A1334 plasterer or plumber; he would continue to receive his daily paper by carrier boy at the same rate. It cannot be too strongly em- phasized that 90 percent of the mailings of the small newspaper go to rural route readers. If this rank discrimination goes into effect, what becomes of our boasted rural free de- livery? Another reason why the proposed increase would be unjust is that the smaller news- papers are already paying the Post Office De- partment for complete service but receive only fragmentary service. The second-class postage rates presuppose that the postal serv- ice receive at a local post office mail sacks or outside United States mail news dealer pack- ages and furnish transportation to destina- tion. This, however, rarely obtains. All these smaller newspapers have to haul at their own expense on equipment owned or leesed by themselves a large proportion of their mail sacks to post offices throughout the territory they serve, because the Post Office Department does not provide adequate space or schedules to handle this mail. As an example: We must haul more than 50 mail sacks to eastern Carolina, distances up to 200 miles, but we pay exactly the same postage as if the Post Office Department were furnishing this transportation. I might add that we must also haul our own sacks to towns like High Point, Burlington, Reids- ville, etc., because the Post Office Department either lacks space on trains offering satis- factory schedules or has no schedules at all. Train and star route space and schedules are designed for the accommodation primarily of first-class mail and parcel post. All news- papers will testify to this inadequacy which forces the daily newspaper to provide its own transportation while at the same time paying the Post Office Department the full second- Claas rate. SUMMARY The proposed increase in second-class postage rates, insofar as they apply to first and second zones, is unjust and discrimina- tory because it— 1. Does violence to the accepted pattern of charges for mailings in the various zones, in that they would increase zones 1 and 2 663, percent, while other sones would be ine creased very little—zone 8, for instance, only 14 percent, 2. Place a grievous financial burden on the smaller weaker daily newspapers while the comparatively wealthy metropolitan papers would go scot free. The metropolitan news- papers (group 1) with a combined average daily circulation of 6,789,967 would pay this increased cost on only 237,187 daily copies, whereas the financially weaker newspapers (group 2) with a combined average daily cir- culation of only 1,857,434 would have to pay this increased cost on 304,883 copies. Per- centagewise the strong newspapers would pay the increase on a negligible 3.3 percent of their circulation, while the weaker newspa- pers would sce this tax go on 29.1 percent of their total circulation business. 3. It would raise the cost of the daily news- paper to that portion of the population least able to pay it, because mailings in the first and second zones are almost exclusively to farmers on rural routes. 4. It would thwart the manifest intent of the Conzress by a discriminatory tax which would kill the idea of rural free delivery. 5. Newspapers, particularly weak non- metropolitan newspapers, are already paying for services they do not receive because they ere providing at their own expense transpor- tation for most of their copies sent through the mails; al] the Postal Department does in most cases is to hand to their rural carriers labled copies which have been neatly bune died in conventently small packages for easy handling. You will probably be interested to know that insofar as I have been able to discover no other class of postal service on a sone basis is to be increased as much as that suggested for newspapers and other second-class publi-« cations in their first and second sone. Trusting that the information developed here will be of some help tn placing this in the proper light before our representatives, I am, Yours very truly, Nrws-Recoap. Percent of circulation of metropolitan neéwse papers affected by proposed second-class postage increase Chica p Tera wwe neeenene New York Timcs..........- New yore Herald Tribune. Washington (D. C.) Post...) Philadctphia Inquirer -.... Washington (1. C.) Times- Hera wan @. G) Ere 2 SrpuS - ad 0982 & OO SO “ere ee Loe | Angeles Examiner...... New York Journal Ameri- Chicago Daliy News... New York Datly Mirror... 3.3 Percent of circulation of nonmetropolitan newspapers (that ts, those least able to absorb drastic cost increases} affected by proposed second-class postage increase NORTH CAROLINA NEWSPAPERS Ralcteh Newsand Observer. 0.3 recnisboro News.... 2.7 Qapevine Citizen. ......-... 10.5 urham Morning Herald_-_ 18.3 tte Observer........- 16.0 SOUTHER Montgomery (Ala.) Adver- s20 Macon (Ga.) Telegraph. ..- 81.6 Roanoke (Va.) Times... 30.3 te (8 Chreniclo. A.6 Shore imes.... 16.6 Little 7 5 Gazette. 14.6 EASTERN Burlington (Vt.) Daily Froo Press........-...-.. 86.7 22 a nen eewenen eames 2.8 238 12,3 seneeerennececenneene 31.4 Levioxton (Ky.) Horald.... 45.4 Peart harris ue ny ate Jour- ra eda m1 WRSTERN Sioux City iowa, Journal. 0 (N 0.3 41.0 35,2 20 20,2 108 Total ...cen-nnaconnenna-|l, 387, 486 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD .Repert and Question Periods Needed To Inform All Members of Congress en Foreign Affairs EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 27, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, some days ago Senator VANDENBERG suggested that the members of the Foreign Rela- tions Committee prepare questions to be answered by witnesses appearing be- fore the committee with reference to the Greece-Turkey bill. This is the first step proposed in House Resolution 17. The second step is that the questions would be answered on the floor of the House where all Members of Congress could hear and not before the particular committee preparing the questions. An edtiorial of the Baltimore Sun of March 25, 1947, describes the advantages of the proposal contained in House Reso- lution 17. The editorial is as follows: NEW FOREIGN POLICY PUZZLES AND THE MEFAUVER QUESTION-PERIOD PLAN If you have a copy of the first (1790) vol- ume of the Executive Journal of the Senate handy, turn to page 55. There you will encounter a notation to the effect that President Washington had just sent to the Senate a draft of a sccret article to be in- serted in a treaty with one of the Indian tribes. Mr. Washington closed his message of transmittal with these words: “If the Senate should require any further explana- tion, the Secretary of War will attend them for that purpose.” Representative Kzrauver, of Tenneessee, has seized on this passage from the old Sen- ate Journal to defend his plan for a question period in the House of Representatives. Mr. Acheson's current appearances before the House and Senate Committees on Foreign Relations should focus attention on the Kefauver proposal all over again. For Mr. Acheson is speaking on matters of tran- ‘cendent importance not merely to the For- eign Affairs Committees but to the whole Congress. Yet the general membership of the National Legislature can hear him, if at all, only as spectators. What Mr. Kerauver wants is the passage of a resoluticn providing for a question pe- riod in his branch of Congress, the House of Representatives. This period would be up to 2 hours long. it a Cabinet man or the chief of an independent agency would have the privilege of the House floor to answer questions framed by any House Member, no matter what his committee, The first part of the question period would be given over to the answer of formal written questions submitted tn advance. Toward the close of the question period, the Cabinet member would be open to oral questions from the floor. The advantages of such a procedure are apparent. Every Member could get a chance to push the questions troubling him moat. Every Member would be able to listen to the visttor’s testimony, to see his behavior under questioning, to form his opinion on great questions with the fullest availability of evidence at his command. The procedure would be similar to (without in any way ap- proximating the constitutional
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD doing, to single committees of the Houses, the visiting Cabinet man could, in a single Chamber appearance, address all committees and all Members of that Chamber at once. That the device has great merit i appar- ent from the piecemeal approaches to it already resorted to in Congress. Representa- tive Kzravver made his question-period pro- posal directly after having attended a ses- sion in the Congressiona] Library at which War Department officials brought Members of both Houses up to date on the status of the war in the fall of 1948. Mr. Acheson has been guided in some part in preparing for the current committee sessions by a formal series of questions on the Greek-Turkish policy worked up by Senator VANDENBERG. Mr. Keravuver simply wants to bring all these informational devices together in the kind of question period which President Washington took for granted as a necessary part of the collaboration between executive and legislature under the Constitution. Los Angeles Industry Penalized by Phan- tom Freight Rates on Steel Imposed by Interstate Commerce Commission and Approved by Reconstruction Finance Corporation—Why? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, there has been widespread misunder- standing concerning the position of southern California manufacturers and businessmen with regard to the applica- tion for a reduction in the freight rates on steel from Geneva, Utah, to Los An- geles now pending before the Interstate Commerce Commission. Freight rates on the delivery of steel are always paid by the purchaser. Southern California manufacturers who use steel expect to pay these costs, but they believe such charges should be equi- table and based upon actual shipping ex- penses. Under the present rates, a buyer of steel in Los Angeles must pay the same charges for freight on steel delivered from Geneva, Utah—or, for that matter, from Fontana in southern California— as he would pay on steel delivered from Baltimore, Md., or Pittsburgh, Pa. Industry in Los Angeles is being pe- nalized by this inequality in freight rates imposed by the Interstate Commerce Commission and approved by the Recon- struction Finance Corporation because of its loan to the Fontana steel plant. Los Angeles steel buyers object to this unjust “phantom freight” principle. For this reason, they have supported the application for a reduction in the freight rate on steel from Geneva, Utah, to Los Angeles. The following statement, prepared by the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, sets forth the facts in the freight-rate controversy and explains why some ad- Justment is necessary for the expanding industrial area in Southern California: Hearings have recently been held before the Interstate Commerce Commission rela- tive to the application for a reduction in the freight rate on steel from Geneva, Utah, to Los Angeles. The Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce and chambers of commerce throughout the West supported the proposed freight-rate reduc- tion. We were criticized in some quarters for our position on the basis that we favored a mill in Utah as against the Kaiser steel mill at Fontana. We wish to state definitely the facts do not warrant this criticism. Steel is the basic material of industry. . Los Angeles County has become an indus- trial area. Two hundred forty thousand people work in our factories. The price of steel and ite availability are strong determining factors in our industrial welfare and the permanence of the 240,000 industrial jobs. Los Angeles industry pays the highest price for steel among American industrial areas. This limits the markets for our products, and, in addition, makes it difficult in many cases for local manufacturers to meet east- ern competition right here in Los Angeles. It is necessary that our steel cost be lowered. There are two ways to reduce the price of steel. One way is to reduce the base price of steel. The other way is to reduce the freight cost on steel. The buyer always pays the freight cost on steel. Los Angeles industry expects to pay full freight costs on steel shipped to us from the East when actual freight service is rendered. Los Angeles industry, however, objects to paying “phantom freight” charges on the steel it buys. What do we mean by “phantom freight”? EXAMPLE A A manufacturer in Vernon buys steel from @ mill in Los Angeles. The steel is trucked to his plant. When he gets the bill he finds that he is charged an amount equivalent to the freight bill for shipping the steel from Baltimore, Md., or Pittsburgh, Pa., to Los Angeles. , EXAMPLE B A Los Angeles manufacturer buys steel from Fontana. It is shipped 45 miles to Los Angeles. The freight rate is $1.30 per ton, but when the buyer gets his bill he is charged an amount equal to the freight cost of ship- ping the steel from Baltimore, Md., or Pitts- burgh, Pa., to Los Angeles. This amounts to approximately $12 per ton. The “phantom freight” principle to which we object is a penalty on Los Angeles in- dustry. Fontana charges “phantom freight” be- cause of the loan the Reconstruction Finance Corp. has on the plant. We believe the Fontana loan should be re- duced using the sale price of the Geneva mill as a yardstick so that Fontana will not be unduly penalized. We have so informed the Kaiser Co. The Fontana mill cannot supply all of the steel Los Angeles needs. We must buy steel from Geneva, too. - The United States Steel Corp. which owns the Geneva mill agreed not to charge “phantom freight” when it bought the mill from the Government. But the freight rate from Geneva to Los Angeles by rail was higher than the rate from Baltimore to Los Angeles by water. Consequently to make Geneva steel avail- able to Los Angeles industry, the railroads serving Geneva and Los Angeles reduced the rate on steel from $14 a ton to $9.60. The buyer pays the freight. A1335 The reduced rate lowered the cost of Los Angeles steel $4.40 a ton. How important is this saving? EXAMPLE C A pipe line is under construction to bring hatural gas from Texas to Los Angeles. Geneva steel is going into the pipe line: A saving of $440 a ton on the steel going into the pipe line totals close to a quarter of a million dollars. This is 6250,000 saved by gas consumers of Los Angeles who will ultimately pay for the pipe line since gas rates are based on capital costs. The Government of the United States spent $200,000,000 to build the Geneva mill. The lower freight rate means that the mill will not stand partly idle. but can be put to the best possible use to make jobs not only at Geneva, but right here in Los Angeles. Is this new rate unfair to Fontana? It costs Fontana $1.30 to ship a ton of steel to Los Angeles. be costs Geneva 89.60 a ton under the new rate. Fontana has an advantage of $8.30 a ton over Geneva in reaching Los Angeles. Fontana brings its coal from Utah. Fontana feels its freight rate on coal should be reduced by the same percentage as the Geneva rate on steel is reduced, Los Angeles industry must have cheaper steel. Los Angeles industry must be free of the phantom freight penalty. The Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce will support every move that helps to accomplish these objectives. This puts us in @ position where we were bound to support the Geneva freight-rate reduction. It means that we are in favor of an ad- justment of the RFC loan on Fontana. Mine Responsibility EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. W. HOWES MEADE OF KENTUCKY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. MEADE of Kentucky. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include an editorial from the Washington Post of today. Mr. Speaker, I am sure that the entire membership of both sides of this House join with me in expressing condolences to the loved ones and survivors at the Centralia Coal Co. mine in southern Illinois. Many of those families and friends of these entombed miners are at this minute waiting at the mine entrance hoping against hope that by some mir- acle their father, husband, or son might survive. Someone is responsible for this grave national tragedy. Only a short time ago in my home State many miners were killed in a similar explosion at the Straight Creek coal mine, These miners were without protection against unsafe working conditions, and their families were unprotected against financial suf- fering, as there was no provision for compensation, nor had there been any welfare fund provided for these crippled survivors or the families of the deceased miners.
