APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Gen. Carlos Romato Cael EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM BERTON oF Comwucricrr IN THE SENATE OF THE UNTTED STATES Monday, February 19 Clegisiative day of Monday, Janwary 29), 195% Mr. BENTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the A of the Racorp two edito- rials dealing with the activities in the United Nations of my friend, Gen. Carlos Romulo, Foreign Minister of the Philip- pines. One is from the New York Times of February 2, the other from the New York World-Telegram of February 3. I do not disparage the Times editorial when I say I prefer the heading used by the World-Telegram, “Romulo, the Scrapper.” Mr. President, it was my privilege, as chairman of the United States delega- tion at the United Nations Conference on Freedom of Information, in Geneva, Swtzerland, in the spring of 1948, to support General Romuto's candidacy for election as president of that Conference. There I saw at first-hand his skill and courage in the conduct of the Confer- ence. He is not only a great orator; he ts one of the most able diplomats on the international scene. Again and again he has proved his faith in freedom and his willingness to fight for ft. He is, of course, known to many Members of the Congress, and I am sure they will join me in congratulating him on these editorials, whieh record another brave fight well fought. There being no objection, the editorials were ordered to be printed im the Recorp, as follows: {From the New York Times of February 3, 1961) AGGRESSION ON THE Racone The General Assembly of the United Na- tions has now acted to put the aggresston of the Chinese Communists in Korea for- mally on the record. Thts seems to us to have been the only possible course if the Untted Nations valued fts strvival. There have been strong misgivings in some quarters and equelly strong resotution tn others. The contrast is brought out, typically, in the comments of the Indian and Phitippine dele- gates in the Assembly, For Indta, Str Bene- gat Rau stated: “We should Iie to have tt on the record that wher the wortd was marching—that ts, In our view-——-toward dfsaster, we, most of the Asian Powers, did all we coukd to hart the march. * * * J only hope the mem- bers wit! carefully what tire will be if the (Asian-Arab) draft resolution is defented: no early cepse-fre; every prob- lem in the Far Exst unsolved; the atmos- phere for succesaful negotiation vittated; thre tenstors In the Par Hast perpetuated.” A reply to that statement wes made by General Romulo for the Philtppines, Priore were, By fnyplication, committed to the dis. astrows course of war. * * ° We shall vote in favor of this resofution, as we did tm not the demtal, of right principles.” General Ronmnuto’s position ia surely the stronger, sounder and more courageous one. It is more in keeping with the whole char- acter of the United Nations and its essential purposes. There has been grave amtiety as to what the United Nations woukt or could do next, Some of that anxiety is misplaced. The real question ts what the Chimese Communists propose to do next. They have been cor- rectly named as aggressors by 44 members of the organization that they are determined to join. They can purge themselves of thetr guilt if they wish to do so. The choice that they make will speak more loudly than any of their rhetoric about their true aims and thelr basic character. The world will watch that choice with rightful concern. But the free world, meanwhile, has not stultified it- self by confusion as to where aggression lay and as to what nations were obliged to act to rectify the wrong that has been done. [From the New York World-Telegram of Febsuary 3, 1961] RoMULO, THE SCRAPPER In the months-old fight to keep the Chi- nese Red outtaws im proper perspective be- fore the United Nations, Gen. Carlos Romulo has been one of the most consistent and valiant warriors againet appeasement. As chief UM delegate and Foreign Secre- tary of the Philippines, s free and incdepend- ent country, he hag always stood ready to take om all comers who insist that they and they alone, are the spokesmen for the Asiatic people. Last December when Red China’s vituper- ative Wu smarled Bis accusations against the United Statea before a timorous UN, it was General Romuto who made the most telling counterattack. Point by point he answered Wu's charges that Amertean capitalism was trying to dominate Asia, And for a capper he devastated Wu's pretenses that the Chinese Red was speaking for the people of the Orient. After Wu went home, Sir Benegal Rau of India took the lead in the appeasement bloc, He, too, assumed to be the voice of Asia. But fortunately, General Romulo was always there to challenge that. When the UN voted to negotiate with the Chinese Reds on Korea, it was General Romulo who delivered the most stinging in- dictment of the sell-out—at a time when the United States delegation went along with the appeasement crowd. Last Thursday the UN finally approved & watered-down resclution naming the Chinese Reds as aggressors—over the pious protest of India’s delegate who said: “We should Mie to have it on the record that when the world was marching—that ts, in our view—toward disaster, we, most of the Asian powers, Gif aft we could to halt the march.” Once more, General Romulo leaped to the challenge. "We, cannot,” he sald, “allow to pass un- answered the invidious claim af any delega- tion that it alone, together with those that shared ita views, was dedicated to tha cause A877 words he sald the other night when ke was awarded = degree at Boston University. tdon. “If this faith in America ts lost, the dol- jar camnot redeem it and the atom bomb cannot restore it.” Funeral Sermon for the Late Soha B. Sullivan EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. FRANK M. KARSTEN OF MISBROURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wonday, February 19, 1951 Mr. KARSTEN of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted me to ex- tend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I in- clude the funeral sermon for the late John B. Sullivan, a former Member of this body, delivered by the Reverend James P. Johnsten at the Immaculate Conception Church in St. Louis, Mo., on February 2, 1961: Gramon In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, Amen, Down in the lowlands of Kentucky, my friends, not too far from the thriving city of Louisville, banded together move a group of silent men. Some of them are ex-war vet- erans—sokliers tired of blood and carnage— seeking peace in the solitude of the Divine Prince of Peace. Living under the law of labor and prayer, they are called Christian Fathers or Trappist Monks. ‘Fhe world, though, mey call them fools. They seldom speak only to say, when they do, “memento mori” (rememsber to die). Fools? ‘Yes, but the wisest of fools. Fools for Christ's sake, He was a fool for their's—to the heights of holy Calvary. bd Foole—but what's so foolish about the thought of death? Has, or will, anyone escape the eternal decree of the all-just God? Summed up im a few words, “It is appointed unto man—once to die.” Once—no trying it over; no repeating; mo second act. Fig- uratively, we are all asetors on the great stage of life. We ptay our part, big or little; we take our bow; the curtain rings down and that’s it. For % is appointed unto man, once to die. Once to dite and so important ts our dying right that next Wednesday, Ash W , the grand old mother, the Catholic Church, arresting finger and signal Ab, but the outsides world, busy like Martha of old, has no time to think of death. Not today. Wait until I'm old. Wait until I've lost my outlook on Hfe. So every sermon on death is for the fellow acrogs the aisle, the old gent down the strest, the aching woman, bedded down in the hospital ward. 80 today, big business finds the builder wanting to pterce the
A878 heavens with another monument of stone, the banker is thrilied that the market is gaining in leaps and bounds and down in the land of flowers, the vacation lovers are tossing away their money like tomorrow brings the atomic bomb, The cry is “Busi- ness—more business.” Speaking of business—two score and a few years ago, Congressman John Sullivan (God rest him) knelt at his devoted Irish mother's knee but he soon pushed on to that day of days when he made his first holy communion. Then I say, he learned, lived and kept the greatest business God ever gave to man to keep—that was the business of saving his God-given immortal soul. In a word, why were you born? Cre- ated? Back comes the answer from your lttle catechism. It contains a college of truth. Invaluable platinum. Listen to it, “You were born (80 was I) to know, to love, to serve God in this life that we might be happy with Him in the life to come.” Thanks be to God, John Sullivan, to his dying day never forgot that lesson. Following after his King of Kings who pleaded, “My child, give me thy heart; follow me; I am the way, the only way; truth, the real truth; the life that spells eternal life.” It has been my privilege to know John for over 30 years. I watched him climb the political ladder of success, rung by rung. Honors didn't taint him, success didn't spoil him. He was a friend of the little man as well as the big. Charity saw him helping the less fortunate but first, last and always, he was a Catholic gentleman. Politics can be ® dangerous game if the game isn't played square. The temptations are many and the fall is quick and easy but I say, “Gentle- man John B. Sullivan” he was just that. Above reproach, steeled to the wishes of baser folk because, I repeat, he was a Cath- Olic gentleman, It is regrettable that John died so young but though he did, his was a full life because he gave it the best he had day by day. A champion of the people, a real democratic son, following always the principle of the great party he represented. To know him was to love him, A credit to his faith, the Catholic Church, through whose doors he walked to adore his God and now his judge. Interested in the Car- dinal Glennon Hospital, he forwarded me his check because he loved the memory of his friend and cardinal, the late Archbishop Glennon. This morning, it was my privilege to offer up the adorable sacrifice of the spotless Lamb of God for your friend and mine, John Sullivan. God be good to him. Together, we offered this gift of gifts and at the memento of the dead we prayed, eternal rest—everlasting light. Then came the last gospel of this Mass that must ever lead us back over the corridors of time to that first and greatest of all Masses, celebrated by the great High Priest, Jesus Christ, on the altar of the cross. At the sad but holy hour of 8, we catch the consumatum est—it is finished. The story of divine infinite love is completely told, for greater love than this, no man hath, who lay down his life for his friends. John Sullivan, too, gave his all helping here and helping there, trying to throw the ofl of his every effort on the turbulent ocean of these critical times. Oh, Good Fridays will come and go but don’t take down the cross. Plant it deep in the fleshy soil of your human heart. It has the only answer to that eternal why of why these things must be. Sickness, sadness, disappointments, heartaches, and, then, death. »'To Mrs. Sullivan, John's right arm, his de- voted wife, secretary, and his all, we extend to you our every sympathy. Though it ls hard, you must take your chalice of suffer- ing and kneel with the Christ of Gethsemane fad pray His prayers, “Father, not my will, but Thine be done.” To the brother and sister and other relatives, we lavish our every condolence. May I ask of you, who loved John in life, please don't forget him in death. It is a holy and wholesome thought to pray for the dead that they may be loosed from their sins. So, let us take the roses of our rosaries, the violets of our prayerful aspirations, the lilies of our holy communions, the forget- me-nots of our many Masees, shape and fashion them into one large bouquet and place them at the feet of the Mother of God. She will give them to her Divine Son all for your friend and mine, John. Since we are going to bid him good-by, it must be a prayerful good-by. A man of God and a champton of his country, this God blessed America, He served them both and served them well. God rest his soul, National Officer of Military Order of Purple Heart Expresses Views on United States Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, no group of American citizens is more en- titled to have their say and be heard on American foreign policy than our veterans who have received the Military Order of the Purple Heart. These men have fought for our Nation on the battle- field and have sacrificed their blood for the defense of the United States and for the preservation of the American way of life. In a recent edition of the Los Angeles Examiner there appeared the following editorial written by Adolph N. Sutro, national public relations director of the Military Order of the Purple Heart, which also appeared in the California Purple Hearter, an official publication of the order. In this editorial Mr. Sutro has made a concise analysis of our for- eign policy, and has pointed out the weakness that exists in this policy which permits other members of the United Nations to withhold an adequate share of men and materials to support our forces fighting in Korea, and has left us to bear the brunt of the battle. The Purple Heart veterans of America are concerned for the future of our Nation, and the recommendations on foreign policy by Mr. Sutro, as their spokesman, demands the attention of Congress, ANTE Up or Exsz (By Adolph N. Sutro) History will show Uncle Joe Stalin to have been the most unscrupulous, shrewd, and crafty ruler of the twentieth century. With- out firing a single shot, he has conquered many lands. In Korea, he set a trap for his arch enemy, Uncle Sam, who has done more than all other nations combined to halt the spread of his communistic doctrines, After World War H, it was agreed that Russian troops should occupy that part of Korea north of the thirty-eighth parallel, and our troops could occupy that part of Korea south of that parallel, pending both APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nations withdrawing their troops from Korea at the same time. Joe Stalin laid a shrewd plan to trap Uncle Sam and make him keep large numbers of his troops pinned down over there, perhaps for years, without using any Russian troops. After a series of verbal clashes with Uncie Sam about Korea, Joe Stalin withdrew his Russian troops from Korea. Before he did 50, however, he armed the North Koreans, and not long thereafter, he ordered them to drive the foreign American troops out of South Korea. In the meantime, the United Nations had been put into operation which on ita face value appeared to be a good thing for all nations, and has proven to benefit everyone at the expense of Uncle Sam. America and most parts of Western Europe are populated by freedom-loving occidentals, while on the other hand, Uncle Joe cracks his whip over lands populated for the most part by a Mongol people of oriental extrac- tion, who are his slaves, as are practically all peoples behind the iron curtain, Uncle Sam and Uncle Joe are both working to gain their objectives in the United Na- tions; Uncle Sam’s objectives being to help other nations better themselves, while Uncle Joe uses the United Nations, to try to gain control of other nations or else try to make them destroy each other. In the meantime, Uncle Joe 1s training many thousands of Communists to operate as termites within the borders of all freedom- loving countries with the destruction of our own democracy his ultimate goal. Unfortunately, the United Nations has used Uncle Sam to pull its chestnuts out of the fire, by making us use our own manpower and material to fight the Korean and Chinese Reds. Each of the United Nations should have shared in this campaign on a popula- tion pro-rata basis, but, to date, none of them have. ‘ If any one of the United Nations had lacked the finances or the ability to produce arma- ment, then it should have increased its con- tribution of manpower to the United Na- tions armed forces in lieu of material, which also has not been done to date. Mounting American casualties and miscal- culation of the enemy's forces and armament in Korea are making our people demand that Uncle Sam insist on this immediate change of policy. Should other United Nations fall to rectify at once this gross inequity for their own protection, then it is imperative that we withdraw from the United Nations and call our troops home for our own protection. Joe Stalin has been crafty not to send his Russian troops into Korea, but he does send those of his puppets to take punches at us from time to time. In the future, it may be weeks or months between such punches, between which he will have his puppets make unacceptable peace offers. Uncle Joe just stays home and “rattles his sabre,” while planning where next to tle down more of our troops in some distant part of the world. This can go on until the children of our fighting men grow up and their hair turns gray with age. Our only hope to upset Uncle Joe Stalin's well-laid plans is to insist that the nations of Europe wake up and band themselves to- gether as a United States of Europe for their own protection. Then let us demand that our next Secre- tary of State be a man like John Quincy Adams, one of America’s greatest statesmen who, as Secretary of State in 1823, wrote the Monroe Doctrine. Let us then heed the words of President Washington against becoming involved in entangling alliances with Europe. Let us go back to the principles of the Monroe Doc- trine, build up the armed forces of the na- tions of the Western Hemisphere against
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD aggression from Burcpe and nd on of pe Asia, and get against all the crafty and well-laid com- mumnistic plans cf Joe Stalin to bankrupt, conquer, and ensieve all our people. Hoover Writes of Boyhood in Oregon Quaker District EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, in the Oregonian of Sunday, February 11, 1951, is an interesting news item of our only living ex-President, Herbert Hoover, in connection with his memoirs which are being presented in Collier’s magazine. The item is about that portion of Mr. Hoover’s life which was spent in my State of Oregon and pursuant to leave granted, I am including it as part of these re- marks, as follows: Hoover Writss or BorHoop In Onscon Quaxkr Disraicr The only living ex-President of the United States, Herbert Hoover, telis of several years of his youth spent in Oregon in the current issue of Colliers’ magazine. Hoover, writing his personal memoirs in serial, tells of his move to Oregon at the age of 10 to live with an aunt and uncle at New- berg, a Quaker settlement in the Willamette Valley. He arrived in 1884 to find his Aunt Laura Minthorn and her three daughters making the pear butter supply for the winter in a wash boiler over a fire in the yard. Young Hoover bad never eaten pears before and after 2 days of an almost exclusively pear diet he did not eat pears again for years. CHORES CHECK EXPLORATION “I was at once put to school and the chores,” Hoover writes. “These included feeding the doctor’s team of ponies twice a day, hitching them up pertodicslly, milking the cow and splitting the wood.” All this routine, Hoover stated, plus abundant religious occasions, somewhat in- terrupted the constant call to explore the Oregon forests and streams. That, he said, was accomplished in time. The ex-President tells of a summer job at weeding onions in the great bottom lends north of Newberg for 50 cents a day and board. Hoover writes of the famtty’s move to Salem where Dr. Minthorn started a Quaker land-settlement bustness. He became office boy and attempted repair and sale of used sewing machines on the sie. When a busi- ness college opened in Salem, he enrolled for the night session. The teacher knew much of mathematics and carried Hoover through algebra, geometry, and higher mathematics. ENGINEERING TEST TAKIN university founded by Senator Leland The future President took the examination im Portland but did not do too well. How- ever, he was encouraged to go to the univer- sity, engage a tutor, and take the examina- tion again. He did and thus enrolled at Stan- ford, leaving Oregon never to return as & resident, Letter From a Constituent and Reply Thereto EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, in accordance with permission already granted, I submit herewith for the Appendix a letter from a friend and my answer thereto: CunrTraL VALLEY EMPIRE ASSOCIATION, Presno, Calif, February 13, 1951, Hon. Eowin Arthur Hau, House Office Building, Washington, D. C. Dean Conoresemam HALL: It is good to read in the February 7 edition of the Con~ GRESSIONAL RECORD your remarks on the at- tacks which have been made on you by virtue of your wife working tn your office. I just want you to know that my wife worke in my office and she does a swell job. As & matter of fact she does twice as much work as she gets paid for. There is certainly nothing in American history which would indicate that a wife should not, ff it is possible for her to do so, work along with her husband tn his business, I hope that you keep her right on there in apite of all the attacks. With my kindest regards, I remain, Sincerely, Centra, VaLiry EMPIRE ASSOCIATION, Jonn AgTHur REYNOLps, General Manager, Secretary. Conaress OF THE UNiTEep Srares, Houses or REPaksenrtaTives Washington, D. C., February 18, 1961. Mr. JOHN ARTHUR REyNows, General Manager, Central Valley Empire Association, Fresno, Cah. Drax Mr, Rerwoips: I am indeed apprecia- tive of your heipful letter, defending my practice of employing my wife as secretary. Naturally, it is difficult for you to under- stand why s few who consider themselves the elite in our community have nothing better to do than to try +o stir up trouble over what you and any other rational person would consider logical and natural. You cannot understand because you have never known anybody like the “squares” such as happen to occupy several of the so-called positions of responsibility in our fatr city. Suffice it to say there isn’t any other them in the United States. ‘They are toier- ated only for the well-known reason they in by asking a favor, A879 Pardon this lengthy nate, but in view af your never having seen anything so odd I thought these “punks” ought to be described in detail. I wish to make it perfectly clear, however, that the thousands of patriotic Americans at home who back me up term after term in Con, compensate one a hundred times for the small handful of troublemakers and make me mindful of and thankful for the highest honor a man can possibly attain, that of representing in Congress as truly an American district as our own Thirty-seventh, New York. With best wishes, I am Most sincerely, Evwin Auraor HALL. Wages of American Seamen EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recors, a com- pilation which I call to the attention of Senators interested in the problem of the wages of American seamen. The statement shows the basic monthly pay of American seamen on all types of ships. The conclusion reached is that Ameri- can seamen are today the highest paid in the world. This information is from the Merchant Marine Bulletin, There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Amenican SxraAmzen Now Hichest Pam in ‘Woa.p Basic wages for American able seamen, the deat paid in the world, have increased 201.1 percent since 1941, according to the Ameri- can Merchant Marine Institute. The prewar monthly basic income of an AB was $82.50, reaching $145 at the war's end. Since October 1945 there have been eight successive wage increnses and these have upped the monthly rate to $248.41, a new high. Overtime earnings average 30 per- cent over basic wage. In addition seamen enjoy @ pension and welfare plan along with food and lodging furnished by the steam- ship companies. The monthly basic wage rate for a typical United States-flag Liberty type ship follows: Basic monthly pay 0750. 63 409. 42 411. 89 378. 66 Chief engineer...........-.--...-- 606,95 First assistant engineer-_....-..--- 400. 42 Second asststant engineer. ........- 411. 89 Third assistant engineer. ...--..... 378, 68 Radio operator........-.---------- 352.13 Boatawain ...-...---------------- 315.35 Abie seaman (6 per ship)....-..--- 248.41 Deck utility..-......--.-.-----.---- ate ae Ordinary seaman (3 per ship) ~-..-. \. Deck engineer.....-..---.-----.--- 283.01 Oller (3 per ship) ---..-...-------- 248. 41 Fireman watertender (8 per ship). 948.41 wiper (2 per ship)_-..------------ 45. 96 Chief steward.......------- -weee BOT. VO Chief cook.......----------- n-ne RB.01 @econd cook and baker......-...-. 287.04 Measman (3 per ship) _.-..--..-.-. = 9213.79 Utility (2 per ship) -.....----~--- -e 913.79
