A3794 “To the greatest extent possible, consist- ent with that point, it has been my aim to try to increase trade with other coun- tries, particularly in commodities that are not produced here at home, and where there is an unfulfilled need. “T have received many messages from Wis- consin businesses which are deeply concerned with recent policies adopted by the adminis- tration for the reckless slashing of trade barriers. These folks, both businessmen and unions, as well as individual workers, are concerned lest in our zeal to promote world commerce we lose sight of the following facts: “(a) America has the highest standard of living in the world. “(b) American wages are, generally speak- ing, the highest in the world. “(c) The largest element in the cost of any commodity is, generally speaking, the cost of labor. “(d) If foreign countries using inexpen- sive labor at what amounts to serf prices, can have tariffs lowered appreciably, they can literally flood many American items off the markets. “Mr, President, I am not an alarmist, but I do not want to underestimate this situa- tion * * *. I have protested many times to the United States Tariff Commission against particular tariff slashes, but usually my protests have fallen on deaf ears, and the same holds true in the case of my appeals to the White House.” Senator WitEy then read the Boot and Shoe Workers’ letter into the ConGREssioNaL Recorp, commenting that “‘the letter speaks for itself about cheap foreign shoes flooding American markets, and that is why I have requested unanimous consent that it be printed in the Rrcorn.” It is encouraging to note that Wisconsin’s very able senior Senator has taken up the fight for the State’s boot and shoe workers with the same zeal and enthusiasm which characterized his fight for the dairy farmers of Wisconsin. Manufacturers, individual workers, and the State’s thousands of farmers should take heart in the knowledge that Senator WiLEY is doing more than just passing the time of day in the United States Senate. Residents of Chippewa Falls should be doubly proud of the courageous fight which ALEXANDER Wrry is waging to protect the interests of his constituents, Force Against the Public EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FORREST C. DONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there may be inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial appearing in the Kansas City Times of May 11, 1950, the concluding sentence of which refers to the firemen’s recent strike, saying: If the Federal Government is unable to pro- tect its people in such an emergency, the time has come for new legislation. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Force AGAINST THE PUBLIC On an outright featherbedding issue the firemen’s brotherhood has stopped service on four major railroads. From coast to coast hundreds of cities and towns are leit with- out railroad service. Industries depending on these four lines face the prospect of shut- down. Passenger travel is disrupted. The responsibility for drastic action checks to Washington. If the President has no power to act, as he claims, then the issue is in the lap of Congress. Until now there has been no way to com- promise with the union. It has delivered an ultimatum and stands on it. The key demand which is a third man on each Diesel locomotive, is the strategic point of attack in a general movement to spread the feather- bedding practice through the Nation’s rail- road systems. The brotherhood couldn’t have chosen a clearer example to show the American pub- lic how featherbedding works. A second man, a firemen, is already car- ried on a Diesel as a safety factor. An en- gineer alone could operate the locomotive with normal safety. If he should suffer a heart attack or lose his faculties for any reason the automatic device is on hand to stop the train as soon as his foot leaves the pedal. But where many lives are in- volved the precaution of an extra man is justified. Automatic devices sometimes fail. So a second man is on hand for some rare emergency. A third man could serve no purpose what- ever. He would just go along for the ride and draw his pay. That is featherbed- ding. The third man on all the Diesels would account for an annual expense of $40,000,U00 @ year. If the firemen’s brotherhood can have its way on this issue it has softened the resist- ance to many other demands. Its drive is to make jobs for extra men. The only way the railroads could pay such mounting costs is by increasing freight rates and fares that are already too high. The claim for a third man on a Diesel has not been supported anywhere outside the brotherhood’s leaders. It has gone to two Presidential fact-finding boards and has been turned down by both. The movement started back in 1939. A board appointed by President Roosevelt held that no purpose would be served by a third man on a Diesel. The demand persisted. In 1949 a board appointed by President Tru- man heard the arguments and found against the brotherhood. This is no ordinary labor dispute in which you have good arguments on both sides. Left without any support for its argument the firemen’s brotherhood is determined to have its way by force. The victims are literally millions of people who depend di- rectly or indirectly on the service of four major railroads. If the Federal Government is unable to protect its people in such an emergency the time has come for new legislation. Point 4 and Southeast Asia EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HARLEY M. KILGORE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. KILGORE. Mr. President, when President Truman launched the idea of the point 4 program, to give technical assistance to underdeveloped areas of the world, he summed up the American hope APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for worid stability in these stirring words: Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoples of the world into triumphant action, not only against their human oppressors, but also against their ancient enemies—hunger, misery, and despair. These words gain their fullest meaning when the problems of the underdeveloped areas are brought out into the open and studied from the viewpoint of the people in those areas. Raden Sudjatmcko, acting chief of the Indonesian Observer’s Mission to the United Nations, made a statement on April 15, 1950, before the fifty-fourth annual meeting of the American Acad- emy of Political and Social Science, giv- ing his own viewpoint on the point 4 pro- gram in its relation to the problems of southeast Asia. Because I believe our participation in the point 4 program must be guided by the fullest knowledge of the problems we face, I wish to call attention to Raden Sudjatmoko’s views and ask unanimous consent that excerpts from his address Point Four and Southeast Asia may be printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp. There being no objection, the excerpts * were ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: Point 4 any SourHmast ASIA Before beginning my remarks, I want to make it clear, that what I have to say tonight is entirely my own personal view, and does not in any way reflect the views or opinions of my government. Point 4 is the assertion of faith in a world based on the recognition of mutual inter- dependency of all nations, economically and politically. It is inspired by the belief that if a new world is to emerge from the present chaos, it will have to be a world of peace and general prosperity so that the peoples of the world can live in freedom and dignity. The opportunities are there. In southeast Asia especially, where the people have shaken off their chains and laid the first political foun- dations for such a life, they are eager to get to work and reap the material and spiritual fruits which freedom can bring. The opportunities are tremendous, the re- sponsibilities are equally great. Once this program is undertaken, we cannot afford to fail. The political loss to this country, to the nations which would benefit from this pro- gram, and to the rest of the world, would be far too serious. All this puts a burden of tremendous re- sponsibility on the governments and peoples which will participate in this venture. For the United Nations, this means the necessity of reconciling the hasic conceptual differences still present despite the unanimous vote of acceptance of the United Nations technical assistance program. It will be the task of the United Nations to keep this endeavor as much as possible out of the areas of conflict besetting the world organization. For the governments of the underdevel- oped countries participating in this program, the responsibilities are equally clear, These would entail the necessity of achieving po- litical stability, the necessity of fulfilling honorably and scrupulously their interna~ “tlonal obligations, and the early establish- ment of well-functioning administrations. But they also entail their responsibility to- ward their own peoples, the necessity of en- suring their own economic development and the raising of their own peoples’ standards of living. It will be the responsibility of these governments to carry through those changes in the social and economic structure which
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD are indispensable for solving the problems of poverty in these areas, and to stimulate and channel the constructive forces in this direc- tion. * * * * * The reemergence of Asia in the world is a permanent phenomenon. Asia’s political crystallization and stabilization, its eco- nomic development are bound to take place in the irreversible course of history. The big question facing both the peoples of Asia and the peoples of the economically more ad- vanced countries is how this crystallization and stabilization and how this economic de- velopment will be consummated, and in what direction they will go. The political and social forces now at work in southern Asia push for an early solution to the problems of immense poverty aggravated in many parts of that area by a tremendous popula- tion pressure, to the problems created by the out-dated, out-moded methods of produc- tion and the general low productivity of la- bor, to the problem of land tenure, and in general to the problems created by the dis- torted colonial economy, and to the prob- lems arising out of the aftermath of World War It. No government in that area of the world can hope to achieve stability if these problems are not faced and solved in some manner or other. It was the fact that these problems could not he resolved within the framework of the colonial relationship that made the revolution in Asia a historical necessity. Now that the release from colo- nal domination has been won, the answers to these problems can only be found within the .framework of a new society, through social reforms, and through economic devel- opment. But how can these goals be achieved? Once this is clear: The main bur- den will fall on us, but the question of whether we will be aided by other countries in this process will be of crucial importance. * * * * * The problems of southern Asia are there, cold war or no cold war. The question of how we will solve these problems, how soon, and by what means, the answers to these questions will determine what southeast Asia’s position will be in the struggle be- tween dictatorship and democracy. There- fore, the fate of southeast Asia will not be determined by its alinement with any power blocs but by the outcome of our own war, our own war against poverty and misery. Or, to put it another way, the political and so- cial structure with which Asia will even- tually emerge will be that structure which gives the answer to the problems of poverty. It should not be overlooked that by the very nature of the revolution in Asia, which is a struggle for a life of freedom, there is an inherent determination to reject subservi- ence to foreign domination or foreign influ- ence, be it from The Hague, London, Paris, Washington, or Moscow. It is perfectly clear that one of the elements of the upheaval in southern Asia is the desire for greater popu- lar self expression, and therefore for .democ- racy. Thus, the best contribution that southeast Asia can make to the cause of peace and democratic.development is to an- swer successfully the immediate political and economic problems with which she is confronted. This preoccupation with na- tional problems is not only justified, but is the only course open, and no government there could survive the relegation of these problems to a secondary level. Therefore, at- tempts to draw the countries of southern Asia into the immediate orbit of the cold war, as, for example, the pressure on these coun- tries to recognize Bao Dai, can only deflect them from following the sole constructive course open to them. It is against this background that point four has been launched. The psychological and political pattern of the southeast Asian scene demonstrates that in the eyes of the peoples of southern Asia, point four cannot be separated from their reactions to other policies toward this area. If point four is jJaunched on the assumption that economic aid is the best means of bringing about early stabilization and democratic development, then it should be made clear to them that the other aspects of American policy in southeast Asia are consistent with this pro- gram. The time is past when policy with regard to southeast Asia could be based ex- clusively on the requirements of policy in Europe. These political realities must be taken into account; they have to be dealt with before we even start thinking about implementing point four. But apart from these political factors, there are also equally important so- cial and economic factors involved in the revolution in Asia, and planing for point four must embrace consideration of these factors as well. Colonial society, the legacy left to us, was a@ plural society without any organic coher- ence. It was comprised of distinct social strata, fundamentally separated by the dif- ferentiation of economic functions, a divi- sion which actually tended to fall alorfg racial lines. There was the top layer com- posed of Europeans, who maintained the estates or other businesses, or were involved in the administration of the colonial gov- ernment. The middle class consisted almost entirely of nonindigenous Asians, usually Chinese or Indians, who were mainly con- cerned with local retail trade. On the bot- tom layer was the native population which was tied up with the economic machinery only insofar as that contributed to the func- tioning of foreign capital enterprise. In many ways this third layer lived in an en- tirely different world, in a precapitalistic one, on the fringes of the economic processes taking place in that country. Because there was no organic coherence among the social strata, the different races lived side by side, tied to each other only by the common. desire for gain. The center of economic and po- litical activity was located entirely in the European upper class and the foreign Asiastic middle class. The native population played a@ passive role: they were the object of eco- nomic forces over which they had no con- trol. On the part of the native population there was no sense of participation in or responsibility for the functioning of the ma- chinery of state or its economic processes, Life for the native was senseless and pur- poseless. The total reaction against this personal and collective frustration is the most domi- nant and the deepest-rooted feature of the present revolution in Asia. The reach for power on the part of the native population is in fact the reach for a new life, It is the dominating urge of a people for self-expres- sion. The revolution in Asia was born out of the peoples’ desire for responsibility for their own lives, opening up old sources of creative energy. This psychological element in the rebirth of Asia should not be underes- timated in any evaluation of the forces at work in Asia today. Collectively this up- heaval in Asia also means a new surge toward unity, toward social coherence, a desire to break up the social organization and strati- fication of the past and achieve a new social reintegration. It means the formation of a society which will be the expression of the indigenous peoples themselves, a society in which the people can participate fully with a@ true sense of purpose. Social change is therefore the essential, the premordial ele- ment in this re-emergence of Asia. * * * * s The direction in which the political and social forces in Asia move, is clear. To cope with the present situation in Asia, any gov- ernment will first of all have to exert. every A3795 effort to transform the distorted colonial economy into a well-balanced, diversified one. The choice of the resources to be de- veloped must be determined by the human needs of the area involved. Never again will alien economic forces be permitted to work without social control, taking into account their responsibility for the social and eco- nomic consequences of their activities for the indigenous peoples. There must be found a new and equitable balance between the function and the remuneration of for- eign capital. All economic enterprise will have to be part of the total economic and social fabric and cannot be allowed to op- erate as alien entities. Economic processes in these new states of Asia will have to en- compass the people as a whole. One can- not underestimate this trend. It is a fact, it is one of the fundamental realities of the situation in southern Asia. It reflects the fundamental attitudes which were condi- tioned by the bitter experiences of our own contact with outside economic forces in the colonial era in the past. Now we will have to find a new basis for our relationship with foreign capital, a basis which at the same time would provide foreign capital with a foundation upon which it can fruitfully and safely build for mutual benefit. To ignore these trends as they present themselves in southern Asia would mean building in the air. Instead of thinking in terms of the interests of the foreign investor exclusively, as was the case Under the colo- nial set-up, we should now think in terms of mutual interests. Instead of exclusive foreign ownership of the new enterprises we should rather think in terms of joint ven- tures, providing opportunities for indigenous capital accumulation, local managerial train- ing and the development of local skills. We will also have to find those forms of economic enterprise in which the population itself will participate to a greater degree. Such joint ventures will be an important contribution to over-all stability. In this way foreign Capital’s apprehensions about the dangers of nationalization will be greatly diminished. It will also be necessary for the local gov- ernment to stimulate indigenous economic endeavor. Because of the lack of local capi- tal, it may be necessary in the beginning for the Government to step in temporarily to provide the necessary capital. The Gov- ernment shares of such enterprises could then be floated at a later date. Those forms of economic enterprises will then have to be found whicn will leave a sufficient margin for capital accumulation for the indigenous economy. The absence of any native eco- nomic bargaining power will make it im- possible at this moment to work on the basis of an economic free-for-all. It is es~ sential that those goods be produced and those resources developed which are most needed by the people. A system of priori- ties will therefore be necessary. * * * * * Economic development necessarily brings in its wake social dislocations of a more or less serious nature. In fact, the whole proc- ess is in the first place a social process, the speed and success of which are determined not only by purely economic factors but by the factors which are related to the psycho- logical atmosphere, the level of education, the level of health, etc. Because of this wide impact, the whole process of economic devel- opment calls for an integrated approach. In many ways we will have to find, as we go along, those forms of economic enterprise which are equally beneficial to the foreign investor and to the indigenous peoples, and which still retain sufficient attractiveness for foreign capital. Incentives for foreign capital will not be Jacking, incentives in the form of transfer- ability of a substantial part of the profits, and repatriation of invested capital. The
A3796 governments will also have to safeguard the interests of foreign investors and guarantee that there will be no expropriation without fair and reasonable compensation. The pro« cedure for nationalization is not, after all, an arbitrary step taken by a government, but a parliamentary measure, The investor should have guaranties from the Govern- ment that when, for reasons of public inter~ est, nationalization must be decided upon, the investor would receive compensation in the currency of the original investment and not in local currency. But the best guaranty for safeguarding foreign interests 1s sound political develop- ment. Foreign investors cannot fail to real- ize that the raised standard of living and the increase in political stability in these areas will lead to greater markets and a tremen- dous expansion of world trade. But it only stands to reason that before private capital can really begin to operate on projects of sufficient maturity, the basic human and ma- terial resources of many parts of that area will have to be developed first, for example the harbors, roads, communications, public health programs, education, etc. The de- velopment of these fundamental resources will of course not be sufficiently attractive to the average private capital investor; there- fore public or private loans on a long-term basis will be needed to meet these ends. At the same time, part of the expenses of these basic projects will have to be met through - domestic financing. . The legislation on point 4 now under dis- cussion, envisages a program for technical assistance and measures intended to widen the powers of the Export-Import Bank. The export of technical skills to these underde~ veloped areas will be invaluable for coming to grips with the problems before us. But without a revival of the flow of investment capital to these nations, there are definite limitations to what this technical assistance can achieve. The fate of the point 4 pro- gram, therefore, will not be determined pri- marily by the degree and amount of tech- nical assistance available, but rather by the question whether enough capital will move into these areas, and under what conditions _it will operate. The question of the revival of the flow of private capital, under the terms of the present proposals, will be dealt with at a later stage after a favorable atmosphere for foreign investment will have been created. I think it is clear from what I said before about the nature and the elements of the upheaval in southern Asia, that the old con- cepts regarding private investment find no place in the world today. Capital coming in under point 4 should not merely replace colonial capital. What is needed instead is a new outlook, a new concept of investment for the underdeveloped areas all over the world. The concepts and the forms of eco- nomic enterprise of the colonial era have be- come obsolete with the disappearance of that era, These forms of economic enterprise are no longer politically acceptable to the un< derdeveloped countries, Foreign capital in- vestment will have to take place in such a way that the necessary social changes in these areas will occur and will be stimu- lated, not impeded, by the role of foreign capital, * * * * * The success of point 4 in southern Asia, insofar as it is launched as an American pro- gram, will depend on whether the political background of southern Asia and also the implications of United States foreign policy in that area, are fully understood. It is es- sential that southeast Asia should not be left in any doubt as to America’s intentions in her approach to the problems of that area, and that the United States, recogniz- ing the facts of the situation, is willing to come to grips with the problems of south- east Asia as problems in their own right. This means that the plans for economic de- velopment and the time schedule envisaged in this program of aid should not be deter- mined by the cold war. Thus, for example, what is required in southern Asia is not merely the reaching