tions to oppose any proposals on expansion of the Security 
Council if such expansion would— 
(1) diminish the influence of the United States 
on the Security Council; or 
(2) include veto rights for any new members of 
the Security Council. 
SEC. 304. ACCESS TO REPORTS AND AUDITS. 
The President shall direct the United States Perma-
nent Representative to the United Nations to use the 
voice, vote, and influence of the United States at the 
United Nations to ensure that Member States may, upon 
request, have access to all reports and audits completed 
by the Board of External Auditors. 
SEC. 305. WAIVER OF IMMUNITY. 
The President shall direct the United States Perma-
nent Representative to the United Nations to use the 
voice, vote, and influence of the United States at the 
United Nations to ensure that the Secretary General exer-
cises the right and duty of the Secretary General under 
section 20 of the Convention on the Privileges and Immu-
nities of the United Nations to waive the immunity of any 
United Nations official in any case in which such immu-
nity would impede the course of justice. In exercising such 
waiver, the Secretary General is urged to interpret the in-
terests of the United Nations as favoring the investigation 
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or prosecution of a United Nations official who is credibly 
under investigation for having committed a serious crimi-
nal offense or who is credibly charged with a serious crimi-
nal offense. 
SEC. 306. TERRORISM AND THE UNITED NATIONS. 
The President shall direct the United States Perma-
nent Representative to the United Nations to use the 
voice, vote, and influence of the United States at the 
United Nations to work toward adoption by the General 
Assembly of— 
(1) a definition of terrorism that— 
(A) builds upon the recommendations of 
the December 2004 report of the High-Level 
Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change; 
(B) includes as an essential component of 
such definition any action that is intended to 
cause death or serious bodily harm to civilians 
with the purpose of intimidating a population 
or compelling a government or an international 
organization to do, or abstain from doing, any 
act; and 
(C) does not propose a legal or moral 
equivalence between an action described in 
paragraph (1)(B) and measures taken by a gov-
ernment or international organization in self-de-
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fense against an action described in paragraph 
(1)(B); and 
(2) a comprehensive convention on terrorism 
that includes the definition described in paragraph 
(1). 
SEC. 307. REPORT ON UNITED NATIONS PERSONNEL. 
(a) IN GENERAL.—Not later than 1 year after the 
date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State 
shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees 
a report— 
(1) concerning the progress of the General As-
sembly to modernize human resource practices, con-
sistent with the March 2005 report of the Secretary 
General entitled ‘‘In larger freedom: towards devel-
opment, security and human rights for all’’; and 
(2) containing the information described in sub-
section (b). 
(b) CONTENTS.—The report shall include— 
(1) a comprehensive evaluation of human re-
sources reforms at the United Nations, including an 
evaluation of— 
(A) tenure; 
(B) performance reviews; 
(C) the promotion system; 
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(D) a merit-based hiring system and en-
hanced regulations concerning termination of 
employment of employees; and 
(E) the implementation of a code of con-
duct and ethics training; 
(2) the implementation of a system of proce-
dures for filing complaints and protective measures 
for work-place harassment, including sexual harass-
ment; 
(3) policy recommendations relating to the es-
tablishment of a rotation requirement for non-
administrative positions; 
(4) policy recommendations relating to the es-
tablishment of a prohibition preventing personnel 
and officials assigned to the mission of a member 
state to the United Nations from transferring to a 
position within the United Nations Secretariat that 
is compensated at the P–5 level and above; 
(5) policy recommendations relating to a reduc-
tion in travel allowances and attendant oversight 
with respect to accommodations and airline flights; 
and 
(6) an evaluation of the recommendations of the 
Secretary General relating to greater flexibility for 
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the Secretary General in staffing decisions to accom-
modate changing priorities. 
SEC. 308. UNITED NATIONS TREATY BODIES. 
The United States shall withhold from United States 
contributions to the regular assessed budget of the United 
Nations for a biennial period amounts that are propor-
tional to the percentage of such budget that are expended 
with respect to a United Nations human rights treaty 
monitoring body or committee that was established by— 
(1) a convention (without any protocols) or an 
international covenant (without any protocols) to 
which the United States is not party; or 
(2) a convention, with a subsequent protocol, if 
the United States is a party to neither. 
SEC. 309. EQUALITY AT THE UNITED NATIONS. 
