APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD enough. A pair of girl's ahoes, of better than average quality, has jumped from @3.65 to Problems of furnishing a home and acquir- ing a c_r in 1939, too, seem simple by today’s standards. Gasoline for the car has gone up only from about 18.5 cents a gallon to 26 or 27 cents & gallon in most places. But the car itself could be bought new for as little as 8778 then. Today the same make—con- siderably improved—costs $1,720. The bedroom suite that was marked 665 back in 1939 now carries a $185 tag. The “medium price” for an electric range in those prewar days was $160. Today 8260 is “medium.” The housewife who wants to replace the 668 sewing machine she bought back in 1939 will need $170. If she wants to replace that 865 wool rug with one of similar quality she must be prepared to pay nearly $170. Some things needed to keep the ordinary family going have changed relatively little in price. Nylon hose, telephone service, cigarettes, a radio are examples. And electricity still costs most families less than it did back in 1989. But the family that wonders what has hap- pened to the value of its dollar since 1989 needs only to remember the days when a nickel bought a bar of good totlet soap or a ride on the streetcar, and a half dollar was a high price to pay for a haircut. That was a@ year in which only the town banker re- quired a house big enough and fancy enough to cost $10,000. What has happened to the dollar since 1989, in short, is the same thing that has happened to the 5-cent candy bar. About half of it is.gone. Prices then and now Round steak, pound: 60. 29 1 05 25.00 56. 00 1939... eeneeeeneeeneeeenee 778. 00 Now-......-. pewmenenenennneen- 1,720.00 Coffee, pound: 1980......-...----~ ean emonnne 21 NowW-......------------------ - . 86 Wool rug: 1939.....--~.- eenne ee eam enwe - 65.00 168. 00 I Doubt if There Be a Single Worker's Home Anywhere in This Country Where the Cost of Foods and Other Necessities Is Not a Matter of Daily Family Concern and Discussion EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK W. BOYKIN OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. BOYKIN. Mr. Speaker, again I invite the attention of the House to an- other Battle Report, Washington, where- in Dr, John R. Steelman, the assistant to the President, over the National Broad- casting Co.’s television station and cables, telecasted his weekly report to the peo- ple of these United States. Mr. Speaker, the entire country 1s, each day, becoming more and more con- cerned with the terrific impact of infla- tion upon the Nation's price economy. I doubt if there be a single worker's home, anywhere in the country, where the cost of foodstuffs and other necessities is not the matter of daily discussion and con- cern. The situation with respect to wage and prices on the home front is secondary only to national concern as to the well- being of our fighting forces in Korea. It is because of these facts that the talks made by the various speakers on Battle Report, Washington proved of such tremendous interest to me. On Sunday last, in his personal statement to the Nation, Dr. Steelman said, in part: On the domosatic front, price and wage con- trols have been foremost in the news. All of us know that inflation is Uke a cancer gnawing at the vitals of our prosperity. It is threatening the future of all of us—and all of us must unite to fight it or sacrifice our economic security. Two men in the vanguard of this fight are with us today. One is Mr. Michael V. Di- Salle, Director of the Office of Price Stabiliza- tion; and the other, Mr. Cyrus Ching, Direc- tor of the Wage Stabilization Board. They, together with the Honorable William V. Bailey, mayor of Battle Creek, Mich., will talk to you with respect to the matter pertaining to their administration and enforcement. You will also hear from a young officer, Lt. Rubert Fallon, wounded in the drive on the Manchurian border, and who is now under- going treatment at the Army Medical Center here in Washington, He will tell us of some of the vicissitudes of infantry fighting at temperatures 30° lower than those suffered by Washington's troops at Valley Forge. Additionally thereto, we shall hear from Donald E Heath, whom you will remember as the last Minister to Bulgaria, now stationed in Indochina, and who represents us in all three of the nations which constitute that unhappy land. He has come to us today with eyewitness report of the situation. Mr. Heath will tell of the courage and fortitude of those far-away and little-known people, and of how they, in struggling for freedom, are fighting desperately to hold back those who would enslave us. ‘ Altogether this teledocumentary was one of the most complete, understand- able expositions as to how inflation can destroy government—and of the steps that have already been taken by the President and the Congress to control, if not avoid, it—which I have ever read. No one can read that breath-taking, factual statement made by Lt. Robert Fallon—off-the-cuff and from right out of his heart, without knowing of the never-ending hell which is being suffered by the boys in Korea. In answering the question—who is this infantry soldier—Lieutenant Fallon, of the Seventeenth Infantry Regiment makes answer: He is a man who, but a short time ago, was sitting in a comfortable living room, even as you. Now, he is awaiting with dread the bitter, endless winter night when to sleep means often not to awaken, He is the next- door neighbor who took, with such relish, the extra piece of roast beef when you had him over for dinner last summer. Now, he is vainly hacking away at a can of beef stew which has frozen solid. He is the laundry- man who used to deliver your bundle of spotless linen each week. Now, he is weare ing a shirt he hasn't changed in 6 weeks. A739 This man, whom you know ao well, has be- come a part of the finest group of fighting men in the world—the American infantry. He {s you, your soldier-—there, because you asked him to go. Mr. Donald Heath, our last Minister to iron-curtained Bulgaria, and, now, our Minister to the Associated States of Indochina, made a statement with re- spect to the conditions in that far-off land, which, I know, is of deepest interest to every Member of this body. Mr. Speaker, it is because of these facts that I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks and include in the Recorp the twenty-fifth Battle Report, Wash- ington, as produced by Ted Ayers of the National Broadcasting Co., under the patronage of the assistant to the Presi- dent, Dr. Steelman, and commented upon by Robert McCormick, one of NBC’s aces and most popular commentators. The telecast was, as follows: Mr. McOoamick. Back to snow-covered Washington comes General EKisenhower—ro- turning with an optimistic report on his tour to build up a wall of security around the Tree nations, And, once again, upon the world capital of that security, NBC television turns its cameras. Washington, concerned this week end with the Nation-wide rail strike imperiling the movement of supplies to our forces in Korea. Korea, where our strafing jet pllote—very much on the job-—-help blast the way for our troops latest advance to within 8 miles from the Han River. Today, Battle Report's cameras and guests combine to inform you on the infantry sol- dier in Korea, the price and wage freeze here at home, and the critical altuation in Indo- china, But firat, the assistant to the Presi- dent, Dr. John R. Steelman. Mr SteximMan. All over the world today men of good will are striving tirelessly in a gigantic task They realize that mad-dog despots are plotting to deprive them of free- dom which is their God-given heritage. They know that the despots control huge armies, poised and ready for instant attack. Yet, they do not want war. They want peace—the right to live their own lives and to do their own thinking. Hence, the task they face is twofold. They must protect their freedom—without engaging in a ter- rible war. Last week the Premier of France, Mr. Rene Pleven, visited Washington to confer with the President and Government officiuls. The communiqué issued at the close of the con- ference leaves no doubt that two great na- tions are united in their opposition to the would-be aggressors. General Eisenhower returned to the capital last Wednesday. He, tov, brought encouraging news. Through- out his travels in Europe he saw with his own eyes and heard with his own ears how Europeans cherish the freedoms they have fought so long to win. Those who would betray them are losing ground constantly. On the domestic front, price and wace controls have been foremost in the news. All of us know that inflation ia like a cancer gnawing at the vitals of our prosperity. It is threatening the future of all of us--and all of us must unite to fight it or sacrifice our economic security. Two men in the vanguard of this fight are with us today. One is Mr. Michael V. DiSalle, Director of the Office of Price Stabilization, and the other, Mr. Cyrus Ching, Director of the Wage Stabilization Board. They will talk to you with respect to the matter subject to their administration and enforcement. You will also hear from a young officer, Lt. Robert Fallon, wounded in the drive on the
A740 Manchurian border and who is now under- going treatment at the Army Medical Center here tn Washington. He will tell us of some of the vicissitudes of infantry fighting at temperatures 30° lower than those that were suffered by Washington's troops at Valley Forge. Addl- tionally thereto, we shall hear from Donald R. Heath, whom you will remember as the last Minister to Bulgaria, now stationed in Indochina and who represents us in all three of the nations which constitute that unhappy land. He has come to us today with eyewitness report of the situation. He will tell of the courage and fortitude of those little-known people—and of how they are struggling for freedom and fighting desper- ately to hold back those who would enslave us. All over the world, men of good will are united. We cannot and will not fail in our struggle to win justice, freedom and prosper- ity tor men everywhere. Mr. McCormick. As the big guns we need to back up our desire for peace swing along our production lines, the Nation moves into action on the economie front. For clothes like these, and a thousand and one other articles. F-day came at 6 p. m. last Friday— for it was then that a big freeze was an- nounced clamping a lid on prices and wages. Climbing prices on such ftems as cars and groceries were halted as stabilization officials prepared to consider the next step beyond thig stopgap measure. Object: to combat infla. tion and put a firm footing under our econ- omy. A foundation we must have if we are successfully to meet communism's challenge to our security. Throughout the Nation, crowds of wage earners were affected by the action taken jointly by the office of Price Stabilization and the Wage Stabilization Board. To housewives from coast to coast, any relief from the soaring prices they’ve been complaining about is good news, though many still have a lot of questions they'd like answered, One such housewife is here with us today, America. Now, we'd like you to meet Mrs. Charles Schwartzel, of Louisville, Ky., Mrs. Schwart- gel, you came up to Battle Report for a rea- son, Mrs. ScrwarTzeL. As a homemaker, and a mother of two children, I believe I'm like a great many other women in the country when I say I’m a little confused, I'd like to get some answers to a few questions. Straight simple answers on this price and wage business. Mr. McCormick. You may fire when ready, Mrs. Schwartzel. And here to supply the answers are Mr. Michael V. DiSalle, Director of the Office of Price Stabilization, and Mr, Cyrus Ching, Director of the Wage Stabiliza- tion Board. Mrs, Sctwartze.. Mr. DiSalle, why were prices frozen? I'd like to know and without any gobbledygook. Mr, DiSauze. Mrs. Schwartzel, as a mother and the person in your household who does most of the buying, you know that up untill January 25, 1951, when the price freeze went tnto effect, the cost of living was at an all-time high and promised to go even higher. In other words, we were undergo- ing inflation, the deadly spiral that can knock the pins out from under even this powerful country. Some prices, since the start of the Korean fighting, had gone up 50 percent. I won't go into specific rises in textiles, metals, or industrial items. You know what I’m talking about because most everything you wanted to buy had a higher Price tag. This inflation affects not only you and me but our defense program, too. Our Clovernment set up a budget for defense buying. Those items, because of inflation, now cost more than was figured. We'll have to make that money up and a lot of it 4s going to come from you and me in the form of taxes. Why, did you know that every 2-percent increase in prices sends the cost of the defense program up a Dillion dollars ®& year? Now let's get down to some of the reasons for the inflation, In order to get our Armed Forces ready for any eventu- ality certain materials must be siphoned from the civilian market to put muscles in our Armed Forces, Even before any real short- ages showed up, however, prices began to jump, due to a combination of things. There was and is more money than ever before in the hands of the consumer and s0 he began buying—scare buying—antici- pating possible shortages. Then the profiteer jumped into the picture and again up went prices. And remember this: Real shortages haven't yet put in an appearance. It will be months until the effect of the expanded security program js felt. Plants are in the conversion stage; it takes time to retool and mobilize on a big scale. There’s plenty of everything. There are no shortages to- day. Then, again, price rises brought about wage rises all along the line of production and distribution, and resulted in further price hikes. Looking ahead, more people than ever before in the history of this coun- try will have jobs. Many families will have more than one breadwinner and more money tospend. There will be less to buy and more buyers for every item. This, too, would give prices another shove. Something had to be done and done quickly. Voluntary con- trols didn't work at all, and 80 we issued the price and wage freeze of January 25. Mrs. ScHwarTzeL, I suppose, Mr. Ching, that with a ceiling on prices there had to be one on wages too. Mr. Cuina. Naturally, we're trying to achieve a balance between prices and wages. Let me say right here, that the price and wage freeze will not eliminate inflation, not by a long shot. But it will help keep the inflation we're experiencing from going completely wild. We haven't frozen wages permanently. This action gives us the time to study the situation in detail and to decide where and when certain wages should be raised. We want to be fair. You realize, I’m sure, that there's a balance to aim for on prices and ‘wages in order to stabilize our whole econ- omy. Please give us the time to do this thing correctly. You may be a Httle hot under the collar right now, but, believe me, we hope to tron things out to everyone's satisfaction. Mrs. ScHWaRTZEL, Mr. Ching, my husband's earnings are pretty well fixed. It’s become quite difficult for us to meet all our obliga- tions. He hasn’t had a raise for a year and now it seems he’ll be stuck where he js. Mr. Cuineg. I know just what you're up against. Men with fixed salaries, and they constitute the majority of our workingmen, arein a quandary right now. They’re afraid, as your husband 1s, that their current income is as high as it will go. As I said a few mo- ments ago, this order is strictly a stop-gap affair to give us time to adjust wages fairly. It we had taken the many weeks and perhaps months it would have involved to undertake a detailed study, wages and prices would have gone further out of line, to everyone’s sor- row. Please assure your husband, Mrs. Schwartzel, that if his earnings are unfairly balanced as against the prices you're paying, he'll have his opportunity for an increase if our study shows it is called for. We are not bogeymen, determined to impose an iron law. We want everyone to get a fair deal and we're doing our best to see that policy through. Mrs. Scuwartzet. Mr. DiSalle, ceilings on prices do not cover everything, and you haven't really rolled back prices at all, You've just pegged them at their highest point. Are they going to stay there? Mr. DISALLE. We're looking the price struc- ture over right now and I can assure you that a number of prices will be rolled back. This freeze order was merely a point of be- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ginning, to help prevent prices generally from going any higher. We realize that un- necessary scare buying or hoarding by con- sumers, and some appsrent profiteering now being investigated, have spiraled many prices beyond a legitimate profit margin, and we intend to do something about that kind of thing. ‘You’ve got to understand that price control in itself does not cure inflation. It is only one of three methods. Through tax and credit regulations your Government will hold down buying power when there aren't enough goods to go around. The Govern- ment is also doing everything it can to keep materials moving to the production lines. That should bring us higher production. Add price and wage controls and you have the triple attack we're making on inflation in order to achieve the stabilization you want. We think we've put a stop to the unholy spiral where higher prices gave way to higher wages, which in turn sent costs skyrocketing, and so on and on up the road to disaster. Now the price freeze does not prevent some prices from still rising. The reason? There are some agricultural prod- ucts that we can’t control simply because we have not been given the power to do 80 yet. The law doesn't permit them to come under price controls at this time. The order also specifically exempted fresh fruits, veg- etables, fish, and seafood from controls. There are obvious reasons for that step. These products are highly seasonable, and are directly affected by weather and the means of transporting them to consumers, and they are highly perishable. Price con- trols for these items may become necessary; and if they do, they'll be worked out spe- clally for them. And there are other exemp- tions I'd like to point out. Take certain oll- bearing seeds which we have to bring in from abroad. The seeds are used directly in the defense mobilization program. We were ad- vised by the Department of Agriculture that price controls on there oil-bearing seeds would, in effect, cut down the amount of the product we could import. Then there's wool. This country imports most of its wool, and wool is a strategic item in defense pro- duction. Placing controls on wool imports would harm our defense planning. So you see, we didn't rush off in all directions at once in setting up the rules. But right now, more than anything else, what my office, and Mr. Ching’s, desires most is the backing of every citizen to make the plan work out for the benefit of us all. Mrs. ScHwarTzeL, Help out? Exactly how Can everyone help? What can I do? Mr. DISALLE. We've got to build our mili- tary strength and build it fast. But, at the same time we must keep our economy strong. Inflation can destroy both our objectives if we let it go rampant. As we see it, here are some of the things we must do to prevent inflation from sabotaging our efforts. Mr. Oning. First. Production must go up to supply our armed forces with what they need, and to provide for the civilian market, As we go along we'll have to reduce civilian production. Every one of us, at every level, Management and labor, should make a very searching investigation of any increases in wages which bring about higher prices with- out sending production higher, Mr. DISALLE, Becond. Higher taxes are coming. Pay higher taxes without grum- bling because higher taxes help hold down prices now. Mr. Cuxina. Third. Accept credit curbs gracefully, with the knowledge that credit restrictions help our supply of defense mate- rials and help keep prices down by reducing competition for all supplies. Mr. Di8autx. Fourth, Let’s determine to save more money. Laying that money aside means we won't buy everything we see and that money is made available for invest- ments so that production can be increased, Fifth. Buy only what we need. when we need It. Remember that scare buying oper-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ates against ourselves, that bidding for items that may be short will shoot prices sky. ward, These aren't easy things to do, but I think we can and will do them. Our Nation has met other crises before and we've always risen to the job. Mr. McCormick. Attacking inflation, sup- pressing it through wage and price freezes, certatnly calls for real, unselfish cooperation, on every. level, If this is going to work, every one of us must sincerely want it to work. Mr. Ching, Mr. DiSalle, you're looking for help, so I'd Mke you to meet Mayor Wil- liam V. Bailey, of Battle Creek, Mich. Mayor Bailey has an idea percolating on how his city can pitch tn. Major Battery. Mr. DiSalle, it strikes me that until you have complete machinery in every city, town and hamlet to enforce the price and wage cellings, you're going to need help. It’s an enormous job, what with peo- ple clamoring for specific rulings and reports of violations and so forth. Well, I've thought it over and here’s an idea I'd like to pro- pose. I'm thinking of setting up a mayor's volunteer committee to work with the re- gional and district offices of price stabiliza- tion. They’ll really work and on a purely voluntary basis. There’s going to be a con- stant job of informing our people on the wisdom of the freeze and to iron out the kinks as they show up. Now the way I see this committee, it will be composed of rep- resentatives from many types of working and selling people. Someone from management, labor, civic organizations, retail establish- ments, women’s clubs and so on. You just let them know what you want done and how to go about it, and I'm sure they'll volunteer their help. Well, that’s the idea in brief. Now, do you think we could be useful? Mr. DrSautz. Mayor Bailey, in the every- day English Mre. Schwartzel asked for—you sure can be helpful. The idea is sound and we certainly can use your volunteer emer- gency committee. I'm not afraid to say we need all the help we can get. Your com- mittee, working with the folks in the home town, and knowing so many of them per- sonally, should inspire the confidence and the backing we need so badly. Fact is, I think, your idea is too good to keep just for yourself. What would you say if we borrowed it and applied it on a Nation-wide scale? Mayor Barey. Go right ahead and take it. If it does some good I will be mighty proud. Mr. DrSarte Then it’s a deal. And as goon as we get off the air, I'm going to send word to thousands of mayors in the United States requesting the formation of the kind of committee you've been talking about. It’s the type of voluntary cooperation which will go a long way toward building 4 greater understanding of our common problem. Now, in winding this up, let me suggest that we think back only a few short years ago. We've lived through price and wage controls before. They are nothing com- pletely, new or revolutionary. Last time, I don’t think anyone was hurt by them, and I don't think anyone will suffer now. Nobody Joves controls. I certainly don't. But tn our present situation they are absolutely neces- sary for the common good. And controls are part of the big plan to make us strong on the military side. A well-armed America will throw a shadow of strength that should cause any would-be aggressor to think twice before acting. You've heard the truth and go you know. And, in a democracy know- ing is strength. Mr. McCormicx. In Korea, an ocean re- moved from the economic battle on the home front, steadily mounting enemy resistance continues to greet our advancing troops. Despite this, our Eighth Army has ripped new holes in the Red defenses below Seoul, proving iteelf far from the beaten yelping dog the Chinese radio is calling it. In re- rorting our new successes in Korea, well might we pause to mark the foot soldier for special citation—the Infantry men who are carrying the determination of this Nation through rain, mud, and snow. Lieu- tenant Fallon, from whom we hear next, led such men in the Seventeenth Infantry Regi- ment, Trained at West Point, wounded in the drive on the Manchurian border while directing mortar fire on the enemy, he is no.’ undergoing treatment at the Army Medical Center here in Washington. For some mov- ing words—his own words—on the men he led, listen to these from First Lt. Robert Fallon. Lieutenant Fantom. This ie the infantry saldier’s war. And never