APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD always had to fight for food, For centuries, all over the world, man’s very struggle for existence was largely for food. It was a battle of wits against the elements, animals, pestilence—and other men—for food. Armies with food won over famished armies and famished peoples. Food has often been the deciding weapon in war, in settling a peace. Freedom, the release and realization of human energy, depends on food. If man has to work himself to exhaustion 13 or 14 hours @ day just to provide himself with food, he has no time or energy for anything else. No food, no freedom. In this country, more than any other and within the last 100 years, American ingenuity and inventiveness have rapidly reduced the time and energy required to produce an abundance of food. We have been able to do more about freedom—and out of freedom get the maximum release of human resources toward maximum self-realization. On the contrary, in vast regions in Asia, millions will starve this winter and millions more work to exhaustion to keep barely alive. They have no time, no energy for freedom. They are simply so weak and exhausted physically that they are easy prey, and have been through the centuries of their hunger, to leaders with a third, threatening, and insatiable hunger—the lustful hunger for power, With the growth and ever-increasing reality of human freedom in the free societies of the western world food has always been a powerful weapon, because it has given men energy to fight for freedom. Today, against the despots of the Kremlin, food can serve again as a powerful weapon if we have in- genuity enough to find the way. Let’s see for a moment what has happened in the past—it’s full of clues to the future, to all mankind. Life magazine, for instance, a couple of weeks ago reviewed for us the story of the decline of the Athenian democracy. The editors drew a« parallel with the world situa- tion of today. Athens in its hey-day was, like Kansas City, on the thirty-eighth paral- Jel. Athenian democracy lost to Spartan military rigor, controlled thinking, and despotism. Athenian democracy lost? Not really—~ the Athenian ideal and tradition of democ- racy and freedom to think has survived and lives a lusty life in most of the nations of the world today, and we have to be reminded who the Spartans were and how they lived. A little later in history, Greek slaves taught their Roman masters. Through the Roman Empire and in spite of its despotism they gave the world new concepts of law and order—which give freedom to the individual. Meantime the stupid Roman emperors, vaguely aware of the urge for freedom among the slaves and their power, tried to appease them with panem et circenses—bread and the circuses—and the dross of that civiliza- tion disappeared into the past. The concept of law, order, and freedom, and the seven free arts survived, lives in ‘us all today. Orientals—Attila and the Huns—overran much of the then western world, but did not conquer. All through the dark ages of the medieval, fires of freedom burned in men's hearts here and there, to emerge in & renaissance, a renewal of men’s twin battle for food and freedom. A tax on tea, taxation without representa+ tion, set off the American revolution by our food- and freedom-seeking founding fathers. They won independence for themeelves, for the Nation, for us. A little later, the people of France were starving, restive under taxes, confiscation of crops, the king’s despotic hoarding and profi- teering on grain. They put Marie Antol- nette to the guillotine when she sald, “Let them eat cake.” Liberty, equality, fraternity began their rise again in France. Set back, to XCVII—App.—-~-30 be sure, by Napoleon, but Napoleon, military man and strategist, leader and despot, fell back in utter defeat before Moscow. His men were starving, they were only fighting for Napoleon, not for freedom. Napoleon lost, freedom won. In Europe, only a little while ago, foolish people turned to a Mussolini, a Hitler, who promised them arbeit und brot—work and bread. He unleashed the technical forces of hell on the emotions of man, and the modern technical forces of hell on wheels in war, but fell. Freedom won—but not quite enough. His hungry peoples, hungering for food, shelter and freedom, had too lang a tradi- tion of despotism. After World War I, the United States and Herbert Hoover had helped feed them. We had helped them set up a democracy, but we did not show them how to think democracy. We made the same mistake after Hitler. We must not make that mis- take—anywhere in the world—again. We must fill the vacuum the despot leaves. Or, let us ask, how did communism arise? Out of the twin hungers of the oppressed Russians under the Czars, after centuries of despotism. The Bolshevik revolutions of 1918 were the rise of people too-long starved for food and freedom. They have since suc- cumbed as tools to their own slavery to the dictators of the Kremlin and their insatiable lusts for power. They are reported weary, dis- lusioned, hungry—almost ready to revolt. At Bunker Hill one shot echoed for free- dom around the world of that day. Before and against the time threat of the blast that might echo doom for the world now our common job in the Western World ts to do our best to fill the emptiness left in the hearts of the peoples who have revolted in their time for food and freedom, have been betrayed, but still seek. There has always been time before, there may be now. It was only in 1854 that Commodore Perry firat penetrated the iron curtain aloofness of Japan and opened that Oriental nation—less than 100 years ago—to trade and fellowship with other nations. Long-term, the good of doing it must outweigh the evil, But, with centuries and dynasties of depotism behind them, any upsurge for freedom among the Japanese people must have helps to demo- cratic thinking. Mere American military discipline and ad-~ ministration will not do the job, if the Japa- nese are to become allies and an asset. This is true everywhere in the world our armed forces have gone—and withdrawn, Just when these hungry peoples were ready and waiting for—and we were almost ready to give—-on the ground example of our most valuable, our priceless achievement, the twin concept of freedom and democracy, we have pulled out. India and China were iron curtain lands, opened only recently to trade, then exploit- ed by the western world. There, too, we failed to leave the true imprint of this con- cept, and we see these vast lands and popu- lations—people—enmeshed by the lure of food and freedom via communism. Tibet, the Shangri la impenetrable except by a hardy few, has just been tron-curtained anew and with ease by the warring despots of the Soviet. Tibet? Think then of the buffer nations in Western Europe, as deftly maneu- vered behind the Soviet iron curtain, yet all inhabited by people who yearn for food and freedom. It is not hunger of people for food and froedom that keeps Asia and Western Europe apart—the east and the west of which Kip- ling predicted, “and never the twain will meet.” It is the third hunger—lust for power—in a despotic few. The latest report is that 15,000,000 will starve in the Orient this winter. They are of the people who thought, not too long ago, that they had destroyed their brutal despots for a brotherhood, for food and A465 freedom—and got only new dynasts and dice tators and less freedom and more misery. Their voices must still be crying, as in a wilderness, to be heard, but they know not what to do. These hungty peoples, through- out the world, people with hungering minds, must still be listening, yearning, hoping, as mankind always has. All these peoples look to us—just as their jronciad despots fear their knowing the truth about us. That's why they have iron cur- tains, censorship, a party line. That’s why, like Hitler and Mussolini in their day, the tron-curtaln men prostitute all the fantastic modern techniques of com munication—rumor, newspaper, radio, even television, when they canto distort, con- fuse, bewllder, split up and diffuse the strengths of the western world, Our voice in no voice in a wilderness. It's a@ voice we can amplify by all our research and production and free creative thinking. It speaks, and can speak more, with instant impact even behind iron curtains, for there are no irun curtains to the mind. The black- outs of World War II could not black-out the dream of ultimate freedom in the minds of the underground patriots of France, Ger- many, and the Scandinavian countries. There are ways, and there is time—perhaps, if we are as quick about it as the American mind is quick about most things—to let the restive, even warlike peoples see the food on our tables, to let them learn of our s' toward many freedoms, to let them see how we live together as friends and of showing them how to do it themselves, To the masses in Asia Stalin and his henchmen promise food and land reform. The starving millions, hungering for food and freedom, listen and believe. They hate no way of knowing the despotic plan of those who hunger for power to use them as fodder, as cannon fodder against the freeman of the Western World. The despots of the Kremlin fear our plenty, our productivity, our ideas, our ideals. That's why they draw iron cure tains around their lands and their people. That's why they extend them around their satellite states. It’s up to us, a8 citizens, to ask our repre- sentatives to find and execute ways of com- bating the Kremlin promises of Asiatic land reform and food with our own food, with what we know about producing more food— and to do it quick, It does not mean trac- tors and gang plows and combines, now. It means things as simple as the next step from the forked stick to a plowshare. It means another ounce of food, perhaps, a day, for now, the difference between life and death, It might mean the difference between free- dom and slavery. Coupled with our productivity and military strategy—to defend the principle of a society of free and independent nations working to- gether for self-realization—food might again be the leavening agent that will turn the tide against the tyrants of the Kremlin. This is what we must ask Congress to do: 1, Enact realistic agricultural legislation that will strengthen the food-farm economy of the Nation, ‘ 2. Set up a competent bipartisan board to plan mobilization of and strategic use of food—and methods by which hungry peoples in other countries can themselves produce more food—as a weapon to prevent exten- sion of this war. This should be planned to make as much impact as possible as soon as ponrsible as a preventive to further war. Methods of tell- ing the whole world what we are doing should be employed to the hilt. If this seems to require price controls and rationing, this decision should be reached and announced as soon as possible. But any such controls, to be effective, must be different from those of the last war. They must be controls that encourage, not tend to limit, production,