A1336 Mr. Speaker, I urge every Member of this Congress to first look to the protec- tion of the lives of these miners who brave death every working day and to the protection for the survivors of the world’s most hazardous occupation before con- sidering ways and means of taking away from these men their right through col- lective bargaining to enforce safety as well as welfare provisions. Mr. Speaker, I hope that the member- ship on both sides of the House will join with me in an effort to provide first for the human welfare of these brave men and their families. Let us pass laws to protect, rather than laws to neglect. The editorial follows: Another coal-mine disaster this time in southern Tlinois at the cost of 111 lives, again brings the issue of mine responsibility sharply to the fore. At the outeet this tragedy seems to exemplify the same shame- ful process of buck passing that has been evident in most of the recent mine explo- sions, For this eventuality was anticipated. Bad safety conditions in this particular mine were the subject of at least two inspection reports. Thus the determination of the Senate to probe the whole ‘ul affair is decidedly in order. It is particularly time- ly because a large part of the responsibility in this case belongs to the Federal Govern- ment, in the Department of the Interior and the Coal Mines Administration. Under the Krug-Lewis agreement govern- ing Federal control of the coal mines, the Government's duty is clear to enforce the safety code recommended by the Federal Bureau of Mines. That agency reported the existence of hagardous conditions and prac- tices in the mine of the Centralia Coal Co., where the explosion occurred, in an inspec- tion last November United Mine Workers’ Officials have stated that they repeatedly called the situation to the attention of Secre- tary of the Interior Krug and Capt. N. H. Col- lisson, Federal Coal Mines Administrator. As recently as March 18, an inspection by the Tilinois Bureau of Mines recommended tm- mediate correction and noted that previous inapection reports had not been complied with. Thus the weak excuse of Captain Collisson that the Coal Mines Administration had in- sufficient personnel to check the mines is in reality no excuse at all. If personnel was insufficient, that situation should have been and adequate numbers obtained, either from the Navy, which is in nominal charge, or from other sources. Similarly, the argument that the Government is only in technical contro! of the mins also ts in- validated by the fact that the Coal Mines Administration has the power to remove any representatives of the mine ownership who do not follow instructions. Submission of the Present Problems of Greece to United Nations Might Destroy That Organization EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEROY JOHNSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. JOHNSON of California. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I include an article by Sumner Welles, former Under Secretary of State. His long experience in handling inter- national problems should make him a good judge of what might happen if the present troubles of Greece are dumped into the lap of the newly born babe known as the United Nations. I com- mend to my colleagues a careful reading of what Mr. Welles has to say: Amrrntcan AID (By Sumner Welles) ARE WE DESTROYING THE UN? The line that Soviet propaganda will follow in its effort to combat the administration's foreign policy is clearly indicated in the edi- torials already published in Isvestia and Pravda, These first attacks have harped upon two main issues. One is the charge that the pro- posed assistance by the United States to Greece and Turkey represents nothing more than imperialistic expansion under the guise of charity. This argument will not cut much ice in the United States. But it will prove effective in Europe, and it will serve to arouse nationalistic suspicions in the Near Bast. It may well raise a continuing back- fire against this country. The eecond issue ts the charge that Presi- Gent Truman's proposals will destroy the United Nations. This charge is meeting with considerable popular support in the United States and Great Britain. It will be em- ployed more and more frequently by the di- rect and indirect accomplices of the Soviet Union in the western democracies. The Soviet-controlled press claims that, were the President's recommendation to be carried out, United States support for the United Nations would be rendered valueless, and declares that, while “Mr. Truman in his message mentioned the United Nations sev- eral times, this was obviously necessary in order to disavow this organization despite the existing obligations of the American Government toward the United Nations.” Such propaganda is highly effective because of the sincere belief of many hundreds of thousands of persons in this country, that because the United Nations has now been established, it must consequently be pre- pared automatically to solve every problem that may arise. They feel that apy failure on the part of this country presently to submit to the United Nations questions whose solution must vitally affect its own safety amounts to sabotage of the international organization. The only way in which Soviet propaganda of this kind can be successfully met is for every American citizen to be willing to take the trouble to familiarize himself with the present status of the United Nations, and to try to recognize its present limitations. The truth ts that the United Nations is in the first stage of its formative period. The Security Council has no law-enforcement agencies under its control. It has so far been unable to agree upon the constitution of an international police force, a program for disarmament, or a statute for the control of atomic energy. Neither the Assembly nor the Economic and Social Council has at its dis- posal funds with which economic emergen- cles can be relieved. The crux of the. matter is, of course, that the objectives sought by the Soviet Union and by the United States in the eastern Mediterranean are diametrically opposed. Moscow desires the extension of Russian ine fluence over Greece and Turkey notwith- standing the bitter opposition to communism of a great majority of the people of those two countries. The United Stat-s seeka to make sure that these two nations are going to be able to maintain their independence and to preserve their political integrity. At tais stage of ita development the United Nations can take no positive action through the Security Council, unless the Soviet Union APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and the United States are in accord as to policies to be . In the light of self-evident truth, how could the United case of Greece without thereby accentuating existing international antagonisms and risk- ing a head-on collision between the world’s two major powers? The policy announced by President Tru- man ts designed to promote the second pur- pose of the United Nations es set forth in article 1 of the Charter, namely, “respect for the principle of equal rights and self-deter- mination of peoples.” It is a policy which can only make for the growth of world con- ditions under which the United Nations can Gradually become stronger and eventually assume all of its rightful responsibilities. A crisis such as that which has arisen in Greece could anly be handled by the United Nations with some prospect of success after the major powers have agreed upon the peace settlements, after the organization obtains the power and the authority needed to carry out the purposes for which it was established, and after each one of the major powers has been brought to realize that there exists in the world force sufficient to check all fur- ther attempts at military or ideological ex- pansion, and reaches the conclusion that its individual security will be best safeguarded by universal respect for the “equal rights and self-determination of peoples.” It will pe a healthy thing for this democ- racy if every American citizen will analyze the propaganda with which this country is now going to be flooded in the light of these cold, hard facts. If he does so, he will sec that the policy recommended by President Truman will not destroy the United Nations but will, rather, make it possible for it to survive. What would in truth destroy the United Nations, and destroy it quickly, would be for this Government to force that Organi- gation to take cognizance of basie interna- tional controversies which at this stage of its existence it is altogether unprepared, and wholly unable, to resolve, 7Ee Pfe Oliver Bacen, of Winslew, Ariz. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD F. HARLESS OF ARIBONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. HARLESS of Arizona. Myr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from the New York Times of March 26, 1947: BIGHEST WAR OFFICERS PAY RESPECT TO A PRIVATE Wasuincron, March 25.—With a five-star admiral, a five-star general, a four-star gen- eral, and half a dozen lesser luminaries in morning before hearings on the unification bill commenced. General of the Army Dwight D. Eisen- hower spotted the soldier, Pfc Oliver Bacon, of Winalow, Aris., formerly of the Sixty-third Infantry Division, sitting in the audience and strode over to shake his hand. Gencral Eisenhower beckoned to his colleagues, Fleet Admiral Chester W. Nimitz and Gen. Carl A. Hospital, is blind.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD False Yardstick EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I am just in receipt of a letter from a life-long Democrat, but not a New Dealer, expressing his views on some of the New Deal power programs. The author of this letter lives in an Okla- homa town close to the border of my district, where he has been operating a & smal] business of his own for some 35 or 40 years, and is a highly respected citizen of his community. Without further comment, I quote the letter and the newspaper article referred to in my friend’s letter: The enclosed article is along the lines I have been fighting for, for some time. It is my candid opinion that the act of Congress providing for expenditure of tax- payers’ funds for flood contro] did not au- thorize the expenditure of said funds for the building of power plants. After enumerat- ing the things that were authorized, these four words were added, “And for other pur- poses.” This was construed by Mr. Ickes and the administration, as authority for the building of such power plants. There- fore, we contend that such plants belong to the taxpayers and should be operated by the standing army at commercial rates for the purpose of paying off our enormous na- tional debt. Thanking you for anything you may do in this behalf, I am, FALSE YARDSTICK (By Merryle Stanley Rukeyser) In this period of debunking the ballyhoo of the earlier period of magnificent non- sense, it is important to reappraise the view that public power constituted a yardstick for measuring private utilities. This concept was a basic tenet of the New Deal which was repudiated at the polls by the voters on November 5, last. Dr. Arthur V. Morgan, one-time president of Antioch College and first chairman of the Tennesee Valley Authority and himself an enthusiastic advocate of public power, was among the first of the insiders to reject the yardstick idea In resigning in protest, Dr. Morgan said that the records were being Tudged, and the cost sheet was being manipu- lated through shifting to flood control and other categories items which he deemed chargeable to the generation and distribution of public power. But {t now appears that even when the accounting is thoroughly objective that it is a delusion to assume that public power constitutes a yardstick for private power. There are 4 points of basic difference be- tween public power and private power, which meke the belief that the results are com- parable to a sheer illusion. First, Government-owned power projects enjoy artificial advantages in costs through tax preferences. Secondly, government-owned projects en- joy artificial advantages in costs of capital through their special privilege of issuing low coupon tax exempt bonds. Frank McLaugh- lin, president of Puget Sound Power and Light Oo., of Seattle, who is now east for his annual stockholders’ meeting in Boston next week, estimates that these tax privileges give public power an advantage of 30 cents on every income dollar, and he believes that this handicap is too great to be overcome by any miracle of management. From the standpoint of the national econ- omy, however, these “savings” by public power are not true economies. For if the national bookkeeping is completed in double entry form, it appears that the tax prefer. ences enjoyed by public power merely trans- fer the burden of supporting Government from such privileged enterprises to others. In the cage of the apparent savings on the cost of capital, the effect is even more anti- social, for in giving tax exemption on the earnings of capital entrusted to public proj- ects, the Government transfers the tax load which otherwise would be borne by investors to others. This means in part that the tax load which should be borne by so-called unearned in- come on capital is shifted to those who earn income through the sweat of their brow or their brawn. Thus government is in a conspiracy to NUghten the burden on capital and shift the burden to labor. Such shifting would be self-defeating if government ownership of industry became genera). Thirdly, where private power coexists with public power, as in the city of Seattle, a dificult situation is created. The Govern- ment-owned agency has certain inherent ad- vantages that stem from being an instru- ment of government. In general, private business must depend on voluntary orders, whereas government has the latent power to exercise the big stick and use force. One menifestation of this is in reported instances of tie-in sales, where, for example, willing- ness of the city to extend water mains may be tied in with the suggestion that the in- dustrial user agree to take power from the city. Fourthly, with its city franchise expiring in 1952, Puget Power faces the reality that the power to extend or refuse to extend its franchise Nes within the discretion of its competitor, the municipality of Seattle, which owns City Light, the competing agen- cies for distributing current for power and light. In light of such circumstances, what be- comes of the claim that the records of Gov- ernment-owned utilities become yardsticks for measuring the efficiency of private com- panies? . Obviously a yardstick is meaningless for measuring activities that are incomparable. Public power does not carry its full load of the cost of goverment. It gets capital at a discount through conferring privileges of tax exemption, which deprive govern- ment of revenue, which must be recouped from others. Businessmen, who as opportunists take advantage of low rates offered by public power, are inviting socialization of their own industries by the extension of the logic in which they acquiesce. The Border Patrol EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. R. WALTER RIEHLMAN OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. RIEHLMAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include an editorial from the Syra- cuse Post-Standard. A1337 I have been much concerned about the propaganda that has been published in respect to the recent Treasury appro- priation bill. Due to this type of pub- licity I have received considerable mail relative to the immediate curtailment of the border patrol. I was pleased to see that one newspaper which is from my own district came out with an editorial which explains my feelings on this sub- ject and certainly contains the truth in respect to this bill. POLITICAL SHENANIGANS? The Treasury Department is operating on a budget of $695,400,104.49 this year. The House of Representatives, giving first consideration to taxpayers, cut tae budget $80,000,000 for the coming fiscal year. It still will have far more than it did before the war. Why, then, is it necessary to cut down on the border patrol? Why not elimi- nate some of the wartime bureaus no longer absolutely essential? It looks very much as if there may be some Political shenanigans in the situation, even though the Customs Bureau was cut by $6,500,000. - The situation, with border patrol leaders hollering to high heaven that the border will be “wide open" to narcotics, refugees and other illegal goods, seems to reflect seriously on the Republican House. Yet it is also probablo that bureaucrats are trying to hang onto their jobs and are reluc- tant to go into the business of firing help now nonessential and shifting funds to provide for more essential divisions. The Treasury Department, promised $615,- 000,000 in funds, certainly ought to get along all right if it is directed with efficiency and sound common sense. Seventy-two Pearl Harbors Every Year EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EVERETT M. DIRKSEN OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 1. SUMMARY Mr, DIRKSEN. Mr. Speaker, I have introduced H. R. 100, authorizing the appropriation of $50,000,000 with which to marshal the world’s scientific re- sources for an all-out attack on cancer. Cancer is the failure of medicine. By 1950 it is estimated that cancer will kill more persons than the total number of fatal casualties for the United States Army in World War I. Cancer kills 72 times as many people in a year in the United States than the total casualties at Pear] Harbor. Today cancer kills one person every 3 minutes. Cancer has been known from the most ancient times. Despite scientific advancement, the cancer death rate rises steadily. What is needed is an all-out attack. No other disease can compare with cancer as a killer. The situation requires a fresh, inde- pendent effort. II. CANCER I8 THE FAILURE OF MEDICINE “Cancer is the failure of medicine.” This accusation, frequently heard, is a
A1338 reflection of public bitterness in the face of a defeat among many medical tri- umphs. For the triumphs of medicine have been many and have led the world to expect miracles. And yet, the mystery of cancer is still as great, its control still as far away as at the time of Hippocrates. Cancer now takes a greater toll of human life than it did in ages gone by. While the death rate for many common dis- eases has been steadily declining, the death rate for cancer has been increas- ing. The grim and ironic paradox is that medical science has taught us how to save our children from smallpox, from diphtheria, from scarlet fever, from dysenteries and diarrheas, only to have them reach an age at which they may be killed by cancer. Medicine has suc- ceeded magnificently in the effort to pro- long life, so that a baby at birth is said to have a life expectancy of almost 65 years. But though the chances for each baby to reach adulthood are good, the chances for an adult to die of old age have improved hardly at all. UX. CANCER DEATHS Three thousand and six people died of cancer in New York City in the 3- month period, October, November, and December 1939, as compared to 120 deaths of benign tumors, 264 suicides, 66 people murdered, and 3 who died peace- fully of old age. Cancer is essentially a disease of adults. It is because human beings are living longer that cancer is now assum- ing an importance which it formerly did not have. AS more persons reach matur- ity, their chance of being stricken by cancer increases. A woman at 35, a man at 45, enters upon the period of greatest danger. At the very age when a person is at the height of his usefulness to his family, to his community, and to his country, he is struck down by this insid- ious killer. That is why this menace will continue to increase, the misery and suffering it produces will increase, and its cost to society will increase as the progress of hygiene continues to lower the general death rate. Figures from the National Cancer In- stitute, just released, confirm this con- tinuing increase in the number of deaths from cancer. Plotted on a graph, they show a trend which is progressively up- ward and which as yet shows no sign of leveling off. In 1930, 117,623 persons died of cancer, in 1935 the number had risen to 137,549; in 1940, 158,335; and in 1944 the toll was 171,171. By extra- polating present trends, Dr. Louis I. Dub- lin, the eminient statistician of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Co., has predicted that the annual death rate from cancer in this country alone will rise to 203,000 in 1950 and to 270,000 in 1960. Iv. CANCER VERSUS WAR For comparison, the War Department figures as of June 30, 1946, give the total number killed in action and dead of wounds in the Army of the United States in World War II as 201,925. According to the above prediction, in the single year 1950 as many persons will die of cancer, and 10 years later the number will ex- ceed our World War If Army dead by almost 68,000. Four thousand one hundred and eighty-nine Americans lost their lives in - the taking of Iwo Jima. Cancer Kills 40 times that many each year. On the en- tire western front, in the period cover- ing the battle of the bulge, we lost 4,083 men. Cancer kills 41 times that many. Fatal casualties at Pearl Harbor totaled 2,343. Cancer kills 72 times that number of persons every year in the United States. Seventy-two Pearl Harbors a year! Should we not mobilize immedi- ately and thoroughly and with all our forces, financial and intellectual, against an enemy inflicting such damage? Today, cancer kills one person every 3 minutes. During the half hour that it will take me to make this plea fo1 Gov- ernment action to eradicate this plague, 10 people will have died of it. On Janu- ary 26, 1947, we were shocked and hor- rified to learn that our beloved Grace Moore had died in a plane crash in Den- mark. On that same day 480 persons in the United States died of cancer. The horror of a plane crash causes the press to be filled with cries of anguish and out- rage; there are demands for action to prevent these tragedies. Yet when 480 persons die in 1 day of cancer there are only expressions of pity, gestures of despair, and shrugs of futility. V. THE NATURE OF CANCER What is cancer; why is it dreaded so and why have we not yet succeeded in finding a cure for it, or a method of pre- venting it? Cancer is a disease of the cells of the body. It differs from other diseases in that its cells are those which belong to the body proper. In the words of Dr. R. R. Spencer, director of the Na- tional Cancer Institute, “a cancer is a clump of body cells that have gone wrong, that live at the expense of the body and contribute nothing. In other words a bunch of parasitic gangsters.” The cell is the fundamental unit of life. All of us are made of cells, and we begin our existence as cells. Each of us begins as a single cell which by the time of birth has multiplied into 200,000,000,000 cells. Adults have trillions of cells and in the process of development, some mysterious power in our bodies separates these cells into tissues and organs. It is these tis- sues and organs which are organized into the structural and functional harmony which we know as our bodies. This structural and functional har- mony is the greatest mystery in nature, for it is essentially the riddle of life it- self. And yet attached to this mystery is another, equally great, for it happens that sometimes this harmony is dis- turbed. For some reason, or reasons, as yet unknown, cells which have settled down to their preordained functions suddenly begin to multiply. The cells run wild and there is a continuous un- restrained and unorganized new growth of tissue which spreads throughout the body and ultimately causes death. If this growth can be recognized and treated early enough a large number of those so afflicted may be saved. But un- fortunately the diagnosis in a majority of cases is made too late and the victim is doomed to a lingering ordeal of suffer- ing ‘which ceases only with death. What is the cause of this autonomous new growth of tissue? To this simple APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD question there is no simple answer. The fact is that we do not know what makes a normal cell divide, we do not know what it is that causes cells to ag- gregate themselves into tissues and or- gans, we do not know what makes norma! cells stop growing and multiplying. Until we have answers to these funda- mental questions we cannot begin to know how some cells escape from the normal controlling mechanism which governs all other cells. Human gangsters are generally the re- sult of unfavorable socia] conditions. There is considerable evidence to sug- gest that some unfavorable environ- mental condition is responsible for the beginning and continued growth of can- cer. There lies the riddle of cancer. For only when we know what it is that causes certain cells to go berserk can we institute preventive measures, kill off the potential invaders, and thus accomplish & cure. Vi. HISTORY OF CANCER AND CANCER STUDY Cancer has been known from most an- cient times. Some of the oldest medi- cal works in the world, the Egyptian medical papyri, mention it. Hippocra- tes, the greatest physician of antiquity, named the disease, and from his day to this cancer has been an object of study among medical men. The history of in- vestigations into the causes and cure of cancer can be divided into three stages. The first and longest stage may be called the speculative stage. For man’s knowl- edge of this subject did not for many centuries advance beyond the stages of superstition and speculation. The sec- ond stage may be called the descriptive stage. During this period, extending roughly from the sixteenth through the nineteenth century, cancers were mi- nutely studied and classified. The in- vention of the microscope in the seven- teenth century and the advent of the cell theory in the nineteenth century added much to our knowledge of can- cer, its varieties, and how it could be differentiated from other types of tumors. The third stage in cancer study is the modern period, scarcely 50 years old, which can be called the experimenta] stage. It can safely be said that in the last 50 years, by che use of the experi- mental method, we have learned more about cancer and its causes than in all the preceding centuries. We have learned, for example, that there ts no single cause of cancer in the sense that the tubercle bacillus is the cause of tuberculosis or treponema pal- lidum is the cause of syphilis. Accord- ing to R. R. Spencer, Director of the Na- tional Cancer Institute, all investigators have been impressed wit) the multiplic- ity and complexity of the factors that play a part in initiating the process. VIL. RECENT RESEARCHES Cancers may now be induced at. will experimentally by: First. Genetic manipulations, in- breeding and cross breeding. ’ Second. Hormonal imbalances and disturbances. ; Third. Injection or feeding of more than 200 different ‘chemicals some of which are organ specific,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Fourth. The energy agents—X-rays, gamma rays, ultraviolet rays, heat, and soforth. Recent work suggests that neu- trons produced by the cyclotron may ac- tually induce cancer. Neutrons were widely hailed as a possible curative agent. Fifth. A combination or one or more of the foregoing factors. These are, in brief summary, the re- sults of various researches undertaken in recent years by individuals and groups working more or less separately. They are of importance, not only in them- selves, but as pointing out promising paths for further researches, deserving all of money and brain power that the country can muster for them. Despite a great amount of work on the problem of the possible causation of can- cer by an infectious agent, particularly viruses, such agents have not been dem- onstrated, up to the present time, to be the cause of any human cancer. VIX. THE DEATH