of prewar levels of pro- duction, nor the rehabilitation of the old economic framework as a useful factor in the cold war in Asia or Europe. What is needed, instead, is a complete revision of the produc~ tion patterns and of the resources which are to be developed. Foreign capital cannot af- ford to insist upon conditions which would perpetuate rather than change the old co- lonial social and economic structures. The United States must identify herself with the necessity for social change, and the abolish- ment of colonialism. The opportunities which lie before the entire Western World as a result of Presi- dent Truman’s bold new program, offer a challenge not only to America but to all the west in dealing with the rest of the world. This is the challenge which will have to be met for the survival of freedom and de- mocracy in this world. The opportunities to find new foundations and new bases for cooperation between the developed and the economically underdeveloped areas exist, It is the obligation of the governments and ‘the peoples of both groups of countries to work together to seek to build upon these foundations. The stakes are high. This is the challenge for freedom. Plight of Dairy Farmers in New York EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, I have recently received a very interesting let- ter from Mr. William E. Maier, one of my constituents who is a subdistrict president of the Dairymen’s League Co- operative Association, Mr. Maier, who is a highly respected dairy farmer in Cattaraugus County, wrote to me concerning the plight of the dairy farmers in New York, with special reference to two resolutions I have in- troduced on this subject. His letter is so pertinent that I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp pertinent excerpts from this letter. There being no objection, the excerpts were ordered to be printed in the Rrc- orp, as follows: DaInYMEN's LEAGUE COOPERATIVE ASSOCIATION, INC., Disrricr No. 18, East Otto, N. Y., May 10, 1950. Certainly we must do everything in our power to protect and preserve our animal agriculture, of which dairying is such a vital part. * India and China are today the most fam- Ine-ridden and disease-ridden countries in the world because they have allowed their animal agriculture to disappear. Is it any wonder that the Communists have taken over China and are attempting the same in India? Communism thrives in the heavy clay of hunger, want, suffering, and hardship. Today, our American animal agriculture is providing our Nation with the finest diet of any country in the world. It is also main- taining and improving our soil fertility with indispensable organic fertilizer in the form of livestock manure, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We Cattaraugus County dairy farmers sin-~ cerely thank you for your deep and abiding concern over our industry and our welfare. While you were Governor of our State, you signed the Rogers-Allen law and the State milk marketing order No, 127. Today, these laws are still operative and as a result we dairymen, whose milk is mar- keted in Buffalo and Rochester, are enjoy- ing the best prices of any major market. Again, let me thank you, on behalf of the other 700 league farmers in my county for the great service you are rendering dairy- men. Would appreciate your keeping me in- formed on the progress of Senate Joint Res- olution 162. , Sincerely, WILLIAM E. Mater. The Railroad Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FORREST C. DONNELL OF MISSOURI . IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I have secured unanimous consent that an editorial of May 17 with respect to the termination of a strike, the unemploy- ment caused by which appeared to have passed the 200,000 mark be inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp. On this day, May 19, I ask unanimous consent that there be inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp a news article in this after- noon’s Evening Star of Washington, D. C., entitled “Switchmen’s Strike ‘Wholly Unjustified’ Railroads Protest.” This article refers to a strike threatened to begin at 6 o’clock in the morning of Tuesday next, the twenty-third of May. There being no objection, the article was ordered to he printed in the Recorp, as follows: SWITCHMEN’S STRIKE “WHOLLY Unsustiriep,” RaiLRoads Proresr Curcaco, May 19.—The threatened strike Tuesday of A. F. of L. switchmen against 10 railroads “is wholly unjustified,” the Western Association of Railways said today. “This strike threat,” the association said in. a statement, “is a reckless drive for prestige— an attempt by one small union to outsmart and outdo a big rival union.” Only Government intervention could avert the scheduled walkout—set for 6 a, m. (local time) against the 10 Midwestern and Western lines. Although no word came from the White House after the strike call Wadnesday night, the National (Rallway) Mediation Board was expected to be called in and at- tempt to settle the wage-hour dispute, WAGE INCREASE INVOLVED The A. F, of &. Switchmen’s Union of North America said the strike would involve 6,000 members. A rail spokesman said 4,000 would be affected. The union’s principal demand js for a 40-hour work week at the pay now received for 48 hours. Daniel P. Loomis, the asgoctation’s chair- man, said the union's demands also include & 44 percent increase in the basle daily wage rate and other items which are equivalent to & wage boost of about 50 percent. Mr. Loomis said the switchmen’s union represents less than 5 percent of the ground men (not yard engineers and firenién) in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD switchyards throughout the country. The other 95 percent, he added, are represented by another cvevrti-~ i:nion, the Brotherhood of Railroad ‘I'< A few are members of the Order of Railway Conductors. “The railroads involved are caught in the muddle,” Mr. Loomis said, SAYS UNION HAS COMPLIED Arthur J. Glover, switchmen’s president, said the union had complied with all media- tion requirements of the Railway Labor Act and was free to strike legally. Roger I. McDonough, chief justice of the Utah supreme court and chairman of the fact-finding board, said: “If the switchmen strike, they walk out without ever having presented the merits of their case to our board.” Lines involved in the dispute are: Chicago Great Western; Chicago, Rock Island & Pa- cific; Davenport, Rock Island & Northwest- ern; Denver & Rio Grande Western; Great Northern; Minneapolis & St. Louis; North- ern Pacific Terminal of Oregon; St. Paul Union Depot Co.; Sioux City Terminal Rail- way and Western Pacific Railroad. gan The Siren Song of Socialism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER E. CAPEHART OF INDIANA IN:- THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. CAPEHART. Mr. President, I have just quoted, word-for-word, an edi- torial which appeared in the Indianapo- lis Star under date of Tuesday, May 16, 1950. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp an editorial which also appeared in the Indianapolis Star on the same date, the editorial being captioned “The Siren Song of Socialism.” There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Tax Srren Sone or SocraLism President Truman dropped all pretense about the “nonpolitical” nature of his barn- storming trip at the taxpayers’ expense last night. Accompanied by a rain of $2 bills to lure his audience, by a 21-gun salute, a $250,000 political sideshow, a torchlight pa- rade, and cowboys and Hollywood girls, Harry Truman launched into one of the most partisan political speeches he has made yet. He called for reelection of Senator Lucas, of Illinois. He called for a Fair Deal rubber- stamp Congress. He told his audience that the Democratic Party has been responsible for every progressive Government action in American history and that the Republican Party is made up of reactionaries and doubting Thomases. He then appealed to every special interest group in the Nation, to small businesses, to farmers, to labor, to the aged, the sick, the minority groups and the educators by offer- ing them bigger and better bribes in return for votes. The bribe has become the most potent political weapon in the Truman war chest. It was quite fitting that his party should give away $2 bills to attract a big audience to hear the party’s leader. What else might you expect from a Pendergast politician? ; The President not only gave the Democratic Party credit for everything good that has happened to America since Jefferson’s day. He also gave himself and his administration credit for the profits of industry and the wages of labor, profits that were earned in spite of the highest corporation taxes in his- tory through the genius and planning of American business, and wages that were earned in spite of the highest income taxes in history by the most productive labor force in the world’s history. The President promised a wonderful fu- ture for America to be achieved by him and by the Democratic Party. He has forgotten that the wonderful past and present of Amer- ica were made possible by the absence of the very burdens which he proposes to impose upon our free system—taxes, deficits, Gov- ernment controls, state ownership of power, labor monopoly, and the socialization of medicine. “Give me the votes, give me the money, give me the power,” he is saying to us, “and I will make you happy.” He is asking us to sell ourselves into total dependence upon him and upon Government for our lives, our property, and our liberties. He sings the siren song of socialism, and if we hsten and follow, we shall, like every other people be- fore us, end on the rocks of poverty and slavery. Acheson Must Go EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM E. JENNER OF INDIANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29),.1950 Mr. JENNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REecorp an editorial appearing in the Washington Times~- Herald on May 19, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rzecorp, as follows: AcHESON Must Go Secretary Acheson has set up at London the framework of a world-wide Communist state. It is not enough to call it socialistic. The Truman-Acheson regime was recently termed by John Strachey, the former Communist now in the British Labor Cabinet, as “more to the left” in economic views than most’ continental European governments. He didn’t know the half of it. Mr. Acheson's program, would go beyond this to concentrate power in a western imitation of Moscow’s Politburo, SUPERGOVERNMENT IS NOW PLANNED This affection for Communist methodology comes naturally to Acheson. He was up to his ears in the Hiss case, and has kept him- self involved in it by his voluntary public statements. He is the most dangerous man in America. If Truman won’t fire him, Congress should impeach him or cause his removal by with- holding funds from the State Department and its projects. In view of the scandals within his depart- ment, Acheson obviously felt the need of a diversionary tactic, in the form of some spec- tacular proposal at the London. foreign min- isters’ council. The plan he has brought for- ward is an effort to smuggle the United States into a world supergovernment through the back door, By his promises of more American. billions, Acheson won the approval by the European foreign ministers of a committee of “super= citizens,” as they were described by Arthur Veysey of the Chicago Tribune London bu-. reau, to rule both the military and economic affairs of the 12 Atlantic-pact nations, A3797 An American is to be chairman, since we shall be putting up the money, and a civilian is suggested, but Gen. Eisenhower is named as the probable nominee in the next breath. Presumably a couple of years on the Colum- bia University campus makes a civilian of a nonretired general of the Army. At a time when Congress is growing more and more restive over the Marshall plan waste, Acheson won support for his proposal by suggestions that the United States not only will increase its present gift of a billion a@ year for European arms, but will continue Marshall-plan subsidies to European living standards after that plan expires in 1952. He admitted that he could not bind Congress, but he held out the warmest hopes, neverthe- less. When the Atlantic pact was presented to the Senate for ratification anyone should have been able to see that it was only nomi- nally a military alliance. In addition to put« ting us into any European war at the first shot, it pledged signatories to safeguard the freedom, common heritage, and civilization of their peoples and to promote stability and well being in the North Atlantic area. The treaty provided for continuous and effective self-help and mutual aid—with con- spicuous lack of any reservation confining that aid to the military field. It is idle to think that control of economic affairs of this Nation can be turned over to an international committee without yielding political sovereignty to that body. HE’S PLAYING STALIN’S GAME If there is any doubt as to what Acheson has in mind, it should be resolved by the statement of the correspondent of the New York Times, a fervent supporter of his poli- cles, that the scheme involves some sacrifice of national sovereignty. This is a magnificent understatement. The Constitution of the United States and the Acheson politburo cannot exist in the same world, but the means that will be used in the attempt to reconcile them can be pre- dicted with some confidence. Obviously no international committee can commandeer the resources and men of this country, but Congress will be told that the committee, acting under a treaty that is the supreme law of the land, has made drafts that cannot be refused without national dis- honor. Congress will be told also that it must go along with Acheson’s folly or destroy the confidence of the world. Any attempt at ob- jective consideration of the scheme will be cried down by the administration propaganda machine and the internationalist press as playing Stalin’s game. Actually it is Acheson by his efforts to destroy constitutional processes and bleed America white, who is playing Stalin’s game. Unless the Nation is freed of his false lead- ership, we may yet fall, exhausted, to the Communists. Removal of Exemption Applicable to Pub- lic Contracts Performed in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK . IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, I ask. unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp a statement I
A3798 issued yesterday commenting on a pro- posal by Secretary of Labor Maurice J. Tobin to remove the administrative ex- emption which has been applicable to public contracts performed in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands. I also ask consent to have included in the Ap- pendix, in connection with this state- ment, the announcement by Secretary Tobin. The VICE PRESIDENT. jection? Mr, CONNALLY. Mr. President, re- serving the right to object, is it made clear that the insertion is a statement, not a speech? The Senator stated he had issued a statement. Mr. LEHMAN. I issued a statement. Mr. CONNALLY. Will it appear in the the Appendix of the Rrcorp as a statement, not a speech? Mr. LEHMAN. It will appear as a statement, together with the order which was issued May 17, 1950, by the Secretary of Labor. Mr. CONNALLY. Very well. There being no objection, the state- ment, together with the announcement by Secretary Tobin, was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: STATEMENT oF HerBert H, LEHMAN ON ACTION or LaBor DEPARTMENT To Remove PUBLIC Contracrs Acr EXEMPTION FoR PUERTO Rico AND THE VirGIN ISLANDS I was pleased to note the announcement by Secretary of Labor Maurice J. Tobin that the Labor Department proposes to remove the administrative exemption for public con~ tracts performed in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands. I have long felt that there should be no distinction whatsoever between the applica- tion of the Walsh-Healey Act to Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands and to other parts of the United States. This act already applies to the Territories of Alaska and Hawaii. I see no reason for making a distinction be- tween the Territories, or for that matter, between the Territories and the mainland of the United States. I understand that every opportunity will be given to interested persons to submit ar- guments on the proposed change. I certain- ly support Secretary Tobin's action in this regard and shall express to him my strong feeling that his proposal be given final ef- fect. I would urge this both in my capacity as @ member of the Labor Committce and as & Member of the Senate from New York, many of whose citizens are of Puerto Rican origin, I do not think that any distinction should be made between Puerto Ricans in New York and Puerto Ricans in Puerto Rico. The same goes for the Virgin Islands. They are all citizens under the American flag whether they be in New York or in Puerto Rico or the Virgin Islands. My attitude is the same whether it in- volves the Public Contracts Act or social security. I think Secretary Tobin's act is a hopeful augury for the removal of all dis- criminations of this kind, [U. 8. Department of Labor, Wage and Hour and Public Contracts Divisions, Washing- ton, D. C.] SucrerTary Tosrn WovuLtp Rrmovr Pusiic Con- rTracts Act EXEMPTION For GOVERNMENT Contracts IN Purrro Rico, Virgin Istanps Secretary of Labor Maurice J. Tobin today announced his proposal to remove the ad= ministrative exemption under which the Walsh-Healey Public Contracts Act has been inapplicable to contracts performed in Puérto Rico and the Virgin Islands. Is there ob- Effect of the proposal would be to make the act, which provides labor standards for Government manufacture or supply con- tracts of more than $10,000, apply in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands to the same extent that it applies in the continental United States and in the Territories of Alaska and Hawaii. The administrative exemption for Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands has been in effect since 1936. Secretary Tobin pointed out that information currently available in- dicates no compelling reasons why the ex- emption for contracts to be performed in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands should be retained. Formal notice of the Secretary’s proposal is scheduled to appear in the Federal Reg- ister on Thursday, May 18. Interested per- sons will be given until June 15 to submit data, views, or arguments pertaining to the proposed change. The Railroad Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FORREST C. DONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Myr. President, on May 16 the people of the United States learned that there had been terminated the firemen’s strike, because of which the total unemployment appeared to have already passed the 200,000 mark. I ask unanimous consent that there be incor- porated in the Appendix of the REcor»p an editorial appearing in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch on the next day, May 17, 1950, entitled “Now That the Strike Is Over.” There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Now Tat tHe Strike Is Over Trains on the New York Central, Penn- sylvania and other affected railroads are moving again after having been strike- bound for almost a week. Needless to say, this is good news, especially for the thou- sands of persons who, while in no way parties to the dispute, were seriously hampered by it. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen has announced a “moditi- cation” of its demand for a second fireman on multiple-unit Diesel engines. The issue in its reshaped form is to go to an arbi- tration board, and its decision is to be binding on both sides. So, once again, the old question arises: If this solution is as gocd as both sides now seem to feel, why did they not resort to it sooner? Why did there have to be a strike? If this had been a private head- butting contest between two stubborn ad- versaries, the public might have refrained from asking the question, But there can be no such indifference to-« ward a strike which Impinges on the public interest—especially not when one party does not make a stronger case than that of the firemen. The harmfulness of railroad strikes was recognized long ago and rail- road labor was made the subject of special Federal legislation. We do not say that this legislation has always been an automatic guaranty against injustice. In recent years many complaints APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD have been made—especially against the slowness of its administration. But a strike such as this one does not help. It ought to be all the inducement Congress needs to see whether the machinery of the Railroad Labor Act may not be improved. A better law may be no consolation to a fireman who faces the loss of his job. Nor will it help him much to point out that the Diesel engine is not the first tech- nological improvement which threatened to displace labor. Almost all such improve~ ments opened up more jobs in the long run than they wiped out. Unfortunately, an individual cannot live in the long run, Good personnel practice certainly indicates the desirability of finding a useful place for him in some other capacity. But a strike is hardly calculated to bring about such a policy. Perhaps those involved have salvaged some measure of good will by calling off the strike when they did. If so, we hope that it will help toward a solid solution of their prob- lems—the kind of solution which seldom comes from industrial warfare. Helping the DAV and DAV Service Foundation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Myr. WILEY. Myr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp an appeal which I have made in the past and which I am happy to renew now for the purpose of mobilizing aid for the DAV organization and for the DAV Service Foundation. There being no objection, the appeal was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Henrine THE DAV AND DAV Service FOUNDATION Mr. President, on June 17 it will be my pleasure to address the annual convention of the Wisconsin Department of the Disabled American Veterans. There are many fine groups in the State of Wisconsin whom it has been my privilege to appear before, but I must confess that I get a particular thrill when I talk to the group of herole men who bear on their bodies the scars and wounds of battle in the uniform of thelr country. What higher honor can thero be for me as a citizen who has been elected to serve his people than to appear before those who pre~- served their government and their tree way of life by their sacrifices? What greater honor can there be to come to a human belng than to comrade with the men who preserved man- kind's freedom—the freedom of clivillzation— on the land, on the seas, and in the skies in two global wars? Mr. President, I express therefore this sin-~ cere tribute to this organivation and to the trustee of the DAV, the Disabled American Veterans Service Foundation. MY PREVIOUS TRIBUTES TO DAV It has been my privilege on several previous occasions, for example, on July 2, 1945, on June 8, 1948, on May 6, 1949, to call attention of the Congress to the work of the DAV. I have on these occasions made an exception to a rule which I personally have followed, of not discussing the financial needs of a private
