Az00 _ he Government of India has already ‘mate arrangements to buy 4,000,000 of those tons with her own funds. Last December, Tndia asked the United States to help her to secure the remaining 2,000,000 tons. The | President ordered an intensive study of the Indian famine situation and of our own sup- ply of grain. The experts arrived at two gen- eral conclusions; (1) that the need was real and urgent; and (2) that the United States could supply the grain from its reserve. The President has asked Congress to pass legislation suthorizing the Government to give the grain to India, as a grant, not as a joan. The cost to us would be about 100,000,000. Indta would pay the shipping costs, The grain would be distributed to the people through India's ration system, at the special low prices fixed for that system. The Indian Government would be expected to deposit in a spectal account the rupees which it received for the grain. The money in this account—known as counterpart funds—would be used for economic develop- ment programs with special emphasis on projects to increase agricultural production. The Indian Government would to ine sure that the grain 1s distributed fairly and to make certain that the Indian people are told that the grain which helped to save their lives came as a gift from the American people, There have been differences of opinion between the United States and India, but T know that all Americans of good will agree that we shall do sll we can for starving people. We don’t make our help conditional on whether they completely agree with us. We have already shown our real interest in India’s future. For example, United Btates point 4 projects are being carried out in India to improve farming methods and solve the water shortage so that famines many be eliminated. India is the largest and potentially the richest democracy in Asia, The 350,000,000 people of India cherish their freedom as ardently as we do. Freedom doesn't thrive in the face of famine. Our 2,000,000 tons of rain will save millions of lives, and also eip to preserve freedom for the Indians and for us. Mr. McCormace. Remember this? Ger- many under the mad administrations of Adolf Hitler. The hour of the dictator, the concentration camp, the book-burning—one of the darkest chapters in man’s long his- tory, But today—far different from the scenes you see here—there is a new Ger- many sborning—at least in that part of it occupied by the West. The spirit of this new Germany—symbolized by free Berlin—gives hope that the Germans will be among our stanchest allies in Europe in our struggle against communism. Today, we turn the ight on Berlin, and our cameras upon one of the Nation's leading German experts, that you may hear from his lips the signifi- cance of what is tranapiring there-——the State Department's Deputy Director of the Bureau of German Affairs, Geoffrey W. Lewis. Mr. Lewis. Every mah in the world today ia involved in @ struggle to determine whether he will be a free man or a slave. In Korea, in Indochina, that struggle is joined in open warfare, Elsewhere, it takes other insidious forms. Burope in the last 6 years has experi- enced the struggle with Soviet communism in every way short of formal wer. By sub- version, by treachery, and the threat of the Red army, many of Europe's peoples have Already been swallowed up by imperialistic communism. The countries which have re- . sisted Soviet preasure thus far face the pos- sibility—now an ugly fact in Korea—that Communist dictatorship will commit aggres- sive war, !f lesser means fail, in Ite march ‘toward world domination, Today the United States and the other North Atlantic Treaty nations are embarked on a joint effort to build military strength to convince the Kremlin that aggression against the free world will not pay. But un- til this strength is a reality, we, our allies, and the free peoples everywhere, must endure sacrifice and tension, sometimes under the very shadow of the evil force which seeks to impose a way of Ife we despise. At the very center of the European struggle is Germany. That is why Germany is one of the tension areas of the world today. Germany doesn't yet have the protection offered by members of the North Atlantic Treaty organization to one another. As I see it, there are three big reasons why Germany has not fallen before the onslaught of the Communists. For one thing, we are there. While our occupation forces are not large, they are symbolic of both American power and American determination to resist Soviet aggression. For another thing, we have let the Kremlin know that, as far as we are cone cerned, an attack on Western Germany or on Western Berlin will be considered an attack on us. But thirdly, and perhaps most im- portant, there are the indomitable people of Western Germany and Western Berlin. Ber- liners, particularly, are strong on one item— courage. They refuse to be intimidated. They were blockaded for almost a year, and at the end of that time they were even more anti-Communist than before, What does Berlin have to do with us? The people of Berlin lead their daily lives amid sacrifice, tension, and heartbreak. These tragic people are surrounded by that evil force and despised way of life. How do the Berliners feel about it? How do they keep their courage, their nerve, their will to go on? What are they like now, after daily exposure to both worlds—the world of freedom, and the world of terror atid the secret police? You and I—across.4 small ocean from Ber- lin—are just beginning to feel the great struggle come close to us. Our mettle is beginning to be tested by the Communist threat of world domination. How we meet the test can well determine whether we have peace and freedom or total war. As a peo- ple who have already met the test, we may well take a look at the men, women, and children of Berlin, Mr. McCormicx. To bring Europe into your living room, America, NBC television re- cently sent abroad its prize-winning cameras men, the Jones brothers, whose pictures from. Korea—shown time and again on this pro- gtam—made news-reporting history. We asked them to train their cameras first on Berlin. Berlin, because in no other city in the ‘vorld is the struggle between East and West—the most pressing problem of this mid-twentieth century—so symbolized and so concentrated. The pictorial evidence Bat- tle Report, Washington now invites your attention to the first of NBC's exclusive tele- documentary reports on Europe—Battle Re- port, Berlin, “This . . . this is Berlin. Out of the rubble of postwar Germany, Out of the bomb-rocked horror that shattered all normal existence, “And from a fate That found it stripped by the Russians Of everything of real value, And looted with so-called invasion currency, Slowly, By the sweat of the brow And the pain of the back-- Stone by stone, Bullding upon building, Street by street, Like a giant stirring to life, ‘Was born a new city— A dynamic city, A vibrant city, An island of freedom in a sea of tyranny! The key to Burope's future . And perhaps to our own destiny as welll APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “From the beginning— Over this new city— Loomed the threatening shadow of con:..u- nism, Symbolized by this Soviet war memorial Built in the British seotor by the Russians Even before our armies entered. “at frat, through the Kommandatura, The four allied powers— Bach responsible for his own sector Bought to administer the city jointly Result? Red arguments eo threats... recriminations. Finally came the day When Russia refused to ‘hang its hat’ in the Kommandatura Alongside the French, The British, The U. 8, A. “Thus the city was divided— Divided as if a giguntic axe Had crashed upon it. And so now Berlin— As this fenced street which marks the divi- sion shows, ‘ Is two Berlins: Free Berlin—under the democratic Allies, And slave Berlin— The Russian sector. “Determined to resist Russia's attempts To force us From this city behind the iron curtain— This ‘democratic thorn in communism’s hide’— Allied forces still patrol the western sec- tors, Determined to hold our ground! And lending courage to the people— People who have proved their dislike of communism— Are the troops of the Western Powers on duty there, Troops like these famed Scots of the Black Watch, Making the streets echo with their march- ing As if to say— ‘We are here, Berlin. ‘We mean to stay here. ‘We will not forsake those of you who love freedom!’ “Hand in hand with the Germans, American architects are helping to rebuild the capital. Marshall plan aid— Converted into lumber, paint, bricks Ia literally changing the face of the city That not long ago lay prone beneath the paralysis of destruction, We are lifting the spirit, too, By feeding the body. In a free school-lunch program throughout Berlin, American-financed meat, potatoes, and veg« etables Are being invested in the future of Gers many, Strengthening further the will to resist Being stamped with the label ‘Made in Moscow.’ “and do not think That Berlin has not responded. Time and Berliners bave physically their faith in the West, (As you see them here— Defying the Soviet terror!) And when the firat democratic election in 14 years was held Ninety-three percent chose western demo. racy over eastern communism, Put in office Mayor Reuter, The greatest single opponent of communism In all Germany! “When Russia, Seeking to chastise this spirit, Cut off the electric power it controlled Prom the western sones, demonstrated
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We flew in this new power plant, Piece by piece, By way of the dramatic Berlin atrlift. “We said: ‘Let there be light.’ And throughout the free sectors ot Berlin, There was light. “Power to light up the truth Through this, the biggest news sign in the world. Truth flying on kilowatt wings Across the boundary that Russia has drawn in Berlin. Erected by the free German newspapers on the west Without a nickel of American money. Each night this sign flashes uncensored news Into the Russian sector. Yes; despite a canvas shield The Reds once built to try to hide it, Only to have it blown down in a storm, Despite a brick wall They raised before it, Only to fee people step to one side of the wall, And despite the time they turned a hose upon it, Hoping to short it. Today, thanks to these brilliant letters, In defiance of the Russians The truth burns bright the western sky To challenge their lies. ‘RIAS’ is still another way By which we penetrate the Communist darkness. ‘RIAS' stands for ‘Radio in the American Sector.’ Operated by a staff of 976 people. Broadcasting round the clock, day and night, in the German language. It is the most powerful station in western Europe— Covers not only Berlin But all of Germany That is under the hammer and sickle! Add, too, As a ‘winner of friends and influencer of people’ for democracy, The free university in Western Berlin To which many from the Russian section come. This was built brick upon brick By the students themselves, Fed up with belng taught the Communist line In the university the Reds control. “But perhaps one of the most courageous stories To come out of Berlin today, Is how men are risking thetr safety To spread the truth behind the iron curtain In the form of the printed word. To follow this ‘verboten' tabloid edition of a@ regular German newspaper Into Russian-controlled territory, The Jones brothers themselves risked danger Being smuggled with their cameras Late at night into the Russlan zone, And hidden in a house overlooking the borderline. The whole time they saw no one But the stranger who brought them And took them out, And the whole time they were there It was so dark, They didn’t even know what part of the Russian zone They were in. For an exclusive story Such as never before screened, Let ui—with the Jones boys— Keep our eyes on this man With hie brief case stuffed with The newspapers to be sneaked into Russian territory. XCVII~—App.—— 66 “Through the streeta of Berlin Starta—the truth! The truth, in this instance— As the Jones brothers wrote— ‘A small, scared little man With death in his bag— Headed east.' Up one street And down the next, He carries the paper dynamite in his brief case, His rundown heels, And his shabby attire, Purposely designed to disguise a hero, Then—suddenly— An abrupt turn f1 the opposite direction. Passing women gossiping on the street corner, Like women anywhere, He takes a deep breath and Passes from the ‘land of the free’ Into the ‘home of the slave.’ Then, as the Jones boys remember ft, A policeman patrolling the Russian gone Stops him, asking for {dentification. We kept shooting for what seemed an eternity But he was passed After a few terrible seconds. Into the east Disappears the scared little man with the truth, Pointing at the heart of the Soviets The moral— ‘In the beginning was the word.’ ‘Thus, though inside the iron curtain ‘And connected only by a narrow corridor with Western Europe, ‘Berlin stands as both a fortress and & showcase ‘For democracy— ‘Its people—who know communism best— ‘Among the most anticommunistic in the whole world.’ Even the young, as the Jones boys discov- ered, Priging their freedom. “From this ‘other side’ that’s bad. From the totalitarian zone of Germany To this island of democracy that is Berlin, Come the oppressed refugees, Who can see and compare for themselves The differences in the two ways of life. Bome 250 & day escape to the West. Like this man you see being interviewed. Military men say They add their knowledge and strength To the struggle against communism— A struggle that wins from our new top com- mander Of our military in Berlin— General Mathewson— This appraisal. "The role that free Germany will play In the broader defense of freedom Is still unclear.’ But this much we can count on— That if Russia should march tomorrow, These German police of the West Will be on our first line of defense, “This, then, is Berlin, America-— Where the Second World War in Europe And the third could officially begin. So far, Communists’ coercion, threats, propaganda, and political action Have falled to rock it— And because we have stood firm, Berlin stands today As a symbol of political and social freedom To all down-trodden Europe. Look well, then, upon these faces. The faces of the people of Berlin Who have proved thelr passion for democ- racy, For these are the faces of your future allies In the struggie for peace.” Mr. Lewzs. Yes; Berlin’s is.a story of coure age. Those of us in the Government, dealing every day with the people of our occupstion areas in Germany, never cease to be amazed and encouraged by the kind of spirit depicted in the television documentary you have just seen. I hope you share my feeling that such spirit fs ringing proof that humanity can rise above the paralysis and despair the Stalinists would make the means of erasing freedom from the earth. Mr. McCoamrcx. Until we turn our came- eras upon the Nation again next weak for an- other Teledocumentary—this, then, against the background of battlefront Korea, ts Rob- ert McCormick putting a period on your twenty-sixth Battle Report, Washington. , They Are Truman’s Policies EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RALPH HARVEY OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 27, 1951 Mr. HARVEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rac- ord, I include the following editorial from the Richmond (Ind.) Palladium of February 22, 1951: Tury Arx Truman's PoLicigts President Truman's foreign policies are not popular here at home. They are shot through with inconsistencies and they mirror great confusion. Many persons who have subscribed to the New Deal and Fair Deal leadership know this. Some want to remove the weight of gullt from Mr. Truman's shoulders, The Forum article printed in another col- ‘umn of this page is an example of this wrig- giing to find a hole to squeeze through. But it cannot be done. Mr. Truman will not let us forget for a moment that he is Commander in Chief. And he makes our foreign policy. Not long ago he criticized longshoremen who refused to unload Rusalan goods sent here. Truman said he made our foreign policy, ‘ He told the Congress to keep its fingers out of the pie. He does that even in the face of the truth that he has no right under the Conatitution to wage war whenever and wherever he pleases. The authority to go to war Is vested in the Congress, But Truman insists on being a law unto himself. Exception ts taken in the Forum article to our statement February 15 that “President Truman refuses to release Nationalist Chi- nese troops against the Communist Reds.” It was Mr, Truman who, on June 27, 1050, directed that the United States Seventh Fleet be prepared to intervene to prevent any Com- munist attack on Formosa. In the same ore der he told Chiang Kai-shek to cease attacks on the mainland of China. Mr. Truman has never rescinded that order, ‘To this day, the Nationalist troops are bot- tied up by our Seventh Fleet. Truman's or- der stopped attacks of the Nationalists against the Communists who took over China. It protects the Reds in China. ‘ Offers of Chiang of troops to be used in fighting the Reds in Korea have been refused, The only time that Gen, Douglas MacAr- thur, top military commander in the East, tried to express himself on this and other policies of defense he was rebuked by, Truman who ordered MacArthur's letter to’ the Veterans of Foreign Wars withheld from, the public,
Yramen, he wante everyane to know, ts Commander in Chief. _ With this point clear, the references tn the Porum article to Republicans gerving in the framan administration are side issues. ‘Phere always ate men in hoth major political parties who would rather hold office than be right. But the real bungling is done by the top man. That's Truman. The men holding posts under him are appointed because they @at out of the same bowl. The trouble now is the gnilk has soured. My Countrywomen EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HOMER D. ANGELL oF ORBGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 27, 1951 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, on Feb- ruary 22, last, the anniversary of the birth of the first President of our Nation, there appeared in the Oregon Journal a guest editorial by Lillian Porter Say, a “Washington correspondent of the Jour- nal, which is most apropos today. This excellent editorial in the form of ® letter which might have been written by Martha Washington, will appeal to all who have or have had loved ones in the service, as well as to the many who have great compassion for the families of those serving our country through its military ranks. I include the editorial a8 & part of these remarks: Dean Countrrwomen (Today's guest editorial takes the form of @ letter. written by Lillian Porter Say, Jour- nal Washington correspondent, as one which might have come from the pen of Martha Washington addressed to the wives and mothers of men in the armed services.) Mount. Veanon, Va., February 22, 1951. Dean CountrrwomMen: On the eve of the birthday of the general I am thinking of you whose men are in the armed services of our country. i Iam not unacquainted with your suffer- ings consequent upon parting with your hus- bands and sons. As the wife of a military mayan, I ved always in the shadow of war. Our very marriage was postponed until the French and Indian wars were successfully ended at Fort Duquesne, shot of the Revolutionary War and the last. My eon by my fret marriage, John Parke Gustia (I called him “Jackey”), served the general as aide-de-camp. During the slege of Yorktown, Jackey was stricken with camp fever and died, He left a young wife, Heanor Calvert, of Mount Airy, Md., and four enaall children, George Washington Parke Custis and Neliie Parke Custis were then in our home at Mount Vernon. At the time of their father's death, the general turned to me and geld tenderly, “I adopt the two younger chil- dren as my own.” Moet carefully he cherished these grand- chadren of mine. He en sed thelr mor- en he returned tionary War, material for the general's and my clothing—silks, velvets, satina—came di- rectly from the mother country. Now I per- sonally assisted in the making of cotton dresses striped with silk from the ravelings of old silk stockings and faded damask chair covers. My spinning wheels were never idle. You have complained that at my husband's passing I burned his letters to me-—that you have read but the one written before he left for Boston as herd of the Continental Army: “You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when I assure you, in the mast solemn manyer, that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor to avold it * * * that I should enjoy more happiness in 1 month with you at home than I have the most distant prospect of finding abroad.” You women married to men in public life can surely understand that I was impelled to keep his communications to me sacred for- ever. We had so little private life together. The one time that we dined alone at Mount Vernon the general noted in his diary: “Mrs, Washington and myself will do what I believe hes not been done within the last 20 years by us—that ts sit down to dinner by our- selves.” On his last birthday Nellie was married to his nephew, Lawrence Lewis. Maidenlike, she asked the general to wear his best uni- form on this occasion. She envisioned the one with the epaulets and gold embroideries. Those of you who cherish worn khaki in old chests will know my emotion on Nellie’s wedding day. The general did indeed wear his best uniform: “He had nm true. He stood there in the worn old buff and Jue, Faded in great campaigns, long, long be- ‘ore.” Finally, my countrywomen, let ws remem-~- ber, “We are placed among the nations of the earth and have a character to estab- lish. ° * 7” Tam, my dear countrywomen, Your most respectful, Mistrees Mantua WASHINGTON. The Farmer’s Fair Share EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GUY M. GILLETTE Or IOWA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, February 28 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. GILLETTE. Myr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcoxn an article entitled “The Farmer's Falr Share,” written by me and published tn the Feb- ruary 1951 number of the Ohio Parm Bureau News. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rscorp, as follows: ‘Tre Panmrn’s Fain Stare (By Hon. Guy M. Gruerrs) We farmers are no strangera to the prob- Jem of surplus crops. Farmers have worried over these recurring surpluses for many yeara. Not only our annual income, but sometimes even our whole way of life on the farm have been at stake. For decades we were accustomed to see our crops and those of all our ni bors and those of all the Nation's farmers pile up at the end of the season so much in excess of the capacity of the market, elther national or international, to absorb them that the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD prices paid us dropped below even what we had invested in time and money to produce the crop. ABUNDANCE A BURDEN Surpluses, not 20 long ago, used io spell black ruin to the farmer. Abundance often proved a burden instead of a blessing. During the past few yeara the whole American people has begun to worry about this problem. Whereas, in the past, surpluses were of primary concern only to those in ag- riculture, today they are a national problem. This problem shotld always have been one of national concern. NATIONAL CONCERN Whatever difficulties this newly awakened public interest in agriculture may tempo- rarlly cause us, we farmers should welcome this national coneern as an encouraging sign. The task of those who speak for agri- culture in these days is to assure, to the extent they can, that the public's under- standing of the farm problem shall be equal to public concern. . The questions about ogriculture asked most frequently by citizens appear to be ~ these: Why are farm surpluses a problem while millions of people in the world are starving? Why must food rot in warehouses while our own poor people go hungry? Why are food prices for the consumer 60 high, when there fs s6 muoh food produced each year beyond what is consumed? What's wrong about our national agricultural pro- gram? What's the matter with our system of distribution? Who's to blame and why can't something be done about it? REASONS FOR SURPLUSES The recent great war gave a demonstration of the gigantic strides in productivity that have been made on our farms, By e prodi- gious effort American farmers met and sur- passed the combined demands of the civilian population, the Armed Forces, and our allies. Production in agriculture during the war came as the fruition of long, patient, and arduous study, experimentation, and labor in the laboratory and in the field. The gains made then were gains that won't be unmade. World War II solved the problem of sur- pluses, Perhaps the present world crisia will solve the surplus problem by liquidating the stooks once again. This is the greater rea- aon why we must find a solution that doesn’t Gepend on destruction by war and famine caused by war. ’ New seeds, new fertilizers, and new tech- niques have raised the productivity of each acre fester than the population is growing. The prospects now are that America will always be able to ketp ahead of any really Gangerous shortage in food. PERISHADLE SURPLUSES dt is this kind of surpluse—in perishable foods—that worries people the most. It is impossible for @ moral individual to view Gispasstonately the piling up of huge stocks of milk, eggs, butter, potatoes, etc. while he knows that millions of people are under- nourished and that millions of others are pre high retail prives, No farmer really wants not to juce as much ag he can. His purpose in is pro- Guicing the greatest possible amount of foods and Sbers and forest products from his land. No farmer ever liked plowing under every other pig or keeping pert of his acreage out of cultivation, Every farmer itkes it even less when he knows that new methods make his potential production so nruch greater. Finally, ag We so often point out, the agri- culture industry, uniike ether types, must Produce in accordance with the seasons of the year. Once the crop is in the ground, the farmer cannot halt production, lay oif work- evs, or close his plant if he sees the market for his crops disappearing. Yet his market does sometimes virtually disappear, just when his crop ig ready to harvest,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD FABMER'S LOSS IS NATION'S LOSS In the past the farmers themselves took the losses when they had to sell their produce at a certain time for whatever the buyer would offer. The farmers’ losses, of course, meant a drop in purchasing power for goods produced in the cities, and thus contributed to lower income not only for the farmer and his family but for the rest of the Nation as well, To help meet the physical and psycho- logical conditions under which farmers work, the Government now provides crop loans. The Government takes the losses. One big question is whether this is a full answer to the farm problem, The price-support system which our pres- ent agricultural law has set up to help the farmer maintain his income level is by no means perfect. I have grave doubts about certain applications of this law. There is no doubt that price supports have enoouraged overproduction in many com- modities, especially perishables, which would not otherwise have been produced in quan- tities so far beyond the power of the Nation’s consumers to purchase them at the prices asked. In these instances price supports are working neither in the best interest of the whole country nor in the best interest of the farmers. We are all aware of what happens when prices go too high—the market for a given food product dwindles or disappears. For all these reasons, farmers are thinking as never before about a long-range agricul- ture program that will eliminate the unsatis- factory effects of the present law, and that will at the same time solve the farmer's special problem. LESS THAN HALF OF CONSUMER'S DOLLAR In recent months, especially since the start of the Korean war, fuod consumption has risen substantially. This fall, I am in- formed, per capita food consumption was running about 11 percent above the 1936-39 average, although some 6 percent under the 1946 postwar high. Demand this year has been heaviest for livestock products, as is normally the case when money for food is relatively plentiful. At the same time, sup- ples of food have proven to be more than ample, despite military purchases and for- eign-aid shipments. Still, even now, we all know that millions of our lower income peo- ple are not recetving sufficient nourishment. They simply can’t afford it at these prices. We have found, tn our months of investi- gation, one striking fact to be true: On the average, the farmer—without whom there would be no food to process, distribute, or sell—is receiving less than half of the con- sumer’s food dollar; that is, more than 50 percent of the dollars paid out by the con- sumer at the grocery counter goes to the various middlemen who stand between the farmer and the consumer for processing, packaging, handling, transporting, wholesal- ing. and retailing. Much of these in-between charges, of course, are absolutely necessary. But some of them, we are convinced, are absolutely unnecessary, and add @ heavy burden on the consumer who buys the finished prod- uct. We are sure that great gains ere pos~ sible in reducing distribution costs and thus narrowing the spread between what the farmer receives and the consumer pays. DISTRIBUTION COSTS Sometimes, it must be acknowledged, the consumer insists on too fancy a packaging and servicing for an otherwise simple item. Many city dwellers insist on milk being delivered to their doorsteps, or buy 8 band- ful of potatoes neatly wrapped in cellophane, or one dill pickle in a plastic sack. Whether the customer insists on this special treat- ment or the merchant presses it upon him is a question with many arguments pro and con There is much that can be done to simplify, speed up, and cut costs of distribution in the food industry. It may be, for example, that the present method of milk distribution in cities could stand a change. Studies made recently in Buffalo, N. Y., indicate that to deliver a single quart a day to a household and collect cash for it each time costs 18 cents per quart, while to deliver 4 quarts each delivery and collect payment at the end of the month costs only 3 cents per quart, Yet the person buying 1 quart pays the same price as the person buying 4. Also the charge for home delivery is partly levied against those who buy their milk at the store. It is certainly unfair to spread these high costs of delivery to all who buy milk. An improvement can be made here. Another factor rarely noted as contribut- ing to price inflation is the use of the per- centage mark-up instead of what can be called a unit mark-up. The percentage-type of mark-up is widely employed by both wholesalers and retailers. In effect, those who use it assure themselves a higher profit per unit the more they pay for the item originally. An item which once cost 50 cents and which the grocer marked up his usual 20 percent—or 10 cents—may now cost him @1, He doesn’t add a 10-cent, mark-up as before, however, but rather his usual 20 percent— that is, 20 cents on the dollar. The con- sumer pays the grocer $1.20. Yet the labor of handling this item on the shelves of the store is no more, when the item costs $100 than when it cost 50 cents. The difference is that the customer is charged 20 cents instead of only 10. Naturally, this is supposed to work the other way when prices descend—but today we are in a period of price inflation and prices are not descending. Too few custom- ers realize the importance of this method of mark-up in their cost of living. FARM PRICES DROP In the past 344 years we have watched the prices paid to the farmer for his produce drift downward—not, of course, to the point of ruin—but, nonetheless, lower. At the same time we have seen the prices paid for food by the consumer rise higher and higher. This 1g an unhealthy state of affairs. Of course, wages and other costs have risen in the food-processing industry as in others. We all realize that. But, have they risen to the point of justifying the current, unprecedentedly high food prices? Such in- vestigations as we have conducted indicate that some processors are demanding and recelving—exorbitant profits at the expense of the consumer and without benefit to the farmer. Unfortunately, the philosophy of too many food processors is summed up in the state- ment expressed before our subcommittee by a vice president of a major meat-packing company, who declared: “In the meat busi- ness you take advantage of any increased demand by the raising of your price.” My own opinion, based on testimony heard over the past year, is that certain processors tend to anticipate increased demand by rais~ ing their price in advance, and later letting it drop a bit if the pill is too bitter for the consumer to swallow, The over-all picture is one of a few power- ful companies strategically placed in the economy who operate on the principle of charging whatever the traffic will bear. It would seem reasonable for the consumer to expect that a drop in prices to the farmer would be reflected in a comparable drop at the retail store at least as soon as the normal turn-over of inventory takes place. It would also seem proper that when the commodity prices are rising the consumer should expect to pay higher retail prices as soon as stocks on hand at the earlier price level have been exhausted. What we have learned, however, in our studies of domestic food and fiber price 8) well as im our look at coffee prices—is that food processors do not readily lower their prices in accordance with lower costs of raw materials (that ss, when they pay the farmers leus for the crop), but that they are ready, willing, and eager to raise prices the minute the basic commodity mar- ket begins to advance—and even to ask more than the advances could possibly warrant. The food processors have been exacting full benefit from the inflation, and using the ab- normal profits therefrom to finance an ex- pansion of facilities rather than passing profits on to their stockholders in the form of dividends. CONSUMERS GOT BILL Were the consumers now or in the future likely to benefit from this increased plant capacity by lower prices based on greater output, one might well make a case justifying this strange form of consumer investment. I fear, however, that there are few signs of such @ happy outcome, The stockholder, at least, got new equity from this expansion but the consumers got the bill. Since the start of warfare in Korea, food prices once again have begun their upward spiral, The farmer, as you farmers know, has seen little change for the better in terms of higher prices for what he produces. It now seems almost impossible that we can avoid imposition of strict price controls by the Federal Government, None of us wanted this if it could possibly be avoided. A heavy share of the responsi- bility for Government price controls wil! have to be borne by those who have driven ‘up retail prices in the past several months. Another potent influence on prices, we are finding, is the concentration of industry. The Big Threes, the Big Fours, and the Big Fives in soap, baking, dairy products, and son on, seem to have reached such dominant positions in their industries as to allow them to set prices without too much regard to eompetition. Although Congress has for Nearly 60 years sought to control or mit the concentration of industry by antitrust laws, the problem is more acute today than ever before, AIDED BY ADVERTISING The great aggregations in the food indus- try have certainly been assisted in attain- ing their dominant positions in the market by the use of extensive advertising. For ex- ample, in the prepared cereal industry we have found it not unusual for advertising expenditures to run from 10 to 18 percent of the sales. In some cases, when a new product is being introduced on the market, advertising has taken 20 percent of the sales. We have learned that large food-producing groups spend from 5 to 10 percent of the sales income on advertising their brands, Vegetable and meat canners spend only about 1% to 3 percent of their sales revenue on advertising, Chain-store advertising, while large in quantity, generally runs less than 1 percent of total sales, as does that of the large meat packers. All these expenditures for advertising, of course, are deducted from taxable iricome as costs of doing business, and, like the indi- vidual package for the humble dill pickle or the fancy pants on a lamb chop or chicken leg, are all paid ultimately by the consumer, There is no doubt in my mind thet heavy advertising for brand A as against brand B—both being practically identical products from different companies—adds measurably to the retail price pald by the consumer. BOLSTER ANTITRUST Unless we have hard-hitting prosecution under existing antitrust laws and unless present loopholes in those laws are plugged, the trend toward gigantic aggregations of corporate power will surely lead to absolute control by them of the market for food and, thus, control of the prices consumers have to pay for food. Most likely, too, in such @ framework, the farmers would receive an even smaller part of the consumers’ dollar.
1044 ‘Every farmer in the United States has a vested ‘interest in the success of anti- monopoly legislation and antitrust prosecu- tion. It’s too bad they don't make their voice heard more loudly on this in Wash- ington, Beyond this, however, we must find an- other way of handling the so-called surpluses in perishables. Either we must rigorously curtail production or we must somehow ex- the consumption of perishable foods. It is impractical and immoral to continue amassing them in storage. RGG BUPPORTA REMOVED The Secretary of Agriculture has an- nounced that as of December 81 price sup- porte on eggs have been withdrawn. This is drastic action, taken reluctantly, after the Government has invested about $100,000,000 in dried eggs purchased under the support program. Dropping the support rate 10 cents a dozen from last year's rate still failed to discourage overproduction. Now all supports are removed. This may not help dispose of much of the surplus eggs now in stock but it ought to discourage farmers from producing too many eggs next year. Yet, if it is proper to remove price supports from one pertsh- able, is it not equally proper, under similar conditions, to remove them from others? But how, then, can it be considered fair to spend taxpayers’ money to support some groups of farmers but not others? In the past 20 years we have tried to set- tle the question, firet, by controlling produc- tion on the farm, then by controlling sur- pluses after the harvest. We are still far from finding a full solution. One thing is certain: We must find a closer balance among effective demand, available supply and consumer prices. There is no logic and no justice, for example, in storing away tons of butter, letting it turn rancid, giving it away or selling it for next to noth- ing abroad, and keeping the market price to the consumer at a rate which cuts down consumption, This holds equally true for other perishables as well. Our rule must be to find @ price that is neither so high as to discourage consump- tion, nor so high as to encourage excessive production, nor so jow as to endanger the income of the farmer. This won't be easy. We have not succeeded with the price-sup- port program in perishables, however well that program may appear to be working in atorables. I do not regard the food-price problem as unsolvable. I do not believe, either, that it can be solved by any single, simple panaces. @otution will demand a concerted attack from all angles at once, an attack that gives proper wetght to the farmer's right to a living income, the middleman’s right to a sufficient profit, and the consumers right to adequate nourishment at prices be can afford to pay. WHAT CAN BE DONE? My own plan of attack ts a multiple at- tack. It does not by any means include ali the possible or necessary steps that will ‘have to be taken. But tt operates in an area where much more can be done than has been done. First, I hope to see created a special, inde- pendent, continuing Senate watchdog com- mittee on prices to stand guard in the present war economy over the just interests of all our citizens in their role as consum- ers——and we ave all consumers. Second, we must have rigorous enforce- ment of the antitrust laws, especially in the focd-processing and distributing industry, as well as ensctment of such additional legislation as will curb the trend toward greater and greater concentration of indus- trial power end as will fatten the trade barriers that ate rising in our economic system. Third, we need constant efforts by indus- try, under the watchful eye of the public's representatives in Congress, to improve cur- rent methods and practices in {food proc- ewaing and distribution, with a view to re- ducing costs, eliminating duplication where wasteful, and bringing food to the Nation’s tables at the lowest price consonant with reasonable profit to“those in business. Fourth, we need thorough reevaluation by farm organizations, by the USDA, and by the Congress, of the present farm laws as they affect surpluses and consumer prices, and amendment of those laws in the interest of the greatest possible market for farm products at prices farmers can afford to work for and consumers can afford to pay. Finally, we need continued exploration of industrial uses for agricultural products to put existing uses to work and to ex- pand markets for farm crops. The Fantastic Arizona Project Denounced in All the Hearst Papers —e EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLAIR ENGLE QF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. ENGLE. Mr. Speaker, I wish to call attcntion of the Members to the edi- torial published in all Hearst newspapers on February 15, 1951, on the fantastic eentral Arizona project--S. 75 and H. R. 1800—now the subject of hearings before the House Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. The editorial follows: A FaNrastic PROJECT While the Nation’s economy ponders how it can underwrite the staggering cost of the rearmament program, support foreign bene- ficlaries, finance cherished administration achemes like the Brannan plan, and still sur- vive, the State of Arizona Js trying to force through Congress the greatest of all boon- doggling projects. Aptly called the Nation’s most fantastic project, the central Arizona irrigation dis- trict would spend $2,075,720,000 over 75 years to pour Colorado River water on land worth $300 an acre at the cost of 81,838 per acre. All but 1 percent of this sum would be paid by the other 47 States and the Territories of Hawaill and Alaska. Between New York's share of 6304,509,000 to Nevada's $2,696,000, the other States would be mulcted in pro- portion, This represents benefits of $560,000 each to the landowners of the irrigation district, more than half of which la held by 420 tn- dividuals. These figures, preposterous to the point of incredibility, were compiled by Secretary of the Interior Oscar L. Chapman. Undeterred by the sstronomic cost and the palpable injustice of demanding that the _ entire country stand the expense of beneiit- ing a handful of land speculators, the Senate Interior and Insular Affairs Committees has resentatives from all States but Arizona again eteat it as they did In the last Congress, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Arizona's raid on the national resources and Treasury, proceeding by the light of “polities as usual,” depends largely on the presence of her Congressmen in positions and on committees of importance: Senator MecParranp, the mejority leader; Senator Barpen, of the Appropriations Committees; and tative Afunvoce, chairman of the House Public Lands Committee. To southern California alone this claim on the precious and strictly limited watera of the Colorado is a deadly threat against her continued development as the country's third largest center of industrial production, end the home of 5,000,000 people. To other States it is a heavy drain on their funds with no promise whatever of any ben- efit. Many of them, tn fact, would be paying for @ prodigal gift of new arable lands to Arizona while their own agricultures have been cut back 20,000,000 acrea. No wonder the President, the Departments of the Army and the Interior, and the Bureau of the Budget have all opposed the proposal. Determined opposition in both Senate and House by Members whose viewpoint and con- viction extend beyond the commercial ambi- tion of a privileged few can and should stop this dangerous and extravagant scheme. Simple Justice Demands Lithuania's Freedom EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD D. DONOHUE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. DONOHUE. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks, I should like to include the address I gave, and the resolutions adopted, at a mass meet- ing of uithuanians on February 18, 1951, in Our Lady of Vilna Parish Hall at Worcester, Mass., held to commemorate the thirty-third anniversary of Lithu- ania's independence day. The resolu- tions were adopted at the conclusion of the speaking program. The address and resolutions follow: Ma. Donorvur’s Sprecu Iam very glad to be able to accept the kind invitation to take part in this com- memoration tonight of the thirty-third an- niversary of the declaration of Lithuanian independence, not so much as your Congress- man, but more as your friend and neighbor. This annual program is dear to the hearta of all Lithuanians and their friends, becauge it ls held to recollect that day of February 18, 1918, which marked the end of well over @ century of suffering undor a hostile, foreign rule, Thirty-three years ago, Lithuania stood forth as an independent, democratic re- public with a happy, prosperous people who faced the future with confidence in their destiny. In this year of 1951, our observance here tonight ts, unfortunately, shaded with sor- row. The bright star of Lithuania's freedom haa Deen clouded over by the violent storms of tyranny, We gaze with sadness upon the tragedy of sacrifice to ruthleas im-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD hundreds of thousands of God-fearing Lithu- anians have been liquidated, martyred for their patriotism, their religious faith, their steadfast resistance to tyranny. Hundreds of thousands of good Lithu- anians have been torn from thew families and their homes for service as slaves in Siberia. It is slave labor that Stalin is using to equip Russia for further expansion, for further despotism, for further persecution, and, perhaps, even for war, and a substantial part of the slave force has been kidnaped from Lithuania. Certainly we cannot continue, and must not continue to close our eyes to this injus- tice, to close our ears to the calls for help, to close our hearts to the suffering we know is going on behind the iron curtain. With- out losing our honor, we cannot much longer ignore the human tragedy the iron curtain conceals. We cannot much longer endure the shame we feel by tolerating the mainte- nance of such brutality. We cannot much longer hold up our heads in self-respect, if we continue to give silent approval to a group of aethistic political leaders who have demonstrated themselves to be devoid of Christian humantty and any sense of Chris- tian justice. The principle of political independence enunciated in the declaration by the United Nations and the Atlantic Charter, is a hol- low mockery in the present suppression of the Lithuanian people. Lithuanta is under- going a shameless conquest, the victim of as bold and cynical a diplomatic campaign as any big state has ever waged against a gallant, honorable, but weaker neighbor. Although we mourn over her present plight, there 1s no cause for despair. Re- peatedly, through her history, Lithuania has proved that her people can eventually overs come the temporary triumphs of oppressors. All over the world, Lithuanians are gather- ing, at this time, to renew their vows to work for the independence of their homeland. Here in the United States, I earnestly believe that most Americans are becoming increas« ingly more concerned about the fate of Lith- uania, which stands in accusing testimony to our failure to live and act according to the principles for which our people have fought and died in two world wars. I consider it the solemn duty of every officer of our Na- tional Government to reveal the truth of the extinguishment of self-government, that is being forced upon the smaller nations, like Lithuania, by the Russlan Government policy of expansion through fraud, intimidation, and coercion. World War II was fought with tho clear understanding and pledged purpose that common victory should bring restora- tion of self-government and territorial in- tegrity to the oppressed nations of the world, That pledge must be carried out. The case of Lithuania, and the other small nations, 1s a challenge to the moral con- science of this Nation and the United Nae tions to establish the great, basic principles of freedom and liberty for all peoples. In simple justice, our Government must insist that the Lithuanian people be per- mitted their inalienable right to govern their internal existence as they themselves see fit. You must dedicate yourselves today to the determined revelation and presentation—to the world—of the facts and truth about Lithuania, so that the United Nations shall accept the full moral and humanitarian ree sponsibility of restoring the independence of Lithuania. May God grant that this will be accomplished within the year, RESOLUTION At a mass meeting of Lithuanians of Worcester, Mass., held under the auspices of the Knights of Lithuania, Chapter 116, the Lithuanian Catholic Federation, the Lith- uanian Societies and the parish of Our Lady of Vilna, on February 18, 1951, at Our Lady of Vilno Parish Hall at Worcester, Mass., the following resolutions were unanimously adopted: “Whereas Russia, by force of arms and in utter violation of all legal and moral laws, continues to occupy the Republic of Lithuania, to deport, execute, and imprison Lithuania's Nationals, to commit atrocities against the government and civil population of Lithuania, to systematically destroy Lithuania's democratic form of government: Be it “Resolved, That the Lithuanians of Worcester, Mass, do most vigorously con- demn and protest against Russia’s such un- lawful, by force of arms, occupation of the Republic of Lithuania; aguinst Russia’s deportation, execution, and imprisonment of Lithuanta’s Nationals; against Russila’s com~ mitment of atrocities against the Govern- ment and the civilian population of Lithu- ania; against Russia's systematic destruction of Lithuania’s democratic form of govern- ment; be it further “Resolved, That the Lithuanians of Worcester, Mass., do hereby most fervently petition Harry 8. Truman, the President of the United Statos of America, to use to the utmost, the influence of the Government of the United States of America, to the end that, all Russian military forces and govern- ment be forthwith evacuated from Lith« uania, and that Lithuania and her people be berated and Lithuania be restored as a free and independent republic among the nations of the world according to the principles enunciated in the Atlantic Charter; be it further “Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to Harry 8. Truman, the Presi- dent of the United States of America, the Secretary of State, the Honorable Dean Acheson, the Senators and Congressmen of the United States from Massachusetts, and to the press.” WittiaM J. KISSELL, Chairman, Mrs, Trexta B. MazermKa, Secretary. Air Travel From Puerto Rico to the Mainland EX1&NSION OF REMARKS HON. A. FERNOS-ISERN RESIDENT COMMISSIONER FROM PUERTO RICO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr, FERNOS-ISERN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, including extraneous material, I am including herewith an editorial from the newspaper E] Mundo, one of the most important papers in the island of Puerto Rico, concerning air travel between Puerto Rico and the mainland. I believe that the position of the edi- torialist of E] Mundo is very well taken. The people of Puerto Rico, as citizens of the United States, have a right to ample and convenient transportation service from their island to the mainland at fair rates. There is no better way to attain this end than by competition. Monopoly in air travel between Puerto Rico and the mainland would have the same bad effect that monopoly has wherever it is present. Puerto Rico has been subject to such monopoly for a long time. The time has surely come when ft should be A1045 freed from this very undesirable situa- tion. The editorial follows: A Step Backwarp? Pan-Amefican Airways has made a peti-« tion to the Civil Aeronautics Board to re- consider the authorization given to Eastern Air Lines to supply service for passengers and cargo on the route between San Juan and New York. Pan-American is trying to protect their monopoly which they have had for some time on this route, but we doubt that what- ever their reasons and arguments may be, they would carry more weight than the con- venience and the well-being of the people of Puerto Rico. The people of Puerto Rico also have their rights. It should be understood that the certifi- cate given to Eastern by the Civil Aeronau- tics Board is not only the result of the efforts of Eastern Air Lines to extend their services to this part of the national terri- tory, but the authorization, which has been delayed through a number of years, is the answer to the demands of the people of Puerto Rico for better services and lower rates in air transportation. The Government of Puerto Rico through their most distinguished representatives was heard through the press and in a long and detailed campaign; also numerous local in- dustries and civic clubs were heard in this case giving all their efforts to promote what they considered the best for the public of the island and most convenient for their economic development. The Civil Aeronautics Board did not de- cide this case right away, It took them many months and years to study and re- study the case notwithstanding the efforts of those interested parties in giving the island a better air service. The Civil Aero- nautics Board took all the time needed and even more in checking and investigating the arguments on both sides, particularly those arguments against the granting of a new franchise. The situation was a rather difficult one, not because it was difficult to decide what ‘was evidently a necessity and a convenience to the island, but because there were many petitions before the Civil Aeronautics Board from different airlines offering new services to Puerto Rico, Eastern requested much more than what was given to them. Finally the Civil Aeronautics Board decided the case granting Eastern the direct route from New York to San Juan and Riddle Aviation the route Miami-San Juan for cargo. And now that the situation is about to start with more ample services and compe- tition between two of the first-class air. lines, Pan-American wants us to go back and start all over again. Is not this an in- justice to the public that has given Pan- American Airways 80 much business and had to struggle so much for its demands to be heard? The funny part of it is that Pan-Amer- ican has given us a definite proof of how healthy it is for Puerto Rico to cope with & competitive situation as this. Their di- rectors announced a few days ago a geduce tion in their tourist and excursion rates, also the increase of some of their services. The reduction of these rates is to become effective precisely at the same time that Eastern have announced the beginning of their new services and precisely the same reduced rates on their direct route to New York. Unless there are more serious reasons, we believe that the Civil Aeronautics Board should not hurt the interests of the Puerto Ricans by leaving this matter in the air in, oe rhe case has been studied, analyzed, and solved. Let us give this island the oppor- tunity to enjoy their success,
Al1046 Manpower Is Vital to Milk Supply EXTENSION OF REMARKS or « HON. ALLAN OAKLEY HUNTER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, the ability of a country to supply both civil- fans and soldiers with adequate food is one of the most important considera- tions in the conduct of war. Without food, the people cannot live, work, or fight. To produce necessary food, we must have adequate manpower, ma- chinery, and equipment. It is, there- fore, absolutely necessary that the Selec- tive Service System adopt a uniform manpower policy that will properly classify essential farm workers, so that such essential farm workers can continue in food production, The dairy industry is one segment of agriculture, which is being particularly hard hit by the drafting of men into the armed services. This week I received a petition signed by 351 dairymen, 7 creameries, and 1 large dairymen’s asso- ciation in my district, protesting the in- jury to the dairy industry, which is re- sulting from the loss of manpower through the draft. These dairymen own in the aggregate thousands of acres of land, on which are raised thousands of dairy cows which produce millions of gallons of milk. The petition follows: To Harry S. Truman, Prestdent of the United States; Lewis B. Hershey, Director of National Headquarters of the Selective Service System; Chairman, National Selective Service Appeal Board; Director, Cakfornia State Director of Selective Service: We, the undersigned residents of the San Joaquin Valley in the State of California, do respectfully petition the President of the United States, and the officers and directors of the Selective Service System, to interpret the present selective-service laws and regu- lations or to amend the same !f necessary, in order to protect the welfare of these United States, by protecting the milk industry, which ts an agricultural industry necessary to the maintenance of the national health, safety, and interest, We request that agricultural workers in the miik and dairy business be classified in Class II-O, as set forth in the rules and regu. lattons of the Selective Service System, as being engaged in a necessary agricultural occupation on the ground of the following Teasons and conditions: 1, Where the registrant dairy employee is and has been engaged in that agricultural pursuit. 2. Where the registrant datry employee can- not be replaced because a shortage of quall- ed persons exists to do that type of work. 3. Where the removal of the registrant dairy employee is and will cause a material loss to the dairy industry, in that many dairies will hhave to be closed down, the atock sold or de~ pleted resulting in & decrease in the produce tion of essential milk and butterfat products, thus endangering not only the industry, but the welfare of the peaple of the United States et large and of the Armed Forces of the United States. “ (Signatures omitted.) Campbell “Doc” White EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER THORNBERRY OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. THORNBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I would today like to pay tribute to a man whose fearless nature has led him through a.career of law enforcement which make him the envy of all who fight to uphold justice and to insure a safer way of life for the citizens in this country. Although he is now retired, and lives a relatively quiet life with his wife in Austin, Tex., Mr. Campbell “Doc” White has unselfishly given 42 years of his life to the pursuit of those who would en- danger the lives of you and me. It is courageous men like “Doc” White to whom we owe a debt of gratitude. Al- though this country is by no means free of crime, it is the work of men like “Doc” White which has practically extermi- nated the lawless, brazen desperadoes of the past. In the February issue of the Texas Parade, a monthly publication of the Texas Good Roads Association, there appeared an article about “Doc” White which I would like to call to the atten- ticn of every Member of Congress. I respectfully submit this article for in- sertion in the Recorp: A Rancer Reminisces (By Leonard Mohrman) The chickens had started to roost, two Chihuahua pupe—Tita and Pancho—and a terrier nestled in corner bunks. Dolly and her colt were up for the night. Campbell “Doc” White, 66, retired FBI agent and former Austin policeman, United States customs service agent, and Texas Ranger—42 years of criminal chasing in all— settled into an easy chair. His rock home 14 miles west of Austin was @ long way from Chicago and the menacing thirties—“Ma” Barker, ‘Machinegun" Kelly, and Dillinger. Doc lighted a cigarette; its amoke curled up under a mounted 11-point deer'’s head. Mra. White sat alongside in her wheelchair. The invalid descendant of Texas’ famed Gen, Benjamin McCulloch had covered her pet parrot’s cage. She no longer worried when the telephone rang, and when it didn't. “I used to tell her,” laughed Doc, “it was like Big Foot Wallace said. “A man born to hang would never die of shot.” The veteran of FBI special squad duty was back home—returned from a heap of travel to the Cedar Valley tract once his father’s, It is Just 9 miles from Doc's log cabin birth- Twilight had come. Doc could think ae- renely about that fence he plans, the garden or, like the crack of a pistol, snap his thoughts back to those fabulous yester- years. They started in 1908. Doc's father, Robert Emmitt White, was Austin’s mayor when Congress Avenue was peved, a Travis County eheriff, then the county judge when the South Bridge went up over the Colorado River, His father waived juvenile rights on the 20-year-old son and Doc re- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ported to Capt. John R. Hughes as a Texas rT, Brother Tom also was 4 ranger and later, too, became an FBI agent. Tom, warden of the Federal correctional institution at La- Tuna, Tex., still nurses a left arm shot- Yiddied in 10981. It was at Leavenworth, Kans., Federal prison that seven convicts took Warden Tom White hostage in a brazen escape plot. And John Dudley, the third Ranger White. He was shot down while on duty in enst Texas. Doc’s eyes narrowed as he told how @ wife and three children were left—a sen, John Dudley, Jr., is now & ranger. Crockett “Coley” White, another brother, served as Travis County sheriff, He lives in Austin as does a sister, Mrs. Della Carwin. Little wonder a long-time Austin resident commented that he had never known a White who knew fear. In 1909 Doc had switched from the rangers to Austin’s police force, In 1913 Doc left Austin for the United States customs service and rode the valley and along the border until 1017 when World War I bugles sounded. A military intelligence major, Doc grudg- ingly recalls, thwarted his only chance to see Europe. “I fooled around over here,” growled Doc, “and went back into the cus- toms service when I got out.” It wasn't long until Doc thoroughly tested his father’s teachings. “Get all the evidence you can, son,” Robert Emmitt White had in- structed, as Doc recalls, “then put yourself in the criminal’s place * * * think it out * * © plug up those holes, gon.” In 1924 Doc joined the FBI and later heard Director J. Edgar Hoover admonish: “Don't think you have a corner on brains * * ® if a county constable has a better plan, use 1t.” “It worked many a time,” Doc nodded, adding, “Mr. Hoover is the greatest organizer of law enforcement.” “It's interesting to match wits with a crim- inal,” Doc said, “but,” he added with a growl which aroused the dozing pups, “most gang- eters will shoot you where your suspenders cross.”* A slight undertone of respect threaded his bellowing mention of Ma Barker. She was tabbed by G-man Hoover as the most dan- gerous lawbreaker tn my experience. When Ma, who with her gang had run up a string of bank robberies, hold-ups, and murders, stepped over the Federal line with the $200,000 kidnaping of Edward G. Bremer, the FBI moved in, Doc was there—behind « shrinking tree, as he recalls—when Ma met her match at her Oklawaha, Fla., hide-out. Her favorite son, Freddie, fell with her in the FBI's hall of bullets, “But old Creepy Karpia-—he was hooked up with them—was yellow as s pumpkin,” scoffed Doc. “The boys tell me that when Karpis and Harry Campbell were caught in New Orleans,” Doc snarled, “old Creepy darn near pushed out the top of the car getting his hands up; he had a pisto) and rifle in that car, too.” : “The nerviest gunman I ever saw,” Doo confided, “was Harvey Bailey.” Wanted for bank robbery, Bailey joined the Machinegun Kellys and the Texas Shannons. Kelly kid- naped wealthy Charles F. Urechel, Oklahoma City oliman. The hunt was on. “The Kelly gang’s hide-out was in Wise County near , Tex.; we moved in at night,” Doc recounted. “Harvey awoke looking into a gun muzzle; he didn’t budge,” said Doc. “Why don't you go for your gun?” an FBI agent taunted Bailey, Burvey just looked around, grinned, and replied: “Hell, I don’t want it now.”