3 that our breadbasket of 450,000,000 bushels FRE. uit oatEe AEH @ a3 ly adequate carry-over to our freedom? comes release of energy for treedom—release of human enough in the hearts of ions of people to defeat the evil hunger power. gpologixe. I haven't really given you solution to beat this evil power that in our world. With all your eltizens of the United States must @ creed far beyond the Marxian and ein . I am not downhearted that this can't be done. I haven't been, ever 5 TEE uh i 88 amt yl The world does improve. Maybe our Congress has abrogated too mueh of their responsibility to too few. | Maybe you and I can really roll up our sleeves and help our representatives build & peaceful free world—-not by giving away food, but by having a creed that teaches the hungering people: “Come to us, be our friends. We know we have been the moet disliked nation in the ‘world—that is, next to communistic coun- tries, You help us mend our ways and we teach you how to produce more, both t and freedom. We will show you that onty out of freedom comes the maximum release of human resources.” Concord Village, Brooklyn, N. Y. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF KEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr, KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Rxo- orp, I include the following address de- livered by Judge Edward A. Richards, president of the East New York Savings Bank and rresident of Concord Free- holders, Inc., at a dinner of the Brook- lyn Real Estate Board held Saturday, Jazmary 20, 1951, at the Hotel St. George, Brooklyn, N. Y.: Concorn VILLAGE Be sure that I appreciate this honor ex- tended to me as president of Concord Free- holders by the Brooklyn Real Estate Board. Your purpose, I know, is to pay respect to the aa’ stockholders of Concord Free- holders. It is only because I am at this time t of the tion that this dinner is being given to me. Your plan and your is to express appreciation to the sav- ings banks who have joined together to do this gaod job for Brooklyn. Conoord Freeholdera has existed now for more than 5 years. It was incorporated by savings banks to assist ir getting for Brook- lyn a civic center worthy of our borough. That we may get dates a bit in mind, let’ me remind you that World War II ended in the second half of the year 1945, at which time Fiorello LaGuardia was mayor of our city, John Cashmore president of our bor- ough, and Bob Moses coordinator of about every public improvement worth while. Members of the board of estimate, doubt- less prompted by John Cashmore, our bor- ough president, decided that Brooklyn was entitled to, and should have, a better and more beautiful civic center. Generally speaking, the area of the new civic center was to extend from Joralemon Street on the south to the bridge approach on the north, and from Fulton Street on the west to widened Adams Street on the east. In that civic center was to be built a won- derfully fine supreme court building, a chil- dren’s court, court of domestic relations building, and a welfare center, a public li- brary, a Pederal court building, and a high school to commemorate Gov. Alfred E. Smith. Cadman Plaza was to be graded and parked and otherwise improved, and in the center of it a Brooklyn war memorial to commemorate the valor of boys from Brooklyn who gave their Hives in World War IT. Borough President Cashmore and other members of the board of estimate, and Bob Moses, active in the whole scheme, appre- ciated the need of changing the character of the neighborhood to the east—that between Adams and Jay, Tillary and Sands, an area of about eight blocks, perhaps the oldest neighborhood, and in some respects, the most dilapidated area in all Brooklyn. That was the property to be known as Con- cord Village, taken by the city as excess land 4n condemnation and scold at auction and bought by Concord Freeholders. It consisted of 107 parcels of land on which stood 98 Awellings, housing about 800 families and 50 stores and factories. The houses were very old; the tenants very poor. To ly exalt the civie center every building had to be de- stroyed and then the land redeveloped. The savings banks undertook that job. Bob Moses was apparently assigned the task of selling the idea to the savings banks of buying that land and improving ft. He Proved to be @ good salesman. One of the stipulations was that the large high-class apartment dwellings to be built would not cover more than 20 percent of the land and that the balance of the property would be nicely landscaped and parked. It was on March 1, 1945, in the mayor's office in the city of New York, when the mayor, the borough president, and other city officials, Bob Moses, and four savings bank Presidents entered into a gentleman's agree- ment to carry this deal through. The agree- ment bears the signatures of each member of the board of estimate, and of Bob Moses, as well as Elliott Eldredge, president of the Williamsburg Savings Benk; Philip Ben- gon, preaident of the Dime; Pred Gretsch, president of the Lincoln, and the speaker, president of the East New York. Promptly thereafter, the area designed to be used for the enlarged civic center, plus this excess land (now Concord Village) was acquired by the city of condemnation, and promptly thereafter a group of savings banks (14 in Brooklyn, 8 in New York, and 1 in Buffalo) agreed to provide funds to build the project. We then agreed to Hmit the coverage to 18 percent of the land area. The savings banks now interested in Concord Preeholders are, for the most part, the same ited that originally undertook to do the job. It is not always possible for a municipal authority, in the face of changing times and conditions, to carry through the plans of previous administrations. After Fiorello LaGuardia who, in my judgment, was in many respects @ great mayor, came William O'Dwyer and, after O’Dwyer's reaignation, and quite recently, came Mayor Impellitteri. No one in this room need be reminded of the great changes that have come itn the economic condition between 1945 and the present date, There has been a bit of infla- tion, and then a bit mote, and then a lot more on top of that. Everything is up in value--exzcept money. The land needed for this enlarged civic oenter was acquired by the city 5 years ago, but none of the city buildings then proposed to be built have yet got beyond the planning stage and, in view of the present day world- wide outlook, may yet be a long time delayed. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The speaker haa been president af Con- cord Presholders since May 1949, prior to which time plans for seven buildings were prepared and filed. Marly in my administra- discarded and new After careful study, and around the civic center, the directors of Concord Freeholders felt that tt should at this time do no more than to clear all of our land and build three 15-story elevator apart- ments on the north side of Tillary Street. No one, however conversant with the rent laws that existed in 1949 and 1980, can ap- preciate the difficulty Concord Freeholders had in getting tenants to vacate these buildings. Some years ago, and for 12 years, I was justice of the municipal court. At that time a warrant of dis; meant just what it said. It mean get out. It does not any more. We now have a rent commission, the consent of which is necessary before 8 landlord can enforce a dis) warrant. Ours is no longer a government of laws, but rather of committees appointed by the Exec~- utive. Whether or not thet is justified, whether necessary, whether fair, right or proper, let others say, but I do say that by this means the Government has taken pri- vate property for private use without just compensation. That is probably an exten- sion of the so-called emergency police power, but to same of us old-fashioned folks it seems like confiscation. Now to get a tenant out it takes eo final order of disposseas, the consent of a rent commission, and a few hundred dollars, after the court has directed his removal. Notwithstanding that dig) were issued long before May 1949 when I became president, we did not get full possession for nearly a year thereafter. Demolition mean- time had to be delayed. The work of vacating these buildings re- quired the services of an experienced organi- gation. If it had not been for the fact that ‘w> were wise enough to employ the James Felt Co. and their staff of fine asaistants to do the work, I do not know how he would have been able to make the progress we did, and to them I want pubioly to express our appre- ciation. I was not the first mt of Concord Freeholders, Our old friend Phil Benson was president for several years. He was succeed- ed by Paul Connelly, one of Brooklyn's best builders and now president of the Fulton Savings Bank. Paul is well and favorably known to everybody in Brooklyn who knows anybody. Had his health been better, he would have continued as president of Con- cord Freeholders, Our three buildings, now approaching com- Pletion, are 15-story elevator apartments and, because they occupy but 18 percent of the land, will have the appearance of being located in a fine park. Let it be known that our savings banks are receiving no subsidy, nor concessions of any Kind; no tax exemption; no aid in any way from the city, State or Nation. They are building the property as any investor would build any project and relying upon current rental values for a fair return on their invest- ment. As nearly as we can figure it, these buildings with a normal vacancy will bring to the savings banks a net of & percent or less on thelr total investment after taxes and a proper charge for depreciation. It is interesting to note that tn 1045, at the time this project was concetved, it was assumed that these buildings would cost approximately $1,600 a room, and that the rentals could be from $18 to 20 a month per room. The room cost of $1,500 once estimated has now become $3,500; the rent of $16 to 630 is now nearer 640. That may not be due wholly to inflated costs, but to some extent to the fact that all concerned believe that
