Al62 about himself. At most, he liked to look at his handiwork, and smile with satisfaction. He derived his pleasure from viewing the large factory, and riding through the county and seeing the large, modern barns so symbolic of & prosperous dairy industry which he helped to build. CT Veterans’ Education and Training Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der permission to extend my remarks, I include a letter received from Robert S, Kelley, of Boston, Mass., containing in- formation of great value to a large per- centage of veterans of World War II. It follows: JAMAICA PLAIN, MAss., Junuary 12, 1951. Hon. Jonn W. McCormack, Majority Leader, Washington, D. C. Deak ConGRESSMAN McCormack: Reprint of paragraph 10035, Veterans’ Administration regulations, dated April 1, 1950, paragraph 10035 states as follows: Regulations concerning the pursuit on or after July 25, 1951, of courses of education or training under the Servicemen’s Read- justment Act, as amended (pt. VII, Vet- erans Regulation No. 1 (a), as amended) — July 25, 1951, is a critical date in the edu- cation and training program under the Serv- icemen’s Readjustment Act. Veterans who are eligible for education or training and who have not undertaken such training under the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act, as well as those who have commenced but have not completed their course, may be vitally affected by the July 25, 1951, date. In order that ali such veterans may be made fully aware of the importance of the date and of its effect on the education and train- ing program, this regulation is promulgated at this time for the purpose of providing all such veterans with ample advance notice so that their plans may be made accordingly. This regulation applies to all courses of education or training pursued by veterans on or after July 25, 1951, under the Service- men's Readjustment Act, as amended. (B) The law provides that a course of edu- cation or training shall be initiated before the termination of 4 years after the date of discharge or by July 25, 1951, whichever is the later, and that such education or training cannot be afforded beyond July 25, 1056, except for those veterans who enlisted under the Voluntary Recruitment Act of October 6, 1945. Therefore, a veteran other- wise eligible must have commenced and actually be pursuing his course of education or training on July 25, 1951, or the date ¢ years after discharge, whichever is later, except where his attendance is interrupted because of the normal interruptions for summer vacations, or other reasons beyond the control of the veteran. (C) A course of education or training shall consist of such curriculum, program of study or training, or combination of sub- Jeots as are prescribed by the institution as constituting the course. When the veteran elects his course of education or training, is accepted by the approved educational or training institution as qualified to under- take and pursue the elected course, and commences such course, he shall pursue his course of education or tra!ning continuously untll completion, except for conditions which normally would cause interruption by any student. (D) A veteran may change his course of education or training only while in training and then for reasons satisfactory to the Ad- ministrator. A change of one or more sub- jects in the elected curriculum or program of training, including the dropping of a sub- ject without replacing it with another, or the adding of a subject, or a change in the sequence in which the subjects are under- taken does not constitute a change of course of education or training. Advancement from a basic or preparatory phase to an advanced phase within the course of education or train- ing which the veteran is pursuing does not constitute a change of course. (E) A change of course of education or training may be considered to be for satis- factory reasons when— 1. The veteran is not making satisfactory progress in his present course and the fail- ure is not due to his own misconduct, his own neglect, or his own lack of application; or 2. The course to which the veteran desires to change is more in keeping with his apti- tude, previous education, training, or other such pertinent facta; or 8. A course to which the veteran desires to change, while not a part of the course currently pursued by him, is a normal pro- gression from said course and will enable him to atttain his educational or vocational ob- jective. No additional changes of courses of edu- cation or training will be approved except for the most cogent reasons. (F) When the veteran completes his course of education or tralning as defined above or discontinues his elected course of education or training, the law does not permit the initiation of another course of education or training. In view of the fact that there are approxl- mately 60 percent of the veterans of World War II in this Commonwealth who have not taken advantage of this law (Public Law 346, ch. 8) and whereas there are thousands of these veterans who