APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We cannot change the fact that we have occupation forces in Japan; that we have occupation forces in Germany. Neither can we escape the fact that we, through our leadership, at times without our consent, even without our knowledge, have made certain commitments to other nations and other peoples. We have made commitments under the Marshall plan; legally for a definite period ending in 1952; perhaps morally for a longer period. We certainly have approved the Charter of the United Nations, through ratification of that Charter by the Senate as a treaty. We have committed ourselves, also in a treaty duly ratified by the Senate, through the Atlantic Pact to defend certain other na- tions in the so-called Atlantic community, in case they or any of them are attacked. We cannot escape the fact that we have accumulated a national debt that is ap- proaching the 8300,000,000,000 mark, and all that that implies. Nor can we refuse to recognize as a fact, getting back into the field of domestic affairs, that we have made certain commitments to many of our own people: the aged, the un- employed, the farmers, the veterans. What. other foreign commitments and en- tanglements we have been committed to through sccret agreements, we have yet to learn. I cculd go on for a long time, reciting things done yesterday, promises and com- mitments made yesterday which cannot be ignored in our decisions today and our plans for tomorrow. I would say furthermore, that the commit- ments we have made, to nations outside and overseas, and commitments made to our own pzople, should be kept—should be kept to the limits of our ability to keep them. But I also say the time has come to re- ex-mine a number of these commitments, and reexamine the policies which led to these commitments. If upon reexamination it is decided that certain of those policies are leading the United States to destruction, and the people of the United States toward the loss of their freedom and their birthright, then these policies should be changed. And I say further that if upon reexamina- tion into all the facts and factors in the case, that certain commitments cannot be kept, then we should retract those commitments, upon due notice, and with due regard to obligations that other nations and peoples have undertaken upon the strength of those commitments. And if, upon this reexamination, it de- velops that our leaders have made unauthor- ized commitments, have adopted unwise and unsound policies—then we should change that leadership as quickly as is possible. I am perfectly aware that we cannot live our yesterdays over again. The decisions we made in our yesterdays, the things we did in our yesterdays, are past, cannot be unmade and undone. But we can, and should, so conduct our affairs that those wrong decisions and those wrong actions, are not made over again. ‘We cannot escape the evil consequences of the unconditional-surrender policy, the Mor- genthau plan, the agreements made at Teh- ran, Yalta, and Potsdam. But we ought not to continue the polictes and programs—and the Jeadership—which gave us those policies and those unfor- tunate agreements, and which have reduced us to our present and very unpleasant sit= uation. Because what we do in the field of domestic affairs right now is so largely dependent upon our policies in the field of foreign rela- tions, I repeat today the assertion I made nearly a year ago, that Secretary of State Dean Acheson should resign. I say the men of Yalta, those that are left in the State Department and other branches of our Government—these men of Yalta must go, before the Congress of the United States, with the backing of the people of the United States, can cooperate with the President ‘pt the United States in effectuating @ sound foreign policy. I think, myself, it is unfortunate that the determination of many phases of our foreign policy, and of our actions in world affairs, are no longer even measurably under our own control, Ten years ago the United States was in position, to a much greater extent than to- day, to determine its own foreign policies, Today ma.y of our decisions and our actions, whether we like to acknowledge it or not, are being made for us by Soviet Russia and by Red China. Others are being made for us by the United Nations, by Britain, by France, by other member nations in the North Atlantic Pact—it is not beyond the bounds of possi- bility that some may be made by the peoples of Germany and Japan, which as of today are not really nations at all. For the foregoing reasons, among others, I believe it is a healthy thing that Herbert Hoover and Joseph P. Kennedy, and Senator Robert A. Taft, of Ohio, have called for a ree examination of our foreign policy in such a way that the American people can hardly dodge facing the issue. My regret is that this was not done sooner, I believe that even those who do not agree with the basic contentions of any of these three men, are in substantial agreement that the so-called big debate they have started is a healthy thing for the Nation and for the world. For instance, I note this language in the President’s message to Congress on the state of the Union which I quote: “I ask the Congress for unity in these crucial days,” President Truman said. “Make no mistake about my meaning,” he continued. “I do not ask or expect unanimity. Only by debate can we arrive at decisions which are wise, and which reflect the desires of the American people. We do not have dictatorship in this country, and we will never have one in this country.” That was President Truman speaking. I believe I will quote three more paragraphs from his message, as follows: “When I request unity, what I arh really asking for is a sense of responsibility on the part of every Member of this Congress. Let ‘us debate the issues, but let every man among us weigh his words and deeds. There is a sharp difference between harmful criticism and constructive criticism. If we are truly responsible individuals, I am sure that we will be unified as a government. “Let us keep our eyes on the issues and work for the things we all belteve in. “Let each of us put our country ahead of our party, and ahead of our own personal interests.” That ends the quotation from the Presi- dent’s message, and I want to gay, my friends, that I agree 100 percent with these senti- ments there expressed by President Truman. And I hope every member of Congress, and of the President's Cabinet, and the White House staff from the President down, keeps those words in mind, and conducts himself accordingly. And now a few words from Senator Tart’s talk at the National Press Club last Tuesday, taken from the transcript of that speech— which I also quote with approval: “I have only one perfectly confident view, and that is that we ought to have a policy; A249 the policy ought to be submitted to Congress and determined. If we want to get unity in this country we have got to tell the people what it is they are expected to sacrifice. “We are going to have to ask people to re- duce their standards of living. We are go- ing to have to ask them to get along on 90 percent of what they got along on last year. And nobody in this country is expecting to do tt today, because they don’t see the neces~- ity of it and don't understand it. We are going to ask them to give up their boys prob- ably for 2 years’ service, every boy in the United States, even on a minimum basis.” That ends the quotation from Senator Tart—and also my time on the air, Another Munich EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrecorp a letter en- titled “Another Munich?” written by Clarence E. Singleton, of Astoria, Oreg., to the editor and published in a Decem- ber issue of the Portland Oregonian. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: ANOTHER MUNICH To the Eprror: Shades of Chamberlain and Daladier. Will fools and diplomats never learn? Must Washington become another Munich? We are now faced with a political equation all too similar to another which most of us remember far too well. Twelve years ago it was Chamberlain, today Attlee. Then it was Daladier, now Pleven. They met in Mifiich, those early appeasers. Now they plan to meet in Washington with the same illusion that they will effect “peace in our time.” That black day in Munich they talked of avoiding a second world war by appeasing Hitler and his stooges in Czechoslovakia. Now they dream of avoiding a third world war by appeasing Stalin and his stooges in China. We even have a repetition of a de« militarized Sudetenland in the British plan for a similar zone along the Korean-Man- churian border. It is almost unbelievable that men in high places could ever again consider such a plan. This policy nearly spelled death to civiliza- tion and freedom as we know and love it the last time. Historians generally agree, how- ever, that a bold and determined stand at Munich may well have prevented that Sec- ond World War. In one direction Hes certain eventual de- feat. The other offers at least a hope, It is time, yes, far past the time, that we the American people and the other democratic nations on this globe started treating inter- national outlaws as such instead of meeting with them as honorable members of soctety, bargaining with them as if they had some- thing to offer, and losing ground at every turn in world events. CLARENCE BE, SINGLETON, ASTORIA.
A250 Communist China an Aggressor EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT R. 0’CONOR OF MARYLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. O'CONOR. Mr. President, Mr. Constantine Brown, a journalist of high attainments, has contributed such worth-while views in an article published in the Washington Evening Star of Fri- Cay, January 12, that I feel the entire membership of Congress and the Ameri- can public would be immeasurably bene- fited by reading it. In a forthright manner, he makes a factual presentation of developments concerning the proposal that Communist China be named as aggressor in the pres- ent Korean conflict. Feeling that Mr. Brown is to be complimented for the clarity of his thought and courage of his expression, I earnestly commend this ar- ticle to general reading, and ask unani- mous consent that it be inserted in the Appendix of the REcorp. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: UN Memsres Sri Evapy Issue (By Constantine Brown) The Chinese Communists are continuing their relentless drive in Korea. Our military leaders feel confident that as the Chinese lines of communication are lengthened our etrategic position will im- prove, so long as we have our present mastery of the air. But from the political point of view it has become questionable whether we should hold the Pusan beachhead. Some of the 63 na- tions which approved the police action against the Korean aggressors last June now are shaking in their boots and fear to label the Chinese Reds aggressors. Under these conditions our continued stay fn Korea would be an American, not a United Nations operation. The American delegation at the United Nations for nearly a month now has been asking our associates to declare the Chinese Communists aggressors. Anunmber of old-fashioned diplomatic sub- terfuges were used by Britain and her asso- ctates to prevent our resolution from coming before the body which l.st June ordered the police action. In spite of our pleadings, and discreet but clear warnings that the attl- tude of the appeasers may destroy the effec- tiveness of the United Nations, the member nations are still evading the tasue. The British and Indian Governments are urging us to get together directly with the Petping puppets to find an equitable solu- tion to the present problem. In other words, these governments feel that because the Chinese Communists have, by their armed intervention, succeeded in preventing United Nations forces from accomplishing their mission, we should hoist the white flag and go hat in hand to ask Mao Tse-tung for for- giveness. : It ts understandable that the European Sovernments, Hke others of the remaining free nations, should be worrled about the Present military potential of Russia and her satellites. It is equally understandable that the European nations should want every~- thing that America has of military value poured into Europe, where the Red land and air forces are far superior to what the western nations have ready for defensive purposes. It 1s difficult, however, to understand why they believe that abject surrender to China, such as they propose, would improve the present situation. It is difficult to under- stand how the free nations, which are pledged to support the United Nations to the limit, can hope that this organization can survive by condoning aggression. The North Korean attack last June and the intervention of the Chinese Communists last November were planned in detail in the Kremlin. The presence of Soviet officers and of the latest types of Russian war materials is ample proof of Moscow's designs, even for the most determined wishful thinkers. It is hard to conceive how the British and Commonwealth Prime Ministers can imagine that by yielding to Moscow's puppet Mao we do not actually surrender to the Soviet Gov- ernment. Napoleon's great victories were due as much to his military genius as to the fact that he was fighting coalition armies be- longing to countries which had divergent interests. Will history repeat itself? There is a desperate need for unity between the free nations. From the political point of view, the United Nations represents the best place where such unity could be achieved. It was put to the test factually last June, when the case of the North Eorean aggression was presented to the free nations. They ordered military measures and we assumed 90 percent of the burden in man- power and 100 percent of the burden in financial expense of the police action, which so far has put us in the red to the tune of more than €14,000,000,000, This, to be gure, does not include the nearly 8,000 killed Americans, whose value cannot be estimated in dollars. But we played our part faithfully, in the hope that our adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter would consolidate that unity among the free nations, without which the Kremlin's jmperialistic aims will be easily achieved. Waste in Nondefense Activities EXTENSION OF REMARKS . OF HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 3, 1951 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, fur- ther study of the Department of Agri- culture’s demands for the expense of its huge nondefense food-hoarding plans reveals a shocking indifference to the tax burden placed on the American people and to the imperative necessity of “rigid economy in its—the Government’s—non- defense activities.” In terms of the uses to which this wasted money could be put in the pur- chase of equipment for our Armed Forces, it is nothing short of a tragic scandal, In the period between July 1, 1950, and June 30, 1962, that Department insists it will spend $79,142,217 just to store but- ter, cheese, dried milk, dried eggs, dried beans, dried peas, potatoes, rice, turkeys, and grain sorghums. At current costa this money would build 100 of the new Navy antisubmarine attack planes and still leave $14,142,217 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD with which to purchase ammunition for them. Such flagrant refusal to recognize the relative requirements for our national security is a clear example of the gov- ernment-as-usual attitude pervading all too many agencies of the executive de- partment here. I am confident that Congress will not give its approval to such demands. But Iam also convinced ti.at a widespread expression of opinion by the American public as to its attitude toward such proposals will bring a quicker end to them than is possible through the procedures available to Congress. “The Peace of Which the Russian Com- munists Speak Is in Reality Nothing but Conquest—-Their Conception of Peace Is Our Conception of Slavery—Some Day There Will Be Peace in the World—A Peace in Which All Men Will Be Working Together To Build a Hap- pier, Fuller Life for All’—Dr. John R. Steelman EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK W. BOYKIN OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. BOYKIN. Mr. Speaker, again I bring to the attention of this House a teledocumentary sent over the air last Sunday afternoon by the National Broadcasting Co. entitled “Battle Re- port, Washington.” It was this week’s version of what the Honorable John R. Steelman, the assist- ant to the President, acting in coopera- tion with Ted Ayers, producer-director of the National Broadcasting Co., con- ceived to be the primary subjects, not yet discussed, in which the American people currently find great interest. Mr. Speaker, again I repeat that I know of no program sent out over the air that is more informative, more intriguing, more thought provoking, or better pre- sented than are the broadcasts, through which Mr. Steelman presents various Cabinet officers, military leaders, and other heads of Government, in frank, open, and candid discussion of the prob- Jems which confront the Nation, and par- ticularly those problems which come un- der their personal administration. On Sunday last, Mr. Steelman pre- sented four top defense officials from the Department of the Interior concerned with our natural resources: Mr. James Boyd, Director, Bureau of Mines, and Ad- ministrator, Defense Minerals Adminis- tration, who spoke on the mineral pro- duction in its relation to the economic needs of both our military and civilian life; Mr. Bruce K. Brown, Deputy Ad- ministrator, Petroleum Administration for Defense, who discussed our petroleum resources; Mr. Clifford B. McManus, Ad- ministrator, Defense Power Administra-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tion, who spoke on power; and Mr, Charles W. Connor, Administrator, De- fense Solid Fuels Administration, who spoke on coal and other solid fuels. Mr. Speaker, it is impossible for me to conceive of a half-hour television pro- gram more chock full of information of inestimable value, not only to the Mem- bers of this House but to every citizen throughout the length and breadth of this land. I repeat that Mr. Steelman is rendering a most marvelous service to this Nation by his weekly rendition of Battle Report, Washington, over the National Broadcasting Co. network on Sunday afternoons, as produced by Ted Ayers and commented upon by Robert McCormick of NBC. It is because of these facts that I am extending my remarks and including therein, for publication in the Conares- SIONAL REcorp, this, the twenty-second edition of Battle Report, Washington. The program was as follows: Mr. McCormick. Entering the House Cham-‘ ber to address the new Congress this past week, President Truman tied the state of the Union to the state of the world, And once again NBC television turns its cameras on both for your twenty-second Battle Report. Washington—moving forward on the job of expanding our defense, as in Korea, our troops fall back before overwhelming Com- munist aggressors in a hot war where tem- peratures are almost 30 below. Today, Battle Report features a special and revealing appraisal of our mineral-re- source strength, so vital to the victory we seek. You will hear, too, from our former chief of ECA in Greece—but first, a state- ment well worth pondering from the As- sistant to the President, Dr. John R. Steel- man, Dr. SreenmMaNn. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Since we last met another eventful week has passed into history, and again we have seen how shallow are the Soviet claims that they desire a just peace. We saw with our own eyes how another effort to end the struggle in Korea was blocked in the United Nations by the representatives in the Kremlin. But even this blatant act, which all the free world could see, did not silence the clamor of the Communist propagandists, They still claim that the Soviet desires peace, But the peace they speak of is really con- quest—the confiscation of all property and complete subjugation of all men everywhere to the tyrants in the Kremlin, Their con- ception of peace is our conception of slavery. Today, there are already many millions under the Communist yoke. They own nothing. They work long hours In return for scarcely enough to keep body and soul to- gether. And, they are denied the privileges of reading or hearing anything except what their masters decree. Never in the darkest days of slavery in the Western World were any people so completely subjugated or so ruthlessly ruled. Needless to say, these millions have not been told how another effort to bring about peace has been thwarted by their leaders. In place of the truth they have been given more poisoned words of hatred, they have been told that the men and women of Amer- ica not only hate them, but are planning to make war against them. I assure you this is not an exaggeration. Hour after hour, every day in the week, Soviet broadcasting stations repeat this vicious lie, and preach the doctrine of hate, But aome day the truth will become known, Some day the suffering, cringing millions who are now feeling the lash of the tyrant will know that we are their friends—that we wish to help them as we are helping mil- lions of others to bring economic security and peace to the world. Some day there will be peace in the world— & peace in which all men are brothers—not suffering together—but working together to build happier, fuller lives for all. Mr. McCormick. Korea against this flam- ing battlefield, American soldiers fight a de- laying action as they retreat southward to- ward Pusan, Latest dispatches from the war front describe the United States Second Di- vision beating off repeated Red banzal at- tacks, An Eighth Army spokesman reports @ menacing Chinese-North Korean build-up east and southeast of Wonju. Obvious pur- pose-——an attempt to trap the Second Divi- sion, Meanwhile, our troops launch isolated counterattacks coordinated with heavy bombing strikes to impede the Communist advance, All this news is evidence, if we need it, that there will be no easing of the demand for materials to support our fighting troops. But the average American house- wife—according to the recent report of the President’s Council of Fconomic Advisers— will still lead a life of luxury compared to any other country. For our economic output has increased by half in the 10 years since Pearl Harbor, the traffic jams in our streets alone testify to the tremendous outpouring of goods after a decade of intensive economise growth, but when Pearl Harbor jolted us, we were just emerging from 10 years of de- pression and partial recovery. American production not only supplies us with cars, but fills them with gas for us. And our pro- ductive capacity, in the opinion of the Coun- cil, is the free world's great advantage that offsets Russia’s advantage in manpower. We have but to look at the trucks that dally carry the product of our enviable industry to the four corners of the land to know how fortunate we really are. But don't get the Council wrong. They don't mean we can coast through the critical days ahead with life as usual, Guns need steel, and to get that steel We must, say the experts, “beat many of our plowshares into swords.” They remind us that 45 percent of our total output went to defense purposes in World War II, went into tanks like these, and into planes and battleships. “There is no bargain price,” say they—and I quote—“on aircraft, tanks, and guns—giving things up will be involved, because we cannot have our cake and eat it, too. But we must stop eating so much cake when the aggressor are so many divisions.” These are words for all of us to think about, America, as we face the de- mands ahead that are sure to be made upon our Nation's natural resources, treasures that we must convert into war goods if we are to win in this all-important battle of ideologies. Battle Report is fortunate today, in being able to bring before its cameras for you, four top defense officials from the Department of the Interior concerned with our resources, the sinews of our defense, On minerals, you will hear from James Boyd, Minerals Chief; on petroleum, from Bruce K. Brown, Petroleum Head; on power, from Clifford B. McManus, Power Admin- istrator; and on coal, from the Solid Fuels boss, Charles W. Connnor. Here we go, then, for the Nation's first television report on its mineral resources. Men and machines probing the earth for the minerals we need to support our rapidly expanding mobilization. As men’go down to the sea in ships, 50 today—in the face of world crisis—must men march into our mines to dig out more of our raw, precious ore than ever, For a report of the enormity of this task, we focus now on John Boyd, head of the newly oreated Defense Minerals Administration. A%1 Mr. Born. In normal times the United States consumes half of the minerals pro- duction of the world. We use four times as much steel and copper, and three times as much lead and zing, as all the rest of the world put together. With an enormous re- armament program underway, our need for mineral raw materials is greater than ever before. Few people realize the difference a few ounces of a mineral as little known as mica oan make, Without it, neither tanks nor jeeps nor trucks can operate. Most people, have never seen a piece of manganese, but without it our present steel production would be impossible. World War II caused a tremendous drain on this country’s mineral resources. After VJ-day, our expanding economy increased the demand for minerals still further. Even before the outbreak of fighting in Korea, we found domestic output of a number of basic minerals insufficient to meet demands, and we had to step up our imports from abroad. Before Pearl Harbor, for example, we pro- duced in this country virtually all the copper, lead, and zinc we could use, and we had some left over to ship abroad. In recent years, however, we have had to supplement Ameri- can production of these metals with imports from foreign countries. To help assure that adequate supplies of mineral raw materials will be made available to meet the growing needs of the country’s industrial machine in the present emergency, the Defense Minerals Administration was established in the Department of the Interior. Our job is to help industry step up the output of domestic mines all across the board, from antimony to zirconium. In ad- dition to expanding our own productive ca- pacity, we are seeking to bring in from abroad those minerals which are in short supply or which, like tin or nickel, we do not have in any quantity at home. Moreover, we must try to discover new deposits of ore and en« courage the development of our known but hitherto unworked deposits. Government geologists and mining engi- neers stationed in the various mineral-pro- ducing areas of the Nation are ready to help those who are seeking Government assist- ance. They are examining ore deposits, mines, quarries, mills, and smelters where new operations or increased production ap- pear feasible. They are available to advise small mine owners and prospectors. Later on, if necessary, we may set up procurement depots in the principal mining districts, as was done during World War II, where mining operators can bring their ore to sell to the Government. All these steps are urgently needed to make sure that we have enough mineral raw materials to meet the demands of our mo- bilization program and of our civilian economy. Mr. McCormick. Deep into the earth, too, must we go for the oll needed to power our trucks, ships, planes, and tanks. Lost in the dim past is the title “Oll for the Lamps of China.” Now the call is for oll to defend our troops against the invading Chinese in Korea. What are our war requirements? How will it affect every car owner? Here with the facts is Deputy Administrator Bruce K. Brown, of our Petroleum Administration for Defense. Mr. Brown. During World War II we built @ bridge of ships across both oceans and transported millions of men and countless tons of food and munitions to the fight- ing fronts all over the globe. Over 60 per- cent of the deadweight of this enormous ton- nage was petroleum. That figure will give some idea of the im- portance of ofl in fighting a war. Our mili- tary services depend 100 percent on Mquid petroleum to drive their ships, planes, tanks, and trucks.
