APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Social security, so-called, but which should be called its right name, the “work- ingman’s income tax” is to be broadened in scope to tax still more millions and tax them at still higher rates. With the Government constantly going deeper into debt, social security is in the process of becoming a colossal fraud, For, after the social-security taxes have been spent for other purposes, all it amounts to is a@ promise that some future politicians will tax the people a second time to pay its claims, and that the people will be able to pay. Only a completely solvent government that is paying off its debt, instead of adding to it has any moral right to talk about social security. Under this $37,000,000,000 budget, the pious hope is expressed that a small sum may be paid on the Nation’s debt. At the rate proposed, it would take 1,300 years to pay off the debt. And I'll bet you a dollar against the hole in a doughnut that not even this payment will be made in the seventeenth year of con- tinuous deficits, unless you taxpayers rise in wrath from coast to coast and tell your newly elected Congressmen that they will serve just one term unless they make good on the prom- ises they made you last fall. Already we see signs that the new Congress is beginning to hem and haw. The bureau- crats are at work on them. The social wel- fare crowd is at work on them. And to their everlasting shame and disgrace, there are plenty of businessmen and governors and mayors who are lobbying for more billions from the gravy train. The Northwestern National Life Insurance Co, estimates that inflation is costing the average family $1,000 a year in the increased prices of what they buy. CAUSED BY GOVERNMENT SPENDING What causes this burden? It is Govern- ment spending, taxes, and debt. The people never cause inflation in the cost of living. That is always caused by government. Isn't it time for government to stop telling us the beautiful things it is going to do for us and to get off our backs? In the light of taxes, inflation, and strikes aren't you getting fed up with the talk of “social gains” by the professional Pecksniffs who cram Government offices from coast to coast? They would cure the selfishness of the individual by substituting the greed of the group. And group greed is more ruthless and cruel than tndividual selfishness. For there are few men to whom God has not given @ conscience to put some limit on their self- ishness. But the group, the mob, the pres- sure bloc have no conscience whatever. CONGRESS UNDER CONSTANT THREAT A man who would never think of sticking &@ gun in my ribs to force me to give him my pocketbook, when he becomes a member of & mob or a pressure bloc has no more scruples than a wolf in a pack, in threatening a Con- gressman with political death unless he throws open the doors of the treasury to the mob, That is what we have been doing to this great free government of Washington, Jeffer- son, and Lincoln. We are turning it over to be sacked and plundered by pressure blocs, as the vandals once sacked Rome. And all under the beauti- ful banner of humanitarianism and the so- Clal gospel. This Republic will either follow bankrupt England and busted France into the twilight sleep of socialism, or into the red dawn of communism, or someone in our public life will seize ‘“freedom's holy flag” and crusade once more for the principles that made Amer- ica the land of opportunity and the envy of the world. I'm an optimist. I believe if such a man comes forth, the tens of millions whose veins are still warm with the blood of our forebears will make him the next President of the United States. I have that faith, Missouri River Development EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. ROBERTSON OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. Speaker, when the Congress passed Public Law 254, under date of December 22, 1944, it provided for a comprehensive develop- ment of the Missouri River Basin. Much of this work has already been done, par- ticularly has the main unit, the Garri- son Dam, been started. This dam is lo- cated in the main stem of the Missouri River at Garrison, N. Dak. Under unanimous consent, I include herewith House Concurrent Resolution E, passed by the Legislative Assembly of the State of North Dakota: House Concurrent Resolution E Concurrent resolution memorializing Con- gress for Federal appropriations for imme- diate construction of the Heart River proj- ect, including the Heart Butte and Dickin- son Reservoirs, the Sheyenne Dam, and other portions of the Missouri-Souris proj- ect, all integral parts of the coordinated plan for Missouri Basin Development, as authorized by the Congress in Public Law 254 Be it resolved by the House of Representa- tives of the State of North Dakota (the senate concurring therein) : Whereus the Congress of the United States in the Flood Control Act passed December 22, 1944, provided for a comprehensive dcvelop- ment of the Missouri River Basin; and Whereas one of the large reservoirs in con- nection therewith is located in the State of North Dakota, justifiable primarily for navi- gation, power, and flood control; and Whereas said act provides for the diversion of Missouri River waters from the Fort Peck Reservoir into western, central, and eastern North Dakota for irrigation and reclamation; and Whereas such diversion is desperately need- ed for rehabilitation of Devils Lake and pro- viding for the domestic and commercial needs of such cities, among others, as Jamestown, Valley City, Enderlin, Fargo, Moorhead, Grand Forks, and East Grand Forks; and Whereas surveys and other necessary pre- liminary work have been completed on both the Dickinson and Heart Butte Reservoirs to justify letting of construction contracts On said projects; and Whereas the Sheyenne Dam is a part of said basin development plan and necessary both to effect such conversion and reclama- tion and to permit of the irrigation of large acreage in eastern Montana and northwest- ern and central North Dakota; ana Whereas $200,000,000 have been authorized for initial stages of construction in connec- tion with said Missouri! Basin Development: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives of the State of North Dakota (the senate con- curring therein) , That Congress and the Fed- eral agencies having said development in hand be and hereby are memorialized and A825 petitioned to provide or make available the necessary funds for immediate construction of the Dickinson and Heart Butte Dams and such portions of the Missouri-Souris project as have reached construction stage and in particular the Sheyenne Dam, this being the regulatory reservoir effecting diversion to the Devils Lake Basin and the restoration of Devils Lake and the James, Sheyenne, and Red River of the north where water is sorely needed for human consumption and indus- trial development, especially in the cities hereinbefore referred to; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be Bent by the secretary of state to the Presi- dent of the United States, the Secretary of the Interior, the Secretary of War, the Chief of the Corps of Army Engineers for this dis- trict, and the Commissioner of the Bureau of Reclamation, as well as the chairmen of the Appropriations, Irrigation, and Rivers and Harbors Committees of the House and Senate of the United States. That copies be likewise sent to the secretary of the National Recla- mation Association and to North Dakota's delegation in Congress. VERNON M. JOHNSON, Speaker of the House. KENNETH L. MORGAN, Chie} Clerk of the House. C. P. Dant, President of the Senate. W. J. Trout, Secretary of the Senate. Prisoners of War EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. LINDLEY BECKWORTH OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. BECKWORTH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a resolution passed by the Texas House of Representatives. Last session I introduced a bill seek- ing to aid the types of unfortunate peo- ple mentioned in the resolution. Other bills of a kindred nature were introduced last session. My same bill, as well as other bills, has been introduced this session. I sincerely hope the Congress will give immediate attention to this important problem. The resolution follows: House Concurrent Resolution 8 Whereas during the recent World War II the enemy countries, especially Germany and Japan, violated almost every rule of civilized warfare and inflicted unspeakable punish- ment and horrible tortures upon prisoners of war, a8 well as civilians who were so unfortu- nate as to fall into the hands of said enemies; and Whereas many unfortunate prisoners suc- cumbed to said inhuman treatment und many others suffered bodily injuries and loss of health from which they may never re- cover; and Whereas, in all justice, those who have suffered in the hands of said enemy countries are entitled to damages for such injuries under the well-established rules of interna- tional law; and Whereas it is the opinion of the House of Representatives of the State of Texas (the Senate concurring), That the Congress of the United States should without delay enact such enabling legislation as may be necessary
A826 to enable those who have suffered bodily in- juries as well as logs of property at the hands of said enemy countries to assert their claims and have the same allowed and paid by the guilty enemy countries who may be found to have been responsible for such injuries, dam- ages, and loss of property, and that suitable provision be made in such legislation for the recovery by the heirs of those who did not return, both civilians and those who were in the armed forces: Therefore be it Resolved, That the House of Representa- tives of the State of Texas (the Senate con- curring) memorialize the Congress of the United States to promptly enact the neces- sary legislation to provide for a mixed claims commission to receive and adjudicate claims of American nationals who were internees or prisoners of war of Japan or Germany or any other enemy country with power to fix the amount of compensation to be awarded and paid for such claims and with the further power to require the payment by the guilty enemy country for property losses and personal injuries resulting from and that may be attributed to the conduct of said enemy's armed forces, with particular reference to maltreatment of prisoners of war in contravention of the laws and cus- toms of civilized warfare and of the Geneva Convention. And in this connection we re- spectfully memorialize the Congress to en- act legislation along the lines of Senate bill 2497 and House bill 4217, and House bill 7228 of the Seventy-ninth Congress, second ses- sion; and be it further Resolved, That the Congress be so me- morialized to enact at the earliest date pos- sible legislation to authorize the promotion of the personnel of the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard who were prisoners of war, and the payment to said personnel of the subsistence allowance at the rate of 70 cents per day during such period as he or she was a prisoner of war, and Senate bil) 421, Calendar 179, of the Seventy-ninth Con- gress, first session, and Senate bill 1805, Union Calendar No. 623, of the Seventy-ninth Congress, second session, are especially com- mended for the consideration of the Con- gress; and be it further Resolved, That the chief clerk of the House of Representatives of the State of Texas send copies of this resolution under the seal of the house to the Senators and each Member of the House of Representatives in Congress from Texas; also to the Honor- able Drnnis Cnavez, Senator from New Mex- ico; the Honorable Cart A. Hatcu, Senator from New Mexico; the Honorable THomas C. Haart, Senator from Connecticut; the honor- able chairmen of the combined Military and Naval Affairs Committees of the Senate and of the House of Representatives; the Honor- able Epiru Nourse Rocers, Representative from Massachusetts; the Honorable A. N. FERNANDEZ, Representative from New Mexico; the Honorable Ed. V. Izac, Representative from California; the Bataan Relief Organiza- tion of Albuquerque, N. Mex.; and Claims Committee, Liberated Military Personnel, 901 American Building, Washington, D. C., with our expression of thanks for the splendid work they have done in the past in connec- tion with this legislation. Reed, Abington, Atkinson, Aynesworth, Barber, Bean, Bell of DeWitt, Bell of Bexar, Berry, Blankenship, Blount, Bracewell, Brooks, Callaway, Cannon, Celaya, Chapman, Clifton, Collie, Coleon, Conner, Cowen, Cox, Craig, Crawford, Crosthwait, Davis, Edwards, Elliott, Etheredge, Evans, Fant, Fertsch, Flan- agan, Fleming, Fly, Ford, Gandy, Gardner, Gathings, Gilmer, Godard, Green, Gregory, Guffey, Hanna, Heatly, Heflin, Heideke, Help- instill, Henderson, Holstein, Holt, Horany, Hughes, Hydrick, Isaacks, Jackson, James, Jameson, Johnson, Jones of Bosque, Jones of Hunt, Jones of Travis, Kasen, Kennington, Kilgore, King, Kirkpatrick, Lanier, Latimer, Lea, Lehman, Lewis, Lightfoot, Lock, Luede- mann, McClain, McDaniel, McFarland, McLel- lan, McVey, Mahan, Manford, Mangum, Markle, Martin, Miller, Moore of Harris, Moore of Val Verde, Moore of Red River, Moore of Brazos, Murphy, Nokes, Oltorf, Overton, Park- house, Pearson, Peters, Pyle, Rampy, Read, Reams, Richards, Ridgeway, Sudler, Sallas, Sellers, Senterfitt, Shackelford, Shannon, Sharp, Simp, Smith of Hays, Smith of Jack, Smith of Lubbock, South, Spacek, Sparks, Spencer, Still, Stockard, Storey, Stump, Suiter, Svadlenak, Swanson, Teague, Temple- ton, Thomas, Timmons, Tippen, Turner, Wagonseeller, Walker, Wallace, Ward, Watson, Whitworth, Williams of Bexar, Williams of Scurry, Williamson, Willis of Tarrant, Willis of Kaufman, Wilson, Wiseman, Wood, Wright, Yezak, Ziviey. ALLAN SHRINER, President of the Senate. W. O. REED, Speaker of the House. I hereby certify that House Concurrent Resolution 8 was adopted by the house on February 11, 1947. CLARENCE JONES, Chief Cierk of the House. I hereby certify that House Concurrent Resolution 8 was adopted by the senate on February 19, 1947. CLAUDE ISBELL, Secretary of the Senate. United Nations To Be Asked To Consider Future Status of Egypt EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE AOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Speaker, the vexing problem of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, a key area in Africa, with all its ramifica- tions, will be laid before the United Na- tions shortly in New York. Yesterday in Cairo the Prime Minister of the King- dom of Egypt issued a formal statement on the subject, indicating the determi- nation of his country to bring the matter to the attention of the world organiza- on, This statement was printed in the New York Times of today, March 4, and I de- sire to have printed here the full text of the pronouncement: Eoypr WiLL APPEAL BririsH Case Tro UNnriren NATIONS—PaeMizr Says NO AGREEMENT HAs BEEN REACHED ON SUDAN oR EVACUATION OF OOPS (By Gene Currivan) Camo, Eoyrr, March 3.—Mahmoud Fahmy Nokrashy Pasha, the Egyptian Premier, an- nounced today his Government's decision to appeal to the United Nations Security Coun- cil on the issues of Egyptian sovereignty over the Sudan and the evacuation of British troops from Egypt. He also demanded the immediate withdrawal of British troops from the entire country. The Premier said that Egypt had earnestly tried to reach an agreement with Britain but that the decision to put the dispute into the hands of the United Nations had re- ceived the enthusiastic endorsement of the entire Egyptian people. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Egyptian Government accused Britain of inciting the Sudanese and pledged its con- fidence in the United Nations to straighten out the whole complicated problem. REACHED END OF ROAD This statement by Nokrashy Pasha indi- cated that Egypt had reached the end of the road, just as Britain had, as far as Anglo- Egyptian negotiations were concerned. There is nothing left to bargain about, he said in substance. Egypt asked, first of all, the evacuation of British troops. An agreement wes almost reached on this point, but Britain asked for time because of the immensity of the under- taking and ‘the fact that highly technical installations could not be turned over to the Egyptians without considerable preparation and much training. The British are moving from Cairo and have moved from Alexandria. The British Army has pulled up its stakes and is estab- lishing itself in the Suez area near the canal. But today Nokrashy Pasha eaid that one of the two points on which no agreement had been reached was “evacuation of British troops from Egypt; this evacuation must be immediate and not conditioned by treaty.” That statement can mean only that the Egyptians are not satisfied to have the Brit- ish move out of the capital city and settle in the desert until the United Nations decide the matter but want them right out of the country. “The unity of Egypt and the Sudan is the will of both Egyptians and Sudanese alike,” the statement declared, “‘whéreas British policy is directed toward inciting the Su- danese to secede from Egypt. “As for self-government, had Egypt not been forcibly deprived of her rights in the administration of the Sudan, the prepara- tion of the Sudanese for self-government would not be so delayed. Egypt is in a better position and more anxious than Great Brit- ain to prepare for the self-government of people of the same race, the same language, the same religion and dependent for this way of existence on the same Nile.” SUDANESE DRAW THEM OUT Comment from the Opposition tonight was that Egypt had been forcibly deprived of her righte by the Sudanese themselves on two occasions. The Egyptians were driven out in 1885 during a religious war and again in 1928, when the Sudanese decided that they could get along without the Egyptians. Since that time Britain has virtually admin- istered the country, although its government is known technically as a condominium. Nokrashy Pasha also said that Egypt wanted British troops evacuated from the Sudan. He held that the Sudanese could not express their views freely while the country was occupied by the British. This view has not been advanced before and indi- cates that Kgypt desires Britain to withdraw from both ends of the Nile before the United Nations makes any decision concerning Egypt and the Sudan. Nokrashy Pasha declared that Egypt had abiding faith in the United Nations and was confident that justice will be accorded a amall nation that has always firmly upheld the principles of the supremacy of interna- tional law. No OpJkcTIon From Barrisy Laxe Success, N, Y., March 8.—The British ‘delegation to the United Nations said today that it would raise no objections against an Egyptian move ta lay the Anglo-Egyptian dif- ferences before the Security Council. The British indicated, however, that the question to be threshed out here would not be confined to the future of the Anglo- Egyptian Sudan. :