in this country’s history bas any war required him to be s0 skillful. He has had to master the use of a dozen different weapons. He has had to learn the stealth of the Indian in night com- bat and patrols and the hardiness of the Eskimo in staying alive in subzero weather. Again, never has a military campaign re- quired him to be so tough. These are the things that the American people are asking him to do. We have asked him to fight in a land thousands of miles from his home; we have asked him to risk his life daily, and the only reason he has ts that we have told him that it is necessary. There is none of the compulsion of the Civil War when men were defending their homelands; none of the na- tional dedication of the World Wars when the entire world was enflamed. No, his reason for fighting today its that the Ameri- can people have asked him to fight. That is good enough for him. We are asking this infantry soldier to en- dure temperatures 30 degrees colder than those known to the gallant men who fol- lowed George Washington to Valley Forge. ‘We have asked him to undergo two trying and difficult withdrawals, one in the blister- ing, merciless heat of summer, the other in the misery and cold of a Manchurian winter, both against odds at times more staggering than those faced by the valiant defenders of Bataan, We have asked him twice to turn and stand against these odds. The infantry- man dug his hole and manned his weapons and held. He held where ships and planes and tanks very often could not help him— on the frozen hillsides of Korea. He did this lonely job well at a time when it seemed that it could not be done. And who js this infantry soldier. He is a man who but a short time ago was sitting in a comfortable Living room even as you. Now he is awaiting with dread the bitter, endless winter night when to sleep means often not to awaken. He is the next-door neighbor who took with such relish the extra Ptece of roast beef when you had him over for dinner lust summer. Now he is vainly hacking away at a can of beef stew which has frosen solid. He is the laundryman who used to deliver your bundle of spotiess linen each week. Now he is wearing a shirt he hasn't changed in 6 weeks. This man whom you know go well has become a part of the finest group of fighting men in the world—the American Infantry. He is you, your soldier, there because you asked him to go, Mr. McCormick. Scene: Indochina, an- other border-in-the-balance in the Far East. Here French troops and the Vietnamese Na~- tional Army, assisted by American military aid and equipment, struggle against the rebel Communist forces of Ho-Chi Minh. The question on everyone’s mind—will the Chinese Reds join this fight too? It was to go into this critical matter, among others, that President Truman and French Premier Rene Pleven last week closed themselves in conference. And t all the way from Indochina to lend his first-hand information to assist them, was the man we mect next. AZAl That you may hear his report yourself, we present now our last Minister to tron- curtain Bulgarla—up to the time we sus- pended diplomatic relatians--who now serves as our Minister to the Associated States of Indochina, Donald R. Heath. Mr. Heats. French and Indochinese troops, helped by American arms aid, are holding the pass against the apread of communism to Southeast Asia. American arms aid is not, as the Communist propaganda pretends, being used to bolster up a French colonial regime in Indochina. The Prench colonial regime ended with the signature of the so- called Pau accords on December 16. On January 1, all Indochinese Government serv- ices were turned over to the Indochinese Btates. A relatively large number of Prench Government technical experts are being held temporarily, at the request of the Indo- chinese, in certain posts until Indochinese can be trained to take their places. In the case of many positions that will be a matter of only a few months. Meanwhile, French instructors and American arms are being devoted to building up a Vietnamese na- tional army. It will take a good many months, however, to make Vietnamese troops equal in numbers and training to the rebel troops, who are trained and equipped by the Chinese Communists. The Vietnamese have asked for the continued assistance of the French forces until the Vietnamese army is ready to assure responsibility for the security of Indochina. I have been asked many times in the past week about the nature of the Communist threat to Indochina and its insignificance to the free world. The menace is as old as the creed of Bolshevism and the Communist operation in Indochina with minor variations is the same experienced by other areas under Communist attack throughout the world. The Communists seek to gain control by dis- guising themselves as nationalists. They at- tempt to prevent the development of an In- dependent nationalist government. They go to all imaginable extremes to prevent re- construction of the country, new develop- ment and the alleviation of human suffering in areas not under their domination. Their tactics are those of murder, kidnap, arson, threats, and intimidation. The Communists know that the development of healthly, in- dependent states and the development of the human and natural resources of Indochina would make thetr subversion and domination impossible. The hope which I sew for the future of Indochina lies in those brave people of whom there are many who dare to work for security, freedom, and human betterment deepite the threats of retaliation from the Communist- directed murderers and arsonists who stalk in every area. But despite attempts at in- timidation, leaders from the village level to the highest positions in government are com- ing forward to take those risks and work to give meaning to their newly won independ- ence. The Chinese Communists have thrust into Korea and Tibet. There is saber rattling on Indochina's borders. The free nations of the world are banding together. The people of southeast Asia do not want the domination of Communist imperialism, they do not want to become the rice bowl to fuel the march of a Communist-directed Chinese war ma- chine throughout the rest of Asia. By col- lective action the free world can be main- tained and new hope given to captive nations now in the Communist orbit. Mr, McCoraticx. Thus, until we turn our cameras upon the Nation again 2 weeks from today, for another “teledocumentary,” this, then, against the background of battlefront Korea, is Robert McCormick putting « period on your twenty-fifth Pattle Report, Wash- ington.
A742 Nation Is Warned To Guard Schools EXTENSION OF REMARKS o¥r HON. FRANK E. SMITH OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, as we mobilize the resources of our country to meet the threat of a Com- munist aggression, we cannot afford to neglect the schoo] system which we have built up over the years. During World War II our school system was too much neglected, and we are feeling the effects of this neglect today. It would be the height of folly to re- strict our present school program during this period when we need to utilize every possible resource. The training of our Manpower to meet our military and civilian needs is not something that can be accomplished after an individual be- comes of military age. The training for a proper role as a citizen is the full-time function of our school system. We can- not afford to neglect any portion of it, Our school system should be our chief resource in providing better citizens, better soldiers, and a strong civilian mo- rale to resist the subversive efforts of communism. It will be a great tragedy if we permit the present mobilization to bring about a wholesale shift of our best teachers from their present jobs to tem- porary defense work. We will suffer an- other major set-back if we halt the con- struction of new school buildings. We cannot afford to postpone essen- tial school construction any longer. The proper education of our children is just as vital to our defense as any part of our military training program. Those communities which are at- tempting to solve their problem of school facilities are being penalized today by mounting costs. These costs will become higher daily unless would-be bidders on construction have some assurance of being able to secure the necessary ma- terials. Taxpayers will be called upon to meet these additional local costs unless we can head them off. The penalties of inflation are heavy enough without this added burden being forced upon us. School trustees throughout the coun- try are today faced with the virtually impossible problem of meeting the cost of construction within limits set up by available revenue and bond issues. Mounting costs and scarce supplies make it impossible to secure firm bids for the construction of badly needed educational buildings. The one important step in the solution of this problem could be the establish- ment of priorities on building materials for school construction. I have re- quested the National Production Author- ity to establish these priorities and have also asked Dr. Earl McGrath, head of the Office of Education, to make the same request. I urge all of my colleagues interested in the country’s school con- struction program to support this effort. Under unanimous consent I insert the following article from the New York Times which further substantiates the need for guarding our schools during this crisis: Nation ws Warnep TO GuarD ScHooLs—ItT Wound BE CRIMINAL, WHILE PREPARING FOR Wak, TO NEGLECT THEM, DR. RUSSELL Says— Pusiic’s Rote StresseDp—Ir a COMMUNITY Knows Waar It Wants in Epucation, It Can Get Iv; TurT10on PLAN Is Top (By Benjamin Fine) While preparing for total war it would be erlminal for this Nation to neglect its schools, Dr. William F. Russell, president of Teachers College, Columbia University, warned yester- day. Addressing 300 educators attending the eleventh annual Tuition Plan forum at Sherry’s, Dr. Russell called for greater sup- port of the country’s schools, It would be dangerous at this time, he declared, to cut down on the schools, to fail to construct new buildings, or to permit teachers to leave their jobs. It is the public's responsibility so to sup- port and guide the schools as not only to realize the American dream, but also to pro- tect our land from foreign enemies, he de- elared. GRAVENESS OF TIMES STRESSED “At this particular time,” Dr. Russell said, “an especially grave responsibility falls upon us all. For we are going into a period, if not of war, at least of a long period of time apparently, in which we must be prepared to go to war at a moment’s notice. And we must prepare for a war to be fought, not as in olden times, by a few hired mercenaries and hired soldiers, but for a total war, to be fought by all that we have and are. “We must make the best of our total stock of raw materials, of our machines and fac- tories, and equally we must make the best use of our human resources, That means that every item of ability, energy, and zeal in our population must be used to its maximum. The square peg in the round hole, in ordi- nary +imes thought to be unforttinate, in time of preparation for total war becomes a scan- dal and a waste. Just that much potential power 1s lost.” Five thousand citizens’ groups concerned with the public schools, representing 500,000 individuals, are now actively engaged throughout the country in working for bet- ter schools, another speaker, Roy E. Larsen, president of Time, told the educators. He called this movement toward citizen support one of the most heartening developments in recent school history. Mr. Larsen, who is chairman of the Na- tional Citizens Commission for the Public Schools, sald the primary responsibility for formal education belonged to all the citizens of this Nation. Our publicly supported and locally controlled schools were cited as ex- amples of democrucy in action. He added that the basic purpose of his commission was to encourage the formation of more independent local groups and to help those now working in every way possible. “The citizen organization which represents all factions in the community, which works objectively without personal prejudice, which cooperates with administrators, teach- ers and the school board, will be able to carry out the citizens’ primary responsibil- ity,” Mr. Larsen said. “They will be able to determine what kind of school system they want, and to go about getting that kind of school system to serve the needs of all chil- aren as individuals and the community az a whole.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Long Beach (Calif.) Newspaper Writes Constructive Editorial Se amnannaaaad EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLYDE DOYLE OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. DOYLE. Mr. Speaker, the follow- ing editorial appeared in the Long Beach Press-Telegram for February 4, 1951. It appears to me it js so crystal clear in its analysis and constructive suggestions and ideas that I am pleased to have the opportunity to share it with you: Rep Line Is SHREwD, Bur Doxsn’t Foo. ProPpLE WHO ASK QUESTIONS Yesterday a reader called to report that he had received some printed material which sounded as if it might have come from @ sub- versive source. “But how can you be sure?” he asked, The answer is—you can't make a sweeping definition of what constitutes a subversive influence. Such definitions catch too many Innocent people who are merely exercising their privileges under the Bill of Rights. But you can assume a questioning attitude which should help you determine whether a writer or speaker is trying to improve Amer- ica or tear it down. There is no doubt the propagandists for communism are busy across the land—in Long Beach as well us elsewhere. They use every device and medium; letters, public platform, microphone, pamphlets. Para- doxically they camouflage their propaganda with a false cloak of “patriotism.” They speak of “peace.” Naturally, it is a term attractive at this time to so many, But the usual give-away is that their “peace” pro= posals are almost identical with those of the enemy and, of course, opposite to those of the United States. They represent commu- nism as & peaceful ideology, hoping you will forget that its militaristic actions reveal it as an imperialistic doctrine of force and intrigue. They attack the American press, for it is & great symbol of the American freedom, They tell you the press is muzzled and kept. But nothing can be done about this, they say, because the press is an example of pri- vate enterprise. They insinuate that it would be better if there were no private enterprise. An tronical proof that this attack on the press has no foundation was demonstrated recently at a Long Beach meeting by a left- wing speaker from another city. He read example after example of news stories “which the ‘free’ press said nothing about.” But the Joker was his items of proof were clip- pings of those news stories from that same “muzzled” American press which he was criticizing. When this contradiction is pointed out, anyone can see how ridiculous was the speaker’s argument. But many per- sons fail to probe beneath surface remarks, and therefore the propagandists get away with such things. The Communists and fellow travelers ex- ploit human sympathies to the full. They pretend they are being persecuted for try- ing to uphold the Bill of Rights. “Me against the world,” they watl. Watch out for the men who proclaim themselves as martyrs. While most of these vermilionized “pa- triots” are too subtle to declare haldly that everything Russia does is good and every- thing the United States does is bad, that, nevertheless, is the burden of their message.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Certainly, this country is not without its wrongs, and everybody has a right and duty of criticism, But there’s:a difference be- tween criticlam which seeks to improve our democratic system and criticism which at- tempts to replace our democratic system with communism. Not that this latter criticism should be stifed—but it certainly ought to be recog- nized by everybody for what it is. The best way we oan fight communism in America is by identifying its proponents, keeping them out in the open, and continually tossing verbal harpoons into their red tunics. Here are some questions a citizen might ask himself when attempting to judge the convictions and affiliations of a speaker or a writer: 1, Is he offering a positive program of his own-—or is he merely falling in step with the enemy? 2. Does he continually harp about “capi- talistic” institutions which can’t be pun- ished for their “evil doings” because the sys- tem of Government protects them? 8. Does he appeal to your emotions in- stead of to your intelligence? That is, does he try to exploit your feelings of sympathy, resentment, etc., instead of trying to get you to reason out a situation? 4, Does he use concrete terms, or is his pitch full of glittering generalities such as “social mindedness” and “decadent democ- racy?” 5. Does he never say anything good about the United States? Does he talk about American itmpertalism. Those five questions, of course, can't tell you the complete story. But they are a guide. If you ask them, you'll be well on the way to the necessary thinking which must be done tn connection with the men- ace of Communist propaganda. The Red line ts shrewd, but not too shrewd for people who ask questions. Air Force Jet Fighters Spread an Air Umbrella Over All Vital Areas and Industries of Middle West EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEO E. ALLEN OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. ALLEN of Ilinois. Mr. Speaker, we in Congress are continuing to vote every dollar and all else that is being asked to secure the defense of these Lnited States, but I shall always can- tinue to contend that we should not alone get a dollar’s worth of defense value for every tax dollar collected and paid out of the Federal Treasury, but achieve the defense with a minimum of manpower and lives of our people. The question which presents itself to the House now ts whether those who are in charge of our Nation’s defense plan to secure this country by the use of air power or by the unlimited use of man- power. One of the most heartening things which I have come upon in months, with respect to the situation of our Nation’s security, is an article writ- ten by Mr. Max K. Gilstrap, and pub- lished in the Christian Science Monitor of January 29. The article is entitled “Jet Fighters Spread Umbrella Over Midwest Plants.” Mr. Speaker, I know the great major- ity of my colleagues in this House share in my belief that the American people are not afraid of a practically non- existent Russian surface navy. Neither gre they afraid of amphibious attack being made against the cities of our east and west coasts—nor of Russian tanks rumbling either across the Alleghanies or the Rockies in endeavor to invade the great Mississippi Valley Corn Belt, and the great industrial empire that lies behind those mountains. The thing our people fear above all else is the power and might of a Rus- sian air force which could spread death and destruction out of Russian-built bombers ftying over the great metropol- itan areas, towns, and villages of these United States. It was, indeed, heartening to read this article by Max Gilstrap, in which he pointed out how much the United States Air Force is on its toes in guarding our cities, towns, and the great industrial plants of the Nation. In a mere matter of 30 seconds— Mr. Gilstrap declares— the men on the Selfridge Air Force Base in Michigan grab their helmets, parachutes, and “Mae West” life jackets, and race to their Sabre jets, where they find a crew chief waiting to button them in. With no engine to warm wp, the ship roars off the runway in a scant 6 minutes—and, rocketlike, the pilot climbs to 40,000 feet to take a heading or degree direction given in his phone orders, Mr. Speaker, accompanying the article is a fragment of « map of the North Cen- tral States, showing the principal metro- politan and industrial arcas covered by different air bases. What Max Gilstrap writes of the work of the Air Force in defending the area adjacent to Selfridge Field in Michigan is true with respect to Air Force defense activities on every base in these United States. Mr. Speaker, is it any wonder, then, that this nationally known correspond- ent in charge of the Monitor's Chicago office states that— An anxious America can find a bright spot in the all-too-slow national effort toward preparedness in the zest and bustle which is taking place on Air Force bases throughout the land. It is altogether unfortunate that Louis Johnson, when Secretary of Defense, ig- nored the mandate given him by the Eightieth Congress and failed to streng- then the Air Force with the $850,000,000 voted by the Congress. This would have enabled us now to have an alr-force-in- being of the strength recommended not alone by our own Congressional Aviation Policy Committee, but by that eminent board of business leaders headed by the Honorable Thomas K. Finletter, now Sec- retary of the Department of the Air Force—and, as outlined in the Finietter report, acclaimed on every hand. As Max Gilstrap states: Needed air strength to assure national safety will not be achieved in @ matter of months, It may take a year, according to top officials in Washington, to attain a strong air arm. But the United States has the happy knack, in a crisis, of moving faster than it thinks {t can. A743 The hopeful note observed in thia integral part of the broad Air Force defense mosaic ie the general feeling that in speedy pre- paration lies America’s greatest opportunity to prevent rather than to meet the threat of general war. Mr. Speaker, this timely article by Max Gitstrap of the Christian Science Monitor is so hea:tening to every con- templative American citizen that I am asking unanimous consent of my col- leagues to extend my remarks and insert the same in the Recorp of our proceed- ngs. The article is as follows: Jer Ficurers Spreap UMARELLA Over Mipwast PLants (By Mex K. Gilstrap) SELFripse Am Force Base, Micx.—Cailing zero Looming through the dense fog, bird- like F-86 Sabre jet fighters with swept-back wings sit on the wet runway, poised and ready. It was a reassuring gitmpse of a fast- growing arm of the Nation’s air defense. It seid better than words that the country has begun furnishing a protective air umbrella over its vital industries sprawled across the Middle West. Jet fighter protection is part of a vast, complicated national air defense program be- ing rushed to protect Amorica preparing in the emergency. It is a vital link in the muehrooming network including antiaircraft stations, radar listening posts, and an intri- cate communtioations system being woven across the country. GUARD INDUSTRIAL CENTERS Col. James R. Gunn, Jr., commander of the Pifty-sixth Fighter-Interceptor Wing, com- ponent of the Kastern Air Force Defense, explained that his jet fighters serve as a pow- erful fist in the United States airarm. They help protect such industrial centers as De- troit, Cleveland, and Chicago. Several times a day these operational jets streak off into the skies above Lake St. Clair and out over mid-America to patrol the akies for unidentified aircraft. Under the FPifty-sixth Fighter-Interceptor Wing command, the Sixty-first Fighter Equadron here joins the Sixty-third at Os- coda, Mich., north of Baginaw Bay, and the Sixty-second at Chicago in protecting areas within a 500-mile radius of their respective bases. Assisted by the unblinking, cloud-piercing eyes of ground radar stations, they search for unindentified aircraft over the vital Sault locks, rail centers, and smoking factories. Orders require them to force down any plane which refuses to give its identification. This puts teeth in the Civil Aeronautics Administration requirement that all planes file fight plans of any intended crossing of the American-Canadian border. A penalty for noncompliance with the CAA rule makes the pilot liable to a year in prison or $10,000 fine. Heartening signs of America's determina- tion to build its air strength quickly are vis- ible despite the heavy mist that shrouds this home of the Tenth Atr Farce headquarters. “It's busting out at the seams,” a@ flight lieutenant remarked. He waved eat the swarms of recruits arriving at this hub of a vast reserve training program of 110,000 air reservists spread over 13 North Central States. In the squadron operations room we found the Sabre fet pilots. At first glance they ap- peared overly nonchalant, Jounging in their fiying toga, playing ping-pong and reading magasgines. But their manner was brisk and an air of expectancy hung over the room a8 they kept their ears cocked toward the phone. Action calls come frequently for these men on 24-hour alert duty.
