A422 of others. They are skeptical, They are frightened by the unruly aspect we present and they suspect us of a certain moral and intellectual bankruptcy. They are attracted by the apparent smoothness and efficiency of a society where conformity is the rule and where all men walk in step. That is why Soviet communism can seriously challenge us for world leadership. The time has come when we shall have to put up or shut up. I am confident that out of the physical vigor of our people and the intellectual stimulus of our free society can come the constructive ideas for which the whole world stands in wait. If such ideas are forthcom- ing, we shall again be safe, for we shall have given leadership and, in return, we shall receive fellowship. . Officer Integration EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 5, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein an article which appeared in the Infantry Journal of February 1947: OFFICER INTEGRATION The procedure of the War Department in integrating new officers into the regular service has the objective of avoiding the “hump” which plagued Army promotions after 1918. To accomplish this aim new officers are being assimilated into the Army solely on the basis of their age. Obviously, age is not the only factor which should be considered in evaluating a man's relative worth to the service; i. e., his rank, If age is retained as the sole measure of an Officer’s value a great injustice will be per- petuated against outstanding officers, both among those to be integrated and those al- ready in the service. Under existing proce- dures a wartime regimental commander, age $4, with temporary rank of colonel will be eventually reduced to a regular first lieu- tenant. At the same time a wartime com- pany commander age 85, with temporary rank of captain, will enter the regular lists with that rank. Such violent transposi- tions, if they are permitted, can only result in lowered morale, incentive and discipline throughout the service. Many officers have given this matter considerable thought. G-1 has no doubt been swamped with sug- gestions on how to straighten out this com- plex problem. But as the War Department has not yet announced its plans the follow- ing ideas are offered. Any plan adopted to create the one-time promotion list should be freed, as far as pos- sible, from personal considerations. The plan should be deviséd in such a way that every officer would be able to figure out for himself just where he stands wit relation to any other officer without the aid of a Ouija board. Only in such an objective sys- tem can the final integration be completed without destructive ill will between various group of officers. This can be achieved by the establishment of a fixed integration formula. The factors selected for this integration formula should have a direct bearing on the officer’s value to the service and should be available in oficial records, Three factors are available: Length of active duty, general efficiency in- dex, and the record of temporary wartime promotions, It 1s proposed to use these vital factors to compute an integration number. This in- tegration number will be computed as of the day of integration and will automatically establish each officer’s position in the regular Uist, Let us now proceed to assign numerical values to the integration factors and com- pute the integration score of Lt. Col. John Doe. Age: As of date of integration 36 years, 2 months, 8 days. Age factor 36,172. Length of service: Active duty as of date of integration 7 years, 4 months, 10 days. Length of service factor: 7.357. Efficiency: Efficiency factor will be keyed to length of service. In order to place new and old Regular officers on the same basis only service completed after the beginning of the national emergency will be considered. This factor will be computed on the basis that 5 years of service with perfect efficiency (7.0) increase the integration score by one integration year. Service between 7.0 and excellent (5.5) will increase the score by & lesser amount, while efficiency ratings be- low 5.5 will decrease the score, Formula: (years of service after Sept. 80, 1940) x (EF. R~-5.5) ~~T.S Assume John Doe had 5.5 years of service with an efficiency index of 6.0— ' =z 0.368 Efficiency factor: 0.366 Temporary promotion: Temporary promo- tions higher than the rank established by constructive service at the date selected for inaugurating the new promotion list will entitle the officer to progressive integration credit, Credits will be arrived at in the following manner; Temporary rank one grade above constructive rank (length of service in that rank) X.6. Temporary rank two ranks above constructive rank (length of service in that rank) X.75. Factor coefficient will increase 25 with each higher rank. Let us compute John Doe’s temporary pro- motion factor: Age at date of integration, 86, gives Doe constructive rank of captain. Doe’s 2 years’ service as major: 2X.5—1. Doe’s 2 years’ service as lieutenant colonel: 2xX.76=1.5. Temporary promotion factor, 3.5. Total integration factor =46.395. It should be understood that the coeffi- cients selected for computing efficiency and temporary promotion factors are quite arbi- trary. However, appropriate coefficients may be determined by study of a large number of officers’ records, For example, the weight given to wartime efficiency is undoubtedly too low. Coefficients selected should not pre- vent age and service from being the most influential factors in determining rank, but at the same time they should assure that outstanding officers with above excellent war records should be given their proper due. Tt has been suggested that all officers be given the integration aptitude test. If this ia done, the results of this test should be Keyed to the officer's age. Can wartime decorations be considered? The fact that all officers did not serve in areas where decorations were awarded, and the fact that award of decorations followed no consistent pattern, will probably preclude assigning any relative value to decorations. However, an exception should be made to Medal of Honor medalists, and possibly to holders of the Distinguished Service Cross. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Adoption of this plan will not make every Officer happy. It is doubtful if King Solomon himeelf could work out a solution to the Army's integration problem which would satisfy everyone. However, an open and aboveboard plan, along the lines of the one proposed, might have more success than a system of pulling names out of the hat. CotonszL, GSO. McKinley Day Address of Hon. Clarence J. Brown EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENDERSON H. CARSON OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. CARSON. Mr. Speaker, under the leave to extend my remarks, I include a speech by my colleague the gentleman from Ohio, Hon. CLARENCE J. Brown, at Canton, Ohio, on January 29, the one hundred and fourth birthday anniver- sary of President William McKinley: Congressman Carson, Katherine Kennedy Brown, my good friend—and your county chairman—Ted Dunlap, and my fellow Amer- icans, it is good to be back in Canton, and to have the opportunity and the pleasure of attending another of your McKinley Day banquets. These meetings, held here in the home city of William McKinley to celebrate his natal day and honor his memory, have long been famous throughout Ohio and the Nation. I am especially grateful to your splendid Representative in Congress—and my friend and colleague, Hank Oarson—for his gracious introduction. Congressman Carson is an able successor in the Congress of the United States to your beloved fellow-townsman, Wil- liam McKinley. Like McKinley, he is ren- dering capable and efficient service to the people of this district, and to the Nation as a whole. I predict a brilliant future for the gentleman from Ohio who now represents your Sixteenth Congressional District in Washington. It is a pleasure to appear on the same pro- gram with my colleague and fellow member of the Republican National Committee, Mrs. Katherine Kennedy Brown, whom we all know 80 well and regard so highly for her many great contributions to Republican success throughout Ohio and the Nation. To me it is like old times to be here with your most able county chairman, Ted Dunlap. Ted and I are old friends. We fought side by side in many a campaign during the days when I was a State official. In recent months I have learned something of the trials and tribulations which come with a party chair- manship, and how they are intensified so greatly during the heat of a campaign. I hope you appreciate Ted Dunlap and his work here as we do down at the headquarters of the Republican National Committee. And to come back to Oanton and again grasp the hand of my aged but always youth- ful friend, Russell Chase—a man who worked so closely with William McKinley back in the fateful days when your fellow townsman was called to the Presidency—means much to me. Russell, like a grateful nation’s memory to William McKinley, may you live on forever. William McKinley assumed the Presidency at a critical period in the Nation's history. His election brought an end to a great de- pression—the result of a money panico—
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which came because our public leaders had drifted away from sound and sane principles. With forthrightness and courage, Major McKinley faced the issues of his day. His first great task was to restore the people’s faith in their Government. He refused to believe the Nation was finished, as many had so dolefully predicted during the dark days of the Cleveland depression. Instead, he was certain the United States of America was just approaching maturity. Because of the sound principles William McKinley cham- pioned, because of the sound legislation he sponsored, because of the sound administra- tion he gave, America quickly recovered from its economic and political ills. AS a result of the inspired leadership of McKinley the closing months of the nine- teenth century saw the United States begin- ning to emerge as a world power, soon to become the greatest industrial Nation on the face of the earth. McKinley was the man of destiny given to us by divine providence in a time of a great national crisis. Today we are living in an- other period of national crisis and uncer- tainty. We have but lately fought and won two great wars. Nearly 16,000,000 of our young men and women have seen service under their Nation's flag. Most of them have returned home, They, as weil, as our citizen- ship as a whole, are confronted with the same problems which McKinley faced and solved as President. The Nation is today in a serious financial plight as a result of the great depression of the thirties, the waste and extravagance of the New Deal, and the high costs and losses of a great World War. Many of our troubles of the present can be charged directly to the mistakes and the failures of the Democratic administrations which have controlled the Government for 14 long years. Many of these mistakes and failures were tragic. All of them were costly, but perhaps the greatest single injury that has been done to this Nation and its people, as a result of the misguided and almost Machiavellian philosophies and activities of the New Deal, has been the destruction of our American self-reliance—through the false preachments that the people should depend upon their government, rather than upon themselves. The New Deal is not yet dead in our land, despite the great Republican victory of last November 5th. New Deal advisors still have the ear of the President. Certainly his recent messages to the Congress indicate that he and his administration still believe in the old New Deal maxim—tax and tax, and spend and spend. In his message on the state of the Onion, Mr. Truman continued to espouse such New Deal measures as socialized medicine. In his economic report he indicated he still believed in the theory that we can spend our way into prosperity and came out in full opposi- tion to any of the proposed tax reductions. In his budget message he reaffirmed his be- Nef and faith in high taxes as a social phi- losophy. He proposed we continue a huge governmental bureaucracy to control and regiment the people—a bureaucracy which would cost more than four times as much each year as our Government ever cost in any peacetime year under President Roosevelt— who was no slouch of a spender himself. For this coming fiscal year—which begins on July 1—the President proposes the Con- gress appropriate, and permit him and his subordinates to spend, @37,500,000,000 to run the affairs of your Government. The most Mr. Roosevelt ever spent in any one peace~- time year was slightly over @9,000,000,000, at the time when, as you will remember, the New Dealers were endeavoring to spend the Nation's way into vrosperity. Yet, according to the President and his advisers, the Government's total income from taxes and other revenues during the new year will be but $387,700,000,000—or only $200,000,- 000 more than he proposed to spend. Our national debt at the present time is $259,000,000,000. If we are to save and apply but 6200,000,000 annually to retiring this public debt, as the President proposes for this year, it will only take us 518 years to pay it off completely—providing no new depressions or wars come along to upset the schedule. But the thing that alarms many thouzht- ful men and women in America, is that Presi- dent Truman, in his budget, actually pro- poses we increase our Federal spending in practically all fields except those of national defense and security. I would like to give you, for example, some intercsting ficures taken from the President’s budget message. He proposes to reduce spending in only two of the major budget divisions, while in the 12 other divisions he proposes we increase our public expenditures for the coming fiscal year by more than 69,400,000,000. Here are some of the increased expendi- tures which Mr. Truman and the Demo- cratic administration propose: That we spend twice sas much money on the State Depart- ment as we did last year; twice as much, for veteran's costs; three times as much for REA borrowing from RFC, and three times as much for library service. But perhaps I can give you a better picture of the situation in Washington by actually comparing the appropriations requested for this coming year by a number of the divi- sions of our Government, with what they actually spent in a prewar year. Let us start with the White House, where the President resides. Back in 1989 it cost $160,000 to run that famous dwelling place. In his budget Mr. Truman asks Congress to appropriate 601,800 for White House mainte- nance and operation for the year beginning July 1, next. Back in 1939 it cost $196,000 to run the executive offices under the Presi- dent. For this coming fiscal year Mr. Truman tells us he will need $1,417,000 to maintain these offices. Let us take the Budget Bureau, itself, which, for the last year before the war, cost $396,000 to operate. Now the Congress is being asked for $3,506,000 to run the Budget Bureau just 1 year. Our Foreign Service back in 1940 cost $14,- 000,000. For next year the diplomats insist they need 117,000,000. In the prewar year of 1939 the Labor- De- partment had actual operating expense. of $24,000,000. Now, it is claimed, $106,242,000 is the least possible amount on which Mr. Schwellenbach and his Department of Labor can function in the coming fiscal year. The Department of Commerce, formerly under Henry Wallace, but now under Averell Harriman, had an operating budget of $20,- 000,000 for the year 1989; but for 1948 the President is requesting $260,814,000 of public funds. The Interior Department, in the year be- fore Pearl Harbor, spent $150,000,000, but now it is insisting $363,000,000 are necessary. The Bureau of Public Roads is asking for an appropriation of $435,000,000 for 1948, in comparison with the $160,000,000 which it spent in 1940. The Public Health Service wants $182,000,- 000 next year, as compared to the $48,000,000 expended in the last year before Pear] Harbor. Public housing is down for an expenditure of $178,000,000 for regular operation (with an additional fund of 443,000,000 for mort- gage loans), in comparison with the 1940 cost figure of $19,000,000. Even in these days, when there is little unemployment and with huge reserves in un- employment compensation and other funds, A423 the administration is asking an appropria- tion of $720,000,000 for public relief. And so goes the story for almost every branch of the Government. The President, in his budget message, made no economy proposal of cuy Kind, with the exception of suggesting that Congress find ways of charging the people of the United States for various services which the Fed- eral Government now renders free, and for @ general reduction in agriculture subsidies paid under the conservation program. Of course, I am confident that the Presi- dent's budget request for $37.£00.000,000 to run the Federal Government during the com- ing fiscal year will be greatly reduced by the Congress. It is my studied opinion the budget can and should be reduced to some- where between thirty and thirty-two billion dollars for this coming fiscal year, and duwn to somewhere between twenty-five and twen- ty-eight billion dollars for the following ac- counting year of 1949. I am also confident that, with just a little economy and effi- ciency in the Federal Government, such lower budget figures will prove sufficient and that no injury will be done the public service. However, since the President shows such reluctance to come to the aid of the hard- pressed taxpayer by reducing public spend- ing or cutting taxes, I am proposing that Congress itself provide the necessary push in this direction. I propose that we expand the economy studies made by the Byrd com- mittee into a statutory commission, which would thoroughly study and investigate the services, activities, and functions of the ex- ecutive branch of the Federal Government. There are many good reasons why this should be done. Thirty years ago the number of executive establishments of the rank of a bureau or equivalent is reported to have been 158. In 1832 the number had increased to 521. By 1944 the number had grown to 1.141. During this same period of time the number of civilian employees of the executive branch of the Government had increased at an amazing rate. In 1916 Federal workers numbered 438,057. In 1926, 528,540. In 1936, 824,259; and in 1946, 2,766,165. The legislative branch of our Government has already been streamlined and reorgan- ized. The time has now come to take the first step toward reorganizing and stream- lining the executive branch. While the President has had the authority, under laws enacted in recent years to reorganize the executive department and its various subdi- visions, nothing of real significance or bene- fit has been accomplished under that au- thority. I also wish to emphasize the fact that the Commission will be completely bipartisan and truly representative. Included in its membership will be representatives of the Congress and of the President, as well as of the general public. Inasmuch as it is, after all, the tax-paying public who pays the freight, it is only proper the public should have equal voice with those in Government in deciding what measures are needed to attain the objectives of the bill. It is contemplated, moreover, that the members of the Commission appointed from private life shall be men of outstanding ability and widest experience in their respec- tive fields of endeavor. They must be civic, business, and industrial leaders, chosen solely for their capacity and qualifications to do the job. No man in the Government, or in private life, is too big to undertake service on this Commission, or could any man make @ more patriotic and important contribution to his country. If this bill is enacted into law, and the proper Commission is named, I am confident the result will be the saving of hundreds of millions, and perhaps billions, of dollars of public moneys each year, and
A424 also greatly simplified and much more effi- client Government services. Let me say to you with all the emphasis at my command that in my considered judg- ment the people of the United States cannot long continue to support the wild spending and the wasteful extravagances which have marked the New Deal administrations of the past 14 years. It is one thing to tax the people until they are bled white financially during the stern days of war, but such a crushing tax burden can only be justified when the military security of the Nation is in question. War is costly, and all of us must sacrifice to meet the expense thereof. But it ts an entirely different thing to con- tinue such wartime tax burdens after peace comes, especially when little or none of the revenues derived from such taxes are used to reduce the national debt, but only to maintain bloated peacetime bureaucracies. No one can rightfully expect the Govern- ment of the United States to function as economically now as in the days before World War II, for interest on the public debt and veterans’ benefits, in one form or another, will increase the cost of Government for many years to come. Because of unsettled world conditions, we must likewise spend more for national security than we did in the prewar years. However, it cannot be overlooked that what President Truman is proposing to do is to actually spend more money on the ordinary civilian operations of Government this coming year—8 years after the shooting stopped—than we spent on the same operations during or before the war. That, my friends, simply does not make sense. If America is to hold a place of world lead- ership, she must be a strong and solvent natior, We must remember that we have the only truly representative form of govern- ment left on earth today. Ours is the only large nation in which free capitalism, as such, still survives. All of Europe has turned to the left. Ours is the only nation where dictatorship, communism, or socialism does not control. It is only here on the North American Continent—in this grand and glorious country—that the people still enjoy true liberty and freedom. There is an old saying that monarchies are destroyed by armies from without, while republics are destroyed by deterioration from within. Last November 5 the people of America overwhelmingly voted against the continua- tion of New Deal policies and for the elec- tion of a Republican Congress pledged to bring about the reforms they sought. First of all, they are expecting the Govern- ment of the United States to put its own house in order—just as any good business concern would do, by budgeting and limiting its spending so it cannot only live within its income but can also pay off its debts. This the Republicans in Congress are determined to do. I can say to you that the budget will be balanced, that substantial payments will be made on our national debt, and that indi- vidual income taxes will be reduced. That is the firat order of business for the new Repub- Nican Congress. Second, we are expected to enact legisla- tion which will more evenly balance the scales between labor and management, with especial recognition and protection for the rights of the American people as a whole, the great consuming public. Not so long ago the larger employers of the Nation were in the saddle and in many in- stances treated their workers unfairly. The American people, believing in fair play, were resentful of this disregard for the worker's rights. In an effort to correct the evils which then existed legislation was enacted by the Congress and by many of the State legisla- tures to give greater powers and more privi- leges to labor organizations. Some labor leaders, following the tactics of some employ- ers, soon took an unfair advantage of the rights and privileges which had been extend- ed to organized labor. Too often these labor leaders became arrogant and selfish. They not only forgot the workers they represented but entirely disregarded the rights of the consuming public. Controlling huge num- bers of votes, they became such political pow- ers that even the highest officials in the land pampered and petted them 50 as to ob- tain their