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD on this site on Brooklyn Heights, next to this wonderfully fine civic center in New York City’s best borough, we should have a fine type of building, There is already ample evidence that those who will occupy them will be glad to pay for their exceptionally fine appointments, Savings bankers always remember, and must remember, that the money in their banks belong to depositors, and must always be safely and soundly invested. Our invest- ment in Concord Village 1s safe and sound, and at the same time we are aiding the city in clearing up this area, and making possi- ble a graceful and beautiful Brooklyn civic center, We know we are building only three out of seven proposed buildings. God and Stalin willing, we will do the other four. I am per- sonally very confident that these buildings will not only grace the civic center, but will prove popular with many of the best fami- lies in Brooklyn, and a fair and safe invest- ment for the savings banks, It is only occasionally that the law gives to savings banks the right to make such un- usual investments, and when it does, the legislators usually provide for special atten- tion by and approval of the State banking department, under whose jurisdiction we operate, That is true in the case of Concord Village. At the time I became president of Con- cord, Elliott V. Bell was superintendent of banks, and our present superintendent, William A. Lyon, his deputy. I want to here publicly acknowledge the fine cooperation that we have had both from Elliott Bell and Bill Lyon. They have done more than just consent to our proposals—they have given every proposal prompt, careful and proper consideration and have been most helpful. Unfortunately widened Adams Street, and the present condition of property to the west, is not today a very pleasant sight. City authorities expected to proceed faster. Per- haps some may wonder why, in these last 5 years or more, greater progress has not been made. Let m2 say to you that I think I know, about as intimately as any man, the trials, the tribulations, and the multiplicity of difficulties constantly confronting city Officials. Let us all appreciate their difficul- ties and let us continue to have faith, Barring an atomic bomb, I am sure you will be pleasantly astonished when you see the condition 6 or 9 months from now. We Brooklynites are mighty thankful to the savings banks of Manhattan for the sub- stantial help they have given this Brooklyn project, and more cspecially our thanks ought to go to the Buffalo Savings Bank, way up at the other end of the State, for their faith and confidence in us. We will not fail them. They have a safe investment, The Savings Banks Trust Co. is a company wholly owned by savings banks. That com- pany has undertaken to give guidance and direction to the financial problems involved in this development. They have thereby greatly helped the directors and the presi- dent in solving problems. To Gus Ihlefeld, president of the trust company, and to George Ficken, his able assistant, may I here say @ word of sincere thanks and ap- preciation, It has been said that a good executive is a fellow who knows how to get other people to do his work. I have lived long enough in Brooklyn to know the fellows who know how. Everybody in Brooklyn, who has had anything to do with the building trade in the last 30 years, knows Johnny Moran, formerly Brooklyn's superintendent of bulld- ings. I was foresighted enough some years ago to take him into the employ of the East New York Savings Bank. When this job started, I made Moran supervising en- gineer. He has done a great job, both for the contractors and for me, Our architects are Benjamin Braunstein and Alfred Ryder, men with whom I have worked for many years. Without their able and ever ready assistance, my days would have been longer and my work much harder, The Paul Tishman Co. and the Bol G. Atlas, our builders who outbid seven other out- standing building contractors, have coop- erated with the architects and with Johnny Moran, even though at all times they have not seen eye to eye bd We have had many applicants for rentals, and from many 4 conditional deposit on a lease. Up to the present time no leases have been signed and no definite srrange- ment made with tenants because, until now, we have not been able to be sure when we can give possession, Personally I want not to put a single tenant into any of these buildings until they are fully completed and ready, and until I can be sure that the tenants will not be interfered with in any wise by mechanics. Tillary-Center building—the building that sets back in the middle of the block between Adams and Jay—will be ready for occupancy on March 1; the Tillary-Jay building by May 1; and the Tillary-Adams building before the first of July. I know I am talking to a group of real estate agents and brokers—a group of the best. I want to say to you that while we have a renting agent on the property to take care of people as they come in to look at apartments, we are very glad indeed to have any of you send to us the right kind of prospects and we expect, of course, to pay the usual commission on the closing of a lease. Come, or send someone, around with your prospects, or have them present a letter of introduction when they call. We want to know before we rent that the prospect is yours. And now, before closing my remarks, let me mention the fine cooperation which I have had from my old and dear friend Phil Farley, borough engineer, and all under him in authority. John Cashmore and the bor- ough president's office would not be the same without him, And then let me also say that when nobody seems to be able to get a job done, and we get plumb up against it, we call Bob Moses on the telephone. Mayors may come and mayors may go, but Bob goes on forever. Price Controls on Meat and Meat Products EXTENSION OF REMARKS r HON. A. L, MILLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. MILLER of Nebraska, Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Rzcorp, I include a telegram from the Nebraska Stock Growers Association at Alliance, Nebr., addressed to Eric Johnston, the Eco- nomic Stabilizer. Mr. Speaker, the meat-producing sec- tions of the country are greatly disturbed about how far controls will go in gov- erning the production, processing, and distribution of meat and meat products. I can remember that under the OPA controls, it took 600 words to define one particular cut of meat and there were dozens of cuts. If the Economic Sta- bilizer expects to control more than 8,000,000 items, the city of Washington A467 will become the “District of Confusion” instead of the District of Columbia. T have stated several times, that under existing circumstances in this country, price controls will not work. The people have no heart or confidence in what the administration is trying to do in foreign affairs, They have no heart for what is going on in Korea. They have grave doubts about the emergencies that this administration is constantly stirring up. Laws cannot be made effective uniess they have the support of the majority of the people. There are too many leaks in the dam which is trying to hold back inflation. These leaks are caused by policies adopted by Government. The flood of printing-press money and spending beyond our means and income has gone on for such a long period of time that it seems doubtful the present orders issued by ESA will bring anything but confusion and less production. The orders issued for the so-called freeze will soon be as full of holes as a Swiss cheese. The cattlemen of the country want to cooperate, but they realize that if con- trols are to be imposed upon their indus- try, the ultimate end will be less produc- tion. Increased production in all lines of endeavor is the keynote to our ultimate success in the present crisis. It does not follow common sense that agencies of Government should advocate in- creased production on the one hand and then, through controls and rationing, work in absolute opposition to the de- sired results. Experience with the old OPA should have convinced the Government that flourishing black markets have already geared their machinery to swing into full operation the moment controls be- come a reality. That happened under the old OPA. It will happen much quick- er now because these black marketeers have had some experience. Our Government, through controls can Strike a devastating blow to civilian morale. The controls advocated will do that to the livestock industry. The con- trols will take from the livestock and meat industries the necessary confidence and assurance they need for full pro- duction. Eaic JOHNSTON, Economie Stabiltzer, Washington, D.C.: The Nebraska Stock Growers Association, representing the livestock producers of Ne- braska, is greatly disturbed by the gravity of the situation confronting us and the ever- lasting threat of a program of controls, Recognizing the need for stabilization of our economy, including meat prices and, at the same time, realizing the need for in- creased production of meat, we have for the past 4 months urged our Nebraska delega- tion in Washington to oppose controls. It is our sincere, honest judgment that these ends cannot be accomplished by direct con- trols, price ceilings, rationing or subsidies. It is our unanimous conclusion that -con- trols on the livestock and meat industry are neither feasible nor practical. Experience with price controls and subsl- dies during World War Il are ample evi- dence that these controls are unworkable and will be detrimental to the whole econ- omy. Price ceilings imposed now will have the effect of decreased livestock production which will become increasingly noute 2 to