are now employed in national defense industries, working in many cases 10 to 12 hours per day, 6 days a week and are not physically or mentally able to pursue further education or training due to these aforesaid situations, I would recom- mend most strongly that wherever the date July 25, 1951, appears in this law and its amendments thereto that same be deleted, no substituted added. In other words a vet- eran of World War II could at his conven- jence pursue a course of study until the ter- mination of this law, namely, July 25, 1056. Also those that are now going into the serv- ice and have not enrolled are also eliminated. Fraternally, RoperT S, KELLEY. Sleigh Riding EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ROBERT S. KERR OF OKLAHOMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 15 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. KERR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Oh, What Fun It Wasn't,” written by John Gould and published in we Phristian Science Monitor January 4, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rxecorp, as follows: On Wart Fun Ir Wasn’t—A DispatcH From THe FARM (By John Gould) Before Christmas, 1950, is wholly forgotten by a forward-plunging world, may I ask again why “Jingle Bells” has become included in our repertory of “traditional Christmas music’? I think it’s indicative of our times—a confused era when people sound the melody but pay no attention to what the words mean. The least I can do is regis- ter a protest in the aggregate. At first, some years back, I was amused at this. Some youthful radio announcer said we would now have some Christmas music, and he slapped “Jingle Bells” on his perpetual- motion machine. He was confused. Perhaps he was up early that morning. Again this year, during a program that was presenting Yuletide music in great dignity, a radio sta- tion came right out and called “Jingle Bells” @ fine example of traditional Christmas music, Anybody who listened to the radio much before Christmas must have noticed that Jingle Bells got quite a play. It would have been no worse if “Sidewalks of New York,” or “Annie Laurie,” or “Who Threw the Overalls in Mrs. Murphy's Chow- der” had been similarly interpolated thus into a sacred occasion. I have nothing against “Jingle Bells” as a composition of its own sort, but I give myself credit for being able to understand what the words are about. If I had the job of making up the agenda of a Christmas music program, it would never occur to me to include “Jingle Bells.” Some people may object that I am too precise, and that a certain inference is jus- tifled—namely, Christmas comes in Decem- ber; snow fs likely at that time in northern latitudes; and men are to be excused if they associate a crisp jaunt o'er hill and dale in a trim cutter with that season's dominant holiday. This is a certain kind of logic, worth about D-minus, and would infer that “The Last Rose of Summer” is a song about Milwaukee because they have a big green- house there. Besides, I think Christmas is still one thing we can be purist about. I am not the world’s greatest enthusiast for sleigh rides, which may enhance my feel- ing about “Jingle Bells” and Christmas. My substitute for this more horseless era, if anybody wants a sleigh ride, is to sit on a porch hammock in the teeth of a stiff northwest gale, thermometer about —10, with your feet in a bucket of ice water and somebody to throw snowballs at you. If somebody can jingle a string of bells at the same time, the simulation is complete. You are now enjoying a sleigh ride, and if Christ- mas pops into your head I will be surprised. In the old days a sleigh ride was not nec- essarily a joyous event. I often wake up at night and congratulate myself that sleigh rides are not, now, an integral part of my life, I am not beguiled by recollective senti- ment, as are some people who will object to my harsh treatment of the subject. It is one thing to be sweetly reminiscent, and quite another to face the actual ordeal. Our old Tantrabogus, our sleighing horse, was not—in winter—the sleek Ourrier & Ives type that lends a romantic touch to a moon- light jaunt. A sleigh ride had numerous sensitory nuances the romanticists seem to have forgotten. First, of course, Tanty had a great coat of shaggy and matted hair that he wore in the winter. He looked a lot like a buffalo, except that he had a stout aroma of horse. I never knew a horse that smelled so much like a horse as Tanty did, He was a nice old fellow, but he was all horse. When we