A880 Sixth Anniversary of the Yalta Agree- a ment EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, 6 years ago today, without the knowledge or the wish of the American people, the United States was committed to the dangerous and unscrupulous Yalta agreement. For 6 years this notorious agyeement has re- mained a blot upon the record of Ameri- can diplomacy. In the opinion of many, it represents an appeasement greater than that of Munich itself. Yalta, which should have marked the end of totali- tarian expansion, marked instead the real beginning of the spread of Com- munist domination over one-third of the world. At Yalta was laid much of the founda- tion for the postwar world, a foundation so undermined in the making that it is little wonder that the peace built upon it is badly crumbling today. When the conference ended it was pronounced a “good start on the road to a world of peace.” Looking backward it is evident that only the Soviet schemers were given a “good start.” Let us consider some of the agreements into which we were drawn at the Crimea 6 years ago. In February 1945, while the world lay in a shambles, the vision of a lasting peace shone before the eyes of everyone. People everywhere staked their hope on an international organization which would be strong enough to make that vi- sion a reality. However, engineered by a ‘man since convicted of a terrible crime, the Yalta agreement forged shackles for that organization even before its forma- tion. The veto, which the Russians have since used 47 times to defeat action in the UN Security Council, which all the rest of the world favored, was agreed to at Yalta. Further, the principle of equal representation for all nations in the General Assembly was compromised by allowing the Soviet Union to have three representatives when all the other na- tions of the world had only one. The most cynical action of the Yalta conference, however, was the betrayal of Poland. Poland, the home of liberty and freedom, the first country to resist the Nazi blitzkrieg and the Soviet hordes, was sold out to Soviet Russia. A demo- cratic Polish government in exile had maintained itself throughout its coun- try’s occupation, and several hundred thousand Poles fought with the greatest bravery and sacrifice as part of the Allied armies during World War II. But the Yalta agreement allowed, indeed forced, the entrance of Communists into the postwar government, Once entrenched in & coalition, as everyone now knows, it is only a matter of time, and usually a short time, before the Communists, with backing from Moscow, have come to con- trol the key positions, force out the dem- ocratic elements, and seize control, This was the case in Poland, so that although the vast majority of Poles were freedaom- loving, they were enslaved by a few Com- munists—Communists whose wedge was forged at Yalta. The second treacherous betrayal of Poland at Yalta was the concession of half of Poland’s territory to Russia. The Polish people are, and will long remain, embittered because the Western Powers let Poland down on this count. The 14 points, the Atlantic Charter, and other statements of ideals to which the United States has pledged itself, specifically de- nounce territorial changes which do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned. Yet at Yalta the United States participated in a breach of the principle of self-determi- patfon almost without parallel in our his- ory. The Polish people had no voice in the assignment of their territory to Soviet Russia. At Yalta the great powers, un- mindful of the desires of the Polish peo- ple, took as the basis for a boundary set- tlement a line which put almost half the Polish nation within Russian boundaries, Because of this action millions of Poles have lost faith in us. AS more appease- ment was revealed bit by bit for 2 years after the conference, it became apparent that secret diplomacy reached its acme— or should we say its nadir—at Yalta. Actually, the people of the United States, through their elected Represent- atives, never have given their approval to this agreement which in fact extended the Soviet empire to the heart of Europe. It is difficult to believe that the United States would be a party to an infamous agreement which allowed states lib- erated from fascism to be enslaved by communism and which turned Axis satellite states into Soviet satellites in- stead. What made the leader of the United States commit a deed so out of character with the fairness and idealism that have always distinguished this Na- tion in its international relations? Per- haps the explanation lies partly in the influence of a Presidential adviser— Alger Hiss. Both before and during the Yalta conference, Hiss had a power dif- ficult to overestimate since the Presi- dent had to depend on advisers to an unprecedented degree. Reports of the various discussions of the Crimean meet- ings show that he was one adviser almost always on hand. This Yalta agreement, once under- stood by the American people, naturally has been denounced by the American press. On the ground that no nation has the authority to dispose of the rights and the territory of another nation without its own participation and con- sent, the Yalta agreement should be declared invalid. It should be declared invalid because it was never ratified by the United States Senate. It should be declared invalid because, in spite of the many advantages Stalin gained from Yalta, he has not fulfilled the few com- mitments which he did make. This agreement can still he denounced. Until it is, the millions of people in Po- land who were sold into slavery at Yalta ean never have faith in our good inten- tions, no matter how loudly we may pro- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD claim them. For 6 years we have con- tended with the handicap which has re- sulted from our ill-considered conces- sions at Yalta. For 6 years we have let the innocent victims suffer. For 6 years we have watched the Soviet system in- filtrate, conquer and absorb more and more of the world’s population. On this anniversay of shameful Yalta, let us inaugurate a serious effort to rid our- selves of the shackles of this agreement so that we may once again walk with honor among its victims. Disposition of Surplus American Wheat— Recommendations of the Oregon Wheat Growers League EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I have received a letter from Don McKinnis, president of the Oregon Wheat Growers League, enclosing recommendations passed at the twenty-third annual meet- ing of the league, December 7, 8, and 9, 1950, regarding the disposition of Amer- ican surplus wheat. I ask unanimous consent that the letter and the recom- mendations be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the letter and recommendations were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tux Orecon WHeat Growers Leaaur, Pendleton, Oreg., December 29, 1950, The Honorable WaYNE Morse, United States Senate, Washington, D.C. Dear Senator: May I call your attention to the enclosed recommendations which were passed at the twenty-third annual meeting of the Oregon Wheat Growers League, December 7, 8, 9, 1950. To save your time, I have chosen these resolutions from the five standing commit- tee reports. They are the recommendations which should most properly be brought to your attention. The executive committee of the wheat league will appreciate your consideration of these recommendations. Any advice or sug- gestions you care to make will be welcome. Sincerely yours, Don McKINN«s, President, P. 8.—Please note the new address of the Oregon Wheat Growers League. Any com- munications addressed to Mr. McKinnis will be promptly brought to his attention, RECOMMENDATIONS PASSED AT THE TWENTY< THIRD ANNUAL MEETING OF THE OREGON WHEsaT Growers Leacur THE CERTIFICATE BILL We recommend that the Oregon Wheat Growers League continue to support the cer- tifloate bill and urge the passage of this bill in Congress. This plan would be self-sup- porting. I¢ would allow United States wheat now in surplus to compete in export markets with foreign wheat and flour; tt would make . it easier for those nations short of food to buy it here; it would allow wheat not needed
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for human food to be used for livestock feed; it would encourage the development of industrial uses of wheat, and would re- lieve our critical storage situation. FOREIGN POLICY During the past year a number of develop- ments have reduced sales of our wheat and flour abroad. Canadian and Australian mill- ere afe selling flour in the Orient and Latin America at prices United States millers are unable to meet. Licensing regulations in Hong Kong, Singapore, and elsewhere exclude United States flour and give a monopoly in those markets to Canadian and Australian mills. These are part of the British Empire to which the United States gives billions of @ollars through ECA. Flour purchased with United States funds for Korea is being milled in Japan from wheat produced in other countries, The net effect of these and other develop- ments is that all available wheat is bought from other exporting countries and the United States supplies only that portion of the world wheat market that cannot be supplied from other sources. Bakers in the Orient and Latin America are becoming used to brands of flour from other countries. These have previously been established markets for Pacific Northwest flour, Such markets, once lost, will be ex- ceedingly difficult to regain. It is highly important to wheat producers that our mills be kept running and that we hold and expand markets for our wheat and flour in other countries. We recommend, therefore, that the Wheat League do everything within its power to get our Government to take a more realistic, businesslike attitude toward promoting sales of United States wheat and flour abroad. Specifically, we recommend— 1. The use of the certificate plan, or export subsidies that will enable our surplus wheat and flour to compete freely on the entire world market, outside of, as well as within, the international wheat agreement. 2. Insistence that our wheat and flour be given an even break in Hcensing regulations of importing nations which we are helping to finance. 3. Requiring that, where the United States Government puts up the money, our flour and wheat be given the preference over flour and wheat from other countries. RESEARCH ON GRAINS The United States Department of Agri- culture has maintained a plant breeder at the Pendleton Branch Experiment Station for years. This position was discontinued dur- ing the summer of 1950. Plant breeding, varietal, insects, and plant disease research is needed at this station if the progress of our wheat breeding and research is to re- main on the high level as in the past. We therefore recommend that proper steps be taken by the Oregon Wheat Growers League to have funds earmarked for filling and maintaining this position at once. We further recommend that copies of this resolution be sent to Cereal Division, Bureau of Plant Industry, Beltsville, Md., and to the dean of agriculture, Oregon State College, CARRYING CHARGES ON LOAN WHEAT In view of the fact that it is the intent of the law that the loan rate should be based on parity as of the beginning of the market- ing year, the Oregon Wheat Growers League is of the opinion that the Commodity Credit Corporation should assume the carrying charges which accrue prior to the maturity date of the loan on warehouse-stored wheat, the same as they have in the past, and should continue to make a storage allowance on farm-stored wheat. GROWER'S OFTION ON SURRENDER DATE OF CCC LOAN WHEAT We recommend that the Oregon Wheat Growers League request the Production and XOVII-~- App.——56 Marketing Administration, United States De- partment of Agriculture, to put in effect a program which would allow the wheat grower the option of delivering his wheat under loan 90 days before the maturity date of the loan or any time during this 90-day period. This action would facilitate the movement of wheat out of storage before a new marketing year and enable Commodity Credit to obtain wheat, if needed, before the loans are due, April 30, COLUMBIA RIVER DEVELOPMENT We are desperately short of electrical power, both for development of our area and for national defense. Navigation on this river is of great importance to our area, Speedier development of one of our greatest natural resources is essential; at the present rate it will be 8 years before there will be enough power to meet even present demands. We, therefore, recommend the Oregon Wheat Growers League use all of its influence to speed up the development of the Columbia River and its tributaries. WHEAT VARIETY IMPROVEMENT AND SMUT CONTROL With wheat smut becoming a more serious problem each year and with dwarf smut fast becoming a threat to all Oregon wheat pro- ducers, everything possible must be done to keep these losses at a minimum. Elmar and Brevor, two newly released varl- eties, are among the few varieties that are more resistant to dwarf smut. It is under- stood that these varieties are not wholly re- sistant to dwarf smut and that there is a constant threat of new smuts developing, This threat can be at least partially con- trolled through proper seed treatment of all wheat seeded. Ceresan “M” by slurry treat- ment offers the best method of good seed treatment. Elmar and Brevor, being the newest vari- eties released, and with no others in prospect of being released immediately, we recom- mend that farmers produce these as fast as seed becomes available. These two varieties are adapted to specific areas of rainfall and soil conditions and farmers should acquaint themselves with these requirements before large acreages are seeded. BLACK STEM RUST FUNGUS The common barberry is the alternate host for the black stem rust fungus, and the breeding place for new races of the fungus. Also it has been demonstrated that new races arising on the common barberry are frequently capable of infecting hitherto rust- resistant wheat varieties. Race 15-B, an ex- tremely virulent new race of black stem rust, has been found and identified in the Pacific Northwest. Eight races not Known to extst elsewhere in the world, and 11 races not known to occur in the Mississippi Valley, have been found in the Pacific Northwest. There being no commercial variety or ad- vanced experimental variety of wheat in the United States or Canada that possesses re- sistance to race 15-B and other new races; and as the prevention of the spread of black atem rust is not only a regional problem but also a national problem, it is recommended by the Oregon Wheat Growers’ League that the league request an immediate ground sure vey of the distribution of the common bar- berry in the wheat producing and adjacent areas of the State of Oregon by the Oregon Agricultural Experiment Station and the State department of agriculture; and that following the survey, the eradication of this disease-propagating plant be carried out by the proper agencies. GOIL CONSERVATION Soil erosion continues to be a major probe lem in our wheat-producing areas. The im- portance of adequate soll conservation has long been recognized by our farmers. Con- tinued emphasis should be made in getting everyone conservation minded. A8s1 We recommend that the Pendleton Branch Experiment Station erosion research project, and that Merrill Oveson, superintendent, be commended on the fine work on conservation tillage practice research carried on thera. We further recommend that steps be taken to provide adequate funds for continued re- search at the Pendleton station on this major problem. We believe that further research is needed before farmers can be fully confident of the place that such im- plements as the rotary subsoiler, chisels, sub. surface tillers and others have on their farm, EQUALIZING LOAN VALUES ON BARGE WHEAT— COLUMBIA RIVER TERMINALS Historically, our Pacific Northwest wheat depends on export market. Normally, large amounts of our crop move to Columbia River port elevators for storage and aubsequent loading onto ships. These Columbia River port elevators presently have a total re- ceiving and storage capacity of epproxi- mately 15,000,000 bushe)s.1 During the past 5 years, 1945 through 1949, over 185,000,000 bushels* have been exported from these Co~ lumbia River terminals, or an average of about 27,000,000 per year. During this same 5-year period the movement of barge wheat down the Columbia River to these terminal elevators has averaged about 2,600,000 bush- els per year, with an average of 876,000 bush- ela of this amount during the harvest months of July, August and September, Thus barge delivery wheat to the Columbia River terminals is not large in relation to total capacity of the terminals, and amounts to about 9 percent of annual exports from these terminals. However, the movement of wheat by barge is a major factor in the stor- age, handling and marketing of the grower's crop, especially during the harvest season, Presently, the Commodity Credit Corpora. tion loan rates provide an 8 cents per bushel discount on wheat delivered to Columbla River terminals by barge. This discount unfairly penalizes that volume of grower wheat which is moved by barge. Especially is this true of the volume during the harvest period when, often due to boxcar shortages, barge movement ts the only method of ship. ping which can keep many of our country facilities and river subterminals open. This 6-cent discount is eo great that, as a prac- tical measure, the growers do not take loans on barge wheat. The grain is either sold or consigned. These growers are penalized for a movement of grain which benefits every grower in the Pacific Northwest. Establishment of the same terminal loan value on rail and barge wheat should be considered in the light of this special area problem. Equalization between rail and barge rates would correct the inequities and would have the following advantages: 1. Barge wheat would not cost the Gov- ernment any more money than rail because large quantities are exported in excess of barge deliveries. Rail transit is not needed at the export location. 2. Encourage and facilitate movement of surplus grain at harvest time to terminal elevators, thereby relieving country factl- ities, and providing adequate export stocks in immediate export loading position. 3. Relieve boxcar shortages. Wheat shipped by barge from river counties means more boxcars for areas away from the river. Barge companies now have equipment suffi- cient to move 900,000 bushela* of wheat per month. This volume ts equal to about 500 boxcar loadings per month. ‘Figures developed from trade survey of terminal storage capacities. * Figures obtained from records of Portland Grain Exchange, Portland, Oreg. *Figures obtained directly from Inland Navigation Co. and Tidewater Shaver Barge Lines and compiled by Pendleton Grain Growers, Inc.