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD organization on the floor of the Senate or in the CONGRESSIONAL ReEcorD. This exception has been made because I think that certainly if there is any private organization whose financial needs should indeed be discussed, it is the DAV Service Foundation, which, in turn, meets the needs of America’s war- wounded and disabled veterans. How can anyone say such an organization is “private” when, obviously, its responsibil~ ity to the heroes who carry wounds and scars of battle is our responsibility? No, its so- called private role is indeed a semipublic or truly public role. Why? Because if this Na- tion were ever to forget its public debt to those who saved it by offering their very lives to shot and shell, then our country would be on the road to extinction. LET’S NOT FORGET HOSPITALIZED VETS Here is a question which I submit to every American: Have you ever visited a veterans’ hospital? You know, my friends, it is 32 years since the guns ceased firing in World War I. It is 5 years since the cannon were stilled in World War II, but in a certain sense, the sounds and sights of war can still be heard and seen in the veterans’ hospitals of America, and, for that matter, in hundreds of thousands of private homes where men bear with them the broken limbs, empty sleeves, the sightless eyes, the scarred fea- tures, the paralyzed organs, the shattered minds, the pain, the hurt, the suffering of weapons of steel. While not all Americans could answer the question “Yes’—that they have visited a veterans’ hospital, there isn’t a man, woman or child among us who has not seen a wounded veteran walking down the street in our home town, Mving as every other ordi- nary American, and yet in a certain sense, and inevitably so, in a class apart because that veteran’s body has been the target of shot and shell. ‘WORTHY DAV APPEALS FOR FUNDS About a year ago, I advised my colleagues that the incorporated trustee of the DAV, the Disabled American Veterans Service Foundation, was then dramatizing its ap- peal for much-needed funds by full-page dis- play advertisements in many magazines and newspapers, featuring 380 cash prizes, total- ing $100,000, which were awarded in an in- triguing mosaic patterned word-puzzle con- test. So successful was the DAV Service Foundation in this new formula of raising badly needed money for a worth-while cause that it acquired more than $2,000,000 net profits from its first two annual contests, out of which its board of 18 trustees has so far allocated the sum of $1,100,000 to the na- tional headquarters of the DAV for its Na- tion-wide service activities on behalf of war-disabled veterans and their dependents. THIRD PUZZLE CONTEST UNDER WAY This successful experience encouraged the DAV Service Foundation to conduct a third word-puzzle contest, which started during the latter part of January 1950, to which original puzzle-solution entries were submit- table up until before midnight of May 1, 1950. Judging by the full-page display advertise~ ments that have appeared in many promi- nent magazines and metropolitan news- papers throughout the country, the third national puzzle contest conducted by the DAV Service Foundation will probably also prove to be successful. JUNE 30 DEADLINE I understand that official substitute solu- tions may be submitted by the contestants up until June 30, 1950, after which there will be an evaluation of the relative solutions, with the possibility that the top tied valid high scorers will have to compete in the solution of from one to four sets of five tie- breaking puzzles before the winners of the 1,002 cash prizes, totaling $100,000, and of the three automobile promptness prizes will have been awarded. FAIR HANDLING OF CONTEST Inasmuch as my long-time friend, the very able Millard W. Rice, is the executive secre- tary of the DAV Service Foundation (he was formerly national commander and national service director of the DAV, as well as national legislative director of the VFW), I am particularly confident that very meticu- lous care will be taken in the evaluation of the relative solutions by the contributing competitors in this third puzzle contest— just as was the case as to its first two puzzle contests—in determining the final winners. This will be in accordance with the rules of the contest, without any consideration what- soever as to the location, race, creed, color, or financial or educational status of the re- spective contestants, but only on the basis of their relative skills in their valid puzzle solutions, which should have been completed by sometime next fall. I am sincerely hopeful that the DAV Serv- ice Foundation will have been enabled to raise several hundred thousand dollars from its third puzzle contest, just as it did on its 1948 and 1949 contests, notwithstanding the fact that other organizations have pat- terned after the formula thus proven to be feasible for raising funds for service-giving purposes. DAV IDENTO-TAG PROJECT Many of my colleagues will no doubt re- call having received miniature automobile license tags during the last several years, from the Disabled American Veterans. This is another unique and highly constructive method of raising funds. The DAV en- deavors to send out such Idento-Tags to all automobile owners, as a result of which it returns about 8,000 sets of keys each month to their respective owners—a very effective Nation-wide key insurance—which results in substantial net profits to the DAV, after payment of all expenses incident to the accurate manufacturing and assembling of the individualized Idento-Tags, processed mostly by handicapped veterans and the de- pendents of veterans. I would like to point out that if 100 per- cent of the recipients of these neat little key ring Idento-Tags were to return 50 cents or more, the DAV would have no finan~ cial problem in maintaining its staff of nearly 300 full-time national service officers. These two unique methods of raising funds have heretofore made it possible for the DAV to maintain its invaluable Natilon-wide serv- ice activities. But such finance-raising proj- ects have not yet been sufficiently successful to enable it to build up as extensive a service set-up as the needs warrant or to build up & much-needed reserve trust fund for the future. Judging by the experience as to World War I veterans, it will be necessary to main- tain expert national service officers for the benefit of our World War II disabled veterans for the next 380 years or more. Although most of my colleagues In Con- gress, a8 well as State and local governmen-~ tal officials throughout the country, prob- ably already know something about how ably and faithfully the DAV serves those Ameri~ cans who were wounded, injured, or disabled while fighting in our country’s wars, I believe that because of the magnitude of its task it is desirable to explore the subject more fully. OUR GOVERNMENT'S LIMITATIONS Although virtually all Americans believe that one of the primary obligations of the Government should be to see to it that all of our country’s disabled war veterans and their dependents should be adequately pro- vided for, I fear too many of them have erro- neously assumed that such obligation must A3799 have been already fulfilled. Much as our Government has done for veterans, it has not, cannot, and really should not be ex- pected to provide for an automatic solution for all of the problems of all disabled vet- erans and their dependents. It is neither practicable nor desirable that the Government should underwrite all of the problems of all disabled veterans; such an easy method would be detrimental both for the disabled veterans themselves and for America’s taxpayers. The Government could not, and should not, provide sufficient compensation to every disabled veteran to obviate completely the necessity for receiving income from other sources. The several Administrators of Veterans’ Affairs, during the past 30 years, have re- peatedly stated that the task of rendering adequate service to America’s disabled vet- erans is a job far greater than can be taken care of merely by the Veterans’ Administra- tion. The services of a nongovernmental congres= sionally chartered, volunteer organization, such as the Disabled American Veterans, are essential, if our disabled veterans are to be- come and to remain adjusted to useful civilian living, through suitable, gainful em- ployment. Only thus can our disabled vet- erans be saved from dependency upon Gov- ernment compensation, and be enabled to live as happy, self-supporting Americans. ASSURING GAINFUL JOBS OUR RESPONSIBILITY If American citizens, as employers, should fail to provide ample opportunities for the suitable employment of partially disabled veterans, then obviously such disabled vet~- erans would have no other alternative than to seek to become completely dependent up- on Government doles. That is not the Amer- ican way. That is one of the reasons why I have introduced in the Eightieth and EHighty-first Congresses legislation to encour~ age employers to hire handicapped veterans. Less than 7 percent of the nearly 2,000,000 service-connected compensated disabled vet- erans are rated by the Veterans’ Administra- tion as being totally disabled. The remain- ing 98 percent are considered as only. par- tially disabled and therefore receive lesser rates of compensation. Their inadequate in- come from disability compensation must ob- viously be supplemented from some other source, preferably from. suitable, useful, gain~ ful employment. WHY GOVERNMENT NEEDS DAV HELP Im accordance with its congressional char- ter, the DAV cooperates with the United States Veterans’ Administration and all other public and private agencies devoted to the cause of improving and advancing the condition, health, and interests of wounded, injured, or disabled veterans, The fact that America’s war-disabled veter- ans saw fit to form their own organization— the Disabled American Veterans—should not, therefore, be regarded as an implied criticism against any Federal agency. During the last 30 years, the DAV has been extending, free of any charge, much needed advice, counsel, and assistance to scores of thousands of disabled veterans in techni- cally establishing their legal‘entitlement ta governmental benefits to which, under cer~- tain legal Umitations, restrictions, require- ments, and provisions, they may be lawfully. equitably, and factually entitled. Acting as the defendant, the Government is called upon to pay the damages—in the form, of disability compensation for service- connected disabilities, medical treatment hospitalization, vocational training, anc other benefits provided by law—to the suc: cessful claimants. It would be very inconsistent to expect thr Government also to furnish the attorney fo) the claimant.
A280 OFFICIAL COMPLICATIONS UNAVOIDABLE Officials and employees in governmental bureaus must necessarily operate under com-= plicated, technical regulations, legal inter< pretations, precedents, schedules of disability ratings, service letters, and other guiding policies and procedures in their administra~ tion and application of the some 800 laws pertaining to veterans and their dependents. Lest he encroach upon the jurisdiction of some other governmental official within his own section, division, cr agency, cr with the policies and procedures of some other Federal agency, the jurisdiction of any one governmental official or employee must, naturally, be narrowly circumscribed. My colleagues have all had sufficient con- tacts with governmental officials to be well aware of the full significance of this division of responsibility. No matter how much we might simplify government—as constantly advocated by myself and by my colleagues in. the two Houses of Congress and outside of Congress—such division of authority is, to some extent, unavoidable. PROCEDURE BAFFLING TO VETERAN CLAIMANTS It just is not, and probably never will be, completely feasible for any veteran to go to one governmental official, or even to one Gov- ernment office, to find out what he may be entitled to under any one or more of the numerous laws which might be pertinent, any more so than such an ideal situation can ever prevail as to any corporation which conducts business operations in more than one State. Our Federal Government is exceedingly complicated, and its requirements are often- times utterly baffling to the average disabled veteran. He needs expert counsel as to the proper preparation, presentation, and prose- cution of his claim for any benefit, privilege, or preference, to which he may be poten- tially entitled under any appropriate Federal law. WHY A DAV It was because of the realization of this dificulty—that the Government could not, and should not, be expected to take care of all of the complex, varied problems of Amer-~ jea’s disabled war veterans and their depend- ents—that the DAV was formed, some 30 years ago, by distressed, disappointed, disil- lusioned, disabled veterans of World War I. Distressed disabled veterans need the help- ing hand of their own organization, the Dis- abled American Veterans, formed in 1920, congressionally chartered in 1932, and spe- cifically designated in several Federal laws as a spokesman for America’s war-disabled veterans, THE DAV’S SERVICE SET-UP Consisting exclusively of America’s war- wounded and disabled veterans, the congres- sionally chartered Disabled American Veter- ans has, for 30 years, been specializing in ex- tending its vital rehabilitation services, free of charge, to all disabled veterans and their dependents. The DAV has been freely extending badly needed services to scores of thousanda of disabled veterans each year, through its nearly 300 trained, experienced, full-time national service officers (all themselves dis- abled veterans) stationed in DAV service offices located in all of the Veterans’ Admin- dstration’s regional, district, and central offices throughout the country. Supplement- ing their work, the DAV also has more than 1,800 department and chapter service officcrs, All of these service officers are skilled and experienced in the work of helping disabled veterans technically and factually to estab- lish entitlement to any governmental bene~ fits to which they may be lawfully and equl- tably entitled, such as service connections, disability compensation, medical treatment, hospitalization, and vocational training. These service officers also use great re- sourcefulness to assist their disabled buddies to acquire and to retain adjustment to use~ fulness and self-support through suitable productive employment. Let me point out that the peak service load will probably not be reached until 1960. Moreover, it is a fact that inasmuch as sharp curtailments in its budgets have caused the VA to trim its staff of contact men, a heavier load has been assumed by the volunteer serv~ ice organizations, of which the DAV is out- standing. Specifically designated in several Federal laws as a spokesman for America’s war dis- abled veterans, and dedicated to the pro~ gram of rendering needed service to, for, and by America’s disabled war veterans, the DAV has been serving the men to whom the Na- tion owes a debt beyond payment. The DAV maintains national headquarters at 1423 East McMillan Street, Cincinnati, Ohio, and its national service headquarters at 1701 Eighteenth Street NW., Washington, D. C. Its immediate past national commander is that great American, Gen. Jonathan M. Wain-~ wright, the hero of Bataan and Corregidor. David M. Brown, a World War I disabled vet- eran, of Akron, Ohio, is its present national commander. Vivian D. Corbly is the na- tional adjutant. Its national legislative di- rector is Francis M. Sullivan; its national employment director is Kenneth C. Brad~ ley; and its national director for claims, Cicero F. Hogan. The organization publishes a newspaper— the DAV semimonthly—devoted to the in- terests of disabled veterans. INCORPORATED TRUSTEE FOR DAV As related in my statement concerning the same question 5 years ago, the DAV decided, back in 1931, that the potential donors who support its service program should have the assurance of a continuity of policy as to the expenditure, by the DAV, of all funds con- tributed. Therefore, the DAV formed a trus- teeship, under the laws of the State of Ohio, known as the Disabled American Veterans Service Foundation. ‘ The primary purpose of the DAV Service Foundation is to receive donations from in- terested social-minded Americans, and then periodically to make allocations, from its ‘accumulated trust funds, to the national headquarters of the DAV—as the operating congressionally chartered membership organ~ ization of America's disabled defenders—to enable it to continue to maintain and fur- ther to expand its Nation-~wide set-up of full- time, expert national service officers, national civil-service officers, and national employ- ment officers. In order to be enabled to carry on this service activity on a basis commensurate with the responsibilities assumed, the DAV, it has been estimated, should be enabled to expand its service budget up to at least $2,- 500,000 per year. Under the terms of a trust agreement with the DAV, all foundation funds are placed into separate State trust-fund accounts, according to the States of origin of the funds raised. The activities of the foundation are under the supervision of 13 trustees, 10 of whom each serve for 5-year periods, 2 expiring each year, with the other 3 consisting of the incumbent national commander and the chairman of the national finance committee of the DAV, and 1 other. The president of the foundation is Miles H. Draper, a prominent attorney and friend of mine, of Tampa, Fla. Maj. Gen. Irving J. Phillipson, of New York City, director of industrial relations of Botany Mills, is chair- man of the foundation's finance and budget committee, with Lewis L. Clarke, former pres- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ident of the American Bank of New York City, and Arthur W. Procter, New York attorney, as fellow members. Daniel Bell, president of the American Se- curity & Trust Co., of Washington, D. C., is the chairman of its trust-fund investment committee, with Gen. Frank T. Hines, former Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs, and Mr. Lewis L. Clarke as fellow members. The DAV Service Foundation maintains offices at 808 Seventeenth Street NW., Wash~ ington 6, D. C., and also at 11 West Forty- second Street, New York 18, N. ¥. NEEDS ARE GREAT According to the trustees—all prominent and conscientious civic-minded citizens—a trust fund of several scores of millions of dollars should be puilt up to provide for the DAV’s needed annual service budget of $2,500,000 in future years. Every social-minded individual and corpo- ration has the opportunity to support this important work through generous dona- tions—to the DAV Service Foundation—of money, real or personal property, shares of corporation common stock, preferred stock, bonds, and debentures, assignment of Gov- ernment bonds, designation in insurance policies and wills, by purchase of its per- manent personalized service plaques, by be- coming a contributing competitor in its an- nual puzzle contests, and by other methods. Other constructive plans of raising funds are now being considered by the DAV Service Foundation; and if the public is fully in- formed of the purpose of such funds, I am gure an enthusiastic response will follow. CONCLUSION—-LET’S CONTRIBUTE GENEROUSLY As a United States Senator and as an American, I urge my fellow citizens to con- tribute out of their generous hearts to the need of our disabled veterans. I know how the average citizen these days is overwhelmed by many appeals from worth-while organiza- tions. I know too that the average citizen has his own financial problems during these inflationary times. But we must never forget that we would not be enjoying our liberty today but for the fact that these veterans were willing to sac- rifice their health, their bodies, their very lives on the land, on the sea, and in the sky in order that this Nation might endure. It is owr creed, therefore, that we must ful- fill the needs of those men who came back from the war with the scars and pain of battle. Let us fulfill our creed by our deeds. Let us honor our dead heroes by serving our surviving disabled war veterans. Let us help America’s disabled veterans to help them- selves. Let’s not just pay token tribute to disabled veterans. Our ex~servicemen don't need a lot of hot air. They don’t need a lot of talk, however sincere. They do need constructive aid to help make them self- supporting Americans. They ask 60 very little and gave us so very much, We here in the Congress are challenged to enact legislation that will assure thelr wel- fare. Over in the House of Representatives now pending before the Veterans’ Affairs Committee are a considerable number of bills in their interest. I personally, as I have in- dicated, have introduced legislation to help them and I will continue to do all that is within my power. It was my pleasure to ad- dress the graduation class here in Washing-~ ton, D. C., of a service officer class—many young men who had lost an arm or a leg and yet who are functioning as whole men, stout-hearted, grave, conscientious, and who were embarking upon careers to help their buddies, yes, to help make their buddies adequate. In the interests, therefore, of our disabled veterans, I have taken the liberty of referring to this organization and indeed to its finan- clal needs. I know that the American people
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD will endorse my action just as they endorsed in hundreds of letters my previous state- ments pointing out very frankly the prob- lems of this great group of veterans, the DAV and the DAV Service Foundation, I believe the following endorsements will be of real interest to my colleagues and to the American people because they indicate the tremendous and unanimous support of outstanding authorities in this field: ENDORSEMENTS OF DAV Gen. Carl R. Gray, Administrator of Vet- erans’ Affairs: “Veterans who are disabled as the result of service in the defense of our Nation can never be repaid for the sacrifices they have made. In acknowledging this, our Govern~ ment accepts a sacred obligation. That ob- ligation is embodied in Public Law No. 16, which provides for the physical and occupa~ tional rehabilitation of disabled veterans whose abilities for earning a Mvelihood have been weakened or destroyed through service to the Nation in war. “The Veterans’ Administration is dedicated to carrying out to the utmost the determina-~ tion of the American people to provide prac- tical and permanent rehabilitation “for those who gave most,” the disabled veterans of our Nation. “In this task the Veterans’ Administration. js receiving valued cooperation from veter- ans’ organizations, employers, and public and private agencies in local communities throughout our land. The help afforded by the Disabled American Veterans is an essen- tial part of this common American enter- prise. “As Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs, I know what the cooperation of the Disabled American Veterans has meant to Veterans’ Administration in fulfilling its mission. I am sure that the help that the Disabled American Veterans Service Foundation gives to our disabled veterans is an important service to the cause of veterans’ affairs.” Gen. Omar N. Bradley, former Admin- istrator of Veterans’ Affairs: “The Disabled American Veterans repre- sents in its name, in its purpose and its accomplishments those veterans who have been disabled in the service of their country. They—more than any others—deserve first call on all we can do. “The DAV has been a great help to us in this important work. We welcomed this help in the past. We count confidently on it for the future. “I am pleased to add my endorsement of the National Service Fund of the Disabled American Veterans. Certainly, this program, which has for its objective the rendering of service to those who served, is a worthy one. It merits the support of all who are inter- ested in the welfare of our disabled ex-serv- icemen. ‘Your efforts are commendable and I wish for your program the success it de- werves.” oO. W. Clark, Deputy Administrator, United States Veterans’ Administration: “The job of providing physical and occupa- tional rehabilitation for America’s war- wounded and disabled veterans can be ac- complished only with the effective coopera- tion of many other public and private agen- cies, citizens, and employers. Among the cooperating associations, the Disabled American Veterans has been outstanding, “The DAV helps the Veterans’ Adminis- tration to help America’s war-disabled vet- erans.. Its incorporated trustee, the Dis- abled American Veterans Service Founda- tion, in turn helps the DAV to maintain its Nation-wide set-up of nearly 800 full-time, trained national service officers, Their tech nical information, advice, and assistance to individual disabled veterans, and their prac- tical llaison with governmental agencies and prospective employers, has been of such great value as to have justified the Veterans’ Administration in furnishing office facil- ities for them in all of its regional, district, and central offices. “Generous public support of the DAV Service Foundation will assure continuance of the DAV’s valuable service activities for the benefit of America’s war-wounded and disabled veterans and their dependents.” Oscar R. Ewing, Federal Security Adminis- trator: “I want to express to you my admira- tion of the services