RATE FROM CANCER GOES UP AND UP Added to our increased knowledge of the biology of cancer are the encouraging results of treatment. With the advent of radium, X-rays, and improved tech- niques of diagnosis and surgery, many persons are alive today who, without the benefit of these recently discovered tech- niques, would have died of cancer. We are told by experts who have devoted their lives to the study of cancer that “an early cancer is curable; a late one usually is not.” And yet, despite the vast amount of knowledge which we have gained, despite the impressive record of patients alive today who, without modern treatment, would have been dead, despite all the efforts and funds expended by numerous laboratories, hospitals, and re- search institutes, the grim fact remains that more persons are dying today of cancer than at the beginning of this cen- tury when the experimental attack upon cancer was launched. Thus in 1900 the mortality rate from this disease per hundred thousand of the population was only 64.0, by 1926 it had risen to 92.0, and in 1940 to 120.3. Making due allow- ance for the fact that part of this rise may be attributed to improved methods of diagnosis, and part to the fact that more persons are living to attain the “cancer age,” the imcrease is sufficiently great and alarming to cause us to regard cancer as one of the most urgent of our public health programs. Ix. AN ORGANIZED APPROACH 18 NEEDED Why have we not progressed further in our efforts to control this disease? Certainly, not for lack of brain power. Some of the greatest minds in the scien- tific world have devoted themselves to the study of this problem and much that we do know about cancer is the result of their efforts. Our failure to conquer this disease is not due to a lack of under- standing of its difficulty, nor to a lack of trained experts—although we need many more than we have. It is due to our lack of an organized approach to the problem, an organized approach sup- ported by adequate financial resources. It is becoming increasingly obvious that a haphazard, small scale approach to this problem is inadequate. The amazing scientific advances of this past war have demonstrated convincingly what an organized approach supported by adequate funds can do. The story of penicillin is an example of this. In 1929, in an obscure London hospital, Doctor, now Sir, Alexander Fleming discovered a contaminating mold upon one of his bac- terial cultures which seemed to be de- stroying the germs with which he was ex- perimenting. Dr. Fleming seized upon this accident, for, as the great Louis Pasteur once remarked, “Chance favors the prepared mind.” He began to study this phenomenon and discovered that the mold secreted a substance which de- stroyed bacteria. He named this sub- stance penicillin. For 10 years this dis- covery went unnoticed although Dr. Fleming made repeated efforts to interest his medical friends. Helpless for lack of funds and assistants, he was obliged to put his discovery aside. And then in 1939, at Oxford, the young and brilliant Dr. Florey, aware that the impending war would place enormous demands upon medical science for new agents to com- bat infection, began a systematic study of certain antibacterial substances which were produced by micro-organisms. Be- cause of this fact they were known as antibiotics. So Florey began a system- atic study of these agents. Note, please, I emphasize the word systematic. In other words, he was making a planned, organized study. One of the first mem- bers of the group which he chose for study was penicillin. Among his assist- ants, for Florey was not a lone worker like Fleming but the director of a team, was Boris Chain, a Russian-born bio- chemist, and Leslie Falk, an American- born physician and bacteriologist. In a short time the remarkable properties of penicillin had been confirmed and tested on man. The attention of our own Na- tional Research Council was attracted to this work and Florey and one of his col- laborators, Heatley, were invited to this country in 1941 where they helped to in- itiate research. Within 30 months after that visit, after an expenditure of $20,- 000,000 and the mobilization of our best experts and the assignment of vast facili- ties in the way of buildings and equip- ment, penicillin was being produced in a volume which made it possible to fill not only all the military needs but also to make this drug available in civilian hos- pitals. The number of dollars which this enterprise cost can easily be added up. No one is yet able even to estimate what the development of penicillin has meant in terms of lives saved. But perhaps the most outstanding example of a monumental advance in science is the development of the atomic bomb. For 50 years scientists in various parts of the world had, singly and in pairs, in isolated laboratories, been knocking at the atomic nucleus, attempt- ing to reveal its nature. The mobilization of a vast number of scientists, engineers, and technicians did not alone create the atomic bomb. The expenditure of billions of dollars could not in itself insure success in She under- taking, but the expenditure of this A1339 amount of money by competent experts in a planned, organized, and sustained effort did bring about the desired result. It is appropriate, in planning our cam- paign against this enemy, that we keep in mind the words of the wise Hippoc- rates, father of medicine and namer of the disease. The art of medicine— He says— has from the earliest ages contained evcry- thing in itself, a principle as well as a method, by means of which, in more spacious times, many beautiful discoveries have been made; the rest will yet be found out if capable investigators, knowing what has already been achieved, commence their re- search from that point. (Neuburger, Max, History of Medicine, London, Frowde, Ox- ford, 1910. Vol. 1, p. 182.) Seventeen million people in this coun- try alone, now living and in health, will die of cancer unless the problem is solved and solved quickly. The chance of sav- ing these lives is slight under present conditions, the work being without cen- tral organization and hampered in many cases by lack of funds. Will $50,000,000, with a coordinated effort of the best scientific minds, give us the answer? No one can say. Our chances of finding the answer, however, will be tremen- dously increased. Fifty dollars is not too much to pay for a good chance of saving 17 lives. Then why not fifty million for 17,000,000 lives? X. WHY THE EMPHASIS ON CANCER AND NOT ON OTHER DISEASES? It has been suggcsted, and will be sug- gested again, that we should attack, rather than cancer, any of several other diseases such as heart disease, the com- mon cold, and tuberculosis. But heart disease, so frequently listed as a cause of death, is seldom really a disease of the heart but rather an effect of innumer- able possible causes ranging from obesity to overexertion. The study of its cause and cure, therefore, would require effort over a fleld even wider than that of can- cer, and to be useful, would be obliged to produce hundreds of answers—one to each possible cause—while it is quite pos- sible that the cancer problem may be taken care of by the isolation of one or two causative agents. The seriousness of the common cold is beginning to be ap- preciated and it is well that it should be. Though never, I believe, directly the cause of death, it opens the door to many types of infection that may be perma- nently damaging or fatal. Economically, it is of prime importance as the princi- pal cause of employee time lost from work. Yet I submit that it is not an en- emy worthy of comparison with cancer, which so frequently gives its victim a year of torture and slow wasting into death. Tuberculosis is a formidable enough disease to warrant any expendi- ture of effort, but does not now need the type of thorough study proposed for can- cer, simply because the basic facts of tuberculosis are known, and encouraging progress is being made in its treatment and cure, and still more important, in its prevention. It may be proposed also that we keep the project of a thorough, coordinated
A1340 study of cancer, but include one or more of the other diseases mentioned, as joint aims. That notion reminds me of the man who flung himself upon his horse and rode madly off in all directions. If anything can ever be safely prophesied of future discoveries, it can be prophesied that the projected cancer research will produce great numbers of discoveries in medicine, chemistry, biology, and phys- ics, that we could not now call to mind as at all likely in this connection. It may well be that some of the discoveries will be of tremendous importance in the treatment or prevention of heart disease, colds, or tuberculosis. But we must not handicap a tremendous effort at research by pointing to two or more different mountain peaks and then shouting en- couragingly to our climbers, “Excelsior.” XI. EXISTING AGENCIES OF GOVERNMENT NOT ENOUGH It may reasonably be asked why it is not contemplated in this bill, as in similar bilts that have been offered, that the work specified be done by or under the direc- tion of such institutions as the United States Public Health Service and under it the National Cancer Institute and the Nationa] Advisory Cancer Council. What I wish is an agency free of the geographical, political, and financial lim- itations of the United States Public Health Service—an independent coor- dinating agency, in a position to deal with foreign government agencies, scientific societies, and individuals. I wish also an agency free to hire anyone anywhere in the world, either to join in researches here or to continue researches elsewhere, to the end of supplying information of value, not only to the United States but to the whole world. This is a world question, not a local one, and we are hampering our project unnecessarily if we give it to an advisory council and a subagency. The cancer research pro- gram’s budget should not be within the budget of the Public Health Service, nor its widespread operations subjected to the administrative control of that agency. What we need is a new start— an independent momentum. xr. CONCLUSION To sum up, what we need is total war- fare against cancer—fundamental re- search in biology, physics, chemistry, medicine, on any question that offers the slightest hope of a connection with the subject of cancer; practical direct study of cancer itself, in animals and in human beings, with pooling and tabulating re- sults; and constant widespread publicity to keep doctors informed of the latest re- sults of researches, and to bring home to possible cancer victims the vital tmpor- tence of early diagnosis and prompt treatment. Making this effort, we will greatly improve the chances of living for 17,000,000 Americans now doomed, and the chances for our children and grand- children to live out their lives to a peace- ful death of old age. And, however this chance may work out, for our $50,000,000 we may be confident of receiving at least $50,000,000 worth of incidental discover- jes in varied scientific fields, making life safer, happier, and richer for America and for all the world. Can We Buy Of the Communists? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, I have just read with great interest an interview which Mr. George Dixon had with a very distinguished Member of Congress. The impelling logic with which an international problem was dis- cussed is worth inserting in the Rrcoap. Under leave to extend, I am inserting a@ portion of the article hy Mr. George Dixon, which appeared in the Times- Herald, Friday, March 28, 1947, for the benefit of the membership of the House: WASHINGTON SCENE (By George Dixon) I was pottering around the Capitol the other day, trying to learn how much we owed to a Grecian urn, when I bumped into Sena- tor Owxzn Brewstzre of Maine. He asked me if I could spare $1,000,000. I said I was a little short for the moment, having transferred all my ready money into cash, but that, just to satisfy an idle curiosity, what did he want with $1,000,000. “I want to change it into 610 bills,” he said, “so that if anybody comes up to me and says he is going to turn Communist un- less I give him some money I can buy him off.” I said that was ridiculous; that you couldn't buy anybody not to become a Communist, and he said: “Are you sure?” T said: “Positively:” And he said: “Then it looks as if we were going to throw away a lot of dough for nothing.” I asked him not to talk in parables and he said he wasn't trying to be parabolic at all, if that is the word, which I greatly doubt. “It seems that all anybody has to do to get money from us,” he said, “is to threaten to go over to communism unless we kick in. It is getting to be the approved way of affecting a quick tap. “We are going to have to buy off a lot of people if the idea gets around that we are always in the market. Heaven knows where it will end.” “But,” I protested, “the threat of com- ‘munism is real and actual in the world, I have just come from Latin-America and the Commies are making alarming inroads there, too. They are spreading their poison- ous tentacles everywhere and——” “And,” interrupted Senator Barwerzr, “you think we can remove the poison from their tentacles with our money?” “That's what these nations seem to be im- plying,” I said, “The idea, as I get it, ts that if we kick in with a few billions, or maybe trillions, they will not go Communist. It seems that nations with a few trillions of our dough are satisfied to struggle along with dem Pad “Well,” replied Senator Barwsrrr, “just think it over. If you knew you could touch somebody for $100 every time you threatened to join the Elks, for instance, don't you think you might figure the touchee was pretty easy pickings?” Senator Barwerzr said all we can really do in the long run for the other nations of the world is show them how to do things for themselves. “How do you make paupers?” he asked. “By continually feeding them.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Crisis in American Education EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LISTER HILL OF ALABAMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. HILL. Mr. President, I was sched- uled to speak this morning before a meet- ing of the Alabama Education Associa- tion, at Birmingham, Ala., on the sub- ject The Crisis in American Education. I was unable to be present at the meet- ing because of the pending business ke- fore the Senate, the question of the con- firmation of the nomination of David E. Lilienthal to be a member of the Atomic Energy Commission. In my absence from the meeting my address was read by Mr. McClellan Van der Veer, the distinguished editor of the Birmingham Age-Herald. I ask unani- mous consent to have the address printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recor», as follows: ‘We live today in the alr age. We are enter- ing the atomic age. We realize only dimly, and fearfully, the wonders of atomic energy, of jet propelled aircraft faster than sound, of radar which literally gives man eyes to see in the dark. We think of these things today almost entirely in terms of war. ‘To most of us atomic energy means the bomb dropped on Hiroshima. The jet motor means a fighter plane or a rocket carrying death and de- struction. But to mankind, these great scientific de- velopments mean vastly more than this. If we are to su:vive, they must mean more than simply new ways to kill and desv-oy. They bring new and inexhaustible sources of power to ease man's age-old burdens, to run his machines, to give new sweetness and light ‘to his civilization. They bring ways of travel and communication which make other peo- ples of the world our next-door neighbors. We must hasten to harness these forces for peace. For all ita science and machines, the world is still a world of men. If mankind is to move forward using scientific knowledge for good, rather than move backward toward atomic destruction and the jungle, all the people in our democracy must understand the meaning of the vast technological devel- opments of recent years. All the people must be educated to take part in their control and construttive use. Understanding and control of these vast forces cannot safely be confined to the scien- tists, the military, and the politicians. “The will of the people is the only legitimate foun- dation of any government.” In this swiftly ‘Moving age, it must be a will based upon knowledge. Upon the slender shoulders of our chil- ‘Aten rests the hope of Alabama's future. Indeed, upon them rests the hope of cur Nation and the world for enduring, prosper- ous peace—the hope for life in a Christian world. Our children must be trained not only to meet the problems of Alabama, but the problems of the Nation and of the world. The quality and completeness of their edu-: cation will determine the destiny of our great State. Their contributions to the Nation will determine the kind of world they live in. Our children must be trained as world citizens, .
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The task of educating our children for tomorrow rests largely upon you who ait here today—the teachers of the public schools of America. We cannot exaggerate the im- portance of that task. Let me quote you the views of a great American on the job education must do. “It is up to the schools to provide future generations in all countries with education, leading to a re end understanding for the people and the problems of every nation. For your own part, you should teach our children to abstain from prejudgment of other nations and races, and to strive for as full a knowledge as possible of America and the rest of the world, without hatred and without prejudice.” Those are not the words of an educator. They are the words of a great soldier, Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower. Are we doing all we can to build an edu- cation system equal to this need? With 3,000,000 adult Americans who have never attended any kind of school, what can we answer? Ten million have had so little schooling that they are practically illiterates. They cannot read or write well enough to earn a decent living. They cannot even un- derstand the basic facts about the world they live in. This year 5,000,000 children will receive inferior education and an additional 2,- 000,000 will suffer a major impairment in their schooling. Seventy-five thousand un- fortunate children will receive no education of any kind this year. That is what is happening to the minds which must build the United States of to- morrow America cannot very long keep its place in scientific achievement, its economic and cultural vitality, its moral leadership, unless it seeks out and trains among its youth the intellect which can maintain this leadership. Other nations already are acting to con- serve and develop their human resources. The United States, richest Nation in the worla, is spending only 1.5 percent of its national income for education. Great Brit- ain spends 3 percent and Russia spends 7.5 percent. ' If we would keep the strength and the greatness that is America, we cannot longer delay action. What we must nave is a new realization of the importance of the school teacher to our American democracy. The teacher is the central figure in the education process. Inevitably the qualities and influence. of the teacher are woven into the character of the Nation. In the words of Thomas Jefferzon, no surer foundation can be de- vised for the preservation of freedom and happiness than public education. We entrust the minds and characters of our most precious resource—our children— to the teacher for many hours in the day. We look to the teacher to mold the child for the responsibilities of manhood and womanhood. Yet, in the face of this, we are guilty of shocking neglect of our teachers, Last year there were 25,000 teachers in America who were paid less than 6600 a year. More than 4,000 of those teachers were here in Alabama. Over the whole Nation the aver- age teacher's salary in 1944 was 81,755. Janitors and charwomen in public buildings were paid more. Teaching {s so unattractive today as a profession that only 7 percent of the students in college plan to become teachers. In 1920, 22 percent of all students wished to enter the teaching profession. Only 2 per- cent of the million veterans now in college plan to teach. : Right now the legislatures of a good many States, alarmed by empty classrooms and emergency certificate teachers,.are cautiously opening their pocketbooks with the idea of “buying” more teachers. But frugal ine creases in State education budgets will not xemedy the shortage of competent, trained teachers. Price rises which have already taken place will cancel out most of these salary increases. As of July 1046, a salary of $2,100 was needed to match the buying power of the average salary of 61,470 which was paid to our teachers in 1941. The Miami Herald recently contrasted the pay of Florida teachers with that of grooms at the race track. “The groom with a minimum salary of €2,400 a year doesn't need much education. He does what he's told by the trainer and knows how to curry a horse, apply liniment and bandages. He leads the horse off the track after the race. . The teacher must have a college degrec, starts at $1,400 a year, and in 10 years can work up to a salary equal to that of the groom. His job is to shape the destinies of the Nation, teach the children of America, dress neatly, set a good example. and be looked upon as a leader.” For too long America has tried to get by with “bargain counter prices” in educa- tion. We have not been willing, for the vital job of training our childen, to pay adequate salaries which would attract and hold outstanding men and women of imagi- nation and intellectual courage. As a result, the public school teacher has become the Vanishing American. The Nation's public school classrooms are normally staffed by about 900,000 teachers. Since 1939, more than a third—350,000—have abandoned their chosen profession. Many thousands of teaching positions have been kept filled only by employment of three or four different persons within a single year. Increasing wotk has been piled on fewer teachers. In January 1946, there were 109,- 000 teachers with emergency certificates. Ex- perienced teachers could not be found. Such a turn-over of employees would wreck a business or industry. A school system can- not go bankrupt. It can only reveal years from now that the children it professed to train are educationally bankrupt. Crowded classrooms, poor and inadequate equipment, short school terms mean that our children fail to fill the golden minute with 60 seconds distance run. They mean that our children are denied their birthright of a minimum American education. A 6-monta survey of the Nation's schools by a distinguished authority for the New York Times brought the conclusion that al- though American schools did not suffer a single air raid, “they are being wrecked just as surely as though they had been blasted by heavy bombers.” We have been disposed to pass off the worst aspects of this condition as an emergency due to war. A year and a half has passed since VJ-day and the number of emergency teachers is still going up. The emergency did not end with the war. Instead it has grown worse. We should be grateful that many teachers, out of their fine loyalty and their devotion to the children they teach, have stayed on the job. To them we pay tribute. But we cannot expect these teachers to stay on and on in the classroom, at inadequate pay, while the cost of living goes up and other jobs pay more. We might as well admit that there is no cheap way to education. The hour demands a Bill of Rights for the teacher. A Bill of Rights guaranteeing a salary which will enable the teacher to en- joy a good standard of living, permit recrea- tion and travel, continued study and educa- tional growth, and insure security in old age. This Bill of Rights must go further. It must recognize the essential worth and dig- nity of the teacher anc assure him full op- portunity to take part in the life of the com- munity—outside the classroom. The teacher must be free of the petty restraints and in- terferences with his personal life so often imposed in many communities. Teaching has for a long time been called @ profession. It is time to make it a pro- feasion in fact—appreciated and honored in A1341 the community, adequately paid, and ac- Claimed for devoted public service. The immediate question is, how can this be achieved? A Bill of Rights for the teacher does not establish itself. It requires public under- standing and public support to become a reality. First, there must be a new consciousness by the public and by State and local officials of their obligations. I call for action by the people on prob- lems which can be solved by local action. I say to the parents: Join with your school boards, your State representatives and of- ficials to meet here at home the problems you can handle at home. Second, we must recognize that there are broad discrepancies in the opportunity for education provided within the States. Even in the wealthier States, some school systems are well financed while others are at the poverty level. Generally the rural schools are the poorest. The States should act to equalize educational opportunity within their borders by establishing a minimum financial support in all school districts. But there is a third indispensable step. For even when the States have done all they can, not every child in America can have a@ free, adequate education. Some of the States, and generally those with the most children, simply do not have the income to provide a minimum American education. As it has been well put: “The children are where the money ain't.” The Federal Government must step in. The problem of poorly educated Americans is the whole country’s problem. The low- income States, as a group, already are trying harder than the richer States to support their schools. The 10 States ranking iowest in educa- tional opportunity spend more of their in- come on education than the 10 highest ranking States. New York, for example, is first in the amount spent per classroom, but only twenty-seventh in amount of State in- come devoted to education. Here in the South, we carry the burden of high tax rates for schools, but we have far leas education money to spend per child than any other section of the country. Much of the wealth of the richer States has been drawn from the poorer States. But the poorer States cannot tax this wealth. We know some of the reasons why Ala- bama’s income is low. It is an old story: A hundred years of high tariff policy that sapped our economic strength. Twenty-five years under a freight rate structure devised deliberately to choke our economic develop- ment. Financial policies at Washington that worked against us. Other systems for exact- ing tribute from the South designed by pri- vate interests. Some of our fights for economic justice have been won. But the lost years cannot be recaptured. Systems imbedded in our na- tional economy cannot be ‘coted out in a day. Alabama, predominantly an agricultural State, still sends millions of dollars each year into other States for the purchase of auto- mobiles, farm machinery, clothing and mane ufactured goods of all kinds. Alabama cannot get a penny of taxes from the profits derived from the millions of Alabama dollars sent out of her borders. The same is true in all other Southern States. But we can insist that since our economic system recognizes no State boundaries the child born in Alabama shall have the same opportunities as the child in Detroit, or Pitts burgh, or New York. Through Federal aid to education Alabama can get back some of her dollars. Federal aid may be looked upon as a small measure of re- turn for the tribute the South has been pay- ing to other sections through the years. The drain upon the South does not stop with her material resources and her dollars. It exteads to her human resources as well.