A882 4. Eliminate beasic cause underlying the forced sale or consignment of barge wheat, and thus make the support price equal for quatified growers. 8. Provide conditions favorable to the maximum and most efficient use of all trans- portation, handling and storing methods during emergency and scarcity periods. Therefore, it is reeommended— 1. That the Oregon Wheat Growers League go on record in favor of equal loan rates on batge and rail wheat deltvered at Columbia Biver terminals. 2. That immediate action be taken to con- tact PMA and OCC in regard to getting fa- vorable action well in advance of the 1061 crop. AGRICULTURAL MANPOWER he present world situation is becoming more acute from day to day. Realizing that agriculture will suffer labor shortages, we recommend that the executive committee of the Oregon Wheat Growers League take im- mediate steps to have a State manpower board eet up with county boards to review Jabor needa of the counties for the reciassi- fication of farm labor by selective service. With the very possible acute labor short- we further recommend that the enlistees within a county be counted jn favor of the county draft quota, We ask that the execti- tive committee take immediate action and contact proper authorities. COMSERVATION RESEARCH That effective research in the field of soil conservation should be continued and ex- panded in order to carry on an efficient sol- conservation progrem. CONSERVATION PRACTICES NECESSARY FOR LOANS OF CERTIFICATES That where allotments are established, or certificates are issued, a certain percentage of the acres of each farm be utilized by a id soil-bullding practice before eligibility for loans or conservation payments or certificates is established. And be it fur- ther resolved that each farmer shall be eligible for price support on all of his crops before being eligible for loans or price sup- ports on any one of his crops. ADJUSTMENT OF WHAT LOAN BATES IN PACIFIC NORTHWEST ‘That wheat growers aa well as other inter- ests be given a hearing before any action is taken toward adjusting wheat loan rates jn the Pacific Northweet. Further, that the Oregon Wheat League make a thorough study prior to the hearing of the loan rate structure to determine whether the possible increase in movement of wheat out of the Pacific Northwest would justify a change in the loan rate structure. Thirty-Third Anniversary of the Independence of Lithuania EXTENSION OF REMARKS ow HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, at the end of World War I many submerged and suppressed national groups regained their independence. The Lithuanian people, one of the three Baltic national- ities who for more than a century had suffered Russian rule, declared their in- dependence on February 16, 1918. That day was and still remains a day of com- memoration, The Lithuanians have a distinct place in the turbulent history of northern Eu- rope. They are the most numerous of the three Baltic nattonalities—about 3,000,000—-and they have always been sturdy defenders of liberty. Although they have borne the heavy yoke of the Russian Government for more than a century, they have managed always to keep their love of liberty and their patriotism alive. Their sturdy and un- yielding spirit, fortified by their firm belief in Christian principles, has served them well. They have clung to Chris- tianity with the same tenacity as they have to their unhappy homeland. Both in the attainment of their Lithu- anian independence and in its sustenance during more than two decades, I am happy to say, the United States has made important contributions, officially and unofficially. The Lithuanians received great encouragement from the Fourteen Points declaration of our former Presi- dent Wilson. It was a source of inspira- tion to them to know that their strug- gle for liberty and independence had the support of our wartime President and our people. Nor was the moral and ma- terial aid given to Lithuania by the peo- ple of this country, especially by the worthy citizens of Lithuanian descent, of less significance. This latter group, totaling more than 500,000, have served their adopted coun- try well. As law-abiding, hard-working, and loyal citizens in wartime and in peacetime, they have contributed their full share in the making of this country and in the shaping of American civiliza- tion, It is the independence day of the brethren of these people who, today, in northeastern Europe suffer under the most oppressive of tyrannies, that is be- ing celebrated on this 16th day of Feb- ruary. In 1918 when the Lithuanians earned their freedom they and the friends of freedom all over the world thought that the servitude and misery of foreign rule had come to an end. This brave people who had struggled against Teutonic knights in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, against foreign overlords through the next four centuries and finally, against the regime of the Russian Cyars for more than a hundred years, had at last broken the chains of their in- voluntary servitude. A new day hed dawned for them, and 2 new, promising life began for them asa nation. During the twenty-odd years of her independ- ence, from 1918 to 1940, Lithuania made tremendous advances and became a motel democracy in northeastern Eu- rope. Today this unhappy country, and its people, once more finds itself in chains and sealed off from iriendly contacts with the Western World, In 1940 the Soviet Union descended upon the little country and swallowed it; a year later it and the So- Russians returned, to complete their ab- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD sorption of this unhappy people. Last year it was reported that some 600,000 Lithuanians had been deported to slave- labor camps in Asiatic regions of the So- viet Union. According to the New York Times of February 16, 1950, these people were being killed, were starving to death, and were undergoing deportation at the rate of 2,000 to 3,000 each month, Against this terrible campaign of attri- tion the Lithuanian underground pe- triots are still active, still striving to gain their independence. It is to the credit of this country that our Government still accords diplomatic recognition to the Government of Lithuania—a clear indi- cation that we believe that on some Feb- ruary 16 to come, the Lithuanian people once again will celebrate their day of in- dependence in full freedom and in peace. Fundamentals of Inflation EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. WILLIAM BENTON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BENTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recoxp an editorial from the New York Times of February 15 entitled “Fundamentals of Inftation.” This editorial deals with the current re- search into public policy of the famed business group, the Committee for Eco- nomic Development, on the first board of trustees of which I had the honor of serving as the vice chairman. Since its founding 9 years ago the CED has taken leadership in the clarification of our fiscal policy. Now, as this editorial indicates, it is concerning itself also with monetary policy, a subject of such vital Significance that many distinguished economists think our ineptitude in this area largely accounts for our failure to control the rise in prices of the past 7 or 8 months. Much of the recent testimony before the Joint Committee on the Eco- nomic Report has dealt with this and kindred subjects touched on in the edi- torial. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: FUNDAMENTALS oF INFLATION Woe think the country a6 a whale will echo the demand of the Committee for Economic Devefopment that ft is high time the admin- fatration established a clear and consistent anti-inflation program. The Committee for Eoonomic Development points out that white so-called direct price- wage controls have their plece in a major defense offort, they do not deal with the causes of inflation, and unless those causes are removed such controls can do more harm than good. This, of course, fs sound common sense, Direct controls, in this respect, are like a loan granted to a State on condition that it undertake certain constructive fnan- cial reforms needed to insure its solvency.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Unless it moves immediately to put those reforms into effect the whole benefit of the loan may be negated, leaving the borrower worse off than before. And in the hands of an administration that is uncertain in its convictions and inclined, all else being equal, to pursue the course of least political re- sistance, controls partake of the nature of such a stop-gap loan in another respect. They serve to create temporarily an impres- sion of economic stability, and thus are a temptation to the administration to relax its fight on inflation by those techniques which deal with its real causes. There is nothing complicated about deal- ing with price inflation, given the will to deal with it couragecusly, no matter what group is hurt politically. But we may just as well abandon any hope that we can deveat it so long as we continue to protect the vested interest of the wage-earner in the 40-hour week and escalator wage clauses: 50 long as we permit the farm bloc in Congress to tell us that we must make an exception to the over-all commodity price frecze of the products in which it is particularly in- terected; and so long as we place the protec- tion of an artificial parity for Government securities higher in our scale of values than the protection of the dollar. Fundamentally, price inflation is the re- sult of an unbalance between the volume of gocds and services available, on the one hand, and the volurne of purchasing power, on the other hand. The only way it can be over- com?, therefore, ts by increasing the supply of goods and services, or by reducing the supp.y of purchasing power, or both. There has been a good deal of lip service in Wash- ingtcn recently to the idea of solving the problem by increasing production. Tho Committee for Economic Development points out that while increased production may be @ long-term solution, it won't immediately stabilize the economy. We would go further than this. We think that the talk about defeating inflation by increased prceduction 1s largely irrelevant s0 long as the defense effort continues. The reason it 1s virtually tmpossible to attack inflation from the supply side, once a war or a major rearmament program has gotten under way, is that you are dealing with an econcmy that is operating at total capacity, or close to it. Even tf we could double pro- duction tomorrow the inflation gap repre- sented by reurmament production would still remain. For while such production creates purchasing power just aa effectively as the production of civilian goods, not a dollar of that newly created purchasing power is offset, inflationwise, by increased civilian consump- tion. The sooner we put increased production out of our minds, therefore, as a practicable solution of the inflation problem and con- centrate on the demand side the sooner we can hope to see some tangible results. And when we start to concentrate on demand or purchasing power we should be on guard lest we be misled by the oversimplificationists. The expansion of bank credit, for example, is not the sum total of increased purchasing power. Broadly speaking, three different kinds of purchasing power enter into the problem of price inflation. They are: Pure chasing power that 1s created currently, such as wages; purchasing power previously ac- cumulated (savings); and what may be called future purchasing power, which would be purchasing power created by the banks to be used now and repaid later. This is the basic situation that has to be met in formulating and carrying out an antle inflation program. That being so, the gen- eral thesis of the Committee for Economic Development is completely logical. It calls for drastic steps to cut Government spend- ing; sharp and prompt tax increases, de- signed to restrain consumer spending as Well as to increase revenues; a national pro« gram to encourage saving, and, finally, the adoption of a policy under which the Federal Reserve would be freed trom its responsibility to peg the Government securities market, so that it could devote itself to the task for which it was created, the task of stabilizing the money market and protecting the pur- chasing power of the dollar. Fig!t Winning War in Korea or Get Out EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr, SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, I have just returned from my home State of Michigan where I found the majority of the people demanding a clarified policy in Korea. The situation in Michigan 1s well stated in an editorial by John S. Knight, one of our foremost American publishers, which app-ared in the De- troit Free Press, Sunday, February 18. Under permission to extend my re- marks, I include the editorial: Fight WINNING War In Korea on Get Oot According to Fred Sparks, recently re- turned Chicago Daily News foreign-service correspondent, the “kids” in Korea are liv- ing with one fcot in a fox hole and the other planted on Main Street, U. 8S. A. Putting it another way, they sense that the big decision as to whether we stay in Korea or pull out has not yet been made, In the absence of any clearly defined pol- icy by the military brass, the political big shots, or the United Nations, our troops in Korea just don't have that “let's get it over and go home” spirit which was such a strong morale facto: in World War II. Nor do they clearly understand why they are in Korea; why they can’t bomb enemy supply arsenals in Manchuria; why they alternately advance and retreat; or what our real objectives are. They Know only from the limited infor- mation which comes to them from the Stars and Stripes or an occasional broadcast that a great debato over foreign policy is raging in Washington. They read, too, that the United Nations has branded Red China as an aggressor. “Why then,” they ask with the candor char- acteristic of youth, “can’t we bomb the day- lights out of tae Chinese Reds where it really hurts?” When they get no satisfying reply, should these “kids” be blamed for thinking that maybe it's just a politicians’ war, and the hell with it. In fact, that’s what a good many people are thinking right here at home. MAC ARTHUR’S PREDICAMENT General MacArthur is the victim of much ‘undeserved criticism from Drew Pearson and other “typewriter warriors” for our reverses in Korea, Conceding that “Mac” has pulled a few boners, the facts are that MacArthur has had to fight a war with one arm tied behind his back. He has repeatedly said that the “restric- tions” placed upon him are “unparalleled tn military history.” In his most recent state- ment, MacArthur hinted at his predicament A883 by saying that “the future of Korea con- tinues to be dependent upon international considerations and decisions not yet known here.” : In other words, even the Commander in Ohief of all forces in Asia is without ade- quate instructions from his superiors and knows not where he stands. Can you blame MacArthur for describing Manchuria as a privileged sanctuary and complaining that he is unable to see clearly the outcome of the war under present limi- tations? WHY WE HAVE NO POLICY In the early days of the Korean confilct a decision was taken against bombing Man- churian supply centers for fear of bringing the Chinese Reds into the war. At the time !t was reached, this conclusion seemed justified. Now that the Chinese Reds are killing our boys, 1t seems fantastic that we sheathe our most effective weapon. The diplomats at Lake Success passed a watered-down resolution terming Red China an aggressor nation, but they literally wring their hands over the suggestion that sanc- tions be employed. Ernie Hill, our correspondent at the UN, says. “Delegates frankly state that under present circumstances they will never vote to press the war across the Chinese border.” Peter Lisagor, member of our Washington staff, reports United States diplomatic offi- cials feel that the original resolution to pacify and restore security to Korea applies well enough. There is no great urgenoy to change it. No great urgency, my eye. We should either fight a winning war in Korea, or get out What sense is there in committing thou- sands of our best young men to the “meat grinding” process—MacArthur'’s term for the Korean fighting—-to satisfy the United Nations diplomatic front? The “meat grinding" type of war could last for years without decisive results. Another reason why we have no firm policy in Korea is that the British shudder at the thought of antagonizing Red China and los- ing their important commercial foothold in Hong Kong. Fred Sparks told a Chicago audience that the British are oven permitting a trickle of strategic supplies, including crude rubber, to reach the Chinese Communists. This is the age-old diplomatic practice of two nations professing triendship while their sons are killing one another on the battle- fleld In World War II when Dictator Franco was firmly alined with Hitler and Mussolini, Great Britain allowed this same trickle of strategic materials to reach the enemy they were presumed to be fighting. This procedure was justified by the British on the ground that it kept Spain as a neutral nation, As David Lawrence said recently, “The be- lef grows that the Korean situation has be- come more and more of a political problem, as pressure is exerted against Prime Minister Attlee from the left wingers inside the Labor Party. The affinity of the left wing Laborites with Communist objectives in the Far East has manifested itself in a demand that the Peiping regime be recognized by the United Nations and in the campaign to prevent the Red Chinese from being branded as aggres- sors.” What manner of allies are these? BRING MAC ARTHUR HOME Bince we have had an Eisenhower report on Europe, how about a MacArthur report on Korea? What greater service could General Mac- Arthur perform for his country than to tell Congress and the people the plain, un- varnished facts about Korea?
A884 His critics hint darkly that Mac wants to ‘undertake an all-out war against the Chinese Reds. The accusation is false, but let Mac- Arthur answer the question. Let him outline his problems, amplify his remarks about diplomatic restrictions snd tefl us what he would do, and when, ff he were in a position of final authority. It isn’t only the kids in Korea who are confused. It’s all of us, The suspicion grows that the United States ia being inextricably caught in the web of old world diplomacy. This is a pat- tern of diplomacy which settles nothing permanently, nor makes more than a gesture toward reeching final and lasting agreement. The American heritage is different. We knew what we were fighting for at Valley Forge, New Orleans, Missionary Ridge, and Manila Bay. We thought we knew what we were fight- ing for at Belleau Wood, St. Mihiel, Bastogne,, and Okinawa. Are we aa sure today about Seoul, Inchon, and Wonju? Or our 50,000 casualties in Korea? Are we satisfied to accept the view that the United States of America must send the flower of its youth to fight communism on every front, or will we insist that our ob- fJectives must be clearly defined so we will know the reason for and the price of our sacrifice? While the thought of war is repugnant to all of us, no good Amertcan shrinks from the conflict if he knows why we're fighting a) a what we are attempting to achieve. ‘The situation in Korea is beclouded by the inconclusive vaporings of timid men at Lake Success and the foggy bottom pontification of those sitting in the seats of the departed mighty at Washington. Walter Lippmann hints that we heave tong since put aside the political objectives de- clared in the UN resolution of Octover 7 to establish by arms ‘“# unified independent and democratic government in Korea.” What, then, are our objectives? A military partition of Korea which would again divide that country into two spheres of influence? What is the truth? ‘ A personal report by MacArthur would either confirm or dispel our doubts. It is a story that no other man could tell. After 8 months of diplomatic double talk about Korea, and for the sake of our sons in combat, it’s time to find out, or get out, JOHN 8. EnicHr, Substitute for Bheod-Plasma Discovery EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. KERSTEN of Wisconsin. Myr, Speaker, I would like to add further to the remarks I made recently with regard to the digcovery of okra as s substitute for blood plasma by Marquette Univer- sity. I include herewith an article that ap- peared in the Milwaukee Sentinel of January 28, 1951: Manqurtra Univessrry Prasma Bouasrirurs Ovrevr CEnTram Heras The manufacture and distribution of the okra substitute for human pleama will ba — centered here in Muwankee. They will be supervised by versity Medical School, where the new dis- covery was developed, Mazquetie Uni- ; Patents for control of the manufacturing process have been applied for by three of the men concerned in the research. Dr. Hiram Benjamin, staff member of the medical school and chief of the research team, has applied for the basic patent, Subsidiary patents, which concern the purification process by which the okra prod- ‘uct is reduced to 2 powder, have been applied for by Dr. Harry Ihrig, Ph. D., vice resident in charge of research at the Allis-Chalmers Manufacturing Co., and Derwin Kaestner, plant and production manager of Lakeaide Laboratories here. The three men have agreed to turn their patents over to the medical school. They are giving up the patent rights on the principle that control of a product of such potential importance to humanity should not be vested in individuals but in s nonprofit medical institution. Lekeside Laboratories, at 1707 East North Avenue, will be licensed to manufacture the plasma replacement, according to Dr. John 8, Hirechboeck, dean of the medical school, CAN BE SUBLET Lakeside will be able to sublet manufac- turing contracts to other laboratories if the demand for the new product exceeds Lake-~ side’s capacity, but all such agreements will be subject to the approval of the medical school. In this way, Dr. Hirschboeck explained, Marquette will be in direct control of the standards governing the manufacture and distribution of the plasma substitute. Marquette’s royalties from sale of the prod- uct will be used to promote and expand the ‘university's medical research program, Dr. Hirschboeck said. EXCELLENT TEAMWORK One phase of the research which led to the okra plasma replacement is a fine example of teamwork between science and industry. This was the task of working out a method by which large quantities of the okra extract could be reduced to a powder without sac- rificing any of its useful elements. The Globe Steel Tubes Co. started this problem on the way to solution by loaning the medical school Dr. Ihrig, then director of laboratories for the company. Globe Steel also provided the use of laboratory facilities which were not available at Marquette. Dr. Thrig’s services as research consultant were continued by the Allis-Chalmers Manu- facturing Co. aftcr he had gone to that firm ag vice president in charge of research. Fur- ther steps in the purification process were worked out in the Allis-Chalmers labora- tories. Members of the Lakcaide Laboratories stag who cooperated in the development of the plasma replacement included Kaestner; Dr. Harvey L. Daiell, sctentific director; Harris L, Friedman, director of laboratories; and Joseph M. Jacques, chemist. The Social Security Act Should Be Amended To Permit Recipients of Earned Benefits To Earn $100 Monthly Without Loss of Social-Security Bene- fits EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSER OF REPRESENTATIVES. Monday, February 19, 1952 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, dur- ing the Eighty-first Congress I had a APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD bill pending before the House Ways and Means Committee to amend the Social Security Act to permit recipients of earned benefits to earn up to $50 monthly without less of benefits. At that time the ceiling on such earnings was $14.99 monthly, and a retired per- son drawing earned social~security benefits did not dare to accept any em- ployment that would pay over $14.08 monthly or face the loss of his monthly benefit check. When the House Ways and Means Committee perfected the amendments to the Social Security Act, the proposal contained in my bill that the cefling on wages earned be increased to $50 month- ly was adopted. It has since become law and is in effect at the present time. No doubt many of you have found, as I have, that with the cost of living con- tinually on the increase there is ample justification for increasing the ceiling on earnings to $100 monthly and still preserve eligibility for earned profits un- der the Social Security Act. For that reason I have introduced a bill this date to amend the Social Security Act by allowing a person entitled to earned benefits te earn an income of $100 monthly and not suffer the loss of social- security benefits he is receiving. After all, the recipient of earned ben- efits contributed his share of payroll taxes along with his employer while he was working in covered employment. Since he purchased the benefits he re- ceives by his contributions from wages earned, he is not receiving any hand- out from the Federal Government when he cashes his monthty social-security check, These retired persons represent a large group of good American citizens who through toil and taxes have helped build this great Nation. There is no good reason why they should be denied the right in their retirement years to increase thelr income hy accepting em- ployment that does not pay them over $100 monthly and still be able to retain their status as recipients of earned so- cial-security benefits that they and their employers purchased through payroll de- ductions, The increase of the present ceiling on earnings of from $50 to $160 monthly provided in my bill will prove a morale builder to many retired persons who are able and eager to accept employment they find it impossible to meet the high cost of ving on their fixed in- from $60 to $100 will recetve the im- mediate and enthusiastic approval of Congress without any further delay,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Radio Address of Miss Marcia Anne Harmon EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON, HARRY R. SHEPPARD OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. SHEPPARD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following radio address of Miss Marcia Anne Harmon, of St. Bernardine High School, Del Rosa, Calif. : (By Marcia Anne Harmon, age 16, St. Bernar- dine High School, De) Rosa, Calif ) When I pondered on the title of this year's contest, I asked myself, “Who really should speak for Democracy?” In my mind’s eye I saw the battlefields of Korea and the boys who are fighting and dying over there for the ideals of democracy. And I thought—yes, these could probably speak, but then, no. These soldiers, sailors, marines and airmen of ours, fight and die, but they remain strangely silent concerning those sacred principles so dear to them. They act; they do; but they do not boast, nor speak. Who or what, then, would represent de- mocracy’s case? Across my mind floated two symbols of democracy. One was that of a tall, graceful, alluring statue, standing, holding aloft the torch of freedom at the entrance of New York Har- bor. Lady Liberty expresses al] that democ- racy means. Her famed sculptor would have her say to all: “Welcome to my home, a shrine of freedom, O you oppressed of other lands. Here is your chance to use and share your talents in your own way for the good of all. Here, you can carve out your fame, embellish your name, lay the foundations of your home and family, and participate in the cultural, economic and political better- ment of your equals and on the same footing with them. My torch, burning brightly, symbolizes Nght for your paths, truth for your minds, and a promise of freedom for your God-given rights.” While I was still considering Lady Liberty’s words, her picture faded out, introducing another symbol of democracy—the ballot box. I wondered what this symbol would say and then realized this would be its proc lamation: “I am your voice of democracy. In your desire to procure democracy, to pro- tect it, and to dedicate yourselves to the ideals of freedom, I act as a depository for your conscientiously considered attempts to maintain honorable men in official positions. You choose me to secure for you the treas- ure of good laws, through legislation, initia- tive, and referendum. You are @ person, thinking and doing; I am your voice in pro- claiming the good for all, “True, you are,” I thought, but then I realized the ballot box was saying to me: “You are a person; I am only your voice.” And I suddenly realized it 1s the voice of youth, the youth of our times, who must bespeak democracy’s worth. And this is what youth would say. This is what I would say: “IT speak for democracy, because I want the freedom that democracy is. I want the right to such education, as I am capable of receiving; the right to choose and pursue & career, to travel where I wish, to live as simply or as luxuriously as my income or taste indicate. I want the right to individ- uality, and accepting the good and discard- ing the evil, I want the right to expect that my life will have been of some value tn the Creator's great plan. I want to worship God in my own faith. I do not want to be the henchman or stooge of some power-mad monster, and know only what he chooses to allow me to know, and do only what fits his purpose. Neither do I want to be the tool of greed, envy, or hate. I want to be true to myself and a vital part of my own democratic Government—a Government of which I, as much as any one person, am responsible. I want to accept that responsibility with in- telligence and gratitude, and share in the work, the costs, and the benefits of democ- racy.” Many great minds have blended thelr wis- dom to build this democracy of ours. Many brave deeds and many noble lives have been required to keep it alive. To extend it on to others in other centuries will call for even deeper wisdom and greater bravery than ever betore, but with God's help, the youth of America for whom I speak will learn to live wisely and bravely in order to keep democ~ racy shining. Yes, I speak for democracy. A Speech of Ricardo Romulo EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN L. McMILLAN OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. McMILLAN. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I include in the CONGRESSIONAL REcorD 2 copy of a speech made by Ricardo Romulo, a student at St. John’s College High School, Wash- ington, D. C., a son of General Romulo, a former honored Representative of this House from the Philippines. Mr. Romulo was one of the four win- ners of the 1950-51 Voice of Democracy contest. This outstanding feat deserves the attention and respect of every Mem- ber of Congress. I am certain everyone in the House will enjoy reading this excellent speech, which won for Mr. Romulo a $500 college scholarship and a trip to Washington, D.C. (By Ricardo Romulo, age 17, St. John's Col- lege High School, Washington, D. C.) IT speak for democracy. Because I hail from the Philippines where my forefathers, generations ago, did not know it, and now thanks to America, my country is democracy'’s outpost in Asia. Because I know what democracy has meant to my country where before its advent there was no freedom; but now freedom has given us progress, better standards of living, unity, happiness, and contentment. Because whence I came my people were pbenighted and enslaved until democracy came. I speak for democracy— And I speak the language of courage, be- cause at this critical juncture in history, when there are evil forces that would de- stroy it, only the strength that comes from the united will of a people can overwhelm those that would subvert it, I also speak the language of faith because in the history of mankind never has there been a beacon light that has offered such guidance and inspiration to millions of people everywhere as democracy has done and shall ever do. Here in America, democracy is the living mortar of the American people’s unity. It belongs to all of us, even to those who are its guests, because democracy has many interpretations within the pattern of our dally lives. A885 In America, we accept freedom of religion as a divine right under the proposition that all men are created equal before God. To- day, throughout the 48 States, stand some 250,000 churches, representing almost every known creed, denomination, and faith. For democracy means a faith for every seeker, And in this land whrvever and however religious services are held, democracy means the right of every man to seek out God in his own way. Democracy means more than casting a vote and abiding by the will of the majority. America’s system of government demands of every citizen a deep sense of personal re- sponsibility and vigilance. For democracy works like a wheel, with government at its hub. Between the Congress, which guards the people's liberties and the people it leads, there must be constant interaction along the spokes of public opinion. Democracy has made America a land of opportunity—where energy, enthusiasm, and an economy of free enterprise have converted its natural wealth into the highest standard of living on earth. This year Americans at work will earn more than 6200,000,000,000, But behind this enormous national pay check lies a vital meaning of democracy—the right of every man to choose his own trade. And whatever his trade or profession, here every worker has the chance of becoming the boas. For free enterprise is the economic dividend of democracy. In action, democracy can never be selec- tive, It is a give-and-take p position, by which the God-given right of any one man vo speak his mind must be the right of all without prejudice or restriction. To work, democracy must com from the people. It means inquiring into the work- ings and problems of government at all levels, It means thinking through critically—yet with common sense. This, then, is democracy. To each of us it conveys a diferent personal meaning. But to all it means freedom, opportunity, and happiness, Thus I have spoken for democracy because I want to live a useful full life as a good citizen and because I want to die a free man, Te How Do Gasoline Prices Do It? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following recent ar- ticle from Texaco Star on gasoline prices: How Do Gasouing Pricrs Do IT? (By Don Herold) I'm glad I didn’t try to hedge against gen- eral inflation by buying a billion dollars’ worth of gasoline in 1925. It sells for less these days than it did in 18265. I could have made money by buying up almost any other commodity in 1925 and sulting it away and selling it at today's prices—from. collar buttons to canned toma- toes. But not gasoline. Leaving off taxes, the average price of a gallon of so-called regular gasoline in 1025 was 21.93 cents. On July 1, 1960, it was 20.17 cents. In this same span of time, general living costs went up 37.5 percent, food up 66 per- cent, apparel up 61 percent, house furnish- ings up 53 percent.