Ai44 Other filers, off duty, are available for ac- tion within an hour's notice. Capt. Willtam T. Whisner, of Shreveport, La., and Lt. Curtis L. Utterback, of Brackett- ville, Tex., natty in blue Air Force uniforms, described what happens when they are alerted. Over the phone comes an order, “Scramble red flight.” Or 1t may ray, “Scramble white or blue flight,” the colors indicating the number of the fiilght. In a dash, the men grab their helmets, parachutes, and Mae West life jackets from the wall and are out of the door in 30 seconds. Racing to their Saber jets, they find a crew chief waiting to “button them in.” In the cockpit the pilot fastens his shoulder harness and safety belt, plugs in his head set for radio, connects his oxygen mask. No engine warm-up Js necessary. Off he roars, a scant 6 minutes having elapsed since the moment he was a‘erted. USUALLY FLY JN PAIRS Rocketlike, the pilot climbs to 40,000 feet and takes a “heading” or degree direction given in the phone order. Then he listens for radio instructions. Ordinarily he is given the location of an unidentified aircraft to identify and he zooms off, usually with an- other plane to find it. Six 60-caliber machine guns are loaded and ready to fire. Orders for opening fire would have to come from headquarters. But Captain Whisner remarked, “I wouldn't be likely to wait very long for orders 1f a plane opened fire or if I saw it’s bomb bays begin to open.” Jet pilote are justly proud of their Sabres whose exploits and superior speed against the fastest Russian-built planes have been heard from in Korea. They hold the world's speed record of 670.981 miles per hour for opera- tional jets. One attained an unofficial record of 710 miles per hour flying from Dayton, Ohio, to Washington in 38 minutes and 3 seconds, HEARTENING SITUATION An anxious America can find a bright spot in the all-too-slow national efforts toward preparedness in the zest and bustle at this air base. Watching the flood of reservists, draftees, and enlistees arriving; hearing that 16 bases are acheduled for reactivation across the country, and seeing the flyers in action is to shere some of their confidence that America will be able to prepare in time to prevent general war. Needed air strength to assure national safety will not be achieved in a matter of months. It may take a year, according to top officials in Washington, to attain a strong air arm. But the United States has the happy knack in a crisis of moving faster than it thinks it can. The hopeful note observed in this integral part of the broad Air Force defense mosaic is the general feeling that in speedy prepara- tion Hes America’s greatest opportunity to prevent, rather than to meet, the threat of general war, Compulsory Bond Subscription Plan EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER S. BARING OF NEVADA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, a constit- uent of mine has asked that his pro- posed compulsory subscription plan in relation to personal taxes be inserted into the Recorp. The plan is as follows: A certain percentage of your wages, over and above the present tax, is levied at the same rate as that contemplated now in increased taxes. In return for this levy, which is withheld, as at present, you receive non-interest-bearing bonds as follows: Twenty percent of new levy in 5-year maturity bonds. Thirty percent of new levy in 7-year maturity bonds. Fifty percent of new levy in 10-year maturity bonds. Now, say Joe Déakes draws a wartime wage of $450 and his new levy is set at $80, he would then receive $16 in 5-year bonds, $24 in 7-year bonds, and $40 in 10-year bonds. Now, these bonds are nonnegotiable, noninterest bearing, and nontransfer- able—except, of course, in case of death—and cannot be cashed in before maturity. The net and obvious end product of this compulsory subscription plan is that— First. The war will be financed. Second. There will not be excessive taxes to be repealed after the war—and who ever heard of a tax being repealed? Third. The compulsory savings thus achieved will provide a long-term eco- nomic cushion. Fourth. The morale of the taxpaying public will be kept at a higher level knowing that—in a reasonable number of years—they will get their money back. Fifth. This part of the public debt will not be subject to the corroding effect of interest. Sixth. This plan will not have any of the confiscatory elements present in all taxes. Seventh. The knowledge that these bonds will have to be redeemed at ma- turity may possibly prod the people in our Government to arouse themselves out of their usual lethargy and so con- duct public affairs that we may, in time, achieve a sound national fiscal policy. It may even make it necessary for the Treasury Department to collect income taxes from the higher bracket racketeers. Who knows? The only argument that could, and probably will be raised is that this plan is far too simple. It offers none of the delectable vistas of overwhelming red Ape, Yea-and-Nay Votes on Appropriation Bills EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER B. McCMULLEN OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. McMULLEN. Mr. Speaker, on February 5, 1951, the distinguished gen- tleman from Florida, my friend and col- league, Hon. Dwicut L, Roaers, intro- duced House Resolution 119. The pur- pose of this bill is to require the Members of Congress to vote yea or nay, and fur- ther that their vote shall be recorded, on any and all appropriations. This bill has received wide publicity and in my opinion the people of the Nation feel that it should be passed. I have received a number of communica- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tions from my constituents urging the passage of this bill and I feel that the time has come when Members of Con- gress should be willing to stand up and be counted on how they vote to appro- priate and spend the taxpayers’ money. We of the Florida delegation intend to work for the passage of this bill. I am including herewith the follow- ing editorial on the subject from the St. Petersburg (Fla.) Times of February 6, 1951, entitled “It’s Our Taxes, Boys— Remember?”: Ir's Our Taxes, Boy8—R&EMEMBER? Just a year ago Representative DwicuT L. Rocers, of Fort Lauderdale, introduced a resolution in the House which would have re- quired a roll-call vote on every appropria- tion bill. In applauding Mr. Rocrrs' move then, we editorially observed that “All too often the Congressmen would prefer not to have their constituents know where they stand.” We pointed out that this is one of the main reasons the two Houses have resisted installation of electric vote-recording devices such aS many State legislatures use This coyness was one of the principal reasons for the establishment of Congressional Quarterly, the Washington news service, which polls the Members of Congress on votes where no record is Kept. Sure enough, Representative Rogers’ pro- posal disappeared into the limbo. Conse- quently billions of dollars were appropriated without record votes—in fact about two- thirds of all the tax-spending biils were so passed, So now Mr. Rocers is trying it again. He’s going to introduce the same sort of reso- lution and see if the Eighty-second Congress is any more responsible than its predecessor. All the sound reasons for this step last year are doubly valid this year. First, the appropriations to be voted this year are enormously increased. Second, the House Appropriations Committee has already pulled some hanky-panky by abandoning the one- package budget and going back to the old piecemeal system of appropriations for each department. The one-package plan failed to produce the volume of savings its enthusiastic backers thought it would. But it did cut down in the log-rolling produced by the other system and, imperfect as it was, it gave a more com- prehensive picture of the total expenditures. With Congress due to spend about 870,- 000,000,000 of the taxpayers’ hard-earned cash, and putting on the bite for far heavier taxes, certainly John Q is entitled to know how his Representative or Senator is spend- ing his—John Q’s—money. ‘We hope the whole Florida delegation in House and Senate gets behind the Rogers’ resolution. We can’t think of any better way to get the State favorable publicity than by upholding this fundamental right of the people. Exemption of Certain Farm Boys From Military Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. USHER L. BURDICK OF NORTM DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. BURDICK. Mr. Speaker, we have repeatedly sent appeals to Hershey, Di- rector of the Selective Service System, for the exemption of certain farm boys, and while he has replied that production
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD will not in any way be interfered with, the facts are that the draft is seriously affecting production. What Mr. Hershey save and what he does do not agree at Appeals have been made to local boards, and the State board, but there seems to be no one interested in keeping up farm production. It just has not yet occurred to these officials and to Mr. Hershey in particular that the produc- tion of food is of the least importance. If we are to follow our policy of settling every disturbance on the globe's surface, we may expect a long contest, and if that is true, food will be the most important fact in our whole armed system. To bring this situation definitely to the at- tention of the Congress and the people, I quote a letter I just received from a farmer of Williams County, N. Dak., that speaks for Itself: Congressman UsHER L. Burnicx, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: I’m writing you in regard to our son . who has just been called down and passed his physical examination for the Army. I'd like to paint this picture to you and see if you can in some way help us get a de- ferment for our son. Four years ago we left our farm on ace count of poor health. As you know, I’ve been so bad with rheumatism that it’s left my back so I can hardly do any Nard work or ride tractors. And my wife, too, has been Oghting lung trouble, so doctor's orders were to leave the farm. So we established our home in town, leaving the farm to our son. He has been doing all our heavy farm work all his life and he is now 28 years old, He has established his home there, running the farm of approximately 1,000 acres under cul- tivation, of which 480 acres he owns. He also has a herd of 18 registered cattle and 20 other Black Angus. We have and own ample pasture land for a larger herd if help could be gotten. He has a full line of farm machinery consisting of three tractors, self- propelled combines and all other necessary farm equipment. Now all this equipment he still owes some money on, and where can we find one that can take over? Now, we've appealed to our local draft board with an answer of rent it out or sell. Then we appealed to our State board, but it seems like nothing is being done for our farm boys. So I’m appealing to’you, wondering if in some way you could help us or tell us what to do. Thanking you in advance for anything you do for us. Respectfully. Voting Records Should Be Public EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following edi- torial from the New Orleans States: _ Vormna Recoms SxovLy Be Pusiic The most valued gage by which the folks at home can judge how well their elected representatives are serving in Congress is a record of their vote on any and all legislation. Whether the lawmaker votes “aye” or “nay"* 1s & specific indication of his stand on any issue. It 1s a much truer and more easily recognizable guide of his stewardship in office than what he says. Look at a lawmaker's voting record and you can tell whether he is doing right by his constituents. Although the voting record ts a simple method of determining a COongressman’s worth, it ts not easily accessible to the ordi- nary citizen. Perhaps Congress hrs wanted it that way—to make it easy for the Mem- bers of the House and Senate to talk one ‘way and vote another, without the boys at the fork of the creek being any the wiser. Under present arrangements, the Logisia- tive Reference Service will not give to per- sons or organizations who request it, the voting record of any Member of Con, unless permission from that Member is firat obtained. If nothing else, this lack of cooperation looks bad. It gives rise to the idea that the lawmakers would rather the public did not know too much about the individual record of the Members. Congressman Boccs of Louisiana is now attempting to remove the protective cloak which automatically protects the voting rec- ords. He has introduced a bill to change the regulations. It is the second time he has made the proposal. He tried last year to put over a similar bill, but nothing came of it. What he proposes now is that the Legisla- tive Reference Service shall be required “upon application by the editor of any news- paper or other publication published tn the United States, or any group of 10 or more citizens of the United States, to compile and make available, without charge, to such ap- plicant the voting record in Congress of any Member thereof for any period specified in such application.” In other words, an editor or any group of 10 people could get the voting record of any Congressman for any period simply by requesting it. Permission of the House or Senate Member would not be required. That is as it should be. Primarily, this would be a service to the public, because most larger newspapers have such facilities as wire service and special representatives to obtain any desired voting records, Mr. Boags’ bill should be enacted. Protecting America’s Bald Eagle EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, in the last Congress I introduced H. R. 5607 for the protection of the bald eagle, and the bill was given favorable consideration by the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries and was passed by the House on July 10, 1950. However, it was not acted on by the Senate and I re- introduced the measure at this session and it was assigned the number H. R. 1870. This measure has the support of the Fish and Wildlife Service, the American Museum of Natural History, the National Audubon Society, the Wildlife Manage- ment Institute, the Emergency Conser- vation Commission, the National Wildlife Institute, the National Park Association and Wiiderness Society, and the Ameri- can Nature Association. An editorial re- A745 ‘cently appeared in the Portland Ore- gonian urging the passage of this legis- lation. Iam including the editorial as a part of these remarks, as follows: PROTECTING AMERICA’s Bran if the national symbol of the United States is to survive, Congress should enact a bill just introduced by Representative Home ANGELL of Oregon. The measure seeks to extend to Alaska a iaw making it a crime to kill or capture a bald eagle. The Member from Portland succeeded in getting an identical bill through the House of Representatives in the previcus session of Congress, but it died in the Senate. Everywhere under our flag except In Alaska the bald eagle is protected. In Alaska, how- ever, it is mercilessly hunted. Presentation of an eagle's talons brings a $2 bounty from the Territorial treasury. Pressure from com- mercial fishermen is responsible for this situation. They believe that the eagle makes heavy inroads on the salmon runs. Tronically, in apite of the bounty, the Museum of Natural History points out that “it is only in Alaska that the bald eagle still exiats in numbers sufficient to give hope for its permanent preservation,” In other places, civilization hag encroached on the crags and feeding grounds necessary to the continued existence of the great bird which is a syno- nym for Uncle Sam. Many naturalists contend that overfishing by commercial interests in Alaska exceeds enormously any toll taken by bald eagles. ‘The suspicion seems well founded that trol- lers and canneries are blaming on this lordly bird a fault which may be attributed to human beings. Passage of Congressman Anouiy's bill will make possible a final effort to preserve in its natural state the national bird of our country. Raw Cotton Price Ceilings EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK E. SMITH OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Mississippi. Mr. Speak- er, under unanimous consent, I include an article by Mr. Gerald Dearing pub- lished Saturday, February 10, in the Memphis Commercial Appeal: Corton CommentT—Bureaucracy Gains Irs Enns sy Wearina Out Orrosirion THROUGH Dears, EvaStons, Reports or ComMPrRoMIsEs, AND CREATING OF DisuNITY AMONG THOSE CoMPLAINING (By Gerald L. Dearing) Cotton men, looking apprehensively toward Washington, then at the mounting red ink in their ledgers as expenses go on and busi- ness is at a standstill, are wondering when price ceilings will be lifted. They are being given the full treatment of delay and evasion of Washington bureaucracy and any faltering on their part at this time can be disastrous. Due to the hea. y pressures which they have built up since price ceilings were made effec- tive 2 weeks ago last night, they have been well on the way to winning their argument. They can win if they persist. Weakness, dis- unity, and doubt at this time can defeat them, or force them into compromises that are obnoxious. It has long been the practice of bureauc- racy to stall for time—hbecause time works in their favor. They know that no matter how loud and strong the complaints against their actions are at first, that they grow
A746 weaker and weaker as time progresses. They rely on the suggestion of compromise pro- pogals on their part to get the protestants divided among themselves. They manage to raise doubts in the minds of the opposition, to create distrust between one segment and then another. The opposition gradually dies down. Then they have their own way. This must not happen to the cotton indus- try and the fight for the removal of price ceilings, The battle is for more than the immediate opening of the futures market. It is for the Ufe of the cotton trade. It is for survival of a major segment of the free-enterprise system. Victory for the advocates of price ceilings on raw cotton can and probably will be the repetition of the history of the raw-cotton industry in England. It will close the ex- changes, make the normal! traders unable to function, just as they now are unable to trade, and result in the intrusion of Govern- ment into the cotton trade, which bureauc.- racy then would take over. This would mean that Government would determine the price to be paid for cotton and the price for which it would be sold. The producer would have only one buyer— the mills could find but one seller. As the supply rose and fell the Government would order the farmer to plant according to the need—not voluntarily but as a matter of law. Government-controlled economies are economies of artificial shortages. The evi- dence is in the price control and slaughter- ing order on meat, which has just been issued, There has been no complaint that there is a shortage of meat, only that prices have advanced too far. So price ceilings are being clamped down. But, in addition to the ceil- ings, comes notice that packers will be as- signed butchering quotas beginning April 1. Instead of being able to buy all the cattle and hogs offered by the farmers and butcher them to fill the demand of the public, the packers will be Hmited. This will create a shortage, artificial, of course, but a shortage nonetheless. Shortages lead to black mar- kets, which create greater shortages. Then comes rationing for the public—less meat, emaller supplies. And the bureaucrat is in command again, The cotton trade needs unity and persist- ence in their fight. There should be no talk of compromise, n_ slackening of effort. This is not cotton's final battle against bureaucracy—unless it is lost. If this battle is lost, there can be no more cotton trade. Tf it ts won, there is hope of victory in the next fight, which ts inevitable as long as the Government-in-business termites are al- lowed t6 bore their way through the Gov. ernment bureaus in Washington, Criticism Should Be Constructive EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SAMUEL W. YORTY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. YORTY.. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call the attention of the House to the following excellent editorial by Mr. Manchester Boddy, the able editor and publisher of the Los Angeles Daily News, which deals with the subject of criticism and recommends standards which, if ad- hered to, would do much to preserve American democracy: Criticism SxHoutp Be KrvEp to Unity (By Manchester Boddy) Being an optimist by nature, and having seen my optimism justified through expe- rience, I have always been more than a little impatient with critics who deliberately re- fuse to point out the good along with the bad and thus prepare the reader for a plus or minus balance honestly arrived at; with critics who can do no constructive work. Once I wrote something like this to a writer who was unfairly (I thought) criticiz- ing a public official who was making a Valiant effort to solve tough public problems. The critic replied on the back of a penny post- card with these words from Horace: “T'll play a whetstone's part, which makes fron sharp, though unable itself to cut.” Quite a lot of people must think their mis- sion in life 1s to be a whetstone, judging from the volume of criticism one reads and hears. Perhaps there is more now than in former years, although my editorial scrap- books do not prove it. In the fleld of national affairs, my collec- tions of unbalanced criticism begin with “the mistakes of Wcodrow Willson” which, among other things, caused an uncontrolled war boom that ended in the sudden and disastrous bust of 1921. T have a clear recollection of the year, but, like many others I was so “busted” at the time that the so-called economic crash made no impression; it just reduced some of the war profiteers to the status of the average veteran. But now as I review all of the economic, military, and political mistakes charged against Woodrow Wilson, I wonder how the Nation managed to survive, much Jess win & war. If I had known about the mistakes at the time, I probably would have stayed home and grumbled (perhaps yelled) instead of going off with a gun to the western front, bubbling with enthusias 1 for the good, old United States of America, most perfect of all nations on earth, My second collection is devoted to “the corruption of the Warren Harding admin- istration,” and "Calvin Coolidge’s long sleep.” Each, of course, is a post mortem. The experts, with the detachment of autopsy sur- geons, put the dead administrations under microscopes and discovered the “seeds of de- struction” that could have been sterilized if Messrs. Harding and Coolidge had done what they oughter—but didn’t. As I read the re- ports I wonder how we ever survived. The most interesting collection is con- cerned with proving that Herbert Hoover was the chief architect of the great depression. Reading it makes me think of a butlding that collapsed because the builder just didn't know how to provide bracing, proper founda- tions, and allowances for sway and strain. The mistakes were so easily discovered after the collapse. The most voluminous collection, naturally, is devoted to the tragic mistakes of F. D. R. It seems that no part of the United States or the world at large escaped the dire conse- quences of his ideas and actions, all of which could have been avoided—if. Our latest collection grows fatter with each passing day: “The mistakes of Harry Tru- man.” This is only a temporary file, con- cerned primarily with grumblings and scare- pieces put out for propaganda purposes, The autopsy surgeons will not render the final verdicts until the administration has taken its place in history. Intelligent, constructive criticism by competent critics is the essential vitamin that keeps our body politic alive and healthy, Without it our democracy would go the way of totalitarian governments and be destroyed. It ig better to tolerate # lot of harmful critle cism than to do away with all criticism. