches are called, lsatened to the report of the committee on social service and civic righteousness. The com- mittee made recommendations, and the chair asked for a vote. The report was unani- mously adopted. The Baptists, the religious denomination to which Brzz0 and Talmadge belong, had voted to support hospitalization, education, and suffrage for Negroes, with facilities and opportunities fully equal to those enjoyed by whites. They stood foursquare for an end to segregation in the church, and the committee's report told why: “If there is an equality of all men by vir- tue of their relationship to an impartial Creator, and an equality of all believers who share in the redemption of Christ, such equalities must be respected in the body of Christ, which is the church. Therefore, seg- regation of believers holding to the same ten- ets of faith, because of color or social status, into racial or class churches is a denial of the New Testament affirmation of the equality of all believers at the foot of the cross, and allen to the spirit of Christ, the head of the church.” This was unprecedented, and the final planke in the platform were just as revolu- tionary. The North Carolina branch of the Southern Baptist Church moved into politics to achieve Christian aims. The messengers of the church asked for the immediate pas- sage of a Federal antilynching bill. And in full acceptance of the logic of the times they went on to call for equal wages and equal treatment for Negro workers and the passing of such legislation, both State and national, as would assure fair treatment. The teletype brought the news to North Carolina’s many independent newspapers, Liberal editors were bewildered. Not one wrote a paragraph in praise of the Baptists’ action. Fair Employment Practices had sud- denly come out of the closet, and they didn’t know what to do. A southern editor, how- ever enlightened his other policies, had never felt he could support the FEPC in his col- umns; his readers, he thought, would not stand for it. Then came this bolt out of the blue; the preachers of the Bible belt, he dis- covered were ahead of him. Nor did the liberal and labor organizations mobilize sup- port for this grass-roots moral renaissance, Though they were publicly on record for the FEPC, they had not looked hard enough at the change being wrought in the people on the farms and in the towns to be prepared for the stand taken at Asheville. Not so slow to act were those on the other side, the Baptists who had long rendered lip service to their church but in their personal, social, and po- litical decisions had violated its spirit. Over- night the convention received 3,000 indignant telegrams, and the telephone circuits to Asheville were unable to cope with the num- ber of calls for the assembled religious lead- ers from old familiars who opposed their
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The onslaught was effective, and the next morning the messengers reconsidered. The session was hectic. By a vote of 253 to 158 the convention rescinded the ringing pas- sage quoted above, which would have banned segregation within the church. And with this back-tracking went a watering-down of the crucial FEPC resolution, which was changed from a demand for legislation to one for equal treatment. The demand for an antilynching law and for equal hospitaliza- tion, suffrage, and education withstood the attack. While the original resolution is no longer on the record, what was so eloquently said will live. All through the South the FEPC is on the lips of people who formerly dismissed any discussion of it on the ground that southerners—particularly the church- going folk—would die rather than accept it. The Baptists had already made forays against rece prejudice in Virginia, Florida, and Georgia. In Florida the Ministerial As- soctation of Greater Miami, shooked by an attempt to revive the ‘<u Klux Klan in the name of Protestantism, had acted with swift- nees and vigor. They declared: “As ministers of the gospel of Christ we not only oppose the position and principles of the Ku Kiux Klan, but, we also strongly advise our people to have no part in further- ing its otganization. We are not alone op- posed to the Ku Elux Klan, but also to the apparent tendency on the part of many peo- ple to assume that the Klan is a Protestant organization. We do not consider the Ku Klux Klan as representing Protestant Christianity 1n any condition or expression, since it 1s a denial of Christianity itself. The Ku Klux Elan is the precise denial of everything truly American and democratic.” In Georgia the Reverend Joseph Rabun, pastor of the church to which the late Gene Talmadge belonged, demanded more teeth in the resdlution on racial relations sub- mitted to the messengers at the Georgia Baptist Convention. In the struggle of the old against the new the Talmadges and Bilbos find themselves fighting a growing movement within their own churches. Whipping up race hate does not serve them in fighting churchmen. Nor can they go into their accustomed routine and berate as Yankee meddlers. The argu- ment falls on deaf ears, for the Southern Baptist Convention came into being on the issue of secesazion. Its tradition and record make the demagogs’ claim to being the sole guardians of sectional patriotism look pallid indeed. The old misieanders so familiar to the South have new antagonists, born of the changes which have slowly been taking place in the southern people. That these should be joined, or led, by the Baptist Church is truly heartening, for no other spiritual in- fluence is so widespread and powerful in the region. The Baptists have large and wealthy congregations in the cities; in the rolling country of the agrarian South no village is without a Baptist minister. The church has lived with the people of the city and of the farm. It has also been an in- tegral part of the company town, where the evolution of a new attitude on race has lately been strikingly demonstrated. Thomasville, N. C., one of the many com- pany towns that dot ‘the Piedmont, is the do- main of the Thomas Chair Co. The company has made the rules for the residents and en- forced its own conception of the proper social pattern, including segregation. The Thomas plants run down one side of the main street in Thomasville; stores line the other. The railroad parallels the street, and its smoke and noise are always present. None of the beauty and quiet of the North Carolina land- scape penetrates the town, nor for a long time did any sense cf community Pap romney Then came a strike. The 350 Negroes and the 05¢ whites employed in the plant walked out together—uncertain of where they were going, of whether they could trust each other, of what the all-powerful employer might do. In the forefront of everyone's mind those first days were two questions. The first was, if the strike lasted, how would the strikers and their families continve to cat? For the wages they had received had permitted no savings. The other could not be asked aloud; the etl- quette of Southern bourbons had made it taboo. The Negro wondered how he should behave to the white man on the picket line and in the union hall. The white man was perplered by that and a related question: what would his neighbors say if he let down the old barriers? The answer to the economic question came speedily. The merchants supported the strikers. They gave credit to the families of the men so they could buy food, and many business and professional people contributed $10 a week to the strike fund. It was a long strike. Repeated “back-to-work” movements initiated by the employers failed. pany’s greatest effort enrolled 22 scabs, not one of whom was a Negro. In the long days and nights on the picket line, in union meetings, and at crude can- teens the relations between Negroes and whites were clarified. Before long they marched together before the gates; soon they ate together; and after a time they sat down together and played cards. Forty-five strike leaders met constantly in the union hall to plan their course, and there were nearly as many Negroes as whites on this steering com- mittee. When they had finished for the day, they had coffee and doughnuts, continuing in mixed groups their never-ending discus- sion of how to win the strike. It was not a recognised process of cementing race rela- tions—that ticklish subject was never more than touched upon. The strike could not be won if the workers were divided. And everybody understood. They understood so well that on Labor Day, when the strikers marched down the smoke-blown street, white man walked next to Negro, white woman beside black. There was no defiance of native prejudices in that parade; friends and fellow-workers marched quite unconsciously side by side. At last the day of victory came, and there was a real celebration. Outside the union hall the strikcrs clustered, gay now, doing little dances, congratulating each other. Upstairs there were jigs, songs—and a new union con- tract. This though it said nothing of the rights of Negroes or the obligations of whites, was, in a moving sense, a charter for both. The State's educational institutions have felt the same influence. In the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill the ferment of chenge has long been working. Ycars ago Howard Odum and Frank Graham picked up the gauntlet of progress. Dr. Odum pro- pounded the theories of regionalism, and the National Government in Washington began to translate them into political and social realities. Farm security, the restoration of soil fertility, the TVA were logical outgrowths of the ideas which came out of the University of North Carolina. The traditional progressiviam of the uni- veraity finds notable expression in the publi- cation of the magazine Christian Frontiers, called by its editors a journal of Baptist life and thought. This magazine is attuned to the thinking which brought the Asheville resolution into being, to the morality which condemns as sinful the white man's senso of racial superiority. In the past few months other significant events have occurred on the campus. Dorothy Maynor, the Negro sopra- no, sang at Graham Memorial Hall to a non- segregated audience, and white and Negro ushers escorted thousands of Carolinians to their seats. This was another manifestation of the awakened fervor of the southern churches, for the concert was sponsored by The com-~ A1315 the Council for Religion in Life and the pro- ceeds were for the benefit of the Fellowship of Southern Churchmen. In Raleigh, for the first time in history, a Negro siudent recently presided over a mixed meeting of North Carolina students. Thirty-four delegates from State Negro col- lege and 79 white students joined together to elect a Negro as pro tempore president of their organization. The souther. world is definitely on the move, and in North Carolina the pace at which each segment of society is adjusting itself to the new conditions can be seen more clearly than in other Southern States. The liberal who once thought his position so daring now finds he js no longer out ifn front. While he kept saying, “Don’t press us; what we want to do will take a long time; it’s got to come slowly.” thé majority moved beyond him. The weakness of the gradualist posi- tion was unwittingly revealed to me by one of North Carolina's liberal editors. Relations between Negroes and white, he said, were much better now than in the time of his father, and he had no doubt that they would be wonderfully improved by the time his in- fant child was grown up. As he spoke it ap- parently dawned on him that this slow proc- ess might not appeal to persons undergoing the degrading imprisonment of segregation. After a long pause he said, “If only the Negroes will be patient.” If good Wberais have been left behind, think what ha: happened to the bourbons. Their point of view was clearly enunciated by a textile magnate who organized the flood of telegrams and telephone calls to Ashe- ville designed to head off the Baptist reso- lution. “What made the Baptist messengers pass their resolution?” Iasked. The answer was prompt: “Too many red Baptists—the State is full of them.” The Magazine Federal Science Progress Discontinued EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRED E. BUSBEY OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. BUSBEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my own remarks, I in- clude an article from today’s issue of PM, and I wish to take issue with PM as to the accuracy of its conclusion. We Republicans made a pledge to the people of this country to eliminate as much un- necessary expense in the operation of the Federal Government as possible. This includes the wasting of paper on projects of the various departments in the field of publications, in which they have no au- thority to trespass. It was not the protest of the McGraw- Hill Publishing Co., or any other pub- lishing company, that was responsible for the discontinuance of the publication Federal Science Progress by the Depart- ment of Commerce. The truth is that after I called the attention of the House of Representatives to it in a speech de- livered on February 13, 1947, there was a determination on the part of the Re- publican Members of the House to the effect that the Department of Commerce had no business publishing such a maga- zine, and they insisted upon its discon- “tinuance. I, therefore, in a very humble
A1316 manner, desire to take at least some credit for the discontinuance of this pub- lication. The article follows: UNITED STATES SCIENCE MAGAZINE CLOSED AFTER M’GRAW-HILL PROTEST WASHINGTON, March 27.—Protests of un- fair competition by McGraw-Hill Publish- ing Co., which issues numerous popular business and science magazines, have re- sulted in death of the Commerce Depart- ment publication, Federal Science Progress. Federal Science Progress was begun in Feb- ruary to review and call attention to non- secret reports of work carried on with Gov- ernment funds. A highly readable, well-printed, and at- tractive monthly magazine, it carried in a typical issue réports of work done with the Geiger counter—which detects radiation— airplane instrument landing systems, airport lighting, and preservation of valuable rec- ords in the National Archives. The attractiveness of Federal Science Progress was its downfall. McGraw-Hill, which issues Science Illus- trated, protested both to Secretary of Com- merce W. Averell Harriman, and to powerful members of the House Appropriations Com- mittee. Federal Science Progress, charged McGraw- Hill spokesmen, is a lavish publication, which would cost a private publisher nearly $100,000 @ year and directly competes with at least seven private publications. While the Commerce Department is charged with the duty of spreading Govern- ment technical and scientific information, McGraw-Hill representatives said, it should not do so through a popularised magasine. Warnings that the House Appropriations Committee would cut off funds for Federal Science Progress after June 30 were sufficient to persuade the Commerce Department to close the magazine, which had passed a 6,000 circulation with the May issue. Probe Requested EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIOAM IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks, I in- clude a letter written to a Member of the other body asking an investigation of the activities of certain high Government officials, and others, in the sale of war surplus material. The letter follows: Maacw 26, 1947. Hon. Homer FPercuson, United States Senate, Washington, D.C. Dear SENATOR Ferguson: In accordance with my conversation with your secretary, Oliver Dompierre, I am forwarding the fol- lowing, along with copies of the complaints before the Federal Trade Commission and photostatic copies of evidence in connection with the subject. Evidence recently has been presented the Federal Trade Commission that a ring of ex- convicts with strong political connections are engaged in the sale and distribution of some of our scarce and most valuable war surp!uses, They have reportedly operated on & world-wide scale. Teatimony given the Commission alleged that the ring was obtaining the materials through the aid of a cabinet officer and one of the Nation’s leading political figures. The names of a United States Senator and others prominent in public life also were linked to the ring. Law enforcement officers in New York City reportedly are of the opinion that many of the materials sold by the ring were sold il- legally—that the ring was operating an extensive black market in surplus war goods. The Federal Trade Commission investiga- tion was launched after complaints had been received that Carlisle Rowntree, an individ- ual trading as the Export Finders Bureau, 8 Bridge Street, New York City, was violat- ing the Federal Trade Commission Act. The Commission stated in its complaint that Rowntree had stated in widely circu- lated advertisements that he could make prompt delivery on scarce textiles, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals, steel products and machinery, and other merchandise. At the time Rowntree's advertising was appearing, most of the products he was of- fering for sale were under strictest Govern- ment control. Priorities for their purchase were required in most instances. The Trade Commission complaint was filed after Rowntree customers complained to it that he was failing to fulfill his contracts. Copies of contracts and other papers exe- cuted by Rowntree with Erwin “Bud” Arvey, son of a prominent Chicago politician, for fabulous quantities of almost unobtainable barbed wire and ¢ >rrugated galvanized sheet steel, are on file with the Commission. Sums mentioned in these contracts ran into mil- lions of dollars, Elmer R. Steinmann, who in an appear- ance before the Commission as a witness on January 20, 1947, identified himself as a steel engineer, testified as follows about a con- tract between Arvey and Rowntree for the purchase of 50,000 tons of barbed wire: “This barbed wire is purported by Mr. Arvey to originate at a source down in Wash- ington through a Mr. H. Gordon Fischer, who, in turn, disposed of the barbed wire for sale through Mr. Richard Ascher, at 92 Liberty Street, New York, who, in turn, is supposed to have had a contract with Mr. Rowntree. “Telephone calls were made by Mr. Arvey from the Gotham Hotel, which are on record in the Gotham Hotel, to a Mr. Gael Sullivan, Assistant Postmaster General, and to Mr. Robert Hannegan, Postmaster General. Tele- phone calls also were made to Senator Scorr Lucas. . “It was admitted by Mr. Arvey that Mr. Hannegan and Mr. Sullivan and Mr. Fischer were the owners of the barbed wire. It was also admitted by Mr. Arvey that the barbed wire was purchased for $25 4 ton and it was to be disposed of by Mr. Gordon Fischer to Mr. Ascher and to Mr. Rowntree for $100 @ ton, and Mr. Rowntree was to get all he could over $100 a ton. All that-was made over $100 a ton was Mr. Rowntree's.” Fifty thousand tons of barbed wire, it is estimated, would fill an entire city block to a height of eight stories. Fifty thousand tons of barbed wire would represent approxi- mately one-sixth or more of all the barbed wire produced in the preceding year. The Commission's transcript of ite hear- ings in the Rowntree case to date is more than 1,500 pages long. It describes in de- tail many of the deals in which Arvey, Rowntree, Ascher, Fischer and the others were involved. Rowntree has a long police record, having been released from the Federal Penitentiary at Lewisburg, Pa., in 1941 after serving five years for swindling. Ascher is said to have @ police record but denies it. Steinmann, who acted as a.procurer of customers for Rowntree in several instances, has a police record and currently is out on parole on a swindling conviction. I belteve that you will agree with me that the sale of scarce war surplus commodities APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD by persons known to have police records as swindlers should not be permitted. I submit that the operations of this ring in war surpluses and its connections, if any, with government employees, should be the subject of an inquiry by the Senate War In- vestigating Committee and the findings made public, regardless of political consequences. Sincerely yours, Pau. W. SHarsr, More Relief for the Rich? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ADAM C. POWELL, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, the prin- ciple of progressive taxation, meaning taxation based on ability to pay, has al- ways been considered a cornerstone of democracy. In the United States, how- ever, for the past 8 years at least, there has been a steady shifting of the costs of government away from wealthy indi- viduals, and corporations and onto the shoulders of the low- and middle-income groups. In 1939, individuals earning Jess than $5,000 a year paid less than 10 percent of the total individual income-tax bill. In 1942, they paid almost 60 percent of this bill. While figures for later years are not yet available, this regressive soak-the-poor trend has continued with each new revenue law. The Revenue Act of 1944, passed over the veto of President Roosevelt, who labeled it “relief for the greedy and not for the needy,” embodied a refund of excess-profits tax of over $3,000,000,000 to American corporations already bulg- ing with war profits. The act of 1945 embodied an additional gift—elimination of the excess-profits tax—of over $3,- 000,000,000 to the same corporations. Is the Revenue Act of 1947 going to contain another multi-million-dollar gift to the greedy at the expense of the needy? The Republicans, who prom- ised the hard-pressed voters tax relief during the last campaign, are trying to put it over in the form of a 20 percent across-the-board cut in everybody’s in- come tax. It sounds fair, on the surface, does it not? But if we look at the concrete ef- fects of this impartial cut, we can see that it again favors the wealthy taxpay- ers at the expense of those in the lower and middle brackets. . For example, under this proposal, a married man with two children earning $3,000 a year—and 70 percent of our families have incomes of less than this— would have his taxes reduced by $27.40 @ year, or 53 cents a week, enough to buy a pound of chopped meat. By con- trast, the corporation executive receiv- ing $100,000 a year would have tax sav- ings of $12,460 a year, or $239 a week. Not only does it grossly violate the democratic principle of progressive taxa- tion, but it does little or nothing to bol- ster the shrinking purchasing power of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the great. masses of consumers upon whom our economy depends. It will do nothing to cushion the effects of the coming depression, made inevitable by the inflation we are now undergoing. Those who opened the gates to this in- flation are now digging deeper the ditch for the coming depression. A TAX PROGRAM TO SUPPORT First. Raise exemptions: In a country such as ours, which has an abundance of wealth, everyone should enjoy tax-free @ sufficient amount to provide his family with a minimum standard of health and decency. Therefore, the exemption for single individuals should be raised from the present $500 to $1,500, and for mar- ried couples from the present $1,000 to $2,500, with the existing exemption of $500 for every child or other dependent retained. Second. Relieve small business: Small business, like small taxpayers, should re- ceive tax relief so that its competitive position against monopolies is strength- ened. A graduated tax, starting at 10 percent on the first $10,000 of net in- come, should be enacted, rising to the present 38 percent rate at $100,000 of net income. The current corporate tax rate should be retained on net incomes of $100,000 and over. Third. Repeal excise taxes on necessi- ties: Sales taxes and most excise taxes are regressive taxes, which fall far more heavily on low-income groups than on the upper brackets. The taxes on the $5 opera ticket and the $1,000 fur coat are lumped together with those on the movie ticket and the $5 pocketbook and called luxury taxes. All taxes on low- cost necessities—and in this we do in- clude the movie ticket, should be sepa- rated from the true luxury taxes and re- pealed. Fourth. Tax corporations: A powerful drive is being carried on by big business to eliminate or reduce taxes on corpora- tions. Their profits in 1946 were at an all-time peak and were not hampered by the present 38-percent tax rate. Aboli- tion of the corporate tax would not only increase thcir already very large profits, but would make it necessary to replace the loss in revenue by adding still heavier burdens to the low and middle- income groups. The excess-profits tax should be re- imposed, without carry-backs and with a $100,000 exemption for small business, to cover the loss of revenue incurred