A3636 giving the canned variety a thorough trial with the results to be submitted to that office at the end of the 30-day trial period. I am returning attached my letter of November 2, 1949, in accordance with your request. Very truly yours, M. B. Hotmzs, M. D., Manager. Tr SECRETARY OF THE Navy, Washington, April 5, 1950. Hon. Linptey BECKWoORTH, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. BeckwortH: I wish to ac- knowledge receipt of your memorandum of March 21, 1950, concerning the black-eyed peas. Extensive tests have been conducted to determined the acceptability of dried, canned dried, frozen green, and canned green black-eyed peas. Based upon these studies the acceptability of all four test samples of black-eyed peas ranks above the acceptability of kale, rutabagas, brussel sprouts, and tur- nips; is equal to asparagus, cooked celery, parsnips, and winter squash but is below that of lima beans, string beans, dry beans, beets, cabbage, carrots, cauliflower, corn, eggplant, onions, green peas, Irish potatoes, sweetpo- tatoes, spinach, and tomatoes. Based upon the results obtained in this comprehensive study, peas, string beans, corn, spinach, to- matoes, and potatoes have a higher percent- age eaten of the amounts served than do black-eyed peas. In contrasting the tests conducted at Charleston, Corpus Christi, Boston, and Bayonne, we find that the results were quite uniform and substantiated the findings stated above. In addition, it has been clearly shown that black-eyed peas, irrespective of method of preparation or whether canned, frozen, or dried, have their highest degree of acceptability among those men whose origin was from the south and southwestern por~ tions of the United States. Your memorandum of March 21, 1950, is returned. Sincerely yours, JOHN T, KoreHueEr, Assistant Secretary of the Navy. DEPARTMENT OF THE Navy, BUREAU OF SUPPLIES AND ACCOUNTS, Washington, D.C. Hon. Linpuey Beckworrx, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr, Beckworts: I wish to ac- knowledge receipt of your memorandum of March 21, 1950, concerning black-eyed peas. Extensive tests have been conducted to de- termine the acceptability of dried, canned dried, frozen green, and canned green black- eyed peas. Based upon these studies the acceptability of all four test samples of black- eyed peas ranks above the acceptability of kale, rutabagas, brussel sprouts, and tur- nips; is equal to the asparagus, cooked celery, parsnips, and winter squash but is below that of lima beans, string beans, dry beans, beets, cabbage, carrots, cauliflower, corn, eggplant, onions, green peas, Irish potatoes, sweetpo- tatoes, spinach, and tomatoes. Based upon the results obtained in this comprehensive study, peas, string beans, corn, spinach, toma- toes, and potatoes have a higher percentage eaten of the amounts served than do black-~ eyed peas. In contrasting the tests conducted at Charleston, Corpus Christi, Boston, and Bayonne, we find that the results were quite uniform and substantiated the findings stated above. In addition, it has been clearly shown that black-eyed peas, irrespective of method of preparation or whether canned, frozen, or dried, have their highest degree of acceptability among those men whose origin was from the south and southwestern portions of the United States. As requested, your memorandum of Marcn 21, 1950, is returned. Sincerely yours, Cc. W. Fox, Rear Admiral (SC), USN, Chief of Bureau. Unirep StTaTres*NAavaL SvurrLy RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT Faciuity, Nava. SuprPiy DEPOT, Bayonne, N. J., March 24, 1959. Hon. LinpLey BEcKWORTH, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. My Drsar Mr. Beckworts: The following information is submitted in response to your letter of March 21, 1950, relative to the ac- ceptability of black-eyed peas. This activity has engaged in a comprehen- sive study of the acceptability of various veg- etables. This study has also included the testing of black-eyed peas including dried, frozen green, canned green, and canned dried types. Based upon these studies, the acceptability of all four test samples of black-eyed peas ranks above the acceptability of kale, ruta- bagas, brussels sprouts, and turnips, is equal to asparagus, cooked celery, parsnips, and winter squash but is below that of lima beans, string beans, dry beans, beets, cabbage, car- rots, cauliflower, corn, eggplant, onions, peas, Irish potatoes, sweetpotatoes, spinach, and tomatoes. This ectivity has no comprehensive data wherein the acceptability of black-eyed peas can be compared with any new Navy foods. Sincerely yours, : Cc. L. AUSTIN, Rear Admiral, Supply Corps, United States Navy, Officer in Charge. Unrrep STATES Naval RECEIVING STATION, Charleston, S. C., March 31, 1950. Hon. LinpL=exy Breck wortH, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. BeckwortTH: It was my pleas- ure and privilege to conduct an acceptability test of black-eyed peas in the general mess of the United States Naval Receiving Station, United States Naval Base, Charleston, S. C. The acceptance by the personnel involved was slightly less than half, in general, either southern-born or southern-raised men ac-~ cepted. It is firmly believed that the peas could readily be used as a rotating item to provide the general mess menu with addi- tional variety. Personally I like black-eyed peas very much and have them frequently in my home, Wishing you every success in your program for their adoption, I remain Very respectfully, G. L. HANSEN, Captain, United States Navy, Com- manding Officer. Unirep Starrs NAvAt REcEIvVING STATION, Boston, Mass., March 23, 1950. Hon, LinpLEY Beck worrtH, ' House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. BecxwortH: The following information is furnished in reply to your Memorandum of March 23. The tests on black-eyed peas were con- ducted at this station in accordance with the instructions received from the Bureau of Supplies and Accounts. Recommended re- celpts were used. The results of the tests indicated a favorable comparison with such other infrequently used foods as fresh tur~ nips, canned beets, and canned spinach. As it happened the quantity of black-eyed peas ° APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ordered exceeded the amount required to conduct the tests. The excess peas have since been prepared and placed in the serve ing line with no indication of increased ac- ceptance. Various fresh frozen foods have been in- troduced at this station over the past few years. Those foods, which are acceptable as canned items, have generally proved to be even more acceptable as fresh frozen items. On the other hand, spinach, for which there is a negligible demand as a canned item, has come to be readily acceptable as a fresh frozen item. In the interests of economy and morale every effort is made to prepare menus which will be to the liking of the greatest possible number. To this end personnel are ques- tioned at random to determine their apprais- al of the meal. A suggestion box is promi- nently located in the mess hall. Suggestions are reviewed and where practicable the rec- ommendations are effected. It is regrettable to report that there have been on requests for additional servings of black-eyed peas. Sincerely yours, A. F. JUNKER, Captain, USN, DEPARTMENT OF THE Navy, Bureau or SUPPLIES AND AccOUNTS, Washington, D. C., April 10, 1950. Hon. Linpuey Beck wortH, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Drar Mr. BeckwortH: I wish to ac- knowledge receipt of your letter of March 27, 1950, concerning the acceptability tests on English peas similar to those previously con- ducted on black-eyed peas. As pointed out in the Secretary of the Navy’s letter of December 5, 1949, and my letter of December 21, 1949, an item must have an acceptability of at least 75 percent in order to be served regularly in the general mess, . English or green peas, whether canned, fresh, or frozen, approach Irish potatoes in their degree of acceptability, which exceeds 99 percent for all personnel irrespective of origin or childheod dietary habits of the in- Gividuals being served. Your letter of March 27, 1950, is returned herewith. Sincerely yours, C. W. Fox, Rear Admiral (SC), United States Navy, Chief of Bureau. Unrrep Stares Nava, Arr Station, Corpus Christi, Tex., March 25, 1950. Hon. Linney Beck worrTs, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Beckwortx: In reply to your letter of March 21, 1950, with regard to’ the general results of tests of black-eyed peas. Based on the results obtained from tests grecently conducted, black-eyed peas com- pared favorably with kale and Brussels sprouts and unfavorably with cauliflower and eggplant. It does not compare favor- ably with various vegetables which have been in use over a long pericd of time. Sincerely yours, J.B. Dunn, Captain, United States Navy, Com- manding Officer. [Enclosure 1] Unitzep Srates Navan Recsivina StatTIOoNn, Navat BasE, Cuarresron, 8. C.—SummMaryr or Data Osrarnep DurinGc Prertop JANUARY 6, 1950, To Fraruary 2, 1950 1. Authorization: Letter from Chief, Bu- reau of Supplies and Accounts, dated No- vember 8, 1949, JJ56-2/L5 (SB-4). 2. Objective: To determine the acceptabil- ity of black-eyed peas by naval personnel subsisting in the general mess.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 8. Introduction: Two samples of black- eyed peas were produced: Price Type Brand Packer pound $0.275 | Stokely-Van ‘amp, Inc,, Oakland, Calif. Canned] Pocahon- 12 | HA Tsoi d., green, tas, ne ‘ Frozen green-| Honor Brand. 4, Procedure: The study used enlisted per= sonnel subsisting on the general mess of the receiving station. Cafeteria method was used for serving and men were allowed to ac- cept or reject. Men entering the mess hall handed in to the MAA a slip of paper in- dicating ‘their geographic location. Each of the two types of peas were run twice during the tests with at least a week elapsing between servings. All tests were conducted during the noon meal to encircle the greatest number of men. Standard meals were served. Preparation of the peas was according to recipes as furnished by the Bureau except in the case of frozen peas. Test No. 1 indicated that 30 minutes cooking time was more than ample; accordingly on test No. 2 for frozen peas the cooking time was reduced to 25 minutes instead of the 2 hours as indicated by the Bureau. Geographic origination of test personnel par- ticipating in the black-eyed pea study at the United States naval receiving station, naval base, South Carolina Percent (a) Group I: Eastern United States con- sisting of First, Third, and Fourth Naval Dis- tricts. (b) Group II: Midwestern United States consisting of Ninth Naval District. (c) Group III: South and Southwestern United States consisting of Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Highth Naval Districts. (ad) Group IV: Western United States con- sisting of Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirteenth Naval Districts. Recapitulation of test data a a B13 3 (3 q {8 fe) 2) Pp (eel Ba |FE 3) 2/2) #|ssieg Type of peas 38 Sal 8 Blels 3e ra é a - #32 o g a Belz ja jela je] |& |e Fresh frozen 1| 620] 370/507] 98] 22] 76] 14] 5.6 black-eye \3 695| 432/62. 2| 106} 9} 97| 12) 1.4 peas......-- 6 atotalaz-g-|---|t 815) 802}61.0}_...|--.- ee a anne 1] 787| 375l49.8) 78) 0) 0] 13) 1.7 black-eye le 420| 244/58.1} 74| 15] 89) 8) 1.4 Test No. 1 FOR FROZEN PEAS (FROZEN OR CANNED) 1. Date of test January 6, 1950. 2. One hundred pounds net weight pre- pared (record number of pounds of peas used). 8. Ninety-eight pounds prepared drained weight (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas after cooking). 4. Thirty-nine pounds liquid (weigh the liquid). 5. Not applicable. 6. Not applicable, 7. Not applicable. 8. Six hundred end twenty, total number of men present for meal (count the men as they pass through the line). 9. Three hundred and seventy, number of men who accepted a serving of black-eyed peas, 10. Thirty-three pounds of peas not served (weigh the peas left on the serving line and/or left in the kettle). Il. Twenty-two pounds prepared drained weight not served (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas). 12. Eleven pounds liquid not served (weigh the liquid). 18. Fourteen pounds of peas served but not eaten (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas). 14. One and one-half pounds of liquid from peas served but not eaten (weigh the liquid). 15. Menu for meal: Hot soup and crack- ers, French fried shrimp, tartar sauce, sliced lemon, French fried potatoes, black-eyed peas, French fried, cole slaw, M. D., peach pie alamode, hot rolls, butter, bread, cocoa. FOR FROZEN, GREEN, BLACK-EYED PEAS Recipe outline: 1. For each recipe consisting of 20 pounds of frozen peas, use 2 pounds of cured bacon or salt pork. 2. Dice the bacon and cook until slightly crisp. 8. Add the cooked bacon and the fat drip- pings to the peas. Place in kettle. 4, Add sufficient cold water to cover peas. 5. Season partly with salt and pepper. 6. Bring the mixture to a slight boil. 7. Reduce heat and simmer for approxi- mately 30 minutes or until tender. 8. Taste and add more salt and pepper be- fore serving if needed. FOR CANNED PEAS (FROZEN OR CANNED) 1. Date of test January 18, 1950. 2. One hundred and fifty pounds net weight prepared (record number of pounds of peas used). 3. Seventy-eight pounds prepared drained weight (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas after cooking). 4. Seventy-two pounds liquid (weigh the liquid). 5. Not applicable. 6. Not applicable. 7. Not applicable. 8. Total number of men present for meal, 757, (count the men as they pass through the line). 9. Number of men who accepted a serving of black-eye peas, 375. . 10. Pounds of peas not served, none (weigh the peas left on the serving line and/ or left in the kettle). 11. Pounds prepared drained weight not served, none (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas). 12. Pounds liquid not served, 65. the liquid.) 138. Pounds of peas served but not eaten, 13. (Strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas.) 14. Pounds of liquid from peas served but not eaten, 1. (Weigh the liquid.) 15. Menu for Meal: Hot soup and crackers, grilled breaded veal cutlets, brown gravy, mashed potatoes, black-eyed peas and sliced bacon, cole slaw, M. D., cherry pie ala-mode, hot rolls, butter, hot cocoa. Norz.—Canned peas 48 percent water. FOR CANNED GREEN, BLACK-EYE PEAS Recipe outline: 1. For each recipe consisting of 4 No. 10 cans, or equivalent in smaller cans, use 2 pounds of cured bacon or salt pork. (Weigh 2. Dice the bacon and cook until slightly © crisp. A3637 8. Add the cooked bacon and the fat drip- pings to the peas. 4. Season partly with salt and pepper. 5. Bring the mixture to a slight boil. 6. After the mixture has just started to boil, reduce the heat and simmer for not more than 30 minutes. 7. Taste and add more salt and pepper be- fore serving if needed. Test No. 2 FOR FROZEN PEAS (FROZEN OR CANNED) 1. Date of test, January 25, 1950. 2. One hundred and twenty pounds net weight prepared (record number of pounds of peas used). 8. One hundred and six pounds prepared drained weight (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas after cooking). 4, Forty-seven pounds liquid (weigh the liquid). 5. Not applicable, 6. Not applicable, 7. Not applicable. 8. Six hundred and ninety-five, total num- ber of men present for meal (count men as they pass through the line). 9. Four hundred and thirty-two, number of men who accepted a serving of black-eyed peas. 10. Thirty pounds of peas not served (weigh the peas left on the serving line and (or left in the kettle). 11. Nine pounds prepared drained weight not served (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas). 12. Thirty-five pounds liquid not served (weigh the liquid). 13. Twelve pounds of peas served but not eaten (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas). 14. One pound of liquid from peas served but not eaten (weigh the liquid). 15. Menu for meal: Hot soup and crackers, pot roast of beef, vegetable gravy, French fried potatoes, French fried black-eyed peas and bacon, Waldorf salad, M. D., pound cake, ice cream, hot rolls, bread, butter, coffee. FOR FROZEN, GREEN, BLACK-EYED PEAS Recipe outline: 1. For each recipe consisting of 20 pounds of frozen peas, use 2 pounds of cured bacon or salt pork. 2. Dice the bacon and add to the frozen peas. Place in kettle. 8. Add sufficient cold water to cover peas. 4, Season partly with salt and pepper. 5. Bring mixture to a slight boil and then reduce heat. 6. Simmer for 2 hours before serving. 7. Taste and add more salt and pepper before serving if needed. FOR CANNED PEAS (FROZEN OR CANNED) 1. Date of test, February 1, 1950. 2. One hundred and five pounds net weight prepared (record numbers of pounds of peas used). 8. Seventy-four pounds prepared drained weight (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas after cooking). 4. Thirty-one pounds liquid (weigh the liquid). 5. Not applicable. 6. Not applicable. 7. Not applicable. 8. Four hundred and twenty, total number of men present for meal (count the men as they pass through the line). 9. Two hundred and forty-four, mumber of men who accepted a serving of black-eye eas. P 10. Twenty-one pounds of peas not served (weigh the peas left on the serving line and/or left In the kettle). 11. Fifteen pounds prepared drained weight not served (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas).
