A146 Boston, Mass., on Deccmber 3, 1950, en- titled "The Answer to Communist Ag- gression”: Tur Answer To COMMUNIST AGGRESSION (Text: “When the enemy shall come in like a flood, the epirit of the Lord shall Hit up a standard against him” (Isaiah 58: 19).) I have read for our Scripture passage, Isaiah 10:6-12. Communism is on the march, and it ig marching to war. It ia marching in Chi- na, Korea, Indochina, Jepan, Germany, Iran, Greece, and other nations oi the earth, We Christians of western culture had also better be on the march, and that right This struggle ie more o struggle of light and darkness, of righteousness and iniquity, of God and Satan, than any other struggle which has taken place in history. I do not infer by that that there are no righteous people in Communist countries. No doubt there are many of them, but they do not have control. I do not infer that there are no wicked and corrupt individuals in our tree West. There are plenty of them, and too many of them .rxe in control. But the basis of our western culture is certainly founded upon the great principles contained in the word of God. Tonight, therefore, I want you to see that this struggle which is taking place in Korea, though it may not yet be world war III in all of its catastrophe and hideousness, is most certainly the prel- ude to and the first annunciation of that very thing. In Korea we see the determination of Communist Russia to test the mood of the west, particularly the mood of the United States of America. Twice in 6 months wars have been Jaunched by two nations—puppet nations—under the control of Communist Russia. The first, of course, was that in Ko- rea launched by the North Koreans, the sec- ond was that in North Korea launched by the Chinese Communists. Both of them were open, naked, pure aggression. This is a test just as unquestionably the Japanese seizure of Manchuria or the German seizure of Austria and Sudetanland were tests of the mood of the days in which they occurred, By the reaction to them, these nations were encouraged to go forward or were warned to halt in their aggression. At the outset, we must recognize that the things which are taking place in the world are not disassociated, isolated, fragmentized events. They are all part of one great world revolution which is being initiated by Com- munist Russia. I have made that statement from this pulpit many times. For many years I have tried to expound to you the essence of Communist teaching, the program of Com- munist strategy, the inevitable results of Communist dialectic. I have protested many actions of our Government from this pulpit and in messages preached in important meet~ ings over America. We have been foolishly, almost imbecilically, maneuvered into a situ~- ation where American blood must now be shed against puppet nations with whom we have no quarrel, with the Koreans, with the Chinese, and soon, no doubt, with the Ger- mans and with other nations of the earth. This has occurred in spite of the fact that the Communists announced in advance exactly what their intention was, but they were not believed by those in power in the United States of America. Now we are seeing the evidence of their intention and at long last our leaders have become aroused to what is taking place and to what is imminent. In this Korean struggle, we Americans have for the first time actually reached a decision to check Communist aggression. Our borders are no longer on the Pacific and the Atlantic, They are in Berlin and Vienna and Korea, They are far from America because the stated intention of communistic Russia is world revolution. It is the conquest of the world. It 1s not to stop in Korea or in China or in Tibet (for there is no reason for taking Tibet uniess India is to be threatened), or Mf Viet Nam or in East Germany. It is to move all over Asia and over Europe and ultimately, because of geopolitics, with these two con- tinents in their control to overrun the whole world. . We have now come to the place where we recognize that it is essential to resist this evil thing called communism. Our approval and our support muat be given to the Gov- ernment in at last standing firm. Here I want to pause and speak as an American citizen. You as a citizen may not agree with me and that is your privilege; you as a Chris- tian may not agree with me and that is your privilege; you as a member of Park Street Church may not even stand by me as the pastor of Park Street Church and that is your privilege. I want to say that I indict this Government for impotence, for irresponsi- bility, and for actual imbecility in the things which it has done. I spoke 3 years ago from this pulpit, pleading night after night in the fall of 1847. 1 wrote to the President of the United States, I wrote to the Secretary of State of the United States, pleading that our Government should not dismantle the indus- tries of Western Germany and turn them over to Russia. I went to see the head of the Republican Party in Massachusetts in order to attempt to put some pressure on Washing- ton to stop the permission given by Washing- ton to the Russians to print money (Ameri- can occupation money) which was redeemed to the tune of $560,000,000 by our Govern- ment in 1947 alone. I have tried again and again by public speeches, through organiza- tions, and by protest to stop the betrayal of the Chinese Nationalist Government under Chiang Kai-shek by those in authority in our country. We were told in propaganda com- ing out of Chine by men of the breed of Lattimore that Chinese communism was an agrarian movement and that Chiang Kal- shek and his government were hopelessly cor- rupt. Now the whole world can see that the Communist movement in China was of Rus- sian origin and of the same Soviet