A22 country in Washington. It has gotten re- sults—it commands respect and confidence. You should be proud to be represented by it. IT am happy tonight to address you as farmers-—as producers—people who did a marvelous job of production during the war and who are still doing it. How refreshing it is that at this time, when strikes and threats of strikes and labor difficulties of all kinds are going on, farmers are going about their busincss producing the food and the fiber without which this Nation could not exist even for a day. We may be short of coal; we may not have farm machinery; we may not have new automobiles, but thanks to the farmers of this country, the people do have food—plenty of it--more than we have ever had in our history—yes, more than any people have ever had since civilization began. This country did such # magnificent job in winning the war that the credit must be sprend far and wide. We had the most mag. nificent Army and Navy and Air Corps ever gotten together in all the world’s history. No soldiers ever fought more valiantly and heroically than American soldiers in the Sccond World War. I believe, however, that the future historian will say, as many ob- servers have said during und since the war. that the great measure of our superiority over the enemy was our productive capacity. Not only were we able to give our fighting men the most up-to-date and splendid equipment ever possessed by any army in history but we very lergely equipped our allies. Not the least of our achievements in production was what we did on the farms of America. Churchill, speaking of the Royal Air Force, made the memorable statement that “never in all history have so many owed 80 much to so few” I think that could well be paraphrased and applied to the American farmer by saying that never in all history have so few produced so much With less manpower, less equipment, less transporta- tion—yes; with less of everything—farmers increased their production by more than one- third. It was a striking example of what could be done by cooperation and hard work. It is impossible to picture the vast production which took place on American farms during the war years. A year or 60 ago, in speaking of this, I said that if all the cattle produced on American farms and ranges during the war could be rolled into one big steer, it would span the whole North American Con- tinent. It could get a drink out of the Gulf of Mexico and wrap its tail around the Aurora Borealis; and if all the hogs which were produced on the farms of America dur- ing the war were rolled into one big hog, it could dig a ditch eas big as the Panama Canal in two roots and a half. No one has ever contradicted that statement, so I guess it must be true. I have been given the subject of the House of Representatives and the farmer. When he assigned me that subject, Mr. O'Neal said, “We farmers feel our best friend in gov- ernment is the Congress.” I appreciate this expression of confidence on the part of Pres- ident O'Neal. The fact is, we Congressmen get kicked around so much that I am al- ways mighty grateful for anything in the way of a kind word. But, seriously, I be- lieve that the record will show that Ed O'Nea] is right, and the Congress of the United States has stood by the American farmer and has shown its friendship for him on many occasions. That is natural, because Congress is the branch of our Government which is closest to the people. And because Members of the House of Representatives come directly from the people every 2 years, we Members of the House feel that we are very close to the public pulse. That is what the framers of our Government intended. We hear a great deal of criticism of Con- gress these days. It used to worry me until I started going back through the pages of history; then I found that what people are saying about Congress these days doesn’t even hold @ candle to what they were saying about Congress 100 years ago. Yet Congress as an institution has gone on and on, and it will still be going strong long after its present detractors have passed away. Con- gress makes mistakes—plenty of them. It is made up of all kinds of people—because this country is made up of all kinds of people— good, bad, and indifferent. It makcs me think of the old story about a colored man out in one of our Kansas towns. In spite of the fact that he had frequently done time in jail and had a generally bad reputation for fighting and gambling, he turned up one day as a deacon in the local colored church. One of his friends expressed some amazement about this turn of affairs but the new deacon explained by saying, “Well you see dey'’s a powerful roughneck element in our church and dey demanded representation.” Maybe the same theory accounts for some people we get in Congress. I have always said that I can tell pretty well just what kind of people live in a congressional district as soon as I get ac- quainted with the Congressman By and large, Members of Congress are fine. upstand- ing representative American citizens. I will put ..1y colicagues up any time against any group which might be selected on a Nation- wide basis—from the farm, from the fac- tories, from business, and from the profes- sions. Members of Congress sincerely try to rep- resent their people. If you want to know what people the country over ure thinking about, read the debates in the House of Rep- resentatives. The President may be out ot slep; the Supreme Court may be out of step, but the House of Representatives is usually in accord with tne thinking of the people. As you of course know, the work of Con- gress is largely done tn committee. In the House, the Committee on Agriculture con- sists of 27 members. They come from all parts of the country—just now there are members on the committee from New York and California, from Minnesota and Texas; in fact. Texas has two members. The other 22 members come from States everywhere in be- tween Every type of agricultural produc- tion and activity is represented. During the time I have been on the committee, I have served under four chairmen as follows: Gil- bert N. Haugen, of Iowa. who served more than 30 years in Congress and was one of the authors of the famous McNary-Haugen bill; Marvin Jones of Texas, one of the authors of the Triple A Act of 1938 and much other farm ltegisiation; Hampton P. Fulmer, of South Carolina; and the present able chair- man, JoHN W. FLANNAGAN, Jr., of Virginia. Three of these men were Democrats, one was Republican. They came from different parts of the country but they were all alike in their devotion to agriculture and to the in- terests of the Amcrican farmer. That has been typical of the entire membership of the committee as I have known it. There are differences of opinion, of course, but par- tisanship has rarely entered into the consid- cration of matters by the committee. That has been the rule in the past and I am sure it will be the rule in the next Congress. The Committee on Agriculture has always been one of the major committees. It has been a busy committee—so busy, in fact, that it has been considered as an exclusive committee, that is, members who serve on it are not permitted, with few exceptions, to serve on other committees. The smallest number of bills referred to the committee tn recent Congresses was 200 in the Seventy- eighth Congress; and the largest number, 435, in the Seventy-sixth Congress. Of course, only a small proportion of the bills which are introduced in Congress finally be- come laws, but most of the important bills are brought up for consideration. In the Seventy-sixth Congress, when 435 bills were APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD referred to the committee, 75 were reported to the House and 62 finally became laws. That is about the average percentage. I know that some of you have been to Waehington and have seen Congress in ses- sion. I hope that all of you will have such an opportunity sometime in your lives, and if you should happen to be in Washington during the next 2 years, I hope you will visit the Committee on Agriculture. Many people who visit Congress make the mistake of just attending the sessions of the Houre and Sen- ate. In most cases, they would find com- mittee sessions much more interesting. So 1 am taking this occasion to invite all of you to visit the House Committee on Agriculture when you get to Warhington. On such « visit you will have a chance to see how thor- oughly and carefully legislation is really con- sidered in committee. Many people are asking today what is ahead for agriculture. It is a natural ques- tion because without considering the changes made by the war we all realize that in recent years agricultural production in this country has been revolutionized through increused mechanization and the development of new and improved varicties of crops and breeds of tivestock. The production of wheat has been almost entirely mechanized. The tractor, the corn picker, and the use of hy- brid varicties of corn have completely changed’ the picture as far as corn produc- tion is concerned. New and improved meth- ods of farming tn the plains area have freed crop production from the weather hazards which formerly prevailed there. At present, mechanization is beginning to make great changes :n the production of two important crops: cotton and sugar beets The soybean has within a few years become one of the country’s most important crops. These changes will go on, and they must be con- sidered when agricultural legislation is framed. With these thoughts in mind, I think that the next Congress should make a careful ex- amination of our entire agricultural picture, with a view of determining what changes fn legislation and in policy are necessary to meet the new problems which have arisen in recent years. The matter should, of course, be considered from an economic and social, rather than a political, standpoint. It should include a careful study and re- examination of the policies and programs now in effect. These programs should be con- sidered on their merits. Those which can be justified as useful and helpful to agri- culture should be retained. Those which cannot meet this test should be discarded. At that time we shall certainly want to hear from the farmers and the farm organizations of this country, and I take this opportunity to say that the vicws and suggestions of any of you on the question of a long-time agricul. tural program will be most welcome. We are fortunate, I think, in the fact that there are no major emergencies threatening agriculture just now. All of you recall the disastrous slump in agricultural prices after the other war. That is not in the picture now because of the Steagall amendment and similar enactments which stabilize most agricultural prices at 90 percent of parity for two full years after the year in which the war is declared officially ended. There may be some difficulties in connection with the application of the price-support provision of the Steagall amendment, It is altogether possible that 90 percent of parity in the case of some commodities will stimulate overproduction. In the main, however, this amendment will give us a breathing spell during which we can give careful considera- tion to a permanent postwar agricultural policy. T am sure the big question which is dis- turbing many farmers is whether they can continue to produce in abundance as they aid during the war. I know that is what farmers want to do. They want to get away
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD from controls and regimentation. The ques- tion is, How can farmers produce in abun- dance without running the risk of price demoralization? All of us Know from ex- perience that even a small surplus fre- quently depresses prices materially. No one has yet come up with the exact answer as to how farmers can carry out a program of abundant production without the risk of ruinous prices. Since society as a whole gets the benefits of that production, there is gencral agreement, I think, that it is no more than fair and right that the farmer should be protected. In fact, I do not believe that there is any question more definitely setticd in the minds of the American people at the present time than that somcthing must be done to stabilize farm prices to the extent that farmers will never again suffer from severe deflations like those which took place in 1920 ard 1929. That principle is as firmly embedded in our political thinking as is the principle of social security What kind of a program should we have? I am not trying to answer that question now. I want you to help answer it We hope to get the answer to it as x result of our study and hearings in Congress. Cer- tainly, the objective should be abundant production, but with safeguards to save the farmer from being drowned in the flocd of his own abundance Somewhere in the pic- ture there should be price supports, but they should not be so rigid as to bring arbitrary controls and regimentation. Certainly, a part of the program should be @ positive, dynamic effort to expand markets. The last Congress passed important legis- lation along this line For the first time, it set up provisions for research in market- ing comparable to research which the De- partment of Agriculture has been doing in the field of production. I do not have time this evening to discuss the recent reseurch and marketing bill. Suffice to say, however, that it not only provides for research in marketing, but for research in new uscs for agricultural products and for new crops and products to take the place of some of the things we have been producing in surplus. It is not a measure which will perform mira- cles or which will bring an expansion of markets or consumption overnight. But I believe that in the cnd and in the over-all picture it will substantially expand our con- sumption of agricultural commodities We all know the wonderful things which have been accomplished through research in the field of producticn. It hasn't been a case of making two blsdes of grass prow where one grew before We've made a dozen blades of grass grow where one egrcw before. We've made grass grow where none grew before. It has been a marvelous thing for mankind. It, has contributed as much as anything else to moeking us the great Nation which we are today. One hundred years ago approximately 70 percent of our workers were farmers. In other words, it tonk that large a proportion of our population to supply the rest of us with food and fiber. Today only 14 people out of each 100 workers are engaged in agri- culture. Farming has become so efficient that only one-fifth as many workers are re- quired as there were 100 ycars ago. It is this which has made our great industrial develop- ment possible. It has enabled us to raise our standard of living until it is by far the highest in the world. It seems to me the time has now come when we should apply research in the fleld of marketing to the same extent that we apply it in the field of production. Although Congress has passed enabling legislation it must still be implemented by adequate ap- propriations and a sympathetic administra- tion in the Department of Agriculture. The measure to which I have referred also provides for expanded studies in the field of nutrition and there is great opportunity for expansion in that field, particularly along the lines of education. Howard Babcock's ever-normal refrigerator has become justly famous. Yet, it is well known that, if the people of this country should suddenly take a notion to expand their diet to the point urged by Mr. Babcock. we could not pos- sibly produce in this country all the require- ments for such a diet. No one expects that we will be able to adopt the diet contained in the ever-normal refrigerator—this year or next yoar or cven in 10 years—but we are, I hope, going to be moving at a substantial rate in that direction. Any steps which can be taken to inform and educate pcople in the feld of nutrition will help to expand farm markets and bring about a more pros- perous agriculture Of course, to do this, we'll need an expansion of buying powcr. The fact remains, however, thut we are not at present exhausting ull the buying power which could be used to purchase ugricultural products As long as the people of this country are spending $7.000.000.000 a yeur for alcvholic liquors and another §4,000,000,- 000 a year for tea, coffee, and soft drinks, as well as other billions for recreation and amusements, there is u field for expanding consumption of agricultural products. I fc2l there are possibilities for incrers- ing our forcign trade in agricultural come modities. The Food und Agriculture Organi- zation of the United Nations is a step in that direction. The fact that most of the nations of the world are getting together once a year to discuss food and agriculture with a view to translating surpluses in some countries into food for hungry people in others is bound to expand consumption. ‘The more emphasis we can put upon food and other agricultural products, both nationally and internationally, the grenter the murket out- lets we are going to have. It goes without saying that continued and increased consideration must be given to the problem of soil conservation Our fertile soil is our greatest national assct. It must not only be maintained but improved. It 1s not alone a farm problem. It is a national problem. No farm progrem could be complete with- out study and action to bring about better rural housing conditions, better educational facilities in rural communities, and ex- pansion of rural electrification and farm-to- market roads. Since mechanization will in all probability bring about further decreases in farm population. a sound farm program should include the encouragement of small Industries In rural areas so that those farm boys and girls for whom there are no longer places in agriculture may remain in their home communities and still secure remuncr- ative and pleasant employment. The next Congress must consider many questions which will affect the Hves and prosperity of all of us. It seems to me that the great problem which is confronting the world is: How can we all Hve together in peace and prosperity. Our greatest need is for leadership in that direction, and it seems to me that, more than any others, the farm people of the world are now furnishing that leadership First, we have the great world Food and Agriculture Organization bringing together representatives of the world’s farmers who comprise two-thirds of its ponu- lation. Not only that, but bringing together representatives of all the world’s people be- caurce of the fact that all are consumers of food and other agricultural products. In the second place, here in this country farm organizations are setting a great ex- ample in the way that they are working to- gethcer—not only on behalf of the farmers of this country but in making the Nation a better place in which to live. I was heart- ened and thrilled over the conference which the American Farm Bureau Federation, the National Grange, and the Cooperative Coun- cil recently held at Buffalo, N. Y., in which they got together upon a common program covering several agricultural questions. That is not the first time this has happened, nor will it be the last, A23 And, finally, farmers and farm organiza- tions arc making a great contribution to our abili:, to work and live together in that they are standing on the principle of parity. That's all that farmers have ever asked— parity with the other producing elements of our population. It is a fine principle. It denotes fuirness and honesiy and a desire to do right by the other fellow. If all of our people would get together upon this simple principle of fairness and economic equality, {1 would mark the beginning of the most glorious cra ever cnjoyed by any nation in the world's history. Let’s Look Into the State Department EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, my colleague the Honorable CHESTER E. Merrow has written an interesting article that appeared in the Christian Science Monitor for November 2, 1946, entitled ‘Let’s Look Into the State De- partment.” Mr. Mernow, in the last session of the Congress, introduced a resolution calling for the creation of a select committce to conduct an investigation into the foreign policy of the United States. He believes that our foreign policy needs an over- hauling, and I agree with his point of view. I have endorsed and supported the resolution which he has introduced, and I trust he will again introduce it into this session of Congress. I am sure that the Members of this House will be interested in reading the very thought-provoking article referred to. LET’S LOOK INTO THE STATE DEPARTMENT— LEGISLATOR RELIEVES CONGRESS AND PEOPLE SIIOULD HAVE FACTS ON FOREIGN POLICY (By Cuester E. Merrow, Representative in Congress from New Hampshire) A vear after the end of the war tn Eurupe and Asia, the Government and the people of the United Stares are engaved in another offensive. The objective is peace, not pence at any price, but peace based on mutual con- cession, mutual obligation, and mutual re- spect among nations great and small. The general heacquarters of this offensive is the antiquated building in Washington on the corner of Pennsylvania Avenue and Seventeenth Street, which houses the top officials of the Department of State. The general staff consists of these officials and hundrcds of lesser ones scattered through some 30 other buildings in Washington. Their decisions are put into effect by line officers stationed in embassies, legations, and consulates in every corner of the world. Their weupon is the foreign policy of the United States. At the moment, the people know almost nothing about these matters. Congress knows but little more. I propose that they be given all the facts. In the last wecks of the first session of the Seventy-ninth Con- gress, I offered resolutions in the House of Representatives calling for the creation of & select committce to conduct an investiga- tion into the foreign policy of the United States and the manner in which it is formu- lated and carried out by the Department cf State.