A3638 12. Seventy-eight pounds liquid not served (weigh the liquid). 13. Eight pounds of peas served but not eaten (strain liquid from peas and weigh the drained peas). 14. One and one-half pounds of -liquid from peas served but not eaten (weigh the liquid). 15. Menu for meal: Hot soup and crackers, boiled fresh corned beef, boiled cabbage, boiled peeled potatoes, black-eyed peas with bacon, prepared mustard, sliced pickles, vegetable salad, F. D., cherry pie alamode, hot rolls, bread, butter, coffee. FOR CANNED, GREEN, BLACK-EYE PEAS Recipe outline: 1. For each recipe consisting of four No. 10 cans, or equivalent in smaller cans, use 2 pounds of cured bacon or salt pork. 2. Dice the bacon and add to the canned peas. . $8. Season partly with salt and pepper. 4, Bring mixture to a slight boil and then reduce heat. 5. Simmer for 2 hours before serving. 6. Taste and add more salt and pepper before serving if needed. NaTionaL CANNERS ASSOCIATION, Washington D.C., April 25, 1950. To canners of black-eye peas: 1949 BLACK-EYE PEA PACK This report is compiled from reports to the _ Division of Statistics of canners packing fresh, green, black-eye peas in 1949. Credit is given to the Southwest Canners Association, Tyler, Tex., and the Texas Can- ners Association, Weslaco, Tex., for the com- pilation of that State. The pack in Texas includes some purple hull peas as well as their black-eye pack. 1949 black-eye pea pack by can size aR —— 24/2 48/1P 24/300 24/303 6/10 Total Ark sand Oklahoma 184, 604 |.-...------ 19, 667 8, 275 23, 429 180, 875 roxas a ween eee en ee 420, 612 12,115 480, 368 |. _— 63, 172 1976, 267 Other States *_...-.----~ 61, 262 6,817 J...------.-- _— 8, 967 77, 036 United States total... wens 616, 368 18, 932 500, 035 8, 275 95, 568 1, 234, 178 ot Vncludes Purple Hull, estimated to he about 20 percent. SIncludes Geurgiz, Lo rs.ana, Mary'und, and Virginia. Yours very truly, UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH ADMINISTRATION, | Beltsville, Md., April 12, 1950. Hon, LinpLtEY BEcKWworTH, House of Representatives. Dear Mr. BeckwortH: Your informal note of April 6 upon our letter of April 4 concern- ing Crowder, Purple Hull, and English peas is received. Because of the relatively small importance of the Crowder and Purple Hull varieties they have not been analyzed and studied ex- tensively enough to afford a sound basis for saying they are either superior or inferior to English peas as a part of the human diet. Since they are similar to the black-eye variety in many respects, they may be reasonably expected to resemble the black-eye in com- position. It will be noted that although the composition of English peas and black-eyes are somewhat similar, there are differences in the percentages of the principal constitu- ents that contribute to their respective food values. Furthermore, each Kind of pea shows great differences in composition and energy value from one stage of maturity to another. The available analyses suggest that at com- parable stages of development, ‘plack-eyes and English peas are so similar that it would be difficult indeed to prove, in actual dietary studies, any superiority of one over the other. While young English peas may contain more of vitamin A and black-eye more of some other vitamin, there is no basis for saying which one is more valuable altogether. That would depend in part upon the nature of the many other foods entering into the diet. Thus, on the basis of limited data avail. able the Crowder and Purple Hull peas ap» pear roughly equivalent to English peas, in food value, at comparable stages of maturity. Your file of correspondence on this matter is returned. Sincerely yours, F, P, CuLLnINAN, Acting Chie}, Bureau of Plant Indus- try, Soils, and Agricultural Engi- neering. Division of Sratistics. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, Orriczr or DOMESTIC COMMERCE, Washington, D. C., May 1, 1950, Hon, Linpuzy BECK WwoRTH, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. BeckwortH: This is in reply to your letter of April 22, 1950, inquiring for information on the consumption of black- eye peas. As Mr, Hiday of the Stokely-Van Camp Co. correctly stated in his letter, neither the Department of Commerce nor the De- partment of Agriculture publishes consump- tion figures on black-eye peas. The reason for this is that the necessary statistical facts are simply not available. Consumption figures on agricultural com~ modities and the products processed there- from are what we call “derived data.” They are developed by taking the known or esti- mated supplies at the beginning of the year (or other time period), adding the annual production, or pack, and subtracting the known or estimated supplies at the end of the year. In the case of black-eye peas the begin- ning and ending inventory situations are not known and no reliable basis for estimat- ing them is evident. Moreover, production is not reported by the various packers to any Governmental agency or to the National Canners Association, We hope that the foregoing explanation satisfactorily accounts for the absence of information on this subject. If we can be of assistance at any time, please call on us. Sincerely yours, H. B. McCoy, Director. DEPARTMENT OF THE Navy,’ Washington, D. C., Mareh 27, 1950. Hon. Linptry Bruckworrtx, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Becmworts: Receipt of your letter dated March 21, 1050, is acknowledged. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Research and conferences with qualified personnel have disclosed that Crowder and Purple Hull type of field peas fall within the same category as black-eyed peas, even to the similarity of taste. In view of the above, it has been determined that the same ac- ceptability standards would apply to Crowder and Purple Hull peas as apply to black-eye peas. In connection with the letter, the results of tests and acceptability standards were transmitted to your office by our letter dated November 18, 1949, and enclosure here-~ to. In accordance with your request the en- closure is returned herewith. Sincerely yours, Outver P. SMITH, Major General, United States Marine Corps, Assistant Commandant of the Marine Corps. . VETERANS’ ADMINISTRATION, Washington, D.C., April 14, 1950. Hon. LinpLEy BecKWoRTH, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Deak Mr. BecxwortH: Your letters of March 25, 1950, March 10, 1950, and March 7, 1950, which letter consisted merely of a note on the bottom of a letter dated March 2, 1950, from Food Processors, Brownsville, Tex., to Gen. Carl R. Gray, all concerned generally with the procurement of peas by the Veter- ans’ Administration, have been referred to this office for appropriate action. With regard to the possibility of a test be- ing couducted on the use of frozen blackeye peas, it is believed not such a test would serve any useful purpose since it has been deter- mined that dried black-eye peas are preferred by the majority of patients, in addition to being considerably more economical as you were advised in letter of January 17, 1950, from the Chief Medical Director, Veterans’ Administration. This office has neither comments nor in- formation to offer concerning Crowder and Purple Hull peas. As requested, there is listed below the an- nual requirements of the Veterans’ Admin- istration for various packs of green peas pro- cured centrally: Pounds Dry split peas... 200, 000 Cauned green peas (250,000 No. 10 cans) -W- 2. ee 1, 735, 000 Canned pea puree (150,000 No. 2 COBDS) enema naweneeenennnunens 210, 000 TOGA] ne ene eee wa 2,145, 000 The prices requested for the above listed items, other than canned puree, were fur- nished in my letter to you of December 7, 1949, The latest average cost of canned peas puree delivered to the Veterans’ supply depots was $0.21213 per No. 2 can or 0.16976 per pound. Very truly yours, R. C. Kron, Director, Supply Service. —e DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY, OFFICE OF TITE QUARTERMASTER GENERAL, : Washington, D. C., April 10, 1950. Hon. Linpury Beckworru, House of Representatives. Dear Mr. Beckwortu: Reference is made to your letter dated March 25, 1950, addressed to the Secretary of the Army, and memo- randum dated March 31, 1950, relative to the annual consumption and price of canned and dried green peas. The annual consumption of canned green peas for the Departments of the Army and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Air Force is approximately 12,000,000 pounds. The average price per pound for canned green peas, based on 1949 pack procurement, is approximately $0.106 delivered to depots. The annual consumption of dried green peas for the Departments of the Army and Air Force is much lower than the consump- tion of canned green peas, and is approxi- mately 700,000 pounds. The average price per pound for dried green peas is approxi- mately $0.087 delivered to depots. The correspondence forwarded with your memorandum is returned as requested. Sincerely yours, . &.B. THornton, Colonel, QMC, Executive Officer. NATIONAL CANNERS ASSOCIATION, Washington, D. C., May 3, 1950. Hon. LINDLEY BEcKWworTH, House Office Building, Washington, D. C. My Dear ConGRESSMAN: As you requested on the 28th of April, we are pleased to en- close a copy of the pack report on green peas for the year 1949 with a comparison with 1948. As you will note this gives a breakdown by grade, can size, variety and geographical area. The total pack for 1949 is stated in the last paragraph of the first page of the report. It is a pleasure to serve you and if there is any additional information about the in- dustry that you need, please call on us. Yours very truly, R. B. HEINEY. Pack of green peas in cases all sizes for 1948 and 1949 1948 pack 1949 pack Alaskas | Sweets | Alaskas | Sweets NORTHEAST New York and | Cases Cases Cases Cases Maine.-..---.. 83, 492!1, 474, 525} 19,294] 741, 276 MIDDLE ATLANTIC Maryland__..-.. 581, 841) 269,178) 405,403} 455, 847 Delaware and New Jersey.... 40, 765 57,920; 39,401 () Pennsylvania..-.| 182,152) 581,384) 128,652| 420, 390 Other States_..._ 16, 121 20, 250 38, 908 8 415 MIDWEST Ohio.-_...-..-..- 125, 362) 30,029} 130,309} 34, 235 Indiana... 281, 879 1 Dlinois_.. 233, 213)1, 232, 028 Michigan.- t Wisconsin. cere ote ey Minnesota. SST, 2s Footnote at end of table. A3639 Pack of green peas in cases all sizes for 1948 and 1949—Continued 1948 paek 1949 pack Alaskas | Sweets | Alaskas | Sweets WEST Montana and| Cases | Cases Cases Cases Wyoming.._-.|....--..] 184, 846)... (1) Idaho and Utab-|...-_-_.. 1, 227, 705]... 1, 906, 363 ashington and Oregon-.--..-- 882, 527|5, 714, 623) 192, 093)4, 411, 338 Other’ States... 2,261) 309, 363]----.-..- Total... 5, 825, 448/18,620,606/6, 667, 060) 18,277,814 1In “Other States.” This is a report of the 1949 pack of peas compiled by sieve sizes, alaskas, and sweets, and is based on actual reports of canners packing peas, together with estimates for six firms whose report were not received. The total 1949 pack of green peas amounted to 24,944,874 cases of all sizes compared with the 1948 pack of 24,446,054 cases. On the basis of standard cases of 24/2’s, the 1949 pack was 28,468,000 compared with 23,- 356,000 cases packed in 1948. Very truly yours, Division oF STAaTISTIcs. 1949 pea pack in Northeastern States (actual cases) Bieve ayo | 49/8z | asp | 2403 | eo | Misc | otal Bieve a4 | 4gsz | dep | 2403 | eno | Miscele|) pote Fancy Alaskas: Fancy sweets; and 2 15,381} 9,944] 206 64,710 479 » 661 8,199 84, 528 33, 991 52,79 187, 303 16,703 787 56, 799 98, 587 289 539 10, 873 11, 321 2, 48 3, 960 37, 497 .-| 19, 19, 204 Total....----| 419,000 | 20,460 | 119,771} 61,810 | 110,496} 739] 741,276 1949 pea pack in Mid-Atlantic States (actual cases) Bieve ayo | agjez | aie | 24aos | eno | Miscel-| potas Sieve aga | 4gisz | ase | 24303 | eto | Miscel | ota, Fancy Sweets: 18, 636 Land 2 850 87, 522 17, 70 1, 007 9, 190 39 3, 188] 86, 218 1, 851 427 26, 426 10, 143 94, 817 200 49, 702 8713 2, 246 6, 628 8,828 | 52, 592 416 11 , 795 -| 408,830 STITIEZ] 152) @74 ; Fania incall nae base me — || | Ey 24, 092 | 170, 675 | 210,620 | 2,870 | 607, 864 Total....n.--| 894,706 | 84,679 | 86,266 | 230,820 | 177,630) 1,642 | 884, 652
A3640 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 1949 pea pack in Midwestern States (actual cases) iscel- Miscel- Sieve aya | 4gsz | sane | 24a03 | eno | Miscel) otal Sieve 24/2 | 48/8Z | 48/1P | 24/803 | 6/10 | jancons| Total y : Fancy sweets: Fangs Alaskas 78,206, 2,844| 22,012] 50, 783 252). anes 154, 097 Land 2.......- 111,797} 1,850, 21,552) 83, 152) 9, 84 264} 228, 599 979,312} 65,188} 78,773) 594,990} 32, 000|._._._... 1,050,263 |f = 3-_.----------- 197,335] 4,619} 45,992] 75,111] 28, 359 3. 153, 142| 118,395). 40,384) 433,338) 57,793 “10, 496) B13, 548 || 4... 194,004] 15,724) 44,437| 95, 386) 40, 877 4and up-.---- 893|.....---- 565} 3,002) 10, 146)... 14, 536 Band up..-..- 140,560} 5,802) 21,616} 88,110) 57, 252). Mised_.-_--_- 1,011|°°- 4,869] 2,603) 8, 428|_- ef 16, 911 Misxed.._..--.- 133, 376| 767,790] 92, 528)3, 860, 561) 56, 745 Extra standard Extra standaz d : Alaskas: sweets: . 5 _ 95] 2, 72 2,675) .---neee- 36, 570 Land 2 -| 20,386].....---- 5,930} 10,979) 3, 998 41, 288 rs in “"T1io] 38, a5 170, oy 18, 977}_-.0 351, 087 50,958" 9,767] 87,358] 32,203] 28, O44 151, 420 438; 840] 521962} 137,128] 640,898] 294, 903 80/1, 494, 811 172,106] 3,187] 57,956] 63, 711] 78, 820 370, 26) 57,419) 7,117) 11,161} 153,741) 86,7 316, 213 220,030] 9, 194) 46,267 252, 284{ 150, 933 687, 801 22, 875]. ---- [ne eee == 8, 655 ; 33, 395 159,000}  §0, 130} 33, 906)1, 046, 323} 156,993) 11, 880/1, 488, 322 766|.-...--.- ot 269 1, 136 1,824} ee. 56 616 it 2, 507 22, Mer 469 500 20, 087 68 44, 290 "54900 1,457] 3,427| 3, 639 16, 972 178,581} 11,398} 21, 482) 182, 202! , BB 434, 360 63, 581/71, 166] 5,885, 18, 112) 19, 874 ---| 103, 618 G78, 809] 14,266} 66,770] 426, 942| 233, £04 1151, 020, 496 207,825} 1,719] 16,023) 86.055) 68, 431 577} 380, 630 38, 117 Q}...------ 28, 063 414|__...---- , 506 80,374] 16,483] 13,751] 382,804) 43, 003 584/536, 999 1, 704, 628| 278, 620| 418, 226]2, 675, 065} 760, 962/ 10, 808/5, 848, 309 Total....--.- 1, 760, 714] 910, 431] 444, 784]5, 793, 874| 750, 458) 105, 417/9, 765, 678 1949 pea pack in Western States (actual cases) TET aa iscel- : Miscel- Sieve ayo | agisz | agp | 24/003 | ono | Misc) Total Sieve 24 | 4aez | age | 24/803 | 6/10 | taneous} Total Taney Alaska: Fancy Sweets: Dee . 6, 473 854 4,634] «6, 928}... =] --- eee 18, 889 Land 2 76,760| 20,760) 50,818) 151,205] 1, 141 40] 309, 823 2... 17,565] 13,377| 1,385) 41,776 5 97,055} 38, 10s] 87,307] 196,325) 16, 736 50) 436, 181 Boonen nen ee en ne [enone nee 2,550| 12,026] 15, 192 20/850] 73,837] 147,963] 97, 986] 88, 038 G5) 407, 718 4 and UD aw nn ne [-cnnee nae [eee ene = [pn new enes [nen eeeee 24/410] 19,3001 47,838] 81, 773/32, G10 200] 206, 131 sn ects a NE ee 108, 230] 279, SUS! 426, 563}2, 414,870] 38,327] 48, 60943, 316, 404 Extra, stoadard ch Apes 12 63 471] 2, 214 tt 8, 056 5,843 77| 6,898] «6, 407] 24, 719 283} 43, 287 28,388] 4, 864 17, 436] 40,881) 174, 142[ 1, 178] 200, 889 72,924) 17,504] 25, 888] 206,384] 205,848) 2, 860 620, 358 30,632] 8, 448] 28, 708] 938, 974] 226,247) 10, 659] 652, 758 wenewenen |onneenn ee 1, 382]... .---|--------- 78 1,410 6 2 1, 040 294 1, 919 1, 497 6, 05: 43 3, $29 4 53, 826 4and up---..- 14, 219 25, 176; ii] 12,806} 161, 962} 148,810} 3, 996) 361, 406 Mixed _...-.- - 9,243} 7,160} 1, 962 _M8, 584 584] G7, 545 542] 205, 042 Total.-...-- 24,296] 18,810} 18,885} 99,869) 30, 303)... ._--. 192, 093 Total....--| 515,854| 478, 498] £65, 258 3, 810, 886 886}1, 038, 530] 77, 18216, 886, 208 tenn eet NES Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the eighteenth article by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop on the infiltration of communism in our coun- ry: try Biacest Story (By Frank C. Waldrop) When will Stalin kindly go on and die? Who will succced him? The old man has talked about that recently. He has said that he knows exactly what will happen, for he has arranged everything. It may be, for Stalin has ruled now longer than any ot’ er important man alive. He is a tough old rooster who has a good personal working knowledge of the worst that human nature can do. And he may have discovered the secret of perpetual motion for government to his taste, Most people do not know it, but Stalin is not a Russian, any more than Hitler was @ German. Furthermore, he has never in his life put foot outside the empire that he rules, He has excellent spies and enjoys plenty of reading matier concerning the world out- side, so he does not let his lack of travel dis- tract him. The makers of the revolution in Russia that was to start all the world to communism as a way of life, overnight, were of a different breed, They were travelers abroad, and their main leader, Lenin, even said one time that he thought it likely the Communists in Ger- many would soon set the Russians aside and take charge of the world movement toward sclentific Marxism, Note that point well, for it has since been steeped in the blood of millions. The makers of the revolution thought, back in 1917, that they need only kill a few blind men here and there who could not see the wisdom of the Marxist idea, and then every- body else would be on their side. They did not care whether the Communist movement really took all its cues from Moscow, just so communism should rule the world. Stalin had a differont view. This extraordinary man was born at Gorl, in Asiatic Georgia, on December 21, 1879. He was the son of an illiterate shoemaker, aud it was a great thing in the family that his mother started him for a priest. Georgia is not Russia. The village of Gori is farther from Moscow than is Berlin, Georgia lies in the narrow neck of land that separates the Black Ssa from the Caspian. Next door are Turkey and Armenia. Iran, Iraq, and Syria are just a Jump away. Up in the sky is Mount Ararat, where Noah landed his ark, and under the ground lies oil, so that into this region of primitive tribal life there has moved in the past 30 years a sudden overlay of the machine age. Unlike Texas, which was rescued from skin-and-bones farming by the oil prospec- tors, the lands back of Mount Ararat are still dry with poverty. Moscow issues no royalty checks in return for the oil it takes. Stalin, a natural orlental born in a coun- tryside that takes feuds and hates to its heart, soon abandoned the idea of being a priest for that of killing and robbing. The excuse, of course, wus to overthrow the czar so far away, In Georgia, as in every other corner of the overblown Russian empire of conflicting races, religions and econoniics, there was a seedling local revolution brewing all the time. It just happened that in Stalin’s youth the revolutionary instinct was grafted onto the Marxist theory of a Socialist society run on Communist lines. Stalin, who was christened Iosif Vissarion- ovich Dzugashvill, went as a sword for a throat to the violence Marx called for as the necessary groundwork for soclalisin. He robbed trains, He robbed banks. He killed and plundered. The profits went to the gang, and Stalin went to prison. He came out tougher than ever. In fact, though he has since done all he could to. obliterate every record of it, evidence still remains of his once actually being expelled from the Communist organization itself for “expropri- ating” as it was called, with unauthorized enthusiasm. By 1917 Lenin, Trotsky, Kamenev, Luna- charsky, and all the other leading lights of the revolution were busily writing and gab- bling with Communists from all over. As they set up the first Sovict state in Russia they were careful, also, to build a