A252 In addition, oil and gas provide over half of the heat and power we use in the United States—~for heating homes, for producing electricity, for refueling our automobiles and trucks. Total domestic demand for petroleum this year—that is, civilian and military require- ments together—amounts to well over 7,000,- 000 barrels a day. This is one-third more than we were using in 1045, at the peak of World War II. To meet this demand, petroleum is being produced from over half a million wells in the United States, some of them 3 miles deep. To keep up production we'll have to drill about 44,000 new wells during 1951. This will require almost 2,000,000 tons of steel for pipe and equipment. If we can get the steel and other materials, we can get the petroleum. Since the Korean War, began 6 months ago, requirements for aviation fuel for the mili- tary services have sharply increased. Al- though the production of aviation gasoline ts a tricky job, military goals are being met, and the petroleum industry is being geared to meet further increases in military needs. What every automobile owner wanta to know, of course, ts what the outlook is for motor gasoline for civilian use. Some reduc- tion in the octane ratings of gasoline sold in the coastal areas of the country will be re- quired in order to build up our national sup- ply of tetraethyl lead. The Petroleum Ad- ministration for Defense in the near future will issue an order limiting these ratings. This reduction in the quality of motor gaso- line will not, however, affect engine perform- ance on most automobiles and will work no teal hardship on anyone. I see no need to ration gasoline in the pres- ent defense economy. Although the Armed Forces need large amounts of petroleum, the Military uses less than § percent of our sup- plies. We can do a whole lot more mobilizing without really straining petroleum facilities. Mr. McConsack. Matching our needs in oil and minerals, America, is our fast-in- creasing demand for power—electric power— nruch of it born of the streams of our Na- tion, harnessed by ow huge dams. As our turbines spin out this invisible strength, and our high-tension lines make a reassuring pattern againat the sky—we focus next on our Defense Power Administrator, Clifford B. McManus. Adequate electric power is one of the fundamental needs of the rearmament pro- gram. That power must be available if our defense production goals are to be realised. It ia the job of the Defense Power Adminis- tration to see that it is obtained—not only wherever needed, but on time. In this endeavor we are counting on the whole-hearted assistance and cooperation of the entire electrical power industry of the Nation. This includes some 3,000 organiza- tions, both private and public, as well as ap- proximately 1,000 rural electric cooperatives. It fe the responsibility of the Defense Powe: Administration to quarterback this great team in the electric power phase of the defense effort. Fortunately, the electric power systems are in better shape to meet the present produc- tion emergency than they were in 1942. Be- cause of unprecedented peacetime demands, they have continued to expand their facili- ties and increase their capacity since the end of World War II. The United States enters this emergency with a greater electric power capacity and a greater electric power potential than any other nation. In order to meet the demands for power to produce tanks and airplanes and weapons, still greater expansion will be required as quickly as possible. The electric power industry is not one that can mush- room over night. It takes time to produce the heavy equipment necessary to manuface ture and transmit electric current. It is im- perative, therefore, that nothing be slowed to hinder or delay the electric power expan« sion contemplated for national defense. Upon the Defense Power Administration resta the responsibility of funneling electric power where it is moet needed for defense work; of scheduling essential electrical ma- terials or equipment in order that they may be delivered on time; of screening the use cf scarce electrical construction items and see- ing that they do not go into unessential, nondefense projects; of contriving in every possible way to squeeze the last usable kilo- watt out of our power plants. Without adequate power our defense effort would be severely Handicapped. I am sure that the electric power industry will meet the challenge. Mr, McCormicx. And finally, add to this roster of essential defense resources coal and other solid fuels—American coal, vital to supporting our European allies ag well as our- self. As our mines give out with more coal than ever before, the question still remains, Will we be able to meet the deferse de- mands upon our coal production? Listen to the answer from Charles W. Connor, Ad- ministrator for Defense of our Solid Fuels Administration. Mr. Conwor. Our coal resources have al- ways been one of the vital foundations of our economic strength in peace or in war. In peace coal is our moet important single source of energy, supplying half of our total demands. In a national emergency, such as we face today, the needs for coal expand rapidly. The extent of these require- ments is underlined by the fact that it takes 6 pounds of coa) to make a pound of smoke- less powder, 2 tons of coal to make a 1-ton bomb, and 220 tons to make a modern tank. The expansion of our electric power Industry will require huge additional amounts of coal, and steel expansion will put pressure on our supplies of high-grade coking coal, In addition to the expanded needs of our own defense economy we are being called upon to shtp vast amounts of coal to Western . ‘Whie year our coal exports probably will be the third highest in history, since Western Germany and Great Britain, Europe's traditional coal supplies, are unable to keep pace with the needs of the Marshall-plan countries. To meet the increased demand and to relieve the shortage of shipping facil- ities, additional ships are being made avail- able to carry coal to Europe. Despite these huge demands on our coal production, I am sure that the American coal industry can meet the test. Fortunately we have abundant coal reserves. In an emergency we can greatly expand otr coal output. During World War II we supplied coal at a rate of about 620,000,000 tons a year. Today our coal industries are prepared to mine 650,000,000 tons annually, enough to meet even the vast requirements of a total war. af we are to reach and to maintain peak production, however, we must be sure that adequate transportation is available, that a ateady flow of espential mining machinery is maintained, and that adequate mining man- power ison hand. A substantial number of additional open-top coal cars are required to move coal from the mines to consumers. The car-bu: program is moving slowly at present, but ts expected to reach 10,000 cars @ month by June 1951. This program must be pressed if the emergency coal needs of our economy are to be met. Because of this transportation bottleneck | and because coal cannot be stored at the mines, stockpiling of coal by industrial con- sumers and home owners is an important phase of our defense effort. Hoarding coal is patriotic. Coal shortages would drastically our entire rearmament effort. The Defense APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Solid Fuels Administration is working coop- eratively with the American coal industry to make sure that we have encugh. Mr. MoeCorsicx. In Korea, the resources of which the officials you have just heard have reported, must often purposely be expended as part of our scorched-earth policy, a pol- icy to deprive the enemy of whatever must be left behind as we are forced to withdraw southward. This is what our NBO front-Hne cameramen saw as they pictured the evacua- tion of Kimpo airfield. Going up in fiames are huge atocks of fuel and petroleum jelly bombs which couldn't be moved. This busi- ness of seeing that the enemy gets nothing that can be helpful to him is not new to modern warfare. In World War II the Nazis—as shown here—carried it to the point of running railway trains over cliffs, blowing up bridges and often demolishing, as they estimated, any structure that might w“_. to the enemy; Korea but echoes all Countries like Greece—filmed here—know the problems this poses when peace returns. The World War II destruction it suffered imposed a heavy strain upon its people— orphaned children and homeless adults both. Only when American help came did Greece begin on the long road back. We hear next from Paul R. Porter who was there as chief of our Economic Cooperation Administration aid, and serves now as sCA's Assistant Ad- ministrator for Program—Mr. Porter. Mr. Pau. R. Porres, A fine example of how American aid has combated communism is found in Greece, where communism virtu- ally bas been halted cold. Three years ago there was chaos in that country, and communism thrives upon chaos. Greece had gone through long years of war and occupation, with severe damage to its ports, railroads, highways, communications, industries, and housing. Liberation did not bring peace, because the Communists pur- portedly began a Kremlin-sponsored war for the conquest of Greece. Then came American aid—military and economic. Fighting on Greek soil came to an end in August 1949—the immediate threat of Soviet conquest through revolution was ayerted * * * and the hard task of re- construction began in earnest. Today the Greek economy no longer ts in a state of near paralysis. Agricultural and industrial production have surpassed their prewar lev- els. Ports and railroads have been repaired. Modern highways have been built, An am- bitious electric-power program is under way. Inflation bas been checked and there is a greater degree of financial stability, The hundreds of thousands of refugees, uprooted by the guerrilla war, hava been helped to return to their home areas. The Marshall plan helped them to a new start in life with materials to repair damaged homes, and with seeda, tools, and farm animals. Today per capita food consumption is as high as it has been in modern Greek history. Eftorts of the Eoonomic Cooperation Ad- ministration also have been directed to mod- ernizing productive facilities of the country, through technical-assistance programs, new methods in agriculture, and work with labor unions. Communist influence, which a few years ago was dominant in the Greek trade un- ions, now is a minor factor. New infiitra- tion, however, remains a constant threat. The ECA labor officers in Greece have helped strengthen democratic practices in the Greek trade unions and in doing so have weakened Communist propaganda among workers. While much progress bas been made, 8 great deal remains to be done. A part of the future plan ts directed toward tax reform, cheaper credit, chearer transport and fur- ther removal of trade barriers. Despite the historic poverty of the country, I believe Greece can become self-supporting within
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a few years. The people are richly endowed with courage and intelligence. They are thrifty and hard working. The natural re- sources of the country are not large. How- ever, a comparatively modest investment in productive facilities and technical training will permit a substantially greater produc- tion, and a higher standard of living. The Greeks krow how the Marshall plan has improved their lives and their security. They are on the side of freedom and appre- clative of American aid. The Greek people will play an increasingly more effective role in the partnership of free nations as eco- nomic recovery progresses. Mr. McCormick. Thank you, Paul Porter. That “partnership of free nations”—Amer- ica—the goals of that partnership were stated in clear and ringing tones by Prest- dent Truman in his closing remarks to Congress last week. Battle Report's own cameramen were there. And that you may not forget what it is we're fighting for, let us recall the President’s words again: “This 1s our cause—peace, freedom, jus- tice. We will pursue this cause with deter- mination and asking divine guidance that in all we do we may follow God’s will.” Thus the Nation looks from Washington on this second Sunday of this year of de- cision, 1951. ‘ A Moral Rearmament and Its Results EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, as an extension of my remarks, I am pleased to include an address by D. Hayes Murphy, president of the Wiremold Co., Hartford, Conn., to the employees of that firm on January 5, 1951. As Members of Congress we are fa- miliar with the work done by Moral Re- armament, having been sufficiently im- pressed to authorize the appointment of congressional observers to its interna- tional convention. Mr. Murpby tells an inspiring story of the results of Moral Rearmament in labor-management relations, a story which may be repeated time and time again as this movement becomes more widespread in its adherency. The address follows: When I went to Washington last week I took with me a letter addressed to the Office of Defense Mobilization. This letter stated that in Wiremold we have a loyal, patriotic group of people who know how to work together as a team and who are ready to serve our country. It contained a summary of what we did in the last war and what we are doing now to try to get some Govern- ment orders. It was signed by Morris John- son for the union and by me for manage- ment. This letter is on file in the Office of Defense Mobilization, with a copy in the Office of Small Business Administration. It will not get us any business. We will still have to dig up the orders ourselves, But it will do no harm. What I want to talk with you about is quite another subject: Mrs. Murphy and I have been spending several days in Washington attending the Moral Rearmament convention. Moral Rearmament (MRA) is a philoso. phy based on what you and I know to be right—things that we have been taught ever since we were children. MRA is the practical application of these principlese—and here they are: THE FOUR MORAL STANDARDS UNDER THE GUID< ANCE OF GOD 1, Absolute honesty. 2, Absolute purity, 8. Absolute unselfishness. 4. Absolute love. Certainly there is nothing new about that. But what is new is to see the miraculous changes that result when these moral stand- ards are actually applied to our problems, There were about 500 delegates and others at the convention. They came from many countries—most all the countries except those behind the iron curtain. There were people from all walks of life—people in high positions, people in low positions—rich and poor, black and whote, labor leaders and management leaders—military leaders—po- litical leaders, coal barons and miners—all with one idea in their minds and in their hearts. People of all religions were there but they all agreed on the four moral stand- ards. MRA just makes people better—-what- ever their religious beliefs or even if they have none. Here is evidence not only of what can happen but of what did happen: For 16 months the United Air Lines have been on the verge of a strike and the bitter- ness on both sides was intense. A pllot named Larry Shapiro was the labor leader— a very clever fellow. He sat on the platform on one side of Dr. Buchman, the convention chairman, and Mr. Patterson, president of United Air Lines, sat on the other side. Also present were Mr. Fallon, personnel manager, and about 30 pilots of United Air Lines, Shapiro was the first speaker. For 16 years he was a pilot and 2 years ago was elected president of the Air Lines Pilots Association, He told us that he was a very bitter expert in damning management and could twist into the negative any company policy, no matter how sound and well intended it might be. He had charge of grievances and considered it his job to create dissension and bitterness whenever and wherever possible. He met planes at the airfields and solicited grievances from pilots and stewardesses and magnified them. In the course of the negotiations there were five bitter days of hearings with lawyers and experts on both sides chewing the rag over 101 grievances—each side cheering for the other side to sny something that they could be crossed up on—and getting no- where. At this stage of the proceedings Shapiro went home one day to think things over quietly by himself. He had attended an MRA conference in Los Angeles some time before and It oc- curred to him that the application of the four moral standards was the answer. He knew that the whole affair between pilots and United Air Lines was dead wrong—there was nothing to lose, s0 he decided to try it. He went to the personnel manager with the idea and Mr, Fallon asked him if he had been hypnotized—he couldn't believe that Shapiro the agitator could be sincere in his admission that he had been causing as much trouble as he possibly could and now wanted to make amends and cooperate. President Patterson of United Air Lines heard of it and sent for Shapiro, and they had a heart-to-heart talk. Sure enough, Shapiro was a changed man and they went to work together to clean up the megs. After Shapiro finished speaking, Patterson spoke and gave the same story from his standpoint. The result is that the 101 grievances were boiled Cown to 11—not grievances but prob- lems, Elght of these have been solved and A253 they are sure they will settle the other three, These are problems which cannot be set- tied by management alone and cannot be settled by labor alone but must be settled by both working together. There is no other way. Example: One of the demands was that the pilots be guaranteed a day off each week, This was changed from a grievance to a prob- lem, the problem being “How can the pilots be assured a day off without interrupting United Air Lines’ service to the public?” Shapiro sald that this new philosophy is the answer rot only for the United Air Lines but for the entire airlines industry and for the world. Another example of how the four moral standards under the guidance of God work is their influence on Communists. Communists, as you know, infiltrate into every organization, schools, churches, labor unions, etc. They used to infiltrate into MRA but what do you suppose happened? I don't think you could ever guess. Believe it or not, these Communists themselves were converted and are now working for MRA. There were five of them, all former Commu. nist leaders, at the convention at Wash- ton and /e heard their most amazing stories. Communists have now been forbidden to infiltrate the MRA for fear that more of them will find @ better philosophy and join the movement. Mr, Ed Perry, of West Hartford, arranged for Mrs. Murphy and me tu have dinner with two of these ex-Communists and, with the help of an interpreter, we carried on one of the most interesting conversations we had ever participated in. Two of the ex-Communists whom we met had gone to @ moral rearmament meeting at Caux, Switzerland, to see what it was all about and get some arguments against the movement. They stayed so long that one of the most trusted Communist Party members was sent to bring them back, Did he bring them back? No; he did not. He also found an idea that was betler than the Marxist or Communist idea and 1s now also working for MRA. You see, the moral rearmament movement is not against anything except the opposites of the four moral standards—dishonesty, lust, greed, and hate. All this is first-hand evidence, We saw these men and heard them talk. One of them said, “I am a revolutionist and this MRA is a far bigger revolution than com- munism because it is for the good of every- one-—not just one class. I will spend the rest of my life fighting for it.” The settling of the United Air Lines’ prob- lems and the conversion of Communists were only two of many wonderful things that have happened as a result of changes that occurred in human nature, Before I went to Washington I could not see how world war III could be avoided but with this evidence of how industrial disputes can be settled and Communists can be changed, I now have hope. But we must change ourselves first and we must change fast. There was a lot of talk about change and guidance. One of the Communists said that the first two English words he learned were “change” and “guidance.” A labor leader from the docks of London said he was so changed after attending an MRA meeting that when he came home his dog bit him. I have a dog and when I came home I watched her bahavior very carefully. She wagged her tail, took a sniff, and looked puzzled. If I can read a dog’s mind, she was thinking, “Yes, that’s the old man all right, but he’s got a strange smell about him. I guess he's got religion.” To illustrate what I mean and to start with myself, I have an apology to make and It never would have occurred to me to do it if I had not had this MRA experience. I hone
A254 Nddile Goulet ts listening because the apology 4s for him, When he was in my office a while ago, he made a remark that irritated me and I made an angry retort, I shouldn’t have lost my temper, and I am sorry. This MRA story tsa big one. It is a world- shaking story and much of it is in a new book just off the press called “The World Rebuilt,” by Peter Howard. It tells the actu- al experiences of many of the people we met in Washington. In order that all of you and some of our other friends may read it for yourselves, I ordered 500 copies which will be Gistributed as soon as they are received. I intend to talk more with you about MRA and in the meantime let us all give some serious thought to the four moral standards under the guidance of God. Just think what would happen if we applied them in our shop, in our homes, in our country, and in the world: Absolute honesty. Absolute purity. Absolute unselfishness. Absolute love. Steet enamel Proposed Expenditures for Fiscal Year 1951 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr, REED of New York. Mr. Speak- er, in the Appendix to the ConaressIonaL Record, at page A247, I inserted as a part of my remarks a table showing the pro- posed budget authorizations for expendi- tures in the fiscal year 1952. It now appears that the Ways and Means Com- mittee will be called upon to find new sources of revenue to take care of nearly $11,000,000,000 in deficiency and supple- mentary appropriations which are Presi- dent proposes to submit to Congress for the fiscal year 1951, ending next June 30, If these appropriations and authoriza- tions are approved by the Congress, the total for fiscal year 1951 will reach nearly $87,500,000,000. This is by far the largest peacetime budget in the history of the Republic. These figures of pro- posed expenditures by the Truman New Deal spenders point unerringly to the necessity of cutting out nonessential and nondefense items in the proposed budget. Under leave to extend, heretofore granted, I am inserting as a part of my remarks the table prepared by Mr. Paul O. Peters: Proposrp Bupart AUTHORIZATION FOR EXPENDI- TURES—FiscaL Year 1951 (By Paul O. Peters) (Compiled from the budget for the fiscal year 1962) Revisions in the appropriations, contract authorizations, together with proposed sup- plementary requests for appropriations, run the total budget authorizations for Federal expenditures during the fiscal year ending next June 30 to the record peacetime total of 687,459 ,449,077. The details are shown by the table following: Authorized or Proposed for Description enacted later request ‘Total Approprtations: Logisistive branch $60, 702, 721 The fudiciary......-....-...- 25, 304, 665 Executive Office, the Preside: 20, 373, 553 Appropriated to the President. 8, 287, 460, 720 Independent oMoss...-.-..-- 9, 284, 589, 588 Federal Security Agency.......-2. 1, 725, 876, 450 1, 751, 083, 060 Genera! Serviess Administration. .... 3, 238, 564, 444 3, 443, 564, 444 House and Home Finance Agency... 700, 000 Department of Agriculture... 912, 704, 814 Department of Commorve, 643, 401, 909 Defense, militery functions 51, 866, UG0, 336 Dofense, civilfanctions. .. » 242, 5 Department of the Interior... , 200, Department of Justice. ...... 151, 963, 200 Department o1 Labor... . 2... , 647, 800 Post Office (genera! fund) .. O40, 511, 076 ‘Treasury Department . . 6, 342, 446, 710 State Dopartment............... 4%, 574, 287 District of Columbia (contribution).........-eeeewee | 10, 800, O00 |...22..-- =e 1%, 800, 000 Reserve for contingencies 50, 000, 000 Totalappropriations. ._..... 2-2... ee ween een ne ene 840, 888 86, 038, 522, 736 Reappropriations’ Enacted - 780, 578, 161 Authorizations to expend from public debt reoeipts.....