by raising income-tax exemptions. Fifth. Close tax loopholes: Loopholes fn the income-tax law make a mockery of the principle of taxation in accord- ance with ability to pay. The most flagrant example of tax avoidance is the exemption of large amounts of income from Federal, State, and municipal se- curities. All income from such securi- ties should be taxed at the regular rates. Another major loophole fs the option of filing separate tax returns for hus- bands and wives. This enables wealthy families to avoid the upper brackets where they properly belong. Mandatory Joint family returns should be required. Hoarding of undistributed profits by large corporations is another means of tax avoidance by wealthy taxpayers. From 1940 through 1945, American cor- porations made $53,500,000,000 in profits after taxes. But only $25,900,000,000 were distributed as dividends while $27,- 600,000,000 were retained as undistributed profits. Less than 1 percent of stock- holders receive 60 percent of dividends, and wealthy taxpayers gain tax advan- tages when dividend payments are post- poned. They are in high surtax brack- ets, and hence prefer to keep undistrib- uted profits in corporate treasuries until leaner years to minimize tax payments. The present provision in the tax law against unreasonable accumulation of undistributed profits is obviously inef- fective since their volume is today at record-breaking levels. A steeply grad- uated tax on undistributed profits would provide revenue for the Government and curb a major tax-dodging device. ACTION NEEDED A grass-roots campaign against the proposed tax steal and for a program which will distribute the burden equitably and bolster purchasing power is long overdue. Taxes affect the standard of living of all of us; they vitally affect the economy of the country, yet the average citizen shows a vast lack of in- terest in the subject of tax legislation. His Congressman rarely hears from him, while hearing constantly from the cor- poration lobbyists who well understand the importance of this subject to their clients. We Representatives in Wash- ington must be made to realize that we were elected to represent the 92 percent of the people who earn less than $5,000 &@ year and not the 8 percent in the top income brackets. Reduction of Income Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. T. MILLET HAND OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. HAND. Mr. Speaker, there is no purpose in participating at length in this debate. I do want to go on record as favoring this tax-reduction bill and I shall vote for it. Taxes are not popular and no tax bill is wholly satisfactory, but this bill providing a 80-percent reduc- tion for the lowest brackets including, 1 am informed, about 24,000,000 taxpayers, and a 20-percent reduction for most other taxpayers, will be a boon to the patient American people who have al- most forgotten what tax reduction is like. Mr. Speaker, I am wholly unable to understand the philosophy of the Demo- crats here in the House. They are offer- ing a great variety of excuses against tax reduction, and it is pretty clear that they are not opposing this bill so much as they are opposing any tax reduction ut all. The excuse most frequently ad- vanced is that we ought not to have tax reduction until the national debt is paid off. The national debt is over $260,000,- 000,000. It may be paid off in a century if we have a century of peace. Iam in- terested in giving todry’s taxpayers at A1317 least some tax relief, and I really do not feel that they should have to wait an- other 100 years. If it were possible to offer amendments to this bill, I would ask that it incorpo- rate the provisions of my own bill, H. I. 11, providing for the exemption of Fed- eral, State, and municipal pensions up to $2,000, and thus give to our retired teachers, policemen, and firemen, or their widows, very much needed relief at comparatively small cost to the Govern- ment. Since this is not possible today, I shall ask the Ways and Means Com- mittee to give attention to my bill as soon as they consider general tax re- vision. The Congress could not do a finer thing for thousands of faithful public servants and good citizens than to ex- empt these pensions. Selling Democracy Round the Globe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN J. ROONEY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following article by Peter Edson, from the Washington Daily News of March 27, 1947: Sxiirna Democracy ROUND THE GLOBE (By Peter Edson) The much-heralded show-down between democracy and communism brings up the matter of what the United States proposes to do about selling its particular brand of freedom in a naughty, misguided world. It is generally agreed that the Russian Commies are better at this propaganda racket than anybody else. There is no break-down of the Russian budget to show what the Soviet Government spends on its educa- tional activities in other countries. It has been estimated as high as 100,000,000 a year—moré:than all the rest of the world put together spends on informational and cultural relations. RUSSIA LEADS PARADE About 30 leading governments indulge in this national good-will building in other countries. That the Russian propaganda builds more ill will than good will ts beside the point. The point is that they seem to get their line across in ways that do the most damage to democracy, which is their purpose. In connection with the proposed grants of €400,000,000 aid to Greece and Turkey, the question for the United States is how to offset in those countries the Communist propa- ganda that this is American imperialism seek- ing control of their governments and econ- omy. To counteract that propaganda, what has to be sold is American democracy. On purely informational programs to tell Greek and Turkish people about the Unitcd States, the American Government this rear is spending $115,000 in Greece and $192,000 in Turkey. That's enough to keep a couple of people in each country, pay tolls on spe- Cial information cables from Washington, contact the native press and radio, keep open American libraries and information centers !n Ankara and Athens. The United States has not been beaming its “Voice of Americn” shortwave broadcasts in Greek and Turkish, but will begin soon.
A1318 Broke as the British are, they have been spending 10 times as much as the United States for information work in Greece and Turkey. On a world-wide basis, the British informational program calls for about double this year’s United States appropriation of $25,000,000. UNITED STATES 7 YEARS BEHIND The $6,000,000 United States cultural rela- tions program now is limited by law to Latin America, the Philippines, and Liberia. This is the program set before the war, when American foreign policy was largely con- cerned with the Western Hemisphere. This limitation may now be said to be 7 years behind the times For the newly declared Truman foreign policy has as its principal aim the spread and protection of democracy around the world. To promote this objective the State De- partment and half a dozen other civilian agencies of Government have just sent to Congress proposals for a bill which would authorize world-wide cultural relations and information activities. This isn't exactly a new idea. It was pre- sented to Congress last year as the Bloom bill, which never got passed. But the Greek and Turkish crises make it more than timely now. Estimated cost of this program is $12,- 000,000, plus the $6,000,000 for Latin America. Four types of activity are proposed: Exchange of students and professors, books, and other educational materials, This would supplement the Fulbright bill passed by the last Congress, under which .eceipts from the sale of surplus property in foreign countries will provide fellowships for American stu- dents and professors in foreign schools. Assignment of American technical experts to foreign countries for aid to agriculture, health or industry. Most of tho expenses for these scientific missions are paid for by the countries receiving the aid. In the plan to aid Greece and Turkey, however, expenses for the extraordinary technical assistance would be paid out for the 8400,000,000 appro- priations. Setting up joint scientific services, such as weather stations, aids to navigation and civil aviation. Expenses of these projects usually are shared between two or more gov- ernments, Expansion of the international informa- tion service. This is the touchiest project of all. It has been severely criticized as Gov- ernment propaganda. There is some senti- ment in Consress for abolishing it altogether. To take off some of the curse, Assistant Secretary of State William Benton has in the past yea: worked out a plan to get the Gov- ernment out of shortwave broadcasting and turn it over to a semiprivate corporation. Legislation to set up a 15-man International Broadcasting Foundation has just been pro- posed to Congress. Under outside manage- ment, Mr. Benton believes the voice of America programs would have more freedom of expression and get better talent more truly representative of United States public opinion, What Is the Future of Our School-Lunch Program? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN R. MURDOCK OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. MURDOCK. Mr. Speaker, for the past several weeks inquiries and requests from school authorities all over the State of Arizona have come to me concerning the school-lunch program. Some of these communications réfer to the im- mediate future of that program, asking for a deficiency appropriation adequate to carry it through the year and other communications urging that it be guar- anteed as a fixed and permanent policy. I personally know of the importance and value of the school-lunch program in the State of Arizona and have always given it my wholehearted support. I wish to continue that program but am unable in the light of actions and utterances in this Chamber to give much assurance to my friends in education in regard to it. Under leave to print, I hereby repro- duce a telegram received this morning and which is self-explanatory in regard to this subject. The telegram is as fol- lows: Bucxkerg, Ariz., Maroh 26, 1947. Congressman JOHN R. MURDOCK, House Office Building, Washington, D.C.: Salt River Valley Elementary School Super- intendent and Principals Association, con- sisting of 81 administrators representing all the elementary schools of Maricopa County, Ariz., met on the evening of March 25 and unanimously passed the following motion: That the associations go on record as favor- ing the national school-lunch program as a basic part of our educational program and as an important step toward the improve- ment of the health and physica] resources of our Nation. In line with the above motion, this association urgently requests that suf- ficient funds be appropriated for next year to meet the estimated requirements of the program and that a deficiency appropriation be immediately secured to continue the pro- gram for the remainder of the current school year. T. W. Prix, Secretary. Organized Veterans Oppose Proposal To Combine the Army and Veterans’ Ad- ministration Hospital and Medical Services EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA . IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, the Washington Post on March 26, 1947, car- ried a statement by General Eisenhower, Army Chief of Staff, presented to the Senate Armed Services Committee which indicated that the Bureau of the Budget had under consideration a proposal to combine the Army and Veterans’ Admin- istration hospital and medical services. Mr. Speaker, in behalf of the hundreds of thousands of disabled veterans, I vig- orously protest this proposal which is de- signed to bring our veterans hospitals under military supervision and control. Our disabled veterans are private citi- zens disabled in the service of their coun- try, and the hospitalization with medical treatment accorded them is at most an infinitesimal effort on the part of a grate- ful nation to bind their wounds and make them whole again. We owe it to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD these men to resist any effort that would change their present status as civilians to patients in Army hospitals. The Vet- erans’ Administration with all its facili- ties is an agency of the Government, set up for the assistance and rehabilitation of our veterans, and should remain as an independent agency under civilian control. The following letter from “Mr. Omar B. Ketchum, director, National Legisla- tive Service, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, very definitely puts his orga:ization on record as strongly against the proposal: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WAES OF THE UNITED STATES, Washington, D. C., March 26, 1947. Hon. JaMrs E. VAN ZANDT, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear CONGRESSMAN VAN ZANDT: In recent testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee, General Eisenhower indicated that the Bureau of the Budget had under consideration a War Department sponsored plan to combine the Army and Veterans’ Administration hospital facilities. The Veterans of Foreign Wars is deeply concerned that this plan might gain con- gressional support and thereby deny to our disabled veterans the nonmilitary hospitali- gation which is rightfully theirs. The dis- abled veterans in hospitals of the Veterans’ Administration are private citizens and as such are no longer under military control or supervision. We would be remiss in our duties to the hundreds of thousands of dis- abled veterans if we did not insist that they be treated as private citizens, and that those administering to their needs remain private citizens and not officers of the military or naval service. In behalf of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, I beseech your earnest consideration of this matter with the hope that you will resist any effort that would deny to the hospitals of the Veterans’ Administration their right- ful status as an independent agency under civilian control and supervision, Respectfully yours, Omar B. KETCHUM, Director, National Legislative Service. Tax Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. AUGUSTINE B. KELLEY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. KELLEY. Mr. Speaker, for pure- ly personal reasons I expect I should vote for this tax bill, but I cannot in con- science do so when I know that so many people in lower income brackets than I are denied the benefits, under this bill, that are rightfully theirs. With the high cost of living since controls have been lifted, it is a wonder to me that men who are attempting to raise a family on sal- aries of $1,500 or $2,000 a year are able to keep themselves from being thor- oughly impoverished. Certainly I should like to vote for a tax reduction, but this bill means 80 little to the average man that I cannot b: myself to do so, Then there is the question.in this $3,- 800,000,000 tax reduction of whether the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Congress will be able to reduce the na- tional debt if taxes are reduced. Besides the insurance companies and the banks, there are 85,000,000 holders of Govern- ment bonds. It would seem to me to be a wise business procedure to strengthen the equity behind these bonds by reduc- ing the national debt. Another question that poses itself is how can taxes be re- duced without impairing the strength of the Army and Navy and reducing bene- fits to veterans. These things should come first today. If there is any saving over this, let us apply it to the national debt for the time being. With continued prosperity in America, we could reduce taxes perhaps next year when we learn what to expect in the way of national income. With your permission, I am inserting an excerpt from a letter which came to me today from a man who works in a steel mill back home, a friend of mine who is an excellent citizen but who fs struggling, like so many of his coworkers, to make a living for his family under existing conditions: As you probably know, I receive the Con- GRESSION‘, REcorD through the courtesy of Senator Myers, and you may be sure that 1 read it. Readers of the public press are sure getting fooled into a false sense of security when it says the lawmakers in Washington are going to take the one-sidedness out of the Wagner Act. What they mean to do is to kill the of labor unions. By reading some of the bills now proposed, I am convinced that it will be a crime to demand a wage in- Crease as a group and for a group. The veiled words in some of the bills will even take away freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and other rights guaranteed to us by the Constitution. I have no objection to the outlawing of jurisdictional strikes, but how is one to know whether such disputes are provoked by man- agement, as some are, you may be assured. Neither do I object to outlawing the wild- cat strike, but again how can the lawmakers know that the wildcat strike is not the result of management's failure to remedy some outstanding and longstanding griev- ance. But I must, however, object when the lawmakers say that a group of workers within a collective bargaining unit cannot strike for higher wages or better working conditions. For instance, did not the meat packers strike, the scap makers, etc., etc.? Yet no punitive legislation has been proposed to curb such actions on their You can believe me when I say that the majority of our membership ts pretty much worried about the future of our union. Especially are the older le worried. I once had the occasion to defend the rights of a man who was pretty well up in years and whose hard-working days were over. As an Officer of the union I was instrumental in having him placed in a job which he could handle. I ask you, what do you think would have happened to that particular man if he did not have the union to rely on? By checking on his Federal social security bene- Sts after retirement I found that he would have been entitled to the grand sum of $27 per month. How would he live on that amount? What would were the unions not in existence for the protection af people like him? Do you not think that more and improved social legislation is the answer to the present labor unrest, rather than the punitive meas- ures Congress seems about ready to pass? I feel that if the day arrives when unions are eo badly hamstrung that they cannot oper- ate it will destroy our standard of living. Everyone knows but some will not admit that our living standards have risen since that great man Roosevelt went into office. Now those living standards are going to be driven downward by people who do not realize the harm that can be done. The high cost of living is another matter that should take precedence over labor bust- ing legislation. Don't some of the legislators eat? If they do, they should know that food prices are rising higher and higher; but what is being done about it? Nothing is being Gone, especially by those in Congress who are so intent upon rushing through punitive labor legislation and a 20-percent cut in my income tax, which, incidentally will save me exactly 80 cents per week. What a joke! They wipe out rent controls which will cost me $10 per month and which I am expected to pay with the 30 cents they are saving me on my tmmoome tax. No thanks, I would much rather have rent controle and be sbout 68 per month to the good. I read the masterful speech the Congress- woman from California, H&eLtxn GAHAGAN Dovuczas, made on the floor of the House the other day. She certainly laid the basket of expensive groceries “‘right in the lap’’ of the Republicans where it belongs. Some one should follow it up with another and another until something is done about it. People are grumbling about the high cost of living, and no wonder. It has gone sky high. The papers say the people are not buying so much. They call it buyers restst- ance, but don't let that fool you. People just don’t have the money to buy the things they need. Something will have to happen soon, and they are looking for people like yourself to do it. You must keep faith with them. I am sorry that this letter has been dragged out so long but I feel that you possibly do not know the conditions which exist among the wage earners asI do. I am right among them, at work, at meetings, at social gather- ings. Things are scricus, and they look to Washington and you for correction. Aid for Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ADAM C. POWELL, JR. Or NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RrEc- orp, I include the following letter: Mazcu 19, 1947. Hon. Haary 8. TRUMAN, The White House, Washington, D.C. Mr. Presmenr: May I as president of the Methodist Federation for Social Action (un- official), whose membership includes 17 Methodist bishops and 4,000 ministers and laymen, call your attention to a resolution adopted by the March of the execu- tive committee of which I happen also to be the chairman. The action relates to your proposal for economic and military interven- tion in Greece and Turkey, and I have been requested by the committee to say that it deplores the pursuance of euch 2 course, es- pecially since tt bypasses the United Nations and in our opinton carries with it a serious threat of armed conflict. Such a struggle might conceivably develop tnto the “holy war” against which Bishop G. Bromley Ox- nam, former president of the Federal Coun- ef! of Churches of Christ in America and vice president of our organization, has uttered Tepeated warnings. It is possible also that the proposal in relation to Greece and Tur- A1319 key might result in the worst depression we have ever known. We are, of course, whole- heartedly in favor of feeding hungry peo- ples, but we believe such a service should be carried forward on a nonpolitical basis and that the whole be handled by the United Nations and not by the unilateral ac- tion of any one nation. Mindful of the right of every American to choose his own political party, our commit- tee was also shocked by Sscretary Lewis B. Schwellenbach’s proposal to outlaw the Com- munist Party, coming as it did in the same week with of State George Mar- shall's definition of democracy which pro- vides for: “Freely constituted political parties * * * insured the right to participate in a free and competitive election system in which each is accorded equal opportunity to precent its views, win adherents and obtain just repre- sentation.” Any citizen is entitled to the free choice of his political party, whether Democratic, Republican, Prohibition, Socialist, Commu- nist, or other. Further, our committee remembers your assurance that with the coming of peace you would end your diplomatic rcpresentation at the Vatican We respectfully urge you to do 80. Sincerely yours, Lewis O. HARTMAN, Bishop of the Methodist Church. Resolutions adopted at the March meeting of the executive committee—Methodist Ped- eration for Social Action. CIVIL LIBERTIES Whereas Secretary of State Marshall has declared in a definition of democracy enun- clated in Mcscow that: “Freely constituted political parties should be insured the right to participate in a free and competitive election system in which each fs accorded equal opportunity to present its views, win adherents and obtain just representation:” and Whereas this definition of Secretary Mar- shall's is in complete accord with the Con- stitution of the United States of America; and Whereas it is the right of American citi- zens to espouse any political party, be it Republican, Democratic, Prohibition, Soctal- ist, Communist or any other; and Whereas any trend toward a one-party system would constitute a serious threat to democracy: Be it therefore Resolved, That our committee ask Con- gress and President Truman to reject Sec- retary of Labor Schwellenbach’s recent pro- posal which would outlaw the Communist Party in the United States, a proposal which we regard as subversive of the basic prin- ciples of American democracy. AMERICAN INTERVENTION President Truman, bypassing the United Nations, advocates unilateral economic and military intervention In royalist Greece and totalitarian Turkey—the beginning of world-wide economic and military interven- tion. This policy would ruin the great power cooperation which Secretary Marshall has urged, undermine the Moacow Confer- ence, undercut the United Nations, and lead @ peace-hungry world to war. It involves America’s pursuing a pattern of imperialism which the British people themselves have rejected as unworkable and immoral. Too costly for Britain, the policy also threatens the United States with depression and bank- ruptcy. We are heartily in favor of feeding starving people in Greece and elsewhere, but on a nompolitical basis and through the United Kations. Not less but more food is needed for these unfortunate peoples.