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Comintern, the Communist International that was to blow up the governments abroad. Stalin, in that time, concentrated on the local problem of Russia’s diverse and con- flicting races. He got the job of commissar of nationalities. And so while the others were politicking the world at large, the serpent who looked ahead was politicking with the delegates from the grass roots. From commissar of nationalities, Stalin moved to general secretary of the central committee of the Communist Party of the United Soviet Socialist Republics of Russia, On the surface it looked like a meaningless bureaucratic post, something about like be- ing secretary of the Democratic National Committee. But in fact Stalin thereby set a model Communists since have aped all over the world, in everything from labor union locals to world government societies. They shoot for the low visibility jobs, when they can. Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave granted to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include:the nineteenth article by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop on the infiltration of communism in our coun- try: Biccest Story (By Frank C. Waldrop) How does a career of murder and violence end? Sometimes in justice at the end of a soaped rope. Sometimes unpunished, in a comfortable bed at home. Sometimes with a pickax through the brain, in a foreign land, by order of a more cunning gangster. If you have had the patience to follow this review of the biggest news story of the twen- tieth century you will no doubt be glad to learn that now I begin to tie some running threads of narrative together and knot them into place. Up to now characters have been intro- duced. Here are just a few: Karl Marx; Woodrow Wilson; Vladimir Ulyanov, who called himself Lenin; William C. Bullitt; Franklin D. Roosevelt; Lev Davidovitch Bern- stein, alias Leon Trotsky; Alexander Keren- sky; Vyacheslav Skryabin, so well known in the 1940’s by his alias, Molotov. And Iosif Vissarionovich Dzugashvili, now called Stalin “for steel.” When Lenin died, in 1924, the first Soviet Government in the world was already on the rocks. It had jumped cleverly out of the war of 1914-18, to make popularity at home. It had beat down circling civil wars by promising land to the country people and bread to the city people. It had started the Communist interna- tional organization against all other govern- ments, had tried and lost a war against Po- land that was to signal a world upheaval of people everywhere against their own govern~ ments. But it had not been able to deliver either bread or peace at home, and the farmers tak- ing over the land in tiny parcels, were stub- pornly declining to obey Moscow's orders on what to grow or what to do with what would grow. The ruling class in Russia before the revo-~ lution had been a landed aristocracy taking its cue from the inherited monarchy of the Romanov Czars. After the revolution, a new ruling class came to power that called itself the “Com- munist vanguard” of world socialism, and like all new managers of power, this class had trouble learning its job. But worse than that, it had a flaw in its basic notions. Some Communists wanted to be Communists of the world, first, and Communists in Russia second. To these be-~ longed Trotsky. Others said that Russia must first be brought in discipline to the Communist heel at home, and then the rest of the world could be dealt with in due time. This was Stalin’s view. The result: For 4 years after Lenin’s death, Russia continued to disintegrate and fall apart, while the palaces of the Kremlin, in Moscow, rang with shots and screams and quarrels. Stalin finally won enough power to his side that he had Trotsky exiled, in January 1929. But it was a narrow squeak, and Stalin lived in actual terror of the slippery, fox-bearded little wizard of words and plots. He knew Trotsky too well. Trotsky was a born seditionist, breeder of trouble, and a supreme fisher in troubled waters. First from nearby Europe, then from over- seas, Trotsky continued to shoot arrows into Stalin’s hide. He even spread the story that Stalin had tried to poison Lenin, once, and for all we know it was true. This row exposed communism’s rawest weakness to the world. Communism cannot endure competition, either of partisans for office in government or of constitutions and Grafts of law. All opposition to the man in office is illegal and conspiratorial, for the sys- tem forbids legal competition. So, Stalin sent out his teams of assassins to find Trotsky, wherever in the world he might try to hide. And finally, in Mexico City, on August 21, 1940, a young man known as Jackson, slipped up from behind as Trotsky was correcting proofs of a biography of Stalin, and knocked out his brains with a short-handled pick. Jackson was sentenced to 20 years by the Mexican Government, friendly to Stalin. Incidentally, Mexico was for years a fa- vorite hangout for Stalin’s murder squad on this side of the water. One of their most spectacular stunts was that of blowing up a plane load of people at Mexico City, on January 25, 1945, in order to get rid of a fellow for Stalin—the Soviet ambassador to Mexico. Details later in this series. All in all, Stalin had literally millions of Russians killed in the process of erasing Trotsky from public memory. The lst in- cluded old Bolsheviks, aristocrats of the revolution who had been out front fighting in the streets while Stalin himself was hiding in a cave. They numbered generals and admirals, and the low as well as the high. To see it, you must imagine that in the United States of America one man had wormed his way to power who would send out his gang to kill the Chief of Staff of the Army, half of the Presidential Cabinet, rank- ing Members of the Senate and House of Representatives, And that the wave of blood would roll out to knock down little governors, mayors, writers, musicians, finally, factory hands, farmers in the field, and street-corner loafers, That was the actual story of Hitler in Ger- many, and it was Stalin’s in Russia, across the same, identical span of years. Two demons from hell—one of whom President A3641 F. D. Roosevelt chose above the other, when he need not have touched either. Why? For an answer we begin to tie in another thread of this story. The revolution was just really beginning to eat its children in earnest when this writer first ran across communism in 1930. That year, as I began to study its peculiar nature in New York City, Stalin decreed that the government would seize the grain of the Ukraine, where the wheat farmers were rudely declining to give up the land they had grabbed at Lenin’s suggestion in 1917-18. And so, as I got acquainted with the Com- munists over here, some 12,000,000—that is as printed here, 12,000,000—Russian men, women, and children were starved in a single famine by order of Stalin. Thus was the great revolution to “liberate” mankind making its way in the world. Now it is time to tell the story of what the revolution was about in the United States of America. We will come back to Russia again, in the days of F. D. R. Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the twentieth article by Mr. Frank Waldrop on the in- filtration of communism in our country: Bicczest Srory (By Frank C. Waldrop) A new line of action for the Communists in the United States of America, was ordered in the May issue of their leading journal of instructions, Political Affairs. In plain language, it is to drop everything else and find the American spy in their midst. The fact is well known to communism from the Kremlin to the State Department, that the Federal Bureau of Investigation sits in the innermost councils of their conspiracy. For the past 20 years, in the cruel and un- known war of spy and counter-spy men and women have been murdered in every im- portant American city, One was shot dead in a Washington hotel some years ago, in the crudest terms of melo- drama that no movie would attempt as any~- thing but farce. Yet still the FBI keeps its solid seat in the most secret councils of the Communists and continues to build the record that has kept two Presidents of the United States awake at nights, wondering what could be done about “that man, J. Edgar Hoover.” The Federal Bureau of Investigation has to be understood just as much as the Com- munist organization itself, if you are to fol- low the unfolding of the twentieth century biggest news story. This agency, so powerful and competent today, was hardly as well organized as the Communist conspiracy itself when these two enemies locked in combat during the last days of Woodrow Wilson. And, down through the years since, Stalin has managed to destroy many antagonists all over the world. But one he has failed to get is J, Edgar Hoover, a native of Wash- ington, D. C. And so, in the telling here of communism’s rampage in the United States or America for
A3642 the past 40 years you will find a weaving in and out of the life of the FBI and the unique individual who made it, Hoover. First, some facts about the base line of communism in America. In the early years of this century there was a spattering of socialism in the rapidly expanding industrial cities touched only a little here and there by the mania of Karl Marx’s science. The seething and fermentation of Ameri- can expansion from our earliest times has bred crackpots in politics as well as men of solid statesmanship. And so, once the Social- ist idea got any attention at all, a lurid skyful of rockets began to go up in bid for notice. Henry George produced the single tax. Gen. Jacob Coxey marched on Washington with his army. The Populists excited the farmers on the Great Plains. William Jen- nings Bryan and the nuttler Democrats en- joyed several noisy campaigns of defeat. The Industrial Workers of the World are remembered now hardly anywhere except on the west coast. There were the many-factioned Socialists whose leading figure came to be Eugene V. Debs, And there was the Syndicalist League, ad- mired by a whole variety of anarchist societies, But none of them, though two United States-Presidents were assassinated and an- other wounded, actually represented a serious or sizable element of our national life. America itself was interested in other things, all concerned with self-improvement and growing national strength. On October 1, 1910, the Syndicalist League of North America distinguished itself by ex- tinguishing itself in a single action. The McNamara boys dynamited the Los Angeles Times building, to show how they felt. The fact that 21 innocent people happened to get killed in the circumstances, did not concern them. American opinion was outraged, and the McNamara boys were promptly collared and put in Folsom prison. Then, on July 22, 1916, Tom Mooney and Warren K. Billings and others of the old syn- dicalist gang set off a bomb in San Fran- cisco, killing 10 people and wounding 40. They went to San Quentin instead of the gallows. When I came to Washington in 1933, they were still there. But by then the Commu- nists had adopted Tom Mooney as one of their endless chain of money-raising devices. “Free Tom Mooney” campaigns were com- mon and at every Communist gin-drinking culypso concert, girls switched around shak- ing tin plates under people’s noses and de- manding—and getting—hard money. Finally the old bomb thrower was released from prison by a soft~headed governor. How many dollars the Communists had milked out of Washington and other cities in his name by then, I can only guess, but it was in the thousands. It was all spent, I can guess, with educated judgment. Not for Mooney but for Marx and Stalin. Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the twenty-first article by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop on the infiltration of communism in our coun-~ try: Biccest STrory (By Frank C. Waldrop) J. Robert Oppenheimer, the most distin- guished physicist in the world, could do the United States a great service if he would. It would be a service far greater than any he has made—and he has made many—to un- derstanding of atoms and their behavior. Oppenheimer is suffering a painful experi- ence. He has been identified by a former Com~ munist as having been present in Communist meetings on the campus of the University of California in 1941, The suggestion is that Oppenheimer is or was a Communist. All the usual hand-wringers and tear- jerkers are now running around the country expressing anguish and indignation at the very idea. But Oppenheimer himself knows and indeed has long ago admitted, that he ‘was Once very much under the Marxist spell. And his brother, Frank, also a physicist of considerable rank, has been proved on the public record to have been not only a Com- munist but also a liar. Those who want to see the proof can do 60 by going to the Library of Congress and looking at the bound files of the Washington ‘Times-Herald of July 12, 1947, June 14, 1949, June 15, 1949, and June 18, 1949. The Times-Herald published Frank Op- penheimer’s Communist card number in 1947, Oppenheimer called the Times-Herald a liar. But when finally the House Committee on Un-American Activities got around to him in 1949 and asked him about the matter under oath, he caved in and confesed the truth. Then he crawled out of town and the hand-~ wringers and tear-jerkers all said he should be allowed to go his way, unquestioned about his boyish indiscretion, as they now do (in re) brother Robert. It is as if a man had come up to you and said, “I was in a mob of murderers planning to kill you, but I quit. Don’t ask me who they were.” Whoever hesitates to turn every possible Communist, ex-Communist and associate of Communists upside down and shake him for the last shred of knowledge he may have, does not understand our times. This is a struggle for the world. The object of the Communists is to destroy civilization and build another system on their own model. They mean to kill you, personally, if you object. J. Robert Oppenheimer knows that. His brother, Frank, knows that. The fancy man from Manhattan who committed contempt before the United States Senate a few days ago, Frederick Vanderbilt Fleld, knows that. Therefore, J. Robert Oppenheimer’s duty, today, is to speak out in public to the people of the United States and tell them not only his present beliefs, which all who know him say are on the side of humanity and civiliza- tion, but also, to tell everything he knows about everybody under the Communist spell, past or present. Less than that is to do the civilized world a positive damage. If you want to grasp the dimensions of this struggle, compare the Communist organiza~ tion in the United States of America today, with that of 30 years ago. The Communists in this country were not really a fully developed political and con- spiratorial fores ur. 1 105+ They got their growth under the patronage of F. D. Roose- velt. In the period 1914-18, they were scattered through a spectrum of meddlers in terror, socialism, and anarchy, but in no way had a central command. Then, in 1919, as the Soviet Government of Russia set up its Communist International APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to develop resolutions in every country of the world, there was organized in Chicago the first real Communist gang. Around this, the embryo revolutionists quickly formed, and just as quickly the headquarters were shifted from Chicago to New York City. The first general secretary of the Commu- nist organization was Charles Emil Ruthen- berg, of Cleveland, Ohio, who held that job until his death in 1927. Like John Reed, the Harvard Marxist who was the first of many Communist couriers between New York and Moscow, Ruthenberg lies buried, today, in the Kremlin. Thus, it has always been obvious and vis- ible to anybody with an honest mind and heart, that Communists in the United States of America are all and always, the agents of that same Kremlin and dedicated to the ruin of this Nation. Yet in our schools that has not seemed to matter. The Problem of Old-Age Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, recently the famed Harvard economist, Prof. Sum- ner Slichter, presented testimony before the Senate Finance Committee in support of an expanded old-age insurance pro- gram. Professor Slichter’s conclusions are in line with amendments I have in- troduced for increasing old-age benefits. I ask unanimous consent that pertinent excerpts from Dr. Slichter’s testimony be printed in the Appendix of the Rxrcorp. There being no objection, the excerpts were ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Tur ProsLem or Onp-Ace Security (By Sumner H. Slichter, Lamont University professor, Harvard University associate chairman, Advisory Council on Social Security, Senate Committee on Finance) I My purpose in appearing before you is to report to you on the work of the advisory council on social security, appointed by the Committee on Finance of the United States Senate, Hightieth Congress, under authority of Senate Resolution 141, and to answer your questions about the recommendations of the council. * * * » * The Advisory Council reached three basic conclusions concerning the problem of old- age security: (1) That the foundation of the country’s system of old-age security ought to be a Federal system of contributory social insur- ance with benefits related to prior earnings and awarded without a means test. (2) That the present Old-Age and Sur- vivors Insurance Act is failing to perform adequately the job that it was expected to do. (8) That the present Old-Age and Sur- vivors Insurance Act is sound in principle, and that its failure to do the job expected of it is attributable to three principal defects in the act, all of them easily remedied. In order to remedy the defects in the old- age and survivors insurance plan, the Ad- visory Council made 22 recommendations for
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD changes in the act. On 20 of these recom- mendations the council was unanimous. * * * * * mr * * * s * The 17 members of the council—employer members, labor members, and public mem- bers—were unanimous in believing that con- tributory social insurance should be the foundation of the country’s system of old- age security. Furthermore, the same con- clusion was reached by each of the two pre- vious advisory councils—the Council on Eco- nomic Security, which helped draft the orig- inal law of 1935, and the Advisory Council appointed in 1939. There are four principal reasons why the Advisory Council of 1947-48 reached the conclusion that a contributory system of old-age pensions should be the foundation of the Nation’s system for old- age security. In the first place, the pensions provided by a contributory insurance system are not charity. No means test is used, but pen- sions are awarded as a matter of right. Fur- thermore, the cost is met from the worker’s own production in the form of a tax on payrolls paid by the employer and a tax on wages paid by the worker. Hence the digni- ty and the self-respect of the worker are shown consideration. * * In the second place, old-age insurance en- courages self-reliance and thrift instead of discouraging them. A man by being thrifty does not diminish the amount of the pension that he receives—he simply assures himself of a better standard of living in his old age. This is in contrast to old-age relief based upon a means test. When a means test is used, the man who has been thrifty and who has provided for himself gets nothing; the man who has partly provided for himself gets small benefits; the man who has made no provision for himself gets the largest grant. Such a system is equivalent to a series of rewards for not being thrifty and self-reliant. Old-age insurance by avoiding the use of a means test, avoids discouraging thrift. In the third place, old-age insurance which relates benefits in some measure to the prior earnings of workers helps protect men from too drastic a drop in their standard of liv- ing on retirement. The standard of living of workers obviously tends to vary with their earnings. Since the purpose of old-age se- curity is to protect men against having to make too drastic cuts in their standard of living when they retire, pensions should vary in some measure with past earnings. Flat benefits, which are not related to earnings but are the same for everyone, would assure that there would be only an arbitrary rela- tionship between men’s standards of living before retirement and their standards after retirement. * * * In the fourth place, a Federal system of old-age pensions should be the foundation of the country’s system of old-age security because it can be applied to all members of the labor force and can be made as broad, therefore, as the problem with which it is supposed to deal. This method of meeting the problem does not depend upon the willingness of an employer to grant pen- sions or upon the bargaining power of unions and their ability to compel employers to grant pensions. Furthermore, a system of old-age insurance can be applied to the self- employed as well as to employees. * * * m1 » . LJ * * The members of the adv! .ory council were unanimous in believing that the present Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Act is not doing the job expected of it. There were three principal reasons for this conclusion. One reason was that, even after 18 years, only about 39 percent of the male workers who reach 65 years of age would receive benefits if retired. Hence, it is plain that many people who need to receive protection from the system are not getting it. The principal reason why they are not receiving protection is that the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Act applies to only about three out of five jobs. Another reason is that eligi- bility to receive benefits is determined by the proportion of time that a man spends in covered employment, not by the proportion of time that he is at work. A man may be quite steadily employed and still not qualify for a pension if he is one of the many work- ers who move back and forth between manu- facturing, which is covered, and agriculture which is not. At the present time, half again as many people are drawing old-age assist- ance as are drawing old-age pensions—2,700,< 000 are receiving old-age assistance and about 1,900.000 old-age pensions. A second reason for believing that the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Act is not doing the job expected of it was that the average pension is too small and is consider- ably less than the average payment for old- age assistance. The average pension for a single person averages about $26 a month and the average pension of a retired person with one dependent less than $40 a month. The average monthly payment under old-age as- sistance is about $44.50. * * * The principal reason why pensions are small is that the benefit formula is too low even for workers steadily employed in covered indus- tries. * A third reason for believing that the Old- Age and Survivors Insurance Act has not done the job expected of it was that the average monthly pensions under it have not kept pace with the rise in the cost of living or the rise in per capita income. Average monthly pensions have increased 14 percent since 1940 while the cost of living has risen over 68 percent, average weekly wages in manufacturing have risen 117 percent, and the average per capital income of the country has increased 132 percent. During the pe- riod that average monthly pensions were in- ‘creasing 14 percent, average monthly old- age-assistance payments more than coubled, The purchasing power of pensions is 32 per- cent less today than it was 10 years ago. Pensions ought to bear a more or less con- stant ratio to the average earnings of per- sons. Otherwise they do not give people the required help in maintaining their customary standards of living. Part of the explanation of why the increase in the average pension has been far less than the increase in the average wage is that, as monthly earnings rise from $50 a month to $250 a month, the primary pension increases only $10 for each $100 increase in earnings. * * * Another part of the explanation why the increase in pensions has lagged behind the increase in wages is that only wages up to $3,000 a year count in computing the average earnings on which pensions are figured. As wages have gone up, more and more workers earn more than $3,000 a year. In 1948, about one out of four among all workers earned more than $3,000. Still another part of the explanation why pensions have increased nrore slowly than wages is that pensions are computed on the average monthly wages of each worker over his lifetime. Although the average worker is earning more than twice as much today as he was earning 10 years ago, his lower earnings of 10 years ago help bring . down the monthly average of earnings on which his pension is computed. All in all, the present methods of computing pensions assure that pensions will be slow to tise whenever wages increase. Iv Why does the advisory council believe that improvement of the act along the lines in- dicated by its 22 recommendations would en- able the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance A3643 Act to do the job expected of it and to be- come the foundation of the country’s sys- tem of social security? In the first place, the recommendations of the council would extend the protection of the act to virtually all of the 25,000,000 jcbs not now covered. Obviously one cannot expect a program to give protection to people whom it does not cover. Consequently, ex- pansion of coverage of the old-age and sur- vivors insurance scheme is of basic import~ ance. * * * H. R. 6000 proposes that about 11,000,000 additional jobs be brought under the old- age and survivors insurance plan. This is a step in the right direction, but it would bring under the act substantially less than half of the jobs that are not now covered. Large and important categories, such as farm- ers, many farm laborers, and a number of professional groups, would still be deprived of protection of the scheme. The incomplete coverage proposed in H. R. 6000 raises basic questions as to where and how uncovered groups would get security for their years of retirement. Nearly all of the groups left uncovered by H. R. 6000 are groups that cannot be expected to be covered by ' private pension plans, initiated by employers or negotiated by trade-unions. Apparently the philosophy of H. R. 6000, therefore, is that the uncovered groups should either be able to take care of themselves or should be ex- pected to rely upon charity. * * * Cer- tainly the people cannot expect old-age and survivors insurance to be the foundation of the country’s system of old-age security if large parts of the population are excluded from the plan. cd * * * * In the second place, the recommendations of the council would liberalize the eligibility requirements for pensions so that older workers who are newly covered by extension of the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Act to new industries will soon become eligible for pensions. * * * It would obviously do little immediate good to extend the act to the 25,000,000 uncovered workers if the eligi- bility requirements for new workers remain as strict as at present. H. R. 6000 makes a little improvement over the present law, but even H. R. 6000 would require 20 quarters of coverage, or 5 years, for newly covered em- ployees to become eligible for pensions. The council recommends that the exten- sion of coverage to new industries he accom- panied by a new start in eligibility require- ments that will require the same qualifying periods for older workers as was required for persons who were the same age when the system began operation in 1937, * * * In the third place, the recommendations of the advisory council would substantially raise the average monthly benefits. * * The primary insurance benefit for a worker with 10 years of coverage under the present act and with average monthly wages of $200 is less than one-fifth of his monthly wage, and if he has one dependent, his total bene- fits,are less than 30 percent of his average monthly wage. Obviously such pensions are far too small. The advisory council has made three types of recommendations designed to raise the average benefit. One recommendation is that the benefit formula be liberalized—that benefits be 50 percent of the first $75 of monthly wages instead of 40 percent of the first $50, and 15 percent of additional wages up to the amount of the tax base instead of 10 percent as at present. Another recom~ mendation is that the benefit base and the tax base be raised from $3,000 a year to $4,200. Still other recommendations pertain to lib- eralizations in the benefits payable to de- pendents. The most impoftant of these recommendations is that women may quali- fy for old-age benefits (either primary or supplementary) at the age of 60 instead of 65. * . *
