A1342 geared directly to the speed with which our factories cnn supply the needs of Army, Navy, and Air Forces. Speed depends on know- how. ‘The Business Press is the chief pur- veyor of that type of intelligence. Also it is a vast reservoir of past experience that again ean be applied usefully. During World War II, the Business Press used thousands of pages describing im- proved methods and practices for pertorming the innumerable jobs connected with war production. The essentiality of your pub- lications during that struggle has been ac- claimed in the highest terms It takes a lot of brawn to fight a war, It also takes a lot of brains, The Business Press ia invaluable in making our brain power more effective and in giv- ing It precise direction. It {s an extraor- dinarily potent instrumentality that is in- dispensable to the efficient conduct of busi- ness and industry. You men of the Busi- ness Press are as important to a war effort as are the trained officers of the fighting forces. Again I thank you, Mr. President, for ate tending this dinner and thus giving impetus to the vital part the Business Press 1s taking in the defense of our fireside. Conditions at Fort Knox EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWARD BREEN OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. BREEN. Mr. Speaker, my office has from time to time received numer- ous letters detailing unfavorable condi- tions existing in various Army, Navy, and Air Corps installations. Generally these letters have come from parents anxious and concerned over the welfare of their sons and it has been the policy of our office to refer these criticisms to the appropriate legislative liaison offices for an on-the-scene report of these al- leged conditions. The Army, Navy, and Air Corps liaison offices have been very helpful and co- operative at all times in getting the re- quested information. However, Mr. Speaker, in many instances it has been found that the alleged abuses have large- ly been the result of that human quality of exaggerating details and adding a few embellishments at each retelling. The following newspaper article writ- ten by Harrison Beardsley of the Dayton (Ohio) Journal-Herald staff, I believe, speaks for itself, In the same mail that I received this newspaper, I also received several let- ters based on soldiers’ reports to their families of an alleged freezing to death at their camp. Undoubtedly other con- gressional offices have received similar reports and perhaps Mr. Beardsley’s article will be of interest and assistance. ANXIOUS PARENTS’ LETTERS PLacur ARMy Top Brass—CovGHs AND COLDS ARE PLENTIFUL AT Fort Knox; Rumors Fry, AND LETTERS Start ROLLING IN (By Harrison Beardsley) Forr Enox, Ky., February 26—Mom and dad are among the United States Army's biggest troublemakers, With an assist from a Congressman or VIP, they can raise more feathers and fur on this post than a hundred feuding sergeants. Their unwilling copartner is the mailman, who each day drops at least one letter from mom or dad on the commanding general’s desk. The complaints and insinuations in these messages make the top brass yearn for the sweet clover of retirement. It is not uncommon for mom or dad to charge that the Army has defranchised American youth or fhat it is engaged in a mass conspiracy to maim or dismember Our boy. It would be unfair to say that all these letters are the overflow of distraught pa- rental love In most cases our boy is as much to blame for them as anyone else He has written home about the Army. His Jetters boast of the rough treatment he hvs taken As any former GI knows, those first letters home put Izaak Walton to shame But when he tells mom and dad about thore two guys who froze to death last night it's too much, Mom and dad are alarmed, and rightfully 5O The trouble js mom and dad don't know that those two guys freeze to death at every Army post in the United States any time the mercury dips near zero, It was that way in World War II-—and the Medical Corps is still looking for the bodies It's another one of those fabulous Army rumors Here’s how the rumor was reborn at Fort Knox just a month agu. One night the temperature fell below zero. A colonel became concerned about the welfare of men camping out in tne hills. He decided to go see how they were getting along He called the motor pool for a jeep The jeep was frozen. The impatient colonel told the motor pool to get the jeep de-iced in a hurry because maybe some of those boys are frozen out on bivouac. HOW RUMORS START Next day the word was all over camp that “two men had froze to death,” It took another day or so for the letters to get back home and then the general's telephone begun to ring. An investigation disclosed that during the particular culd spell in question there had been only one casualty A recruit suffered fiostbite on one ear. He yot it standing in an outdoor phone booth waiting for a long- distance call through to home, the investi- gating colonel told us. But for weeks the recruits were talking about ‘those two guys who froze to death.” This is not to say there isn’t @ cold or a case of pneumonia at Fort Knox. This mili- tary establishment is 4 city--the second larg- est in Kentucky---where more than 84,000 live and work. There's bound to be trouble somewhere. LOTS OF COUGHING The cold, the cough are the trademark of a@ recruit. Walk into any classroom and you can hardly hear the Instructor above the hack- hacks. Everybody at basic is coughing It’s like touring a TB hospital. Recruits put their shelter halves (two of them make a pup tent) up alongside ‘their bunks at night to keep from coughing on each other, It's too bad. But the Army has 14 weeks to get our boy ready for combat and it cannot cancel training—-rain, snow or 10 below zero. Blizzards don't stop the war in Korea and they don’t stop basic training. But to top all this cold and cough busi- ness every now and then the barracks boiler breaks down. During one week of extreme cold there were 50 boilers ‘on the bum.” Fifty barracks were ice cold—S0 barracks built 10 years ago to last 5 years, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Basic 18 NO PICNIC Is it the Army's fault? us civilians ask. Or is it the fault of an economy-minded for- mer Secretary of Defense who let Army in- stallations fall apart? as Army officers say. The latest word is that Fort Knox ts due for a Senate investigation. What will the Senators find? They will find that basic training heve is no plenic. They will find 2,000 recruits who cough ‘wo thousand recruits who in 14 weeks can be in Korea where things sre & lot colder, a lot wettcr and a whole lot dead~- lier. The question they should decide is not whether basic training 1s too tough but whether it ts tough enough. Address cf Hoa. Sean MacBride, Minister for External Affairs for the Republic of Ireland EXTENSION OF REMARKS ION. FOSTER FURCOLO OF MASSACHUSETTS: IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. FURCOLO. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks, I wish to include in the Recorn a speech delivered last, Saturday at the Clever Club in Bos- ton, Mass., by the Honorable Sean Mac- Bride, the Minister for External Affairs for the Republic of Ireland: One of the more hackneyed functions of a foreign minister is to compose Nttle speeches which refer, a8 gracefully & poB- sible, to the links which have always linked Ireland and other countries. This pastime is, I be'feve, irreverently known in im” de- partment as “linking the link.” However, there are occasions, and this is one of them, where the links are so solid and real that to link them is no trouble at all. I was reminded the other day, by a rather amusing coincidence of reading, of how close and intimate the relations between Ireland and the Commonwealth of Massachu- petts really are. I had been reading a book which, I am sure, is familiar to you all, and as to whose merits and accuracy I hasten to say that I am not competent to form an opinion—The Proper Bostonians, by Mr. Cleveland Amory. The end papers of that volume display a map which purports to represent the true Hub citizen’s conception of the world which revolves around him. I was tickled to see in this that, although a great part of the United States 1s very sketch- fly drawn—the whole of the great Middle West is, for instance, covered by the sweep- ing description “The Western Prairies”—the solitary outside country shown (I hesitate to call it foreign) —Ireland—is fairly accu- rately drawn and on it are plainly marked the names of Limerick, Cork, and Killarney. I noted sadly that the northeastern corner of our island faded off on this map into a misty obscurity. Reading Mr. Amory’s psychologi- cal geography, I was reminded of a work by one of our leading humoristse—Myles no gCopaleen. That work, of which the name in Irish means "The Poor Mouth,” also con- tains a map of the universe, this time as seen by an inhabitant of the BlasKet Is- lands. It is conaiderably more rudimentary than Mr. Amory's but it does show two ob- jects of external interest. One is England and the other, written in much larger and more affectionate-looking letters, is Spring- field, Mass. I think these two independent observations, humorous as they are, do illuse trate something serious and real: The mue
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tual consciousness and affection of two peo- ples. That affection, of course, arises primarily from the fact that so many Inish men and women have made their homes here. But even apart from that, we, in Ireland, should have a warm regard and admiration for your historic city The part which the Common- wealth of Massachusetts and the city of Bus- ton played in the War of Independence and, later, in the preservation of the Union, have gone down, along with the names of Wash- ington and Lincoln, as part of the real his- tory of human freedom. The Irish people place on freedom the value which you put on something for which you have had to struggle hard and long; it is natural, there- fore, that we should admire your historic traditions and struggle for liberty. We re- spect your traditions all the more because we have reason to know that they are, for you, not mouldering parchments in muscums but living and active principles We, in Ireland, have learned to apply criti- cal tests to professions of political idealism. We were governed for many yeurs by people who had developed the most admirable prin- ciples of civil government—and kept them to themselves. There is a Gaelic proverb which says “that the attention one pays to a sermon on consideration for others is greatly increased if the preacher has the dell- cacy not to be standing on one’s face” After a long period of this treatment we have become, as it were, connoisseurs of liberal- ism When we hear high principles ex- pressed we ask ourselves whether these prin- ciples are to apply to us or whether, as in the past, Ireland is supposed to exist in a kind of moral vacuum where expediency alone takes over. The answer in the case of the Com- monwealth of Massachusetts is, I am proud and grateful to say, an affirmative one. You have high principles, and you do not hesi- tate to apply them in the case of Ireland. Your legislature has condemned the parti- tion of Ireland in no uncertain terms, and your Senators and Representatives in Wash- ington have also done all in their power to expose that injustice We, in Ireland, be- hold this, not only with gratitude for what you are doing for us, but with the thrill of pride and pleasure one derives from seeing high political ideals being put into action. Your statesmen show that they believe that the freedom of small nations is something which is both just and expedient now, not merely, as others would have us believe, an obsolete wartime slogan or an aim to be real- ized in a mythically remote future, Nike the famous Communist doctrine of “withering away of the state.” I have sald that freedom 1s also expedient, and I think tt may be well to say something of why this is so, specifically in the case of Ireland, The bastc fact is that there is such . a thing as an Atlantic community and that Ireland is a member of that community. I say a member—not a part of another mem- ber or a piece chipped off another member, but a nation in her own right, one of the oldest in Europe, with her own unique and individual voice. She is that strange anom- aly, a European nation with most of her people in America, and that, I think, makes her a member of the Atlantic community in @ special sense. I was reminded of this to- day as I came through one of the older parts of your city. One feels that {tt is a place where the old world and the new have met and formed a harmonious and fertile union. On the other side of the Atlantic, Ireland ts potentially in a like position. There is nothing either cheap or superfictal about the deep American sympathies of the Irish people Ireland, as I see it, is a point of attachment between America and Europe. She is 4 small but powerful engine of the most genuine kind of international cooperation and under- standing. ‘The tragedy is that this engine has been, to a great extent, put out of gear. Ireland is, indeed, playing a certain part, not, we think, without value, in international cooperation In the two principal interna- tional organizations to which she belongs, the Council of Europe and the OEEC, she has played a progressive part. In the OEEC we have, from the beginning, pressed for a quicker tempo of trade liberalization and a speedier integration of the European econ- omy. In the Council of Europe al) our rep- resentatives, who include representatives of both the Government and the opposition-—— Mr. de Valera’s party—have consistently Tavored the strengthening of the Council of Europe. In principle we have favored mov- ing forward toward the concept of a Parlla- ment of Europe. You will want to know our position in re- lation to two other organizations, the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. As regards the United Nations the post- tion is that, being willing to accept all the responsibilities of membership, we applied but our candidature was vetoed by Soviet Russia Marshal Stalin, I am sorry to say, does not consider that we are a democratic or peace-loving people. ° As regards the Atlantic Pact the position is that we were invited to Join but we refused. That refusal may seem strange to many of you, but, in fact, it was the only course open to us, the only course which could have been taken by an Irish Government under the present circumstances, as is, I think, shown by the fact that it had the unanimous sup- port of all parties in our Parliament. The reason is tragically simple. It is that for us, unlike all the other members of the pact, the invitation was not an invitation to a free nation to join other free nations in the bear- ing of arms for the proservation of peace. It was an invitation to a nation, part of whose territory is occupied by a foreign power, against the will of the overwhelming majority of our people, to enter into a mill- tary alliance with that power. Worse still, 1t was, in our case, an invitation to under- write that power’s territorial integrity in our country—that is to say, we were in fact belng asked to underwrite the border which divides our country. It may be argued that, in this great crisis of our time, it would have been the part of magnanimity to disregard these matters, to set the interests of the Atlantic commu- nity, as a whole, above what is often described as a “local grievance’—in short, to forget about partition and come into the pact. That was not the response of the Irish people. The Irish people, like other people, test all professions of principle by the things they know and have experienced. They have no {Illusions about Russia. No European nae tion has less illusions or is more solidly anti- Communist, but they simply do not accept, as a champion of liberty, the nation which refuses to recognize democratic rule in Ire- land’s case. Many in Ireland have cause to remember the recruiting posters which the British Government put up in every town and village in Ireland during the First World War. One of these posters—‘Ireland and the peace conference” began “The Allies de- clare in specific terms that they are out to give freedom to small nationalities. They cannot, then, in the face of Europe give free~ dom to the small nations and leave Ireland out” Another British poster, showing an aware- ness of Irish distrust for British promises, cashed in on Ireland’s trust in America: “America, speaking through its President, said this piece of propaganda, “declares that the liberties of every other people are as valued and are to be made secure, aye, as the liberties of America. Will Ireland fight for this freedom? America will see her rights are secured.” Many thousands of Irishmen, believing such words and believing that Ireland waa, A1343 in truth, one of the allies fighting in the common cause of all, fought and died in that war. At the end of it the promises were dis- honored and Irishmen had to fight long and bitterly to obtain even a Hmited degree of freedom for a partitioned island. This might almost be described as an education in political cynicism, but I don’t think our people are cynical. They believe in the principles professed by the Atlantic powers but they want to see those principles put into effect in Ireland. They are not bar- gaining about partition. There can be no question oi a bargain where the rights of a nation are concerned. For Ireland, parti- tion, in this context, represents two things— an absolute present bar to participation in a militury allance with Britain and a test of the reality of democratic principles. A» I see it, the wall which divides our country has already been undermined and it will collapse under a strong and resolute push. “hose of you who put your shoulders to it are doing a great historic work. Re- member that the fracture in Ireland is also a fracture in the Atlantic community—a community that can ill afford division. It was a Joyful day for the Irish people, as well as for America, when on St. Patrick's Day, 1776, the British troops evacuated your city and General Washington gave the countersign, “St. Patrick" On that far- off day, Britain left behind a former victim and an enemy and found before long that she had gained a trusty friend. I look forward to another evacuation day and to a similar outcome. Wheat for India EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN T. WOOD OF IDAHO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 27, 1951 Mr. WOOD of Idaho. Mr. Speaker, as a further step toward national bank- ruptcy, we are now being urged by Dean Acheson, Secretary of State, to give 2,000,000 tons of wheat to India, with no strings attached. Meanwhile, our farmers are suffering from a shortage of burlap to sack pota- toes and other farm products; and there is an acute shortage of manganese and other strategic metals which are abso- lutely essential to our defense effort. India is the major producer of these ma- terials but has shown no inclination to exchange them for wheat, preferring, apparently, to sell them to Russia or other countries and discriminate against the United States by imposing heavy ex- port taxes. The two letters appended express my views and the views of my constituents regarding the strange proposal of Dean Acheson in whom I have absolutely no confidence. IDAHO-OREGON SHIPPERS ASSOCIATION. Parma, Idaho, February 22, 1951. Hon. JoHn T. Woon, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear ConcressMAN Woon: In Ught of re- cent proposals to send foodstuffs to India for the purpose of relieving the famine, we should like to call your attention to the pres- ent situation regarding the supply and costs of burlap used extensively in our industry and obtained primarily from Indla,
A1344 Members of this association, representing the major portion of shippers of fresh fruits and vegetables in this southwestern Idaho and eastern Oregon area, find that most of the companies supplying burlap to the trade believe they will have supplies of burlap on hand sufficient to cover the needs of the industry here during the months of July, August, and September. However, many of these companies presently will not offer those suppiies to farsighted shippers, nor will they indicate definite prices, They give as @ reason the present tight supply and price level. India has, as we understand, a reciprocal trade agreement with Argentina wherein they trade burlap for wheat. Our members teel we should be in at least a similar posl- tion in light of our efforte to remedy India’s famine. Members of the potato and related ship- ping industries have requested that you be informed of this sttuation and that you be asked to exert your utmost surveillance both trom @ supply and a price standpoint. They also request that every consideration be given to a demand for a reciprocal trade agreement with India involving an exchange of burlap for foodstuffs supplied by our Government. Our members feel that the bag-supply companies should be consulted and that the matter should be thoroughly coordinated with them. They believe that other indus- tries using burlap euch as the peanut indus- try and the grain industry, as well as the Textile Bag Manufacturers Association, should also be consulted with regard to this matter. Our members feel that the congres- sional delegates from all other polato-pro- ducing States will be equally interested in this problem and urge that you solictt their support and aid In working out this program. Yours very truly, Worpen A. Davis, Executive Manager, CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, House or REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C, March 12, 1951, Mr. and Mrs. Gi.eear Panoz, Potlatch, Idaho. Dear Fotns: I can appreciate the fine Christian spirit shown in your recent letter requesting niy support of legislation to send 2,000,000 tons of wheat for free to India. The American people have always been ready to extend relief to the hungry and needy in all parte of the world. A readiness to help might be considered a national char- acteristic. But I resent the efforts of the State De- partment to stampede Congress by wide~ spread propaganda to put over this gift of wheat to India for the following reasons: 1. No tnformation has been supplied Con- gress as to why such a gift is required, nor as to how it ts to be distributed. 2. Mr. Nehru bas even stated that the re- quest for the wheat was unauthorized by him, and that if the wheat comes he does not want it as a giit. My understanding is that India has plenty of money, but due to the fact they planted their wheatlands into jute instead of wheat, they do not have the wheat, of course. 3. However, they do have an abundance of jute, which we need very badly; in fact I am getting letters from farmers complaining of their inability to get sufficient quantities to take care of the needs far this year at any price. 