APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD each post and transmitted directly to the national organization together with the national and State record and subscription. Src. 4. Annual dues shall be payable Oc- tober 1 of each year. Sec, 6. All revenues and expenditures of this organization shall be under the direct supervision of a national executive com- mittee. Sxc..6. Budget: The national department shall operate under a budget which shall be set up by the national executive committee within 30 days after the national] convention. Src. 7. Not more than 90 percent of the estimated income for the official year shall be budgeted. The remainder shall be set aside as a restricted reserve which shall not be expended except upon unanimous ap- proval of the executive committee and two- thirds of the members present and voting. Sec. 8. Depository: The national executive committee shall designate the national de- pository or depositories for all revenue of this organization, which shall be located in the same city as national quartermaster. Sec. 9. Deposits: All funas received in the name of this organization by any officer or committee thereof shall be deposited forth- with in such depositories as may be desig- nated by the national executive committee, where such funds shall be and remain the property of this organization until such time as they are properly expended or remitted in accordance with the regulations of the na- tional executive committee; provided, how- ever, that in case of any extraordinary fund- raising enterprise entered into the commit- tee in charge of such activities may, with the approval of the national executive committee, receive and expend from those receipts such amounts as may be necessary in the trans- action of the particular business in which the committee is engaged. All such commit- tees shall make a complete account of all receipts and expenditures which shall be sub- mitted to the national executive committee for audit and approval. Sec. 10. Bonds: All persons having custody of the funds of this organization shall give adequate surety bond of not less than $1,000 with the governing body under which they are functioning. Such bond shall be ob- tained by the national organization and the sum of 5 shall be charged against the posta or State departments whose officers are thus bonded. Each post shall have at least one bonded officer. Each State department shall huve at least one bonded officer. Bec. 11. Notification: Upon designating the officer to be so bonded each unit of the or- ganization shall send notice giving name and address of such officer to the national or- ganization, together with the required sum of $5 as prescribed. Sec. 12. Salaries: The salaries of the na- tional commander, the national adjutant, national legislative chairman, national re- habilitation officer, and all other national officers not otherwise specifically provided for in these bylaws shall be determined by the national executive committee with the approval of the national executive commit- tee, It being further provided, however, that no one shall receive a salary greater than that paid the national commander. Article X, Life membership SECTION 1, Eligibility: Any person eligible to membership may become a life member, Those eligible, who were born before January 7, 1902, or who served in World War I, may become life members upon the payment of #50 to the life-memhership fund through national headquarters. Those eligible who were born on or after January 1, 1902, may become life members upon payment of $100 to the Mfe-membership fund through na- tional headquarters. Bec. 2. Benefits: A life member shall have all the benefits and privileges of post, State, and National membership as long as he may live, without the further payment of any tax, fee, dues, or assessments whatsoever, subject, however, to the provisions of article X of the national bylaws. Life membership may be secured on a monthly installment plan and under the following conditions: (a) If the total life~ membership costs to be paid in monthly in~ stallments, the buyer shall have two fiscal years after making the first payment in which to complete payments; (b) if monthly installment payments extend beyond such time, such installments shall be used, first, to pay current membership dues (as herein- after provided) for each fiscal year during the term of installment payments, and the balance applied to the cost of Mfe member- ship. Life membership when paid in monthly payments will cost $50 or $100, plus $5 for each full fiscal year immediately fol’ wing the date of payment of the first installment. Money paid for life membership in full or in installments shall not be refunded under any circumstances to any member, his heirs, or estate. During the life of a fully paid fe member, the life-membership fund shall pay current post dues not to exceed $2, and current State department dues not to exceed 60 cents in which the member is affiliated, and his current national dues. Sec.4. Special fund: All life-membership funds received by national headquarters shall be deposited in a Iife-membership ac- count, the funds to be withdrawn only as required to pay annual National, State, and post dues during the life of each life mem- ber, or for investment purposes. Sxc. 5. Life-membership card: A fully paid up life membership entitles the member to & lHfe-membership certificate without cost, plus a lasting life card to carry in pass case or wallet. Article XI. Disctpline of posts and post members SEcTION 1. Post sole Judge of membership: Each post of the Italian-American World War Veterans of United States, Inc., shall be the judge of its own membership, subject to the restrictions of the constitution and bylaws. Src. 2. Charges: Charges may be preferred against any member or officer of this organt- gation when put in writing, signed by five members in good standing. Such charges shall be filed with the governing body, who shall prescribe the mode, time, and place of tr’al for the accused, the penalties which may be imposed, and serve notice Upon all parties concerned at least 10 days prior to date of hearing by registered mail. Members may be expelled or suspended from the Italian-American World War Vet- erans of United States, Inc., only upon a proper showing of a cause. Charges shall be based upon disloyalty, neglect of duty, dishonesty, and conduct un- becoming a member of the Italian-American World War Veterans of United States, Inc., and no member in good standing shall lose his membership until given a fair trial by the post or department in such manner and form as the department bylaws and department executive committee shall prescribe. 8xc. 38. Appeal: Any member who has been svspended or expelled has the right to appeal to his department executive committee, or to the department convention, according to the provisions in the bylaws of such depart- ment, and he may appeal to the next superior governing bodies in the order of their rank. Src, 4. Charge: Every charge must give the name and mailing address of each mem- ber therein accused and of the accusers, and shall set forth the charges with sufficient particularity so that the accused may ade- quately prepare a defense thereto. Src. 5. Trial: At the written request of the accused or accusers, when charges are prop- erly filed with a State executive committee or the national executive committee, or when charges have been filed with the latter and referred by it to a State executive commit- A701 tee, the national commander shall appoint a trial board of not less than 5 or more than 20 members from the membership of the State executive committee, or of not less than 5 or more than 7 members of the national executive committee, as the case may be, who shall try the charges in lieu of a trial before a full committee, and whose decision shall be final, subject only to the right of appeal. No member of such board or any trial or appeal body shall be an accuser or an accused. Sxce. 6. Suspension from office: Any mem- ber or officer of this organization or any unit thereof, upon receiving notice that he is summoned for trial, by and with the ap- proval of the national commander shall be suspended from membership and from every appointive and elective office held by him un- tll thereafter acquitted of the charges pre- ferred or until the charges are dismissed. Such charges shall be tried within 30 days after filing with a post, or within 60 days after filing with any higher governing body, or after any higher governing body assumes jurisdiction thereof. Ssc. 7, Manner of appeal: Either the ac- cused or not less than a majority of the ac- cusers may take an appeal from a finding of guilt or innocence or from any order made to the next superior governing body, in the order of their rank, by a written notice of appeal fled with the adjutant of such body within 30 days after mailing of notice of such finding or order. Such notice of ap- peal shall also be mailed to the accused or all accusers, as the case may be, and shall set forth all reasons and arguments upon which the appellant relies. All such notices shall be sent by registered mall, No appeal shall be effective if notice is not given at the time and in the manner provided in this paragraph. Src, 8. Retrial of charges: The governing body to which an appeal is taken shall not retry the case on its merits, but shall limit its determination as to whether the charges were substantial, and whether the accused had a falr trial. It may affirm, modify, or set aside any order made pursuant hereof, or affirm, modify, or set aside any penalty imposed, after trial, or order a retrial before the body to which the appeal is taken. If dissatisfied with the decision of an ap- peal to the next higher governing body, either the accused or a majority of the ac- cusers may appeal to the next higher gov- erning body, if any. The decision made by the national convention, which is the high- est governing body, as tv an appeal to it, shall be final. If an appeal is taken to a national conven. tion, the national commander may appoint a@ committee to hear and consider the same and report its recommendations to the con- vention for ratification or other action, No- tice of appeal to a national convention must be served on the national adjutant within 30 days after notice is mailed as to the action or decision which is the subject of appeal, but no such appeal shall be taken or entertained until the appellant has exhausted all other remedies as hereinbefore provided in these bylaws. Sec. 9. Penalties: The following penalties may be imposed upon a finding of guilt: Reprimand, suspension for a term of not more than 1 year, or expulsion. In addition, @ recommendation may be made to the na- tional executive committee that the guilty member or officer be blacklisted; but only the national executive committee may order or approve the penalty of blacklisting, subject to an appeal to the next national convention to be held. Src. 10. What constitutes sufficient cause: The refusal of any member, post officer, auxiliary, State department, or other sub- ordinate unit to fully accept, recognize, and abide by any order or finding made pursuant to these articles, after the same has become
A702 final, shall be sufficient cause for the sus- pensior of the charter of any such unit, and for the revocation of such charter or ohar- tera, and for the discipline of each member or officer found guilty thereof. After a finding of guilt becomes final, the penalties imposed shall be seif-executing: Provided, however, That the penalty of black- Usting shall not be effective until approved by the national executive committee or by the next national convention upon timely appeal to it; and if such penalty is approved, no inadvertent acceptance of the member- ship of the accused shall be effective for any purpose nor may he ever again become a member of this organization or of any sub- ordinate unit or auxiltary thereof, until his application is approved by a national conven- tion, upon the recommendation of the na- tional executive committee. Article XII. Field daisy The field daisy shall be the official stand- ard flower of the Italian-American World War Veterans of United States, Inc., and its auxiliaries; and that the poem known as The Field Daisy be adopted to symbolize the memortes of our departed comrades. The official Field Daisy Day shall be the first Saturday of the month of June, “THE FIELD DAISY “Because you nod and smile in 6un-drenched fields; Because you are the eye of day And known to all who live in these our Btates; Because, by just the shadow that you cast, You keep the sun away from small dew- drops; Because you're pure with stainless spotless tals; Because you have a heart of crimson warm; To us, you symbolize the simplicity, devo- tion, and tenderness of The common things of Life. “We take you as our flower; we look upon you with tears of pleasure; You are not denied the poorest of us, and yet you are sought by the richest. You speak with gentle whispers, to the fail- ing heart; Can you see us? Do you know our thoughts? As we place a fioral tribute in our homes, are your eyes a-twinkle to make us gay? "Field Daisy, lovely simple flower, you are ours. No longer are you born to whither and die unnoticed; we mothers of fighting men have taken a sturdy, upright, friendly, hardy flower as our emblem. To watch you grow, to see you amile, will help me meet my God, Because He devised your pattern and your color and your life, “Field Daisy you are ours, in meadows and in fields. Each friendly Flower will remind us of one mother's son, one splendid lad, One friendly smiling boy, who wants his home, his friends, His peaceful life, his laughter, and His Mother.” Our daisy is red bud, white petals, blue label. Article XIII. Politics Secrron 1. This organization shall be non- political and nonsectarian, and the name of this organization or a name of any unit thereof shall not be weed in representing the desires or wishes of tte membership in any political, sectarian, or labor dispute, except as hereafter provided. 8xc. 2. Nothing in the above provisions shall prohibit this organization or any untt thereof from participating in political issues which have a direct bearing upon the wel- fare of World War I, World War XI, and Ko- Tean campaign veterans, Arttole XIV, Amendments Szecrion 1. These bylaws may be amended at any national convention by a vote of two-thirds of the total accredited delegates assembled: Provided, That the proposed amendment shall have been read to the na- tional convention at least one calendar day before they are voted thereon. Sec. 2. All matters of procedure not other- wise provided for in these bylaws or in rules of national convention shall be governed by Demeter’s Manual of Parliamentary Proce- dure. Src. 3. A motion of interpretation shall be improper unless the matter sought to be in- terpreted is clearly ambiguous or uncertain of meaning. Sec. 4, The national commander, on rec- ommendation of a post or State department, may issue a certificate of merit for outetand- ing service to the Italian-American World War Veterans of United States, Inc. Compiled and revised by John F. Nave, sixteenth national commander, 1960-51, The 10 Major Gripes of Reservists EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. STKES. Mr. Speaker, most of us who have followed the work of the Re- serves know that there has been constant and increasing dissatisfaction with the way the military services have treated their reserves during the present emer- gency. I think we can sum it up with the statement that the Reserve programs as such have virtually been killed by the present policies, It will almost be im- possible to enlist an adequate number of Reserves when the present emergency hasended. The United States News and World Report, one of the most informa- tive and best written of the news maga~ zines, has listed the 10 major gripes of Reserves. They are well stated, and under leave to extend my remarks, I include them in the Recorp, as follows: THE 10 Mavogn Gaeiprs or RESERVISTS WHY CONGRESS WANTS TO CHANGE THE SYSTEM 1. Advance notice of recall is too short— often a few days. 2. Authorities “lose” deferment pleas, or ignore them until a man is in the service. Then it’s too late. 9. Promises—about length of service and &@ point system for release, for example—are abandoned almost as soon as announced. 4. Men who acquired new skills or pro- fessions after War IT are recalled to unskilied military Jobs they left 5 years ago and forgot. 5. Reservists often are turned down for active duty after they have torn up their lives in order to report on time. 6, Personnel records are out of date, thor= oughly snarled up. 7. Men who want to be called cannot get called while others are taken against their will, Commands refuse to let their reserv- ists volunteer for duty elsewhere—they hoard “availables.” 8. The Army discriminates against reserv- ists in promotions: 80 percent of Army offi- cers on duty are reservists; they get 20 per cent of the promotions to grades above cap- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 9, Unorganized reserviate who never got drill pay are being taken before organized reservists who train every week. 10. Veterans with many years’ service are returning to hazardous duty while non- veterans stay at home. Protective Underground Office Space for Government Employees Proposed in District of Columbia To Reduce Dis- persal Appropriations and Provide Emergency Bomb Shelters for District Without Extra Cost EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 Mr. KLEIN. Mr. Speaker, I am in- serting in the Rzcorp, as a matter of interest, the testimony of Mr. Morris Kanfer before the House Committee on Public Works on his proposal to build and lease to the Government an under- ground bombproof office building. The advantage of the proposal to me, as & member of the Committee on the District of Columbia, is that this would appear to be one means of providing ade- quate bomb shelters for a substantial number of people without cost to the District of Columbia, Since Mr. Kanfer's own description, as given to the committee, is clear and concise, I leave it to his words, except to add that he has assured me that na- tional and local civil-defense officials have expressed strong approbation of the idea. STATEMENT By Morais Kanrer, Woopwarp Bur.oine, WasHincton, D. C., at Hearne on Dispxrsat Bri, H. R. 1728, Heip py tHe House SuscoMMirree ON Pusiic Works, Freevary 5, 1951, HON. Jamxus W. Trims_ez, CHaIRMAN The revised dispersal plan reducing the sites from 8 to 6 resulted in a reduction of €45,000,000 in the appropriation requested, It is entirely possible that a further sub- stantial reduction in the appropriation re- quested can be achieved without jeopardis- ing the program for securing the continuity of important Government functions in the event of an attack. Testimony before the Senate subcommit- tee hearing on January 30, 1951, indicated that of the 40,000 persons to be dispersed, 26,000 are related to the defense departments and the remaining 15,000 are personnel of departments other than defense. It is re- spectfully submitted that these 16,000 civil- fan personnel can be dispersed to suitable underground office space to be constructed in the outlying areas within the District. The dispersal bill under consideration by this committee fails to take into considera- tion the feasibility of housing Government personnel in protective underground oftice buildings in the outlying sections of the District, removed from the White House ap- proximately 4 to 6 miles. The General Sery- ices Administration has been offered such an office building to be constructed large enough to house 4,000 Government personnel, at a aite on Connecticut Avenue at Albemarie Street NW., where a natural ravine runs
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD through the property, making it ideally suit- abie for the construction of such a building, The building would be constructed in accord- ance with the recommendations of the Civil Defense Administration for protective quar- ters to secure the occupants in the event of a bombing attack and such facilities would thus be available to the citizens of the Dis- trict as emergency bomb shelters without requiring the District to expend millions of dollars to provide separate shelters under the civil defense program. Some confusion as to policy concerning the construction of an underground office building in the Dtstrict of Columbia has been evidenced in my discussions with vari- ous Government officials. I am advised that the National Security Resources Board has approved the principle of dispersal, decen~ tralization, and underground protective space—all three, as the proper means of ob- taining greater security for Government per- sonnel and thus permitting the continuity of Government functions in event of an at- tack. Obviously, the greater number of Gov- ernment employees are to remain in Wash- ington and these would be safer in an under- ground office building than in apartment houses on Massachusetts Avenue. On December 10, 1950, Mr. Jess Larson, testifying before this subcommittee, stated that the underground citadels used by the British Government to carry on its functions were designed to withstand the impact of 200-pound bombs but before the war was over they had to adjust them to meet the impact of 2,000-pound bombs. Mr. Larson further stated that the reason we were not considering similar underground citadels for Washington was because it was believed that the Washington terrain was unsuited for con- structing such citadels, and also because it would be too costly to provide such protective facilities for the 40,000 people to be dispersed, This committee's attention is called to the fact that the Washington terrain does permit the construction of protective underground facilities in some areas away from the down- town section of Washington. For example, the altitude of the Connecticut Avenue and Albemarle Street site is approximately 260 to 8300 feet above sea level. That site is par- ticularly suitable for the construction of such underground facilities without great difficulty and without any exorbitant ex- pense. It is estimated by the contractors who are planning the construction of the under- ground building on this site that it would cost Httle more to build an office building underground than it would cost to build it above ground where the site does not require much excavation. It is suggested this committee consider the feasibility of modifying the dispersal program by moving out of the District 25,000 personnel offices ‘natead of 40,000 and leaving the remaining 15,000 civilian personnel of- fices dispersed in underground office facile ities scattered throughout the District of Co- lumbia, removed from the White House a dis- tance of 4 to 5 miles. In order to finance the construction of an underground office building, however, it is necessary to obtain from General Services Administration a 10-year lease for such fa« cilities, whereas {ts present statutory au- thority to lease property within the District of Columbia is limited tol year. It is there- fore suggested that the dispersal bill, H. R. 1728, under consideration by this committee be amended to authorize and direct the Administrator to enter into long-term leases for the use of emergency underground fa- cilities. The utilization of such underground fa- cilities by the Federal Government as office space in leu of such space it now occupies in rented apartment houses in the District would not only provide greater protection for Government personnel, but would release these apartment houses for housing use, the sole purpose for which they were designed and built. Such underground facilities would thus become available in case of need as bomb shelters for District residents, The District would otherwise be required to ine cur substantial expense in constructing separate bomb shelters under the civil de- fense program, or do without such shelters. The principal objective of the dispersal plan is to provide better protection for Gov- ernment personnel, thereby assuring the continuity of important Government func- tions in the event of attack. The primary function uf the Civil Defense Administration is to provide bomb shelter protection for civilians in the event of attack. Both ob- Jectives are so similar that it seems logical to combine, whenever and wherever possible, the methods of providing for the safety of Government personnel as well as of civilians, within the framework of the sam> structures, thus saving many millions of dollars by avoiding the duplication of such structures. It is estimated that the rental cost to the Federal Government for such protective underground office space would be no greater than it now pays as rent for office space in apartment houses on Massachusetts Avenue, The successful completion of such a project in the District might well set a pattern for utilizing similar underground space in other clties for Government offices and for civilian bomb shelters in the event of an emergency, The following amendment to H. R, 1728 1s respectfully submitted for this commit- tee's consideration: “Bec. 1-~a. The Administrator of General Services is authorized and directed to con- tract for and acquire, on long-term leases not to exceed 10-year terms, emergency underground facilities within the District of Columbia and surrounding arga suitable for office space and other uses, to be assigned to Government departments and agencies, pro- vided plans for such underground facilities are either prepared or approved by General Services Administration or any other gov- ernmental agency having similar jurisdice tion over such space and providing also such plans are approved in advance of construc- tion by the Civil Defense Administration, or appropriate State, district, or regional direc« tor thereof, with respect to that portion of building to be used as general bomb shelters in event of emergency.” Social Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES E. MURRAY OF MONTANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 12 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MURRAY. Mr. President, I wish to call to the attention of the Congress a most interesting address regarding the difficulties which we have encountered in our attempts to secure an adequate sup- ply of physicians, dentists, and nurses to meet the now critical needs of our coun- try. This address was delivered by Mr. William A. Calvin, acting director of social insurance activities for the Ameri- can Federation of Labor. Iam sure that all of the Members of the Senate were very well acquainted with the ability and intelligence constantly displayed by Mr. Nelson Cruikshank, who held that posi- tion until recently. Mr, Cruikshank is now in France lending his best efforts to the fight against the spread of commu- A703 nism in Europe. Those Members of Con- gress who may not be acquainted with Mr. Cruikshank’s successor will find in this address convincing evidence that Mr. Calvin will show that same intelli. gent and purposeful drive which char- acterized Mr. Cruikshank, together with a fiery command of language which is all his own. I commend Mr. Calvin's address to the Senate and ask unanimous consent to have it printed in the Appendix of the REcorp. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Social insurance, or social security, has measured up to the full stature envisioned by the authors and sponsors of the original act. It has been evaluated by the naked rule of honesty and has proven to be a veritable bulwark buttressing the fortreas of democ- racy against the paralyzing grasp of commu. nism or other alien political philosophies, Old-age survivors insurance removes the specter of fear of insecurity, if not abject impoverishment, and total dependency on some form of charity from the consciousness of the American people. However, there are still some serious gaps in the structure of our national health protective defense lines that must be sealed effectively as an ines- capable obligation to our citizens of every station, and regardless of race, sex, or creed, The administration-proposed plan for na- tional health insurance which was enthu- siastically supported by the American Federa- tion of Labor, was defeated by American Med- ical Assoctation-influenced Members of this National Congress who were gullible enough to accept the most malicious, vindictive, misleading propaganda ever conceived in the distorted minds of professional lobbyists as @ valid reason for denying to all of the American people the benefits of adequate medical a*tention when needed, at a cost within their financial reach. My remarks should not be construed as @ blanket indictment of the great humanitar- jan American medical profession, as that would be entirely erroneous. Doctors, den- tists, medical scientists, nures, technicians, etc., are by the large conscientious, sincere, hardworking people devoted to the com- mendable work of helping their fellow men. They are, however, the victims of as vicious @ propaganda cesspool as has ever tarnished the Stars and Stripes, In order to subtantiate the foregoing statements, and others to follow, it is ad- visable to examine the record of reaction and obstructionism to which the American Medical Association through its massive lob- by has been committted. We are confronted with a problem in the United States that seems scarcely within the boundaries of reason or logic. Here we have admittedly some of the outstanding doctors and finest hospitals in the world; yet, thou- sands of our citizens are sick and in need of medical attention at this moment, which is denied them because they cannot afford it. The dollar bill presents an insurmount- able barrier between the doctor and the patient, The national health-insurance plan would eliminate the financial tron curtain, making medical service available to the people who would have paid in advance for such service through @ payroll deduction which would not exceed 61.40 per week or $72 per year. This would also insure the doctors of prompt payment for all of their services, National health insurance has been branded as socialized medicine by the American Medical Association lobby. This is deliberate misrepresentation. Socialized medicine would place all medical practi- tioners on the payroll of the Government.