A3644 The total effect of the recommendation: of the advisory council would be to increase the average pension paid under the old age and survivors insurance scheme by about 100 percent. This would be an important im- provement. Nevertheless, I do not believe that the recommendations of the council go far enough. To begin with, the formula pro- posed by the council is not sufficiently liberal nv--'> for the workers earning above i: . * * * This formula would give a primary pension of $37.50 for workers earning $75, of $48.75 for workers earning $150 a month, and of $63.75 a month for workers earning $250 a month. H. R. 6000 proposes that the primary pen- sion be $50 for the first $100 of earnings. Several members of the advisory council, Mr. Folsom of the Eastman Kodak Co, Mr. Rieve of the Textile Workers Union, CIO, and Mr. Cruikshank, the social security expert of the A. F. of L have expressed agreement with this feature of H. R. 6000, and I share their views. The benefit formula of 15 percent of wages between $75 and $350 a month does not provide a large enough spread between the pensions received by persons with low earn- ings and persons with higher earnings— though the council provides a greater spread than the formula in the present law or that proposed by H. R. 6000. If pensions are to protect the standard of living of workers who retire, they must be fairly closely related to previous earnings. Certainly a rise of only $10 or $15 1m pensions as average monthly earnings increase $100 does not provide a very close relationship between earnings and pen- sions, and is not fair to the skilled workers. * * * Two members of the council, Mr. Rieve and Mr. Cruikshank, have recom- mended that the rise in pensions above the basic amount be 20 percent of additional earnings. I am 1n favor of at least a 20 per- cent increase in pensions for each rise in average monthly earnings above the basic amount, but I believe that a 25 percent rise would be preferable. Such a rise would give aman with average monthly earnings of $200 a month a primary pension of $75 (assuming the formula provides for a pension of 50 per- cent of the first $100 as in H. R. 6000) and a man with average monthly wages of $300 a month, a primary pension of $100. Certainly such a spread in the pension received by mel. with a difference of $100 in monthly earnings is not too large, Finally, I believe that the limit of $4,200 on the benefit base and the tax base recom- mended by the Council is too low and is un- fair to many skilled workers and to foremen and others in the lower ranks of super- vision. The upper limit of $4,200 in the benefit base means that no earnings of more than $4,200 a year produce an increase in a worker’s pension. “ * * In the year 1948, 17 percent of the male workers who earned wages in covered industries in all four quarters earned more than $4,200. Why refuse to count any of these earnings over ' $4,200 in computing the pension that the man receives? The primary pension for a worker earning $5,000 a year, if the pension were 50 percent of the first $100 and 15 percent of the addi- tional earnings up to $4,200 a year, would be only $87.50 a month. It is not satisfac- tory to expect all men who receive more than $4,200 a year to depend on individual savings or on company pension plans. * * Business enterprises themselves do not ex- pect these men to depend on individual sav- ings because they establish generous pension plans for executives. But almost all of these company pension plans tie a man to one company and penalize the man who moves from one employer to another. When one considers the serious deficiencies of company pension plans, one reaches the conclusion that skilled workmen and foremen should not be dependent to any considerable extent upon them, anette I am not in favor of increasing the tax base and the benefit base for the purpose of increasing the mcome of the pension fund. Nevertheless, if the benefit base is increased, the tax base should be correspondingly in- creased because the two should be the same. As a matter of fact, the increase in the tax base above $4,200 would not produce much new tax revenue. Vv When the present Federal old-age pension plan was drawn up about 15 years ago, the prevailing opinion was that it should be in- adequate—that it should provide only a bare minimum of security and that it should be supplemented in various ways. It 1s under- standable that back in 1935, when the idea of a Federal old-age insurance plan was new, many people wished to avoid placing too much reliance on it, At that time, the se- rious disadvantages of private pension plans as devices for providing old-age security were not clearly seen. Nor were all of the develop- ments and problems of old-age assistance clearly seen. The time has come, I believe, for a change in our thinking about these matters. It is high time to adopt the view that the Federal pension plan should be so close to adequate that only moderate supplementation by pri- vate pension plans or public assistance will be necessary. Of course, substantial supple- mentation by individual thrift will always be necessary. vi * * * * s What would a more adequate system of old-age and survivors insurance cost? * * * The best way to estimate the costs of an old-age insurance program is as a percentage of payrolls and of the income of the self- employed, in case the insurance plan ex- tends to the self-employed. In the next 20 or 30 years there will be a very large rise in payrolls—partly due to the increase in the labor force and partly due to the rise in wages which must be expected to continue in the future as in the past. In another 30 years, for example, the labor force will in- crease by over 10,000,000, and, if wages rise as rapidly as in the past, hourly earnings will increase between 80 amd 90 percent. One must expect that the benefits paid under the old-age insurance plan will bear a more or less constant relationship to average monthly earnings. As wage rates rise, ben- efits will be liberalized from time to time in order to maintain a more or less constant relationship between earnings and pensions, That 1s why the most realistic and conserva- tive way of estimating costs is in terms of percentage of payrolls and the income of the self-employed. The actuarial consultant of the Advisory Council on Social Security prepared a low- cost estimate and a high-cost estimate of the recommendations of the Council. He esti- mated that by the year 2000 the expanded program recommended by the Advisory Council would cost from 5.87 percent to 9.70 percent of payrolls. The range in his esti- mates of level premium rose from 4.90 per- cent to 7.27 percent. The more liberal bene- fit formula which I had suggested would cost somewhat more. VII Fortunately, the cost of old-age pensions can be substantially reduced by encouraging employers not to retire workers who are physically fit to perform their work. It is a cruel fiction that men on attaining the age of 65 suddenly. become unfit to continue their jobs. * * Many people conceive the problem of old- age security as mainly a result of the aging of the population—that is, the increase in the proportion of the population of 65 years of age or more. As a matter of fact, the problem of old-age security is as much a APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD problem of earlier retirement as a problem of the aging of the population, Back in 1890, 68 2 percent of all white males were members of the labor ferce By 19380 this percentage nad fallen to 54. By 1940, only 422 percent of all white males were in the labor force. The drop in the proportion of the popula- tion of 65 years of age or more in the labor force is not ithe result of voluntary retire- ments It is the result of lay-offs by employ- ers. For example, among rural farm popula- tion, 69.38 percent of males 65 to 74 years of age were in the labor force in 1940, and even 31.5 percent of males over 75 were 1n the labor force Among urban groups, on the other hand, only 469 percent of white males be- tween 65 and 74 years of age were in the labor force, and only 15 percent of those 75 years of age or more. Many large companies have adopted the rule that everyone must retire at the age of 65. The practice of earlier and earlier retire- ments 1s bad for the individual worker in most cases, it is bad for the country, and it greatly increases the problem of an old-age insurance plan. Retirement is bad for the worker partly because it reduces his income, put even more because it cuts him off from the contact of his fellows that his job gave him, and makes him feel that he is a has- been and is now on the shelf. He is unhappy and maladjusted. Often his health suffers. Earlier retirements are bad for the country because they deprive the community of the output that the retired workers might pro- duce. At the nrerenrt ime, for example, there are abou, 22:73): workers of 65 years of age or more at work. They produce about $10,000,000,000 of goods. If the prac- tice of universal retirement at 65 were made general, the country would be deprived of the output of these 2,800,000 men. In other words general retirement at the age of 65 would cost the country about $10,000,000,000 a year. Finally, earlier retirements greatly increase the costof pensions. Life expectancy at age of 70 is about 3 years less than at the age 65. If most men retired at 70, therefore, the number of years pensions would be paid in the average case would be about three less than if most men retired at 65. Furthermore, contributions would be paid for more years. Consequently, the contribution rate that will buy a given pension beginning at age 65 will purchase much larger pensions beginning at age 70. The time has come to halt the tendency for employers to retire men at an earlier and earlier age. This tendency is quite out of place in a community where health is im- proving, longevity is increasing and the re~ maining years of usefulness of workers at the age of 65 are growing. The Advisory Council on Social Security pointed out that the great majority of retirements are involuntary, and it recommended that the Federal Govern- ment establish a commission to study the broad problem of the aged in the community and the adjustment of aged to retirement. I believe that immediate steps should be taken, however, to help workers between the ages of 65 and 70 continue in employment instead of being forced to retire, * ™ * * * An incorporation into the Old-age and Survivors Insurance Act of an incentive for employers to keep workers beyond the age of 65 would be a major improvement in the country’s arrangements for old-age security, it would open new hope and opportunity for millions of older workers. It would greatly reduce the cost of pensions and it would make it possible to give much more lMberal pensions than are now available with only a moderate increase in the cost of pensions. It would increase the productivity of the economy. This increase in productivity would alone go far to pay the total cost of old-age security.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Truman Unlikely To Win Fight Against Taft Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FORREST C. BONNELL Or MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Truman Unlikely To Win Fight Against Taft Act—Rail Strike Stirs Public Ire Against Labor Bosses,” by Gould Lincoln, appearing in his col- umn entitled “The Political Mill,” pub- lished in the Washington Evening Star for May 13, 1950. In the course of the article, these t-iree sentences appear: Obviously, with Congress in its present temper, there is no slightest chance of Mr. Truman being able to carry out his pledge to repeal the Taft-Hartley Act. Indeed, the vote in the Senate is merely a reiteration of support for the labor act. Further, if there is any new labor legislation, it will be in line with demands that the laws be amended so as to provide for compulsory arbitration in railroad disputes so as to prevent future tie-ups imperiling the entire country. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE POLITICAL MILL—TRUMAN UNLIKELY To Win FicHtT AGAINST Tarr AcT—Rain StTrRikEe Stirs Puswic Irz Acainst Lasor Bosses (By Gould Lincoln) President Truman is crying aloud again his determination to repeal the Taft-Hartley la- bor law—notwithstanding the rash of import- ant strikes this year, including coal, automo- pile, and railroad. The last is not calculated to put either Congress or the country in the frame of mind to turn the country even more completely over to the domination of labor bosses. It is not surprising, however, that Mr. Truman still demands that the country re- turn to the one-sided Wagner Labor Relations Act. It was one of his promises to labor in the 1948 political campaign—and this year he is fighting for the election of a Demo- cratic Congress (more to his liking, he hopes, than the present one). The promise of the Brotherhood of Loco- motive Firemen and Engineers to Keep the President’s special train rolling on his west- ern trip—no matter what happens to other trains, freight and passenger, and to other would-be travelers—is a new kind of special privilege. It may be that it is more impor- tant for Mr. Truman to travel about making partisan political speeches than it is for trains to move carrying the great, necessary traffic of the country—but it is difficult to understand. SUSPICION OF REWARD The promise of the firemen not to inter- fere with Mr. Truman’s movements may be predicated on a desire of the brotherhood to respect the office of President of the United States. But there is a suspicion that it is also intended to reward this particular Pres- ident—who at one time threatened to draft into the armed forces all railroad men. Just before the President uttered his pledge of unending battle to repeal the Taftr ‘Hartley Act, the Senate, by a vote of 53 to 30, turned back his attempt to repeal part of the act by Executive order. The vote came on XCVI—App.——230 the resolution of Senator Tarr, of Ohio, to kill Mr, Truman’s order, under the reorganiza- tion act, to do away with the present inde- pendent general counsel of the Labor Rela- tions Board, and place all authority in me Chairman of the Labor Board. Robert Denham, general counsel, has, since his pppeintanent striven to bring about the en- forcement of the Taft- -Hartley . Act. The sym- pathies of the members of the Board, how- ever, have been those of Mr. Truman— against the Taft-Hartley Act. Obviously, with Congress in its present temper, there is no slightest chance of Mr. Truman being able to carry out his pledge to repeal the Taft-Hartley Act. Indeed the vote in the Senate is merely a reiteration of support for the labor act. Further, if there is any new labor legislation, it will be in line with demands that the laws be amended so as to provide for compuisory arbitration in railroad disputes so as to prevent future tie-ups imperiling the entire country. STRIKE HAD NO APPEAL This particular railroad strike, to compel the employment of extra firemen on Diesel locomotives, has had no public appeal what- ever. Two fact-finding boards in the past have declared such employment not neces- sary. The course of the Truman administration, however, has been to give labor what it de- mands whenever it can. Cynically, why shouldn’t i, be that way? The CIO-PAC and A.F. of L.’s League for Political Education are adjuncts of the Fair Deal Democrats. In some States, they have virtually taken over the running of Democratic campaigns. There has grown up, too, a touching belief in Fair Deal circles that labor bosses can deliver the votes of union members. One of the strangest happenings in re- cent days, on Capitol Hill, was the action of Representative LzsrinsKi, Democrat, of Michigan, chairman of the House Labor Com- mittee, which prevented an immediate in- vestigation of charges that John L. Lewis, by secret signals, had kept alive the coal strike last winter, when Mr. Lewis was pub- licly calling for a resumption of coal min- ing. Mr, LestnsKr accomplished this py re-~ moving subpena power from Chairman Jacoss, Democrat, of Indiana, head of a sub- committee, who was going to put Mr. Lewis on the grill. What will the public think of such tactics? Card Clothing Machine Operators’ Union Seeks Increase in Tariff To Protect Jobs of Its Members EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES . Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. MARTIN of Massachusetts, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Rrecorp, I include a resolu- tion adopted by the Fall River, Mass., local of the Card Clothing Machine Op- erators’ Unioh of Ameriga asking an in- crease in tariff rates on tard clothing in order to protect the standard of living of its members: Whereas we are a skillful technical craft that is absolutely essential to the manufac- ture of textile fabrics; and Whereas during the last war our industry was rated A-Al priority, proving how neces- sary we were to the war effort; and A3645 Whereas the importation of card clothing has always caused us a loss of income and hardship in times of peace; and Whereas foreign competition will event- ually close our industry due to the differen- tial of wages in foreign labor; and Whereas to equalize this unfair competi- tion and keep our industry in a position to help hold the economic condition of our country, we feel it necessary to increase the tariff on our product; and Whereas since our Government accepts the principle of fair trade through suDsidies to hold farm prices at home, it seems we should be guaranteed protection through tariff regu- lations to maintain fair trade for our in- dustry; and Whereas the present devaluation of the pound sterling and the contemplation of still lowering its value gives the importers of card clothing an unfair advantage over our American-made product: Therefore be it Resolved, That we, the members of the Fall River branch of the Card Clothing Ma- chine Operators Union of America, wish to go on record as opposing any tariff revision that will jeopardize our present standard of living. A Text for Truman EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from today’s Washington Times-Herald: A TExT For TRUMAN President Truman is in Chicago after cir- cuitous travels. His purpose in going there is said to be that of participating in a jubilee honoring the one hundred and fiftieth an- niversay next March of Thomas Jefferson’s accession to the Presidency. If a certain elasticity of the dollar is permissible among Fair Dealers, we suppose that the same liber- ties may be taken with time. We are happy, however. to hear that poli- tics does not enter into this visit, for Jeffer- con held strong views on the subject of po- litical junkets, as witness his remarks in a letter of June 19, 1807, to James Sullivan, Governor of Massachusetts, after New Eng-~ landers had proposed a tour in that quarter. JEFFERSON’S INTEGRITY “I confess,” said Jefferson, ‘that I am not reconciled to the idea of a chief magistrate parading himself through the several States, as an object of public gaze, and in quest of an applause which, to be valuable, should be purely voluntary. I had rather acquire silent good will by a faithful discharge of my duties than owe expressions of it to my putting myself in the way of receiving them. “As I have never yet seen the time when the public business would have permitted me,to be so long in a situation in which I could not carry it on, so 1 have no reason to expect that such a time will come while T remain in office.” For these reasons Jefferson felt obliged to refuse the proffered: invitation to display himself at distant post horn stops. He said that “a journey to Boston or Portsmouth, after I shall be a private citizen, would much better harmonize with my feelings, as well as duties.” Whether it is 150 or only 149 years since Jefferson’s accession, times have,’ indeed, changed.
