A1276 the orating Democrats that he and his fellow Republicans might choke them off with a change in the Senate rules. That was a threat uttered in the heat of controversy which may or may not have influenced the filibusterers in their sudden decision to ac- cept a postponement of the issue. But it was—and remains—a long overdue proposal. Senator Tart, busy with other matters, seems to have forgotten his statement. But Senators Morsr and KNow.anp have intro- duced two bills that would enable the Sen- ate to control any future flow of minority eloquence. Senator Morse has chosen a rela- tively restricted target. Noting that most filibusters have been pegged on the device of moving a correction of the Senate Journal and then debating this endlessly, he would have the pertinent rule amended to limit the time available to any Senator on such a topic to three hours. Senator KNOWLAND proposes a more direct attack. He would alter the rules to permit a Senate majority to apply any limitation it wishes to debate on any measure at any time. The present requirement is a two-thirds vote. He would drop it to a majority. Why not? Unlimited debate has lost most of its meaning except as an obstacle to ma- jority action usually invoked by a small group representing some special interest. Now is a good time, when no deliberate talk- fest is on the immediate horizon and the proposal can be considered quietly on its merits, to make such a change in the rules. To wait until another filibuster is launched would be to wait until tempers were again frayed and emotions aroused over the extra- neous issue of the point currently in dispute. It is better to repair the roof while the sun is shining than to wait until a storm has broken out. [From the Asheville (N. C.) Citizen of December 10, 1946] TALK WITHOUT END Our brief for the filibuster as employed in. the Senate is—brief. On some occasions it has been used to prevent the passage of punitive legislation bearing on one section or one oup. There are times when & worthy minority must be protected against a headstrong majority. That much said, we agree nevertheless with Senators KNOWLAND and Morse that some way must be found to prevent unlimited de- bate—the definition of a filibuster—in the Upper House of Congress. The cloture pro- vision adopted in 1917 after President Wil- son had denounced the “little group of will- ful men” who filibustered his armed neu- trality bill to death is a weak and unwork- able device. Cloture, which limits debate, requires a two-thirds vote. The fact that it has been obtained only four times in 29 years surely is proof that the method is in- adequate. Senator KNow.anp has introduced a bill which would enable the Senate to limit de- bate by a simple majority vote. This meas- ure has a good chance of passage, since the Senate has 21 new Members and 16 others who have only served for 2 years. Usually it 1s the old-timers who cling to Senate privilege. No fair-minded legislator can offer a sin- cere defense of the filibuster. It has been abused time and again. It has been abused even by a minority of one, as, for example, when Huey Long filibustered to death the appropriation for the Social Security Act of 1985. To be sure, the majority may abuse the power of numbers, but we think that the good sense for the whole Congress may be depended upon to assure justice. The Senate of the United States is the only legis- lative body we know of which can engage in endless debate without ever coming to the point or to a decision. This unique power makes for irresponsibility in repre- sentative government. It should be abol- ished or curtailed. Our Expanding Oil Interests EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN C. JOHNSON OF COLORADO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 26 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. JOHNSON of Colorado. Our new American warlike policy in controlling the Dardanelles can only be explained to me by American interests in the Near East. With respect to this phase of the proposed Greek-Turkish intervention the March 20 Washington letter copyrighted by Malcolm Hobbs on “Our Expanding Oil Interests” is most pertinent. I ask unanimous consent to insert a copy of this letter in the Recorp where it will be available to all Members of Congress. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: OUR EXPANDING OIL INTERESTS (By Malcolm Hobbs) WaASHINGTON.—The dramatic political de- velopments surrounding the new United States foreign policy in the Near East have overshadowed recent economic developments in which America has strengthened its hold- ings in rich Middle East oil flelds. These significant and important economic steps have taken place coincidentally with the evolving of President Truman's policy to secure America's political frontiers in Greece and Turkey. Two weeks ago, two important American oil companies—Standard Oil of New Jersey and Socony-Vacuum Oil Co.—joined with Britain's Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. to form Mid- die East Pipelines, Ltd. The purpose of the new company is to construct another 1,000 miles of pipe line to connect the oll flelds of Iran and Kuwait with the Mediterranean. Stock in the company will be distributed so that Jersey will have 40 percent, Socony 10 percent, and Angio-Iranian 650 percent. In return for financial backing, Anglo-Iranian has agreed to provide the American com- panies with “substantial quantities of crude oll for a period of years.” This represents the first return for Ameri- can oil interests from the deal signed last December 26 in which British interests agreed to share with the Americans in the development of Middle East oil resources, This agreement culminated the uphill strug- gle of the Americans—started shortly after World War I—against the exclusive control by the British of Middle East oil concessions. Three weeks ago, contracts were placed for the construction of another pipe line to be controlled by the Arabian American Oi! Co., which has exclusive rights over Saudi Arabi- an resources. Arabian American is owned by Standard Oil of California and the Texas Co. Its pipe line is a big 30-inch project cost- ing $80,000,000, scheduled to be completed by the end of 1049. It will cross the Arabian peninsula to the Mediterranean. Completion of the two new pipe lines will give American interests a hold on three vital lines stretching into this rich region. Amer- ican companies already have an interest in the line which carries oil from the Iraq fields to the Mediterranean. On March 12, the Arabian American Oi! Co. announced that an agreement whereby Standard of New Jersey and Socony-Vacuum would join Standard of California and the Texas Co., as stockholders of Arabian Ameri- can ewaited only the satisfactory solution of certain British objections to the deal. An: agreement in principle giving Jersey 30 pere APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cent and Socony Vacuum 10 percent of Arahi- an American's capital stock had been an- nounced last December. This arrangement will bolster Arabian American's financial structure by about 227,000,000. Another American oil company—Gulf—hus joint control with Anglo-Iranian of the Ku- wait Of] Co. Its fields are the newest in the Middle East, located at the head of the Per- sian Gulf. The welter of developments in interna- tional oil serve to account for two facts, that American oil interests are increasing their international holdings and contro] by leaps and bounds, and that the American rise ts coupled with a British decline. Up until the 1920's the United States had no significant foreign oil supplies. Diplomatic protests over Britain's monopolistic position in the Middle East secured a concession for the United States in Iraq. American engineers discovered the richest reserves in the world in Saudi Arabia after Britain had concluded that the region was unproductive. The re- cent deals with Anglo-Iranian have strength- ened the United States position considerably. The two new pipe lines will bring Middle East oil direct to the Mediterranean, eliminating tanker shipments through the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, and the Suez Canal, where the British have been able to collect a toll levy - of 18 cents a barrel. In contrast to the picture after World War I, American oil concessions abroad now equal, if not surpass those of the British. There is added significance to this in that the United States is a big ofl producer within its own borders, while Britain has relied completely on foreign oil for security since Winston Churchill’s decision as First Lord of the Ad- miralty to convert the Roya] Navy from coal to oil. Today British companies have concessions in Iran, North Borneo, Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, India, Malaya, Ceylon, Netherlands, East J :- dies, Trinidad, Colombia, and Venezuela. Americans have properties in all these coun- tries except India and Iran, with additional holdings in Canada, Bahrein, and Saudi Arabia. In an unheralded but significant speech at Mount Vernon, Ill.,on the 18th of this month, Mr. Charles Rayner, the State Department’s petroleum adviser, stated that Untted States interests now own or control 59 percent of the total known oll reserves in the world. He stressed “the increasing importance of our foreign reserves to our national economy.” In terms of the Middle East, Mr. Rayner said, “I cannot stress the importance of this part of the world too strongly. With oil reserves known to be in excess of the known reserves of the United States, it may well be that the Middle East will ultimately become the center of gravity of world oil production. It is not difficult therefore to appreciate how important may be our political relationship with the various countries and small sheik- doms that make up that part of the world.” A Lost Generation in Scientific Progress EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DEWEY SHORT OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SHORT. Mr. Speaker, on Septem- ber 17, 1945, and on page 8632 of the ConoressionaL Recorp, I said, among other things: IT also know we are going to wake up 5, 7, or 10 years from now with an acute short- age of doctors, dentists, technicians, scien-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tists, and engineers. I think we have been more foolish than some of our allies. Brit- ain and Russia, and other countries have continued the education of their youth. This warning I issued long before that time, when we were arbitrarily and ruth- lessly drafting the best brains of our country, taking genius from the labora- tory to do kitchen police. Only last Sunday, March 23, 1947, there appeared an interesting article in the Washington Sunday Star, which, under leave to extend my remarks, I include: A LOST GENERATION IN SCIENTIFIC PROGRESS— ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION PRESIDENT DE- PLORES WAR'S WASTE The tincrensing availability of money for research in medicine is beginning to embar- Yass our medical schools. “Where is the trained personnel coming from to make use of these funds?” Raymond B. Fosdick, presi- dent of the Rockefeller Foundation, asks in his annual review, a portion of which Is made public today. The genera] public has contributed enthusiastically to such special Causes as infantile paralysis, cancer, heart disease, and tuberculosis. Recently, through the National Institute of Heulth and the scientific branches of the armed forces, the Federal Government allocated over $6,000,000 for similar specialized projects. But from what source are we to get the scientists and technicians competent to work in these ficlds? Their training is a matter of years of preparation, and it cannot be extemporized. There seems to be a widespread public belicf in what might be called the magic- wand theory of medical advance. This theory has been stimulated by the dramatic development in recent years of such reme- dies os insulin, penicillin, the sulfa drugs, and the blood substitutes. According to this theory, our research laboratories stand ready at any time to turn money into scien- tific discoveries; 1n other words, the bottle- neck to further advance is the lack of funds; it is the lack of capable and thoroughly trained investigators to use the funds. The medical schools, to which we must look for these investigators, do not possess and can- not now obtain the fundamental facilities through whicb alone this increasing demand can be met. Indeed, many of our medical schools are in the position of a cook asked to prepare a wedding feast for which the champagne has been furnished but no water to boil the potatoes, Nothing that war touches escapes blight. There is a popular belief that science made rapid progress between 1939 and 1945, but this belief has little basis for support. It is now generally recognized that the feverish activity of scientists in wartime is essentially not scientific. They are primarily engaged in the application of existing knowledge to certain specific and narrow problems. They faave no time for pure research, and their contributions to basic knowledge are infre- quent and on the whole unimportant. They are drawing on the reserves of the past. They are using up the supply of basic dis- coveries which an earlier generation has given them. They are digging recklessly into the stock pile of existing knowledge. The gap between knowledge and use in science is always narrow; the effect of war is to close the gap almost to the vanishing point. It is not in war but in peace that the advance of knowledge, as distinguished from the application of knowledge, finds its most favorable environment. The practical appli- cations of knowledge are the dividends which basic science from time to time declares. ‘When basic science is even temporarily in- terrupted, then it is necessary to pay these dividends out of surplus, and obviously this process cannot be long continued without bankruptcy. It is necessary to drive home the point that war does not contribute to basic science. On the contrary, it blocks its progress and, through perverted applications, debases the whole concept of the dignity and glory of man's conquest of nature. There is another phase of the matter, equally vicious. War interferes with the proper training of scientific personnel. At least, here in the United States we allowed it to interfere. Like any procedure which expends capita] resources without providing means of replenishing them, the interruption of advanced training in the basic sciences seems to cost little at the moment, and it serves an emergency by releasing manpower, But it 1s a policy of desperation which places @ crippling mortgage on the future. It grinds up the seed corn of scientific progress in the next generation to make a day’s feed for the war machine. The consequences of this unintelligent policy are now upon us. There is a serious, even an alarming, shortage of adequate per- sonnel in almost every fleld which requires advanced thinking. Whether in physics or chemistry or the biological and medical sci- ences, the situation is the same. In subjects like bacteriology, biochemistry, anatomy, bio- physics, and physiology, it 1s almost impossi- ble to find younger men with adequate teach- ing and research qualifications. We have sacrificed the seed corn. We have lost a generation. Our governmental policy was dictated by considerations of immediate need and was geared to the exigencies of the moment. But this was not the case in Russia or England. In both these countries policy was guided by the long view far more effectively than with us. In Russia, students of ability in most branches of science were kept in their laboratories, while Great Britain, with some difficulty, to be sure, succeeded not in eliminating, but in minimizing interruption in the training of her future scientific teach- ers and leaders. American democracy seems to learn its lessons the hard way. It does not realize, until too late, that human erosion, like soll erosion, can jeopardize the future. Surely out of the bitter experience of this war should come the realization that trained personnel is our most valuable asset in science. It is criminal folly to gamble with the future by policies which dissipate that asset. A nation which loses so much of its technical strength that it runs the risk of being unable to meet the needs of the next generation may find that Pyrrhic victories are as disastrous as defeats, UNESCO, the Ethical Echelon in Our Fight for Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted me by the House, I am herewith incorporating in the REcorD a copy of the address which I delivered last night in Philadelphia before the conclud- ing general session of the first National Conference of the National Advisory Commission on UNESCO. This impor- tant operating arm of the United Nations is now engaged in a constructive pro- gram for preserving the peace which A1277 should challenge the attention and se- cure the support of the well-intentioned people on every continent. Mr. President, ladies, and gentlemen, Abraham Lincoln was once asked by a friend to answer the question as to what is the proper length for a man’s legs. Without a moment's hesitation and with that practical Lincolnian sagacity which the world needs so desperately today, Abraham Lincoln said, “Just long enough to reach the ground.” When I am asked the question, as I fre- quently am, “What is the real purpose and program of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization?” I al- ways reply, “UNESCO has as its goal eradicat- ing the causes of war.” Fellow citizens, 1 believe that thogy of us who work in UNESCO and who have fon- fidence in the concept that the cause of war must be removed from the hearte and minds of men before the councils of peace can permanently achieve their objectives san answer questions concerning the size of eur task with as much directness as Lincoln answered his questioner concerning the length of his legs. We must crown our efforts with a full measure of success. To achieve our objec- tives part way would be of little more avail in the preservation of peace than it would avail a man to have legs which reach only part way to the ground. If, in our efforts to stamp out the causes of war, we permit an area of animosity to exist to whatever fractional degree is required to start another war, we shall have failed in our objectives completely. Our purpose being to prevent wars, we cannot permit ourselves the luxury of half-way measures of success. To fail in a challenge so great in this era of atomic destructiveness would be no Jess a calamity to civilization whether we fail in full or in part. If the world war returns to this earth, our efforts will be marked by failure. We must by the very magnitude of the task we face permit no other alternative than com- plete success. It 1s because of the enormous importance of the work in which this great consultative conference is engaged that I come humbly before you tonight as the delegate of the United States Congress, as it were, to this great workshop for humanity. This first National Conference on UNESCO of the Na- tional Advisory Commission of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization has very fittingly selected Phil- adelphia as the home of its meeting. Here in this city, long ago, freemen for the first time on this continent reduced to writing rules of tolerance and orderly pro- cedure by which men and women holding differing opinions and nourishing a large variety of ambitions have been able to live and work together with a degree of success- ful progress unparalleled and unprecedented in the history of the world, It is my ardent hope for this Conference that the inspiration and the information radiating from it will go far toward providing for mankind every- where the same fair chance for a free people that the Constitution of the United States has guarantecd for all Americans. Yonder Liberty Bell must veritably be trembling in its historic frame tonight as it envisages the vast potentialities for liberty, freedom, tolerance, and a prevailing peace which are an inherent and important part of this Conference of men and women of good will. OUR WORK IN OUR WORLD The objective of this Conference is to strengthen and support the peace-preserving actions of UNESCO by a threefold program: (1) We are met here to carry back to the organizations which we represent the com- plete story of UNESCO; what it has done, how it is operating, and what it has mapped
A1278 out for its future course. (2) This great Conference is called upon to give counsel to those of us in public office whose day-by-day decisions can do so much to make or mar the peace. The ideas of each of you are solicited. The counsel of each organization represented here tonight can be tested in this great crucible of discussion =nd when an area of agreement has becn defined, the National Advisory Commission has not only the op- portunity but the obligation to carry your counsel to Washington as well as to our rep- resentatives at the Paris headquarters of UNESCO. (3) Through the delegates of the more than 600 organizations represented et this National Conference it is hoped to bring the message of UNESCO to every State and every community in this Republic. Each of you is to be a Paul Revere in your own right, calling out through your organizations to all of the folks in your community not that the redcoats but the right creeds are coming. Yours is a challenge to alert America for peace and not for war. Yours is a message of hope and of confidence rather than a call to arms, but if your sea) is eufficient and your calls emphatic enough it can be heard round the world as surely as the shots fired at Concord were heard in a different era and for a different purpose. Coming to you as I do directly from Wash- ington where only this morning as & mem- ber of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I have been wrestling with the prodigious problems of our times as they are revealed to us by conditions in Greece and Turkey, let me tell you that the eyes of Congress are upon this Conference. We who labor tn Congress recognize perhaps better than any other group of citizens in the world the indefatigable force of public opinion. Against a mobilized public opinion that knows what it wants and has plans how to get it, there is no power in America which can be arrayed successfully. What is true of our country is true in a larger sense throughout the world. We who seek to implement public opinion in Congress by reducing its mandates to legislative form fully appreciate the dynamic possibilities of a world-wide public opinion once it has been marshaled into effective channels for preserving the peace. Yes, Congress is watching your proceedings and listening for your reports. . THE BACKGROUND OF UNESCO It so happens that it was my honor and proud privilege to be the author of the en- abling legislation which has resulted in the creation of UNESCO. I want to give you a few details of the background leading up to this legislation and the attitude of Con- gress toward the vast potentialities of the force you represent. I shall speak only from the knowledge of personal experience. I do this to illustrate two points: firet, I want you to know that Congress has confidence in the educational, scientific, and cultural forces of America and of the world and, second, I want to demonstrate the impor- tance of your making use of this Conference and of your National Advisory Commission as a pipe line for carrying your ideals and your ideas to Washington. While it was my legislative proposal, House Resolution 215, which was first passed by Congress on May 22, 1945, as the initial step im the long chain of events leading to the actual organization and operation of UNESCO, this was not the first resolution I had introduced on this important matter. I first began work on a somewhat similar reso- lution back In 1942, and on March 1, 1943, I introduced H. R. 2034. Failing to get action in that session of Congress, on January 24, 1945, I introduced another resolution desig- nated as H. R. 1740 but before action was San Francisco Conference that an organiza- tion be established to provide a mechanism for using the educational forces of the world in the battle for peace. That third resolution (H. Res. 215) was introduced by me on April 9, 1945, and on April 30, a companion resolution was in- troduced in