IV 
110TH CONGRESS 
2D SESSION 
H. RES. 1258 
Impeaching George W. Bush, President of the United States, of high crimes 
and misdemeanors. 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
JUNE 10, 2008 
Mr. KUCINICH submitted the following resolution 
JUNE 11, 2008 
By motion of the House, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary 
RESOLUTION 
Impeaching George W. Bush, President of the United States, 
of high crimes and misdemeanors. 
Resolved, That President George W. Bush be im-
peached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and that the 
following articles of impeachment be exhibited to the 
United States Senate: 
Articles of impeachment exhibited by the House of 
Representatives of the United States of America in the 
name of itself and of the people of the United States of 
America, in maintenance and support of its impeachment 
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against President George W. Bush for high crimes and 
misdemeanors. 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the 
laws be faithfully executed, has committed the following 
abuses of power. 
ARTICLE I—CREATING
A SECRET PROPAGANDA CAM-
PAIGN TO MANUFACTURE A FALSE CASE FOR WAR 
AGAINST IRAQ 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty under article II, section 
3 of the Constitution ‘‘to take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed’’, has both personally and acting through 
his agents and subordinates, together with the Vice Presi-
dent, illegally spent public dollars on a secret propaganda 
program to manufacture a false cause for war against 
Iraq. 
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The Department of Defense (DOD) has engaged in 
a years-long secret domestic propaganda campaign to pro-
mote the invasion and occupation of Iraq. This secret pro-
gram was defended by the White House Press Secretary 
following its exposure. This program follows the pattern 
of crimes detailed in articles I, II, IV, and VIII. The mis-
sion of this program placed it within the field controlled 
by the White House Iraq Group (WHIG), a White House 
task-force formed in August 2002 to market an invasion 
of Iraq to the American people. The group included Karl 
Rove, I. Lewis Libby, Condoleezza Rice, Karen Hughes, 
Mary Matalin, Stephen Hadley, Nicholas E. Calio, and 
James R. Wilkinson. 
The WHIG produced white papers detailing so-called 
intelligence of Iraq’s nuclear threat that later proved to 
be false. This supposed intelligence included the claim that 
Iraq had sought uranium from Niger as well as the claim 
that the high strength aluminum tubes Iraq purchased 
from China were to be used for the sole purpose of build-
ing centrifuges to enrich uranium. Unlike the National In-
telligence Estimate of 2002, the WHIG’s white papers 
provided ‘‘gripping images and stories’’ and used ‘‘literary 
license’’ with intelligence. The WHIG’s white papers were 
written at the same time and by the same people as 
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speeches and talking points prepared for President Bush 
and some of his top officials. 
The WHIG also organized a media blitz in which, be-
tween September 7–8, 2002, President Bush and his top 
advisers appeared on numerous interviews and all provided 
similarly gripping images about the possibility of nuclear 
attack by Iraq. The timing was no coincidence, as Andrew 
Card explained in an interview regarding waiting until 
after Labor Day to try to sell the American people on mili-
tary action against Iraq, ‘‘From a marketing point of view, 
you don’t introduce new products in August.’’. 
September 7–8, 2002: 
NBC’s ‘‘Meet the Press’’: Vice President Che-
ney accused Saddam of moving aggressively to de-
velop nuclear weapons over the past 14 months to 
add to his stockpile of chemical and biological arms. 
CNN: Then-National Security Adviser Rice 
said, regarding the likelihood of Iraq obtaining a nu-
clear weapon, ‘‘We don’t want the smoking gun to 
be a mushroom cloud.’’. 
CBS: President Bush declared that Saddam 
was ‘‘six months away from developing a weapon’’, 
and cited satellite photos of construction in Iraq 
where weapons inspectors once visited as evidence 
that Saddam was trying to develop nuclear arms. 
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The Pentagon military analyst propaganda program 
was revealed in an April 20, 2002, New York Times arti-
cle. The program illegally involved ‘‘covert attempts to 
mold opinion through the undisclosed use of third par-
ties’’. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld recruited 75 
retired military officers and gave them talking points to 
deliver on Fox, CNN, ABC, NBC, CBS, and MSNBC, and 
according to the New York Times report, which has not 
been disputed by the Pentagon or the White House, ‘‘Par-
ticipants were instructed not to quote their briefers di-
rectly or otherwise describe their contacts with the Pen-
tagon.’’. 
According to the Pentagon’s own internal documents, 
the military analysts were considered ‘‘message force mul-
tipliers’’ or ‘‘surrogates’’ who would deliver administration 
‘‘themes and messages’’ to millions of Americans ‘‘in the 
form of their own opinions’’. In fact, they did deliver the 
themes and the messages but did not reveal that the Pen-
tagon had provided them with their talking points. Robert 
S. Bevelacqua, a retired Green Beret and Fox News mili-
tary analyst described this as follows: ‘‘It was them saying, 
‘We need to stick our hands up your back and move your 
mouth for you.’.’’. 
Congress has restricted annual appropriations bills 
since 1951 with this language: ‘‘No part of any appropria-
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tion contained in this or any other Act shall be used for 
publicity or propaganda purposes within the United States 
not heretofore authorized by the Congress.’’. 
A March 21, 2005, report by the Congressional Re-
search Service states that ‘‘publicity or propaganda’’ is de-
fined by the U.S. Government Accountability Office 
(GAO) to mean either (1) self-aggrandizement by public 
officials, (2) purely partisan activity, or (3) ‘‘covert propa-
ganda’’. 