A704 It would mean Government ownership and operation of all hospitals. It would mean regimentation of the medical profession. The American Federation of Labor is une compromisingly opposed to the socializa- tion of medicine, and enactment of the na- tional health insurance bill would be one of the most effective methods of combating any tendency to restrict the free selection of doctors by patients or the acceptance of patients by doctors, It would assuredly im- prove relationships between the doctor and patient. The proposed national health insurance Dill included among its various subsections provisions for Federal financial assistance to medical education designed to bolster the present weak, insecure framework of our gource of medical professional supply by making possible the development of an In- creasing number of doctors annually and by expanding training facilities. Due to the recognized urgency of main- taining a balanced ratio of doctors and other medical professionals with our constantly increasing population plus the mandatory demands for more doctors, dentists, and nurses for the Armed Forces, a separate bill was drawn dealing exclusively with Federal aid to medical education, which was over- whelmingly endorsed by the deans of our medical colleges, and after extensive revi- sions to meet every American Medical Asso- ciation objection, was approved by the American Medical Association. This bill passed in the United States Senate without a single dissenting vote. After passage by the Senate, the trickery of the professional lobbyists who represent the American Medical Association enters the picture, and to remove any possible allega- tion of bias I am going to quote herewith excerpts from an article carried in Collier's magazine, December 16, 1950, over the signa- ture of Albert Q. Maisel: “When the measure was reported on the floor of the Senate in August 1949, 2 routine objection was raised to ite immediate passage by unanimous consent. At this juncture, both Senators Perrer and Tarr, long bitter opponents on most other questions concern- ing the public health, stood up and urged their colleagues to support the measure. Two weeks later, when the bili again ap- peared on the calendar, it passed unant- mously. “FEARED TACTICS OF LOBBYISTS “The worried deans and directors of the medical, dental, and nursing schools breathed e@ sigh of relief. For, they figured, if the American Medical Association were opposed to the pill its powerful Washington lobby would have shown its hand in the Senate, would have blocked this measure (as it had blocked many others) in committee or, at a very minimum, would have forced @ debate and a counting of noses on the Senate floor. “For the AMA lobby {is powerful indeed, It operates through two channels. Officially the AMA is represented by Dr. Joseph 5. Lawrence, director of its Washington office, But the real power behind the scenes is the California publicity firm of Whitaker & Bax- ter which, for the last 3 years, has been directing the American Medical Association's well-heeled national education campaign— aimed at preventing passage of the adminis. tration’s compulsory health insurance pro- gram. Lawrence, Whitaker, and Baxter are registered with Congress as lobbyists. “Many of the medical school deans, un- versed in the intricacies of politics, felt so certain that the aid to medical education bill would easily pass the House that they authorized the enrollment of larger classes than their schools had handled at any time aince the war. The number of freshmen ad- mitted to medical schools jumped, in 1950, by 5.8 percent over the preceding year. “AMENDED TO MEXT OBJECTIONS “In the House, the Biemiller bill, a dupti- cate of the Senate measure, again received bipartisan gupport. Representative Hoon Scorr of Pennsylvania, former Republican National Committee Chairman and long- time opponent of socialized medicine, joined with Democratic Congressman ANoREw J, Broizr, of Wisconsin, in sponsoring amendments to the original House bill to make it meet the AMA objections brought forth in the Lowell Reed conferences. The House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce promptly reported favorably on the altered bill. “By then, late in the session, {t was nec essary for the House Rules Committee to speed action on the measure if the whole House was to vote on it without delay. This edure promised to be routine. “But suddenly the applecart was upset. “A small group of insurgent members of nurses’ organizations in Georgia and North Carolina, and the owner of a private hospital in the latter State, got the impression that the measure would somehow set up the American Nursing Association as an accredit- ing body for all nursing schoole—and thus force the closing down, for lack of accredita- tion, of some of the less qualified schools in the Southern States. “On behalf of this group, Representative Rossrt L. (MuLry) DovayrTon, of North Carolina, protested to the Rules Committee. The sponsors of the bill offered to amend the measure to overcome this objection. That satisfied DoucHTon, and he withdrew his protest, “But the Biemiller bill had, by then, been labeled ‘controversial.’ The Rules Commit- tee, fearful of setting a precedent that would throw © host of other controversial measures onto the House floor in the last 2 weeks of the session, withheld its approval. The bill was held up till Congress could meet again, in 1950. “Bven after Congress adjourned, the Amerie can Medical Association's opposition had not crystallized. arly in December 1949, the house of delegates of the AMA met in Wash- ington and approved a report of its council on medical education and hospitals which declared that, ‘While the council is not en- tirely satisfied with the bill, tt does incorpo- rate several modifications suggested by the council]’s representatives and it ts a distinct improvement over any other bill for Federal aid to medical education that has been in- troduced.’ “The report added, “The council 1s aware that Federal aid to medical education creates definite hazards to the continued freedom and independence of the medical schools. With few exceptions, however, the medical schools and their parent universities have expressed the opinion that, unless additional aid is provided, medical education in this country cannot achieve its full development, ‘The legislation which has been passed by the Senate oontains safeguards that should pro- tect the medical schools from unwarranted interference in their affairs by the Federal Government.’ “SUDDEN CHANGE OF SENTIMENT “Leas than 2 months later the AMA com- pletely changed its tune. At @ conference of its national education campaign, Louls H. Bauer, M. D., chairman of the board of trus- tees, stated the AMA’s position on pending legisiation. The aid to medical education measure was added to the long list of bills which the AMA opposed. “But the outbreak of the Korean war did two things. It changed plans for adjourn- ment, and it served to highlight the urgency of drastic action to get medical education into high gear. When the North Koreans erossed the thirty-eighth parallel, our armed services had 5,644 physicians on their rolls, They needed about 1,550 more, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “The Army, whose need was the most des- perate, sent out a call to 3,000 Reserve lieu- tenants and captains in the Medical Corps, requesting their return to service. Only 200 replied, and of these only 15 volunteered. “By mid-August it became apparent that voluntary enlistments of physicians and nurses would never begin to meet the service’s needs, even for a limited mobilization. The’ Defense Department found itself compelled to run to Congress for the hurried passage of a doctors’ draft bill. First on the list were 7,500 young doctors and dentists who had received their medical education at Govern- ment expense while deferred from active mil- itary service during World War I. But the Graft bill was not limited to these men alone, It authorized the President to order a general registration and induction of physicians up to the age of 56 and of dentists through the age of 45. “To mect the needs of a 3,000,0C0-man force, the armed services will have to drain from civilian life substantially more than 5,000 physicians and proportionately large numbers of dentists, nurses, and techni- clans. * © * “Facing up to this crisis, Representative Biemiller led a strenuous campaign in Con- gress all through last July and August to get ald-to-medical-education measure reported out to the House. Day after day he read into the Recorn endorsements of the bill’s pas- sage by Dean George W. Bakeman, of the Medical College of Virginia; by Dean Murray Kinsman, of the University of Louisville; by Dr. A. C. Ivy, vice president of the University of Illinois; Dean Willard C, Rappleye, of Co- lumbia University; Chancelor Robert Hutch- ins, of the University of Chicago; and many others. “HOW MEDICAL SCHOOLS VOTED “Dean Joseph C, Hinsey, of Cornell Uni- versity, chairman of the executive council of the Association of American Medical Col- leges, wrote that a poll of ita membership showed 47 schools favoring the bill and only 16 opposed. He disavowed the action of the AMA as ‘taken independently of our associa-~ tion * * © and without @ poll of our membership.’ “The deans of all the schools of medicine, dentistry, and public health in Massachu- setts, including Harvard, Tufts, and Boston University, declared, ‘We are convinced that the present desperate plight of our profes- sional schools, not only in Massachusetts, but throughout the United States, has al- ready interfered with the quality of profes- sional education and ts preventing the de- velopment of adequate medical and health personnel for the country. “‘We make this statement,’ they add, ‘in full awareness of the position recently taken by the American Medical Association. We vigorously oppose that position.'” The article which was accorded special at~ tention and comment by the editor of Col- lter’s concludes with the following ominous paragraph: “But one thing ts certain. Unless imme- diate steps are taken to solve our chronic and growing shortage of medical, dental, nursing, and public health personnel, your health—and that of your family, your neigh- bors, and your sons in the services—will be jeopardized for years to come.” Since the convening of the present session of Congress, a new ald-to-medical-education bill has been introduced which will un- doubtedly have strong bipartisan support. It should be enacted into law with the uni- versal approval of a grateful people. The fate of this commendable legislative document will, to a very material degree, de- pera upon the attitude of the American Med- Association, and unless a transformation comparable to changing of the leopard spots takes place this bill will be opposed by the AMA on the fallacious unsupported allega- tion that it is a camouflaged scheme to bring
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the medical profession under rigid Govern. ment control—soclalized medicine. Fortunately, under our form of govern. ment, a sufficiently aroused public conscious- ness can counteract the influence of any self- ish group, no matter how heavily financed that group may be, and have no doubt that the AMA lobbyists have access to almost un- limited funds as evidenced by the advertis- ing campaign costing $1,100,000 just prior to the November 1950 elections. This money Was spent for the combined purpose of de- feating candidates who were in favor of health protective legislation, and electing candidates who were committed to the cam- paign of obstructionism of the American Medical Association. It is high time that we dust off that death- leas document of liberty, the Magna Carta, and reread with intensified interest the dy- namic words, “to no one shall we sell, deny, cr delay the right to justice.” The Magna Carta is the cornerstone of freedom; it is as significant today as it was over 700 yeara ago. Back-seat driving in an automobile is not only disconcerting; at times it 1s dangerous, But when in the face of a national emer- gency we find our legislative vehicle swaying precariously because of the iniquitious in- fluence of political back-seat drivers such as the AMA lobby, it is potentially disastrous. Every Member of the National Congress should be advised by their constituents that the deficit in the number of professional medical personnel must be corrected, and that Federa) aid to medical education pre- sents an avenue of approach which will, if utilized effectively and intelligently, meet this menacing challenge to our Nation. The Present Danger EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEVERETT SALTONSTALL OY MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 8 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to place in the Appendix of the Recorp an address en- titled “The Present Danger,” by Mr. James B. Conant, for the Committee on the Present Danger. The address was delivered on February 7 over a national radio network. It is a clear, simple, forceful expression of the need for build- ing up our armed strength, and the responsibilities of our youth with relation thereto. There being no objection, the address ‘wes ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tue Parsent DANGER (Address by James B. Conant for the Com- mittee on the Present Danger) (This addresa to the Nation was delivered Wednesday, February 7, 1961, over the Na- tional Broadcasting Co. network by Prest- dent James B. Conant, of Harvard University, speaking for the Committee on the Present Danger, of which he is a member.) Fellow citizens, the United States is in danger. Few would be inclined to question this simple statement, The danger is clear- iy of a military nature. On this much we can all agreé. The Congress of the United States has, with almost no dissenting voices, authorised a vast program of rearmament and mobilization. XCVIN~—App.——45 But as to the exact nature of the danger which confronts us there is far from being complete agreement among the citizens of this Republic. Nor are we by any means of one mind as to how we should mobilige the young men of the Nation. Indeed some few Question even the need for an army of the size announced. Now, if we are going to ask the youth of the country to serve 2 years in the Armed Forces—as I believe we must—if the Gov- ernment is going to ask this sacrifice of them, each one of us who supports this pro- gram must be prepared to answer one aim- ple question—why? Why must we look forward to a period of austerity, of partial mobilization, of more weapons for war, fewer tools for peace? The answer to these questions seems to me to be summed up in General Eisenhower's recent statement that we must build 4 se- cure wall for peace. The free world has entered a new perlod— & highly disturbing and dangerous period. Let me recall to you the signals which an-~ nounced the arrival of this new stage in our history in which prompt and bold measures are required for our survival. The first clear sign was a year ago last Sep- tember, when President Truman announced that the Soviet Union had exploded an atomic bomb. This marked the end of our monopoly of a weapon on which the security of the free world in no small measure de- pended. The grim atomic age had dawned far soon- er than all of us had hoped. It was evident that before long two ma{or powers would have atomic bombs in sufficient quantity to constitute a military threat to one another. Whether such time was 3 or 5 years off might be a matter of opinion, but it was hardly to be questioned that the balance of power be- tween the free world and the Sovict Union was about to be upset. This first clear dan- ger signal could be read by all of us some 15 months ago. The second signal flashed last June. Up till then the spread of Soviet communism had been by subversion and internal reve lution as in the case of Czechoslovakia, not by military aggression. The aggression of the North Koreans cstablished a new pat- tern. It could hardly be argued any longer that the dwellers in the Kremlin never in- tended to use military means to gain their objective, that their sole concern was with a battle of propaganda, of intrigue and sabo- tage. The third signal was the action of Com- munist China and the justification of this action in the United Nations by the official representatives of the Soviet Union. In short, within less than 18 months the free world has been confronted with two highly unpleasant facta. First, the Soviet military power is beginning to mount in terms of the most modern type of warfare, the United States monopoly of the atomic bomb has ended; second, the Soviet allies, at least, have shown ¢. readiness and willing- ness to gain their ends by force of arms. Place these facte against the background of the postwar military situation on the European continent and you can see the outlines of the present danger—a danger to the entire free world, a clear danger to the United States. The background is quite as important aa the signals. Indeed the latter are so obvious as to warrant little comment, but the situation on the Conti- nent is far harder to understand. Let me give you my analysis if I may. For on the appraisal of this situation by each and every one of us sae Americans, the course of history in the twentieth century may well depend. Let me start with a question. Why bas the Soviet Union not extended ita power to the English Channel since the close of World War Il? A few may argue that A706 the failure is evidence of a lack of intetest on the part of the Soviet Union—that the rulers in the Kremlin have no desire to spread their doctrine. In the light of re- cent history any such assumption appears not only improbable but highly danger- our. Others may think the failure refiects the inability of the Communist Party in France, Italy, and the Low Countries to pull off another revolution of the Cazecho- slovakian type. Oertainly no such revo- lutions have occurred, and we Americans can take satisfaction in the fact that aid through the Marshall plan has been of prime importance, But surely the one de- terrent to direct military aggression has been and is today, the overwhelming de- structive power of the United States stra- tegic air force armed with the atomic bomb, Let me spell out this last point. If Rus- sia tomorrow should move ita troops to- ward the Atlantic Ocean, European terri- tory would be conquered, but the Russian industrial centers would be destroyed from the air. This would be 6 bad swap from any point of view. It seems clear that we could strike a devastating series of blows against the Soviet’s vital centers. Or go I read tho newspapers, and so I believe the Russian rulers read their own sources of intelligence. As long as the United States strategic air force is in this commanding position, the danger of Russian troops marching to the channel is relatively slight. But as the years go by, the deterrent power of strategic bombing will meet an ever- mounting counterthreat—a thredt to the industrial centers of Great Britain and the United States, to the continental cities themselves. Any doubt about our being en- gaged in an arms race has certainly disap- peared The Russians are building up their Offensive strength and doubtless likewise their own defenses against strategic bomb- ing. The time may well come when theae defensive measure. are far more effective than at present. Under their totalitarian system they have been able to direct as much of their industrial strength as they desired into the manufacture of military equip- ment; they have been able to concentrate on building radar networks, jet planes, and antiaircraft weapons. Now an arms race today is a highly techni- cal affair. Both sides have equipment on the production line, new developments be- ing tested, blueprints of designs not yet off the drawing boards. No one can say with certainty when one side or the other has the predominance; for few military men will challenge the statement that the battle alone is the pay-off. But what determines the course of history is the estimate of men in control of national destinies as to the chances of success in a future war. There- fore the danger of a third global war, I am convinced, turns on the fact that a few years hence the handful of men who rule Russia may decide that the power of our strategic Air Force has been largely canceled out. If at that time Europe is defenseless on the ground, the Russian hordes will begin to move. Strengthening the defense of Eu- rope in terms not of a deterrent threat against Russian cities but in terms of armies to stop an advance—this seems to me the top item on the agenda of tho free nations of the world. Only then can we achieve a true global stalemate. We need not only trained manpower but, as Dr. Vannevar Bush says, the most modern weapons for our men to use. We shall have them, perhaps including tactical atomic weapons. There will be a tactical air force. We shall not meet hordes with hordes. We can and must maintain superiority in the quality of weapons for perhaps a generation. Our Defense Establishment must be geared up to do the best possible job in research and the development of new instruments of war.