A24 The primary purpose, however, and the only justifiable reason for making an in- vestigation would be to provide Congress and the people with information needed to form sound judgments concerning the De- partment. How does the agency that is the first line of our peacetime national defense operate? What are tts policies? How are they formulated and executed? What prob- lems—of organization, of budget, or person- nel, of administration—confront 1t? What measures can bo taken by Congress and the people to overcome any difMficulties that stand in the way of its cfficient operation? The objective, in short, is not to destroy public confidence in the State Department, but to bulld it up by getting at the facts on which effective action can be taken to make the Drpurtment what it must be at this moment in history—the best-staficd, the best-Informed, the best-operated, the most efficient, the most resourceful, and the most respected foreign office in the world. With the responsibilities that it now carries, the United States can afford nothing less. One significant result of such an investi- gation might well be an improvemen* in the quality and the quantity of information disseminated from within the Department to the people of the United States—and other nations No comment ts more fre- quently made in these days of rapid, be- wildering developments in international relations than this one: “The United States has no foreign policy.” That statement has been made by barbers, lawyers, filling sta- tion attendants, veterans, housewives, truck drivers, and professors. I have made it my- self; so, doubtless, have you. Sometimes we may be right, for in a world such as we now live in, situations may easily arise for which the foreign policy of the United States provides no immediate coverage. That may be a reason why the lights in the State De- partment sometimes burn late at night Yet the probability is that most of the time the State Department only seems to have no policy. It may seem to have no policy becruse information concerning it has emerged from the Department in fragments, at long intervals, and without any apparent relationship to what has gone before. The Department issues a good many press releases on a good many subjects during the course of a week. They range from the an- nouncement of the transfer of a vice consul to a statement by the Secretary explaining involved negotiations concerning, say, inter- national trade. The press and the radio get the most important information contained in these releases before the eyes and into the ears of the public, but the most painstaking commentator and the most careful editor is not always in a position to correlate this in- formation with relevant iniormation that has gone before. For lack of data as well as lack of time, they cannot always place it against its proper background, give it its correct perspective. In consequence, major developments often break upon the ordinary citizen and the ordinary Member of Congress in such a way as to confuse rather than enlighten him. Unable to grasp all that is implied, he too often escapes from his bafflement by shift- ing the blame elsewhere: “The United States has no foreign policy.” From perplexity and incomprehension it is but a short step to apathy, and a public apathetic to matters of foreign policy today is a danger not only to the security of the United States but to the cause of peace everywhere. This situation can and should be remedied by the Department itself. With regard to the vast majority of problems and issues with which it deals, the State Department has, I am ready to believe, coherent, consistent, and cogent policies. If the relevant documents concerning % given issue were set forth con- secutively and objectively explained, they would in most cases reveal a fixity of purpose and a continuity of method that would as- tonish many critics of the Department. More than 8 years ago, the Department published an admirable volume entitled “Peace and War," which proved this to be the case. In addition to some 800 docu- ments, the volume contained a concise but inclusive narrative of the development of foreign policy as it applied to the aggressor nations—Germany, Italy. and Japan—during the fateful decade between 1031 and 1941. Not only did it make clear that the United States had a foreign policy during that criti- cal period. It aleo made plain that the execution of the policy was materially hame Ppered because Congress and the public were not fully informed. I do not see why more such information should not be published. It should be pub- lished, moreover, while public opinion can make itself felt. It should not come out long after the event, when only historical judgments can be rendered, but while events are in flux, so that they can be influenced by informed opinion. The people of the United States are not the only ones who are interested in its foreign policy. As I discovered a year ago, when I visited 80 countries from the British Isles to the subcontinent of India, people in many lands are eager to know what the foreign policy of this country is. They realize that it will touch their lives at many points and in many ways. They are legitimately curious to know what its impact will be, what effect it will have on their security. If the United States does not give them the infor- mation they want, they will seek it from other and perhaps prejudiced sources. Other nations, much poorer than the United States, are spending far more, absolutely and rela- tively, than we are on foreign-information programs. During the past year, the State Depart- ment has taken over from the wartime in- formation agencies the responsibility for keeping other peoples informed about the United States. It is up to Congress and the People to see that that responsibility is car- ried out faithfully, efficiently. and compre- hensively. These are not the only matters that might be canvassed by uw select committee of the Houee of Representatives concerned with the efficient functioning of the State Department. The adequacy of the personnel both of the State Department and of the Foreign Serv- ice is a question that must continually con- cern not only the recruiting staffs of the agencies, but every citizen who appreciates that his future and the future of his chile dren may be determined by a foreign-policy decision made tomorrow morning. The ques- tion of salaries is deeply involved here, as it is in other branches of the Government. Members of Congrese have a particular in- terest in the problem of Maison between the State Department and themselves. Although an Assistant Secretary of State for Con- gressional Relations is provided for, the post has remained unfilled since Dean Acheson was promoted to be Under Secretary more than a year ago. All these matters, however, resolve into one. It is this: No one here or abroad questions the position of the United States today. For better or for worse, it is the firat nation of the world. It is also the nation that, by reason of its traditions, its resources, and its authority, is best fitted to make the idea of democracy the dynamic, constructive force for peace in the world that it is capable of being. The instrumentality for accom- plishing this is the Department of State. Is the Department up to !ts job? The sole purpose of the investigation that I propose would be, frst, to discover the facts; second, on the basis of the facts, make recommenda- tions for strengthening the t at every point of weakness, for eliminating every shortcoming, far encouraging every creative possibility. ‘ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ‘We must know before we build. We must investigate before we can know. The people of this country must have a full communiqué on the headquarters and the staff that is waging our offensive for peace. Portal to Pertal—A Drama in 10 Acts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EVERETT M. DIRKSEN OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. Speaker— ACT 1 The time: Summer of 1938. The place: The Seventy-fifth Congress, The action: Enactment of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938—approved June 25, 1938 (52 Stat. 1062). The time: June 30, 1943. act IZ The place: United States District Court, Eastern District of Michigan, Southern Division, Hon. Frank Picard, district judge. The action: Anderson et al. against Mount Clemens Pottery Co. et al., No. 2582—An action by Steve Anderson and others against the Mount Clemens Pot- tery Co. et al. for an alleged violation of the wage-hour provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act—a finding by the Court that certain extra time was not computed by the employer which in the judgment of the court constituted a vio- lation of the Wage-Hour Act. ACT 13 The time: May 21, 1945. The place: Circuit Court of Appeals, Sixth Judicial Circuit. The action: An appeal for the Mount Clemens Pottery Co. et al. against Anderson et al. from the District Court of the United States for the Eastern Dis- trict of Michigan. The judgment of the district court was reversed and the cause of action was ordered dismissed. ACT IV The time: October term, 1945—decided June 10, 1946. The place: The United States Supreme Court, Washington, D.C. The action: Steve Anderson et al., petitioners, against Mount Clemens Pote- tery Co. et al.—Writ of certiorari to the United States Circuit Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit to reverse a judg- ment reversing a judgment of the Dis- trict Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Michigan, Southern Division, in favor of the plaintiffs in ace tion for overtime compensation and liqui- dated damages under the Federal Fair Labor Standards Act. Reversed and re- manded. Mr. Justice Murphy delivered the opinion of the Court. Mr. Justice Jackson took no part in the case. Mr, Justice Burton dissented with the con- currence of Mr. Justice Frankfurter. act v The time: December 11, 1946. The place: A certain industrial plant in the Middle West.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The action: A circular distributed to all employees of the plant which reads as follows: FOUR MILLION DOLLARS WON IN “RECOVERY PAY” BY MOUNT CLEMENS POTTERY WORKERS A recent decision of the United States Su- preme Court has extended the “portal-to- portal” doctrine—the Mount Clemens Pottery Co. case. Under this decision, all time neces- sarily spent by the workers on the employer's premises is “working time” which must be paid for under the Fair Labor Standards Act. The decision applies to all employers cov- ered by the law, and this means al) employers within our jurisdiction. In the Mount Clemens case the Court ruled that the employer violated the Fair Labor Standards Act because the employees had not received pay for the following kinds of time: 1. Time spent changing clothes, whether before starting work or after finishing, and during lunch period. 2. Time spent getting from the empioyer protective clothes, such as aprons, overalls, gloves, masks, etc., and in putting on and taking off these things, and returning them after work. 8. Time spent washing up or showering after work and during lunch hour. 4. Time spent taping or greasing arms or putting on and removing any oll, bensine, or other material for protection. 5. Time spent obtaining tools from em- ployer. preparing, cleaning, repairing them, assembling and sharpening them and other- wise getting them ready. as well as time spent preparing them for storage by em- ployer, as well as time spent to check them. 6. Time spent waiting in line for pay-roll. 7. Time spent in walking from gate to place where work is done in morning and in returning after the shift, and walking time 80 spent during lunch hour. 8. Time spent turning on switches for lights and machinery, opening windows, etc. 9. Working time for which worker was not paid because he was docked for lateness. 10. Time spent for roll calls or waiting for work assignments, 11. Time «pent for medical examinations. 12. Time spent for preparing reports. 18. Time spent eating meals on duty. 14. Rest periods not exceeding twenty minutes. All in all the Mount Clemens workers col- lected four million dollars in back pay for work done but not paid for in accordance with the Fair Labor Standards Act. (Issued by Committee on Wage and Hours Claims.) ACT VI The time: December 13, 1946. The place: Same industry. The action: Distribution of a circular which read as follows: To ALL WORKERS ALL OVER AMERICA WORKERS ARE TAKING FULL ADVANTAGE OF THEIR RIGHTS UNDER THE FAIR LABOR STANDARDS ACT TO SECURE THEIR PORTAL-TO-PORTAL PAY FROM THE EMPLOYLRS The Committee on Wage and Hours Claims js calling a meeting for al] workers to ex- plain in detail how each individual can take steps to secure their portal-to-portal pay. ACT vit The time: December 15, 1946. The place: The union hall. The action: The circulation and sign- ing of an authorization which reads as follows: AUTHORIZATION TO PROSECUTE WAGES AND HOURS CLAIM FOR OVERTIME , Internattonal President, International Vice Presi- To dent, -, President, Local No. —. Dear Siazs AND BroTHErs: During my em- ployment by my employer, named below, I did not receive pay for all time necessarily spent by me in my work as required by the Fair Labor Standards Act. I therefore designate and authorize you, or the survivors of you, to maintain an ac- tion under that act as my agents and repre- sentatives, for and in my behalf, and in be- half of other employees similarly situated, against my employer to recover the amount of the underpayments of overtime plus an additional equal amount as liquidated dam- ages. T authorize you to retain counsel, to adjust or compromise my claim, and to receive pay- ment in my behalf. My contribution to counsel fee shall not exceed 10 percent of my recovery, by settlement or suit. With the signing of this authorization, I @o hercby pay 60 cents on account as my share of the necessary disbursements for prosecution of the claim. Name--.-.-..---------------- 2 -enn ene (Please print) Home address --...---------- oe ee Company -------.----.-------------------- I began to work here .... Month ..-.Year My present job ts ...... wee een ewe nee eee Badge or clock No. ~...-.-.-.--.----------- Signed ..-.----..----------.~--------- ee Date -.-.----222-- 2.2 eee ee I served in the armed forces from ...--~-- - to ~-------L. ACT VIIl The time: A few days later. The place: United States District Court in Illinois. The action: Filing a suit for $60,000,- 000. ACT IX The time: Any time. The place: Anywhere. The action: Preparation to defend portal-to-porta) suits in all parts of the country. A single industry in the Mid- dle West estimates that it will require the services of 200 people for a period of 2 years to carefully check and evaluate more than 70,000 plant records before a complete defense can be prepared for presentation to a Federal master in chancery on a single action for portal- to-portal demands. This means that the legal action involved will entail expenses in excess of $2,000,000 to defend such a suit in the case of a single plant. ACT X The time: Now. The place: The Eightieth Congress, The action: ? Proposing an Inquiry Into and Study of Coal Mining EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. FRANCIS CASE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. CASE of South Dakota. Mr. Speaker, twice within the past year Na- tion-wide coa] strikes have hit the coun- try. Another may come March 31. Whenever such a strike comes we hear and read statements to the effect that conditions in the coal-mining industry are bad and that problems are different than in other fields of industry. A25 The strike threat is parried in some patchwork fashion and the Nation stag- gers on, hoping something will happen before next time. I do not know that conditions in coal mining are different than in general in- dustry but think Congress should find out in time to do something before the next deadline. Therefore I am intro- ducing the following resolution today: Whereas an uninterrupted flow of coal in adequate amounts is essential to the com- merce of the United States and to the welfare of its citizeus: Cherefore Be it resolved by the House of Representa- tives of the Unitcd States of America in Con- gress assembled (the Senate concurring therein), That the Committee on Education and Labor of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Education and Labor of the Senate are authorized and directed to conduct an inquiry into and study of all factors affecting the mining and distribution of coa] in the United States, with special reference to the conditions of the workers in the coal-mining industry, their safety, housing, wages, and comfort. Such study is to include the anthracite and subbituminous as well as bituminous fields. The committees are empowered to operate jointly in this inquiry and to employ such investigators and clerica] assistants as may be necessary and are requested to report their findings to their respective bodies with such recommendations as they deem de- sirable not later than March 1, 1947. Mr. Speaker, my hope is that such a resolution might be acted upon quickly and give the committees the maximum amount of time to make their study and yet leave time for Congress to act, if found desirable, before March 31. Speaker Martin EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I am including an excellent editorial that appeared in the Sunday Star of January 5, 1947, on the subject of Speaker Martin. I am sure that the writer of this editorial has presented a true picture of our Speaker as we all know him. We know that Joe MartTIn is going to make a great record, for he is a great statesman and patriot. SPEAKER MARTIN In taking over the heavy responsibilities of Speeker of the House of Representutives, JoserH W. Mantin, Jr., has assumed a posi- tion ranking not far below the Presidency of the United States. As Mr Rayburn. his Democratic predecessor, declared .n welcom- ing him to his new duties, he faces av ar- duous, onerous, and sometimes seemingly thankless task. But Mr Martin, by virtue of his long experience in Congress, his physical ruggedness, his political know-how, sand his attractive personal traits, is well equipped for the office, with all its high honors and its numerous headaches. To begin with, as a Republican Member of Congress since 1924, he has long si1 ce won the affectionate esteem of virtually all his
A26 colleayues in beth major parties. He does not have flash; he is not brilliant in the usual sense of that word; he is a plain-spoken plodder, but he plods intelligently and well. Even those whc have disagreed with him most in the past will freely acknowledge that he ts what Mr. Rarsurn has called him— a man of great integrity, demonstrated abil- ity, and good heart. These qualities—plus a taste for thrift and hard work—have been marked in him ever since his youth. His Massachusetts constituency was quick to rec- ognize them. They were what carried him, in his early years, from newsboy to reporter and finally to owner of his successful Evening Chronicle in North Attleboro. Add to all this the fact that he is a nonstuffy, nonsmoking, nondrinking bachelor--a solid personality, but a very genial and informal one—and it is easy to understand why almost everybody who knows him respects him and feels im- pelled at the same time to call him “Joe.” It is easy to understand, too, how his district always returned him to the House, even though it went for President Roosevelt in the Roosevelt landslides. The excellent qualities that have thus served JOE Martin in his career to date will continue to serve him, and they will serve his country as well. What About Those Citizens Against Whom OPA Enforcement Actions Are Still Pending in View of the Progressive Liquidation of OPA? EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EVERETT M. DIRKSEN OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. Speaker, it is to be presumed that the transfer of func- tions of OPA to OTC—Office of Tempo- rary Controls—is a forerunner of the ultimate termination and liquidation of the Office of Price Administration. Liquidation under existing law would still permit the Office of Temporary Controls or the Department of Justice to pursue all pending cases which have arisen out of price control enforcement. Paragraph (b) of Section 1 of the original Act provides among other things that despite the termination of OPA the provisions of the act do not lapse “as to offenses committed, or rights or Habill- ties incurred, prior to such termination date, the provisions of this act and such regulations, orders, price schedules, and requirements shall be treated as still re- maining in force for the purpose of sus- taining any proper suit, action, or prose- cution with respect to any such right, liability, or offense.” This authority remains in effect under the terms of the joint resolution ap- proved July 25, 1946, whereby the Price Control Act was amended and extended and it is, therefore, clear that the En- forcement. Division of the Office of Tem- porary Contro! or the Department of Justice may stil] pursue those charged with offenses under OPA even in those cases where commodities have already been decontrolled. I directed an inquiry to the Enforce- ment Division on December 2 and re- ceived a letter from Mr. William E. Remy, Deputy Administrator for Enforcement, dated December 30, 1946, in which he sets forth the policy which is being pursued and also a list of all pending cases as of October 31, 1946. This is a matter which will require at- tention on the part of the Congress and I am sure that the House Committee on Banking and Currency will want to ex- plore this matter at an early date. For genera] information, therefore, I am in- cluding in my remarks Mr. Remy’s letter, together with a tabulation of pending cases: Orrice or TEMPORARY CONT2OLS, OFFICE OF PRICE ADMINISTRATION, Washington, D.C., December 30, 1946. The Honorable Everett M. DirXsENn, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. DirKsEn: This refers to your let- ter of December 2, 1946, addressed to Mr. George Moncharsh. Mr. Moncharsh recently left the agency to return to private practice and I have succeeded him as Deputy Ad- ministrator for Enforcement. You will re- call that I accompanied Ivan Carson to your office u few weeks ago in connection with a hotel rent case from Peoria. At tle time of the President’s decontrol message we were in the process o. enforcing the regulations covering commodities that were decontrolled as well as commodities that were not decontrolled. This meant that on the day of decontrol we had civil and crim- inal cases pending in court, suspension orders pending. completed cuses ready for court ace tion, cases substantially completed, and cases that had merely been assigned to investi- gators. It was our normal backlog of ac- tivity. First, we had to separate those cases that. involved decontrolled commodities from those that tnvolved commodities that were still under control. This meant that we had to segregate the rent, sugar. and veterans’ hous- ing cases from all other cases. As you know, we have been handling certain phases of en- forcement of the veterans en:ergency hous- ing regulations The latest date for which we have accurate figures on our pending case load is October 31. I am attaching hereto two schedules which show our work load as of that day. Schedule A represents the commodities that are now decontrolled and Schedule B the commodities still under control. We are now in the process of evaluating all pending cases involving decontrolled com- modities to determine which cases should be dropped and which ones should be continued. This evaluating job will take about 2 months. During the course of evaluating the cases we are dismissing all those that involve less than $200 in actual overcharges. We are also dis- missing those cases that involve infractions of our procedural pricing rules as distin- guished from actual overcharges. An exam- ple of these cases is that we had two prices for used automobiles—a warranty price for a dealer who obtained the authority to sell at warranty prices and an as-is price for everyone who did not have such authoriza- tion. Some dealers failed to obtain this au- thorization, although they would have re- ceived such authorization by simply applying to the OPA. In a going price-control pro- gram it is important to bring these cases into . APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. court. However, since decontrol, there is no real reason to with this character of cases. We are also dismissing all cases where there is serious question of the proof of viola- tion. During this period of evaluating the cases we are disposing of a normal number of cases that are reached in court and also there are a number of cases that are being settled out of court. We are also dismissing all pending injunctions in these decontrolled cases where we are not also seeking treble damages. It is estimated that by the end of January we will have disposed of half of our enforcement backlog. It is impossible to give an accurate esti- mate of the amount of money represented by treble-damage claims filed by us because in dismissing pricing-procedura] violation cases, which I referred to above, we will dismiss some rather large suits. My best judgment at this time is that the treble-damage suits remaining on file after we have completed our evaluation of these cases will be close to $75,000,000 in overcharges. This amount cannot be accurately estimated until all pending investigations are completed. In some of the larger cases it takes several months to complete the auditing of the over- charges. In some of the cases pending in court the exact amount of the overcharges are not finally determined, and will not be finally determined, until the OPA tnvestiga- tors, as well as the defendants’ auditors, have completed the necessary accounting. It 1s impossible to estimate the amount of fines that will be imposed by the Federal judges in pending criminal cases. After our evaluation of pending cases is completed it may be that we will be able to eliminate other categories of cases Thus we will further reduce the number of pending cases From time to time I am sure that you will want to use our latest figures on backlog. This information can be pulled together for you at any time on comparnatively short no- tice. By the end of the year we will have a much better picture of our pending work- load than we have today. I suggest that you check with us again later to get our latest reports. Since November 9 we have reduced our en- forcement staff by 5,000 positions. We have eliminated all of the district offices and have maintained only the 8 regional offices with 22 branch enforcement stutions. We ure of the opinion that it would be rather wasteful to turn over to the Department of Justice at this time all of the pending OPA civil cases. The attorneys who have been working on these cases are familiar with OPA regulations and the interpretations the courts have placed upon the Emergency Price Control Act. They are in a better position than any- one to finish preparing these cases and to screen out those cases that should be elimi- nated. Necessarily it will take wu long time to dispose of all of the pending OPA cases. The Department of Justice should be pre- pared to take over these cases after the screening process is completed und the OPA has tried those cases that can be immedi- ately tried. We have already had some con- ferences with the Department of Justice to determine when will be the best time for it to take over these cases. I would appreciate very much the oppor- tunity of discussing with you our plans for disposing of these cases and our policies pertaining to such cases. If there is any further information that you desire on this subject please let me know and I will en- deavor to obtain it for you. Sincerely yours, WritiM E. Remy, Deputy Administrator for Enforce- ment, Office of Price Administra- - ton, Office of Temporary Controis.