APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD are now faced with the certainty of addt- tional sharp tax increases in the near fu- No one familiar with the attitude of most of the nondefense agencies since last June had any reason to expect that they would voluntarily accept the Presi- dent's assertion in his message of Janu- ary 8 that, “it, the Government, must practice rigid economy in its nondefense activities.” But it is shocking to learn of the determined resistance of certain Fed- eral agencies to anything resembling or- dinary prudence, to say nothing of rigid economy. A glaring example is contained in the Department of Agriculture’s proposals for the continued purchase of wholesome food commodities, It intends to use $323,975,000 in the period between July 1, 1950, and June 30, 1952, to buy unknown quantities of but- ter, cheese, dried milk, and eggs. It estimates the payment of $38,402,- 657 just to store these four commodities during that period. It expects to take losses on sales of these commodities in the amount of $81,093,000. This $443,470,657 would pay for the construction of the new large aircraft carrier in the bill passed by the. House today, for 30 modern Navy fighter planes, and 85 modern Navy attack planes and still have enough to construct a heavy cruiser and two new-type destroyers to accompany the carrier, I hope and believe that the Appropria- tions Committee will bring this kind of insane and inexcusable waste to an ab- rupt end. But I think this would be even more certain if an aroused public were to make its voice heard by the executive department. I do not have the slightest doubt that further study of the budget will reveal demands of many other Federal agen- cies not even remotely connected with our national defense and security. It is a difficult task to ferret these out in the 1,495 pages of fine print in the budget. But it must be done. The public is en- titled to the full facts as to this con- tinuing flagrant indifference and ‘‘gov- ernment as usual” policy. Genocide Outlawed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. S. J. CARNAHAN OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. CARNAHAN. Mr. Speaker, un- der permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include herewith the fol- lowing editorial from the St, Louis Globe- Democrat entitled “Genocide Out- lJawed”: Ggnocing OvTLaAwro ‘The last war produced no more horrible chapters than the Lidice massacre, the Nazi rmination camps, the “selective” sterilization programs. The Korean War, where a group of American prisoners were slaughtered at a general's direction, indl- cates the urge to masse racial killings will recur with every new conflict, As of yesterday, however, genocide for the first time is a crime under international law, Ratified by the twentieth nation 90 days ago, the United Nations measure is now in force and requires signatories to pass laws pro~ viding imprisonment or death for persons convicted of killing or inflicting bodily or mental harm on a ractal or religious group. No one stands above this law. It applies to rulers, public officials, private citizens or any group. Nations which do not ratify need not set up enforcement machinery, but they are obligated to obey the injunction against killing, on penalty of being cited before the UN and the international court of justice, Nations refusing to act agatnst genocide can be cut off from UN services, tncluding the World Bank. More than any other one man, credit must go to Raphael Lemkirf, a Yale law professor whose Polish parents and 47 relatives were alain in the gas chambers of Auschwitz. Reared on a Polish farm, he rose to be public prosecutor in Warsaw. He quit in 1933 to practice law privately and to campaign against the genocide—he coined the word—~ he had seen tn World War I. He pleaded before the League of Nations and in the European capitals without result, With formation of the UN, he persuaded dele- gates of Cuba, Panama, and India to present a resolution calling fo- a treaty against geno- cide. Lemkin supervised, without official status, the drawing of the treaty, then saw it adopted by the general assembly on De- cember 9, 1948. Even Russia and the satel- lites went along probably for propaganda reasons. None, however, has ratified the convention. Today, Lemkin, at 49, is broke, in debt, and in bad health; but jubilant at hia victory. He holds no hope this generation will see strict, universal enforcement of the law, but he 1s convinced the third generation will. When that day comes, let us hope, he may get the acclaim he deserves, Nondefense Spending EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr, KEATING. Mr. Speaker, in con- nection with remarks which I made to- day regarding a bill to permit the Pres- ident to veto single items in appropria- tion bills, I include two editorials, one from the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle and one from the Rochester Times-Union, calling attention in a forceful and effective manner to the im- perative need today for drastic reduc- tions in nondefense, nonessential ex- penditures. The editorials follow: (From the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle} Ir Famity Runs Wi.D on SPENvING—-WHAT? Papa is the nominal head of the house and he has a few extravagances. Mama is the one who controle the purse. She is a warm-hearted person with several children and a host of relatives who look to her for gome financial help. Papa earns $8,500 a year and he manages to keep some of the money for himeclf. He likes fancy neckties, an occasional snort with the boys and he is a sucker for all kinds of A229 fishing gear. Mama looks on with a tolerant eye but she cannot restst the pleas of the children or the plaintive walls of those rela- tives. The result is that papa has a trouble- some note in a finance company; he’s in arrears on several household purchases and he’s getting something of s reputation as 4 week-end cadger at the factory. If he keeps on thts way, and tf he ts able to continue hie borrowings, he will die a bankrupt. He might, of course, make the big decision, decide to quit his little extravagances, exer- cise his authority as head of the family, and see to it that mama doesn't have such a free hand with the purse. That's a difficult de- cision. It means he would miss his recrea~- tions, some old friends would drop him, and mama would be fit to be tied. Right there we have a picture of the Pres- idency and the Congress. The administra- tion has its extravagances. It makes all sorts of fair-weather friends by free spending. Congress, the mama, has the finest, sleekest lot of hanger-on relatives you ever srw. . They have it good. Papa faces a crisis right now. He is loaded down with expenses he cannot control. He is afraid to ask mama to cut her expenditures. The two are headed for bankruptcy and don't know what to do about It. When we prepared for World War I our national debt was about $1,000,000,000. It was forty billion when we started into World War II. As we rally for defense of the coun- try again, the debt is more than two hun- dred and fifty billion. Most of the time in the last 20 years we have spent more money on Government than the Government could collect. This year our budget is about $50,000,000,000. Next year tt could go as high as 875,000,000,000. Taxes of all sorts will be increased but we will have a deficit of at least 25,000,000,C00. If we were to continue such deficits over a pericd of 10 years—and that ts possible—we would have another debt of $250,000,000,000, dou- bling what we already owe. No quibbling about who owes whom will ever erase the fact that in interest charges alone we would face a@ staggering yearly cost. Now the only place the administration can save is in nondefense spending. The Budget Director will tell you of fixed charges—pen- sions, interest, and the like. If you were to ask him about those nondefense costs in agriculture, in superwelfare activities, in for- eign relief, he might smile wanly and say that, of course, he couldn't control those fig- ures. Mama, the Congress, runs that pro- gram and she just can't bear to cut off the nephews, cousins, uncles, and aunts who have been depending upon her all these years. If you think it is time to operate a com- mon-sense financial program, go to the Con- gress with your demands and suggestions. If you think mama is a trifie nutty, tell her so. If enough of us tell her so she'll begin to believe we might be right. And if she has not gone completely, financially insane she might try to mend her ways. [From the Rochester Times-Union of Decem- ber 27, 1950] As We See It—Truman LeaversHir Uncen IN FINDING DerEnse MonrY Defense spending will take $75,000,000,000 next year. The most optimistic guess on revenue, including new taxes, is about €51,000,000,000, leaving a gap of #%25,000,- 000,000. Since defense spending at this rate or higher will continue for a protracted period, ateps to close this $25,000,000,000 annual gap must be immediate and drastic. Unless the free world’s guns and tanks are backed by a sound economy in the United States, neither the spiritual nor physical force to resist communism can be mustered. Soundness has to be attained by deep and immediate cuts in non-defense spending.
A230 The President has said that it will be cut “to the minimum required to give effective support to the defense effort.” Taking his cue from that, Senator Bran in &® letter to the President last Friday pro- posed that a beginning be made with cuts of $7,600,000,000 in domestic civilian programs including the postal deficit, by curbing the notorious, extravagant use of civilian man- power by the armed forces, and by cutting to one-half billion the foreign economic ald programs which are scheduled to end next year anyway. But this is the least important part of Senator Byrrov’s letter. These immediate steps would close less than one-third of the ap. 8 Federal spending is so enormous because the total is an accumulation of commit- ments made by laws setting up programs that become a continuing drain on the Treasury from year to year. Senator Byap therefore suggests to the President that his budget proposals recom- mend to Congress action to “repeal, reduce, , or suspend” enough commitments to meet the need. He calls on the President to exert his leadership for joint legislative-executive action to close the money gap. . This is what to do and how to do it. Re- ductions in non-defense spending of the sige and scope required can be made only by reexamining all the commitments made since the Federal Government started to mushroom. This reexamination cannot be effective without the leadership of the Presi- dent, The security of the United States and the free world ts as dependent upon financial soundness at home as upon strength in the field, China’s Red Army EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT P. MORANO OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. MORANO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following article by Father Raymond J. De Jaegher, from the Freeman for January 8, 1951. Father Raymond De Jaegher went to China from his native Belgium in 1930. From 1937, when the Communists occupied the coun- try of An-Kwo—Hopeh—he had ample opportunity to know their generals and to observe their methods. After 2 years as a Japanese prisoner during the war he returned to his mission. Since leaving China in 1949 he has lectured widely in Europe and the United States on social conditions under the Communists, The article follows: Curna’s Rep ARMY (By Raymond J. De Jaegher) Every soldier in the ranks of the Chinese Communists believes it is his mission to lib« erate the world from “imperialism.” First, the fight of Mao Tse-tung’s armies was di- rected against Japanese imperialism; then fgainst Ohiang Kai-shek and the National Government of China, represented to them as “impertalistic.” Now the Red Chinese hordes have been loosed against alleged American “impertalism” in Asia. The enemy held before the Chinese Communists by their leaders has changed his guise like a chame- leon, acoording to directives from Moscow. But always these soldiers are prepared for an international struggle, to create not only a “new China,” but a new world. The tactics of the Chinese Red armies re- minded me of mercury. Strike a pool of mercury on a table, and it will seem to be destroyed as a unit. But soon the droplets, scattered in all directions, will roll back to- gether again. Before an enemy superjor in number or armaments, the Communist troops would scatter very fast. Then they would reas- semble immediately after the departure of the enemy. If the enemy is not strong, speedy mobile units will arrive in far greater number than the opposing forces, will strike unexpectedly, and will always win the battle. The Chinese Communist soldiers are trained for swift action in guerrilla warfare. Once I visited General Lu Cheng-Tsao in Chen Wei (Po-Yeh) in the early morning. His forces consisted of about 60,000 men of the Central Hopeh's armies. In one night they had assemb'ed from the southern part of Shulu some 100 lis (35 miles) to the south, Already units were set up in villages all around, and were linked with the general by telephone, The secret services of the Chinese Reds were very ,00d. They always knew the exact force of the Japanese along the rallroads and highways, and all about the enemy's city garrisons, even if he changed his units very often. When they saw the Japanese con- centrating thelr strength for a mopping-up operation, the Communist forces would move into the mountains or other parts of the country where the enemy had only small garricons at that time. When the Communists attacked, it was al- ways in overwhelming strength, greatly out- numbering their opponents. They would ight until the enemy had no more ammuni- tion and would be obliged to surrender. The formation of the armies was signifi- cant. First always came some elements of the civilian population that the Communists wanted to finish off; these men were poorly armed. For example, to take strategically important Kao Pei Tien, along the Peiping- Hankow railroad, the Communists tied local pessants together by their arms in threes— even some women—and gave them a few grenades to throw in front of them when they were marched against the enemy. These poor people were sacrificed just for the pur- pose of wasting the enemy's ammunition. Behind the masses of the people came the “min ping,” the local militias. The Reds always give some military training to their civilian populations. The best among the village militias will be taken into the regular army, where the danger is not so great and a soldier’s family enjoys many advantages. Hence the boys in the villages will work hard to improve their militia, Bringing up the rear are the Red shock troops, who arrive at the end of the battle to deliver the final blow. Their attack is Isunched only when the first two groups have been practically annihtlated or have found a way to slip out of the danger zone. By this time the enemy has been surrounded, and cannot get further supplies of ammunition except by air—which ts very difficult when a contingent has only @ small space in which to defend itself. The shock troops I saw were composed of very young men, strong physically and well equipped. They are trained in mountain bases from which rein- forcements are sent continuously to keep the units at the same strength. The Communists used to send word before an attack, warning of their strength and an- nouncing that the enemy would be per- mitted to retreat if they left behind part of thelr ammunition. Many times I have seen boxes of ammunition left for the Reds by the Japanese, particularly at Ta Ly Ko Chwang and at Ta Wu Niu, both in the district of An-Kwo, Most of the great battles for the possession of Chineee cities were fought during the Pg APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD: night—to prevent action by planea—and at some distance from the city. For example, the battle of Peiping, one of the fiercest in North China, took place in two emall towns between Peiping and Kalgan; the combined Communist forces numbered ten times those of their adversaries. The three qualities that the Communist leaders praise most in their soldiers are: Yeh Yen, eyes that can see during the night; Tieh Kiao, feet strong as iron, trained to travel fast: Chen Hsien Tou, a stomach that requires little food. The officers of China's Red Army are nearly all Communist Party members, accustomed to obeying rigid party discipline without @ word of discussion. Only party members can be promoted quickly. The officers live on the same level with their soldiers, except that they have more responsibilities, When there is no fighting, officers must meet with their men every day to give them special ide- ological training, explaining why they are fighting for a new China. Most of the sol- diers are peasants who have left their homes for the first time and have no desire to fight. But they are systematically indoc- trinated with the idea that they must bat- tle for a great international cause. Infil- tration of the Nationalist armies by secret agents helped bring about the Communist victories. During the war against Japan these agents were sent in large numbers to “volunteer” for service with Chiang’s armies. They even penetrated the national military academies, where they showed ardent pa- triotism and tried to work themselves up to key positions—from which they could spy and propagandize. Inside the armies Com- munists created cells to spread propaganda, Here is an example of the effectiveness of this Red under-cover work: Immediately after VJ-day, Gen. Sun Lien-Chung, com- mander of the Eleventh War Zone, came to Peiping to accept the surrender of the Japa- nese Army in North China. He was appoint- ed governor of Hopei Province. A brave of- ficer and an honest man, he had won impor- tant victories over the Japanese. But Com- munist elements had worked hard among his staff. His chief of military operations, Gen. Ste Che-Yuan, was in the service of the Com- munist Party. And at the head of the plan- ning committee for Hopei Province was Yu Sui-Ts'ing, a former Protestant pastor who was linked with Gen. Li Chi-Shen, now a prominent Communist. Gen. Ch’eu Fong-Ch’eng, who served under General Sun, had a leading Communist Party member as his chief of staff, but was un- aware of it. This chief of staff had all Gen- era) Ch'eu’s bodyguards replaced by Commu- nists who could take control of the provincial government in Paoting, where General Ch’eu was garrison commander. Such men in high positions under Gen- eral Sun were responsible for all his defeats in north China. When these activities in- side headquarters were finally discovered, it was too late, Most of the territory under his command in Hopei Province had been lost, and even a part of the territory in the strategical triangle of Peiping, Tientein, and Paoting. An important railway junction controlling four provinces, Shih Chia Chwang, had been lost, and Generalissimo Chiang was obliged to remove General Sun from his commend. More than 2,000 gen- erals and officials were on the inside of this vast Communist plot. The same tactics were used by the Com- munists tn Mukden and Tainchow, which led to the disaster of the national armies in Manchuria. The fall of Mukden was China's Stalingrad; its loss marked the beginning of Communiat victory. In the battle of Peiping in 1948-49 the over-all commander of North China’s armies, Gen, Fu Tso-¥Yi, had strong support from the people. It is true that he made a few mis- takes tn the great battle of Peiping and Kal- gan, But a major reason for his defeat was
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the tact that one of his trusted generals, who had been with him for 20 years, was a top Communist, Gen. Teng Pao-Shan, who revealed his true identity to his commander in the midst of the battle. General Fu alzo discovered too late that his secret code officer was a Communist. Through their secret agents the Commu- nists always knew the exact strength of the National armies and of the neighboring gar- risons. They then surrounded these small garrisons and took them one after the other with all thelr forces. They treated the Na- tionalist prisoners well. Giving them a few dollars, they would send them back home or to the National armies fust for propaganda purposes. The Communists also distributed cards, telling the Nationalist soldier or officer that if he would come over to them with the card and his weapons, he would be welcomed and given the same grade and position in the Red Army. Mao's men had a high-sounding slogan, “Chinese will not fight Chinese,” and an- other, “No more civil war,” which they used in their attempts to demoralize the National armies. But they never pointed out that the Communists had been the first to attack the National troops and the first to wage civil war. A slogan the Chinese Communists use among themselves, however, is: “To win, three-tenths military strength is needed, and seven-tenths political and propaganda strength." Communist newspapers, books, and leaflets were left by the Red propagan- dists among the troops of the National armies in a continuous effort to break down morale. The National Government of China al- lowed Communist newspapers to bs pub-< Nehed in Chungking, the Nationalist capital, but never would the Communists allow a Nationalist newspaper to be published in Communist territory, Communists every- where preach about the freedom of the press, but they do not practice it. In China they had “bamboo curtains” from one Communist region to another, and kept strict control over publications in their regions. But if the free Chinese wanted some control over Communist publications, all the Reds and their sympathizers in that region would pro- test against “imperialistic and oppressive measures taken against freedom of thought.” A young Catholic boy of Tunglu bought, shortly after the war with Japan, a copy of Chiang Kai-shek’s book, ‘“China’s Destiny.” The Communists discovered that he had the book and immediately executed him as “a special agent of the Kuomintang.” A top Chinese Communist once said to me: “We Communists have three great ene- mies; first, the United States of America; second, the Catholic Church; third, Nation- alist China under Chiang Kai-shek.” But he immediately added that within China the order was not the same, but should be classi- fied: first, Chiang Kai-shek; second, the United States of America; third, the Catholic Church. All the Chinese Red leaders whom I met from 1987 up to 1949 have always recognized that they owe their highest al- legiance to Soviet Russia. Unity Is Built on Confidence EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER NORBLAD OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. NORBLAD. