government-to-government relations between Israelis 
and Arabs. 
(2) Identification of existing relevant invest-
ment funds that support Israel-Arab state coopera-
tion and recommendations for how such funds could 
be used to support normalization and increase pros-
perity for all relevant stakeholders. 
(3) An assessment for creating an Abrahamic 
Center for Pluralism to prepare educational mate-
rials, convene international seminars, promote toler-
ance and pluralism, and bring together scholars as 
a means of advancing religious tolerance and coun-
tering political and religious extremism. 
(4) An assessment of the benefit to Israel and 
its neighbors of participating in a regional con-
ference on climate solutions, water, health, and sus-
tainable development. 
(5) An assessment of the feasibility and benefit 
of increasing the capacity of existing Department of 
State and United States Agency for International 
Development-funded programs for developing people- 
to-people exchange programs for young people be-
tween Israel, Arab states, and other relevant coun-
tries and regions. 
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(6) Recommendations to improve Department 
of State cooperation and coordination, particularly 
between the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat 
Anti-Semitism, the Ambassador at Large for Inter-
national Religious Freedom, and the Director of the 
Office of International Religious Freedom, to combat 
the racism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, and anti-Sem-
itism that hinder improvement of relations between 
Israel, Arab states, and other relevant countries and 
regions. 
(7) A proposal for the manner in which the 
United States Government and others can use exist-
ing Federal resources to counter Holocaust denial 
and anti-Semitism abroad. 
(8) An assessment of the value and feasibility 
of Federal support for inter-parliamentary exchange 
programs among Members of Congress, of the 
Knesset, and parliamentarians from Arab states and 
other relevant countries and regions, including 
through existing Federal programs that support 
such exchanges. 
(c) APPROPRIATE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES.— 
In this section, the term ‘‘appropriate congressional com-
mittees’’ means— 
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(1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the 
Committee on Appropriations of the House of Rep-
resentatives; and 
(2) the Committee on Foreign Relations and 
the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate. 
SEC. 6. BREAKING DOWN BARRIERS TO NORMALIZATION 
WITH ISRAEL. 
(a) SHORT TITLE.—This section may be cited as the 
‘‘Strengthening Reporting of Actions Taken Against the 
Normalization of Relations with Israel Act of 2021’’. 
(b) FINDINGS.—Congress makes the following find-
ings: 
(1) The Arab League, an organization com-
prising 22 Middle Eastern and African countries 
and entities, has maintained an official boycott of 
Israeli companies and Israeli-made goods since the 
founding of Israel in 1948. 
(2) Longstanding United States policy has en-
couraged Arab League states to normalize their rela-
tions with Israel and has long prioritized funding co-
operative programs that promote normalization be-
tween Arab League States and Israel, including the 
Middle East Regional Cooperation program, which 
promotes Arab-Israeli scientific cooperation. 
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(3) While some Arab League governments are 
signaling enhanced cooperation with the state of 
Israel on the government-to-government level, most 
continue to persecute their own citizens who estab-
lish people-to-people relations with Israelis in non-
governmental fora, through a combination of judicial 
and extrajudicial retribution. 
(4) Some Arab League states maintain draco-
nian anti-normalization laws that punish their citi-
zens for people-to-people relations with Israelis, with 
punishments, including imprisonment, revocation of 
citizenship, and execution. Extrajudicial punish-
ments by these and other Arab states include sum-
mary imprisonment, accusations of ‘‘treason’’ in gov-
ernment-controlled media, and professional black-
listing. 
(5) Anti-normalization laws, together with the 
other forms of retribution, effectively condemn these 
societies to mutual estrangement and, by extension, 
reduce the possibility of conciliation and com-
promise. 
(6) Former Israeli President Shimon Peres said 
in 2008 at the United Nations that Israel agrees 
with the Arab Peace Initiative that a military solu-
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tion to the conflict ‘‘will not achieve peace or provide 
security for the parties’’. 
(7) Despite the risk of retaliatory action, a ris-
ing tide of Arab civic actors advocate direct engage-
ment with Israeli citizens and residents. These in-
clude the Arab Council for Regional Integration, a 
group of 32 public figures from 15 Arab countries 
who oppose the boycott of Israel on the grounds that 
the boycott has denied Arabs the benefits of partner-
ship with Israelis, has blocked Arabs from helping to 
bridge the Israeli-Palestinian divide, and inspired di-
visive intra-Arab boycotts among diverse sects and 
ethnic groups. 
(8) On February 11, 2020, a delegation of the 
Arab Council to the French National Assembly in 
Paris testified to the harmful effects of ‘‘anti-nor-
malization laws’’, called on the Assembly to enact a 
law instructing the relevant French authorities to 
issue an annual report on instances of Arab govern-
ment retribution for any of their citizens or resi-
dents who call for peace with Israel or engage in di-
rect civil relations with Israeli citizens, and re-
quested democratic legislatures to help defend the 
region’s civil peacemakers. 
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