---- 1, 885, 698, 457 1, 838, 096, 457 Reappropriation of authorization to spend fom pame en 6, 282, O00 |.-..-..----.------ 6, 282, 000 Total, authorizations... 0. -ense ne eneneneewne---| 77, 716, 404, 446 ms Enacted contract authorizations: — 8, 068, ON Logislative branch... ... 100, 000 100, jependent. oftions..... 312, 680, 000 $12, 850, 900 ty Agency....... 181, 688, 000 , CBS, General Rervioss Administratio: 125, 000, 000 126, 080, 000 House and Home Finance Agonc 127, 000, 000 127, 600, G00 Dopartmont of Agriculture... cece eenewenecrewen [ewe ence ween een n ae fee mene aremecwenes| weweee anne nveenne Department of Oommerce. .. 877, 128, 000 877, 126, 600 Department of Velense..._... 1, 418, 2x6, (0100 1, 418, 285, 600 Department of ihe tnterior. 41, 697, 000 41, 697, Department of Justice. _ 70, - 700, Department of Btate.... 1,00, 000 |. ‘1,000, 000 Total, contract authorizations......--.....-e0 8, 086, 245, 000 248, Reappropristed authorisations... aeenecweeneseneneoueee 103, 214, 141 |_.---c.-2escennee "203; 214, 141 Total... ee eee eee a aecceceecnnnenceee: 8, 188, 460,241 |... --- eee 3, 188, 459, 141 | cee | - Grand tote) 22.0002 eee ener e eee eeerecn ee} — 80, 004, 963, 647 91, 856, 536, 485 Deductions tor liquidation of prior contract authorizations..| 4, 360, 585, 4, 307, O86, Total ..... 2... dane ceceeaccecnnecenccesseenmeceoeees, 886, 368,120) 1 OB, B48 |.....-. 2-2. eee Total, new obilgation authority, fiscal 1051...........- Siistensianhaee Oh 8 M8 87, 480, 440, 977 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There it ts in bisck and white: More than $76,500,000,000 already authorized to be spent in fiscal 1961 or obligated during this fiscal year, plus new obligations for which re- quests are yet to come in this fiscal year of nearly @11,000,000,000, minus the deductions to pay former obligations, and the net new obligations total nearly $87,500,000,000. If the Congress (and the people they Tep- resent) continues to appropriate and au- thorize expenditures in such stupendous amounts, the American competitive free- enterprise system will soon fall before the authoritarian state and socialism will be enthroned in the United States. It appears there is much truth in a study made by Link and Freiberg in 1949 (quoted in Leonard E. Read’s book, Outlook for Free- dom), which showed that 75 percent of the American people believed themselves to be against socialism, yet 66 percent of them favored Government measures that fell within their own definitions of socialism. This report will be followed in a few days by a report on the projected expenditures and contract authorizations for fiscal 1952. Tax Deals of Ike and Harry Insult Us All EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NORRIS POULSON OF CALIPORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. POULSON. Mr. Speaker, I think these individuals should practice what they preach: Tax Deas or Ixy aND Harry Insvtt Us ALL (By Robert C. Ruark) New Yorew, January 10.—Taxing until it hurts is a relatively empty phrase, since I neyer knew a man to squirm with pleasure when suddenly chopped off at the hip pock- ets, but as an individual you find it easy to resent the use of that phrase in Harry Tru- man’s mouth. The man wants another sixteen billion extra. This drives the annual tax nut to beyond 70,000,000,000 skins. These dollars come, directly or indirectly, from individ- uals. Iam an individual. You are an indi- vidual. And so is Harry 8. Truman. In his recent budget speech Mr, Truman has exhorted the people to pare another ne- cessity off the weekly cash outlay in order to meet the fresh demands of Government and defense. I will be pleased to break out the peeler and pare with the other kids, but in this instance I want it unanimous. Unanimous includes Mr. Truman, who knocks off a cash grab of 50 lovely G-notes each and every year--gorgeous thousand- dollar bills hecause they are aubject neither to scrutiny, account, nor th. itching palm of the Bureau of Internal Revenue. The way we heave the ecratch around, I do not care if they pay Harry a million a year, because the lumps of being President demand &@ big salary. But tax him they muat, Aa the symbolic man—as Mr, America, as the leader, the boss, the mirror of us all— the fellow has Just plain got to be subservi- ent to the laws that govern us all, or admit that no American can subsist on his earnings. If Mr. Truman draws a gun, in a fit of anger at a critic, and shoots him dead, then you would expect the law to take ita course, with an indictment of murder, a trial by gury, and a just and honest sentence by a judge who awaita the beck of the 12 good men, This ia law—"all men are created free _and equal,’*
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Baytng he survives his term, Mr. Truman will have been able to squirrel away $200,000 of nontaxable money for the 4 years, outside his salary, expenses, and perquisites such as yachts, trains, cars, planes, and such familiar truck. Nobody else alive can line up that much from earned income under the current tax structure. Except, of course, General of the Army Eisenhower, who was allowed & capital-gains interpretation on about $750,000 revenue from a book he wrote about the war. Other ex-soldiers who wrote books got slashed for the regular earned-income percentage, Both Truman’s free 850,000 annually, and Eisenhower’s allowance of capital gains repre- sent a gross insult to the other people who work at all trades, pay taxes, and now are told to take another reef in their belts. Declaration on Manpower EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL M. LeCOMPTE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. LECOMPTE. Mr. Speaker, a meeting of the presidents and represent- atives of the Association of American Colleges was held recently at Atlantic City, N. J., and out of this meeting came a declaration on manpower, a very care- fully prepared statement. I believe it reflects the views of the heads of our great body of independent colleges throughout the country. At the present time Selective Service and the armed services together are in- sisting that boys in college will not be permitted to voluntarily enlist in the armed services and select the branch of their choice after an official preinduc- tion notice of physical examination has been sent to the boy in question. He is permitted to finish out the school year, but at the conclusion of the school year he must enter the service and has no opportunity to make a selection I be- lieve that the armed services has made a grievous mistake in this respect Hun- dreds of boys are leaving college in order to enlist in the branch of their choice, and those who are remaining in school are often unsettled emotionally and not prepared to concentrate on their studies to the best advantage. College boys should be permitted, I think, to select the branch of the service they desire and I believe that the situation that exists at the present time should be looked into carefully. The statement on manpower which I herewith ask to have printed as a part of my remarks touches very definitely on this subject. The statement reads as follows: DECLARATION ON MANPOWER BY THE ASSOCIA- TION OF AMERICAN COLLEGES ANNUAL MEET- ina, ATLANTIC Crry, N. J., JANuARY 10, 1951 PREAMBLE The present national emergency is with- out parallel in our entire history. It will extend over a long period. It will require great sacrifice. Both from within and from without, It threatens our basic heritage of freedom. The American college and university reo- Ognizes the gravity of the crisis and is ace tively aware that the national welfare must take precedence over other considerations, It 18 recognized that there is a present and presumably continuing requirement that essentially all able-bodied young men give service of a proper length of time in the Nation’s military forces. As representatives of higher education, we recognize the im- portance of meeting this requirement to the full. We believe that all young men should share equitably the responsibility of national defense. It is our conviction that the key to ulti- mate national survival is the wise use of manpower. In the immediate pressure to have now the men we need in the places where they seem needed, we must not lose sight of the long-range importance of pro- viding o constant flow of trained persons to fill critical places 2 years, 5 years, 10 years, or more hence. Leadership of all types, politi~ cal, economic, military, educational, and re- ligious, will be even more necessary in the years ahead than today. Further, in a dem- ocratic Nation we deal with men as indl- viduals; not as untts in the mass. No effec- tive manpower program will treat men in the mass without concern for their dignity as human beings and their individual differ- ences. If we lose aight of this truth, the battle with totalitarianism has been lost at the start. The American colleges and universities are and have been a vital source of leadership and spiritual strength. Hence, these insti- tutions are more necessary today thar? ever before. Their strength is the strength of our democracy, from the largest university to the smallest liberal arts college. They must make a continuous contribution to na- tional welfare in every field of learning. Thus it is in the national interest that higher education be viewed as essential to the development of manpower resources. PROPOBALS The Association of American Colleges, rep- resenting more than 650 institutions of higher learning, therefore strongly recom- mends to the Federal Government the fol- lowing considerations concerning the rela- tionship between military manpower and higher education: T In the education and training for the armed services and for the civilian war ef- fort there should be no duplication of ex- isting educational facilities. Before new educational facilities are developed by the armed services or other governmental agen- cies, a thorough survey should be made to gee whatever existing facilities could more readily be converted and adapted to meet the particular need. Every effort should be made to bring the facilities of as large a number of educational institutions as pos- sible into the defense efforts, both by in- creasing the existing number of ROTC units and by allotting other training programs to non-ROTC institutions. ped We request that appropriate authorities take immediate steps to assure that students whose induction is now postponed or de- ferred will be permitted to apply for en-~ trance, at the termination of their postpone- ment, any branch of the armed services in which voluntary enlistment is now permit~ ted, regardless of any intervening action by the Selective Service System. ur Since the shortage of trained personnel! is becoming acute, and womanpower is an ever more important source of leadership in civil- jan service and in the professions, we urge adequate and immediate comprehensive planning to insure the constructive utiliza A255 tion of the ability and training of all col- lege women. w A. In setting the age for entering military training and service we believe that the age for induction should be 19. <A lower age should be adopted only when and as long as an emergency manpower shortage requires such lower age. B. We endorse the present policy of defer- ring ROTC students until the completion of their college courses. We recommend that the number of ROTO units be increased. We endorse the legislation now before Congress to place on the same basis stipends and edu- cational allowances for men enrolled in all ROTC programs. v Certain groups of studente now enrolled in colleges and universities have progressed so far with their studies, that it is in the national interest to allow them to complete their course. Among the students to be deferred during the present transitional pe- riod should be: A. Students in professional schools of the- ology, of medicine, dentistry, and related health fields, and in the graduate schools in mathematics, engineering, and physical and biological sciences. B, All students who will have completed 2 years of undergraduate study in any cur- riculum by July 1951 and who are eligible to continue because of sat'sfactory standing in accredited 4-year colleges. vI An enrolled college student who reaches the age of induction while successfully pur- suing a course of study should have his in- duction postponed to the end of his academic year. vir If 18-year-olds are to be subject to unl- versal military service, we assume that it is unlikely that more than half could be in- ducted in the first year of the new legisla- tion. To reduce to a minimum the uncer- tainty in the minds of prospective and pres- ent college students, it 1s highly desirable that those who are not to be inducted before the opening of their academic year should be notified that they will be able to complete that year before induction. VIIt To maintain a flow of educated personnel as an important element of national strength we recommend that after basic training a substantial number of properly qualified young men be furloughed to colleges of their choice for further education in all areas of learning before completing their required military service. In implementing this plan, special consideration should be given to a Federal scholarship or loan program, in or- der that no One who qualifies may be de- prived of this educational opportunity for lack of means. We recommend that the ad- ministration of this program and the testing and other procedures of selection under it be entrusted to competent civilians. p+ 9 We recommend that the board of directors appoint a committee to take steps to present the views of the association to the appro- priate officers and committees of the execu- tive and legislative branches of the Govern- ment and to cooperate with other educa- tional organizations having similar objec- tives. x As an association in which the majority of member institutions are small independent cOlleges, we recognize the fact that the pres- ent emergency seriously threatens the very existence of many of these institutions which represent @ vital element tn American Hfe, While the foregoing recommendations are intended to provide full participation by
A256 these colleges, we are aware that their prob- lems will be severe for a minimum of 2 or 8 years. We therefore urge governmental agencies, philanthropic foundations, and the American public to consider seriously the need to preserve these institutions for con- tinued service beyond the period of the immediate manpower crisis. People Should Begin Bearing Down on Congress To Remember Them EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. MARTIN of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing editorial from the Mobile Press Register of January 17, 1951: PEOPLE SHOULD BEGIN BEARING DOWN ON Conoress To ReMeMBrR THEM United States Representative Cuarencr J. Brown, of Ohio, served on the so-called Hoover Commission for reorganizing Federal bureaucracy. This service gave him an op- portunity to get a close-up view of the costly lost motion in present-day Government opera’ ions. A statement just made by Congressman Brown emphasizes the vital {mportance of reducing wasteful spending in these days of greater demands for national defense funds. “Certainly,” he says, “before a new tax burden of another $15,000,000,000 or $20,- 000,000,000 or €25,000,000,000 is to be added to the $7,700,000,000 tax boost just voted, we should stop, look, and listen, and be sure that we are doing the right thing in the right way. “First of all, we should attempt to reduce or eliminate every unnecessary governmental expenditure, We should cut the fat out of the governmental structure. “We should attempt to determine what is necessary and what is not necessary in the way of expenditures to meet the national emergency. “Once that is done—but not until it fs done—can we determine how much money must be raised to operate our Government and to meet the cost of our national defense program.” Congressman Brown insisted that we should make certain that any tax legislation which is enacted will be in such a form and make only such levies as our economy can stand. He warned that a hasty, 1ll-concelved tax bill can easily wreck our national economy and do trreparable damage to our productive capacity and our national defense effort. Mr. Brown made the point that there is a limit on the tax burden any people can long pay or carry. It is imperative that Congress consider this fact in connection with tax legisiation. Mr. Brown should have the unanimous support of his congressional col- leagues in keeping this point in mind and giving it proper consideration. It is the feeling of Congressman Brown that Congress “has no moral right to increase the tax burden on the American people again and to compel them to make greater sacri- fices unless the Federal Government itself first proves its good faith by eliminating every needless expenditure.” He insists that Congress “should not in- crease taxes just to give the tax spenders more tax money to spend.” Whether they fully realize it today o> not, the American people are going to need the protecting arms of many Congressmen CLar~ xncos J. Browns this year. Without this pro- tection, they will stand exposed to an ex~- orhitant new Federal tax raid and the con- tinuation of profligate policies in the use of Federal tax money. Let no American taxpayer kid himself ahout that. Mr. Truman has submitted a Federal spending budget of @71,604,000,000 for the fiscal year beginning next July 1. A United Press Washington dispatch says “many Democrats and most if not all Republicans” agree with Representative JoHN TasER, mem- ber of the House Appropriations Committee from New York State, that billions of dollars could be sliced from the President’s budget figure. United States Senator Harry F. Brno, of Virginia, has a term for the Truman-pro- posed budget. He calls it “the very height of fiscal irresponsibility.” These reports on sentiment in Congress are encouraging to the hard-hit taxpayers. But the taxpayers had better not go to sleep at the switch. They had better start bearing down right now on their Senators and Repre- sentatives in Congress to please remember them, Lost: American Way of Life, If Russia Overruns Europe « EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. AUGUSTINE B. KELLEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. KELLEY of Pennsylvania. Mr. ‘Speaker, with permission to extend my remarks, I am pleased to include an article by Mr. J. A. Livingston in the Washington Post of January 11. Mr. Livingston is a writer on business and economi~ conditions in the Wash- ington Post. His enlightening and in- structive article, Lost: American Way of Life, If Russia Overruns Europe, is the viewpoint of a man well quatified to analyze the situation which would occur if we withdrew from Europe, as has been proposed by some prominent Americans. And it is a viewpoint that to my mind has not been sufficiently stressed. The article is as follows: Lost: AMERICAN War or Lirg, Ir Russia Ovirruns Evrore (By J. A. Livingston) The defense of Europe is more than a mat- ter of real estate, more than economic re- sources—coal, iron ore, steel. Yes; and it's more than human beings—Frenchmen, Ger- mans, Belgians, Hollandere—cold-biooded though that seems. It’s a defense of a sys- tem, a culture, akin to ours, and built over centuries, Once lost, that way of life would be irretrievable. For the United States would be isolated—intellectually, eoonomi- cally, politically, and militarily, And that’s something for former President Hoover, Senator Roserr A, Tart, and Mem- pers of Congress to ponder: How far can we Jet Russia go? In his state-of-the-Union meseage President Truman emphasized the military consequences of 8 Russian conquest of Europe. He said: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “If Western Europe were to fall to Soviet Russia, it would double the Soviet supply of coal and triple the Soviet supply of steel. Ig the free countries of Asia and Africa should fan to Soviet Russia, we would lose the sources of many of our vital raw materials, including uranium, which is the busis of our atomic power. And Soviet command of the manpower of the free nations of Europe and Asia would confront us with military forces which we could never hope to equal.” But the economic consequences are even more important. It’s surprising that Repub- licans like Hoover and Tarr, supposedly busi- ness-minded, don’t see them. Stalinism is Hitlerism by a different name. We fought Hitlerlam as a military threat to the United States. Beyond that we fought Hitleriam as @ Gagger at our economic heart. Now Stalin poises the same dagger. Tf Russian commissars took over European factories, Stalin would have a new work- shop—to make tractors as well as tanks. That workshop would change our way of life, our method of doing business. Just as Stalin directs Russia's military might to a predetermined, ruthless end, so could he direct Russia's workshop. Amer- ican industry would be up against something unprecedented: Integrated, directed, unmiti- gated, and “uneconomic” economic power. In America wages, hours, and prices are de- termined by what the traffic will bear, by competition. No one man nor one company controls a major market. But in Russia, Stalin rules the economy by fiat. Wages, prices, and hours are set willy- nilly by the state. Economics—costs—don't count. Stalin has no dividends to pay, no creditors to satisfy, no union Jeaders to ap- pease. He’s the sole stockholder, creditor, and union leader rolled into one. Be could undersell American corporations anywhere—merely by dumping French or Belgian or Italian or German man-hours, materials, and technology on world markets at any price he saw fit. He could even raise the standard of living of the Russians while doing it, because: First, he’d have a new source of slave labor; second, by reducing military output at home only a little to pro- duce civilian goods, he'd be able to increase the levels of consumption by a great deal. If America wanted to do business with a Stalinized Europe it would have to be done by barter. That’s the way Russia deals. Interchange of goods and services—as we learned it from Western Eurape—would be out. America would be pushed into a nar- rowing ambit. We'd have to deal with Can- ada and South America largely. And would Stalin, supposing he made no war, let us have that chunk of commerce for our own? Hard- ly. He'd dump in competition. American corporations would be confront- ed wit! Stalin-determined prices on locomo- tives, farm machinery, electric generating equipment—in selling to Chile or Brazil, American corporations, with dividends to pay, with capital to preserve, could not stay in the struggle for Latin-American markets. Or the United States Government would have to subsidize them to compete with dumped man-hours. Our system of free men and comparatively competitivo markets—at least, undictated markete—could not survive in a world in which Stalin throttles competition. That, it seems to me, is the issue involved in the defense of Europe. Isolation — retirement —is easy. Stalin would gladly confer it on us. But how un- splendid it would be. We'd hate it so much we'd fight to get out of it. And in such a fight, without allies, we'd be lese prepared, while Stalin would be better prepared. That's the issue Congress must face—and former President Hoover—and Senator Tarr,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Trends Show Big Increase in Oregon Income by 1960 ennmeananeed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 18 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Trends Show Big Increase in Oregon Income by 1980,” written by Paul W. Ellis, associate professor of economics, University of Oregon, and published in the November 1950 issue of Oregon Busi- ness Review. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Trenvs SHOW Bic INCREASE IN OREGON INCOME BY 1960? (By Paul W. Ellis, associate professor of economics, University of Oregon) Oregon's tncome will increase 90 percent by 1960 if recent trends continue. This cone servative estimate, which augurs well for the future of business in the State, is based on current trends and data now available from @ large number of reliable sources. The same trends if continued would also produce an increase of 31 percent in employ- ment, and 32 percent in the commodities and services that can be purchased by the average man, woman, and child in the State. Gross payrolls__....2.0------s-meennemeerenunenes Agriculture 4 - ning. ..