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks, I include herewith the following excellent edi- torial by Mr. Cliff Ziegler from the Carl- ton-Yamhill (Oreg.) Review of January 11, 1951: Unity Is Burtt on Conripence President Truman has declared a state of emergency. We are told that communism threatens our very existence as a Nation. He asks for unity and singleness of purpose in fighting aggression, With this we are in complete accord. For some years now we have been Aghting over controversial domestic questions: the Bran- nan plan, socialized medicine, CVA. If we are to win the big war we must stop these little wars. Therefore, for the sake of achieving unity, we propose that the Presi- dent issue a statement that for the duration of the emergency all plans to put these ideas into effect will be dropped. In fact, we as American citizens should de- mand this pledge from him. It is our right and it ts his duty. This is no time for petty politica or petty politicians. We cannot afford to be Demo- crats, Republicans, or New Dealers as iong as a state of emergency exists. Regardless of the merits their advocates claim for them, America has grown great without the Brannan plan, socialized medi- cine, or the CVA. It can exist a few more years without them, Inasmuch as they only serve to divide us, let’s put them on the shelf for the duration. The Army’s View of the Air-Ground Team EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. L. GARY CLEMENTE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. CLEMENTE. Mr. Speaker, the Department of the Army has recently published a review of what the air- ground team has been accomplishing in Korea, and a prediction of what it will be able to accomplish as the result of the present buildup of our Armed Forces. In these days in which we still hear criticism of the United States Air Force for what it did or did not do in Korea, it is interesting to learn what the Army thinks about the Air Force. The article I refer to makes that very clear. The Army thinks the Air Force is great. AS an Army man myself, I have been surprised at the attacks on the Air Force made by a lot of people who ought to know better. The air-ground team in World War II was a winning team, with a know-how developed from months of hard campaigning. The air-ground team that is operating in Korea is also a great team. The Army knows it, and SAYS 80. Mr. Speaker, I have before me the latest issue of Officer’s Call, a magazine published monthly by the Department of the Army to furnish materials intended to assist commanders in maintaining the highest standards of integrity and pro- fessional ethics, and to inform all offi- cers on significant military matters and national and international events, The latest issue of Officer’s Call is devoted to just one thing—the article on The Air-Ground Team. This article is a review of what has happened in Korea, including the difi- A231 culties that result from the peculiar na- ture of the Korean fighting. The arti- cle points out that one big lesson Korea holds for Army officers is that we gener- ally require a fuller understanding of how to use tactical aviation. The Army and the Air Force, even before Korea, initiated a joint training program that calls for participation by every combat battalion in the United States in a type field exercise involving close air sup- port with live bombs. The Korean situ- ation disrupted the program but it has put new emphasis on the need for this type of training. The recently estab- lished Army air support center at Fort Brage, N. C., will do much to bring about the widespread understanding of the doctrine and application of tactical aviation. One of the most helpful things about this article in Officer’s Call is that it points out the fundamental relationship of tactical aviation to ground warfare. The airplane, used tactically, is a new weapon for the queen of battles. Just as the infantry had to develop coopera- tion with the artillery, and mutual con- fidence founded on understanding of each other’s problems and capahilities, so the Army today is developing the principles that must apply to the use of tactical air support. “We always use the most economical means to do the job,” the Army says. Alr support can be that means. “We are today,” says this review, ‘on the threshold of oppor- tunities in the field of air-ground devel- opment such as we have never before encountered.” I am glad to find this recognition of the value of Air Force sup- port to Army operations expressed so clearly and forcibly by an Army spokes- man, Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the ConcrESSIONAL Recorp the article on “The-Air-Ground Team” from volume II, No. 9, of Officer’s Call, an official publication of the Department of the Army. The article, with illustrations omitted, is as follows: Tue Am-Grocunp TZAM In its never-ending quest for weapons of greater mobility, range, and firepower, our Army is placing increased emphasis on the airplane to support ground troops. The airman and the soldier have made great strides in learning to work together. But both agree on the need for continued improvement of doctrine and techniques to exploit fully the combat potentialities of the air-ground team. During World War I, the alr-ground team came of age. As the war progressed, tactical alr support played an increasingly important role in the success of ground troops. To be sure, not all air-ground operations were perfect. But there is no denying that support from the air gave the ground forces an added powerful punch that speeded our victory. Members of the air-ground team knew how to work with each other and what to expect from each other. Ground commanders were acoustomed to count on prompt, efficient air support when they needed it. This support was often as smooth-working as artillery— which is saying a lot. A priceless ingredient of air-ground opera- tions in World War II was teamwork based on know-how built up during months of hard campaigning. The practical knowledge was the sum of many skills, distributed widely
A232 among the agencies that made up the alr- ground team. After the war, a combination of factors permitted only limited training in air-ground operations. Army combat units and tactical air support units had Httle opportunity to work with each other. When the Korean fighting began, practical skill in applying afr-ground techniques had ali but diminished to a lost art in comparison with late World War Il standards. Moreover, initial shortages of critical equipment, key men, and other deficiencies tended to hinder smooth alr-ground operations in the early days of the Korean campaign. Fortunately, we were able to overcome these disadvantages—often through hurried improvisation. Deapite handicaps, the air- ground team developed in Korea has taken &@ heavy toll of the Communist enemy. AIR-GROUND ACTION IN KOREA In Korea, air power has supported ground troops in virtually every way possible. Be- cause of our immediate alr supremacy, the Air Force assumed a close support role almost from the etart. Alr support was especially welcomed by those ground units whose nor- mai artillery had not yet arrived. Weather permitting, ground troops re- cetved almost continuous bombing and strafing support. As fighting progressed, our amphibious and airborne landings were screened with fighter and bomber protec- tion. Troop carriers flew soldiers to and from Korea (the first ground units arrived there by air), transported paratroopers, and brought in cargo rivaling the amount of the Berlin airlift. Most of the infantrymen and tankers who have fought up and down the rugged Penin- sula of Korea are now combat veterans. They know that their own skill and courage plus that of their artillerymen and other ground ‘units played the biggest part in stopping the Korean Communists and then striking back. But they also know they could not have suc- ceeded without real air suport. Many of our doughboys fighting in Korea have never met a pilot—unless one was shot down and landed in their lines, They do not know the airmen as they do the artillerymen and the tankers. But they have gained a real appreciation for what our filers have done and are doing. Day and night—sometimes actually around the clock—Allied alr power has blasted the Com- munist army. Korea is today dotted with the wreckage of Red trucks, tanks, and guns. Against heavy odds, many Allied ground attacks have succeeded largely because of air suport. Soldiers fighting in Korea appreciate what the term “air support” means. Along with their own fire support, they have learned to count on it when they size up a job. They have learned, too, thelr own responsibility for the success of air-ground operations, SOME AIR-GROUND DIFFICULTIES IN KOREA Our top military leaders share the front- line soldiers’ enthusiasm about what the air- men have done in Korea. Gen. J. Lawton Collins, Army Chief of Staff, summed it up early in September after a visit to the com- bat area: “Like the Army, the Air Force had to switch from peace to wartime operation over- night. Gen, Walton Walker testifies that, but for whet the filers did those first few days, we would have lost Korea.” This is typical of what other observers have said about air support in Korea. They praise air units operating there. This does not mean, however, that air operations have been perfect, any more than the Army's have been. General Collins went on to explain: “At the beginning, there was confusion over air support, But with the inevitable early creaking, the situation has steadily im- proved. Special Air Force teams rushed from the States to coordinate close support of ground troops; we now have one with each American division and have assigned others to Republic of Korea units. Now the system works.” EARLY DEFICIENCIES Many of the “kinks” in the early Korean air operations stemmed from the same sort of difficulties the Army faced on the ground. Far East air groups were there to support the occupation. Initial shortages of trained men and communications equipment to work with infantry units existed partly be- cause of the occupation mission, and partly because of budgetary ceilings which hed lim- ited the programs of all the services. At any rate, recently authorized budgetary in- creases for our Armed Forces should correct deficiencies of this kind. Other difficulties grew out of the pecullar nature of the Korean fighting. For example, the first several weeks involved a delaying action on our part. Although not new in our thinking, this @ifficult operation has been relatively rare tn our experience. This is one of the problems that developed: the bomb line set for cur own troops’ safety actually proved a disadvantage in a fluid situation where the enemy, always probing for weak spots, could get between it and our own positions. (A bomb line is a precau- tionary line designated by ground troops be- yond which atr attacks may be made without clearance from ground forces.) Here the enemy was relatively immune until the bomb line could be lifted or special permission to bomb inside it could be obtained. While points of contact seesawed along a line marked by deep salients, the conventional bomb line became a somewhat unrealistic safety measure, This and similar difficulties have emphasized points which will need con- sideration in improving our air-ground tech- niques. WE NEED PRACTICE One big lesson Korea holds for Army officers is that we generally require a fuller under- standing of how to use tactical aviation. Specifically, every combat troop leader must know what targets are appropriate for tactical aircraft and how to get air support. We need to understand also the limitations of tactical aviation and under what circumstances we cannot expect air support at all. An obvious corollary is that we need actual practice—as much as we can get-—in work- ing with the alr-control system used in ob- taining and insuring the accuracy of air strikes. KOREA MAY NOT BE A PROTOTYPE We should be careful against extending the lessons of Korea too far. The fighting there has been a special type of warfare. The Korean Communists have used an odd com- bination of old and new weapons, old and new tactics. We have used many weapons of World War IT, and the tactics our combat vete erans knew have had to be modified at times. Puture fighting in which we may be involved will not necessarily be like that in Korea, Another thing to remember is that in Korea we have been almost unopposed in the air: This has permitted an unusually large part of our air strength to be used in close support of ground units. Further, in the limited geographical area involved, even the bombing of targets farthest removed from the battle area has been largely tactical, Cer- tainly strategic bombing, to the limits of its present capabilities, has not been involved. Korea has given us a good test of our air q@octrine and techniques but not a complete er conclusive test, BTRATEGIC AIR POWER In this issue we are concerned primarily which tactical aviation and what it does to gasist ground troops. But we cannot under« stand its role without having some knowl- edge of what strategic aviation can accom- plish. The two overlap in a number of ways. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD For this reason we need not become in- volved in complicated attempts to define each category. The distinction is sufficiently clear for our present discussion if we think of these differences: strategic aviation in- cludes aircraft and other facilities intended primarily for long-range bombardment with the most destructive types of weapons; tac- tical aviation operates at shorter ranges, gen- erally using smaller aircraft and less power- ful weapons against a wider variety of tar- gets. Strategic air strikes at sources of enemy strength; tactical air denies effective application of his strength in a given battle area. : Besides the functional relationship between strategic and tactical alr power, there are two additional aspects of strategic aviation which touch on our discussion. First, we are today devoting a very material part of our war potential to the building of a stra- tegic alr force second to none. Thig obvi« ously affects the size of our tactical air forces, Second, & successful strategic air campaign, though it may not quickly bring about a decision, can contribute greatly to the ulti- mate success of our land and naval forces by weakening enemy means of resistance. TACTICAL AIR IN EUROPE, WORLD WAR II When we think of “air support of ground troops,” many of us may visualize fighter bombers screaming down on an enemy strong point, blasting it to rubble, and thus clearing the way for the tactical success of infantry and armor, This type of close sup~ port is quite naturally the first concern of the embattled doughboy or tanker. But it is by no means the only kind of support tactical air gives to ground troops. This becomes evident when we review the air offensive in Europe during World War I. We know the story of the German Luft- waffe. From the high point of its might in 1940, 1t was turned away over England by the Royal Air Force, and then gradually beaten back and reduced in strength by the growing Allied air offensive. By early 1044 the turning point was passed. German air- craft production was no longer able to keep up with losses. Hitler largely wasted the rest of his air strength on tasks of secondary importance and thus helped reduce the Luft- waffe's effectiveness. In the last few months before the Nor- mandy invasion, more and more of our fight- ers and shorter-range bombers concentrated on German-occupied airflelds in France. The Luftwaffe’s remaining power was rapidly destroyed. By D-day it was impotent against the Allied landings. One of the pri- mary objectives of our air campaign had been achieved; at the time of the invasion and afterward, we enjoyed almost total alr su- periority in Europe. Most of our tactical air forces in that theater were able to op- erate thereafter in support of ground troops, During the last few weeks before D-day, our tactical air forces also systematically knocked out rail and highway bridges along the Seine River from the English Channel to the outskirts of Paris. As the invasion began, more bridges were cut to the south and east of Parts. SUPPORTING THE BEACHHEAD A large part of the German armies were thus out off in western France and separated from their sources of supply and reinforce- ment. Trapped in this area, they were sub- jected to a terrific pounding from fighter- bombers. Rail lines, trains, and convoys within the area were blasted so that move- ment by day was virtually impossible, and night movement was difficult. This series of alr operations, designed to isolate the battlefield, made possible an Allied buildup in the beachhead much faster than the Ger- man commanders could assemble forces to counter it, When our buildup reached sufficient strength to permit a breakout, the air forces
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD again played 9 major role. All available air- craft blasted an area along the St. Lo-Periers road about 6,000 yards wide by 2,500 yards deep. The blow fell on July 25, 1944. More than 1,600 heavy bombers dropped about 4,600 tons of bombs on the target area; ap- proximately 400 medium bombers and 3650 fAghter-bombers worked it over with napalm and fragmentation bombs and strafing. This unusually heavy air effort on a target immediately in front of friendly ground troops is hardly a typical mission. Yet it is illustrative of many hundreds of strikes-— most of them on a smaller scale—delivered in close support of Allied army units in World War II. THREE MAIN TASKS The events we have just summarized dem- onstrate the three main objectives of our tactical air forces: gain and maintain air superiority—isolate the battlefield (also called interdictiton)—and give close support to ground troops. These three types of activity, sometimes given numerical designations and referred to as phases of an air campaign, have been the subject of occasional misinterpretation. Let's see if we can clarify them. In the first place, all thre: phases may be going on at the same time. At least initially, a large part of our tactical air strength in a theater probably will be en- gaged in countering the attacks of enemy planes. This air defense complements the more aggressive missions aimed at seeking out and destroying enemy aircraft and air facilities. These tasks contribute directly toward gaining air superiority, and their ultimate objective is not reached until enemy air power is destroyed. Our air superiority is by no means a con- cern of air forces alone. If the enemy con- trols the sky, our ground forces also must Operate under great handicaps. This does not mean that our aircraft con- centrate solely on gaining air superiority while enemy planes contest us for control of the skies. The decision as to how much air effort will be allotted in a given period to air superiority missions and how much to isolating the battlefield or close support activities is made after weighing the facta. Phases overlap; we do not wait for one phase to end before we start another, Even during the fight for air superiority, for example, con- ditions may be such that aircraft also may be used in close support fighting. Additionally, the term “air superiority” 1s a relative one. The degree of air superiority necessary for success varies with different operations and different conditions. It may mean control of the alr for only short pe- riods in specific areas. It may mean control over only a part of a conrbat area. For example, consider the critical phase of an amphibious attack. When troops are disembarking and coming ashore, we need @ much greater measure of air control over the segment of hostile shore involved than would be necessary after the troops have secured the beachhead. Another difficult operation demanding a high order of local alr superiority is the capture and buildup of an airhead. RECONNAISSANCE AND AIR TRANSPORT ROLES Besides the actual combat operations of its fighters and bombers, tactical aviation has other important functions. One of these, reconnaissance, is & con- tinuing, day-and-night job. Modern fast reconnaissance planes cover areas far be~ yond the range of the ground soldier’s pa- trols and observation posts, or even his Mal~- gon planes. Besides actually reporting what they have seen on their flights, reconnals= sance pilots take photographs of several kinds, day or night. Also, through the use of special electronic equipment, limited re- commatesance can be carried out in bad weather. Both air and ground commanders benefit from the information these missions obtain. It has been said that up to 80 per-~ cent of an army’s tactical information of the enemy is gathered by reconnaissance atroraft, Although troop-carrier units usually are not @ part of a tactical air command, air transport support may be vital in directly furthering land operations. Normally, troop- carrier units are theater forces and are not assigned to tactical air forces except in some cases for administrative purposes. This as- signment under theater command permite their exploitation for strategic as well as tactical missions. ATRBORNE NEEDS Airborne warfare demands large numbers of passenger-cargo type planes. An army today must always be ready to exploit op- portunities to react to emergencies requir- ing use of airborne troops. Once these troops are committed, they must be supported by air until relieved or reinforced overland. We also are relying more on air transport in carrying out other ground operations. This ig one of the ways we hope to make up in mobility what we may lack in total man- power and other resources. Troops and equipment as well as urgently needed sup- plics often can reach their destination in time oniy if moved by air. The vital role of air transport in the Korean campaign offers the most recent example, Then there is the great morale importance, as well as the practical military value, in evacuating wounded men by air, taking them quickly to areas where the best medical care can be provided. Time saved means lives saved. These jobs and many more are carried out by the troop carrier units assigned to the theater. The Army is now organizing its own special light air-transport forces. Army helicopter companies are being formed for the speedy movement of men, equipment, and supplies. TACTICAL AIR ORGANIZATION To exploit the speed, range, and versatility of aircraft, Air Force organization stresses the principle of flexibility. In general, units are standardized but may vary greatly in strength and composition. An air comman- der enjoys considerable latitude in organiz- ing his forces for a mission. Moreover, as operations progress, he usually modifies this organization to meet changing requirements. In our typical theater setup for combat operations, a single headquarters—that of the theater commander—directs all Army, Navy, and Alr Forces assigned to the theater. Each army group in the theater is usually supported by a tactical air command. The latter's headquarters 1s located with that of the army group and controls all its tactical air units according to the dictates of the common mission of the army group and the tactical air command. Each fleid army is supported by a tactical air force. Again, the two headquarters are together, and close coordination between air and ground action is effected. Incidentally, this Is normally the lowest level at which air commanders are physically present and working directly with ground commanders. All missions of the tactical air force are con- trolled from this point in much the same way that fire missions of artillery batteries are controlled from their battalion fire direction center. At levels below the Army, there are air con- trol agencies to help coordinate requests from subordinate units and to guide planes to their targets. There are also officers to insure sir-ground coordination. TACTICAL AIR FORCE A tactical air force normally has these major components: A headquarters which controls all opera- tions and integrates them with those of the supported army. An air control group for control of planes in flight. A233 A reconnaissance wing, including about 18 highspeed aircraft spectally equipped for day and night photography and electronic (ra- dar) reconnaissance. Pighter aviation, which may include one or more all-weather groups (usually 86 planes each) and 2 to 8 fighter-bomber groups (equipped with jet or conventional fighters— total planes may vary from 250 to 800). In addition, there are communication, en- gineer, transportation, and other units. Detafied discussion of our newest aircraft's technical characteristics is not appropriate here. However, for our present purposes, we may think in terms of fighter planes with speeds ranging from a minimum of 185 to a maximum of 700 miles per hour, armed with 6 or more .50 caliber machine guns and car- rying two 1,000 pound bombs or about twenty 56-inch rockets, or various combinations of rockets and smaller bombs. These aircraft may be used for air combat or strafing and tactical bombardment missions within a combat radius varying from 300 to 500 miles, depending on the type of plane and how it is loaded. These data, purposely given in very general form, are useful only as reflecting in a gen- eral w*y the capabilities of our tactical air forces. CLOSE SUPPORT MISSIONS We are familiar with the artillery plan that usually accompanies a division or corps op- eration order. In this plan, provision is made for using every gun according to its Tange and effectiveness against targets in priority of their importance to the over-all commander's plan, In the same way, the field army com- mander and the tactical air force com- mander work out a plan each day for the most effective use of air support during the next 24 hours. This close air support 1s inte- grated with the fire and movement of ground troops. Requests of lower units for air strikes in support of their contemplated operations are incorporated into the over-all air plan. These lower-unit requests, plus necessary reconnaissance missions, often take most of the aircraft allocated for close-support mis- sions. The rest are retained for close sup-~ port on request. They are designate: to op- erate on call of the joint operations center (JOC)—staffed by officers of the field army and tactical air force headquarters jointly— at the field army-tactical air force head- quarters, AN AIR STRIKE REQUEST The front lines ask for an immediate air strike like any other fire-support request. Probably the front-line commander or an artillery forward observer initiates the call. If the weapons under the control of the fire-support coordination center (FSCC) at the direct support artillery battalion cannot fire the migsion, the request is sent to the division FSCC, Determining that ean air strike is necessary and not having planes on air alert under its control, the division FSCC asks for an air mission by sending a request over a special net to the joint operations center (JOC). If planes are overhead on an air alert status, the procedure may be short- ened. Division FSCC would probably be able to give these planes the mission by working through the G-3 air. Corps monitors this net and could cancel the request if it is so desired. Corps silence means corps approval. Decision to fly the missaton is then up to the JOC. The air-ground operations section recelyes the request. If approved—normally depending on priority of effort—the request is given to the combat operations section as urgent. After accepting the request, the combat operations section issues an attack order to a tactical air unit. Word is sent back to the front line thet the mission will be fown, the estimated time