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Nevertheless, the rapid development of radio as a means of mass communication has brought with it an overburden of ¢ritics whose main stock-in-trade is a glib tongue, a pleasing voice, and the notion that a large audience is in itself complete justification for whatever is said. The test of the value of too many critical dissertations on the state of the Union has become: “Does it attract a large audience? If so, it .aust be good. My sponsor pays for the audience, not for the soundness of my views.” The same, of course, can be said of critics who express themselves through the printed word, although time has developed a re- sponsibility in this field that has not yet found its counterpart in the showmanship of many political critics who use the radio as their means of expression, If we are to develop the degree of unity in the United States that alone can carry us through the perlis of our time, we must be as careful with criticism as we are with all other potentially dangerous weapons, Unpleased Statesman EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the New Orleans Times- Picayune; UNPLEASED STATESMAN Senator Tarr’s latest attack on adminis- tration policy strengthens the suspicion in: many minds that the Ohio statesman wouldn't like any Trumanite proposition even if it were good. When he limited his attack to domestic issues, Mr. Tarr could be sure of a hand from Democrats as well as Republicans. That was shown by his landalide victory in the Ohio senatorial contest last year after @ campaign pitched almost totally on na- tional questions. Since that triumph, how- ever, the Senator has taken a running jump into the dispute over foreign policy and the overseas defense program. His attack from the Senate floor last Thursday indicated his purpose to wage an all-out fight against the defense plans formulated by the armed serv- ice chieftains—possibly because they have the support of the administration. The Senator's repetition of his earl'er charge that Mr. Truman js assuming mili- tary authority he does not have in asserting his power to order American troops over- seas without congressional consent. Per- haps he will force that issue to a vote in the Senate—unless a private canvass of the membership convinces him the test would go against him. That political quarrel will take care of itself in due course. But Mr. Tarr started an attack from another angle that will arouse Nation-wide interest. In a roundhouse swing at General Eisen- hower, the Ohio oracle questioned that world-famous officer’s judgment and con- clusions in the military field and inti- mated that he had been less than frank with the American people. General Eisen- hower, according to the Senate’s military expert, is exaggerating the danger of an un- sucoessful war in Europe. His report on the European situation was hagy, the Sen- ator complains. And finally he demands that Congress write iis own order arbitrarily
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD defining and limiting the movement of American trvops abroad from this time forth, Senator Tamt’s military judgments and prescience were tested by Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor, and as we remember it he flunked all down the line. His pre-Pearl Harbor talks and votes revealed him as mis- informed with respect to the international situation and perhaps the world’s worst guesser on what was in store for the United States, Americans of all parties and of none welcomed the Senator's smashing victory in Ohio. But do any of therm feel that his tri- umph at the polis on strictly domestic issues quelifies him to master mind the Nation's foreign and defense policies after the Pearl Harbor show-off and show-up of his judg- ment in that field? Maybe, after all, Gen- eral Eisenhower knows more about the mili- tary situation and prospect than even Sen- ator Tast himself thinks Senator Tarr knows. Thaddeus Kosciusko EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN LESINSKI, JR. OF M'CHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. LESINSKI. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I include in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp the following ad- dress made by me at the wreath-laying ceremony held at the Kosciusko Monu- ment, Lafayette Park, Washington, D. C., Sunday, February 11, 1951: We are observing today the two hundred and Afth anniversary of the birth of Thad- deus Kosciusko, Poland's great patriot and American Revolutionary War general and aide to Washington. We pay tribute today to a great crusader of freedom who devoted his life not only to the restoration of freedom in his own coun= try but to the restoration of American inde- pendence as well. Thaddeus Kosciusko lives in the hearts of the Polish people today as a symbol of their dearest national hopes and aspirations and for the American people he represents a magnificent fulfillment of the morul obligation that every person on the face of the earth has toward freedom-loving people everywhere. After Highting a desper- ate battle against despotism in his own land, Kosciusko came to the ald of America in her hour of need. He stood by the cradle of American independence and helped to lay the foundation for a government in the New World dedicated to the principles of liberty and justice. In life, actions, and words of this great man we find much that is pertinent today, and in paying tribute to him, let us not for- get that his beloved country, Poland, has again been deprived, aa in Kosolusko’s time, of its freedom. Poland today is under the ruthless domt{- nation of Soviet Russia, a power more ter- roristic in its methods than the Czar of Kosclusko's time. There fs no freedom in Poland today. A puppet regime, completely subservient to the Kremlin, holds this un- happy land in a vicious vise of Communist tyranny and dictatorship. No amount of op- pression can quetuch the burning love of free- dom in Polish hearts, but Poland does need friends in its desperate fight for Ilberty to- day, as America did in Kosciusko’s time. The United States, as the Jeading | pation of the world, has a grave reapons: and a great mission to “perform before God and man, that is, to lead the world back to the path of justice and freedom. There will be no free and independent Poland until the world of freemen will marshal all the moral and materia] forces at its disposal and brings them to bear upon the evil force which has enslaved Poland. Poland must rise again and take its rightful place among the free nations of the world—that a strong, freedom- loving people will not die and we, here in America, can and must help to speed the coming of the day when Poland shall be truly free again. Helping to restore the prewar independence of Poland is part of the battle rr preserving American independence as well. On this day, therefore, let us pledge our- selves to support every effort which would make the spirit of Kosciusko, the spirit of freedom and Justice, live again in Poland as it 1s alive in America, May the memory of the great sacrifices this great son of Po- land made for the cause of human liberty, strengthen the determination in our hearts to further the principles for which he stood, freedom and equality for all people. What Is the Aim of the United Nations in Korea? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. USHER L. BURDICK OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. BURDICK. Mr. Speaker, it never does any good to say “I told you 80,” but on this Korean matter I cannot re- frain from stating that I announced in a@ news release that if the UN forces stopped at the thirty-eighth parallel there was better than a good chance of peace. Rhee, president of South Korea stated that he would pay no attention to any orders from anyone to stop at the thirty- eighth parallel. One of the Senators had this to say, “the Republic of Korea will never be satisfied with having its eountry divided at the thirty-eighth parallel, because this means economic and political suicide.”” This same Sena- tor protested the British request that the forces stop at the thirty-eighth parallel. The South Koreans did not stop at the thirty-eighth parallel but went on 5 miles farther into North Korea and the result many anticipated hap-~ pened. ‘The Chinese came roaring down from the north and not only drove the South Koreans out but drove into the UN lines 19 miles farther, and the plunge has not yet stopped. With a chance to bring about peace, this opportunity was shattered again by the headstrong Rhee and many more unthinking persons in responsible positions. By this action we are playing the game Stalin wants—to meet his allied forces in ground battles in a place selected by him as ea battleground. It is becoming more evident every moment that Her- bert Hoover is thinking straight when he says that on the ground we cannot overcome the hordes of China and Russia. There are some important facts to ascertain now. Did the UN order a stop of forces when they reached the thirty~ eighth parallel? If they did who vio- lated that order? A747 Our first purpose and the only pur- pose announced was to drive the invad- ers out. Now through the statements made by the Senator from California and others, our plan is to settle all of the Korean peninsula under one govern~ ment and undo what this Government agreed to when the thirty-eighth par- allel was set up. Mr. Rhee should be told to stay in line and fight with the United Nations or shift for himself. The UN should state the case of what we are doing in Korea in no uncertain terms and any nation that disregards the purpose should do its own fighting and not call on the United States for the establishments on new government anywhere. Our only purpose has been to stop aggression, but if we have launched a campaign to change boundaries and set up new gov- ernments, the people of the United States ought to know it. Food for India EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EMANUEL CELLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 1951 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following letter addressed by me to the Secretary of State, the Honorable Dean G. Acheson, dated February 2, Fesrvary 2, 1951, Hon. Dran G. Actrson, Secretary of State, Department of State, Washington, D C. My Drax Mr. SEcRETARY: The people of India are facing a period of mass hunger and starvation, and their government has applied for 2,000,000 tons of grain from the United States to be paid over a long period of time, Our Governmeit has agreed to ship 4,000,000 tons to be pasd In dollars on the barrel head. We are the only country in the world which has resources to supply this food and thus avert a terrible catastrophe. Our bing are Alled with grain, ready for shipment. It ts our bounden duty to help. It is a serious fact, indeed, that our Governments are in disagreement over the China-Korean problem, but 1t would be moct unfortunate to put such differences in the way of relief from suffering. This is no bargaining issue, but an issue of immense simplicity: millions of Indians may starve and we can save them from this fate, I realise that it may be neo- essary to take cargo ships out of mothballs to transport this grain. So be it. But can we turn our backs upon the hungry, when we have it in our power to give? On making 8 careful inquiry into all the ramifications of this subject, 1 find that the present food shortage in India ta due to a series of unavoidable natural disasters, that the 2,000,000 tons of grain the Indian Gov- ernment has asked for is a conservative igure and is designed only to sustain life on a min- imum basis; that Indian’s dollar resources available for food purchases have already been virtually exhausted; that India main- tains an effective rationing and procurement system which will enable the Indian Gov- ernment to make maximum use of imported food grains,
A748 India has been struggling hard to meet her food shortage. She seeka to increase her food production. She has under construction a number of multipurpose projects on the lines of TVA to provide irrigation and electric power, and to control floods. New projects, on completion, will bring 42,000,000 kilowatts of electric power. Her official plan was to achieve self-sufficiency in food supplies by 1951, but a series of natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods, locust plagues and droughts so seriously hampered the program, that she is unable to feed her teeming popu- lation, There is a time-honored story which comes readily to mind: A beggar accosted two men and asked for alms. One man helped the beggar, but the other disdainfully refused. The latter soon feels the touch of the angel of death on his shoulder and guiltily rushes to give alms to the beggar he spurned. But the angel of death stops him and says: It is too late. One never repairs the holes in the ship after it has set out to sea, It may be too late to help India, if we tarry much longer. I strongly urge that our Gov- ernment address itself to this problem in the humanitarian terms it deserves, so that 2,000,000 tons of grain will be made avall- able. Mahatma Gandhi, India’s great philosopher and mentor has wisely said, “My patriotism is not an exclusive thing. It is all-embrac- ing and I should reject that patriotism which sought to mount upon the distress or the exploitation of other nationalities. The con- ception of my patriotism is nothing if it is not always, in every case, without exception, consistent with the broadest good of hu- manity at large.” It is interesting to note that we are soon to erect a monument in the memory of Gandhi here in Washington. Refusal or further delay to ship this grain would belie this tribute to India’s great savant. With assurances of highest esteem, I am, Sincerely yours, EMANUEL CELLER. City of Long Beach, Calif., Opposes Sen- ate Joint Resolution 20 and House Joint Resolution 131 and Petitions Congress To Disapprove Each of Said Resolu- tions—Congressman Doyle Cites City Council Resolution EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLYDE DOYLE OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. DOYLE. Mr. Speaker and my col- leagues, this morning I received from the City Council of the City of Long Beach, under the seal of the city clerk thereof, Resolution C-12838, which accompanies these remarks on the subject. I am sure you recall that in the Sev- enty-ninth Congress, again in the Eighty~ first Congress, and now in this Eighty- second Congress, I filed what is com- monly termed as the State quitclaim tide- lands bill. Each of the bills I filed in each of these three sessions of Congress have represented the theory adopted by my native State of California and by my home city of Long Beach in this im- portant matter. The bill I filed in this Eighty-second Congress is H. R. 68, and it was filed on January 3, 1951. It is the same text as emanated from the Judi- ciary Committee in the Eighty-first Con- gress with approval. Representative Water, of Pennsyl- vania, has again filed the same bill, and I am again in support of the Walters bill, which is before the Judiciary Com- mittee. Also several other members of the California delegation have filed the same text as the Doyle bill and the Wal- ter bill, and I believe they, too, are in support of the Walter bill. While it is true that in the United States of America against State of Cali- fornia the Supreme Court enunciated the theory that the United States has para- mount rights, there has not yet been determined, under that decision, the lines and boundaries of the base inland water areas, and so forth, involved in this history-making decision. The important city of Long Beach did, many years ago by virtue of the city charter approved by the State legislature, extend its corporation limits out into the Pacific Ocean 3 miles from the beach shore of the ocean, this 3 miles being approximately to the point of the line upon which the Federal breakwater was constructed in front of our city so that comparatively few acres of water which are within the corporation limits of Long Beach extend upon the Federal break- water line. Senate Joint Resolution 20 by Senator O’Manoney would, I believe, allow others there in the city of Long Beach, to wit: the State of California or the Federal Government, to lease or drill for oil with- in the corporate limits of the city of Long Beach. In fact, about 4 miles of the municipal bathing and recreation beach could be, and logically might well be, ab- solutely destroyed for the purpose of recreation, if this should occur. A lessee of Senate Joint Resolution 20 could, I believe, not only drill up against the shore line of the city of Long Beach, but it could place storage tanks and other drill- ing equipment and paraphernalia on the bathing beach itself, all within the cor- porate limits of the city of Long Beach. All these tidelands titles were granted by the State of California to the city of Long Beach by grants beginning in 1911 and ending in 1935. At the time of the first grant, there was no thought of there being oil or petroleum deposits within the confines of the said grant of the State to the city. As House Joint Resolution 131 does not at all report what appears to be the best interest of the State of California and the city of Long Beach, I ask that my opposition be also registered thereto. If there is to be what is commonly termed “interim legislation’? then this interim legislation must be amended so as to permanently protect the meritorious in- terest and welfare of the State charter in the city of Long Beach. If the interim legislation is to be enacted into law, then the important city of Long Beach of ap- proximately 300,000 people, must be eliminated from legislation which, in fact, is interim and should be placed on permanent basis as far as that important city is concerned. I am informed that hearings on the O'Mahoney interim resolution begin APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD about February 19, 1951. I am also in- formed that no date has been set for the hearings on the Walter bill and its com- panion bill before the House Judiciary Committee. The resolution of the City Council of the City of Long Beach follows: Resolution C-12838 Resolution of the City Council of the City of Long Beach, Calif, opposing Senate Joint Resolution 20 and House Joint Reso- lution 131, and petitioning the Congress of the United States to disapprove each of said proposed resolutions and reject favor- able action thereon Whereas under certain acts of the Legisla- ture of the State of California (California Statutes 1911, p. 1304; California Statutes 1925, p. 235; and California Statutes 1935, p. 793), the State of California granted to the city of Long Beach all of its right, title, and interest held by it by virtue of its sov- ereignty in and to all the tidelands and sub- merged lands, whether filled or unfilled, sit- uated below the mean high-tide line of the Pacific Ocean within the corporate limits of said city; said corporate limits of said city extend into San Pedro Bay, bordering the Pacific Ocean 8 miles from mean high-tide line; said tidelands and submerged lands consist of 18,027 acres, of which approxi- mately 1,000 acres have been reclaimed and filled by said city, upon which port and harbor facilities, park and recreational im- provements have been constructed, at a cost to said city in excess of $36,000,000; said lands and navigable waters constitute 8.11 miles of water frontage of said city on San Pedro Bay, all of which historically and by prior court decision lie within San Pedro Bay, an inland water area of the State of California; said tidelands and submerged lands and San Pedro Bay are shown upon the aerial photograph taken on December 26, 1947, attached hereto; and Whereas on July 26, 1947, a stipulation was entered into by Tom C. Clark, as Attor- ney General of the United States, and the attorney general of the State of California, in the case of Unite’ States of America v. State of California, No, 12, Original, wherein it was stipulated that the United States of America does not claim in said litigation “that part of Ban Pedro Bay landward of a line drawn from Point Fermin in a north- easterly direction through a point 300 feet due south of the southeasterly extension of the Navy mole and breakwater to the line of ordinary low tide in the city of Long Beach, Los Angeles County, Callf.,” said area constituting inland waters of San Pedro Bay, and that said description of San Pedro Bay is “without prejudice to the right of Cali- fornta to claim” that the line separating said bay from the “3-mile marginal belt” lies farther seaward than the line therein de- scribed and that said bay includes a larger water area than therein described; and Whereus there is attached hereto a map entitled, ‘California Coast Line—Point Fer- min to Newport Beach,” prepared by R. R. Shoemaker, chief engineer of the Long Beach harbor department, upon which is portrayed said proposed Government line fixing the seaward limit of the inland waters of San Pedro Bay substantially as described in the aforesaid stipulation, said line being located immediately adjacent to and seaward of re- claimed lands and harbor facilities of the city of Long Beach; said map portrays the boundaries of the city of Long Beach ex- tending 3 miles into San Pedro Bay and said 18,027 acres of tidelands and submerged lands conveyed to the city by the State as aforesaid; only 3,028 acres of said 13,027 acres Me landward of said Government pro- posed line, 1,016 acres of which have been reclaimed and filled and 2,012 acres of which constitute navigable water areas; 9,999 acres of said tidelands and submerged lands con-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD veyed to the city as aforesaid are located out~ side cf and seaward of said Government pro- posed bay