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Scurpure A.—Review and Disposition Division—decontrolled commodities backlog as of Oct. 31, 1946 Cases undor investigation.........-.2.----- cece en eene eee ee Awaiting disposition. ..... Cases pending in court... Federal criminal cases... Local criminal (New Yor! License suspension ee een een eeeeee Admin{strator's own treble damage ¢ Administrator’s consumer treble-damage etnias ts Injunction. - Contempt... : Suspension order .....------------.------4 Determinations for subsidy withholding - Number of cases expected to result in new ‘treble-damage and erlminal actions, total. ..2.. 22.2... -e see eee eee ee eee ee eee From eases under investigation 3. . Pending disposition ¢ Other Textiles, | Industrini foods Apparel leather materials | Lumber wee 4, 184 430 322 €02 171 RAO 298 968 434 - 11, 002 800 1, 203 1, 496 492 1,746 249 1,874 1,082 - 5 WW 2, 722 625 819 316 1, 142 202 2, SUX 685 1On commodities sold for rosate or for use in the course of trade or business. On commodities sold to consumers. 340 pereent of meat and other food cases under investigation; 24 percent of all others, 480 percent of meat and other fond cases pending dispositton: 38 pereent of all others. SCHEDULE B.—Program Diviston—on commodities still under control backlog as of Oct. 31, 1946 Cases under investigation -_ Awaiting disposition. .__ Cases pendine in court... Federal criminal cases... Local criminal cases - License suspension. -......-.--------------- Administrator's own treble-damare claims 2. .._ Administrator's consumer treble-damage claims 3_ InjuncHon .....0..-0-------- ee eee eee ene Contompt Suspension order__.........--.---------------- 2 eee ene 1 Estimated Total Rent Sugar Housing ! won eens 1, 858 &43 965 5, 554 1,739 3, 700 6,451 4, £0 1, 906 238 58 175 132 3 ou 1 ee 93 554 |_.2.-------- 554 3, 912 3, 426 486 1, 408 060 619 24 14 nennnee 1,310 |o----e 1,310 2 On commodities sold for resale or for use in the course of trade or business, 3 On commodities sold to consumers, Communism—Address by J. Edgar Hoover EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7,. Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted me to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I am inserting the address of Hon. J. Edgar Hoover, Dircctor of the FBI, delivered before the annual convention of the American Legion at San Francisco, Calif., on September 30, 1946, which I hope every Member of Con- gress will read, and reread. The matter referred to follows: REMARKS OF J. EDGAR HOOVER, DIRECTOR, FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, AT THE ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE AMERICAN LEGION, SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., SEFTEMBER 30, 1946 I accept the distinguished service medal of the American Legion on behalf of my associates in the Federal Bureau of Investi- gation who have made its achievements pos- sible. Bulwarking the men and women of the FBI are the high hopes and expectations of the loyal Americans whom we serve. The American Legion is a great force for good in this Nation. It exemplifies the traditions of our country and is living testimony to the spirit of America. I am happy to be here today to thank you of the American Legion for the great aid and assistance you have rendered the FBI over the years. The record of your achievements is now history. Today, there is a greater need than ever before for the American Legion and its stabilizing force. We of the FBI need your help now even more than during the war years if the battle for a safe and secure America is to be won. Our enemies ure massing their forces on two main fronts. One is the criminal front. Crime is increas- ing dally; juvenile delinquency is shocking; lawlessness is rampant. We are nearcr to the days of gang control than we were u year after World War I. Add to the forces that account for a serious crime every 20 seconds, day and hight, the other encroach- ing enemy of Amcrica and we have a for- midable foe. I refer to the growing menace of communism in the United Stntes. During the past 5 years American Com- munists have made their deepest inroads upon our national Hfe. In our vaunted tolerance for all peoples the Communist has found our “Achilles’ heel." The American Legion represents a force which holds with- in its power the ability to expose the hypoc- risy and ruthlessness of this foreign isin which has crept into our national life—an ism built and supported by dishonor, deceit, tyranny. and a deliberate policy of falsehood. It is a matter of self-preservation. The veteran who fought for America will be among the first to suffer if the Communists succeed in carrying out their diabolical plots to wreck the American way of life. The “divide and conquer" tactics did not die with Hitler—they are being employed with greater skill today by American Communists with their “boring from within” strategy. Their propaganda, skillfully designed and adroitly executed, has been projected into practically every phase of our national life. The fact that the Communist Party in the United States claims some 100,000 members has lulled many Americans into a feeling of false complacency. I would not be concerned if we were dealing with only 100,000 Commu- nists. The Communists themselves boast that for every party member there are 10 others ready to do the party's work. These include their satellites, their fellow travelers, and their so-called progressive und phony liberal allies. They have maneuvercd them- selves into positions where a few Commu- nists control the destinies of hundreds who are either willing to be led or have been duped into obeying the dictates of others. The average American workingman is loyal, patriotic, and law abiding. He wants secu- rity for his family and himself. But in some unions the rank and file find themsclves between a Communist pincers, manipulated by a few leaders who have hoodwinked and browbeaten them into # state of submission. Communists labor leaders have sparred for time in thetr lubor deliberations to refer matters of policy to Communist Party heud- quarters for clearance. In tact, resolutions have been delayed pending such approval and contemplated strikes have been post- poned until adequate Communist support and backing were uvailable. The Communist influence has projected itself into some newspapers, magazines, books, radio, and the screen Some churches, schools, colleses, and even fraternal orders have been penetrated, not with the approval of the rank und file but in spite of them. I have been pleased to observe that the Com- munist attempts to penetrate the American Legion have met with failure. Eternal vini- lance will continue to keep your ranks free of shifty, double-crossing Communist de- structionists. We are rapidly reaching the time when Joyal Americans must be willing to stand up and be counted. The American Communist Party, despite its claims, is not truly a politi- cal party. The Communist Party in this countr" is not working for the general wel- fare of all our people—it is working against our people. It is not interested in providing for the common defense. It hus for its pur- Pose the shackling of America and its con- version to the godless, Communist way of lif.. If it were a political party, its adherents could be appealed to by reason. Instead, it is a system of intrigue, actuated by fanuti- cism. It knows no rules of decency. Its une principled converts would sell America short if it would help their cause of furthering an allen way of life conceived in darkness and motivated by greed for power whose ulti- mate aim is the destruction of our cherished freedom. Let us no longer be misled by their sly propaganda and false preachments on civil liberty. They want civil license to do as they please; and if they get control, liberty for Americans will be but a haunted mem- ory. For those who seek to provoke prejudice
A28 and stir up the public mind to angry resent- ment agninst our form of government are a menace to the very powers of law and order which guarantee and safeguard popular rights. We of this generation have faced two great menaces in America—fascism and com- munism. Both are materialistic; both are totalitarian; both are antireligious; both are degrading and inhuman. In fact, they differ little except in name. Communism has bred fascism and fascism spawns communism. Both are the antithesis of American belief in liberty and freedom. If the peoples of other countries want communism, let them have it, but it has no place in America. The Hitler, Tojo, and Mussolini brands of fascism were met and defexted on the battle- fleld. All those who stand for the American way of life must arise and defeat Red fascism in America by focusing upon it the spotlight of public opinion and by building up barriers of common decency through which it cannot penetrate. Such a crusade cannot be spearheaded by any force more potent than the American Legion, composed as it is of America’s heroes who have proved their mettle in battle. The men and women who defeated the Nazi brand of fascism with bullets can defeat the Red brand of fascism by raising thetr voices in behalf of democracy and by exposure and de- munelation of every force which weakens America. The American Legion, ordained to bring together the veterans of World War I to per- petuate the associations made on foreign soil, is being expanded by the influx of veterans of World War II, who likewise fought that Amer'ca might live. To allow America to become infected with the malignant growth of communism or to be infested by crime is a@ breach of our trust to those who geve their l'ves for American principles. Let us gird ourselves with the determina- tion that those basic freedoms and spiritual ideals for which so many have sacrificed s0 much shall not be destroyed from within. Let us be steadfast for America, work and live for America, and eternally be on guard to defend our Constitution ani our way of life against the virulent poison of commu- nistic ideology. Resolution of Ringgold County Carriers Association, Redding, Iowa EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL M. LeCOMPTE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. LECOMPTE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I wish to include herein a resolution adopted by the Ringgolc County Carriers Association, Redding, Iowa, in the in- terest of a 25-year retirement law for postal clerks: Repoina, Iowa, October 2, 1946. To Whom It May Concern: We, the rural carriers of the Ringgold County Carriers Association, assembled Octo- ber 2, 1946, at the home of Car) Quick, Red- ding, Iowa, do hereby make the following resolution : Be it resolved, That the Ringgold County carriers are unanimously in favor of a 25-year retirement law. Very truly yours, Earu W. KELty, President, Ringgold County Carriers Association, Redding, lowa. Second Bay Crossing From San Francisco to Bay Farm Island EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD J. WELCH OF CALIFORNI‘ IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. WELCH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks in the CONGRESSIONAL REcorD, I include a statement made by me before a Joint Army-Navy Board created pursuant to House Resolution No. 529, Seventy-ninth Congress, of which I was the author, with reference to a second bay crossing from San Francisco to Bay Farm Island on the easterly side of San Francisco Bay; also a supplemental statement sub- mitted by me to the same board: STATEMENT or HON. RicHarp J. WELCH, OF CALIFORNIA, BEFORE A JOINT ARMY-NAVY Boarp CREATED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLU- TION No. 629, SEVENTY-NINTH CONGRESS, Wit REFERENCE TO A SECOND Bay Crossina Prom SAN FRANCISCO TO BAY FakM ISLAND ON THE Eastra_y Sipe or SAN FRANCISCO BaY Mr. Chairman und gentlemen of the Board, I am happy to have this opportunity to ap- pear before the Joint Army-Navy Board ap- pointec’ pursuant to House Resolution No. 629, which was introduced by me for the purpose of investigating and reporting upon the need and feasibility, from the standpoint of both national defense and peace-time economy, of constructing a crossing from San Francisco to Bay Farm Island, or of a sys- tem of dams across San Francisco Bay as provided in the Reber plan. It is regrettable that in the past, in con- nection with the construction of the two present bridges, the Army and Navy at first did not agree to their necessity. The tre- mendous importance of this great interna- tional seaport and the need for adequate communications between it and the main- land, which subsequent history has fully justified. resulted in long drawn-out con- troversy. AS a member of the board of supervisors of the city and county of San Francisco, I in- troduced all of the resolutions which resulted in securing the approval of the War Depart- ment to build the Golden Gate Bridge. Al- though proceeding under authority granted by the then Secretary of War, John W. Weeks, and the creation of the Golden Gate Bridge and highway district by an act of the Cali- fornia Legislature, as well as after the expen- diture of upwards of one-half million dollars in preliminary work, the Board of Army En- gineers, under General Brown, threatened to revoke the grant for no apparent reason. De- spite the opposition, this magnificent struc- ture was built during the depth of the de- pression without a single dollar of Govern- ment aid. It made a tremendous contribution to winning the war by reducing the time be- tween Government military and naval estab- lishments from a three-quarter-hour ferry trip to that of a few minutes’ drive. The saving made to the Federal Government during the war and its value to our peacetime economy are beyond calculation. Likewise, the War and Navy Departments both took a firm stand against the construc- tion of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay bridge. I introduced the original bill in Congress authorizing the construction of that bridge. The men then guiding the destiny of the Army and Navy appeared before congressional committees in opposition to it. They con- tended that such a bridge would severely APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD interfere with navigation and the operation of naval ships. They asserted that collisions would occur with the bridge piers if such a crossing were built. Mr. Chairman and members of the Board, although this bridge has been in operation for nearly 10 years, I have yet to hear of any collisions, notwithstanding the fact that we have just completed a successful series of military and nava) actions in the Pacific that made San Francisco the greatest port of em- barkation in the world. To overcome the opposition of the Army and Navy, it was necessary for me to make ® personal appeal to the President of the United States, which resulted in his ap- potntment of the Hoover-Young Commission, whose investigation and report led to the construction of this remarkable bridge. Contrary to their contentions, tt has proven to be a greater asset to our national se- curity and peacetime security than even the Golden Gate Bridge. It was also con- structed without any Federal appropriation whatsoever. Myr. Chairman and Board members, the time has come when we must look to our future needs. The responsibility resting upon you in this regard is heavy. The San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge had reached its capacity during peak hours even be- fore the war broke out in Europe. It was this fact that led me to introduce in Con- gress, in the spring of 1041, H. R. 158. The passage of that resolution brought the ap- pointment of a similar joint Army-Navy board to investigate and make recommenda- tions concerning the need and feasibility of constructing a second bay crossing. Ex- amination of the Board’s report indicates that while such a bridge was considered feasible and practical, the urgency of war conditions and need for materials for war purposes were the principal factors which caused the Board to recommend against constructing a bridge at that time. While a second crossing was needed then, the present great increase in traffic largely due to the great permanent expansion of both military and naval establishments on both sides of the bay with their attendant increase in population, makes the construc- tion of a second bay crossing imperative now. It must be remembered, gentlemen, that were you to recommend favorably on this matter today, it would take at least 6 years before the bridge would be open to traffic. In hig letter of March 5, 1946, the Acting Secretary of the Navy, in recommending against the passage of my House resolution No. 529, advanced some of the strongest reasons why this second bay crossing should be constructed. In this recommendation he pointed out that: “Naval establishments and activities in San Francisco Bay area have been expanded tremendously since Decem- ber 1941. The facilities of the Naval Dry- dock, Hunters Point, and the Naval Air Sta- tion, Alameda, have been increased to han- dle increased and increasing operations. The physical plant at the Naval Supply Depot, Oakland, has been extended.” Gentlemen, these are potent reasons why another bay crossing should be constructed. In his recommendation he further refers to the California State law requiring that no Other bridge can be built as long as bonds for the construction of the San Francisco- Oakland Bridge are outstanding. An exam- ination of the records of the operation of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge will show that at the present rate of income from that bridge these bonds will be paid off in full before the proposed crossing can be built. Gentlemen, after many years of continuous local, State, and National public service, I believe I can speak as one who is thoroughly familiar with this problem. It is my con- sidered opinion that a second bay crossing is absolutely essential for three basic reasons.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD First. It will aid our future national secu- rity by tying more closely together all mili- tary and neval establishments throughout the area with a more direct traffic route and the elimination of traffic congestion. Second. It will continue the progressive natural development of the peacctime econ- omy of San Francisco and every community adjacent to San Francisco Bay. Third. It will provide a direct route con- necting the huge fertile Central Valley em- pire, which has an area as large as the States of Massachuretts, Connecticut, and one-half of New Jerscy combined, with the great sea- port city of San Francisco. Transportation will never cease ulways to be both u wartime and a peacetime prob- lem. The seo raphical location and strate- gic importance of San Francisco und the San Francisco Bay area make necesseury the im- mediate expansion of our transportation fa- cilities. A bridge is a highway whethor it crosses u creek, a river, or Sai Francisco Bay. Gentlemen of the Board, it is incredible to continue to limit the only means of trans- portation between this great international seaport city with & population of over 800,000 and the continental side of San Francisco Bay to u single overcrowded bridge Another San Francisco Bay crossing when bailt should, by all means. provide for trans- continental passenger and freicht service into the city and county of San Francisco. I realize that this Board is not bound by Report No 134 of the Joint Army and Navy Board appointed to report upon a Hunters Point -Bay Farm Island Bridge pursuant to House Resolution No. 158, dated July 23. 1941. I desire, however, to quote from that report with reference to railway service into San Francisco: ‘‘The Bourd recommends that if a bridge ut that location be authorized it be a high-level, double-deck bridge. springing from Hunters Point west of Point Avisadero with four traffic lanes on the upper deck and two lanes for truck trafic and two rall- way tracks on the lower deck with suitable approaches at erch end.” Thve it will be seen that while the board recommended against the construction of a bridge at that time, which was before Pearl Harbor; on the other hand, the Buard unani- mously concluded that a high-level bridge can be constructed at or near that point and at an estimated cost at that time of approxi- mately @53 200,000. I respectfully request that pages 1905. 1906, and part of page 1907 of the report with reference to locations, types, characteristics, and dimensions of bridge be made a part of the record at this point: “3, LOCATIONS, TYPES, CHARACTERISTICS, AND DIMENSIONS OF BRIDGE “(a) General: The Board early in its de- liberations decided that it would be inad- visable, for United States Navy considera- tions, to permit a bridge to spring from the easterly end of Hunters Point at or near Point Avisadero. This was due to the fact that a crossing at such location would be objection- ably close to the existing Navy drydocks und interfere with anticipated expansion of the Naval Establishment. Following the above decision, the Board considered it advisable that two locutions and types of bridges be investigated, one a high-level bridge located to spring from a point on the northerly side of Hunters Point near its base with the main- land and the other a low-level bridge to spring from a point on the southerly side of Hunters Point also near its base. It was further con- sidered that both of the bridges shou'd land at the same point on the east side of the bay, the approximate centcr of the southwesterly shore of Bay Farm Island; and that any crossing provided at Hunters Point should be &@ combined railroad and highway bridge, in- asmuch as direct rail connection with San Francisco at the present time is from the south only, no other bridge north of the Dumbarton Point Bridge providing for main- line railway traffic. Pursuant to the above, both the high- and low-level bridges con- sidered herein provide for an upper Icvel carrying four passenger-car lanes, and a lower level carrying two main-line railroad tracks and two lanes for trucks. The eastern and western terminals of the two crossings in- vestigated ure located at or near present and/or prospective industrial areas. The lo- cations, types. characteristics, and dimensions of the high- and low-level bridges are shown on the maps and charts accompanying this report. “(b) High-level bridge.