APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the port and special rules and practices by carriers and by labor which obtain here and not elsewhere, which require attention and concerted corrective action on the part of our business community, labor and political leaders to keep this port on a competitive basis with our neighbors and competitors. However, as long as we have a vigorous group of business and labor executives and vigilant public representatives to protect the inter- ests of the port, I am satisfied that we can hold our own in the great American tradition of equality for all and special privilege for none. I have been talking about some of the dis- advantages under which we labor and against which we must continually fight. It would not be proper or wise to talk only about our ills. We have our strength and our attrac- tions and we must in every way use them to butid up the port. The unrivaled advantages of one of the great natural harbors of the world, a people skilled in business and trans- portation know-how, a preponderance of steamship and air communication to all parts of the globe, and an aggregate of ma- chines and manpower not to be found in any other port, offer to all the world opportuni- ties for prompt, safe, and efficient dispatch which do not exist anywhere else. Although the Port of New York is known in every part of the world, we must continue to tell every shipper, every passenger, every industrialist, of the specific facilities and services that he can find here. Furthermore, it is necessary that we understand his problems first hand and give him specific advice on how to make the best use of our great port. To this end the Port Authority is now spending another $225,000 a year in a pro- motion program designed to reach the ship- per at grass-roots level. We maintain in New York, Washingtcn, Cleveland, and Chi- cago trade-promotion offices staffed by out- standing men who know the technique of transportation, traffic routing, and foreign trade. Day after day, by personal visit, by tele- phone, by telegraph, and by correspondence they handle shippers’ problems. Today it may be the next available sailing from New York to Genoa, Guiana, Cairo, or Capetown. Tomorrow, it may be the most economical way to ship a 178-ton steel press via New York to France. The day after, a way to con- solidate 21 separate export consignments into one carload for piers serving nine overseas destinations, to eliminate local transfer charges. You know their work, probably better than Ido. Our files are full of appreciative letters citing the work of George Weiss in Chicago, Charlie Hafner in Cleveland, Lioyd Harvey in Washington, and our own home office under Lou Byrne. Their solid accomplish- ments in bringing back traffic to the port of New York need no further comment from me. These men do not try to do the whole fob. They cooperate at every turn with the ra{l- road, steamship, motortruck, airline, for- warder and warehousing solicitors of New York companies, advising on new leads, work- ing out expedited schedules, planning service combinations to attract new commerce. We also extend the legs, arms, and voices of these men by circulation of thousands of maps, leaflets, special traffic advices, com~ merce bulletins, motion pictures, photo- graphic-slide lectures, exhibits at conven- tions, trade fairs, and the Hke. For 2 years we have been circulating to key shippers and transportation men each month several thousand copies of a maga- gine, Via Port of New York, which I belleve is familiar to many of you. This magazine describes terminals, handling equipment, ‘warehouses, and services of all Kinds in an attractive photographic format. We salt this magasine liberally with UJtustrations of why ft pays to ship through the Port of New York. I ‘want to express publicly here the great contribution which members of your industry make to this magazine by furnish- ing the basic information out of your broad experience. The excellence of this magasine is attested to by the comments we hear from all sides, including some of our competitors. Two weeka ago the foreign freight agent of one of the larger ratlroads commented, “Our traffic officials who have been receiving copies of your monthly publication, Via Port of New York, have been so loud in their praise of many of the articles contained therein that I recently circularized all of them to see whether those who were not presently receiv- ing the publication would be interested.” He asked that 66 names be added to the maitl- ing list. I should throw in as a closing note the fact that a vigorous campaign to remove rate handicaps and promote the advantages of the port must be backed up by an ever-in- creasing effort on the part of both private enterprise and public agencies to make our facilities economical to use and modern in every respect. If piers are not designed to eliminate traffic congestion and to provide adequate space for uncongested handling of freight, we cannot sell the port. Wherever the Port Authority has been permitted to do the job, it has been able to go forward with a real program of modern waterfront construction. Thus, over the past 2% years we have spent $8,000,000 at Port Newark, completing among other things two of the most modern and cor.modious cargo sheds in the port district, Fer 1951 we have budgeted another €2,400,000 to create addi- tional terminals for efficient cargo handling and storage. Asa result of the port modern!- gation plan started in 1048 in this sector of the Port of New York, the number of steam~- ship dockings have more than doubled and cargo volumes are up over 30 percent, Expansion to meet the growing tide of passengers and freight, modern truck termi- nals and rail terminals, faster internal com- munication by bridges and tunnels across our waterways, are all elements in a modern and pregressive port. You will de interested to know that the Port Authority alone has constructed, fi- nanced by revenue bonds without cost to the taxpayer, over $350,000,000 worth of such im- provements and has projects in progress or in plan for at least $200,000,000 more. Yes, we have a port with a future, To as- sure that future, the Port Authority will con- tinue to press with vigor its comprehensive program of port promotion and protection for which we are now budgeting at the rate of $600,000 a year. But to assure that future also, we must implement paper plans for the construction of modern port facilities with dollars and with the actual construction of modern facilities. Grass-Roots Views on Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLIFFORD R. HOPE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. HOPE. Mr. Speaker, recently the Garden City Daily Telegram of Garden City, Kans., published an editorial in which it suggested that its readers take part in the debate now going on with respect to foreign policy by submitting their views on 22 questions covering mat- ters of current interest with respect to that subject. These questions were ex- ceptionally well drafted and covered the A485 field so well that the answersevhich were received constitute an excellent survey of grass-roots opinion on the great issues affecting foreign policy which now con- front this country. In order that all Members of Congress and all those who read the Conares- SIONAL Record may have the opportunity to become familiar with this cross sec- tion of public opinion in western Kansas, Iam submitting for the Recorp a copy of the editorial containing the question- naire together with a news article an- alyzing the replies which were received: Wat Do You Turn? One of the Telegram’s readers, John Creigh, has suggested that the American people themselves should be participating in the current great debate on American foreign policy. His suggestion is a crackerjack idea. The flow of the grass-roots sentiment into the halls of Congress is what made America great: and keeps it great. So the Telegram proposes to tabulate your yes or no answers to the following 22 $64 questions on United States foreign policy and forward the results to our Senators and Representatives in Washington, D. C. If you want to get in the great debate, take out your pencil and check off your yes and no opinions down this Ust. Then clip this lst from your paper and mail it to the $64 question editor, Garden City Daily Tele- gram. Your opinions don’t have to be signed. If your husband or wife or other membars of your family want to enter their opinions too, especially if they differ from yours, just total up the opinions and write in a number 2 or 8 in the yes or no column after each question instead of checking. That way the whole family can participate. We'll give you your answers next week if you show by your interest that you want to participate in the great debate, This of course is an experiment, It’s also a challenge to our readers to determine if they have thought through the questions of the great debate closely enough to form definite opinions. Get your pencils, here goes: x 1 Shall we withdraw fom Korea? Yes [s} 2. If we do, shall we attack Red China else- where? Yes No 8. Whether or not we withdraw from Ko- rea, shall we withdraw protection from For- mosa? Yes) No 4. Come what may, shall we try to hold Japan and the Philippines? Yes] No 5. Do you consider the Western European front more important against Russia than the Asiatic front? Yes 1 No 8. Shall we offer Western Europe naval, air and war matériel support but require that part of the world to supply its own man- power? Yes (] No 7. Shall we send to Western BRurope heavy ground troop reinforcements? Yes [) No{() 8. Shall our ald to Western Europe de- pend upon what steps it takes to defend it- self? Yes Nof) ‘ 9. Shall we allow Russia to occupy Western Europe and organize its people and re- sources? Yes {] No [J 10. Shall we retire to our own hemisphere me adopt a purely defensive policy? Yes (J oO 11. Do you believe that whether or not Russia has the atomic bomb, the United States is strong enough to be relatively safe even though Russia has command of both Western European and Asiatic forces? Yes O Noo 12. Do you believe the United States, un- aided, has enough men and resources to de- tent a Red China-Rusasian alliance? Yes 0 0
A486 13. Shall ¢ try to raise in Asia a great foreign legidn, drill it, arm it and use it as @ major force to combat further aggression of the Chinese Reds? Yes) No 14. Shall we supply and furnish, with ade- quate naval and air support, the’ 500,000 soldiers of Chiang Kai-shek now !n Formosa, aid them to invade the Chinese mainiand, recruit additional forces and attempt to drive the Reds out of China? Yes] No (1 16. Shall we seek the support of every nation opposed to Russia, regardless of whether we approve of its rulers or its form of government? Yes (] No () 16. Shall we write off the United Nations? Yes] No 17, Shall we encourage a United Nations of free peoples opposed to Russia? Yes (1 No 18. Do you favor admission of Red China to the United Nations? Yes 1) No [ 19. Shall we follow the Baruch plan and demand that Russia agree immediately to go along with the United States in outlaw- ing all atomic weapons and accept interna- tional inspection? Yes No 20. Should Russia refuse, should we promptly make an attack upon her military potentials with our atomic bombs? Yes ( No an Instead, shall we wait for Russia to manufacture an adequate supply of atomic bombs, enabling her to make a surprise at- tack on us if and when she chooses? Yes (} No (1) 22. Shall we rearm Japan as the most log- ical defense against Russia in the Asiatic Area? Yes] No] Reapers Join Great Desatx OVER FoREIGN Poticy—-OrINiIon Divinep Over STAYING IN FLOREA Garden Citians who want to speak their minds in the current great debate over United States foreign policy remain almost evenly divided today over whether America should withdraw its forces from Korea. But in most other items of foreign policy, local citizens were pretty generally agreed. They favored not getting involved with Red China elsewhere, but continuing to pro- tect Formosa. They want to hold Japan and the Philippines in Asta at all costs and are in overwhelming favor of rearming Japan. The only question they are in 100 percent agreement on is that the old form of United States isolationism goes out the window. Every one opposes retiring to the American hemisphere in the present world crisis and adopting a purely defensive policy. Garden Citians showed they aren't so hot on the Baruch plan of atomic control and are even less willing to attempt to cram it down Russia's throat. They are firm believers, however, in Her- bert Hoover's suggestion to boot the Soviet bloc out of the United Nations and continue that world organization solely as & union of free nations. Surprisingly enough they oppose sending American ground troops to garrison Europe and they favor by two to one the recruiting and equipping of a great foreign legion in Asia to battle to the death with Chinese communism while American boys stay at home. These are some of the interesting answers to the 22 864 questions on foreign policy posed in a Telegram editorial last week. There was a surprising response to the invitation to editorial page readers to join in the great debate. Soon the compilation of the response will be on the way to Wash- ington to Congressman CLirr Hops and Sen- ators ANDY SCHOEPPEL and FRANK CARLEON a8 Garden City’s own grass roots opinion about Garden City’s foreign policy. There were 36 replies to the editorial ques- tionnaire and in several instances whole families or two or more couples participated. In one home family and friends sat up un- til 1:80 a. m. conducting their own great debate on foreign policy. But as usual, Garden Citians found it hard in some cases to make up their minds in con- cise “yes” and ‘“‘no’s” to the questions, One reader, signing himself An American Patriot, wrote a two-page letter explaining why he couldn't make it a plain “yes” or “no” to three of the questions. But he heartily endorsed the editorial survey idea and urged that it be presented again on other issues of national policy. Another Garden Oitian also sent along a letter suggesting a few more questions, such as whose side is England on—America's or Russia's. He made Gne interesting point. “Furthermore, I really believe if we had honest reliable Jeaders that could be trusted, I think Russia would talk and make proper agreements,” he explained. “If Americans have no faith in Acheson, how can Russia?” One reader, instead of writing yes or no, penned “can't be done” to the questions of raising a foreign legion in Asia to fight com- munism and encouraging a United Nations of free peoples opposed to Russia. On four others he wrote opinions, not answers. But getting back to how the answers to- taled up. GET OUT OF KOREA In the most divided question of the 22, 18 (53 percent) fayored United States getting out of Korea, while 17 wanted the Yanks to stay. There were two other questions about which the readers weren’t so sure. Nineteen (56 percent) favored furnishing adequate naval and air support to Chiang Kai-shek for a Nationalist invasion of China from Formosa. But 15 (44 percent) said no to the proposition. Twenty (57 percent) favored seeking the support of every nation opposed to Russia regardless of whether we approve of ita rulers or ita form of government. But 15 retused to go to such extremes. There was almost a@ split opinion, too, on immediately attack- ing Russia with atomic bombs if she refused to accopt the Baruch plan and atomic-bomb controls, including inspections, Thirteen (45 percent) sald yes to bombing Russia, but 19 (55 percent) said no. For the other answers: Twenty-five (80 percent) opposed the plan of attacking China elsewhere if we with- draw from Korea; only six approved. STAY IN FORMOSA Thirty (89 percent) opposed withdrawing our protection from Formosa, but four wanted to. Twenty-nine (87 percent) said hold the Philippines and Japan come what may; five weren't interested. Twenty-two (61 percent) considered the Western European front more {important against Russia than the Asiatic front, but 14 didn't Twenty-five (78 percent) favored offering Western Europe naval, air, and war matériel support, but require that part of the world to supply its own manpower; seven sald no to that. Only 6 (19 percent) wanted to send Europe heavy ground-troop reenforcements; 26 (81 percent) said no. About everybody agreed—35 to 1—that our aid to Western Europe should depend upon what steps it takes to defend itself. Twenty-elght, however, were against let- ting Russia occupy Western Europe and only three didn’t mind. Everyone was opposed to retiring to our own hemisphere and adopting an entirely defensive policy. Twenty-five (71 percent) agreed that, whether or not Ruseia actually has the atomic bomb, the United States is not strong enough to be relatively safe if Russia commands both Western Europe and Asia; 10 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD thought America still was safe enough under such circumstances, Twenty-eight (82 percent) said the United States alone can’t defeat a Ruassia- Red China alliance and must have allies; only six thought America could go it alone. Twenty-three (69 percent) favor attempt- ing to recruit a foreign legion in Asia to fight further aggression by the Chinese Reds with the United States providing the arms; 11 said no to that, Twenty-one (63 percent) didn’t want to write off the United Nations, but 12 did; 29 (89 percent) favored a United Nations with- out the Communist bloc and only 4 opposed. By 30 to 4 they opposed admission of Red China to the United Nations. Twenty-one (70 percent) were opposed to following the Baruch plan of atomic-energy control and demanding Russia agree to out- lawing atomic weapons and accepting inter- national inspection; nine liked Barney’s idea. Twenty-four (88 percent) are opposed to giving Russia time to manufacture an ade- quate supply of atomic bombs which would enable her to launch a sneak A-attack on the United States and only three said yes to giving her atomic time. Twenty-five (73 percent) said yes to re- arming Japan; nine said no. Some left several questions blank, prob- ably because they couldn’t make up their minds. But, all in all, Garden City proved it was mighty interested in the great debate. Teaching of English in the Puerto Rican Schools EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AUGUSTINE B. KELLEY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. KELLEY of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, with permission to extend my remarks, I am including a letter received from Dr. Pauline M. Rojas, director of the English section of the Department of Education in Puerto Rico. This letter points up sharply the difficulties en- countered in the teaching of English in the Puerto Rican schools, The subcom- mittee which visited Puerto Rico last fall, and of which I had the honor to be chair- man, centered its investigation on the educational problems of the island and found the teaching of English to be a severe one. The letter follows: GOVERNMENT OF PUERTO Rico, DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, San Juan, January 15, 1951. Congressman KELLEY, Chairman, Subcommittee on Education, House of Representatives, . Washington, D.C. Dear CoNGRESSMAN Ketuey: We have read your committee's report on education in Puerto Rico and would like to congratulate you and the other members of the committee for your excellent appraisal of English teach- ing on the island. We are especially pleased with your acceptance of the basic assump~ tion on which we are working; that ts, on the assumption that English for our children is psychologically a foreign language and that for teaching it we need special methods and materials. During the last 3 years we have been im- plementing the changes which you suggest
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as fast as time and resources permit. In the spring of 1948 we introduced the oral ap- proach developed in the language training program of the Armed Forces during the last war. In applying the techniques of the oral approach we have been advised by Dr. Charles C. Fries, of uhe English Language Institute of the University of Michigan and have used his analysis of American English as the basis for the selection of the language content to be taught. In the fall of the school year 1948-49, an administrative reorganization was effected and a program of orientation for teachers and administrators was begun, The number of supervisors at both insular and local levels was increased, Before 1948-49 there were 3 g-neral supervisors of English and 24 local supervisors. Today there are 7 insular super- visors, not including the director of the pro- gram, and 665 local supervisors, The new approach was implanted by means of demonstration classes, of which hundreds were given. The next step was the preparation of ma- terials. Unfortunately, there are no books for teaching English as a second language to public school children. In order to tide us over until we could write language toxt- books suitable for our situation, the insular supervisory staff prepared and issued a three- volume teachers’ manual, We were for- tunate in having the assistance of Dr. Charles C. Fries and in being able to use his research.: In the matter of procedures we were able to guide ourselves somewhat by the work being done at the English Language Institute and at Teachers College, Columbia. But, both of these two places work with educated adults, in small classes, with Eng- lsh speaking teachers, with the best in equipment, and in an English-spenking en- vironment—conditions which differ greatly from those under which we work. Our situation, as you know, is charac- terized by huge classes, lack of books and equipment, non-English speaking teachers, & Spanish-speaking environment, and a high percentage of economically and culturally underprivileged pupils. In regard to the English of our teachers, we have done much toward improving it, but certainly, not enough. We need continental teachers but how to get them Js a different matter. In the first place, our salary scale is so low that few teachers from the States are interested in coming down here and, in the second, our budget does not permit us to hire the number of teachers we would need if we were to make English teaching what it should be. It is well to remember in dis- cussing the question of the proficiency jn Englizh of our teachers, that they are the products of our schools when everything was taught in English. ‘Those who think that the pupils would fare better now if ali subjects were taught in English might re- fiect on these things. The schools then were highly selective. Classes were smaller than they are now for pupils who could not get along in English were dropped. We had many English-speaking teachers, especially in the high schools, If our present tenchers are representative products of such schools and such a system, surely a return to teaching in English under present school conditions Would be no solution. Of course, to make the schools selective again and drop every- one who couldn't get along in English, as I understand is done in the high schoo] of Hawaii, would be unthinkable in Puerto Rico. We know that there would be a tremendous demand for English classes for prospective migrants and other adults but our present budget can not carry such a program. Busi- ness Education Service, a division of the In- suler Board for Vocational Education, offers & few classes to policemen, waiters, taxicab drivers, and so forth, but those are the only adult classes we are able to offer. We are pleased that you recognize that in spite of the many handicaps and limitations, much has been done to provide for better English teaching on the island. We are also glad that you realize that lack of economic resources is the principal cause of the de- floiencies you encountered. How can Puerto Rican English teachers be expected to speak fluent, correct English if they never have a chance to travel to the United Btates and how can anything but a very small number of them afford to make trips up north on the salaries they earn? Again let me say that I think your report is accurate and fair and that we appreciate greatly the support you have given us. Sincerely, Dr. Pautrnge M. Rovas, Director, English Section (By order of the Commissioner), Forty-nine Years of Faithful Service— Joseph H. McGann, Sr., Chief Clerk, House Committee on Public Works EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, Joe McGann has today just completed 49 years of service with the Committee on Rivers and Harbors and Public Works, having served as temporary clerk, assist- ant clerk and clerk of the former com- mittee for a period of 45 years, and as clerk of the Committee on Public Works during the past 4 years, He has served under the following chairmen: Theodore FE. Burton, Ohio, 7 years; D. 8. Alexander, New York, 2 years; Stephen M. Sparkman, Florida, 6 years; John H. Small, North Carolina, 2 years; Charles A. Kennedy, Iowa, 2 years; 8. Wallace Dempsey, New York, 10 years; Joseph J. Mansfield, Texas, 16 years; George A. Dondero, Michigan, 2 years; and Will M. Whittington, Mississippi, 2 years. He is now serving under the new chairman, Cartes A. Buceiry, New York, as chief clerk, During his early service the appro- priations for river and harbor and flood control projects averaged a little over $28,000,000 annually. He has seen them grow to $656,000,000, the amount appro- priated for the fiscal year 1951. Many changes occurred in the membership of the committees during his service, While the number serving on the com- mittees varies from 17 to 27, he has served under 262 members. Joe McGann came to Washington on January 31, 1902, for a temporary assign- ment of 2 weeks with the Rivers and Harbors Committee, and he has been here ever since. His service began with the Fifty~seventh Congress, and it 1s not known of anyone who was connected with that Congress who is here at this time, Recognized as an expert and authority on rivers and harbors and flood con- trol matters, he has served these com- mittees well and faithfully for nearly a half of a century. Such a record is unique, and is a testimonial to his ability and devotion to his life’s work, A487 The Real Deterrent c cammmentionnenel EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. B. CARROLL REECE OF TENNESSER IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr, REECE of Tennessee. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following arti- cle from Human Events, issue of Janu- ary 24, 1961: Tur Rear Dererrent (By Bonner Feliers) rt The logic of the December 20 broadcast by ex-President Hoover and that of the Jan- uary 5 address by Senator Tarr is compell- ing. Nevertheless critics found in the ad- dresses implications of a complete abandon- ment of Europe with all the resultant dan- gers from such a course, These critics, however, have apparently misinterpreted the Hoover-Tarr position. It is true that both strongly opposed the ad- Mministration’s program which would risk ground combat in Europe against the full weight of the Red Army. Mr. Hoover said, “Any attempt to make war on the Commu- nist mass by land invasion, through the quicksands of China, India, or Western Eu- rope is sheer folly. That would be the grave- yard of millions of American boys.” But ex-President Hoover also urged: “Hold the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans with one fron- tier on Britain (if she wishes to cooperate); the other on Japan, Formosa, and the Philip- pines.” Thus Hoover clearly envisaged Brit- ain as an air base to deter war in Europe, The essence of the Hoover-Tarr position is &® pragmatic, resourceful attempt to deter war, win it if war comes, and in any event avoid the alaughter of millions of our youth on the Eurasian mainland, m The principal reason given for the enor- mous European program, which the admin- istration is determined to undertake, is that it will deter war. But will 1t? The contention is that the presence, by 1968, of 60 or 80 allied divisions will be the best possible war deterrent. But against these, Russia now could throw 176 divisions, some 26 of which are armored. British and our own intelligence estimates concede Rua- sila can take Europe in a matter of days. To offset European reluctance to provide manpower, it is proposed to rearm Western Germany. But Russia has been quoted in the press as having announced that she will fight if we rearm these German warriors. Our determination to rearm them, therefore, can scarcely be classified as a wer deterrent. Moreover, the stationing of American units supported by our Atr Force in Western Eu- rope——regardiess of the peaceful purpose for which they are intended—can be interpreted with some justification by the Russians &s an aggressive gesture. What then is the true purpose of creating this collective defense force for Europe? The real hope is that it would act as a delaying agent until enough American manpower could be brought from the United States to turn the tide, In a recent speech, General Bradley disclosed the approved sadministra- tion concept of the only way we can win a war: “I am convinced beyond any reasonable doubt that should this Nation be forced into still another conflict, we shall once more be forced to gain the inevitable victory over our dead bodies—those of our soldiers on the ground.”
