A1282 moose, cartbou, mountain sheep, and moun- tain goats. The Alaska Legislature meeting here in 1949 set the bounties on wolves at $50 and on coyotes at #30-—-a move which has re- sulted in destruction of more of these wan- ton killers than was the case when smaller bounties were in effect. The Fish and Wildlife Service at the same time has carried on a polson-setting program which ts declared to be a succoss. The poison used is said to be selectivo—attractive to wolves only and not eaten by other fur-bear- ing animals. In McKinley National Park during recent years the wolves increased to such numbers that the famous big-horn Dall mountain sheep Hving there were threatened Then permission was given park rangers to shoot wolves, even though shooting in the national park otherwise is forbidden. From a low of 300 sheep that remained after long-unmolested depredations by the wolves, an increase to 1,000 sheep—with pros- pects for further increases if the shooting war against wolves is continued—has oc- curred, says Grant Pearson, park superin- tendent, . Paradoxically, the Fish and Wildlife Serv- ice says that destruction of caribou in the Arctic portions of Alaska Js caused chiefly by the people who depend on them for food and clothing--the Eskimos. CURB ON ESKIMOS Early last March oa caribou herd pussed near the Eskimo village of Noatuk, 225 miles north of Nome, and 37 Eskimos shot 280 of the animals, according to Wildlife agents who investigated the affair. For centuries the Eskimos have killed caribou as they pleased, but now, with these animals disappearing, the Federal Agency de- clares firmly that Eskimos must sharply curb their traditional slaughter A limit of one caribou and two polar bears apiece an- nually has been set. In the Noatak case ~not the only one to occur recently-—the guns of 7 of the 37 hunt- ers were confiscated, for those 7 had killed a@ total of 107 caribou The story does not end there, for the Eskimos strongly resent the taking of their guns and they dislike the Wildlife ngents. Lt. Col. Marvin R. Marston, chief organizer of the Eskimos into the Alaska National Guard as “human-radar” watchers against the pos- sibility of enemy invasion, thinks he may have a solution. WHALES SUGGESTED “The Eskimos can hunt whales, if they are given the right equipment; and they can use some Of the half-wild reindeer that are still found in the Arctic,” he suggests. In any case, the difficulty between Uncle Sam and his Eskimo citizens is a matter worthy of prompt and careful attention. It will call for greater understanding on both sides, and for a high degree of tactfulness on the part of Wildlife agents. Members of the Armed Forces, too, have been accused of much of the unwarranted slaughter of wild animals in Alaska—as have the thousands of construction workers who go north for varying periods to help build military Installations, This writer talked to one Wildlife agent, Jim Wood of Naknek, who reported notable cooperation after he made a candid appeal to civillans and military men in his area. His direct, trusting approach has paid off, he says, in sensible, law-abiding hunting and fishing. LARGER APPROPRIATION URGED FOR PRESERVATION PROGRAM Saving the wildlife of Alaska is a costly job--and growing more costly as the north- land population srows. “It's a field of great concern to all Alas- kans, but entirely outside their jurisdiction for action,” says the Anchorage Daily Times. “For years, Alaskans have hammered the Fish and Wildlife Service to do a better job * * © put each year little or nothing is done. The service continues its operations with one agent trying to do the work of ten’ The Anchorage newspaper goes On to ex- plain that the fault in Alaska wildlife man- agement is due almost entirely to niggardly appropriations Lust fiscal year the Fish and Wildlife Service in Alaska operated on a budget of $2,150,000. BUDGET BUREAU HIT The Times accused the Bureau of the Budget for this low figure, insufficient, it said, for an area one-fifth the size of the United States. In an editorial it quoted from the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp, giving the colloquy between Albert Day, head of the Federal agency, and Representative MICHAEL J. Kirwan, Democrat, of Ohio. This revealed the over-all Fish and Wild- life Service budget for the 1951 fiscal year to be $14,350,500, which 1s less than §$2,000,- 000 more than for 1950. Mr. Day said before a congressional sub- committee that his agency did not have enough to carry out an effective wildlife pro- gram, and he added, ‘We can only ask Con- gress to appropriate what the Bureau of the Budget has approved.” This year, Alaska received some additional help from funds distributed under the Pitt- man-Robertson Act for the restoration of wildlife. A total of $75,000 was given to Alaska. This was 850,000 more than was available last year. WALTON LEAGUE BUSY The Izaak Walton League has taken an active interest in securing greater help for Alaska wildlife. Last year it tried to get Congress to plow back into Aluska the Gov- ernment's profit from the annual fur-seal harvest on the Pribilof Islands in the Bering 8ea. “But the congressional committee to which we presented this plan asked for more time to study it—and that was the last we heard of it," said Burton H. Atwoord, a national director of the league The Wildlife Manngement Institute of Washington, D. C, also has taken a lively interest in Alaska wildlife Two high offi- Clals of the institute, which is financed by donations from business firms and private individuals, visited the northland last sum- mer, RESEARCH UNIT SET They were Ira N. Gabrielson, formerly head of the Fish and Wildlife Service in the Territory, and Clinton R. Gutermuth, insti. tute vice president. While in Alaska they formally installed one of their organization's cooperative wild- life research units at the University of Alaska, near Fairbanks. About 18 similar units already are operating in land-grant colleges in the United States under the aegis of the institute. Bison Herp THINNED Ovr The only buffalo (bison, that is) on the open range under the American flag today probably are those in Alaska. Twenty-three of the big, shaggy animals were brought here from the Plains States in 1928. Now they number 350. They are the first bison to live in the northland, the species not being native here. Elk, Ukewise not native to the territory, were brought to Alaska in 1929. Eight of the animals were placed on Afognak Island, adjacent to Kodiak Island. They now num- ber more than 200. Both the elk and the bison were judged in need of “thinning” for the good of their herds by United States Fish and Wildlife APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Service biologists last year, so a restricted “open season” was arranged for 50 elk and 25 bison. The bison forage by themselves and are among the few large wild animals that can hold their own against wolves. BISON REPEL ATTACK “When a wolf pack closes in on a herd of buffalo, the big animals don’t run ag moose and caribou do,” says Edward F. Chatelain, biologist of the Fish and Wildlife Service. “The bison stand their ground, their shaggy heads lowered and their horns ready for action" The task of catching and transporting the 82 young bison to the new Copper River range was a “wild-north” epic calling for new techniques. A corral was built and the bison were en- ticed into and qnade used to it by salt-lick blocks and alfalfa. When the “roundup” began, the corral gate was dropped—and the fun began. The top bull in the herd had been locked out—but that didn't last long. While the “cowboys” watched in apprehension, the big pull battered down the rail fence, leaped a 6-foct barrier and joined his range mates. LURED INTO CRATES After the animals stopped milling around, the wildlife men opened a chute in one sido of the corral and wuited fur wu buffalo to wander into it. When the chute contained one of the de- sired young animals, they closed the chute entrance and prodded the buffalo into a heavy crate, which was then hoisted onto a truck. But the buffalo wouldn't stand quietly in the crates—until Mr Chatelain suggested shrouding each one with canvas. Thus se- questered, the animals became quiet. Latest reports are that the transplanted bison are doing well after their highway journey of more than 100 miles, in tuture years, wildlife ngents say, more buffalo will be taken to other suitable range areas tn Alaska, KEEP THE RIGHT ANIMALS “People back in the States are always get- ting excited about the wrong things in Alaska" This was a statement by an Alaska guide at Kodiak, who makes his living by escorting hunters into the haunts of the huge Alaska brown bear, largest carnivore on earth, and other wild animals of the northland. He was referring to recurrent efforts to preserve the bald eagle and the Alaska brown bear. “The bald eagle thrives In Alaska We've had a bounty on that bird tor most of 33 years, even if it is our national symbcl by act of the Continental Congress in 1782 T° the bounty is taken off, there will be too many bald eagles, and they'll destroy too much other wildlife,” he said. As for the brown bears, they are scorch- ingly criticized by farmers of Kodiak Island and other localities, who find it impossible to raise beef cattle on account of them. The bears delight in killing the beef cattle, and the game laws prevent the farmer from tak- ing retaliatory measures. “Those bears are tar too numerous. There should be open season on them all the time, Don't worry; they’ll take care of themselves. Besides, there are plenty of refuges for them, totaling nearly 2,000,000 acres on Kodiak and Uganik Islands,” said one Kodiak Island farmer. “On the other hand,” reflected the guide, “people in the States seldom get worked up about the plight of caribou, mountain sheep, mountain goats, and, to some extent, moose. These animals really need some help. “People in the States forget, or don’t re- @lize, that wolves and coyotes are the great- est enemies of wildlife up here. So are the forest fires, against which Alaska has almost no protection.”
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD How To Write Your Congressman EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, each ses- sion every one of us is buried under an avalanche of mail. Few of us dare talk back to our correspondents. Most of them are well-meaning. Some are merely misinformed. The following guide will ease our burden, 1f our constituents would only heed its excellent advice. It appeared in the January 1949 edition of Kiplinger magazine, It is worthy of reprinting now: How To Waire Your CoNaressMAN—PutT Asmpx THAT PEN AND PAPER UNTIL You HAvgE Reap THIs List oF Do's aND DONT's You may have strong ideas about what the new Congress should do. So perhaps you wi" write a letter to your Congressman. But you will waste your time unless you know how to write him. If your letter 1s a gripe or a whine, it will be brushed off. If it is a long-winded essay, it may never get read If it can't make a definite point, {t will invite a similar reply. The basic rule is to write a simple, con- cise statement of your position, plus your reasons for that position. Your Congress- man will read such a letter carefully To make your letters most effective, follow these suggestions. They come from Con- gressmen themselves. Do make your letter short and to the point. If your letter runs less than a page, all the better. Try to base your views on local observa- tions or experience. Congressmen want to know the effect of their action on their home dis’ vict. When writing about a specific bill, try to use the bill's number or its popular name. Thousands of bills pass a Congressman's desk each year and it helps to know which par- ticular one you are talking about, When writing about something on which you have a special knowledge, state your ex- perience in the fleld. A Congressman doesn’t know about everything, and a specialist’s views will help him make up his mind. Time your letter to rench your Congress- man when the subject you are discussing is alive. A letter on 4 bill months betore it comos up is almost as useless as one on & bill) months after its disposition, Write your Congressman when you think he has done something good. He likes praise as much as anyone. Don’t write letters which threaten him with defent at the next election if he doesn't vote your way. Reasons are more effective than threats. Don't tell your Congressman how tinfluen- tial you are in his district. If you sre, he probably knows it; if you're not, he'll resent your letter's implication that you can bring pressure to bear. Don’t merely “demand” or “insist.” He doesn’t know whether your reasons are good unless you tell him what they are. Don’t get caught in a pressure letter or telegram campaign. A batch of identical letters, obviously inspired by 4 pressure group, gets very little attention. If you agree with a group’s position, use your own words, not tho group's. Don't swamp your Congressman with let- ters on the same subject. When you've ex- pressed yourself once, you’ve made your im- pression. One good letter is worth 10 bad ones. Don’t write Congressmen from other than your home district, unless it is to the chair- man of the committee discussing a specific bill. Congressmen aren't swayed much by outsiders, On Working Together EXTENSION OF REMARKS ra HON. HOMER E. CAPEHART OF INDIANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 9, 1951 Mr. CAPEHART. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “On Working Together,” pub- lished in the Augusta Chronicle, of Au- gusta, Ga., of February 28, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: On WorRING TOGETHER Hard-shelled, dyed-in-the-wool Democrats, who think that every Republican ts equipped with a pair of horns, and Republicans who feel the same way about members of the opposition party, should take a cue from the working relations of Senator BurNet R Mar- BANK'S Banking and Currency Committee. While in this locality yesterday to study community service needs in the atomic- energy-piant area, the members of the Senate committee showed every evidence of being a great working team. Of the four committecmen here, two were Democrats-—-MAYBANK, of South Carolina, and Frear, of Deluwure--and’ two were Republi- cans---CaPEHART, Of Indiana, and BENNETT, of Utah There was no partisanship evident. There was no bickering, no unfriendiiess There was, indeed, a noticeable spirit of canarade- rie, and genuine evidence of mutuni respect. Obviously, they were intent only on doing a good job—working together, Demociuts and Republicans And that is as tt should be. After all, they are all Americas, and party labels shouldn't count for too much when the welfare of the Nation is at stake. What You Can Do Personally To Stop Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com- mend to the attention of my colleagues the following interesting and concrete idea which appeared tn Woman's Home Companion of December 1950. Let us get together and stop commu- nism by being for Americanism. War You Can Do Personwatty To Srop CoMMUNISM (By Howard Whitman) You, all by yourself, can strike repeated blows—day in and day out—to stop com- A1263 munism. Does that seem fantastic? Has it seemed that stopping communism 18 a job which only the President or the Army and Navy or the FBI can do? Have you wished you actually could do something? You can. You will not get a medal for it nor will you see your picture on page 1. But deep duside you there'll be a warm glow, For in your daily private life you will personally be contributing to the preservation of free- dom and turning back the dark shrouds of Communist repression. You will be defent- ing totalitarianism with the sole weapon which js capable of defeating it: individual- ism. As you read the specific suggestions below, bear in mind the oft-told tale of the Rev- erend James Keller, founder of the Christo- phers. Father Keller was speaking at the Los Angeles Coliseum, expounding the Chris- tophers’ thesis that individual people, by their simple, everyday acts, can change the world. In this huge arena, under a starless sky, Father Keller said, “Don’t be afraid. All the lights are going out.” Then he struck a match. It was a tiny pin point of light. The area wes still shrouded in gloom. “But suppose every one of us strikes a light,” Father Keller went on. And at his signal, men and women in the audience—a hundred thousand—each struck a match. Now, instead of a pin point, the entire arena was bathed in light. The darkness was gone. Father Keller had driven home his point. One soldier cannot take a beachhead, but without the acts of individual soldiers no beachhead can be taken. Tho fight against communism cannot be won by machines, by weapons, by congressional committees, by laws, decrees, or speeches. Nor can it be won by you alone. It can only be won by all of us, each acting alone; and yet, in a larger sense, all acting together as holders of the tiny pin points of light, which, com- bined, dispel the darkness. What have you done lately to make our free-enterprise system free and enterprising? Perhaps you never have thought of yourself as an economic unit, but you are If you hire a maid {n your house you are very much a part of the free-enterprise system. Per-~ haps she already has fair working hours, prescribed tn advance, and a regular va- cation But when she does extra-good work do you give her a bonus? Not a hand-out or a tip, but a bonus—something she has earned After all, reward for Individual Initiative is the very heartbeat of free enter- prise. Or tf you work in an office and one of your subordinates ts long overdue for a promotion, d) you go to bat for her? Do you stand up-— even at some risk to yourself—for her right to share in a system which thrives on ench individual's hope to climb up the ladder? There arc a thousand and one little things you can do, When a new grocer or radio repairman or dry cleaner openg a store in your netghbor- hood you can give him a chance at your trade. Ours js the competitive system If he is a better grocer, repairman, or cleaner he deserves it. And don’t be vfraid to tell him, “I Hke dealing here. It's a fair well-run establishment.” Give him a free-enterprise pat on the back. When you go into a big department store don't trent the salergir! as if she were a rohot. Speak to her as though it were her store, her merchandise. Indeed it is, In th» sense that her dally labor is invested in every bit of It. Opportunity for youth ts another bulwark of our system. Have you supported it lately—personally? I tried an experiment I think ts working well. My car needed waxing. I got @ teen- aged boy named Tommy to do it. Tommy did such a fine job that I tuld him he could
A1284 consider me a regular customer. Then, & few months later, we had a new shingle roof put on our house. The old shingles needed to be carted to the back lot and burned. Why not give another boy a job? This time I got Donald. His eyes shone lke light bulbs when I handed him his pay. He had savored the good feeling of earning his own money for his own work, Perhaps you are in a position to do much more than that. You may be able to hire a teen-aged boy or girl for part-time work after school or on Saturdays. You may even be in 8 position to give a young high-school gradu- ate a job with your company—or get your husband to do it—and thus afford that youngster a chance to start at the bottom and work up—just as far up as he can work, One of the most vulnerable chinks in our National armor 1s the race problem. There is no sense pretending it isn’t there. We have a race problem. The Communists smash at it incessantly; they try to turn the many-colored peoples of the world against us by portraying us as Negro haters. What can you personally do about that? A friend of mine, Arthur Gordon (a native of the deep South, by the way), wrote an enlightened novel against race prejudice, We can’t all write novels A woman I met in New Haven, Conn,, Mrs, Gertrude Hart Day, got a taste of prejudice (not against Negroes but against a migratory mother with three children, to whom nobody wanted to rent a house) when she followed her Army-doctor husband around the coun- try during World War Il. She came back and founded the New Haven Neighborhood Project, dedicated to combating every preju- dice. We can't all start neighborhood projects. But we all can do little things. Little things which when multiplied by miNions become the most invincible forces on earth. A woman I know heard the barker at a country fair repeatedly refer to a small Negro boy as “snowball” and ‘chocolate drop.” She went up to the barker and said quietly: “The boy’s name is Edward. Wouldn't it be far more American to call him that?” An alumnus of a middle western college received a questionnaire from his alma mater. Among its dozens of blanks was one which recalled to his mind old campus battles on discrimination in education. It said, “Race -" He simply filled in “Human.” Communists sneer at our belief in human dignity and the supreme worth of the in- dividual, They say it is hypocritical. Can you prove them wrong? Harry E. Humphreys, Jr., president of the United States Rubber Co., once said: “Any person in a managerial position, from super= visor to president, who feels that his em- ployee is basically not as good os he is * * © lacks the necessary qualities for human leadership—to say nothing of human friendship.” If the head of a huge corporation can take that attitude, can't you and I? Try it. Try regarding the rubbish collector, the waltress in the restaurant, the elevator man, the boot- black, the salesgirl as, in the eyes of God and in the heart of democracy, fully as good as President Truman, King George, or the Shah ot Iran. Set yourself a private little Job: get to know just one of the people you might have written off before as, well, a bit inferior, See if you don't begin to see the light of human dignity shine through. I tried it with a garbageman (that had always seemed to me, since childhood, a “low” profession), I broke the tce by dis- cussing politics with him. What a grasp he had, I started by talking down to him, ended by looking up to him. We discussed our families and our problems with our kids-——and we still do, every time I see him. The Communists would love to see us bick- ering among ourselves. “Divide and cone quer” js their watchword. What can you do about that? You can cultivate the “we” feeling. An English friond of mine says he can always tell Americans from Englishmen by the way they use their pronouns. An American, com- plaining that the streets in his city are lit- tered, says, “Why don't they keep their streets clean?" An Englishman with a sim- ilar complaint says, “Why don’t we keep our streets clean?” The “we” feeling isn't difficult to cultivate. Next time you talk nbout “the Government,” try saying “our Government.” Not “those people in Washington” but “our people in Washington.” Try saying, “Our corpora~- tions, our labor unions, our schools, our farms, our factories.” The “we” feeling not only spikes the Com~ munists' divide-and-conquer technique. It also has a personal dividend for you: a healthy sense of belonging, of participation, of shared experience. Psychiatrists tell us that's the basis of this thing we call security. Another club the Communists hit us with is perfectionism. “If we're not perfect, we're no good’—that’s what the Communists would like us to belleve. They bury their own imperfections under a blanket of les and tempt us to do the same thing; for they know that lies smother freedom, our life breath, I visited Yale University recently to inquire into a course in the “American way” being given to students from foreign lands. I wanted to see how we turn the mirror on ourselves. I was proud of what I saw. As- sistant Dean Harold B, Whiteman, Jr., in charge of the course, acquainted the students from 16 foreign countries with the real Amer- ica we love—no imuge of perfection, but an image of human striving with plenty of failures and shortcomings, but an everlast- * ‘ng bent toward progress, These students became acquainted both with our healthy democratic processes and with unhealthy machine politics; they vis- ited East Harlem slums in New York and spent week ends with families in Westport anc Stamford, Conn.; they saw movies rang- ing from the saga of migrant workers, Grapes of Wrath, to a General Motors production film, their guest speakers included a CIO orgunizer and a chamber of commerce executive. “We want to show them our good side, our bad side, our hopes, our progress, our plans, and our aspirations,” Whiteman said. A little later I sat in Vanderbilt Hall with one of Whiteman's boys, a scholarship stu- ent, George Chranewycz, Ukrainian, His family had been driven out of the Ukraine by the Communists, out of Poland by the Nazis—and finally to a DP camp. When I asked, “Well, what do you think of Amer. ica?” George answered, “In Europe I was in aDP camp. Here I am at Yale.” His was an eloquent answer. Sure, let’s face up to our shortcomings, Let’s admit our tailures. We are not a fin- ished product and we never will be, so long as we are tree to grow. Nazi Germany thought it was a finished product, and it was—finished. When alleged Communist perfectionism is hurled your way, reply 4s Whiteman does at Yale. “We have many imperfections—but we're working on them ” There is a positive side, too, to this war of ideas. It is not enough to be against communism. What are we for? The Amer- icans who fought in 1776 knew very definitely what they were fighting for. They were afire with bright new ideas—freedom, equale ity, the inalienable rights of man. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD That was their religion. What’s ours to- day? If you ask the first person you meet on the street, you may get a reply such as this: “We've got to keep communism from spreading. We can’t let it engulf the world.” Entirely negative. A New England woman, Mrs. John L. Senior, recently endowed a new professorship at Cornell University. It is a chair in “Amer- ican values.” I went to see her, questing for our positive position in the war of ideas. ‘Just what are the American values?” I asked. This woman, a widow, of Lenox, Miss., sted six of them: “The supreme worth of the individual; the soundness and basic rightness of the great mass of the peuple; every individual’s right to think, feel, and speak as he likes; freedom of the individual to achieve what he can, on his own, without interference, individual initiative and re- sponsibility; and, finally, freedom—the touchstone of them all.” Can you, tor your own part, make a simi- larly positive declaration? Do you know what you are for? Just think of the moral force which would be turned loose in the world if 160,000,000 Americans firmly knew-~ and belleved in—the ideas they were fighting for, not just fighting against. That moral force starts with you. Think about it. Set down in your mind—-and on paper, if you wish—-your own personal list of American values. Finally, beliefs must be lived, not simply believed. Action is the key. Action begins at the grass roots—in your community, your circle of friends, your home. You can Mve your belief in Americanism by being active in your local parent-teachers association You can live it by doing vol- untary work for the Red Cross, by serving on the library board, by being a leader of Boy Scouts or Girl Scouts, by supporting civic betterment movements, by working for civillan defense, by volunteer social work or child welfare work On one afternoon a weck you might give your time to a mother who cannot afford to have a baby-sitter. Or even offer your yard, if you have one, to neighborhood children where playgrounds are scarce There are a thousand and one things you can do. Never mind the thousand, one. Mrs Ralph B. Morris, president of the New York City League of Women Voters, holds out another line of individual action. "A person is living his beliefs in Americanism when he takes his voting responsibilities seriously, when he votes at all elections and primaries, and finds out as much as he can about the candidates and the issues,” she Bays. And beyond that, she continues, “He takes his other citizenship responsibilities seri- ously. He doesn't get out of jury duty just to get out of it. He doesn’t tip a traffic cop to avold a ticket—and then complain about police corruption. He doesn't try to get favors from political friends—and then rail against the 5 percenters,” Individual action, in its purest form, may actually be the quiet little acts you hardly think twice about. They are the little things of beauty, the gems A man picks up a piece of waste paper froin the street and carries it to a trash bin. A woman helps a cripple across the street. A motorist stops to patronize a children’s vegetable stand. A bus driver waits for a man who is running to the bus stop. The man says, “Thanks” A woman shopper helps another shopper with her packages. This ts the blood in the veins of democ- racy. It is the people living together for the common good. What quiet little act can you perform— today? Try at least
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Price Regulation Ceiling on Poultry EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN J. WILLIAMS OF DELAWARE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 9, 1951 Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a letter which I have written to Mr Michael V, DiSalle, Director of the Office of Price Stabilization, relative to the need for a change in the present interpretation of the recent margin freeze order on agri- cultural commodities, in order that both the farmers and consumers may be bet- ter protected There being no objection, the letter was ordcred to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Marc# 6, 1951. Mr. Micwarr V DrSare, Director, Office of Price Stabilization, Washington, D. C Dear Mr D1S8atre: This refers to the series of conversations which I had with Mr J. Howard Houk and Mr Allan Rubin, of your Office, last week relative to the interpreta- ticn which has been placed upon section 11 (e) of the price regulation order of January 26, 1951, with particular reference to the ceiling on poultry I was very much con- cerned to find that an interpretation had be -n placed upon this regulation to the eflect that while margins of profit would be sexled a3 farm prices were in a continuous advance, such margins of profit for the processor, the wholesaler, and the retatler of poultry prod- ucts would not be frozen in a declining market; that is, as it was pointed out to me, as farm prices advanced each 1 cent or frac- tion thereof, all prices could he advanced automatically up the line with the increased cost being passed on to the consumer, howe ever, once new ceiling prices had been estab- lished at some projected level, I found that @ decline of even any insignificant fraction would unlock all margin freezes, thereby making it possible for poultry prices at the farm leve! to decline substantially while at the same time retail prices to the wholesaler and the consumer could be maintained at near-celling level. The excusc offered was that it was hard to arrive at a fair or normal margin of profit to an industry and that permanent ceilings on margins during a price freeze would not be administratively feasible. I cannot fol- low that line of reasoning, since surely, if profit margins can be established and ei- forced as prices advance, why can they not be in operation 1n reverse? The present interpretation 1s affording a golden opportunity to wartime profiteers to extend their margin far beyond that which is normal to the industry and at the same time cloak their profiteering as legal under the Defense Production Act. That this opportunity is not being over- looked is evidenced by the market condi- tions of live poultry on the farms in Dela- ware and on the Delmarva Peninsula gen- erally as shown by the retail prices which are reported and filed by the Marketing and Facilities Research Branch of the United States Department of Agriculture. I am seriously concerned with this inter- pretation and the effect which it will have not only upon the cost of living but also upon the poultry growers on the Delmarva Peninsula. Other Senators who are also seriously concerned have joined me in in- troducing Cenate Resolution 93 to correct this interpretation. A copy of this resolu- tion is enclosed herewith. I express the sincere hope that it will not be necessary for the Senate to be compelled to antend the legislation when the intent of Congress in this matter is clear and that you will accordingly correct this interpretation immediately, thus removing the necessity for action by the Senate. However, in the event such correction ls not made, I shall feel com- pelled in the interest of the consumers and the farmers on the Delmarva Peninsula to insist upon action by the Senate, An extra cent spread in the margin of handling poultry that moves from the Del- marva Peninsula in 1 week means about $80,000 to the Delmarva farmers. A 3- to 4- ccnt eatra spread in the margins between the New York wholesale market and the farm price as it now exists means a loss to our farmers and an extra profit to the middleman o1 about a quarter of a million dollars each week. If this same interpretation prevails tn relation to all other agricultural commodi- ties, I can visualize where the farmers and the consumers could be robbed of millions. I think In the light of these figures you will agree with me that we must have imme- diate action. Will you please advise me promptly your reaction to this request and what steps you intend to take in the matter? Yours respectfully, “OHN J. WILLIAMS, Curtailment of Mail Deliveries EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER OF MARYLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 9, 1951 Mr. BUTLER of Maryland. Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article written by Stephen L, DeBalta which appeared in the Hugcrstown Morning Herald on Thursday, March 1. The article deals with the service ren- dered by the Post Office Department. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: MARYLANDERS IN WASHINGTON (By Stephen L. DeBalta) In every community of our land, big and small, tearful mothers, wives, sweethearts, sisters are impatiently waiting every day for news from Korea, Japan, Germany, the Near East, wherever members of our dispersed Armed Forces may be. But the letters are slow in coming when they do come at last. It seems that some cruel hand is holding up the delivery of the anxiously awaited mes- sages from the beloved ones. This hand is the clenched fist of a willful man who, with the amazing deflance of the very people who employ him, {mposes upon a whole nation his arbitrary will. Last April Postmaster Gen- eral Jessc M. Donaldson decreed a drastic curtailment of the postal service throughout the country. Post offices were ordered to adopt a banking-hours’ schedule, to deliver mail only once a day, to make fewer collec- tions, and to call it a day at sunset. This wanton destruction of a long-established public service brought in {ts trail idleness and distress to many employees, particularly in the lower-wage brackets, and aroused the violent protests of the National Association of A1285 Letter Carriers. Vainly, Senators, Congreas- men, chambers of commerce, civic organiza- tions remonstrated with the former Shetby~ ville matlman, but of no avail. The spiteful potentate thus got even with Congress after having been refused the credits he had asked, adopting the proverbial motto of the Chinese laundryman: “No tickee, no washee,” One would expect such dictatorial attitude from one on a higher administrative level but not from a minor member of the Cabi- net, intent upon -ettling a personal peeve regardless of tne hardship it brings to the whole Nation. In a great metropclis like New York, for instance, a letter mailed after 6p m. to a next door neighbor is delivered not the next morning but the day after. On Saturdays and Sundays, when the aver- age citizen can indulge in catching up with his correspondence the post offices are closed and stamps are hard or tmpossible to pro- cure, The entire postal service is disorgan- ized and demoralized and causing, as usual, more inconvenience to the individual tax- payer than to the large buriness concerns. James J Doran a former colleague of Post- master Donaldson, who held a top postition tn the Post Office Department until he volun- tarlly resigned 4 months ago, finally had the courage to come out with a vigorous denun- ciation of the reckless sabotage of our postal service. Ir an article to be published in the March issue of the Postal Record, offictal organ of the National Association of Letter Carriers, Mr. Doran expressed opposition to the mail curtailment tn effect since last April and quoted the Department's own figures to show how savings could be effected without mangling the service or raising rates. The real cause of the huge deficit Is scemingly to be found in the reckless operation of the 20 largest post offices tn the country. It is there, according to Duran, that savings should and could be effectuated, and in the 89,000 small post offices of the second, third, and fourth class, which could never operate nor should be expected to operate without & postal subsidy. The former chief inspector concludes in stating that Congress can never be expected to hike postal rates sufficiently to wipe out the deficit of the small district offices and should not even attempt to do so. The sooner Postmaster Donaldson will con- cur in Doran's sane views and will bring to an end his personal feud with Congress, the happier the country will be. Death of Maj. Gen. Bryant E. Moore EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MARGARET CHASE SMITH OF MAINE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED 8TATES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mrs. SMITH of Maine. Mr. Presl- dent, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the ReEcorp an article in tribute to the late Maj Gen. Bryant E. Moore, of Maine, written by me, and published in the Bangor (Maine) Evening Commercial of March 5, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE NATION’sS CAPITOL (By Hon. Margaret Cuase SuitH) WASHINGTON, March 6-—The Nation has lost a leader tn the death of Maj.Gen Bryant E. Moore. My State has lost one of ite most illustrious sons, as General Moore came from Ellsworth I have lost a friend.
A1286 It was not until the fall of 1947 that I really got to know General Moore. At that time I was a member of a House Armed Services Subcommittee that made an inspec- tion trip of our military bases in Europe and the Middle East. General Moore was the commanding officer of the United States troops in the Free Territory of Trieste. At that time Yugoslavia had designs on Trieste and was on the side of Russia. There was the constant threat of a Yugoslav in- vasion, which would have meant war. The Yugoslavs were constantly creating incidents and disorders that tested the for- titude, patience, judgment and diplomacy of General Moore. In fact, Trieste was the powder keg of the world at that time. SUPERB PERFORMANCE General Moore’s assignment was to hold the so-called Morgan line in Venezia Giula. When disposition of this territory was made, General Moore then had the job of protect- ing the American part of the Free Territory of Trieste His performance was superb, hud it been anything less, Russia might have made war on us in 1947. The importance of General Moore’s per- formance becomes all the more apparent when a review is made of our relations with Yugoslavia and thelr effect upon the strength of Russia Tito’s Yugoslavia was originally in the So- viet camp and was shooting down our air craft and murdering our airmen. Yugo- slavia was a source of terrific leverage for Russia tu the Balkans in threatening war and exercising dominating influence over that area. YUGOSLAV SWITCH But now Tito and Yugoslavia have broken with Stalin and shown complete independ- ence and defiance of Russia. The slave has thumbed his nose at the master He has switched sides And his action has given courage to other slave nations in the Balkans to break with Russia--and to the free nations to remain independent of Russia The whole switch and its signifi- cance is summed up in the word “Titolsm ” Had it not been for General Moore this encouraging development would not have been possible. SOLDIER AND DIPLOMAT There were two people who stood out in my mind on that trip) One was General Moore. The other was George V. Allen, our Ambassador in Iran, who did such a won- derful job in keeping Iran and her o1l away from Russia, Interestingly enough, George Allen is now Ambassador to Yugoslavia Between Gen- eral Moore and Ambassador Allen, our coun- try has been most effectively represented in relations with Yugoslavia and the results have been gratifying. Being a military leader and a successful diplomyt is rare. Gen. Bryant Moore was that rare combination, Just as General Eisen- hower is. Statement by George J, Burger Before Senate Foreign Relations and Armed Services Committees EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ROBERT A. TAFT OF OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. TAFT Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed m the Appendix cf the Reconp the state- ment of George J. Burger, vice presi- dent, National Federation of Independ- ent Business, before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the Senate Armed Services Committee on February 20, 1951. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the ReEcorp, as follows: Mr. Chairman and members of the com- mittee, it must be understood that the Na- tional Federation of Independent Business, Inc., a nonprofit corporation organized under the Jaws of the State of California is a non- political organization. The principal and main objective of this organization is to protect the free enterprise system and secondly, the people we repre- sent, independent business and professional men The record will show that the federation has the largest individual membership of independent business and professional men of any business organization in the Nation. It must also be understood for the record that whatever position the federation takes is taken only after a poll has been made through its official publication the mandate, of the entire Nation-wide federation mem- bership The mandate ballot is voted by the individual member and turned over by him to a district chairman who in turn mails the individual ballots from that district to the respective Member of Congress, In this way, Mr. Chairman and members of the commit- tee, the majority opinion rules in setting the policy to be followed by the executive officers of the federation. In other words, no execu- tive officer can speak for the federation until the entire membership has expressed its opinion one way or the other Of course, the question before the Nation of sending troops abroad during an emergency period outside of an actual true state of war is of consider- able interest to independent business and professional men and their dependents, In our opinion it is a most major question and it can be said for the record that in an actual state of war we believe there would be no question in the minds of anyone that the President as Commander in Chief, would have the power to send troops wherever it was necessary in the best interest of protect- ing the Nation's welfare. The subject Mutter, Senate Hesolution 8, was presented to the Federation members in the following manner: Pro: The President has exceeded his powers by sending and promising to send soldiers to Europe without first securing congres- sional approval More than this, he has dangerously undermined our own national security by so duing. First, troops sent und promised may just be going tnto a bottom- less hole, fur our so-called allies have shown no great progress in strengthening their own defenses. Second, the President may be maneuvering us into a position where we will be forced into disastrous large-scale land war with the Communists, It is not logical to think that Russia will remain idle while we garrison Europe Likely she will strike first. And without the needed moral and physical support of the people we are defending, wa are more than likely to lose our troops and all. This is a most serious question, one which—since we are not formally at war with Russia—only the whole American people, through their Congress, should be permitted to decide. Con: This bill is founded in defeatism and 1s dedicated to the selfish proposition that the United States should ussume no risks to preserve and extend the ideals of freedom it preaches. It can serve only to delay our aid to Europe, thereby wreck the great efforts made thus far to build a world-wide defense among free nations against communism— without which Russia cannot be checked. It ecun, therefore, result only in Russian dom- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ination of, first, Europe and Asia, then the entir world. In assesuing this question there are some things we must decide in all humil- ity. First, our European allies are “going slow” because devastating war was fought actually over their own countries recently — something we very fortunately escaped. Sec- ond, because they fear, with gcod reason, that we may leave them in the lurch. They need the encouragement the presence of ad- ditional United States troops already prom- ised can give them. We need their assist- ance—or our own safety will be out the window. The result of the poll of the Nation-wide membership is as follows: 75 percent of these Federation members voted for Senate Resolu- tion 8, 22 percent voted against the bill; and 8 percent gave no opinion at all I would like to ask at this time that the copy of the mandate in which this poll was made as well as the copy of the press release which shows the results of the poll appear us a permanent part of the record of this hearing Independent small business and profes- sional men of this Nation who have ao vital interest in this tremendous undertaking as A result of the serious difficulties they are now facing in carrying on their individual businesses have expressed their majority opinion trom the grass roots of the Nation, and as the accredited spokesman for inde- pendent business of this Nation we urgently request that the deepest consideration be given by this commitee as we believe this is the voice of America. Thank you. An Intangible Weapon for Defense EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. HUGH BUTLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 12, 1951 My. BUTLER of Nebraska. Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address recently delivered by Mr. J. S. Kroh at several places in Nebraska, Mr. Kroh was formerly the publisher of a newspaper and is one of our most civic- minded citizens. His address, I am sure, will interest the readers of the ConcREs- SIONAL REcorD. I consider it a real con- tribution to the study of many of the serious problems facing our Nation. There being no objection, the speech was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: AN INTANGIBLE WEAPON FOR DEFENSE (By J.S. (Jack) Kroh) This is the fifty-first year of the twentieth century A D.