-. Finance ¢.. Government and sor vice Proprictors’ ficome....... Other......02-20--- Other Income payments Total....... eacaeee: wenenne eeneee eneeacanen In spite of these clearly discernible trends, however, certain possible obstructions to their continuance may arise. Both the trends and the threats to their continuance, will have differing effects upon the industrial balance of the State, with some industries suffering severe restrictions and others as yet unknown or little known in this area achieving new places of prominence in our economy. Oregon income payments were $2,112,000,- 000 in 1949 before the deduction of $15,000,+ 000 for unemployment compensation and old-age insurance taxes (see table I).2 On the basis of current trends these payments will increase by an average of §173,000,000 Per year through 1960, when the total will be 64,014,000,000. The 1949 figure includes @1,381,000,000 of wages and salaries, $437,- 000,000 of proprietors’ income, and $294,000,- 000 of other income payments, including rent, interest, dividends, old-age and unem- ployment benefit payments, and relief pay- ments. By 1960 the figures will be §$2,667,- 000,000 wages, $787,000,000 proprietars’ in- come, and $560,000,000 other income pay- ments. Annual estimates are presented in table I for the convenience of thase who may wish to use them for businees plans for shorter pe- Tiods. The 1960 estimates are used as a basis for determining the figures for the interven- ing years, Accordingly, the annual figures represent the results of annual increases for each year equal to the average for the 11- year perfod. It ts not to be supposed that growth will follow such an even pattern, but no adequate body of information exists which would show the fluctuations from year to year satisfactorily, Chart I [omitted from Recogp] gives a graphic picture of the esti- mated growth. It is important to note that part of the growth will be slower during Tasix I.—Oregon income payments, 1949-60 3 {In millions of dollars] 1051 1, 497 63 1,614 65 A257 the 1049-55 period than for the 1956-60 period because of the limitations of available elec- tric power. At the same time, the produc tivity of the lumber industry is expected to @ecline because of depietion of timber re- sources, especially in some of the Ponderosa pine regions. Chart I [omitted from Rac- oan} and table I depict steady changes each year, not because steady change is to be ex- pected, but because there are no adequate bases for estimating irregularities. Annual estimates therefore do not refiect any study of the timing of power expansion, the tim- ing of the termination of logging operations, @ major war, or other events that will in- fluence irregularity of growth. The crucial elements in the picture as a whole are the trends in the lumber and wood- products industries, on the one hand, and development of new manufacturing indus- tries on the other. The future of the lumber industry even within this ll-year period ia dependent upon the amount of standing timber available for lumber and the rates of growth of established foresta—both very con- troveraial questions. The figures in this ar- ticle are based on the higher of two easti- mates prepared by the United States Forest Service! This estimate was chosen because projections or forecasts usually underestj- mate rather than overestimate future eco- nomic productivity. However, even these higher estimates of 1960 lumber production make it apparent that the industry will suffer such a very sharp curtailment of production and employment as to create serious problems of adjustment in many Oregon communities. The creation of satis- factory alternative employment in the l1l- year period, while absorbing additions of immigrants and young people to the labor force, will be a big task. This problem will be correspondingly greater if the lower 1960 estimates of lumber employment are realized. 1 Before deductions for social insurance taxes, 4 Includes forestry and fisheries. § Includes transportation. # Includes insurance and real estate. § “Government” not elaewhore classified. About 38 percant of Government employment is ropresented in other classifications. Sources’ Allostimatesand projections by Paul W. Ellis untess noted in the text. For detuiled discussion of 1949 estimutes seo the Orogonian, Apr. 16, 1950, city news section, p. 15, or Oregon Business Review, June 19. Achievement of the high level of income and employment indicated above ts largely dependent upon the establishment of new manufacturing industries in the State, This point cannot be emphasized too strongly. We cannot make a living by buying and sell- ing to each other or by taking in each other's laundry. Accordingly, we must expect the commodity-producing industries—manufac- turing, agriculture, forestry, fisheries, min- ing, and construction—to continue for some 4 This articie is a revision of the 1960 pro- jectiona published in the Oregon Business Review for July 1949, presenting & more com- plete discussion of the underlying trends and conditions. It appeared with variations, in the Portland Cregontan far October 22, 1950, XCVI—App.——17 time to account for a probable minimum of perhaps 44 percent or more of the total State employment. At present this percentage for Oregon and for the United States ts about 46 percent. Other industries are very largely secondary, in the sense that they cannot expand much except as expansion of the commodity-producing industries justify. These secondary industries include wholesale and retail trade, transportation, and other utilities, finance (including Insurance and real estate), service, and government, In Oregon, mining, forestry, and fisheries ere almost negligible elements of our econ- *The United States Department of Com- merce estimate 1s 63,095,000,000 after deduc- tion of these taxes, omy. Agriculture employs about 35 percent more of our labor force (16.9 percent) then is employed in the Nation as a whole (12.5 percent). In the present article, the fore- cast for agriculture is based on a Depart- ment of Agriculture study which estimates a decline in agricultural employment in the State by 1960. Construction accounts for about 7 percent of our total employment at present as compared to 6 percent for the United States as a whole. As long as we continue to expand our population at a Sm oanenttiinenmmmetenmncenmeal ‘Corps of Engineers, Department of the Army, North Pacifico Division, Review Report on Columbia River and Tributaries, Appen- Gix N, pt. 3. ‘Tbid., Appendix N, pt. 4.
A258 greater rate than the Nation as a whole, we can maintain a higher proportion of our population building residential and commer- cial structures to serve the expanded popu- lation. The projections assume that the 7.3 percent which prevailed in 1947 and 1948 will continue through 1960. If this estimate is in error, it is probably too high. On balance, then, any major changes in the figures for 1960 and the preceding decade must be in the direction of either a higher level of manufacturing or a lower total of production. Oregon as a menufacturing State falls somewhat below the average of the other States, with 23.4 percent of total employment in manufacturing in 1948 as compared with &@ national average of 26.2 percent. More- over, more than 60 percent of Oregon manu- facturing employment has been in lumber, and only about 20 to 22 percent has been in industries other than lumber, food proc- essing, paper, and textiles. It is the expan- sion of this other manufacturing that must be depended upon to support the expansion of Oregon income and employment depicted in this article. And that means increasing employment in such industries from 27,500 in 1949 to 84,600 in 1960 (see table II). Obviously, if lumber holds up better than is assumed in this article, then other manu- facturing will not need to expand as much jn order for the State to achieve the esti- mated levels of prosperity. There are important obstacles to such & rapid development of new industries, but prosperity in 1960 depends on overcoming them. The solution of this problem must be found in new industries established by immi- grants to the State, by present residents, and by nonresident corporations. The reasonableness of these conclusions is tested in part by the data of table II. In addition to actual employment in 1948 and 1949, this table gives the industrial balance of employment as shown by its percentage distribution. The normal distribution for the State is probably indicated by the 1048 percentages, which differ only very slightly from those of 1947. Earlier figures must be discounted as a guide to the future, because of the great changes resulting from World War II and the great expansion of available electric power in the last decade. The table also shows Oregon percentages compared with those of the United States as a whole. Finally, the table provides three projections of employment by industry to 1960. The income estimates for 1960 are based on the employment estimates of the last col- umn of table II. It will be noted that, for APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Nation as a whole, only mining ranks very much higher than in Oregon, though manufacturing, finance, and government and service are also relatively more tmpor- tant in the United States average than in Oregon. Perhaps some observers would want to give these greater weight in their 1960 income projections. Oregon, by comparison with the Nation, devotes a relatively higher proportion of her labor force to construction, utilities, and trade. When and if population growth in Oregon approaches more nearly the national rate, we should expect all three of these industries to employ more nearly the proportions that prevail in the country as a whole. This observation applies with par- ticular force to construction and trade, both of which could easily become overexpanded in a growth period, in relation to more per- manent prospects for the economic balance of employment in the State. During periods of rapid growth by immigration, there is more demand for residential housing, furni- ture, clothing, and other items of retail trade than prevails when and where immigration is less important. Oregon can continue to develop its construction and trade indus- tries at a higher level than the Nation as & whole only for a limited period. Taste Il.—Oregon employment by industry, 19¢8, 1949, 1960 Agriculture)... occ wen cern een ewnenee {finn ee eeeeeeee Manufacturing... Utilities 4... Trade. ..... Finance $222.22... Thousands of workers Oregon rm = = > POOKY SOT OCS Hee 9 3 0 2 4 9 9 4.6 6.6 8.3 21,1 3.1 21.7 0 EpBorae, SoS = So 3 1 Projections for agriculture, fond, humbor, and paper are obtained on other bases (gee text). 2 Includes forestry and fisheries, 1 See note (1), 4 Includes transportation. § Includes insurance and real estate, Percentage distribution 1900 projections Baged on population projections Using United | Using Oregon States 1048 1947-48 ratios (thou- | ratios ane sands of sands o workers) workers) ¢ Government not elsewhere classified. About 23 percent of Government employment is represented in other classifications. Sources: Oregon 1948, 1949, Oregon State Unemploymont Compensation Commission; United Atates percentages computed on Ne rtment of Commeren estimates of “persons engaged in production’; 1940-48 trends are 1inedited computations in Wesley C, Ballaine, “Orogon Employment," People, Jobs, and Income on the Pacific Coast, 1949-60, oxcept, however, that government”’ bas been rovised. Trends of employment growth in recent yeara would, if continued, produce signifi- cantly higher levels of employment than those used in the estimates for agriculture, lumber, utilities, and trade, and significantly lower levela in paper and “other manufactur- ing.” Such trends, with certain modifica- tions and analysis by Prof. W. C. Ballaine, were published last year in People, Jobs, and Income on the Pacific Coast, 1049-60, is- sued by the Pacific Coast Board of Intergov- ernmiental Relations’ The writer used the Ballaine employment projections for an earlier set of 1960 income projections which were published in the same book.® Agriculture, food processing, lumber, and paper estimates for 1960 are taken from or adapted from studies made by the United States Department of Agriculture for the ee *See also Oregon Business Review, Feb- Tuary 1949. 1. Bee also Oregon Business Review, July Corps of Engineers of the Army," and are made on a somewhat different basis than those for other industries—the estimates for which are based on the 1947-48 balance. The results for all except paper are substan- tially lower than would have been developed from the 1947-48 ratios. Higher standards of living in 1960 are best measured by increases in per capita income payments, With an estimated population of 2,097,000 in 1960 (estimate by Prof. Elon Moore and Mr. John F. Staehle, in People, Jobs, and Income on the Pacific Coast, 1949- 60),* our average income for every man, woman, and child should rise from $1,448 in 1949 to $1,914 in 1060. Since all 1950- 60 figures are in terms of 1949 prices, this means a 32-percent increase in average in- comes in the 11-year period, *See notes 1 and 2. se also Oregon Business Review, May The computation of these income esti- mates was based upon a number of funda- mental assumptions, which must be recog- nized. First of all, it is assumed that there will be no full-scale war and that the gross national product of the United States will rise to 6875,000,000,000. This increase would be consistent with recent trends of increases in productivity per man-hour, decreases in hours of work per week, and increases in the labor force. Population in 1960 is assumed to follow the middle Moore and Staehle estimates. It is also assumed that the percentage of the Oregon population in the labor force in 1960 will be the same as in 1949. If the recent tendency for the employment of women to inorease is continued, the projections will be correspondingly below the attained income. Unemployment of 5 percent of the labor force on the average throughout the year 1960 is also assumed. If President Truman's attitude toward unemployment in 1949 1s
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD characteristic of that of succeeding adminis- trations, governmenal policy might be util- ized to keep this Agure down to 3.5 or 4 per- cent, in which case agatn attained income will be higher than shown in table I, The agricuttural employment figures are based on 1990-45 trends in relationships among numbers of people living and working on farms, numbers of farms, and the amount of cropland, as well as on declining trends of farm population. Trends in the net income of proprietors and other tncome payments are based on trends in wages. This fs not a satisfactory procedure, but no better as- sumption seems available. No allowance is made for deductions for old-age and unem- ployment insurance. “Let’s Get Going, Harry” EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. HARRY McGREGOR OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. McGREGOR. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I am in- cluding an editorial written by my good friend, R, M. Beer, of the Ashland Times- Gazette. I recommend this editorial for the reading of all: “Ler's Ger Gornc, Harry” (By Robert M. Beer) It’s not an easy trick to be in Europe for 6 weeks and come back with all the answers, I wrote an editorial a few weeks ago which was radio-teletyped from the cruiser Des Motnes while still at sea—83 days from Nor- folk and 1 day ahead of the Dewey and Truman ches. What Testa then still sounds pretty good tome. The “Truman letters” have indicated that our President appears to be both im- pulsive and vindictive. He seems to lack the stature of a director under these grave cir- cumstances, as evidenced by his reactions to petty affairs. As Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, he has terrific influence without curtailment of his plans short of actual wer. Congress has sole power to de- clare war and Congress {s made up of the men we have placed there to represent us. Why, then, shouldn’t our President seek the counsel of nonpartisan people to help him in this bedlam? There are two reasons why he doesn't ask Senator Tarr or Tom Dewey to slect some- one to confer with him. No. 1 reason is political, of course. No. 2 reason ta that the Republicans have no one who represents a solid thought on the answer. {I think the Republicans can take plenty of blame for this sttuation. My small voice suggests a meeting of the opposition party, not to ridicule the President or the Btate Department but to designate a spokesman who will sit with the President and his Cabinet and offer to help. I don’t see how the administration can turn down such a proposition at this stage of trouble. The Untted Nations can do no more than refiect publtc opinion in regard to the coun- tries of this world. In that respect they do well. A united America can accomplish the same thing if we all get our heads together and decide whether we should get cut of Korea and defend Western Europe or piddle around in a section of the Pacific that means the loss of our boys in utter futility. The defense of Western Europe is No. 1 in my estimation. Western Europe wil) deter- mine the division of the world. If we lose the Mediterranean countries we have lost Willkte’s “one world.” Why not shoot for it? If we lose we still should be able to unify and defend our own half, Europe is a megs. I told you so in the ar- ticles that were written while 1 was away. Eisenhower can't unify Europe tn 6 months when it has been impossible to do it through centuries. I think it’s a shame to send these old veterans on an aseignment thet defies fulfillmtnt. The Sixth Fleet, with Admiral Ballentine and 20 ships can't defend Europe if the Soviets want to go south. Neither can Ike organtze things over there to atop them. The losing side doesn't win allies. Small states go with the winner. I suspect that there is a very good reason why we have not left Korea and dropped the bomb in that area. There’s a slip-up some place; we're not ready, even with.the atom. What is wrong? Don't we have a right to know? Continuation of this sort of daw- dling and hoping for peace only gives the enemy more chance to get ready for the push through Europe, While we spar around in Korea and lose men Russia is enhancing their position, Chinese and Americans are dying, not Russians. Delay is fatal to us. I sincerely believe that spring will bring further encroachments upon the free states that will surely provoke war by pure insult and challenge. It may be another 50 years before this world becomes compatible. In the mean- time we dare not lose our principles by being the savior of Japan and A‘ia. At this half century we need the judgment of the best brains in America—not politicians and diplo- mate—but the opinions and advice of men who can think realistically, I'm not advocating the use of the big bomb in Korea or Russia ‘but I believe that we should at least consider the possibility, pro- viding all of us hear, read, or see such a thing discussed through radio,: newspaper, and television. Participants in that discus~- sion should represent all factions so that the final decision can be, made with the knowl- edge that everybody has a hand in our destiny. " Let’s get going, Harry. The War in Korea aN EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. H. CARL ANDERSEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. H. CARL ANDERSEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I would like to call the attention of the membership of the House to a joint letter written by four members of the board of directors of the Park Re- gion Publishing Co., of Alexandria, Minn. The Congress has the tremen- dous responsibility of formulating a for- eign policy which all of us hope will pre- vent a third world war. In order to formulate such a policy the views and expressions of responsible, thinking peo- ple throughout the Nation should be so- Ucited and studied carefully by all of us, The letter follows: Pak Recion Puscisurme Co., Alezandria, Minn., January 6, 1951. Hon. H. Car, ANDERSEN, Washington, D. C. Dear REPRESENTATIVE ANDERSEN: As com~- mon, ordinary citizens of our great democ- racy, we are generally content to let our A259 elected represenatives and officiais and their administrators handle the affairs of the- state, trusting their ability and wisdom to make decisions for the welfare of our Ma- tion, the United Nations, and the world as a whole. However, in view of the very ap- parent and serious mistakes which have been made in our foreign policy during the past several years, mistakes that have involved us in a costly and bloody war, we fee] that we cannot sit idly on the side lines without raising our voices against a policy which if continued will undoubtedly ruin our econ- omy, jeopardize our freedom, and cause our young manhood to be sacrificed and slaughtered, It is apparent that the so-called police action in Korea was an administrative and military blunder and has led to the involve- ment of our troops with the Chinese people. The Chinese people and the American people have a@ tradition of mutual understanding and friendship and we should not, we cannot, allow our Government to further provoke the Chinese people, as this policy will only lead to a prolonged war with staggering losses of materials, resources, and men and would eventually benefit Russia, Some diplomatic action must be taken before it is too late to withdraw our troops from Korea and terminate the futile effort to carry out a United Nations tdealistic policy without proper and adequate partici- pation and support of all the United Nations. A more realistic policy in our foreign com- mitments must be worked out by our diplo- mats or by Congress. We cannot afford to fight communism in places of their choosing and in methods of warfare which they prefer and in which they excel. We must by force of circumstance expect to grant some concessions in order to get out of this precarious situation. This should be done, and it could serve as 8 costly lesson for our future benefit. If certain interests have been allowed to pursue a course of aggression and greed in the Far East, that may have been a con- tributing factor in some of our difficulties, but this should terminate, and we should rather turn to the Prince of Peace for pat- terns of policy in dealing with people and nations. We trust that you will consider the con- tents of this letter and use your influence to get some action that will lead to a peace- ful solution. We have contacts with hundreds of people every week and we know that we are ex- Pressing their sincere sentiments as well as our own, Turo. G. Wirxsm. Drafting of 18-Year-Olds EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLEVELAND M. BAILEY OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. BAILEY. Mr. Speaker, that the question of drafting our 18-year-old youths into the armed services is a basic and controversial one is evidence by the tremendous amount of letters being re- ceived by the Members of Congreas. Out of the many letters I have received, one in particular has a strong appeal, and I include in the Appcndix of the Recorp