4. For the first time in the history of nations, I believe, India has placed an ex- port tax on jute. They have doubled and trebled it within the last 2 years, and it is due to take a still larger rise immediately. My information ia that this will make the price of jute prohibitive to the American farmer. One can understand a tax on im- ports, but one on exports does not seem to make much sense, unless a gouger is success- ful in getting away with it. 5. India has an abundance of manganese. We do not. We need it badly tn our steel program. She does not offer to give us any. She should be willing to trade it for wheat. She also bas other strategic metale which are jn short supply here. All of them she could spare could be traded for the wheat. I think it is very mecessary for you to understand that this wheat famine ts not because the farmers of India did not have a crop, nor because they are any poorer than our farmers. It ts simply due to the cause I have already mentioned, I might also point out that there ts abso- Jutely no proviston within the Constitution whereby Congress may give anyone anything, Congress has no right to give your money or goods to anyone without value received. Hoping this may clarify the subject in your mind, I remain, Very sincerely yours, Joun T. Woon. “On What That Money Buys and How We Boy It~Hinges the Real Security That the Air Force Can Give the People of This Country” (Engene M. Zuckert) EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEO E. ALLEN OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr, ALLEN of Illinois. Mr. Bpeaker, it affords men no end of pleasure to join in class reunions—there, to brush elbows and again break bread with men whom they knew in the formative years of their lives. It is, likewise, a distinct honor for any man to be given opportunity to address the Harvard Business School Club at any time. It was, therefore, a happy combina- tion of circumstanees which found Eugene M. Zuckert of the Yale class of 1933, Assistant Secretary of the United States Air Force, and one-time member of the Harvard Faculty School of Bust- ness Administration, addressing, but a few short weeks ago, the members of the Harvard Business School Club of New York City, the place of the Assistant Secretary's birth. Mr. Speaker, Eugene Zuckert is no stranger to the Members of this House— nor to a great majority of those who sit in the Senate on the other end of the Capitol We who know him well know that there are few men in Washington who so nearly fulfill the criteria that might be established to choose the ideal career man in Government more than does Eugene Zuckert. Upon his graduation from Yale, Mr. Zuckert entered upon a combined Yale Law-Harvard Business School course— a pioneer, experimental course conduct- ed by those two great universities, the purpose of which was to supplement legal training with business training in order that its graduates better under. stand the problems of business and of Government, as well as those of law— and, at the same time, coordinate them APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to the benefit of the Nation’s welfare and the profit of the American taxpayer. There might be other men in public life who elected to undergo such train- ing and follow such # career, but there is none who has made greater sacrifice of his personal time and fortune in order to translate his learning into action pro- grams that looked to the eventual intro- duction into Government of the same high standards of business administra- tion that characterize our multi-billion- dollar corporations. The postgraduate work which Eugene Zuckert took comprised a first year in Yale Law School—then, a second year in Harvard Business School—succeeded by two final years in the Yale Law School—during which Harvard Business School instructors did considerable of the teaching. Even in this formative period, Eugene Zuckert was, first, an assistant director, and then later, director of the Yale moot law court. Upon his graduation, he received not alone the degree of bachelor of laws, but a certificate for the comple- tion of the combined law-business school of both Harvard and of Yale. Upon leaving college, he was admitted to the bar in the State of Connecticut, as well as New York, and while he prac- ticed law in both States, must of his adult life as well as professional career has been devoted to public service, and, of a certainty, I think all who know him will agree that there are few men in Govern- ment who—because of their innate abil- ity. character, and integrity—merit the confidence of this Congress more than does Eugene Zuckert, Assistant Secre- tary of Air. While a member of the Harvard facul- ty, Mr. Zuckert served as a special con- sultant to the commanding general of the United States Air Force in develop- ing statistical controls, and while an in- structor of the Air Force Statistical Con- trol School at Harvard, trained more than 3,000 Air Force officers, with rudi- ments of good business practices and ad- ministration which, today, are found grounded in Air Force administration at every level of command. In addition to his duties with the Air Force, he served a full year in the office of the Chief of Naval Operations in con- nection with the Navy invcntory control program. In September 1945 he was re- lieved of his command as a naval lieu- tenant to become the Assistant to the Administrator of the Surplus Property Administration, W. Stuart Symington. Is it any wonder, therefore, that the Hon. W. Stuart Symington, when he be- came Secretary of War for Air, named Mr. Zuckert as his special assistant? Mr. Speaker, it was, indeed, no hap- penstance that, when the United States Air Porce became an independent De- partment of Government, coequal in all matters with those of the Army and the Navy, in the National Defense Estab- lishment, Mr. Zuckert became the first to be named Assistant Secretary of the United States Air Force. In addition to his duties as Assistant Secretary, United States Air Force, Mr. Zuckert serves as Air Porce represent- ative on the personnel policy board as
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD well as on the management committee, both of which are high policy-making agencies within the office of the Secre- tary of Defense. In the fleld of management, he exer- cises supervision over the Air Force’s cost control plan. This, of itself, established a new high in sound business adminis- tration within the military organization. He, likewise, has charge of the statistical control system; the development of or- ganizational policy; civilian and military personnel policy; budgetary policy, as well as the educational and the training program. Mr. Speaker, probably the most sig- nificant thing that brought good busi- ness practice to Government admunis- tration in the last 20 years was the es- tablishment of a performance-type budget developed by Mr. Zuckert for use by the United States Air Force. This single accomplishment was of such mo- ment and so vital to the economic ad- ministration of Government affairs that the establishment of this type of budget was acclaimed by Herbert Hoover’s Com- mission, set up by Congress to study the reorganization of the executive depart- ments of Government. That distin- guished committee, whose report was ac- claimed Nationwide—recommended to the Congress that the performance-type budget should be adopted in all armed services budgeting. Mr. Speaker, the talk that Mr. Zuckert delivered at the Harvard Business School is exactly the kind of a talk that you would expect from a ‘op-flight business executive. It is a discussion, among many, many other things, of the man- agement problems common to all large business concerns. It is exactly the kind of a talk that we would like to hear from all of our execu- tives in Government. It comes from one whose duties make him responsible for the management of one of the greatest business concerns in all the world—the United States Air Force—a concern car- rying on its payroll, at the present time, nearly a million persons, and with dis- bursement that runs into billions of dol- lars annually. Mr. Speaker, it is because of the great interest that every Member of this House has in the things that the Assistant Sec- retary of the Air Force has to say that I ask the unanimous consent of my col- leagues to extend my remarks and in- clude in the Recorn this wonderful talk by Eugene M. Zuckert. That talk was as follows: As things go tn Washington, 6 years is a long time for an appointive official to stay within the same organization. I think tf anybody asked me what was the common denominator that has emerged in my 6 years in the Air Force, I believe I would say It ts the respect that I have gained for our mili- tary leadership. It has become a constant source of amaze- ment to me how quickly people are likely to seize upon the appellation of “brass,” the most derogatory word in talking about our military leadership. That word “braas” seems to have acquired a connotation of a Colonel Blimp type of character with the most reactionary blind type of mentality. And, yet, when you hear the top military leadership abused, and the military itself, XCVII—App.——85 you sometimes wonder whether it could have been a coincidenca that we were able to de- feat Germany and Japan, that we were able to get thousands of bombers into the air, that we were able to get troops to Europe by the thousands in the last war, that subma- rines perform the miracles that they do. Inevitably, you must draw, as I have drawn, the conclusion that all these things, and the combination of them, is not the result of a series of tortunate accidents, nor solely the result of the work of junior officers and Re- serve Officers brought in from civilian life. You inevitably reach the conclusion that our top military management does do an outstanding job under the most difficult conditions It has been a real experience to have been associated with Generals Marshall, Eisen- hower, Bradley, Tooey Spaatz, Hap Arnold, Vandenberg, Collins, Admiral Sherman, and the rest, and not only them, but the people behind them. You grow to respect their real honesty, their basic self-sacrificing honesty, and their ability Not completely without fault, but nevertheless, in my mind, the mil- itary has a quality of management that per- mits the attainment of objectives that seems impossible in contemplation, yet is overlooked in retrospect As T have sald, this has been a tumultuous 5 years with changes up and down, cut-backs, and expansions of program. In 1946 when I first became associated with the Air Force, you will remember the Air’Force and every other branch of our service was at its lowest ebb The year before World War YI had ended, the people back home had _ said, “Bring the boys back home ” In time—a matter of wecks—that demand was sweeping the Nation. It was loud and insistent, and, as it turned out, was not to be dented In 1946, we were still spilling men out of uniform. And as we did, we found we could not aftord to keep much of our equipment. To begin with, we didn’t have the manpower to handle it and, even where we had man- power, we found that our appropriations were cut so deeply that we just could not afford to spend for its upkeep. What we were able to, we sold as sur- plus, in order not to burden our overhead. A lot of you well know that some of the sur- plus rotted on islands in the Pacific, at de- serted bases in England, and here at home. And today, in a few short years, the cycle ts suddenly reversed. We find that now we are again building, and this time, apparently, building in earnest. We have made mis- takes already in this building process We have been thrust completely into a new em- phasis. But it would not seem to me hu- manly possible not to make mistakes when today we are planning for more than double the number of men with which we started this fiscal year, and the spending in this year alone of $14,000,000,000. The tmportant point, I think, fs that to- day we are profiting in the Air Force from our experience 10 years ago. There still are key men with us who learned the hard way back in 1940 and 1941. Thetr guidance and their work down the line is going to help us stay along the right road. Not only that, but I think the Air Force has another very definite advantage in that we are relatively young and, being young, we are able to adapt ourselves readily to new methods and plans where it is proven that the present ones are faulty. In short, I believe that the Air Force has the all-impertant essential of leadership, the youth and the flexibility to do the job we are facing, ans to do it well. Some of you may wonder why we didn't have our defense ready even when we were reducing our size back 5 and 6 years ago. Well, we have had mobilization plans. Plans which we have worked hard over for the past 5 years. A1345 But, if you have plans, you might ask, why haven't you followed these plans in- stead of starting off on relatively uncharted paths and succeeding apparently tn confus- ing many, many people? The answer is that while we planned for either of two possible eventualities, we got a third and a new one We drafted and we consciously followed a peacetime program of preparation. We had another plan on the shelf in case of war And then we found ourselves settling into the quicksand of something new in history. We found ourselves—not at war—not at pence—but in a gray zone where we needed vast armament 1n order to preserve the peace and not go to war Our plans to transform the civilian economy and swing into full war manulacturing—if war came—do not fit the situation at present So today we are faced with a new problem. And compared with it, I can tell you that war is a simple thing When war herins, only the winning of the war matters Every- thing else goes out of the window War, too, has a definite terminal potnt, and very tangible objectives along the way. But this gray war—this hot and cold war— can go on indefinitely And we must fight it while at the same time maintaining our economy. Thus, we are faced with the problem of building a larre-scale, atomic-aze war ma- chine while, at the same time, maintaining a strong civilian economy, and the tax reve- nues it produces to pay the tremendous military bills Immediately before Korea, the entire de- fense budget had a $13,000,000,000 cetling. This year, as I mentioned before, the budget for the Air Force alone is $14,000.000,000. This year, in 6 months, tn the Air Force alone, we have already committed over 86,- 000,000,000 merely for procurement. On what that money buys and how we buy it hinges the real security that the Air Force can give the people of this country And it is a security that we cannot turn off and on like a magic faucet. This seems to me the major factor underlying every decision the people of the United States and the Govern- ment must make; there must be a continu- ing purpose in our efforts, and there must be a continuing sense of the urgency of the problem if the costs and heartaches they entall are not to be vainly suffered. Getting down to the specifies of the situa- tion, and only getting down to the Air Force situation; to begin with there arc hundreds of specialties in which we must train our personnel. Getting them into uniform, tell- ing them how to march, indoctrinating them, is only the first step. The training steps take from 6 months to several years, depending on the particular field that they work in. Therefore, we cannot, when things look good for the moment, stop our training program and 6 months later, when the storm clouds gather again, somehow have the needed trained men. It might interest you to Know that today 33%% percent of our manpower 1s either in training or connected with this large and complex training program. Our basic personnel problem is not in get- ting men. It is in getting men by specialty to fit into our complex operation. Trained men, alert men who can handle their as- signed roles in modern warfare with its com- plex equipment, its jet planes, its radar. Just take one simple example. One of our major radar operating in our air defense em- ploys 1,300 different tubes, weighs 240 tons and requires adjustments down to a thou~ sandth of a microsecond. Think of the train- ing and the skill needed for men to be able to work on this one radar unit, to keep it in order, and actually to operate it for the purpose for which 1t is designed. The man in uniform today has to have a basic education in ordcr to be sent through
A1346 any one of the many highly specialized training schools. And this, let me repeat, takes time Our technical courses average about 10 months, It would take less time if we would some- how reach the plateau of our scientific knowledge. Then we could teach by rote; the men could memorize what they need to know But that is not the case. Our men must be trained so that as new developments are achieved, literally every week and every month, thetr background will be broad enough for them to adapt themselves to the latest discoveries and theories and types of equipment. It's been a long time since a soldier could be prepared for war by being taught merely to fire a gun. The equipment of modern warfare be- comes more complicated each day too. And it tukes longer to design, develop, and man- ufacture There must be months of planning before an order is placed, once the order is placed there are months—sometimes 2 or 3 years in the case of our long lead time items—be- fore delivery can be made. Our original planning visualized a D-day on which peacetime contractors would be expanded to all-out production, civilian pro- ducers converted to war work, standby plants reopened and new plants built. How- ever, this is not our present situation. While we are anxious to continue the greatest possible civilian production we, nevertheless, {ace the fact that shortages, rationing of essential materials, and credit restrictions are idling some plants. This presents a serious economic situation. It is only logical that the idle hands from auto, home appliance, and other industries should be put to work on defense goods In absorbing this capacity which would otherwise be dissipated, we have sought to avoid worker migrations with its attendant difficulties, It also has long been Air Force policy to broaden the productive buse. We have sought to involve 45 many separate factories as pos- sible in peacetime aircraft production and production of the necessary components. This has resulted in the creation of a diversi- flod industry network which, now that ex- pangion has become necessary, can grow more Tapidly because not only the brains of big industry but those of many small suppliers are devoted to the job of getting out more— quickly This policy will be of increasing ald to that vital sepment of our business structure—the small manufacturer. It {ts also one of the foundations upon which we base our hopes of achieving the production goal set forth by the President—- a fivefold increase by December 1951 of the December 1950 plane-production capacity. Automotive firms are already augmenting the output of the aircraft industry Kauser- Frazer is preparing to build Fairchild C-119’s, Packard is getting ready to the build J-47 jet engines; Ford ts tooling up to produce Pratt & Whitney engines in Chicago, General Mo- tors is going to manufacture Republic F-84 fighters and J-65 engines The aircraft tndustry proper is going to be called upon for far more production than it js delivering at present And as long us it ts ag ay, vather than an all-out war, the con- verted civillan plants are going to operate at far below their full wartime potential Normal aircraft-industry plants and con- verted plants will be capable of vastly in- creased capacity. We will thus have substituted many sources of supply for the few we had in peacetime. This will be vitally important if war should strike Fer tt would mean that we would have avoided the bitterly elow process of having to build new plants, hire men, locate manage- ment, produce, and install complicated ma- chine tools before getting increased production. We will be prepared to expand with greater ease to the output needed to hit our poten- tial enemy with the results of full production from the greatest industrial machine in world history. We are also getting better geographic dis- tribution of essential production. We cannot transplant our entire industrial organization to midcontinent in the hope that it would be out of the range of an enemy. If, as we are told, there is no hiding place for us as individuals, how can we expect to find a hiding place for our vast industries? Many have expressed concern at the slow- ness with which much of our equipment is turned out. These people overlook one im- portant factor’ That much of our needed fighting equipment is new, barely out of the development stage Take electronics for example. We can't move in and take away from u company that is manufacturing some electronic device upon which we are depending strongly. Many of our new electronic devices are scarcely out of the breadboard stage. Throughout the carly part of their produc- tion they cannot be taken away from the mothering of the engineers. In aviation we are in a constant state of evolution; each* day brings advances in almost every major item Therefore, we are not taced with a production problem alone it ts also a problem of engineering One of our major electronics producers has 6,500 employees. Of these 6,500, 1,295 are fully qualified engineers and 20 percent of the lutter have graduate degrees That, I think, 15 a good indication of the complexity of the equipment and the production prob- Jem in modern aviation, and the extent to which production and engineering are in- extricably tied together in getting out the tools with whch we would have to fight a war and which must be produced in quantity if we are to be prepared. I have been talking tonight about Hmiting myself pretty much to the problems of the Air Force But the same principle holds true for the other services The complexity of our job, the number of individuals’ lives we are concerned with, the share of the econ- omy which must be dedicated to prepared- ness, make one problem overshadow all else and that is the road ahead. Every step we take, every decision we make will] affect each one of us. This fight against communism, imperialistic communism, is golng to mean more to you with the passing of euch day than a clash of ideas and ideals. The clash will be telt in specifics that will touch on our daily lives. It will be noticed at the neighborhood hardware store, for example. Machine tools may not be built for any other purpose but defense plants for the next 3 to 5 years. Naturally, this will mean a drying up of pro- duction tor other items Even the hand tools that you use in your basement carpentry—if you happen to be handier than I am—will not be produced in the quantity they have been. Automatic washing machines, television sets, irons—just about any product you can mention will gradually be cut back. All of this will mean that our living standard will also cut back, High living standards cannot help but be limited to a certain substantial degree. That is a fact we will face. How will we face it? You may remember that shortly after the outbreak of the Korean war, when the going was tough, a national weekly magazine took a poll in a Midwest town. It printed the pic- tures and reactions of a cross section of that typical American city. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD At that time those Interviewed were almost unanimous in approving our actlon, They were all for holding high the torch of free- dom in that far-off oriental land. Well, that was back last summer. About @ month ago the same magazine made the same survey in the same town, What did it find? It found that those people preponderately now believe we should get out of Korea, that Korea was, to sum it up briefly, all a mistake. Underlying that is something of gravest importance to you and to me. For it means that if this town in the Midwest is repre- sentative of the American people in the thou- sands of towns in the rest of that and the other 47 Stutes, then perhaps we should have a floating foreign pollcy. We should be against aggression in Korea one day; pissive about it the next We should be ready to defend the free nations of Europe today and abandon them tamorrow. In other words, if we were to follow the lesson of this survey in one representative American town, we should have a foreign policy that ebbs and flows. Because I am with the Air Force, one of the tools used in enforcing that Loreign pol- icy, I fear for the future if we are to toy with the idea of embracing an “on again, off again” approach to international affairs The question is, Are we willing to assume the role that has been forced upon us? The role of world leadership which this poll seems to indicate we are trying to push aside It has always been my confident opinion that we are capnble of accepting our rightful leadership. But the test is today and tomorrow. It is no longer enough to honor our {llus- trious forebear; to talk about the courage of the Pilgrims, the vision of the pioneers, the abillty of our industrial leaders who made the machine age possible We can no longer rest on past glories Today, in Korca—and in the rest of the world for that matter--we have accepted the challenge of communism. Do we mean 1t? I can't answer that question, but I belleve I know when the answer will be available, It will come alter we are hit with greatly increased taxes—it will come when we begin to feel the impact of some of the sacrifices and restrictions that I have mentioned be- fore, It will come when perhaps there is no Korea. It will come when there is a tem- porary stalemate or, perhaps, a turn for the better in international affairs An insidious combination of these two things might be too heavy for us. We might look, for example, at that big boost in our income taxes and the calm diplomatic wa- ters and ask, “What’s going on here * * * why should we be spending this money when there is no longer any threat to our free- dom?” That, gentlemen, will be the theme of deci- sion. Will we then want to turn back, or even to procrastinate? I hope I have shown that the nature of modern warlare, the nature of atr war means we cannot start and stop; that we cannot be on guard one day, at ease the next. National security is a long range project. Tt will not allow us the luxury of slacking off when we become disgruntled with our tax bills. But the choice is always ours. We made ft in 1940—we made it, in another direction, in 1945. Happily, under our system in this country, the people have the final say The Pentagon bullding and every plane, tank and ship it is charged with are all under one command— the citizens of this country. I feel that the decision they make, you make, a8 we smooth out our course, will be the right one. Only then can we insure peace and freedom.