which the Disabled American Veterans is giving to disabled vet~ erans. Being a World War I veteran and also a lawyer, I can appreciate what your organization is doing. “It stands to reason that if such disabled veterans are to obtain the full protection that Congress intended, many of them will meed the advice and help of persons fully familiar with the laws governing the rights of veterans. I do not believe that this is the type of service that usually could be rendered by the ordinary practicing lawyer. Too often the time spent by the lawyer would be out of all proportion to the amount involved and either the lawyer would be underpaid or the veteran overcharged. “It has been suggested, I know, that the Government might employ persons to act as counsel for the disabled veterans. This would, I am sure, be impracticable. Such employees of the Government almost in- evitably develop a psychology which causes them to try to save the Government money instead of seeing that absolute justice is done to the veteran. “Your organization’s method for solving this problem is atimirable, namely, the train- ing of war-handicapped men as specialists in veterans’ legislation who can advise and help a disabled veteran in securing the bene- fits that Congress and a grateful America want the veterans to have. Your program deserves the support of all.” GENERAL EISENHOWER’S COMMENTS Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower: “IT am delighted to hear that you are tak- ing effective steps to raise substantial sums for this purpose. Your efforts will be fully rewarded in the lasting appreciation of vet- erans who will have sacrificed so much for the cause for which we are fighting.” Gen, Douglas A. MacArthur: “I accept life membership in the Disabled American Veterans with a sense of distinc~ tion. Membership in no group in the world carries greater honor than does membership in the Disabled American Veterans.” AFL AND CIO PRESIDENTS’ MESSAGES William Green, president, American Fed- eration of Labor: “Be assured that we of the American Fed- eration of Labor who have long relied upon the principle that unity develops strength look with favor upon the valuable service- giving activities of the Disabled American eterans organization.” Philip Murray, president, Congress of In- dustrial Organizations: “This is to express my appreciation for the important work undertaken by the DAV, on behalf of those who have given more to their country than can ever be fully repaid. La- bor’s heart goes out to the disabled veterans, many of whom come from its own ranks, and We are eager to do everything we can to help those handicapped veterans and their de- endents to secure the fair and generous eatment to which they are entitled.” Robert R. Wason, former president, Na=« tional Association of Manufacturers: “The DAV is not appealing for your sym- pathy nor to your patriotism, but is present- ing a practical plan for making useful, inde- ‘abled veterans. A3801 pendent citizens of our disabled veterans. It is to be commended for its excellent work.” Editorial, the New York ‘Times: “The Nation’s first obligation surely is to stand by its fighting men disabled in the line of duty. The DAV’s success in this drive should be desired by all citizens, for an ade~ quate DAV staff will mean that those who have bravely fought and bled for us all will not be disinherited and forgotten. Many pleas are made to the American public. This is one campaign that surely merits the gen- erous support of every one of us.” STATEMENTS BY TWO PRESIDENTS——-ROOSEVELT AND TRUMAN The late President Franklin D. Roosevelt: “The purpose of your Nation-wide rehabili- tation program * * * to extend needed assistance to members of our armed forces who became disabled, as well as to dis- abled veterans of the World War and their dependents, is, indeed, a worthy one and merits the full support of our citizens.” President Harry Truman: “The Disabled American Veterans are per- forming a most useful function in helping disabled comrades to help themselves. As I told you during your visit to the White House, our disabled veterans deserve every assistance within the power of the American people. “Surely, in this postwar reconversion pe- riod there is no more important and timely work to be done than that of assisting dis- All Americans should coop- erate in the great task of helping these vet- erans to make as complete a transition as possible to productive civilian life. “I feel certain that all organizations and individuals who are interested in the welfare of our country will assist you.” GENERAL WAINWRIGHT'S MESSAGE Gen. J. M. Wainwright, past national com- mander, DAV: “The DAV maintains a Nation-wide staff of trained service officers. These men, disabled veterans themselves, are on constant duty in all Veterans’ Administration offices * * * to help their disabled buddies with all their problems * * * employment, compen-~ sation, insurance, hospitalization, and social. They have rendered effective, material assist- ance to more than a million disabled veterans in their fight to regain independence, secu- rity, and happiness, to again lead normal, wholesome, productive lives, “So, as a good American, will you cooper- ate by helping us to continue this vital, humanitarian work for the boys who fought for you?” Citizens who are grateful for the sacrifices of America’s disabled veterans will, I feel sure, generously support the vitally impor- tant service program sponsored by the Dis- abled American Veterans Service Foundation. Toilers in the Theater EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 21, 1950 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, the bills for a national theater introduced by me in the House and by Senators Irvine M. ives and E.zert D. Tsaomas in the Sen~ ate have aroused much interest and dis- cussion. The appended article is very valuable as defining the position of the
A3802 actor in the theater today and in a national theater: ToILERs IN THE THEATER (By Louis M. Simon, executive secretary, Actors’ Equity Association Opportunity to see legitimate theater has shruuk so much and has become so ex- pensive that it 1s very doubtful that any large part of the wage-earning population knows much about 1t except as a remote and possibly glamorous tradition. Loss of patronage from among the ranks of the average workingman and his family has seriously crippled the theater. For the number of union members who struggle to earn a living in the theater has not dimin- ished in the same proportion, nor have these members’ earnings increased in a ratio pro- portionate to the iucreased cost of theater- going or to the cost of living. The result is that in times that are con- sidered to be very prosperous generally, the theater continues In its chronic state of dis- tress and unemployment—chronic because it has improved only very slightly since the worst days of the bitter depression of the thirties. It is obvious that the theater has had to meet tremendous competition in the form of movies, radio, and, more recently, tele~ vision. Nevertheless, it will be worth while to examine a little more carefully into what the results of this competition actually have been. It has been going on ever since 1915 when movies emerged from their nickelodeon stage of development. Yet during the fabulous twenties, when motion-picture exhibitors, backed by tremendous capital resources, built strings of luxurious movie theaters throughout the land, there was no noticeable shrinkage in theatrical production. As a matter of fact, during the twenties production reached all-time highs and in New York, at least, theater construction con- tinued at a headlong pace. But throughout the rest of the country a very significant change was occurring. Legitimate theaters were being turned into picture theaters at a very rapid pace, Perhaps the boom conditions in New York were responsible for blinding New York man- agers to the significance of what this evapo-~ ration of stock companies and road houses really meant. It meant, for one thing, that jumps between engagements were so large that touring an average show became im-~ possible. And as the country became a the- atrical desert, the entertainment habits of the country were being radically altered. A whole generation grew up to whom movies— and then radio—became the major source of family recreation. Theatrical management apparently forgot that even in New York long runs were not sustained solely by the metropolitan audi- ences but were supported to a large extent by out-of-towners who attended legitimate theaters when they came to New York. New York used to be the mecca for large numbers of people of relatively moderate means who were theater-minded, who knew the tradition and lore of the theater and who quite nat- urally wanted to see the latest in the theater when they came to New York. Even the average tourist used to flock to the theater the way the present-day tourist flocks to Radio Center. The thirties gave radio its big chance to build because it was free to the consumer. Then the war years, which were again boom years for the New York theater, finished the road completely because of the restrictions on travel. Today we find professional theater pretty well confined to New York and further con- fined to an avid audience who want to see only the hits and whose pocketbooks allow them to indulge in the fantastic prices that must be paid to see the half dozen hit shows. It would be easy enough to sum this situ- ation up merely by reiterating the truism that theater is a hand-made product rapidly losing out 1n a world of machine-made prod~ uct, and let it go at that, except for one remarkable fact. Theater, the fabulous in~ valid, refuses to die. Curiously, the theater has resisted following the pattern of the horse-drawn vehicle, the pot-bellied stove, and other such relics of former and less progressive or, more correctly, less efficient times, Although ailing for three decades, the theater has refused to die completely because it is something more than a utilitarian de- velopment of mankind. Although it cannot be classified as utilitarian in the narrow sense of the word, the theater nevertheless serves a useful purpose. Theater is a secial activity of mankind that answers a basic need in all peoples, no matter what stage of cultural or economic development they are in. Its roots: lie in the same impulses that make religion a nec- essary expression of man. And, of course, theater in its earliest forms was indistin~ guishable from religious ceremony. (This is neither the time nor place to explore these psychological aspects of the theater, but I mention them to explain the fact of the thea- ter’s survival at all under economic condi- tions which rationally do not permit of its survival.) At the psychological level there is no real comparison between the experience of seeing a movie or a telecast or listening to the radio and that of going to the theater. It would be like trying to compare the experience of going to church with that kind of listening to a fine sermon delivered over the air. The whole inexplicable experience of participa- tion just isn’t there when it comes to the mechanically reproduced or mechanically distributed media of entertainment. * Cy * * * This article cannot attempt to discuss dif- ferences in artistic or cultural values as be- tween the amateur and the professional theater. Its fundamental purpose is to dis- close the fact that the emotional experience of theatergoing is not one which the Ameri- can people will deny themselves, no matter how many or how excellent the various me- chanical substitutes may be. Too many people want to go to the theater as well as to see movies and television. Proof of this lies in the fact that the Fed- eral Government is collecting many millions of dollars in excise tax on legitimate theater tickets, of which more than half is collected from admissions to nonprofessional legiti- mate theater. From this indication alone we can see that the vacuum that was created when the professional theater virtually dis- appeared from the smaller cities of the country was rapidly filled by the amateur theater, * * = * - Actors’ Equity does not want to stifle this theater, nor should the other crafts of the theater. For the past year Equity has been studying this whole situation very. inten- sively in the expectation that eventually, through cooperation with the more enlight- ened managements of college and commu- nity theaters, and with equal cooperation from the other craft unions concerned, an intelligent solution can be found. At the present time many so-called little theaters are anxious to have Broadway stars play with local amateurs. Actors’ Equity considers each of these requests very care- fully and, if conditions warrant, we allow our stars and featured players to accept engage- ments with an amateur company. We know that in some quarters this prac- tice is frowned upon. But we consider that our people have become very good ambassa- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dors for the cause of trade-unionism. In many instances Equity members are succeed~ ing in breaking down the psychological bar- riers that have created antiunion feelings among the nonprofessionals. Furthermore, in this way we are able to collect valuable data. For permission is never granted to a member to play in a nonequity company unless we get all the economic facts that govern the operation of the theater in ques- tion. In time we hope to create a much larger traffic in the employment of our members with amateur companies. By the same token, we hope to stablize some of these theaters and to raise both the financial and artistlc levels on which they operate, and eventually it is expected to make the proc- ess one of gradual but complete unioniza- tion that will prove its benefits not only to Equity members but to all our fellow union, members as well. It is fitting that this process begin with the actor because the actor is the most in- dispensable worker in the theater. Without in any way belittling the contributions made by any other worker in the theater, we must realistically make use of this advantage. We know that the public is drawn to the theater to see a given cast of actors perform- ing a given play. The actor may even be considered to be more essential than the dramatist. Given a good company of actors, there are plenty of plays of the past that can be performed. But the dramatists of the past cannot have thelr works performed without living actors. It is a singular tact, peculiar only to the performing artist, that the public pays only to see him at work. He has no physical product to put on a counter for sale nor does the public want anything else from him. Herein Mes his strength as well as the torturous dangers of the most erratic of all professions. Another and more distant horizon toward which Actors’ Equity has turned its gaze is the Federal Government. Jolning with the American National Theater and Academy, we are now making plans for holding a na. tional theater assembly in Washington next January. We are confidently expecting that this assembly wil iccus ihe attention of the law- makers on constructive ways in which the American theater can be resuscitated, In England the Arts Council is doing a very able job of preserving the heritage of theater of which our English cousins are so justi- fiably proud. From Equity's point of view, the most admirable feature of the Arts Coun- cil program is that, in giving financial aid to any qualified theater group, it makes the maintenance of trade-union wages and work- ing conditions a primary requisite, We could do far worse in this country than to examine carefully the progress that has been made in England and to profit, whenever we can, by the example they have set for us, Against Postal Cuts EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HAROLD D. DONOHUE OF MASSACHUSEITS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. DONOHUE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I would like to include an editorial entitled “Against Postal Cuts,” which appeared in the Worcester (Mass.) Telegram, Thursday, May 11, 1950.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The editorial follows: AGAINST Postan Cours That nine-to-nothing vote of the Senate Post Office Committee in sending to the Sen-~ ate floor legislation to countermand Post- master General Donaldson’s sweeping cuts in postal service was a direct reflection as to how public opinion has rallied against any reduction of post-office service. This vast country economically depend- ent on speedy means of mutual communica- tion, not only wants, but must have, a post- office service of the best possible kind— something it already pays well for. If Postmaster Donaldson's motive was to shock the country into a realization of its post-office service, he succeeded al. right. When people began to realize that mail deliveries would be drastically reduced, and that post-office service windows would close down early and at inconvenient times, they became keenly aware of what the post office means to them in their everyday life and work. If the Postmaster General’s intention was to blackmail Congress into restoring a Post Office Department budget cut, then his scheme has boomeranged right in his face in a way that may produce a real explosion in his whole department. For Mr. Donaldson did succeed in focus< ing the eyes of the whole country on this particular Government department. The taxpayers have heard—many of them for the first time—about the antiquated bookkeep- ing system, dating back to the early years of the 1800's, by which the Post Office tries to keep its accounts straight. People have heard emphasized the Hoover report recom- mendations by which the Post Office Depart- ment could, if it would, save millions of dollars without impairing service to the public at all. Efficiency in its operations should be the watchword of the Post Office Department—not curtailment of its public service. The Senate committee vote, of course, does not force the Postmaster General to restore full service. It will take action by both Houses of Congress to do that. Just the same, it is a sign that the people want good post-office service. In efficiency may be found the economy that Mr. Donaldson pro- fesses to want. The St. Louis Star-Times Receives Mis- souri University Award EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES P. KEM OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. KEM. My. President, I ask unan- imous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address de- livered by Elzey Roberts, publisher of the St. Louis Star-Times, upon the occasion of the St. Louis Star-Times’ being hon- ored as the American newspaper to re- ceive the 1950 Missouri University award for distinguished service in journalism, at the University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo., on May 5, 1950. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Dean Mott, ladies, and gentleman, since this audience includes a large number of graduates about to enter newspaper work, it occurred to me that you might like to hear a few words on what it is really like inside the newspaper world from someone who has been in it for quite a few years, I will tell you briefly how the newspaper now known as the St, Louis Star-Times came into being. Then I will relate several episodes that served as milestones in its history. And I will wind up with a few thoughts on what is happening to news- papers in general. My father, John C. Roberts, one of the founders of Roberts, Johnson & Rand Shoe Co., the predecessor of International Shoe Co., came from a farm in Tennessee, but it was in St. Louis that he made his fame and fortune. He was greatly disturbed by the way selfish interests were throttling the natural growth of his adopted city. He wanted to own a daily newspaper that would give him the power to do something about it. At that time the Terminal Railroad had @ monopoly which enclosed St. Louis in a ring of steel. It was levying tribute on every ton of freight moving in or out of the area. This levy was called the bridge arbitrary charge. Also, in that day a group of financial in- terests, frequently called the Big Cinch, con- trolled a number of St. Louis industries. Their only wish was to perpetuate their hold on the community. They wanted to keep out competition. In addition, there was an alliance between politicians and criminals, whose members were called “boodlers.” They could be roughly compared to the members of the politico-criminal combinations that are ac- tive in Kansas City and St. Louis today. John C. Roberts wanted a newspaper to combat these evils. He almost bought the old St. Louis Republic, which died about 31 years ago. He would have done so, except that he made the mistake of consulting me about it, Although only 18 years of age at the time, I dissuaded him from purchasing it. Perhaps that is why in 1913 he bought the St. Louis Star without letting me know any- thing about it. The first I knew of it was through reading it in a St. Louis newspaper when I was a sophomore in Princeton. During the 11 years that my father lived after the purchase of the old St. Louis Star he imbued it with the same high purpose that had moved him to buy it. He sur. rounded himself with a group of men stimu- lated by that same spirit of accomplishment. They worked together as a team and started the newspaper on the path of progress it has followed ever since. I want to describe to you some of the char- acteristics of the Star-Times and the philos- ophy behind them. The Star-Times has always shown great concern for good local government. It has taken pride in being a crusading newspaper, both in its news and its editorial columns, I could cite various Star-Times campaigns that were successful in bettering the com- munity. For example, the fights to break the prohibition against the employment of married teachers in St. Louis, for a clean restaurant law, for a standard milk ordi- nance, for the improvement and protection of civil service. But these are not the kinds of incidents that in retrospect make an in- teresting talk. Instead, let me use the basic formula of newpapermen—human interest, Back at the time of World War I, a 3-year- old girl named Hellas Mattler was kidnapped in St. Louis. After a 5-day search the police were without clues. The veteran reporters of the Star also found themselves up blind alleys. At that point the managing editor called in a cub who had been graduated only @ year before from a copy boy. He followed a lead given him by a streetcar conductor— @ lead which the police had spurned. It took him to Granite City. He found that a girl answering the description of the missing child had been there at a cheap hotel with @ man and woman. The couple, however, A3803 had checked out the day before the cub re= porter arrived. The reporter found them, and then posing as a bill collector he gained admittance to their room and saw the child. He phoned his city editor, and within min-~ utes detectives closed in and arrested the kidnappers. The child was returned un- harmed to her parents. All this had been accomplished within a space of 5 hours. I tell this story because that cub reporter, Aaron G. Benesch, is now the city editor of the Star-Times, the same man who, the day after the bodies of Charles Binaggio and his bodyguard were found, revealed that Binag~ gio had known for 3 months that he was going to be murdered. According to the story, Binaggio had collected money from the underworld during the 1948 campaign on his assurance that if the Democrats won the Governorship St. Louis and Kansas City would be opened up to the gamblers; he was unable either to deliver on his promise or to return the money; he went to St. Louis in an attempt to make peace with his fel- low gangsters and gamblers; instead they read him his death sentence. This Star- Times story hit the front pages of nearly every large newspaper in the country. It was carried in great volume over the wires of all the press assoclations—credited to the Star-Times. It was top news for the big broadcasting chains. Incidentally, Mayor Kemp, of Kansas City told almost the identical story before a United States Senate Committee a week ago today. In the early twenties another bad gang situation existed in St. Louis. An open feud was fought in the streets by the rival Egan and Hogan gangs. The Star induced the lead- ers of both gangs to sign a dramatic peace pact. The signing took place on an Easter Sunday. Later the Star persuaded Ray Ren- ard, the Fox, chief Meutenant of the Egan gang, to confess his organization’s crimes, Renard’s confessions ran daily in the Star. As a result of them, 22 murder mysteries were solved, and bank, pay roll and mail robberies totaling more than $5,000,000 were cleared up. Renard’s testimony in Federal court convicted every member of the Egan gang except one, who fled from justice. The Star’s reporter who served as peace emissary between the gangs and. who per- suaded the Fox to confess was Harry T. Brundidge. This same reporter, posing as Harry Thompson, became a full-fledged “doctor of medicine” in 57 days during the fall of 1928. In this time, besides learning all there was to know about medicine, he learned the inside of the diploma mill rack- et that was grinding out murderous quacks upon the American public. As a result of the Star's exposé, the United States Senate investigated the teaching and practice of medicine. Hundreds of quacks were elimi- nated from practice in Missourl, Kansas, Connecticut, New York, Massachusetts, Ar- Kansas, California, Florida, and elsewhere. Ringleaders of the racket were convicted and sent to prison. Low-grade medical colleges throughout the land were closed. A series of news stories and editorials in the Star-Times about the spread of mari- juana traffic among St. Louis youth moved the State of Missouri to pass a law in 1935 outlawing the cultivation, possession, gift or sale of this harmful drug. Undoubtedly some members of this au- dience, when members of the Armed Forces, found themselves personally concerned about how good a job the people who made arms and munitions were doing. Well, late in 1942 the Star-Times investigated reports that thousands of defective cartridges were being passed as good ammunition by inspec- tors at the St. Louis ordnance piant. Our reporters interviewed numerous employees of the plant. They collected many statements supporting the charges. The Star-Times printed its disclosures based on the affidavits