A706 But at this point some lMstener may object, He or she may say {t ie impossible to defend Europe against the vast manpower of Russia and its satellites. This clearly is a question which only military men are capable of answering with authority. Genera) Eisen- hower, whose professional competence no one can challenge, has just returned from an inspection of the situation. If he believed Europe to be indefensible he would, as he said, “recommend that we abandon the North Atlantic Treaty alliance and—by ourselves— attempt however futilely, to build a separate fortress against aggression.” He made no such recommendation. Quite the contrary. Such a recommendation, he said, was for him impossible. He reports, “In every cap- ital, there is growing a desire to cooperate in this mutual security effort.” The govern- ments are taking measures to build up their defense establishments. “On every side,” General Eisenhower said, “I saw heartening evidence of a regenera- tion in Europe's spirit. Its morale, its will to fight, will grow with every accretion to physical strength. ‘ * * “The preservation of free America,” Gen- eral Eisenhower said, “requires our partici- pation in the d-fense of Western Europe.” “While the transfer to Europe of American military units is essential,” General Eisen- hower continued, “our major and special contribution should be in the field of munt- tions and equipment.” “The arrival in Europe of new American land and air units, though modest in protec- tive infllence by themselves, will certainly produce added confidence and accelerate the production of military force throughout the member nations.” “Success,” he held, “is attainable. Given unity in spirit and action, the job can be done.” That 1s General Eisenhower's conviction after a first-hand appraisal of the situation. What must we do here at home? What is required of the United States, if we are to play our part in the defense of the free world—in bullding this wall of security of which General Eisenhower has spoken? Clearly, the rapid production of arms and military equipment—and on this we are well embarked. But we must also be in a postition to furnish men as well as arms. To quote Genera] Eisenhower once again: “We have to devise a scheme that we can support if necessary over the next 20 years, 80 years, whatever may be the time neces- sary, as long as the threat, the announced threat of aggression remains in the world.” In other words, General Elsenhower says that we in the United States must be pre- pared to stand by in a partially mobilized state for a long period of years. To this end we must have a system of universal military service. Let me talk for a moment about untversal military service and training. As you know, Congress now has before it a universal mili- tary service bill, The Committee on the Present Danger js supporting this bill. This measure needs to be understood by the American public, for there 1s much confu- sion as to what is in fact involved, In any discussion of universal military service, it 1s important to separate certain issues which can all too easily become en- tangled. In the first place, we are not talk- ing about the type of legislation which would be needed to mobilize the manpower of the country on a total basis if we became engaged in a global war. That is another subject. What would be required in such an eventuality would be a national service act such as was proposed in the closing days of World War II but never became law. I am not discussing this evening mobilization Tor an all-out war. I am discussing, rather, partial mobilization for a long-drawn-out period of international stress and strain. I am discussing the method of maintaining over many years three and a half to four million men in our Armed Forces, What the situation requires is a universal military service act which will call into the Armed Forces all able-bodied young men when they graduate from high school or reach 18 years of age, whichever is later. This is a vital point in the argument; this is the essence of the bill which must not be destroyed by amendment. Those of us who support the bill believe that the inter- ruption of a young man’s education should be before college, not during college, and for those who go direct from high school to a Job, before starting in an occupation. After they have completed the 27 months of military service, these young men will be ready to enter college or go to work. The problems which bedeviled us tn World War IT in regard to deferring special types of stu- dents or essential men in industry will be eliminated if military service is performed between the ages of 18 and 20. To my mind, it is quite clear that a man's military service had best be done before he enters the pro- ductive lMfe of the country or before he begins his collegiate or professional educa- tion. On this point we have the testimony of Dr. William C. Menninger, who was chief psychiatrist of the Army in World War II. ‘From the point of view of the mental health of our young men,” Dr. Menninger said, ‘‘a program of universal military service and training is far more practical than our present system of selective service. The present system engenders hostility in the man who is selected because he must carry an unfair share of the burden. Because it is selective, it tends to stimulate men to seek deferment on whatever grounds they may be able to plead.” “With our present system,” he continues, “a man of draft eligible age ‘‘ves in uncer- tainty from mail to mail. The result is great unrest in our youth of this age, not only in colleges but in industry and business.” Dr. Menninger concludes that— “A system which begins at a definite age, which distributes equally the responsibility and privileges among all youth, and which rune for a definite length of service, is far superior, from the mental health point of view, to our present indefinite and discrim- inatory system under the selective service law.” That is the testimony of the psychiatrist, Dr, William Menninger. Mow, there is one obvious difficulty in @ scheme of universal service between 18 and 20. How is one to provide from each age group the required number of officers and specialists? I have become persuaded, contrary to my first opinion, that in order to accomplish the training of officers and sp cialists a small fraction of each age group should be selected after basic training by a civilian board and sent to the colleges for specialized education. This feed-back pro- posal, which first came before public atten- tion as a result of recommendations of the Association of American Universities, is in- corporated in the bill now before the Con- gress. The inclusion of this feed-back meets the objections that many educatora first ra'sed to a universal military service program, Some scientists have been disturbed lest the passage of this bill strike a serious blow at the national defense by interfering with ths continuous flow of trained men. I ven- ture to think they are mistaken and I call as an expert witness Dr. Vannevar Bush, who headed all our scientific work during the last war. Dr, Bush appeared before the Senate Armed Services Committee to urge the passage of this universal military service and training bill, and this is what he said: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “We should call all young men at 18 with- out exception, adjusting standards to defer only those who cannot be used somewhere in the widely varied efforts of the Military Establishment, Once the system is in full operation, the process of choice of men to receive advanced training ta become officers or to develop new weapons, to maintain our public health, or to perform other profes- siunal duties should be on a secure basis of fair competition. There will be adjustments needed in a transition period, for it would be absurd to denude our laboratories just when we need them most, and it would be short-sighted to deny to industry the engi- neers it must have to build new weapons in adequate quantities in the next year or two. “But when the system is in full operation,” Dr. Bush went on, “every youth on reaching 18 should expect to go into the service of his country, with his subsequent advance- ment and the nature of his assignments dur- ing the entire age period until he emerges from the Reserves and goes his own way determined by competitive tests and the Judgment of fair men.” I heartily agree with Dr. Bush. And it is hardly likely we shall be foolish enough to draft out of the colleges today students who are well on their way toward the completion of their specialized training. Let me emphasize the distinction between universal service and selective service, for this point is often misunderstood. The bill before Congress ts a real universal military service bill and not merely an extension of tre Se- lective Service Act to include 18-year-olds, The power given the President to call up men by age groups and the establishment of a large reserve are the distinguishing features. When the call goes out for an age group the draft boards will make no deferments in this group on grounds of occupation or depend- encies. When the program becomes fully op- erative the services could count on at least 100,000 to 750,000 men from each age group, and another 100,000 for limited service by lowering the present physical and mental standards for induction. In addition to providing a force in being the continual flow into the Armed Forces of those who reach 18 and their release after about 2 years will provide over the years a pool of trained manpower—a large body of men in reserve status. I believe this to be imperative. The danger of all-out war is so serious that all our young men muat have military training for their own protection as well as for the protection of their country. The present selective service law expires in June, Clearly before that date Congress must act on the bill that is now before it. But one may hope that the matter may be settled in the coming weeks. Delay will not reassure the free peoples of the Continent; it will not contribute to the morale of our young men. Quite the contrary. Until it is settled how we are to recruit our armies there will be a feeling of uncertainty and confu- sion in many families throughout the land. I suppose all of us who are urging the rapid rearmament of the United States would agree that there is nothing we like about the whole business. Universal military service is a bit- ter pill to swallow, and I for one have come most reluctantly to support such a program. But the desperate need to build up our mili- tary strength cannot be denied. One of the chief reasons for the existence of the com- mittee under whose auspices I speak tonight ts the bellef that we must take immediate steps to meet the national danger. We urge all our citizens to impress upon the Congress and the administration the imperative need for prompt and adequate action. We have no time to lose. Many of us remember with what shook we read of the fall of France in 1940 and with what fear we awaited the outcome of the battle of Britain. Our military men,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD we know now, Were full of apprehension as to what would be the consequenors to the United States of the loss of the Britizh Isles, The matgin of victory then was narrow enough, we all recall, But with the ‘weapons of the 1950's an enemy tn control of the chan- nel ports would be far more dangerous, per haps impossible to stop. In short, while the defense of Europe ts essential for the survival of Europe, it 1s fust as essential for the survival of a free United States. Again on thia point General Bisen- hower speaks with authority: “Western Europe,” he reminds us, “has the greatest pool of skilled labor in the world and a vast industrial capacity second only to that of the United Statss. Now if we take that whole complex with its potential for military exploitation and transfer it from our side to another side, the military balance of power has shifted so drastically that our safety would be gravely imperiled.” Note carefully General Eisenhower's use of the words “gravely imperiled,” which he repeated to emphasize the seriousness, to his mind, of the possibility of the loss of Europe. Europe lost—just sketch the outline of such a world and fill in the details yourself, all the terrible details. Imagine as in a nightmare thc Soviet Union in control di- rectly or through puppets of all of Europe, the Middle East, and the North of Africa— Great Britain neutralized, this hemisphere alone. Think in terms of military strategy, think in terms of raw materials, think in terms of western civilization. However you look at it the picture is too terrifying for con- templation. What is the alternative? A third global war? Not to my mind. It may be forced upon us any day—that one must admit, Concelvably the masters of the Soviet Union have already decided to start world war IIT and given the necessary orders. If so, a global war ls indeed inevitable. But otherwise peace or war hang precariously in the balance of the future. I believe there is still 2 chance, a good chance, of avoiding world war IlI—a war which can lead only to wholesale destruc- tion with no clear victory possible for either side. I believe there is a good chance of avoiding this catastrophe, but only if Europe is made defensible and without delay, For today we are dealing with an inherently un- stable situation. To be sure the free world has the ability to punish an aggressor who moves his troops by destroying his cities from the air. But matching possible rctaliation against poseible invasion provides no true opposition of military strengths; it provides no basis for successful negotiation. Not that we should cease discussing with the Soviet Union the settlement of disputed points in Europe. We must continue to explore every Toad to peace. But we cannot approach the heart of the present tensions, the technologi- cal arms race, we cannot even consider steps toward disarmament until the free peoples of Europe can be defended and feel secure, I venture to conclude on a note that I trust will not seem unduly optimistic. If the United States will show leadership, be both calm and strong, prove that freedom can endure even long years of partial mobi- gation, then there is hope for the second half of the twentieth century. I see a radi- cally altered international situation a decade or more hence, a free world secure on its own frontiers, a Soviet Union with vastly diminished ambitions and pretensions, yet itself secure against invasion, Under such conditions, the United Nations might well Tunctian as those who founded it first dreamed. Under such conditions, steps to- ward disarmament would no longer be re- @arded as utopian; the terror of modern Weapons might slowly vanish from: the skies, But while the present lasts the peoples of the free world must be armed and ready. As General Elsenhower has so well said, we must meet the fearful unity of to- talitarlan force with a higher unity—the unity of freemen that will not be defeated. Jultus Ochs Adler, Raymond B. Alien, Frank Altschul, William Douglas Arant, James Henry Baxter ITI, Laird Beil, Lewis H. Brown, Harry A. Bullis, Vannevar Bush, Will L. Clayton, James B. Conant, Robert Cutler, R. Ammi Cutter, Harold W. Dodds, Charles Dol- lard, William J. Donovan, Truman K. Gibson, Jr., Meta Glass, Edward 8. Greenbaum, Monte M. Lemann, Wil- Mam L. Marbury, William C. Men- ninger, Frederick A. Middlebush, John Lord O'Brian, Robert P. Patterson, Howard C. Petersen, Stanley Resor, Theodore W. Schultz, Robert E, Sher~ wood, Robert G. Sproul, Robert L. Stearns, Tracy 8. Voorhees, Henry M. Wriston, Committee on the Present Danger. WasHInaron, D. C, Sound Money EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, I have introduced a bill, H. R. 324, the purpose of which is to change our flat currency, which is causing most of our troubles in the domestic field, to a sound currency with a metallic base. I shall not enlarge upon this subject at the present time, except to say that I still agree, as I always have, with Hon. Willlam McKinley's definition of sound money. The essence of his sound money philosophy I quote in his own words: The money of the United States, and every kind or form of it, whether paper, silver, or gold, must be as good as the best in the world. It must not only be ourrent at. its full face value at home, but it must be counted at par in any and every commercial center of the globe. The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage earner, and the pensioner must continue forever in equal purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to &@ny government creditor, To those who believe in sound money, and I know of no person connected with the New Deal who does, the article pub- lished by Mr. Herbert Bratter in the Sunday edition of the Washington Eve- ning Star should give cause for serious refiection on this subject. Under leave to extend my remarks, heretofore granted, I am inserting Mr. Bratter’s article in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Uniten Srates Is BarGain CoUNTER oF THE Wortp Gotp MarketT—Ornrr Nations Buy It Low Here, Stu, Hiaw; Black MaRgksT Mocks Moneraay Funny RuLes (By Herbert Bratter) In Washington today 4 dollar is one-thirty- fifth of an ounce of gold. But no one cares about the price of gold in these days of in- flation; gold, the only commodity that has remained fixed in price since 1994. No one cares, because you can't get gold legally to The Treasury may care, though. The Treasury deals in gold with foreign * ernments and central banks. Gold is sell as A707 the measure of the relative values of the world's different currencies. The Treasury pays $85 an ounce for all gold offered to it; and charges foreign governments and the Jewelry trade $35 an ounce when it sells gold. Many people about the world do not think the dollar still worth one-thirty-fifth of an ounce of gold. In places abroad where the laws are not so rigid, or not so rigidly en- forced as here, individuals trade in gold at prices wel) above the legal limit. This trade gles on with the use of local currencies. Frenchmen, for instances, buy and sell gold quite freely in Paris every day, using francs as money. American dollars are also used in some of this gold trade abroad. And not all this trade 1s between private parties exclusively. Governments and central banks participate in it, sometimes through the subterfuge of selling “industrial” gold to “industry”; and sometimes just plain gold coins to any buyer at hand. This governmental activity keeps the world’s black markets supplied with the yellow metal. And since binck markets in- volve both gold and currencies, the rules to which the members of the International Monetary Pund are solemniy committed are daily being mocked. TYPE OF GOLD DIGGING What riles, or should rile, the United States Treasury ia that governments which are free to turn in dollars here and get gold for them at $35 an ounce are busy selling gold for dollara and other currencies at premium prices. This means that they are using Uncle Sam's gold policy as a good thing. Recently, it is reliably reported the Bank of France was reproved for engaging in this type of gold digging. It is not a new prac- tice with the Bank of Franoe. It seems to be just a case where London got irked about it. Why Washington should wait for Lon- don to prod it, if it did wait, is not quite clear. Other countries have been selling gold at high prices while simultaneously buying the metal from the United States at the fixed price of 835. Mexico, for instance. South Africa's battle with Secretary of the Treas- ury Snyder in the International Monetary Pund has long been a matter of record. South Africa seems to have won out. It has been busy since 1949 selling all the gold the traffic will bear at premium prices. Now Canada is under pressure from its gold miners to go and do likewise. And Canada has always been held forth as a model of good international behavior, even though, along with many other countries, it has found a way to subsidize its gold miners and still be a member of the fund in good standing. For the miners, a subsidy is the same as e higher price. As the residual buyer of the world’s gold for these many years, the United States is the keystone which holds the structure of the international gold bullion standard to- gether. If we atepped out, the arch would tumble. Since the dollar we use at home is completely of the paper variety and now daily losing some of its value in trade, the American gold standard has degenerated into ae form of global charity from which the U. 8. 8. R., along with the rest of the world, is free to benefit. Temporarily, thanks to Korea, we are in auch «a hurry to buy mate- rials abroad the while we are also develop- ing and reconstructing the world with gifts and loans, that we have had to send gold away to balance the books. Only a few days ago, for instance, one of the big London banks in an advertisement in the New York Times revealed how one coun- try’s loss can be another country’s gain. While we are exporting gold for the above Yeasona, Britain's gold stock is rising. Said the chairman of Lloyds Bank, Ltd., to his ahareholders: “The elimination of the sterling area's current dollar deficit meant that during |