1 ‘ A234 of the attack, and the type and number of anes. The aircraft are guided to the target by a control and direction system. The tactical air control center (TACC) gets the flight under way. It is the operational headquar- ters for control units which will guide the flight to the target. After the planes are airborne and moving to the target, a tactical air direction center (TADC) takes over and directs them to a tactical air control party (TAOP) near the front lines. The TACP brings the planes onto the target. If the TACP is unable to direct the planes visually, a tactical air di- rection post (TADP) takes control, brings the planes to the target, and “fires” the mission by electronic rather than visual means. Working with front-line units are ex- perienced combat pilots. These forward air controllers usually are assigned so that at least one forward alr control party is with each forward infantry regiment. They may operate from vehicles, or they may be aloft in light planes. In either case, their job 1s similar to that of forward observers in cone trolling artillery fire. . ARTILLERY AND TACTICAL AVIATION We have already found the analogy with artillery convenient in describing some fea- tures of tactical aviation. This is worth pursuing further. There are important dif. erences as well as similarities between the two forms of support. example, tactical aviation uses a wider variety of weapons than does artillery. These normally range from multiple .50 caliber machine guns to 1,000-pound bombs, and they are available in many combinations for different types of missions. Tactical aircraft have ranges up to hun- reds of miles. The effective range of our largest field artillery pieces is about 20 miles, jut this difference may be reduced greatly by the advent of guided missiles, which will extend the striking range of ground weapons considerably beyond that of our present artillery. THE TIME ELEMENT An air strike requested on targets of op- portunity (as distinguished from preplanned missions) normally requires more time than Would an artillery fire mission on the same target. There are exceptions, of course, as in the case of planes immediately overhead on an “air alert” status. A forward air controller can direct such planes onto a target in a matter of seconds. As a rule, however, a ground commander requiring air assistance must allow time for transmitting his request, processing it at the joint operations center, issuing orders to the air squadron, and brtefing pilots. This brief- ing is very important. Any error of 500 yards is easy enough for a pllot to make at up- ward of 600 miles per hour; yet this distance may place his bomb load on friendly troops instead of on the enemy target. In addition, the planes may have to be “run up” and readied. And unless someone has foreseen the mission with uncanny ac- curacy, bomb loads already on the planes may have to be modified or changed com- pletely for the specific mission requested. The time factor involved in “immediate” support means that, generally speaking, ar- tillery fire offers a much quicker means of attacking emergency targets, AVAILABILITY Artillery is avatlable for targets within its range 24 hours a day, in all types of weather. Tactical aircraft, on the other hand, are seriously curtailed by bad weather. In general, air support is more powerful but also more expensive and is seldom availe able as generously as artillery support. As much as the front-line doughboy would itke air support constantly over the battlefield, there will be times when he will have to get along without tt. Air-force tactical aircraft must be based on prepared airfields which include relatively large fixed or semifixed installations, Artil- lery requires positions protected from enemy small-arms fire. But these positions require no preparation, and they may be located in most any type of terrain over which the other ground arms can move, There are times—particularly in “special operations’—when close-support aircraft may be the only means or the most effective means of destroying or neutralizing a target. In the early, critical stages of an airhead, for example, fighters and bombers will be the commander’s major “artillery” support, Supporting planes are especially valuable in combating enemy tanks, the major threat to airborne soldiers. Likewise, during the initial part of an amphibious landing before artillery is ashore and emplaced, aircraft may be the only effective means of silencing enemy howitzers hidden in defilade from flat-trajectory naval guns. And both in pur- suits and in retrograde movements the role of aircraft support as column cover and long- range fire power becomes increasingly important. RULES OF EMPLOYMENT Two simple rules governing employment of artillery as well as other ground weapons have a logical application to the use of tac- tical air support. The first has to do with where we place a ‘weapon and who controls it. The greater the range and versatility of a weapon the farther back we place it, and the higher up in the command system is its control retained, The second concerns selection of weapons. ‘We always use the most economical means to do the job, If mortars can handle a target, we spare the artillery; if only light artillery 1s needed, we hold back the medium artillery; and so on. We try not to waste our resources by using a sledge hammer to break eggs, Applying these rules to tactical aviation, ‘we see the logic in placing our alr units and alr control agencies where they can best be employed in furtherance of the common air- ground mission. We can also see why con- trols are set up to see that air strikes are not used against targets the artillery can handle, TEAMWORK 18 ESSENTIAL One more analogy with artillery may prove helpful to us in understanding tactical avia- tion, The teamwork between artillery and its supported arms, which we take for granted today, did not always exist. Many years ago, there was a period in our Army's development when artillery-infantry cooperation was in« adequate. There was lack of mutual confi- dence founded largely on ignorance of each other's problems and capabilities. It was not until the forward-observer system was established that a common sympathetic ap- proach to fire-support problems was achieved, When members of the two arms lived to- gether and fought side-by-side, these prob- Jems quickly disappeared. Despite difficulties, air and ground units usually worked well together during World War II. They have done the same thing in Korea. In both cases, cooperation grew in an environment where the common goal was ‘urgently clear and when airmen and soldiers lived and fought together. Our air-ground doctrine and techniques have advanced rapidly in the few short years since air power came of age. Future com- mon problems which airmen and ground soldiers may encounter will find ready solu- tion in the same spirit of mutual respect that brought our infantry-armor-artillery team to its present level of effectiveness, TODAY'S OPPORTUNITIES We are today on the threshold of opportu~ nities in the fleld of air-ground development such as we have never before encountered. ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ' Our first postwar statement of air-ground doctrine was published in Field Manual 31- 96, Air-Ground Operations (War Department, 1946), Since then, analysis of World War It leasons, and study of postwar technical de- velopments have continued, The Tactical Air Command and the Army Field Forces, which have worked together on thege studies, have just published jointly a Train- ing Directive for Air-Ground Operations (September 1, 1950). This directive ampli- fies FM 81-35 and will be used for training within the Army and the Tactical Air Com- mand. After the doctrine and techniques set forth in this directive have been tested in fleld operations, a final version is expect- ed to be published jointly by the Depart- ments of Army and Air Force. Even before Korea, the Army and the Air Force had initiated a joint training program calling for every combat battalion in the United States to participate in a type field exercise involving close air support with live bombs. Although the Korean situation dis- rupted this program-—partly because of the emergency movement of units—we may look for renewed emphasis on this type of train- ing in the near future. The Army has established at Fort Bragg an agency known as the Army Air Support Center. This center will help the Chief, Army Field Forces, in conducting air-ground training, in determining Army requirements for tactical air support, and in promoting joint consideration of doctrine, procedure, tactics, and other matters affecting air sup- port of ground troops. These developments, together with the build-up of our Armed Forces, offer us a chance to recover much important ground lost since the end of World War II, when our combat-trained air crews and air-ground Staffs, with the know-how they shared, were dissipated. mt Our goal should be to develop throughout our combat echelons the practiced skill best exemplified recently by the air, infantry, armor, and artillery elements in Korea, who earned their places on the air-ground team, Teamwork and mutual understanding are of the essence. ' Left Hand, Right Hand EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, now that our Republic has suffered ap- proximately 100,000 casualties in Korea under the United Nations, aided and abetted by President Harry 8. Truman, the final act of perfidy and betrayal is to be consummated. First came conspiracy between the executive department and the United Nations to put the United States into war——now comes bribery and cowardice by the conspirators to trade the lives and liberties of Formosa to Red China. Next by way of insult to our dead in Korea, the Red murderers are to be given a seat on the Security Council of the United Nations, I voted against the United Nations when it was organized. The moving spirit in the creation of the United Na- tions was Alger Hiss. It has served his subversive purpose of giving aid to Rus-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD sia in her communistic drive for world domination. Under leave to extend my remarks, I am inserting an editorial which appeared in the Washington Times-Herald of Wednesday, January 17, 1951: Lert Hann, Riaut Hanp Genera] Collins, the Army Chief of Staff, has announced from Tokyo that American forces are in Korea to stay and fight and that new forces would reach the front within 2 or 3 months. This statement followed within a day United Nations approval, with the concur- rence of the American delegate, of a plan to end the conflict by giving the Chinese Communists in Korea everything. By this deal, we would withdraw our forces, together with those of other UN mem- bers, and Communist China would do like- wise. A plebiscite would then be held in Korea. Inasmuch as the North Korean Com- munists would be left in possession of the ground, the populace would be under its thumb. Communist China and Russia, as well as Great Britain, which recognizes the Chinese Communist regimo, would certainly have an influence in supervising the election. Nobody can doubt that the result would be that Korea would vote in a Communist government, just as happened in Poland un- der similar circumstances. CONTILICT OF ABSURDITIES As colluteral undertakings, the United States and UN would agree to give consider- ation to Communist China’s demand for the island of Formosa and for a seat on the UN Security Council. All of the evidence makes it clear that both demands would be granted. If our diplomacy is ready to concede Korea to the Communists, and to throw in For- mosa and a UN seat as extra inducements, why is our Military Establishment planning to stay and fight? It may be said that this military decision is announced as a means of inducing Com- munist China to accept the UN appeasement deal, which Russia, in Communist China's behalf, has said is unacceptable. Why should we try to press the Communists into a deal that 1s so greatly to our disadvantage? Why, if our spokesmen have signified disposition to write off Korea, should the military ex- pect to convince anyone the fight is worth carrying on? Since the Truman administration has ad- mitted its willingness to get out of Korea, why does it not simply get out? Why expend one more American life in its temporary and futile defense? In its latest brainstorm, the administra- tion proposes to give the place up and to fight for it to the end. Can anyone carry absurdity beyond this? Rights Without Responsibilities—A New Philosophy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE A. DONDERO OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr, DONDERO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Con- GRESSIONAL RecorD, I include therein an editorial from the Enquirer, published in Cincinnati, Ohio, on January 2, 1961, Tt is difficult to believe that the Office of Education would circularize American colleges and universities appealing for publicity on a declaration of human rights at the taxpayers’ expense, Never~ theless, this apparently is true. This document, as indicated in the editorial, sets out the New Deal and Fair Deal philosophy of influencing people to believe they can have something for nothing, that the Government owes them a living, and that they have no obliga- tions nor responsibilities of their own. Such propaganda appeals to the weak- ness of people and not to their strength. This indeed is the welfare state on which the present and recent administrations have fattened and retained their power. In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread, til thou return unto the ground (Genesis, 4: 19). The editorial follows: RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES Once in a while it happens. Not often enough. But once in a while somebody with a sense of reality and faith in the stuff that built Amorica will shake himself free from the present welter of mora) obfuscation and take a swing for the jaw. It happened not so many days ago. Earl J. McGrath, Commissioner of Education at Washington, circularized American colleges and universities appealing for publicity on a Declaration of Human Right. It reached the wrohg man, or we should say the right man, when Harvie Brans- comb, chancellor of Vanderbilt University, received his copy. The Tennessean’s re- ply merits at leust a footnote in American political and social history. Wrote Mr. Branscomb to Mr. McGrath: “I have your form letter asking that we publicize as much as possible the Declara- tion of Human Rights. I read it “ * * with much interest. 1 presume you are merely carrying out the responsibilities of your office in pushing this declaration. May I say, however, that this declaration is an immoral document. It lists 6 pages of rights for everyone with only a brief, vague, and almost apologetic reference at its close to duties to the community The demand for rights, however, is detailed, specific, and ex- tensive. Article 25, for example, reads: “Fveryone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-be- ing of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing, medical care, and necessary social services, and the right to security.” All of this without the slightest reference to any obligation involved. “I call the document immoral because morality chiefly consists of the assumption of obligations and duties to others by every individual. To insist upon 29 articles of rights which everyone is encouraged to ex- pect from others, without s comparable in- sistence upon obligation, is merely to encour- age the moral weakness of our times. What I miss ig even one little phrase, perhaps at the end of article 25. I would have thought that so wise and distinguished a commission would have added to this long list of rights, including that of an adequate standard of living, the phrase: “Provided the individual endeavors to render to society such services as are within his capacity.’ “This document may be good politics, but those like yourself in high and responsible office need to give attention to developing a sense of obligation in this America of ours in addition to the universal cry for ‘my rights.’ If you do not do it, this great country of ours is headed for disaster. “Your letter offers to send material ad- vertising this Declaration of Human Rights. Do you have available also something that promotes a sense of social obligation and public duty? Your sincerely, Harvie Brans- comb, Vanderbilt University.” A235 We do not know what reply the Federal Commissioner of Education made to the Nashville educator. We hardly know what reply he could have made, in good conscience. Declarations of human rights are idealisti- cally unassailable. The very conscience of the United States Constitution is its Bill of Rights. But Chancelor Branscomb uses a fitting word when he describes as immoral a declaration which describes the more abun- dant life as the right of every human— without compensating effort on his part. Opportunity is a true right. Dependence upon society is not. That is the worst fall- ing of the welfare state—it devolves into the “gimme” state. What About Rationing and Price Control for Meat? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CARL T. CURTIS OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. CURTIS of Nebraska. Mr. Speak- er, the Omaha World-Herald on Janu- ary 10 published an editorial dealing with price control and rationing of meat. I believe this discussion merits the con- sideration of Congress, and I wish to include that editorial in my remarks, It is as follows: Tue First Bio Try “We don’t know to what extent meat prices can be controlled, but as soon as we can we'll make a try at it, and it will be a big try.” The words quoted above were spoken by Alan Valentine, Administrator of the Eco- nomic Stabilization Agency, in an interview published in U. 8. News and World Report, This will be the second big try at con- trolling meat prices. The first was during World War II, and most Americans remember how that one turned out. Meat was driven out of the butcher shops and into the black market, and frequently even those who had coupons—which were the real money of that era—couldn't buy a pork chop or a pound of hamburger. This time, says Mr. Valentine, the “big try” will involve "“sirict rationing, and prob- ably subsidies "’ The subsidies, presumably, would be paid to stockmen as an incentive to them to raise more animals and to zell them into the legal market instead of the black market. In effect, the Government would pay a part of everybody's meat bill, subsidizing the rich as well as the poor, This is the same subsidy plan which ts used in Grent Britain and other Socialist coun~ tries, where it is one of the standard devices used for bringing everybody—both producers and consumers—under the protective wing of the government. As a matter of fact, is there any good reason why meat should be controlled and rationed? Is there an actual and inescap- able shortage of meat in this country? We think not, It is true that meat production has slumped a little in recent years, but that is because of too much Government interfer- ence, rather than too little. The price-sup- port program, which kept the prices of vart- ous cash crops and products artificially high, tended to discourage the raising and feeding of animale—because there was no longer the old inducement to send corn to merket on four legs. If price supports of all kinds were
