‘The rights of these law-abiding citizens pannot be left unprotected and the greatest detertent to crime ts the certainty of appre- hension t. f and punishment. If you, by a fooliah devotion to an ab- atrect idea, so limit the agencies of law enforcement that the chances for apprehen- sion and conviction ‘become small, the criminal will continue to expand the circle of his depredations. T agree with the late Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes thet wire tapping is a dirty busi- neas but, if you were to ride with me through the streets of any large city in the early hours of the morning and view the bloody of the victim pf a gang murder or view the tortured body & youthful narcotics user whose future has been destroyed to gratify the gangsters’ greed for easy money; 4 you had seen, as I have seen, the poor and unfortunate victims of organized groups of confidence men who have lost their life savings; if you. had been forced to cope with the revolting spectacle of a segment of the police department who had been cor- rupted by an unscrupulous gambler, you would agree that crime is an even dirtier business, I have asked before and I ask again, What is BO sacrosanct about a telephone that men can use it to plan murder or to steal the aecrets of the atomic bomb, and the evidence cannot be used against them? Is the right of privacy greater than a man's right to life? Of course not. Then, if you will prohibit wire tapping, why don’t you disarm the police? The reason is apparent; you trust in the policeman not to use that gun in an im- proper manner. The patrolman’'s revolver and club are your weapons, employed in your interest. Bo is the wire tap. This is the age of acientific progress. The criminal takes advantage of every known scientific aid to foster his nefarious acts, WIL you deny the benefits of technological progreas to the agencies of law enforcement? Mr. Justice Jackson, then Attorney Gen- eral of the United States, writing to Repre- sentative Hatton Summers on March 10, 1941, said: “Criminals today have the free run of our communication systems but the law-enforcement officers are denied even a carefully restricted power to confront the criminal with his telephonic and telegraphic footprints.” For one, I cannot see the logic af the op- ponent of a measure to permit wire tapping under proper auspices and under reasonable restrictions, To follow any such line of thought re- duces us to the absurdity of taking the motorcycle away from the traffic cop and give ing him back his bicycle. Today a criminal can commit a crime in Massachusetts now and be in California in the morning. Should we be limited in our chase to @ covered wagon or may we use & DO-6? You may rightfully ask by what then will we protect ourselves againat the inordinate and reckless use of this means of detection. The answer is simpie—by the same means you protect yourself from every other pos- sibility of misgovernment—by the integrity of the officials in whom you place the right to exercise these powers. Mf the government offictal violates this eonfidende, our democracy provides adequate means for you to turn the rascal out. The mite « man becomes a prosecutor, policeman, or other public offioial, he does not lose af" cense of decency and justice no more: thati a man becomes a criminal the mints he accepts a retainer as defense coun- eel in # criminal case. ‘Thaye are o few erroneous idese with re- spect to wire tapping I should like to correct. First is the belief that law enforcement officials use wire tapping to a great extent. I do not believe that this is correct. In my first 4 years as district attorney, I have prosecuted more than 8,000 felony cases, approximately 30,000 misdemeanor cases, and have conducted many more inves. tigations and yet, during that time, I have appHed for orders to intercept telephone communications as follows: 1946... ..-------- een enemnnwe weemnnncee 12 a total of 30 applications, 14 of which dealt with homicides. In addition, the cases in which we have used evidence resulting from orders cbtained dtrectly by the police does not exceed 26. The figures of 1950 were not yet available as I prepared this address, The foes of wire tapping are attempting to guard the average citizen against an out- rage to which he never will be subjected. We might just as well adopt a statute making it unlawful for sea serpents to swim further north than the George Washington Bridge. The whole subject cannot be better stated than in the words of Mr, Justice Jackson, to which I originally referred and which I should now like to quote in full: “Wire tapping presents a problem of prop- er balance and nice adjustment as between rights of individuals on the one hand and the needs and interests of society on the other. Unrestrained and uncontrolled wire tapping, even on the part of law-enforce- ment officers, would constitute serious abuses, “On the other hand, to prohibit law-en- forcement officers from intercepting mes- sages no matter what the circumstances may be, is to guarantee the safe use of the chan- nels of wire and wireless communications to spies and criminals. “Qne would not think of providing that & police officer shall not stop a suspect who is driving an automobile on the highway and yet today the criminal and the spy may use the highways of communication without re- etraint or even surveillance.” There is a fundamental principle that every right has its corresponding obligation and those who willfully refuse to accept the obll- gation cannot seek to protect themselves with the right. The criminal, the spy, and the saboteur accept none of the obligations imposed by the laws of this country. Surely you will not create for them a new and inviolable privacy to assist them in their attack on our way of life. The recent statement of Mr. Justice Jack- son to the effect that “There is a danger that, if the court does not temper its doo- trinaire logic with a little practical wisdom, it will convert the Bill of Rights into a auicide pact” may well-be applied with equal appropriateness to those who, in their gin- cere zeal to insure the blessings of the Bill of Rights to our citizens, impose restrictions on the agents of law enforcement which never were within the purview of that blessed document. The so-called right of privacy, which is not guaranteed by either the State or Fed+ eral Constitution, should not be made to serve as a cloak of inyisibility to Coplona, Hise, Gold, and others of their ilk. Let us no longer f00l ourselves—we are at war with communism in Korea and in Ruesia and here in the United States. The saboteurs are walting to strike. The spies of the Kremlin are at every hand. The telephone is more secret than the Giplomatic dispatch case, They avail themselves of it with tmpunity and with immunity. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Why must we forget the homely but acund advice that an ounce of prevention is worth 8 pound of cure. By intercepting and supervising the tele- phone conversations of Communist spies now, you may well prevent the sounding of the siren that will warn you that a jet bomber bearing a load of atomic bombs has pierced our radar screen—and that all that remains to be done is to cower in a cellar and pray. Let us no longer behave like the monkeys that see, hear, cnd do no evil—but act like the minutemen who, in the days of our country's birth, used any weapon thr: came to hand, be it pitchfork or ax in their fight for freedon.. Is USAF Troop Support Adequate? ee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER NORBLAD OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. NORBLAD, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include herewith the following article by Ben 8S, Lee in Aviation Week of February 12, 1951, on the subject of the Army taking over tactical aviation from the Air Force: Is USAF Troop Surrornr ApEQUATE?—CON- GBESSIONAL INVESTIGATION MAY POINT THE War Towarp Arwy TAKING Over CoNnTROL OF TACTICAL AVIATION (By Ben 8. Lee) Steps to bring about a congressional in- vestigation of the inadequacies of tactical alr support provided by the USAF to the Army are being taken in Washington, Avia- tion Week has learned, Figuring importantly 1n the over-all pro- posed inquiry is the specific question: Why has the Air Force failed to procure the Chase XC-128 assault transport, winner of a recent assault transport competition? Natural channel for the investigation would be through the House Armed Services Committee. While some members of the committee favor such an inquiry, the final decision to project it will probably remain with its powerful chairman, Representative CarL VINSON, FINE JOB, BUT— While it le generally conceded that USAF has done a fine job in Korea despite obvious deficiencies in tactical air equipment avall- able there, the deficiencies have pointed up the weakness tn this phase of United States air power, a Congressman sald last week. Gen. Douglas MacArthur apparently shares this view, for acording to reports of his talks with President Truman in the Pactfic last fall, he expressed dissatisfaction with tacti- cal air support. The President promised that it would be bolstered immediately. “I have not noted that the situation has altered ma- terially as yet,” the Ci essman said. Gen. Omar Bradiey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, following a recent visit to the Far East, also issued a stall report expressin, no little concern over the quality of atroraft assigned to Korean effort, tactically, and to the over-all inefficiency of tactical air sup- port techniques, a Defense Department source declared, ARMY PURCHASING LIMIT Several months ago, Army aaked for re- moval of an Army-USAF agreement reatrict- ing Army to the purchase of fixed-wing air- craft weighing less than 2,600 pounds and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD helloopters weighing lesa than 4,000 pounds. The problem still under consideration. Weight limitations virtually freeze Army to procurement of aircraft intended only for Maison. “This situation,” a high-ranking Army of- ficer stated to Aviation Week, “would suffice, if Air Force cooperated with Army for tta neods in heavier aircraft fleilds. Our needs in transport are totally ignored ag are owr con- cepts in fighter and bombers in tacti- cal support utilization, “The Chase Aircraft Oo.'s XC-128, for ex» ample,” he said, “was bullt specifically to meet requirements of the Army in the medi- um transport field. It is what Army wants and what it needs to fight s war. After long, Urinecessary delays, Alr Force evaluated the plane with several others (Northrop O-125 and Fairchild 0-82), The Ohase plane won the evaluation virtually on every count, as we thought jt would, but there is still no con- tract for ite manufacture. : “If the present weight Hmitations were eased, we'd buy the C-~-123 ourselves,” the spokesman said, “and it is my belief that a real scanda’ exists in the fact that Air Force hasn’t contracted for the plane in quantity.” The entire problem of the application of alr power to tactical support problems of Army has been under the eyes of Congress for some time. Late last year an investiga- tion of tactical aviation was promised by House Armed Services Committee Chairman Car Vinsow. It was sidetracked when Air Force let it be known it “would do some- thing.” ARMY FIELD COMMAND There {s a growing feeling in military quarters that tactical aviation should be placed under control of Army. From a prac- tical point of view, top officials of both Army and Air Force claim it would be unwise to actually transfer tactical to Army. There igs some consideration betng given instead to correcting existing command relations be- tween services. This means that tactical air forces in sup- port of armies would be placed under Army command instead of being offered for “co- operation whenever the over-all air situa- tion permits.” Army planners do envision, however, es- tablishment of an Army air logistics sup- port group. Army would like to provide for ite own internal needs much in the same manner as Navy's fleet air logistics. It has no desire to infringe upon the strategic air- lft mission of Military Air Transport Service, it was said. Congressman Wares Norsiap, ® member of the House Armed Services Committee, is ® firm adherent to the cause of Army in tactical air support, He told Aviation Week that he believed that all tactical and trans~- port aviation should be transferred from the Air Force to the Army. “I have urged my committee to conduct immediate hearings on the subject. “Many in high command,” sald NorpBiap, “t) cluding General Macarthur and Gen. Omer Bradley, have recognised the need for coordination between air support and the ground troops. “The Marine Corps, with its own aviation, has coordinated its Korean eir and ground attack in an excellent manner and has been the leader in precise close support, On the other hand, when the Army needed bomber or fighter support for ite troops, 1t waa neo- essary to go through an involved chain of command from one service ta the other with & resuitant waste of time and without the coordination found in the one-command system of the Marines. “During alr-ground combat operations the atr was under one command and the troops under another. It simply isn't sogi¢al, “The Atr Forces should continue te com- mand and develop long-range stretegio bombing on distin , but all of the short-range bombers, tera, and trans~- ports should be returned to the jurisdiction of the United States Army,” the Oongrese- man said. “J do not mean to imply that I am against the present atr-development program—to the contrary, I have urged for several years that it should be expanded—but I do feel that we will have a much more efficient and capable fighting machine {f this transfer is NoasiaD was a combat intelligence officer in the Eighth Air Force during World War II. He ts a member of the four-man Tactical Aviation Subcommittee af the Armed Serv~- ices Committee. The Best Defense Is the Bold Attack EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN OF BOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 6, 1951 Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, as one who has always advocated a strong national defense in times of peace as the best way to prevent war, it is with great pleasure that I place in the Recorp, this editorial by former United States Senator Wilton E. Hall, of South Carolina. Senator Hall is now publisher of the Anderson Independent, Anderson, 8. C., which ts today one of the South's leading newspapers. Senator Hall through the years has consistently backed us in this fight for adequate and overwhelming air power, a force which he believes will contribute immeasurably to tle preservation of peace. He realizes that air power is the only force today that can bring destruc- tion immediately to the heart and home-~ land of Russia following a general out- break of war. Senator Hall is in daily touch with the American people. No defense program can be successful without the united backing of the American people. They are the ones who will pay the bills; they are the one who will do the dying in case of war. They should be heeded in their demands for a great air force which would prevent further aggression by this atheistic, communistic dictatorship. Senator Hall is looking ahead into the future with the preservation of this great country in mind. He is to be com- mended for his contribution to our thinking. The above-mentioned edito- rial follows: ‘Tux Beer Derensz Is THs Bou Arrack The defeat of the Spanish Armada, famed fn song and story, was not what broke the pack of the Spanish fleet. The intrepid Francis Drake did that job by hunting down end destroying Spanish veasels inside Spanish harbors. He was an ndvocate of the bold atteck. Stonewall Jackson was another advocate of such strategy. It was likewise the mili- tary belfef of Gen. Bedford Forrest not only beh a thar fustest with the mostest” but to Al2%3 The Air Forces General Vandenberg ts of the same mind. ‘ He pointa out that the United Btates could build a ring of steel and radar around ite border but still 70 percent of an enemy's bombers could get through. . If this be true, it also means that 30 per- cent of our bombers could get through the network of defense thrown up by an enemy. What Vandenberg is driving at is that America's best defense is the maintenance of an air force powerful enough to pulverize our enemies within hours after trouble breaks. For the United States to strike firet at Soviet Russla would be diplomatic suicide, or so we are told. That rules out the sur- prise attack, the “preventive” war idea. But the bold attack thereafter must be mountable if the United States is to defend iteelf in modern war. That is why the sadivocates of air power make so much sense, and is excellent enough reason for a thorough-going revalus- tion of the Mation’s over-all strategy in this half-hot war with the Communists. Small Business and Mobilization EXTENSION OF REMARKS in HON. JOE L. EVINS OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. EVINS, Mr. Speaker, on Friday, last, Dr. Ernest L. Stockton, formerly president of Cumberland University, of Lebanon, Tenn., in the district which I have the honor to represent, and now economic consultant for the House Small Business Committee, spoke before a gathering of the eastern North Carolina area of the North Carolina Association of Chambers of Commerce Executives. Dr. Stockton addressed these business- men on the topic entitled “Small Busi- ness and Mobilization” drawing upon his full knowledge of conditions in this regard as he has observed them and as they have been revealed to him in the line of his duties with the Small Business Committee. This address is thought-provoking and deserving of the attention of all the Members of the House who are con- cerned with the role which our small- business enterprises wish to play and should be permittted to play in our cur- rent-mobilization program. I ask unan- imous consent that the address of Dr. Btockton be included with my remarks in the Appendix of the Rrcorp. The address is as follows: Smar, Boswess any MosmvigzaTion It is & pleasure to mest with this fine group of businessmen representing the great Tidewater and Piedmont area of the South- east. Naturally you had hoped that a Mem- ber of Congress could be with you and speak x cathedra on the many vitally important questions relating to small business. The voice of authority is always better than the opinions of an interpreter. You may be assured, however, that the opinions and facta which I attempt to present are in agreement with those of the distinguished chairman of the House Small Business Com- mittee and ita members. Congressman Watent Parman is the pioneer founder of
Al224 this committe, amd for many years has been the courageous champion of the cause of small business. He has been chairman since the Hous of Representatives frst established the committee in December 1941 (77th Cong.), with the exception of the 9-year of the Rightieth Congress. The mem- bers of this committee would wish me to convey to you their greetings and best wishes, ORIGIN AND OBJECTIVES OF THE SMALL BUSINESS COMMITT RR The Select Committee on Small Business was created 8 days after Pearl Harbor to insure the survival of small business in a wartime economy. The need for the com- mittee has been recognized by each succeed- ing Congress. Studies of the American economy have re- vealed the fact that, in periods of high profits, merger and consolidations in industry have greatly increased. Four such periods are readily apparent in a survey of the his- of our economy: the consolidation move- ment of 1897-1905, the post-World War I movement, the period of the late twenties, and the present time. The precarious posi- tion of the small independent business has increased the urgency of action to remedy small-business problems. The committee feels that its objectives can be most effectively accomplished. by activity in the legislative field, and by working to alleviate problems common to all smaller business enterprises, rather than by con- ducting prolonged, extensive investigations to underline existing facts concerning monopoly and monopoly problems. GMALL BUSINESS—-FOUNDATION OF THE AMERICAN ECONOMY It seems evident at times that some of our leaders forget the small beginnings of all American enterprises. Every big business to- day was a small business yesterday. Recent. ly an 80-year old businessman wrote a bro- chure entitled “Progress in America Which I Have Seen Since the 1680’s,” a colorful periad in our history when most of our great inventions, great industries, and our entire modern economic structure were developed and expanded to their present huge propor- tions during one Iifetime. In his early life this man eaw no streetcars and automobiles, no electric power and lights, no telephones, no bathrooms, no steel bridges, no rubber tires, In a few years, however, he could see a hot air engine, bathrooms with gas heat- ers, electric lights, high pressure water-tube- boiler engines driving large ships overseas, Gasoline engines driving a horseless carriage called an automobile at the speed of 6 miles per hour, These simple inventions have become vast industries which produce and supply us with the major products used by 150,000,000 Americans, It is a story of how great oaks from little acorns grow. We must continue to manage our economy #0 that the oppor- tunity to found and to develop small busi- nesses shall not be lost, Freedom to go into business and to satay in busness, on the basis of efficiency, ig one of the basic free- doms of our democracy. The meaning of this ohapter in the history of our economic progress is that small business is always the broad and deep and strong foundation of our whole economic structure, We must not permit this structure to become too top- heavy with highly concentrated big indus- tries which might weaken the foundations, THE EMERGENCY AND GOVERNMENT PROCUREMENT It has already been demonstrated since the declaration of a national emergency on December 16, that the problems of small business multiply during an emergency, The solution of these problems is exacting and requires continuous study and investiga- tion, Some of these problems now under conatant study are: 1, Defense prime and subcontracts. 2. Besential civilian supplies. 3. Scarce materials. 4. Financial assistance. 5. Plant utilization. 6. Retail] and wholesale distribution. %, Effect of price controls and rationing. During the Eighty-first Congress the com- mittee conducted a continuous study of Gov- ernment procurement. The committee was able through negotiation and by other means to bring about changes in procurement methods which have been of material assist- ance to small business— 1. Convincing procurement agencies to classify more accurately small-business con- cerns in contract awards. 2. Establishment of a Board of Contract Appeals in General Services Administration, 8. Lengthening the period between an in- vitation to bid and the closing of bids. 4. Standardizing specifications of common use items and equipment. 6. Prompt notification of the closing of contracts. 