pattern and that Chiang Kai-shek was the one to whom we should have turned with confidence instead of selling him down the river. T have spoken again and again against the turning of huge lend-lease materials over to Russia as we did, against turning Manchuria over to Russia, and turning North Korea over to Russia; in other words, against betraying one of our own allies in the great World WarlIlI. Of this betrayal we are guilty. The American Government stands indicted in its leadership for immoral acts and it is fully responsible in this hour for the conditions in which we find our own country and those which our young men are facing in Korea. The time has come, therefore, for us to speak with no uncertain voice upon these things. We must realize that the destiny of the whole west hangs in the balance now. Our people have always rallied in the past in days of crisis and the will to resist is now universal. Dismay at any sign of weakness would sweep through the democratic world. Let us remember that the Communists have nothing to restrain them from waging an aggressive war if and when they please. Communist morality 1s one of expediency and relativism, so that if it advances the Communist cause to launch a sneak attack upon the world, especially upon the United States, the Communists will do so, but we, who act upon law and moral order, or at least profess to do so in international affairs, we who have the vestigial remnants of a Christian civilization, cannot wage a pro-~ phylactic or a preventative war. We deplore hearing men like Secretary Matthews and Representative Walsh and Genator Olin Johnston and Herold Stassen and President Truman and others speak about our tnten- tion to use the atomic bomb. When such statements are joined with the fact that we did use the bomb in the last war they remove APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD all moral restraint for Russia to use it if and when she pleases. OCunsequentily, there ts nothing to prevent a sneak attack being launched upon the great centers of Ameri- can industry, communication, and inteill- gence at this very moment, according to Rus- sian morality. Do you realize that when Mr. Stassen in- terviewed Mr. Stalin on April 9, 1947, that Stalin said to Stassen, “Lenin is our teacher and we Soviet people are Lenin's disciples.” What then did Lenin teach? Lenin said, according to page $98 in the seventeenth volume of his collected works: “As long as capitalism and socialism remain, we cannot live in peace. In the end one or the other will triumph—a funeral requiem will be sung either over the Soviet Republic or over world capitalism, This is a respite in war * * °*. There is no alternative left * * *, Either the Soviet Government triumphs in every advanced country in the world, or the most reactionary imperialism triumphs * * *, There fs no middie course.” . What Leninist propaganda calls reactton- ary imperialism is actually representative democracy and free enterprise which he hated. This was a derogatory term used by Lenin to refer to democratic culture. My friends, if you listen to the teacher of Com- munist Russia, you hear one tell you that Russia 1s out to dominate the world and to remove from the face of the earth any government which resists her purpose. In Lenin’s last speech he said, “Gather strength and strike the bourgeois as is necessary. Strike it only in the chest when you are sure of victory.” Let the moment come when the Commu- nist government in Moscow thinks that it can be sure of victory, the moment when it has wooed from us the Chinese, the Ger- mans, the Persians, and others, let the mo- ment come when they have bled us white by our struggling with thelr puppet soldiers, let them achieve the development of the atomic bomb and gather a stockpile, as prob- ably they have done through the traitorism of those who have been employed by our own and the English Governments and then the moment will come to strike. There will be no moral restraint. There will be no in- tellectual restraint. There will be no politi- cal restraint. There will be no reason why Communist Russia should not in a moment of time try a sneak attack, as Japan once tried, in order to knock us out of the con- flict. Thus in one fell blow Russia would remove the only dam which holds back com- munism from world dominion. The sol!- tary obstacle to communism's conquest of the world lies in the 160,000,000 people in the United States of America. How then are we going to meet this situ- ation and what fs the answer to communism today? I wish I had much time but due to the limited radio period I must be brief. Therefore, I would suggest three answers which may be given to aggression of Com- munist Russia. They are righteoUsness, reason, and resistance. Just three things. I announced these on September 14 to over 60,000 people gathered in the Rose Bowl in California and I have outlined them to you previously. Mark you, first of all there 1s righteousness. I have suggested earlier this evening that our western culture, the culture of free men and free society and free enterprise and free bal- lot and free worship and free speech, has been built on one foundation alone. It is the Judaistic Obrtstian tradition drawn from the Bible, developed through the long proc- ess of Ohristia:: history from the day of the collapse of the Hellenistic culture unto our present glorious civilisation. This western culture is founded on three ideas which I can only mention but not expound. The first is the belief tn God, namely, that God exists and that He has created the world and has made man in the image of Himself.