A708 19650 we were able to place the whole of our Marshall aid receipts to reserve.” In other words, the Marshall pian is now being used to give gold away, BRITAIN'S STOCK RISES The British, of course, like others, argue that a country needs a comfortable gold re- serve against the time when the trouble with Russia has been settled and dollars again become scarce. At such time gold may again be expected to flow toward the United States “magnet.” Among the anomalies of American gold policy let us now turn to a recent announce- ment of the International Bank for Recon- struction and Development, the s0-called World Bank, devised at Bretton Woods in 1944 along with the International Monetary Fund. In January the World Bank announced in Washington conclusion of arrangements long under study to lend South Africa $50,000,000 for electric power and transport purposes. Simultaneously, South Africa obtained an ad-« ditional $10,000,000 from eight American commercial banks, in effect, as part of the above-mentioned arrangement. The bank announced that the money will be used in part to finance the large expected industrial demands of the new Orange Free State gold Sields. There, in what until recently was open country, rich deposits of gold have been discovered and huge mines and whole cities will be created to extract the precious yellow metal from the bowels of the earth. A bank spokesman reports that South Africa, already the largest gold producer in the world, with the full development of the Orange Free State fields, hopes to increase its annual gold output by as much as 60 percent. In other words, with the aid of the World Bank's dollars, South Africa expects to dig out of the earth the gold with which to repay the loan. And if the trend in recent years proves to have been only interrupted by the conflict which began in Korea last Juno, one way or another the new South African gold will find its way into the vaults of Fort Knox. NEED OUR OWN EQUIPMENT What will South Africa buy with the dol- lars which it is now being lent and which, the bank has announced, may be supplemented by further lending in the future? The shop- ping list includes such items as turbo-gener- ators, boilers and accessories, electrical ap- Paratus including switch gear, transformers, Power and control cable, cable for station lighting and grounding, pumps without which no deep mine can continue operations, piping and structural materials. During World War II South Africa was insistent in its requests for priorities for American min- ing equipment to keep the Rand gold mines working. Today, when we are turning our economy topsy-turvey for the defense of the Western World, it seems odd to be setting aside large productive resources for such equipment as is enumerated above, equip- ment which consumes not only valuable manpower but strategic and critical ma- terials. However justifiable it might appear dn normal times to finance the output of more gold, these are not normal times. If the _ United States Government lends its sup- Port to such ventures today, what can it an- swer tomorrow, when our own gold mining industry and that of other friendly coun- tries ask for similar equipment? The Orange Free State gold fields, it is said, may yield uranium as well as gold, South African gold ores, like the of] shales of Sweden and the marine prosphate de- posits of the United States, are potential sources of that element as a byproduct. But the World Bank does not contend that its Purpose in lending to South Africa is ura- nium production. From one standpoint, it might be said that the World Bank is lending to South "900,000 to South Africa in dollars. Africa to replenish that country’s gold and dollar reserves. The bank states that with- out tts loans South Africa could secure the desired equipment only at the expense of its foreign exchange reserves and maintenance of foreign exchange reserves at a satisfactory level is particularly important to South Af- rica. That is, South Africa would rather not use its own money. FOREIGN -EXCHANGE ANGLE But there is a more interesting foreign. exchange angle to the loan. Twenty percent of the loan proceeds will be spent in the dollar area, while the rest will be spent almost entirely in the United Kingdom, in sterling. Yet the bank is lending the &50,- In ex- planation, the bank states that the type of equipment South Africa wants is in short supply here and at best could not be delivered within a reasonable time, whereas Europe and particularly Britain can supply what 1s needed. And to buy in Britain one requires pounds sterling. The World Bank holds some two hundred and thirty million of uncommitted pounds sterling; that is, British currency paid in as part of Britain’s subscription to the bank's capital. When the Bretton Woods Bank was launched, 1t was in part on the basis of the argument that all the member countries would contribute local currencies—plus a small gold payment—and that when a bor- rower needed one of those local currencies the bank would draw on its supply thereof. TREASURY CONCERNED But in this instance, as in others, 1t does not work out lke that in practice. Bank spokesmen explain that the British do not consent to the bank lending pounds sterling to South Africa. Were the bank to do so, the South Africans would spend the sterling in Britain. British equipment would be shipped to South Africa and Britain would have nothing to show for the transaction. It would be what the British term as an “un- requited export.” So the bank is going to have to take dollars and go out into the ex- change markets and buy pounds sterling therewith, to the extent of about 440,000,000 the while its £230,000,000 remains untouched for lack of permission to use tt. When the deal is carried out, $40,000,000 of British equipment will be exported from that country to South Africa and 840,000,000 more will have been added to Britain’s gold and dollar reserves. These dollars will be supplied by American investors in the World Bank's bonds. Under a British-South Africa agreement, South Africa is paying regularly in gold for £50,000,000 of its purchases of goods in Britain. The loan which the World Bank has made to South Africa necessarily had the approval of the National Advisory Council, whose Chairman is the Secretary of the Treasury. The Treasury has been not a ttle concerned in recent years over the tendency of other countries to operate in the gold market at premium prices. At the last two annual meetings of the World Fund, Secretary Snyder has resisted the forceful demands of South Africans for a higher price of gold. Latterly, South Africa's Government has encouraged the sale of South African gold on world free markets at prices which are illegal under the rules of the World Monetary Fund. Now, in effect, South Africa is being rewarded through the World Bank for its flouting of that other American-supported monetary institution, the World Pund. In recent years we have had committees to formulate American policy on foreign aid, raw materials, and the like. Perhaps we should have a committee of able students to tell us in simple words what America’s gold policy is or should be, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Roll Back the Prices and Tax Excess Profits EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THADDEUS M. MACHROWICZ: OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. MACHROWICZ. Mr. Speaker, I am sure every one of us is being deluged with protests over the order freezing prices and wages, because the order failed to make the price controls retro- active for a reasonable period. I am inserting at this point two typi- cal complaints, received by me, which I wish to call to the attention of my col- leagues, The first is a resolution of the City Council of Hamtramck, a progres- sive and dynamic community in my con- gressional district, of which I pride my- self to be a citizen. The resolution is dated January 30, 1951, and reads, as fol- lows: RESOLUTION BY COUNCILMAN ROOKS Resolved, That the common council does hereby protest the freezing of prices of com- modities at the highest price level reached in the period of December 19 to January 25, and does hereby request that immediate steps be taken to roll back prices to at least December 1, 1950, to provide relief for work- ers whose wages did not increase in propor- tion to run-awny prices; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of satd resolution be forwarded to President Truman, the Price Director, Congressman T. M. Machrowicz, and Senators Homer Ferguson and Arthur Van- denberg. Supported by Councilman Dulapa. Carried by the following vote: Yeas: Coun- cilmen Dulapa, Kozak, Wojtylo, Rooks, and Bielski. Nays: None. Absent: None. The second is a letter which I received from one of the board of auditors of Wayne County, Mich., which expresses the sentiments of many of our citizens: Board oF WAYNE COUNTY AUDITORS, Detroit, Mich. February 7, 1951, Hon. THappevs M. MacHrowicz, Michigan Congressman, First District, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN MacuHrowicz: Because of innumerable vigorous complaints on the part of my constituents regarding the in- adequacy of price control, I am forced to ad- dress this communication to you in order that you may be advised of the widespread and deep-seated dissatisfaction on the part of our loyal Democratic supporters. It ig the feeling of these people that the proposed price-control formula is totally in- adequate. Furthermore, it is my personal be- Nef which is shared by many that if effective price controls were to be established, that the prices should be rolled back to approxt- mately June 1, 1950, prior to the start of hostilities. It is also the opinion of my con- stituents, which is wholeheartedly supported by myself, that the formula as presented could hardly be termed even an idle gesture insofar as its effectiveness and equity is con- cerned, and it is my considered judgment that only by making price controls retroac- tive to a normal period, preferably June 1950, would any effective lasting benefits be realized by the public. It 1s generally conceded by the wage earners and taxpayers in my community that the wages have not kept pace with the recent rapid advance in prices, etc., and unless some
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD adequate remedy {s applied, I cannot see how the taxpaying public could make any further contribution in taxes, etc., to Government. The inequity of the ill-conceived and ill- advised proposed price control without re- gard to wages, plus the proposed increase in income tax and other taxes has acted as a two-edged sword to sever and alienate the strongest and stanchest of our Democratic supporters. Because of the seriousness of this situation, I am calling it to your personal attention in the hope that you may take an active part in correcting this very unsatisfactory situation. Very truly yours, ARTHUR A. SUMERACKI, Wayne County Auditor. It cannot be denied that the general public in all parts of the country is greatly disappointed and dismayed that the price-freeze order failed to take cognizance of unwarranted and unjust price increases which became prevalent for several months before the price- freeze and particularly after the an- nouncement that a price-freeze was im- minent. Prices were frozen at the highest levels and failed to give the public any real re- lief from inflation. The order gives little hope for relief for some time in the future. It rewards those who took ad- vantage of advance notices to raise their prices and punishes those who patrioti- cally held the line. The times and the situation call for direct and courageous action, not for half-way steps. On February 8, 1951, the gentleman from Montana I[Mr. MANSFIELD) introduced H. R. 2515, a bill to roll prices back to June 25, 1950, and to impose a 100-percent tax on,excess profits above the normal peacetime profit of the year 1949. I wish to commend the gentleman and express the sincere hope that this bill will soon be reported out by the Committee on Ways and Means and adopted by this Congress. It is the best way that I can think of to prove to the people of this country that we are honest, sincere, and courageous in our determination to stop the vicious in- flationary spiral and put our domestic economy on a sound and fair basis. What About Conditions in Korea? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL T. CURTIS OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. CURTIS of Nebraska. Mr. Speaker, I wish to extend my remarks by including a letter I have written to the Commandant of the Marine Corps, together with an enclosure of said let- ter. I also wish to enclose portions of a letter received from a father who has asonin Korea. These documents are as follows: FPepevany 7, 1951. Gen, Currron B. Carrs, Commandant, The United States Marine Corps, Washington, D. C. Dean Genera, Cares: An individual in whom I have great confidence and who is & friend and supporter of the marines has written me concerning the situation in Korea. Following is a portion of that letter: “Another marine, who was at Chosin Reser voir and participated in the march to the Hungnam beachhead, reported to his mother that not only were many of his outfit with- out parkas but that the few who had them were relieved of them. He said that when he observed the servicing of the equipment for cold weather and deducted that he also should be prepared for duty where it was cold. Therefore, he decided he should find something to wear in place of the summer uniform provided him. Consequently, he proceeded to ‘borrow’ warm wool clothing from Army store aboard ship and went into the cold of Korea in these while others were clad in summer uniforms. This or another boy reported that they found men who failed to answer roll call frozen in their beds on the ground.” I am enclosing a copy of a letter which my informant sent to me, and which was received from a Nebraska marine. I should lke to have a report on these matters. Thanking you, I am, Very truly yours, Car. T. Curtis. - PoHANG, Korea, January 21, 1951. How are you all this cold Sunday after- noon? I am pretty good except it is very cold. It got down to about gero last night with a high wind. Writing on this paper may seem to you as @ joke, but it is not. We are that hard up for anything here. Fact is, wo stole the toilet paper that Iam writing on. We are out of paper, we are eating on very slim rations, because the Army rations them out to us. They figure we can eat and live on a little bit of nothing, The PX is open, but all they have ig shave ing gear. You cannot eat or write on shav- ing cream. It is no fun to go to bed, or go to work, on only a half full stomach. We look forward to a package from home because we know it will most likely be some- thing to eat. We try to steal us some extra chow whenever we can, 60 we will have some- thing in the tent to eat between meals. Another thing, these are not as necessary as food, but we can hardly get a cigarette to smoke. The PX does not scem to have them, We are supposed to get a ration of beer but we do not get it most of the time. One night they even cut us down to half a can apiece. These things are not the necessities of life but it certainly helps the morale of the troops over here. ‘We moved up here onto a plateau not far from the beach. The mud was 6 inches deep up here. We sloshed around in the mud setting up our tents, then the commanding officer put out an order that there would be no straw bought off of the “gooks” and put on the ground. The officers have cots, and some of us guys have cots, but a lot of the outfit are sleeping on the ground, Three of my squad do not have cots yet. We will most likely have to steal some someplace for them. Iam not writing this for sympathy for us. We are in hopes you can get something into the paper to do us some good. A Disausrep Maarve, Fesrvary 7, 1961. Dear Mr. Curris: I have not bothered you with a letter for a couple of weeks. But this past week I received a letter from my dear boy in Korea that made me sick at heart and I decided to write to you again and ask you if you Congressmen can't do something to help our boys in Korea. If you can’t bring them out of that hope- lees conflict then at least let them have the Uberty to Aght the enemy with everything available to gain the victory. Their hands are tied by (he insane policy of the Govern- A709 ment in refusing them permission to bomb Manchuria and China. I think that a few atom bombs on the cities of China would bring them to terms as it did with the Japanese, My son, Date, who has been through all the severe fighting ever since the first me- rines Janded in Korea in August including that terrible battle from Choain Reservoir to Hungnam has never written a single complaint till his last letter. In the letter we received from him last week he writes, “The Chinese are not the only ones who are cold, hungry, and weary of this war. We are cold, hungry, and weary of the war, too. We hope some kind of reasonable peace can be made with the Chinese and that we can come home.” He says that he does not mind the combat but that the cold weather is the worst thing, that if tt were summer !t would not be so bad. Fight To Win or Quit EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RALPH W. GWINN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUBE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. GWINN. Mr. Speaker, whatever else has happened as o result of Korea, the American people are finally awake and thinking. This time we have got to think through our great foreign prob- Jem. Here is a good example of Ameri- can thought, an editorial from the New York World-Telegram as follows: Ficut To Win or Quir General MacArthur says that the American Army fighting in Korea as the agent of the United Nations awaits political decisions from “the chancelleries of the world” on the problem confronting it. That problem is the intervention of Red China, dating from last October, “Considering that the entire military might of Communist China is avatiable against this relatively small command (the UN forces), General MacArthur warns, “only by maneuver may it avoid hagards in- herent in the great odds which tt now faces.” That is a clear challenge to the gentlemen representing the United Nations at Lake Success to make up their minds what they intend to do. And it must be answered. The American resolution branding the Reds as aggressors, which has been presented to the UN, makes no provision for sanctions against Red China and carefully avoids any- thing that might be interpreted as authoriz- ing Gen. MacArthur to atrike directly at Peiping's homeland and supply bases, It is from China itself, and the bases there, that the Red forces fighting our troops are being supplied, But our troops have become the forgotten men in this war. The Defense Department ts trying to muz- gle Maj. Gen, Emmett O’Donnell, who raised this same issue upon his recent return from Korea. “We have been fighting distinctly under wraps since the Communists came into the war,” General O'Donnell says. “I never thought I'd see the day when we would have to alt back with our hands tied * * * if we're going to fight, let’s not hit ’em light, for heaven's sake. It's time people know that this is an all-out war.” TROOPS HAVE BEEN LET DOWN That tg mild to what the boys in the frozen foxholes are saying. They have been let down. They know it. They want to come home.