(a) DEPARTMENT
OF STATE REVIEW
AND RE-
PORT.— 
(1) IN GENERAL.—To avoid duplicative efforts 
and funding with respect to Palestinian interests 
and to ensure balance in the approach to Israeli-Pal-
estinian issues, the Secretary shall, not later than 
180 days after the date of the enactment of this 
Act— 
(A) complete an audit of the functions of 
the entities listed in paragraph (2); and 
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(B) submit to the appropriate congres-
sional committees a report containing audit 
findings and conclusions, and recommendations 
for the elimination of such duplicative entities 
and efforts. 
(2) ENTITIES.—The entities referred to in 
paragraph (1)(A) are the following: 
(A) The United Nations Division for Pales-
tinian Rights. 
(B) The Committee on the Exercise of the 
Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. 
(C) The United Nations Special Coordi-
nator for the Middle East Peace Process and 
Personal Representative to the Palestine Lib-
eration Organization and the Palestinian Au-
thority. 
(D) The NGO Network on the Question of 
Palestine. 
(E) The Special Committee to Investigate 
Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of 
the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the 
Occupied Territories. 
(F) Any other entity the Secretary deter-
mines results in duplicative efforts or funding 
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or fails to ensure balance in the approach to 
Israeli-Palestinian issues. 
(b) IMPLEMENTATION BY PERMANENT REPRESENTA-
TIVE.— 
(1) IN GENERAL.—The President shall direct 
the United States Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations to use the voice, vote, and influence 
of the United States at the United Nations to seek 
the implementation of the recommendations con-
tained in the report required under subsection 
(a)(1)(B). 
(2) WITHHOLDING OF FUNDS.—Until such rec-
ommendations have been implemented, the United 
States shall withhold from United States contribu-
tions to the regular assessed budget of the United 
Nations for a biennial period amounts that are pro-
portional to the percentage of such budget that are 
expended for such entities. 
(c) GAO AUDIT.—The Comptroller General of the 
United States of the Government Accountability Office 
shall conduct an audit of— 
(1) the status of the implementation of the rec-
ommendations contained in the report required 
under subsection (a)(1)(B); and 
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(2) United States actions and achievements 
under subsection (b). 
SEC. 310. ANTI-SEMITISM AND THE UNITED NATIONS. 
The President shall direct the United States perma-
nent representative to the United Nations to use the voice, 
vote, and influence of the United States at the United Na-
tions to make every effort to— 
(1) ensure the issuance and implementation of 
a directive by the Secretary General or the Secre-
tariat, as appropriate, that— 
(A) requires all employees of the United 
Nations and its specialized agencies to officially 
and publicly condemn anti-Semitic statements 
made at any session of the United Nations or 
its specialized agencies, or at any other session 
sponsored by the United Nations; 
(B) requires employees of the United Na-
tions and its specialized agencies, programs, 
and funds to be subject to punitive action, in-
cluding immediate dismissal, for making anti- 
Semitic statements or references; 
(C) proposes specific recommendations to 
the General Assembly for the establishment of 
mechanisms to hold accountable employees and 
officials of the United Nations and its special-
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ized agencies, programs, and funds, or Member 
States, that make such anti-Semitic statements 
or references in any forum of the United Na-
tions or of its specialized agencies; 
(D) continues to develop and implements 
education awareness programs about the Holo-
caust and anti-Semitism throughout the world, 
as part of an effort to combat intolerance and 
hatred; and 
(E) requires the Office of the United Na-
tions High Commissioner for Human Rights 
(OHCHR) to develop programming and other 
measures that address anti-Semitism; 
(2) secure the adoption of a resolution by the 
General Assembly that establishes the mechanisms 
described in paragraph (1)(C); and 
(3) continue working toward further reduction 
of anti-Semitic language and anti-Israel resolutions 
in the United Nations and its specialized agencies, 
programs, and funds. 
SEC. 311. REGIONAL GROUP INCLUSION OF ISRAEL. 
The President shall direct the United States Perma-
nent Representative to the United Nations to use the 
voice, vote, and influence of the United States at the 
United Nations to expand the Western European and Oth-
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ers Group (WEOG) in the United Nations in Geneva to 
include Israel as a permanent member with full rights and 
privileges. 
TITLE IV—STATUS OF PALES-
TINIAN 
ENTITIES 
AT 
THE 
UNITED NATIONS 
SEC. 401. FINDINGS. 