A266 this letter from Dr. M. J. Horsch, presi- dent of the West Virginia Institute of Technology, Montgomery, W. Va. The letter follows: Weer Vmomna INsrrrore or TECHNOLOGY, Montgomery, W. Va., January 2, 1951. The Honorable CLEVELAND M. BAILEY, The House of Representatives, Washtngton, D. C. Dear ConoressmMan Barry: I believe that I voice the conviction of a great many think- ing Americans when I say that I trust that when Congress finally reaches the point where it deems the emergency 80 acute as to force upon immature 18-year-olds the moral shock of combat training and com- bat, it will first have forced upon us—every one of us—an equivalent sacrifice. To per- mit business as usual, profits as usual, wages ae usual, working hours as usual, luxuries as usual, riotous living, and all the rest of our current souped-up ways of life as usual— and at the seme time risk the destruction of the moral fiber of our 18-year-olds by exposing them, en masse, to a shock to which they have not the maturity to adjust them- selves—would oe a travesty upon American omocracy. When it becomes necessary, then let it come; but let us not call it necessary in the face of what is currently asked of the Test of us. Whoever contemplates coming out of the present emergency one nickel richer than when entering—whether corporation, worker, management, merchant, or professional man—either doesn't understand the situa- tion confronting us or doesn't deserve to be called American. Let’s keep our values straight, and put priorities where they belong. Respectfully, M. J. Horscn. Betrayed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES W. VURSELL OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. VURSELL. Mr. Speaker, with leave to extend my remarks, 1 want to call the attention of the Members of the House to an editorial entitled ‘“Be- trayed,” by J. Robert Smith, editor of the Carmi Democrat-Tribune, at Carmi, Tll., which, in my judgment, is a power- ful editorial expression of the compos- ite thought of the people of the great Midwest with reference to our foreign policy and the Korean War. He packs a lot in a few paragraphs worthy of your careful consideration. The article follows: BrrRaveD Every soldier who has been killed in Korea, every man who has been wounded, every one who has suffered frozen feet, every man who has been shipped to that devastated land has been betrayed by the United Nations. Every man, woman, and child in America who bas paid the price of tears and inflation and crushing taxation has been betrayed by this sorry successor to the ill-fated League of Nations. Every person who has been called upon by Truman to work harder and longer has been ‘betrayed. This organization has finally showed its true colors—yellow. This spineless group of appeasera has voted to give Red China 2 seat tn its Security Council in exchange for a cease-fire in Korea. Our own delegate, Warren R. Austin, strung along with the appeasers—so it’s time for him to resign. It’s time for Dean Acheson to get out. It’s time for a house cleaning in Washing- ton, If Red China should accept the UN pro- posal, the United States should walk ‘out of the United Nations forever when the Red delegate comes to take his seat. Then we should tell them all to get out of this country anil hold their appeasement sessions else~ where. The UN is an unholy alliance which has been a sounding board and instrument of communism. What has it got us? Over 40,000 casualties in Korea, We're sick and tired of fighting and carry- ing on a war under a godless banner—and that’s what the UN flag is. Let’a get back to sanity, with Old Glory as the only flag for which we'll work and fight and die for. Pfc. James W. Ogden, of Norris City, didn’t lay down his life in Korea so that his mortal enemies might be admitted to the United Nations, Sgt. Carl Sheraden, of Burnt Prairie, was killed in Korea thinking he was fighting a war to destroy communism—not to reward it with another seat in the Security Council. Security Council? Whose security? Not ours. Oh, how can such little men in high places make such stupid blunders? Cooperative International Relations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MIKE MANSFIELD OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I have today introduced H. R. 1725, a bill to es- tablish a Commission on Cooperative International Relations, The nations of the world are presently experiencing the most dynamic, political, economic, social, educational, and spirit- ual upheaval in history. The movement is both evolutionary and revolutionary. It is not, as in the crises of the past, lim- ited in area to specific countries or re- gions, but is universal in compass. It blazes forth the fact that in truth we live in an interdependent world, The Lord did not ordain that a pat- terned educational process, or constitu- tional government, or the industrial rev- olution, burst upon all segments of the globe simultaneously. Nor did He place all of us in temperate zones or regions of plenty. The result is a historic unbal- ance of progress. This unbalance is vivid to the mass of less fortunate, and the difficult task of satisfactory equalization is pressing. The unfulfilled wants and aspirations, the hunger, the ignorance, and the fear of peoples shriek for grati- fication, help, and guidance. The problem is the proper directing and containing of these demands toward & common good. The tragedy is that, while one group of nations would solve these problems by APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the tenets of the Golden Rule, another would exploit misery by false promise and untruth, and, succeeding, end by making a degraded mockery of mankind. The selfish, the false, the reactionary phases of this agitation must be ana- lyzed, publicized, and curbed lest the orderly processes of progressive history yield to universal chaos. While we were preaching the freedoms, people were starving. Russia promised the multitudes abundance. The iron curtain expanded, Not until our aid pro- grams backed up our philosophies did we check the Soviet onslaught. Curbed, like a spitting monster at bay, this men- ace has added to false promise a bitter campaign of hatred, vilification, and abuse, attempting thereby to delude masses into allegiance through doubt and fear of our motives. Many have appraised the Gemini of Russian expansionism and communistic atheism. But multitudes, especially in the backward areas, are confused be- tween the two diametrically opposed ideologies of east and west. The battle is for the minds and hearts of men. It is the cold war—democracy versus dialectic materialism; freedom versus slavery. Our present strategy is a campaign of truth by the use of three media—the press, films, and radio. Russia’s weapon is the propaganda lie, disseminated by every accredited and discredited means, The consequences would be catastrophic were Satan’s weapons to prevail and the balance of power swing weightedly to- ward Russia’s might. In the counter- balance rests humanity’s hope of avert- ing Armageddon. We are presently spending upward of $100,000,000 in our international psycho- logical campaign of truth. To present to the peoples of other countries a pic- ture of the American people, their ideals and way of life, we have an educational exchange program and employ the press, publications, radio, motion pictures, edu- cational films, and libraries as informa- tion media. Assuming that these collectively are effective, the questions remain: ‘Are they accomplishing the objective of re- taining for us the initiative in the cold war? Are they convincing and ade- quate? Are they reaching the masses? Are these methods quelling doubts and fears, answering untruths, and turning peoples toward our democratic orbit? Finally, are we utilizing all known tech- niques or are we failing to use our great- es’, dynamic scientific American weapon, the show-how technique, to wit, tele- vision?” While we should doggedly continue attempts to penetrate the iron-curtain countries with truth, hopeful for the day when their peoples will break their chains, our greatest emphasis must be to save the peoples of the free nations from being drawn into the reeking morass. But we cannot convince the masses of the benefits of our way of life by the written word when they cannot read. Nor can we show them films depicting the American process by means of mobile units when there are no roads to reach them, or guerrillas bar the way. Wecan-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD not tell them our story by the radio voice when they have no receivers, and can- not, in any case, understand the strange Gialects spoken from remote transmit- ters. Static, too, does strange things in tropical areas, and the Russians jam the air waves over all like sorcerers ap- prentices possessed. The history of most peoples has never known democ- racy or the meaning of the freedoms, and we speak vainly to them when we use these terms. Like Americans, people everywhere want to be shown. This is especially true in remote areas where tradition persists and custom defies change. These people, presently, might well quote from the Holy Script and say: There are, it may be, so many kinds of voices in the world and none of them ts with- out signification. Therefore if I know not the meaning of the voice I shall be unto him that speaketh a barbarian, and he that speaketh shall be a barbarian unto me. (1. Corinthians XIV: 10 and 11.) Our compulsion must be to give mean- ing to our words for “saying is one thing, doing, another.” If ever a proverb were useful to save civilization'’s process, now is the time to put to work the time proven adage that “seeing is believing.” And we have the technique for proving that “One picture is worth ten thousand words.” But, as we show our way of life and simultaneously explain it, we must be certain that it is adaptable to the mores and ways of life of the viewers. Self- gratulation has been known to create envy, resentment, and resistance. The have-nots are ever skeptical of the haves, And, while the masses of the free peoples of the earth have not much materially, they cling tenaciously to their pride. Two-thirds of the peace-loving free peoples of the world live in economically undeveloped areas, Their problem is to realize their full human capabilities. The basic job is one of education. Our contribution {s to help them to help themselves, but we cannot prevail by dis- tant preachment. Our humane task is to provide a1 mass means for them to speedily educate themselves; to swiftly rid themselves of their many plagues; to curb contagion and infant mortality; to give them technical skills; and to show them by making available our store of technical knowledge how to raise their agricultural and industrial output. And we can only do this by giving them the means of mass communication so that their leaders, with our help and guid- ance, can visually show their peoples, and, while showing, explain the how and the why of change and progress, There is but one way of certain and speedy achievement, and that, by estab- lishing national radio-relay television networks in the free countries of the world. THE INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES The United States and other free nations of the world have a common concern for the material progress of these people, both as a humanitarian end tn itself and because such progress will further the advance of human freedom, the secure growth of demo- cratic ways of life, the expansion of mutually beneficial commerce, and the development of international understanding and good will, (Bulletin No. 3719, Department of State, January 1060.) INTERNATIONAL TELEVISION The progress of electronic science has been phenomenal. The age of the tele- graph pole and of wire lines is passing. The airways have become man’s means of communication and understanding. A single air channel will inevitably bring to the eyes and ears of people everywhere around the globe spot news events, the meetings of the United Nations, the opera at La Scala in Milan, the monkey dance of Bali, an American election, and the secret films of life under the Soviets. Motion pictures, the best of live talent wherever in the world, his- torical films, and educational shorts will at once amuse and create a sense of good humor in a somber world. But, besides the audio and the video, this same single air channel can relay to us, in our several languages, a news- paper by facsimile, as well as teletype, telegraph, telephone, multiplex, and many other services. The one must requirement to accom- plish this end is that there bo estab- lished universally accepted scientific standards for transmission and recep- tion. It would be the greatest single tragedy in historical cooperative endeav- or were any nation or nations arbitrarily or for greed to establish a system dif- fering from all others, breaking through- transmission relays and precluding re- ception. Free comretitive world markets for electronic devices, including television transmitting and receiving equipment, must not share the fate which followed upon the inventian of electricity. Then, selfishly dete eg interests in certain areas fixed upo:\"differing voltages from standards in other countries and frus- trating competition cartelized the worid. A NATIONAL RADIO-RELAY TELEVISION SYSTEM It is proposed that a television network be established at strategic points within a nation. Each station would act as a link in a relay chain to permit integrated network operation of all stations throughout the area. When desired, each station could be operated independ- ently to provide a local broadcasting service in its zone or district. All sta- tions in the system would be situated on elevated points at suitable locations, se- lected to provide completely reliable transmission to adjacent stations under all weather conditions. To insure satisfactory relay opera- tions, the stations forming links of the network chain would be placed 50 to 125 miles apart, at elevated points where strong signals could be received from ad- jacent relay points. Such a network would constitute a complete, integrated audio-video intercommunication system, and would not be subject to jamming techniques. COMMUNITY RECEIVERS To reach the populace effectively with provable “show-how,” large screen pro- jection television receivers will be used. Manufactured for a single reception channel, their cost will be moderate. They will be adaptable for use wherever people assemble, both in and out of doors. A single television blackboard A261 will be in operation both day and night— teaching children the three R’s, health, duty, and freedom during school hours; showing mothers practical sanitation, diet suggestions and food values, child care and home nursing during their free hours; and demonstrating to fathers that 2 feet of wood added to a hoe will enable them to do twice as much work, and that a longer handle attached to a sickle makes a scythe. This system will make practical the aspirations of the point 4 program and give peace-loving peoples the benefits of our own costly lessons and of our store of technical knowledge. It will give practical answer to Secre- tary Acheson's concern, recently ex- pressed, viz: We desire only a world in which we can live in peace. This is one of our constant preoccupations—how to break through this barrier of tangled words and make it un- mistakably clear to all people everywhere that the purpose of our efforts is a poaceful world, Television, our “show-how,” will give the world our know-how, and with knowledge will come experience and, with experience, confidence and faith in us and in our doctrine. Excess-Profits Tax EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THRUSTON B. MORTON oF KENTUCKY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. MORTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following letter: Lovisvittz, K¥., December 28, 1950. Hon. Turuston B. Morton, House Office Butldeg, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: I am writing to you because I think you are sincerely interested in trying to solve our national and international problems, and that you will take the time to read this letter. * This is merely a suggestion, but sometimes a fellow gets a viewpoint when he is close to the job, which you may not get in Wash- ington. First, let me say that I am heartily in agreement with you in advocating increased tuxes, even though the thought is not pleas- ant, but Iam a realist and know that the bill must be paid. Iam aiso a businessman, being president of Llewellyn Laundry, and es such Iam subject to the ordinary temptations as Iam just an ordinary human being. By temptations I mean that it is the nature of a person to immediately try to figure out how he can come out best when there are any changes made. I am talking about the excess-profits tax. I am certainly not talking against it. I will go along with whatever program you recommend. What I would like to see is that the excess-profita tax does not create inefficiency. Such a tax can work very much like a cost-plus arrangement if it is not set up properly. Let us take a businessman like myself. The way the excess-profits tax 16 proposed, everything my company makes over $25,000 will be taxed 77 percent. (Believe me, I am not complaining.) Now, I do not think I
A262 am any better or worse than the average businessman, therefore, my thinking may be typical. If It reach the excess-profits brack- ets, will I become careless in the operation of my business? Will I hire more people than I really need, because it is only cost- ing me 28 percent to do so and it will make Hfe easier? Will I try as hard to maintain my present efficiency in the plant? In case the war situation becomes worse, I really should drive my people hafder to help the cause along, but again, will I do so with most of the incentive taken away? Will I spend more than J should for advertising? I could go on citing examples, but I am sure you are familiar with all of them. I offer a solution which I think will enable us to maintain our effictency, yet give you the taxes you need. We businessmen are no different than other types of people in one respect——we, too, are looking for security. We may not have these lush years forever. We are not happy when we think of those years when we inst money and when we think that the same thing could happen again. Here is my proposal. Go ahead with your excess-profita tax, Make it as stiff as you want. You will find businessmen more patriotic than some people in Washington think. However, in order to maintain ef- ciency, say to the businessman: “We will set up this excess-profits tax which we take from you as a credit against any year in the next 10 years that you show a lose, provided this loss is not due to neglect or mismanage- ment.” For example, if in 1951 you take $10,000 as excess profits and if some year be- fore 1961 I show a loss in my business, you will take care of me out of this $10,000, This seems fair, because the businessman may feel he is taking care of you now—you do the same for him when he needs help. Let us hope that we will never need this credit. Let us hope that in the next 10 years business will be good. But there may come a time when we have a bad year. Giving the businessman this assurance of future help will, I am sure, save the country millions of dollars, because you will have created a reason for us staying efficient, We will con- sider the excess-profits tax as insurance. Frankly, I do not think there will be much reason to use this credit, but is it not true that if business conditions would get bad, that the Government would step in in some way to help business. So you see Govern- ment will be helping anyway, so why not now use this idea as & means to have efficiency in business during wartimes? As a plus value, this idea will preserve what I think is a prime American idea, to constantly get more efficient. Maybe we can even run a war period efficiently if we try hard enough. Youre very truly, E. A. MAtt. American Indians in Our Armed Forces EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WESLEY A. D’EWART OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. D'EWART. My. Spéaker, I wish to insert in the Recorp an article hav- ing to do with the services of Indian men in our Armed Forces, They have given distinguished service in the two World Wars and many hundreds of them are even now on the battle line in Korea, This article, from the Poplar Standard of Poplar, Mont., was written by Mr. dames Archdale, a prominent member of the Fort Peck Tribe of Indians, who conducts a weekly column in the news- paper entitled “Jim Says.” The article follows: In more than two wars American Indians have taken part. In World War I some 17,000 young Indian men enlisted and fought. In World War II some 323,000 enlisted and some were in the draft and served from buck privates to the top commissioned officers, generals and colonels, captains and lieu- tenants. They have been honored from the Con- gressional Medal of Honor down to every decoration on the calendar. This writer has been informed that pro- portionately the Indians of Montana, 7 res« ervations of about 20,000 Indian population, stand at the head of all races in the United States of 93 per thousand, These facts are irrefutable and stand out like some say a sore thumb, but many people come to me and ask me, after the United States Government has worked so hard in the 1860's, the 1870's, and the 1880's to stop the American Indian from fighting for his own country, and defending it against white encroachment on Indian domain, how can we or our boys be fighting in Korea helping the South Koreans fighting their own people? Indians have signed peace treaties never to take up arms again. How can we be made to fight people that we do not know, and hence have no right to fight? I think it was that great Nez Perce Chief Joseph once declared to General Miles and Howard “from where the sun now stands I will fight no more, forever” and I suppose his young men are fighting in Korea too. Oh! You say we are fighting for the four freedoms; we are fighting for freedom and liberty, but my friend you go on some of these Indian reservations and see some of these Indian soldiers how they live, see their homes, see their living conditions, and see how much freedom they have gained or won for them- selves and their people, On the Fort Peck reservation, alone, we have some 400 vets that served in two wars. Many of them cannot get even Government loans under the GI loans. Big farmers who already made their life stakes in farming get all the acreoge allotments, and our poor Indian GI’s couldn't get a start, let alone getting loans for the purchase of farm ma- chinery. The draft never misses Indian boys if there are any around. They tell me if you are a farmer in an essential business you cannot be drafted; in other words, you are exempt. Maybe that's the reason our boys are indirectly kept from the farms and the draft boards seem to have a pretty good eye for our boys. They even took our underage boys to fight. I have two nephews over there and I lost a boy in the last war, our only boy. Up-State New York Loses Its Hide EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, every time somebody in Albany tries to cover up their real plans of scuttling the Thirty-seventh Congres- sional District, he sticks his foot in his mouth by making a lame excuse. It is now pretty obvious that the boys have just one objective and that is to keep sitting Members of the New York State congressional delegation in the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dark as long as they dare without giving them any idea of the composition of the new, distorted districts for 1952. The most recent kidding we have taken comes from some State senator who says the committee on gerrymandering has its hands tied and cannot do any more on the vital question of reapportionment until the Census Bureau in Washington makes available their figures. For Albany’s information, I have per- sonally conferred with census officials here and they assure me that prelimi- nary figures by counties are now ready. They went a step further to convince me by placing these figures in my hands. The only difference between prelimi- nary and final figures, they tell me, is that in the final check there will be a few more added who happened to be away on vacation when the census was taken, They emphasize that the differ- ence between preliminary and final fig- ures will be only slight. Therefore, I charge that Albany offi- cials are deliberately stalling on the job of reapportioning for 1952 with the ulterior intent of keeping us on the hot seat in a state of uncertainty as long as they can. The committee’s duty is to make avail- able to the general public within the next few weeks their recommendations for the new congressional districts. The State legislature will fall short of its responsibility to the people of New York State unless the reapportionment bill becomes law during this session which will end in late March. Why should they pigeonhole this all- important question which is the very basis on which free American govern- ment is founded? In resorting to further delay they are preventing the people of our State from getting a clear-cut picture of their most important subdivision of government, namely, the congressional district, which elects the men who serve in our Netional Congress. This means the people will not be able to elect their own representa- tives with care and deliberation, The question is not so complicated that they cannot work it out in a few short sessions and then it will be out of the way. They have been discussing it for months behind closed doors. All they have to do is consult the population chart of each county and add up the totals, But, unfortunately for the people, they are playing politics and will make every- body suffer before they settle their petty logrolling. I learned todsy from excellent au- thority that they are trying to do a job on up-State, and to deprive that great fection, not of one Congressman but of wo, They cannot get away with it without my squawking and squawking loudly. Why should the tail of the Empire State wag the dog? I call upon the committee in charge of this gerrymander and upon the State legislature to get busy and submit the reapportionment question to a vote right away before they pack up and go home, as they always do up there, in early apring.