These concerns about ‘‘covert propaganda’’ were also 
the basis for the GAO’s standard for determining when 
government-funded video news releases are illegal: 
‘‘The failure of an agency to identify itself as the 
source of a prepackaged news story misleads the viewing 
public by encouraging the viewing audience to believe that 
the broadcasting news organization developed the informa-
tion. The prepackaged news stories are purposefully de-
signed to be indistinguishable from news segments broad-
cast to the public. When the television viewing public does 
not know that the stories they watched on television news 
programs about the government were in fact prepared by 
the government, the stories are, in this sense, no longer 
purely factual—the essential fact of attribution is miss-
ing.’’. 
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The White House’s own Office of Legal Council stat-
ed in a memorandum written in 2005 following the con-
troversy over the Armstrong Williams scandal: 
‘‘Over the years, GAO has interpreted ‘publicity or 
propaganda’ restrictions to preclude use of appropriated 
funds for, among other things, so-called ‘covert propa-
ganda’. . . . Consistent with that view, the OLC deter-
mined in 1988 that a statutory prohibition on using ap-
propriated funds for ‘publicity or propaganda’ precluded 
undisclosed agency funding of advocacy by third-party 
groups. We stated that ‘covert attempts to mold opinion 
through the undisclosed use of third parties’ would run 
afoul of restrictions on using appropriated funds for ‘prop-
aganda’.’’. 
Asked about the Pentagon’s propaganda program at 
White House press briefing in April 2008, White House 
Press Secretary Dana Perino defended it, not by arguing 
that it was legal but by suggesting that it ‘‘should’’ be: 
‘‘Look, I didn’t know look, I think that you guys should 
take a step back and look at this look, DOD has made 
a decision, they’ve decided to stop this program. But I 
would say that one of the things that we try to do in the 
administration is get information out to a variety of people 
so that everybody else can call them and ask their opinion 
about something. And I don’t think that that should be 
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against the law. And I think that it’s absolutely appro-
priate to provide information to people who are seeking 
it and are going to be providing their opinions on it. It 
doesn’t necessarily mean that all of those military analysts 
ever agreed with the administration. I think you can go 
back and look and think that a lot of their analysis was 
pretty tough on the administration. That doesn’t mean 
that we shouldn’t talk to people.’’. 
In all of these actions and decisions, President 
George W. Bush has acted in a manner contrary to his 
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subver-
sive of constitutional government, to the prejudice of the 
cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the 
people of the United States. Wherefore, President George 
W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of an impeachable 
offense warranting removal from office. 
ARTICLE II—FALSELY, SYSTEMATICALLY, AND WITH 
CRIMINAL INTENT CONFLATING THE ATTACKS OF 
SEPTEMBER 11, 2001 WITH MISREPRESENTATION 
OF IRAQ AS AN IMMINENT SECURITY THREAT AS 
PART
OF
A FRAUDULENT JUSTIFICATION
FOR
A 
WAR OF AGGRESSION 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
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States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty under article II, section 
3 of the Constitution ‘‘to take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed’’, has both personally and acting through 
his agents and subordinates, together with the Vice Presi-
dent, executed a calculated and wide-ranging strategy to 
deceive the citizens and Congress of the United States into 
believing that there was and is a connection between Iraq 
and Saddam Hussein on the one hand, and the attacks 
of September 11, 2001, and al Qaeda, on the other hand, 
so as to falsely justify the use of the United States Armed 
Forces against the nation of Iraq in a manner that is dam-
aging to the national security interests of the United 
States, as well as to fraudulently obtain and maintain con-
gressional authorization and funding for the use of such 
military force against Iraq, thereby interfering with and 
obstructing Congress’s lawful functions of overseeing for-
eign affairs and declaring war. 
The means used to implement this deception were 
and continue to be, first, allowing, authorizing and sanc-
tioning the manipulation of intelligence analysis by those 
under his direction and control, including the Vice Presi-
dent and the Vice President’s agents, and second, person-
ally making, or causing, authorizing and allowing to be 
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made through highly-placed subordinates, including the 
President’s Chief of Staff, the White House Press Sec-
retary and other White House spokespersons, the Secre-
taries of State and Defense, the National Security Advi-
sor, and their deputies and spokespersons, false and fraud-
ulent representations to the citizens of the United States 
and Congress regarding an alleged connection between 
Saddam Hussein and Iraq, on the one hand, and the Sep-
tember 11th attacks and al Qaeda, on the other hand, that 
were half-true, literally true but misleading, and/or made 
without a reasonable basis and with reckless indifference 
to their truth, as well as omitting to state facts necessary 
to present an accurate picture of the truth as follows: 
(1) On or about September 12, 2001, former 
terrorism advisor Richard Clarke personally in-
formed the President that neither Saddam Hussein 
nor Iraq was responsible for the September 11th at-
tacks. On September 18, Clarke submitted to the 
President’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza 
Rice a memo he had written in response to George 
W. Bush’s specific request that stated: (1) the case 
for linking Hussein to the September 11th attacks 
was weak; (2) only anecdotal evidence linked Hus-
sein to al Qaeda; (3) Osama Bin Laden resented the 
secularism of Saddam Hussein; and (4) there was no 
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confirmed reporting of Saddam Hussein cooperating 
with Bin Laden on unconventional weapons. 
(2) Ten days after the September 11th attacks 
the President received a President’s Daily Briefing 
which indicated that the U.S. intelligence community 
had no evidence linking Saddam Hussein to the Sep-
tember 11th attacks and that there was ‘‘scant cred-
ible evidence that Iraq had any significant collabo-
rative ties with Al Qaeda’’. 