A488 If victory for the free peoples of the world can only be gained “over our dead bodies— those of our soldiers on the ground,” then it follows, irrefutably, that the free world has enjoyed its last victory. It 1s true that World Wars I and IT upset the world's balance of power. However, it is impossible for the United States to en- deavor to restore this balance on the basis of manpower. Today there is no combina- tion of free peoples willing to fight which can equal numerically the manpower of Rus- sia and China. Russia can draw soldiers from China’s vast reservoir of youth, merely by offering food, clothing, and shelter. We are irrevocably on the short end of a 3-to-B manpower ratio. If western powers are to survive in a war against communism, we must somehow man. age to gain our decision by methods quite different from mass ground combat. In- stead we must draw heavily, not primarily on our manpower, but rather on the genius of our people. In one respect our genius, which js derived from our free system, lies in the cepacity to exploit the weakest links in Stalin's armor—- his dissatisfied home population. This weak- ness should be exploited by a full-scale psy- chological campaign against the Kremlin. Instead, however, the presence of our forces on the Rhine gives Stalin a visible symbol, 4 unifying agent which tends to enlist support of all Russians behind the Kremlin. Secondly, on the material plane, where does our natural genius express itself better than in air power? mz It ie right here, in this question of air power, that we can find the answer to the terrifying fact that numerically we cannot hope to right the world's balance of power. To succeed in a program of containment we must be able to strike quickly, not just on the European fronts but anywhere about and within Russia’s far-flung borders. Only air power has the range, speed and flexibility to perform such a mission. Infan- try divisions are characterized by enormous ponderosity; they cannot be shifted easily from one front to another. Until ranges are increased, the mass of our sir power cannot strike Russia without the use of overseas bases. Let us make the assumption that air bases could be held in England and Spain. But the fortunes of war might easily deprive us of their use. Sound military planning must provide flexibility to meet just such a misfortune. Africa might be utilized as a huge north and south approach to air bases in Libya or Egypt, from which medium bombers and long-range fighters could strike deep into Russia. From the Mediterranean shore of Libya it is less than 2,000 miles to the Baltic. It is only 1,500 miles to Russia's chief source of oil— Baku, in the Caucasus, Indeed it is Africa which offers the best available ground to offset the potential weakness of Europe and its periphery. A superior allied air force based in Libya could interrupt the supply routes leading from Russia into Europe. It would be a true de«- terrent to war, infinitely more effective in protecting Western Europe than all the in- fantry divisions we could station on Europe's eastern frontier. As ® matter of fact, in 1942 as United States Military Attaché to Egypt I proposed re- peatedly & similar plan to the War Depart- ment. It was my thought that from Tur- key--which later came into the war—our escorted B-24’s could cut Hitler's supply lines between the Black and Baltic Seas. At this time the Nazi forces were overextended, pinned down, Gesperately attempting to * crack the Leningrad-Moscow-Stalingrad line, Had Nazi supply lines been severed by air strikes, the entire Hitler effort would have collapsed. This concept was favored both by President Roosevelt and Assistant Secre- tary John McCloy but vetoed by General Marshall. However, at this point, I should serve a warning. In 1942 the political situation tn the Middle East and Africa was much less unfavorable than it is today. Much bitter history has been made since then. We cannot hold North African bases, un- less we enjoy the friendship of all the peo- ples in the Middle East. We must have these peoples’ consent to use their bases. Hence on the diplomatic plane, constructive changes are absolutely necessary. Vv Providing this political problem is sulved, militarily we can hold bases in Africa. The difference between holding these and bases on the mainland of Europe lies in the fact that in Europe the bulk of the Red Army can be thrown against the land forces defend- ing the frontier. Against African bases only @ small fraction of the Red army could be brought to bear. These bases have the in- cidental protection of great natural bar- riers—the Mediterranean, the Suez Canal, the Red Sea, and a thousand miles of desert where the going is most difficult. Attacks against African bases by the Red army would have to be launched over the long and vulnerable desert route or they would have to be airborne. Because of these natural barriers there is no way that the full power of the Red army can be used against Africa. Consequently African air bases can he defended by limited ground forces—provided we have sufficient air power to control the air above them. If we neglect to take advantage of air bases in North Africa, Russia could move through this strategic area which 1s the easiest of all roads to the conquest of Africa. Then Africa and her vast natural resources, including uranium, would fall like ripe fruit into Stalin’s lap. On the other hand, were we to lose the entire Continent of Europe, we could still hold Africa with air supremacy over Egypt and Libya, 7 Although our fleet could not safely oper- ate in the Mediterranean unti] we won the battle of the air, supply of African bases by air is nevertheless feasible. Meanwhile our fleet could service bases on the Gold Coast of Africa. Air facilities already exist at Taka- radi. During the war a number of landing strips were built between Takaradi and Khar- toum, From Khartoum north to the Medl- terranean is an easy flight. Also, an air force operating from North African bases would be of enormous diver- aionary value. Attacks could be launched to draw the Red air force into combat over especially selected areas so that strategic bombers, from bases in North America, could make atomic assaults against critical areas deep into Russia. More than anything else, Russia fears air power. It is the one weapon against which Russia's terrific ground forces, enormous dis- stances, and winters are impotent. Stalin has amply demonstrated this fear of air power in his present program of engaging our ground forces by satellite powers so that his own war potentlal—heavy industries, hydroelectric power, ofl flelds, oil storage, and communications are immune from our air attack. A plan to strike from African bases is in no wise an abandonment of Europe, Rather it is the surest way to prevent war and win it, with minimum punishment for our allies, if war comes, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Remarks of Hon. Dean Rusk on Television Show, Battle Report EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. S. J. CARNAHAN OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. CARNAHAN. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the remarks of the Honorable Dean Rusk, Assistant Secre- tary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, on the National Broadcasting Co. television show, Battle Report, Sunday, January 28, 1951: Today I wish to say a word to those who ask why we stay in Korea. It is a serious question—because men’s lives are at stake— and it deserves a serious answer. We are in Korea because we are trying to prevent a world war and the frightful destruction of life which such a war would produce. The thousands who have died in Korea have sacrificed their lives in a struggle to prevent the millions of deaths which world war would surely bring. , The issue in Korea is aggression. “We can face it, or we can run away from it. If we face it, we have a chance to organize the determination of the world against aggres- sion, to show the aggressor that his crime will not be accepted and that his crime will not pay. If we succeed, the aggressor may hold his hand. If we run away from it, the aggressor will learn that there is great profit in crime, that he will not be resisted, and that his victims are weak and can be de- stroyed at will. These are not theories but hard facts. We Americans have already had one unforget- table lesson about what happens when un- bridled ambition goes unchecked. We have seen the world go down the trail from Man- churia to Ethiopia to Munich to Poland and, finally, to Pearl Harbor. We must not tread this path again. Let us not be discouraged too soon. At the end of World War II the human race almost succeeded in doing what men have dreamed about for centuries, 1. e., in organ- izing a world to keep the peace. Only one government stands itn the way. That gov- ernment is a dictatorship which has behind it considerable power. But the peace-loving world itself is strong and we cannot afford to give up our goal just when we have come s0 close. ‘We are in Korea because we cannot afford to leave Red China and its neighbors under the impression that the forces of Peiping are irresistible and that Red China's neigh- bors must now come to terms with com- munism at the cost of their freedom. The vaunted power of Red China is being unmasked in Korea. Chinese soldiers do nut relish the punishment they are getting from our guns and planes and ships. They are learning that their masters have tricked them into a war of foreign aggression. They are learning that their masters have put them into battle without provision for mini- mum care in case of wounds or sickness or frostbite, In other words, Red China ts learning a great deal about the cost of ag- gression. We are in Korea because we cannot aban- don 20,000,000 gallant Koreans to commu- nism. We and they have fought side by side against aggression for several months, some- times in defeat and sometimes in victory,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We cannot now ebandon our comrades to the fate which would be theirs if the Com- munists took over, \ Further, we cannot leave our friends in the Philippines and in Japan under the im- pression that we do not take our commit- ments seriously and that we might lack cour- age in the face of adversity. Our gallant force in Korea is fully able to take care of itself. We should not act like a defeated Nation when in fact we have not been defeated. The willingness and ability of the entire free world to increase its strength and to join its forces to insure their mutual de- fense depends to a considerable extent upon the attitude of the United States. Our strength is increasing rapidly as is that of our friends. If we can show that we have both the will and the ability to defend ourselves, the main attack may be averted. Our attitude in this situation may easily determine the course of history for years to come. That course may lead to peace or it may lead to disaster. This great Nation cannot let his- tory say of us that we chose the road to disaster because we were unwilling to fight for peace. Ethel May Ness EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, yester- day, as you know, was the birthday of one of the greatest leaders our coun- try has ever known—Franklin Delano Roosevelt. This man was not only great as a President of these United States, but was outstanding in his fight against the dreaded disease of poliomyelitis. It is only fitting, then, that I call to your attention one who, while not as great in the ranks of our country, is just as great in her struggle against the same distressing disease—polio. This individual of whom I am speaking is only 13 years old—very young to have to fight such an overwhelming force—but through her untiring efforts this little girl will receive tonight a diploma for completing her first phase of education. Yes: tonight Ethel May Ness, of 327 Chestnut Street, Kearny, N. J., a resi- dent of my congressiona) district, will graduate from the Lincoln Junior High School of Kearny. I must say that such determination is surely an incentive for our youth of today, especially to those who know the sufferings of polio. Ethel was admitted to the Sister Eliza- beth Kenny Foundation Hospital at the Jersey City Medical Center, Jersey City, N. J., on September 26, 1950. The diag- nosis was infantile paralysis. Three days after admission, her condition was so bad she could not sit up. The case was a little late in coming to the Sister Kenny clinic, as many cases of polio are. She was examined by Dr. Marvin A. Stevens, the medical director of the Sis- ter Kenny Medical Foundation, assisted by Miss Valorie Harvey, chief technician of the foundation. While all hope had been abandoned that this child would again walk, I would like to point out, Mr. Speaker, that to-~ day, after just a matter of a few months at the Sister Kenny clinic, Ethel can take a few steps, and it is the hope that before long she will again be walking and playing along with the 84 percent of the patients who received treatment through the Sister Kenny hospitals and clinics throughout the Nation. It has been my privilege to serve on several committees to help raise funds for this worthy organization, so that they can continue to lend a helping hand to the victims of polio. We in New Jer- sey have a feeling of security because of the closeness of the hospital in Jersey City. It is my sincere hope that it will be the realization of every State in the Union to boast of a Sister Kenny Hos- pital so that the thousands and thou- sands of polio cases, that are yet to come, can be helped. I want to congratulate the Sister Kenny Foundation for the wonderful job they are doing for the people of America, There is no discrimination, as to race, creed, or color, when patients are ad- mitted to the care of the foundation. Any patient who is referred by his physi- cian, is admitted to any of the hospitals or clinics provided a bed is available. I would ajso like to extend my congratula- tions to Mr. Marvin Klein, of Minneap- olis, Minn., executive director, Dr. Mar- vin A. Stevens, medical director, the Honorable Rex G. Williams, executive director of the eastern area, their chief technician, Miss Valorie Harvey, the Australian nurse who was personally trained and brought to this country by Sister Kenny, Thomas J. Duffy, the di- rector of Hudson, Bergen, and Essex Counties, and to the thousands of grad- uate nurses of the United States, who have devoted their professions to the Sister Kenny Foundation. However, tonight, let our thoughts stray to that little 18-year-old girl who will be celebrating her first victory in her wheel chair, when she receives her diploma from the hands of Dr. John Bossart, commissioner of education of the State of New Jersey, who is personal]- ly being sent by Gov. Alfved E. Dris- coll to extend his congratulations and best wishes. I, too, would like to publicly extend my felicitations to Ethel and encourage her, and the many like her, to be inspired by the great example of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Our Safety in Preparedness enero EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. MORGAN M. MOULDER OF MIABOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. MOULDER. Mr. Speaker, it gives me pleasure to read and insert as a part of the ConaressionaAL Recorp an edi- t A489 torial published in the Daily Democrat News, in Marshall, Saline County, Mo. Rosier N. Hains, editor and publisher, is noted for his ability to express in clear and forceful manner the economic and international problems with which we gre confronted and to comment upon them iatelligently with sensible and sound suggestions on our policy and course of action we should adopt and fol- low. I commend the editorial to the attention of all Members of Congress: Our SAFETY IN PREPAREDNESS For the last 4 or 5 years there has been constant talk of peace. The United States has done everything possible, even border- ing on appeasement, to attain peace, and today we are much further from peace than when the talks Orst began. It would eeem the prudent thing would be to stop talking peace and prepare for the war that seems inevitable. Peace can be accepted on short notice but it takes time to prepare for war. Russia has stated repeatedly that commu. nism and capitalism cannot exist in the same world and that they will not -top until capi- talism is overthrown. Russia's strategy has been to divide and conquer and to date it has worked success- fully. That country is now attempting to make a deal with Germany whereby Russia would withdraw her armies from Germany and turn that entire country over to the Germans to rule. Of course, that 1s just & ruse to weaken the western allies and it would only be a short time until Russia would occupy that nation, the best in all Europe. The United States and her western allies cannot afford to let Russia occupy Germany Yor then the war materials that Russia needs so badly, steel, coal, etc., would be available in such quantities and with Russia’s un- Hmited slave labor, she could never be de- feated. Thus country after country—Eng- land, Africa, South America—would succumb to that overwhelming power. There has been some criticism of England, France, and other western allied countries for not preparing more and faster for their defense. It must be remembered those coun- tries are right now looking down a gun bar- rel in the hand of a ruthless dictator and are rightfully afraid to provoke Russia to march. This country should start tomorrow to pre- pare for war and reach the peak as quickly as this country attained it during World War It. We lived through that struggle then and we can do it again, quicker and more efficiently. Why wait for another Pearl Har- bor before preparing for war to the limit? It would be much better to reach the peak of the last war in preperedness and never ‘use the war equipment and men than to be forced to defend ourselves when unpre- pared. If we could win a dloodless world war III by preparedness we could afford the financial loss, or rather the cost of the pre- paredness. We should be lavish in our ex- penditures for equipment that would save the lives of our boys. Had we started sever@] years ago to turn out thousands of tanks, bombers, fighters, artillery, and all necessary fighting equip- ment, we could today turn some of this equipment over to Chiang Kat-shek for a diversional war, could arm the thousands of Japanese who are already army-trained. The same would be true with the soldiers in Germany, England, France, and our other allies. It has been said that Russia fears an. armed Germany more than she does the stom bomb. If we could show an overwhelming force, it is possible Russia might decide that
A490 it cannot rule the world and would accept @ peace of our own dictating. Should Russia decide to march in Europe before the United States is prepared there is no doubt she would reach the waters of the Atlantic within weeks. We must not permit that. She would have then all the war pro- duction she needs and we could not use the atom bomb, for that would kill our innocent friends along with the enemy. However, France, Beigium, and other countries should be warned that if they give up without a struggle as they did in World War II, thetr country will not be immune to A-bombing if the occasion demands such action. Would. you be willing to attack Russia without advance warning if you knew by so doing it would save the lives of hundreds of thousands of our boys and millions of lives of others? Then the United States must do something that she has never done before, for this struggle is going to be one for sur- vival. Russia would not give the United States 80 days’ notice of an attack. Instead it would come suddenly, without warning. Russia is ready right now to march in Europe but as long as the Kremlin leaders see we are doing nothing but accumulating bombs they feel they can wait. If Russia believed we were ready and might do some- thing now then Moscow would start imme- alately. ‘We are not in Korea because we are a bel- ligerent nation and wish to fight for the fun of it, but we are fighting in Korea for self- protection by keeping communism from the United States. Our interests in Europe are for that very same purpose, We must select the time and place to start world war III. When we learn that Russia is about to start to overrun Europe, we must drop enough atom bombs on her armies in Eastern Germany, on her industries in Rus- sia, to deliver a knock-out blow until time can be gained to put a strong army in Ger- many. We must never have another Nor- mandy Beach, Okinawa, Iwo Jima, Tarawa, and other beaches, as we did in World War Il. Should the western Allies ever penetrate the tron curtain the going should be easy, as 80 percent of the people of the Communist- occupied countries should join tke crusade for freedom, It has been reported that the Russian army and also the Red Chinese army live on the land they are invading. Just imagine a ruthless horde of men, unrestrained by mili- tary rule, overrunning a civilized country, allowed to loot and murder civilians at will. That privilege is about the only recompense they receive for being in the army It has been reported that Red China intends to kill 100,000,000 of their people, possibly all old ones and political objectors. It is believed that the United States has the capacity to produce about 10 bombs to every 1 the Russians produce, if they have such a bomb. If this war is to be won with A-bombe, why delay dropping them until Russia has a suf- ficlent quantity. If we had a thousand bombs today, two thousand would not be of any use to us, for a thousand should be more than enough to devastate Russia. Thore has been some criticism of our enter~ ing the Korean War. Perhaps we shouldn't, but that shouldn’t cause a division in our war effort here. If the United Nations can only cling to an entrenched beachhead at Pusan for a considerable length of time, many thousands of Chinese will be killed and at the same time prevent the Reds from starting a war somewhere else, which they would surely do, flushed with victory. That next country would probably be Japan, only 150 miles away and wholly unprepared with- out an army. The people of the United States should realize they are now tn an undeclared war of survival and it is up to us to save the world. It is folly to think that we could stand by and see all the remainder of the world overrun by communism and expect to withstand the combined forces of the world. The United States is the prize that {s more important to Russta than all the remainder of the world. The Draft’s Lower Limit . EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK T. BOW OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. BOW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I inelude the following editorial from the Cleveland Plain Dealer of January 24, 1951: Tur Drart’s Lower Limir A basic question in the problem of achiev- ing systematic, intelligent mobilization of manpower for the various requirements of the defense program is: Shall the minimum age for induction into the Armed Forces be lowered to 18? Until that highly controversial question is answered by Congress, the size of the man- power fool from which the services will draw their necessary additional strength will re- main uncertain, And so will the selective service regulations governing classification of men in the present draft-age span (19 through 25); and