-- The Board decid- ed that any bridge crossing located north of Hunters Point should be of the high-level type in order to permit the unhindered pas- sage of both Navy and commercial vessels of the largest type to the drydocks locuted at Point Avisadero and to the present and pros- pective Navy developments at this location. This required the high-level bridge to be pro- vided with a major navigation opening, lo- cattd about 2,200 fect casterly of Point Avisadero, having a vertical clearance of 214 feet nbove mean higher high water, which is cqual to the maximum vertical clearance provided in the westerly channel span section of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge. A horizontal clearance of 1.000 feet. between fenders was deemed necessary for present and prospective navigation through the ma- jor opening. The bridge structure proposed comprises a number of navigation spans eust and west of the major opening providing horizontal clearances of about 600 feet and vertical clearances gradually lessening from the major opening of 214-foaot cleurance. “The high-level-bridge plan provides for connecting Third Street in San Francisco to the proposed East Shore Highway in Ala- meda County for vehicular traffic and rail- road connection of the main-line Southern Pacific Railway in San Francisco to the main- line Southern Pacific and Western Pacific Railroads on the east bay shore. At the western terminal, the railroad tracks are sep- arated from the vehicular lances near the base of Hunters Point and reach the cxisting Southern Pacific Railroad mnain-line tracks in a separate alinement. As mentioned pre- viously. the above railroad company alone possesses, at the present time, main-line trackage into San Francisco from the south, the trackage of the Western Pacific and Santa Fe Railroads in San Francisco being Hmited to freight-car trackage connected to ferry- boat slips at the bay water front. “At the eastern terminal the railroad tracks follow the vehicular with lane aline- ment until the proposed East Shore High- way is reached, whence they extend in the same alinement to connections with the ex- isting main-line tracks of the Southern Pa- cific and the Western Pacific Railroads. The Santa Fe Railroad does not possess trackuge at the present time in the vicinity of the eastern terminus of the proposed bridge, but it would be physically possible to make con- nection with the Western Pacific. “The total length of the vehicular part of the crossing is approximately 1045 miles and the maximum grade ts 314 percent. The maximum length of the railroad part of the crossing 1s approximately 13 miles, and the maximum grade is 1.26 percent. “The contemplated construction, com- mencing ut the San Franciseco terminus, in- cludes the following items: “1. One thousand three hundred and four- teen feet of six-lane vehicular approach roadway and 8,500 feet of two-track railroad approach, of which 3,000 feet is steel viaduct and 5,500 feet timber trestle. “2. Two thousand seven hundred and thirty feet of two-railroad tracks and a tran- sition vehicular viaduct raising the four- passenger vehicular lanes on the level struc- ture to the upper level of a double-deck structure. “3. Twenty-seven thousand four hundred and eighty-eight feet of double-deck struc- ture, consisting of steel trusses on piers and A29 providing for four-passenger vehicular lanes on the upper deck and two truck lanes and two railroad tracks on the iower deck. “4. One thousand four hundred and nincty- three fect of transition concrete-pile trestle structure (reverse of item 2 nbuve) terminat- ing in six vehicular lanes and two railroad tracks on a one-'evel mole. “5. Nine thousand nine nundred und sev- enty-five feet of dredged earth and flil mole in San Francisco Bay. carrying six vehicular lanes and Wo railroad tracks on one level. “6. Thirtcen thousand tect of dredecd fill causeway on Bay Farm Island and Alameda County, providing six vehicular lanes and two railroad tracks on one level und includ- ing a bascule bridge over the airport channel in San Leandro Bay to provide 100-tvut hori- zontal clearance for navigation. In addition to the above, 5,200 feet of double railroad track either on fill or natural ground, located eastward of the proposed East Shore Highway, in prolongation of the causeway alinerrent. “The bridge structure prcuposca in the deeper portions of the bay consists of trusses of 504-foot spans and in the shnliower waters of spans of 288 fect, both of which correspond to span lengths selected for the San Fran- cisco-Oakland Bay Bridge structure east of Yerba Buena Island. “Examination of the mesger available bor- ing data at or near the proposed bridge aline- ment discloses that conditions pertaining to depth of water and length of piles would not be greatly different from those encountered on similar piers for the eas. bay approaches of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge. The concrete pier foundation structures will be terminated at 15 feet above mean lower low water, and the bridge trusses will be supported by steel towers resting on the concrete plers. The proposed mole on the eastern side of the bay extends out from Bay Farm Island into the bay u distance of abcut 2 miles. This mole and the bridge piers will constrict the tidal flow of the bay waters, but it is estimated that the increase in maximum tidal velocity caused by ob- structions will only amount to about .03 knot. which is considered negligible. Examinations of current data indicate that the maximum current velocities in the vicinity of Point Avisadero are now not over 2.2 knots. “The bridge plan proposes connections with the railroads ut grade level and over- passes or underpasses for the vehicular traffic, and also modern semicloverleaf connections to the streets and highways on both sides of the bay. . “The estimated cost of the high-level crossing is #53,200.000. This estimate was prepared on such data as were available, and is subject to verification if and when funds are provided for an adequate enginecring investigation ” During the long uphill fight to connect this great international seaport city with its nat- ural hinterland—the San Joaquin, Sacra- mento, Livermore, Napa, Sonoma, and Santa Clara Valleys. and the great redwood empire to the north—by a comprehensive system of bridges and highways, we have had the sup- port of nearly every section of the State of California. In this just fight we should have and expect the unanimous support of all sec- tions of the State of California and also of the Federal Government thrceugh a favorable report by your honorable Board. SUPriEMENTAL STATEMENT BY RICHARD J. WELCH, MEMBER OF CONGRESS A recognized fundamental principle of trafic planning is to alleviate, not to increaso or intensify, congestion, such as cxists in downtown San Francisco and in Oakland. Traffic on San Francisco streets adjacent to the San Francisco-Ockland Bay Bridge dur- ing peak hours has reached the saturation point. Twelfth Street, Oakland, is the prin- cipal traffic artery from Oakland to its hin- terland. It carries the main load from the
A30 bridge. Twelfth Street, Oakland, at Lake Merritt is also one of the most congested traffic arteries in the entire State of Call- fornia. The San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge springing from Rincon Hill was a matter of expediency 15 yeors ago. To parallel that bridge at this time, as proposed by the State of California dircctor of public works is pre- posterous and an insult to the judgment of traffic experts as well as the people of this community who are unnalterably opposed to creating another bottleneck ut the northerly end of the San Francisco peninsula. It should be known that State Director of Public Works Furcell, a State civil service employee, was offered the appointment of traffic manager for the city and county of San Francisco by former Mayor Rossi. Mr. Purcell. Iam informed, accepted the appoint- ment, but subsequently declined to take over the responsibility of San Francisco's traffic problems. Had Mr. Purcell accepted the mayor's offer, would he now be advocating another serious bottleneck in the most con- gested traffic area in Sun Francisco? This greut international seaport city, built on the tip of a peninsula, cannot grow into the Golden Gate nor into the Pacific Ocean nor San Francisco Bay. Therefore, it must of necessity, and is, rapidly growing to the south. Following this growth, some of the largest distributing firms have moved from downtown congested ureas. The Sufeway Stores, Inc., has built its largest plant on Army Street; the Borden Dairy delivery's main plant is on Potrero Avenue at Army Street; Scars, Roebuck located its main store at Army and Mission Strects; at the present time there is under construction on Oakdale Avenue at Bayshore Boulevard—which is south of Army Street—-what is Known as “Apparel City.” covering 30 acres of ground, where coods will be manufactured, displayed, soid, and delivered, other large business es- tablishments and industries are following in this same direction. I .eac with much cure the opinions of the several senior Army and Nuvy commanders in the San Francisco Bay area on the need of an additional crossing from San Francisco to the east bay, from the standpoint of national defense. Commander J. W. Reeves, Jr., is of the firm opinion that any crossing north of Hunters Point would be objection- able unless built in the vicinity of the pres- ent San Francisco-Oakland Bridge. Commander Reeves’ recommendation should not be seriously considered for three basic reasons: First. a new bridge paralleling the present bridge would, as heretofore stated, furthcr complicate the present bot- tleneck and add to the congestion at the northerly end of San Francisco peninsula; second, any new crossing should by all means provide for transcontinental train service into San Francisco—-which would be impos- sible under Commander Reeves’ recom- mendation; and, third, it is contrary to the advice of Vice Adm. William H. P. Blandy, who rerrntly visited San Francisco upon his return from the Bikini atomic-bomb tests. While here, the admiral addressed the Army and Navy League and was quoted as stating that San Francisco Bay, by reason of its size, offers opportunity for decentralization of important military-defense establishments, of which roads and bridges are an integral part. On the other hand, Commander Rocves would create a veritable Pearl Harbor for seaplanes off Alameda Naval Air Base. Also in recommending against a bridge in the vicinity of Hunters Point, stating as a rea- son possibic intcrference with the landing and taking-off of large seaplanes, Commander Reeves completely overlookcd the fact that, from the beginning, seaplanes have been landing in the cove between Treasure Island and Yerba Buena Island, within close prox- imity to the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge. A bridge at Army Street or that vicinity would be approximately 6 miles from the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge. The bay at that point is approximately 6 miles wide. May I caJl your attention to the fact that ifa crossing were built at or near Army Street there would be oa distance of over 11 miles between the new bridge and the San Mateo Bridge. The type and location of s bridge across San Francisco Bay is the responsibility of the Federal Government and not that of the California State director of public works. It is unnecessary to state that a bridge can- not be built across San Francisco Biy until the Federal Government first gives its ap- proval and issues a grant. It is also a fact that your Board has sufficient data to recom- mend or disapprove such a grant. Regardless of this fact, the State director of public works has asked the United States district engineer for a permit to make borings tn San Francisco Bay between San Francisco and Alameda counties in connection with studies for a new bay bridge. Unless and until favorable recommendation is made by your Board and a grant made by the War Depart- ment for the construction of a crossing over San Francisco Bay, this is an unwarranted expenditure of public funds. The State director of public works appeared personally before the Board of Supervisors of the City and County of San Francisco and asked for an appropriation of approximately $40,000 for this purpose. His request was rejected on the grounds that the Government already has sufficient data on which to grant or reject another bay crossing, thereby conserving the taxpayers’ money. Governor Warren stuted to me personally that if the people of San Francisco want a bridge which would provide for railroads, they should have it. The people of San Francisco, as the record of the hearings be- fore your Board will show. unitedly support such a bridge. Un.ted States Senator KNOWLAND, who was born and reared in Oakinnd. Alameda County, stated before your Joint Army-Navy Board that a crossing should provide for railway service into San Francisco. Congressman MILLER, whose congressional district includes Alameda, made a similar statement before your Board. When House Resolution 168 was under consideration by the Seventy-seventh Congress in 1941. and subsequently by the Joint Army-Navy Board appointed under it, 22 of the 23 members of the California delegation in Congress signed &® petition requesting a crossing at or near Hunters Point. I refer to these facts so that your Board may know that California State Director of Public Works Purcell does not represent the people of this community nor the people of the State of California in the position he has taken, Hawaii Asks Statehood EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOSEPH R. FARRINGTON DELEGATE FROM HAWAII IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. FARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, f sub- mit for the information of the House the text of a statement released to the press on January 3 by the Citizens Committee for Statehood for Hawaii as follows: The movement for statehood for Hawaii entered a new phase with the opening of the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Eightieth Congress in the establishment of an Office in Washington by the Citizens Com- mittee for Statehood for Hawail. The office will open at 413 Bond Building on January 6, under the direction of George H. McLane. The purpose of this office ts to advance legislation which is being presented to the Eighticth Congress by the Delcgate to Congress from Hawaii, JoSzrm R. FARRINGTON, and Representatives, both Republican and Democratic, from ench of the principal sec- tions of the country. The bill being presented wus drafted by the Citizens Committee for Statehood for Hawaii that was formed under the direction of Hon. Ingram M. Stainback, Governor of Hawaii, and includes representatives of every phase of the political, economic, and social life of the Hawatian Islands. The services are being financed by public funds of the Territory of Hawaii. This is the first time in the history of Hawaii that such an office has been opened in Washington. People of Hawaii! feel the time has arrived for admission of the Territory to statehood in the Union. Hawaii's efforts for annexation to the Union as an integral part of the United States were consummated during the admin- istration of President William H. McKinley. On June 16, 1897, he submitted «o Congress a treaty for the annexation of the Territory of Hawall. In his letter of transmittal, Pres- ident McKinley said, “The incorporation of the Hawaiian Islands into the body politic of the United States is a necessary and fit- ting Sequel to the chain of events which, from a very early period in our history. has controlled the intercourse and prescribed the association of the United States and the Hawatian Islands.” A request for annexation had been pre- viously rejected by President Grover Cleve- land, who sought to restore the Hawaiian monerchy. DEBATES ON ORGANIC ACT IMPLIED STATEHOOD FOR HAWAT! Hawaii became a Territory of the United States by the adoption by Congress of the organic act in 1900. An amendment pro- viding that the adoption of the act should not be construed as a promise of statehood in the future was rejected during the de- bate on the organic act. This ts one of many instances which have led the people of Ha- wall to believe that they would some day achieve statehood. STATEHOOD ASKED 14 TIMES Fourteen times the petition of the people of the Territory has been presented to Con- gress through formal action by the legisla- ture of the Territory. Sixteen bills enabling Hawaii to become a State have been introduced in Congress since the adoption of the organic act in 1900 mak- ing Hawaii a Territory of the United States. The aspirations and the progress of the people of the Territory have been subject to numerous investigations by Congress. Miny of these have been conducted at the invita- tion of the people of the Territory, whose legislature has provided funds to defray the expenses of these inquiries. CONGRESS HAS ACKNOWLEDGED HAWAII'S RIGHTS In 1923 Congress acknowledged the right of the people to participation in Federal aid and similar legislation on the same basis as the States following receipt. from the leg- islature of a petition described as Hawaii's bill of rights. The petition enumerated many instances when the people of the Ter- ritory were omitted from this legislation de- spite the fact that they bore virtually the same financial responsibilities as a State. STATEHOOD HAS BEEN THOROUGHLY INVESTIGATED Following extensive hearings in Hawaii in 1935, a subcommittee of the House Terrie tories Commitiee recommended the appoint.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment of a joint committee of the Senate and House to give further consideration to the study of statehood for Hawail. In consequence of this recommendation, @ joint committee of 12 Senators and Repre- sentatives conducted an extensive investi- gation. It rendered a report on February 15, 1938, suying that Hawaii has fulfilled every requirement for statehood heretofore exacted of the Territories. The committee recommended that unmis- takable evidence that a substantial majority desire statehood should precede affirmative action by Congress. In 1940 the Territory, in conformity with the recommendations of the aforesaid con- gressional committee, held a plebiscite re- sulting in a vote of 2 to 1 in favor of stute- hood. The committee recommended also that on some appropriate occasion the question of statehood be ugain reexamincd by the ap- propriate committee of Congress. The legislature of the Territory renewed its petition for statehood in its session of 1945, asking that stcps be tuken for the im- mediate admission of Hawaii into the Union. The subcommittee of the House Terri- tories Committee that visited the Territory in consequence of this resolution, and under appropriate suthority by Congress, held hear- ings in all oarts of the Territory and heard more than 100 witnesses. The committee’s report covered ull aspects of the life and rec- ord of the Territory It recommended immediate consideration of legislation to admit Hawaii to statehocd on the basis of testimony showing the hi¢h degree of local responsibility developed in the field of government, for the great advances made by the people of the Territory in their economic and social life, and the record made during the war—showing unmistakubly the loyalty of all people in the population to this country. The committee's report won widespread in- terest in the movement for statchood for Hawaii. HAWAII'S WAR RECORD DEMONSTRATED LOYALTY OF PEOPLE The report of the Subcommittee on Terri- tories pointed out that the brilliant record of the people of all classes and races in the Territory during tie war could leave no doubt as to the loyalty of the Territory's popula- tion. Experiences of the military command in Hawaii emphasize the excel-ent record of Hawaii's population during the war years. Any question of population loyalty was ob- literated by an exemplary war-service record. The last remuining obstacle to statehood for the Territory was therefore removed. Ha- waii’s population now numbers more than 519,000. Nearly 90 percent of these people are American citizens. SELF-DETERMINATION OF DEPENDENT PEOPLES For the United States to refuse now to admit Hawaii to statehood would open the question of good faith of this country in deal- ing with people now in a dependent status, and in the application of the principle of self-determination. The tradition of local self-government extends back more than 100 years. The keen interest of these people in the manngeinent of their own affairs is evi- dent from the fact that, in the last election, as in many previous electiuns, more than 85 percent of the people eligible to vote actually cast their ballots. The total num- ber of registered voters in Hawali exceeds 100,000. BTATEHOOD NOW WILL STRENGTHEN AMERICA’S POSITION IN THE PACIFIC Adoption of legislation enabling Hawaii to form a State constitution by this Congress is opportune from the standpoint of inter- national policy. The future patiorn of Pacific relationships is now taking place. The promise to the Philippines of independ- ence has been redeemed. The future of the Pacific islands is soon to be determined. The United States has achieved a position of leadership in the Pacific that should be asserted by positive action. With the prob- lem of the future government of the Pacific jslands and our relations to the people of the Orient stil) pressing for prompt solution, the granting to the people of Hawaii of state- hood would unquestionably strengthen the place of this country in the Pacific. VOTING REPRESENTATION WOULD ENHANCE NATIONAL DEFENSE The important position of Hawall to the defense of this country will be enhanced by giving Hawaii voting representation in Con- gress. Men of caliber who have a knowl- edge of the Pacific at their fingertips would be of manifest help to the program of na- tional defense. PURPOSES OF ECONOMY WOULD BE SERVED It would save moncy for the Federal Gov- ernment, The cust of salaries of executive, judicial, and legislutive officials now paid by the Federal Government would be assumed by the government of the State of Hawull. Over a period of years these savings would amount to several millions of dollars. RECORD OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY ON STATEHOOD The record ot the Republican Party reit- erates the fact that the Territory of Hawail has been represented by a Delegate in Con- gress for 46 years. For 38 of those 46 ycars, and for the next 2 years, the people of Hawail have chosen a Republican to represent them in Congress. In 1900 the first delegates trom the Terri- tory of Hawaii to » Republican National Con- vention were instructed to secure an expres- sion from the convention favorable to early admission of the Territory of Huwaii to state- hood UTTE.ANCES OF THE NATIONAL PARTY HAVE BEEN PROGRESSIVELY MORE FRIENDLY TO THE TERRITORY’S ASPIRATIONS In 1908 the National Republican Party Plattorm declared territorial officials “should be bona fide residents of the Territory in which their duties ure to be performed,” and reiterated this stand in 1916. In the party platform of 1920, the Re- publicans stated, “For Huwaii we recommend home rule’ In 1932 they pledged, “We be- lieve the customary statu: of self-govern- ment enjoyed by the Territory of Hawaii should be maintained.” The Republican Party platform of 1940 further endorsed self-government: “Hawail, sharing the Nation's obligations equally with the several States, is entitled to the fullest meacure of home rule; and to equality with the several States in the rights of her citizens and in the application of our national laws.” In 1944 the platform of the National Re- publican Party drew particular attention to the positive stand of the party regarding the Territory by restating the 1940 platform as follows: “Hawaii, which shares the Nation's obligations equally with the several States. is entitled to the fullest measure of home rule (looking toward statehood)! and to equality with the several States in the rights of her citizens and the application of all our na- tional laws." REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE ENDORSES IMMEDIATE STATEHOOD In May 1946 the Republican National Com- mittee adopted a resolution by unanimous vote endorsing the effort of the people of 1Matter in parentheses indicates addition to platform of 1940 by 1944 convention. A31 Hawall to obtain immediate admission of the Territory of Hawaii to the Union as a State as follows: “Whereas the Republican Party in its na- tional platform has supported policies look- ing toward ultimate statehood for Hawali: “Whereas the people of Hawali have dem- onstrated beyond question thetr loyalty, pa- triotism, and, by an overwhelming vote, their Cesire to assume the reponsibilities of state- hoo; ‘Whereas the capacity of the people of this Territory to assume the responsibilities of State government has becn fully dcemon- strated: and “Whereas the admission of the Territory of Hawall as the forty-ninth State would be in fulfillment ot a promise long made, is in kecping with a policy of self-determination, and would strengthen the position of this count:y in the Uacific: Be it “Resolrcd, That the Republican National Committee endorses the effort of the people of Hawaii to obtain immediate statehood.” In January 1946 the Territorial Czntral Committee otf the Republican party of Ha- wall unanimously resolved and adapted the resolution “that it again endorse statehood for Hawall, and that it earnestly and sinccrely request Congress to pass an enabling act giv- ing Hawait statehood.” Bills introducing legislation to admit Hawaii to statehocd have been presented to Congress sixteen times. On all but one of these occasions the bills have been Intro- duced by Republicans. NATIONAL ADMINISTRATION BACKS IMMEDIATE ACTION ON STATEHOOD In his messuge to the Seventy-ninth Con- gress President Truman said: “I urge that the Congress promptly accede to the wishes of the people of Hawaii that the Territory be admitted to statehood in our Union.” The position of the Department of the Interior in support of statehood was outlined to the House Committee on Territories in the concise statements: “The Department is convinced that the people of Hawali want statehood now and that they have demon- strated their ability and right to admission into the Union,” Secretary Harold L. Ickes said. “Hawaii has been a territory for 40 years and it hus proven itself worthy of state. hood now,” Secretary Julius A. Krug ha: stated. THE MAJORITY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FAVOR STATEHOOD FOR HAWAII NOW A Gallup poll, on March 14, 1946, showcd the American people in favor of admitting Hawaii to the Union as a State by a majority of 3 tol. Resolutions favoring immediate statehuod for Hawaii have, in the past yeur, been passed by many national groups and ussociations representing large cross-sections of the same Amcrican people who have just elected a Republican Congress. The National Educa- tion Association, at its annual convention in Buffalo, unanimously resolved for statehood, as did the 12,000 delegates to the Lions Inter- nationnl Convention in Philadelphia. Doz- ens of other groups could be named. Evidence of editorial support of state- hood for Hawaii was made part of the Con- GRESSIONAL Recorp of April 9, 1946, by the Delegate to Congress from Hawail. Excerpts from editorial comment in 19 States indi- cated support for statehood for Hawaii in these States. Since that time literally hun- arcds of newspapers have editorialized favor- ing admission of Hawail to statehood. The Kansas Salina Sun asked: “What more grounds does Congress need for ndmitting the Territory to the Union? After all, this is a Government by consent of the gov- erned.”