A236 wiped out now, and farmers were given in- centive to raise what the consumers want, rather than what the bureaucrats want, there would be a quick upsurge in the proe auction of meat, The long-standing threat of meat ration- tng and price control also has had a depress- ing effect on recent production. Feeders, remembering their experiences during World War II, have been slow to take a chance. If the Government would wipe out price supports how, and if it would assure farmers and livestock growers that there would be no meat controle in the future, we think beyond question America would produce all the meat it will need. And the total cost would certainly be less than the cost of the control-and-subsidy scheme. Why doesn't Mr. Valentine adopt that com- mon-sense approach? For one reason only, and he states it quite candidly. The great unions—particularly Walter Reuther’s auto workers—are demand- ing price control over meat before they will accept stabilization of wages. So apparently the tedious story of World ‘War II 1s beginning all over again. One con- trol begets another, the freezing of one as- pect of the economy demands the freezing of others. Presently, if the process continues unchallenged, the Government will be run- ning everything and the decrees of bureau- crats will be substituted for the decisions of the free market. In other words, America will be ruled by totalitarianism. And we doubt if that 1s what the people think they are fighting for. Mr, Valentine, and his superiors in the administration, and the Members of Con- gress, should reflect long and prayerfully be- fore they make the first big try. We Must Control Prices EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SAMUEL W. YORTY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. YORTY. Mr. Speaker, the 30- day price freeze recently recommended by Michael DiSalle, Price Stabilization Director, has been turned down by the office of Defense Mobilization. The American people are entitled to more prompt and more vigorous action to stop the rapid rise in the cost of living. The President’s budget message has stated that the bulk of new taxes must come from the middle and lower income groups. If this is so, it seems to me that rising prices are already destroying the ability of these citizens to contribute more taxes to the defense program with- out reducing themselves to poverty. No one has a right to take advantage of this emergency to extort unconscionable profits from our people and the evidence is becoming quite clear that this is what is being done. There can be no excuse for some of the increased prices placed upon articles that were already in stock when the emergency developed, and yet many employees of merchandising es- tablishments have offered me unmistak- able proof that they were ordered to mark up such merchandise. The situa- tion this country is in calls for patriotic responsibility and for equal sacrifice— hot reduced lving standards for some and huge profits for others. The people are getting impatient and rightly so. Perhaps the last Congress should have made price controls mandatory instead of leaving the matter to the Executive's decision, If the Executive does not act soon, it is imperative that Congress take the lead in bringing prices down. The failure to act now will cause new rounds of wage increases followed by new rounds of increased prices which means higher defense costs and then higher and higher taxes. We cannot afford to permit the economy of this nation to drift toward chaos, Will the Public Stand for the Persecution and Prosecution of MacArthur? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speak- er, those who recall the trial of Billy Mitchell, because he had the courage to do what was patriotic and heroic, can begin to see the handwriting on the wall so far as General MacArthur is con- cerned. The smear artists are now sharpening their poisoned pencils in an effort to place the blame for the cruel and unnecessary slaughter of our boys in Korea on one of the greatest generals that this country has produced. Under leave to extend my remarks, heretofore granted, I am inserting an article which may be of interest to those who admire and respect General Mac- Arthur who, after his hands have been tied by the State Department, has per- formed miracles in leading our forces: Mac Wantep To ABANDON KorEA IN 19465, Recorps Here Reveat—CaLtep YANK PostTIon UNTENABLE IN Fack oF Soviet SrrencTH NorTH OF PARALLEL (By Walter Trohan) General MacArthur had plans to withdraw from Korea as soon as the first American soldiers set foot on the peninsula at the close of World War IT. Buried in War Department records are documents attesting MacArthur's apprehen- sion of a Soviet advance into South Korea in September 1945. The general recognized the position as untenable and was prepared to withdraw American occupation forces. Details of the story of the cautious Amer- ican occupation and withdrawal plans were disclosed as sentiment mounted in and out of Congress for withdrawal of pounded American troops in Korea. KOREA DIVIDED AT YALTA Korea was divided into the United States and Soviet zones of influence at the 38th parallel as the result of secret deals at Yalta calculated to bring the Soviets into the war. These secret deals have resulted in communization of China and the Korean war. In the fina] days of the war 178,000 Jap- anese troops were stationed in Korea under Lt. Gen. Yashio Koguki. Plans were drawn at Potsdam for attack in Korea by Soviets from the north and Americans from the south. The end of the war made attack un- necessary, but the 88th parallel was estab- lished as the dividing line for surrender of Jap forces to American or Russian troops, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It was hoped after the aurrender Russians would withdraw along with American troops and leave Koreans to select a government by @ free election. MAC ARTHUR CURBED On August 6, 1945, MacArthur advised the War Department that his intelligence re- ported 60 Soviet divisions in Manchuria, where the Soviets were given a foothold by @ secret Yalta agreement. In the current war MacArthur was barred from crossing the North Korean border for reconnaissance pur- poses and thus was hampered in gathering intelligence on Chinese Communists. The Tokyo radio announced Japan’s readi- ness to surrender on August 14, 1945. For- mal surrender was concluded 2 weeks later on September 1. Soviet troops started into Korea at the time of the surrender. Some 100,000 Red soldiers, under the command of Col. Gen. I. M. Chistiakov, occupied Korea down to the thirty-eighth parallel, MacArthur feared Soviet forces might move down from the dividing line and receive support from the divisions in Manchuria. When American forces were landed, vessels were held off South Korea to take them off in the event of a Soviet move southward, REDS SPEED TO PARALLEL The Twenty-fourth Corps, under Lt, Gen. John R. Hodges was landed in South Korea beginning September 8, 1945. His forces comprised 72,000 troops. When Americans reached the thirty-eighth parallel they found the Reds already there. Japanese forces which surrendered to American troops were shifted to Japan. The fate of the Japs captured in the Soviet zone has never been made clear. Efforts to unite the two zones by nego-~ tiation failed. The United States placed the Korean question before the United Nations. The South Koreans held an election filling 200 assembly seats and leaving 100 open for North Korea. Two-thirds of the Koreans lived in South Korea before the war. Moscow announced withdrawal of its troops from Korea in December 1948. However, the Soviets refused the United Nations access to the zone. North Koreans later barred access to the zone. The United States withdrew its troops from Korea in January 1949. At that time it was recognized that the position in South Korea was untenable in the face of attack supported by Communist China and Com- munist Russia. A Way to Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK T. BOW OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. BOW. Mr. Speaker, we are now engaged in what has been termed the “great debate” on foreign policy, Prior to the statements of many of the leaders of various schools of thought, an edi- torial appeared in the Wooster (Ohio) Daily Record of December 27, 1950, titled “A Way to Peace,” Many requests for reprints of the editorial were received by the publisher. It was more than ap- parent that the article reflected the views of the people of the great agricul- tural and industrial area in which it was printed. It is apparent, I am sure, that Ohio’s distinguished senior Senator has
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD expressed the views of the people of the Sixteenth Congressional District of Ohio. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the above-mentioned editorial: A Way vo Peace Everyone has a right to have # peace plan, for this ts going to be nobody's private war. We have to start toward peace from where we are. Therefore we have to begin with a few fundamental principles. No. 1. We can't live other peoples’ lives for them. We must be content with this. We can tell them, inform them, guide them, be kind to them, set them a good example. But we'll have to stop about there. No. 2. People are going to have to endure the kind of government they permit to exist. Freedom exacts a high price in suffering and human life, but it must be paid by the people who win the freedom. It is impos- sible for freedom to be forced in from the outside. No. 3. We cannot in the foreseeable future wage a successful land war against Com- munist Asia. We simply haven’t the man- power. Even though we were to win a bat- tle in the field we could never impose our kind of government on the Asiatics. They will have to make their own government. It can be like ours if they want it, or it can be something else. It must be what they want or are willing to endure. No. 4. With our naval power we can pre- vent invasion of Japan, Hawaii, the Philip- pines, perhaps Formosa and Australia. With Britain’s help we can stop Russia at the Channel, if we can't stop her before. No. 6. An alliance with Canada and Mex- icv can protect this continent. No. 6. In our opinion we should set up no general European army, for the simple reason we are merely setting up a target for Stalin to knock down. Instead we should encourage the individual nations of Europe to rise to their own defense with their own separate armies. Given enough time, this kind of program might fill the power vacuum now in Europe. General Eisen- hower should be only a consultant, chan- neling ordnance where it is needed. No de- fense of Europe can be undertaken unless Europeans are willing to do most of their own fighting—at least for the next decade. We should, of course, lend our material help to the individual countries. No. 7. At home we must keep our econ- omy sound but we must rearm as rapidly as possible, coordinating our efforts with Canada, which may well bear the brunt of the first attack if and when it comes. No. 8. We must keep the UN going, never ceasing to try for international understand- ing, always hoping that somehow it might be reached. No. 9. We must embark on the most gi- gantic sales program undertaken in the his- tory of the world. We must try to sell peace to the people of the world, through the use of international radio, leaflets, and all the avenues of diplomacy. We must try to sell le on our idea of freedom. We must encourage people to revolt against tryanny, to demand their rights of free speech, free thought, and unoppressed worship. If we can keep them (the Commies) occupied at home they'll be leas likely to start something away from home. No. 10. The Christian forces of the world must go to work. They have a way which changes men's Hives. Thousands of martyrs have died proclaiming this way. Many more may have to. A renewed Christian move-~- ment, given time, might possibly avert the almost certain disaster which seems to lie The one hopeful thing about this holiday geason is the fact that we are not yet at war. By an intelligent, vigorous, peaceful program we might yet avert it. Patriotic Women Speak Out for America ' EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL T. CURTIS OF NEDRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. CURTIS of Nebraska. Mr. Speak- er, these are perilous times for our Re- public. The people back home know that something is wrong. They know that the administration has pursued and is pursuing policies that unless changed will lead to disaster. The mail that I receive on this sub- ject is not only heavy but it is evident that the people are aroused. Many of my colleagues report the same thing from their districts. I wish to extend my remarks by including a telegram re- ceived by me yesterday from Mrs. Edwin S. Towle, president of the Richardson County Republican Women’s Club. The telegram is as follows: Fatis Crry, Nesr., January 16, 1951. Congressman Cart CuRTIS, Washington, D. C.: The Richardson County Republican Wom- en’s Club composed of 71 members are re- solved that we are in favor of (1) with- drawing out troops from Korea but if the Government keep them there we blockade Communist China; (2) no more troops be sent to any other countties without the ap- proval of Congress; (3) no more police actions be undertaken until the other United Na- tions are willing to furnish their propor- tionate share in money and troops; (4) de- fense production being accelerated; (5) taxes not being increased until nondefense spend- ing has been cut to the minimum; (6) this being read into the ConarrssionaL RECORD. Mrs. Epwin 8. ToWLe. President. 4—H Members Aid War Effort EXTENSION OF REMARKS oO HON. M. G. BURNSIDE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. BURNSIDE. Mr. Speaker, all of us realize the necessity of miiltary pre- paredness in today’s world. No one knows how long this period will last or how much of a sacrifice it will de- mand. We know for certain that the price will be paid by each and every one of us. For some it will be military serv- ice. Others will face shortages in ma- terials needed to carry on their busi- ness. All of us will be asked to pay for defense. The agricultural extension officers are doing an excellent job in getting serv- ices and information to our farm folks, Their primary objective is to promote conservation and better methods of farming. This is a long-range program just as our preparedness is a long-range program, both essential to our Nation’s life. The 4-H division of extension service has had many good results among our young farm folks I have had students A237 in class who have received this train- ing, and I feel that many of the good qualities they exhibited came from this experience Their pledge is one, which if followed by everyone, would solve many of our problems It calls for clearer thinking, greater loyalty, and greater services, to the club, the community and the coun- try. These are the things we must have to survive the present struggle Conditions today will undoubtedly bring shortages in many of our food items Farmers can perhaps best aid in relieving these conditions by producing more of the products they use in home consumption The program each farmer should follow would be to produce his own meat, poultry, and dairy products as well as fruit and \egetables. Farm production of poultry and dairy products for home use has been carried on by most of our farmers. Those farm- ers who are not now doing this will find it a well paying sideline. The main point in producing more meat, fruit and vegetables would be to increase the amount preserved for winter use. The 4-H members and farm wives in this way can make a major contribu- tion to the war effort. Address by Hon. Alexander Wiley, of Wisconsin, Before Economics Club of New York EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, on Wednesday evening, January 17, it was my profound privilege to address the Economics Club of New York, one of the Nation’s outstanding groups of dis- tinguished business leaders in the flelds of finance, industry, banking, and so forth. At that time I discussed Amer- ica’s obligations at home and abroad in the present world crisis. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the speech which I delivered on that occasion be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. . There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Ovur Country's ROLE IN THE Worn Crisis (By ALEXANDER Wier, United States Senator from Wiaconsin, member, Senate Foreign Relations Committee) It is a profound privilege to address this outstanding group of leaders of Amertcan industry. I should like to talk to you to- night about leadership iteelf—leadership which is the great obligation af our Ameri- ean people in this hour of world destiny. YOUR BUSINESS AND MINE Frankly, my friends, there was a time when I was much younger, when the thought of facing men who represented the great corpo- rations of Wall Street might have given me, & little country boy, some concern, and yes, even a bit of fear. But now that I have been elected three times to the directorate of the
A238 greatest business in the world, your Govern- ment and mine, I have no such concern. Why, the great companies which you repre- sent are as pygmies compared to the gigantic institution which I am supposed to help direct—the United States Government with its 2,600,000 employees, its $260,000,000,000 debt, and its gigantic budget, to say noth- ing about the powers we exercise over you. CONGRESS MUST MEET CRUCIAL PROBLEM OF BECURITY Big government is here to stay, and the basic problem of your big Government and mine {s—the problem of survival which con- fronts us. To meet that problem of survival, it 1s essential that your government and mine drop ballast, so to speak, get rid of excess responsibilities and functions. It is essential that it concentrate on the big challenge facing the Federal Government, namely, national defense and security. THE TWO BIG QUESTIONS “Will the United States be ready—ade- quately ready—itf war comes?” There is the great question mark. “Will Europe unite to defend itself?" There is the subsidiary question. TRIBUTE TO FELLOW SPEAKERS It 4s an honor and privilege to share this platform tonight with two such outstanding spokesmen of American industry and American labor as my old friend and fellow alumnus of the University of Wisconsin, Mr. Harry Bullis, president of General Mills, and the distinguished president of a great railway labor organization, Mr. George Harri- son. I DO NOT ASSUME UNJUSTIFIED ROLES Now, some folks, in talking on the topic of national security, assume one of three roles, but I reject all of these roles tonight: 1. A “Monday-morning quarterback”; or 2. To be considered a prophet or the son of a prophet; or 3. An armchair general. I do, however, try to bring in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, on which I zerve, something which I should like to con- sider common sense, which you will remem- ber Dooley said was “‘the scarcest commodity on the market.” DANGER OF SYNTHETIC THINKING Unfortunately, there has been a tremen- dous lot of uncommon sense spoken about foreign policy. There has been a lot of wish- ful thinking, or synthetic thinking, as I call it. We have bullt up a mass of Illusions, delusions, and myths which have put some people in a fool's paradise when they think of this problem, It is absolutely absurd to conceive, for ex- ample, of an America supposedly secure be- hind a Chinese wall in the contracted world of the atomic age. Similarly, 1t is ridiculous to think of America crawling into a shell, waiting until the enemy has devoured all of its foes, and then waiting till that enemy pounced at our own shores. This, my friends, 1s an hour for right thinking—on your part and mine-—an hour for decision, But it is a time, too, for prayer and faith which must result in moral and spiritual rebirth in individuals and nations. Yes; we must have faith which is, as Paul said, “the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things unseen.” We must have faith if the world is to advance toward solv- ing the problem of peace. THE "HREE GREAT JEWELS As @ people, you and I know that we are the custodians of three jewels of great price. Those jewels are: 1. The Judaic-Christian religion teaching the unity of the spiritual man with God. a. The political idea, a constitutional Re- public with a Bill of Rights and with three separate and coequal branches of governr ment, serving as a check and balance on one another, and finally, 8. The American economic way, the system of private initiative, of private enterprise, of private profit, the system whereby & man can take his chances of being either winner or loser of the fruits of his labor. THE STATIC VERSUS THE DYNAMIC MIND If we are to preserve these true jewels, we must be adequate to every emergency of the atomic age. Obviously no man knows what the future holds. Obviously, too, America’s whole concept of foreign policy can be shaped by overseas events even more than by our own decisions, If we are to figure out the shape of those overseas events and be ade- quate to meet them, we must clear the cob- webs from our minds and change static minds into dynamic minds. Or> of the significant faults of our times is that we are constantly thinking of world wat III only in terms of World War II. We are constantly trying to appraise the future almost exclusively in terms of the past, in- stead of keeping our minds fresh, open, and capable of visualizing new things. The hy- drogen bomb, guided missiles, jet propul- sion, and other instances of modern inven- tion can completely change our concepts. Therefore, we cannot and should not use the yardstieks of the past unless we are sure that the cireumstances of the past are really similar to those of the present. It would be a mistake of course to adopt Buck Rogers- type fantasies of what will come. But it would also be a grave error if we allowed static concepts to stifle our thinking. RUSSIA WILL TEST THE UNITED STATES PERIMETER The next great world crisis will come when Russia seeks once again to test the perimeter of western defense. The big question of course, is as to where that test will come. If Russia chooses to unleash her Balkan satel- lites against Marshal Tito’s Yugoslavia, then we ourselves will not necessarily be in an all-out world war III. But we will give aid in every way possible to Marshal Tito short of actual troops. If, however, Joseph Stalin and the leaders of the Politburo should un- leash the satellite armies for an invasion of Western Europe (where we already have oc~ cupation troops) or Greece or Turkey, then the fatal die would have been cast. There is universal agreement that America would then be in world war III. BOLD, TRUE AMERICAN LEADERSHIP Well, my friends, we come to the nubbins of the discussion tonight. My basic theme is this: America’s role in the world crisis must absolutely be one of bold, far-seeing, intelligent leadership-—po- Utical, military, economic, and spiritual lead- ership. But what precisely is a leader? A true leader among men, as among nations, recog- nizes his inherent responsibilities. He does not shirk or shrink timidly from them. A true leader fulfills his pledges and commit- ments such as we have solemnly made under the United Nations Charter and the North Atlantic Pact. He does not go back on his word. A true leader does not, however, dissipate his resources as we have so unfortunately. Rather, he concentrates his energies and facilities on first things first. That means that if we are to be a leader, we must basi- cally defend the American Continent itself. But to the extent of our facilities and re- sources, we must simultaneously help lead the Western European nations so that they, together with us, can work out the common defense. Remember this point: No true leader al- lows himself to be baited into a trap the way we have blindly fallen into Russia's trap in Korea. Now, the Russians undoubt- edly are preparing for us still bigger traps to come. So the question is, “Will we have enough wisdom to keep out of those traps?” And——"Can we set a few political and other traps of our own?” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE? Now, how can we demonstrate leadership? Where and how do we go from here? Let me make certain specific recommendations: 1. First of gli, I renew my recommenda- tion for the immediate appointment of a high-level United States board of counter- revolutionary strategy. Let’s beat the Reds at thelr own game. This board, composed of the best experts we can get, would be designed to stir up trouble behind the iron curtain by shipment of: (a) Arms; (b) &il- ver bullets (money) to dissident elements in Russia c1d her satellites. Yes; let us give the Russians a taste of their own vile medi- cine—sabotage and insurrection, thus giv- ing hope to the slaves of the Kremlin and giving it something to think about at home. NO APPEASEMENT OF CHINESE REDS 2. I recommend that the Secretary of State immediately issue a forthright and unequivo- cal declaration that we will remain 100 per- cent opposed to admission of Red China to the United Nations. It would be absurd for us to reward international aggression by admitting of another Red "Charlie Mc- Carthy” to the United Nations, Appeasement of the Reds simply will not work. We must remember that the road to war, like the road to hell, is paved with good intentions—good intentions of trying a policy of complete timidity and weakness. In other words, we as leaders must stand up for principle in the United Nations, in the Congress of the United States, and in our individual lives, even as our heroic boys are fighting for principle on the road to Pusan toni sht. MORE VOLUNTARY CENSORSHIP NEEDED 8. I recommend that America immediately tighten her voluntary censorship. I know our newspapers, radio stations, and maga- zines are eager to cooperate to prevent the further “leaking” of crucial defense informa- tion, It is absurd that we continue to pub- lish so recklessly the details of the location of our atomic plants, the news of new weapons, etc. REVISED MILITARY TRAINING 4. I recommend that the United States Congress proceed to reevaluate our entire program of military training and that we pattern our future policies along the lines of the Swiss system of universal training. Un- der this system, as you will recall, the em- phasis is not placed on a huge standing army. Instead, emphasis is placed on a large well- trained, well-equipped reserve force ade- quate to meet whatever challenge arises. You and I know that America cannot hope to match in numbers the mass armies of the Soviet Union. And so, as much as we might otherwise deplore the idea of universal mili- tary training, I believe that the time has come for every able-bodied young American to recognize that he is going to have this national obligation: (a) He must contribute a certain period of time directly in our armed services; and (b) Thereafter, he must contribute a cer~ tain number of weeks for several years to Reserve training. In that way, every young American will be able to go to his battle station instantly if necessary. MORATORIUM ON NAME CALLING 5. I recommend that a national morato- rium be declared on name calling. To smear & man as an “isolationist” or a “globalist” or any other name does not contribute tu public thinking and enlightenment. In a critical situation like this we need diversity of views so that we can get every possible angle of the situation explored. Actually, there is far more agreement on fundamentals between the recent major speeches in the foreign- policy debate—far more agreement than superficial observers believed possible. MOBILIZING OUR FRIENDS 6. Next I recommend that we mobilize every possible friend among the nations just