line, 9,847 acrea of which constt- tute navigable water aren and 152 acres of which consiat of public-beach area, filled and improved by the city of Long Beach for public recreational uses; said public beach area extends 3.9 miles seaward of the line of ordinary iow tide oraaide said Government ay line along the bay and front of said city; and 7 ocean Whereas the city of Long Beach, by and through its board of harbor commissioners, has projected and planned future port and harbor development at an estimated cost of $85,000,108, seaward of said Government proposed bay line, also indicated upon said map; and ‘Whereas section 3 of Senate Joint Resolu- tion 20 and of House Joint Resolution 181 (82d Cong. ist sess.) authorizes the Secretary of the Interior to negotiate with the State of California respecting the issuance of new mineral leases covering said 9,999 acres of tidelands and submerged lands conveyed to the city by the State as afore- said, outside of said Government proposed bay line, portrayed upon said map in white, light biue and yellow, all within the cor- porate limits of said city; said authority in- cludes the granting of mineral leases upon the 152 acres of filled public beach lands extending 3.9 miles along the water front of said city, portrayed upon said map in yel- low, all notwithstanding that the State of California has heretofore conveyed all of said lands to the city of Long Beach as here- tofore mentioned; said 9,999 acres of land are the subject of controversy between the United States and the Stte of California in proceedings now pending before the Supreme Court of the United States as to whether or not the same constitute submerged lands be- neath navigable inland waters; and Whereas section 4 of said Senate Joint Resolution 20 and of said House Joint Reso~ lution 181 authorizes the Secretary of the Interior to grant oll and gas leases to qual- ified persons offering the highest bonuses plus the payment of a royalty of not less than 12% percent on said 9,999 acres of tidelands and submerged lands referred to in the preceding paragraph, and pursuant to which con vert said 8.9 miles of public beach consisting of 152 acres into an ollfield, tn- cluding oll-well derricks, tanks, and produc- tion equipment, notwithstanding that said 9,999 acres of submerged and reclaimed sub- merged lands have been granted to the city by the State of Caltfornia and all but 4 small portion of which le landward of the Federal breakwater and within the area con- tended by said State and city as a part of San Pedro Bay and inland waters of said State and in controversy as to whether or not the same are submerged lands beneath navi-~ gable inland waters, in proceedings now pending before the United States Supreme Court, as heretofore stated; and Whereas the granting of the authority to the Secretary of the Interlor by the provi- sions of said resolutions as heretofore stated may result in the serious impairment of the rights and equittes of the city of Long Beach in the ownership and control of said lands, and incalculable damage to said city: Now, therefore, the City Council of the City of Long Beach resolves as follows: Secrion 1. The city of Long Beach does hereby record its opposttion to Senate Joint Resolution 20 and House Joint Resolution 181, and petitions the Congress of the United States to disa each of said proposed resolutions and reject favorable action thereon, Bizc. 2. That the city attorney be and he is hereby authorized and requested to present to the Members of Congress and the appro- priate committees thereof all matters perti- nent to the foregoing and transmit a copy of, this resolution to the members of the Committee on Interior and Insuler Affairs of the United States Senate and to the Com- mittee on the Judiciary of the House of Rep- resentatives, and to the other Members of the Congress. Src. 8. The city clerk shall certify to the passage of this resolution by the City Coun- cil of the City of Long Beach, and shall cause the same to be posted tn three conspicuous Places in the city of Long Beach, and it shall thereupon take effect. I hereby certify that the foregoing resolu- tion was adopted by the City Council of the City of Long Beach, at its meeting of Febru- ary 6, 1951. [sear] C. G. Rosesrrrr, City Clerk. Mr. Speaker, the map and photo- graph referred to in the foregoing have been retained by me, but I will be pleased to have any of you, my colleagues, who are interested to indicate it to me for I will have them with me on the floor of the House for several days, and I will be glad to show them to you. Speed Up Construction of the Natchez Trace To Provide Necessary Ingress and Egress To and From Our Atomic Bomb Plants REMARKS HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MIsSIssIPPr IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 12, 1951 Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, in order to facilitate transportation to and from our atomic-bomb plant at Oak Ridge, Tenn., and also the one at Paducah, Ky., it is absolutely necessary that we speed up the construction of the Natchez Trace with all possible haste. This great highway, which was au- thorized in 1934, extends from Nashville, Tenn., to Natchez, Miss., along the route traveled by Andrew Jackson on his march to New Orleans in 1814. Practically all of the right-of-way has been secured, and a large portion of it has been graded and is now ready for surfacing. There will not be a single surface crossing on it between Nashville and Natchez, a distance of more than 400 miles, All of the highways and rail- roads will either cross this road by over- head structures or underpasses. There- fore, in case of necessity, it could be used for a speedway to transport the neces- sary materials to and from our atomic- bomb plants with all possible haste. These two great atomic bomb plants are vitally important to our national de- fense, and may mean our salvation in case of an attack. This highway will go right between them and will connect with each of them by a splendid highway that is al- ready constructed. The National Park Service informs me that “if funds and rights-of-way were made available, this Service and the Bu- reau of Public Roads could place under construction during the 13 months there- after approximately $10,000,000 worth of construction,” A749 We cannot afford to neglect, our de- fenses at home while sending our boys all over the the world to fight foreign ‘wars. If this country is ever attacked by a foreign foe, the chances are that it will be an alr attack, and that our main de- fense will be the Air Force and the atomic bomb; and the completion of this great highway will be just as necessary to our defense as it was in 1814 when it was thrown open by the Indians and Andrew Jackson was permitted to march his heroic army over it to New Orleans, and win one of the greatest victories in the history of the Nation. This highway should be finished as quickly as possible. We cannot afford to wait until “our sleeping cities are awakened by the terrible music of the bursting bomb.” It would then be too late. Korea and Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW TORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 13, 1951 Mr. KEATING, Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following ad- dress delivered by our colleague, Hon. Rosser Haz, of Maine, to the League of Republican Women of the District of Co- lumbia on February 12, 1951: One question besets every American: “What are we going to do about the present danger from the Kremlin?” This question dominates our thoughts and even intrudes itself into our dreams. The urgency of the problem cost the life of as ardent a patriot as Jim Forrestal, To solve that problem, all of us in Congress would wish to make some contribution. Each of us perhaps nourishes the secret hope that he, and he alone, can offer the true solution to the riddle propounded by the Kremlin sphinx, On the threshold of my remarks, I should like to say that there are two different atti~ tudes of mind which can get us into great difficulty. Unless we can escape both these ttitudes, we cannot hope to do any sound thinking about the problem. One is the purblind, cocksure attitude which refuses to see any real danger and resists on a life-as-usual basis the thought of any sacrifice of comfort or convenience. This loosely optimistic thinking was very prevalent even in the highest places down to the moment of the North Korean attack last June. It found expression in remarks from the White House that we were further from war than we had been at any time since 1046. It found expression in numberless speeches by the then Secretary of Defense to the effect that if Russia struck at 4 a. m. we would be ready by 5. These statements now rank with Neville Chamberlain's immor- tal utterance in the fall of 1938 about “peace in our time.” We can thank the North Koreans and their masters in the Kremlin for doing much to put an end to this kind of wishful thinking. I believe that the Prestdent is now worried; I am certain that the Congress is worried. The great majority of thoughtful people in the country are profoundly worried. The second dangerous attitude of mind lies at the other end of the emotional spec- trum. It is the defeatist attitude. If the
A750 ensygoing attitude is infrared, the defeatist attitude is ultrapurple. It views the power of the Soviets as invincible. It considers that the people of Europe and Asia have all succumbed to the blandishments of the Kremlin and cannot be won by any appeal from the west. It regards communism as & wave of the future, It believes that the people of Europe are incapable of united action in their own behalf, and that, there- fore, nothing remains for this country but to withdraw into its hemispheric dignity, where we shall have either what Winston Churchill has called a peace of mutual ter- ror or else a war of intercontinental bomb- ing, in which the great American cities will all be destroyed and we shall be lucky if we can bag even one or two great cities in the U.S. S. R. I think it may be worth while to note and recognize various types of defeatism, so that We can be on guard against them. There is, of course, the deliberate and sub- versive defentist, who desires the success of our enemy, and contributes to it by spread- ing the philosophy of despair. These people may not be very numerous. Still I think the antecedents and environments of the defeat- ists are always worthy of examination, be- cause they may enable us to detect and so to counteract subtly destructive influences in our society. Apart from the subversive defeatist, we find the thoughtless defeatist who is so dismayed by the numerical superiority of the Soviet population and the satellite, or better, sub- jugated populations that he can think of nothing else. He does not seriously attempt to carry his thinking beyond the first road block. Or to use another metaphor he will paddle his canoe down a stream of thought until he comes to a difficult portage. There he gives up and takes to the woods. But perhaps the most dangerous type of defeatist and certainly the most interesting psychologically is the man whom I would call the ‘“defeatist in detail.” This man will not tell you directly that our position is hopeless, and that there is no help in us. Not at all. His technique is a sophisticated one, and proceeds something like this. He will write a series of articles. The first one demonstrates conclusively that there is no salvation through course A. The next will show by very cogent reasoning that there is no salvation through course B. The third article discloses the utter hopelessness of achieving success through course C. The fourth article demonstrates that course D is attended by such hazards that we should not even consider it. This process goes on as long as the ingenuity of the writer and the pa- tience of the public will permit. When all the articles have been added up, all that the reader knows js that there is an aggregate of things which we cannot do, and nothing has been indicated that we can do. Tnere is a fine collection of negatives but no affirma- tive. At least, so far as Asia is concerned, it seems to me that several prominent writers are defeatists in detail, because, although they never directly say that Asia must be given to the Soviets, they fail to point out any method by which it can be prevented. The man who says flatly “there is no answer” to such and such a problem, is less insidious than the man who examines a dozen possible answers and rejects them all without direct- ing attention to the fact that he offers no solution. Now let us leave the abstract and turn our attention to the actual course of events. When the North Korean aggression began at the end of last June, public sentiment, in my opinion, fully supported the policy of re- sistance which was adopted by the UN upon, if not entirely as a result, of the urging of the Truman administration. In all the first months of our difficult enterprise, there was much and quite legitimate dissatisfaction with the unpreparedness of our forces and the grave mistakes which had led up to the outbreak of hostilities. After the Inchon landings in mid-September, complete victory appeared to be within our grasp and there was a feeling that our policy of resistance was about to pay off. When in late October or November the Chinese Communists first ap- peared on the scene in large numbers, not only were our brightened hopes blighted, but there was a panicky feeling that all was hope- leasly Jost. And this notwithstanding the fact that the possibility of Chinese interven- tion was apparent from the first. The cry was raised: “Get the boys out of Korea; we never should have gone in,” etc. I will not presume to predict the course of future events in Korea, nor will I pose as & military expert to say what may and what may not be possible from a military point of view in that country. However, I think that even now it may be said that there was too much pessimism when the Chinese Communists appeared, and that our troops, even when outnumbered, can make the course of the Chinese Communists anything but easy. There is evidence that the cost of the enterprise already far exceeds Soviet expecta- tions. Military defeat ir a bitter medicine, but sometimes a necessary medicine. There were plenty of reverses to American arms in the early days of World War II, When we left the Philippines, General MacArthur's slogan was “I shall return.” If we do have to leave Korea, as I hope we shall not, let it not be in any spirit of finality, but with the conviction that we have lost a battle without losing our cause. This was the spirit in which the British returned from Dunkerque. Let no one feel that the men who have shed their blood or given their lives on Ko- rean battlefields have made a needless or a worthless sacrifice. In my opinion, they have served their country as nobly as any men who have ever fought for it. Nothing can make their sacrifice vain but falseness, and feebleness on the part of those who direct our national destiny. It is my firm belief that the best security of Europe is to keep the Soviets engaged, in- volved, and anxious in Asia. It seems to me we have not yet done a tithe of what we could do and I believe must do to frustrate communism in Asta, The most hopeful fea- ture of our whole situation in Europe, Asia, and everywhere else in the world is that the people who have had a taste of communism all loathe it heartily. This loathing may be ineffectual when the iron curtain is tightly drawn, but when we can get even a toehold under the tron curtain, anti-Communist forces are released and can hecome effective. However, we cannot work too fast, because under the methods of the police state, re- sistance is ruthlessly suppressed, people of property, of education, and of potential leadership, are liquidated by millions and the task of resistance becomes steadily more dif- ficult. From the information which comes to me and which I believe reliable, I am certain that very important successes can be achieved through guerrilla activities on the mainiand of China, If Chiang Kai-shek's armies can be permitted—-not to say en- couraged—to fight on the mainland of China, and given such assistance in material as is necessary, I feel fairly certain that they can create at least enough of a diversion to keep China in turmoil for many years. If even the southwest provinces of China could be conquered from the Communiste, it might very effectively seal off Indochine, Burma, Malaya, to say nothing of Indonesfa, from further Communist advances. The belated action of the UN in designating Red China an aggressor, seems to me a diplomatic vic~- tory. If this success could be followed up by economic sanctions against Red China, the Mao regime might be further weakened, I APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD realize that economic sanctions may not be easy to work out but certainly an attempt should be made. I am aware of the British view that hos- tility of the West to the Mao regime will simply throw him more firmly into the arms of Moscow. In my judgment, it is the merest wishful thinking to suppose that Mao is not already securely in the arms of Moscow, and that anything will dislodge him. He will never become a Tito. If he did, he would still be an unsatisfactory personality from the American standpoint. If Mao tried to secede from the Kremlin, he would almost certainly be Hquidated and replaced by a faithful servant of the Kremlin. Probably Tito him- self will be when the time comes. In fact, it seems to me not unlikely that sometime this spring Tito will fall out a window or die of a quite unsuspected heart ailment. We have got to learn, however, that we can work through stooges, as well as the Russians. We are in a game in which no holds are barred; this is simply not a Marquis of Queens- berry world. Our accomplishment in Korea even to date has probably been to upset the Russian time- table. It has certainly been the cause of our accelerating our own timetable, an accelera- tion which may yet prove to be our salvu- tion. We may be able to upset the Russian timetable for some years—-long enough {for the West to arm. In the third volume of Winston Churchill's book on World War II he describes the campaign in Greece in the spring of 1941. At the time this campaign seemed a hopeless and humiliating failure. The British were driven out of Greece and even out of Crete. They suffered devastating naval losses. But we have since learned that this campaign upset the timing of Hitler's at- tack on Russia and very probably prevented the fall of Moscow. If such be the case, it may not even be too much to say that the British campaign tn Greece saved the war. In another sense the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor which certainly brought this country into World War IJ, may have been a decisive contribution to the final destruction of Hitler and Tojo. The point to emphasize is that we cannot appraise events by examining them as isolated phenomena. We must see them in the long chain of causation. People best qualified to judge believe that the next Soviet move will be against Jugo- slavia. It will presumably be made by Soviet stooges In Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, and possibly other countries, I should expect no more direct Soviet participation than in Korea. Some well-informed psople expect this attack to bs made when the Balkan spring brings good weather. But I repeat my bellef that continued resistance in Korea might well save Jugoslavia. The Jugoslavy Army will certainly resist, but Jugoslavia is at best a sadly divided country with the Serbs, the strongest group rumerieally, very unpopular with the Croa- tians and other racial and religious groups. How we may best assist in Jugoslavia is a matter which I hope is receiving the most careful study by our military authorities, It may well be impossible for us to put ground troops in Jugoslavia. On the other hand it will probably be impossible for the invaders of Jugoslevia to occupy the whole country. The Nazi accupation was one merely of railway lines, ports, and cities, There can be, should be, and probably will be continued and continuing guerrilla activity against any invaders of Jugoslavia. In this way it would be possible at least to keep the country jn turmoil if not to expel all in- vaders. We ought now, in my opinion, to serve notice on the Kremlin and its agents what acts on their part will be deemed acts of aggression. We can afford to leave Stalin uncegtain abort many things but we should leave no doubt in his mind about our view of certain acts on his part. For this pur-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pose I have introduced House Concurrent Resolution 16 which seeks to designate as aggression any armed attack on any nation by the U. 5. 8. R., Poland, Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Russian occupied Germany, Albanis, or Communist China. I lack the time and the expert knowledge to discuss other probable specific acts of aggression, against such countries as Greece, Turkey, Iran, and so on. Obviously our present capacity to ald resistance varies from place to place on the Communist periphery. Lot me say, however, that I think it wholly impractical for Congress to pass on actual troop movements. Military measures must nearly always be taken swiftly and secretly. In the nature of things the legislative proc- ess cannot produce results swiftly or se- cretly. No one ts more jealous than I of the legislative prerogative of Congress but military strategy is not its role, even when military strategy has, as it often does, politi- cal implications, All these resistance movements we can aid, equip, and inspire, without great expense and without serious prejudice, it seems to me, to our great armament program. If we can Keep up resistance in Jugoslavia we shall almost certainly be able to delay the Soviet attack on the Middle East, I realiza that this all adds up to a very dificult war of nerves but it seems to me that a continuous series of local attacks and local resistance can forestall a general war. Then, if we are adroit enough, it might be possible to aid rebellion in the U. S. S. R., the potentiality of which is known to exist. We ought, I think, to attest daily our love for the Russian people enslaved by their wicked rulers. If we go in for any nonsense about unconditional surrender we shall solidify where there is now fluidity, and unite where there is now disunion. Only by great adroitness can we offset the enor- mous Soviet advantage in manpower. More than any other philosophy commu- nism carries with it the seeds of its own destruction. We must see to it that com- munism destroys itself, not us. Address of Hon. 0. C. Fisher, of Texas, Before Combined Service Clubs of Uvalde, Tex., on January 22, 1951 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. 