A32 Atlanta Ordnance Depot’s Automotive School Trained 50,000 for Global “War on Wheels” EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. SIDNEY CAMP OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. CAMP. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include an article, ap- pearing in the winter issue of Dixie Bust- ness, by Lt. James A. Reilly entitled “Atlanta Ordnance Depot’s Automotive School Trained 50,000 for Global “War on Wheels’ ”: ATLANTA ORDNANCE DEPOT'’S AUTOMOTIVE SCHOOL TRAINED 50,000 FOR GLOBAL “WAR ON WHEELS” (By Lt. James A. Reilly) Atlanta might not be the place where one would look first for the largest technical trade school in the country, but the Gate City can make a justified boast of this dis- tinction. The school is an Army eStablish- ment, and perhaps cannot be called a “trade school” with precise propriety, but for all practical purposes it is such by the nature of the instruction imparted in {ts courses. The Ordnance Automotive School, located at Atlanta Ordnance Depot, graduated 50,000 highly trained automotive technicians dur- ing the war years. These graduates—many of them officers up to the .ank of major gen- eral—played an indispensable part in the winning of the victory of World War II. And today most of them are back in private in- dustry and making an important contribu- tion to the Nation's motor transportation and to the safety of our streets and highways. Much has been written about the famous Ordnance Automotive School at Atlanta, but not so well known ts the story of its director, a familiar figure in Atlanta, who through more than 4 years of service at the school has made a major contribution to the success which the training establishment has at- tained He is Maj. Eli E. White, an Atlanta high-school teacher with a penchant for military activity. In his spare time between classes, lectures, and preparation of lessons while with the Atlanta public school system, he served in the Georgia National Guard for 13 years and became one of the most important figures in the State in rifle- and pistol-shooting circles. He has competed in innumerable matches, including the national matches at Camp Perry, Ohio, representing Georgia all over the country, and has won more medals, plaques, and other trophies thun he can remember. But when the shooting broke out all over the world, the future director of the Ord- nance Automotive School laid aside his hobby weapons for more serious work. He had left his Georgia National Guar” regiment before the outbreak of the war and thought that his military activities had been relegated to the realm of pleasant memories and reminiscent hours with former comrades. Engaged in teaching technical subjects specializing in automotive ip the Atlanta public school sys- tem, he realized the potential value of his service in an era of war on wheels. The Eighty-sixth Quartermaster Regiment, @ motor-maintenance outfit, was at nearby Fort McPherson in 1941 and expanding to full strength to perform a portion of the enor- mous maintenance task of the swiftly grow- ing new army. Lacking sufficient instructors and facilities to train its large numbers of recruits as qualified mechanics in a short time, the quartermaster regiment enlisted the assistance of the Atlanta public school sys- tem and an arrangement was worked out whereby the soldiers would take part of their instruction in the after.oons and evenings at Maddox Junior High School in Atlanta under the guidance of Instructor White. Subsequent developments have a combi- nation of O. Henry and Horatio Alger flavor. When the Elghty-sixth Quartermaster Regi- ment got rolling under its own steam, the Fourth Corps Area. organized a small auto. motive mechanics school at Fort McPherson and attached it to Company A of that rcgi- ment, The little mechanical school quickly out- grew Company A, outgrew the Eighty-sixth Regiment, and eventually cutgrew Fort Mc- Pherson. It became—you pfuessed it—the Ordnance Automotive School of which Major White is now the director. His steatly climb to that post was through widely diversified jobs and special assign- ments for the school and the Ordnance De- partment. Getting back into uniform in September 1942 as a first lieutenant, he was assigned to the school and given duty in the student officer branch, which conducted sev- eral different courses for officers of all ranks and was attended by students from the grade of warrant officer to major general. One year after, he was chief of that branch and a cap- tain. Next he found himeelf in the motion pic- ture business—for the Army, of course, but etill it was completely new. The Ordnance Department wanted a technical! training film produced on a phase of automotive operation and the orders came down to Atlanta that Captain White would report to the Signal Corps photographic center in New York to take charge of production of the film. Ar- riving there, he found that taking charge also included writing the scenario, making the detailed drawings of the models to be used, assisting in the construction of the models, being technical adviser for every shot in the film, and playing a leading part in the picture. Upon return to his home station he was given command of troops as commanding of- ficer of the First Schoo) Battalion, composed of soldi: students of the school. He also fell heir to the uncnviable job of chairman of the post rationing board, making this tick- lish task run a little smoother with the lubricant of his broad understanding. After the surrender of Germany the Army launched its gigantic, long-planned rede- ployment program to concentrate its military might ugainst Japan as quickly and effec- tively us possible Ordnance troops in train- ing and the first units returned to Atlanta Ordnance Depot from Europe had to be re- trained for the special conditions of the Pacific theater of operations. Among other things this involved more instruction and the experience of training in operating shops and other installations in woods and rough terrain, more decentralized operation, and living under cruder conditions. in Europe, ordnance shops and such operations, as well as the personnel, could usually be housed in buildings in liberated towns. Such situ- ations were the exception rather than the rule in the Pacific. A large tract of Government-owned land, the Waco rifle range near Bremen, Ga., 55 miles from Atlanta, was under the contro! of Atlanta Ordnance Depot and the special phases of redeployment training was set up there under Major White. Within 2 weeks, he had organized a cadre of training per- sonnel, obtained equipment, and had 500 men working and living in the woods. This truining program, of course, ended with the collapse of Japan. However, after VJ-day to the present, the Ordnance Auto- motive School and its versatile director have APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD been as busy during the war with the Army putting the maximum of postwar draftees and Regular Army veterans through the school before the inevitable governmental re- trenchment reduces the facilities of the in- staliation. During 1947 the school will give longer courses and the more thorough train- ing of the peacetime Army, and the details of this program and the future of the school are its director's problems of the present. The Portal Pay Issue EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAY LeFEVRE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, Junuary 7, 1947 Mr. LEFEVRE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include an article by David Law- rence which recently appeared in the New York Evening Sun. In my opinion Mr. Lawrence “rings the bell” in the issue of portal-to- portal pay, and I hope the Congress will act quickly to settle the matter fairly and justly for all time. TopaY IN WASHINGTON (By David Lawrence) EMPLOYER MAY ASK ABOUT COUNTERCLAIMS IN PORTAL-PAY ISSUE WASHINGTON, December 31.—With all the exhortation from so-called Wberal circles about how management and labor should get together—and how usually it's mannge- ment’s fault that they don't—there is no more conspicuous illustration of how to pro- mote bad feeling and bitterness than tn the action of the CIO in urging tts unions to file portal-to-portal pay suits. The theory that management must pay for time spent in walking from a time clock to a workbench or In washing up or chang- ing clothes means that labor unions are in- troducing a new source of friction—just how many minutes of the day constitute a work- lay. If attention be focused now on minutes consumed in walking, the employer may start asking about counterclaims for time spent in talking and for time not worked nt the workbench. Usually there is nothing in the collective- bargaining contracts which says that em- ployees must do work for the 40 hours for which they are paid. But in the portal-to- portal suits, the courts now are about. to fig- ure out what constitutes an actual workweek. Employers will put in counterclaims so that courts may finally have to offset some of the union claims with an acceptance of employer claims with respect to minutes not worked. Thus, is the workweek all the time spent on the premises or is it all the time spent in work? The famous Mount Clemens pot- tery case decided by the Supreme Court did not say explicitly that al] time spent on the premises is working time but did allow for minutes not worked in going to and from a workbench. The courts tn specific cases presumably are expected to figure out the exact facts and hence employers will be tempted to argue that employees in many instances were not docked for a few minutes of tardiness at the time clock or that they were not docked for coming back from rest periods or lunch a few minutes late. If these matters are to be settled by Fed- _eral law—and an insistence on the letter of the portal-to-portal pay decision of the Sue
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD preme Court could compel it—then the whole subject of what constitutes work in the eyes of the law may have to be determined. This, in many instances there will be no portal-to- portal damages unless the total time ex- ceeds 40 hours and runs into overtime. Eut in those instances where employers can put in counterclaims for 5 or 10 minutes per day, the courts will have to decide on the total time worked minus time not worked. Labor unions have long insisted in some industries on payment tor time not worked. Congress has been asked again and again to legislate on this point in what is known as feuther-bedding rules Now with the portal- to-portal pay suits, attention wi!l ke fixcd on time not worked as a matter that needs remedy also. Relations between management and unions need improvement and thoughttul students of the problem have come to the conclusion that what is needed is mutual trust and fair play. Seizing on the technicality in a vague decision by the Supreme Court as a meuns of extorting huge sums from employers or as a means of trading such claims for collec- tive-bargaining concessions docs not put la- bor-union leadership fu a very good light in America at a time when Inbor unions need to win friends. It is significant that the American F. dera- tion of Labor is not rushing in to urre the filing of portal-to-portal pay sults. Appar- ently this orpanization, whieh hos had many years more of experience with trade-union practice than the CIO, knows that Conpress will recognize the portal-to-portal contro- versy as a racket und will put a stop to it, leaving bad feeling between unions and man- agement that could just as well have heen avoided. Covective-bargaiuing arrangements and custom in industry have lonp determined rates Ol pay. If the Federal Government now is to fix rates and the workweek in euch fac- tory through court decisions or administra- tive rulings, the courts and the governmental agencies will be piled higher than they were in the bootlegging days of the Volsteud Act. State of the Union EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RALPH E. CHURCH OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. CHURCH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Chicago Daily Tribune of today: STATE OF THE UNION Little attention will be puid in Congress or anywhere else to Mr. Truman’s message on the state of the Union. For one thing, Mr. Roosevelt did sv much to degrade the annual messige into a partisan campaign speech in support of a platform composed by himself that the institution has fallen {nto disrepute. For another, since November 5 Mr. Truman no longer speaks for the majority in Congress, There is, therefore, a good deal in the message that can be callec. impertinent in the precise sense of the word. What real difference doe: it make that he is now in favor of a balanced budget? The new Con- gress was elected on a pledge to reduce ex- penses and taxcs and create a surplus for the retirement of the debt. Nothing that Mr. Truman car say will strengthen a purpose wCILI-- App. -- 3 alrendy formed He has nothing to tell Con- Bre's about the means that muy be adapted which the Members do not know as well or better then he does. The same relationship holds with regurd to labor legislation. The Republicans ure go- ing to write the amendments to be mude to the laws governing unions. The new ma- jority came Into power among other reasons because the people were di:sauished with the New Deal views on the subject and were de- termined on a change. Mr. Truman proposes some immediate labor legisletion and the appointment cf a commission to examine the question and report by March 15. Ue talks es if the revision of the Iaw were not a Re- publican responsibility for which the party is poing to be held accountable and as if the commission were cupable of acquiring any knowledve of the subject that the appropri- ate committees of Congress cannot obtain. Neither assumption 1s sound; both assump- tions run counter to the Ietter and spirit of our Constitution which places upon Congress the duty of writing the laws. The section on foreign affairs was about as unsatistactory as might have been expected. No cne, bound as Mr. Trumen is by New Deal doema and tradition, can tulk sensibly on the subject. What his foreign }olicy amounts to in substance is continuing support of rapacious alles without even the excuse of war to justify it The treaties with Germany and Austria which are about to be negotiated in Moscow will no doubt follow the pattern of the trea- ties with the minor powers ulready Grafted. 4i so, peace good order, and reconstruction in Europe wil not be promoted. Meanwhile, theath Mr Truman prolesses the noblest ideals, his State Department is a party to @10ss and senseless brutalitics in the treat- ment of the defented, To expect a good peace in the fuce of this record is to expect larks to natch trom crows' eggs, When, in a few days, Mr Truman will bave submitted his Budget message and his eco- nomic message, the Republicuns can toss all three into the wastebasket and get to work on the job for which the majority was elected. Fairness to All Is the Watchword EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EVAN HOWELL OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6. 1947 Mr. HOWELL. Mr. Speaker, recently there appeared an editorial in the Illinois State Journal, in Springfield, Tl; the San Diego Union, of San Diego, Calif.; and other leading newspapers belonging to a former distinguished Member of the House of Representatives, Hon. Ira C. Copley, and because of its import, as well as its timeliness, I commend it to every Member of the House of Representatives and herewith insert it as part of my remarks: FAIRNESS TO ALL 1S THE WATCHWORD The first great responsibility cunfronting the new Republican Congress, which con- venes tomorrow, will be to see that this Na- tion is returned to a government by law rather than dictation by the whim of an individual. This new Congress—the first under Repub- lican control for 16 years—-must restore to A33 its full meuning the provision of the Decla- rution of Independence which says that “All men are endowed bh: their Creator with cer- tain unahenable rights, that among these are life, Mberty, wid the pursuit of hap- pmess.” This does not mean that any special group—whether it be labor, employers, the Republican Party, o: the Democratic Party— is entitled to special privileges It means that nll men must be trested fairly, that the rights of all men must be protected, that there must be an end to class legislation, class hatred, and ciass bitterness if these United States ure to survive. No Coneress ever was confronted with a ereater responsibility because never belore has the administration of government bren allowed to depart so widely from the basic law of the land---the Constitution of the United Stutes. This Congress can pet nowhere hy epplying a patch ucre and a patch there to the dizzy framework of political expediency that has served us a guide to th? executive and judi- cial branches of government in the last dozen yeurs. It must begin with the besie principle that all men are entitied to justice, to freedom, to a fair administration of equitable laws. If the new Congress does that, it will jus- tify the faith the people displayed in the Republicun Party last November 5, It will signify a return of the Government to the people, by the people, and for the people. When that is done and the people remain alert, in the words of the immortal Lincoln, such na government “shall not perish from the earth ” But fairness to all men must be the watch- word, Our advice to the new Congress: Do tt: don't merely vromise. FTC and the Advertiser EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES C. AUCHINCLOSS OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tucsday, January 7, 1947 Mr. AUCHINCLOSS. Mr. Speaker, under the permission granted me to ex- tend my remarks, I am very glad to include un address mude by the Hon- orable Robert E. Freer, Commissioner of the Federal Trade Commission, before the Advertisers’ Club ot Cincinnati on November 6. 1946. Mr. Freer is a man of great experience in the advertising problems of business- men, and in his address he approaches this subject. with the full knowledge of the facts. The address follows: At the outset may 1 explain that I do not propose to puss out cards on which to pledge your antipathy to untruthful adverti-ime. Membership in the Advertisers’ Club of Cin- cinnati, I have been pointedly informed, 1s incontrovertible evidence that each of you has long since hit the sawdust trail leuding to truth tin advertising. As all of you are “agin” sin in advertising, you may all settle back comfortobly confident that my remarks will pertain to nonmeinber advertisers, agencies, and mcdia. Your kind invitation to me to come home to Cincinnati to participate In this meeting is appreciated. Your invitation evidences
A3i your interest in advertising’s program to achieve higher standards through continu- ous seli-exumination, self-correction, and sell-disciplinc. As carly as 1905 many men were making their living creating advertising. One olf their first acts of seli-discipline was to set up an agency to check and confirm media circu- lation statements. This attested an in- creasing respect for facts. It also marked your protesfion as discerning buyers. Then followed various declarations of principles by groups associated with advertising; the voluntary adoption by some media of stand- ards designed to serve us a guide to self- imposed censorship; and the establishment of better business burenaus-- successive an- swers to the challenge of the ever-increasing sociul and economic responsibility imposed by udvertising'’s growth. It has been said that the genesis of in- dustry's wide-scale adoption of advertising was when it simultaneously dawned on any number of established concerns that if the charlatan and the swindler could niake ad- vertising pay so well, why couldn’t it be a profitable medium for businessmen who kept their promises? The chiselers, they felt, would always be with us but as subjects for control. The price of that control has been a& measure of regulation of the whole ad- vertising structure exemplified by better business bureaus, by State “printer’s ink stat- utes,” by the food and drug laws, and by the Wheeler-Lea amendments to the Fedcral Trade Commission Act. Here is the picture toduy. Chiselers we shall have with us always, but they are easily recognized and appropriately restrained. So also with the frankly dishonest. There remain, however, for present und future consideration another minority--the unethical and the careless. Many of the unethical are to be tound in the ranks of those selling nostrums suggested as safeguards against nonexistent dangers. To them, in the language ol the police court, unspent consumer dollars ure vagrants, to be forthwith corralled from the prototypes of the terrified gentlemen and agonizing ladies whose inuurds may be depicted in the lurid copy Part of, but not all, these cases are subjects for legal correction. As such copy disseminutes, it represents just one more temptation put in the path of others of the border fringe. Through precept and example, and hy instilling into the minds of the users and producers of advertising the hard fact that complete candor and good taste in ud- vertising is good business, you are 1n a posi- tion to accomplish as much as, or more than, the povernment in discouraging the uneth- ieal. The Commission and the advertising in- dustry see eye to eye on the proposition that false or misleading advertisements are harm- ful both to the consumer and to business. Apreed as we are on the intellectual level of forthright condemnation of outright falsity, differences of opinion sometimes arise on the level of practical application to borderline situations. Words and sentences literally truc, may be framed in a confusing setting capable of—if not artfully designed to be— misleading. It 1s Just our hard luck—yours, the Commission's, and the courts’'—that no magic formula can resolve the implications of such loosely written advertising copy. Whether calculated insertion of a restrictive wensel word here and a contradicting and subtractive phrase there are sufficient in a given case to remedy the deceptive ambiguity often presents a troublesome question. The test of unfairness is an elastic one and the Commission's duty is to keep pace with new promotional inventions. To evaluate, and to calibrate to the exact degree, the level of im- provement to which business morals have evolved is not possible. The upward trend, though, is plain and the Commission sincerely hopes that its action in resolving such mat- ters will never run counter thereto or drag your standards