A1320 The executive committee of the Methodist Federation for Social Action deplores the President's proposals as dangerous to Amer- ica and the world, and urges the Congress to reject them and to stand firmly by the United Nations, as the proper instrument for bringing about peace and good will. Reduction of Income Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. PORTER HARDY, JR. OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, Mr. HARDY. Mr. Speaker, I have been listening intently to the arguments for and against this bill, presented by my colleagues from both sides of the aisle. The arguments for this tax bill are not convincing to me; and moreover, the timing is extremely bad. My constituents, just as taxpayers throughout the Nation, are clamoring for tax reduction, and tax reduction is needed, but it has been my observation that the thinking people in my district place the financial stability and general welfare of the Nation above immediate tax reduction. They want to know where we are going. I want to know where the sponsors of this bill are lead- ing us. Certainly the information which has been available to me does not pre- sent any clear idea that its passage will lead us into prosperity or into financial stability. Conversely, I am fearful that the enactment of this legislation may have the effect of creating chaos rather than stability. It is unquestionably true that in view of the increase in costs of living, people in the low-income brackets need to re- tain a greater percentage of their earn- ings in order to meet actual living costs. It is also recognized that the prospect of greater earnings would provide some in- ducement for the wider emplwyment of investment capital. Recent ta: collec- tions have caused the Treasury Depart- ment to make upward revisions in its revenue estimates for the current fiscal year. This is all to the good, and it indi- cates a larger national income than was previously anticipated. It would appear therefore that present tax rates—bur- densome as they are—have not proven in the past year to be as much of a deterrent to business activity as many people would lead you to believe. I would like to see, just as quickly as possible, tax legislation that would stimulate wider employment of venture capital, but to enact it now would be at the risk of deficit financing in the 1948 fiscal year, and at the concur- rent risk of being unable to retire any of our national debt. I had been hopeful that justifiable ways could be found to sharply reduce appropriations for the 1948 fiscal year. The reductions achieved in the appre- priations bills thus far passed are insig- nificant. In the light of the nominal re- ductions shus far approved, and in view of the importance of the functions of those agencies for which appropriations have not yet been made, there is a serious doubt in my mind whether our final 1948 appropriations will represent any reduc- tion in the total amount recommended by the President. In view of the need for certain unexpected appropriations it is entirely within the realm of possibility that this Congress may yet appropriate funds in excess of the origina] Presiden- tial figures. If this should occur and if we should encounter in the coming year even a slight business recession, we shall have undermined our financial structure and invited its collapse. To me it appears of utmost importance that we defer any tax reduction legisla- tion until we have finally determined the total extent of our 1948 appropriations. We must balance our budget and it is imperative that we inaugurate a sound, systematic program of debt reduction. Such a program should be undertaken during this period when national income jis still relatively high. Again, I want to know where we are going. After our budget has been bal- anced and a debt-retirement program undertaken, we should then consider tax reduction legislation based soundly upon anticirated revenues. The element of timing is of utmost importance, and, after that, we must give consideration simultaneously to tax relief for those in the low-income groups and those in the larger brackets who, through exercising business initiative create wider employ- ment. Roosevelt As Appeaser EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr, SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, it appears that the brand of diplo- macy engaged in by the former Presi- dent, Mr. Roosevelt, is gradually coming to light. He no doubt will rank in his- tory as the great appeaser of Russia. Slowly but surely his secret deals indi- cate that he was playing a day-to-day game with an adversary he greatly un- derestimated. Mr. Robert Bliss, able young editor of the Janesville Gazette, Janesville, Wis., very cogently calls at- tention to Mr. Roosevelt’s appeasement policy in connection with Russia. As part of my remarks I include an editorial by Mr. Bliss which appeared in the issue of March 20, 1947: ROOSEVELT'S SECRET DEALS WITH RUBSIA It is appeasement and duplicity, secret agreements and a show of weakness that have brought this Nation to the difficult sit- uation it now holds, Stalin managed to keep the upper hand in the conferences at Yalta, and Mr. Roosevelt, after giving away much of China's control of her own wealth in the north, apparently signed secret agree- ments which now place this country and its top officials in a most embarrassing position. Tt ts a shock to the people of the United States, and apparently to Secretary of State Marshall, to learn at this time of secret deals APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD made at Yalta. We had been led to under- stand that it was a fair deal. Now we are bluntly told, to our dismay, and by the Rus- sians themselves, that our then President made deals on reparations which he did not confide in his own people. The announcement makes Secretary Mar- shall’s job much more difficult and places a new obstacle in the way of agreement upon the basis for a German peace. Of all moments in history there wus never one calling more insistently for great men, for visionary leadership. President Truman has made a pronouncement that involves an entirely new foreign outlook from these shores. He has stated a firm policy which would establish direct opposition to further Russian expansion, backed by the power and resources of the United States in Turkey and Greece. It is tragic that at this moment Russia can spring upon us an agreement made by our own representative in secret and one which embarrasses our hand in negotiations at Moscow. Secretary Marshall must have the full sup- port of the people of this country, who should be kept fully apprised of their personal dan- ger by facts presented in the press. There is no alternative for peace with honor and freedom. Price of Appeasement EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include therein an editorial from the Washington Post of March 27, 1947, entitled “Price of Appeasement”: PRICE OF APPEASEMENT The pictures last Sunday of 28,000 Italians leaving Pola (population 31,000) bring into poignant relief the sacrifices of principle we have made to appease Russia. Pola is the Italian naval port at the Istrian tip of the Adriatic. It was obvious to every American official engaged in the peace negotiations that by rights it should be included in the new free zone of Trieste. But we agreed with Russia that it should go to her satellite, Yugoslavia. It was the kind of wrong that, as a German philosopher put it, increases in geometrical ratio of wrongness as time goes on, The excuse for our action was that it was the price of Russian agreement to discuss peace treaties. Since VJ-day this appeasement of Russia has accounted for many other wrongs we have committed. Not one country but several have been the victims of them. It would not take a skilled lawyer to prove that in more than one item of the Italian peace treaty we have violated our own armistice agreement with Italy. Our scruples also went overboard at the expense of Austria. This is the coun- try which we and the Russians had agreed should be liberated. But at Potsdam we gave the Russians carte blanche to collect German assets in Austria in the name of reparations. It was only the superb administration of Gen. Mark Clark in Vienna that saved all Austria from being collected. Again we swallowed all our qualms in ac- ‘cepting the Russian thesis that Germany should be split up into zones of occupation. To be sure, we thought we had salvaged this mistake by getting Russian assent at Pote-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dam to the administrative treatment of Ger- many as an economic unity. But we found ourselves out on a limb when the Russians treated the compact as a scrap of paper. The result is that we have been paying repera- tions to Russia in the shape of succor to the Germans—those Germans who had been de- prived of the food which Potsdam promised them from the eastern or breadbasket Rus- sian sone, Toward France, finally, our atti- tude has been cavalier, and all because we gave in to Russia. Russia, inquiring scorn- fully what France had done in the war, de- nied France admittance to Potsdam. We were so anxious to keep Russia propitiated that we did not even inform France df what we had done at Potsdam, and then expected her to cooperate in carrying cut Potsdam. These are merely a few of the blunders we have made in our postwar diplomacy in an effort to keep the Russian Bear appeased. Some of them have been inexcusable on moral grounds. It was a throwback to medi- eval barbarism, to take just one example, to consent to shifts of population all over Europe. For the spectacle at Pola is only one of many such spectacles. Whole peo- ples are being hounded from one country to another as an item in what is tronically called a general pacification. It is painfully apparent nowadays that this kind of peace- making creates only terror and turmoil among the “pacified.” What is worse is that in appeasing Russia we have only whetted her appetite. The in- cidents she has manufactured or justified by way of asking for more have left the Security Council as well as the affected na- tions helpless. On Tuesday (to take the lat- est illustration) the Security Council was reduced to paralysis in face of even such & monstrous crime as the mining of British ships in Corfu Straits by Russia's puppet, Albania. Mr. Gromyko with his use of Rus- sia’s veto power ended all possibility of UN action. And before the curtain went down the members were compelled to listen gravely to the Albanian delegate insisting that the British had blown up their own ships and men. This terror and this turmoil are now being visited on the borders of Greece and Turkey. Mr. Hoover is quite right when he says that the raising of just one finger in the Kremlin would restore peace and order. In‘ default of such a move the President has at last sug- gested to the Congress that we should put a atop to it. He has had the straightforward- ness to say 80. He might have gone about the job circuitously by persuading Congress to let Greece and Turkey have access to the Export-Impprt Bank. But he refused to resort to subterfuge. He as much as said the time had come for a show-down with Russia. The liberal Munichmen in our midst who are opposing the Truman policy are the very ones who lambasted the British when they appeased Hitler at Munich. Senator Pzrrm talks about an appeal to a special session of the General Assembly for appropriate action. Does he not know that under the terms of the Charter the Assembly is unable to take action? Does he not know that the UN hasn't the money to’ call any such special session? His is the recurrent theme of wish- ful thinking from a head buried in the sands that produces wars. As Thomas & Kempis anid a long time ago, “Everybody desires peace, but few people want to do the things that insure peace.” One can almost hear our latter-day ostriches repeat after Neville Chamberlain, “Appeasement is the only way to atop chaos.” Surely we know differently. from our ex- perience with Moscow. That experience has made us accessories to such crimes against Civilization as are being enacted at Pola. Pursuit of it is the way to on dis- nee im our souls as well as in the of Burope. Our mission, as the only nation without fear and with resources, is to restore an a in the world fit for the’ United Nations to live in. As in Europe after the Napoleonic wars, “A Kalmuck prince is trying to overturn Europe.” We have allowed the process-to go on, instead of stopping !t, as Castlereagh and his colleagues did then (so giving Europe a century of gen- eral peace) and showing that we stand for the major purpose of the United Nations, vis, peace and security. The Wool Problem EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letter: WasHincton, D. C., March 26, 1947. Hon. Wr.uiaM 8. HILL, House of Representatives. Dear Bri: As you know, I testified before the House Committee on Agriculture relative to the wool situation. I think I pointed out that the wool problem would be automati- cally solved by an increase in the tariff. This would be in accord with H. R. 1825, which was introduced as the result of a letter from Clinton P. Anderson, Secretary of Agri- culture, to Speaker of the House Joe Martin. H. R. 1825 provided that the President be authorized to levy import fees on farm products receiving price support. The authority requested under H. R. 1825 was unnecessary legislation. The Tariff Commission, under a provision of the Tariff Act of 1930 has the right to recommend an increase in tariffs to adjust the difference in American and foreign costa of production. in addition, the President has the author- ity, under the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, to increase the duty on wool 50 percent or 17 cents per pound above the present schedule. This is araple authority to solve the wool problem permanently as it is my understanding that an increase of much less than that amount would protect the do- mestic producer. Therefore I would suggest that a resolu- tion be introduced requesting the President to exercise his present authority and in- crease the existing tariff on wool to a level with its support price or the cost of produc- tion price of 51.8 cents per pound as deter- mined by the Tariff Commission. Also, it is suggested that the addition to the present tariff be flexible so as to auto- matically represent the difference between the domestic parity (cost of production plus normal profit) and the foreign price on all farm products, Woo) is merely one item, and other farm products will require similar action. A simple resolution of this kind could be made to apply to all farm products and to raw materials. I would like to point out that such a tariff increase would not increase the cost to the American people. The duties col- lected could help balance the national budget, in Neu of other taxes. To alleviate the present situation of wool accumulations, I would suggest that 250,- 000,000 pounds be transferred to strategic and critical stock pile for national defense, as provided by legislation in 1946. Under this act, they can pay an additional 25 per- cent under the Buy American Act. This is ample leeway for the Purchasing Division under the Permanent Stock Pile Act to take over the amount of wool I have suggested A1321 Qs a permanent reserve without any loss to the Commodity Oredit Corporation. Such & resolution would eliminate the need of subsidies from the Government. Sincerely yours, Carn, H. WILKEN, Economto Analyst. Not Bypassed EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RecorD, I include therein an editorial from the Concord Monitor, of Concord, N. H., of March 25, 1947, entitled “Not Bypassed”’: NOT BYPASSED Those who are skeptical of the Truman doctrine have seized principally upon the fact that the Mediterranean problem has not been referred to the United Nations. That would accomplish nothing now, when some- thing must be done. The United Nations is not prepared to undertake many of its prospective functions, and even if it were, in this instance such proposals would inevitably be blocked through exercise of the veto power by Russia. To recognize this and take the action which President Truman p igs not to lose hope in the United Nations, but to point to its present deficiencies, deficiencies which this Nation should work to correct. When the United Nations Charter came up for ratification its fundamental weakness, the veto power, was obvious to anyone. Yet there were many prominent political leaders in Washington who convinced themselves that it was a safeguard for this Nation as well as for Russia. So convinced, they voted for ratification. Now they.are be- ginning to realize that the price of yielding to the Russians as to the veto at San Fran- cisco was responsible for what the Nation must do. It was in a similar situation, though there was then no League of Nations, or a United Nations organization, that this country adopted by Presidential declaration the so- called Monroe Doctrine. That doctrine was notice to all nations of the Eastern Hemi- sphere that they must keep hands off the Spanish-American Republics or be held ac- countable by the United States. That doc- trine did serve to keep the European nations out of South and Central America, and it did not involve us in war. unless the sink- ing of the Maine, never explained, could be charged to Spanish intricue. Today, even though there is a United Na- tions, it is not yet strong enough to alter the fact that the doctrine we adopted as to Central and South America must now be extended to cover the earth, 1” we are to protect the world from aggressor nations with despotic governments which would en- slave other peoples, That we need to so pro- tect the world, in the absence of United Nations action to that end, is the lesson we have learned, or should have learned, from the two great wars we have becn through in this first half of this century. Even if the United Nations was not blocked by the inevitable veto it is not ready to put & United Nations armed police force into any nation which necda such protection. It is not ready to pour in financial asaist- ance or other forms of aid. It should be able to do these things, and this Nation should work to that end, but 60 far it is not.