the Senate by Senators Tarr and FuLsricHT. House hearings were started May 10 and the House of Representatives ap- proved House Resolution 215 on May 22, 1945. A week or so later, the Senate gave its ap- proval and word was sent to our congressional delegates to the San Francisco Conference that the United States Congress had man- dated them to bring into being an organi- gation for marshalling together the educa- tional, scientific, and cultural forces of the world as an essential counterpart of the United Nations. Such provision was in- carporated in the San Francisco Conference and this meeting here this week is just one additional glorious chapter in the sequel of events which followed and which included the London conference and the sessions in Paris. I want to emphasize, however, that not only has Congress demonstrated its faith and confidence in UNESCO by the almost un- precendented dispatch with which it ap- proved my resolution in order to make it effective while the San Francisco Conference was in session but that Congress continues to hold high hopes that UNESCO will live up to the expectations of us all. You will find Congress sympathetic with your sug- gestions and you will find Congress generous in appropriating money for the maintenance of the National Advisory Commission and for America’s share of the costs of UNESCO. We who have approprixzted so much to bring a victorious peace out of a costly conflict are eager to appropriate wisely for a movement which has the power and the purpose to make additional war unnecessary. Now, let me point out how the history of the enabling legisiatton for UNESCO demonstrates the fact that conferences such as this and organizations such es yours can have a tremendous part in fashioning the destiny of America. I told you of my initial interest in this type of peace program back in 1942 and of my first resolution in 1943. Let me tel! you now where and how my interest was first stimulated in this type of approach to Peace. During 1941 and early tn 1942 a group of professional friends of mine on the faculty of Indiana State Teachers College in Terre Haute, Ind., began holding meetings for the purpose of designing methods for harnessing the power of education in the battle for peace. It was only after they had contacted me that I was impelled to introduce the se- ries of resolutions which brought favorable action on the program which has evolved into UNESCO. Thus, to a small group of educators on the campus of a midwestern teachers college goes the credit for initiating @ drive which has carried us far. Such a conference as this and an advisory commis- sion such as yours has untold potentiality for public service through the counsel] and inspiration which you can bring to bear upon both Washington and Paris. Before leaving this treatment of the his- torical background of UNESCO, I would be guilty of serious omission were I not to call attention to two other groups which over the years have demonstrated the importance of collective effort in securing constructive ac- tion from officials in Government. Much of the groundwork for the creation of UNESCO was undertaken by the Ameri- can Association for an International Office of Education and by the National Education Association. Both of these tions under the leadership of such able men as APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD did Selma Borchardt, of the American Fed- eration of Teachers, and many other groups. Eagerly enlarging the concept of an Inter- natioral Office of Education to include the forces of science and culture, these organi- gations marshalled public opinion in sup- port of the program and added one addi- tional bit of evidence to the unbroken chain which demonstrates the power behind public opinion once it knows what it wants and has provided a blueprint for achieving that objective. THE BIG TEST LIES AHEAD In presenting evidence in support of the legislation leading to UNESCO before my cole leagues on the House Foreign Affairs Com- mittee in 1945, I made this statement, and I quote from the printed committee hear- ings: “This measure provides a vehicle for advising the San Francisco Conference and the world that Congress is determined to back the battle for permanent peace with the same vigor we have demonstrated in backing the fight for military victory. Ul-advised might will always be able to wreck the strongest of international organizations or institutions. For those to succeed, we must have a recognition of what is right on the part of the people, When the world puts as much energy and effort into training children everywhere to be tolerant and to have a decent respect for the rights of others as it has put into the efforts for war and destruction, we will have a firm basis upon which to build a permanent peace. We have approached peace from the standpoint of a mun’s stomach in the matter of food sup- ply; we have approached peace from the standpoint of the world’s pocketbook in Bretton Woods; we have upproached it from the standpotnt of diplomatic agreements at San Francisco; but we have never gotten around to approaching peace from the stand- point of a man’s heart. This resolution now before you focuses on that point. There- fore, I refer to this program as the ethical echelon in the battle for a permanent peace.” Ladies and gentlemcn, it is to you as the task forces and the battle plans of this eth- ical echelon in the fight for a permanent peace that I desire to devote the remainder of this address. No more appropriate words could be said or written to describe the challenge which lies before us than those used in the pre- amble to the UNESCO constitution when it says, “Since wars begin in the minds of men, it 1s in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed.” Peace is a way of life which must be im- planted in the hearts and minds of children when they are young and safeguarded by ap- propriate international machinery to guard against hazards of war occurring when they reach adulthood. Largely because of the uni- versal world exhaustion and weariness caused by the destruction of the past war, we have reason to hope that we shall have time in which to put the forces of UNESCO into ef- fective action before men and nations once again get in position to dance the tunes called for by the fiddicrs for the god of Mars, The mechinery of the United Nations set up to dissipate disputes among the mighty is very new and largely untried, but there is reason to hope it will be able to keep war- nations at peace in the years immedi- ately ahead. Over the long pull, however, if peace is to prevail it ts essential that the hatreds, the creeds, the selfishness, the ava- rice, the distrust, and the false concepts of all humanity be toned down and controlled by self-restraints. Men and women every- where must come to know for themselves that which ts right, if wrong ts not to con- quer and war recur, THE COIN OF PRACE HAS TWC SIDES Let us all remember that the coin of peace has two sides. It has ites material, and it has its spiritual, side. The United Nations
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Organization deals with its material side. UNESCO recognizes the importance of the material aide of man, but it concentrates its forces upon the spiritual elements found in the hearts and minds of men. A Chinese speaker put it cogently one day when he said, “San Francisco gave the United Nations a body; UNESOO gives the United Nations a soul.” A soulless machine can no more sustain the peace than an automobile could enter into’ the kingdom of heaven. We who work in the laboratory of life created by UNESCO deal with the enduring elements of the spirit, and if war is to be banished for- ever from this earth, our efforts must be un- bounded and unceasing. As a man thinketh in his heart, s0 is he * * * when people everywhere give their heart-urge for peace preeminence over their selfish war-making desires for advantage, we shall have achieved & peace everlasting. That ts the end goal of UNESCO. When battalions of men meet across bound- ary lines, war is the result. UNESCO pro- poses to bring about a meeting of the minds of men across boundary lines in the pursuit of peace and the mutual understandings upon which peace is built. We propose, through UNESCO, to exchange and enhance the dividends of science for the advancement of mankind everywhere. We plan to utilize the free flow of culture across boundary lines to enrich the lives of everyone. We are pre- Paring to provide for a world-wide exchange of scholars and students, of textbooks and techniques, so that children throughout the world will be taught the virtues of showing consideration for others and the vices of big- oted and bludgeoning types of state worship. UNESCO has no creed to serve save peace, justice, and tolerance. It holds allegiance to no State other than that of good order and good will. It recognizes no monarch except the Prince of Peace. UNESCO 1s not the exclusive conference chamber of the World's exalted leaders. It is not the meeting room of princes, poten- tates, presidents, dictators, prime ministers, and kings. UNESCO is the people’s foyer leading to the temple of permanent peace Until the advent of UNESCO, the waging of war was the business of the common peo- ple but the negotiations of peace and the devices of diplomacy were considered the re- stricted right of the rulers of men. But his- tory has condemned out of its blood-stained volumes the legitimacy and effectiveness of this type of arrangement. Since time im- memorial, the mighty men of mighty nations have plotted and planned and purposed the international relations which have inevitably and unvaryingly resulted in war. UNESCO proposes an antidote to this anomalous ac- tivity. It proposes to give the common peo- ple who fight the wars something to say about the international policies which provoke or prevent the wars. It plans to give people everywhere something to do in the waging of peace just as our rulers in the past through their failures have given people everywhere something to do in the waging of war. UNESCO can indeed become the mightiest echelon in history as it dedicates itself to this ethical fight against war. Hitler, Hirohito, and Mussolini recognized the force of education in the decades they spent training the youth of their respective unhappy countries to nourish and nurture undying hatreds upon which wars are based. In and out of school, the children of Ger- many, Japan, and Italy were taught to wor- ship the State and to abominate all that their rulers disliked. They were taught the concept of the master race and denied in- formation which might lead them to believe that it is good to love thy neighbor. They were taught to hate those of different race, or color, or creed, or country. Education did its infamous task effectively. When these warlords were ready to fight, they had available a zealous, zestful, fanatical reser- voir of enthusiastic youngsters eager to do battle againat what they had been taught to believe were legitimate and loathsome enemies. What education can do for the purposes of evil, my friends, it can do even better for the forces of good. If schools and com- munities, everywhere, can be induced by UNESCO to teach tolerance and good inter- national behavior with even a fraction of the devotion that was used to teach our former enemies the sceds of thoughts of war, we shall have made great and effective progress toward a lasting peace. Add to this revised attitude toward education for the children @ program of adult training and cooperation based on the axiomatic fact that the simi- larities among men everywhere greatly out- weigh the dissimilarites among men any- where and we shall be well on the road to a world which is training itself for peace tnstead of tempting the fates of war. ‘JNESCO—A CHAIN REACTION FOR FEACE Do any of you say to me this is impossible? Are there faint-hearted among you who be- lieve the challenge is too great? Because it has never been done, must we believe then it can never be? I urge you to be men and women of great faith. Surely an era which can create the jet-propelled plane, the death ray, and the atom bomb can conquer the problem of the boundary line. Are we to let imaginary lines scrawled by mere man across the face of the earth hold us back from conquering what at most is but a mental attitude in an age when we are conquering the space between planets? If the chain reactions of a bit of uranium scooped up from the earth can be harnessed and directed so effectively that they can blow a city into oblivion and perhaps devas- tate a country, can we not use our intelli- gence equally successfully to create chain reactions of good will to be harnessed into effective world cooperation sufficiently well to prevent our mutual destruction by another war? I think we can if we work in the UNESCO laboratories of peace with the fer- vor and zest that men have demonstrated as they labor in the laboratories of destruction. As a Member of Congress, I envisage a future for UNESCO and for this advisory con- ference which will demand and receive steadily increasing recognition both at home and abroad. We have traveled far since May 22, 1945. In less than 24 months, UNESCO has evolved from a tiny dream into a working organism with headquarters in the Majestic Hotel in Paris and with working delegates from most of the important nations of the world. One wonders what the echoes of that old hotel in Paris—the Ma- jestic, which I have visited several times— must be saying to themselves as they pass each other in the midnight of their eerie existence in these modern times. Used by the Nazi conquerors of Paris as their SS head- quarters during the occupation and by Gen- eral Eisenhower's American forces of libera- tion as their headquarters shortly after D- day, it is indeed appropriate that this hotel which served so long as a headquarters for war should now be used as one of the great peace headquarters of the world. UNESCO WILL STAND OR FALL ON PRINCIPLE We who work in UNESCO have no veto clauses in our constitution to delay our pro- cedures. We have no sharp cleavages along ideological or political lines. Only those who subscribe to the objectives of UNESCO have joined the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and those who sign its constitution subscribe to an exchange of information and a degree of inspection and visiting which is mutually helpful and encouraging. There is no cause for any country to join UNESCO which does not recognize the validity of truth as a basic factor in mutual understanding. All but a very few countries have signed the constitu- tion and have agreed to the precepts upon A1279 which UNESCO is based. Those countries still on the outside are always welcome to join UNESCO but we must make eternally sure that we make no sacrifice of principle in the vain hope that by adding member nations we strengthen our organization even though we make concessions in basic prin- ciple. Such is not the case. UNESCO can succeed only as it remains steadfast in its allegiance to the doctrinc of mutual respect, mutual confidence, and realistically recipro- cal cooperation. On that basis, UNESCO in- vites the world to join. On no other basis can UNESCO effectively serve the world. Before long, I hope UNESCO attains such importance and conferences such as this develop a program of such significance that yet one additional recognition of it will take place in official Washington. At the Nation's Capital we ave two great Govern- ment Departments—War and Navy—which deal with the problems of war and the main- tenance of our national security. They do their work well and all of us are debtors to their efficient performance. In the field of peace, we have only one great Government Department—the Department of State. By the very nature of things, far from all of the activities of the Department of State are devoted to the advancement of peace. In conclusion let me tel] you of a thought which I have in mind in the conviction that the preparation and maintenance of peace might be more productive of lasting results if it could have devoted to it the concentra- tion of effort which necessity requires be devoted to the challenges of war as they confront our War and Navy Departments. NEEDED: AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR PEACE Assistant Secretary of State William Ben- ton, whose able address you listened to last night, has done much for UNESCO. He de- serves our warm praise for his earnest ef- forts. But Mr. Benton’s time is crowded with many other responsibilities. The other ties of his office are sufficient to require the 1 time of several men and 1 know that my good friend, Bill, even though he were twins, could not possibly devote to UNESCO the time required when this organization really gets under way with a program geared up in size and in intensity to the scope of the challenge which confronts it. Some have suggested a separate Depart- ment of Peace be established but it ap- pears there are many good reasons why the pursuit of peace is so inherently tied in with the other duties of the State Department that a separation of the various functions might create more confusion than it would cure. As a first step, in all events, I would like to see created within our Department of State a new Assistant Secretary of State who would be charged with the sole responsi- bility of handling America’s representation and responsibilities in the activities of UNESCO. Let the Secretary of State be authorized to appoint some great educator, perhaps, who is broad enough to understand and pa- preciate equally the importance of science and culture along with education and have him be placed in charge of a separate di- vision within the State Department which has no other duties and no other responsibil- ities other than that of promoting the peace of the world through the boundless oppor- tunities presented in a completely activated and universally accepted program such as is being devised in UNESCO. In my opinion, this would be a small investment indeed in the cause of peace but I am confident it would be numbered among one of the most productive investments of our national history. Ladies and gentlemen, you are engaged in the world’s most important work—just as self-preservation is the first law of nature, sustaining the peace has become the first law of self-preservation. I salute you for your good intentions and your great achievements. I pledge you the support of Congress. I pre- dict that your enthusiasm and your energy
A1280 will surmount all obstacles. I have confi- dence in your capacity, I join you in your prayers for success You know and I know that you are build- ing the defenses of peace in the only bastion capable of holding back the hounds of war. You are the general-heaquarte : staff of the ethical echelon in our fight for peace. God speed you in your work. America Scrapes Bottom on Natural Resources EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DEWEY SHORT OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SHORT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following timely and enlightening article by Richard L. Stokes, which ap- peared in the Washington Sunday Star of March 23, 1947. It is high time that our warmongers and internationalists, do-gooders and up-lifters, read, chew, digest, and profit from this very excel- lent article: America Scrapes BoTrom ON NATURAL RE- SOURCES—PRESIDENT TRUMAN PROPOSES CON- TROL Boargn as NATION’s VITAL STOCKS NEAR DEPLETION, THREATENING LONG-RANGE SE- curRITY (By Richard L. Stokes) President Truman’s proposal for the crea- tion of a national security resources board, under his Army-Navy unification bill, should ring in the public ear like an atr-raid siren. Its emphasis on the conservation of natural resources peals an alert to the fact that in essential areas, particularly those of metals and petroleum, the American people have mounted almost to the continental divide and must soon start on the descent. ‘The downward turn wil! necessitate a rev- olution in national temperament. Into our possession came a store of natural wealth opulent beyond all historical experience. We have looted it like wastrel heirs, on the theory that our riches were inexhaustible and with Mr. Micawber’s hope that in case of need something would turn up. Driven by the profit motive, we have ex- ported to foreign lands many billions of dol- lars in natural treasure which can never be replaced. We have scattered it to the winds in two world wars. We have poured it into domestic consumption at a rate posing ques- tions as to whether the vaunted American living standard is not the deadliest of foes to long-range security of the American people. MINERAL EXPORTS HIGH Since 1880 total mineral production in the United States has soared from less than half @ billion dollars annually to almost nine billions. During the last half century min- eral exports have consistently exceeded min- eral imports. The maximum year's figure for the latter was $700,000,000; that of the former was upward of $1,750,000,000. World War I alone stripped American resources of 7,500,- 000,000 barrels of pctroleum, 5,000,000 tons of copper, 3,500,000 tons of zinc, 2,250,000 tons of lead, 20,000 tons of tungsten, 9,000 tons of vanadium, and 200,000 flasks of mercury. With 6 percent of the world’s population, the American people consume two-thirds of the world’s petroleum. We possess 75 per- cent of all automobiles, 54 percent of all re- frigerators and 50 percent of all radios. Each year, largely for our own use, we produce some $3,000,000,000 worth of steel. The day of reckoning is now at hand. Ac- cording to Interior Department estimates, we have used up 97 percent of our original stocks of mercury, with which the United States was supplying most of the world in 1877. Altogether we have consumed 85 percent of our silver and lead, 80 peroent of our chro- mium, 70 percent of our vanadium, bauxite, manganese, and tungsten, 65 percent of our zinc, and 60 percent of our copper and petroleum. LOW ON TIN AND NICKEL We have less than 1 year’s known supply of nickel and tin. Under normal consump- tion, it is calculated, there is manganese to last only 2 years; mercury and asbestos, 3 years; platinum, tungsten, and antimony, 4 years; vanadium, 7 years; bauxite, 9 years; ellver, 11 years; lead, 12 years; gold, 14 years; and petroleum, 18 years. Such periods are no more than instants in the life of a nation. Within a decade copper and petroleum will shift to import status. So predicts Dr. Elmer W. Pehrson, chief of the Economics and 8ta- tistics Branch of the Bureau of Mines. In other words, the United States, which only recently sluiced these materials into foreign markets with a lavish hand, is at the point of becoming dependent for them upon sup- Plies abroad. Only our unique possession of direct-ship- ping ores at the Mesab{ Range in Minnesota enable the United States to discharge the war's colossal demands for steel. These ores have been so depleted, says Dr. Pehrson, that production will start to decline in the near future and the deposits will be totally ex- hausted by 1960. Much the same is true of high-grade coking coals. Out of 33 minerals listed by Dr. Pehrson as essential to national defense and the Ameri- can way of life, no less than 21 face do- mestic extinction within 35 years, or one generation. Omitnously enough, the fated materials include petroleum, copper, lead, and zinc, in the production of which the United States only recently led the world. OTHER INDISPENSABLES Twelve of the list have proved supplies for less than 6 years. At the bottom are flake graphite, quartz crystals and industrial diamonds, of which we have no native stocks at all. Next come tin, nickel, chromite, and manganese, in which this country has al- ways been notably deficient. The other short-lived minerals are asbestos, mercury, Platinum, tungsten, and antimony. Materials expected to last from 5 to 25 years are vanadium, bauxite, stiver, lead, gold, cadmium, petroleum and zinc. Cop- per, fluorspar, natural gas, and sulfur have life expectancies of 25 to 100 years. Only 9 of the 33 essential minerals will remain abundant after a century has passed. They are iron ore, potash, anthracite, molyb- denum, phosphate rock, bituminous coal and lignite, salt, magnestum, and nitrogen. Thus, in the case of 24 out of 33 materials indispensable to industrial civilization, the