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as the Soviets have so effectively mobilized thelr satellites. What does this mean con- crevely? Just this: (&) We must secure a complete military agreement with Spain. It, aside from ali other considerations, possesses the largest available land army in Western Europe. (It is, Of course, totally inconsistent for us to deal with one totalitarian government—- Yugoslavie—and to refuse to deal with an- other—Spain.) (bd) Now, as regards Germany and Japan, we must assist these two nations to become strong bastions of defense—-to become mill- tary assets rather than Habilities, (1) Germany and Japan should be given their independence. (2) We should help provide them arms. {¢) In relation to Germany and her neigh- bors we must stress the absolute necessity of greater political, economical, and military unification in Europe. Only when these countries have made genuine progress in eliminating their age-old fears, hatreds, and jealoustes will they be able to stand as one against the common threat. German troops must in particular be integrated into over- all European defense forces. I recognize that we are taking a calculated risk in revitalizing Germany and Japan, but it is a risk thet we must take, while putting up various safeguards, We will await with deep interest the report which General Eisenhower will bring back from his visit to Europe. We trust that he will bring a favorable report on the possi- bility of genuine military unification, uti- zing German and other manpower. RETVALUATING FOREIGN POLICY IN MILITARY TERMS %, Next, I recommend that the Joint Sen- ate and House Foreign Affairs Committees and Armed Services Committees go into ex- ecutive session with the finest military brains of the United States Army, Navy, and Air Force. Let them find out the significance of (a) the long-range Russian snorkel subma- rine fleet; (b) the atom bomb and the hydro- gen bomb; and (c) other modern weapons— the significance of all these in shaping for- eign policy. A LOOK AT THE WORLD SCENE Let us pause briefly to look about us on the world scene. We see many things—the heart- rending American retreat down the Korean Peninsula, the failure to date of the United Nations to adopt the resolution designating the Chinese Government as an aggressor, the use of the UN forum by Russia and Chinese Communist spokesmen as a great propaganda pulpit. And yet we see facts in our favor—the de- feat of Russian intrigue and infiltration in Greece, the strengthening of Turkey, the continuing resistance of Marshal Tito’s Yugo- slavia, the tremendous success of the Mar- shall plan, which together with Europe’s self~ help bas rejuvenated the western part of this continent economically and has given the basis on which to resist. It is helpful to know that universal military training is in effect in Western Europe, that France has Just agreed to increase its military budget by 15 percent, has agreed to set up 10 moderna divisions by the end of 1951, and has con- sented to German rearmament. Even pre- vious to Korea, Britain was spending a larger part of her national income on arms than was America. There is unrest in Rusela and dissatisfaction and unrest in the satellite states. We must never forget, moreover, that of the four great world industrial centers three—Japan, Western Europe (including the Ruhr), and the United States—are still free from Russia (which possesses the fourth great industrial center). Now, let us return to my final specific recommendation. ANTI-INFLATION FIGHT 8. My friends, we must not, of course, for- get the crucial economic front with which you gentlemen are particularly concerned. I recommend that Congress and the executive branch apply an all-out anti-inflation pro- gram. Why? Because we must recognize that our country faces two great dangers: (a) The danger from without-~the Kremlin; and (b) the danger from within-—inflation, insolvency, and national bankruptcy. In order to meet the inflation problem we have to do the following: (a) Secure greater efficiency, especially in Government procurement. The tens of pil- lions of dollars appropriated for the Armed Forces must not be regarded as a “gravy train” for extravagance. The cost of war matériel and war training should be cut wherever possible in order that we don't blow our economy out the window in the effort to keep America safe. The chiseler and the grafter should, in effect, be court mar- tialed. (b) Congress and the Bureau of the Budg- et and the President must cooperate to cut nonessential expenditures. We will never succeed in achieving this unlesa we all agree that all of us must make sacrifices in peace- time services. So long as Government con- tinues its own nonessential spending, infla- tionary forces will grow stronger. (c) The Federal Reserve Board should use its power to further tighter credit. Those, then, are my specific recommenda- tions, But now, friends, there are a few basic propositions on which you and I should agree. BABIO PROPOSITIONS First, one of the foremost needs of the hour is to secure greater bipartisan understanding and cooperation between the legislative and executive branches of Government. We must recognize that in the present situation two constitutional principles are in conflict with one another. On the one hand, the widest possible powers are given to the President by our Constitution for the direction of United States foreign policy. This may include the President’s right under the North Atlantic Pact to put as many troops as he wants on the Continent of Europe at any time without asking the consent of the Congress, On the other hand, the Congress of the United States has its own constitutional pow- ers and has the vital power of the purse, so that if 1t wanted to, Congress could stran- gle any executive policy, by @ specific act or by holding back appropriations. Under conflicting circumstances like that, ‘we might have an irresistible force meeting the immovable body. That is why I feel that it 1s so essential that we do not dally in endless argument as to who has the power to do what. When a fire is raging in your house, you don’t get into a quarrel] with the firemen as to who has the authority to carry the water hose. Both Congress and the President are, after all, mercly servants act- ing on behalf of the Republic and there must be mutual reason and judgment, rather than futile bickering. I do not want to see the Congress stub- bornly stalemate the President into inaction. However, neither do I want us to hand over to the President the entire making of our foreign policy, which would be an unwise, unsound, and undemocratic procedure. Becond, while we are protecting America from the grave danger from without, let us not forget that we must protect her, as I have repeatedly said, from the dangers from within. The American Constitutional Re- public, with its checks and balances, can be destroyed not only by Communist sabotage but by other qualities of looseness and im- morality tn Government. Let us never forget, therefore, the absolute necessity of maintaining strong, sound, in- dependent legislative, executive, and judicial branches. So long as we comprehend and preserve our system, Americe will ahine like @ Nghthouse through the darkness. All mankind will see its beacon and its hopes A239 will remain high. But if that light goes out, then the faith of mankind will be lost, CONCLUBION In a previous serious hour of history, let Us remember that Abraham Lincoln utilized three great safety valves, and they were: 1. A wonderful sense of humor; 2. The power of prayer; and 8. A selfless devotion to the Republic. We, too—you and I-—can utilize these same three safety valves in this great hour of confusion and crisis, and become personally more adequate to serve God and country. With true faith and courage, we muet boldly pursue our course. We need the Lin- colnesque qualities and, yes, the qualities that enabled men like Christopher Columbus to proceed in the face of all obstacles. When I look at the head table here and at this out- signding audience, I see men like your dis- tinguished President—Juan Trippe—whom I consider to be a modern-day Columbus. He has been forging ahead to open up new con- tinents—new frontiera—~in the field of avia- tion travel. He has added impetus to the progress of civilization. Today we are better propared because of Juan Trippe. Let us, therefore—you and I—and our nation as leaders—military, economic, political, and spiritual leadera—likewise move forward to man’s brighter horizons Then America will be ready for what comes. May it be peace, May I recall the words that the Lord said to Moses when the Israelites came to the Red Sea: “Speak unto the children of Israel that they go forward.” Let that be to all Amerl- cans the watchword: ‘Amertca, go forward.” Assignment of Ground Troops for Service in Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, Janua~y 17 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled ‘Congress Veto on Troops Could Cripple United States Policy,” by James Reston, which appeared in the New York Times on January 15. I believe that this article merits the careful consideration of Members of Congress and the public. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Conaress Vero on Troops Covuzp Cripps Uniren States Poticy—Wuerry Reso.u- ‘ion Points Up THe Prosiems, Such as Prusvstsr BY ISOLATIONISTS (By James Reston) Wasttincron, January 16—The big argu- ment about who commands the Commander in Chief in this country will reach an in- teresting point in the Senate this week when Senator Kennera 8. WHERRY, Republican, of Nebraska, triec to gain a temporary veto over sending more United States troops to Europe. Mr. Wixrry himself has written a resolu- tion that probably will be sidetracked quick- ly into the deep freeze in the Senate For. eign Relations Committee. But in the mean- time {it helps illustrate why the President opposes any veto, temporary or otherwise, on what he insists is his constitutional right to order troops wherever he likes, The resolution states: “Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate that no ground forces of the United
A240 States should be assigned to duty in the European area for the purpose of the North Atlantic Treaty pending the formulation of ® policy with respect thereto by Congress.” TESTIMONY OF ACHESON Mr. Wrerey can point to various reasons why Congress might expect to be given a veto over the dispatch of more troops to Europe. Secretary of State Dean Acheson specifically told the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee before the North Atlantic Treaty was ratified that there was absolutely no reason to believe that the United States would be expected to send substantial num- bers of troops over there as a more or less permanent contribution to the development of these countries’ capacity to resist. Moreover, the first act in implementing the North Atlantic Treaty—the policy of sending substantial quantities of arms to Europ@— was submitted to Congress for approval, and Mr. Waesry no doubt will argue that if the President submits the question of sending more guns to Europe, his obligation to sub~ mit the question of sending more men 1s even greater. If the President were to agree to submit the question to Congress, however, as he has been requested by one of the most dis- tinguished Democrats in the Senate, Senator Waren F. Georox, of Georgia; specifically, if he were to agree to be bound by the deci- sion of Congress in this matter, he could find himself in an almost impossible situa- tion. Suppose, in the interest of national unity, the President agreed to stand by the decision of the Congress and Congress approved the Wherry resolution. Then the President would be bound not to send more ground troops into the European area pending the formulation of a policy with respect thereto by Congress. POSSIBILITY OF FILIBUSTER Under such circumstances a handful of ten in the Senate could prevent the formu- lation of a policy with respect thereto by Congress through the simple expedient of a Alibuster, The President could then appeal, in any orisis that might develop, for release from his pledge, but a few determined isolation- ists in the upper Chamber—and those who remain sre determined—could defeat the appeal simply by talking. Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower could return from Europe with a recommendation that Wwe send more troops, He could convince the House and the vast majority of the Senate and the country at lerge, but 1f he could not convince the isolationists, the Senate could not respond to his recommendation or re- lease itself from its vote in favor of the Wherry resolution. No such series of events, of course, is likely to happen. Mr, WHerry will argue for his resolution, but the President will not agree to be bound by the Congress’ decision. In tact, the administration is confident that, if @ vote were taken, Mr. Wueary would lose. But what worries the administration is the precedent that would established by agree- ing to let Congress have a veto on the Pres- ident’s authority to move troops about as he feels necessary in order to preserve the security of the Nation, COULD WIDEN CURES If Congress can forbid the President to send ground troops to Europe, they ask, why could it not forbid the Commander in Chief to move American ships and planes around the world as he sees fit? Moreover, what would be the position of the President, under such a precedent, not only now but in the future? The Wherry resolution, if passed by Cons @ress, would certainly atand before the world as a legislative rebue to the President, but 4t probably would not change the military aituation in Europe one way or another, In other circumstances, however, the need of this or some future Fresident to move United Statea troops to Europe in s hurry might be urgent, and if at that time the President were laboring under the precedent of Congress’ right to block emergency action of that kind, essential action might be prevented. For the time being the administration wants to avoid a difficult parltamentary situ- ation before General Eisenhower completes his survey and returns from Europe with his report, In the last analysis, it will be this report that will probably decide the issue, and not the judgments of either the President or the Taft-Wherry bloc in the Senate, Threat of Communism . EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HERBERT R. 0’CONOR OF MARYLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. O’CONOR. Mr. President, there is so much hysteria evidenced at times among our people with regard to the threat to United States security which communism presents that I believe it most desirable to give widespread pub- licity to views which, in their saneness and soundness, make a worth-while con- tribution to discussions on the matter. The January issue of Boumi Temple News, AAONMS, of Baltimore, contains an address delivered by George E. Stringfellow, captain of the outer guard of the Imperial Council of the Shriners of North America, before the members of Rameses Temple, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, on November 8, 1950, which re- views in thoughtful fashion the threat which communism poses to American se- curity, and a well-reasoned philosophy regarding it. I ask unanimous consent that Mr, Stringfellow’s address be reprinted in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Our RESPONSIBILITY I should like to express my grateful ap- prectation to your illustrious potentate, & Titchener Smith, and through him to every member of Rameses Temple, for the honor which you have accorded me in nam- ing this fine body of candidates the George BE. Stringfellow class. This manifestation of your friendship and esteem will always be cherished. Only the imperial potentate of the Shrine of North America ts authorized to speak for our great fraternity, and I would have it understood that I speak as an individual and reflect my own thoughts, Amongst all berty-loving people will be found the hosts of freemasonry, ever alert to the trust of good citizenship. The doc. trines that prompted our affiliation with the fraternity are those upon which your coun- try and mine rest. Our profound bellef in the Almighty God, our love of Uberty, our hative sense of service to our fellow man, our fundamental antipathy to tyranny quale ifies us for association with the craft, We are Shriners because, foremost, we are in- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD spired by philosophy and the code of Masonry. The foundation of every institution of freemen is falth in the Supreme Being, The Golden Rule has ever been our common stat- ute; it is the thesis of our craft. We must live by its precept if we are to live freemen, and that we may so live our forefathers gave their lives. Without faith in God, every disillusion- ment would resolve into despair and inevi- table decay. Communism, a godless ideology, seeks the destruction of Masonry. Communists rec- ognize that millions of God-fearing Masons throughout the world are a threat to their atheistic efforts. Emphatically, we are, Our threat must be effective. Our loyalty to the principles of our order and to mankind must guide us in every effort to keep their atheistic propaganda from harming our freedoms. We must courageously face the enemy with & solidarity heretofore unknown, lest he divide us. He has infiltrated governmental and fraterna] bodies. His power is great; we dare not temporize with it if we would re- main free men. With the courage char- acteristic of our Masonic forefathers, in- aspired by belief in God, we must exercise every good effort to resist its threat. Hostility, tyranny, and oppreaston are crea- tures of some cunning human failing. Such characteristics are fostered by the selfish mo- tives of nonbellfeving minds, averse to the duty man owes to his fellow being. Bereft of faith in God, all dictators exercise their tyranny, unrestrained by the dictate of the Golden Rule. Their pattern is to impose upon an oppressed people the fallacy that religion intercepts progress and the common good. The atheistic philosophy of subordination is promulgated amongst thelr youth, and, as such youth grows into manhood, ft blindly accepts that delusion as a method of life. The tyrant, however, is aware that man in- stinctively craves freedom, and, with war- rant, fears that such instinct at some time will overthrow tyranny. His sc..cme is to dominate. He subjugates individualism; engenders hatred of demo- cratic nations and institutions, and descends to that which inevitably destroys his entire scheme, suppression of the right of free worship. For a time the sordid scheme prevails. He conceals from the people of his land the manner in which free people live, and numbs their reasoning by sophistry. So that he may set himself up as all powerful, he re- stricts the Nves of his citizens until their ‘urgent needs cause submission to the strain- ing point; rebellion is inevitable. He recog- nizes that he cannot terrorize where religion prevails; he must afford no refuge of faith and reason, for faith and reason would resist oppression. When tyranny has sufficiently subdued, misled, and embittered its masses, it sets out to divide peoples of other lands. The Soviet has dumped her spies and sneaks into every country of the world. She has invaded lands that had hoped to recover from the affitction of two world wars, has, without mercy, taken control and enslaved the people thereof, scorning the reprimand and warning of the free democracies. She sneers that hers is the democratic form of government, yet incarcerates, tortures, and purges any subject, men of the cloth, and others who challenge her chicanery. She has subdued the spirit of her own people and those of her satellites. Nor can we outwit her unless we know the manner in which she thinks. ‘We are engaged in a cold war with an enemy skilled in the use of every psychologi- cal weapon, who scornfully questions our right to resist the stupid puppets it has arivep into aggressive invasion,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Communists are shrewd enough to realize that they cannot dominate unless they de- stroy the dignity of men. That must not be. As they encourage dissent and strife, we must proclaim faith, hope, and peace. They se-k to liquidate the modern world. Our efforts must be bent upon upbullding man- kind in the image of his God. Let us encourage others to emulate our efforts. So long as we proclaim, with all the good within us, the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of men, we shall muster strength suMcient to overpower their hideous program. Ours must be the firm belief in the right of the individual to life, liberty, and the pur- suit of happiness. Such has always been the credo of all selfless human beings. The philosophy of your Government and mine springs from the rights reserved to our people, free from political mandate. Let our loyalty be the result of understanding the basis thereof. We must intelligently comprehend democ- racy, be well informed of its activities, so that we recognize and combat undemocratic ac- tivities. We cannot vacillate in our attitude toward subversive conduct of those charged with our security. We speak of government by the majority; let the right of suffrage be exercised by a conscientious majority. Honorable, patriotic public service is ever our duty. As Shriners and as private citi- vens, me must, by the practices so profoundly advocated by our fraternity, establish that the right to live and worship in freedom is the right of mankind. Sincere convictions unless practically ap- plied are of no avail; true idealism, unless crystallized into cooperative conduct toward one’s fellowman, is like tinsel upon an inani- mate body. Inspiration for good is impotent unless pursued; sound ideas are fiction until exercised. Without an attitude of idealism man suf- fers defeatism, hope is nonexistent, faith a comfort unknown. Sound thinking, upright men throughout this world must lend counsel and aid to those who need guidance. Where false philosophies arise, it is our task to enlighten the ignorant. We are our brother’s keepers. Ours is the obligation to sustain propriety and honor through all ad- versity. In the words of the Honorable Lester Par- sons, Canada’s Foreign Minister, ‘“‘We must guard freedom by wisdom as well as by arms.” It is of great moment to this world that despots be frustrated in their wickedness; it is of greater moment that we so conduct ourselves that all human beings understand our way of life, as God-fearing, freedom-lov- ing people. Such is ouredestiny. We cannot avoid that responsibility. God grant us the courage to change the things we can change, the serenity to accept those we cannot, and the wisdom to know the difference. Grant us the courage to sup- port those things we believe to be just, even though their survival may at times seem hopeless, Our Foreign and Military Policies EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH S. WHERRY OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. WHERRY. Mr. President, the concern and alarm of the American people over the present national crisis XCVII—App.