A468 8 years henoe, at a time when the need for meat will probahiy be much greater than at present. The only way to achieve stabilization iq by increased livestock production. Organ- ized farm and ranch livéstock groups are cer- tain this can be obtained tf hampering con- trols are not imposed. From our knowledge of the industry we yepresent and because we know the calami- ty that will rewult from adoption of 8 sys tem of controls over that industry, but pri- marily because we as American citizens want to avoid these evil results and to do the things best for our country, we urge that no program of controls be adopted for this ine dustry. W. A. JOHNSON, Secretary-Treasurer, the Nebraska Stock Growers Association, Alliance, Nebr. Our One Asian Friend EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL STEFAN OF NEBRABKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. STEFAN. Mr. Speaker, these are momentous times for the United States. Since the end of the Second World War we have given of our substance in order to help other peoples to rehabilitate themselves from the ravages of war. Through the Marshall aid plan and the European recovery program we have given tangible proof of our friendship and good will. In Korea, American boys are fighting and dying to repel aggression, to give teeth to the otherwise futile provisions of the United Nations Charter, to give the world that collective security it needs in order to have peace. But Soviet Russia, bent on world domination, would not have it so. American success in Korea would spell the doom of Russia's aggres- sive plans. Hence, when victory was within our reach in Korea, Stalin saw to it that his satellite, Mao Tse-tung dispatched his Chinese Communist hordes to come to the aid of the North Koreans. Communist China committed a brazen and fiagrant violation against the United Nations forces {n Korea. The United Nations in Lake Success should have immediately and without equivocation branded Communist China as an aggressor, The United States pro- posed a resolution to tliat effect. That was the test for us to find out who are our friends and allies in the United Na- tions, who are those who are willing to stand by us. A so-called Asian-Arab hioc was formed against us~—12 of them—most of them we have helped. In the guise of conciliation and search for peace, that bloc proposed one resolu- tion after another that if approved would have meant humiliation for the United States. Fortunately, a voice was heard that stood for decency and justice, not a faint voice but a clarion call, the voice of an Asian, a Filipino, and he lashed out at all those who wanted appeasement, and he spoke the words of loyalty and truth. Gen. Carlos P, Romulo, Foreign Minis- ter of the Philippines, who was last year’s President of the General Assembly, took the floor again and again in defense of the United States and democracy, and every time he spoke he won America’s heart, for he was speaking for the Amer~ fean people and for aJl those who love peace. Mr. Speaker, once again the Philip- pines, in the midst of a crisis, has come to our help. In 1941, of al) the sub- ject peoples in Asia, only the Filipinos rallied to the defense of their sovereign Nation, the United States. Now, 1951, when 12 Astan and Arab nations refused to throw their lot with us, the Philip- pines did not only side with us but its spokesman valiantly, ably, and brilliant- ly led the fight in the United Nations to aasert American principles of democracy and freedom and world security. How fortunate we are that we can count on such tried and true friend. In war, he fought for us in Bataan, Corregidor, Leyte: in peace, he is fighting with equal devotion in Lake Success. Under unanimous consent of the House, I ask to have printed in the Rec- orD one of the latest speeches made by General Romulo before the United Na- tions, a rebuttal of the statements made by the representative of the United Kingdom and by members of the 12-na- tion Arab and Asian bloc: VenpaTia RECORD OF THE EXTEMPORANKOUS Resurrat Mave sy Gen. Carios P. RoMuLo, Forrign SECRETARY OF THE PHILIPPINES, IN Rerty To THe DELecaTEs oF INDIA AND THE Untrep KinapoM, BErore THE POLITICAL Commirrer or THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, SaNUARY 26, 1951 Mr. Chairman, I wish to reply to the state- ments of the two speakers who have just preceded me, the delegates of India and of the United Kingdom. I will speak frankly and plainly because no usefw] purpose can be served at this time by vague or evasive generalizations, Is it @ surprise to anyone that, as the delegate of India claims, Peiping should be disposed to accept this proposal? Why should Peiping reject a proposal which is cut exactly to the pattern of its demands? It will be noted, first of all, that the draft resolution bases itself entirely on Pefping’s reply of January 17. That reply, as is gen- erally known, completely rejected the basic principle approved by the first committee, namely, that cease fre must precede nego- tlatlons. Pelping has stubbornly insisted that negotiations must come before cease fire. This is exactly what this draft resolution seeks to accomplish. It proposea that the General Assembly establish a negotiating body of seven governments, exactly as listed and nominated by Pelping, to secure further explanations from Peiping of its reply of January 17 and make arrangements for a peaceful settlement of the Korean and other far-eastern problems, also exactly as de- manded by Peiping. Thus, instead of maintaining, as we should, the just principle of cense fire before nego- tiations, we are being led by an ingenious formula of words to reverse ourselves and capitulate to Pelping’s demand of negotla- tions before cease fire. Indeed, the situation is even worse than this, for the committee will note the curious fact that there ts no mention whatever of cease fire in the tive part of the draft resolution. The idea of cease fire has vanished altogether, and ali that is left is elucidation, amplification, and APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL’ RECORD negotiation at the pleasure of Peiping and on ite terms. On the excuse of seeking further elucidation and amplification of Peiping’s intentions, we are being induced to abandon our basic prin- ciple of cease fire before negotiations, and we are supposed to like it and not to notice the difference. Iam afraid that what we have bere is either an optical illusion or a feat of presti- digitation. In the beginning, we were quite sure that cease fire was there, and then sud- denly it is not there . It is like see- ing @ rope rise out of nothing and then dis- appearing in the thin alr. What has happened to create thia illusion? Last Monday, in the middle of the debate on the United States draft resolution, the text of an alleged clarification trom Peiping was placed before this committee. That message vaguely hinted that Peiping might agree to a cease fire for a limited period so that further negotiations might be under- taken, The necessary doubt, confusion, and vacillation having been planted tn the minds of some delegations by this so-called clarifi- cation, we are now confronted with a pro- posal which seeks to make capital of the re- sulting indecision that has made itself felt during the past few days. But the committee will note that the draft resolution makes no reference whatever to Peiping’s supposed clarification of January 22. Yet the existence of that measage is implicit in the proposal. This is but another aspect of the optical illusion to which I have already referred. Since no such clari- fication has, in fact, been made to the com- mittee, the operative paragraphs have no Televance to the preamble, and the draft resolution becomes an absurdity. We would, in effect, be saying to Peiping that, having noted ite reply of Januury 17 rejecting the principle of cease fire before negotiations, we have decided to abandon that principle in favor of Petping’s demand for negotiations before cease fire. The Philtppine Government is firmly of the opinton that no resolution calling for negotiations on existing issues in the Far East can be entertained by this committee on the basis of Peiping's reply of January 17. We can give due course to such a resolution only if and when Peilping accepte clearly and without equivocation the principle of cease fire before negotiations. Any move, however artfully contrived, to propose negotiations before cease fire must therefore be rejected @s a snare and a deception. I am confident that the majority of the committee will re- sist the dangerous sorcery of such proposals. The Philippine delegation cannot agree with the delegate of the United Kingdom and consent to a proposal which would place the United Nations in the abject position of beg- ging for one kind word or gesture of ex- planation from Peiping. Peiping is free to make any elucidations or amplifications that it wants directly to the United Nations. No new body or procedure is needed for this pur- pose. If Peiping undergoes a change of heart, it can even advance new or substitute proposals. Alternatively, the group of 12 Asian and Arab states can request Petping to make such olarifications or to submit new proposals directiy to the United Nations through the President of the Genera! As- sembly, But f do not believe that the group of 12 can properly ask the General Assembly to go around