United States either has never enjoyed self- sufficiency, or has already lost it, or seems bound to forfeit it in periods ranging from a few months to a century. Where can the National Security Resources Board turn for Temedies? First, to imports. Second, to ex- ploration of new sources of supply. Third, to development of submarginal deposits which at the present state of technology are noncommercial. Fourth, to creation of “ersatz” products. And finally, in the realm of national defense, to stock-piling of strate- gic and critical materials. Now that all of our easily discovered re- sources are in use, the task of prospecting for more obscure deposits becomes urgent. Blind and wildcatting have grown expensive and unprofitable. Geology emerges more and more as an essential guide maps of the earth’s rock formations on a scale of at least one inch to a mile, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Strange and sed to remark, the United States has never troubled itself to prepare such charts for more than 10 percent of its area. In a geological sense, enormous tracts may be declared never to have been mapped at all. These expanses include a consider- able part of Maine and of the South Appaia- lachian region, as well as huge territories im Utah, Nevada, Arizona, New Mexico, Mon- tana, Oregon, and Washington. To complete the task, it is maintained, 80 years and $150,000,000 would be required. Fortunately the United States ie plen- teously gifted with the two besic materials of armaments and peacetime welfare. These are coal and iron. Our resources of bitu- minous coal are the greatest in the world, and are enough, according to some estimates, to last 4,300 years at the prewar rate of mining. We are believed to possess 68,- 000,000,000 tons of submarginal iron ore, the utilization of which will depend on tech- nological advances. There are also large submarginal and highly specutative reserves of bauxite, manganese, molybdenum, and vanadium—sufficient, perhaps, for the next 100 to 500 years. CONGRESS SAID “BUY AT HOME” During the last 15 years, despite intensified explecration, petroleum discoveries have failed to keep pace with depletion. The discovery of metalliferous ores has been declining at an alarming rate for half a century. Recent production has been largely due to the ap- plication of new technological methods to deposits known for years. Most of our copper is ylelded by mines which were operating before 1900. The date was 1916 for the most recent major metal district brought into production. This was the Tri-State lead and sinc area. Puture troubles of the National Security Resources Board may be judged from the gauntlet run by the Army and Navy Muni- tions Board. Common sense appeared to dictate that our domestic resources should be conserved and a stock pile built up from materials obtained abroad. But Congress, harried by ruthless lobbies, directed the Board whenever possible to “buy American.” It also defeated @ proposal to admit stock pile components tariff free. Moreover, it opened up first claim on surplus war stocks to private industry. In order to accomplish its long-range job, the National Security Resources Board will need to be vested with extraordinary powers. It will have to coordinate activities of such depurtments as War, Navy, and Interior, the last of which has policy-making ambitions of tts own in the field of natural resources. It will be compelled to work hand tn glove with the State Department in the field of foreign trade. Finally, tt will often be in conflict with a congressional majority having a tradition of tenderness toward private in- terests. The Board Chairman ts to be a civilfen, with a Cabinet member's stipend of $35,000 8 year. He will earn every nickel Personne! of Border Patrols HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, just a word on this same subject, which the dis- tinguished minority whip and also my friend from West Virginta have been dis- cussing. Yesterday during the debate on the bill to cut $77,000,000 off the appro-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD priation for the Labor Department, which was so vigorously opposed by a few of our friends across the aisle, on three separate occasions I attempted unsuc- cessfully to get the gentleman from New York {Mr. Rooney] to yield for a ques- tion. I guess I have only myself to blame because I adopted the wrong tactics. He was talking about a newspaper edi- torial wherein it was alleged that $6,500,- 000 had been cut by this Congress off the appropriation for the Customs Service, which was going to result in wholesale dismissals and lead to unchecked smug- Sling of al) kinds of contraband and ille- gal entry of aliens along the border, both north and south. He quoted what one John C. Tulloch, the collector of the Port at Ogdensburg, N. Y., had said. Now, the mistake I made, Mr. Speaker, was that when I asked the gentleman to yield I held in my hand, as he undoubtedly noticed, a clipping from the New York Times, published in the gentleman’s own city, wherein the exact words of Mr. Tulloch were given, as follows: With 156 Federal agencies in Washington, they should forget patronage for a while and economize there instead of taking off the patrol. I hope that this attention which has been called to the quoted remarks of a public servant who has certainly realisti- cally called the turn, will not result in any punitive or repressive measures s0 far as he is concerned. As the gentleman from West Virginia pointed out, this Customs Bureau, which comes under the Secretary of the Treas- ury, spent $44,430,000 in fiscal 1947 and has been allowed by this body in the 1848 appropriation bill $47,595,000, or better than $3,000,000 more than last year and still they are not satisfied. It is true, in the President’s budget they were set up for $54,100,000, or al- most $10000,000 more than last year. Apparently neither the Secretary of the Treasury nor the President, in submit- ting these swollen figures, took seriously the stated intentions of this Congress to reduce, not increase, the expenses of running the Government. Now I can tell this Congress with confi- dent assurance, that the people in New York State agree with Mr. Tulloch that this wholesale lay-off of Customs em- ployees all through the country rather than in the Washington offices, where personne] are stumbling over each other to keep out of each other’s way, is sim- ply part of a concerted drive by the Gov- ernment agencies in the Executive De- partment to dramatize to the people the dire results of any reduction in the stag- gering and mounting costs of operating the Government, in order to high pres- sure the Congress into a departure from its avowed and determined position that these expenses will be cut—and cut sub- stantially. With the respect and deference due your high office, I say to you, Mr. Secre- tary, and to you, Mr. President, who are chargeable in the final analysis with the Policy adopted by these arms of the ex- ecutive branch, that if this purposeful emasculation of an essential Govern- ment service which has been given $3,- 000,000 more to spend next year than last, is typical of the policy which you XCII—Arp.——81 propose to follow with other services, and if you insist on hanging onto all the chair-warming jobs in Washington while at the same time you dismiss from the service those out in the field who are really doing the work, it will be resented, and resented very, very deeply by the people f this country. It is significant that this move on the part of the Secretary of the Treasury was made just on the eve of considera- tion by the Senate of the Treasury ap- propriation bill. It is to be sincerely hoped that distinguished body will not fall for this obvious last-minute attempt to browbeat the Congress into alining itself with the waste, extravagance, and malingering on the public pay rol) which have characterized the administration of the last 15 years. Just one word of caution. Under no- circumstances do I want my words to be construed as criticism of Federal em- ployees generally, many of whom serve their country ably, faithfully, and diligently. But I do say to those charged with the administration of the executive de- partments and to our friends on the other side of the aisle, some of whom, not by ali means all, have demonstrated their determined and stubborn resist- ance, as they did just yesterday, to any effort to reduce public spending that the people of this country, by and large, are asking, indeed demanding, that the Re- publicans stand firm in their purpose to cut Government costs, to balance the budget, to make a substantia] payment on the huge national debt, and to give them relief, as we confidently expect to do tomorrow in our tex-reduction bill, from the depressing tax load they are now carrying, and increase their take- home pay to help them mect their higher living expenses. Many of our Democrat friends, it has already been demon- strated, will follow along with us in this program. To those obstructionists who refuse to do so and who persistently uphold the strategy of squandering, I have only this to say: The quicker you get in step the better it will be for you, for al’ of us and, most important of all, for the future welfare and safety of our great country. Gorizia, Soviet-Imperiled Outpost of Western Civilization EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROY 0. WOODRUFF OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. WOODRUFF. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ord, I include the following article by E. F. Tompkins, from the New York Jour- nal and American for March 23, 1947: Gorm1a—Sovist-ImPertLep OvtTPost or West- men Orvitmsation—ItaLy GatTrway Lixs Oren TO Rep INVASION (By &. F. Tompkins) Near Gorizia the tron curtaiu is a visible actuality. A1281 A few miles east of the city the Morgan Line—a temporary military line of demarca- tion—runs north and south through steep barren hilis. Where the line intersects the primitive tortuous highways, road blocks have been set up: and at these points the totalitarian east confronts the democratic west in ware Hke manner. For here, at Gorizia, is one or the world’s most strategic spots, a spot so important in history and in world politics that our mili- tary government in Europe has put one of our most formidable combat organizations on guard. In Venezia Giulia, the Eighty-eighth Divi- sion—the famous Blue Devils of the Italian campaign—remains on foreign duty. Commanded now by Maj. Gen. Bryant E. Moore, u veteran of the Pacific war who led the One Hundred and Sixty-fourth Infantry Regiment ashore at Guadalcanal, the Eighty- eighth holds 60 miles of the Morgan Line, which bisects the upper reaches of Venezia Giulia. GATEWAY TO ITALY In this often-embattied sector, Gorizia is ®& conqueror’s prize becnuse it provides a natural gateway into the Isonzo Valley and down through the Carso Passes into vulner- able Italy. Marshal Tito has attempted twice to ob- tain Gortzia for Yugoslavia—and for Soviet Russia. The first attempt was by invasion, toward the end of the late war. This effort failed when New Zealand troops reached beleaguered Trieste in time to re- ceive the surrender of its German garrison, while American troops were marching vic- toriously north into Austria NEXT TRIED BARTER Tito was compelled to accept the Morgan Line and to withdraw his advanced forces from Gorizia pending peace determinations, Tito'’s next attempt was by barter. Through Togliatti. the Italian Communist leader, he offered to forezo his claims to Trieste in return for a gift to him of Gorizia— a shrewd proposal which Italy rejected. Now, however, Soviet diplomacy is about to accomplish what Tito wus unable to achieve by either attack or guile. On February 10 four peace treaties were signed at Paris—with Italy, with Romania, with Bulgaria, and with Hungary. In terms of economic ‘enefits and of ter- ritorial advantages all of these treaties are diplomatic victories for Soviet Russia. The Italian treaty must also be reckoned as @ military triumph for communism. America has a peculiar interest in the Italian settlement: OUR WATCH ENDING First. With the ratification of this Paris agreement our watch in Venezia Giulia will come toanend. The Eighty-eighth Division is to be withdrawn and brought home in July. Second. While the ncgotiations were still in progress at Paris, the Italinn Premier, Alcide de Gasperi, visited Washington and obtained a loan of $100,000,000 for rehabilita- tion of his country And, by a strange coincidence, under the Paris treat; Soviet Russia is to collect from Italy a war indemnity of exactly $100,000,000. Third. The Perris treaty takes away from Italy and bestows upon Yugoslavia—Soviet Russia’s strongest communistic satellite—a large portion of the province of Venezia Glulia, dominating the entire eastern shore of the Adriatic Sea. This territorial cession delivers to com- munism virtually the whole Istrian Penin- sula, containing the ample ports of Pola and Flume, and makes Soviet Russia a Meditere ranean power. During the postwar period the disputed city of Trieste hus been administered as a
A1282 free sone under an American military gov- ernor, Col. A. C. Bowman, of Los Trieste, and a narrow surrounding strip, will remain free—but under the direction of a European governor—and will at best exist as a mere enclave inside the new Yugoslav borders, subject to Communist intrigue and infiltration and—the non-Communist popu- lation fears—political kidnapings and terror- ism, Regarding the brief period of Tito's ascendancy in Venezia Giulia, a semiofiicial document says: “It is believed that there were at least 8,000 persons arrested in Trieste and deported to Yugoslavia and that nothing has been heard of them since. “In Gorizia there were about 2,000 ar- rested, 1.800 of whose whereabouts is still ugh the inland center of Gorizia continues under the Italian flag, it will be surrounded on three sides by Yugo- slav acquisitions cutting into its closest environs, In fact, Gorizia is dependent for ita life upon a reservoir and two hydroelectric plants from which it draws all of its electric- ity and three-fourths of its water supply, and which will be in Yugoslav territory. Finally, Italy is to have an army limited to 180,000 men, with a small fighter air force, while there is no limitation upon either Yugoslav or Soviet armaments. A Communist invasion of Italy would be undertaken by way of Goriaia. And Tito has Red allies on Italian soil. Today, by virtue of the treaty signed at Paris, a new dark age looms behind the same horizon—the dark age of aggressive com- munism, Central Valley EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mrs. DOYGLAS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orn, I include the second half of the-ad- dress of Dr. Paul 8. Taylor on the Cen- tral Valley, given on January 28, 1947, in Los Angeles, Calif., under the auspices of the Los Angeles League of Women Voters. The first half of the speech appears in the Appendix of the ConcRESSIONAL REc- orp at page A1l265. Just how generous to private landowners is this reclamation law? The Bureau of Rec- lamation has prepared figures. Let us look, for example, at class I irrigation water to be supplied from Fkriant-Kern Canal to the southern San Joaquin Valley. The water rate which {t is proposed that users shall pay is $3.50 per acre-foot. What would that rate have to be if the landown- ers were not given the special benefits and subsidies of the reclamation law, but were charged for water on commercial terms? The answer is, they would be obliged to pay 614 per acre-foot, or $10.50 more per acre- foot than the proposed rate of 83.50 per acre- foot. Without public assistance such as the reclamation law provides, the lands of the southern San Joaquin Valley would go with- out the water which they need. In order not to weary you with the details of this document and explain this conclu- sion, I refer those of you who may wish to procure and examine. them, to mento. office of the Bureau of Reclamation, which will supply them upon request. I want, nevertheless, to present a couple of computations, made from those Bureau fig- ures, which show how much the public asstst- ance extended through reclamation law Means to landowners in the soutNern San Joaquin Valley. For convenience, I round to an even $10 the differential between the 63.50 proposed rate and the $14 rate which would be necessary if reclamation special benefits and subsidies were removed. First example: What this means to the holder of 160 acres. (A) If he needs only supplementary. water in order to eke out what he already has, say he needs one acre-foot per annum, then the measure of this public assistance to him is $10 times 160, or $1,600 per annum. Not $1,600 once, but $1,600 per annum beyond what he is asked to pay. (B) If he uses a full water supply from the project, say 2% acre-feet per annum, then the measure of these benefits, beyond what he is asked to pay for them, is $25 times 160, or 64,000 per annum, (C) Tf 820 acres is allowed for man and wife, as present interpretation permits, then these figures must be doubled, to $3,200 if supplementary water only is taken, and to $8,000 per annum if a full supply is used. Some landholders are not satisfied with this amount of assistance, ranging in value from $1,600 to $8,000 per annum, that is, year after year. They want us to repeal the Umitation that holds them down to such a minimum, which to another citizen might look like the pot of gold at the end of the rainbow. If repeal should win, the only limitation to the amount of the assistance that landown- ers can get, beyond what they pay for, will be the amount of land which they hold and to which they can persuade Congress to bring water. Let us see what that would mean to some people. In Tulare and Kern Counties and the Tulare Lake Basin, some 20 landowners own about 360,000 acres of irrigable land. Assuming supplemental water only, and assuming that they take water for their entire acreage, to repeal the acreage limitation would secure to these landowners public assistance valued at §3.- 600,000 per annum. Assuming full water supply, the value of the assistance which repeal would confer upon them would be $8,000,000 per annum; $8,000,000 year after year. The demand for repeal is, in effect, a de- mand for a legal right to receive assistance on this scale from the public. It is the pres- ent responsibility of the Congress, before the American people, to make up its mind whether this demand is reasonable or un- reasonable, whether it is a proper extension of the strong arm of public help to tts needy and deserving citizens or whether it is a raid upon the public purse by special inter- ests, There are veterans to think of, too. Some veterans—and other citizens as well—are qualified to farm, but can’t find land on which to do it. The cover of Life magazine on the twentieth of this month bears the photograph of a homesteading veteran and his family. That veteran was one of 1,500 who applied, and who met the rigid experi- ence, and financial, and other qualifications for a land opening of only 86 farms in the northern part of this State. The inevitable lot of more than 1,400 veterans and their families in that land opening was disap- pointment. During the month of November the California Department of Veterans’ Af- fairs made only 9 loans for farm pur- chases, The citizens of California voted $100,000,000 more for veterans’ loans early in the same month, and the GI bill of rights, too, has loan provisions; but where, if we repeal acreage limitation, are the farms for APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD them. to purchase with the meney? Neither repeal nor any other general relaxation of the established acreage limitation can be conceded except at the expense of veterans and of other qualified citizens who want to farm. When we bring water to the lands of Cen- tral Valley, we lay the foundations of the valley of the future. This is true whether the water is used to shore up existing de- velopments with supplemental water, or to provide total supplies where now there are none. To a degree, it is in our power to choose now what that future shall be The Senate Small Business Committee recently published of two valley communities, the one community, Arvin, based upon large- scale farms, the other community, Dinuba, based upon the smaller farms of working farmers. That study indicates the nature of the choices which face us. The dollar value of agricultural production supporting each of these communities ia practically the same, and otherwise they are fairly com- parable. ‘The alternatives revealed by the study are briefly these: 1. The proportion of the business and pro- fessional classes was found to be twice as great in Dinuba. the working farmers’ com- munity, as in Arvin, the industrialized farm community. 2. The proportion of independent farmers was three times as great. 8. The proportion of farm laborers, gener- ally insecure and landless, was less then haif in Dinuba what it was in Arvin. In Arvin, two-thirds of all gainfully employed persons were laborers of that class. 4. Dinuba farms supported a larger popu- lation, and at a higher standard of living. 5. Dinuba supported many more business establishments than Arvin. 6. Dinuba’s retail businessmen did a vol- ume of business 61 percent greater than those of Arvin. In which type of community would you prefer to go into business, to teach school, to practice your profession, to farm, to settle down and raise a family? [If you prefer more balanced, stable communities, your choice logically must be to maintain acreage limita- tion on the lands of Central Valley. The effort to repeal acreage limitation be- gan in 1905, disappeared from public view, then reappeared afew years ago. This is not the first round. Its persistence, together with such strength as it musters, is to be ex- plained primarily by two facta. The first of these is the motive of large landholdings in the valley. with great advantages to a few as the prize to be gained from repeal. The second explanation is that very few people have fully understood the situation. The manner of conducting the campaign for re- peal has been generally more conducive to confusion and bewilderment than to clarifi- cation. Of course, I do not refer to the speaker who is to follow me, for I have never heard him present his reasons for repeal, and what I say in this respect doubtless does not apply personally to him. But the campaign for repeal is not new, and the record of its arguments is sufficiently extensive to afford a fair basis for generalization. Curtously, there seems to be a tendency in arguments for repeal to cite as facts instances which are either exceptions to the general rule (but not the kind of exceptions which prove it), or else turn out to be the reverse of the truth. Sometimes when the facts cited are true, the conclusion drawn is one which simply does not follow: May I give a few examples from the record of current con- troversy? Argument No. 1 runs something like this: It is entirely inappropriate to apply acreage limitation to the Central Valley because there are no public lands in the valley, all of its lands are privately owned.