——16 is dramatically underscored by the rec~ ord volume of mail now reaching my of- fice and, I am sure, the office of every other Member of Congress, on the sub- Jects of our foreign and military poli- cies. Because they are typical of the think- ing in my State and the letters and tele- grams which I am receiving, I ask unani- mous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Where's Our Leadership?” which appeared in the Thursday, Jan- uary 11, issue of the Cedar County News, published at Hartington, Nebr., by Mr. Fred Zimmer; and a telegram forwarded to me by Mrs. Edwin S. Towle, of Falis City, Nebr., on behalf of the Republican Women’s Club, of Richardson County, Nebr. There being no objection, the editorial and telegram were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Cedar County (Nebr.) News of January 11, 1951] WHers's Our LEADERSHIP? There are a lot of things about this Korean War that the common man does not under- stand, and it makes the ordinary citizen wonder whether the administration does either, For example, it is hard to understand why we should be go afraid of making Russia mad. She is already fighting us, at least indirectly, if not directly. It is equally hard to under- stand why we should not want the Chinese Nationalists to help us in our battle against the Chinese Reds. The Reds are fighting us with everything they have in Korea, so what more could they do if America gave the Chinese on Formosa the go-ahead sign. As matters now stand our Navy is prevent- ing the Nationalists from invading the main- land of China, which in effect is protecting the Red rear while we fight the Reds on the front. This is a war of manpower. The Americans can produce more war material than the Red nations, but the Reds have the edge in man- power and the production of manpower. It appears that the policy of not allowing the Chinese Nationalists to use their 350,000 well- trained troops, plus another million guerrilla fighters on the Chinese mainland, in our behalf is utter folly. True it might make Stalin mad to think we had finally come to look at the matter with our eyes open, but he will do all in his power against us anyway. The Reds do not love us and never will, and any half-hearted measures we use in fighting them will not improve matters. Then there is the situation of not bombing the factories, bridges, and other supply bases for the Chinose Reds in Manchuria. If we cannot fight with both hands in this battle we had better retire entirely and not continue to waste men and materials because we refuse to use both hands in this life-and-death battle, Then there ts the atom bomb. This is a terrible weapon, but if its use will bring an end to this war, and the rumors of war then it 1s worth the toll it takes, The American people for the most part realize that the real villain in the world today 1s not Red China, or North Korea, but Russia, If we want to stop this thing we are going to have to stop Russia. As it is she is egging on China, Korea, and there may be others, 80 that we will waste away. When Russia feels we have been weakened enough that she can step in and take over, she will be right at our throat, make no mistake about that. What kind of leaders do we have that can- not see what the common people have already A241 figured out? Why should they wish to go on with this appeasement policy in regard to Russia and China? Have they forgotten what happened when we tried to settle the strife in Europe by appeasing Hitler? We had to Aght a long, bloody war just the same. The Government talks about the people doing without, tells Americans they must tighten their belts, that more and more money must be spent for defense and that more and more men must be drafted. Yet the powers in Washington have not tightened thelr belts, They still go on trying to do business with Russia and the Reds. Before the start of World War IJ there was the pop- ular phrase, “You can’t do business with Hitler.” That same phrase can also be ap~ plied to Stalin and his Red allies, It’s time something was done, and what must be done should start in Washington. If our leaders start being real leaders they will not have any trouble getting the American people to follow and back them up. It ts time for action. Realietic action, not based on political expediency. If our leaders will not or cannot give us the type leadership we need, then it is time we exercised our right to remove them and put someone at the helm that knows how to steer a ship. FALLS Crry, Nesr., January 16, 1951. Senator KENNETH WHERRY, Washington, D.C.: The Richardson County Republican Wome en's Club, composed of 71 members, are ree solved that we are in favor of: 1, Withdrawing our troops from Korea but if the Government keeps them there we blockade Communist China. 2. No more troops be sent to any other countries without the approval of Congress. 3. No more police actions be undertaken until the other United Nations are willing to furnish their proportionate share in money and troops. 4. Defense production being accelerated. 5. Taxes not being increased until non- defense spending has been cut to the mint~ mum. 6. This being read into the Conaressionan Recorp. Mrs. Epwin 8, Towue, President. Tax Exemption for President and Congress Should Be Eliminated EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN J. WILLIAMS OF DELAWARE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix uf the Recorp an editorial entitled “Tax Exemption for President and Congress Should Be Eliminated,” which appeared in the Winchester Evening Star, Winchester, Va., on Mon- day, January 15, 1961. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows; ‘ Tax EXEMPTION FOR PRESIDENT AND CoNGRESS SHovuw Br ELIMINATED Sound-thinking Senator Wr..1ams, of Delaware, has introduced legislation to re- ‘ peal tax exemptions now permitted on al- lowa: nces granted to the President, the Vice
President, and Members of Congress. He branded as “unfair” the $50,000 tax exemption of the President, the $10,000 to the Vieo President and Speaker of the House, and €9,500 to each Member of the Congress, The President only last week stated that Americans must be taxed “until it hurts.” Ewery right-thirking American {js willing, we belteve, to pay his full share of whatever tax Duster ee be neceasary to strengthen our bepepuntd Metablishment and to fulfill essen- lel tunetiona of government. But those who call for ‘texting until it hurts,” and those who vote for such taxes, likewise should feel the rw pinch, It is completely wrong, in our m, for the President, the Vice Prest- dent, the Members of the Congress to enjoy privileged status in the tax field. Virginia's Senator Byap led virtually a lone fight against this several yours ago. If there ever existed any real logic for establishing such a privileged class, that logic has completely disappeared with recent events. Truman has not been bashful in sain making recommendations to the Congress in every field of legislation from socialized! nlined farming to _mprecedented budgets. would applaud were to recommend taat his own tax cnemption be removed, along with the tax exemption of the Vice President and the Congresamen. [If it is nec- essary to tax until it hurts none should be exempt, And certainly not Government of- fictais who already have shown too little con- cern for the taxpayer's dollar. Tribute to Lt. Harry E. Sutton and His Platoon EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON, HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article which appeared in the New York Times of December 22, 1950, recounting the gallant exploits in Korea of Lt. Harry E. Sutton, of New York City, and an in- fantry platoon which he commanded. Lieutenant Sutton long was a member of the Three Hundred and Sixty-ninth Coast Artillery Regiment of the New York National Guard, which was called into the Federal service in 1941. As Governor of New York, I had the honor of organizing this regiment, which is one of the finest of the New York Na- tional Guard. I am very proud of it. Idieutenant Sutton has served with dis- tinotion during the Second World War as well as with our Armed Forces in Korea. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Neoro Unrr Haren on HunanamM Strawp—Pia- Troon Lap ay Bronx Orricen S@TAVED Orr Most Sxxiovs THREAT TO BREACH HEAD Wrrn rhe Unrren States Tump Diviston nv Korgs, December 20.—A gallant Negro in- fantry platoon fought off the most threat- ening approach yet to a Communist break- through into the Hungnam beachhead. The United States unit was led by Lt. Harry EH. Sutton of 1100 Franklin Avenue, the Bronx, New York, when the North Ko- reans made their wild charge. The Red assault disintegrated whon e@ch United States soldier was down to his last ammunition olip of eight bullets. That's how close the Communists came to pene- trating at least the outer United Ndtions defense ring. The savage battle of “Sutton’s Ridge" be- gan before dawn Monday. The United States counterattack ended Tuesday noon, Since then the United States troops have shifted positions. The story now can be told without endangering security. A famous Third Division regiment was holding part of the hilly eastern flank of the beachhead. Lieutenant Sutton's platoon was assigned to a long, three-humped ridge. Lieutenant Sutton has heen a soldier a long time and an infantry Neutenant 5 years. He spotted his men in strong points on the three ridge nipples and along the World War I type trenches that civilian work. ers had gouged in the frozen earth. He was worried. Fresh North Korean sol- diers—reorganized, reequipped, and fanatic— were on the next ridge line over. On his right flank they had strong-pointed a hill that surrounding crags masked from United States artillery. At 7:45 a. m., Monday, the Communists struck. Crawling up the bare windswept ridge came three groups of 20 men—one group on each flank, one dead center. Just @ email attack, but made by ferocious men who would not stop even when wounded. The United States soldiers moved back and forth in their old-fashioned trench, picking off the Reds. “But they kept coming and coming,” Lieu- tenant Sutton said. ‘All day small groups of them kept coming. We would wipe out this bunch and before we knew it the Reds were back again.” The Communists from the ridge-line oppo- site tried to pin down Lieutenant Sutton’s men with fire so the assault groups coulda reach the trench line. The Reds were firing captured United States Browning automatic rifles, machine guns, and Garand rifles. Master Sgt. Tyler Collins, of Malone, Fla., stood bolt upright and picked off seven Com- munists. A bazooka man killed 10 with a single shell, But the Reds kept coming for more than 11 hours. Finally at 7 p.m. there was a break. “We have licked them,” the GI's other jubilantly. Shortly after small arms began again from the opposite ridge. There was no assault this time, just the continual bark of snipers’ rifles through the long, frigid night. At 6 a. m. Tuesday the Rede assaulted Sutton's ridge. From the ridge opposite the center of the Iine came a flerce wall of fire. A suicide enemy force struck up the slope against the left flank. Lieutenant Sutton was not too worried about these two fronts—the massed fire pow- er Of United States artillery could hit there. But from the hill on the right—masked from the guns by the other hilis—the main force of the enemy Was assaulting in the darkness. The Reds were coming down a precipitous slope, tying short fiber ropes on scrub pines and lowering themselves. With flashing bayonets they burat into the strong point on the last of the three nipples on Ifeutenant Sutton’s ridge. The GI's there fought desperately. Later, in one fox hole, Lieutenant Sutton found two dead North Koreans and the body of the United States soldier who had killed them before he died. Once inside the trenches the Rede turned the United States soldiers’ own machine gun down the ridgeline. Pfc Elijah Whitley, of Toledo, Ark., replied with his Browning automatic rifle, silencing the machine gun. Along the ridgeline, Lieutenant Sutton and his men rolled hand told each APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD grenades down the slope. In the breaking dawn they could see the Communists crumple and tumble down the slope and then see new men replace them. Bodies were strewn crazily on the slopes. “We gave them everything we had,” Lieu- tenant Sutton eatd. That was enough. The last fanatic charge disintegrated. Retnforcements reached the United States line. United States mortars thumped down on the enemy-held right-hend ridge nipple. Lieutenant Sutton led a counterattack. ‘The enemy was driven off it and Lieutenant Sut- ton's men again held all of the ridge, MRS. SUTTON VOICES PRIDE Holding her 6-month-old daughter, Linda Louise, in her arms and flanked by her other child, Harry E. Sutton, Jr., Mrs. Vadnie But- ton could only say last night: “I'm terribly proud of my husband.” Through the day, she had heard over the radio and read in the newspapers about the heroic exploit of her husband, First Lt. Harry E. Sutton. Neighbors crowded her small apartment and offered congratulations. Mrs. Sutton, born in this city, said her husband had been with the United States Army for 10 years. What Are We Trying To Do? EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. EDWARD MARTIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rzcoro an article entitie® “What Are We Trying To Do?” written by Louis Bromfield, and pub- lished in the Philadelphia Bulletin of January 13, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rxcorp, as follows: Wart Arr Ws Tryinc To Do? (By Louis Bromfield) In Washington we are certainly suffering from a confusion compounded of confusion and tragically the confusion finds its way into the hearts of all of us. It seems to me thaf much of the confu- sion arises from hypocrisy, dishonesty, and the deliberate and calculated misuse of words. Instead of dealing with realities and truth, the administration and in particular the State Department is dealing with a fog of illusions, shifty maneuvers, and deliberate deception. Each time that I read in the newspapers or hear over the radio the term “United Na- tions forces now fighting in Korea,” some- thing turns over inside me. Why does this hypocrisy exist? The war in Korea is be- tween American forces and those of Soviet Russia and her puppet, China. All the sup- plies and expenses are furnished by the American people. Not 1 percent of the troops are supplied by the other nations in- cluded in the UN. Why does the administration insist on re- ferring to a full-acale tragic and disastrous war ag a police action when it is war being fought by us, virtually single-~handed? What, indeed, has the UN turned out to be but an agency which has shillied and shallied and hamstrung our efforts in a bitter war,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Our State Department and our military leaders, hamstrung first of all by Mr. Tru. man himeelf, cannot fight an all-out war, They must await the consent and decisions of the UN, made up of other countries play- ing both ends against the middle, while our own American soldiers are being frozen, wounded, and Killed. We cannot bomb the supply sources and lines in Manchuria without the permission of the UN. This will never come so long as European nations want to continue their trade in war materials used against us and Great Britain wants to protect Hong Kong from attack as a port out of which she ts making money while we pay in lives and expense, What is the UN anyway? It is not the only world alliance of na- tions. There are two—the UN and the Com- inform nations, Soviet Russia, under a plan worked out by Alger Hiss, Mr. Acheson, and others, has the power to veto and block nearly all de~ eisive collective action. Soviet Russia and her satellites all sit in on the UN which even invites an aggressor nation like Soviet China to present its utterly destructive case, None of our side sits in on the Cominform UN. And not only are we as a Nation and the UN as an organization hamstrung by the Soviet group, but confusion is created by every nation which wants to save itself at the expense of the United States. The phi- losophy seems to be ‘You protect us but don’t do anything rough which might involve us in a war, Just fight a war with one hand tied behind your back and we'll be safe.” In the Western Europe that remains free, there are approximately 330,000,000 of peo- ple. In the United States there are 150,- 000,000, yet President Truman drafts our sons and brothers with the avowed intention of sending them to Europe to defend these 330,- 000,000. We have already contributed about $50,000,000,000 to the economic welfare of these 330,000,000 and we are expending more billions to arm them, yet they make very little effort to defend themselves. The labor government of Great Britain clearly places its mangy Socialist ideals above the welfare of the nation and the free world itself, It insists upon nationalizing the vital steel industry and throwing it into the con- fusion and inefficiency of bureaucratic man- agement in the midst of the worst crisis the Western World has ever known. Washington tells us that ald to Great Britain under the Marshall plan has ended and in the same breath tells us that we are paying two and a half billion to Great Brit- ain to help arm her. What kind of silly double talk is this? What difference does it make to a government on the verge of bank- ruptcy whether we call the two and a half billions Marshall plan or military aid? It’s all in the same pot, and we American citizens pay it while we draft the best of our young men to do the fighting, not only in Asia but, if Mr. Truman has his way, in Europe as well. Mr. Truman cries “Wolf! Wolf!” and de- clares an emergency when there is no emer- gency, save the unpreparedness which grew out of the politicking and inefficiency of his own administration and the high command of the Armed Forces, which spent fifty bil- lions in 6 years to achieve a state of unpre- paredness. It is not possible to cry “Emer- gency” again and again and again. What, therefore, happens when a real emergency arises? What is it we are trying to do? Whither are we bound? Why do we go on calling Communists in this country “Communists” instead of what they are—a Soviet Russian fifth column of saboteurs? We cannot meet any situation or even save ourselves so long as we deal with hypocrisies, deceits, and secret agreements designed to sell the American people a bill of goods under false pretenses. Or is all this because Stalin, before the whole world, has made fools of certain high officials at the very top of our Government? Warning to the Northwest EXTENSION OF REMARFS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Warning to the Northwest,” published in the McMinnville (Oreg.) Telephone Register of December 28, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: WARNING TO THE NORTHWEST Oregon Senator WAYNE Morse’s Call for in- vestigation of the Federal Government's pro- curement procedure and policies should sound an ominous warning to every small community and business firm in the Pacific Northwest, The demand came after several days of in- tensive and frustrating investigation by the Oregon Senator, his staff, and Edward H. Lay, of McMinnville, as to why Lay and similar small manufacturers in the Northwest were not getting an opportunity to make competi- tive bids on Government orders. The group searched the files of every major procurement office in Washington, D. C. They found the Lay firm listed in the index files, but in no case did they find the name carried through to the bid lists. This was in spite of the fact that Lay had made numerous attempts to get on the Msts and had filled out several times all necessary papers to be placed on the lists. The investigation uncovered the fact that there were no small firms in the Northwest on the bid Hst. With exception of a few major concerns, which can afford to main- tain representatives in Washington, D. C., the entire Northwest is out in the cold at the present time as far as defense contracts are concerned. The effect of this situation on the economy of our area is not hard to realize. The United States is already involved in a real war in Korea. We have underway a tremen- dous mobilization program to prepare the Nation for total world war, which Govern- ment Officials apparently believe is possible if not probable in the near future. The best word available out of the chaotic situation in Washington tndicates that full controls would be in effect now, over all United States production, if the Government were ready to administer the burdens such controls demand. Unless there is a real eas- ing of the international situation, which looks out of the question at the moment, we probably will see severe curtailment of civilian production during 1951. Little ef- fort is being made to protect small-business investments in the rush to rearm the Nation, It is obvious that our Northwest commu- nities will suffer severely if war production does not take up some of the slack that cur- tailment of civilian production and distribu- tion is going to leave. We may have major industries in metropolitan areas, such as Portland's World War IJ shipbuilding, to em« ploy manpower, but even that is not pro- A243 gressing too rapidly. There seems real re- luctance in Washington to increase war in- dustrialization in this area. If we have a shutdown in many lines of civilian business, our area will lose popula- tion to districts that are humming with war orders. We are going to see the Northwest's economy set back immeasurably. It is a sit- uation that the people of the Pacific North- west must not tolerate. Senator Morse found that specifications on many products the Lay Co., in con- junction with some 20 other firme, sought to build were drawn so as to completely elimi- nate western woods. The hardwood inter- ests of the East and South had the full in- side track and would have continued to hold that advantage had not the demand been made after Mr. Lay's trip into Washington. Oregon lumber production, purchased under & separate agency, was not affected. « * © The people of the ertire North- west should make intensive efforts to see that their Washington representatives ime« mediately get behind a program to increase defense production in thi: area. We have the materials and manpower. The items we could make would go directly overseas from here, relieving cross-country transport snarls. The situation is vital to every Northwest community that wants to continue a healthy economy. There is nothing like widespread demands from the people to awaken Wash- ington delegations to thelr responsibilities, and such demand should be made—and fast. Small-business firms, as Morse pointed out, are not able to maintain contact men in Washington, D. C., or make frequent trips to the Capital to make personal contact for a chance at Government orders, Californians recognize the problem and spend untold sums maintaining large staffs in the Capital. Large corporations, such ¢s the automobile manufacturers, keep huge crews at work there. We cannot afford such outlays to protect the interests of small business in the Northwest, but its continua- tion is just as vital to this section as to any other. We must demand that our Repre- sentatives shoulder tifé load and see to it that this area is not forgotten. Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE ROUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Record, I include tne following report: Micentury Wuits House CONFERENCE ON CHILDREN AND YOUTH, WASHINGTON, D. C., DrcemsBer 18, 1950 At the concluding sessions of the Midcen- tury White House Conference on Children and Youth, 4,620 delegates with voting privi- lege adopted the following recommendations: PLEDGE TO CHILDREN As its closing action, the conference unani- mously adopted the following pledge: “To you, our children, who hold within you our most cherished hopes, we the members of the Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth, relying on your full response, make this pledge: “From your earliest infancy we give you our love, so that you may grow with trust in yourself and in others.