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD left the house and walked across the squeak- ing dooryard snow, the icy blash at our backs, and swung open the barn door, the horsy nature of Tantrabogus was over- wheilming. The idea of a sleigh ride was in- stantly revolting—as if it hadn't been, any- way. T recall how hard it was to fit the tug eyes over the ferrules on the sleigh—not just be- cause the tugs were cold-stiff, but because our fingers were, too. People who, in fancy, etill glide over winter's broad expanse of white seem to forget that the sleigh run- ners were usually frozen down. Also that the wind kept the snow blown off the drive- way right by the mailbox, and that runners going over bare gravel make a noise this world should never hear. There also seems to be a recollection that the jolly horse scampered along on winged feet, lending a wild perception of speed to the affair. Tanty wasn't like that. He picked up one foot, and then held within him a lengthy, labored, and complicated mental conference as to what he should do with it next. The order in which to lift and replace his feet was always a great problem with Tanty, and the wonder is he didn’t fall flat on his horse face while making up his mind. All that ever happened was that going sleighing made us glad to get back. Many @ time we got off the seat and ran on our own numb feet, boots frozen solid, while Tanty came along behind at his own pace. Then we'd run back to meet him. There 1s a whole lore of lanterns under lap robes, and the foul smother you discov- ered when, in desperation, you plunged your cheeks in under for a moment out of the wind. What a lantern under a sleigh robe will do to the impounded atmosphere is something sleighing recollectionists don’t mention. There were hot soapstones, too-—— and you could put bottles of hot water in your pockets to warm your hands, and then stop at farmhouses to refill them before they froze up and burst. That was sleighing. Christmas is supposedly a time of spiritual joy. I prefer not to be reminded, at that time, of sleigh rides and jingling bells. Par- ticularly when we have plenty of valid Christ- mas music, Inaugural Address by Gov. Edward F. Arn, of Kansas EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANDREW F. SCHOEPPEL OF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 15 (legrslative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. SCHOEPPEL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, the in- augural address of the new Governor of Kansas, Edward F, Arn. In it, Governor Arn points up the gravity of the national situation, and brings to our attention the great Kansas potential of men and resources my home State has to offer. There being no objection, the ad- dress was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: ImaucuraL Appress or Gov. Enwarp F. Aan It ia with a special and urgent sense of re- sponsibility that your elected State officials stand before you today and solemnly pledge to perform the duties which have been en- trusted to them. Your faith in your elected officials makes their public office a public trust. I accept that vrusteeship with humility, and with deep gratitude. T pray to God for the strength, presever- ance, and sound judgment which I will need in the task to which I today dedicate myself as your Governor—for this an hour in our National and State history which requires the utmost in effort and devotion from all of us. We must not attempt to conceal nor to minimize the gravity of our situation. Free citizens have a right to demand truth and frankness from their chosen leaders-—and it shall be my purpose to see that such demands are squarely met. The stark truth is that we face a terrible challenge from a determined and powerful enemy. Our freedom, our institutions, our lives, are at stake. But it is a challenge that ‘we can meet and overcome. Kansas and her sister States of our Union have the spiritual and material resources to resist and vanquish the legions of darkness which have set them- selves against us in the world. We have a system of government designed to take full cognizance of our private initiative, our indi- vidual energies, and of our collective strength, First, however, the need must be fully re< alized so that our slumbering power may be awakened and our forces marshaled. Secu- rity, at this midway point in the twentieth century, will not be maintained by halfway measures or halfway efforts on the part of men and women either in or out of public office, It is to this grim international picture that the conduct of State government must be geared during these coming 2 years. To as~- sume anything less would be dodging reality and inviting disaster. We can be doubly thankful today for the progress which has been made in Kansas since the end of World War II. Remarkable gains have been achieved in our service to the people in such flelds as education, wel- fare, public health, and highways. And this progress has been accomplished without in any way impairing our financial strength— present or future. Our house ts in good or- der. We owe a debt of gratitude to all of those who urged this program of action and to the legislators who enacted it. It would have been tragic if we had left these things undone, only to fing ourselves entering into another period of wartime econ- omy in which manpower and materials are short or unavailable. And that ts the type of economy we face today. We must anticipate that it will gain in intensity from month to month. Along with restrictions on man- power