6. Wider publicity on invitations to bid. 7, Establishment of Offices of Small Busi- ness in procurement agencies, PROMISES NOT ENOUGH In spite of the provisions in the Defense Production Act providing for full informa- tion to small-business enterprises, for fair representation on advisory committees, for allocation of materials and loan guaranties, it fs evident that the only power exercised today in behalf of smal! business is the power of persuasion. Bince the Office of Defense Mobilization and the Defense Production Ad- ministration were established, there are even fewer guaranties that small business will re- ceive an equitable share of materials and contracts. However efficient the top leader- ship of the Office of Defense Mobilization may be and however optimistic pronounce- ments sound, nothing can be done within the organization with its present policies and methods of operation to utilize fully and ef- fectively the manpower and productive facili- ties of the thousands of small businesses of the Nation. So far small business has only had what Hamlet said to Polonius: “Words, words, words’-—only promises. Every NPA order contains this assurance: “To reduce to @ minimum disruption ‘of normal distribu- tion,” but what does this mean to a business- man who wants materials to keep his plant in operation. Further, it is promised that contracts will be spread as widely as possible, This promise sounds good but it does not provide materials and contracts. The De- partment of Defense Executive Order No. 1508-50, issued December 18, 1950, to speed up procurement actions in connection with the second supplemental fund request, de- clared that it {8 essential that contracts be spread across industry in order to broaden the industrial base of the procurement pro- gram. NEGOTIATION THE RULE Again, this sounds good until we read fure ther: “Broadening of the base will require wider use of negotiation.” It is reported that at thi, time approximately 98 percent of all procurement actions are negotiated. No loyal American would object to nego- tiation of contracts if adequate material to meet the threat of aggressive communiam is the only way to protect our Nation and other free nations against Red China, Red Russia, or any Red satellite. If negotiation is the only way to get weapons and supplies for our fighting forces, then all of us would say “Negotiate the contracts.” But common sense dictates the present state of world affairs does not appear to jus- tify such desperate speed in volume produc: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tion, particularly to an extent that would eliminate almost entirely small business par- ticipation in procurement. Furthermore, the mobilization effort can be weakened by failure to recognize the abilities and pro- ductive capacities of amall business. The Small Business Committee of the House in- sists that procurement agencies could utilize more fully and effectively the many small plants throughout the country to increase the volume of total production and at the same time help small manufacturers in their struggle to survive, HOW DO YOU GET A DEFENSE CONTRACT—NOW? If negotiation is the established procedure, and if you do not receive notices of intent to negotiate, how dd you get contracts— now? It is hoped that present policies and procedures of procurement may be modified, but small manufacturers whose civilian pro- duction has been cut back cannot afford to walt too long. Then what can you do? First of all, do not depend upon a &-percenter or a pro- fessional contact man. Small-business men who have succeeded against great odds in getting contracts involving considerable amounts have told the committee that a contract seeker at this particular stage of mobilization must depend upon his own ingenuity, energy, and persistence. He must knock on doors and continue knocking on doors of procurement officials and prime contractors until he receives fair considera- tion of his abilities and facilities. The following steps are recommended as the best procedure for a prospective con- tractor: 1. Prepare a plain brochure and state- ment, including bank connection, financial rating, and size of contract that could be handled. 2. Make calls on officials in various pro- curement agencies and leave adequate infore mation for examination. 3. Get clearance—technical, plan capabil- ity, financial stability, products, and security. 4. Repeat calls on the same officials to check on the consideration of your applica- tion. 5. Follow through on bids to see if they are completed and check, step by step, the progress on these bids in various agencies. If a smell manufacturer ig interested in a subcontract, it would be necessary to ex- amine lists of prime contractors and make contacts with them in the hope of producing some component part of the prime contract. In the Munitions Board and other agencies are lists of large contracts which have been awarded to prime contractors. These lists may be found in 6,000 or more “informational outlets” established by the Department of Commerce, in cooperation with the Depart- ment of Defense and General Services Ad- ministration, in local chambers of commerce, banks, and other places. Weekly synopses of contract awards in excess of $25,000 are avail- able at these outlets. OFFICES OF SMALL BUSINESS The House Small Business Committee con. vinced several agencies to establish offices of small business to maintain Malson with pro- curement officials. These offices in NPA, Mu- nitions Board, RFC, and ECA have been sym. pathetic with our objectives. They have co- operated to the fullest In praviding informa- tion and guidance and in making recom- mendations to the heads of various depart. ments of the Government, but they do not ait in the councils of the policy makers where final decisions are made. They are kind friends, highly intelligent offictals, and cou- rageous pleaders, but they do not have au- thority to guarantee materials and contracts to small business, The fine cooperation exemplified in their attendance and messages at many clinics in almost all States has proved beyond doubt
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD their sincere desire to he helpful. They have done their hest to guide sinsfi-business men to the end of some rambew where a poten- tial supply of casemtia) nonterinis of an engerly sought contract might be found. Whether or not the search could succeed, these officials of small-besimem offces have created in the publi¢ mind a keen awareness of the piace of small business im the American economy, and they have Wp more clearly to the necessity of further action to insure more equitable @etributtion of materials and con- tracts to small manufacturers. RANGER IM DELAY There is grave dangers in projonged delay in utilising small-business potentialities. Decisive action should he taken at the earliest possible moment before the cream of contracts t# negottated, leaving only the skimmed mitk for small business, If many small plants do not either obtain essential materials for civilian production or defense comiracte, they will be compelled to cut back operations below cost of production or to close down. Such conditions would set in motion a chafn reaction of successive shocks and trreparable losses to our ecost- ony —am . Migration of labor, loss of businesses In communities formerly Gependent upon their own local industries, and not the least would be the great loes of yevenue to our Federal and local govern- ments There are dangerous signs that these symptoms exiat already. Many letters come to the House and Senste Smali Bust- ness Committees from businessmen or their Representatives in Congress, with distress appeals like this: The timitetions in NPA Order So-and-So were not intended to force anyane out of business, and scme provision y to country i desperate need of a minimum of supplies with whieh to continue In business. WHAT CaN BE NONE The only thing that can save these many small businesses from famine or death is to tion, NPA, and other egenctes may make elo- quent commitments that materiats end con- tracts will be scattered widely, Dut peat rec- ords indicate that promises will not be trans- lated into sction untess Congress gives a mandate to offiefals requiring them to ello- cate s more generous proportion of contracts to smal! manufacturers, Tt ts a matter of record! that each of the past two World Ware made a new crop of biltionatres and mififonatres. We are not opposed to biltfonatres and millionaires as such they biitions and millions are made and used in the public interest and for the nations! welfare with reasonable ot the proftts they have received were not always in true balance with the pubitc welfare. some extzacedinary menses mist be adopted in crucial periods like this. GWALL, DEVEMSE PLATES COMPORATING The Smal! Business Comonitiess of the Senate end Mowe betteve that the best measure to protect and to preserve ssnall Dusiness is the enectment s bél (8. B. 1600, & 33) to create the Smeh Defense Plants Corporation and to preserve small- business inetitutions and free, competitive enterprive, introduced in the Senate by Sen- ator Jomw Sramcmanw and in the House by give leme of small business in & wartime phere. Therefore, the Sxusall Business Com- mittee feela that it te duty-bound and has the high responsibility to the House of Rep- resentatives to shoulder the burden of thie problem and to see it through to « final con- cluston. The committee belleves the feasible remedy is the one it bas proposed. Exsentialty, the SDPC bill provides for contracts under the national program; 2. To secure a fair share of scarce mate- rials for essential civilian pro@ustion; 3. To be assured fair and equitable treat- ment when acting as subcontractors; 4. To obtain loans for expension and conversion in the interests of the national defense program, and 6. To achieve full economic and indus- trial mobilization. In order to accomplish these major objec- tives, proviston fs made for— 1, The integration of thts legislation with the basic legislation: The Defense Produc- tton Aet of 1950 (sec. 2 (a)). 2. A revolving fund in the Treasury for the purpose of making loans and acquiring property. 8%, The tment of a board of direc~ tors representing small business, Iabor, and agriculture. 4. Banking powers vested in the Corpo- ration to enable tt to adequately finance ameall-business concerne for defense snd 5. The Corporstion’s entry Into contracts with the United States Government for the purpose of furnishing equipment, suppiies, oF materials to the Government and to ar- concerna which can be weed for defense and eweental civilian production. The broad view, as we see tt, Involves the community Iife of America. Wo matter how may prevail or what the making | ‘ | f to the cause of liberty. and died for freedom with unexcelled valor. Let us strengthen and encourage the Irish Nation and assist it to secure that unity and autonemy which the Irish people so richly deserve. The above- mentioned follows: The Irish Government learned with grave concern and deep regret of the invitation issued by the British Admiralty to the Neth- erlerids to send & neval str to do otherwise than maintain the friendiy relations which heve always existed with the Nethertands. It ts, however, necessary to pomt out emphatically that Brittatn’s exer- ciwe of soverstgity over & portion of cur coun try ls in defianee of the will of the over-
Pightly or wrongly ‘as 4 taking of sides. It ‘qeeméd itiy trofortunate that such an invitation should. have been sent to the Netherlands at this particuler stage in world history when democracy iteelf was on trial, The democratic system for its basis upon the right of ‘the pedple of a na- tion to determine thelr own affairs freely ahd without outaide interference. The par- tition of Ireland amd the occupation of 4 portion of Ireland whether by British or other troops in deflance of the will of the overwhalming majority of the Irish people constitute a clear infringement of the prin- ciples upon which democtatic rule rests. We have at the moment in Korea a tragic ex- ample of the results that fiow from the un- . democratic and unnatural partition of a tountry. One would expect that at this time more than any other time democratic , governments in Western Europe would ap- preoiate the vital necessity and importance of giving effect in practice as well as in theory to the principles of democracy. For the government and the people of the Neth- erlands we have nothing but the highest esteem and affectionate regard. We do not, however, wish to sse them drawn tnto a position wherein they would acquiesce in an infringement of the sovereignty of the Irish people and of the fundamental prin. ciples of democracy. Diplomatic correspondents in Dublin re- port that Mr. MacBride, Minister for Ex- ternal Affairs, had an interview with the Netherlands Minister in Dublin, His Ex- eellency Jonkheer J. W. M. Snouck Hurgronje, on December 30 and on a number of subse- quent occastons in relation to the announce- ment of the proposed visit for training pur. poses of a Dutch naval air squadron to Derry. It is understood that further exchanges on the matter are still taking place, The Relative Right EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWARD L. SITTLER, JR. OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr, SITTLER. Mr, Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Reconn, I include the following editorial from the Brownsville (Pa.) Telegraph of February 20, 1951: Tue Revative Rickr Tt ts a common illusion of our time that what je “right” must inevitably triumph. This is proved to be an fllusion, first, because it. ja impossible to determine precisely and absolutely what is right. Therefore it is im- possible to know if “the right” ever does triumph, in any final and absolute sense. It may be the consensus of opinion that some idea is more right than some other idea, but no one can say, tf this idea triumphs, that the outeome would have been worse if some other idea had prevailed. But even if a society decides that a certain idea is more right then another, it does not follow that this idea, by virtue of its being more right, must inevitahly triumph over opposing ideas, It is not inevitable, for in~ stance, that the idea of American democracy will triumph over the idea of Stalinist com- Munim, just hecaviae it ts the consensus of American opinion—and perhaps of world areal the former is more right than It is occastonally necessary, for us sli to Yeeall this hard fact in order that our efforts in bebalf of our cherished ideas are not wrongly based. Quite a number of people, among those socially conscious enough to have faith in ideas, work and fight for right ideas in the fond belief that these ideas are automatically destined by providence to prevail. This is a dangerous illusion. Its Yesult is that people come to judge the validity and worth of an idea according to its success in the world. Those who believe, for instance, that democracy must triumph , because it is more right, must have suffered crushing disillusionment during this cen- tury, when the idea of democracy has lost out again and again. We may fervently want our right ideas to triumph in the world, but our belief in them is not soundly and firmly based when it depends on their success in terms of worldly achievement, The only alternative to this fallacious kind of belief, and the only proper basis for a belief in an idea js the feeling that the idea should and can triumph. There is, ad- mittedly, a very fine line between believing that something can triumph and believing that it will, But the distinction is funda- mental to a sound faith. If we believe that something can win out—but may not—we are at once driven to valiant effort in its behalf and protected against the illusion of its inevitable victory. Such is the true faith of those who fight for ideas. They do not lean on the paper shield of inevitability, They ride the war horse of what-should-be. St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES B, BROWNSON OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. BROWNSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following editorial on the St. Law- rence seaway, published in the India- napolis News, Thursday, March 1, 1951: Tux St. LawREence The Washington administration is trot- ting out again all the old arguments for the proposed St. Lawrence seaway, but with louder national defense overtones. The ex- penditure of new tax billions to build a waterway that would be frozen 4 great part of the year, in order to transport iron ore trom Labrador, may have some justification, but it should be far down the list of na- tional priority. The Paname Canal, for in- stance, is in far graver need of improved facilities and defenses. Gov. Thomas EB. Dewey has nailed down the real motive for the edministration’s in- ordinate interest in the 8t. Lawrence project, In advocating New York-Ontario joint de- velopment of the Niagara and St, Lawrence Rivers, he told the New York Legislature that the Federal plan is to make the power facilities a “potential source of national revenue at the will of Oongress for the indefinite future.” “This outrageous notion,” said Governor Dewey, “is completely in the groove of thought of those Federal monopolists who wouid like to reduce the States to mere de- pendents upon the Federal Government and let their assets and authority be soaked up by ever-encroaching Federal power.” If the St. Lawrence is to be developed for shipping and electric power, it should be done by State-Province compacts, and not to set up a vast socialistic government monopoly with Mfe and death power over State and private business interests, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Anything Goes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, in con- nection with a House resolution which I have introduced today, and under leave to extend my remarks, I enclose a por- tion of an editorial from the Washington Post commenting emphatically on the lack of moral and ethical standards of many public servants disclosed by re- cent congressional hearings, For the reason that it might be violative of the House rules, I have eliminated that part of the editorial which refers to alleged improper conduct by a Member of the other body, Nevertheless, there can be no double standard. Equally with the personnel of the executive branch, those chosen by the people to represent them in the Senate and House owe the duty to refrain meticulously from actions which might cause disrespect for gov- ernment. The editorial from the Post follows: ANYTHING Gors “It is gone,” said Edmund Burke in his Re- fiections on the Revolution in France, “that sensibility of principle that chastity of hon- or, which felt a stain like a wound.” It Sppears to be, to say the very least, blunted among men in public life today. The appail- ing aspect of the disclosures—and one gets the impression that they are only a tithe of the sordid story—that have come out of the Fulbright committee's inquiry into the af- fairs of the Reconstruction Finance Corpora- tion is that the officials involved in them seem almost devoid of any sense of impro- priety. Taxed with having accepted the hos- pitality of a Florida hotel for which he had been instrumental in obtaining an RFC loan, Hilton W. Robertson, an examiner in the agency, said: “I expect to pay the rate. They wouldn't take it. I did not know they were going to issue a courtesy card. Is there anything wrong about that?” Well, Mr. Robertgon, it all depends on your concept of right and wrong. It probably isn't a penal offense, if that's any comfort to you. The chances are no one will suppose you sold your influence for the paltry price of a free hotel room. But a man who holds & position of responsibility and trust in the United States Government can no more afford to accept favors than to grant them. Time was when this elementary point of honor seemed so clear that no one thought to question it. But in the blurred vision of today, anything goes, it seems, if you can get away with it. It is somewhat harsh to point a finger at Mr. Robertson. Some of his bosses in the RFC saw nothing wrong, apparently, in tak- ing ® gratuity here and there from appli- cants for RFC loans, For that matter, Don- ald Dawson, White House aide in charge of personnel, did just what Mr. Robertson did. On three occasions, he was the nonpaying guest of the same hotel. If Mr. Dawson has any regard for his reputation, he will cease hiding behind his White House immunity and come before the subcommittee to ex- plain his conduct. In the absence of an explanation, his unfitness for a post in the White House sceme abundantly demone strated,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Robert Burns EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN OF acasmacrUserrs IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to revise and extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include a recent article from the Clinton Daily Item containing two poems in reference to the immortal Robert Burns, the great and ever-to-be-remembered Scottish poet, One of these contributions by Alex- ander C. Duncan bears particular signi- ficance because every year on January 25, in keeping with a long-established custom that fine gentlemen appro- priately observes the birthday of the great Bard of Scotland. Time was in the town of Clinton, Mass., when this oc- casion was widely observed with festivi- ties and celebrations arranged by old Scotch settlers and participated in by many people. Time itself has taken toll of many of those who arranged these an- nual celebrations and they are now but @ sacred memory. Yet the spirit of Scotia and of Burns lives in the hearts of the loyal Scots and not a birthday of the great Burns passes without some refer- ence to his memory and some tribute to his greatness, It can truly be said of Robert Burns that he will live forever in the hearts of men. Some poets have written for kings and queens who were their patrons, some have sung their songs as poet laureates to the glory of great empires. But Rob- ert Burns wrote his poems for the com- mon people—for the poor, and the un- heralded, and all the men and women of the rank and file who go to make up the fabric of every nation. I cannot here give adequate utterance to the greatness of Robert Burns, nor can I recite his many contributions to human happiness. Others have sung paeans of pratse to hisname. The sparkle, gaiety, and brightness of his works will endure to the end of recorded time. The name of Robert Burns and what it stands for will never die. Moen like Alex Duncan, loyal Scots, fine, proud Aniericans, will keep his memory warm and his beautiful poems and songs alive. All this for the sake of Auld Lang Syne. The poems follow: Ropsgat Burns (Born January 25, 1759) “Our monarch’s hindmost year but ane Waa five and twenty days begun “Twas then a blast o’ Jenwar’ win’ Biew hansel in on Robin.” Thus Robert Burns wrote as to the time and olrcumatances of his birth, and in the peme song he ventured what probably asemed to him a tash prophecy when he said: “Hell hae misfortunes ax’ emu’, But ay & heart aboon a’, He'll be 8 credit till us a’: We'll a’ bé prood o’ Robin!” But rash as the ‘was, tt has been gloriously fulfilled, for not only are Scotch- men “a’ prood of Robin" end getting “prood- er” every day, but we are even * to see the warm place which Robert Burns has found in the hearts of people the world over, “When Scotland Forgets Burns Then History Will Forget Scotland.” Avexawome C. Doncaw. Taz Bran oy Rosxzr Buaxs There is a star, whose beaming ray Is shed on every elime, It shines by night It shines by day, And ne’er grows dim wi’ time. It grows upon the banks of Ayr, It shone on Doon's clear stream, A hundred years are gone and mair, Yet brighter grows its beam. Let kings and courtiers rise an’ fa’ This world has mony turns But brightly beams aboon them a’ The star o’ Robbie Burns. On Fames emblazoned page enshrined His name is foremost, now. And mony a costly wreaths been twined, To grace his honest brow. Auld Scotland’s heart expands wi’ joy, When e’er the day returns That gave the world—its peasant boy, Immortal Robbie Burna. Do We Want the RFC? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE MEADER OFr MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. MEADER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following editorial from the Adrian (Mich.) Daily Telegram of March 2, 1961: Do Wr Want THE RFO? It’s # perilous situation when politicians play banker with public funds, That is pre-~ Cisely what has been going on within the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. Money from taxpayers has been passed over the loan counter with its lending subject to political pressures, influence, and favoritism. Public confidence in the RFC was not great before the Senate committee's inquiry. Confidence has been shattered by the committee's dis- closures. Set up under the Hoover administration in 1932, the RFC served the public interest by keeping sound banks and large interstate businesses operating when they suddenly found themsetves shut off from their normal sources of financial help. It was a depres- sion agency designed to deal with the depres- sion. It succeeded wonderfully in its orig- inal purpose, But over the years that orig- inal purpose has been perverted. RFC has become a tool for carrying out political goals of the New Deal and the Fair Deal. It has become a source of loans for the politically favored. The RFO poured $38,000,000 into a pre- fabricated housing venture that went bank- rupt. Other RFO millions enabled a new company to enter the automobile manufac- field. Loans went into wildcat oll wells, into a plush resort hotel housing a ing casino and into all sorte of other ventures, some successful, some not. About all the borrower had to show was that he could not obtain the money from private aources cheaply enough. . The stench of ecandal hangs over the RFC. Examiners who peseed on loan applications A1227 have been gtven fat selaried jobs by the loan ‘applicants. A former lowly clerk iu the RFO organization is shown to have ought stock in a company at $1 a share that quickly was worth $200 a ahare. He bought it by borrowing from an attorney representing & firm seeking an RFO loan. Meanwhile the wife acquires an 63,600 mink coat with the attorney footing the bill. The wife is & secretary at the White House. An RFO di- rector testifies that he departed from the usual procedure as a personal favor in ae- signing an examiner to go over the loan ap- plication of a friend. That loan applicant subsequently became an RPO director him- aelf, After the Senate committee had reported that at least three of the five directors whom President Truman wanted reappointed to the RFC board had been subject to influence, the President first insisted on their reap- pointment and then relented. He was will- ing to have a single administrator with sep- arate boards to determine loan policy and review loan applicettons. The trouble with that plan is that the RFC would continue as an executive agency subject to direct po- Ntical influences. And the RFO record is proof enough that politics and banking ere an unwholesome mixture. The more the committee turns up in its public hearings the clearer it is a question whether the RFO should be continued at all. Does the country want and need it? The Hoover Commission in ts report on Government reorganization declared that “the Government should not engage in di- rect lending where loans can be obtained from private sources on reasonable terms.” That's a good princtple to follow. Jesse Jones, long-time head cf the RFC, recom- mended nearly a year ago that it be liqui- dated. Matter of Fact EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rxcorp, I include the following article written by Mr, Stewart Alsop, which appeared in the Washington Post on Friday, March 2, 1951; ' Marrm: oy Facr (By Stewart Alsop) THE KEY A nightmare is beginning to haunt those principally responsible for American foreign polley. For it is now about ae certain as such things can be that the Kremlin will soon formally propuse a German settlement pased on the unity of a “neutralized” Ger- many, after the staged withdrawal of all occupation troops. And it is even possible that the Kremlin will add glittering window dressing, by ostensibly accepting the prin- stple of a free, secret, wosupervised vote to elect # aingle ali-German Government. This prospect has initiated a crucial, agonized debate in the inner circies of the State Department and the Pentagon. For the objective of such an apparently reason- able Soviet offer would be to end Western rearmament, split the Western alliance, and thus knock the props right out from under American foreign. policy. Tne evidence ta increasingly strong that the Soviets will produce some such proposal
‘at the forthcoming foreign ministers’ con« ference. This evidence takes various forms, Buch.as dispatches from Moscow, passed by ’ the Soviet censors, reporting that the Soviets are now eager for 4 German settlement on Generous terms. But the. most convincing evidence is provided by the course of the campaign for “unity and neutrality” waged within Germany by the East German Com- Drunists, At firat, this campaign waa based exclu- aiyely on the “Prague resolutions,” The campaign made little headway, simply be- cause the Prague resolutions” are no more than a crude blueprint for the Communist capture of all Germany. But recently, East German Communist Chief Otto Grotewohl wuddenly switched the line, more than hint- ing that the Communists would welcome free, secret elections throughout Germany as a basis for forming a united government, Grotewoh! acted, of course, on specific in- structions from the Kremlin. And Grote~ wohl's line thus almost certainly fore- shadows the Kremlin's line at the foreign mainisters’ meeting. Almost no informed of- finial believes that a Soviet offer of a Ger- man settlement on such terms would be genuine. The reasons are abvious. A genuine German settlement would also involve a genuine Austrian settlement. This would mean 4 Soviet guaranty to withdraw the Red army from all the satellites—and the satellites are more restive than ever be- fore. It would mean the loss to Russia of the vital Erzebirge uranium mines in East Germany. A really secret vote would mean an overwhelming defeat of the Hast German Communist regime, and a deadly blow at Boviet world prestige. Finally, it would mean a pro-Western or at least strongly anti-Communist, all-German government, and however ‘neutralized’ Germany might be, it is almost unimaginable that the Krem- lin would accept such a risk. For these reasons and others, it 1s believed that any Soviet proposal for a German set- tlement will be essentially a fake, a tempting trap for the unwary west. Yet even a fake proposal, cleverly camouflaged, could have disastrous consequences. American policy is now squarely based on the assumption that a true balance of power can only be achieved, and peace maintained, if Western Butope is rendered defensible. The Pentagon 1s convinced that Western Burope can never be defended without Ger- man participation. A German settlement providing for withdrawal of all occupation troops and the permament demilitarization of Germany would, it is feared, cause the Weatern European defense effort, now just getting underway under General Elsenhow- er’s leadership, to crumble into nothingness, Yet even if the Kremlin only seemed ready to offer a reasonable settlement involving the withdrawal of the Red army to the Rus- sian frontiers, the offer would be almost unbearably tempting to the Germans, the Prench, the British, and even to many Amer- jeans. It might throw the whole Western Alliance into an uproar of bitter, mutual recrimination, causing the alliance to fall apart. This is why the internal debate now going on is so vitally tmportant. One’ school of thought particularly in the Pentagon, be- Neves any German settlement at this time, on any terins, disastrous, This school would attempt to forestall the Kremlin with a prior American proposal for a German settlement festooned with conditions which the Soviets would not conceivably accept. Yet any dip- Jomatic device so obvious and so cl might iteelf aplit the Allies by convincing the Europeans that the United States was interested only in war. Another, smaller school of thought believes that German rearmarpent abould be used as & bargaining cotintef! that it 6 hot wholly impossible that Soviet policy may actually have reached a turn in the @iggag course prescribed by Lenin; and that we should be prepared to recognize this change of course and to take maximum advantage of it, One thing is olear—and it is the reason why one of these reporters has now left for Ger- many: The world struggle is now moving into a new stage of crisis which will almost certainly center around the country which Lenin called “the key to Europe.” Meat Prices EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to revise and extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include therein my recently expressed views on the question of meat prices, Present meat prices are outrageous and in the interest of the health and welfare of the American people they must be reduced, If Government con- trol agencies fail to act, this Congress must grapple forthwith with this vital problem. The rise in the cost of living since Korea has been most alarming. It has inflicted real hardship on the consumers, particularly our working classes. Gen- eral price levels of essential commodi- ties and necessities of life used in the homes and in the every-day lives of our people have substantially advanced. For some time past, I have been strongly urg- ing OPS Director Michael V. DiSalle to move along a broad front to bring these prices into line. From the standpoint of economic law, such action involves considerable difficulty but, nevertheless, the problem must be tackled without fur- ther delay, I think that the recent slaughter order, which is designed to prevent the diver- sion of meats from established distribu- tion channels, should be helpful. But it will not be sufficient to bring essential and necessary adjustments in the prices of meats. Steps must be taken to con- trol effectively the large packers as well as the small slaughterers, I hope it will not be necessary to impose rigid restric- tions upon any part of American busi- ness which will shackle initiative and tend to create black markets. But the American people will not long tolerate the excessive prices which now prevail over meats and other necessities of life, I am, therefore, urging once again that the Government act as soon as possible to stabilize conditions in the commodity markets with special reference to meat, but including all other necessities. Meat is such a vital and important protein food which is used and so urgently needed in the ordinary Ameri- can family that an adequate supply of ent at reasonable prices is most essen- tal, I hope that early action will be taken to bring down meat prices, Otherwise Congress must enact spenia) legislation to relieve present intolerable prices. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Commutation of Sentences of German War Criminals EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN D. DINGELL OF MICHIOAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr, DINGELL, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rxro- orp, I include the following summary on the commutation of sentences of German war criminals, together with a pertinent letter of representatives of several or- ganizations, members of the National Community Relations Advisory Council to the Secretary of State: COMMUTATION OF SENTENCES OF GERMAN War CRIMINALS One hundred and one individual cases were reviewed by Mr. McCloy and General Handy. Mr. MecCloy's determinations were based in part upon recommendations made to him by the Advisory Board on Clemency for War Criminals, which he appointed in March 1960. Of the 101 cases which were reviewed, sentences were commuted in 89 cases and were reaffirmed in 12 cases, Twenty-eight of these 101 sentences were death sentences of which 21 were commuted, 16 to terms of life imprisonment, and 6 to varying terms of imprisonment. The types of criminals involved in both the commuted and re- affirmed sentences are indicated in the sec- tions below dealing separately with the cases under Mr. McCloy’s jurisdiction and those under General Handy’s. , CASES REVIEWED BY GENERAL HANDY The following data are taken from a press release of the headquarters, European Com- mand, Public Information Division, January 81, 1951, marked EUCOM, release No. 51-91. General Handy reviewed 13 cases, all in-~ volving death sentences. Of these 13 he ree afirmed 2 and commuted 11 to life im- prisonment. Of the 11 death sentences commuted to life imprisonment, 6 involved army non- commissioned Officers and officers who were implicated in the Malmedy case. Two of the 11 criminals whose death sen- tences were commuted to life imprisonment were SS sergeants who participated in con- centration-camp brutalities; the remaining 3 were convicted of murdering Allied and United States airmen parachuting from dis. abled planes. Reasons given for commutations: Gen- eral Handy states that the commutations of the sentences of the six men involved in the Malmedy case were based upon the following considerations: The crimes were associated with a desperate combat action, were definitely distinguishable from the more deliberate killings in concentration camps, and were committed by men of compara- tively low rank who did not initiate or advocate the orders leading to the crimes, Regarding the two 88 sergeants, it is said that they were in relatively subordinate positions and that “the records do not show that they went out of thelr way to add to the brutalities.” With regard to the three persons con~ victed of murdering Allied and United States airmen, mitigating circumstances are noted, auch as excitement, the fact that the of- fenees were committed after severe bomb- ings, and the fact that the crimes showed no special pattern, ; CASES REVIEWED HY MR. M'CLOY Mr. MoCloy reviewed a total of 88 cases, of which he commuted 78 sentences, in gen-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD eral following the recommendations of ‘his Advisory Board on Olemency for War Crim. fnals. Of the 88 cases reviewed, 18 involved denth sentences, 18 sentences to life impris- onment, and 54 sentences to terms ranging from 6 to 25 years. Of the 15 death sentences, 6 were reaffirmed and 10 were commuted— 4 to life imprisonment and the remaining 6 to terms ranging from 9 to 25 years. Of the 10 sentences to life imprisonment, 8 were re- affirmed and 16 were commuted, 15 of them to terms ranging from 10 to 20 years, and 1 convicted criminal was released on medical parole. Of the 54 sentences to terms rang- ing from 8 to 28 years, 2 were reaffirmed and 82 were commuted to sentences ranging from time already served to 15 years. The 68 cases are divided into 10 groups. A summary of the results in each group follows: (1) This group of 20 defendants were 58 officers in charge of extermination squads responsible for the murder of an estimated 2,000,000 people. Of these 20 defendants, the sentences of 16 were commuted; the 4 sen- tences which were reaffirmed were all death sentences, Nine additional death sentences were com- muted, four to life imprisonment and the re- maining five to prison terms ranging from 10 to 25 years. Two sentences to life imprisonment were commuted to 10-year terms. Three 20-year sentences were commuted, one to time already served, one to 10 years, and one to 15 years. Two 10-year sentences were commuted, one to time served and one to B years. Reasons given for commutations: Regard- ing the death sentences commuted to life imprisonment, it is said that in these cases the individuals were guilty on a “less im- posing scale" than those whbee death sen- tences were reaffirmed. it ts added that new evidence on some of the other cases indicated subordinate responsibility, rela- tive remoteness of connection with crimes and refusal of the convicted to continue the work of extermination as ordered. (2) This group of 15 defendants were ad- ministrators of concentration camps or 88 economic enterprises run with slave labor, and some were directly identified with geno- cide activities. Of the 15 sentences, 14 were commuted. The one sentence which was reaffirmed was ® death zentence. Another death sentence was commuted to 9 years. Four sentences to life imprisonment were commuted, 2 to 20-year terms and 2 to 15- year terms. Two 20-year sentences were commuted, one to 15 years and one to time already served, One 18-year sentence and six 10-year sen- tences were all commuted to time served. Reasons given for commutations: In the case of the death sentence commuted to 9 years, it was said that new evidence disso- clates the criminal from offenses on which the original death sentence waa based. New evidence is also mentioned as the reason for commuting several other sentences i this group. (8) This group of 8 defendants were physi- clans and soldiers who carried out experi- ments on concentration camp inmates. ‘The sentences of all 9 were commuted. Five scntences of life imprisonment w commuted to terme of 15 to 20 years. Four sentences of varying terms were all reduced to 10-year terms, except one which ‘was reduced to time aiready served. Reasons given for commutation: The rea- sons given are “lack of primary responsi- hility, age, and limited participation.” (4) This group of 7 defendants were leads ing Judges, public prosecutors and govern+ ment officials who Jaw to suit the ppt tequirements of Bast racial ide~ 'y. All seven .entences were commuted. Four sentences to Ufe imprisonment were commuted, 8 to: 30-year terms anti one to a Telease on medical parole, Three 10-year sentences were commuted to time already served. Reasons given for commutations: The only reason given is limited responsibility, (5) These six defendants were military men of high rank who were mally re- sponsible for ordering the k and mis« treatment of prisoners of war, and fostering and participating in the program involving the deportation and abuse of civilians in occupied areas. Of the stx sentences, three were commuted, Of 2 sentences to life imprisonment, 1 ‘was reaffirmed and 1 commuted to 18 years, Two 20-year sentences were commuted to 12 years each. Two 15-year sentences were reafirmed. Reasons given for commutations: It is said that the persona whose sentences were com- muted had remoter responsibility according to evidence brought out mainly since ‘the trial, Extenuating circumstances are men- tioned, such as the attempt to moderate or resist orders to commit excesses. (6) These eight defendants were generals in southeastern Europe, convicted for crim- inal disregard of the laws of war in thelr treatment of hostages and civilians. Of the eight sentences, six were commuted. Two sentences of life imprisonment were reaffirmed. Two 20-year sentences were commuted, 1 to 10 years and 1 to time already served. One 15-year sentence was commuted to 10 years. Three sentences, of 12, 10, and 7 years each, were all commuted to time already served. Reasons given for commutation: Some of the persons whose sentences were commuted hed lesser responsibiilties or showed “evi-~ dence of humane considerations.” The 2 individuals whose life sentences were re- affrmed will be physically examined to de- termine whether or not they should be re- leased on medical parole, (1) These 6 defendants were high gov- ernment officials in egencies which were in- volved in genocide through kidnapping chile dren, performing abortions, sterilization, forced evacuation, and forced Germanization, All these sentences were commuted. One 25-year sentence and one 20-year sen~ tence were both commuted to 15 years. Two 15-year sentences were commuted, one to 10 years and one to time already served. Two 10-year sentences ware commuted to time already served. Reasons given are the “relatively restrict- ed nature of the relationship of these de- fendants to the crimes, their relatively sub- ordinate roles, and certain other extenuate ing circumstances.” (8) These nine defendants were all execu» tives in the Krupp Industrial Enterprises, and were convicted of collaboration with the government in the use of slave labor and in spoliation. All nine sentences were commuted, One sentence of 13 years and confiscation of property (Alfred Erupp) was commuted to time served and no confiscation of prop- tion sentence for Aifred Krupp, ‘Mr. MoOloy emt states thet inasmuch as he ta the only N ¢riminal whose | property was oar by A1299 with the jurisdiction grented to the Tnter- national Military Tribunal.” (9) These eight defendants were high of- ficials who played an im: nt: in ‘the political and diplomatic prepara: for the ttiation of agereesive ware, the violation of treaties, spoliation, and the diplomatic implementation of genocide. All eight sentences were commuted. Orne sentence of 25 years and two sentences of 20 years each were all commuted to 10 years, Three sentences of 15 years each were commuted, respectively, to time already served, 10 years and 0 years. Two 10-year sentences were commuted to time served. Reasons given for commutation: It is said that the defendant whore sentence was re- duced from 25 to 10 years had intervened to save Allied officers and men held for liquida- tion or as hostages. (10) This single defendant le Field Marshal Erhard Milch, State Becretary in the Air Min- iatry, convicted for advocating and exploit- ing slave labor. sentence to life imprisonment was commuted to 15 years. No reason is given for this commutation, but it is mentioned that Milch claimed “instability of tempera- ment due to severe strain, aggravated by a head injury.” Fesrvary 20, 1961, Hon. Dran ACHESON, Secretary of State, State Department, Washington, D.0. Demag S8crrtany AcuEson: The under- signed national organizations, which to- gether with 27 Jewish community councils throughout the country comprise the Na- tional Community Relations Advisory Coun- ¢il are greatly disturbed by the American au- thorities’ recent comnrutation of the sen- tences of 89 German Nazi war criminais con- victed of the most heinous crimes against humanity and democratic society, Among the criminals, 21 of whom now escape the death sentence and 34 are how set free, are Nazis who committed atrocities in the Nazi concentration camps, industrialists who col- laborated with nazlsm, Nazi officials who planned and carried out Hitler's genocide program, pillagers and slaughterers in the Nazi-occupied areas and Naat diplomats, Until now we have withheld public com- ment on the commutation of these sentences because adequate infornration was not avatl- able in this country. Having examined the official report by the Department of State, we now see the full extent of the mistaken policy which the United States authorities are following in this matter. The official Yyecord shows that of 101 cases reviewed by John J. MoCloy, United States High Com- tmaissioner for Germany, and Gen, Thomas T, Handy, commander in chief, Buropean com- mand, sentences were commuted in 89 and were reaffirmed in 12 cases. As the official report indicates, the crim- inals whose sentences were commuted had been convicted at Nuremberg of crimes, the cruelty and depravity of which are scarcely imaginable in the civilized world. The Ad-~ visory Board on Clemency for War Criminals, in recommending the reduction of sentences, pointed out that they were not entitled to grant relief beyond that warranted by miti- gating circumstances and falr consideration of individual situations, “Clemency,” the Board further stated, “may be an encourag- ing example, but a mistaken tenderness to- ward the perpetrators of mass murder would be a mockery. It would undo what Nurem~- berg has accomplished {f in the end we were guided entirely by consideration of sym- pathy or generosity. Executive clemency dovs not exist to that end.” In our view these commutations are pre- cisely a mistaken tenderness toward the per~ petrators of mass murder and do consti- tute a mockery of what Nuremberg has ac- ce mplished.