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The fact is true, but the conclusion does not follow. The only reason Congress ever had for passing acreage limitations is be- cause among the lands to be benefited by public expenditures were private lands. The provision applies, and was intended to apply to private lands only. Argument No 2: Reclamation law, includ- ing acreage limitation, applies properly only to lands which are totally reclaimed by Fed- eral aid; it is unsuited to privately developed lands needing only supplemental water The purpose of the original reclamation law was just the contrary, viz, first to provide supplementary water to imperiled communt- ties of private Jandholders; then, if more wa- ter was available, to provide a full supply to other lands, either public or private. The equities of those who have developed their lands as far as they can, but need help to bring supplemental water are amply pro- tected by the reclamation law. If the pri- vately developed lands don't need Federal help, naturally they don't come under the project and under the reclamation law. Argument No. 8: The Federal Government is interfering with local affairs, dictating the way our valley should be run. The truth is, the legislature long ago passed a statute for the purpose of enabling California irrigation districts to make con- tracts with the Federal Government in ac- cord with reclamation law, which includes acreage limitation of course. In 1933 the voters of California were told that the Fed- eral Government would help to develop the Central Valley, and they voted for it. Rec- lamation appropriations have been made repeatedly for dams and canals in the Valley; they were hardly foisted upon the represent- atives of large landholders. Argument No. 4: One hundred and sixty acres is too small for a family farm, especially in dairying. This argument, be it notcd, is used to support a complete repeal, not some “reasonable adjustment” for hard cases, if such exist. The fact ts, that organized dairymen in the valley representative of family dairies, oppose repeal, perhaps be- cause they fcar that repeal would mainly favor their corporate competitors. Argument No. 5: Land monopolies will break up naturally, but ought not to be “legislated” into doing so. However true it is that some large landholdings, left to them- selves, do subdivide, it ts equally truce that others do not; also that smaller holdings sometimes are combined to make larger hold- ings. People who live in the valley are thoroughly familar with reports of the pur- chase of thousand-acre vineyards by whiskey distillers during war years, and of the 1946 purchase of a 64,000-acre block by a corpora- tion reputed to be the world’s largest cotton factors. Acreage limitation is only for those holdings which have failed to subdivide. Argument No. 6: The law is unenforceable; landowners will simply put down pumps and draw to the surface the water supplied to underground reservoirs by the _ project, peither paying for the water nor obeying the aw. Defiance of law seldom is recognized as a good reason for repealing it; especially when the law confers so many benefits, and when the attempt at repeal applies only to that part of the law which the beneficiaries don't like. Maybe the law is enforceable; the per- sistence of the effort to repeal acreage limita- tion seems to belie the assertion that it can't be enforced. Argument No. 7 strikes an ethical note. The United Press reports a declaration from & valley Congressman last month that the Government has no “moral right to lay down the conditions under which that (water) service is rendered.” To a private citizen the truth appears to be the reverse of the declaration: Congress has no moral right to spend the people's money unless it does lay down the condi- tions under which public service is to be rendered. Argument No. 8 offers ethical reinforce- ment to No, 7. The Government is said to without “moral right" maintain the rec- lamation law especially “since the Central Valley project works were constructed with tax money collected in part at least from those to whom the benefits of the project would be denied.” What this argument seers to menn is, if a taxpayer pays some- thing toward a project and is fortunate enough to get something back in direct bene- fits, he is morally entitled to all he can get. Of course taxpayers in New York, or even in Los Angeles, who contribute some tax money to Central Valley but receive no direct bene- fit, will see little moral force in the argu- ment und no logic at all. Many people will think 1t strange to apply a hard word like “denial,” and a stigma of immorality to the effort of the Government to maintain some reasonable ceiling on private receipt of bene- fits trom public appropriations. To say how the public moneys and benefits shall be distributed, to say how the natural resources of a region shall be used, and under what conditions. to lay out main lines upon whicr communities can grow in size and health in the future—thcse are elementary responsinilities for the general welfare which no government can escape. Acreage limitation had been hammered out in the public debates of a decade when first it was inscribed on the statute books. It has remained there ever since, the approved and reapproved instrument by which Congress discharges its responsibilities. If now, at the insistent demand of special intcrests we should repeal acreage Nmitation in the Cen- tral Valley, neither those from whom we have received a heritage of national land policy, nor those fo: whose future com- munities we set the patterns and lay the foundations, will be able to judge our deci- sion except harshly and with regret. Song of a 1947 Shirt EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mrs. DOUGLAS. Mr. Speaker, that classical poem, The Song of the Shirt, by Thomas Hood, has for many years stood as the best description in litera- ture of what we now describe as sweat- shop employment does to human be- ings. Until very recently it was still a fairly general condition to find sweat- shop conditions obtaining in the manu- facture of that standard article of clothing—a man’s shirt. Not only were the workers who made the shirt paid substandard wages, but the cotton-tex- tile workers who wove the fabric from which the garment was cut and sewn received equally deplorable wages. During the war years the simple white shirt, so essential to the average urban worker employed in a store or office, almost disappeared from sale. This was due to a determination on the part of the manufacturers to avoid price regulations, The old-fashioned shirt A1283 was revamped slightly, called a sport shirt and sold at exorbitant prices. Perhaps the most frequent gripe among the average male citizens during the war years and the recent postwar period was the absence of a straightforward shirt at a standard price within the means of the ordinary run of people. Within the past few days a nationally known labor research exyert has made some most interesting statistical calcu- lations on what has happened to costs, wares, and prices of men’s shirts since 1959. An article on this subject ap- pears in the current issue of Textile Labor, organ of the Textile Workers Union of America, based on data sup- Plicd by Solomon Barkin, direcior of research of that organization. This article is as follows: Song or a 1947 Srmr—Pricr Gots Up $2.30, Cotton WorkKers Ger 7 CENTS A white combed broadcloth shirt which cost a man 61.66 in 1939 now sells for $3.95. This is the sort of inflation for which unions are taking the rap in the public press. The rise in price is familiar to everyone, in- cluding workers. But a mere price compari- s0n doesn’t show who's getting the money, While the consumer is paying 62.30 more for his shirt, cotton textile workers are get- ting only 7 cents more, incliding both those who make gray goods and those in the finishing mill. In 1939, thcir share was 4.3 cents; now, assuming a further increase in New England finishing mills, it’s esti- mated at 11.4 cents. NOT IN WAGES Few would begrudge a rise in the histori- cally low wages of the cotton worker from an average of 47 cents to $1.08 an hour. But this dvesn't explain the high price of shirts, The finishcd. combed broadcloth (136x60, four yards a pound) now sells after bleach- ing and sanforizing for 50.5 cents a yard, against 11.8 cents in 1939. Cotton cost is up from 4.3 cents to 12.2 cents; gray mill labor cost from 3.86 cents to 10.37 cents, according to accounts of six cotton mills. As a result the menufacturer's margin for all other costs has leaped from 1.64 cents to 20.4 cents. Though his other costs have also risen, this great difference leaves plenty of room for profit, as current annual state- ments of cotton firms prove. A good clue is the old OPA price of 96 cents for gray goods, based on cotton at 36.5 cents a pound Cotton has dropped, but gray goods has risen 11 cents a yard. To return to the 1939 comparison—the finishing charge was then 2 ccnts a yard; it’s now 7.5 cents. The labor cost was then 0.4 cents; with a new wage incrense now being negotiated, it’s now about one cent. Thus the finisher’s margin is up from 1.6 cents to 6.6 cents, enough to allow a dramatic rise in profits. TRICK PERCENTAGE The finished cloth in 1939, costing 11.8 cents, was converted into a shirt selling wholesale for 99 cents. The present 50.5 cent fabric goes into a shirt priced at $2.375 wholesale. The direct factory labor costs has gone from 32 cents to 65 cents a shirt. Thus the manufacturer’s margin, exclu- sive of direct labor and material (there were 1.25 yards of fabric in a 1939 shirt; todny’s contains only 1.18), was 62.2 cents in 1939; today it’s a luxurious $1.129 At the retail level, the old mark-up of 40 percent of final price still prevails. But while this brought the retailer 66 cents in 1989, it brings him $1.575 now—or nearly as much as the whole garment cost in 1939.
A1284 The Austrian Struggle EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROY 0. WOODRUFF - OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. WOODRUFF. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by E. F. Tompkins from the New York Jour- nal and American of March 24, 1947: THE AUSTRIAN STRUGGLE—SOVIET RUSSIA'S PRO- GRAM OF ECONOMIC CONQUEST (By E. F. Tompkins) When the Moscow Conference was called to formulate a German peace, the battle for Austria entered its third—and perhaps de- cisive—phase. The first, or military, phase was undoubt- edly a great disappointment to Soviet Rus- sia, made so by the rapid advance of Ameri- can troops through Italy and Bavaria in the fateful months of 1945. Following roughly the course of the Otto- man Turks centuries earlier, the Red armies had plowed their sanguinary way across Rumania, Bulgaria, and Hungary, and had accomplished a feat never before attained by conquerors from the East. They had captured the voluptuous city of Vienna after a destructive siege, and had set up a puppet provisional government over the subjugated Austrians. Then the arrival of the swift-marching Americans abruptly changed the aspect of affairs. As in the closely related case of Germany, Austria was divided into four zones under American, British, French, and Russian Mili- tary Governments; and Vienna became, like Berlin, an isolated enclave in the Russian zone, with each of the four powers holding an urban district. Supervised elections were conducted, and & coalition government replaced the Rus- sian puppet authority to fulfill the mandates of the occupying nations under an Allied Control Commission. With this distribution of responsibility and authority following the cessation of com- bat, the military phase ended and the sec- ond, or economic, phase of the Austrian con- test began—a contest, in its political impli- cations, not unlike that in Venezia Giulia, where Yugoslavia, as a Russian satellite, sought and has evidently gained large stra- tegic territorial acquisitions at the expense of defeated Italy. Undisclosed developments of history, and even the fate of occidental civilization, may turn upon these events. For if Soviet Russia can dominate Austria, as continguous Hungary and the adjacent Balkans are now dominated, militant com- munism will have an unbroken and unde- fended invasion route in western Europe, just as Gorizia provides an unlocked gate- way looking south below the Alps. The nature of the Austrian economic con- flict is unmistakable. A long series of obstructive or aggressive Russian actions plainly defines the Russian policy. It is a contest of Russia against America and Britain, for the eventual mastery of a continent, in which Russia ruthlessly and unscruplously utilizes any weapon in the economic, social, and political categories. This type of warfare appeared earliest in aviation. The American forces of occupation, as they moved into Austria, required an airfield in the vicinity of Vienna, and sent a mission in June 1945 to make inspections and recom. mendations. The Soviet element arbitrarily debarred our representatives from the east side of the Danube River, and Tulln on the west side was chosen as our Viennese base. At Russian insistence, non-Russian planes (both English and American included) were restricted to a narrow corridor along the Danube, involving serious and hampering weather and mechanical hazards. American flights east of Austria may not now extend beyond Budapest in Hungary or Prague in Czechoslovakia, are confined to corridors prescribed by the Russians, and must have Soviet approval. Meanwhile, on at least six recorded occa- sions, United States Army planes have been “buzzed” or “trailed” or fired upon by Soviet planes: and on one occasion Soviet fighter aircraft engaged in target practice over the United States Army base at Tulln. Similar “incidents” in Yugoslavia, where Marshal Tito’s men shot down unarmed American transports, killing several Ameri- can soldiers, were definitely a part of the Russian tactic of obstruction and attempted intimidation in Austria. Furthermore, in the supposedly “liberated” countries of Hungary, Poland, and the Bal- Kans, civil aviation has become a Russian monopoly, totally excluding Soviet Russia’s allies. Hunger is also being inflicted and exploited in Austria by Soviet Russia as a political in- strument. Austria as a whole has been on a slow- starvation basis ever since the fall of Vienna. Millions of people, including at one time more than 700,000 displaced persons, have been kept precariously alive by food ship- ments from the western allies—chiefly from the United States. Soviet Russia was in a better position than any other country to contribute immediately, if not immensely, toward famine relief measures. In the division of Austria, Russia occupies the only important food-producing areas— Lower Austria and Burgenland, both in the east. But not only has Russia failed all along to assume a fair and relatively easy share of the postwar burden: her inhumane govern- ment has actually magnified the difficulties, and intentionally increased the misery of the Austrian population in the non-Russian zones, by deliberately withholding or con- fiscating available Austrian food supplies. Besides quartering and feeding large num- bers of Red troops in their zone, and sending foodstuffs out of starving Austria into Rus- sia, the Soviets have restricted or cut off en- tirely the transfer of food to the other Allied zones and have seized large domains of arable land for their own use next year and after- ward, Postwar looting and the lawless expropria- tion of industrial properties have been an- other Soviet aggression practiced on an enor- mous scale in Austria. At the close of hostilities in 1945 the Rus- sians removed from Austria as war booty $435,000,000 worth of capital goods. Since then, under her own interpretation of an ambiguous Nazi-ownership clause in the Potsdam agreement—an interpretation rejected as false and unconscionable by the representatives of the other Allies—Soviet Russia demands outright and perpetual title to some 80 percent of all Austrian industry as war reparations—and the Moscow Peace Conference has to deal with this unilateral issue on the diplomatic level. By reason in part of Russia’s robber-baron tactics, the United States forces in Austria are compelled to import fuel oil and gasoline, as well as food, for their own essential uses. Russia has prevented the recovery of coal mining in east Austria and has embargoed the importation of coal from Poland, even during one of the coldest European winters in decades, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Rail and water transportation is also de- moralized by Russian aggression and ag- grandizement in Austria. By an Allied agreement, the railroads were to be Austrian operated, with Allied super- vision, during the military occupation, and te be restored to full legal ownership there- ter. Russia has insisted upon retention of nu- merous controls, besides seeking undeter- mined quantities of rolling stock to be con- veyed to the Soviets as reparations under the vague Nazi-ownership clause of Potsdam. There is also the Danube, the historic life line of a vast region of Europe, now blocked to traffic by navigational difficulties existing only in the Russian section. The Soviets, it is officially noted, control the ontire Danube with the exception of Aus- tria and are seeking to extend their control over the entire river. In Communist theory, inflation was desig- nated by Marx‘and Lenin as a revolutionary implement to extirpate the middle classes and bring on a dictatorship of the proletariat. And there is no device that imposes more hardships upon a people. Wherever the Red armies have penetrated to the west, the Russians have resorted to inflation. By combining astronomical military ex- penditures with unlimited issues of flat paper currency, Russian manipulations destroyed the Hungarian pengo—and thereby almost destroyed the shaken postwar Hungarian economy. The same strategem in Austria was thwarted only by resolute counteraction by Gen. Mark W. Clark, the American military governor, in one of many of desperate con- troversies with our Russian allies. On the human side, the Austrian prison- ers-of-war question remains unsettled. Except in Germany, the accumulated problems of Austria, awaiting settlements of peace, are without parallel. And a democratic flasco at Moscow—in the third phase of the battle for Austria—will merely confirm a Communist victory on the Danube. In all probability, if the course of bolshe- vism in central Europe is not stopped in Austria, it will not be stopped at all east of Cherbourg and Gibraltar, and a Communist Europe will front westward across the At- lantic. The Development of Natural Resources— The Coming Technological Revolution on the Land EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BEN F. JENSEN OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. JENSEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following article by H. H. Bennett, Chief of the Soil Conser- vation Service, United States Depart- ment of Agriculture, presented at a dis- cussion on engineering and human af- fairs at the Princeton University Bicen- tennial Conference, October 2, 1946: THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES—THE COMING TECHNOLOGICAL REVOLUTION ON THE LAND (By H. H. Bennett, Chief, Soil Conservation Service, U. 8. Department of Agriculture) Productive land is unlike any other nat- ural resource, It is characterized by the ele-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment of life placed by nature in the thin mantle of fruitful soil occurring over a limited portion of the earth's surface. It is this life-producing quality that makes some lands productive, and it’s the absence of this quality that makes some barren. Productive land 1s further differentiated from other natural resources in that it must be maintained and used simultaneously. That is, it must be kept intact while in use. All other natural resources, with very few exceptions, must be taken from the earth— separated-from it—in order to be used by man. The exceptions are certain forms of wildlife and those natural areas which, be- cause of their aesthetic values, are kept in their original state. Productive land is much more limited than commonly has been supposed. It occurs only on the surface of the earth, and only on part of this surface. It is not permanent, Once the fertile topsoil is washed or blown away, it cannot be restored or replaced in any practical way for generations. And what is left—subsoil—usually is far less produc~ tive, or sterile, and less stable. There are no undiscovered reserves o* productive land of any substantial area. We cannot dig deeper into the carth and find new productive soil. We cannot pump it from wells, plant it with seeds, or dig it from mines. We must keep what we have or do without, for when soil has been washed or blown into the oceans it is not recover- able. Assorted residues of sand and gravel left stranded along streamways are of small value. Productive land is the only natural re- source without which we cannot live. We are completely dependent on it for the food we eat, except fish. We also depend on it for a very large share of our clothing and shclter. We cannot get enough to feed ourselves or provide our clothing from the oceans. On any large scale, hydroponics would be utterly impractical. We might conceivably turn sometime to some form of synthetic food, as pills, plus a roughage. This appears to be a fantastic extreme, still far away. And likely, it it ever comes, it will be decidedly unpopu- ar. To protect our source of food, then the only sensible, practical thing to do is to pro- tect the productive land we now have. There is no doubt about the need for pro- tecting productive land. Year after year, for generations, man has been steadily engaged in ruining millions and millions of acres of this basic resource. Every hard rain falling on ‘unprotected, cultivated, or overgrazed slop- ing land washes additional tons of soil down- slope, downstream, intc the rivera, reservoirs, and oceans. Then it is lost. There ts no prac- tical way of bringing it back. And every hard wind, blowing across bare, dry soil, whether sloping or level, adds to the damage. Wind lifts the fine soil particles into the air and often develops huge dust storms that de- structively scatter the substance of the land. What is left behind, frequently, is infertile shifting sand that smothers out vegetation on neighboring good land. When the world was younger and our pop- ulation much smaller, we could perhaps stand such waste. Thet time is past. It is not defeatism to say the world is fast ma- turing and must assume now a mature re- sponsibility for its resources. It is not lim- iting the horizons of the future to say that land exploitation must stop. It is simply a matter of common s6.18e and self-preserva- tion. Besides saving soll and water—the two go together—soil conservation results in increased yields per acre. It is also easier and cheaper to farm on the contour than up and down hill, Today, throughout our world, there are only about 4,000,000,000 acres of immediately arable land left. Not all of this land is good. The productivity of a yreat deal of it is only fair to medium. Some of it is poor. Yet we must count on all of i+ W feed a population reported to be tn excess of two billion, and still increasing. World-wide, we are already face to face with a shortage of good land. The United States is somewhat better off, from the standpoint of productive land, than most nations. Even though we have ruined more good land in less time, than any other nation in recorded history, we had the ad- vantage of an unprecedented supply to begin with. Now we have little margin left. We still have enough productive land if we take care of it. We cannot hope to maintain our present standard of living if we lose much more; eventually if the losses should con- tinue, the natlon would suffer even more seriously. There are about 460,000,000 acres of really good high-class cropland left in the United States. This includes, in addition to that now in crops, about 100,000,000 acres that need drainage, irrigation, clearing, or other improvements. This is all that is available for cropping purposes. And all but about 70,000,000 of this 460,000,000 acres of high- grade land is subject to erosion if it is not protected. We have no reason for compla- cence. Our record shows that we have ruined, for further practical cultivation, about one-fifth of our original area of tillable land. A third of what remains has already been badly damaged. Another third is highly vulner- able. And the erosion process is still going on. How did we get into this predicament? Why was this allowed to happen? Why didn’t you hear about it sooner? There are a number of reasons, but prob- ably seven muin ones. First. We began losing land to erosion when the world was still young. Those were the days when there was always more land—a great deal more land—just over the hill or across the ocean. People came to regard land as Umitless and inexhaustible. This decep- tive idea persisted as time went by and it was probably not until the United States was set- tled all the way to the Pacific coast that people began to have any real doubts about the myth of land plenty. Second. The apparent abundance of good land for s0 many generations gave rise to a careless and prodigal attitude. There was nothing of any compelling nature to cause a landowner to take care of his land or have concern about maintaining its productivity. New land somewhere could almost