A3646 Address of President Truman at Butte, Mont. EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp, I include the following address of the President of the United States at Butte, Mont.: Text of TRUMAN SPrecH TAKING TO TASK THose WHo Cry “SociaLism” It is a great pleasure to return to Butte. I remember very well my last visit here, not quite 2 years ago. The grand reception you gave me then was an inspiration to me dur- ing the days that followed. I came to the Pacific Northwest to dedi- cate Grand Coullee Dam. That dam is one of the most remarkable engineering feats ever accomplished. More electric power is generated there than in any other plant in the world. It will bring immense benefits to the people in the region it serves and to our whole Nation. It is an outstanding example of how we can use our Federal Government to perform tasks that are so big they are beyond the power of any other agency through which the people can act. This trip is giving me an opportunity to report to the people about their Federal Gov-= ernment. Every year, the President reports to the Congress on the state of the Union. That is a good thing. But it seems to me that it is just as important for the Presi- dent to-report directly to the people who elected him. In our democracy the Government is responsible to the people, and they are en- titled to know just what the Government is doing. I find that one of the best ways for me to report to you is to come out here where I can talk to you face to face. I understand that some people have ob- jections, but I think the real reason is that they are afraid the people might like it too well when the President comes out to see them. ALL GROUPS ARE DEPENDENT Today, I want to report to you on some of the Government’s activities and programs that are of particular interest to working men and women. But, first, [ want to re- mind you that the welfare of all groups of the population is inseparable. Workers, businessmen, and farmers all depend upon one another—they all prosper together or they all suffer together. I understand that you have had a clear demonstration of that fact here in Butte within recent months. This city depends very largely upon the production of copper. When the demand for copper fell off last year, it affected the Ana- conda Copper Co. The results didn’t stop there. The men who worked for the com- pany also were affected. There were lay- offs in the mines and smelters. Now, things are looking up again. The market for copper has improved. The com- pany’s business is better again, and men who had been laid off have been put back to work. In fact, I saw where someone was advertising in, a Colorado paper the other day to get more hard-rock miners to come up here to work, ‘ Iam mighty glad to hear that there are jobs for people in Butte, and I hope’ it will always be that way. However, you cannot be prosperous here unless the rest of the country is prosperous. Your jobs and the company’s profits depend on what people are able to buy in New York and Georgia and Texas and all over this great country of ours. You have a vital and direct interest in the economic welfare of the entire Nation, and therefore you have an equal interest in what the Government does to maintain the eco- nomic welfare of the Nation. The Federal Government has always taken a hand in the country’s economic affairs. In- deed, one of the purposes for which our Union was formed was to promote trade and commerce among the several States. Some people seem to forget that sometimes, but it is true. During the last 17 years, however, the Gov- ernment has played a larger part in our eco- nomic life than ever before. There is a@ reason for this, and one that is not hard to find. The reason is the great depression of the early 1930’s—and the lessons we have learned from that depression and from the events since then. We have learned that in a dynamic, highly industrialized economy such as ours, the Federal Government must use its strength and resources to prevent violent cycles of boom and bust. We learned during the period from 1929 to 1933 what happens if the Government stands on the sidelines—with men in high places merely smiling cheerfully and saying everything is going to be all right. We have learned since 1933 that a Govern- ment which takes positive action can sup- plement and support the efforts of private pusiness in such a way as to keep our econ- omy steadily expanding. GOVERNMENT SAVED BUSINESS These lessons have been hard for some people to take. In fact, they deny them still, All of you, Iam sure, have heard many cries about Government interference with business and about “creeping socialism.” I should like to remind the gentlemen. who make these complaints that if events had been allowed to continue as they were going prior to March 4, 1983, most of them would have no businesses left for the Government or anyone else to interfere with—and almost surely we would have socialism in this coun- try, real socialism. The truth is that Government action dur- ing the last 17 years has been the salvation of private business in this country and has strengthened the private enterprise system against socialism, communism, and all other isms, Don’t let anyone tell you that the Govern. ment should retire to the sidelines while the national economy goes back to the days of “boom and bust.” The power of the Govern- ment exists for the people to use. It would be folly for the people to be afraid to use their collective strength through the Gov- ernment. The strength of the Government is being used now—and, so far as I am concerned, it will continue to be used—to protect your jobs and improve your welfare. Perhaps our most important single eco- nomic goal is to see that ‘there are enough jobs for those who need them, ‘This was the purpose behind the Employment Act of 1946. The act pledged the resources of the Federal Government for the maintenance of maxi- mum employment, production, and purchas- ing power. Ohne now conimitted to keep our country p erous. No one was more Influential in getting that act adopted than your own Senator, Jim Murray. You sometimes hear it said—and I think this comes mostly from the Iunatic fringe among the reactionarles—that the Govern- ment promises to make it possible for people to live without working. They say our Gov- ernment programs would make us a Nation APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of dead beats and loafers. That, of course, is absurd. STRONG SHOULD HELP WEAK I think it is the responsibility of Govern-~ ment to help those who because of old age or other disability are unable to work, and those who, through no fault of their own, are unable to find work. I believe that the strong should help the weak, and I make no apologies for that belief. But for men who are able to work, I want jobs—not idleness. That’s what they want, too—an opportunity to earn their own living. I have too much faith in the American workingman to have any doubt about his Willingness to give full value received for the wages he is paid. There is one thing I am accused of sometimes to which I will have to plead guilty. I am in favor of good wages. I think that the people who do the work are entitled to a fair share of the income from the product. I believe that they should share in the benefits of technological im- provements and increased productivity. I believe that one of our goals should be a steadily improving standard of living for the American working man and his family. TAFT-~HARTLEY ACT CENSURED Our main reliance for seeing that the workingman gets a fair share of the benefits of our economy, is upon collective bargain< ing between employees and their employers. This bargaining process is carried on between private parties, but it vitally affects the public interest. It is of the utmost impor-~ tance to the whole Nation that negotiations between labor and management be con- ducted in good faith, with sincerity and patience, by parties who are able to bargain freely and as equals. Before the passage of the Wagner Act in 1985, the status of collective bargaining in the United States was at a low ebb. Under the Wagner Act, great progress was made in the field of industrial relations. All too often, we fail to realize that the progress achieved under that act had a lot to do with the improvement in economic conditions we have enjoyed. Make no mistake about it, the Wagner Act was one of the bulwarks of American liberty and prosperity. Then came 1947 and Taft-Hartley. The Taft-Hartley Act emasculated the Wagner Act and subverted its purpose. The avowed intention of its sponsors was to strengthen the hand of management. To do this, they devised a clever law which insidiously un- dermines the strength of labor unions. The Taft-Hartley law hangs over the head of labor, threatening to destroy the gains of 15 years. There it will hang until we are able to replace it with a law that is fair to management and labor alike. That is something we must do—not only for the sake of labor, but for the sake of the whole country. I believe profoundly that the Taft-Hartley law is a substantial in- fringement of the basic freedom to bargain collectively. I will not cease to fight for its repeal. In other fields, we have made considerable progress since I last visited with you here in Butte. Last year, we increased the minimum wage under Federal law from 40 cents to 75 cents an hour. That probably did not have a direct effect on many people in this city. For, I am glad to say, most people who are employed here, in jobs which that law cov- ers, already made more than 75 cents at hour. However, you will all benefit from the improvement it brings about in other parts of the country, WIDER SOCIAL SECURITY URGED - In the social-security field, the Congress has been considering a bill to strengthen our system of old-age and survivors insurance,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD You will recall that I have pointed out many times how pitifully small these social-secu- rity benefits now are, and how a great many people, are left out altogether. I am confi- dent that the Congress will complete action at this session on legislation which will do much to remedy both of these shortcom- ings. However, I must confess that I have keen disappointed at the inadequacy of some of the provisions which are in the bill in its present form. There is one governmental program with which some of you probably have had some first-hand experience lately—that is unem- ployment compensation. I am sorry if you had to fall back on it, but Iam mighty glad that it was there for you to rely on, and Till bet you are mighty glad of that, too. This is an insurance system to help tide workers over periods when they are tempo- rarily out of employment through no fault of their own. This system has thoroughly proved its value, both as a means of alleviat- ing hardship among workers and their fam- ilies, and as a support to our general econ- omy by helping to maintain purchasing power. However, this system—like the old-age in- surance system—also needs modernization and strengthening. Benefit rates should be brought up to date, in line with tcday’s prices. The duration of benefits should be extended. Additional workers should be given the benefits of the law’s protection. GAINS IN HOUSING RECALLED I have made recommendations of this nature to Congress, and I hope that the necessary improvéments in this law will be made. I expect that you people are also inter- ested in housing. You are imterested in houses as homes for your families, and, if Butte is like other places, houses have been rather scarce lately. Moreover, you people here in Butte have @ special interest in seeing a high level of housing construction all over the country, because people who build houses use copper, and that’s your main product here. I have some things both good and bad to report about housing—mostly good. Today home construction is at an all-time record volume. Now that did not happen all by itself. One of the main reasons for it is that the Government has been helping to make credit available at low interest rates and for long periods. However, not enough houses are being built for low-income families and middle-income families, who too often cannot pay today’s prices for housing. We have made real progress on one of these points. Last year we passed a law to provide assistance to the cities of the country in building low-rent public housing. It took a long time to get that law passed over the opposition of the real-estate lobby, but we finally got it through in the first session of the Highty-first Congress. PROSPERITY, PEACE LINKED So far we haven’t done so well on our pro= posal to build more housing for middle- income families. But we are going to Keep trying—just as we did for the public-housing bill—and I am sure that we will get it even- tually, I have talked mainly today about programs which are of special significance in a great mining and industrial center such as this one. But these programs are important not only in this community. They are part of a broad national effort to achieve higher in- comes and better standards of living for all our people. That is also important to us. It is also important to world peace, We are now engaged in a great world-wide struggle to demonstrate that the free way of life is the way to the highest level of well- being for all the peoples of the world. To that end, we must make our own economy ever stronger, and must constantly improve the welfare of our people. This is a job for all of us, whether we are in private or public life. ‘ We will attain these goals by working together in the common cause. Communist Activities in the Government EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM S. HILL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I am presenting two letters I received urging the continuation of the investigation of the charges of Commu- nist activities in our Government. There has been a tendency on the part of some individuals and organizations to discredit this investigation. I am sure my colleagues will see by these letters that the public is deeply concerned over the charges and want the facts brought to light. . The future security of the Nation is at stake in the cold war. It is of the gravest importance that a thorough in- vestigation be made of subversives in Government. This mess of alleged es- pionage, treason; and perversion must be uncovered. The safety and preservation of our American way of life depends on it. , The letters follow: Hon. Wiit1am S. HInu, House Office Building, Washington, D. C. Dear Birt: The governing board of the Denver Retail Merchants Association has in- structed us to write to all Members of the Colorado delegation in Congress and respect- fully urge that they exert their influence to see that the current congressional inquiry into espionage charges involving depart- ments of the Federal Government be pressed with vigor and continued until such time as the truth or untruth of these charges has been clearly established. In making such a request we are depart- ing from a policy to which this association has adhered rather strictly for many years— that of taking a position on national affairs only in those cases in which the interests of retail business are directly involved. How- ever, this request bears no particular rela- tion to retail business. It might well be made by any group of American citizens who are increasingly concerned over the day-by- day reports out of Washington regarding in< fluences that are claimed to be operating within departments of the Federal Govern- ment. In view of the disturbing international situation, it seems to us that this country can ill afford to permit the continued exist- ence of suspicion and distrust on the part of citizens of any arm of our Government. The only way to remove such suspicion and dis- trust is by an unrelenting inquiry to uncover the truth, and since the real question in~ volved is one of national security we are confident that we can all agree that politi- cal or partisan considerations have no proper place in such an inquiry. Very truly yours, Gro. A. FLANNIGAN, Manager. A3647 Dear ConcressMan Hin: It has come to our attention that there is a possibility of the so-called McCarthy committee hearings being discontinued. If this is so, for the benefit of all con- cerned, we trust the same will not be done until a thorough investigation has been made. Yours very truly, Fontius SHOE Co., Harry E. Fonrrvs. World Cooperation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address of the President at Madison, Wis.,on May 14, 1950: ‘ . Text OF PRESIDENT TRUMAN’S ADDRESS AT ’ Mapison, Wis., ON Worip COOPERATION It is a pleasure for me to be here in Wis- consin, one of the great progressive States of the Union. And I am glad to be in Madi- son, a State capital and a university center in which so much has been done 'for the progress of our country. ° I am happy to participate in dedicating Filene House, the international headquarters of the Credit Union National Association. Credit unions offer people who have few resources a way of getting funds when they need them. I am told that last year, in the United States alone, credit unions had about 4,000,000 members and made loans totaling close to a billion dollars. This is a splendid record. It isa tribute to the values of thrift and self-help and mutual assistance. This building will serve credit unions in the United States and Canada, and other areas in the Western Hemisphere. It will be a truly international headquarters and, as such, it symbolizes the international charac- ter of cooperative activities. In whatever country they may be found, these activities speak a common language and have a com- mon goal. Their common language may be found in the principles of self-help, mutual assistance, and democratic control. Their common goal is to solve, by joint action, problems which cannot be solved by acting alone. The effectiveness of cooperative action has been demonstrated in many ways. In our country, farm cooperatives and cooperative stores have been successful. Use of the co- operative principle has brought electricity to rural areas. Use of the same principle otters new ways to solve the housing problem. PEACE A TASK FOR MANY In a broader sense, moreover, cooperative action is the method we are using to solve problems we share with other nations. Today, the United States is engaged with other free nations in a great cooperative en- deavor to preserve freedom and achieve peace in the world. This is the greatest problem we face. We cannot solve it unless we work to- gether. No one nation alone can bring about peace. Together, nations can build a strong defense against aggression, and combine the energy of free men everywhere in building a better future for all of us. That is the way to achieve peace,
A3648 That is why it is in the interest of each of the free nations to help one another. The United States is a part of a world made up of many nations and many peoples. This world is constantly being drawn close to us by improved communications and im- proved transportation. It is also being drawn close—dreadfully close—by weapons of de- struction which become ever more terrible. We could not, even if we wanted to, go our own way and let the rest of the world go its own way. You remember the situation when our own country was formed. There were 13 sep- arate Colonies scattered along the Atlantic coast. Each of them could have tried to get along as an independent nation. But they were wise enough to realize the folly of such a course. They decided to band themselves together in a common cause, and out of that decision has grown the greatest Nation the world has ever seen, In many respects, the whole world is now in the same position in which those Colonies found themselves in 1776. Remember, you can now go from Madison to Moscow much quicker than a man could go from Phila- delphia to New York in those days. We must recognize that the march of events has joined the peoples of the world together, in a com~ mon destiny, whether we like it or not. COMMUNISTS ON THE OFFENSIVE And yet the nations of the world are not ready, as the Thirteen Colonies were ready, to join together in one single government. Indeed, one nation today is doing every. thing it can, short of war, to prevent com- mon international action among nations. For the Communist philosophy feeds upon suspicion and hate and disunity. And the Communists are doing their best to break down the strength of the free nations of the world, in an effort to bring more people under the domination of their Godless creed. This makes it more than ever necessary for us to work together with the other free nations, to preserve our freedom and to in- crease our common welfare. If we are to achieve these ends, the free nations of the world must demonstrate that freedom leads to greater strength and a bet- ter life for the people. One of the most important tasks that we must accomplish together is to create a sound economic system in the world. And to do that, we need to work together for more production in the free countries and more trade among them. Our own country has grown strong and great by increasing production in all parts of the country and by expanding our in- ternal volume of trade. The same kind of growth can occur in the world. All coun- tries will benefit from a growing volume of international trade. But that trade has to be on a basis of fair competition and mutual benefit among na- tions that stand on their own feet. That is what we have been working for ever since the war ended. MARSHALL AID A VITAL FACTOR Our first step was to aid the recovery of nations whose economic systems were shat. tered by the war. We have given substan- tial assistance in the restoration of devas- tated areas and in the rehabilitation of in- dustry and agriculture. The greatest ex- ample of this type of activity is, of course, the Marshall plan, That program has been an extraordinary success. Three years ago, many of the Mar- shall-plan countries were on the verge of collapse and absorption by communism. Today, with our help, every one of them is stronger and better able to resist commu- nism than at any time since the war. The success of the Marshall plan demon- strates the value of international coopera- tion. It demonstrates that helping people to help themselves is one of the best ways to maintain and strengthen freedom. In the rest of the world, Just as in Europe, joint action to increase production is the key to trade, progress and security. One reason why there is so much unrest and in- security in vast areas of the world is their low productivity and their inability to trade profitably with us and with other countries. The problem in most of the rest of the world is different from that in Europe. The primary problem in Europe is to reestablish and expand a modern industrial and agri- cultural economy. In the underdeveloped areas of the world, the primary problem is to puild such an economy in the first place. And that requires a very different kind of action on our part. HELP OF BENEFIT TO BOTH SIDES The greatest needs of the underdeveloped areas are modern scientific and technical knowledge to increase their skills, and the investment of funds to increase their pro- ductive capacity. Today, more than half the people in the world are undernourished. Millions of farmers in Asia and Africa and Latin America still turn the ground with crude wooden plows. They know little about improved seed. Their livestock is underfed and dis- eased. Many of them have never even heard of soil conservation. As these people become better educated and healthier, as they get more roads and fac~ tories and power plants, as they increase their output of agricultural and industrial products, they will slowly but surely play a larger part in the community of nations. In that way, they can attain progressively better living conditions and renewed faith in the promise of the democratic way of life. In that way, too, the United States and other free countries can acquire new sources of the things we need and new markets for the things we produce. Iam very glad that both Houses of Congress have authorized the Government to increase our program for aiding the underdeveloped areas to progress toward modern standards of health, education, transportation and pro- duction, I am determined that this work shall go forward energetically. I regard it as one of the most important factors in promoting trade and one of the main hopes for world peace, These cooperative programs to build a world economy which will bring increasing welfare to all free people are vital to world peace. So, also, is the work we are doing to strengthen the common defense of free countries against aggression. FORWARD DESPITE SET-BACKS And so jis the effort we are making to create an effective world political order through the United Nations. All these steps are essential to freedom and peace. They are all ways of putting into practice, in our relations with other nations, the basic cooperative principles of self-help, mutual assistance and democratic control. The measures we are taking to bring peace to the world are necessarily imperfect. We are working to solve a problem larger and more difficult than any other we have ever faced. We shall inevitably experience set- backs, as well as successes, But we must continue to move forward, strongly and steadfastly, in cooperation with other free countries, We have no other choice. Isolationism 1s no alternative. Isolation- ism is a counsel of despair. Isolationism would bring on another war, and it would be a war in which we might stand alone against the rest of the world. In our own self-interest, therefore, we must cooperate with other free nations. We must join with them in a common defense against aggression and in providing greater oppor- tunities for human advancement, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But there is another reason why we nmrust work together with the other free nations. We have a moral duty to protect the exer. cise of freedom here and in other lands. As @ nation we are committed to the principle of freedom because we believe that men are created equal. Freedom is a relationship be. tween equals. FOR A WORLD OF FREE MEN We believe that men are equal because we believe that they are all created by God. The religious traditions which have flowed to- gether to make the foundations of this Na- tion all emphasize that every individual is an expression of the spirit of God, and should be respected on that account. Because of that relation between God and man, we believe that each man in himself has dignity and individual worth. Because of that relation, we believe that all men are brothers, who must strive to live to- gether in freedom and peace, We would be unworthy of our traditions— we would violate our fundamental beliefs— if we failed to acknowledge and to live hy the principles of brotherhood which bind men and nations together. We must continue to exert our energy and our will, in cooperation with those who share our beliefs, that together we may create on this earth a community of free men, living at peace with one another and working to- gether for the common good. We must not falter or turn back. We must go forward in'the faith that we are following the commandments of God, who is the Father of us all. Commercial Telegraphers’ Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN A. BLATNIK OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. BLATNIK. Mr. Speaker, few events have demonstrated the evils of the Taft-Hartley Act so dramatically as the current strike of the commercial telegraphers against the United Press. It is not a strike that has made head- lines—I will wager that there are Mem- bers of this House who do not know that it is going on, unless they happen to have run into the pickets in front of the Na- tional Press Building. Nevertheless, it has thrown into -sharp focus the provi- sions of the Taft-Hartley law which can Jead us into one of the greatest orgies of union busting this country has known. The teletype and maintenance em- ployees of the United Press went on strike on April 30 after weeks of fruitless negotiating. Since that date, practically all the news reports flowing over the wires of that great agency have been handled by scab labor, SUPERVISORY SCABS The company has maintained the fic- tion that its teletype work is being handled by supervisory employees. This is true only in the sense that the United Press has brought into its key centers news reporters from its smaller bu- reaus—bureaus so small that reporters are expected to handle telegraph wires as well as gather and write the news. These reports are classified as super- visory only because such a classification