A1342 By offering greater economic opportunity other sections siphon away her manpower and intelligence. Inevitably the Southerners who leave our region are those of ambition and education. Fed, clothed, and housed during their unproductive childhood; edu- cated at Southern expense, the young men and young women who leave the South rep- resent an investment which pays dividends to other sections. Our national security in time of war, our economic prosperity, our capacity to lead the world to peace—these draw no State lines. Tn time of national danger we had to make use of all the country’s manhood and ‘womanhood to wield the weapons and maa the machines. The experience of the Selective Service has shown clearly that in this day of specialists, the illiterate can contribute little to national defense. During the war we were forced to reject because of educational deficiencies al- mcst as many men as we deployed in combat divisions in the entire Pacific war. Selective Service rejected more than 2,000,000 men for other deficiencies which for the most part could have been prevented through an ade- quately supported public-school program. The relationship between education and individual earning power has been made clear by many studies. among them a recent. survey by the United States Chamber of Commerce. Recall the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson: “Efficient universal education is the mother of prosperity.” Consistently. in all States and in all occupations, the higher the level of education, the higher the in- come. Por more than 20 years I have been in the fight to have the Federal Government meet its responsibility to equalize educational op- portunity by providing aid to the States. My concern with the problems of educa- tion goes back to 1917. when at years of age, I was elected president of the Board of Education in my home city of Montgomery. A few years later when I was sent to the Congress by the people of my District. this early experience gave me a deep sense of the Nation's obligation to its children, a keen awareness of the insufficient concern for our teachers. I joined then the struggle for Federal aid which year by year has gained recognition. I have watched support grow in the Congress and over the Nation. In the early days of the fight, we literally were ringed in on three sides by the foes of Federal aid. . ven in the ranks of education there were many who did not see the necessity and the fundamental justice of Federal aid to equal- ize the opportunity for jeg ® in America. There was necessary, &@ process of education among the educators themselves. On the political front, many raised the false issue of States’ rights. I know of no right of a State to have its citizens ignorant. Still today we hear the cry that Federal ald is the camel’s nose under the tent—the first step to Federal interference with State edu- cational systems. No one stands more strongly than I against any such interference. All legislation pro- posing Federal aid which I have sponsored has contained specific safeguards against any Federal interference with State admin- istration and control of the public-school systems. Actually, what is the history of Federal aid to education in America? It began with the Ordinance of 1785 issued under the Articles of Confederation. And since 1802 the Congress hes passed more than 150 laws authorising some form of Federal aid for public education. The worthy agricultural and educational programs at Auburn, our land-grant college, have been financed from the very beginning largely by Federal funds. The University of Alabama also has received substantial Fed- eral funds. Education in Alabama's high schools and trade schools has benefited tre- mendously by generous Federal grante for vocational education. The threat to States’ rights in Federal aid to education is a bogeyman which frightens few people today. And still ranged against us in the fight for Federal aid we find the old familiar faces of reaction. Since Revotutionary days our citi- zens have had to fight against those who opposed the “diffusion of knowledge” among the people—against those who never believed in the people's right to know. Now, as then, they believe in monopoly of power—whether it is money, political rights, or education. For knowledge, too, is power. Just as they would monopolise money, lands, and economic power—just as they would re- strict the vote and political preference to a small group—so do the reactionaries still seek to keep tight the ranks of the educated. They fight a losing battle. But they are not yet put to rout. [If you doubt it, remem- ber that 8,000,000 adults have never been to any school, that 10,000,000 more are practi- cally illiterate—remember the one-room schools, remember that one out of every four teachers recetves leas than 625 a week. No, the forces against equal opportunity for education are not yet defeated. But believe me, my friends, we are moving steadily forward. Today the bill in the Congress which would authorize Federal aid for education, spon- sored by the National Education Asscciation, was jointly introduced by members of both the Democratic and Republican Parties. That is the significant thing, the important thing. This cause which began with so few friends has now won the support of out- standing members of both major political parties. It has become a bipartisan goal. Like the insuring of lasting world peace, the education of America's youth is so urgent that neither major political party can dis- claim responsibility for it. How fast Congress moves to the goal de- pends upon the people back home. We in Washington cannot move faster than the will of the people decrees. You, the teachers, have a responsibility. From your first-hand knowledge, you must let the people know the plight of education in America. You must let them know the desperate condition of their schools. If we would get action, you must do every- thing you can. America today must render her decision: Will we be true to future American genera- tions or will we quibble over educating our youth for world leadership and world peace? We have at this moment our opportunity to lead mankind forward and upward over a new frontier and into a new era. We failed to grasp such an opportunity at the end of the First World War. Destiny has now blessed us by giving us a second chance. It may be the last. We cannot count on a third. Today we sound “forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat.” America’s children shall be educated. America's teachers shall be honored and adequately paid. America shall maintain her leadership in the building of a world of peace with freedom and justice. Portal-Pay | EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN SHERMAN COOPER OF KENTUCKY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March .28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Appendix of the Rucoap an editorial entitled “Portal-Pay Bill,” from the- Washington Evening Star of March 24, 1947. There being no objection, the edito- rial was ordered. to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: PORTAL-PAY BILL Those who oppose the current effort of Congress to deal with the problem raised by the flood of portal-to-porta! suits have cen- tered their heaviest fire in support of the contention that the pending legislation would destroy the Wages and Hours Act. It is difficult to believe that this contention has merit. Both the House and the Senate have passed measures designed to deal with the problem. There are differences between the two bills, however, and these will have to be reconciled in conference. But since the 6s- sential ts have been aimed at the Senate bill, it is against its provisions that the criticiams can best be appraised. It is clear from the debate that the au- thors of the bill, Senators Donnew, of Mis- souri, and Cooprr, of Kentucky, had no thought that it would emasculate the Wages and Hours Act, and since it is the congressional intent which governs, their views are entitied to respect. What they have tried to do is to draft legislation which would be adequate to cope with the abuses that have sprung up in the wake of the tortured meanings which the Su- preme Court has read into the law, partic- ularly the $6,000,000,000 in suits which have been filed against employers. They concede that some inequities may result. But they also take the view that inequities are inevitable in any event, and that the larger public interest requires that there be a Icgislative ban placed on portal- to-portal suits based on a court-made defini- tion of the term workweek. In doing this, according to Senator Coopzz, there has been no interference with the wage and hour administrator's control over the period of principal activity. In other words, the provisions of the wage- hour law and the authority of the adminis- trator remain undisturbed so far as what might be called the generally accepted work- day is concerned. It ts only with respect to the periods immediately preceding and immediately following the usual working pe- riod that the Senate biji, in its main aspect, undertakes to legislate. These are the pe- riods during which the portal claims have arisen and it is these claims which the amendments are designed to strike down. If experience shows that, in fact, the wage- hour law has been vitiated, there will then be time enough to take remedial action. Meanwhile, it is to be hoped that the pend- ing legialation, after conference adjustment, will be passed. Price Makers EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. JAMES E. MURRAY OF MONTANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: PRICE MAKERS Edwin G. Nourse, chairman of the Presi- dent’s Council of Economic Advisers, does not hold with the theory that industrialists can do nothing about high prices, because prices are established by impersonal market forces. On the contrary, Dr. Nourse declares that “over large areas of economy prices und the course of business are determined by highly personalized administrative decisions made by officials of business organizations.” He is quite right in concluding that the forces of competition do not dictate the price policies of a society dominated by giant cor- porations, big financial institutions, and Nation-wide unions. Within limits, a dom- inant corporation may set price standards for an entire industry and often does. If the policy of the dominant management is to charge as much as the traffic will bear, prices may be higher than they would be under a system of competitively fixed prices. Or if the policy looks toward expanding sules, prices may be set below competitive levels. Of course, there ure limita to this person- alized, administrative price-fixing, because of changing production costs. If a dominant trade union succeeds in raising wages and hence production costs, management may be forced to raise prices as an alternative to selling at a loss. No businessman is a completely free agent, even if he possesses monopolistic powers. Nevertheless, there is a choice open to many industrialists of either exploiting scarcity by boosting prices to the limit or else adjusting prices so as to yield fair profits. A few leaders of in- dustry have had the long sight to realize that they can best serve themselves and the public by resisting inflationary trends. ‘A similar choice is open to labor unions. They may be compelled to demand some wage increases as an Offset to rising living costs. But they can do much to arrest further advances in prices and the cost of living by moderating their demands. To sum up: Price making ts not the automatic process that some apologists for high-price policies allege. Competition has always worked imperfectly and under present un- balanced conditions of demand and supply, it is a very defective mechanism upon which to rely. That is why a trained economist such as Dr. Nourse can criticize those who push prices upward aggressively and de- nounce them as foes of the private-enter- prise system without injury to his profes- sional reputation. A Return to Local Self-Government EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES P. KEM OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. KEM. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address on the subject A Return to Local Self-Gov- ernment, delivered by me at the annual dinner of the Bar Association of St. Louis, in St. Louis, Mo., March 24, 1947. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rxc- ORD, as follows: I. THE IMPORTANCE OF GOVERNING OURSELVES This very pleasant occasion comes only 9 days after March 15, a black day on our calendar, indissolubly connected in all our minds with the payment of the income tax. This year a Pittsburgh man was moved to write an open letter to Congress in which he declared that he was astonishec to find his Federal taxes were 37 times as great as his local taxes. “A comparatively small amount (one thirty-seventh as much as my Federal taxes) ,” he said, ‘‘paid for all public- school facilities, all police protection, sani- tary service, including street cleaning and garbage collection.” He said further: “A similar comparison could be shown by prac- tically every taxpayer in this country, whether he pays much or little. Unless we have embarked openly on a policy of con- fiscation of property of the citizens, Federal taxes must be reduced until they are in line with other taxes.” To see why this taxpayer has now reached the point at which he finds himself aston- ished, we need only look at two items: (a) The size of the Federal debt, which, according to official sources, is presently $261,500,000,000, an increase in 15 years from $19,500,000,000, Oo: 1,241 percent; (b) the number of civilian employees on the Federal pay rail, which was at the end of January 1947 in excess of 2,200,- 000. an increase of over 1,600,000 from 15 years ago, or 801 percent. Today Congress is under constant pressure to extend the scope and character of the serv- ices rendered by the Federal Government. New avenues of spending are constantly being opened up. In the first month of the Eightieth Congress over 30 bills were intro- duced increasing the powers of the Govern- ment at Washington. The effect of every one of them, if enacted into law, would be to make the Federal Government bigger and to cost the taxpayers more money. For my part, I am convinced that the only way out of the difficulties in which we find ourselves is to reverse this trend and return to the principle under which America grew great and strong—the principle of local self- government. I should like to address myself briefly to this subject tonight. 1. ADVANTAGES OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT Mr. de Tocqueville, the Frenchman, who objectively and understandingly observed the American experiment in government soon after it was launched on this continent, said: “The American practices the art of govern- ment in a small sphere within his reach; he accustoms himself to those forms which can alone insure the steady progress of liberty; he imbibes their spirit; he acquires a taste for order * * * and collects clear, practical notions on the nature of his duties and the extent of his rights.” If our experience of 112 years since this book was first published has shown us any- thing, it is that the active, informed, and intelligent interest of the individual citizen in the affairs of his local community must be aroused, if we are to have good government at any level. The level of intelligence, eMf- clency, and integrity of larger units cannot rise above the level of these qualities in the smaller units in which the citizen lives and works. Thomas Jefferson was a practical theorist rather than a doctrinaire visionary. He sought certain results from government— chiefly the freedom and welfare of individ- uals—and, although he held strongly to de- fined notions about how these. ends were best obtained, he was willing to put aside his preferences where a satisfactory result seemed more readily obtainable under other methods. Jefferson described the New England town- ship system as “the wisest invention ever devised by the wit of man for the perfect exercise of self-government.” By an efficient system of local sel’-government, Jefferson hoped to accomplish two major objectives relating to administration: First, to make the management of governmental affairs sub- ject directly to the oversight and control of A1343 the people, and, second, to avoid the creation of a bureaucracy of professional officeholders by giving each citizen, to the greatest prac- tical extent, a persona! share in the business of public administration. Let us check Jefferson's theories against the observation and experience of a compe- tent present-day observer. In an address at Chicago on January 16, 1947, Hon. Millard F. Caldwell, the Governor of Florida, said: “The present tendency of the people to slide back into indifference and look to some higher authority for the solution of all of their problems and a way out of all of their difficulties must be reversed. The citizen- ship must be aroused to a sense of civic re- sponsibility und to the exercise of civic energy and initiative if democracy is to sur- vive. The trend cannot be reversed as long as the State attempts to solve local prob- lems and the Federal Government attempts to solve Etate problems. Neither can the people be stirred from their apathy under a something-for-nothing policy. As far as is feasible, the unit which spends the money should have the burden of raising it. Fed- eral and State hand-outs do not make for strong local government or responsible citizenship.” 11]. WHEN AND HOW FEDERAL POWER IS INCREASED There have been four periods in our his- tory during which the power of the Federal Government has been increased and that of the local government has been reduced at an accelerated rate: 1. During and following the Civil War; 2. During and following World War I; 8. During and following the depression of the early thirties 4. During World War I. We now find ourselves in the period fol- lowing World War II. The question is: Shall the trend continue? There are a nu.aber of ways in which this increase in Federal power has been accom- plished: (a) Amendments to the Federal Constitu- tion: This system was used following the Civil War when the control over certain qualifications to vote was denied to the respective States. Most important is the sixteenth amendment, which gives to the Federal Government the power to levy the income tax. It is interesting to recall that in 1894 Mr. Joseph H. Choate, appearing before the Supreme Court as counsel oppos- ing as unconstitutional the first income tax law (Pollock v. Farmers Loan and Trust Co. (157 U. 8. 759) ), said to clinch his argument, as a reductio ad absurdum, that if such a communistic march be continued we might see 20 percent of a man's income taken as a Federal tax. (b) Encroachment by the Executive: The executive department has been able by a process of attrition to enhance the power of the Federal Government at the expense of the States. Executive directives have granted to Federal departments authority and con- trol over many State functions. This has frequently occurred in agriculture, where the President has, by Executive order, au- thorized control and regulation over func- tions normally under the jurisdiction of the States. The executive branch of the Fed- eral Government has also influenced State legislation. (c) Supreme Court decisions: The Federal courts have gradually enhanced the Federal power by interpretation. The stern arbitra- ment of arms in the Civil War established the principle that the Federal Government, through its courts, is the final judge of its own powers. Probably, the greatest expan- sion of Federal power ever received from Federal interpretation was the result of the opinion of the Supreme Court in the case of National Labor Relations Board v. Jones and Laughlin Steel Corp. (301 U. 8.1). By
A1344 thia decision and those that followed it, Fed- eral jurisdiction was extended over sub- stantially all industry in the United States. The only limitation is the good sense and the Conservative temper of the people of the United States, who generally agree that giant corporations doing business in severa] States are, through their very nature, outside the fiela of local regulation. The strong arm of the Federal Government should deal with them. Where there is a concentration of economic power, there must of necessity be ®@ concentration of governmental authority. (a) Treaties: The treaty power is also used to increase the Federal jurisdiction. An example is the treaty entered into be- tween the United States and Great Britain concerning the destruction of migratory birds passing between the United States and Canada. This treaty was in conflict with the game laws of many States. The State of Missouri challenged these restrictions, but © in 1920 the Supreme Court upheld the treaty (Missourt v. Holland (292 U. 8. 