A3804 of five inspectors at the plant. As a result of the exposé, a special board of ordnance re- viewed the plant. A change in the com- mand of the plant took place and nearly a score of improvements in production and in- spection methods were made, For this the Star-Times and two of its reporters won the National Headliners’ Award for outstanding public service during 1942. The two reporters also were given the Sigma Delta Chi award for distinguished service in general report- irg. Another characteristic of the Star-Times 4s its championship of civil liberties, par- ticularly when the rights of the so-called little man are being violated and when the freedom of the press is in danger. In the summer of 1947, a Negro by the name of Harvey Jones, an ex-GI living near Ahoskie, N. C., held a $1 lottery ticket on a Cadillac automobile. He won the automo- bile, but when the award committee found out he was a Negro, it drew again, and awarded the Cadillac to a well-to-do white doctor. Despite a law denying the use of mails to newspapers carrying news about lottery awards, the Star-Times printed the story. We did so, not because it concerned a lot- tery, but because it related an injustice, Many large newspapers did not dare touch the story. The St. Louls postmaster wrote The Star-Times a letter stating that we had violated the law and warning us not to do it again. The Star-Times publicly announced its intention to continue printing such news even though they might involve lotteries and in the following words defied the Post Office to do anything about it: “The Consti- tution of the United States guarantees a free press, Mr. Postmaster. It is not a free press when any public agency attempts to tell a newspaper that it cannot inform the public of discrimination against a Negro be- cause of his race.” Other newspapers, Senators, Representa- tives, labor leaders, businessmen, citizens from all walks of life rallied behind the Star-Times. Exactly 29 hours after this in- cident the Postmaster General reversed his interpretation of the law so that newspapers could mention lotteries incidental to other issues. Note that in this case the Star-Times was championing not only the rights of a Negro who had been deprived of his rights because of his race, but also the rights of all the newspapers that had failed to publish the story out of fear of the Post Office Depart- ment. In this instance, freedom of the press really was involved. Unfortunately some newspapers sometimes cry “wolf’ when there is no wolf. A newspaper is at the same time a business like other businesses and a unique public service. Some pub- lishers and editors try to gain special privi- leges for their newspapers as businesses by wrapping them in the Bill of Rights. Our formula for the preservation of the free- dom, of the press is, first, don’t abuse it; second, don’t pretend that it is in danger when it is not; and, third, ight with every- thing you have when it Js at stake. The last characteristic of the Star-Times I shall mention is its independence. We have supported both Democratic and Re- publican candidates for the offices of Presi- dent, governor, and mayor. The essence of the story of the Star-Times is competition. When it was purchased 37 years ago a dying paper suddenly became ® vigorous young challenger. Not only did it serve the community, but also it caused competitors to report facts they had pre- viously ignored and to champion causes they had formerly opposed or been indifferent toward. I believe that competition is essential to keep the bloodstream of newspapers virile. A city seeking its news through a single newspaper ownership is like a one-eyed man, whose vision lacks perspective even though the single eye may be good. Yet 20 Ameri- can cities of more than 100,000 population have a single newspaper ownership. These cities are Memphis, Louisville, Atlanta, Nor- folk, Richmond, Va.; Reading, Provideuce, Worcester, Springfield, Mass.; Utica, Roches~ ter, N. ¥.; Toledo, Duluth, Minneapolis, St. Paul, Spokane, Omaha, Des Moines, Kansas City, and Oklahoma City. The impact of this development in the field of journalism will be felt, not only by you who will devote your business lives to newspapering, but by every man, woman, and child in the United States. In 1937 there were 1,933 English~language daily newspapers of general circulation in the United States. According to the Editor and Publisher Yearbook, as of January 1, 1950, there were only 1,780, a loss of 153. The situation is worse than the statistics suggest. Twelve States suffered a decrease of one or more dailies during 1949. This is hidden by several factors—the starting of dailies in towns or small cities that used to ‘be served by weeklies, the transferring of publication from Saturday or Monday to the Sunday field, corporate mergers that end edi-~ torial competition even though no newspaper is discontinued. Nineteen fifty has already. seen two famous casualties. On January 4 the New York Sun sold out to the World Telegram. March saw the announcement that the Atlanta Journal had merged with the Constitution, dropping one Sunday paper. The trend toward mo-~ nopoly situations is growing at such a rate that if it is not stopped it may change the whole complexion of American journalism. The two most important factors heighten~ ing the expense of publishing a newspaper are, of course, labor costs and the cost of newsprint. The men and women who make newspapers have a most demanding and most important Job. They are and should be paid well. The March Survey of Current Business, published by the United States Department of Commerce, lists the average weekly earn- ings in American newspapers during 1949 as $78.50, the highest in all the classifications of employment in the highest-paying Nation on earth. Just how far the newspaper wages can run ahead of wages in comparable industries and still leave the newspaper industry solvent is something for the statisticians to figure out. But the principle of competitive costs is no different in newspapering from what it is in, shall we say, the coal industry. John L, Lewis has taken the wages of the coal miners from poverty to high hourly pay. When one considers the toil, the discomfort, and the hazards of their occupation, no one will say the miners are not worth it. But is coal as a fuel worth it? Aren’t natural gas, electricity, and other sources of energy stead- lly forcing coal into the background so that it is now a sick industry, one of the Nation’s top economic problems? The same thing, I believe, 1s happening to newspapers. The monopoly that newspapers had on news was broken years ago when radio came into belng. Radio was able to take hundreds of millions of dollars from news- paper advertising without vitally affecting the newspaper structure. The fact that this loss could be borne showed the underlying stability of the newspaper industry. But there is a limit somewhere to what newspapers can stand in the way of increased costs that must ultimately be passed on to the reading public and the buyers of adver- tising. Newspaper publishers should be proud that they pay the top wages of any big industry in the country. But they should be fearful lest these wages mount so high that their readers and their advertisers re- fuse to bear them. I believe the death of the New York Sun, the merger of the Fort APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Wayne newspapers into a single publishing company, and the merger of the Atlanta Journal with the Constitution attest to this fact. A companion factor in the increased costs of publishing a newspaper is the rise in the price of newsprint. As recently as 1945 news-~ print was selling at $59 a ton. Within 5 years the price had jumped to $101. Wheth- er or not $101 a ton is too high or too low a price for newsprint is a question I shall not attempt to answer. It is plain, however, that the newspapers of America are paying about 70 percent more for every ton of their basic raw material than they were paying in 1945, Anyone familiar with the newspaper business knows that few have had revenue increases even closely approaching this increase in the cost of newsprint. Of course, newspapers in the monopoly cities can pass this cost along to their ad- vertisers and readers. Also the huge news- papers that own their own paper mills are utterly unconcerned about the increase in the price of newsprint. The higher it goes, the more money they make, and the tougher things are for their competitors. But most newspapers must make up the difference be- tween cost and revenue from. their resources, not from their earnings. How long they can endure this load is something for the future to reveal. : I have alluded, by analogy with the coal industry, to competitive methods of accom- plishing what the newspaper does today. I want to touch on this factor now. There have been important changes and many refinements in the methods of pub- lishing a newspaper since the invention of linotype, but the basic machines of about 60 years ago still remain. There has been no technological revolution comparable to what has taken place in the metals industry, in chemistry, plastics, and farming. -For example, the New York stock table 1s taken from the stock exchange ticker in New York; transmitted line by line over a tele- graph wire; received on another telegraph printer, sent to an editor, from the editor to the compositor, who sets it line by line, from the compositor to a proofreader, who reads it line by line and marks errors; sent back for resetting as many times os neces- sary; and the type finally arrives in a form on the make-up table. That performance, repeated in hundreds of mewspapers, could be obviated entircly by the simple process of setting the New York stock table once in the city of New York and sending it by a refined method of wirephoto. There aro other processes as simple as wirephoto that could be adopted tomorrow if newspapers were not wedded to  horse-and-buggy methods. Some of the blame for this backwardness must rest on the many publishers who have been more interested in using newspapers for purposes other than as a public service and a private livelihood. Part of the blame must rest on restrictive agreements between management and labor. But the conse- quence is that newspapering is technologi- cally archaic. It stands on the brink of vast technological changes. Some of these changes are in the realm of photographic re- production; others are in the realm of elec- tronics. I want to mention just one of the latter kind. Right here in Columbia there has been under way for the past 2 years the study of a new method of producing and distrib- uting newspapers, I refer to facsimile news- papers—-newspapers broadcast over the air and reproduced in the home. About 5 years ago a number of newspapers joined together to see what could be done with facsimile as a new method of newspaper reproduction and distribution. These newspapers in- cluded the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Chicago Tribune, the Boston Globe, and the St. Louis Star-Times, I cannot
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD truthfailly say that we accomplished very much toward commercial realization of the project. Later the Star-Times turned its facsimile equipment over to the Micsouri School of Journalism for experimentation, and for nearly 2 years now the work we initiated has been continued on this campus. I have never felt that the individual pro- duction of a newspaper on a facsimile ma- chine or by any other method could com- pete with mass production of newspapers as long as they are circulated in a densely populated area. I still doubt it. Those of you who have toured the Star-Times plant have seen new presses in operation each of which can turn out newspapers at the rate of 45,000 an hour. While the actual produc- tion, of course, does not reach this capacity figure, it comes fairly close to it, because the presses are equipped with devices which change 2,000-pound rolls of paper at nearly full speed. However, in this atomic age it may be that survival will be possible only by spread- ing out our factories, our vital facilities and our residences over large areas. Perhaps, instead of being bunched in thickly popu- lated ceniers that are attractive targets for an atomic bomb and even more attractive for a hydrogen bomb, we will be scattered over miles and miles of countryside. It is not inconceivable that in such a day it will be more feasible economically to deliver an individual newspaper on a facsimile machine. I do not pretend to know what the future holds in store. But I do know that we must keep up with progress and changing social conditions, and that is what the Star-Times had in mind & years ago when we joined with other newspapers in trying to develop facsimile. And that is also what we had in mind a few years ago when the Star-Times became the first newspaper in the world to use two-~ way radlo-telephone equipment in our news gathering operations. Today such equip- ment is also in the automobiles used by some of our photographers and circulation de- partment employees. I could speak for another half hour—don’t worry, I shall not—on the virtues of the American press and prove to you that regard- less of the tribulations it faces it is still the best in the world. I have merely been con- cerned with the problem of keeping it that way. A democracy to survive must look to its arms. <A free press to survive must look to the soundness of its economic foundation. However, the military arm must serve the civilian body, and not the other way around. Similarly, the free press must serve the public. Editorial integrity is an asset that cannot be measured in circulation figures or advertising lineage, but only editorial integ- rity can win public confidence. With public confidence a newspaper can weather many dark days. Without public confidence a newspaper is dying, even though it may ap- pear in the fullness of its strength. It may take years for a once-great newspaper that has lost its editorlal integrity to wither, Just as it takes years for a giant oak to fall. And it may take years for a young or revitalized newspaper to build itself up, just as it takes years for an acorn to grow. Editorial integ- rity is to a newspaper what the essence of life is to a tree. To you young people who have decided on newspapering as a career, I say, based on a Mfetime of work in journalism: You have made a wise choice, You will have a ringside seat at the battle, the tragedy, the comedy, the circus of life—call it what you will. Whatever it is, there you are in the front row. The rings are not merely three—they are beyond counting. The daily shows are not two, but a continuous one, day and night, neyer ending, of infinite variety, ranging from XCVI—App.——240 the simple routine of the humblest to the pomp and pageantry of the most mighty. You will find high monetary compensation compared to other industries. But you will find also the satisfaction of taking part in one of the most important and interesting forms of work in the world. I can wish no more for any one of you than that you may receive this satisfaction as fully as I have. The Country Needs H. R. 7151 EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, to date, no committee action has been taken on H. R. 7151, and the copper market is being adversely affected. Congress must take cognizance of the dislocations which will result from failure to continue suspension of the tax on copper imports, and remedy this situation by enacting H.R. 7151 in the immediate future. Two statements in this vein are inserted; one, an editorial from the American Metal Market and the other a news story from the May 18 issue of the New York Times: [From American Metal Market of May 3, 1950] Concress SuHovunp Pass H. R. 7151 “The bill H. R. 7151, introduced into the House by Representative Patrrerson, which would insure the tax free entry of copper into the United States for a period of an- other two years from June 30, 1950, should receive the hearty support of the great ma- jority of the members of the industry and of the Congress. If this bill fails to pass, an import-excise tax of 2 cents per pound under the Reciprocal Trade Agreement will take effect as of July 1, We are urgently in need of a great deal more copper than our mines can supply and a protection of 2 cents would probably have only a negligible effect in stimulating pro- duction. Let it be remembered that from February 1942 through 1945 when premium prices were paid, almost 80 percent of the country’s output sold at the OPA ceiling price of 12 cents and on less than 2 percent was a premium of more than 5 cents paid. The production figures were as follows: In tons of 2,000 pounds] . 7 At nramta AtcellingJAtr wo prices jury adLte 12 conts | 17 cents | oF cents R81, 711 | 102, 352 716 841, 286 | 217, 382 14, 003 722,791 | 194,483 26, 168 E01, 851 } 179,389 22, 917 The figures for 1946 and for the first half of 1947, when the payments of premiums ceased, are not comparable because with the lifting of price controls in November 1946 the copper market underwent @ considerable ad- vance, Up to the outbreak of World War II in 1939 the United States had always been an ex- porter of copper, but in latter years its pro- duction has fallen far short of home require- ments although augmented by the great re- covery and reemployment of scrap. In 1949 our imports of refined copper, plus the metal content of ore, matte, and blister amounted to 645,000 tons against which 137,000 tons A3805 ‘were exported in the form of refined ingots and bars and some 60,000 tons in the form of rods, sheets, etc. It is estimated that this year we will have to import between 350,000 and 400,000 tons on balance if industrial and stockpiling needs are to be met. With the metai commanding 191% cents, it cannot be argued that domestic producers are in need of protection as was the case during the height of the depression in 1932 when an excise tax of 4 cents was first im- posed. At that time the price was at its historic low level of 5 cents with a thor- oughly unhealthy situation prevailing as an aftermath of the abortive attempt in 1929- 30 to peg the market at 18 cents. But while this 4-cent protection effectively prevented foreign copper from competing with domestic producers in the home market, it did not correct the supply and demand situation and the United States continued to export cop- per on balance. In other words, the foreign producers were barred from entry into our market but our producers continued to en- jez the right to invade other consuming mar- kets, particularly in Europe, and availed themselves of same. The exports of domestic produced copper continued, and in 1984 when the price here was 8% cents they amounted to 125,000 tons, while in 1938 and 1939 they averaged about 130,000 tons a year. What gave the copper market its first boost was the Government-sponsored trade restriction action under the NRA code whereby all except blue-eagle copper was outlawed from home usage and a fixed price of 9 cents was maintained from April 26, 1934 until May 27, 1985, when the legislation was ruled unconstitutional. This recital of past events is for the purpose of emphasizing how radically different the situation is to- day than what it was when copper producers called for help and received same. From the beginning of the century up until 1947 there were only 5 years when copper averaged more than its present price of 19% cents, namely in 1906-7 when Amal-~ gamated Copper Co. was manipulating the market, and 1916-18 during World War I when at one time the Allies were forced to pay the atrocious price of 37 cents. If the 2-cent duty is relmposed, it may enable United States producers to get a higher- than-necessary price for their product or what is more likely, will short-change those countries upon whom we are dependent for supplies. The principal countries shipping copper to us are Chile, Canada, Peru and Mexico, all good neighbors. It would be im- polite, to Lay the very least, if we were to slam the door in their faces when they are brivgint us materials which we need so badiy. We also depend on them as outlets fcr a gcod portion of the manufactured ar- ticles which we make from the raw ma- terials they send us. A large part of their dollar Incomes is de~ rived from the copper which they export to the United States. The Chilean Govern-~ ment, in particular, derives a large measure of iis revenue from the taxes paid by the American-owned copper companies. Cut off this source of revenue and the present gov- ernment which is favorable to the United States will be seriously weakened financially. The strong Communist element which exists in Chile might not lose any time nor spare any effort to throw the country into politi- cal turmoil. What is true in Chile is also true to somewhat lesser extent in the other countries south of the border which could not be expected to greet with open arms the prospect of a substantial reduction in dollar income. Canada depends on the dollar income from the sale of copper and other raw materials to provide the means to buy from us many manufactured articles which are the neces- sary adjuncts to a civilized life. The passage of H. R. 7151 will help to keep the copper coming down here and the dollars flowing