A120 | _ These poromutations are dangerous for ‘fous reasons, among others: (1) The commutations tend to throw fato doubt the entire basis, procedure, and ts of the 12 trials conducted by 6 ted States military tribunals at Nurem- . It is gratifying to note that both oy and the members of his clemency board defend the standards and judgments of the Nuremberg trials and that they have Fejected the argumente commonly made in defense of the criminals who were brought to judgment at those trials, In our view it would have bean more appropriate, how- ever, to honor the achievement of the Nu- remberg trials by observing rather than by undoing thetr results. In setting forth the principles which. governed the conduct of these trials, the United States was follow- ing a policy of high moral standard. In granting these commutationa, however, ex- pediency appears to have been a factor in seeking the approbation of those German elements whose devotion to democracy is gustifiably suspect. (2) At a tine when it is contemplated to grant Germany greater independence, it 1s especially dangerous to reduce the sentences of the perpetrators of inhumanities in the concentration camps, many of whom are now able to return to public Iife. Such ac- tion can hardly be considered an encourage- ment of democratic elements in Germany. The immediate release of nine former ex- ecutives of the Krupp enterprises is likewise unlikely to encourage German democratic elements, since the Krupp record as one of the leading industrial pillars of nazism is well known. (3) The return of the Krupp industrialists to positions of power and the commutation of the sentences of Nazi war criminals im- plicated in the genocide program and in the pillage and slaughter in the concentration camps and in the Nazi-occupied countries of Europe cannot but alarm our allies among the democratic nations of Western Europe and among the partisans of democracy in the countries behind the fron curtain. (4) These commutations, finally, were ob- viously intended to ae German opinion in the effort to make Western Germany a bulwark against the real threat of Soviet aggression. Such a policy of expediency, as years of experience shows, does not accom- plish its purpose and usually leads to other evila. This case is no exception. Press re- ports already indicate that the Germans are not satisfied. with the extent of the commu- tations. The United States and the West cannot safely copy the Soviet Union's tech- nique of currying favor with former Nazi leaders. These criminals sre totalitarians and hence are more reliable allies of the totalitarien East than of the democratic West. We believe that a almple reading of Mr. McOloy'a report will clearly show the extent of the error the United States has commit- ted in reducing the sentences of these war criminals. Jacos BLavsratn, President, American Jewish Committee. Rabbi Invine MILer, President, American Jewish Congress. Paanx GoLyMaN, President, B'nai B'rith, Apoirn Hex, Chairman, Jewtsh Labor Committee. Hawny ALBs27, National Commander, Jewish War Veterans of the United Statea of America, Mavaice N. Ererrpnats, President, Union of American Hebrew Congregations. Tevine Kane, -~ Chatrman, National Community Rela» ttons Advtsory Council. Defense of Alaska EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. £. L. BARTLETT DELEGATE FROM ALASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I am in- cluding an article on Alaska defense written by Andrew Tully, of the Scripps- Howard newspapers: Derense of ALASKA (By Andrew Tully) Awonoracz, AvasKA, March 1-—On the theory there is no point in biting off more than you can chew, the military is prepared to defend only about one-quarter of Alaska 4 war should come with Russia. Our officers may be reluctant to discuss it, but the defense line is there for all to see. It begins with the Navy's installation on Kodiak Island, just south of Anchorage, and runs north through Anchorage and up the Aleskan Railroad to end north of the Alaskan Range in Fairbanks—500 miles in all. The rest is expendable—despite the fact that it 1s a lot of real estate. It includes the old-time frontier town of Nome, the en- tire northland which ends at Point Barrow, the Aleutian chain and the southeastern area including the capital city of Juneau and the important cities of Sitka and Skagway. In this decision—arrived at in Washing- ton—the military is being merely logical, Nearly all of Alaska's population of 126,000 persons lives in the so-called heartland embraced by the defense line. It includes the country’s only railroad. And it is the only part of the country which meets the military's requirements for bases that are defensible and suppliable. ‘ Nome has nothing the military wante— or, it believes, Russia wants. It is isolated except by air and by ships a few months of the year, The northiand is a barren waste. Southeastern Alaska is too moun- tainous and glacier-ridden to furnish good bases, And the Aleutians would take too many men and too much money to defend. You can say yes, but what if Russia estab- lishes bases in these places? And the an- swer will be, so what? In the first place, v’s only a couple of hours from Siberia to Anchorage by fast bomber, so there’s no point other than psychological in seizing any of Alaska’s outlying real estate. And in the second place, the military figures it could cut off, bomb, and generally harass any bases anybody would like to set up anywhere in Alaska. What Lt. Gen. William E. Kepner, com- maander in chief of the Alaskan theater, ob- viously wants to avoid is the mistakes of World War II. Then, when we discovered Japanese troops on Kiska and Attu in the Aleutians, we rushed 150,000 troops to the Aleutians and sent tens of thousands more to back them up on the mainiand. As a result, throughout the war, we had what amounted to 10 divistons tied up in a largely noncombat theater. Today Alaska’s role ts that of a base from which fighter planes can intercept Ruasian bombers and, possibly, as a forward hase for our own bombers, The primary job of the infantry here is to protect the airflelds—like Elmendorf here in Arnichorage, Ladd in Fair- banka, and Elelson base, 25 miles from Faire banks, which has the world's longest run- ways—14,600 feet, Military personnel in Alaska has increased since the start of the Korean War—but it still isn't even a small percentage of what Uncle Sam had up here during World War TI. Atr Force strength is greater if you count APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD all- the C-54 transport planes. Most planes, though, are F-0 and F-82 fighters. The F-82's are being replaced by all-weather F-84 jets, equipped with radar. ; But it Uncle Sam has shortened his Alaskan defense line and pulled in his belt on troop strength, he has not done so cas- ually, Life in the Alaskan theater Js the nearest thing possible to being in a combat gone. General Kepner runs his show on the theory an attack could happen any time. This means frequent week-end slerts—so frequent they are getting on GI nerves. During an alert, every man stays on his job around the clock. An alert usually lasts a couple of days. Troops grab their rifies and report to strategic spots along high- ways oF commanding airflelds—and eat there and sleep there until the alert is over. Antiairoraft crews live with and sleep with their guns—home to them is a tarpaper shack 20 feet from battle position. Every military man at Alaskan Commaad headquarters here—including General Kep- ner—must sleep out once a month. At Big Delta, near Fairbanks, selected groups of officers and men get specialized Arctic train- ing, learning how to live and operate in tem- peratures of 40 and 50 below zero. Alaska's radar net, on which work began last fall, won’t be ready for another 2 years. Even then nobody claims the Territory will be safe from air attack—you couldn't build that kind of a radar screen without the United States going broke. It will make an attack more trouble for whoever tries it, force them to use more planes and fly more carefully, But General Kepner wants no hand wring- ing about Alaska back in the States. he says he can hold his defense line, now, with the troops he has—and make it uncom- fortable for the enemy to boot. The way General Kepner sees it, “He who holds Alaska will have a lot to say about who 1s going to hold the world.” How Big? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE MEADER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. MEADER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following editorial from the Jackson (Mich.) Citizen Patriot of March 2, 1951: How Bra? We hope the Senate committee investi- gating the Reconstruction Finance Corpora- tion will pardon us if we don’t quite under- stand its expressed desire to avoid a “big quarrel with the White House.” That is the excuse the committee mem- bers give for not asking Donald Dawson, White Houne aide, to speak his piece before the committee about charges of political in» Buonee on the RFC from White House cir- cles. Dawson was mentioned in a committee report and the President called the refer- ences asinine. Then the committes opened new hearings to prove the President was wrong when he belittied the committee's work, Someone in the White House calied for copies of letters from membets of Congress to the RFC. The Senators cn the committee pounded their desks and said they refused to be in- timidated. . How big can a quarrel get?
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD FTC at the Gates EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES B. DEANE OF WORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 6, 1051, a pester tl . Speaker, under leave ks, J am pleased to od le as * part thereof an article ap- pearing in the December 1050 {ssue of the Michigan Bar Journal, entitled “PTC at the Gates,” by James FP, Hoge, of New York. The editor of this journal stated in the introduction: There probably is no lawyer in the United States more qualified to write about the Ped. eral Trade Commission than Jim Hoge, of New York. He has participated in numerous PTC matters, one of which required 10 years and resulted in 80,000 man-miles of travel for counsel representing the firms involved end the Commission. To the average prac- titioner this article will be enlightening. Mr. Speaker, in offering this compre- hensive statement on the functioning of the Federal Trade Commission, may I point out to the membership of the House that I have known Mr. Hoge since our undergraduate days in the Wake Forest Law School of North Carolina. He was admitted to the North Carolina bar in 1922, and later associated himself with an outstanding law firm in New York. He is a member of the American, New York State, and New York City Bar Asso- ciations. In addition to serving on nu- merous committees, Mr. Hoge is chair- man of the National Trade-Mark Coor- dinating Committee, and a member of the Lawyer's Advisory Committee, of the United States Trade-Mark Association. It is my feeling, Mr. Speaker, that the Members will find in this stimulating article much food for thought on the scope of the operations of the Federal Trade Commisston: FTC ar tee Gates (By James FP. Hoge) The Federal Trade Commiesion is at the gates of business It was put there in 1914 by Woodrow Wilson, but it was put there to open the gates, not to close them. Mr. Wil- eon had a great deal to say about the Com- mission. It was a creation in which he took considerable pride. Here are a few, out of a ¢ many, of his sayings: fs, happily, not to hamper or interfere with business * © * or in any sense to put it under the ban. The antagonism between business and Government ts over.” said that in 1914. “I bave taken a long time, ladies and gentlemen, to select the Federal Trade Com- misston, because I wanted to choose men and be sure that I had chosen men who would be really serviceable to the businessmen of this country, great as well as small, the rank and the file, ‘Under the Federal Trade Commission Act (16 JU. 8. C. A. 41), the Commission has ju- Tisdtotion over corporations subject to the acts to regulate commerce, air carriers, and foreign air carriers subject to the Civili Aeronautics Act of 1038 (40 0. 6. 0, A. 401), and persons, ps, OF e sub: to the Packers and corporations tockyards Act of 1921 (7 U.S. ©. A. 181) ex- pt as provided in sec. 406 (b) of said act. “This countey, shove every country in the world, is meant to lift. * * That is the yousen the Federal Trade Gommiasion was established, so that men would heave some place where they could take counsel as to what the law as and what the law per mitted, and also take oounsel as to whether the law itegif was right and advise had not better be taken as to its alteration.” That one is of particular timeliness. esses acodiiinddation, not the processes of punishment. Punishment retards but i¢ does not lift up. Punishment impedes but it does not improve. And 80 we ought to substitute for the harsh of the law, wherever we can, the milder and gentler and more helpful procesees of counsel.” He also commented on the fact that this Commission had been endowed with greater powers than any other similar agency or commission, but he said that those powers were put upon it in order that it might the better inquire Into the needs of business, that it might the better learn the whoie business structure of the country. INCREASED POWERS These powers have been greatly enlarged aince President Wilson spoke. From the concept, purposes, and explanations stated by him, the Commission gradually moved into & Qifferent field of operation, into one of policing, of enforcement, of punishment. In this field, prosecution is a necessary func- tion and, where there is prosecution, adjudi- cation is essential. There is an unfortunate and key circumstance in this, and that is that the Commission combines both the prosecuting and adjudicating funotions. It investigates, 1t issues and serves the com- plaint, prasecutes and adjudicates. The Federal Trade Commission Act was passed on September 26, 1914. Since those early days the act and the functions of the Commission have radically changed so that the scope of the Commission’s adjudicating powers has been immeasurably extended and the effect of its orders made the more severe as they bare on the rights of respondents. The Commission was empowered originally to prevent unfair methods of competition in commerce. In 1936 the Pederal Trade Commission Act was amended in numerous important particulars. That was accom~ plished by the Wheeler-Lea Act. It gave the Commission enlarged and specific powers for regulating the advertisements of food, drugs, therapeutic devices and cosmetics, and made other significant amendments. Section & was changed to include unfair or deceptive acts or practices in commerce, as well as unfair methods of competition. Before that amendment it was necessary to show that the act complained of was a meth- od used in competition. That is not now necessary. There is no requirement to show that competition 1s involved at all. It is euf- ficient to allege that the act or practice is unfair or deceptive. 4 provision was inserted in the act by which an order to cease and deaslst becomes final* If a respondent against whom the order is directed does not appeal, or if have ing appealed, the required number of days have elapsed since the disposition of the appeal, the Commission's order then be- comes final. A provision was added whereby one who violates an order which has become final shall forfett and pay to the United States &@ civil penalty of not more than $5,000 for each violation, That worked a vast change in the affect of these orders. Formerly, an @n order was unenforceable and af no prac- tteal effect unless and until the Commission “The e processes of coungel ate onty the proo- ° aaaepie eat 1950 (16 U. 8. C8. A “), ot aly does pt sod to the dutted of the mmission with respect to regulating the sale of oleomargarine, but the pro= vision was amended to provide that each single day of a violation should constitute @ separate Violation on which the penalty of not more than $5,000 should apply. Thus was the sphere of the Commission's jurisdic- tion and the severity of the penalty for the violation of its orders increased. FXO AND OTHER ACTS Therefore, at this time—36 years since the passage of the Federal Trade Commission Act—the Commission has taken on quite a dierent complexton from that given it at the time of its establishment, The Claytun Act followed closely in time upon the Commis- sion Act and authorized the Commission to enforce against the persons, partnerships, and corporations subject to its jurisdiction sections 2, 3, 7, and 8 of the Clayton Act. Section 2 dealt with discrimination in price, services, or facilities, and was greatly enlarged by the amendment in 19386 known as the Robinson-Pstman Act. Section 8 prohibits tying of exclusive leases, sales, or contracts. Section 7 prohibits acquisition by one corporation of the capital stock of other corporations where the effect may be to substantially lessen competition between the corporation whose stock is so acquired and the company making the acquisition. Section 8 prohibits interlocking directorates under conditions specified therein. The Wool Products Labeling Act of 1939 was passed in 1940 (16 U. 8. C. A. 68). It regue lates the labeling of wool products. The en- forcement of it was placed with the Commis- sion and numerous powers were provided for the Commission's employment tn the en- forcement of it. The manufacturers and distributors of food, drugs, therapeutic devices, and cos- metios have an immediate and direct con- cern with the Commission in that the ad- ministration of the Wheeler-Lea Act respect- ing advertiaing is entrusted there. Those who advertise drugs and devices directiy to the pubiic collide more frequently with the Commission in this field, but the act also applies to advertisements which are re~ stricted to the profession—rather curiously worded, but it is there—and no drug or device manufacturer or distributer can ignore the Commission's powers in this feld. All manufacturers that are not specifically exempt, are subject to the Commission’s powers under the other sections of ita act and under the Robinson-Patman Act and other parte of the antitrust law. This has been brought home forcibly by the recent Supreme Court decisions in the Cement,’ Morton Salt, Steel Conduit,’ and other cases, Bince 1847, the Commission has heen em- powered to institute cancelation proceed- ings in the United States Patent Office against trade-marks and collective and certificaffon marks on numerous grounds.’ Another field of activity was opened to the Commission when the Supreme Court held for the first time, and over 50 years after the passage of the Sherman Act, that inter- state insurance business fs subject to the tPF, T. C. v. The Cement Institute (838 U. 8. 683). «PF, 7. C. ¥. Morton Sait Company (334 U. 8. 87). A Triangle Condutt & Cable Co. v. F. T. CG. (168 PF. (24) 176; aff'd 386 U. 8. 966). *U. 8. Trade-Mark Act af 1046, 1f U. 5. ©. A. 1064,
Al232 antitrust laws. Congress followed with the of the Insurance Anti-Trust Mora- torlum Act to provide specifically that the Federal Trade Commission Act as we" as the Sherman Act and the Oiayton Act is applica- ble to the business of insurance to the extent that it is not regulated by State law.’ COSTLY LITIGATION A proovetiing leading to a cease and desist order (or ly a dismissal of the com. piaint) is a luxury that only the wealthy can afford, A small-business man or a smail corporation cannot “stand the gaff” of one. The respondent must have unlimited re- sources in order to see one of them through. There is no means for peremptory termi- nation of a case. One may make 4 motion before the Commission but if the Commis- sion denies it, he has no appeal. And the courts will not entertain injunction or de- claratory judgment actions.’ CASES ARE PREJUDGED Under the provisions of section 5 of the act, the Commission to a large extent pre- judges a case. If it has reason to believe that one has been using an unfair method of com- petition or an unfair or deceptive act or prac tice, 1¢ may file its complaint. In other words, the Commission does not file a com- Pplaint until it has reason to believe there is a violation. Thus, at that point and for that purpose, it has reached a conclusion as to a violation. One of the former Commissioners explained thie. In outlining the Commission proce- dure and practice for the George Washington Law Review, he noted that a complaint is Is- sued only at the direction of the Commis- sion and that motions with respect thereto are permitted, but that “as a practical mat- ter, very few such motions are briefed and argued to the Commission, and a great major- ity of them are denied, without prejudice to the right of the respondent to renew them at the end of the proceeding. The Commis- sion itself has passed upon the question of its jurisdiction in advance of ordering the issuance of a complaint and in most cases has fully considered the questions raised by the respondent in the motion.” ” COMMISSION PROCEDURE When a complaint is issued, an attorney on the Commission's staff is assigned to prosecute it and one of the Commission's trial examiners is assigned to take the evi- dence. The Commission first sees the evi- dence, if it sees it at all, when the trial is over. Under the rules of practice which be- came effective June 1, 1950, the trial ex- aminer makes an initial decision which be- tomes the decision of the Commission un- less an appeal is filed by any of the parties or untess the Commission upon its own inl- tiative reviews the case. Such an appeal is presented in the farm of a brief, designated “appeal brief,” which sets forth the excep- tions and grounds for appeal, and no matter not included tn the brief may thereafter be Presented to the Commission. Upon such an appeal, the Commission will consider only such parts of the record as are olted therein or which may k> necessary to resolve the iasues presented. Under this procedure the Commission it- self .esomes an appellate tribunal. And, as with such tribunals, whether the@Pommis. sion sees the evidence on appeal by the 'U, S. v. South-Eastern Underwriters dasn. (322 U. 8. 583 (1948) ). #16 U. 8S. ©. A. 1011-1016, * Miles Laboratories vy. Federal Trade Com. mission ((C. A D.C.), 140 F, (2d), 683; cert, den. 922 U. 8. 762). * Federal Trade ‘Commiasion Procedure end Practice, Robert HE. Freer, the George Washington Law Review, Januaty-February 1940, vol. 8, No. 8, pp. 316, 323. parties or on its own motion, it sees it in transcript. That m y be a few hundred pages or, as in the Cement case, 50,000 pages, and 50,000 pages of exhibits. In addition to the evidence, ali the pro- ceedings by way of motions and appeals from examiners’ rulings must be reduced to writing and filed in multiple copies. It ts humanly impossible for the Commission to read such a record, so it has to rely on as- sistants and advisers. So here the ultimate authority, the Com- miassion—the judge-—-does not see the wit- nesses; does not pass upon the qualifications before the evidence goes into the record; does not observe the demeanor of witnesses which in court is so important. This is an assembly-line method of trying cases. It is a trial by organization. A re- spondent finds himself opposed to an organe ized mechanism where wheels within wheels grind out what has been called by one of the law writers “an institutional decision.” " Herein arises that “expertness” which the advocates of administrative law are prone to assert. The “expertness,” if any, is not necessarily in the person of the Commis- stoners. Tenures of office may vary great- ly in time and there may be periods of considerable turnover in the Commission's membership. Likewise, there is no reason for supposing that Commissioners become expert in the wide fleld of commodities and businesses affected by their act. James M. Landis, who served a period as a Commissioner, put it this way: “To assume that any 5, 10, or 20 men have the ability to acquir., within their brief official Mfetime, the expertness to comprehend the full range of our industrial problems, from aluminum to zinc, 1s once more to put our trust in supermen. In the business of governing a nation—to paraphrase Gerard Henderson again—we must take into account the fact that government will be operated by men of average talent and average ability and we must therefore devise our administrative processes with that in mind.” ¥ What expertness exists in a commission is usually to be found in the staff. It fre- quently 1s related to the adjudicating proc- ess but anonymously and without respon- sibility for the decision. The exercise of expertness and the doing of justice are not always synonymous. Fre- quently the contrary is the case. Sometimes there is more difficulty in arguing before al- Jeged experts than before ordinary courts which must learn of the case from state- ments of counsel, from evidence, and from briefs. The expert, so often, has precon- cetved opinions, APPEALS FROM COMMISSION Finally, as to this process, on appeal from such institutional decisions, the law pro~ vides that the findings of the Commission as to the facts, “if supported by evidence,”* shall be conclusive.” That is about the same as saying there is no appeal. If there is a legal point, if capriciousness can be shown, if arbitrariness can be demonstrated, then the courts may interfere, But the courts accept this language of the act as forbidding them to review the record to determine where the weight of the evidence lies. In the Steel Conduit case the circuit court of appeals said: "In this state of the record it will be enough to say that Congress has left to the 1Inetitutional Administrative Decisions by Prof, Kenneth Culp Davis, Columbia Law Review, March 1948. 