that, in turn, makes un- certain the volume of the labor supply for defense production. We say that the minimum draft age should not be dropped to 18; that it positively should not be lower than the 18% years suggested by Senator Tart, and that it can safely remain at 19, barring this country's envelopment in a general var. We say that on the basis of objective considerations un- tinged by the emotional opposition to the drafting of 18-year-olds that is manifested, quite understandably, by so many parents. One of the most important considerations is that too many youths have not reached true maturity at 18; too many at that age lack the physical and emotional development that is needed to make them of fuli value in military service and to permit them to profit, rather than be harmed, by a period in the Armed Forces. A far larger percentage of present-day, often excessively sheltered young men have, at age 19, the state of maturity required for military service, than possess it at 18. Furthermore, the lowering of the draft age to 18 probably would not add to the Na- tion’s potential in military manpower as much as the more rabid advocates of the 18-year-old draft have led us to believe. The plans to drop the minimum draft age by 1 year contemplate that inductions shall start at age 18 or on the completion of high school, whichever is later. If the Cleveland schools are a good criterion, and they should be, the average youth completes high school nearer the age of 19 than 18. The average age of the young people who will be graduated from Cleveland high schools at the end of this semester will be 18 years and 9 months, we discovered. We also learned that of the youths. beginning the final semester of high school last Sep~ tember, more were 18 or older than were younger than 18. We are impressed, too, with unquestioned data showing that the military services can attain their planned goal in personnel by keeping the draft age limits as they are, 19 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD through 25, and still have a nyargin of re- serve amounting to about 470,000 men. And it should be pointed out, as the United States News and World Report shows, that none of our Atlantic Pact allies, nor cur one great potential enemy, Russia, begins draft- ing men at 18. Here are the ages at which draft or general military conscription begins in various countries: Russia, 19; England, 18 years, 8 months; France, 20; Norway, 20; Italy, 21; Belgium, 20; Netherlands, 20; Den- mark, 20; and Spain, 20. Does it seem rea- sonable to ask the draft to a lower age in this country than in countries whose ex- istence is more immediately threatened by Communist imperialism than is ours? We reiterate, then, our belief that the minimum draft age can safely be kept at 19. But, in revising the selective-service act, Congress should call on the Armed Forces to lower physical requirements, in the light of the fact that a goodly percentage of men in uniform perform noncombatant functions, and thus reduce the number of young men obtaining physical exemptions from service. Congress should also stipulate that all the manpower for the Armed Forces be raised by selective service, instead of by the cha- otic method of part enlistment and part drafting. It should, however, permit men under 19 to volunteer—and be placed in the branch of service that can use them best and needs them most—if the facts in each case warrant a selective-service board's authoriz- ing the enlistment. Such a set-up as this would be a modified form of universal military service. It would Postpone college education for most men turning 19 years of age and it would greatly deplete college enrollments, and that secms inevitable, But, in order to spare many educational institutions from utter collapse, provisions should be made for assignment to colleges, by the military services, of men tn uniform who are selected for scientific and technical training. Reducing Appropriations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN TABER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. TABER. Mr. Speaker, the Ap- Propriations Committee voted Monday to go back to the method of handling appropriation bills that was in vogue up until the second session of the Eighty- first Congress. I hope that now the committee will get to work on the budget estimates that have been sent to Congress by the Presi- dent, and that the members will realize the serious situation that confronts the committee and the Congress. The majority of the committee felt that there was greater opportunity for reducing appropriations with the method which they have chosen than existed in the single-package appropriation bill, and for some of the following reasons: First. With the single package appro- priation bill only one motion to recom- mit is possible and that hit effectively only one item in the over-all bill, whereas if you have separate bills for each department the motion to recom- mit on the separate bills can bring out for a separate vote the most glaring items in that bill which need to be cor-~
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD rected. The Congress can be put on record in each of the bills for or against unnecessary spending. Second. The Congress can also, under the provisions for separate bills, have a separate vote on the passage of any one of the bills and, if it has been loaded with unnecessary spending, be put on record for or against the passage of that bill; whereas with the omnibus bill there could be only one record vote and Mem- bers would not feel free to vote against the enormous number of items in it, whereas this hesitation would not exist with the separate bill. All of the cuts that should be claimed in the first and second session of the Eighty-first Congress were made by the subcommittees, with the single exception of foreign relief where the cuts were made mostly in conference, and in the final amendment which was adopted to the bill reducing it $550,000,000 and turning it over to the President to allo- cate. Of that $550,000,000, $75,000,000 in budget estimates have been sent up on one item alone, and other restora- tions on many other items so that what will be saved in the long run out of the $550,000,000 remains a big question mark. What savings were made were not be- cause of the omnibus bill. They were because of the action of the subcommit- tees. What we need in the Appropria- tions Committee is to build up in that committee a willingness and capacity to cut the appropriations. With that spirit it will be possible to reduce the bills by sufficient amounts so that it will be possi- ble through increased taxes to balance the budget next year. However, that is only a little of the situation that we are facing, On July 1, 1950, we had left unex- pended $13,500,090,000 according to Pres- ident Truman’s budget. He has asked for appropriations aggregating $88,000,- 000,000, making a total of $101,500,000,- 000. He estimates expenditures in the fiscal year 1951, in which we are now operating at $47,500,000,000, which will leave, on July 1, 1951, a balance of $54,- 000,000,000. His estimates of any obli- gational authority for 1951 total $94,500,- 000,000, which will make available for expenditures, if they are allowed, $148,- 500,000,000. He estimates expenditures in that year to be $71,500,000,000, which will leave a balance unexpended on July 1, 1952, of $77,000,000,000. If we have appropriations of $94,500,000,000 in the fiscal year 1953, there will be available $171,500,000,000; and there would no doubt be expenditures of at least $90,- 000,000,000, so that if the Congress should this year provide additional reve- nues of $16,000,000,000, thereby provid- ing for balancing the budget in the fiscal year 1952 we would still be short $19,- 000,000,000, to balance the budget in 1953. This will increase the national debt beyond the statutory limitation. The reason I am giving you this ad- vance look at what might happen is to show that the United States Govern- ment, with the burden that it has as- sumed internationall”, is rapidly spend- ing itself into bankruptcy. If we are going to survive, it is going be necessary for the Appropriations Committee to drastically reduce non- defense expenditures and the appropria- tions for defense which are not necessary and will not contribute to the national security. It means the most thoroughgoing ef- fort at cutting appropriations that has ever been attempted in the Congress, and I hope that the committee will very shortly start work on its job. Its job is to cut appropriations and cut out the fat which the department heads have inveigled the Budget Bureau into submitting to Congress. We should not be spending any more time quibbling about procedure. MacArthur at 71 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY J. LATHAM OF NEW YoRK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. LATHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to insert in the Recoro an editorial appear- ing in the New York Times, Friday, Jan- uary 26, 1951, concerning the birthday of a great American: MACARTHUR aT 71 Again as so often in the past, Gen. Douglas MacArthur celebrates a birthday today sur- rounded by war maps and battle reports. It is his seventy-first, and perhaps the most significant birthday of his life. For it finds him, after one of history’s greatest victories over one totalitarian system, and at an age when generals are usually in retirement, in the position of the first military commander of the United Nations, leading the forces of freedom in a struggle against aggression by another totalitarian system. In some respects this new struggle must also be the most bitter of his life. For tho moral and political imponderables invalved in it have so circumscribed the freedom of military action that after snatching victory from initial defeat at the hands of one foe he has not only been forced to withdraw be- cause of the intervention of another and mightier enemy, but has also been compelled to report that because of this new aggression he has been unable to achieve the objectives for which the United Nations entered the Korean war, This development, as is now known, was in the cards from the moment that the United Nations determined to resist North Korean Communist aggression by force of arms, and especially after tt instructed General MacArthur to insure conditions of stability throughout Korea. Yet, in some quarters, efforts have been made to saddle almost the entire blame for this develop- ment, not on the new Chinese Communist aggressors, where it belongs, but on General MacArthur. No doubt ike most positive personalities, General MacArthur has the capacity of arousing both profound loyalty and sharp animosity, and military strategy is the fa- vorite subject of dispute among generals themselves, But the mainsprings of the criticism leveled against General MacArthur may well be found in efforta of delinquent members of the United Nations to cover up the inadequacy or total lack of their military aid for an enterprise which they supported in principle but not in practice, A49i General MacArthur who, as Allied com- mander in Japan, has wrought a peaceful revolution in that country and saved his army in Korea from the onslaught of a su- perior enemy, to put {t in a position to strike back again, can pags over such criticiem with equanimity. So can the United States, which sponsors him. We therefore join with other friends in wishing him happy returns of the day and in expressing the hope that a kind destiny will preserve him in vigor and good health to advance the cause for which he and the free world are fighting. Russian Crab Imports Stepped EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RUSSELL V. MACK OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. MACK of Washington. Mr. Speaker, the Government, after 11 long months of investigation, finally has acted to stop further imports into this country of Russian canned crab. The Russian canned crab is produced and packed under slave-labor conditions in slave-labor camps. Costs were so low for the Russians that American fisher- men and cannery workers could not and should not be expected to compete with this slave labor. It was a question of shutting off these Russian crab imports or our own American crab fishing indus- try, in which millions have been invested in boats, gear, and shore installations, being financially ruined. One of those principally responsible for calling the attention of Congress and the country to what Russian slave labor has been doing to our crab fishing indus- try was Victor Riesel, whose column ‘In- side Labor” appears in 154 American daily newspapers- Mr. Riesel now believes our Treasury Department should act to bar further im- ports of Russian furs into the United States, and I agree with him. These im- portations of furs are destroying our American fur industry. In the first 10 months of last year Russia shipped into the United States furs valued at $19,599,919 according to figures I obtained from the Department of Commerce. Mr, Riesel’s arguments as to why Rus- sian fur imports of about $2,000,000 a month should be stopped were discussed by him in one of his recent columns. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include Mr. Riesel’s article herewith: Now that we've finally shoved Soviet slave- packed Chatka crabmeat off American tables the time ts now to get Soviet slave fure off the backs of American women, or there will be more rasor-sharp shrapnel in the backs of our boys. It took us @ year. But we finally pressured our Government into admitting officially that the Soviets run slave camps; that the Reds use forced, convict, and indentured labor; and that faceless political slaves cateh and peck the crabs eald to us for good old Ameri- can folding money. So, very quietly and very unnoticed, last Friday when virtually every newsman had
A492 been mobilize! to cover and try to under- stand the big wage and price freeze, the ‘Treasury Department banned the importa- tion of this delicacy from Kamchatka, land of the world’s finest slave camps. This is the first time any Soviet product has been barred from the United States. Okay, I will no longer crab over the red crabs. But the fact is that we didn't wait for the White House to move. Our A. F. of L. longshoremen have been sending the stuff back for months. What we now want is for the Federals to elose our porte to the $50,000,000 worth of other junk the Soviets are dumping here each year, so they can supply American dol- lars to their camouflaged agents across the world to buy rubber, copper, and steel for the Red war machine. The stuff ts coming in boatloads. Each cargo hold is filled with 850,000 to $70,000 worth of furs, beads, stones, hats, and even religious items. The labor leaders with whom I organized the original boycott are furious, but helpless. It took us a year to get crab meat barred. It took 6 months to force the weird Department of Commerce's Office of International Trade to stop sending stuff to Soviet China via Hong Kong, How long will it take us to stop this other blood money from pouring into the hands of Soviet foreign trade commissars? But we're going to try. Here are the facts: The dirtiest role in this business is being played by British merchants. My friends in the British Cabinet will attest that I've never criticized them unjustly. But now they're dirty. They're fronting for the Soviet for- eign trade state trusts. Millions of dollars’ worth of Red slave-skinned furs are first sold to British brokers. These traders then hold auction in London. There the furs are resold and reshipped to American (if you'll excuse the expression in this context) furriers. To avoid our longshoremen’s boycott the furriers send their stuff to Montreal in the east and to Vancouver and Seattle in the ‘west. Geattle ia getting the biggest play today. Many a longshoreman there was trained by Harry Bridges and unloads the stuff for love as well as money. The furs are then trucked from Canada, or packed into freight cars to complete their dollar trek from the original Leningrad auc- tion to the New York fur market, via Eng- land. Jolly chaps, the British. All the while the big furriers, many of whom worked close- ly with the Communist-led furriers’ unions in the 1926 days of the union’s “Black Glove” gangster organizers, save face by saying they've bought the stuff from the English. The anti-Oommunist Isabor leaders are helpless. It would take an army of investi- gators to track down the truck and rail ship- ments. Another army of organizers would be needed to convince the teamstera and freight handlers to let the stuff rot on the sidings as we did on the docks. This trade runs into real dough. Scores of millions of dollars, Where does the Soviet spend it? Let's look at one item, rubber. We have figures for this war-vital stuff for the first 11 months of 1950. That’s Just about 60 days ago. In those 11 months the Russians bought 10,000 tons of raw rubber from the British. That’s Just about 20 times more than the Soviets picked up from them in all of 1949. And just to make the Chinese calssons go roliing along, the Swiss are shipping alumi- num ingots, iron, steel, and rubber tires, for example. And the American dollar fs the one thing those ghouls believe in. But the Russians have plenty, Obviously the time is now for our Government to say loudly, “The whole Red land is # slave camp. We want none of their goods. It has blood on it. So have the Gollars our merchants of menace pay for it.” It Can Be Done EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES B. HOEVEN OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. HOEVEN. Mr. Speaker, it is wholesome and refreshing to know that at least one Federal Government agency is interested in saving some of the tax- payer's money. That agency is the General Accounting Office, headed by Lindsay Warren, the distinguished Comptroller General of the United States. In a letter addressed to all Congressmen under date of January 29, 1951, Mr. Warren gives the Congress and the country a splendid résumé of what can be done in reducing public expendi- tures if there is actually a will to do so. The letter is as follows: COMPTROLLER GENERAL OF THE Unrrep STATES, Washington, January 29, 1951. Dear ConcressmaN; With the many vital problems before the Congress today, I know you don't have time to read annual reports of Government agencies. Anyway, ours ts still in the process of printing. But, know- ing of the interest of Members in the Gen-~ eral Accounting Office, an agent of the Con- gress and a part of the legislative branch, I believe there are certain facts you will want to know. That is the reason for this letter. The General Accounting Office is an inde- pendent and nonpolitical agency. It is a part of our system of checks and balances. It audits and settles the accounts and claims of the Government, and advises and assists the Congress and the agencies on matters relating to expenditures. The Comptroller General is appointed for a term of 15 years and cannot b> reappointed, He can be removed from office only by the Congress, During recent years, when it ~eems the Government has been expanding beyond all reasonable comprehension, the GAO has proved that it is possible to reduce employ- ees, In April 1946, the number of employees reached a peak of 14,904. There were 7,063 employees on January 1, 1951, a reduction of 7,841 in the last 5 years, of whom 779 were transferred to the Post Office Department. This has been accomplished through con- stant surveys of our work and the elimina- tion of procedures which serve no useful purpose under present conditions. For example, just recently I abolished the Accounting and Bookkeeping Division of the GAO. This division employed 325 people. Certain of the work formerly carried on by that division has been transferred to other divisions. However, it will be possible to carry out the work transferred with 61 peo- ple, making a reduction of 264 people and an annual salary savings to the GAO of nearly $1,000,000. There will be no loss of control of public funds. In fact, the revised proce- dures should enable the GAO and the Gov- ernment generally to do a more competent Job. While practically every agency of the Gov- ernment will ask for increased funds for 1952, the GAO will request less money than was made available to us for 1951. A few statistics on our work in the last year: 25,300,000 vouchers audited; 492,000 claims settled; 818,000,200 checks recon- ciled; 12,400 decisions rendered to depart- ments, agencies, claimants, and others; in- spections made of 945 different Government offices; 84 comprehensive audits submitted APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to Congress (for the first time since the Government Corporation Control Act of 1945 audits of Government corporations were up to date): 685 reports made to Congress and its committees; and 3,500 replies made to inquiries from individual Members of Con- gress, The GAO is one of the few agencies that not only pays its way but in addition makes 8 substantial contribution each year to the Treasury, Collections from 1941 through December 31, 1950, total $718,100,000, This money had been illegally or otherwise im- properly paid out and it is a fair statement to say that little of 1t would have ever been recovered except for the General] Accounting Office. Collections are impressive, but also important is the prevention of illega) or 1m-~ provident use of funds without waiting to collect back what has been paid out ille- gally, The joint accounting program inaugurated in December 1947 by the Secretary of the Treasury, the Director, Bureau of the Budget, and myself, 1s achieving remarkable success. As a result of the program and of legisla- tion enacted by the Congress, accounting improvements and red-tape cutting are go- ing forward with rapid acceleration, The GAO ts expanding comprehensive, on- the-site audits which bring about broader coverage, more effective results, less paper work, and reduced flow of documents into Washington. During the Eighty-first Congress, the GAO supported the enactment of a number of laws which made possible some of the improvements just mentioned. Probably the most important are the Budget and Account- ing Procedures Act of 1960 and the Post Office Department Financial Control Act of 1950. The Budget and Accounting Proce- dures Act, among other things, permits the elimination of certain procedures upon de- termination that the interests of the Gov- ernment are otherwise protected. This made possible tie abolishment of the Accounting and Bookkeeping Division mentioned above, but this is only an example. Many other benefits have resulted and will continue to come about, The revisions of procedures and improvements made have reached into every agency of the Government. The Post Office Department Financial Con- trol Act made possible the abolishment of the Postal Accounts Division of the GAO last November 15. The administrative ac- counting work which had been done for the Post Office Department has been turned over to that Department. The GAO should never have been given those duties in the first place. I have set up a new Postal Audit Division which will make comprehensive, up-to-date audits of postal financial trans- actions. It is essential to our economic survival not only that the national defense be strengthened, but that it be done as effec- tively and economically as possible. On this score, the GAO bids fair to make a real contribution. We will not only audit de- fense spending, but will also concentrate tO seek out excesses, waste, and extrava~ gances in the defense program. At the same time, we will continue to keep e watchful eye on civilian spending to ferret out those extravagances and frills which our country should not and cannot now endure. This letter ja for your own information and no reply is necessary. With best wishes, I am, Sincerely yours, Linosay C. Warnsn, Comptroller General of the United States,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Workmen’s Compensation To Apply in Case of an Atomic Attack EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN C. BUTLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. BUTLER. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I am inserting a resolution adopted by the Common Council of the City of Buffalo, N. Y., in which they memorial- ize the Congress of the United States to provide workmen’s compensation in the case of an attack by atomic bomb: ‘WorxMen's COMPENSATION TO APPLY IN CASE Or aN ATOMIC ATTACK Whereas an effective atomic attack on one heavily populated area, or even 4 single large industrial plant, could result in so many industrial injuries as to exceed the resources and abliity of a self-insurer or an insurance earrier of workmen’s compensation insur- ance to furnish compensation benefits and might well exceed even the powers df an en- tire State to provide such benefits: There- fore be it Resolved, That this council] memoritalizes the Congress of the United States to take such action so that adequate provisions may be made for the protection, medical care, and indemnity to the workmen of this coun- try and their dependents in case of an atomic attack; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the Members of Congress from Erie County. This resolution, if enacted into law, certainly would aid the area in which the attack took place in its rehabilitation work and at what I believe would be less cost financially. I feel it would also bring the people as a whole to a con- sciousness of their responsibilities. Educational Short-Change of the Nation’s Children EXTENS-2N OF REMARKS HON. HUGH B. MITCHELL OF WASHINGTON IN TH® HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. Speaker, every United States citizen should consider the long-term meaning of the New York Times educational survey conclusion that 3,000,000 children are being short changed in their education because of inadequate buildings, the lack of teach- ers, the assignment of poorly trained teachers, and the dependence on double- time or part-time sessions. With record-breaking enrollments everywhere, I think the country must consider educational needs as defense needs. Under leave to extend my remarks, TI include the following article from the January 21 issue of the New York Times editorial page entitled “Education in eview”: EvucaTION IN Review—PuBiic ScHooL Sys- TEMS ALL OVER THE Country Face EMER- GENCY Becausx or MORILIZATION (By Benjamin Fine) Because the needs of the national mobi- ligation program are so great, American pub- lic schools during the coming year will be seriously handicapped in their operation. The construction of many school buildings will have to be postponed, and consequently there will be more overcrowding. There will be shortages of teachers, and achool systems will have to accept poorly trained personnel. Morale among teachers 1s low because of their income, These serious problems confronting the Nation's schools were emphasized last week with the publication of the New York Times’ annual survey of educational conditions in the 48 States and the District of Columbia. The schools have not yet made up for the losses they suffered during World War II. And now, with another emergency facing them, educators throughout the country are deeply concerned by the potential effects of the mobilization program. Some of them even use the word “havc:.” This latest in the series of annual Nation- wide surveys by the Times revealed a con- dition that is disturbing in its implications: 8,000,000 children are being short-changed in their education because of inadequate buildings, the lack of teachers, the assign- ment of poorly trained teachers and the dependence on double-time or part-time ses- sions, The States report that despite every- thing they have been able to do thus far, large numbers of pupils are simply receiving an inadequate education. Serious as the situation is now, it is des- tined to become worse because of the in- evitable rise in enrollment that results from the high wartime and postwar birth rates, In the current school year the public ele- mentary and secondary schools have 900,000 more pupils than they had a year ago—just about the largest single gain in any 1 year in recent times. The public achools now have a registration of nearly 26,000,000. For the next 10 years—perhaps for tonger-~en- rollment will increase by 500,000 to 1,000,000 annually. IMMEDIATE STEPS URGED Educators everywhere recognive the sig- nificance of this record-breal:ing enrollment, They realize that schools already harassed by overcrowding cannot readily add 30 to 40 percent to their enrollment and continue to provide the same kind of education they have been offering. They emphasize that immedi- ate steps must be taken to plan for the future. Otherwies, they warn, within 5 years we will have 6,000,000 children receiving inadequate education instead of the present 8,000,000. This year's survey also pointe up the serlousness of the teacher shortage, espe- cially of competent teachers for the lower elementary schoo] grades. All of the States and the District of Columbia reported that they were unable to find all the well-trained teachers they needed for thelr elementary scLools. Nine States also reported that they could not find enough qualified teachers for their high schools. More teachers are employed this year than ever before in school history. During the past year about 80,000 teachers have been added to the staffs, bringing the total to 960,895. Yet school administrators are quick to point out that the personnel increase has barely been large enough to meet the needs of tmereassed enroliments. Moreover, the A493 present teaching staff still includes 75,000 with emergency or substandard certificates. AVERAGE SALARY 16 $9,067 Teachers’ salaries remain the fundamental factor behind the teacher shortage. Salaries rose during the year, but not nearly enough to keep pace with the rising cost of living. The average classroom teacher now recelves an ar-ual salary of 62,867, or $55 a week gross pay. ons is an increase of only 682 a year over the average salary for the school year 1940-50. “8 Signs of discontent are evident all over the country, with morale at perhaps its lowest point since the end of the war. In New York City high school teachers are still refusing to take on any extracurricular duties; in Minneapolis the sachers are aeri- ously considering a strike. The financial problems are enormous. In the face of rising inflation, schoo! boards are having a desperate time getting enough funds to construct new buildings and to maintain those they already have. The Na- tion's public schools are now paying the rec- ord sum of 65,000,000,000 for their schools, an increase of $350,000,000 over last year. MORE FUNDS NESDED Yet, school administrators insist that tne #5,000,000,000 can hardly buy as much as the smaller appropriations did in years past. They say twice the present allocation will be needed if the children are to have an ade- quate education, And they are deeply worried by the ques- tion; Where is the extra money to come from? They realize that defense needs will cut deeply into any extra funds that they might otherwise have expected from their communities. They are giving up hope that Congress will appropriate the 6300,000,000— just a drop in the bucket, anyway—that President Truman recommended last week. The Nation's most pressing needs for the improvement of education were epitomized in this list from Pennsylvania: (1) An ace celerated building program; (2) sufficient ele- mentary-school teachers specifically trained for elementary-school work; (8) an adequate school-financing plan at the local level; (4) guidance and vocational information; and (5) enrichment of the instructional process through wider use of audio-visual aids and other apparatus. CONDITIONS BETTER THAN LAST YRAR Despite the handicaps and the needs of the Nation’s public schools, administrators are not entirely discouraged. On the whole, conditions are better now than they were 5 years ago, or even last year. The Times sur- vey showed, for example, that the echools expended half a billion dollars last year for new buildings and repairs. If the schools could maintain that pace they would lick the congestion problem. ‘What does discourage school men, hrwever, is what they consider the indiffera.ice of Government—Federal, State, and loval—to the importance of education, even in a time of national emergency. They believe that if the three levels of government fall to rece ogniga the schools’ needs the schools will suffer disastrously. For that reason they urge that education be given a high priority during the coming year. This would moan, for example, that building materials now in abort supply be allocated on a priority basis for schools, It would mean that communi- ties must recognize the essential requirement of maintaining a competent teaching staff with a high esprit de corps. That, of course, means higher salaries.
A494 Whose Side Are They On? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr, VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, “What kind of a war are we fighting in Korea, anyway?” asks Robert Boyer, editor of the Altoona Tribune, Altoona, Pa., in an editoria} in the January 27, 1951, issue of that newspaper. The editorial fol- lows: Wuosse Sipe ARE Tury ON? Indications are that Congress is being pressured to the point where it will approve the sending of any number of troops to Western Europe recommended by Mr. Tru- man and General Eisenhower. And, it 1s expected that the General will recommend the defense of Western Europe, when he makes his report to the President and Nation next week. After all, General Eisenhower's orders apparently were to lay the groundwork for an international army, not primarily to discover if he could raise one. But, the question persists, Does Western Europe have the will to resist? Former President Herbert Hoover raised this question. So has former United States Ambassador to Britain, Joseph Kennedy. Without the will to resist, without the spiritual force necessary to ight communism, any army raised in Western Europe, regard- less of its size, would be worthless. The question for Americans to decide then, within the next week or so, is: Shall we be sending American armies into a wasp’s nest of Reds and apathetic Western Europeans? Here is an indication of what we mean. From London Friday came a dispatch quot- ing the liberal News-Chronicle newspaper as saying that if Gen. Douglas MacArthur “only knew how to keep his mouth shut, he would stand a good chance of going down in his- ory as a great commander.” Said the paper, “As it 1s, posterity will hardly be able to avoid the view that he was & political menace of the largest caliber. “Tt is not for him, a serving officer, to say that there can be no turning back in the war against communism in Asia. He, therefore, should not say it. “Nor should he, while half the world is hoping that some way of negotiating with China will be found, take the opportunity of remarking loudly that he will give the Chinese @ bloody nose in South Korea,” Now that is no lese than a bitter insult to Americans, most especially to Americans whose sons or brothers or husbands are fighting in Korea. Those Americans are fighting the Chi- nese, one of the most brutal enemies of modern times. They are fighting on behalf of the UN. Yet, Britain, a major UN member, gives evidence time and again of showing extreme disinterest in the war with China, even, as in the case of the News-Chronicle, some sort of sympathy for the Red Chinese cause. The British paper criticizes the American cominander because he says his forces are going to give the enemy a bloody nose. What kind of war are we fighting in Ko- rea, anyway? Since when has the commander of any nation’s forces been prohibited from criti- cizing the enemy? General MacArthur exhorts the free world to fight to the end against communism, and the British paper says he has no business to make such a statement, Perhaps this is not typical of the British press reaction. But is is indicative at least of a vein of feeling in Britain and throughout Western Europe—France with her known 5,000,000 Reds, Italy with her 8,000,000—Reds who sabotage, spy, murder, and stand ready to form a fifth column in the rear of any American armies we send to France. These are things every American should take cognizance of, so that perhaps ulti- mately we can inject the stabilizing factor of strong public opinion into our top eche- lons of government. That factor has been missing, unfortu- nately, for many years. As a consequence, inept men have bungled affairs so badly that now they know not which way to turn. They must know the terrible risks of West- ern Europe. Yet, their irresponsible com~- mitments have us in so deeply that they can find no safe way to extricate us, so, they propose to wind up by commiting hundreds of thousands of American boys to the doubt- ful defense of an area which itself admits it 18 practically indefensible, because it lacks the spirit to fight against what it considers the tnevitable—Soviet communism. We need more than & 3-week flying trip to General Eisenhower to convince the Amerti- can people that western Europeans will stand and fight Russia, Blue Star Mothers of America EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE A. DONDERO OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. DONDERO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include a statement regarding the Blue Star Mothers o. America, This organization is a fine, patriotic body serving the best interests of America at all times. I have personally attended meetings of the Blue Star Moth- ers of America and I know of the high and patriotic motives that actuate their activities, In order that the country may be informed of the attempt of another or- ganization, bearing an almost identical name, to capitalize on this patriotic or- ganization, I am inserting a statement in the Recorp and urging all Members of Congress to read it: Staremenr By Mrs. Georce P. TAUBMAN, Jr. The executive board of the Blue Star Mothers of America announced today that it will take action to prevent the use of its name by an organization branded by the Justice Department as subversive. The announcement was made following a special meeting of the board in Washington. The board members voted unanimously to instruct its national president, Mrs. Lee C. Scott, of Willoughby, Ohio, to take whatever action is necessary to restrain the National Blue Star Mothers of America from further use of that name. Mrs. Scott said that her organization, Blue Star Mothers of America, was organized im- metiiately after Pearl Harbor as a patriotic service organization to unite all mothers who had sons or daughters in the armed services in the United States of America inty & permanent organization. “This organiza- tion,” said Mrs. Scott, “is nonpolitical, non- aectarian, and nonprofit, and shall not be used for personal or partisan purposes. Its membership of more than 10,000 is composed of mothers of servicemen and women.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mrs, Scott said that the other group, which hes been branded as subversive, later as- sumed the Blue Star Mothers name, adding only the word “national.” It is the National Blue Star Mothers of America which has been placed on the Attorney General's sub- versive Het and which has its headquarters in Philadelphia, Because of this similarity of names, Mrs. Scott said, many sons and daughters of members of the original organ- ization have been discriminated against. A Milwaukee boy was returned from the Great Lakes Training Station because his mother Was a member. A boy hospitalized in Japan wrote home advising his mother to discon- tinue her application, and families have been refused employment in industrial plants in Ohio because their mothers be- longed to the original group. Mothers who formerly were recognized by the Special Service Directors in VA hospitals were re- fused admittance to the hospitals because of this confusion in names. Later, when the matter was taken up with the hospital superintendents, they wrote letters of apology for their error, because the Blue Star Mothers of America had been reinstated by the Justice Department as being an eligible group. Letters have been received from the Attor- ney General's office and also from the office of the Justice Department regretting that the similarity in names of the two organiza- tions has caused confusion and embarrass- ment to the Blue Star Mothers of America. Mrs. Scott added that we have in our membership such eminent women as the Honorable Frances BoLTon and the mother of Gen. Mark W. Clark. Other resolutions adopted at the executive board meeting were: To support H. R. 910, the amendment to the Public Health Service Act providing a progra.. of grants and scholarships for education in the fleld of nursing sponsored by Congresswoman Bou- ton, Twenty-second District of Ohio; also to support every phase of General Marshall's civil-defense program; to express approval of General MacArthur’s command in the Far East; and to support universal military training. The Blue Star Mothers of America sub- scribed to a plaque dedicated to the Un- known Soldier and was presented to Colonel Williamson, commanding officer of Arling- ton National Cemetery by Mrs. Scott. The plaque was placed in the trophy room of the amphitheater in Arlington. A short me- morial service was conducted by the board at the graves of two lieutenants, sons of Mrs. Margaret Meyers, of Columbus, Ohio, & member of the Blue Star Mothers of America, Our Political Invasion EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANGIER L. GOODWIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 22, 1951 Mr. GOODWIN. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks, I ine clude a recent editorial from the Wake- field (Mass.) Daily Item: Our Po.rrican INvAsIon Marquis Childs, one of the outstanding Washington correspondents, puts into print something not published often enough. He says, in part: “As to Korea, the basic fact which must always be remembered is that military com~ manders never belleved that the Korean Peninsula was defensible. They went inta
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Korea because it was decided at the top political level that it was vital to sustain the United Nations as # force for collective security in the world.” On the same day comes the news that American casualties in Korea totaled 40,176 as of last Saturday—and that report prob- ably was at least a week old. Of this num- ber, the roll of dead was 6,761. Is this high price to pay to allow Prest- dent Truman and Secretary Acheson to save face with United Nations by maintaining a “police action” in Korea? And what, then, would the price be if they admitted it was war? Is it any wonder that the run-of-mill peo- ple of America, whose families are paying this price, are more and more approving the views of Mesars. Kennedy and Hoover? Public Housing Flop EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANGIER L. GOODWIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 22, 1951 Mr. GOODWIN. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks, I in- clude a recent editorial from the Malden (Mass.) Evening News: Pustic Hovsine Frop Remember that public housing program the social reformers said was absolutely necessary to supplement private enterprise in curing the ills of the have-nots? The program was to subsidize 135,000 low-rent units annually for 6 years. Now it is re- vealed that only 11,100 such unita have been started since July 1949. As is usual with social planners, all they could cook up was a batch of highly extravagant designs. Then the costs of building material and labor be- gan to go up and up. The money allotted by Congress was limited and the planners found themselves stymied. All of this is a lucid sidelight on the operations of the Gov- ernment in business. It always progresses more slowly than private enterprise and is more costly. Both the ill-housed and the taxpayers ought to wonder why !t ever seemed 8 good idea to go in for public hous- ing. Men at War EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Ivan H. Peterman from the Philadelphia In- quirer of January 28, 1951: Mun at War-—TWENTY-f1GHTH Division GI's Rarep Tors sy Agmy, CIVILIANS (By Ivan H. Peterman) Camp Artzvsasuar, Inn. January 27.