begging for such crumbs of hope and consolation as the authorities of Peiping may deign to throw in our direction, The position of the Philippine delegation is clear. We maintain that, at this stage, the only resolution that can properly be considered by the committee is the draft resolution submitted by the United States. That proposal has been adequately Bnd discussed. Indeed, tt presents no dim-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD culties of interpretation since it ts plain and unambiguous and corresponds exactly to the facts, It recognizes Peiping’s reply of January 17 for what it ie—as a rejection of the United Nations proposals to bring about a cessation of hostilities in Korea, and then proceeds to do three things: It finds that Peiping is engaged in aggression; it calla upon the Peiping regime to cease hostilities against the forces of the United Nations and to withdraw its troops from Korea; it affirms the present United Nations policy of continued resistance to aggression in Korea; it requests a committee to con- sider additional measures to meet the ag- gression and to report thereon to the Gen- eral Assembly; and it keeps the door open for a cessation of hostilities and the peace- ful settlement of the Korean problem. Tf we rule out the usual distortions of Peiping's allies in this committee, I believe it true to say that no serious challenge has yet been made to these clear and straight- forward propositions. By directly assisting the North Korean aggressor, the Pelping re- gime is itself engaged in aggression. Who dares honestly to question this statement? I do not believe that the Asian and Arab states would challenge this statement be- cause, as I reminded the committee the other day, they themselves condemned 2 years ago the military action against the Republic of Indonesia as a breach of the peace and act of aggression, and only last June supported the Security Council action on Korea. They may doubt whether it is prudent or whether tt would serve a useful purpose to pin the label of aggressor on Peiping, but I believe they all concurred in the finding of aggression which 1s contained in the draft resolution and which was bluntly affirmed by the distinguished dele- gate of Iraq the other day when he declared that, of course, Peiping is actually com- mitting aggression. There are two misconceptions about this draft resolution that must be dispelled. The first was pointed out by the Australian dele- gation yesterday, and this ts the notion that it pro ides for further economic, military, or diplomatic sanctions against the aggressor. The draft resolution does nothing of the sort. It authorizes no sanctions that are not already being enforced under existing reso- lutions of the Security Council and the Gen- eral Assembly. It is logical and it is prudent that additional measures to meet the aggres« sion should be considered, but such measures will, at all events, require subsequent action by the General Assembly. The second misconception is that this resolution would close the door to such nego- tiations as Peiping might be moved to under- take at a later stage. The last paragraph of the United States draft resolution makes sure that the door is kept open for any subsequent negotiations on just and honora- ble terms and in accordance with the pur- poses and principles of the United Nations. The counsel of prudence of the Indian and United Kingdom delegation cannot go so far as to induce us to make the naive aseumption that Peiping would reject the need for & peaceful settlement merely because we have decided to call a spade a spade. And it is equally naive to think that Peiping and its allies would be deterred from continued or further aggressions merely because we have deaisted from calling a spade a spade. The aggressive plans of Peiping and its allies do not depend upon verbal affirmations or abstentions of this kind. Their aggressive aims are determined solely by a cool and objective calculation of profit and loss, bene- fit or disadvantage. If the free world cowers before the aggressor, he will press his ad- vantage; but if we stand up to him, not only phystcally put with our whole moral strength, he will reconsider his ways and there is & good chance that he may be dissuaded from further aggressions. May I tell my Indian and British colleagues that to us, to adhere to the truth, to stand by right principles—this ts the highest form of morality among nations as among individ- uals. If the United Nations evades its clear duty and sacrifices truth to convenience and principle to fear, then it is utterly lost. In my statement last Monday, I recounted a significant bit of United Nations history to show that 2 years ago, under the leadership of Prime Minister Nehru, 15 Asian and Arab states, including the Philippines, met in New Delhi to condemn the military action against the Republic of Indonesia as a breach of the peace and act of aggression, The words that were spoken and the action that was taken there have become part of the political herit- age of Asia. I recall them today in reply to the statement made by the delegate of India. Especially memorable was the speech made - at the opening day of the conference in which Prime Minister Nehru sald: “If open and unabashed aggression ts not checked and is condoned by other powers, then hope will vanish and people will resort to other ways and other means even though these might involve the utmost catastrophe. One thing 1s certain: there can be and will be no surrender to aggression and no accept- ance or relmposition of colonial control. “It was not without deep thought and earnest consideration that we decided to hold this conference. Believing as we do that the United Nations must be strengthened as a symbol of the new order, we were reluctant to take any steps which might appear to weaken its authority. But when the will of the Security Council was itself flouted, then it became clear to us that we must confer together to strengthen the United Nations and to prevent further deterioration of a dangerous situation. We meet, therefore, within the framework of the United Nations and with the noble words of the Charter before us.” One could wish—and I am addressing myself to the delegate of India—that we might again hear today from New Delhi, in a similar situation of “open and un- abashed aggression,” words of the same im- port and equal dignity. , One felt proud to be ir. that gathering of the representatives of Asia and Africa, for we had met to reaffirm our common faith in the freedom and security of more than one- half of mankind. Though we had no armies or navies or air a.madas, our moral position was unassailable and we took heart from the knowledge that justice was on our side, This was the high-water mark of Asian strength and solidarity and I cannot believe that it is the destre of any of the countries in Asia to fritter away the moral prestige and power that was firmly established there. Mr. Chairman: And now, let me reply to the delegate o1 the United Kingdom. In my recent readings of history—for “istory is an excellent teacher in u time of confusion—it ‘was perhaps inevitable that I should review the events that led to and followed the Man- churian conflict of 1931. It will be recalled that after a suitable incident had been started by Japan, the latter immediately undertook a major campaign for the con- quest of Manchuria. The League of Nations dispatched the Lytton Commission in the hope of finding a peaceful solution. But the conquest of Manchuria was completed be- fore the arrival of the commission, The United States, though not a member of the League, gave full support to the organ- ization in its effort to ena the conflict. Pubs Mic opinion in the United States was virtually unanimous in denouncing the Japanese ace tion as an act of aggression, and Secretary of State Henry L. Stimson based his policy on the system of collective security which rested on the League Covenant and on the Paris Peace Pact of 1926. The Lytton Commission, however, thought differently. It made all sorts of excuses for A469 the Japanese aggression, including the state- ment that “in Manchuria there are many: features without an exact parallel in other parts of the world.” While advocating an autonomous regime for Manchuria, {t con- curred in Japan's claim than Manchuria was its “life-line," and expressed concern that Japanese legitimate interests there would be safeguarded. The Lytton Commission, of course, re- flected the policy of Great Britain, which at that time had an alliance with Japan. Its action afforded ground for the belief that General Tanaka spoke the truth way back in 1927 when he said that Japan had sounded out the European powers and had secured from them the pledge of a free hand in Manchuria, Thus, in Manchuria, started the chain of Japanese expansionism and aggression which in 1941, ten years later, culminated in the Japanese aggression against South- east Asia. What does this bit of history teach us, Sir Gladwyn? A great deal, if we are willing to learn. Use the word Korea instead o Manchuria, and Communist China instead of Japan, in this context—the other pro- tagonists are the same—and the parallel ism becomes startling indeed. A new Lyt- ton Commission is being set up to placate the aggressor and to recognize the fruits of aggression. How can anyone suggest that the results will be different this time and that the United Nations, by appeasing Red China, will reap peace where the League of Nations reaped only the continuation of Japanese aggression? To the delegate of the United Kingdom I say: If Secretary Stimson were still living, one wonders what he would say to the Lord Lyttons of today. Though Stimson fs dead, the perceptive intelligence which enabled him to tag aggres- sion and to oppose it from the beginning has not vanished. His spirit has spoken through the many delegations that, having sought a just and honorable settlement with the aggressor, have now the courage to affirm the truth and to stand by the principles and purposes of the United Nations.  eatnnenneer nese eememmmmmamenmaal True Now as Then EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN PHILLIPS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. PHILLIPS. Mr. Speaker, the fol- lowing editorial is taken from the Janu- ary 17 issue of the Anaheim Bulletin, a daily newspaper in my district. It says in simple language something we should all think about, and now more than ever, as we are about to start consideration of a tremendous budget request, and as we face increasing controls and proposed panaceas for our self-produced prob-~ lems: Trus Now as THEN Many things which were said years ago when the national and world situation were entirely different are as timely now as the day they were uttered. These bits of wis- dom by Edward Everett Hale are a good example: “You cannot bring sbout prosperity by dis- eouraging thrift. "You cannot strengthen the weak by weak. ening the strong. “You cannot help small men by tearing down big men.