A886 Apparently, the oll business is a whole lot more competitive than some people think, or gasoline would be 30 or 40 cents galion (exclusive of taxes) today—if it had followed the general skyrocketing trend. While nearly all commodity prices have goomed heavenward, gasoline prices have stayed low because of technological improve- ments in production, lower unit costs made possible through increased volume, and effi~ Clenctes put into effect at every stage of handling of]. This story is even better, too, than the naked arithmetic reveals. Gasoline of today has more git-up-and-go in it than gasoline of 1935. On the basis of ear performance, two galions of present-day gasoline do the work of three gallons of 1025 gasoline. In other words, your gasoline dollar today is worth 50 percent more than it was in 1925, Spurred by the rival forces of free come petition, the thousands of companies that make up the of! industry have constantly improved their gasolines, increasing the quality of its products fs a competitive habit of the of] industry. Thousands of compa- nies spending millions of dollars on research and thousands of millions of dollars on new equtpment in the competitive effort to win business has produced the usual byproduct of American industry: better products for Mr. and Mrs. Public. Now, you may think everybody knows all this. But public-opinion surveys show that the motoring public at large thinks that gasoline is a whole lot more expensive than it used to be. Part of the public’s confusion is due to the fact that gasoline has been loaded harder and harder with taxes. Today, Federal and State taxes on gasoline average 670 cents a gallon—nearly a third of the average retail price of regular gaso- line, ex-tax. The oil Industry isn’t to blame for this—in fact, doesn't love it at all. The of] companies act ae tax collectors for Federal, State, and local governments. In 1949 the oil companies collected nearly 82,- 000,000,000 in gasoline taxes for Uncle Sam and for the States. Furthermore, although gasoline prices have remained reasonabie, the oil industry has had to meet greatly increased wage and Material costs all slong the line. So, I think anybody who is in any way connected with the of] business has reason to crow. A stockholder or an employee of an oil company should have fun—should make a regular habit of—telling what his industry has done about this matter of retail prices, The public in general is misinformed on this matter of @ prices. I, for one, enjoy helping to set ‘em straight, Building of Strategic Bombers EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrcoap, I include the following letter: ANDERION-TULLY Co., Memphis, Tenn., February 16, 1951, The Honorable W. J. B. Doss, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Deas Mr. Dorw: Thia morning's Memphis Commercial Appeal carried a news item un- der date of February 18, 1951, that you had urged the building of 5,000 B-3@ and B~50 strategio bombers, I want to take this opportunity of con- gratulating you and assuring you that at Jeast this writer is in complete agreement with you, The cost of training, equipping, and trans- porting one division of American troops to Western Europe would be about $450,000,000, Ten divisions, which is the lowest figure I have heard for General Eisenhower's Euro- pean army, would run around @4,5600,000,- 000. In World War II, the United States Navy's Task Force 658, consisting of 16 alte craft carriers, 8 battleships, 17 cruisers, 76 destroyers, and an afray of other vessels, of which it lost 10 percent in 8 days of action, and with a personne! of nearly 100,000 suc~ ceeded in dropping on Japan or'y 513 tons of bombs and represented an investment of over $4,500,000,000. Five thousand strategic bombers of the B~36 and B-50 class, or even larger and more powerful bombers, at an average cost of $3,000,000 each, would represent an invest~ ment of some $15,000,000,000, with comparae tively small personnel, operating, and main- tenance costa, Long-range, strategic bomber task forces carrying atomic weapons, rockets, guided missiles, and electronic devices for naviga- tion, target sighting, and radar jamming are our most effective method of carrying war to Soviet Russia—and cost-wise, the only meth- od our economy can support without seri- ous and dangerous strain. We cannot hope to win against Russian mass by using mass. Nor can we hope to win against Russia by naval power, as Rus- sia has no navy to defeat. Our surest hope lies in American technology, American teche nique, and American industrial production, the finest expression of which is the long- range, strategic bomber, manned by a crew of alert, well-trained, weil-disciplined, and quick-thinking American men, Any mili- tary planning which does not utilize such airpower as the spearhead of our strategy is fallacious and will do much to defeat us mil- itarily and economically. Furthermore, Russia cannot build such great armadas of long-range, strategic bombers becauee she is forced to concentrate on tactical aviation to support ‘ier land armies. Those of us who have been adhercnts of the same viewpoint you hold wish you suce cess in this serious hour. Respectfully yours, Wii1iaMm R. Ker, Vice President and Treasurer, St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLARENCE E. KILBURN OF NEW YoRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. KILBURN. Myr. Speaker, the following is a letter to the editor that appeared in the Washington Post Mon- day, February 19, endorsing the St. Law- rence seaway. The writer of this letter, Mr. John Edelman, of the Textile Work- ers Union of America, CIO, He prob- ably, as well as anyone, represents labor in the northeastern part of the country and his letter shows that he has studied the St. Lewrence seaway and realizes the great benefit that it would be to our APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD country at large as well:as to the labor- ing men of the Northeastern States. I hope that every Member of the House will read the following letter: Br. Lawrence Seaway In your issue of February 5, there was & letter from Mr. Carroll B. Huntress, chair- man of the National St. Lawrence Project Conference, taking exception to your edl- torial of January 29 supporting the St. Law- rence seaway. Mr. Huntress’ principal point is to belittle those segments of the steel industry which are supporting the project in order to bring Labrador-Quebec ore to the middlewestern steel mills, The whole CIO supports the St. Lawrenoe seaway project authorized by successive reso- Tutions of tts convention, and has been sup- porting it for a longer period than the steel companies, The National Grange similarly has been an active supporter of this project. The same is true of the Army, the Navy, and other defense agencies of the Government. It is obviously nonsense to imply that all of these supporting forces are mere stooges of & few steel companies. The 6,000,000 members of the CIO are for 8&t. Lawrence on the broad grounds of public policy, My union has some yery slight measure of self-interest in this project; 1t is essential that manufacturing industries in New England find sources of cheaper elec- tric power, / The industrialists who have recently switched to the St. Lawrence project have done so simply because they now recognize certain physical end economic facts that bave beet recognized for a long time by the quite widely varying interests which have been for the project. Until very recently this country was self-sufficient in the mat- ter of iron-ore supply; it is now clear that we may have to import more than 40 percent of our nattonal requirements from abroad. Our ore imports may have to rise from 7,000,000 tons in 1950 to as high as 65,000,000 tons in 1960. As we see it, the crux of the problem is this: Which is the cheapest and safest way of bringing ore to the centers of steel pro- duction? The eastern railroads want to ine sure themselves the revenue involved in shipping the ore from the Atlantic to the Middle West mills. It just happens that it is more expensive to bring this ore by At- Jantic sea lanes, In addition, ships hauling ore from South America are peculiarly vul- nerable to submarine attack. Joun W. EneuMan, Washington Representative, Tezttle Workers’ Union of Amertca, CIO. Seren eeeeenneenend The St. Lawrence Seaway Is a Spendthrift Measure EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, the editor of the Salt Lake City Deseret News, in an editorial in the January 5, 1962, issue, said: This ia no time to spend money out of fear of a bogeyman myth. The editor was referring to the St. Lawrence seaway project that has been before Congress since time immemorial,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Every Member of Congress should read the editorial which follows: Turis Is No Time To Spenn Money Ovr or Fear Or A BoGEYMAN MytH One of the spendthrift measures certain to be lobby-pressured hard on the Eighty-second Congress will be a St. Lawrence River lakes- to-the-sea deep waterway bill. Already its propagandists are ranging the land armed with what they argue are two in- escapable demands of patriotism. One is that the Canadian-United States power scheme associated with the deep water- way aspect of the project is a defense neces- sity required to supply electricity needed by New York State and New England armament industries. This is questionable. The other is that if the St. Lawrence is made deep water for its length it will open the Great Lakes ports to oceangoing vessels so that our mid-States steel industry can get Labrador iron ore which we'll need, be- cause the Lake Superior ores are running out. With scarce more than a glance at the tangled problems associated with the social- ized production of electric power by Govern- ment works, which the St. Lawrence project would aggravate, let's look at that notion about our vanishing iron ore supply. This myth was born about 10 years ago. We were told that the high grade deposits of the Lake Superior region were going to Tun out not only pretty soon but quickly; specifically the Mesabi Range, largest of the sources, was on the verge of exhaustion and that the steel industry from Chicago east would have to contrive a new pattern, per- haps before World War II was done. In May 1942 the Mesabi alarm was rung loudest by E. W. Davis, the director of the Minnesota Mines Experiment Station, in a re- port to the War Production Board. “At war production rates,” Mr. Davis sald, “the known reserves of the Lake Superior district will be exhausted in 1950, but with- out Government financing a shortage of ore may be expected several years previous to complete exhaustion.” Government money was not provided; the Lake Superior ores are not exhausted; and what happened in 1950 was that Lake Superior ore production had so maintained that close to $50,000,000 is now in process of Yeing spent for nine new carriers of the largest size to freight ore down the century-~- old Great Lakes route. What went wrong with the forecast of ore exhaustion which the St. Lawrence waterway drumbeaters are still using as a talking point, was what goes wrong with practically every estimate of the life of a mineral deposit. It never (at least rarely) turns out quite as expected. Not many years before the tale of fron-ore exhaustion was hatched, we were hearing the same sort of scare forecasts about the ex- hausting of United States petroleum reserves. When the wailing was loudest the biggest fields in the country’s history were discov- ered and the industry was pretty nearly drowned in new oll, The Government financing that Mr. Davis wanted for Minnesota ore would have been for developing methods of using the low- grade sources of iron called taconite. Huge quantities of such ore, with 20 to 30 percent iron content, are available in the Lake Superior country, if it can be worked up without too much expense. But the ore still coming down the Great Lakes is 60 percent iron or better; 82,000,000 tons of the stuff in 1948; 78,200,000 tons last year. The biggest year was 92,000,000 tons in 1942, Annual deliveries vary because ice makes the Great Lakes shipping season un- dependable. Last year it was short, which ia one reason for the nine new ore freighters. A St. Lawrence seaway could not lengthen the ice-free r>ason. ’ What has turned out to be true about fron ore, as in the case of petroleum, is that as more is needed more is found. As for the taconite, progress is being made in the separation of the ore from the rock; close followers of the processing think the main problem will be solved in 6 years or so. The iron-ore and steel companies which have contracted for the nine big new ore boats, at any rate, believe they are making no great speculation on the life of the iron trade on the Great Lakes. Labrador supplies can await proven need. Or they can be delivered by coastal routes, just as Venezuelan ore will be brought to the United Etates Steel Corp.’s newly authorized plant on the Delaware, at Morrisville, Pa. In case of a “hot” war with Russia, if the Soviets have as good a submarine fleet as ve are told they have, these oceangoing ore carriers would be vulnerable just as bauxite carriers were to German submarines during the last big war. But the lower reaches of the St. Lawrence could be equally vulnerable to submarines, and the whole deep-water stretch an open in- vitation to bombers; a better target, because closer to Russian bases than the Panama Canal. The St Lawrence project has waited safely @® good many years. A decent regard for realism dictates that it can still safely wait. This is no fit time to divert millions of dollars and thousands of men and machines and massive quantities of steel and copper and concrete and suchlike strategic materials in short supply, to a controversial construction project, The Hardin Project EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WESLEY A. D’EWART OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. D’EWART. Mr. Speaker, the Hardin project in south-central Mon- tana and its central feature, Yellowtail Dam, are of great importance in the Missouri Basin development program. Over the years I have endeavored to ad- vance this vital irrigation and hydroelec- tric power project, but have been unable to do so because some members of the Appropriations Committee have been re- luctant to grant funds for the construc- tion until they were assured that proper arrangements had been made with the Crow Indians, on whose land the dam will be constructed, for any loss that might accrue to them. Two years ago I began an effort to reach a just and fair settlement with the Indians. As a first step, I secured, through the Public Lands Committee, an estimate from the Federal Power Com- mission as to the effect of the project upon the Crow Indians. At the same time the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Bureau of Reclamation conducted independent studies to determine what compensation should be made to the Crow Indians for the use of the reservoir and dam site. I am glad to report that these efforts have materialized into a concrete offer to the Crow Indians. The Indians are now considering whether they will accept the offer. I hope that we are near a fair and just agreement A887 with the Crow Tribe which will settle this problem, and that with this news, the Appropriations Committee will see fit at an early date to recommend that construction begin. I include an article from the Hardin Tribune-Herald of February 8, 1951, con- gonoerning the offer to the Crow In- jans: Crows Arg Orrerrp $1,500,000 ror YELLOW~ TAIL Sire The Crow Indians were asked this week to consider an offer of $1,500,000 to pay them for their land and their interest in the pro- posed Yellowtail Dam project on the Big Horn River, 35 miles southwest of Hardin, The offer was transmitted to them by Paul L. Fickinger, Billings area director of the Indian Service, on instruction from the 82c~- retary of the Interior. The dam would be built in the Big Horn Canyon, which the Indian Service ranks as the third largest in North Americ: and would back up water for a total distance of about 72 mules from a point 42 miles north of the Montana-Wyoming line. The plan for the project was enacted by Congress on December 22, 1944, but actual construction has been indefinitely postponed for lack of funds. The offer conveyed by Fickinger in a let- ter to Robert Yellowtail, chairman of the Crow tribal council, concerns an application of the Federal Bureau of Reclamation for rights-of-way on Indian lands for the pro- posed reservoir, camp site, and recreational area, and for t‘e right to bulld and operate the dam on tribal lands. The application was mace to the Secretary of the Interior. Unlike the situation which developed 2 years ago when members of three small tribas in North Dakota faced the prospect of hav- ing to give up their homes to make way for the Fort Berthold Reservoir, no dispossession of Crows would be involved in the Yellowtail project. According to Fickinger’s letter, a total of 6,846%, acres would be required, but it would be for the most part unin- habited land in the wild, craggy depths of Big Horn and its tributary canyons. In his letter to Yellowtail, Fickinger re- lated that A. L. Alin, Omaha consulting en- gineer, had been engaged to make a study of the Crow’s interests in the project and had arrived at a valuation of $28,952 for the land, $7,904 tor timber on it and $1,374,000 for re- linquishment of rights in the dam site, mak- ing a total of $1,401,856, “This amount,” Fickinger wrote, “was de- termined by amortizing the annual net pow- er return from the hydroelectric develop- ment capitalized on the basis of 100 years life and interest at 2% percent with half of the sum thereby determined for credit to the tribe as owners of the site and half for credit to the investor for his contribution.” Fickinger said that the Bureau of Recia- mation at the same time had made an !n- dependent study and arrived at a figure of $1,410,800 as a fair reimbursement for the Crows. “After completion of these two Independ- ent studies,” he wrote, “the two bureaus entered into discussions which resulted in an agreement that in order further to protect the interests of the tribe and at the same time simplify negotiations, a rounded sum of $1,500,000 would be a fair offer to the members of the Crow Tribe for the Indian lands and interests in the dam and reservoir sites. This recommendation was approved by the Secretary of the Interior for presen- tation to the Crow people.” Fickinger asked Yellowtail to present the secretary's offer of $1,500,000 to the Crows for consideration and to make reply through the tribal council to the Billings area office of the Indian service. He said be was send- ing mimeographed copies of the appraisal
A888 report for distripution among the Indians and he offered the services of his staff for consultation with the tribal council on the matter, Double-Talk Stalin EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from St. Marys Press, St. Marys, Pa., for February 17, 1051; Dovane-TaLK STALIN When double talk to its most polished @egree breaks tnto public print, Premier Joseph Stalin can be seen the author. He broke a 2-year silence Friday to sum up what he thinks of the world sttuation today and a finer job of Soviet propaganda ‘was never unleashed by a Red disciple. My. Stalin in Pravda, his official mouth- piece, calls United States a warmongering nation, and says American forces are bound to lose out in Korea, and why. Mr. Btalin has the answc: to that and here it is neatly rolled up in a capsule: “American soldiers fought gallantly against Germans and Japanese in the lest war, but they do not have their hearts in the Korean War, hence the reverses.” Mr. Stalin exys we are headed for certain defeat unless we pull all our troops off the Korean Peninsula and agree to & peace con- ference on the soil of Communist China. Can you beat that for gall? Mr. Stalin is not only beating the drums for his own cause, but is also carrying the torch for the Chinese Reds, whom he would like to have pictured before the world as victims of Yankee aggreasion. ‘That is the worst distortion of truth that could be uttered by any human being, but the world has become acoustomed to noth- ing but deception from Stalin, the greatest mass killer of all time. The Soviet premier said further “war is not tnevitable at this time.” Those, indeed, are kind words coming from the man who has the power of life and death over millions of peaple behind the iron curtain. There would be no talk of war todsy or in the future if Stalin would have lived up to terms of the Atlantic Charter to which he at- tached his signature in August 1941. That document, drawn up at the instance of Winsten Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt said all nations on conclusion of hostilities if this country should become involved, would permit self-determination by the people themselves in various lands. This was supposed to apply specifically to Poland and th Baltic States, but Mr. Stalin conveniently forgot his written pledges once pointed out, geve him a couple of assists (A) by later repudta- of tic Charter as a mere scrap paper and (B) turning over to Stalin all f E Gold, Stalin would still be the master of a small arca of land peopled by less than 160.0.0,009 people. Stalin claims thia country 1s trying to make the United Nations an instrument of war, just about the ailitest thing he could have said. Resktents of this country have stood amazed at the actions of United Na- tions delegates walking the in efforts to avoid mentioning Red China as an aggressor power. And none of them outside bold-spoken Warren Austin, chief United States delegate has had the courage to blame Soviet Russia for what has taken piace in Korea. Of course, the Russian people whose press and radio are subservient to the state, don't know the truth of the situation. They hear pr read only what is approved by the Krem- They should be told the truth, that Amer- feans are as anxious to live in a peaceful world as the average Russian family, but with Stalin at the helm they will never learn that fact. Mr. Hoover’s Second Look EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rercorp, I include the following edi- torial from the New Orleans Times- Picayune: Mr. Hoover's Srconp Loox Bome weeks ago our only living ex-Presi~ dent told the world in a radio broadcast what he thought this country should do in the cur- rent world crisis. Spectalizing in its military problems and policy, he advised cancellation of any plen to send to Europe to strengthen the defense of the free nations against Communist attack—unless and until they grow strong enough to defend them- selves, In effect, as most Americans under- stood his message, he advocated what used to be known as the isolationist