(3) In Defense Intelligence Terrorism Summary 
No. 044–02, issued in February 2002, the United 
States Defense Intelligence Agency cast significant 
doubt on the possibility of a Saddam Hussein-al 
Qaeda conspiracy: ‘‘Saddam’s regime is intensely 
secular and is wary of Islamic revolutionary move-
ments. Moreover, Baghdad is unlikely to provide as-
sistance to a group it cannot control.’’. 
(4) The October 2002 National Intelligence Es-
timate gave a ‘‘Low Confidence’’ rating to the notion 
of whether ‘‘in desperation Saddam would share 
chemical or biological weapons with Al Qaeda’’. The 
CIA never informed the President that there was an 
operational relationship between al Qaeda and Sad-
dam Hussein; on the contrary, its most ‘‘aggressive’’ 
analysis contained in ‘‘Iraq and al-Qa’ida: Inter-
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preting a Murky Relationship’’ dated June 21, 2002, 
was that Iraq had had ‘‘sporadic, wary contacts with 
al-Qa’ida since the mid-1990s rather than a relation-
ship with al-Qa’ida that has developed over time’’. 
(5) Notwithstanding his knowledge that neither 
Saddam Hussein nor Iraq was in any way connected 
to the September 11th attacks, the President al-
lowed and authorized those acting under his direc-
tion and control, including Vice President Richard 
B. Cheney and Lewis Libby, who reported directly to 
both the President and the Vice President, and Sec-
retary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, among others, 
to pressure intelligence analysts to alter their assess-
ments and to create special units outside of, and un-
known to, the intelligence community in order to se-
cretly obtain unreliable information, to manufacture 
intelligence or reinterpret raw data in ways that 
would further the Bush administration’s goal of 
fraudulently establishing a relationship not only be-
tween Iraq and al Qaeda, but between Iraq and the 
attacks of September 11th. 
(6) Further, despite his full awareness that 
Iraq and Saddam Hussein had no relationship to the 
September 11th attacks, the President, and those 
acting under his direction and control have, since at 
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least 2002 and continuing to the present, repeatedly 
issued public statements deliberately worded to mis-
lead, words calculated in their implication to bring 
unrelated actors and circumstances into an artifi-
cially contrived reality thereby facilitating the sys-
tematic deception of Congress and the American 
people. Thus the public and some members of Con-
gress, came to believe, falsely, that there was a con-
nection between Iraq and the attacks of 9/11. This 
was accomplished through well-publicized statements 
by the Bush Administration which contrived to con-
tinually tie Iraq and 9/11 in the same statements of 
grave concern without making an explicit charge: 
(A) ‘‘[If] Iraq regimes [sic] continues to 
defy us, and the world, we will move delib-
erately, yet decisively, to hold Iraq to ac-
count. . . . It’s a new world we’re in. We used 
to think two oceans could separate us from an 
enemy. On that tragic day, September the 11th, 
2001, we found out that’s not the case. We 
found out this great land of liberty and of free-
dom and of justice is vulnerable. And therefore 
we must do everything we can—everything we 
can—to secure the homeland, to make us safe.’’ 
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Speech of President Bush in Iowa on Sep-
tember 16, 2002. 
(B) ‘‘With every step the Iraqi regime 
takes toward gaining and deploying the most 
terrible weapons, our own options to confront 
that regime will narrow. And if an emboldened 
regime were to supply these weapons to ter-
rorist allies, then the attacks of September 11th 
would be a prelude to far greater horrors.’’ 
March 6, 2003, Statement of President Bush in 
National Press Conference. 
(C) ‘‘The battle of Iraq is one victory in a 
war on terror that began on September the 11, 
2001—and still goes on. That terrible morning, 
19 evil men—the shock troops of a hateful ide-
ology—gave America and the civilized world a 
glimpse of their ambitions. They imagined, in 
the words of one terrorist, that September the 
11th would be the ‘beginning of the end of 
America’. By seeking to turn our cities into kill-
ing fields, terrorists and their allies believed 
that they could destroy this nation’s resolve, 
and force our retreat from the world. They have 
failed.’’ May 1, 2003, Speech of President Bush 
on U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln. 
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(D) ‘‘Now we’re in a new and unprece-
dented war against violent Islamic extremists. 
This is an ideological conflict we face against 
murderers and killers who try to impose their 
will. These are the people that attacked us on 
September the 11th and killed nearly 3,000 
people. The stakes are high, and once again, we 
have had to change our strategic thinking. The 
major battleground in this war is Iraq.’’ June 
28, 2007, Speech of President Bush at the 
Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. 
(7) Notwithstanding his knowledge that there 
was no credible evidence of a working relationship 
between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda and that the 
intelligence community had specifically assessed that 
there was no such operational relationship, the 
President, both personally and through his subordi-
nates and agents, has repeatedly falsely represented, 
both explicitly and implicitly, and through the mis-
leading use of selectively-chosen facts, to the citizens 
of the United States and to the Congress that there 
was and is such an ongoing operational relationship, 
to wit: 
(A) ‘‘We know that Iraq and al Qaeda 
have had high-level contacts that go back a dec-
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ade. Some al Qaeda leaders who fled Afghani-
stan went to Iraq. These include one very senior 
al Qaeda leader who received medical treatment 
in Baghdad this year, and who has been associ-
ated with planning for chemical and biological 
attacks. We’ve learned that Iraq has trained al 
Qaeda members in bomb-making and poisons 
and deadly gases.’’ September 28, 2002, Weekly 
Radio Address of President Bush to the Nation. 
(B) ‘‘[W]e we need to think about Saddam 
Hussein using al Qaeda to do his dirty work, to 
not leave fingerprints behind.’’ October 14, 
2002, Remarks by President Bush in Michigan. 