A470 thet ald t: > poor by destroying e . “You cannot lift the wage earner by pulling the wage payer down. “You cannot keep out of trouble by spend- ing more than your income. “You cannot further the brotherhood of man by inciting class hatred. “You cannot establish sound social secu- rity on borrowed money. “You cannot help men permanently by do- ing for them the things they could and should do for themselves.” Power of Purse a Vital Issue EXTENSION OP REMARKS oF HON. FREDERIC R. COUDERT, JR.. OF NEW TORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. COUDERT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an article by Mr. George Soxkolsky, which appeared in the New York Journal- American of January 19, 1951: Powsr or Punss a Vrtat Issus (By George E. Sokolsky) The quarrel between President Truman and the Congress may resolve itself into an ' inquiry into the constitutional question of the power of the purse. Even on the Democratic side it is evident that supporters of the President's policies feel that he should not, at this time, raise con- stitutional issues which need not be raised. Senator Paut Dovatas, of Dlinois, a support- er of Mr. Truman's war program, indicated that clearly. The President's position, stated on January 11, is that he admits that Congress controls the purse, but that if Congress disagrees with him, he will go to the people. Of course, that is precisely what Congress did in the last election: The whole of the House of Representatives and one-third of the Senate were then elected. By the only Jegal process available in this country the people were gone to and they made choices. The Constitution is altogether clear on this subject: “No money shall be drawn from the Treas- ury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipta and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.” The power of Congress in the control of our money is absolute. Congress, in turn, 1s re- sponsible only to the people, whose decisions are made at elections. The Preaident may veto an appropriation bill, but he may not mend a@ cent unless Congress so authorizes Ours ts a government of Hmited and enu- merated powers. No one can assert legal power; it must be granted elther by the Constitution or by Congress. The money power is enumerated as belonging to Con~- gress. The object of this provision in the Con- atitution is to prevent a President from becoming a tyrant. After all, if he could raise and use money without restraint, he could govern as a dictator without authoriza- tion by Congress or by the interdicts of the Supreme Court. Our government would then be an autocracy. Lord Bryce, in his masterpiece, the Ameri+ can Commonwealth, explains the congres-, sional control of the purse as follows: “If he were to engage in military opera- tions—he cannot under the Constitution de- clare war for that belongs to Congress—the House might paralyze him by declining to vote the requisite Army sppropriations. “If he were to repeat the eplendid audacity of Jefferson by purchasing s new territory, they could withhold the purchase money. “But tf, keeping within the limits of his constitutional functions, he takes a different course from that they recommend, tf for in- stance he should refuse, at their repeated requests, to demand the Hberation of Ameri- can citizens pining in foreign dungeons, or to suppress disorders’in a State whose gov- ernment had requested Federal intervention, they would have to look on, “To withhold the ordinary supplies, and thereby stop the machine of government, would injure the country and themselves far more than the President. They would, to ‘use & common expression, be cutting off their nose to spite their face. “They could not lawfully refuse to vote his salary, for that is guaranteed to him by the Constitution. They could not, except by a successful impeachment, turn him out of the White House or deprive him of his title to the obediance of all Federal officials.” In this phase of the debate, the Constitu- tion looms large, for those who maintain that the so-called UN (80 percent American) police action fs a subterfuge, insist that con- gressional control over the budget, peace- time or wartime, must not be bypassed by any device or subterfuge. The issue is tremendously important. For if we are not fighting for constitutional gov- ernment, what are we fighting for? Unless Congress can control the power of the purae, this country may become a dicta- torship. Does it matter by what name a dic- tator is called? Does it matter by what acheme and device the Constitution is by- passed? Does it matter how skillfully ea legalistic mind discovers a loophole through which he can snare a trick? The effects are the same. Therefore, the fight in Congress over this issue may go fer afield. It may even lead to an inquiry as to expenditures during the past 20 years. Col. C. H. Lindsay, the Miracle Man of Cypress EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES H. MORRISON OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. MORRISON. Mr. Speaker, with leave to extend my remarks I wish to include those which I made recently after a trip through a most picturesque cypress swamp in Louisiana. There is a song about a dream walking and talking. Well, do you ever see a dream growing? If you had been with me recently, you would have been ex- ceedingly privileged to have seen thou- gands of rare and very remarkable dreams growing. There in a pictur- esque Louisiana tidewater swamp stood giant cypress trees over a hundred feet tall, in all their majestical splendor. This trip was arranged by Col. C. H. Lindsay, vice president and general men, and business leaders and their wives from various parts of Louisiana APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD boarded the log train which was to take them for a ride they would never forget, but long remember and cherish. All preparations had been worked out in the minutest detail to make the trip in com- parative luxury and ease. Included in the trip were 57 from various parts of Louisiana; 15 from nearby eommuni- ties; a total of 72 visitors on the train. & NATURE'S WONDERLAND This particular area, of swampland is located just north of Lake Pontchartrain, which likewise is just north of New Or- leans. Lake Pontchartrain was named by Iberville in honor of Count de Pont- chartrain, who was then Minister of Marine in France and who arranged and organized the celebrated Iberville expe- dition to America, As we jogged along the private rail- road—owned and operated by the Lou- isiana Cypress Lumber Co. for its cypress logging operations—we soon found our- selves miles back in a beautiful swamp, truly a nature’s wonderland. No women and few men, except logging employees, had ever been there before. It was truly an awe-inspiring sight to behold. Colonel Lindsay, aided by a loud speaker system, began to tell the story of the growth of this genuine red tidewater cypress. Soon, as though we suddenly found ourselves in another world, we were looking at a cypress tree well over 2,000 years old. The record age of the oldest tree taken from chis swamp was 3,960 years. Standing there and realizing that those trees started growing two, three, and four thousand years ago, is like manna from heaven for one’s imagination, Detail by detail, Colonel Lindsay gave us something that our fondest imagina- tion could never even dream of. Here we were, riding on a railroad on log cars drawn by a steam locomotive on a ratl- road not built on solid ground but on imagination as Colonel Lindsay calls it; but, actually on no man’s land, because there is no land, just 2 or 3 feet of water, then a slippery and disintegrating muck far more treacherous than quick- sand. The track, which actually par- tially floats, goes down from 1 to 2 feet as the heavy train rolls over, and then bobs up again when the train has passed. & FLOATING RAILROAD All cross ties that hold the rails are made of cypress, otherwise they would rot away in one or two years, submerged in water. So, you wonder who built such an amasing floating railroad? And how? Frankly, it is a magnificent accomplish- ment, especially when the com parative- ly low cost for this kind of expensive construction is considered. But, thanks to Colonel Lindsay, with his “Rube Goldberg” ingenuity, he personally in- vented and built this track-laying ma- chine, the only one of its kind in exist- ence. This machine is self propelled, carries its own cross ties underneath, re- minding one of the way a kangaroo car- ries her young, and lays—with only seven men working—80 feet of railroad aday. Without this machine, with three times as Many men, only one fourth or 20 feet of railroad can be built per ay.