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Virginia’s Man of the Midceatury EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BURR P. HARRISON OP VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. HARRISON of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Appendix, I include an abridgement of an article by Virginius Dabney, esteemed editor of the Rich- mond Times-Dispatch, which appeared in the magazine Virginia and the Vir- ginia County: Vmornia’s MAN OF THE MIDCENTURY (By Virginius Dabney) United States Senator Harry F Brno has had a long public career, distinguished by a number of qualities seldom combined in one individual. He has shown high ability, great industry, and extraordinary capacity for han- dling men. An expert administrator, he ts also a profound student of government. More than all this, he has evidenced a ready willingness, rare among officeholders, to ex- press unpopular opinions. In other words, he has valued his own intellectual integrity from time to time above the prejudices and whims of the electorate This last-named quality of independent thinking was most notably displayed in the 1930's, when Sena- tor Byrp was usually to be found in opposi- tion to the overwhelriingly popular New Deal policies of President Roosevelt Many disagreed sharply with Senator Byrp when he was attacking the Roosevelt pro- gram They felt that he was ultraconserva~ tive, if mot reactionary; that he was alined with groups which were using arguments against Federal expansion and in favor of States’ rights as a smoke screen for exploita- tion, and that, tn general, he was sadly out of tune with the times Today, as the senior Senator from Virginia fg chosen Virginfa's Man of the Mid- Century, a goodly number of his former critics, of whom this writer is one, are happy to acclaim the appropriateness of the selec- tion Some of us stil! do not agree with all his views, but we are glad to acknowledge the great service he rendered as Governor of Viiginta, and his equally great service as United States Senator from Virginia. The apple-cheeked apple grower from the Shenandoah Valley is one of the few people in Washington who not only says he believes in Federal economy, but who actually does something about it. He ts also one of the Nation's most forthright advocates of States’ rights, and hence one of the principal foes of federalization and socialization. This is not to say that he is against all the innova- tions in government introduced by President Roosevelt. For example, he was strongly op- posed to social security at first, hut observa- tion of the system in operation convinced him that he was mistaken. He ts now a supporter of soctal security, for he has con- cluded thet the provisions for State and local matching serve as protection against the evils which he feared would flow from unemploy- ment reltef, old-age pensions, and assistance for dependent children and the blind. Mr. Byrrp's early skepticism concerning this program sprang from his ingrained and deep- ly felt conviction that citizens of a free country ought to make their own way, inso- far as possible, without the aid of any gov- ernmental agency, whether local, State, or Federul. Doubtless this feeling is strength- ened and fortified by his own ruggedty indl- vidualistic career, He went to work before he finished high school, made a conspicuous auccess in newspaper publishing and apple growing, and then entered politics. Except that his family had been prominent inthe Democratic organization (his father, Richard E. Byrd, having been speaker of the house of delegates, and his uncle, Hal D. Flood, United States Representative from the Fourth Virginie District), young Harry Byrrp made his way upward strictly through his own efforts. If he enjoyed a certain amount of pull at the outset of his plunge into poli- tics as a member of the Virginia General Assembly, he soon revealed extraordinary Political acumen. Harry Byrp was born 63 years ago in Mar- tinsburg, W Va., where his family happened to be living, but they brought him to Vir- ginia as an infant, and he has been a resi- dent ever since. A direct descendant of the Byrds of “Westover,” one of whom founded the city of Richmond, he was of aristocratio Virginia lineage, and determined to become worthy of his heritage. He grew up in Win- chester, and attended the public schools there as well as nearby Shenandoah Valley Academy. When his father’s newspaper, the Winchester Star, became practically bank- rupt, young Harry left school at the age of 16, and took over its management. He soon had the paper back on ita feet. From that day forward he was marked for success. In 1915, at the age of 27, Byrp entered the State senate, where he served for a decade, He was one of the younger members through- out his career in that body, and was a hard worker who made [few speeches. Alwnys closely affiliated with the organization, he so impressed ita leadership that he was made chairman of the State Democratic Commit- tee at the age of 34. The following year he was named to head the pay-as-you-go forces who were fighting a proposed 850,- 000,000 bond issue for highways. So effec- tive was his work in that contest that the bond issue was beaten by a substantial ma-~ jority. Harry Byrp promptly became a State-wide figure, destined for high office. “Pay-as-you-go” had been a cardinal tenet with Senator Byrp since before that highway referendum back in 1923. Unbalanced budg~ ets and spending beyond one’s ability to re- pay have always heen deemed by him noth- ing less than ruinous. His whole career has been molded by this philosophy It ts one of the things which does most to explain his opposition to many policies of Presidents Roosevelt and Truman. While his success in the road-bond cam- paign did much to make him a potential can- didate for Governor, young Byrrp had not planned to run tn 1925. However, he got into the same taxicab with Bishop James Cannon, Jr., the powerful and devious pro- hibitionist leader, during the 1924 Demo- cratic National Convention in New York, and Cannon unintentionally caused him to en- ter the race. The bishop inadvertently achieved this result by telling Brrn not to run, since “we,” meaning the bishop and his cohorts, “have decided to elect Walter Mapp” This made Bro so furtous that he ran against Mapp the following year, and de- feated htm by a large majority. The youthful executive opened his guber- natorial career by attending his inaugura- tion tn a derby hat, tnstead of the conven- tional “‘stovepipe" worn by governors at inau- gural ceremonies from time immemorial. He did this to please a farmer who had ex. pressed the hope that he would not put on ie dog when he went to the governor’s man- sion. The derby he wore was typical of the un- assuming character and undramatic dress of the new governor. The members of the general assembly wero not disturbed by these manifestations, how- ever On the contrary, the 38-year-old exec- utive soon had them practically eating out A1347 of bis hand. This, despite the fact that he made it clear in his inaugural address that he intended to embark upon some ex- tensive and sorely needed reforms in the State government. With his unusual abil- ity to analyze popular trends, Harry Byrp had seen that the time was ripe for these reforms, and that if the organization refused to heed the signs of the times, it might go down to defeat 4 years later. By putting through his progressive program, he had much to do with consolidating the hold of the organization on the State, a hold which bas been maintained almost without inter- ruption from that day to this. The manner in which Brrp secured the adoption of his program as governor could well serve ns a model for those wishing to combine practical political accomplishment with idealistic objectives. He instituted an extensive reorganization of the State gov- ernment at the session of 1926 immediately following his induction into office and per- formed such near miracles as abolishing 99 surplus commissioners of the revenue. A whole series of reorganization bills, many of which had been overwhelmingly defeated during the administrations of his predeces- sors, went through with scarcely a hitch. The largest adverse vote on any of them trom the House’s 100 members was 15, while not more than 6 of the 40 Senators could be mustered in opposition at any one time. A number of the measures went through both branches unanimously. At subsequent legislative sessions his rec- ord was comparable. The 100-odd depart- ments, agencies, and bureaus of the State government were consolidated into a dozen departments. Various changes were made in the interests of simplification and econ- omy, and some $400,000 a year was saved. Those were the days when 8400,000 was a lot of money, and not just an amount tossed down a Washington rathole at almost any hour of the day or night. Governor Byrp also made county govern- ment in Virginia more flexible by securing the enactment of a constitutional amend- ment which permitted the voters of any county to adopt one of several new govern- mental forms and to abandon the rigid form previously prescribed. The short ballot was likewise adopted during the Byrd administration. This much- Qisputed reform 1s still being hotly debated. It was recommended in 1928 by nearly all the leading students of government in the United States, und it squeaked through by a small majority. It has remrined in the or- ganic law ever since, despite criticism from various directions. The accomplishments of the Byrd admin- istration were by no means confined to over- hauling the antiquated State and county governments. State appropriations to roads aud schools were unprecedentedly large. The tax structure was revised, and 89 many new industries were attracted to Virginia that the total value of these new plants acquired in 1928 surpassed similar acquisitions for that year in every other State in the Union. Yet it would not be at all accurate to say that Goveinor Byrp was excessively partial to pusiness or tndustry, On the contrary, he fought bitter battles with the ofl companies and the telephone company and defeated them. His run-in with the oil companies had to do with the price of gasoline in Vir- ginia, and over their violent protest he rammed a bill through the general assembly requiring them to furnish the Governor with their wholesale and retail gasoline prices in Virginia and other States. His successful contest with the telephone company bad as its purpose the checkmating of that concern in its plan to put increased rates into effect before this had been author- ized by the State's highest court.
A1348 His administration was likewise notable for the enactment of the first strong anti- lynching bill of its kind in the United States, a bill which doubtless is at least partially responsible for the fact that there hasn't been @ lynching in the Old Dominion in the 22 years since it was passed. The Byrd gubernatorial administration was regarded as the most notable of any Vir- ginia Governor since the Civil War. Mr. Byrp was praised and his record was reviewed in many national magazines, his reforms in Virginia were studied by visiting delegations from other sections of the Union, and he was invited to deliver numerous addresses, He was considered one of the leading pro- gressives in the Democratic Party. His vic- tories over the oil and telephone companies, his pioneering sponsorship of a strong anti- lynching bill, and his fearless approach to governmental reform caused him to be the subject of a laudatory article in the Nation, of New York, a weekly with rather leftish views. When Governor Byrp left the mansion in Richmond to return to his apple orchards and to indulge in his favorite sports of hunt- ing and hiking, he said he had no further po- litical plans, and that was true But his name was presented to the Democratic Na- tional Convention of 1932 as Virginia's candi- date for the Presidency It seemed highly improbable that he would be named, and no- body was particularly surprised when Gov. Franklin D Roosevelt, of New York, was chosen It appeared evident, however, that the man who had attracted such attention from the Nation during his gubernatorial term in Virginia would be prominent in the councils of the party if the Democrats won the election, particularly since he was so en- thusiastic in hi, approval of the platform on which President Roosevelt had been nomi- nated President Roosevelt's selection of United States Senator Claude A, Swanson, of Vir- ginia, as his Secretary of the Navy, left 2 vacuncy in the Senate trom Virginia, and Gov. John Garland Pollard promptly ap- pointed Mr Byrp to fill it Thus began the senatorial career of the gentleman from Vir- ginia, as he took his scat in 1933 beside Senator Carter Glass At the outset, Senator Byrn was in sym- pathy with much that President Roosevelt did, but when the Chief Executive abandoned the platform of 1932 calling for reduced Fed- eral expenditures, a balanced budget and the return of rights to the States and embarked upon a program almost diametrically op- pored to that platform, the Junior Senator from Virginia refused to go slong. He not only spoke out against the spending, but he also opposed such measures as the National Recovery Act (NRA) and the Guffey Coul Act, both of which were later declared unconstl- tutional, As the New Deal developed further tn vari- ous directions, Senator Byrp became increas- ingly convinced that he couldn't go along, He knew that this was an unpopular course, not only in Virginia but throughout the Na« tion, but he refused to get on the band- wagon, When Mr. Roosevelt was reelected by a landslide in the Roosevelt-Landon con« test in 1936, the Virginia Senator did not alter his position Somewhat later the Court-packing plan and the Presidential at- tempt to purge various Members of Con- gress made Mr. Byrp more certain than ever thot the occupant of the White House was following policies to which he could never subscribe One of the most important tasks Senator Byrp has carried out in Congress has been as chairman of the Joint Committee on Re- duction of Non-Essential Expenditures, Organized in 1941, this agency 1s still func- tioning, despite the efforts of wild-eyed Sena- tor HUMPHREY, of Minnesota, and others, to abolish it, Competent authorities estimate that the committee has saved at least $2,500,000,000 since it was created. Its chairman kept the committee operating at one time by using his own office staff when Congress refused to vote additional funds. On the foreign front, Virginia's senior Senator has been more sympathetic to the program of Presidents Roosevelt and Tru- man, although here again he has exercised his own ju ‘gment, and has shown the same sort of independence that has characterized his attitude toward New Deal and Fair Deal domestic policies. Before and during World War II, Senator Byrp was a stanch supporter of plans for the arming of America against the threat of the Axis. His three sons entered the Armed Forces after Pearl Harbor and he himself did his utmost to further the suc- cessful prosecution of the war. When it neared its end, he went to the United Na- tions conference at San Francisco and urged adoption of the charter, but advocated elimination of the veto. It is now clear that Russia's reckless and indiscriminate use of this veto power has greatly weakened the UN's effectiveness. Since the end of the war, Senator Byrp has supported some of the key measures de- signed to strengthen the Western World against the Soviets. He voted for the At- lantic Pact, upon obtaining assurance from Secretary of State Acheson that by so doing he was not committing himself to support the peacetime arming of small nations in various areas of the world. He voted aguinst the Truman program for aid to Greece and Turkey, taking the position that it was a violation of the United Nations Charter for this country to arm another country without first getting UN approval. More recently he went on record as favor- dug universal military training, a 70-group Air Force and # radar screen for the United States. But he has frequently expressed ap- prehension lest our commitments in all parts of the world, added to the cost of arming ourselves at home, will so weaken us finan- cially, and will so undermine the private enterprise system that we shall be unable to make effective resistance to the Soviets. Senator Byrp has often declared that the free world cannot remain free, unless the United States remains solvent and main- tains its abllity to out-produce the rest of the globe in implements of war. Anyone who wishes a superlative example of his incisive way of handling a fiscal prob- lem should read his letter to Chairman Marriner 8 Eccles, of the Board of Governors ot the Federal Reserve System, published in the CONGRESSIONAL Recorn for Januury 16, 1939 This reply by Mr Byrp to a letter he had received from Mr. Eccles is one of the clearest and most convincing arguments against continued Federal spending that this writer has ever seen, and is in rebuttal to the argument that Government debts and deficits are good for their own sakes In it Senator Byrp shows himself to be a master of fiscal principles, as well as the wielder of a pungent pen. His statement was truly dev- astating, for he not only answered Eccles’ arguments, but dug up quotations from Eccles’ own addresses in which Eccles con- tradicted and answered himself. In recent years, Senator Byrp has become a convincing and forceful speaker. An impressive example of his latter-day platform technique is seen in the transcript of an address he delivered last April before the Academy of Political Science. He spoke from tho same platform with the scholarly Scnator Pau H Dovazas, of Ilinois, and the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD two men appeared on virtually opposite sides of the topic ‘American Democracy and the Welfare State.” The striking thing about this occasion was the manner in which the well-informed audience clearly preferred Mr. Byron's presentation to that of Mr. Doucias. This is shown in various ways. The words “laughter” and “applause” punctutte the transcript of the Byrd address far more fre- quently than that of his senatorial colleague Furthermore, at the close of Mr. Byron's speech “the audience rose and applauded,” whereas it had not risen for Senator Dovatas. If anybody needs to be convinced that Harry Byrp has become a finished public speaker, the proceedings of the Academy of Political Science for May 1950, are hearttly recom- mended. ~, In appraising the public service of Seaator Byrp, one must also appraise the political organization in Virginia of which he has long been the recognized leader. Admittedly the “Byrd machine” have its faults, and this writer has often been at pains to point them out. Yet any balanced view of this machine must credit it with giving Virginia honest and relatively economical and efficient govern- ment. The high caliber of most of the men who direct the various State departments and agencies under the Byrd organization should be mentioned This is one of the sources of the machine's strength, and one of the things which differentiate 1t sharply from such notorious political aggregations as those of Hague, Crump, and Tammany. The al- most complete absence of graft also is note- worthy, and in contrast to the situation prevailing in some States. The Democratic organization in Virginia has not been as closely run by Senator Byrp in recent years as it once was. He has been busy with national affairs, and hence has not kept his fingers so constantly on the State's political pulse. But the dominant wing of the Democratic Party in Virginia still bears the strong im- print of the Byrd personality and character. He became its leader a quarter of a century ago, and his name has been associated with it in the public mind ever since If some persons outside Virginia are so uninformed as to compare the Byrd machine with the notorlously crooked and corrupt political or- ganizations in other parts of the Nation, they are merely displaying their ignorance. As noted above, there is no justificution for such comparisons. Whatever one may think of Sonator Byrp’s extremely conservative philosophy, every one who knows him is aware that he would never tolerate thievery and skulduggery. One of the best touchstones of his char- acter is to be seen in the fact that although he is legally entitled to substantial soll con- servation payments from the Federal Treas- ury. in connection with the operation of his vast orchurds (the largest privately owned apple orchards in the world), he has declined to accept them, He does not feel that a Senator should take any money trom the National Government except his salary as a Member of the Congress Senator Bykp esti- mates that the soll conservation money he has refused amounts to some $8,000 a year for 15 years, or approximately $120,000. Such is the high code of personal integrity which guides Virginia’s senior Senator It is a code which might well be emulated in our public life, and it is one of the various reasons which might be given in support of his selection as Virginia's Man of the Mid- century No Virginian of this generation, it seems safe to say, is more representative of the courage, the ability, the honesty, and the self-reliance that we like to associate with the Old Dominion.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD India Scorns Reds’ Peace Offer—Party Pledges Are Held Worthless EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 19"? Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, 2 at- tached news story from the New York Times of Sunday, March 11, speaks more eloquently and officially about the posi- tion of India than rumors and surmise or the unauthoritative speeches of lec- turers in the United States. Whatever else may be clear once this is sure—India is against communism and Communists: Invia Scorns Reps’ Peace Orresa—Party PLences Ark Hetp WORTHLESS (By Robert Trumbull) New De.y, INo1A, March 10.