always be had. Third. In modern times the leaders of thought and nations—and nearly everybody else—too often have had little or no personal knowledge or understanding of the land. They have been trained in the law, finance, philosophy, administration, military science, economics, education, or some field other than agriculture—and especially that part of agriculture having to do with maintenance of the base, meaning the land. With few ex- ceptions they have had neither the incentive nor the training to look at the landscape around them and understand what was hap- pening. The ancient and unchallenged myth of land plenty came down to: them, too, through the ages, and was accepted as truth. Fourth, Too much of the land traditionally has been in the hands of the untutored and the inept. In very recent years, and in @ very few countries, this situation has been changing, fortunately, for the better. How- ever, over most of the world, land 1s still be- ing used by men with little specialized or adequate training for the job. Too many land users have operated on a trial-and- error basis and have becn influenced pre- dominantly by habits handed down from the past, whether good or bad. Some have placed greater faith in superstition than in science. Under the names of peasant, farmer, rustic, and country fellow these in- dividuals have been synonymous, for genera- tions, with all that is naive, uneducated, and A1285 backward. Possessed frequently of such vir- tues as thrift and diligence, they have never- theless often assumed a scornful attitude toward education and the educated. And too often the farm has been the last resort to which men, unsuccessful in other fields, have turned. In short, the most precious natural resources on earth in too many places has habitually been in the charge of those who have had no greater qualifications for the trusteeship than the coincidence of in- heritance or birth on the land. Fifth. Too few farms have produced sur- plus capital for the owner over a period of years. On the contrary, the farm often has been no better than a marginal or subsist- ence enterprise. Even in the United States, the farmer rarely has had the personal re- sources to undertake research or seek out technological improvements. He has gen- erally been almost wholly dependent on out- side help, from Government or private cor- poration, to provide him with improvements ‘in machinery, materials, and met)ods. Sixth. Our agricultural scientists failed completely, over bygone years, to recognize land for what it is—an impermanent and complex resource. They considered soil per- manent and synonymous with land. As @ result of this mistake, both agriculture and the land suffered. Soil is but one part of land. For all practical purposes, land must be regarded in terms of all its component parts of soil, slope, climate, and suscepti- bility to erosion. The early scientists largely ignored erosion, paid little attention to slope, called the weather inevitable, and took soil samples right and left. In the main, how- ever, agricultural science was not grcatly concerned about the land at all. In largo degree, it was more interestcd in the health and breeding of livestock, improvement in strains of grasses, legumes, grains, and fibers; and in modernization of machinery and equipment. All of this was bencficial but it did neglect the capital stock of agriculture and the source of production—the land itself. Seventh. In agriculture as in other en- terprises we often have waited until we are sick before we call the doctor. There is an element of human nature about this and it has operated on the land. We didn't practice preventive medicine. Now we must try to cure a malady—erosion—that has gotten into our system and weakened us. So much for history. There is little to be gained by a review of past shortcomings ex- cept as it will help us avoid similar pitfalls in the future. Today we are profiting from the lessons of the past. We know now: 1. That productive land is neither limit- leas nor inexhaustible. On the contrary, we have learned that the aren of productive land is steadily: shrinking before the onslaught of erosion. 2. That land must be expertly cared for, if it 1s to be maintained in a productive state. 8. That productive land must assume an ever more prominent position in the think- ing of the people and their leaders. As the source of food for all people, rural and ur- ban, it must have the regular, intelligent consideration that such indispensable wealth merits. 4. That since society as a whole depends absolutely on the produce of the land for its present and future existence, society as a whole must share in the responsibility and cost of maintaining land in a productive state. The individual landowner or opera- tor has neither the resources nor the ability to carry the burden alone—and he has con- trol only for a life time. 6. That science must inevitably devote an increasing share of its attention to the problems of maintaining the substance and improving the yield or productive land. 6. That action fs imperative. Time is run- ning out between the impending pincers of
A1286 an increasing population and a dwindling area of productive land. 7. That the technological key to future consideration of land development is scien- tific analysis of each parcel of land of any important extent to determine: A. The type of production for which it is best suited, physically, and economically, as between row crops, forage, trees, grain, or wildlife; and B. The conservation measures, such as ter- racing, strip cropping, and contouring, neces- sary to maintain it in a permanently produc- tive state under maximum use. 8. That practical treatment must be based on this analysis—the character of the land and its needs. All lands are not the same. They vary widely from place to place and even on parts of the same farm or field. Every variation in the combination of soll, slope, climate, and susceptibility to erosion means & varia- tion in the use and treatment necessary to keep the land permanently productive. Thus engineering measures are used to sup- plement agronomic and fertility measures wherever necessary, and vice versa, accord- ing to need, adaptability, and economic lim- itations, This is the basic principle underlying the new land technology developed in the United States during the past 14 years by the Soil Conservation Service (first called Soi] Erosion Bervice). It is being applied to an ever in- creasing area of land by American farmers, acting with the assistance of Service techni- cians. By the middle of 1047, more than 100,000,000 acres in all parts of the United States will be farmed in this modern con- servation way. That is, each of the 100,000,- 000 acres or more will be used according to its individual capabilities and will be treated according to its conservation needs. In the United States land technology 1s spreading through a new democratic device known as the soil-conservation district. The district is a subdivision of State government, brought into being by a process of referen- dum among the landowners and operators involved. In practical application it is a legal organization of landowners and opera- tors within a designated area for the purpose of developing and carrying forward a mu- tually desirable program of soil and water conservation. Its principal advantages are in the encouragement of local initiative and in the greater strength that comes with organ- ized numbers—farmers and ranchers work- ing together. In soil conservation districts the farmers themselves decide what they want to do to improve their land and water resources, and how they want to go about doing it. Then they proceed along this course, working to- gether, and utilizing all the avatlable facili- ties and services they can command. In al- most every instance districts are obtaining guidance from the Soil Conserva- tion Service. On August 15 there were more than 1,670 districts in the United States voluntarily voted into existence by the farmers them- selves. These districts encompassed more than 900,000,000 acres and approximately 4,000,000 farms. Farmers are continuing to organize districts at the rate of approximately 25 a month. Although democratic soil conservation dis- tricts are being employed in the United States to further the application of land technology, other nations may choose to utilize other means. A number, however, have adopted the soil-conservation-district method—as the Union of South Africa, Mexico, and part of Australia. In the long run, the overwhelming urge of mankind for survival will dictate that every remaining productive acre be handled in such a way that it will continue to pro- duce indefinMely. In the meantime, other factors are conrbining to speed up the appli- cation of technology to the land. From the standpoint of the individual and the Na- tion alike, the development and application of soil and water conservation technology (the tool of soil conservation science) is good business. It results in greater yields and greater returns per acre for the capital and labor expended. Moreover, it maintains or improves the basic strength and self-suffi- ciency of individual. and Nation. It prob- ably can prevent at least half the potential famines of the future. By increasing the per acre, per farm, and per Nation supply of food and fiber, con- servation technology can provide the basis for an improved standard of living and si- multaneously reduce the hunger and discon- tent among peoples, which so frequently leads to discord, dictatorships, and war. For these and other reasons, the applica- tion of land technology is certain to spread around the worilu, either voluntarily or by decree. By the year 1996, this world journey probably will be well advanced. By that year or before it will have accomplished changes in agriculture tantamount to a bene- fictal revolution on the land. Almost certainly productive land will have become a major factor in national and in- ternational deliberations. In all probability there would have been better international relationships if we had werked together more on ways and means of keeping land pro- ductive. Production in the agricultural areas of the world will be more diversified; there will be pronounced increases in the acreages devoted to livestock and trees. Agricultural production will be restored or improved in millions of communities throughout the world, solving in large meas- ure some of the most difficult problems of food distribution and human nutrition now confronting mankind. The nutritive value of food produced on land rich in the constituents of plant nutri- tion undoubtedly will be greater than that from impoverished land, which has been stripped of its topsoil by erosion, with every- thing the topsoil contains; available ele- ments of nutrition—both minor and major— all that man puts into the topsoil, and every- thing else. With so much eroded land around the earth, is there any wonder that malnu- trition and famine are so widespread? Development of land and water resources for agriculture—as by drainage or irriga- tion—will be governed primarily by factual, technological elements of land use and land maintenance rather than by promotional, exploitive, or political standards. And people will learn that it is easier— easier on machine, horse, and man—to farm according to conservation standards than to follow haphazard methods not fitted to the land. Less fuel and time, for example, are required to operate a machine on the level— on the contour—than up-and-down siopes, and there is less wear on the machine. The heavy costs of erosion—now running to ay Y €3,844,000,000 a yeargn the United States alone—will be sharply cut. Farming will become an expert profession; the inexpert and inept will be forced off the land. It is not impossible that the prospec- tive farmer of the future will be required to satisfy society that he is qualified by train- ing and experience to take on the trusteeship of a piece of productive land. Most important, man will have learned the true value of his most precious natural re- source—the land. Tragically, throughout history it has been the most neglected. On this job of safeguarding the land, thou- sands of farmers, in addition to various local, State, and Federal agencies, are vigorously pushing ahead with the work. Each individ- ual so engaged is a part of the biggest job, I think, in engineering and human affairs ever undertaken anywhere, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Conditions in Poland EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN J. ROONEY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, the fol- lowing article which is contained in today’s New York Herald Tribune is an appalling revelation of the shocking state of affairs in Poland under the pres- ent Communist regime. It is in my opinion the most convincing evidence to date of the fact that the so-called elec- tions held in that country last January were a farce, that they were not free as promised in the Yalta agreement, but were marked by coercion, intimidation, and violence. The valiant Polish people have always been known to the world as true lovers of freedom. I prophesy that there will never be peace in Europe with conditions:as they exist today in this Red puppet state. Something must be done promptly regarding the present tragedy of Poland and the plight of the Polish people who cannot return to their homeland under present conditions. Laws Resicns In Onper To TELL Po.isu TRAG- EDY—AMBASSADOR CALLS ELECTIONS A FARCE, TeL_ts TRUMAN He WILL SPEAK OPENLY (By Bert Andrews) WasHIncTon, March 25.—A Brooklyn-born career diplomat resigned today as Ambassa- dor to Poland so that he can speak out open- ly—and apparently with the consent and ap- proval of President Truman—about “the Present tragedy in Poland.” The man who thus interrupted 31 years of continuous service to America in the fleld of international relations was Arthur Bliss Lane, 53 years old, who last January 19 observed the “free and unfettered” elections in Poland and today called them a farce. Letters exchanged between President Tru- man and Mr. Lane were released today and were significant for these facts: First. Mr. Lane struck indirectly at Soviet Russia by asserting that the January elec- tions were not free, as required in the Yalta. Agreement, to which Russia was a signatory, and asserting that he wanted to be free to denounce them “withotit being hampered by @iplomatic convention.” Second. President Truman voiced appre- ciation of Mr. Lane’s efforts to “persuade the. Polish Provisional Government to fulfti ttr pledges with respect to the holding of free elections,” The President said: “I regret that your able presentation of the views of this Government did not achieve its purpose.” And he added: “While I appreciate the rea- sons which have prompted you to sever your connection (with the Foreign Service) I wish to assure you that I accept your resignation with great reluctance.” MAY TELL HIS STORY Third. The wording of the two letters thus indicated that Mr. Lane had asked for—and had received—a green light to go ahead and tell the American people everything that he, as an inside, authoritative observer, saw in Poland. Immediately after the news of Mr. Lane’s resignation was announced, there were sur- mises from men on Capitol Hill as to what the repercussions would be. One guess was that he will be called before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee or Mouse Foreign Affairs Committee soon to tell
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the legislators some of the things he told the President. Another was that his testimony may serve to silence some of the criticism heard on the Hill concerning the pending proposals to aid Greece and Turkey to bolster their Gov- ernments and keep them out of communism's domain. A third was that the President, as a rebuke to Poland, may delay appojntment of a suc- cessor to Mr. Lane or may appoint an indi- vidual who will be able to make it clear that the United States fully supports the views expressed by Mr. Lane. LANE'S LETTER It was learned tonight that Mr. Lane talked the whole matter over with President Tru- men least Friday and then submitted a formal letter of resignation which was answered formally today. The text of Mr. Lane's let- ter was: Marcn 21, 1947. My Dear Mg. PresivEnT: I have the honor to request you to be good enough to accept my resignation as American Ambassador to Po- land on the termination of my present period of consultation with the Department of State, that is, on March 31, 1947. My reasons for asking you to relieve me of the post with which I was entrusted by you and by President Roosevelt are the folllowing: My principal duty in Poland, outside of the protection of American interests, was under the terms of the Yalta decision, to report to my Government regarding conditions in Poland in connection with the elections which were held on January 19, 1947. As you know, these elections were not “free and unfettered” as the Polish provisional gov- ernment of national unity had previously pledged, in keeping with the Yalta and Pots- dam agreements. Quite the contrary, the preelection period was characterized by coer- cion, intimidation, and violence—thus ren- dering the elections a farce and indicating on the part of the Polish Government a cyn- ical disregard of its international obligations. Under the circumstances I feel that I can do far more for the cause of the relations be- tween peoples of the United States and Po- land if I should revert to the status of a private citizen and thus be enable to speak and write openly, without being hampered by diplomatic convention, regarding the present tragedy of Poland. May I take this occasion to express to you my gratitude for your unfailing support of my efforts, however unsuccessful, to per- suade the Polish authorities, in their own interest, to fulfill their solemn international obligations, I wish at the same time to assure you that my services are at your disposal, should you require them in the future. Believe me, my dear Mr. President, with great respect, Faithfully yours, ARTHUR BLIss LANE. PRESIDENT’S REPLY The text of the President's letter was: “Dear Me. Lange: I have received your letter of March 21, 1947, in which you sub- mit your resignation as American Ambassa- dor to Poland to take effect on March 81 of this year. “I am well aware of the difficulties which confronted you in the performance of your mission to Poland and appreciate the vigor- ous efforts which you made to persuade the Polish provisional government to fulfill its pledges with respect to the holding of free elections in Poland. I regret that your able presentation of the views of this Government did not achieve its purpose. “You have had a long and distinguished career in the American foreign service, and while I appreciate the reasons which have prompted you to sever your connection with that service at this time, I wish to assure you that I accept your resignation with great reluctance. In this connection J am pleased to note that I may feel free to call upon you should I require your services in the future, “Very sincerely yours, “Harry 8. TRUMAN.” Appropriations for Veterans’ Administration EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AUGUSTINE B. KELLEY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. KELLEY. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks in the REcorD, I am including a resolution from American Legion, Post 347, New Kensing- ton, Pa. This resolution is self-explana- tory and needs no further comment, ex- cept the observation that the vetcrans are considerably disturbed, and rightly so, over the proposed attempt to cut the appropriation for the Veterans’ Admin- istration. The resolution follows: AMERICAN LEGION, Post No. 347, New Kensington, Pa., March 14, 1947. Hon. Aucustinr B. KEe.iey. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: “Resolution “Whereas the present United States Con- gress proposes to cut the appropriations to the Veterans’ Administration for the fiscal year commencing on July 1, 1947; and “Whereas the contemplated reduction in the appropriations will immediately elimi- nate the Veterans’ Administration subregion- al offices and throw this load of operations back on the central offices now established; and “Whereas the hospitalization of all non- Service-connected cases would be adversely affected and cause untold suffering among the veterans of both World Wars; and “Whereas it is also proposed to reduce dis- ability allowances and compensation widows and orphans: . “Now, therefore, the American Legion, Post No. 347, New Kensington, Pa., by unanimous resolution, duly adopted at a meeting held on March 14, 1947, hereby urges you to uSe your best offices to the effect that the pres- ent appropriations to the Veterans Admin- istration be maintained and that any reduc- tions in the national budget shall not in any way whatsoever affect the said appro- priations.” Respectfully submitted. AmMERICAN LEGION, Post No. 847, New KENSINGTON, Pa. By Sipney L. Sitverman, Commander. The Star and Herald—an Outstanding Latin-American Newspaper EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRED L. CRAWFORD OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. CRAWFORD. Mr. Speaker, one of the outstanding newspapers of Latin A1287 America is the Star arfd Herald, of Pana- ma City, Republic of Panama. It is a modern, up-to-date, capably edited daily, with a circulation that extends widely through the countries of the American Continent. It is the oldest newspaper published in English on the west coast of the continent, north and south. Each day of its issue it is accompanied by its Spanish language counterpart, La Es- trella de Panama—the Star of Panama. On the 24th of February 1947 the Star and Herald celebrated its ninety-eighth anniversary, and 2 years later it will reach its one hundredth milestone. The Star and Herald, throughout, has ably served the Panama Canal project. and has done ever so much to build up and maintain cordial relations between the United States and the Panamanian Republic. For years, under the wise and effective guidance of T. Gabriel Duque, publisher, Gerald Z. Typaldos, general manager, and A. V. McGeachy, editor, this has been the especial policy of the paper; and the value of its efforts in this behalf cannot be overestimated. Also, it is to be noted, the Star and Herald is oriented aright on other great questions of intcrnationai import; as, for instance, communism. The red plague has been, with characteristic practices, infiltrating into various Latin-American countries; and, in some of them, has come to be a positive threat to peace and good order. In season, and out, the Star and Herald has cried aloud and spared not; and its editorial utterances, accord- ingly, have carried much weight at home and abroad. Because of its amazing vitality and its highly distinguished and useful career, as well as because of its attitude on the in- dicated subjects, I believe that the thanks of the people of the United States are due the Star and Herald. and its present efficient and statesmanlike staff. Also, our congratulations should be extended to the newspaper upon having attained its ninety-eighth birthday. Let us hope that it may long continue in the good work in which it has always been en- gaged. Subjoined are certain editorials re- cently appearing in the Star and Herald, which are self-explanatory; and they are herewith included as being altogether worthy of this further dissemination. {From the Panama City Star and Herald of February 24, 1947] WE ARE 98 TODAY Today the Star and Herald observes its ninety-eighth birthday. That an English- language newspaper should have survived for nigh unto a century in a Spanish-speaking country, is, indeed, something to talk about. It was already 55 ycars old when the Canal Zone came into being. Our paper has been published continu- ously since 1849, first as a weekly, then twice weekly, and thrice weekly, and since 1850 as a daily, with periodic slip-backs to the twice-weekly and thrice-weekly status when- ever the economic sledding got. too tough. But it has never been out of circulation, it has never been under suspension during the 98 years of its existence. The story of our paper has been told in these columns repeatedly. But it can stand repeating for the benefit of those newcomers who are always with us.