political support. Unwise and un- necessary strikes and work stoppages became the order of the day and other unsatisfactory conditions developed. But at last an aroused public opinion began to demonstrate itself, and the demand rose for the Congress of the United States to do something to correct an intolerable situation which threatened the very health, safety, and even the lives of great masses of citizens. I am not interested in labor reform legis- lation for the purpose of giving any em- ployer an advantage over any employee. Such an arrangement should not—and must not—be tolerated. While I naturally want to see every employer receive fair treatment, I am especially interested in having labor-re- form legislation enacted which will protect the individual worker—the ordinary union member—of the country, from those who are injuring the true cause of labor by their tactics. What do I mean by this? Well, let me suggest some general legislation that would be of benefit to the worker, as well as to the employer and the general public. Tell me—if you will—why it would not be good public policy, now that labor organi- zations have such great power and responsi- bility, to require of all unions, as some al- ready provide by their constitutions and by- laws, that honestly conducted elections must be held at regular intervals for the selection of officers, with every union member being given the opportunity and the privilege of voting? What is wrong with seeing to it that no alien shall cerve as an officer in any American union or represent American workers in col- lective bargaining? What is wrong with providing that no man with a criminal record shall be permitted to become a union officer? What is wrong, if you please, with pro- hibiting Communists, or any other subver- sive individuals who do not believe in our form of government and wants to overthrow it, from holding any official position in an American labor union? What is wrong with providing that the membership of no American labor union shall be called out on strike unless the majority of the members first vote for such a strike? What is wrong with requiring union off- cials to make regular financial statements or reports of receipts and expenditures, funds on hand, etc., to every member of the union? I am proud to say that many American unions already have these rules, but I am sorry to be compelled to report that many others do not have. Would not such requirements be to the benefit of the ordinary union member—the average worker? Would not such legal requirements be a long step toward democratizing the labor organizations of our land? And what is wrong, may I ask, with pro- tecting the right of collective bargaining— and it must be protected and maintained— by making both parties to any employment contract responsible for keeping that con- tract? What is wrong with outlawing force and violence on the part of either labor or man- agement? What is wrong with providing every pos- sible mediation service as an assistance to settling labor-management disputes? What is wrong with having a cooling-off period before a strike becomes effective, pro- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD viding the rights of the workers are guaran- teed retroactively during such a period? Personally, I believe most strongly in the right of American labor to organize, to bar- gain collectively, and to strike—if neces- sary—in support of legal objectives. I am opposed to compulsory arbitration of labor- management disputes, for I know, if a bureaucratic government is given such a power to settle labor-management dif- ferences arbitrarily, that American labor will soon become slave labor, and that the Ameri- can free enterprise system will soon be entire- ly destroyed or placed under the domination of the Government. I want management and labor to learn to live together, to work out their own problems in a democratic manner, under free col- lective bargaining. I want no unfair advan. tage for either side. Neither do I want the Government playing on either team. Above all else I want both labor and management to always remember that the public wel- fare must come first, for both have their greatest responsibility to the general public. After all, who makes up this great general public? Why, it is the thousands and mil- lions of workers and their families—the tens of thousands of employers and industrial- ists—the public servants, such as school teachers, policemen, and mall carriers—the tillers of the soil—the old folks, like my mother and yours. Yes, the Congress of the United States must find some way to fairly balance the scales between labor and management. This is one of the most important problems we now face. I believe we can go far toward reaching that goal in this session of Congress. Another great task ahead of the new Con- gress is to finish the work of changing America over from a war economy to a peacetime economy. In recent years the trend has been toward statism here in America; toward some sort of a superstate where most of the power and authority would rest in the hands of a few—who in their official capacities would alone decide what was best for 140,000,000 Americans. In control of our Government have been those who believed the average citizen was not capable of doing his own thinking and planning, but for his own good, should have his life ordered and directed for him. And, believe me, friends of mine, every effort in the world has been made to do just that, Naturally the people became sick and tired of such controls and regimentation. They wanted their Government out of their hair and back in their hands again—and that is exactly the way they voted last November 5. Yet the task is not yet completed, for there is still a big Job ahead of us to get rid of wartime and other Government con- trols as rapidly as we possibly can. Lincoln once said that America could not survive half slave and half free. I say to you that America cannot survive under a bureaucratic Government that makes it’s people half slave and half free economically. Human freedom is an all-encompassing thing. Take away just one freedom from an individual and he is no longer a free man. It was Thomas Jefferson who once said that the greatest contribution this Nation can make to the cause of human liberty is to maintain freedom here—to make repre- sentative government work—so that the down-trodden people of other nations might gain hope and inspiration from us to emu- late our example. The world is moving through a great crisis. It looks to America for leadership. Certainly we cannot solve the problems of the world unless we first solve our own do- mestic problems. Certainly we cannot sell representative government to the other peo- ples of the world unless we make it work
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD here at home, as living proof that it is the best form of government ever devised by the mind of man; that it permits the great- est liberty and freedom ever enjoyed by any people; that it offers the greatest opportunity for happiness and prosperity to be found anywhere under the heavens. But, perhaps what we need more than anything else, is a return to the morality of William McKinley, and to the religious faith that sustained him through his days of trial and tribulation. Let us all, as Re- publicans and good Americans, take a leaf from the McKinley book of life and re- dedicate ourselves to the service of the coun- try we love and the divine providence we acknowledge. Palestine Decision EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT J. TWYMAN OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. TWYMAN. Mr. Speaker, the fol- lowing editorial which appeared in the Washington Post of February 6, 1947, is worthy of the attention of the Members of the House of Representatives: PALESTINE DECISION To Mr. Bevin, now that both the Anglo- Arab and the Anglo-Jewish conferences have ended in deadlock, goes the responsibility for producing a unilateral policy for Palestine. It is a fateful assignment. Hitherto Mr. Bevin has not been noted for his aptness in handling the situation in Palestine. He is reputed to feel that a delay is on order un- til the 7-day notice that the British admin- istration in Palestine has served on the Jewish Agency has expired. The due date is next Monday. By then the Jewish Agency is expected to cooperate with the adminis- tration in rounding up the terrorists. But, if Mr. Bevin expects this cooperation, he is as lacking in imagination and a sense of realities as the men on the spot in Pales- tine. The Jewish Agency, no matter how much it condemns the terrorism, will clearly not be put in the position of turning spy and informer. It is too close to the ter- rorists in opposition to British rule in Pales- tine to do any such thing. The cooperation asked by the British would be equivalent to a sponsorship of civil war by the Jewish Agency itself. Nor is it likely that the counterterror instigated by the British will browbeat the Jewish Agency into acceptance of the kind of federal state under British administration which goes under Mr. Mor- rison'’s name and which Mr. Bevin is said, more or less, to have in mind, Both the Morrison plan and intimidation have run their course, and the line of true statesman- ship must be sought elsewhere. It would seem that the wise thing would be to outline a policy without regard to what ig going on in Palestine. Palestine is the kind of problem the unmanageability of which has increased by delay and indecision. Partition, Jt has long been our view, is the only possible device for application to Pal- estine, and cven that, in the circumstances of present tempers and passions, would have to be imposed. As long ago a’ 1937 it was laid down as just by the British Peel Com- mission. But what could have been done then without much difficulty, and even in 1945 with a good chance of success, is now, admittedly, full of danger. Arab intran- sigence has thriven on British indecision, and many Zionists have become whole hog- Gers. Yet the nettle must be grasped, not in terms of a phony partition such as was represented by the Morrison plan, but in those of the Peel Commission. Only a par- tition admitting of a vioble state for Jewish Palestine will do—that is to say, one giving an autonomous Jewish Palestine access to the highlands of Galilee and the empty spaces of the Negeb. The parallel between Palestine after this war and Ireland after the last is becoming uncanny. Repression in Ireland created a terrorist movement which went trom oppo- sition to the British to opposition to parti- tion. It developed so alarmingly that the British government simply had to turn to conciliation, as they will have to do in Pal- estine, if only to allay the growing dis- content on the part of the British people, who are impatient over police commitments out of their straitened circumstances. Un- fortunately, as Emerson said of British co- lonial rule nearly 100 years ago, “When- ever an abatement of their power jis felt, they have not conciliated the affection on which to rely.” This proved to be the case in Ireland. It may, alas, happen in Palestine, for extremism has fed on itself for too long a time to take kindly either to the British or to partition. The only British hope of sow- ing seeds of tranquillity is to come out with a declaration for a just partition, and let time strengthen the inherent wisdom and justice of it. A just partition, it seems to us, could not fail to evoke American support, as was implicit in the President's statement to tbn-Saud on October 4. Such a statement of British policy would pave the way for American aid, especially in river valley de- velopment, which is the only means that will promote the healing that one day will have to be undertaken. Lift Copper Tariff EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTONI N. SADLAK OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. SADLAK. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following editorial from the Waterbury Republican, Waterbury, Conn., February 5, 1947: LIFT COPPER TARIFF Against Representative JaMEs T. PATTER- SON’s proposal for the repeal of the import tax on copper, if coupled with his suges- tion of a quota system under which the tax would be reapplied after the present dcfi- ciency of copper had been made up, it is hard to think of any reasonable argument, At a time when domestic copper production is inadequate to meet industrial demands, his recommendation makes unassailable sense. That the Congressmen from the copper States are rallying resistance to this pro- posal is proof again that shouting before they are hurt is a constant tendency on the part of spectal interests, An Arizona Repre- sentative talks in fo:eboding terms of the reappearance of the ghost towns which dotted his State in depression days. But refusing to avail ourselves of copper suffi- cient to meet present industrial needs sim- ply because the Representatives of the copper States want to run ahead to meet theoretical trouble is straight against all good judg- ment. Local manufacturers also represent a spe- cial interest, but surely it is identical with the broader, national interest when the way in which copper scarcity threatens to re- A425 flect itself in the prices charged by the auto- motive, housing, and other industries shows 80 general a force and effect to the tariff bar that Representative Patrerson deplores. Let that bar be lifted under such restric- tions as will restore protection to domestic copper producers as soon as the present de- ficiency of copper is corrected. That should not be beyond lawmaking ingenuity. War-Power Extensions EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HCUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the New Orleans Times-Picayune of February 4, 1947: WAR-POWER EXTENSIONS President Truman's appeal for extension of certain of the war emergency controls to March 31, 1948, is based, of course, on the ground of necessity. He promises they will be relaxed or released as soon as possible. “Since the fighting ceased,” he declared in this connection, “it has been my avowed policy to terminate all emergency controls that were no longer necessary or workable.” The provisions of the War Powers Act he would continue include the establishment of priorities, rationing, and allocation; the op- eration of shipping lines by the Maritime Commission and by the Army and Navy to supply transportation for their personnel where public facilities are inadequate. Retention of these emergency powers for another year is rendered necessary, Mr. Tru- man argues, by continued shortages of a number of food items, of certain industrial materials and of manufactures ruch aF au- tomobiles, freight cars, and tractors. He promises to limit their use, after March 31 of this year to clearly manageable controls that afford positive aids to business and the public and to the fulfilment of our inter- national understandings and obligations. Congress doubtless will dissemble its love, if any, for the proposed extensions. Never- theless tt may grant some of them on the very grounds cited by the President. The country had hoped for relief from the war controls within a reasonable time after the conflict’s end. But strikes at home, forcing continued shortages of essential goods, star- vation and stagnation in war-ravaged lands overseas, prolonged by the wrangling within them and about them that retarded physical and economic recovery, have rendered the length of that “reasonable time” uncertain. With respect to food, for example, the in- ternational food council was notified last week that the emergent needs of a dozen nations will continue past December 31, 1947. World food production continues to lag far below prewar volume, necessitating the maintenance of strict controls in all lands suffering food deficiencies. Our own short- ages of essential goods including housing persist to an extent almost unbelievable. While emergencies national and world- wide continue, emergency controls may be necessary to deal with them. Congress and the country, too, must recognize that neces- sity where it is proven past dispute, however unpleasant and unwelcome both hnd the war-power extensions. But the necessity for its continuance so long after war's end should be established before every such grant |s voted. .
A426 Russia in United Nations Hits Personal Liberty EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include therein a recent article from the New York Times en- titled “Russia in United Nations Hits Persona] Liberty.” This is a graphic illustration of the irreconcilable differences in philosophy and concept of government between our democracy and current-day totali- tarianism. The article follows: Russia IN UN Hits PERSONAL LIBERTY—ALSO Opposes IN HUMAN RIGHTS BILL PROHIBI- TION OF SLAVERY AND COMPULSORY LABOR Lake Success, N, Y., February 4.—Russian Communist, British Socialist, and American democratic members of the United Nations Human Rights Commission today argued in- conclusively which rights of man should be embodied in an international bill of rights. The bill is fundamental to the progress of the United Nations, they recognized. As Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, chairman of the Human Rights Commission, summed up, the basic point of controversy in the meeting today was the question of the relation of the individual to the state. A list of rights and freedoms is being studied by the Human Rights Commission in order to formulate general directions to the group that will write the first draft of the international bill of rights following this ses- sion of the Commission. WHAT RUSSIA WANTS DELETED Looking at the list, V. T. Tepliakov, of the Soviet Union, urged deletion of all these con- cepts: The rights of life, of personal liberty; pro- hibition of slavery and compulsory labor; right to petition national governments and the United Nations; nonretroactivity of penal laws; right of property and prohibition of unlawful expropriation; freedom of move- ment (migration); and freedom to resist oppression. Mr. Tepliakov explained that these rights and freedoms were either superfluous, beyond the present power of the United Nations to lay down, or impinged on the local laws and customs of national states. “Freedom to resist oppression,” he cited. “What does it mean? What ts the definition of oppression? It requires elaborate dis- cussion.” During the meeting delegates quoted from the Soviet and Chinese Constitutions. Such topics as the rights of the illegitimate child, equality of the sexes, discrimination in hous- ing in New York, Hitler’s theory of race in- equity, and a tribute to the irrationalism that served as the spark to all revolution were shredded through the discussion, The proposal that drew the most fire was this four-point proposal from Dr. Charles Malik, of Lebanon, rapporteur of the com- mission: (1) That the human person is prior to any group to which he may belong—class or nation or race. (2) That his mind and conscience are the most sacred and inviolable thing about im. (3) That any social pressure coming from any direction which determines his consent is wrong. (4) That the group can be wrong, just as the human person can be. In any case it is only the human person who is competent to judge. Mr, Tepliakov, of Russia, immediately op- posed this Lebanese concept. “You can't divide the individual from so- ciety or the society from the individual,” he said. ‘We're living as individuals in a com- munity and society and we're working for the community and society, and the com- munity and society are providing materials for existence.” The Lebanese proposal would be all right only if you put the human individual in a glass tower, the Russians went on. He re- lated that 200,000,000 peoples of the Soviet Union are living and enjoying human rights as proclaimed in the Soviet Constitution. MRS, ROOSEVELT BACKS RIGHTS Mrs. Roosevelt, speaking as United States Gclegate, discussed the Lebanese proposal UB: “The rights of the individual are very im- portant. It is not that you set the individual apart from society but that you recognize in any society that the individual must have rights that are guarded.” Charles Dukes, of the United Kingdom, who is a vice chairman of the British Trade Union Congress, had still another answer to the Lebanese proposal. Mr. Dukes said, “There is no such thing as complete personal freedom.” He added: “If freedom or complete detachment from society were possible it would provide a very poor life, indeed. We must all pay the price for advantages resulting from calling upon the state to safeguard our liberties both in the sense of personal freedoms and also in the direction of the minimum degree of eco- nomic security.” Mr. Dukes suggested that state and indi- vidual should integrate their rights, com- menting that the “right to change the form of government” was one of the highest rights. Replying to his critics, especially to Mr. Tepliakov of Russia, Mr. Malik of Lebanon said, “The human person who dares say ‘No’ to the social pressure should not be elim- inated.” He added: “The real danger is that social pressure is snuffing out the individual personality. I’m not arbitrarily setting the state against the individual or vice versa. But which, I ask, 1s for which? I say the state is for the indi- vidual.” Spontaneously a few spectators applauded. The Commission informally agreed that the international bill of rights should be drafted first in the form of a resolution of the General Assembly, with provision for a convention by which states might adhere to the rights agreed upon. United States Copper’s Status Has Changed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTONI N. SADLAK OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. SADLAK. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorD, I include the following editorial that appeared in the Waterbury (Conn.) American, Wednesday, February 5, 1947: UNITED STATES COPPER'’S STATUS HAS CHANGED What the inexorable necessities of war did to some of America’s natural resources was made plain yesterday by representatives of the local brass-manufacturing industry. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD With reference to an assertion by Repre- sentative Joun R. Murvock, of Arizona, that we can meet domestic demands (for copper) in peacetime as well as we did in war, Wile liam M. Goss, executive vice president of the Scovill Manufacturing Co., stated, “We didn’t meet demands in wartime and we are not meeting them now.” Mr. Goss, accordingly, recommended favorable action on a proposal by Representative James T, PATTERSON that the 1932 import tax on copper be removed at least until such time as domestic con- sumption levels off in reasonable ratio to American production. The alternative, as it was presented by Mr. Goss and representatives of the Ameri- can Brass Co., is that unless Congress takes the action proposed by Representative Pat- TrRson to relieve the present shortage, the brass industry will be faced in a few months with the unavoidable necessity of laying off many workers for the want of material for them to work on. Back in the days before the late war this country was supplied with such ample reserves of copper ore that it could and did export thousands of tons of the product every year. In 1932 American copper consumers were still so well supplied from domestic sources that they could afford to note with little or no protest the imposition of the present im- port tax, to protect American copper miners from ruinous competition by cheap foreign labor. By now, however, the situation is represented to have changed to such an omi- nous degree, as the result of wartime in- roads on America’s copper reserves, that our remaining sources of copper-bearing ores and concentrates are almost exhausted. It has accordingly become necessary for American manufacturers to import from 50,000 to 60,- 000 tons of copper a month to meet current civilian demands. Representative Murpocx’s objection to Representative PATTERSON'’s proposal to lift the present import tax was based on the point that it might have the effect of re- ducing copper-mining centers in the West to ghost towns. From general information, about how the domestic supply is petering out, it seems inferable that they are on their way toward becoming ghost towns anyway. They evidently may arrive at that status the sooner if a copper bloc in Congress insists on making American manufacturers depend exclusively on domestic copper as long as it continues to last, The Late Admiral Marc A. Mitscher EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN E. LYLE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. LYLE. Mr. Speaker, not infre- quently a newspaper editorial writer, choosing his words with skilled objec- tivity, produces a more accurate tribute to the memory of a man than any which could be written by those who knew him best and loved him most. Such an editorial is the following, pub- lished in the February 5 issue of the Washington Post: MARC A, MITSCHER If you wished to give an appellation to Vice Adm. Marc A. Mitscher, it might have been raider of the Pacific. He was the man who demonstrated that the Navy air arm was the moet powerful striking force in the sea war- fare against Japan. The mental picture that We retain of Mitscher is of a sitting com-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mander looking out to sea from his bridge, his head under a special green canvas cap with a huge visor shading his eyes. He looked every inch a seadog, with a face made leathery by long exposure to the elements, keen cold eyes having a razor sharpness, and so slight and rawboned as to be almost wizened, and what valiant deeds he directed from his carrier. He had himself blazed the trail of his young aviators when he flew in the First World War, and he had the under- standing born of experience. During the great battle for Saipan he broke the strict black-out to have searchlights guide the planes back to their carriers and detached some of the protecting destroyers to search for those which for one reason or another had failed to stay in the air. This thought- fulness made him beloved as well as respected by the young officers. Of words he had few, and he gave his orders with a rare economy of verbiage, which was always direct and stac- cato. It was by his acts that Mitscher earned his fame in the Pacific Fleet. He was a bril- liant tactician who made Task Force 58 im- mortal, Research in Humanities and Social Sciences EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NORRIS POULSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. POULSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks, I include in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a letter from Dr. Arthur G. Coons, presi- dent of Occidental College, Los Angeles, which is located in my district, and, in addition, a resolution adopted by the Western College Association, of which he is also president, on November 15, 1946. Dr. Coons is well qualified to discuss the subject contained in this resolution not only because he is one of the civic leaders of California and has a very fine educational background but also be- cause he himself has seen the result of the destructive forces of science in such countries as Japan and the far Pacific, which he visited as a member of the President’s Reparations Committee. The letter and resolution follow: WESTERN COLLEGE ASSOCIATION, Los Angeles, Calif., January 30, 1947. The Honorable Norris PouLson, Representative in Congress, Thirteenth District, California, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. PouLson: I transmit to you herewith a copy of the resolution passed by the Western College Association, of which I happen to be currently the president, at our tall meeting held at the College of the Pacific at Stockton, Calif., on November 15, 1946. This resolution was prepared as a communi- cation to the directors of major national pri- vate foundations and benevolent institu- tions. It was intended to reflect the Judg- ment of the colleges in the Western College Association as to the need for support to re- search in the fumanities and the social sci- ences and studies. Otherwise the statement as it appears is self-explanatory. I think it would be quite appropriate, if permitted, for this resolution to receive recognition by be- ing printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. Very truly yours, ArTHur G. Coons, President, Occidental College. RESOLUTION ON SUPPORT TO RESEARCH IN THE HUMANITIES AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES PASSED BY THE WESTERN COLLEGE ASSOCIATION, NO- VEMBER 15, 1946 To the Directors of Foundations: The Western College Association respect- fully submits to you the following reflec- tions and recommendation: 1, The Army and Navy of the United States are at present spending vast sums annually for research in science and technology, large- ly through contracts given to academic insti- tutions. The bill to establish a National Re- search Foundation which would provide an additional $25,000,000 each yeur for such pur- poses will be reintroduced into Congress dur- ing the coming session. The effort to in- clude subsidy for research in social studies failed during the past Congress, and, despite the attempt which will be made to restore such provision, may fai] again. 2. We greet with enthusiasm the present vast expansion of scientific research under governmental auspices, assuming (a) that in the long run the research thus subsidized will be directed not only toward military ends but also toward human betterment and the discovery of truth, and (b) that sub- sidies will be administered in such a way as it preserve freedom of research and publica- jon. 3. We fear, however, that these subsidies may further increase the existing lopsided- ness in the growth of our civilization, with catastrophic results. It is by now a platitude that our understanding and mas- tery of nature far exceeds our understand- ing and mastery of human nature. During the past year even great numbers of scicn- tists, who in the nature of things might be expected last to be disturbed by such an unbalance, have become terrified by the dis- parity in the development of these two major aspects of human progress. As a people, and @8 a race, we scer not moral enough to use our present powers for good purposes. The present and contemplated action of our Government may further deepen the con- trast between our means and our morals. 4. Morality is the proper understanding of human nature, and action on the basis of that understanding. We recognize that hu- man nature has assumed many variant forms in different times and places. It is plastic. The academic disciplines generally grouped as humanities and social studies are devoted to exploring the nature and causes of its changes in the past and present. They do not, and will not, of themselves induce morality but they develop the raw material for an intelligent morality. As our power increases, they are more than ever indis- pensable. 5. The recent congressional debates which ended in the defeat of proposals to provide governmental subsidies for humanistic and social research, in addition to research in the natural sciences, clearly indicated that such subjects appear politically dangerous and that there is slender hope that such assist- ance may be forthcoming in the visible fu- ture. That such an attitude should prevail is indication of the foetal condition among us of morality in the basic sense of the word. 6. If the perilous and increasing unbalance of our world is to be remedied, probably it must be accomplished with private support. During recent years the foundations have shown remarkable ability in adapting them- selves, individually and as a whole, to the rapidly changing conditions of American life and education. The action of our Govern- ment in appropriating for scientific research annual funds several times larger than the combined income of all foundations which support research suggests the wisdom of drastic and speedy redeployment of the re- sources of the foundations in order to secure even the beginning of a readjustment of equilibrium between the natural sciences and A427 technology, on the one hand, and the studies which assist morality, on the other, 7. We, therefore, propose to the responsible Officers of all foundations that, within the limits of legality, and with discriminating Judgment as to the comparative contribution of specific projects to human welfare, they withdraw as rapidly as possible from the sup- port of such scientific and technological re- search as otherwise can be conducted with governmental ussistance, and that they mar- shall their major forces to aid the studies which deal with the problems and potentiali- ties of human life. ARTHUR G, Coons, President, Western College Association, Political Rights of Women EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mrs. DOUGLAS. Mr. Speaker, I be- lieve the members of this House will wish to join me today in an expression of ap- preciation for the establishment in the United Nations of a Commission on the Status of Women. This Commission will have its first meeting at Lake Success on Monday. The United States is a mem- ber of this Commission, and our repre- sentative on it, Miss Dorothy Kenyon, is especially equipped for this service since she was formerly a member of the League of Nations Committee of Experts on the Legal Status of Women. As many of you know, it was my priv- ilege to serve as a member of the United States delegation to the General Assem- bly of the United Nations last November and December. During this meeting a resolution was introduced concerning the political rights of women. Mrs. Roosevelt spoke in support of this reso- lution and urged also that it result in energetic action throughout the world. Under unanimous consent, I place this resolution in the REcorp as a supple- ment to my remarks. The United Nations resolution refers only to political rights of women. In this country women have had equal political rights for many years. Indeed, it is hard for us to realize that our grandmothers and even our mothers were frequently denied the rights to vote, hold public office, and otherwise express their political opinions. We are proud that the women in Japan have received the right to vote within recent months. Women in France and Italy have also been enfranchised since the end of the war. However, there are still areas in the world whcre women do not vote and in which they have little opportunity for education to qualify for the franchise. I believe that we will have a better world, and a more peaceful world, when these women are in a position to make their proper contribution as a group and as in- dividuals. Mr. Speaker, I am glad that the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women will be organizing promptly and that the United States is in a position
A428 to exchange information through it as to the progress and problems of women in other areas. The Commission will be considering civil, economic, and social status of women as well as their political rights, and will be in a position to hasten developments along constructive lines. I hope that we will take energetic and positive action in our own country to clear up such problems as remain in this field. Any restraint on the progress of women is a restraint on the total na- tional progress. Theoretical equality is not enough. What we seek is far more than a theoretical equality. We seek rather our full opportunity to serve our Nation and our age, and as so well writ- ten in the United Nations Charter— “to seck fundamental freedoms for all without distinctions as to race, sex, language, or religion.” Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, I include the fol- lowing resolution concerning the politi- cal rights of women adopted by the United Nations General Assembly at its fifty-fifth plenary meeting on December 11, 1946: Whereas in the preamble of the Charter, the peoples of the United Nations have re- affirmed faith in the equal rights of men and women, and in article I it is stated that purposes of the United Nations are, among others, to achieve international cooperation in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental] freedoms for all without distinction as to sex, and to be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends; Whereas certain member states have not yet granted to women political rights equal to those granted to men; Therefore recommends: (a) That all member states which have not already done so, adopt measures necessary to fulfill the purposes and aims of the Char- ter in this respect by granting to women the same political rights as to men; (b) Invites the Secretary-General to com- municate this recommendation to the gov- ernments of all member states, New Deal Flavor Seen in Tax Battle EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HUGH D. SCOTT, JR. OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. HUGH D. SCOTT, JR. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing article by David Lawrence in the Washington Star of February 5, 1947: New DEALISM FLAvoR SEEN IN Tax BATTLE— PROPONENTS OF GRADUATED SCALE HELD EvaDING Basic Issue (By David Lawrence) Now that it seems apparent that there will be a substantial cutting of the Federal Budget, a significant controversy has arisen over the question of whether to make a flat percentage reduction in taxes or to graduate it so that the lower-income groups will get the maximum benefit. What is significant about it is that New Dealism still spreads its socialistic flavor over the Washington scene, So many Washing- tonians, including some Republicans, have been indoctrinated with the idea that the tax system should be used either for punitive purposes or to bring nearer the days of state socialism that the advocates of a free enter- prise system and a system of taxation pri- marily for revenue purposes find themselves up against the same insidious propaganda as was prevalent before the radicals were re- pudiated in the 1946 elections. The proponents of the graduated scale of reductions are sending forth the usual dema- gogic arguments that there are more votes in the lower brackets and that the so-called rich would be too much benefited by a “straight across-the-board” cut. The rcad- ing public, who for the most part do not know the facts about taxes in relation to business, are led to believe that there are no arguments on the other side at all. PRINCIPLE BACK OF IDEA During the war the income of taxpayers in the middle and upper brackets was cut proportionately deeper by taxes than those of any other group and it is, therefore, only equitable that the relationship be- tween rates should go back to the peacetime pattern. Actually, the amount of money involved in a flat percentage reduction straight across the board is relatively small, but the prin- ciple back of the idea of treating everybody alike and removing the penalties on thrift and enterprise is far more important. It is to the interest of sponsors of state socialism and to the Communists to break down the private enterprise system in Ameri- ca. One way to do it is to destroy incentive and level off everybody’s income so that when business expansion is balked and there is depression the State steps in and, by pump priming, adds to the public debt, mak- ing it possible for the administration which hands out the money to continue in power and pursue revolutionary schemes. Ever since the New Deal began in 1933, the tax system has been abused. It has been utilized to persecute the successful and to penalize leadership. There were times when even the language of the advocates of gov- ernmental intervention in private affairs was unashamedly the language of revolution, in which the end is supposed to justify the means. The National Capital still contains, inside and outside of Government, the devotees of New Dealism who look askance at the idea of treating rich and poor alike, not only on taxes but in the courts. Class prejudice is 8o deeply ingrained that Republicans now are being told they do not dare vote for a flat percentage reduction in taxes lest they be punished at the polls. The truth is business expansion and the creation of jobs and the development of technological improvements in production £0 as to help bring prices and the cost of living down depend on what incentive there is for the white-collar workers of America—the business management and professional class. The number of persons who derive their in- comes from clipping coupons is too small to be a factor in deciding a broad policy of in- centives as against those who earn their incomes themselves. BASIC ECONOMIC ISSUE It is being said in some quarters that when the Republicans reduced the surtaxes in the 1920’s a boom ensued and a terrible depression followed—as if there was any con- nection whatsoever between the two things. Actually, the Government collected more rather than less revenues in the twenties when it changed the tax rates so as to intro- duce new incentives. Actually, also, the panic of 1929 was to a large extent the result of the speculation of the little fellow in the markets and was due to the fact that there were no laws to control effectively the issu- ance and sale of securities. To say that the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD economic upheaval of 1929 and 1980 was due to some tax law in the United States is to ignore the conditions then prevailing in Europe as well as the speculative fever of persons of small income. But in the next few months such distor- tions will be heard again and again. The test will come when the conservative Repub- licans and the conservative Democrats are challenged to stand up for incentives in the private-enterprise system as against the demagoguery involved in a plan to remove millions of persons from the tax rolls alto- gether so that os citizens they will con- tribute nothing to their National Govern- ment, The issue may appear to be political, but it is basically economic. If the socialistic theory of leveling off and standardizing everybody's pay is to prevail—as advocated by industrial unions in the matter of wages—then the craft workers of the A.F, of L, and the nonorganized professions have much to fear from any legislative support for such a doctrine. If incomes must be brought down constantly to a lower and lower level of standardization irrespective of thrift, in- genuity, resourcefulness or ability, the rest of the road to communism is not distant. How Safe Is Air Travel? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT TRIPP ROSS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. ROSS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the New York Sunday News of February 2, 1947: HOW SAFE I8 AIR TRAVEL? Airplane crashes have been coming in clusters for some months last past. The most sensational of these to this writing was the KLM (Royal Dutch) plane or pilot failure at Copenhagen, Denmark, which killed Grace Moore, Prince Gustaf Adolf of Sweden, and 20 other persons. These tragic accidents, which few ever survive, have stirred up considerable alarm and concern in this country over the safety of air travel, We heard a great deal during the war about near-miraculous landings of half-shot planes on fog-masked airflelds or plunging carrier decks. Were many of those stories fairy tales? Is air travel as hazardous as it was when Lindbergh first flew to Paris back in 1927? Or what is the truth of the matter, anyway? Secretary of Commerce W. Averell Harri- man, whose Government department super- vises civil aviation, made some remarks on this subject recently which we think ought to be rebroadcast. The most reassuring of Harriman’s state- ments was that the safety record of United States air lines in 1946 was 40 percent better than in 1945—and this though our air lines carried a record-breaking number of passen- gers in 1946. These occasional crashes grab the head- lines, necessarily. The thousands of flights which are run successfully and without in- cident seldom rate a line of reporting until the safety statistics are tabulated at the end of the year. By the same token, divorces are news, while happy marriages generally are not; the oc- casional murderer or rapist or diamond thief is something to put in the papers—to be wead about by the millions of quiet, home-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD baby-having, ete., citi- unfortunate for the Nation, we think, if the traveling public be overcome by a lasting pantie in There is plenty that can be done to make ctvil aviation safer. ‘Two landing devices, for which great things control ap- proach system (GCA), developed by the Army and Navy, wherewith a man at a radar sereen on the ground can talk the pilot of an incoming plane, by minute directions, to & safe landing in practically any weather. The other is the older instrument land- ing system (ILS)—the well-known method of bringing a plane in on a radio beam. ILS apparatus is now being installed by the Ctvi? Aeronautics Administration at 110 atr- With both of these devices, the chief gtm- mick ts that they cost a lot to set up, and it takes highly trained experts to operate GCA. The air lines apparently can’t furntsh all the necessary cash, or borrow it, to make thetr routes as safe as possible via GCA or ILS. The CAA ts squawking that the Budget Bureau wants to make too deep a slash in this agency's 1977-48 appropriations for pro- motton of safer civil aviation. This sched- uled cut ts 20 percent—from about $114,000,- 000 to a little over $92,250,000. Speaking as onlookers and not experts in the art of paring down Government agen- cies’ requests for money from Congress, we'd say that a lot of useless jobhulders and phony Government aids to supposedly independent Americans ought to be lopped off the budget before any sharp cuts were made in funds for so important a thing as safety in aviation. Come war or stay peace, the continuous improvement of American flying facilities seems to us just about essential to the further progress of the United States, Old-Age Pe EXTENSION OF HON. JOHN C. BUTLER oF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tharsday, February 6, 1947 leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- one I desire to address myself to the sub- ject of old-age pensions. I have shared the view of many of my coleagues for a care. Certainly those who have borne the brunt of citizenship until they have reached the age of retirement, if they are not criminals, deserve at least this much. By uniformity, I feel that what- ever the National Government provides for old-age retirement in one State should be paid the same in every State. Our present method of matching the State up to a given sum is unfair to say the least. Why should a citizen in one State not feel that he or she is entitled to just as much pension from the Federal Government as the citizen of any other State? They should feel that way, Mr. Speak- er. They do feel that way. And, in my opinion, they are fully justified in that conclusion, whether the State has found itself in position to match the Federal appropriation or not. Our present sys- tem provides what we term “old-age as- sistance” up to a given sum, on condition that the State will provide a sum to match what the Federal Government provides. I am told that under this ar- rangement the pensioner receives in the different States widely varying amounts from the Federal grant, varying from, say, around six or seven dollars in certain States up to the maximum of $25 per month in others. This discrimination, Mr. Speaker, should not be. Again I wish to make it abundantly clear that, in my opinion, the largest amounts attainable under our present system are woefully inade- quate, even in the States where the max- imum is matched and made available. There ts also another discrimination that occurs due to this State-matching ar- rangement in many if not all of the States. That is, they impose a certain so- called property qualification, commonly referred to as @ means test before a citazen may qualify as a recipient or pensioner, This test is in many cases so severe that a great number of very de- serving elder citizens are prohibited from receiving the State appropriation. Then, under the State-matching requirement, they are also disqualified from receiving any pert of the Federal appropriation. This ts another form of discrimination that, in my opinion, should have the at- tention of the House. Many of us feet that our old-age assistance has had its dey in this country. Tt is time that we admit that it was a mere temporary device to be used only as an emergency measure and during the interim until we could enact an ade- quate, uniform, old-age pension. Why should a citizen who owns his or her It is not enough, Mr. Speaker, for the Congress to say that it feels an obliga- relieve the acute hunger or dis- those elder citizens who are E o REGS z AL i N Let us watch that Budget carefully. Let us remove every item of expense that is not im the interest of the general wel- fare. But let us hold manfully for every ppropriation for the good and i A429 well-being of our people. I mean all of our people, Mr. Speaker, and certainly this includes those elder citizens who lhave given so much to the Nation. They also have received so little at the hands of the Congress. Certainly before any additional appropriations are made for the retief of distress in other countries, the actual needs of our own honorable fathers and mothers should be taken care of. Many of us have been in con- sultation with our colleague the gentle- man from Indiana [Mr. Lanpzs] in the preparation of H. R. 781. This bill is designed to meet this very important and pressing problem. This bill does not provide everything we would like for our elder citizens. It does, however, go a long way toward a reasonable, uniform pension. It is within the scope of what the Congress can and should do now. Dangerous Short Cuts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM H. STEVENSON OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. STEVENSON. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editortal from the La Crosse (Wis.) Tribune of January 30, 1947: DANGEROUS SHORT CUTS The United Nations Charter assigns to the Security Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. That primary responsibility certainly in- cludes contro! of the use of fisstonable atomic material. Yet, the United States and Britain are being forced to consider a plan that would separate that responsibility from the Council. Both Governments are reported to be con- sidering proposals for putting tnspection. con- trol, and punishment of violators under an independent atomic-development authority. The reason, of course, is Russia's persistent refusal to waive the veto power of the Coun- cil's permanent members over any Council action against violators of an atomic control agreement. Neither of the two pians have been formal- ly announced. But the American propora! ts sald to give the independent agency the pow- er to act only in serious violations, and to permit individual nations to declare war against the violator. The British outline would make an tnde- pendent agency responsible for ali atomic control, but would compel all governments to act together in any punishment of the violator. It might be argued that it is results rather than method that count, and that anything which might free the world from a fear of atomic warfare is welcome. But there are dangers in these two proposals that might make them acceptable only as a last resort. The American idea of moving a dispute out of the Council only at the approach of a crisis seems to us to be better than the British alternative. This at least would keep much of the discussion within the UN, which, after all, was organized to keep the peace. On the other hand, the American plan for separate @ectarations of war is a questionable solue tion. There ts a clause in the charter, to be sure, which makes this possible. Article 51 states