The Congress makes the following findings: 
(1) In 1989, the Palestine Liberation Organiza-
tion (PLO) launched an effort to evade direct nego-
tiations for peace with the State of Israel by instead 
pursuing Palestinian membership in international 
organizations, which could imply de facto recognition 
of a Palestinian state by the United Nations. 
(2) The Executive Branch, with significant sup-
port from Members of Congress, successfully 
stopped the PLO’s effort by credibly threatening, as 
noted in a May 1, 1989 statement by then-Secretary 
of State James A. Baker, ‘‘that the United States 
[would] make no further contributions, voluntary or 
assessed, to any international organization which 
makes any change in the P.L.O.’s present status as 
an observer organization.’’. 
(3) The United States success in this case dem-
onstrates that withholding contributions and placing 
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conditions on their payment can result in real re-
forms, stop counter-productive developments, and 
advance United States interests at the United Na-
tions. 
(4) The Palestinian leadership has recently re-
sumed its effort to evade direct negotiations for 
peace with the State of Israel by seeking recognition 
of a Palestinian state from foreign governments and 
in international forums. 
(5) Efforts to bypass negotiations and to unilat-
erally declare a Palestinian state, or to appeal to the 
United Nations or other international forums or to 
foreign governments for recognition of a Palestinian 
state or membership or other upgraded status for 
the Palestinian observer mission at those forums, 
would violate the underlying principles of the Oslo 
Accords, the Road Map, and other relevant Middle 
East peace process efforts. 
(6) On December 15, 2010, the House of Rep-
resentatives passed House Resolution 1765, in 
which, inter alia, the House of Representatives: 
(A) ‘‘reaffirms its strong opposition to any 
attempt to establish or seek recognition of a 
Palestinian state outside of an agreement nego-
tiated between Israel and the Palestinians’’; 
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(B) ‘‘supports the Administration’s opposi-
tion to a unilateral declaration of a Palestinian 
state’’; and 
(C) ‘‘calls upon the Administration to . . . 
lead a diplomatic effort to persuade other na-
tions to oppose a unilateral declaration of a 
Palestinian state and to oppose recognition of a 
Palestinian state by other nations, within the 
United Nations, and in other international fo-
rums prior to achievement of a final agreement 
between Israel and the Palestinians.’’. 
(7) Ambassador Rosemary DiCarlo, United 
States Deputy Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations, stated on July 26, 2011, ‘‘Let there 
be no doubt: symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the 
United Nations in September will not create an 
independent Palestinian state . . . The United 
States will not support unilateral campaigns at the 
United Nations in September or any other time.’’. 
SEC. 402. STATEMENT OF POLICY. 
It is the policy of the United States to oppose the 
recognition of a Palestinian state by any United Nations 
Entity, or any upgrade, including but not limited to full 
membership or non-member-state observer status, in the 
status of the Palestinian observer mission at the United 
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Nations, the Palestine Liberation Organization, the Pales-
tinian Authority, or any other Palestinian administrative 
organization or governing entity, at any United Nations 
Entity, prior to the achievement of a final peace agree-
ment negotiated between and agreed to by Israel and the 
Palestinians. 
SEC. 403. IMPLEMENTATION. 
(a) IN GENERAL.—The President shall direct the 
United States Permanent Representative to the United 
Nations to use the voice, vote, and influence of the United 
States at the United Nations to advance the policy stated 
in section 402. 
(b) WITHHOLDING OF FUNDS.—The Secretary of 
State shall withhold United States contributions from any 
United Nations Entity that recognizes a Palestinian state 
or upgrades in any way, including but not limited to full 
membership or non-member-state observer status, the sta-
tus of the Palestinian observer mission at the United Na-
tions, the Palestine Liberation Organization, the Pales-
tinian Authority, or any other Palestinian administrative 
organization or governing entity, at that United Nations 
Entity, prior to the achievement of complete and final 
peace agreement negotiated between and agreed to by 
Israel and the Palestinians. Funds appropriated for use 
as a United States contribution to the United Nations but 
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withheld from obligation and expenditure pursuant to this 
section shall immediately revert to the United States 
Treasury and shall not be considered arrears to be repaid 
to any United Nations Entity. 
TITLE V—UNITED NATIONS 
HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL 
SEC. 501. FINDINGS. 