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD God is supreme Second, there is a moral Jaw. This is a moral universe which is de- pendent upon Gcd and God's law. This law of God is shot through the universe. Third, individual men are of infinite value in the sight of God for they were created in the divine image and they have infinite poten- tialities for righteousness or for evil. On these three ideas, the entire culture of the West has been built. I know that there have been confiicts between what we call equali- tarianism on the one haud and Hbertartan- ism on the other hand, but they have been balanced in equilibrium by Christian broth- erhood. The pendulum has been swinging from one extreme to the other extreme, but it has been kept fairly well balanced in the center because of Christian teaching which infuced righteousness and integrity in the lives of individual men so that they em- braced neither extreme. This balanced cul- ture has descended from various philosophi- cal sources which I have not time to describe tonight. It is exemplified in what is called Christian civilization. It is an anomaly that we of the Christian West should act upon the ground of moral law in international things while in our per- sonal lives we have been repudiating this authority of divine law. It is essential for our Nation to turn unto God who says, “If My people, which are called by My name, shall humble themselves, and pray, and seek My face, and turn from their wicked ways; then will I hear from heaven, and will for- give their sin, and will heal their land.” For divine deliverance, we must first of all have righteousness infused in the life of the peo- ple, for without it we have no answer to the problems upon which communism feeds. The second answer to communism is rea- son. It is time we understood this business of communism. This summer I heard a professor make a speech in New Hampshire on the Korean situation. He is dean of the American School of Political Affairs and has taught political economy for 25 years. He opened his speech by saying that he had never had inclination enough to read the writings of Karl Marx. I was utterly dis- mayed Here was a man who has been teach- ing young men for 25 years how to run the United States Government and he never had read the writings of Karl Marx. How did he have any right to talk about the Korean situation or about communism today? That is the trouble with too many of those in leadership in this Nation. They do not know what they are talking about. They do not know what communism is, what it aims at, what its dialectic 1s. Let me tell you that communism is a re- ligion. It ts an atheistic, ruthless, fanatical religion which calls for sacrifice and tor de- votion to convert the world to its viewpoint. Communism is an integrated philosophy which binds its adherents together Only 2 days ago the Communist leader of Germany warned the world that the nations in the Russian camp would not stand by and sce American cannon used in Korea, but that they would unite in opposition to it as one man, Communism has developed a strategy whereby it can conquer a nation with a mi- nority and then prevent the majority from staging a counterrevolution. People do not know what communism teaches. Yet the books on communism are in our libraries and could have been read by those in leader- ship in our Government. Therefore, we are facing an integrated philosophy having the vitality of a religion with the absolute ruth- lessness of atheism which is out for world domination. If you contain communism in Korea it will break out in East Germany. If you contain it in Greece it will break out in Indochina. It is the same old underlying sore that is spreading like a cancer through- out the whole of the body politic of the world. We had better understand that the antag- onism of Soviet communism 1s directed to- ward the United States as the citadel of the philosophy of theism, of freedom, and of democracy. Only last week Mr. Wu, of Pei« ping, spoke 10,000 words filled with venom and hate against America. He turned every good deed we had ever done for China into an action of materialism of our own ends and for the exploitation of China. He is an illustration of how the Communists of the world hate America. They hate its Chris- tianity. They hate its free enterprise. They hate its democracy and they are determined that this Nation will go down. We had bet- ter understand that fact very soon. We need the ight of reason thrown upon the United Nations. In a moral universe there will be no strength in an international organization which has no moral base, which does not believe in God and whose charter can be broken at will by those who want to break it because they have no moral scruples, whereas a nation which is a member and believes in God, tries to fulfill the require- ments of that charter. Herbert Hoover was right in calling for a union of God fearing, moral nations of this earth to act together. Lake Success may very well prove itself to be “Lake Failure.” The San Francisco Con- ference may well be the sunset of western cul- ture instead of the sunrise of a new day. The United Nations Building in New York instead of becoming a building of unity may well be a Temple of Babel, a source of the division of the nations. Though we have subsidized the United Nations, we have seen it turn into a gigantic propaganda agency for the espousal and the promotion of causes that are contrary to our national interest and to the preservation of western culture. The dy has come when we must recognize that giving our money, giving our sons, giv- ing our substance to the nations of the earth must be conditioned upon moral grounds and upon international cooperation. We need to understand ourselves also. Time does not permit that I speak about the sins of our own nature. We are no saints in this country and we need to recognize