A1322 This country is left no other logical choice pxcept to approve the Truman doctrine and proceed with its application. It does not matter what the Russians may say or do. To compromise further with them is to ignore our own national security and that of most of the nations on earth. To com- promise further is to aid and abet the con- tinued impotency of the United Nations, rather than to take the steps which in the end are the only hope of strengthening that organization. The Russians have to learn what democ- racy is. Their leaders know, and fear de- mocracy, and so they have by every means, fair and foul, sought to keep the Russian people as a whole in the dark. For democ- racy is what all peoples yearn for in the end. Tax Reduction Bill Grants Bonanza To Wealthy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN A. BLATNIK OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. BLATNIK. Mr. Speaker, I seri- ously question the wisdom and justice of this tax bill (H. R. 1) which the House is now considering. It seems to me that it represents an attempt to shift the tax burden from the higher income groups to the lower—from those who are best able to pay taxes to those who can least stand to continue heavy tax payments. This bill would give the lowest income groups a mere pittance in tax relief, and grant a bonanza to the wealthy. This Republican version of tax justice may well be characterized as tax relief for the greedy instead of for the needy. In considering the question of tax re- duction, two facts should always be kept in mind. In the first place, the most important test of the fairness of a tax is the ability of the taxpayer to pay the tax without undue hardship. To state this principle in another way, simple tax justice requires that the burden of, tax- ation should be distributed in such a way as to bear most heavily on those who are most able to pay it. PURCHASING POWER VITAL In the second place, the tax must be adjusted in such a way as not to lower mass purchasing power. Business pros- perity and full employment depend upon the maintenance of adequate purchasing power in the hands of the great masses of consumers. Retrogressive tax laws which cut irto the people’s purchasing power invariably result in lower stand- ards of living. At the same time, such tax policies lead to depression because they siphon off consumer purchasing power, and make it impossible for con- sumers to buy the goods on the market. The Knutson tax bill ignores both of these simple economic facts. This 20 percent “straight-across-the- board” tax reduction with a little sugar coating for the lowest income groups, is most in- equitable. It gives a highly generous re- duction to the wealthiest section of our population, and a token reduction to those in the lower-income brackets. For example, this tax bill would give a tax reduction of only $11 to a married couple with a net annual income of $1,200—a savings of only about 1 percent of their spendable income. On the other hand, a married couple with an annual income of $100,000 would receive a tax reduction of $12,625, which amounts to an increase in spendable income of 34.2 percent. The effect of this tax bill, therefore, is to shift a greater percentage of the entire burden to the lower income groups by giving a major portion of the 4 or 5 billion dollars income-tax reduction to the wealthy. CORPORATE PROFITS RISING Such a reduction has no relationship to the ability of the different sections of our population to pay taxes. Statistics show that corporate profits after taxes for 1946 were at an all-time high of $12,- 000,000,000, and there is every indication that corporate profits for 1947 will be still higher. In fact of these great prof- its, it is difficult to understand why any- one would suggest that income taxes be reduced on the higher income groups to a point below prewar levels. On the other hand, the lower income groups urgently need tax relief. The shortening of the workweek at the end of the war has reduced the take-home pay for the average laborer. The inflation- ary rise in the cost of living of over 50 percent in the last 8 months has reduced the real wages of the wage-earner and salaried person by one-third. These are the people who need tax relief rather than those who are enjoying the lushest profits in American history. BILL ECONOMICALLY UNSOUND The failure of the Knutson bill to ade- quately provide this relief to lower in- come groups is economically unsound. It ignores the need for maintaining con- sumer purchasing power as a bulwark against economic depression. President Truman, in his economic report to the Congress, pointed out that it is “of ut- most importance at all time that we be concerned as to the volume of purchasing power of the Nation and its relation to the volume of production goods and serv- ices.” At the same time, the President pointed out that the purchasing power of wages had dropped seriously, and that the wartime savings of American fami- lies is rapidly being depleted. In spite of the sharp reductions in purchasing power, my Republican colleagues refuse to substantially lower taxes on low- income groups. Failure to do so means the continuation of income taxes at lev- els which cut into consumer resources which are now vitally needed to buy the necessities of life. Such a short-sighted policy cai only increase the dangers of depression. The only aspect of this bill which has my approval is the provision that gives tax relief to people over 65 years of age. Our old people living on pensions, annui- ties, and savings have suffered greatly from the increasing costs of living, and deserve such relief. In fact, the personal exemptions for old people found in this APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD bill are not large enough; they should be inereased by another $600. ROAD TO DEPRESSION There is a real need for tax relief, but such relief should be given to those who are least able to pay taxes. This can be accomplished by simply maintaining the present income-tax rate, but increasing the present $500 personal and depend- ency exemptions to $1,200 for a single person, $2,000 for a married couple, and $600 for each dependent. Such a pro- posal would give tax relief to those who need such relief, and at the same time would maintain the volume of Federal revenues. In conclusion I want to go on record as being opposed to the Knutson tax bill. It is inequitable, unjust, and unsound. It amounts to a sell-out of the millions of wage earners and salaried people in the lower income groups in favor of the wealthy taxpayers. It fails to recognize the need for maintaining consumer pur- chasing power and thus increases the chances of a business slump and another depression. I have no choice but to vote against this unwise tax measure. Tax Reduction EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. T. MILLET HAND OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. HAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, a recent editorial in the Bridgeton Evening News points so clearly to a problem which has been in my mind, that I am taking the liberty of inserting it in the Recorp with the hope that some of my Democratic friends may answer it. It seems that the Democratic Party is so thoroughly accustomed to extrava- gance in government, that it has become @ cardinal principle, and they cling to it notwithstanding recent indications that “tax and tax, spend and spend,” does not always “elect and elect.” BY THEIR POLICIES ARE THEY KNOWN BEST The Democrats in the House have already served notice that they will fight any plan to reduce income taxes now. They feel that it would be unwise to trim levies with the Nation’s fiscal situation in its confused state. They seem to overlook the fact that our economy would emerge from its present plight if some type of stabilization was placed in effect, starting with relief in the weekly pay envelope. First, the Democrats complained that the outright 20-percent cut in income taxes wouldn't benefit the little fellow. The Re- publicans promptly countered with a pro- posal to reduce small income brackets 30 nt, All of which proves that the Democrats are attempting to create some vague fear and uncertainty about the immediate future of the country. It is their old technique of making every effort possible to protect the extravagance they have espoused during the past decade. The Republicans insist that salaries do not have to be taxed as heavily during peace- time, It is only logical to expect some relief
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD now and most American citizens naturally cannot understand the Democrats should think otherwise. The Republicans should go shead with thelr plans to reduce taxes. They have al- ready stated that it can be done without weakening our military or international com- mitments in any way. Waste is on its way out in Washington—and it will be a good thing for the country when it happens, The Displaced-Persons Problem EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, one of the problems troubling the conscience of millions of Americans is that of the seven or eight hundred thousand persons still in the displaced persons camps of Europe. One of my most trusted friends, a physi- cian who has been closely associated with these camps told me on his return re- cently that some of these persons were bad characters or at least indigent to begin with, that many more who were high-grade people originally are grad- ually deteriorating until they are now almost parasitic and incapable of re- habilitation, but that most are still per- sons of ability and integrity and that these and especially the children ought to be removed as scon as possible and given a chance to find new homes, new hope, One of the most comprehensive re- views of the problem and various pro- posed solutions which I have seen is an article in the February issue of Survey Graphic, by William 8. Bernard, a specialist in ethnic problems who has taught at the University of Colorado and at Yale University. Under leave to extend my remarks, I include the article herewith: Tux Dipiacen Persons Pros.eM (By William 8. Bernard) In the American gones of Germany and Austria; at least 750,000 men, women, and children are enduring their second postwar winter of confinement in segregated camps and centers. These people are cut off from their backgrounds and their homes. Their present is a bleak, abnormal, psychologically Gangerous existence. Whether or not there is a future for them depends in large measure on the American people, and upon our repre- sentatives in the Eightieth Congress, THEY FOUGHT FOR #REEDOM The “displaced persons”—DP's as the world now knows them—were among the frat yic- tims of totalitarianism and war..* °* ° They are, « large part of them, the men and women who first dared to oppose dictator- ship—and fied their bomes rather than sub- mit to it. They are the men and women who found religious and political freedom more precious than security. They are those who have had the fortitude, the physical strength, and the mental stamina to withstand the years of tion to which they have been subjected. Most of them represent, in more than one sense, the survival of the fittest. They come from no single economic or in- dustrial group; no one race or religion, Poles, Latvians, Lithuanians, Yugostavs, and Esto- nians make up the largest single nationality groups, but all told, some 15 or 90 different nationalities are included in their numbers. All major religions are represented, with Christians (Roman Catholic, Protestant, Greek Orthodox, and others) comprising 80 percent and Jews about 20 t. Before the war a majority of them were agricultural workers, but there were also shopkeepers, artisans, skilled workmen, professionals, stu- dents, homemakers. This remaining group of displaced persons is the hard core of nonrepatriables. Today the towns, cities, and farms of their home- lands are, for all practical purposes, closed to them. They cannot go home because they have grounds to fear religious or political persecution; or to fear that if they do return they will lose their lberties—perhaps their lives. In a very real sense, they gave up their right to a familiar homeland when they chose the hope of freedom. If they return today, even that hope may be forfeit. There 1s another reason why they do not” go back. Theat reason ts psychologicel—no less compulsive than the fear of physical persecution. The villages and farmlands which they left are the scenes where their familics and friends were tortured and killed, sometimes before their eyes. They cannot forget this and return to the terror and grief their old homes represent. Can we who have been spared their ordeal ask them to do 80? Neither should we ask them to live out their lives in dreary camps. As humanitari- ans we recoil at such a living death for such people. We cannot bring ourzelves to hold thet the lack of a passport is a crime—or the lack of a country of refuge that can and will welcome them. Together mankind must find a better answer—an answer which can benefit us all and the refugees as well. We Americans have stated. officially, that we do not believe in compulsory repatriation. Since repatriation is impossible, resettle- ment is the only acceptable alternative. There are 500,000 to 1,000,000 of them, what statisticians call “a trace’ in the population figures of western Europe Somewhere on earth homes must and can be found for these homeless men, women, and children. LAWS THAT BAR THE DOOR Unfortunately for the displaced persons, however, logic and immigration !aws do not always march hand in hand. We may live in one world, but we do not live in a free world so far as migration is concerned. Every soverotgn state has dcveloped codes of law governing the admission or exclusion of immigrants, some simple, some elaborate, most of them highly selective. It is, of course, the right of each nation to legislate such matters as it sees Nt. And much immi- gration legislation, both here and abroad, has been of demonstrable value and effectiveness in the past. But special problems and special needs re- quire some special treatment. Laws which may be both wise and just under normal cir- cumstances must be temporarily amended when they do not solve the problem at hand. Such changes need not alter established im- migration systems either fundamentally or permanently. They merely take into con- sideration an emergency job to be done, and provide a feasible means of accomplishing it. Certainly, from either a warmly human or coldly practical viewpoint, the time has come to amend immigration laws long enough to resettle the war's displaced per- sons. The newly created International Refugee tion of the United Nations is stymied, for it can be effective only insofar as the various nations are willing to receive displaced persons. Only our individual understanding and massed concern will per- mit the United States to take the lead in such a program. And realism suggests that the United States must take that lead, and signity our willingness to admit a fair share of them. . A1323 MOoW MANY SHOULD COME HERE? What would that fair share be? Suppose we take the arbitrary figure of 850,000 as representing the number of displaced per- sons left after repatriation has run its (Estimates run from 500,000 to 1,000,000; 850,000 is the figure suggested some months ago by UNRRA.) If the 850,- 000 were distributed among the major po- tential immigrant-receiving nations on a basis proportional to the relative population strength of those nations, our share would be 483,600. Over the course of the three or four years which the resettlement program would include, it would mean an addition to our popwation of between 2 and 3 persons per 1,000 during the period. In other words, in the course of 3 years, a community of 5,000 people would be ex- panded, on the average, by 10 or 15 displaced persons. Even the most wary among us scarcely can find that alarming. As a matter of fact, there are good reasons why we might well welcome additions to our population. Our rate of growth is slowing up; our birth rate is low, despite the tempo- rary rise during the war years. And our population 1s growing older. It will reach a stationary condition perhaps by 1970, when, the experts estimate, births and deaths will balance each other. By that time more than half our population will be over 30 years of age. We shall have fewer young men in the productive years as compared with other countries where the population is still young and still increasing. By 1970, as the accompanying table indi- cates, while we shali not be as badly off us some nations, we shall be worse off than others. Estimated populations in 1970 Gencra. trend o} Country Population frowth rate Soviet Russia.......; 250,000,000 ; Increasing rapidly. United States....... 160, 000, 000 | Stationary Japan....... ---| 87,000,000 | Increasing. Germany - -....-...- 68, 000, 000 | increasing, bul at a . diminishing rate. Eng.and and Walcs.| 37,000, 000 | Doclining. France....--.-.----- 37, 000, 000 Do To the extent that a growing population is of practical economic and political value, our future possibilities are not as auspicious as they might be. They can be changed only by an increase in the birth rate, or, as was the case for many decades, by addition to our population by immigration. Naturally, were we to admit our fair share of the displaced persons, we should wish to be sure that they would not disrupt our economy or endanger our institutions. This assurance is automatic under our regular immigration requirements, which could re- main untouched. Our laws bar from the United States any person who is a criminal, an anarchist, an advocate of overthrowing our Government by violence, a pauper, a vagrant, anyone whose health does not meet specified stand- ards. or anyone iikely to become a public charge. All immigrants are screened on these and other counts, which would apply equally to displaced persons admitted under @ specia] dispensation. In addition, under the Truman directive of December 22. 1945, displaced persons com- ing into this country must be vouched for by the individual or corporate affidavits of friends, welfare organisations, or philan- thropic groups which guarantee that these immigrants will not be allowed to become public charges. Responsible elements of American society have stood behind these affidavits. They have indicated that they will continue to do so. Only the method of admitting the displaced persons remains to be decided. ‘Thus, the future happiness, security, well-being, and freedom of thous- ands of desperate unfortunates rests on @
A1324 single decision—a decision which it is ours to make. Why not admit the displaced persons un- der our present immigration laws without any modifications, however temporary? For the simple reason that it won't work. We have tried it for over 12 months, and the re- sult has been pitifully small. On December 22, 1045, President Truman ordered the State Department, the Depart- ment of Justice, and other agencies con- cerned to resume our admission of immi- grants, largely suspended during the war; and to utilize the central European quotas particularly for displaced persons. Those quotas were estimated at about 39,000.’ It was hoped that at least this many displaced persons per year could thus be rescued. One year later, however, fewer than 56,000 people had been admitted under the directive. The plan failed to take cognizance of the fact that the German quota made up some 26,000 of the total available—and that few dis- placed persons can qualify for these German places since they were not born in Germany. For this, and other minor reasons, the pro- gtam—as intimated by the President him- self—was a failure. If we are to be of any concrete help to the men, women, and children dependent on our good will and active interest, clearly we must modify our immigration laws—slightly and temporarily—until their plight is re- Meved. There are several ways in which this might be done. SHALL WE DRAW ON THE SUTURE? One method suggested is to adopt a system of “borrowing” from future quotus for cur- Trent use. The impracticality of this method is apparent when the number of displaced persons (excluding ex-enemies and those un- classified) is compared with their respective quotas under present law. The numbers given in table I are tentative. These figures show that even if we were willing to borrow extensively from the future, it would take an average of 15 years’ quota to allow 433,500 displaced persons (this coun- try’s rensonable share) to come in. Further, the borrowing plan would make us exceed our annual limit of 154,029, if added to regular immigration. And.there is another point against it: borrowing against future quotas would work a hardship on many deserving people who might wish to immigrate to the United States in the years ahead. We do not wish to penalize these possible future citi- Sens, any more than we wish to continue the misery of the DP's. Consider, then, a second temporary modi- fication of the law. At t, quota num- bers are available only during a stated month or year. If they are not used by the nations to which they are allocated, they are lost forever. Since 1930, the countries with the largest unused quotas have been those whose people have not been displaced, and who, therefore, have the least critical need for quota numbers at present. Great Britain, for instance, had 947,689 unused quota num- bers between 1930-45; the Irish Free State, 252,478; Switserland, 20,968. If, instead of letting unused quotas lapse, we applied them to the nationalities repres»nted among the In 1930, the so-called national-origins Plan was put in force, which limited the total annual quota to about 150,000 (since raised to 154,029 by various additions) by restricting the number of immigrants from any country to the percentage that persons of that na- tional origin by birth or descent contributed to our population as a whole in 1920. For example, persons born in Great Britain and those whose ancestors came from there, were estimated to constitute about 42.7 percent of our population in 1920. Therefore, Great Britain received 42.7 it of the annual quota or 65,721. 