A1288 Our paper was ushered into the journal- istic world as the result of the restless ini- tiative and enterprise of three of those pio- neering men who flocked from the eastern United States to the wilds of California, at- tracted by the discovery of gold. It was born in the job department of the El Panamefio print shop, located on what is today known as Fourth Street, between Central and A Avenues, The El Panamefio was a Spanish-language weekly published by José Ange) Santos. In December 1850 the Star half of our paper started housekeeping for itself and established its own print shop on what is to- day Central Avenuc, between Cathedral Plaza and Fourth Street. In April 1851 the Herald half of our paper made its bow to the Isth- mian public as a weekly and subsequently was published twice weekly. The two papers were bitter adversaries— perhaps enemies—from the start. The men who started the Herald were employees of the Star and naturally the senior did not like the desertion because, among other things, it forced the Daily Star back into the three- times-a-week field. The owners of both papers were brothers. But early in 1853—during the latter part of April—the publishers of the two papers decided to bury the hatchet. One of the owners of the Star elected to return to the activities of political journalism in the southern United States. The owners of the Herald bought him out, the sale being effec- tive on the last day of April. After a 2-day suspension of the Star and the Herald, on May 2, 1854, the two papers, having merged their interests, decidcd also to merge their names, and on that date the first issue the Daily Star and Herald appeared and the two weeklies disappeared from the field. From February 1, 1853, our paper has never appeared without its Spanish-language twin—La MNstrella de Panama. During the period of the French canal con- struction efforts our paper appeared as a tri- lingual daily—in Spanish, English and French. But it lost its trilingual character- istic with the passing of the French interests on the Isthmus. Between 1854 and the year 1904 when the French canal interests passed into the hands of the United States Government, our paper was at times published twice weekly, or thrice weekly, or daily, in response to the pressure of the economic ups and downs of business on the Isthmus. Because it had its beginning in the Pan- ama ‘Star on February 24, 1840, the Star and Herald is the oldest English-language news- paper on the entire west coast of the Ameri- can Continent—north and south. Only the Alta California, of San Francisco, established in January, 1849, was older than the Panama Star. However, that paper ceased publica- tion long years ago, in the seventies, we believe. . Two years hence our paper will complete one century of uninterrupted publication at this crossroads of the world, and will strike out toward the second century. We are hoping that in 1949, we shall have with us the majority, if not all of our read- ers of today, to join with us in celebrating that one hundredth birthday. Here's hoping. {From the Panama City Star and Herald of January 25, 1947] UNITED STATES AROUSED AGAINST COMMUNISM The Communist menace in the United States has aroused the representative ele- ments of the Nation to the point, where the people are now beginning to sit up and take notice preparatory to doing something about activities of this dangerous group. The leaders of democracy in the Northern Republic are beginning to show apprehen- sion as to the ultimate effects on American democracy of the current unbridled com- munistic propaganda in all strata of na- tional life, and the bold invasion of numere ous important, though subordinate, posi- tions in the official and industrial life of the Nation by the apostles of communism. The realization is now dawning that these activi- ties, if not forcefully attacked now, will eventually destroy the concepts on which the entire structure of American freedoms rests. Representative Dirksen, Republican, of Tilinois, in a speech before the House Thurs- day, said that “human freedom is still the transcendental problem of the world. Its real enemy is red fascism, commonly known as communism.” Without doubt Representative Dirksen is right when he says that “human freedom is still the transcendental problem of the world.” Unfortunately, however, freedom cannot be imposed on those who are willing, nay, eager to remain spiritually enslaved. There are too many in the world today who prate loudly about sovereign freedoms, yet they refuse to be the sovereigns of their own souls which they seem pleased to con- sign blindly to slavery under an exotic and unproved utopian ideology which preaches and practices regimentation which is the exact antithesis of the individual, demo- cratic freedom on which our western civili- zation is based. These spiritual slaves of an alien master, have allowed skillfully planted and culti- vated prejudices and phobias to flourish in their slavish souls against the very system of freedom to which they are indebted for the right and privilege of thinking and speaking freely. They have become rene- gader from the decent life of democracy and have sold their heritage of freedom for a mess of Communistic pottage, though some undoubtedly have enjoyed the largesse of the Kremlin’s moguls. Some may be just “joiners” ever ready to sign up as a follower of every new-fangled notion spawned by the mental miscarriage of evil or diseased minds. These have been misled by their own folly. But there are others who thrive in their role as jackals feeding on the leavings of the lions of the Kremlin. Representative DmmkKsEN warns that this menace is -“spreading both abroad and at home” (in the United States) and adds that “developments in eastern Europe, France, Italy, Braztl, Chile, Mexico, and elsewhere, are only too eloquent on this point.” We can only hope that this warning will bring the people everywhere wide awake and to a full realization of the menace which has been with us for a long, long time. It is to be hoped that the warning will not be limited to words, but that action will be taken. Action to stamp out the threat, and action to cure the social evils which pro- vide the fertile soil in which these destructive ideas flourish. There must be action also which will remove all susceptibilities among the masses to stop and listen to the siren song of the sworn enemies of democracy. Democracy must be made a living reality for all men, rich and poor,the exalted and the lowly. Only so can a real defensive barrier against communism be raised for the per- petuation of democracy. Human freedom is still the transcendental problem of the world.” But, because this freedom has been so long abused, it has be- come a catch phrase of the demagogues who exploit its emotional values to advance the sinister purpose of those who, determined to live by their wits, seek the ways and means to enslave the world and so live easier. As the agents of fascism, communism, or nationalism, or as the tools of dictatorships Gisguised under the label of democracy, these demagogues who berate democracy and who would convince their hearers that commu- nism would be an admirable substitute for democracy, seek only to destroy human free- dom everywhere, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Democracy in Crisis EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp, I include the following ad- dress by the Reverend Edward A. Conway, 5. J., St. Louis University, St. Louis, Mo., over the Columbia Broadcasting System Church of the Air on Sunday, March 23, 1947: Everyone is talking about President Tru- man’s appeal to Congress for aid to Greece and Turkey. And with good reason. His courageous challenge to an expanding communism was the gravest peacetime pronouncement an American President has ever made. Even now, after 10 days of Nation-wide discussion, we are just beginning to realize how much his message means, “Great responsibilities," said the President, “have been placed upon us by the swift move- ment of events." Just how great are those responsibilities; how fateful are the choices we are called upon to make? These are the questions we must answer in even more widespread public debate. “The American people,” said Sumner Welles, “have entered the Valley of De- cision If the United States makes full use of the opportunity afforded by its position, its power, and its resources, it can determine the destinies of humanity. It can save Western civilization.” That, I believe, is in truth the soul-shak- ing responsibility which the swift movement of events has thrust upon us. That is the role in which Providence has cast our Na- tion. That is the high destiny America must fulfill. In this time of tremendous decisions, it is of first importance that we clearly under- stand the nature of the crisis confronting us. And we must take careful inventory of those resources Mr. Welles has mentioned. This crisis, make no mistake about it, ts & spiritual crisis; and the struggle which can resolve it must be waged principally on the spiritual plane. Two opposing philosophies are struggling for the soul of modern man. The totalitarianism which threatens to engulf the Western World is more than a system of political organization; it is a philosophy of life. It is more than march- ing armies and infiltrating agents; it is marching ideas, an infiltrating philosophy. It must be opposed by the true democratic idea, by the democratic philosophy of life. That is the true inwardness of the crisis; and at our peril we dismiss it as Just another crisis in power politics, The swift movement of events, I verily be- Neve, is fulfilling that prophecy which the great Cardinal Newman made more than threescore years ago when he said: “Then will come the stern encounter—when two real and living principles, the one in the Church, the other out of it, at length rush upon each other, contending not for names and words, but for elementary notions and distinctive moral characters.” As we gird ourselves for that stern en- counter, what would an inventory of Amer- ica's spiritual resources show? Would it re- veal a democracy vital and vigorous, united by the commonly-shared convictions of its people? Or would that inventory show a democracy divided against iteelf, rent by racial, reffgious
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and class contentions, a democracy doubtful about the very values it is now called upon to defend? America, look within. Look into your Never before in your history have you so desperately needed self-knowledge. How shall we test the vitality of our de- mocracy. The French philosopher, Mon- tesquieu, long ago gave the answer. “A nation’s decadence,” he said, “begins when it loses sight of the principles upon which it was founded.” We need only ask ourselves, therefore, just how strongly we hold and cherish and live by the principles which guided our founding fathers. The men who made America believed in God. They acknowledged the existence of an objective standard of right and wrong, of a moral law as unchanging as human na- ture itself, and known to man by the voice of his reason. They held that the human personality is sacred, and endowed with rights which no government can take away, since God, not government, has bestowed them. They held that reason, not will, is the basis of law; that government is of laws, not of men; that only through the supremacy of law can legitimate liberty be preserved. They enshrined those doctrines in the Declaration of Independence, the preamble of the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. God; the moral law; human rights; the rule of law—do we as a Nation still cling to them? This is the simple fourfold test of the vitality of our democracy. But this test, you may object, is too sim- ple; this is too elementary. Yes, it is sim- ple; these are elementary notions. As a fact, they are those elementary notions around which the stern encounter is now raging—that stern encounter which Cardinal Newman predicted. These are the very truths totalitarianism denies, and seeks to blot from the minds of men, And these same truths are the four pillars upon which our temple of freedom was built. In this solemn and critical hour, we must make absolutely sure that these foundations of our Democracy still stand. God, the moral law, human rights, the rule of law. Do our people still cling to them? That question will not down. And the fear arises, as we look about us, that too many Americans have already lost faith in them. Let me indicate just one reason for such fear. I have before me an address written by a San Francisco attorney, Harold R. Mc- Kinnon, entitled “The Higher Law.” Its revelations are nothing less than appalling. Basing his charges on copious quotations, he contends that the prevailing teaching of American political and legal philosophers is essentially antidemocratic and totalitarian. “This teaching,” he declares, “denies that there is a moral law which is inherent in human nature and which is therefore im- mutable, and to which all man-made laws to be valid must conform. It denies that by virtue of this law man certain rights which are inherent and inalienable, and therefore superior to the authority of the state. It denies that the purpose of government is to secure these inkerent and inalienable rights.” Isn’t it obvious that this doctrine is the same as the teaching of those totalitarians whom President Truman has called upon us to resist in the name of democracy? And this, be it observed, is the teaching to which most of the influential men in Ameri- ca have been subjected. .Can you blame one for wondering whether our democracy is by now anything more than a hollow shell? If you deny that men are mora: beings, with rights and duties, and hence. moral responsi- bility, do you not empty democracy of its meaning? . This fear that our democracy has become decadent, that it has departed from the prin- ciples of its founders, has aroused a group of our citizens to action. This group, made up of Protestants, Catholics, and Jews, has launched a movement called Common Cause. It is not so much an organization, they say, as a force. Its purpose is to revive and strengthen our great heritage of freedom, to reinvigorate our democracy so that it can meet the modern challenge. Before ever President Truman made his historic appeal Common Cause had pro- claimed that “the fate of human liberty in these critical times rests in large measure in the hands of the American people.” By various activities, chiefly educational, Common Cause will work “to clarify the meaning of democracy and to make it a mili- tant faith which will surpass in its sweep and power the faith of any totalitarian system.” T have joined the National Religious Coun- cil of Common Cause since I believe that it has correctly diagnosed the root disease of our democracy. I am convinced, with its founders, that “we have arrived at one of the most dangerous crises in world history be- cause we have shown an increasing tendency to relinquish belief in God.” I believe, as they do, that “as a result we have drifted further and further from alle- giance to the moral law, which protects indi- viduals in their God-given rights.” I heartily agree with their statement that “all who believe in God and his moral lew must unite in a common cause to bring to the American people a clear knowledge of the meaning of democracy, and hasten a return to the principles of the moral law.” And finally, I agree whole-heartedly that “the moral law is the indispensable core of such a program.” It is hard to exaggerate the importance of such a citizens’ movement in this testing time for our democracy. The arresting thing about it is the fact that it is a Protestant, Catholic, Jewish project. And the exciting thing about it is the fact that laymen pre- dominate among its membership. Common Cause must appear to the per- ceptive as a ray of hope in the gathering gloom. I join the more heartily in this movement because I recall that years ago Pope Pius XII made the same diagnosis as does Common Cause when he declared that “the radical and ultimate cause of the evils we deplore in modern society 1s the denial and rejection of # universal standard of morality, as well for individual and social life as for interna- tional relations.” And the Holy Father's pre- scription is the same as that of Common Cause. Five years ago he urged that “the observance of the moral law must be incul- cated and fostered by the public opinion of all nations and of all states with such unanimity of voice and energy that no one may dare to call into doubt or weaken its binding force.” As a Catholic priest I welcome the oppor- tunity to cooperate on the basis of the moral law with men and women like Sumner Welles, Dorothy Thompson, Russell Daven- port, Lyman Bryson, and William Montgom- ery Bennett, because I know how much Pope Pius wants cooperation of this kind. He has gone so far, as a fact, to say that “this dis- position, and a readiness to work together in & spirit of genuine brotherly harmony, not only answers to the moral obligation to ful- fill one’s civic duties; it rises to the dignity of a postulate of conscience, sustained by love of God and of one’s neighbors, and stimulated by the warning signs of the mo- ment and the intensity of effort called for in order to save the nations.” . Common Cause must succeed. But it can succeed only if it becomes a great citizens’ A1289 crusade. It can succeed only by mobiliz- ing into a great militant pro-God, pro- democracy front the millions of Americans who still believe in God, in His moral law, in human rights, and in the rule of law. May God speed the day. Greece—the Disappointed Citizen EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, I re- ceived the following letter from an American businessman and citizen stat- ing his observations on the conditions in Greece. I think that this letter is well worth reading by every Member of the House. What is true in Greece also applies to all the other European countries. All of the Europeans that immigrated to the United States came here, not because they wanted adventure and excitement in a new land—they came to the United States not because they hated their home country and al) their relatives and friends. They came here to struggle ina new land, without any friends, and in most cases unable to speak the American language—because of the terrible and unbearable economic and political con- ditions in their native lands. After the First World War we saw four imperialis- tic dynasties crushed and smashed. They were the Hohenzollerns of Germany, the Hapsburgs of Austria, the Czars of Rus- sia, and the Ottoman Empire of Turkey. After this World War the peoples of Europe want an end of the royalist re- gimes of King Carol and Madame Lepescu, the King Peters, the King Georges, Emmanuels, Umbertos, and so on. The day of the rule of the royalists and the landed aristocracy isended. The United States will get nowhere by sup- plying bayonets, bullets, and machine guns to uphold these old decrepit and dis- credited governments that gave the peo- ple of Europe poverty and hunger. You cannot win a war against hunger with bullets. The people are crying for bread and for economic relief. They want neither fascism nor communism. Neither do they want to return to a rule by royalists and the upper classes. They are crying and pleading for democracy. Let us not make a mistake and find our- selves flopping around Europe in British imperialist boots that are already out- worn and have been discarded by the British people themselves. Let us not replace hatred of the British by hatred of America. Let us spend $1,000,000,000 for food, economic relief, and democracy, but we should not spend 1 cent to uphold reactionary royalist governments any- where. The letter follows: THE DISAPPOINTED CITIZEN I will attempt to analyze and explain some of the tragedies in Greece. I was born in a village in northern Greece in 1885. When I was of school age, I did not