416) ). (e) Emergency agencies: Activities of Federal agencies created under the emer- gency of war have greatly enhanced Federal power and reduced State jurisdiction. Fed- eral control of public works, new labor laws, legislation for emergency relief of agricul- ture, social security and unemployment leg- islation, have resulted in the exercise of Federal power where before it was consid- ered to be solely within the State jurisdic- tion. Of course, no one criticizes the grant- ing of any power required by the central government in the prosecution of the war during the period of the war. (f) Subsidies: Time will not permit us tonight to wander far into the wonderland of Government subsidies. One difficulty of such an adventure is that none of the Gov- ernment departments can agree on what a subsidy is. The Budget Bureau, on request of Senator Brxp, has worked out one list of 81 subsidies. To thicken the fog. there is a baker's dozen ways to pay subsidies. Some keep prices up—some keep them down. One thing. they all have in common. Each is a method, authorized by Iaw, more or less explicitly, to siphon money out of the Fed- eral Treasury. Items in the President’s budget that can be identified as subsidies totaled $2.500,- 000,000 ending last June 80. That figure dropped off to $718,000,000 for the current 12 months, and the President's budget calls for 442,000,000 in the next 12-month period, which tan‘t exactly hay. Federal subsidies are part and parcel of the same process of centralization by which Hitler made 80,000,000 Germans goose-step and cry, “Heil Hitler.” The first thing he did when he came into power was to wipe out the states of the German Republic. Then, by subsidies, he undermined self-reliance and destroyed personal initiative. He re- moved the counterbalance of local govern- ment. What a train of human suffering fol- lowed. (g) Grante-in-aid: In 1857 a bill was in- troduced by Congressman Morrill for the endowment, support and maintenance of at least one college in each State to teach branches of learning as are related to agri- culture and the mechanical arts. This bill was strenuously opposed by the Southern States as an attempted usurpation of power of the Federal Government, and after pass- ing both Houses, President Buchanan vetoed it. In 1862, after the Southern States had seceded, the bill was again passed and be- came law. This is known as the Morrill Act and is generally considered to be the incep- tion of Federal grants-in-aid to States. From this small beginning, the Federal aid principle has grown until in the year 1940 the State of Missouri received Federal aid of nearly $125,000,000. Great oaks from little acorns grow. There are today in operation Federal-aid programs in the general fields of (1) forestry and agri- culture, (2) education, (3) health and wel- fare, (4) public assistance, (5) unemploy- ment compensation, (6) emergency unem- Ployment relief. Let this be clearly under- stood: I regard many of the purposes for which Federal aid is being used as among the prime and beneficent es of gov- ernment. The point made is that they are not, for the most part, proper activities of the central government in a fcieral union of states. Many bills are pending in the present Congress for the p of extend- ing and amplifying the principle of Federal aid into new fields of far-reaching impli- cation—for instance, into the fields of medi- cal care and nursing and slum clearance. The one that opens up the largest field for spending Federal money is perhaps the bill which proposes to appropriate, after the sec- ond year, the sum of @260,000,000 annually, to be divided among some of the States for public education. While the advocates of the bill disclaim any intention to introduce Federal control of education, to many of us it seems that this would follow as night fol- lows day. The committee on education at the recent annual convention of the National Grange made this forthright statement: “Your committee does not believe that the remedy for our present difficulties in the fleld of education is to be found in securing Fed- eral appropriations for the support of the public schools. Our best hope of preserving American democracy lies in ing the independence and sovereignty of the States. If the States want to remain sovereign and independent, they must perform the func- tions which naturally fall within their sphere. Education is one of thoee functions. “The grange has always stood for local and State control of our public schools, because in that direction only lies the path of true progress in educational affairs. In the long run, Federal appropriations for the public schools and Federal control would go hand in hand.” Tt is nothing short of prodigal (or shall we suy illogical) for the Federal Govern- ment, with a public debt in excess of $261,- 000,000,000 and unable, for at least 16 years, to balance its budget, to make princely gifts to the States, only one of which did not have a balance in its general funds at the end of 1945. As compared to the Federal debt, the total public debt of all 48 States in 1945 was less than $2,500,000,000, and the balances on hand reduced this liability to but lttle more than §1,000,000,000. It can reasonably be assumed that it is now less. Why should the Congress appropriate as gifts to financially sound States money that it does not have and can obtain only by borrowing upon the credit of the American people, to be repaid by our children sometime and someway? TV. A REVERSAL IN THE TREND The need is for better coordination or correlation between the Federal and State Government. Jefferson likened our Govern- ment to the planetary system, with each unit revolving within ite own proper consti- tutional orbit. This requires a generally rec- ognised understanding as to the fields in which each unit will operate, both with ref- erence to taxing and spending. The neces- sary harmony cannot exist when one unit ts poaching on the preserves of another. We have learned from a somewhat exten- sive experience in this country that the votce of a commission is not the voice of God. With full knowledge of this I am bold enough to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD suggest that a commission drava from both the executive and legislative branches of the Federal and State Governments study this matter and make recommendations as to the proper fields of endeavor for each. Competi- tion for the tax dollar should cease. Certain taxes, as for instance the gasoline tax, should be designated for the exclusive use of the States. Care should be taken that the sources of revenue allocated to the States be ade- quate, so that the States will have the means to discharge their constitutional functions. They should not be heard to say that they pre stepping aside for the Federal Govern~ ment because they do not have the money to do what they ought to do. The available evidence indicates that the people desire to return to the principle of local self-government. They have tried bu- reaucratic government at Washington and have learned that it is always expensive and often ineficient. They have weighed the principle of centralization in the balance and have found it wanting. In 1945 there was introduced in the Mis- souri Legislature a resolution to “give notice to the Congress of the United States that. Missouri now takes the lead among the States in helping solve the Federal debt crisis and that it will refrain and forbear the demand- ing of further grants from Congress.” Perhaps the State of Colorado ts entitled to the credit of being the first in the field, since in 1944 Colorado turned down United States funds for vocational training program, stat- ing bluntly that it could do a better Job. But it remained for the State of Indiana to go in to win with characteristic vigor. In January this year the General Assembly of the State of Indiana passed House Concurrent Resolution 2, in which it said: “We Hoosiers—like the people of our sister States—were fooled for quite a spell with the magicjan’s trick that a dollar taxed out of our pocketa and sent to Washington will be bigger when it comes back to us. We have taken . core ent ‘At aud dollar. We find that it ost we! Journey to Washington and back. The political brokerage of the bureau- crats has been deducted. We have decided that there is no such thing as Federal aid. We know that there is no wealth to tax that is not already within the boundaries of the 48 States, * * © “Be it resolved by the House of Representa- tives of the General Assembly of the State of Indtana (the Senate conourring), That we respectfully petition and urge Indiana's Con- greasmen and Senators to vote to fetch our county courthouse and city halls back from Pennsylvania Avenue. We want government to come home.” The history of Mberty is a history of the limitation of governmental power, not the increase of it. The fever chart of Uberty is a record of resistance, not of supine ac- ceptance, We ere on warning to withstand all be- ginnings of encroachment, “For the sad- dest epitaph,” Mr. Justice Sutherland said, “which can be carved in of a van- ished liberty is that it was lost because !ts possessors fgtled to stretch forth a saving hand while yet there was time.” It ts later perhaps than we think, but there is yet time to return in this country to the principle of local self-government. In the closing days of the convention that framed the Constitution, Benjamin Franklin was asked what kind of a government was set up in the new Constitution. He “We have given them a republic if they can keep it.” We Missourians have always loved the republic of our fathers. Let us do our full shire to save it in its constitutional form as a Federal republic—to cherish and preserve it for ourselves, for our children and our children’s children,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Abuse of Power EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES E. MURRAY OY MONTANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recozp a very thoughtful editorial entitled “Abuse of Power” appearing in the Washington Post of March 26, 1947. This editorial points out the dangerous trend of con- gressional encroachment upon the ap- pointment function of the executive branch of our Government. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrconp, as follows: ABUSE OF POWRR No alien agent could devise a doctrine more pernicious or more subversive of Amer- ican political principles than the proposal now being put forward by certain Members of Congress that the appropriation power be used to rule the personnel policies of the executive branch of the Government. If this proposal is permitted to prevail, Con- gress will have annulled the separation of powers which the framers of the Constitution deemed essential to the maintenance of American freedom. The legistature, designed to serve as one of three coordinate elements of a system delicately balanced to forbid tyranny, will have assumed absolute control through a coup d’état. [he resu't will be a form of dictatorship—no leas d@ictetorial and no less alien to American traditions if ex- ercised by a group of men than if exercised by one man alone. chose, to the Secretary the President of the United States. And if the Supreme Court interposed a judicial pro- hibition, Congress might sweep it aside by the same device of withholding the funds requisite to its support. That the power to do this is inherent in the appropriation power does not make the use of it any less evil and despotic. Each element of the tri- partite American Government is expected to employ its power with restraint and in con- quity into his character and qualifications, be denied of@ice through s denial of funds to his vital agency. Thus the constitutional of the President to nominate and of the Senate to confirm could be set aside Dy @ mere majority in the House. Govern- ment service, subject to such harards, would scarcely seem alluring to men of originality and initistive. This is a formula for restrict- ing public office to the second rate. Communism EXTENSION OP HON. SHERIDAN DOWNEY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. DOWNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a statement by Eric Johnston, president of the Mo- tion Picture Association of America, be- fore the Committee on Un-American Ac- tivities, House of Representatives, on March 27, 1947. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rxcorp, as follows: One of the intensive issues in America to- day is whether the Communist Party ts an American political party or a fifth column of foreign agents engaged in an undercover against .be welfare and safety of the United States. In view of recent developments at home and abroad, I believe tt is essential for the Congress to outline a policy definitely fixing the status of Communists and the Commu- nist Party in the United States. The evidence is conciusive that Commu- nists are a disruptive force in American in- austry and labor, and that their constant undercover movements are designed to cre- ate chaos and conflict and to cripple our Productive system in every way they can. What most Americans want to know is whether these disruptive tactics are inspired and motivated by Soviet Russia; whether American Communists owe their loyalties and allegiance to Rusia. Communist is or is not a foreign agent. When 1 suggest that course, 1 am not con- cerned about the legitimate political activi- ties of Communists or any other minority group. I believe that under the Constitu- tion, an American citizen has a right to advocate a coilectivist form of society in this countzy if he eo desires. The Socialists advocate a form of economic collectivism, but no one accuses them of disloyalty or con- apiracy. They are loyal Americans who oper- ate within the framework of our constitu- tional system. America has never been afraid of new ideas. We welcome them in all flields—political, eco- nomic, and social. The free play of ideas is the strength of democracy. It is the com- petition of ideas which makes America strong. But sedition is not competition. It is conspiracy. Consequently, I am concerned about the conspiratorial activities of the Communists. IT am eoncerned about the charge that Com- munists in this country are foreign agents , the American Communist Party is A1345 in fact an arm of an international conspiracy whose purpose is to overthrow this Govern- ment by force and violence. Conspiratosial activities do not constitute legitimate political activities and they should not be tolerated under that guise. Thare is mo constitutional immunity for sedition, subversion, or treason. But when we consider specific legislation @ealing with the Communist Party we must make sure that we @on't chip away our free- doms to get at conspirators. It would be evasive to contend that nothing should be Gone; tt would be folly to do anything which might, in the long run, prove as harm/iu) as the things we seck to correct. By word or deed we must never give the impression that Communists are outside the pale of the law's protection. There is no legitimate prey for manhunts in the United States; such things are repugnant to the moral sense of the American people. The protection of the in- Nocent is stil} supreme; there is no higher @uty under our Americar system of juris- prudence. I would rather have the Communists on the ballot than risk the danger of undermin- ing the right of franchise. I would prefer to extend the Communists every right to prope- gate their betiefs by means of the written or spoken word thon to risk the danger of undermining the right of free speech. The Bill of Rights is not selective. It is not to be extended or withdrawn by whim, caprice, or arbitrary choice. It is a sacred part of the fundemental law of the land. It expresses the very essence of Amertcan belief. These are some of the we must avoid in dealing with this issue, dangess not to Communists, but dangers to ourselves. Nevertheless, we are not powerless to do something about the Communist Party. This committee and this Congress have the responsibility to determine whether the American Communist ts a foreign agent ow- ing his loyalty to a foreign power or simply an American who wants to change our eco- nomic and social system by constitutional means. If ft is determined and sgreed upon by ell branches of Government that the Ameri- can Communist Party is in fact # fifth col- umn, disloyal to the United States, then I have these recommendations: 1. I believe that, as conspirators, they are Do More entitied to immunity from the lew than any other conspirators. If their ac- tions are criminal in nature, they should be dealt with as such. If their actions are treasonable in nature, they should be dealt with as such. If the treason and sedition laws are ade- quate to deal witl. thetr conspiratorial activ- ities, enforce them. If these laws are madequate, strengthen them. I'm talking about legal processes. In this country, we and we don't persecute. Here in America, a man is considered in- nocent until he's proven guilty 2. The President has aaered a loyalty eheck for all employees of the executive de- partments of the Federal Government. It is implicit in this policy that a Communist je disloyal to the Government. Equally important to the destiny of Amer- fea are the actions of cur free associations— the corporation, the cooperative, the union. if a Communist cannot be trusted as an em- ployee of government, he cannot be entrusted with posts of leadership in directing the af- faire of those free associations. Can anyone Justify a double standard in dealing with Communists in America? They should not be allowed to hold office in a corporation, a cooperative, or # wnion where they are in position to pursue their disruptive tactics. They have uo loyalties
A1346 to these associations just as they have no loyalty to America. 8. What a Communist most dreads is to be labeled a Communist. a Com- munist to the pitiless spotlight of publicity, and his potential for harm is immediately isolated. But tag him we must. I indorse wholeheartedly the principle of Mr, William Green's recommendation to this committee that management and labor must work to- gether to expose and to eliminate Commu- nists in industry and in unions. If management and labor don’t do this together, then the wrong kind of people will be using the Communist tag to smash unions. We must be scrupulous to avoid indiscrim- inate labeling. Every time you tag an inno- cent person with the red label you play into the hands of the Communists. I’m not in- terested in the pastel shades—the parlor pinks or the salmon-colored zealots who fall for every fad that comes along. My concern is the red conspiracy, the man who uses the freedoms of democracy to destroy democracy. I wish now i>) comment on an observation made beforo this committee yesterday by Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. He described how the Communists have reached out to employ the radio and the motion picture in their propaganda activities. Mr. Hoover said that several years ago the Communist under- ground directed its agents, in effect, to in- filtrate Hollywood and do everything pos- sible to poison the ecreen. But if the Communists set out to capture Hollywood, they have suffered an overwhelm- ing defeat. Here is the evidence: American films are the target for bitter, organized attack by Communists all over the world. The Com- munists hate and fear American motion pic- tures. It is their No. 1 hate. Relatively few foreign peoples read Amer- ican publications or hear American radio pro- grams. But millions of them see American motion pictures daily. They not only see them: they welcome them and love them. In most countries which are Communist dominated there is virtually a complete ban on American films. In other countries our pictures are under constant attack by vigor- ous Communist minorities. About a year ago our Government made a fair and reasonable film accord with France. French Communists made a bitter attack against the accord, and they have waged a constant campaign of vituperation against American pictures ever since. In countries behind the iron curtain Communists resist the showing of American films and Use every bait poasible to lure the people into houses showing Soviet films. In some cases they even offer free tickets and free transporta- tion. But the bait is no good—the people still clamor for American films. That story, in one form or another, has-been repeated time and time again. American Ambassadors abroad have urged ‘us to do everything we could to hasten the reentry of our pictures into countries from which they were excluded during enemy oc- cupation, The American motion-picture industry at great financial sacrifice is supplying pictures for the occupied countries of Austria, Ger- many, and Japan to assist in the reorienta- tion of these former enemy peoples. In Ger- ‘many alone this operation has cost the in- dustry more than $500,000 so far. The industry can well be proud of this con- tribution to our national policy in former enemy countries, I also want to point out the great service being performed by American newsreels. They are in demand everywhere. They are factual and informational. They tell more graphically than any other medium the day- to-day atory of free America. American films give the lie by visual evi- dence to totalitarian propaganda. The old tale about the break-down of capitalism in America becomes pretty flimsy stuff after peo- ple have had a chance to see our pictures and draw their own conclusions. Pictures which are produced under a democratic form of government inevitably reflect democratic habits of thought and life and action. They are bound to convey some of the virility, the gest, and the joy of living which are charac- teristic of life in our country. These are qualities which other peoples need most at this time, and these are the qualities which make American films hated and feared by Communists everywhere. The best evidence that Communists have failed to poison American motion pictures is the campaign they are now carrying on to block these films from the screens of the world. Cleveland Plain Dealer Writer Interviews Greek Foreign Minister EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE H. BENDER OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. BENDER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the Rxcorp, I include an article by John Leacacos, in last Sunday’s Cleveland Plain Dealer: SWEEPING FIVE-POINT SOLUTION OF GREEK PROB- LEM OFFERED BY ATHENS OFFICIAL—RFC LOAN SEEN POSSIBLE IN PINCH (By John Leacacos) ATHENS, March 22.—Foreign Minister Con- stantine Tsaldaris, of Greece, proposed to- night a sweeping solution of the explosive Greek problem that was at the same time calculated to ease Russian fears concerning Greece's role in international affairs. The Tsaldaris proposals, imparted exclu- sively to this correspondent, as follows: 1, That Generalissimo Stalin both as chief of the Soviet Union and as chief of the world’s largest and original Communist Party should make a public declaration of policy to followers of cormunistic doctrine in all countries to the effect that Russia’s Com- munist Party in the interests of world peace prefer to see the victory of the philosophy of Communism through peaceful democratc means and populer elections rather than armed revolutionary tactics. 2, That a neutral zone 10 to 20 miles wide should be fixed at the northern frontiers of Greece by an international or UN committee into which gone Greek guerrillas can enter freely and safely to surrender thelr arms to @ neutral force of Americans, British, French, and Russian soldiers or those of any other nations designated. Greek military opera- tions against guerrilla bands would naturally stop prior to this event. 8. That guerrillas who have surrendered their arms be given a free choice of their future course. Among the many alterna- tives might be for them to cross any fron- tier they choose, emigrate or remain in Greece proper under guaranteed police pro- tection. Or, if feeling insecure about re- turning to their native villages because of fears of personal vendettas, they may be set- tiled in other Greek towns where they are not personally known. 4. That new Greek elections be held 8 to 6 months after the surrender of arms, under international surveillance if necessary, be- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fore which a wide and liberal amnesty would be granted to all guerrillas and all political prisoners now in custody under a program which again an international committee may supervise, if so desired. 6. That both Yugoslavia and Bulguria be given free customs sones in the port of Salonika by new treaties to allow these coun- tries access to the Aegean Sea. “Then if by regular democratic methods and arguments the Greek people want to elect Communists to the majority or strong representation in the National Assembly, the Communists are welcome to it,” said Tsal- Garis. The Greek Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister had further comments on his five-point program: - “The Communists in France, Italy, and Belgium have won considerable power and influence through normal participation in the political life of their countries,” he pointed out. “Why can’t the Greek Com- munists do the same?” The Greek Government views as an un- satisfactory solution the prospect of having finally to wage outright battle against the Communist bands to enforce the authority of the Greek state. Consolidation of America’s Overseas Air Services EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OWEN BREWSTER OF MAINE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a summary of the provisions of the bill which I in- troduced yesterday, dealing with Ameri- ca’s overseas air services, be inserted in the Appendix of the REcorD, There being no objection, the sum- mary was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: SUMMARY The salient points of the bill to consol!- date America’s overseas air services are these: 1. It declares that the interests of the Commerce of the United States, the national defense, and the postal service, require that the international air transportation of this country should be consolidated into a single company, to be formed under a plan approved or prescribed by the Civil Aeronautics Board, and to operate in the national interest un- der private ownership and management, Lut with appropriate Government regulation. This company is to provide for the United States a system of international air trans- portation (a) sufficient to carry a substan- tial portion of our own international air com- merce as well as a fair share of air commerce between other nations of the world, and to provide communication on al] routes essen- tial to the national interest, and (b) capable of serving the military forces of the country in time of war or national emergency. 2. In order to assure coordination between the company and the Government, the bill sets up a policy committee under the chair- manship of the Secretary of State and con- sisting of the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, the Secretary of Commerce, and the chairman of the Civil Aeronautics Board, The most important specific duty of the policy ittee is to advise the Civil Aero-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nautics Board in matters relating to the na- tional policy and che national security. 