6& computations were worked out for other eligible nationalities, with minimum quota of 100 for any one. Qisplaced persons, we might help them sub- stantially, without exceeding the over-all quota limit, Such a plan is obviously a gamble. It is based on the supposition that for the next few years the quotas of at least some of the major quota countries would not be used. We have no way of guaranteeing this possibility. But gambling with the fate of the displaced per- sons seems wholly unjustified. True, quotas were not used up during the 1930-46 period. But may this pericd of world-wide depression and war be taken as normal? Between 1989-36 (years of de- pression and unemployment, when immi- grants were not attracted to the United States of America) more aliens left this country than entered, table IT shows the figures. In the prosperous 1920's, on the other hand, the quotas of even major countries tended to be used pretty close to one hundred per- cent. Herein lies the gamble. Adverse eco- nomic conditions might produce a drop in quota utilization; but favorable conditions might again create a fuller quota use— forcing the displaced persons to remain longer in the camps, A PRACTICABLE PLAN To borrow, to gamble—each presents a possible plan for alleviating the plight of the displaced persons. Neither is satisfactory. But there remains a third possible course of action—a simple, temporary modification of our laws that has real possibilities. Past unused quotas have technically lapsed, of course, but Congress, through special legis- lation, could recapture them. It could make available to eligible displaced percons a num- ber of quota visas equal to the desired num- ber of quotas not used in the past. To be effective, the “recaptured” quotas would have to be allocated among the DP's regardless of their national origins, rather than in strict accordance with our present law. “Recaptur- ing” would also create a special displaced persons quota outside the regular prescribed quotas. Nevertheless, it can be argued with prac- tical force that such a process of recapture would compensate to some degree for immi- gration we expected and were Prepared to accept—but did not get, especially during the war years. Let us look at the facts. From 1940 through 1946, allowable quotas, if completely filled, would have given us 1,076,788 immi- grants—153,774 a year for 1940 through 1943, and 163,870 for 1944-46. We actually re- ceived 161,971. Thus, 914,762 quota numbers were never used. Even if we set our fair share of the displaced perzons at 400,000, this would make up less than 50 percent of this wartime loss—would welcome less than half of the number of immigrants Congress and the people of the United States had been ready to admit from 1940 through 10946. Therefore, simply by changing our law tem- Porarily so that half these lost quotas may be recaptured, we would make it possible for our fair share of the displaced persons to enter the United States of America. Whatever we do, whatever temporary change in our law we decide to make, it will be ineffective unless available quota numbers are assigned to qualified displaced persons without regard to their specific national origins. Trying to carry over p quota distributions of the present law into the plan for displaced persons will not work. The nationalities to whom the smallest quotas were assigned in 1930, as we have seen, are those with the largest numbers of displaced persons. Any modifying legisla- tion contemplated must take this fact into account. RECENT IMMIGRATION There is a good deal of popular confusion and ignorance of just what has happened in respect to immigration in recent years. The country has not been flooded with im- migrants. Temporary visitors, admitted APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD during the war and earlier in the period of Hitler terror, are now required to leave the United States. Many have gone. In 1945 it was estimated that only about 15,900 re- mained out of a total of 298,976 who came from refugee countries between 1938 and 1044. Those who later returned to this country for permanent residence have been under the quotas of their respective coun- tries, except such people as are nonquota— for example, the wife and minor children of an American citizen. The admission of our fair share of the displaced persons over @ restricted period of time—even in addition to norma) immigra- tion—would be a much smaller annual in- crement to our population than was added from 1880 to 1930, the very years which saw America rise to a position of world suprem- acy industrially and militarily. The figures in table III compare the population of the United States by decades since 1880 with immigration for the same period, both by decades and annually. A CHARGE ON OUR CONSCIENCE 4s a nation we have received over 38,000,000 immigrants in the course of our history. Better than a quarter of our population is still made up of people of foreign birth or mixed parentage. With this heritage we can- not longer ignore our international responsi- bilities or our moral obligations. Many among us are coming to regard displaced per- sons a8 one of the foremost charges upon American conscience. The American Fed- eration of Labor, the CIO, the Federal Coun- ell of the Churches of Christ in America, the National Catholic Welfare Conference, the National Council of American Veteran Organizations, and scores of other religious, educational, philanthropic, and civic bodies have all passed resolutions urging the enact- ment of legislation permitting the United States to admit its fair share of Europe's displaced persons. There are some who oppose any revision of our immigration laws, however temporary, They include many well-meaning peopie, Proud of their communities, fearful of the changes which might come. But the knowl- edge that in the course of 8 years an average of only two to three people will come for every 1,000 of our population should reassure em. There are others sincerely interested in the country's welfare who fear that the dis- placed persons will become an economic burden. But they may be reassured by the affidavits which vouch for the DP’s financial security and by our own actual need tor labor, such as farm and domestic workers. Col. Paul H. GriMith, national commander of the American Legion, has said that that organization of some 8,500,000 veterans will Oppose all plans to admit displaced persons, lest they deprive former servicemen of jobs and housing. Similarly, some labor groups see in any modification of the immigration laws a threat to the jobs of their own mem- bers. These objectors overlook the facts— particularly the negligible size of the group . that would be added to any one community Were we to scatter 400,000 displaced persons over this vast couhtry. And there is the opposition of those who view all foreigners with suspicion, in spite of the fact that the contributions of some 38,000,000 immigrants have helped to write the history of America. That is worth ree membering. There are those who favor drastic curtail- ment or complete foreclosure of immigration for @ period of years. Last year this view- point was represented by two types of bills introduced in Congress. One bill provided that immigration be reduced by 50 percent for the next 10 years, and was barely de- og" ted in committee. Another took the form ® proposal no immigration pere mitted £0 1 as there are 1,000,000 un- oubloyed. mt maples be tantamount tos permanen complete closing of our gates, inasmuch es in an advanced technological
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD economy that amount of unemployment is “normal” éven in prosperous years. Similar bills probably will be introduced in the Eightieth Congress. But the action Congress will take depends in the last analysis on the votes of the citizens of the country—on their enlight- ened viewpoint, and on their strong deter- mination. In a very real sense then, we, the people of America, will decide the fate of those men end women and children waiting patiently for us to welcome them—or to turn our faces from them. Perhaps it does not matter whether our help stems from our own self-interest or from our sympathy and understanding. Only the action that we take counts now—and few among us would let that action damn the war's displaced persons to a useless, wasteful life—without homes, without hope. For in our hearts we know too well that there, but for the grace of God, indeed, go we. Tastz I.—stimated numbers of European displaced persons by major nationalities tnvolved, with quotas for each nationality Nationality Number} Qucta Polish... 920 6, 624 Latvian... 97, 830 26 Lithua: , 500 386 Yugoslav... 51, 530 845 Estonian. 31, O14 116 U. B.8.R.. 11, 620 4,712 Crechoslova 11, 300 2,874 Ttalian..... 4, 200 6, 802 Groek.... 8, 110 307 Dutch....... 2,020 3, 153 French.....-...-....----------.--- 1, 330 3, 086 Belgian and Luxembourreois..... TH 1,304 | 27, 345 Taste I.—Admission and departure of im- migrants, quota and nonquota, 1932-36, with excess of admission over departure (Excess of departures over admissions, resulting in a net Joas, is indicated by a minus sign) ae Taste III.—Immigration by decades and aver- age annual tmmigration contrasted with population by decades, 1880-1940 Average annual im- migration Population of United States in that year Census Purchase of Gold From Russia EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FREDERICK C. SMITH or OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks. in the Recorp, I wish to include herein a letter which I addressed to Hon. John W. Snyder, Secretary of the Treasury, on March 19, 1947, and the reply which I received dated March 20, 1947, and signed by Paul McDonald, Acting Ad- ministrative Assistant to the Secretary: Hon. JOHN W. SNYDER, Secretary of the Treasury, Washington, D.C. Honorasrte Sm: Does the Treasury favor continuing buying gold from Russia? Very truly yours, FREDERICK C. SMITH. Hon. Frevericx C. SMITH, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. My Dear MR. SMITH: For the Secretary, 1 am acknowledging your letter of March 19, 1947, asking whether the Treasury favors the continuance of buying gold from Russia. A report on this matter will be forwarded to your office as soon as practicable. Sincerely yours, Pavt McDonaLp, Administrative Assistant to the Secretary. Is the TVA Carrying Out the Intention of Congress in Providing the Farmers With Fertilizers? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH J. MANSFIELD OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. MANSFIELD of Texas. Mr. Speaker, on March 24, I placed in the Appendix of the Recorp, statement in regard to the failure of TVA to furnish fertilizers to the farmers of this country, as contemplated and promised at the beginning of the work for power im- provement upon the Tennessee River. I have since heard from quite a number of people in regard to the matter and I enclose herewith letter received from Mr. James E. Cassidy, C. E., consulting engineer, who was quite familiar with the subject. His letter is as follows: WashincTon, D. C., March 25, 1947. Hon. Jossrn J. MANSFIELD, Member of Congress, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dean Mr. MANsFIELD: In view of the fact that I initiated studies of the Tennessee Val- ley 18 years before the TVA came into exist- ence I was very much interested in your short address (extension of remarks) in the House March 24, 1947. In an unofficial capacity I was the technical adviser to Chairman McSwain, of the House Military Affairs Committee, in the drafting of “HL R. 6018, which was the original bill on which the TVA was created. The House not only passed the bill because it was for fer- tiliser for the farmer but had the House had an idea that the fertilizer program was to be discarded, the conference report would not have been adopted. You will recall that when the conference report came to the House, Chairman MoSwain would not sponsor its adoption because, as he told me at the time, it was a fraud on the public, for it was known in the conference committee that, under the loose provisions, the fertilizer end would not be carried out, and that is why he could not ask the House to adopt the conference report, which was sponsored by Lusrm; Hr. As adviser to A1325 Chairman McSwain I was fully informed of everything that went on, and it was galling to McSwain, who was so honest he leaned backward, to know that a fraud was being perpetrated on the public and that the House was voting under false allegations. As a matter of fact, the only constitutional grounds for the TVA were found in the Na- tional Defense Act of 1916 (sec. 124), which I helped to write, and when the fertilizer end was discarded the constitutional basis for the TVA was scuttled. I have written a 4€6-page manuscript cov- ering the whole subject from ‘cradle to the grave” and which I hope to get published sooner or later. This manuscript was written from my own studies over a 30-year period, and with some 150,000 pages of data collected over that period. Had the House been given the facts in the case, the conference report would not have received a 10-percent vote when it came to the House for consideration. Th chairman of the committee made that statement to me many times, and I knew it to be a fact of my own knowledge. If I ever get my manuscript published, the whole story will be before the public. Yours very truly, James E. Cassmny, Consulting Engineer. Col. Florence A. Blanchfield EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MARGARET CHASE SMITH OF MAINE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mrs. SMITH of Maine, Mr. Speaker, Col. Florence A. Blanchfield, Director of the Army Nurse Corps, was honored at @ luncheon given by Representative Frances P. Bo.ton in the Speaker's din- ing room at the Capitol on Monday, March 24, for her long and valuable serv- ice in the nursing profession. Present were members of the Armed Services and Veterans’ Committees of Congress, Army and Navy officials, including the Sur- geons General of the Army, Navy, and Public Health and representatives of civilian nursing groups. In her remarks about Colonel Blanch- field, Mrs. Botton referred to the long and arduous task of bringing that recog- nition for the accomplishments of the nurses. H. R. 1943, establishing a permanent Army and Navy Nurses Corps and Woman's Specialists Corps of the Army, is on its way to becoming a law. The gentlewoman from Ohio [Mrs. Botton] did not tell her listeners of the great contribution she herself has made, both as Mrs. BOLTON and as the Representative from Cleveland, Ohio, but in response to her introduction, I said: The two major factors most responsible for the present status of the Army and Navy Nurses are (1) The excellent, the magnifi- cent service and record of the nurses them- selves, and (2) Frances P. Bo.Ton. The House approved H. R. 1943, the legislation for a permanent Army and Navy Nurse Corps on a commissioned basis, March 13—the fifth anniversary of Colonel Blanchfield's promotion to the grade of lieutenant colonel. Her re- tirement from active service on March $1, 1947, after 29 years of faithful and
A1326 untiring service in the Army, will mark the forty-first anniversary of her out- atending record in the nursing profes- sion. Colonel Blanchfield, whose home is at Shepherdstown, W. Va., entered the Army Nurse Corps in July 1917, serving overseas during World War I with Base Hospital No. 27 and other units of the Medical Corps. After the war she was detailed on a series of nursing duties which included two assignments in the Philippine Islands and one in China. In 1935 she was assigned to the Office of the Surgeon General and was promoted to the grade of captain February 1, 1939. On March 13, 1942, she was promoted to lieutenant colonel and assigned as first assistant, Army Nurse Corps, an assignment she retained until her elevation to Superin- tendent. Her appointment by the Secretary of War as Superintendent of the Army Nurse Corps became effective June 1, 1943. As superintendent, she was responsible for one of the most important jobs of the war—that of establishing and main- taining efficient nursing care for the thousands of American sick and wounded soldiers all over the world. Among Colonel Blanchfleld’s recom- mendations which were responsible for the outstanding record of accomplish- ment by the members of the Army Nurse Corps during World War II were: First. The establishment of basic- training centers for newly appointed nurses. Second. The establishment of the Army Nurse Branch of Technical Information in the office of the Surgeon General, which served as a medium for dissemi- nating information to civilian organiza- tions which assisted in recruitment of nurses to serve with the military forces. Extensive morale-building activities were also promulgated through this branch. Third. Assignment of nurses to field and evacuation hospitals near the front lines in order to provide expert nursing care immediately following front-line surgery. Fourth. The establishment of policies used in expanding the corps from a few hundred nurses to more than 57,000, displaying in this procedure wise admin- istrative and executive ability. Fifth. In 1944 she was largely instru- mental in securing full military rank for nurses, which was granted by Congress in July 1944 on a temporary basis. The legislation passed by the House March 13, 1947, if enacted into law, will establish the Nurse Corps in permanent commis- sioned status. Much of Colonel Blanchfield’s time was spent in the field where her interest in the welfare of the nurses, their living and working conditions and in the type of professional service they were. rendering lent encouragement to their efforts. Her wise understanding of nurses and their problems was a major factor in the suc- cess of her organization. She made an extended tour of the European and Medi- terranean Theaters of Operation in 1944, the Antilles Department in December 1945 and the Pacific Theater of Operation in August and September of 1946. In addition to these tours, frequent visits were made to the Medical installations in the United States, She was awarded the Distinguished Service medal in June 1945 for her out- standing ability and devotion to duty as Superintendent of the Army Nurse Corps. Why An Arms Investment? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GLEN H. TAYLOR OF IDAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 27 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. TAYLOR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Why An Arms Investment?” published in the Chicago Sun of March 26, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: WHY AN ARMS INVESTMENT? It now seems certain that the Truman ad- ministration will make some belated gesture to recognise the United Nations’ interest in our policy toward Greece and Turkey. That is all to the good. Serious damage to the United Nations’ cause may already have been done, and the administration should repair it, if possible. But gestures don’t change policies. The unhappy fact appears to be that from the very beginning the administration not only bypassed but completely ignored the United Nations and al: that it stands for in terms of collective rather than unilateral action. The apologists have made much of the argument that the UN is not equipped, finan- cially or otherwise, to handle the situation in Greece. But why is it not equipped? The record shows that it was our own gov- ernment which insisted on the termination of UNRRA by March 81. Our own govern- ment killed the project for a United Nations relief fund to succeed UNRRA in such areas as Greece. We are scarcely in a position to condemn the UN for impotence when we ourselves helped to make it so. It is not the case, then, that in Greece and Turkey we resort to unilateral action because collective action is impcssible. The truth is that we propose a national policy there be- cause some of the objectives are national. All the testimony in the congressional hearings on what UN can and cannot do leaves unshaken the conviction that UN agencies could administer the economic as- sistance which Greece so badly needs if our Government wished to do the job that way. If there is no money in the UN treasury, we could put it there, along with any other nations able and willing to help. What the United Nations cannot do is to back the Greek Government's military of- fensive against its political opposition, or to pay the expenses of keeping the Turks at peak mobilization. The charter of the world organization was not written with the idea of enabling governments to shoot down their citizens or maintain military forces in excess of their economic capacity. So let's be frank about it. We are acting on our own in Greece and Turkey because the Truman administration considers a mili- tary investment n . That is a na- tional, not a United Nations, objective. The of why this military invest- ment: is necessary deserves far more extensive discussion than it has had in Congress. In APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Greece, such outlay is said to be needed to insure order, and thus make our economic aid effective. But the crux of the issue is Turkey. Turkey has no serious problem of internal security. The present Government has an overwhelming majority in Parliament, and since its inauguration last August has sup- pressed two Socialist parties, eight news- papers, and several workers’ clubs. We could say the Turkish Government has things well in hand. Certainly it has no armed minority to deal with. Unlike Greece, Turkey escaped the devas- tation of war. She made a lot of money sell- ing chrome to the Nazis and at the same time received substantial aid from us despite her refusal to enter the war when we asked her to in December 1943. Now the Turks say they fear a threat to their integrity. They are keeping more troops on the alert than they can afford to pay for. If they go on spending half their budget for military expenses, they may get into economic trouble, which might be the breeding ground for internal unrest. So Mr. Truman proposes, in effect, that American taxpayers foot some of the bills for the Turkish Army. There is no denying that Turkey is under pressure from Russia in the same way that Colombia was under pressure from us when we wanted the Panama Canal. Russia wants, and has made no bones about saying s0, a share in the defense of the Dardanelles, which were used against her during the Firat World War, and would undoubtedly be used againat her in another. This is, of course, not a Communist but an ancient Russian ambition. The question for us is how the claim can best be met. Mr. Truman's policy seems to be one of resisting it at all costs, and arming Turkey for that purpose. Apparently no attempt whatever has been meade to reconcile what Russia con- siders her strategic necessities with what we consider ours—no attempt, for example, to work out a form of United Nations control that will admit Russia to a fair share of Jurisdiction over the straits. Perhaps no middle ground can be found, but the tragedy is that evidently the Truman administration is not trying to find one. It has uncritically taken over the same policy toward the Dardanelles which Britain pur- sued for a hundred years. Congress ought to ask whether that policy serves the national interest better than a policy based on United Nations cooperation, Threatened Telephone Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 27 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address recently delivered over the radio by J. A. Beirne, president of the National Fed- eration of Telephone Workers, on the subject of the threatened telephone strike, - There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Friends, whether or not telephone workers will conduct a Nation-wide strike on or after April 7 will be deciddd by the policy oom- mittee of the Nations] Féederation of Tele- phone Workers which meets next week. For
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD management or authorising the policy com- mittee to call a strike. Telephone workers know that labor relations problems like other problems are capable of solution if given objective treatment accompanied by a firm determination to arrive at a solution. For almost 4 months telephone workers have They want indus- trial peace—but also justice. Over 325,000 of them are organized in the National Fed- eration of Telephone Workers and they seek their answer together. With an understanding of the Bell System set-up and with almost 10 years of continu- ous experience in dealing with the manage- ment of the various companies, the telephone workers, last November, established a way of insuring the industrial peace which every- one, including telephone workers, wants. They concluded that the better way of in- suring the country against a Nation-wide tie-up was to provide machinery for meeting the policy makers or top management of the industry. Since last November a committee empowered to represent all of our members has been willing and ready to meet with Bell System representatives for the purpose of settling contract disputes. The Bell Sys- tem has ignored this planning. It has left settlements of the bargaining items to more than 200 people in different parts of the United States. With control of the industry in New York City it is quite impossible to reach agreement in 40 scattered parts of the country. Even Senator Batt, who is proposing legis- lation to outlaw industry-wide bargaining, stated publicly that he believed our federa- tion could negotiate with the A. T. & T. system under his proposal. Last year we were confronted with the prospect of a Nation-wide telephone strike. No strike occurred. This was due largely to the efforts of the Department of Labor and Secretary Schwellenbach, to the top man- agement of the Bell System, and to this federation. Fifteen hours before the dead- line the Bell System management coordinated their activities in a single spokesman. When these men with authority spoke for the in- dustry it was ao relatively simple matter to reach Nation-wide agreement. We want to prevent a repetition of last year’s dispute. Valuable time has been wasted in acting out a comedy on collective bargaining through- out the United States. The Bell System—and due to legal technicalities only the Bel) Sys- tem—can make negotiating efforts really work. This may sound like a self-serving statement of a labor union official in defense of his organization's action. I'd like to dis- pel, if possible, such an opinion by quoting from a public document, the Telephone Commission's report to the National War Labor Board. This Commission was com- posed of two industry representatives, two labor, and two public representatives. This unanimous report stated in part and I quote, “The unified influence of the A. T. & T. ap- pears in the close similarity of most non- rate aspects of the wage structure of the various associated Bell companies. Each Bell company, for example, has the same four major operating departments. Further, these same four departments in all com- panies carry almost identical Job or task titles and task routines. This same unified influence is evident also in the existing inter- relation of the Bell System wage rates, not only among departments and specific jobs of each company, but, likewise, among the other wage-rate structures of the companies themselves.” That statement was a unani- mous conclusion of a public agency, con- curred in by the official representatives of the Bell System. Yet there has been no unified action since contract demands were made many weeks ago. The telephone industry itself is dominated by the Bell System. Of the total telephone business in this Nation 90 percent is han- dled by the Bell System; the other 10 per- cent is divided among some 6,000 inde- Pendent companies. The practices of the System are monopolistic even to the ex- tent of regulating the ocollective-bargain- ing relationship throughout the entire country. Someone listening to me tonight may have the opinion that telephone workers are a well-paid group of workers who have excel- lent working conditions. Let us determine if such a conclusion ts justified. The Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that telephone workers since 1937 have been among the lowest-paid group of workers in the whole United States. We receive 68 a week less, On an average, than the workers in light and power; $10 less than street, railway, trolley, and motor-bus workers; @3 leas than telegraph workers. We cannot find a public utility which pays less on an average than our people receive. It ts significant that the average gross earnings of our members in 1939 was $1,661 and in 1946, after taxes are