A710 They are tired of being shot at like sitting ducks while the United Nations exchanges notes with the outlaw Ohinese government at Peiping. The State Department seems determined to make General MacArthur the goat in this situation, just as it made former Defense Secretary Johnson the goat for the original debacle in Korea, But it can’t get away wita that. The record ts too clear, The fault is not in Korea, but in Wash- ington, in London, and at Lake Success. The weakness of American political leader- ship was demonstrated when it was unable to persuade any of the great powers to join us in sponsoring the mild condemnation resolution presented to the UN. Britain, Canada, and the other fair-weather friends will vote for this re:olution on the show-down, But they'll do it with great reluctance. And they are not prepared to support any reprisal measures against the Chinese Reds. Yet this resolution would do nothing more than officially recognize a con- dition which has been fact for 3 months while ducking the question of what is to be done about it. So the resolution itself is an act of appeasement. GENERALS GAGGED—ON CARPET General MacArthur has been gagged and General O’Donnell has been called on the carpet, doubtless to be warned to make no more statements on the outrageous way the policy makers have bungled this whole affair. But the truth will out, despite gags and cen~ sorship. The record made at Lake Success is there for all to read. Our Army in Korea has plenty of fight left in it, according to General Collins, the Army Chief of Staff, But why should that Army fight when the cause it is supporting has been disowned by the organization {t is representing? No effort is being made to reinforce it, Why should more men die on & mission that seems to have been abandoned? The UN must answer these questions, or it will be faithless to the world which has placed its trust in it and faithless to the men who have died fighting in its name. Economic sanctions should be voted against Red China. Its ports should be blockaded. The bases from which it is sup- plying its outlaw forces should be bombed. Aid should be extended to the guerrilla forces fighting the Reds on the China mainland. The Chinese Nationalists should be encour- aged to return to China proper so that the Reds will be forced to fight on two fronts. That is the way to carry on this war if there is any desire to win it. It cannot be won by the present haif- hearted measures. If the UN doesn’t intend to fight to win, then our troops should be pulled out and the whole enterprise abandoned, If the UN will not face up to this issue, then our own Government must. We should fight to win or quit. Marquette Alumnae’s Accomplishments for Their Alma Mater Shows Free En- terprise at Its Best ed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. KERSTEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, the alumnae of Marquette Uni. versity have done a marvelous job for the coed students at Marquette. In 1938, they started with $10000 of borrowed money to provide housing for these girls. Now, only 12 short years later they are engaged in constructing a new $1,000,000 residence hall. All this has been done through the energies and efforts of the Marquette alumnae. It shows what can be accom- plished by an energetic and determined group of women. This shows free enter- prise at its best. Free enterprise is not merely the right of a person to engage in a commercial business for profit. Rather, it encompasses all forms of ac- tion whereby an individual or a group of individuals band together to promote a program for the general good of society. To detail more fully the job which these women have done, I include here- with an article from the Milwaukee Journal of January 28, 1951: MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY WOMEN'S PROJECT OF Better Livina ror Cozps Works Ovt WELL (By Dorothy Witte) Look at the abundance of bobbed heads and curly bangs, shoulder-'ength hairdos and sleekly waved heads when Marquette classes break on the avenue and you would think women had always been part cf the Mar- quette scene. But there was a time, not too long ago, as many Milwaukeeans remember, when they vere not. Coeducation began slowly at Marquette University. In 1906 there was a training school for nurses, but it was not considered exactly a part of the Uriversity. In 1908 the first woman was graduated from the law school. In 1910 there were one or two wo- men in the colleges of music and journalism, And in 1913 a scattered few women were graduated in dentistry and liberal arts and medicine. Slim beginnings, to be sure, but the wo- men of Marquette have been making up for it ever since, In those days, of course, there were no gathering places for the women students, and no housing for out-of-town- ers, most of whom stayed in private homes. Now it is a different story, and the story has been written by the women of the unl- versity with the benevolert smile of the school fathers, Thirteen years ago the Jesuit priests who managed the university loaned a newly formred women’s alumnae group $10,000. Since then the highly am- bitious, loosely Knit group has accomplished amazing things: BUILDINGS BOUGHT, REBUILT 1, They have purchased and rehabilitated buildings to the amount of $205,092. 2. They have furnished and equipped and maintained these buildings to the amount of $32,608. 8. In addition, they have given 8500 to Lisette Lodge, $500 to the university's Hbrary fund, 62,00C to the university building fund drive, and $3,000 to the union drive. This is high finance, no doubt about it. How was it accomplished? Well, they bor-~ rewed 810,000, raised 810,000, paid off the loan, and borrowed some more. Borrowing the firct $10,000 was the hardest, they say. Here’s how it happened. In the fall of 1937 there seemed to be a growing housing need at Marquette. It was this need which prompted the gathering to- gether of 15 women, the alumnae from every department and college in which women were enrolled. Nucleus of the present Association of Marquette University Women, the women sent invitations to all Marquette women graduates. Five hundred came to the tea at Drexel Lodge, and among them was Hildegarde, who came and played the Drexel It was in February 1988 that the board issued another call to the women alumnae to oome to a luncheon. Nearly 500 came, paid APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dues of 81, and took on the project of hous- ing for out-of-town women students. (At that time there were 237 women at the unt. versity; now there are 1,800 enrolled.) FIRST DORMITORY IN 1938 By June 1938 they had found the bullding suitable for the first dormitory, an apartment building at 1135 West Kilbourn Avenue. They borrowed $10,000 from the Jesuit Fathers, paid the apartment owners $4,000 for the first year’s rent, and agreed to re- model the building. The owner was George Meyer, Sr., now deceased, who was later to be benefactor of the group. He said they had a free hand and could do anything they wished. They had $6,000 to accomplish the reno- vation and furnish the dormitory. The architect father of one of the members, Con- stance Brielmaier (Mrs. Leo Donovan, now of Oakland, Calif.), donated his services. Housing committee members visited fur- niture factories, compared prices and bought carefully. One committee made 98 pairs of draperies, for example. They came to the dormitory, named Alumnae House, cut the fabric lengths, and took them to their homes to sew. They cleaned, painted, waxed, and varnished, preferring to do all the work themselves in order to keep total costs under the $6,000 figure. Their husbands helped move in furniture, and the first women’s dormitory was ready in September, 1938, to admit 80 students. Miss Wenonah Eis, 4112 North Ardmore, a member of the first board, took a leave of absence from her teach- ing duties to become the first house mother. In the same way the alumnae group has bought, remodeled, refurnished and main- tains Rigge Hall, 739 North Eighteenth Street; Nicholas Hall, 781 North Thirteenth Street; Merrity Hall, 1717 West Wisconsin Avenue. By early 1949, all borrowed funds were paid back, and the group decided to renovate a coach hbuse behind Lizette Lodge, 3200 West Highland Boulevard, as a recreation center for all university students. By May 1, 1950, at a cost of $15,000, the remodeling was com- plete. Hilltop House is a headquarters for mixers, parties, and informal get-togethers, and there are clubrooms on the second floor, and toboggans in the loft. There are also a piano, radio, record player, pingpong table, and a rented television set. CLEANING AND PARTIES How were these things accomplished? Many committees worked on many events, large and small, to raise funds. Almost every year there was a card party and style show, for example, which brought in 81,000 to $1,500. A bazaar, at which 12 alumnae chapters of university clubs and sororities had booths, brought in a like amount, and @ series of lectures accounted for a similar sum, A new project of recent years is the Mar- quette University engagement book and calendar, which is sold to women alumnae members and their friends at $1 a copy. One year a journal photographer, John Alhauser, 2839 South Lenox Street, gave his services without cost and made the photographs for the book. Profits from the calendar book, an idea suggested by Miss Eis, increase every year. Last year, 3,000 copies were sold, This year 5,000 were ordered and requests are still coming in. “When we borrowed the first $10,000," re- calis Mrs. Eugene Wozny, 1642 South Layton Boulevard, president of the association, “we worked hard to pay it back, and as soon as we were solvent, we would borrow more, and that’s the way it went.” When additional houses were purchased for dormitories, the women would do the needed cleaning them- selves, They washed windows and walls and floors, and never hired @ workman for a task they could do themselves. Deseribing the annual bazaar, a typical fund-raising operation, Mrs. Thomas Callen,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 8866 North Thirty-eighth Street, president of the association last year, told of the extensive planning required. “The chairmen, Kay Iding and Mary Ellen Schwalbach, sent out 4,000 circulars to wom- en graduates 2 months before the bazaar, and the committees were working right up to the day of the event itself,” she said, Big coverall aprons were the best sellers, she reported, and “we had loads of them.” The booth with knitted goods also did a latge business, and articles which remained after the sale were saved and brought out again to sell at Christraas parties, Toy boxes, she added, went well as late as Valentine's y. Similar planning and care went into ar- rangements for the annual card party and style show. Four tickets were sent to every person on the alumnae list. If members were not able to come they were asked to pick up their table prize and play at home, RESIDENCE HALL UNDER WAY “We had no idea so many people would come,” said Mrs. Callen. “There was an overflow crowd and we had to make announcements over the public address sys- tem, saying ‘please don't go home, we're setting up more tables.'” Five hundred members came, many with thelr husbands. The style show was a great drawing card, since it presented an oppor- tunity for wives to broach the subject of apring wardrobes to their husbands. By the end of summer, 1949, remarks Mrs. F. L. McElligott, Thiensville, Wis., dean of women and faculty adviser to the alum- nae group, the women were well established. They were, in fact, in a position to borrow more money, and so they did. Along about this time the Marquette alumni association wanted to reclaim the women's group, which was not altogether anxious to be reclaimed. However, a mer- ger was effected and the two organizations are now associated. The women's group continues to hold its own meetings, manage its own program and raise its own money, County total for the year 1950 Now the association of Marquette Univer- sity women is going ahead on a new project, the biggest of all. They are planning to build & new million-dollar H-shaped real- dence hall. Plans are drawn, contracts are signed, and digging has actually begun on the building, which will extend from Eight- eenth Street to Nineteenth Street. Dr. Mary Neville Bielefeld, 2809 North Fifty-sixth Street, who served on the first assoctation board and later as a president, is chairman of the new building project. One board member remarked, “The new building is going to be out of this world. We are trying to have cverything built in, s0 we’ve been spending hours with con- tractors.” So quiet and unobstrusive has the alumnee committee work been that most of the 851 girls who now live in Alumnae House, Mer- rity Hall, Rigge Hall, and Nicolas Hall, do not know that half the fun of their col- lege lives, the dorm sessions, is directly at- tributable to the work of Marquette women of an earlier day. Dead Animals on the Public Highways— Menace to Public Health EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MISSISSIFPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, several years ago I appealed to the various State and Federal authorities to clean the dead animals off of the public highways in or- der to prevent the spread of those infec- tious diseases carried by the decaying re- mains of those various animals. At that time, I published a report issued by Mr, WILD BIRDS AND ANIMALS ATl1f. 8. W. Jackson, of Franklin, Pa., district engineer for district No, 1 of the highway department of that State. I have just received another report from Mr. Jackson showing the number of dead animals of various kinds re- moved from the highways in the various counties of that district during each of the last 10 years. If every highway official were as dili- gent as Mr. Jackson has been in remov- ing dead birds and animals from the highways as soon as they are found, I feel sure that it would contribute greatly to the health of the Nation. It is regretted that Mr. Jackson is now retiring from his position of district en- gineer, after 42 years of continuous service. I certainly hope his successor will follow his splendid example, and that every other highway official in America will do the same thing. The report of Mr. Jackson referred to follows: Reoorp or Dkap ANIMALS AND Braps KILLED BY MOTOR VEHICLES DURING THE 10-YEar Prriop From 1041 ro 1950, INcLusive This slaughter was confined to the 4,095 miles of State highways contained in dis- trict No. 1 located in northwestern Pennsyl- vania and includes the counties of Erte, Warren, Crawford, Forest, Mercer, Venango, and Lawrence. The number of animals and birds removed, is not an estimate, but an actual count, made by the department of caretakers who remove the bodies and re- port through the department maintenance superintendents to the district engineer's office in Franklin, where the annual report is compiled. The figures recorded below do not include Lawrence County for the years 1041, 1942, 1043, and 1044 which were not available. These figures do not make any allowance for escaped cripples or for bodies removed by carrion eaters, or by sources out- side the department of highways. District total for the years 10 year Species Wi [o} M Vv la Fite @r- Traw- ere 8. we Erle ren ford Forest car nango | rence 1950 1949 10948 1947 1946 1945 1944 1943 1942 1941 1,127 | 8,026 848 | 2,877} 1,240] 1,207 | 11,367] 11,727] 8734 | 6,428 | 6,603 | 6,804) 65256] 7,185} 9,125) 4, 728 }, 286, 214 105 144 110 78 85 820 49 610 310 546 520 433 385 415 404 & 363 83 2 17 39 302 367 327 187 289 pall 175 170 1g 174{ 2,330 67 187 | 1,018 | 1,502] 1,205 516 801 925 | 1,005 | 3,417 | 1,797] 1,748 | 11,904 4 22 100 31 60 87 36 4B 25 oT 870 9 5 157 142 108 61 40 2 37 2 23 a1 oe Ie OL 7, Oa BT 046 BIR 49014 708" | 403" 78, Bw OB BGO OT 008] e772 HE 208 | 17, 028 6 3 53 84 10 12 26 20 33 18 1 ong 6 101 105 87 4 80 vA 23 141 59 820 evesenes fou eneeae 4 wenweeen Ce ee eee 1 2 2 1 7 2 3 14 13 12 1 5 1 8 4 8 cry wenmeeee| TH beeen 12 [..sseeee 1 141 135 56 69 41 36 46 17 16 ous 18 1 118 84 41 34 34 22 25 36 35 454 2 2 fi re] 1 8 6 3 6 P-) a3 18 131 5R6 428 a4 126 145 165 102 150 187 203 | 2,376 4 1 nl wv 31 4 8 2B 35 i 8 173 wewewenalencnanan|anaenemafeweses ce 1 jewcennee 4 Jenne ene n|--e nanan femee ene pe Brees eeennes ErnneEnES 6 1,278 } 4,462 | 2,015 | 2,252 | 10, 667 | 20,081 | 14,096 | 7,700] 0,567 | 9,687 | 0,660 | 10, 84 | 12,578 | 11,824 | 125, 460 DOMESTIC FOWL AND ANIMALS 8.058 BO et ee Banas Total.........
A712 Hon. Herbert Hoover’s Speech EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTONIO M. FERNANDEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. FERNANDEZ. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include three editorials on Mr. Hoover's speech of February 9. The first is from the Washington Post of Satur- day, February 10; the second from the Star of Sunday, February 11; and the third from this morning’s Post. They are as follows: [From the Washington (D. C.) Post of February 10, 1951] Mr. Hoover’s REALITIES There can be little doubt that Mr. Hoover's speech of December 20 helped to bestir the European nations to do more to help them- selves. But, while recognizing this, we find his reasoning, a rehash of which was heard last night, as faulty as ever. He continues to misinterpret the North Atlantic alliance, He saya that the pact merely provides that the nations shall aid each other in case of attack. But that is only one of the provi- sions—the ultimate one, The object and the essence of the pact is the clause enjoin- ing the signatories to develop their collec- tive capacity to resist attack. Here was a vow to replace a nationalistic system of de- fense with a collective system. Does Mr, Heover think for one moment that there would have been one European signatory if all that Europe could expect was liberation by an American air armada? Before liber- ation could come, every one of the signa- tories would have been strung up as soon as the enemy appeared. It 1s quite clear, as Mr. Hoover says, that there is no hope of matching the Russian hordes division for division. But no mili- tary strategy envisages any such posture. What is planned is the mobilization of enough of a collective force to hold up & Ruasian advance until such time as our bombers could enfeeble the attackers by demolishing communications and supply lines and bases of supply. We need air, in other words, for use not inside Western Europe but beyond it. Upon no other as- sumption is there a possibility of galvanizing ® will to fight in Western Europe, It has hitherto been the task of American diplo- macy to validate such an assumption in the eyes of the people of Europe. The progress to that end has lately been heartening. But there would be an immediate retrogression if the Hoover policy were adopted. The Europeans, seeing the basic assumption undermined, would sink back into an apathy produced by an awareness of their helpless- ness. There would be, indeed, that lack of cohesion and unity in the free nations which the former President takes for granted on the basis, forsooth, of the interallied argu- ments in the United Nations. Adoption of the Hoover policy would ease the Stalinist task to such an extent that this country would find itself facing across an ocean (which Mr, Hoover still calls a “mot”’) a Ruasofied Western Europe. From Jefferson on no American statesman has been willing to accept such a prospect. Two world wars have been fought to prevent the Old Continent from falling under the sway of an aggressive power. Now the treatment is going to be different. The prevention of an attack has taken the place of reatstance to attack as the guiding principle of American foreign Policy. As Mr. Hoover says, “America is the major deterrent to the Kremlin's ambitions of world conquest,” but it js a deterrent only as it puts itself in a position which will both command the aid of allies and the safe- guarding of their bases and resources from conquest. It is strange that Mr. Hoover fails to see the need of collective prevention based upon a unified command. He has long been aware of the grand design of Stalinist aggression. He would fight if Stalin setzed the other rim of the Atlantic Ocean. The bold policy he eschews in the Atlantic he supports in the Pacific where there is less of a threat to the American interest and where the price is infinitely less precious to Moscow. The sum is that he would insure the very isolation which he fears will be forced upon this coun- try by the failure of the other free nations to defend themselves. The logic of the world situation, surely, is to do what is humanly possible to prevent such a failure—to show Europe as well as Moscow that we mean busi- ness, and not by sounding a half-hearted and defeatist warning bell, either. — [From the Washington (D. C.) Star of February 11, 1951] Mg. Hoover Misses THE MARK In his latest foreign policy talk Herbert Hoover retreats a bit from the position he took last December 20. In the earlier ad- dress he said he would not send another man or another dollar to Europe until the Europeans had created enough combat divi- sions to “erect a sure dam against the Red flood.” Mr. Hoover did not repeat that con- dition Friday night. Instead, he seemed willing to have this country proceed with the extension of aid in the form of arms. But he remains opposed to the idea of.sending any more American troops, in substantial numbers, at least, to Europe. Ono of Mr. Hoover's troubles is that he tends to fight make-believe battles. Thus in his talk Priday night he said: “There is a stark reality upon which our foreign poli- cles must be based. With any seeable land forces from non-Communist nations, even including the United States, a land offensive against the Communists could bring no mili- tary victory, no political conclusion.” That may be true. But it is not a “stark reality” if Mr. Hoover ts talking about our policy of aiding in the revival of Western Europe's military strength. That program has as its dual aim the creation of enough strength in the West to discourage a Russian attack, and, falling that, enough strength to keep the Russians from overrunning all of Europe. The program does not even remotely contem- plate a land offensive against the Commu- nists, and no responsible advocate of the program has ever made any such suggestion. So Mr. Hoover, on this score, is talking not about a stark reality but about an imaginary and unrealistic proposition. The same thing is true when he says that Communist armies can no more get to Wash- ington than any Allied armies can get to Moscow, and that no