—-A @4-truck Army convoy swung off the up- State Indiana highway and parked in front of the roadside diner late at night. Forty- eight GI's wearing the red Keystone patch hopped out, filed quickly inside and sat down. A hardened, hungry lot, they filled the place. The nervous entrepreneur and his wattreas began taking orders. “Ham and egg sandwich; coffee, please.” Someone put nickels into the juke slot. They listened to the music while the orders were served. Half an hour later they filed past the cashier, paid, and resumed their trip. But as the last one pocketed his change, the diner boss couldn't hold back comment: “Sergeant,” said he, “my compliments to your men. When you came tn, I got a scare. I figured about 8800 worth of damage, loss of a couple of hours’ business, and maybe a scuffe or two. But you're all right. Tell your commander his soldiers are welcome anytime anywhere on this route.” The Twenty-eighth Infantry Division likes that incident. It ranks with editorials in the Indianapolis papers praising its conduct and the resolutions of surrounding church and clergymen’s groups stating that never before in this Midwest training area has there been a finer grade of American soldier on view. Deportment, courtesy, and unbelievably good conduct are only part of the Twenty- elghth’s mounting reputation. Right now it’s the biggest division in the Army—well over normal strength of 19,000, with plenty more coming in. Its commanding general, Daniel B. Strickler, of Lancaster, Pa., until recently Lieutenant Governor, just con- ducted a basic training efficiency test that brought quick inquiries from all sections of the United States Army. Lt. Gen. Matt Eddy, commanding our forces in Europe, wrote for particulars so he might consider them for uee with oocu- pational troops. Every enlisted member of the “Bloody Bucket” outfit took the test. There wore 90 sections on 18 different sub- jectsa—weapons, map reading, compass, sig- nals, reconnaissance, chemical-warfare pro- tection, combat problems, military courtesy, character, and educational-intelligence af- fairs, down to fundamentals like properly policing a barracks, Every GI was scored on every question. A grade of 60 was passing; 80 was excellent; from 90 up was rated superior. And what was the Twenty-eighth Divi- sion's performance? Well, 98.9 of the men passed, and the division average—for 16,000 men—was 92.2 percent. No wonder local papers write editorials, that ministers say nice things in sermons, and conservative Indiana folks are happy to invite Keystone wearers into their homes. “I’m proud of them,” says General Strick~ ler, of whom the State of Pennsylvania should say the same thing. For Strickler and his National Guard staff have done a job that amazes the Regular Army, 80 that a steady stream of draftees are arriving for the same type training. That ts why the Twenty-elghth remains here, preparing thou- sands more as its own are indoctrinated. Strickler and company, veterans of two world wars, are teaching the kids how to fight and win and come out alive. It’s the nearest thing to actual combat this corre- spondent has seen. It's tough, it's cold, it's fatiguing, and it's necessary. Don't worry about your boy if he’s had @ course with the Red Keystone. “One reason is we're getting remarkably fine, intelligent men,” Strickler said. “Gen. Mark Clark, head of the United States Army Field Forces, has seen to it we get as good or better than any of the sefvices. They aren't picked over, rejecta. Or those cone ‘ sidered suited only for ground slogging. They ate a cross of America's finest between 10 and 25 years of age. A serious, hard- working, disciplined crop. “We call them ‘fillers,’ not replacements, these days. The Army has allowed us to apply many lessons learned tn the Hurtgen A495 and Ardennes. We are also looking at what has happened in Korea and telling the men how to be ready for guerrillas, infiltration, and night surprises.” His chief of staff, Col. Jamcs G. Mackey, now of St, Davids Apartments, Wayne, Pa.,and the assistant commander, Brig. Gen. Thomas L. (Zeke) Hoban, of Scranton, were never so enthusiastic at Indiantown Gap. General Hoban, who fought through the hedgerows, Hurtgen, and the Bastogne Bulge in Europe, thinks today’s GI is the smartest he ever helped train. They, along with Lt. Col, Oliver W. Robbins, G-1, from Paoli; Maj. Alvan Markie 3d, the G-2 from Ardmore; Lt. Col. Richard A. Dana, Annville, Pa., the G-3 in charge of training; Lt. Col. George I. McLeod, Villanova, the G4; and Lt. Col. Albert G. Branyan, Merchantville, N. J., the adjutant general, form the Twenty-eighth's headquarters staf. All operate from one of the modest frame buildings which awaited the division on its arrival from Indiantown Gap last September. Quarters are of the piainest; indeed, the Twenty-eighth headquarters somotimes were as well housed during the Second World War's hectic moves. General Strickler occu- pies a tiny bungalow; Brigadier and Mrs. Hoban, and the Artillery officer, Brig. Gen. Guy O. Kurtz, of Denver, Colo., have about the only other cozy quarters on this huge reservation, which is some 35 miles south of Indianapolis, The division occupies “subdivisions” of barracks, laid out along wide, paved drives, The barracks are all frame, standing on ce- ment pillars and the biting Indiana winds, which are colder than anything in Pennsyl- vania, cut under the floors. The soft-coal boilers are forced to maximum to warm the high-cellinged, two-story interiors. The furnace broke down in the senior officers’ barracks my first night here, and I nearly froze stiff under six blankets. It got down to 7 degrees during the night, an accustomed temperature since last November. But few are kicking about housing, food, equipment, or even the hours. They get up 6 a. m. to 7, and the job of soldiering goes on around the clock. Day training usually ends at & p, m., but night missions, firing drills, patrol practice, keep the GI's and of- ficers in the fleld and woods sometimes 2 and $8 days. They sleep in the open or under pup tents, or group beside small fires in the brush. “But we don't cry,” said Sgt. Dave Derentz and Sgt. Bill Bass, of the 155-mm gun crew I visited last night. “It’s still better than Korea.” Derentz lives at 4508 Lieper Street, Bass at 2285 North Mole Street, Philadelphia, and both are with the One Hundred and Eighth Field Artillery Battalion. Their senti- ments were seconded by Joe Duda, of 1482 North Coley Street, and Gunner Ralph Car- ter, also of Philadelphia. The main deficiency !s in company and field grade officers. The Army just hasn't enough. Draftees are being inducted faster than officer schools, West Point, and the Re- serves can provide commissioned personnel to train them. Then, too, a great many of the Twenty-eighth officers are attending technical schools all over the country. One productive routine begins the moment 8 recruit or draftee arrives at Atterbury, He’s not treated as a raw recruit. There’s no “riding” or “breaking in.” No rough stuff. The Army is polite. The older GYs are ac- tually sympathetic and make the new guy feel at home. “What the heck,” they say, “we're all greenhorna at this, except the vet- erans or guardsmen who had combat, and they're not happy over the prospect of more war. So we make the best of it.” One has to admire such common sense and quiet facing of facts. Bewtldered, confused by the topsy-turvy events and mystifying
A496 high-level developments of diplomacy, these eltizen-soldiers deserve a nod for their for- bearance. When the newest bunch—say 200 to 400 newly uniformed from the the induction centers—comes to join the Twenty-eighth's organization, they get, first of all, a briefing by Strickler. It’s part of old combat-day stuff, when the Twenty-eighth had to reform its riddied ranks after Mortain, after Hurt- gen, and again after the Ardennes, “we bring them to the assembly area and I welcome them to the outfit, explaining Its traditions, records, and our pride in it,” Strickler said. ‘They're made to under- stand that they're now one of u- and the Twenty-eighth’s mission 1s explained. At present it’s full training, We distribute their weapons, assign them to unite. Then follows 28 weeks of training and of bastc. As you know, we're starting unit teamwork now, lasting until May.” Strickler wants every bloody bucketeer to be curious. “T want you to know what, when, how, why, and where at all times,” he tells the men. “If your're in doubt, ask. Keep asking till you get the answers.” Next advice is: “Be r sol “ier.” No twenty- eighth man looks sloppy. They swing along like those grim lads you saw in wartime mov- fes. They're told they're proved superior to the 48 percent who flunk the draft physi- cally. Their mental qualifications are stressed. The patriotic duty is made clear. There js no smirking or sniffing at the flag or country in a United States training camp. Finally, the matter of good conduct, proper language and dignity is explained and en- forced. There are no profane, vulgar GI's out here, no swaggering or drunkenness or messing afound in the city and towns. Sa- hiting, military courtesy, and respect for fel- low citizens is universal. I’ve not met s0 many polite people since the war ended. I’ve heard more “thank you, sir,” and observed more regards for the amenities In 3 days here than in 3 months at the United Nations ses- sions in New York. No fooling. The Twenty-eighth Division soldier pro- ceeds head up, gloved hands swinging briskly, not stuffed in his pockets. He is alert, keen on ordera—a sentry stopped the general last night, refused him passage when he didn’t have the passwerd—and pretty well aware of the serious job that lies ahead, if aggres- sion continues, This was frankly surprising, for I expected a brooding, resentful soldiery, disgusted with our failure to button up victory in 19465. Instead, these kids are philosophical, aware and, more amazing, they apparently are much better oriented on what it’s all about than their predecessors in two previous wars. Few Americ ns ever know for sure what’s ahead, but these at least are going to be doggone well prepared when and if it happens. The Twenty-eighth Division has blue- printed that preparation in the present emer- gency, The Army is pleased, and the whole country should be proud. Says the India- Nnapolis Times: “As a soldier's town of long standing, In- dianapolis tends to judge men in uniform by the way they behave away from camp, The judgment on the men of the Twenty- eighth ts that they are soldiery gentlemen, On pass, most of them appear to be alert, neat, courteous young men and not given to displays of toughness which some service- men in training seem to think marks them as future Medal of Honor winners. “As for real toughness, we've confident the Twenty-eighth will be as tough an outfit as any enemy ever faced, if it has to go to com- bat. Meanwhile, we're proud to have Major bonere Strickler and his men as our neigh- Titoism in Italy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Washington Evening Star of January 30, 1951: Trroism in ITaLy Significant cracks are beginning to appear in the Italian Communist Party. Two of its former stalwarts have resigned from it. Both members of Parliament, they are Aldo Cucchi and Valdo Magnant, the latter dis- tinguished for having organized what ts re- garded as the most effective Red regional unit in Italy. They have broken away be- cause they found themselves unable to stom- ach the traitorous Comintorm dogma that all comrades, no matter what their nation- ality, must be more loyal to the Kremlin than to their own native lands. Mr. Magnani, with Mr. Cucchi supporting him, has definitely washed his hands of that idea. He has done so not merely by re- signing from the party but by publicly de- claring that every Italian, without exception, should consider it his first and highest duty to defend our fatherland if the frontier should be attacked from any direction what- soever. In other words, if the attack should come from the Soviet Union or one of its satellites, then Italy's Reds, ag patriots owing allegiance to their own country above all countries abroad, must battle the attacker as bitterly and as steadfastly as they should any aggressor of any Ideology. This is what the Cominform inveighs against as the crime of nationalistic com- munism. It is the kind of communism under which Marshal Tito has declared Yu- goslavia’s independence of Moscow, with the result that the Soviet Union has marked him down as one of its most dangerous enemies. He is dangerous because he has become the leader of a potentially far-reaching schism in the Communist world, on both sides of the iron curtain, Now the schism has struck Italy’s Red organization, the biggest in Western Europe. Next it may strike itn France, and in due course, let us hope, in the satellite lands. It is a thing that could shatter all of the Kremlin’s imperialistic dreams and ambitions. Selling Democracy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH B. MITCHELL OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. Speaker, if we could win the war of ideas, all-out war may never prove necessary. Our Gov- ernment has never really faced up to ‘this challenge. Discouragingly small sums of money have been granted to our Voice of America program, and the re- cent Republican-controlled Congress de- nied even a token appropriation to con- tinue the program which was doing as APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fine a work as possible with its limited funds. Fortunately, the Highty-first Congress appropriated enough money to reinstitute the program and it is now continuing, but is still far too limited in its scope. Mr. Henry L. Johnson, of Seattle, Wash., is one of a great number of people genuinely concerned that America should do a better work in the field of spreading democratic ideas and explaining demo- cratic objectives. Following is a letter from Mr. Johnson which I believe will prove interesting to every person inter- ested in this vital subject: NoRTHWESTERN MUTUAL Fire Association, INC., Seattle, Wash., January 18, 1951. Hon. Hues B. MircHELt, House of Representatives, ‘ Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. MrrcHeti: The events of the past 6 months have caused many Americans to do more serious thinking than they have ever done before about their country, its security, the manner in which it ts being governed, and its foreign policy. Most of us, and myself in particular, have been very der- elict in our duty of letting officiats tn our Government know our views. I, for one, am going to correct that situation. One field in which our Government has failed miserably in the past few years is the field of propaganda. Russia has made a big part of her gains throughout the world through the clever use of propaganda. The surprising thing is that they have been able to accomplish this in spite of the fact that their propaganda consists almost entirely of Nes and falsehoods. We, in the United States, have developed advertising to a point far in advance of any- thing any other country has ever known, and yet our Government has apparently ig- nored its possibilities for use in the war of ideas. Our most obvious and apparently our main effort along these lines has been the Voice of America which has had to fight for its very existence ever since it was in- auguyated and has never had sufficient back- ing to do a thorough job. It could be made very effective. What is needed is an aggressive propaganda or advertising department to spread demo- cratic ideas and a free way of life, and expose communism, in every corner of the globe. The best advertising and diplomatic brains in the country should be mobilized for this purpose. Costs should not even be considered. An expenditure of $1,000,000,000 for this purpose might very easily accomplish more than an expenditure of $10,000,000,000 for arma- ments or atom bombs. Such a program could conceivably weaken communism to the point where a world war could be avoided. We have the truth to tell the world and if we spent as much time and effort telling it, as Russia has telling its lies and false- hoods, we would strengthen the Western World tenfold. One thing the American public cannot understand is why we permit Russia to malign and slandor our officials, our citizens, and our Government daily in all parts of the world without making a vigorous effort to counteract these lies with the truth, If people hear only one side of any question, that is the side they are going to believe, and the reason many of the backward people around the globe have accepted communism is because that is all they have heard. There has not been an effective propaganda pro- gram for democracy and the free way of life. We have delayed far too long in this mat- ter. We should take action immediately.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We must depend on our elected representae tives to see that programs of this kind are put into action and properly carried out. Very truly yours, Henry L, JoHnson, Letter From Mr. and Mrs. William J. McLean EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRIS ELLSWORTH OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. ELLSWORTH. Mr. Speaker, many families in our country are still bearing unusually heavy burdens and contributed too heavily in the cause of our common defense. To such people we all ow. a debt of gratitude which we cannot possibly pay. Recently I received a letter from Mr. and Mrs. William J. McLean, who are residents of the Fourth Congressional District of Oregon which I represent. Of their four sons one was Killed in ac- tion in World War II, one served through that war and fought in the European area, one was ready for embarkation to Europe when the war ended, and one boy now 18 years of age they think may be drafted. It is small wonder that these parents, this family, having suffered so ‘sch from war, are embittered and have lost faith in our Government leaders. Under leave to extend my remarks I include, at their request, the letter I re- ceived from Mr. and Mrs. McLean: JANUARY 21, 1951, Hon. Harris ELLSwortH, Washington, D. C. Dean Mr. ExvtswortH: The enclosed Air Medal with two Oak Leaf Clusters was awarded to Capt. William J. McLean, who was killed July 26, 1945, a few days before the end of hostilities with Japan. A brief history of our family. Mrs. Mc- Lean and myself have been registered Dem- ocrats ever since we have been able to vote. My mother raised two sons, myself and my brother Frank. We both served overseas in World War I. My brother has never been heard from since the end of World War I. We never could get any information from the War Department as to whether he was discharged or what happened to him. Mrs. McLean and I raised four sons. Whree were in World War II and the other boy was about 9 years old at that time. One served in the Pacific area as a pilot and after numerous combat missions, was killed as stated above. One served in the Euro- pean area and returned from the service. The other boy was at the point of embarka- tion for Europe when hostilities were over in that area. Bud, the boy that was killed, wrote to his mom and said, “Mom, if anything happens to me, it will be to keep Mickey from the necessity of ever fighting on foreign soll.” That promise was made in good faith and now Mickey, the 9-year-old boy, was 18 on January 17, 1951, and apparently is going to be drafted to serve in world war III. I would like to know what we have ac- complished in fighting World War I and ‘World War II and the so-called police action in Korea. Mrs. McLean's only nephew, old XCVII—App.—-—32 enough for service at the present time, has been missing in action in Korea since July 20, 1950. If our country {s sincere and would take the profit out of war and quit trying to pro- tect interests on foreign soil, maybe the American way of life would lead along the road to peace, I respectfully request you to read this let- ter to any of the committees who will take action on the present recommendation to draft 18-year-olds and, if necessary, to read it before Congress itself, and then we further request that you return the enclosed medal to Mr. Truman to dispose of as he so desires, as we feel that this country has betrayed the memories of the boys who have died in service to their country. Yours very truly, Wiiuram J. McLean, Epna B. McLean, Walnuts: Black Gold EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. A. S. J. CARNAHAN oF missourt IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr, CARNAHAN. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include herewith an article from the Missouri Conservationist, a magazine published monthly by the Mis- souri Conservation Commission. The article is entitled ‘Walnuts: Black Gold”, Waunuts: BLack GoLp (By Merrill V. Nipps) Walnut kernels, picked out by hand, were for many years a small source of income to Ozark farmers. Some sold their own kernels; others sold to produce dealers who in turn sold to nut brokers in cities. Many small operators, produce dealers usually, would sell walnuts in the hull to farmers and buy back the kernels, setting a price su that women and children or shut-ins in the home could make a dollar or so a day. This grew into a sizable business until, in 1941, a wal- nut kernel dealer in Fordland, Mo., handled more than 500,000 pounds of kernels, buying from other dealers as well as from farmers. About this time things happened. The food and drug department started cracking down on home-cracked walnut kernels due to the danger of spreading disease. The ‘Wage Act was passed requiring processors to pay a minimum wage, thus complicating further the walnut business. It was along about this time, too, that we went to war and needed black walnut shells for gas-mask filters. I came here from Philadelphia about the time the war started to get walnut shells for making activated charcoal to be used as filters in gas masks. Lined up with a nut processor at Gravette, Ark., who said he ‘would process all I could buy or ship to him, I pegged the price at #1.25 to @1.85 per hun- dred pounds for hulled, dry, sacked black walnuts and started every produce and feed dealer in Missouri to buying them. That winter of 1941 was the first time there had ever been an unlimited, guaranteed market for black walnuts. We got over 4,000,000 pounds that season. Shells were shipped toa plant in Chicago. We sold the kernels as our profit, A497 The business was continued and has grown until now, in a good year, we buy 12,- 000,000 pounds of black walnuts. More re- cently other plants have spriing up, one at Stockton, Mo., and another at Sulphur Springs, Ark. Each of them bought over a half-million pounda of walnuts last year. Farmers are becoming more and more conscious that this is a sure cash crop for them and are gathering more walnuts every year. Last year they got from 63 to $3.50 a hundred pounds for them as compared to slightly over $1 a hundred in 1941. As walnut kernels were produced in larger quantities, new uses for them have been found. Main.gutlets today are in the bakery, ice cream, and candy industries. In our fao- tory at Gravette, we can crack 100,000 pounds of black walnuts, and clean, pasteurize, and ship 12,500 pounds of kernels in a two-shift day. The forestry division of the conservation commission and the college of agriculture of the university are urging farmers not to sell their immature walnut trees for logs, since, over a period of a few years, they are worth far more for the nuts they bear. They are good income possibilities to individual farmers. I have personally gone out and, with the help of three or four boys, picked up and hulled 3,000 pounds of walnuts in a day. At @3 per 100 pounds, that would be 890. I know of one farmer living near Walnut Grove, Mo., who sold more than $750 worth in one season, bringing in from 500 to 2,000 pounds of walnuts each week end. During the fall of 1946, the cealer in Walnut Grove bought for us over 500,000 pounds of walnuts, paying the farmers in his area some 815,000. That is a good income from one small area. Missouri is by far the biggest walnut-pro- ducing State in the Nation, the heaviest pro- ducing area being within a hundred-mile radius of Springfield. Walnut kernels are rich in protein, 1 pound having as much protein as 5 to 6 pounds of beef. Ordinarily native black walnuts will produce from 12 to 15 pounds of Kernels per 100 pounds of hulled nuts. The 12-pound figure is about average for machine methods. Grafted nime-variety nuts will produce trom 28 to 85 percent kernels. I planted 12 in 1943 that at present are not 80 feet tall, put are bearing large crops of nuts each year. They respond richly to manuring and culti- vation. I firmly believe that 10 years from now my walnut orchard will produce more money per year than a same size orchard of apples or peaches. And it is much less ex- pensive to maintain. Walnut trees planted in a pasture do not impede the grass. In fact, wherever you see black walnut trees there is fine blue grass, for the tree doesn’t shade heavily and the outer hulls of the nuts serve as soll feeders. A warning to farmers who plant walnut trees—keep stock away from them until the trees are ‘way up there. Livestock eat the foliage like nobody's business. Lately many people are having native wal- nut trees of medium rize top-worked, To do this cut off all limbs down to stubs and then bud or graft on small cuttings from name varieties. It is surprising how fast the tree recovers and soon you have an adult tree bearing name-variety nuts, There is absolutely an unlimited merket now for all the black walnuts the farmers have or can find anywhere. Next season prices probably will be as high or higher than ever before. The nuts are clear profit just for picking them up and hulling them. A quick easy way to hull them is with a home-made trough installed under a jacked-up rear wheel of a car, Black walnuts can be a million-dollar ine dustry in the Ozarks. We're already more than halfway there.