our- selves for what we are and for what must be done for us by the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Lastly I want to speak about resistance. We must have the resistance of an unwaver- ing faith, of an unfaltering firmness and an unconquerable force. We must have faith in God and in his sovereignty if we expect him to intervene in the course of events by strengthening us for victory. Let ws have done with the weakness of doubt. Resistance comes from firmness. It was Mr. Lincoln who said, “With firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in * * * to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.” Vacillation is interpreted as weakness. We as a nation must stand by our committals before God and the world, but we must stop committing ourselves to that which we cannot fulfill. Our failure in firmness in China has been vicious, Lastly, resistance implies force. In the Scripture we hear words, The war was of God." The Bible sanctions the use of force in the establishment of human government and the requiring of human life by that government, in the committal of the sword to the magistrate, in the establishment of police and of national defense. Those who are the heirs of Christian culture should have the Christian conviction of reenforcing right in the world. Unless we use it, democracy is doomed. Away with all weakness and, if an inevitable show-down comes between com- munism and the West, let us put our trust in God and be prepared. If we are going to have God’s blessing on our arms and we must and want to have it, then we had better begin to confess our sins, we had better get on our knees before Al- mighty God, and we had better do it soon. It will not be too long before this conflict and conflagration engulfs the world. Listen, my friend, the Lord intends us to be strong. The Lord intends us to stand up to evil and, when Al47 we have committed our way unto him, to do what is right and then, if necessary, to ight unto the end for those things in which we believe, trusting that God can intervene on our behalf. How To Make Democracy Live EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. E. E. COX OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. COX. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include a brief statement entitled “This Is My Idea of How To Make Democracy Live,” by delen Smith Lasseter, which I con- sider an excellent guide and worthy of consideration: Tuts Is My IpEsA or How To MAKE Democracy Live 1. Be the best individual that you know how to be. 2. Look for God’s image in others and try to reveal it in your own life. 3. Get the best education that is available to you so that you may make use of your skills and talents for your own well-being and the blessing of others. 4. Be the kindest person that you know how to be. 5. Do the best job that you know how to do in everything that you undertake. 6. Make the best home that you know how to make. 7. Find the place in your community in which you can render your best service and your life will be a living example of how to make democracy live and how to create a better world. 8. Invest in yourself, your fellow man, your country, and your Uncle Sam—buy United States Savings stamps and United States Defense bonds. HELEN SMITH LASSETER, JANUARY 9, 1951. Information About Possible 1952 Allotments EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LINDLEY BECKWORTH OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. BECKWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I desire to include in the CoNGRESsIONAL Recorp the letter I have received from the Department of Agriculture: DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, Washington, D..C, December 15, 1950. Hon. Linpury BecKworrTH, House of Representatives. Dear Mr BecKwortH: This is in reply to questions which you raised in our telephone conversation of November 27, and also in reply to your letter of November 27, 1950, regarding what might happen to a particular county’s cotton acreage allotment and the allotments for individual farms within the county, if cotton acreage allotments should be required in 1952. In our letter of November 24, 1950, we outlined the present provisions of the Agri- cultural Adjustment Act of 1938, as amend- ed, that would probably cause 1952 State
A148 and county cotton-acreage allotments, if re- quired, to vary from those established in 1950 (in many cases the difference would be sub- stantial) even if no change is made in the national acreage allotment in 1952 from 1950. This is true because of changes in base pe- riods and in formulas provided in the act for apportioning the national allotment to States and the State acreage allotments to counties. We have also discussed with you in previous letters that the provisions of the act do not include the acreage planted to cotton in 1951 in the base for establishing 1952 State and county allotments and, therefore, will not affect them. Since farm cotton acreage allotments are determined primarily on a uniform county percentage of cropland, the acreage planted to cotton on a farm has little bearing on the allotment. The law provides that the acreago of cotton be used in determining minimum and maximum allotments in distgibuting the county allotment (less the acreage reserved by the county committee) to eligible cotton farms. Therefore, if all farmers in a county should double their cotton acreage in 1951 over 1950, the 1952 farm allotments may be changed considerably or none at all or some- where between, depending on how farmers in the particular county vary thei: cotton acreage in proportion to cropland. In view of the many factors affecting allot- ments as provided by law it is impossible to determine what the 1952 