(C) ‘‘We know he’s got ties with al 
Qaeda.’’ November 1, 2002, Speech of Presi-
dent Bush in New Hampshire. 
(D) ‘‘Evidence from intelligence sources, 
secret communications, and statements by peo-
ple now in custody reveal that Saddam Hussein 
aids and protects terrorists, including members 
of al Qaeda. Secretly, and without fingerprints, 
he could provide one of his hidden weapons to 
terrorists, or help them develop their own.’’ 
January 28, 2003, President Bush’s State of 
the Union Address. 
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(E) ‘‘[W]hat I want to bring to your atten-
tion today is the potentially much more sinister 
nexus between Iraq and the al Qaeda terrorist 
network, a nexus that combines classic terrorist 
organizations and modern methods of murder. 
Iraq today harbors a deadly terrorist net-
work. . . .’’ February 5, 2003, Speech of 
Former Secretary of State Colin Powell to the 
United Nations. 
(F) ‘‘The battle of Iraq is one victory in a 
war on terror that began on September the 11, 
2001—and still goes on. . . . [T]he liberation 
of Iraq . . . removed an ally of al Qaeda.’’ May 
1, 2003, Speech of President Bush on U.S.S. 
Abraham Lincoln. 
(8) The Senate Select Committee on Intel-
ligence Report on Whether Public Statements Re-
garding Iraq by U.S. Government Officials Were 
Substantiated by Intelligence Information, which 
was released on June 5, 2008, concluded that: 
(A) ‘‘Statements and implications by the 
President and Secretary of State suggesting 
that Iraq and al-Qa’ida had a partnership, or 
that Iraq had provided al-Qa’ida with weapons 
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training, were not substantiated by the intel-
ligence.’’. 
(B) ‘‘The Intelligence Community did not 
confirm that Muhammad Atta met an Iraqi in-
telligence officer in Prague in 2001 as the Vice 
President repeatedly claimed.’’. 
Through his participation and instance in the breath-
taking scope of this deception, the President has used the 
highest office of trust to wage a campaign of deception 
of such sophistication as to deliberately subvert the na-
tional security interests of the United States. His dishon-
esty set the stage for the loss of more than 4,000 United 
States servicemembers; injuries to tens of thousands of 
soldiers, the loss of more than 1,000,000 innocent Iraqi 
citizens since the United States invasion; the loss of ap-
proximately $527 billion in war costs which has increased 
our Federal debt and the ultimate expenditure of three 
to five trillion dollars for all costs covering the war; the 
loss of military readiness within the United States Armed 
Services due to overextension, the lack of training and lack 
of equipment; the loss of United States credibility in world 
affairs; and the decades of likely blowback created by the 
invasion of Iraq. 
In all of these actions and decisions, President 
George W. Bush has acted in a manner contrary to his 
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trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subver-
sive of constitutional government, to the prejudice of the 
cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the 
people of the United States. Wherefore, President George 
W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of an impeachable 
offense warranting removal from office. 
ARTICLE III—MISLEADING THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AND 
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS TO BELIEVE IRAQ POS-
SESSED WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION, SO AS 
TO MANUFACTURE A FALSE CASE FOR WAR 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty under article II, section 
3 of the Constitution ‘‘to take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed’’, has both personally and acting through 
his agents and subordinates, together with the Vice Presi-
dent, executed instead a calculated and wide-ranging 
strategy to deceive the citizens and Congress of the United 
States into believing that the nation of Iraq possessed 
weapons of mass destruction in order to justify the use 
of the United States Armed Forces against the nation of 
Iraq in a manner damaging to our national security inter-
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ests, thereby interfering with and obstructing Congress’s 
lawful functions of overseeing foreign affairs and declaring 
war. 
The means used to implement this deception were 
and continue to be personally making, or causing, author-
izing and allowing to be made through highly-placed sub-
ordinates, including the President’s Chief of Staff, the 
White House Press Secretary and other White House 
spokespersons, the Secretaries of State and Defense, the 
National Security Advisor, and their deputies and spokes-
persons, false and fraudulent representations to the citi-
zens of the United States and Congress regarding Iraq’s 
alleged possession of biological, chemical and nuclear 
weapons that were half-true, literally true but misleading, 
and/or made without a reasonable basis and with reckless 
indifference to their truth, as well as omitting to state 
facts necessary to present an accurate picture of the truth 
as follows: 
(1) Long before the March 19, 2003, invasion 
of Iraq, a wealth of intelligence informed the Presi-
dent and those under his direction and control that 
Iraq’s stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons 
had been destroyed well before 1998 and that there 
was little, if any, credible intelligence that showed 
otherwise. As reported in the Washington Post in 
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March of 2003, in 1995, Saddam Hussein’s son-in- 
law Hussein Kamel had informed U.S. and British 
intelligence officers that ‘‘all weapons—biological, 
chemical, missile, nuclear were destroyed.’’ In Sep-
tember 2002, the Defense Intelligence Agency issued 
a report that concluded: ‘‘A substantial amount of 
Iraq’s chemical warfare agents, precursors, muni-
tions and production equipment were destroyed be-
tween 1991 and 1998 as a result of Operation 
Desert Storm and UNSCOM actions . . . [T]here is 
no reliable information on whether Iraq is producing 
and stockpiling chemical weapons or whether Iraq 
has—or will—establish its chemical warfare agent 
production facilities.’’ Notwithstanding the absence 
of evidence proving that such stockpiles existed and 
in direct contradiction to substantial evidence that 
showed they did not exist, the President and his sub-
ordinates and agents made numerous false represen-
tations claiming with certainty that Iraq possessed 
chemical and biological weapons that it was devel-
oping to use to attack the United States, to wit: 
(A) ‘‘[T]he notion of a Saddam Hussein 
with his great oil wealth, with his inventory 
that he already has of biological and chemical 
weapons . . . is, I think, a frightening propo-
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sition for anybody who thinks about it.’’ State-
ment of Vice President Cheney on CBS’s Face 
the Nation, March 24, 2002. 