2 Administracive Process, 1988, p. 87. “Tre courts have corstrued this—and the Administrative Procedure Act has de- fined it—to mean “substantial evidence” but at best it means little more than that there be some evidence; that there be more than a ecintilla. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Commission the determination of the facts, Federal Trade Commission v. A. E. Staley Mig. Co. (324 U. 8. 746), * * * and the weight to be attributed to the facts proved and the inferences to be drawn from them” (p. 180). In addition to this, the Supreme Court said in the Morton Salt case that it was enough to support the Commission's findings of injury to competition if there was a “rea- sonable possibility” that competition might be adversely affected. Generally, in this state of the law, it would seem to be a waste of time to appeal, The Commission has, therefore, in effect become an administrative agency that can do about as it pleases in proceedings against business people without any real relief being avail- able in the courts, This situation represents a gradual devel- opment over the years since the Commis- sion was created. It has come by statutory enactment, judicial interpretation and the burgeoning of administrative processes in Government. The fundamental evil is in the combination of the prosecuting and adjudi- cating functions. That is the root of the vine. It is axiomatic that one should not be judge in his own cause, That has been so stated for at least 2,000 years. As long ago as 300 years, Pascal put it in these words: “It is not permitted to the most equitable of men to be a judge in his own cause.” Two approaches have been made toward tempering or overcoming this combination of prosecuting and adjudicating functions under the Federal Trade Commission Act. No move has been made with respect to the situation under the Clayton Act. The first was the Reece bill, H, R. 2390, introduced in the Geventy-ninth Congress. It proposed an amendment to the Commission Act whereby, on appeal, the appellate court might review the record to determine whether the findings of fact by the Commission were supported by the weight of the evidence. THE O'HARA BILL The other approach is the O’Hara bill, first introduced in the Eightieth Congress, H. R. 3871, and again in the Eighty-first Congress, H. R, 1819, reported favorably by the Com- mittee on Interstate and Forelgn Commerce in 1948. It proposes that the Federal Trade Commission file and try its cases in the courts according to the rules of civil pro- cedure, It says simply that in cases under section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act the Commission ought hereafter be the investigator, the complainant, and the prosecutor, and that the regularly conati- tuted courts of the land should be the adjudicators. For a conclusion recall some of the words of Wilson quoted at the outset to the effect that antagonism between business and Gov- ernment should cease, and that “this coun- try, above every country in the world, ts meant to lift.” That, remember, was the basic reason for the creation of the Com- mission—that business might be aided in making its full contribution toward enabling this Nation to “lift,” If that was the important and primary function for which the Commission was created in 10914, then its performance of that function is many times more important in 1951, for the Nation is engaged in a fierce struggle (“hot” and “cold") on a world- wide front, and the issue of the struggle is the Nation's ability to see {t through. PEOPLE ARE BUSINESS Business, in the final analysis, is not a thing apart; 1t is the people. Industries are owned by the people. Every one of the 50,- 000,000 Americans who has & savings account, each of the 54,000,000 who has a life-insur- ance policy, and each of the 14,000,000 who has @ share of stock or an industrial bond owns directly or indirectly a part of Ameri-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD can industry. And approximately 85 cents out of every dollar of sales by manufacturers go for salaries and wages. It will not do to separate big business and little business: little businesses become big and big busl+ nesses sometimes become little. If the issue of the world struggle today is this Nation's ability to see it through, then the need is production—more business, not less; more invention, research, exploration, expansion, discovery and development of known and unknown resources here and in other parte of the world. And if the road is to be kept open for the achievement of those aims, {t is now inore than ever im- portant that the Federal Trade Commission should be, and conceive itself to be, an agen- cy really serviceable to the businessmen of this country, great as well as small, the rank and file. It 1s unfortunate that through the years the processes of the Commission have become more and more the processes of policing and punishment, and less and lesa those of ad- vice and counsel, It is true that this trend has been accelerated by successive legisla- tive enactments conferring increased puni- tive powers, But the Commission still can, if it will, take stock of the purposes for which it was created and devote a greater portion of its energies toward their accom~- plishment. It can and should recognize that it can best serve businessmen and the Na- tion by smoothing the road of business and marking its boundaries rather than by sete ting up >ad blocks in the form of expensive and long d awn out admintatrative proceed- ings; by erecting signposts which al) can read and supplying directions to those seek- ing a safe course, instead of playing the role of traffic cop lying in wait for the unwary who may go astray while groping his way through the maze of statutory do’s and don't’s. The gates of business are the gates of free- men, and the Federal Trade Commission is one of the principal Keepers of those gates. The hope of mankind is that this Nation and those who guide its destinies remember now its own founding hopes and its tradi- tions and its faiths, to the end that the dy- namic energy of freemen, the greatest power in the world, may be released as never be- fore. and its great gates be thrown wide. One Big Investigation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GEORGE MEADER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. MEADER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following editorial from the Jackson (Mich.) Citizen Patriot of March 4, 1951: One Bio INVESTIGATION Senator Fuusrient, chairman of the com- mittee investigating the Reconstruction Finance Corporation mess says that the record may show the need for a “general in- vestigation of the moral level of the Govern. ment.” We are glad to see an important Member of the Senate coming around to our way of thinking because he is in a position to do something about it. We said ‘+ this column on Lincoln's Birth- day that our Government has fallen far from the standards of integrity which prevailed XCVN~App.——78 in the Gays of Lincoln, Washington, Jefferson, and the other great leaders of the past. The “Washington fx,’ influence peddied for dollars or votes, the fast dollar, govern~ ment by crony, ofictals on the open market for a price, are the standards now. Let's have that one big investigation to see just how low the moral level of the Govern- ment has dropped, How Europe Feels EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, unier leave to extend my remarks in the Rro- orD, I include the following editorial from the Washington Sunday Star of March 4, 1951; How Evrorr Frris Paul-Henri Spaak, the distinguished Bel- gian statesman who heads the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe, has effec- tively summed up the European reaction to our great debate on the igsue of sending American troops overseas to become part of the Atlantic Pact Army under Gen- eral Eisenhower. Wholly apart from the many things that can be said against the essentially defeatist do-it-by-air proposals of Senator Tarr, former President Hoover and others of like mind, Mr. Spaak'’s views—as expressed the other night in New York—de- serve careful attention in this country as a measure of how our allies abroad feel in terms of what is vital to them as well as to us. His words on the subject are worth ex- tensive quotation: What is the great fear of Europe? That America might refuse to declare war if Eu- rope tg attacked by Russia? No. The great fear is that the United States will decide that to defend Europe on the ground is impossible, that the United States will accept the idea that Europe must inevitably fall to the Rus- sian conquerors tn the first phase of war, and eventually be delivered by the victorious Americans after 2 years, 3 years, 10 years of occupation, But I ask you: “What would be left of Europe after years of Soviet occupation?” ‘What we hope in Europe ts that the United States will reject this fataliatic conception and that, from the very beginning of a war, they will be with us, with all their strength and with the precise objective of preventing the conquest of Europe. There is for Hurope only one hypothesis on which the chance of victory is great: It is that ald from America is given from the very beginning and completely; that the United States will engage itself without limit. Is it not now the time—now or never—to repeat the immortal sentence that you have placed tn stone on one of the most beautiful of your monuments? “Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that falth let us to the end do our duty as we understand it,” Defeatiom at this stage is surely as wnwar- ranted as it was before Pearl Harbor. In fact, in some ways—especiaily tn view of the actual and potential might of America and the rest of the frea world-—it seems far more unres- soning now than it was then. The future of Western Europe is of vast importance to our own future. We simply cannot afford to write it off—even temporarily. Mr, Spaak has spoken timely words on that score. Al233 United States Suspends Tin Purchases for Stockpile Lmammeanemand EXTENSION OF REMARKS - or HON. CLARK W. THOMPSON oF TExAB IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr, THOMPSON of ‘Texas. Mr. Speaker, in the Washington Post this morning I read an interesting article on the subject of the tin stockpile. The article, which is to be inserted below, points out that because of the present re- serves of tin it is possible to refuse to buy tin on the foreign market at the exorbi- tant prices now demanded. In my remarks of yesterday, I re- minded the Congress of the legislation which continued the operation of the Government's tin smelter for 5 years beyond its present expiration date of June 30, 1951. Had the opponents of that legislation been successful, the Gov- ernment smelter would not be in the process of shutting down and going out of business and the United States would be at the mercy of foreign producers who are demonstrating their desire to gouge us. Attention of all Members of Congress is invited to the article which follows: UniTep Starms SusPenns Tin Purcuase FOR STOCKPILE The Government last night announced the sudden stop of tin purchases for the stocks pile, tmplying that the present price of the import metal was not at a “reasonable evel,’ The announcement, made by General Serv- ices Administrator Jess Larson, also declared that Government purchases of tin for indus- trial use would be held to the “barest mini- mum.” This policy will continue, he said, until tin prices reach reasonable figures. Meantime, from other sources, there were intimations of ‘‘drastic changes” in the Gov- ernment’s thinking on the stockpiling of other nonferrous metals. Detalls were un- known, but it appeared that the trend was toward much reduced purchases for stock+ piling of copper, lead, and sinc. As in the tin situation, high prices of for- eign exporters are believed to be a factor. But alao an element, it is believed, is the problem of scarce supplies for the whole world, particularly Britain and other Euro- pean countries beginning heavy, metal con- suming rearmament programs, The cessation of tin stockpiling followed awiftiy the Senate Preparedness Commit- tee's demand for auch action on grounds this country’s allies are gouging the United States on tin prices, The committee said there 1s mote tin in the United States than at the time of the Pearl Harbor attack, and asserted that this country is no longer in a position where we must buy tin at any price. A Bureau of Mines official said the slash in buying might put producers in a dificult posttion. But he estimated that supplies now tn the United States, apart from those in the reserve, would be enough to meet needs for 2 years if tin use is cut to rock bottom. This appeared to indicate that drastic new Government controis on use of tin may be
A1234 forthooming. The Government previously ordered a 20-percent out im civilian use of tin in February and March. Use of new tin was forbidden where secondary tin could be Cormuniom’s Threat Within the United States ( nmadnneid EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF BOUT CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES | Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following speech de- livered by me at Greer, 8. C., March 6, 1981, before the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the Lions Club: Communism’s Tuexat WITHIN THE UNITED STATES Ladies and gentlemen of Greer, again I consider myself extremely fortunate in be- ing thus permitted to speak on this signifi- cant occasion during these perilous times. It 1s my purpose to speak to you somewhat in detail on the aspects of the spread of communism within the borders of our own great country. . By way of introduction, may I call your attention to the fact that more than 30 years ago, the father of the Russian revolu- tion, Lenin himself, warned of the very ane which are now coming to pass. Said nin-— “We live not only in s state, but in a system of states, and the existence of the Soviet Republic next to a number of im- perialist states for a long time is unthink- able. In the end either the one or the other will have the better of it. Until that end comes, a series of most terrible conflicts between the Soviet Republic and the bour- gools states is inevitable.” Those words can scarcely be misunder- stood. The conflict predicted so positively by Lenin is inevitable not because of any refusal on our part to live and let iive, but because communism cannot tolerate the existence of freemen anywhere; thus the Russian jail-keepers constantly seek the de- struction of free nations everywhere. in recognising the inevitability of conflict with Communist Russia we engage in no childish or neurotic fights into fear. Rather is our own purpose sharpened, our course of duty made clear. Iam not here to tell you that the Kremlin is working overtime to achieve our downfall. We alt know that. I want rather to discuss with you the internal threat which com- munism poses——to our Christian morality, to our Conatitution and liberty, to our na- tional defense, and to our economic system. COMMUNTIAT THREAT TO CHRIGTIAN MORALITY To begin with, communism repudiates everything we hold dear in Ohristian moral- ity. At the outset, the Communist view of man is totelly opposed to our own, They believe that everything in life is determined and shaped by economic errangementse—the means of production and the ownera of thoze means. What this comes down to, is that the Communist seems to believe “man is what he eats.” We know that the individual human being, while Influenced by the mate- rial world around him, is not a slave to tt; that every man, having within him a spir- itual self, 1s free to live greatly or fall ig- nobly. To us, the individual is a gem worth saving; to the Communist, only a pawn to be used. Therein lies a basic confitct be- tween communism and Christian society. Communiem asserts that it can solve all the troubles of mankind simply by eliminat- ing economic sin or class exploitation. So it proposes to take us on 4 joy-ride through dictatorship and socialism to @ classless society in the great beyond. But we are not fooled by either the diagnosis or the cure, As Paul told the Ephesians, we struggie as much against spiritual wickedness as against eco- nomic sin; and we know, furthermore, that you don't produce freemen by means of dictatorship. Did you ever hear of T-bone steaks coming out of @ meat grinder? Ags you might well expect, there 1s no place for a God in Communist materialism. It makes my Baptist blood boil when I read Lenin's repudiation of all God-given moral, . tia s ethics’ ity. “In what sensé do We Fap' afid mérality?” this Communist big-leaguer asks. Hear his reply: “In the sense that they were preached by the bourgeoisie, who declared that ethics were God's commandments. We, of course, say that we do not believe in God, and that we know perfectly well that the clergy, the landlords, and the bourgeoisie spoke in the name of God in order to pursue thelr own exploiters’ interests. Or, instead of deduoc- ing these ethics from the commandments of morality, from the commandments of God, they deduced them from idealistic or sem!i- idealistic phrases, which were always very aimilar to God’s commandments, * * * We say that our morality is entirely sub- ordinated to the interests of the class strug- gle of the proletariat.” Note weil the results of this so-called pro- letarian morality; the precept that the end justifies the means, the Hitler-Stalin pact, the illegal, secretive party programs, the false names, the special Communist language with double meanings (which the Communists themselves call ‘‘Aesopian”), We must make no mistake about It. Com-< munism poses a direct threat to our whole fabric of Christian belief as to man, God, and right and wrong. COMMUNIST THREAT TO OUR CONSTITUTION AND LIBERTY The second target at which communism points a dagger is our Constitution and lib- erty. You know, the Communist is a lot like that little lizard which can change its colors; he may he a striker, an agitator, a spy, 8 traitor, a saboteur, a revolutionist, or very often, Just @ worm. You know how eaaily @ couple of worms can spoll a few apples in the bottom of u barrel, which in turn spoil all the rest. That is just what happens when @ handful of Communists succeed in taking over an organization—they are then able to control and spoil many other or- ganizations and fronts. That was the sort cf thing J. Edgar Hoover had tn mind a year ago when he said not to be fooled by the seemingly smal! 55,000 mem~- bership of the American Communist Party. Many of those 55,000 are strategically placed and devoted solely to the advancement of Communist aims. With them are 600,000 fellow travelers. Let us never forget that the Communists didn't have to throw bombs to take over Czechoslovakia; they did it by infiltrating strategic government offices—the police, the army and the courts. I don’t need to quote from the Un-Amer- ican Activities Committee to tell you what the Communists are up to. Here is what the Manual of the Communist Party itself states: “As the leader and organizer of the prole- tariat, the Communist Party of the United States of Ameritoa leads the working class in the Aight for the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism, for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, for the estab- lishment of a Socialist Soviet Republic in the United States, for the complete abolition of classes, for the establishment of social~- fem, the first stage of the classless Com- munist society.” “ayetem. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD And in case that isn't olear enough, the Manuel at another place says, “We do nov question the theory of the necessity for the forceful overthrow of capitalism,” In their own words, then, Communists are ® threat to our Constitution. That great oharter of Iiherty provides the means for peaceful change of government. Any ore ganization whioh repudiates those means and advocates force and violence instead is an enemy of the Constitution and ts not & political party. It is an insult to our great Repubitean and Demooratte Parties to pus them in the seme class aa the Communist. The Communiat Darty, as an avocate of foree and violence, is « revolutionary fads tt having n6 clattt 4 GAY rights in our order to have the laws explicitly recognize this, I have introduced a bt!) to outlaw the Communist Party, the same be~ ing designated on the House Calendar as H.R, 1087. We must inquire beyond the imme.iate plans of the Communists and into their ulti- mate intentions should they ever succeed tn overthrowing our Government. First off, they would establish what they call the dictator- ship of the proletariat—which in plainer terms means dictatorship by the Communist Party over everyone else, workers and busi- nessmen and farmers. Stalin hae admitted that the dictatorship cannot be a complete democracy, for it will be based on the limita- tion of the rights of the former capitalists and directed againat these capitalists. It ie rule unrestricted by law. That strikes me particularly hard, as a lawyer, for I think it 1s plain to everyone that laws are a guar- anty of freedom. When you take away legal Teetraints on a ruler's powers you have a ner or a Stalin. And you can’t get rid of m. Let us take one example of what the Com- munists would do when in power. Their president, William Z. Foster, tells that under the dictatorship all the capitalist parties, “Republican, Democratic, Progressive, Social- ist, ete., will be liquidated, the Communist Party functioning alone as the party of the toiling masses. Likewise will be dissolved all other organizations that are political props of the bourgeois rule, piper ey chambers of commerce, employers’ associations, Rotary Clubs, American Legion, YMOA, and such fraternal orders as the Masons, Odd Fellows, Elks, Knights of Columbus, etc.” Ladies and gentlemen, he's talking about us, you and me. I belong to several of the organizations that Foster says will be abol- jahed. We know they are not kidding about these intentions, either. On the 7th of Feb- ruary it was reported that the Salvation Army had been liquidated by the Communist government in the Baltic States. These boys mean businese—dirty business—the wiping out of al] voluntary groups. 8o without even going on to discuss the absence of freedom of speech and other free- doms under Communist rule, I think you can appreciate the dire threat which Ameri- can Communists pose to our Ounstitution and liberty. COMMUNIST THREAT TO NATIONAL DEFENGE That threat is primarily a future danger. Let us now turn for a moment to a Com- munist threat which is clear and present— the threat to our national defense. The parade of confessions, convictions, and ex- posés in the last 3 years tell as grim a tale of eapionage, sabotage, and treason aa any Action writer could ever dream up. One chapter was related during the trial of the 11 Communist leaders before Judge Medina by one of the FBI “plants” in the Commu- nist Party. In 1945, Mr. Al Lannon, direotor of the Communist Party in Maryland, said that “The party would have to adopt a policy of asbotage not only for war industries but for every other industry. This would de- moralize the population to the extent that they could not adequately support a war.” Another undercover agent reported a state«~