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Patrick Mann Estes—The Nation Loses a Valuable Citizen EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, in a tragic accident in Nashville, Tenn., Feb- ruary 17, the life of Patrick Mann Estes and four other prominent Nashvillians were taken. P. M. Estes, over a course of many ycars, was known and highly respected by not only the Members of the Tennessce delegation but by numer- ous Members of the Senate and House from other States. These Members join his countless friends and admirers in mourning his passing. Mr. Estes was eminently successful in his own business of law and insurance. However, he devoted the larger part of his life in a diligent and unselfish effort to improve and build up his country, and especially the land of the South to which he was so devoted. We find in- spiration and encouragement in his many deeds, and it is for that reason I take this occasion of paying respect to his life, character, and accomplishments. Over a course of more than 50 years Mr. Estes stood at the forefront in the various campaigns to protect the Amer- ican way of life and to give the people of the South an even chance in our na- tional development. He was a pioneer in motor transportation facilities and he did much to foster the building of good highways in Tennessee and throughout the Nation. He helped to organize the Tennessee Good Roads Association and he later became its president. He fos- tered the organization of the Natchez Trace Association and through his un- tiring efforts he was able to get much accomplished toward building of the Natchez Trace. His devotion to this project knew no limits. He was always willing to accept responsibility. At one time he was a member of the Tennessee State Legislature. He was a vice presi- dent of the United States Chamber of Commerce. He was the national presi- dent of the Phi Kappa Sigma fraternity and his efforts and generosity are some of the reasons for the success of this national organization. During his active and useful years, Mr. Estes kept well informed on Federal legislation and was quick to analyze the results of such legislation on the national economy. Frequently, as a private citi- zen, he would journey to Washington to discuss legislative bills with his friends in Congress. His viewpoint was always that which would be of the most benefit for the Nation, the independent busi- nessman, and the average citizen. He was persuasive and vigorous in present- ing his position even though it might conflict with his own personal interests. An example of this laudable character- istic can be found in his. interest and work in strengthening. the antitrust laws and in securing their more forceful exe- cution. From a selfish viewpoint he probably would have benefited by the monopolistic trend but his interest in the future of America and the small businessman caused him to be one of the most effective advocates of the strengthening of the Nation’s antitrust program. In this connection he felt that the one immediate need was for Congress to amend section 7 of the Clay- ton Act so as to prevent one corpora- tion from acquiring the assets of another when the result would be to create a monopoly. The original Clayton Act had prevented the acquisition of capital stock where a monopoly would result but monopolistic interests avoided this prohibition by simply acquiring the as- sets of their competitors. Mr. Estes in letters to me relative to the necessity of this amendment wrote: . I regard this amendment as of extreme importance. I see no advantage in the United States Government spending large sums of money to establish small business, when they will be gobbled up by the trusts as soon as they begin to make their weight jelt. In the meantime consolidations have been going on stendily. You wil] notice in Time one of the most recent was the sale of the large California steel plant to United States Steel. Unless these matters are checked our form of government must necessarily be changed, which I would’greatly regret. These monopolists are very shortsighted in their course, for they constantly contrive by thetr greed for power and size to bring about a Government restriction, etc., of which they so greatly complain. But after all, it might be a wise policy from their standpoint for the reason that they can exist under restrictions, or mold them so as not too greatly hamper them, whereas they would be utterly destruc- tive of the little man, and thus eliminate competition. Mr. Estes in addition to his private business and his public interest was the scion of his family. He kept in close touch by persona] visits and through cor- respondence with his many relatives throughout the country and he was al- ways happy to give them friendly counsel or material assistance. He was indeed a lovable, capable, and useful man. The good things he did will leave a worth- while imprint on the lives of many peo- ple and of many institutions in the gen- erations to come. One of the loveliest tributes to him was written in the form of a poem by a gracious relative, Mrs. May Folk Webb, of New York City. It is as follows: A TRIBUTE TO PATRICK MANN ESTES, JANUARY 27, 1872-FEBRUARY 16, 1947 He lives in the hearts of his fellow men, By thoughts which he constantly gave to all, In forgetting self to help others’ needs, And for faithful service to duty’s Call. Those who knew him had words of praise and love, For his quiet and gentle-mannered ways Of lifting sorrow and of bringing cheer, To brighten hours of dark laden days. His deeds have built a monument so high, That its lofty height is seen far and wide, Shining with the tender love of his life, Given in trust to those on the roadside. Memory can never forget his life, For it is deeply woven among friends, And kindness to his family and kin, Are written where gratitude never ends, A827 Yes, Patrick Mann Estes will ever live, In affectionate heart of everyone, To whom he brought blessings of happiness, Through his great soul in tune with God's own son. This is a feeble expression for one so hone ored and beloved by thousands of friends. —Muay Folk Webb. Fesruary 26, 1947, Amendment of Civil Service Retirement Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NFW YORK IN THE HOUSE CF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, today I have introduced a bill to amend section 12 tb) of the Civil Service Retirement Act. Under this law, as now worded, an employee who retires from service after having served less than 5 years is en- titled to have returned to him the deduc- tions which have been made from his pay, with 4 percent compound interest. But if he has served more than 5 years, he cannot withdraw a penny under any circumstances, and must wait until he reaches 62 years of age, when he becomes entitled to an annuity. In computing his years of service, any time served in the Army or Navy is counted. The injustice of this law and hardship which it may entail is well illustrated by the case presented by one of my constitu- ents. This man served in the Navy for 4 years. Then two years and a half after his discharge, he took a job as a civilian employee in one of the Govern- ment departments. He served in that capacity for four and a half years. Fi- nally, in the middle of 1946 he left the employ of the Government, as he writes me, “because of lack of work and disgust with padding worksheets.”. He held the highest efficiency which it was possible to obtain and left the Government employ with an excellent record, and, if I may be permitted to add, with entirely justi- flable, indeed laudatory, motives. He got a job in my home city and bought a little place in a nearby town, expecting to use the funds which he thought were on deposit with the civil- service people subject to withdrawal at any time as the down payment on the purchase of his home. He knew that there would be a certain amount of red tape in drawing out his money, because he had been a bureaucrat himself for nearly 5 years. He applied to two old ladies for a loan to tide him over tem- porarily until he could get this money of his which was being held by the Gov- ernment, and he gave the ladies his promissory note for the amount they loaned him to make the down payment on the house. Unfortunately, a month later both these ladies died and now their heirs, naturally, want this note paid. Then comes the crowning blow, when he finds that he will not be permitted to draw
A828 out from the fund, which he has created for himself by the payments he has made into it, the necessary amount to pay off this obligation. Under the civil-service rules, although he only worked in a Government depart- ment for 414 years, they add on to that the 4 years which he served in the Navy, making a total of 812 years. That brings him over the 5-year period, which is the limit of time an employee may have served without being forever barred from getting out his money unti] he reaches age 62. Many times an annuity at age 62 is, of course, a very desirable factor in per- mitting a former Government employee to spend the evening hours of his life in a degree of comfort which might not otherwise be permitted him. This con- stituent of mine, however, is not now worried about what happens at age 62. He needs now this money which belongs to him. He is faced by a suit for this amount he owes and probable loss of his home as a result. He is thinking about a roof over the head of his wife and family today, not 20 years from now. This is the time when, if he had put his money in a savings bank, he would draw it out to meet such an emergency. But instead of having done that, he has turned over his money to the United States Government, which now tells him, with characteristic bureaucratic heart- lessness, that the rules do not permit him to have any of his money before he reaches 62 years of age. Another friend of mine has recently b2en separated from service in an- other Government department. He has served a little over 5 years and has about a thousand dollars coming from the Gov- ernment, representing not a gratuity but the deductions that have been made from his own pay. He is out of a job; he needs the money now; he cannot use this governmental promise to pay him some 15 years from now to pay the gro- cery bill or the rent. These situations, in my opinion, de- serve immediate corrective treatment. An employee who is separated from gov- ernmental service after having paid in money to the retirement fund should have an election either to take the an- nuity beginning at age 62 or to take out in cash what he has coming to him. This is the purpose sought to be achieved by the bill which I have today introduced. I hope it may have early consideration by the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service and favorable treatment by the House. Steel Pipe for Building Construction EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. THOMAS L. OWENS OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include the following tele- gram: Cuicaco, Inu., February 28, 1947, Hon. THomas L. OWENS, Washington, D.C.: Withdrawal from the Chicago market of all but a couple of steel pipe manufacturers has made it practically impossible for plumbing and heating contractors to obtain steel pipe in sizes from one-half inch to 2 inches, necessary for residential building, and seriously impeding building construc- tion throughout Illinois, particularly causing homes already started to remain uncom- pleted. Withdrawal reportedly due to re- luctance of mills in Pittsburgh area to use Gary as base due to freight-rate differential. They ship their product to other territories where freight rates are favorable. Impera- tive that immediate action be taken by Con- gress or other proper Government agency to relieve this situation if home-building con- struction is to proceed normally in accord- ance with the Government's home-building program, ILLINOIS MASTER PLUMBERS’ ASSOCIATION, ALVIN G. FYELbs, East St. Louts, [ll., President. Wa. R. Brooxman, Chicago, Ill., Executive Secretary. Mr. Speaker, the Plumbing Contrac- tors’ Association of Chicago makes simi- lar complaints. President Treman’s Address at Mexico City EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN E. LYLE OF TEXas IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. LYLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recozp, I include the following text of President Truman’s address in Mexico City. My presence here today as the guest of the great Republic of Mexico is one of the truly happy occasions of my career. I am deeply moved to be here again, among my friends and neighbors. I have wanted to return to Mexico ever since November 1939, when I vis- ited this city and enjoyed the memorable hospitality of the Mexican Congress. To my good friend, President Miguel Aleman, and to all the people of Mexico, I say from the bot- tom of my heart: Thank you for your gra- cious welcome. : It {8 a common failing of many people to complain of hardships and overlook their good fortune. In the international sphere, many people emphasize the disagreements that separate nations and forget the large areas of agreement that bring nations to- gether in mutual understanding. I would be foolish to pretend that fundamental differ- ences in political philosophies do not exist. The task of achieving permanent peace and security for all mankind is not easy, but I am certain that permanent peace and security are the goal of all peoples everywhere, what- ever their language, or nationality, race or creed. Because of my belief that the peoples of the world have peace as a common objec- tive, I refuse to be discouraged by apparent difficulties. Difficulties are a challenge to men of determination. If a realistic view of the world takes full account of the differences that separate APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nations, it must also take full account of the common beliefa that unite nations. Nor where is this element of unity—unity of heart and mind—more evident than in the neighborly community of the American Re- publics, Here we recognize clearly that, as you have stated so concisely and eloquently, Mr. President, ‘together we must live and to- gether we must prosper.” Here we have already achieved in substan- tial measure what the world as a whole must achieve. Through what we call our inter- American system, which has become steadily stronger for half a century, we have learned to work together and to solve our problems by friendly cooperation and mutual respect. We have a good-neighbor policy in com- mon and, as a result of the sincere applica- tion of that policy, we form a good neigh- borhood. Our example bas a salutary effect on the whole world. The success of our cherished inter-American system is a source of inspiration for the developing system of the United Nations, of which we are all members. We are united by more than the common procedures and agencies of inter-American cooperation. All our peoples have a com- mon belief which we call democracy. De- mocracy has a spiritual foundation because it is based upon the brotherhood of man. We believe in the dignity of the individual. We believe that the function of the state is to preserve and promote human rights and fundamental freedoms. We believe that the state exists for the benefit of man, not that man exists for the benefit of the state. Everything else that we mean by the word “democracy” arises from this fundamental conviction. We believe that each individual must have as much liberty for the conduct of his life as is compatible with the rights of others. To put this belief into practice is the essential purpose of our laws. We know that the maximum freedom and dignity of the individual cannot be attained under a dictatorship. Freedom and dignity of the individual can be attained only under a system of law which protects the rights of individuals, and through a government made up of freely elected representatives of the people. When we have this, we have a democratic t—one that is suited to a democratic way of life. This is a simple, fundamental truth. The good-neighbor policy, which guides the course of our inter-American relations, is equally simple. It is the application of democracy to international affairs. It is the application of the Golden Rule. The good-neighbor policy applies to inter- national relations the same standards of con- duct that prevail among self-respecting in- dividuals within a democratic community. It is based on mutual respect among nations, the respect that each accords to the rights of others, without distinction of size, wealth, or power. It is an expression of that bond of common belief which we call democracy. It is the only road into the future that will lead us to our goal of universa] peace and security. Along that road we shall per- severe. The good-neighbor policy specifically in- cludes the doctrine of nonintervention. This assures each nation freedom for its own de- velopment. My country, in common with all the American republics, pledged itself at the Conference of Montevideo in 1933 and the Conference of Buenos Aires in 1936 to observe the doctrine of nonintervention. What it means ts that a strong nation does not: have the right to impose its will, by reason of its strength, on a weaker nation. The whole- hearted acceptance of this doctrine by all of us is the keynote of the inter-American system. Without it we could not exist as a community of good neighbors. It is a bind- ing commitment under the good-neighbor
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD policy. It is part of the basic international ‘law recognized by all the American republics. My own country will be faithful to the letter and to the spirit of the law. . Nonintervention does not and cannot mean indifference to what goes on beyond our own borders. Events in one cOuntry may have a profound effect in other countries. The com- munity of nations feels concern at the viola- tion of accepted principles of national be- havior by any one of its members. The law- lessness of one nation may threaten the very existence of the law on which all nations de- pend. In our domestic civil life we long ago recognized that the alternative to the rule of the strong was law established by the com- munity. For some years now we have been seeking, with increasing success, to apply this basic concept to international relations. It is no coincidence that the effort to achieve collective world security has been concurrent with the growing acceptance of the doctrine of nonintervention. It is inspiring to note the progress we have made toward establish- ing a community of nations with authority to enforce the law on delinquents. The Charter of the United Nations specifically invests the world community of nations with @ measure of such authority. Within the good-neighbor community of the 21 Ameri- can Republics we have witnessed and are witnessing a similar constructive develop- ment, beginning at Buenos Aires in 1936 with unanimous acceptance of the principle of consultation. The development of the inter- American system was accelerated by the great work done in this city at the 1945 conference on problems of war and peace, where the plan of a reorganized and strengthened system was created. International relations have traditionally been compared to a chess game in which each nation tries to outwit and checkmate the other. I cannot accept that comparison with respect to relations between your coun- try and mine, Mr. President. The United, States and Mexico are working tcgether for the mutual benefit of their peoplcs and the peace of the world. You have made me feel, which I could not have doubted in any case, that I stand here, in the midst of the great people of Mexico, as a trusted friend and a welcome guest. To you and to the people of Mexico I bring @ message of friendship and trust from the people of the United States. Though the road be long and wearisome that Jeads to a good neighborhood as wide as the world, we shall travel it together. Our two countries will not fail each other. United States Needs Rededication to Re- ligious Principles of Declaration of Independence EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRED L. CRAWFORD OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. CRAWFORD. Mr. Speaker, re- cently my fellow citizens in Owosso, Mich., gave a testimonial dinner in honor of the Reverend John J. Cavanaugh, Cc. 8. C., president of the University of Notre Dame, who is one of our native sons. Father Cavanaugh was born in one of the rural communities in Shia- wassee County and while he was still a boy, his family moved to Owosso where he attended St. Paul’s School from which he later graduated. After finishing his high school he secured employment and later, desiring to go on with his educa- tion, he enrolled in the University of Notre Dame where he graduated in busi- ness administration. After graduation he became associated with one of the large automobile corporations and reached the post of assistant sales man- ager of the corporation when he decided to change his life’s work. Being of a particularly religious nature he came to the decision that the church was his chosen field of activity instead of busi- ness, although he was apparently des- tined for a successful career in business life. So he quit his position with Stude- baker Corp. and went back to Notre Dame and enrolled in training for a priest. He was ordained into the priest- hood in the Catholic church in Owasso where he preached his first sermon. He has been associated with Notre Dame since that time, first in the teach- ing end and later on in the administra- tive. He had an active interest in ath- letics and headed up the athletic depart- ment. Then he was made vice president of the university and last August, upon the retirement of Rev. J. Hugh O’Donnell as president, he was elevated to the hcad of the university. It was a pleasure to join my constit- uents at this testimonial dinner honor- ing Father Cavanaugh, and I was very much impressed yith what he had to say in his remarks on that occasion and un- der the unanimous consent granted me earlier today by this House, I am pleased to submit his address as follows: A few days ago when I was giving some serious thought to what I might say tonight, I tried to bring to mind this distinguished Gathering including the governor of the State and a former governor, members of the hierarchy, my own religious superior, the presidents of several institutions of higher learning including two of my distinguished predecessors, as well o& many other clergy and civil dignitaries. I think you wi" under- stand when I say that the prospect was awesome for a home-town boy to face. Then I began to realize that it was not so awesome, that it should be decidedly pleasant, that all were here because of a great, generous friend- ship that they wished to express and that, like a soothing song. the line began to run through my head: “Sweetest of all are the friendly smiles at home, where all hearts are to one another Kind and sure.” I remem- bered the many familiar faces of my youth— faces that I came to know in the classrooms of old St. Paul's School, on the playgrounds, out hitching sleigh rides, or older faces that I met morning after morning at the doors of houses here in Owosso where I delivered groceries and peddled newspapers. I wish that all of these faces could be here this evening, and particularly, I wish that one, the dearest of all, could proudly smile upon this evening; for she meant during many trying years to my sister and brothers and me all of the love and protection that we enjoyed in our little home. I cannot begin to thank adequately the local committee, the many distinguished guests, and our able toastmaster for this memorable evening. I feel, of course, that it is a Notre Dame occasion, a testimonial not to me primarily, but to a great univer- sity whose representative I am proud and privileged to be. It is an expression of your respect and friendship for Notre Dame, of your faith in her present worth, and of your high and justifiable hopes for her future. A829 I am perfectly aware that Notre Dame friends are legion, that some of them have never seen the campus and have only the sketchiest knowledge of the university's academic side. I know that thousands of these friends have been more