and materials we can expect an in- creased burden of Federal taxation, making it untimely for us to consider any new or ad- ditional State taxes. All of these things show us clearly that we must put aside any thoughts of ambitious new programs, or of any but the most necessary increases in pro- grams already launched. We must hold the gains we have made in Kansas progress as long as it is humanly possible. We must not go backward. I do not intend, for my part, to let our State be guilty of any neglect of the men, women, and children who deserve and need our serv- ice and assistance—but, at the same time, we must examine each proposal with ex- treme care in the light of our existing econ- omy and of our present national peril. We must ask if it is necessary, if it is practical, if it is patriotic. In our State affairs it will be far better to make an error on the side of caution than to stray too far the other way and do anything that would in any way endanger our security, I intend to give special attention to those things which will enable our State to do its part in increasing our war potential—euch matters as our preduction on the farm and in the factory, the condition of our high- ways, and the efficiency of our civilian de- A163 fense. And I particularly urge all State em- ployees to work to the limit of their energy and ability so that essential services may be provided with all possible efficiency and economy. I firmly believe that all of us should re- solve today to live henceforth through this era in a spirit of personal sacrifice. The least we can offer is to forego anything which might weaken our fighting front in either a cold or a shooting war. Hach individual can search his own heart and determine what additional contributions he is prepared to make. If we expect and prepare for the worst, we will be better able to avert disaster and come again into happier days in a peaceful world. Kansas has much to offer the Nation in war or peace—the bounty of our fields and of our industries, our truly American way of life, the vigor and the courage of our patriotic Kansas citizens, who so well exemplify the spirit of America here in the heart of our Nation. With these things God has blessed us. Let us pray to Him that, whatever lies ahead, we may persevere and win out in His name, setting an example which will bo worthy of our fathers before us, Preparedness Against Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 15 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a summa- tion of statements of mine regarding certain measures which was prepared by my administrative assistant. There being no objection, the state- ments were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: PREPAREDNESS AGAINST COMMUNISM—RECORD or SEnaToR Lopes Because so many queries are received re- garding Lopcr’s anti-Communist activities, the following reference material has been compiled, taken entirely from official or pub- ‘shed sources. Soon after his return to the Senate in Jan- uary 1947 Lopaz began working by voice and by vote for complete preparedness—mil- itary, informationa], economic, and security- wise—in the fight against communism. Part I of thts pamphlet contains chrono- logical excerpts from his preparedness record before the Communist aggression in Korea of June 25, 1950, beginning in early 1947, when he returned to the Senate after World War II. Part II deals with his record after the aggression began. PART i. PREPAREDNESS AGAINST COMMUNISM— PRE-KOREA February 1947: “I am constantly concerned with the prob- Jem of maintaining our armed forces. The common defense is one of the prime re- sponsibilities placed upon us by the Consti- tution; and it is utterly vital, not only for American security, but for the peace of the rest of the world, that we maintain armed forces at a sufficient atrength effectively to support our foreign policy” (CONGRESSIONAL Recoay). “Senator Lopes has raived a series of ques- tions about the theory and composition of
Al64 our Armed Forces, He is without doubt the best qualified Member of the United States Senate to propound such questions and to array the answers. He has come closest of anyone thus far in getting down to brass tacks as to the basic principles and policies which must underlie our national security”(Army Ordnance Magazine). April 1947: “We must be ready when the whistle blows” (Hearings on 8. 768, Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate). “T hope that in the future we will seek to achieve permanent results by our expendi- ture of money and effort as the result of fore- thought and far-reaching plans, and not to be constantly surprised by a succession of expensive rescue parties in which we simply pour money down a rat hole and achieve no basic improvement. There is not sufficient money in the world and there is certainly not sufficient money in the United States to pursue such a course” (CONGRESSIONAL Rec- ORD). May 1947: “a consistent, decisive, and thoroughgoing over-all plan for foreign policy which will geoure military, political, and economic con- ditions in the world, which will make peace and prosperity possible, and which, by mak- ing foreign peoples self-supporting, will obtain for us the markets and raw mate- rials we need ts essential. In other words, what is wanted is a foreign-ald program which will aid Americans” (CONGRESSIONAL Recor). “The fact that we allowed so many of the war's painfully won gains to slip away be- tween our fingers in the year after the shooting stopped must teach us once and for all what a crime we commit against our- selves and against humanity when we allow ourselves to become weak” (CONGRESSIONAL RecorD). July 1947: “The amendment which I shall offer rep- resents my attempt to provide an ever-ready Air Force of 70 peace-strength air groups. * * * The first priority for the national security of the country should go to the striking Air Force, and these are the figures which will give it to them, and I hope the Senate will adopt them” (CONGRESSIONAL Record). (This amendment was defeated.) “Senator Lopcr has waged an admirable, though losing, battle on the floor of the Senate to give the Army Air Corps the full striking force it contends it should have in the postwar period. The picture which Sen- ator Lopcr gave his colleagues of our de- mobilization-battered aviation spearhead as it exists today is not a pleasant one; except, perhaps, to any potential enemy” (editorial, Washington Star). “Without unification we are doomed by the nature of future war, the first effect of which will be to disunite us tactically, I say with all the vigor and all the sincerity of which I am capable, without unification we cannot even begin to fight” (Conarms- SIONAL RECORD). “The adoption of an intelligent policy with respect to our diminishing raw materials of all kinds is of vital importance and can mean the difference between defeat and victory in case of war’ (CONGRESSIONAL RECORD). October 10947: “The time has come for us to indulge in some plain speaking and to set the record straight * * * Ihave just returned from Europe where every kind of untruth is circue lated about the United States, and I assure you that much of it is believed simply be- cause we never do reply * * * We must not hesitate, and we shall not hesitate, to brand as lies the things which the enemies of human freedom in the world today are continually saying about the ideals which animate us here in America, For every lie they publish, let us proclaim the truth.” (Columbus Day speech, Boston, Mass.) November 1947: “Certainly our words would not be heeded abroad if our military defenses were weak. “There is no Nation-wide organization in being which is ready to deal with massive pombardment of our population centers and of our industrial and military establish- ments.” (Report to the chairman, Foreign Relations Committee). “we are at present 60 to 70 percent short of the minimum strength of five divisions which the Army requires in combat ground troops, not counting occupation forces” (CONGRESSIONAL RECORD). “The warning by Senator Lopcr that our military defenses are seriously weak should not be ignored by Congress. Senator Lopcr should know what he is talking about. He knows the military situation here and else- where by personal contact. His words on this subject merit serious consideration” (editorial, Boston Post). “The experience of Senator Lopcr gives weight in the public mind to his comments on the Nation’s unpreparedness to meet any emergency” (editorial, Fall River Herald- News). December 1947: “We must be ready for the worst. War has become total, our defense must be total, too. « « © Jf Washington were hit, the Presi- dent, the Cabinet, all Members of Congress, all records would be gone. A new Govern- ment and a new President should be ready to take over—perhaps in some bunker or cave” (open letter to Herbert Hoover, Chatr- man, Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government). January 1948: “TI rise this morning to express the hope that at this regular session of Congress the Appropriations Committee will not be bound by any short-sightedness or lack of under- atanding on the part of the Bureau of the Budget and that it will include in the appro- priation bill adequate funds for 70 air groups. ‘We must have an Air Force in being, an Air Force that is immediately ready, not a skele- ton Air Force, Seventy groups are the minl- mum” (CONGRESSIONAL RECORD). (Although Congress voted funds for a 70- group Air Force, a Presidential directive re- duced this by 28 groups.) “Under the leadership of Senator Lopcsg, Congress raised the number of Army air groups from the 56 that the President wanted to 70” (Lowell Sun). “There is no substitute for professional knowledge, and Senator Lopez has it where modern warfare is concerned. He is showing an acute and penetrating vision of what that means when he calls for an increase in air power. His voice should be heard with com- plete respect” (editorial, Boston Traveler). “The United States Information and Edu- cational Exchange Act is only a beginning, insofar