—the beginning of an era of grave problems and consequences for the United States. It is a gloomy moment in our history. Our people live in fear of the trend of creeping socialism for they know soctalism is but one short step to communism. They are being taxed beyond reason be- cause for the past 17 years our policy has been to tax, and spend, and spend. They note the ballooning of our national debt because of the increase in the Govern- ment payroll with its rapidly increasing number of bureaucrats and bureaus. They note with growing fear that politi- clans in high offices would burden us still further with socialized medicine, the Bran-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD non plan, etc., while we are spending billions of dollars for war. They fear our country will soon become bankrupt, Stalin's greatest hope. Our people have a feeling that we have been forced into this, the third world war by bungling and appeasement because of the presence of termites which are gnawing away at the American structure. Yes, our people are bewildered because the United States lacks leadership. It ig true that there are those among us who have not forgotten our purpose, but in this new world of United Nations alliances the chain of the cooperation 1s only #8 strong as the weakest link Will we have allies in Europe and Asia or will we stand alone? We have been hoping that the 60 or more member nations of the UN offered the best opportunity to work for peace in the world. But these nations have not yet used their full power, nor have they shown the moral courage to take a firm stand against those who are continuing to make war. The United Nations have bowed to big ag- gressors to date and unless it shows resulta now it will go the way of the League of Nations. It will be washed up and there will be no neeed to continue it as an organ- ization. On the other hand the American people have been admonished to seek help in the only place where mankind has an abiding faith—in the leadership of God. But prayer to Almighty God will not avail, however, if we are not ready to face truth within ourselves. Prayer is a two-way line of communication, we, meaning the administration, the Supreme Court, Congress, and all indivicual citizens, must surrender selfishness to intelligent and spiritual service if we expect guidance in return. When we are willing to enlighten ourselves and clean house at home we will be strength- ened to resist evil abroad. Therefore I have chosen for this address gust one idea not advanced or considered for the past century for our defense, and victory. AN INTANGIBLE WEAPON FOR DEFENSE Five years and 4 months after the Jap- anese surrender, we find ourselves engaged in a real shooting war, and this marks our active participation in three big wars in 34 years. Once more we are forced to take stock of our preparedness, and the picture is not a reassuring one. Nearly $50,000,000,000 have been spent on defense in & years, and if wo are correctly informed, only one billion was spent for the defense of our own Nation. The balance, or $49,000,000,000 in money and substance was given to other nations of the world in the pretext that !t was for national defense. And s0, today, we find we are far from pre- pared for protection to our homeland. I fear that in part our unpreparedness 1s the result of the wishful bellef, that our scientists, if given a little encouragement and much money, could produce some miracu- lous form of weapon which, by pressing a button, would give us immediate victory anywhere in the world. In the frantic haste of rearming there is always the danger that we may overlook weapons which are available, particularly if thev are intangible. It is concerning one of these weapons that I would like to talk with you today. It is not a secret weapon, nor is it new, but it is essential. Let me introduce it by telling you of a con- versation in Paris last summer between Pro- fessor Morris, of Tulane University, and a@ Polish ex-patriot. This Pole, who was an out- spoken anti-Communist, an educated man, trained as a lawyer, and a colonel in World War II, was asked how it was possible that a country as fiercely patriotic and nationalistic as Polard, a country which prospered under the capitalistic system, fell so easily for the deluston of communism, The Pole toid how his country suffered unparalleled loss of life and the destruction of cities, railroads, and other national assets, But the major cause of the tragedy he said was this: For 6 years all the schools and col- leges were closed, the educated Poles were killed, and the young people uneducated, The result was that they unwittingly accept- ed the glowing promises of communism. Note that he gave this as the most impor- tant single cause of the collapse of a free government tn Poland. This is the intangible weapon about which I wish to speak today—learning and educa- tion—a wexpon which kills no one but withe out which our Nation ‘s not secure. More particularly I refer to what is known as the liberal education in contrast to the practical and professional education—or, if you will, I refer to the type of education which muny people consider to be a sheer waste of time. There is no necessity of making # case for the need of practical education, because our economic Hfe ts firmly based on technical skill, and the lessons of the last war are still fresh Our country will long remember its de- pendence during the last war on our scien- tists and engineers in so many flelds—not only the atomic bomb which served only to terminate a war already won, but equally in many fields where we were hard pressed tn- deed We remember how one of our acientists and his assoctates devised ways to check the submarine when this was sinking our ship- ping; how another scientist tracked down the operations of the U-bouts—one of the most thrilling detective stories of all time, how another German menace, the airplane, was checked with the development of radar; nor does any one necd to be reminded how our engineering skills in oi] refining, in making stee), in production-line methods of manu- facturing furnished many tools and mate- Tials of war. But I wish to emphasize the need to con- tinue and to reemphasize the so-called lb- eral arts, not only as adjuncts to gracious living. but as valuable weapons ot defense agninst not only external enemies, but against those within who cither from ignor- ance or maliciousness would tear down our heritage A good case could be made for many of the Nberal disciplines, but let us choose ancient history as an example, particularly that of Rome and Greece. From the beginning of our Republic and up to a century ago this formed the core of all formal education, but today the vast ma- jority of high school and college students complete their education with only the hazi- est notions of the ancient world—its study having been pushed out by including sub- jects of more practical value. The claim was made that while it might be interesting it certainly was not important, and if one must study history, at least it should be something of some value—Ameri- can history or Nebraska history. While I have no quatre] with these, and, in fact would Mke to see more American history taught, such subjects do not by any means replace the broad view gained from the over-all study of the rise and fall of these ancient civilizations. But what, some of you may ask, has the knowledge of these long dead civilizations to do with our Gov- ernment and what has a knowledge of such subjects to do with defense, or the preserva- tion of our Republic? I think a great deal and I ask you to bear with me while we con- sider this point. Let us go back to the beginning of our Government, to the Declaration of Independ- ence and the Constitution. The men who A1287 formed this Government did not by some sudden flash of tnaptiration conceive the form of Government which for at least 160 years Proved so successful. Quite the contrary: these men—Jefferson, Adams, Witherspoon, Livingston, and others—were steeped in the learning of the past They planned the new Government based upon the wealth of ex- perience over the ages. They knew the dangers of a too central- ized Government, the hazards of a Govern- ment too easily swayed by momentary popu- lar whims aud passions, the need of separate legislative and executive departments, the necessity of an independent judiciary, the need to avoid all possibility of the military assuming control of the Government—all this they knew because liberal education stressed the study of ancient culture. Such matters as I have just listed were “old stuff” to them and with this background they proceeded to build a form of Govern- ment which has justified the confidence they felt How do we know that these men were influenced by their libera] training? Well for many reasons. In the first place we are familiar with their education; secondly, we have the record of their discussions during the period when these documents were drawn up; and lustly, we have the internal evidence of the documents themselves. Have you ever thought how the Declara- tion of Independence opens? After an open- ing sentence which merely states that “When in the course of human events” it became necessary to revolt, the decent thing to do is to state clearly to the world your reason for doing 80. The Declaration proper begins’ “We hold these truths to be self-evident.” This hns a familiar ring It is the identical phrase with which Euclid begins his monumental text on plane geometry. In the latter case—in the only school text which has secured world- wide adoption for over 2,200 years—Euclid proceeds with his axioms, the self-evident truths, from which he deduces step by step the laws of geometry. In the former are listed the basic concepts of government—"that men are created equal” and so forth. It is no coincidence that the framers of our Government drafted this Dec- laration in the form and words of Greek philosophy. These men were as familfar through thetr Mberal education with past political thourht and experience as our great generals of the Civil War were with past military tactics and campaigns. Every one of ua who appreciate the privi- lege of living under our Government owes a debt of gratitude to these men and should be thankful for the fact that they possessed the liberal learning that gave them the vi- sion and judgment required. Under our present educational system {t would be hard to find @ group with such a background. With few exceptions our so- called statesmen today lack even a pretense of such a background. Yet these men have no hesitation in proposing to modify our social, economical, and political set-up If the people listening to the political speeches which are all too common in our country could realize that all the tricks used are old stuff, perhaps they would not fall such easy prey to glib promises. Note the general advice given on political speech- making by old Aristotle 2,300 years ajo. Here 1s how Will Durant summarizes Aris- tole’s comments: “Success is the only measure of a telling speech, and the appeal is primarily to the emotions rather than to the reason. “Indeed the test of a good orator is his ability to arouse the prejudices of his audi- ence and to enlist them on his side. In accomplishing this, sentimentalities and moral aversions and convictions of his hearers are the orator’s best friends, and by carefully stringing together platitudes ond maxims that reflect their outlook on life
A1288 he can win for himself the reputation of belng a man of sound moral character, and a clear thinker, and give to his discourse a counterfeit logic. “According to Aristotle, the assumption of a high moral tone suggests that the speaker has a noble nature—a suggestion that carries all the more weight the less intelligent the audience ts.” The above, gentlemen, is from Aristotle’s Politics written 2,300 years ago. Who, familiar with the fact that these hints are well over 2,000 years old, will let himself be fooled by them? On the other hand, as we know all too well, these tricks work today as well as ever—and seduce even those with formal education. I submit to you that the plausible-sounding, pious- speaking, self-seeking politicians would find it more difficult if their hearers knew how old this sort of guff really is, and I suggest that the study of the life of Rome and Greece would have taught this. And {f knowledge of the past may save us from falling headlong for the wiles of the politician, may it not also save us from swallowing hook, line, and sinker some of the cure-alls offered today? Again and again (and again) we have pre- sented to us new ideas, those which are hoary with age All too often these ideas are snapped up by the populace under the impression that they are original with the advocate. In many cases knowledge of history would show that these ideas have been advanced often before and have a long history of failure. Examples of such ideas which have been swallowed whole under the impression that they were original brain children of their advocates are numerous—too numerous to mention more than a few. Almost every country has recently devalued its currency. We did it in 1933 and called it “revaluing the price of gold,” thereby making it seem as if it affected only a few wealthy persons, no mention was made that it would inevitably raise all costs so that it partially confiscated all savings, life tne surance, etc. Is this a new idea? Far from it, About 600 years before Christ, Solon devalued the Athenian drachma by almost exactly the same percent as Britain recently devalued the pound, and if the British do not have happier results than the Athenians did they are going to be very much disappointed. Devaluation was resorted to over and over again in Rome during the Republic, again under Nero, again under Aurelius, again under Commodus and again under Severus. Always more and more inflation, and each time followed by sky-rocketing prices until finally Diocletian attempted in A D, 301 to stubilize the currency but it was too late. In Britain today, we find a war-weary nation, victorious in war but economically crushed, placing its hope in the nationali- zation of industry, many natvely believing that this is an original thought of the labor government now in power. Is it new? Let Me quote from W1ll Durant’s interesting his- tory of Rome entitled “Caesar and Christ.” I think you will agree it has & modern ring. He is speaking of the time of Diocletian about A. D. 300: “Diocletian, in his new deal, brought many branches of industry under complete state control beginning with the import of gruin; he persuaded the shipowners, mer- chants, and crew engaged in this trade to accept such control in return for governs ment guaranties of security in employment and returns, “The state had long since owned most of the quarries, salt depost's, and mines. It went on to control establishments produc- ing for the army, the bureaucracy, or the coult. In munition factories, textile mills, and bakeries the government required a minimum product, bought this at its own price and made the associations of manu- facturers responsible for carrying out or- ders and specifications. If this procedure proved inadequate it completely nationalized these factories. Gradually the majority of industrial establishments were brought under the contro] of the corporate state. “Such a system could not work without price control. In 301 Diocletian and his col- leagues issued an edict fixing prices and wages, “He fixed the price at which 700 or more articles could be sold and he fixed the wages of many different kinds of labor including the carpenter, the painter, the writer, the teacher, the advocate or counsel for present- ing # case, and he even fixed the price to be paid to baby-sitters “The weakness of this managed economy lay in its administrative cost. To support the bureaucracy, the court, the army, the building program, and the dole, taxation rose to unprecedented heights” But why go on except to say that the whole effort ended in miserable failure so that Rome collapsed under Diocletian’s suc- cessor. The voters of Britain might think twice before going further in this direction if they realized that nationalization Is no bright new idea. Example after example of old notions now pulled out of the hat in this country and offered as new could be given, so let us take but one more—one which today is the matter of extreme concern to us commu- nism It is foolish merely to denounce commu- nism with such expressions as “I don't see how anyone can be a Communist,” or to imagine that all Communists are sodden, bushy-haired clouts or ape men. Unfortunately it appeals to hundreds of millions of people, even including a sur- prising number in our own country. The vast majority of these are sincere idealists. Make no mistake. Its leaders may be in it for personal power and wealth but it must be supported by followers who believe in it. To many of these communism is offered as a@ new solution (at least no older than Marx) and this claim is accepted at face value. But this is far from true. Its general prin- ciples were considered long ago and even old Aristophanes poked fun at them 2,300 years ago in his hit play Ecclesiazusae. In this play a lady Communist. says: “T want all to have a share of everything and all property to be common; there will no longer will be either rich or poor, no longer shall we see one man harvesting vast tracts of land while another has not ground to be buried in, I intend that there shall be only one and the same condition of life for all, I shall begin by making land, money, everything that is private property common to all. “But who shall do all the work?” Blepyrus, another character in tho play. “Oh,” says Praxagora, ‘‘we shall have to have slaves.” Twenty-three hundred years ago this was written; so you see our student of Greek cul- ture will not be taken in by any illusion that communism is something that has just been pulled out of the hat. Time and patience limit me from giving example after example of how training in the so-called “useless” field of classic his- tory would make our students sophisti- cated in the good sense of the word. I sug- gest that such learning would give our chil- dren the opportunity of leaving school with the vigor of youth and the vicarious experi- ence of the ages, whereas most of our pres- ent training tends to turn them out with competence in a trade but with the inno- cence of babes. And why shouldn’t they asks APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD be innocent? All their lives have been spent in learning plastics or electronics or aire conditioning or salesmanship, or what not, and if perchance they have been given a year or so in English it is carefully explained that this will enable them to make a sales talk or write a letter to a customer. I have recently been informed that there are 1,726 of the 2,500 high schools and many colleges and universiuies in the United States who are using textbooks infiltrated with un-Ameiican propaganda, presumably written by Socialists or Communists for the purpose of indoctrinating millions upon millions of our young people in sociallsm and communism, another one of many tricks of the Russians to destroy the Ameri- can way of life. This should alarm us to another need for a greater study of ancient history, and I suggest that professors, teachers, school board members, und parents make every ef- fort to protect our young people. The defense of our country demands that our citizens have more than competence in & trade in order that they and their lead- ers make wise decisions on vhe problems now before us We have paid and are paying heavily for this lack of capable leadership. If ever we needed an informed citizenry and leadership, it is today. It is a trite re- mark that the United States hus a way of winning wars but losing the peace. If we are to play a prominent role as a world power, the only strong power adhering to a democrucy, we desperately need to be pre- pared to understand not only ourselves but other people as well, We can no longer afford the luxury of un- sophisticated leadership and an unenlight- ened citizenry, and I believe the best way to secure this is through Hberalizing our edu- cation by the study of ancient history, Do not mistake me. I certainly do not mean that training in engineering, law or medicine have no technica) content, but I do contend that space should be found for the liberal subjects which alone can make a man at home in all places and in all ages I believe the man with a mind trained and familiar with all the foreign ideologies and isms, including communism, will for that very reason the more firmly hold to our sys- tem, and moreover, have a reason for the faith that Is in him. In fact, I think this is far more effective, at least at the college level, than all the special courses in why I am an American, which are so often pro- posed, These all too often amount to nothing more than the shameless boasting of our material wealth. We need to emphasize the things that make people great instead of the things that muke them merely comfortable, And now In closing. May I remind you that few, if any, civill- zations have fallen from outside attack. The downfall of nations, particularly the Roman Republic, was the fact that they changed from a frugal, efficient government to an inefficient and lavish government with subsidies, doles, and other sucialistic plans, thus creating bureaucracies and dictator- ships with resulting confiscatory taxutions, America today is facing difficult times, Le- cause there is the possible dancer that we, too, might Join th long list of fallen na- tions Only Americans can save America, And we cannot stop the trend without vision, We have already discovered that we do not receive vision by inspiration. But it is not too late to discover that vision 1s the product of information and thought, and make no mistake, we must have vision. For it is as true today as when Solomon sald it, “Where there is no vision, t.e people per- ish.” Thank you. And God tave America,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The RFC Investigation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROBERT A. TAFT OF OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. TAFT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an editorial from yesterday’s Washington Star entitled “The Dollars Would Pour In.” It relates to the inves- tigation of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation being conducted by the sub- committee of which the Senator from Arkansas {My. FuLpricut] is the chair- man. There being no objection, the edito- rial was ordered to be printed in the ReEcorp, as follows: THE Dot_ars WouLp Pour IN The RFC investigation by Senator Fut- BRIGHT'’S committee is now scheduled to end c. April 80. But there is only one date on which this investigation properly can be brought to a close. And that is the date on which the committee finds there are no more stones left unturned The committee began its work in Febru- ary of 1950. Its investigation has been con- ducted with a relatively small staff It re- ceived an original authorization from the Senate to spend up to 650,000 Last summer it recetved @35,000 more Last January Sen- ator FunpricHr requested a final $20,000. Senator McKELLAR was doubtful. Scnator FuLsricuT explained: “We ask only for an extension to April 30. I can absolutely as- sure the Senator that I will not ask for any further extension of money beyond that date.” Senator McKELLar replied: “With that assurance I withdraw my objection.” Senator Fuser, therefore, may be fore- closed from making another request for funds from the Senate He might, it is true, apply tothe RFC In the circumstances that might be of doubtful propriety. But if he needs any more money, the Star suggests that he appeal to the American peuple to supply it by voluntary gifts. The results of such an appeal would be overwhelming. The money would roll in from citizens of high and low degree. For this investigation has revealed a condition in Washington that reflects on the integrity of our Government. And one of the most important things that this or any other con- gressional committee can do is to keep prob- ing without let-up until every sinister area thus exposed has been explored to its roots. If there is the slightest suggestion that the committee is ending its work before the task it undertook has been completed, the people will resent it. We talk a great deal in this country about our high moral principles. But when we compare these lofty ideale, that we are spend- ing the lives of young men and our substance to preserve, with the sleazy moral standards of people in high places in Washington, the disillusionment of the people is bitter and thefr {oss of confidence can be dangerous. A good many people are bewalling this loss of confidence now. But one looks in vain for any sign of right- eous indignation by the President, ordinarily associated with high standards of public mo- rality, any expression of which from him would go far to restore confidence. All they find there is loyalty to his friends. The President, it 1s true, does not turn his back on them. But he seems to have come very close to turning his back on the rest of us. If Senator Fuuaricut’s committee needs more money, all he has to do is to ask for it, How Sick Was President Roosevelt? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BRIEN McMAHON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. MCMAHON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Pxcorp a letter from Vice Admiral (retired) Ross T McIntire, addressed to the Washington Evening Star, and printed iu the last Saturday edition of that newspaper under the headline “How sick was President Roose- velt?” There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RecorpD, as follows: How Sick Was Prestoent Roosevelt? To the Enrror or THE STAR’ The leading editorial in the Star of March 6 gives me cause for considerable concern, The statement that President Roosevelt was a dying man in the summer of 1944 ts not new to me, as it has been made time and again by certain columnists and writers secking the sensational. To have this charge appear in the Star {s something else. I havo ignored the attacke and stutements that have been made by irresponsible people. But when a publication as responsible as yours makes the statements that I find in your edi- torial, I feel that I must, in justice to the excellent doctors who worked with me and whose reputations cannot be challenged, bring to your attention a few facts sur- rounding my statements that appeared in the press throughout the year 1944, The statements that wore given were the result of careful examinations and evolua- tion of the findings made by the doctors who worked with me. As far as President Roose. velt himself was concerned, he had a clear understanding of his own physica) condition at all times. To say that he deliberately practiced calculated deception in this regard is completely false. If this is an accusation against me, then I take it as one against a” the doctors who worked with me. I do not belleve that the Star cures to make such & statement. As far as the year 1944 is concerned, we had ® very difficult 2 months in February and March. April saw great improvement, and by early summer all signs of the President's recent illness had completely cleared. Any- one who was with us on the Pacific cruise, and had the opportunity to see the tre- mendous activity carried out by President Roosevelt in Hawali, would bear me out in my statement. During our 8-day stay in Hono- lulu the President covered all military in- stallations, including the military and naval hospitals. He spent hours going through the wards, visiting thousands of wounded in these hospitale, He carried out long and ex- haustive conferences with General Mac- Arthur and Admiral Nimitz. His stay in the Aleutians was equally strenuous. One comment on his campaign trips: It te noted in your editorial that the New York trip was used as an argument that the Presi- dent’s health was excellent. I did not con- sider this trip in the rain of any great sig- nificance, as the President was accustomed to A1289 exposure in all sorts of weather and climate, Ta fact that he took it in his stride was no more than I expected. The entire campaign was strenuous and demonstrated his return to good physical performance. It should be remembered that he touk part in the Que- bec conference in October with Mr. Churchill, working on a schedule that carried them through the day and far into every night. I am sorry Mr. Farley felt that he must write as he did in his letter to the New York Times. It could not have been his personal observation that the President was a dying man. Mr. Farley and the Prosident saw nothing of each other for a period of several years, for reasons well known to all. The consensus of the doctors regarding President Roosevelt's condition and his future was that if he would live within his physical reserve, it was believed he could carry on the strenuous and exacting work of the Presidency. During the summer and fall of 1944, I had very little complaint to make regerding his daily conduct While he did a tremendous amount of work, he was able to take mod- erate exercise and secure the needed rest Following the election, with the rapidly approaching victorious end of the war, and the United Natons project always before him, the President labored strenuously and par- tially neglected his own well-being. By tn- auguration time, fatigue was again becoming areal problem The period around inaugura- tion demanded a great deal of him, due to certain soctal obligations as well as the fram-~- ing of his inaugural address. . He left immediately for the Yalta Con- ference; the long sca trip to the itsiand of Malta did much to provide the rest he needed, But the Yalta Conference called for a great output of energy over a period of 8 days, during which he was constantly in conterences with Mr. Churchill and Premier Stalin. This conference, too, involved day and night sessions, together with the needed work with his own staff, Even so, at the end of these talks he was able to fiy to Egypt where he received the King of Egypt, the King of Abyssinia, and the King of Saudi Arabia. In all the days T saw President Roosevelt in action, I cannot remember one where he was more alert than during the days of these conferences. The long trip home was marred by the death of General Watson, his military alde, which saddened him greatly. He continued to work on the Yalta report to be presented to the Congress. Following his return he went through strenuous days picking up the events that were necessary for his congres- sional report, at the same time putting tho finishing touches on preparations for the United Nations Assembly to be held on April 21. In this period the President was unfor- tunate enough to pick up a virus infection which destroyed his appetite and lowered his physical condition. It was because of thia that he went to Warm Springs to regain his strength, so that he might carry out his plans to address the United Nations As- sembly. At the same time, Admiral Wilson Brown and I were working out a schedule for his trip to the Far East, where he planned to visit General MacArthur and Admiral] Nimitz again,and review plans for the closing phases of the war. In addition to this, plans were being made for him to visit England in June, It 16 apparent that at the time of his death the President was planning for the future, with no thought of impending disaster. I hope this letter will clarify again for your readers the true facts in this unfor- tunate controversy. Ross T McINriag, Vice Admiral (M.C.) United States Navy, Retired,
A1290 Western World Is Pacifist EXTENSION OF REMARKS iF HON. EDWIN C. JOHNSON OF COLORADO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. JOHNSON of Colorado. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article by Dorothy Thompson on the theme that the western world is pacifist. I hope most earnestly that our diplomats, statesmen, politicians, mili- tary leaders, and citizens generally will give heed to what Miss Thompson has said, lest we aspire to be the leader of the leaderless, Military strategy not sup- ported by the people must end in dis- aster to everyone. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Wrstrrn Worvp Is Pactrist—Pnorounp Dis- TRUST OF FoREIGN Policy SHOWN BY PEOPLE oF UNITED STATES AND EuRoPr (By Dorothy Thompson) The governments of the United States and Europe need to be more aware than they apperently are that the present foreign pol- ity has very little popular support, and that without popular support no defense effort on the scale envisioned can be successfully maintained. This hiatus between govern- ment policy and the instinct of the people is at present more dangerous to democracy than communism. Every Gallup poll thus far shows that an overwhelming majority of the American people believe that the Korean War was a mistake, that the UN forces never should have crossed the thirty-eighth parallel, and that we should try for a truce at that line, Five to one oppose a war with China, be- Heving such a war would only serve Rus- sia’s interests, and a majority believe we should try harder than we have done to reach an agreement with China. What has been called ‘the science of engi- neering consent’’—and the practice of this science is by no means confiued to totali- tarian states—is not functioning, according to plan, in either the United States or West- ern Europe. Communism is on the wane in all countries, but the decline is not ac- companied by a rise of confidence in exist- ing anti-Communist governments. With very few exceptions, not a European government can claim more than a precari- ous margin of popular support. Nor, in my opinion, can our own, There is no Chur- chill, or Roosevelt, to rally the British or American people into enthusiastic unity and trustfulness. And this is not merely due, I think, to the absence of dynamic personall. ties. Neither Roosevelt nor Churchill, or other personalities as dynamic, could, I be- lieve, do it again—and I seriously doubt whether Stalin could. The western world, at least, as a@ result of World War II, is profoundly and instinc- tively pacifist. And the people of this world are not convinced that the American policy of peace by the threat of overwhelming force, and postponement of serious attempts at a settlement until such force exists, is the road to peace. Although an immense sell- ing campaign has been put on for this policy, it has not been sold. I recently had an opportunity to test this, The Town Hall of the Air staged a debate on the issue Roads to Peace in 1951. Of the three participating speakers, this colum- nist alone strongly criticized the Govern- ment’s peace theories. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo naturally (and ably) upheld the United Nations’ view; William C. Foster, an official of the ECA, naturally (and ably) de- fended our Governmext's policy. But the mail that has come in to the Town Hall has been almost unaimously in favor of the view- point I expressed—that our Government is not sincerely, intelligently, and energetically trying to reach a settlement which would protect all alike, but 1s making political ac- tion subservient to military strategy, and that this is highly dangerous to peace Now, I do not believe that radio audiences are converted to a viewpoint by any speaker, and especially not in a program of compact brevity, but only react favorably to the articulation of views they already hold or against views they have already rejected. And I do not believe that the profound dis- trust of present policy, both here and in Europe, can be overcome by any amount of exhortative propaganda. In propaganda a law of diminishing returns also operates, The St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS o* HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I send to the desk the text of a telegram from Mr, Curtis Hatch, president of the Wisconsin Farm Bureau Federation, and the text of an editorial from the Spooner (Wis.) Advocate as reprinted from the Eau Claire (Wis.) Leader, both of which heartily endorse prompt action on Great Lakes waterway legislation. I ask unan- imous consent that they be printed in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL REcorpD. There being no objection the article and telegram were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mapison, Wis, Febrwary 23, 1951. Hon ALEXANDER WILEY, United States Senator: The Wisconsin Farm Bureau Federation is very keenly interested in the proposed plan for the development of the St. Lawrence waterway. Our policy of long standing has been in support of this project for its great potential benefits to midwestern agricul- ture and industry, its value from a defense standpoint makes it doubly important at the present time. Curtis HarcuH, President, Wisconsin Farm Bureau Federation, [From the Spooner (Wis.) February 22, 1951] St. LAWRENCE WATERWAY Senator ALEXANDER WILEY, who for many years has been an ardent advocate of a St, Lawrence waterway to open the Great Lakes to ocean shipping, 1s still carrying on a determined fight. This time he may suc- ceed. Senator Witry has introduced a resolu- tion authorizing immediate start on con- struction. The resolution has 23 co-spon- sors, Republican and Democrat. Chances for congressional approval are brightest in the project’s long history. President Truman has given the proposed seaoway strong endorsement as a defense project. Sponsors say it would assure the Advocate of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD United States of an adequate iron ore sup- ply during the national emergency and pro- vide additional electric power for defense. Senator Tart has given strong endorsement, The plan provides for tolls to pay off the original cost, estimated at $800,000,000 in 50 years. It is about time Congress recognized the needs of the midwest and the benefits to accrue to the Nation through opening up a channel for ocean ships into the Great Lakes. Opposition in the past has centered in transportation groups and eastern and southern port authorities who fear a loss in revenue. Such opposition should not be permitted to block a move in the public tn- terest.—Eau Claire Leader, Price Control Is Not Working EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SAMUEL W. YORTY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. YORTY. Mr. Speaker, the price- control program cannot be made to work so long as farm products are exempted from control until they increase in price to a point above the minimum fixed in the Defense Production Act of 1950. Wage earners whose salaries are less than is reeded to purchase a reasonable amount of food do not have their wages exempted from wage controls, although they certainly have as much right to an exemption as have producers of food, Naturally, our labor leaders are dis- gusted and worried. How can they sup- port a wage freeze when the most im- portant item in the family budget is exempt from control? The whole price- control program is becoming a ghastly and cynical farce. It is a danger to the economy of this Nation. Even author- ity to greatly increase bank reserves was left out of the 1950 act, and this fact is partly responsible for the controversy raging over the need to prevent further monetization of the public debt. Under the circumstances, it is heart- ening to see some groups voluntarily of- fer to forsake their special privileges, The powerful farm organizations which have obtained Government subsidies are apparently beginning to question the value of subsidies which inevitably are accompanied by Government controls. Important food merchants are beginning to question the wisdom of the present exemption of food from price controls. Under unanimous consent I [nclude in the Recorp an interesting newspaper article by Joseph Alvarez and also a copy of a telegram to the President from the Committee for Constitutional Govern- ment, Inc.: BUTTER-AND-EGG MAN URGES PRICK CEILINGS ON Every Foon Propucr (By Joseph Alvarez) Alfred Rich, business manager of the But- ter and Egg Merchants Association, today called upon President Truman to demand a revision of the Defense Production Act to permit the imposition of ceilings on farm commodities now selling below parity. The change, said Mr. Rich, would stretch price controls to every food and farm product.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The request was made in a telegram and incorporated into a special bulletin sent to the association's 250 wholesale food dealers. SEVENTY ITEMS6& EXEMPT Under the presen’ law, which Mr. Rich charged, "ia written solely to fatten the bank accounts of farmers,” about 70 important food items are exempt from controls. Among these fouds are eggs, butter, milk, wheat, corn, and potatoes “This is a wedge that ultimately will de- stroy all effective price ceflings since cach unregulated commodity must necessarily unbalance the entire economic stabilization program,” Mr. Rich asserted. “Labor will not stand for a wage freeze when it sees tlat food, which constitutes about 85 percent of the cost of living, keeps right on climbing.” CITES OVERPRODUCTION Expressing great disappointment with the Government's freeze order, Mr Rich declared that President Truman should not have per- mitted the imposition of controls under the imequitable Defense Act. “He should have recommended a change in the law to bring farm prices selling below parity under control. “During the past several years,” Mr. Rich continued, “the powerful farm bloc stic- ceeded in obtaining support on all basic farm products at 90 percent of parity and nonbasic commodities at 60 to 90 percent of parity. “Production was tremendous at these sup- port levels, resulting in large surpluses. So great were these surpluses that 1t became necessary to curtail production through acreage allotments. Price supports on po- tatoes, poultry, and eggs, at 60 to 75 percent of parity were discontinued this year due to overproduction ” FARMER PROFITED Mr Rich added: “It ie reasonable to assume that the support levels were high enough to return a good profit to the farmer, other- wise they would not have overproduced. “This,” he said, “is one reason why con~ trols on farm products should be imposed below parity ” Mr. Rich asserted the farm bloc was in- strumental in changes in the method of fivuring parity that jumped butterfat from 68 1 cents a pound to 69 cents; cattle from $13 a hundredweight to $16.90; woo) from 439 cente a pound to 50 cents a pound; and milk from 6384 a hundredweight to $4.31, In a quart price to the milk consumer, this is a jump of 1 cent. Mr. Rich, an economist and market analyst, blasted parity as the bunk (Parity ig the formula that expresses a relationship between what farmers must pay for com- modities and what they are paid for their crops ) “a most important factor has been omitted in computing parity, which !f tn- cluded would adversely affect the farmer. It is the element that has enriched the farmer at the expense of consumer,” sald Mr. Rich. “We refer to the incredible rise in the rate of production. . “For example,” he said, “the yield per acre of potatoes ‘ncreased frum 107.8 bushels in 1914 to 2379 in 1950. Egg production per hen per year increased from 135 in 1940 to 163 in 1948. Pounds of milk per cow per year went up from 5,760 in 1940 to 6,450 in 1949. “Yhese production boosts greatly lower the unit cost of production, yet this factor is completely ignored in the parity index,” Mr. Rich said. “In view of the present emergency which entails large expenditures of public funds, heavy taxes, and sacrifices on everyone's part, no favoritism should be shown.” Marcu 6, 1961, Hon. Harry 8. TRomMan, President of the United Statea, Key West, Fla.: Today, an awakened public opinion among men and women ifn all walks of life gives you the opportunity and support needed to carry through a program that will stop in- flation, keep down costs, enormously strengthen our defense efforts, and give us for the future a dollar of constant value and a stable level of average prices, thereby strengthening economic freedom. Congressman Jressz P. Woxcort, of the House Committee on Banking and Currency tn the Eightieth Congress and now ranking minority member, in a recent spotlight statement points out that, through the Bret- ton Woods Agreement, the currencies of all major countries except Russia are tied to the American dollar, and that, therefore, fur- ther shrinknge tn the value of our dollar must immediately refiect itself in the value of currencies throughout the world. Experience shows that no stabilization for- mula can be found that will do justice to all groups if we allow inflation to proceed and living costs to rise. But the response of hundreds of thousands to our committee's direct-mail inquiry demonstrates that citi- vens in all walks of life can be rallied to sup- port and keep permanently in effect @ policy of pay-as-we-go, a balanced budget, and price stabilization, In 1933, when President Roosevelt lifted the United States out of the depression, New York State agricultural leaders gave major guidance to the organized agriculture of the entire Nation. Now they are moving again to give organized and highly effective support to our Government in stopping infla- tion. The Nottheast Farm Foundation, cum- prising 11 major State-wide farm organiza- tions and cooperatives in New York, Penn- sylvania, and New Jersey, now patriotically offer to give up all subsidies and special in- terest favors. Its March bulletin says: “The New York State Farm Bureau Fed- eration has wisely -nd courageously called for an end of Federal hand-outs to farmers, even of such things as Mme, fertilizer, etc. These aid programs were put into effect when farming was in 4 severe depression Now, however, the turmers of New York Stiric feel that their enterprise can and should «tand on its own feet. They belicve that it is time to balance the national budget and gird the national economy for whatever may come, They believe that all groups showd now put country ahead of self-interest, and they sre prepured to buck up this sentiment by ex- ample “Moreover, the farmers of this State, by and large, are firmly opposed to the controls which are the inevitable price of subsidies. The State Grange, the Dairymen's League, and other farm orgarizations have cone demned subsidies and the Government con- trols that go with them. “The State Conference Board of Farm Or« ganizations, representing elght major Stute- wide organizations, has time and again ex- pressed its firm stand against suctalistic echemes and for free Institutions, including free markets, free enterprise, and those basic individual freedoms which have made Amer- ican farms aud American life the best and most fruitful on this earth. “Never have the farmers and their leaders been more solidly alined, shoulder to shoul- der, on the major economic an social issues of the time than they are today in New York State. “As we interpret this united voice, it stands for the very fundamentals that our fore- fathers stood for and fought for when they pulilt this Nation. It is, in one word, the voice of freedom. It is the voice of patri- otism. “We think that the community at large will not underestimate the position of a A1291 united agriculture; not merely because it represents the stand of that important group who grow our food, but because, now, as in times gone by, it is the resolute core of resistance to socialism, despotism, and all other isms that menace the American way of life.” Only the 15 percent of our peopie included in pressure groups receiving direct payments from the Treasury or p'aced on islands of special privilege have any chance ot profiting from inflation; and many of these 15 percent groups will also suffer serious losses if infla- tion occurs. But 85 out of every 100 persons entitled to vote stand to lose heavily tf their dollar, worth 100 cents in 1941 and 50 cents now, shrinks during the years ahead to a 25-cent value. In the Nation, there are 78,000,000 life-insurance policyholders and more than 10,000,000 bank depositors. As our dollar becomes cheaper, the stored savings of theso thrifty citizens fade. Most life-insurance beneficiaries are women. If they realize that inflation, rotting their money, destroys the protection their husbands have worked hard to provide, they will support sound money policies. The millions owning Government bonds and the forty to fifty million citizens who have an investment tr social security will, if made aware of the damage infiation dves to their interests, give wholehearted support to whatever measures are needed to protect the value of our dollar. John L. Lewis and other labor leaders have invested years of effort in building up insur- ance protection for members of their organ- tzations. Inflation undermines these sav- ings Moreover, without a stable dollar, the rising cost of living will constantly encroach upon the workers’ wage rates Insurance companies, financial institu- tions and other corporations having tens of billtons in bank deposits, all stand to lose-— all have vital interests in maintaining a stable price level. If Jendership is given, they will stand ready to give whatever support is needed to stop iuflation now. If farmers can be assured that the dollar will have the same purchasing power a generation hence as today, the example and leadership of the Northeast Farm Foundation and the American Farm Bureau will spread throughout organized agriculture, for the farmer will know that he will be protected against such disastrous deflation as occurred between 1929 and 1932) This patilotic stand of farm groups willing to abandon Federal handouts will suave the Treasury large amounts and set a pattern for reducing nonu- essential Federal expenditures, saving pus- sibly seven billions annually and making it easier to balance the budget. Past experience has demonstrated the futility of trying to hold the price line if monetary and fiscal policies are ullowed to create continuing inflation, Today there is better understanding than ever hefore of the danreis of inflation and just what steps are necessary to prevent it. Government and citizens altke have now the best chance in decades to establish permanently a sound fiscal policy. But top-level] leadership in Washington, and a Nation-wide campaign of ‘ducation are needed to establish tn public spinion once for all, such an understanding of the prohlem that 86 percent of the citizens nevery district will support their representa- tives in doing whatever ts necessary to sta- bilize the dollar's purchasing power. Our Constitution gave freedom and re- leased the creative powers of men As never before in any society It provided that Con- gress should establish untts of measute- meént—the pound, the yard, the gallon, and “coin money and regulate the value thereof.” It also permitted man freely to make volun- tary contracts in terms of these units, and the Government Itself undertook the task of entorcing such contracts.