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD exempts them from the contract the United Press has signed with the Ameri- can Newspaper Guild, a typical dodge. Aside from that, about the only ‘‘super- visory” right they enjoy is the right to fire themselves without going through the usual channels. After a few days, however, the United Press dropped the idea of handling its news report exclusively through these men. The organization went into the open market and began hiring scabs wherever they could be found. I am reliably informed that these scabs are now working in the New York, Washing- ton and Chicago offices of this organiza- tion. TAFT-HARTLEY LAW INVOKED It is at this point that the Taft-Hartley Act stepped in to take from labor one of its most cherished rights—the right to give help to brother trade-unionists. Any Member of this House who has had experience with organized labor knows that nothing is more repulsive to a trade-unionist than to be forced to help a scab. That is precisely what is happening in this strike. In spite of the fact that practically all the news furnished to newspapers by the United Press in the past 2 weeks has been fur- nished by scab labor, other unions in the industry have been forced to handle these news reports. Threats of injunction under the mis- named “antisecondary boycott” clause of the Taft-Hartley Act have met the protests of the fellow workers of the telegraphers. Stereotypers, typographi- cal employees, pressmen, guild report- ers—all union men—must swallow their natural resentment and prepare United Press reports for use in their newspapers. Mr. Speaker, to me this has all the ear- marks of old-fashioned union busting. On the one hand, we have the powerful newspaper industry which is not re- strained from giving help to the man- agement of United Press. On the other hand, we have the organized newspaper employees blocked at every turn from helping the commercial telegraphers union. Here is a question which might well be examined by the House Committee on Education and Labor. How much help is being given the management of United Press by the powerful dailies and news- paper chains in their war with the teleg- raphers? How many newspapers have followed the deliberate practice of fea- turing UP reports during the past 2 weeks, even though those reports are necessarily limited by the mechanical difficulties brought on by the strike? It is obvious that United Press has been forced to curtail its services with inex- perienced men operating its equipment. AFL UNION INVOLVED Here I wish to say a word about the commercial telegraphers union, which is on strike. It is a well-established Amcr-~ ican Federation of Labor union which has shown its good faith by 43 years of peaceful relations with employers. Its members are responsible men who per- form a difficult and highly skilled job. In recent years, and especially since passage of the Taft-Hartley law, like all unions it has found bargaining more diffi- cult. During the past 6 years, according to the union leaders, it has been unable to obtain any realistic bargaining with the United Press unless it actually took a strike vote. This year, negotiations for a new con- tract were preceded by a number of threatening moves on the part of man- agement. More than a week before the expiration of the old contract, special machinery was moved into key centers which could, in a pinch, be used to re- place men. This tactic has become com- monplace in the newspaper business when contracts with the typographical union are due to expire. In no cases do these devices do a satisfactory job by ordinary standards, but they serve where an inferior product will be ac- cepted during a strike. Two days before expiration of the te- legraphers’ contract with UP, the so- called supervisory employees, ineligible for union membership and thus unable to present any organized protest, were brought into key bureaus. One, I am told, was imported from Puerto Rico. In addition, uniformed Burns detectives appeared on the scene the very minute the contract was up. UNION-BUSTING TACTICS All of these preparations, Mr. Speaker, have an ominous ring to those of us who have good reason to remember the union- busting that preceded passage of the Wagner Act. They are signs of the times, and should serve as a warning to all friends of labor that we are walking back down the road to the days of the open shop. Unless the Taft-Hartley Act is repealed, and repealed soon, the labor movement may be divided and crushed. The strike-breaker and the Burns and Pinkertons are coming back into their own. This strike of the commercial teleg- raphers is over purely economic issues. The union is bargaining for more weekly pay for its members. For several months management has refused to make any offer at all, though it has boasted pub- licly that 1949 was its most prosperous year. Its final offer, made just before the strike on a take-it-or-leave-it basis, was a raise of $2.21 a week—just about 3 cents an hour. The merits of an economic strike are something that can be argued forever. What interests us here is whether man- agement was bargaining in good faith. There is a question raised by this strike which is of urgent concern to the Amer- ican people. It can be summed up simply as this: Is the United Press using the Taft-Hartley Act as a shield under which it will spearhead a drive to bust unions in the newspaper industry? Are We Headed for World War Il? EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM S. HILL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the A3649 REcorD, I wish to include the following radio address which I made to the con- stituents of my district over the following radio stations: KBOL, Boulder; KCOL, Fort Collins; KFKA, Greeley; KFTM, Fort Morgan; KGEK, Sterling; and KLMO, Longmont. The speech follows: Friends of the radio audience, this is your Congressman, Witttam §. HILL, speaking to you from Washington, D. C. Today I wish to speak on world peace. Throughout the Nation today, the people are troubled. They are torn by the mixed emotions raging in their hearts over the threat to the peace we won at such a horrible price in lives, blood, and treasure. They realize that another war so close on the heels of the last one can well mean the end to our civilization. Another war is not necessary to setile the problems of the world. But the fear of the cold war suddenly bursting into flame is causing untold anxiety and concern in the homes of our people. Dangers of the peace are increasing. The tip of the scale one way or the other, might touch off another war—a war more terrible and destructive than the last. It could be the war to end all wars. It could wipe out our civilization. The very thought is horri- fying. Our finite minds are incapable of visualizing the consequences of an A-bomb or an H-bomb dropped on this country. But the purpose of this warning isn’t to scare you out of your wits. It is to awaken you to the idea that now is the time to speak up. Those of us who want peace must be heard. Our voices must ring out with an appealing force to halt the mad dash for superbombs and superduper death-dealing weapons of mass detruction. Part of the guilt for the armament race is on our consciences. President Truman authorized the dropping of the atomic bomb on Japan. The late President Roosevelt ini- tiated the scientific experiments and pro- vided the finances for construction of the A-bomb during World War II. Now the President has given the green light for the building of the hydrogen bomb, We are out in front in the rearmament race, but it isn’t, to my way of thinking, a thing to be proud of. We should be in the forefront of those in the world who want to maintain peace. Our leadership should be for moral and spiritual rearmament rather than mili- tary force. In the world court of opinion, we have left our sincerity and high purposes open to question. The hopes and aspirations of the people, who overwhelmingly desire peace, must be brought out into the light for the world to see. Our diplomatic maneuvers and our military activities have cast a false reflection on the basic motives of this Na~ tion. We are a peace-loving Nation; the majority of our people are most anxious and eager to spread to the four corners of the earth their expression of good will. But somehow this opinion becomes distorted and twisted by the actions of our political and military leaders. It is time for a constructive call of the great political powers of the world to set- tle the problems of the cold war. Our lead- ers have attempted to assuage our conscience by rationalizing the use of the A-bomb and the H-bomb. Perhaps they are entirely right in their assumptions. But, we should, with equal vigor and honesty to ourselves encourage a policy of world disarmament. All of our efforts politically, economically, and otherwise have the single objective of stopping the Red tide of atheistic commu- nism from engulfing the world. Russia is our enemy, now; in the war she was our ally. What caused Russia to change her attitude toward us? Admiral Leahy, who was Pres- ident Roosevelt’s adviser at the Big Five con- ferences, until the late President’s death, attributed the difficulty last week in an ar=- ticle as arising out of differences between
A3650 Stalin and Roosevelt. But it was 5 years later before the people were advised of these con- ditions through Admiral Leahy’s magazine disclosure. Why weren’t we informed long ago? Former Prime Minister Churchill of Great Britain has thrown another light on Ameri- can entry into World War II as a result of Pearl Harbor, in his current writings in Life magazine and the New York Times. He es- tablished the fact that for a year and a half before Pearl Harbor, December 7, 1941, he had pressed President Roosevelt to come into the war on Great Britain’s side. At the Atlantic conference in August 1941, he said he informed Roosevelt’s party and I quote— “that I would rather have an American dec- laration of war now and no supplies for 6 months than double the supplies and no dec- laration.” Churchill said that he related this incident to General Smuts, Prime Minister of South Africa, stating—and I quote again—‘We must not underrate his (Roosevelt’s) con- stitutional difficulties. He may take action as Chief Executive, but only Congress can declare wat. He went so far as to say to me— this is Roosevelt speaking—‘I may never de- clare war; I may make war. If I were to ask Congress to declare war they might argue about it for 3 months.” It will be remembered that the attack on the fleet at Hawaii was presented to the American people, who knew nothing at the time of our American economic sanctions, our unyielding diplomacy with Japan, and our other secret maneuvering, came as a shocking surprise—an ict of treachery on— and I quote President Roosevelt—‘‘a date which will live in infamy.” Churchill had this to say with reference to Pearl Harbor. And I quote him again: ‘TI do not intend in these pages to attempt to pronounce judgment upon this tremendous episode in American history. We know that all of the great Americans round the Presi- dent and in his confidence felt, as acutely as I did, the awful danger that Japan would attack British or Dutch possessions in the Far East and would carefully avoid the United States, and that in consequence Congress would not sanction an American declaration of war.” Quoting Churchill further, he said: “Roose- velt, Hull, Stimson, Knox, General Marshall, Admiral Stark, and, as a link between them all, Harry Hopkins had but one mind. A Japanese attack upon the United States was a vast simplification of their problems and their duty. How can we wonder that they regarded the actual form of the attack, or even its scale, as incomparably less impor- tant than the fact that the whole American Nation would be united for its own safety. Moreover, they knew, earlier than we in Brit- ain could know, the full and immediate pur- pose of their enemy.” The armed power of the world is again divided into two camps. Is there a war party in this Nation, as there Is in the Kremlin? Communist dictatorship is not only designed for a surprise ettack with all the arms it has, but the Kremlin can violate any agree- ment it signs to gain advantage and abro- gate at will the agreements it makes. But our free people have greater produc- tive and moral powers. We can unite our strength, unless it is undermined and weak- ened by secret action of our political leaders. We must make our stand for peace through the United Nations. We must declare our intentions and desires. We have no assur~ ance from available public reports that Rus-~ sia would cooperate in an effort at disarma- ment in the strengthening of the objectives of peace, but that should not stand in our way. We should look into every avenue for @ way to lasting peace. If our sincerity is clear, our reasons and examples steadfast, then before the eyes of the world we have made our case, WE CAN DO NO LESS Are we going to let someone push us into world war III? Is fear of the A-bomb or H-bompb going to deter us from striving for what we know is right, and what the peoples of the world all believe in—peace? Regard- less of the actions of their leaders—and this includes Russia, too—I believe that all peoples of the world want peace. But they must speak up; they must be heard before powerful influences get us so involved in po=- litical and economic circumstances that re- sulting action winds up in war. At present the United Nations is the only world organization in operation. ‘Through it let us urge the representatives of the United States to work for peace. The adoption of certain measures would augment the efforts of the people in presenting our case to the peoples of the world. In the past Russia has overshadowed the rest of the nations partici- pating in the UN and has effectively used it as a propaganda agency. If necessary, let the United States assume the Christian re- sponsibility for guiding the UN into discus- sions of big-power politics in controling the A- and H-bombs; renewing the forces of reli- gious and spiritual leadership toward a new birth of moral indignation into the depravity of a superarmament program. Men must learn to live together. War is not the eco- nomic savior of broken and decadent political philosophies. This fact must be impressed on those who seek to fasten its chains upon the people. Unless there is a quick turn in the course of events, the intensity of the cold war will surely increase. It is time for us to unite and demand that every effort be exhausted to maintain the peace. The hour is late. The expenditure of huge sums for defense weapons or for the purpose of winning friends abroad is not the answer. The an- swer will come from the deep-rooted desire of all peoples to live together in friendship. Exploitation by political leaders for momen- tary advantage will not assure a period of international transquillity. But the earnest- ness and sincerity of the good peoples of the earth can bring about what selfishness, greed, and political chicanery cannot achieve. Un- til we have placed this country in the posi- tion of exhausting every possibility of peace so that our sincerity and honesty stand crystal clear before the rest of the world, let us not resign ourselves to the cynical atti- tude that the only solution to our problem is to arm ourselves to the teeth and develop an arms race which in the end can only mean the ultimate destruction of our civilization. World Federation Opposed by the American Legion EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, recently the Foreign Relations Com- mission of the American Legion issued a statement of policy on the subject of a world federation or a world government at this time. National Commander George Craig has called my attention to the position of his great organization on this subject. It is short and to the point and without equivocation, as follows: 4. The Amertcan Legion is opposed to any form of world federation or government at this time. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD David Lawrence Praises President’s Small- Business Loan Recommendations—Col- umn Hails Him as Deserving Nonparti- san Support—Private Banks Would Do the Lending—Also Favors Private Capi- tal Banks, for Small Business, Within Federal Reserve System EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WRIGHT PATMAN OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, the statesmanlike recommendations for small-business loan legislation made by the President in his recent small-busi- ness message are meeting with wide ap- proval in many diverse quarters. This commendation is by no means confined to the rank and file of the Democratic Party nor to those who are generally re~ garded as loyal supporters of the Presi- dent. Mr. David Lawrence, whom no one would accuse of any partiality toward the President, or toward administration policies, devotes one of his columns, syn- dicated throughout the United States, to an endorsement of the President’s rec- ommendations. The endorsement ap- pears under the significant subhead, “Credit financing plan should not be in- volved in partisan politics.” The President proposes that private banks be encouraged to make small- business loans, on a liberalized collateral basis, by authorizing RFC to take an in- creased participation in such loans— perhaps, I take it, up to 90 percent—and the President also proposes a Small- business loan-insurance plan to encour= age private bank loans. Secondly, the President proposes the chartering of capital-loan. banks, privately owned, al- though within the Federal Reserve Sys- tem, with authority to purchase stock in small-business corporations and to sup- ply equity capital to small business gen- erally. As Mr. Lawrence states: But Mr. Truman comes forward now with something which he and his advisers have striven to formulate in such a manner as to take the Government itself out of the loan business and to put the burden on private financing with Government coordination and Government insurance as a stopgap. With the permission of the Members of the House, I append in full the text of David Lawrence’s column, as it appeared x the Washington Evening Star on May Eaurry OCarirran LOANS PRorosep By TRUMAN CaLtuep Sree ro RicHr—Crepir FINANCING Pian SHOULD Nor Bre INVOLVED IN PARTISAN Pourrics (By David Lawrence) President Truman's message to Congress recommending that equity capital and credit loans be made available to business through @ new system of loan insurance and invest- ment institutions goes to the heart of a prob- lem which, in one form or another, has been before Congress ever since the depression of 1929-33.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In the melee of crusades and criticism, the so-called bank affillates—the companies which were affiliated with banks and did much of the financing of American enter- prises in the 1920’s—were abolished. They have never been followed by any constructive substitutes. There has been a recurrent out- cry since that some means should be pro- vided to assure equity capital for the enter- prises not big enough to warrant national attention through the floating of stock is- sues. This deficiency has led radicals to make many a proposal for Government financing or Government ownership. But Mr. Truman comes forward now with something which he and his advisers have striven to formulate in such a manner as to take the Government itself out of the loan business and to put the burden on private financing with Government coordination and Government insurance as a stopgap. LOANS OF RECENT ORIGIN Broad]> -e7"s"7. 2%. have hesitated for years tocv cr: decals cl. arein fact capital loans. They have felt, and rightly so, that demand cores SEs . not be so used. But at these: ‘'s loans in commercial financing nave been syndicated by the banks or taken in their entirety by insurance com- panies. Likewise, s’Snough frowned upon in early years, ir-iallinent financing of auto- mobiles and many household products is now an orthodox credit device. There was a time when banks did not like installment financing. Even the real-estate loans made under the so-called insured plan, whereby banks have made housing loans or have participated in the making of mortgage loans along with governmental agencies, are really of recent origin. When the President, therefore, comes for. ward with what he calls a ploneer undertak- ing in the financing of business, it is natural that first reports should say that bankers are cool to the idea. As they examine and study it, perhaps making alternate suggestions, it may turn out to be the very thing that will increase the earnings of the banks without any such risks as would be involved in in- dividual transactions as contrasted with group risks. The principle of insuring a lot of loans through an over-all agency makes it possible for the income from the premiums and the interest on the successful loans to offset any that r:ay go sour. The plan has several parts. One relates solely to loans of $25,000 or less which would run for 5 years. No one in the Government would pass on such loans and the banks would take a minority percentage risk while the Government took the major percentage risk. The second part of the plan is even more important. It proposes that national invest- ment companies be set up in which the banks and private investors could invest. The major purpose of these companies, as the President phases it, “would be to provide equity capital and long-term loans for effl- ciently-managed business unable to fi- nance themselves on reasonable terms through the organized securities markets.” PUBLIC WOULD INVEST Actually the public and banks would in- vest in the national investment companies— buying their bonds—while the companies would, in turn, finance the equity-capital needs of worthy businesses. There is no limit placed here as to size of loans but it 1s assumed that the plan will primarily take care of the needs of business ranging from $25,000 to $1,000,000. This is the bracket of financing about which there has beon consid. erable discussion in recent years, and the President says this phase of his plan “is de- signed to fill the most serlous remaining gap in the business financial structure.” Coincident with these developments, the President proposes that both the Reconstruc- tion Finance Corporation and the Federal Re- serve bank authority to make business loans be cut down, so that the latter may be abol- ished altogether and the former would be retained only for those rare cases where private investment companies find them- selves unable to do the financing and yet where credit extension of large size may be needed. The whole plan is designed to maintain a private-enterprise system of credit. It is the first important move toward the right in financing technique which the Truman administration has made, and it would he most unfortunate if consideration of such @ plan became involved in partisan poli- tics just because the President happens to sponsor it. Strikes Against the People EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FORREST C. BONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a letter to the editor of the St. Louis Globe-lvemo- crat, by William R. Schneider, a well- known lawyer of the city of St. Louis. The letter appears under the heading “The Mail Bag,” in the St. Louis Globe- Democrat of May 7, 1950. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: THe Mar, Bac STRIKES AGAINST PEOPLE To the Enrror: The bill introduced by Senator Donne. to outlaw strikes on railroads is a timely and commendable manifestation of Grover Cleveland-like statesmanship. Public utilities generally are given mo- nopoly powers by the State. Thus they are able to enjoy a stability of business not gen- erally enjoyed by other businesses. These quasi-public corporations and their em- ployees therefore owe a greater duty to the public in return for the favors and special privileges they so enjoy at the hand of the people. It ill becomes public utility workers to bite the hand that feeds them through the spe- cial privileges they so enjoy. When the em- ployees of such corporations strike they are striking against the public welfare and against their own great benefactors, the people. Such workers, like police officers, should not have that right anywhere or any time. This perfectly obvious and sound position when stated by the Governor of Massachusetts was so popular with the peo~ ple it made him President. Since then union Jabor has so abused its powers under the Wagner Act, you will find that position even more popular now. The scope of the bill should be enlarged to include telephone workers as well as other public utility workers, whose work affects interstate commerce. Of course Senator DonNELL Will be accused of sponsoring slave labor legislation and trying to deprive work- ers of their inalienable and constitutional right to strike. The simple answer to that is there never was such a constitutional right A3651 until the Wagner Act, by indirection, under- took to establish it after 6 Federal district court judges, 12 Federal appellate court judges, and 4 Supreme Court judges, 22 in all, hela that act unconstitutional over the superior ruling of 5 frightened Supreme Court judges. Prior to that time a worker always had and now has the right to quit his job any time. But when he goes about inducing his coworkers to quit their jobs also to compel his employer by economic or prop- erty loss to accede to his or their demands, that always was a criminal conspiracy to de- prive another of his property without due process of law and there are many Federal and State court decisions that so hold. The bill should contain the penalty of for- feiture of seniority rights, and pension rights should date from the time of reemployment, if any, after a strike. If they take it upon themselves to arbitrarily indulge in the license to injure the public, then they must not be heard to complain that they are en- titled to enjoy immunity from injury solely because they carry union cards. No other citizen enjoys such immunity from the in- jury and damage he intentionally causes to others, Wittiam R. SCHNEIDER, The President’s Speech at Dedication of Grand Coulee Dam EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address by President Truman at dedication of Grand Coulee Dam: Texr OF PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS AT DEDICATION or GRAND CoULEE Dam This is an inspiring occasion. We have come here to dedicate Grand Coulee Dam— one of the mightiest structures man has ever built. With this dam, man’s ingenuity and per- severance have dramatically transformed the energy of a mighty river into a great new source of national strength. At the foot of this dam is the world’s largest power plant. It is already generating more low-cost electric energy than any other plant in the world. Behind this dam is a reservoir which ex- tends 151 miles to the Canadian border. The water in that reservoir not only generates electricity. It helps prevent floods. And soon, it will pour forth to irrigate thousands of acres of land which are now desert. Grand Coulee Dam—with its tremendous power and irrigation benofits—is an instru- ment of our democracy, forged to con- tribute to a better life for ourselves and our children. This dam was not built by accident. It is . here because men with vision and deter- mination fought for its construction. Men in the State of Washington—many of whom are here today—saw what this dam could mean to the Northwest and to the Nation. President Franklin Roosevelt, whose name honors the reservoir behind the dam, trans- formed their vision into reality. BUILT DESPITE OPPOSITION The dam had to be fought for. It had to, be built over furious opposition. You
A3652 remember what its opponents said. One Congressman said: “Up in the Grand Coulee country there is no one to sell power to except the coyotes and jackrabbits, and there never will be.” Other opponents of Grand Coulee said it would be a “white elephant.” They said it would be of no more value than the pyra~ mids. We can laugh today at such foolishness. Right now, the generators at this dam are being run at over capacity, straining to meet the soaring demands for power. All about us in the Pacific Northwest—in this land that was called the land of ‘coyotes and jackrabbits’—new jobs, new industries, new opportunities have been created. Today, those who opposed Grand Coulee are trying to cover their tracks. They are trying to jump on the bandwagon. But they can’t erase the record. They did not understand then, and they do not understand now, the progressive steps that are necessary to keep our democracy strong, and confident, and moving forward. The fundamental error of those who op- posed Grand Coulee was their failure to understand that the United States is a growing, dynamic country. They saw no need to plan and work for a greater future. The way things were was good enough for them. But the American people have never been satisfied with the way things have been in the past. Our whole history is a record of eagerly striving to make things better. One hundred years ago, out here in the Northwest, men and women were opening up new frontiers along the Oregon Trail. They struggled and fought to create farms and cities out of the wilderness. The opponents of progress would have you believe that the frontiers are closed. They think we should now relax and struggle no more. Those are the men of little faith, STILL PUSH BACK FRONTIERS I say to you that the American spirit, which blazed the Oregon Trial, is not dead. Here in the Northwest you are still pushing pack frontiers. There is no better example of that than this great dam. Less than 15 years ago, the energy of the Columbia River poured unused into the Pacific Ocean, It flowed past cities, which were hampered by lack of power, and past farmlands which had been abandoned for lack of water. In those days, the people of the North- west made their living primarily from tim- ber and farming. They exported raw ma- terial and imported finished goods. They lacked the power needed to process and man- ufacture their own raw materials. Yet, through the heart of their rich country flowed the greatest potential source of hydroelectric power in the Nation—the Columbia River system. This area, tre- mendously rich in natural resources, was stifled, its future was limited, because it was unable to tap its own native source of power. Today, we are well on the way to harness-~ ing that power. The imagination and vigor of free men have put the Columbia to work. The results are clear. The Northwest is no longer a backward colony. It is now one of the fastest-growing parts of the country. In the last 10 years the population of Wash- ington and Oregon has increased more than 80 percent. Jobs—permanent, productive jobs—have been made available in new industries that have been established to use the Columbia’s low-cost power. In the last 12 years 11 new plants alone have paid more than $135,000,- 000 in wages and nearly $50,000,000 in taxes. Power from the Columbia has not only served industry. It has made life easier in homes and on farms. The use of electricity on homes and farms in the State of Wash- ington is more than twice the national average. When Grand Coulee was being built, some thought jit would hurt other parts of the country by drawing plants and industries from them. Of course, that has not hap- pened. The plants that have sprung up here were not moved from other States. They are new enterprises, adding to the productive capac< ity of the whole country. The growing payrolls of the Northwest have made bigger markets for producers in every State. The products turned out here are needed elsewhere. Nearly half the alu- minum of the United States is produced along the banks of the Columbia. This aluminum is used everywhere in the country. A single rolling mill 90 miles from here—at Spokane—is providing basic materials for 600 factories, from Boston to San Diego. What has happened here is what happens in the case of underdeveloped areas every- where in our country and the world. Sound, productive investment always makes bigger markets and more jobs. A PAYING PROPOSITION Not only is Grand Coulee contributing to the growth and strength of the Nation. It is also a paying proposition from the stand- point of the taxpayers. When the dam was being built, it was attacked as a colossal waste of public funds. Well, that was a colossal misstatement. The investment in the power facilities of Grand Coulee is being repaid right now, and with interest. And in a broader sense, the entire investment has already been repaid several times over in the increased national wealth it has brought. We are not stopping our work at this point The Grand Coulee project, itself, is not finished. More power generators are being added. And over the next several years we shall begin to put water on the land below here. Thousands of family-size farms will replace the present sagebrush. Elsewhere in the Northwest, work on other dams is proceeding. Hungry Horse Dam in Montana, Chief Joseph Dam Just down the Columbia from here, and McNary Dam on the Oregon-Washington border, are all under construction. These and other dams are part of the great work that must be done to produce power, promote inland navigation, reclaim land for cultivation and prevent de- structive floods. But even more than this is involved in the development of the resources of this area for solid growth. Forest and grasslands should be conserved and improved. Fish- erles should be protected and enhanced. Mineral resources would be reopened and developed. All this work can and should go forward together. Resources that occur together in nature must be developed and iraproved together. This is the goal we are working toward here in the Northwest. It is the same goal for which we are working in other parts of the country. In the Central Valley of California, we are developing great power resources. With the help of that power, we are redirecting the available water. of the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers to bring about the most pro- ductive agricultural use. In the Colorado River Basin, we are work- ing to achieve the most sensible uses of the very limited water supply, and to expand the power supply throughout the basin. Down in the Texas, Oklahoma, and Arkan- s8a8 area, @ number of dams are producing power, and others are being built. In that area also, a8 in the lower Mississippi Valley, soil conservation, flood control, drainage and navigation work is going forward. In the Southeastern States, we are moving ahead with the construction of flood control APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and power dams on the Savannah River, the Roanoke, and other streams. In that area, also, it is necessary to shift land uses to con- servation farming and to restore the pine forests. POSSIBILITIES IN NORTHEAST The northeastern part of the country has great possibilities for the development of ad- ditional hydroelectric power resources. Pow~ er from the redevelopment of Niagara Falls and from the St. Lawrence project will be nearly as great as the power out here in the Northwest. It is badly needed. We should construct these projects as soon as possible. And there are also power sites on the rivers of New England which should be developed soon. In the Ohio Valley, and around the Great Lakes, the principal work that is being done is on flood control, navigation, and soil con- servation. There is also much need for re- forestation. The Missouri River Basin is so large it re- quires consideration of all aspects of resource development. From the high plains in the West to the humid areas of the lower Mis- souri, this basin presents perhaps the most complex problem of all. The work that is necessary includes extensive development of flood control, irrigation, and power works, as well as increased conservation efforts on crop and range land. I have left till last mention of the Ten- nessee Valley. In that valley we have made more progress than in any other. There, the idea of coordinated planning for all re~ sources was first worked out and most com- pletely applied. The Tennessee Valley Au- thority has been outstandingly successful in its area. We have worked out a set of recommenda- tions for a Columbia Valley Administration which builds on that successful experience but recognized the different circumstances out here. Take one simple example. In this area, a farmer’s right to the use of water is vital to his livelihood, and is protected by State laws. That is the way it should be, and the Columbia Valley Administration I have recommended would have no power to tamper with anyone’s water rights. The private power lobby, and other people who have selfish interests to maintain, say the Columbia Valley Administration would be a superstate. Of course, that is not true. Ask the people in the States in that valley whether State and local governments are stronger or weaker as a result of the progress TVA has brought. Ask them wheth- er they have more or less influence on what happens in their valley with an agency that has its headquarters right there where they deal with it at first hand. They will tell you that the TVA is the greatest thing that ever happened in their part of the country. I believe the Columbia Valley Administra- tion is a necessary next step in the sensible, democratic development of the resources of the Northwest. I believe the people of this area think so, too. And when they make their voices heard, I am sure the Columbia Valley Administration will be established. We have embarked all over the country, on the task of fully developing our resources for all the people. This is a job that will take many years to comlpete. It will re- quire sound and careful planning. But it is a work that fires the imagina- tion. We are undertaking to use the re- sources we have so that they will grow, and not diminish, over the years. We intend that our children, and their children, shall live in a more productive and a more beauti- ful land than we do. POSITIVE ACTION NECESSARY We shall not get the job done, however, by sitting still, We must continue to take positive action. And we shall have to con= tinue to overcome the opposition of those
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD who do not understand the greatness of our goal, or who fear some impairment of their selfish interests. We will meet opposition from the private power groups. Many of them—there are, of course, honorable exceptions—do not want the energy of our rivers put to use as power and sold to the people at cost. We have already met this opposition in building Federal projects. And the people have met the same opposition in localities where they wanted to establish local public power agencies, such as public utility dis- tricts and REA (Rural Electrification Ad- ministration) co-ops. This opposition of the private power com- panies is wrong. It would deny the people the benefit of low-cost power they themselves have brought about through public invest. ment. I am sure we will continue to overcome this opposition just as we already have done in building Grand Coulee—just as the people already have in Nebraska, in large parts of Washington and Oregon, and in other sec-~ tions of the country, where they have decided to distribute power through the public bodies and cooperatives. The benefits of public investment must be passed on to the people whose tax money is being used. Those benefits must not be diverted for private profit. We will continue to fight and win for that principle. No doubt we shall also have to fight those who think expenditures of resource develop- ment are a waste of public funds, They should have disqualified themselves by now. Their fantastic claims about Grand Coulee proved that they can’t tell the difference be- tween a waste of funds and a sensible in- vestment. Finally, we will still have to fight those who imagine that every progressive action is another step down that famous “last mile to socialism.” The facts continue to make that claim ridiculous. They called Bonne- ville and Grand Coulee steps to socialism. Now, I ask you, is private enterprise in the Pacific Northwest stronger or weaker as the result of those dams? Have you lost or gained industries and jobs? Do the people out here have less or more freedom? The answers are perfectly obvious. It is clear that we must go ahead in every part of the country with our resource de- velopment work. And proceed we shall. We shall not be stopped by those who are timid or short-sighted or selfish. We shall not be stopped by discredited claims or by tattered slogans. Our whole future depends on the wisdom and maturity we bring to bear on our national problems. We are engaged in a great struggle to achieve peace in a world beset with dan- ger and threatened by Communist imperial- ism. We shall be engaged in the struggle for peace for years to come. If we are to be successful, we must dis- play the adventurous spirit and the firm courage of our pioneering fathers. We shall not succeed if we follow the advice of those who look backward, sighing for the fancied security of an earlier time. We must have strong minds, ready to accept the facts as they are, and to make bold, new plans based on the facts. We shall need the same kind of vision that saw Grand Coulee Dam when there was noth- ing here but desert. We shall need the same kind of steady perseverance that built this mighty dam over the opposition of men with narrow minds and faint hearts. With that kind of vision and determina- tion we can build a world in which men can be free under laws of their own making and can live at peace with one another. Two Hundred Thousand Reported Out EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FORREST C. BONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article under the headline “Two hundred thou- sand reported out,” by George Eckel, appearing in the New York Times for May 13, 1950. . There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Two HuNDRED THOUSAND Reporren Ovr (By George Eckel) CuicaGo, May 12.—Persistent unofficial re- ports had it today that railroad officials and the National (Railway) Mediation Board were conferring on a new proposal by the locomo-~ tive firemen’s union to settle the firemen’s strike. By tonight the strike had thrown an esti- mated 200,000 or more persons out of work. The reports were denied by the Board and by spokesmen for the railroads and the union, but they appeared to have some claim to re~ liability. They originated with responsible railroad spokesmen but were contradicted in at least one case by an equally well placed railroad spokesman. SERVICE IS INCREASED While industrial stoppages and lay-offs due to the strike continued to increase, the strikebound railroads reported also increased train service in defiance of the walk-out. Three instances of violence were reported but nobody was injured. The strike was called by the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen against the New York Ceniral west of Buffalo, the Pennsylvania west of Harrisburg, the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe, and the Southern Railway, with 18,000 firemen called out. It was estimated that about 150,000 of those deprived of work were railroad employees. Western Pennsylvania was hardest hit by the economic effects of the strike, which brought increasing idleness to railroad yards from Harrisburg and Altoona out to Topeka and Albuquerque. Twenty-four major mines were closed down in western Pennsylvania, mostly along the Pennsylvania Railroad route. Thrown out of work were 7,500 miners. Daily coal pro- duction of 49,000 tons of bituminous coal was halted. Together with an additional 10,000 tons lost in the closing of smaller mines, this volume represents 20 percent of the produc- tion of the field. FISHER LAYS OFF 500 The Fisher body plant at Flint laid off 500 workers at its No. 1 plant tonight. General Motors canceled overtime work for 20,000 em- ployees at four Flint plants. In Indiana, 4,000 coal miners were idle, and 60 communities in the State were without rail service. The Southern Railway, which hitherto had not announced any report of the number of employees furloughed, said today that 18,000 had been laid off. The New York Central first announced, ‘then rescinded the announcement, that its coach streamliner, the James Whitcomb Riley, A3653 would resume service between here and Cin- Cinnati tomorrow. The plans were canceled when firemen of the Nickel Plate road threatened to strike if the Riley passed over 18 miles of Nickel Plate track between Tem- pleton and Lafayette, Ind., which is on the Riley’s route. A spokesman for the striking firemen an- nounced tonight that 350 firemen of the Southern’s Appalachia, Va., division would be called out on Sunday. He explained that the strike call against the Southern had not been a total call, although this impression had prevailed. He added that 300 firemen of the Southern's St. Louis division, pre~ viously unstruck, had walked off the job of their own accord today. VIOLENCE REPORTED The instances of violence were as follows: A bullet was reported to have been shot through the cab of an east-bound Diesel freight train of the New York Central as it left Elkhart, Ind., about 2 o’clock this morn- ing. The train continued. The report was made by George Moore, an assistant road foreman acting as fireman. In Cleveland, the front wheels of a New York Central Diesel moving slowly through the Collinwood yards were derailed as they passed over a switch held open by a board. D. W. Taylor of the railroad police said it was a “deliberate act of sabotage.” In Knoxville, a group of firemen picketing the Southern said a railway employee had tried to run them down in his automobile last night. ' Gustav Metzman, president of the New York Central, sent a letter to the railroad’s employees in which he declared that the brotherhood’s demands were characterized by an “utter lack of necessity or merit.” Cit- ing the fact-finding board verdicts, he said the strike was “against the public interest” and enclosed an editorial from Thursday’s issue of the New York Times as representa- tive of the adverse reaction to the strike. A spokesman for the union said there was “no comment” on Mr. Metzman’s views. The President’s Visit to Oregon and Washington EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER NORBLAD OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. NORBLAD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include herewith two editorials from the Oregon Journal of Portland, Oreg., which is the leading Democratic daily of the Pacific Northwest, on the subject of the Presi- dent’s visit to Oregon and Washington: COURTESY AND POLITICS Common courtesy would decree that when the President of the United States visits Ore~ gon the Governor of Oregon would be in- vited to greet him. Such is not the case in the instance of President Truman’s cur- rent visit to Pendleton. The Governor was not even invited to wel~ come President Truman to this State, Lawson McCall, administrative assistant to Gover- nor McKay, told the Oregon Cattlemen’s As- sociation convention at Klamath Falls. E. B. Aldrich, chairman of arrangements for the Pendleton meeting, told the Journal that no formal invitation was issued to the