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Az for my own standpoint, I know they are fixing to do a job on me and I want to prepare for the worsé. I suppose other New York State Congressmen would like to heer their fate, too, at least those who, like myself, do not have the good fortune to be in on the grapevine. When the legislature reapportioned the State for 1944 elections there were men among them with enough integrity to insist that the design of the new dis- tricts be made public more than a year ahead of the election itself. Why are not they decent enough to do the same thing today? What are they afraid of? Whatsleight of hand are they indulging in to perpetuate chaos and confusion at the very time they should be trying to create calm? The boys in Albany owe dé to the peo- ple of New York State and to good gov- ernment and to sane, straight thinking to get down to business. Get the re- apportionment job off the agenda so they can clear the way for problems of civilian defense, Unification of freland EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN E. FOGARTY OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, during the last Congress I introduced a House resolution which called upon the House of Representatives to express their be- lief that the Republic of Ireland should embrace the entire territory of Ireland, unless the clear majority of all the peo- ple of Ircland should, ia a free plebiscite, determine and declare to the contrary. Although hearings were held before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs early last year, it was not possible to obtain final action by the committee so that the resolution might have been considered on the floor of the House. Today I am again introducing that resolution in the hope that the matter may be brought before this body and affirmative action be taken during the present session of Congress. The de- sirability of such favorable action by the House of Represeniatives is not subject to question, any more than the justice of Ireland’s demand for unification can be . The United States has al- ways proclaimed the rights of small na- tions to independence and the free de- termination of their own form of gov- ernment without the outside interfer- ence of any other nation, By the pas- sage of my resolution the House can again proclaim our championship of the rights of small nations. In the unsettled condition of the world today, with war in Korea and an uncer- tain type of peace existing throughout the rest of the world, many suggest that the Irish situation be soft pedaled or neglected, But it is because of this very unsettied world situation that I feel that at least the disturbing situation tn Ire- Jand should be remedied without delay and the threat to peace in this small country be eliminated, so that full at- tention can then be given to other sit- uations, T need not emphasize at this time the fact that partition has been in existence in Ireland for a period of only 30 years. Nor need I discuss the long history of Ireland's struggie against Great Britain in her efforts to achieve complete free- Gom and independence, The fact is that the British have recognized Ireland’s right to freedom by granting to the 26 counties of Ireland their full independ- ence under the Government of the Re- public of Ireland. In doing so, however, Great Britain withheld this right from the people living within the small six- county area in the northeastern section of this island, An attempt has been made to picture the people of the six counties as of a different race or na- tionality, and that section of the country as a distinctive and unique area, having no natural ties or relations with the rest of freland. Yhe utter fallacy of this attempt {s only too self-evident if one but studies @ map or reads a line of the history of Ireland. No geographic barriers sepa- rate this area, no different customs dis- tinguish these people, nor are any dif- ferent racial strains to be found here than in the rest of Ireland. It was out of the northern section of Ireland that her greatest champions and warriors in behalf of freedom have arisen, while the leader of the British union faction, Sir Edward Carson hailed from Dublin. The geographic unity of the nation is too apparent, and the historic unity of the people too well settled to be subject to debate. : Only two factors demand a division of Treland. The one is the desire of Great Britain to maintain a foothold in Ireland in keeping with her age-old tmperialistic policy of domination of other nations. The other is the desire of large land- holders and powerful industrialists to maintain their personal control of the government and the people in that area. ‘The United States can endorse neither of these excuses, but rather must protest against the unjust suppression of the will of the people by Great Britain, and the enslavement of both the government and the people to the whims of a small group of industrial monopolsis and large landowners. The unification of Ireland will put an end to the centuries of strife that have conomy to both sections of the nation, which is not now attainable. The elimi- the contention between the Irish and the British will be achieved world situation in Western Europe par- ticularly justifies our interest and con- A263 cern over this sttuation. Divided, Ire- land has been forced t abstain from joing the Atlantic Pact nations in co- operating for the defense of Western Europe. Vetoed by Russia, Ireland has been denied a seat in the United Natians, mainly because of her strong anti-Com- munist sentfment amongst the people and on the part of the Irish Govern- ment. Yet European defense may well hinge on the role that Ireland would play in the event of active warfare once more in Europe. ‘We have been told by American gen- erals that the use of bases in the six- county area of Ireland was vital, and that without them we would have found the invasion of France far more difficult. If that be true, then the use of all 32 counties in Ireland would be far more effective, and would be made available, undoubtedly, were the Government of the Republic of Ireland to have full con- trol and jurisdiction of the entire terri- tory of Ireland. Moreover, so long as Ireland 1s excluded trom the defense of Europe in aD our planning, the same may not be true of the Communist attackers, once they engage in open warfare in Ku- rope. Instead, they may weil plan the active conquest of Ireland, which is being omitted from all our rearming program and defensive strategy for Western Eu- rope. A defenseless Ireland is an open Invitation to aggression and attack, qet Ireland js denied participation in the At- lantic Pact solely because of the parti- tion of the country. ‘Without the means of arming herself adequately, Ireland would be unable to share directly in the battle for the defense of Europe, and would be unabie to ward off an attemtpted invasion of her shores. it appears to me that our military planning is short-sighted if we continue to disregard the strategic position Ire- land occupies in Western Europe and its usefulness as a base of operations for the supplying of European troops, The position of Ireland as the most westerly portion of Europe is too vital in military strategy. so far as the United States is concerned, for it to be disregarded and ignored by our military planners any longer. To cope with possibie European warfare, our planning must be thorough and complete and must be carried into effect in advance of need. The useful- ness and importance of Ireland to any such planning cannot be denied, if the words of our generals following the last war Lad any truth in them regarding the value that bases in the six counties had in the victorious autcome of the war. Any weakness in our battle Wines in Korea has been made the point of attack repeatedly by the enemy. ‘The same weaknesses in the European line of de- fense will become the point of attack. The division of Korea became the occa- sion of war in the Orient. Let not the division of Ireland prove the encourage- ment to Russia for war in Europe as well. Instead, I trust that this House will give favorable consideration to my resolution calling for the unification of all Ireland, and that the House Committee on Far- eign Affairs will make that possible by itself taking early action on the resoilu- tien. Further hearings are not needed
A264 following the excellent hearings of last year when the committee considered the various resolutions introduced by several Members of this body. At those hearings last year, the great interest in this situation as far as the American people are concerned was most clearly demonstrated. From every sec- tion of the country representatives ap- peared to express their approval of the proposal] that the House of Representa~ tives express itself regarding the unifi- cation of Ireland. Only the concern over the outbreak of war in Korea hin- dered final action during the last session. I trust that now the necessity for speedy action in completing the defense pro- gram for all cf Europe will cause equally speedy action to be taken on this resolu- tion. The sooner the unification of Ire- land jis accomplished the sooner will she take her rightful place amongst the European countries. Always a force for freedom and right, Ireland has repeated- ly shown herself in full agreement with the American efforts to rehabilitate and reconstruct Europe. Once her full free- dom and independence has been achieved, Ireland can become a strong force in the councils of Europe, where leadership is sorely needed and vigorous anti-Communist ideals are so essential. I urge prompt action on this matter and request that the Members of this body Join with me in urging the unification & Ireland at this time. The resolution referred to follows: Whereas the House of Representatives, Sixty-fifth Congress (1919), third session, by House Joint Resolution 357, duly passed a resolution declaring that the people of Ire- land should have the right to determine the form of government under which they de- sired to live; and Whereas in the intervening 30 years the people of Ireland have so determined but the effect of their determination has been thwarted, and they have in fact been de- prived of the right to the form of govern- ment under which they desire to live; and Whereas 26 of the 82 counties of Ireland have been successful in obtaining interna- tional recognition for the Republic of Ire- Jand which has, as its basic law, @ constitu- tion modeled upon our own American Con- stitution: Now, therefore be it Resolved, That it is the sense of this House of Representatives that the Republic of Ire- land should embrace the entire territory of Treland unless the clear majority of all the people of Ireland, in a free plebiscite, deter- mine and declare to the contrary. United States Now a Garrison State EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin, Mr. Speak- er, as part of my remarks, I am including an article by Dorothy Thompson that appeared in yesterday's Washington Evening Star entitled “War Declara- tions Seen at End.” It is Miss Thomp- son's belief that the United States has now become s& garrison state through the United Nations’ concept of peace, This is a matter that should have the prompt attention of all Members of this House, The article follows: War Decrarations Seen at Enp—Uwirep Srarss Has Become a Garemwon SrarTs Txrovcn tHE UN Concerr or Pxacr (By Dorothy Thompson) At his last Thursday's press conference President Truman declared he had untram- meled right to send United States troops anywhere in the world. He thus answered the challenge of Senator Tarr and other critics that he obtain congressional approval before furnishing troops under North Atlan- tlio treaty obligations. The implications in his remarks were that he had no require- ment to obtain congressional approval ex- cept for a forma) declaration of war, and he hes previously declared the action in Korea not war, but the carrying out of obli- gatory UN commitments. If we continue to interpret those commit- ments as Mr. Truman interprets them, it ts unlikely that there will ever again be for- mal declarations of war, All future wars will be police actions, initiated or restrained by the President alone. We actually do not know on whose advice the President sud- denly decided to lead the UN into action in Korea while the Russians were absent from the Security Council, whose members, un- der the Charter, are charged with responsi- bility for such action, and protected against it by the veto. Our spokesmen have fallen into the habit of referring to the UN as though it were only that part of the international organization associated, under American leadership, to resist aggression everywhere. By votes of countries in the Assembly the United States commands a majority. However, wars or police actions are not settled by majority votes of governments, many of them of puny states, but by mobilizable populations, weapons, and political and psychological factors adding up to morale. In terms of these factors, the world, as represented in the United Nations, im fairly evenly divided into two hostile bloce,.and the war in Korea ia not a UN campaign but a struggle within the UN itself. If Mr. Truman's viewpoint on UN obliga- tions is, indeed, the only correct itnterpre- tation of the UN Charter, it would follow that those who aid and abet aggressors should be thrown out of the international organization. But that Mr. Truman’s in- terpretation is dubious is illustrated by the fact that none of the great powers can be dismissed over its own veta. And at San Francisco the United States was as in- transigent as the U. 8. 8. R. in insisting on the veto. Our leadersa—and Mr. Truman was Presi- dent—wanted the veto to protect the United States from poagsible military commitments against the interests of, or in areas of indif- ference to, the United States. It is not logi- cal or even truthful for the same leadership now to invoke obligations which, as a pri- mary framer of the Charter, they took studi- ous pains to avoid. The fact is that the UN was never designed to bring sanctions against any great power. It was designed to act only by unanimous great power consent against small states that might threaten the peace. Under the Char- ter, amall states can he coerced into accept- ing UN disciplines and restrained from wag. ing war, thus abandoning a primary sover- eignty in favor of great powers who are not compelled to abandon it. The foreseeable result was the clustering of small states around such great powers as might represent and protect them and the ending of small-state independence or neu- trality; with the further danger that clashes between small satellites of hostile great powers might draw the great powers them- selves into war, fought, of course, in the name of peace, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD These criticisms of the United Nations are not made with hindsight. They were made by this column in 1945, when the outlines of the Charter first appeared as the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. But then, as now, anyone who expressed doubt in the United Nations Was branded as rocking the foundations of peace, Today the universal peace promised through this universal body is patently a mirage. So are the universal freedoms. Through the UN concept of peace, we are becoming a garrison state under a virtual dictatorship, Robert E. Lee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL ELLIOTT OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. ELLIOTT. Mr. Speaker, at the invitation of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, through Mrs. Ada B. Holt, district president, I had the great privilege of delivering a speech in Stat- uary Hall on the occasion of the anni- versary of the birth of Robert E. Lee, whose character as a great American looms larger with each passing year. The speech follows: Madam President, and friends— Who is the happy warrior? Who ts he That every man in arms should wish to be? It is, the poet tells us— The generous spirit, who, when brought Among the tasks of real life, hath wrought Upon the plan that pleased his boyish thought. If ever words so beautifully uttered might be fittingly applied, they seem consummated in the memory of the man we gather this day to honor, Once more we pause to observe an anniversary which becomes ever more precious, ever more meaningful, to the great Republic which without partisanship, with- out political or geographical bias, without stint or limit, east or west, north or south, today gladly and proudly unites with one accord of heart and voice to salute the blessed memory of Robert Edward Lee. For it is a blessed memory. It is more than that: It is a most precious heritage, ever purifying the national tradition, ever stimulating the national conscience, ever sustaining the na- tional pride, If at the time of his passing, 80 years ago, the figure of Lee was already seen to be emerging from the mists of blind and passionate partisanship, whether from the one side or the other, to take on the majestic proportions of one of the heroes of history, how much clearer is our perspec- tive today! He is like the mighty mountain which one must see from afar before one can fully appreciate its grandeur. In evaluating the life of Lee one is at once atruck by the enormous importance of his ancestry and background. It is impossible to escape it. Lee was himself a man of the gentlest simplicity despite his innate dig- nity. He would have been the last to claim any preference or prerogative because of his name and birth. The fact nonetheless re- mains that the soil which nourished this rare genius and the long line of high-born, distinguished and, above all, honorable an- cestors whose blood coursed through his veins gave, beyond any question or doubt, @ cast to his mind, an elevation to his spirit, and the deep-rooted—ao deeply rooted that perhaps he himself was never wholly aware of it—fundamental, instinctive preference to the sane, the wholesome, and the true. He
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD was drawn to the right as the needle is drawn to the magnet. He spoke the truth by instinct. In his old age an enterprising genealogist undertook to chronicle the Lees and the gen- eral commented: “I am very much obliged to Mr. So and So for the trouble he hag taken in relation to the Lee genealogy. I have no desire to have it published, and do not think it would afford sufficient interest beyond the im- mediate family to pay for the expense. I think the money hed better be applied to relieving the poor.” “Which does not mean,” adds one of his most eminent biographers, “that he was not daily and hourly conscious with pride that he belonged to the Virginia Lees, a name writ as large as any in the history of the country and transmitted to him with an honor which it was his constant care never to tarnish. From the first Richard (Lee) down, the Lees had always been doing some- thing useful and often something great, and they were distinguished by the friend- ship as well as by the admiration of Wash- ington.” If Lee was indeed proudly, and properly, conscious of the noble heritage transmitted to him on both sides—by Carter no less than by Lee—he was unquestionably profuundly influenced by his family'’s—especially his father's—close relations with General Wash- ington. To have Light Horse Harry Lee for a@ father and George Washington for that father’s intimate friend would be enough to make an indelible impression on any sens!- tive boy, Think of the tales he must have heard of the great and soul-stirring times when the War for Independence was being won. Think of the anecdotes of days when buff and blue were in the saddle. Think of the former brothers 1. arms who must often have stopped at the house on Orinoco Btreet over yonder in Alexandria to pay their re- epects first to the gullant, ailing general, and later to his widow. Can anyone doubt that there was a grave but eager-eyed boy in the background? I dwell on this aspect because many of my audience, being mothers, can ap- preciate the force of the old saying, “Just as the twig ig bent, the tree’s inclined.” Lee's own mother was evidently a woman of the highest character and it is to her even more than to the distinguished father from whom he was separated so young that Lee owed the formative influences of his early life. Soon after the father’s last, sad de- parture on the hopeless quest for health Mrs. Lee lapsed into invalidism and though only a emall boy at the time Lee took much of the care of her and her household. To this is probably due in large measure the steadiness and high sense of responsibility which marked him so early in life. In 1826, when he was 18, Lee, through the influence of some of his father’s old friends, entered West Point. There he was noted for his temperance and self-control which seem doubly creditable to him when we read the statements of the Superintendent of West Point at the time in a report to President John Quincy Adams as to the dissipation generally prevalent among the young men. Being duly graduated in 1829, he immediately recelved appointment in the Engineer Corps, then the elite of the service. In June 1831, he was married to Miss Mary Custis, the great granddaughter of Martha Washington, and from thenceforward to the tragic day in 1861 when he left it forever, Arlington, with all its hallowed Washington relics, was to be his home. There followed long, busy years on engineer and garrison duty in various parts of the country ranging from Georgia to New York and from Washington to St. Louis, They were not dramatic years but they were eminently fruitful. Such important tasks as superintending the fortifications of New York harbor, adjusting the boundaries between Ohio and Michigan, problems connected with the control of the Mississippi constituted a notable series of constructive achievements. But it was the war with Mexico that firet showed unmistakably the promise of the rare military genius which later was so magnifi- cently to flower. In view of the tragic diverg~- ence of a future day when each man was to find himself on opposite sides of an une bridgable gulf the testimony of Lee’s old commander, admirer, and beloved friend takes on poignant appeal. The following formal testimony of Gen. Winfield Scott, the good “Old Fuss and Feathers,” is of unusual interest, for in it we behold the first lightning flash of the genius which was one day to dazzle the world. Appearing before a Senate committee of inquiry into the conduct of the war, General Scott declared with character< istic vigor in speaking of Lee's now classic reconnaissance before Vera Cruz over a lava tract into which no man had dared venture before: “I had dispatched several staff officers * « * who had, within the space of 2 hours, &.i after dark, successively returned * * * and reported to me that each had found it impracticable to penetrate far into the Ped- egral during the darkness. * * * Cap- tain Lee, * * * having passed over the dificult ground by daylight, found it just possible to return to San Augustin in the dark, the greatest feat of physical and moral courage performed by any individual, in my knowledge, pending the campaign.” Azain we have Scott's written praise of “the gallant and indefatigable Captain Lee, who was as distinguished for felicitous exeoution as for science and daring"’ We have also the testi- mony from a brother officer that General Scott exclaimed in his downright way one day after the war: “If I were on my death bed tomorrow, and the President of the United States should tell me that a great battle was to be fouvht for the liberty or slavery of the country, and asked my ‘udgment as to the ability of a com- mander, I would say, with my dying breath, Ict 1t be Robert E. Lee.” Prophetic words: A little more than a decade later when the future of the Nation stemed dark, indeed, it was General Scott, then approaching his-end, who earnestly rec- ommended to President Lincoln that Robert