A430 that the charter shall not impair “the inher- ent right of individual or collective self-de- fense if an armed attack occurs against a member.” But this is the old-fashioned method that turns its back on the purpose of the UN and on the leasons of two world wars. It would not permit any move of defense until after the first atomic attack. And even if the self-defense clause were broadened by rewriting, a small nation threatened by a powerful one would probably hesitate to make a lone move without complete assur- ance of united support. Basically, these two plans are only & subterfuge. Certainly the American and British Governments know it, and us cer- tainly they must be considering the pro- posals with reluctance. For the idea of an independent atomic agency is only a sort of legalistic maneuver where no real legality exists. There is little likelihood that Russia, if she does not like any vetoless function of the Security Council, would like a vetoless independent authority any better. It is ex- tremely doubtful that Russia would be a member of such an authority. And an inde- pendent atomic agency without Russia might lead to a United Nations without Russia. Perhaps the Soviet Government will find more to object to in the new proposals than in the Baruch plan, at which it has balked so Jong, and hence be more willing to retreat from its original stand. In any event, the new Anglo-American shortcuts appear from here to be about as thorny as the highway which they would abandon. Conscription and the Peacetime Draft EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN — OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr, PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include therein a peti- tion sent me by the Reverend Frank C. Seymour, an outstanding and well- known clergyman in my district, and signed by several prominent citizens, set- ting forth impressively the case against conscription and the peacetime draft. The petition follows: LANCASTER, Mass., February 2, 1947. Hon. Henry C. Lopar, Hon, Leveretr SALTONSTALL, Hon, Puiu J, PHILBIN: Whereas voluntary enlistments have ex- ceeded what the Army stated as needed; and Whereas taxes ought to be reduced; and Whereas atomic bombs have revolutionized warfare, making large armies ineffective; and Whereas there is too much compulsion by government; and Whereas Russia proposes world-wide dis- armament; and Whereas, according to Army records, im- morality and the abuse of liquor often cor- rupt men in training and spread disease; We, the undersigned, respectfully petition you to oppose compulsory peacetime military training. Frank C. Seymour, Esther B. -Macdon- ald, Katherine B. Scott, Chester L. Locke, Agnes E. Richter, Robert D. MacBrayne, Ruth H. Downing, Nellie Blood, Russell MacElhiney, Frank O. Collins, Sylvia Collins, C, Elwin Locke, Florence L, Follans- bee, Mary B. 8. Bailey, Mr. and Mrs. R. H. Redstone, Irene F, Seymour. Reciprocal Trade, So-Called EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALVIN F. WEICHEL OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. WEICHEL. Mr. Speaker, with reference to renewal of the so-called reciprocal trade agreements, which I believe to be a misnomer, its only ac- complishment is the lowering of tariffs whereby cheap-made foreign goods flow freely into the United States, making undue hardship on American industry; and if that were not enough, it further jeopardizes the high standard of living for American workers and eventually forces them to take low wages in order to compete with the low wages paid in foreign countries. This is especially true and ruinous to those who are engaged in the making of glassware, and I include in the Recorp the very clear statement covering this industry made by Charles W. Carlson, of Tiffin, Ohio, before the Committee on Ways and Means covering the matter of reciprocal trade agreements: I am appearing here today in behalf of that section of the American Glassware As- sociation membership which produces hand- made table and ornamental glassware. This subject has been discussed with tableware manufacturers who do not belong to the association, aud they all concur in the senti- ments expressed in the statement I am about to make. Table and ornamental glassware is some- times erroneously labeled “luxury ware.” It is not luxury ware, because a great volume is sold at prices far below the luxury level. Is a family, enjoying a modest income, liv- ing in luxury because it uses a blown goblet instead of a cheese glass? Is a bouquet of flowers arranged in a glass vase the sign of luxury? Actual market surveys have been made which disclose that hand-made glassware is purchased as freely by persons with mod- erate incomes as by those in the high-income brackets. This hand-made ware is sought by the public for its beauty and decorative qualities, and because it has a definite utili- tarian value. It is the manufacturers and their em- ployees who will be most seriously injured by any reduction in tariff rates on imports under paragraph 218 (f) of the Tariff Act of 1930. These manufacturers and their em- ployees do not oppose trade agreements as such, but they vigorously oppose any scheme that will close their factories and make their employees dependent upon public as- sistance. These manufacturers have not for- gotten the dark days brought about by the Ozechoslovakian trade agreement. Their em- ployees can well remember the suffering brought upon them through tariff reductions. On January 1, 1945, the tariff rate was 60 percent ad valorem country of origin except where trade agreements made prior to 1945 continued in effect and lowered the rate. There are three of these trade agreements. First. The Swedish agreement made in 1935 in which the tariff rate on engraved orna- mental glassware valued at 68 each or over, country of origin, was reduced from 60 pere cent to 80 percent. Second. The United Kingdom agreement of 1989 in which the rate on cut or engraved glassware valued at 61 or more each, coun- try of origin, was reduced from 60 percent to 45 percent, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Third. The Mexican agreement which cut the rate on hand blown or pressed ware known commercially as bubble glass, from 60 percent to 30 percent. This industry has already shared a por- tion of the United States market with foreign producers. What the industry fears is that the negotiators will reinstate the Czechoslovakian trade agreement of 1938 in which the tariff rate in paragraph 218 (f) was cut from 60 percent to 50 percent. To the casual observer this seems like a very modest reduction, but this 10 percent cut would represent more than the profit to United States manufacturers on the articles to which it applies. Contrary to uninformed supposition, the hand-made glassware industry is not a highly profitable one. This fact is disclosed in the Department of Commerce survey of the in- dustry for the years 1937 to 1940 inclusive. A copy of this survey is attached to the in- dustry brief filed on December 21, 1947, Dur- ing that period, the highest average percent of profit on net sales was made in 1940 and it amounted to 5.5 percent for the entire industry. There were 22 firms reporting and 10 of them showed a loss for that year of 7.96 percent, and 12 a profit of 10.4 percent. The underlying reason for the poor showing was the repercussion from the low selling prices established by importations during the year 1938 when the Czechoslovakian trade agree- ment was effective. In that year, 1938, the entire industry showed a loss of 3.59 percent on net sales. The unprofitable companies had an average loss of 13.44 percent, and the profitable companies, of which there were only six, showed a net profit of 4.53 percent. These facts established that the industry is not one of the easy money makers, and that any disturbance in price levels adversely af- fects its ability to operate profitably. In the year 1938, when the Czechoslovakian @greement was effective, the industry lost 20 percent of its dollar volume. The situa- tion had become so serious that the Com- mittee for Reciprocity Information was ap- proached and a conference between it and several members of the industry was arranged to discuss the matter. The meeting was held in March 1939 and while we were discussing the situation a message came to the meeting that Hitler had invaded Czechoslovakia. Mr. Fox, chairman of the meeting, then remarked that probably our troubles were over, insofar as imports were concerned, because un- doubtedly the Czech agreement would be de- clared inoperative, and he guessed Mr. Hitler had settled our troubles for us. The Czech agreement was declared inoperative in April 1939. From then on, United States sales of hand- made table and ornamental glassware have steadily increased. In 1939 they were $11,- 655,000 and the increase continued until 1945, when the Bureau of Census Survey for the Pressed and Blown Glassware Industry showed that table and ornamental glassware sales were $23,256,000 in that year. This steady increase is due to two causes; first, increased national income, and second, because there were no imports coming into this country to reduce United States volume and depress sell- ing prices. During this period many of the companies who previously were struggling financially have gained a firm position which will continue only as long as tariff remains where it is now. While OPA was operating, this industry held its price levels of 1942 in spite of wage increases of fully 60 percent over 1941. When this ware was removed from price control in 1946, the industry had to increase prices because of rising labor, material, and over- head costs. However, although price in- creases were necessary to cover rising costs, the prices in this industry did not skyrocket as they did in many others. Inasmuch as price increases were not permitted until 1946 there was no refiection of higher: prices in the $23,256,000 volume reported in 1945. This figure represents real tonnage improvement
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in votume and és not padded with increased prices. There are no official sales dollar vol- ume totals for 1946, but it ls believed that they are slightly over 1945. It-is forecast that the quantity volume remains about the In the hand-made ornamental and table which they import and the United States ufacturers, who supply the remaining 75 ther have to meet the low im- port level price at a 1 to themselves or making the article. The market for this type of consumer goods is entirely differ- ent from the market for the so-called neces- sl In the latter market the article must it is needed, whether it For instance, if you have and it wears out, you will nd buy another pair, almost regard- On the contrary, if an orma- wase tis broken, you can replace it at and you will hold off buy- until the price is right. If the “right” is by the American manu- er must cither meet it or go out of that @ Rg Now, with imports coming into this market and seiling at lower prices than our manu- facturers can possibly offer them, ulti- mately the American manufacturer will have this entire profit structure turned into a loss and he will eventually be driven from the market. United States manufacturers of glassware ate not seeking to establish ea barrier to keep foreign manufacturers from selling in the market. All they seek is the oppor- wcunity to sell United States goods in this market on a fair competitive basis with ware produced by low-priced labor in foreign coun - tries. If the foreign manufacturer, through his ability to design, manage, technically tmprove, or distribute his goods can cuteell up tm this market, we feel that he should not be dented selling them here, provided that his advantage is not based on “sweat shop” wage rates. If the foreign manufac- turer relies entirely on low wage rates, then it ts the function of the tariff to equalize these wages. Then, neither the United States manufacturer nor the foreign manuafcturer will have an advantage over the other. The American glassware manufacturer cannot regulate wages abroad. He must pay the high American wages and still compete with for- eign manufacturers paying foreign “sweat shop” rates. The principle of equalizing production costs was recognized when the Underwood Tariff Act of 1913 was passed. Then we changed from a protective tariff to a competi- tive tariff in this country. At that time, wages in the glassware industry here were less than 40 cents an hour average and in central Europe they were about 12 cents an hour. Yet, in the Underwood tariff hand- made table and ornamental ware enter- ing this country under paragraph 218 (f) had to pay a 45-percent ad valorem duty. This was a rate established by ea Democratic ad- ministration in which there was a strong tendency for tariff reduction. In 1947 our average wage rate is $1 per hour and the Czechoslovakian labor average 1s less than 20 cents an hour for glaes workers. In the Tariff Act of 1980, except for the trade-agreement cuts, the rate under which we now operate is @ We point out that wages have increased 150 percent in this country since 1913, while im Cmechosiovakia they have increased less than 7 percent, and the tariff rate in this country to equalize the labor has only in- creased 884% percent. I point out to you that in the hand-made-glassware industry 63 per- ent of our cost is labor. Under the existing trade agreement with the United Kingdom the 45-percent rate established is the same as it -vas in the Underwood tariff, and the 380 percent established in the Swedish and Mex- ican agreements is one-third less than estab- lished in the Underwood tariff. If the Czecho- slovakian agreement rate of 50 percent made in 1038 were revised on the remainder of ware under paragraph 218 (f), the rate would be 5 percent leas than it was in the Pordney-McCumber Tariff Act that was in force tn this country from 1922 to 1930, when a@ rate of 55 percent was established. We are constantly reminded by proponents of trade agreements that the Smoot-Hawiey tariff rates were responsible for tremendous eco- nomic ments, and if the United Siates could have maintained the rates existing be- fore that tariff act, we would have all been much better off. That being the case, we cannot see how a rate of 50 percent that was established in the Czech agreement can be justified by the negotiators, since we have, through existing trade agreements, cut tariffs on the articles before-mentioned and shown that our labor rates have increased far more than they were when the Underwood tariff Was enacted, and our tariff equalization has Only increased trom 45 to 60 percent. We believe that the hand-made table and orna- mental glassware industry should not be paralyzed by a reduction in the rate of 60 percent as it now is in paragraph 218 (f). Should a cut be made, we would like to know how it is justified by the negotiators. To enable you to better understand the labor problem in the hand-made glassware industry, and, after ali, this whole discussion centers around labor costs in this country and abroad, I have brought samples of proc- ess steps in the manufacture of this ware. These samples will show you why finished design and general workmenship in hand- moade glassware are entirely different tram those of ware produced by machine methods. 1% will demonstrate why labor cost is 63 per- cent of our production costs, and also why it is necessary for our employees to devote a long period of training in order to become skilled and proficient in the art of producing hand-made glassware. The same skilled operations which are necessary in the manufacture of everyday hand-made table and ornamental ware were directed very definitely to prosecution of the war when this industry had to furnish equip- ment during both World Wars. This hand-made industry, that in normal times produced consumer durable goods of the artistic variety that we have been talk- ing about, produced 35 percent of the total of the glass war material that was purchased from the pressed and blown glassware indus- try. You have the full details regarding this production, and the services to which it went, in the industry statement which we have eubmitted to you. When we entered the lest World War, no one had any conception of how important this section of the glassware tndustry would be in furnishing equipment. As hostilities progressed, we learned that our enemy had developed many new uses for glaes, and when they were brought to this country for dupli- cation and improvement, the Armed Forces Equipment Procurement Divisions came to the industry and urged it to produce them. I believe these services will tell you that we struggled to come through, and had we not had the available trained personnel to pro- duce these requirements, we could not have manufactured the volume nesded. We pro- test any cut in tariffs which will endanger the United States markets for United States table and ornamental ware because tt will decrease the reservoir of trained giass work- ers, and ultimately our natiomal-defense re- ts for this type of will either be placed in the hands of foreigners or we just won't be able to get war material when we need it. A431 Constantly we heer about Congress and other governmental agencies fostering the Protection of small business and the need for diversification and decentralization of large units, in the belief that it is best for the country to spread industrial activity and not concentrate it. The hand-made glassware industry amply fulfills these qualifications. There are approximately 30 manufacturers in the business and oniy 5 of these are in cities of more than 25,000 population. The ma- jority are in localities of less than 10,000 Peopie. There are approximately 12,000 peo- ple engaged in production of this ware. They live in communities in West Virginia, Ohio, Pennsylvania, indiana, with a few scattered in New York, New Jersey, Oklahoma, and California. The industry localizes around the natural gas fields, for gas is the principal fuel used in the manufacture af this ware. These small communities in @ great many instances on the glass plant. Without its payroll, these communitics will become ghost towns. Many of these smaii plants produce anywhere from $150,000 to €500.000 worth of Blassware a year. They are small business concerns, many of them employing leas than 100 people. Not only will the giass plants suffer but there are at least 30 cutting and decorating plants which buy blanks from these glass plants. They employ in the ag- gregate at least 2,000 people, and their per- sonnel is largely composed of expert crafts- men who etch, engrave, cut and add applied decorations to these blanks. They are like- wise small business concerns and are located very largely in small towns. To make a trade agreement which cuts tariff rates so that the activity of these plants jis curtatied will create a hardship tn our country which should be avoided. and can be avoided, and will not to any degree crippic our einoere effort to heip general labor in foreign countries. By encouraging the production of glass in this country the abundance of cheap mineral sources located within our borders are di- rected into revenue and wages. That’s what makes prosperity, for when we convert our abundant natural resources so that they wiil produce pay-roli dollars then we are fulfilling the best concepts of governmenta) direction. As you know, giaes is made by melting sand, lime, potash, other alkalies and metallic ox- ides, and coloring materials in furnaccs fired by natural gas. We are not dependent on foreign countries for a singie item and we have an abundance of practically all of these ould be encouraged here, not discour- know of no other industry in which materials used dy it are so abundant yet produce per pound so much pay roll. The giass industry also pro- duces considerable taxes, both income and Teal estate, and anything which is done to destroy it works definitely against the wei- fare of the county. Sometimes in conversation we hear that the industry ts inefficient because it ts a hand industry. With this statement we could agree if machine methods could produce ware to satisfy the public demand for finish, design, and workmanship which is now pro- duced by hand, but no machines are avail- able to do it, and I am sure that when they are available the hand-made industry manu- facturers will be among the first to secure them. As long as they are not available the end results can only be obtained by hand, and the industry should not be judged as inefficient just because it does something which a machine could not do, For the same reason it is not an unnecessary article so long as the public wants to buy beautiful ware for ornamentation of its homes.