A1292 What would happen if, without rhyme or reason, the foot were to shrink to 6 inches; the gallon from 4 to 2 quarts; and the yard from 36 to 18 inches—just what happened to the value of our dollar during the last decade? Lenin and the Communist revolutionaries well Knew that inflation, disrupting the monetary mechanism for the exchange of goods and services, prepares the ground to break down the free enterprise system and to open the way for collectivism. He said, in substance: “We will print so much money and 80 many bonds that the capitalists will choke on theta.” In the interest of the defense effort, of maximum pruduction, and of the preserva~ tion of our system of free enterprise, we must stop inflation here and now, and establish for the future a dollar of constant purchas- ing power. Our committee has carefully explored this problem Our chairman, Dr. Willford I. King, has on record with the Senate Banking and Currency Committee and the House Ways and Means Committee, statements setting forth the mechanism for attaining price stability Various organizations and many other outstanding leaders in economic think- ing and public policy have discussed the same problem If, in this emergency, our Washington lead- ers will move immediately and with deter- mination to stop inflation at once and to give us a stuble dollar for the future, many of the serious problems besetting us will dis- appear, and the overwhelming majority of our citizens will rally to thelr support. To establish a dollar of stable purchasing power will, historically, be a contribution comparable in importanco to that of Jullus Caesar and Pope Gregory the Great, when they standardized the calendar. The foregoing program, if adopted, will strengthen the defense effort and unite our People. Our Committee pledges its utmust effort to carry across the Nation understand- ing of this program and to rally all groups in {ts support. SUMNER GERARD, Trustee, Committee for Constitu- tional Government, Inc. Administration Morals EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GEORGE MEADER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. MEADER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following editorial from the Monroe (Mich,) Evening News of March 12, 1951: ADMINISTRATION MORALS Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, Democrat, of Arkansas, who once openly called for Pres- ident Truman to resign, now is convinced that Congress should undertake an investi- gation of the general moral level of the Tru- man administration. He is led to that con- viction as a result of the evidence of influ. ence and favoritism disclosed in his own in« quiry into the Reconstruction Finance Core poration, “I have never heard so much lying in my life,” the Senator asserted, in calling oh the Senate Committee on Expenditures tn the Executive Departments to launch a full-scale inquiry into moral corruption. He plans to finish up his own subcommittee’s RFC study this week because he doesn’t want to spend the rest of my life on this cockeyed thing. The RFC disclosures to date provide a startling parallel with the revelations of an- other Senate committee last year which delved into the 5 percenters. That was the inquiry which brought to light White House intimate John Maragon’s smelly bottle of perfume and White House aide Gen. Harry H Vaughan’'s freewheeling deep freezers. In the present instunce it is Donald Dawson, the White House patronage aide, who is in- volved in accusations oi influencing RFC loans, some of which had juicy fees for the arrangers. Similarly, the Fulbright committee has blazed a trail to the White House which somewhat parallels that blazed by the Ke- fauver committee in disclosures of rackcteer- ing and gambling on a national scale. Close alliances between the racketeers and some of the State and city political machines on which the White House depends for support have at least been indicated in the Kefauver public hearings. More pertinent, perhaps, have been the revelations by both committees that the United States Treasury Department, under White House domination, has exhibited a peculiarly tender attitude toward the in- come tax returns of persons involved in both the RFC mess and the gambling syndicates, All of these inquiries, going back to Sen- ator CLYDE R. HoEy’s 5 percenter investiga- tion, have been in the hands of Democratic Senators, it is interesting to note How much further they would have been pursued under Republican leadership it is only possi- ble to conjecture. But Senator Fursricur at least is con- vinced that something definitely is wrong with an administration that permitted the mess in the RFC to get out of hand. On the basis of this single segment of administra- tive ineptitude he now calls for a thorough- going inquiry into the moral structure of the executive branch. It remains to be seen whether his Democratic colleagues will take up the challenge in an effort to get to the bottom of the unsavory situation. eee The Need of National Representation for the District of Columbia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, I have a very high regard for Mr. Jesse C. Suter, & newspaperman with the Washington Star, who, I believe, knows more about the District of Columbia than any other living man, He has made such a thor- ough study of all matters concerning the District of Columbia and has such a sin- cere desire to be of service to his fellow man here that I think his views on the so-called home-rule bill should be given very careful and serious consideration. If the citizens of the District of Co- lumbia want to really have a say in their government, national representation will afford them this opportunity, whereas the so-called home-rule bills utterly fail in this respect. Undcr leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include several items beginning with Mr. Suter’s column of February 18 entitled ‘“‘Need United Effort To Americanize Washingtonians.” I also wish to include editorials and ad- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ditional articles which have the follow- ing titles: “Mr. West and Home Rule”; “Senator Monroney’s Fish Story”; “How May Uncle Sam’s Face Be Saved?”; and “§. 656 Criticized Constructively’’: {From the Washington Sunday Star of February 18, 1951] Civic Prosiems, Civic Boptrs—A COMMON GROUND For UNITED ACTION (By Jesse C. Suter) NEED UNITED EFFORT TO AMERICANIZE WASHINGTONIANS In the long fight by the voteless and un- represented Americans of the District of Columbia for an enabling amendment to the Constitution of the United States under which the Congress would be empowered to grant these people voting representation in the House, Senate, and electoral college, there have on a number of occasions cropped out legislative proposals for an elective local government. These proposals have been due in a large measure to impatient ones who seek a short cut for obtaining some kind of suffrage in the District. Invariably the supporters of such proposals declare their belief in and their support of proposed constitutional amendments for national representation, but insist that the process of obtaining amendments requires too much time. That the greater number of the citizens of the District of Columbia, either as indi- viduals or as members of organizations, favor national representation has been demonstrated clearly on a number of occa- sions. Analyses of the situation show that there are organizations and many indi- viduals who support the proposal to give Dis- trict of Columbia people an effective partici- pation tn the National Government but at the same time are very much opposed to the setting up of an elective local government, There are others who are ardent advocates of national representation who would favor the creation of an elective local government after the acquisition of American citizenship on the national level. Some unqualitiedly favor both national representation and suf- frage tor local offices. Some of these insist that a vote in local affairs should be acquired first, leaving national representation for a later period. Aud then there are encountered those who declare their opposition to the granting of any kind of a vote to the people of the Dis- trict. It has been found in the unofficial referenda that the opposition to the election of local officers is far greater In numbers than to the election o1 Senators, Representatives, and Presidential electors. Of course, this analysis does not Include people who seem utterly indifferent as to participation in government, local or national. It has been repeatedly charged by workers for local suffrage, miscalled home rule, that those who advocate only national representa- tion are insincere and support the national only a8 @ mcans of defeating the local. A most interesting development of this idea was included in a very able statement of the late Henry H. Glassie, a special assistant to the Attorney General of the United States, in the course of the hearing on House Joint Resolution 18 for national representation, before the House Committee on the Judici- ary, in the first session of the Seventieth Congress, in 1928. The following is quoted from Mr. Glassie’s statement as reported on page 72 of that hearing: “One principal ground or suggestion in the way of opposition is that we are not quite open, and that we stultify these American principles by not claiming the right of local self-government; that we come into court, so to speak, weakened by not claiming that right, “Now, if the gentlemen of the committee please, coming from words to facts, what was the claim of the Americans to full participa-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tion in the Government before the Revo- lution? Partictpatton in local government? Not atall. They had that. It was partictpa- tion in that sovereign imperial parliament which made the law. “We have been reproached with the idea that we do not want local government and therefore do not want self-government. But mark the distinction. Local government may be a mere matter of municipal administra- tion. But what self-government means ts that the people who are to obey the laws shall have a share in the making of the laws. You (the Congress) make the law. Under the constitutional provision you will al~ays make the law. Under the principle that the Federal Government shall be supreme, you must continue to make the law. “Therefore, when we come to you humbly, and say, ‘Admit us to participation; admit us to your councils in tho making of this law,’ we are asking for local self-government. “True it is that we do not ask that we shall appoint the dog catcher. True it is that we do not ask that we shall elect the school board. Truc it is that we do not ask at this time, coming as a united body, for any of those usual municipal functions as to which it {s still a question, after 100 years of self-government, whether they are better done by a vote or by a city manage: or by & commisston. “So I say to you gentlemen, with profound deference, that these things, fhst from one side and then from the other, which are con- tinually thrown aguinot us, will hardly bear scrutiny. We do want self-government, and the essence of self-government is the right to send a man from your community Into your legislative representative body which ean send you to war, tax your property, do what it pleases with your will, contiol your domestic relations, your relations to your family, your wife and children, and do all those things which make a government, @ government touching intimately the life, as the learned gentleman suggested—and I thank him for the suggestion—which touch intimately the life of the community. Those are the things that are dearest to you, and those are the things which, in your respec- tive States, you insist upon having, and which you will never surrender.” American citizenship as possessed by the citizens of the States of the Union is shown by Mr. Glassie to touch far more intimately the life of the citizen than the mere partici- pation in a local municipal government, The numerous attempts to acquire elective participation in the government of the Dis- trict of Columbia, though sought as legis- lative short cuts, have all failed. At the same time, the mounting obligations imposed upon all American citizens by the National Government have increased to such an alarming extent that the need for particlpa- tion in the Government of the United States has increased materially. . The community is confronted by 8 prob- lem of highest importance, and that Js to bring about a practical union of the forces for obtaining the amendment to the Con- stitution for national representation. It must be conceded that many improvements may be desirable in the form and operation of the local government. Surely, with our own representation in the two branches of Congress and the possession of the right to vote for the President of the United States, the people of the District of Columbia would find themselves in a far better position to gain any improvements in the local govern- ment they devire. A combined effort applied intelligently and persistently by all of those who favor the Americanization of the people of the Dis- trict of Columbia would prove to be an trre- sistible force for putting through the pro- posed amendment to the Constitution and its ratificution by the States. [From the Washington Evening Star of February 22, 1951] Mr. West and Home Rois In the current hearings on home rule Corporation Counsel Vernon E. West, testi- fying for the Commissioners, has rendered a valuable service to the people of Washington, and, one would think, for Senator NrzL_y and the members of his subcommittee. But Mr. West got rapped over the knuckles by Mi Nerev~ for his pains. He was accused of trying to defeat the bill. And how was he trying to defeat the bill? By examining its provisions in detail and suggesting that somebody ought to take a second look at some of them; by pointing out contradictions, In- consisteucies and one or two passages of gobbledygook that even a lawyer cannot un- derstand, He also expressed warranted skepticism as to whether the people of the District, at least the owners of property, were not being sold down the river in such im- portant fields as zoning regulation. Had Mr West taken a leaf from the produc- tive political experience of his soon-to -he- boss, F Joseph Donohue, he would not have used this approach. He would have given three cheers for home, mother, and the Amer- ican flag, endorsed home rule by uttering ir- relevant generalities conce: ning the right to vote and acknowledged the plaudits of Sen- ator NEELY and assembled gucsts. But Mr. West happens to belong to a pos- sibly vanishing school of public servants who believe that their official testimony on pend- ing legislation should be directed to perfect. ing it, and who nre willing to Jenve the policy of enactment to the legislators. That is what he did, and he did it very well. The Star happens to agree with Mr West that the bill raises a serious question of con- stitutionality which may not be answered finally fo: many years, und that in the mean- time such routine transactions as the exccu- tion of real-estate deeds, should this bill be enacted as it is, would be thrown inl.o con- fusion The Star also ayrees with Mr West that the powers of a city council to put the city in debt for as much as §83,000,0C0, while placing the burden of debt repayment only on real estate and tangible personal property, is a threat to everybody who owns Washing- ton property. And when this situstion is coupled with voting rights for everylouy who lives in Washington for a year, without af- fecting his voting status as a resident of 4 State, the hazards of the local property own- er, who claims only Washington as his place ©. residence, are even more manifest. There are many other criticisms of tise bill with which anybody who reads Mr. West's careful analysis should agree. For there is nothing frivolous or picayunish in what he had to say. But this is the identical bill that passed the Senate in the Eighty-firat Con- gress, without discussion on the floor, and the same procedure may he followed this term. When Mr. Donohue is confirmed and sworn in, he may want to read the bill. It would be part of his job as Commissioner to read it If he then suggests that it be changed, he will be criticized for trying to save his fob by working to defeat home rule. Perhaps he can take that sort of buncombe withcut batting an eye. If he wants to be a Commissioner, he should learn to take it now. [From the Washington Evening Star of February 24, 1981) Senator Monroner’s Frau Story One argument for home rule ts based on the theory that Congress devotes too much time to the trivia of local legislation. This may be true. There are practical and un- utilized methods of reducing the time thus spent which have nothing to do with home rule. But when such an outstanding Member of Congress as Senator MONRONEY libels the suc- A1293 culent rockfish of our own Potomac River as ®& waster of golden congressional hours, the time has come to protest. A number of fish stories about home rule have been told to Senator Netty in the past few days, but here is he specific whopper that Mr, Monrongr told: “One of the examples that I think points this up most clearly was 2 or 3 years ago when we had the question of the British loan. Some billions of dollars was iavolved therein, and high international policy We had to quit in the middle of that loan so that we could spend a whole afternoon discussing whether rockfish of 10 or 12 inches lony could be sold in the District, and we spent the whole afternoon on the subject of rockfish.” Now, Mr. Monroney. The rockfish bill, amending a statute of 1901, and changing from 10 to 11 inches the minimum length of rockfish legally sold in Washington, was passed by the House on Monday, September 24,1945. That was a District day. There are two such days set aside each month for the Aisposal of local legislation, if there is any, and if nothing else of importance is pending. Jennings Randolph, then chairman of the House District Committee, looking around at the empty seats which are a distinguishing feature of District day, announced that there Was some local legislation but that two dine tinguished Members wished to speak on mat- ters of national Importance So, he said, he would yield part of his time to them In the hope that more Members would stick around and listen He brought up the rockfish bill and imme- diately yielded to Mr. May, of Kentucky, who made a speech about demobilization centers, He then yielded to Delegate Romulo, who made a speech on Philippine-American trade Telutions. Mr. Randolph then answered two questions about the rockfish bill. It was passed without debate and without dissent. The whole business took less apace in the ConcressionaL RecCorp than the Chaplain had taken that morning in asking divine guid- ance for the House. From the House the fish bill went to the Senate, where it was passed without objection, and sent to the President, who signed it without recorded comment That same day the House disposed of a few more routine local bills without spending more than a few minutes on any of them. Most of the time was given over to debating a health program for Federal employecs, which was not local legislation. As for the British loan, Mr Monroney {s possibly con- fused—-but aren't we all? We do not lend money to the British or anybody else. We Give it away. Senator McCarzan, incidentally, has been trying for a year or more to get another rock- fish bill enacted. That may be bad news for Mr. Monroney. It would prohibit the sale of oversize rockfish—laden with roe—in the District of Columbia, such sales now being prohibited in Maryland and Virginia. The commercial fishermen, who dump these for- bidden fish on the District market, may ob- ject through their Representatives in Cun- gress. But it is an important conservation measure and should be passed. The rockfish may be all gone by that time, however, like the sturgeon that once swam in the Potomac, But the rockfish are not t be blamed. They did not hold up the British loan. Nor would home rule change the situation one way or another. (From the Washington Sunday Star of Feb- ruary 26, 1951] Civic Paostems, Civic Bonirs---How May Uncire Sam's Facer Be Saven?—S. 656 Critictzrp CONSTRUCTIVELY (By Jesse C Suter) EMBARRASSED BY OUR UN-AMERICANIZED CAPITAL The complete and inconsistent lack Of po- litical status by citizens of the District of
Al294 Columbia is a frequent source of embarrass- ment to our legislaturs and diplomats. The United States, being committed to the funda- mental doctrines of the United Nations Char- ter, is in a difficult position when the wide variation between our preaching and practice is noted. The Charter abounds in solicitude and promise of participation by all peoples in the governments of their respective coun- tries. If they have not yet attained a con- dition for such participation, the promise is to prepare theny for the ultimate enjoyment of such rights and privileges, The voteless and unrepresented Americans of the District see in such promises a bright ray of hope. Our country ts now definitely committed to putting these high ideals into practice for all peoples. Under such conditions, how can one ex- plain why a large community of Amer- ican citizens, exceeding in population each of 13 States and the combined population of 3 States, is denied the least vestige of par- ticipation in the government o. their coun- try? In dealing with other affiliated nations, there can be conceived no satisfactory ex- planation which would save Uncle Sam from @ charge of gross inconsistency. Some legislators would grunt these people & limited participation in their local gov- ernment and call it home rule. But such rule would continue to be under the auto- cratic control of the Congress, in which these people ale without representation. Such a grant of limited participation would fall tar short of purging the Nation of gross inconsistency at its heart The only way to save the face of Uncle Sam would be through ® grant of national representation, which would involve the election of Senators and Representatives and Presidential electors from the District. HOME-RULE BILL CRITICISMS AND CHANGES ARE DUE NOW The Senate District Committee began hear- ings on the Kefauver District of Columbia home-rule bill, S. 656, on Tuesday morning. The bill is identical with 8. 1527 of the Eighty-first Congress, which was passed by the Senate in 1949 but tabled in the House District Committee. The first session of the hearing was somewhat of a fleld day for ad- vocates of the bill, some of whom indorsed it only In principle but did not say they had read it. A discordant note was sounded in the views expressed by the Board of Commissioners of the District of Columbia, presented by the corporation counsel, The Commissioners de- clured their beHef in the principle of home rule tor the District, but pointed out what they considered some defects in the proposed legislation Many ardent supporters in private con- versation admit that there are numerous fentures of the bill which they do not ap- prove. However, they insist that after the enactment of the bill, corrections may be made by subsequent legislation. Some of the more conservative regard this as a very un- certain method. True home rule for the District of Colum- bia would of necessity include national rep- resentation Hatton W Sumners, then chair- man of the House Judiclary Committee, in the course of explaining his proposed amend- ment to the Constitution for District na- tional representation, ln 1945, among other things, sald: “Thus far, I have discussed this matter solely from the standpoint of local govern- ment, because the Congress is the local gov- ernment. * * *® The Congress and the President are a part of the local govern- ment for the District of Columbia. Why these people should be denied the right thus to participate in the selection of these agents, if such participation on their part would not conflict with the Federal inter. ests, and it would not, it is very difficult to understand, ’ “Looking to this matter trom a national standpoint, these people are a part of the Nation's citizenshtp.” It 1s believed that the pending bill would provide only a very limited gesture toward home rule, which could be obtained only through the acquisition by the people of the District of the political status of Ameri- ean citizens through national representa- tion. SOME PERTINENT CRITICISMS The chief criticisms which have been heard regarding the Kefauver bill are as follows’ 1. That the qualifications tor holding office as a member of the council lack require- ment of District residence equivalent to that now required by law for civilian mem- bers of the Board of District Commissioners, 2. That the rate of compensation and cx- pense account for the council are too high. 8. That the two appointed members of the council to represent the interests of the United States are unnecessury for the rea- son that the overriding authority of the Congress is a sufficient guaranty that the interests of the Nation will be amply guarded. 