attracted to the university by the news of flashy, swivel- hipped halfbacks than by the accounts of our work in nuclear physics, in chemistry and bacteriology, and in the discovery of syn- thetic rubber. I know that too often the inference is made by the public at large that because an institution gets 15 times more publicity for sports than for any other rea- son that that institution must necessarily place a corresponding emphasis upon sports. I think you will understand, then, that we at Notre Dame, while not by any means repudiating the greatness of our athletic reputation, want the world to know the Notre Dame that we who have been reared in her shadows deeply love and respect. Notre Dame, an institution of higher learn- ing with an enrollment of 4,500 students, 1s composed of a graduate school that offers ad- vanced degrees in 18 departments and of an undergraduate school of 5 colleges. The university trains men in the sciences and arts, in law, engineering, and commerce, but this training, as we see it, is only part of our responsibility. I might go so far as to say it is the lesser part. We believe that a uni- versity worthy of the name must teach men not only how to make a living, but also how to live as responsible, moral citizens of a complicated world and as dependable leaders in this American Nation. Never in the world's history were such men so badly needed as today. If any thoughtful man takes up the morn- ing newspaper or listens to his favorite news broadcast, he must derive precious little com- fort from the conditions facing him either at home or abroad. The conclusion must force itself into his consciousness that we are a long, long way from establishing the political, economic, and social equilibrium that we thought would come about almost automatically once the war was over. If one looks back for a few moments with some reflection he sees that Americans have been guilty of wishful thinking that may prove mischievous. The fall of Berlin and the blasting of Hiroshima brought relief. The suspense was over. There were no more casualty lists. We could beat our swords into ploughshares and return to peaceful pursuits, Right had won over wrong and we preened ourselves on the realization that we had been the agents of righteousness. All that remained was to build a new and, of course, a@ much better civilization on the principles that Allied leaders had told us again and agaln—or should I say “again and again and again’’—were the ideals for which we were fighting. But has it all happened? The events that took place just before the surrender of the Japanese were dramatic, even startling and frightening. They .rought a Kind of exter- nal peace, but they also sowed internally in the hearts of men the seeds of apprehension and discord. When the so-called United Na- tions had no longer a commo. enemy, they no longer had a common purpose. The spir- it of teamwork gave way to the spirit of every man for himself. The victors began to think of strengthening themselves against both friend and foe, almost before the dust of battle had settled. And there was a sig- nificant difference between the postwar pe- riod of 1918 and that of 1945. Man had made tremendous technological advances and released natural forces that made inter- national boundaries as obsolete as the great wall of China. The welfare of all men had become almost completely dependent upon that undependable factor known as the good will of men. Today the atomic bomb, the supersonic plane, the guided destructive mis- sile, the possibilities of bacteriological war- fare, make the world a powder keg with the
A&30 fuze lit and growing shorter day by day. The hand of one diabolical ruler may turn the switch that will recuce the world to a shambles that even blood and sweat and tears may never restore. The picture is certainly not pleasant, and with it in mind, I would call your attention to a brief and significant quotation: “Nothing is more necessary for the stabil- ity of the world, if it is rc. to perish com- pletely, than some rededication of minds. Universal harmony and peace must be ob- tained for the whole human race. By peace and harmony, however, I do not mean the external peace between rulers and peoples among themselves, but an internal peace of minds inspired by a 8) stem of ideas and feel- ings. If this could be obtained, the human race would have a possession of great promise." These words are sO apt, sO mcdern, so wist- ful, that they might have been written yes- terday. Actually they werc written by John Amos Comentus, a Moravian bishop and edu- cator, sometimes called the Teacher of Na- tions. He died in 1670, but he lived at a time much like our own, when new sciences and scientific methods were making dazzling but false promises. History does repeat it- self. In Comenius’ day, as in our own, Man was bedeviled by a persistent question, Is spiritual and intellectual advencement keep- ing pace with the giant strides in science and technology? Is man learning to control himself while he learn. how tc control na- ture? Or is he, like Frankenstein, busy with @ monster that will destroy him in the end? To be sure, world stability calls for a re- dedication of minds, but to what principles shall minds be rededicated? What can be done to prevent the misuse of the tremen- dous powers of aircraft and atoms, projec- tiles, and poisons? How can we achieve in human relationships a progres; that is far more urgent than the greatest inventions of science? We have only one choice. Either we find a common ground upon which the nations and peoples of the world can meet, or our experience will count for nothing, and “all our yesterdays wil] have lighted fools the way ‘o dusty death.” A quick answer to the search for a com- mon ground ts to suggest world government. The answer, it seems to me, is too quick and too superficial. Before there is a superstruc- ture, there has to be a foundation and the foundations suggested so far—military might or preponderance of population—haven't even a suggestion of internal harmony that is acceptable to individual men and to na- tions. And without such harmony. any government, from the government of Owosso to that of the nations of the world, is going to break down. I have been trying to suggest to you, in one way or another, that to avert another and almost suicidal war some sort of work- able world order must be devised and prior to this order there must be a rededication of the hearts and minds of men. Now let me turn your attention for a moment to the situation within our own borders. This community in which you live is a microcosm—a little world in itself. Here you know and feel, in more or less degree, the same sources of tension that are trou- bling other communities large and small in America and throughout the world. The tensions that you feel here are the ones that may lead to the terrible destruction that I have hinted at. I know that the sources of tension among men are many, but three seem to me to be outstanding: One is eco- nomic, another is racial, a third is religious. We might as well forget altogether about per- manent peace and order and harmony until these tensions are relieved. On what basis, let us ask, then, can there be a reconcilia- tion between capital and labor? The man who does a decent day's work must receive & wage determined in justice and equity that will permit him to support his family in “Mberty, and the pursuit of happiness. decency and comfort while putting aside something for his old age. The man who in- vests an honest dollar and provides the tools of production must receive a fair return on his investment. And the public at large— now more or less crushed between capital and labor—must receive consideration. This, roughly stated, is the economic problem that faces us. And what of racial ill-feeling? Why do I shy from a man because his ethnic origin is different from mine? Why do I mistreat him simply because his skin is black or brown or yellow, instead of white? And what, finally, shall I say of the age-old religious tensions? Why should I ridicule or persecute those who do not worship at the same altar as I? Why do I pillory a man be- cause he 1s a Protestant, Catholic, or Jew? Are not these three—economic, racial, and religious tensions, the major causes of dis- unity and unrest in this country and in the world at large? I sincerely think there is a remedy to sug- gest. I think that the founding fathers of America knew the remedy and made it the basis, the cornerstone, of this great Ameri- can Republic. Ten years before the writing of the Constitution of the United States. the founders declared in unmistakable terms what the ends and objects of American Gov- ernment were to be. They determined the important why of government before work- ing out the how. These ends and objects of American Government they set forth in the famous Declaration of Independence. which is really the birth certificate of the American Republic. You remember how the Declaration of Independence opens up: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creater with certain un- alienable rights; that among them are fife, That to secure these rights, governments are in- stituted among men, deriving their just pow- ers from the consent of the governed.” The founders of this country held these beses of government to be self-evident, to be beyond dispute. These three were to be the roots from which the Constitution of the United States would draw its vitality. It seems clear to me from the Declaration of Independence that the first of these three suppositions is the acknowledgment of God as the Creator of man, The founding fathers seem to see that without God as the basis of things there can be no foundation for a true, functioning morality, becauce without a God to whom man is somchow answerable there is no real meaning to the words “right” and “wrong.” If there were no Supreme Be- ing. no God, man would be answerable to society alone, and society would be answer- able to no one. It seems to me that the patriots who wrote the Declaration of Inde- pendence must have foreseen the conse- quences of such a treacherous principle, that if society were the supreme arbiter of right and wrong, then in the years to come there could easily be a Nazi society, which might morally destroy the old and feeble and herd and mistreat hundreds of thousands of pris- oners into concentration camps, torture them, kill them, simply because they didn't fit in with the arbitrary ends and objects that the Nazi society wanted to achieve. May I ask you, then, if society is supreme unto itself, what was wrong with Hitler, Goering, and Himmler, and on what basis of right and wrong were these three arch criminals cheatec out of canonization as Germany’s natio: 1! saints? I think it is obvious that the founding fathers meant to say in the Declaration of Independence that every man is endowed with certain rights and duties which all men and all governments, however powerful, are obliged to respect, I think that this posses- sion of rights and these obligations of duties were to constitute the basis of freedom and of human dignity and to mark man off > APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD sharply from the baboon. I think that this balancing of rights and duties was to make man, unlike the baboon, capable of forming Into real societies and not into mere groups and herds. I think the founding fathers obviously said, in the third place, in the Declaration of Independence, that governments are not masters of the governed but are the instru- ments by which the rights of the governed are to be secured. I think it is all-important that these three presuppositions of commu- nity order, of harmony, and of government itself are irrevocably bound together. If there is no God, and man emerged from some dark, prehistoric, chaotic puddle, as some of our evolutionists would have us think, then all talk about moral rights and duties is so much nonsense. Man becomes only, in his mere material being, a grain of sand, to be trampled upon or mutilated or destroyed as some powerful and efficient dic- tator may direct. I think we are all equally proud of the good things that are to be guarded here in America. There is industry, the most power- ful and ingenious the world has ever known, and a system of free enterprise based on the right of private property, which has helped to make this country prosperous. There are millions of well-painted, modern, comfortable homes with spacious green lawns and gar- dens about them which make up our farms and our towns. There are plenty of play- grcunds and happy boys and girls in this country who want to be more skillful in athletics than at drilling and firing guns, ‘There are churches and schools and genuine freedom of conscience, freedom of expression, freedom from fear and want in a larger sense than in any other country of the world. It is your duty and mine to defend this Nation rich in spiritual background, one in which the condition of a man's rise to eminence is determined not by his family's titles but almost exclusively by his own spirit and abilities. We must never let anyone tell us as Americans that any other nation in the world enjoys these blessings as lavishly as we enjoy them. We must never let anyone sug- gest that these benefits just happened to spring up here in America. They didn’t hap- pen to spring up in Canada, or in Latin Amer- ica, or in China, or Russia, and all of these lands are potentially as rich or richer than cur country. The American advantages have been produced chiefly because we are blessed with the most successful form of government that has ever been devised. I think what is needed more than anything else in America is a rededication of all peo- ples—of Catholics, Protestants, and Jews—to the religious principles of the Declaration of Independence. American thinking must fearlessly get back where it belongs, to its roots. Our world leaders scem to be casting about for the sources of order. They need not look further than to this immortal Amer- ican document that has been the source and inspiration of a government unsurpassed in the history of man. This document in itself is a mere piece of paper. It must be ener- gized. It must be made to live in all our dealings in both private and public life, in government, in business, in the professions, in our plans for the future. We must show in our dealings with one another that the Creator of us all sees and cares about the falling of the sparrow as well as about the gigantic movements of men. As Benjamin Franklin said at a crucial moment in the Constitutional Convention, when he urged the delegates to pray for success, “"* *. * If a sparrow cannot fall without God's know!- edge, how can a nation be raised without His aid?” We must not be too proud to fall on our knees and to pray to this God, for the world faces @ crisis in human relations, the Uke of which it has never known before. When labor and capital recognise fully and practically this God and the rights and duties
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD with which He has endowed all men, there will be economic peace. When men of all colors and all beliefs acknowlege humbly that they stand equal before this Creator, with equal rights and duties, there will be racial and religious peace. Then to our brothers in Russia and Japan and Germany we shall set America forth as the new vital force in the world today, as it was in 1776, the model of order and peace, and we shall assume a vital leadership toward world harmony because we shall be true to our rich inheritance that has made this country the most favored on the face of the earth. Letter of Field Service Branch, Production and Marketing Administration, Yellville, Ark, EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES W. TRIMBLE OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. TRIMBLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the REcorD, I wish to insert the following letter which I have received from the Production and Marketing Ad- ministration, Field Service Branch, Yell- ville, Ark.: UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, PRODUCTION AND MARKETING ADMINISTRATION, Yellville, Ark., February 20, 1947. Mr. J. W. TRIMBLE, House Office Building, Washington, D C. Dear Mk. TRIMBLE: On your visit back home last summer, you will recall a meeting at Berryville with a group of farmer committee- men representing all counties of your dis- trict. This committee of the Field Service Branch, Production and Marketing Adminis- tration, was unanimous in its praise for your attitude with respect to support of our farmers’ program. No doubt you are aware of the accomplish- ments of the county agricultural conservation associations and the benefits brought to farmers and city folks alike. We feel that in preserving our soils the whole national econ- omy is strengthened. Your past efforts are deeply appreciated by all farmers, and espe- cially by us committeemen, who are elected by the farmers for the purpose of represent- ing them in the administration of the pro- gram, The record of our farmers during the late war does not need to be called to your at- tention, however a great deal of this tre- mendous production was, as you no doubt know, brought about by soil-conservation practises immediately preceding and during the conflict. As a result of this heavy pro- duction many of our soils have become de- pleted despite all the conservation measures employed. We farmers feel that not only the farmers of this district will be benefited by a continuation of this AAA assistance, but people from all walks of life. Most of our educational leaders and dietitians, for in- stance, recognize the necessity of mineraliz- ing our soils from a health standpoint. To accomplish these aims it is necessary that more funds be made available for ad- ministrating the program so that commit- teemen can maintain sufficient office per- sonnel and make greater use of committee- men in taking the program to farmers on the farm, With reference to the President's budget message, in which he recommended a $100,- 000,000 reduction in appropriations to make payments to farmers in the 1948 program year, we are of the opinion that he had not been supplied with the proper information when he made the statement that because of the farmer's strong position in American agriculture that they would carry out needed practices without assistance from the United States Treasury. After discussing this mat- ter with various farmers, it is our conviction that a decided drop in participation would occur, due to the increased cash outlay that would be required by the producer. We feel sure that we can speak for all farmers in the Third Congressional District in soliciting your assistance in making an effort to get this proposed cut restored. In conclusion, we wish to again express our appreciation of your past efforts on be- half of our program, and we feel sure that Wwe can count on your continued support. Yours very truly, M. C. CAMPBELL, W. 4H. Dasurirr, Guy McCrRAcCKEN, Marion County PMA, Field Service Branch, Conservation Committec. Tax Reduction EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HAROLD KNUTSON OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. KNUTSON. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted me, I desire to insert in the Recorp a thought-provoking edi- torial from the Eden Valley (Minn.) Journal on the need for tax reduction. The editorial follows: WHY TAXES NEED REDUCING Federal taxes, like the woman who puts her best chin forward, need reducing. The need is apparent to every taxpayer, large and small alike, yet our Congressman Harotp KNUTSON is having difficulty in getting his colleagues to agree with his plan for tax reduction. The administration's argument for reten- tion of present high tax rates is that con- tinued high governmental income is neces- sary for balancing the budget and paying off a small part of the national debt. They do not consider for a moment that it might save money if they'd drop a few of the country’s 3,000,000 civilian employees from the pay roll. But even if present expenditures continued to be necessary, which they won't, a reduc- tion of taxes in some quarters would serve to increase the Federal income. This is pointed out by James D. Mooney, president of a large auto concern, in a recent magazine article. Says he: “The Federal tax rate of 38 percent on corporate income * * * is gradually drying up corporate income. Business is be- ing slowly starved to death. * * * If the corporate income-tax rate were cut from 38 percent to 20 percent, the Government would actually get more money——just as in business you get more profits in dollars if the profit per unit is lowered to the point where vastly more sales are made.” The actual facts of the matter are that each of us is paying about 815 out of each 845 we earn into the Federal Treasury and the pockets of Federal employees. Three hun- dred dollars of the purchase price of a new car is taxes, $2,500 of the cost of a $10,000 house goes for taxes. Says Collier's: ‘“‘We have reached the point where the Government would actually take A831 in more money if taxes were reduced. And everyone would get dividends in a lower cost of living.” More power to Mr. KNuTSON and the men who are working with him to bring America's taxes back to a sane ratio with the income of its citizens. Labor Relations Policies of California State Chamber of Commerce EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JACK Z. ANDERSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF. REPRESENTATIVES Tuesoay, March 4, 1947 Mr. ANDERSON of California. Mr. Spcaker, I commend to the attention of my colleagues the following carefully thought-out policy for insuring future labor-management peace in this coun- try: CALIFORNIA StTaTE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE Lasor RELATIONS POLICIES AS REVISED FEB- RUARY 14, 1947 The following 16 policies on labor relations are advocated by the California State Cham- ber of Commerce, agriculture and industry, to maintain industrial peace, and to assure future progress and prosperity in California. These policies result from extensive study and represent the thought of a cross-section of business and industrial leadership. We believe they constitute a Magna Carta of labor relations which protects the rights of individuals, the public, employee orguni- zations, and business. We commend these policies to your carefu)] study. 1. RIGHT TO WORK No employer should discriminate against or in favor of any employee or applicant for employment because of membership or non- membership in a union. No employee or prospective employee should be required to join or to refrain from joining a union, or to maintain or withdraw his membership in a union, as a condition of employment. Compulsory union member- ship and interference with voluntary union membership should be prohibited by law. 2. FREEDOM OF SPEECH Where a union is seeking to represent the employees of an employer, the employer should be permitted to express himself freely to his employees, provided that he dves not discriminate or threaten to discriminate against an employee or employees because of joining a union Where an employer is engaging in collec- tive bargaining with a union, the employer should be permitted to inform his employees what has taken place during the collective- bargaining negotiations, including the vari- ous proposals and counter proposals and the reasons and arguments therefor. 3. DETERMINATION OF COLLECTIVE BARGAINING REPRESENTATION Amend the National Labor Relations Act to provide that employers, as well as unions, should be entitled to have a determination of representation disputes, by the appropriate governmental agency, and that the deter- mination of the agency, if finally sustained by the courts, should be binding and enforce- able by court order upon unions as well as employers. When a union claims the right, which is questioned by the employer, to represent the employees of the employer, the union should be required to establish this right by certifi- cation by the appropriate governmental agency and should be forbidden by law to