The Congress makes the following findings: 
(1) Since its establishment in 2006, the United 
Nations Human Rights Council has failed to mean-
ingfully promote the protection of internationally 
recognized human rights, and has proven to be even 
more problematic than the United Nations Human 
Rights Commission that it was created to replace. 
(2) The United Nations Human Rights Council 
suffers from fundamental and severe structural 
flaws present since its establishment by the United 
Nations General Assembly, such as the fact that it 
draws its members from the General Assembly with-
out any substantive membership criteria, with the 
perverse result that a number of the world’s worst 
human rights abusers are members of the council. 
(3) For example, the majority of members of 
the United Nations Human Rights Council are rated 
‘‘Not Free’’ or only ‘‘Partly Free’’ by Freedom 
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House. Only a minority of members were rated 
‘‘Free’’. 
(4) The structure and composition of the 
United Nations Human Rights Council have made it 
subject to gross political manipulation, with the re-
sult that, during its almost five years of operation, 
the Council has passed over 40 resolutions censuring 
the democratic, Jewish State of Israel, as compared 
to only a handful censuring the dictatorships in 
Burma and North Korea, just one addressing the se-
vere, ongoing human rights abuses in Libya, Iran, 
Syria, and Belarus, and none addressing the severe, 
ongoing human rights abuses in China, Cuba, Rus-
sia, Zimbabwe, Venezuela, and elsewhere. 
(5) The United Nations Human Rights Coun-
cil’s agenda contains a permanent item for criticism 
of the democratic, Jewish State of Israel, but no 
permanent items criticizing any other state. 
(6) The United Nations Human Rights Council 
has established, or preserved the existence of, a 
number of ‘‘Special Procedures’’ mechanisms to ad-
dress country-specific situations or thematic issues. 
These mechanisms include a number of ‘‘special 
rapporteurs’’ whose expenses and staff support are 
paid for by contributions to the United Nations. 
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(7) The United Nations Human Rights Council 
has also established an ‘‘Advisory Committee’’ whose 
expenses and staff support are paid for by contribu-
tions to the United Nations. 
(8) Some of these special rapporteurs and mem-
bers of the Advisory Committee have displayed con-
sistent bias against the United States, Israel, and 
the Jewish people, while providing support to human 
rights abusers. 
(9) Richard Falk, the United Nations ‘‘Special 
Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Pal-
estinian territories occupied since 1967’’, has com-
pared Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians to the 
Holocaust, questioned the veracity of the events of 
September 11, 2001, and posted a cartoon on his 
blog depicting Americans and Jews as bloodthirsty 
dogs. 
(10) Jean Ziegler, a member of the United Na-
tions Human Rights Council Advisory Committee 
and former United Nations ‘‘Special Rapporteur on 
the Right to Food’’, has accused former President 
George W. Bush and former Israeli Prime Minister 
Ariel Sharon of committing ‘‘state terrorism’’, has 
called for an investigation of Israel by the Inter-
national Criminal Court for ‘‘war crimes’’ following 
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Israel’s war against Hezbollah in 2006, has visited 
Cuba and praised the Cuban regime’s provision of 
food to the Cuban people, and has stated that 
Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe ‘‘has history 
and morality with him’’. Ziegler was also involved in 
the establishment of the ‘‘Al-Gaddafi International 
Prize for Human Rights’’, a prize established by, 
funded by, and named after Libyan dictator Muam-
mar al-Gaddafi, and awarded in the past to Fidel 
Castro, Hugo Chavez, Louis Farrakhan, and Roger 
Garaudy, who has denied the Holocaust, questioned 
the veracity of the events of September 11, 2001, 
and 
supported 
Iranian 
leader 
Mahmoud 
Ahmadinejad’s call for Israel to be ‘‘wiped off the 
map’’. 