0. C. FISHER OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 14, 1951 Mr. FISHER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ap- pendix of the Recor», I include the fol- lowing address I delivered to a joint meeting of the Rotary, Kiwanis, and Lions Clubs of Uvalde, Tex., on Janu- ary 22, 1951: Iam most grateful for this privilege, which I very highly esteem, of coming to Uvalde today and speaking to this large audience of Uvalde County citizens assembled here on this occasion. The generous introduction by my good friend, Jack Richardson—with whom I attended high school up at Junction @ good many years ago—-is likewise appre- olated. Now while the Congress is marking time, legislatively speaking, while committees are conducting hearings on bills, it’s easier to get away for a few days than it is later in the session when weekly agendas are crowded with important measures. It's a good thing for Members of Congress to get home as often as possible, talk and counsel with the people and draw upon the composite wisdom of those whom they represent. That is an essential part of the workings of a democracy under our repre- sentative eystem. Personally, I get a meas- ure of inspiration just from seeing the pa- rade of Stetson hats on the street corners and in the lobbies and in the market places. Somehow they typify the independence and sturdiness of the West, and I am inspired by listening to the clamp, clamp, clamp of boot heels on the sidewalks. Uvalde is a typical cross section of the great Southwest where men balieve in the fundamentals of Amer- icanism and know that two and two still make four. THE PRESIDENT’S BUDGET It was suggested that I talk to you today about some of the problems with which we are faced during these times—times which are probably more dangerous and perilous than any in our history. Actually I doubt that I can add much to your stock of infor- mation, though I welcome the honor and privilege of discussing some of the issues of the day in which you and I are interested and which now engage so much of our time and energies. Only a few days ago the President sent his annual budget message to the Congress. It calls for an unprecedented peacetime ex- penditure of $71,600,000,000. A major por- tion of this will go for national defense, a program with which I am sure we are all in complete sympathy. Last year the Congress appropriated and authorized commitments of upwards of $50,000,000,000 for the stepped- up preparedness program. It takes a lot of money to train, equip, and maintain a mod- ern American army, for example, it costs about $10,000 to recruit, train, equip, supply, and maintain one American soldier. That includes the armament and equipment for a fighting army. One B-36 requires more than a tank car of gasoline and 10,000 pounds of lubricating oil on a trip to Europe. A mod- ern tank consumes a gallon of gasoline for each 2 miles it travels. This, of course, means more taxes, more sacrifices, more in- conveniences on the part of all the people. It is of utmost importance that we balance the budget as nearly as possible. A bal- anced Federal budget is perhaps the strongest single deterrent to inflation. But I was dis- appointed in a number of the items recom- mended by the President in his budget mes- sage. For example, he recommended funds to finance such dubious programs as the Bran- nan plan, socialized medicine, nationalized housing, FEPC, and several others that are both nonessential and undesirable. It seems to me that if we are to have a strong America we must maintain a sound economy. That means we must cut nonessential expendi- tures to the bone and make an honest effort to pay our way during this emergency. OUR INTEREST IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Now, let's consider the global situation for a@ moment and see where and how our inter- ests and our security may be imperiled. There’s some talk going around these days by those who say: “Let’s get out of Koren, Asia, Europe, bulld our own defenses, and not spend taxpayer's money, the lives of our young men, and our Nation’s resources in- volving ourselves in other people’s affairs.” If that is a valid argument, then it should be followed. If it is not valid, ite weakness and its danger should be exposed. Certainly if it is valid it would greatly simplify the solution of most of our problems. In order to intelligently answer the ques- tion thus raised, we must take stock of our- selves and the relationship of our economy, our strength, and our security to the rest of the free world. Let’s first look at southeast Asia. Why are we interested in that vast area? Most of the countries of southeastern A%1 Asia are now under considerable Communist pressure, They face dire trouble, just as South Korea did. Most of the experte seem to be agreed that had it not been for the unexpected difficulties encountered by the Communists in South Kores, Red Chinese armies would long ago have marched into Indochina. It was marked for conquest last fall, but the timetable was upect in Korea. If Indochina «abould fall, then Malaya, Burma, Thailand, and Indonesia would likely be doomed, and Ceylon and possibly India would be in line for a like fate. But, so what? What difference does that make to us so far a8 our own independence and our own security are concerned? After all, we live 6,000 or 8,000 nitles away from Indochina and the rest of southeast Asia. Well, as a matter of fact it makes a lot of difference, and here are a few of the reasons: INDIA: OUR MAIN SOURCE FOR MANGANESS Did you ever stop to realize that the “rice bowl” of the world is in Thailand and Burma? India has been importing up to 750,000 tons of rice per year from those two countries to help fead her teeming miliions who at best have but a submarginal existence. If Thai- land and Burma are occupied by Mao Tse- tung and his Kremlin-directed Red armies, that source of food for India would be promptly diverted to meet a pressing need for more food for the Asian ermies. Unrest, dis- ease, civil strife, poverty, and internal weak- ness in India would undoubtedly result to some extent, and the Indians would surely pay through the nose for all imports there- after obtained from southeast Asia. A most fertile field for Communist activity would thus be opened. But, again, how does that directly affect us? According to Government statistics that have been released, we tmported 552,000 tons of manganese from India last year. Steel cannot be manufactured without a mixture of manganese. In the past we got most of our manganese from Russia, but most of that has been cut off and now we must look pri- marily to India for our supply. Here at home we produce very little at present. It is a highly critical and strategic material that we have always had to import from far- away places. Without manganese we natur- ally would become a weaker nation, indus- trially. Our entire economy is geared to vast steel production. So, it is to our inter- est that our Indian market be kept open and that it not be jeopardized by or fall into the hands of the Communists. Another highly critical material of which ‘we produce very little at present 1s tungsten. In the past we have looked to China for much of our supply, and Indochina is now @n important source. MOST OF OUR TIN AND RUSBER COMES FROM SOUTHEAST ASIA Among other strategic materials which we must obtain from southeast Asia are tin and rubber. We import more than half of our tin from that area alone. Our tin consump- tion runs around 60,000 tons a year, and Boliviae—our next source of supply—produces 8 little more than 80,000 tons annually. We produce none in the United States. Of even more importance to us is raw rubber. Did you realize that we tmport 95 percent of our natural rubber from Malaya, Indonesia, Indochina, Ceylon, and Thailand? Those countries produced more than a mil- lion and a half tons in 1960, and we imported 700,000 tons of it--95 percent of all we brought in. Indeed, those countries produce 90 percent of the world’s supply. To be sure, we have made great strides in developing synthetic rubber. But while syn- thetic rubber is good enough for your auto- mobile tires, bomber and heavy-duty tires must have a stzeable content of natural rubber. Otherwise they will not stand up. Since we have but a limited stockpile, we must continue to look to southeast Asla for
A752 this vital material if we are to maintain the strength of 4 great air force and keep the big trucks and mobile units moving. It must be kept in mind, of course, that if we lose these sources of strategic materials we naturally become a little weaker as a result and the Communists, who would take over and exploit these same materials, would likewise become a little stronger. Along with the added raw materials, the Reds would at the same time become slaveholders over multiplied millions of additional people. OUR INTEREST IN WESTERN EUROPE Now, let’s take a look at Western Europe. Why should we interest ourselves so much in that part of the world? Already we have spent billions over there, helping revive the ‘war-devastated economies of Western Eu- rope. Our help undoubtedly saved Greece from being behind the iron curtain today. And the same is probably true of Turkey and other countries as well. But why should we continue to spend taxpayers’ hard-earned money to help re-arm those people? Why should we risk the spilling of American blood there? Suppose Soviet Russia should choose to occupy Western Europe, how would that affect our own security? Actually, aa I see it, it’s not so much a matter of what we would lose—though that would be of enormous proportions—as it would be what the enemy would gain. Let's talk about steel for a moment. We produce, roughly, 100,000,000 tons of steel per year. Russia and aH her satellites produce only a third of that amount, Western Europe (not counting Britain) has an annual steel ca- pacity of 40,000,000 tons, and Britain pro- duces about 18,000,000, So as it now stands, the United States and the other free coun- tries produce 160,000,000 tons of steel a year compared with about 34,000,000 tons put out behind the iron curtain. But if Western Europe is taken by Russia, the Red’s steel output would be immediately more than qaoubled. If Britain should also go down, then the steel potential under Communist domination would be about equal to our own. It must be kept in mind that Russia diverts a much higher percentage of her steel to military purposes than we do. IF WESTDRN EUROPE FALLS, WE MAY LOSE OUR SOURCE OF URANIUM FOR A-BOMBS Moreover, we import many strategic raw materials from Europe and Africa. Indeed, from the Belgium Congo we get most of our highly critical uranium from which atom bombs are made. If Western Europe is oc- cupied by the Russian hordes, they will then have submarine bases up and down the At~ lantic coast, and to say the least our source of supply of uranium from Africa would be curtailed or possibly be cut off entirely. Our loss might be Russia’s gain. IF WESTERN EUROPE FALLS, STALIN MIGHT GET MIDDLE EAST OIL Furthermore, the loss of Western Europe ‘would probably mean the loss of the Near East, the Mediterranean, and the Middle East. Right now Stalin is suffering from a serious lack of steel production and of oll. It is estimated that Russia and the satellites pro- duce no more than 820,000,000 barrels of oll perv year. That represents only about 6 per- cent of the world’s reserves. The Middle Hast has 42 percent of those reserves. By combining the two, Stalin would control one- half of the world’s ofl reserves. So our loss and the loss to our allies could conceivably become gains for our enemy. I have been indulging in assumptions. It goo withuut saying that should the Kremlin provoke another global war, any military successes she might achieve would be at great expense and heavy loss. But since it is gen- erally conceded that as of this time Western Burope is vulnerable and most of it could be Occupied by the superior forces of Russta, ‘we may very well appraise the possible effects upon our own security if a formidable de- fenee for Western Europe is not provided before the Reds should decide to strike, Along with these strategic and material advantages which would accrue to the benefit of the Communists, if they choose to occupy most of Western Europe and plunge the world into another world war, Stalin would at the same time gain control and domina- tion over some 260,000,000 people, with their combined industrial and scientific capacity and know-how. He seems to have the capac- ity for making use of people even though they are in chains, CONTROL OF UNITED STATES 1S PRIMARY OBJEC- TIVE OF SOVIET RUSSIA Now, as I see it, all these considerations achieve their real importance only when we recognize the fact that the control of the United States of America is undoubtedly the ultimate objective of Soviet Russia. In fact, since the time of Lenin, the Communists have openly affirmed that world domination is their final objective. They make no bones about it. Lenin said—and Stalin has reiter- ated—that communism and capitalism can- not live in peace side by side in this world, and they have sworn by violence and other- wise to destroy their opposition. Who 1s holding them up and preventing the realiza- tion of that plan today? It is, of course, the United States. Other free countries, weak- ened by war, could provide only feeble resist- ance without joint efforts and in conjunction with America. In a real sense, then, we constitute the only really formidable road block in the way. SOVIETS CONCENTRATE THEIR PROPAGANDA AGAINST US—THEIR NO. 1 OBJECTIVE This past fall I traveled in Europe, from the Baltic to the Caspian Sea—along the periphery of the iron curtain from Norway to Persia. Everywhere I found that a major part of all Russian propaganda, beamed over radios and in the Communist press, was directed at the United States. Every kind of fantastic lies—distorted half-truths—that could be conceived of were being manufac- tured and used against that “capitalistic, Wall Street-dominated, warmongering coun- try called the United States.” Since we are beyond doubt the No. 1 stumbling block in the way of the Soviet determination to dominate the world, it is important that we keep in mind the enemy's strength and methods. We are told that the Russians now have 4,500,000 men under arms, with a trained reserve of some 14,000,000 who can be called up at 60 days’ notice. They have more than 20,000 operational airplanes, including modern jets, and they have some 30,000 tanks. Moreover, since 1945 they have added 7,500,000 square miles of new territory and more than 500,000,000 people under their control. This Soviet expansion has wiped out Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, and has reduced to servitude six nations that were independent before 1939. The tentacles of the Soviet octopus now cover one half of Europe. All this has been accomplished without the loss of a single Russian soldier. WE MUST LOOK TO FUTURE—PAST ERRORS WON'T HELP NOW Now, recognizing our danger and our in- terests as they exist around the world, what can we do about it? We certainly cannot ex- tricate ourselves from this peril by spending our time condemning the mistakes of the past, of which there have been many. If we wanted to take the time it would be easy to go back to Yalta and wonder why Russia ‘was permitted to enter the Japanese war at its very end and yet, though scarcely firing a shot, being permitted to occupy Manchu- ria—the most hightly industrialized area in the whole of Asia, We can disagree with Secretary of State Atcheson’s ill-considered action in announcing more than a year ago that our outer defenses in the Pacific did not include Formosa and South Korea. That amounted to an invitation to the Reds to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD move in. Yes, how tragic was the mistakes of concessions made in the occupation of Germany, isolating Berlin 120 miles inside the tron curtain. The same could be said of Vienna in Austria. Diplomatic blunders in the handling of the Chinese problem and elsewhere could be multiplied and explored at length. WHAT CAN WE DO? But we must be realistic and look to the future. What can we do? 1. We can step up our rearmament pro- gram, actually build, man and equtp a hun- dred air groups, a strong army, and 4 power- ful navy. 2. We can follow the leadership of General Eisenhower in cooperating with other free nations and build a really formidable inter- national army in Western Europe. We, of course, cannot police the world alone. We can lose the war of exhaustion, as indeed Stalin is hoping we will. There 1s just so much we can do and remain sound and sol- vent. Western Europe can be successfully defended only if the European countries put their shoulders to the wheel, including pro- viding a major portion of the needed man- power and by making full use of their in- dustrial capacity. It will be recalled that in both of the last wars these Atlantic Pact na- tions were able to put in the fleld in 90 days 140 equipped and trained divisions, aside from naval and air forces. We are in a posi- tion to contribute much to the success of this collective security movement in the way of guns and miilitary equipment, as indeed we already have done and shall continue to do if the Europeans show their willingness and determination to rearm in strength. 3. We can encourage, as our Government and that of Great Britain have already done, the rearming of some of the Germans in the western zone. Such troops can be integrated with the Atlantic Pact army and steps can be taken against any possible resurgence of Prussian militarism. This, of course, can only be done if the Germans themselves put their hearts into it and show an honest will- ingness to assist in the defense of the non- Communist countries of Europe, including their own. This program has the support of General Eisenhower, of the American Legion, and of Winston Churchill. The latter told Parliament only a month ago that Western Europe cannot be successfully de- fended without drawing upon the military strength of Germany, 4. We can likewise encourage, under proper supervision, the rearming of Japan on a scale that would protect that country from Com- munist aggression and also help to stabilize the balance of power in the Orient. General MacArthur has advocated it. 5. We can help and encourage France in Spain and Tito in Yugoslavia. Both of them advocate philosophies and engage in conduct contrary to our beliefs. But both of them are announced enemies of Russian com- munism and Russian imperialism. Both have large armies, and their soldiers have proven to be good fighters. I do not see why we should be too particular who our friends are so long as they are on our side and are enemies of Russian aggression. After all, we had Joe Stalin himself as one of our allies during the recent war. Survival itself may be involved and we can't be too particular about who is helping carry the water to put the fire out. We must, it seems to me, draw upon all available sources of manpower and re- sources in our cooperative and mutual effort to stem the tide of world communism and stay the hand of Russian thrusts at freedom and independence. Communism itself, with its world-dominating ambitions, must be de- stroyed or reduced to impotence if we are to ever again. have peace on this earth. Otherwise these forces wil be a continuous menace to freemen. 6. We can, as we are doing, refuse to ship goods and commodities to our enemy, Red
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD China. Likewise, our Government some time ago put an embargo on shipment of strategic materials to Soviet Russia—our real enemy in Korea. An economic blockade of China by our Navy would be fully justified in view of the unprovoked war the Red Chinese have been making upon American boys in Korea, The Korean conflict, it must be kept in mind, is but « ne incident in the world-conquering strategy of Soviet Russia. The fallure of Britain to fully go along with this trade-re- striction program as applied to those now making war on us and on free peoples every- where has heen most disappointing. 7. Moreover, we can encourage Chiang Kai-shek and provide him with planes, guns, tanks, and military equipment. He has a half-million trained troops under his com- mand in Formosa—a veritable unsinkable carrier, as General MacArthur has described it. With the help of hundreds of thousands of anti-Communist guerrillas now in China, the Chinese Nationalists operating from For- mosa are in a position to sertously damage and harass the Red communcation lines and factories in China and Manchuria. OUR STRENGTH ANT ADVANTAGES I have talked of the advanvages enjoyed by Soviet Russia, and I have described her military strength. Before I conclude per- haps we should refer to some of our own ad- vantagee of whith there are many. During World War I and World War ll, the United States was the, arsenal ¢¢ democracy. Mili- tarily, our induatrial city has-been our greatest asset, nat discounting the brilliance and sacrifices of the rdiliéns of Americans who have distitgutshed ‘tttemsefted'in bat- tle. But men cannot Aight’ withdat equip- ment to fight with. During the last war we outproduced all the rest of the world combined and fur- nished most of the arms for our beleaguered and war-lashed allies. That great industrial capacity has been made possible by the use of our own raw materials coupled with the importations of many strategic materials. From this we were able to build a hundred thousand airplanes a year, quantities of tanks, bombs, trucks, and other military equipment. Those materials, put to use by American ingenuity and free labor under our free-enterprise system, have made of us an industrial giant. We can, therefore, say that industrially we are far superior to Soviet Rus- sia, whose potential compared to our own ig quite backward. 2. We have the atom bomb in consider- able quantity, whereas the Russians have it in but limited supply at this time. 3. We have 10 times as much oil as does Stalin. 4. We have three times as much steel ca- pacity. 5. We have some 200 B-36's and a like number of B-50’s—all of which are capable of reaching every industrial city in Russia, and we have naval bombers that can do the same from carriers. 6. We have them outclassed tn our great communication systems, including tele- pi-ones, telegraph, railroads, highways, com-~- mercial airways and all other modern meth- ods. 7. We have the psychological advantage of the declining favor of communism tn free countries. 8. We have the benefit of the moral sup- port of world opinion, and we are alined on the side of Christianity and enlightened clvyilization. History may record that these factors in the final analysis are decisive. 9, And, finally, we have the invincible faith and determination of the American people who through prayer and united effort can undertake to provide the leadership and rally the forces of right, decency, and justice all around the world, where free people can be reached, against the hideous hand of godless communism, slavery, and oppression. XCVII-—App.———48 The Need To Equalize Comparative Pay Levels in Government Employment EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLINTON D. McKINNON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 14, 1951 Mr. McKINNON. Mr. Speaker, one of the problems that face us in Congress is the growing differential in pay scale between classified and nonclassified civil-service workers. Because I know that Members of Congress are anxious to do the fair thing and because many of them do not have the facts available, I wish to point out some of the inequities that now exist in the Federal pay scale, The wage adjustment of January 1, 1951, granted to the nonclassified blue- collar workers of the San Diego area em- ployed by the Navy has caused a marked wage differential between this group and the classified, or white-collar workers, who have to meet the same increase in living costs. The tabulation which follows is based on the official pay schedules effective A%53_ November 19, 1940, and those in effect as of January 8, 1951, This widespread differential in favor of the nonclassified group has been a progressive increase with each wage adjustment granted since 1940. In watching its effect on the cali- ber of employee initially recruited over the past 10 years, it is clearly indicated that there has been a gradual decline in the desire of young people to make a career of Government clerical and ad- ministrative work as compared with the blue-collar worker of today and of the previous 20 years of observation. Without corrective action, this condi- tion will become even more apparent in the higher grade levels in future years, Even with prompt recognition of these facts and with action taken to effect correction to induce the best personnel to enter Government work, it will take some years to bring about the required change for the better. I, therefore, recommend that the Fed- eral pay raise legislation now before Con- gress be amended to more adequately equalize the comparative pay levels be- tween the various graded and ungraded workers and supervisory groups to the standards of 1940. Comparative pay table, classified and nonclassified civil-service employees, naval activities, San Diego area Pay rates Nov. 19, | Pay rates, Jan, 8, Porcent re 1940 Ws P t quired to ercent> | equalize — Tnerease age classified Mint | Thirdin-] Mini. | ‘Third in with nan- mun crement mum eroment classified, Foreman... ser meernecceressarcuecae|serneneers {s, 744. 00 ee ieee 70,17 710, 00 1, 560° 00 1115, 00 1, 705, 00 ¥, 200 010 ae 1, 788. 0 1, 300 00 32, 16 61 00 - 20, Bt 6, 905,00 | 3,1 EE RT LR I tC LLL A CC LL An Army With Control of the Air Is Almost Indestructible EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FRANK W. BOYKIN OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 14, 1951 Mr, BOYKIN. Mr. Speaker, in extend- ing my remarks on Wednesday last, I pointed out to the House the wonderful work betng done by the assistant to the President in the Sunday afternoon tele- cast, Battle Report, Washington. This is the television program on which Dr. Steelman, each week, arranges to have top-flight Government officials make re- ports on current happenings of factual import to all our people. Among those whom Dr. Steelman in- troduced to the television audience that afternoon was Maj. Gen. Thomas D, White, of the United States Air Force. In commenting upon Alr Force activi- ties in Korea, Mr. Robert McCormick,