A832 take economic action against the employer or his employees where it fails to secure such certification. In such cases the union should be required to obtain the affirmative vote of a majority of all of the employees in the appropriate unit by secret ballot election under governmental supervision. 4. STRIKE VOTES When collective bargaining negotiations fail to result in agreements for a new con- tract or renewal of the existing contract and the employees elect to strike, the striking employees shall lose employee status and the union, if it countenances or participates in such strike, shall lose representation rights under the law unless the majority of em- Ployees in the bargaining unit, before en- geging in such strike action have, by secret ballot under impartial supervision, voted for a strike in preference to acceptance of the latest offer of the employer. The same procedure should be followed for the con- sideration of offers for settlement or termi!- nation of the strike. Employees and employ- ers shou'd both be protected in their right to express their respective positions. 5. COMPULSORY ARBITRATION Oppose a system of compulsory arbitration or labor courts or so-called fact-finding com- missions for the settlement and determina- tion of terms and conditions of new con- tracts and advocate means of curing excesses or abuses in the collective-bargaining proc- ess rather than abandoning collective bar- gaining for compulsory arbitration. However, all collective-bargaining contracts should provide for a final determination of any unsettled grievances or disputes involv- ing the interpretation or application of the agreement by the process of arbitration. 6. ENFORCEABILITY OF COLLECTIVE-BARGAINING CONTRACTS Collective-bargaining contracts should be enforceable at law or in equity. Any attempt to cause, induce, or compel a violation of a collective-bargaining agreement should be unlawful. Violation of these principles should be sud- ject to action at law or in equity and should result in loss of employee status and loss of representation rights by unions under the law. 1, STRIKES AGAINST PUBLIC INTEREST Strikes occur, the scope and nature of which threaten the security of government and imperil the public welfare. Legislative investigation should be undertaken to define strikes of such character ind to recommend the necessary safeguards. 8. IMPARTIAL APPLICATION OF LAWS TO INDUSTRY AND ORGANIZED LABOR Laws prohibiting monopolistic practices and contributions for political purposes should apply equally to industry and organ- ized labor and should be strictly enforced. Every legal effort should be made to prevent circumvention of such laws by subterfuge. Labor unions should not be exempt from antiracketeering laws. 9. HOT CARGO AND SECONDARY BOYCOTT Favor State and national legislation out- lawing secondary boycotts and sympathetic strikes. 10. JURISDICTIONAL DISPUTES INVOLVING THE CLAIM OF UNIONS TO PERFORM PARTICULAR WORK ON THE JOB Make it unlawful for any union to take economic action against an employer or his employecs to enforce its claim to perform any particular work. The union's recourse under such circumstances should be directed to governmental agencies established for such determinations. o 11. PICKETING While the right of a labor organization to publicize the facts of a labor dispute is un- questioned, picketing in such a manner as to obstruct the entrance to any place of busi- ness or to intimidate or molest any person desiring to enter or leave the premises should be unlawful. 12. SUPERVISORY EMPLOYEES Favor legislation specifically declaring that employers are not required to bargain col- lectively with supervisory employees or other managerial personnel. 183. FEATHER-BEDDING AND MAKE-WORK LEGISLATION Favor legislation outlawing make-work and feather-bedding rules, the employment of stand-by crews and other artificial practices that curtail production. 14, STATE WAGNER ACT, WAGE AND HOUR LAW, AND ANTI-INJUNCTION LAW Oppose any legislation designed to estab- Nsh a California Labor Relations Act similar to the Wagner Act or a State wage and hour law, or a State anti-injunction law. 18. ANTIDISCRIMINATION Endorsement of the principle that there should be no discrimination in employment because of race, creed, color, or national ori- gin, but that hiring and retention of employ- ment should be based solely on the appli- cant’s qualifications for the Job. The elimi- nation of discriminatory practices should be approached by cooperative educational ef- forts on the purt of labor, management, and the Government and not through the medi- um of compulsory legislation. 16, FULL EMPLOYMENT Opposition to the basic principle involved in measures seeking so-called full employ- ment, namely that Government should guar- antee employment for anyone. Trial and Conviction of Archbishop Stepinac EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF KON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude the contents of a letter sent by me to Gen. George C. Marshall, Secretary of State, on March 3, 1947: Marc# 3, 1947. Gen. Grorce C. MARSHALL, : The Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. Secretary: The trial and con- viction of Archbishop Stepinac affrights the conscience of cvery citizen of the United States who believes in justice and freedom. The court proceedings were a crime ageinst democracy. The sentence imposed was an attempt to crush religious freedom in Yugo- slavia. The imprisonment of Archbishop Stepinac symbolizes despotism in its extreme operation. I view with sorrow this violation of the pledge made by the Government of Yugo- slavia to the United States that it would respect the natural rights and fundamental freedoms of man. Our national responsibility in the cause of world peace demands formal protest against the partisan persecution of Archbishop Stepinac. Under date of October 3, 1946, the Acting Secretary of State advised me by letter in art: P “While the United States fs naturally, on humanitarian grounds, following the case with attention, Yugoslavia, in its capacity as &@ sovereign state, has full jurisdiction over APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD its citizens and their actions. In addition, it ts a recognized principle of relations between states that one government should not inter- fere in the internal affairs of another state. In these circumstances, means through which the United States Government could take action in this matter are exceedingly limited.” This statement of the Acting Secretary of State indicates that some action, even though limited, can be taken by our Government. Indeed, the history of our foreign relations contains ample precedent for our State De- partment to intercede on behalf of the na- tionals of another country who are victims of religious persecution. In 1923 the Government of the United States protested to Russia when Soviet lead- ers sentenced Archbishop Cepliak, Mons/gnor Budiewicz, and numerous priests to death for treason. The then Secretary of State, Charles Evans Hushes, officially expressed disapproval of the action of the Russian Government in a note transmitted to the Soviet Government through the United States Embassy in Berlin. On May 18, 1900, the United States Min- ister at Peking lodged a protest at the Chi- nese Foreign Office against religious persecu- tion of Christians. In 1857 Secretary of State William H. Seward protested to the Government of Japan on behalf of nationals of a country other tkan our own against their persecution be- cause of their religion. In 1866 Secretary of State Seward protested the execution of Ro- man Catholic clergy when religious persecu- tion broke out in Korea. Many similar examples could be found in the files of the United States Department of State, evidencing that our Government has not hesitated to protest religious persecution abroad, insisting not only on the protection of its own nationals but also intervening on behalf of the natives of the country involved. I, therefore, respectfully request that you, as Secretary of State, in accordance with our established national policy of condemning acts of persecution based on political, racial, or religious grounds as crimes against hu- manity wherever committed, express on be- half of the Government of the United States to the Government of Yugoslavia the deep humanitarian interest of the American people and their earnest hope for the immediate liberation of Archbishop Stepinac and the cessation of religious persecution in Yugo- slavia. Very respectfully yours, JoHN W. McCormack, Member of Congress. Date of Birth of Gen. Casimir Pulaski EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS S. GORDON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 « Mr. GORDON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following telegram: Crcaco, Iuu., March 4, 1947. Congressman THoMas 8. Gornon, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.: Because some people have begun to send out press releases giving wrong date of birth of Gen. Casimir Pulaski, to prevent you be- ing misled, wish to call your attention to fact that Ercyclopedia Britannica, Diction- ery of American Biography, International Encyclopedia, World Book, Americana Ency- clopedia, and Catholic Encyclopedia all are unanimous on March 4, 1748, a8 date of his
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD birth. Archives of our Government at the time Pulaski appeared to fight under George Washington, and all reliable historians, fixed 1748 as year of his birth. Thus two hun- dredth anniversary is next year, as was orig- inally brought to your attention. ANTHONY CZARNECKI. American Home and Redevelopment Act of 1947 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRED L. CRAWFORD OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. CRAWFORD. Mr. Speaker, re- cently at the request of the National Home and Property Owners Foundation I submitted H. R. 2025, known as the American Home and Redevelopment Act of 1947. Mr.O. J. Dekom, director of re- search of that foundation, has issued a report covering this proposed Jegislation, and I herewith submit it under the unan- imous consent given me by the Hause: (By O. J. Dekom, director of research, Na- tional Home and Property Owners Foun- dation ) Representative Frep Crawrorp, of Michi- gan, has just introduced a bill in Congress to make it possible for private enterprise to clenr our cities of slums and other blighced areas. For 14 years, the Roosevelt and Truman administrations have been tell- ing Congress that private industry could not do the job and that it wus necessary, thercfore, that the Federal Government build socialized public housing. Last year Mr. Truman urged Congress to pags the Wagner-Ellender-Taft public-hous- ing bill. which included an appropriation of about 85,000,000,000 in tax money for Gov- ernment housing. The WET bill was passed by the Senate but the House of Representa- tives wisely refused to approve it. Efforts to revive the WET bill are being made, and Rep- resentative EMANUEL CELLER, of New York, has introduced it in the House. Mr. Crawrorp’s proposed American Home and Redevelopment Act of 1947 is the an- swer of free enterprise to the WET bill. If passed, it will assure the redevelopment of run-down sections of our communities and will encourage the construction of a large supply of low-rent housing. Under the bill, local housing authorities would be set up with power to take over blighted areas of a community at a fair price for the land and its existing improve- ments. This land would be cleared and then offered for sale to private concerns on con- dition that they rebuild the area according to an npproved redevelopment plan. Since the original cost of the land with its im- provements would generally be greater than the sale price after the land is cleared, the city would have to absorb the loss tem- porartly. In time, the cost to the commu- nity would be made up by the increased taxes from the redeveloped section. Here is the basic difference between socialized public housing and private construction. Pub‘ic-housing projects are built at the tax- payers’ expense and, being tax free, are main- tained at the taxpayers’ expense. Housing ‘constructed under the Crawford bill would be paid for by private investors, and the cities would receive taxes. In case a community cannot finance the purchase and clearing of land for redevelop- ment purposes out of current revenues, the bill proposes to set up a system of Federal XCIUI—App.—— 53 joan insurance similar to that now available to individual home owners under the FHA . The Federal Government would not actually lend money to a city, but would only guarantee the loans so that the lender will not be afraid of losing his money. In order to prevent the growth of future slums, the Crawford bill requires that mu- nicipalitics asking for Federal loan insurance must have and enforce sound sanitary and safety laws. One of the most important reasons for the development of blighted areas has been the fact that cities did not strictly enforce their sanitary and safety laws, there- by permitting properties to deteriorate to slum conditions. As protection to all citizens against unwice or hcsty action of the local authorities, the bill requires that full and free public hear- ings be held before any final decision on rede- velopment projects is made. The hearings must be advertised in advance and interestcd parties must be notified of the hearing date. In addition, the Crawford bill proposes to set up a housing research council consisting of rcpresentatives of government and the building industry. The council would un- dertake all kinds of research in the housing ficld and would develop new construction methods and test building materials. Rental housing would be encouraged under the Crawford bill by Federal mcrtgage insurance. Loans to private concerns that wish to build homes for rent would be guar- anteed in the same manner as loans to com- munities for redevelopment, The battle between free enterprise and socialized housing ison. Attempts are being made to label the WET bill a “vetc:an's” housing bill. Already several leading Sena- tors, including Rosgert Tarr, of Ohio, rave aligned themselves with the public housers. The Crawford bill will face much opposition because it does not propose tu set up any additional government bureaus or fut money into the hands of government officials for spending. Radio Address to My Const'tuents EXTENSION OF REMARKS _ HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing address made by me over Station WNBF on March 1, 1947: Dear friends of the Triple Cities and my congressional district, this week I am press- ing my demands once again for more sugar to every American housewife. Today is March 1. There will be no more sugar stamps available, I’m told, until at least the Ist of April. At that rate, my family of six children have just 10 pourfds of sugar on hand to take us through that time. How are we going to make out? That strikes mighty close to home, and I’m sure the Hall family situation is no different than the vast majority of other homes all over the country. Are you satis- fied with the way this sugar question is being bandied? If I didn’t think there is enough sugar to supply the American people with more than they're receiving now through rationing, I wouldn't be kicking. We've all seen plenty in the stores, with the grocers anxious to sell, but nobody can buy it. To those who pooh-pooh my contention that more sugar ought to be distributed to A833 our citizens, lect me say I am still receiving as many letters from home complaining about this shortage as I have on almost any other subject. People gencrally think there is enough sugar in the country to go around and all the propaganda you throw at them won't change their minds. They think- -and right- ly so—that the rank and file of America ought to be considered. ‘They ure sick of making sacrifices and they are sick of being pushed around. You see, it’s their cuuntry, too, and they have quite a stake in it. Unfortunately, or perhaps fortunately, I don't have the right contacts some might to buy more sugar to meet my family needs. I'm in the same boat most of you folks are in. We have to eat our meals without sugar: we have to forget about canning things we'll necd for the future. We'll have to put aside the hope of saving a little money by preserv- ing fruits or vegetables or meats which we'd like on hand for a rainy day. You and I will have to forego these pleas- ures and necessities while a few, a very few, may be enjoying the advantages of being on the inside of the sugar tragedy and getting all they want. I say, and I have said, to Con- gress and to the Secretary of Agriculture: “Open up. Let's have sume sugar. Don't make the American people suffer through selfishness. Let every housewife have a bonus of 25 pounds of sugar for her family. If this seems unfair for the individual, then make the allotment per person a lot bigger than has already been proposed. Give us all relief from the present shortage and we'll be satisfied.” During the past few weeks great stress has been laid upon the desire of many groups of our citizens to sec a new airport for Broome County at Mount Ettrick. I, for one, have been impressed by the strong, positive stand taken by the lcaders of our section for this considerable project. This week I was especially honored by a visit from County Attorney Charlie O'Brien and several distinguished members of the Broome County Board of Supervisors, who dropped in my Washington office and men- tioned their interest in hearings on proposed alrport funds before the Senate Commerce Committee. I offered these gentlemen my complete co- operation in doing whatever I could to make their trip informative and productive. and I believe they felt the trip down here was worth while. Anything that will help the workers of the Triple Cities, I am absolutely for. Anything that will help our great industries, I'm for. Anything that will put Broome County on the map, and give our section the high place it so richly deserves in the Nation as a whole, I'm for. As I told a good friend who urged my sup- port of the Mount Ettrick project, I've been under terrific pressure here in the Capitol from official duties since election day, and I may not have been in as close touch with this important matter of local intcrest as I should. But the Mount Ettrick airport plan looks good to me. Why shouldn't we have the best? Why shouldn't we put Broome County on the ma! ? Why shouldn't we give every- body in this section the chance to enjoy first- class air transportation? I don’t know how far Congress is willing to go on spending money on airports this year. You know the purse strings are drawn tight. But the Federal Government ought to lighten any heavy burden which might fall on our local people as the result of the Mount Ettrick construction being approved. You folks can count on my going to bat at this end after you decide on the policy. Personally, I would not hesitate. We must go along with progress. The valley of fair play deserves the best, and it’s up to us to put it on the map. Thank you.