—In a formal policy statement laid before Parliament to- day the Indian Government flatly rejocted a peace offer by the Indian Communist Party and showed that the official attitude toward the Communists had hardened. The brief document also made it clear for the first time in public that New Delh had taken official note of the international char- acter of Communist aggression and was not merely opposed to the Indian Communist Party on the sole ground that this organ- ization used terroristic methods. Chakravarty Rajagopalachari, the senior statesmen of the cabinet, presented the statement to the House. In it he dealt gar- castically with the value of oromises made by the Communists. He said that in “each single member” of the Commuuisi Party anywhere the “sense of scruple or moral hesitation is totally wiped out.” Mr. Rajagopalacheri, as Home Minister, is directly responsible for curbing Communists lawlessness, which is a serious problem in south and northeastern India. In his state- ment today he firmly refused the pubilshed offer of the Indian Communist Party, imply- ing that it would reform and become a con- siitutional and peaceful political group if the Government would revoke the Preventive Detention Act. Under this law, recently extended for 1 year, suspected subveraives can be held in jail without bail for as long as the act ts in force provided the Government proves firm grounds for detention to the satisfac- tion of a panel of retired high court justices. This must be done within 10 weeks after an arrest. Mr. Rajagopalachari made it clear that he was unwilling to accept at face value any assurances of any nature from the Commu- nists and challenged them to prove their good faith first. Meanwhile, the Preventive Detention Act, which he put through at this session of Parliament, will etay on the books and be enforced by him. In the same state- ment he applied this policy equally to the Hindu Mahasabha, a party that wishes to convert India into a Hindu religious state. This organization aleo recently affirmed ita peaceful intentions, but Mr. Rajagopalachart today demanded to be shown by deeds rather than promises. Mr. Rajagopalachari'’s influence in the Cabinet is thought to be second only to that of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. His utterances on communism aince becoming Home Minister have indicated an even more uncompromising attitude than that of his predecessor, the late Sardar Vallabnbhat Patel, who was generally regarded as repre- senting the right wing in Indian politics. At any rate, wh tever policies are set forth by Mr, Rajagopalachari in such an open and Official manner as today’s, can safely be taken as being more nearly representative of the Indian Government's frame of mind than the leftist spceches of comparative non- entities that have received wide publicity in the United States. RED DOCUMENTS QUCTED Mr. Rajagopalchari's statement on the Communist Party and the Mahasabha con- tained significant excerpts from Communist aocuments showing the party's intentions in India His statement follows in part. “The attention of the Government was drawn to @ press item dated February 17, 1951, to the effect that the Communist Party challenged the Home Minister to withdraw the Preventive Detention Act and do certain other things and then it was stated that they would act as a rogular political party in the open, presumably dropping their pres- ent violent and secret activities “If the men who have grouped themselves and practice terrorism and sabotage in the name of communism will not merely issue challenges and make conditional offers of adopting peaceful and open political life, but will back profession with practice, we could take the risks invoived in trusting them Past conduct cannot fust be wiped out by the simple press statement. “Such declarations should be backed by actual behavior. “Honorable members have read the narra- tive of Ignazio Silone (noted Italian author) of the meeting of the Communist Party at which, when the British Communists were asked on their return home to make a public declaration in a certain sense but actually do the contrary, and one of the British Com- muniste exclaimed: ‘But that would be a lie" Loud laughter greeted thie simplicity, and filled the hall. The Communists couid not understand the Englishman's stupid ob- jection to making a misleading or false dec- SENSE OF SCRUPLE WIPED OUT “The fact of the matter \s that the Coim- munist Party's discipline evolves a psycho- logical mechanism whereby each single member becomes progressively identified with the collective organization until a sense of scruple or moral hesitation 1s totally wiped out. Elhical objections become just ancient wrongs worthy of scorn and derision. “Three leading Indian Communists issued to their comrades a statement on September 23, 1950. It is categorically stated therein that the party should ‘put the peasant movement progreasively on the rails of the armed struggle and that in agrarian rela- tions they should by mass mobilization and direct action, as in Telengana (Hyderalas) create armed forces in rural areas and strong bases for their operation. It 1s further cate- gorically stated therein that there is no ques- tion of liquidating Telengana but that on ta: contrary it 1s a question of raising the movement in the rest of the country to the level of Telengana.’ “The Politburo of the Communist Party of India issued a policy statement on Novem- tec 15, 1950, in the following terms: “Finally it is necessary to clearly grasp the truth that the armed siruggle has be- come the principal form of struggle in the present agrarian revolutionary stage that our national liberation movement has grown to,’ “It was added that simultaneously they should adopt and coordinate all other con- cCeivable forms of struggie, such as economic and political strikes, demonstrations, agri- A1349 cultural, labor and tenant struggles, signa- ture collections for peace pledge, and election contest and su on. “An important foreign Communist who was invited to advise the Indian Communist Party gave the following opinion tn Decem- ber 1950: “Tt Is the task of the Communist Party to skillfully utilize the stand of the Nehru Government on questions Ike Koren, the atom bomb. Regarding the “armed” strug- gle, o8 we have stated in our letter, we do not deny that ultimately the revolution in India will and must take the form of an armed struggie. It ts hardly to be debated.’ “It is thus clear that we cannot accept declarations and challenges but murt await facts and whether the crime reported from Telengana, Dadras, and Assam and elsewhere shows substantial decrease. “The attention of the Government was also drawn to a statement on behalf of the Hindu Mahasabha dated February 18, 1951, It is gratifying to rend in it that their policy of communalism does not include violence. But there is the basic fact that their polictes have an inherent tendency to rouse strong passions between communities and generate violence, “Their line of thought and propaganda, and therefore of action, are inconsistent with the basic principle of our Constitution, What ts communalism, to us Js nationulism to them, “All the same we can tolerate anything if deception and violence be truly shed. The Hindu Mahasabha claims that it ts a battle of culture. There could be no difficulty if the Hindu code of cogduct were truly re- spected and followed the pattern of be- havior known as Hindu culture there Js no room for violence or hatred.” Rigid Ceiling on Cotton Invites Cut im Production and Disaster EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March [2, 1951 Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, I wish to commend my distinguished and able col- league, the Honorable Pau, Brown, of Georgia, for the great fight he is making in behalf of the cotton farmers of the South. Mr. Brown jis vice chuirman of the joint “watchdug committee” on de- fense production Mr. Brown has lived with the cotton problem night and day for almost a generation. I only wish those who are responsible for this ceiling on raw cotton would con- sult with men in the south such as Mr. Brown who are famillar with the cost of raising cotton. Mr. Speaker, I hope all Members of this House will read the following edi- torial by former United States Senator, Wilton E. Hall, now publisher of the Anderson Independent, Anderson, 8. C., one of the South's greatest daily papers: Rie CEmYNG oN CcTTron Invires Cur IN Provucrron AND DISASTER The Nation’s cotton supplies already are cause of concern in the textile trade
A1350 Bhould unforeseen demand confront the industry there might be a definite shortage. Because of the importance of cotton to the defense effort, the Government has called upon farmers to produce at least 16,000,000 bales this scason. In the face of this, the Office of Price Stabilization has arbitrarily set a ceiling on the price of raw cotton—-something that was never done during World War II. Indications are that this action was taken without consideration of the advice of men who know cotton, its marketing and the intricate problems Involved. It ig proper that Representative Pau. Brown of Elberton, Ga,, vice chairman of the House “watcr dog” committee on defense production, has called for a congressional inquiry into the cotton order. He wants to know why the stabilization office has “fixed rigid ceilings on raw cotton instead of using textile cellings and the cotton price stabilization program recom- mended by the Department of Agriculture to halt inflation.” Congressman Brown believes that every- thing possible must be done to stop infiation and stabilize the cost of living. But, as he points out, “in the case of cot- ton, the consumer is fully protected by cell- ings on finished goods. Besides, the price of & man's shirt, which is too high already, would hardly be affected 1f you gave the cot- ton away in the first place. “The farmer,” Representative Brown declured, “gets only about 20 cents in a 84.50 white shirt A fixed cetling price on raw cotton tends to destroy the entire marketing system and as a result may depress cotton prices for the new crop. “This will discourage the farmers in their efforts to attain the 16,000,000-bale crop so urgently needed in the Nation's mobilization effort” He makes this important point: “Farmers are not asking for higher prices but they are entitled to protection against prices below their production costs before they go all-out in planting." With the price of cotton rigidly set, mills and cotton merchants will not buy and stock cotton for future requirements as hus been the practice The tendency will be to walt pending a time when the market is well loaded with cotton and to take advantage of correspond- ingly lower prices. Obviously there is need for adjustment in the cotton price order for two ample reasons: First, out of fairness to cutton farmers; sec- ond, to encourage all-out production of cote ton that will be needed if there ts a spread in the war, A short cotton crop this season could be the Achilles heel tn the whole defense effort. If OPS refuses to recognize that fact, Con- gress should take the necessary steps to pro- tect the Nation. The Battle of the Budget EXTENSION OF REMARKS or . HON. JOSEPH C. O’MAHONEY OF WYOMING IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 13 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. O’MAHONEY,. Mr. President, on Sunday last the junior Senator from Michigan [| Mr. Fercuson] and I partici- pated in a discussion on the American Porum of the sir, the founder and moderator of which is Mr. Theodore Granik, The subject was announced as the Battle of the Budget. I ask unani- mous consent that the text of the dis- cussion be printed in the Appendix of the REcorD. There being no objection, the discus- sion was ordered to be printed in the REcorpD, as follows: ANNOUNCER. Here with us today on the American Forum of the Air are Senator JoserpH C. O’MaHoNey, Democrat of Wyo- ming, a leading member of the Senate Ap- propriatious Committee, and Senator HoMER Frrauson, of Michigan, second ranking Re- publican member of the Senate Appropria- tions Committee, appearing in the absence of Senator STYLES Bridces, who ts ill. Now, here is your moderator, Theodore Granik. Moderator GRaNIK, The $72,000,000,000 budget requested by President Truman for this year means higher taxes for individuals and for business. On Capito] Hill the Presi- dent’s budget is the center of controversy. Heavy detense spending brings 4 demand for cutting of nondefense expenses to the bone. The President himself stated it would not be possible to cut the budget. If it is to be cut, Congress must do the pruning job, and some questions confront our Congress. Can the defense effort be put on a pay-us- we-go basis? What new taxes are needed and how do we get them? Now, Senator O’Manonry, do you think Congress can cut the budget or find ways to bring in more income? Senator O'MaHonzy. I think Congress can do both I think Congress ought to do both. But it will take a lot of courage and 4 lot of sacrifice and a lot of hard work. Ninety percent of the budget which ts now before us is for war-connected expenditures of one kind or another. And the last two Con- gresses, the Eightieth and the Eighty-first, have added new expenditures which the Congress must decide whether or not to maintain. For example, last August we passed an ex- tension of social security, adding some 10,000,000 people to the coverage and in- creasing the public assistance payments to the States by about $200,000,000. That bill came out of the Finance Committee of the Senate which is one of the most conservative committees in the Senate There was no minority report except a dissenting view by Senator Butter of Nebraska who said that although the Government must provido social security, he didn’t believe it was doing it the right way in this bill. That was an increased expenditure which was approved in the Senate by a vote of 81 to 2 Moderator Granik Senator FERGUSON. Senator Frrauson. Well, I agree we must do both things. We have to cut the size of the budget, and we have to see that we do not have deficit spending. It will all depend upon whether or not we can cut the budget enough as to whether or not we have to in- crease the taxes. If we cut the budget enough, then we won't have to increase the size of the taxes, or as much I think there are probably four ways thut we can cut this budget. First, we can cut out the new spending. And then we can make very definite cuts on public works, and what departments are doing. Then we can cut out ruthorizations. We have got to re- member that the Hoover Commission didn’t go into functions of the Government at all, They only went into whether or not there was duplication and overlapping and inefi- ciency. So there ts a program we can go after, That is in the functions of the Gov- ernment, to see whether the Government is doing the things that the people must have done, or whether or not some of these things cannot be done by the people back home in one of two ways, either by themselves or by their local government or by their State government, Finally, there are the Hoover APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Commission recommendations for economy and efficiency, which we should pursue dili- gently. Moderator Granik. Senator O’MAHONEY. Senator O’MaHoney. Senator FERGUSON 18 quite right, but the problem is: How are you going to do it? What functions shall we drop? Let us look at Federal aid to pub- lic highways. The trucking associations are interested in that problem. The budget this year carries about #464,000,000 for Federal aid to public highways. Most of that is to pay for commitments already made. The States, upon the authority of the extension of the Federal Aid Highway Act, approved by the Eightieth Congress and also approved by the Eighty-first Congress, have already undertaken contractual work to improve the highways. To what extent, therefore, are we going to cut the appropriations for Fed- eral highways without injuring business? I have addressed a letter to every gover- nor in the United States asking all gover- nors to advise the Joint Economic Committee to what extent Federal aid to highways can be cut, and I have as yet received no sug- gestion for a cut from any governor of any State. Moderator GRaNIK. Senator Ferauson. Senator Ferauson. Of course, I know what we are up against in the cutting of this budget One trouble is with the people back home Let’s face it. The Government is trying to satisfy too many people. And as long as you are going to spend dollars, whcther it is on highways or any other way, the people, naturally, who are interested in those particular projects want more dollars. Now, let's get back to this question, as indicated, that 90 percent—I don't think it is that high—of the present budget Is going to be for military expenditures. Now, tho question is: Can we cut anything out of the military expenditures? Moderator Granitx. Do you think we can mobilize during the emergency and still have a balanced budget? Senator Ferauson. I really think we can mobilize and have a balanced budget In fact, if we don’t have a balanced budget we are going to depreciate the dollar just that much, We know today—and the people back home must realize—that the dollar is only worth what it will buy in groceries, in wearing apparel, or any other things they need, including guns. Now, if they don't want to balance the budget, then they are going to find that this dollar is worth less money, and they are going to buy less gro- ceries, less rent, less clothing, less housing, less everything. It has been estimated now that the dollar, compared to 1939, 1s worth about 46 cents. I got those last figures from the Secretary of Commerce. Now, if the people insist upon getting everything from the Federal Government, then they are going to have to pay the bill. Now, they say. will Congress do anything about it? Not alone. You know that, Joz, and I know that. Senator O'Manoney. That is right. Sen- ator Fracuson and I are both members of the Armed Services Subcommittee on Appropria- tions, and we know the gravity of the task that confronts us. For example, the Senate last week, with only five dissenting votes, passed an extension of the draft and uni- versal military training. Now, that provides for at least 3,500,000 men, It costs about $5,300 just to clothe, feed, and provide small weapons for a soldier, That means about $19,000,000,000 for that purpose alone. Al- most twice as much as the entire cost of the Federal Government 10 years ago. Now, there are other expenditures which are war-connected, but are not defense spending. Tate, for example, veterans’ pen- sions and benefits. Congress can't cut those pensions and benefits unless it ts willing to amend the law and reduce the pensions and benefits And certainly Congress {s not go- ing to do that. It co:ts almost $5,000,000,000
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 6 year to meet these pensions and benefits and to provide hospitalization and medical care for the veterans of past wars. And then there ts the Interest upon the national debt. These two categories represent about §11,- 003,000,000 which cannot be cut. Moderator Granik. Senator, will you agree with Senator Perauson that we can mobilize during the present emergency and still have a balanced budget? Senator O’Manoney. Yes, if we have the courage to tax ourselves. We ought to plug every single loophole by which tax revenue is escaping; but, at the same time, Congress owes it to the people who are going to pay the tuxes to scrutinize every dollar in the budget to make certain that we shall not be wasting a single penny of public funds Senator Feracuson. Of course, that is ex- actly what I think about it. I think it takes courage on the part of the legislators also to vote these cuts. But I want to say that we need more courage over in the White House and the Budget Director's office, ton. The Prosident comes before Congress today and puts in a budget of 871,600,000,000, and that isn't the whole budget We are going to be asked to appropriate 894,400,000,000 That @71,600,000,COO is only the cxpenditures for this year. The $94,400,000,000 is what will be appropriated not only for the 1952 budget but for authorized spending that won't actu- ally be valid during that period. If we are going to have a $16,500,000,000 deficit this year on this spending budget, requiring new taxes in that amount, walt until we teel the impact of that future authorized spending. Now, the President said this is a tight budget, that no items can be cut In other words, he says that you can’t take one dollar out of this budget. We just found the other day, Jon, remember, where they didn’t put in the budget the overtime pay for a certain depart- ment. They are coming up for a supple- mental appropriation on that. That will add almost a third to that payroll. They knew that requirement, but they didn’t put it in the budget Is that a “tight” budget? Right here I want to say something about payrolls generally. When you people back home realize how much leap year is going to cost you because it has one more day in it, then you will appreciate the size of the Government's payroll. I'm getting those figures for the Government us a whole. Government employees are paid on a basis of 260 days a year. And when you get a leap year, then you have this extra day. And in this one department it ran well over @200,000 for the 1 day. It indteates how large this payroll is getting. And now we are putting on better than a thousand peo- ple per day to the payroll. Senator O’Manoney. I think there ts a grent deal of misunderstanding about the amount of nondefense spending I brought here, Mr. Moderator, a summury of the Pres- ident’s 1952 budget prepared by the staff of the Joint Internal Revenue Committee. That shows that the major national security program, including military, International, atomic energy, defense production, and 80 forth, amounts for 1952 to %52,000,000,000 plus, leaving 619,000,000,000. Then deduct- ing from that sum the major fixed and con- tinuing charges, interest upon the national debt, which we can’t cut, veterans’ services and benofits, which I have already dis- cussed, permanent and indefinite appropria- tions, like the 80 percent continuing ap- propriation of all customs receipts which Congress has designated for the purchase of surplus agricultural commodities, we have another $13,900,000,000, leaving only $5,100,- 000,000 for the normal functions of the Gov- ernment. And when you analyze those, you find that it is impoesible to make anything more than @ €2,000,000,000 cut out of nondefense—and df we do that we will be very lucky. Moderator Granik. How about that, Sen- ator FERGUSON? Senator Frercuson. If we cut $2,000,000,000 out of that, and then 84,000,000,000 to @5,- 000,000,000 out of the military, we'll be well on our way. I want to say a word to the people about the military today. We need defense, but there is nothing sacrosanct about its budget. Moderator Granrx. Do you recommend cutting $4,000,000,000 or 5,000,000,000 out of the military? Senator Frrovson Yes, and I think it can be done I say we need defense There isn’t anyone who ts sincere ahout America who doern’t want this country to be de- fended. But the question is: Can we af- ford to do what the military are trying to do tn this particular year, this particular dny? That is the question. When we fig- ure that out of the $50,000,000,000 spent for the military between 1945 and up to 1950, outside of another 830,000,000,00 or $40,000,- 000,000 to liquidate war costs, and we couldn't put really two divisions in the field, there ts simply something wrong with the expenditures. Now, personally, I believe that the Army, the Navy, and the Air Corps have got to get down to reckoning on the basis of fighting a possible war with Russia, not with any- body else That is where the enemy is. That is the problem in terms of military science. If we ever have to fight that war, we ought to be prepared to fight it the way that we want to fight it, where we want to fight it. The time, naturally, will be determined by Russia. Instead of spending money every- where on everything, we cught to get down to brass tacks and say, “Here, we will have to fight a certain war, if it comes to us We want to prepare for that kind of war, and we want to prepare for it within our medns.” What is the use of preparing to fight a war if we are going to destroy America in the preparation? Moderator Granrx. Dn you think we are going to destroy America in the prepara~- tion? Senator O’MAHONEY Not if we have the courage to pay as we go for the defense effort. And I would like to have a word to the people, just as Senator Frrouson has. I want to tell you first that Under Secre- tary of Defense Bob ‘’ovatt har indicated to me in three or four conferences we have aj- ready had that he 1s screening every money request made by the military in order to cut down the cost of defense Moderator Granix Do you think we could cut four or five billion dollars out of it, Sen- ator? Senator