policy—con- centration upon defense of the Western Hemisphere while leaving Western Europe to Gerona itself or go under the Communist yoke. This bit of master minding drew some ap- plause from isolationist circles but left the main body of American opinion uncon- vinced that Mr. Hoover hes acquired omni- science with advancing years. So he made a second try last Friday night. The military phases of the problem still fascinate him and he puts mast of his new emphasis on an argument that the United States must not create land armies to send on expedi- tions to Europe or Asta. Ai our obligation to aid the ‘Atlantic Pact nations in case they sre attacked, he contends in effect that our obligation can be fulfilled after the attack is launched, by harassing the aggressors with air and naval bombard- ments until they have had enough. The harassment would be unpleasant, no doubt, but the probably could bear it with some degree of cheerfulness whiie be overran Western Europe and seized its industries for the build up of his own ‘weapons and facilities for further conquest and more effective harasgment of Mr. Hoover's own “Gibraltar,” these United tes. Even as revived, Mr. Hoover's textbook om national defense causes us to doubt s little the only living ex-President’s infal- libility an a military strategist. If it t his ambition to play second violin in Senator Tarr’s orchestra, we think his performance qualifies him for that post, But we cannot APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD beiteve that Mr. Hoover’s military program as he outlines ft would serve our imminent national needs or lead toward secure free- dom for the peoples who crave itor bene- fit anybody save Stalin, who should wel- come its tacit invitation to imvade and oc- cupy Western Europe while we stuck to the watchful waiting role for which Mr. Hoover casts us. Colonel Lindsay Says EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. LEONARD ALLEN OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. ALLEN of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, I have heretofore placed in the Recorp some guest editorials by Col. C. H. Lindsay, vice president and general manager of the Tremont Lumber Co., Winnfleld, La., dealing with the question of communism. Colonel Lindsay is an outstanding industrialist and has given considerable thought to the question. I wish to include in the Rzcorp another guest editorial by Colonel Lindsay. It is as follows: A Pricy ror COMMUNISM (By OC. H. Lindsay) ‘We spent billions of dollars from our Treas- ury along with priceless bicod and suffering by all to save Russia from the Germans and billions more in money and sacrifices to save China from the Japs; now, Rusaia and China, former friends, are foes—all from the basis of communism. Big hearted United States of America has given foreign nations by gift, grant, and otherwise, hilliona of doliars during World War II; we have given this to buy good will and purchase peace. Take inventory and see what wo have facing us. You can clearly see a dark future which will always add up 1f we support any plan that will take our free enterprise, Just aa the stars shine out as soon as it ie dark so will communism. For that reason, we must not let it become any darker by supporting any move or scheme that surely leads to present-day chaotic conditions by upholding or assisting any group that will hinder our freedom. A man must stand erect, not be kept erect by others. A man in the right, with God on his side, is in the majority though he be alone. We asa Nation must stand for a free world, even though we stand alone. It our dollars and sacrifices had been spent fortifying oursetves and building our own strength, there would not be an ingrate Cam- munist who would dare to thumb his nose at us. We must not buy communism at a high price and lose our democratic freedom. Water Conservation Official Issues State- ment Relating to Proposed Hells Can- yon Dam EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAMER H. BUDGE or Toarto IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. BUDGE. Mr. Speaker, the Presf- dent's budget for fiscal year 1952 in-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cludes $8,000,000 which is proposed as a supplemental appropriation, subject to project authorization, to initiate con- struction of the Hells Canyon Dam on the Snake River between Idaho and Oregon. It is the fear of the people of my State that this project might be authorized without reference or benefit to irrigation requirements of the Snake River Basin or to the interests of the State of Idaho. Such must not be the case. Under leave to extend my remarks, I insert a statement by H. W. Morrison, president of the Southwestern Idaho Water Conservation Project, Inc., pub- lished in the Idaho Daily Statesman, February 15, 1951, setting forth some of the controversial items on this proposed project: Watrr CONSERVATION OrriciaL Issurs STATE- MENT RELATING TO ProposeD HeLis CaNyYon Dam H. W. Morrison, president of the South- western Idaho Water Conservation Project, Inc., Wednesday issued this statement on the Hells Canyon Dam issue: “The developing controversy growing out of the proposed construction of Hells Canyon Dam should, in my opinion, be clarified. This can be accomplished only if aur people are afforded an opportunity to review all fac- tors and intereats which are involved in the proposed project, and the efforts which have been made to harmonize such interesta. “As you know, our organization. South- ‘western Idaho Water Conservation Project, Inc., is broadly representative of all groups interested in the development of Idaho's water resources. Our primary objective has been the creation of reliable sources of sup- plemental water for lands already under irri- gation, Over the past 10 years, we have ad~- vocated and furthered the construction of Anderson Dam, Cascade Dam, and Lucky Peak Dam, These structures are providing the long-range solutions to our agriculturists’ problems of crop failures in short water years and flood hazards in high-run-off years. We have also assisted the Snake River water de- velopment committee in obtaining congres- sional approval of the construction of Pali- sades Dam, as the answer to & similar problem confronting agriculturists in eastern Idaho. “The second principal objective of our southwestern Idaho organization is develop- ment of the arid Mountain Home lands lying east of Boise through fuller utilization of Idaho's ample water resources. The Moun- tain Home project would reclaim approx- imately 250,000 acres of some of the finest soil in Idaho and would create agricultural development, employment, and income op- portunities and taxable values almost equal to those of the entire Baise Valley as we now know it. “At one time, when its cost was estimated at approximately $100,000,000, authorization of the Mountain Home project was con- sidered imminent since repayable costs to be collected from farmers plus revenues to be derived from the electric power features of the project, were in total sufficient to enable the project to stand on ‘ts own feet, financially, and thus to render it feasible under the terms of the reclamation act. World War II not only prevented authoriza- tion of the Mountain Home and all other new reclamation projects, but its lingering economic effects increased the estimated cost of the Mountain Home project to in excess of $200,000,000. “The United States Bureau of Reclama- tion, particularly the regional office located here in Boise under the former direction of R. J. Newell and now headed by H. T. Nelson, has always been symprvhetic and coopera- tive in our efforts to bring about reclamation of the arid Mountain Home project lands. However, we have been told repeatedly that under the terms of the present reclamation act there could be no opportunity for bring- ing about this development unless its greatly increase.) cost could be et with the assist- ance of revenues from electric power, larger than the amount which would be available from power developed by the project's own features, The only alternative would be a direct appropriation by the Congress of the amount by which the project failed to qual- ify under the reclamation act’s financial feasibility requirement; but this alternative method is wholly impractical since the Con- gress and the Nation could not afford to establish such a precedent. “Early last December, I was advised by Mr. Nelson that his office had been directed to prepare immediately a draft of legislation proposed to be submitted to the Eighty- second Congress for authorization of the construction of Hella Canyon Dam. It was our understanding that the proposed legis- lation contemplated the construction of Hells Canyon Dam as & power and flood con- trol project exclusively, to meet the desires and urgent needs of the States of Oregon and Washington. To the officers of our southwestern Idaho organization, it appeared grossly inequitable that Idaho's water re- souces should be utilized on so vast a scale without guaranteeing to Idaho a fair meas- ure of the benefits resulting from such utili- gation. We therefore entered promptly into conferences with members of our organiza- tion’s executive committee and board of directors, Governor Robins, the commis- sioner of reclamation of the State of Idaho, and with representatives of the Idaho State reclamation association, Snake River water development committee, Mountain Home Improvement Association, officiala of Idaho Power Co., and representatives of reclama- tion interests tn the Twin Falls and Idaho Falls areas. “As a result of these conferences, we pre- pared what we believe is a sound and rea- sonable statement of the Idaho position, meaning that if the Hells Canyon project is to be built Idaho is entitled to receive con- sideration in the manner and to the extent outlined in our statement. This statement ‘was submitted to Mr, Nelson, as the director of the Bureau of Reclamation in this region, and discussed thoroughly. Mr. Nelson in turn recommended that we make known our position to (a) the Commissioner of Rec. lamation and his assistants in Washington, D. C.; (b) the Secretary of the Interior and his staff; and (c) the Director of the Budget and representatives from the White House. Accordingly, as president of the Southwestern Idaho Water Conservation Project, Inc., I headed a delegation which included Governor Robins and representatives of Idaho Power Co., Snake River Water Development Com- mittee, and Mountain Home Improvement Association, as well as other individuals of recognized standing in reclamation activities in the Idaho Falls and Twin Falls areas, E, W. Rising, our organization's representa- tive in Washington, D. C., joined this dele- gation upon its arrival there. “We were received courteously by all of the Washington officials and were accorded the opportunity of presenting completely our re- quests. As a result of our visit to Wash- ington, the Boise office of the Bureau of Reclamation was allowed more time in which to prepare the draft of the proposed legisla- tion, and it was directed by the Secretary of the Interior that in the framing of the pro- posed legislation consideration be given to our thinking as expressed at the conference in Washington. “For the past month, at the request of Mr. Nelson, the Bureau's regional director, conferences have continued locally for the purpose of agreeing Upon language in the 111 which would protect Idaho's rights. These conferences have been attended by Governor Jordan and other State officials, as Well as by representatives of reclamse tion and water resource development groups. Publicity concerning these meetings had been deferred pending general agreement among the conferees and finalization of the proposed legislative draft and its submis- sion to the Secretary of the Interior at Washington, D. ©. This has just been ac- complished within the past few days; and while we here have no way of knowing whether or not this draft will meet the ap- proval of the Washington officials, we feel that the interests of Idaho will be quite well protected if the provisions we have requested are retained in the legislation proposed to be enacted to authorize the project. The re- quested protective provisions are, briefly: “1. Pull and complete reservation of Idae ho's right to present and future upstream consumptive uses of water for all domestic and irrigation purposes, “2. A definite statement in the bill’s pre- amble to the effect that the purposes of the legislation include the reclamation of arid lands of the Snake River Basin, as well as the production of electric power at Hells Canyon m. “3. An allocation of benefits from the sale of Hell’s Canyon power in amounts sufficient, together with revenues from the proposed Scrivner Creek power development, to make financially feasible development of the Mountain Home project, “4. The protection of rights of the Idaho Power Co., owner of the Oxbow site which would be inundated by construction of Hells Canyon Dam, through an allocation to the company of a block of firm Hell’s Canyon power equivalent to that which could be produced by the Oxbow development. “5. An allocation to the State of Idaho of a substantial block of Hells Canyon power’ in Meu of taxable values which would be lost through the inundation of other low- head dam sites upstream from the Hell’s Canyon site, it being understood that the State of Idaho would have the right to cone tract for the sale of this power and to receive substantial kilowatt-tax revenues annually therefrom. “It should be definitely understood that we have neither promoted the construction of the proposed Hells Oanyon project, nor endeavored to oppose it, We believe that we are scarcely in position to deny the States of Oregon and Washington their proportion- al benefits from this natural power resource if the Congress decides to authorize the dam's construction. We do feel, however, that since Idaho's most important water resource is involved, Idaho’s interest in the utilization of this resource is paramount, Therefore, Idaho's rights should be pro- tected, and we have accordingly made every effort to accomplish this objective fairly and with proper consideration of the rights of other States. Should the legislation as finally proposed by the Secretary of the In- terlor fail to embody the protective provi- sions which we have recommended, then our southwestern Idaho organization, like oth- er public-minded groups, would feel obliged to reexamine our present position in this matter. “We recognize, aa do all others, that it is questionable whether this is the proper time to undertake the expenditure of large sums of money such as would be required to bulld this project. This is a decision, in our opin- fon, for the Congress to make, We are agree- ing that, with the exception of the Scriver Creek unit, no funds will be requested to inaugurate construction of the Mountain Home project until the national emergency ia declared at an end by the President, or, ‘alternatively, until a perfod of 6 years has elapsed, The Scriver Creek unit is a power producer and may properly be undertaken for the purpose of developing power for the defense effort under proper safeguards for the State of Idaho. The Scriver Creek unit can be constructed in about 8 years and
would produce approximately 150,000 kilo- watts of power, the sale of which would as- in financing the development of trriga- tures of the Mountain Home pro}- Is This Our Nation’s Twilight? EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, as part of my remarks, I am including an editorial that appeared in the Tulsa (Okla,). Tribune on February 10, 1951: A Lessow ros THE Srewsts (By Richard Lioyd Jones) Is this the hour of our Nation's twilight? Congressman Harrison, of Virginia, wants to know. Every thinking citiaen is pondering this question. Our unthinking citizen, like the ostrich of legend, is content to see noth- ing and lisicn to Jess. If we are in the twi- light of our country, it is because of the faiture of the parasitic citizen to do his duty. The greatest peril that confronts us is not our foreign enemies, nor the pinks and com- mies here at home, but the unconcerned don't-give-a-whoop citizen who takes no in- terest tc our fate. That citieen’s indiffer- ence has elected indifference to high offices of public trust. If we are to be saved from our stupidity and complacent indifference, it will be be- cause of the uncompromising devotion to our country of such Senators as Joxz McCar- THY, of Wisconsin; Nrxow, of California; and those who stand with them. We are encum- dered with Democrats who, to protect the aeditions their party has sponsored, are more anxious to save their party than their country. In the process of recognizing the time- honored practice of seniority in committee, Benator McCaatHy was recently sasigned to the subcommittee which determines State Department appropriations. There ta no one tn the Senate who knows aa much as does McCagrny about the active seditious agencies of treachery and treason. As no other Member of Congress, he has drought out Into the open the revelation that our State Department has been, and still is, honeycombed with subversive workers. And McCarruy has done this work against the obstructions of sneering, ridiculing Members of the United States Senate; politicians who ‘are afratd of our politically active foes. While other Senators rested, indifferent to our dangers, McCartsy found work to do, and went to work. He worked. Early and late, McCarry worked. Long hours of work. Long days of work. Weeks, months of self- sacrificing work, and this work taxed his own purse heavily. ft has taken all he had and all that his unknown volunteer could hand him to do this work, work which other Bena- tors should have shared, but work which others shamefully shirked. It is because of our shirking Senators that the gentleman from Virginia asked the other day: “Is this the hour of our Nation's twilight?" Timid Senators who are afraid of the po- Utical power of our traitors have been slow to rally to the s of Jon McCarruy, ‘They failed him when he needed them. Future historians are going to write the name of Josura McCarrary, of Wisconsin, high among the heroes of this twilight hour of our country’s years. ‘The Democratic Party, which has per- mitted the termites of treason to eresp into our Government, has mad a political rec- ord that will never be told tn song and story. ' -3¢ America survives we will build no monu- ments to those who brought us to this twilight hour. Pretty much alone, Jon McCaursty brought the people to see the red herrings. He has revealed the rats as well as those who have been infected by the rats. Under McCarTuy’s investigations a lot of rats have been fired but still the administra- tion holds on tenaciously to those that are left. But the more effective McCaxtit's now generally supported work becomes, the less Ukely 1s our danger that this may be our country's twilight hour. Senator Wuerry, of Nebraska, the other day said, “McCagruy has done more to estab- Ush confidence in the hearta of Americans than any other man in recent years." Yet a Member of the Senate, » chap from Connecti- out, one Wiaiuuam Banron, 60 atoutly de- nounced McCaagtruy on the Senate floor the other day that he was ordered to sit down because he had violated the traditions of Genatorial decency. After twice being or- dered to take his seat for such offense, his Democraiic colleagues voted him on his feet again, a shocking picture of pale patriotism. This fellow Bento got mad because Mc- CanTny had excused from committee service the Republican lady whom the stanch Americans in Maine sent to the Senate. Senator MaRcarer Caras: Serre is reported to have suffered embarrassment and chagrin époor thing), at being let out of a committee of importance to our country's defense. She was removed by McCagtary. She had ridi- culed, smeared, and belittied his service to our country, which was beyond the lady's power to match. But because she could not match it, she would better have cheered it than smeared it. She deserved no place on any committee whose work is related to our nations] security. She is not among those who defend us against the twilight of our existence as a free people. Let the lady dlush. ‘The second reason, and « better one, Mc- Caxruy dropped the lady from Maine be- cause he needed her place for an American Gefender, In her place, MeCagrmr put the new Senator from California, Rrwarp M. Wrxon, Such @ Senator was needed right While the lady from Matne was belittling MoCarrny, Nrrow knit together the conclu- sive clues that landed Hise where his own perfidy properly placed him. Historians record trifling incidents that have affected the course of nations. Perhaps the whimper of the lady from Maine, with ite resultant voleanic eruption from the Senetor trom Connecticut, will have done us an ine sakmiable national service in this twilight our. Things were getting pretty dark. The Diack clouds of treachery and treason were gathering. A futile attitude has been grow- ing among the people. Bribes are now being parceled out in Washington in the form of war contracts, weapon factories, and mirumi- tion plants, to induce a tot of the secthing and recalcftrant party boys to behave. But meither the Democratic Bentons, nor the Republican Smiths, can longer hide the hideous fact that the people have lost all confidence in Dean Acheson and the whole State Department of his making. Tf this be, as feared, our Natton’s twilight hour, we are in this growing confusion and darkness because of the capricious irrespon- ' gibflity of citizens we have elected to lead us. Maroarexs Serra cof Maine hes a ict to Jearn from the Senator from Wisconsin. Shades of Thomas B, Reed and James G. Blaine, Maine deserves 2 Senator who can APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD match MoCasray in the service of Our country. Neither the sensitive lady from Maine, nor the voleanic Senator from Connecticut can deny that the termites of treason have eaten deep into the foundations of our freedoms. Bunton would do well to go back to hts ‘Yale and again look into the bronze tace of Bale. Joe MoCazriay haa been a lone soldier. His devotion and his purpose are so right po traducers can destroy them. They have grown little who have tried to belittle him. In our own country’s twilight hour, s0 flied with our own made fears, the Senator Wisconsin has shown the people in not impatient to defend us against our foes ig an encumbrance on the country. When our Senators do their full duty, we will be froed from fear. St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES E. POTTER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. POTTER. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted to extend my re- marks in the Reoorp, I wish to insert three editorial on the St. Lawrence sea~ way project, which appeared in three Michigan newspapers recently: [From the Escanaba (Mich.) Press of Feb- ruary 6, 1951) Or. Lawamron Szawar Paosect Is Vita, TO Nazrowat, DuFenss ‘The arguments in support of the St. Law- rence seaway are so overwhelming that many of the political leaders who have long op- posed the seaway project are now supporting it. The converts Include Senator Tart, Ohio Republican; Chairman Bucnizr, of the House Public Works Committee; Eoonomic Stabiitver Wileon; and many more. Steel company officials, once alined with the sea- way opponents, are now supporting the proj- ect because of the development of the rich ore feids in Labrador. The cost of the navigation-power project has been the subject of much of the con- troversy, with seaway opponents greatly dis- torting the financial picture. The project ‘will cost $800,000,000, but only half of the cost will be borne by the American Govern- ment. The other half will be pald by Canada. About half of the American cost of the project would be the power phase of the seaway development and this is self- Nquidating—beyond question. That leaves $200,000,000 that could be assesauble against taxpayers if the navigation tolls falled to Meet construction costs, as opponents claim. ‘This is about the cost of a single battie- ship at today’s prices. But the navigation and power phases of the St. Lawrence sea- way would strengthen our national defense resources to a far greater degree than 4 battleship or even # couple battleships. In fact, unless the St. Lawrence profect