(11) Miguel D’Escoto Brockmann, a member of 
the United Nations Human Rights Council Advisory 
Committee who has previously served as President of 
the United Nations General Assembly and as foreign 
minister for the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, has 
implicitly accused the United States of ‘‘terrorism’’, 
has called former President Ronald Reagan a 
‘‘butcher’’, has called for a international boycott of 
Israel, has stated that the Palestinians were being 
‘‘crucified’’ by Israel, has called Israel’s defensive 
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Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip a ‘‘mon-
strosity’’ and ‘‘genocide’’, has urged the United Na-
tions to use the term ‘‘apartheid’’ in discussing 
Israeli treatment of Palestinians, has embraced Ira-
nian 
leader 
Mahmoud 
Ahmadinejad 
after 
Ahmadinejad delivered an anti-American, anti-Israel 
address to the United Nations General Assembly, 
has stated that charges of genocide against Suda-
nese dictator Omar Hassan al Bashir are ‘‘racist’’, 
and has declared Fidel Castro ‘‘World Hero of Soli-
darity’’, stating that Castro ‘‘embod[ied] virtues and 
values worth emulation by all of us’’. 
(12) Halima Warzazi, a member of the United 
Nations Human Rights Council Advisory Committee, 
has compared Israel to Nazi Germany, and used her 
previous membership in a United Nations apparatus 
to shield Saddam Hussein from censure for gassing 
Iraqi Kurds in Halabja. 
(13) The ongoing five-year review of the United 
Nations Human Rights Council concluded on June 
17, 2011, and failed make any significant reforms to 
its fundamental and severe structural flaws, includ-
ing its absence of substantive membership criteria, 
or to remove the permanent agenda item on Israel. 
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(14) On June 17, 2011, John F, Sammis, 
United States Deputy Representative to the Eco-
nomic and Social Council, stated that ‘‘The Geneva 
process [of the five-year review] failed to yield even 
minimally positive results, forcing us to dissociate 
from the outcome . . . the final resolution [for the 
five-year review] also fails to address the core prob-
lems that still plague the Human Rights Council 
. . . The United States has therefore voted ‘no’ on 
the resolution . . . the Council’s effectiveness and 
legitimacy will always be compromised so long as 
one country in all the world is unfairly and uniquely 
singled out while others, including chronic human 
rights abusers, escape scrutiny . . . The resolution 
before us today does nothing to address the Coun-
cil’s failures nor move it any closer to the founding 
values of the UN Charter and the Universal Dec-
laration of Human Rights.’’. 
(15) U.S. membership in the Human Rights 
Council has not led to reform of its fundamental 
flaws diminished the Council’s virulently anti-Israel 
behavior. The Council has passed fourteen resolu-
tions criticizing Israel since the U.S. joined in 2009. 
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SEC. 502. HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL MEMBERSHIP AND 
FUNDING. 
(a) IN GENERAL.—For each and every fiscal year 
subsequent to the effective date of this Act, until the Sec-
retary of State submits to Congress a certification that 
the requirements described in subsection (b) have been 
satisfied— 
(1) the Secretary of State shall withhold from 
a United States contribution each fiscal year to a 
regular budget of the United Nations an amount 
that is equal to the percentage of such contribution 
that the Secretary determines would be allocated by 
the United Nations to support the United Nations 
Human Rights Council; 
(2) the Secretary of State shall not make a vol-
untary contribution to the United Nations Human 
Rights Council; and 
(3) the United States shall not run for a seat 
on the United Nations Human Rights Council. 
(b) CERTIFICATION.—The annual certification re-
ferred to in subsection (a) is a certification made by the 
Secretary to Congress that— 
(1) the United Nations Human Rights Coun-
cil’s mandate from the United Nations General As-
sembly explicitly and effectively prohibits candidacy 
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for Human Rights Council membership of a United 
Nations Member State— 
(A) subject to sanctions by the Security 
Council; and 
(B) under a Security Council-mandated in-
vestigation for human rights abuses; 
(2) the United Nations Human Rights Council 
does not include a United Nations Member State— 
(A) subject to sanctions by the Security 
Council; 
(B) under a Security Council-mandated in-
vestigation for human rights abuses; 
(C) which the Secretary of State has deter-
mined, for purposes of section 6(j) of the Ex-
port Administration Act of 1979 (as continued 
in effect pursuant to the International Emer-
gency Economic Powers Act), section 40 of the 
Arms Export Control Act, section 620A of the 
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, or other provi-
sion of law, is a government that has repeatedly 
provided support for acts of international ter-
rorism; or 
(D) which the President has designated as 
a country of particular concern for religious 
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freedom under section 402(b) of the Inter-
national Religious Freedom Act of 1998; and 
(3) the United Nations Human Rights Coun-
cil’s agenda or programme of work does not include 
a permanent item with regard to the State of Israel. 
