I 
117TH CONGRESS 
2D SESSION 
H. R. 6367 
To promote security partnership with Ukraine. 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
JANUARY 10, 2022 
Mr. MCCAUL (for himself, Mr. ROGERS of Alabama, Mr. TURNER, Ms. 
STEFANIK, Mr. FITZPATRICK, Mr. KINZINGER, Ms. TENNEY, Mr. WITT-
MAN, Mr. WALTZ, and Mrs. WAGNER) introduced the following bill; which 
was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the 
Committees on the Judiciary, Armed Services, and Rules, for a period to 
be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consider-
ation of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee 
concerned 
A BILL 
To promote security partnership with Ukraine. 
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
(a) SHORT TITLE.—This Act may be cited as the 
‘‘Guaranteeing Ukrainian Autonomy by Reinforcing its 
Defense (GUARD) Act of 2022’’. 
(b) TABLE OF CONTENTS.—The table of contents for 
this Act is as follows: 
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents. 
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TITLE I—A DETERRENCE POLICY REGARDING UKRAINE 
Sec. 101. Statement of policy. 
Sec. 102. Strategy on United States diplomatic support for Ukraine. 
Sec. 103. United States ambassador to Ukraine. 
Sec. 104. Potential designation of the Government of Russia as a state sponsor 
of terrorism. 
Sec. 105. Extension and modification of limitation on military cooperation be-
tween the United States and Russia. 
TITLE II—BOLSTERING UKRAINE’S DETERRENCE AGAINST 
RUSSIAN AGGRESSION 
Sec. 201. Appropriate congressional committees defined. 
Sec. 202. Amendment to presidential drawdown authority. 
Sec. 203. Foreign Military Financing. 
Sec. 204. Expedited excess defense articles transfer program. 
Sec. 205. Strategy on excess defense articles from allies. 
Sec. 206. Report on Ukrainian capabilities to counter air-based threats. 
Sec. 207. International Military Education and Training cooperation with 
Ukraine. 
Sec. 208. Strategy on IMET programming in Ukraine. 
Sec. 209. Sense of Congress on loan program. 
Sec. 210. United States-Ukraine strategic security partnership. 
Sec. 211. Strategy to protect Ukraine’s defense industry from strategic com-
petitors. 
Sec. 212. Authorization of appropriations. 
Sec. 213. Expanded broadcasting in countries of the former Soviet Union to 
combat Russian disinformation and information operations. 
Sec. 214. Strategy on INCLE programming in Ukraine. 
Sec. 215. Strategy for cooperation on intermediate-range missile launchers and 
systems to NATO allies. 
TITLE III—SECURING UKRAINE AGAINST RUSSIA’S USE OF 
ENERGY AS A WEAPON 
Sec. 301. Imposition of sanctions with respect to Nord Stream 2. 
Sec. 302. Congressional review of waiver under Protecting Europe’s Energy Se-
curity Act of 2019. 
Sec. 303. Application of congressional review under Countering America’s Ad-
versaries Through Sanctions Act. 
Sec. 304. Consideration of information provided by Congress in imposing sanc-
tions. 
Sec. 305. Inclusion of matter relating to Nord Stream 2 in report under Coun-
tering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act. 
Sec. 306. Ukraine security assistance initiative. 
Sec. 307. Appropriate congressional committees defined. 
TITLE I—A DETERRENCE POLICY 
REGARDING UKRAINE 
SEC. 101. STATEMENT OF POLICY. 
It is the policy of the United States to— 
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(1) support the territorial integrity and sov-
ereignty of Ukraine; 
(2) declassify or downgrade United States intel-
ligence, consistent with the need to protect sources 
and methods, on Russian malign activities in 
Ukraine, Belarus, and the Baltic and Black Sea na-
tions, to the maximum extent possible, to enable and 
encourage dissemination to United States allies and 
partners and to the American public; 
(3) provide critical capabilities, including sur-
face-to-air missiles, air defense systems, anti-ship 
missiles, anti-tank mines, and others, to Ukraine on 
an expedited basis; 
(4) reaffirm ‘‘the freedom of States to choose 
their own security arrangements,’’ as pledged in the 
1990 Charter of Paris for a New Europe, to which 
Russia was a signatory; 
(5) demand the Government of Russia reaffirms 
its commitment to agreements to which it is a signa-
tory, including the 1975 Helsinki Final Act, the 
1990 Charter of Paris, and the 1994 Budapest 
Memorandum; 
(6) remain fully committed to NATO’s Open 
Door Policy, which provides a path to membership 
for any European country that shares our values 
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and meets the necessary responsibilities and obliga-
tions; 
(7) continue to fully support NATO’s decision 
in the 2008 Bucharest Summit Declaration, re-
affirmed ever since, including in the June 2021 
Brussels Summit, that Ukraine and Georgia will be-
come NATO members; 
(8) commit to include all relevant European 
countries in discussions about European security 
and to prioritize existing mechanisms, such as the 
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Eu-
rope and the NATO-Russia Council, for those dis-
cussions; 
(9) reject the proposals publicized on December 
17, 2021, by the Government of Russia as a legiti-
mate basis of negotiations on European security 
issues; 
(10) repudiate Russia’s proposal for a ‘‘deploy-
ment moratorium’’ in the European theater for in-
termediate-range ground launched missile systems 
that were previously banned under the Intermediate 
Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty until Russia re-
peatedly violated the agreement causing its demise; 
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(11) encourage near-term, in-person visits by 
United States and Ukraine leaders to each other’s 
countries; 
(12) support the rapid deployment of additional 
observers from the Organization for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe to monitor the Ukraine-Rus-
sian border and report aggressive acts; and 
(13) continue the current United States nuclear 
declaratory policy of ‘‘calculated ambiguity’’ and re-
ject changes to United States nuclear declaratory 
policy of ‘‘calculated ambiguity’’ and reject changes 
to United States nuclear declaratory policy that 
would invite further Russian aggression and under-
mine NATO unity, and tempt nuclear proliferation, 
such as ‘‘Sole Purpose,’’ ‘‘Fundamental Purpose,’’ 
or ‘‘No First Use’’. 
SEC. 102. STRATEGY ON UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC SUP-
PORT FOR UKRAINE. 
(a) IN GENERAL.—Not later than 30 days after the 
date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State 
shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees 
a report with a strategy on how the United States will 
work to diplomatically support Ukraine during fiscal years 
2022 through 2026. 
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