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Address of Hon. W. Averell Harriman EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. F. D. ROOSEVELT, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr, ROOSEVELT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address by the Honorable W. Averell Harriman, special assistant to the President, deliv- ered on February 25, 1951, at the Emer- gency Conference sponsored by the American Association for the United Nations, held at Chicago, Ill. I highly commend to my colleagues this very important and thought-pro- voking address: I appreciate greatly the opportunity to open this Emergency Conference of the American Association for the United Nations. First, I want to congratulate you on the subject selected for this conference—Our Responsibility for World Leadership. The free peoples of the world look to us for lead- ership. Their hopes for the future rest on their faith in us. Their faith comes from the fact that we have not used our pre- eminent position to dominate others, but rather to inspire cooperative action among nations and to give a helping hand to othors in an effort to build a neighborly, decent, and peaceful world. They have confidence in us because they have seen us carry out this new concept of leadership through imaginative and vigorous action. Yes; we have made mistakes. Some of our expectations have not been fulfilled. We have not always been foresighted. But the truth is that never in history has a nation acted with such high purpose and with such vision as has the United States during the past decade. As Americans we can all take pride in the role that our country has played, Yet, with humility, we must recognize that the tasks ahead may require a measure of greatness even beyond that which we have already achieved. I need not speak to you of the noble part we played in the war to destroy the Axis, I do want to review briefly our policies and actions in the more complex fleld of world- wide human relations which 1s commonly called foreign affairs. Our postwar objectives were first defined in August 1941—even before we were at war—when President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill met at sea and framed the Atlantic Charter. In this historic docu- ment the principles were set forth on which hopes for a better future for the world could be baeed. These principles included the re- spect of the rights of all peoples to choose the form of government under which thoy would live; the desire to bring about the fullest collaboration among all nations for economic and social advancement; the right of every nation, great or small, to access on equal terms to raw materials; the establish- Ment of peace under which all men might live tn freedom from fear and want; and the establishment of a wider and permanent system of general security. The principles of the Charter have guided our actions dure ing the past decade. In January of 1942, 26 nations, including the Soviet Union, subscribed to the Atlantic Charter in the declaration by United Na- tions, Later the other nations who joined in forming the United Nations at San Francisco in 1945 subscribed to these principles. Tn attempting to develop the collective action envisioned by the Charter, it was recognized from the beginning that, because of the ideology of its rulers, we would en- couuter great difficulties with the Soviet Union. Special efforta were therefore made during the period when we were united in war to try to find a common basis on which to build a peaceful world community. In spite of everything that has been said to the contrary, there is actually no mystery about our wartime relations with the Soviet Union. The prime objective of the British Government and ourselves was to maintain the Soviet Union as an effective ally in the war against Hitler. In this we were success- ful. They were effective allies. At the time we landed on Normandy the Russians were fighting the major Nazi armies, some 180 divisions. Concurrently with our military negotia- tions we discussed postwar problems. You will recall that in October 1943, at the Mos- cow Conference, Mr. Hull and Mr. Eden nego- tlated with Mr. Molotov an agreement known as the Moscow declaration. In this decla- ration the Soviet Union joined with the United States, the United Kingdom, and China in recognizing the necessity of estab- lishing an international organization, based on the principle of sovereign equality of ull peace-loving nations, for the maintenance of international peace and security, This conference laid the foundation for the United Nations. Subsequently we discussed specific politi cal matters in Europe where difficulties were most likely to occur. It was evident that the Red Army would occupy the countries of Eastern Europe and the Balkans. We were fearful that the Soviet Union might use its military power to take them over, These discussions culminated at Yalta. At Yalta the Soviet Union undertook defi- nite commitments with the United States and the United Kingdom to respect the sov- ereignty of these berated countries and to work with us to assist the people in holding free and unfettered elections to establish independent democratic governments. If the Soviet Union had honored these commit- ments, Poland and Eastern Europe would be free today, and the whole scene in Europe would be different, We also carried on discussions with the Soviets about the war in the Pacific, I always believed that they would attack Japan before the war was over. In fact, Stalin told me as early as 1042, when I was in Moscow with Churchill, that he intended to do so after the defeat of Hitler. What was not clear, however, was whether the Soviets would come into the war in time to help us defeat Japan, or whether they would hold off until the going was easy. They could then readily occupy and retain control of Mane churia and Korea. These discussions also culminated at Yalta, where Stalin agreed to enter the war against Japan within 3 months after VE-day. We must remember that at the time of Yalta the atomic bomb was not a reality and that the military estimated that unless the Rus- sians tied down the Japanese armies in Man- churia the defeat of Japan would be long delayed at great cost in American lives, In the Yalta agreement Stalin also under- took to enter into a treaty of friendship with the Chinese National Government and to recognize the sovereignty of that Govern- ment over Manchuria, A treaty of friendship between the Soviet Union and Chiang Kale ehek'’s government was subsequently cone cluded. In that treaty the Soviet Govern- ment and the Chinese National Government promised to work together in close and friendly collaboration, to respect ench other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and not to interfere in each other's internal affairs. A1047 The Soviet Union went further and promised to give the Chinese National Government, and only that Government, moral support and military and other supplies. The Chi- nese Government for its part agreed to the return to Russia of limited railroad, port, and naval base rights. However, the Soviet Union never lived up to its pledges to the Chinese National Government, and this started the postwar difficulties in the Far East. The strength of the moral position of the free world today is founded on the fact that the United States and Great Britain made every effort during the war to reach an un- derstanding with the Soviet Union. The fact that the Soviet Union broke its agreements helped to awaken the people of the free world to the duplicity and the aggreseive de- signs of the Kremlin. What are the designs of the Kremlin? The men of the Kremlin were a part of an inter- national Communist revolutionary move- ment. It so happened that in the chaos caused by World War I they were able to seize control of Russia. Ruasia is now the base of the operations of this international move- ment, and the men in the Kremiin are now the leaders of that movement. I remember when I was in Russia 25 years ago, one of the commissars with whom I talked said that it was unfortunate for them that it happened to be Russia. He said that the Communists would have preferred to have seized control of & more developed, & more industrialized country than Russia, for instance, the United States. Actually, they had expected to seize Germany too. This Communist international movement ig determined to force its will on the peoples of the world. In fact, its teachings have been that a Communist state cannot, in the long run, survive in a capitalist world. Within the Kremlin thinking there are two divergent pressures: One, the need to strengthen Russia as the base of operations, and the other, the program for world domina- tion. After World War I, having failed to seize control of other countries, they soft- pedaled external aggression and brutally regimented the Russian people to industrial- ize the country. They might have followed a similar policy after the devastation of World War II. The failure to carry out the Yalta agreements definitely Indicated a decision to pursue a plan of external aggression. The extent of their schemes has been revealed by their subsequent actions. They have maintained vast military forces. They have exploited thetr satellites for their own purposes. They have oppressed and im- poverished the peoples behind the iron cur tain. The effect of this program is causing increasing discontent and unrest, particu- larly among the satellites, but also within Russia. We see clearly the difficulties Krem-~ lin aggression is causing the free world, but it ts hard to appraise fully the difficulties be- hind the iron curtain. We should not confuse the aggressive in- tentions of the Kremlin with historic Rus- sian imperialism. Russian imperialism had limited objectives, whereas Soviet Commu- nist imperialism has unlimited objectives— the domination of the world. The men of the Kremlin are convinced that societies based on freedom will destroy themselves and that their totalitarian system offers the only lasting organization of human life. Thetrs is a long-term plan. They have developed a strategy on a giobal basis. They encourage dissension and discontent. Where ever possible they fan racial conflicts, They foment insurrections, They attempt to cone trol and subvert labor unions to bring about litical strikes to create economic chaos, ey have developed a world-wide propa. ganda machine. Through rumors and les, they engender fear and confusion.
A148 | Yn Greece, Malaya, and Indochina they haye fncited and supported civil war, causing un- told death and misery to their subservient puppeta and unhappy victims alike. They have plunged their North Korean aatellite and the Chinese Communists into wat with utter disregard for the welfare or the wishes of the people of Korea or China. They have maintained strong military forces tu support their puppets in the coun- tries they took from the Nazis. They are also using these forces to intimidate their neighbors, but as yet they have not used them directly in a manner which they felt would involve them in a major war. They believe by these tactics they can un~ dermine tho life of free peoples everywhere. They are convinced that the free world can- not stay united, and that they will be able to divide and take over the free nations one by one, The policies of the United States have been exactly the reverse—to build unity among nations for human welfare. After the war the United States took lead- ership in organizing united efforts to help people who had suffered so greatly from the war to get back on their feet. And as the Communist aggression has unfolded we have taken vigorous steps to deal with it. Our aid to Greece and Turkey has enabled those countries to maintain thelr freedom. Work- ing with the peopl of Western Europe through the Marshall plan, we have checked and rolled back the Communist advance. We have joined with the nations of Western Europe in the North Atlantic Treaty. To- gether we are now organizing unified forces to deter or to deal enectively with military jon. A supreme commander has been selected for these unified forces—our great Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower. In Western Europe the free people have taken the inittative and we are gaining the initiative in other parts of the world. The effect of the initiative in Europe has already penetrated the iron curtain in the defection of Yugoslavia. Tito was unwilling to have his country exploited by the Kremlin and wanted to participate in the improvement he saw developing in the West. This has been a major set-back for the Kremlin, In the Far East events have not moved as well. With its progress checked in Europe, the Kremlin put greater pressure on the east. Both Lenin and Stalin have in the past atated that Europe can be brought to its knees through the East, through denial o* raw materials upon which both Europe and our own country depend. It ts interesting that Karl Marx taught that the exploited industrial workers would be the fertile ground for Communist revo- lution, and that it would be difficult to sub- vert those living on the land because of their strong individualism. Industrial workers, however, have shared in the economic expan< aton of the West and have now a real etake in a free society. On the other hand, the misery of peasants in the East has provided the fertile field for Communist penetration, ‘The Economic Cooperation Administration, under Paul Hoffman's leadership, has de- veloped a program of rural rehabilitation which brings to the individual peasant some of the stmple technology of the West which can vastly improve conditions. This was started in China, but was too late to be ef- fective, It is working In Formosa and is beginning to work in other eastern countries. It requires a minimum of money and 4 maxi- mum of technical assistance. It includes malaria control, Innoculation of people and their livestock against disease so devastating in those coun , le improvements in tools, in fertilizer, in on and drainage. In Korea we have seen the results of our assistance. The people of Southern Korea have ehown that they have a real stake in the independence which we helped them to gain. Their troops have fought gallantly and the civilian population have supported military operations in every way they could, In dealing with the people of the Far Eaat, we must recognize their sensitivity to any- thing which looks like western interference. They have pride in their ancient culture, and have tuday a strong determination to free themeelves from western exploitation and colonialism. Our policies have recog- nized the justness of these aspirations. We have given the Philippines its independence and are assisting that young republic to get on its feet. We welcomed tho decision of the British Government to give independence to India, Pakistan, Ceylon, and Burma, as well as that of the Netherlands to work out the independence of Indonesia. So many people in the Far East have never had any hope for a better life. They are therefure more susceptible to the false promises of communiam than are the people of the West. All western countries, includ- ing ourselves, must show the peoples of the Far East and the Near East that we consider that their welfare ts our welfare, that they are a part of and @ full partner in the pollt- ical and economic life of the free world. The point 4 concept has been haljled in all of the underdeveloped countries, We must press forward and expand this program. There ls a great field for useful work by private organizations of labor of farmers, of business, and of schoola to interest them- selves as the missionaries have done, in the welfare of the people of the East. With new hope through association with the West, it will be easier for these peoples to under- stand clearly that communism is merely a tool of Soviet tmpertalism. We have a great opportunity in India to- day. As a result of a series of disastera— drought, floods, earthquakes, and locusts— there is a grave food shortage. I hope that President Truman's proposal to give food to India, which is supported by many members of both parties in the Congress, will be ap- proved promptly. This is a unique occa- sion for the American people to show their friendship for the people of India at the very moment when there are some political dif- ferences between the Indian Government and our own. It will be further proof to the people of the world that we have no inten- tion of using economic aid to interfere with the political decisions of other free coun- tries, Of profound importance in the East, and in fact everywhere, has been our support of the United Nations in resisting aggression in Korea, Fifty-three countries, all the free members of the United Nations, have en- dorsed this action. Fourteen have contrib- uted fighting forces and 40 have given some form of assistance. It is inspiring to the people of the free world that their soldiers are fighting with great courage under one fing. We are deeply moved by the stories of heroism of our own men, of the men of Brit- ain, of France, of Greece, of Turkey, and of other nations. They are fighting to prevent another world war. I wonder whether it is fitting for us to question the will of our allies to fivht, I ‘was in Britain during the year that ation stood alone. J saw the spirit of the uritish people—men, women, and children. I was in Italy when the French Army fought brave- ly with us. For over 3 years the French have been fighting Communist aggression in Indo- china, suffering severe losses. Now we see in Korea that with leadership and with ade- quate equipment, our alliés fight for our common freedoms with the sanie gallantry as is the pride of the American tradition. The preponderance of economic strength Nea with the West. The North Atlantic com- munity has 80 percent of the heavy indus- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD try of the world, Our job is to convert that strength to support an effective military force. Two-thirds of that strength is in the United States, Europe can supply more men for the armies because of its greater popu~- lation, but a major part of the equipment must come from our factories. To do this job will require sacrifice on the part of all our people and deeper sacrifices on the part of our European friends. When we think of our own sacrifices, let Us stop to think for a moment of what this new effort means to the British housewife. For over 10 years she has had a weekly ration of meat which would be barely enough for one sery- ing in an American family. Except for children, milk has been scarce and often un- obtainable. She has been closely rationed on many items of food, clothing, and other household needs, Now she faces & new aus- terity. American leadership and American partict- pation have brought confidence to our Euro- pean associates that an adequate defense force can be created—with confidence has come determination to do the job. I have more faith today than at any time since my return from Moscow 5 years ago that the free world can wir the struggle against the new form of tyranny we face. My confidence stews from the leadership which the people of the United States have already taken. They have supported, year after year, unprecedented programs to meet the situation as it unfolded—programs pro- posed by President Truman and developed in cooperation with the leaders of both par- ties in the Congress, I cannot believe that we will turn back now. I firmly believe that not only can we win this struggle, but that we can prevent an- other world war, provided we carry on with our policies and programs and take advan- tage of every opportunity to press forward the cause of freedom throughout the world. The Kremlin has a global strategy. Our strategy must always be on a global basis. Of first importance is unity in the free world. The United Nations has been a forum where issues could be discussed on @ world-wide basis. It has been an effective forum in uniting public opinion in the free world. I need only to recall the fact that 53 countries supported the action in Korea. We should not be discouraged by failure to attain unanimity of the free nations on all issues. One of our basic principles is that all countries, large and small, have a full right of independent expression. We have fostered this democratic principle among na- tions. Let us always remember this ts the basis of the confidence of the free world in our leadership. We must understand that other countries have varying problema and aspirations, that things don’t always look the same to people in Europe, the Near East, the Far Hast, or Latin America as they do to us in the United States. he responsibilities of world leadership ¢all for patience, humility, and understand. ing, combined with viston, vigor, and de- termination. We must show these qualities tn our support of the United Nations and in all of our relations with other countries. Only in this way can we cement unity in the tree world. On the military side we must press for- ward unhesitatingly in the development of our own military strength and give help to other free countries who are prepared to do the same. The free world cannot remain exposed. The Kremlin will use force if it believes that victory Is eazy. On the economic side, we must continue assistance not only to help other countries develop their military potential, but also to tncrease their ivity. This is not a one-way street. An expanding economy at