ATb4 National Broadcasting Co.'s ace commen- tater on that program, spoke, in part, as foliows: Soviet-designed planes used by the enemy appeared for the first time to attack below the thirty-cighth parallel. But well has our Air Force reason to be confident. Russian MIG~15's, tn actual battle, have proved no match for United States Air Force F-86 Sabres, capable of 700 miles per hour. Our Fourth Fighter Intercepter Group has al- ready been credited definitely or probably with bringing down 17 Russian jets with no joss to ourselves. For an up-to-the-minute report on bow our jets are doing in Korea, we turn now to an officer just returned from there, rated as command pilot, combat ob- server, alreraft observer, and technical oh- server, from Air Force heatiquarters, Ma}. Gen. Thomas D. White. Mr. Speaker, a great number of the Members of both Houses of Congress know Maj. Gen. Thomas D. White per- sonally. They know him as an intrepid commander, a splendid gentleman, and a distinguished officer. Until quite re- cently he served as Director of the Direc- torate of Legislation and Liaison, USAF, and in that capacity won the respect and the esteem not alone of all members of the Armed Services Committees in both Houses of Congress, but of all with whom he came in contact. General White, a flying officer, deputy commander of the Thirteenth Air Force, and later commander of the Seventh Air Force in the South Pacific, is no stranger to the situation in Korea. It was be- cause of his knowledge of battle tactics that he was selected by the Secretary of the Air Force and the Chief of Staff as principal military adviser to Dr. Robert L. Stearnes, president of the University of Colorado, who, recently, together with the general, conducted an evaluation and study of operations at the Korean battlefront itself. Mr. Speaker, one of my business ac- Quaintances in New York City who read the extension of my remarks in the Rrc- orp of February 7, sent me a clipping of & news article written by Gill Robb Wil- son, World War I pilot, nationally rec- ognized top-flight authority on military aviation, and now aeronautics editor of the New York Herald Tribune. Mr. Speaker, we in this House have heard much pro and con about the use of modern jet planes in the tactical sup- port of ground troops in Korea. My friend pointed out how completely the statement made by Maj. Gen. Thomas D. White, in his talk on the “Battle Re- port—Washington” program, was cor- roborated by Gill Robb Wilson in his splendid article entitled “Air Power De- cisive in Halting Chinese.” Mr. Wilson declared: “The total adds up to the the- sis that an army with controlling author- ity is almost indestructible.” Further along in his article he pointed out that interrogation of enemy prisoners in Ko- rea was a little surprising. “The con- sensus of prisoner testimony,” he said, “is that aircraft machine-gun fire, na- palm, and fragmentation bombs are the things most feared by the Chinese, and they are feared in that order.” It is because of the splendid achieve- ments of our Air Forces and the wonder. ful support which they have afforded to all ground troops in Korea that I am including herein, and 4s part of my re- marks, the short talk by Maj. Gen. Thomas D. White, as well as the article written by Mr. Gill Robb Wilson. The talk by Major General White was as follows: During the past week, there has been a marked increase in Communist air activity in Korea. More and more enemy jet aircraft of modern design have come over from their sanctuary bases in Manchuria to challenge our control of the air over North Korea. So far, they have not penetrated very far south, but thelr penetrations are getting deeper and deeper, and the quantity of aircraft com- mitted is growing larger. There are three very significant facts about these air battles now going on. Of course, the first and most important fact is that we are winning them. Our pilots repart, however, that these enemy jets are very good, high-performance airplanes, and that enemy jet pilots ere well trained. The lesson here is that we must spare no effort to continue improving our jet fighters. The second significant fact about these air battles is that many people are being re- minded of something they have been prone to forget up to now, and that is, the first and overriding responsibility of the air com- mander 1s to destroy the enemy air forces and protect our ground forces against attack by enemy aircraft. During the early days of the war in Korea, the North Korean air force ‘was small and inferior, but if it had been allowed to operate unrestricted, it could have given our ground forces plenty of trouble. However, it was quickly disposed of, and to this very day practically no United Nations soldier in Korea has ever seen any but United Nations sirplanes overhead. This very ab- senoe of effective enemy alr opposition has Caused many people to become preoccupied with the other missions of the tactical Air Force, particularly with the close support mission. These alr battles you are now reade img about underscore the threat which Gen- eral Partridge, commander of the Fifth Afr Force in Korea, has always had to be pre- pared to meet—this in addition to his dificult job of isolating the battlefield and closely supporting our ground forces. The third significant fact about this com- mitment of the Communists jet air force ts the likelihood that the Communists are try- ing to find some way to lessen the effect of our air attacks on enemy ground forces. General Stratemeyer's far west air forces are continuing to hammer the enemy on the ground, day and night, every day, as they have since the first day the Air Force was committed to combat in Korea, This sus- tained alr attack has taken a heavy toll of the enemy, and doubtless this is one of the main reasons why the Communists are now committing their jet aircraft. In summary, General Stratemeyer now has a real air battie on his hands, as well as the job of other tactical support to our ground forces. It is gratifying to see that his airmen are handling the air battle with the same high degree of effectiveness that they have been perfotming the interdiction, close-support reconnaissance, transport and evacuation missions that are also included in full-scale tactical air support. The article written by Mr. Gill Robb Wilson was as follows: _ Tus Am Woanp (By Gill Robb Wilson) AIR POWER DECISIVE IN HIALTING CHINESE While the Chinese armies were sweeping over the vastly outnumbered United Nations forces and both the Tenth Corps and the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Righth Army appeared in jeopardy of cap- ture or annthilation, the writer made the statement that an army with control of the air is almost indestructible. In the face of the situation et the time, the statement appeared to be contrary to the evidence. However, subeequent devel- opment in Korea supperted the writer's thesis. Communist advances by night were stale- mated when C-47 transports, each loaded with 150 filuminating flares, patrolled the Communist supply ines and enabled B-26 tactical bombers to strafe convoys and troops on the roads. This was the first time in aviation combat history that such an oper- ation had been attempted but it proved ex- tremely effective and brought the advancing Red armies under round-the-clock alr attack. Where United Nations troops were cut- flanked and surrounded time after time, C-118 combat transports parachuted ammu- nition and food t> the beleaguered forces, which were thus enabled to maintain them- selves against overwhelming numbers. As a result of the air attacks, the veteran coinbat-teated Chinese divisions, despite their fanatical disregard for lorses, were gradually brought to a stalemate and the Offensive again was gained by our ground forces. Air Foree estimates of casualties inflicted on the Communists during the Korean cam- paign total almost 100,000, half of which oc- ourred from November 31 to the end of the year and practically all of which were against front-line troops. “ ' There tihs been mvich conjecture as to why Chinesé artnies oddsed +0 follow the retiring United Nations armies. Some theorists at- tributed it to political reasons. Others called the Red retirement a trap. And now it ts being asked if it could be possible that United States alr power was decisive in stopping the Red Chinese armies. It seems well to let the facts speak for themselves. What army in history was able to advance with {ts supply lines constantly shredded and ita first-line troops suffering casualties of such proportion? Air power alone did not stop the over- whelming Chinese armies, but air power im- posed a large proportion of casualties on those created by heroic army and navy forces, winter weather and disease, and it supported the resistance capabilities of the surface forces. The total adds up to the thesis that “an army with control of the air is almost indestructible.” interrogation of enemy prisoners in Korea is @ little surprising. The consensus of prisoner testimony is that aircraft machine- gun Sire, napalm and fragmentation bombs are feared in that order. While it is true that a fighter plane carries 1,600 rounds of .50-caliber ammunition fring from six guns, it is news that casualties by machine-gun strafing exosed those of the terrible fire bombs and fragmentation pro- jectiles. Naturally machine-gun fire can be aimed more accurately but the napalm and fragmentation bomba, covering a wider area, were generally supposed to inflict greater damage. ; No theater of air operation ever has wit- nessed more ingenuity in the employment of tactical force than Korea. However, it must never be forgotten that atr power in Korea, even at its best, bas fought a war with one hand tied behind its back. The genius of military air power is its ability to smash sources of supply and manu- facture, ratner than merely to,aid ground forces. When Maj. Gen. Emmett O'Donnell, commander of the Far East Bomber Com- mand, returned from Korea, he made clear in his statement that Korea was a frustrat- ing field for air power because, for political reasons, {t could only be utilized in an auxiliary capacity.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Strength of the Democratic Party IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES HON. EUGENE J.KEOGH = OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 14, 1951 Mr. KEOGH. -Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following address by Representative EMANUEL CELLER at the New York State Democratic dinner hon- oring Senator Hersert H. LeHman which was held at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City on Tuesday evening, February 6: I consider it one of the greatest privileges ever accorded me to be given this oppor- tunity to say sincerely and directly what I feel about my friend and my colleague, Hersert LEHMAN. I know I do not speak for myself alone; I know I express the affec- tion and esteem in which Senator LzeHMAN is held by all m: colleagues in the House, who grace this dais. The central core of the Senator from New York is integrity. On that his friends and even his political opponents agree. It is the rarest quality of man. It is this quality, so easily recognized and so eagerly applauded, which has carried the Senator from post to post of highest distinction. Let me point out here that in 1928 when Herbert was elected to the post of Lieutenant Governor in the State of New York, he received a plurality of 14,000 votes. Two years later he was reelected with a plurality of 565,000 votes. From 1932 to 1942 he served as Gov- ernor of the Empire State, and the peoples of the State with its millions of population bestowed upon him the respect, admiration, and affection that cannot be rivaled by any man now in public life in the State of New York. In marked tribute to their former Gover- nor, to the Director of UNRRA, to his hu- manitarianism, to the strength of his mind and heart, the people of the State of New York sent him to the Senate despite the fact that fortune had smiled upon the opposition party in other election contests. Herserr LEHMAN 1s a vote-getter, the po- liticos say. Certainly. But why? Not by reason of a shallow glamor. Not by reason of high-powered public-relation counsels. Not by reason of political bargaining, but by reason of his integrity. The country and the State and the party owe much to Senator LEHMAN, and we acknowledge our debt proudly. Thinking about Senator LzHMan, I found myself thinking about the Democratic Party as a whole. I determined then to speak out about some of the aspects, some of the he- havior patterns, which seem to be develop- ing within the party itself. I reviewed the last election returns and I came to the fol- lowing conclusions: (1) We have not taken sufficient pride in both the tradition and the work of the Democratic Party; (2) the strength of the Democratic Party lies in its proclamation of principles--the Democratic platform of 1948—and in their fulfillment; (8) the election returns of 1960 have been misinterpreted as a loss in Democratic strength. Let me quote from the Democratic Party platform of 1948: “Ours is the party which rebuilt a@ shattered economy, rescued our banking system, revived our agriculture, re- invigorated our industry, gave labor strength and security, and led the American people to the broadest prosperity in our history.” We have been the party in power since 1933, with a 2-year interval of congressional Republican domination. We remained in office and were returned to office on the strength of our fulfillment of the belief (and I quote again from the Democratic plat- form of 1948) “that democracy-——-when dedi cated to the service of all and not to a privileged few—proves its supertority over all other forms of government” and further “to provide leadership in the world toward & realization of the ‘four freedoms.’ ” These are the principles to which Senator Lenman adhered until his name has become synonmous with these principles. The elec- tion of Senator Leman to the Senate proves conclusively where the strength of the Demo- cratic Party Hes, both in the integrity of its principles and the integrity of the men who adhere to them. Senator Lenman never forgot that upon our adherence to the New Deal of President Roosevelt and the Fair Deal of President Truman depends the allegiance of the people to the Democratic Party, then we are deny- ing the ultimate source of our strength. If we do not adhere to the principles originally enunciated and summced up in the word “‘Ilb- eralism,” we are erasing that vivid line of distinction between two political parties and making !t a matter of indifference to the voter of which party occupies which seat. The issues are clearly drawn—prosperity for the many as against privileges for the few; competitive free enterprise as against monopoly; social and political equity of op- portunity as against social irresponsibility; civil liberties as against individual repres- sion. The Democratic Party has a proud record—a record which again and again and again was placed before the public and ap- proved When the people tried republi- canism for 2 years, they quickly repudiated the change and turned once more to the Democratic Party. With enthusiasm, vision, imagination, the courage to experiment, the Democratic Party stirred the peoples’ pulses and gave them an interest in government which had lain dormant in the earlier years of Republican control. I maintain, moreover, that the 1950 elec- tion returns was not an indication that the Democratic Party with its principles of lib- eralisms has been repudiated by the people. As Mr. Bean puts ft, 1950, the Democratic uptrend continues. There has been no re- pudiation of New Deal's and Fair Deal’s sv- cial and economic policiés. In all midterm elections, & normal loss of 25 to 30 seats of the party in power is expected. In 1960 the Democrats actually lost 28 seats In the House. T repeat, this was no more than was to be expected. Let it be noted, in fact, that while the party in power lost a net of 71 seats in 1948, 46 in 1942, and 55 in 1946, in 1950 it lest only 28. In the midterm elections of 1938, 1942, and 1946, the number of Democratic seats went down from 332 in 1932 to 188 in 1946. It still holds true that the larger the vote, the more Democratic votes are cast. While there was a turn-out of approximately 41,- 000,000, a larger turn-out than in previous mid-term elections, the fact still remains that in view of population increases, there was still a definite lack in the number of votes cast, Again, let me note that between 1944 and 1948 the number of Democrats increased from 242 to 262 and that between 1946 and 1960 it increased from 188 to 234. Here are two 4-year spans, evidencing the upward trend of the Democratic Party continues. In the Senate careful analysis proves the same thing. Normally in an off-year election, the party out of power picks up four or five seats. The Senate in the 1850 election gained five. Here again we find that the number of Democratsstaying home in industrial areas played a large part and that the turnout in the midyear election continues with the A155 national apathy which we must strive to overcome. Last night the Republicans had a box sup- per shindig in Washington. There was much hysterical screeching against us, carping, nag- ging criticlems without the slightest shred of responsibility. These past masters of fiddie-faddio have a 20/20 vision in their hindsight. They are the usual Monday morning quarterbacks. They were madder than the hind feathers of a hen in a high wind. Well, let's keep ‘em mad—by sticking to our principles, and we'll box them in again, with Truman in 1952, as we did ‘n 1048, The source of the strength of the Demo- cratic Party, I cannot emphasize sufficiently, lies in its clear-cut and well-defined adop- tion of the principles of the New and Fair Deals We must not lower the distinction between our party and the opposition party. We have an identity as a party which the people have embraced. More than that, that identity has gained the country many [friends abroad. More than the money we have been able to give or even the food we have sent, this identity as o Mberal party of a party whose concern with the people as a whole has been demonstrated by legislation and execu- tive action, has more than any one factor enabled the people of other countries to with- stand Communist lles about the United States. This identity is as valuable to us, and I'm speaking of practical politics now, as is the trademark, or a copyright, or a patent granted to a commercial enterprise. Our tribute tonight to Senator Leaman bespeaks plainly our recognition of his strength not only as a personality but as a leader in the Democratic Party. He has set an example to all of us, and we the New York Democratic delegation in the House humbly acknowledge our debt to him. Speech of Mr. Homer D. Crotty, President, State Bar of California EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PATRICK J. HILLINGS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 14, 1951 Mr. HILLINGS. Mr. Speaker, the sup- porters of a socialistic government in this country are now threatening to carry their totalitarian practices into the legal profession. Many members of the bench and bar throughout America are very much concerned over the attempt to bring about socialized law in this country, The socialization of the legal profession would destroy the very background of our American independence and individual freedom. I am including in my remarks a recent address before the annual meeting of the Bar Association of San Francisco last month by Mr. Homer D. Crotty, of San Marino, Calif., an outstanding lawyer and president of the State bar of Cali- fornia. In his address Mr. Crotty dis- cusses the threat to the legal profession and to our American way of life. I recommend his remarks to all of the Members of the Congress. The address follows: I would like to analyze a few of the ten- dencies which affect the lives as well as the practices of the lawyer today and which, if