O’Manoney. I wouldn't oe a bit surprised but that we can reduce these ex~ penditures. No military officer wns ever court-martialed for having too much But it is up to Congress to make sure that they don't have too much. We must not build up unnecessary inventories of war matcrials, But I want the people to know also that Mr Wilson, head of the Defense Mobilization Office, testified to the Joint Economic Com- mittee only 2 weeks ago that applications by industry for reduction of taxes by way of ac- celerated amortization have amounted to something like $8,000,000,000. And more than 62,000,000,000 of that has already been allowed. That meaner that in 5 years indus- trial plants which expand tor the defense ef- fort can write off the entire cost of the plant, thereby cutting down taxes. And then com- munities all over the United States are writ- ing their Congressmen and asking for de- fense installations of ove Kind or another. ‘The people will have to pay. We should not ask for anything that we do not need. We should not spend a dollar that we can save, Senator Frrcuson. Here is the difficulty also. The President says he needs between 60 and 70 billions of dollars for the military. Now, he didn’t send up anything specific to support that request. He literally drew that figure out of the air. And the difficulty is hat he has then told the various defense Al351 Officers: “You figure out what you need.” Well, it is about like telling your wife: “Here. You can have this much money. Now, you figure out how you can spend it.” I know my wife, and some of the others, will find out how they can spend it, because they have not been cautioned that a part of it should be saved But here is the difficulty. We come back to this 60 or 70 billions of dollars. We haven't got the details yet. And as s00n as that comes up, I am sure they are going to give us more items than 60 or 70 billions of dollars. Well, we know what will happen. They will put almost everything in As the Senator from Wyoming said, no officer was ever court-martialed for having too much, People want a plant built here, and they want a plant built there. They never think that it is going to take their tax money to build highways out to that plant, and all the other expenses It is going to in- volve the building of homes around that plant out in the cornfield. It ts going to in- volve the building of schools, sewers, and everything else, and they are going to pay for every one of those things, and they are going to pay for them at a high expense We need cooperation, first in the White House, then in Congress, and then from the people back home. Senator O’MaHONEY. But the White House has already cut many of the appropriations that we authorized. Senator Frrcuson. Now, White House {ust hasn't cut. Senator O’Manoney. Now, Senator Fraov- 8ON, Senator Frrauson. Let me give you some examples. I thought we were going to get through without an argument, Jor, but it is impossible, I guess. Senator O’Manoney. In the budget that has been sent up to us, more than 100 flood- control and rivers and harbors projects and reclamation projects have been cut back by the President and the Bureau of the Budget. No new starts have been approved except for power. Senator Freravuson. Now, the President gave out a statement that he was cutting 130 items in this budget a total of $5,750,000,000 below what it was last year. We have care- fully checked those facts, and what we find is that instead of 85,750,000,000 they are only going to save §327,000,000. He was only in error about 95 percent. Now, one of the items that he wanted to tell the people he was going to cut was the Census Bureau. Well, the Census Bureau had a big job to do, to take the census of everybody last year. And this year the President has eaid he is going to cut it from $28,000,000 down to $8,000,000. Well, why not?) They haven't any census to take this year. Does he cali that a cut- ting of the budget? I don't. There are a lot of phonies in this thing. Senator O’MaHONEY. Oh, give me a chance, now. Last December @1,900,000,000 was added by Congress when it passed the Defense Pro- duction Act. That amount, 61,900,000,000, 4s not recorded by some of our budget cutters 4s & War-connected expenditure. It is not only a war-connected expenditure, but it ts absolutely new. And because Congress passed that law, the so-called nondetense expenditures are up. Senator Fercuson. Just a moment. I am not going to defend the Congress, because I think we need a lot more courage and a lot more determination up in the Congress to do this job of cutting Government costs. Moderator GRANIK. I will tuke the firet question. Go ahead, sir, please. Colonel Huntze. I am Colonel Hunter of the Army, a student at the National War College. My question is for Senator O'MAnlloney. Senator, how realistic can this budget be without an effective system of wage and Senator. The
A1352 price controls? In other words, how can we continue to get 46 cents for our dollar? Senator O'MaHONEY. Wecan’t, The budget has been going up steadily because of infla- tion, because we delayed too long in impos- ing inflationary controls. Inflation knocks airplanes out of the sky more rapidly than any enemy could do it, merely by increasing the cost of making them. Senator Frrouson. It also knocks tho groceries into the sky. Senator O'Manoney. Right. The cost of living and the cost of defense are going up hand tn hand because of inflation. Moderntor GRANIK. May I take a question from the lady, there? Go ahead, please. Question Senator Ferauson, I wanted to know what the unorganized small-income group can do to register a protest against Government extravagance. Senator FERGUSON. Madam, we are getting that protest daily from the people back home. I think they are pretty well organ- ized, and they are telling us in Congress, which is a good thing What I would like to see today also is 5,000,000 peuple writing a letter to the President of the United States telling him exactly what they think about this budget and the fuct that as a result of its deficits prices are going up and their in- comes are not going up with them, that they are getting a lower standard of living And maybe the President of the United States, where this whole thing must originate, will move in the direction we want, toward a bulanced budget Will the people back home today, 5,000,000 strong, write letters? Let's tell the President how much a million is, and send them to the White House and tell the President what they think about these expenditures and how they think they can be cut, maybe we will get somewhere Moderator Granik. You don't want them to send a letter to Joz O’MAHONEY? Senator FerRcusoN We will get our share of them, And I will answer them. I think the people back home ought to speak, be- cause if they don't speak there is a misinter- pretation of their silence down here in Washington. Senator O’MAHONEY Write to Congress also Ask Congress to increase postal rates, for example, s0 as to eliminate the subsidy to mail order houses and periodicals Write to Congress also about repealing the aviation subsidy. Write to Congress to cut and repeal and modify the laws which compel the Presi- dent and the Bureau of the Budget to send these estimates in Senator FERGUSON Well, Joz, you Know, you and I have been working for quite a number of years to get them to cut the subsidy on aviation. Senator O’'Manoney. Right. Senator Freravson To get it out in the ope’ , 80 that the public will know how much it really is Senator O’'MaHONEY. What we ought to do is to separate aviation subsidies trom air- mall pay. Senator Fercuson. That is right. Senator O'MsHoney. They have no place together. Senator Ferguson And then we ought to cut them out. Moderator GRaNnIK. I will take another question Mr Dusy. Nathan Duby, Jr., attorney, of Los Angeles. Senator O’MAHONEY, wouldn't the elimina- tion of the capital gains tax stimulate small business and furnish again a pool for risk capital? Senator O'Manoney. If by that question you mean that the 25 percent rate on capital gains should be increased, I think it ought to be increased. Mr. Duny, I think it should be eliminated altogether. Senator O'Manoney. That would be cut- ting the revenue, brother. Moderator Granix. Time for summaries. Senator Fercuson, your summary, please. Senator Fercuson. All I can say in this short minute summary is that the succes- sive Democratic administrations in the last two decades—that is a long time—have fol- lowed this policy of deficit spending This policy has contributed to inflation. It has resulted in the highest prices ever known to the American people. It has resulted in the Truman dollar, which is now worth about 46 cents. My theme ts that it is better to cut spending than it is to raise taxes The Republican Eightieth Congress be- lieved that and did cut the expenses. It was the first reduction in 18 years It was the first balanced budget in that period. The Democratic Party, under the leader- ship of the President and the Fair Dealers, control the administration, and they today control Congress. The minority Republican Patty can only help in cutting these ex- penses We are willing and determined, but need action and not only words, both in the White House and in Congress Moderator Granik Thank you, Senator Frrouson Senator O’MAHONEY, your sum- mary Senator O'MaHoney. Theodore, I thought there might be a political twist, so I came prepared The Elghtieth Congress, a Republican Con- gress, increased the pay of Federal workers by $550,000,000. The Eightieth Congress passed the Eco- nomic Cooperation Act and the China Aid Act, which added 61,245,000,000 The Eightieth Congress passed the Na- tional Science Foundation bill with a large new authorization. The Eightieth Congress passed a bill add- ing 86,650,0CO to pay Philippine vetcrans. The Eightieth Congress increased social security by $218,000,000. The Eightieth Congress added flood con- trol and rivers and harbors in the amount of £80,000,000 and many others, because the people wanted these services. We must all stand together instead of throwing political balls at one another. Senator Ferguson All right. Just let me say this We did cut expenses, notwithstand- ing all of these things, and reduced the peuple’s taxes und gave them a balanced budget. Moderator Granix. Thank you, gentlemen. Our speakers have been Senator Josery C. O'Manonry, of Wyoming, and Senator Homer Ferauson, of Michigan, Thank you very much Crisis in the Medical Profession EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN 0. PASTORE OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 13 Cegislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp two more of a@ series of 22 articles which have been written by Mr. Selig Greenberg, and which appeared in the Providence Jour- nal and Evening Bulletin, newspapers published in the city of Providence, State of Rhode Island, entitled ‘“Medicine in Crisis.” I feel that these articles are very timely as they present a very impartial APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and objective diccus‘ion cf conditions faced by our medical schools and the medical profession in general. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the Rec- orp, as follows: [From the Providence (R. 1.) Journal of February 28, 1951] MEDICINE IN Criss Supp.iy oF Doctors Fatus To Keep Pace Wittt MeEpIcaL-CareE Dr- MANDS-—-SERIOUS MALDISTRISUTION OF PHY- SICTANS OBSERVED; TREND TOWARD SPECIALI- ZATION AND AWAY FROM GENFRAL PRACTICE Seen, AMA Touchy on Sussect (By Selig Greenberg) Are there enough dcctors in the Unitcd States? The preponderance of expert opinion ts that there are not. But, Hke almost everything else relating to the distribution and economics of medi- cal care, the issue of the adequacy of the supply of physicians in this country is highly controversial It also involves some factors to which there 1s no precise answer and which are contingent on changes going on all the time. The American Medical Association, which insisted until recently that there was no shortage of doctors but now concedes that in an emergency of any duration a further incrense in the production of physicians will be necessary, is sensitive about the whole issuc, This sensitivity appears to have several aspects Practitioners and medical educators alike feur that pressure for Increased enrollment in the medical schools without commensu- rate expansion of their faculties and facili- ties may impair the quality of training Aside trom this, there is the apparent conviction of the AMA leadership that any- thing pertaining to medicine is its own business exclusively and that laymen lack sufficient knowledge to understand what it is all about Furthermore, the question of the sufficlency of the present number of doc- tors has a direct bearing on the profession’s income. A larger number of physicians would mean that at least some of the pres- ent practitioners would presumably make Jess money than they do now. But there seems to be still another reason for the profession's touchiness on the sub- ject Any admission that we need more doc- tors also raises these questions’ What's be- hind the shortage? Why has the expansion of medical education lagged so markedly behind the development of training facili- ties in other professions? How much sub- stance is there to the charge that some parts of the organized medical profession have sought to Hmit the opportunities tor entry into the practice of medicine tn order te restrict competition and thereby protect the ecoromic interests of those already in the field? An attempt to answer these questions will be made in subsequent articles of this series. Today we will take a look first at some of the basic facts in the situation. The latest count published by the AMA last year reported 201,777 doctors in the United States. ONE FOR EVERY 750 This is one doctor for every 750 persons It is the highest ratio for any country in the world, with the exception of Israel, where there has been an influx of refugee physi- cians. But this fact alone is no ground for complacency. As the dean of Tulane Uni- versity School of Medicine has put it, just bece use ‘“‘there are more physicians in this country per unit of population than there are in other countries does not necessarily mean that there are too many physicians here. It may be thut there are not enough there.”
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Nor does the total in itself mean much. What Is important is what the doctors do, where they do it and what has happened to the demand for medica] services. There is a serious maldistribution of physi- cians in this country; the growing complex- ity of medicine has led to a startling increase in specialization, and the supply of doctors has failed to keep up with the demand for medical care. INCREASE OF & PERCENT The total of 201,777 includes retired and salaried physicians Some of the latter fur- nish direct medical service but among them are also hospital administrators, public health officials, medical-school teachers, re- search men and others not available to patients. Authorities agree that the perti- nent figure is the total of 151,267 private practitioners. The population of the United States in- creased “5 percent between 1940 and 1950 and so did the number of doctors. But the pro- portion of salaried physicians, many of whom do no* care for patients, increased at an even greater pace. As a result of this, the number of doctors classified as in private practice rose only 5 percent during the past decade, according to an analysis made by the United States Public Health Service. The AMA's count—the figure is as of July 1, 1949—showed a ratio of 1 physician in private practice for every 981 persons, But when the ratio is broken down State by State, it reveals glaring divergencies be- tween the richer and poorer States In New York, the figure was 1 private practitioner for every 620 persons. In Massachusetts, it was 1 for every 767. In Rhode Island tt was 1 for every 981, which is the national average. But in Alabama it was 1 for every 1,675 and in Mississippi 1 for every 1,668. AREAS UNDERMANNED Nor do the over-all State figures tell the whole story. Physicians have for years tend- ed to concentrate in the big cities, leav- ing the rural sectlons undermanned. Boston has a ratio of 1 doctor for every 263 persuns and New York City 1 for every 447 residents. In Autuaga County, Ala., the ratio is 1 phy- sictan for every 2,620 persons. In Smith County, Miss., it is 1 for every 4,850. Just as important as the geographical dis- tribution of medical personnel is its com- position by professional field. The AMA's 1950 directory gives a break- down of 96,218 general practitioners and 55,- 049 physicians whose practice ts Umited to a specialty. The number of general practi- tioners has actually declined about 13 per- cent since 1940 while the number of special- ists has risen sharply. This has had an im portant effect on the quality and cost of medical care. \ RACIAL GROUPS SUFFER There are, in addition, critical shortages in the supply of physictane for minority racial groups and in certain special flelds. While Negroes compose about 10 percent of the population, less than 2 percent of the doctors are Negroes. We need at least three times as many psychiatrists as we now have. There are only 4,000 pediatricians in the United States, and three-fourths of them are concentrated In cities of more than 50,000 population. In Massachusetts there is 1 pediatrician for every 5,000 children. In Mississippi the ratio ts 1 for every 35,000 chil- dren. There is an acute need of personnel in public health, industrial medicine, pa- thology, radiology, medical administration, and medical teaching. A major problem right now is the need of the Armed Forces for physicians. There al- ready are 10,000 doctors on active military duty, and it is estimated that 7,500 more will be required by July 1. A new world war would, of course, mean a much heavier drain on our supply of medical manpower. In the last war, more than 60,000 physicians were in uniform, [From the Providence (R I.) Evening Bulle- tin of February 28, 1951 | MFDICINE IN Catsis—17,000 tro 45,000 Doctor SHortacr SEEn By 1960 (By Selig Greenberg) The United States Public Health Service, which hoids that the lack of sufficient medi- cal personnel is the Nation's No. 1 health problem, estimates that by 1960 we will have a shortage of from 17,000 to 45,000 doctors. This estimate covers only the civilian pop- wiation and does not take into account the increased demands of the Armed Forces. With about 17,500 doctors expected to be In uniform by July 1 and further medical re- quirements by the military probable, the shortage is likely to be all the more serious, RHODE ISLAND THIRTEENTH ON LIST The wide range in the USPHS estimates is due to different standards of what con. stitutes enough doctors. The 17,000 figure was reached by using the ratio of physicians to population which prevailed in 1940 through a large part of the country and tak- ing {nto consideration increased demands for public health and research personnel. The top figure of 45,000 uses as uv yardstick for the whole country the 12 States which now have the highest ratio of doctors. Rhode Island, by the way, Just misses the top classification, belug thirteenth. The Public Health estimates have pro- voked controversy and have been attacked by the American Medical Association. Some AMA spokesmen say we actually have a sur- plus ot doctors. But Dr. Donald G. Ander- son, secretary of the AMA's Counci] on Medi- cal Education and Hospitals, is on record that “there are many indications that the country could use more physicians” and that we may have a shortage of ss many as 15,000 doctors by 1960, aside from military require- ments. SUMS UP SITUATION The dean of one of our leading medical schools summed up the situation neatly by saying that the probable 1960 deficit lay about half way between the AMA's figures and the maximum set by the USPHS, There may be some Valid.ty to the AMA's argument that not all sections of the coun- try need quite as many doctors as there are in our richest and most populous States. On the other hand, many authorities raise the point that there is no evidence thut there are too many physicians in the 12 States with the best showing. The trouble is that there is no generally recognized standard of adequacy of medical personnel. Criteria vary widely because of the many factors involved. Persons interest2d ‘n extending the bene- fits of medical science to all parts of the pop- ulation make a different evaluation than those who measure the need largely on the basis of ability to pay. There is a similar gap between those who think primarily in terms of emergencies, of waiting for people to get sick, and those who belteve that much of the future of medicine lies in the preventive field. BASIC QUESTION Any realistic appraisal must take into con- sideration such elements as the inequalities in geographical distribution of doctors, the increase in specialization, changing concepts of the pattern of organization of medical practice, expanding demands for medical care, the rising proportion of aging physi- clans in rural areas and the professional competence of some of our doctors, Much of the debate is centered around the basic question whether we now need a higher or lower ratio of physicians than we did years ago. A1353 AMA spokesmen contend that we can get along with a lower ratio because the practi- ttoner of today is much more efficlent and has at his command far more potent tools than his predecessor did. They point out that the aoctor now knows his job better, that he gets around more easily, that he can use powerful new drugs and mor effective equipment, that be warks with more nurses and techni. cians and, therefore, can achicve more in Jess time While conceding much of this, critics of the AMA line imaintaim that the doctor's ine creased efficiency is more than offset by new demands ior bis services. COMPLEXITIES CITED They cite the growing complexity of medi- cine, the demand arising from greater health consciousness of people and the sharp rise in our national inccme and standard of liv- tng, the greater needs resulting from a higher proportion of older people, and the wider use of medical personnel and facilities stem- ming trom the rapid growth of voluntary hospital aud medical care Insurance plans. With medicine able to do a lot more than years ao, the average patient now demands tar more from his cocto: than his parents did, they point out Furthermore, there are increasing requirements for physictois in public health, teaching, and research posi- tions, The consensus among some of the country’s top medica) educators ts that the great discoveries of the past few decades have increased rather than diminished the de- mand for physicians and that we need more doctors if we are to make the benefits of medical progress available more widely. Crucial in this connection, of course, ts the question of how the average American is to pay for these benefits. GROUP PRACTICE There is widespread agreement among ex- perts that the complexity of medicine and the specialization that goes with it make the teamwork represented by group practice more and more necessary. These authori. ties feel that the traditional form of indi- vidual practice is becoming outdated. They are convinced that more effective and eco- nomical medical care can be provided where & number of physicians combine their prac- tice and thereby pool their skills and equip- ment. Such use of the doctors we have is the means, they hold, for relieving tu some extent the need for more doucturs Expert opinion is that the benefits of American medicine, both curative and pre- ventive but particu'arly the latter, will re- main unequally distributed and continue to jag far behind thelr possibilities unless we increase our production of doctors, reor- ganize the pattern of medical practice, and Gevise some more eflective method of spread- ing the cost of disease through insurance prepayment, The RFC Investigation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 13 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Anything Goes,’”’ relating to the investigation of the RFC, published in the Washington Post of March 7, 1952.