as United States public relations abroad are concerned. Unless there is en- ergetic, intelligent, and imaginative admin- istration we shall not really hold up our end in the great debate which is going on over the world and in which we, whether we like it or not, are one of the two principal par- ticipants” (CONGRESSIONAL RECORD). “While supporting the European-aid bill in principle, Lopce is readying a series of amendments designed to: Build up stock. piles of strategic materials this country needs in exchange for European aid, strip the pro- gram of all but bare essentials, put the pri- vately hoarded assets of European nationals to work supporting the Marshall plan, force at least some unification of Europe and halt the drain of American vitality’ (article, Washington Times-Herald). “We all know that the program which we are confronting makes sacrifices on our part inevitable and we also know that the Ameri- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD can people can make sacrifices and have done so in the past many times, but let us re- member this: That whatever ald we send, we must never do violence to vital Ameri- can needs. It must never be at the expense of the food and the heat and the clothing and the housing and the economic system whereby America lives and has its being, A strong America is not only necessary to Americans; it is vitally necessary to the world. If there is one thing that we must preserve above everything else, it is the strength and vigor of our country. “T¢ we are to deprive ourselves of badly needed oil, let us get back all of this oll from Middle-Eastern sources, just as soon and just as fast as Middle-Eastern ofl gets into production” (speech, Columbia University, New York). “we must get something back in return. If we are to send our machinery overseas, let there be a hard and fast agreement that we will get natural resources in return, such as bauxite, manganese, and iron ore, and many other things which we have not got in sufficient amounts in this country. Such an agreement enhances self-respect and minimizes the chances of bad feelings” (Con- GRESSIONAL RECORD). “We must be absolutely sure that all as- sets owned by foreigners are put into the service of this great cause, insofar as this can be done. If, as we are officially told, there are between $2,000,000,000 and $3,000,- 000,000 worth of gold in France, this gold must be put to work. If there are wealthy people in Europe, they should be taxed. If there are $8,000,000,000 worth of foreign as- sets held in the United States, they should be pledged in the operation of the Marshall plan, because the poor here in America must not be made to support the rich overseus’” (speech, Boston, Mass). March 1948: “1 have absolutely no responsibility for the lack of preparedness for peace which was shown at the conclusion of hostilities. I have no responsibility for the decisions made at Yalta and Potsdam * * * Iam nota party to the tragic lack of foresight and the appalling miscalculations which were made at the end of hostilities and which account for so much of what is going on today” (CONGRESSIONAL RECORD). “Your telegram so utterly distorts the truth and uses the phrases which we all love in so cynical a manner that I cannot hope by any reply of mine to make you admit the great wrong you are committing. Because of the fact that you once held a high office, your activities are interpreted abrond as signs of American disunion and are there- fore a direct encouragement to the masters of the Soviet police empire to continue their campuign of extending the fron curtain” (open letter to Henry A. Wallace). “I think we should realize that we are meeting in the shadow of a tremendous world emergency” (CONGRESSIONAL RECORD). April 1948: “The Russian tactics of bullying and in- timidation in Berltn demonstrate what a ghastly error and what a tragic miscaicu- lation were made at the end of the war when we withdrew our troops from what is now the Russian zone of Germany. It also shows the pressing need for prompt military pre- paredness" (CONGRESSIONAL RECORD), “The Russians, believe me, are not smart enough to have singlehandedly created the Communists of Europe. Europe's chronic ille—overpopulation, maldistribution of goods and wealth, the failure of its educated class to provide leadership, the selfishness of its people—these are the facts which create communism. “Fundamentally we face a political and human challenge of the very highest order. In spite of our great efforts and vast ex- perditures, we have been hugely unsuccess- ful in the battle for men's minds,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “An enthused America, speaking through its Government, can make American democe racy an article of export. The Christian con- cept of the dignity of man is the strongest revolutionary force in the world. But be- cause we lack imagination or understanding, we have allowed the materialistic and brutal verbiage of communism to gain a greater ex- port currency than our own belief which