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD home requires an expanding economy throughout the free world. Increased quantities of raw materials are needed not only for ourselves but for other industrial countries, But above all we are fighting an ideological battle—truth against false doctrine. We must expose the international Communist revolution for what it is, a reactionary coun- ter revolution. Ours is the true revolution- ary cause for which man has struggled through the centuries—freedom, the dignity of the individual, the right of man to wor- ship as he chooses, the state as the servant of the people. The creed from Moscow that people are a mass, fit only to serve the State, is old stuff. That concept has been beaten in the past by men who loved freedom. It must be re- pudiated again. It will be a Jong and ardu- ous struggle. Unlike military conflicts, ideo- logical conflicts have never been settled by victory in battle on a given day, One con- cept grows in vitality, while the other recedes and decays. I can only believe that with the growing strength and unity of the free world—militarily, economically, and spiritu- ally—the pressures behind the tron curtain will increase; the rulers of the Kremlin will find greater and greater difficulty in keeping their unhappy people subjugated. If we fully accept our responsibilities for world leadership on a global basis, if we act with wisdom and vigor, prepared to make present-day sacrifices for the cause of free- dom, there can be no doubt of the outcome. We have written an honorable page in history during the past 5 years. I believe that we will write a glorious chapter in the days ahead. The Shield of the Free World EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. LLOYD M. BENTSEN, JR. OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. BENTSEN. Mr. Speaker, some- times a phrase tells more than a sen- tence, a paragraph; or any speech. Such a phrase is one used by Joseph and Stewart Alsop to describe American strategic air power, and its value as a deterrent of war. The Alsops call it “The shield of the free world.” Our primary purpose in strengthening our military establishment is not to wage war but to prevent war—and to be able to end it quickly if war should come in spite of the best eiforts of diplomacy to prevent it. If we say that the purpose of our military establisiment is to de- fend America we are saying the same thing with a different emphasis. We de- fend America better if we maintain the peace, than if we have to fight a war to restore it. Our strategic air power fs growing 80 strong, the Alsops remind us, that “there is no reason why the veiled threats of the Kremlin should have the shattering ef- fect which the Kremlin so clearly de- sires.” The Alsops conclude that, in or- der to prevent our building a solid ground defense in the west as an accompaniment of our crushing air superiority, Stalin and the Politburo may yet defy Ameri- can strategic air power and accept war. “Yet at least,” their column ends, “it is still possible to entertain the perfectly rational hope that a sort of Jong armed truce, based on a true power balance, may yet ensue, This is now the best that we can hope for. And it is thanks to American strategic air power, the shield of ihe free world, ihat we oan hope for 8.7" Mr, Speaker, under unanimous con- sent, I insert in the ConcressionaL Rec- orp the column by Joseph and Stewart Alsop in the Washington Post of Feb- ruary 21, 1951: The column is as follows: Tue Srre.p (By Joseph and Stewart Alsop) Josef Stalin’s recent menacing statement hinted very clearly that really serious prep- arations by the Western nations to defend themselves would make war inevitable. This is why it is deeply important to understand that American strategic air power is increas- ing by a sqrt of arithmetical progression, If this is understood, there !s no reason why the veiled threats of the Kremlin should have the shattering effect which the Kremlin so clearly desires. There is one way to measure the growth of our striking power. If war comes, the task of the Strategic Air Command will be, of course, to smash the industrial war poten- tial of the Soviet Union decisively, and as rapidly as possible. The power to accom- plish this task will be doubled within 6 months. And a year later, it will be doubled again. Assume, for purposes of illustration, that the Strategic Air Force could now complete its mission within about 60 days of the out- break of war (which is probably a reasonable estimate, provided forward bases were not neutralized). Then, 6 months from now, the mission could be completed within 30 days. And 18 months from now, the stra- tegic air force should be able to finish its terrible task in little more than 2 weeks. This extraordinary rapid increase in pro- jected strategic power does not derive simply from increased production of atomic bombs and heavy bombers—~netther the atomic bomb nor the B-86 can be rolled off pro- duction lines, like passenger cars. Much of the increased power comes, instead, from simple efficiency in operation. The case of the B-96 provides the best ex- ample of this increased efficiency. An opera- tional altitude of 40,000 feet has for a long time been publicly claimed for the B-36. This claim was true, but only in a literal sense. The B-86 could indeed climb to 40,000 feet. But it could maintain this alti- tude only at great risk of engine failure, for short periods, and with much sacrifice of speed, range, and load. This is no longer so. A number of tech- nical and necessarily secret improvements now permit the B-36 to fly many thousands of miles at 40,000 feet and more, without essential sacrifice of efficiency. What this means is very simple. The best of the Soviet jet fighters, like the MIG-15, are known to operate sluggishly at this height. One ex- pert guess is that a Soviet jet which actu- ally located a massed flight of B-36 bombers flying at full speed at 40,000 feet could get in at best a single pass against the concen- trated firepower of the bombers, Thus a very much higher proportion of any given flight of long-range bombers would get through to target than would have been possible only very recently. It is true that the best estimates are that if forward bases for the shorter range jet bombers were neu- tralized, the time required for the strategic alr command to complete tts mission would he mare than doubled. But 8-20s and B-50s could also reach Sovylet targets from bases in this hemisphere, using refuelling tech- niques, although these planes are, of course, more vulnerable than of B-30s,, Thus the important fact is that tue strategic air mis- sion could still be performed, even under the worst possible circumstances. Moreover, the Soviet Union almply can- not match this country in the air. Careful analysis by Air Force experts has led to a startling conclusion. Even assuming that the Soviet Union were capable of producing an air force equivalent to the air force this country will soon have, it could not be maintained. To maintain it, for example, under training conditions for 1 year, and under combat conditions for only 3 months, would require more than half the yearly pro- duction of oil in the entire Soviet empire. No nation, of course, could conceivably commit half its entire oi] resources to its air force alone. Moreover, the Kremlin could not solve the problem simply by capturing the Middle East. Largely because of lack of transport, there would be no more than & trickle of oil to Russia for at least 3 years etter the Middle East had falle. to the Krem- n. In. short, what is now in prospect is a crush- ing American air strength, which the Krem- lin simply will not be able to equal. To be sure, this gives no grounds for complacency. For the Kremlin will nevertheless quite soon be able to deliver large numbers of atomic bombs to targets in thia country and else- where. Moreover, this country and ite allies will also never be able to match Soviet ground strength in terms of numbers of men on the ground, Yet by a determined effort, a balance of power can atill be achieved by combining a solid ground defense in the West with crush- ing air superiority. This is what Stalin and the Politburo are now determined to prevent. It may be that, in order to prevent it, Sta- ln will defy American strategic alr power and accept war. Yet at least it is still pose sible to entertain the perfectly rational hope that a sort of long armed truce, based on a true power balance, may yet ensue, This is now the best that we can hope for. And it is thanks to American strategic alr power, the shield of the free world, that we can hope even for this. Capital-Gains Tax EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GERALD R. FORD, JR. OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr, FORD, Mr. Speaker, the Presi- dent in his proposals for a $16,000,000,- 000 increase in the Federa) tax burden has recommended that the maximum tax on capital gains be increased from 25 to 37% percent. There may be some need and justification for an over-all increase in this rate, but such an in- crease would accentuate in at least one instance what is already a gross in- equity in the law. I refer specifically to the imposition of the capital gains tax on the profit on the sale of a home where the individual reinvests the proceeds in another home. Recent testimony before the House Committee on Ways and Means has
A1056 brouwht to the forefront the need for a revision in existing law. The staff of the Joint Committee on Internal Revenue Taxation 2 years ago recognized the aross inequity in the present law and recommended that legislative action be taken to remedy the situation. The Treasury Department says it has the matter under study. session, In January of 1950 I introduced H.R. 6615 which would to a substantial degree handle the situation. On Jan- wary 9, 1951, I reintroduced the same bill in the Eighty-second Congress. It is my understanding that other propos- als of a similar nature are before the Committee on Ways and Means. At the present time the Treasury, and i¢ would be worse if the President's tax recommendations are approved, has a heads-I-win-tails-you-lose policy. The Federal Government says to its citizens, you cannot deduct a real loss on the sale of your home In computing your income tax and at the same time makes its tax- payers pay a tax on purely theoretical Recently a witness before the Commit. tee on Ways and Means gave the follow- ing testimony in reference to this problem ; Let me give you a giaring example of what the present law does. that in 1946 I bought a home in Detroit for $10,000 and my bought one in Cleveland for $10,000, Ae a result of the cheapening of the value of the dollar the fair market value land, and we decide simply to trade homes. The law now says that I realize a taxable gain of $5,000 when I take over my brother's house, and he realives n taxable gain of €5,000 when he takes over my house. Because wo Were transferred in our jobs, we are each penalized to the extent of the tax on $6,000 worth of increased value which {fs not real gain. . Let us take another example. I have been employed by the Authority prohibits the Midvilie plant from meking any more aluminum windows, and the Gentervilie plant has received a large order from the Military Establishment for the Production of vital parts for military aircraft, Because of the National Production Authar- ity order. it is neceasary to the K to down, at least ville plant, but {¢ needs afl of tts key Mid. Here is another situation. Under ex- isting law, if for example Mr. Jones’ home is destroyed by fire, or by flood, or by some other catastrophe, or if it is taken by the Government for public pur- poses, the gain, if any, resulting from the insurance indemnity or the condem- nation award is not recognised, provided I use the thereof to acquire another home. But if Jones is forced to move from one city to another because of a change tn his job, he is caught in a trap. If his old home has increased in value over the original. purchase price, this increase will be taxed to him as a gain, yet at the same time he is required to pay a comparable price for his new home. Jones had a home, and now all he has is another one, the cast of which takes all the proceeds from the sale of his first home. Neither residence is worth any more or auy less than the other. But in changing his home, he has in- curred a substantial tax lability to the Federal Government, Naturally the owner does not believe that this sort of treatment is fair. It is most important during the erit- ieal mobilization period that the Con- gress help rather than hinder the mobil- ity of our working men and women. The adoption of the President's tax recom- mendations without a change in the In- ternal Revenue Code along the lines contained in my bill will definitely pen- alize citizens who must move from one ment in the defense rearmament pro~ eram. The perpetuation of the present Jaw with a 20-percent increase in the penalty for small income home owners will hamper and impede our mobilization, effort. Furthermore, it is morally in- defensible to continue this “heads-I-win- tails-you-lose” policy. Congress must do something this year to alleviate this unwatranted hardship on a vast seg- ment of the American people, Shipment of Vita! Materials to Commanist China EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. M. G. BURNSIDE OF WEST Vmotiia IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Weduesday, February 28, 1951 Momber Parker seconded that the executive board of the West Virginia State Fetieration of Labor go on record in this meeting pro- testing the shipments of vital materials Communist Chivas aud « copy of this reaciu- tion be sent to Secretary of Commerce, Charlies Gawyer, and asking thet the names of oompantes that have shipped theses mate- Ttals be published in the public press. Also inctudted in this motion was that the Sena- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tors and Congressmen from the State of West Virginia receive copies of ttils reqolution. Whereas the United States Government ts now in one of the most costly wars in its entire history, both financtally and in lives lost; Whereas there seems to be a number of ettizens and business organisations that seemingly think more of profits than they do of the lives of our young men by con- tinuing to do business with Commyunist Ohina; Whereas we want to preserve this Govern- Tent of ours and we feel that most of our citizens feel the same as we do and wil! pledge their full support. However, we do not think that any firm, business or citizen should be allovred to sell, barter or trade vital materials with a nation that is sending its soldiers ‘on the battlefields and killing and wounding our scidiers. Such are not worthy of reing harbored under our fag: Therefore be Resolved, That in this executive board meeting of the West Virginia State Federa- tion of Labor we protest to the Honorable Charles Sawyer, Secretary of Commerce, United States, Washington, D. C., asking that the shipping of all vital materials to Com- munist China be stopped immediatety; fur- thermore that the names of people and firms who have been shipping vital materials to Communist China be made public, zE. A. Carrer, President, VOLNEY ANDREWS, Secretary-Treasurer. J. M. Parxrn, HH. Ricwarp KENNEL, A. H. Bisnorr, Board Members. No further business appearing, on a motion by Board Member Parker, seconded by all, we adjourned at 2:45 p. m. Revised Indiana Plan for the Maintenance of National Manpower EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM G. BRAY OF TNDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. BRAY. Mr. Speaker, on J 15 I inserted inthe Recor of that date a copy of the Indiana plan for the mainte- nance of national manpower, which was presented by the Indiana Conference of meeting original plan. I wish to insert a copy of the revised plan in the Racorn for the benefit of those interest in the presented; Time Inogawa Pra yor tre Manrrenancr oF Merona, Manrowss—Revisto STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES 1. The American college and university Yecognizes the gravity of the praesent crisis
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in world affairs and is sensitively aware of the fact that the national welfare must take lence over other considerations, 4. Charged with the responsibility of lead- ership in American thought and life we must constantly point to the clear and present danger of the short view which would serie ouely impair our tradition of freedom under God. We must proceed on the commonly accepted assumption that our present situa- tion must be viewed as a long term phase of our national preparation for any eventuality. Though victorious in our conflict with an alien and vicious ideology we could lose so many cultural and spiritual values that our victory would be empty. In the Nght of these considerations we strongly take the position that present pro- posed legislation should not constitute a permanent national commitment to any program of universal military training and service. Proposed legislation should be en- acted for a limited period of time and made subject to review by each succeeding Con- gress. . 8. It fs our profound conviction that in any plan of national mobilization we must maintain the values for which American col- leges and universities have stood through- out their history as an expression of the heri- tage of our people. This means that detinite and intelligent provisions must be made, even in a time of national emergency, for the uninterrupted training of the leaders of tomorrow. The American college and university must make a continuous contri- bution to the national welfare in terms of supplying manpower needs in every fleld of learning during thig crisis and beyond it. Thus it is in the national interest that every man pursue his formal education for as long @ period as he is willing and able and so long as he can be spared from military service. STATEMENT OF PLAN 1, Upon the basis of these principles we affirm our conviction that those sections of the present selective-service law which pro- vide for registration at age 18 with induc- tion not before age 19 should be retained, 2. The length of military service should be extended from 21 months to 27 months. 3. Standards of induction should be low- ered until approximately 78 percent of all young men are taken into the Armed Forces, 4, All freshmen who are attending collego and are doing passing work at the time they receive their call should be deferred to the end of the academic year. All students who during their freshman year ranked in the upper half of thetr class should be deferred to the end of the sophomore year, All students who ranked in the upper two-thirds of their sophomore class should be deferred to the end of their junior year. All students who ranked in the upper three-fourths of their junior class should be deferred to the end of their senior year. Students should be deferred for graduate study if they have graduated in the upper one-half of their sertor class, have been accepted by an estab- lished graduate school, and continue to maintain satisfactory progress in a program leading toward an advance degree. 6. All students who are deferred to con- tinue in college shall attend college on a round-the-year program consistent with high academic standards, 6. Because continuance in college on a year-round program will impose a signifi- cant additional financial burden on the aver- age American family and because participa tion in this plan should not depend upon the financial circumstance of the student, it 4s recommended that the Righty-second Congress pass enabling legislation which will permit any student who is deferred under this program to borrow from the Govern- ment up to $100 per month during the period he ts attending college. it is further recommended that interest on this loan shall be at a rate of one-half of 1 percent greater than the going rate on long-term Government bonds at the time the loan is made, and repayment of the loan shall be made on the basis of annual payments equal to 25 percent of the partici- pant'’s Federal income tax, STATEMENT OF MANPOWER SITUATION The testimony of Mrs. Rosenberg and Gen. eral Hershey before the House Armed Serv- ices Committee established the fact that if the strength of the Armed Forces is raised to 3,600,000 men by June 80, 1951, and if pres- ent standards of induction and deferments are maintained, the national pool of accepta- ble inductees will be reduced to 411,000 by that date. It was also established by the same testi-~ mony that this pool can be increased to 1,218,000 men in the following manner: Number in pool by present stand- ards June 30, 1961_.......-...2 411, 000 Addition of college students by graduation and nondeferment. 200, 000 Reclaimed by lowering standards of IV-F deferments._._..2.0.. 250, 000 Reclaimed from deferments by in- duction of men with one de- pendent ...-.--2- 220, 000 Inducted draftees now in Nation- al Guard and Reservist units... 137, 000 Total........-..--------.. 1, 218, 000 In an Armed Force of 3,500,000 it is esti- mated there will be approximately 1,500,- 000 career men and men who serve for more than 27 months. This means that approximately 2,000,000 men will need to be replaced every 27 months or at a rate of about 900,000 each year. Approximately 1,050,000 men reach a given age annually. Of these about 800,000 can be used in the Armed Forces if approximately 100,000 are used on limited service. This leaves a deficit of 100,000 per year which will be subtracted from the pool of 1,218,- 000. Allowing 600,000 as the minimum safety margin to he kept as a cushion in this pool, it is clear that there is no present need for lowering the induction age below 19 nor to modify the existing regulations with regard to the deferment of college students, MEMBERS OF INDIANA CONFERENCE ON HIGHER EDUCATION Anderson College, Ball State Teachers Col- lege, Butler University, Canterbury College, DePauw University, Earlham College, Evans- ville College, Franklin College, Goshen Col. lege, Hanover College, Huntington College, Indiana Central College, Indiana State Teachers College, Indiana Technical College, Indiana University, Jordan College of Music, Manchester College, Marian College, Marion College, Oakland City College, Purdue Uni- versity, Rose Polytechnic Institute, 8st. Joseph College, St. Mary’s College, St. Mary- of-the-Woods College, Taylor University, Tri- 8&tate College, University of Notre Dame, Val- paraiso University, Vincennes University, Wabash College. The Preservation of the United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. E. ROSS ADAIR OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr, ADAIR. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my re- A105. marks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I inolude an excellent editorial written by Clifford B, Ward, which appeared in the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel on February 15, 1951, Certainly the ideas embodied in this editorial are representative of the thinking of many people in our Nation today: Goop Evznina (By Clifford B, Ward) What is needed most in this country ts « conference of national leaders, whose patriot- iam is unquestionable, to sit down and work out a program or outline a set of principles to guide our national course. What is the general over-all principle that must always be kept in mind by our Natton? I think the answer to that is very simple: The preserva~ tion of the United States. Is there any American who does not agree to that? When we speak of the United States, we do not speak of a geographical thing only, but of a spiritual thing comprised of our beliefs and traditions, Now how best can we work for the pres- ervation of the United States, while at the same time not being indifferent to the obli- gations which we have in common decency to see to it that other nations lke us, also survive? The only justification that we can have for belonging to the UN or any world Organization is to work ultimately for the preservation of the United States. The only justification we can have for the Marshall plan or anything like it is to preserve ulti- mately the United States. If we do not have in mind at all times and in all things that we do, the preservation of the United States, then we are wrong. NECESSARY FOR ALL The preservation of the United States is not only necessary to us who are Americans, but it is very necessary to every nation in the world that thinks as we do, ‘The greatest blow that could happen to England, France, Italy, Spain, Canada, Australia, South America, and all the rest of the so-called free World would be the downfall of the United States. These nations have a stake in our survival, almost equivalent to their stake in their own survival because without us they are in for evil days. The UN, looked upon by many as a step forward which it might have seemed to be in some respects, can actually be a step back- ward, This country, by reason of its political philosophy about the importance of the in- dividual as a creature of God, was unique among nations. . It was unique because it alone said that man’s rights come from his Creator, It ts now a member of the UN and has subscribed to the Old World principle that man gets his rights from the State by perllamentary grant. The UN doctrine of human rights, which threatens to supersede the American constitutional freedom of unallenable indi. vidual rights, is all based on the notion that government can give rights and because it can give them can limit them when necessary and take them away completely when necessary. In our subscription to this prin- ciple we bave taken 9 step right back into the oldest forms of tyranny. IN waona sPor Our spokesmen in these UN formulations of a doctrine of human rights was Mra. Hileanor Roosevelt. Even the most charitable Andividual in the United States would have difficulty tn declaring Mrs. Roosevelt's mind to be one of our best. Even giving Mre. Floosevelt the most generous treatment that charity could give her, she cannot be com- pared to any one of the founding fathers of this country whose works on human rights she is in a very real sense editing and revis- ing. Our Bill of Rights compared with what