‘A834 Portal-to-Portal Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN DAVIS LODGE OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. LODGE. Mr. Speaker, I voted in favor of House Resolution 2157, popularly known as the portal-to-portal bill, al- though it was not my idea of the ideal measure to deal with this problem. In particular, I favored a 3-year rather than a 1-year statute of limitations. I favored the longer period principally be- cause the only cases coming within the statute are those where the employer has wilfully and in bad faith violated the Fair Labor Standards Act. The em- ployee may frequently not know within 1 year of the existence of his right. Moreover, his right involves a public in- terest and under the law the United States Government is subject to the l-year limitation and is therefore weak- ened in its ability to enforce the wage- hour law. In addition, the 1-year period would, I think, encourage the unethical employer to violate the Fair Labor Standards Act. Furthermore, the 9,0C€0,- 000 unorganized workers coming under this act would under the 1-year statute have more difficulty than the organized worker in ascertaining his or her claim. And finally the 1-year statute would tend to decrease the voluntary negotiation of the disputes and increase litigation. These are some of the reasons why I favored the 3-year statute. It is rare that a Congressman has the opportunity to vote on what he considers the best possible bill. His choice is usually between voting down a bill in its entirety or voting for a bill which to some extent falls short of his ideas. I voted in favor of this legislation for the following reasons: First. To protect the millions of work- ing people of this country against the unemployment and uncertain conditions of employment which weuld result if these portal-to-portal suits were allowed. The working people of America should not be priced out of a market because of the reckless actions of a small minor- ity, actions which bear no relation to the original declared intentions of labor and management as expressed in their agreements or by custom and practice. Second. To protect the millions of peo- ple of this country against the increased taxes which might very well result if these suits were allowed. It will readily be seen that the amounts recovered in these suits would be deductible by the employers for income-tax purposes and would therefore deprive the Federal Gov- ernment of considerable revenue. Fur- thermore, it would open the door to large portal-to-portal claims against the Gov- ernment, and it would also increase the cost to the Government of goods and services in the future. In this fashion, there would be serious interference with the development of sound fiscal policies, the stabilization of the currency, and the maintenance of the national credit, Third. To protect the millions of Americans who own the businesses of this country against the failure of these businesses, due to the allowance of these claims. Fourth. To protect the United States Government against the financial bur- dens hereinabove mentioned and also against uncertainty with respect to future contractual obligations of the Government. Fifth. To protect the American people, customers from whom in the end all in- come is derived, against a complete dis- location of industry which ultimately would result in benefits to no one. Sixth. To protect our chances for world peace by preventing disturbances in our economy which might not only vitally interfere with national defense, but also seriously curtail our ability to render the relief and economic assist- ance so vital to its maintenance. Elimination of Price Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. ROBERTSON OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. Speaker, American business, both large and smal], is on trial, The constantly rising prices of most all commodities is placing Amer- ican business in an uncomfortable posi- tion before the American people. Prac- tically all American businessmen regard- less of their size demanded the elimina- tion of price control. It is the responsi- bility of business to prove to the country that they can hold the line against in- flation without the aid of Government and its controls. Under unanimous consent, I include herewith an article from the New York Times written by Russell Porter on the subject entitled ‘New Relations With Workers and Customers Seen Necessi- tated by Price Outlook”: NEW RELATIONS WITH WORKERS AND CUSTOMERS SEEN NECESSITATED BY PRICE OUTLOOK (By Russell Porter) In the grand ballroom of a big hotel in Chicago last week various speakers warned & meeting of the American Management As- sociation that the future of the free-enter- prise system depended upon business and in- dustry improving their human relations with the public—that is, with their workers and their consumers as human beings. Top management was held to be fumbling the ball in this most important and difficult fleld. In the lobbies of the same hotel and in the nearby business offices and streets of Chicago’s famous Loop, the nerve center of the great Midwest industrial and agricultural regions which come together there, this re- porter found strong support for such a view of the current public relations of the Ameri- can economic system, Chicago's newspapers were headlining $30 hogs, highest on record; predicting $1-a- pound pork chops in a few days, so that what has been traditionally the poor man’s meat has become a luxury product, and reporting March wheat at the highest price since 1920. Prices of clothing were also on the climb, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Businessmen and economists in the middle- income brackets were complaining about be- ing priced out of the market themselves for new homes, automobiles, and other manu- factured articles which the economists call durable consumer goods. And everybody, rich, poor, or in between, was talking about the huge profits being reported and the fat dividend melons being cut by many of the country’s large corpora- tions. Obviously, here is a problem in public rela- tions which reaches right down to the grass roots of what people as individual human beings, not as statistics in an official report or lines on a chart, have to pay for what they eat, wear, live in or otherwise use in their daily lives, what they can afford to buy, how long they can remain customers or potential customers, except for the barest necessities, of the products of American industry, and how all this will affect their confidence in the American system as a whole. The time is getting close when industry must find an answer to this problem that will satisfy the public. In the next 60 or 90 days management will have to deal with the postponed wage demands in the coal, steel, automobile, telephone, electrical, rail- road, and other strategic industries. It had been hoped that the cost-of-living decline that began in December would con- tinue and spread sufficiently to limit the ex- tent of second-round wage increases neces- sary to satisfy the workers and prevent an- other wave of major strikes in 1947. Then, it had been expected, uninterrupted mass production and increased productivity due to a more cooperative attitude on the part of rank-and-file labor since election duy, an improved flow of materials since the end of price controls, and post-war technological improvements would gradually provide a tre- mendous flow of goods at reduced production costs. This, it was believed, might ease the coun- try down to a lower price level without a de- pression and mass unemployment, and set the stage for a sustained period of prosperity supported by high-level production and em- ployment and a better balanced wage-price- profit relationship from the standpoint of both consumer purchasing power and sav- ings for investment in new production and employment. But the new upsurge of commodity prices has disturbed these expectations. If it is not checked, and if rent ceilings are raised sud- denly and indiscriminately, the effect on the coming cost-of-living wage negotiations may be very bad. Another big inflationary spurt, pricing more and more buyers out of the market, it is held, may eventually result in huge un- salable surpluses, which might have to be dumped on the market at a terrific loss, caus- ing business failures, mass lay-offs, and de- pression. Many businessmen concede privately that prices are too high and should be reduced voluntarily and gradually now in order to stop the inflationary spiral and forestall the deflationary one that might follow a forced and sharp break in prices later. But, with a few exceptions everybody seems to be wait- ing for the other fellow's prices to be cut first. National leadership appears to be required, but so far has been lacking, either to reduce prices or explain convincingly why this can- not be done. Of course, neither the Govern- ment nor a private organization like the Na- tional Association of Manufacturers has the power to compel any businessman to reduce prices, but each has a great deal of moral authority, and an appeal from either, com- ing on the eve of major wage negotiations, would be hard to ignore. At its annual meeting last December the NAM acknowledged its responsibility for put- ting forward positive and constructive pro- posalg in the public interest for the solution
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of national problems affecting the economic and social welfare of the people. Subsequent- ly, it sponsored a meeting of public-relations executives for business and industry, at which the keynote was expressed that good public relations for American free enterprise rest upon two ‘oundations: (1) Action in the public interest; (2) full public information. This te a new policy for the NAM, which has admitted its error in failure to offer any- thing .more than mere opposition to New Deal proposals for changes in the public in- terest between 1982 and 1946, The British Empire EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER H. GROSS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following editorial from the Bristol (Pa.) Courier of March 3, 1847: TWILIGHT OF BRITAIN The break-up of Britain continues to be one of the most dramatic news stories of the century. The fact that many papers and commenta- tors pay little attention to it doesn't mat- ter—historians for hundreds of years will devote space enough to make up for that. The collapse has been dramatized for the American people by the Greek episode. Our Government has been notified that Great Britain can't afford to continue trying to stabilize Greece, and has offered to let us take over the job. Stabilizing Greece is a term which trans- lates, really, into something a little difer- ent—protecting Greece from the Russian Communists. What Enpland wants us to do is pay the bills and hold the bag. The decision on Uncle Sam’s role is mo- mentous. If we stand clear and refuse to help, it will be only n matter of time until Stalin will have achieved that great Russian objective—a tight grip on the eastern Medi- terranean. If we take over responsibility in Greece. however, whether with armies or finance, we then will be committed irretrievably to a course of blocking Russia in one of her major objectives. World conditions being what they aré, this would be virtually a commitment to a third world war, with Russia on one side and the United States on the other. The Greek question has assumed an unduly large part of the whole British picture. Events have been moving so rapidly that a review is necessary to indicate the immense importance of what has happened. Only a few years ago Britain was proud of the title of “Mistress of the Sens.” happy to boast that the sun never set on the Union Jack. She was the financial center of the world; her Empire sprawled around the globe. Moreover, she was a citadel of freedom, with every man’s home his castle. She came through the war with flying colors. Her losses were heavy, but not crush- ing. Her debts were large, but her credit was good and her creditors patient. Her people were steadfast, brave, optimistic. And then she tried socialism. The Labor Party threw out the war leader, Winston Churchill, and embarked on a pro- gram of state ownership of industry. Our Government advanced a loan of more than @3,000,000,000. The British Labor Government promptly adopted a budget which was short- changed by about the same amount, extended the grants it pays to nonproducing citizens, issued paper to buy up the Bank of England, mines, steel, railways, etc. . But the blizzards came. They merely dramatized the economic storm beating upon the unhappy British experiment. The British workers, well paid by their government in times of unemployment, refused to exert themselves; they like the state no better as boss than private ownership. The export-or-die program reached less than half its objective. In fuel, far from being able to create a surplus for export, British miners have fallen belov. what the island itself needs. Food, clothing, fuel, shelter—all these are desperately low. The American loan, which was to have un- locked the blocked sterling, has been used for nothing of the sort. It has gone, mainly, exactly for what its critics said it would go for—to finance socialization of the Empire. A fourth of it has been spent virtually for current expenses—40 percent, Parliament was told, for tobacco and movies. What this vast crisis will mean to the British Government itself remains to be seen. The king and his family scooted ou to South Africa, 4,009 miles away. Churchill has sus- pended his fire for the time—perhaps no bet- ter ab‘e than anyone else to tell the British people how to get out of the pit they have dug for themselves; his idea was to stay out in the first place. But the effect upon the British Empire, wh:ch is a political entity far more impor- tant than the fate of the people who crowd the “tight little island" itself, is all too clear. A year or so ago London notified Uncie Eam that she could not afford to support what had been agreed as her share of the occupation of Germany; we have been taking over a progressively larger part of this burden. A few months ago England watched Russia move into command of the Persian oil fields which are part of the British life line—com- mand in the sense that Russia now can grab them whenever she wishes. The Labor Gov- ernment decided it would be unfriendly to Rvesia to protest. More recently England has thrown her east Asian and most of her Pacific outposts to the wolves. The plan to abandon India is the most conspicuous of this withdrawal. In the eastern Mediterranean, she already has thrown up her hands over the Palestine situation, and demanded that the United Nations take over; now she ts about to with- draw from Greece. As to her Dominions, Australia and New Zealand nearly broke away because of British decision not to attempt to resist Japanese encroachments in their direction in the early days of the war; and the one-time bond has never been fully resumed, despite the fact that this early piece of military strategy was hastily reversed. Canada, to those who read between the lines, considers herself largely independent of the Empire. The most significant breach between our northern neighbor and the Em- pire to which she technically belongs is in the field of finance. There has been a sharp currency war going on between the two, in which the Canadian dollar has been inching upward in close ratio to the slow falling-off of the British pound. The decline and fall of the Roman Empire is usually considered to have taken some 400 years for its accomplishment. The speed of the British break-down, now rapidly reaching the approximate extent of that of the Romans, can be visualized by re- membering that it {s only about a year and a half ago that the British Socialists came to power and the debacle began. A835 Address by Hon. J. Harry McGregor, of Ohio, to the Veterans of Foreign Wars Annual Banquet at Philadelphia, Pa., February 22, 1947 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. HARRY McGREGOR OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. McGREGOR. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorD, I include the following address: I join with the action taken at your na- tional convention held in Boston Jast sum- mer, when your national body took a definite stand against communism and advocated an unrelenting drive against Red forces oper- ating in this country. I pledge, as a veteran and an American, my whole and untiring support to this program. A drive to outlaw the Communist Party in the United States is now gathering momen- tum, largely due to the initiative taken by the Veterans of Foreign Wars and other vet- eran organizations, in meeting the Red men- ace head-on I understand that a resolution calling for an injunction against American Reds is being backed by expressions of sup- port from all over the Nation and that this resolution is being adopted by many local posts. According to the press, evidence to support the case against communism and prove conclusively that the Communist Party, from its inception, has sought the overthrow of our Republic through armed insurrection is in the hands of important officiais of your organization. In resorting to lege! means to force the dissolution of the Communist Party, your national body is setting a precedent that ap- Pears to me to be a sensible as well as an effective course of action. In the District of Columbia the local VFW organization also has turned its guns on the Daily Worker, of- ficial Communist Party organ, published in New York City. America's vaunted tolerance has been taken advantage of by avowed enemies of our Government to build up a huge propaganda network for the purpuse of confusing und dividing our people, and there comes a time when something has to be done. That time has come, /adies and gentlemen, and the united efforts of your organization should serve to wake up mil- lions of Americans who hitherto have been either unaware or indifferent toward the communistic conspiracy that in this atomic age is more to be feared than ever betore in our Nation's history. I not only commend the VFW and every patriotic member of this great organization from your national commander in chief, Lewis Starr, down through the ranks, but L also urge you not to let up lor a minute in the drive you are undertaking to make Amer- ica safe for Americans. W-+ have no place in America for those who do not believe in our American form of government. I am inclined to believe that the war against the largely invisible forces of com- munism will be in many respects a Narder war than any we have faced before. It is one thing to march into battle against foes who can be seen and eliminated. It is un- other thing to engage our subversive enemies in complicated legal proceedings and a bat- tle of wits, for with them there sre no Ten Commandments, no Marquis of Queensbury rules, no Geneva Code, no holds barred. The Communist is a fanatic who follows the Marxian philosophy that the ends justily
A836 the means. Gerhart Eisler, allegedly the top Communist in this country, consistently falsified immigration records and passports in an attempt to cover up his trail in this country, going by innumerable aliases such as Edwards, Hans Berger, Julius Eisman, and others, and when cornered by the House Committee on Un-American Activities, you remember, refused to be sworn and tcstily before the committee. If the sun was ehin- ing brightly, Eisler would probably insist it was raining, and one investigator has com- mented that he has yet to discover a single honest statement ever made b} Eisler. Ob- viously it is not easy to deal with trained Communist agents, and that’s a job for our Army and Navy intelligence people and the FBI, but every American can, nevertheless, help in the struggle against Communist in- filtration and plotting. The battle against communism should be waged by all Americans, regardless of party, race, creed, or color. Only a handful of peo- ple stand to gain anything from a successful Communist revolution in this country, and it appears doubtful that the Communists would be generous in handing out patronage to Americans just because they were passive, or gullible, or even cooperative. A quisling wins the respect of neither the people he be- trays, nor the invaders whom he joins. And yet, I regret to say, there are some folks in our country who fail so far to appreciate the blessings of freedom and the advantages of our free enterprise system that they scoff at the dangers from communistic doctrine, and may add that, well, if communism does come to America, they’ll be smart enough to be commissars. Surely, they cannot know the import of their words and the price of ap- peasement. I repéat that resistance to communism in our beloved land is a nonpartisan matter. In the present House of Representatives, Re- publicans and Democrats alike are resolved, with few exceptions, to protect the interests of this Republic. In the last election, the voters took care of several Members of the House of Representatives whose recorc™ indi- cated that they were sympathetic with Reds and Red causes. On February 8, Speaker Martin pledged House Republicans to a drive to remove the Red menace from America. He declared that the party will cooperate fully with the House Committee on Un-American Activities in its campaign against what Chairman THOMAS called a Communist conspiracy. Martin's statement, as reported by the press, was short but to the point. He said, “We are behind the objective of the com- mittee to remove the Red menace from America and drive it out of the Govern- ment.” Speaker MartTIN also reiterated his belief, expressed in an earlier speech, that “a power- ful and strategically placed minority has set out to destroy the American system and re- place it with communism. They are the enemy within our gates. They have wormed their way into posts of power from which they try to shape Government policies and influence public opinion.” Mr. THomas has told the American people that his committee’s encounter with Gerhart Eisler was “only the first chapter in the com- mittee’s drive to unmask a Communist con- spiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States.” The conspiracy to overthrow the Government, he declared, “already has @ good start and must be stopped.” In accepting the distinguished service medal of the American Legion at San Fran- cisco, September 30, 1946, J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federa) Bureau of Investiga- tion, devoted his entire address to the grow- ing menace of communism in the United States. It will pay us to think tonight about some of the things Mr. Hoover said last fall, “During the past 5 years,” he stated, “Ameri- can Communists have made their deepest in- roads upon our national life.” Veterans organizations, Mr. Hoover recog- nized, represent a force which holds within its power the ability to expose the hypocrisy and ruthlessness of this foreign “ism” which has crept into our national lfe—an “ism” built and supported by dishonor, deceit, tyranny, and a deliberate policy of false- hood. It is a matter of self-preservation. The veteran who fought for America will be among the first to suffer if the: Communists succeed in carrying out their diabolical plots to wreck the American way of life. The divide and conquer tactics did not die with Hitler—they are being employed with greater skill today by American Communists with their boring from within strategy. Our first great President, George Washington, whose memory we honor today believed that public officials were servants of the people, and that government should serve the people—and not the people serve the government—and that each individual should be given oppor- tunities as prescribed in our Constitution. Communist propaganda, skillfully designed and adroitly executed, has been projected into practically every phase of our national life. The fact that the Communist Party in the United States claims some 100,000 members has lulled many Americans into a feeling of false complacency. “The Communists themselves boast that for every party member there are 10 others ready to do the party’s work. These include their satellites, their fellow travelers, and their so-called progressive and phony liberal allies. They have maneuvered themselves into positions where a few Communists con- trol the destinies of hundreds who are either willing to be led or have been duped into obeying the dictates of others.” Mr. Hoover continued in his challenging speech, in many ways as outstanding in this generation as Patrick Henry's “Give me lib- erty or give me death” oration was in colonial times: “The average American workingman is loyal, patriotic, and law abiding. He wants security for his family and himself. But in some unions the rank and file find them- selves between a Communist pincers, ma- nipulated by a few leaders who have hood- winked and browbeaten them into a state of submission. Communist labor leaders have sparred for time in their labor delibera- tions to refer matters of policy to Commu- nist Party headquarters for clearance. In fact, resolutions have been delayed pending such approval and contemplated strikes have been postponed until adequate Communist support and backing were available.” This reference by Mr. Hoover to commu- nism in the labor movement brings to mind that only recently Chairman THomas, of the House Committee on Un-American Activ- ities, charged that the portal-to-portal pay suits which threatened to demoralize Ameri- can industry and wreck our economy were conceived and initiated by a pair of Com- munist sympathizers whose records are well documented. Noboay knows just how many strikes during and since the war were engi- neered by Communists, but the number must have been considerable. Certainly the solu- tion to labor-management strife in this coun- try, if it is to be realistic, must take into account the studied efforts of red leaders to keep labor and management at swords’ points in order to weaken us economically for peace or war. Workers themselves are waking up to such facts, and it is not now uncommon for union workers to pass anti-Communist resolutions, seek to disbar Communists from membership, or secede from Communist- dominated unions, And now I would like to return to Mr, Hoover's analysis of the situation. He tells us that “the Communist influence has pro- jected itself into some newspapers, maga- zines, books, radio, and the screen. Some APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD churches, schools, colleges, and even fraternal orders have been penetrated, not with the approval of the rank and file but in spite of them.” “We are rapidly reaching the time,” he warned, “when loyal Americans must be will- ing to stand up and be counted. The Amer- ican Communist Party, despite its claims, is not truly a political party, The Communist Party in this country is not working for the general welfare of all our people—it is work- ing against our people. It is not interested in providing for the common defense. It has for its purpose the shackling of America and its conversion to the godless, Commu- nist way of life, If it were a political party, its adherents could be appealed to by reason. Instead, it is a system of intrigue, actuated by fanaticism. It knows no rules of decency. Its unprincipled converts would sell America short if it would help their cause of fur- thering an allen way of Mfe concelved in darkness and motivated by greed for powcr whose ultimate aim is the destruction of our cherished freedom. Let us no longer be misled by their sly propaganda and false prenchments on civil liberty. They want civil license to do as they please and, if they get control, liberty for Americans will be but a haunted memory. For those who seek to provoke prejudice and stir up the public mind to angry resentment against our form of government are a menace to the very powers of law and order which guarantee and safeguard popular rights.” I tell you that there is more to fear from the Communists because in their desperation to retrieve Jost power they will work and scheme all the harder, and possibly do their dirty work underground and in the dark to a@ greater extent, How well I remember the mobs of Com- munists that descended upon Washington during various congressional debates, and no doubt you recall some of the dire predictions that were made by Communists and some well-meaning citizens of how this country would take a toboggan slide into depression if, for example, OPA were to be discontinued. It is the Communist plan to squeeze Ameri- can businessmen between two pincers, as a means of weakening our capitalistic free enterprise system and depriving the people of goods, Anyone who dared to oppose the plot last summer, however, was subjected to a barrage of smear propaganda, burned in effigy, or otherwise attacked by the smearcrs. Activities of the House Committee on Un- American Activities during the coming year will be concentrated in four fertile fields. They are government, labor unions, Holly- wood, and our educational institutions. The public’s investment in this committee from the standpoint of the meager funds appro- priated to its work have more than paid off since the cpening of the Elghtieth Congress through the sensational disclosures of the role of Gerhart Eisler and the indications that a spy ring is operating in this country for the purpose of stealing our atomic secrets. In congressional hearings last year, it was reported that the files contained more than 100,000 names. No information has been dis- closed as to how many of the suspected cases are in the Federal service. In the recent debate on the floor of the House of Repre- sentatives concerning the deliberate refusal of Gerhart Eisler to testify before the Com- mittee on Un-American Activities, Congress- man THomas of New Jersey, chairman of the committee, pointed out he believed it is important that we know in the case of the old Dies committee in one instance they sent over six cases to the Attorney General and it took 6 years before they even brought up the first case. This committee has only the power to investigate and it is up to the people of the United States to demand of the administration that appropriate action be taken to rid our institutions of all disloyal