paid, gross earn- ings amount to $1,499. One hundred and sixty-two dollars less than 8 years ago. No one can be expected to be satisfied if his liv- ing standards are going downward. In the March 14 issue of the magazine called the United States News an article appeared on page 16 which stated that the buying power loss of telephone workers average some 16 percent. Other sources, all impartial, and certainly outside the sphere of our influence have reported the deteriorating wage posi- tion of the telephone worker. Our wage demand is designed to correct the present inequality, At the same time it permits the telephone system to be operated efficiently. We appreciate the fact that no one should bargain with a management un- less they have some understanding of the company's financial position. Therefore. we look at the Annual Report of the Bell Sys- tem to the Federal Communications Com- mission. Total company revenues in 1946 ‘were well over two billion. It earned $10.23 on every share of its stock. It has laid aside in depreciation reserve over $2,250,000,000. It has paid the same annual dividend to stockholders for the past 20 years, even through the depths of the depression. Its net profit, after taxes, last year was over two hundred and fifteen million. These fig- ures point to a healthy financial empire. It is to the public's advantage as well as our own, as workers in the industry, that it be in a healthy shape. The companies have never pleaded inability to pay. I will take a moment to tell you about those workers who comprise the bulk of our membership—the operators. They sit on high stools, in a prescribed bodily position, work under immediate and constant super- vision and are required by practice to re- spond to your call within a matter of sec- onds. They face a panel of lights which flick on and off all day long and they must listen to all kinds of voices and must re- spond pleasantly to the various moods of the public. It is a tough Job and tekes a lot out of the person who stays in the busi- ness year after year. For this they receive rates of pay which start at $26 in a city like Milwaukee and $31 in the city of Detroit. The highest paid operator in the Bell Sys- tem receives @45 a week and it takes her 8 years to reach this amount. Operators in other industries such as the newspaper offices or in the Government in Washington receive from $50 to $54 a week in from 5 to 7% years. Our girls are acquainted with these facts and realize that something should and must be done to correct the self-evident injustice. I use only a few comparisons here but our statistics paint the same picture throughout the country. In a city like New York our skilled craftsmen start at $29 a A1327 ‘week and after 8 years receive $80. In Wash- ington after 8 years they receive only $76. All of them do not progress to the top rate, and even if they did, we find by way of com- parison that the radio-broadcast technicians, doing much the same work receive approxi- mately $30 a week more in 8 years’ less time. Craitamen in the tool industry and the electrical industry receive in almost cvery case between 8 and 10 dollars more per week than our members. Our wage demand is for 612 a week. It is not a figure picked out of a hat. Rather, it is the result of studies by our research de- partment and the mature and considered judgment of trained and practical people. Telephone workers firmly believe they should receive something to offset the rise in living cost since Inst year. They are also convinced, and I think you will agree with them, that they are entitled to wage levels which are in Proper relationship to those of the workers in other industries, yet, the companies have not offered one penny of wage incre-ses. It is quite possible that the reason for lack of proper bargaining in the telephone indus- try is management's desire to wait for Con- gress to legislate labor unions out of exist- ence or for some other industry to make a break in correcting its wage inequalities. If such ts the case, it is decidedly unfair, as well as illegal. Under the law, management its required to bargain tn good faith. Even the present Congress would not tolerate a situa- tion where a management, while waiting for Congress to act, violates one of the country’s laws requiring an employer to bargain in good faith with the representatives of his em- Ployees. If management in our industry is waiting for some other company to lead off, a vicious cycle is established which would act 88 a bar to any industrial harmony. If each management writs for the next, no one acts. It is understandable why the telephone in- dustry would hope for Federal, and State legislation and wait for settlements in other basic industries. They would be in a better bargaining position. However, a strike of telephone workers is too serious a matter to be recklessly provoked by any responsible management. Seizure by Government or un- constitutional compulsory arbitration by Congress or State legislatures will not estab- lish long-range harmony or continued ef- ficiency. Good labor relations can succeeed only where both Jabor and management want them to eucceed. Telephone workers have laid their demands on the top of the table, backed by fact and reason. They have shown they want bargaining to succeed. Next week our policy committee will as- semble in Washington and will make a de- termination of the collective will of the tele- phone workers throughout the United States. A decision will be resched on the bargaining and strike questions. The decision will be made gravely and in accord with the highest ideals of our American institutions and our way of life. Some Election Results in the Third Congressional District of Texas EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LINDLEY BECKWORTH OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. BECKWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I wish to quote from page 125 of the Con- gressiona) Directory, Hightieth Congress, first session, issued February 1947: Lyvorzy BecrwortH, Democrat, of Upshur County, Tex., Gladewater, Route 2; born on
A1328 farm, Kaufman County, Tex., June 30, 1913; lived in Henderson County; the son of O. J. Beckworth, who came to Smith County, Tex., from Georgia in 1900 (father taught in Up- shur, Camp, Erath, and Palo Pinto Counties) and the late Josie Slaughter Beckworth of Van Zandt County, Tex.; grandson of Elder W. W. Slaughter, 90-year-old Primitive Bap- tist preacher of Edgewood, Tex., who was born in Anderson County; nephew of late H. T. Beckworth, who taught in Smith, Gregg, Trinity, Palo Pinto, Karnes, and San Patricio Counties; has twin sister, Linnie, who at- tended Mary Hardin, Baylor and Stephen F. Austin Teachers Colleges (she taught in Up- shur, Gregg, and Rusk Counties); father married recently Mrs. Pear] Sloan Phipps of Comanche County, who now teaches in Up- shur County; reared on farm; attended schools in Upshur and Camp Counties, East Texas State and 8am Houston State Teachers Colleges, and Southern Methodist University; taught schoo] 83 years; studied law at Baylor University and Texas University; admitted to bar in 1987; member of the Texas House of Representatives, 1936-38; received a clear ma- jority over Ave men (the first primary) in 1936 to be elected State representative; mar- ried Eloise Carter of Tyler, Tex., June 27, 1942, daughter of Mattie Palmer Carter and Barney Carter who lived in Mills, Brown, Ste- phens, Taylor, Nolan, and Eastland Counties; three children, Gary, Carter Otis, and Mary Eloise; Baptist, Mason, Odd Fellow; nomi- nated for the Seventy-sixth Congress in the Democratic primary of 1938, defeating the incumbent who had served 18 years, and three others, carried six of eight counties; renomi- nated for the Seventy-seventh Congress, car- ried all eight counties; renominated for the Seventy-elghth Congress, carried seven of eight counties; renominated for the Seventy- ninth Congress over two opponents first primary, carried seven of eight counties; re- nominated for Eightieth Congress over two opponents first primary, carried seven of eight counties. Traman Purge Is Far From Jeffersonian EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GLEN H. TAYLOR oF MAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 27 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. TAYLOR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article en- titled “Truman Purge Is Far From Jeffersonian,” written by Kenesaw M. Landis 2d, published in the Chicago Sun of March 26, 1947. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp as follows: TRUMAN PURGE IS FAR FROM JEFFERSONIAN (By Kenesaw M. Landis 2d) Locansport, Inp.—President Truman has supplied further proof, if any is needed, that Wwe are losing our minds over the commu- nism issue. There can be no doubt that he sincerely believes in democratic freedoms, and abhors the totalitarian features of the Soviet system. Yet, in hts desire to protect democracy, he has ordered loyalty tests for more than 2,000,000 Government employees—all the way down to the janitor in the post office. It is not enough for you to believe your- self loyal. If you want to work for Uncle Sam, your loyalty must be certified by loyalty boards, which are to be set up in each agency and department. Heretofore only questionable persons have been checked, but from now on all Ameri- cans in Government service must be inves- tigated. The investigation will be in the hands of the FBI. Do reasonable grounds exist for belief that you are disloyal to the Government of the United States? This doesn’t mean that you must have voted for Mr. Truman. Not yet. But sup- pose you have publicly opposed his loan to Greece? One of the tests of disloyalty is “acting 80 as to serve the interests of another gov- ernment in preference to the interest of the United States.” Have you been serving the interest of Russia? It isn’t for you to decide. It is for the loyalty board, and the man from the FBI should jot down the suspicious circum- stance. Are you a Catholic? Do you remember when Catholic teachers were fired by Klan schoo] boards on the ground that they owed their first allegiance to a foreign potentate, the Pope? It is not necessary for you to have dene anything disloyal yourself. You can be blackballed if you have been seen in sus- Picious company. Are you a Mason? If you are a member of, or in sympathetic association with, any group designated by the Attorney General as “totalitarian, Fas- cist, Communist, or subversive,” you are presumed to be disloyal. Under these standards, Mrs. Roosevelt could be purged because she once spoke before a youth group which Westbrook Pegler discovered to be Communist-spon- sored. If you belong to any labor union, espe- cially a OYO union, this same Pegler can prove that you are as guilty as all-get-out. Do you have any personal enemies? To encourage them to inform on you, the Gov- ernment is authorized to keep their identity secret, and you will have no right to croas- examine them when your case comes up for hearing. . A central master index is to be kept of all persons on whom loyalty checks have been made, so that all hiring agencies can refer to it. One thing more, before I am purged. Is this the country of Thomas Jefferson? Nomination of David E. Lilienthal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN J. SPARKMAN OF ALABAMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 27 (iegislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, if I understand correctly there was offered for the Recorp today an editorial from the Knoxville Journal opposing the con- firmation of the nomination of Mr. Lil- jenthal. On October 29, 1946, the same newspaper published an editorial entitled “Selection of Lilienthal To Become Chairman of Atomic Energy Committee Most Logical.” It was one of the strong- est editorials that I had read in support of Mr, Lilienthal. I ask unanimous con- sent to have the editorial printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mr. STEWART. Mr. President, may'I inquire whether this editorial. has pre- viously been placed in the Rrcorp? Mr, SPARKMAN, So far as I know it has not been. Mr. STEWART. I have no objection. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: SELECTION OF LILIENTHAL TO BECOME CHAIRMAN OF ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION MOST LOGICAL There will be no dissenters in this section, we are certain, to the assertion that Presi- dent Truman, in the nomination of Mr. David Lilienthal for chairman of the United States Atomic Energy Commission, made a brilliant selection. The Knoxville Journal has frequently not seen eye to eye with the Chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority’s board of di- rectors, but there has never been any ques- tion in our minds about his intelligence, or his ability, or the steadfastness of purpose which made it possible for him to mould the form of TVA almost from its very inception, long before he was actually made chairman. Not only was the Truman nomination logi- cal from a standpoint of Mr. Lilienthal’s per- sonal qualifications, however, but even more so from the background of familiarity with the whole question of atomic energy control. As a member of the Byrnes committee, Mr. Lilienthal spent 5 or 6 months in shaping the Baruch proposal for international con- trol, as finally submitted to the subcom- mittee of the United Nations. The report it- self was a credit to the TVA Chairman and his colleagues, as was pointed out here at the time it was made public. The plan ad- vanced was only as near workable as any such plan could be—at a minimum it pro- vided notice to cooperating nations in case one decided to make use of atomic energy for war.purposes—but it did not ignore, or belittle, the precedence to which our own country was entitled by reason of our being first to perfect at atomic manufacturing process, To say it another way, the Lilien- thal proposal did not contemplate, under any circumstances, the sharing of atomic secrets until the other nations showed beyond all question their good faith. The country may feel confident, taking the Baruch proposal as a basis in forecast- ing what the Lilienthal approach to the im- portant questions before the Atomic Com- mission will be, that the matters before the Commission will be in safe hands. It may be anticipated that the nominations of Mr. Lilienthal and his four colleagues will be approved overwhelmingly by the Senate when it convenes and the same thing will be true of Mr. Gordon Clapp, former general Manager who is now to become TVA Chairman, Aid to Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GLEN H. TAYLOR OF IDAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 27 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. TAYLOR. Mr. President, I ask Unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Racor» the text of a radio address recently delivered by Hon. Henry A. Wallace on the subject of aid to Greece and Turkey.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: March 12,1947, -marked a turning point in American history. It is not a Greek crisis that we face, it is an American crisis. It isa crisis in the American spirit. That which I feared when I wrote President Truman last July has come upon us. Only the American people fully aroused and promptly acting can prevent disaster. President Truman, in the name of democ- racy and humanitarianism, proposed a mili- tary lend-lease program. He proposed a loan of ¢400,000,000 to Greece and Turkey as a down payment on an unlimited expenditure aimed at opposing Communist expansion. He proposed, in effect, that America police Russia's every border. There is no regime too reactionary for us provided it stands in Rus- sia'’s expansionist path. There is no country too remote to serve as the scene of a contest which may widen until it becomes a world war. President Truman calls for action to com- bat a crisis. What is this crisis that necessi- tates Truman. going to Capitol Hill as though @ Pearl Harbor had suddenly hit us? How many more of these Pearl Harbors will there be? How can they be foreseen? What will they cost? President Truman says that the people of Greece are homeless, hungry, and ravaged by the losses of war. We all know this. It is not only the Greek people who are suffering from the war, it is the peoples of all Europe, of Russia, of China, and of many lands. WHY WAS UNRRA ABANDONED? Americans agree with President Truman that we must aid the people beside whom we fought. Americans ask: If aid to the people of the world is our objective, why did the President and the Congress allow the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Adminis- tration to die? Why are we doing so little to help the million displaced persons without homes in Europe? Why are we speaking of only $400,000,000 when the need is far great- er? Wh. is $150,000,000 of those $400,000,000 to be given to Turkey, which was no ally of ours and which is in no urgent need of food and supplies? All Americans agree with President Tru- man that freedom is the most cherished of human goals, and should be helped to grow in all countries. These same Americans ask: How does support given to the undemocratic Governments of Greece and Turkey aid the cause of freedom? TURKEY LENGTHENED THE WAR Turkey is a nation which fought against us in the First World War and which in this war refused to help the United Nations. Turkey fattened herself off the Germans and the Allies by offering her vital supplies of chrome to the highest bidder. Out of these sales she built up a gold reserve of $200,000,000. Turk- ish neutrality lengthened the war by months. It is utter nonsense to assert today that the Turkish Government is representative or democratic. Turkish sources state that the $150,000,000 that President Truman proposes to give Turkey is to be used to maintain her army of a million men—eguivalent to 7,000,- 000 men in terms of the United States. In what sense is this an army of freedom? Many Allied divisions were immobilized through- out the war because we never knew on whose side this same Turkish Army was preparing to fight. GREECE NO DEMOCRACY Everyone admires the Greek people who fought on our side. They urgently need eco- nomic aid. I would be strongly for economic aid to Greece. As Secretary of Commerce I was for a Greek loan for such purposes when most of the administration was against it. But President Truman has made it clear that XCUI—App.———84 very little of the $250,000,000 loan to Greece is for economic reconstruction. It is a military subsidy to the Greek Government to con- tinue its efforts to stamp out all opposition. It is utter nonsense to suggest that the pres- ent Greek Government is a democratic one. Three weeks ago our Secretary of State General Marshall condemned many aspects of that government. He called for a political amnesty, substantial unity and many re- forms in the the government as the condi- tions of American aid to Greece. Why did President Truman abandon the conditions set by his own Secretary of State? The Presi- dent asks only that American civilian and military personnel supeivise the use made of American supplies. What do the activities of American Army officers in Greece have to do with peaceful reconstruction? One year ago at Fulton, Mo., Winston Churchill called for a diplomatic offensive against Soviet Russia. By sanctioning that speech, Truman committed us to a policy of combating Russia with “ritish sources. That’ policy proved to be so bankrupt that Britain can no longer maintain it. Now President Truman proposes we take over Britain's hopeless task. Today Americans are asked to support the Governments of Greece and Turkey. Tomorrow we shall be asked to support the Government: of China and Argentina. : CHANGE CANNOT BE PREVENTED I say that this policy is utterly futile. No people can be bought. America cannot afford to spend billions and billions of dollars for unproductive purposes. The world is hungry and insecure, and the peoples of all lands demand change. American loans for military purposes won't stop them. President Tru- man cannot prevent change in the world any more than he can prevent the tide from coming in or the sun from setting. But once America stands for opposition to change, we are lost. America will become the most- hated nation in the world. Russia may be poor and unprepared for war, but she knows very well how to reply to Truman's declaration of economic and financial pressure. All over the world Russia and her ally, poverty, will increase the pres- sure against us. Who among us is ready to predict that in this struggle American dollars will outlast the grievances that lead to com- munism? I certainly don't want to see communism spread. I predict that Truman’s policy will spread communism in Europe and Asia. You can’t fight something with noth- ing. When Truman offers unconditional aid to King George of Greece, he is acting as the best salesman communism ever had. In pro- posing this reckless adventure, Truman is betraying the great tradition of America and the leadership of the great American who preceded him. WHY BYPASS THE UN? Coming 2 days after the opening of the Moscow Conference, President Truman's speech has undermined General Marshall's assignment of cooperating with Great Brit- ain, France and Russia in writing the peace. The United Nations, our great hope for peace, rests on the continued cooperation of these nations and will be gravely weakened if America follows the course that Truman rec. ommends. The United Nations Commission is now in Greece investigating the threat to Greek security. If Greece is in danger let the United Nations tell us the facts and recommend action. America will do what the United Nations recommends. Why should President Truman undercut its ac- tion? How can we wage a war of nerves against Russia and expect her to take In good faith our proposals to the United Nations on atomic energy. PREPARATION FOR EVENTUAL WAR When President Truman proclaims the world-wide conflict between East and West, A1329 he is telling the Soviet leaders that we are preparing for eventual war. They will reply by measures to strengthen their position in the event of war. Then the task of keeping the world at peace will pass beyond the power of the common people everywhere who want peace. Certainly it will not be freedom that will be victorious in this struggle. Psycho- logical and spiritual preparation for war will follow financial preparation; civil Mberties will be restricted; standards of living will be forced downward; families will be divided against each other; none of the values that we hold worth fighting for will be secure. DISASTER AHEAD Most Americans fear that the actions pro- posed by President Truman will lead to disaster. That is why congressiunal leaders were prepared in advance for the President’s message. That is why the program was pre- sented piece by piece, and not as an over- all program that Americans could look at and judge as a whole. No hypocritical ap- peal to the generosity and decency of the American people should be permitted to draw us into a commitment for which there is no end in sight. Americans are for democracy and for economic reconstruction. As one American citizen, I say: No loan to undemo- cratic and well-fed Turkey: No loan to Greece until a representative Greek government is formed and can assure America that our funds will be used for the welfare of the Greek people. To authorize the loans proposed by Presi- dent Truman will bring the world nearer to war. To defeat these loans will not bring peace. I recognize that there is grave danger of eventual war in our present policy of drift. All nations are responsible for this drift to war; all nations must work together for peace. No one wants war. If war comes one day. it will be because we have failed to think on the scale required for peace. Roosevelt thought on that scale. He foresaw genera- tions of peace and plenty. Two years later President Truman asks us to look forward to generations of want and war. President Truman has summoned in a century of fear. I say this can be the century of the fulfill- ment of the American dream. SEND EUROPE PLOWS, NOT GUNS This is the time for an all-out worldwide reconstruction program for pence. This is America's opportunity. The peoples of all lands say to America: Send us p!ows for our fields instead of tanks and guns to be used against us. The United Nations is waiting ready to do the job. We should start with an economic plan for the Near East financed by the International Bank and backed by the United Nations. The dollars that are spent will be spent for the production of goods and will come back to us in a thousand different ways. Our program will be based on service instead of the outworn ideas of imperialism and power politics. It is a fun- damental law of life that a strong idea is merely strengthened by persecution The way to handle communism is by what Wil- Ham James called the replacing power of the higher affection. In other words, we must give the common man all over the world something better than communism. I be- lieve we have something better than com- munism here in America. But President Truman has not spoken for the American ideal. It is now the turn of the American people to speak. Common sense is required of all of us in realizing that helping militarism never brings peace. Courage is required of all of us in carrying out a program that can bring peace. Courage and common sense are the qualities that made America great. Let's keep those qualities now.