A244 “We will recognise your worth as a person and we will help you to strengthen your sense of belonging. “We will respect your right to be yourself and at the same time help you to understand the rights of others, go that you may experl- ence cooperative living. “We will help you to develop Initiative and imagination, so that you may have the op- portunity freely to create.” PREAMELE Believing tn the primacy of spiritual values, democratic practice, and the dignity and worth of every human being, and recogniz- ing that these are essential to individual happiness and responsible citizenship, we have come together to inquire— How the necessary mental, emotional, and spiritual qualities may be developed in chil- dren, and How the physical, economic, and social conditions favorable to such development may be assured. And having found that children require, for thetr fullest development— Regard for their individual worth and sen- altive reapect for their feelings, from all who touch their lives. Loving care and guidance from mothers and fathers, who have a sense of the privilege and responsibility which parenthood in- volves, and who have confidence in their capacity to rear a child. A secure home that is free from want, and dread of want, and provides all family mem- bers with a satisfying physical, aesthetic, so~- cial, and spiritual environment. A community whose citizens are dedicated to establishing the values and practices that make life meaningful and abundant for chil- dren of all colors, creeds, and customs, and to cooperative endeavor for the expression of these values and practices in daily living. Full access to health, educational, recrea- tional, social, and religious services and pro- grams, directed toward the well-being of all they serve. Concern on the part of all citizens for ali children. Devotion to the pursuit of knowledge and the wide application of that which is known. If they are to grow iIn— Trust in themselves and others. Independence and initiative coupled with a true sense of being related to others. Satisfaction in bringing individual and share tasks to completion. A sense of personal destiny, of the respon- sible parts they will eventually play as par- ents, workers, citizens. The capacity for the love that underlies the family and that ideally comes to embrace all mankind. Creativity that brings into being new life, new relationsbips, new values, and new things of beauty and usefulness, and cherishes them for their worth. Integrity that sees each life as personally meaningful within the period of history in which it is lived, and in relation to enduring values. FURTHERING HEALTHY PERSONALITY DEVELOP- MENT IN CHILDREN AND YOUTH The conference unanimously passed the first group of 25 recommendations, as amended from the floor. 1. The expansion of research on develop- ment and adjustment, and that such research include longitudinal studies of relations and factors that affect behavior and adjustment. In this way there will be provided a con- tinuing understanding of infants, children, and youth and a sound basis for practices. We further support by public and private agencies in extending research pertaining to healthy personality. 2. That the citizens of every community accept responsibility for providing and sus- taining adequate programs and facilities with professional personnel for education, health, recreation, and social services. In the dse- velopment of such programs full and appro- priate use should be made of all voluntary and public resources. 8. That schools for professional workers in- clude in their curricula Instruction in human growth and change and in family counseling, together with practical experience. 4. That ways and means be found for the formal and informa] in-service education of professional people and that promising prac- tices be widely disseminated, 5. That education for parenthood be made available to all through educational, health, religious, and welfare agencies maintaining professional standards and by properly quall- fled individuals. 6. That nursery schools and kindergartens, as & desirable supplement to home life, be included as a part of public educational op- portunity for children provided they meet high professional standards. 7. That children be provided with oppor- tunities that are wide in range and chal- lenging in nature, emphasizing exploration, participation, and social experience in an environment that is rich and stimulating; and that expectations of achievement should be in harmony with each child's ability and growth. 8. That appropriate public bodies set mini- mum standards for agencies and institutions providing foster care for children, whether foster day care or full-time care, and pro- vide for the authorization or licensing and supervision as to maintenance of standards. 9. That all States establish standards for the hospital care of mothers and children, in order to assure the quality of care which modern science knows how to give; and that these standards take into account the im- portance of avoiding unnecessary distress and anxiety. 10. That spectalists and agencies take every opportunity to foster and increase parents’ feelings of satisfaction and self-confidence; and that material concerning the growth and development of children be made as reagsur- ing and nontechnical as possible, and not hold up false standards of perfection. 11. That elementsry, secondary, college and community education include such ap- propriate experiences and studies of child~ hood and family life as will help young peo- ple to mature toward the role of parenthood. 12. That one department in each Btate government whether it be welfare, health, or education, working in close conjunction with the other departments concerned, set up all-inclusive minimum standards for all day- cate center nursery schools and kindergar- tens, 18, That appropriate public bodies estab- Nish minimum standards for licensing or au- thorization with respect to plant, program, and staff, for all child-care and preschool groups. 14. That there be authoritative explora- tion of methods of improving the economic situation of children in families with inade- quate incomes, giving particular attention to family allowances, tax exemptions for ehildren and of working mothers. 15. That development of new housing fa- cilities give apecial attention to health, rec- reational, and social needs; to the extent that private industry does not provide suitable housing for low-income families, that such housing continue to be developed by gov- ernmental agencies. 16. That programs for children and youth with handicaps be expanded to provide for physical, mental, emotional, and occupa- tional needs 17. That local boards of education accept adequate educational including special services, to mest the needa of children with physical and mental limi- tations; and that State departments of edu- eation accept responsibility for leadership aervice in realizing this objective. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 18, ‘That guidance and counseling services in schools, employment offices, and youth- servicing agencies be strengthened and ex- tended; and that such services take into ac- count emotional factors involved in voca- tional adjustment and aptitude for specific jobs. ; 10. That children of migrant and seasonal workers be given all the protections and services available to other children, with special regard to transportation, housing, sanitation, health and educational services, social benefits, and protection under labor laws. 20. That school lunches be provided and that children unable to pay for their lunches be furnished them free, without being dif- ferentiated from the children who pay. 21. That restrictive eligibility provisions be eliminated from public assistance pro- grams so as to provide assistance to all chil- dren in need. 22. That Federal grants to States for pub- lie assistance be varied with the financial ability of the States but sufficient to protect children's personalities from the il) effects of inadequate income. 23. That racial segregation in education be abolished. 24. That it be made possible for qualified youth to obtain college or university educa~ tion which would otherwise be denied them because of inability to pay. 25. That, as an aid to the economic sta- bility of children and their mothers, the old- age and survivors insurance program be fur- ther extended to cover workers not presently included and to make benefits more ade- quate; end that similar improvements be made in State unemployment insurance laws. In additton, the Conference adopted a mo- tion from the floor to include the following in its recommendations: “That churches of various faiths coordi- nate, strengthen, and expand their religious services and activities for people of inade- quate income." TURTHERING HEALTHY PERSONALITY DEVELOP- MENT THROUGH THE FAMILY, THE CHURCH, THE SCHOOL, AND OTHER SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 1. That there be a comprehensive study of the present body of law relating to children and families and the methods of impiement- ing such laws; and that the study shall in- clude lawa that serve to impede the progress of Indians in the flelds of social and cultural advance. 2. That law schools include courses on familly lew and the relationship of the law to other professions, and schools of social work include courses in the law and its philosophy. 8. That standards be developed for juve- nile services by police departments. 4. That, in accordance with State-wide standards, courts of superior jurisdiction, with fudges qualified in the law with an un- derstanding of social and psychological factors, and with qualified probation staff and auxillary personnel, be available for all cases inyolving children with problems that require court action in rural and urban areas. . 6. That the preventive and treatment functions of social agencies, police, courts, institutions, and after-care agencies be co- ordinated so as to insure continuity of service. 6. That more emphasis be put on the ef- fects of recreational activities on the per- sonality of the individual; and that in all neighborhoods where children and youth re- side there should be provided recreation cen- ters under professional end voluntary super= vision. 2. That youth bave an equal chance with adults to participate in planning and carry~ ing out recreational activities; and that, as @ practical aid for such planning, States be en- couraged to study and establish official State
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD boards of recreation to provide counsel and information assistance in recreation matters to communities, particularly small towns and rural areas. 8. That States and other appropriate pub- lic bodies establish and enforce standards covering the employment of youth in all occupations, such standards to include min- imum age and wages, as well as hours of work, night work, protection from hazardous occupations, and provisions for workmen's compensation; and that, under these con- ditions, employers in cooperation with labor be urged to provide appropriate work ex- perience for youth on a part-time basis, 9. Prompt action should be taken at the national level to provide funds to supple- ment those of States and localities, and to stimulate the early development of adequate local health service throughout the country, such action being particularly needed be- cause of the physical and mental effects of mobilization and war on the mothers, chil- dren, and youth. 10. That a continuous program of educa- tion regarding the role of social service in adoption be carried on for the general pub- lic and for the professions involved to the end that effective safeguards be achieved for the protection of the adopted child, his natural parents, and his adopted parents; that existing legislation be strengthened, and if need be, new legislation enacted to assure such protection; and that qualified adoption agencies, local and State-wide, vol- untary and public, be strengthened and de- veloped to further assure such protection. 11. Further Federal aid should be provided to the States for educational services, in tax- supported public schools, without Federal control, to help equalize educational oppor- tunity—the issue of auxiliary services to be considered on its merits in sepaarte legisla- tion. 12. That all professions dealing with chile dren have, as an integral part of the prepara- tion, a core of common experiences on tunda- mental concepts of human behavior includ- ing the need to consider the total person as well as any specific disorder; the interrcla- tionship of physical, mental, social, religious, and cultural forces; the importance of inter- personal relationships; and the role of self- understanding; and emphasis on the positive recognition and production of healthy per- sonalities and the treatment of variations; and that lay people be oriented through for- mal or informal education to an understand- ing of the importance of the foregoing concepts. 13. That steps be taken at National, State, and local levels to improve the facilities and increase the output of professional schools preparing persons for services to children. 14. That an inquiring attitude be main- tained toward all services, with appropriate provision at all levels for continuous scien- tific study of needs, objectives, alternative methods, and effectiveness of programs. MAKING MORE POSITIVE THE INFLUENCE OF RELI- GIOUS, SOCIAL, AND ECONOMIC FORCES ON PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT 1. Recognizing knowledge and understand- ing of religious and ethical concepts as es~ sential to the development of spiritual values and that nothing is of greater importance to the moral and spiritual health of our Na- tion than the works of religious education in our homes and families and in our institu- tions of organized religion, we nevertheless strongly affirm the principle of separation of church and state, which has been the key- atone of our American democracy and de- clare ourselves unalterably opposed to the use of the public schools directly or indl- rectly for religious educational purposes. 2. That there be further study of the underlying causes of broken homes and in- creasing divorce. 83. That we support the full program rece ommended by the Prasident’s Commission on Civil Rights because it represents our faith in and practice of democracy and we further urge prompt steps to eliminate all types of racial and religious segregation and that this conference through its most appropriate channels appeal to the Federal Government to abolish segregation in the Nation’s Capital, making Washington the world’s example of a truly working democratic absence of dis- criminatory practices on the basis of race, creed, or color. 4. That to insure the welfare of all children the following specific measures be taken to provide a well-rounded comprehensive hous- ing and community development program: A. Maximum emphasis should be placed on maintaining standards adequate for health, comfort, and decency in both private and public housing construction, B. That the construction of 810,000 low- rent public housing units should proceed at full speed in order to provide much-needed housing for low-income families now living in slums, C. To meet the needs of middle-income families who are ineligible for public hous- ing, that there be developed a cooperative- housing program specifically geared to the needs and income of middle-income families. D. That our national housing program should meet the requirements of families not only in every income group, but also in every type of community, rural and urban, and families of every size from the largest to the smallest. E. That the slum clearance and urban de- velopment and redevelopment program, now getting under way with Federal assistance, be supported as an integral part of over-all com- munity planning. F. That the need principle be regarded as the prime criterion in providing defense housing facilities in a period of mobilization, 5. That specific efforts be made to bring lower income groups up to a higher income level and to increase their real income by providing a greater variety of community services. (All expansion of services should include children in all the States and Terri- tories.) 6. That in view of television’s unprece- dented growth and its potential as a medium for mass education, the television industry and all educational, health, and social agen- cies seeking to use this medium accopt their great social responsibility; and further that this principle apply also to the other mass media of communications. 7. That the Federal Communications Commission reserve television channels for noncommercial educational television sta- tions so that some part of the limited num- ber of frequencies to be allocated by the Commission may be reserved for educational uses and purposes. 8. That all groups concerned develop and maintain programs for protecting the healthy personality of children living under the stress of defense preparation. 9. That in the present emergency the sac- rifices demanded should be shared by all in- dividuals and groups in the population and that the services of men with physical and other disabilities be utilized in some capacity without the use of categories, such as IV-F, 10. That more and better educational op- portunities be made available for young adults in civilian and military life. 11. That schools, labor, industry, and other community agencies involved and the mill- tary services improve and expand their per- sonnel, evaluation, placement, and voca- tional guidance and counseling activities to serve the interests of the young people and to promote the over-all development and utilization of our total human resources. 12, That provision of adequate allowances be made for wives and children of service- men. 18. That the participation of children and youth in times of community stress should be in agreement with their stage of develop- A245 pent and designed to minimize their anx- eties, 14, That governmental and voluntary agen~ cles work to meet the needs of wives and children of the personnel in the Armed Forces moving to new communities, to insure their absorption into community life and the provision of adequate housing, health, edu- cational, spiritual, and recreational services to meet their needs. MOBILIZING CITIZENS FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF CONDITIONS AFFECTING THE PERSONALITY DE- VELOPMENT OF CHILDREN AND YOUTH 1. That community groups and commu- nity leaders reexamine their attitudes and procedures in the light of findings of this conference, and make appropriate adapta- tions and changes. 2. In order to insure proper assessment, creative planning, and appropriate action with respect to meeting the needs of children and youth, that communities undertake the following tasks on a continuing basis: A. Develop broad community interests. B. Obtain the broadest possible commu- nity sponsorship. C. Obtain where necessary technical as- sistance in planning and carrying out the program. D. Initiate or organize studies and gather facts that are focused on specific problems according to priorities. E. Interpret the facts, and inform the com- munity as to their significance. Since goals and methods are closely inter- twined, that in undertaking these tasks the methods used be based on the following principles: A. People as individuals and as groups should be helped to help themselves, Pro- fessional workers should find their role in giving such help. B. It should be recognized that differences and stresses may be present and can be utilized positively. C. There should be broad-based partici- pation of all groups without discrimination as to age, sex, race, creed, national origin, or economic levels. D. Fact-finding should be used as part of & total educational process. E, Channels of communication between individuals and groups should be provided for the purpose of not only furthering com- mon social objectives but also for the im- provement of relations between groups. FP, Since the community is served by both public and private agencies, which have a common concern for meeting the needs of children and youth, the endeavors of both in planning, assessment, and financing should be utilized. 3. That greater emphasis be placed by the various professions on utilizing methods and seeking new means of bringing the parents into participation in thinking and planning with and for their: children, 4. That professional workers should be trained in such a way that they will have an understanding of and respect for other professional skills and contributors in order that they may work together to further community growth. Some of the ways that this might be achieved are: A. In all levela of undergraduate educa- tion, that students receive broad prepara- tion in the knowledge of human growth behavior, and motivation which ought to be common knowledge for all students. This would also serve as a background for profes- sional education. B. In schools preparing for professional work, that there be included in the curri- culum both through the classroom and field experiences opportunities for cooperative work as problems common to all professional interests. ©. The practicing professional worker fur- ther his training by seeking, utilizing and romoting opportunities to relate to and par- Jcipate with other professional and citizens