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD production. There simply are not enough railroad ore cars to move this vital raw material to our steel mills. Even if the railroads could do it, the cost would be so great that it would mean at least a $10 per ton boost in the price of steel. The power phase of the project is at least of equal importance. The great industries of the East are factng a serious power short- age, and they need the electrical energy that can be tapped from the St. Lawrence River. Canada’s needs are equally great. Unless the United States acts soon to develop the 8t. Lawrence project, Canada probably will proceed to do it alone—and we will have to pay tolls to Canada forever, {From the Grand Rapids (Mich.) Press of February 3, 1951] Tue Seaway For DEFENSE The St. Lawrence seaway proposal defi- uitely will be hashed over in Congress again this year. The inclusion of it in President Truman's list of defense projects makes that certain. But informed Washington opinion gives the project little chance for approval. The argument being used against it now is that the country has neither the money nor materials to spend on it in this critical period. Yet, for lack of the St. Lawrence development the defense effort may be serl- ously handicapped. Two new aluminum plants are being built in the Northwest instead of New England, which is a more ideal location for them. The reason New England isn't getting the plants is that it doesn’t have sufficient elec- tric power and the Northwest dogs. <A seri- ous shortage of electric power exists all through New England and New York. This shortage is the chief reason why New York's Gov. Thomas E. Dewey has tried desperately to get the Federal Government to approve a joint New York-Ontario power development on the St. Lawrence. Canada is confronted with a similar short- age. The St. Lawrence has the best unde- veloped hydroelectric power resources in North America. Canada says that tf the United States hangs back any longer it will undertake the seaway-power project on its own. Canada also is thinking about the great iron-ore deposits in the Labrador region and of how to get the ore to the great steel-manufacturing centers. Nothing would prove more yital to the United States defense in a prolonged conflict than 8 de- pendable source of iron. The Mesabi de- posits in the Lake Supertor region have a limit; another source on the North Ameri- can Continent is essential to this country's defense. The ore is in Labrador. The problem is getting it to Pittsburgh, Youngstown, and other steel cities. A railroad to bring it to the St. Lawrence is to be completed within the next 5 years. But without the proposed seaway, only the smaller vessels will be able to transport it from that point to Great Lakes ports. This would be both costly and inadequate. For the last 10 years the United States has been talking as though it actually in« tended to do something about the seaway, It is about time that it made up its mind. Congress should stop playing dog-in-the- manger, Either it should approve the proj ect this year or tell Canada to go ahead with it on its own. Further, if the Federal Gov- ernment doesn’t intend to develop the St. Lawrence's power possibilities, it should authorize New York to go ahead with its plans in cooperation with Ontario. If Con- gress had acted favorably 10 years ago the nited States would be in a much more se cure position than it is today. This country may have dire need of the seaway and the river's power before another decade elapses. Maybe Canada and New York can save the United Statés from the results of ite short- sightedness if given the chance, [From the Grand Rapids (Mich.) Herald of February 8, 1951] Seaway yor NaTIonaL DEFENSE Prospects for favorable action in Congress on the St. Lawrence seaway projects are con- sidered brighter at this session than at any in the several decades it has been a perennial subject of futile debate. The Middle West is joining in a concerted move to ,et it going. Detroit is vitally inter- ested. So is our next-door neighbor, Muske- gon. So are other cities in the Great Lakes region, including Grand Rapids. President Truman says that the project now has “a new and special urgency.” That, of course, is the keynote of the pres- ent campaign. If the seaway is to be bullt now, !t must be justified almost entirely on its potential contribution to the national defense. The long-range benefits to the industrial Great Lakes region fall into second place, although they are no less important than they have been or will be at any «ther time. The economic value of turning Detroit and Bay City and Saginaw, our own Lake Michi- gan ports, Chicago and all the other harbors into ocean ports is obvious. Defense, however, has priority now. Only this week Charles E. Wilson, Defense Mobilization Director, notified the State of New York that little or no structural steel will be available for the New York through- way. Very little steel can be allocated for new highway work other than access roads to new defense projects. New building con- struction, after defense projects, schools, and hospitals, will be practically nil. The St. Lawrence seaway undeniably would make our country more secure. It would serve the heart of the steel industry on which almost all industry depends, particu- larly war industry. Lake Superior iron ore deposits have been seriously depleted by two world wars. They must in the near future be supplemented by ore from the newly discovered Labrador- Quebec deposits, which require a seaway for transportation, or by ore from overseas which, in wartime, is subject to the hazards of submarine attacks. Already, big steel Jants are being built on the Atlantic sea- oard—but their supply of ore might readily be cut off by the most formidable submarine fleet of all time, Stalin's. There is the added defense possibility of loading tanks and trucks and other impedi- menta of war on ships at Detroit for trans portation overseas. This country is far from self-sufficient. We still must get vital minerals such as manganese and chrome from Asia and Africa and the Middle East. Congress must determine whether we can afford the addi- tional hazards of trying to import our ore from across the oceans or even along the sea route from Labrador through submarine-in- fested waters. Congress must determine whether the cost of the seaway is offset by the expense of moving steel plants away from the Great Lakes region or of bringing ore to them by rail, The Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which will consider the matter, recently was reported 8 to 4 in favor of it, with Sen- ator SmirHx of New Jersey, undecided, and one Senate observer who has followed sea- way legislation for years has estimated that 86 Senators are for it or open to reason with 61 against it and 8 doubtful, Politics and specia] interests still are face tors in the discussion, but the decision now must be made aimost solely on the basis of national security. Asst United States Zone of Germany—Occu-' pation Costs and Who Pays Them Se nsmsnamaenad EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS — OF NEW YoREK. , IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 7, 1951 Mr, JAVITS. Myr. Speaker, the ap- pended article from the Information Bulletin issued by the Office of the United States High Commissioner for Germany for January 1951, is valuable in giving Members a picture of the financial con- ditions under which our occupation is proceeding and the very fair arrange- ments which are made to cover our occu- pation costs as far as the German gov- ernment is concerned: \ Occupation Costs—SumMary oF Basic PERTINENT Facts With threatening forces close to her frone tiers and no army of her own, Germany has been assured Allied protection against ate tack. The Allied governments “will treat any attack against the Federal Republic or Berlin from any quarter as an attack upon them- selves,” says the recent New York commu- niqué of the Foreign Ministers of France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Germany’s outiay for occupation costs, paye ing but partial support for Allied armies stationed here, has to be considered there- fore as the cost of national defense. The cost of such defense is not, as eritics maintain, prohibitive. For Germans It totals about 25 percent of the Federal and State budgets. In contrast, defense costs for the allied powers take a far larger bite: in the United States it totals 42 percent of the Fed- eral budget, in the United Kingdom, 25 pere cent, and in France, 35 percent. But defense is certainly not the only ad- vantage Germany is receiving. Occupation costs pay for thousands of jobs; they pay for services provided by Federal agencies; they pay for investments in the revival of the Ger- man economy—investments which eventually will belong to Germange exolusively. In addition, America, through their Gove ernment or through spending out of their own pockets, are pouring vast sums of money into the German economy—an amount which far exceeds the total bill for occupation costs, Why should Americans, pouring hundreds of millions of dollars into building up Gere many's economy, use occupation costs as a method of tearing it down? The lack of logic in this false philosophy can be clearly illus- strated by an analysis of the financing of oc cupation requirements. From May 8, 1945 (VE-day) to March 31,' 1951 (end of current fiscal year), the United States will have extended a total of DM. 16,669,880,000 (€3,969,000,000)1 in aid to Germany. Of that sum; Government and Relief in Occupied Areas (GARIOA) contributed DM, 8,849,600,000 ($1,988,000,000) ; BCA contributed DM. 5,040,000,000 ($1,200, 000,000) ; The voluntary rellef agencies of the United States contributed DM. 571,200,000 (6136,000,« 000); f Private gifts to the German people contribe uted DB. 1,470,000,000 (8350,000,000) ; a nel 2 All monetary figures in this article are given in Deutschemarks (DM.) for which’ conversion into United States dollars is at the official rate of one Deutschemark to 23.4, cents.
A892 STEG (a German public corporation given United States Army surplus goods to sell) contributed DM. 880,600,000 (€200,000,000) ; United States share of International Refu- gee Organisation (TRO) evomtribution was DM. 399,000,000 (895,000,000) in United States funds. The total of this ald—DM. 16,680,600,000, or $3,960,000,000-—far exceeds the cost to Germany of the United Btates zone occupa~ tion, whith in the same period comes to DM. 11,244,600,000 ($2,677,214,800). Not only has Germany received vastly more United States aid than she has paid, but the United States Government itself has spent far more money than the Federal Republic to maintain the occupation. So far, the Untted Btates cost amounts to DM. 17,968,- 000,000—a staggering 94,140,000,000. This includes the salartes of United States ecoupation personnel, which are paid by the United States Government and not from occupation costs as popularly sasumed. United States-supplied money not only pays these American salaries, but supports pe- riodicals like Die Neve Zeitung and Bewte, radio stations Nike Berlin's RIAS, visiting ex- perte, German Youth Activities’ centers, and similar institutions, and the offices of United States resident officers (with the exception of rental and electricity costs). The figure docs not include, however, the many millions spent by the United States State Department on the exchange program. That is an additional item of United States expenditure. Nat only do the German ex- changees—acientista, farmers, students, trade Unionists, specialists of all kindse—gain sub- jective knowledge and understanding but valuable practical experience which can effi- clently be applied in reconstructing the homeland. But even to compare American and Ger- man coste is a specious argument, for Ger- many does not by any means forfeit the use of the money she pays out for the occupa- tion. very penny of these costs remains in- side Germany and is channeled right back into the German economy. + The total occupation cost budget to the republic 1s DM. 5,462,860,300 ($1,200,160,751) ¢ for the fiscal year which will end in March. ‘ From this approximately DM. 1,747,406,000 (€415,882,390) is going into the pockets of gome 471,500 Germans who are employed hy the three Aled Powers. DM. 388,120,700 (902,172,026) represents utilities and rents betng paid to Germans whose facilities are being used by allled personnel. DM. 480,080,~ 000 (116,403,182) ts going directly to the Tedlerally-operated postal and railroad sya- tems, DM. 964,190,000 ($220,477,220) repre- senta capital expenditures in the three sones—the majority of which ara new build- ings which will later become German prop- erty. These four items alone amount to DM. 3,508,604,700 (§854,136,518), all of which 4s channeling back into the Germany economy, Moreover, DM. 188,000,000 (044,744,000) of the oocupation coats is being used to support displaced peraons and DM. 71,000,000 (¢16,- 898,000) to pay restitution, burdens resulting from the war which in any case Germany would have to bear, In the American zone the major part of the occupation-costs budget—36 percant—is federal unemployment problem, supported from public funda—and would mean an added drain on the taxpayers wallet. Newspapers which tell tn vibrating head. lines of nine German employees for every two Americana seem to ignore this West Ger- man unemployment burden which at the be- ginning of 1951 stood at elsmost 1,690,000 per~ gons, But even so, aince Germans on the oc- cupation-costs payrof! in the United States vone total 140,000, and there are more than that number of American personnel in the zone, there is actually less than one German . employee for each American. Moreover, these employees are not the handmeidens of occupation personnal; the great majority are office workers and techniciens. ‘Typical of the difficulties which wotld arise if German employees of the Allied Pow- ers were re'eased ig the city of Heldelberg. That city's Tageblatt (datly newspaper) re- cently published a repcrt stating that in Heidelberg 6,000 Germans are working for Americans. The paper estimates an average monthly income of DM. 250 (869.60) for these workers, or DM. 24,000,- 000 ($5,712,000) each year. This purchasing power is substantial, and if it suddenly dis- appeared would cause serious dislocations in city industry and trade, Moreover, it would throw 8,000 persons on a labor market which couldn't support them. Tagebdlatt uses these arguments to show the city a“ministration what difficulties would be forthcoming if occupation employees were discharged. “Buch savings in occupation costs, to be welcomed in the interest of the federal re- public and the taxpayer, would result in a heavy burden for Heldelberg. It is only r sonable to ask that funds which are saved by ing in the town is an entirely differant mat- ter. They would be no help in solving the problema which is apparent in the of occupation costs.” Heidelberg is no isolated case. The prob- Jem illustrated here exists in all communi~ ties where large troop comtingenta are sta~ tioned or HICOG agencies are established, Often these localities are spas or districts with very little industry where other employ- ment would be acarce. United States policy in selection of em- ployeca has likewise ameliorated what might have become an overwhelming social prob- lem. Americans have employed thase Ger- mans nobody wanted to employ, for example, the war veterans who left school to go into the army. Depending not 90 much on writ- ten references as on the good will of appli- canta, Americans have likewlae given jobs to thousands of refugees. Many a prisoner of war returning from Russia is thankful for jobs offered by the occupation no less thankful are students in university have accrued to Germany as a direct reeult of the occupation for which Germans par- tially pay: The Office of the United States High Com- missioner for Germany is fimancing from its jects (for States occupation persaanel shop and travel; their total spending amounts to at least 950,000,000 (DM. 310,000,886) a year. The eswblishment of recreation canters for occupation personnel has guaranteed vie- And °. ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD itors and a steady fnoome to many spas and heatth resorts which otherwise might have stood empty. So tar as the United Btates ts concerned, there ts one more trenchant argument for those who would chafe at peying the cost of occupation. This revolves around the an- nual cost to the United States of its debt directly attrfeutable to the war. The oocu- pation grew out of the wer and the debt did, too. Germany ended the war with prac- tically no debt. The United States debt was inoreased by $220,000,000,008 (equal to DM. 924,370,000,000 at current conversion rate) during the war yeats. The annual interest charge on this war-contracted debt ts slightly less than $5,000,000,000, or somewhere near DM. 21,060,000,000. This is an annual charge for interest only amd does not provide for any repayment. It is a Agure which should be kept in mind when viewing the United States n‘s cost to Germany: this year, just DM. 2,404,000,000. In making such comparteons, American policy-makers are well aware that the United Btates capactty to pry ts far greater than Germany's. Studies are now under way to Cetermine what Germany's reasonable ca- pacity for expenditures—defense expendi- turee—is With these considerations in mind, it can be legitimately pointed out that the most recent United States appropriation for de- fense ts $43,000,000,000. This represents about 14 percent of the gross national prod- uct of the United States. Under Hitler's Reich, 19 percent of Germany's groms pa- tional product went into reaymament. Ger- many today pays for the total of Allied oc- cupation costs about 5.6 pereemnt. While attributes of national health, re- eources and other econcsic factors deter- mine how much of a country’s gross national poses, nonethe percentages of gross ma- tional product are the fairest comparison of capacity to pay. This enormous disparity between the Ger- Man and United States percentages of groas national products used for defense purposes should convince even the moat skeptical that Germany is not being asked to pay any- where near the Henig of its capacity. For a National Day of Prayer EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. E. C. GATHINGS OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. GATHINGS. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorn, I include the following ar- ticle from the February 16, 1951, issue of the Cotton Trade Journal, Memphis, Tenn: For a Natiomat Day oy Peaver ‘The fate of mankind, perhaps for the next century, depends o.1 events immediately ahead The free world is looking to the United States for leadership in this critical period. "The tauture of civilization depends largely on the thoughts, the words, and the works of America and Americans today and tomorrow. For many years we have worshipped at false altara, metertat emassing