(c) SPECIAL PROCEDURES.—The Secretary of State 
shall withhold from a United States contribution each year 
to a regular budget of the United Nations an amount that 
is equal to the percentage of such contribution that the 
Secretary determines would be allocated by the United 
Nations to support the United Nations ‘‘Special 
Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Pales-
tinian territories occupied since 1967’’, and any other 
United Nations Human Rights Council ‘‘Special Proce-
dures’’ used to display bias against the United States or 
the State of Israel or to provide support for the govern-
ment of any United Nations Member State— 
(1) subject to sanctions by the Security Council; 
(2) under a Security Council-mandated inves-
tigation for human rights abuses; 
(3) which the Secretary of State has deter-
mined, for purposes of section 6(j) of the Export Ad-
ministration Act of 1979 (as continued in effect pur-
suant to the International Emergency Economic 
Powers Act), section 40 of the Arms Export Control 
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Act, section 620A of the Foreign Assistance Act of 
1961, or other provision of law, is a government that 
has repeatedly provided support for acts of inter-
national terrorism; or 
(4) which the President has designated as a 
country of particular concern for religious freedom 
under section 402(b) of the International Religious 
Freedom Act of 1998. 
(d) REVERSION OF FUNDS.—Funds appropriated for 
use as a United States contribution to the United Nations 
but withheld from obligation and expenditure pursuant to 
this section shall immediately revert to the United States 
Treasury and shall not be considered arrears to be repaid 
to any United Nations Entity. 
TITLE VI—GOLDSTONE REPORT 
SEC. 601. FINDINGS. 
Congress finds the following: 
(1) On January 12, 2009, the United Nations 
Human Rights Council passed Resolution A/HRC/S– 
9/L.1, which authorized a ‘‘fact-finding mission’’ re-
garding Israel’s conduct of Operation Cast Lead 
against violent militants in the Gaza Strip between 
December 27, 2008, and January 18, 2009. 
(2) The resolution pre-judged the outcome of its 
investigation by one-sidedly mandating the ‘‘fact- 
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finding mission’’ to ‘‘investigate all violations of 
international human rights law and International 
Humanitarian Law by . . . Israel, against the Pal-
estinian people . . . particularly in the occupied 
Gaza Strip, due to the current aggression’’. 
(3) The mandate of the ‘‘fact-finding mission’’ 
makes no mention of the relentless rocket and mor-
tar attacks, which numbered in the thousands and 
spanned a period of eight years, by Hamas and 
other violent militant groups in Gaza against civilian 
targets in Israel, that necessitated Israel’s defensive 
measures. 
(4) The ‘‘fact-finding mission’’ included a mem-
ber who, before joining the mission, had already de-
clared Israel guilty of committing atrocities in Oper-
ation Cast Lead by signing a public letter on Janu-
ary 11, 2009, published in the Sunday Times, that 
called Israel’s actions ‘‘war crimes’’. 
(5) The mission’s flawed and biased mandate 
gave serious concern to many United Nations 
Human Rights Council Member States which re-
fused 
to 
support 
it, 
including 
Bosnia 
and 
Herzegovina, Cameroon, Canada, France, Germany, 
Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, the Republic of 
Korea, Slovakia, Slovenia, Switzerland, Ukraine, and 
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the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern 
Ireland. 
(6) The mission’s flawed and biased mandate 
was never broadened or revised by any plenary meet-
ing of the United Nations Human Rights Council, 
and troubled many distinguished individuals who re-
fused invitations to head the mission. 
(7) On September 15, 2009, the ‘‘United Na-
tions Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict’’ 
released its report, which is commonly referred to as 
the ‘‘Goldstone Report’’. 
(8) The Goldstone Report repeatedly made 
sweeping and unsubstantiated determinations that 
the Israeli military had deliberately attacked civil-
ians during Operation Cast Lead. 
(9) The authors of the Goldstone Report admit 
that we did not deal with the issues . . . ‘‘regarding 
the problems of conducting military operations in ci-
vilian areas and second-guessing decisions made by 
soldiers and their commanding officers in the fog of 
war’’. 
(10) In the October 16, 2009 edition of the 
Jewish Daily Forward, Richard Goldstone, the head 
of the ‘‘United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the 
Gaza Conflict’’, is quoted as saying, with respect to 
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the mission’s evidence-collection methods, ‘‘If this 
was a court of law, there would have been nothing 
proven’’. 