(B) ‘‘In defiance of the United Nations, 
Iraq has stockpiled biological and chemical 
weapons, and is rebuilding the facilities used to 
make more of those weapons.’’ Speech of Presi-
dent Bush, October 5, 2002. 
(C) ‘‘All the world has now seen the foot-
age of an Iraqi Mirage aircraft with a fuel tank 
modified to spray biological agents over wide 
areas. Iraq has developed spray devices that 
could be used on unmanned aerial vehicles with 
ranges far beyond what is permitted by the Se-
curity Council. A UAV launched from a vessel 
off the American coast could reach hundreds of 
miles inland.’’ Statement by President Bush 
from the White House, February 6, 2003. 
(2) Despite overwhelming intelligence in the 
form of statements and reports filed by and on be-
half of the CIA, the State Department and the 
IAEA, among others, which indicated that the claim 
was untrue, the President, and those under his di-
rection and control, made numerous representations 
claiming and implying through misleading language 
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that Iraq was attempting to purchase uranium from 
Niger in order to falsely buttress its argument that 
Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear weapons pro-
gram, including: 
(A) ‘‘The regime has the scientists and fa-
cilities to build nuclear weapons, and is seeking 
the materials needed to do so.’’ Statement of 
President Bush from White House, October 2, 
2002. 
(B) ‘‘The [Iraqi] report also failed to deal 
with issues which have arisen since 1998, in-
cluding: . . . attempts to acquire uranium and 
the means to enrich it.’’ Letter from President 
Bush to Vice President Cheney and the Senate, 
January 20, 2003. 
(C) ‘‘The British Government has learned 
that Saddam Hussein recently sought signifi-
cant quantities of uranium from Africa.’’ Presi-
dent Bush Delivers State of the Union Address, 
January 28, 2003. 
(3) Despite overwhelming evidence in the form 
of reports by nuclear weapons experts from the En-
ergy, the Defense and State Departments, as well 
from outside and international agencies which as-
sessed that aluminum tubes the Iraqis were pur-
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chasing were not suitable for nuclear centrifuge use 
and were, on the contrary, identical to ones used in 
rockets already being manufactured by the Iraqis, 
the President, and those under his direction and 
control, persisted in making numerous false and 
fraudulent representations implying and stating ex-
plicitly that the Iraqis were purchasing the tubes for 
use in a nuclear weapons program, to wit: 
(A) ‘‘We do know that there have been 
shipments going . . . into Iraq . . . of alu-
minum tubes that really are only suited to— 
high-quality aluminum tools [sic] that are only 
really suited for nuclear weapons programs, 
centrifuge programs.’’ Statement of then Na-
tional Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice on 
CNN’s Late Edition with Wolf Blitzer, Sep-
tember 8, 2002. 
(B) ‘‘Our intelligence sources tell us that 
he has attempted to purchase high-strength alu-
minum tubes suitable for nuclear weapons pro-
duction.’’ President Bush’s State of the Union 
Address, January 28, 2003. 
(C) ‘‘[H]e has made repeated covert at-
tempts to acquire high-specification aluminum 
tubes from 11 different countries, even after in-
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spections resumed. . . . By now, just about ev-
eryone has heard of these tubes and we all 
know that there are differences of opinion. 
There is controversy about what these tubes are 
for. Most U.S. experts think they are intended 
to serve as rotors in centrifuges used to enrich 
uranium.’’ Speech of Former Secretary of State 
Colin Powell to the United Nations, February 
5, 2003. 
(4) The President, both personally and acting 
through those under his direction and control, sup-
pressed material information, selectively declassified 
information for the improper purposes of retaliating 
against a whistleblower and presenting a misleading 
picture of the alleged threat from Iraq, facilitated 
the exposure of the identity of a covert CIA opera-
tive and thereafter not only failed to investigate the 
improper leaks of classified information from within 
his administration, but also failed to cooperate with 
an investigation into possible federal violations re-
sulting from this activity and, finally, entirely under-
mined the prosecution by commuting the sentence of 
Lewis Libby citing false and insubstantial grounds, 
all in an effort to prevent Congress and the citizens 
of the United States from discovering the fraudulent 
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nature of the President’s claimed justifications for 
the invasion of Iraq. 
(5) The Senate Select Committee on Intel-
ligence Report on Whether Public Statements Re-
garding Iraq by U.S. Government Officials Were 
Substantiated by Intelligence Information, which 
was released on June 5, 2008, concluded that: 
(A) ‘‘Statements by the President and Vice 
President prior to the October 2002 National 
Intelligence Estimate regarding Iraq’s chemical 
weapons production capability and activities did 
not reflect the intelligence community’s uncer-
tainties as to whether such production was on-
going.’’. 
(B) ‘‘The Secretary of Defense’s statement 
that the Iraqi government operated under-
ground WMD facilities that were not vulnerable 
to conventional airstrikes because they were un-
derground and deeply buried was not substan-
tiated by available intelligence information.’’. 
(C) Chairman of the Senate Intelligence 
Committee Jay Rockefeller concluded: ‘‘In mak-
ing the case for war, the Administration repeat-
edly presented intelligence as fact when in re-
ality it was unsubstantiated, contradicted, or 
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even non-existent. As a result, the American 
people were led to believe that the threat from 
Iraq was much greater than actually existed.’’. 