A432 Mr. Clayton has written in a reply to a recent letter to Senator BUTLER recalling that President Truman had given assurances (and from this point on I quote) “that no action would be taken during his adminis- tration which would result in grave injury to any essential American industry or agri- cultural activity.” There are just two words in that statement which weaken it from our point of view; they are “grave” and “essen- tial”; they are the jokers, because who de- cides whether the industry is gravely injured and whether it is essential? It's the trade- agreement negotiators. They sit as judge, jury, and attorney for the prosecution and defense. They are the Judge of the entire matter. If they wish to make a deal with a foreign country, they can stretch their yard- stick or contract it at will by flexing their judgment on the degree of essentiality of the industry and the gravity of the injury that may be done. This can be easily washed out by the broad statement that it is best for the national economy. It now then is necessary that this section of the industry prove that it is essential and that it will be gravely hurt by cutting tariffs in paragraph 218 (f). We believe we have proven the latter in our brief and in this hearing. Let us appraise the essential features of the industry to the American economy: 1, In 1945 it did a $23,000,000 business. 2. During the war years it produced @8,000,- 000 of much-needed war materials of a very technical nature. 8. In 1945 it had pay rolls amounting to about 815,000,000. 4. This pay roll supported merchants and services in many small communities in West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and other elsewhere-mentioned localities. 5. It purchased over 2,000,000 of sand, lime, potash, and other alkali, metallic oxides and coloring materials, thereby creat~- ing pay rolls for these industries. 6. It consumed about 62,500,000 of fuel, natural gas, oil, and coal and over $1,500,000 of corrugated paper products. We are sure that this is worth considerable to the community and a contribution to the national economy. Are the negotiators to judge each product on its use as a necessity to life and existence, or are other qualifica- tions to enter into the appraisals of the nego- tiators in order to determine the essential- ity? If only such articles as are essential to existence are to be considered, then may agri- cultural products such as fancy fruits, and berries, avocados, strawberries, raspberries, and hand-polished apples so that not a blem- ish shows, be ruled out, as also will be hand- some dresses, fine fur coats, long staple cot- ton goods, and many other similar articles? These latter are not necessary to existence put they are purchased in large numbers, be- cause they have eye appeal and are beautiful, and combined with these qualities, also have a utilitarian value. That's just the status of hand-made table and ornamental ware. It is just as essential to a well-rounded line of glassware made in the United States of Amer- ica as these other articles are to their several industries. We urge the negotiators that they “keep their sights high” when juaging the essen- tialities, never forgetting that if beautiful glassware is essential to the Czech economy it is likewise essential to the United States economy, and it is their job when making a trade agreement to so regulate the tariff that both the foreign and the United States man- ufacturers will have an equal opportunity to sell in the United States market. The normal export market for hand-made glassware—including tumblers, table, and ornamental ware—is not over 6300,000 a year. That's all we can sell the world in competi- tion with low-priced European and Asiatic ware, in spite of our earnest effort to do it. In 1940, under very favorable terms, all that wo could export was $237,112, and in 1941 €358,172, when Czechoslovakia and other European countries were out of the market because of the war and all world stocks of ware from those countries were exhausted. Because of these conditions in 1945 we bullt this export business up to slightly over $1,000,000. Canada purchased half of it, and that country, plus Brazil, Mexico, and Cuba, took 75 percent of it. Our ware is acceptable but it will not be purchased by glass-import- ing nations when they can get European glassware cheaper. This, then, denies the United States manufacturers an export mar- ket. If the market in this country is for- feited to foreign manufacturers by tariff reductions there ts no other place for United States manufacturers to sell their products. What is taken away from us here is a com- plete loss to the industry. We are informed that before the war 80 percent of the glassware made in Czecho- slovakia and other European countries was exported. With the broad markets of the world to sell in, as they have in the past, we can see no reason why tariffs in this country should be lowered to the point that our domestic industry will suffer, when foreign manufacturers can now place their ware in this market at prices that our manufacturers cannot meet. Why should we give them a further advantage? The Czechs realize their favorable position in world trade and are going right out after it. In the official magazine for the industry entitled “Czechoslovak Glass Review,” Sep- tember 1946, a review of this situation is printed. I have a copy which I am leaving with you. The article states that the glass industries over there have been nationalized; that manufacturers can make cheaper ware in price than any country in the world; oper- ating plants are shown in pictures, complete plans for launching a campaign to invade the markets of the world are announced. The Czechs are to be commended for their enterprise; we do not wish to deny them the opportunity of selling their goods in this market, but we certainly do protest any low- ering of our tariff which will allow them to push us out of our own market only because of the low wages they pay. If they can se- cure this business by other means they cer- tainly are entitled to it for it is the American way of free enterprise. If they invade this market because they are nationalized and pool orders, fix prices, establish quotas, allot production, and do all of the other things that we are not allowed to do in this coun- try, we urge the negotiators of our trade agreements to so safeguard any agreements that they may write so that American busi- ness will not be unfairly hampered in meet- ing foreign competition due to the national- ization of an industry. If tariffs existing on January i, 1945, in paragraph 218 (f) are reduced, our present volume of $23,000,000 will be seriously af- fected. We forecast that a 10-percent reduc- tion in tariff to 60 percent would ultimately mean that the American industry would not do over $15,000,000 and if the tariff rate were reduced 50 percent to a rate of 30 percent that the American industry would be non- existent in a very short time. We, therefore, earnestly urge the negotiators to make no reductions in tariffs on importations under paragraph 218 (f) of the Tariff Act of 1930. Plain Talk EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rro- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD orp, I include the following editorial from the Washington Post of February 6, 1947, entitled “Plain Talk”: PLAIN TALK It used to be diplomatic tradition that an envoy’s letters of credence should be pre- sented and accepted with a lot of high- sounding verbiage. Sometimes it was meant, sometimes not; but the procedure was just the same, nonetheless, In these latter days this sort of thing has been abandoned, at least in this country. Six months or more ago the Yugoslav Ambassador heard from President Truman a reminder that his Gov- ernment’s manners were due for improve- ment. And on Tuesday the new Polish Am- bassador, Joseph Winiewicz, got from the President a verbal reiteration of the State Department's protest against the nonfulfill- ment of the Yalta pledges of free elections. In these circumstances the President would have been hypocritical to be idly oomplimen- In the absence of law common to all the nations the only basis of relations resides in adherence to specific obligation. The obligation that this country entered into in respect of the new Poland (along with Rus- sia and Britain) was that the Polish people should have the chance of choosing their representative freely. But all reminders of this obligation before the election of Janu- ary 19 proved fruitless. The election was &@ palpable fraud, with the government bloc, itself the tool of Soviet Russia, winning easily. Moscow, in spite of our urgent prot- estations, washed its hands of any commit- ments arising out of Yalta; and Warsaw, in consequence, was impervious to our warn- ings. Nothing more can be done about the prob- lem except to bear the infraction in mind in our diplomacy and, as the diplomats say, protect the record. This must be done wherever there is a flouting of international engagements. Tyranny will have its suc- ceases, but they sare ephemeral when they come in conflict with the habits, the inter- ests, and the whole moral existence of the people upon whom tyranny is practiced. This, we believe, is the case in Poland, In the meantime the President is serving hu- manity's cause and our own American inter- ests by upholding the standard of the sanc- tity of international engagements, Renewal of 5-Year Level Premium Term Policies of Veterans EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS OF MASSACHUBETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Rrcorp, I include the fol- lowing bill introduced by me and a report thereon: H. R. 1327 A bill to amend existing law to provide privi- lege of renewing expiring 5-year-level-pre- mium-term policies for another 5-year period Be tt enacted, etc., That the last proviso of the first paragraph of section 801, World War Veterans’ Act, 1924, as amended (47 Btat. 384; U. 8. C., title 38, sec. 512), is hereby amended to read as follows: “Provided fur- ther, That at the expiration of any 5-year period a 5-year-level-premium-term policy may be renewed for a second, third, fourth,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD or fifth 5-year period at the premium rate for the attained age without medical exami- nation, and in case the 5-year period of any such policy shall have expired between Janu- ary 24, 1947, and the expiration of 5 months after the date of the enactment of this amendment to this amendatory proviso and the policy has not been continued in an- other form of Government insurance such policy may be renewed as of the date of its expiration on the same conditions upon pay- ment of the back premiums within 5 months after such date of enactment; and the Ad- ministrator of Veterans’ Affairs shall cause notice to be mailed to the holder of any such policy of the provisions of this amendment to this amendatory proviso.” AMENDING EXISTING LAW TO PROVIDE PRIVILEGE OF RENEWING EXPIRING 5-YEAR LEVEL PRE- MIUM TERM POLICIES FOR ANOTHER 5-YEAR PERIOD Mrs. Rocrers of Massachusetts, from the Committee on Veterans’ Affairs, submitted the following report (to accompany H. R. 1327): The Committee on Veterans’ Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. 1827) to amend existing law to provide privilege of ‘renewing expiring 5-year level premium term policies far another 5-year period, hav- ing considered the same, report favorably thereon with amendments, and recommend that the bill, as amended, do pass. The amendments are as follows: Page 1, line 3, strike the word “last” and insert in lieu thereof the word “second.” Page 1, line 4, after the word “amended” add the words “by the act of May 14, 1942.” Page 1, strike from lines 4 and 5 the words “47 Stat. 334.” Page 1, line 7, strike the hyphen between the words “premium” and “term.” Page 1, line 8, after the words “second” and “third” strike both commas and insert in lieu of each comma the word “or” and also strike the comma after the word “fourth” in the same line 8. Page 1, line 10, insert the word “fourth” after the word “the.” Purpose of the bill The purpose of the bill is to authorize holders of 5-year level premium term poli- cies of United States Government life insur- ance to renew such policies for a fifth 6-year period, at the premium rate for the attained age without medical examination. The 5-year level premium term policy was first author- ized in 1926. There have been three renewals since authorized for periods of 5 years each, making a total period of 20 years during which such Government insurance may be carried on the 5-year term plan. A bill simi- lar to this one was last enacted on May 14, 1942 (Public Law 556, 77th Cong.). The ¢om- mittee feels that anyone who has such a policy at present should not be denied the privilege of renewing this type of insurance if he so desires. The committee also recog- nizes that there are cases where protection of a veteran's family in the next few years is @ matter of primary concern to him. From this standpoint, the renewal of term insur- ance may well have advantages over an at- tempt to convert to other types of insurance at the present time. However, in the long run, the committee wishes to point out the marked disadvan- tages of a level premium term policy to vet- erans as they become older in point of age. At every 5-year period, as the veteran be- comes older, the annual premium will sharply increase. And, furthermore, a veteran relying upon 5-year term insurance does not have the cash, loan, or paid-up values in his insur- ance which he would have if he converted to another type of policy. XCII—App.——28 Nevertheless, the commmittee takes the position that veterans who wish the protec- tion of term insurance during the years of the immediate future and who simply cannot afford at present to convert their policies to other types of insurance should not be denied the right to continue their term insurance. Ramseyer rule In compliance with paragraph 2a of rule XI, of the Rules of the House of Representa- tives, changes made in existing law by the bill’are shown as follows (the existing law, which is the second proviso of section 301, World War Veterans’ Act, 1924, as amended by Public Law 127 of the 75th Cong., Public Law 556 of the 77th Cong., and Public Law 18, 78th Cong.) is shown in roman type, new matter proposed by this bill is shown in italics, and deleted matter is shown in brackets: “That the [last] second proviso of the first Paragraph of section 301, World War Vet- erans’ Act, 1924, as amended by the Act of May 14, 1942 ([47 Stat. 334;] U. 8. C., title 38, sec. 612), is hereby amended to read as fol- lows: ‘Provided further, That at the expira- tion of any 5-year period a 5-year level- premium[-] term policy may be renewed for @ second{,J or third[,J or fourth{,] or fifth 5-year period at the premium rate for the attained age without medical examination; and in case the fourth 5-year period of any such policy shall have expired between Janu- ary 24, [1942] 1947, and the expiration of 5 months after the date of the enactment of this amendment to this amendatory proviso and the policy has not been continued in another form of Government insurance such policy may be renewed as of the date of its expiration on the same conditions upon pay- ment of the back premiums within 5 months after such date of enactment; and the Admin- istrator of Veterans’ Affairs shall cause notice to be mailed to the holder of any such policy of the provisions of this amendment to this amendatory proviso.’ ” The “Jewish” Line of American Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WALTER A. LYNCH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. LYNCH. Mr. Speaker, Congress Weekly, a review of Jewish interests and pro-Zionist in its policy and the organ of the American Jewish Congress, of which the distinguished Dr. Stephen S. Wise is president, has rendered a great service, not only to American Jewry but as well to all the people of this country, by 1ts recent editorial, The “Jewish” Line of American Communism. The article shows the deep and un- bridgeable chasm between American Jewry and the Communist Party. To those who harbor the thought that all or a substantial part of American Jewry is communistic, or to those who would be willing to entertain such thought but who for the present are content with the statement, “If the Jews are not Red, they are pink,” I commend the editorial as an eye opener and thought provoker. America, a Catholic review of the week, published by the Jesuits in New A433 York, says of its contemporary’s edi- torial: The editorial's criticism follows up the anti-Jewish policies of the Soviet Govern- ment point by point, deploring the disinte- gration of Sovict Jewry as a national and as a religious group; and the hostile Soviet atti- tude to the Jews in the matter of Palestine, the resurgence of religious and spiritual life, and in the treatment of refugees. A widen- ing and formidable gap, concludes the editorial, now separates the so-called Jewish line of those who follow Communist doc- trine and those who worry about the fate of the Jewish people. In the December 13 issue of the same weekly, a member of the CP National Committee defends his party’s devotion to a progressive Jewish life. Re- plying to the same, the editors of Congress Weekly note that his letter consists of stereo- typed Communist phraseology and dialectics tending to confuse the issues and push their argument in still further detail, Once more they utter a warning, which we as Catholics will gladly second, against the waves of dis- integration that come from either cultural imperialism or from total class ideologies. Mr. Speaker, it is comforting, but not surprising, that two such publications, representative of different religious be- liefs, are united in the common cause of democracy against communism. The Congress Weekly editorial follows: THE JEWISH LINE OF AMERICAN COMMUNISM The Communist Party of the United States has just published an official 10,000-word resolution on Communist work among the American Jewish masses. The resolution is evidently a product of the postwar revision of the party line on various aspects of the Jewish problem, including Palestine, Jewish migration, and, particularly, the American scene. It instructs party members, as well as such friendly and affiliate organizations as the Jewish Labor Council, the Jewish People’s Fraternal Order, the Committee of Jewish Writers and Artists, and others on the line to be followed in their activities and propaganda among the Jewish masses. The concepts of Jewish life and destiny and many of the policics established by this resolution are diametrically opposed to those of such Jewish organizations as the American Jewish Congress, dedicated both to the survival of the Jewish people and the development of a positive Jewish life. The resolution there- fore calls for a sharp clarification of the points of difference. BASIC DIFFERENCES The differences on particular problems in Jewish life between such groups as the Amer- ican Jewish Congress and the Communist Party stem from their basic differences in approach to the totality of Jewish existence. During the last years of the nineteenth cen- tury, two new types of political thinking de- veloped among Jews. One was Zionism and Diaspora Nationalism which, though influ- enced by external forces, grew mainly out of Jewish traditions and internal historic proc- esses in the life of the Jewish people. The other were the various interpretations of socialism and, later, communism, which, though owing something to the prophetic strain in Hebrew thinking, came from beyond the limits of Jewish life and conceived Jewish salvation as exclusively and inevitably a by- product of the universal salvation of hu- manity. The basic difference of approach to the Jewish people and its problems persists to this very day. The Zionist, the Jewish na- tionalist, the Jewish survivalist, recognizes that the Jewish problem does not exist in a vacuum. He knows that the peace and se- curity of the Jewish people are inseparably Mnked with the peace and security of all