national destiny at present and the present time is one that ts testing whether this Nation or anyone like tt shall survive. There fs indeed need for prayer by everyone, Drafting Farm Labor EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. H. CARL ANDERSEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Speaker, Mr. Leland J. Melrose, editor, Minnesota Parm Bureau News, St. Paul, Minn., wrote to Maj. Gen. Lewis B. Her- shey, Chief of Selective Service, a letter which so well describes the farm-labor situation in our State that I am insert- ing that letter herewith, in accordance with permission previously received. We cannot afford to have idle land and vacant dairy barns, as Mr. Melrose writes, because of mistakes made by se- lective service in its zeal to obtain needed men for our armed services. The letter follows: Prorvary 6, 1951. Mo}. Gen. Lewis B. Hensrrey, Chief, Selective Service, Washington, D.C. Daan Grernast. Hersnxy: Proof mount: up that the selective-service set-up as currently administered in rural areas is a menace to any hopes we may hold for victory, Your military ce and mine has taught us that soldiers cannot fight on empty bellies. We here at the Minnesota Farm Bureau of- fice have read everything available on selec- tive-service rules. On their surface, the rules seem to be based on common sense, But we have also read with deep dismay the reports that come to us from Minnesota farmors. . There will be idle land and vacant dairy barns unless some semblance of judgment is applied by local draft boards. Proof of that fs seen in letters received from aged “arm- ers, whose irreplaceable help has been or- dered into uniform. Local draft boards have high authority production program wich is the first essen- tial to military victory. There will be no strikes on the farms of America; there will be no slowdown in pro- auction, exeept that decreed by inept appli. cation of selective-service regulations, But ferm a haven for slackers, But the Farm Bureau does have s major responsibility tn the field of farm production. We here at Farm Bureau headquarters maintain contacts with State selective-serv~ foe officials. We hold them to ve. men of good fudgment, but ere, olther a or below them, conditions have developed that strike at the very heart of America's effort to defend heraelf. : Bpecific cases will be furnished you if you desire. "Yours very truly, Lazamp J. MELROSE, Editor, Farm Bureau. We Shalt Prevail EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. HOWELL OF MEW JEREEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. HOWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rercorp, I wish to include a speech which was given by the Honorable A. A. RiBi- corr, of Connecticut, at the convocation exercises at Hollins College, Virginia, on February 21, 1951. This speech entitled “We Shall Prevail,” represents what I believe to be a very sound and sensible approach to the present world situation. His ideas about pressing our present campaign on peacemaking set forth ob- Jectives which all of us should strive to attain both on a long-range and short- range basis. Wr SHALL Parvar. (Speech of Congressman A. A, Risicorr de- livered at convocation exercises, Hollins College, Va., February 21, 1951) We meet together on founders day to talk about our world. Many Americans are perhaps thinking about little else than the world situation—and deeply resenting the fact that they must. Unquestionably, there is on the part of our people a feeling both of danger and of frustration. There ts a general desire to understand how it got like this and why it got like this. There is a gnawing sentiment of our own failure, And there is an over- powering urge to see how we can properly get out of the present grim crists. This problem is to us the more oppressive be- cause we never faced anything like it be- fore. In fact, habitually, most of us have never paid much attention to international affairs. The United States seemed zo snugly sheltered behind the two great oceans that most of what went on over the rest of the globe seerned no concern of ours. Today—as we are learning the hard way— the whole position is different. Over the last few decades, the whole world has undergone radical change. For this the scientists are chiefly responsible. Their theories, Inventions, and technological won- ders have altered the world we live in. Beckuse we can travel so swiftly and com- municate with each other almost instanta- neously, we sometimes speak of cur rapidly ahrinking world. This plirase cofjures up ®@ picture of millions of Ittle, antiike crea- tures who have been taken off a focthall " and put to live on a marble. That is only one stde of the picture. Our world, as far as experience and range of activities are concarmd, has expanded APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD astronomically. Human relationships have been modified on a giobal scale. Oontacts between peoples in the remotest areas have become possible. Their culture, politics, philosophy, ahd strategy oave repercussions on all other peoples. It te but a half century since the United States came into a posttion of great power. Our country Nes in both the Northern and Western Hemispheres, the hemispheres of great land mass and population, I¢ lies cn both the Atiantic and the Pacific, the two greatest highways of commerce and strategy. No other great power has found itself in such a situation. Yet we are new on the world's stage. The implications of our changed sta- tus have been slow to sink into the national consciousness. We do not yet realize that everything we do affects other nations. Nor have we learned that we ourselves can now be subjected to pressures and new kinds of attacks that could never have touched us before. All this fs true. And yet in many respects the crisis we face is not entirely different from that fated by other peoples at other times. One such crisis occurred tn ancient Greece. The Greek city-states—tiny, di- ‘vided, jealous of thelr independence—found themeelves threatened by what we would call the national state of Macedonia. Together, the city-states had nothing to fear: they were stronger than their adversary. But they could not unite. One man saw the danger, the statesman and orator, Demos- thenes. In a famous series of speeches, di- rected against King Philip of Macedonia, he ‘urged the Athenians to realize that Philip was aiming to take their cities one by one and that they must act in time. “It is shameful to cry out, when some event hath surprised us, heaven who could have expected this? We should have acted thus and thus to have avoided these and these errors * * *, Every state that hath been destroyed can mention such things * * * Therefore, Athenians, while ye are yet cafe, possessed of a powerful city, fa- vored with resources, prepare your trans. Ports, your forces and all necessities of war * * * at present your conduct must ex- Pose you to derision * * * opportunities escape you, your treamires are wasted, you incrimmate each other * * *. By the powers you sre acting as tf Philtp’s wishos were directing you! You have never, Athe- nians, armed yourselves in time. “Call on other states to do their duty that ye may have sharers tr the aeangers and expense which may arise. I do not mean we should try to raise that spirit ebroad which we ourselves are unwilling to assume, but all were willing to confederate With those whom they see prepared and resolved to exert thomeelves as they ought. In the name of heaven, can any man be £0 weak as not to know, that by neglecting this war, we are transferring it from that country to our own." But the Athenians adopted the delaying tactics urged by ‘s agents in their midst, and this led to their downfall, 1
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD occurs in chapters too. We try to estimate events year by year and crowd its entire course within our own lifetime. Yet history js an endless process, Consequences have 8 way of reverberating down the ages. Epics are long. The great test of courage and determination between the free nations and the slave system, whose headquarters is in Moscow, has not yet run its course. The next 50 years may well determine the course of civilization for the next 2,000 years. And it {s our country’s task to determine whether freedom or slavery ts to be the principle to survive, Why did catastrophe overtake those early civilizations? The historian Arnold Toynbee reminds us that it was esse.tially their inability to meet some challenge. It was a failure of mind and spirit to rise to a new and great opportunity. It stemmed from the leaders first They lost their creative power, that magic compound of vision and resolute action which compels the loyal allegiance of the people. The people are quijk to sense this loss; they become be- wildered, passive, callous. One of the greatest threats to civilization has been the outstripping of spiritual values by material development. Rome did not fall because {it was physically weak. Rome was rich and still grent—on paper. A mere two of its legions of ancient days could have dealt with the barbarians at its gates. But the Romans were soft with easy living. The people were sharply divided into opposing factions A narrow selfishness kept them blind when their own preservation demanded a world-wide outlook and the most heroic resistance measures. In today's great debate on foreign policy, we have heard much ahout the American standard of living. Do we mean by that the amount of physical goods consumed, or shall we widen the expression to include all the standards by which men have meas- ured the essentials of civilized life? If the latter, then we shall sense in its meaning the common destiny between ourselves and the rest of the human race. This means that our relations to other peoples are a matter of vital concern to all of us. It forces us to learn~what every nation has had to Jearn at some period or other--that foreign policy takes precedence over domestic. Domestic problems are very visible and direct. But the really decisive events are those which involve international action. Foreign policy makes history and we cannot escape history. We know that Russia is engaged tn a campnign of hate againat us, the like of which has never been heard before. Mixed with this attack is a phony campaign for peace Intended to confuse peoples and sepa- rate them from their governments. This peace propaganda {s just another tactic used by the enemy to destroy society and further the Communist revolution. Yet, so deep is the world's desire for peace, that the Russians can use lt as an effective weapon against us. Today the world is in crisis. This danger- ous crisis exists because the two last great wars upset world equilibrium. Formerly im- portant countries have fallen into secondary positions, Two nations alone remain at the center of power—the United States and the Soviet Union. They are worlds apart, with the United States standing as champion of the peoples who still respect the values of freedom and justice in international life. For the first time in history one nation has strayed into & position of Jeadership without wanting it, Yet, nonetheless, the whole free world economically and militarily depends on us, It is this brutal fact that helps increase our frustration and our soul searching, Why, O God, we cry, just we? If we do not lead, no other free nation can take our place, If we do not lead, Soviet Russia will rush into the vacuum created by our abdication. Matters are further complicated by the fact that in 1946, along with other western countries, we disarmed, confidently expect- ing permanent peace. But Russia did not disarm. It talked disarmament in the United Na- tions, but meanwhiie increased its forces. It created new armies in the captive countries of Eastern Europe, and has succeeded in turn. ing the orfental hordes of North Korea and China into first-class fighting unite. Thus the world has drifted into two camps. One is centrally controlled from the Kremlin, a solid bloc united around a cru- sading idea that is superficially attractive to the unthinking It is made up of 800,000,000 people, all of them expendable. The other, the free world, comprises about two-thirds of mankind, with considerably more than half the world's production. It has a superiority of A-bumbs and H-bomhs, together with a widespread reluctance to use them. It has a sure majority in the United Nations Assembly. The United States is the nucleus of this non-Communist world, but there is no central control, no compelling unifying idea. We have associates, some of them firm and close allies; others spiritless and unconvinced of the necessity of self« defense. This division came to a head in the Korean conflict, That conflict has had two important re- sults. It has dramatically opened our eyes to the dangers that confront us. It has also re- vealed the weakness of ourselves and our al- lies. In consequence, one fact overshadows all o-iers Our present policy ts bigger than our preseit means. On this issue we divide. One group of Americans argues that we should shorten our commitments to our means. The other answers that we should multiply our means to cope with our com- mitments I belong to the second camp. To me, those who would abdicate and de- crease our commitments appear to be over- looking some very grave realities, We no longer live in the carefree times when we could ignore the rest of the planet. No portion of the world can defend :trelt against Soviet aggression witr ut the help of the United States. What we announce we will not defend, the other side automatically takes, Whatever cards we throw away, the Kremlin will pick up—as it tried to pick up South Korea once we proclaimed our lack of interest. Second, no portion of the non-Communist world is without importance to the defense of the whole, While I, too, believe that Western Europe Js our primary concern, in south and eastern Asia, let me observe, there are hun- dreds of millions of people of the type that Russians have shown they can turn into first-class soldiers. There are also proven soldiers like the Japanese. There are our old friends and allies, the Filipinos. In this sec- tion, too, there are the largest known sources of tin and rubber which, if lost, would be very hard to replace. With Asia gone, the Middle East would surely go too. Apart from its immense oil reserves, this is an area of such critical strategic importance that its loss would make the defense of Western Europe well-nigh im- possible, Think what this would entail: 1. We should be deprived of the largest single pool of skilled technicians; 2. Of the second largest industrial com- plex; 8. Of the largest number of people politi- cally, socially, and religtovsly akin to us. Moreover, we should lose Europe's legal title to the African continent. If we abandon Europe, consider for a moment how we should stand with regard to A1053 Africa. From there comes most of the uranium we need for our super bombs, Re- nunciation of Europe, then, would mean re- nunciation of Africa as well, unless we ight to keep it. And if we are going to fight to preve..t Russia getting the uranium, what would have been gained by the abandonment of West and South Europe? To me these facts are eloquent to show that the global policy rather than the Kennedy- Hoover policy is the right one. If so, then we must increase our power. The simplest, easiest way is to bring as much of the non- Communist two-thirds of mankind into a single defense bloc with the United States. This does not mean that we might not be forced out of one or another area if war comes. But there must be no voluntary re- nunciation of any large area. Outside the United States, we must try to create a single, automatic military allinnce embracing all countries willing to join, con- centrating on Western Europe as the moat valuable, but not overlooking other localities. We should create local centera of strength able to deal with second-degree aggression, beginning with a far eastern pact—not unlike the North Atlantic Pact—and a Mediters ranean pact, For if this second-degree ag- gression cannot be handled chiefly by local forces, we either have to submit to it or else fritter away cur strength as we are being forced to do in Korea, Those who fear the 800,000,000 Communist-inspired peoples for- get that the non-Communist world numbers 1,600,000,000 people, An example of local de- fense is the Greek-Yugoslav-Turkish com~- bined forces which can probably handle pos- sible aggression from the captive countries of Hungary, Bulgaria, and Rumania, now threatening Marshal Tito. Earlier rearma- ment of the Japanese, for instance, would probably have prevented Chinese interven. tion in Korea. This Nation’s policy was a good policy, a necessary policy. Its weakness was that it was built on sand. We boldly stated we would contain Russta everywhere—then we went on with business as usual, politics as usual, luxury as usual. Korea suddenly showed us that we were living in a dream of blueprint defense. Apart from atomic weapons we were woefully weak. The Jolt shocked us into reality. As a nation we must be sure that our commitments and our capacity march side by side. Today at long last we are turning poten- tial military power into actual military power at home. Even so, there are limits to what we can do by ourselves. If we alone muat individually police the world, we shall end up exhausted and defeated. That ts why we must have as many allies as possible and learn to get along with them. It is clear that the American people can- not continue to defend peoples unwilling to defend themselves and their associates. On the other hand, it is also clear that if we show such peoples we are going to throw them to the wolves, they are not going to stick their necks out, Instead, they will try a little appeasement in an effort to remain neutral. They will turn their backs on us and try to form a “third force.” But Russia permits no third force. Eventually, having lost our protection, they will be taken over, just as Czechoslovakia was taken over, Our Nation, moreover, has to keep in mind always the peculiar position of the United States as the one great source of military, political, and economic strength for the en- tire free world, Because of our geographical position and interests in both the Northern and Western Hemispheres and between the Atlantic and the Pacific, we must keep in balance our policies as to Europe, Asia, and the Americas. We cannot separate our world relations and responsibilities and treat them separately from one another. A commitment in one
A1054 area must not be permitted to endanger our capacity to act in others. We cannot unilaterally promise each nae tion and each segment of the globe that we will defend it without getting in return its promise to help us when necessary. Since defense, moreover, is global in scale, we must have commitments from those with whom we are allied to help us in the other areas of the world. By the Rio Pact and the North Atlantic Pact we have stabilized common defense. We must do the same in the Far East, as President Quirino of the Philippines and Prime Minister Holland of New Zcaland have been urging. Our friends must understand our situa. tion. At the same time we have to under- atand the difficulty of acting as one nation, even though the leading one, tn a coalition. We need allies as much as they need us. Our interests are in common. Unlike the Russians, we cannot treat our allies as satel- tes. No nation sees all the world’s prob- lems from the same point of view. It takes time, humility, and patience to find com- mon denominators of purpose so that na- tions can stand together rather than apart. There is nothing easter to conquer than those who are divided. To tmpress Russia we must agree among ourselves, We must constantly consult, deliberate, and use all our strength to establish the position of the free world on a solid foundation, and be united before the event instead of falling out with one another and then reconciling in a spirit of bitterness and recrimination. To hammer out our differences in the United Nations in the presence of our opponents plays into the hands of Moscow. Division between friends makes the victory of the tyrant so much easier. We must find a com- mon policy, and then follow it together, We, as a nation, cannot afford to lose friends. We cannot afford to undermine mutual trust. To do so playa into the hands of the Com- munists. Coercion is not effective between allies in an alliance, and an alliance is a relationship among equals. Differences must be worked out by compromise, We need a common world-wide policy with our closest allies. We will indeed fail if we think that We can act unilaterally at all times. Finally, by appropriate organs, we should try to weld our camp into an effective in- strument to make !t as solid as that of our Opponent. There are signs that we have made some progress. There is, for example, the pooling of military components under General Elsenhower in Europe; there is the proposal to pool European economic inter- ests under the Schuman plan. ‘Til now I have been talking about soma corrections in the short-term basis of our foreign policy, and of the necessity of build- ing up our military strength in the most effective way. But along with this military strength must gO & positive plan to offset the lure of Rus- Sia's false appeal. We need to develop a dynamic policy to weld our side into a single crusading unit. We must recapture from the Communists not only the military ini- tiative but the political, social, economic, spiritual, and psychological factors without wh'sh military strength usually fails, The Communists have stolen our symbols of freedom and democracy—they who have no freedom and whoee democracy ig a farce. ‘Their offer of bread and land is as fraudu- lent as their peace campaign. National- ized farms, famine, and disease follow in the wake of their so-called liberation; their confessed intention to destroy us makes their peace the peace of a soldier's grave. Yet we offer no alternative to Russia's Glittering promises. We have mounted no Political and social offensive of our own. dust to be against communism is not enough: antisomething is no weapon of ‘ense, ‘We know that Russia aims to split us from our allies, to sow discord and to stimulate distrust. But while we struggle with short- range polictes and day-to-day arrangements, we overlook the chance to create an all- embracing, long-range plan for peace and freedom, We falter because, all unconsciously, we have been befuddled by the Communist ar~- gument. Benause the American promise of security and equality is not 100 percent per- fect, we concentrate on our failures and lose our energies in domestic squabbles. We must believe in ourselves again before we can inspire others. Now is the time to renew our faith in our own institutions. With this change in our inward being we shall regain the sense of national purpose which gives vitality and confidence to life—whether of individuals or th? whole Nation. No great civilization has ever been de- stroyed fror: outside unless {t hes already decayed from within; no nation falls prey to invaders unless it has first destroyed it- self. We are still the masters of our own destiny; not spectators of our own downfall, We can take courage from what we have alroady achieved. Fov it is we who have won a battle in Western Europe with our food and credits and raw materiale. It is we who are sending technicians and field workers to backward and undeveloped countries. It is we who ir all the specialized agencies and commissions of the United Nations struggle daily with the long, slow process of facing world problems and working out their solu- tions. Spiritual power 1s the ultimato key to the world’s ills. We must supply that power. As a nation we must set peace and freedom as our goals, belfeve in them and find a way to achieve these goals. Ture heart of the world must be touched. Minds can still be influenced. While we rearm, we must not sidetrack other methods of avoiding war. Along with freedom and democracy, the Soviet has also stolen the symbols of peace. With the best moral case in the world we still romain on the defensive. We cannot lead if we are not guided by a moral and spiritual force of our own. We must work for 9 cause that appeals to the world. We must have the vision and imagination to contribute ideas as well as dollars and 80° “lers. Together, let’s discuss some of our avail able ideas. The cynical will say that these ideas are difficult, impractical or impossible to accomplish. But-’e as a nation must set 8 goal, belleve it can be achieved and then use our energle.., our resources, our imagina- tions, ard our faith to figure out the way to accomplish the goals we have decided upon. If we aro to remain the great leader in the cause of peace and freedom, we cannot let discussion of the means obscure or hide the ends we have in view. This Nation never became great because it was disheartened or cynical or afraid of difficulties. Only to the extent that we voluntarily involve our- selves in @ spiritual and moral rebirth can we expect to rejuvenate others, The world ‘want. to know that we seek the end of war. Though terrible danger to all free peoples compels the United States to rearm, We must never forget that war is the last push that topples civilizations. Let us press the cam- paign on the front of peacemaking and not only the front of armed opposition. 1. As a nation, we must proclaim that our goals for the world are similar to the goals of this Nation from its founding. Para- phrasing the Constitution of the United States, they are: A more perfect world, com. mon seourlty, the establishment of justice, universal tranquillity, the securing of peace in our own land and throughout the world, general welfare of all peoples, the securing of the blessings of Mberty for all peoples an APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for erity. As a young nation, we repre~ sented te moat revolutionary force in the world. Yet we allowed the most reactionary of all governments, one which would take the peoples of the world back to the middle ages of slavery and feudalism, the Soviet Union, to capture and use the revolutionary ferment now going on in the world. Let us renew our birthright with zeal and offer it to all who need It. 2. As a nation, we must proclaim that we are for universal disarmament and interna- tional control of weapons. That means in- ternational control of atam bombs, based on a system of adequate inspection and en- forcement. The hydrogen bomb, too, must be included under a similar system. The system must extend to the equally frightful weapons cf chemical and biological warfare. Inspection and control must not stop there, It would be vain to regulate and forbid pro- duction of the so-called unconventional weapons, as advocated by the Stockholm peace petition, while leaving nations free to exploit the advantages of superior resources in manpower and conventional arms. The system must extend to all types of weapons and must be undertaken simultaneously and proportionately throughout the world. 3. As a Nation we must proclaim that American wealth, American resources, Amer~ ica herself, are not the ends but the means to an end. The Creator did not endow this Nation with all its vast potential merely that Americans might luxuriate ir the midst of a depleted, dismayed, and disheartened world. We hold this wealth in trust for mankind’s betterment, free from exploita~ tion, We should tell the world that this is the hope and aspiration of our people and our Government. We should tell them that we are willing to adopt a peace budget in- stead of a military budget once we eliminate the scourge of war. Under an international program similar to point 4, we shall raise the backward peoples of the world out of ignorance, poverty, ond disease. This is a worthy purpose for a great people. It would be the most potent weapon against com- munistic imperialism, which promises every - thing to all men and never delivers, A sat- istactory economy the keystone to political stability. As we unanimously and without a@ quibble commit all our resources for war, we should be ready to commit a fraction of 1t for peace. 4. The McMahon-Ribicoff resolution intro- duced in Congress 2 weeks ago has its place in this program. This resolution is a dec- laration of friendship of the American people for all other peoples of the world. It em- phasizes the desire of the American people for peace, friendship, and brotherhood with all men throughout the world, including those of the Soviet Union, and calls upon the government of the U. 8. 8S. R. to acquaint the peoples of the Soviet Union with the contents of this resolution. This resolution Places Congress on record as standing for peace, not war; for life, not death. By adopt- ing this regolution, we can get our story across to the people of Russia. It would really give strength to the Voice of America. Common sense in the place of confusion is a must. 5. Finally, to make all this possible, we must take the lead in transforming the United Nations into a world organization able to enact, administer, and enforce world law. This will require fundamental revi- sions in the United Nations Charter. These changes can be limited and confined to those matters relating to the prevention of war. Such a body would have to have adequate raflitery strength through a world police force that has unquestionable power to en- force disarmament and suppress any threats to its authority. For our generation and all mankind one question overshadows all others. Are we