Al1354 There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: ANYTHING GOES “It is gone,” said Edmund Burke in his Reflections on the Revolution in France, “that sensibility of principle that chastity of honor, which felt a stain like a wound” ft appears to be, to say the very least, blunted among men in public life today. The appalling aspect of the disc!osures—and one gets the impression that they are only a tithe of the sordid story—that have come out of the Fulbright committee's inquiry into the affairs of the .teconstruction Finance Corporation is that the officials involved in them seem almost devoid of any sense of impropriety Trxed with having accepted the hospital.ty of a Florida hotel for which he had een Instrumental in obtaining an RFC loan, Hiltun W. Robertson, an exam- iner in the Agency, said “I expected to pay the rute. They wouldn't take it. I did not know they were going to issue a courtesy card. Is there unything wrong about that?” Well, mr. .tobertson, it all depends on your concept of right and wrong It probably isn't a penal offense, if that’s any comfort to you. The chances are no one will suppose your sold your influence tor the paltry price of a free hotel room But a man who holds a position of responsibility and trust in the United States Governme it can no more af- ford to accept favors than to grant them. Time was when this e.ementary point of honor seemed 80 clear that no one thought to question it. But in the blurred vision of today, anything _oes, it seems, if you can get away w-'h it. It is somewhat harsh to point a finger at Mr. Robertson. Some of his bosses in the RFC saw nothing wrong, apparently, in tak- ing a gratuity here and there from appli- cants for RFC loans. For that matter, Don- ald Dawson, White House aide in charge of personnel, did just what Mr Robertson did. On three occasions, he was the nonpaying guest of te same hotel. If Mr Dawson has any regard for his reputation, he will cense hiding behind his White House immunity and come before the subcommittee to ex- plain his conduct. In the absence of an ex- planation, his un.itness for a post in the White House seems abundantly demon- strated. Flexible notions of propriety are by no means confined to the executive branch of the Government. Senatcr JaMEs E. Murray, it appears, sees nothing wrong in having interceded with the RFC to secure a loan for another hot7l—for the success:. 1 negotiation of which his son received a fee of 21,000. Senator Murray’s statement explaining his action seems to come down to an assertion that it was routine procedure of a sort in- Gulged in by most of his colleagues. We should not be at all surprised. The allega- tion derives considerable color from the Ful- bright subcommittee’s decision to keep secret the names of Senate Members who accepted free vacation stays at the swank RF'C-sup- ported hostelry in Florida. The departed ‘‘sensibllity of principle” re- vealed 1 the RFC probe is far from isolated. It is not very different in essence, when you come to think about it, from the resort to back-alley footpad tactics in political cam- paigns, ‘rom the abuse of the privilege of congressional immu ity, from the dispensin of complimentary deep-freezes, from the 5 percent influence racket, from the accept- ance by Senators of salaries from private employers. Perhups even the disgrace that has befallen so many college basketball play- ers is not unrelated. Nothing is so con- tagious ag dishonor Ground Breaking EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWARD MARTIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 13 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. MARTIN. Mr, President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Record an editorial entitled “Ground Breaking,” published in the Wall Street Journal of March 5, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: GROUND BREAKING The other afternoon Mr, Benjamin Fa.r- Jess, a former newsboy of Cleveland, Ohio, dug up some Pennsylvania dirt in the pres- ence of some 600 leaders in industry, bunk- ing, and government. The Pennsylvania ground breaking was rightly a cause of special ceremony, It marked the start of a new steel mill, the largest single integrated steel mill ever built at one time, in this country or anywhere else A lot of people celebrated for private rea- sons. Mr. Fairless, doubtless, in pride that it will be named after him and serve as a reminder of what can happen to newsboys even though Horatio Alger is dead. Steel workers and their union leaders because of the new work opportunities it will provide. Bankers because they helped finunce it Rail- road officials because they will supply it and deliver the finished product. United States Steel stockholders because they acquire a new equity in production Almy and Navy officials because {t will produce material for new ships and guns. We fit in none of these categories, But we celebrated because we felt richer none- theless All of us will be richer by 1,800,000 tons of steel which the plant will roll out euch year. A million cight hundred thou- sand tons not only for guns to protect our- selves but for buildings and railroads and automobiles and refrigerators-~all the things made from or by the use of steel. This tradition of making a ceremony of a ground breaking is an old one and it seems to us a good one. For it means that some- thing new is being added to the sum total of the Nation’s resources. It may be only & small, one-family house, or a grocery store, or as here a mammoth steel plant. But whatever it is, it enriches not only the peo- ple who will live in it or work in it but also the whole community. Death of J. Frank Wilson EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. H. ALEXANDER SMITH OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 13 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Pres- ident, at the request of my colleague LMr. HEnprIckson], I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a brief tribute to a very inti- mate friend of my colleague’s, namely, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD J. Frank Wilson, editor and manager of the Woodbury (N. J.) Daily Times, who died yesterday, and whose funeral my colleague is attending. That is why he cannot himself ask to have this article published in the Recorp. So I ask unanimous consent that the article may be printed in the Recorp with these few remarks of mine. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: J. FRaNK WILSON, TIMES PUBLISHER, D1ED LAST NIGHT J. Frank Wilson, editor and manager of the Woodbury Daily Times, and widely known here and in the State as a church and civic leader, died last night at his home, 349 Glover Street, Woodbury. He was 66. Although Mr. Wilson had been ill since last August, his death shocked friends and associates since he apparently was on the road to recovery ufter many weeks in the Underwood Hospital He was first stricken seriously ill last August and underwent two operations, from which he recovered and returned to his home. Mt Wilson recuperated to the extent that he visited the newspap>r offices for brief periods, but then was taken {ll with pneu- monia Complications developed and he was critically iN] in the Underwood Hospital for several wecks before he appeared to take a turn for the better and was finally able to again return to his home about 3 weeks ago. A native of Woodbury, Mr. Wilson was born November 7, 1884, the son of the late J. Frank and Mary L Wilson. He attended Woodbury public schools and since boyhood had been associated with the Times, learning various branches of news- paper work under the guidance of his father. Mr Wilson became editor and manager of the Times in January 1918, following the death of his father. Under his editorship the established policy of publishing a com- munity and home newspaper was continued. TRUSTEE OF CHURCH A member of the Kemble Memorial Meth- odist Church, Mr. Wilson served for many years as a» member of the board of trustees and had been president of the board since 1943. Ho was a past president of the Busy Men’s Bible Class and was one of the leaders in the organization of the Gloucester County Federation of Men’s Bible Classes, which he also served as president. He was active also, for several years, in the New Jersey State Federation ot Bible “lasses and was serving as executive vice president of the State group at the time of his death. He was imterested in many community and civic activities, giving freely of his time and ability to various projects that had as thetr objective the helping of the community or its residents. MANY CIVIC ACTIVITIES He was a member of the Woodbury Kiwanis Club, serving as its president in 1937; a member of the Friendship Fire Company and a life member of the State Firemen's Relief Association, and a member of Woodbury Lodge No. 54, IOOF. He was a member, also, of the P.O.S of A., Woodbury, until the lodge was disbanded Mr Wilson was a member and chairman of the Woodbury Park Commission, on which he had served for several years. He was a member of the board of directors of the Woodbury Trust Co. During the period when Woodbury had a Chamber of Commerce, which preceded the Woodbury Business As- sociation, he served several years as president of that organization. Mr. Wilson was president of the Lake Gil- man Chapel Association. As a young man he was active in athletics, having played on the Woodbury basketball
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and football teams, when they were rated as among the best teams in this section of the State. Mr. Wilson also served in old Compnny I, Third Regiment, New Jersey National Guard. Surviving Mr Wilson are his wife, Fannie Hendrickson Wilson; a son, Harry F. Wilson; a daughter, Mrs. Marian Hecht; three broth- ers, Harry B. Wilson and Howard W. Wilson, of Woodbury, and Robert H. Wilson, of Fort- escue, and a sister, Mrs. Ethel M. Keat, of Woodbury. FUNERAL ON TUESDAY The funeral will be held on Tuesday, March 13, with services being held at 3 p. m. in Kemble Memorial Methodist Church in charge of the Rev Fred W Stacey, pastor of the church Burial will be made in the Wenonah cemetery. A viewing will be held on Monday evening at the Davis Funeral Home, 171 Delaware Street, Woodbury. It’s Indiana EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. RALPH HARVEY OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. HARVEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following article by Daniel Francis Clancy. John McGee was erroneously credited with authorship of “It's Indiana” in the House of Representatives on February 27, 1950, whereas Daniel Francis Clancy is the actual author of this tribute to Indiana, which has been described— Indianapolis Times, June 18, 1950—as having “already taken its place with the historic hymns of homage to Hoosier- dom.” Mr. Clancy, formerly of Logans- port, Ind., and now of Springfield, Ohio, 1s the only man except the late Ernie Pyle to win two consecutive Na- tional Heachner Club awards for out- standing achievement in journalism. The article follows: It’s Indiana where springs are sweetest and autumns gayest; small towns with Indian names. The Wabash sparkling white under # summer moon, green fields of slowly waving corn Autumue full of the smell of burning leaves and hushed harvest fields stretching away into a saffron setting sun. Bittersweet and basketball, paw-paws and pumpkins, Country church crowds on sun- lit Sunday mornings, courthounes with worn- down front steps, and trotting races at the county fairs. Land of Lincoln-like lawyers, Brown County and Turkey Kun. State that remembers canals and covered bridges, Thomas R. Marshall, Albert J. Beveridge, Benjamin and William Henry Harrison. Where © eryone is said to be a polltictan; Mterary land of poets and writers, James Whitcomb Riley, George Ade, Booth Tarking- ton, Theodore Dreiser, Meredith Nicholson, and Abe Martin. Where many women spend a lifetime driving country roads to bring books in a traveling library to farm boys. Land haunted by redmen whose canoes still secm to drift down blue-green curving Yivers. Land of the speedway, sycamores, and friendly ec versational folk. On the Banks of tie Wabash. Hoosierdom and home. (Daniel Francis Clancy.) Entertainment for Servicemen by the Loyal Order of Moose EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. MATTHEW M. NEELY OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 13 (legtslative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. NEELY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edito- rial entitled ‘Moose Show for Troops,” which appeared in the Aurora (Ill.) Bea- con-News of March 9, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: MoosE SHOW FoR TROOPS The Mooge are always doing something for somebody. They are brotherhood in ac- tion Their school and home for children at. Mooseheart is everyday inspiration for us, thei: neighbors. It prepares the young of departed members of the order against the day when they are grown and must go on their own to their benefit and that of country. So it occasioned no surprise when it was Jearned that the east central district of the fraternity—Pennsylvanita, Ohio, West Vir- ginia, and New Jersey—was sending to Eu- rope to pay for our soldiers stationed there @ star-studded professional theater unit It will leave Friday, March 16, for a 27-day tour of the Army bases, we are told by Mal- colm R. Giles, diroctor general of the inter- National soctety. The group already has performed for more than 50,000 servicemen in the northernmost outposts on our detense perimeter—Alaska, the Aleutians, Newioundland, Greenland, and Labrador. It will take off in a United States Air Force plane from the Baltimore Municipal Airport after a preview perform- ance for military and Government officials. The unit is headed by Roy Acuff and his Grand Ol’ Opry cast. It ts believed to be the first servicemen's entertainment troupe fi- nanced by a private organization to go abroad during the present emergency. It was formed by J. “Jack” Stoehr, the regional di- rector of the Moose. He has hopes of making the big Jump to Korea to round out the program. We hope that he realizes on his aims. Certainly the fighting men in thet sad country will welcome the entertainers It will be like a visit home. On the trip to Europe all expenses, except transportation and housing, which are be- ing furnished by the Army Ai Corps, will be paid for by Moose lodges in Stoehr’s Juris- diction. The artists will entertain several hundred thousand servicemen in Army bases and hospitals in Germany, Austria, and England before returning to New York on April 11. The show is titled “A Night With the Moose.” It is intended to give the vallant troups @ good hour. It is the Loyal Order of Moose way of saying “thank you” to the fine young men who serve our country. The itinerary of the troupe will be as fol- lows: March 16, the Army base in the Azores; March 17, 18, and 19, performances at the Four Hundred and Ninety-fifth Station Army Hospital and Air Base at Wiesbaden, Germany; March 20, Rhein Main Alr Base; March 21, the Army post at Birkenfeld, Germany; March 22 and 23, return to Wlee- baden for two more performances; March 24, Kassell, Germany; March 25 and 26, Ber- A1355 lin; March 27, Wurzburg, Germany; March 28 and 29, Vienna, Austria; March 30, Neu- berg Air Base, Austria; March 31, Lanzberg Air Base, Austria, April 1, the Ninety- eighth General Army Hospital and the air base at Furstenfeldbruck, Germany; April 2, Erding Air Base, Germany, April 3, Salz- burg Army Post, Germany; April 4, Berch- tesgaden, Germany: April 5, Whesbuden, Germany, april 6, 7, and 8, Army bases in England, April 9 and 10, Newfoundland air ALES My Responsibility to My State Government EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 13 (legislative day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, in an ef- fort to stimulate thinking among the young people of South Dakota, the State Young Republican organization, under the direction of Mr. Howard Wood, chair- man, held an essay contest on the sub- ject, My Responsibility to My State Government. The winner of this contest was Miss Virgene Westergard, of Worthing, S. Dak The essay indicates some mature thinking on the subject, and I feel that it reflects patriotic sentiments to which we all should give special thought. Therefore, Mr. President, I would like to have this essay inserted in the Con- GRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the essay was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: My RESPONSILILITY TO My STate GOVERNMENT America stands before the world dedicated to the proposition that all men are created fre and equal. I believe each citizen has the privilege and obligation of sharing this aspiration with others. I ara going to try to grow steadily in my ability to understand this democratic aspiration and strive to con~ tribute to its enrichment. In a bygone duy Thomas Jefferson wrote “How little do my countrymen know what precious blessings they are in possession of.” To the thinking citizens of South Dakota there words mean much. It is easy to feel we have always had these blessings and al- ways will, but they must be carefully guarded, if we are to keep them. This, I feel is my greatest responsibility. In order to do this, I must have o continuous, active interest in current happenings and elections. I know that when I am able to vote I will vote for honest, responaible officials to head our government They will safeguard the piessings we have inherited. If we try to understand that our Jocal government is part of the general State pov- ernment, {t will mean more to us I belteve we should try to understand current issucs and people, and form definite opinions, rup- ported by facts and our own reasoning This will fit us for the future, when we have to defend our opinions, think clearly and rea~- gon correctly—if we are to find our rightful place in this government of which cach of us is an traportant pert.
A1356 Wise Up, Mr. President, and Wield That Broom EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ALBERT P. MORANO OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. MORANO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following editorial from the Bridgeport Sunday Herald: WIse Up, Mr PRESIDENT, AND WIELD THAT Broom One of President Truman’s most admired traits, his dogged determination, is showing up in its unlovelier Iights these days. It won him one election against long odds, 28 months ago It muy well lose him another, if he chooses to chance it next year. For there are no two ways about it: the smell rising from the scandal pot in Wash- ington is nauseous And the President, who can’t properly be expected to know everything that’s cooking on every little stove in Washington and there- fore couldn't properly be held responsible, insists on Mfting the lid and sniffing the brew and maintaining that it is sweet Part of the President's doggedness—and it has led to a good part of his trouble—is his intense loyalty to persons whom he likes and whom he has chosen to be his uides It has led him to defend stoutly Secretary of State Dean Acheson—'the only way they'll get him out 1s to 1mpeach me”—and there’s a@ good chance that history will say he 1s right But it has led him to give the same un- swerving support to the Harry Vaughans, to try to give responsible posts to the Mon Wall- grens, and to lash out before he has facts at hand at persons who assail the least member of the White House staff. The charge that patronage is being peddled over the counter in Mississippi is made by the President’s political enemies, but it is easier to believe it is true than wrong The pica- yune nature of the oflense makes it more repugnant This ts a time to show some of the famous Truman courage, admit an egre- gious error, and throw the rascals out The revelations about some Reconstruction Finance Corporation loans show the tawdri- est sort of dealings, panderings to untrust- worthy characters out of the busest pecuniary motives. Senator J. Wiu.LIAM FuLsricHt, Democrat, of Arkansas, chairman of the Senate’s sub- committee investigating the operations of the RFC, whose report the President char- acterized as “asinine,” said a “disinfection” is necessary in Government, because “only in this way will the people regain their con- viction thut their Government is honest and fair in all its dealings “If people lose faith in the honesty of their Government by reason of rather recent de- velopments here, we will be in greater danger from within than from without. Loss of confidence in our Government is as great a menace as js communism.” There is only one way to meet the Ful- bright revelations, They must be welcomed. The investigators must be given every assist- ance jn tearing them wide open. If this isn’t done, the first damage may be that Congress will heed the cries that the RFC be abolished. That would end such things as the Miami Beach affair. It would also put hundreds of small and deserving companies out of business; for 80 percent of the RFC lvuans are for 850,000 or less, and its workaday unpublicized business has been taing good little enterprises over the bad times But the results of the President’s stub- bornness can go much further. It gives en- couragement and nourishment to all his ene- mies, who hate him not for an RFC scandal but because of the issues to which he pledged himself in 1948-—the people’s issues, which, if carried out indifferently by President Truman, would be killed outright by his opponents. Creation of a Freedom Corps Opposed to Soviet Aggression EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, one of the Strongest hopes for peace lies in the surging and ever-mounting spirit of op- position and resistance to the expansion of Soviet slavery. This feeling is especially prevalent and forceful among those people who have escaped beyond the iron curtain but en- dure agonies of soul as they are com- pelled to stand by futilely while the strangling grasp of Moscow fastens its death clutch on what were formerly free, proud peoples. For these displaced persons, these sol- diers without arms, these expellees whose main and guiding purpose is the return to their respective countries in a new day of untrammeled freedom, ways must be found, opportunites must be created, so they can give practical ex- pression to their opposition to Stalinism. Sometimes, in our determination tc halt Soviet imperialism, we in Amcrica I feel, are prone to overlook the largc numbers of other nationals, especially refugees from the terrors of Stalinism who are willing and able, given the chance, to help in the struggle for peace and liberty. We frequently mistake, too, the aspi- rations and objectives of those displaced patriots. Much as they may admire America, they yearn not for the sight of our beloved shores, but rather live in the hope that one day they may return in security and lhberty to the lands of their birth, and there in true freedom, amid the blessings of their rich national tradi- tions, culture, and the warmth of famil- jar things, take up their lives anew. This we must understand and respect, and understanding and respecting, take steps to help them forge their ranks in the ever-swelling legions of the freedom loving. It would be a serious mistake at this important juncture in history for us to assume we have a monopoly on the im- pulse to thwart tyrants—ours by a fate- ful course of events is the role of cham- pion of the democratic world, and in that capacity we have the task and the duty to make it possible for all who thirst for freedom to take their rightful place in the fight against the extension of Soviet aggression, spiritual and physical. Furthermore, an additional and com- pelling advantage of this program is the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD great beneficial effect it will have by giv- ing heart and increased courage and strength of resistance to the Soviet cap- tives behind the iron curtain. This ac- tivity will spark the embers that will one day fan the fires of liberation. To this end, I propose the creation of a freedom corps, a military organization in which men of all nations opposed to Soviet aggression may shoulder arms, giving signal strength to the free world's growing forces of peace. The Let-Down EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I am 1n- cluding an editorial from the Washing- ton News of Saturday, March 3, 1951, entitled “The Let-Down”: THE LeT-DOWN Only 2 months ago, Defense Secretary Marshall just told Congress he was being criticized for not usking a strength of 5,000,- 000 or 6,000,000 men in the Armed Forces “Today,” he added, ‘the atmosphere ts quite different Now the questions are, not how much more we need, but why we are asking 60 much.” Drawing on an old soldier’s memories, General Marshall went on° “I saw the Army disintegrate in General Pershing's lap after World War I. I saw the selective-service law come within one vote of repeal only a few months before Pearl Harbor. I saw us cast aside our strength again after VJ-day. “These things are familiar to me But I must confess I was not prepared for the speed with which the present shift in senti- ment developed.” General Marshall {s correct. There has been a swift—and deadly dan- gerous—shitt in sentiment. Its effects are evident not only