(11) The Goldstone Report, in effect, denied the 
State of Israel the right to self-defense, and never 
noted the fact that Israel had the right to defend its 
citizens from the repeated violent attacks committed 
against civilian targets in southern Israel by Hamas 
and other Foreign Terrorist Organizations operating 
from Gaza. 
(12) The Goldstone Report largely ignored the 
culpability of the Government of Iran and the Gov-
ernment of Syria, both of whom sponsor Hamas and 
other Foreign Terrorist Organizations. 
(13) The Goldstone Report usually considered 
public statements made by Israeli officials not to be 
credible, while frequently giving uncritical credence 
to statements taken from what it called the ‘‘Gaza 
authorities’’, i.e., the Gaza leadership of Hamas. 
(14) Notwithstanding a great body of evidence 
that Hamas and other violent Islamist groups com-
mitted war crimes by using civilians and civilian in-
stitutions, such as mosques, schools, and hospitals, 
as 
shields, 
the 
Goldstone 
Report 
repeatedly 
downplayed or cast doubt upon that claim. 
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(15) In one notable instance, the Goldstone Re-
port stated that it did not consider the admission of 
a Hamas official that Hamas often ‘‘created a 
human shield of women, children, the elderly and the 
mujahideen, against [the Israeli military]’’ specifi-
cally to ‘‘constitute evidence that Hamas forced Pal-
estinian civilians to shield military objectives against 
attack’’. 
(16) Hamas was able to significantly shape the 
findings of the investigation mission’s Goldstone Re-
port by selecting and prescreening some of the wit-
nesses and intimidating others, as the Goldstone Re-
port acknowledges when it notes that ‘‘those inter-
viewed in Gaza appeared reluctant to speak about 
the presence of or conduct of hostilities by the Pales-
tinian armed groups . . . from a fear of reprisals’’. 
(17) Even though Israel is a vibrant democracy 
with a vigorous and free press, the Goldstone Report 
erroneously asserts that ‘‘actions of the Israeli gov-
ernment . . . have contributed significantly to a po-
litical climate in which dissent with the government 
and its actions . . . is not tolerated’’. 
(18) The Goldstone Report recommended that 
the United Nations Human Rights Council endorse 
its recommendations, implement them, review their 
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implementation, and refer the report to the United 
Nations Security Council, the Prosecutor of the 
International Criminal Court, and the United Na-
tions General Assembly for further action. 
(19) The Goldstone Report recommended that 
the United Nations Security Council— 
(A) require the Government of Israel to 
launch further investigations of its conduct dur-
ing Operation Cast Lead and report back to the 
Security Council within six months; 
(B) simultaneously appoint an ‘‘inde-
pendent committee of experts’’ to monitor and 
report on any domestic legal or other pro-
ceedings undertaken by the Government of 
Israel within that 6-month period; and 
(C) refer the case to the Prosecutor of the 
International Criminal Court after that 6- 
month period. 
(20) The Goldstone Report recommended that 
the United Nations General Assembly consider fur-
ther action on the report and establish an escrow 
fund, to be funded entirely by the State of Israel, to 
‘‘pay adequate compensation to Palestinians who 
have suffered loss and damage’’ during Operation 
Cast Lead. 
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(21) The Goldstone Report ignored the issue of 
compensation to Israelis who have been killed or 
wounded, or suffered other loss and damage, as a re-
sult of years of past and continuing rocket and mor-
tar attacks by Hamas and other violent militant 
groups in Gaza against civilian targets in southern 
Israel. 
(22) The Goldstone Report recommended ‘‘that 
States Parties to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 
start criminal investigations [of Operation Cast 
Lead] in national courts, using universal jurisdic-
tion’’ and that ‘‘following investigation, alleged per-
petrators should be arrested and prosecuted’’. 
(23) The concept of ‘‘universal jurisdiction’’ has 
frequently been used in attempts to detain, charge, 
and prosecute Israeli and United States officials and 
former officials in connection with unfounded allega-
tions of war crimes and has often unfairly impeded 
the travel of those individuals. 
(24) On September 20, 2009, United Nations 
High Commissioner for Human Rights Navanethem 
Pillay wrote, ‘‘I lend my full support to Justice 
Goldstone’s report and its recommendations’’. 