responsible military man denies these two conclusions. The an- swer to this, of course, is that no responstble military man, nor any other responsible per- son for that matter, has ever suggested that the force we hope to create in Western Europe is capable of getting to Moscow, No such thought is in anyone’s mind. The whole purpose is to prevent the Russians from invading Western Europe, not to invade Moscow, and when Mr. Hoover suggests the contrary he is simply setting up a straw man and then knocking him down. Beyond this, there is a tone of despair and Gefeatism about Mr. Hoover's speech which should not go unchallenged. He wants to concentrate on the air and sea arms of our defense, “The unbearable strain on our eco- nomic system,” he said, “vill come from try- ing to do five things at the sam» time. That 4s, to maintain armies in the Pacific; to build up an air force; a naval force; to furnish munitions to nations who are determined APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to defend themselves, and to send land armies to Europe. Our economy cannot carry this load for long.” But Mr. Hoover has said things like this, or very much like this, be ore. In his speech Friday night he pointed out that the Kremlin has under arms and in re- serve probably 300 divisions, with 30,000 tanks and 20,000 airplanes. And he recalled that in World War If, when Russia had no satellites, the Germans failed to overcome her with 240 well-equipped divisions. But at a comparable juncture in history—on No- vember 19, 1941, Just about 3 weeks before Pearl Harbor-——-he made another talk. Then he was opposing American intervention in the war against Hitler. He doubted that we could break the military stalemate in Eu- rope, and he pointed out that “we can now observe that Russia could not overcome the German Army, even with her 10,000,000 men, 20,000 tanks, 20,000 planes, fighting on her own soil behind her own fortifications with her transportation wholly overland and on inside lines.” It was an argument with an impressive and authoritative ring. But that German Army was chewed up and destroyed. Mr. Hoover, in that same address, did not believe we could send an army to Europe and defeat the Germans. He thought our free- doms would be lost and our economy ruined. We would need 6,000,000 to 8,000,000 Ameri- can boys in addition to the British, he said. It would take more than 6 years to build the necessary shipping. And no military expert believes we could land such an army in Eu- rope even if we got it overseas. In Mr. Hoover's judgment, it couldn’t be done. But we did it. These old errors are not dredged up to em- barrass the former President. All of us have made mistakes. The point is that, on the record, Mr. Hoover's crystal ball is filled with cracks and cloudy spots. He tends to think and counsel in terms of what we cannot do. We need to udopt a different approach. First, we must understand clearly what it is that we intend todo. Our intention is not to attack Moscow with lance armies, but to assist in defending Europe as an essential part of our own defense. And second, we should make up our minds that, to this end, we are going to do what we can do; that we are not going to let the fears and the doubts and the hesitations cause us to lose the battle by default. [From the Washington (D. C.) Post of Feb- ruary 12, 1951] QUESTION TO MR. HOOvER Former President Hoover should be called as a witness when the Senate Foreign Rela- tions and Armed Services Committees begin their joint hearings on the troops-for-Europe issue on Thursday if only for the clarification of one point. In his speech on Friday night Mr. Hoover seemed to imply that the United States could remain unscathed by supplying arms and munitions to Europe and preparing to overwhelm Soviet Russia by air and sea power if that country should attack Western Europe. But what of the American troops already in Germany? While Mr. Hoover noted that the two American divisions in Germany would become a part of the pro- posed North Atlantic Pact army, he seemed completely to forget them in outlining his strategy. Although these two divisions would not add substantial strength to the forces that General Etsenhower is trying to assemble for the defense of Western Europe, they would be enough to involve the United States in any “land war in Europe” that is likely to break out in the foreseeable future. Is it conceivable that this country would be con« tent to bomb and blockade Russia while two divisions of American boys were being wiped out by superior forces in central Europe? In the early days of World War II General MacArthur's troops in the Philippines were
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD left to their fate because there was no pos- sibility of reinforcing them. But the situa thon would be entirely diferent in Europe. With command of the sea and easy access to European ports, this country would never leave two divisions to be slaughtered, cap- tured or backed into the Atlantic without sending them reinforcements. Since. we should be in the land fighting from the beginning, therefore, would tt not be far better to join with our allies in build- ing up a defensive force as rapidly as pos- sible? The “stark reality” of the situation is that, ao long as the United States has an army of occupation in Germany, it is in effect 1n European power. Would Mr. Hoover have all the American soldiers in Germany brought back home immediately? Or does he regard them as being expendable? Food Situation im India EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. HOWELL OFr NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. HOWELL. Myr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I am in- eluding an article from the India News Bulletin entitled “Food Situation in In- dia,” which contains information which should be helpful to our consideration of the proposed sale or gift by our coun- try of a fairly large supply of grain to alleviate suffering among these people, and to evidence our sincere interest in aiding underprivileged peoples of the world, within our means. The article follows: {From the India News Bulletin of February ®, 1951] Foop Srruation ix Inpia—AN Economic ANALYSIS One of the first things the Government of free India did was to set an early target for achieving self-sufficiency in food. This ob- jective has been unfortunately retarded by @ eucceasion of natural calamities. To understand the food situation in India it Is necessary to bave an idea of the main crops and of the time they are harvested. Speaking generally, the “rabi” crops, namely, wheat, barley, and gram, ere harvested dur- ing the months of March, April, and May. The “kharif” crops—maize, jowar, and bajra (millets)—are harvested from Auguat to De- cember. Rice is on a diliferent footing. There are three crops, the main crop being the winter crop, which is harvested from November to January. The summer crop is negligible, but the autumn crop, from Sep- tember to November, represents a consider- able portion of the crop in the States of Bengal, Assam, Bihar, Origsa, and the Gan- getic Valley, which covers Uttar Pradesh. In Madras there are three crops, the first being harvested from September to January, the sécond from January to March and the third from April to June. The current food shortage {s due to the failure or anticipated failure of these three main crops. Droughts occurring in the north and central areas since the fourth week of September have caused considerable damage to the “kharif” and “rabl" crops. The rice crop in Bihar has been damaged, and the standing “rabt” crop is not satis. factory. In central India rice and millet crops have been affected to a great extent in wnirrigated areas, and the young “rabt” planta in many cases have withered away. In the Gangetic Valley the rice crop has been considerably damaged. The germination of “rabi” crops in unirrigated areas in this state is unsatisfactory. On the other hand, heavy rains and cy- clone during the third week of November 1950 caused considerable damage to winter rice in parts of West Bengal and Assam. The seriousness of the damage in Assam was ag- gravated by severe earthquakes. Added to these, locuat attacks and crop diseases have been reported from many areas. These ca- lamities are primarily responsible for a re- duction in the available supplies of food grains from local production to as low as $8,000,000 tons in the calendar year 1041. TOTAL NEED Even before partition of the country, India wag a net importer of food grains. Imports were mainly rice from Burma, Thailand, and Indochina. The net amount of food grains available for consumption before partition averaged about 53,500,000 tons a year. Aver- age annual production locally was about 62,000,000 tons, and average antiua} net im~- ports were about 1,500,000 tons. These fig- ures do not include avatiable supplies for some of the Indian states ruled formerly by Indian princes, as statistics are not avatiable for those states. However, it may be esti- mated roughly that the supplies from these areas averaged annually about 6,000,000 tons, Thus the average available supplies for con- sumption for the whole of India before par- tition was about 60,000,000 tons annually. If the Republic of India were to maintain the level of consumption that prevailed be- fore the partition of the country, available supplies should be over 48,000,000 tons. Es- timated available supplies of food grains through local production for the calendar years 1948, 1049 and 1950, were 43,700,000, 42,800,000, and 43,300,000 tons, respectively. Imports of food grains during the same pe- riod were 2,800,000, 3,700,000, and 2,200,000 tons, respectively. Average annual con- sumption since 1948, taking Into considera- tion changes in government stocks, may be estimated at 46,000,000 tons. The nature of this consumption ls characterized by ration- ing of food grains in cities and small towns. If rationing ts to be discontinued the net avaliable supplies for the present popula- tion of India should be over 48,000,000 tons annually. The year 1951 is a critical year for India as the hopes of an estimated increase tn pro- duction during the 1950-51 season have been upset owing to natural calamities. Esti- mated production for 1961 1s only 88,000,000 tons, Government stocks are at a record low level. The Government of India has been compelled in this situation to reduce the ration of food grains from 12 ounces to 9 ounces per day per adult, The number of people who will come under this scheme of rationing is expected to be 125,000,000 in 1961. The Government of India, about the mid- die of 1950, expected to import about 4,000,- 000 tons in 1951 not only to tncrease the ration but also to build up reserves. How- ever, when the prospect of available supplies of food in 1951 deteriorated considerably, the Government estimated that about 10,000,000 tons of grain would be necessary to enable it to meet its ration obligations in 1951. Out of this quantity, about 3,600,000 tons is ex- pected to be procured locally and about 6,800,000 tons will have to be imported. Un- leas this quantity arrives in India during the year 1951, more than 60 percent of which should be available before June, the Gov- ernment will not be able to prevent wide- spread famine in the country. FOOD VERBUS MONEY CROPS A misunderstanding exists in some quar~ ters that the Government of India has re- ATI8 duced acreage under food crops in order to grow more cotton and jute. The facts are: Food acreage was increased from 180,500,- 000 acres in 1948-49 to 195,600,000 acres in 1949-80, The area ander cammercial crops, including jute and cotton, during the same period rose from 41,500,000 to 48,000,000 acres, Thus, while the food acreage in 1 year increased by 6,000,000 acres, area under money crops by 1,500,000 acres only. The increase was made possible by the govern- ment’s land reclamation projects. It may be pointed out here that the total cultivable wasteland in the country 1s 68,000,000 acres. Official plans aim at reclaiming 42,000,000 acres, The increase in Juve and cotton acreage ls negligible compared to the total acreage under food grains. The total cotton acreage (i. @., 11,498,000) 1s only 5 percert of the total food acreage (1. e., 195,507,000). The total area under jute (1, 6., 1,158,000) is only 0.5 percent. If only the increase jis cansid- ered, the figures are: cotton 0.3 percent and jute 0.25 percent of the total food acreage. Besides all cultivatable land is not sultable for food production. The determining fac- tors are the level of the land, accessibility of water, etc. Therefore, 1t does not follow that merely because a certain acreage has been put under jute or cotton, that much land is dented to food grains. It may also be pointed out that jute is one of India’s most important industries which earns nearly 45 percent of her dollar ex- change. India can hardly afford to starve it. When India and Pakistan were one coun- try, there was no difficulty; thongh most of the raw material came from what ts now Pakistan and the mills were in India. What India is doing now is merely to insure a reasonable supply of raw material for the industry. BELY-SUFFICIENCY TARGET The Government's policy continues to be the attainment of self-sufficiency tn food grains by March 31, 1052. Land improve- ment echemes and reclamation projects are ing satiefactorily. Irrigation schemes, main plank of the “grow more food campaign,” are being put tnto operation. If there is no grave calamity in 1961, such as widespread failure of crops, it ts that large imports of food grains will be dis- continued by the target date. Any import of food graing after that date will be to build up a central reserve which will serve as a buffer stock. Roger Baldwin Accuses Us of Confusion— Reveals Himself Neck Deep in Con- fusion EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD B. WIGGLESWORTH OW MASBACHUBETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks. I include an article appearing in the een Herald under date of February 2, Tas Is How I Saez Ir—Rocer Barpwin Ac- cusses Us on Conrusion—Reveats HimsrLy Nxox Desr mv Conrusion (By W. 5. Mullina) Roger Baldwin, @ somewhat vocal advocate of civil Mberties, has written some letters to the Mall Bag chiding me for some comment
A714 here on his activities on behalf of the op- pressed and downtrodden. During the past few years he has been on a semi-government mission in Germany and Japan alerting our enemies to their civil rights. The gist of the comment here was an ex< fression of bewilderment at the processes of @ government that could do no better than send & draft dodger and a notorious Com~ munist and Soviet sympathizer to teach our enemies the ideals and the priceless benefits of all phases of freedom. With Baldwin's right to object to what was written here I have no objection. His views are welcome. Nevertheless, buried in his first letter was an insinuation that I was confused. This assertion merits some ex- amination in an effort to ascertain which of us really is confused. Baldwin's letter contained a denial that he ever was a draft dodger. He said he had been sent to jail for being a conscientious objector. In his college year book he wrote: “When I was called in the draft, I refused to submit, was prosecuted at New York, and sent to prison for a year.” Let us ignore the circumstance that the patriotic young man who was drafted to fill the call to which Baldwin turned a deaf ear may have Jost his life in the war. I ask for an analysis of the difference between draft evasion and conscientious objection. In the final analysis it’s all the same. The Army needed a recruit. The citizen called refused to answer, I merely made the point that this adminis- tration must have been able to select a better representative of Americanism than a citizen who was sent to prison for refusing to hasten to its ald in its hour of need. CLASS POSITION CITED In another statement Baldwin once de- elared: “But I also became a pacifist, opposed to iolence in all forms,” He stated: “As & pacifist, I opposed the war.” Now, that would seem to establish this particular bleeding heart as a genuine pacifist, so peace- ful that he went to prison before he'd shoulder ea rifle. T dug up an article he once wrote for Soviet Russia Today, a magazine in the in- terest of—guess who? He wrote: “Those of ua who champion civil liberties in the United States and who at the same time support the proletarian dictatorship of the Soviet Union are charged with incon- sistency and insincerity. ‘How can you con- sistently support the right of free agitation in capitalist countries when you defend a dictatorship that tolerates no agitation against its rule?’ we are asked. * * * “Everybody takes a class position, con- ciously or unconsciously. * * * All my associates in the struggle for civil liberties take a class position, though many don’t know it. * * * “I, too, take a class position. It is anti- capitalist and prorevolutionary. I believe in nonviolent methods of struggle as most effec- tive in the long run for butlding up success- ful working class power. Where they can- not be followed * * * only violent tac- tics remain. I champion civil liberty as the best of the nonviolent means of building the power on which workers’ rule inust be based. If I aid the reactionaries to get free speech now and then, if I go outside the class struggle to fight against censorship, it is only because those liberties help to create a more hospitable atmosphere for working class lib- erties. The class struggle is the central con« flict of the world; all others are incidental,” NOW WHO'S CONFUSED? “When the power of the working class is once achieved as it has been only in the Soviet Union, I am for maintaining it by any means whatsoever. Dictatorship is the obvi- ous means in a world of enemies, at home and abroad.” champions of civil liberties who went to prison because, he said, as a pacifist he was opposed to all violence. In his magazine article he admitted that he would pursue nonviolent methods but where these are not successful only violent tactics remain, Later on he conceded that when the working class had grasped power, “I am for maintaining it by any means whatsoever.” Look what has charged me with being confused. In another part of his protest he pointed out that his defense of the Communist leaders who were convicted of trying to over- throw the Government was not his personal view but the view of the Civil Liberties Union, of which he is national chairman. This finger pointer is entirely unconcerned about Baldwin's fantastic philosophies which seem to change with the weather. The facts are that he refused to bear arms for his coun- try when it was in distress and that he is, on the record, a notorious Soviet sympathizer. I thought 1 month ago and I think today that it was preposterous to give him even the slightest measure of status as an agent of this Government because I do not be- lieve him to be capable of giving true ex- pression to our genuine ideals. It is entirely characteristic of this administration that he should be so dignified. He is one of the best exhibits of Communist sympathizer in Government, aan ed St. Lawrence Seaway Is a Peril to Pennsylvania EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, we who reside in Pennsylvania regard the St. Lawrence seaway and power project as the greatest threat faced by the in- dustrial life of our Commonwealth. On February 11, 1951, John Cum- mings, in his column in the Philadelphia Inquirer, spells out this threat to Penn- sylvania in the following article: REAL SEAWAY EMERGENCY Is PERIL TO PENNSYLVANIA (By John M. Cummings) WasHINGTON, February 10.—Advocates of the proposed St. Lawrence seaway and power project have seized on the national emer- gency a8 an argument calculated to induce Congress to approve a scheme that has either been sidetracked or defeated outright every time it has been brought up on Capitol Hill. The most sanguine supporters of the proj- ect concede it would take at least 4 years to complete it’ and then, because of weather conditions in that part of the country, it would be frozen to uselessness § months of the year. For this the taxpayers would be called on to provide countless millions at a time of loud and persistent clamor to limit major construction to projects directly con- cerned with defense, The two United States Senators from Pennsylvania, Ep MagTin and Jim Durr, are unalterably opposed to the seaway. Like other statesmen associated with the opposi- tion, they see, among other things, the like- Mhood that the seaway would have a blight- ing influence on such major eastern ports as New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Now, here is one of the more notorious a In the South there is opposition because of the detrimental effect it would have on New Orleans, Houston, Galveston, Mobile, and other Gulf ports. Nevertheless, the advocates of the seaway are more optimistic than at any time since the project was first launched more than 50 years ago. The Power Authority of the State of New York is for it because the sea- way has been linked with power development. In a recent report to the New York Legisla-. ture the authority stated that if the project is once more defeated it is prepared to pro- ceed with power development in the St. Law- rence in conjunction with the Canadian Gov-~ ernment, There is no serious objection to the power development. It's the seaway that stands at the center of the controversy. Congress is being told that with the Mesabi Range in Minnesota rapidly reaching the point of exhaustion, iron ore from Labrador is the one hope of the steel industry in the Middle West. To get this ore to the mills the sea- way offers low-cost transportation, so thé argument runs. In other days supporters of the’ seaway were content to picture the prospect of sea- going vessels proceeding inland to Chicago and other cities along the lnkes. This, of course, was a frank threat to the ports along the Atlantic seaboard and naturally the reaction was swift and strong. Now, however, you find the seaway men on a different tack. It must be bullt because we are in an emergency period. President Truman long has been listed among the sup- porters of the project. It is not surprising, therefore, to find General Marshall and Sec- retary of State Acheson tossing their influ- ence in the direction of the gigantic boon- doggling program. Benator Martin recalled today that while he was governor of Pennsylvania he fought the proposal every time it was advanced. On one occasion he sent his secretary of commerce down here to record the feeling of his administration at a public hearing. “I was against this thing right along and I am against it now,” said the Senator. “It can have no beneficial effect on the emer- gency we are facing. Not only that, it could prove a death blow to the railroads which must have freight to carry if they are to exist. And to my mind the continued ex- istence of the railroads is vastly more im- portant than a seaway that would be useless 5 months out of every 12.” Senator Jim Durr was equally emphatic in his opposition. “I'll have no part of it,” said Big Red. “It promises nothing of lasting good to the country.” A consistent opponent of the plan is Sen- ator CONNALLY, of Texas, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. This committee handled seaway legislation in the past because it is necessary to work out the scheme on a treaty basis with Canada. Pennsylvania's stake in this thing is enor- mous. It is important enough to engage the attention of Governor Fine and Mayor Sam- uel—and the Chamber of Commerce of Philadelphia as well as the Pittsburgh cham- ber. Qualified observers in Washington report the emergency argument is making head- way. If the opposition doesn’t express itself soon and forcefully we might wake up one of these fine mornings to discover the job had been accomplished. Buffalo, N. Y., long an opponent of the seaway, is weakening. It was fearful its huge grain business would be lost to the city. Now the city is told it will soon need new sources of iron ore and it had better shift positions, There is an emergency in this situation, all right. It applies to Pennsylvania per- haps more than to any other State. It might be of interest to the Fine adminis- tration and the chambers of commerce to know it's later than they think.