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD elements. Those who do not believe in our form of government should be immediately removed from this land. I hope Attorney General Clark will put this program into effect and I challenge him to obey his oath of office. Recently Carl Aldo Marzani, former State Department employee was indicted for fraud- ulently denying he was a Communist, but the fact is, according to Representative JonK- MAN, of Michigan, that the State Department knew as early as last July that Italian-born Marzani was a Communist, but nevertheless kept him on its pay roll for 56 months—or until December 20. Cardinal Spellman, who traveled 140,000 miles during the war and sew first-hand conditions across the seas, warns: “America is no safer from mastery by communism than was any European country. There we witnessed the killing and enslavement of whole peoples by Communists who, with the shedding of blood, have becofne as if drunken with it. In this atomic age of discord with nations not alone divided against one another but against themselves, where men make mockery of the meaning of majesty of faith, America must continue to stand us the symbol and sanctuary of liberty, secure in the strength of her unity. Again and again our sons have been called upon to spend their youth, their dreams, their blood, their lives in war to preserve our liberties and bring freedom to imperiled peoples of the earth—to make the world itself free.” He declares: “If we want to protect Amer- ica against the invasion of communism, we must act wisely and promptly to check its poison of propaganda through the antitoxin of truth and patriotism.” Our President wants the doors of America thrown wide open to admit multitudes of displaced'persons and refugees. It is possible for a displaced person or refugee to be a Communist. Gerhart Eisler, the Comin- tern agent who may be involved in espionage in this country, claims to be a German refugee. He managed to move around this country at will and shuttle back and forth between this country and the Sovict Union on false passports issued to him by our State Department. 80 what guarantee will the President give the American people that all the immigrants he wants to bring in would have the desire or the ability to become good American citizens? It has been charged by some Members of Congress that there are about a million aliens illegally entering this country every year, but the trouble with checking that figure is that the Government agencies who should know the answers refuse to furnish them to Members of Congress, the press, or anybody. One is forced to believe that the administration is fearful of letting the American people know the truth about immigration into this country, legally and illegally. The American people have never been lack- ing in neighborliness and a general spirit toward foreign nations in distress, as our role in UNRRA would indicate. The Ameri- can taxpayers have contributed two billions, seven hundred millions of dollars for the UNRRA hand-outs, footing about 70 percent of the bill. Where have the bulk of the supplies gone? To the Soviet Union, Tito’s Yugoslavia and countries behind the Iron Curtain, of course. It was predicted in Con- gress in 1944 that UNRRA would enable Stalin to become dictator of Europe, and this prediction was certainly not far from the truth 1f not entirely accurate. Communists employed by UNRRA exert such influence that you all remember, for example, how an attempt was made to divert 60,000 tons of steel rail from China to Yugoslavia, and only @ congressional exposé prevented the comple- tion of the transfer. American interests must be protected by our national leaders, or they will some day be called to account by the American people. Before an important battle, Washington said, “Put none but Americans on guard to- night.” If he were alive today, he would sey “Put none but Americans in our Goyern- ment today.” I say to you that Americans must be vigilant. Americans must raise their voices to protect their own interests ns often and as loudly as the Communists raise their voices to gain their ends. It is unthinkable that any minority such as the Communists should continue to dictate affairs of this Government, domestic and foreign; control lebor unions; influence cur people through Hollywood propaganda films, or teach our children in the schools and colleges doctrines that we as American parents neither belicve nor sanction, The old French saying, “Cherchez la femme,” suggests an admonition to patri- otic Americans today, and that is: “Look out for the Red.” I am not saying that there is a Red under every bed, but it is worth while looking under a hundred beds if nec- essary to find one Communist hiding there. A nation that could wage successful wars against the military might of the Nazis and of the Japs, should be able to rout the Com- munist menace from its own shores if it will only take the job seriously. The mania of Americans for mystery novels and for mys- tery films, as well as radio mysteries, is well known. It would be a good idea for Ameri- cans to study this Communist underground and seek to light it up. The one thing that Communists cannot stand is full exposure to the glare of publicity. They can be pretty bold up to the time that they are disclosed for what they really are. Americuns rub elbows with them every day. There are Com- munist headquarters in practically every im- portant American city. The Communists frequently run candidates for public office. The files of the FBI and Committee on Un- American Activities of Congress are filled with their names and their ugly histories. Something can be done about communism in the United States, and the best wey to get it done is for you and you and you, and every veteran especially, to make it your personal business to demand that it be done and help to do it. Every American has a stake in the future of this country. “America has furnished to the world the character of Washington,” said Daniel Web- ster; “and if our American institutions have done nothing else, that alone would have entitled them to the respect of mankind.” George Washington, the Father of Our Country, whose birthday we celebrate, offers an example of patriotism, wisdom, and sac- rifice that Americans should emulate. Con- sider what Washington has meant to the cause of freedom in the world and then com- pare his life and counsel to his fellow coun- trymen with the lives and teachings of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, and such American Commu- nists as Browder, Foster, and others, and you will wonder how any man brought up in this land could forsake Washington to throw in his lot with the promoters of Red fascism, or communism, call it what you will. Let us see to it that our schools do not slight Wash- ington while extolling the virtues of Soviet heroes. You might be surprised to find out what your youngsters are being taught in their little red schoolhouses in this genera- tion. To paraphrase the words of J. Edgar Hoover, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, “ordained to bring together the veterans of our foreign wars to perpetuate the associations made on foreign soil, is being expanded by the influx of veterans of World War II, who likewise fought that America might live. To allow America to become infected with the malig- nant growth of communism or to be infested by crime is a breach of our trust to those who gave their lives for American principles. Let ‘us gird ourselves with the determination that those basic freedoms and spiritual ideals for which so many have sacrificed so much shall A837 not be destroyed from within. Let us be steadfast for America, work and live for America, and eternally be on guard to de- fend our Constitution and our way of life against the virulent poison of communistic ideology.” I beg of you to familiarize yourselves with the communistic trend in your local com- munity—your local issues—your schocls— your churches. Then pray to Gad to give you strength, and to give strength to your Ofiicials of Government to remove from our Nation this termite which is attempting to destroy our form of government. If you will do this, the Great Architect of the Universe, whom the sun, moon, and stars obey, will give us strength so that the state of our Nation will be sound, the heart of our Nation will be good, the spirit of our Nation will be strong, and the faith of our Nation will be eternal. Basis for Levying Federal Income Tax EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWARD G. ROHRBOUCH OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. ROHRBOUGH. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include a letter I have received from the Charleston Chamber of Com- merce. This letter urges that income tax throughout the United States be levied on the same basis as now prevails in the community-property States. The author of this letter is Hon. Charles E. Hodges, a former president of the West Virginia State Senate and now maneg- ing director of the Charleston Chamber of Commerce. It follows: The board of directors of the Charleston Chamber of Commerce has unanimously gone on record endorsing, and requesting. your earnest and agressive support of legislation in the Federal Congress which will, as a part of the general tax reduction program now being considered, give Federal income tax- payers in non-community-propeity States, such as West Virginia, the privilege of mak- ing their personal income tux returns in the same menner as the residents of the nine States which are community-property States. It is our understanding that the Treasury Department itself has recommended this change in the Federal statutes governing the payment of income taxes as a part of the tax reduction being planned. Up until this time the Treasury Department has opposed such a statutory change on the ground that it would result in a serious loss of revenue. The position of our board of directors is that if a substantial reduction in taxes is to be made by Congress, a part of it should be made by this device so as to remove the heavy discrimination against Federal income tax- papers who live in the 39 non-community- property States, in favor of income taxpayers who live in the 9 community-property States. I am sure you understand fully what is meant by the above position of the board. In the nine community-property States the net earnings of a man are permitted, by Fed- eral statute, to be divided equally between his wife and himself. The effect of this is that, if a man has an income of $10,000 per year, he may return it for income-tax pur- poses as a $5,000 income for himself, and a $5,000 income for his wife. You can appie- ciate what this difference means, becauce of the surtax brackets, as the net income figure es,
A838 In the example I have cited above a man with a 810,000 income, if he resides in a non-community-property State, pays an in- come tax of $2,508. If he resides in a com- munity-property State, his Federal income tax ts only $2,090. We believe that all the citizens of the United States should be treated equally with respect to the application of Federal laws, as was fully the intention of Congress. This change which we are recommending would have been made long ago but for the reluctance of the Government to give up the income-tax revenue which it would lose from the other 39 States. Now that a tax-reduction program is in sight, we believe that a part of that pro- gram should be accomrpiished by the method indicated here. In other words, if Congress is going to effect the 20-percent reduction in individual income taxes, we believe that one of the first steps in this direction should be this removal between the discrimination against income-tax payers in your own State. Betting Britons EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, it is evident that Britain will need an- other loan from the United States to carry on her gambling racket. I know that our internationalists would not wish to deprive their British cousins of suffi- cient money with which to gamble on horses, dogs, soccer, and racing hares, surely not so long as the American tax- payers can foot the bill. If our taxpayers should refuse to make further loans to Britain, it might force her to tax the gambling gains of her citizens, which would be cruel, indeed. The propaganda, the social lobby, the secret meetings, the promised trips abroad for our internationalists at our taxpayers’ expense preliminary to an- other gambling loan to Britain are now under way. Inasmuch as Britain’s gambling bill is estimated to be about $4,000,000,000 this year, our taxpayers will again have to tighten their belts to meet this interna- tional demand. Much of the opposition to a tax-reduction program and to the cutting of expenditures comes from the internationalists who insist that our first duty is to the world at large, exclusive, of course, of our own citizens. Under leave to extend, I am inserting an article by John D. Leonard, staff cor- respondent of the Wall Street Journal, which appeared in the issue of March 4, 1947: Berrinc BRITONS—THEY GAMBLED A RECORD $2,400,000,000 Last Year; Sex Bicorr FLING IN 1947—Pur MONEY ON Horses, Doas, Soccer, Even Racinac HARES; WINNINGS ARE Tax-FrEE—Wacets Hic; NotHING to Buy (By John D. Leonard) Lonvon.—-Gambling is one of many weeds that thrive in the formal garden of Britain's planned economy. Austerity-weary Britons well-heeled with high wages but with nothing to spend them on played the dogs, the horses, football (soccer) pools and other forms of organized gambling to the tune of an estimated $2,- 400,000,000 to $2,800,000,000 last year. That's a new high in British betting—and it’s head- ed still higher. At present 1 in every 2 British adults plays the football pools, 1 in every 7 bets on the horses and 1 in every 12 risks his money on the dogs. That’s what question-askers found in a recent survey by the British In- stitute of Public Opinion. The present fuel crisis has forced the Gov- ernment to ban greyhound racing which is mainly an evening event that drains heavily on electric power. But dog racing fans ex- pect the ban to be lifted as soon the fuel situation eases. REVEREND JOB MAKES A PREDICTION “This year gambling expenditure may run in the neighborhood of $4,000,000,000,” says the Reverend Allen Job, Australian-born sec- retary of the Churches Committee on Gambling. Mr. Job should know. His committee— the avowed enemy of organized gambling here—is one of the best informed sources on games of chance. Headquarters of the com- mittee, which represents the social-service agencies of the British churches, are in a cold, gloomy little office Just across the street from Westminster Abbey. Nattily attired in black coat and striped trousers, Mr. Job sits at an ancient roll-top busily turning a mass of statistical data into ammunition for his committee's tireless crusade. The bulk of his information is culled from a nation-wide network of eager but amateur operatives— mostly clergymen and church secretaries— who collect it from public records and other on-the-spot sources, Many Britons—and Mr. Job is one of them—attribute the present wave of gam- bling fever to the nation’s economic head- aches. Bottlenecked production and short- ages of most consumer goods leave little on store shelves for the average Briton to spend his record-high wages on. William Predeth, a London apartment por- ter, sums up the situation: “There are lots of things my missus and I would like if we could buy them,” he said. “But since we can't find them in the shops we have enough money in our pockets each week to do the football pools and have an occasional flutter on the horses.” Heavy income taxes here have added an- other allure to betting, since gambling win- nings are tax-free. Often they are astonish- ingly high for an outlay of a smali stake. John Davies, a Yorkshire miner, recently pocketed a cool, tax-free $180,000—a record win—on a football pool at a cost of only a few cents. A LITTLE EXCITEMENT FOR WAR-WEARY BRITONS Finally, many Britons fed up with such wartime austerity as food and clothes ra- tioning, are seeking a bit of excitement to brighten their drab existence, They found an outlet in gambling. “After all you’ve got to have something to do in the way of amusement these days,” said Mr. Predeth, the porter. Gambling also intrigues Chancelor of the Exchequer Hugh Dalton but for a different reason. Mr. Dalton and his treasury cohorts view it as a tempting source of revenue which might help to offset any losses the Govern- ment may sustain if it whittles down the income tax in the April budget. At the moment, Mr. Dalton is toying with the possibility of a betting tax. Last tried in 1926, by the then Chancelor Winston Churchill, it was quickly repealed because of the widespread evasion. The Government found it was getting less than half the $80,000,000 annual yield anticipated for it. Those who favor the proposed tax claim it would raise considerable revenue for an im- poverished nation and at the same time tend to minimize gambling as a social and eco- nomic evil. Opponents contend the tax would only result in large scale evasion which APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD couldn’t be controlled. The churches are against the tax because they believe it would bestow Government blessing on a social evil and provide the state with a vested interest in the gambling industry’s prosperity. Even Mr. Dalton is said to doubt whether the tax would raise enough revenue to make it worth while. DRAIN ON INDUSTRY MANPOWER The gambling boom has created a drain on Britain's woefully weak manpower re- sources. It provides employment for an esti- mated 300,000 to 400,000 Britons. “Girls in the football pool firms could easily be used in the dressmaking and hosiery trades and the textile industry,” Mr. Job pointed out. ‘So could those who keep an eye on the pin-ball machines. And industry could easily use the mechanics who keep them running.” Horse racing took the biggest share of Britain's gambling expenditure last year. Betting Britons spent between $1,100,000,000 and $1,300,000,000 on the horses. But less than 5 percent of this—859,100,000—went through the “tote” machines. The rest went to off- and on-the-course bookmakers and illegal street betting But last year's “tote” figure is a good indication of the boom in the horses. It was more than 50 percent above the 836,000,000 “tote” of the peak prewar year of 1938. Horse racing was severely curtailed during the war. Only one or two races were held every two weeks instead of each day. “Tote” receipts dropped to a record low of $5,600,000 in 1940. Most Britons have a “flutter’’ on major horse races such as the Grand National at Aintree and the Derby at Epsom Downs. Bets run anywhere from about 20 cents to hun- dreds of thousands of dollars But average betters like William Predeth, the London por- ter, usually risk about 60 cents each way on these events. “I don't play the horses regularly,” said Mr. Predeth, “but I like to put some down on the big events. It provides a little excite- ment and sometimes a Nttle extra cash, like last year when I won $25 on the Derby on a 60-cent bet.” COMPETITION FROM THE DOGS Greyhound racing is giving the horses brisk competition. Dog-racing bets took an esti- mated 81,000,000,000 to $1,100,000,000 out of British pockets last year when the dogs were freed of wartime restrictions. Some 20 to 30 more races were held on each track than in 1945 when the total take approached $1,000,- 000,000. In 1945 only $550,000,000 of the dog betting went through the “totes.” Book- makers got the rest. That $550,000,000, how- ever, was almost four times the $148,000,000 that went through the machines in the peak prewar year of 1938. Football pools—favorite risk of the British working class—are based on the major pro- fessional soccer games that are held weekly throughout the country. In the middle of each week millions of Britons receive from the pool promoters “coupons” listing the games to be played the following Saturday. The “punters,” as pool-playing Britons are called, try to forecast results of the games. The pools vary in type from the simplest “eight results” with its large number of small winnings, to the complicated but most popu- lar “penny points” pool which pays gigantic dividends to the few successful punters. The coupons are filled in and returned to the pool promoters before game time. Winners are informed on the Monday following the games, and are paid promptly. Hardly a week goes by without a report of a huge dividend paid out to some suc- cessful punter. A 63-year-old government worker, Thomas F, Land, recently won 85,000 on a “penny points” pool for an outlay of only a few cents. When Mr. Land heard of his good for- tune, he said: “I am psychic and have pre-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD viously had proof of this in many ways.” He thereupon received a letter from a woman asking bim to use his psychic powers to find her a house. CLAIM THEY KNOW THE ANSWERS Some punters like Mr. and Mrs. Smith, of Coventry, claim to have found sure-fire systems for predicting the soccer game re- sults. The Smiths have won about 875,000 in four consecutive weeks with their system which they studiously keep to themselves. The football pools accounted for an esti- mated 240,000,000 to 280,000,000 of last year’s total spending on gambling. This compares with the prewar high of $200,000,- 000 in the 1988-39 season. During the war soccer games kept going with government blessing on the grounds that they helped bolster British morale. Some of the major pool promoters merged their operations and established what was called unity pools. Others like Littlewoods, biggest pool firm in Britain, went to war producing shells, para- chutes, and barrage balloons. To overcome the wartime paper shortage, “coupons” for pools were fF inted in the newspapers, But this came to an abrupt halt when a British clergyman, the Rev. John Bretherton, secured a court judgment which made it illegal to conduct pools in or through the newspapers. Mr, Bretherton's action embarrassed the government which, already hard pressed for paper, had to make an allocation for printing coupons. Since then coupons have been printed on a paper- allocation basis and distributed through the mails, Pool promoters gave their boom another 18 months. After that, they think there will probably be less money in circulation. Nevertheless they believe their pools will still do a big business. The gambling fever has hit Britons in a number of other forms. Pin-ball machines last year took in an estimated 840,000,000 to $80,000,000. Briton also bet- -how much is unknown—on such sports events us fly cast- ing, where bookmakers take bets on various teams, hound trailing and “coursing” (hare racing). The gambling wave even spread to children’s foot races in northern England where bookmakers found a brisk business. “Meet Me in Missouri—Hurry!” EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLAUDE I. BAKEWELL OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. BAKEWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrec- orp, and at the request of Ear! L. Biechel, St. Louis manager of Business Week, I desire you to include the following: Commending editorials to the effect that Missouri “needs a song as rare and beau- tiful as—well, for instance, Missouri,” having long