A3806 northward only to return in exchange for the products of our manufacturing plants. The passage of H. R. 7151 will not only have an effect on the Western Hemisphere but will also have a beneficial effect on the countries of Europe outside the iron curtain, and may even have some influence in keeping the iron curtain from further encroachments on western Europe. We are supplying a very great number of dollars to the Marshall plan countries. They in turn are buying from us many items designed to help them get back onto their own feet. Among these items are electrical machinery and other goods which contain appreciable amounts of copper. Once in possession of more of the guts of production it will not take so long for the western European countries to be- come self-supporting—and the sooner we will be able to stop sending monetary aid. With the ability to stand on their own feet, the free countries of Europe will be better able to face the pressure from Russia. The Department of the Interior, the De- partment of State and the Department of Commerce have all gone on record in favor of the continued suspension of the excise tax on copper imported into this country and the Munitions Board has stated that its passage will not have any ill effect on stockpile ob= jectives. In view of all this supporting ma- terial for the passage of H. R. 7151, it would be a shame if it were defeated. [From the New York Times of May 18, 1950] Coprer Dury Sren CostLy ror CHmE—CoN- su, General Here Says Untrep States RE- INSTATEMENY or Livy Wriin Mean $5,000,000 BurpeN—Economic Pacr Is Praisep—Com- MERCE AND INDUSTRY GROUP ToLD THart Ir Is SOLUTION TO PROBLEMS ABROAD Automatic reinstatement of the United BHtates duty of 2 cents a pound on copper im- ports on June 80 will he a severe blow to Chile, Alfonso Grez, Chilean Consul General in New York, said yesterday. He told a meeting of the Commerce and Industry Association, 233 Broadway, that fail- ure to continue suspension of the duty would cost Chile $5,000,000 yearly on the present tonnage of copper shipped here. Chile, he said, already is hard pressed by & dollar shortage, and the extra $5,000,000 bur~ den of the copper duty will be in addition to a dollar deficit of some $38,000,000 in the 1950 budget of the country. “when the President of Chile, Gabriel Gonzalez Videla, returned after his recent visit to this country he believed the United States duty on copper would not be reestab~ lished,” Mr. Grez said. “However, the pros- pects have changed and it appears that Chile would get a slap in the face.” Mr. Grez said “political considerations” were to blame, attributing the likelihood of the duty reinstatement to Senators from the copper-producing States in this country. He pointed out that “positive action” by Congress was necessary to continue suspen- sion of the duty, and unless such action was taken the duty would become effective. As a result of the dollar shortage, he con- tinued, Chile is “tightening its belt” in order to be able to pay for the goods it buys in the United States. He said import con- trols restricted purchases here to essentials, He added that the recent drop of $12 to $13 a ton in the price of synthetic nitrates here was another severe blow to the Chilean econ- omy. One bright spot is the production of oil in the southern part of the country. This oll being sold to Uruguay. ECONOMIC UNION PRAISED L. C, Ameye, economic adviser to the Banque de Bruxelles, another speaker at the meeting, said that the proposal to extend the Atlantic Pact to the economic field was one of the “best solutions’ put forward to solve the European problem. President Truman’s Sophistry EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, no matter what form it may take, infla- tion is the most ruthless destroyer of savings and of liberty yet devised by man. Inflation is insidious and steals upon a nation like a thief in the night. Mr. Mark Sullivan, with his usual power of analysis and clarity of expression, brings the Truman sophistry of the Truman Fair Deal into full public view. Under leave to extend, I am inserting in the Recorp the article of Mark Sulli- van published in the New York Herald Tribune under date of May 19, 1950: Truman 10-YeEaR Economic PraN CALLED PERIL TO NATION’S SaveRs—MarK SULLIVAN Says ProcRamM, Maprep py Farr Dean So- PHISTICATES, WiLL MEAN HARDSHIP TO MILLIONS (By Mark Sullivan) President Truman has now stated, with a definiteness achieved by much repetition, his appeal to the people to vote for a Con- gress favorable to him; it amounts to an economic plan for the next 10 years. With- out jibing at all—this is no time for jibing— it is material to say that the program Mr. Truman put forward is not one evolved by him; it is the creation of persons in the Fair Deal administration or of persons having access to it, who are sophisticated ideologi- cally, The role of Mr. Truman, for which he is adapted by both his temperament and his limitations, is that of folksy salesman to the people. : The program, and the salesmanship, are illustrated by two sentences in the speech Mr. Truman made at Pendleton, Oreg., May 10: “Our goal over the next decade should be to lift every hard-working American family to an income of $4,000 a year. * * ™* One out of every four American familles now has an income of less than $2,000 a year.” It is of the utmost importance that our people examine this prospect with exact thought: that they dismiss for the moment theoretical considerations about what a fair wage should be under given conditions; that each individual dismiss for the moment the application of the prospect to himself per- sonally, that he think of it in relation to the economic good of the people as a whole, the general welfare. This calls for a difficult and not often practiced intellectual exer- cise—to shift one’s thinking from terms of dollars to terms of goods, and to see that what is income to one is outgo to another. SAVINGS NOT AFFECTED The 82,000-a-year worker today, whom Mr. Truman proposes to elevate, now works for $1 an hour. Anyone who buys his services, who hires him, pays him a dollar an hour directly. Anyone who buys goods that he makes, as in. a factory, likewise pays him a dollar an hour indirectly. Now turn to the end of the 10 years of Mr. Truman’s plan. The worker we are speaking of has now become a $4,000-a-year man, he gets $2 an hour. Anyone who buys his serv- ices, who hires him, pays him $2 an hour directly. As to anyone who buys goods made by this worker in a factory, there may be by 1960 improvements in industrial processes which may increase output of a worker. Yet, broadly speaking, anyone who in 1960 buys APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD goods made by the factory worker here used as an illustration, will pay him $2 an hour indirectly. Mr, Truman, commending his plan to double the wages of workers, says that ‘‘we will all benefit * * ™* for the incomes of the rest of us will rise, too.” But there is one large class of our people who cannot share the benefit Mr. Truman envisages, whose incomes will not rise. These are savers who depend for their ving on their savings or on the income from them, and whose savings are in bonds, life-insurance policies, and the like. The interest on a bond does not increase, nor does an annuity re- ceived from a life-insurance policy. Such persons will at the end of Mr. Truman's 10- year plan have the same incomes in dollars, put the purchasing power of those incomes will, according to Mr. Truman’s prospect, have been cut in half. LOSS TO SAVERS NOTED This has already taken place in the past. In Mr. Truman’s presentation of his plan he dealt with total national income. He said that by 1960 this will have increased from a present two hundred and thirty-four pillion to three hundred and fifty billion. To show that this can happen in the future he cited the past, he pointed to an increase of over a hundred billions in national in- come during the 10 years since 1939. But what has happened to the saver dur- ing that 10 years? A person who in 1939 put a@ hundred dollars into a bond, put in terms of dollars say one-tenth of the price of a good automobile. Today that hundred dol- lars is only about one-twentieth the price of the same automobile. What has happened to savers during the last 10 years was stated by Mr. Bernard M. Baruch in a speech made during the same week as Mr. Truman's: “Every form of savings has been depre- eciated—life insurance, Government bonds, thrift accounts, annuities, and pension funds, Week after week, bit by bit, these sums were put aside by millions of persons for their old age, for buying a home, for sending a child to college. To the extent that these savings are cheapened, the abil-~ ity of these millions to care for themselves and their families is weakened. * “ * They have been made more insecure.” It is not merely the hardship brought upon millions of savers. The great danger is that the people may become discouraged about the worth-whileness of saving, that saving as a foundation stone of the national economy may be impaired. I Am an American Day EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to say that the third Sunday in May has been designated as “I Am an Amercan Day” by act of Con- gress of May 3, 1940, and this year this day will be May 21. Mr. Speaker, I have been thinking of something appropriate to say to bring this special day to the attention of the Congress, and I am frank to say that I have found no words more appropriate at this time than the immortal words of Rev. Samuel Francis Smith, who in 1832
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD wrote the words for our national hymn America, as follows: AMERICA My country ‘tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing; Land where my fathers died, Land of the Pilgrim’s pride, From ewry mountain side Let freedom ring. My native country, thee, Land of the noble free, Thy name I love: I love they rocks and rills, Thy woods and templed hills: My heart with rapture thrills Like that above. Our fathers’ God, to thee, Author of liberty, To thee we sing; Long may our land be bright With freedom’s holy light, Protect us by Thy might, Great God, our King. Less Mail Service EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. EARL C. MICHENER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. MICHENER. Mr. Speaker, Mem- bers of Congress are receiving many, many letters protesting against the cur- tailment of mail delivery service pursu- ant to the economy order of Postmaster General Donaldson. Employees of the post office affected by the order are vio- lently protesting. Indeed, in some lo- calities friends of the employees are cir- culating petitions among patrons de- manding that the former scheduled deliv- eries be reinstated. On the other hand, I have received numerous letters tclling me that the writers miss the extra deliv- ery service, but complimenting the Post- master General on his courage in insti- tuting this economy measure. These writers want the budget balanced and our expenditures brought within our income before we have mail delivery service that is not essential, even though it is desir- able. My attention has just keen called by a writer from my district to an editorial appearing in the Adrian (Mich.) Daily Telegram. In keeping with permission granted by the House, I am including that editorial which is as follows: Luss Main SERVICE The curtailment of mail service as ordered by the Post Office Department will determine just how badly Americans want economy in government. The orders of Postmaster Gen~ eral Donaldson provide for substantial cuts in postal service. One delivery a day will be the rule in residential areas. The post-office windows will be open shorter hours. Mail will be picked up less frequently. Postal staffs will be reduced in numerous cities. The purpose, of course, is to cut the costs of the Department. The United States post office is one of the biggest businesses in the world. About 500,000 persons are employed in 42,000 branches with 24,000 buildings. The Department owns 10,000 cars and trucks, with an average age of 1542 years. About $1.3 billion a year is spent in operating this business. The Department has been a no- torious money loser. In 1949, for example, the losses were estimated at apout $500,- 000,000. Americans made up the deficit out of tax money—income taxes, luxury taxes, and dozens of other taxes levied by the Fed~ eral Government. The post office delivers 37,000,000,000 pieces of mail every year and handles 800,000,000 other items like money orders. It operates a savings bank with 4,000,000 depositors. Almost every department of the postal busi- ness loses money. Air-mail services went into the red about $32,000,000 last year; $155, 000,000 was lost on second-class mail service; $30,000,000 on money orders; $45,000,000 on postal cards, $87,000,000 on third-class mail, and more millions on insurance, c. 0. d. mail and postal orders. Some of those losses probably can be traced directly to poor management. The Hoover Commission said the Department could save a great deal of money by good management. Still more money could be saved by modern methods and tools in han- dling mail and increased rates tor some types of service. The Hoover Commission said that the Department should be out of poli- tics; that postmasters should get their jobs on the basis of ability. It would also cut down the 900-page book of rules for the operation of the Department. Well, it looks as if Postmaster Donaldson 4s taking the bull by the horns in the order curtailing service. That is one way to re- duce expenses. It also is a quick way to cut costs and reduce the Department’s huge deficit. There are two other methods that can be applied. Congress can adopt some of the efficiency suggestions proposed by the Hoover Commission. They probably would require time and more study. Congress also could cut post-office losses by increasing postal rates. The mail service curtailment order in the long run should be beneficial. It will help crystallize sentiment among all those who ‘use the mails—and that includes just about everyone in the Nation. A great many com- plaints over reduced service already have been received. Reduced service may bring more pressure for the incorporation of the Hoover Commission's suggestions in the op- eration of the Department. It also will let Government officials know whether the pub- lic wants the service it has been receiving at the expense of an increase in rates. A little experience with one mail delivery a day and shorter post-office hours will enable the public’to reach the right verdict. ‘The test period may show that we need a little of everything. The Evils of Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES H. MORRISON OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. MORRISON. Mr. Speaker, what iscommunism? What is its background? How does it affect us today? The world is groaning under the burden of the dis- astrous results of communism, nazism, and fascism. The United States is the only major country that is not scratching in the earth to find means of building up a broken economy. The crumbling walls of ruined cities cry out to the be- holder: “Shame to civilization.” Stand- ing amidst a rubble and stained glass A3807 windows, lonely church spires seem to reach to God for help. In our land of plenty, granaries are bursting at their seams and with a new golden crop in the offing. Our factories, humming with activity, are producing those things that make for progress as well as the finer things of life. And of this we are ready to share with suffering nations for in the abundance we have we can help build other nations to be self-sufficient. This is one mode of at- tack against communism in countries who are too weak to protest against the inroad of its infestation. In free coun- tries lies our strength. COMMUNISM NOT AN IDEOLOGY Communism is not an ideology born of the Russian Revolution. It has existed since the early days of history when peo- ple lived in groups for protection against enemies and they shared equally in land and produce. Some planted, some pro- duced the necessary things for house- holds, some fished and hunted for game, and others were used as guards to pro- tect the community. From this ancient civilization grew the desire to better their condition in agriculture, achitecture, maritime activities, the arts, and so forth. Some people were laggards and they lived in want, while others worked dili- gently until they had worldly goods pleasing to mankind. From this point capitalism began, But the condition of the poor grew worse and, eventually, in some countries they constituted what could be called slaves in some sections. RUSSIAN REVOLUTION When the Russian Revolution came ending czarism, it brought into power Bolshevism, later called communism. This change of government gave some relief to many of the lower class or pro~ letariat but greater power to those in high government offices. Under this dictatorship came the great purge in which thousands of the bourgeoise were imprisoned or liquidated, their property confiscated to become Government prop.~ erty. Those holding office were directly responsible to Stalin. In fact all Rus- sians were ruled with an iron hand to such an extent that one word or act against the Government meant prison or death. The banks, factories, and all business was taken over by the govern~ ment. It is that way today with favor- itism shown toward few but a desolate way of life for the many. If communism were to be our mode of government let me list a few burdens we would have to bear. We could own no land or property, for it would belong to the Communist Government. You could rent the land but would be told what to plant and then what to sell the produce for. Your bank account would be taken from you, leaving you only a small amount. Police permission would have to be obtained in order to travel from one place to another. Practically all churches would be closed and used as buildings and storehouses. Children and adults would not be allowed re- ligious training. All Bibles would be de- stroyed. There would be no church weddings, baptisms, or funerals. Priests and ministers of the Gospel would be
A3808 persecuted and all church property would be taken over by the government. All fraternal organizations like the YMCA, American Legion, Rotary, and Chamber of Commerce, would be de- stroyed. The Communist government would limit education and designate what should be studied and how long a student may study. Lenin has said, “Give us a child 8 years and he will be a Bolshevik forever.” ELECTIONS A FARCE IN RUSSIA Elections would be a farce, as in Russia today. There would be only one polit- ical party, namely, the Communist Party. Even music composers in Russia are cen= sored and compelled to write only music with a rhythm that workers could keep time to or hum as they work in order to increase production. Even the code of Morality and ideals are dictated by the communistic government. ‘The com- munistic picture is complete when all freedom is destroyed. Have you heard of the Parade of the Happy Workers? In Moscow these pa~ rades last as long as 5 hours and all men and women from all the factories, fields, and so forth, must march or they will lose their day’s pay, besides being fined. Imagine trudging along for 5 hours and being happy about it. This is one of the supposed pleasures or recreations. Old women do all the street cleaning. With crude brooms made of switches tied to a handle, they sweep the streets, many of them cobblestone. In winter they shovel all the snow, which is pushed down man- holes. Womer run all the streetcars, clean locomotives, paint, and even do building, including scaffolding. Soviet Russia proclaims everything is being done for the benefit of the prole- tariat, or the poor class, but it takes people who have lived there to see the falsity of this. The proletariat are ex- ploited; men and women are in rags with nothing to change to. In winter the men tie rags about their feet and legs for protection. Quilted cotton coats are the only warmth the average Russian woman has to shield her from the bitter cold Russian winters. As for food, cab~ bage and black bread are principal food- stuffs. Foreigners coming from there say they will never eat cabbage again for they saw so much of it. Cake is made of cornstarch and is very unpalatable. The proletariat buy at certain desig- nated stores and pay enormous prices for what little food they can afford to buy, standing for hours in a long line to be waited upon. RUSSIANS ARE HUNGRY Russians are so hungry for the good things of this world and they have so little.- When a Sears, Roebuck cata- log gets into their hands, they are astounded that Americans can buy all the things listed. One observer attended one of the few churches in Moscow, and he said he was amazed at the grandeur of the church and the richness of the priests’ robes, while outside the church the poor stood in rags. Can this be called communistic equality? In 1935 the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International met in Moscow. ‘The streets were gay with red bunting while pictures of Stalin were in every shop window. It has been said that pictures, 30 feet high, of Stalin were hung from many buildings. Thousands of delegates from countries where commu- nism had taken root were present at this great demonstration. Among the dele- gates were Earl Browder, general secre- tary of the American Communist Party; William Z. Foster, James Ford, and other noted Communist members sat on the speakers’ platform with Stalin. At the end of a 2-hour speech George Dimitroff, a Bulgarian Communist, told the story of the Trojan horse, comparing it to the strategy that Communists must use to overcome the enemy in foreign lands. This idea he evidently put across because that is the method that the Communist Party has used so successfully here and elsewhere. AMERICAN YOUTH CONGRESS An important Communist group was organized at the New York University, New York City, in 1934, called the Ameri- can Youth Congress. It was instigated by Miss Viola Ilma. Many youth groups were represented, It started out with high ideals for the advancement of youth, but, by the usual subversive proce- dure, the group in time came under the control of the Communists and was used to cover up un-American activities. In 1937 the American League Against War and Fascism changed to the Amer-~ ican League for Peace and Democracy. The third annual congress of the Jeague decided as their main issue that more groups of the Communist Party were to organize and work in factories, especially munitions plants, and to or- ganize the league among marine and transport workers. The Communist program is based on the teaching of Karl Marx, founder of the International; Friedrich Engels, also an important member of the party; Vla- dimir Lenin, founder of the Third Com- munist International and first Premier of the Soviet Government; and Joseph Stalin, now Premier. The movement meant the complete social control of eco- nomic life, including ownership of all property by the Government and the rev- olutionary reaction for the violent over- throw of capitalistic society. HISTORY OF COMMUNISM Let us trace the history of the Com- munist movement in the United States. It held its first convention in September 1919. Most of the delegates were for- eigners. On September 18, 1945, the Communist Party celebrated its twenty- sixth anniversay at Madison Square Gar-~ den in New York City. Later the Amer- ican Communist Party—United Commu- nist Party—was raided by Attorney Gen- eral A. Mitchell Palmer and had to hold secret meetings. Later two parties were formed, the Workers Party of America and the Communist Party of America, which was finally combined to form the Communist Party of America. In 1948 at a cohvention the Communist Party of America was reconstituted, and Earl Browder was replaced by William Z. Foster as leader. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The American Communist Party plate form is— First. An organization operating un- der centralized discipline, subordinated to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the single and ruling party of that country. Second. A section of the World Com- munist Party, controlled by the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union. Third. An organization whose basic aim, whether open or concealed, is the abolition of our present economic sys- tem and democratic form of govern- ment and the establishment of a Soviet dictatorship in its place. Fourth. An organization resorting to deception, evasion, illegal methods, vio-~ lence, and civil war. The Communist Party of the United States is a division of the International Communist Party founded by Vladimir Lenin during World War I. First of all, he sought to destroy the capitalist system and government under which it operates, in order to include the nations of the world in the Socialist Soviet Republic. Again, he wished to defend a wobbly Soviet Government by causing dissension among hostile na- tions and bringing about strife. Later the party took the name of the Russian Communist Party. The Russian Revo- lution aided in the growth of the party in other nations. A large sum of money was assigned to carry out propa- ganda in foreign countries. Strikes were incited in Berlin, Glasgow, London, and Liverpool through Communist ef- forts. HATRED OF FREE ENTERPRISE The party principles indicated a hatred of free enterprise or capitalism. Members were not required to observe honesty and though taking the oath of allegiance, they need not stand by it. The party stood above all. Members were taught sabotage, spying, use of passport frauds, counterfeiting, rioting, disloyalty to army, navy, and air force, They were instructed to stay within the law and outside the law, to work for key places in schools, farm organiza- tions, labor unions, and so forth. The Scientific and Cultural Confer- ence for World Peace met in New York City in March 1949. The purposes of the meeting were: First. To provide a propagandist for- um. against the Marshall plan, the North Atlantic Defense Pact, and the American foreign policy. Second. To promote the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. Third. To mobilize intellectuals for their program, teaching civil disobedi- ence against the United States Govern- ment, Fourth. To prepare for the coming world peace conferences, with promotion of communism in view. Fifth. To discredit American culture. The State Department indicated that— None of the cultural leaders of eastern Europe who attended were free to express any view other than that ordered by Moscow. The three professors dismissed from the University of Washington were on