A434 mankind. But he also insists that the Jew- ish problem has many unique and special as- pects and therefore requires a unique and special solution. He visualizes the integra- tion of the Jew with the rest of humanity as that of a free people, guarding its identity and contributing ite creativity to the family of peoples. The international Communist on the other hand, regards himself primarily as a member of an international class. His first loyalty 1s therefore to his class interests and ideology as formulated by his party; the so- lution of the Jewish problem is simply & byproduct of the solution of the general social and economic problem of our age. Changes in the Jewish policies of commu- nism are thus dictated invariably by the over- all political strategy of communism and may have no relationship whatever to the internal processes of Jewish life. During the past 50 years, fusion took place in many cases between purely Jewish and socialist ideals. Zionism and socialism, for example, merged in the Poale-Zion move- ment which may rightfully claim to have created a Jewish socialism. To some degree, even the Jewish Socialist Bund, which in- sisted on an autonomous existence within various socialist parties because it profeased a Jewish identity of its own, could claim to be the protagonist of a Jewish socialism. That was why Lenin, father of the Soviet Union, regarded the Jewish bundiste as bour- geois and chauvinist. There was never, how- ever, any such thing as Jewish communism— i. e., @ communism which adapted its philosophy to concepts of historic Jewish existence and the specific needs of the Jew- ish people. There are Communists who are Jews. There are Communists who work among Jewish masses. But Communists will never admit that there are special Jewish needs or problems which are not identical, or which are sometimes even in conflict, with the needs and problems of communism. The very first sentences of the recent resolution of the Communist Party clearly state this thesis: “Communist work among the Jewish masses, as in all other fields must be based upon the program, policies, and general line of the party. * * * The special policy problems in our Jewish work have to be ap- proached and solved from the general party position. * * *” It is the Communist and the general interest of the party that dictate policy on Jewish affairs and not primarily Jewish needs. WHAT HOLDS JEWS TOGETHER? 1, What holds Jews throughout the world together? According to this party line, the common bond is something called anti- Fascist unity. But fascism is a product of recent decades while the unity of the Jewish people is thousands of years old. Through- out the centuries, Jews achieved unity by means of more substantial and positive bonds than those of defense against enemies. That the enemy of today is fascism does not trans- form him from a negative into a positive force. If there is anything that unites Jews throughout the world today, it is the com- mon desire and struggle for what we call survival as a people. Of this craving for survival as a people, the Communist reso- lution ts totally unaware. The most it has to offer in terms of survival is expressed in its comments on the Jewish problem in Po- land which calls for the building of a new Jewish community. What the functions of that community should be and how it should contribute to Jewish survival, if at all, are clarified only indirectly in another part of the resolution dealing with the final solu- tion of the Jewish question. THE SOVIET SOLUTION . 2. On this, the resolution declares that the final, complete, and permanent solution of the Jewish question will be attained under socialism on the basis of the principles for- mulated by Lenin and Stalin and as devel- eped in the Soviet Union's solution of the national question. Groups such as the American Jewish Con- gress have never minimised the genutne sig- nificance of the Soviet program in eliminat- ing anti-Semitism and the attempt to solve the Jewish problem through economic recon- struction and through the assurance of equality both as citizens and as a national minority. But we could not fail to observe that this process of legal, economic, and po- litical restoration has been accompanied by a process of interna] disintegration which has rendered the network of Yiddish schools, the Yiddish press, and many cultural institu- tions superfluous. This spiritual and cul- tural disintegration of the Jews as a people in the Soviet Union began long before Hitler exterminated half of Soviet Jewry. Today, even the most sympathetic observers have nothing at all to report on any communal or distinctive Jewish life in the USSR. We hear of the deepening of Jewish sentiment among certain sections of the Jewish population but we are aware of no integrated or organized life through which these sentiments can find expression. To us, this disintegration of Soviet Jewry as a national group is the result of the uprooting of the beliefs and ideals and the cultural and religious life which have maintained Jewish existence for centuries. The outlawing of Zionism and Hebrew in the U. 8. 8. R. has been a major factor contribut- ing to this internal degeneration. PALESTINE 8. During the war years the Communist Party seemed to retreat from its previous and often violent anti-Zionism and con- veyed the impression of supporting the idea of the Jewish national homeland. The am- biguity of its position is now definitely ended. In terse terms, the resolution de- clares: “We must reject totally and combat systematically the Zionist use of the slogan ‘a Jewish national homeland in Palestine.’” Again, the party reverts to its prewar posi- tion of champion of the Arab people by re- viving the myth that a Jewish common- wealth would “subordinate the national rights of the Arab people in Palestine to those of the Jewish people.” It calls for “Arab-Jewish struggle against all schemes for the partitioning of Palestine, since par- tition would make impossible any free na- tional development of the Jews and Arabs in Palestine.” The resolution goes on to summon both Jews and Arabs to a com- mon struggle against British and American imperialism and offers as ite own solution an Arab-Jewish state under the trusteeship of the Big Three of the United Nations. Here, as in other problems with which the resolution deals, the suggested solution is an answer neither to current Jewish needs nor to historic Jewish aspirations for national restoration. It is, rather, one phase of a “Jewish” policy in which Jewish interests are not a primary consideration, if indeed they are a consideration at all. Today im- migration into Palestine is the sole hope for hundreds of thousands of Jews in Europe. Such large-scale immigration will be impos- sible unless the Yishuv Its granted its inde- pendence, or, at least, unless entry into Palestine is not made conditional on Arab consent. To suggest, as does the resolution, that immigration into Palestine must await Arab sanction and to oppose the immediate entry of 100,000 Jews is, under present cir- cumstances, to doom hundreds of thousands of Jews either to continued confinement in Europe's DP camps or to harrowing insecu- rity. Nor does the creation of an Arab- Jewish state, subtly camouflaged as an “in- Gependent state,” make any more sense. We know as fully as does the Communist Party of America that the Yishuv must achieve understanding and agreement with the Arabs. Under present circumstances, the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD establishment of an Arab-Jewish state would mean subordination of the Jewish minority to the hostile Arab majority and the per- petuation of the white paper which would permanently establish a ghetto status for the Yishuv. A “solution” of this kind, put forth in 1946, can stem only from an atti- tude less innocent than indifference to the fate of the Jewish people. DISPLACED PERSONS 4. The same attitude underlies the solution to Europe's Jewish DP's, namely “that the United Nations assume the responalbility for these refugees, that it seek tc secure the widest opportunities for the immigration of these refugees into the countries of the United Nations and they provide all means necessary for this.” Anyone who is familiar with the results of the various international confer- ences and who knows the attitudes of most countries towards immigration is fully aware how slim are the chances for the absorption of any appreciable number of refugees outside of Palestine. To suggest that the answer is simply in immigration to other countries today means in practical terms to tell the DP’s to remain indefinitely where they are. A solution such as suggested by the reso- lution can be offered only by ple who are less concerned with human misery, human needs and human hopes than with the promotion of policies called for by a party line. ONE-WAY TRAFFIC 5. The resolution urges closer American- Soviet Jewish collaboration. The establish- ment of close relations between American and Soviet Jewrles has long been the hope of all who believe in the unity of the Jewish people. We hoped that the visit of the first delegation of Soviet Jews to this country in 1943 would mark the beginning of such relations. De- spite the enthusiastic welcome that delega- tion was accorded, the hopes have remained unfulfilled. Nor does the line along which the resolution urges future collaboration carry any promise for mutual understanding. For the same resolution which urges col- laboration also calls for a struggle against both “bourgeois assimilationism” and ‘“‘bour- geois nationalism.” The latter is defined as “based upon a reactionary-utopian concept of a Jewish world-nation with the consequent tendencies towards national chauvinism and separatism.” This is what the unity of the Jewish people looks like in Communist inter- pretation. On the other hand, the development of close cultural relations between American and Soviet Jews is urged because the latter “are the leaders in the field of Jewish cul- ture."(!) Through such relations, it will, therefore, be possible “to enrich American Jewish cultural life with a p ve and consistently anti-Fascist content.” What is envisaged is evidently a one-way traffic. No cultural exchange on an equal basis is of- fered. What this program calls for is that American Jews become disciples of Soviet Jewry in cultural affairs. And since nc di- rect relations between Soviet and American Jews seem possible, it means in effect that American Jewry is to be taught by the Amer- ican agents of Soviet Jewish culture—the Jewish Communists. We are certain that at least some of the authors of the Communist resolution are aware of the fact that there is another Jewry overseas whom hundreds of thousands of American Jews regard as the leaders in the field of Jewish culture—the Yishuv in Palestine. Wholly apart from the Jewish content of tke cultures of the Yishuv and - Soviet Jewry, a mere quantitative comparison of the output of both cultures hardly puts Soviet Jewry in a favorable light. But Jew- ish content also happens to be of some mean- ing and concern to the majority of American Jews. These Jews see in Palestine not only a@ remarkable renaissance of Hebrew learn- ing and culture, and the shaping of a new
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD type of complete, integrated Jew. They see in it also the ideals of socialism transformed on Palestinian soil into forces contributing to the renaissance of the Jewish people as a whole. The authors of the Communist res- olution, however, pretend never to have heard of the tremendous resurgence of cultural and spiritual life in Palestine and its impact on American Jewry. Only deliberate policy could have caused them to ignore so power- ful a factor in the cultural life of the Jewish people as Palestine—a policy nourished by a hatred of Hebrew, of everything created in that language and of Zionism. This is what makes the entire approach of the Communist resolution to Jewish culture unrealistic and narrowly partisan to the point of absurdity. With such principles motivating the program of intercultural relations between American and Soviet Jewries, there can be little hope for the establishment of such relations. ON FIGHTING ANTI-SEMITISM 6. Finally. the resolution devotes consid- erable attention to the American scene and to the st uggle against anti-Semitism and inequality. It makes a number of points with regard to collaboration with minority groups and with the progressive forces in the United States. With these observations, we of the American Jewish Congress, as well as all genuinely progressive groups, can sub- stantially agree. Indeed, they are basic prin- ciples which have guided the work of the American Jewish Congress for many years. But the entire spirit and letter of the reso- Jution casts considerable doubt whether the instructions issued to pe*ty members with regard to cooperation with others on these problems is really motivated by a genuine concern for the fulfillment of democracy in this country. Rather, we suspect that com- mon cause is to be sought on these aspects of the Jewish problem in order more effec- tively to wage the party battle on issues in which the overwhelming mass of American Jewry repudiate Communist policy. These observutions have dealt with only some salient points of the Communist reso- lation. There are many more statements of policy stemming from these basic principles with which all Jews and Jewish organiza- tions sincerely concernec with Jewish sur- vival will nd themselves in sharp disagree- ment. A widening and formidable gap now separates the so-called Jewish line of those who follow Communist doctrine and those who worry about the fate of the Jewish people. Get Our Ships Home EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ALVIN F. WEICHEL OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. WEICHEL. Mr. Speaker, in car- rying on the hearings with reference to ships owned by the United States Gov- ernment and now under the British flag and operating in competition with the American merchant marine it has been disclosed that approximately 415 ships owned by the Government of the United States and paid for by the taxpayers of the United States have been freely given to foreign nations and between the State Department and the Maritime Commis- sion these ships have been competing against our American merchant marine ever since the end of the war. Not only are these United States owned ships in competition with the American merchant marine but the State Department and the Maritime Commission have given to these foreign nations a very cheap char- ter; in fact, there is no percentage of voyage profits paid the Government of the United States for the use of these ships, while the same Maritime Com- mission is requiring of American citizens who charter similar ships, the payment of voyage profits tc the Government of the United States. The Ship Sales Act passed in the Seventy-ninth Congress did not give any agency of this Govern- ment authority to charter ships to for- eigners let alone giving them to foreign- ers at a lesser price than to Americans. This violation of the act of Congress by the State Department and Maritime Commission is in defiance of law enacted by the representatives of the people. Therefore, I believe that all such ships paid for by the taxpayers of the United States should be immediately returned to our Government, and I am introducing the resolution herewith: Whereas the United States Government loaned its merchant ships to foreign nations for war purposes; and Whereas the war has ended nearly 2 years ago and there is no war-service use of such ships; and Whereas there are 415 United Stutes-owned merchant ships still in the hands of Great Britain, Russia, and other nations, and being used in competition with the American mer- chant marine; and Whereas foreign nations having such ships pay less for their use than American citi- zens; and Whereas such use is contrary to the Ship Sales Act enacted by Congress in 1946, and actually gives American taxpayers’ money to foreign nations: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, etc., That all merchant ships owned by the Government of the United States be returned to the United States and returned to the United States flag imme- diately upon completion of any voyage of any such vessel in progress on the date of the adoption of this joint resolution; and no such vessel shall remain under foreign flag and use longer than to complete any such voyage and effect immediate delivery of any such ship to the Government of the United States. Fertilizer Supply Situation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. CLASON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. CLASON. Mr. Speaker, many peo- ple throughout New England are familiar with the outstanding work of Mr. Mau- rice H. Lockwood in the agricultural de- velopment in our area during recent years. At present he is president of the National Fertilizer Association, and the information which he has given to the House Committee on Agriculture is well worth the consideration of the entire membership of the House as well as all American farmers, The statement is as follows: My name is Maurice H. Lockwood. I am president of the National Fertilizer Associa- tion, with offices at 616 Investment Building, Washington, D. O. The association in its A435 present form dates back to 1925, at which time it was formed from merger of two other organizations which had been representing the industry for many years. It is composed primarily of manufacturers of fertilizers and fertilizer materials, including farmer-owned- and-controlled cooperatives, and has over 400 members from north, east, south, and west. I appreciate the opportunity to appear before this committee and to contribute all the information I can regarding the present fertilizer supply situation in our country. It is my purpose to outline the general pic- ture as it appears to our organization, and then to offer you a series of statements from members of the industry giving various aspects of the story as seen in the leading areas of fertilizer consumption. During the war and the postwar period our industry has been fully aware of the increasing demand for its products, and we have assumed our responsibility to the Na- tion and to the American farmer. Despite handicaps of labor, materials and transpor- tation shortages, and through long hours otf overtime work, installation of labor-saving machinery and application of advanced techniques, a job has been done of which we ure proud. It is going on at an acceler- ating pace. With more than 14,000,000 tons of fertilizer produced in 1946, the industry has doubled its prewar tonnage and, by ma- terially increasing the plant food content of fertilizer, has more than doubled the volume of plant food provided for American farmers. A tabulation is attached showing the striking growth in fertilizer use during the past 10 years. We expect that produc- tion in 1947 will at least equal that of 1946. The effective job that the industry is do- ing and is preparing to do is demonstrated in these constructive steps: (1) Our Asso- clation's recent survey shows that vurious firms are planning for additional capacity ranging from 10 to 65 percent of their pres- ent facilities; (2) in connection with its allocations of potash for 1946-47, CPA an- nounced that such allocations had been made to 65 new plants that were not in existence in 1945-46 and for 44 expansions of established plants; (3) recent public an- nouncements from numerous fertilizer pro- ducers throughout the Nation give informa- tion about new construction which has been completed or is under way; (4) new phos- phate mines and processing plants are being developed in the intermountain and South- eastern States. A large map, displayed in this committee room, shows the location of fertilizer production facilities, and another map shows, graphically, fertilizer consump- tion, Comparison of the two maps brings out the coordination of production with consumption. There is no question in our minds that when new construction is completed and as soon as equipment can be obtained to put into use the technical improvements de- veloped within the industry during the war, production will fully meet the demands of American farmers. . Our confidence that a bulance betweg4 sup- ply and demand will develop within the not too distant future does not dim our recug- nition of the fact that a shortage exists cur- rently. This shortage is a matter of decp concern to us as participants in the agricul- tural production performance. We are de- termined to minimize this shortage and it should not be permitted to recur. However, if the job is to be done, the industry must not be handicapped by the labor and trans- portation difficulties which have beset it in the recent past, nor must its materials, prod- ucts, and equipment be permitted to ba arbitrarily diverted to other uses. Here are a few of the specific factors that have contributed to or threaten shortage of fertilizers: (1) Under the war food pro- gram and because of the increase in farm- products prices, the demand for fertilizer
timse to tine in the movement of potash from produaing poiats, and for long periods the sugply of boxears for phosphate roek has leew only 62 to 80 percent of requirements; (5) the recall by the Army of tank cars leased oy the Army to the industry for the move- ment of sulfuric acid, anhydrous ammonia and ammonia solutions, if permitted to be consummated as announced, will seriously curtail the production of superphosphate and nitvogem compounds for use on American farms—there are late indications that this matter will be so handled as not to inter- fere with domestic supplies; (6) increased shipments to off-shore possessions and to foreign countries have affected the available for use on this continent; (7) Can- ada has not been shipping as much am- monium nitrate to the United States this year as last year. Conaider the shartage in terms of the three major plant foods: Witrogen: (1) Nitrate of soda, tradition- ally used ar top- and side-dressing material, will be substantially amaller in supply this year hecause soda ash is not available with which to make it domestically, and inter- national allocations and strikes and trans- portation shortages have decreased our im- ports. (2) Ammonium nitrate. Interna- tional cllocations have decreased domestic and /mported suppiies. (3) Sulphate of am- monia, a byproduct of the coking of coal, has had producticn curtailed because of coal strikes, steel strikes, and embargoes. This product is used almost entirely fn mixed fer- tilizers and is being both exported and shipped to offshore territories in larger quan- tities than last year. (4) Ammonia solu- tions alone will be in somewhat larger sup- ply this year than last. Phosphates: Superphosphate production is falling substantially below the volume an- tictpated. Last July Government estimates indicated a probable 14 percent increase for 1846-47. Our association's tabulation for 120 superphosphate-producing plants which ac- count for about 68 percent of the total United States production shows that during. 1946 production. was only 1 percent above that of 19¢5. The lower production is ac- counted for by strikes in some plants, ahort- age of boxcars to move phosphate rock, and the delay in reactivating the ordnance sul- pruric actd prant at Talfacoosa, Ala. Ear- rest efforts have been under way for a year te place this piant in commercial operation, but to date this highly destrable end has not been achieved. Potash: A reguiar and adequate supply of boxcars for shipment of potash from mines and ref@rertes appears ta be the chief need im this segment of our . Great though the need ts, tt would seem more and more cifftcult, because of the prox- that there will De practicalty as much nitro- gen availabie this year as was distributed last or HON. OVERTON BROOKS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF 1 TATIVES Monday, February 3, 1947 leave to extend my remarks in the Rxc- arp, I the following editorial from the Washington Post of Pebruary 2, 1947: BOMOR—COUNTR Y¥—CAGHT Secretary Patterson has wisely rejected the applications for furloughs from the three West Point cadets who wanted to pick up a few tens of thousands of dollars in ptn money by playing professtonal football before re- porting for their duthes as officers and gen- tiemen of the United States armed forces. No enlisted man in the service who was in cared for and educated, at public expense, while millions of thete eemternporaries were being sent to fight or to labor in far parts of the earth, these young mem were already the objects of preferential treatment. The discouraging thing is that the three cadets evidently made their ns in full expectation that they would be granted. cadets themselves nor APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Quly Tax Exemption Increase Will Help Low lacome Group EXTENSION OF PEMARER HON. ALBERT J. ENGEL OF MicmIcAw IN THE BOUSE OF REPRESENTATIN u, February 5, 1947 Mr. ENGEL of Michigan. Mr. | er, I had no mtention of replying to the Pebruary 3 speech of the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Mason], in which he at- tempts to answer the questions I brought up is my remarks on the Enutson bill on January 20. Howeveys, simee the gen- tleman from Illinois (Mr. ALLsn], chair- man of the Rules Committee, bas ad- vanced another plan as a substitute for the Knutson pian, I felt that I should give mry views on that bill. I shall at the same time try to set the record straight, as far as I am concerned. In his remarks on Monday, the gen- tleman from Elimois [Mr. Masoet] states: the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. _ enters the “forest of taxation,” and I cal it a forest advisedty, he runs the risk of not only becomring lost and confused, but of not knowing in which direction he ts The gentleman from Illinois apparent- ly takes this position: Only an expert must discuss the subject ef taxation in the House. The gentleman from Mich- igan [Mr. Ewes] ts not an expert. He is . Then confidently, presumably as an expert, he enters that “forest. of taxation” and says in effect w expert to tell him when he is hungry. An empty stomach tells him that. A man and wife do not need an expert to tell them that they cannot live decently on $1,868 or $1,108 a year. Their rent, grocery, clothing bille testify louder than any tax expert can testify to that fact. What we need in the solution of some