springs from eternal sources—the job of stat- ae our aims for ourselves badly needs to be one, “This fight is fundamentally one for men's minds. The effort must, therefore, be made by tdeas which appeal to the aspirations of men’s souls. With such ideas we will win; without these, all the money and Cominterns and ‘cloak-and-dagger’ services in the world will fail. "The belief which traditionally grips us after every war that permanent peace will s00n be definitely assured has never been a correct belief and is clearly an undepend- eble doctrine today, although we still desire peace as fervently as we ever did and are willing to work and to sacrifice for it more inteliigently. “We are learning that in the present test of strength with Russia it does not pay to run away. “Our ideas must emphatically mean that we do not uphold any regime abroad, no mat- ter how corrupt, provided only that it is anti-Communist. At its best such a course would be stupidity; and at its worst it would be nihilism, “We have it within our power to hold aloft @ torch which cannot only rival but easily surpass communism and the other violent doctrines of the dictators as a brightly shin- ing attraction to all the weary people in the world, young and old, who are looking for a way out of their misery” (speech, New Orleans). May 1948: “I object to being bullied or hornswoggled by any foreign atate into weakening, if not destroying, our prime military asset—which is our productive capacity. * * * Our desire to be ready for the first blow in any fu- ture war must not force us to take steps which make it dificult, if not impossible, for us to win the closing battle.”—-CoNGRESSIONAL Recorp. June 1948: “I hope that this bill (Selective Service Act of 1948) is not merely a flash in the pan. * * * JT hope that it is a forward step in & coherent, well thought-out miltary pol- icy."~-CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. The purpose of the Vandenberg resolution is to show that we are in sympathy with the broad trend of strengthening the freedom- loving countries, but it does not commit us to anything definite. They must make the showing. If they make a good showing and if it is advantageous to our national security to help them, we shall help them. If the showing is not good enough, we shall not help them. It is the most perfect arrange- ment from the standpoint of American inter- est that could possibly be imagined. (Con- GRESSIONAL RECORD). August 1948: “We have never been itn & world where there are so many loose pieces of dyna~ mite lying around. Our country at the present time ts going through the valley of the shadow. In addition to battleships, guna, and airplanes, we must keep our spiri- tual strength high and reaffirm our faith in our inetitutions” (Speech, American Legion Convention, Worcester, Mass.). October 1048: “We should all realize that effective allies are indispensable to survival should we again confront the grim contest of war” (This Week magazine). January 1948: “We aimply do not have the manpower to carry the whole burden of a future war alone. “The factor which is at the bottom of every good military organization is the will to fight of the individual soldier. In Europe this will to fight depends fundamentally on the extent to which Europe unifies itself. “We in Congress may be asked to help in setting up a Western armed force and it might be strongly in the interests of the United States and of world atability gen- erally for us under the proper conditions to give help to such a force. What are the ‘proper conditions’? “There is the question of whether the pro- posed pact is enthusinetically vouched for by one or more of our American military leaders who actually commanded foreign troops in combat in World War II and there- fore knows from experience the realities of coalition warfare. The endorsement of staff officers, however brilliant they may be and however necessary their approval is, would not be enough. There must be approval by a former combat leader based on intimate personal knowledge of the provisions of the pact. “There is the question of whether the reaction to such a pact in nonpartictpating countries has been thoroughly anticipated and whether we are ready to meet such re- action. “There is the question of whether there is @ supreme commander on whom all the member nations agree and who really has got the power to command the Western European armed force. What is needed is not a chairman of the board, but a real gen- eral go that there is an unquestioned single authortty. “There must be a comprehensive, strategic and tactical plan in which definite assign~ ments are given to all the military units which are members of this Western European armed force. This is absolutely essential if we are to avold the typical Western European catastrophe in which the invader swoops down from the East and the western nations start a long debate as to who js to do what. “The governments of the nations con- cerned must be strong enough to provide the foundation of civil power which 1s