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the speakers’ platform, all having had connection with the Communists. Dr. Ernest Boas, of Columbia College of Physicians and surgeons, said that in the Soviet Union— Science has become the servant of the state to such an extent that the only science is that approved by the leaders of the state. COMMUNISM INCREASING IN UNITED STATES Communism is increasing here in the United States in great and alarming strength. Working as they do in secret groups, carefully selecting and training men and women and placing them in Strategic offices in organizations, they build from these small cells until control is obtained and honest, patriotic workers are crowded out. Members of the party are sent to the Lenin Institute, in Russia, where they are trained in sabotage, to capture rail- roads, shipping, radio stations, power plants, in fact everything that could paralyze a nation in time of war or revo- lution. There have been a large number of schools of such training here in the United States sponsored by the party. They teach members to fill key positions in organizations, factories, and so forth. The party pays all expenses. The United States Government closed 29 of these schools in 1949, many of which were named after famous American people as a cover-up of the communistic doctrine they were teaching. The Daily Worker is the Communist paper in the United States, and is pub- lished in New York. Articles in the Daily Worker by many well-known Commu- ists were the means of finally proving their connection with the party, in spite of denials. That is what is so dishonest about the Communists. Truth means nothing; lying, deceit, and subterfuge are their watchword for the progress of the party. COMMUNISTS ARE SLICK AND TRICKY Another trick of the Communists is to hide their activities behind the skirts of some organization with a high sound- ing patriotic name and have innocent and prominent men who are non-Com- munists address the meeting. Outstand- ing Americans often are used as dupes. ' Pending legislation in Congress com- pells all Communists to register with the Attorney General and indicate all prop- aganda as their own. Passports are forbidden to Communists and they can- not work on United States Government jobs. It also states that it is illegal for anybody to set up in the country a total- itarian dictatorship having any connec- tion with a foreign power. In spite of this, many Communists obtain false passports to foreign countries, some members having made trips a number of times on false passports. Families of Russian Embassy employees are not free to be brought over to the United States. The freedom and the pleasant way of liv- ing in the United States is too much of a contrast to that of Russia. The friend- liness of the Americans reaches out to all, The restaurants do not find Rus- slans sitting on one side of the dining room and Americans on the other. There is free exchange of speech and sociability. The Russians can make real friends here while in Russia seciability is rare and danzerous to both Americans and Russians alike for the MDVK is ever on the alert for spies and sabotage in Russia, COMMUNISTS ARE WELL TRAINED There have been many cases of espio- nage in the past months brought before congressional committees. There have been many accusations of espionage among intelligent and brilliant mon. But so weil trained are the Communists that their statements, at the hearings, tell litle of the truth. A good definition for Communist would be: “A Communist is a person who sells his soul for the ad- vancement of his party.” Russian espionage is the great con- cern of the day. And, in spite of all pre- cautions, there have been leaks in this country. Men and women of unusual intelligence and personality give or sell information to the Communists. They seem to have no fear of the law of God or man. It is to Soviet Russia they ap- pear to owe their allegiance. The peculiar thing about communism is that brilliant men and women from many walks of life are included in the party and though they take an oath of allegiance to the United States, that means nothing to them except that all suspicion as to their loyalty be allayed. Here we find professors, writers, and a whole host of others, representing some of the best intellects in our Nation. Communists are known to be in cable offices, radio-control towers, merchant ships, and commercial air fields. In case of war or revolution within our country, these men hold positions thai could re- sult in terrible catastrophes to our coun- try. As mentioned before, the Soviet Union has ordered members to infiltrate into all important positions, to be ready in case they are needed for revolution- ary purposes. HOOVER HAS DONE A REMARKABLE JOB J. Edgar Hoover, head of the FBI, to whom this Nation owes so much, has done a magnificent job in using his most efficient organization to drive out com- munism. He explains it is the duty of all loyal citizens to act before it is too late. I quote Mr. Hoover: I have always entertained the view that there are few appellations more degrading than Communist and hence it should be trerved for those justly deserving degrada- on. California University has just ruled that all members of faculty should pass the loyalty test or be dismissed. Uni- versity of Washington and Washington State College have followed suit. All such organizations and _ institutions should demand the loyalty test and stand by to enforce it to the limit. This is a country of plenty and every- one has a right for redress of wrongs, we have more freedoms than any country on this earth. Let us keep it free for our children and posterity. Until recently little has been known of the concentration camps and slave labor camps of Russia, but escapees from these places of horror, tell of the cruel treat- ment received at the hands of guards and of the thousands who die yearly from A3809 overwork, illness, and starvation diets. Hundreds of thousands of prisoners are forced to work on gigantic projects such as building railroads in Siberia, canals, and working in mines, ete. The Russian Government has been able to accomplish a@ great deal with no expenditure for la- bor, only expenditure of human flesh and life. Often half of the workers are women who toil with the men. Long columns of ragged women marching four abreast under armed guards are familiar sights in Russia. PEOPLE COMPLETELY DISAPPEAR IN RUSSIA When there is need of enlarging the number of forced laborers, men are ar- rested on city streets and under pretext of having committed some crime, are sentenced to these slave camps. Rela- tives never see them or hear from them again. This is just an inkling of what takes place behind the iron curtain. We understand the dead of Russia are cre- mated. Do you wonder, with all the mil- lions of people dying or being liquidated each year that every foot of Russian soil must cover a skeleton. The Russian people seem to be stricken dumb with fear and want. Affection in home circles is chilled by the oppressive atmosphere, where secret police prey upon innocent and guilty alike. God forbid that that should be our lot. It will be if we are not on the alert. Stalin’s evil forces are on the alert to make us and the rest of the world sub- servient to Soviet Russia, if they can. From a small beginning, communism has reached gigantic proportions. It will work as insidiously and fast as a cancerous growth to sap the life of our liberty-loving Nation, if we do not gather all our forces together to defeat it. William Penn once said, “Men must be either ruled by God or they must be ruled by tyrants.” We, the people of America, believe that with wisdom and godliness, courage and self-reliance together with tolerance, our Nation will stand inde- structible with liberty and justice for all. We prefer to be ruled by God. Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker un- der unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include the twenty-fifth article by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop on the infiltration of communism in our country: Biccest Story (By Frank C, Waldrop) Communists in the United States of Amer. ica have been singing low now for 20 profit- able years about taking the Government t7 force and violence. Since F. D, Roosevelt's day they have found it easier to work within our Government than to try knocking tt down from the outside.
A8819 But back in 1919 they were less sophisti- cated. After all, they were a newly formed and inexperienced force then, pulled together out of a menagerie of anarchists, Socialists, IWW, and syndicalist bomb heavers and the inevitable covey of Harvard radicals, One of the most interesting of all histories on the organizational operations among the Communists of those times was put together by—believe it or not—John L. Lewis, presi- dent of the United Mine Workers. He did it to show the Communists were to blame for the “Herrin massacre” of July 1922, in which some 22 miners not out on strike with the UMW, were shot dead at Herrin, Il. His accoun* was first published by the UMW in newspaper advertisements, then finally as an official pamphlet of the United States Senate (S. Doc. 14, 68th Cong., 1st sess.), on January 3, 1924. It is one of the ironies of our time that Lewis, who told a documented and impres- sive story in 1924 of the Communist drive to capture the American labor movement and lead an open war on the Government, would, in 1934, invite the Communists to come on in and organize the CIO for him. He can offer only one possible explanation, if not excuse. The President of the United States had by then let the Communists in on the Gov- ernment itself, But in 1924, Lewis’ published record not only made a national sensatlon—it con- firmed in detail an already obvious fact. Lewis told how the Communists in 1919, led by one William Z. Foster, had precipl- tated strikes in the meat~packing and steel industries, not to advance the interests of the workers but to cause riots and death in the streets. They were all too successful in that. He told of the railway switchmen’s strike of 1920 and the railroad and coal strikes of 1922, all run by the Communists to the same end, and of $1,100,000 sent in from Moscow by way of Canada for buying control of the UMW. He quoted the famous declaration of Gregory Zinoviev, president of the Com-~ munist International, on the mission to arouse “the revolutionary spirit of the work~ ers and prepare them for the coming revo~ lution in America.” People in America had plenty of reason to know that Lewis had the facts. The period, 1919-1920, had been one of real and reasonable national alarm. For in- stance, somebody put something like 30 bombs in the mail in New York City in April 1919, addressed to prominent citizens all over the country. Most were discovered in time, but one actually exploded in the home of a Senator and wounded a maid. On September 16, 1920, there was the epi- sode of the bomb in Wall Street that blasted the Morgan corner, knocked chunks off the buildings that can be seen to this day, killed 380 and hurt 100. The whole Nation was seriously disturbed. After all, the government of a great empire, Russia, had been overturned in just such a Kind of uproar, and here were people in our midst declaring their intention to do as much here, And so, in 1919-20, while the earlier men- tioned Ludwig Martens was whipping up agitation for United States recognition of the Soviet Union by conjuring up dreams of rich business for United States industry, one J. Edgar Hoover, then a young lawyer in the Department of Justice, was prepar- ing briefs for the deportation of undesirable aliens, Hoover's job was the presentation of cases for the Department of Labor, then in charge of immigration and deportation. One Wil- liam J. Flynn was head of the “United States Bureau of Investigation,” now the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Flynn made wholesale arrests, Hoover made enough cases stick, and boatloads of queer fish were sent outward-bound, among them Emma Goldman and Alexander Berk- man, the most widely known of all the anarchists. Emma went to Russia expecting to find one thing. What she found she told in two bocks, My Disillusionment With Rus- sia, and My Further Disillusionment With Russia. That was all in print by 1924, when John L. got his own version into the form of an official United States Senate document. You may ask why I drag out all this men- tion of things past. ‘It is simply to show that when F. D. Roose= velt came to the Presidency in 1933, no American could say that the facts on com- munism were in doubt. Yet they were ig- nored. Export Trade Support of the International Trade Organization EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 21, 1950 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, recogni- tion is becoming general that the freeing of the channels of trade of the free world so essential to our own security and that of the world is directly tied into the ap- proval of the International Trade Or- ganization charter. The appended edi- torial from the May 1 issue of the au- thoritative journal, Export, Trade, and Shipper, makcs this clear: DESPITE 17S Osvious IMPERFECTIONS Wz UrcE Suprort or ITO The Habana Charter for the International Trade Organization is currently under con- sideration by Congress. Its ratification has been urged by administration spokesmen in- cluding the Secretary of State. William L. Batt, as chairman of a committee which in- cludes many of this country’s most promi- nent and active business leaders, has pre- sented strong testimony in its support. It is common knowledge that opinion is rather sharply divided for and against ratifi- cation. Several national business and trade organizations are on record against it. Sig- nificance of their opposition is offset, in part, by the approval of other organizations, put more effectively by the fact that many of the most prominent members of the opposing organizations are among the most ardent supporters of the Charter. Nobody claims that the Charter as now drawn is ideal. It is loaded with exceptions, reservations, and escape clauses for a num-~- ber of which the United States itself is re- sponsible, which weaken its effectiveness. Were there an glternative proposal, less vitlated by loopholes, we might well prefer it to ITO. No such alternative plan, however, has been suggested. Rejection of the Charter would, therefore, be tantamount to deciding in favor of bilateral deals, at a time when American world traders are in fact bitterly opposed to hbilateralism. Failure at this time to establish an international body, through which to attempt the ironing out of world trade problems on a multilateral basis, would APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in our opinion constitute a serious setback to the general program for world economic recovery. We have heard no valid arguments against ITO based on any positive threat or danger. Intelligent criticism has been directed rather at the weaknesses and omissions in the pro- posed Charter. These defects, we believe, are readily susceptible to gradual correction and improvement, after the Charter has been adopted. A start must be made and now is the obvious time to make it. We favor rati- fication of ITO. Stonecutters Ask Tariff Protection To Preserve Their Jobs EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. MARTIN of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include a letter which I have received from the employ= ees of the Adolf Meller Co., of Provi- dence, R. I. These workers’ are semi- precious and synthetic stonecutters. They are asking a tariff adequate to pre- serve their jobs. It is a new industry and has already been obliged to reduce its force 50 percent. The letter follows: Aponr MELIER Co., Providence, R.I., May 17, 1950. Hon. Josep W. Martin, Jr., House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: We, the undersigned, who are semiprecious and synthetic stonecutters, living in Providence, R. I., are the remaining help left from a large force of employees for- merly employed by the Adolf Meller Co. This concern fabricates and cuts genuine black onyx and synthetic gem stones. We have signed this petition requesting you to oppose any legislation which would further reduce the already low tariff on synthetic gem stones, which, in turn, affect our job security, Our livelihoods are already threatened by the disastrous effect which has been brought about due to the existing large-scale Impor- tation of synthetic gem stones. We respectfully petition the tariff com- mittee to increase tariff on synthetic gem stones to offset the wide fluctuation of Ger~ man currency in relation to the dollar, the low standard of living, and wages paid in this similar industry in Germany. Thanking you for your interest in behalf of our families, we remain Sincerely yours, Robert Meller; Helen L. Bamford; Della R. Dube; J. Gertrude Fitzgerald; Mary Izzi; Paul Pollak; Raymond J. Kern; Martin Himmels; Mary Teafford; Mary A. Hannon; Lean Celona; Henry Ham- burger; Arthur Zander; Anthony Del Greco; Agnes Kemma; Anna Izzi; Mary DeCecio; Joseph St. Laurent; Carl Pickert; A, Lincoln Clark; Joseph E. Iavarone; Joseph Silva, Jr.; John Killon, Jr.; Edward J. Gendron; Mario A. Aetruda; Theodore Grenier; John Basmajian; James L. Oliver; Floyd H. Graham; Walter Bond; Eugene ©. F, Cameron; Anthony D. Santis; Theo- dore Zimmer; Moses N. Perry; Edward Cc, Hamburger; Max E. Meller.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Woman’s Place in Government EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDNA F. KELLY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mrs. KELLY of New York. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to insert my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include the speech, Wom- an’s Place in Government, by our dis- tinguished colleague the Honorable Mary YT. Norton, at the National Democratic Conference and Jefferson Jubilee in Chi- cago, May 14, 1950. Mrs. Norton knows her subject well, having devoted the major portion of her life to politics. The speech follows: I am deeply grateful to you, Mr. Chair- man, and to the Chicago Host Committee for the privilege of addressing this distinguished audience of Democrats from all over this country. In appearing before you I feel quite at home and that I am among dear friends. You have sent able and distin- guished men to the Senate and to the House of Representatives. They have been my col- leagues during my long service in the Con- gress. Tonight you have on your program our beloved Vice President. I am sure he will discuss some of the issues of the cam- paign this year. Any discussion by me would therefore seem superfluous, and I shall confine my remarks more particularly to the women present. I feel so strongly that our woman power could be used more effectively to advance the Democratic Party, if women would realize how deeply Government cuts into their own personal lives, and how very much President Truman’s program will help them to achieve the things they so ardently desire for themselves and their familles. Thirty years ago a vast responsibility was thrust upon the women of America when through the nineteenth amendment we were given the right of suffrage. Up to that time men alone had controlled politics from the beginning of the Republic and the entrance of women into this field was a new experi- ence for them, 100. We came to the men of our party unhampered by any traditions, un- bound by any pledges. We had high hopes that women everywhere would respond to the privilege of voting and answer the call for service in politics. In fact, we even looked forward to the day when women would be actively considered in framing party policies, and dreamed of the time when many women would be given consideration in the selection of candidates for public of- fice. The history of the past 30 years has shown how disappointed we have been in these hopes. Women have not achieved their rightful and true place in the political arena. Unfortunately, it is still a man’s game, with women playing all too minor a part. Although we women may be prone to feel that ithe men of our party have lost none of their strength in party circles, I believe we must face the issue squarely and ask why women have not made more prog- ress. I think that we can blame ourselves that so few of us have been elected during 80 years to public office, where our ififluence could be felt. While it is true that in some parts of the country women have been discouraged from seeking party nominations, I feel that if their hearts were involved in their desire to become candidates, they would succeed in reaching their objective. Recent elections have shown that women make sincere, intelligent and vigorous can- didates, who can carry a message to the people as enthusiastically as men, During my years in Congress, I have re= celved a great many letters from women evidencing their interest in politics and ask- ing how they should proceed in attempting to enter the field. Of course, like any other goal, there are a great many ways of reach- ing this objective, but to all inquirers, I can give only this sure reply—to work within our party and work just as hard as we would to gain success 1n any other field. There is no royal road to success. In politics, as in every other activity, work and more work is the answer. I realize that the path is often rough and difficult and the goal ap- priren.ly loo distant to attain. I, myself, have often become discouraged but I say, after 30 years in politics, that the objective is worth every effort expended. This particular year offers an excellent op- portunity to an, woman who is anxious to assume her full share in party work and espe- cially to a woman who aspires to public office, because in these complex times there have developed so many problems which touch her personally—and foremost of all is the goal so precious to all women—the problem of a lasting peace in the world, and what we can do to strengthen that instru- ment for establishing the peace, the United Nations. If only women would give their wholehearted and active support to this or- ganization, its position in the world today would be so much stronger and its program s0 much more effective. Women did not share the responsibility for the “death” of the League of Nations, but if the UN should fail in its lofty goal, women cannot cast aside the blame which would be theirs in not sup- porting it to the fullest. Statistics have rhown that there are more women, in the United States eligible to vote than men, yet women so far have failed to organize their strength to sway public opin- Jon. The:e is no doubt that women want peace, but how indifferent they often are to the forces which scek to destroy it, Nor have women in general used their strength to support qualified women candi- dates for public office. I have often said that a woman should not be supported in an election because she is a8 woman but because she is as well qualified, and sometimes even more capable, than the man who is opposing her, The record of the number of women in public office is not one to which we can point with pride. Even in 1919 only 214 women were elected to State legislatures and in 1918 only eight women to the House and one to the Senate. In fact, in 30 years only 39 women altogether have