4 That the proposal to abolish the Board of Library Trustees, transferring its functions to an executive department under the Dis- trict manager, is contrary to the best rec- ognized Mbrary experience and practice. 6. That the qualifications for holding office as a member of the Board of Education do not require tho selection of persons of long enough residence in the District to be proper representatives of the local community in directing the operations of the public-school system. ¢, Sertous criticism is raised against the qualifications of electors as provided in the bill, which would permit voters in the Stat2s to qualify as electors in the District. Such dual voters would thus possess the right of suffrage not only in thetr local, State, and National elections in their home States, but also In the local elections in the District of Columbia. AMENDMENTS SUGGESTED The above criticisms could be overcome mostly by suitable amendments, as tollows: 1, To provide in section 302 of the Ke- fauver bill the requirement that a candl- date for membership on the council at the time of nomination shall have been an ac- tu resident of the District of Columbia for 8 years next before such nomination, and have, during that period, claimed residence nowhere else. Such an amendment is needed as a substitute for clause (2) of the section. The qualification thus suggested follows existing law as to the two eaivilian Commis- sioners (District Organic Act of 1878). 2. As membership on the District coun- cil is not supposed to be & full-time job, it has been suggested that the compensation for members he reduced from $5,000, as car- ried in the bill, to 82,500, and that of the chairman to 85,000 instead of 87,500, and that the chairman's general expense account be reduced from 3,000 to $2,000 per annum, This would be a saving of $23,500 per year (based on a council of nine elected members). 3. The theory of two appointed Federal members Of the District council to safeguard the interests of the United States is entirely erroneous and out of place in legislation purporting to establish even a limited form of home rule in 28 community which by the Constitution is completely under the con- trol and domination of the Congress repre. senting the Nation, Elimination of the sal- aries of the appointed members would make a further annual saving of $10,000 at the rate carried by the bill, or $5,000 at the sug- gested reduced rate. 4. To overcome the fourth criticism, it would be necessary to amend section 901 (8) by striking out the “Department of Libra- ries” from the list of executive depart- ments named therein and in section 909 to strike out the “Department of Libraries" APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and transfer the entire section 909, with further amendments, to a new title XU—Board of Library Trustees, renumber- ing the section as 1201. The section now numbered 909, on page 57 of the bill, would be further amended by striking out the provision transferring to the proposed Direc- tor of the Department of Libraries the func- tions of the Board, also striking out the proposed abolishment of the office of the librarian In place of the matter struck out, language should be inserted providing that the functions of the Board of Library Trustees and the librarian are hereby “con- tinued, together with all powers and duties as provided under existing law.” A turther amendment suggests a new sub- section providing for the qualifications and appointment of members of the Board of Library Trustees. It sho’ 'd provide that such persons shall have been actual resi- dents of the District of Columbia for not less than 3 years next before their nomina- tion and have, during that period, claimed residence nowhere else. The trustees shall be nominated by the chairman of the coun- cil and be confirmed by majority vote of that body. 5. The qualifications for members of the Board o1f Education would be amended so as to require 5 years’ residence in the District of Columbia immediately preceding their nomination for office. (Required under existing law ) 6 To rid the pending bill of the so-called dual voting provision, which proposes to qualify as electors persons possessing voting rights in other jurtsdictions, two amend- ments appear to be necessary, Section 1206 (a) should be amended to read as follows: “To be qualified to vote in the District, @ person must be an actual resident of said District without voting rights in another jurisdiction” Strike out the Inst sentence of section 1206 trom Hines 1, 2, and 3 on page 82 of the bill, reading as follows’ “A per- £0on who is otherwise qualified shall not be disqualified by being entitled to vote in another jurisdiction ” Other falr criticisms were in the Star edl- torial of February 22 The only reasonable insurance of a fair and stable local government for the District of Columbia is to be found in the possession by the District people of their own elected Senators, Representatives, and electors of President and Vice President The Amert- can Government rests upon this well-tested and proven foundation. “Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed” [From the Washington Sunday Sta: of February 25, 1951] RiGut To Vote For WHaT? There has been a great hullabaloo about this Taft-Kefauver bill. There was a dis- tinguished st of men and women testifying for home rule at the NerLy hearings. One can't help wondering how many of them had read the bill and realized how little was to be the reward for such effort. The new commissioner, Mr. Donohue, is in favor of it “Our American heritage,” he says, “depends upon the privilege and exer- cise of the right to vote” To vote for nine councilmen and a seven-member board of education? Mr. Donohue says he was in a bombard- ment group in England during the 1944 elec- tion. It was his responsibility to distribute absentee ballots to some 1,600 men under his command. He says he was impressed at that time that he, “as a soldier, was denied the right to vote.” Does Mr. Donohue think that this home-rule bill would give him the right to vote in the 1952 election as a soldier or any other way? Pressed by Senator Case, Mr Donohue conceded he had not given detailed study to the bills.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD That grand person, Mrs. J Borden Hurri- man, Democratic Nationn! Committe:woman for the District, says: “All I have to say ts that, of course, I'm for home rule. It's hor- ribly embarrassing that the Capital City is so uncivilized and its citizens are not allowed to vote.” What connection does Mrs Harriman have in her ming between home rule and the civ- ilized American right to the ballot? Can she put such a high value on the purely mu- nicipal right to vote for a counell and a board of education? After all, many of us vote for presidents of sociul and civil chari- tab’e organizations now. Of courre, it is humiliating that the people of the District are dirfranchiscd and un- American. It is cruel and unjust that sol- diers trom the District cannot vote like sol- diers from neighboring States But the Taft-Kefauver bill will do nothing to remedy this injustice. Only Distilct representation in Congress cun do that. The object of the home-rule bill would seem to be to divert the minds of the 500,000 potential voters of the District by offering them a shuffling of the local set-up All decl- sions, of course, would remain subject to congressional approval. Washington taxpay~- ers—men and women in Government and the military services- should read the bill— all 119 pages of it ‘They should not be satisfied to be made one-half a citizen NATIVE WASHINGTONIAN, Cost of Arizona Project EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SAMUEL W. YORTY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr YORTY. Mr. Speaker, Secretary of Interior Oscar L. Chapman has esti- mated the proposed central Arizona project, now before Congress, will cost the taxpayers of the Nation $2,075,729,- 000 in lost interest alone. I believe Members of Coneress will be interested to see how much of this tre- mendous additional tax burden the tax- payers of their own respective States must bear, should this legislation be passed. A State-by-State tabulation follows: State's Cost to s ag tate a ot nt taxpayers? — [| Alabama._........- - 117 | $24, 286, 000 Arizona. ... 7 7, 680), (MW) Arkansas... 172 14, 04, 000 Callfornia...-------.-- 8 32] 172, 701, 000 Colorado__. oo... 0) To, 608, 000 Connecticut...2---- 1 67 34, 668, 000 Oolaware...... 40 8, 40K, OK) Florida... ------ 129 26, 777, ND Georgian a 140 28, 060, (0 Jdaho_.-..---.--- 82 0, 042, OW Hlinols. . 7, 64 | 157, 548, 000 Induna....--.-.---.- 220 | 47, $34, 00 ) Percentages of total tax burden that earh State will bear were computed hy the Councdi of State Chama bers of Conimeree, Washington, 2. C. 2 Cost to the Nation’s taxpavers of $2,075,729,000 is an offcial estimate of Oscar L, Chapman, Seeretary of the Interior It 18 based on the provisions of 8. 76 (central Arizona project bill) and the following specified eundi- tions construction cost estimate of $708,780,000 made by the Bureau of Reclamation (8. Kept, No 812, 8lst Cong, lst sess ); an interest rate of 214 perenne an &-year con- struction perfad, aud a 75-year financing pertod, ‘The Beerctary’s etatement Appears in his letter dated June 28, 1950, to J. Hardin Polerson, chairman of the House Pubiie Lands Committee. Thetatement was approved by the Bureau of the Budget. State’s x Ftate percent |, Cost to uf latal | fspayers Tewn 2 L. Lee eel ee eee 1 58 $22, 797, 000 hansas . 118 255,871, OOO Kentucky _2...-.-- weeeee i) 24, HO), 000 Jourtana 2... - - = 122 26, 824, 000 Motue ee eee 44 9193, 000 Morviand. 2 oo... 1, 68 34, 872, N00 Massnchusetta o2..020 2222. 8 40 70, 878, 000 Michigan. ..2...-2ee eee ee ee ee 4.71 97, 707, HOD Minnevota.., 2 ee 1.80 ay, Oi Mississippi... 2222-28 ral Moissourt 2.2... - 2, AR Montana oo... peers ee eee ah a) Nedra! do. eee. a SO 17 841, 000 Rovwa . . . a 260% 000 New Irampshire_. -20 6, 020, 000 New Jersey oo. ee - 4 6s, 241, 000 Rew Mevieo.... oe. - Way 5, 512, 000 New Yorke. 11.67) 304, 500, 000 North ( aromas ol.o22202 2. 33, O04, G00 Korth Dakotn. = (57, (NW) Ohio. eee eee were ee fis 114, 977, 000 Oklahoma. cece eee 117 24, 246, 000 Orecon 104 21, BXX, 000 Pennsylvania... . 22-2. 762] Js, 171, 000 Rhode Island _ . . 56 11, 624, 000 South Carolina oo. 2 0222... win 1h, 770, OW) South Dohotul o..2222--.2--.-- .db 7 dd, OOO Tennessee . eee 1:37 2%, its, 000 Texas 4 88 90, 917, 000 0 234 7, O86, OOO Vermont we 3, 746, O00 Vupinu _— 1 40 30, Gs, 10 Washington a | 1 68 44, 280, 000 Wea Virginia 2.022222. 2. ----- 2 14), 097, 000 Wisconsin : - -. 210 5 A voulng 2 Loe. wee eee 18 tnet of Columbia / m Hawaiiand Alaska . } 14s » 8, 721, O00 United states total 222. | 100 00 (2,008, 728, 000 These figures prove that the central Art- zona project will not be self-supporting, as claimed by its promoters Actunlly, it will cost taxpayers of all the States billions Spending this huge sum will not help the current national defense effort in any way. Instead, it would divert and use up man- power and large supplies of steel, cement, copper, and other critical matertals, Joint Statement of Gov. Allan Shivers, Attorney General Price Daniel, and Commissioner of the General Land Office Bascom Giles Concerning Senate Joint Resolution 20 EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, all of us are anxious to see that the production of oil and gas and the additional ex- ploration for this oil and gas and other minerals will be continued, especially during this national emergency until permanent legislation as to ownership of the so-called tidelands is firmly established. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include the joint Statement made by Gov. Allan Shivers, Attorney General Price Daniel, and Commissioner of the General Land Office Bascom Giles, regarding pending legislation on the subject of tidelands: The undersigned officials of the State of Texas, in addition to their capacities as Gov- ernor, Attorney General, and Commissioner of the General Land Office, constitute the A1295 School Land Board of Texas, which has charge of the leasing of public-school lands for oll and gas development in this State. In view of the short time allotted for the hearing on Senate Joint Resolution 20, and since our views as to permanent legislation and interim legislation have been expressed previously to this committee, we submit this joint stntement tor the purpose of sum- marizing our previous testimony and present views concerning Senate Joint Resolution 20, We favor the gencra) purpore of tnterim lecislation as expressed in Senote Joint Reso- lution 20) We recognize that continued pro- duction and additional exploration for ofl, gas, and other minerals are essential to the welfare of our people in this timo of emer- gtnry = Pending permanent legisietion on the subject, we will support any reasonable interim bill which would permit exploration, development, and production of essential natural resourees to be continued on this property, provided the interlm legislation dors not contain anything which would pre} udice our State in its effort to obtain ptr- manent fevisiation restoring the owaership which it claimed und enjoyed prior to June 5, 1950. The present emergency and the need for interim levislation should not be used by either party to pain a point which may weigh in its favor or ngainst the other party when permanont legislation is reached for con~ sideration, We bcleve that Senate Joint Resolution 20 cnn be amended by your committee so as to accomplish the desired purpores of interim iceisintion without giving elther the States or the Federal Government any undue advantace with reference to permanent Ieg- falation In this connection, we present the following objections and surgested amend- ments for the consideration of the com- mittee 1 The first sentence in the preamble re- cites that the resolution is to provide for the protection of the interests of the Untted States. It would seem onl, fair that protec- tion of any equities which the States may have should be added to the purpose clause by the insertion o” such words therein. These words should also he .nserted in the last paragraph of the preamble. 2 Section 4 (a) provide. for leasing of the entire Continental Shelf by the Secretary of the Interior during the interim, making no distinction between that part of the shelf Jying within the original boundartes of the States and that pait lying senward of the original boundaries Since the coastal States have claimed and enjoyed ownership and management of that part of the shelf within thetr original seaward boundaries continu- ously for more than 100 years and now have the machinery, personnel, and experience necessary to continue munaging the area without additional expense and without em- ploying additional manpower. and since a majority of the House and Senate on several occasions have indicated that this land should be restored ultimately to the States in permanent legislation, we believe that an interim bill should not give the Secretary of the Interior exclusive management and leas- ing powers within these traditional boundar- ics Adoption of this feature of the bill might be used as a precedent which would prejudice the States when permunent legisla- tion ts reached for consideration. For the reasons heretofore stated in our previous testimony, we believe that more production will be obtained and more revenues recelved during the interim if State operations are continued within tho traditional boundaries, However, if the committee believes that such arrangement would give the States an undue advantage with reference tu future perma- nent legislation, it would seem that a plan for joint action could be devised and written into section 4 (a) along the Mnes of the present stipulations between the United
A1296 States and the State of California. At least, some amendment with reference to lands within the traditional seaward boundaries should be made sv as to render the present bill fair to both the States and the Federal Government insofar as this point may bear hereafter upon consideration of permanent legislation. 3. We believe section 5 (a) (1) should be amended so as to authorize payment to the States of at least 3714 percent of the revenues recelved from the entire Continental Shelf. Payment of 3714 percent of the revenues to the States during the interim is Hmited by section 5 (a) (1), as now written, to those revenues received from Iands lying within 8 miles of shore, Both the States of Texas and Loutsiana extended their boundaries beyond their original limits to a distance of 27 miles prior to President Truman's Conti- nental Shelf Proclamation. The States have already contributed and will continue to contribute to the claim of the United States (and its political subdivisions) as against other nations to jurisdiction over that part of the Continental Shelf lying beyond tradi- tional State boundaries. This was recog- nized by the Supreme Court of the United States in its opinion in United States v. Loutsiana (339 U. S. 699, 706 (1950)), in which the Court said: “Louisiana's enlarge- ment of her boundary emphasizes the strength of the claim of the United States to this part of the ocean and the resources of the soil under that area.” 4. The term “seaward boundary of a State” is defined in section 9 (b) as “a line 3 miles distant from the points at which the para- mount rights of the Federal Govern- ment * * * begin” This is less than some of the coastal States have claimed, with approval of Congress, for many years. In the case of Texas, the seaward boundary was fixed at 3 leagues (9 marine miles) from shore in 1836, and this boundary has been recognized continuously by the United States and other nations of the world. It was 8o recognized by the Supreme Court of the United States in the recent case of United States v. Texas (339 U. 8. 707 (1950) ). Therefore, it is submitted that this defini- tion of “seaward boundary of a State” should be amended to provide that the term means “a line 3 miles seaward from the coast, or such further distance as the seaward bound- ary of any State existed at the time such Btate became a member of the Union” It is our sincere hope that the committee will adopt the suggestions herein offered in order that our full support may be given to this legislation. ALLAN SHIVERS, Governor of Texas, Bascom GILES, Commissioner of the General Land Office. Pricr DANIEL, Attorney General of Teras. The Atlanta Journal Lauds the Honorable Henderson Lanham EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BROOKS HAYS OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. HAYS of Arkansas. Mr. Speaker, recently there appeared in one of the South's leading newspapers, the Atlanta journal, a tribute to our able and re- spected colleague the gentleman from Georgia |[Mr. LanHam). This deserved tribute calls attention to his spirit of independence, his courage, and his de- votion to the public interest. Under leave to extend my remarks, I include the editorial, as follows: ConcRESSMAN LANHAM SPEAKS OUT AGAIN HENDERSON LANHAM attained something like Nation-wide attention when on Tuesday he expressed emphatic disapproval of the cease fire proposal to Communist China. He moved in the forthright manner that seems characteristic He put his views directly and in plain words to Secretary Acheson and our delegate to the UN, Senator Austin. Mr. LANHAM held that the proposal was 8 betrayal of our men who have died in Korea or are still fighting in that attempt of civill- gution to resist and punish aggression Many saw it ws did Mr LaNHAM, many disagreed So, also, many Americans favor recall of our forces from that desolate and tragic batt‘eficld, while others believe we should keep them there so long as we can hold out. From divided counsel, from inde- cision, must come decision and unity. As to the wisdom of the course that is taken, history alone can determine from the per- spective given by time But we find ourselves interested in the boldness of Mr LanHAm's action. He takes astand A politician would sny he goes out on a limb, and that, of course, is n hazardous thing for an officcholder to do It might be sawed off, and that would cost votes. It might alienate friends, and that would be exnensive, too But Mr LanHAm has been taking stands and going out on the mb pretty regularly since he entered Congress as Representative of the Seventh Georgia District in January 1947, He is counted and Hsted tn all roll calls, He dodges no issues, He weasels no words, He was elected as a Democrat and as a lib- eral, He campaigned as a believer in unjon- ism. He remains a Democrat but he does not toilow the party’s line when it divagates from his conviction as to principle. He was the one Member of the Georgia delegation who voted a few weeks ago against the restora- tion of autocratic, undemocratic power to the House Rules Committee. He remains a liberal in his voting as well as in his profes- sion of faith, but he seems to have both feet on the ground and to look at questions with clear and not starry-eyed gaze. Still a believer in unionism, he has not hesitated to speak bluntly about abuses of power that labor hus been led into by some of its more ambitious and less wise satraps. This newspaper would not stultify itself, nor do Mr. LanuHAM a disservice, by imputing to him all wisdom. It is not unlikely that there are errors of omission or commission on the tally sheet. But we do suggest that Georgians keep score On his actions in the House. There are all too few Members whose vision en- compasses more than their home fences. Those who grow to statesmanly stature should be given recognition and intelligent support, without which their efforts cane not have maalmum success, Labor’s Walk EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 6, 1951 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr, Speaker, recently certain labor officials walked out on the organization headed APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD by Mr. Charles E. Wilson, which was created to best utilize our productian machinery. The walk-out, if my reading is correct, was because of Wilson’s refusal to take into the organization the official repre- sentatives of organized labor. There is no question but that Mr. Wil- son’s program cannot succeed without the cooperation not only of labor, but of industry, farmers, and practically every- one. So far as I have been able to re- member no other group has fought coor- dination of the war effort by insisting that its authorized representative, speaking for it, shall be made a member thereof. Again, if information is correct, Mr. Wilson before he accepted this position severed his connections with industry. He does not speak for the National Chamber of Commerce, nor any other group representing industry. As a result of the action of these offi- cers of organized labor, it 1s my under- standing that farm groups will demand recognition, When, if ever, will the representatives of organized groups forget, as they should, that when we are at war they are not spokesmen for certain groups or interests, and act in behalf of all the people? A Congressman must represent all the people of his district, not just that par- ticular group which 1s the most vocifer- ous, claiming to have, or has, the greater number of members. But the people as a whole believe that all rather than this or that or the other organization should be represented not only by those elected to Congress, but those appointed, as is Mr. Wilson, to carry on a program. The thought is in- dicated in an editorial in the Chicago Tribune of March 9, as follows: Mr CareY’s BELATED BOLT James B. Carey, secretary-treasurer of the CIO, announced in a spacious way recently that organized labor may bolt the New Deal as a consequence of disgruntlement over the mobilization program Mr Curey may re- gard this as a formidable threat which Mr. Truman wil) take to heart, but we cannot see that he is speaking tor anyone except him- self. The fact is that, although people like Carey and Philip Murray in the CIO, and William Green and the bosses of the AFL, think that they have an organized voting bloc which they can deliver by tmperial command, the election of 1950 showed that they were very wrong. ‘They marked up an extensive list of Republican Congressmen who were to be defeated, and, with few exceptions, all of the men they opposed rode triumphantly into office. Their particular efforts were leveled against Senator Taft in Ohio, who trimmed them by more than 400,000 votes and carried every industrial county in the State—a feat which he could not have accomplished with- out very extensive support from rank and file union members. When Mr. Carey indulges the pretense that he can lead citizens who happen to be union members in whatever direction he pleases, he is talking through his hat. His supposed followers traveled in the opposite direction in Ohio and many other States. If he makes good his threat to bolt Mr. Truman and the New Deal, he will find that he is a one man rear guard far outdistanced by a multitude of union members who arrived at that decl- sion long before he did.