A1330 The President’s Proposals for Aid to Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GLEN H. TAYLOR oF mAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 27 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. TAYLOR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recor» a statement entitled “The President's Proposals for Aid to Greece and Turkey,” prepared by Alvanley Johnston, grand chief engl- neer, Brotherhood of Locomotive Engi- neers, and A. F. Whitney, president, Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Rexcorp, as follows: CLEVELAND, O1s10, March 21, 1947. STATEMENT BY ALVANLEY JOHNSTON, GRAND Curr Enctinerr, BROTHERHOOD or Locomo- vive ENGINEERS, AND A, F. WHITNEY, PRESI- prnr, BROTHERHOOD OF RAILROAD TRAINMEN THE PRESIDENT’S PROPOSALS FOR AID TO GREECE AND TURKEY . President Truman has stated that the inde- pendence of Greece is threatened by eco- nomic chaos and hunger and by Communist- led elements. Turkey, he has stated, also faces a threat to ite continued independence. For Turkey he bas asked military aid and for Greece both military and economic assist- ance. Although the President did not mention Russia directly, he implied that Russia was behind the threat to the independence of both Greece and Turkey. If true, we believe the Russian challenge must be met squarely with firm, decisive measures holding the hope of peace and of relief for suffering peoples. The Russian challenge, as we see it, is a dual one: it is both physical and ideological. It is the challenge of Russia as a strong na- tion affecting the destinies of smaller, sur- rounding nations and the challenge of com- munism as an idea or way of life. The two challenges require separate and distinct treatment. Communism as a way of life wins support chiefly from people who are hungary and oppressed, hopeless, and desperate. These conditions exist in Greece today. They can be removed, in large part, by the grant of assistance from the United States to feed the starving people and to enable the stricken Greek economy to recover, spreading pros- perity throughout that land. We advocate dispatching immediate relief in the form of food and clothing for the suf- fering people of Greece, with the provision that distribution should be supervised by United States personnel. We also favor extending economic aid to Greece for the purpose of reconstructing and developing her economy. We urge Congress, however, to insist that Greece carry out the internal reforms necessary to assure wise and efficient use of this assistance. These re- forms were aptly stated by Secretary of State Marshall prior to his departure for Moscow when he expressed the hope that there would be the “broadest political cooperation of all loyal Greek parties and that partisan differ- ences will be submerged in a dynamic pro- gram of amnesty coupled with the disarm- ing of illegal bands, just and rigorous tax reforms, modernization of the civil service, realistic financial controls and the even- handed dispensation of justice.” The challenge of Russia as a nation, threatening the independent eaist- ence of surrounding states, is not one which the United States should meet alone. For that reason we are opposed to the proposal that the United States send military assist- ance to either Turkey or Greece. If a threat to the dence of these countries exists, it is a threat to the entire world and not only to the United States. This is exactly the type of threat to the peace of the world which the United Nations was established to handle. The United Na- tions should immediately examine this ques- tion and take whatever action is necessary. It has the power to act: it is the agency to act. For the United Btates to move by itself to bolster, with military support, na- tions who fee! thelr independence threatened will cripple the United Nations and with it the hope of the world for peace. It also carries the risk that the United States action will be misinterpreted abroad as intended to divide the world into hostile camps. Should that tragedy develop, the world will head inevitably toward war. This is the first big job which the United Nations has faced. If it is ever to function, now ts the time. [If it cannot function, let us learn by experience and not by the tragic process of bypassing, leaving the stranded world organization doomed to helplessness. J. Edgar Hoover and Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. PARNELL THOMAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing statement of J. Edgar Hoover, Director, Federal Bureau of Investiga- tion, before the Committee on Un-Amer- ican Activities, House of Representatives, March 26, 1947: The aims and responsibilities of the House Committee on Un-American Activities and the Federal Bureau of Investigation are the same—the protection of the internal secu- rity of this Nation. The methods whereby this goal may be accomplished differ, how- ever. I have always felt that the greatest con- tribution this committee could make is the public disclosure of the forces that menace America—Communist and Fascist. That is why the venom of the American Communist and the now defunct German-American Bund has been directed at this committee, as it has also been directed at the Federal Bureau of Investigation. This committee renders a distinct service when it publicly reveals the diabolic machinations of sinis- ter figures engaged in un-American activiti- ties. The FBI has great responsibilities to the Nation. In addition to being charged “with the duty of investigating violations of the laws of the United States, collecting evi- dence in cases in which the United States is or may be a party in interest and petform- ing other duties imposed * * * by law,” the FBI has been charged by Presidential directive dated September 6, 1939, “to take charge of investigative work in matters re- lating to espionage, sabotage * * *.” In implementing this charge the President called upon al? law-enforcement officers to promptly “turn over to the nearest repre sentative of the Federal Bureau of investiga tion any information obtained by them APPENDIX TO THE- CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD relating to espionage, counterespionage, sabo- tage, subversive activities.” The FBI is essentially an investigative agency. It is our duty to get the facts. We do not establish policies; that ts the re- sponsibility of higher authority. We do not make decisions es to prosecutions; that ts the responsibility of the Attorney General, his assistants, and the various United States attorneys. To the end that our responsibilities may be discharged it is necessary not to lose sight of the fact that our chief responsibility is the duty to obtain information and to protect confidence. Thus, when a citizen furnishes information on a_ confidential basis his confidence must be respected. In any intelligence operation, security of in- formation is of primary concern. I recall in the prewar years that the FBI was criti- cised on the 1l)-founded premise that noth- ing was being done to meet the Nazt- Pascist-Japanism threat to our internal se- curity. The rea) facts are now a matter of record. What was being done, and done successfully, could not then be discussed and publicized. When the time came to act the FBI was fully prepared to carry out its responsibilities. There was not one success- ful enemy-directed act of sabotage during the war and enemy espionage was kept un- der complete control. In one of our espionage cases a spy ring was kept under close surveillance for over 18 months. The arrests, when made, broke the backbone of the Nasi spy system in America. I shudder at what might have hap- pened had there been a disclosure of our operations and our sources of information in the initial days of that investigation. That was the very time we were most criti- cized for inaction. I hope this committee will understand our situation and 7 know you will readily agree that there are many questions that you might like to raise which I would for obvious reasons be unable to answer in a public hearing. THE COMMUNIST PARTY My feelings concerning the Communist Party of the United States are well known. I have not hesitated over the years to ex- my concern and apprehension. As a consequence, its professional smear brigades ave conducted a relentless assault against the FBI. You who have been members of this committee also know the fury with which the party, its sympathisers, and fellow travelers can launch an assault. I do not mind such attacks. What has been disillu- sioning is the manner in which they have been able to enlist support often from appar- ently well-meaning but thoroughly duped persons. Anyone who opposes the American Com- munist is at once branded as a disrupter, a Fascist, a Red baiter, or a Hitlerite, and becomes the object of a systematic cam- Paign of character assassination. This ts easily understood because the basic tactics of the Communist Party are deceit and trickery. The great god of the American Commu- nists, Comrade Lenin—whose writings are their bible—in various speeches and writ- ings urged the use of deceit and trickery and his converts live by his injunction: “The atrictest loyalty to the ideas of com- munism must be combined with the ability to make all necessary practical compromises. to maneuver, to make agreements, zig-zags, retreats, and so on, so as to accelerate the coming to power.” (Left-Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, pp. 75-76, vol. I, Lenin, Internationa! Publishers Oo., Inc., 1940.) Lenin’s views were incorporated in the Thests on the Fundamental Tasks of the Sec- end Congress of the Communist Interna- tional, and the following provision is familiar to all American Communists: “Tn all countries, even the freest, ‘legal and Peaceful’ in the sense that the clase struggle
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD is less acute in them, the time has fully ma- tured when it is absolutely necessary for every Communist Party systematically to combine legal with illegal work, legal with il- legal organization. * * °* It is necessary immediately for all legal Communist Parties to form illegal organizations. * * * Iile- gal work is particularly necessary in the Army, the Navy, and police.” Continuing, the thesis states: “The absolute necessity in principle of com- bining illegal with legal work is determined, Not only by the sum total of the specific fea- tures of the present period, the period of the eve of the proletarian dictatorship but also by the necessity of proving to the bourgeoisie that there is not, nor can there be, a sphere or field of work that cannot be won by the Communists.” (Volume X, Selected Works of Lenin, pp. 172-173; International Publish- ers Co., Inc., 1943.) The Communist movement in the United States began to manifest itself in 1919. Since then it has changed its name and its party line whenever expedient and tactical. But always it comes back to fundamentals and bills itself as the party of Marxism-Leninism. As such, it stands for the destruction of our American form of government; it stands for the destruction of American democracy; it stands for the destruction of free enterprise; and it stands for the creation of a soviet of the United States and ultimate world revo- lution. THE HISTORIC MISSION The preamble of the latest constitution of the Communist Party of the United States, filed with Marxian double talk, proclaims that the party educates the working class in the course of its day to day struggles for its historic mission, the establishment of socialism. The phrase historic mission has a sinis- ter meaning. To the uninformed person it bespeaks tradition, but to the Communist, using his own words, it is achieving the dic- tatorship of the proletariat; to throw off th. yoke of imperialism and establish the proletarian dictatorship, to raise these rev- olutionary forces to the surface and hurl them like a devastating avalanche upon the united forces of bourgeois reaction, frenzied at the presentiment of their rapidly ap- proaching doom. In recent years, the Communists have been very cautious about using such phrases as “force and violence;” nevertheless, it is the subject of much discussion in their schools and in party caucus where they readily ad- mit that the only way in whicr they can defeat the present ruling class is by world revolution. The Communist, once he is fully trained and indoctrinated, realizes that he can cre- ate his order in the United States only by “bloody revolution.” Their chief textbook, The Hisvory of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, is ‘used as a basis for planning their revolution. Their tactics require that to be successful they must have— 1. The will and sympathy of the people. 2. Military aid and assistance. 8. Plenty of guns and ammunition. 4. A program of extermination of the police as they are the most important enemy and are termed “trained Fascists.” 5. Seizure of all communications, busses, railroads, radio stations and other forms of communications and transportation. They evade the question of force and violence publicily. They hold that when Marxists speak of force and violence they will not be responsible—that force and vio- lenee will be the responsibility of their ene- mies. They adopt the novel premise that they do not advocate force and violence publicly but that when their class resists to defend themselves then they are thus ac- cused of using force and violence. PARTY FOUND ILLEGAL On May 28, 1942, Hon. Francis Biddle, then Attorney General, in reviewing the de- portation proceedings of Harry Bridges, found that the Communist Party from the time of its inception in 1919 believes in, advises advocates, and teaches the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the United States. Since then, much has happened. In 1944, the party dissolved and became the Com- munist Political Association. The consti- tution of the new CPA in 1944 omitted reference to Leninism and the historic mission. That was the era when Browder was preaching a second front and all-out production. But, even then, they secretly held to their historic mission, for in an in- junction to party members, Eugene Dennis, now general secretary of the party, said: “Irrespective of name, we are and shall continue to be an American working class political organization, guided by the science of Marxism-Leninism.” But that era was short-lived. Immedi- ately after Jacques Duclos, the French Com- munist leader, blasted the American Com- munists as deserting the Marxian cause, Browder was repudiated, the CPA was rcle- gated to oblivion and the present Communist Party of the United States was reborn. A new constitution adopted in July 1945, as I have already indicated, referred to the party as basing itself upon the principles of scientific socialism, Marxism-Leninism, and reincor- porated the reference to the party’s historic mission. In establishing the party's illegal character in 1942, the then Attorney General Biddle based his findings on the contents of the same Communist publications which today are being sold and circulated in party circles. The American Communists, like the leopard, cannot change his spots. THE PARTY LINE The Communist Party line changes from day to day. The one cardinal rule that can always be applied to what the party line is or will be is found in the fundamenta] prin- ciple of Communist teachings that the sup- port of Soviet Russia is the duty of Commu- nists of all countries. One thing is certain. The American progiess which ull good citizens scek, such as old-age security, houses for veterans, child assistance, and a host of others is being adopted as window dressing by the Com- munists to conceal their true aims and entrap gullible followers. The record of the American Communists conclusively proves their true feelings. In the prewar days, when they were allied with Hitler, they marched on Washington protest- ing selective service, lend-lease, shouting “the Yanks are not coming.” The American peace mobilization picketed the White House until the day before the Nazis marched into Russia and then within less than a month reconverted it into the American people's mobilization, demanded all-out production, and started the chant for the second front. We are witnessing the same tactics today. Since Secretary Schwellenbach advocated outlawing the Communist Party, and Presi- dent Truman called for aid to Greece and Turkey, the Communists have been mobiliz- ing, promoting mass meetings, sending tele- grams and letters to exert pressure on Con- gress. The American Communists fail to realize that already they have outlawed them- selves in the minds and hearts of loyal Americans. The mad march of Red fascism is a cause for concern in America. But the deceit, the trickery, and the lies of the American Com- munists are catching up with them. When- ever the spotlight of truth is focused upon them they cry, “Red baiting.” Now that their aims and objectives are being exposed they are creating a committee for the constitu. A1331 tional rights of Communists, and are fever- ishly working to build up what they term a quarter-million-dollar defense fund to place ads in papers, to publish pamphiets, to buy radio time. They know that today it is a fight to the finish and that their backs will soon be to the wall. STRENGTH OF THE PARTY A few days ago word leaked out that the annual Communist convention scheduled to be held in Chicago had been shifted from July to September in order that they might carry on their campaign of obstruction to American foreign policy and increase their membership. They have been conducting an active membership campaign as the leader- ship is concerned over the manner in which membership has slipped. The numerical strength of the party's en- rolled membership is insignificant. But it is well known that there are many actual mem- bers who because of their position are not carried on party rolls. New York Icads in the number of enrolled party members (30,000), followed by Califor- nia (8,553), Illinois (6,500), Ohio (3,838), Oregon (3,654), Washington (2,752), New Jersey (2,487), and Michigan (2,135). The Daily Worker boasts of 74,000 members on the rolls. What 1s important is the claim of the Com- munists themselves that for every party member there are 10 others ready, willing, and able to do the party's work. Herein lies the greatest menace of communism. For these are the people who infiltrate and cor- rupt various spheres of American life. So rather than the size of the Communist Party, the way to weigh its true importance is by testing its influence, its ability to in- filtrate. The size of the party is relatively unim- portant because of the enthusiasm and fron- clad discipline under which they operate. In this connection, it might be of interest to observe that in 1917 when the Commu- nists overthrew the Russian Government there was 1 Communist for every 2,277 per- sone in Russia. In the United States today there is 1 Communist for every 1.814 persons in the country. One who accepts the aims, principles, and program of the party, who attends meetings, who reads the party press and literature, who pays dues and who is active on behalf of the party shall be considered a member. The open, avowed Communist who carries a card and pays dues is no different from a secu- rity standpoint than the person who does the party's work but pays no dues, carries no card, and js not on the party rolls. In fact, the latter is a greater menace because of his opportunity to work in stealth. IDENTIFYING UNDERCOVER COMMUNISTS, FELLOW TRAVELERS, AND SYMPATHIZERS The burden of proof should be placed upon those who consistently follow the ever- changing, twisting party line. Fellow trav- elers and sympathizers can deny party mem- bership, but they can never escape the un- dentable fact that they have played into the Communist hands, thus furthering the Com- munist cause by playing the role of innocent, gullible, or willful allies. PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES The Communists have developed one of the greatest propaganda machines the world has ever known. They have been able to pene- trate and infiltrate many respectable and reputable public-opinion mediums. They capitalize upon ill-founded charges associating known honest progressive liberals with left-wing ccuses. I have always enter- tained the view that there are few appella- tions more degrading than Communist, and hence it should be reserved for those justly deserving the degradation. The Cammunist propaganda technique is designed to promote emotional response with