endeavored to be of service along cor- relative lines, more recently trying to help toward a practical, helpful, all-nations’ “get together" and fair here in this central, stra- tegic city of St. Louis with many advan- tages, may I humbly submit below a few lines hurriedly written, which no doubt can be improved upon, at least to start beneficial competition. Many no doubt, too, with some ability to compose possibly a more suitable, better lyric may also submit a better suggestion, but in the meantime I believe even the old but appealing, lilting tune of “Meet Me in 8t. Louis” might be used, too, for these fol- lowing words—and one or more suitable paragraphs, more applicable specifically to St. Louis, might be added at the beginning after the proposed fair gets better organized (to be used also, with such additions, to help toward the fair): “Meet me in Missouri—hurry! Happiness is there! Ozark hills and lakes, a’ calling! Beauties, wonders: perennial fair! “Meet me in Missouri—hurry! ‘America's heart’ is there! Nature's masterpiece, a’ yearning! And opportunities to share! “Meet me ijn Missouri—hurry |! Everything is there! Sport, culture, art, music blending! Works, farms, rivers beyond compare! “Meet me in Missouri—hurry! Central blessings fruitful bear! Best, where North, South, East meet West! Come, everyone! Everywhere!” The Threat to World Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. THOR C. TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial appearing in the Washington Daily News of March 8, 1947: THE THREAT TO WORLD PEACE Britain's urgent request that the United States assume a substantial part of her financial obligations in Greece directs atten- tion to a situation which threatens the peace of the world. The Greeks must have outside financial support if they are to survive as a nation. It is a reasonable assumption, tov, that, be- cause of their own grave economic crisis, the British cannot continue to underwrite Greek independence But money alone will not save Greece from disaster. Nor will it prevent that country from becoming the scene of another “Span- ish’’ civil war. The Greeks, sorely wounded by war and revolution, remain in dire financial straits because of the undeclared guerrilla war being conducted against them by Yugoslavia, Bul- garia, and Rumania. They are too weak to stand alone against that alliance, backed os it is by the powerful Soviet Union. In recog- nition of these facts, Britain has kept a token military force in Greece. That may have prevented an all-out military invasion by the Pan-Slavic alliance, but border warfare has paralyzed the Greek economy. This situation demands the attention of the United Nations. The world’s peace-loving nations should join in telling Russia to call off her war dogs. Had Hitler been told that before it was too late, World War IT might have been avoided. The Soviets today are pursuing the same reckless course of conquest by intimidation and intrigue that Nazi Germany pursued in the late 1930's. Greece is not an isolated case. A some- what similar and intimately related civil war rages in China. Soviet intrigues in Korea and Manchuria have been widely publicized. The tactics by which the Russians became masters of Poland and the Balkans followed much the same pattern. Our own position in the world-wide con- flict is high-lighted by the anti-American campaign the Communists are carrying on A839 against us in South America, and the daily attacks on us by the Moscow press and radio. The British tried to combat this dynamic challenge for world Jeadership by half meas- ures, and have failed. We can exhaust our- selves, too, by pouring money into a bottom- Jess hole and doing nothing to remedy con- ditions that are producing economic stagna- tion. We should ask the United Nations to guar- antee Greece's political independence and in- tegrity, and insist upon a showdown We should do that wherever any other nation is threatened by foreign aggression. It would be wishful thinking to assume that this of iteelf will at once arrest the world-wide cam- paign of Soviet expansion. But if the public opinion of all peaceful nations can be mobilized on that issue, it should be possible gradually to restore a respect for law and order in the world. American Farm Machinery in Occupied Poland EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks, I am including herewith a copy of a Jetter received by a farm equipment manufac- turing concern from one of its agents in Poland who tells an interesting story as to just what is occurring with our Amer- ican machinery as it is used by people who have no Knowledge of this kind of equipment. It appears to be a total loss. The letter follows: Dear MR. : I hope that you will ex- cuse my delay in writing, but I have been traveling around Poland most of the time that I have been here and it is impossible to send mail out unless it comes out through the United States Embassy mall bag here at Warsaw, so that Iam unable to muil letters while out of here. In my travels I have had a very good chance to find out conditions here in Poland and to find out facts about tractors and other farm implements. There sare about 4,300 American- and English-built tractors here at the present time, of which about 800 are English Fordsons, the rest being Case, Farmall, John Deere, and Ford-Fergusons, and as yet I am the only tractor and farm machinery man, so I really am kept busy. As you no doubt know, UNRRA delivers the equipment to the governments of the dif- ferent countries in which it operates and then it is distributed by the government of the respective countries. In the case of Poland there is no organization here capable of a job of that kind so everything is in a chaotic condition. The tractors, machinery, and spare parts are now distributed over about three-fourths of the country without any consideration as to size of plows and tractors, so we find the larger tractors with two-bottom plows and small tractors with three-bottom plows and Ferguson tractor- mounted equipment where there are no Ferguson tractors, also repairs in every place except where they are needed most. Then, too, we do not have but very few parts cata- logs and no one acquainted with parts who can identify them, resulting !n much con- fusion of repair parts. I found them using Russian oi] in Amert- can-made tractors, which was too heavy to go
A840 through the oil screens into the oil pump, resulting in bearing trouble and much wear of pistons, rings, and sleeves, but believe that I now have them convinced to use only oil supplied to UNRRA. Also, the tractors are too fast for the operators resulting in a lot of accidents by collision and also hitting trees and other obstacles. So there are quite a number of tractors laid up with broken rear axle housings and pedestals. However, this is true of all makes of tractors over here, regardless whether Case, John Deere, Farm- all, or others. Then, too, the operators know absolutely nothing about the implements that they are using with the tractors, and they do not seem to have anyone here in Poland who 1s able to tell them, so now we are trying to or- ganize a school of instruction for the use of farm machinery, which we hope will do a lot of good. We also have submitted to the Ministry of Agriculture a report on conditions as we found them and have suggested very strong- ly that they make some major changes in their organization handling farm equipment, and hope for some changes for the best in the very near future. I will try and write you from time to time and keep you informed of results and fur- ther developments. Very truly yours, The Gwynne Bill Needs Amending EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. THOR C. TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr. Speaker, on Friday, February 28, 1947, when the Gwynne bill was under consideration in the House, leave was granted Members to extend their remarks in the Recorp within 5 days thereafter. Because that was the only bill reported out by the Judiciary Committee to bar unwarranted portal-to-portal pay suits, I urged pas- sage of it but with certain important amendments which I supported on the floor. Under leave to extend my re- marks, I wish to include the following editorial appearing in the Washington Post, March 1, 1947, which discusses these amendments fairly: GWYNNE BILL The Gwynne bill outlawing portal-to-portal pay cuits passed the House by an overwhelm- ing majority because a great many Members believe that the Fair Labor Standards Act had been misinterpreted by the Supreme Court. The House could find no wholly satisfactory way out of the dilemma thus created. So it voted to disbar all suits for back pay unless the employer had been re- quired either by custom or practice or by express agreement to make such payments. That, we admit, is a crude remedy, but ap- parently essential in the circumstances. Certainly we do not agree with the minor- ity members of the House Judiciary Com- mittee who maintain that the problem of the existing portal-to-portal pay abilities should be left to the courts, on the assump- tion that by following the de minimis doc- trine most of those liabilities will be elimi- nated, Of chief concern at the moment, however, are the objections to the provisions of the Gwynne biil in respect of future claims— objections which appear to be well founded. The 1-year Federal Statute of Limitations, which it sets up for action in future claims under the Fair Labor Standards Act, is un- duly restrictive and unfair to workers who may learn belatedly of their rights under the law. The bill would also enable an em- ployer to free himself from civil lability for failure to comply with the law if he acted in accordance with any administrative regu- lation, order, or ruling. This provision, according to the minority members of the House Judiciary Committee, could mean that employees would find their rights to collection barred simply by the willingness of a minor regional official to express his personal opinions as to an employer's lia- bility. We agree that if administrative rul- ings are to be a defense against employee claims under the Fair Labor Standards Act, the administrator should be given specific powers to issue rulings having legal effect and Congress should carefully define the cx- tent of his authority and set standards for his guidance. Another objectionable provision of the Gwynne bill would permit employees to compromise or waive their claims under the Fair Labor Standards Act. Many unorgan- ized workers would be in no position to resist compromise offers of settlement that might be grossly unjust to them. Furthermore, in suits brought under the Fair Labor Standards Act damages would be recoverable only on proof that the employer acted in bad faith and without reasonable ground. Since it is difficult to prove bad faith, the effect might be, as the minority report on the bill points out, “a substantial lessening of the enforce- ment value of the civil action provisions of the act.” It is quite evident from these criticisms that the Gwynne bill in its present form would effect extensive changes in existing protective labor legislation of an undesirable character. We trust, therefore, that in cor- recting distortion of the Fair Labor Stand- ards Act the Senate will exercise greater care than the House has done so as to avoid weakening its legitimate protective proc- esses. Letter Signed by Members of Paralyzed Veterans Association EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HORACE SEELY-BROWN, JR. OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. SEELY-BROWN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorpD, I include the following letter: Fresruary 28, 1£47, Representative Horace SEELY-BRown, Jr. Dear Sir: I am a member of the Paralyzed Veterans Association of America. Recently our organization held a national convention in Chicago, One of the resolutions passed by the delegates concerns Public Law 663 (cars for amputees bill). I would like to acquaint you with the text of this resolution. “It is the position of this, the first conven- tion of the Paralyzed Veterans Association of America, that Public Law 663 works a severe hardship upon the paraplegia veteran. It is further the position of this convention that the amount of 81,600 now provided by the law is insufficient for a paraplegia veteran to pur- chase an automobile which will meet his needs; that the failure of Public Law 668 to provide automobiles for the quadriplegia vet- eran is unfair and inequitable; that the time APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD limitation of said law threatens to deprive qualified men of the benefits of the law. “We are, therefore, resolved thut the Con- gress of the United States enact legis:ation to permit the paraplegia veteran to pay any additional cost on an automobile in excess of the $1,600 now provided und:r said law. “We are further resolved that the provision of Public Law 663 pertaining to licensing as a requirement for receiving an automob:le from the Veterans’ Administrator be amended to p2rmit otherwise qualified veterans (but who are unable to drive said vehicle) to receive automobiles under said law. “We are further resolved that the time element in the present law be amended and that the law permit the $30,000,000 now ap- propriated to be kept available for purchase of sa'd automobiles until such a time as said appropriation is completely expended.” Very truly yours, MARTIN PYSz. JAMES DOYLE. WILLIAM MARTIN. Car. SoKIN. Joe LA POINTE. The Effect of Atomic Energy on Our National Thinking EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. CALEB BOGGS OF DELAWARE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. BOGGS of Delaware. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include a very in- teresting address made at the cultural session of the Ursuline Academy in Wilmington, Del., on March 3, 1947, by our distinguished colleague, the Honor- able JAMES T. PATTERSON, Representative of the Fifth Connecticut District. The address follows: Ladies and gentlemen, the effect of the dropping of the first atom bomb on Hiro- shima on August 5, 1945, has been greater than merely finding a new weapon with which to wage war. The manner of waging war has always been of primary concern to our military leaders and scientists rather than the normal popu- lace of the Nation. While we are vitally in- terested in this phase of national security, our major dislocation is seen in the fact that the American people must now begin to think in terms once foreign to them. The question: What over-all changes will be effected in our economy and mode of living as a result of the successful splitting of the atom? The answer: Who would deign to say what the future holds for us in this respect? That the dawn of the atomic era has opened new vistas for commercial usage of this tremendous force, as well as forecasting the day of push-button warfare, is now ap- parent as witnessed by news releases from industrial leaders to the effect that atomic energy has been harnessed for some commer- cial uses. That this use will be evidenced by much gfeater expansion in the industrial field is beyond question. This fleld of opera- tions in atomic energy might well be left to those most vitally concerned and most fully qualified to pass upon such changes and im- provements; the scientist and industrialist. Along with industrial uses which may be contemplated in the foreseeable future are the social uses which will benefit all mankind through research in medicine and biology. The radioactivity of uranium, which is the element subjected to nuclear fission to pro-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD duce the energy, has already demonstrated its usefulness in both these fields. Radio- activation of materials in common use has Pointed out possible cures for certain types of cancer and the use of tracers proved in- valuable to the biologist in ascertaining the relationship of the ordinary functions of hu- mans and plants to the biological result. Through this method can be found the an- swer to the usefulness of our bodily organs by tracing the flow of food from its original state to its manufacture of bodily energy. The uses in these fields open the vistas of health and happiness to all the world if only we will be intelligent enough to restrict it to such channels. While these benefits are not immediately before us, they can be attained through dili- gence and proper application. Now, not later, but now, the average Amer- ican as an individual must consider in terms of ‘individual and collective security what bearing atomic energy wil] have on his life. Does this mysterious and tremendous force mean an end to standing armies, large, well-prepared navies, an integrated air force? Certainly not. However, it does necessitate & change in ou manner of thinking as re- gards these forces of security. Will an army of 10,000,000 soldiers trained to march and fight by hand-to-hand or machine-to-machine combat ever again be necessary? Most certainly not. Our army of the future should be one composed of technicians in the art of atomic war on the one hand and a separate force for occupation duty on the other. New training methods must be developed by the War Department to consummate these changes. Eiphteen- year-old boys recently graduated from high schools in this country are not desirable for policing the government and morals of a foreign populace. Will our Navy as now constituted be suffi- cient guard against atomic aggression? Again the question precludes the answer as naval strength has never been computed on the basis of the ability to wage or resist atomic warfare. The navy of the future, and we most certainly must maintain one, should be a compact, mobile force capable of speedy retaliation and long staying power. Our Navy must '2e able to live for extended periods far removed from gigantic drydocks and naval bases. Such large naval yards would be primary targets for the enemy of the future. Their usefulness would not extend beyond 10 minutes of the instigation of hos- tilities. While it is unthinkable to consider scrapping our Navy or demobilizing its per- sonnel, preparation must be made for con- centration of effort to construct vessels and train personnel in the art of atomic warfare. Our present air forces constitute the branch of our military services least likely to be affected by the change in the method of waging or combatting future wars. The new developments in plane structure and the use of electronic equipment has brought our air forces more nearly abreast of atomic developments. The primary functions of the air forces would remain as originally set up; to deliver to the enemy the destructive force of our weapons and repel enemy air forces attempting to retaliate. Undoubtedly, the use of rockets launched from stationary, fixed ground positions will obviate the neces- sity for as large air.forces as have been con- templated for present methods of combat. The military and naval services cited tn preceding paragraphs are vital and necessary. Their functions are important, their place cannot be filled by other agencies. Never- theless, these services I consider to be our second line of defense. We in America, always pushing forward, always in the forefront in the matter of sci- entific development, whether for war or peace, have neglected entirely the first line of defense in warfare, whether ancient or that of the future, an adequate intelligence system. Our British neighbors have for years maintained a system of military in- telligence which has no superiors. Without it, this tight little isle with its far-flung dominions could not have weathered the storm of war and rebellion through the years. We, the greatest Nation in the world, with our linguists, geographers, cartographers, and host of citizens familiar with the peo- ples of the world, their habits, speech, and problems, have not progressed in our system of intelligence one iota. The Office of Stra- tegic Services, with whom I was proud to serve during World War II, performed hero- ically under the handicaps confronting it. It was } astily formed and mobilized to do a job which requires years of background and study. Under these conditions the thousands of men and women recruited from all walks of life performed nobly under the stress of war. Immediately upon cessation of hos- tilities this organization was demobilized and its functions assumed by the Central! Intelli- gence Group founded by Executive order, This group, composed of the Secretaries of War, Navy, and State, with advisers from the military services, is inadequate to perform the task allotted to it. All intelligence in- formation gathered by agents is submitted to the board for review and consideration of action. This necessitates delay in transmit- tal and in action taken upon such informa- tion, What is needed is a separate, independent intelligence agency with a civilian director responsible only to the President of the United States. Such an agency could pro- cure and disseminate information without delay and without divided authority or fric- tion. An independent intelligence system would be our first line of defense in the future. Atomic warfare would not be conducted through exploratory raids and massing of troops prepxratory to a declaration Of war, The effects of the atom bomb would be known to the defending nation minutes after a decision to wage war was reached by the ageressor. It is vital that we know the intent of other nations and the scope of their activities in the field of potential military aggression. It is necessary that the heads of our Govern- ment are made aware of these intentions be- forehand so that proper precautions can be taken either by defensive or retaliatory meas- ures. Every responsible person connected with the harnessing of atomic energy is agreed that there is no defrnse against atomic bombs, nor is there likely to be one. The best defensive measures of the last war were 90 percent effective which, while high, would mean certain disaster in atomic war- fare. Defense thrcugh decentralization of industry and population, while partially et- fective, would take years and completely dis- locate our economy. It is not feasible to ad- vocate such a course, The sensible solutio:, seems to lie in ef- fective international control through the abolition cf atomic weapons by internation- al agreements. Even the peacetime use po- tential must be subordinated to this aim. Agreements outlawing the use of atomic weapons as legitimate are not enough. There must be a system of rigid supervision through inspection to make certain that no nation is clandestinely engaged in the man- ufacture of these weapons while other na- tions in good faith are abiding by the agree- ment. Hand in hand with this must go a system of enforcement so that penalties may be applied to those who, with nefarious in- tent, are violating the covenant. Supervision or control must take into con- sideration three factore—those of raw mate- rials, personnel, and production. If sources of supply of the maverials necessary to pro- duce atom bombs are known and carefully A841 and continuously scrutinized, there can be no clandestine use of such material. Through registration and restriction of con- struction, the plants necessary to process the materials may be kept under control. No Project of great magnitude could be under- taken without the collaboration of many scientists well known by their contempo- raries for their accomplishments and abili- ties; their whereabouts and experimenta- tions must always be known. These meth- ods of supervision woulc effectively prevent clandestine manufacture, if agrecd upon by the nations of the world. The tone of this address would indicate that I believe war to be imminent. That is not so. The people of America who have seen two generations of men marching off to battle within 25 years want neither ex- panded power nor additional tcrritory—the main cause: of past wars. I am certain that the other nations of the world, impoverished, fatigued, cold, and hungry, have neither the capacity nor the desire for war. We, the United Nations, who valiantly fought side by side to deter aggression shall certainly fight side by side to maintain fence. I fer- vently pray that the United Nations struc- ture will be strengthened by the plea of all mankind to cease this horrible game of devastating one another's country and killing one another's children. Wer is neither imminent nor inevitable 1f all the people of the world will devote their efforts toward peace in the same man- ner they devoted them for war. With a basic foundation in the United Nations organt- zation to assure peaceful settlement of dis- putes between nations, und adequate safe- guards over atomic energy, there need never be war. We, who have developed the atomic bomb in conjunction with Canada and Great Brit- ain, should make certain that the secret of atomic fission shall not become international prcperty until] all nations have demonstrated their willingness to submit to inspection measures guaranteeing tha. no nation shall manufacture these lethal weapons. Then, and only then, can we put aside thoughts of defense or offense for war and arouse ourselves to plan the use of this great force to insure things for better living in a better world. We need, in there troublous times, brotherhood of man seeking to better the welfare of all peoples of the world. I personally believe that the people of the United States have definitely arrived at an unanimous decision that national security can only be guaranteed by adupting a method of control which will prevent future wars. Also such an authority or contro), call it what you may, must have the inherent power bestowed upon it through a strong and com- prehensive international system of control and inspection set up by a sound and work- able treaty. Such a control or authority, in my estimation, should be delegated with the unquestionable power to carry out its duties and able to operate without any indi- vidual power of veto. Their responsibility is to forestall the use of atomic energy for devastating purposes and for hard and fast control to the point where atomic energy could only be used for peaceful achievements. Again, I feel that once atomic energy has been harnessed under permanent and ef- fective world control, it will lose its dread and fear which is so prevalent at this very moment, and become a means of prosperity and progress. According to many of our renowned ecientists, atomic energy can im- prove the health and well-being and can act as a messenger of mercy instead of 8 fiery- eyed monster of devastation and destruction, worshipped by the gods of war. So, in con- clusion, I advocate that atomic energy must be man’s servant and not his master. If we are to survive to participate in a wondrous future, this must be our creed. Thank you.