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Additional Strength for Our Navy and the Merchant Marine—Revival of Ship- building Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CHARLES A. WOLVERTON OF NEW JERSLY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. WOLVERTON. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent granted, I am inscrting as part of m; remarks two edi- torials of the Couricr-Post newspaper, rublished at Camden, N. J. These edi- torials clearly and forcibly state the case for additional strength for our Navy and lve P’erchant Marine, and, the resultant rev.val of the shipbuilding industry of cur country. It 1s extremely gratifying to me to real- ize that the importance o. building an edo uate and up-to-date Navy and Mer- chant Marine is now recognized by the Coiress. The recent action of Congress 18.2 lons step forward in meeting the de- fe ency that now exists Not only will it bring strength to these two important branches of our national def-nse, but, it will also revive our languishing ship- bu:ldineg mdustry. All of this means much to our future security as a nation. The editorials to which I refer are as follows: New Navy Buitprinc Procram SHovutp Have RiGHuT-oF-Way First of the administration bills introduced in Congress to build up the Armed Forces, in keeping with President Truman's plans as announced in his state of the Union mes- sage, is a $2,000,000,000 shipbuilding program for the Navy. Sponscred in the House by Representative Cart Vinson, Democrat, Georgia, chairman of the Armed Services Committee, the bill hus the tndorsement of both the Department of Defense and the Bureau of the Budggt. The latter has often curtailed or completely blocked naval and other military expansion in the past The new hill calls for construction of more than 173 ships and the modernization and conversion of 291 others The new ships will include 52 mine-sweepers, seven snorkel sub- marines, two rocket launchers, and 4 super- aircraft carrier. The carrier, of flush-deck type, will be 6,000 tons Hghter than the one which was started and then cancelled under the econo- my program of tormer Defense Secretary Johnson after its keel had been laid down, and atter a long and bitter controversy at Washington. The decision to go ahead with the new carrier thus is # palpable policy reversal and a victory for the air-minded Navy officials who were overruled on constuction of its predecessor. Construction of the carrier is expected to take 314 years, according to Vinson, and it now 1s clearly unfortunate that the earlier ship was scrapped. Not only has precious time been lost in bullding it, but due to inflation, the cost of the new carrier now is estimated at $235,000,000, whereas the other ship would have cost only $189,000,000. The remainder of the Vinson bill program can be completed in 2 years, it is said. The new Navy program will be a needed stimulus to shipbullding in this country. Over and above that, it will furnish nec- essary additions to the naval arm of our mill- XCVII—App.——e2 tary forces, which has shown in Korea that it Is anything but obsolete, and remains an Integral and major element of our defense establishment, and whose brilliant work in support of our land forces, in supplying and transporting them and in participating heav- fly in actual combat, is one of the bright spots in the whole Korean War, The House committee has acted with com- mendable speed by reporting the bill at once to the floor for consideration That’s the kind of action we need ut Washington in remobtlizing-~and get little of, The program should have full right of way and early passage in Congiess. Congress VOTES BuILDING oF 50 Fast Carco Sips With final passage of the $20,000,C00,000 supplemental appropriation bill, Congress has at length taken a major step toward strengthening our merchant marine and reviving our shipbuilding industry Included in the bill is a $350,000,000 ap- propriation authorizing the Maritime Ad- ministration to go ahead with its program for construction of 50 fast new cargo ships. The fund was stricken out of the bill last month by the House, although the House Appropriations Committee had ap- proved it. It was restored by the Senate, and in the final hours of the Eighty-first Congress the House also voted to replace it in the bill as it went to the President. Vice Adm Edward L Cochrane, Mari- time Administrator, and shipping exports have been fighting for the appropriation for many months ab vital to our national de- fenses. Plans for the ships have been in preparation and actual work on them can begin as soon as bids and contracts are negotiated, The ships to be built under this program can be used as tioop carriers if necessary, but are primarily modern, speedy cargo ves- sels of a type almost nonexistent in our merchant marine. They will have a top speed of 22 knots, far faster than the obsolete World War IT vessels. They will carry their own torpedoes, guns, and helicopters which, combined with their high speod, will enable them to travel alone instead of In convoy and yet be adequately defended against sub- marine attack. At present the United States has only 15 passenger and cargo ships that can do better than 20 knots The new ships are to be about 525 feet long, of more than 12,000 deadweight tons, and will have interchangeable parts. Washington officials say that the first of the 50 ships can bo in service within 18 months from now, if an accelerated building program is adopted, and the Maritime Ad- ministration, fortunntely, 1s committed to getting them on the ways as soon as pos- sible. These ships are badly needed now to meet competition of other maritime nations for peacetime trade, and in a tull-scale war they would be absolutely essential-——in fuct, we would want many more like them. Their construction should be the biggest stimulus the shipbuilding industry has had in many years and provide employment for large forces of skilled shipworkers who other- wise might have drifted away and been lost to the industry forever, Camden's New York Shipbuilding Corp. expects the Government to invite bids on the ships shortly, possibly calling for formal submission of bids about January 24. New York Ship, which has received copies of the design and is equipped to construct vessels of the new type, hopes to be able to submit bids and receive some of the work. Congress has done the right thing in fur- nishing the money for the building program. Now it is up to the Maritime Administra- tion and the builders to push construction along at top speed. A1297 In the Interest of Civilian Defense EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing letter and resolutions: New York Strate Civin DevENSE COMMISSION, New York, N. Y., March 6, 1951. Hon. Epwin Artuur HA, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear CONGRESSMAN Hatt: On February 12 the civil detense directors of the 48 States were called to Washington for a conference with the Federal Civil Defense Administra- tor to discuss current problems, policies, finances, and impending legislation The tollowing day the directors met by them- selves, as the National Conference of State Civil Detense Directors, and after discussion of the information given them by the Fed- eral Administrator adopted the enclosed resolutions, which I believe speak for themselves. I can certify that in the operations of this commission the volume of mail and infor- mational material originating at Federal, State, and local levels constitutes u very heavy burden on our budgets, and the ex- tension of the Federal franking privilege to this mail would undoubtedly increase the coverage and therefore the education of our popwavon through nuthoritative civil de- fense publications The question of insurance protection for civil defense volunteers has arisen in every one of our 104 Jocal offices of civil defense, and the lack of proper coverage has defi- nitely impeded our efforts to bulld up a strong civil defense volunteer force. It is my understanding that the McKinnon bin, now pending before the House of Repre- sentatives, is intended to provide Federal assistance in making appropriate insur- ance protection available. The last resolution regarding the relm- bursement of States and their political sub- atvisions tor the forehanded procurement of civil defense items, approved by the Admin- istrator, is vital in the State of New York. We are informed that it is the Intention of the Federal Administration to participute in the cost of a number of communications and public-warning Items of equipment, but under our State law, and with the very real sense of urgency which jrevails in our great target cities, neither this commission nor the cities have felt justified in refusing to set up adequate alerting systems pending avail- ability of Federal funds. This action is en- tirely in keeping with the policy and state- ments of the Federal Civil Administration, which has emphasized the fact that attack may come at any time and that a city prop- erly warned can hope to reduce its casual- ties by as much as 60 percent. It does not seem equitable nor in the public interest to penalize those communities which have acted promptly in accordance with these of- ficial assumptions and policies in favor of other communities which have been content to do nothing until Federal funds were given them. It is recognized that the retroactive fea- tures of the resolution would not normally recommend themselves to the Congress, but it 1s urged by all State directors that the special circumstances surrounding the in- auguration of the Nation-wide civil-de- fense program be taken into account and
A1298 that the Federal funds, when appropriated, be made applicable to federally approved items of equipment purchased after cnact- ment of the Federal Civil Defense Act of 1950. I belleve you are aware that in the Stnte of New York we have not been holding back on our civil-defense program and waiting fcr the Federal Government to pay al! our bills and instruct us in every last detail of our job. Nevertheless, we do feel that Federal assistance in the fields covered by the enclosed resolutions is essential, and since we have been joined in this conclusion by the directors of the other States, we feel justified in urging that you as the State's representative in the Congress introduce or support bills accomplishing the purpu.avs set forth in the resolutions. I sincerely hope that you will be willing to give this added boost to the vital civil defense program. A further matter which was not consid- ered by the National Conference of Civil Defense Directors, but which is of very real and immediate significance in New York State is the question of the loyalty oath to be taken by all civil defense volunteers. In Niagara Falis and other border communi- ties, there are a large number of resident Canadian citizens who have been taking an active part in our civil defense organiza- tions and are exactly the kind of people that we want as volunteers. Under the terms of the Federal Civil Defense Act of 1950, as interpreted by counsel for this Commission, and for the Federal Civil Defense Admin- istration, we cannot enroll these Canadian volunteers unless they take the loyalty oath provided by the act, if they do take the oath, they tmperil or lose their Canadian citizenship. You will note that the act specifically permits the Federal Civil Defense Admin- istration to enroll a limited number of Brit- ish or Canadian citizens without taking the loyalty oath, but this exemption is not ex- tended to State civil defense organizations. I urge that an amendment to the act be introduced permitting the enrollment of Canadian citizens, otherwise meeting the qualifications required from civil defense volunteers, without taking that portion of the oath which reads, “I, . do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and de- fend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same.” Tf there are any aspects of the above pro- posals which are not entirely clear or on which you wish further information, I would be honored to hear from you. Respectfully yours, L. WILKINSON, Acttng Chatrman., Resolution 1 Whereas the volume of correspondence and informational material to be distributed by the States and their political subdivisions, and by the Territories and the District of Columbia, in the execution of the national civil-defense program, has become a sub- stantial burden upon the finances of the States; and Whereas the presont mailing procedure for Civil-defense materiuls ls definitely impeding the civil defense Informational and educa- tional programs duc to the time element and manpower requirements involved in stamp- ing, weighing, counting, and otherwise com- plying with postal requirements; and Whereas the success of the national civil defense program requires the fullest possible dissemination of instructions and informa- tional material throughout the several States, Territories, and District of Columbia: fe it Resolved, That this conference requests the Federal Civil Defense Administrator to recommend to the Congress the extension of the Federal franking privilege to all States and local offices of civil defense and to the offices of civil defense in the Terri- tories and the District of Columbia for their official correspondence and the malling of informational material, and to further rec- ommend that a Federal appropriation be made available to the Post Office Department to cover the additional operating expendi- tures which this extension of the franking privilege would entail. Resolution 2 Whereas the recruiting of civil-defense volunteers is belng hampered in many States by the reluctance ot citizens to expose them- selves Lo danger without adequate insurance protection against injury or death sustained in civil-defense training and operation; and Whereas the burden of such insurance protection is great; and Whereas the overcoming of the effects, both matertal and financial, of enemy at- tack and the preparution of civil-defense forces to minimize such effects is a matter of natlonal and not merely local concern: Be it Resolved, That this conference request the Federal Civil Defense Administrator to rec- ommend to the Congress the cnactment of suitable legislation to provide adequate itn- surance protection to offictally enrolled civil- defense volunteers, throughout the Nation against injury or death sustained in active clvil-defense training, or in operations Resolution 3 Whereas the laws of the Federal Govern- ment and of the various States require the prompt establishment of an effective civil- defense organization in the individual States; and Whereas the Federal and the State plans recognize the necessity for procuring certain essential ttems of organizational equipment (including communication and air = raid warning equipment) as promptly as possible; and Whereas the Federal Civil Defense Admin- istration will recommend to the Congress that Federal appropriations be made avail- able to defray half the cost of such items; and Whereas it is desirable that actual pro- curement not be delayed until the Federal appropriations are available, and Whereas it is felt that the States who have shown initiative and foresight in procuring such equipment prior to the availability of Federal funds for such purpose should not be penalized tor their forehandedness: Be it Resolved, That this Conference requests the Federal Civil Defense Administrator to include in his request to the Congress for appropriations a recommendation that the Congress authorize the administration to utilize any such appropriation to pay half the cost of any items approved by the Ad- ministrator which may have been purchased by the States or their political subdivisions or by the Territories and the District of Co- lumbia on or after the enactment of the Federal Civil Defense Act of 1950 on 12 January 1951. Militarism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 5, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, letters from mothers are pouring in from APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the district which I have the honor to represent protesting against the drafting of 18-year-old boys. The overwhelming number of letters are opposed to sending our boys to Germany. Moreover, the majority of those who write to me on the subject see in the proposed universal military training program nothing but an attempt on the part of the Army to Prussianize our country. They see in the military proposals the first step toward military domination of civilian life, and ultimately a mihtary dictatorship. Under leave to extend my remarks, heretofore granted, I am inserting in the Appendix of the ConcressronaL RECORD excerpts from a letter written by a mother of eight boys, of whom five are now in the Army, and three more soon to go into the service: We can no longer boast of a free demo- cratic country. Just think how we talked about Hitler and Stalin. What's the differ- ence? Now when a boy ts out of high school he is forced to go into the Army just the same as Hitler's and Stalin's I have had five boys in the Army and it isn’t a very pleasant thought to know that when my other three finish school they will be forced to go, even in peacetime. What has a parent to look furward to? Educate their children, then turn thenr over to the Gov- ernment? And tf the Congress and Senate think they have helped the morale of our boys they are mistaken. I know boys, not my own, who say, “What's the use—we have to go in the Army anyway” After they once leave home they never return the same any more. They will spend all that money training 18-year-olds instead of putting it in the Air Force and building more planes, which, if they would use more of, instead of go many troops in Korea, we would be better off. Here we've sent all those boys to Korea just to be slaughtered. We can't win there in this long time and they expect to defend Europe with leas. I don't know how stupid we can be. If Russia wants to fight she could wipe those out any time, and if she doesn't want to fight, why send our troops Over there? I still think it is foolish to think our boys can defend every country that causes a dis- turbance That's all Russia wants anyway ds to get our boys scattered all over the world She will be able to take over without her country being touched. Who is going to guard our country? I say if Russia won't have peace, why fight in all these other countiies, tear up other peoples’ homes, and destroy everything, ke we are doing in Korea. Why not start at the source of the trouble, in Russia, and not with our troops, either. What did we spend so much money on bombs for, and if we use them put them in the right p'ace. We should do everything in our power to have peace first, but this constantly talking of war and planning for war—compulsory training, sending troops to Europe, getting ready for all-out war, will never bring peace. All anyone hears is preparing for war; why not talk more of peace? Are we going to leave our buys In Korea till they are all slaughtered? Are we going to send more over to feed the machine guns of the Communists? That could go on for years ay long as we keep sending troops over. The only thing that will stop it, unless they come to 4 peace agreement soon, is to fur- nish enough airplanes and give someone power to bomb the Chinese supply line. Compulsory training will never bring peace—-it has never brought peace to the countries that have had it before us. All it is good for is to upset every home in the United States, take boys away from thelr homes before they are ready, and put them