county and farm cotton acreage allotments would be, if re- quired, until the provisions of the act have been applied in determining State, county, and farm allotments. Consequently, even though we assume that (1) there will be cotton acreage allotments and marketing quotas in 1952, (2) the national allotment for 1952 would be the same as the 1950 national allotment, and (3) a particular farm or county plants exactly twice as much cotton in 1961 as was planted in 1950 it would still be impossible to determine the changes in any given county allotment or the farm allotments within a given county. Sincerely yours, Cc. J. McCormicy, Under Secretary. The President’s Message and a Republican Response EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the text of comment on the President's state of the Union message and the re- sponsibility and opportunity of the Re- publican Party, carried on the NBC net- work program Pro and Con, January 12, 51: When the President addressed the Con- gress in his state of the Union message 2 years ago, his opening sentence was: “I am happy to report that the state of the Union is good.” Last year on a almilar occasion he started off; “Iam happy to be able to report to you today that the state of the Union continues to be good.” This year in a very different vein he started of; “This Eighty-second Congress faces as grave a task as any Congress in the history of our Republic.” The 1050 message, full of rosy optimism, said: “While great problems still confront us, the greatest danger has receded.” The Pres- ident then proceeded to devote 60 percent of his message exclusively to advancing his do- mestic program. By contrast, this year only 4 percent of his message related to his domestic program and that only in the most generalized terms. This is a powerful commentary upon the deterioration in world conditions during the past year. At the opening of Congress this year we heard a message dictated by a total reversal of all the assumptions of 12 months before. The people of this Nation are terribly wor- ried and justifiably so. We enjoy neither peace abroad nor security at home. The people are disappointed, many of them incensed, over the indecisive, vacilatting and faulty leadership which has contributed so heavily to our present plight. We Republicans must ask ourselves, What is our proper function as a minority party? By its very nature a minority party is the proper vehicle for expression of opposition to the policies of the party in power. Indeed, with the rising tide of indignation in this country against the present administration, if our constitutional processes had been pat- terned after those of most European coun- tries, we would have had long before this a vote in Congress to express confidence or lack of confidence in the administration. If that vote had been adverse, as I sincerely be- Meve it would, the Truman wing of the Dem- ocratic Party would already be out of power. That, however, is not the way our fore- fathers fashioned the framework of this Re- public. For better or for worse, White House leadership will not change for two more years. These 2 years may determine whether our Nation can survive and our people re- main free. In an era so challenging. in the face of issues so far reaching, we Republicans are under a solemn obligation to the people to insure that all avenues of discussion are kept open and all sides of the weighty questions affecting the very life of our Nation are thor- oughly explored and debated. Only thereby will we arrive at conclusions which reflect the true will of the people without whose wholehearted support any national effort will fail. At the same time we have an equally solemn obligation to keep our debate on a high level with our sights trained on only one objective, the safety and welfare of our country. Too many administration spokesmen have advanced the thesis that unity requires that in these critical times we of the minority party subordinate our views and submit to the will of the wing of the Democratic Party which now controls the White House. Noth- ing could be more dangerous, nothing more fatal to the preservation of the vitality and strength of our two-party system of govern- ment. I was happy to hear the President himself repudiate this line of reasoning in recognizing that unity does not require com- plete rubmission by the minority to policies and methods advanced by the majority which ar2 believed to be demonstrably unsound. Nor should we of the minority remain silent if we believe that appointed officials of the Federal Government at any level, either because of questionable loyalty to their country, incompetence, or personality de- ficiencies have completely lost the confidence of the people to the extent that they can no longer effectively and efficiently lead them in the great effort to which our Nation is committed. While carefully avoiding trresponsible charges and demagogic appeals, we have a duty to protest emphatically their retention in high positions. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But just as it ts our duty as critics to be constructive, so it is the obligation of those holding ultimate power to give weight to that criticism without regard to partisan conalderations. Both of us should seek, in these critical times, areas of agreement rather than of disagreement. This requires greater opportunity for free and responsible discussion in the formula- tion of national policies. This must take place when those policies are taking shape. It was a disappointment that the Presi- dent in his message did not even mention the all-absorbing question of the moment, whether he will consult with Congress be- fore ordering large forces to be deployed in Western Europe. An assurance to that effect would have gone a long way toward accom- plishing that unity of purpose which he properly asks, When General Eisenhower returns from Europe, it is to be hoped that his report on the prospect of butiding an international army for defense of the Atlantic community will be made to representatives of both parties at the White House. The best way to make Members of Congress sensible of their responsibility is to keep them informed as to the underlying facts of our position in the world. This has not been done. Decisions have been made and Congress presented with the accomplished fact. Then the charge of causing disunity is made, if the wisdom of the decision be challenged. That must be altered if we are going to work in harness. While I realize that consultations in ad- vance give rise to many difficulties, never- theless they point the only way to advance- ment of a foreign policy which will be widely understood and at least to a large degree insulated against the passions of partisan- ship. We have never been at a point in our his- tory where it was more important that Americans go forward together. There can be no question as to the goal of everyone of us—a just peace and true freedom for the peoples of the earth. There ts unity on the question of the extent of national effort. No reasonable move should go untried. No necessary sacrifice should be avoided. There ls unity on the proposition that every American must render every effort to resolve this crisis successfully, to achieve victory and to establish a real and just peace. There can be no doubt that Americans tn all walks of life, regardless of party, stand ther on these worthy objectives. In their accomplishment, we Republicans will put our country first. . Broome County’s Sons Spring to Her Defense EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, as we prepare for an all-out ef- fort to build up America’s defense of her freedom and liberties all over the world, we would defeat our very purposes of re- arming if we let our vigilance lag for a minute here at home. The fundamental! principle of keeping free is preserving our direct election sys- tem. That is a3 important as any step
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD we will ever take in defending the ram- parts. There is now in the making in Albany, well hidden behind massive, closed doors, and the general alarums of preparatory legislation, formulas of reapportioning the congressional districts of New York State. As I understand it, Broome County, which is one of the largest ana most im- portant counties in the whole State, will become a vassal state to be subjugated in importance to many lesser counties in remote sections. It will be fastened on to them as a sort of a geographical freak, most resembling on the map an al- ligator. I pointed this out a month ago and was joined by leading Republicans in Broome who expressed their indignation that anything like ii should be conceived. Yet, the same source who gave me the original valuable tip, persists in telling that the experts of gerrymander are on the march, and that they have not swerved in their determination to cut up the Thirty-seventh Congressional District into sardine slices, thereby re- ducing our importance and prestige throughout the State to little more than that of a third-rate community. If they succeed, the people of Broome County will receive secondary consid- eration in vital matters of civil defense; our GI’s and our veterans will be pushed aside, and our citizenry will be relegated to positions of unimportance both in Albany and in Washington. I cannot stand idly by and keep silent in the face of such a misfortune. The people of my home section deserve a happier fate than to be consigned to the political junk heap. Last week, a glimmer of light ap- peared on the horizon when the Broome County Board of Supervisors passed, without a dissenting vote, a resolution by Mr, Harry D. Prew, of Binghamton’s third ward, protesting any radical change in our congressional district. Although this action was played down in news reports, it was significant and highly commendable both of Supervisor Prew in presenting the resolution and of the board approving it. I understand many members expressed strong feeling in support of the idea that Broome County should be the center of any dis- trict she is a part of. I am happy indeed to see so many of Broome’s loyal sons spring to her de- fense. Albany ought to take heed and see which way the wind blows. To edify the gerrymander tacticians, I think I should make it plain that from a personal political standpoint, they will not affect me no matter what manner of district they throw Broome into. As long as Broome is in the district I run in, they cannot defeat me in the Republican primaries. They cannot build up majorities enough in a dozen other counties to off- set the old home town. There may be doubters of that state- ment now but in 1952 they will see that I was correct. The Philosophy of Wilson and the World of Today EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 15 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, a splendid and timely speech delivered by the Honorable Shane MacCarthy, political scientist and lecturer, Washington, D. C., at the Wil- son day dinner celebration, December 28, 1950, before the Knox County Demo- cratic Women’s Club, at Knoxville, Tenn, There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE PHILOSOPHY OF WILSON AND THE WoRLD or Topay We gather tonight not in sentimental fashion to moisten our emotions in remem- brance of a great leader of our Nation. Our aim is not to load accolades of praise on a President whose meritorious work for free- dom, justice, and peace is being appreciated