in Con- gress and the administration but throughout the country. In the time wasted in quibbling about whether the drait age shall be lowered to 1812 years rather than 18 and the delay in voting higher taxes In the squabbling over how the defense mobilization and the war against inflation shall be conducted. In the Government's irresolute attitude to- ward pressing problems. That sense of terrible urgency which was strong after the first reverses in Korea, which revived when the Chinese Reds came into the war-—that has dwindled and all but dis- appeared. In its place there has grown a feeling of optimism—tfoolish optimism—without foun- dation. Our country’s peril is no less real than 1t was 2 months ago. The threat of a third world war is no less great. The problems of defense and industrial mobilization and control of inflation are no less grave. If we believe we are doing enough to frighten the rulers of Soviet Russia, to deter them from their plan for ultimate world domination, we are deceiving ourselves and playing their game. Our goal is not to fight and win another world-wide war—unless we must,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Our true goal is to prevent another world-~ wide war. Our hope of attaining that goal depends upon developing with utmost speed such actual and potentially ready military strength that Soviet Russia will not dare risk forcing us to fight. We can’t do that by feeble, half-hearted efforts. If we want safety in a peaceful world, the price in toil and treasure must be paid. It will be worth the price a thousand times, We are letting down when what we need is to speed up. Rice and Propaganda for the Chinese EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK E. SMITH OF MISSISSIFPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, an editorial in the Des Moines Register points up again the value of rice as a propaganda weapon in Asia, In the struggle for supremacy in Asta, the free world can make no better investment than the creation of a “rice bank’ as a weapon against communism. The edi- torial follows: RICE AND PROPAGANDA FOR THE CHINESE The Nationalist China Air Force based on Formosa has made at least elght different filghts to the mainland recently—to drop food, not bombs. The food was rice, paid for by the volun- tary China Mainland Flood and Famine Re- lief Association of Formosa, and with it went bundles of letters of sympathy. The drops were mide in famine- and flood-stricken dis- tricts of Fukien and Kwangtung provinces. Firebrands in armchairs and swivel chairs in America are all for declaring war on Red China, having American planes drop bombs on Chinese ports and industries, and helping Chiang Kai-shek invade the mainland to re- start the civil war he has been fighting ever since 1927. Rice and letters are more effective. The Chinese Communist and anti-Com- munist, are sick of civil war. They have had no real civil peace and effective civil guvelu~ ment for 100 years. They welcomed the Communists with a sort of despairing hope that these strong men out of their wild west would bring them peace at last. The strong men brought them not perce but a grenade. They lowered the rents and parceled out the land—but they raised the rice tax and the blood tax of young men to still steeper levels. From system-less an- archy and graft, China is moving to totall- tartan tyranny. But we are doing far more for Chiang Kal- shek by letting him use his atr force to drop rice than if we gave him the American LST’s and PFC’s he would need for an invasion of the mainland. We sre doing far more for the people of Chine, more for the safety of our own policy in China, and the world. While we were letting Chiang drop rice to hungry mainland Chinese, Soviet Russia was voting “no” to the United Nations Inter- national Children’s Emergency Fund against granting $22,000 to supplement the diets of hungry Formosa children with dried milk. Russia sald any aid to Formosa should go through the Red Ohinese government in Peking—which would allot it to Formosa “if necessary.” The people of China will learn eventually who the “gocd neighbor” has been. Pfc Robert James McKenna, USMC EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HERMAN P. EBERHARTER OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. EBERHARTER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude a letter addressed to Judge Samuel A. Weiss, of the Court of Common Pleas of Allegheny County, Pa., a former Mem- ber of this body, by Brig. Gen. W. J. Scheyer, United States Marine Corps, dated February 23, 1951, which depicts the interest and help given to the fami- lies of its personnel: DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY, HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES MARINE CoRPS, Washington, D. C., February 23, 1951 Judge Samuxi A. WEISS, Court of Common Pleas, Pittsburgh, Pa My Dear Jupce Wriss: I have your letter concerning Pfe Robert James McKenna, 1037485, United Si. tes Marine Corps. No additional information has been re- ceived from the ficld relative to the status of the above-named man However, in view of the information contained in your Ictter, I have taken steps to have George Bradley interviewed by « marine officer stationed in Philadelphia in an effort to ascertain further facts. I have also requested Col. Ewart S. Laue, Director, Fourth Marine Coips Reserve district, Philadelphia, to pay a personal call on Mrs McKenna for the purpose of assist- ing and advising her with any problems aris- ing from the status of her son. The interest you have shown the above case and the advice and assistance you have rendered Mrs McKenna are deeply appre- ci.ted. { have been gratified to note your interest and confidence in the Marine Corps. I ossure you that this headquarters will continue its efforts to obtain further infor- mation relative to the location of Privato First Class McKenna, and that everything possible 1s done by the officers and men in the combat area to learn the fate and where- abouts of their missing comrades, Any such information received will be promptly fur- nished Mrs. McKenna. With best regards, I am Sincerely yours, W. J. Scuryer, Brigadier General, United States Ma- rine Corps, Assistant Director of Personnel, Statement Issued by Hon. Daniel J. Flood, of Pennsylvania, on the Opening Program of the Voice of America on February 16, 1951 EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- ord, I include the following statement made by me for the opening program of the Voice of America on February 16, A1357 My name ts Dan Fioon. I was elected by the people of my district in Pennsylvania, a district in the hard-coal-mining ficlds of the State. My constituents lve in Luzerne County, the principal : ity of which la Wilkes- Barre. Among the people who have asked me to represent them in the Congress of the United States, there are more than 30,000 of Lithuanian stock. Most of them are third-generation Lithuanians, which means that already their grandparents immigrated to this country. When they came here, they found the opportunity which America offcrs to all those who cherish freedom and who are ready to work to build up their own lives and the future of their children. Iam glad to say thet all these Lithuanlan-Americans are well-established American citizens now who uphold the democratic ideals and tra- ditions of this country and who are highly respected by their fellow Americans of other origins. It is one of the great privileges of American citizenship that we who are loyal to the United States of America do not for- get our ties with the country of origin of our ancestors. We cherish and continue many of the good European traditions within the framework of our American way of life. And this is also true of the Lithuanian-Amer-~ icans in my constituency. They have formed Lithuantan-American societies and clubs, and they have many churches in which the parish priests are Lithuanian-Americans who preach to their flock in Lithuanian. Now all these Lith1anian-Americans speak Lithuanian among themselves a great deal and celebrate today as every year, on Febru- ary 16 the birthday of the republic of Lithu- ania, with folk songs and feativals. It is therefore my particular plensure, as a representative of those citizens, to take the op,ortunity of the first Lithuanian langusge program of the Voice of America, to relay my best wishes as well as those of my con- stituents to the people of Lithuania. My Lithuanian-Amertican constituents are very proud of the fact that the United States has refused to recognize the Soviet claim to the Baltic states ad that we recognize the Minister of Lithuania to Washington as a representative of the Lithuanian people in the United States. My Lithuaninn-Ameri- can constituents look forward to the day when tho Lithuanian people will again have their free choi*’e as to their form of govern- ment and their national life. Among these Lithuanian-Americans many have achieved positions of respect and !m- portance in our community. As an example, I can cite Mr. Peter Margia, a businessman of W'kes-Barre who is a senator in the legisla- ture of the State of Pennsylvania. All these people, as American citizens, are supporting fully the policy of peace with freedom and justice for all people, which is the policy of the Government of the United States. And that is why I think that on this day I can speak for all of them when I wish you, the people of Lithuania, that you may regrin your freedom and may be able to work out your own destiny. It is with these thoughts that I am repeating to you what my Lithuanian-American constituents always says with conviction and confidence: Kas Bus Nebus, Lietuva Neprazus (no matter what will happen, Lithuania will not perish). Where Is Our Foreign Policy Taking Us? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN B. BENNETT OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. BENNETT of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my own
A1358 remarks, I include a copy of an address which I recently made over radio station WJR at Detroit: Whether we shall have peace—or whether our present foreign rolicy is heading us for world war I1I—ijs the most vital problem con- cerning the American citizen today. What ig done in the months ahead may help keep peace or it might involve us in the most disastrous war the world has ever seen-—one which may destroy the Mberty and freedom our predecessors fought so hard to establish and which we ourselves would give anything to preserve. One thing which I believe to be most dan- gerous to our future is the failure of the President and his advisers to take the Amer- ican people into their confidence—belore making momentous decisions—instead of afterward. No single fact is more disturb- ing to the rank and file citizen than his be- wilderment about where the President 1s taking this country, and why. It would be useless for me to dwell upon the subject ex- cept to remind you of something you already know, namely—that our predicament is due primarily to the fact that the peace following World War II was made by secret negotiation and agreement and without any advance in- formation to the American people. It doesn't make any difference whether we lke It or not, the plain fact is that once a secret agreement is reached between our country and some foreign nation—right or wrong— that agreement or commitment becomes the fixed obligation of 150,000,000 American citl- zens. Despite the tragic consequences which followed the secret agreements of World War II, President Truman has learned nothing by that important experience and is still pursuing the same dangerous course. Neither Congress nor the American people were consulted when the President com- mitted our troops to Korea. Whether such action was right or wrong—whether we like it or not—once tho President made the com- mitment he irrevocably tied the hands of every citizen in this country. Today we are faced with another momen- tous question. It is whether the President, acting in his own discretion, shal] have the right in time of peace to commit unlimited numbers of American troops to be joined with other nations in forming a land army in Western Europe. He has arrogantly as- sumed autocratic authority to carry on this project and has castigated those who have the temerity to disagree. By acquiescing in this authority on the part of the President, we are giving him the Irrevocable right as a singlo American—without anyone else's consent—to determine whether we shall fight another disastrous world war, Where is the present urgency that requires such dictatorial authority in the hands of the President? There is no war in Europe to- qaay. Surely there 1s ample time for the President to consult the American people and give them an opportunity to decide how far they want their country to go in recruit- ing an army to be stationed in Western Europe. It is the rank and file citizen who is being called upon to carry the burden of the Presi- dent's fabulous foreign policy program. It is he who wears the uniform; it is he who pays the higher taxes and accepts a lower standard of Ilving aud the Government con- trols that are necessary in a wartime economy But notwithstanding these sacrifices, you, Mr. Average Citizen, unless you are a mind reader, know nothing about the President's aims or purposes in his global program that is now in the making. But you aren't alone in the darkness; you are in the same posi- tion as your Representatives in Congress, who know as little about what is in the President's mind as you do. All we know is that those who demand that foreign policy decisions be subjected to public scrutiny and debate, ure labeled by the President as obstructionists or if you be- come bold enough to assert that the advice and consent of Congress should be obtained before troops are sent to foreign battlefields to fight other peoples’ wars, you are given @ more odious label—you are an isolationist. So here we are in the birthplace of democ- racy ridiculed and stigmatized if we dare to say that no man is big enough or great enough in a free country to ignore the collec- tive wisdom and judgment of 150,000,000 people in reaching decisions which affect their lives and their liberty. We have seen people in countries with totalitarian dictators plunged into war against their will —but I ask you--nhave we reached a point in this country where we want to follow a practice for which we so bitterly assall totalitarian nations? 1 realize the serious concern with which you must view our present predicament and I think all thoughttul Americans have simi- lar feelings. If there ever was a time in our history when political differences should be laid aside in an effort to resolve our diffi- culties, 11 ts now. My own views on the subject are in no sense partisan because my thinking fs as far out of line with somo of our Republican leaders as it is with President Truman's. In the past decade we have moved from @ policy of extreme isolationism to one of extreme internationalism, If we must choose one of these twu extremes, I prefer the former because I think we could follow it and still survive as a free nation, while the latter I believe will ultimately destroy us. I think we ought to participate in the set- tlement of world problems and assume our just share of the burden but, In my judg- ment, we must gear our participation in direct proportion to our ability and enpacity in terms of manpower and resources If we follow such a course, we can definitely as- sist in keeping peace In the world and at the same {ime maintain our own national solvency and the integrity of our form of government On the other hand, if we pur- sue the policy which commenced follow- ing World War ITI of singlehandedly assum- ing the financial, economic, political, and military burdens of the rest of the world, it can mean nothing but eventual bank- ruptey for us and the loss of our own liber- ties I agree that survival is worth any price—except the price of our own freedom. Surely it would avail us little to have saved the freedom of other peoples if we lose our own in the process. But even if I am wrong tn my conclu- sions that another global war would lead to our insolvency and emasculate our free- doms, there are other compelling reasons why we should change our course Without as- sessing blame or responsibility for the peace that was botched, it is am unccntroverted fact that World War II caused more prob- lems than it solved and that the world is further away from peace today than it was in 1941. Can anyone assure us that the deteat of communism in Europe and Asia will bring us any nearer to peace? In the course of our own lives we have seen Europe dominated in the west by the military rule of the Prussians, and in the east by the czars of Russia. Following World War I we witnessed the rise of a Commu- nist dictatorship in Russia, and Nazi and Fascist dictatorships in Germany and Italy. ‘There never was any real difference between these types of government. They have all had for their purpose the destruction of the liberties of the people by one method or another, and each has caused a war of ag- gression against other nations, In World War II we destroyed fascism and nazism and made communism one of the strongest political and military forces on APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD earth. If we now undertake, and are suc- cessful in destroying communism in Europe and Asia one may well wonder what form of political oppression will take its place. We propose, for example, to ally ourselves with Tito and Franco in the all-out strug- gle against Russian communism. Would one of these latter two—made powerful by our help—be the next tyrant with whom we would have to deal? This possibility is bad enough, but there are some that may be worse. In pardoning the German war criminals the hypocrisy of our diplomacy in attempting to regain the friendship of the Germans reached its ze- nith I presume, if we are going into an all-out land war with Russia, we would be well advised to rearm the Germans because they are probably the best fighters in Eu- rope We need them on our side in any all-out struggle with the Communists. To accomplish this would, of necessity, require that Germany as a nation be reconstituted on something like a basis of equality with our so-called European allies. In such cir- cumstances what would we do with the Ger- man nation and its army, after the Rus- sians were defeated? Do you suppose the Germans in such a case would agree to dis- armament and again be relegated to a sec- ond-rate power; or do you think they would insist upon equality? With the Russians licked and the Germans powerful again, what problems would be posed for our diplomats insofar as European or world peace is con- cerned? Might we not be back where we were before World War II started? While the situation is not completely anal- ogous, the future status of Japan is like- wise a problem that we cannot ignore in our program of world-wide diplomacy. If we are to carry on an all-out war with com- munism tn the Far East as well as in Eu- rope #8 we seem headed for, we will need to rearm Japan and wrile a peace treaty that will establish that country on an equal- ity basis in the community of nations. What would we do with Japan after the Commu- nists have been chased out of Asia? Do you think we could thereafter relegate her to an occupled-nation status? Do you be- lieve a revitalized Japan would present any future dangers to world peace and, ff 50, how would we guard against it? Or should we put off the evil day in considering these questions? These are all real practical problems that eannot safely be 1gnored—When you fight your former friends and ally yourself with former enemies But these problems are too real and too practical to be thought about by our starry-eyed diplomats who are too busy rushing headlong and haphazardly into another world conflict without having the slightest conception of where it will even- tually lead us; or what new and momentous problems it will create. My point is, there {s no real basis for assuming that we can ever solve the politi- cal and military problems of Europe with any degree of permanency The political upheaval going on over there is not new. It is centuries old. To assume that we can settle these controversies by fighting wars in Europe and Asia is wishful thinking indeed Because of my deep conviction that we can never settle the problems of Europe and Asta, I think we should go eusy on the ex- tert we implicate ourselves. We can as- sume some of the burden of suppressing world aggression—but not all. That, I think, is the crux of the problem. We can fur- nish the atomic power; some of our Navy and a part of our Air Force. We could furnish manpower in small degree for strategic op- erations, and Jast but not least, we can fur- nish military equipment and supplies. But I am unalterably opposed to committing millions of men to make up a land army in eifther Europe or Asia, which ts the plan now being contemplated. ~Such a course will
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mean our ultimate ruination because of ite cost in men and resources, to say nothing of the fact that we would again have cre- ated more problems than we solved. Finally, in assessing our future commit- ments we must consider the cost of reha- bilitation in Europe and Asia when the fight- ing is over. Because, who, except us, would assume that burden? The rehabilitation program following World War 11, which has cost us billions, would be peanuts com- pared to the postwar costs of world war III. How much more strain would our economy stand nfter another devastating war? These are questions which deserve serious con- sideration in connection with our ultimate survival, and yet they are Uphtly brushed aside by those who are laying out this ex- travagant program. We may still be the richest and strongest Nation on earth, but anyone who cares to think realistically knows that we can reach the breaking point. When we reach that point who will save us? Finally, I believe that if we do not re- chart our course very soon, we will ulti- Inately be as bankrupt as the rest of the world and end up with some totalitarian form of government on our own doorstep. Why Is My Son in Korea? EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. MARGARET CHASE SMITH OF MAINE IN THE SENATE OF TH UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 13 (legislatwe day of Monday, March 12), 1951 Mrs. SMITH of Maine. Mr. President, there appears in the March 16, 1951, is- sue of the weekly magazine United States News and World Report, a most remark- able statement in answer to the ques- tion “Why Is My Son in Korea?” It isan editorial by that outstanding publisher, editor and columnist, David Lawrence, whose penetrating editorial comments contribute so much to the desperate need of objective evaluation and sane, calm judgment 1n times of unparalleled con- fusion and irresponsibility. Mr. Law- rence’s editonal is the finest thing of its kind I have seen. He says much more eloquently and effectively what I tried to say 8 months ago in my nationally syn- dicated column of July 18, 1950. I commend the David Lawrence edi- torial to all Members of Congress and ask unanimous consent that a copy of it be placed in the Recorp, together with a copy of my column. There being no objection, the editnrial, together with the statement were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the United States News and World Report of March 16, 1951] “Wry Is My Son In Korea?” (By David Lawrence) The mother of a boy twice wounded in Ko- rea asks this writer: “Why is my son fight- ing in Korea?" The question was not a protest but an earnest search for a defi- nition. American boys are fighting in Korea— 1. Because the sacrifice being made in Ko- rea can save millions of young men now at home--the 18-year-olds, the 16-year-olds, the 12-year-olds—sparing them the neces- sity of fighting another world war. 2. Because from those who fought at the Marne and Chateau-Thierry, in Tunisia and at Anzio, in the Battle of the Bulge, at Mid- way, on New Guinea, Guadalcanal, the Philip- pines, Iwo Jima, and Okinawa—trom those brave men, there has been passed down the responsibility to preserve the American tra- dition tor which su many of them died. This generation now is demonstrating in Korea that a great nation, untainted by tho matc- nmalism of territorial ambition or the greed of conqucst—having twice fought for prin- ciple and laid down its arms without a single act of selishness toward Its allies or a single act of dishonor toward its enemies—still will fight for principle and the cause of hu- manity. 