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Lincoln and the Press ee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. M. G. BURNSIDE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE MOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. BURNSIDE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I am including an article ap- pearing in the Washington Post, Wash- ington, D. C., on February 11, 1951: His GEenenats Were Less PaTIZNT—LINCOLN ENDURED A RABID PRESS (By J. R. Wiggins) The appearance of this thoughtful book is well-timed. Its Civil] War examples of news- paper behavior in a time of unparalleled crisis are instructive to newspapermen again struggling with the difficult problems of & national emergency. Its story of military and civil government reactions to newspaper policies is equally valuable reading for ofi- clals who have to deal with a free press in wartime. The instruction in both cases consists often of examples of what to avoid. The Civil War President, for the most part, exhibited an amazing patience and restraint in dealing with a dissident press that was shockingly irresponsible in its criticism as well as with newspapers of al] political faiths that seemed to have no security conscious- ness whatever, Military commanders, on the other hand, proceeded against editors in a manner that was often summary and arbitrary, although the provocation was sometimes very great. Would we, in the midst of armed rebellion, with military operations in the heart of the country, preserve as well the freedom of the press, countenance as patiently the most vio- lent criticism, endure as calmly real hard- ships resulting from the luxury of individual freedom? For all the bad spots in the Civil War record that Harper relates, !t is a sober- ing question. Mr. Harper's great contribution {fs not in divulging tho new and novel facts about Lin- coln’s relationship with the press. Although he has unearthed some things new to this re- viewer, it is the orderly arrangement of in- formation hitherto available only in a dis- persed form that makes this book valuable. Lincoln's relationships with newspaper edit..rs were very close, as this atudy makes clear. He understood the press. He knew how to use it. He did not hesitate to put his own writing into the press. He tried to influence others. He had a realistic and practical notion of newspaper propaganda. The lis’ of newspapermen Lincoln appoint- ed to Federal office is a very long one. It reflecta Lincoln's wide acquaintanceship among newspapermen and it reveals the ac- tive political role of most editors of the day. Greeley, of course, is the outstanding ex- ample of the politician-editor. Another is Henry J. Raymond, editor of the New York Times, who was chairman of the platform committee in the convention that gave Lin- coln his second nomination. The Civil War government made some bad mistakes in its press relations, however. W. H. Russell of the London Times was denied an Arry pass and virtually driven from the country for a falr and objective story of Bull Run that was too accurate for admin- istration comfort. Dennis A. Mahony, editor of the Herald at Dubuque, Iowa, was seized by a Federal marshal, in the dead of night, and whisked away to prison in Washington, without charge. ©. OC. Fulton, editor of the Baltimore Amer- ican, Only newspaper friend of the adminis- tration in Baltimore, was jailed in Fort Mo- Henry for a schedule he sent the Associated Press, heralding the peninsular campaign as 5 great success just when it was bogging own. General Burnside seized the Chicago Times because it favored slavery and released it only on President Lincoln's order. Editor Wharton, proadministration owner of the Parkersburg Gazette, criticized the condition of the troops of Gen. David Hunter, in an editorial. He was jailed, his newspaper was seized and offending copies burned, his office was ransacked and all its records de- gtroyed at Hunter's direction. A forged AP dispatch cavsed President Lincoln to order the arrest of the editors of the Sew York Journal of Commerce and the World and the suppression of the papers. These actions were reconsidered when the culprit was found. The military, in hundreds of cases, pro- ceeded summarily against newspapers. No distinction was made, in many instances, be- tween expression of opinion and reports of the news. Giving comfort to the enemy, in many cases, consisted of giving him the comfort of agreeing with him. The situation was bad enough so that former President Franklin Pierce was moved to say, ‘Even here in the loyal States, the mailed haud of military usurpation strikes down the Mberties of the people, and its foot tramples on a desecrated Constitution.” On the other hand, Samuel Medary con- tinued his attacks on the Government throughout the war, up until his death, relatively unmolested. Newspaper attacks on Lincoln reached incredible violence just before his renomination. Not only the Cop- perhead press but newspapers hitherto friendly to Lincoln assailed him in the most savage terms. Censorship of news dispatches filed in Washington was one of the most contro- versial press issues of the Civil War period. It began in April, 1861, and was badly han- dled, directly by the Treasury, the War De- partment, State Department, and then War Department again. Finally it resulted in Congressional inquiry. The House Judictary Committee, on March 20, 1862, resolved that “the Government shall not interfere with the free transmission of intelligence by telegraph, when the same will not aid the enemy in his military or naval operations, or give him information con- cerning such operations on the part of the Government.” The House agreed and gave its support to the principle of unobstructed military news in wartime, notwithstanding the fact that hostile troops were not far away across the Potomac. Harper tells the story of the preas and the Gettysburg Address most interestingly. He oltes the Chicago Times’ “diswatery utter- ances,” editorial and others. He also points out, however, that the address was widely published (because of its very brevity), and that it was recognized at the time by the Springfield Republican, the Ohio State Journal and others as a great document. Tue New Yoru Henatp of Sunday, April 16, 1865, after Lincoln's assassination, made the inevitable charge: “It is as clear as day that the real origin of this miserable act is to be found in the fiendish and malignant spirit developed and fostered by the rebel press, North and South. That press has, in the most devilish manner, urged men to the commission of this very deed.” This certainly was not the sober Judgment of the country. It indicates, however, the violence and malevolence of the newspaper criticiams that Lincoln endured. That he submitted to it rather than impair rights he highly prized and well understood is not the least of bis claims to greatness and to _ A715 the gratitude of subsequent generations of Americans. No press could be more irresponsible or partisan than some of the Civil War sheets. No threat to the Nation could be more im- mediate and direct. Somehow or other, a free press and a free country both survived. It was a feat of statesmanship pregnant with interest in a day when it seems equally diffi- euit to defend freedom witbout abandoning A Retired General of the Marine Corps Speaks EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WINT SMITH OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr, SMITH of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, perhaps the greatest fallacy which con- fuses the people today in the matter of national defense is simply this—when our chief military leaders in the Armed Forces speak before Congress and to the press, they are not expressing their own independent judgment. They speak for a policy as laid down by their Command- er in Chief. Consequently, we have seen it in the past that the Eisenhowers and the Marshalls are selected to make pub- lic statements because of their so-called high prestige and popularity with the people. I am sure that the people expect and demand that on the battle fronts some one man or general must make the final decision. But in the field of diplomacy or foreign affairs, I am sure our top mil- jtary leaders should not be made to make public statements in these fields. We are still a republic and the Consti- tution very wisely put the approval of treaties in the hands of the Senate and the power to declare war in the Con- gress. The people are demanding an answer to just what is to be our policy in the matter of national defense. They full well know we have had no established policy in foreign ¢ffairs except to try to buy with tax dollars a false economy and well-being. A righ-ranking officer flew to Europe to evaluate their will to fight. We are informed Luxemburg has a battalion. From France, this general flew to Italy but he did not stop in Spain, the only country in Europe which has fought communism. Did he bypass Spain on orders, because there are in Spain 400,- 000 troops that would fight. The Marine Corps has always been the elite of our combat furces. Their motto, Semper Fidelis, has always been carried out and it is still the bright star in our fighting forces in Korea, even though some men in high places say they are simply a “police force.” Let us take a look at what Lt. Gen. P. A. del Valle, USMC, retired, has to say. General del Valle served more than 30 years in the Marine Corps and ts a graduate of the Naval Academy. He has also served as naval attaché at many foreign embassies in Europe.
A716 You will find his open letter to the President most interesting and thought- provoking. The letter follows: Bornos Arres, ARGENTINA, December 18, 1950. The Parswenr or tue Unrrep States oF AMERICA, White House, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Present: Because we ordi- nary citizens in a free Republic have the duty of expressing our opinions to those who are elected to serve us in government, I have «10 honor to communicate to you the following comments upon your public emergency speech of December 15, 1950. First, there can be little disagreement with the declaration that our homes, our nation, and all the things we believe in are in danger, and that this danger was created by the rulers of the Soviet Union. This establishes a frank and clear distinction between these rulers and tho oppressed Russian people, as well as the Chinese people, and the other enslaved peoples of Central Europe which the masters of the Kremlin rule with but ill- disguised illusions of sovereignty. The very fact of this belated acknowledgement by the head of our free Republic will, of itself, bring a breath of hope to those suffering millions under the Kremlin's heel who are our true allies. There has been a notable reluctance to drive this natural wedge on the part of yourself and of your Department of State in sharp contrast to the course of ac- tion we once pursued in countries overcome by Hitler. It is to be hoped that hence- forth, having made public recognition of this distinction and of its implications, you will pursue the logical policy of aiding and abetting the guerrilla forces and other under- ground movements which the desperate slaves of the Soviets everywhere maintain, which heretofore have been completely ig- nored. It was scarcely to be expected that the chief executive would so far take the ordinary citizens into his confidence as to admit to them that the policies pursued by himself and by his Department of State, and by his predecessor in office are largely responsible for the present unfavorable juxtaposition of forces, moral, political, and military which constitute the danger of which he speaks, to our homes, our Nation, and all the things we believe in. The secret agreements at Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam; the admission of the Kremlin in Tokyo to a victory they had not won in & war they had themselves helped to incite; the leftist policy in China, which rejected the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek in favor of the agrarian re- formers who are now slaying our sons in Korea; the soft policy toward our own com- munistic traitors at home; the lackadaisical security with regard to our atomic secrets; all these things, Mr. President, can be laid at the door of the White House advisers. It had been a great and noble thing, and of great promise to the Nation if you had seen At to sketch into the picture this back- ground of all our woes as now painted. Secondly, Mr. President, I find myself in- volved in an incomprehensible muddle when examining the steps whereby you propose to meet this, our very dangerous situation. 1, To uphold, with arma, the principles of the United Nations, when that body includes Soviet Russia and most of its satellites, and very likely will shortly contain the Chinese Communists who are the immediate cause of our discomfiture, leaves one in very grievous doubt that your policy has changed at all, The United Nations, like its predecessor, the League of Nations, has served chiefly as a means of confusing our national patriotism and watering it with communistic interna- tionalism, while draining away the real wealth of this country in grants of aid to tottering Socialist governments upon whose assistance we certainly cannot count in this our dark hour, and who even now pretend that everything is our fault, in Korea and in the whole world. Meanwhile they demand ever greater assistance, first economic re- covery and now military supplies and equip- ment, while refusing to allow the arming of the one nation which could really defend Europe, Germany, and rejecting the only hope of a beachhead in Europe, Spain. The time has come to speak plainly, Mr. President. We should no longer form part of an internationalist body whose influence has been the very reverse of peaceful. It has failed in its purpose of keeping the peace, not once, but a dozen times. It failed to save the satellites which the Kremlin has ab- sorbed; it failed to prevent the torture of Mindszenty; or to effect the release of Robert Vogeler. It failed to prevent the assaults on Greece directed by the Kremlin. It does not serve notably as a shield in the coming ad- vances against the Near East and Asia, nor does it permit Turkey to disarm and go about its lawful occasions. It did not pre- vent the political Zionists from seizing Arab territories in Palestine, leaving a million Arabs homeless; and it did not prevent the rape of Korea with its aftermath, nor indeed the absorption of China by the Politbureau. It has not kept the Kremlin from preventing peace in Europe. It now serves only to make us weak and indecisive because of our in- volvements in it. When we should be strong in the knowledge that right makes might, we are listening to an ally’s plea to recognize the power of Mao over the suffering Chinese masses because might makes right in the bright new lexicon of socialism. 2. We shall continue to work with other free nations to strengthen our combined de- fenses, you say, is your second point. This is a vague and disquieting pronouncement, as the only interpretation we can put on it is that you intend to continue your costly policy of minding everyone else's business before our own, The fact that the next point was third instead of second gives color to this interpretation. 3. We shall build up our own forces and weapons and those of our allies. An after- thought of the provision to work with other free nations is to arm ourselves, and then only concurrently with arming these allies. I submit that we had better mind our own business first, and then that of these so- called allies. These allies against whose en< tanglements George Washington warned us, and who have manufactured weapons for centuries and used them in their eternal quarrels are perfectly capable of arming themselves—if they really mean to fight. The internal situation within most of them and their reaction to the proposals for re- armament of Germany and Spain give ample reason to doubt that these people do have any intention to fight. With us there is no choice, we have got to fight. Let us, then, arm. ourselves. If any arming of allies is going to be done then the first arms should go to Chiang Kal- shek, who has an army of over half a million trained men, and the anti-Communist guer- rillas in China, who number over a million. The arms should go to them, and to Spain, which aits behind the Pyrenees with another army of nearly a half million, and which can put another equal number into the field on short notice; and to West Germany, with whose divisions our success in Europe would be assured; and to General Anders, whose influence with Polish groups could be deci- sive; and to the millions in the Ukraine, to whom a few dropped or smuggled weapons, mere token that they are not forgotten, would mean the birth of a new hope, and a thorn in the side of the police state which now rules them. All this would be merely a belated attempt to undo the harm done by your policies and those of your predeces- sor. The chief thing is to change the line of action which has been pursued from that of an unstable indecisive internationalist APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD misalliance into a dynamic, American, force- ful one. 4. In the fourth place, you plan to ex- pand our economy and keep it on an even keel. This is an altogether laudable and acceptable objective, since the war effort will, as it always has, depend upon the national economic strength. This strength has been dissipated by grants and gifts to all and sundry, both by your own and your predeces- sor’s governments, and viciously attacked from within by the leftists, who abhor capi- talism. Both your own and your predeces- sor’s governments further weakened our economy by & malicious and deliberate grant of excessive power to irresponsible labor leaders. The right of free Americans to work when and where they like has been seriously curtailed, and the right of free Americans to hire whom they please, when and how they please, has been beset by Socialist measures such as FEPC, which you saw fit to press upon us, even at the eleventh hour; and similar socialistic adventures calculated to destroy capital, which is the heart blood of the economy which you now say you want to strengthen. The very methods of taxation in vogue are designed for the destruction of capital, as Karl Marx himself foretold in ad- vocating the income tax. John Marshall once said: “The power to tax is the power to destroy.” In the use of this power your Gov- ernment and that of your predecessor have tended indeed to destroy, not to strengthen capital and the economy which depends up- on it. Let us turn away from this evil and destructive policy and we shall indeed strengthen economy. That the policy is not to change is implied in the immediate establishment of controls within the state of emergency, and the in- tention to increase the already almost un- bearable taxes, but not*to control or reduce the expensive Socialist experiments, sup- ports, grants, etc., and the excessive govern- mental interference with the life and com- merce of the citizens; nor to cease the out- pouring of our wealth abroad. Is the emer- gency then, merely to become a cover for the continuation and extension of the socialization of this Republic, which will then become as impotent and as ripe for communism as are the Socialist governments of Europe, and as are all Socialist govern- ments everywhere? The man who labors will have no choice of wage, after controls, nor the citizen any freedom of choice whose buying and selling of goods is the real barometer of prices. Omniscient Government employees, filled with thelr power and importance, are to hold at bay the play of the free and natural forces of supply and demand. The demand for labor raises the price of that commodity just as all the others, in relation to the available supply. The modern King Canute will now order the tides to recede. Thus the economy is to be kept on an even keel and headed for the rocks of socialism, You have the opportunity, Mr. President, of Baving the American Republic and the entire Christian world from disaster and even destruction. If the men who surround you and counsel you have proved to be wrong thus far, and are indeed responsible for the s‘ameful position we now occupy, can you not grant us, as a token of your good inten- tions, at least a change in your advisory personnel? The men of Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam: the men who guided our Far East affaira into the present debacle; the men who would sacrifice the American Republic to inter- national socialism—are not these men still at your elbow? The time has run out, Mr. President, and we are at war. Your actions will decide whether we live or perish, and the time is now. Most respectfully, P. A. dew Vautz, Lieutenant General, United States Marine Corps (Retired).