The President has subverted the national security in-
terests of the United States by setting the stage for the 
loss of more than 4,000 United States servicemembers and 
the injury to tens of thousands of U.S. soldiers; the loss 
of more than 1,000,000 innocent Iraqi citizens since the 
United States invasion; the loss of approximately $500 bil-
lion in war costs which has increased our Federal debt 
with a long term financial cost of between three and five 
trillion dollars; the loss of military readiness within the 
United States Armed Services due to overextension, the 
lack of training and lack of equipment; the loss of United 
States credibility in world affairs; and the decades of likely 
blowback created by the invasion of Iraq. 
In all of these actions and decisions, President 
George W. Bush has acted in a manner contrary to his 
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subver-
sive of constitutional government, to the prejudice of the 
cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the 
people of the United States. Wherefore, President George 
W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of an impeachable 
offense warranting removal from office. 
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ARTICLE IV—MISLEADING THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AND 
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS TO BELIEVE IRAQ POSED 
AN IMMINENT THREAT TO THE UNITED STATES 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty under article II, section 
3 of the Constitution ‘‘to take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed’’, has both personally and acting through 
his agents and subordinates, together with the Vice Presi-
dent, executed a calculated and wide-ranging strategy to 
deceive the citizens and Congress of the United States into 
believing that the nation of Iraq posed an imminent threat 
to the United States in order to justify the use of the 
United States Armed Forces against the nation of Iraq 
in a manner damaging to our national security interests, 
thereby interfering with and obstructing Congress’s lawful 
functions of overseeing foreign affairs and declaring war. 
The means used to implement this deception were 
and continue to be, first, allowing, authorizing and sanc-
tioning the manipulation of intelligence analysis by those 
under his direction and control, including the Vice Presi-
dent and the Vice President’s agents, and second, person-
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ally making, or causing, authorizing and allowing to be 
made through highly-placed subordinates, including the 
President’s Chief of Staff, the White House Press Sec-
retary and other White House spokespersons, the Secre-
taries of State and Defense, the National Security Advi-
sor, and their deputies and spokespersons, false and fraud-
ulent representations to the citizens of the United States 
and Congress regarding an alleged urgent threat posed by 
Iraq, statements that were half-true, literally true but mis-
leading, and/or made without a reasonable basis and with 
reckless indifference to their truth, as well as omitting to 
state facts necessary to present an accurate picture of the 
truth as follows: 
(1) Notwithstanding the complete absence of in-
telligence analysis to support a claim that Iraq posed 
an imminent or urgent threat to the United States 
and the intelligence community’s assessment that 
Iraq was in fact not likely to attack the United 
States unless it was itself attacked, President Bush, 
both personally and through his agents and subordi-
nates, made, allowed and caused to be made re-
peated false representations to the citizens and Con-
gress of the United States implying and explicitly 
stating that such a dire threat existed, including the 
following: 
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(A) ‘‘States such as these [Iraq, Iran, and 
North Korea] and their terrorist allies con-
stitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the 
peace of the world. By seeking weapons of mass 
destruction, these regimes pose a grave and 
growing danger. They could provide these arms 
to terrorists, giving them the means to match 
their hatred. They could attack our allies or at-
tempt to blackmail the United States. In any of 
these cases, the price of indifference would be 
catastrophic.’’ President Bush’s State of the 
Union Address, January 29, 2002. 
(B) ‘‘Simply stated, there is no doubt that 
Saddam Hussein has weapons of mass destruc-
tion. He is amassing them to use against our 
friends, our enemies, and against us.’’ Speech 
of Vice President Cheney at VFW 103rd Na-
tional Convention, August 26, 2002. 
(C) ‘‘The history, the logic, and the facts 
lead to one conclusion: Saddam Hussein’s re-
gime is a grave and gathering danger. To sug-
gest otherwise is to hope against the evidence. 
To assume this regime’s good faith is to bet the 
lives of millions and the peace of the world in 
a reckless gamble. And this is a risk we must 
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not take.’’ Address of President Bush to the 
United Nations General Assembly, September 
12, 2002. 
(D) ‘‘[N]o terrorist state poses a greater 
or more immediate threat to the security of our 
people than the regime of Saddam Hussein and 
Iraq.’’ Statement of Former Defense Secretary 
Donald Rumsfeld to Congress, September 19, 
2002. 
(E) ‘‘On its present course, the Iraqi re-
gime is a threat of unique urgency . . . it has 
developed weapons of mass death.’’ Statement 
of President Bush at White House, October 2, 
2002. 
(F) ‘‘But the President also believes that 
this problem has to be dealt with, and if the 
United Nations won’t deal with it, then the 
United States, with other likeminded nations, 
may have to deal with it. We would prefer not 
to go that route, but the danger is so great, 
with respect to Saddam Hussein having weap-
ons of mass destruction, and perhaps even ter-
rorists getting hold of such weapons, that it is 
time for the international community to act, 
and if it doesn’t act, the President is prepared 
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to act with likeminded nations.’’ Statement of 
Former Secretary of State Colin Powell in 
interview with Ellen Ratner of Talk Radio 
News, October 30, 2002. 
(G) ‘‘Today the world is also uniting to an-
swer the unique and urgent threat posed by 
Iraq. A dictator who has used weapons of mass 
destruction on his own people must not be al-
lowed to produce or possess those weapons. We 
will not permit Saddam Hussein to blackmail 
and/or terrorize nations which love freedom.’’ 
Speech by President Bush to Prague Atlantic 
Student Summit, November 20, 2002. 