more with the maturity of time. It is not our goal to consume time by a monotonous recitul of dates and occasions in the life of a great man. Rather shall we endeavor to drink at the fountain of political thought which was filled so freely and so brilliantly by the mind and pen of Woodrow Wilson. Thirty-three years ago, in January 1917, a man slight of physical stature poised his frail being before the Senate of the United States and there differentiuted between the concepts of “victory,” which implied peace forced upon the loser, and “peace based upon equality and mutual pursuance of the common good.” That man was President Woodrow Wilson. The warring nations heeded not his advice and 3 months later, in April 1917, recognizing that the wrongs being inflicted by the aggressor nations of that day cut deep to the very roots of human life, he solemnly asked for a declaration of war by the United States upon the Impe- rial German Government. In his grave re- quest he sald: “Our object is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power. The menace to peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments, backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people.” How well and accurately these words of Wilson express the conditions of the world today. Two world wars have been fought and ended, concluded in so-called triumph for the democratic nations of the world, and yet we are seeking that elusive something called perfect peace. Since you are citizens of the noblest vintage, all picked and culled, you will readily agree that in this finite world perfection is not attainable. How- ever, we may have a lasting peace among nations if we follow the prescription of the great feast we've just celebrated, for peace shall prevail and remain only among and between men of good will. We meet at one of the most critical Junce tures in our national history and in the his- tory of civilization itself. Out of our efforts at this very moment could generate the thoughts which, like beacon lights could stimulate the positive actions that are re« A149 quired to lead us out of the morass in which freedom and democracy are wallowing today. Accordingly, I come not here to talk, and not merely to participate on your worth while program; I do not desire to add gloom to pessimism or to create false hopes in minds already captured by wishful thinking. Rather do I hope by utilizing Wilson’s thoughts and words to translate the impact of a world in turmoil into the context of what you and I as individuals can do and must do to ald civilization in this struggle for existence. No more need be said about the goal of the Communists. Without a glimmer of un- certainly, we know that they seek world domination at any cost. This strategy re- mains unaltered regardless of the ebb and flow of tactical changes. In the achievement of their dastardly alms we have seen the laboratory of communism in the U. 8. 8. R. itself unfold before us a horrible panorama of slavery, torture, and godlessness. Those preaching the gospel according to Marx have accomplished nothing for the good of man-~ kind, and yet, in their quest for power this negative factor is no deterrent. Onward they go stirring up fresh wars in the Devil's caldron of hates; proceeding under the false veneer of aiding humanity, when in reality human beings count for naught in their evil designs; enslaving nations as stepping stones toward achievement of world conquest; eradicating from life everything good, noble, just, and moral, While the death march of the Communists continues to grind its way toward total destruction of life and liberty, we of the free world appear to flounder in thought and to hesitate in the realm of in- decisive action in counteracting this satanic force. Do we delay in diagnosing bodily ill- ness when symptoms of disease appear? When thieves attempt to plunder and rob our homes and businesses, do we sit as bleacherites watching their machinations with indifference? Would we react with aloofness and unconcern if our material sav- ings, which had been the product of patient toil over the years, were to be snatched by gangsters? Would we be unresponsive if evil doers were to spol] the moral character which we are attempting to develop in our children? For strength of body; for protection of home and business; for security of monetary in- vestments; for the safeguarding of the character of our loved ones we would not allow apathy to make us lukewarm and de- tached. Then why do we not strip all issues of today of their verbosity? Why do we not dissipate the clouds that blind our vision? Why do we not realize that a weakened and war-weary world is sorely infected by the evil doings of one‘godless nation, and that the desecration of civilization itself is being checked by the existence of one country which is still strong and courageous—our own United States? As we stand polsed at this crossroads, let us realize that the battle for the survival of democracy will not automatically fade into oblivion. This struggle for the world now being waged is a contest to the finish, be- cause the triumph of the Soviet system would spell the doom of ours. In this battle for life let’s look up with confidence to what we have, and to our capacity for engineering the triumph of good over evil. “Democracy,” said Wilson, “is the most difficult form of government because it is the form under which you have to persuade the largest number of persons to do any- thing in particular. But I think we were the more pleased to undertake !t because it ig difficult. Anybody can do what 1s easy. We have shown that we could do what was hard.” Not many years back our fathers reached into the heavens and brought down a seg- ment of that power from above, and gave