(25) The State of Israel, like many other free 
democracies, has an independent judicial system 
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with a robust investigatory capacity and has already 
launched numerous investigations, many of which re-
main ongoing, of Operation Cast Lead and indi-
vidual incidents therein. 
(26) Several nations have indicated that they 
intend to further pursue consideration of the 
Goldstone Report and implementation of its rec-
ommendations by the United Nations Security Coun-
cil, the United Nations General Assembly, the 
United Nations Human Rights Council, and other 
multilateral fora. 
(27) On September 30, 2009, Secretary of 
State Hillary Clinton described the underlying man-
date for the Goldstone Report as ‘‘one-sided’’. 
(28) On September 17, 2009, Ambassador 
Susan Rice, United States Permanent Representa-
tive to the United Nations, expressed the United 
States’ ‘‘very serious concern with the mandate’’ un-
derlying the Goldstone Report and noted that the 
United States views the mandate ‘‘as unbalanced, 
one-sided and basically unacceptable’’. 
(29) Israeli President Shimon Peres has called 
the Goldstone Report a ‘‘blood libel’’. 
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(30) The Goldstone Report reflects the long-
standing, historic bias at the United Nations against 
the democratic, Jewish State of Israel. 
(31) The Goldstone Report is being exploited by 
Israel’s enemies to excuse the actions of violent mili-
tant groups and their state sponsors, and to justify 
isolation of and punitive measures against the demo-
cratic, Jewish State of Israel. 
(32) On November 3, 2009, the House of Rep-
resentatives overwhelmingly adopted House Resolu-
tion 867, which stated that the House of Represent-
atives: 
(A) ‘‘considers the [Goldstone Report] to 
be irredeemably biased and unworthy of further 
consideration or legitimacy’’; 
(B) ‘‘supports the Administration’s efforts 
to combat anti-Israel bias at the United Na-
tions, its characterization of the [Goldstone Re-
port] as ‘unbalanced, one-sided and basically 
unacceptable’, and its opposition to the resolu-
tion on the report’’; 
(C) ‘‘calls on the President and the Sec-
retary of State to continue to strongly and un-
equivocally oppose any endorsement of the 
[Goldstone Report] in multilateral fora, includ-
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ing through leading opposition to any United 
Nations General Assembly resolution and 
through vetoing, if necessary, any United Na-
tions Security Council resolution that endorses 
the contents of this report, seeks to act upon 
the recommendations contained in this report, 
or calls on any other international body to take 
further action regarding this report’’; 
(D) ‘‘calls on the President and the Sec-
retary of State to strongly and unequivocally 
oppose any further consideration of the ‘Report 
of the United Nations Fact Finding Mission on 
the Gaza Conflict’ and any other measures 
stemming from this report in multilateral fora’’; 
and 
(E) ‘‘reaffirms its support for the demo-
cratic, Jewish State of Israel, for Israel’s secu-
rity and right to self-defense, and, specifically, 
for Israel’s right to defend its citizens from vio-
lent militant groups and their state sponsors’’. 
(33) On October 16, 2009, the United Nations 
Human Rights Council voted 25–6 (with 11 Member 
States abstaining and 5 not voting, and with the 
United States voting against) to adopt resolution A– 
HRC–S–12–1, which endorsed the Goldstone Report 
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and condemned Israel, without mentioning Hamas, 
other such violent militant groups, or their state 
sponsors. The United States voted against the reso-
lution. 
(34) On November 5, 2009, the United Nations 
General Assembly voted 114–18 (with 44 Member 
States abstaining, and with the United States voting 
against) to adopt resolution A/RES/64/10, which, 
among other things: 
(A) endorsed the United Nations Human 
Rights Council’s resolution A–HRC–S–12–1, 
which endorsed the Goldstone Report and con-
demned Israel, without mentioning Hamas, 
other such violent militant groups, or their 
state sponsors; 
(B) requested that the Secretary General 
of the United Nations transmit the Goldstone 
Report to the United Nations Security Council; 
(C) expressed its ‘‘appreciation’’ to the 
‘‘United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the 
Gaza Conflict’’ for its ‘‘comprehensive report’’; 
(D) expressed grave concern regarding ‘‘re-
ports regarding serious human rights viola-
tions’’ during Operation Cast Lead, including 
the findings in the Goldstone Report; and 
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