E. Lee should be given command of the Union armies. But this is not, ladies, a military history of Lee the general. I leave that where it be- longa—to military experts and to such great biographers as Dougles Southall Freeman. Nor is it the place nor the occasion to sound the trumpets of military remembrance. This is not a day of battle triumph; {t is a day of dedication—for a renewal of the spirit in the wellsprings of a noble past. So I invite you to consider Lee the man. One of our more amiable, and very human, tratts is so to idealize our great leaders— once, be it strictly noted, they are safely dead—as to magnify them out of all propor- tion, which process does not in the least add to their true greatness and makes posterity not a little ridiculous, In short, if man, as Sabatier says, is “incurably religious,” he is also a born hero worshiper—as Carlyle very well knew. It is a perfectly natural, perfectly normal, and, as I said, very human character. istic. Nevertheless, it has to be guarded against; that is, if we wish to preserve the true lineaments of the man we admire. This is what kept Washington a frozen monument behind a veil of ice making him thus secretly odious to generations of re- bellious school boys until at last a genera- tion arose which knew not Parson Weems; the American sense of humor triumphantly burst through and presented us with a very human Washington we increasingly love and admire and feel close to. Does any lady here object to learning that the Father of Our Country turned out to be very hu- man indeed? Does anyone here think him the less great in that without relaxing the pursuit of virtue, he was not averse from pursuing the fox? I confess that I, for one, was delighted to discover in a charming pamphlet that the youthful Lee spent many vacations at his birthplace: that through the fields, woods, and swamps of Stratford- on-the-Potomec he hunted deer, fox; shot wild duck, partridges, and geese; he fished, rowed, sailed; rode horseback, skated in winter, and tramped through old Westmore- land from dawn to dark. It is good to know these things—to know that Lee's boyhood was a happy and normal one, with plenty of opportunity to let off boyish ateam. There are many indications that to the very end of his life he was not without a touch of impish humor which, while it never left a sting, gave ample proof that ite owner was in intimate touch with the reality of his fellow men. ‘Woodrow Wilson, in his Robert E. Lee, says: “It is true that we do not think entirely correctly of Lee in supposing that he was compact entirely of gentleness. No man whom you deeply care for or look to for lead< ership is made up altogether of gentile quall« ties. When you come into the presence of & leader of men you know you have come into the presence of fire—that it is best not incautiously to touch that man, that there is something that makes it dangerous to cross him, that if you grapple his mind you will find that you have grappled with flame and fire. You do not want sweetness merely and light in men who lead you; and there was just as much fire in Lee as there was in Washington. In Washington it was more upon the surface, but it was not more truly present. Every man who approached Wash- ington had the singular impression that he was tn the presence of a man of tremendous passions. He was always well in hand; but you knew that the man himself was aware that he was driving a mettiesome team, which he had to watch at every moment to avoid sudden run-away, when circumstances were exigent or exciting. “You did not get that impression when in the presence of Lee. I have only the de- lightful memory of standing, when a lad, for a moment by General Lee's side and look- ing up into his face, so that I have nothing but a child's memory of the man; but those who saw him when they were men and could Judge say that you got no impression of con- strained and governed passion such as men got from General Washington. But when- ever General Lee was in the fleld no one dared cross him, no one dared neglect his orders, no one dared exercise a dangerous discretion in the carrying out of his com- mands. There would flare in the man a consuming fire of anger; those who were in his presence felt it was dangerous so much as to breathe naturally until {t was pest. There was something of the tiger in this man when his purpose was aroused and in action. It would immediately recede; quiet gentleness would come again, that perfect poise, that delightful sense of ease as he moved from one purpose to another: but you would not forget that moment of ex- posed fire—you would know that you had been in the presence of consuming force.” And so the long tranquil years passed by filled with active duty, happy family life, healthy children romping through the ficlds and woods of Arlington. During most of this time Lee was stationed at remote outposts where his wife and children could not follow him, and this seems to have been the only cloud on a singularly calm and sunny period, Perhaps he was storing up strength and serenity against a time when we would have great need of them. As the dread question so many had lightly raised in decades gone by and from which sober men both North and South now were beginning to ehrink even from thinking of, began to press Jown upon men's consciousness, we have occasional glimpses of Lee’s interest and concern in the swift-moving events which were crowd- ing everything else off the national stage. Here it should be stated with due emphasis
A266 that it was then, and always thereafter re- mained, Lee's firm conviction that a sol- dier’s profession had no part with politics. You all know that by a strange coincidence the John Brown raid occurred while Lee was on furlough at Arlington, Lee was ordered to take charge of the troops in putting down the insurrection which he did with coolness and precisjon. As events rushed inexorably on, however, Lee foresaw that sooner or Jater he and every honest man would be forced to choose. He shrank from the prospect. Neither party satisfied him. Each seemed to him unreason- able, headstrong, utterly inconsiderate of the rights of the other. In December 1860, he writes: “Feeling the aggreasion of the North, re- senting their denial of the equal rights of our citizens to the common territory of the Commonwealth, and so forth, I am not pleased with the course of the Cotton States, as they term themselves. In addition to their selfish, dictatorial bearing, the threats they throw out against the ‘Border States,’ as they call them, if they will not join them, argues little for the benefit or peace of Virginia, should she determine to coalesce with them. While I wish to do what is right, I am unwilling to do what is wrong either at the bidding of the South or the North.” . And again, in January 1861: ‘ “As far as I can judge from the papers, we ere between a state of anarchy and civil war. May God avert fromus both * * * Isee that four Btates have declared themselves out of the Union, Four more apparently will follow their example. Then if the border States are dragged into the gulf of revolu- tion, one half of the country will be arrayed @gainet the other, and I must try and be patient and wait the end, for I can do nothing to hasten or retard it.” It 1s perhaps as well at this point to make clear once more Lee’a exact attitude toward secession. I take the liberty of quoting from his great biographer, Douglas Southall Free- man: \ “During the later months of his second period of duty in Texas, the secession move- ent began, Lee bad no sympathy with it. ith him, a Whig, warmly devoted to the Vuton, the political and economic argu- ments for Southern independence did not weigh. He knew little of constitutional law, and the few slaves he had owned in earlier years had died or been manumitted. The question with him—e question he hoped he would never see brought to an issue—was simply whether his first allegiance was due his State or the Union, He answered it with. put mental debate: In case Virginia seceded, the traditions of his family and its long as- sociation with Virginia instinctively deter. mined him to cast in his lot with her. He stated this repeatedly before he left Texas, and said at the same time that he regarded secession as revolution. It was not until the discussions of wartime campfires had acquainted him more fully with its consti- tutional basis that he accepted the doctrine of secession.” In April 1861, Lee was etill at Arlington awaiting orders. On the 18th of that month he had. one of the most memorable interviews in American history at the home of Francis P. Blair—now temporarily occupied by the President of the United States. There he was unofficially offered command of the Union Army with the undoubted knowledge of Mr. Lincoln who was advised by Lee's old commander, Scott. We have the account in Lee's own words written after the war in re- ply to a correspondent who wishes to know whether Lee had ever sought or desired com- mand of the Unton forces. Lee writes: “I never intimated to anyone that I de- atred the command of the United States Army, nor did I ever have a conversation with but one gentleman, the Honorable Prancis P. Blair, on the subject, which was at his invitation and, as I understand, at the in- stance of President Lincoln. After listening to his remarks, I declined the offer he made me to take command of the army that was to be brought into the field, stating as candidly and courteously as I could that though op- posed to secession and deprecating war, I could take no part in an invasion of the Southern States. I went directly from the interview with Mr. Blair to the office of Gen- eral Scott, told him of the proposition that had been made me, and my decision.” Two days later Lee sent in his resignation to Scott expressing in an affectionate letter his heartfelt regret at separating himself from the service “to which I have devoted the best years of my life and all the ability 1 possessed,” and adding, “save in defense of my native State I never desire again to draw my sword.” Almost immediately, the State having already seceded, Lee was offered and accepted the position of commander in chief of the forces of Virginia. In his memorable Lee Centennial Address which, perhaps, did more than all that had gone before to bridge the gap between North and South, Charles Francis Adams, grand- son and great-grandson of Presidents of the United States astounded both North and South by the unequivocal declaration, “I hope f should have been fillan and unselfish enough to have done as Lee did.” Strange words from an unexpected source. But they foreshadowed the day, now happily long since arrived, when northern eyes could see the great commander in a just and proper light. As I stated earlier, this is not the time nor the occasion to comment on the military phase of the great life we commemorate to- day. The fearful struggle which engulfed the Nation in a sea of blood and anguish is only made bearable to think upon—espe- cially to southerners—by the memory of the great leader who rose, first to transcendant mallitary glory and then after military defeat, rose to heights of moral grandeur which will enshrine him forever in southern-—no, no, American hearts! Here was that “Happy Warrior’— “Who, doomed to go in company with Pain, And Fear, and Bloodshed, miserable train! Turns his necessity to glorious gain. s cg e * s ‘Whose powers shed round him tn the com- mon strife, Or mild concerns of ordinary life, A constant influence, a peculiar grace; But who, if he be called upon to face Some awful moment to which Heaven has joined Great issues, good or bad for human kind, Is happy as & lover; and attired With sudden brightness, like a Man in- spired; And, through the heat of conflict, keeps the law In calmness made, and sees what he fore- Baw; Or if an unexpected call succeed, Come when it will, 1s equal to the need: He who, though thus endued as with a sense And faculty for storm and turbulence, Is yet a Soul whose master-bias leans To homefelt pleasures and to gentle scenes; Sweet images! which, wheresoe'er he be, Are at his heart; and such fidelity It is his darling passion to approve; More brave for this, that he hath much to ove :—~ "T is, finally, the Man, who, lifted high, Conspicuous object in a Nation’s eye, Or left unthought-of in obscurity— Who, with a toward or untoward lot, , Prosperous or adverse, to hia wish or not— Plays, in the many games of life, that one Where what he most doth value must be won: Whom neither shape of danger can dismay, Nor thought of tender happiness betray; APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Who, not content that former worth stand fast, Looks forward, persevering to the last, From well to better, daily self-surpaat: Who, whether praise of him must walk the earth For ever, and to noble deeds give birth, Or he must fall, to sleep without his fame, And leave a dead unprofitable name— Finds comfort in himself and in his cause; And, while the mortal mist is gathering, draws His breath in confidence of Heaven's applause: This is the happy Warrior; this is He That every Man in arms should wish to be.” Diversion of Water From Columbia River ane EXTENSICN OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER NORBLAD OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. NORBLAD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include herewith the following letter which I re- ceived from Mr. John W. Cunningham, of Portland, Oreg., relative to the pro- posals to pipe Columbia River water to California; PorTLAND, OREG. Mr, WALTER NoRBLAD, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Nonsiap: I have been very much interested in the newspaper accounts of the exchange between President Truman and you regarding the diversion of water from the Columbia River. This project has impressed me as an absurdity from the start. It is something that could be disposed of finally through a very short and inexpensive engi neering study of the fundamental factors, The thing that burns me up is that an elab- orate and costly investigation and report is to be made. A local engineer has been as- signed to this. I believe him to be compe- tent, and have little doubt regarding his final conclusions. I cannot blame him for ac- cepting a high-salaried job, but as a taxpayer I consider the whole study boondoggling of the worst sort. It should take an engineer only a few days to make the basic calculations on pipeline size, frictional resistance, horsepower re- quired, and pumping costs, which I am sure would show the fallacy of the scheme regard- less of the original construction cost, Some people no doubt think such a project feasible by comparison with the long-dis- tance transmission of petroleum products and natural gas. There is a tremendous dif- ference in the value of the commodity. For water an average sale price is 10 cents per 1,000 gallons. Gasoline ts worth around 6250 per 1,000 gallons, or 2,500 times as much. is makes quite a difference in the allowable cost of transportation, While I have no doubt as to the ultimate outcome of the project for diverting Colum- bia River water to California, those of us who are interested in the Northwest do have a real cause for worry that California may steal our power supply. The Columbia Basin is the greatest reservoir of undeveloped power in the country, and our premier resource. The possibility for industrial development is unlimited, and industrially this section can go ahead of California. The transmis- sion of power 600 to 1,000 miles has not yet been accomplished, but is right around the eorner. It could be done right now if there ‘was occasion for it, It would be inherently
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD unfair and a calamity to this area if our power, produced at Government expense, were taken to California to further their in- dustrial development. Yours very truly, Joun W. CunnIncHAM. Confusion in Administration Ranks EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr, SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, as part of my remarks I am including the following newspaper article by Mr. Constantine Brown, well-known colum- nist, that appeared in last evening's Washington Evening Star: ADMINISTRATION RANKS CONFUSED—EXECUTIVE Branc#t FOLLOWING OWN POLICIES WITHOUT CONSULTING SPOKESMEN IN CONGRESS (By Constantine Brown) There is utter confusion in the ranks of the administration. The executive branch, taking tts cue from the attitude of President Truman regarding the participation of legis- Jative bodies in major foreign affairs deci- sions, is following {ts own policy without consulting administration spokesmen in either the Senate or House. The Democratic leadership in the Senate, while trying to keep the party line intact, is angered by this neglect on the part of the State Department. This became evident last Tuesday, when Senator ConNALLY, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, lashed out at representatives of the State Depart- ment over acceptance of the truce terms at the United Nations. Senator CoNNALLY pre- viously has gone to bat for the polictes of the State Department, even when he personally doubted their wisdom. Neither the White House nor the State De- partment keep as closely in touch with the temper of the country as do Members of Congress. The important debates now tak- ing place on the floors of both Houses, and the anger voiced by some Members of Con- gress over some features of our present for- eign policies spring not only from personal convictions, but also from the unbelievably large volume of mail received by Congreas- men from all parts of the country. These letters and telegrams express fears and doubts about the way in which our foreign policies are being conducted. The decision to intervene in Korea last June was approved almost unanimously by Congress. The mail received in the Senate and House has given an 80 percent endorse- ment to President Truman’s deciaion to send forces to repel the aggression. However, the State Department's decision to sccept the idea of the truce pro! rejected yesterday by the Chinese Redse— which in effect would have given Russia and China a complete political victory met with unprecedented indignation. The Nation has accepted our losses so far in Korea without murmur. They were con- sidered inevitable in a campaign intended to back up the fundamental principles of the United Nations and at the same time help our strategic position in the Pacific. Now, after we have had more than 80,000 American casusities and are 2ome $14,000,~ 000,000 out of pocket, the State Department's willingness to accept s truce which would have given a full political victory to the aggressors is beyond the patience of the American people. Senators of both parties cannot eaatly Gigest the argument of our foreign policy~ makers that Warren Austin was ordered to “go along” with the authors of that sordid deal because the State Departmen: wanted to abide by the decision of the majoity in the UN and because the Department was convinced beforehand that the Chinese would not accept even these favorable terms. Democratic and Republican Senators argue that while expediency may be proper on occasions, it is inexcusable in a matter in- volving fundamental moral principies. They also argue that the other explanation given the Senate by the State Department that “talking with aggressors does not mean ac- cepting their terms’—is equally fallacious and hollow, If we had become involved in a deal such as that presented by the Ui, because this Covernment could not afford to take a minority position in the UN, there would have been no way to escape accepting the terms of the truce we had already endorsed, The country would have wanted to know, Congressmen say, why we bad undertaken a police action and then, when faced with inevitable military difficulties, backed out and, in fact, surrendered. The political con- sequences of such a surrender would have been more far-reaching than the milltury setback. Withdr-wal from Korea, if dictated by st.ategic considerations, 1s understandable and desirable. But a surrender—which ts what the “truce” plan meant in its provision that we sit at the same table with the ag- gressors and arrange for “peaceful condi- tions” in Asia--would have placed the whole of Asia in Russia’s lap. And Asia is vital to our security in the struggle with the Kremlin, A Welfare State EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. E. C. GATHINGS OF ARKANGAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. GATHINGS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Crittenden County Times, West Memphis, Ark., for January 5, 1951: A WeELrarxs SratTs The records of the sheriff and collector of Crittenden County will reflect that his col- lections during the year 1950 amounted to $761,059.54. This sum is not so large when one is advised that it represents everything that ts to be collected in the county for roads, hospitals, drainage, schools, and the operation of all the county offices, including the police protection of the citizens and the Operation of al courts. But there is another item that is gigantic, atupendous, in fact it is colossal. We refer to the $699,400 that was given away and handed out in thé name of public welfare in Crittenden County during that same 1950. Is 1¢ possible that during good times, high prices, and scarcity of hands to make our crops and do our labor that the public needs to distribute such an immense sum in char- ity? How could there be any need for Red Cross or any of the other agencies that make annual demands for relief funds upon our populace in the face of this melan-cutting? ‘We import foreign labor, haul pickers from across the river, beg for household service, and stil] we must, it seems, pay people not to work for themselves. The fact ts this: Our people sre asleep at the switch; we are not taking enough in- A267 terest in what is going on before us. We are not mindful of the fact that a welfare atate would likely lead to ruin, to come munism, or something just as distasteful, tnd that we are placing a penalty on bonest Why should the taxpayers pay some caree free mother for taking care of a houseful of illegitimate children? Why should she not work for herself and children tf she is able? Why should we pay for the keep of housefuls when the party responsible is wan~- dering about telling others “the Government is taking care of the children.” It is a sad state of affairs. A Jaok of In- terest leads to auch. Ehould we not advise, even insist, that our representatives in the coming legislature fight for some new meth- od of seeing that requirements for welfare aid are stricter? The rolls are obviously too large. While we do not blame those who operate the county department and who are people doing an assigned job, there are no doubt some in the upper strata of the welfare organiza- tion of the Nation and the State who work to keep lists of recipients large in order to insure a large number of jobs for themselves as employees. We will never condemn honest charity or relief to those who are unable to help them- selves. In fact, we wlll ever be ready to join in it. But we have a bad sttuation here and certainly the same situation exists else- ere: It’s @ condition that needs looking What are we, as citizens and as taxpayers, going to do about it? Organization of the Committee on the Judiciary EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EMANUEL CELLER oF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. CELLER. Mr. speaker, under leave to extend my remarks I herewith insert in the Recorp the organization of the Committee on the Judiciary. Four regular subcommittees have been formed, together with two special sub- committees, the special subcommittees being the Special Subcommittee on Study of Monopoly Power and the Special Sub- committee on Reapportionment. The assignment of Members to the subcom- mittees follows: COMMITYZE ON THE JUDICIARY SUBCOMMITTEE NO. 1 1. General jurisdiction over judiciary bills as assigned. 2. Special furisdiction over immigration and naturalization bills. Mr. Walter, chairman; Mr. Felghan, Mr, Crelf; Mr. Gossett; Mr. Goaham; Mr. Fellows; Mr. Case. SUBCOMMITTEE NO. 2 1. General jurisdiction over judiclary bills as aasigned. 2. Special jurisdiction over claims bills. Mr. Byrne, chairman; Mr. Frazier; Mr. Ro- @ino; Mr. Machrowicz; Mr. Keating, Mr. Goodwin; Mr. Jonas. SUBCOMMITTEE NO, 3 3. General suriedietion over judiciary bills ae assigned. 9. Bpecial jurisdiction over patents, trade- marks, and copyrights; also, revision of the laws.