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment by George Siskind, the ty's educa- tion director. In December 1945 Siskind told members to get ready for the day when they would have to foment slow-down and strikes and throw bombs in machinery. Can there be any doubt that the Communist Party is & school for spies and saboteurs? It is dificult to estimate how much dam- age has been done to our national defense by the invaluable information given to Rus- sia by Communists in our atomic plants and Government offices. First there were the Canadian spies, then Alger Hiss, Judith Cop- lon, Klaus Fuchs, Harry Gold, David Green- glass, Sidney Weinbaum, Brothman and Mos- kowltz, and now William Remington, And beyond espionage there is the serious matter of loyalty in wartime. William Fos- ter has publicly announced that in the event of a war with Russia, the American Commu. nists would “cooperate with all democratic forces to defeat the predatory war aims of American tmperialism and bring such a war to a speedy conclusion on the basis of a democratic peace.” These are the seeds of treason. Iam certain we must steel ourselves to the realities of the future. If war with Soviet Russia breaks out, we will see a fifth column that had no equal in World War IT, here or in any other country. And right now, today, espionage is a clear and present danger to our security, COMMUNIST THREAT TO THE PRIVATE ENTER- PRISE SYSTEM The fourth and perhaps the most obvious threat of communism is the threat to our economic system of private enterprise. While they try to hide many things, the Commu- nists have never hidden their desire to so- cialize the economy of the United States. They said, in thelr 1945 postwar program: “We shall alm to convince the broad masses that the eventual elimination of the profit system and the establishment of socialism in the United States will usher in a new and higher type of democracy and a free road to unlimited and stable social progress because it will end exploitation of man by man and nation by nation, through the establishment of a society without oppression and exploita- tion.” The Communists’ favorite sport is to sell the workingman a bill of goods to the effect that he is exploited by predatory capitalists. The only difficulty is that the Commies have a tough time getting our workers to come away from their TV sets long enough to listen. Even when they do get someone to listen, convincing a man who owns an automatic washer, an automobile, a telephone and re- irigerator that he is exploited is rather hard to do, to say the least. But sometimes they do succeed in getting people to swallow their poison. They hold the promise of bread in exchange for a man’s freedom-—and the joke about it is that bread is all they give in re- turn. Those who have gone to Russia as ad- mirers of communism have returned again, disgusted by the universal poverty of the working people, the inequalities, the suffer- ing. They have bread all right—three times a day with thin soup. Yes, communism has enriched some, to be sure—the party big- shots. The poor were never poorer under the Czar. Why do we want to preserve this economic system of ours, where the bulk of decisions are made by private persons rather than government boards? Because we know that American capitalism has produced the high- eat standards of living, with the widest dis- tribution of benefita, of any economic system: in the history of the world. And the Com- munists would scrap private enterprise capi- talism for the dead hand of socialism. We ‘will neither Duy their bill of goods nor be oblivious to their threat, Eternal vigilance is still the price of liberty. Ladies and gentlemen, Jet us recognize communism for what it is—a cancer in our lives eating away at our vitals. It would corrode our moral foundation, overthrow the Constitution, and take away our liberty. It would substitute socialiam for free enter~ prise, And today, right now, Communist spies, saboteurs, and traitors are selling us down the river by doing all in thetr power to weaken our defense efforts. Two thousand years ago the Apostie Peter, in his second epistle, gave a warning that I think applies to Communiste in our own Gay. He spoke of the ungodly. “But chiefly them that walk after the flesh in the lust of uncleanness and despise government. Presumptuous are they, self- willed, they are not afraid to speak evil of dignities. * * * These, as natural brute beasts, made to be taken and destroyed, speak evil of the things that they understand not; and shall utterly periab in their own corrup- tion; and shall receive the reward of un- righteousness, as they that count it pleasure to riot in the day time. * * * While they promise them liberty, they themselves are the servants of corruption; for of whom @ man is overcome, of the same is he brought in bondage. “The Lord knoweth how to deliver the godly out of temptations, and to reserve the unjust unto the day of judgment to be punished.” I exhort you to recognize the menace of communism and to take action in the Amer- ican way to preserve the American way. One Hundred Years of Civil Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRAZIER REAMS OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. REAMS. Mr. Speaker, today marks the one hundredth anniversary of the first real effort on the part of Con- gress to build a civil service. It was on March 7, 1851, that Congress passed a resolution requesting President Fillmore and his Cabinet to formulate some plan to classify Government employees, ap- portion their salaries according to their service, provide a fair and impartial ex- amination for appointment, and to set classification standards for promotion purposes, A report issued by the Cabinet was concurred in by all except Daniel Web- ster, Secretary of State, who wanted a higher standard set for his Department than for others. In March 1853, the Congress enacted legislation based on this report of the President and his Cabinet. This act, and a similar one passed in 1855, established a salary for four grades or classes of clerks in the executive department and set up a sy5- tem of “pass” examinations. These “pass” examinations were the basis of the competitive examinations estab- lished in 1872, In practice they proved ineffectual in that the department heads preferred to make political rather than merit appointments. President Lincoln recognized the faults of the spoils system and stated at one time that: T feel like a man so busy letting rooms at the house that be hag no time He truly was so busy “putting out the fire” that he had little time to build the, civil-service system in which he believed. The nexi step in the history of our attaining a good permanent civil serv- joe was made by Representative Thomas Jenckes, of Rhode Island, who in 1668 made a report to the Houss of Repre- sentatives that was a remarkable piece of research containing testimony of many public officials and comparisons of the civil-service systems of other coun~ tries. This report served as the basis for much of the discussion on the mat- ter in the following years, and, in fact, was responsible for much of what was contained in the Civil Service Act of A rider attached to an appropriation bill in 1871 authorized President Grant to prescribe regulations for the admis- sion of persons into the civil service, The President issued several rules and regulations and Executive orders cover- ing the personnel of the executive serv- ice under this authorization. He estab- lished a seven-man Board in 1871, known as the Advisory Board of the Civil Service. The Board existed for only a few years because Congress failed to make any appropriations for it after 1874. It is one of the ironies of our history that the assassination of a President was the final factor in causing the Congress to establish a permanent civil-service system. When a disappointed office seeker assassinated President Garfield, the country and the Congress became convinced of the needs of a permanent civil service. The Congress then enacted the Pendleton Act, the Civil Service Act of 1883. This is still the basic statute upon which our civil-service system rests. It has been supplemented by a set of civil-service rules and regulations, by Veterans’ Preference Acts of 1919 and 1944, by the Classification Act of 1923 and 1949, by the Retirement Act of 1948, and by other important statutes, Execu- tive orders, and reorganization plans, This hundredth anniversary of the first congressional legislation on civil service is a historic occasion. That joint resolution was truly one of the basic laws of this Nation, Under it the civil service has grown and become more efficient. A faithful and loyal civil service has been established and maintained. We should always remember the many Joyal men and women throughout the country who under civil service have worked anonymously at their tasks to build the greatest Government in the world, They are the ones who have made it possible for the Nation to carry on and prosper. They are the ones who have put into action the laws which this Congress made. They are the ones who have made the policies of this country both on domestic and foreign issues re- ted. We must not forget them nor ignore them. Too often they have heen ridi- culed by the presa and the public as lazy and inefficient. But we should remem- ber on this one hundredth anniversary that the greatest Government, serving the most productive: Nation and the freest and happiest peaple in the world could not have been conducted hy a civil service of second-rate people,
A1236 Tf we are to continue to maintain an efScient civil service and create a desire among young people to enter Govern- ment work we must treat them fairly. We must realize that they constitute the motive power of this Government. We must face our responsibility to them and bring the cost of living down to where they oan live or their income up to where they can buy. The first hundred years has seen the tremendous growth of civil service. As we enter the next hundred years world leadership has been thrust upon us. To discharge our great responsibility we of the Congress must rise to the responsi- bility of our part in maintaining and increasing the effectiveness of this loyal ctvil service, Price and Wage Stabilization EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH J, ADDONIZIO OY NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr, ADDONIZIO. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recoro, I include the economic report submitted to the executive board of the Essex-West Hudson CIO Council by Mr. Joel R. Jacobson, executive secretary. At this time when the grave wage-price situation is of concern to all of us, I be- leve this statement is well worth read- ing and is deserving of careful consid- eration. From the information con- tained in this report it is readily ap- parent why the labor organization is concerned with the attempt to stabi- lize wages while prices and profits con- tinue to zoom upward to new heights. The report follows: Perhaps one of the most important in- ternal problems affecting the American peo- ple today is the question of stabilization. Government officials daily are wrestling with this issue and it must admitted by all objective students that even the preliminary issue of the wisdom of over-all stabilication at this juncture is still an item to be ques- tioned. In particular, wage earners are specifically concerned with the persistent agitation to control their earnings at a time when living costs and corporatign profite are estehlish- ing new records almost hourly. Wage earn- ers have learned from bitter experience that stabilization all tdo often turns out to be wage stabilisation and nothing elee, One thing is certain. There is no justice tn any system of stabilization which freenes wages but permits price-gouging and profit- eering to run rampant throughout our econ- omy. The words “price-gouging” and “profiteer- ing,” however, are not just propaganda bolts shot indiscriminately into the dark. To the contrary, much evidence ie on the books to substantiate the CIO's charges that such conditions not only exist but, in fact, flourish Tight m2 our own back. yard, % order to high light. thia problem on a local level, the Kesex-Weet Hudson OO Council has prepared this repart to compare the rates of profit and wage increases since the end of the war in 10 of the largest cor- porations in the Bssex-West Hudeon area, with whom Of0 local unions have collective bargaining agreements, Before anulyzing the , however, {t is important to realise certain basic facts concerning the report. The figures weed for corporation profits are net profita, after taxes. The figures used for wages are gross wages, before taxes. Since economists have popularized usage of these figures on two different levels, we will come ply for purposes of simplification. But 1¢ 1s obvious that the disparity between profits and wages is actually much greater than is depicted herein. Tasux No. 1.—Since 1945—Percent increase in profits over wages ip Congoleum-Nairn.{ 1,617,214! 3, 78%, 516 Celanese...--..-..- , 618, 400} 20, 640, 826) ‘United States Stoel.| 58, 015, 050/165, 908, 820 Average increago.|...........|-.e--eenes 1944 1949 Crease Corporation profits profits er in wagos since 1048 Ronson........-.-- $508, 400) $5, 417, 173) 4 Koppers... ae-| 8, 241, 784] 11, B15, 488) 46 Swift ..... ~--| 12, 803, 807] 26, 826, 129) B) Lionel... ..... 199, O70) #1, 4a General Motor: 188, 370, 919/656, 626, 969) 81 Westinghouse... 26, 800, 767; 67, 268, 585 48 Worthingto Pump.....-.-.-- 274,317) 6,387, 064 a 44 83 “4 11950 figures available. TABLE No. 2.~-Since 1945—Percent increase in profits over sales 1949 sales Ronson.......- 337 XKoppers 15 Swift. 7 Lionel 137 Generel Motors...... 82 Westinghouse. 38 Worthington c ump. nee vewe =S ongoloum- Nat teenewee 3 an on oe nd United Btaies i 82 Average CS  :) d 87 Taax No. 8.—Since 1945—Compartson of per- cent increase in profits, sales, and wages Corporation SSESSSESRE atesezegss AVCTAgC «00.20, a = All figures on profits and sales arc taken from Moody's and dard & Poor's financial man: In summary, the report amply demon- strates the following: . 1, Sinoe the end of the war, net profte, after taxes, for 10 of the largest. corporations in the Essex-West Hudson area with whom CIO local unions have collective-bargaining era employed by these same have risen only 44 percent, APPENDIX TO’ THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 2. While the profita for these 10 corporae tions, since the end of the war, havé inv creased 289 percent their gross sales revenue has increased only 87 percent. In view of the fact that management has been uni« versally deploring its increased ¢osts of op- eratton—citing such factors as increased material, labor, and tax coate—it ia now obvi- ous that the higher rate of profits is reflected only because these 10 corporations have indulged themselves in a not inconsiderable amount of price gouging and profiteering. It te very diMoult to understand, for ine stance, how the Worthington Pump & Ma- chinery Corp. could sustain e S-percent drop in gross sales revenue from 1946 to 1940 yet, simultaneously, enjoy a 185-percent increase in profits during the same period of time. 8. In its proper light, industry's rather persistent claim that labor ie bie for increased prices and the high cost of living now appears as ridiculous as it actually is, Management has continually increased prices far above the commensurate percent- age increase in costa caused by the wage boost. Even if we assume that prices must be raised because of wage increases—a false assumption as this report obviously demon- strates—it is apparent that management has used every conceivable opportunity to blame its workers for industry's profiteering schemes. 4. Workers’ wages have been left far bee hind by prices and profits in the current economic race. In terms of purchasing power, a worker today has made no gains whatsoever during the past 5 years. 5. The future prospects for wage earners are gloomy. While the cost of living con- tinues to zoom upward, wages sare being frozen and workers are being forced to ac- cept a completely disproportionate burden in the current emergency. 6. The future prospects for corporations were never better. Profits earned and divi- dends paid by United States corporations in 1950 have broken every record in the finan- cial history of the country. From every ine dication, 1951 will be still another record- breaking yeer. While this report ts confined to a local level, it is @ reasonably safe estimate that the figures contained herein are typical of the national scene. The following conclu- sions, therefore, must be reached: 1. A continuation of the freeze on wages, until glaring inequities pointed out herein have been eliminated, is an undue hardship upon all wage earners and will cause a serious dislocation in our national economy. 2. Because price-gouging and profiteering have been standard operational since the end of the OPA, rigid price oon- trois and a stiff exoesa-profite tax must be levied immediately if we are to put an end to our inflationary spiral. 8. There will be no equality of sacrifice if workers alone ere asked to tighten their belts and sacrifice, while corporations enjoy the luxury of profits and business as usual. Moral Training of Our Children EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AUGUSTINE B, KELLEY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednestay, March 7, 1951 Mr. KELLEY of Pennsylvania. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I am including an editorial from the Latrobe (Pa.) Bulletin. This edi. torial is timely, One of the great prob. lems confronting the Nation is the moral standards of its people. This editorial
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD gives an insight into what is needed in our education system—moral training of our children, It follows: Citing the increase of mental maladjust- ment and increase in divorce, suicide, and crime rates, Dr. Alvin C. Surich, head of New York State University, reaches the con clusion that American education and home training are failing. He calls for a re- examination of the Nation's entire school system. This is an old and frequently enunciated theme—that the schools and the homes are responsible for moral decline in America. Some blame what they assert they see on the politicians, but that seems a trifie far fetched. After all, the politicians simply refiect the voters of America. How is the moral regeneration of Amer- ica to be effected through the schools and the homes? No one ever says exactly. The schools and the homes turn out a certain product, generation after generation, In the early days of the Republic it was one kind of product. At the turn of the century, before all the gadgets were invented and the high standard of living captured the fancy as the first of all considerations, there was a slightly different product, Now the homes and the schools are turn- ing out a product that is described as the end result of years of subscription to mate~ rial'sm—or the high standard of living—-and some observers don't like what they see. The way to dilute materialism {8 to intro- duce cultural and spiritual factors, make them seem more desirable than a high stand. ard of living alone, comfortable and inviting as that ts. Perhaps the teachers can start such a trend in the schools and homes will fall into line. But, as the teachers are themselves Members of this materialistic generation, it is possible that they will grope in vain for the starter button. But it is important that ‘we keep trying. No More Third Terms EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. HOWELL OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUBE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. HOWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to include an editorial from the Bordentown Register of March 2, 1951, a weekly newspaper that ic pub- lished in my district. I think the edi- torial provides excellent food for the thoughtful consideration of all Members of Congress, No More Tuep Terms So now there will be no more third-term Presidents in the United States. This may be a very wise move and it may be a very foolish one. It always seems foolish to us to tie our hands with laws, when none are needed. Until Frankiin D. Roosevelt became Presl- dent no other Chief Executive was ever in danger of being elected for a third term. Most of the Republican Presidents in the last 60 years have been fortunate to survive one term let alone three. Considering the ‘terrific strain of the Chief Executive's job, most Presidents are glad to surrender their chains at the end of 6 years, if death has not claimed them before that. Until recently Mew Jergey had a law limit~- ing the Governor's stay to one term. Many times ‘we had good Governors who could have done excellent work for the people of New Jersey had they been allowed two or three terms to promote their programs, Under the new constitution that has been changed so that a Governor can serve at least two terms. Strong men make good executives whether they serve one, two, three, or four terms. When a strong man is not permitted to serve in an executive position he will serve behind the scenes for an indefinite period of time. We prefer him where we can see him in action. The same principle applies to the matter of a law requiring Congress to O. K. the send- ing of armed forces outside the country in peacetime. The world we live in is an ever- changing one. Where once the oceans were our bulwarks today they are no more than rivers. What happens in Korea, or Tibet, or even in Iran ls of vital importance to Amer-~ ica, because it foretells a trend of which we must take notice. Prohibition was one of those laws which seemed reasonable, but was not 80 good. We never know just how these laws will work until after we get them in action. After- ward it takes & long time to get rid of them, At the present time vuhe no-third-term seems innocent since we doubt !f Harry Truman would want a third term, let alone get one. But will we regret it sometime hence? Why I Voted To Liquidate the RFC Back in 1947 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOWARD H. BUFFETT oF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. BUFFETT. Mr. Spe>ker, on June 24, 1947, Congress had before it a bill to extend the life of the RFC. At that. time I opposed that extension. Recent disclosures about the RFC con- strain me to renew my efforts to liqui- date this agency, which has long out- lived its usefulness. Members sincerely concerned about the RFC breakdown of integrity and its effect on public confidence may find my analysis 4 years ago helpful. Here it is from volume 93, part 6, page 7623, of the CoNGRESSIONAL REcorD: Mr. Chairman, the RFC was created in 1982 when private credit facilities of the country were close to temporary paralysis. Its operations served to bridge the gap caused by that paralysis and to help restore private credit agencies to normal operation, In that emergency period the RFO served a critical and useful economic function. However, in the final analysis the true test of whether or not that experiment in Government credit was successful will be determined by the ability of Congress to eliminate this instrument of state capital- ism at the appropriate time. It is my conviction that the appropriate time for the withdrawal of the RFC from the lending field has arrived. Bank deposits and ourrency outetanding in America as of April $0, 1947, approximated $165,000.000,- 000. This ts not far from the highest amount of cash and credit available in our history, This cash and credit should furnish an ade- quate reservoir of capital for all justifiable private credit purposes, If that is a0 active, continuation of the RFO will almost certainly result in Govern. ment competition with private credit facil- ities for the loaning of functs. A1237 The irapression has been created that thts Dill represents a rigid contractian of RFQ lending and investrhent activities, Compared with the unlimited grants of power given the RFC during the war, that statement is cor- . rect. Compared with the prewar péacetime operation of the RFO, the statement seems somewhat overdrawn. On December 31, 1938, the year end fallow~ ing the crisis in industry and finance, the RFC had loans outstanding of $1,716,602,000, Thie bill provides the RFC with $2,000,000,000 of loaning power, or more than the RFO was using at the end of 1938, when we were still in the valley of depression, So it is perhaps significant that 14 years after the paralysis period the RFO is being continued on a basts which provides loans and advances up to 82,000,000,000. Purthermore, as a matter of record, the loans and advances of the RFC on March 31, 1947, only amounted to $1,716,000,000. On this basis the RFC continues ita operations with lending power substantially in excess of that in use as of the end of the first quarter of 1047. The rise in the number of employees of this bureau affords a side view of the scope of ite activities, On June 80, 1039, the RFO iad 4,090 employees, On April 30, 1947, it had 7,802 employees, For an agency sup- posedly diminishing, as we get further and further away from the credit paralysis of 1933, this ia a strange contradiction tn em- ployment totals. Some members of the committee were sat- fsfied that the hearings gave us adequate information on the operation of this public- credit colossus, I did not share in that con- clusion. The committee heard only one wit~ ness. the present Chairman of the RFC Board, The importance of a comprehensive under- standing of the activities of the RFC by the House was pointed out by the Comptroller General in House Document No. 316, Eight- leth Congress, first session: “The desirability of financing the activities of RFC through borrowings has not been questioned in this report, but it should be pointed out that the Congress could improve its control over the enterprise through the requirement that ita capital be supplied through appropriation rather than through borrowings.” As o factual matter, the Congresa will be by adoption of this bill in the position of authorizing, without specific appropriation or further congressional action, Federal lending and investment up to $32,000,000,000, based upon hearings during which only one man was heard and that was the Govern. ment official heading the agency. Letters from Jesse Jones and Herbert Hoover were read into the hearings, and this was the only other evidence the committee obtained. Perhaps the committee had adequate ih- formation to give carte blanche approval to the operations of the RFC, but to me that approval consisted quite largely as an act of faith. The Comptroller General tn a letter to the RFC Board of Directors in June 1946, after 8 months of exemineation of RFC records, declared: “Nor do these records afford an adequate basia for a satisfactory report of the dis~ charge of important operating and fiscal re+ eponeibilities assumed by the companies or a satisfactory report of the discharge of the aggregate responsibility of tho top manage- ment for any period.” On July 31, 1046, in House a eperting No. 674, the Comptroller General, re Congress on the audit of the RFC then in progress by his Office, listed the following specific fatlures in the accounting functions of the RPC: First, The Company does not control its $7,000,000,000 investment in property. Second. The Company does not control its €800,000,000 investment in inventories of De- fense Supplies Corporation, Metals Reserve Company, and U. 8. Commercial Company.