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The question came up of how similar cypress was logged before this railroad building technique was devised. Cypress logging previously was accomplished by @ very expensive, often cumbersome and somewhat unsatisfactory pull-boat oper- ation. Giant steam shovels on barges floated in by the nearest water inlet, dug large ditches through the swamp areas and the cypress logs were pulled out of the adjacent swamps by pull-boats and loaded on barges or tied together as logs and floated to the mill. This was most expensive, and in many instances, un- satisfactory. Soon, in the distance, we saw steam flying in clouds. As we approached this area we saw @ railroad spur, or side track, on which a steam-operated log loader was loading cypress logs, that had been cut and stacked on cars, to be hauled to the saw mill on this floating railroad. TOONERVILLE TROLLEY UPSIDE DOWN When the question was asked, “How did those logs get stacked or piled up that way?” Colonel Lindsay replied, “You will see for yourselves in a few minutes.” We did see for ourselves, because as we traveled on we were switched to an- other spur where we again noticed puffs of steam. Here was a most unique ma- chine—another one of Colonel Lindsay's remarkable inventions—bringing out logs on an overhead trolley high in the air, reminding us of the so-called Toon- erville trolley operating upside down. In most logging operations, the logs stay close to the ground. The very op- posite is true here. The so-called trolley wire is some 50 feet in the air. It goes back from the railroad some 600 feet. Giant log tongs, attached to a cable, roll back and forth on a giant pulley on this trolley wire. Workmen take the tongs back into the swamp where the logs are cut and attach them to one, two, or three logs. Then the steam from the machine on the railroad starts hissing and the logs are raised high in the air and rolled across the trolley wire, to be piled along the railroads so the loader we had pre- viously seen could pick them up and load them on railroad cars. It would be im- possible to drag these logs on the ground, due to the dense undergrowth of the swamp, so the log first has to be raised high in the air and then pulled on this elevated trolley wire to the railroad. As the sun was going down, we turned around and started back toward Poncha- toula, One of the gyests asked what Ponchatoula meant, Colonel Lindsay ex- plained that it was an Indian name meaning an Indian maid’s flowing hair. It was fortunate that we were travel- ing by rail, because to walk back through that swamp would have been practically impossible. Only skilled trappers and hunters travel in this swamp by foot, and even they are limited to short distances daily, A WORKER IN CYPRESS One of the guests in our party men- tioned that in his 45 years he had never seen anything like these cypress trees in this swamp, His companion countered: “And in more than 3,000 years these cypress trees have never seen anything like us.” It was not very long until I was seated in Colonel Lindsay’s private office at the Louisiana Cypress Lumbering Co.’s mill in Ponchatoula. In a way this office is as picturesque as the swamp that we had just visited, except in a completely different man- ner, All the walls are of magnificent cypress paneling. The office furniture, the venetian blinds, were all made of cypress. His telephone is on a unique sliding device—only one of its kind any- where—that is made of cypress. The large steel safe, where the records are kept, is cleverly covered with beautiful cypress paneling and would grace the jovellest home as a prize piece of furni-. ure, Actually his office, its walls and con- tents, are all of cypress. My curiosity at this point was getting the best of me and I had to say, “Who made all of this astounding cypress work?'’ In a modest tone, Colonel Lindsay ple.ded guilty. He had maue it—and muchwmore, I was later to learn—with his own hands in his own work shop, in what he called his spare time. A REAL SUCCESS STORY Right then and there my suspicions were about to unfold—this was one of the most unique and amazing individ- uals I had ever encountered—and Col, Claude H. Lindsay is an amazing man. His life and his success read like a Ho- ratio Alger story, except that it 1s not necessarily from rags to riches, be- cause he did not start out in rags and he is not rich, but rather his is a life of amazing accomplishments, he having be- gun at the bottom and climbed to the top rung of the ladder of success. Forty-three years ago, in 1908, Colonel Lindsay started out with this same lum- ber company in Eros, La, as a kid, willing to do any kind of work. He was sort of a handy man around the mill, even though he was in his teens. Two years later he was promoted to apprentice machinist and took to ma- chinery like a duck takes to water. His rise was meteoric. He served for 4 years, then was promoted to shop foreman, and in 1918 received the promotion to master mechanic of all the mills this company operated, including its railroad, the Tre- mont & Gulf Railroad. In 1930 he moved to Rochelle, La., and was promoted to general superintendent of the Rochelle mill. In the comparatively shart pe- riod of 22 years he had risen from a willing kid around a little mill to general superintendert of one of the largest mills in the United States. Shortly thereafter this company de- cided to buy the mill owned by Joseph Rathborne Lumber Co., in Ponchatoula, and operate it under the name of Lou- isiana Cypress Lumber Co. Colonel Lindsay, in 1931, was given full responsi- bility for this operation. However, he postponed this operation—and wisely, too—because ef the depression, until July 16, 1936. HE PROFITED BY HIS MISTAKES To get an insight into this man’s thinking is to analyze this mill’s opera- tion. It was supposed to last for only 10 years, or to be finished or cut out by duly 1946, This 1s piactically the last large stand of ancient red tidewater A471 cypress in the United States. Because of this scarcity, and the fact that it does not decay nor is it subject to attack by termites, its demand is greater than for any other kind of lumber, It ts truly the “wood eternal.” ; Realizing this, Colonel Lindsay, profit- ing by years of experience, cut down the daily capacity of the mill and concen- trated on getting the best grades pos- sible by careful and improved mill op- eration. “Unfortunately,” he said, “In the olden days when we were cutting virgin long leaf pine, we didn't pay much attention to getting the best grades by skillful mill practices in sawing the logs, but rather the supply seemed unlimited, so the general idea, was to cut the greatest number of board feet per day, regardless of making: the best grades by skillful cutting, All the mills then did the same. “So, naturally, I tried to profit by the mistakes the lumber industry made in the past.” He not only tried, but he suc- ceeded. He was the first person to ever cut cypress, pine, and hardwood, in the same mill. By doing this the company actually made more money and the mill, instead of cutting out in 10 years, has been operating 14 years, and many be- lieve it has 10 more years to go—thanks to Colonel Lindsay. Incidentally, Colonel Lindsay was the first lumberman to put an oak flooring plant as far south as Ponchatoula. Most lumbermen said oak flooring could not be successfully manufactured in that territory. Colonel Lindsay said it could and he did it. A PERMANENT MILL The new mill at Joyce, La., which cuts 80,000 feet daily of pine and hardwood is also under his supervision. Whereas it takes cypress hundreds and thousands of years to develop into a saw log, by con- trast pine grows rapidly, making a saw log in from 20 to 30 years under favorable conditions. By selective cutting this mill will operate permanently because the pine timber on the Jands owned by this company will grow faster than it is being eut. Sitting in Colonel Lindsay’s office and admiring the cypress paneling, the chest of drawers, filing cabinets, tables; and all other types of office gadgets all made of cypress, one’s eyes are attracted to four pictures on the wall—each with a cypress frame around it, “Those are pictures of the three gen- erations of the Joyce family that owned this company.” First came David Joyce, the grandfather: then, his son, William T. Joyce, who died in 1967; next, his sons, David and James 8. Joyce. Now, there is only one living heir, who before her marriage to Doctor Kean was Beatrice Joyce, She is president of the Louisiana Cypress Lumber Co. and Tremont Lum- ber Co,, and at present resides in Chi- cago, Til, The holdings today of the Joyce Lumber organization include the Louisiana Cypress Lumber Co., at Pon- chatoula; approximately 130,000 acres of pine timberland in north Louisiana; the Tremont Lumber Co., at Joyce, La., and Chatham, La.; and the Tremont & Gulf Railway Co. The Louisiana Cypress Lumber Co. and the Tremont Lumber Co,