A1290. attend the school. until I was 9 years of age... Then I only attended school 2 years. The Greek Government, at that time, was in bad condition financially, and could not pay a grammar school teacher $7.59 per month. In Greece, all the school teachers and the edu- cators are paid by the Federal Government. In my school days, the ruler was then in Greece, King George the First. The King was receiving from the poor, barefooted, ill-clothed and fed Greek peapie, $300,000 a year; his wife, $50,000 a year. He had about six children, each of these receiv- ing @25,000 a year. All that is net wages. The doctors and nurses and all the King’s servants were paid for_by the. poor Greek. people, Every year he would take a trip. For in- stance, he would go to Monte Carlo, England, or Russia, All that expense was paid by the Greek people. At that time, the population of Greece was four and a half miilion peaple. In other words, it costa the poor Greek people. more than one million and a half dollars a year for the royal family. Now then, the Greek Government was too poor to pay a& grammar school teacher $7.50 a month. Can you imagine that? The King received a mil- lion and a half and yet it could not pay 67.50 & month for schoo] teachers. What I have learned, as far as schooling is, was what my grandmother taught me, God bless her soul. And I thank God that I immigrated to America in 1905. and have lived here ever since. Prom what I learned and study about kings, there never was a good king. I have pictured kings in ‘my heart and soul as the. greatest tyrants in the world, a tyrant with every sense of the word. King George, that is today, has caused the greatest catastrophe, the greatest massacre, and homicide in Greece. Brother killing brother, father killing son, and son killing his father. And what is the cause of it? The great King George, the British ‘stool pigeon.” I am not surprised about the British want- ing to keep the King in Greece, but I am very much surprised that the Americampoli- ticlans alao helped to keep the King in Greece. I cannot conceive the idea of American democrats, who are born in a demo- cratic country, with democratic ideas in their hearts, and yet they shove the King down the Greeks’ throats, a king, such a tyrant ruler. The American. boys. fought and died for liberty, democracy, and freedom. The blood they shed, they shed in vain, because the politicians have not done their duty. The boys fought to put down the tyrants and Pascists and others of such, and now the politicians have established a Fascist’s gov- ernment in Argentina, Spain, and the latest, in Greece. The next Fascist’s government to be reestablished will be in Germany and then we will start the fireworks all over again. What a terrible mistake we are mak- ing! The atrocious catastrophes in Greece will not stop soon, but will continue as long as the King George remains in Greece. If the revolution in Greece is not stopped soon, I fear it is go'ng to be the starting point of another conflagration and this time it is not going to be another world war, it is going to be a world cease. There is today a democratic party in Greece. After the liberation of Greece from the Axis, the Greek people cried, not with tears in their eyes, but with tears running down their cheeks, crying to the Americans in the American Embassy in Greece, saying, “O Roosevelt, O America, please, please give us the same government you have in America.” And theanswer was Royalists mow them down, down with machine guns because the then Prime Minister Churchill, of Great Britain, had a king for them. The Greeks were still crying to America for a democratic government. There was no American poli- ticlan to say anything in behalf of Greece. President Roosevelt had only three words on behalf. of Greece,.“‘Wash my hands.” Then. Secretary Stettinius said two words, “Hands off.” If America had supported the demo- cratic party in Greece, the democratics would have won and all this great catas- trophe in Greece today would have been avoided. The British are first-degree murderers of Greece. Now it ts left between Great Britain and America to stop the revolution in Greece, if they want the world to exist. If the rev- olution is not stopped, there will be only a few people left on the face of the earth. You may shun this writing, you may do that if you wish, but ft would be sdvisebte to in- The British propaganda have branded the democratic party in Greece as Communist. They have told the American representatives in Greece there are only two party politicians in Greece—Royalists and Communists. And we must support the Royalist Party in Greece. In America we have two principal party politicians, Democratic and Republi- cans. The President is elected by the people for a 4-year term. He may run for a second term, that is 8 years. Many of us think that is too long. In Washington today they are trying to pass a law that no President can serve more than 2 terms. Now, some of these politicians object to any President serving more than two terms, but they support the British idea in Greece. The kind of ruler not to serve one term, not two terms, not for three terms, not for life, but forever. The British. and American politicians have condemned the Greek people not for 4 years, not for 8 years, not for life, but forever. What a great crime. The American Government should advise King George of Greece to abdicate, not to some other King, but to the democratic party in Greece, and leave the country, on the ground that he is not capable of bring- ing peace to Greece, and that the continua- tion of the revolution in Greece en the peace of the world. English as Wertd Language—Address by Hon. Robert L. Owen, Former United States Senator From Oklahoma EXTENSION OF HON. A. S. MIKE MONRONEY OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to call the attention of the House to the excellent address by former Senator Robert L. Owen, of Okla- homa, given today to the Oklahoma con- gressional delegation in the Speaker's dining room. Senator Owen’s address dealing with the making of English a world language, and his means for attaining this goal for peace and understanding with all people should interest every Member of the House. Mr, Owen's address is as follows: WHY MAKE ENGLISH A WORLD LANGUAGE AND How? 1, Because in the United States we have created the most powerful agencies to pro- duce food, clothing, and shelter in the world. 2. Because in the United States, through our demooratic-republican Constitution, we have established in the highest degree, lib- erty, Justice, and the rights of the individual APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the pursuit of happiness.” 8. Because, under our magnificent system of education, we have raised the average of human intelligence to a higher level than any other nation in the worid having a like number of people. 4. Because with over 250,000 individual churches with their teachers and preachers, with over 250,000 lodges of fraternal brother- hoods, we have established principles of humen brotherhood, mercy, justice, and loving kindness. 5. Because with our magnificent educa- tional processes and the services of 900.000 schol. teachers, and. with cur schools. fram. kindergarten to elementary to high schools to coHeges to universities and to technical laboratories, we have established the greatest mechanism for the production of goods and services desired by the human race. The average per capita production of the people of the United States for the year 1945 was approximately: $1,500 in merchantable goods and services. Having 6 percent of the popu- lation of the world, the American people produced two hundred and six billions of dollars of merchantable goods and services, as compared with one hundred and fifty bil- lions for the 94 percent of the people of the world. Practically two-thirds of the people of the world were entirely ignorant of the production achieved in the United States under the free competitive system. 6. The most glorious achievement m the history of mankind is the establishment of the good-neighbor policy of the Western Hemisphere. Led by the Monrce Doctrine, the good-neighbor policy in the last 30 years has brought about the most magnificent achievement in the history of the human race, to wit, the United Nations organiza- tion, its General Assembly, its permanent headquarters established on the Hudson in New York City, with a charter pledging the nations of the world to a world of brother- hood, a world of peace, justice, a world of mutual understanding, of universal educa- tion, with equality of sovereignty for the small nations as well as the great, with a world in which government rests upon the dignity of the human individual and his personal rights. These are the forces which have made the people of the United States and the Govern- ment of the United States the mora}, con- structive, productive, commercial, financial leaders of the world. These achievements have been accomplished by people speaking the English language, by people who have made it their business, through over 125 foreign. mission societies, to teach the doc- trine of Christ, of human brotherhood throughout all of the illiterate nations of the world. Over 60 different nationalities have come to the United States as a place of refuge, and they have learned the English language as @ secondary language. The knowledge with regard to the produc- tion of food, clothing, and shelter, the knowledge with regard to all mechanic arts and sciences, the knowledge of the preserva- tion of human life, through medical schools, the surgeons, physicians, and nurses, and hospitals throughout the United States, have raised the longevity of the American people to a high degree. This knowledge should be made the common property of the world through the English language and through the books, magazines, papers, and publicity agencies, including particularly the glorious services established by a thousand broad- casting stations from one end of America to the other. Be it remembered that these broadcasting stations have over $6,000,000 receiving sets in the United States, more than 15 times as many per capita as the balance of the world combined. Be it remembered that not only do they teach the sound doctrines of brother. hood, but teach all forms of knowledge, all
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD forms of entertainment, all forms of sports, all forms of music, fun and jokes which de- light and charm our people 24 hours a day. All of these things America is in a position to give to the illiterate people of the world. The people of the world appreciate what America can give and have joined, joyously, unanimously, by vote of the citizens of 66 nations pledging their loyalty to the United Nations, now at long last happily established with heacquarters on American soil. We have already entered a new world of peace, liberty, justice, mutual understanding, and loyal cooperation as one world. We deeply need one world ianguage, as demanded by Laubach, the voice of the Com- mittee on World Literacy and Christian Literature, whose services in overcoming il- literacy of the world are so great that no words can describe the indebtedness of the human race to these consecrated servants of the brotherhood of man. No greater epic of human scrvice was ever written within this country than Laubach’s book, The Silent Bil- lion Speak, whose last edition, chapter 8, describes the marvelous reception of the republics of the Western Hemisphcre through their educators, their churches, their governments, their people. The question arises, How can English be made a world language? In recent years, it has been clearly demonctrated that it only requires about 1,000 words to read, write, and speak any language. The basic English system, developed by C. K. Ogden, of London, and Professagr Richards, of Har- vard, employ only 850 words to express any thought or translate any book printed in current English. The teachers at Webster Schoo! in Wash- ington City. Tenth and H Streets, teach peo- ple of many languages to read, write, and speak English within a comparatively few months, using highly cultivated teachers, using the phonograph, moving pictures, blackboard, personal instruction. The School of Forcign Languages of the State Department, under the direction of Dr. Henry Lee Smith, Jr., a mest highly culti- vated, energetic, public servant, is teaching foreign languages to our diplomats and send- ing them to the ends of the earth. They are taught to speak a foreign language by the same mechanism within a comparatively few months. There is no difficulty in teaching these languages by these highly developed proc- It must be remembered, however, valua- ble as these processes are, in dealing with the world it is of supreme importance to have an alphabet by which an illiterate can learn to read and write his own tanguage at once, within a day, .nd by which an illiterete can teach another illiterate to read and write his own language within a day. The “each one teach one” plan was estab- lished by the Moros in 1932, when they made it a rule that every Moro who was taught to read and write his own language by the Moro phonetic alphabet of 16 letters was duty bound to teach it to at least one other illiterate. This plan worked so brilliantly that within a comparatively few years the Moros abolished illiteracy and raised their percentage of literacy to 95 percent. This example has been followed in innu- merable nations throughout the world under the Laubach system. The most recent ex- ample is that of the great and friendly Re- public of Mexico, who by law required those who learned to read and write the Spanish language, phonetically, to teach it to an- other. Great has been the success in Mexico of this system. This system is receiving the enthusiastic support of the other Latin- American Republics. It was my knowledge of the subject matter which caused me, after Pearl Harbor, to give my entire attention to perfecting a mechan- ism by which the illiterate of all nations could be taught not only to read and write their own language, but to read, write, and speak the language of any other nation in the world within from 10 to 20 weeks. The mechanism by which this is accom- plished has been fully set forth in the Global Alphabet Guide Book, a copy of which has been furnished to each of you here present and which is available for the whole world. The mechanism by which the Spanish may read, write, and speak English and the Eng- lish enabled to read, write, and speak Spanish will be available in April for the public. It is hcing published by the Cunco Eastern Press at Philacelphia. It is not necessary for me to do more than to cny that this mechanism not only specks for itself, but it is approved by the ablest linguists in the world. Even Rev. Frank C. Laubach, whe has per- sonally taught over 88 nationalities how to read, write, and spenk their own languages with phonetic alphabets, says unequivocally that the Owen alphabet ts the best he has ever seen; that it is perfect; that it deserves to be adopted by merit. The World Language Foundation, which is charged with the duty of publishing and distributing these books at present, is 1 non- profit, educational, charitnble corporation, es- tablished for the purpose of enabling ‘he whole world to have one language—one lan- gurge of the greatest possible utility to the wor.d, one language which can be learned by the mechanics proposed within 10 to 20 weeks. The mechanics of the global alphabet are simple to the last degree. It consists of 87 letters and 1 ve'tical capital bar, with which any language in the world can be written with the pen at high speed: can be typed with the Underwood global typewriter at twice the speed of any other system; can be printed by the offset method at an in- ercdibly low cost. No global letter is ever silent. Each global letter has only one form for typewriting or for handwriting. The global alphnbet can be learned within 2 hours by any person of aver- age intelligence. Special attention is called to page 3, Guide Book in which Murio A. Pei, Ph. D., associate professor of romance languages, Columbia University, New York, cxplains how ycung children can be taught to rcad and write English with this alphabet within a few weeks. The Guide Book speaks for itself and no man cab successiully contradict the truth of it. The Guide Book contains a iist of 1) 143 words, 569 of them words of One sylinble, 472 two syllables, and 102 words exceeding two syllables. The entire list of these words can be spelled word by word in English and pronounced with global] within 2 hours. With this mechanism completely developed and ready for the printer, English can be made ao world language and increase the preduction of the world 1,000 percent and make this world a world of superabundance. It can quickly enable the people of the world to produce their own food, clothing, and shelter, and relieve the producers of America of the enormous drain on American food which now 1s employed to feed the starving throughout the world. The benefits of this world reform are be- yond all present human calculation. I, there- fore, appeal to all men to give their immedi- ate support to the extent of their time and to the extent of their charities for 1947 and to the extent of thelr unemployed funds, that this work may go into immediate action through the organized membership of the United Nations, which is now a going concern, In making this appeal, I ask no perconal favors. I make it as an humble mossenger representing the justified hopes of the whole world. A1291 Abuse of Power EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN J. ROONEY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, the fol- lowing excerpt from an editorial which appears in today’s Washinston Post is a timely substantiation of the position I took on the floor yesterday and the day before, during our consideration of the Labor-Federal Security Agency appro- priation bill and, in particular, of the item which cut almost $600,000 from the Conciliation Service and denied funds for the positions of Director and 101 other employees of that vital service. I trust the Senate Appropriations Com- mittee will see fit to rectify this unfor- tunate mistake. ABUSE OF POWER No alien agent could devise a doctrine more pernicious or more subversive of Amer- ican political principles than the proposal now being put forward by certain Members of Congress that the appropriation power be used to rule the personnel policies of the executive branch of the Govern:nent. If this prcposal 1s permitted to prevail, Congress will have annulled the scparation of powers which the framers of the Constitution deemed essential to the maintenance of American frecdom. The legislature, designed to serve as one of three coordinate elements of a system delicately balanced to forbid tyranny, will have assumcd absolute control through a coup d'etat. The result will be a form of dictatorship—no less dictatorial and no less alien to American traditions if exercised by a group of men than if exe ercised by one man alone. Tf Congress can use its appropriation power to oust, say, the Director of the Conciliation Service, then it could do the same, if it chose, to the Secretary of Labor or even to the President of the United States. And if the Supreme Court interposed a judicial prohibi- tion, Congress might sweep it aside by the same device of withholding the tunds req- uisite to its support. That the powcr to do this is inherent in the appropriation power docs not make tho use of it any less evil and despotic. Each element of the tripar- tite American Government is expectcd to employ its power with restraint and in con- formity with the spirit animating the Con- stitution. Our political system can survive only as this spirit is respected. There is a lesser yet by no means negli- gible danger entailed in the projected con- gressional usurpation of the executive power to hire and to fire. It tends to make Federal employment intolerable for all but the most docile, insipid, uninspired, and conventional men and women. Any individual whose mind transcends the bounds of narrow polit- ical ortndoxy stands liable to dismissal on the ruinous charge of disloyalty to his coun- try. The procedures for loyalty investiga- tion established by the President at least afford oppportunity for review of charges by impartial boards. But what is proposed now is that Congress itself act at once as prosecutor and as jury, proscribing and stig- matizing Federal employees in accordance with the ideological whim of a transient majority.