A842 Failure To Pass H. R. 2102 Might Easily Cost the Housewives of America in Grocery Bills the Sum of $200,000,000 Annually EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. LEROY JOHNSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. JOHNSON of California. Mr. Speaker, I have listened carefully to the debate on this bill, and the argument in favor of its passage seems to me to be overwhelming. However, there are two points that I think could have been stressed more than they were. The first one is this: The need for this labor is very critical in certain areas in California and other Western States and in some Southern States. There can be no question of this. The result is that if this labor is not obtained to harvest the critical perishable crops of my State, the result would inevitably be a short crop. As an indication of what could happen I might state that in 1945 the total crop of canned fruits and_ vegetables amounted to 55,000,000 cases. In each one of these cases there are 24 cans, or, if the cans are larger, sometimes there are a lesser number. The result of a short crop could easily be to raise the price of each can of fruit or vegetables the sum of 4 cents or roughly $1 per case. If the crop of canned fruits or vegetables in our State should drop to 40,000,000 cases, instead of 55,000,000 cases or more which was the case in 1946, the result would be that the price could easily in- crease $1 per case, which would be the equivalent of $40,000,000 increased prices for canned goods for 1 year’s crop from Culifornia alone. It appeared in the argument that sugar would be affected, and, with the tremendous volume of sugar bought by American housewives, this could add many millions more. The result of all this would be that the ones who would really lose would not be pri- marily the farmers and processors but the consumers of the United States, the great bulk of whom live in the great cities of this country. So the very ones who are trying to save $10,000,000 in the han- dling of this problem could easily lose $2C0.000,000 by increased living costs. We are trying desperately hard to hold the cost of living steady and if possible to reduce it. The only way that this can be done is by increased production. The committee has made it clear and con- vincing that the passage of this bill would help maintain the high level of produc- tion which we have set out to accomplish in the crop year 1947. The failure of this bill or the cutting it down and termi- nating it on July 1, 1947, could have exactly that result by failing to provide the necessary labor to harvest these crops. The second point which I think could have been stressed more is this. We are now inthe program. Whether we termi- nate it on July 1, 1947, or January 1, 1948, our producers will bring this labor into America. If it is terminated on July 1 they will gamble that there is some way in which they can get the labor which this program provides. If they do not— and I believe they will not—if the pro- gram is terminated on July 1, the inev- itable result will be that we will have a short crop. However, the cost whetuer carried out for 6 months or for 12 months will be approximately the same. The reason is that the bulk of the cost comes from providing transportation for the laborers from Mexico and wether points outside the country and whether we handle it for 6 months or 12 months, this cost will remain about the same. Since we have committed ourselvcs to this cost why not get for our $200 or $250 per laborer a full year’s work in- stead of only a half year’s work. The reasons scem to me overwhelm- ingly in favor of the passage of the law and the continuation of the program until the end of the year 1947. Resolutions of Connectient State Grange EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HORACE SEELY-BROWN, JR. OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. SEELY-BROWN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorpD, I include the following resolu- tions: CoNnNECTICUT STATE GRANGE, February 23, 1947. Hon, Horace See,.y-Brown, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. Sre.y-Brown: The following resolution was adopted at the sixty-second annual session of the Connecticut State Grange: “Whereas the National Grange opposes peacetime military conscription; and “Whereas the National Grange is in favor of an adequate defense secured by voluntary means through adequate compensation and training conditions: Be it “Resolved, That the Connecticut State Grange go on record as favoring the position of the National Grange.” Fraternally yours, ELLsworTH L. COVELL, . Secretary. “Whereas there is a movement on foot in the United States Congress to reduce our Federal income tax: Be it “Resolved, That the Connecticut State Grange favor a reduction in our Federal in- come tax, but we feel that, because of the increase in the cost of living, the exemption for each person should be increased from $500 to $750.” Resolution adopted at the sixty-second ses- sion of the Connecticut State Grange. Attest: ELLswortH L. Covet, Secretary. “Whereas strikes, lock-outs, and other un- necessary shut-downs of industry injure agricultural operators and employees as well as a great many other innocent parties: Be it “Resolved, That the Connecticut State Grange go on record as favoring such action APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD by our United States Congress as will tend to stop strikes and lock-outs, and make such laws as will be fair to both labor and capital and will also take iuto consideration the rights of the general public.” Adopted at the sixty-second annual ses- sion of the Connecticut State Grange. Attest: ELLSWORTH L. COVELL, Secretary. “Whereas the burden of taxes imposed upon us by the large expenditures necessary to win the war and with the national debt so large that it will take several generations to pay itt off; and “Whereas the only way to reduce taxes is to reduce Government spending: Be it “Resolved, That the Connecticut State Grange favor reduced expenditures by our Federal Government by cutting out all un- necessary bureaus and by reducing the size of departments and turning back to the States all possible jobs taken over during the war,” The above resolution adopted at the sixty- second annual session of the Connecticut State Grange. Attest: ELLswortH L. CovELL, Secretary. Address of Hon. Jesse P. Wolcott, of Michigan, Before the National Associa- tion of Home Builders EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JESSE P. WOLCOTT OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 4, 1947 Mr. WOLCOTT. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Rscorp, I include the following ad- dress: Mr. Chairman, I deeply appreciate this op- portunity to appear before the National As- sociation of Home Builders of the United States. I wish I might have participated in all of your proceedings. I know I would have greatly profited by attendance at the general sessions and panel discussions, In them you have discussed just about every conceivable problem that confronts the Government and the builders in the field of home and com- mercial construction. I am somewhat fear- ful that anything I might have to say tonight may be mere anticlimax, but there are cer- tain problems of mutual interest to you as home builders and to the Congress of the United States which I would like to discurs. Even if they have been considered fully in your sessions, too much emphasis cannot be placed upon them. They are fundamental and in the solution of them we probably will find the answer to whether it !s desirable to perpetuate the American way of life. We are living in troublous times. As an aftermath of the war we find the world in social, economic, and political chaos. The doubt and uncertainty incident to our at- tempts to build a solid foundation for world peace and security have, I fear, caused many of our citizens to develop an inferiority com- plex in respect to our capabilities to effec- tively administer the new responsibilities which we have assumed. How senseless it is to doubt the strength of American purpose; how unsound to contend that the people of the United States are incapable of solving any problem, domestic or world-wide. Is there any doubt of our ability to understand these problems? If not, there should be no doubt
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of our ability to solve them. The American people throughout the 158 years of the ex- istence of the United States as a nation, have always been able eventually to solve each and every problem when they have had an understanding of them. The present gen- eration of Americans will not admit that they are any less capable in these respects than were their forefathers. Notwithstanding the gloomy utterances of defeatists and others who would make it ap- pear that our Government is as outmoded as the horse and buggy, or the clatter of the “pinks” and fellow travelers of statism and socialism, there is nothing basically wrong with the American system of government. I like always to have in mind the perfect answer to those who contend that the Ameri- can way of life is wrong, that capitalism has failed; that under the free-enterprise system there can be no social and economic security. I like to remind those who advocate com- munism, socialism, fascism, or any other form of collectivism, that the United States is the greatest Nation that ever existed on this earth; that because of, and not in spite of, the American form of government, we here in the United States normally produce and consume more than 50 percent of all the goods which are produced in the world. I like to stress the fact that the American sys- tem of government is a free-enterprise sys- tem where each person should be entitled to his constitutional right to develop his own mental and physical resources as he chooses, and to whatever extent may be justified by his abilities, without the controls and re- straints by government which have prevent- ed the people of other countries from fully employing their faculties to the attainment of comparable standards of living. Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, asserted that every man “so long as he does not violate the laws of justice, should be left perfectly free to pursue his own interest in his own way, and to bring both his industry and capital into competi- tion with those of any other man, or order of men.” This is the foundation of the Amert- can system, and nothing is so important if we are to continue to prosper, as a continua- tion of these ideals. We get a great deal of satisfaction from the fact that under our form of government it has been made possible to acclaim the truth that less than 6 percent of the world’s population consume more than 50 percent of the goods andi services produced in the world, and that these people produce more than 50 percent of the goods and services consumed in the world. Now other nation in the world’s history has ever approached such a record, and no other nation will ever match the accomplishments of the American peo- ple, unless the restraints and controls exer- cised by their governments are removed. To the extent that these controls have been nonexistent in America; to the same extent wo in the Congress are determined to re- move them in order that men may again be free, to the end that free competitive enter- prise may be restored, and that Government shall be restricted to its proper place—an instrumentality for the encouragement of an ever-expanding agriculture, industry, and commerce, but never the means by which individual effort is regimented or controlled. There are many ways in which the Federal Government can cooperate with private busi- ness to remove the bottlenecks of current production. By way of example: Building materials are now or shortly will be produced in adequate quantities; therefore the major obstacles to adequate home construction lie in (1) a possible shortage of labor, and (2) a probable shortage of transportation facill- ties, especially freight cars. 1, It is expected that management-labor disputes, resulting in production slow-ups or stoppages, will diminish in proportion as the supply of producer and consumer goods catches up with demand. In the meantime, the Government can redefine the standards under which these disputes are to be settled. Effective labor-management legislation may be expected at this session of the Congress, not of a vindictive character, but which will recognize the basic problem, and by the judi- cious use of existing and new governmental machinery for the settlement of disputes, should result in the prevention of strikes. 2. Investigations are now being made in respect to freight-car shortages. Everything possible will be done to help the railroads get enough cers to move materials. Tranepor- tation is recognized as one of the bases of our industrial and agricultural existence. Dis- tribution is as essential as production. We will have to expand our transportation facili- ties in proportion as we wish to expand our production. Due to the war we gladly subordinated our very lives to the common purpose—the total defeat of our enemies. During the war, when the Government was about the only customer our farmers and industrialists had, controls were not only expected but un- doubtedly desirable. Since VJ-day it has been proven that government ir an utter failure as a manager of our economy. Many of us in Congress have, on many oc- casions, successfully fought attempts to s0- cialize our economy. You, as home builders, Know the power that goes along with con- trol of finance. You perhaps recell the at- tempts in 1935 to socialize credit, the life- blood of any capitalistic system. Attempts were made at that time, if you will recall, to force every savings and commercial bank into a banking system capable of being con- trolled by a single individual at Washing- ton. Our banks would have been forced into the Federal Reserve System The Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve would have been politicalized by being made subject to removal at will and without cause, by the President of the United States. No bank could have had its deposits insured were it not a member of this system. It could not withdraw at will without risking the chance of utter ruin. Attempts were made through this system to socialize banking and credit. Those who were advocating the socialization of banking and credit were taking full ed- vantage of the hysteria which was then preva- lent, a result of the bank closings in 1933. Although little has been said or written about it, the House and Senate Committees on Banking and Currency defeated these at- tempts to socialize the banks and our credit system. However, it had to be done over a period of years, and it was not until) 1940 that the danger was completely eliminated. Again in 1939 an attempt was made to socialize banking and credit by the bill H. R. 6971, Seventy-sixth Congress, which in effect would have compelled every savings bank in the United States to have converted to a Federal establishment under the political control of a Federal bureaucracy, or go out of business, to the very apparent detriment if not total destruction of the American free- enterprise system. Again these attempts were frustrated, and I commend for your serious reading the minority report on that bill, which, as ranking minority member of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, I had the privilege of drafting. Again the Congress of the United States had saved the American way of life from dangers to it which would have been as effective by stealth and indirection as the Constitution had been directly and regularly amended. This bill was held up for more than a year in the Rules Committee, and it was only after the proponents accepted amendments eliminating the objectionable features that it was ever brought to the floor for consid- eration. At about this same time you recall the at- tempts to socialize home building, under the so-called Slum Clearance Act, ideal in its purposes, but if it had been allowed to ex- pand as proposed, it would have been most A843 effectual in the control by government. of all home-building activity. You recall also the attempts to socialize industry and agriculture and medicine. It is to the everlasting credit of the Congress of the United States that these attempts have either been frustrated or by limitations on the activities, both as to time and the standards set up in administration, they have been kept under such control that they either have or can be completely eliminated. The danger of too much power in Wash- ington over our financial institutions is clearly set forth in a report of the House Select Committee To Investigate Executive Agencies, This report severely condemns the Home Loan Bank Administration for the methods used in appointing a conservator for a perfectly solvent loan association with- out notice or hearing. T have referred to these attempts to so- cialize the different segments of our economy, only to show that we in the Congress are ccgnizant of the dangers which confront the American people; that we are determined again to give the American free-enterprise system a chance to function untrammeled by Government control, with the hope and the expectancy that American industry and business, it given a reasonable opportunity, will see to it that the United States is per- petuated as the greatest nation in the world. Economic, financial, and social stability from now on must be the watchword. What happens if we do not stabilize our economy? Let me call your attention to how serious this is. The United States Government spon- sored the International Fund and the Inter- national Bank created by the Bretton Woods agreement. Thirty-eight nations, all of the leading nations except Soviet Russia, are now Participating in the Fund. The Fund was sct up to stabilize world currencies. The cur- rencies of 37 nations are very closely related to the American dollar. Gold and the Amer- ican dollar are practically synonymous terms. The value of currencies of participating coun- tries are considered in relation to gold and the American dollar. Therefore, fluctuations in the value of the American dollar are re- flected in the value of currencies of 37 lead- ing nations of the world. An unstable Amer- ican dollar will cause instability in the Brit- ish pound sterling, the French franc, the Dutch guilder, the Mexican peso, and 80 on, among 37 countries. During the last 6 months of 1946 the American dollar dropped in value from 74 cents to 68 cents. Embar- rassing questions were asked by the repre- sentatives of foreign countries: “When may we expect a stabilization of the American dollar? When may we expect stability in the American economy? It is our only hope for world financial economic stability." So we must realize that we have under- taken, whether we like it or not, an obliga- tion to stabilize world finances and econ- omies. If we succeed, we justify confidence in our leadership. The result will be good will and peace throughout the world. Should we fail, righteous indignation will result, to the prejudice of our own position and world peace. Economic instability begets commercial strife. Commercial strife begets expansion policies, perhaps of eco- nomic necessity. These in turn beget war. World economic instability usually begets world wars. Therefore, the hope for world Peace lies primarily in American financial and economic stability. To this end we must restore the value of the American dollar. The American businessman, the American farmer, the American industrialist, the home builder, must all assume their full share of this responsibility. They must be encour- aged to produce, because only by production can the American dollar be stabilized. If there is economic chaos in America to- day it surely is not the fault of the American system. The reason for it lies perhaps in the manner in which our American system