A498 Aggressor Tag To Hurt Reds EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der permission to extend my remarks, I inelude a well-considered and informa- tive article written by David Lawrence amd appearing in the Washington Star of January 29, 1951: Acoazssor Tag To Huar Reps—Fan-ReacHIna Comanquences Ann Exrecren Wuen UN Apegoves LABEL ON Rep CHina (By David Lawrence) Passage this week of the resolution by the United Nattons declaring Red China to be engaged in aggression will lead to conse- quences of 8 far-reaching nature. These may be outlined as follows: 1, The war with Red China will go on until Communist China takes <‘1e initiative in stopping hostilittes. America is weary of the palavering with Chinese Communist leaders about a cease fire, 2. Because Red China is an aggressor, she cannot be admitted into the United Nations until the Communist regime has been com- pletely purged of any further tendency toward aggression and pledged herself to make reparation for damage done to Korea. This means that in all probability Red China will not get into the UN for a long time and perhaps not at all, especially if another gov- ernment of substantial strength should emerge to challenge Red China's claims to recognition, 3. With Red Ohina declared an aggressor, Great Britain and other governments which have recognized the Peiping regime will be in @ position .o withdraw auch recognition. Otherwise they would be in the embarrassing position of cai.ying on diplomatic relations with an aggrecaor regime. 4. The United States by agreeing to limit the war to Korea has not foreclosed the op- portunity on a subsequent occasion to de- mand that the UN permit the bombing of Manchuria as a means of ridding Korea of aggression. 5. Measures of economic and naval block- ade of Red China will be brought up for discussion later on, but as long as the fight- ing inside Korea is indecisive there is no immedit.te pressure for the adoption of fur- ther penalties against the territory of Red China. 6. A large vote mobilized behind the Amer- ican resolution will be regarded throughout the world as a symbol of unity and particu- larly as a manifestation of the will to co- operate with America, the absence of which for several weeks has had such a depressing effect on public opinion in America. But when all these effects are appraised the question still remains unanswered: What is going to be the outcome of the whole Korean episode? The probabilities are that the answer will come on the battlefield rather than in the UN or the realm of diplomacy. American air power is now s0 substantial that air raids of a saturation type can be conducted on a scale comparable to that which was inflicted on Germany during the last war. Thus, 250 of the B-29 bombers carry a tonnage equivalent to that of 1,000 of the B-17's, which did such extensive dam- age in Germany. When the newspapers used to report a 1,000-plane raid the American people got the impression that the maximum amount of damage was being done. Some- thing of the same sort is going on right along in Korea, but the American public isn’t aware of it as yet. Possibly it is because there has been a noticeable soft-pedaling on the extent of the damage belng visited on Jarge areas. Undoubtedly many civilians are being killed, too. “Napalm,” which 1s the deadliest of the fire bombs, rings the enemy troops. When they infiltrate behind our lines, our ground troops signal the Air Force the positions of the enemy and everything within the circle is pounded to pieces cr burned, The tragic truth ie that the Red Chinese are taking some awful punishment. Their crack army ocannct indefinitely take such Koavy losses. They will need these trained troops for battles in the interior of China. Incidentally, Rusela isn't risking any of her armies while Red China is bearing the brunt of the Korean struggle. The casualties on the UN side are relatively low due to the de- fensive campaign being waged and the utl- lization of counteroffensive moves on a hit- and-run basis. This kind of campaigning can go on for a long time. It could happen that the Red Ohinese will be begging for a cease-fire without any conditions very soon, and the UN will then have a free hand to dis- cuss or negotiate whatever it pleases. As time goes on, terms will grow stiffer be- cause the Red Chinese have had their op- portunity to end the bloodshed and have In- sisted on a victor’s terms instead. It is being asked, of course, on many aides: “What will all this accomplish?” The only answer that seems at the moment to be ac- ceptable is that if the Korean episcde does prevent a third world war by impressing the Communists that the free world will fight aggression wherever it arises, the sacrifies made will have been more than worth while. Governor Dewey’s Budgets EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ORD, I include the following statement by Hon, Paul E, Fitzpatrick, Democratic State chairman of New York, which, in my opinion, is most timely in view of the submission by Governor Dewey to the New York State Legislature of the high- on pudzet in the history of New York e: There is no excuse for Governor Dewey's misleading statement regarding the new Federal budget. Mr, Dewey has taken it upon himself to blast the President’s allocations for domestic affairs—~a portion of the national budget which amounts to only 17 cents out of every dollar. It may be, however, that Mr. Dewey in issuing this statement is seeking to divert attention from his own inflated budget. Bince Governor Dewey took office, the budget of this State has more than doubled. Under Governor Dewey, the State’s debt is greater than it was at the end of the depres- sion of the 1980's. This despite the fact that he has been reaping the most tremendous revenues in our State's history. The vast increase in administrative ex- penditures under Governor Dewey can most easily be seen in a department by depart~ ment comparison of Governor Lehman’s last budget with Governor Dewey's 1050 budget. Typical examples are: Department of commerce: from $223,860 to $2,042,402. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Department of audit and control; from $1,116,160 to $3,314,019. Department of civil service: from $561,115 to $1,968,290. Department of conservation: from $8,155,- 095 to $8,355,031. Department of state: from $619,767 to $3,220,335. Department of taxation snd finance: fram $5,955,545 to $13,022,027. About the only economies made by the Re- publican Governor in his last budget were slashes of $6,789,000 in ald to dependent chil- dren and of $1,069,000 in aid to the aged. The soaring expenditures under Governor Dewey are no doubt due in great part to the vast increase in public employees. From January 1948 to last October the number of persons employed by the State has skyrock- eted from 62,216 to 78,120—a 49.6 percent in- crease. This has caused a jump of 188 per- cent in the State payroll, from $7,280,000 a month to $20,000,000. These are but a few examples—enough, however, to indicate where Mr. Dewey should Ciaplay his talents for economizing and sac- rificing. ‘We shall be interested to see what econo- mies and sacrifices will be found in Governor Dewey's forthcoming budget. The Frog Story and Socialism Se ememmaeminaned EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRIS ELLSWORTH OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. ELLSWORTH. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Cottage Grove (Oreg.) Sen- tinel of December 14, 1950: THE Praoo Srory AND SOCIALISM In some parts of the United States there is in circulation a frog story, which illustrates how a new governmental theory which ad- vocates either socialism or communiem can get a foothold in a democracy. It shows how we can embrace the creeping socialism or communism. If a frog is dumped into a pail of scalding water he will immediately jump out or conversely if the frog is dumped into a pall of icy water he will Jump out im- mediately. But if the frog is put into a bucket of tap water and the water is gradu- ally heated or cooled, the frog would remain in the bucket of water until he is cooked or frozen beyond further struggle. Soctatism ts not being fed to us all at once, but slowly like the process of cooking or freezing the frog. The process has been going on now for 10 or 15 years and is com- ing from nowhere but our National Capitol. Playing With Fire EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks, I include a well-considered and timely editorial, Playing With Fire, appearing in the Boston Post of January 28, 1951.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD As a matter of fact, every right we possess under the Constitution can only exist if the United States of America continues to exist. PLAYING WITH Fire Back in September 23, 1949, President 'Tru- man made an announcement which stunned America and rocked the free world. He stated publicly he belleved that the American people to the fullest extent con- sistent with national security should be in- formed of developments in the field of atomic energy. His information was this: “We have evi- dence that within recent weeks an atomio explorion occurred in the U. 8.8. R” The headlines shouted, “Russia has A-bomb.” It was something the American people should know. There was no hysteria or stampede in the United States. Outwardly the citizens of our land, in the traditional way, took the awesome news in stride. But inwardly they began to rearm. The honeymoon was over. No ‘onger was the United States sitting on top of the world with a weapon which could win any war and knock off any would-be conqueror. We had been asked to move over on our preferred seat and make room for our foe, cur greatest and most determined fve. Once more, broadly in the matter of wenpons, Russia was equal with America. Since then there have at times been doubts propounded by certuin thinkers and public orators whether Russia really has the bomb. But the belicf that President Truman knew what he was talking about overrides those quibbles, Let us assume Russia has the bomb as the American people have been informed and ask these questions: Do the American people know the exact date that bomb went off in Russia? Do they know exactly in what part of Russia the test was made? The reason we raise these questions is this: Everyone in the wide world knows today that the first explosion has occurred at the Atomic Energy's new testing grounds in Nevada. Everyone also knows that the detonation occurred last Wednesday night, If anyone doubts that they will have to doubt the word of Governor Russell, of Nevada. He announced tt to the world. Pressed, the public relations man at Lis Vegas, on authority from Washington, con- firmed it. Furthermore, the world was publicly in- formed that the explosion was a “dry run” to test communication and other facilities on the bombing range in Clark County. Now that the American people know that, what do they know? We doubt that President Truman wanted everyone to know about it because he srid he would only give information consistent with national security. We do not know if such information now given out upsets national security, but we cannot see how !t helps. For one thing, there are the Russian spies in America whom we daresay are as busy ferreting out our atom secrets right now a. they were during World War II. \e hardly expect that a Russian spy, 80 engaged, would bother right now checking through Vermont or Illinols. It would seem a matter of common sense, and Russian spies have lots of that, they would be heading for Novada. Unfortunately, they will not be wearing Linck whiskers and Russian caracul caps. They will not be walking into bars demand- ing vodka or roaring the Internationale. They will look like other American citizens because in the guise of American citizens they are working for Russia. As 8 member of the free press we are against censorship, But since the free press can only exist if the United States of America continues to exist, in times of grave national emergency there must be some restraint for Safety's sake. If we have war secrets Russian spies would die to know about, why hand them to them on a platter? This Way It Began EXTENSION OF REMARKS o HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, the gen- tleman from New Jersey [Mr. Roptno] has told today a story that touches the heart of every one of us of the Congress as well as every mother and father throughout the Nation. A 13-year-old girl, Ethel May Ness, of 327 Ch: ut Street, Kearny, N. J., was stricken with polio on September 26, 1950, diagnosed as the dread spinal paralytic type. Practically all hope had been abandoned when she was brought to the Sister Elizabeth Kenny Founda- tion Hospital at Jersey City, N. J. Tonight Mr. Speaker, this young lady graduates with her school class at the Lincoln Junior School of Kearny, N. J., not yet fully recovered but well enough to be brought to her school and to stand up long enough from her wheelchair to receive her diploma from the hands of Dr. John Bosshart, New Jersey’s State Commissioner of Education sent to Kear- ny by the Governor of, New Jersey, Al- fred E. Driscoll, to officially represent him in congratulating this young girl who continued in hospital her studies under the direction of Mrs. Ramm of the Jersey City Fund of Education. The attention of the Nation will be on this young lady tonight when she re- ceives her diploma, Congratulatory let- ters have been sent her by New Jersey’s Govern * Driscoll, Senators Smith and Hendrickson; Congressmen Sieminski and I.art; also from the United States Attorney General J. Howard McGrath, the onorary chairman of the Sister Kenny Foundation and House Minority Leadcr Martin, Our colleague, Mr. Ropino, himself has taken the time to go to Kearney to per- sonally participate in the exercises for Ethel who despite all obstacles con. tinued on with her studies so as to gradu- ate with her class, Mr. Speaker, this story of her faith in God that she would get well and her determination to keep going is a tribute to our children of America and a chal. lenge to all of us in these days of troubles and anxiety that where there is a will there is a way with God’s help. Mr. Speaker, we of Texas, perhaps more than any other State of the Union, have suffered from polio, California and North Carolina too have had epidemic after epidemic, of this dread crippling disease. Our colleague Mr. Priest, from Ten- nessee, introduced a bill in the EHighty- first Congress to provide for Federal re- A499 search into polio and other crippling diseases, This bill was approved by the House Interstate Commerce subcommit- tee but died in the last days of the Eighty-first Congress. I sinoerely hope he reintroduces this bill in the Highty- second Congress. Mr. Speaker, the only bright spot that I have seen are the re- sults of the reports of the Sister Bliza- “th “enny Foundation hospitals and clinics wherein 84 percent of their ad- mitted cases walk out on their own limbs. At this time I would like to compliment the Sister Elizabeth Kenny Foundation, its Mr. Marvin Klein, the executive di- rector; Marvin A. Stevens, M. D., their medical director; Miss Valerie Harvey, chief technician; Rex G. Williams, east- ern regional director; and Thomas J. Duffey, assistant regional director, and all the others who day by day work so that others may walk and live and play. I join with my colleague from New Jersey in his sincere hope that one day every State in the Union will have a Sister Kenny Foundation Hospital, so that the thousands of polio cases yet to come can ke hejped and cured by the method of this great Australian nurse, Sister Elizabeth Kenny. Mr. Speaker, I am going to conclude these re.iarks with the story “This way it began’: THs Way It Broan “Infantile paralysis. No known treatment, Do the best you can with the symptoms pre- senting themselves. “McDONNELL.” Elizabeth Kenny, 23-year-old Australian nurse, looked at the telegram again, then moved away from the lonely pool of light by the telegrapher'’s shack toward the hitching rail where her horse stood in tired patience, The time was 1909; the place, Australia’s Ssolated outland. Elizabeth Kenny had hoped that Dr, McDonnell, her mentor, would be able to help. But the dread term ‘“in- fantile paralysis” even in a cryptic wire message dashed that hope completely. Or should have dashed it completely. But riding back toward sickness in the bush-country hut, Nurse Kenny dwelt not on frustration but upon the terrified mother who waited, upon the child, her patient, given into her hands by the circumstances of isolation. She saw again the 2-year-old tot contorted by pain, her knee drawn up, her heel twisted outward, her arm drawn tightly beside her chest-—-the symptoms, puzzling to Nurse Kenny, which had sent her post haste to the nearest town astride the saddle horse she used to reach outlwng districts. The symptoms which Dr, Me-« Donnell had correctly diagnosed over a teleg- rapher’s thin strand as polio. “Do the best you can with the symptoms presenting themselves.” And now young Hilzabeth Kenny rose up in her stirrups, Galloping through the night, she kept repeating those helpless words in a growing pattern of rebellion and fury. No known treatment? Tell that to a child in agony? But there was no further time for think- ing, the eituation damanded action—and quickly. At the hut she flung herself from her horse and strode into the sick room. Work- ing with desperate haste she tried warm salt in a bag, and then a linseed meal poultice, but twisted pain remained. Then she tore a woolen blanket into strips and wrung them out in bolling water, wrapped the strips around the painful parts. She repeated this process until amazingly, unbelievably, pain stopped. The child slept.