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD with all kinds, where they learn everything they shouldn't learn We've passed the first step against free- dom. Do we have enough planes to protect our country? We will spend all that money on training 18-year-olds—then they won't have any protection. Pipeline Safety EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, in con- nection with the consideration of H. R. 88 which I have filed and which would provide for certain jurisdiction in the Federal Power Commission with refer- ence to safety requirements for the op- eration of natural-gas pipelines, I wish to include a recent editorial from the Bos- ton Herald. It is as follows: Natura, Gas DANGERS Natural gas is on its way to New England, and that is good, but we should not assume that it is all unalloyed bliss. There are troubles connected with it. One is explo- sions and fires in the big pipelines Another is shortages during peak loads A third is failure to odorize the gas sufficiently. A fourth is politics None of these are unavoidable dangers, but they are dangers we need to watch Pipeline explosions are not frequent. Con- sidering that there is a greater mileage of pipelines now than of railroads, the fre- queucy of such accidents is small. But a series of blasts around St. Louis, including one that formed a blowtorch with flames 40 feet high, is being investigated by a grand jury The gas is carried through the lines at a pressure around 750 pounds a square inch, rather more than the pressure of two-tenths of a pound at the gas stove in the home. It can make a nice little blaze, In Massachusetts the State department of public works ts supposed to check where pipes go under State highways, and the depart- ment of public utilities under local roads. The Federal Power Commission ought to have general responsibility, and Congressman HEsSELTON has a bill to make it definite Possible shortages are just one of those things. To build a pipeline from Texas to Boston to take care of the highest peak load on the busiest and coldest winter day would be uneconomic. The line would be almost empty on summer Sundays. It is possible to do two things. One is to store a supply of gas in old exhausted gas wells in central Pennsylvania, which mitigates the problem a little. The other is the use of stand-by manufactured gas facilities. This last will be done in Boston, where some manufactured gas will be mixed at all times with the natural gas, but more during peak 10ad periods. The danger here is not, so much that the companies concerned will fail in their responsibility to maintain pres- sure, but that political demands in the de- partment of public utilities or the legislature will bring unsound restrictions, Finally the odor. Manufactured gas has a smell that gets there in manufacture. It doesn't have to be added, so there is no human fallibility involved. But natural gas is odorless, and if enough smell isn’t added, 8 leak may go unnoticed. The smell ought to be added before the gas goes into the pipeline at the source s0, that anywhere along the way a leak may be detected. Some transmission companies do this voluntarily; it should be required. These are not in the least arguments against natural gas. Indeed, there is no worth while advance unattended by some new dangers. The automobile is welcome despite the hazards of the highway. But it does mean that we should make certain that the dangers are minimized. Hell of a Way To Run a War EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. NORRIS POULSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 5, 1951 Mr. POULSON. Mr. Speaker, the following editorial from the Washington Daily News of March 9, 1951, speaks for itself: HELL oF A Way To Run A War Never in history has an army commander fought a war under more frustrating clrcum- stances and conditions than handicap Gen- eral MacArthur in Korea A powerful foe ts throwing all it has at him—and General MacArthur can't throw all he has back =‘It’s true the Chinese Reds have little more than mussive manpower, but this is particularly effective for two reasons: Al- lied manpower in Korea is limited. And the Chinese Reds are drawing on an inexhausti- ble source in an area we can't touch. General MacArthur has overwhelming atr- power, but can’t use it to destroy Communist bases just across the border in Manchuria, Why? Because he ts taking his orders from the United Nations And the United Nations, so far ns the Korean War is concerned, has deteriorated into little more than a debating society— which isn’t even debating these days How can effective orders or decisions come from a discussion group which 1s split four ways—the Russian bloc openly helping and encouraging the Chinese Communists; the nations, bellwethered by Britain, which have recognized the Peiping regime and want to do business with it, even admit it to the UN, a sizable group apparently uninterested; and a United States delegation trying to play Happy Hooligan to all sides? No wonder General MacArthur bitterly concludes that under existing conditions the allied forces in Korea have absolutely no chance of winning the war from a military standpoint. His hands are tied. He can’t do a thing but hold on with all he has and trade punches indefinitely with the growing Chi- nese armies. Never before has a military commander had a narrower field for individual judg- ment and decision. Every move he makes he must submit beforehand to an inert UN. When General MacArthur confesses he is at the end of his tether, that he can do no more until vital decisions are made, what happens? At Lake Success: United States Delegate Ernest A. Gross says it is only an analysis that General MacArthur cannot make any recommendations. Moreover, the United States delegation has had no instructions from Washington to ask the UN to let Gen« eral MacArthur blast Red bases now tmmune. Within a few days, the United States may present some ideas for steps to be taken against Peiping, but they'll be in the nature of trade restrictions. In Washington: With President Truman in Florida, and Secretary of State Acheson A1299 in Bermuda, Assistant Secretary Webb de- clines positive comment, except to say that General MacArthur's appeal is under study. So, the big run-around goes on. Meanwhile, American casualties have reached 52,448 We're sending in more troops, but no other members of the UN have moved to increase their token forces in Ko- rea. Nor is anyone pressing them to do so. It’s a hell of a way to run a war, Resolution of the Senate of the Sixty- Seventh General Assembly of the State of Illinois EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD H. JENISON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. JENISON. Mr. Speaker, the con- flict of interests between an expanded bureaucracy and the proper functions of the sovereign states is well illustrated in a situation called to the attention of the Congress in Resolution No. 24, adopted by the Senate of the Sixty-seventh Gen- eral Assembly of the State of Illinois. Because it is a matter of grave concern to all the States, I am including the text of the resolution in the ConGRESSIONAL RecorD under permission granted by the House. The resolution follows: Whereas the Congress of United States by amendment to the Federal Social Secu- rity Act has provided that Info.mation and records concerning applicunts for and re= ciplents of assistance under public-assist- ance programs operated by ‘he various States in conjunction with the Federal Gov- ernment under provisions of the Social Se- curity Act shall be Imited to purposes di- rectly connected with the administration of these programs, and Whereas this injunction of secrecy imposed on the States by said amendment to the Federal Social Security Act is a matter which causes great public concern, and {ts directly responsible for numerous injustices, abuses, and fraud by permitting many individuals not actually in need to receive assistance and to escape detection because of the stringent regulations guarding the names of recipi- ents of public assistance, thus creating dis- satisfaction with the public-welfare program in many communities of the State, and Whereas said secrecy provision violates the fundamental principle that any expend- iture of public funds should be subject to public audit; and Whercas members of the General Assembly of the State of Illinois repeatedly have ex- pressed themselves as favoring an amend- ment to the Public Assistance Code of Ili- nois, which would make avatlable to public inspection and sound use a list of names of all recipients of public assistance in each county of the State, only to be advised that such an action would be in conflict. with the Federal Social Security Act and would re- sult in loss of Federal funds for public- assistance purposes; and Whereas the so-called Federal funds were collected from the taxpayers of Illinols to the extent of almost $3,340,000,000 during the last fiscal year ending June 30, 1950, while less than 83 out of every $100 col- lected from the people of Hlinole was re- turned to the State of Tlinois in so-called Federal aid for all purposes: Therefore be .t
A1309 Resolved by the Senate of the Sizty-se- enth General Assembly of the State of Illi- nois, That we go on record as recommend- ing to the Congress of the United States that legislation be enacted at the earliest possible date amending pertinent sections of the Federal Socia) Security Act in such a manner that State legislative bodies desir-~ ing to do so would be permitted to remove restrictions in State laws concealing the identity of public-aasistance recipients and to provide that a Ist of the names of all recipients of assistunce be available for pub- lic inspection in a proper public office, and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be sent. by the secretary of state to the Cleik of the House of Representatives and to the Secretary of the Senate of the Eighty-sec- ond Congress and to each United States Sen- ator and Representative trom Illinois. These Days EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS 8B. CURTIS OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. CURTIS of Missouri. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following arti- cle by George Sokolsky from the Wash- ington Times-Herald of March 8, 1951: THESE Days (By George Sokolsky) The Kefauver committee reports: “It was no secret in the State of Missourl * * ¢ that the State government and its admin- istration had narrowly escaped falling under the control of gangsters with criminal af- fllintions in the election of 1948” This does not make pleasant reading about any State or city, but this is what that same report says about St. Louis. “@  # * in St. Louts, Morrts Shenker appeared to have a substantial portion of the legal trade involving bookmakers who had fallen into the clutches of the law. It is noteworthy that Shenker appeared before the committee as counsel for Willlam Mo- lasky, one of the owners of Pioneer News Service, the racing wire news distributor in that city. “He also appenred as counsel for Joe Uvan- ni, race-track come-back money agent for John Mooney, of St. Louis, According to testimony before the committce, Molasky contributed $2,000 to the gubernatorial cam- paign fund of Forrest Smith on condition that Smith would name Shenker to the po- ice board (of control) of 8t. Louis if elected " Again, the report states: “There is considerable evidence in the minutes of the testimony concerning con- tributions to political campaigns by gam- blers and gangsters " So, we come to the curious election which is to take place in St, Louis next Friday. Congressman John Sullivan, Democrat, rep~ resenting the Eleventh District, having died, March 9 was set for a special election. His widow, who had been the Congress- man's secretary, expected to be the candidate. She was rejected by the aforesaid Morris Shenker, who controls what is roughly called the democracy. Shenker thereupon nomi- nated Harry Schendel, sales manager of an automobile agency, as his candidate. The Republicans nominated Claude I. Bakewell, a former Congressman. The real issue .n this contest is the power and authority of Morris Shenker, the mouth- piece. He is said to be unusually able. His own view js that he can separate his Inw practice from his political activities, which would be an interesting feat, if accomplish- able. In a telegram to Senator Wizey, of Wis- consin, he wrote: “I have never permitted my political activ- ities to interfere with my practice of law, nor have I attempted to associate the two I have never solicited or accepted a political contribution from any of my clients” Shenker is the lawyer who raised the question of the use of television in public hearings. One of the most vahd put poses of congressional heurings is that they give the people an opportunity to know of cor- ruptions, distortions, and treasonable con- duct of individuals. The newspapers, radio, and, now, television bring these hearings close to the people. In the case of James J. Carroll, who calla himself a betting commis- sioner, Shenker said: “Forcing a man to give testimony before television is an invasion of his privacy. A person cannot be put in such a position that he ts exposed to public ridicule While the hearing was public, it was not contemplated that, the person of the witness should be televized for everyone to see within a 75-mile radius of St. Louls ” The Kefauver report on St. Louis makes very ugly reading, particularly the tie-up between gambling, crime, and politics. And it is obvious that even in this special election for a Member of Congress the power of the gamblers and the criminal clernents is an im- portant consideration, Whut pues on in St. Louis, it Is true, goes on in muny American cities where the Mafia has gained an unbelievable power due to the apathy of Americans who have permitted these specialists to take over the political machinery. The real trouble ts that our people are not ashamed of the degeneration of public morals In other periods of our history, such exposures as those ot the Kefauver and Ful- bright committees aroused public opinion to action. Toduy, we witness an appalling apathy. The word “Missouri” has become in Wash- ington a synonym for corruption. It is for this reason that this special elec- tion is of national importance. Will Mis- souri use it to protest against the lbel on that State? Destroying Surplus Potatoes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHURETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, yes- terday there appeared in the press a dis- patch from Presque Isle, Maine, contain- ing a report that the Federal Govern- ment has ordered the dumping of about 15,000,000 bushels of potatoes in Maine. The report follows: {From the Washington Post of March 11, 1951 FrirTEEN MILLION BUSHELS OF SPUDS ORDERED DUMPED IN MAINE Presque Istz, Maine, March 10.—The Fed- eral Government has ordered the dumping of about 15,000,000 bushels of potatoes in Maine, the retiring executive secretary of the Maine Potato Industry Council said today. Herbert W. Moore charged “there is no reason for dumping” the potatoes, valued at about $9,000,000, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Moore said the potatocs would make about 9,000,000 gallons of commercial alcohol, needed in the defense effort. Movre suid the Government will purchase 25,000,000 bushels of spuds in Maine this year, from a 1950 crop of about 62,000,000 bushels. Of the total Government purchase, he said, about 15,000,000 bushels will be dumped Lawrence Chatto, State ead of the Pro- duction and Marketing Administration, said the Government has found the conversion of potatoes into *ommercial alcohol too ex- pensive to be practical. Mr. Speaker, this is most disturbing in terms of the operations of the Com- modity Credit Corporation during the first 7 months of this fiscal year. The report for Januury 31, issued last Fri- day, shows that on June 30, 1950, there were no potatoes on hand, but that throuph January 31, the Department of Agriculture purchascd  2,519,363,500 pounds for $25,683,046.94; that it paid for carrying charges $357,249.01; that it disposed of 169,370,100 pounds as dona- tions; that it sold 2,347,450,400 pounds; that 1t received on sales only $1,490,- 29507 and that there was a net loss of $24,548,255.28. If these additional 15,000,00¢ bushels are destroyed, the loss in this fiscal ycar could well approximate the loss in 1950, which wus $75,090,315, Let’s Have the Facts EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GEORGE MEADER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. MEADER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Jackson (Mich.) Cit:zen- Patriot of March 7, 1951: Let’s HAVE THE Facrs The Senate committee investigating the Reconstruction Finance Corporation is wrong when it refuses to press an investiga- tion into the matter of Senators who might have been nonpaying guests at the Saxony Hotel at Miami Beach. We understand that the Senate has some very nice rules of conduct and that it re- gards itself as the “most exclusive club in the world.” The rules of the club prevent the members from casting reflections on each other or questioning thcir honesty. It's a dignified way to run a legislative body and holds the name-calling to a minimum. But the public isn’t going to be a bit satisfied with rules which permit muck- raking in the executive branch of the Gov- ernment and caJl for putting the rake away when it comes near a Senator's coattails. If Senators did have a free ride on the easy hospitality of the Saxony Hotel, one of the many centers of the committee’s search- ing inquiry, let’s go into the matter and find out who got just how much. We have defended the writing of letters to the RFC by Senators and Representatives. That is within the scope of their normal duties. We believe that the White House was preparing to do a little unjustified mud- slinging when it called for those letters. A Member of Congress should not be smeared because he attempted to run an innocent errand for a constituent.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But, {f a Congressman wrote a letter and was rewarded in any way, either through a free vacation at a hotel or any other means, then he becomes a subject for investigation, Any influence which he uses in return for favors is “improper.” And, as we have said before, the purpose of the inquiry is to re- veal instances of use of improper influence, We can't agree with Senator Fulbright that the matter is “outside the scope of the inquiry.” The committee has made quite an issue of the manner in which the RFC loan to the hotel was made. Surely any favors granted by the hotel management to anyone in either the executive or legislative branch of the Government are pertinent to the in- quiry. The Fulbright committee has done a good job. It has proceeded with a certain dignity and has shown a tendency to root out the facts and follow leads wherever they go The work of the committee should not be discredited by a maneuver which the public might interpret as a move to cover up for Members of the Senate. Thirty-Third Anniversary of Lithuanian Independence EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HUGH D. SCOTT, JR. OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. HUGH D. SCOTT, JR. Mr. Speaker, in Philadelphia recently, Amer- icans of Lithuanian origin met—more than a thousand strong—at the Lithua- nian Music Hall, and in an inspiring ses- sion, adopted unanimously a resolution, which it is my high privilege to call to your attention. I urge all Members to support its proposals and to make their views known to the State Department, through which Department alone action can be taken. The resolution follows: Know all men by these presents that the Lithuanian-Américan citizenry of the city of Philadelphia, State of Pennsylvania, and its environs, meeting in solemn session on Sunday, February 18, 1950, at the Lithuantan Music Hall, Tilton Street and Allegheny Ave- nue, Philadelphia, on the occasion of com- memoration of the thirty-third anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Lithuania, solemnly and unanimously pro- claim the following: “Whereas the unlawful and predatory oc- cupation of the land of Lithuania by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic continues with unabated terrorism, having for its ob- vious objective the extermination of the Lithuanian people, and “Whereas it has been established that more than 1,000,000 citizens of Lithuania have surrendered their lives or liberty, di- rectly as a result of Soviet brutality and efforts to provincialize the population of Lithuania; and, “Whereas it has further been demonstrated that Lithuania’s churches have been abol- ished and her schools appropriated solely to propagate materialism; and “Whereas the citizens of Lithuania, in their own country, are deprived of all four freedoms, solemnly declared in the Atlantic Charter as inalienable rights of all nations, large or small: Now, therefore, it is here highly “Resolred— “First. That the United States Governe ment through our President, Secretary of State, and the Congress, be urged to take im- mediate and effective steps, without further delay, to halt the Soviet program of further- ing the genocide of the Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian peoples; and “Second. That the United States Govern- ment through its representatives propose that the Council of the United Nations adopt & resolution placing upon the UN agenda the question of the right to sovereign status of the Baltic lands; and “Third. That the Council of the United Na- tions without delay insist upon immediate measures to permit its own representatives to visit the Baltic lands and conduct an ine vestigation involving aforesaid accusations of Soviet brutality and terrorism; and “Fourth. That the United States Govern- ment through its Department of State of- ficially again issue proclamation to all na- tions and particularly Soviet Russia that this Nation does not recognize the Soviet occupa- tion of the Baltic countries, and that no per- manent peace can be concluded without the restoration of democratic self-government within those countries; and “Fifth. That this Nation's moat illustrious men, distinguished by their noble efforts in the fight for freedom for all nations, large or small, continuously employ their abilities and influence for the purpose of preventing further extermination of people and of resto- ration of independence in Lithuania and of all the other lands cnslaved by the Soviets; and that copies of this resolution bo trans- mitted to the President of the United States and to the Secretury of State.” Poll on Foreign and Domestic Policies EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES P. KEM OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. KEM. Mr. President, on Janu- ary 25, 1951, I inserted in the Concres- SIONAL ReEcorp the results of a poll on our foreign and domestic policies conducted by an outstanding Missouri newspaper, the Rolla (Mo.) Daily News. The results of similar polls by several other newspapers over the country have now been announced. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article by Edward W. Sowers, publisher of the Rolla Daily News, summarizing the results of this poll of more than 10,000 Americans. I commend it to the attention of Senators who may have more than a passing in- terest in what the people back home ure thinking, There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Ten THousAND Americans Vote To WitHe prRaw From Korea, To Quit MEDDLING IN Foreiocn COUNTRIES, AND To Cut Spenp- ING — BALLors From Czicaco, Derrort, CLEVELAND, AND ROLLA SHOW UNITED STATES THOUGHT (By Edward W. Sowers) Over 10,000 thinking Americans have voted for drastic changes in United States policies, including withdrawal from Korea, less med- A1301 dling in foreign countries, and drastic cuts in Government spending. The trend of opinion on those and other issues has been brought before Congress by &@ public-opinion survey by the Rolla Daily News on January 12 and copied by metropoli- tan newspapers In Detroit, Chicago, Cleves land, and other smaller cities. Tabulation of ballots, printed in the sev- eral newspapers and voted by an estimated 10,150 citizens, gives strong majorities for early withdrawal from Korea, against draft- ing of 18-yenr-olds, against sending troops to Europe, against continued aid to foreign countries, for drastic cuts in nondefense spending, against use of the A-bomb now, but for retention of it as a weapon of war. The survey disclosed an even stronger trend toward so-called isolationism in the big cities than in smaller rural centers like Rolla, where conservatism was once supposed to predomi. nate. Instead of isolationism, we would prefer to call it Americanism, as it is nothing more than a policy of America first. A nearly complete count of ballots received by this newspaper and the Detrott (Mich.) Free Press, the Chicago (Ill.) Dally News, and the Cleveland (Ohio) Daily News gives the following results: Should we withdraw from Koren as quickly as possible? Yes, 6,321; no, 2,902. Should we stay until we can give Korea a government chosen by its people? Yes, 2,726; no, 5,614. Should we drop the A-bomb now and take chances on reprisal? ‘Yes, 1,831; no, 6,764. Should we reject the A-bomb as a weapon of war? Yes, 2,168; no, 6,476. Should we continue to send substantial aid to foreign countries? ‘Yes, 3,831; no, 5,078. Should we draft 18-year-olds? Yes, 3,701; no, 6,381. Should we send American troops to Eu- rope? Yes, 3,007; no, 6,003. Should we expect foreign nations to sup- ply the bulk of UN armies? ‘Yes, 7,654; no, 1,262 Should we simply defend outlying bases with air and sea power and keep our armies at home? Yes, 5,961; no, 3,090. Should nondefense spending be out drastl- cally? Yes, 7,565; no, 1,611. Should we have stiff price and wage con- trols? Yes, 7,073; no, 2,029 Many of the ballots received by the news- papers were accompanied by caustic come. ments, critical of present United States policies, They consistently condemn United States meddling in foreign countries, partic- ularly foreign wars. It has been our outspoken opinion for some time that this is the way the majority of Americans feel. Now, with so many other Americans joining us in this way of think. ing, and saying so on the thousands of bal- lots in widely separated sections of the Na- tion, it would seem to further justify such @ policy of Americanism rather than foreigne phobia, TR Continuing Losses in Government's Purchases of Food Commodities EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 12, 1951 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, the Department of Agriculture's report on its food purchase and sale program for Jan- uary was published last Friday. This 37-day delay in making the report is undoubtedly one of the prime reasons ‘