(1) The United States continues to maintain an 
excessively large and costly arsenal of nuclear deliv-
ery systems and warheads that are a holdover from 
the Cold War. 
(2) The current nuclear arsenal of the United 
States includes approximately 3,800 total nuclear 
warheads in its military stockpile, of which approxi-
mately 1,800 are deployed with five delivery compo-
nents: land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, 
submarine-launched ballistic missiles, long-range 
strategic bomber aircraft armed with nuclear gravity 
bombs, long-range strategic bomber aircraft armed 
with nuclear-armed air-launched cruise missiles, and 
short-range fighter aircraft that can deliver nuclear 
gravity bombs. The strategic bomber fleet of the 
United States comprises 87 B–52 and 20 B–2 air-
craft, over 60 of which contribute to the nuclear 
mission. The United States also maintains 400 
intercontinental ballistic missiles and 14 Ohio-class 
submarines, up to 12 of which are deployed. Each 
of those submarines is armed with approximately 90 
nuclear warheads. 
(3) Between fiscal years 2019 and 2028, the 
United States will spend $494,000,000,000 to main-
tain and recapitalize its nuclear force, according to 
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a January 2019 estimate from the Congressional 
Budget Office, an increase of $94,000,000,000 from 
the Congressional Budget Office’s 2017 estimate, 
with additional cost driven in part by the new nu-
clear weapons called for in former President Donald 
Trump’s 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. 
(4) Adjusted for inflation, the Congressional 
Budget Office estimates that the United States will 
spend $1,700,000,000,000 through fiscal year 2046 
on new nuclear weapons and modernization and in-
frastructure programs. 
(5) Inaccurate budget forecasting is likely to 
continue to plague the Department of Defense and 
the Department of Energy, as evidenced by the fis-
cal year 2021 budget request of the President for 
the 
National 
Nuclear 
Security 
Administration 
‘‘Weapon Activities’’ account, which far exceeded 
what the National Nuclear Security Administration 
had projected in its fiscal year 2020 request and 
what it had projected in previous years. 
(6) The projected growth in nuclear weapons 
spending is coming due as the Department of De-
fense is seeking to replace large portions of its con-
ventional forces to better compete with the Russian 
Federation and the People’s Republic of China and 
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as internal and external fiscal pressures are likely to 
limit the growth of, and perhaps reduce, military 
spending. As then-Air Force Chief of Staff General 
Dave Goldfein said in 2020, ‘‘I think a debate is 
that this will be the first time that the nation has 
tried to simultaneously modernize the nuclear enter-
prise while it’s trying to modernize an aging conven-
tional enterprise. The current budget does not allow 
you to do both.’’. 
(7) In 2017, the Government Accountability Of-
fice concluded that National Nuclear Security Ad-
ministration’s budget forecasts for out-year spending 
downplayed the fact that the agency lacked the re-
sources to complete multiple, simultaneous billion 
dollar modernization projects and recommended that 
the National Nuclear Security Administration con-
sider ‘‘deferring the start of or cancelling specific 
modernization programs’’. 
(8) According to the Government Accountability 
Office, the National Nuclear Security Administration 
has still not factored affordability concerns into its 
planning as was recommended by the Government 
Accountability Office in 2017, with the warning that 
‘‘it is essential for NNSA to present information to 
Congress and other key decision maker indicating 
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whether the agency has prioritized certain mod-
ernization programs or considered trade-offs (such 
as deferring or cancelling specific modernization pro-
grams)’’. 
(9) A December 2020 Congressional Budget 
Office analysis showed that the projected costs of 
nuclear forces over the next decade can be reduced 
by $12,400,000,000 to $13,600,000,000 by trim-
ming back current plans, while still maintaining a 
triad of delivery systems. Even larger savings would 
accrue over the subsequent decade. 
(10) The Department of Defense’s June 2013 
nuclear policy guidance entitled ‘‘Report on Nuclear 
Employment Strategy of the United States’’ found 
that force levels under the April 2010 Treaty on 
Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation 
of Strategic Offensive Arms between the United 
States and the Russian Federation (commonly 
known as the ‘‘New START Treaty’’) ‘‘are more 
than adequate for what the United States needs to 
fulfill its national security objectives’’ and can be re-
duced by up to 1⁄3 below levels under the New 
START Treaty to 1,000 to 1,100 warheads. 
(11) Former President Trump expanded the 
role of, and spending on, nuclear weapons in United 
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States policy at the same time that he withdrew 
from, unsigned, or otherwise terminated a series of 
important arms control and nonproliferation agree-
ments. 
SEC. 3. REDUCTIONS IN NUCLEAR FORCES. 
(a) 
REDUCTION
OF
NUCLEAR-ARMED
SUB-
MARINES.—Notwithstanding any other provision of law, 
none of the funds authorized to be appropriated or other-
wise made available for fiscal year 2022 or any fiscal year 
thereafter for the Department of Defense may be obli-
gated or expended for purchasing more than eight Colum-
bia-class submarines. 
(b) REDUCTION
OF GROUND-BASED MISSILES.— 
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, beginning in 
fiscal year 2022, the forces of the Air Force shall include 
not more than 150 intercontinental ballistic missiles. 
(c) REDUCTION
OF DEPLOYED STRATEGIC WAR-
HEADS.—Notwithstanding any other provision of law, be-
ginning in fiscal year 2022, the forces of the United States 
Military shall include not more than 1,000 deployed stra-
tegic warheads, as that term is defined in the New START 
Treaty. 
(d) LIMITATION
ON
NEW
LONG-RANGE
PENE-
TRATING
BOMBER
AIRCRAFT.—Notwithstanding any 
other provision of law, none of the funds authorized to 
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