A1238 ‘Tnird. The Company does not control its wash receipts. Fourth. The Company does not control rentals earned on ite Fifth. The Company does not ‘control oere tain important Habiiities. Sixth. The Company does not control re- coveries due it on plant extensions bullt for utility companies. Seventh. The erty dispe does not control ite surplus property disposal activities. Righth. The Company has no contro! over the ‘Soman of its Pamiiate, U. 8. Commer- cial Compan I have inquired of the Comptroller Gen- eral to find out whether in the ensuing pertod he hes had any occasion to revise these findings, and I quote from his letter to me on June 4, 1067: “The views of the General Accounting Of- fice concerning accounting of the RFO and other matters, as expressed in House Docu- ment No. 674 of the Beventy-ninth Congress, second session, remain unchanged.” To agree to the notive continuation of the RFC now the House must subscribe to the belief that private credit in the United States cannot operate without a public credit crutch at a time when American busi- ness is in the biggest boom in its history. Zam unable to accept that conclusion. Fur- then, tt appeara somewhat strange that we should be, in official oratory, at least, oppos- ing the nationalimtion of credit in foreign lands while continuing to countenance its growth in thie country. To pass this measure in ite present form the House must aubscribe to the belief that politically selected money lenders, using other people's savings, can loan money with more wisdom and competence than private individuals and groups using thelr own funds. It must subscribe to the belief that the Government has a right to use arbitrarily assessed tax funds for risk-capital purposes in private enterprise. To continue the RFO the House must sub- actibe to the belief that either an emer- gency exists in the fleld of private credit or that the private credit facilities of the Na*ion are so defective or so puny that an instrument of state capitalliam must per- manently both umpire and play in the con- test of supplying credit to private enterprise, ZI cannot agree to this conclusion. In its present lending to business firma, the RFC is doing one of three things (1) making loans that private credit inatitutions find econamioally unsound; (2) competing unfairly with private capttel; or (8) making political loans, This is not a healthy aituation even though there may be a great number of pri- vate banks in thts country who currently welcome the credit-crutch facilities made avaliable by the RPC, In the competitive-enterprise syatem there should be enough competition among the banks to see that every reasonably sound loan is made. If present laws prevent such loans from being made for one reason or another, such as capital requirements of small-town banks, then changes should be made in our banking laws to permit private eredit to hecome mobile enough to supply such needs, When the RFC makea loans that private imaetitutions will not make, It imposes « t that overriiies tha competitive Operation of the natural economies laws. It interferes with the operation of financtal institutions whose progress and profits de- pend wpon thetr ability and wiliingnete to make every reasonably sound loan, Mr. Chairman, theoretically boy ‘House has four alternatives before jt on ‘ine RFC One i to do as the other body did, extend it Soa 1 year without utterly indefensible ar a rGomeracs pledged to get the Government out of busi- ness, to eliminate unnecessary bureaus, and to bring about economy in Government. A second alternative ts to abolish the RFC entirely. I am not inclined to favor that ootrse. However, there is a significant body of opinion in this country that believe that to be the sound procedure, based upon the fact that the RFC was set up to tide us over an emergency and the emergency is over. Rather than the continuance provided in this bt, I believe the RFC should be liquidated, A third alternative is the one selected by the House Banking and Currency Committee. Tt is to continue this agency more or leas in- definttely, although the stated period of the bill is 2 years, and leave it possessed with tremendous powers although shorn of the utterly fantastic wartime grants of power. A fourth alternative {s to preserve the RFO as a skeleton organization, as an instrument of public credit that could be reactivated in the event of another emergency. This wes the course that I had hoped the committee would take in its action on this bill. By retaining thie agency on a stand-by basis the House would be preserving its utility in the case of another emergency. In this way the potential usefulness of the RFC could be continued, but the evils which %t brings into the normal operation of our private credit facilities would be ended. In closing I want to point out to the House that this bill continues in the hands of the RFC, a politically controlled credit agency, vast powers to influence the course of eco- nomic affaira in this Nation. For some time we have been in the throes of inflation, yet the RFO with continued power can add fuel to inflation by financing enterprises which are unsound oredit risks. While the bill provides that the RFC will not provide financial assistance unless finan~- cial assistance is not otherwise avatiable on reasonable terms, this provision is open to many interpretations. For example, in its current operations the RFC loans money at 4 percent. This interest rate alone has Operated ag an inflationary factor in the economy. It bas undoubtedly encouraged the establiehment of businesses that would not otherwise come into being at the height of @ war-created boom, It seems probable that the lending opera- tions of the RFC have helped to accentuate the length and intensity of the present busl- ness boom. As a consequence, the bust— when it comes—will be of greater propor- tions than without the peacetime operations of the RFC in the field of private credit. If that conjecture proves correct, then the peacetime RFO will have gone a long way toward nullifying its emergency usefulness, if the Congress means business when it orates about eliminationa of unnecessary bu- reaus the RIO is a good place to start. The creeping socialization that this agency is facilitating has no place in a Nation that Owes its greatness to a genuine system of privately operated enterprise. Mr. Speaker, I regret that only three Republican Congressmen voted to end RFC at that time. Rubber Stamp Congress EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MiCMIG«AN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 6, 1951 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr. Speuker, if the Congress continues to permit the executive department to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD usurp its functions it will become a rub- ber-stamp Congress, 2 useless expensive branch of the Federal government, That some folks in the South realige we are well on our way toward that end ds evidenced by an address from the. Southern Conservative, Fort Worth, Tex., of February, which reads as follows: Provisions Im THE ComgrrrUTion OF THE Unrrep Srarra on LIMITATION oF PowER .tE- PEALED BY Executive Ogps2-—UsURPaTION OF CanorgssionaL AUTHORITY Exoum BY ROOS- gveLt Rescues Peak Unotre tHE PRESENT ARMINISTRATION Harry S. Truman, who frequently suilers with the delusion that he is a Roman Em- peror rather than an elected president of a constitutional republic, hag announced that while he is perfectly willing for Congress io discuss the matter, he alone will meke the decision about whether or not American troops will be sent to Europe and in what numbers. No ruler is bigger than the written con- stitution of the country over which he pre- sides and when usurpation of power by an arrogant leader is tolerated, it marks the first step toward the crumbling and decay of a sovereign state, In our case, limitation of power was the moet serious concern of the founders of the Republic and they put thia safeguard into the Constitution of the United States in order that no political bantam rooster might ever be able to mount the public rostrum and boast of his power over the purse and the people. Accordingly, they set up the legislative, judicial, and executive branches of Govern- ment with the powers of each specifically defined, with no overlapping jurisdictions, and in no case was it intended that one branch would artogate to itself the authority and power bestowed by the Constitution on another. Because of wholesale violations of these provisions of the Constitution in recent years, Congress has been compelled to sur- render its power not only to the Executive, but to the judicial gepartment of Govern- ment which frequently stepped in to pinch hit for Congress by passing soctal legialation, through judicial decisions, when Congress had failed, or refused, to pass such measures. The action of the judiciary, however, in usurping power belonging exclusively to Congress deals only with the destruction of the Constitution and of our form of gov- ernment, and the breaking down of our American tnetitutions. But the usurpation of power by the Ex- ecutive in which the President purposes to q@eclare war and send troops around over the world according to his own sweet will, in- volves human lives and it is to this phase of the violation of constituttonal provisions that the American people should first ad- dress themsetves. Handicapping any attempts at retriev- ing lost power now, however, is the shume- ful memory of how far another American President was allowed to go in the usurpa- tion of power from a subservient and sptne-~ lesa Congress, ; During the decade beginning in 1933 we witneased the débasing spectacle of a majar- ity of the Members of both Houses of our and transgressions this line since then have been so steady and gradual that
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a President today actually dares to rear on his hind feet and dery Congrese to do anything about it. If we are able to read, the Constitution confers the authority to declare war, ratse and support armies, provide and maintain @ navy, and make rules for the Governe ment and regulation of the land and naval forces solely on Congress and the President as Commander in Chief is empowered only to carry out the mandates of Congress. Pending the time that the voters them- selves get another whack at him, we think: it high time that Congress rise up in its might and reclaim its surrendered powers, whittle the President down to his proper size and put him back in short pants. An Invincible Air Force—The Key to Military Success EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN BELL WILLIAMS OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 6, 1951 Mr, WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, if we are to survive as a Nation in the atomic age, we must recognize the fact that our military strength rests in an invincible Air Force. In support of this theory a brilliant speech was made to the membership of this House the other day by our distinguished colleague, Hon. W. J. Bryan Dorn, of South Caro- lina, an able statesman and veteran of World War II. Mr. Dorn’s speech de- serves the attention of every thinking American, and I am sure that Members who heard it in person, or were privi- leged to read it in the CoNcRESSIONAL Recorp, were impressed with its logic and sound expressions of common sense, Mr. Dorn’s speech received wide cover~ age in the press of our country and was the subject of commentary by many dis- tinguished newspaper and radio men, not the least among whom was Fulton Lewis, Jr. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include herewith Mr. Lewis’ comment, which appeared in the Washington Times-Herald under date of March 3, 1951: WASHINGTON REPORT (By Fulton Lewis, Jr.) A Member of Congress believes our mili- tary leaders, with the exception of those in the Air Force, ought to be put out to pasture. Admittedly a partisan of the fly boys, W. J. Bryan Dorn, South Carolina Democrat, says our Army and Navy brass are antiques. He pointed out that the three greatest military leaders in history, Napoleon Bonaparte, Alex- ander the Great, and Hannibal, all led armies before their mid-thirties. The Congressman ts convinced that only in the Air Force can an officer reach the rank of Heutenant general at the age of 27 years, which was Napoleon's (equivalent) rank and age when he overran Europe. This backhand swipe at the paucity of youth in the top echelon of our military leaders is not the only irritating idea the Congresaman paesed along to the Pentagon, Dogn thinks a balanced military effort— with about equal expenditures on the Army, Air Force, and Navy—js a dangerous gamble with security. He wants Air Force prowess increased, with leas emphasis on massive ground forces. He quotes some pretty fair experts to back up his opinion. Lieutenant General Koller, of the German Air Force, who was on the receiving end of more bombing raids than he cares to re- member, has this to say about alr power: “The nation that controls the air will con- trol the sea lanes of the world, will control the continents of the world. It will be an interesting game to watch from the side- lines, the game of power politics. The na- tion that controls the air will control this world and dominate this world for the next hundred years.” For those military experts who scoff at too strong a dependence on air power, DORN ree calls a few incidents in the past so we can judge the fallibility of the experts. Prior to and during the last war mili- tary leadera at one time or another stepped up and opined that the United States Pacific Fleet was invincible; that Japan would cole lapse in 6 weeks; that Hitler would not last through the winter of 1939; that the French Maginot line was impregnable; that the Nazis would never reach Paris; and that American boys would never be sent to Europe. There are others, including the passionate propagandists who promised that the United Nations would make peace secure; and that Uncle Joe Stalin was the Kind of guy we could ell get along with after the war. The Congressman admits that it might be @ little unfair pulling the record on the ex- perts now, but he says he is a young man and wants to enjoy life for a few years. Dorw wants to build an Air Force of 6,000 heavy bombers. This can be done with 617,- 000,000,000, which is considerably less than what we will be spending in Europe on rellef and military aid. Once we get the bombers, Dorn wants the President to notify Stalin that we're all set and one false move will bring on an ava- lanche of atom bombs. Russia has concentrated on a large land army. Dorn is convinced we can only maich the threat with an overwhelming concentra- tion on uir power, He points out that the two greatest eras of peace in history were created by the pow- erful Roman legions and by the British fleet. No one for 600 years dared take on the Romans, and for 400 years the British Navy kept the world in order, Now, in Doan’s opinion, air power is not only peace power but economy as well. In 1947 Dorn stepped up and demanded the biggest Air Force the world had ever seen. He satd then that the only way to halt Russia was from the air. For his pains Vishinisky, Russian repre- sentative at the United Nations, put Dorn’s name at the top of a list of Americans the Kremlin considered the world’s worst war- mongers. Nothing since has aroused the Russians 60 much as Dorw’s speech in 1947. They got almost as mad in 1950 when he proposed using Marshall plan funds for building up the Air Force, Apperently what they fear most is & pow- erful United States Air Force, several times bigger than the one being planned today. The Russians, also, have talked to a few German generals and they know just how rough @ United States bombing attack can A129 Address by Mayor Vincent R. Impellittes! EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. F. D. ROOSEVELT, JR. Or NEW TORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 My. ROOSEVELT. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent, I am pleased to place in the Reconp the following re- marks by Mayor Vincent R. Impellitterl at graduation exercises, Beth Israel Hos- pital School of Nursing, Stuyvesant Square East at Sixteenth Street, New York City, on Wednesday, February 28, Mr. Silver, Dr. Frank, Milas Casey, distine tinguished guests, parents, friends, and grad- uates of the class of 1951, my presence here this evening as guest speaker at these grad- uation exercises—I must admit-—tis due large- ly as tribute to a great New Yorker and Amer- ican. one of our city’s outstanding business leaders, who will be remembered for genera- tions to come by his grand deeds of philan- thropy in helping the siok and the poor and the underprivileged. No man in our town better symbolizes the sterling qualities that have made our city great than the man who for a quarter of a century has been closely associated with this hospital, whose growth and development in the last 62 years has so many parallels to the growth and development of New York City. ‘When Charles H. Silver, early in 1947, took over the greater responsibilities aa president of Beth Israel on the passing to his eternal reward of the hospital’s honored and beloved president, David L. Podell, he had already been closely identified with the work—the joys and the sorrows of Beth Israel] Hospital-— for more than a score of years. Beth Israel Hospital hag had a glorious his- tory—since {ts founding back in 1890 by a amall group of immigrants, joined together in the humanitarian venture that was to be- come this great voluntary institution which today treats many thousands of patients, re- gardiless of race, creed, color, or ability to pay, The growth of Beth Israel Hospital under the aegis of David Podell, Charles Silver, and their associates is truly an affirmative answer to the ancient Biblical query: “Am I my brother's keeper?” The question that always mystifies us is how great men, how busy men, find time to do so much. Guiding the destinies of a busy enterprise such as this would seem to be oc- cupation enough for one man, but not for Mr. Silver. For him to be his brother's keeper means not only to help those of his own re- ligious persuasion, but he lends his talents and time to all, He is one of Cardinal Spell- man's close friends and associates, and for years has been spearhead and 4 directing genius of the Alfred BE. Smith Memorial Foundation, which has constructed a large addition over at St. Vincent's Hospital, not too far from here, in memory of the Happy Warrior of our city and State. Only recently President Truman appointed Mr. Silver the New York State member of the Internal Security Commission, of which Ad-~ miral Chester Nimitz ts the chairman and whose roster ts a veritable “Who's Who” of American religious, professional, business, and governmental leaders. * am sure that the nurse graduates of Beth Israei—the good doctors and nuraes who brought them through their arduous atudies, their able and illustrious Director of Nursing Clare M. Casey, their parents who anxiously are awaiting that thelr diplornas be conferred upon them, and the guests and friends ‘here
Al240 tonight—wili forgive the time I haye con- wumed in paying tribute to Beth Isreet’s top administrator. Let me make it clear that Mr. Sitver is not looking for a Commissioner's job although his rare abilities would grace any adminis- tration, I have been looking for s chance to teil the world what a truly great public benefactor be fs. I have always rather Mked the words of Thomes Paine, one of our founding fathers, and I should Ifke to use them as my text this evening: “T love the men that can smile in trouble,” Tom Paine sald, “that can gather strength in diatress and grow brave by reflection, “Tia the business of little minds to shrink, Dut he whose heart fs firm, and whose con- science auproves his conduct, will pursue his peincipies unto death.” Our busy, harried world with ‘ts swift strides In economic evolution and confusion, but with it all, social progrese and particu- larly metfical advancement sorely needs men and women who “can smile in trouble, gath- er strength from distress, and grow brave by reflection.” Around us everywhere there is need for abiding principles and ideals which we may pursue in our Hfe’s work, and unto death. Graduation exercises too often are pon- @erous and dull, particularly where the guest speaker is concerned, and I hope that I shall not err too greatly on that score, Nothing I shall say from here on is more important than a few words to the parents and families for whom this is the oecasion they have eagerly awaited for 3 long years. What worries and misgivings have been theirs. Whet sacrifices they have made. How proud they are tonight that one of their own is now and forevermore enrolled tn one of man's nobler professions, for truly nurs- ing is such a calling. Heiping a patient back to physical strength and well-being must give an inner satisfac- tion thas is associated with few other types of work. Nursing is # vocation as old aa the history of man. It may rightfully be called an art, and as with the other arts, tt has continued to develop, improve, and flouriah until today it may be sald that those who have mastered the crait of nursing are indeed professional artists in their own right. In A History of Nursing by Sellew and Neusse, good nursing care ja described as “a service which alleviates physical and mentel suffering, shortens the pertod of Ulness, and Inereases the chance of recovery.” These are few words, indeed, with which to @escribe a life's work. Yet, tt means that you graduates have selected a field wherein lies a golkten range of opportunity for sery- jee to your fellow man. Your American Journal of Rursing, the bible of your professton, has expressed a standard for nurses as follows: “You should be strong, because peopte de- pend on you. You should be steady and setf- reliant for you wifl many times be charged with bilities, You should in human beings of all classes and kinets. Pinally, you should be tactful, have a good sense of humor, be resourceful and always ” So much bas been written abont your faa- cinating profession thet ome could go on ad infinitum and ad naverurn m quoting there- from, Wut I should ike to repeat just a few lines from in Modern Soctety by Mary Elia Ohayer, former associate professor ‘ursing education at Teachers College, You, the graduates of this fine school of Duraing, have earned the trath of this state- ment irom your own experiences in the class- yoorms and on the wards of this hospital snd from the other boupitels with which you may have bean sMilated. The great Jewish philosopher, Maimonides, im a dissertation on the wnotverse stated that the “ideal sets the sphere in motion.” He wae, of coume, referring primarily to the uni- verse, itaelf, but ix the last analysis what he seid, spplies most aptiy to the sphere of nura- ing activity, From the very beginnings of our present system of nurse education, itt has been the high ideals of the leaders of your profession that have set in motion and widened the sphere of nursing progress. While nuraing care, or as more accurately stated, ministering to the sick, dates back to the very beginnings of man's endless struggle against patn, pestilence, disease, and death, nursing as 9 profession only today ts sssum- mg its rightful piace in medical sclence. Nursing education has come a long way stace 1873 when the first three nurses’ train- ing schools in the United States, based on the Nightingale plan of training, were estab-~- lished. Incidentally, one of these three orig- inal schools was the one set up at nearby Bellevue Hoapttal. Baek in those days, a probationer or stu- gent nurse, with neither formal schooling nor much in the way of theoretical or prac tical experience In her one year's apprentice~ ship, was set to work in @ hospital ward, usu- ally without supervision, Today's nurse's candidate, following her high-school graduation, must attend a school of nursing for three full years and following her graduation, must keep abreast of almost daily discoveries in medical procedures and nursing techniques. The highly technical Guties performed by the modern “women in white” were not dreamed of by nurses 75 years ago. And yet, despite ‘hese great advances, there has not been sufficient public awareness of the role played by the professional nurse in our far-advanced and rapidly expanding medical frontiers. There atill are sections of the country where nurses do not enjoy the shorter work- week and the salary levels that obtain in less skilled and nonprofessional categories. In our own city, both the voluntary and municipal hospitals have done much in re- cent years to raise the economic level of nursing personnel commensurate with the exaential and high service your profession renders. The Beth Israel Hospital School of Nursing is one of the vest in the country. Con- @ucted under the abie direction of Miss Casey, an otttstanding nurse educator and sdaministrator, it has kept apace in ite our- riculum with the most advanced studies in the profession. Your school of nursing is aocredited by the State Education Depart- ment of New York and is fully approved by the American Medical Astociation, the-amer- ican College of Surgeons, and the American Hospttal Assoctation. Before closing, I should tke to thank Mr. Shiver, his board of trustees, and his medical and nursing staffs for alerting all the re- of this great hospital and placing them at the cali of the city of New York im ite etvil Gefense prepavedness program. Civil Gefenss ts something in which al) of us must be joined. Although our national leaders are doing everything within their Gays, Nurses, of course, are important in every phase of civil defense activity and they must take leadership in this vital undertaking. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mistakes of the head and not of the heart. I can truly ay, and ¥ teke upon myself to witness, that in my sojourn with you: “I have loved no darkness Sophisticated no truth Nursed no delusion Allowed no fear." With this, the simple credo of a great mind, T salute the class of 1951 of the Beth Israel Hospital School of Nursing. You are on the threshold of a great career of service to your fellow man. May you in your Iife’s work hold high the ideals of your profession. And ict me end thts on the keynote of my opening remarks, If you apply the education and the train- ing obtained here at Beth laraei as seifiessly as Mr. Silver and Mr. Podell before him— and emulate thetr high ideal of service to thetr fellow man—you truly will have been your brother's keeper. To a higher trust none of us can aspire, because that is the command of the divine Ruler who rules us all. Man in the Middle EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. TOM STEED OF ORLAWOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. STEED. Mr. Speaker, under per- mission to extend my remarks, I include hirewith an article written by Peter Ed- son for the Washington Daily News, This article ia a personality sketch of W. Elmer, Chairman of the RFC Board of Directors, and my fellow townsman from Shawnee, Okla. In the light of every- thing else being said and printed these days about the RFC, I am sure my col- leagues will be interested to know more about the man who now holds the heavy responsibility of carrying on this vital and important governmental agency. The article follows: Maw rw Myporn (By Peter Edson) Man caught in the middle of Senator them and I don’t want to see them.”