8. Special emphasis is laid on the impor- tance of keeping America’s international air transport system equipped with aircraft of the most modern design, not only to meet foreign competition, but equally to assure a stable market for our vitally important air- craft manufacturing industry and a steady inducement for progress on the part of our students and acientists. 4. In Heu of the mail rate subsidies now in effect, the bili provides financial arrange- ments comparable to our cxisting interna- tional shipping law. In order to equalize competition against the low-wage cost for- eign air lines, payment for construction and Operating differentials is authorized if needed 5. The bill provides for consolidation of existing air-line companies in the interna- tional field subject to the approval of the Civil Aeronautics Board after public hearing. By the terms of the bill the approved plan must include certain definite provisions, such as the performance of existing employment agreements, an undertaking that the con- solidated carrier will render air transporta- tion service between the United States and other countries, regulation of the consoli- dated carrier’s minimum and maximum pas- senger and freight rates by the Civil Aero- nautics Board. equitable sharing of through traffic between domestic carriers, and provi- sion for the Government to take over the consolidated company in the event of na- tional emergency. As to the capital struc- ture of the consolidated company. there will be two types of stock which will be identical as to devidend, asset, and voting rights. The ordinary stock will be held by the public. no person to hold more than 3 percent. Ths carrier shares will be held by the domestic air lines of the United States, the rallroads,* and the steamship* companies, all of whom will be appropriately represented on the board of directors, and none of whom will be permitted to own more than 32 percent of the total stock. Nore.—(*) Asterisk means the American railroads would interchange traffic with the United States flag international air lines, and the extensive organizations of the American steamship companies abroad would work har- moniously with the consolidated air-line company in soliciting traffic, arranging sea- air passage for travelers and in maintaining personal contact with important shippers of ocean freight. Foreign Policy of the United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLAUDE PEPPER OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. PEPPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rsecoap an article entitled “A Plea to America,” written by Ellicott Roosevelt, and published in the March 29, 1947, issue of the Nation. There being no objection, the article ‘was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: 4 PLEA TO AMERICA (By Eliott Roosevelt) Kees than 2 years after the conclusion of the: war our top Government officials have announced a new foreign policy for the United States. Mr. Acheson, cur Under Sec- cretary of State, has gressional hearing that Communist govern- ments in Greece and Turkey would be dan- gerous to the security and the future of the United States. This, in so many words, means that the Soviet Union is an enemy nation in the eyes of our Government. This state- ment of policy was put forward to explain why President Truman had asked for loans and military aid to the present Governments of Greece and Turkey. The theory behind this proposal is that by making such loans we shall bolster the present Governments of these two countries and prevent internal revolt leading to eventual Communist imes. What kind of governments are these which we are proposing to bolster? Are they demo- cratic? Not even the most reactionary news- papers in this country have claimed that the present Government of Greece or that of Turkey can be classified as a democracy. The fact is that they are much more nearly totalitarian than democratic. There is little free speech. There is oppression oi minor- ities—and of majorities, too, for all we know. But our Government chooses to support this totalitarianism rather than risk the spread of communism. Did we fight the last war for no purpose? Should we have tossed our armics in the fight on the side of Hitler to help bring about defeat of the Soviet Union? Our Government leaders seem to think that communism is a threat to the future of a democratic United States and that they must fight the Communists in Greece. I have read that there is a small, very militant element of the Greek population which is Communist. But why Turkey? I have never heard that there were any militant pro- Soviet Communists threatening the Turkish Government. In fact, it is hard to under- stand the interest in Turkey at all unless we are planning to encourage Turkey to bait the Soviet Union by creating incidents on the border between the two countries, there- by risking a third world war. Is that our purpose? Turkey was definitely not friendly to our cause in the last war until it became quite evident that we would win. Turkey cer- tainly is not threatened internally with com- munism, Turkey today cannot be described as a free, temocratic country. Why Turkey? What is the truth of the postwar threat of communism enveloping the world? The truth is that Russia does not have hundreds of millions of dollars with which to spread the doctrine of communism throughout the world. It is unable to export thousands of tons of food to help the starving people of the world. But communism is spreading in many countries. Why? At the end of the war the peopies of the Far East and Middle East and of all Europe looked with admiration and burning hope to the United States to lead in the estab- lishment of free and truly democratic gov- ernments in their countries. They looked to the United States to back up militantly the doctrines of the Atlantic Charter. What did they get? We made no protest when the European powers moved with force to rees- tablish their colonial empires. We failed to lend the way in uprooting naziam in Ger- many. We did participate in UNRRA, but we later killed that organization and put re- lief on a political basis. We now use relief for the starving millions of Europe as a gun fm the back to force them to support gov- ernments of which we approve. Is that democratic procedure? No wonder commu- nism spreads. The people of Europe have become dis- couraged. The people of the Far East have beoome bitter. We have not established any principles. We have failed to give force and effect to the United Nations. In fact, by our action with regard to Greece and Turkey we have openly flouted the United Nations and possibly signed ite death warrant. A1347 The actions of our leaders have been based on the theory that we could never reconcile our differences with the Soviet Union. They believe that communism and democracy can- not live side by side in the world, at peace with each other. I do not agree with this premise. There must be men of integrity and courage in America who can reconcile the existing differences between ourselves and the Soviet Union and bring peace with honor to our country. If the leaders in both the Democratic party and the Republican party continue our pres- ent foreign policy the result will be a divided world which will arm itself again for in- evitable conflict. Huge military budgets will remain, and economic disaster will result for the world and the United States within a few years. This will be followed by a war of de- struction that will reduce the population of the globe by billions, not millions. Tt is my belief that when the chips are down the best answer to the threat of com- munism is a living, working democracy such &@s ours can be. I devoutly hope that the people of our country will realize that it is not just their dollars which are being risked in this gamble today. If we destroy the United Nations the last chance of peace will disappear. Appraisal of Current Air-Line Situation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH C. O’MAHONEY OF WYOMING IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrecorp an il- luminating address delivered by Mr. W. A. Pattersor., president of the United Air Lines, Inc., before the Bond Club of Chi- cago, Ii}. The address is entitled “An Appraisal of the Current Air-Line Situa- tion.” There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The very people who just a few months ago were most optimistic concerning the future of the air transportation systems of our coun- try are today the most pessimistic. Their pessimism toward the future is no more justi- fied today than their optimism was last year. They didn’t observe what the air transporta- tion industry was going through 3 years ago and they have failed to observe the sig- nificance of what is happening today. I welcome the opportunity to express my views in the hope that we can avoid the ex- tremes in optimistic and pessimistic cvalu- ations of this industry, but view it realis- tically with a balanced appraisal of the cur- rent air line situation. All of us will agree, I believe, that the in- dustry was on a sound financial footing as we entered the war and that it was making steady progress, and it will for many years to come, in the development of increased business. The conditions under which we operated during the war, and which gave rise to false optimism, are an important factor in anelysing this entire subject and should be reviewed. ‘WARTIME OPERATING CONDITIONS At the start of the war, the airlines in the United States operated 359 airplanes. The airport facilities for handling these aircraft, buildings and hangars which we had at that time were already being taxed to their very
A1348 limits. Unlike other industries which ex- panded during the war, the air lines were forced to reduce ibeir combined fleet of air- planes. Early in 1942, 188 airplanes were taken for Army use, leaving the airlines a fleet of 176 planes. Despite this reduced number of airplanes, however, the airlines surprised themselves by actually increasing the total tonnage carried. This was accom- plished mainly by increasing the utility of aircraft from 6 hours a day to as high as 18% hours a day. This was accomplished by operating airplanes at times of the day to suit our operating convenience and not the desires of our patrons for convenient de- parture or arrival time. The prssenger occupancy of our planes in- creased from a high of 70 percent to an average of 98 percent plus for the later war years. It was not necessary to promote new business. It came naturally. Eighty per- cent of all passengers carried during the later war years as well as cargo shipments were mainly booked and controlled by mili- tary priorities offices. There were no seasonal fluctuations in traffic. Demand was constant 365 days out of the year. Many people flew not by choice but by necessity. Very few were paying their fares from personal income. Directly and indirectly, travel expense was being charged to the cost of war. Overhead expenses of the air lines were at a minimum—not always by choice, but because of shortage of man- power Government contracts for special services for flying and certain phases otf manufacturing gave further spread of an already abnormally low overhead cost. In addition, many fully depreciated airplanes were in use. Wage stabilization prevented wage adjustments which were justified and this had further effect on low operating costs. These conditions were the most per- fect that could ever be expected to produce air-line profits—but they were abnormal in every respect. There will never be another repetition of those conditions except in case of war which none of us ever wants. During this entire period, I am sure we will all agree that the air lines rendered the most outstanding service in flight and on the ground that was being offered in the entire transportation field. It was a main subject of conversation among experienced travelers But by reason of the restriction of air line space by miHtary priorities, many who would like to have traveled by air during the war years could not get seats. MISINTERPRETATION As is frequently the case during such ab- normal periods, particularly when they are periods of success, people lose their sense of judgment. They fail to analyze current con- ditions, although if one wanted to take time to view the circumstances objectively, it was fairly easy to see that everything was abnormal and that the existing situation could by no means be used as a measuring stick for the future. It is not difficult for outsiders to reach wrong conclusions about the air-line busi- ness, particularly those who do not have any responsibility for the success of the air lines. However, during the war period many of the operators themselves further encouraged the public impression of an unlimited air-line fu- ture by their own optimism. In addition, the Civil Aeronautics Board, by statute charged with the responsibility for developing a sound and economical air transportation sys- tem, must also have permitted enthusiasm to outweigh better judgment. Otherwise, I believe the Board would have been more conservative in some of the decisions made during this period. We in United Air Lines, who were trying to guide the future of our company along sound and conservative lines, recognized that the trend being followed was not as conservative as it should be. However, our views were cast aside lightly as coming from people who have no faith in the air-lines’ future. Ac- tually, it was not a case of lack of faith. Our views were influenced by real confidence in the future of our business. Because of its great future we wanted to sec that air-line progress was kept on a sound foundation. IMMEDIATE POSTWAR CONDITIONS The honeymoon ended on VJ-day. First, the psychology of the traveling pub- lic changed overnight. The public consid- ered that the end of war automatically brought the end of inconveniences. The tolerance of people to wartime conditions evaporated overnight. Although demand for travel was greater than at any time during the war, al) trans- portation restrictions were removed and pri- orities eliminated. This resulted in the air lines facing the necessity overnight to handle an uncontrolled demand for air travel. Everything had to be done at once. We had one advantage from which to start; it was our good fortune to have a strong pilot and mechanical personnel to acsure a high standard of safety. No air line would have undertaken this rapid ex- pansion had it not been for that fact. Additional airplanes had to be acquired. New airplanes had been on order for years, but we couldn’t wait the necessary two years for the airplane factories to stop military production and build our new planes before we made any effort to break the bottleneck. The only immediate source of supply was from war surplus, and from that source we acquired four-engined transport airplanes. It was necessary practically to rebuild all airplanes received from war surplus at a cost almost equalling the prices we were paying for new airplanes of the very same types prior to the war. Because of the new post- war airplanes on order and to be delivered within 18 months to two years after sur- plus planes were put in service, it was only natural that their periods of usefulness would be extremely limited. Meanwhile a threefold expansion of per- sonnel was necessary. Thorough training was given all new employces and the cost was extremely heavy because our new employees were like the new employees in other indus- tries. They were not too sure just what they wanted to do, and the resulting turn-over ran as high as 4 percent a month. Our employees are human beings, and like all others, they relaxed slightly from the strain of war pressure. It was impossible to obtain working space overnight for these new employees. It was necessary to double up in quarters that were inadequate in 1941, when the onset of the wa froze the expansion of plant facilities. Additional telephone equipment could not be supplied immediately. Although several mil- Non dollars of new construction work was contracted for a year ago, because of shortage of materials and manpower, no complete new facility is yet available. The industry now has about 600 planes with 16,000 seats, compared to a prewar high of 859 planes with 6,734 seats and a wartime low of 176 planes and 3,416 seats. With few exceptions, 1941 facilities, which were hardly adequate for handling the volume of trafic 5 years ago, are all we have to work with today. . s s s * Considering all these problems, I feel con- fident from my own experience and observa- tions in other fields that the air lines have done and are doing an outstanding job in the face of these difMficulties. The fact is that by the close of 1946 the air lines were flying al- bret three times as many seats as during Postwar cost of operation: Air-line em- ployees were underpaid prior to and during the war. Wage stabilization prevented ‘ad- justment. One of the first actions was to in- crease salaries and wages, particularly in the lower wage groups. These have increased on an average of 28 percent, and 38 percent in the lower groups. Termination of Govern- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment contracts threw the full burden of over- head on commercial operations. New air- planes have reintroduced the item of heavy depreciation as a cost of operation. Inef- ficiency of newer employees, of whom 650 percent have been in the air-line business less than 1 year, coupled with inadequate working facilities, have resulted in an effi- ciency of only 70 percent of that obtained in normal times. * s s e e Now we must consider the factor of rev- enues. The bottleneck in travel was broken shortly after Labor Day. The demand is now more in line with supply. I wouldn't say that the demand has been exhausted, but irregularity of operation has again brought about seasonal fluctuations. The present average air-line capacity is approximatoly 74 percent, while the break-even point during this conversion period is approximately 80 percent. Increases in passenger fares or in mail rates or in both are inevitable. United Air Lines is delaying its action on applica- tion for such adjustments because we recog- nize that fares will have much to do with attracting new business, and whatever in- crease we recommend will be the very min- imum in the face of conditions. Today we know that there are certain in- efficiencies and expense items within our control which should be corrected before we penalize the public and ourselves. I men- tion the possibility of penalizing « urselves because I feel it is a very important point. * * * EXPANSION False optimism has caused some illogical expansion. False enthusiasm has caused un- realistic forecasts of the volume of business to be forthcoming in the immediate future. These forecasts range from 10,600,000,000 passenger-miles in 1949, which happens to pe the one in which our company agrees, to an extremely optimistic forecast of 25,000,000,000 passenger-miles. The 1946 volume is esti- mated to have been approximately 6,000,- 000,000 passenger miles. When we order new airplanes, we must start estimating our re- quirements from our own forecast of the volume of business. Therefore, we find that the number of new airplanes ordered by the different air lines differs as widely as the forecasts of the various companies. ° . e s e The wide difference of opinion among air- lines on future volume of business has influ- enced materially their expansion ideas. We can only judge the wisdom of some of the expansion which has taken place by the financial condition and the credit standing of the different companies in different cate- gories. I am certain that some are having a rude awakening as they look at their balance sheets and seek necessary financing to carry out their earlier dreams. Expansions which certain air lines sought ere not working too well in all instances. This emphasizes the danger of aggressive ex- pansion under abnormal conditions. It is true the air lines initiated all but foreign expansion and furthermore that no expan- sion has been forced on any carrier; never- theless, the Civil Aeronautics Board, which I again emphasize is charged with the re- sponsibility of establishing a sound and eco- nomicul transportation system, approved all expansion and, therefore, must share with those of us in air-line management the weaknesses in the end result. e s td s e There is no disgrace in subsidy to an air line serving a territory that needs service but yet is not sufficiently populated to permit the air line to be self-supporting. However, in certain cases, the course was taken to expand smaller companies info more heavily populated areas in competition with oom- panies that were inherently larger because of the territory they served. All air lines can't serve the same territory without com-