down. Because no ingenious advertiser or Gov- ernment expert as yet has invented the pre- cise rule of thumb which will segregate the false from the true unvarnished vurlety of advertisement, the Commission has de- clined to issue advance opinions or to other- wise evaluate or criticize proposed adver- tising. Such wu course, it is felt, would grad- uully evolve into sume species of censorship, the attendant evils of which I need not dis- cuss. On the basis of its experience and the scientific intormution to which it has access, the Commission has come to regard with suspicion advertising claims of any tempo- rary relicf preparation offered to cure the symptoms of or to stop or end any disease. The suspicion holds for the advertising of any simple emollient cosmetic offered as a rejuvenative or restorative of ladies’ beauty. On the other hand, without comprehensive investigation the Commission cannot kuow if there is conccalment of material facts or if a twist here und a turn there distorts the truth. These facts are or should be more readily available to the advertiser. What has been characterized as the addition of subjective values to selling by means of ad- vertising cannot do away with the need for relevant truth as a competent guide to use. The Commuission’s trade practice confer- ence procedure pives valuable enlightenment on trends in business ethics and in some instances hus brought cooperative and simul- tancous discontinuance in whole industries of twilight zone practices. By this procedure entire industries meet together under Com- mission auspices, discuss frankly their trade practices, and undertake to clean up all de- ceptive udvertising and other unfuir prac- tices. The Commission recognizes that the average American businessman is no petty pickpocket, to be haled into court ut every opportunity. Giving him this chance to co- operate wlth his competitors and the Com- mission, with the objective of improving his business morulity, is generally more etfec- tive than swinging the big stick. Many in- dustries formerly numbered umong the Bet- ter Business Bureaus’ Augean stables stand witness to this method of house cleaning. Such conferences result not only in formal rules forbidding practices which are unfair under the law, but also in expressions of policy discouraging pructices in the twilight zone, and encouraging in the interest of both industry and the consumer the voluntary adoption of ethical standards considerably above the legal minimum. The Commission has found the trade- practice conference to be un unusually fine method of wholesale enforcement of the legal minima in many industries, obviating the necessity of countless formal enforcement proceedings agulnst individual concerns, and the attendant temporary competitive advan- tage of the recalcitrant firm over those more high-minded or tractable. But principally the advantuge Hes in the fact that more reul good can be accomplished on u volun- tary basis than in an advers< : proceeding, and much higher standards of ethical con- duct adopted. It is a hard and basic truth that a busi- nessman wants his competitors to advertise truthfully. Upon information or belicf that one or more of them is nibbling at truth’s edges, he may adopt tomorrow at his office desk certain practical compromises with those concepts of truth in advertising which he today enthusiastically endorses when he hears them expressed at a luncheon of his advertising club. When he shares in mak- ing trade-practice conference rules for others he is more apt to see to it that his business lives up to them. A recent issue of Printers’ Ink refers to a poll of wage-earner husbands and wives in which three-fourths of the pollees said that advertisements help give better products for the money. At the same time over one-half expressed the opinion that advertisements add to the cost of things. Two-thirds ex- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pressed some specific criticism of advertising recently noted. The genera] tenor of some complaints coming in to the Commission in- dicates that at least a segment of the pubile holds cither an emotional grudge or an in- tellectual spite against advertising as an in- stitution. At times thetr observations bor- der on the purple side, especially where the charge is lack of good taste, the regulation of which is certuinly no function of the Com- mission or of any Government agency. Criticism may fairly be leveled ut the taste of an advertisement dealing with various bodily functions, religious beliefs, loyalties, or prejudices in such manner as to offend substantial part of the public. Some radio listeners have complained of bad taste ap- pearing in the so-called entertainment part of a program, the commercial portions of which ure above reproach. Elaborate aids are now available to test the reactions of the public to copy suspected of transgressing on the side of bad tuste or indelicacy, Every program or piece of copy which offe.ds even a few people harms adver- tising as an institution. Questionable taste and lack of candor harm advertising betore they begin to affect sules of the advertised product. It is such an elemental truth that I hesitate to express it, that however, fine and constructive advertising may be as a whole, if any considerable portion of the public loses confidence in 1t for any reason, whether justified or not, the efforts of the best elements in the business will be wasted. Like other consumers I keep looking for signs that the trend observed today in many industries toward more informative adver- tising is a general one. Advertising cannot be considered as a substitute for honest murket information. I imply no blanket condemnation of advertisements or commer- cinls solely because they stress the subjective or emotional values; but as the scope of these values is enlarged in a particular advertise- ment, the greater becomes the need for rcle- vant truth as a competent guide to use of the products. As puckaging becomes more gen- eral, for example, consumers are less and less able to confirm thelr impressions by presale use of their senses of touch, taste, or sight. The popularity of some private bureaus, institutes, and consumer reports suggests some public upproval of proposals for an authoritative or official source of consumer information. Advertising should concern itself with supplying such information. If it turns a deaf ear who knows but that this polite consumer agitation may become a roar for establishment of machinery bypussing advertisers, The Commission feels keenly its statutory responsibility to eliminate false and decep- tive advertising. Not all of the matters con- sidered by it originate from complaints by a competitor or consumer. The Commission's Radio and Periodical Division maintains a survey of advertisements appearing in mag- azines, newspapers, radio broadcasts, and mall-order catalogs. This prompts earlier in- vestigation of advertisements questionable on their face. Secondly, representations pre- viously the subject of Commission action are checked to ascertain whether the advertisers are living up to Commission orders to cense and desist therefrom or their own voluntary agreements to discontinue or modify them. To do this, current magazines and news- papers are secured on a stuggered monthly rate of three times yearly on the average, depending on the character of circulation and advertising. For the last fiscal year the representative newspapers scrutinized totaled 1,667 editions; magazines (including farm journals amd trade journals) 1,033 editions; mail order catalogs, 82 (including those of five mail-order concerns with combined an- nual sales in excess of $1,750,000,000); and the commercial portions of 618,161 radio broadcast continuities. For this job much credit is due the Nation- wide network chains, regional network
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD groups, transcription producers engaged in preparing commercial radio recordings, radio stations, and publishers who cooprrated with the Commission. In instances where advertising agencies or radio station personnel have prepared or participated in the preparation of advertise- ments subsequently found to be fulse and misleading, the agency or station is included with the advertiser as a party to any result- ing corrective action To date the Commis- sion has not found it necessary in ending particular instances of false advertising to join agencies, radio stations, or publications which huve done no more than serve as dis- semination media. Pertinent to this policy is the fact that it is “unlawful” (Sec. 12 of the Federal Trade Commission Act, as amended by the Wheeler-Lea Act) merely to “dis- seminate, or cause to be disseminated, any false advertisement’ of a food, drug, cura- tive device, or cosmetic. Under certain con- ditions (sec. 14) such mere disseminators are exempt from criminal Muability, but not from civil proceedings. The Commission recently reexamined its own procedurcs and the methods of han- dling its work. This resulted in a reorganiza- tion of personnel and functions, adoption of a program designed to expand the cooper- ative phases of our work, und revision of some of the rules of practice in formal cases. One criticism of the traditional case-by-case procedure, viz, investigavion, complaint, hearing, and order, was that competitors of the party so proceeded against were left free to follow the identical illegal practice until such time as the Commission issued orders to cease and desist against each separate offender in turn. Where appropriate, simul- taneous uniform corrective measures on an industry-wide basis are now proposed rather than directing action solely against the con- cern to which the complaining finger first pointed. I say where appropriate, because application cf stich simultaneous uniform corrective action must appear not only to be warranted in the putlic interest, hut also to be practicable of execution. Not only will the Commission expand its work in establishing trade practice confer- ence rules but also will it give greater em- phasis to the elimination of unfair trade practices through stipulations to cease and desist. To the greatest possible extent con- sistent with the public interest will the aim be to avoid the necessity of a multiplicity of full-dress formal proceedings. This coopera- tive method of krndling the less important matters will implement a broader program of formal proceedings to prevent monopoly. We hope the results will inspire further con- fidence on the part of the public in the Com- mission's effectiveness in both fields. I have no doubt that advertising stand- ards wil] be raised in the future as they have been in the past. Only by digging back into media of 10, 20, and 30 and more years ago can the great strides of past advancement be fully appreciated. Of course, the most ob- vious improvement is the conspicuous de- cline of the fly-by-night, get-rich-quick type of ad. Some are still with us. Like the poor, they no doubt always will be with us. Cer- tainly they will be so long as any media will disseminate them, since they have a one- crop harvest which can usually be gotten in the barn before the frost of a legal proceed- ing descends. And, like the modern farmer, this type of advertiser is a devotee of crop and field rotation. But to me the really im- pressive improvement js the rise of the in- formative and truthful type of advertising for established business—those of you who expect to be in the same business tomorrow, next year, and for years to come. Such changes do not come easily, nor do they come chiefly as the result of Govern- ment regulation. As a matter of fact, if advertisers as a whole were no better than the Federal Trade Commission could order them to be, the situation would indeed be serious. The Commission and the Congress, of course, have particlpated in this change, and many practices which would have been ignored in the 1920's are now clearly within our jurisdiction, either by decision or by amendment of the law. But in this change there is a lug between the minimal legal requirements and the best stundards of busi- ness itself. By continually raising your standards, you make it possible tor our rezulation to protect more fully the public and ethical business from the depredations of the unscrupulous. Invoking Divine Guidance at the Conven- ing of the Eightieth Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CARL T. CURTIS OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, it was in the Constitutional Convention that Benjamin Franklin said, in substance, that if a sparrow could not fall to the ground without the notice of the Heavenly Father that surely an empire could not rise without His aid. That was true then and it is true now. Like- wise the tremendous problems facing our Republic cannot be solved without His aid. It was in keeping with this thought that the Washington Federation of Churches conducted a special service for the Congress on Friday, January 3, 1947, at 10:30 a. m. Mr. Speaker, I wish to extend my re- marks by including therein a copy of the service used on that occasion: AN OFFERING OF PRAYER INVOKING DIVINE Guiwance UPon THE NATION ON THE Occa- SION OF THE CONVENING OF THE EIGHTIETH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Fripay, JANUARY 3, 1947, 10:30 A. M., THE CHURCH OF THE REFORMATION, 212 East CaPiIToL STREET, SPONSORED BY THE WASH- INGTON FEDERATION OF CHURCHES, WASHING- Tron, D.C. PREPARATION AND PENITENCE In the few moments of silence before we begin the spoken part of this service let us focus our thoughts first upon Him who gev- erns the universe, and in whose name we are assembled, and then upon the special circumstances in the Nation and in the world which bring us to our knecs in prayer. The God of peace O God of peace, who hast taught us that in returning and rest we shall be saved, in quietness and in confidence shall be our strength: By the might of Thy Spirit lift us, we pray Thee, to Thy presence, where we may be still and know that Thou art God. The world of conflict Behold, O Father, this Thy broken family, and help us to see ourselves as with Thine eyes: Nations eyeing each other with sus- picion and dread; classes and parties and racial groups in the same Nation striving for supremacies not ordained by Thee, driven by panic fears and prideful ambitions unbecom- ing in followers of Thy Son, who took our nature upon Him to set us free. Give us, we pray Thee, such honesty that as we ponder these things we may feel in our hearts that contrition without which no mar can enter the door that leads to new ways, higher loy- alties, and finer endeavor. O Thou who has taught us that repentance must come before reformation, and sorrow be’ore re- A35 newal, send, we pray Thee, the Spirit of Thy Son into our hearts that we muy with sin- cerity pray together: O God, we have offended against Thy holy laws. We have leit undone those things which we oueht to have done, and we have done those things which we ought not to have done. Have mercy upon us and tor- give us our sins, both secret and open. Raise us to new life. Confirm and strengthen us in all goodness, and make us able and worthy to receive Thy promise of eternal life; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Hymn: St. Anne__..-------_- William Croft (Congregation standing) O God, our help in ages past, Our hope for years to come, Our shelter from the stormy blast, And our eternal home! Under the shadow of Thy throne Still may we dwell secure; Sufficient is Thine arm alone, And our @efense 1s sure. Before the hills in order stood, Or earth received her frame, Froin everlasting Thou art God, To endless years the same, A thousand uges, in Thy sight. Are like an evening gone: Short as the watch that ends the night, Before the rising sun. O God, our help In ages past, Our hope for years to come, Be Thou our guide while life shall last, And our eternal home. —Isaac Watts. INTERCERSION And now let us lift up to God, and Inay before Him, some of the sorrows and needs of the men and women and children who tn- habit his earth, with special concern for our own Nation at this time when the legis- lative branch of our Federal Government is about to assemble In the Eightieth Congress; in the faith that God will hear our prayers if we offer them in the Spirit of His Son, not desiring better things for ourselves than for our ncighbors, not wishing for our own Nation a security and a peace that would deny these benefits to other nations; but asking God's will be done in and through us, and in and through others. In humility, and in the spirit of brotherhood, seeking only the will of Him who made us, let us join in using the following Ntany: We beseech Thee, O God, that by Thy Spirit the Eightieth Congress may discharge its re- sponsibilities on the high plane where self- seeking gives place to self-discipline and ambition becomes that hunger and thirst after righteousness which has its reward in fullness of life; we beseech Thee to hear us. That our legislature may write only such laws as reflect the divine law which governs all things in heaven and earth; we beseech Thee to hear us. That Congress may interpret the mind of the people at its best, not catering to our greeds and hates and moral vulgarities, but giving sustenance to our loftiest visions and reality to our noblest dreams; we beseech Thee to hear us. That sound guidance may be given to the youth of our land, and to those who influence them in their homes, their schools, and their recreation, to the end that our Nation may raise up public-spirited citizens, vigorous and modest and well-balanced, that 50 we may keep a place of honor among the nations of the world; we beseech Thee to hear us. That Government and labor and manage- ment, in the mutual rivalry in which their fortunes are entangled, my learn through patience and through mutual respect to seek only those solutions which treat men as sons of God and therefore brothers one of another; we beseech Thee to hear us. That we may see in every race and every minority group children of God, and whose
A36 destinies are precious in Thy sight; we be- seech Thee to hear us. That those who control the Army and Navy may submit their courts and all their proc- esses of Judgment to the divine rule of jus- tice; to the end that even the least popular offender may receive the most scrupulous fair play; we beseech Thee to hear us. That our Nation may become a land of justice where none shall prey on others, where success shall be founded on service, and honor be given to integrity alone; we beseech Thee to hear us. That our diplomacy, under Thy influence, may submit to the discipline of truth and may rise to the fearlessness which alone can accomplish Thy purpose for mankind; we beseech Thee tc hear us. That every question of foreign policy may be studied in the light of our cleepest beliefs; we beseech Thee to hear us. That we may check in ourselves and in others all ungenerous judgments and all pre- sumptuous claims; we beseech eThee to hear us. That Thou wilt inspire all who speak where many listen and write what many read, 80 that they will help to make the mind of this people wise, the heart sound, and the will righteous; we beseech Thee to hear us. That Thou wilt give to the Supreme Court of our land a wise and understanding heart to judge Thy people, that they may discern between good and bad, and that this Nation may grow in obedience to Thy laws; we be- seech Thee to hear us. That Thou wilt grant to the President of the United States wisdom and strength to know and to do Thy will; and to the members of the Cabinet such insights and understand- ing that they, together with the President, may reach decisions in accordance with Thy holy will and way; we beseech Thee to hea? us. That every Member of Congress, aided by the prayers of the people, uncorrupted by power, neither blinded by prejudice nor ham- pered by pride, may serve this country with an eye single to the public welfare and a will dedicated to the all-embracing purposes of God; we beseech Thee to hear us. That this Nation, bounteous in the fruits of the field, may by Thy spirit be led to share gladly and richly with Thy children across the seas in hunger and despair; we beseech Thee to hear us. O God, by whose quickening grace we are made fellow citizens of the household of faith, grant that the good endeavors of Thy people in all nations, fitly framed together, may grow into a holy temple of righteousness and truth; through Him who is our peace, Thy Son, Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. O Lord, we beseech Thee mercifully to re- ceive the prayers of Thy people who call upon Thee; and grant that we may both perceive and know what things we ought to do, and also may have grace and power faithfully to fulfill the same; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Let us now join in saying the Lord’s Prayer. Our Father, who art in heaven, hallowed by Thy name. Thy kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us. And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. For Thine ts the kingdom, and the power, and the glory for- ever and ever. Amen. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost be with us all evermore. Amen. Hymn: Cwm Rhondda........ John Hughes (Congregation standing) God of grace and God of glory, On Thy people pour Thy power; Crown Thine ancient church's story; Bring her bud to glortous flower. Grant us wisdom, grant us courage For the facing of this hour. Lo! the hosts of evil round us Scorn Thy Christ, assail His Ways. Fears and doubts too long have bound us, Free our hearts to work and praise. Grant us wisdom, grant us courage, For the living of the~> days. Cure Thy children’s warring madness, Bend our pride to Thy control; Shame our wanton, selfish gladness, Rich in things and poor in soul. Grant us wisdom, grant us courage, Lest we miss Thy kingdom’s goal. Set our feet on lofty places; Gird our lives that they may be Armored with all Christ-like graces In the fight to set men free. Grant us wisdom, grant us courage, That we fail not man nor Thee! Save us from weuk resignation To the evils we deplore; Let the search for Thy salvation Be our glory evermore Grant us wisdom, grant us courage, Serving Thee whom we adore. —Harry Emerson Fosdick. DEDICATION And now, brethren, while we remain stand- ing, let us say together the following words of dedication: Fill us, O Lord, with Thy light. Destroy in us the power of darkness, break into the innermost depth and change the whole of our being. Bless us with Thy grace. Bend us under Thy truth. We wait still upon Thee. We will obey Thee. Have mercy upon Thy children. Lord, we believe; help Thou our unbelief. Then shall the minister bless the people. Now our Lord Jesus Christ Himself, and God, even our Father who hath loved us and fiven u8 everlasting consolation and good hope through grace, strengthen our pearts, and establish us in every good word and work. Amen. PARTICIPANTS IN THE SERVICE The Reverend Frederick Brown Harris, D. D., LL. D., Chaplain of the Senate; the Reverend James Shera Montgomery, D. D., Chaplain of the House of Representatives; the Reverend Charles Enders, D. D., vice president, Washington Federation of Churches; the Very Reverend John W. Suter, D. D., dean, Washington Cathedral; the Rev- erend Frederick E. Reissig, D. D., execu- tive secretary, Washington Federation of Churches; Mr. Arthur 8. Flemming, LL. D., president, Washington Federation of Churches; the Reverend Oscar F. Blackwelder, D. D., LL. D, pastor, host church. The Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUCENE WORLEY or TEXAS IN THE HOUSE CF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. WORLEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I would like to include in the Rrcorp a very timely editorial entitled “The Congress” from the Amarillo Daily News, under date of January 3, 1947: THE CONGRESS The Eightieth Congress of the United States convenes today. Sometimes we Americans cuss our Con- gressmen and Senators; sometimes we make fun of them. Most of the time we work them to death, getting us hotel reservations and showing us around the Capitol and fronting APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for us at various Government agencies and bureaus. When they vote for bills that help our bue.ness or coincide with our prejudices, we vote for them for reelection. When they vote for bills and help the other fellow's business, or conflict with our prejudices, we damn them and vote for their opponents in the next election. We take our Congressmen for granted. But if we would pause and analyze what this institution means to the American peo- ple and to the world, we would get down on our knees and thank God for Congress. The Members of Congress are actual rep- resentatives of the people—of “the folks back home.” The laws passed by Congress Teflect, as directly as possible in a nation of 140,000,000 people, the wishes of the majority of those people. Russia’s congress has no such power. True, its members are elected, although they all belong to one party. But it has no power to formulate and pass leg- islation and make it stick in the face of op- position by the executive branch. Russia's congress, in short, is a figurehead. In our Congress there are two Houses. Both are necessary; but it is the lower House that is the more responsive to the popular will. Few Americans know that we came dangerously near not having a lower House. The House of Representatives, in fact, was our forefathers’ concession to democracy. The founders of our Republic—or at least a good many of them—weren’t at all sure that the American people had the capacity for self-rule. The Senate, an aristocratic body then elected by the State legislatures, was their idea of a governing body. But just to make sure that the Senate wouldn't throw monkey wrenches into the machinery of the Republic, they agreed to the creation of the House, its Members to be elected directly by the people. Thus, the House always has been closer to the people than the Senate. Its elections are every 2 years instead of 6. And in its very operations it’s the more democratic, tha more colorful of the two législative bodies. There have been fist fights on the floor of the House. When a session of Congress ends the Senate just quits. The Members of the lower Chamber have been known to stage great sing-fests, with hundreds of voices joining in Auld Lang Syne or My Old Ken- tucky Home. The most important man in the House is the Speaker, elected by Members of the ma- jority party. Despite his importance, only one man in all our history has graduated from the Speakership to the Presidency. His mame was James Polk. It was probably an accident, however, that Amarillo's main street bears the name of this Speaker-Presi- ent. So cuss your Congressman if you must; but remember that in this changing and restless old world the freedom of the indi- vidual American might evaporate pretty quickly were it not for the institution that holds forth in the big domed building on Capitol Hf1l. Freedom and Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOSEPH H. BALL OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. BALL. Mr. President, I ask unani- mous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article en- titled “Freedom and Security,” which I wrote and which was published in the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “Baltimore Sun of Sunday, January 5, 1947, There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Parenom and SECURITY (By Hon. Joseru H. Bati, United States Sen- ator from Minnesota) There are two deep emotional impulses within nearly all of us and at times they seem to be in conflict. One is the desire to be free and independ- ent, to work and live exactly as we please. The other is the equally deep need for se- curity—the security of a comfortable home, @ sure job, and congenial companions, Most of us can remember when the urge to be free of parental control drove us as children to rui. away from home, trudging bravely along the railroad track that led out of our little town to the big world beyond, a few precious belongings and perhaps some bread and potatoes slung in a wack over our shoulder. And we can also remember how, as the afternoon shadows began to lengthen toward twilight, the deep need for the lighted and warm security of home slowed our steps and finally sent us hurrying back to arrive, breathless and a little shamefaced, in time for dinner. SECURITY GAINED BY EFFORT All through growing up, going to school, and working at one job after another We learn gradually how to be free, to stand on ou: own feet, to use wisely and well our own resourcts of brain and sinew, knowing both their ex- tent and their limits. As we learn to be free, we also win security, the only security worth having, that which the individual builds for himself and which no outside power can take away from him. Our lives as adults quite often appear to be a compromise betweer these two basic im- pulses toward freedom and security. Should quit our humdrum job and risk our sav- ings on that chicken ranch we've always dreamed of owning? Should we keep our little business going as an independent, com- peting concern, or sell out to the big outfit that threatens to smash us in a price war if we don't? For most of us, the choice is usually a tough one with risks on both sides, and the decision is usually a compromise. But we can make the choice ourselves, with the knowledge that we have an equal opportunity with all others to succeed. IN OLD DAYS NO CHOICE There was a time when the individual had no choice. You worked at the job you were born into, or starved. Freedom of choice was @ special privilege reserved for a few at the top of society, and even they did not have as much real freedom as all of us enjoy today. A few centuries ago all‘of us had to devote all our energies to achieving the barest kind of security, enough food and shelter to stay alive. We had no time to think of freedom. We lived in small villages, producing our- selves nearly everything we consumed, and paying tribute and allegiance to some feudal lord in return for his protection. The industrial revolution changed all that. Men found that by specializing in their labor and exchanging products they could produce far more than they had been able to produce before. Some farmed, some spun and wove cloth, others made shoes and plows and some devoted all their time to building homes or making furniture. Later on, the specialists invented machines which increased their pro- ductivity still more. For the first time, society could see a chance of producing enough to banish for- ever the specter of starvation and want. But to make the new system work, men had to be free to exchange the product of their labor for that of others, They had to be free to ehoose the kind of work they would do, to move from one place to another, to trade in markets where contracts were equally binding on all, BY STRUGGLE AND SHEDDING BI.OOD It was natural that those at the top who had controlled the lives and labors of people and enjoyed many spectal privileges, thereby should resist the demands for freedom which the new method of production made impera- tive. It took centuries of struggle, some of it exceedingly bloody, to establish firmly in the organization of society the concept of in- dividual freedom and equality under law. Thro‘igh that long struggle and the estab- lishment of that liberal concept in society We discovered an amazing new resource and learned a startling fact. The new resource was the creative energy Which millions of just ordinary people dis- play once it is released. They say you can make a donkey go by dangling e carrot in front of him or by beating him with a stick. Men are same- what alike. We work and strive under the whip of compulsion or in the hope of reward. For many centurie’ we toiled under the whip of compulsion, sometimes real in the hands of the slavemaster, at other times merely the necessity of keeping body and soul together. We toiled from dawn to dusk, with no time for thinking or dreaming, and the creative energy withir us remained locked up and untapped. IDEAS COME FROM TIIE PEOPLE But as we became free, as the division pf labor gave us more time to think and czeam, we found that the upper crust had no mo- nopoly on ideas that could benefit society. And as opportunity opened up to all on more nearly equal terms, and the incentive of Great rewards opened to anyone who could offer something society needed or could use, @ veritable flood of new inventions, new ideas neW processes and techniques poured out, not from any specially privileged group, but from the people. This was the great new resource society discovered, the creative energy of individual men and women free to work and live as they pleased. The startling fact we learned in this strug- gle was that our individual security in- creases in direct ratio as our individual free- dom and opportunity increases, Equal justice under law gave us security in our lives and property that the feudal lords had never afforded. And the flood of production released when individuals were freea and the incentive of reward for per- formance substituted for the whip of neces- sity provided even the least fortunate of us economic and material security undreamed of a few centuries ago. Out of this struggle also grew the philos- aphy of political liberalism. A political liberal today, as in the past, has two primary objectives. One is to assure the greatest possible de- gree of freedom for all individuals con- sistent with enjoyment of the same degree of freedom by all other individuals. In pursuit of that objective, liberals oppose and seek to root out of our system special privileges whenever they show up, whether they are enjoyed by great capitalists or by powerful labor leaders or by dictatorial bureaucrats. The liberal’s second objective is equality of opportunity and equality before the law for all individuals. A true liberal recog- nizes many problems in our domestic society today. m health, housing, education and la- bor relations. But he insists that the solu- tions to these problems must expand rather than contract the sum total of individual freedoms enjoyed by all of us and must not violate the principles of equal opportunity and equality under the law for all, A37 FREEDOM OFTEN MISUSED We recognize that our present society is not perfect. Freedom carries with it risks and responsibilities, and sometimes indi- viduals or groups mistake freedom for license to disregard completely the public interest. The struggle to expand freedom, destroy special privileges, check Hcense and brornden opportunities is a never-ending one. Mass- production factories have leit jerry-built slums in their wake. Our labor-relations policy is a patchwork that is breaking down at a critical time. Too many people do not get a fair break on health or education. Business cycles sometimes spiral into de- pressions which weaken or destroy the se- curity of many of us. A group of politicians, tuking advantage of our preoccupation during the 1930's with these weaknesses and defects in our free sys- tem, have launched what is today the most dangerous attack on freedom and security. The basic thesis of these political leaders, all of them pseudo-liberals of the Luski-Wal- lace-Pepper-PAC stripe, is that Government's primary obligation must be to provide com- plete economic security for everyone, rather than to assure to all individuals equal jus- tice, equal opportunity, and maximum free- dom under law. Their threat to both freedom and security is the more dangerous because it is insidious. They appeal to our basic need for security, they fay lip service to freedom while advo- cating programs which inevitably, whether they realize it or not, will liquidate both freedom and security. They have convinced many honest liberals that they are the true liberals of today. PROPOSALS OF PSEUDO-LIBERALS A few of the salient features of the domes- tic program advocated by these pseudo-lib- eral leaders in the Seventy-ninth Congress were the original version of the full employ- ment bill, which sought to have Government guarantee a fob to every individual who wanted one regardiess of ability or willing- ness to work; the Wagner-Murray-Dingell compuisory health-insurance bill, which would have made every member of the medi- cal, dental, and nursing profession a Federal employee subject to the control of a vast bureaucracy; increasing the minimum wage from 40 to 75 cents an hour, increasing un- employment compensation to $25 a week for 26 weeks, and raising all social-security bene- fits proportionately. and bitter opposition to every attempt to check the arrogant and arbi- trary “public-be-damned" power which union leaders have gained as a result of legal immunities and special] privileges and lop- sided favoritism in public administration The real Mberals recognized that if Gov- ernment was to guarantee jobs to everyone, it inevitably would have to be given power to tell all individuals where, at what jobs, and for what wages they must work or starve. In other words, to make the promise good, Government inevitably would have to use the whip of compulsion, since it was taking away the carrot of incentive. And individual free- dom, of course, would be liquidated. Liberals insisted, and their counsel finally prevailed, that Government had an obliga- tion to plan its fiscal and public-works poli- cies so as to level out business cycles, but that for it to try to run the whole economy would mean the end of liberty. CARRIED ODOR OF TOTALITARIANISM The compulsory health insurance bill was so obviously headed in the direction of to- talitarianism that it never got out of com- mittee, and the new Congress will tackle the problem of meeting the admittedly real prob- lem of making minimum health services available to all on a liberal and voluntary basis, The attempt to make our minimum wage law, designed to eliminate sweatshops, over
A38 into a statute requiring all employers to pay what some bureaucrat desides is a fair or liv- ing wage for a family of four has the same weakness as the original full employment bill. It sought to substitute Government edict for the free play of competition in a free market in fixing wages and hours. A minimum wage is all right as long as we keep ita minimum. But the minute we begin to substitute arbitrary rules for the de- terminations of a free market, whether in prices or wages, we are gumming up the free exchange of goods and services which is a vital necessity to the economic system, and the result is a retrogression, not progress. AIMING AT FREE SYSTEM'S HEART Similarly, the continual drive of these pseudo-liberals to change the objective of our social-security system, which is the hu- mane one of making sure no individual's liv- ing standards fall below & minimum stand- ard, but leave the rest to individual initiative spurred on by incentive, to assuring every- one a high standard of living regardless of individual effort, is striking at the heart of a free system. All of us know of individuals who now prefer to loaf on jobless benefits rather than work and produce. How many more such would there be if the benefits were increased as these leaders would have them increased? And how long would you and I keep on sweating and producing to earn our living standards, and see more and more of those earnings drained off in taxes to support the drones and loafers at standards we could not afford?. The incentive just wouldn't be there. In- evitably our whole economy would run down- hill, or Government would have to step in and use the whip of compulsion to make individuals work, as it had to do in Italy, Germany, and Russia. And that again would mean the end of both freedom and secu- rity for the individual. What the Wallace-Pepper-PAC crowd are doing is studying the defects of our free sys- tem through a magnifying glass and its acs com; ts through the wrong end of a telescope. Naturally, the defects overshadow the achievements. IT's A PLEASANT PICTURE But for those of us not aMicted with that kind of myopia the picture is very different. We see millions of Americans working shorter hours in pleasanter surroundings than any on earth, yet producing and enjoying better homes, more refrigerators and bathiubs and automobiles and fishing trips and summer resorts and all the other things that make life more comfortable and more fun than any other people on earth. We can see the defects, too, but we see them in proportion, and we can see that we have achieved these things and this secu- Tity because we have been free and had equal opportunity and equal justice under law. Many businessmen, finding free competi- tion tough and risky, have tried to organize monopolies, trusts, and cartels to eliminate the risk at the expense of society. In the United States we passed antitrust laws, breaking up these monopolies and restoring free competition. Europe let them grow until they developed such great economic power that the people demanded a remedy. Unfortunately, the remedy being adopted in Europe today, as it was under both Fascists and Communists, is not to break up the cartels, but simply to transfer the monopoly control to the Government. , WHERE CLOSE CONTROL FAILS Some of our pseudo-liberals want us to adopt substantially the same answer through a “planned economy” even though it should be clear by now that a free economy will always outproduce a controlled economy. The reason is \. When an industry is controlled by a mo- nopoly or by government, one man, or at the most a very small group of men, must make all decisions in that industry, If the top man is conservative he will be very slow about trying new equipment and techniques. And if control is political all kinds of considera- tions unrelated to business will enter into his decisions. If the controlling individual or group is of a radical turn it may wreck the whole industry by a series of ill-consid- ered experiments. MUST BE CHECKED, DIFFUSED Under our competitive system the decl- sions on new techniques and equipment are made, not by any single individual or small group, but by hundreds, and in some indus- tries, thousands of individual managers, No ill-considered experiment can wreck the whole industry, and progress does not depend on the judgment and initiative of one man, but of many hundreds or thousands. Free competition has its problems, but it surely will outproduce any “planned econ- omy.” Nowhere does the confused thinking and lack of real principles among this pseudo- liberal group show up more clearly than in consideration of the labor-relations problems we face today. Real liberals always have op- posed great concentrations of irresponsible power, whether political or economic, as dan- gerous to freedom. PUBLIC INTEREST PARAMOUNT And it doesn’t matter whether capitalists, labor leaders, or bureaucrats wield the power, It must be checked, diffused, and made re- sponsible to the public interest. We can imagine the screams that would come from the Wallace-Pepper crowd if 2,000 coal operators were forced to close all the mines because the leaders of their monopoly organization decided, in a period of critical shortage that the public must pay 50 per- cent more for coal or get none, Yet when John L. Lewis uses exactly the same monopoly power to make exactly the same kind of demand on the people members of the Waliace-Pepper group are strangely silent. Their pseudo-liberalism gives out a very tinny sound when struck firmly by a principle. Statehood for Hawaii EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE P. MILLER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. MILLER of California. Mr. Speaker, the San Francisco Chronicle of January 6 contains an editorial entitled “Statehood for Hawaii.” Under leave to extend my remarks, I have asked permission to insert this edi- torial in the Recorp. It reads as follows: STATEHCOD FOR HAWAII Congress should authorize atatehood for Hawaii, as Hawail’s Delegate Joszpm FARRInc- Ton intends to ask at the current session. Assuming that FaRRgineron represents ma- jority sentiment among people of the islands, we can think of no grounds upon which re- fusal could rest. Since acquisition in 1898, the islands have im those terms they represent an addition from which we draw atrength and security. Tt has been argued in the past. that the islands’ was not popatiation. homogeneous,. and could not, therefore, be assiméitated into: the American culture,: Certainly, Hawaii con- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tains many and intermingled racial strains, and strains we are accustomed to thinking of as alien, But the question of assimilable racial char- acteristics cannot be sanely considered ex- cept in fundamentals. In the things which’ really count are Hawaiians and mainland Americans incompatible? The answer, as Farrington says, was fur- nished in the dark days between December 7, 1941, and the turn of the war tide. Pre- sented with a unique opportunity to display alien and anti-American traits with dis- astrous effect, the populace of Hawali closed ranks and conducted itself as the American unit that it is. Still further, the all-Japa- nese regiment from Hawali, the Four Hun- dred and Forty-second, gave proof of loyalty which may be measured by its blind, arm- less and legless veterans as well as by the high contribution of life. Indeed, just how American is the orienta- tion of Hawaiians, is implicit in their ap- peal. They are not asking, as a truly alien people would, to be freed of American con- nection, but to be confirmed in it. That the closest connection should be maintained, if for reasons of strategy alone, will be disputed by none. Since there is to be a close connection, two considerations argue for statehood. It is the course of en- lightened self-interest, since we would have everything to lose by haughtiness, and it is only the recognition and Federal representa- tion to which such an important national integer is entitled. It is nineteenth-century nonsense to hold back on the score that the islands are not contiguous. The cable, wireless, telephone, and airplane have written new definitions of contiguity; Hawaii is closer to Washington today than Utah was a quarter century ago. On all scores, it is a natural union, and we should end the anomaly which has kept Hawaii voteless. Mr. Speaker, when Hawaii voluntarily became a part of the United States there was an implied promise, morally binding upon us, that when the people of those happy isles were morally and economically fitted for statehood they would be admitted to the Union as one of the sovereign States of the United States of America. Hawaii has met this test according to the severest standards for statehood that can be applied. Some people were fearful that the heter- ogeneous population of Hawaii under the stress of national emergency would not meet the high standard of patriotism of mainland Americans. We have been through the crucible of war and the citizens of Hawaii, irre- spective of their racial origin, have proven to be true and loyal Americans in the finest sense of that word. Our Immigration Policy and-Displaced Persons EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EMANUEL CELLER. Or NEW YORK Wednesday, January 8, 19¢7 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Rscozs, 1 include the following state- ment. made by me before the National