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD publican tax bill which has passed this House and became a law in 1921. All of these facts the gentleman from I)linois conveniently forgets. CUTTING WASTE AND TAXES GO TOGETHER My efforts during the past 12 years to cut waste and extravagance in all phases of government speaks for itself. I have been working every day with the chair- man and other members of the Appro- priations Committee to cut appropria- tions to the bone and shall continue to do so. It is only by cutting to the bone that we can hope to save enough money to give tax relief to anyone. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Mason] joins the gentleman from Min- nesota |Mr. Knutson] in his “punt and prayer” tax policy. They cut taxes first and then pray that the good Lord will increase income enough, or the Appro- priations Committee will be able to cut appropriations enough, to make the tax cut possible. I want to wait until the money is in the Treasury to divide. The Knutson- Mason policy wants to divide it before it is there depending upon the opinions of so-called tax experts as to whether or not it will be there. I do not require any tax expert under my policy to learn whether the money is there or how much money there will be to divide. An add- ing machine will tell me. ARE THERE $12-A-WEEK WORKERS? In referring to my illustration of the $12-a-week worker, the gentleman from Illinois says, in effect, “There just is not such a thing,” that the wage-and-hour bill provided for a minimum wage of 40 cents an hour. Does he not know the Wages and Hours Act leaves out millions of workers, that it applies only to work- ers engaged in work that comes under interstate commerce? Let me refer the gentleman from Ili- nois to an article from the January issue of the Reader’s Digest, page 55, entitled “How Georgia Teachers Got a Raise.” A headnote called it “An amazing cam- paign to rescue teachers from starva- tion.” The article quotes from a letter received by Mr, Mauney D. Collins, Geor- gia State superintendent of public in- struction, from one of his teachers whose name was George Thomas. The letter reads in part as follows: Dear Sir: I don't think I'll teach any more, I am now earning $8.25 weekly. I can’t get married on that. The article continues: George Thomas’ resignation was the six thousand six hundred and ninety-ninth sub- mitted by Georgia teachers in 18 months. Teachers who had left during the war were not returning—nor would they as long as factories paid $25 a week for semiskilled workers, The article then states that teachers’ pay was raised 50 percent. If these teachers who received as low as $8.25 a week were increased 50 percent, the man who took Thomas’ place would now be receiving $12.3712 a week, less 12 cents tax deduction weekly. And yet the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Mason] who taught school for 33 years, says there is no such a thing aS a $12-a-week worker. The same condition exists in many other States. Under the Knutson plan which the gentleman from Illinois is defending, he would receive 2 cents a week tax reduc. tion, while the man with a $300,000 in- come would reecive nearly $44,985 a year reduction. If the gentleman from Illinois will ex- amine the Treasury records he will find that in 1944 there were 21,600,000 indi- viduals with incomes of $1,000 or under, 9,370,000 of whom were heads of families, Those people paid more than $500,000,000 in taxes of various kinds in 1944. Many were workers, others were retired em- ployees and still others were aged people trying to earn enough over and above their social security or retirement pay to make a livelihood. I am placing into the Recorp excerpts from a very few of the many, many let- ters I have received on this subject. There is one, however, that I want to include in my remarks at this point. From an aged Florida resident I received the following letter: That the little man earning $10 a week has to make an income-tax report is some- thing that doesn't make sense. I had to. At the age of 80, hardly able to earn 610 a week, I have filed a report for about 5 years and in that time only once have made enough to go over 6500 in any one year. What a waste of paper and time of auditors to check such a report. I am sure that this man does not have to have a tax expert or tax payment to make him tax conscious. Of course, the gentleman from Minnesota, with his occasional political foresight, has placed @ provision in his bill which will make it unnecessary for this man to pay a tax. Dr. Townsend will undoubtedly show his profound gratitude to the gentleman from Minnesota by publishing his pic- ture over proper laudatory remarks in the next issue of the Townsend Weekly. And now comes the other gentleman from Illinois [Mr. ALLEN], chairman of the Rules Committee, who is on the Re- publican steering committee of the House and one of the Republican House leaders, with a substitute plan which will give preference to the low-income group. Let us see in what way the Allen plan differs from the Knutson plan which they are now apparently willing to throw into the ash can. The Knutson plan gives this low-income group, $2,500 a year or under, which I am trying to help, a 20 percent reduction. The Allen plan gives them the same 20 percent reduction and cuts reductions in the higher income brackets to 1744, 15, and 10 percent. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr, ALLEN] walks up to this school teacher and others like him and says “The Republican Party is your friend. We are giving you the same 2-cent reduction that Mr. Knutson was going to give you, but we are only cutting that $300,000-a-year man’s tax $24,492 instead of $48,985 a year.” The hands are the hands of Esau but the voice is the voice of Jacob. The word “hell” is a perfectly good Biblical word. It describes a place that is so hot asbestos will burn and, of course, paper does not stand a chance. I hope I am within the rules when I tell the gentleman from Illi- nois [Mr. ALLEN], that his plan is alto- gether too slight an improvement; that I would consign his plan to the same place A437 to which I consigned the Knutson bill in the House cafeteria the other day. Here are a handful of typical excerpts from the hundreds of letters I am receiv- ing: From an Indiana former civil-service employee: Tam a retired civil service employee hav- ing worked in the local postoffice for nearly 40 years. I receive an annuity of $1,200 per year. In these times and under present conditions a man and his wife must do an awful lot of figuring to make a sum like this provide adequate living. But I can’t count on all of this $1,200 as it is subject to the Federal income tax. From a Massachusetts school teacher: Several years ago, the school teachers were exempt from the Federal income tax. How did it come about that they lost that com- pensation? Two thousand dollars a year is little enough to pay a teacher, but lop off $400 income tax and what have you but a starvation wage? From a West Virginia doubting Dem- ocrat: I was surprised when I noticed that you were in favor of cutting the taxes in the lower brackets in order, as you said, to favor the poor man. I should think that this would be a radical departure from the old Republican Party line. If the rest of the Republican Party comes around to your way of thinking they can be assured of my sup- port in 1948. From a New York ex-teacher: I happen to be a retired teacher and 20 per- cent reduction of income taxes would amount to 55 cents a week. From a widow in New York State: I am a widow 58 years old. I am trying to maintain a home by doing practical nursing. It cuts pretty deeply to have to pay the present 20-percent tax above $500 incomes. I have no dependents. Probably the most practical solution would be to get one, but I prefer not to do so if I can make the grade without, From Austin, Tex.: We shall use our efforts in every way to help defeat each and every Member who votes for a straight cut of 20 percent across the board. From a Michigan insurance man: In the past week I have heard a lot of dis- cussion throughout central Michigan, and I believe that over 90 percent of our people favor your plan over the other. From a New Jersey doctor: I have been a Republican all my life and am a retired M.D. I receive a small pension of 873 a month. This, plus some savings, my wife and I must live on. I assure you it is a problem with the cost of food and commodi- ties. Your plan is sensible. Relieving Human Suffering EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WALTER B. HUBER OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. HUBER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial
A438 from the Oberlin (Ohio) Times of Janu- ary 30, 1947: RELIEVING HUMAN SUFFERING With the war so many months over and the peace still not fully won, our devastated and divided world has reached new depths o” grief and despair, of hunger and confu- sion. Into all this, which has most volun- tary agencies standing aghast, the American Friends Service Committee has thrown its efforts to relieve human suffering and in- crease good will and understanding among men. The committec is working in 10 for- eign countries and plans to carry its work into others as soon as possible. The friends have no axes to grind. Their laudable history is one of work carried out in a spirit that seeks not merely to alleviate distress but to reconcile the discordant ele- ments that caused it, All of the work of the committee grows out of the basic Quaker belief in “that of God in every man” and a profound faith in the power of love to “take away the occasion for all wars.” To do relief work, which is temporary, in a spirit that makes for permanent good will is one of the committee's major purposes. In all of its work, both at home and abroad, the committee seeks to penetrate beyond the de- mands of the immediate need to the deeper ills of the spirit which cause conflict among men. Famine this winter hovers like a vulture over the ravaged earth. Fear and distrust and bitterness divide the nations, victors and vanquished. Man, instead of laying down his arms, is inventing yet more terrible weapons of destruction. It is heartening, in the face of all this, to know that the Ameri- can Friends Service Committee, strength- ened by the support of an ever-increasing host of like-minded individuals and groups, prepares to extend its work at home and in foreign fields. It is heartening to know, too, that this community has an impressive participation in the Friends’ relief work. Mr. and Mrs. Imre Domonkos, in charge of shipments from this vicinity, report a gratifying response from the college dormitories where they make monthly collections of clothing. They praise, too, the work of local farmers who have donated grain to the AFSC’s Ralston relief cereal program. Oberlin, always quick to feel and heed the wants of the unfortunate, has been deeply unselfish in this work which is so important to the postwar world. Just last week, for in- stance, a loca] store contributed 354 pairs of hose and socks to the committee's pro- gram. Perhaps you, too, would like to make a contribution which, however small, will be gTatefully received. A brief phone call to Imre Domonkos at Oberlin 9361 will give you an opportunity to do your part in relieving human suffering and increasing good will and understanding among men, The Wage-Hour Law EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HARRIS ELLSWORTH OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. ELLSWORTH. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I include as a part thercof an article written for the Southern Lumberman by Charles P. Rogers, an attorney of Portland, Oreg. This article is an excellent statement of the portal-to-portal pay controversy, which at present is undergoing consid- eration by Congress. Following is a copy of the article men- tioned: One of the most pressing problems which will face the new Congress when it convenes will be that of enacting long-overdue amend- ments to the Wage-Hour Act. The tre- mendous potential llabilities which business of all kinds is facing as a result of twisted and tortured interpretations and cdministra- tions of this law are so staggering that only by the speediest action reestablishing the original intent of Congress can most Amer- ican business be released from the danger of bankruptcy. Most students of the activities of the Wage-Hour Division and the Supreme Court under this act are convinced that the uncertainties which now surround it are principally responsible for the production difficulties that have plagued industry in the last 2 years. New machinery, new plants, new research and development programs, and all capital investments needed to replenish and enlarge American industry are jeopar- dized or completely halted until business can know whether it is bankrupt or solvent. When it is remembered that the primary purpose of this law was to eliminate child labor and sweatshop conditions, the perver- sion of the act is apparent. There is hardly an employee in the United States today who is not receiving more than the minimum wage; yet there is hardly an employer who is not threatened by some new interpretation of this act, with a possibility of retroactive double liability sufficient to bankrupt him, whenever the Administrator or a disgruntled employee gets uround to it. Unless the act is immediately returned to its original con- cept—that of minimum wage and maximum hour legislation, American industry will continue to be completely hobbled in its ef- fort to pour out its maximum production and thus solve our inflation and strike problems. POSSIBLE LIABILITIES TREMENDOUS The possible back-wage liabilities under the act as it is now being interpreted and administered, are fantastic. The logging and lumber industry in the Pacific Northwest States alone estimates its possible retroactive pay claims at $172,000,000, including the mandatory double damages now in the law. The steel industry guesses a possible $500,- 000,000; chemicals, $200,000,000; automobiles, $200,000,000 to $300,000 000, and so on down the line of every major industry in America. And these are back wages only—they do not take into account the greatly increased costs of future production or the decline in the amount of goods which will be produced. Using the Northwest logging and lumbering industry again for an example, it is there es- timated that logs will cost $1.75 per M more to produce, and production will drop by 2 billion feet annually—a loss of approx- imately 93,000 badly needed new houses each year. And in proportion to its production and wages, the Southern logging and lumber industry can compute a possible retroactive wage liability, cost increase, and production loss in all respects comparable to this. The Wage-Hour Act is, in fact, interpreted and administered as a relic of the Wallace pig-killing economy of scarcity days. In a time of our history when the national inter- est—even the survival of our freedom as a people—demands the maximum outpouring of goods at the lowest cost, this law is so ad- ministered as to result in lessened production and high costs. It is thus achieving the very opposite result Congress intended for it. ‘WHAT I8 WORK? The major troubles of the Jumber and min- ing industry, and all industries having large manufacturing plants, are known as the portal-to-portal, travel time, or gate-to-gate theories of work. These concepts, hich are different names for the same thing, arise under section 7 (a) of the act, which re- quires pay at one-and-one-half times the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD employee's regular rate for all work in excess of 40 hours per week. The specific difficulty arises because Congress did not define what is meant by the word “work.” A reading of the debates, committee reports, and all other source material demonstrates clearly that no- body in Congress believed the word needed definition—whatever the parties involved had agreed was work, or custom, or practice defined as work was work. Congressmen involved also knew they were legislating to affect hundreds of different industries, thou- sands of plants, and millions of employees, and that no rigid definition of “work" was possible or practical. They therefore failed to define the word, which under the accepted rules of construction of statutes should have the meaning it hed to the interested parties the employer, and his employees, as em- bodied in their custom, practice, or agree- ments, express or implied. However, the Administrator and the Su- preme Court have done what Congress re- fused to do. In the Tennessee Coal & Iron and the Jewell Ridge Coal Co. cases it was held that the dictionary definition should be applied to the word “work,” whatever it meant to the employer who was paying for it and the employee who was doing it, and the man was “at work” if what he was doing: 1. Took place on the employer's property; 2. Involved physica] or mental exertion; whether burdensome or not; 3. Was for the employer's benefit; and 4. Was under the employer's direction or control, Thus it was decided thet the men involved in those cases were at work while riding from the collar or portal of the mine to the working face and return, although in the lat- ter case (Jewell Ridge) the employer and the men, through their union, the UMW, had agreed in a solemn union contract that the men were “at work” only at the working face, and were paid only on that basis. This contractual arrangement only expressed a long-continued custom of the industry, but neither the custom nor the union contract was held important in the face of the dic- tionary definition, WALKING TIME The next logical extension of this substitu- tion of the dictionary for the ideas and agree- ments of men came in the Mount Clemens Pottery case, where it was decided that men were working when they were walking to work from the gate where they punched the time clock and back again at the end of the day, though this time the travel was walk- ing, and instead of underground in a mine was in a brightly lighted factory over clean, Painted floors, It was on the employer's property, walking involves exertion, the em- ployer could not produce and sell his goods if the men did not walk from the gate to the machines, and the men were subject to the employer's control, the court said—so the men were entitled to retroactive pay for that time at the overtime rate, doubled, once again notwithstanding a long-continued cus- tom to the contrary. This is the situation which must be faced by the whole logging and lumber industry, the steel, rubber, aircraft, chemical, meat, automobile, and all other industries having woods or large plants to man. The meaning of the word “work” has been changed, not by Congress but by the Wage-Hour Admin- istrator and the courts which acquiesced in his ideas. And it has been changed not only for the future, which would be bad enough, but for the past, and not only at the hourly rate but for three times that amount, since it 1s double the overtime rate. Nor are the act’s complexities, with its double, retroactive penalties, confined to this subject. The meaning of “regular rate” is now claimed to have changed to the “average rate” per week, arrived at by dividing all amounts paid by the hours worked, in the computation of overtime—an idea which
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD often results in pyramiding overtime on over- time, and if upheld would cost the United States Treasury somewhere between two and six billion (this is not a misprint) dollars under cost-plus stevedoring contracts. Every business, no matter how small, faces the heavy fog of financial uncertainty—like- wise double and retroactive—when window washers of an office building are said to be necessary for production for interstate com- merce, or a small garage repairing an occa- sional log truck is said to be subject to this Federal law. NO COMPROMISE And if the crystal ball and the lawyer can't predict what will change next under this law, and the employer is found to have violated it unknowingly, with the heavy penalties facing him, he may not, the courts say, com- promise this past burden with his employees, though not to do so may mean bankruptcy and his employees might want to compro- mise rather than lose their jobs through the employer's insolvency. This is not a situ- ation created by Congress, for nothing in the act forbids such an agreement—it results solely from decisions of the Supreme Court. In short, the wage-hour law has been turned far away from the objective Congress had in mind, and has become a legal booby trap so dangerous as to threaten all indus- trial and economic progress of our Nation. This is a situation demanding the prompt- est action by the new Congress, for until the shackles of uncertainty and bankruptcy can be struck from business, large and small, expansion, new equipment, and research are almost impossible. No real industrial prog- ress will be possible in America until Con- gress strikes down this great evil which is being perpetrated in the name of social progress. Letters to Congressmen EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HORACE SEELY-BROWN, JR. OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday February 6, 1947 Mr. SEELY-BROWN. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial appearing in the New. London Day on February 4, 1947, entitled “Letters to Congressmen”: LETTERS TO CONGRESSMEN The CIO News has been endeavoring to awaken members of CIO unions to their right—nay, their duty—to write to their Members of Congress about important lcegis- lation, Much of what the CIO newspaper says is lteral truth—not subject to the slightest criticism. It points out that the Member of Congress represents the voters of his district or State, as the case may be; that what the voter thinks and wants should have considerable influence with the Member (there is room for & little qualification on that score, but more on that point later); that unless the voters write to him and tell him what they think, he won't know; that no one letter is going to influence his vote one way or the other, but many letters will, presumably; that the quickest way of putting your Congressman to work for you is to write to him, not once but frequently, as the occasion demands. This is all very fine if all of the people, representing all shades of opinion, can be in- duced to write to their Representatives and Senators, not just once but frequently, as the need seems to arise. If only the CIO mem- bers follow this advice, in any great num- bers, it stands to reason that the legislator is going to get a very one-sided picture of what his constituents want him to do. As for the influence upon the Member, there is rea- son for some argument there. There have been legislators who have bluntly refused to vote for some measure that they knew to be unwise even though deluged with a letter- writing campaign induced by some special interests. Thus, during the OPA fight, there was @ determined effort on the part of OPA to bury legislators in letters favoring continu- ance. They urged people to write Congress. No one urged those against continuance to express their views. In short any Representative or Senator must bear in mind that his mail does not necessarily provide a true cross-section of the wishes of his constituents, particularly when he begins getting form letters or form postcards. He must learn to separate the in- aspired letter from the spontaneously sincere letter. Certainly inspired letters should carry some weight with him, but they are not as valuable as an indication of what the peo- ple want as the uninspired ones. Evaluation of these letters is part of the Congressman’s job. After he has digested all of them, he must still use his own best Judgment in de- ciding how he will vote, if he is to represent the people properly. If he doesn't do this he will, quite likely, be voting for an organ- ized minority instead of for the rank and file of the people—for the majority of his con- stituents, insofar as he can determine what they want. Finally, there is one point that some organ- izations advocating letter writing to congres- sional organizations do not altogether ap- prectate—the fact that the Congressman or Senator may have no means of handling many thousands of letters readily. The late Senator Francis T. Maloney once said that he received 15,000 letters on one important issue before Congress, and that it took weeks for his clerical staff to sort them out, answer them, and give him, the tabulated result, by which time he had made up his mind what he was going to do in this important matter anyway, since far more information on it was available to him than to 90 percent of the people who wrote to him. A St. Louis World’s Fair in 1953 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK M. KARSTEN OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday. February 6, 1947 Mr. KARSTEN of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, recently the suggestion has been advanced that a second World’s Fair be held in St. Louis in 1953, com- memorating the one-hundred-and-fifti- eth anniversary of the Louisiana Pur- chase. The suggestion has met with en- thusiastic response by representatives of over a hundred civic groups in St. Louis and the idea seems to have caught on. At the present time a large committee is working on the project and it seems really probable that the idea has a good chance to materialize. Under leave granted me, I include, as part of my remarks, the following edi- torial which appeared in the St. Louis Star-Times on January 27 on the sub- ject of another St. Louis World’s Fair: AN IDEA TAKES SHAPE The dream of another St. Louis world’s fair—a supercelebration of the one hundred A439 and fiftieth anniversary of the Louisiana Purchase in 1953—begun to assume form at last Friday's meeting of the representatives of 86 outstanding community organizations in the Academy of Science. Further prog- ress will be the announcement, in a day or two, of a preliminary survey committee by Stratford Lee Morton, temporary chairman. This group should study all the major as- pects of the proposal—theme, site, scope, cost, financing, participants, publicity, con- struction, housing, etc.