(H) ‘‘But the risk of doing nothing, the 
risk of the security of this country being jeop-
ardized at the hands of a madman with weap-
ons of mass destruction far exceeds the risk of 
any action we may be forced to take.’’ Presi-
dent Bush meets with National Economic 
Council at White House, February 25, 2003. 
(2) In furtherance of his fraudulent effort to 
deceive Congress and the citizens of the United 
States into believing that Iraq and Saddam Hussein 
posed an imminent threat to the United States, the 
President allowed and authorized those acting under 
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his direction and control, including Vice President 
Richard B. Cheney, former Secretary of Defense 
Donald Rumsfeld, and Lewis Libby, who reported 
directly to both the President and the Vice Presi-
dent, among others, to pressure intelligence analysts 
to tailor their assessments and to create special 
units outside of, and unknown to, the intelligence 
community in order to secretly obtain unreliable in-
formation, to manufacture intelligence, or to reinter-
pret raw data in ways that would support the Bush 
administration’s plan to invade Iraq based on a false 
claim of urgency despite the lack of justification for 
such a preemptive action. 
(3) The Senate Select Committee on Intel-
ligence Report on Whether Public Statements Re-
garding Iraq by U.S. Government Officials Were 
Substantiated by Intelligence Information, which 
was released on June 5, 2008, concluded that: 
‘‘Statements by the President and the Vice Presi-
dent indicating that Saddam Hussein was prepared 
to give weapons of mass destruction to terrorist 
groups for attacks against the United States were 
contradicted by available intelligence information.’’. 
Thus the President willfully and falsely misrepre-
sented Iraq as an urgent threat requiring immediate ac-
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tion thereby subverting the national security interests of 
the United States by setting the stage for the loss of more 
than 4,000 United States servicemembers; the injuries to 
tens of thousands of U.S. soldiers; the deaths of more than 
1,000,000 Iraqi citizens since the United States invasion; 
the loss of approximately $527 billion in war costs which 
has increased our Federal debt and the ultimate costs of 
the war between three trillion and five trillion dollars; the 
loss of military readiness within the United States Armed 
Services due to overextension, the lack of training and lack 
of equipment; the loss of United States credibility in world 
affairs; and the decades of likely blowback created by the 
invasion of Iraq. 
In all of these actions and decisions, President 
George W. Bush has acted in a manner contrary to his 
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subver-
sive of constitutional government, to the prejudice of the 
cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the 
people of the United States. Wherefore, President George 
W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of an impeachable 
offense warranting removal from office. 
ARTICLE V—ILLEGALLY MISSPENDING FUNDS TO 
SECRETLY BEGIN A WAR OF AGGRESSION 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
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faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty under article II, section 
3 of the Constitution ‘‘to take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed’’, has both personally and acting through 
his agents and subordinates, together with the Vice Presi-
dent, illegally misspent funds to begin a war in secret prior 
to any Congressional authorization. 
The President used over $2 billion in the summer of 
2002 to prepare for the invasion of Iraq. First reported 
in Bob Woodward’s book, Plan of Attack, and later con-
firmed by the Congressional Research Service, Bush took 
money appropriated by Congress for Afghanistan and 
other programs and—with no Congressional notification— 
used it to build airfields in Qatar and to make other prep-
arations for the invasion of Iraq. This constituted a viola-
tion of article I, section 9 of the U.S. Constitution, as well 
as a violation of the War Powers Act of 1973. 
In all of these actions and decisions, President 
George W. Bush has acted in a manner contrary to his 
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subver-
sive of constitutional government, to the prejudice of the 
cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the 
people of the United States. Wherefore, President George 
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W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of an impeachable 
offense warranting removal from office. 
ARTICLE VI—INVADING IRAQ IN VIOLATION OF THE 
REQUIREMENTS OF H.J. RES. 114 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty under article II, section 
3 of the Constitution ‘‘to take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed’’, exceeded his Constitutional authority to 
wage war by invading Iraq in 2003 without meeting the 
requirements of H.J. Res. 114, the ‘‘Authorization for Use 
of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002’’ to wit: 
(1) H.J. Res. 114 contains several Whereas 
clauses consistent with statements being made by 
the White House at the time regarding the threat 
from Iraq as evidenced by the following: 
(A) H.J. Res. 114 states ‘‘Whereas Iraq 
both poses a continuing threat to the national 
security of the United States and international 
peace and security in the Persian Gulf region 
and remains in material and unacceptable 
breach of its international obligations by, 
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among other things, continuing to possess and 
develop a significant chemical and biological 
weapons capability, actively seeking a nuclear 
weapons capability, and supporting and har-
boring terrorist organizations;’’; and 
(B) H.J. Res. 114 states ‘‘Whereas mem-
bers of Al Qaeda, an organization bearing re-
sponsibility for attacks on the United States, its 
citizens, and interests, including the attacks 
that occurred on September 11, 2001, are 
known to be in Iraq;’’. 
(2) H.J. Res. 114 states that the President 
must provide a determination, the truthfulness of 
which is implied, that military force is necessary in 
order to use the authorization, as evidenced by the 
following: 
(A) Section 3 of H.J. Res. 114 states: 
‘‘(b) PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION.—In connec-
tion with the exercise of the authority granted in sub-
section (a) to use force the President shall, prior to such 
exercise or as soon thereafter as may be feasible, but no 
later than 48 hours after exercising such authority, make 
available to the Speaker of the House of Representatives 
and the President pro tempore of the Senate his deter-
mination that— 
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‘‘(1) reliance by the United States on further 
diplomatic or other peaceful means alone either (A) 
will not adequately protect the national security of 
the United States against the continuing threat 
posed by Iraq or (B) is not likely to lead to enforce-
ment of all relevant United Nations Security Council 
resolutions regarding Iraq; and 
‘‘(2) acting pursuant to this joint resolution is 
consistent with the United States and other coun-
tries continuing to take the necessary actions 
against international terrorist and terrorist organi-
zations, including those nations, organizations, or 
persons who planned, authorized, committed, or 
aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on Sep-
tember 11, 2001.’’. 