APPENDIX TO. THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD plete duplication. Some of them must be satisfied to be small and successful. It seems obvious that the air lines having the greatest difficulty today are those which were expanded with the idea of making them bigger and stronger, and, instead, it looks as though they may have been made weaker. The big question now is: Are we going to fook at our own mistakes and go beck and correct them or are we going to continue to ask the Civil Aeronautics Board to give us something ¢lse we think we may want which may possibly remedy earlier mistakes? This might only be a case of piling mistake on mistake and lead to final chaos in the in- DAY OF RECKONING The period we are now passing through is a day of reckoning. False impressions were created by war operation, including the mis- taken idea that we could expect unreserved public acceptance before we could complete perfection of our product. We can look at this experience, in a way, as a most fortunate occurrence. The public can be assured that air-line management will be more realistic in considering the immediate problems and in correcting the mistakes of the past. This is where the commercial and investment banker is performing an outstanding service. It has been made known to many in the business that there is no interest in making loans or providing additional capital until illogical decisions of the past have been cor- It is fortunate that any weaknesses in our business became obvious before we went too far in financing our future p I believe that 2 years ago any air Mne could have gotten practically what it asked for in new capital or loans. Corrections would not then be in process as they are now. We might have seen bankruptcy in a rela- tively new business, which would have served as a permanent stigma. Instead, there is now the opportunity to make some adjustments and start off on a sound basis, assuring investors and lenders of a con- structive and conservative program during the next few years. If the commercial and investment bankers are strict enough in their conclusions, there is no question in my mind in regard to the future financial success of this business. THE FUTURE The basic difference of opinion between the conservatives and the enthusiasts in no way involves the extent of ultimate future of air transportation. The difference 15 strictly in the matter of timing. I believe that regardiess of the potential market, the product must be right. Today the public wants safety above all, They do want dependability of schedule performance and regularity of service, but when we ad- vise them that at this stage of development we cannot offer that regularity and still be consistent with safety, they are satisfied. Now, why am I so optimistic concerning the ultimate future of air transportation? Tt is because now, as a result of wartime de- velopment, we are getting the specific fa- cilities which offer for the first time a po- tential regularity and dependability of serv- foe regardless of weather that will compare with surface transportation. The inability to fly at very high altitudes, with fuel sup- ply to deviate substantially from bad weather areas, now causes cancellation of flights when unfavorable weather conditions develop en route. e e e 6 e Cancellation of flights at terminals results from low oeilings and inadequate visibility. The human pilot can do an excellent job in bringing an airplane down to a general air- port location with accuracy. However, he Goes require proper ceiling and visibility to make final observations during his approach for final landing. Today the development of the automatic landing pilot, identified by the layman as the electronic pilot, will permit the entirely automatic landing of an airplane. Mechanical devices need checks and dou- ble-checks. The ground control approach system, a type of radar, will permit observa- tion of the plane by monitors on the ground to avoid any discrepancy in course which might result from maladjustment of a me- chanical device. In addition, there is the opportunity for the installation of radar on the ground for general observation of all air- planes in any particular sector. Finally, with air-borne radar in the airplane itself, there is the opportunity for the pilot to make ground observations through overcasts. These are not spectilative possibilities They represent the major contribution from all the technical development forced by war But no air line ts going to start to use all this equipment immediately. There will come first the training, installation of proper ground equipment, and an adequate test period of flying present weather minimums with the mechanical devices to insure their reliabjlity. e e s s e Construction of ground facilities is moving much faster. We hope that by the midsum- mer much of hangars, buildings and other Plant facilities will have been completed and in use. Airport construction and improve- ment has been decided upon in practically every strategic city in the United States. Al) this work is on the move. One other thing we will do immediately will be the establishment of more practical schedules, planned for the maximum con- venience of the traveler. We must sacrifice some utility of equipment to give better serv- ice. For example, adequate reserve airplanes must be stationed at points to minimize de- lays whic! might arise from minor mechan- ical difficulties. Instead of basing airplane schedules on the maximum cruising speed of the airplane, we will set schedules so that the pilot will have the opportunity to make up lost time by a more flexible use of reserve power. If the air lines themselves will benefit from the lessons of this past period and be more conservative in their future expansion and show a little patience in waiting for increased volume to justify such expansion, I would say that this industry is “over the hump.” We have all learned valuable lessons and we are making use of them. A business which makes possible shrink- ing the United States and the rest of the world to a fraction of the distances measured in past relationships and which will there- fore bave a nrofound effect on the social and economic habits of all people, wherever they may be, cannot fail to flourish. We are just passing through a shake-down Period. Rather than viewing this period with pessimism, I look upon it as an experience that will make air transportation stronger and greater than any of our earlier expccta- tions. Veto Threat Against Aid to Greece EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS J. MYERS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 28 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. MYERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a fine edi- torial entitled “Veto Threat Barr UN Aid to Greece,” published in the Philadel- phia Inquirer of March 27, 1947. A1349 There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: VETO THREAT BARS UN AID TO GREECE By vetoing a Security Council rebuke to Albania, a Soviet satellite, Russia's Andre! A. Gromyko has provided at least one answer to the question a good many worried Americans have been asking: Why doesn’t the United States toss to the United Nations the issue of helping Greece and Turkey defend themselves against com- munism instead of tackling the ticklish job itself? It’s easy to see now—1f there ever were any doubt about it—what Mr. Gromyko would do if the problem of anti-Communist aid to Greece came before the Security Council. He would throw in his veto so quickly that the Greeks pleading for aid in the preservation of their independence wouldn’t have a chance. In the latest case Gromyko vetoed a 7-to-2 decision of the Security Council to accuse Albania of at least indirect responsibility for the Corfu Channel mine explosion which killed two score British sailors last October. Why did he do it? Presumably because Albania is now within the Soviet sphere and Moscow feels some kind of obligation to sup- port its vassals when they get into trouble. But Mr. Gromyko didn’t merely reject the majority ruling against Albania. He broke into the debate to complain bitterly about the present Government of Greece. Americans realize fully that the Greek Gov- ernment falls considerably short of demo- cratic perfection. But they also know that communism is a threat to freedom not only in Greece but throughout the world. The facts about the Albanian incident in the UN are noteworthy. It was the tenth time the Soviet had swung its veto at a de- cision favored by most of the Security Coun- cil delegates. The veto also came on the first anniversary of the United Nations in this country. And although it was the first use of the veto since last September, the Russians, in again resorting to it, showed that they were unimpressed by the storm of complaints in the General Assembly of the UN some weeks ago against abuse of the veto power. The truth 1s, of course, that the time has come to ask whether the United Nations will ever get anywhere so long as the Soviet Union is determined to invoke its veto privilege in any situation which Mr. Gromyko regards as endangering Moscow's interests. But if the Albanian veto has proved noth- ing else, it has demonstrated why it was nec- essary for the United States to go it alone in the Greek-Turk emergency without inviting time-wasting, morale-killing vetoes in the United Nations. As matters stand, we have not bypassed the UN. The United States has asked the Security Council to put the Greek disturb- ances at the top of its schedule for Friday, and American Delegate Warren R. Austin has announced that he will explain the whole problem to the Council. These things are important to kecp in mind as President Truman urges upon Con- gress the need for haste in making aid to Greece and Turkey available. The British have announced that their help to Greece will end on March 31. There is no time to be lost if United States’ efforts to plug the Balkan hole against communism are to suc- ceed And it is also important to keep the facts of Russia's obstructionism in the United Na- tions in mind when opponents to the Presi- Gent's plan for aid to Greece and Turkey air their vicws in Washington or elsewhere. It would be unfair to hold that all who oppose American emergency aid in Greece are Soviet sympathizers. But there can be no question that Communists and their shadowy fellow-travelers are violently against it,
A1350 Debatable on many grounds as this issue is, it appears to us that help in this specific instance to eastern European areas menaced by communism is an American responsi- bility. We support the President in his plea for prompt action by Congress, Tariff Protection on Agricultural Products EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH BUTLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 31 (legislative day of Monday. March 24), 1947 Mr. BUTLER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Senator Butter Fights Farm Tariff Cuts,” from the Farmers Guild News of February-March 1947. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Senator Burier Ficuts Farm Tarirr Curs— Nepraska SENATOR Gives Farm VIEWS ON RECIPROCITY Nebraska's fighting Senator, HucH BuTiezr, who has waged many battles on behalf of United States farmers is once again standing like a rock to protect their interests in event Congress extends the life of the reciprocal trade agreements. Senator Butire farms about 3,000 acres in southeastern Nebraska, and speaks {rom practical experience on the problems of farmers in respect to reciprocity. Mr. Butier has introduced 8S. 719, a bill to amend the Tariff Act of 1930, which provides “if an agricultural group shall complain to the President that articles are being imported into the United States in quantities that seriously endanger domestic production,” an investigation shall be made by the Tariff Commission and if such facts exist, “the Pres- ident shall direct that such articles shall no longer be admitted at the rate of duty speci- fled in any reciprocal agreement.” The bill concludes that if such are sold in the United States at less than domestic cost of produc- tion it shall be presumptive evidence that domestic production is seriously endangered. THE SENATOR'S VIEWS “The Tariff Commission has been making practical application of cost-of-production standards in the actual setting of rates for many years,” said Mr. Butter, “and one of the principal arguments for the trade agree- ments has been the claim that administration experts could determine rates more scientif- ically than could Congress. “I favor reciprocity properly administered, but the present program is not reciprocal at all. We are asked to make al] the con- cessions and we gain nothing in return. We should cooperate with foreign countries and expand our trade, but I don’t think it is necessary to destroy our tariff protection completely to do that. “Members of Congress were invited to help form the political end of our foreign policy; but we are never invited to join in nego- tiations of trade agreements affecting our economic policy. We are tired of economic disarmament in the form of tariff concesa- sions on 8 one-way street.” The trade agreements which have charac- terized the New Deal administration were first proposed in 1934 to “aid recovery and put 3,000,000 men to work by September.” Three years later 10,000,000 were still un- employed. In 1937 the reciprocal trade trea- ties were p “as a way of achieving world peace.” On October 5 of that year President Roosevelt proposed to “quarantine aggressor nations.” In 1940 the treaties were revived as “a method of Keeping the United States out of war.” In 1943 Congress was asked to extend them as “a supremely suc- cessful experiment that holds in it the hope of the world.” At present the renewal is requested to “aid reconversion and maintain full employment,” although the slogan may be changed by the time the proposal reaches Congress. Method of Electing President and Vice President EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 31 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a brief edi- torial from the Boston Post and one from the New Bedford (Mass.) Stand- ard-Times, regarding the proposed con- stitutional amendment introduced by me, providing for the election of the President of the United States by popu- lar vote. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the RecorD, as follows: [From the Boston (Mass.) Post of March 21, 1947) THE RIGHT WAY The straightforward way to elect Presidents 1g that proposed by Senator Lopasr, of Mas- sachusetts, who would have the popular vote alone decide the issue. As he points out, any .rrangement, such as the electoral col- lege, that makes it possible for a man to win the Presidency without the support of a majority of the voters is archaic and unfair. The bill should be passed with little ado. [From the New Bedford (Mass.) Sunday Standard-Times of March 23, 1947] MR. LODGE’S AMENDMENT Senator Lopas, of Massachusetts, has pro- posed an amendment to the Constitution which would make a fundamental change in the method of electing a President. It would do away with the so-called electoral college, and would provide that the total popular vote of the Nation should be deter- mining. In support of his amendment he points out that under the present syatem a President may be elected who has not re- ceived a majority or even a plurality of the popular vote. Prior to the election of 1824 there is no record of the popular vote. Since then there have been cases where candidates polling less than a majority of the total vote have obtained a majority of the electoral votes as required under the Constitution. The al- most universal practice in the election of public officials in this country is that a plu- rality is sufficient to elect. In other words, a candidate who receives less than half the vote, but who gets more than any other can- didate, is elected. Benjamin Harrison in 1888 and Woodrow Wilson in 1912 received fewer votes than all their opponents, but more than any one of them. John Quincy Adams trailed Andrew Jackson in 1824 in both the popular and the electoral vote, but as no candidate had a majority of the latter, the election was APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD thrown into the House, and Adams won. Later Hayes, who did not have even a plu- rality of the popular vote, was declared elect- ed in 1876, after a dispute over the electoral votes of certain Southern States had been decided in his favor by an electoral commis- sion. Except in the cases of Adams and Hayes, which were exceptional, all Presidents chosen under the present system have polled at least a plurality of the vote of the people, and & plurality is universally held to be sufficient to elect. It is interesting to examine Mr. Loncx’s pro- posal with reference to the one-party States of the South. In the 1944 election 10 States in this area gave Roosevelt 115 of his 432 elec- toral votes. Only three of them had ever gone Republican since the end of the recon- struction era following the Civil War, and they violated the solid-South rule only once in the Hoover-Smith election of 1928. Their electoral votes in 1944 were a trifie more than one-quarter of Roosevelt's total, but their popular vote gave him more than two-thirds of his majority in the country as a whole. The electoral votes in some of these States are out of proportion to the total vote cast in them, as shown in the case of South Caro- lina, where the Roosevelt vote was 90,601 and the Dewey vote 4,547. Even under the present system of electing a President, the solid South’s almost unbroken habit of voting Democratic gives the Democratic candidates for President a substantial advantage, and that advantage would be enhanced if Mr. Lopce’s plan were adopted. Ascension Parish Schools Are a Splendid Example of Improvement of Community Life Through Education in Louisiana EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES H. MORRISON OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ~ Friday, March 28, 1947 Mr. MORRISON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following report of the work being accomplished through the Ascension Parish schools, Louisiana, under the able guidance of Larry Babin, superintendent, which work I believe is outstanding, and in pace with the changing world: IMPROVEMENT OF COMMUNITY LIFE THROUGH EDUCATION {By Larry Babin, superintendent, Ascension Parish schools, Donaldsonville, La.) That the school should assume leadership in improving the varied aspects of com- munity life has become the accepted philos- ophy of progressive educators throughout the Nation. This philosophy is particularly ap- Plicable to rural areas where standards of living have been, in the main, relatively low. The school people of Ascension Parish, who have been working to put this philosophy into practice for the past few years, are cer- tain that they stand on sound and firm ground. Their program has received and is receiving recognition from educational lead- ers of State and national] repute. Certain phases of the program have developed to the extent that the parish is now reaping the fruits of the foresight and labors of its leaders. Particularly helpful is the fine spirit of cooperation and understanding which ex- ists among the various agencies engaged in rendering social, education, religious, and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD economic service to the people. For several years the agencies of Ascension Parish, as well as State agencies having responsibili- ties in the parish, have been coordinating their thinking, planning, and efforts to the end that the children and adults of the parish may have at their disposal, in an or- ganized way, the services and assistance that each agency can render. Such an ap- proach not only minimizes gaps in service and duplication of activities, but also results in increased use and development of all re- sources, both human and natural. To facilitate understanding and mutual Cooperation, several procedures have been used. In 1944, a master chart of the over-all program for the improvement of community life was prepared and printed. Supplement- ing this were detailed charts depicting the activities of the various local agencies. Work and evaluation conferences have been held by a particular agency, such as the schools, as well as occasional meetings of representa- tives of all agencies. These devices have helped in developing mutual! assistance. The schools of Ascension Parish, working as one of the cooperating agencies in the over-all program for the improvement of com- munity life, serve strictly agricultural areas. The educutional program which they are de- veloping is one designed to improve rural life. To attain maximum success with this program, the schools must offer a well bal- anced school program—one which encom- passes the teaching and mastery of the tra- ditional and fundamental school subjects; provides opportunity for wholesome, demo- cratic living; makes provisions for the tm- provement of the health and nutritional habits of children; provides opportunities for pupll iniviation and participation in those ac- tivities in which they live together at school, at home, and in the community; and assumes the initiative in contributing to a better and fuller Hfe for the people served by the school—these and many more. Realizing that education today means con- tributing to the development of the entire child. his parents, and the community, and knowing that a healthy child learns best and is happiest, the Ascension Parish schools have a planned and functional health pro- gram. The children are served hot, appe- tizing, nutritious lunches in attractive, sani- tary lunchrooms. In some of the schools, school gardens furnish part of the produce used tn the lunches. Serving each lunch- room are a corps of paid workers and sev- eral different mothers, who come in daily from different sections of the community. Through this experience, most of the moth- ers learn to know one another, the teachers, and the schoo! better; they also obtain help- ful nutrition information. As a result of correlation of lunchroom experiences with classroom instruction, the children know how to evaluate in terms of protective foods the meals served them. A food-habits survey made in connection with the parish nutrition education research project showed certain deficiencies in the diets of the children. To help correct this situation, lunchroom menus include the necessary protective foods in an amount equal to 50 percent of the child's daily needs. Because of the nutritional program of the schools, many families are growing and eat- ing a better variety of nutritious foods. Other health activities are carried on in cooperation with various agencies of the community. The children are tested for visual deficiencies and corrections are made, if needed. Teeth are ins , dental caries noted, appointments with dentists made, and transportation to the dentist provided for, if circumstances require. A preschool clinic is held during the summer, at which time children who will enter school in the fall are examined and immunised. Guiding all health and nutrition work is the school committee, This committes has con- ferences with teachers, supervisors, and lunchroom workers in order that effective planning can be put into operation. The school program of Ascension Parish is being adapted to the needs of the community and of individual citizens in a number of other ways. Work conferences which have been held for three consecutive summers have given teachers an opportunity to dis- cuss their mutual problems and formulate plans of instruction, which are resulting in improved adjustment in the academic sub- ject areas, as well as in health and social adjustment. As an outgrowth of this plan- ning, a great variety of teaching uids are being used, thus adding to the interest and effectiveness of instruction. Teaching is done in terms of problems, rather than topics, so that facts are not learned in isola- tion, but in relation to situations that are meaningful to pupils. Informal studies of the community, in which older pupils some- times participate, have indicated conditions, problems, and facts in the local situation upon which work in science, mathematics, vocational agriculture, homemaking educa- tion, industrial arts, and other special flelds is based. In evaluating the program in Ascension Parish, the report published by the parish school board in November 1946 makes this statement: “While we are encouraged over the progress we are making, we do feel that much re- mains to be done if we are to meet the needs of our pupils whose adult world will certainly be different from ours, Continual planning, evaluation, modifying, and supplementing will be necessary. for we certainly do not have all the answers. However, there is no such thing as standing still. We either go for- ward or backward. In this fast changing world schools must keep pace.” Tax Vote by House Shows Public’s Stand EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHRISTIAN A. HERTER OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 31, 1947 Mr. HERTER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following article by David Lawrence in the Washington Star of Friday, March 28, 1947: When the House of Representatives passes @ tax-reduction bill by virtually a two-thirds vote, it may be taken for granted that the measure represents a preponderant public sentiment. The best indicator of this is the fact that 40 Democrats, out of the 173 who voted; cast their ballots for the bill along with 233 Re- ublicans. Considering that only 3 Repub- cans voted against the bill, out of 236 voting, it is evident that the Republican majority is not only cohesive but it can command support on the Democratic side, too. For several weeks there has been a smear campaign waged against the Republican Congress. It has been argued that tax re- duction would unbalance the budget and bring other dire consequences. The truth is the Democratic Party is badly split. One group is politically sagacious and is envious because the Republican Party has been given the opportunity to gain prestige through tax reduction. The other group, of course, wants to keep on spending indefinitely. TIME-CONSUMING STEPS The spenders in the Democratic member- ship in Congress are still the more numerous A1351 inside the minority and one wonders what would have happened if the Democrats had regained control of the House in last November's elections. If the Democrats were in control today, the economy-minded would have been out- voted by the spenders and it is questionable whether any such vote for tax reduction could have been mustered even with Re- publican help. Without a promise of tax reduction the Nation today would be in the midst of run- away inflation and economic chaos. The New Dealers have been denouncing the Re- publican Congress, and the left-wingers have been assiduously cultivating the impression that the Republican Congress has been bun- gling its job. The truth is that delays were encountered because the entire congres- sional structure has been reorganized pur- suant to legislation passed last ycar, and no Congress in history has had to face the re- organization of committees and the re- arrangement of procedures which have been imposed on the present Congress by statute. Notwithstanding these time-consuming steps, the Republican majority in the House has given an’ example of resoluteness in passing—within 90 days of the day the ses- sion began—a tax bill which not merely ful- fills the promises made to the people in the autumn elections but dramatically reverses the tide of spending which, if not blocked, would have bankrupted the Nation. BUREAUCRATS HID TRUTH The trouble about the tax-bill controversy is that the bureaucrats in the administra- tion have been concealing the truth. First, they put figures in the budget estimates which were plainly padded. Not only were receipts underestimated but the expendi- tures were placed much higher than they should be. Then the President took the ridiculous position of opposing tax reduc- tion—a blunder in politics if there ever was one. The Republicans refused to be swayed by the smear campaign and put through a tax bill. It will be revised in the Senate, but the final bill is not likely to be vetoed un- less Mr. Truman wants to commit political suicide in 1948, The fact is the American people are tired of spendthrift government and now want economy and an end to spending. The con- sequence of the House action will be felt throughout the whole economic system. It is a breath of fresh air after nearly 14 years of wasteful spending by the New Deal. The Republican determination to fulfill the wishes of the people for reform should not be discounted. The time to appraise the Republican record is when the present session adjourns. And, incidentally, there probably will not be as many presidential vetoes as the left-wingers, with whom the wish is father to the thought, would like to see. Results of Poll on National Issues EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. HARRY McGREGOR OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 31, 1947 Mr. McGREGOR. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks, I am inserting a copy of the questionnaire which in March 1947 I attcmpted to place in the hands of as many citizens of my district as possible. It was humanly im- possible to send such a questionnaire to