—so that a fairly com- prehensive picture may be unveiled in April. This report, obviously, will be subject to change; but it ought to get the many ideas expressed more or less spontaneously on Fri- day down to a few common denominators as the base for more specific plans. The measure of enthusiasm which St. Louis can muster for this work may well be a pre- vision of the city's future. Eagerness and imagination—tempered by prudence—wil! promise even more than a thrilling exposi- tion. Naturally, we are unmindful and proud that the suggestion for a 1953 fair was first made on this page, yet we concede that the idea is too big to be exploited as 8 one-newspaper promotion. We feel that not only the other news- papers, but all agencies and institutions of influence in St. Louis will further the project with zeal and with energy as its feasibility and its many advantages are made increas- ingly apparent. There are those who say that the day of great fairs is past, but the evidence ts against them. The pattern of 1904 may well be out- dated, but a new pattern can be found for new times—times in which the ease and speed of travel and the heightened interest of people everywhere in people everywhere else can bring together larger crowds than any before assembled. Others say that the world is now too poor for such ventures, But is not enterprise the specific for pov- erty? Consider Chicugo’s two fairs held in years of panic and depression. There is no obstacle which will not vie'd to intelligent determination, The cccasion is a significant one—com- Mmemoration of the “real-estate deal” by which Thomas Jefferson insured that the United States should become a world power. It is fitting that the other powers should now join in a celebration which in itself could make a great contribution to that close: union of the peoples of the world which will enable them to live in peace and plenty. It is a great undertaking worthy of great effort. Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FRANK BUCHANAN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, I wish to include two articles from the United States Mu- nicipal News, a service of the United States Conference of Mayors, entitled “Rent Control” and “For the Record.” They follow: RENT CONTROL In connection with a resolution adopted by the United States Conference of Mayors call- ing for continuation of adequate and fair rent control, the New York Herald Tribune on January 26 said:
A440 “ADEQUATE AND FAIR CONTROL “The Nation’s mayors in conference in Washington regarded housing as their most urgent problem. Accordingly they endorsed the Wagner-Ellender-Taft housing bill as the ‘only practicable means’ of meeting the hous- ing needs of all. They also asked Congress to continue ‘adequate and fair’ rent control until the housing shortage ends. That the shortage will not end on June 30, the date of expiration of rent control, is evident to all. “The mayors agreed that removal of all control would result in hundreds of thou- sands of evictions and disruption of the lives of millions. Without rent ceilings, said Mayor Stanley Church, of New Rochelle, homes in many areas would go to ‘the highest bidders, forcing rents above the ability of veterans and people of modest means to pay.’ The argument of those who would have con- trols lifted tmmedtately is that rent increases would be temporary because relief of the housing shortage would be speeded. But be- cause it takes months to build homes, par- ticularly apartment houses and huge rental housing projects, the period before relief can come must be longer than tn the case of food, clothing, and other necessities of fumily life. This time element is, of course, but one fac- tor which puts rents in a special category. It seems to us to make clear the need for rent control, even without consideration being given to the added inflationary pressure that would be exerted by a sharp upward move- ment in the cost of so substantial an item as rent in the ordinary man’s budget. “Benator Tarr told the Mayors’ Conference that he would support some form of extended rent control. Despite tremendous pressure against it, that seems to be the prevailing attitude in Congress. Ceilings may have to be modified, since landlords’ expenses follow ® general upward trend. But the counsel of the mayors, based on experience with the plight of home seekers in all parts of the country, should find responsive ears in Wash- ington, The multiple hardship that would follow removal now of the protection afford- ed by adequate and fair control is something that no mayor or no Member of Congress can contemplate with equanimity.” FOR THE RECORD From the proceedings of the annual con- ference of the United States Conference of Mayors on January 21, 1947: “Mayor Ritgy, of Portland, Oreg. I should like to ask Mr. Green if the American Federa- tion of Labor condones, supports, or believes in municipal employees striking against their government. “Mr. Witt1am GREEN, president of the American Federation of Labor. I will say to you. Mayor, frankly, that the American Fed- eration of Labor made a public pronounce- ment a long time ago that the employees of States, counties, and municipalities occupy @ different relationship to the people and to their employers than do those employed in private industry. For that reason, the Amer- ican Federation of Labor doeg not condone or approve strikes of State, county, or mu- nicipal employees against the government.” Break-Down in Occupation Morale EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, what is hap- pening to our occupation forces in Gere many? When this question was first raised, some weeks ago, the State De- partment was quick to discourage any thought of an investigation. To probe into the matter at this time, it was claimed, would embarrass the Govern- ment in its negotiations with the other powers. And so the question was sidetracked. The hush-hush policy of the State and War Departments has veiled the whole affair in official secrecy, but the letters coming through from the men who serve in the occupation army, tell us that all is far from well. Perhaps our officers are becoming in- fected with the atmosphere of military caste, which is so characteristic of the country which they occupy. On the theory that an officer can do no wrong, a wide gulf is now separating them from the men in the ranks whom they profess to lead. Discipline is weak- ening. Demoralization is setting in. There is no doubt but that the Germans are privately ridiculing our behavior. Here's what one American soldier re- ports of the goings-on, and I quote from a letter which reads as follows: HEADQUARTERS AND HEADQUARTERS TROOP, ForTY-SECOND CONSTABULARY SQUADRON, Freising, Germany, December 8, 1946. Congressman THomMa«s J. Lang, Lawrence, Mass. Sir: 1 feel it necessary to bring to your at- tention some very adverse conditions being practiced over here in this particular unit, As you know and I know, our food situa- tion is in a serious condition, yet there are numerous high-ranking officers here that have their American families as well as hav- ing German families eating our basic ra- tions. The local officers’ mess located here in Freising for the field grade has nine and sometimes more “krauts” living in the mess quarters and, of course, eating as well. The officers can’t shake these “shack” material because they know too much of what is going on here. This is a little example: The mess sergeant is told how and what to do by a lieu- terant colonel’s “kraut.” Good many times we GI's have to go without fresh meats and other perishables, yet it has been politely told that what these “krauts” want they will have it. This is going a bit too far, so am writing you to see what can be done to remedy such conditions. This is not the only case like this and I know some other conditions where we are definitely being held down because some- one is afraid we will talk. In the meantime, I hope you can find some solution and remedy it. Respectfully yours, AN AMERICAN SOLDIER. We set out to show the Germans the qualities of our democracy. We spoke to them of our way of life in glowing terms. We forgot that example is the most effective teacher. The example quoted above belies al] the noble words. The conduct of some of our officers is not calculated to reeducate the followers of Hitler. It merely confirms that mis- guided belief. If this continues, the great efforts and sacrifices that were made to win the war will be undone by the selfish and irresponsible actions of a few who bring disgrace to the country they represent. This let-down is indefensible. It must be stopped before it gets worse. To attempt to conceal it, on the grounds of political expediency, is to condone the evil. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Not only is the long-range purpose of our occupation being undermined by this lax behavior but the men in the ranks are becoming cynical and disillusioned. This is reflected in the letters they send home. It is with mixed feelings of worry and anger that we receive the news of deterioration in the morale of our occu- pation forces in Germany. For the sake of men like An American Soldier, who have the courage to, brave official displeasure, in order to expose these discriminatory and demoralizing practices, the Congress should demand an immediate and thorough investi- gation. The war is over and there is no jus- tification for secrecy. The American People want to get at the root of this problem. The sooner we clean house in our occupation forces, the sooner we shall restore morale to the Army, and show the Germans a true example of democracy. The time has come to open the book and get the whole story. Deportation of Hungarian Inhabitants of Ceechoslovakia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN DAVIS LODGE OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 6, 1947 Mr. LODGE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, I include the following telegram and letters: BrincerortT, CONN., January 18, 1947. Congressman JOHN D. LopaE, House Office Building, Washington, D.C.: Clergymen’s directors of New England Hun- garian Press protest inhuman that deporta- tion of Hungarian inhabitants of Czechoslo- vakia into slave labor. We request immediate intervention in their behalf. Father CuErnitzxy, Editor. JANUARY 21, 1947. Father CHERNITZKY, Bridgeport, Conn. Dear Farner: In reply to your telegram, I am pleased to advise you that I immediately communicated with the Under Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, protesting vigorously the inhuman deportation of Hungarian in- habitants of Czechoslovakia. I also re- quested the Under Secretary to investigate this matter and to give me a full report. I want to assure you and all my good friends of Hungarian descent in Fairfield County that I am extremely sympathetic in respect to this matter, and that I shall do everything I can to remedy this inhuman situation. With best wishes and looking forward to seeing you very soon. Very sincerely yours, JouN Davis Lopag. JANUARY 21, 1947. Hon. DEAN ACHESON, Under Secretary of State, State De- partment, Washington, D. C. Dear Mz. Acnrson: I have received a tele- gram from a very eminent constituent of mine, Father Chernitzky, of Bridgeport,Conr.,,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD protesting the inhuman deportation of Hun- @arian inhabitants in Czechoslovakia into slave labor camps. I shall appreciate it if you will be so kind as to have an investigation made into this matter and give me a full report at your earliest convenience. I feel very strongly that we must take the lead in this country in protesting such actions. I thank you in advance for your courtesy in this matter and send you my best wishes and kind regards. Sincerely yours, JOHN Davis Lopes. FrBrvuary 4, 1947. The Honorable Jonn Davis LopcE, House of Representatives. My Dear Mr. Lopar: I have received your letter of January 21, 1947, in which you refer to a telegram addressed to you by Father Chernitzky of Bridgeport, Conn., concerning the situation of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia and request a full report on the matter. The position of the United States Govern- ment on the transfer of populations generally and of Hungarian minorities specifically was set forth in a Department of State press re- lease of December 7, 1945, as follows: “It is this Government's view that prob- lems involving the large-scale transfer or exchange of populations are susceptible of solution only on the basis of international agreement and not by unilateral action. Where such problems affect Hungary, we would regard them as proper subjects, in the first instance, for mutual agreement between Hungary and the neighboring states directly concerned and ultimately for consideration or review in connection with the peace settle- ment with Hungary. This Government will use its influence to seek solutions which promise to contribute to friendly and cooper- ative relations between the nations immedi- ately concerned and to assure freedom from persecution and from unnecessary hardships for the ordinary men and women involved.” Pursuant to the policy thus stated, this Government has sought to encourage the Czechoslovak and Hungarian Governments to resolve through friendly bilateral negotia- tions their differences concerning the Hun- gaNan minority in Czechoslovakia, a problem which took form with the peace settlement of 1920 and became acute as a result of Hun- gary'’s role in World War II as an Axis satel- lite and the expressed desire of Czechoslo- vakia to expel from its territory a large part of the minority. Negotiations undertaken by the two governments led to the conclu- sion of an agreement on February 27, 1946, providing for an equal exchange of Hungar- jans in Czechoslovakia and Slovaks in Hun- gary. This voluntary agreement was wel- comed by the United States Government, al- though it was recognized as affording only a partial solution of the problem tnasmuch as the number of Hungarians in Ozechoslo- vakia greatly exceeded the number of Slo- vaks in Hungary. Unfortunately, the agree- ment has not been carried out in the inter- vening months, and controversy has arisen between the two signatory governments over the interpretation and execution of its terms and the treatment being accorded to the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia. In the latter connection, the operation of the Czechoslovak compulsory labor decree of September 1945, which in Slovakia is applied to Hungarians as well as Slovaks, has intensi- fied differences between the two countries and served to delay implementation of the February 194° agreement and impede ami- cable settlement of the minority issue. Meanwhile, in the discussion of the prob- lem of the Hungarian minority at the confer- ence of 21 nations which met in Paris, July to October 1946, the United States delegation opposed a Czechoslovak amendment to the draft peace treaty with Hungary which would have authorized the forced transfer of a maximum of 200,000 persons of Magyar eth- nic origin. The delegation supported, how- ever, the inclusion of clauses (Article 5 of the treaty) calling for bilateral negotiations between Hungary and Czechoslovakia for the settlement of the minority problem. In stat- ing the views of this Government on these matters at the Plenary Session of the con- ference on October 12, 1946, the Honorable Walter Bedell Smith reaffirmed the basic position of the United States as follows: “We sympathized with the motives behind the Czechoslovak desire to solve this mi- nority problem once and for all but for hu- manitarian reasons we could not look with favor on incorporating into a treaty of peace the principle of a forced unilateral transfer of population. The United States consist- ently supported the view that the subject was one for bilateral negotiations between the two countries concerned and that any solution of the minority problem which was not based on a mutually satisfactory agree- ment would remain a source of future fric- tion between them and hamper the growth of friendly relations which is so necessary for the peaceful development of Central Europe. We also believe that the principle of voluntary transfer should be stressed to the utmost and that every effort should be made—through minor territorial adjust- ments if necessary—to reduce to a minimum the number of people to be uprooted from the land on which in many cases they and their ancestors have been living for genera- tions.” The Department of State is giving close attention to the Czechoslovak-Hungarian minority questior. in all of its aspects. The Department considers the early implementa- tion of the February 27 agreement as a most important and desirable step preliminary to the initiation of the further bilateral ne- gotiations envisaged under the terms of the peace treaty and will continue to encourage Buch negotiations looking toward a defini- tive solution of this difficult problem and the promotion of peace and stability in the Central European area. Copies of Department of State press re- lease No. 725 of October 14, 1946, and the text of article 5 of the peace treaty with Hungary as finally approved by the Council of Foreign Ministers are enclosed for your convenient reference. Sincerely yours, Dean ACHESON, Under Secretary. Fersruary 5, 1947. Hon. DEAN ACHESON, Under Secretary of State, State Department, Washincton, D.C. Dear Mr. ACHESON: Thank you very kindly for your courteous and early reply to my letter of January 21, with respect to the predicament of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia. I am pleased to have the statement of the Hon. Walter Bedell Smith and also the copy of the text of article 5 of the Peace Treaty with Hungary. While the bilateral negotiations recom- mended by the American Ambassador to Rus- sia are infinitely to be preferred to a forced unilateral transfer of population, I feel that it is also vital that we do our best to pre- vent what in fact may be a forced transfer under the guise of bilateral negotiations. This would be contrary to the intent of the article in question. From the American Ambassador's statement I assume that we shall be ready at all times to protect these minorities against inhuman treatment. As often happens in human affairs, there may be a wide gap between the agreements reached and the action taken under these agreements. I am of the opinion that our A441 responsibility in this connection does not cease until the terms of the agreement have in fact been carried out. I am taking the liberty of forwarding a copy of your letter to Father Chernitzky and I know that it will be of great interest to the Americans of Hungarian descent in my congressional district. With renewed thanks and kind regards. Sincerely yours, Joun Davis Loner. Fesruary 5, 1947. Father CHERNITZKY, Bridgeport, Conn. Dear FatuHeR: In further reference to your telegram and to my letter to you of January 21, I am sending you herewith a copy of a letter which I received today frum the Un- Gersecretary of State, Hon. Dean Acheson, as well as a copy of my reply to his letter. These letters are self-explanatory, and I shall be interested to have your comments, In any event you may rest assured that my interest in this matter will not abate until it has been brought to a satisfactory and humane solution. Wih best wishes and regrets that I did not see you on January 26. Very sincerely yours, JoHN Davis LopGs. Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way—True in American History EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN R. MURDOCK OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 3, 1947 Mr. MURDOCK. Mr. Speaker, the term “West,” even as a geographic des- ignation, has had varied and different meanings at different periods throughout American history. However, regardless of its different meanings, at all times it has been a lodestone attracting adven- turous spirits toward the setting sun, and it has always connoted a realm of oppor- tunities for freer fe and greater pros- perity for those who migrated thither. Especially after each war in American history have adventurous veterans, still full of energy and excitement, turned their faces toward the West to carve new homes or fortunes in the wilderness, and thus America has expanded from sea to shining sea. This is to say that war vet- erans have swelled the ranks but have not been the only sons of America who faced toward the West to build new communities. We may properly consider the Original Thirteen States as the mother country and all of the other 35 States in the present Union as colonial offspring. Viewed in that light, the United States of America, considering the mother country consisting of the Thirteen Orig- inal States, has been the greatest and wisest colonizing Nation in the history of the world, because the parent Nation has been liberal in encouraging the growth of western communities to make new States and has helped them pater- nally, rather than selfishly, and in turn has been mutually helped by the new commonwealths which have grown up