(3) On March 18, 2003, President George Bush 
sent a letter to Congress stating that he had made 
that determination as evidenced by the following: 
(A) March 18th, 2003 Letter to Congress 
stating: ‘‘Consistent with section 3(b) of the 
Authorization for Use of Military Force Against 
Iraq Resolution of 2002 (Public Law 107–243), 
and based on information available to me, in-
cluding that in the enclosed document, I deter-
mine that: 
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‘‘(i) reliance by the United States on 
further diplomatic and other peaceful 
means alone will neither (A) adequately 
protect the national security of the United 
States against the continuing threat posed 
by Iraq nor (B) likely lead to enforcement 
of all relevant United Nations Security 
Council resolutions regarding Iraq; and 
‘‘(ii) acting pursuant to the Constitu-
tion and Public Law 107–243 is consistent 
with the United States and other countries 
continuing to take the necessary actions 
against international terrorists and ter-
rorist organizations, including those na-
tions, 
organizations, 
or 
persons 
who 
planned, authorized, committed, or aided 
the terrorist attacks that occurred on Sep-
tember 11, 2001.’’. 
(4) President George Bush knew that these 
statements were false as evidenced by: 
(A) Information provided with articles I, 
II, III, IV, and V. 
(B) A statement by President George Bush 
in an interview with Tony Blair on January 
31st, 2003: [WH] 
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Reporter: ‘‘One question for you both. Do 
you believe that there is a link between Saddam 
Hussein, a direct link, and the men who at-
tacked on September the 11th?’’ 
President Bush: ‘‘I can’t make that 
claim’’. 
(C) An article on February 19th by Ter-
rorism expert Rohan Gunaratna states ‘‘I could 
find no evidence of links between Iraq and Al 
Qaeda. The documentation and interviews indi-
cated that Al Qaeda regarded Saddam, a sec-
ular leader, as an infidel.’’. [International Her-
ald Tribune] 
(D) According to a February 2nd, 2003 
article in the New York Times: [NYT] 
At the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 
some investigators said they were baffled by the 
Bush administration’s insistence on a solid link 
between Iraq and Osama bin Laden’s network. 
‘‘We’ve been looking at this hard for more than 
a year and you know what, we just don’t think 
it’s there’’, a government official said. 
(5) Section 3C of H.J. Res 114 states that 
‘‘Nothing in this joint resolution supersedes any re-
quirement of the War Powers Resolution.’’. 
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(6) The War Powers Resolution Section 9(d)(1) 
states: 
‘‘(d) Nothing in this joint resolution— 
‘‘(1) is intended to alter the constitutional au-
thority of the Congress or of the President, or the 
provision of existing treaties; or’’. 
(7) The United Nations Charter was an exist-
ing treaty and, as shown in article VIII, the invasion 
of Iraq violated that treaty. 
(8) President George Bush knowingly failed to 
meet the requirements of H.J. Res. 114 and violated 
the requirement of the War Powers Resolution and, 
thereby, invaded Iraq without the authority of Con-
gress. 
In all of these actions and decisions, President 
George W. Bush has acted in a manner contrary to his 
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subver-
sive of constitutional government, to the prejudice of the 
cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the 
people of the United States. Wherefore, President George 
W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of an impeachable 
offense warranting removal from office. 
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ARTICLE VII—INVADING IRAQ ABSENT A DECLARATION 
OF WAR 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty under article II, section 
3 of the Constitution ‘‘to take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed’’, has launched a war against Iraq absent 
any congressional declaration of war or equivalent action. 
Article I, section 8, clause 11 (the War Powers 
Clause) makes clear that the United States Congress holds 
the exclusive power to decide whether or not to send the 
nation into war. ‘‘The Congress’’, the War Powers Clause 
states, ‘‘shall have power . . . To declare war . . .’’ 
The October 2002 congressional resolution on Iraq 
did not constitute a declaration of war or equivalent ac-
tion. The resolution stated: ‘‘The President is authorized 
to use the Armed Forces of the United States as he deems 
necessary and appropriate in order to (1) defend the na-
tional security of the United States against the continuing 
threat posed by Iraq; and (2) enforce all relevant United 
Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq.’’ The 
resolution unlawfully sought to delegate to the President 
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HRES 1258 IH 
the decision of whether or not to initiate a war against 
Iraq, based on whether he deemed it ‘‘necessary and ap-
propriate.’’ The Constitution does not allow Congress to 
delegate this exclusive power to the President, nor does 
it allow the President to seize this power. 
In March 2003, the President launched a war against 
Iraq without any constitutional authority. 
In all of these actions and decisions, President 
George W. Bush has acted in a manner contrary to his 
trust as President and Commander in Chief, and subver-
sive of constitutional government, to the prejudice of the 
cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the 
people of the United States. Wherefore, President George 
W. Bush, by such conduct, is guilty of an impeachable 
offense warranting removal from office. 
ARTICLE VIII—INVADING IRAQ, A SOVEREIGN NATION, 
IN VIOLATION OF THE U.N. CHARTER AND INTER-
NATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW 
In his conduct while President of the United States, 
George W. Bush, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the office of President of the United 
States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in 
violation of his constitutional duty under article II, section 
3 of the Constitution ‘‘to take care that the laws be faith-
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