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Roral Housing Program EXTENSION OF ‘REMARKS HON. ROBERT E. JONES, JR. OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. JONES of Alabama, Mr. Speaker, recently I was privileged to read an arti- cle in the Florence Times, of Fidrence, Ala.,, which described how the Farm Housing Act of 1949 increased the food- production possibilities of one of my con- stituents. It was because my studies on the need for better farm housing showed that there were hundreds of thousands of families such as the Benny Comers described in this article that I first be- gan working for the passage of this act. It was because we knew that such an act could bring the same great improve- ment in the life and efficiency of many such farm families that men like Sen- ator SPARKMAN and Senator Hr joined me in sponsoring this act. I would like for all of you to read the story of the Benny Comer family as it was printed {n the Times, because to each of you who joined with me in sup- porting this legislation, it should provide visible proof that the things we do here in Congress are good things: RuraL Housine Procram Is BriGHTENING Famiiy’s Lire (By Bill Cade) Christmas will be a whole lot brighter in at least one home in Lauderdale County this year, because there are new windows in which to hang wreaths, a new hardwood floor on which to set the traditional Christmas tree, a new and modern kitchen in which to pre- pare the traditional cakes and cookies and even a new chimmey—in fact the whole house is new. To some, it might seem a little facetious to intone so much enthusiasm into a descrip- tion of a new home, but this particular home could not be considered ordinary. But let's start at the beginning, and in this particular story in the Farmers Home Administration series, tell about a family which has already moved into ita Govern- ment-financed home. Back in 1947, three short years ago, W. B. “Benny” Comer, his wife, two sons, and daughter, moved onto a 40-acre farm in the Rogersville community, which Mr. Comer had purchesed for $4,600. On this farm the Comers found a much- used weather-beaten frame howse out of which to make a home. They were anxious to start nourishing the earth to reap its harvests so they moved right into the exist- ing building. By January of 1950, “Benny” had his orig- inal loan on the farm about half paid. He and his wife had worked hard to feed, clothe, and educate their children and save enough money to decrease thelr indebtedness from 04,600 to $2,300 in that length of time. They had heard about the relatively new aid to farmers through the Farmers Home Administration. Upon investigation and after talking with authorities on the subject, the Comers discovered that they were eligi~ ble for a loan to build a new home, 8o on January 16, 1950, application for a $5,000 loan was filed. After due processing, including Government appraisal, the loan was granted in June, 1950. The house was built under the scrutiny of a construction engineer who supervised the job from fts foundation to completion. ‘ benefits from it. After 3 months of anxious walting the Comers moved into their new home with all the modern oonveniences—literally, a few years from their original home, but figura- tively, miles away in terms of improved standard of living. And the repayment of the loan fs not working any hardships for this family. The Joan rune for a period of 83 years, with 4 percent interest on the unpaid balance. This figures to annual payments of 8275.60, including both interest and principal, or $23.96 per month, Still, the Comers are not satisfied. They yet have a lot of ambition and are anxious to improve their standard of living more and more, fo the next target for improvement is their farming land. Mr. Comer plans to develop his farm in order to reap the full And he js considering another type loan which the Government makes especially for those interested in farm improvement. At present, “Benny” 1s only a part-time farmer, deriving some of his income from working in a store. In addition to his 35 acres of row crops, he haa five acres of pas- ture on which he raises dairy cattle and pro- duces grade B milk, another source of income. It 1s the purpose of the Government, in making its Farmers Home Administration loans, to provide farmers and thelr families standard housing with modern equipment and design on long-term payments which they can repay without jeopardizing their standard of living. The “Benny” Comers at Rogersville are one of the several families who think the FHA loans are wonderful, In Mrs. Comer’s words concerning their loan—‘It’s the Anest thing that has ever happened. I don't know when we would have boen able to build if it had not been for the FHA loan.” With the original house still in plain view from their modern home, the Comers have only to look backward to count their blessings. Yes, Christmas will be a whole lot brighter for the Comers, and the future does not look so dim itself, Mr. Speaker, the Times article, of course, described only what happened with one of the many families whch have been helped by this legislation. In the 13 months since the first loan under this act was made, there have been a total of 6,882 families like the Comers. These 6,882 families received a total of $30,000,000 in credit. About 2,000 of these families have already completed their construction, like the Comers, and are now living in their new homes. Over 4,000 others are now building, repairing, or remodeling their homes or other farm buildings, and will soon be happy in their own new surroundings. About 500 others have received their loans so re- cently that they have progressed no far- ther than the selection of plans or the ordering of materials. Soon, however, they too will have new homes, But the story does not stop there. We have authorized the loaning of many millions in addition during the next 2 years, and the steady flow of applicants to the Farmers Home Administration offices tell us that this additional loan fund will still be necessary if we want the farmers in our home districts to enjoy healthy, sanitary, efficient-work- ing surroundings. Latest figures from the Parmers Home Administration indi- cate that they have recelved over 80,000 applications, so they have actually made loans to less than 20 percent of the fam- A717 ilies who have asked for this type of as- sistance. But that is the national picture. I am far more familiar with what is hap- pening in my own eighth congressional district, where I have some 28,000 farms among my constituency. In this area we have already helped 77 families have bet- ter buildings on their farms, and 80 of these are already living in their new quarters. Of the 77, 66 have been for new dwellings, 4 have made major re- pairs to existing dwellings, and 12 have added necessary buildings other than dwellings. Some of these latter 12 also had repairs or new construction on their homes. The average loan made to a farmer in the eighth district was only $5,479, somewhat lower than we had anticipated in view of the fact that almost 85 per- cent of the money went for entirely new construction. Despite the very evident need for ma- terials and labor to be diverted to war construction, it Js equally important that we have the food which this Nation needs to build a strong defense. Our farmers will produce more efficiently if their buildings help maintain the family’s health or make their work easier. As we draft more and more men into the military services, we must depend on the womenfolk on our farms to help produce the cotton, wool, meat, grains, and vege- tables we need. An efficient kitchen where the farm wife can do her house- work quickly and effectively will let her have more time to work in the crops. A new barn on the farm may make it pos- sible for the farmer to add a few more dairy cows or a few more hogs to give us more milk or meat. How much is it costing the Govern- ment to provide this more healthful, more sanitary, more efficient construc- tion, and to make it possible to increase food production for the war effort by providing farmers with the credit they need for new buildings? That average of $5,479 per dwelling is not a cost figure, because this money is loaned the farm- ers, and most or perhaps all of it will be repaid, plus interest. The program is too young, yet, to have anything too definite as to repayment records; but we have seen enough figures to date to see a defi- nite trend established. In the eighth dis- trict, the 77 borrowers—or rather those of them who have scheduled repayments due as yet—have already repaid 103 per- cent of the matured principal, plus in- terest. For the whole State of Alabama the record is even better, with 127 per- cent of matured indebtedness paid. In nearby Georgia the Hubert Herndon family, who received their housing loan just a year ago and were allowed 33 years in which to complete repayments on it, have already repaid their loan in full. How much ts this program worth to America? I sincerely believe that a farm family will work harder, make more money, and fight to maintain a farm home ti—should adversity strike—that farm home is a comfortable and attractive one. Xf the place is dilapidated and run down, or if it lacks the modern conveniences which
A718 make living worth while in America, the family {s more likely to have an “Qh, what is the use?” attitude. They have less reason to desire to farm efficiently, participate in community affairs, or to share their homes with friends. I also believe the rural church and the rural schools will benefit by this new housing program, Indirectly, perhaps, but the church or the school is no better than the component individuals who make up its congregation or assembly. The child will take more interest in its studies and do a better job of preparing its homework where there is a good light~ ing system in the home. There will be less chance to pass disease from one scholar to another if the sources of some of these diseases are wiped out by home improvements. There will be a better comradeship among the pupils if the child feels he can bring his companions home to also enjoy the modern conveni- ences. And the church, depending as it does upon contributions from persons who attend, will find that with the pros- perity of a new home or more efficient farming butldings, the farmer can come to church more regularly and contribute more to its upkeep. In the 4-year program set up by the Housing Act of 1949, a total of $2'75,000,- 000 was authorized for rural-housing loans, and this would make it possible for an estimated 140,000 farm families to have more adequate housing than in the past. With half the Nation’s farm popu- lation in the South, and with the housing problems more acute in the South than elsewhere in the Nation, it is estimated that somewhere near 75,000 southern farm families will have better housing under this program within the next 4 years, A thousand or more of these probably will be in north Alabama. Cautious Optimism EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLARENCE E. KILBURN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1952 Mr, KILBURN. Mr. Speaker, nearly every thoughtful person who is unbiased in the matter now feels that the St. Lawrence seaway and power project should be built. Our national defense would be greatly strengthened and if it is put on a self-liquidating basis it would eventually through the years pay for itself many times over. Mr. Charles E. Wilson's statement on the matter is heartening. The following is an edito- rial from the Watertown Daily Times, of Watertown, N. Y., whose editors have given thoughtful study over the years to this whole matter: Cautious Oprrmism This newspaper's attitude concerning the chances of the St. Lawrence seaway proposal in the new Congresa can best be described as one of cautious optimism. We do not be- leve that last fall's election greatly altered the line-up of proponents and opponents, On the other hand, we discern two factors that tend to improve the outlook for the legislation. The question is: Will these fac- tors carry sufficient weight to convert a suf- ficient number of opponents? No. 1 of these two factors is the evidence that President Truman really intends to make the seaway bill a piece of “must” legis- lation. Up to this year, like his predecessors, he was satisfied to recommend the project in his annual state of the Union messages and there let the matter rest. In 1951 he has not only appealed again to Congress to pass the bill, but he indicates that he proposes to go all out in its behalf. The dispatch Monday that Mr. Truman is considering a meeting with the opposition in an effort to break down resistance to the project is a case in point. The other factor is, of course, the defense angle. There is no doubt that the St, Law- rence project can make a vast contribution to this program. No one can deny that we will need tremendous new sources of power, and there are few who will not concede that the proposed St. Lawrence canals will open up an avenue to new sources of iron ore. And, as we have noted before, if electric power and iron ore are not needed in mobiliz- ing for defense, we would like to know what is We regard the change of attitude of Charles E. Wilson, the mobilization chief, as of great significance. As recently as De- cember, this former president of General Electric was saying that there was no great urgency for constructing the seaway. Now, 2 months after taking the defense job, he is all for starting construction immediately. No one can convince us that a toughe minded, practical man like Charles Wilson changed his views for some light or transient cause. No one can tell us he was motivated by politics. He wants the seaway started now because, and only because, he thinks it will contribute to the work he has been assigned to accomplish—namely, the build- ing up of the Nation's defenses. Let those who have opposed the seaway on political or sectional grounds follow Mr. Wil- son's example. Letter From a Constituent EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing letter: BINGHAMTON, N. Y., February 6, 1951, Epwin ARTHUR HALL, Thirty-seventh Congresstonal Distriot. Dear Ep: I have just mailed a very impor- tant letter to Gov. Thomas Dewey in regard to the possible reapportionment of our dis- trict. I have conveyed to him that if such a deal is to be made now is the time to bring it to the people of our district. In doing so it would enable you to put forth your plat- form and also to get acquainted with the people of the county or counties, Jack Gordon, myself, and my dad attended a Townsend meeting on the first of February and Mr. Gordon spoke of the wonderful trip to Washington and so forth. Personally I would like to see you in office for 100 years and I sincerely believe that when next eleo~ tion comes around you will win again, It is true that the Republican Party is not in power now but I think if we fight long APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and hard enough we are sure to come out victorious and then perhaps things will he done right. . I need not go irfto anything lengthy to tell you. Iam a stanch supporter of your plat- form and have always been. In closing I hope this finds you and your family in the best of health. I beg to remain. Very respectfully yours, Roserr E. StEwant, Jr. P. S.—My dad sends his kindest regards and personal success to you in the future. . Anniversary of the Battle of Trenton EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. HOWELL OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. HOWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to include the following edi- torial from the Trentonian, of Trenton, N. J., entitled “Anniversary of the Battle of Trenton.” On February 21, a joint celebration will be held in honor of this historical event and the occasion of Mayor Connolly's birthday. Secretary of Labor Maurice Tobin and I will be on hand representing the Federal Govern- ment. The editorial follows: ANNIVERSARY OF THE BATTLE OF TRENTON (By Dr. R. R. Robinson) No city in the world can surpass in impor- tance the significance of the history of Trenton. It was perhaps only a coincidence that the beginnings of the modern age for mankind occurred here. After a long series of disheartening battles and retreats, Gen. George Washington led his army across the Delaware and won the first victory of his career, the Battle of Trenton, 175 years ago. Seven days later he destroyed five times as many British troops in the second Battle of Trenton. FIRST SUCCESSFUL TRY AT FREEDOM It must be remembered that the Revolu- tionary War was the first cuccessful attempt in the history of the world to establish free- dom for all its people. As a direct result of the events which happened in Trenton, we have been able to establish a democracy which recognizes and attempts to provide that all men must have as a God-given right an equal freedom of opportunity. One of the coincidences in the history of Trenton is that our country’s first President was elected here, when the Continental Con- gress elected Col. Richard Henry Lee to be ita leader. Colonel Lee made the original motion in Congress for declaring the States of America independent. Before the Colonies declared themselves in- dependent of Great Britain, the Provincial Congress of New Jersey, with Samuel Tucker, of Trenton, as its president, declared itself an isolated colony independent of any royal sovereign, We were @ separate little group of people proudly declaring that the greatest empire in the world could no longer claim ownership of our little colony of New Jersey. Thirteen years later, General Washington returned to Trenton on his way to his in- auguration in New York. He was received in a celebration which has been preserved in @ gigantic of] painting, The White-Robed Choir, by Thomas P. Rossiter. SEEK TO PRESERVE TRADITIONS Mayor Do~al J. Connolly and the citizens’ committee want to preserve and revive the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD traditions in which we can take such pride. When the Alice Bartiett Hunt Foundation presented to Trenton this long-lost oil paint- ing, 1t was thought to be a marvelous oppor. tunity to assemble the citizens and celebrate the occasion, on the eve of Washington’s Birthday. The fact that Trenton’s own Josiah Bartlett, an ancestor of the donor of the painting, was an original signer of the Declaration of Independence, makes the cere- mony even more significant. To make this occasion a momentous one in the history of our community, Maurice J. Tobin, United States Secretary of Labor, has volunteered to represent our Nation’s capital at the presentation of the painting to the community. It is certainly fitting that the guest of honor should be the Cabinet repre- sentative of labor, indicating the progress the average man has made since the old days of subjugation of citizens and the enslaving of large minorities of our population. In our democracy all people have a voice, and we are grateful to Mr. Tobin for personifying that epirit and our progress. The fact that Trenton was for some time the capital of the United States is apparently a fact that we have made little of in our history. President Adams moved his Cab- inet to Trenton and conducted the Nation's business from the Phoenix Hotel on the cor- ner of Hanover and Warren Streets. Of course, it was only by accident that Trenton was not selected as the permanent site of the capital of our country. Ironically enough, it was only the opposition of Gen- eral Washington that prevented Trenton from being selected. ELABORATE CEREMONIES PLANNED Mayor Connoliy’s citizens committee de- sires to join with all the people in making the evening of February 21 a memorable oc- casion. It would be highly desirable to have Mr. Tobin repeat the Marquis de Lafayette's remark about Trenton: “I have never seen the States so handsomely represented.” La- fayette visited Trenton on three different occasions to meet Joseph Bonaparte. The ceremony which has been arranged will begin with a dinner at the Stacy-Trent. As part of the entertainment the original ode written by Gov. Richard Howell for Washington’s visit will be sung. The white- robed choir which greeted General Washing- ton will be reproduced, singing the songs which Washington and Lafayette both re- marked have made such impressions as will never be effaced. As in the past, the money raised by activi- ties sponsored by the mayor's citizens com- mittee will be used for juvenile welfare. It is planned to present Mayor Connolly with a check which shall be used solely for the purpose of sending $00 children to camp this suromer. The agencies which work with our young people will be asked to select children of all groups. Without any embarrassing pub- leity for them, the children will be sent away quietly to enjoy camping life under much different circumstances than those un- der which General Washington and his men camped at Valley Forge. Lespedeza Was Good News From Korea Back in 1922 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. S. J. CARNAHAN or MissoURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. CARNAHAN. Mr. Speaker, un- der permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include herewith an article from the January issue of the Missouri Farmer, entitled “Lespedeza Tag , Good News From Korea Back in Lespepeza Was Goon News From Korxa BACK In 1922 From a thimbleful of seed planted at the Missour! Agricultural Experiment Station in 1922 by Dr. W. C. Etheridge, a hundred mil- lion dollar crop revenue has resulted for Missour! from Korean lespedeza. Dramatic instances have happened before, but none more so for Missouri agriculture than the story of the expansion in acreage of lespedeza on farms over the State. In 1921, a specimen of this wonderful weed seed was obtained in Korea by a party who sent 1t to the United States Department of Agriculture Bureau of Plant Industry. This sample of strange seed was first sown at the United States Department of Agricul- tural Experiment Station at Arlington, Va. It grew and reproduced seed abundantly, which is tho prime essential of any forage crop. But still little was known of this squatty legume, which was considered as a weed in Korea. When this fabulous thimbleful of seed was planted in the spring by Dr. Etheridge it made lush growth during the summer months of 1922. Of course, this caused a quickened interest by all concerned, but ex- perimentation was only in the proceas of beginning. The matured vines were pulled up in late October, and the precious seed ‘was threshed in a miniature threshing ma- chine, About a pint or so of the seed was recovered, and this was saved with growing hope, PLANTED IN 1923 In the spring of 1923 all of this seed was planted. It was noted on last year’s acre- age extensive volunteer growth of this an- nual plant was present, thus proving the ability of “natural reseeding.” Then there was discovered an enormous number of bac- teria nodules on the last year’s root sys- tems. Ordinarily, seed of other legumes must be inoculated, but here was a legume that quickly assoctated itself with nitrogen- fixing bacteria. This was called natural in- oculation, and another spoke was added to the rapidly turning wheel of Korean les- pedeza. A sharp May frost in 1923 was fatal to the clovers and it damaged the lespedeza stand, but it came back to grow on with vigor through the hot summer months. Here was a pasture crop that would stand late spring freezes and withstand the hot dry months which ordinarily checked the growth of all other pasture crops. In 1924 a mixture of lespedeza with oats was sown to see if the two crops had an affinity. The oats were harvested for their grain and the lespedeza was cut for hay. Experiments proved that the protein content was practically the same as alfalfa and that stock liked this little legume and there was very little stemmy waste to the hay, A NOBLE EXPERIMENT In 1925 a quarter of an acre was sown to lespedeza and two thin yearling heifers were borrowed from the animal husbandry department. It was not known at this time if in ita growing state that the plant might be poisonous to animals. The plot was fenced off, pipes were laid to furnish water, and the two heifers were weighed in. Tre- mendous gains were achieved, proving that as summer pasturage lespedeza surpassed all other crops grown in Missouri, Five-pound lots of seed were sent in 1927 to some 60 farmers throughout the State. Questionnaires were provided with the sam- ple lotsa, so that a fairly representative ac- count could be made of the practicability of this legume in yarious sectors of the State. It is needless to say that the reports were A719 more than satisfying. From that date until now, lespedeza has spread like a tidal wave all over Missour!. Now it is being grown on 10,000,000 acres of farm land, either dguble- cropped or in single stands. This is twice the acreage of all corn grown, and twice the combined acreage of all wheat, oats, rye, and barley being grown in the State. Eatimat- ing at a very conservative sum of $10 return profit from each acre of lespedeza grown, it can be ascertained that a hundred milifon dolar business has resulted from this chance Planting in 1922. HERE'S WHAT IT'LL DO To briefly sum up the attributes of lespe- deza: 1t will grow on medium to poor soil, but will respond to fertile soil and soll treat- ments as well as any other crop; will provide succulent grazing during the summer months of July, August, September, and the first half of October, when no other pasturage will grow and produce equal feed value. It will reseed itself naturally, and will fit in nicely with crop rotation methods advo- cated in any balanced farming program. There are many other assets of lespedeza which are of equal importance, but which must be adapted to the individual farmer’s needs. The first bad drought in recent years was in 1932. At this time, approximately five or six thousand acres of lespedeza was in stands in Missourt. This drought proved the real worth of lespedeza on a large scale as a dry- weather plant. Then, there were the droughts of 1984 and 1935, but by this time lespedeza had become an institution rather than an experimentation. NEWER LEGUMES Bince 1946 there has been a downward trend in acres established to lespedeza. A peak acreage of 10,702,440 acres was reached in 1946 and the 1949 acreage was 10,126,455. This shift in land utilization has come about through the increased popularity of other legumes such as Indino, birdsfoot trefoil, hairy vetch and increased acreages of land seeded to alfaifa and red clover. But, with the ever-increasing menace of soil erosion, lespedeza will become a more vital assct to Missouri! hill farmers. There 1s easily room for 10,000,000 more acres of this legume in the State. Land which now is practically wasteland due to erosion and poor crop management, could well be seeded to lespedeza as the first step in reclaiming the land. It alone cannot return the soll fertility which has been mined and leached from the soil, but should be used as a link betweer other crops and soil treatment. The Treasury-Federal Reserve Dispute EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. WILLIS ROBERTSON OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 12 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp a copy of a thoughtful discussion by Mr. Aubrey G. Lanston, president of the Aubrey G. Lanston & Co., Inc., of the Treasury- Federal Reserve Board dispute over the management of the public debt. I have previously expressed the bellef, as well as the hope, which I now repeat, that an area of agreement can be reached. In that connection I wish to point out the fact that a higher interest