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD such power for defense against the menace of aggressive communism. Let us ponder thi- thought: As long as we rely solely on material might we are placing ourselves on the same level with the godless forces of the Kremlin, whose philosophy sneers at religion as the opiate of the people, Now, if ever, ia the time to get down to bedrock, to face fundamentals. Now, if ever, is the time to rise to a higher concept of life and its signilicance. As a nation and individually, our greatest need today is actively to seek divine guidance in our daily affairs; to recognize that the kingdom is the Lord’s; and He is the gover- nor among the nations. Nothing is more important than that we lay all other duties and tasks aside and turn humbly, in audible prayer and silent medi- tation, to the one Creator and Giver of all good, seeking His direction, asking that His will be done. We therefore respectfully urge the Presi- dent of the United States to set aside by Official proclamation a National Day of Prayer. That to emphasize its significance this be a week day rather than a Sunday, and that it be declared a legal holiday, on which all workday activities cease, with the excep- tion of vital maintenance and health serv- ices; that all theaters, clubs, and other places of entertainment close on that day. On this day let Americans of all faiths and creeds, as a people united in God, gather in their houses of worship and in family prayer circles and neighborhood prayer meetings to seek earnestly that guidance which alone can bring unfailing strength and security, and the blessings of peace. The spiritual power engendered in mass observance of a National Day of Prayer would, by comparison, render insignificant the ma« terial strength created by a day’s industrial production. The tremendous spectacle of the world’s mightiest Nation humbly turning to God as the source of all true power would inspire our allies and friends throughout the world, multiplying their faith and endowing them, as well as us, with a new, indomitable, and enduring strength. Let us remember that this Nation was founded on faith in God. The framers of the Declaration of Inde- pendence, in concluding their epochal docu- ment, emphasized their reliance on the pro- tection of divine providence. As our forefathers turned to God in the critical hours of the birth of this Nation, so let us now turn to Him in this, the most fateful period of its history. Jotham Valley EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A.‘$.:J. CARNAHAN OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. CARNAHAN. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks in the RecorD, I include herewith an article which appeared recently in the Wash- ington Times-Herald by George Sokol- sky: Turss Dars (By George Sokolsky) We were discussing plays and the question naturally arose as to what plays coyld youngsters of 10 and 14 be taken. Not being converted speakeasy sophisticates, we were weary of discovering that the playwright suf- fered the tortures of the damned seeking for @ curtain line and finally came up with the novelty of a foul word, spoken by an ape parently innocent ingenue. That always gets a laugh. Also we wanted the children to feel that because they went to the theater, they were not being influenced to believe that sex is all there is to American life; that life has some finer aspects, some very decent moments, a moral side, if you please. So we went to see Jotham Valley, a play put on with all the skill of professional showmanship by a group who call themselves Moral Rearmament. This is a musical, with songs occasionally comparable to Oklahoma and with a story that is so real that it does happen in every home. A very good time was had by all. The essence of Jotham Valley is the melo- drama of two quarreling brothers, whose ha- tred brings misery to all their neighbors, par- ticularly when one brother deprives the val- ley of water, because he, legally but not morally, controls the water rights. Here is a struggle that 1s universal, for legal rights do not suffice in a world that requires constructive living. Law passed by legislators is often not only inadequate but, being the product of man, unsound. Wo have to live by the laws of man, but natural law, the law of God, transcends the laws of man. So, in the end, in this play, the key of truth opens the hardened heart of the brother and he permits the water to gush forth, :9 that the cattle drink of God's bounty, and life is good. Also the brothers make up. This plot is as simple as Romeo and Juliet, which is the simplest and most usual of stories, being nothing mure than that boy loves girl, but the parents say no. , Most really important plots are simple, just as great symphonies are written around little tunes. (To wit, those notes in Beethoven's Fifth, which Winston Churchill turned into a V for victory.) Simplicity, of itself, may not only be truth but interesting and even exciting. What is more simple than a single tree, growing out of a rock along a granite seashore, standing proudly in a gale. All the smudge that a modernist can hurl at canvas cannot equal the majesty of that one object against a barren sky. And yet, as the poet said, only God can make a tree. So in Jotham Valley, it is the slmplicity of plot, in a musical and engaging setting, which opens the mind to the truth that man can and does change his nature through the humility of faith. It is not surprising that this play has en- countered the opposition of Communists and the homosexuals in the theater, the former because they do not want men to think that the nature of man can be elevated by his own will, and the homosexuals because they ex- cuse their indecencies on the ground that they cannot help themselves, They say they are not evil but just that way because they are just that way. Jotham Valley is as good a play for adults, but it is important that children and youth should see it. With grace and ease, it pro- jects the idea that life can be made worth living once the human wants to live a worth- while life. This idea is not novel, but it needs to be constantly reiterated. Men live by hate be- cause they like to hate. When they cease to like to hate, they will cease to hate, The causes for hatred are often 80 trivial, so un- important as to be ridiculous when analyzed, I know of groups of men who hate each other with violence. Knowing both sides, I also know that the hatreds are the product not of conviction but of suspicion and habit. A893 Reconciliation is difficult because who is the first to say, “I have been wrong and @ fool,” when both have been wrong and both are fools? So goes the world and in the end somes war and death. If children and young people could see Jotham Valley, maybe they, too, might find the key to better living. George Scott Graham EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EMANUEL CELLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, this morning the Committee on the Judiciary had the honor of accepting an oil paint- ing of George Scott Graham presented to the committee by his daughter, Mrs, Marian McFadden, of Memphis, Tenn, Present at the ceremonies before the Committee on the Judiciary were Mr. and Mrs. Guilford Jameson. Mr. Jame- son, who made the formal presentation, had been clerk of the Committee on the Judiciary at the time of Mr. Graham's chairmanship. Also present were former Congressman and Mrs. Addison T. Smith, Mrs. Smith had served as secretary to Mr. Graham many years. Also present were Mrs. Charles Semmes and Miss Irene Lupuld, both old friends of the man we honored. Attending the ceremonies were some members of the Pennsylvania delegation, headed by Representative Ricwarp M. Simpson, dean of the Repub- lican Pennsylvania delegation, Mr. Har- ry Williams, who had served as messen- ger to the Committee on the Judiciary at the time of Mr. Graham’s chairmanship, was also present, and spoke with great feeling of his years of service with him. Representatives Louts EB, GraHam and Francis E. WALTER, a8 well as the chair man, paid tribute to Mr. Graham, to his qualities of leadership and to his human- ity. As dean of the Republican Pennsyl- vania delegation, Representative Simp- son spoke of the inspiration the work of such men as former Representative Graham gave to him and to all Members of Congress, Iam happy to include in these remarks the statement made by Mr. Guilford Jameson in the formal presentation of Mr. Graham’s portrait: Mr. Chairman and members of the House Judiclary Committee, George Scott Graham, of Philadelphia, Pa., vas & member of this committee from the beginning of his service in Congress tn 1918, and became its Chair- man in the Sixty-elghth Congress. He held that office until his death on July 4, 1931. He brought to the office a rich and broad experience achieved at the bar. For 18 years he had served as District Attorney of Phila- delphia County, and upon leaving that office resumed the practice of law in Philadelphia and New York City as the senior partner of eminent law firms in each of those cities. This committee meets here today to ace cept an oll painting of him but neither the artist's brush, the pen or the spoken word will be adequate to portray him as he lives in the memory of those who knew bim. He
A894 ‘was a man of fine stature and noble counte~- nance. His carriage was that of a military Jeader and he @ rich and resonant voice, to enhance his persuasive powers of debate. While from his public activities one would be chiefly impressed by his strength, in private life graciousness and wit were his forte. XY do not know of a higher tribute that I can pay to his memory than to say of him that no care or adversity, of which he knew many, was equal to the courage and galety of his spirit. . The records of this committee show how devoted he was to its work. Measures affect- ing the courts, Federal prisoners, labor re- lations, and veterans’ affairs were sponsored by him and enacted Into law. But it was as a defender of our constitutional form of government that he rose to the greatest heights. Soon after he became chairman his politi- cal philosophy was challenged by the pro- posed child-labor amendment. One of our Government bureaus, enlarging upon its role as @ fact-finding and information center for the Nation, had become a protagonist for a constitutional amendment to ylel‘i the power of the States over child labor to the Federal Government. Financed by Government ap- propriations, and with the prestige and power that goes with being a Federal agency, this bureau had succeeded in the previous election campaign, in stirring up the emo- tions of the people, particularly the women’s organizations, into a political crusade for the adoption of the amendment. There was no question but that the committee and the Congress would vote for {ts submission. But George Graham saw in the proposal the dangers of further centralization of power and a threat to our dual form of govern- ment. With characteristic fidelity to prin- ciple in the face of overwhelming odds, he vigorously opposed its submission. His minority report, written nearly three de- cades ago, has proved so prophetic and con- taina such pointed observations on the needs of this hour that I quote from it here as a mark of his statesmanship. He said: “Te care of children both as to their labor and education is primarily conceded to be within the control of the parents, and the State should only invade the dominion of parental control to such an extent as will correct abuses. The love which the god of nature has planted in the breasts of fathers and mothers is a sufficient guaranty in the great majority of cases for the careful nur- ture, training, education, and development of children. We hope there never may como a time in the history of our country when either the State or the Federal entity will absorb into iteelf the entire care and con- trol of childhood. The Russian Soviet pre- sents a lamentable spectacle of the danger- ous growth which might possibly be obtained in that direction. We, however, do not fear that this state of affairs can ever exist in our beloved America.” “Tt is not only the dynamic forces of nature that destroy the hills but the elemental changes through trituration which will wear them down, and if given time enough, finally destroy them. Our perfect system of checks and balances and duality of government are not more imperiled by destructive war than they are by the insidious efforts of idealists and earnest reformers in time of peace. * * * “It is this unwise tendency to centralize all power in Washington to which we object. "Tt is this tendency with ite resulting cren- tion of new bureaus, a new army of offices holders under the National Government, to which we object. “It is to the creation of a bureaucracy with all its tyrannous proclivitics and increase of expenses to which we object. “It ts to compelling citizens to seek redress Of their grievances under a bureaucratic gov- ernment and to travel thousands of miles to Washington in order to do so that we object,” “Our country has an area of 38,000,000 aquare miles and a population of 110,000,000 people. The sections of our country differ greatly in their industries and in their peo- ples. The conditions of life and of being are greatly diversified, and to rule and con- trol this vast area and this vast population, ever increasing, from Washington as a cen- tral point, will mean practically the end of local self-government. The principle of local self-government to the greatest prac- tical extent and applying to the widest pos- sible range of subjects, administered by the smallest governmental unit reasonably ade- quate for the purpose, has been the corner- stone of our existence. The tendency to centralize represents the antipodal principle. The individual citizen is unable to follow, feels himself powerless to influence, what a Government far removed from his locality, operating through unknown and tnacces- sible bureaus and commissions, may be doing. Consultation with his fellow citizens is useless and for the most part impossible. The United States by creating a multitude of Government agencies, involving the coun- try in vast oxpenses and these agencies being inaccessible to the average citizen, will re- gult in the creation of a vast lobbying system at the capitol. It will deny to the citizen the primary principles of local self-govern- ment.” The political battle against this central- ization still rages, and there are many of us who firmly believe that our country’s true course lies in the direction he so forcefully presented on that historic occasion, In 1930 the fallacy of attempting to reg- ulate the personal habits of the people by the bludgeon of Federal law was becoming more and more apparent. Again, notwith- standing the fact that this committee and the Congress was composed of a membership predominantly dry, Mr. Graham boldly de- cided to hold o hearing on the results of 10 years of the eighteenth amendment. This was the first time since the adoption of the eighteenth amendment that those who advo- cated its repeal would have the privilege of opening and closing the hearings. These hearings lasted over a period of several weeks, and the information there presented and the national attention which it received laid the foundation which later brought about the repeal of the amendment. His philosophy of the Mmits of Government on man’s free- dom is set forth in his statement opening this hearing, from which I quote: “No one wants the restoration of the old conditions or the saloon. We may well ask, ‘Cannot control and regulation of the liquor traffic supply the place of prohibition?’ What uae of more laws, drastic and partaking of the spirit of vengeance rather than jus- tice? Natural Mberty of the individual has never been totally surrendered to society, but only so much as is needed to rve the organized entity, Freedom of decision as to what one may drink, eat, or wear ts as funda. mental as freedom of belief tn religion. Like in the delegation of powers to the Federal Government by the sovereign States—all not delegated were reserved—individual man has a large reservoir of powers. Only when one’s choice by overt act breaks the perce or in- jures socfety can the individual decision be assailed, and then only to punish the overt acta. * * * Cannot some system be de- vised to control and not prohibit that will lessen the evils portrayed? The use of wine has been countenanced throughout the ages. Cana, of Galilee, ts not exceptional. Had God wished automatons, He could have changed the nature of the grape or destroyed the human appetite. He wanted character. He wanted the man who met temptations and conquered.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I realize that what I have said here today ig but a meager tribute to the man hia atatesmanship. Those of ue who had the privilege of knowing him will always cherish his memory. It is therefore with pride and renewed devotion that I have the privilege of presenting this portrait of him, a gracious gift to the committee from his daughter, Mrs. Marian McFadden, of Memphis, Tenn. How Pleasant It Is for Brethren To Dwell Together in Unity EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, Brother- hood Week is being celebrated through- out the country this week. The idea, which has originated with the American people, has also begun to spread to other countries and this year several Euro- pean countries have instituted Brother- hood Week and are celebrating it jointly with us, ‘ “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.” Thus sang the Hebrew psalmist in ancient Israel, The annual observ- ance of Brotherhood Week has become &@ most constructive method of interfaith understanding. Ata time when religion and our way of life are under attack by evil forces in the world, utmost coopera- tion among the great faiths is needed to spread religious tolerance and better understanding of our fellow men. In fact, in these days of moral crisis it has become a dire necessity. I commend to your attention the fol- lowing editorial from the Sunday Star, of Washington, D. C., of February 18; BrorHERHOOD, A PRACTICAL IDEAL 'Threescore and three years have passed since William Morris, the great British artists craftaman wrote: “Fellowship is Heaven, and Inck of fellowship is Hell; fellowship is life, and lack of fellowship is death; and the deeds that ye do upon the earth, it is for fellowship's sake that ye do them.” But the passing of time has served only to confirm the humane sentiment thus expressed, Events have sharpened the need for mu« tuality. We require each other a8 earlier generations did not, Our destiny is one, we are a unit in the fate we face. Hither we will have fellowship and life or we will have fear and hatred and strife and death, This is whet Brotherhood Week, spon- sored by the National Conference of Chris« tians and Jews, signifies. The 7 days of the calendar set aside’ for rededication to the principles and purposes of fellowship repre« sent an opportunity which all individuals of good will should welcome—an opportunity consciously to take one’s place with one’s civilized neighbors as a fellow worker in the common endeavor to save and to tmprove civilization. A background of Judeo-Chris- tian tradition dating back 60 centuries sup- ports the objective sought. The challenge of the gravest menace to freedom ever seen in modern times gives it direction, Every American has # duty in the circum~ stances. The prevailing emergency touches ‘ws all, puts upon each of us a heavier re- sponsibility to think and speak and act in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ‘ terms of fellowship. We must stand to- gether, sharing resistance to evil so that the good values of our comomn social and cul- tural heritage may survive into the future, The ideal of Brotherhood Week is an ine tensely practical ideal, and it must be prace ticed as such. What are the alternatives? Conscience answers that they are defeat, disaster, and the disappearance of our natural humani« tarian way of life. No American deserving of the name will choose catastrophe rather than cooperation, destruction rather than constructive solidarity. Each of us remem- bers the words of an earlier prophet than generous William Morris, the ancient Hebrew psalmist who said: “Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.’ The observation has more meaning now than when it first was expressed ages ago. The Trade Agreements EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. E. C. GATHINGS OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. GATHINGS. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following edi- torial from the Paragould (Ark.) Daily Press of Thursday, February 1, 1951: THE TrRaDE AGREEMENTS A perennial subject of vigorous argument has been presented to the new Congress. This is the question of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. It seems only yesterday that Congress finished the last round of debate on this matter, but the act expires June 12 and hence there must be action by Congress before that date if the program is to be cone tinued. One trouble with the program is that its benefits have been less easily observed than the results which become the basis of objec- tions. The attacks against it come chiefly if not entirely from supporters of the pro- tective tariff principle. Since they see the purpose of tariffs as the protection of Ameri- can industry from foreign competition, any lowering of tariffs appears bad. An agrees ment negotiated under the act always in- volves reduction of some American tariff, and this effect is immediately apparent. The en- trance of the benefiting foreign goods also can often be observed. The benefits are mostly on a broader, longer term basis. One immediate gain at home is that American consumers are able to buy certain imported goods at lower prices, and this 1s what the opponents object to. Another is that some American firms find an enlargec foreign market for their goods. Over the longer term, the trade agreements stimu- late the general flow of foreign trade, which is an important element in the margin of profit for a great number of American in- dustries and lines of business. This is tm- portant also to our general atm of promoting economic progress throughout the world, and specifically to the objective of maintaining an even balance of trade. If we believe in these goals, the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act is one means of achieving them. Occupation Policy in the United States Zone of Germany EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 7, 1951 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, in the fall of 1949 I was a member of a subcommit- tee of the Foreign Affairs Committee which undertook a European study mis- sion which included a study of occupa- tion policies in the United States occu- pation zone of Western Germany. As my part of the work of the study mis- sion I concentrated on this phase of its activities, The objective of our occupation policy being the democratization of the Ger- man people, the question of the extent to which there has been a return of Nazi or ultra-nationalist influences in key places in government, education, business and society was a critically important inquiry. This led directly to the ques- tion of the growth and utilization of the liberal forces in German life and the extent to which our occupation policies have fostered such growth and utiliza- tion. On this subject I am appending an exchange of correspondence from June 1950 to January 1961, with High Commissioner McCloy. It shows the scope of the efforts which have been made along this line and the develop- ment of the liberal forces to help attain the objectives of our occupation mission in Germany. From this exchange of correspondence it is clear that much remains to be done both in Germany and by American or- ganizations in this activity. Germany is rightly considered the fulcrum of Eu- rope and a vital part of an adequate de- fense for the security of Western Europe against Communist aggression, but this security can be compromised seriously by creating an unreliable Germany, a pos- sible future Soviet ally,esin 1939. Gen- eral Eisenhower has made this clear for the people of the United States and all the free peoples in his refusal to accept unwilling German help in a federated European defense force. The mission of our occupation policy in Germany, therefore, was never more important than it is today, for the se- curity of Europe itself is seen to be tied directly to the democratization of the German people in the western zones, to the strength of free institutions there and to their understanding of and their will to fight for their liberties, The cor- respondence is as follows: Jone 12, 19° Hon. Joun J. McCtoy, United States High Commissioner for Germany, APO 757, New York, N. Y. Dean Commussioner McCior: One point which I think troubles so many