A756 unchecked, may prove disastrous to the pro- fession. So that we may have a proper perspective, let me make a few comparisons. It was just 60 yeare ago this month when Queen Vic- toria died. The age of Victoria has been looked at from various points of view. Some feel it to be a bit comical; others a hopelessly reactionary period; and still others look back at it as the age in which a few people en- joyed a very good life with its attendant magnificence—a high standard which will never be seen There was then an air of stability which seems totally lacking in this age of security seekers. It is difficult now to understand why Gladstone, a few years before Victoria died, remarked that he had presided over a revolution. That great liberal, it is admitted, would be utterly be- wildered today. The Victorian age repre- sented an ordered society in which most people thoroughly belHeved. Everywhere there was an increasing prosperity—-a con- fl‘ence in the age and in the future. No feeling of danger in the acceptance of new ideas disturbed anyone. The idea of prog- reas was accepted without question. There was, moreover, profound belief in the value of our western civilization; in ite free demo- cratic institutions, its humanitarianism, and its obedience to law. There was no doubt that all was right with the world, and if a few flaws were pointed out by the critics, those were merely squeaks in the machinery which could be oiled and eliminated. What hes happened to this confidence in an ordered society? Today we have seen ths most unbelievable progress in the sci- ences, both pure and applied. The advances in medicine alone would have been consid~ ered by the Victorians as fantastic. The ra- pidity of communication and travel are breathtaking. The edvances in the weapons of war have been appalling. But, now, we talk more about the collapse of civilization than of its continued upward progress. We await with increasing anxiety the advent of chaos. In the interim be- tween Victoria's age and ours have occurred the two most destructive wars in history and their concomitant ills. There have been the most outrageous cruelties inflicted upon hu- man beings since the Middle Ages and be- fore. Tremendous masses of people have been murdered or have been moved from their ancestral homes for no better reason than the whim of a despot or from motives o* revenge. Propaganda has developed to the ultimate in mendacity. Our conception of an ordered society has broken down. In the international field we see all na- tions preparing for another war (if they are not already engaged), more cataclysmic in its horrors than anything heretofore imag- ined. There is a profound fear and unrest in the world, The quest for security has never been greater, and to attain it many things will be sacrificed. Sometimes I won- der whether in this quest for security, and in the willingness to make sacrifices to get it, we should not recall that the chained watchdog is the most vociferous guardian of his miserable status. What I would like to pursue are some of the ideas which were held by an insignifi- cant minority in the Victorian era and which today are so pervasive and 60 strong. The effect of these ideas upon the legal profes- sion has been profound. These ideas, I sub- mit, have had more than a little to do with the breakdown of an ordered society. Re- gardiess of whether or not we are at war, these ideas have exercised their corroding influences. As we go into this coming diffi- cult era, known as the garrison state, let us hope their progress can be arrested. I will discuss them in the following order; First. To insure justice for all, the legal profession should be supported and directed by the State, Second. Private property in land should be abolished, Third. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax should be im 5 Fourth. Inheritance should be abolished. The second, third and fourth of these are taken verbatim from the Communist Mani- festo of 1848, and the first from the general philosophy of the Socialists. Moreover, the influence of these four ideas has been world- wide. The protagonists for these ideas were orig- inally the Soctalists. In Europe, before the Hitler regime, they were adopted by the Social Democrats, and later by the Nazis. In England they are the principles of the Labor Party, and tn America of the Socialist Party, and I think it will be seen as I go on that a considerable number of Democrats as well as Republicans adhere to some of their offshoots. First of all, let us examine the first idea— to ingure justice for all, the legal profession should be supported and directed by the State. At the outset, all will agree that every person, whether or not he is able to af- ford @ fee, is entitled to the services of a lawyer. The board of governors of the State bar has gone on record to this effect and at its November 1950 meeting has declared that all lawyers should support legal aid and lawyer reference service with time or money or both. The need of the public must be supplied by our profession and not by the state, For the bar to fail its obligations to all, is simply suicidal. If the bar will aid only those who can pay & fee, it must expect the inevitable socialization of the profession, with state support and state direction. We have in theory the view that all the public, wealthy or indigent, is entitled to legal serv- ice. In practice it develops that with too few exceptions, only those who can pay are to be served. This attitude recalls the deep irony of Anatole France who said, “The law, in its majestic equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor to beg in the streets, to sleep under bridges, and to steal bread.” Because of what has happened to the pro- fession in other lands, there is a far greater awareness of the dangers to the bar in this country than formerly, We have witnessed the liquidation of the organized bar in many countries. Behind the iron curtain, associa~ tions of lawyers have disappeared from one end of the area to the other. In serving 4& client the lawyer in these lands must first consider whether the interest of the state is involved. If it is, the state’s need, not his client's is served. Those countries have, ad- ditionally, that travesty of Justice known as the People's Courts. In Great Britain, along with its other nationalization programs, has come the first step in socializing its bar. This one js particularly seductive, and likely to appeal to our state planners here. The English plan is administered through the law society and the government is the pay- master, in those cases where the fee cannot be found from other sources. There was an overwhelming rush of English lawyers to climb on the gravy train, for, at least, fees were to be guaranteed and paid by the state. How much independence can be expected from # bar which has so willingly accepted the kiss of death? When the more moderate administrators are replaced in England by the more socially-minded, you may be sure the bar will go along with greater and more crushing restrictions, or be made to. One may sry that such could never happen in the United States. My answer is that it could. There are powerful advocates of this very course for us. One can expect that at many legislative sessions this year, through~ out the Nation, there will be attempts to institute thia socialized law. The answer of our profession should be immediate and total resistance. But more positively, we should advance vigorously the legal atd and lawyer reference plans which are being sponsored by the State bar. San Francisco has had both for a number of years. By a judicious amount of adver- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tising their usefulness could be expanded considerably. Our State bar is actively en- gaged in sponsoring this work throughout the State. We have before us the example of New Jersey, where last year these services were inetituted in every county of that State. At least, let our answer to this program of socialism be firm and positive. We should not be swept into the flood like a lot of un- resisting corks, to be gathered into an eddy and disposed of at the will of the State. This program of ours must go on, regardless of whether there is a war or whether we live in a garrison state. The second idea~—private property in land should be abolished—at first blush seems to be @ very remote prospect in this country, but is it really remote? Let us see how that idea has spread. In those countries in which the views of the Second International pre- dominate, the course is gradual and insidi- ous nationalization. The great industries of transportation and communication are the favorite first targets, then come coal, steel, gas, electricity, banking, and then all means of production and distribution, and finally the retail outlets and the land itself. Where the Bolsheviks gainod control, the take-over was drastic and catastrophic. All real prop- erty and most forms of personal property were seized by the State, without compen- sacion. The frightful suffering caused by the economic upheaval which followed was considered merely an incident to the liqui- dation process. Latterly the Soviets permit ownership of personal property and a few forms of real-estate holdings. When it comes to the socialization of property, you can take your choice-—the slow and creeping methods of the Soctalist International, or the vio- lence of the Red International. Perhaps we might hear that this wide- spread seizure never would happen in Eng- Jand, but to answer this, listen to the plans of the Labor Party. In 1948, to mark the centenary of the first publication of the Communist manifesto in 1848, the Labor Party of Great Britain issued a special edi- tion in English of that important corner- stone of both internationals. Among other things cited to show the achievement of certain aims of the manifesto, the Labor Party, in a foreword to the manifesto, stated: “Abolition of private property in land has long been a demand of the labor movement, A heavy progressive income tax is being en- forced by the present Labor Government as a@ means of achieving social Justice. We have gone far towards the abolition of the right of inheritance by our heavy death duties.” (Communtst Manifesto Socialist Landmark, p. 7, London (1948) .) Not even a notable deficit 1s a deterrent to nationalization. Witness the British coal industry. Only a few years ago England ex- ported coal. It is true that not all mines then made a profit. But what do we see to- day—the entire industry operated at a loss and the country importing coal. The end is not yet. We seem to be strangely influenced by our English models. So I suggest that the further drift to socialization be fought at every step. If it is to continue, the legal profession can expect to become employees of the state. Where the state owns the industry, who but government-employed lawyers advise that industry? When there is but one buyer or one seller of a commod- ity for the entire nation, as in Soviet Rus- sta, it is submitted that the field of com- mercial practice will be limited. There may be some comfort to be found in the change of position in some few re- spects in the Soviet Union with regard to limited ownership of private property. Evyi- dently the Kremlin discovered that with all incentive gone, an equality of misery did not work and that same incentive must be pro- vided. Thus we have the Stakhonovites, who get exceptional rewards for exceptiunal work, On the other hand, there is Siberia awalting the sluggard or the disobedient. Capitaiism
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD still provides the incentives, although these are being whittled unmercifully by the in- come tax. But we do not have any con- venient Siberia to which to send the re- calcitrants, The third idea which was absorbed by the democracies from the Communist manifesto with the greatest fervor is the imposition of a heavy, progressive or graduated income tax. The theory behind this point of the manifesto was that through this means so0- cial justice would be achieved. Using sim- ple English, this means the elimination of the wealthy and middle class through this brutally effective device. You will note the reference above to the program of the Labor Party in Great Britain, that the heavy, pro- gressive income tax there is being enforced by the labor government as a means of achieving social justice. When our Federal income tax was first adopted in 1913, the maximum rate was 7 percent on the net in- come, Today the rate in the topmost brack- et has gone to 91 percent, In England, with certain refinements—the rate has gone to the point where a total net income, after taxes, is limited to approximately 824,000 in our money. Through the use of a special tax in 1948 it was possible for the government to take more than 100 percent of certain in- comes. In this range the rates ran up to 125 percent of the income, and involved nate urally the use of certain capital to pay the income tax. In the case of a trust for Lady Mountbatten, an act of Parliament was nec- essary to permit the trustees to use part of their trust corpus to pay the income tax for that year. " No political party, except perhaps the Com- muniste, has been so frank as has the Labor Government in England to denominate the progressive income tax as a means of elim- inating the wealthy and well-to-do, but it can no longer be doubted that these trends are firmly on the march in this country. It can be confidently prophesied, unless the people take a stand, that the same maximum income limitation will be enforced here as in England. Bare-faced confiscation of income would be resented violently, but the achieve- ment of the same purpose by a progressive income tax is deemed eminently respectable and politically desirable, For example, it was calculated under wartime rates that for a person to leave an estate of $100,000, rep- resenting 20 years’ accumulations, he would have to have annual net earnings, without counting any living expenses, of $32,000 a year. To leave an estate of $1,000,000 rep- resenting income accumulations over the same 20-year period, he would have to have @ net income of $1,075,000 per annum, and spend nothing that is not deductible. The regult of this progressive income tax has made it almost impossible for lawyers any longer to leave much of an estate, except possibly through the medium of life insur- ance. The same thing is true of their clients, who will face the same difficulty of accumu- lation through tncome. Capital gains ap- pear to be the only way out. Corporate earn- ings have not been treated s0 ruthlessly, on the theory that the goose whtch lays the golden egg should not be crippled. Here again I feel that a very important incentive in American life is being eliminated by fol- lowing this doctrine of the Communist mani- festo, and a firm stand should be taken against further increases in income taxes. It ig true that great sacrifices are de- manded and should be cheerfully given for our country at war, but it is submitted that the burden of these sacrifices should not rest unduly on either the wealthy or the middle classes, A retail sales tax would pro- duce far more income than the income tax, Canada has a retail sales tax of 6 percent. Mr. Peter Drucker has suggested & consump- tion tax of 20 percent. It has been stated re- cently that if all incomes in excess of $100,- 000 were taxed 100 percent, the amount raised would be not more than $900,000,000. On the other hand, !f all Incomes of over $25,000 were taxed 100 percent, the tax would raise approximately #5,500,000,000—perhaps only a down payment on our war program. If Congress really wants to control inflation it can be done by taxation but not solely by taxation on incomes. The elimination of incentives because of the tax rate should here important adverse effects on American a, The fourth idea, that inheritance should be abolished, was put into effect in Soviet Russia soon after the Bolsheviks seized pow- er. Elsewhere in the world, it has taken the more socially acceptable form of inheritance taxes. Let us examine this point in detail. Were it to be advocated that in the United States or in California that all inheritance of property should be abolished, the outcry against such a doctrine would be earsplitting. Yet when a procedure to accomplish essen- tially the same purpose is dressed up in the form of inheritance taxation there is almost universal acceptance of the principle and practically no sound of protest, Perhaps it seems pleasant that this route of expropria- tion is reserved for the wealthy. There are, after all, only a few who are wealthy. The tax is introduced at a nominal rate, In 1916 the top Federal rate was 10 percent, Time after time the rates have been ad- vanced, and now the effect is felt not only by the wealthy but by the middle classes as well. Today the top bracket has 77 percent carved from it (exclusive of credits). Nearly every- one expects the advances to continue. The amount of taxes raised by the estate and inheritance taxes is not large. Indeed, the whole amount produced by the Federal estate tax, it has been estimated, is about the same as the amount disbursed for the potato growers subsidy (172 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, No. 4968, Mayo Adams Shattuck, pp. 1,34 #f.). In California, in 1948, the total death and gift tax collections were slightly over $20,000,000, altogether clear that the purpose of inheritance, estate, and gift taxes is principally social reform, and only incidentally, revenue raising. Our people have decided apparently to eliminate the man of wealth. There are still quite a few wealthy dinosaurs above ground, whose de- mise the tax gatherers eagerly await. There is for all practical purposes no re- treat in this march, for the people appear convinced of its righteousness. But the question remains, not whether substantial estates are to be all but confiscated, but whether the social reformers, regardless of party, are to extend their activities to elim- inate the middle class. Should not the line be held at not greater than the rates pro- vided in the present laws? If not, then please ask yourselves, how far will our law makers go? Will they carry out the mandate of the Communist manifesto, that inheri- tance shall be abolished by the more accept- able but equally effective method of taxa- tion? If it is abolished, may we not assume that probate of estates will be a truly min- isterial function, to be handled solely by the tax bureaus? It is interesting to note that the realists in the Kremlin have retreated. They followed literally the Communist Manifesto and abol- ished all inheritances in 1918. But this law was abrogated 4 years later by a new law which permitted inheritances up to 10,000 rubles for each estate. Three yeurs later, the 10,000 ruble limit was removed and now no Umit is imposed. The Russian inheritance tax formerly ran up to 90 percent, In 1648, the tax was abolished and now only a filing fee is charged, running to a maximum of 10 per- cent on the largest estates. (Social Meaning of Legal Concepte—1. Inheritance of Prop~ erty and the Power of Testamentary Dispo- sition, pp. 8, 4.) What the values of indi- vidual estates are now in the Soviet Union, I do not know. In 1948 the London Econ- omist reported several 1,000,000 ruble contri- A757 butions to the Russian war relef from farmers. So we must assume there are a number of substantial holdings. The four ideas which I have mentioned above, are particular instances where the creeping paralysis of the Socialist Interna- tional] is affecting our society in general and our legal profession in particular, I sincerely believe that the American people are thoroughly aroused over the dangers from the Third International, and that a violent overthrow of our Government is inconceivable. But why are they so com. placent about the aims of the Seconda Inter- national, the aims of which accomplish the purpose of the Red International, not by revolution, but by the insidious routes of nationalization and taxation? Is confisca~- tion unrecognizable when it happens grad- ually? May I ask what room there will be for lawyers if the nationalization process is complete, if the Government becomes the only buyer or the sole seller, if incomes and estates are reduced to the vanishing point, except a position as a Government employee? Perhaps the fulfillment of these ideas may seem remote at this time. If so, please com-~ pare the situation in England, in the United States, and in California, between 1950 and 1940. Then make a comparison with 19380, and each preceding decade back to 1900, and you will be startled by the progress. I submit that the burden of supporting our war program should be distributed equi- tably and not used as a means of acceler- ating social reform. Other effective reve- nue-producing means can be devised, It 1s hoped that the lawyers will protest vigorously the persistent advance both on State and national levels to hold off further encroachments of the ideas of the Socialist International. We should object strenu- ously to a philosophy that will reduce us to an equality of misery. If we take no steps to hold the line, you may be sure that the profession will be swirled about like leaves in a storm, and with about the same fate. In conclusion, may I urge upon you an increasing interest and activity in public affairs. Nothing ia more important in our dally lives. We should give these matters the same attention we give to the interest of our clients. If we do not, we may be sure progress in these four ideas will be progres- sively overwhelming. If we retire to our corners in dudgeon, we can only expect @ more rapid progress in their fulfillment. Let the lawmaker know your views. That, at least, will be a start in holding the line, We cannot afford to be apathetic. Postal Employees’ Pay Increase EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE D. O’BRIEN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 14, 1951 Mr. O'BRIEN of Michigan. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I include the following editorial from the Detroit News: Tury Eann More Pay The postal service is everybody's business, and any proposal likely to improve that service should have the support of all. Postal employees are notoriously under- paid in the light of today's wage standards, Many are reported to be leaving the service to take better-paying jobs; in Detroit alone 850 have quit since last July. Because of the poor pay—the workers say they must put in 11 years to get the top of