A246 groups in resolving problems of the tndivid- ual and the community. D. That orientation programs be planned for all professional persons and interpro- fessional groups in the community. 8. Participation in planning in the come munity should begin in the schoola and in other institutions in order that children, youth, and adults learn the importance of voluntary participation and responsibility for community leadership. 6. All interested groups should work in partnership to recruit, tram, and use volun- teer leaders for community programs, with special attention to using young people in appropriate ways. 7, Since citizen participation is essential for effective community services for children and youth, when not already provided, citi- wen advisory boards and similar groups rep- resentative of the community be established for public services as well as private and that every effort be made to enable and secure participation by a cross section of the citi- genry. That educational institutions and other groups emphasize the importance of participation by volunteers as a basic factor in citizen responsibility. 8. Communities foster cooperative com- munity councils representative of all com- munity interests to study and advance better conditions and opportunities for young workers. 9. Citizens be encouraged to support ade- quate appropriations and qualified staff to administer and enforce basic legislative standards of States, and other appropriate public bodies, covering the employment of youth. 10. That more energetic efforts be made by both public and private organizations for support of selective recruitment and train- ing of professional workers and for an ex~- tensive program of scholarships. 11. Recognizing that youth has rights and responsibilities for better community living, that progressive opportunities be provided for youth to participate vitally in community activities and planning in order that youth may early have the preparation and experi- ence for leadership and community service, Purther that the professional workers ac- cept their responsibilities to stimulate the community to see that these opportunities are provided for youth. 12. That youth representatives be placed on community boards of various agencies in order that they may participate in the plan- ning, developmental, and operational phases of the total community programs. 18. Immediate vigorous, and continuing work be undertaken to provide for the or- ganization and financing of National, State, and local programs which would put the con- ference recommendations into action. RESOLUTION ON FOLLOW-UP PROGRAM Whereas the President of the United States who called this Midcentury White House Conference has stated that “essential for the progress of mankind” and the preservation of “our own liberty as a Nation” are “ways to help our children and young people become mentally and morally stronger” and develop into the “self-reliant individuals” which are the strength of our democracy; and Whereas the President has urged that “in the days ahead—we will have to make special efforts to see that children get a falr chance at the right start in Hfe” and has asked this Conference to proceed immediately to- ward such goals; and Whereas over 100,000 citizens in all States and Territories have studied ways of im- proving the well-being of children in their own communities; and Whereas the White House Conference has a0 dramatically demonstrated the pressing need for the better application of that which ‘we know and that which we assume to he good as well as the importance of filling by further research the wide gaps in our knowle edge of human and social behavior; and Whereas the follow-up on the recommen- dations and implications of the findings of the Midcentury White House Conference de- pend upon the fullest partnership of volun- tary and official effort; and Whereas this White House Conference has demonstrated the need for more effective communication between the national, State and local levels; and Whereas there is need to establish a con- tinuity of effort in follow-up; and Whereas the national committee of the White House Conference, its advisory coun- clis, and delegates in attendance at the De- cember meetings have recommended that machinery be authorized to implement fol~ low-up: Be it Resolved that this Conference recommends approval of the following principles in effect- ing appropriate action in follow-up: 1, The chief operating group upon which the responsibility for follow-up should fall will be existing organizationsa—national, State, and local. 2. That chief purposes of the follow-up effort should be to disseminate the findings of the Conference, stimulate action on its recommendations, and promote research de- signed to fill the gaps of knowledge which the Conference has brought forth. 3. That the participation of youth and the inter-disciplinary approach denronstrated in this Conference should be maintained and further developed. 4. That the formation of a national com- mittee is important as an advisory and con- sultative group. Such a committee should work through all the groups which have & primary concern for the well-being of the Nation's children and youth. It should be made up of individual citizens asked to serve in their own right rather than as representa- tives of organizations or interests and de- termine its own methods of financing. 6. That provision for continuity be imple- mented by (a) including on this new com- mittee Ave selected members from each of the present advisory councils wishing to partici- pate in follow-up, members from the pres- ently organized committee and members at large; and (b) by providing for State and local follow-up organization. 6. That on-going activities should be ef- fected by this national committee through an advisory council for participation of na- tional organizations and an advisory coun- cil for State and local action and through auch technical committee as may be indi- cated and should provide for appropriate cooperation with governmental groups at all levels, 7. That it is understood that the national committee here proposed would of necessity have discretion, within the framework of the purposes herein set forth, to make such changes as will assure the attainment of the objectives of the Midcentury White House Conference. 8. That authority for setting up this fole Jow-up program be given to the national committee of the Midcentury White House Conference. The Marshall Plan —ene EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask ‘unanimous consent to have printed in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Appendix of the Recory an editorial from the December 21, 1950, issue of the Manchester Guardian Weekly discussing the Marshall plan. The editorial pro- vides clear evidence again of the effec- tiveness of the Marshall plan. As Ihave said so many times and now repeat, I consider the Marshall plan, on the eco- nomic front, to be the greatest contribu- tor to checking the spread of commu- nism throughout Europe. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tue MARSHALL PLAN It is not the failure but the success of the Marshall plan that has led to the suspension of further aid to Britain. In 5 years we have had first a loan of $3,750,000,000 and then allocations of nearly $2,700,000,000 under the European recovery program. Now, 18 months before vhe close of the 4-year plan, the ster- ling area is earning a surplus of dollars— and not, as {s commonly believed, because of abnormally high raw-material prices. Higher export proceeds have accounted for some- thing Ike one-fifth of the unexpected change-over from dollar gap to dollar sur- plus. Lower imports account for the major part, and this reduction has been brought about partly by devaluation and partly by the ability of growing British production to take the place of dollar goods. Marshall aid has been a vital component of recovery. Ordinary words of thanks are inadequate to meet the occasion. We can only say that the American people have proved themselves to be far- sighted as well as generous, and the first 1s much rarer in this world than the second. Success is worth more than gratitude. Here is one of the most brilliant successes in the history of international relations. All con- cerned have reason to be pleased with them- selves. Stateemanship has been applied to the ending as well as to the starting of the plan. The abrupt close of lend-lease at the end of the war did untold harm to western unity; this time the ending ts to be gradual and sensible. Goods in the pipeline will be paid for, though some heavy industrial equipment will not arrive until 1952. Com- mitments under the European Payments Union will be met. Promises which led this country to undertake financial risks abroad will be kept. In fact, the whole apparatus of the Marshall plan remaina in being, and this country remains a full member. The marginal activities, like the Productivity Council] and the Fulbright scholarships, will continue. If there should be a set-back to the sterling position the present agreement will be reviewed. All this is highly satisfac- tory. We shall not, of course, do without American ald altogether. We depend on the United States for our defense, and we expect to receive some help toward the cost of re- armament, particularly the cost of imported Yaw materials for defense production. The amount to be allotted to Britain—and the form of it—remains to be settled by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The need will depend a good deal on the prices of the raw materials we need, and these in turn depend on the joint planning of raw mate- rial supplies which Mr. Attlee proposed in Washington. News of these unsolved prob- lems will be awaited with some anxiety. But nothing can diminish the great news of to- day. We may be excused for feeling like 4 man who has paid back a large loan to a friend. Marshall aid to Europe has meant & contribution of £88 from every American family; and the vast majority of Americans are not so well off that the extra tax burden has come ensy to them. We salute the Amer~ fean taxpayer and hope he has got value for money: We have done our best to give it to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Let Us Face the Facts en EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, I see from the press—Wall Street Jour- nal, January 18, 1951—that the United States Treasury will soon ask owners of $1,100,000,000 of series E savings bonds that mature in 1951 to hold on to them a few more years. At the present rate of depreciation of the purchasing power of the dollar I am sure the interest that the holders of E bonds will ultimately receive will vanish into thin air. Why not sta- bilize the value of the E bonds and all other United States bonds by cutting down unnecessary, nonessential and non- defense expenditures of the Truman spendthrift administration. The road to the repudiation of United States bonds and the devaluation of the dollar is being greased by the Truman spenders. The citizens who doubt this drab pic- ture ought to study the proposed budget authorizations for expenditures during fiscal year 1952 compiled by Paul O. Peters. Under leave to extend, hereto- fore granted, I am inserting the com- Pilation of Mr. Peters: Proposed budget authorizations for erpenditures—jiscal year 1952 {Compiled by Paul 0. Peters, from the budget for fiseal 1952] Description Appropriations recommended: Legislative branch... 2.2.1. e eee e ee eee een ene ne The judicury........----.-----. Executive Office, the President. Funds to the President... Independent offers. ...- Foderal Security Agency... . General Services Admunustrat Housing and Home Finance Agency Department of Agriculture. ....... Department of Commerce ..... TDefonse Department, military... ... Defense Department, civil functions. Department. of the Tnterlor. . 22-2... Department of Justice... Department of Labor .- Post Office (general fund. Department of State___.. Treasury Department... District of Columbia (contributian). Reser ve for contingencies. ...-. 22. e eee nnn ener eens Appropriations, total. 2.2.2... - ee ee enone enn eeee Authorizations to expend from public debt recelpts: Independent offices... . - House and Home Finance Agency Department of Agriculture. Total authorizations for expenditure, 1952_.........- Contract authorizations, fiseal 1952° Housing and Home Finance Agency.......-.-.--e0e wees Department of Commerce.....------ Department of the Interior Deductions: For liquidation of prior contract authorizations: Legislative branch Funds appropriated, President Independent offices........ General Bervices Administration. Housing and Home Finance Agency. Federal Security Agency.........000- Department of Commerce... Depsrtment of Defense. ....-. JPopartment of the Interior. Department of Justice... Department of State...... Deductions (subtract). .--...----neneeeenene ane Net proposed appropriations and contract suthorizations for fiscal 1052: Recommended in budgot........---seeennnnncecenenee: Proposed for Jater...-... ~- rand total new funds... 22... c.enceee senna nen eee Reappropriations: Department of State........-.-....2.. -- 1, 259, 768, 196 Recommended Proposed for in 1952 budget Inter Total o- $73, 334, 906 $73, 334, 006 26, 483, 240 26, 483, 35, 331, 215 85, $31, 215 45, 476,271 | $11, 140, 000, 000 11, 225, 476, 271 7, 091, 727, 250 610, 000, 000 7, GOL, 727, 250 1, RG, 373, 556 335, 000, 000 2, 221, 473, BAS 143, 211, 400 1, 000, 000, 000 1, 148, 211, 400 37, 730, OO [ocean een e ee enn eee 37, 730, 000 993, 043, 560 |... ---------- - 993, 043, 560 933, 640, 925 129, 400, 000 1, 003, 040, 925 es ere 62, 610, 000, 000 62, 510, 000, OW) - 641, 950, 000 170, 000, 000 811, 950, 000 619, 858, 473 627, 858, 473 156, 831,000 Jove 156, 831, 000 231, 201, 500 |e eee eee 231, 291, 600 521, 374, 000 160, 000, 000 288, 646, 370 313, 646, 376 6, 404, 018, 482 Joe 6, 404, 013, 482 12, 000, O00 [o-----. oe eee - 12, 000, 000 nee 200, 000, 000 a-[| 20, 282, 317, 156 05, 048, 343, 156 [ee | be -- 625,000 |...-.-------.----- 625, 100 <r SSS enwwee Parra ees 1, 000, 000, 000 250, 000, 000 [oe ee ee eee 250, 000, O01) 689, 000, O00 |.--.------.------. 689, 000, 000 939, 000, 000 1, 939, 000, 000 ~ None None S| SS | SS SS 21, 171, 942, 156 97, $82, 968, 156 | Sa nee ae aan ae 00, 000, 100, 900, 000 520, 000, 000 520), 000, 000 1, 000, 000 1,000, 000 621, 000, 000 5, 000, 000 5,000, 000 44, 476, 271 44, 476, 271 879, 700, 000 | 379, 700), 000 i nnenRnS 180, 000, 000 |.....2....------ - 4,900,000 [oer eee 4, 900, 000 : 164, 830, 000 [TTITTTI TTT 164, 830, 000 618, 626, 925 125, 000, 000 743, 626, 925 cea[eweeencs eee as-e| 2,510,000, 000 2, 510, 000, 000 38, 875, 000 38, 875, 000 360, 000 340, 000 3,000, 000 " 4, 076, 768, 196 SSA  semmeancim ee ermerseaeee ee eens Peet Rowescensemnne® 78, 806, 026, 000 |...-.------n enue 94, 420, 199, 000 1 Deduction for proposed postal-rate increase to reduco deficit, SUMMARY For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1051, the Budget requests for appropriations and authority to obligate the Government totals $87,459,449,077. The proposed requests for fiscal 1962 total 894,429,199,960. ' In 2 years the administration wants to spend $181,888,649,937. The cost of operating State and local gov- ernments for the same two fiscal years is estimated at $41,000,000,000. All government cost would be, under the present proposed spending for the 2 years, $221,888,649,037, This huge amount represents more than 50 percent of the reported total national income for 1949 and nearly 50 percent of A2A7T the reported average national income for the first half of the calendar year 1950. The spending program for fiscal 1952 if approved by Congress will accelerate the inflationary trend, increase taxes, boost the public debt to new levels, and generally dis= turb the functioning of our entire economic system, It is indeed time to reexamine our ability to spend and tax the people for the many international adventures included in Mr, Truman's plans for the fiscal year 1952, Pauu O. Perers. Letter From Jesse H. Bond to Hon. Wayne Morse, of Oregon EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, there is @ very interesting retired professor of business administration of the University of Oregon who does not always agree with the junior Senator from Oregon on economic and social legislation, but who, nevertheless, is always stimulating, even in his disagreements, and helpful in his contribution to the discussions of eco- nomics. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Iecorp an interesting letter I have re- cently received from him in which he sets forth some of his views on important issues, There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: EuGEnx, Ornec., December 6, 1950. Dean Warne: The time has come, it seems to me, for all men who think of themselves as civilized to reflect with humility and hon- esty on the fact that fish and animals get hooked and trapped by going full tilt after what they want, without seeing their situa- tions whole. The more we become special- ized and therefore limited in our first-hand knowledge, which is what happens to civi- lized men, the more we seem to become im- patient when anyone attempts to acquaint us with unpalatable facts. Fortunately or otherwise, my own first- hand experience, as well as my academic training, has been extraordinarily wide. I have been through the mill from child la- borer in a market garden to landlord and small capitalist. My studies have included physics, chemistry, mathematics, sociology, political science, law, economics, accounting, and business management. ' Just now, it appears to me, organized labor is in desperate need of considering some unpalatable facts, only two of which I shall here mention, First, we must now and probably for sev~ eral years, possibly a generation or more, pro- duce more guns and less butter. If we try to preserve our butter production undimin- tshed, we shall fall short of the necessary production of guns. The necessary sacrifice of some of our butter ought to be shared by all of us and not shirked by any large number, of course. There are two possible ways of approximating this result roughly, but no way of doing it perfectly. One of these ways is to ration the butter, the other
4a to allow the price of butter to rise as the unavoidable scarcity grows in the markets, Organized labor gives notice that, as the price of butter rises, wages must rise accord- ingly or even anticipate rising prices. In the abeence of rationing, this amounts to @ demand that labor escape all sacrifice of its butter consumption and pass the decline in standards of living on to Roxie Erb and other people on fixed, or partly fixed, incomes. In this connection I suggest you glance over the National City Bank’s monthly let- ter for November 1950, pages 123 to 126. It gives in full a letter from a C1O economist and gives what seems to me a deserved and soundly reasonable reply. The ascond item is best introduced by a little personal experience. On my farm are bulldings which would cost me over $20,000 to replace, yet I am allowed to charge de- preciation only on 87,000, the original cost in dollars of pre-World Wer and predevalu- ation purchasing power. If I should have to serap these buildings, even after recover- ing in depreciation the whole 87,000, I would be out anywhere from $13,000 to $18,000, with a set of buildings no better than the originals were when they were built. In other words, I must make extra profits of $13,000 to 618,000 before replacement hecause my income each year as reported and as taxed will have been substantially over- stated. To put it another way, inflated re- placement costs are an additional or ex post facto tax on income previously earned. To Bay it still differently, inflated replacement costs are a levy upon working capital, and they could ruin a bustness entirely if its debts are large. They reduce the ability of man- agement either to pay dividends to their stockholders or to resist excessive demands by organized labor. I quote from Poor's Investment Advisory Survey, November 25, 1950, final page: “There are some significant things which balance sheets do not show. In the case of steel, one of them is that present replacement costs of plant and equipment exceed #250 per ton of ingot capacity; and that if adequate de- preciat'on reserves were set up on that basis, under present tax laws, the earnings of the industry would look like depression figures.” On a recent calculation, the stock market prices of the common stocks of the eight largest steel companies were valuing their plant and equipment at from $36.32 to $87.42 ton of annual ingot capacity. No, neither my wife nor I own any steel stocks, Dut we do own some other stocks, enough to enable us to get the investor's hard- headed and realistic point of view. From that point of view, let’s look at the 10,000,000-ton addition to annual ingot capacity which the administration ts push- ing the steel industry to make, and which must cost very close to $2,600,000,000, or even. more since the moat recent increases in stee] ‘wages and material costs. The requirements in the amount of working capital, or revolv- ing quid capital, will also be substantially increased. It is extremely unlikely that such in- creased annual ingot capacity will be valued on the stock market at a higher rate than existing capacity. To be generous to the critics of stee] profits, let us say the market value of the steel stocks might rise as much as 6900,000,000. In other words, steel stock~ holders are being asked to spend between $260 and $300 to add $90 to the market value of their investments. One billion six hun- dred million dollars or more {s thus destined to be taken from stockholders and poured into the inflation rat hole. ' Where is this money coming from? Cer~ tainly not as a gift from Government, for that would be political suicide for any legia- lator who might dare to vote for it. Oer- tainly not from new collections from the stockholders, because that would be asking them to throw away at least the $1,000,000,- 000 from their existing bank accounts, if not mare. Eventually, loans or no loans, the whole 82,800,000,000 to $3,000,000,000 will have to come out of profits, or from one of the two sources mentioned above, which seem out of the question on any voluntary basis. And, mind you, it must come out of profits after taxes, which means that the gteel industry must add at jeast some $5,000,- 000,000 to the selling prices of ita products im order to retain the 62,500,000,000. Not a dollar of this 85,000,000,000 can be added to stockholders’ dividends. Additional profits must exist, if working capital is to get nec- essary increases and fair dividends are to be paid, Profits on this necessary ecale, reported under present corporation income tax regu- lations, are bound to appear fabulous to any~ one who takes the statistics of steel com- pany profits at thelr apparent meaning, which CIO economists and officers choose to represent as valid, either knowingly or ignorantly. They put the steel industry, and others, in a false and vulnerable position before the jury. The CIO handling of statistics, as I have observed it, has been an enthusiastic and even bitter use of half-truths wherever they can be used to favor their own interests more than whole truths, at Jeast as I see them, By whatever extent they succeed in ratsing ‘wages on the claim that they should be paid out of profits without raising prices, they raise replacement costs for steel making plant, make higher depreciation charges nec~ essary, make increased working capital a necessity, make expansion possible only with still larger profits, cut down the proportion of profits which can be paid in dividends, and prepare a situation in which they can again argue for higher wages to be paid out of profits without raising prices, all by using statistics in their apparent meaning which, by Government rules, ignore existing re- placement costs. Every investor regards these Government-ordered profits as phony, if he knows his facts as given by such im- partial fact reporters as Standard & Poors. That is why the prices (they pay for steel stocks) value equipment with a replace- ment cost of $250 as low as from $32 to 887, These profit reports in the steel industry are phony in my opinion because they are subject to substantial ex post facto reduc- tion when depreciated equipment 1s replaced et inflated costs. This ex post facto reduction of past earn- ings probably hits the steel industry harder than any other because of the high rate of depreciation of equipment under the tro# mendous heats and pressures. This high rate of physical depreciation would not be so serious, if it were not for the unusually large investment in plant per dollar of out- put in finished steel. In any sound theory of the price system, in my opinion, the remedy for high profits is expansion and competition in the partic- ular industry. But in order to stimulate expansion and competition, the high profits must not, in the opinion of critical and care- ful investors, be mere overstatements re- quired by law in the face of rising costs. In order to perform their stimulating function, profits must appear to be genuine and not subject to inevitable and substantial reduo~ tion for years after they have been earned, reported, and taxed. Why should investors put money into new plants when they can buy three times as much steel-producing capacity in the stock market for the same money? In other words, by the standards of pru- dent investors, genuine profits are too small, not too high. These apparently high profits are made to appear so only by Government tax regulations which make no allowance for the fact of increasing inflation of replace- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment costs of plant and equipment, which hit the steel Industry below the belt, in my honest beltef. To ask the stee! industry to reduce its genuinely small profits through higher wages without raising prices, and at the same time asking it to finance an expansion to the tune of $2,500,000,000 or $3,000,000,000 to raise annual capacity for ingot production by 10,000,000 tons ia to take another long step toward making free enterprise impotent and ready for the scrap heap. Then we shall all have less Mberty and a lower standard of living, but, praise God, no one will make profits, either genuine or phony. Or should I praise Marx? Yours earnestly, Jesse H. Bonn. TTT It’s Time To Reexamine Foreign Commit- ments That Threaten United States EXTENSION OF REMARKE HON. FRANK CARLSON OF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. CARLSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recor» a radio ad- dress entitled “It’s Time To Reexamine Foreign Commitments That Threaten United States” delivered by the dis- tinguished former United States Sena- tor from Kansas, Arthur Capper. Sen- ator Capper, elder statesrnan of Kan- sas, is recognized as the No. 1 citizen by the people of our State. He was a member of this distinguished body for 30 years and during much of that service was a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, which gave him an opportunity to become familiar with our international problems. His suggestion that we reexamine our foreign commitments at the present time, I am confident, meets with the ap- proval of the people of Kansas. There being no objection, the address ‘was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Irs Trmx To REEXAMINE Forrien ComMit< MENTS THAT THREATEN UniTep States In the days ahead, as we work out, the hard way, foreign and domestic policies that can enable America to survive, there is one important point which we cannot ignore. That point is just this: We must start from where we are today. We cannot start from 1900, nor from 1914, nor from 1941. Nor even from 1945. We have to start from now, whether we like it or not, Nations and peoples are like individuals in that respect. They, like you and I, on any today are where all our yesterdays have placed us. Our Nation today is just exactly where our national leadership, over past years, has placed us. \ And our decisions for today, and our pro- grams for tomorrow and for many tomor- rows, inevitably will have to be based on that understanding. For instance, we cannot change the fact that we are engaged, our men are engaged, in a losing battle in Korea. That is an inescapable fact,