of us here is whether any inventory has been made of the Mberal forces to which you refer. For example, in your appraisal of the situation you speak of the dearth of non-Nazi teachers, A895 This is an illustration of what I have in mind. It prompts me to ask whether any in- ‘ventory has ever been made of the “liberal forces” in the various flelds of activity which will determine which way Germany will go. The value of such an inventory would be that at least the resources available could be as« sessed and scrutinized. Another factor which has concerned me as we have gone along is whether or not the great number of American organizations in a position to influence their German counter- parts have been employed effectively in our ocoupation efforts. They would range all the way from the Masonic order to the trade- ‘unions, and I see no reasons why they should not include religious denominations, sports organizations, the theater, and the arts and a host of similar activities. You certainly are & person of enough top experience to know the accumulated enthusiasm in these quar- ters which exists in the United States for any new job. Undoubtedly this would all take some handling, but I am thoroughly con- vinced that when the imagination of the American people is stirred by action they have never shown themselves to be remiss in supplying the means. Your job is, I believe, even bigger than you think. With best wishes, believe me Sincerely, J. K. Javrrs, Member of Congress. Unitep Srates Hrawn CoMMISSIONER FOR GERMANY, Frankfurt, Germany, August 16, 1950. Hon, J. K, Javirs, Congress of the United States, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mg. JAvirs: In your letter of June 12, 1960, you ask whether an inventory of liberal forces in Germany has been made. No fore mal list of liberals has ever been drawn up by us, and I do not think a mere listing of names would mean very much. But in 4 sense, the reports of our fleld observers on developments in Germany, the results of public-opinion surveys, and the participa- tion by Germans in the hundreds of demo- cratization projects we are carrying on repre- sent such an inventory. We must keep in mind that there are thous sands of men and women all over Western Germany who are honestly and sincerely de- voting themselves to building up democratic forces and opposing the return of Nazi ideas and methods, I think the people of Berlin in their inspiring struggle against commu- nism have also shown that there is a readi- ness to fight a new totalitarianism. While names are not conclusive, here are a few of the more prominent people in Ger- many whom I count among the leading lib- eral spirits: Dr. Theodor Heuss, president of the Bundes- republic, is @ man of progressive mind and persuasion. He is trying to strengthen the liberal forces of Germany without regard to party or creed; and his influence ts consid- erable, both with the masses and with the leaders of ‘public opinion. In the Bundestag, though not in the ma- jority, there are a number of liberals of in- fluence and authority. For example, Helene Wessel, the leader of the Center Party; Carlo Bchmidt, of the SPD; Dr. Herman Schaefer; Brentano, of CDU; and Dr. Gerhard Schroe~- der, of Dusseldorf. Parenthetically, I want to say that though a majority of the Bundestag members may not be progressive in the Amer ican sense, they are not narrowly and age gressively nationalistic as is proven by thely support of Marshall aid, the Schuman p and the Council of Europe. Moreover, mi of them, including Dr.- Adenauer, were vio- tims of Nazi concentration camps themselves and are strong anti-Nazis,
14896 Tn the Laender governments, among the ve men and women are: Brauer, of burg, Kaisen, of Bremen, Frau Brank- siepe, of the Westphalian CDD, Waldemar von Knoerringen, of Bavaria. And there are many progressive and forward-looking mayors: Reuter, of Berlin, Klett, of Stuttgart, Heimmerich, of Mannheim, for example. In the intellectual and professtonal life of Germany might be mentioned: Edwin Red- slob, of the Freie Universitaet in Berlin, Dolf 8ternberger, of the German Voters Associa- tion, Dirks, of Frankfurt, the 80-year-old Ale fred Weber, of Heidelberg and Paul Loebe, former president of the Reichstag, As for the newspapers and radio, I could Het a large number of names, including Reger, of the “Tageaspiegel,” Kogon, of ‘Frankfurter Hefte,” the publishers of the “Frankfurter Rundschau” and the “Sueddeuteche Zeit- ung” of Munich. Also there are developing a number of organizations with progressive goals: the Europa Bewegung, the Weber Vereinigung, the Civil Liberties Union, and so forth, As I have said, the liberal forces in Ger= many are not the most powerful element in office today; but they are active in civic af- fairs, trade unions, churches, industry, and politics, conscious of their responsibilities and alert to the possibilities; and they have our support. In the coming year I hope we shall be able to make our all-out effort to ex- tend ‘his liberal circle. I hope it will be pos- sible to focus public attention and rally pub- lic support to the forward-looking organiza- tions, institutions, and individuals of West- ern Germany so that the people of Germany and of the world will join together in the good fight for a full and useful life for all. American universities are already at work here. American trade unions are here, American civic and community organizations e@re cooperating. Through the Offices of Public and Political Affairs we are trying to expand such connections. Anything you can do in your private or public capacity in the United States to forward the idea of ticipation by private organisations will most welcome. i In closing may I express my appreciation ‘or the interest and understanding you have m our common problem. Your positive ap- proach has been of great help to us here, Sincerely yours, Jon J. McCoy, United States High Commissioner for Germany. Decemepsr 12, 1950. Hon. Joun J. McCrory, United States High Commissioner for Germany, APO 757, New York, N. ¥. Dean Commissionzs McCior: Reference is made to your letter to me of August 16 which followed my question regarding an inventory of the iberal forces in Germany with whom our occupation authorities find it practicable to work. I have submitted this reply to as- eociates in the United States who are moat interested in the subject, and who have gone to a great deal of trouble to give their views and comments and to obtain informa. tion on your letter of August 16. All cone cerned realize the critical importance of be- ing sure we are working with as many of the Uberal and democratic forces of Germany fe can be mustered. The purpose of this let- ter is to give you the comments I have ree gelved. It is in no sense a criticism but only is looking toward a widening and deepening ‘of the relationships between us and the ele~ Menta in Germany who will work toward the same objectives of general peace, human rights and security, and well-being toward which we are working. One of the first comments made is that your lst ts largely devold of young people and that reliance is: mainly on elements prominent before the Third Reich but which have not been successful in saving Germany efore, One suggestion which hes been made and which seems to be appealing is that, say, 24 members from a delegation of nongovern- mental’ representatives of labor, the self~ employed groups, end those engaged in the professions, in education, and public opinion forming be called to the State Department for a frank discussion in Washington as to the state of liberal and democratic ideals and actions in Germany and why their pres- tige has declined, or is declining, which is the view of this particular informant. I am sending a copy of this letter to Colonel By- roade of the Btate Department with a specific reference to this last suggestion for his cone sideration. I would very much appreciate your views upon this letter. ‘ Sincerely, J. K. Javrrs, Member of Congress. Ce aaa Unrren Srates Hiax COMMISSIONER YOR GERMANY, APO 757-A, New York, N. Y., January 16, 1951. Hon. J. K. Javrrs, Congress of the United States, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Javrrs: I have received your letter of December 12, 1950, commenting on my letter of August 16 which, unfortunately, appears to have slighted the civil liberties’ groups, church leaders, women’s organiza- tions, labor unions, youth groups, schools and universities with which this office main- tains most excellent working relations. In connection with any comment on the absence of youthful liberal leaders in Ger- many today, I would like to point out that over half of our exchanges program is de- voted to teenagers, college students, and trainees. During the past year, for example, of the 2,565 exchangees sent to the United States, 358 were rural teenagers, 122 were urban teenagers, 447 were college students, and 409 were trainees. More than 200 United Btates schools and universities participated in this program. I also would like to call attention to our work with the following leaders of private German social agencies and institutions: Rert Evan, chairman of the Junge Union in Rhineland-Westphalia; Dr. Guenter Olzog, of the Hochschule fuer Politische Wissenschaf~ ten in Munich; Prof. W. Grewe, of the politi- cal science faculty, Freiburg; Dr. Dirk Oncken, Bund fuer Buergerrechte in Frank- furt; Dr. Herman Heimlich, oberbuerger- meister of Hamburg; and Frau Myer-Kuhlen- kampff, director of the Pestalozzi-Froebel Institute of Berlin, and chairman of the Leadership Training Subcommittee of Youth Work and Youth Welfare tn Bonn. Unfortunately, such men and women rarely can afford the time for a prolonged study- tour of the United States. However, there are in the United States, at the present time, other adult and student exchangees who might contribute to a discussion on the state of liberal ideals in Germany today, as you suggested in your letter. I am informed that the State Department is considering calling such a meeting, possibly early in February, to coincide with the visit of rep- resentative leaders of the Bundestag. I have asked that s copy of our two- volume report on the “Iixchanges Reorlenta- tion Program—Fisoal Year 1951” be fore warded to your office for the information of yourself and your associates. As you read, you will note the wide coverage given by this oe to uth and educational Pe ero 08 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD . Again, let me assure you of my apprecia- ‘tion for the interest and understanding awhich you have in our common problems, Sincerely yours, Jon J. McCoy, United States High Commisstoner for Germany. Statement to the Committee on Foreign Affairs on Proposed Bills and Rese- lations EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 20, 1951 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the fol- lowing is a statement I submitted to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs re- garding five of my legislative proposals which have been referred to that com- mittee for consideration: STATEMENT TO THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN ArraIns ON PROPOSED BILLS AND RESOLU} TIONS, PenrvaRy 15, 1951 Mr. Chairman and members of the com- mittee, I wish to thank you for granting me the opportunity to present this statement in connection with several of my bills and reso- lutions which have been referred to your com. mittee. Permit me to take a moment to compliment you for instituting this new and very logical procedure whereby the au- thors of the proposed legislation are afforded an opportunity to present their views and the benefit of their opinions on such bills to the committee. Your innovation is a come mendable step forward in our democratic ‘parliamentary system. Five of my proposals have been referred to this committee: One bill (H. R. 1891), two House resolutions (H. Res. 65 and H, Res, 98), and two concurrent resolutions (H. Con. Res. 21 and H. Con. Res. 22). H.R, 1391 H. R. 1391 seeks to amend section 118 of Public Law 472 of the Eightieth Congress by adding a proviso to withhold Marshall-plan aid from countries engaging tn acts of ag- gression, as determined by proclamation of the President of the United States or by the United Nations. I have supported a similer amendment back in 1948 at the time the law qwas enacted, At that time Great Britain was the aggressor nation because of her miscon- duct !n fomenting hostilities in the Middle Bast. Later, the Netherlands engaged in open warfare to destroy the Republic of Indonesia, arding for a time world opinion in the United Nationa and public opinion in our own country. It 1s my sincere conviction that neither Great Britain nor the Netherlands would have dared to encourage or engage in hoatill- ties had they known beforehand that as a Tesult of their actions they would stand to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ‘gervention has alienated large segments of the native population, ao that tay 3 Indo- nesia constitutes one of our weak links in the Far Bast, at a time when we noed the oooperation of al! freedom-loving people. We should try to prevent the repetition of such acta of aggression so that we may have the fullest opportunity to concentrate on the problem of problems—-how to deal with the ruthless aggressors of Communist Russia and Communist China. We can do so by the adoption of my amendment to withhold all financial or other aid from all those participating di- rectly or indirectly in acts of aggression. It will be a friendly but stern warning and should serve to prevent many future inter- national headaches for us. It will prove helpful in this crisis that confronts us now. HOUSE RESOLUTION 65 House Resolution 66 calls on the President of the United States to appoint a bipartisan commission which ia to undertake an in- vestigation of the conduct and status of American policy in Germany. So much has happened during the past year concerning Germany and our attitude toward the people of that country that tt would take me too far afield to go into a detailed account on this subject. I believe the members of the For- eign Affairs Committee are well aware of theee developments and the events which prompted this change. The committee will agree with me, T am sure, that we have failed in our major pur- democratize Germany, to break up the German cartels, to stamp out Nazi and other antidemocratic ideologies, to elimi- nate anti-Semitism, and other equally im- portant goals for which we fought a bloody 4-year war against Hitler. Large sections of our poputation today are distrustful of Ger- many. They fear we may be building up & new Frankenstein that may someday come back to plague us. Others fear that, since there is little difference in the ideologies and methods of Nasi totalitarianism and Com- munist totalitarianism, we may someday again see an alliance between these anti- democratic elements aimed against the free nations of the world. We must move cautiously in Germany and only with es complete knowledge as we can obtain about the true conditions there con- cerning all matters relating to American pomcy. It is for this reason that I urge you approve this resolution. HOUSE RESOLUTION 98 House Resolution 98 suggests the estab- lishment of a Joint Committee on Interna- tional Economic Development of 80 mem- hers, 10 to be drawn from the Senate and 20 from the House, which shall, in cooperation with the United Nations, inquire into the eoonomic development of other countries, particularly in underdeveloped areas. Specifically, the joint committee should investigate, make interim reports, and submit &@ final report to Congress by the end of the mt Congress concerning the following : 1) The improvement of the standards of living and social services in those countries; (2) the development of agricultural and in- dustrial projects capable of increasing pro- ductivity and the standard of living; (3) the t of educational opportunities, including teohnical and university training; (4) the integration of such projects with sim- ilar projecta initiated by the United Nations. Only by such a committee can we be kept fully apprised of how our point 4 is develop- ing and how much further, if at all, we , should proceed with it. | MOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION at - Sowse Concurrent Resolution 21 estab- Yishes as @ fundamental objpctive of United States foreign policy our intent to support OVil—App.————67 and strengthen the United Nations and to work for ita development into a world federa- world law. Since similar resolutions urging ® world federation have been introduced by eeveral of my colleagues in the House and have been referred to your committee, I shall refrain at this time from presenting lengthy argumentation in its favor. In general, I aline myseif with the views already by those colleagues in support of the ides. HOUBE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 22 Finally House Concurrent Resolution 22 requests the President of the United States to convene a Federal convention with dele- gates representing the democracies which sponscred the North Atlantic Treaty and of the United States, in order to explore the ap- plication of the principles af a free Federal union within the framework of the United Nations, Such principles have attatned no- table success in this country, in Canada and in Switeerland, as well as other countries. By the adoption of these principles on the part of the North Atlantic Treaty countries, it may be further possible to safeguard and strengthen their free institutions, unite their defensive efforts, encourage fullest economic cooperation, and achieve other goals set by the democracies of the world. I urge you, Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, to give my proposals your fullest attention and your early considera- tion. Effective Disarmament Our Real Aim EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the remarks made by our colleague the gentleman from Mas- sachusetts [Mr. Herter] at the Lyric Theater in Baltimore, Md., on Febru- ary 18: Errecrive DisARMAMENT Our Rear, Arm What ts it that we are talking about here tonight? Perhaps it is an idlosynoracy of mine, but at least {t has always been a strong conviction on my part that politicians as well as ordinary mortale should keep silent unless they, in their own minds, are pretty clear as to what they are talking about. Un- fortunately, the phrases “world govern- ment” or “world federalist” have some very unhappy connotations and lead to much fuzziness in thinking. They inevitably arouse the specter of a world bureaucracy attempting to run the details of our every- day lives, or millions of Astatics or Africans outvoting the United States in some pariia- mentary body and imposing upon us some sort of unwanted treatment. Theat is cer- tainly not my concept of what we are talking about tonight, My concept of our discussion is that we are talking about the creation within the Tuited Nations of such limited machinery as can assure the peoples of the world really effective disarmament. That limited ma- chinery, becauge it will require the binding assent of many nations, might well be termed “government.” In a sense, the term is correct, tut the fleld of tts operation would encom- pass 20 small a part of the sphere of action A897 which we usually associate with the word “government” that the phrase “enforceable treaty mechanism” might well be a clearer form of definition. There is no need of my developing the blessing to mankind of genuine disarma- ment. Justice under law enforced with a minimum of police machinery was the goal which the Original Thirteen States in our federation made a reality for our Nation. True disarmament throughout the world is only a natural extension of the same prin- ciple. It is the concept which must remain basic and continuous in our thinking shout foreign policy. It is not a utopian dream, even though many of us may find that the road blocks on the way to ite achievement are much easier to visualize than the reali- gation of the objective itself. Foreign policy, as indeed all public policy, must have a strong underlying purpose in order that It may have a continuity of di- rection no matter how many bypasses have to be traveled from time to time. As of this moment it would appear as though we were traveling a number of endless by- passes. Few, if any of us, know where our present fighting in Korea ts leading us. We know that when the fighting began against the North Korean Government, we were en- gaged in an effort to make collective secu« rity a reality for a amall and helpless nation. At one time that objective appeared near to success, but as of this moment, the moral Justification for the action seems lost in a welter of confusion between expediency and face saving. Our present preparedness program end our efforts to encourage our colleagues of the North Atlantic Pact to increase their armed strength also appear to be the anti- thesis of the goal which we are talking about. Of course they are by-passes—by- passes necessitated by the primary need for ensuring survival, but by-passes which can and should bring us back to the goal we are Ciscussing. If we let the goal slip from our minds—if we forget the determination to reach that goal because of our preoccupa- tion with the necessities of the moment, then indeed we have no foreign policy worthy of the name. On the other hand, tf the disarmament of which I speak is really our fundamental purpose, then we should keep reiterating it constantly, not alone to reassure ourselves that there is a better world ahead, but to give purpose, direction, and inspiration to each step as we move along. It is not only we alone who must have convictions with respect to what lies at the end of the path ‘we are traveling; it is also the hundreds of miltions of peoples of and Asia and Africa who at times doubt the profoundness of our convictions and have difficulty in distinguishing between those who talk peace and actually make ve War, and those who prepare for war but in reality are using that preparation only as a means to try to ensure peace. If we could state our convictions in con- clae and understandable language, it would do much to dispell the listieesness and de- spair to which General Risenhower recently referred on his return from Europe, It ‘would do much to keep Communist Russia on the defensive, both morally and politi- cally. It could turn our foreign policy from one which to he essentially defen- aive to one which could continuously boast of real offensive strength. Where does the Congress of the United States enter Into this concept? Not only executive branch of the Government alone cannot establish a lasting foreign policy. There is no need of my recalling the dis- iNusionment which followed the sional rejection of the League of Nations,