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD going to be able to work out the problems that came in the Second World War, or will world war III follow? Big though our task may be, it is not beyond our ability 1 we have the will, It is a challenge for American leadership. We shall accept. We shall prevail, Monsignor Bela Varga Expressed Views of Exiles From Countries Behind Iron Curtain EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 26, 1951 Mr, FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, on Feb- ruary 11, a celebration of immense sig- nificance was held in Philadelphia. Its significance should not be lost to the Congress. Gathered in front of Independence Hall were 225 exiles from 10 countries behind the iron curtain. These men— political, cultural, and religious leaders, driven from their country by commu- nism—signed a declaration asserting the unity of the peoples of Central and East- ern Europe and their solidarity with the free world. The celebration was spon- sored by the National Committee for Free Europe. We hear doubts—absurd doubts to my way of thinking—about whether our allies in Western Europe can be counted on, whether they are willing to follow our leadership. One quotation from the document signed in Philadelphia by 225 exiles manifests the support for our cause from the oppressed peoples behind the iron curtain and their expectation that our purposes will ultimately pre- vail, Representatives of the Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Hungarians, Rumanians, Bul- garians, Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes de- clared: All our people from the Baltic to the Black and Adriatic Seas, from the tron cur- tain into the heart of the Russian lands * * © are confident that the spiritual and material forces gathering under the leadership of the United States of America are capable of establishing a peace based on freedom and justice. It was propitious that this demonstra- tion was held at Independence Hall in Philadelphia. The Declaration of Lib- eration read and subscribed to on February 11 owes much of its inspira- tion, I am convinced, to the American Declaration of Independence signed on that same spot. Like the Founding Fathers of America, these national lead- ers from the iron-curtain countries as- serted their belief in man’s inalienable right to liberty. Both declarations point to the source of natural rights in man's equal creation by God. Another feature of the declaration signed by the exiles that merits the attention of the Congress, it seems to me, is its insistence on the unity of Europe. Culturally and economically, Europe is a single community. We must never narrow our vision when we think of Europe merely to Western Europe. We must not forget the 120,000,000 peo- ple of Central and Eastern Europe for whom these exiled leaders spoke. In their declaration they reminded us that— The world can have no peace so long us no real peace remains in Europe. This can« not be achieved so long as that continent is sundered in two. The iron curtain divides Europe into halves which are vitally neces- sary to each other. * * * Liberation of Central and Eastern Europe is, therefore, @ condition essential to the egtablishment of international, democratic order, justice, and lasting peace. The specific aims set forth in the declaration are of such interest that I have asked leave to have them printed in the Recorp for the perusal of the Members. After the ceremony at Independence Hall there was a luncheon. Spokesman for the peoples of the 10 iron-curtain countries at that luncheon was Msgr. Bela Varga, president of the Hun- garian National Council, exiled speaker of the Hungarian Parliament. His ad- dress, pointing up the significance of the occasion, strikes me as being worthy of the attention of this House, and I, ac- cordingly, have asked leave to have that speech printed in the Recorp. Monsignor Varga has an interesting background—one that gives added sig- nificance to the words he spoke in Phila- delphia on February 11. As a leader— with Ferenc Nagy and Tibor Eckhardt— of the Small Holders Party in Hungary, Bela Varga fought the Nazis in his mother country from 1936 on, In 1939 the German Panzer Divisions forced a flood of 120,000 Polish refugees—20,000 of them Jews—across Hungary's borders, seeking asylum. Most active in the program for the care of these refugees was Msgr. Bela Varga, who estab- lished a special home for Jewish chil- dren. His rectory at the Balaton Boglar housed a secret radio connecting the Polish underground with the govern- ment in exile in London. The first documents and microfilms of the War- saw ghetto and of the Auschwitz horror camp were brought out of Poland in August 1942 by Taddeus Dasidek, a para- trooper now living in Paris, Bela Varga guided Dzsidek through Croatia and Italy to Switzerland in clerical clothes and on @ passport issued to his Jesuit brother, Andrew Varga. Funds for the Jewish community in Poland, sent to the chargé d’affairs in Budapest, Edmund Fietovics, were smuggled across the border into Poland by Monsignor Varga's under- ground, The monsignor was later as- signed by Cardinal Mindszenty to organ- ize the hiding of Budapest’s Jews in con- vents and monasteries as the Nazi terror reached its hideous climax. America is fortunate to have men like Bela Varga—and his associates from Central and Eastern Europe who formu- lated and signed the declaration of liber- ation—on its side today. A1055 Under leave to extend my remarks in the Rxcoxn, I wish to include remarks of Mser. Bela Varga: Rewares oy Monsionon Brena VARGA It is @ algnal of honor to arise as the spokeaman of 10 ancient nations, 10 nations now shackled in Soviet slavery. It Is heart ening for us, representatives of these en- slaved nations, to be privileged today to associate ourselves-—and our cause—with such outstanding representatives of the de- mocracy and freedom that is America, It was a thrilling experience for all of us to make this pilgrimage to Independence Hall to renew our faith at your historic shrine in the imperishable principles of your Det- Jaration of Independence. No more signifi- cant site could have been chosen for the reading of our declaration of liberty and the signing of our pledges to that document, It is a document which owes much of its con- tent and ita inspiration to the declaration American patriota signed in this city, more than 150 years ago. Finally it is espectally gratifying for all of us from the 10 enslaved countries that this ceremony takes place on the eve of the birthday of the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoin. For it was Lincoln, who realized that freedom is indivisible. It was Lincoln who said that the world cannot for long en- dure, half slave and half free. It is a source of great satisfaction that all of us—Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Hungarians, Ruma- nians, Bulgarians, Yugoslavs, Serbs, Croate, and Slovenes, Albanians—are united today in such a strong and striking demonstration of solidarity. At such a solemn hour, how- ever, we cannot forget what we owe to you Americans—the proud, great, free people who produced Abraham Lincoln. My words today, therefore, will be an expression of the yearnings of the millions and millions of oppressed peoples behind the iron curtain. Those oppressed peoples—our peoples— are today silenced by an alien tyrant, But they are anxious to send you words of thanks, of gratitude and of their abiding faith. For their faith is unshakeable in the persistent devotion of the American people to freedom everywhere in the world, to the ultimate freedom of the enslaved peoples behind the fron curtain. Our people are strengthened in their hour of bitter suffering by the assur- ance of Abraham Lincoln. The Great Eman- cipator spoke not merely for his own country when he said that the world cannot long en- dure half slave and half free. Before the war there were disagreements among some of our nations. Today, behind the tron curtain, all peoples are united, united by a common bond of slavery, The Kremlin has forged a single chain of tyr- anny. That chain lies heavily on the bodies, the minds and the hearts of every man and woman, from the Baltic to the Adriatic. That monstrous chain has tied to the tyrant 120,600,000 people. But it has also united them in a common, unshakeable belief, a belief nobly expressed by the man whose memory we honor today, a belief that the world cannot long endure half slave and half free. Gathered here today you see a group of exiles from the iron curtain countries, We represent not only 10 nations. We repre- sent also all shades of political opinion, the whole range of political parties, all cate- gories of personalities from the national life of our oppressed countries. We are all united by a common determination. We Sre determined that the sacred soil of our coun- tries will never, never become provinces of @ greater Siberia. We are uttited in another common determination, We are also deter- mined that the common experiences and hard-learned realizations which have united
A1056 us in our sorrow, our misery and our exile, whall be the cement of a closer union of our nations, a union created by our com- mon struggle, a union continuing beyond the final Mberation of our countries. On these two common determinations— the determination of unceasing resistance to Soviet slavery and the determination of per- petual solidarity—we humbly and earnestly ask the biessings of God. Your Declaration of Independence deciared that all men are created equal by God and that, in conse- quence, ail men are endowed with certain inalienable rights, that among those are the rights of life, Jiberty and the pursuit of happiness. These same rights God gave the peoples behind the iron curtain. We ask His help that these rights may soon be se- cured for our suffering people. We are united, I saic, in a common de- termination that our common expertence will produce a closer union of our peoples. The former Thirteen Colonies of this blessed land found their unity in a common struggle, That unity has lasted and has raised Amcr- ica to the lofty heights of world leader- ship, Our people are united behind the iron curtain tn a common yoke of Saviet slavery, How were they enslaved? In the presence of representatives of these ten nations, I feel it is my imperative duty to remind the free world that the 120,000,000 people be~ bind the tron curtain are not reaponaible for their present desperate fate. One by one our countries were swallowed up by the most rapacious empire the world has ever seen, The might of the Soviet military machine ig today challenging even the greatest of the democracies, the United &tates of Amer- ica, What, then, I ask, ladies and gentle- men, could our 10 small nations have done when faced by the lying propaganda backed by the naked power of the Soviet empire? Today the free world, accepting the cou- rageous leadership of the United States, has taken up the challenge of world communism. For it is world communism that invaded our countries and now is invading Korea. I am sure that I am expressing the sincere senti- ment of all my fellow exiles, when I declare that our fellow countrymen at home would count it a privilege to be fighting shoulder to shoulder with the heroic troops of Amer- foa, Penned up behind the iron curtain, our fellow countrymen are absent in body. But they are with the Americans in Korea in spirit. They are wherever freedom is pitted against Communist savagery and S0- viet tyranny. Indeed, they are with you in more than spirit. Behind the iron curtain at this very minute, on the banks of the Danube and the Vistula, in the mountains of the Balkans, and the plains of the Baltic, countless heroes are waging their silent struggle for freedom. In those almost forgotten countries hun« dreds of thousands of men, women, and cbil- dren of our 10 nations are ready to lay down their lives rather than submit to despotism. Countless numbers of them have already given their lives for freedom, They are the nameless and unsung heroes of a cause in whose service Abraham Lincoln laid down his lite. They are witnesses to the words of the Great Emancipator, that the world can- not long endure half-slave and half-free, Like the Unknown Soldier of Arlington, these unknown heroes behind the tron curtain will be the honored dead of a free world of the future. Let us not forget them today. By their bitter suffering and by their blood spilled in the torture chambers of the secret police, they are demonstrating thelr determination to translate into reality the ideas of free- dom enshrined in your Declaration of Inde- pendence. Their sufferings, their supreme sacrifices have sealed a bond between us and you, between the tron-curtain countries and the free world that Amertes, under God, today leads, Such a bond ts more enduring than formal alliances and treaties. It is a bond of the spirit. It is a bond based on eternal principles of freedom under God as expressed in your Declaration of Independ- ence, Let us hope that this bond between our nations will lead eventually to a union tn brotherhood of all men, to a solidarity estab- lished in sacrifice sustaining a world of free- dom and peace. The peoples of our 10 coun- tries are Just ns determined as you are that there will come a time—and may God grant that it will be soon—when no fron curtain will block the free unton of all mon, @ union founded on the principles that are the fabric of American democracy, a Union on a world- wide scale that will be enduring. Abraham Lincoln warned not merely America, but all mankind, that the world cannot long endure half-slave and half-free. We must, in conclusion, turn our minds to the memory of the herolc dead of Korea and the heroic dead of the lands behind the iron curtain. There is no message, more noble in meaning nor splendid in form, to pierce the tron curtain with greater sharp- ness and dceper penetration, than the words which came from the Great Emancipator's lips, as he stocd over the nameless graves of Gettysburg: “That we here highly re- solve thet these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom and that gov- ernment of the people, by the people, for the peopie, shall not perish from the earth.” Text of Liberation Declaration by Exiles From Communist Lands EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN OF OF10 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 26, 1951 Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I wish to include text of Liberation Declaration by exiles from Communist ands: Txxt or LIBERATION DECLARATION BY EXILES From Commounisr Lanps Whereas the peace ardently desired by the peoples of the whole world requires condi- tions of order and justice; These times of great troulie will persist in the world so long as peoples aspiring to lib- erty are kept in isolation from th- free world and in slavery; This trouble prevails particularly in Eu- rope, where the peoples, brutally separated from each other by an arbitrary will, see the ancient ties, both spiritual and material, ties formed by history and a common civilization, severed between them; This diviston in Europe keeps the West in a continual state of insecurity and weakness, depriving the countries that are still free of conditions indispensable to well-being and to the reestablishment of strength; This division isolates the countries of Kast- ern Europe and, despite their aspirations and natural tendencies, confines them against their will in the sphere subjected to Soviet communism; Whereas the isolation of an entire part of Europe can be maintained only by constraint APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and terror exercised equally against nations and individuals; . The nations held prisoners in an enemy camp are arrayed against the West as the advance guard of the new aggression which ts being prepared; Individuals tortured in ming and in body must suffer an unnatural warping of their sptrit by a despotic rule or perish; In the domain of fact, the Communist experiment is doomed to failure; the econ omy of a country subjected to incessant levies, deprived of its markets and ite natural outlets, moves toward catastrophe; the social order succumbs under a dictatorship which abolishes Hberty of thought, creativeness, research, and enterprise, deprives the peasant of his land, the worker of the product of his labor, separates the child from the cus- toms, faith, education and patriotic insptira- tion of his parents, and denies to an entire category of citizens the right of life; In the domain of the spirit, the pitiless strucgle of communism against man leads to the debasement of the human being; in spite of the heroic resistance of our martyrs, to whom we render a tribute of deep emotion, our most precious heritage and our highest values, the very groundwork of our civiliza- tion, must suffer outrage and violence from @ hostile mentality; in the systumatic spread- ing of moral confusion, with no distinction between good and evil; the only law is an immense and brazen falsehood; Under cover of a treacherous system of thought, designed to gain command of the mass mind but incapable of fulfilling its promises, obscure forces are at work hostile to the entire world, whose only aim is to exercise absolute and limitless power; the exercise of this power becomes an end in it- self, with the world as its victim; and the unlawful occupation of the Eastern Euro- pean countries is the starting point for new conquests. a Whereas, moreover, the dangerous process of disintegration which threatens to extend over all Europe cannot be checked without restoring a rule of liberty to the countries 11 the East; and these countries are worthy of such u rule, having fought through cen- turies on the front lines of Europe to win freedom for themselves and for the conti- nent; The word “liberty” hag gained heightened meaning and new value through the suffer- ings endured by these countries, sustaining their peoples in hope of the deliverance for which they long with all their hearts; Whereas such a deliverance calls for a great effort of constructive organisation fired by &@ creative urge; This effort must air at the liberation of man as well as nations; The Mberation of man must restore his natural righte—frundamental,_ inalienable, not to be proscribed, but protected in their very finality against the abuses of power and the interference of public authority; Thia Uberation, consecrated by legal guar- anties of a national and international order, must deliver man from the fear that has per- meated his being and give beck his tndis- pensable sense of physical and spiritual se- curity; the freedom thus assured must be the essential element in the formation of etates, and of those ties which are destined to draw more and more closely together the commonwealth of man; The freeing of the nations must put an end to unlawful dominion by any alien power acting through the intermediary of servile government imposed and maintained by violence; , It must restore to the people their right of adopting freely the laws and institutions of thelr choice, so that the just power of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD governments shalt derive from the consent of the ‘governed; Purther, tt must provide means for remedy- ing a8 promptly as possible the social ills produced by Communist rule, which has created a much sharper social division than extsted before between ruled and rulers, be- twe.. the masse of half-starving and down- trodden people and @ small upper ruling group, politically and economically privileged and self-perpetuating, which wields power of Mfe and death unrestrained by any civil or moral law; this deadly distinction must be abolished; and Whereas the reconstruction of Eastern Burope involves probiems of a political, eco- nomic, and social order beyond the capabil- ities and powers of nations to resolvo sepa~ rately; the dangers to which they remain exposed have prepared them to seek salva« tion through union; this tendency toward close international collaboration is in har- mony with the present order of events; the federal principle, signifying union in liberty and implying the creation of organic ties, is the most appropriate and sure means of uniting the states; the peoples of the Hast are resolved to apply this principle to the regional organization which they envisage; these same peoples prociaim their right and their desire to take part in a united Europe on a federal basis, which they regard as the realization of all their prayers; and in spirit these continental and regional unions sig- nify further steps along the road to the in- dispensable organization of the free world as a whole; The great movement which carries the people of the East toward union springs Hkewise from a desire for security, from their need of opposing unitedly the menace of any totalitarian dictatorships whatsoever and of preventing any imperialist power from subordinating their countries to its will—as happened with Nazi Germany end Soviet Russia; Consequently the peoples of the East feel themselves brothers not only to all the free nations of the West but also to the Russian people and all the other peoples of the Soviet Union aspiring to a common deliverance; and mr Whereas, finally, continents, like men, are related to each other, and in the sense of the words spoken by the great American, Abraham Lincoln, whose memory we honor at this time, the world cannot live half free and half slave; The principles written into the Atlantic Charter could assure peace to the world under conditions of order and freedom; the present orisis results from the fact that certain of these principles have been abandoned; to cope with this crisis, and with the grave dis- order provoked by the division of the world, there is no better way than to return to these principles and to restore to the Charter its original authority; in order to bring about this restoration it ts necessary to possess & definite program and real strength; The people of the United States of America, conscious of the mission before them, have resolutely given leadership to the free world in order to create, through new efforts and sacrifices, the preponderant strength able to assure a just and durable peace; The free workd is the bearer of # political idea which tt must share with all people eager to rally in a great and just cause; Jt is now for the United States of America, the Nation which marches at the head of the line, to speak the word; here where the representatives of the people, in a time of revolution againat eutocresy and in touch with the most enlightened minds of the Western World, once gathered to inspire the Constitution of a free e, and where the wisdom of a free peaple with authority gained "XCVII—~App.—87 from glorious experience can restore to the world, in a time more infinitely troubled, the belief in Hberty. w Now, therefore we exiles from Albania, Bul- garia, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Hungery, Lat~ via, Lithuania, Poland, Rumania, Yugoslavia, loyaliy united and etngle in thought, dedi- cated by the profound sufferings and the high aspirations of our native lands; Faithful to the example predecessors who, in the course of centuries have forged, in exile but in contact with the free world, the framework of the institutions, the laws, the Uberties of their countries. Wish to send from the great Republic of the United States of America, where we have the good fortune to see the forces of free- dom assembling, a message of confidence to our far away peoples; And to proclaim solemnly together the principles and aims of liberation: 1. All men and all nations are endowed by their Creator with an inalienable right to liberty. The cause of freedom its, like the cause 67 peace, one and indivisible. The suppression of freedom in one part of the world endangers the freedom of all nations and of al' men. 2. The principles of law and liberty em- bodied in the Atlantic Charter offer solid foundations for just peace in our time. Therefore, as an earnest of the determina- tion in the free world to replace lawless- ness and tyranny now rampant, with lMberty under law, there must be a return to the principles of the Charter. 