essen- tial to the existence of a healthy military organization. “There must be complete proof that the strategic plan for the defense of Western Europe is one which the nations of Europe are actually prepared to carry out insofar as pledging their manpower in regularly or- ganized military units is concerned. Unless they are willing to pledge their manpower as we have pledged ours, and unless the men are presently and actually integrated into unite, there ts no use in our even beginning to send equipment. “We must know how much we can afford to send abroad in relation to our Milttary Establishment and our own = solvency” (speech, Baltimore, Md.). “Senator Lopcr wants a lot of questions answered: How much of the munitions will be made here and how much in Europe? Why can't considerable arms be manufac- tured in the Ruhr? How much aid has been extended to Europe since the end of the war? How much is proposed for the fu- ture? How is this ald going to be divided up among the participating countries? How Tany military units is each country going to have? How much manpower ts involved in each year? What effect will this plan have on our own Military Establishment? What sort of organization will supervise this aid to see that the other countries for their part maintain effective self-aid? These are intelligent questions and ones that must be answered” (article, Boston Herald). February 1949; “To put the war-making power in the hands of other nations, or for ua to under- write nations over whose foreign policy we had no contro] would be @ great mistake. I think it would be a mistake to take away from Congress the right to declare war on A165 the part of our country” (Cononessionatr Recorp ). “People like the Kaiser and Hitler are never as much embarassed by words and phrases and good intentions as they are by their knowledge of the actual physical mili- tary means that are ready to be used in or- der to fight” (Conarrsstonar Recon). “In June of 1948 I made a speech which developed in some detall the fact that the United States had become a have-not Na- tion in terms of essential raw materials. Since that time, the situation has grown worse and is causing concern to all the stu- dents of this problem. I wish that some- thing could be done to arouse public senti- ment to the dangers of the situation. If we lose our sources of material strength we will in many ways have dealt a real death blow to our country” (CoNGRESBIONAL ReEcorp). March 1949; “If, in a future war, we will have even fewer divisions on the front, does not that argue even more pressingly than ever be- fore in our history that we simply must have allies, that we must have friends so that American boys will not have to carry the whole load by themselves?” (Cononrs- SIONAL RECORD). “I am interested in obtaining strategic materials to replenish our depleted resources. The provisions of existing law have been in- adequate in this respect. The cleverness of the whole scheme is that it takes the ECA Administrator, with his hard-hitting organi- zation and his bargaining position, and puts him into the existing strategic material policy of the Government.” July 1949; “I believe we should furnish arms to Eu- rope, but only with the understanding that we do not undermine our own defense, that we help only nations making maximum efforts to help themselves” (CONGRESSIONAL Recorp). “The North Atlantic Treaty is assuredly no panacea for security * * *,. It by no means relieves us of the need for military preparedness” (CONGREssIONAL RECORD). January 1960: “IT have very grave doubts if we should un- Gertake military action in Formosa. [ think we have got to stop the military aspect of communism somewhere, but I don't think that’s the place. For a minor military suc- cess we might suffer a major loss politically and propagandistically” (CONGRESSIONAL REc- Lo} ED). February 1950: “We must continue to build our strength in ever, way that wecan * * * then—and only then—will there be a real prospect of accomplishing results” (CONGRESSIONAL REC- ORD). May 1950: “I believe that we should not send any- thing that is of military value behind the fron curtain" (ComGressionaL Rxecorp). “TY do not think world war III is inevitable at all. But whereas 2 years ago we thought we might have 10 or 15 years in which to make everyone strong and self-reliant, I Low think we probably have only three or four. We have lost time in which to get the free world on a firm footing" (CoNGRESSIONAL Record). “Let us consider the rearmament of Europe under the North Atlantic Pact. I am very much worried as to whether that ts proceed- ing fast enough, whether enough 1s being accomplished with respect to it" (Concras- BIONAL RECORD). June 1950: “The dangers of the world situation are largely self-evident. * * * It js plain to me that the Western World, of which the United States is a part, must build up a very strong front. * * ° In @ very real sense, we of the free world should have been ready yesterday and should never have ale lowed the disintegration of our Armed Forces