A3654 Governor. “I told him over the phone, how- ever, that he would be welcome,” Aldrich added. To refresh your memory, Truman is a Dem- ocrat and McKay, a Republican. And this is a nonpolitical tour, charged to the taxpayers. To a Hosprtan Cost or a SPecian TRAIN President Truman, special-training to the Pacific Northwest where he makes multiple dedication of multiple-purpose Grand Coulee on Thursday, hears a growing murmur from the Pacific Southwest as he travels on. Southern California with growing intensity protests the President’s order to evacuate Birmingham hospital for disabled veterans. The directive to move the patients at Birm- ingham hospital to the naval hospital at Long Beach merely adds to the anger. Decision of the House Armed Services Com- mittee to abandon its fight to halt the closing of five military hospitals doesn’t discourage the campaign to retain Birmingham. The Birmingham hospital in San Fernando Valley not far from Los Angeles is composed of buildings like those of Barnes Hospital near Vancouver. The Government calls them temporary, explains that maintenance is dis- proportionately great. It is a hospital of 1,650 beds. Mayor Bowron, of Los Angeles, has wired the President on his special train that the puildings are good for 25 years. The patients are the wheel-chair brigade. They are vic- tims of all kinds of disabling wounds and in- juries received in combat. Some have broken backs. Some are minus arms and legs. Some are able to reside outside the hos- pital. They are called out-patients. They have spent more than $2,000,000 on their small nearby homes. They have an enormous claim upon compassion which is not to be found in the evacuation order. Civilians have demonstrated sympathy. The Holly- ‘wood movie colony built a swimming pool. It and its building are permanent. President Truman, making his report to the Nation with a visible political slant, and reviewing western development, aid to small business, and the virtues of his administra- tion, has had his attention called to the luxuriously expensive mode of his transpor- tation. It is a 12-car special train, to cost about $250,000, charged to the Government because of Grand Coulee dedication. Suppose—just suppose—that quarter mil- lion dollars had been used instead for vet- erans disabled by their wounds, to keep Birmingham Hospital in San Fernando Val~- ley open for another year. ITO Charter Is the Worst Document In World History—Socialist Economic Policies and Freedom of International Trade Do Not Mix—ITO Must Be Defeated EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, hearings on the bill for the approval of an International Trade Or- ganization Charter have been in progress for some weeks. There are several in- escapable facts that Members of this House should know about the legislation}, First. It calls for economic planning on a world basis, under the absolute con- trol of the participating governments. This means that government would con- trol the location of industry, foreign ex- change, and the volume of investment. All this is geared to the socialistic con- cept that it is the duty of government to insure full employment. Second. Control of international trade as called for under the charter of ITO means the application of exchange con- trols and import quotas. This is what ails western European countries today. So long as such unsound policies prevail, there will always be a balance of pay- ments problem. Third. A normal multilateral trade and the free convertibility of currency are not possible under socialistic govern- ments, and the United States should understand this basic principle before it pours more billions down a European sink hole. Fourth. The British know and realize the incompatibility between planned so- cialistic economic policies and freedom of international trade. ‘They insisted, against the wishes of the United States delegates, on having articles 6 and 12, 4 (b) included in the charter. These - provisions permit, with our consent, a perpetuation of import quotas and a rank discrimination against United States trade. It is obvious that these provisions are very dangerous to the United States. Fifth, Approval of the charter would imperil the very existence of a free so- ciety. Instead of international economic cooperation, our announced objective, it would be a positive victory for economic nationalism. This must not happen. Mr. Speaker, it does not seem possible that. the State Department fails to see the full implications of the pending legis- lation as it affects our free society. It has the responsibility of withdrawing the bill from further consideration. The people of this country do not want social- ism of our domestic economy nor of our international trade. A Rail Taft-Hartley EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ANGIER L. GOODWIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. GOODWIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Boston (Mass.) Herald: A Raw Tarr-Hartiey The Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen is engaging in a test of strength with the people of the United States, It wants the power to determine safety standards so far as they affect the employ- ment of their members. To assert that power, it proposes to tie up all the railroads of the country in a creeping national pa- ralysis if necessary. If the present four- line walkout doesn’t win them a third man on multi-unit Diesels, they are prepared to strike other railroads in order, and the B. & M. is marked to be one of the next, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In its stark effrontery, this rivals anything that John L. Lewis ever did. If there were any justification on safety grounds for a third man on Diesels, and two Presidential boards have said there was not, the fact should be decided by an impartial agency, such as Congress, the Interstate Commerce Commission, or some special panel of experts. For the firemen to decide their own case and then force it on the country is monopolistic labor in flagrant restraint of trade. The long record of featherbedding by the rail brotherhoods, usually under the guise of safety, is so well known that the firemen cannot claim any judicial right to decide thig one. If we let the big unions force unnecessary employment, permitting them to frustrate the immense gains of technological advance, we surrender a large segment of the national welfare into selfish hands. It must be ob- vious that unions must not have this power, must not be able to strike to enforce it. The Taft-Hartley Act already partially rece ognizes this truth. It provides that man. agement has the sole authority to say who gets the work. It is illegal “‘to cause an em- ployer to pay any money for services which are not performed or not to be performed,” This does not go far enough to cover precisely the fireman’s case, but it is a principle which should most certainly be extended to the railway labor act. And where does President Truman stand on this? Or is he too busy in his 1950 cam paigning to return to Washington to deal with it, especially since the firemen will see his own special along on the way west? In his flat opposition to the Taft-Hartley Act and its anti-feather-bedding provision, hag he not encouraged the firemen to strike? Thanks to Feringa EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc< ord, I wish to include a copy of an edi- torial from the New Orleans States of May 9, 1950, entitled “Thanks to Fer- inga” as follows: THANKS TO FERINGA The Morganza Floodway finally is becoming an actuality. Engineers say it will be ready for efficient operation by January 1953. This means, if Ol’ Man River sticks to his routine, that New Orleans will have pretty close to gilt-edge protection by the time the Mississippi goes on another rampage. Re- member how major flood threats have been spaced—1927, 1987, 1945, and 1950? For this pleasant outlook, New Orleans owes a rising vote of thanks to Brig. Gen. Peter A. Feringa, president of the Mississippi River Commission. General Feringa took office in January 1949. He saw the need for the Morganza, and went to work. In just over a year he has been successful in arranging for the completion of a needed job that has been years in the planning, or “maybe” stage. Our gratitude is due also to DeWitt Pyburn, Louisiana’s member of the Mississippi River Commission, and to Col. Charles G. Holle, , the district engineer. They have done their p well, Mr. Speaker, all of the people of south Louisiana join with the New Orleans
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD States in thanking General Feringa and the Corps of Engineers, the Congress of the United States and others who have aided in the beginning of this important project to Louisiana, and we trust that the Congress will make possible the com- pletion of this great undertaking by 1953 as stated by the editorial. If this project is completed as sched- uled it will relieve the annual threat of devastating fioods to south Louisiana as it will be possible to take care of all the water coming from the north, and therefore, it will also relieve all of the country north of the Atchafalaya Basin, Inexcusable Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Washington Post of May 11, 1950: ‘ INEXCUSABLE STRIKE It would be hard to conceive of a strike with less merit, from the public standpoint, than that which has tied up four major rail- roads. The strike has been called by the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen to enforce demands for a second fireman on multiple-unit Diesel locomotives. That demand has twice been turned down by Presidential fact-finding boards on the very reasonable ground that there is little or no work for a second fireman to do. The crip- pling effects of the strike cannot yet be fully judged, but certainly they will be great. The New York Central, Pennsylvania, Santa Fe, and Southern are all irunkline railroads linking major cities; in many instances they afford the only direct route. A subsidiary effect cf the walkout may be seen in the Chesapeake & Ohio order canceling passenger trains out of Washington because they must use Southern tracks. From the standpoint of the firemen, the issue is twofold: Frestige and job security. There is an intense rivalry betwen the fire- men and the Brotherhood of Locomotive En- gineers, who also have asked for a second crewman on Diesels but have not pressed their claim. Jobwise, most of the rail unions fear the inroads of Dieselization—-for Diesels can haul heavier trains faster over longer distances, and there is a threat of potential dispiacement of some crewmen. The fear of fewer jobs is behind much union featherbedding, but the means used to combat that fear are reminiscent of the Luddites, who broke the machines that dis- placed them. A major factor in declining rail traffic is the high cost of transportation. Diesels give promise of reducing costs and attracting new traffic—but economies can easily be nullified by featherbedding. Yet, increased traffic is the only real guarantor of job security. Is it not time for rail unions and managements to get together and affirm their faith in an expanding economy, mean- while making some provision for retraining and relocating temporarily displaced workers? . By striking only four lines, the union un- doubtedly hopes to avoid the cry that a na- tional emergency exists. But these lines are vital arteries to many parts of the country, and some sort of seizure may soon be neces- sary. Indeed, we think Congress ought to take another look at the Railway Labor Act, which is predicated on reasonable accept- ance of the facts. Compulsory arbitration of rail disputes would have many undesirable ramifications, but it might be inescapable as a means of protecting the public interest— especially against a strike such as this one which seems to have resulted primarily from @ union attempt to save face. Local Public Health Units Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN E. MILES OF NEW MEXxIco IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. MILES. Mr. Speaker, in recent weeks I have been in New Mexico re- cuperating from illness. During that time I had the opportunity to do consid- erable thinking about the health of the people of my State, as well as my own. Although tremendous advances have been made in medicine in recent years through discovery and development of new methods, new drugs, and techniques, we have not seen a corresponding ad- vance in bringing the benefit of medical care to all the people of this country. There is a great unfilled need in many States, particularly in the field of pre- ventive care for the lower-income fami- lies of the Nation. The Federal Public Health Service and that of the States was instituted to pro- vide this service for our peopie who could not afford preventive care. The ade- quate protection of the Nation’s health is a duty that our Government owes to all the people. Our present public- health systems for the most part are inadequate. For 14 years various proposals to meet that need have been introduced in legis- lative form in Congress. Most of these measures, while meritorious in purpose, have attempted to encompass the en- tire field of medical and hospital care in a governmental program that would include all the people of the Nation. I believe that our country should not adopt—and I feel that our people do not want—an all-engulfing, Government- controlled, health program such as the immense and costly British system. There is a proposal before Congress at. this time which I think will fulfill the needs of our people. It calls for an in- crease and improvement of public-health service in the States through increased Federal aid and cooperation to the States. This proposal is embodied in the Local Public Health Units Act, which has already been approved by the Senate and is awaiting action by the House of Representatives. I am hopeful the House will act on their measure, H. R. 5865, soon. I should like to read to you a statement which explains just what the passage of the Local Public Health Units Act will mean to the people of New Mexico. This statement is a portion of a letter which ‘of death in New Mexico. A3655 I received from Mrs. O. E. Berninghaus, of Taos, N. Mex., who is legislative chair- man of the New Mexico Congress of Parents and Teachers: New Mexico residents would obtain practi- cal assistance in meeting their public-health problems should the Congress enact the local public-health units bill, H. R. 5865, which was passed by the Senate last August, and now awaits favorable action by the House. Through the Federal grant proposed in this bill, New Mexico would receive an esti- mated $100,000 to assist in financing local public-health services to benefit all her citizens. At last report only three counties in New Mexico were sufficiently well staffed with public-health doctors, nurses, sanitarians, and clerks to meet standards recommended by the American Public Health Association for satisfactory local public-health service. This means that approximately 97 percent of our people in New Mexico lack basic public- health protection, even though as a State we have done relatively well in supporting public-health programs, for we rank twenty- first among States in this respect. New Mexico’s death rate for tuberculosis is 53.1 per 100,000, as against the national average of 30; and the State: death rate for premature birth is 55.9, as against the na- tional average of 26.7, Furthermore, diarrhea and enteritis, which are not among the 10 leading causes of death in the Nation, and so have ceased to be major national public- health problems, rank eighth among causes Obviously, we can- not conquer public-health problems such as these without satisfactory full-time local public-health service. Mr. Speaker, I urge you to support this measure. We do not need or want any federally controlled system of socialized medicine. I believe that this legislation, the Local Public Health Units Act, is the best answer to fulfillment of our Govern- ment’s obligation to protect the health of our people. , The Eyes of the Nation Are Upon Illinois REMARKS oF HON. NOAH M. MASON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. MASON. Mr. Speaker, the eyes of the Nation are upon Illinois today, and upon the big-top circus that is being staged in Chicago. It is a colossal per- formance. It is attracting no less than 14 governors 1nd 145 Members of Con- gress. It is to cost a minimum of $150,- 000 and Uncle Sam—that means the American taxpayers—will foot the bill, because all contributions to the per- formance—so the letters soliciting sub- scriptions said—“are deductible as busi- ness expenses on your income-tax re- turns.” Why the three-ringed political circus in Chicago today? The answer to that question is: Ex-Congressman Everett Dirksen, Republican nominee for the United States Senate, who as of today stands better than a 50-50 chance to un- seat Majority Leader Senator Scotr Lv- cas, thereby spoiling President Truman’s
A3656 chances for reelection in 1952. A Dirk- sen victory this fall would destroy the whole program of the New Deal or Fair Deal and do more than any other one thing to keep America safe from so- cialism. The eyes of the Nation, therefore, will continue to be upon Illinois until after the November election. Mr. Speaker, in support of my conten- tion that the eyes of the Nation are upon TWinois, I include as a part of my re- marks a newspaper article entitled “Dirksen and the Big Top,” taken from the Christian Science Monitor, Satur- day, May 13, 1950: DIRKSEN AND THE Bic Top (By Max Gilstrap) Cxicaco.— It’s as plain to midwest GOP’s as the trunk on an elephant’s physiognomy. Astute, hefty, Everett M. Dirksen, Repub- lican nominee for United States Senator in Illinois, sketched it all out on a notebook. “There,” he boomed, “1s what’s behind the Democrats’ glittering three-ringed political circus here in Chicago.” He plunked down a big black dot to mark the big top. A mere peek into the tent is enough to tell who’s cracking the whip. Only the ringmaster himself could fill the stands and keep three rings lively with the entire Cabinet (minus one), 145 Members of Congress and 14 governors. It’s colossal. It would make Ringling or Barnum twinge with envy and admiration. And Everett Dirksen believes he can claim part of the credit. Of course no self-respect- ing Democratic performer swinging “through the air with the greatest of ease” would agree with him. After all, what has a circus’ main performance got to do with someone carry- ing water to GOP elephants on the outside? The fact is, Mr. Dirksen has been doing his job so effectively that one of the circus stars, Senator Democratic Majority Leader Senator Scott W. Lucas, of Illinois, may need all of the help he can get if he is to go on with the show after the fall elections. Mr. Dirksen lowered his pencil to make six additional dots around the big top. “Look,” he said, inscribing a circle to connect dots marked Ohio, Indiana, Missouri, Colorado, Iowa, and Wisconsin. “These are the im- portant political side-shows to be held this fall which the big-top performance is sup- posed to influence, It’s only logical that the Democrats would hold their big show here in the middle.” Mr. Dirksen and other Republicans think the outcome of the senatorial contest in Tlli- nois could decide President Truman’s fate if he runs as expected in 1952, A defeat of the Senate Democratic majority leader would deal the Democrats their biggest blow. It could start a trend, they say. Tousle-haired Mr. Dirksen looks like the Republicans’ best bet at the moment. His record as an alert, able Congressman before he resigned in 1949 was outstanding. He’s a smooth orator. “Too smooth,” a friend said; “he ought to stumble just once.” But “stumbling,” Mr. Dirksen explains, “becomes a difficult chore for a man who made 590 speeches before the primary election.” He uses allt of the pyrotechnics—conscious- ly or not. Out roll seductive tonal quali- ries. He holds a glass of water suspended preparatory to drinking as his audience sits in rapt, pin-dropped stillness. A sample of his oratory when he gets warmed up was demonstrated at the recent Young Republi- cans Midwest conference. He excoriated the approach of those in power with: “They pro- pose to level off the farmer with the Bran- nan plan. They propose to level off profes- sional men with the socialization of medi- cine. They propose to continue high spend- ing, heavy taxes, and continuing deficits. They propose loans instead of tax relief for small business.” Mr. Dirksen, thus far, has been running against President Truman. His attitude to- ward Senator Lucas has been @ sort of “oh well, after all.” Hus first opportunity to swap verbal blows with the champ comes when he answers the President’s Chicago speech 2 nights later at a convention of the Mlinois Federation of Republican Women’s Clubs in Springfield. Meanwhile, Mr. Dirksen is bending an at- tentive ear to the big top. What goes on inside will determine his tactics. That is, all but one tactic, which he said remains con- stant. “I am determined,” he explained, “to stand by principles I am willing to lose for.” Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, I call the attention of the gentleman to the fact he is violating the rules of the House by mentioning a Member of the other body. I shall not make a point of order but simply direct his attention to that fact. The SPEAKER. The time of the gen- tleman from Illinois has expired; other~ wise the Chair might request the gen- tleman to speak in order. An Explanation of the Lovre “Grass Roots” Farm Plan EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HAROLD 0. LOVRE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. LOVRE. Mr. Speaker, today is a great day for me because it climaxes months of efforts on my part to present to the Congress what I feel to be a sound and sensible program for agriculture. I have today introduced in the House of Representatives a self-financing, full parity, farmer-managed plan to stabilize the Nation’s agricultural economy. Mr. Speaker, into this bill has gone the experiences of a lifetime of residence in the great agricultural State of South Dakota. Into it has gone by knowledge of farmers and their problems and the problems which I, as a farm operator, have been confronted with through the years. Also into this plan has gone the advice and the counsel of thousands of actual dirt farmers with whom I have talked, together with the thoughtful opinions of men who have devoted years “to a study of the problems of agriculture. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to present this bill because I believe that it makes sense. For years attempts have been made to solve the so-called farm problem. All of these approaches have evolved around subsidies and grants and Govern- ment regulation to bolster farm prices and to control price-depressing surpluses. The result has been that billions of dol- lars have been expended without finding @ permanent or sound solution to the complexities that are involved. I have tried a new approach. The bill I have introduced today pro- vides for a program to be managed by the farmers themselves. They are its APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD bosses through their elected county com. mittees and State and national boards. My plan is self-financing because the farmer himself would finance the dis- posal of surpluses. The program which I advocate would assure the farmer of full parity of in- come because it establishes a means of collective bargaining in the farmer’s mar= ket place. It thus assures a prosperous agriculture. Mr. Speaker, before I explain this bill, I want to say that, in my opinion, legis. Jation that provides for a prosperous ag-= riculture is not simply legislation for the farmer alone. It is legislation for the benefit of the entire Nation, because his- tory has shown that national income is usually just 7 times gross farm income, That is why stabilizing farm products at a proper level automatically becomes a floor under our national income, our wage level, business profits and the goods we consume. Thus if industry wants profits, if labor wants high wages and many jobs and if Government wants suf- ficient taxes to balance the budget and reduce the national debt, all of these groups should be among the first to in- sist upon fair and proper prices for what the farmer produces. In previous attempts to deal with the price problems of agriculture, the solu- tion has always been to dip into the coffers of the Federal Government and support prices through expenditures of tax money. I say that it is foolish to believe that we can find a permanent solution to any problem by constantly running to the Federal Treasury for a monetary hypo- dermic. I have offered a plan that for once solves an economic problem without using the taxpayers’ hard earned dollars for subsidies and grants. My plan has as its objectives: First, full self-financing, thus ending the use of tax money for subsidies; second, full parity prices at all times for normal domestic consumption; third, adminis- tration by the farmers themselves through elected county, State, and na- tional committees; fourth, specific and real protection for the family-sized farmer; fifth, a two-price level the same as any other business uses; sixth, pro- vision for distribution of food to needy people under a food-stamp plan; seventh, encouragement of nonfood commercial uses for surplus crops; eighth, exports on the world market coordinated with United States commitments; and ninth, a coordinated soil conservation program. The measure I have offered simply makes use of the same old principle that the country merchant uses in the opera- tion of his store. He offers the bulk of his goods to his customers at a price designed to give him a good profit. If he has any left over that he cannot sell, he holds a sale. This is exactly the principle of this “grass roots” farm program. Here is the way my plan would work: Annually the National Farm Board would predict the amount of farm produce to be consumed in the United States and also that amount available for consump- tion. If the amount available were ex- cessive—as defined in the bill—a refer-