8. The world can Lave no peace so long as no real peace reigns in . urope. This cannot be achieved so long as that Continent !s sun- dered i: two. The tron curtain divides Eu- rope into halves which are vitally neces- sary to each other. In the eastern half a ruling group irresponatble to the will of its own people is forging powerful arms for an aggressive war. Liberation of Central and Eastern Europe ts therefore a condition es- sential to the establishment of international democratic order, justice, anc lasting peace. Having been violated by the same Soviet Communist aggressor, the freedom and in- dependence of our peoples deserve to be de- fended with the same determination as that with which the United Nations are defending the freedom of the “vrean people. 4. The great powers cannot achieve their purpose of safeguarding Western Europe if they base their endeavors upon a recognition, even implied, of the present enslavement of Central and Bastern Europe. Let the free world give to the oporessec. peoples of Hast- ern and Central Burope at every possible op- portunity assurance that its purpose ts to bring the prinoiples of the Atlantic Charter dnto effect in their unhappy lands. It is tor the free world to demand that all furs ther deportations from our countries cease, that prisoners of war and persons deported from their homes be repatriated immedtate- ly, that ali Soviet troops and foreign police units be withdrawn, and that all political “prisoners wherever they are held be set free. The deliberate destruction of the best in our nations, steadily pursued, must be stopped, The fire. goal is the establianment of demo- cratic governments and the holding of free elections under effective international su- pervision. 6. All our peoples, from the Baltic to the Black and Adriatic Seas, from the iron cur- tain into the heart of the Buasian lands, anxiously await action that would herald their approaching liberation. They are con- Adent that the spiritual and material forces gathering under the leadership of the United States of America are capable of establish- ing # peace based on freédom and justice. Despite ite impressive military might, the ruthless power confronting tha free world is A1067 undermined by batred and latent revolt among the paopies it oppresses, Their con- tribution to the fight for freedom can lead to decisive results only ff tt is related to posi- tive and determined action by the free world. 6. The peoples of Central and Hastern Bue. rope are firmly reaoived, upon their libera- tion, to join the community of free nations and to establish government of the people by the people and for the people. The right of habeas corpus, as well as freedom of re« ligion, freedom of research and artistic crea. tion, freedom of opinion and of information, freedom of assembly, among other essential freedoms and fundamental political and social rights, ahall be assured, No ote shall be barred from education because of national origin, religious or political belief, or social and economic circumstances. Parents shall have the right to send children to such schools as they may establish or choose. There shall be special care for the oncoming generation of the young, who have a right to the wideat opportunities to use their enthusiasm and capacity in building a bet- ter new order of society. The machine of mutual extermination shall no longer roll through our countries. Crimes against hu- manity shall ke dealt with through the regu- lar process of justice and on grounds of per- sonal responstbility for definite acts, East- ern European democracy cannot be revived through vengeance. Thou shall no. kill is the basic commandment for us. 7. The movement of ideazs and persons, goods, and services shall be free. Individual initlative shall be stimulated. Choice be» tween private and public enterprise should be determined on the basis of merit; those methods which can produce better results both for consumers and workers should have preference. There shall be no more iron curtains. Our countries shall again be integrated into the world economy and be able to raise their standard of living and add thelr contribution to general welfare. 8. The land shall be owned by the peasant as his private property in accordance with the desire of the whole peasantry, which forms a major part of our populations and the backbone of our nations. Cooperatives and other forms of association voluntarily entered into by the peasants for econamic ende shall be free from Government inter- ference, Advanced scientific methods end modern implements will help to ratse the standard of living of the rural and urban populations. 9. The workers, manual and Intellectual, shall be protected against exploitation whether by private or by public enterprise and shall be free from the fetters of arbitrary and competitive forced standards in work as from repressive labor laws. They shall be frea to choose thelr employment and the places where they wish to live and work, Free and independent trade unions and ore ganizations shall be the guardians of work- ers’ rights and interests. There shall be re« sponsibility on the part of the public eu- thorities and private edministrators that technological and scientific resources he em- ployed to increase output and improve levels of living. The workers shall be entitled to a just share in the profits earned by thelr industries. Before the interest of the ma- chine comes the interest of man. 10. The peoples of Central and Eastern Europe are eager to take their natural place in the great movement of free peoples to- ward better relationship and closer unton. They are desirous of establishing among themselves strong ties of a Federal charac-~ ter and of jointing in the formation of a United Burope. Such a fraternal federa- tion must prize and respect the distinctive valueg of each nation, for the common good
A1058 of our European civilization and for the cul- tural heritage of mankind throughout the world, Our belief in the need of close and loyal cooperation has pr us to come fore ward with this joint declaration. We pledge ourselves to remain faithful to this belief after liberation. In this great country, where the idea of Nberty is so closely bound to that of union, we pray God to give us the strength we need to bring to a successful outcome the fight for the freedom and the union of our na- tions. Insurance Has Total War Ally in Grand Jury EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES J. HEFFERNAN or NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. HEFFERNAN. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Anthony W. Fitzgerald, of Brooklyn, N. Y.: Insurance Has Tota, War ALLY IN GRAND JURY—REGARD BOTH As INTERDEPENDENT IN Unirep Parrern or Dzaocracy—Insur- ANCE Bors DIRECTLY AND INDIRECTLY Are FECTED BY GRAND JURY WorK~—PROPOSED Goat yor INsuRANCE ApvsaTisine Sucaxsrep (By Anthony W. Fitzgerald) In this age of revolutionary movements and international crises, it is interesting to recall that the product of one of the most noteworthy attacks on vested power was the Bill of Rights, the embodiment of much that our own American revolutionaries fought and died for amid upheavals similar to those we witness today. One hundred and fifty- nine years ago last December 16 the Bill of Rights became the law of the land and one of its most important provisions, article V, reads in part as follows: “No person shall! be held to answer for a capital or other in- famous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury * * * and since that time the grand jury has con- tinued to be, as it was for many centuries prior to the revolt of the American Colonies, @ bulwark of our lberties, a defender of the individual against unjust prosecution, an arm of justice in bringing malefactors to punishment. The reader may well wonder by what tenuous thread the two apparently widely diverse ideae—of insurance, a com- plex world in itself, and of the grand jury, an essentially judicial body—are entwined, The answer is simple: In this highly de- veloped civilization that we call democracy each component part is mutually interde- pendent to such an extent that it forms @ unified pattern in a total war of ideas against & barbarous conospt of life, also unified but on a quite different ground, the negative principle of annihilating whatever stands in its way. GRAND JURY A BATEGUARD Whether the grand jury had its origine in the perfect democracy that was Athens or in the feudal syatem of justice in Normandy, legal historians generally agree that by the fourteenth century in England, during the reign of Edward III, it had assumed the pe- oullar characteristics and functions which it ati today. Then, as now, it served as a buffer between overweening power (of king or nobleman) and the helpless com- moner and acted as an arm of the judicial branch of the government in tracking down oririe within its balliwick and assaying the strength of the prosecution’s case before actual trial. Today its ancient home, Eng- Jand, has abolished its services and many States of the Union have followed suit; but in the majority of States and in the Federal courts the grand jury is still regarded as a vital force both as a shield and a spear of justice. The very nature of the grand jury, namely, the selection by lot of 23 representa- tive and intelligent members of the com- munity, insures impartiality and careful weighing of evidence for the protection of the accused and for the counterbalancing check on an overzealous prosecutor, The community is served especially by the unique power of the body to initiate an investiga- tion of 11s own motion, without regard for the district attorney who acts as its counsel or the very court which brought it into be- ing; it derives from its own strength the power to subpens witnesses and possesses the mighty weapon of punishment for con- tempt for the recalcitrant ones who defy its authority. Another safeguard of our liber- tles—although 1t may seem much abused in these days of a national emergency—accome panies certain testimony before the grand jury, namely, the waiver of tmmunity, the cloak of protection against self-incrimina- tion which the same article V of the Bill of Rights assures every person in reasonable tear of prosecution, Cases appearing before a grand jury in which insurance is directly interested, are many: Arson .atters, offenses of bonded public officials, larceny cases where a cargo or truckload is insured are commonplaces in the grand-jury room. Even life insurance may enter collaterally into a case before the body, as for example an occasional homi~ cide caused by an overeager beneficiary or an attempt to cheat tax laws or bankruptcy statutes by secreting of assets. Indirectly insurance is connected with other types of cases handied by the grand Jury and not the least of these was exhibited at she trial of the 11 alleged Commu- nists in the southern district of New York during most of 1949. At that trial defense counge! assailed the system of selecting grand jurors in the district for seven long weeks and more than 2,500 pagea of testimony. Every effort was made by the defense to drag in the whipping-boy of discrimination in order to discredit the grand jury which had rendered the true bill of indictment against the 11 accused. The mere fact that & grand juror worked for an insurance com- pany caused loud cries and moans of pain among their thespian attorneys; and if a grand juror happened to live in one of the large housing developments owned by an insurance company, the defendants hastened again to scream “discrimination” and to try in every way their ingenious minds could twist to tie up insurance with hatred of cer- tain races and the “capitalistic, fascistic, warmongering aggressors of Wall Street.” Somehow insurance withstood the blasts of rage from Foley Square even as did the learned Judge Medina on the bench and the trial jury which found the 11 guilty as charged. INSURANCE A VITA™. FACTOR An interesting side-line in this connection has been the realization by insurance com- panies of the possibility of great damage being wrought by Communists and fellow= travelers of various hues, should they in- filtrate into grand or petit juries. In the latter type of jury there has long been a suspicion that verdicts, excessively high in accident or injury cases, were brought about by persons “planted” on juries with the ex- press purpose of causing trouble for the “capitalistic” insurers. Does it seem far- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fetched when we consider that quite fre- quently repeaters occur on juries as volun- teers with little or mo check on their back- grounds? The Federal Grand Jurors’ Asso- ciation for the Eastern District of New York has gone so far on this point as to sponsor legislation in Congress to compel all jurors, grand or petit, to take a solemn Joyalty oath in addition to possessing other qualifications so that a charge of perjury will await any one thus falsely swearing upon entering into his duties as a juror. Granted that one who does not believe in the sanctity of an oath will not hesitate in performing what he con- siders an empty ritual; nevertheless, by so binding himself under oath the perjurer would subject himself to penalties under the law. It is algo interesting to note that insurance executives as well as employees of insurance firms make excellent grand jurors. In most jurisdictions representative groups of citi- gens such as clergymen, doctors, dentists, druggists, attorneys, and newspaper editors are exempt from grand jury service and the result is that the jury board has great difi- culties in finding individuals to serve who are competent, impartial, and intelligent enough to weigh the evidence and reach a just ver- dict. In the New York City area it is to be noted that a large number of insurance men not only serve gladly on grand juries but also participate actively in the work of the various grand jury associations which aid the courts in their work and attempt to educate the general public in the important part played by the grand jury in the life of the community. Insurance men bring a wealth of experience and training to jury work and, although generally they are chal- lenged, especially in petit jury trials involv- ing lability, they are welcome on the grand jury as an invaluable aid in its work, Whether the temperature of the war be hot or cold, our way of life is faced with a mortal enemy, @ cunning foe who probes and seeks out and then exploits our weaknesses and faults, no matter how insignificant or seemingly unrelated to the general pattern of our democracy that they may be. We have noted with amazement and concern Communist infiltration into our class. rooms—for they know how important to the continuance of democracy the education of the young {e—and Communist seizure of control of labor unions, communications, Government positions—for, according to Marxist doctrine, each of those fields 1s & critical one in the life of a nation. We have been aware of their use of the very constitutional safeguards which were in- tended not as a shield for the evil, but as protection for the good citizen: the plea of self-incrimination, the disavowal of guilt by association, the claim to the right of self- expression. Is it surprising then that the enemy has attacked directly two important institutions of our national life, the grand jury and insurance, which each contribute in its own way to the interrelated whole called democracy? Anything which affords seourity must be assailed by the enemy both because it encourages our own citizens to up- hold their form of government and because it is an encouragement and a goal for others, not as fortunate as ourselves, to yearn for and to seek. Both insurance and the grand jury are a bulwark for the indtvidual and for the state; for the individual because they pro- tect him against the hazards of daily life whether these threaten his property or his very existence; for the state because they assure a protected continuance of those princtples for which the original Bill of Rights was enacted. Could ths Communists convince the com- mon man that the grand jury is an anomaly, ® mere judicial appendage which should he discarded without any loas to him, and could they succeed in urging upon the individual
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that insurance companies are indeed soul» lees aggregations of wealth and power in the hands of a few mercenary capitalists, then their ultimate remote goal would be fully realized in the distrust and dislike the eommon man would feel for both insurance and the grand jury. There might be s les« son in thie for our insurers, a guide for their advertising programs and contacts with the general public, Should they not emphasize the galtent part they play tn today’s titants conflict between contentment and greed, between the haves and the have-nota, between civilization as we know it and the utter barbarism of the East? Surely it would not be too ambitious an undertaking for insurance companies to match the ef- forts of our grand jurors’ associations in try ing to educate the public to an awareness of all the vast blessings of our national life, whether these be found in the existence of the grand jury or in the prosperity of insurance companies—both controlled not by selfish and venal prosecutors or moneyed tycoons, but by the common man himaelf as participant or owner. Congress Falls Heir to Perplexing Problems REMARKS or HON. B. CARROLL REECE OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 z Mr. REECE of Tennessee, Mr. Speak- er, this Congress falls heir to the greatest volume of perplexing problems of any Congress of which I have had the honor of being 2 Member. We fall heir to the accumulated mis- takes of the past 5 years, and we cannot in conscience, as representatives of the American people, deny that the respon- sibility for their solution rests upon us, One virtue in looking back over the in- credibly stupid statesmanship that pre- ceded our present dilemma and which culminated at Yalta, Tehran, and Pots- dam, is to understand how inescapable our responsibility is. It is true that part of the responsibility for the solution of the present day inter- national problems must rest with other free nations of the world, but no Ameri- can can deny that the Frankenstein monster now at large bears the label “Made in America.” ‘The astounding and frightening con- Cessions made to communism by a piti- fully sick, old man under tremendous 1n- tellectual pressure from advisers, whom we shall charitably term incompetent, although we now know many of them, like Alger Hiss with whom he went to Yalta, were downright subversive, were not made with the consent of the nations now in imminent peril of being crushed under the red boots of the Communist e, While it would be naive to ask our free allies to do nothing but give our troops access to the enemy, it would be unjust and dishonorable to ask them to bear the full burden of destroying a menace for which we alone are responsible. Because of this we must as an honors able nation bend our backs to the great< est financial, economic, and military, burden in our history, . n As 8 result, our Nation now faces a new period of Government intervention in the personal and economfo life of the ple. No one will deny the need for this. But it behooves this Congress to make certain that the emergency powers ex~ tended for this purpose be applied prop« erly and wisely so that there is a mini- mum of disruption of the people’s daily lives consistent with adequate national defense, I am frightened sometimes by the sweeping powers being cemanded by the Federal, and by some State, executives, The startling implications of the legis- lation requested by the President to guard against alr attack authorizing peacetime seizure of property on an un- paralicled scale and naralyzation of the Nation by Presidential order is one fear- ful example. This thing we call an emergency may last the rest of our natural lives, and every time this Congress surrenders any given power to the executive branch, it must be with the realization that it may never be returned in our lifetime. Even if we were to engage in, and win, an all-out war within the next few years, the production emergency would simply shift over to a rehabilitation program. And we would probably still have to police the peace for the balance of the century. mm All this points to the need of matn~ taining civilian life on as high a plane as possible, because whatever our way of life is to become, it will probably be, to all practical purpose, our permanent way of life. I am deeply convinced that this Con< gress has a sacred duty to the American people to keep the military burden on the economy as light as is possible with- out endangering their safety. As we all know, and as General Eisen- hower recently--NAM convention, New York, December 1950—~siated, every gen- eral asks for far more than he needs, and I say bluntly and without apology that we, in Congress, owe {t to our constitu- ents not to be timid about examining and evaluating the magnitude of military requests, Hand in hand with that goes the re« sponsibility to courageously deny unrea-= sonable requests for power on the part of the executive branch of the Federal Gov- ernment, 1 Here again I wish to speak bluntly, There are in the executive branch to- day many influential administrators who would like to use this permanent emer- gency to socialize America, This is their golden opportunity to panic the Congress into hasty, unwise, and destructive decisions, all cloaked in the impressive language of national de- fenze and preparation for survival in the event of atomic attack, These administrators do not call them- selves Socialists or Communists, they call i A1059 themselves planners, and their goal 4s the British type of welfare state. * Ibelteve that I have a pretty good idea, as to how they might be approaching this campaign of economit sabotage, The job could be done in three steps. ' The first step would be to impose «o many unworkable economic controls and embark upon so much unjustified stock-— Piling of basic materials that produces, tion—and, therefore, employment—_ would unavoidably drop to a dangerous ow. 1 The second step could be to take ad- vantage of the suffering caused by un- employment and by the shortages of goods and impose rationing and planned production. The third step would be to continue the policy of deficit spending, piling up the national debt with all of its inflation! ary forces, and adopt a socialistic policy, of taxation which would destroy the in- centive and ambition of our people to produce, They could say: “Private industry has tragically demonstrated that it is ina, capable of meeting the Nation's produc-, tion goals. In the interests of national health and safety, Government must plan the national production and control the instruments of production.” ' Thus, 100 years of industrial progress and well-being could be swept away and this great Nation would sink to the drab sustenance level common to all state- adurinistered economies. Vv ‘The resulting tragedy would be played tn two parts, First, the people would be stripped of the right to make personal economic de-. cisions or to better their economic condi.’ tion except through the political pa- tronage framework of the state. ; Second, their productivity, without in- centive, would dwindle to the point thet one of two things would happen: either the state administration would stimulate production with bayonets and work per-~' mits, or the production would be allowed to sink to a point where our national defense could not be maintained, making. us eaey prey for the Red Fascists of the ast, We may as well face two facts: A free America must remain strong in order to survive, and America cannot remain strong in the absence of individual eco- nomic decisions and personal incentives. The only guardians of the people's freedoms are the people’s elected repre- sentatives in Washington. ' What this Congress does will be writ- ten—for good or for bad—in big red let-, ters on the pages of twentieth century history. We, alone, stand between the endless requests of the administration and the welfare of the people. We must be aware of our dual respon- aibliity to support adequate arms and proper regulations for defense, and to Oppose unnecessary inroads upon the people's purse and upon their freedoms, vi ‘ It seems to me that, in the past, some of the committees of Congress have suf-~' fered from a form of inferiority complex