A268 Mr. Bryson, chairman; Mr. Ramsay; Mr. Willis; Mr, Rogers; Mr. Reed; Mr. Boggs; Mr. Orumpacker. SUBCOMMITTEE NO, 4 1. General jurisdiction over judiciary bills as assigned. . 2. Special jurisdiction over bankruptcy and reorganization. Mr. Lane, chairman; Mr. Wilson; Mr. Jones; Mr. Forrester; Mr, McCulloch; Miss Thomp- son; Mr. Hillings. SPECIAL SUBCOMMITTEE ON REAPPORTIONMENT Mr. Byrne, chatrman; Mr. Chelf; Mr. Willis; Mr. Reed; Mr. Goodwin. Enemies in Our Midst EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HAROLD 0. LOVRE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. LOVRE. Mr, Speaker, yesterday I received one of the most thought-pro- voking letters since coming to Congress 2 years ago. Unquestionably, the thoughts expressed in this letter are echoed by every mother and father whose sons and daughters are soon to be called into service to protect our country from those who would destroy us. Mr. Speaker, I call the attention of the Members of this body to the follow- ing letter: Canton, 8. DaK., January 15, 1951. Representative Harotp O. Lovee, Washington, D.C. Dean Six: After talking with and hearing the cry of a large group of South Dakotans, together with the incessant cry in my own bosom, I take pen in hand to utter a protest on the laxness with which our Government permits the destroying Reds to stay within our borders. I believe the adage of “God helps those who help themselves” is very true. Is it not a mockery to prayer and national prayer days to pray for peace and yet let 60,000 enemies stay within our gates? Is there any country on the face of the earth that, knowing a large group of destructive peoples and a men- ace to their freetiom, would feed, nourish, house, and only talk about such enemies without doing anything or taking action against them? Is there anyone who thinks at all who doesn’t realize where fires started in hotels one after another had their origin or the destruction of large warehouses, in- atigated strikes, dissension in large measure among the working classes, and all manner of other unnecessary evils come from? True, any country will have its problems, but “it was never so here” tn our country in such Measure until the “isms” rose up on the face of this eurth. Shall we sit by and idly wait for the end until more men and women have filtered into our Government chairs to sit and draw fat pay envelopes and pass on all necessary secrets vital to our national safety to those who would conquer us and enslave us? If a small percentage of these are dis- covered, what about the taxpayer's money for long, expensive, drawn-out trials? I am @ mother of two boys, one soon 18, the other 21, and must I ait idly by listening to the radio and reading the newspapers how these would-be conquerors are right in our “camp” undermining and spreading disease and what not? Shall we mothers and fathers who have raised loving and good sons send them out to defend our country and those we send to Washington at taxpayers’ expense only sit idly by and talk about this destruc- tive army here in the very land we send our boys out to defend? Believe me, I’m only voicing the heartcry from thousands of mothers and fathers who feel the same way. Many of them only wring their hands, hop- ing for the best, and patiently waiting, but many more are praying for action from our Congressmen to do something about it. They may say, “We don't do things that way in America,” and yet isn't one of our initial laws to the very potnt on that? If I remem- ber my civics since schooldays, there should still be something on those good old books that says, “Anyone writing or speaking against the President or Government, etc.”— it doesn’t finish with saying “feed them, nourish them, assist them, and let them stay.” Let’s not wait until they have so weakened us at home that we have no power to resist, And what about sending our boys to Europe? Shall we send our strength in every direction to police the world and en- danger our own freedom? Has Congress degenerated to such a weak force in our land that they can't take action to insure safety, peace of mind to the people, and confidence in the men we send and pay to take action? Mr. and Mrs. America are truly expecting it, and I feel I have a right to expect that the Reds in the United States of America he locked up where we don’t have to fear them, Somehow it doesn't seem right to send them back to their own country at this time to be a potential force for their own country with their secrets and manpower to be used against us. The church today ts saying, ‘Wake up, America.” What does our Government say? Actions speak louder than words. Let’s strip these within our borders of their power and then take it to the Lord in prayer. How can we expect God now to answer our prayers for peace and safety when we block the prayer avenue with such obstacles in its very path? Sincerely, Mra. JOHN URBEN, ; Mr. JoHN URBEN, What Are the Real Reasons for Halting Potato Dumping? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, an Associated Press dispatch from Presque Isle, Maine, is another example of the confusing and apparently improvised op- erations of the Department of Agricul- ture in its food hoarding and food de- struction program. The lack of clearly stated reasons for this halt in dumping of potatoes gives rise to natural specu- lation as to the real reasons. It may be that greater export needs or greater Army needs or both offer the sole ex- planation, but I shall submit some com- parative figures from the official Depart- ment reports which may disclose also reasons to which no public reference has been made. First, I shall include here for the rec- ord the dispatch: Uniren States Onpres Hatt tw DumpPinoe or Hvuce Maing Porato Crop Passque Isiu, Matnx, January 17.~-Dump- ing of surplus potatoes from Maine‘s 61,000,- 000-bushel crop has been ordered halted by APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Washington, a Commodity Credit Corpora- tion representative said today. Edwin A. Bates, CCC purchasing repre- sentative, said the telephonic order did mot specify the reason but it was believed there was @ likelihood of greater export and Army needs. The Washington action affects “on-farm disposal” through which, Bates said, about 5,000,000 bushels have been diverted to date to fertilizer or livestock usage under the price-support program. The program will continue insofar as movement of Govern- ment purchased potatoes is channeled to starch factories, school-lunch programs, in- stitutions, and export. Bates estimated that approximately 30 percent of the Maine crop has been disposed of so far either through regular market channels or the price-support program. Under price supports, which are scheduled to expire this year, the Government pays the farmer $1.15 per hundredweight for sur- plus spuds and he, in turn, buys them back for 1 cent to use them either as fertilizer or for livestock. A year ago, a halt in “dumping” as the disposal action is generally called, came in May when heavy export orders for Western Germany came in. To cope with the Maine surplus problem, agriculture experts have recommended an acreage reduction next year. Maine potato carload shipments are lag- ging far behind this year as compared with @ year ago. To date only rbout 6,300 cars have moved out as compared with nearly 16,000 a year ago. Mr. Speaker, on June 30, 1949, the De- partment had no potatoes on hand. By November 30, 1949, it had purchased 590,090,100 pounds and had disposed of 589,889,100 pounds at a loss to the American taxpayers of $5,850,344.40. I do not know and have not been able to find out how much of that loss was due to “dumping” or other destruction. On June 30, 1950, the Department had no potatoes on hand. At that time we were in Korea. Despite that, the Depart- ment had purchased by November 30, 1950, 1,360,636,500 pounds and had dis- posed of 1,272,281,800 pounds at a loss of $13,091,657 29. The Department ended up on June 30, 1950, with a loss in potatoes of $75,887,- 619.68. That created widespread indig- nation. It is more than possible, it 1s probable, that in November, as it was running 124.0 percent ahead of its extravagance and waste of the last fiscal year, the De- partment at long last realized that it was facing a major scandal if the full facts became known. Whatever the facts are, they should be made public. I hope and believe that the proper Committees in Congress will see that this is done. The American people and the Congress should have this information promptly. At the Pistol Point EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHESTER E. MERROW Or NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 “Mr. MERROW. My. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Recorp, I include herein the follow- ing editorial from the New York Times of Thursday, January 18, 1951, entitled “At the Pistol Point”: At THE Piston Pont The answer of the Chinese Communist Government to the proposal of the United Nations for a cease-fire in Korea is that it will cease fire when, as, and if the spoils of a successful war are handed over to it. This is the clear meaning of the Chinese Communist reply, whatever eflorts may be made in certain quarters to gloss over it. Por the Chinese Communists say, in so many words, that the United Nations plan for a cease-fire first and negotiations afterward cannot be agreed to. They say that the ne- gotiations must come before, and not after, any cease-fire is arranged. They indicate that if the cease-fire is actually to follow the negotiations, then the negotiations themselves must first result in terms which they regard as satisfactory. What these terms would be we are told again, spectfically, in this latest note of the Peiping government. They are three in number: First, all foreign troops must be withdrawn from Korea and “the solution of the internal affairs of Korea” must be un- dertaken “by the Korean people them- selves”: In the existing circumstances, with North Korean troops already established well to the south of the thirty-eighth parallel, and with great numbers of “volunteers” all set to come down from Manchuria to rein- force them, this means simply handing over South Korea to the North Koreans and their masters. Second, the protection of the American Seventh Fleet must be withdrawn from Formosa. Third, Communist China must be admitted to the United Nations. These are the terms. They are to be dis- cussed in China, and not at Lake Success. And unless and until they are granted Com- munist China makes it clear that it will keep its pistol pointed at the head of the United Nations. 4 Since the second week of November, when General MacArthur reported the invasion of Korea by large numbers of organized Chin- ese Communist troops, the United Nations— collectively, and despite the efforts of ind!- vidual spokesmen of individual nations—has marked time while the armies of these Chin- ese Communist forces multiplied. The ques- tion of the Chinese Communist invasion has been debated at great length; not a single resolution has been adopted to describe and condemn this invasion as a breach of i=ter- national law. A cease-fire commission has been established by the General Assembly; it has addressed five different communica- tions to Peiping; in not one of these five communications has it remotely suggested any wrongdoing on the part of the Chinese Communists. In fact, it is fair to say that the Cease-fire Commiteston has seemed to act on the premise that it was tts duty, somehow and to the best of its ability, to use its good officera to settle a quarrel between two out- side parties—Communist China and the United Statee—when the whole truth of the fact is that if this is anybody's war it is the war of the United Nations. Meantime, while nothing was dore at Lake Success, all manner of excuses have been offered—individually, to be eure, but from high quarters in nations which were quick enough to act when only North Korea was the a: cuses serving by one means or another to palliate the offense of the Chi- nese Communiat government. First tt was said thet that government was concerned only about the safety of the power inetalle- tions on the Yalu River. Then it was sug- gested that it simply did not understand the way of westerners, and took natural alarm at the northern moves of western armies. Then, when the western armies were no longer moving northward but retreating southward, it was argued that, after all, the solution of the problem had been approached from the wrong angle; nothing could be done to clarity the issue without admitting Com- munist China to the United Nations. And meanwhile the Communist Chinese armies have been marching, marching, marching. And meanwhile, too, young boys from the western nations have been fighting in Korea, fighting and dying in Korea, facing odds that were too great to be overcome, beating their way back southward along mountain roads tn sero temperatures, leav- ae large numbers of their comrades behind em. What are these boys doing in Korea? Are they there through some ghastly mistake? Or are they there, in the cause of the United Nations, and at its command, to resist an aggressor? If the second explanation is the correct one, as we believe it to be, then it is high time to identify the aggressor. It’s Not Funny—It Can Happen Here EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN: IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 19, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, the President persists in his New Deal program although Coneress has consistently rebuked him. He is call- ing for additional billions for defense, yet asks for billions more for socialized medi- cine and other socialistic schemes. Mr. Speaker, a friend who is editor of the Delavan Enterprise, wrote a thought-provoking editorial that ap- peared on January 3, 1951. 5. Robert Andersen looks ahead to 1975 and what he sees sends chills down my back. It is not funny nor is it fanciful. It can happen here if the New Deal program is finally consummated. It is up to the people. I am including the editorial at this point: RAMBLING AROUND (By 8. Robert Andersen) Here all of us are, facing the first January of the last half of the twentieth century. Within a few weeks after you receive this jasue of the Delavan Enterprise I shall be observing another birthday. Since I was born in the nineteenth century, before an- other 25 years roll by I may be old enough to write reminiscences. So this month let me be old and cantankerous and pessimistic, and imagine that I am already 24 yeara older. Would I, perhaps, be writing notes like these? January 1976: Ican remember clearly how, back in 1950, nearly every famtly had an automobile. People were putting television sets in their homes. New houses were being built by individual femilies. No one used ration coupons for anything, although some had been used during the Second World ‘War, and then people knew what they were. All meat and grocery stores and industries were then owned and operated by private individuals and companies, who competed with each other on price and quality. February 1075: A farmer friend of mine was arrested today and they say he will be pent to jail for 2 years. His sow raised a litter of nine pigs, but he reported only eight to the Meat Administration. He had man- aged to hide the other one from the farm in- A269 spector, but someone found it out when be butchered the pig. He had hoped to give his four youngsters a Uttle home-grown meat. The Meat Administration says that not nearly enough meat can be produced or im- ported, and that the ration must be reduced to a half-pound per week. March 1976: The 15th was the date set for the tax reports to be made to the Federal Government. They are still paying off the interest in the national debt which was co greatly enlarged during the Second World Wer and in the fight against Russian impe- rialism, No effort has been made as yet to pay off any of the principle vet on our tax rate, which has risen since 1950 to the point where we all must pay the Treasury at least 65 percent of our earnings. The higher tn- comes pay proportionately mare. The cost of our Government has risen through the years because of the need for additional bu- reaus to handle the controls set over our na- tional economy. April 1975: I was visiting or a friend's farm the other week end. Their hens, en- couraged by spring, laid a couple of extra eges. It would have been nice to have two fresh eggs for breakfast again, but it has become too dangerous to try to dodge the law. Besides, for many years now one egg a week has been the allowanoe, and we have gotten used to getting along. We never ap- preciated our good fortune when it was pos- sible to have two eggs end bacon, too, every morning for breakfast, and even cream for our coffee. I remember how sorry I felt for the Fnglish back in 1950, when they had only one egg a week. May 1975: I went down to the Lumber and Building Administration today to apply for three two-by-fours to brace up the front porch. Hed to fill out three sets of anpli- cation blanks, six copies of each, and to draw a diagram to show just where the pieces would be used. The inspector will be around next month to make recommendations which will be forwarded to Washington. The clerk in charge of the office said that I could expect quick and favorable action on a minor re- quest. He said that I could expect to make ine repeirs before cold weather set in this June 1975: This morning I stood in line until noon before the Health Administration offices. Wanted to get the tooth pulled that has kept me awake most of the 8 nights. I couldn't get in to see the clerk, Long ago, before we had this free medicine for every~ body, one could generally find a doctor or dentist fairly quickly. They took a personal interest in our troubles. Now they just jot our number down in the book and hurry us through, if we get to see them at all. The dentists nowadays seldom have the time to fill teeth and must make application for filling material through the Health Office. Each applicant must be examined by the district office. July 1975: The Fourth of July reminds an old fellow of his younger days, when we cele- brated or not, according to how we felt. To- day, as is usual now, everybody had to appear in town to listen to the official program and watch and hear the Prestdent make his speech on the municipal television. He ranted about freedom lke his father used to do, but what he says and what he does are two different things. The edministra- tion keeps the populace happy on holidays by giving free shows over the television sets. The show usually conelsts of a military re- view of our Army which shows the people how strong our Nation has become. The fire- works display and other celebrations remind me of the days of Hitler when he resorted to such dramatic spectacles to keep the peo- ple emotionally pent up. August 1975: The Lumber Administration refused my application for three two-by~ fours. They said it was improperly made out.