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD sion of 100,000 Homeless Jews, Sunday, January 5, 1947: It is a sad commentary on our social fiber that a conference of this kind is necessary. True, we recoiled in horror when we read the stories of the Nazi brutalities and massacres. Most certainly, most certainly, we did not ap- prove. But what did we do about it, we the generous, open-hearted, kind people of the United States? What are we doing about it? Isn’t it time we asked, “Where is the conscience of America?” The dispossessed Jews of Europe have be- come faceless people. We have fallen tnto a way of thinking about them in the mass and so have stopped realizing that each dis- placed Jew is an individual, a human being with blood, muscle, and sinew. Each day that is brought back to me anew. Into my office every hour in the day come letters of heart-rending appeal to help some loved ones to come to the United States. One is the only surviving member of his family; another has watched her husband and children go to their death in some inferno; still another pleads for the chance to live again in dignity, to earn his bread, to breathe frecly again. That is why I say this conference is a sad, no, rather a bitter commentary on our lack of consctence. No conference of this kind should have’ been necessary. Years ago we should have begun to open our doors to the desperate victims of the foul Nazi ideology. It is truly amazing how we talked around the problem, around and around it, and never talked about it straightforwardly. Yes, a trickle came through. And, yes, we ad- mitted en masse a thousand persons and put ther. in’a camp at Oswego ar if they were of a strange, contaminating breed. There exists a curtous conflict in the Amer- ican attitude toward the refugees, a conflict between generosity and fear. On the one hand, we pride ourselves on our tradition of being an asylum for the persecuted. On the other hand, we fear the alien, we fear com- petition for jobs, the aliens’ tmpact upon our society. It is this confifct that has paralyzed u 8. Between the years 1980 and 1946 approxi- mately two and one-half million immigrants could have been admitted within the struc- ture of our immigration laws. In the 17- year period, only a half million quota immi- grante were admitted. You can, therefore, readily see that in asking for the admission of 100,000 Jews into the United States we are not being overbold, nor even ripping apart the intent of Congress when it framed the immigration laws, even those laws which have been characterized as ‘numerically re- strictive as well as automatically selective.” Both congressional and Executive action are called for. In the past 12 months even with Executive action by President Truman only 6,213 refugees were admitted to these shores from central and eastern Europe. The annual immigration quotas set for these areas is 89,000. So, again, even within the frame of our immigration statutes, we have not taken the action that sheer humanity de- mands of us. I have, therefore, on the opening of Con- gress introduced four bills dealing with the admission of displaced persons and refugees into the United States. One calls for the admission of 250,000 displaced persons and refugees who shall be admitted to the United States without regard to nationality. In the issuance of such visas, priority shall be granted in accordance with the length of time an applicant for a visa has been a dis- pleced person or refugee. The second bill makes available to certain European na- tionalities having small quotas the unused parts of the : nnual quotas of European coun- tries having larger quotas. For instance, Great Britain has an annual quota of 65,721, Germany has an annual quota of 27,370. In the year 1944, for example, only 2,303 of these allotted Great Britain quotas were used. Po- land, on the other hand, has an annual quota of 6,524; Hungary, an annual quota of 869. These latter quotas are very many times oversubscribed. It is the purpose of my bill to allot the unused quotas not subscribed for by countries like Great Britain to the amaller quota countries. A third bill calls for the use of all unused quotas since the administration of the Immigration Act of 1924 by displaced persons and retugees. The fourth bill calls for permitting those refugees who did come here on temporary visas to remain permanently in this country. I have witnessed too many tragic and hardship cases of persons who are threatened with de- portation proceedings to ignore that aspect of the problem. The fact of your presence here today is Proof positive that you are aware of the need to take action. Whether these bills be- come law or whether they will just lie gather- ing dust in the committee desk depends to a very significant extent upon you. By the very nature of its composition, our Congress must be responsive to public will and opinion. You must plan your campaign of education; you must make known articulately and vig- orously your viewpoint to the Members of the House and Senate. You can induce news- papers to publish editorials thereon, maga- zines to feature articles, inspire broadcasts that will offset the antiquated, creaking no- tions of such organizations like the Daugh- ters of the American Revolution and the vicious statements contained in the Meader report. The report made by George Meader on the displaced Jews in the United States zone to the Senate War Investigating Committee is a distorted and ugly one. It has not been Officially released or adopted by the commit- tee, but ft has already don. incalculable harm. He seems to have taken his cue from General Morgan, whose unsavory view- point was exploded not so long ago in con- nection with UNRRA activities, and which ultimately led to the dismissal of General Morgan from that organisation. After the sincere revelations in the Eisenhower, Har- rison, Rifkind, and Pauley reports, it is not difficult to discern the chicanery in the Mead- er report for those of us who have studied the situation throughout these black years. The Meader report, however, is fashioned to in- flame prejudice and place the picture out of focus. It is apparent that Mr. Meader is unfit to continue his post as counsel for the Senate War Investigating Committee, and it is my gu.ss that the committee itself will not countenance his kind of dishonest per- formance much Inger. Another detractor and Gefamer of these Gisplaced persons is the distinguished Sen- ator Revercoms, of West Virginia, who, in a report to the Republican Senatorial) Steering Committee, opposed what he calls the up- setting of the present national origins quotas because many of those who seek entrance into this country have little concept of our form of goverpment. Many come from lands where commenism has had its first growth. He then said it would be a tragic blunder to bring into our midst those imbued with a communistic line of thought. This is con- trary to the facts, as I have them. The dis- Placed persons are fleeing from Communist Jands. They dread communism. The Sena- tor then suggested as ar alternative that these people should be reestablished in Eu- rope. He wants them to return to the grave- yards of their loved ones who were slaugh- tered in cold blood by Hitler and bis satellites. He wants them to go back to the pogrom atmosphere of Poland. But it is the Meaders and the like who, unfortunately, may have the controlling word in the new Congress. It is these tndividuals who threaten not only to kill off liberal immigration measures but who seek to seal A39 our shores to any immigration from any source. The national commander of the American Legion, Paul H. Griffiths, is another person whose words of opposition to admission of displaced persons must be watched carefully. He objects to the admission of any displaced persons because they might take away Jobs from veterans, I believe Colonel Griffiths is inventing a begy. The admission of these relugees could not possibly hurt the veteran. He is himself in most cases a descendant of immigrant stock. We ask their admission oh the grounds of humanity. Far from hurting the veteran, admission will help the veteran and all others because our years of Greatest prosperity have been years when vast numbers of tmmigrants came to the United States. The admission of these un- fortunate people, to my mind, would be an invaluable investment for the whole country. We have waited 13 years for America to revive its tradition as a land of refuge, a haven for those fleeing political and re- ligious persecution. Certainly, Thomas Jef- ferson would say now as he said in 1801, “Shall we refuse the unhappy fugitives from distresa that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to our forefathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed hu- manity find no asylum on this globe?” I like the way the Washington Post in its editorial of New Year's Day put it, “Knowl- edge that the United States had forsworn its indifference would be the best New Year hope displaced persons could have. Asice from the appeal of humanitarianism there is a wealth of skills, culture, and potential good citizenship in these camps that on practical grounds ought to be considered.” That is a healthy sign. The CIO resolu- tion which urges liberaliaation of our immi- gration policy is likewise a healthy sign. It does much to blast the notion that a more libere] immigration policy would injury our economic structure, deprive our citizens of jobs, and impoverish our opportunities. The soundness of our economy is mush more de- pendent upon factors like international trade, high productivity, adequate purchasing power, on fewer monopolies than it is de- pendent upon a static, unchanging popula- tion. But it is an old, old cry, raised in every gen- eration, that American frontiers are gone. Such facile, unsound thinking on the part of the DAR and the like is quite discourag- ing, considering the inftuence on our imm!i- gration policies. The theory has been ex- ploded time and again, but it keeps buzzing back like a mosquito behind the ear, What is left out are the contributions of the refugees to America, the enrichment of the cultural and scientific life of the Nation, the formation of new enterprises employing American labor, the introduction of new skills to America and new processes and, of course, new customers to keep our productivity high. Curtously enough, you will find that waves of immigration accompanied the economic expansion of the United States. The 1848 wave coincided with the westward movement of the Nation; the 1870 wave rose with the program of reconstruction and railroad growth, and the wave of immigration at the beginning of the century carried with it our corporate development and the expansion of our major industries. I reemphasiae that the demand for the admission of 100,000 Jews into the United States is not an excessive one. I pledge that I shall do everything in my power as a Member of Congress and as ranking minor- tty member of the Judiciary Committee; I shalt use every means at my disposal to accomplish this resolve. In the knowledge of the preciousness of the gift of human life I can do no less.
A40 The Need for Grain Cars in Nebraska EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CARL T. CURTIS OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, I wish to take this means of calling attention to the serious shortage of cars for shipping grain which now exists in Nebraska. This problem is of such magnitude that the Office of Defense Transportation, the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Civilian Production Administration, the Department of Agriculture, and all other Federal agencies should join hands in seeking an immediate solution. The Honorable Richarc H. Larson, chairman of the Nebraska State Railway Commission, writes me as follows: The situation is far more serious than it has ever been in my 6 years’ experience on the commission. Illustrative of the present state of affairs is the situation of one large country eleva- tor, which would require over 4 years to empty its elevator of wheat if the cars were received as they have been over a 6-week period. Another typical situation in the wet- corn area is that of an elevator with a stand- ing order for 10 cars during the month of December, and only receiving one. The solution to this problem may He in the aiding in the manufacture of new cars, the repairing of old cars, seeing that all cars manufactured are used in this country, more thought in the carrying out of the Govern- ment's grain-export problem, preventing loaded cars from remaining for long periods at seaboard points or elsewhere, sending empties to this area under emergency orders, or by returning to the railroads serving this area cars now in use elsewhere in the United States. Farmers are finding it increasingly difficult, or impossible, to dispose of their corn. Inter- state Commerce Commission car allocation orders are not functioning because elevator men cannot permit their elevators to become technically blocked, Mr. Speaker, the entire Nebraska dele- gation is extremely anxious that this matter have immediate and thorough attention. Juvenile Delinquency EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the text of an article which I contributed to the December 1946 issue of the magazine Baptist Leader, a magazine for church and church-school workers. The article is entitled “Building for Tomorrow,” and it is on the subject of America’s com- bating juvenile delinquency. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: BUILDING For ToMORROW (By Hon. ALEXANDER WiEr, United States Senator from Wisconsin) The headlines today scream about the postwar crime wave. A continuous stream of stories and pictures on murder, rape, and robbery, fills the press. We read that almost 6,000,000 Americans—1 in every 23 of our in- habitants—have been arrested one or more times and fingerprinted. Every 20 seconds last year somebody in our country committed a@ crime. Most disturbing of all are the statistics and stories of juvenile delinquency. J. Edgar Hoover, able Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, soberly tells us that more persons aged 17 are arrested than in any other age group. Next in order of most numerous delinquents are the 18-, 19-, 21-, and 22-year olds. The chief investigator states that those under 21 represent 62 percent of all car thieves, 51 percent of all burglars, 30 percent of all rapists, 26 percent of all arsonists, 15 percent of all murderers. The arrest of girls under 18 years of age has increased 198 percent since the last peacetime year of 1939, while arrests of boys under 18 has in- creased 101 percent for drunkenness and driving while intoxicated, 72 percent for as- sault, 70 percent for rape, 48 percent for homicide, 89 percent for robbery. At age 15, 15 percent of boy and girl criminals had previous fingerprint records. And this fig- ure rose steadily to 42 percent at age 20. Mr. Hoover “debunks” the fear that return- ing servicemen will contribute to this crime wave. Rather he sees in them a potent, patriotic ally to save from a wayward life “the little tough guys” and girls who grew up while our men were overseas on military duty. But what is wrong with America? Al- though we won the war abroad, we are losing the war for public safety and morality at home. We remember the stresses and strains of wartime living, the disorganization and break-down of the home—families uprooted by migration, fathers and brothers serving far away, mothers busily at work in war plants, youngsters earning and squandering easy money. We know that the aftermath of war has always brought a moral let-down and an increase in lawlessness. Now we are paying the tragic indirect price of war. ALL I8 NOT LOST But neither increased adult nor juvenile delinquency are grounds for hysteria or de- featism. Twenty-two of every 23 of our people are still honest and law abiding. Many of the “twenty-threeards” have learned the error of their former ways. Moreover, the counterattack on lawless- ness has been launched by the United States Department of Justice and by localities, cities, and States working together. Public- spirited citizens, child- and social-welfare groups and enlightened offtials in almost every American community are teaming up to lick the housing crisis (a major factor in fostering youthful offenses), to provide the most modern recreation facilities, to con- fiscate or neutralize dangerous weapons (many of which are war souvenirs, to elimi- nate harmful influences from the commu- nity—the bawdy entertainment places, the cesspool bar and grill, the salacious litera- ture, the objectionable characters. New preventive and corrective techniques and institutions are being devised, tested, weighed in the balance and judged accord- ingly. The juvenile court, specially devoted to handling young offenders, has long proved its worth as has the special juvenile deten- tion facility. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Recently a Dearborn, Mich., judge insti- tuted and proved the worth of a school for delinquent mothers and fathers. The judge established a parente’ clinic as the answer to a particularly ugly case wherein a mother appeared before him, charged with having abandoned a year-old Daby for 36 hours and having taken another child, aged 38, on a tour of taverns. The wayward mother be- came the first of a long series of parents who were placed on probation and educated in proper parenthood at the school. Under an old State law discovered by this judge, appropriate punishment was authorized against parents who have contributed to child delinquency. Attendance at school is the enlightened punishment. Similar laws have been invoked in San Francisco and Omaha, to cite two instances, and have been successfully applied in parents’ schools. United States Attorney General Clark has outlined a new probation program for young first-offenders, too. Under this program, the offenders’ criminal slate is wiped clean after 3 years of good behavior on probation, and these youngsters are thus spared the shame and guilt of a criminal record which fre- quently encourages a repetition of crime. It should be noted that 70 percent of adult criminals were juvenile criminals, But it is you as an individual American mother or future mother, together with your mate or future mate, who must still bear the primary responsibility for curbing juvenile delinquency. So, too, must I, as a parent of four grown-up children aid a grandpar- ent of four young children. We can neither evade nor deny this great responsibility. Your own son or daughter and mine may be as honest as the day is long, but there is always room for improvement in ourselves and them. There is a Chinese proverb which states that if each of us were to clean in front of our own doorsteps, the whole world would soon be clean. The idea is sound, for all too often delinquency begins in the home. Before we can criticize others let us look to our own homes. There is always more work that you and I can do in cooperating with other parents and with church, school, and other authorities in checking lawlessness, WHAT WE CAN DO But our problem of juvenile delinquency cannot and must not be isolated from the problems of sound parenthood. There is only a thin line dividing the child who is arrested by the police, from the child who engages at home or elsewhere in minor thefts, lying, and malicious mischief. The needs of a delin- quent child—for mastery, security, adven- ture—are the same as those of a righteous child, except that in the former, they have become so intensified as to burst out in transgression. Juvenile delinquency then, is not a prob- lem about “other people's children.” It is & problem about your child and mine. It is completely apparent that even the so-called best of homes spawn delinquents. I am interested in successful parenthood not only as a parent and grandparent, but as @ former three-term district attorney of my county, as a citizen and as a United States Senator who is anxious to save for the com- munity the precious young souls whose con- tribution might otherwise be lost because of their crimes, I am interested in helping to make the American home the bulwark of our society that it should be and still is. I believe the key to successful parenthood, and indirectly to checking juvenile de- linquency, is the attitude of the parent. If & mother regards the career of rearing a child as the most creative, the most spiritu- ally rewarding, the most important career in the world, if she accepts its inspiring chal- lenges for self-growth and for stimulating