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 4s an afterthought he supposes that a lot of those letters should have been thrown in the wastebasket. That's how fresh and unspoiled his viewpoint is on Washington, where a letter from a Congressman has more weight than the tablets of stone handed Moses on Mount Sinai. President Truman drafted Elmer Harber to try to straighten out some of RFC's troubles. This was shortly after Senator Puuenicnt began kicking up a fuss on RFO’s $87,500,000 loans to Lustron Corp., which later went bankrupt. Mr. Harber had been Democratic national committeeman for Oklahoma. First thing he knew about the job was last July, when he found himself in the White House arguing with the President on why he shouldn’t take it. He lost the argument. His draft ia for 2 years. Six months in Washington still haven't convinced him he wouldn't like to go back to Oklahoma. When an old friend came to see him recently, the parting was, “Don't let ‘em get you in jail up here.” Mr. Harber’s reply was, “Sometimes I think Jail would be more comfortable,” The thing that appealed to Mr. Truman in appointing Mr. Harber RFC Chairman was his practical banking background. He is little, medium sized, and big banker, all three. Forty years ago he went to work as janitor in the First National Bank of Seminole, Okla. Ten years later he was president and today he owns controlling interest of it. It's a 85,000,000 bank with a $350,000 capital account. He is also president and controlling owner of American National Bank, Shawnee, & $12,000,000 bank. And he’s a director of Liberty National Bank of Oklahoma City, a $100,000,000 institution. It 1s Mr. Harber’s experience as a small- town banker that he has drawn on in try- ing to steer the reorganization of RFC. “When you go into a small-town benk and ask for a loan, you get the answer right away. Some applications have been hang- ing around here 3, 4, and even 5 months. And it takes that long again to disburse the money,” he erys. The RFC Board used to meet twice a week. It now meets first thing every morn- ing. Then it may meet another half-dozen times a day whenever there is anything to decide. Fees and interest rates have been hiked. Personnel regulations have been tightened. Also, RFC’s staff has been cut way back— saving the Government an estimated $5,000,- 000 a year. Thirty-one branch offices have been reduced to 10. Employees have been cut from 3,600 to 2,600. It is some of these discharged employees, Mr. Harber believes, who have been feeding scandal to the Fulbright committee. The Chairman doesn't particularly object to that. On the whole, he thinks the investigation and its disclosures have been a good thing. They have shown what has to be done to set the house in order, Opposing Drafting of 18-Year-Olds EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASBACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF 2E°RESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. LANE, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following article from the Boston Sunday Advertiser, Boston, Mass., March 4, 1951, by the Most’ Reverend Richard J. Cushing, D. D., archbishop of Boston;, EWMHTEnN-Yrar-Orp Drars Opposen on Mora, Reiiciovs Grounys (By the Most Reverend Richard J, Cushing, . I wholeheartedly oppose the drafting of 18-year-olds into the Armed Forces on moral. and religious grounds. I oppose this conscription because many, many of these boys will go into the military or naval forces as good, honest, moral, re- ligious young men—and many will come out immoral, dishonest, tirreligious, heavy drink- ers, gamblers, and plain “no good.” Everyone who knows anything about what happens to a green boy when he is plunged into unbridled life within the Armed Forces knows this to be true. The temptations that come to a more mature man are great enough, but what these temptations accomplish among the im- mature are horrifying. Please do not misunderetand. Many, many of our finest and greatest men are products of the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard. Life in the Armed Forces can accomplish wonders for some men. But what I am talking about is the green boy who lives next door or down the atreet, who has been brought up in a sheltered atmosphere and knows little or nothing about life. Let us assume that he knows little about the temptations he will face when he is in- ducted. in most cases this is true. Then let us assume further that he its drafted. Pretty soon he begins to rub elbows with a few of the human vultures who prey on the innocent. Within a period of months he ts a changed person, He becomes lax in his religious practices, be he Catholic, Protestant, or Jew- ish. He starts to gamble, to drink, to be- come immoral, He may enter into a hasty marriage. All of these hazards do in fact exist In civilian life. But they are peculiarly more insistent and more insidious in military life, especially for those who are not fully mature. To those who feel that the ordinary re- ligious and moral instructions which our boys receive are adequate for the situations which they will confront in military life, I recommend a reading of the pamphlets dis- tributed by the military authorities con- cerning some phases of morality of World War II. These pamphlets can give moral shocks and create confusion in young minds that have been brought up on high ideals. Unfortunately parents are not so well aware of these moral and religious hazards in military life as they are in civilian life. So I am taking this opportunity to point out to them that unless positive methods can be taken to improve to a very consider- able degree the moral climate of military life, the offictal pamphlets, posters, and movies that are issued will continue to do as much as they have been in the past. I am firmly convinced that 18-year-olds will be drafted. They want them and they are going to get them, In that case, I, for one, prefer to have these hazards brought to teen-age boys he- fore induction into the service. In that way it would be possible to cushion some- what that moral shock, to the extent of pointing out the insidious philosophy that underlies these visual aids and to show the important part that God and religion can play in strong motivation to clean living in or out of military Life. I have no complete program to suggest, merely some ideas and suggestions which I hope will enable religious leaders of all faiths to develop more olearly under discussion. For example, I suggest an organised pro- gram in the schools as a good way to meet the problem, At a time when young men are only a few months away from induction into mili- tary service they may be expected to be reasonably interested in all phases of this new and different life which they are soon to enter. Why should they not be particularly re~ ceptive to religious and moral inatructions which are directly pointed to that life? In a way, it oan be a preview of that life in ita moral and religious phases at a ‘time when they have not so many other distrac-: tions. Once they are inducted into service there are sO many new things te learn and 580 many new duties to be fulfilled that what+ ever instruction a chaplain may be able to give is in danger of going in one ear and out the other. Therefore, I suggest to Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish leaders to consider this fact: From the standpoint of timing and psey- chology, some preinduction religious and moral indoctrination would seem to have advantages over whatever the chaplains may be able to do after induction, Conservation: United States Parks | EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. NORRIS POULSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 5, 1951 Mr. POULSON. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I am inserting in the Recorp an article by Mr. Bertram on the subject of conservation as it ap- plies to our United States parks. There is no doubt that attempts are being made to change our long-establist.ed policy on this subject. Congress should be alerted to this danger to which this article calls our attention. The article, from the New York Times of March 4, 1961, follows: CONSERVATION: UNrrep States Parks—~-DExsaTte Over Dinosaur MONUMENT RAISER QUES- TIONS ABOUT LONG-RANGE POLICY (By John Bertram) In the ousting of Newton B. Drury as Direc- tor of the National Park Service, the country loses (as of April 1) @ valued public servant, and the Department of the Interior an effec~ tive conservationist. The circumstances eure rounding Mr. Drury's impending departure have—rightly or wrongly—aroused grave ap- prehension over the future of the national park system. There are two major reasons why this is go, and the current battle over the Dinosaur National Monument illustrates both of them. Originally a tiny tract set aside to preserve some prehistoric fossils (hence the name), the Monument was in 1988 enlarged to 180,- 000 acres for the express purpose of preserv- ing from exploitation some of the most spectacular canyon wilderness left in the United States. But the Bureau of Reclama- tion has chosen two sites within the confines of the monument for the construction of tremendous dams which would still the rush- ing waters, deface the canyon sides, and alter forever the wild and untamed character of this rare bit of primeval America. Qualified engineers have pointed out that the selection of certain alternate sites oute aide the monument might result in greater water storage and more power development at amatier cost. Mr. Drury vigorously op- invasion of the monument for con- struction of these 1l-advised dams; but Sec- retary Chapman overruled him, and the final decision ts now in the hands of Congress. I¢ is impossible to avoid seeing the larger im- plications of the Dinosaur affair.
A122 eettine a PRkoeDENT In the first place, the invasion of # national park (or monument) for extraneous purposes not only 1s contrary to the spirit of the laws which established the parks, Dut also sets & precedent under which incsloulsbie harm can be done to other units of the system. Particularly amid the strains and stresses of a national emergency, terrific pressures are brought to bear against the resources locked up in our national parks; and only resolute determination ¢o prevent their exploitation (except perhaps in case of the most desperate crisis) can protect them for future genera- tions. The ground work ts already being laid for an assault on the timber resources of the national parks and forests in the name of défense. If Congress should approve con- struction of the Dinosaur dams, it will re- lease the floodgates for renewed attacks on many national parke—Grand Canyon and Glacter, to name but two that have already been threatened in the same manner. In a speech recalling the damming nearly 40 years ago of the Hetch Hetchy Valley in California, an: Assistant Secretary of the Interior re- cently said: “If somebody made 4& proposal today that we put a large dam at the foot of the valley here to flood Yosemite, * * * the howl of protest from over the entire Nation would be so tremendous such a proposal would not even be considered. I think we must have that same kind of support in other areas so that any time we have another Hetch Hetchy * * * the people * * * will imme- Gtately conduct a strong campaign to stop such activities.” It “howls of protest” should rise with suf- ficient strength, Congress may yet prevent the Interior Department from commiting at Dinosaur the very folly against which ite owh spokesman has sounded so eloquent a warning. RECREATION QUESTION Pear that the “park principle” may be vio- lated more easily and more frequently in the future 1s, then, one reason why many con~- servationists are worried over Mr. Drury’s forced resignation, The other fundamental reason revolves about the word “recreation.” Recreation, when applied to national parks, can mean the development of large- scale facilities for popular use, such as bath- ing, boating, and similar activities. But it can also mean the quiet and peaceful enjoy- ment of scenic grandeur, the contemplation of a lonely wilderness, camping beside white water, gaining spiritual values from nature far from the organization and appurtenances of our machine-made civilization. Both forms of recreation are valid. But mass recreation—the recreation that implies elaborate equipment and extensive develop- ment—can be had anywhere, on » thousand man-made lakes behind a thousand mane made dams, in scores of State parks and play- grounds, in innumerable areas near cities, towns, and villages throughout the land. Facilities for this sort of recreation are nec«- essary and desirable; but surely a smal! part of America should be left unspoiled for fue ture generations, Dinosaur Monument is one such place; and yet a Sait Lake City newspaper can say, “The reservoirs the dams will create will make avatiable to the run of the citimenry the very sort of recreational facilities which * * *¢ (the opposition) said they would destroy.” Mr. Drury’s departure may forebode a new stress on the promotion of orgentzed recrea- tion in our parks and monuments, and a slackening of tnterest in the preservation of untouched areas of wild and natural beauty for themselves alone. NOTES The National Association of Soll Conserva~ tion Districts, at its recent annual meeting, has urged the Government to require water- shed control to de closely integrated into afl large-seate dam-bullding activity in the fu- ture * * * The seéond volume to be published by the President's Water Resources Policy Commission is called “Water Resources Law.” The “central fact” revealed by the study “is the lack of a unified Federal policy respecting the development, utilization, and conservation of water resources, including related uses of land.” Ceepennenneen seeeneemenemnanel St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 7, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following article from the Evening Tribune, Lawrence, Maas., Friday, March 2, 1951: Seaway Wovutp Hurt New ENGLAND As far as the St. Lawrence seaway is con- cerned, it's every man for himself, appar- ently. It’s quite evident that not much thinking is being done in terms of the great- est good for the greatest number. Not especially, anyway. Take the steel industry, for example. Not so long ago, before deple- tion of Mesabt tron deposits was in prospect, the ateel industry saw no particular reason why the seaway should be developed; it pointed to the tremendous cost of the proj- ect, and argued that small advantage would accrue to the country as a whole. But the steel industry has now reversed itself because its special interests will be served—and very handaomely—if the seaway is constructed. Labrador ore is the reason for the switch. Obviously, it would be fer less costly to trans- port that ore by water than by water and rail, as will have to be done if the seaway doesn't get congressional approval. So steel is in there championing the cause of the seaway. On the other side of the fence is the com- bined opposition of the eastern seaboard, which has a tremendous stake in the out- come of the battle, as battle it is. The ports of Boston and New York and eastern rall- roads, generally, would suffer huge annual losses because of the ocean traffic which would be diverted to the seaway. There would be a direct water route to the Midwest, and it fs not hard to see what this would mean to coastal cities which have big invest- ments in port facilities, Mayor Impellittert, of New York, a vigorous opponent of the project, calls it a visionary and madcap scheme, but it isn't that, exactly, because it would have a practical value from the stand- point of Big Steel and other industries now remote from the sea. It would be better if the mayor admitted his secttonaliam, which is nothing to be ashamed of, and attacked the project in terms of what it would cost New York. In the first place, New York would have to bear its proportionate share of the billion- dollar otttiay which the seaway would in- yvolve. This would not be so bad in itself, put the fact that it would undoubtedly have economic repercussions which would work a grievous hurt upon New York and other cities is another thing entirely. Neither New York nor Boston nor Baltimore nor Philadelphia can be expected to be jubilant about a proj- ect which, demonstrably, would react to their disadvantage. It seems to us that it would be nonsensical to expect to find in the eastern commonwealths the large stores of sacrificial seal they would have to draw upon in order to put the concerns of Big APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Steel and the Midwest above thetr own, The very fact that the sezway would hurt the East, and seriously, is an excellent reason why the East should raise a Clamor ageinet it. Any project which has implicit in tt such a burden of localised harnt cannot be represented as universally beneficial. As far as the steel industry is concerned, it will be remembered that it evinoed little or no interest in the location of an inte- grated steel plant in the New England ares. Such a steel plant would, of course, be good for New England industry, because tt would reduce freightage and would thus narrow the competitive differential which has been, and is, A handicap to consumers of metal in this aren. The steel industry, now faced with the prospect of having ite margin of profit re- duced by freight costs, is actually seeking to have itself subsidized out of its dilemma, and partially at the expense of the New Eng- land which it has consistentiy snubbed. Any New Englander would have to do a lot of concentrated thinking before he gave endorsement to the seaway proposal, It shapes up as une more obstacle in the way of New England's economic revival.  csepennemnemernenenesesseamemenmmanammmmaeal Reapportionment EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EMANUEL CELLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 26, 1951 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an article by Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt which appeared on March 2, 1951, in the Washington Daily News: REPRESENTATIVE CELLER’s BILL Rares Demo- cratic ann GOP Surrorr (By Eleanor Roosevelt) New Yorx, Thursday.—There has been a very tmportant bill introduced in the House by Representative EmanvrL Crier, Demo- crat, of New York, chairman of the House dJudictary Committees. The heading on the bill, H. R. 2648, reads: “To require the establishment of congres- sional districts composed of contiguous and compact territories in the election of Repre- sentatives and for other purposes.” Representative Cutter says that the sim- ple question before the House is whether its Members should represent all the people fairly and equally, or allow the present in- equalities and injustices to continue. He feols that each citizen through his Congress- man is entitled to an effective and equal voice in his Government. It is usually the State legislatures, rather than Congress, that fix the times, places, and manner for holding elections for Sena- tors and Representatives. But Mr. Criure maintains that the Constitution also pro- vides, “That Congress may at any time by lew make or alter such regulations except as to the place of choosing Senators.” Then he cites a case in which the Supreme Court in 1948 “held that it is within the power of Congress to set up standards which the State must follow in enacting reapportion- ment legislation.” It would seam to me, therefore, that this bill will force the States into a position where they will have to remedy any inequall- ties that may exist within the State. The bill provides that each State entitled to more than one Representative shall estab- lush a congressional district for each Repre- sentative, instead of simply electing a . gressman at Large as has sometimes been