A1292 Tax Bill Hits Poor—Karpinski Says GOP Tax Cut Would Be Gift for Wealthy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to include the following article that appeared in the Michigan Daily, and also a copy of the letter that was sent to the editor by Louis C. Kar- pinski, professor of mathematics at the University of Michigan: The Republican-sponsored 4,000,000,000 tax cut will hand a full silk purse to the wealthy and a sow’s ear to the lower income groups, according to Prof. Louis C. Karpin- ski, of the mathematics department. Twenty-five million taxpayers will “get a gift of $34 on the average, including the nine million who get nothing,” Professor Karpinski said in a statement to the Dally. But only 209,000, the rich minority, will get an average of $1,100 rebate each. More than one-fifth ($785,500,000) of the €@8,840,000,000 reduction will benefit 65,000 men. “Every man of these has a net income of over 860 per working day (rot per week) ,” Dr. Karpinski said, and each of them “gets a rebate of $12,000.” Using figures taken from the Statistics for Income for 1942, published November 1945, Professor Karpinski’s analysis is similar to one he presented to the House Ways and Means Committee, debunking the Ruml tax plan in 1943. Representative Harotp Knutson, Republi- can, of Minnesota, sponsor of the present tax bill, always counts the 9,000,000 who will get nothing “as receiving 87 percent benefit,” Dr. Karpinski charged. “They receive nothing, and 37 percent of nothing is still 0, buys no milk.” Professor Karpinski has his own suggestion for tax economy. “A cut of all taxes on in- comes below $2,000 net would cut off half the income taxpayers, saving millions of dollars of expense of collection,” he said. INCOME-TAX CUT To the Eprror: What incomes are cut by the Republican Knutson reduction $3,840,000,000 out of $16,- 000,000,000, 1947 personal income tax: First of all, 65,000 men get seven hundred eighty and five-tenths millions rebate. Every man of these has a net income of over 860 per working day (not per week). Every one gets a rebate of $12,000, $40 for 300 working days. Then 144,000 men get $160,000,000 rebate. Every man of this group has left after taxes 630 per working day. Every one has a@ gift of over 900 up to $2,600—average 81,100. These 209,000 above get $940,000,000 gift; 25,000,000 people under $60 per week ($3,000 per year) get $850,000,000 rebate; 9,000,000 no income tax; ‘12,000,000 under $1,500 per year net income. These 25,000,000, 120 men for every 1 that gets about $1,000 gift—the 25,000,000 get a gift of $34 on the average including 9,000,000 who get nothing. Knurson always counts these as receiving 37 percent benefit. They receive nothing and $7 percent of nothing is still 0, buys no milk. Three and four-tenths million people re- ceive 274,000,000 of rebate. This group have net incomes before taxes between $3,000 to $5,000. One million people (950,000) people receive $284,000,000 of rebate. This group has be- tween $5,000 and $15,000 annual net income before taxes. Everyone receives $284 gift. The figures above are taken from the Sta- tistics of Income for 1942, published Novem- ber 16, 1945, but apparently not distributed before 1946. The infamous Rumi, that minion of the wealthy, talked about the workmen. In the rebate of seven to eight billions the working- man whom Rum! continually mentioned got about 81,000,000 but the wealthy—above $5,000 net income—received six to seven billions. The ten billions given largely to the wealthy would give every family in America 2 quarts of milk every day for 2 years. The present re- duction would furnish milk not only to all the Hottentots for many months, but to all the inhabitants of Africa. . A cut of all taxes on incOmes below $2,000 would have cut off half the income taxpayers ene millions of dollars of expense of collec- on, Louis C. KaRPINsKI. ANN ARsOR, MICH., March 23, 1947, Army and Navy Appropriations EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. T. MILLET HAND OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. HAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I enclose an edi- torial from the Millville Republican, which is a very thoughtful approach to the subject of the legislative budget, par- ticularly with reference to the supposed danger of cuts in the military appropri- ations: From the War Department and from the Navy Department have come emphatic ob- jections to any attempt by Congress in shad- ing their budget appropriations as presented by President Truman. We believe that most Members of the United States Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, as well as almost all informed citizens, are acutely aware of the necessity of maintaining an adequate Army and Navy, But it appears to us that Army and Navy officials think Members o: Congress and citi- zens are a gullible lot if they expect us to ac- cept their statements against curtailed ex- penditures at their face value. Proposed expenditures for national defense in fiscal 1948 are eleven and a half billion dollars. Secretary of War Patterson has painted a dismaying picture if even $1,000,- 000,000 is slashed from the Army budget. Secretary of the Navy Forrestal has declared “A reduction in the amount of a half billion dollars would so greatly reduce the effective- ness of the Navy as to render it practically immobile and impotent as an instrument of national policy.” Now that is not keeping the record straight. The difference between an impo- tent Army and Navy and a potent Army and Navy should not be, and cannot be, in a difference of approximately 15 percent in to- tal expenditures. We surmise that over- emphasis has been placed on the curtailment that will have to be made in order to reduce spending from a level that the Army and Navy desire, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It is apparent that expenditures must be greater now than before the war. But a com- parison per man in the armed forces shows that in the fiscal year 1939 this was about 8,600. The proposed expenditures per man in fiscal 1948 is $6,900, and in 1945 when we were at war the expenditures per man were less—6,500. We fear that the War Department and the Navy Department are not being frank an@ fair, How President Truman and leaders of his war party can justify a continuance of war- time spending in many branches of our Fed- eral Government haz never been explained. If the administration is made to be more realistic and to forget many of the question- able practices that have crept into our con- duct of national affairs, there will be no trou- ble in reducing the cost of general depart- ments and bureaus by billions of dollars. Mason and Dixon’s Line EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. GLENN BEALL OF MARYLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. BEALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letter addressed to the Honorable Jennings Randolph, a former Member of the House of Repre- sentatives, by Mr. Dale Ireland. This letter contains little-known facts regard- ng the historical Mason and Dixon’s ine: WasxHineTon, D. C., March 20, 1947. Hon. JEnNNiIncs RANDOLPH, Washington, D.C. Dear Sr: Recently I participated in a dis- cussion with a group of friends during which @ point concerning the Mason-Dixon line was raised. I was amazed at how uncertain most of us were of the pertinent facts con- cerning this historical line, so at the first opportunity I consulted the World Almanac and my encyclopedia just to obtain the facts as I found them. This line was surveyed by two English astronomers, Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, between November 15, 1763, and De- cember 26, 1767, to settle a boundary dispute between the descendants of William Penn and the Lords Baltimore. This dispute arose in 1682 when William Penn met Lord Balti- more in the city of New Castle (now Dela- ware), and was referred to Mason and Dixon in 1760, The line lies parallel with the latitude at 89°43'26.3'’. Originally it was marked by milestones, every fifth one bearing the coat of arms of William Penn on one side and that of the Lords Baltimore on the other. It is now accepted as the official boundary between the States of Maryland and Penn- sylvania. The Mason-Dixon line is often referred to as an imaginary line separating the free States from the slave States. This practice started in 1820 when, during the debate on the Missouri Compromise, it was referred to as suck by one John Randolph, of Roa- noke, Va. ‘These few minutes of research have shown me that the facta behind even small events in history may prove very interesting. Respectfully yours, Daz IRELAND.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Budget Debate EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAT ARNOLD OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. ARNOLD. Mr. Speaker, accord- ing to the Constitution, appropriations originate in the House, but it looks as though the Senate is assuming this au- thority when it undertakes to increase the appropriation passed in the House which called for a reduction of $6,000,- 000,000 in the President's proposed budget by voting a reduction of only $4,500,000,000. While this question is being considered by the Senate-House conference committee, I wish to extend my remarks by including an editorial] in the Wall Street Journal of February 18, entitled ‘The Budget Debate”: THE BUDGET DEBATE * Members of Congress differ as to the maxi- mum limit to be set on the amount of money this session will appropriate. A responsible committee has suggested a figure of $31,750,- 000.000. A middle group would raise this by from $1,000,000,000 to $1,500,000,000. Others believe that President Truman's budget pro- posal of 887,750,000,000 should not be touched. This is a significant debate in which both sides advance weighty arguments. There is nothing improper about the existence of dif- ferenccs. The disturbing phase seems to us to lie in the way the matter is being presented to the public through the Washington pub- licity channels. The proponents of the lower figure, one might gather from reading and listening, are at the very best a doltish lot of people who fail to understand the true inwardness of things; at the worst their conduct is repre- hensible to the point of treason. Certainly many Washington press and radio commen- tators who mix expressions of opinion with their reporting would leave that impression. Some of the straight news accounts which are supposed to be unbiased scarcely conceal the opinions of their writers, It is quite true that this country has under- taken some international commitments. It is equally true that to see these commit- ments through, very large expenditures will be necessary. However, there are some other things which are equally true. One of them is that the quickest and surest way to render this coun- try impotent in world affairs is to bankrupt it or, short of that, to reduce its productive strength and to injure the morale of its people. And unless the taxes that the peo- ple are called upon to pay are reduced and reduced speedily something like that will happen and the happening will not be long delayed. This newspaper has no disposition to con- demn the many excellent men who believe that it is wise to go slow in reducing Govern- ment expenditures; there is no reason to question their sincerity. Nevertheless, the preponderant Washington attitude that it is completely wrong even to raise questions con- cerning that course is a startling manifesta- tion of a fiight from all reality. Nothing could render the armed services more un- popular than to seem to resist real econ- omies in their operation. Nothing could more quickly produce isolationism than to tell the American people that our foreign policy will require limitless expenditure for an indefinite number of years. Sometimes we think that periodically peo- ple in Washington ought to be required to leave those pleasant surroundings where they congratulate each other on the possession of superlative wisdom and pay a visit to those common folk who dwell in the United States, and, who, incidentally, pay the bills. The Coast Guard EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. W. STERLING COLE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday March 26, 1947 Mr. COLE of New York. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, I desire to point out certain mat- ters which are due the Coast Guard for its outstanding war service. Recent charges against the Coast Guard have been made in the House, particularly against the large budget submitted by the Coast Guard and its grandiose schemes for expansion. Be- cause the Coast Guard estimated suf- ficient funds properly in its opinion to carry on its peacetime work with the large accumulations of extra functions addcd to it by executive authority in or- der to prosecute the war, its estimates have been called a “sordid story of bureaucratic expansion at its worst.” “Deep-sea operations of the Coast Guard” has been used as a disparaging epithet and a committee report states: The committee is firmly convinced that it was never the intention of Congress that the Coast Guard should become a blue-water organization, extending its functions far beyond the coasts of continental United States. It should be recalled that pursuant to Congressional! authority the Coast Guard has maintained an Ice Patrol in the North Atlantic since 1912, derelict searches, and the patrolling of the Pri- bilof Islands in the Bering Sea, to name a few of the statutory duties of the Coast Guard away from our coast. We must remember that at Pearl Har- bor this country entered the war with a demoralized, disrupted and severely damaged Navy. From a position of great disadvantage but by the indomitable character of our naval forces we were able, by the smallest margin, to hold our enemies in check until the full weight of our industrial strength could be felt. A noteworthy part was played in these days by the Coast Guard which did not fail in its role on the deep sea or blue waters, but instead sent its cruising cutters across the North Atlantic in the awful winters of the first few years of the war. The Coast Guard lost many men and it lost ships, but it saved lives of merchant sea- men from torpedoed ships, adrift and afloat in the icy waters off Iceland, and it safely convoyed ammunition and oil tankers badly needed by our allies. This service exvanded its total military per- sonnel of about 19,000 in 1941 to the stag- gering figure of 171,000 in the latter years of the war. These figures do not include 40,000 or 50,000 temporary reserves A1293 guarding our ports and water fronts. No question was then raised of the grandiose ideas of the Coast Guard, but the Con- gress and the country were proud and grateful for this nucleus of trained per- sonnel that could in a few months ex- pand, train, equip, and put forth a force which took part in every amphibious op- eration, manned transports carrying troops to every active front, convoyed on every ocean and guarded our coasts as well as our ports and harbors. Let us not forget that the first capture of the war was made ky Coast Guard cut- ters in the seizure of the sealer Buskoe and a German weather station estab- lished in Greenland, and that the first German submarine sunk in these waters and prisoners taken was off Charleston on May 9 1942, by the little Coast Guard cutter Icarus, designed for prewar rum patrol. Let us not forget those surfmen who, being experts in small boat han- dling, left the beaches, crossed blue waters, to steer our landing crafts at Guadalcanal and subsequent invasions. Let us also think temperately recard- ing the number of brass hats and realize that the Coast Guard on account of the long service of its senior officers, a pro- motion from commander to captain, to commodore, to rear admiral, is an honor which in many cases brings absolutely no additional emolument and hence costs the Government nothing. Congress should decide the extent of the activities of the Coast Guard but this service has received an undue amount of adverse criticism for its honest at- tempt to carry out mandates from higher authority and for its capacity for thoroughly doing them. Alcoholic Beverage Advertising EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MONROE M. REDDEN OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. REDDEN. Mr. Speaker, I received a petition from a group of very outstand- ing North Carolinians of my district, re- lating to S. 265, which is a bill to prohibit transportation of alcoholic beverage advertising in interstate commerce and broadcasting such advertising over the radio. This petition is signed by people, most of whom I have known all my life. They represent the Christian ideals which have made this country great, and I ask that their recommendations be given serious consideration. Undoubtedly, publicity of alcoholic beverages has caused many young men and women to become addicted to the use of alcohol. The advertiser in this line of business is shrewd. He knows the language to use and the pictures to display in order to make his drink appear harmless but yet very enticing. This type of advertising is a virtual fraud upon the American people. If it has any effect, and we all know that it
A1294 does, the effect is in the wrong direction. Why should anyone be permitted to ad- vertise something that is degrading and can only have a bad influence upon the moral and spiritual life of our people. It is high time, Mr. Speaker, that the halls of Congress know what the good people think of a few things, and I believe also it is about time for us to heed their appeal. I have never known of this Congress making a mistake affecting the morals of this Nation when it acted upon the advice of Christian leadership. The petition follows: To Our Senators and Representatives in Congress: We respectfully request that you use your influence and vote for the passage of 8. 265, a bill to prohibit the transportation of al- coholic beverage advertising in interstate commerce and the broadcasting of alcoholic beverage advertising over the radio. The most pernicious effect of this advertising is the constant invitation and enticement to drink. The American people spent 87,- 770,000,000 for alcoholic beverages in 1946 as compared with $3,700.000,000 in 1942. During the same pertod there was 4 corre- sponding ‘increase each year in crime. There is every reason why this expenditure should not be increased, but decreased. Mrs. J. C. Sales, J. C. Sales, Fletcher, N. C.; Roy Schreyer, Arden, N. C.; W. 8. Burge, Mrs. W. 8S. Burge, Hendersonville, N. C.; Mrs. L. C. Clayton, Mrs. Ida Livingstone, Fletcher, N. C.; Mrs. James Lee, Arden, N. C.; Mrs. E. E. King, Mrs. J. W. Parker, J. F. Baldwin, L. C. Youngblood, J. N. Youngblood, OC. E. Lance, O. C. Tandy, E. E. King, C. B. Lewis, Fletcher, N. C.; H. E. Hare, Homerene Bagwell, Arden, N. C.; Louise Bagwell, Fletcher, N. C.; Mrs. Perry Greene, Arden, N. C.; Mrs. Idalee Lance, Fletcher, N. C.: Mrs Harley Hare, Mrs. Roy Ashworth, Arden N. C.; L. C. Clay- ton. Fletcher, N. C.; George W. Lindsey, Mrs. George W. Linsey, N. G. Bagwell, Arden, N. C.; J. K, Bagwell, J. W. Parker, M. J. Spann, Fletcher, N. C.; G. P. Greene, Arden, N. Fletcher, N. C.; Mrs. Roy Schreyer, William A. Schreyer, Oak Park, Arden, N. C. Condemnation of Totalitarianism EXTENSION OF ao HON. J. GLENN BEALL OF MARYLAND IN THE HCUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. BEALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from the Sunday Times, Cumberland, Md., March 23,1947. This article was written by Rev. P. J. Bradley of Frostburg, Md.: CONDEMNS TOTALITARIANISM, BE IT CZARIST OR COMMUNIST Eptror, SuNDAY Trmxs: A letter from the pen of M. E. Fiske ap- peared in the Sunday Times March 16. May I ask you kindly to give me space for some comments thereon. The substance of Mr. Fiske’s letter really @mounts to a defense of communism, From Cc.; Ira M. Baldwin,. his letter one would gather that Soviet Rus- sia is a democracy. Democracy! What sins are committed in thy name. Clever insidious propaganda to picture communism as the panacea for all the ills of man. In sober truth, communism would de- grade men and women to the level of the brute. A:helstic communism, does not be- lieve in God. Therefore with Communists there is no hereafter. So there is no differ- ence between them and animals. The Atlan- tic Charter promised four freedom to all na- tions big and small. The Soviet Government has grabbed Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, part of Finland, Poland, and dominates several other countries. While Hitler and Joe Stalin were bed- fellows in the rape of Poland, Communists in this country sabotaged many of our indus- tries. Their allegiance is to Soviet Russia. They bite the hands that feed them. By their fruits you shall know them. Why the iron curtain around Russia? Is its purpose to build a terrestrial paradise? I am from Missouri. I fee] that the iron cur- tain is maintained to hide the misery of an enslaved people. Communists are traitors to America, and should be treated as such. Tam giad that Amertca is waking up to the menace and taking appropriate steps to stop communistic aggression. Too many of us have been duped too long. In plain language Soviet Russia is not democratic and its totali- tarian policy is eve : worse than Hitler's or Mussolini’s. I sympathize with the good Russian people who have suffered for many centuries from oppression, first under totali- tarian Czars and now under totalitarian Communists. I hope they will soon enjoy the four freedoms promised by the Atlantic Charter. To all patriotic Americans I say that if we are ever conquered it will be by the foe with- in, not by the foe outside. Stop, look, and listen before it is too late. Rev. P. J. Brapier. Frostsura, Mp. Soil Conservation in the World Ahead EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. BEN F. JENSEN OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 26, 1947 Mr. JENSEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the , L include the following address. . delivered by Dr. H. H. Bennett, Chief of the Soil Conservation Service, United States Department of Agriculture, before the annua! meeting of the Soi] Conserva- tion Society of America, Chicago, Ill., on December 12, 1946: Soil conservation is one of the biggest of all the jobs confronting us. It is as large as the world, as important as anything that re- mains to be done. It is essential to life and vital to the future of civilization. These are the facts of the matter when you look at the problem as a whole and in true perspective. Soil conservation is the only known way to protect the productive land of the world. This is the land we depend on for food and fiber, for trade, and for a great many of the most important raw materials of industry. This is the land—our productive land—that we must maintain at all costs. It is the land on which progress depends. It is the land we may also have to look to in order to produce APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD supplemental] fuel that we may have to count on if we run short of other sources. Most important of all, it is the land with- out which we could not survive. At all times we must have, somewhere in the world, enough good land to produce enough food to feed the families of the world That is the rock-bottom minimum. Failure to main- tain such a minimum would lead us, with the utmost certainty, into the most serious kind of trouble; for good land is an utterly indis- Ppensable resource of man. Actually, we are already in a race. The sides are already drawn. On the one side we are faced with a steadily increasing popu- lation. Year after year, even during the war, the number of people on earth has grown larger. No one can say with author- ity where or when the growth will level off. On the other side, we can see our remaining area of productive land shrinking steadily be- fore the onslaught of erosion. These are the forces we must deal with. Regardless of what can or should be done about the matter of population, we can and must do something about erosion. No nation—or the world, for that matter—has too much fertile land. Neither the world nor any nation can afford to lose any more productive land. Too many nations have much too little now. In relation to world population, our total ability to produce food has already arrived precariously close to the danger line. In some countries the danger line was crossed long before World War II. As scientists we must recognize that we have reached a point where the loss of pro- ductive land anywhere on the globe affects the people and the nations of every other part of the globe. Also, every acre which goes out of production means that, to some degree, the pressure is increased on the re- maining good acres. If this understanding is not reached, and something done about it, those people having insufficient productive capacity will be consigned to a future of pov- erty and the discord that almost invariably follows. And this is the stuff of which strife is born. So every acre we protect against erosion in the United States is a step in the right di- rection, not only for our own individual and national interests, but in the larger terms of humanity. What I have attempted in this paper is to outline, in a very broad way, the urgency and the size of the soil-conservation job ahead, for the world. It isa vital undertaking which can be delayed too long--has been delayed too long. It is also a task worthy of much more serious thought by responsible officials of individual nations, and the United Na- tions, without further postponement. A national magazine, a few weeks ago, called me a gloomy soil-saver, a prophet of doom. Maybe I have sounded that way at times. I must admit there have been periods during the past 25 or 30 yeara when I have feit pretty gloomy about our sotl-saving situ- ation. And you may know I’m not one to keep such feelings to myself. I have tried Over the years, as as'Il have known how, to tell as many people as possible what has been happening to the land. In the be- ginning I bore down pretty hard on the men- ace of soil erosion. I couldn’t see any reason for hiding a fact which I understood full well a8 a grave national menace, especially behind a curtain of darkness conducive to complacency and inaction. Lately it has been a very real pleasure to report also on our excellent progress with so!’ conservation, Two decades ago I must confess there seemed little hope of my ever seeing accom- plished even a small fraction of what has been done today. I have an idea that most of you here to- night have heard me before, perhaps several times. Most of you know the facts about the land. I am not going to repeat them. In- stead, I am going to give you my opinions about the future of soil conservation.