A1352 each citizen of my district, but I believe the replies received fully cover the opin- jons of the majority of the people of the Seventeenth Ohio District which it is my honor to represent. My district might well be considered the Main Street of our Nation. We have approximately 50-percent urban, and 50- percent rural populations, all labor and farm organizations represented, as well as large industries and small business, two colleges and two universities. The questionnaire was sent to each committeeman and committeewoman, both Democratic and Republican, labor groups, farm groups, attorneys, barbers, business and industry, housewives, news- papers, professional groups—doctors and dentists, and so forth—public-office holders, salesmen, and school teachers. A total of 2,500 questionnaires was sent and the number of returns received— 1,260—proves to me that the people are anxious to express their views on issues before the Congress for consideration. The questionnaire and results are as follows: Questionnaire from Honorable J. Haray McGazeor, Member of Congress, Seventeenth Ohio District. 1. Do you think it is neceasary for the United States to loan money to foreign na- tions in order to bring about world recovery? yen. 45 percent; no 55 percent; total vote cast, 141. 2. Should all reciprocal trade agreements be submitted to Congress for approval? Yes; 85 percent; no, 15 percent; tctal vote cast, 1,238. 3. Do you favor raising our entrance quotas for immigrants from Europe? Yes, 16 per- cent; no, 84 percent; total vote cast, 1,215. 4. Do you bolieve that we have sufficient Federal laws to safeguard the rights of labor and management? Yes, 22 percent; no, 78 percent; total vote cast, 1,162. 5. Do you favor a Federal law prohibiting “closed shops"? Yes, 77 percent; no, 23 per- cent; total vote cast, 1,226. 6. Do you favor a Federal law prohibiting mass picketing? Yes, 83 percent; no, 17 per- cent; total vote: cast, 1,200. 7. Do you feel that the Federal Govern- ment should participate in and give finan- cial aid to local communities through a Fed- eral works program? (That is, granting Federal money for planning and construc- tion of schools, hospitals, sanitation, etc.) Yes, 49 percent; no, 51 percent; total vote cast, 1,198. 8. Do you favor a tax reduction of $4,000,- 000,000? ‘Yes, 25 percent; or do you favor a tax reduction of 86,000,000,000? Yes, 62 per- cent; none, 13 percent. (Even if it means no Federal-aid projects in your community.) Total vote cast, 1,136. 9. Do you favor 1 year of Federal compul- sory peacetime military training? ‘Yes, 49 percent; no, 51 percent; total vote cast, 1,205. 10. Do you favor abolishment of all Fed- eral rent controls? ‘Yes, 51 percent; no, 49 percent; total vote cast, 1,204. Please write on the back of this page your suggestions that might aid me in giving better service as your Congressman. Please return this questionnaire to 1484 House Offic. Building, Washington, D. ©. You will note, Mr. Speaker, that I asked my constituents to sign their names and give their occupations and this information enabled me to secure the opinions of individual groups and how they feel about the legislation that is paramount at present. Following is the percentage distribution of replies to the questions, according to occupational classifications: Percentage distribution of replies to questionnatre Question 1. Do you think it is necessary for the United States to loan money to for- eign nations in order to bring about world recovery? Yes} No \Pet.| Pet, Total replies. ......-----...22.0--.- een eee eee 45 | 85 Attorneys. 69] 32 Barbers. ... Business and industry. 47] 53 Farmers.._-...-.------. 38} 62 Housewives 44] 56 Labor... 27 | 73 Nowspapets.......------.--.0------+ BA) 46 Professional (doctors, dentists, otc.). 62) 38 Public officeholders. Gh | 35 Salesmen. m6) 44 School tea 2 52 65 Occupation uot given. . Question 2. Should all reciprocal trade agreements be submitted to Congress for approval? Total replies. .--..2..----.eeeeee eee ene ee ne ne- Attorneys... Barbers... 7 25 Business 89} 11 Farmers... 89} ll Housewives 02 8 ebur.----... -}t8] 12 Newspapers...---.-...------.- ol 9 Professional (doctors, dentists, ¢ te). «| 82) 18 Public oficohalders-..-....-- -| 84] 16 Salesmen.....--.-- 90{ 10 School teachers_. 76 | 24 Retired_.....---.- 7 25 Occupation not giv 80] 20 Question 8. Do you favor raising our ene trance quotas for immigrants from Europe? Profeusional (doctors, dentists, etc.) . 2) 74 Public offiocholdors..............- 241 7 Salcsmon......... 15] 85 School teachers. . 2%) 74 Rotired......... 19{ 81 Occupation not ¢! 12| 8&8 Question 4. Do you believe that we have sufficient Federal laws to safeguard the rights of labor and management? Total replies....... a ecaneneccncesceene= 78 Attorney8....2. enn nnccnnennenncewenaees 12 Barbers..... 22 Business an 23 ‘armors... 19 Housewiv 20 no aisars % Nowspa: 0 | 100 Profeesional (doctors, dentists, etc.) . 25 | 7 Publio officeholders... ...........-.. 21) 70 Salosmon. Bi 7 a] 7 Retired. ..........-. ewenaee: 30 R Ccoupation not given..........- 22 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Question 5. Do you favor a Federal law prohibiting closed shops? Proforaional (doctors, dentists, otc.) .. Public officeholders... ........-..-- 18 lesmen ....-....- 16 Belool f teachers... 42 Retired. .......-...-..- 19 Socupation not given...-......-----..-.-- 31 Question 6. Do you favor a Federal law prohibiting mass picketing? Yes} No Pet,| Pet. Total replies... .....--.-ensneneennnneweeeneene 74 | 2% Attorneys. ---| 78 | 22 Barbers...-.-...------. 70} 30 Business and industry. - 13 Farmors........-----.-. 92 8 Housewives. 13 Tabor... .. 37 Newspapers WW papers. ....... Professional (docto: Public officeholders PIBRRESSS Fe} Salosmen....-.-.-- 6 School teachers . 37 ttred 2. eee 22 Occupation not givon..-....--.--+..---0- 26 Question 7. Do you feel that the Federal Government should participate in and give financial aid to local communities through a Federal works program, that is, granting Federal money for planning and construction of schools, hospitals, sanitation, etc.? Yes} No Pet.| Pet. Total replies....-- 2-2-2. - ence enn ence eee w eee 49] 651 Attorneys. 2.22.22... cece eee een ee eee 33 | 67 Barbers. ...-..---.--- --| 61] 30 Business and industry. --| 48] 82 Farmers. ... 48 | 52 Housew!tves. Sh} 45 Labor... 6] 4 Nowspape: 50} 50 Professiona) (doctors. dentists, otc.) .- 48] 52 Public oMceholders...........----. --| 39] 61 lesmon...-.....-- --| 61 39 Schon! teachers... --| 41 86 OS ee --| 60] 40 Occupation not given... .....0----.-.e-e-- 63 | 47 Question 8. Do you favor a tax reduction of #4,000,000,000, or do you favor a tax reduc- tion of 8$6,000,000,000, or none, even if it means no Federal-aid projects in your com- munity? Yes g\& g\& &/ 8/8 3) 8/2 Pet.| Pet.) Pet. 6 roo | wo | 12 7} 13 62] 30 70 -| 3 Newspapers (doctors, dentists, etc.)_.| 24 Public officeholders. d tired . Occupation not given.....-.-..-..0.-|.14 SSs2sease BEBRaAbcBae
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Question 9. Do you favor 1 year of Federal compulsory peacetime military training? Question 10. Do you favor abolishment of all Federal rent controls? Total replies. .... 2... n-ne ween ewan eeeneee 61] 49 Attorneys......... 63 { 87 ‘bers. ......-0. 35 Business and industry. ----| 50] 50 ATMers...-.-.--.-- 66] 34 Housewives 87] 43 bor... 47] 83 Nowspapers.........22..---eeeeeees 42) 68 Profussional (doctors, dontists, ote.). 4) Public officoholders wee 61 {| 30 lesmen..........- 42| & Schoo! teachers... Bi 67 a 3k; 8 Occupation not givan....-...-.-2220-. ene- 46 | 35 Mr. Speaker, the total response indi- cates a vote cast on the questionnaire of approximately 1,260. I am one, Mr. Speaker, who firmly believes that the people back home are a part, and want to be a part, of our National Govern- ment. I will always welcome their opin- ions and their suggestions. Mr. Lewis’ Memerial EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SCOTT W. LUCAS oF ILINOIs IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 31 (legislative day of Monday, March 24), 1947 Mr. LUCAS. Mr. President, this after- noon there appeared in the Washington Btar a very temperate and well-con- sidered editorial entitied “Mr. Lewis’ Memorial.” It deals with the contro- versy between John L. Lewis and Secre- tary Krug. I ask unanimous consent to incorporate it in the Appendix. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Secretary of Interior Krug is well : in his refusal to enter into a controversy with John L. Lewis which would center around the Centralia mine disaster that claimed the lives of 111 men. and has dishonored his word. Mr. Lewis does not trouble himself to bolster these obarges with specifications, but, broadly, they rest upon the theory that Mr. Krug is personally responsible for the Centralia ex- Plosion because he has failed to enforce the Federal Mine Safety Code which became ef- fective last July 29. There is much that Mr. Krug might say in answer to this. He might point out that, during the Lewis contempt case, Mr. Lewis himself was contending that Federul posses- gion of the mines was more nominal than real—a sort of legal fiction set up for the purposes of the court action against him. He might also point out that it was recognized that all of the provisions of the safety code could not be put into effect immediately upon its adoption, that the safety record in the mines has been better under Govern- ment possession than when the private own- ers were in control, and that the man in charge of the operation of the safety code was hand-picked by Mr. Lewis. This is a line of argument, however, which would be of iittle avail against the fact that 111 miners have been killed. The only thing for Mr. Krug to do is to await the findings of the investigations now under way—in- vestigations which presumably will deter- mine the fact as to whether the disaster was due to Federal negligence or to some other cause. Meanwhile, if Mr. Lewis, whose cup of bit- terness is filled to overflowing, chooses to seize upon this tragedy as an occasion and excuse for intemperate personal attacks upon Mr. Krug, there is nothing to stop him. Most people, however, will prefer to await dis- closure of the facts before reaching a judg- ment in the matter. House Tax Bill Lightens “Little Fellow’s” Burden EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ANTONI N. SADLAK OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 31, 1947 Mr. SADLAK. Mr. Speaker, indi- vidual income taxpayers in the bottom brackets, so-called little fellows, for a change would get a better break propor- tionately than the so-called big fellows in the tax-reduction bill passed by the National House of Representatives March 27 and sent to the Senate. The largest percentage of tax relief carried in the House bill, 30 percent, would go to the small-income group. Sixty-one percent of the reduction provided in the Republican-sponsored bill would go to persons receiving net in- comes of $5,000 or less a year. Of this amount, 71 percent would go to indi- viduals with net incomes of less than $3,000 a year. That is not the way the Democrats treated the little fellows when they had control of Congress. They talk a lot about the common man, but when cru- cial tests come they play the Democratic administration’s game to regiment him. When the Democratic Party was in control of Congress in 1945 they voted the country tax relief. It was a puny 5 percent. Did they give the little fel- low a break? They did not. It was a flat 5 percent on net incomes of all in- dividua] taxpayers, A1353 Fifteen times the Democrats increased taxes—nearly every year from 1933 to the end of their contro] of Congress. The Republican Party pledged tax reduction. The House bill keeps that pledge, which prevailed despite overwnelming opposi- tion of the Democratic members of the House. This official show-down again fur- nishes evidence that the Republican Party is the genuine friend of the “little fellow” and every other segment of the Population. Low-income taxpayers—much the larger group—huve been hit the hardest by the rise in the cost of living in recent years of new dealism. Therefore the Republican House tax- cutting bill would give special attention to these millions of citizens now. These tax cuts would be equivalent to a@ wage bonus to help the “little fellow" meet the high cost of living and should be multiplied as the Republican-controlled Congress puts the ax to costly bureauc- racy fastened onto uhe country by Demo- cratic administrations at Washington. Special attention also would be given in the GOP House bill to the aged and infirm whose earning ability has been reduced. The House bil) would allow to each taxpayer 65 years of age or older an additional exemption of $500, making a total personal exemption of $1,000. Many of these senior citizens, who have done their bits in building America, are retired school teachers, policemen, mu- nicipal workers, and persons living on small, fixed incomes. President Truman repeatedly has stated that he is against giving the people tax relief now, President Truman, as re- cently as March 26, reiterated his oppo- sition to newsmen. He said his position was stated in his January message to Congress. At that time he told Congress, “I can- not recommend tax reduction,” and he made the amazing statement that at present “high taxes contribute to the wel- fare and security of our country.” The Republican Party believes that with a restoration of efficiency and econ- omy in the Government taxes can and must be reduced for the welfare and se- curity of our country. The following tables show how the Re- publican-written and Republican-passed House tax bil) would ighten the tax bur- den of the many millions of persons re- ceiving net incomes of $5,000 or less a year: PERSON-—-NO DEPENDENTS Net income before per | Present B.R.1 | Reduce sonal oxemptiou tax oa tion $19. WO $13. 30 $5. 70 38.CO 26.00 11.40 7.0) 3, 28 14. 26 87.00 39. 90 17.10 CO 63. 20 22.90 95. OO 66. 50 28. £ 133. 00 93.10 39.99 190. 10 133.40 87.00 200.00 163.00 8.00 2k. 00 173, 6 55,00 247.00 193. 00 54.00 mK 00 712.80 68, 20 ‘245.00 238.00 57.00 980.00} 204.00 ‘76.00 434.80 | 387.60 96. 90 83. BO 654.80 138.70 021. 60 737. 2v 184. 30
$38.00 $26. 60 $11.0 95.00 66. 50 28, 50 152.00 106. 40 45. 60 100. 60 133. 00 57.00 208. 00 153. 00 £6.00 228. 00 173.00 55.00 247. 00 193. 00 54.00 266. 00 212, 80 68. 20 285. 00 228. 00 57.00 380.00 | 304.00 76.00 589. 00 471, 20 117.80 ‘708. 00 638. 40 158. 00 $66. 80 | "$38 60 183.00} 67.00 153. 00 56. 00 173. 00 55, 00 193.00) 84.00 m2.90| 83.29 228.00| 57.00 904.00] 76.00 471,20 | 117,80 Aid to Greece—George’s Way EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 31, 1947 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from the Minneapolis Morning Tribune of March 27, 1947: I Lrxs Ir Hersr—Alp To Greece, Grorce’s WAY (By George Grim) Owatonna, MINN.—George Boosalis left Owatonna with thousands of dollars in his pocket—and came back with 83 even. In between, George lived a story everybody in town is talking about. You meet George—well groomed, prosper- ous—in the candy kitchen in back of his restaurant. For 29 years he has been there. Dreaming of a day he might return to see his folks in Greece. His was the dream of many a boy—to return to his home village, a success. And to bring the folks and neigh- bors things they needed. “Greece had a bad time in the war,” said George. “And, right after, I heard about the clothing they didn't have.” The day he received that first letter, George started sending packages. Townspeople brought their clothes to George. In 10 months he had sent 1,600 pounds of cloth- ing, 200 pounds of flour, 50 pounds each of rice and spaghetti. But he wanted to see his parents. His mother was 79 his father 86. So George stuffed his pockets with cash, told everybody in Owatonna he was off for Greece, and headed for Chicago. BUYS TICKET TO ATHENS “It wasn't so easy, even if I did have a passport and a visa,” said George. “But when I told them about wanting to see my folks once more—and not having seen them for 35 years, they softened up. I peeled off 1,100 and got a ticket for a plane right from Chicago to Athens.” During the few days he waited for the plane, George visited friends in Chicago, Each gave him some cash, and an address of relatives in the old country. Soon, George had more than $6,000 in his hip-pocket wallet. “I wasn't afraid,” he says. “I just walked straight and nobody bothered me.” Soon George, who sold peanuts on New York City streete when he arrived in America 85 years ago, was flying in a four-motored plane on his first air trip. He had sent ahead 1,700 pounds of clothing in 44 cases. When he got to Greece, he found them in a dock area, hired a huge truck to bring them to his little village of Niata, 385 miles into the mountains from Athens. “It was wonderful coming home,” said George. “People were on the street of our little town. I recognized my father. And one of my brothers ran and recognized me— wnich was pretty funny because he wasn’t born yet when I left Greece.” Arriving at his modest home, George dis- covered that the village was testing him. Inside, there were five women. All his moth- er’s age. Sitting in a row. All smiling. KNOWS MOTHER RIGHT AWAY “They didn't fool me,” he chuckles. “I went right up to my mother first thing. Who they think they fool? I know her right away. My mother, who had 10 kids and seven oper- ations and still looks wonderful.” Soon there was the distributing of George's gifts. All of the Boosalis relatives—there were 44 of them—were clothed. So were members of some 94 other families. For 8 weeks, George stayed in the village. Then he dutifully made the rounds of 48 families in Athens, handing them the money he had received from the relatives in Owatonna and Minneapolis and Chicago. When he boarded the plane in Athens, he had 846 in his pocket. And in December, when he reached home in Owatonna, there was an even 83. Now George is telling groups tn Owatonna, and his customers at the cafe and candy shop, about Greece. What he saw. Why America ought to help. Of the real job that UNRRA did, helping with food, clothing, medicine, And George is on the job himself, I saw shoes and clothing neatly stacked in a corner of his candy kitchen. Candy for his cuse tomers Clothes for the folks back home in Greece. To whom George is all the things Uncle Bam yearns to be. Russia Again Attempts to Dictate Peace Terms EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 31, 1947 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, the controversy which has developed during the Moscow Conference between the United States and the Soviet Union over the question of reparations from Ger- many again illustrates the wide diver- gence in understanding, in principle, and in reasoning that exists between the Gov- ernments of these Nations. Soviet Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov, on March 18, 1947, released the secret Yalta protocol on German reparations, and now maintains that its terms must be accepted by the United States and Great Britain as part of the final treaty with Germany. Let us examine the terms of the protocol: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD (Text of the hitherto secret Yalta protocol on German reparations, as released in Moscow on March 18, 1947, by Soviet Foreign Min- ister V. M. Molotov] Protocol on the talk between the heads of the three Governments (the United States, Russia, and Britain) at the Crimea Con- ference On the question of German repara- tions in kind: The heads of the three Government agreed as follows: (1) Germany must pay in kind for losses caused by her to the Allied nations in the course of the war. Reparations are to be received in the first instance by those coun- tries which have borne the main burden of the war, have suffered the heaviest losses, and have organized victory over the enemy. (2) Reparations are to be exactev from Germany in the three following forms: (a) Bulk removal within 2 years from the surrender of Germany or the cessation of c-ganized resistance from the national wealth of Germany located on the territory of Ger- many herself as well as outside her territory (equipment, machine tools, ships, rolling stock, German investments abroad, shares of industrial, transport, navigation, and other enterprises in Germany, etc.), these remov- als to be carried out chiefly for the purpose of destroying the war potential of Germany. (b)-Annual deliveries of goods from cur- rent production after the end of the war for a period to be fixed. (c) Use of German labor. (8) For the working out on the above principles of a detailed plan for the exaction of reparations from Germany an Allied repa- ratic s commission is to be set up in Mos- cow, consisting of representatives of the U. 8.8. R., the United States, and the United Kingdom. (4) With regard to the fixing of the total sum of reparations, as well as the distribu- tion of it among countries which suffered from German aggression, the Soviet and American delegations agreed as follows: “The Moscow Reparations Commission should take in the initial stages as a basis for discuasion the suggestion of the Soviet Government that the total sum of repara- tions in accordance with points (a) and (b) of paragraph 2 should be 820,000,000,000, and that 60 percent of it should go to the U. 8. 8. R.” The British delegation was of the opinion that, pending consideration of the repara- tions question by the Moscow Reparations Commission, no figures of reparations should be mentioned. The above Soviet-American proposal has been passed to the Moscow Repa- rations Commission as one of the proposals to be considered by the Commission. Signed by: CHURCHILL. Roosxvett. STALIN. Secretary of State George C. Marshall has taken a firm stand in opposition to the acceptance of the Yalta protocol. His answer to Mr. Molotov states clearly the position of the United States and re- affirms our stand that the Potsdam agreement supersedes any preliminary agreements concluded at Yalta. The Yalta protocol was obviously a preliminary agreement to be used as a basis for a further study and final treaty. Its suggested terms for the treaty gave Soviet Russia the greatest share of repa- rations based on a method of property evaluation that represented an addi- tional advantage to the Soviet Union. At Potsdam, after further study, this method of property evaluation was dis- carded, and @ proposal to take repara-