A1332 the hope that the victim will be attracted by what he is told the Communist way of life holds in store for him. The objective, of course, is to develop discontent anc hasten the day when the Communists can gather sufficient support and following to overthrow the American way of life. Communist propaganda is always slanted in the hope that the Communist may be alined with liberal progressive causes. The honest liberal and progressive should be alert to this, and I believe the Communists’ most effective foes can be the real liberals and progressives who understand their devious machinations. The deceptiveness of Communist “double talk” fulfills the useful propaganda tech- nique of confusion. In fact, Lenin referred to their peculiar brand of phraseology as “that cursed Aesopian language which com- pelled all revolutionaries to have recourse, whenever they took up their pens to write a ‘legal’ work.” Lenin used it for the pur- pose of avoiding censorship. Communists today use ft to mislead the public. The use of the term “democracy” by the Communists, we have learned to our sorrow, does not have the meaning to them that it does to us. To them it means communism and totalitarianism and our understanding of the term is regarded by them as impertal- istic and Fascist. The Daily Worker on Independence Day last year, for example, proclaimed: “It is a dramatic fact that on July 4, 1946, the inde- pendence of other countries is menaced by the United States in the grip of trusts and tories.” CORRESPONDENCE CAMPAIGNS Communists and their followers are prolific letter writers and some of the more energetic ones follow the practice of directing numer- ous letters of protest to editors but signing a different name to each. Members of Congress are well aware of Communists starting their pressure cam- paigns by an avalanche of mail which follows the party line. RADIO The party has departed from depending upon the printed word as its medium of propaganda and has taken to the air. Its members and sympathizers have not only infiltrated the airways but they are now persistently seeking radio channels. MOTION PICTURES The American Cummunists launched a furtive attack on Hollywood in 1935 by the issuance of a directive calling for a concen- tration in Hollywood. The orders called for action on two front: (1) An effort to infil- trate the labor unions; (2) to infiltrate the so-called intellectual and creative flelds. In movie circles, Communists developed an effective defense a few years ago in meeting criticism. They would counter with the question, “After all, what is the matter with communism?” It was effective because many persons did not adequate knowledge of the subject to give an intelli- gent answer. Some producers and studio heads realize the possibility that the entire industry faces serious embarrassment because it could be- come a springboard for Communist activities, Communist activity in Hollywood is effective and is furthered by Communists and sympa- thizers using the prestige of prominent per- sons to serve, often unwittingly, the Com- munist cause. The party is content and highly pleased if it is poasible to have inserted in a picture a@ line, a scene, a sequence, conveying the Communist lesson, and more particularly, if they can keep out anti-Communist lessons. INFILTRATION The Communist tactic of infiltrating labor unions stems from the earliest teachings of Marx, which have been reiterated by party spokesmen down through the years. They resort to all means to gain their point and often succeed in penetrating and literally taking over labor unions before the rank &nd file of members are aware of what has ocourred With few exceptions the following admoni- tions of Lenin have been followed: “It is necessary to be able to withstand all this, to agree to any and every sacrifice, and even—if need be—to resort to all sorts of devices, maneuvers, and illegal methods, to evasion and subterfuge, in order to penetrate into the trade-unions, to remain in them, and to carry on Communist work in them at all costs.” (P. 88, Left-Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, vol. I, Lenin, 1934, Inter- national Publishers Co., Inc.) I am convinced that the great masses of union men and women are patriotic American citizens interested chiefly in security for their families and themselves. They have no use for the American Communists, but in those instances where Communists have taken con- trol of unions, it has been because too many union men and women have been outwitted, outmaneuvered, and outwaited by Com- munists, The Communists have never relied on nu- merical strength to dominate a labor organi- vation. Through infiltration tactics they have in too many instances captured post- tions of authority. Communists have boasted that with 6 percent of the membership, the Communists, with their militancy, superior organizational ability, and discipline, could control the union. They regard as political every movement of the working class which seeks to gain con- cossions by exerting pressure from without as @ political movement. Thus, as Lenin puts it: “The economic strike develops into a politi- cal strike and the latter develops into in- surrection.” (P. 12, Left-Wing Communism, * *° © vol. I, Lenin, 1984, International Publishers Co,, Inc.) That the Communists feel themselves or- dained for a special mission in penetrating labor is revealed by the statement made by Eugene Dennis, general secretary of the Com- munist Party of the United States of Amer- ica, at a recent party meeting: “No trade- union or people's organization,” he said, “not even the great CIO, could long remain pro- Gressive if it were to exclude or to attack Communists.” The Communists have long viewed with envy the A. F.of L. They admit they play a very small role with only a handful of Com- munista active in the A. F. of L. locals, Re- cently there has been agitation in the party to reorganize to influence the A. F. of L. A few months ago a Party functionary said it was imperative that 3,000 party mem- bers be infiltrated into the A. F. of L. without publicizing this fact. They say this action is necessary because of the danger of a third world war and the need to fulfill the Com- munist plan of creating a third party. If more union members took a more ac- tive role and asserted themselves it would become increasingly dificult for Communists to gain control. Patriotic union members can easily spot sympathizers and party mem- bers in conventions and union meetings be- cause invariably the latter strive to estab- lish the party line instead of serving the best interests of the union and the country. FOREIGN LANGUAGE GROUPS The party for the past 18 months has been Giving special attention to foreign language groups and has called for a sweeping self- critical examination of its work in this field. . As long ago as 1945, in urging the impor- tance of penetrating these groups, party lead- ers said, “We need only mention the Polish, Ttallan, Yugoslav and Greek questions,” and in characteristic party double talk observed that they occupied an important relation- ship “to the entire democratic camp and to the broader peoples movements.” In other words, the Communists now seek strength from foreign groups who may have relatives in countries which Russia seeks to influence. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The recent Canadian spy trials revealed the necessity of alertness in keeping Com- munists and sympathizers out of Government services. In fact, the high command of the Communist party regards such assignments of sufficient importance to demand that party members not contact fellow members in the Government and if such Government employees are carried on Party rolls at all they are assigned an alias. Last fal] a high- ranking party leader instructed that all party membership cards of Government em- ployees be destroyed and that party organiza- tional meetings in Government circles be discontinued although informal social or union gatherings which could not be identi- fied as Communist meetings could be con- tinued. The dangers of permitting Com- munists or sympathizers to work in Gov- ernment circles are too obvious to mention. There has developed, however, as a result of Communist propaganda, some fanciful feeling among Communists that no distinc- tion should be drawn and that Communists have a right to Government jobs. Since July 1, 1041, the FBI has investigated 6,193 cases under the Hatch Act, which for- bids membership upon the part of any Gov- ernment employee in any organization advo- cating the overthrow of the Government of the United States. For the purposes of investigation the At- torney General has ruled that a number of organisations in addition to the Communist Party are subversive under the Hatch Act be- cause of Communist influence. One hundred and one Federal employees were discharged as a result of our investiga- tion, 21 resigned during the investigation, and in 75 cases administrative action was taken by the departments. A total of 1,906 individuals are no longer employed in the government while 122 cases are presently pending consideration in the various Gov- ernment agencies. The FBI does not make recommendations; it merely reports facts and it is up to the interested Government department to make a decision. Almost invariably, of course, subjects of investigations deny affiliation with subversive groups, often despite strong evi- dence to the contrary. The following is a case in point: The FBI submitted a 57-page report to the Federal Security Agency on March 7, 1942, on Doxey Wilkerson. The investigation record- ed interviews with persons who stated he was a member of the Communist Party. Following the submission of the report we were advised by the Federal Security Agency that further investigation failed to show that Wilkerson was subversive or “disloyal to our Government.” Wilkerson subsequently transferred to OPA and resigned on June 19, 1943. Within less than 24 hours he an- nounced his new job as a “Communist Party organizer.” He was subsequently appointed a@ member of the National Committee of the Communist Party. To be eligible for serv- ice in the national committee one “must have been a member of the party in continuous good standing for at least 4 years.” The united-front program of the Com- munist Party was launched at the seventh world congress of the Communist Interna- tionale in 1985. The Communist Party in the United States immediately took up the pro- gram and a systematic plan was worked out of infiltrating existing organizations with Communists. For the most part, front organizations as- sumed the character of either a mass or membership organization or a paper organ- ization. Both solicited and used names of persons. Literally hundreds of tions have either been to accomp- promoting the interests of the Soviet Union in the United States, the promotion of Soviet war and peace aims, the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD exploitation of Negroes in the United States, work among foreign language groups, and to secure a favorable viewpoint toward the Communists in domestic, political, social, and economic issues. The first requisite for a front organization is an idealistic sounding title. Hundreds of euch organizations have come into being and have gone out of existence when their true purposes have become known or exposed while others with high sounding names are continually 4pringing up. THE AMERICAN YOUTH FOR DEMOCRACY Tilustrative of how the Communists bury one organization and conceive another is the Young Communist League. In convention assembled in New York City, the Young Communist League was dissolved on October 16, 1948, and the next day The American Youth for Democracy was born. At first the Communists denied paternity for the AYD, hut in April of 1946 the Party's National Board indicated that the AYD was the successor to the YCL. William Z. Foster, the Communist Party head, at the AYD Na- tional Intercollegiate Conference in New York City in 1945, told the delegates in the concluding session that, “The atomic age is the age of socialism, of Communism. This is the greatest lesson that the youth of America has to learn.” This new front set up youth centers ostensibly to combat ju- venile delinquency. More properly, these centers could be terms Communist youth re- cruiting centers. THE TEST OF A FRONT ORGANIZATION I feel that this Committee could render @ great service to the nation through its power of exposure in quickly spotlighting existing front organizations and those which will be created in the future. There are easy tests to cstablish the real character oF such organizations: 1, Does the group espouse the cause of Americanism or the cause Of Soviet Russia? 2. Does the organization feature as speak- ers at its meetings known Communists, sym- pathizers, or fellow travelers? 8. Does the organization shift when the party line shifts? 4. Does the organigation sponsor causes, campaigns, literature, petitions, or other ac- tivities sponsored by the party or other front organizations? 5. Is the organization used as a sounding board by or is it endorsed by Oommunist- controlled labor unions? 6. Does its literature follow the Commu- nist line or is it printed by the Communist press? 7, Does the organization receive consistent favorable mention in Communist publica- tions? 8. Does the organization represent itself to be nonpartisan yet engage in political activities and consistently advocate causes favored by the Communists? 9. Does the organization denounce Ameri- can and British foreign policy while always lauding Soviet policy? 10. Does the organization utilize Commu- nist double talk by referring to Soviet-domi- nated countries as democracies, complaining that the United States is imperialistic and constantly denouncing monopoly capital? 11. Have outstanding leaders in public life openly renounced affiliation with the organi- vation? 12. Does the organization, if espousing lib- eral progressive causes, attract well-known, honest, patriotic liberals or does it denounce well-known liberals? 18. Does the organization have a consist- ent record of supporting the American view- point over the years? ' 14. Does the organization consider mat- ters not directly related to its avowed pur- poses and objectives? NATIONAL DEFENSE The Communist Party of the United States is a fifth column if there ever was one. It is far better organized than were the Nazis in Cooupied countries prior to their capitu- a . They are seeking to weaken America just as they did in their era of obstruction when they were alined with the Nazis. Their goal is the overthrow of our Government. There is no doubt as to where a real Com- munist's loyalty rests. Their allegiance is to Russia, not the United States. A top functionary of the Communist party recently said: “A war by the United States against the U. 8. 8. R. would be an unjust war, which is why it must be fought against, but that if it should come the Communist Party in the United States would be with Russia, and make no mistake about that.” In another section of the country another Communist leader made the following state- ment: “I believe that everyone should know that we are for Russia and if need be we will die for the cause. I don’t mean that war with Russia is coming soon; I hope not, so that Russia will be better prepared.” ~ WHAT TO DO What can we do? And what should be our course of action? The best antidote to communism is vigorous, intelligent, old- fashioned Americanism with eternal vigi- lance. I do not favor any course of action which would give the Communists cause to portray and pity themselves as martyrs. I do favor unrelenting prosecution wherever they are found to be violating our country’s laws. As Americans, our most effective de- fense is a workable democracy that guaran- tees and preserves our cherished freedoms. I would have no fears if more Americans possessed the zeal, the fervor, the persistence and the industry to learn about this menace of red fascism. I do fear for the liberal and Progressive who has been hoodwinked and duped into joining hands with the Com- munists. I confess to a real apprehension so long as Communists are able to secure min- isters of the gospel to promote their evil work and espouse a cause that is alien to the religion of Christ and Judaism. 1 do fear 80 long as school boards and parent: tolerate conditions whereby Communists and fellow travelers under the guise of academic free- dom can teach our youth a way of life that eventually will destroy the sanctity of the home, that undermines faith in God, that causes them to scorn respect for constituted authority and sabotage our revered Consti- tution. I do fear so long as American labor groups are infiltrated, dominated, or saturated with the virus of communism. I do fear the pal- Nation and weasel-worded gestures against communism indulged in by some of our labor leaders who should know better but who have become pawns in the hands of sinister but astute manipulations for the Communist cause. I fear for ignorance on the part of all our people who may take the poisonous pills of Communist propaganda. T am deeply concerned whenever I think of the words of an old-time Communist, Disillusioned, disgusted, and frightened, he came to us with his story and concluded: “God help America or any other country if the’Communist Party ever gets strong enough id control labor and politics. God help us all.” The Communista have been, still are, and always will be a menace to freedom, to demo- cratic ideals, to the worship of God, and to America’s way of life. T feel that once public opinion is thorough- ly aroused as it is today, the fight against communism is well on its way. Victory will be assured once Communists are identified and exposed, because the public will take the first step of quarantining them so they can do no harm. Communism, in reality, is not a political party. It is a way of life— an evil and malignant way of life. It reveals @ condition akin to disease that spreads like an epidemic and like an epidemic a quaran- fine 1s necessary to Keep it from infecting the ation. A1333 Second-Class Postage Rates EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHARLES B. DEANE OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. DEANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letter from the Greensboro News Co., Greensboro, W.. C., pointing out that the proposed increase in second-class postage rates, insofar as they apply to first and second zones, are unjust and discriminatory: Re PROPOSED INCREASE IN SECOND-CLASS Postal RATES GREENSBORO NEws CO., Greensboro, N. C., March 26, 1947. Hon. CHarues B. DEANE, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear MR. DEANE: The effect on our cost of pound postage if the proposed postal-rate changes are approved will be an increase of approximately 617,695.60 per year. In making this analysis we used our zone statement of October 1946 and our newsprint consumption of the week ending February 22, 1947. The 1947 consumption figure was selected as being more representative of our probable newsprint tonnage of this year. Our zone statement showed that approxi- mately 97 percent of our mailing is in the first and second zones, so for practical pur- poses the increase in cost to us is that sug- gested for zones 1 and 2, or 66% percent. In several respects it seems to me that the increases proposed are largely arbitrary and make no attempt to conform to the pattern established for postage costs. You will note that the charges for mailing to the various zones has always reflected the greater cost of shipping parcels or peri- - odicals to more distant points, but the pres- ent proposed increase singles out zones 1 and 2 for a 66% “soaking,” whereas zone 7 for instance, would only be increased 1634 percent and zone 8, 14 percent. It seems to me pretty clear that the purpose behind this legislation is simply to pitch upon the vol- lume mailings of the daily newspaper and increase this category whatever is necessary to overcome the claimed deficit. From a standpoint of the ease of handing, a fairer figure of increased rates would be something approximating 5 or 10 percent for first and second zones and greater increases in the more distant zones, as parcels or mail bags must be transferred and handled by different crews before they finally reach destination in remote areas. The proposed increase for zones 1 and 2 would— (a) increase costs enormously for that por- tion of the publishing industry least able to absorb them; or (b) increase the cost of the newspaper to that class of the population least able to pay it. There is submitted herewith schedules showing the percentage of mail to the total circulation of metropolitan and nonmetro- politan newspapers. It will be noted that the proposed increase would affect only 33 percent of the circulation of the metropolitan newspapers, whereas 29.1 percent of the cir- culation of nonmetropolitan papers would be affected. If the smaller papers were able to pass on to the consumer all, or a part, of the pro- posed increase, it would fall on that portion of the population most vulnerable to eco- nomic recession, the farmer. There would be no increase in cost to the $100 a week