Nurse Kenny went wearily outside and stood close by # giant tree tern, hearing faintly the bark of a dingo, and in the dila- tence a raucous kookaburra. She knew she had won. Perhaps * °* *? During the next fow weeks Sister Kenny treated similarly five more cases of polio in her area, then reported back to Dr. McDonnell. “Do you mean to tell me they recovered?” asked the doctor akeptically. “Without de- tormity?* “Why, yes,” said the young nurse. And she showed him, and the other doctors of Australia, and later the medical men of America too, And today—because a girl nurse in Australia’s bush country refused to bow to orthodox medical dictum—thousands of children, and adults, too, are spared the hideous crippling of a dread disease, This way it began. United We Stand EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, James Patrick McGovern, a former cap- tain in the AEF during the First World War, and a member of Bethesda-Chevy Chase Post, No. 105, of the American Legion, Department of Maryland, has composed a poem which affirms the worth, the honor, and the soul of man- kind, which I now present for publica- tion in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, as follows: Unrren Ws Stanp What love of country and of Government Can plant our flag on far Korean heights When greed and hate and ignorance are blights By which our soldiers’ minds and hearts are spent? If communiam is the tyrant’s lust For power veiled behind a Judaa’ guile. What are those righteous leaders with their Whose god is votes, whose lle “In God We Trust’? Our fathers in their wisdom framed the state With Christian virtues, which they sancti- fed; The Congress, Courts, and President allied Are balances they held inviolate, Never was the need for unity So crucial here, abroad, as freedom’'s name Is desecrated in the blood-guilt flame Of communism's far-flung treachery. James Patrick McGovern, When May A-Bomb Be Used? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NORRIS POULSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. POULSON. Mr. Speaker, this article which I am inserting, taken from the Los Angeles Tidings, the official Catholic of that area, cer- tainly brings to our minds the serious- ness of the use of the A~bomb. I recom- mend its careful and thoughtful reading; WHEN May A-Boms Bz Usen? (By Rev. Robert F, Coerver, C. M., professor of philosophy, St. Johns Seminary) When the Chinese Communists launched their unwarranted and overwhelming as- sault against our troops in Korea, the hue and cry was raised in this country to retaliate with the use of the atom bomb. This demand was heard in both the House and the Senate, from several military leaders, and from many @ Mr. Average Citizen in the street. The possibility of using the atom bomb in re was given impetus in a re- mark from President Truman. However, tn a later interview, President Truman seemed to expreas the sentiments of our national conscience when he sadly shook his head at press reporters and stated: “It is a terrible weapon, It should not be used on innocent women and children who have nothing to do with this military aggros- sion.” Tous President Truman recognized, as we all do, that the use of the atom bomb has certain ethical implications. MORALITY OF WARFARE Before discusaing the ethical aspects of the atom bomb, it might be pertinent to sey a few words about the morality of modern warfare. I do not intend to raise here the question: Can any modern war he morally justified? The overwhelming majority of moral theologians, I am sure, would answer that there can be a justifiable modern war. The church teaches that the rulers of a nation may not declare war against another nation unless (1) they are gure that they are in the right; (2) they have first exhaust- ed all peaceful measures Of bringing about an end of conflict; (8) they have rea- son to believe that the benefits achieved by their victory will not be outbalanced by the evil consequences of the war. I accept the position that modern warfare oan certainly be justified, especially in view of the defense of our spiritual ons and the threat of enslavement by a godless, tyrannical power. Our question deals rather with the moral- ity of a given means (the atom bomb) made use of tn the prosecution of a war which it- self is justified. BOMBING OPERATIONS Bombing operations in modern warfare are divided into two classes, tactical and stra- tegic. Tactical bombing missions are those in which the enemy is directly engaged. For example, bombing troops in the field or ene- my troopships at sea, Strategic bombing missions are those in which the enemy is not directly engaged but which are & part of an overeall atrategy to reduce his military effectiveness prior to di- rect engagement. For example, enemy mu- nitions factories behind the lines. Precision or “pinpoint” bombing is a bombing assault in which the target is a specific, assigned, definite target—such as a factory, shipyard, railroad center. Tactical, strategic, and precision bombing, in a justi- fable war, present no moral problem for they do not differ radically from the uee of long- range artillery fire. They are a necessary concomitant of modern warfare. MAY A-BOMB BE USED? Tne question arises: may an atom bomb be used in tactical precision bombing? The answer seems to be certain that an atom bomb could be used in tactical opsra- tions such as against an enemy fleet at sea or enemy troops in the field. Here we presume that the harm of the bomb and its destructiveness would be lim- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ited to combatants. There seems to be no difficulty as to the use of the atom khomb in this case. May an atom bomb be used in a precision bombing? The answer is twofold. 1. If the target were entirely military or munitions, such as a town or oity which is exclusively dedicated to manufacturing bombs or munitions, with practically no civilian personnel, then the atom bomb could be used. Oak Ridge or Los Alamos might be cited as examples. In this case, atomic bombing could be justified. 2, If the target were a munitions factory in a large city, surrounded by civilian homes and residential areas, the use of the atom bomb would be questionable. If the target were one of supreme importance whose de- atruction was essential to the winning of the war and the atom bomb was thought to be the sure means of dectruction, in this case, it seems that the atom bomb could be mor- ally Justified even though it ts foreseen that thousands of noncombatants might be killed or severely wounded as an indirect result of the bombing. The destruction of such extremely impor- tant objectives would seem to justify the concomitant and indirect deaths of so many civilians, Father Connell, moral theologian of Cath- olio University, gives two examples where such might be the case. (A) The destruction of the building tn which all the war lords of the enemy are gathered. (B) The destruction of the factory where the enemy ts making his own superbambs. Even in these cases there is some hesitancy on the score that precision bombing by high explosives might do just as effective a job without the consequent death of nearby civilians. OBLITERATION BOMBING Tf the target is not of vital importance, then, a fortior!, it is difficult to see how the atom bomb could ever be used in strategic bombings where it is foreseen that many thousands of civilians will die in conse- quence. . However, precision bombing, like modern warfare, has tended to become uncontrolled, Gradually, the targets become less defined, less limited, and whole areas become the targets. This brings us to the important question, the heart of the matter, oblitera- tion bombing. Obiiteration bombing is defined as the bombing of industrial centers of population in which the target to be wiped out is not a Gefinite factory, bridge, or munitions plant, but a large area of a whole city, comprising one-third to two-thirds of its whole built- up area, and inoluding by design the reai- Gential districts of workingmen and their families. This type of bombing oocurred during the last war and is likely to occur in this next war. For these compelling reasons, the fol- lowing discussion of its morality is neces- sary. Some proponents of modern, total war have attempted to justify obliteration bombing on the score that in the changed conditions of modern warfare, there ia no longer a dividing line between combatants and noncombat- anta, soldiers and civilians. According to their logic, in total war all citizens ere mobilised. Men not actually in the army are munitions and defense workers, war-bond purchasers, and contribute to the war effort. Women are drafted as plant workers, and even children are classed a5 war potential. NATORAL LAW Since all citizens are mobilised, then ft follows that all citizens of a modern warring nation are subject to bombing. Therefore, obliteration bombing is lawful.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It seems to our way of thinking (and also in the practically unanimous opinion of theologians) that such an opinion is unten- able. We shall refute these claims in the follow- ing discussion of two questions: 1. Do the majority of civilians in a modern nation at war enjoy a natural-law right of immunity from obliteration bombing? 2. Does obliteration bombing necessarily involve a violation of the rights of innocent civilians? In answer to the first question, it is fun- damental in the Catholic view that to take the life of en innocent person is always in- trinsically evil, that 1s, forbidden by the natural law. Catholic theologians have never aban- doned the distinction between innocent and guilty—they still maintain that it is intrin- sically wrong to kill directly the innocent civilians of the enemy country. This principle was recognized by President Truman when he said: “The atom bomb should not be used on innocent women and children who have nothing to do with mili- tary aggression.” Pope Pius XII spoke recently in behalf of innocent civilians when he said. “These weapons (atomic) hit not only armies but often wipe out private citizens, children, women, the sick, and holy institutions.” Actually, then, who are noncombatants in ® modern war, and do they constitute a majority of a nation? Noncombatants would be all men, women, and children who are not engaged in the im- Mediate and proximate prosecution of war work. Even in wartime, there are hundreds of occupations which are not directly connected with the war effort. Taking the United States as an example, the present population is estimated to be around 150,600,000. If we went to war, the top number of men in the Armed Forces would be from 10 to 12 million. If /e would allow another 40,000,000 for those individuals who are employed in munitions and defense works, that would leave a total of 100,000,000 or two-thirds of the population, none of whom would be giving in any sense imme- diate cooperation to the armed prosecution of the war. These figures would be validated by the estimates of the War Manpower Com- mission made during the last war. Thus, two-thirds of the population can- not be considered combatants, or guilty of aggression, or deserving of violent repression. Do the majority of civilians in a modern nation at war enjoy a natural-law right of immunity from obliteration bombing? The answer is an emphatic affirmative. Now, let us proceed to the question whether obliteration bombing violates the rights of innocent noncombatants? TERROR OF WAR One of the principal motives of oblitera- tion bombing, as expressed by military men during the last war, was the terror, devasta- tion, and demoralization carried to the core of the warring nation. It seems impossible to make civilian ter- rorization, or the undermining of civillan morale, an object of bombing without hav~ ing a direct intention to injure and Kill civilians, The principal cause of civilian terror is the danger to life and limb which accom- panies the bombing raids. If one intends the end, terror, one cannot escape intend- ing the means of obtaining the end, namely the {njury and death of civilians. Obliteration bombing includes, then, the direct intention to kill innocent noncombat- ants and ag such it cannot be justified. The indiscriminate bombing of civilian cities carried out in the last war and ene visioned in the next war, is immoral. True, such bombings are often cloaked un- der the guise of military necessity, but mill- tary necessity can become a mere catchword and an excuse for every sort of excess, “HEY DID IT FIRST” The argument ts advanced that “they did it first, therefore, we can do the same thing to them.” The answer to this objection is simply that two wrongs do not make a right. This is elementary morality, And if we aban- don morality in war, then we must aban- don it in peace, since morality 1s not some- thing to be put on and off like a cloak, at one convenience. Another argument is that obliteration bombing will hasten the day of defeat and bring about quick victory. The answer to this objection is the cardinal principle of morality: The end does not justify the means, If this principle is abandoned, then all morality is abandoned and anything can be justified, The final question that might arise ts this one: Suppose Soviet Russia should atom bomb our civilian cities, what recourse would we have against them? The answer is that we could retaliate with all the forces at our disposal, including the atom bomb, but within the Hmits already Bigegested. Ot course, this last question is an academic question at best, since it is difficult to con- ceive of our military leaders thumbing through manuals of moral theology and in- ternational law before dropping bombs in retaliation, This is not to say that our military leaders do not have moral consciences; it only as- serts that they are not sufficiently acquainted with the niceties of distinction to give the matter weighty consideration. The conclusions of this article can be briefly stated. First, modern warfare can certainly be justified. Second, the atom bomb can be used in both tactical and stra- tegic precision bombing missions under the conditions stated, namely, as long as there is a proportionately grave cause. Third, ob- literation bombing is an immoral attack on the lives of innocents. The atom bomb, therefore, may not be used in obliteration bombing. These opinions would seem to be justified from the voice of the Popes, the opinions of theologians, and the Christian laws of jus- tice and charity. One Public Official With Courage EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NORRIS POULSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31,1951 Mr. POULSON, Mr. Speaker, Iam in- serting a letter written by an irate tenant to a member of the Los Angeles city council, and the latter’s reply. We in public office receive many letters similar to Mr. Rinehart’s, but very few of us have the nerve to answer the way we would like to, as Councilman Don Allen has done in his letter, Los AncELes, CaLir., January 22, 1951. My Deas Mr. Auten: I am coming to you for assistance. You seemed so eager to re- move rent control that I feel you might be as anxious to help people find new places to live, Perhaps you would have a vacancy in some of the apartments you apparently own. I am a Federal employee and my salary is fixed by Congress, and I am still in the low salary brackets. Too, I do not make 8600 A501 per month from the people for misrepre- sentation. The apartment I live in is a small single apartment, It’s rent was @35 a month. It is really worth 838.50 but I told the landlady I would pay @40 per month. However, she raised the rent to 45 which I cannot afford to pay. Bhe also adds 85 per months for television use. Too, she did not give a full 30-day notice as I believe the law required. Those notices were dated December 21, 1950, but post- marked December 27 and received December 28, 1950. And so we have had to pay the increase early. I called the rent-control office for information but was advised that the Office had been closed. What protection do you offer? Iam a war veteran of World War II and might possibly be called again. But are we going to be fighting for the right of people like you—to deprive ys of a decent place to live at a decent price? Yes, I've beon looking for a place to live but without success. I saw one place rent- ing for 30 per month about which I con. sidered calling the health department as be- ing unfit for human habitation, but con- sidering the vile state of our city govern- ment, I considered it would be a waste of time. I aia glad to see that elections are coming up soon anc we will have the opportunity of eypressing our disapproval of the action of you and other councilmen who rallroaded the removal of rent control. This is not an accusation because I haven't any proof, but there is a grave suspicion that you and other councilmen did benefit in acme financial manner for rent removal, How much was 1t? Disrespectfully yours, Paut E, RINEHART. Crry CoUNCIL OF THE Crry or Los ANGELES, City Hall, January 23, 1952, Mr. PauL E. R&NEHART, Los Angeles, Calif. Dear Sir: Your recent letter of January 22, 1951, wherein you state you are coming to me for assistance, and then you start off by say- ing I was so eager to remove rent controls that I would be anxious to help people find Places to live in. I have been anxious to help people find places and have been successful in doing so, but for people who are decent and worthy of such help. Further, you say you are a Federal em- ployee, and your salary is fixed by Congress in the low brackets. Then you make a erack to the effect that you do not make 8600 a month off of the people by misrepresenta- tion. If you are a Federal employee—and I do mean if you are—your salary has been in- creased since 1940 by more than 25 percent or 30 percent or even 60 percent, I also note that your landlady has added $5 a month for television use. Now ian’t that just too darn bad, I know property owners who cannot even afford a television set and many who cannot even afford a small porta« ble radio. You ask what protection do I offer. What are you looking for—something on a silver platter? I also am a war veteran and a father of a World War II veteran who has just been called back into service. So what? Who is fighting for what—the right of who to de- prive who of a decent place to Iive at a decent price? I am glad that you note elections are cOm- ing up soon. ‘Yes; each one has s right of expressing disapproval of actions, but you might consider your remarks to be of the criminal Mbelous nature when you say the councilmen rallroaded the removal of rent controls. This matter was under considera- tion by the council for some 16 months before we took the action,
A502 Then you wind up by saying that there is & grave suspicion that I and the other coun- ellmen did benefit by the rent removal and you ask me how much was it—but still you ask me for assistance. Por your information, I am sending a copy of this letter to the United States Senator, the Honorable Wruutam F. Know.anp, and Congressman Norris Poutson. If we tax- payers and citizens have to have such an impertinent misfit sitting at the public trough, I am going to see if some action can- not be taken to remedy the situation. I certainly will begrudge every bit of the in- come tax I need to pay to the Federal Gov- ernment for helping to support an individual like you. Your attitude ts a sertous reflec- tion upon the decent, fact-minded, and hardworking Federal employees with whom I am acquainted. Sincerely yours, Don A. ALLEN, Councilman, Seventh District. All-American Canal Project EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN PHILLIPS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. PHILLIPS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following Senate Joint Resolution 6 of the California State Legislature: Senate JoInr RESOLUTION 6, RELATING TO THER ALL-AMERICAN CaNaL PROJECT Wherees the Boulder Canyon Project Act of December 21, 1028 (45 Stat. 1057) author- ized the construction of the All-American Canal and made provision for Imperial irri- gation district, a political subdivision of the State of California, to assume the care, op- eration, and maintenance of said canal upon the completion thereof; and Whereas said act also granted the right to said district to utilize the power possibilities on said canal, the net proceeds therefrom to be applied against the district's obliga- tion to repay to the Federal Government the construction cost of said canal; and Whereas pursuant to the provisions of said act, before any moneys were expended by the Federal Government on or for the construc- tion of said canal, Imperial irrigation district entered into a contract with said Govern- ment under date of December 1, 1932, by the terms of which said district was granted the right and required to assume the care, op- eration, and maintenance of said canal upon the completion thereof and alao the right to develop the power possibilities thereon; and ‘Whereas the main All-American Canal has been completed and has been in operation for a number of years and the Secretary of the Interior has tranaferred the care, operation, and maintenance to Imperial irrigation dis- trict of all of said main canal except the upper section thereof, being that section from and including the diversion works on the Colorado River at Imperial Dam down to and including the Pilot Knob check and Pilot Knob wasteway; and Whereas Imperial irrigation district has proceeded to develop the power possibilities on the section of the All-American Canal which it is operating and in connection therewith has acquired and is operating a complete power system serving the needs of all consumers of electric power in Imperial County and in Coachella Valley, Riverside County, Calif., served with water by tho said canal but to date said district has been pre- vented by certain Federal departments from developing the power possibilities at the Pilot Knob site on said canal, which is the most important and valuable power site to said district on said canal; and Whereas over the past years, Imperial irrigation district has requested the Secre- tary of the Interior to keep faith with the provisions of the Boulder Canyon Project Act and the district's contract of December 1, 1982, and turn over the care, operation, and maintenance of the upper section of said canal to said district and grant permission for said district to develop the Pilot Knob power site (without expense to the United States); and Whereas the water treaty between the United States and Mexico dated February 3, 1944, grants to Mexico the right to receive a portion of its water by means of the All- American Canal and Pilot Knob wasteway, auch water to be carried from the point where the latter empties into the old Alamo Canal to the delivery point on the international boundary; and Wherens the amount of such water to be so delivered to Mexico is but a relatively small proportion of the total annual flow of the All-American Canal and need not interfere with the district’s operation of the canal nor the development of power at the Pilot Knob site; and Whereas the United States does not have the right to the use of any of the capacity of the All-Anrerican Canal for such supplying of water to Mexico but Imperial irrigation district does have surplus capacity in said canal down to Pilot Enob which it proposes to use in connection with the development of power at that point; and Whereas to remove any question as to possible conflict between sald treaty and sald district's contract, and also in a spirit of cooperation, said district has, by a pro- posal submitted to the Secretary of State in December 1947 offered to make avallable without cost to elther the Federal Govern- ment or the Mexican Govérnment capacity in the All-American Cana] down to the end of the Pilot Knob wasteway and to transport to that point the water necessary to fulfill the requirements of said treaty under rules and regulations therefor to be promulgated by the Federal Government: Provided, That the upper section of said canal is turned over to said district and it is permitted to develop the Pilot Knob power site, as provided