served in Congress. In view of this sad picture, my purpose in addressing you tonight, and I am speaking especially tc the women present, is to urge you to do all in your tower tc organize women to become active in the Democratic Party. What organized women can acc»mplish was ably domonstrated 2 years ago in Maine when a woman defeated two other strong Republi- can Senatorial candidats, both men, in a vigorous State-wide campaign. Iam hoping that the same result will be achieved this year in California where a well qualified woman, Hrn—n GaHaGAN Dovazas, is a can- didate for the United States Senate. Our party has much to offer women and has demonstrated during the last 18 years that there is a very definite place in its eco- nomic and humanitarian objectives, where women are particularly fitted to serve—for example, our labor, health, social security, foreign aid, school, and children’s programs, all of which require the type of ability so many women possess. I believe that it is generally conceded that women have con- tributed much not only to the initiation of these programs but to their successful oper- ation, We are happy that in the past few years and under the leadership of President Roose- A3811 velt and President Truman, women have been recognized and appointed to positions of great importance and responsibility. We earnestly hope that as these women “make good” 1n their different positions, the Presi- dent will be encouraged to name more quali- fied women to high office. Women presently im politics and Government by their splendid example of public service can be the opening wedge whereby many other women will find their true place in public life. Success among these women will engender interest among their sisters in the causes of civic improvement, honesty in politics, and good government. While it is true that every woman cannot be a leader, it is also true that every woman has something to contribute to government and in the precincts and wards of our cities, there 1s much to be done to spread the gospel of democracy. Women must not only vote themselves but must enlist the votes of other women who may still be reluctant to use the privilege they gained through the nineteenth amendment, There are still far too many women who do not use this prerogative on election day. In a practical way, women can do much of the so-called spade work in their home com- munities. They can take an active, intelli- gent interest in all issues involved, can dis- seminate literature, organize, and address meetings, pull doorbells and be missionaries for the Democratic Party even among their neighbors. Every individual in her own way can help and it is a well known fact that the work done by devoted women who love our party has paid great dividends in votes. To these unselfish women I would like to pay my tribute of appreciation for the big part they have taken in promoting the Democrat- je Party and rolling up the majorities which have made victory possible. Many of these women are here tonight. May I at this time plead with you to con- tinue your efforts in a cause which will mean so much to every American this year—the el ction of a Democratic Congress to give the President the necessary tools with which to work, and enable him to insure the success of his great Fair Deal program. The President deserves the whole-hearted support of every individual who believes in freedom of opportunity in a peaceful and free world. I know all women sincerely be- lieve in that principle. President Truman has done much to promote freedom through- out the world, and we, who have the bless- ings of liberty, must stand with him in the magnitcer*+ vrceres to which he has dedi- cated i... 67 To. reat courage and stead- fast purpose should be an incentive to every person who loves democracy. As long as democracy prevails, we need have no fear of communism. There ii no place for any for- eign ideology in the Americanism which President Truman represents, regardless of the hate propaganda that has been organ- ized and disseminated by certain bitter Re- publicans and, I regret to say, a few Demo- crats. These venders of hat> stop at noth- ing to attain their objective and it is well for the women of the country to be aware of this type of attack. We are experiencing something in our American life which is very dangerous. How long will we be able to enlist the services of men to accept high office in government when they Know that their regard will probably be savage attacks from those who disagree with them. It is not difficult to destroy the reputation of any man and apparently there are people in pub- lic life who do not hesitate character assassi- nation to gain for themselves a doubtful type of publicity. However, I do not think that the women of the country are easily sold to that type of propaganda and I am sure that the campaign of hate that is so well organized to defeat the objectives of President Truman in his desire to give the
A3812 people of the country the kind of administra- tion they so ardently desire will not be suc- cessful. Those of us who remember the bitter fight on the League of Nations cannot avoid ecmparing it with what is going on today to try to destroy the United Nations. President Truman is our great leader in the fight to maintain a free world, a world we women sincerely want for ourselves and our children. We are convinced that this goal can. be best attained by the program of the Democratic Party and by the election of a Democratic Congress. Our job this fall is a big one and is a battle in which every individual can contribute a share. Our course is clear, We must not fail. Resolution by Hadassah on Arab Arms EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 4, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I have spoken out on a number of occasions ‘in recent months on the question of Britain’s rearming of the Arab states and the threat this action entails for the future existence of Israel as an in- dependent state. I have asked time and time again that our Government take the necessary steps to insure lasting peace in the Middle East by bringing to- gether the Arab states and Israel for the purpose of peace negotiations and final peace agreements between them. Israel is anxious for peace and would rather invest its limited funds into aid- ing the hundreds of thousands of immi- grants who have entered the Jewish state in the Jast 2 years to establish them- selves on the farms and in the cities, than spending that money on military equipment. One of the organizations that is doing a marvelous job in aid- ing the newcomers to Israel, particu- larly in providing them with medical care, is the women’s organization in this country known as Hadassah. There is a very fine chapter of this organization in my district, the Benson- hurst Group of Hadassah, which num- bers 885 members. At their meeting on May 10, 1950, this group adopted the following resolution, which I desire to place in the REcorD: ResoLurrion Apopren BY THE BENSONHURST Group or Hapassan (885 Members) aT A MEETING ON WroNESDAY, Max 10, 1950 Whereas for some time it has been known. that Britain has been engaged in the arm- ing of Arab countries much beyond the need for local or internal security; and Whereas such arming by Britain has been publicly acknowledged by the United States Government; and Whereas there exists a very definite threat by the Arab League to organize all the Arab states in a strong united front militarily and economically against the young strug- gling democracy, Israel; and Whereas we are profoundly convinced that our Government is greatly concerned about the peace and security of the Middle East: Be it therefore Resolved, That we of the Bensonhurst Group of Hadassah at a meeting assembled on this day of Wednesday, May 10, 1950, do solemnly call upon our Government to make gosd its avowed purpose of maintain- ing the peace in the Middle East by approv= ing Israel’s persistent pleas for permission. to obtain arms here for defensive purposes, the only course best calculated for the * maintenance of stability, peace and security in the strategically important Middle East. Esig STRYKER, President. Bette KIMMELFIELD, Chairman, Public Relations, Why Penalize a Reserve for Being a Reserve? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OVERTON BROOKS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I present an advance copy of an article which will appear in the June 1950 issue of the Reserve Officer magazine, the official publication of the Reserve Officers As- sociation of the United States. This article is entitled “Why Penalize a Re- serve for Being a Reserve?” by Col. Melvin J. Maas, United States Marine Corps Reserve, a former member of the Congress of the United States. The article is as follows: Wry PEnaLize A RESERVE FoR BEING A RESERVE? (By Melvin J. Maas, colonel, U. S. Marine Corps Reserve, chairman of the legislative committee of ROA) There is wide divergence between the serv- ices in the matter of adjusting the position of their Reserve officers when called to active duty. The Army and the Air Force credit only active duty performed in grade toward. arriving at the relative precedence of reserve officers among themselves and with Regulars when the Reserves are mobilized or otherwise report for active duty. The Navy and the Marine Corps in general, place their Reserve officers on the precedence list according to the dates of thcir commissions. What this means is that a Reserve officer of the Army or the Air Force, with only the usual 2 weeks’ annual active duty, will be ordered to active duty way down on the list of officers of the same grade and date of com~ mission in the Regular services, and, as to Reserve officers of like service In the Navy and Marine Corps. As an example: Officer “A,” a captain in the Army Reserve, whose commission is dated July 1, 1946, has had 15 days’ active training duty in 1946, 1947, and 1949. He has, there-~ fore, performed a total of 45 days’ active duty, Officer “B,” 4 captain in the Air Force Reserve, also commissioned a captain on July 1, 1946, performed 2 years’ active duty, and on July 1, 1948, went on inactive duty. Officer “CO,” a captain in the Marine Corps Reserve, with the same date of commission as his brother Reserve officers “A” and “B,” performed 15 days’ active duty during each of three inter- vening years, so he, like “A,” has a total of 45 days’ active duty. On July 1, 1950, all three are mobilized, Let’s see what happens to their relative prece- dence. “a” takes his place in the Army behind the captain in the Regular service who was promoted to captain 6 weeks before: That is the middle of May 1950. “‘B” takes his place in the Air Force behind the Regular who was made captain July 1, 1948. “‘C” on the other hand ranks with a Regular Marine captain commissioned July 1, 1946. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “A” has lost all but 6 weeks of 4 years on the lineal list. “B’” has lost 2 years. “Co” has lost nothing and has kept up with his running mate in the Reguiar Marine Corps. (The Naval Reserve officer of comparable rank has held his Regular Navy running mate like the Marine Reservist.) A more extreme example but a typical one would be— An Air Force Reserve captain who reached that rank on July 1, 1946, has had 2 weeks’ active duty each subsequent year or a total of 2 months. An Army Reserve captain was promoted to the grade on April 1, 1950, and immediately reported for 90 days’ active duty. They are both mobilized on July 1, 1950. The Army Reserve captain immediately takes precedence over the Air Force Reserve cap- tain who was promoted to captain nearly 4 years after the Air Force Reserve officer. Apparently the theory of the Army and the Air Force is that only active duty contrib- utes to the value of a Reserve officer for his war assignment. The Navy and Marine Corps on the other hand believe that a Reserve officer is growing and expanding in his general knowledge, abilities, and capacity for leadership. They believe that a successful civilian career also contributes to a Reserve oOfficer’s ability to quickly adjust himself to the new prob- lems of the military which always develop in time of war. They are also new to the Regulars. Those officers of the Regular Establish- ment who insist on denying parity to Re- serve officers in time of war, use as their main argument that a Reservist, training only part time, cannot possibly be as competent as a Regular who puts in full time in the military. This is not necessarily true at all. The Reservist certainly is not so well trained as the Regular, but this is not necessarily a gage of either’s competence, once in & war. None of us contend that the Reserve officer is as well trained as the Regwars, grade for grade, but that is not the issue. The test should be rather—is the Reserve officer com- petent to perform the duties of his renk? If he jis not, he should not be continued in the Reserve at all. It is up to the Regular Establishments to institute and conduct training programs that will qualify the Reservist for his duties and which will also result in a constant weeding out of those who are found unwilling to or incapable of becoming competent. This is exactly the attitude and program of the Navy and Marine Corps for their Re~- serve. In this policy the Naval and Marine Reserves concur wholeheartedly. The Navy does not expect its Reservist to be the equal of their Regular running mates upon mobili- zation. They do expect the Reservist to be capable of performing the duties to which he will be assigned. They expect to eliminate the incompetents among us through the selection-for-promo- tion system. This will produce a Reserve capable of immediate and complete integra- tion with the Regular Establishment upon mobilization. So thoroughly does the Navy believe in this that they propose that there be no distinction whatever upon general mobilization and then the Reserves become in every sense part of the Regular Navy and Marine Corps during their war service. To have such a Reserve requires that the date of commission of the Reservist determine his position on the combined lineal list in peace and in war. Any other system results in a Reserve offi~ cer being from two to five or more years older than his contemporary of the regular service. From the highest authorities in the Navy came testimony after World War II that Reserve officers, 8 months after mobilization, were indistinguishable from Regulars in the duties for which they were assigned. ‘Thereafter, both Regular and Re- feave learned their war ditties from the war elf,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD No less an authority than Admiral Nimitz made this statement repeatedly. If this is true, then there is no justification for perma- nently penalizing the Reserve officer from 2 to 5 years of age in grade compared to the Regular. The result is that a Reserve officer of the Army or Air Force upon reporting for active duty is penalized thousands of num- bers on the precedence list which is far, far more drastic than a stiff court martial would award as disciplinary punishment. Once lost, Uhese numbers cannot be made up. This penalizes a Reserve officer for being in the Reserves in peacetime. A civilian com~< missioned during a war, suffers no such penalty. The day he is commissioned and reports for active duty, determines his place on the lineal list. The Reserve officer who has contributed liberally of his time and ef- fort during peace io prepare himself for war, may be placed with a regular who is years his junior, Such a system as is in force in the Army and Air Force does not assure getting the most competent officers into the right spot. A lieutenant colonel in the Air Force Reserve, who has commanded an Air National Guard squadron, for instance, for 6 years with the usual 15 days annual field training would immediately become junior and lose his command to a Regular major who had only reached the rank of lieutenant colonel 3 months before and had never had command of a squadron. Who will say that the Reg~ ular under such circumstances, 6 years younger and with little if any squadron command cxperience, is better qualified to command the squadron than the Reserve who has had 6 years experience and training in actual command. Yet that is what the Air Force says. The Army likewise contends that a Regular Neutenant colonel who has just been made colonel a few months before is more competent than a Reserve or Na- _tional Guard colonel who has been com- manding a regiment for 7 or 8 years. I don’t ‘believe it, and furthermore, the record doesn’t warrant the conclusion reached by the Army and the Air Force. The “only active service” theory of the Army and Alr Force as applied to Reserve is marrow and unrealistic for at least two ap- parent reasons. First, comparatively small amount of a Regular’s service is spent in strictly fleld military duties or with troops. Actually, taken all in all, much of an officer’s career in peacetime is spent in administra- tive and other duties. Secondly, there is so much that is fundamentally the same in civilian experience and the military service in time of peace that both the regular and Re- serve come out at any given time with pretty much the same basic mental equipment, that there is no justification for the vast gap created between the two as resulls from the present Army and Air Force system. Of course, the Regular service provides more valuable training for war than is possible in the Reserve, but we don’t maintain the mill- tary for the prestige or personal aggrandize- ment of the individual, whether he is a Regu- lar or a Reserve. The Regulaxr’s compensa~ tion is a paid career. The Reserve, on the other hand, contributes his time from his career and family life in order to prepare him~ self for war. The drill pay that a portion of the Reserves receive, doesn’t constitute even a@ semicareer compensation, It seldom cov- ers the actual expenses of a Reserve for par- ticlpating in the program. These factors should not enter into the question of an officer’s place on the Hneal lst. The governing factor should be the offl- cer’s value to the over-all war effort. We think that this being true, there should be no penalty imposed upon a Reserve officer by rea= son of his being a Reserve officer and that the precedence of all officers should be deter- mined by the date shown on the commission. For Action on Coal EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. EDWARD BREEN OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. BREEN, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Dayton (Ohio) Daily News of Tuesday, April 25, i950: For Acrion on Coat During the recent coal strike, many Con- gressmen were extremely critical of the Pres- jdent. They accused him of dallying with the issue, of waiting too long to invoke the Taft-Hartley law, of letting the crisis swamp him, and finally forcing a power solution that increased the strength and prestige and arrogance of John L. Lewis. For this criticism there was some justifi- cation. But when the President did come to grips with the crisis, he did one important thing. He looked beyond the symptoms of the coal disease to the causes. He saw that coal was a sick industry. He realized that, although stockpiles dwindled dangerously when the industry was on strike, they accumulate dan~ gerously when the industry is in full produc- tion. He recognized that there are simply too many mines and too many miners when measured against the market—a market which the irresponsible actions of John L. Lewis, to be sure, had played a part in shrinking. Taking the long view, the President asked Congress to create a fact-finding commission to survey the entire coal situation and make recommendations in terms of economic, so- cial, and national security. This was a pro- posal which had been made as long ago as the 1946 coal strike by former Gov. James M. Cox, of Ohio. But the coal industry had been left to rock along from crisis to crisis. The President finally put the weight of his office behind the search for a comprehensive, clinical solution. It has been almost 2 months now since the end of the coal strike. What has hap- pened to the Congressmen who were so criti- cal of the President for doing nothing? As far as meets the eyc, nothing has been done by Congress toward creating a long-range coal commission, Yet already the industry is slipping back into crisis. Slcekpilus have been rebuilt to the point at which the market is failing. In terms of tonnage, the industry has not yet made up the losses of the strike period, but in terms of market—allowing for the relatively slim demand of spring and summer—it has more than covered them. Companies which sought to raise the price of coal, to cover the wage and pension benefits won by the mine union, have had to retract the increases. In some cases they have cut prices to a level lower than they were before. Miners have been laid off in West Virginia. Some of the marginal mines have been closing. In 1947 America’s 8,000 mines and 400,000 miners produced 631,000,000 tons of coal. Last year 430,000,000 tons were produced de- spite the strlkes. Yet the estimated current market is now around 400,000,000 tons an- nually. It is going to go lower, due to pro- gressive conversion to oil and gas by indus- tries, railroads, public utilities, and house- holders. If John L. Lewis doesn’t close the mines for a portion of 1960, the operators will have to. If they don’t there will be mass mine failures and random unemployment that will leave the industry in chaos. AS38813 The National Coal Association estimates that 50,000 miners will be without jobs in the coming months, in turn throwing out of work some 50,000 transport workers who haul coal from mine to market. Dr. James Boyd, Director of the United States Bureau of Mines, has warned the industry to get ready to retrench. What will have to be done, of course, is to make a long-term adjustment of production to sales potential. This will mean squeezing out the marginal, high-cost mines, letting their employees drift into other employment. It will mean also squeezing some of the work- ers out of the healthier mines. Operators will have to mechanize increasingly and to learn to produce at costs that have a chance of holding coal’s competitive position. The only question is whether this is to be done in an orderly way or whether it is to be done in a chaotic way that might easily wreck the industry and cause heartbreaking dislocation in the lives of 100,000 or 200,000 men who mine coal. Is our record on coal to be summed up in the old saw: “The Devil was sick, the Devil a monk would be; The Devil got well, the Devil a monk was he.” Are we going to wring our hands and call frantically for action when the coal crisis erupts in strikes that are inevitable in the present situation, and then sit back com- placently between strikes and do nothing to arrest the disease? . Tribute to Maximilian Moss EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER > OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 2, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, one of the finest citizens of Brooklyn, Mr. Maxi- milian Moss, has been reelected for a second term to the high and responsible post of president of New York City’s Board of Education. It is an unpaid post, which involves painstaking work and great civic responsibility, both of which Mr. Moss ably discharged during the past year. An able lawyer by pro- fession, Mr. Moss is active in various philanthropic and civic groups, and is president of the Brooklyn Jewish Com- munity Council. I take this opportunity to extend my felicitations and good wishes to him for the coming year. A fine tribute has been paid to him in an editorial published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, May 12, 1950, which follows: Tum REELECTION of Mr. Moss One of the most difficult and most thank- Jess jobs in the city government is that of president of the board of education. Of late, its duties seem to have become even more onerous than ever. It is therefore most for- tunate that the man who has been occupying it the past year, Maximilian Moss, of Brook- lyn, has been especially conscientious and hard-working. Cortainly the members of the poard used fine judgment at this week’s meeting in reelecting him for a second term as their president. Words of the highest praise were spoken about Mr. Moss’ ability and of his work. In contrast to the bitter division of a year ago, there was no other