3. Because America sees in the Korean war a challenge to freedom everywhere. Kores, the small helpless nation trampled under the hee] of the Red invader, is the Cuba of Spain's crueity in 1698, the Belgium of the Kaiser's invasion of 1914, and the Britain, the France, the Holland, and the Belgium, the Poland, and the Norway of Hitier's aggression of a decade ago 4. Because an attack agiinst freemen any~ where is a menace to democracy every- where. A readiness to meet the aggressor in Korea can deter the master of that same ag- gression from precipitating a larger-scale war elsewhere 5 Because America cannot allow the ag- gressor to come by sea or air or land to our shores. If aggression were to be successful in Korea, the Russian-Chinese alliance could then invade Japan and its northern islands and secure air bases for attack on nearby Alaska If Northwest territory were threat- ened, sO would our own Pacific coast cities soon be threutened, too. 6. Because America must mobilize her strength and not risk the defeat that can come if the whole free world is conquered and the total resources of our present allies are then appropriated by our enemy and its satellites for a final strike against us. 7. Because misguided minds among our own allies are ready to yield to the agyressor and run away, little realizing that by their defeatism they are encouraging another dic- tator even as they unwittingly did in the Rhineland episode of 1936 and at Munich in 1938. 8. Because today statesmanship ts lacking, leadership is lacking, moral scruple is lack- ing, and the need 1s for sacrifice to raise aloft the banner of great ideals—so that once more the ‘ouls of men may be saved through the power of heroic example. 9 Because it 1s essential to the peace of the world that an international organiza- tion, such as the United Nations, stimulate a will to peace, and this means also a will to fight against aggression. Unhappily among our allies it has been questioned whether a shell-shocked populace can regain the will to ight. What we do tn Korea can revive the fighting spirit of European peo- ples and demonstrate to peoples everywhere that the American will to fight for a just cause has not perished. 10. Because the American boys who fought and came home and the boys who never came back from World War I and World War IT will have fought in vain if there now is a disintegration of spirit, a dissolution of the great moral purpose that guides brave men to give their lives in a noble cause. 11. Because, just ag Christianity does not condone the auicide of the individual, Christianity rejects the suicide of the State— the basic fallacy of pacifism. 12 Because we are our brother's keepers and because as we see a drowning man strug- gling to reach the shore, the instinct is to go to his rescue. What that instinct means to the individual, {t means to a nation whose greatness today, ns in the past, Is still subli- mated by an unselfish effort to relieve hu- man suffering and to emanctpate men, ‘women, and children from slavery, On the A1359 battlefields of Korea our youth is saving our own democracy from its sins of material- ism and its indulgences and making It strong again And it must be strong to insure the survival of the forces of good in the world and their tziumph over the age-old forces of evil. 13. Because the troops in Korea and the airmen and sailors nearby are the crusaders of our times-—crusaders for justice and cru- saders tor the rights of freemen to live in this world free trom fear, free trom the perennial terror imposed upon us by evil men. 14, Because the brave youth in Korea are putting to shame those thoughtless breth~ ren in Britain and Fiance and even in Amer- ica who begrudge the dollars and pounds they now must forego, who worship the false gods of creature comfart even as the bat- talions in Korea, despising such weakness, lift their faces to the next ridge with the immortal courage that makes them worthy of mai's finest accolade, WASHINGTON AND You (By United States Senator Margaret Crass SMITH) WasHINGTON ——A constituent in Maine writes me that his wife has asked him sev- era) times during the pust few days: “Why is it nocossary that our boys should be sent over to Korea to labor, cuffer, and die for the South horeans who hatc us? What business is it of us Americans? Why not let them Oght out their own sqi abbles?” The writer said that he could sense the answer to this, considering the ultimate aims of the Communists, the commitments of the United Nations and other factors But he claimed that he was not good at explaining his inner sensings of such matters. Iam sure he 1s Hke many of us. He paid me an unwarranted honor when hoe expressed coufidence that I could give a clear, concise, and simple answer to his wife's questions and suggested that I do so in my column, Tl) try. ‘The most direct answer is that Communist aggression any place in the world is a threat to the peace of the world—and to our own national security. With each bit of territory the Communists gobble up, regarditess of how far away from our shores, they come that closer to us. Not only do they come clorer but they conquer that many more people to be enslaved in the aggressive designs for con- quering the entire world, Why then do we choose to make a starfd and fight in Korea when we idn't in China or any of the Balkan states? The occupation of Korea was divided at the end uf World War II between Russia in Northern Korea and the United States in Southern Korea. That division may have been wrong. But it was made principally be- cause of the aggressive desigus of Russia. To the rest of the world, Northern Korea was Communist Russian and Southern Korea was American. Brushing aside the diplomatic frills, the North Korean attack was considered by the rest of the world a test attack of Russia through her puppets on that part of Korea for which the United States has assumed re- sponsibility. In other words, Russia was making an indirect attack on America through Korea. It is true that Russia has literally gobbled up the Balkan states and that her Chinese puppets have taken over China without di- rect American intervention. But her action in these areas was not an attack on America, direct or indirect. We didn't have any com- mitments in those places nor were we oCcupy- ing uny of them. If we were to back down and withdraw from Southern Korea, we would have saved the lives of many Americans, who, It is true, have died for Southern Koreans. But back- ing down there would not rettle anything
A1360 except temporarily. What lives our moral surrender there would have saved would be very, very few compared to the number that Woule late. be lost. Why? Because we would have returned to the policy of appeasement. And that is nothing more than surrender on the install- ment plan. It didn’t work with Hitler. Why should we expect it to work with Sta- lin? Appeasement in Korea merely would have been followed by a Communist attack some- where else—again and again and again— until finally we would be forced to stand up to Russia and say, "his is as far as you can go without making war on us.”" It is better to do it now than to wait until later when Russ.a has gobbled up most of the world and attacked us. It is lke cancer, which Kills gradually if not stopped early enough. In the Korean test of courage and position, had we backed down we could hardly expect the Western European members of the North Atlantic Treaty to show any more bravery against aggression than the United States. Had we turned our backs and run we could hardly expect the United Nations to keep from folding In short, our boys are fighting and dying in South Korea to tiy to stave off death for you and me here in America from @ possible Russian aerial assault. The Korean war is the business of America because peace is our business, espetially in those areas we are occupying. We are no. letting the North Koreans and the South Koreans fight out their own squabbles simply because basically it is not their own squabbles. It is an indi- rect squabble between Russia and America, a@ test squabble started by Russia against America, The stronger we stand now the better our chance ‘o discourage Russia from her design of world conquest and the better the hopes to peace in Russia's realizatior. that we will fight instead of surrendering on the install- ment plan, In South Korea we rejected the first in- stallment. Increase in Living Costs EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AUGUSTINE B. KELLEY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. KELLEY of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks, I am including an article from the American Federation of Labor News of March 6 on the subject of inflation. This article gives figures on the rise in the cost of living from December 15 to January 15. It 1s a startling piece of in- formation and points again to the fact that it is of the utmost importance that the cost of living be controlled so that our people do not suffer unnecessarily. The article follows: Cost or Livinc SHOOTS TO NEW PEAK UNDER FAKE PRICE ORDER WasHINGTON.—The price rise has become & stampede The United States Department of Labor reported that all items in the cost of living rose 3.2 points—or 1.6 percent—between December 15 and January 15. Prices last January 15—11 days before the so-called price freeze—were 7.9 percent above the same period a year ago. Undaunted, Price Stabilization Director Michuel V. DiSalle approved a 3'4-percent increase in prices for automobile manufac turers. Food prices, which are uncontrolled, rose 2 percent more between January 15 and Feb- ruary 15. The increase in cost of living has been so rapid that millions of workers have been forced to cut living standards and are still unable to make ends meet. Two further factors in the plecemeal botched-up defense mobilization program being carried out by big business under De- fenge Mobilization Czar Charles E. Wilson and Economic Stabilizer Eric Johnston com- pound the difficulties. These are: 1, Wages are frozen tight and Mr. Johnston is making decisions on the basis of oxpedi- ency to take care of big-business friends like Mr Wilson's own General Electric Co. 2. Mr, Wilson's failures in over-all direc- tion of the set-up threatens to throw thou- sands of workers temporarily out of employ- ment—with Httle or no income at all to meet the rising prices Because of the lack of planning so that defense orders are ready to go when the production of civilian goods ends under the materials cutback plans, many plants will be forced to shut down. The Labor Department reported that its new adjusted Consumers Price Index stood at 181 5 on January 15, a new record high for this index. Between December 15 and January 15, the Department said prices of foud rose 26 per- cent, housefurnishings 21 percent, apparel 1.5 percent, fuels 04 percent, rent 0.2 per- cent, and miscellaneous goods and services 0.9 percent. And all of these items are due to go up more under the profit margin markup retail price order issued February 28 by Mr. DiSalle. The United Labor Policy Committee called this order legalized robbery and the whole price-control program under the Defense Production Act of 1950 a cynical houx on the American people. The committec has called for recommenda-~ tions to Congress that the act be amended to provide genuine price controls, but no action has been taken by President Truman, Mr, Wilson, or any other official with power to make such recommendations. Government Hand-Outs and Inflation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. PATRICK J. HILLINGS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. HILLINGS. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Ralph Turner, publisher of the Temple City Times in Temple City, Calif., has written a very forthright and interesting editorial on the problem of inflation. This editorial appeared in the Temple City Times on March 8, 1951, and I call it to the attention of the Members of the Congress as it presents some very worth while comments on one of the greatest problems now before us. The editorial follows: Frxep IncomrEs, SMALLER DOLLARS The greatest sufferer from the current and apparently continuing wave of monetary and price inflation is the person trying to live on a fixed income, This person may be a retired school teach- er, Government employee or business execu- tive on a pension. He may be a person who put all his savings into insurance or bonds. He may be living on rentals from income APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD property. In any of these cases, he or she is trying to get along on a certain number of dollars each month or year. And he finds these dollars buying less and less. It can be, and it is, a desperate prospect for many people. There is special interest, therefore, in the recommendation which the Price Controller, Michael DiSalle, made to a congressional committee the other day. He suggested that social-securtty benefits be raised for persons living on pensions or fixed incomes. En- abling such persons to survive in a time of rising national income and prices 1s “one of our toughest problems,” he said. He ad- mitted it was almost impossible to bring prices down to a level which would bring any relie” to such people. Mr. DiSalle’s statement is true, but to find the answer will complicate enormously the already foulcd-up mess of taxes and infla- tion, The Times starts today a series of articles explaining the recently liberalized social-security law. Evidently, even before the law becomes effective, we must consider granting still greater social benefits. And at what “fixed income” are we going to draw the line for determining what in- dividuals are entitled to greater Government ald? Are we going to proceed even further and provide, by some financial magic, a greater return on Government bonds, savings ac- counts, and life insurance? Witll we recom- mend greater purchase of common stocks or Jand as an inflation hedge? Or will we sim- ply raise everybody's pension at the source (granting pensions, of course, to everyone who doesn’t have any) and thus try to hold down the extra social-security payments? Mr. DiSalle seems to be approaching the problem from the wrong end. He and his Government associates hud better expend more of their energies controlling inflation at its source in correcting misconceived Federal financial policies (as evidenced by the row betwee. tiie Treasury and the Fed- eral Reserve Board over interest rates) and in cutting nonmilitary expenditures to the bone. The Government simply cannot run hog- wild, and deuces wild, financially and expect extra ha.d-outs in the form of social secu- rity to make up for their own financial follies. That only will mean compounding the evil, adding more expense, more deficits, more taxes, and more ‘nflation, More About Defending Alaska EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDGAR A. JONAS OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. JONAS. Mr. Speaker, on March 1, 1951, there was transmitted over station WGN a very enlightening and interest- ing broadcast by Bob Siegrist. His mes- sage contains material that should be both informative and instructive. Mr. Siegrist has given a great deal of thought and study to the question of properly fortifying the territory of Alaska against Russian attack and aggression. In his message, he cites facts and figures which are very illuminating ard should have a tendency to alert the people of America to the danger to which the Alaskan ter- ritory is presently being exposed. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include a broadcast made
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD by Bob Siegrist over Station WGN, Chi- cago, Tl. The remarks of Mr. Siegrist, as noted in his broadcast, follow: STEALING THE HaBomal IsLanns (By Bob Siegrist) Moscow's cannon fodder is tightening its resistance against our drive tn Korea. The First Marine Division, which registered sev- eral important gains west of Hoengsong earlier today, as it spearheaded the central- front drive, now is seriously engaged with the China Reds. On the east-central front, our Second Division also is finding tougher going, althoug! it registered a mile gain today. And the Reds also continue to resist heavily on the western front near Seoul. The increased Red resistance cropped up simultaneously with renewed air activity. For the first time in nearly a month, Russian jet planes ap- peared over the Yalu River base of Sinuiju. Tiley attacked four American jets in a 10- minute dog fight. When it was over, three of the Red planes were damaged and the Amerteans flew away unhurt In an effort to cope with General MacArthur's killer offen- sive, the Red Chinese and their North Korean helpers appeur to be fighting strictly a delay- ing uction below the thirty-eighth parallel. The main enemy defense line on the central front has been set up in a horseshve-shaped perimeter between Hoengsong and parallel thirty-eight. In the west the Reds appeaied determined to hold Seoul. However, several Chinese Red officers who were taken prisoner in the past few days told American Intelligence that the Chinese aic planning a major offensive this month, They wou.d unleash more than 250,000 men, which would include the Third Chinese Field Army, and Russian jet planes would uid in the drive. The objective would be to smash United Nations troops and force one or more Dunkerque evacuations. The captured Reds say it would be a final move by Mao Tse-tung And in connection with the Korean War, reports out of Hong Kong today say the cream of the Chinese Communist Army has been decimated in Korea The Hong Kong story adds that an estimated 35 percent of the Chinese Reds’ entire military strength has been made tin- effective Heavy reiniorcements are said to be under mobilization 50 that more troons can be sent to the front. General Lin Pao's Fourth Field Army is believed to have sut- fered the heaviest casualties And another Hong Kong report claims the Chinese Reds have issued an urgent appeal to Moscow for more weapons It quoted an aide to a Chi- nere general as saying that stazgering losses in Korea prompted Mao Tse-tung to ask for help from Moscow. General MacArthur said today that North Korean civilians during the Allies’ December-January retreat expressed their complete aversion to Communist rule. The Allied Commander, in a report to the United Nations, said the North Koreans "Wel- comed our forces as liberutors when we went in and sought to withdraw with us when we withdrew.” Bitter feuding is reported between pro- Communist and anti-Communist factions called by Tibet's Dalai Lama at Yatung. These reports, filtering through the frontier Indian town of Kalimpong, say the pro- Communists are led by an official Tibetan trade agent named Pangdatsang He's press- ing for acceptance of demands hy Moscow's China puppet that six high Tibetan officials be dismissed from the government and turned over to Chinese Communist author- ities. Among these is the former regent, Takta Rimpoche, who ruled in the 16-year- old Dalai Lama's name until only recently. Takta, the 73-year-old former regent, is re- ported heading opposition to the Commu- nists on the grounds thal the China Reds are hostile to the Tibetan religion—as the Reds are hostile to all religions. These reports add that he’s urging the Tibetan Govern- XCVII --Arp ——83 ment to hold out for genuine guaranties before negotiating with the conquering Chi- nese, which proves that Takta, even at his supposedly sagacious age, is far from realis- tic as far as feeling that the Communists, any Communists, are ever capable of guare anteeing any truth and sticking with it. The more realistic of the opposing Tibetan fac- tion leaders would seem to be the pro-Com- munist Pangdatsang---for, when one adds to the tact that he's an official trade agent, the report that Pangdatsang ts, as would natur- ally seem to follow anyway, the richest man in Tibet—it's obvious that Pangdatsang as too often is the case, is weighing his patriot- ism in terms of how much money he can make in trading with the commies But here Pangdatsang, too, floats hopelessly into the unrealistic—since he apparently fails to realive that when the day comes, he too, can be «a very impoverished, and a very dead Communist-appeasing Tibetan duck Mean- while, the Chinese Communists are doing their best to force the Tibetan hand by mov- ing fresh sahber-ratlling troops into both eastern aud western Tibet In Washington, there's no further public indication as to what the official Acheson- Truman reaction may be rejarding yester- day's charge by thelr adviser and special ambussxdor, John Foster Dulles, that Mos- cow has turther abused the agreements at Yalta and Potsdam, and the official Ameri- can complacency by stealing the Habomai Islands, which he so very strategically, be- tween Japan and the Ru-sian-occupted Kurtles. At Yulta, Roosevelt, advised by the now conticted Alget Hiss, handed the Kurile Islands t> Stalin, along with the several other fatal concessions {ncluding the divi- sion of Korea—all of which led in turn to the disaster In China and the present serious crisis in Korea, in which we've already suf- tered more than 51,000 American casualties. Yesterday, as we reported, Dulles, Just back from Japan, where he’s been discussing that long-overdue peace treaty, broke the news to a press conference He said we'd simply not recognize the latest Stalin grab from beneath our noses Even so, the cold, hard fact will remain that Russia has seized this six-islaund chain, posing just one more Rus- sian threat to out own shores through the Pacific Basin It means that Russia has been permitted to further cut our vital chalu between threatened Japan und our own vis - tually abandoned Aleutians. It means that Russin has been able to extend her Yalta- handed grab of the Kuriles which she’s built up as a stronghold for future attack agalnot us—southwurd to the very tip of Japan—just one more Red-held dagger poised at the strategic heart of our defenses. Actually, the Potsdam Conference, which Mr Truman attended, must get a share of the credit for making this latest disaster pos- Bible, since, as in the case of the division of Korea, it was formalized at Potsdam, with the Russians taking full advantage of typl- cally Communist manipulation of language, facts, and geography while our representa- tives sat and watched and agreed; just as they there agreed to settling for a mere island in a Red sea in Germany—a western Berlin to which we had no official access. Now the big question arises here’ Why wasn’t this quiet Russian steal of further property to which Moscow had no right in the world discovered long ago? Where's our intelli- gence? Or, if it was discovered long ago, if our intelligence did operate, and make its report to the diplomatic and political corps— which perhaps it did—what happened? The answer, obviously, is nothing at all. But, at least, why did the administration wait until this tragically belated moment to tell the American people the truth of the situation? Certainly John Dulles, who falled to recognize imminent aggression at Korea's thirty-eighth parallel just before it came, didn’t discover this new Russian grab all by himself. As a matter of fact, we've had re- A1361 ports for some time of Russian ships oper- ating about the Habomai Islands, seizing Japanese fishing ships. Certainly Washing- ton could not have been unaware of that, any more than could Washington really have been unaware of the years of conflict and bloodshed at the thirty-eighth parallel be- fore the total blow came last June 25, in Korea Frank Boykin Arises at About 4:30 a. m., and Is at Work in His Office on Capitol Hill Long Before 6 Each Morn- ing—He Jams More Work Into a Single Day Than the Average Individual Does in a Whole Workweek &XTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. L. MENDEL RIVERS OF SOUTII CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OCF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 13, 1951 Mr. RIVERS. Mr Speaker, it would be physically impossible for any man to continually exhibit more unbounded energy, nerve, stick-to-itiveness, and de- votion to the interests of his Alabama constituency, than is made manifest— every day and every might throughout the year—by our good friend and col- league, the Honorable FRANK W. BoyKIN. Mr Speaker, no man in this House knows Frank Boykin better than your own good self, and I know that you re- gard it as no overstatement when I say that no Member of this House has ever worked harder in the discharge of his official duties than the gentleman repre- senting the first district of Alabama. With a belief in his fellow man that is God-given—and believing, also, in pri- vate initiative and rugged individual- ism—FrANK Boykin has established a most enviable record in helping men to help themselves, To.ay »ersonal knowl- edge, he has spent thousands upon thousands of dollars in his endeavor to bring more new and bigger industries to his Alabama district. It is, indeed, no happenstance that agriculturally, in- dustrially, commercially, and financially, the first district of Alabama has shown more real development «nd growth dur- ing the time that Boyxkin has represent- ed that district here in this Congress than marked it in all the years that passed since the establishment of this Nation. Mr. Speaker, as you know, FranK Boy- KIN arises at about 4:30 a. m., and is at work in his office on Capitol Hill long before 6 o’clock each morning. That isa life-long habit, well known to all busi- ness associates for more than the past 50 years. That habit, coupled with his unbounded vigor, has enabled Congress- man FraNK to jam more work into a single day than the average individual will put out in a whole weck. Mr. Speaker, the Washington Post of yesterday, Sunday, March 11, on its page devoted to national affairs, as written by Robert C. Albright, carried a short, homey, frank, honest, and candid story about my good friend, and the good