for in said district’s contract of December 1, 1982; and Whereas after concurrence by the Doepart- ment of the Interior and the Department of Justice, the Secretary of Btate accepted said district’s proposal in principle, subject to & clarification of wording, and did so notify said district by letter dated August 4, 1048; ani Whereas for reasons unknown to thie legis- lature, despite such acceptance the Secre- tary of State has recently turned the nratter over to the Secretary of the Interior to decide who shall operate the upper section of the All-American Oanal and the latter has an- nounced that the Bureau of Reclamation will handle such operation, without giving any valid reasons why and in total disregard of the Boulder Canyon Project Act and the dis- trict’s contract of December 1, 1932; and Whereas Imperial Irrigation District has already suffered large financial loeses caused by the Federal Government's refusal to per- mit said district to develop the Pilot Knob site and the Nation has lost hundreds of thousands of barrele of fuel oil used to gen- erate power which otherwise would have been supplied by the Pilot Knob plant had the district been permitted to bulld it, which situation should be remedied without fur- ther delay; and Whereas this legislature believes that the Federal Government should take every rea- sonable means to observe and keep faith with the contracts {t makes with its people APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and that this principle is particularly im- portant at this time of world crisis when our form of government {s on trial before the world; and Whereas this jegislature believes in the principle of local control of public works to the greatest extent practicable, subject only to such reasonable rules and regulations by the Federal Government as may be neces- sary to protect the Government's investment in such works: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and Assembly of the State of Caltfornia (jointly), That the Seeretary of the Interior and the Secretary of State of the United States be memorial- ized to uphold the principles of our form of government in its dealings with Imperial Irrigation Distriot under the terms of the Boulder Canyon Project Act, the contract with sald district of December 1, 1933, and the treaty with Mexico dated February 3, 1944; and be it further Resolved, That said two secretaries be memorialized to proceed under the prin- ctples of the proposal made to the Secre- tary of State by Impertal Irrigation District tn December 1947, tn accordance with the acceptance thereof by sald secretary as stated in letter of August 4, 1048, to said district, to the end that said district be permitted, without further delay, to assume the care, operation, and maintenance of all of the main All-American Canal and to proceed with the development of the power site at Pulot Knob; and be it further Resolved, That the attorney general of California, the State engineer, and all other Officers of the State of California be and they are hereby directed to use all means within their power to carry out the objec- tives of this resolution and to assist Im- perial Irrigation District in accordance therewith; and be it further Resolved, That the secretary of the sen- ate be directed to transmit copies of this resolution to the President of the United States, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Interior, the Attorney General of the United States, the Commisstoner of the Bur- eau of Reclamation and to each Senator and Representative from California in the Con- gress of the United States, The Dinosaur Dam Sites Are Not Needed —e EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEROY JOHNSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include herewith an article from a magazine en- titled “The Living Wilderness,” which was written by U. S. Grant 3d, the Presi- dent of the American Planning and Civic Association. This article concerns the preservation of some very unique geog- raphy, which has been set aside under the Antiquities Act as the Dinosaur Na- tional Monument. I commend it to my colleagues in the House, especially those who are anxious to preserve for posterity one of the most unique pieces of land in the world. The article follows: Tux Drvosavn Dam Srres Ane Nor Nzerorp (By U. 3. Grant 3d, President, American Planning and Civic Assoctation) The Trojan horse in our national park sys- tem, mode! 1950, fa now driven by electricity supplied from water power impounded be- hind great dams. -
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In most cases such dams are doubtless eco- nomically justified, and their construction may be expected to prove beneficial; but in some cases the dam bullders have a prefer- ence for @ location where they would destroy other existing and irreplaceable values that are the heritage of the American people. Such a case confronts us now as we face the threat to our national park system posed by the Echo Park and Split Mountain projects in the Dinosaur National Monument. Like the cynics of half a century ago, these dam-bullders know the price of everything but the value of nothing. When the fancy strikes them they must have their way. Then they trot in their Trojan horse, secret- ly pass through the wall established by Jaw to protect the natural wonders and play places of the American people, and by an intensive campaign of propaganda "sell” the local in- habitants and their leaders the project The final step is then to persuade Congress by a well-organized pressure group: that it is nec- essary pro bono publico to legitimize the violation of the law in a particular case and authorize an exception to a policy explicitly stated in a law adopted after years of con- sideration to protect our heritage. Of late years, with the popular recogni- tion of the need of our alr regions for more water and of the benefits of cheap power to their communities, the frequency with which such projects are espoused and fought for has become alarming. The proposal to include in the upper Colorado basin program the two dams and reservoirs proposed in Dinosaur National Monument has thus had its precursors, but none has been s0 serious as this one which has already been embodied in three bills in the Eighty-first Congress— H.R 8980 and 9014 and 8. 3839—and will be further pressed in the next Congress. Most of those who are pressing the inclusion of these two projects are persuaded—honestly, of course-—of four wholly erroneous claims, alleged by the dam salesmen who have done their job only too well: (1) That the crying need of northeastern Utah and the Bonne- ville Basin for more water cannot be met without the Echo Park and Split Mountain Reservoirs: (2) that without these two res- ervoirs the amount of water for the lower Colorado River Basin, stipulated in the inter- State agreement, will not be forthcoming; (3) that without them there will be less water impounded and less power produced; and, finally, (4) that the cost of the entire upper Colorado River program will be sub- stantially increased if these two dams are eliminated and others substituted for them. All four of these claims are disproved by the reports of the Bureau of Reclamation itself, although the Bureau for reasons not evident has continued to press for the inclu- sion of these two projects in the program and has apparently persuaded the Secretary of the Interior to approve its recommenda- tions. The construction of these two dams will destroy the character of a unique national monument having special scenic, geological, archaeological, and recreational values, If the American people wish to preserve this God-made wonder for the inspiration and enjoyment of themselves and future generations, they must act now. Immediate popular support of the oppo- nents of the projects is needed to prevent authorizing legislation. Such support can be given with the knowl- edge that dam sites exist in other places in the upper Colorado system which will give equivalent or better results at no substan- tial increase of cost and, probably. as far as conditions are now known, at less cost. By prohibiting any water power develop- ments in our national parks and monu- ments, the 1921 and 1935 amendments to the Federal Power Act, adopted after full discussion and debate lasting over 15 years, established a well-considered policy of the Government to protect the interests and heritage of all the people of our country— and the enjoyment of the citizens of other nations who come here to see and appre- clate the wonders nature has given us— against just such attempts as are now being raace for the temporary benefit of relatively ‘ew. Such an established policy-—and I em- phasize it is to protect not only the rights and interests of our generation, but also the inheritance we should pass on to future generations—such a policy should never be violated just to make easier or 8 few doHars cheaper the storage of water and the produc- tion of power for the benefit of a Mmited urea. When the needed benefits can be ob- tained at alternative altes, and more eco- nomically at these sites, the violation of ae national park system should be unthink- able. The natural features of Dinosaur National Monument are many and unique. If the proposed dams are built, the unique char- acter of the river and canyon will be changed; thelr special value will have been destroyed forever for the particular kind of recrentiou and inspiration they in their natural state can give. Let no one say that the dams and reservoirs and power plants will afford better and more recreational fa- cilities. Such facilities as they will afford will be different, of a kind encountered on all the hundreds of other reservoirs pro- posed by the Bureau of Reclamation and by other agencies, and they will exist equally whether these two reservoirs are built or their equivalents are located elsewhere. Our industrial civilization is creating an evor g cater need for the average man, woman, and child, to reestablish contact with nature, to be inspired by and appre~ ciate the wonders of nature, and to be di- verted from the whirling wheels of machin- ery and of chance. There is an ever-growing craving to be eased of the anxious tension of the factory and the city. Moreover, our population is growing rapidly. The national parks and monuments now developed are already overcrowded. with more than 30,- 000,000 visitors reported last year. More must be developed for the teeming genera- tions to come. It would be a crime to de- stroy this unique value which we have !n- herited, and cut off our heirs with a shilling—a few acre-feet of water and a few kilowatt-hours which, it must be empha- sized, can be provided elsewhere. The preservation of this monument of nature’s grandeur, with its prehistoric record, will in no way disregard the needs of the people in the Colorado watershed and the Bonnevi"'e Busin, for their needs can be met by reservoirs outside the national park, with- out the Echo Park and Split Mountain Dams. The notion that the central Utah require~ ments are to be provided and can only be met by the Echo Park Dam is entirely erroneous; actually, the Bureau of Reclama- tion’s program itself calls for these needs to be met by a diversion from Flaming Gorge Reservoir outside the monument. Equally mistaken is the notion that the 29,000,000 acre-feet of storage, needed to provide the average annual flow of 7,500,000 acre-feet at Lee Ferry, as required by the interstate contract, cannot be got without this storage in the monument. The fact is that the capacity now proposed for the Glen Canyon Reservoir alone is estimated at 26,- 000,000 acre-feet. Turning to financial estimates, we note that the Bureau of Reclamation reports in« dicate a benefit-to-cost ratio of 1.73 to 1 for power alone; and for combined benefits a ratio of 189 to 1. Evidently, where there are sO many possible dam sites to choose from, to save the irreplaceable values of the Dinosaur National Monument, we can well afford the selection of a slightly less profit- able location for the additiona) storage re- quired without substantial reduction tn the economic justification for the Colorado A503 River project as a whole. This is manifest from the fact that the present project utilizes only 10 dam sites out of some 81 possible dam sites indicated in the Colorado River report of 1947. (The Colorado River: A Natural Menace Becomes a National Re- source; Interim Report on the Status of In- vestigations, etc., United Btates Department of the Interior, etc., H. Doc. 419, 80th Cong., lst sess.), While, of course, many of these 81 possible sites will prove impracticable on further examination and local survey, it is evident there are plenty of substitutes from which to choose, Evidently many red herrings have got into the upper Colorado. Although the selection of substitutes will have to be made by the Bureau of Reclame- tion and any outsider must approach the problem with much diffidence, suggested aubstitutions are, nevertheless, here proposed to show that there is an adequate solution for doing without the Echo Park and Split Mountain Reservoirs, based on information and data contained in the Bureau of Recla- mation’s own reports. In brief, what is here suggested is: (1) Construct tn the initial stage of the Colorado River project two dams now planned for @ later stage—Gray Canyon and Cross Moun- tain—and thus omit the Echo Park Dam from the initial stage, and (2) plan for a substitution of three dams-—Desolation, Bluff, and New Moab—for the Echo Park and Split Mountain combination contemplated for construction in the national monument during the second stage. The advantages and costs af these alternative proposals are carefully considered in the following dis- cussion: Five reservoirs are now recommended by the Bureau of Reclamation for immediate construction “in the initial stage of the Colorado River storage project.” Four of these are the Flaming Gorge, on the Green River above the Dinosaur National Monu- ment, to provide for the diversion of water to Utah; the Curecanti Reservoir, on the Gunnison River; the Martinez, on the San Juan River; and the Glen Canyon Reservoir, on the Colorado River just above Lee Ferry. The fifth now praposed fs the Echo Park Reservoir, which would be created by a dam across the Green River just below the junc- tion of the Yampa and the Green, in Dino- saur National Monument. The Echo Park Reservoir would flood the canyons of both the Green and the Yampa, The results will not be harmfully affected if the Echo Park Reservoir is omitted and the Gray Canyon and Cross Mountain Reser- voirs are in its place incorporated in “the initial stage of the Colorado River storage project.” They are now included in the sec- ond stage of the project, to which the Echo Park Dam would be postponed. The Echo Park Reservoir is estimated to provide for 6,400,000 acre-feet of gross water storage and 1,200,000,C00 kilowatt-hours of power per year—annual firm power, which is expected later to be reduced to 666,000,000 Kilowatt-hours. Taste 1,—Reclamation Bureau proposal and suggested alternative in initial stage of Colorado project Estimated approxi- mate cost Gross storage of water Asnual firm Reservoir project power Ktlowatt- Acre-feet hours Gray Canyon... 2, 600, OVO}, 014, 000, 00/6178, 400, 000 Cross Mountain... .| 5, 200, 000) 335, 000, 000] 49, 100, 000 7, 200, 0001, 853, 000, 000] 227, 700, 000 6, 400, 00/1, 200, 600, 000} 139, 400, 000 faoaaminnanatd on | 1800, 000} 183, 000, 000 Total.... - Echo Pork.......-
AbO4 The Gray Canyon and Cross Mountain Res- ervoirs are similarly estimated to provide for 2,000,000 and 6,200,000 acre-feet of storage, respectively, and 1,018,000,000 and 386,000,000 kilowatt-hours of power per year, respective- ly—or a total together of 7,300,000 sore-feet of storage and 1,358,000,000 kilowatt-hours of power, an increase of 600,000 acre-feet of storage and 158,000,000 kilowatt-hours of power per year above the estimates for the Echo Park Reservoir. (Se¢ table 1.) It is evident from this comparison that the substitution of the Gray Canyon and Cross Mountain projecte, outside the monu- ment, for the Echo Park proposal that would destroy the monument, will give even greater capacity in both storage and power during the initial stage of the project. The additional cost of this substitution in the project's initial stage—as is shown In the following paragraphe—will be compensated for in the later stage of the project by the savings in costs and the added returns in power and storage from the substitutions of other dams outside the monument. And it js to be remembered that the Gray Canyon and Cress Mountain Dams are to be bullt anyhow-——later if not in the initial stage, In the long run their construction as here sug- gested would thus tnvolve no additional ex- penditures at all. The second phase, or stage, of the Colo- rado River storage project, has also been planned to include a dam in the Dinosaur National Monument. This is the Split Mountain Dam which would create a reser- volr In Split Mountain Gorge and Whirlpool Canyon, @ reservotr that is to be so used in conjunction with the Echo Park Reservoir as to make the two dams eventually into what might be called twin projects. As the project enters the second phase, the power production of the Echo Park in- stallation, it is expected, would reduce to €€6,000,000 kilowatt-hours per year, while the Split Mountain would provide for 720,000,000 kilowatt-hours—a total of 1,886,000,000. The Echo Park and Split Mountain Reservoirs would store 6400,000 and 835,000 acre-feet of water, respectively, a total of 6,735,000 acre- feet. These two dams are now estimated to Cost, reapectively, $139,400,000 and #67,000- CO)—a total for the two together of 9206,- 400,020. The data of the Bureau of Reclamation show that for these two dams that would 80 seriously damage the national park sys- tem there could be substituted in the second stage, three alternatives—Bluf, on the San Jusa River; New Moab, on the Colorado; and Doeclation, on the Green, immediately above the Gray Canyon Reservoir—so close, in fact, that the data for these two proposed projects in their present state include some over- lapping. The Desolation Dam is estimated by the Bureau of Reclamation to provide for 900,000 acre-feat of water storage and 483,000,000 kilowatt-hours of power per year; its con- struction cost is estimated at $33,000,000. The Bluff and New Moab Reservoirs would, respectively, provide for 3,000,000 and 3,966,- 000 acre-feet of storage, produce 289,000,000 and 845,000,000 kilowatt-hours of power per year, and cost $19,000,000 and $95,000,000. Thus this combination of alternatives would provide for 7,865,000 acre-feet of storage and produce annually 1,567,000,000 kilowatt. hours, at an estimated construction cost of 147,000,000. These three substitutes—Desolation, New Moab, and Bluff—would thus provide for 1,130,000 more acre-feet storage of water and 181,000,000 more kilowatt-hours of power per year than would the Echo Park and Split Mountain Reservoirs combined. And the turee substitutes would together cost an cZumeated 859,400,000 tess than the two dams now proposed by the Bureau of Reclamation for construction within the national monu- ment, These com of storage and power= production potentials and costa are marized in table 2. Tastz 2.—Reclamation Bureau proposal and suggested alternative in second phase of Colorado project Reservoir project RECLAMATION — some overlapping with Gray Canyon; seo xt, The saving thus shown in estimated costs, and the increased storage and power to be obtained, if compared with the expected results from alternative proposals for the initial stage, would seem to indicate a net increase in costs of $28,000,000 that is, $88,~ 300,000 minus $60,400,000), together with a 1,980,000 acre-feet increase in storage and & 831,000,000 kilowatt-hours increase in power. However, such a comparizon would ignore the fact that the Bureau of Reclama- tion proposes to build the Gray Camyon and Cross Mountain projects anyhow—in the later stage even if they are not built as alterna- tives to the Echo Park project. This means that their added costs during the imitial stage would simply involve an earlier expenditure of someé $88,300,000, rather than an increased one. The fact is that the total alternative program here proposed would result ulti- mately—not only in preservation of the monument—but in an economy in expendi- tures and a greater return in power produc- tion and water storage. If we can project ourselves into the future, then, we can make the total comparison shown in table 3 between the Bureau's pro- gram and this one alternative possibility wo have suggested. When probable costa are compared, the ground is less firm, of course, than when we are dealing with storage and power-poten- tial estimates. Such cost estimates as exist were made in different years, which means that they are based on different construc- tion-cost levels. In any case, such estimates are not very reliable until after extended in- vestigations of sites, foundations, character of rock, and soil, etc. Nevertheless, such esti- mates as do exist regarding costs very defi- nitely favor these proposed substitutes rather than the objectionable Echo Park and Split Mountain projects. Evaporation and silting will be somewhat higher for the alternatives; but the increased storage possible should campensate for the former. The soil conservation work now going on in the Upper Colorado watershed will reduce the silting appreciably while these dams are being built and filled. Moreover, the Moab Dam will reduce the amount of silt reaching Gien Canyon, s0 that the over-all reduction of storage by silting wil! not be appreciably increased. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Tastx 8.—Summary of Reclamation Bureau proposals affecting monument and sug- gested alternatives 67, 000, 000 oon} 178, 600, 00 ALTERNATE POW} SURILITY Built first. Grey Canyon. termates......_.. Savings from al- ‘During the Initial u stage Re Echo Park's annual firm power fa wil moc toe il Mlowatt: hours, but to 8, 000 the later stage haa reached. The present a wee makes comparison Heceeiaren ji aaetndtag some overlapping with Gray Canyon; see ud In spite of such compensation, the propos nenta of the Mcho Park and Split Mountain Dams make much of their claim that using the alternate sites would involve evapora~ tion losses which would be 350,000 acre-feet a yoor larger than at the reservoirs they want, ' Hard as it is to believe, to avoid this some‘ what vaguely determinable evaporation loss (which can be compensated for in any case), they are asking the Federal Government to violate an area of the national park sys~ tem and sacrifice the possible advantages a the alternates here proposed. Moreover, there is a very real doubt as to whether excess water enough will be avall- abie in the upper Colorado River Basin to fill all the reservoirs proposed after meeting the year-to-year local requirements. This ig an additional and conclusive reason for posts poning construction of the two dams in the Dinosaur National Monument until it is shown that they are needed and can be ef- fectively operated. There are, of course, other alternatives than those here considered—and other com- binations of alternatives. The important fact to demonstrate and emphasize is that it is not necessary to invade the national park system in order to realize the objectives of the Colorado River storage project. Even if alternatives would cost much more than reservoirs within Dinosaur National Monu- ment the alternatives should be chosen rather than destroy the unique irrepleceabie wilderness resources of the monument. When actually, it is seen that such aiterna- tives can be constructed at less cost, consid- ering the added storage and power gained, there should be no tolerance for a moment of the failure of the Bureau of Reclamation to proceed with plans for these alternatives. The hard fact is that the Bureau of Recla- mation—despite the laws safeguarding the national park system from such dams—has already made site surveys in the national monument and has done other preparatory work (including propaganda) to such an ex-