A472 are under the supervision of Colonel Lindsay. A MOST VERSATILE MAN You would think, with all this re- sponsibility, that Colonel Lindsay would not have time for anything except run- ning these massive operations. His son, Hubert, is assistant superintendent and is followiug in his dad’s footsteps. But, Colonel Lindsay has time for many out- side activities, To me he is the Will Rogers of the lumber business with his modest humor, his kindness, and above all else, his friendly feeling and genuine fondness for his fellow men. In my book he is one of the best I have ever seen in dividing his time. He is not so big and busy in this vast opera- tion as to lose his identity as a human being, who lives a relatively simple pri- vate life as a citizen of Ponchatoula, a town of 4,000 inhabitants. He and his delightful wife share an attractive home there in Ponchatoula, His benevolence and charities seem endless. He is one of the most public-spirited individuals any town or city could boast of, Pasa- dena may have its Rose Bow], and New Orleans its Sugar Bowl, but he helps to see that Ponchatoula has its Cypress Bowl. He even makes the trophy, a giant cypress bow!, himself, in his wood- working shop in his spare time. Many churches have elaborzte cy- press paneling and altars which he himself built and donated. The altar and pulpit that he built for the Catho- lic Church in Ponchatoula—he is a Protestant, but helps all churches— would make England’s immortal George Hepplewhite turn over in his grave with envy. It is truly a magnificent accom- plishment in cabinet making. Hardly can you find a man more ver- satile. He personally helped lay out the football stadium there at the Cypress Bowl. He takes time off to annually present the cypress bow! to the winning football team. He developed 23 differ- ent kinds of cypress molding, known tn the cypress lumber trade as CHL No. ! to No. 23, inclusive. The only place in the world that has these 23 kinds of moulding is there in Ponchatoula. It was Colonel Lindsay who recently designed, for the Joyce interests, the new mill at Joyce, La. This mill, just recently constructed, is one of the most efficient and finest mills in our Nation, thanks to the creative genius of Colonel Lindsay. INVENTS GRATELESS FURNACE In Chicago, on swank Michigan Bou- levard, an ultra modern building de- signed by some of Chicago’s leading ar- chitects, is being erected and many parts of the building have beautiful cypress paneling and moiding, all designed by Colonel Lindsay. A prominent engineer, a graduate of Georgia Tech, requested the blueprints from Colonel Lindsay of his drawings of grateless furnace, which he designed in 1930. This engineer said it was the finest precision drawing on this type of furnace he had ever seen. A hurried phone call in 1949 came from the dis- tant Blind River, Canada, requesting Colonel Lindsay's original drawings on how to erect steam boilers with grate- jess furnaces. The citizens of Ponchatoula decided that they would 1x Colone] Lindsay once and for ali, by promptly kidnapping him one night, via the strong-arm method, hustling him over to the schoolhouse. When they took the blanket off his head everyone was singing, “Happy Birthday to You.” There were all the public of- ficials, the high-school faculty, the coaches, and all the businessmen and their wives to celebrate in a gigantic birthday party. Being extremely civic-minded, Colonel Lindsay has been most active in civic affairs. Two governors of Louisiana have honored him by placing him on their official staff as colonel. Mayor Mor- rison, of New Orleans, made him hon- orary member of his staff, and the New Orleans police force and the mayor ex- tend to him, at all times, the courtesies of all municipal departments. He is a member of all lumberman associations, and an honorary citizen of Boy's Town. He jis even an honorary deputy sheriff. “You see those three generations of Joyces,” said Colonel Lindsay, “They have all passed on, There is only one left—Mrs. Kean—but they, like many others of their kind, played a big part in making this Nation the greatest nation in this world. You see this organization just didn’t happen. It takes many kinds of different individuals, each with differ. ent traits and abilities, working as a team to accomplish our success. RACH MAN PLAYS A ROLE “Take those men working in that mill, many of them can do things in the mill that I couldn’t do. Yet, by the same token, they couldn’t do my job. I could not do what those three generations of Joyees have done. Yet on the other hand they wouldn't have done what I do. They are needed, those employees are needed and I believe I am needed for the respective part that each of us has played in developing this organization. “You see, those three generations of Joyces”—again pointing to those pic- tures—“they died at a comparatively young age. They had an insatiable de- sire for success. They lived hard and they worked hard. Many people would not have necessarily done that—they are not constituted that way. They would have done it differently, been sat- isfied to live a different life. But that is why those fellows named Joyce played such a big part in this organization. They made 1. possible to have this big operation. Without them there would be only a small operation or no opera- tion at all. “So, you see there are thousands of similar Joyces all over the United States, Playing the same part in their respeo- tive organizations—each, of course, under his true name. Their determina- tion, their uncanny skill in financing, their creative executive ability, all com- bined into one intent, caused me to be where I am, caused those workmen out there to have secure employment. They are happy. I am happy because we all play on the same great team. There are thousands of just such other great teams in America—some smaller, some larger. That is why we are the greatest indus- rial Nation in the world. God Al- mighty must have intended it that way.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD UN Saved Temporarily Net by Hts Own Wisdom or Courage or Integrity but by Red China’s Rejection of Its Appease- ment Proposal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUGE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 Mr, JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Edgar Ansel Mowrer: Reo CHina’s REJECTION OF UN's Orrse Unirep Sratrs Poricy (By Edgar Ansel Mowrer) Secretary of State Dean Acheson has been saved by outsiders from what might have been a disastrous course. Red China has rescued American policy from the disastrous fix in which it would have been stuck had Mao Tse-tung and his comrades accepted the UN cease-fire offer. For that offer illogically combined an end to aggression in Korea with a discussion of the future of Formosa and of a seat for Red China at the United Nations. By refusing and offering counter terms that border on the insolent or the farcial (according to the point of view), Red China's Foreign Minister Chou En-lai has taken our Secretary of State off a very hot spot. There is little doubt in my mind that, had the Chinese Communists been sly enough to ac- cept, they would have provoked tn the United States a furore that would have ¢riven Mr. Acheson from the State Department, In this case, it is proper to note that the State Department had foreseen, one may even say, had gambled on, the certainty of a re- fusal by Peking. Mao Tse-tung's answer fus- tifies that gamble. Had Mao accepted he would also have de- prived the United Nations of what little au- thority it still possesses. Cynics and ap- peasers may conaider smart that organiza- tion's readiness to negotiate with an out- rageous aggressor. Most Americans are un- able to see anything admirable in a readi- ness of the world police to hear from the criminal the exact terma upon which he is ready to desist from lawlessness. UN AIM-—-FREVENT AGGRESSION The Government of India may argue that the UN's primary aim is to lessen the punish- ment of aggression rather than to preserve world peace The Government of the United Kingdom and of some other countries, un- happily tncluding Canada, may reason that since the law- countries lack the strength to keep order all over the world, it is the part of wisdom to dicker and stall in the less important region, namely, in Asia, Most Americans cannot see the wisdom of this. Those millions who cheered the for- mation of the United Nations at Dumbarton Oaks and at Ban Francisco did not do so in the expectation that they were merely creat- ing a new diplomatic forum st which a num- ber of countries, unwilling to help uphold world order, could diplomatically maneuver the United States into the acceptance of im- moral policies detrimental to the security of the United States. I refer specifically to the policy of supinely turning over Asia piece by piece to communism. Those Americans who most firmly support the United Nattona Rave hoped that the in- ternational body would prevent further ag- gression by legalized police action. They understand that if peace is to be kept by progressive surrender to this needs no internattonal aggression—as Britain's
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Chamberlain and France's Daladier demon- strated at Munich back tn 1998. THANKS FOR INSOLENCE Our foreign friends, including our Cana- ian and British alltes and those Indians to whom we are on the point of sending a large amount of wheat at a gift, might just as well learn now that the American people refuse to be a party to any further appease- ment. They may consider our insistence on the creation of enforceable world law to be a sign of our immaturity. They may scoff at and criticize our flat refusal to recognize what they call political realities in Asia, Personally, I shall not mind a bit. Havy- ing noted how Nehru’s Hindus insanely mas- sacred Moslems merely because they were Moslems, and having seen how he refuses to patch up the insignificant Kashmir affair, I disbelieve in India’s morality and in its love of peace. Having unhappily lived through the inex- cusable diplomatic blundering of British dip- lomats between the two world wars, I have small respect for their present political sa gacity, particularly not when I see them re- peating the same blunders in Asia. Therefore, as I said before, I remain thank- ful for the unacceptable insolence of Mao Tse-tung and his friends. NECESSARY FUTUKE STEPS From here on, it seems to me, our road 1s both clear and straight. We should continue the war in Korea, if necessary by ourselves, until the Chinese get sick of being slaughtered. We should refuse to discuss the future of Formosa so long as aggression continues any- where in Asia. We should rearm our friends on the island to make them proof against any sort of attack. We should not discourage them from taking the offensive against Red China when- ever they feel capable. We should further bolster Viet Nam in Indochina. Finally, we should announce that under no circumstances will we accept an aggressor government as a member of the UN—pre- venting its entrance by our veto, if necessary, And should these steps, as is likely, pro- voke new shrieks from New Delhi, Ottawa, and London, we should gently but firmly tell Messrs. Nehru, Pearson, and Bevin to go roll, “The Nation’s New Budget—lIt Calls for $71,000,000,000 in Addition to the Blood, Sweat, and Tears the Year Abead Will Demand of Us, More Than Half of Every Dollar for Defense Alone—Against the Curtain of These Hard Facts, NBC Television Presents Dr. John R. Steelman and Your Twenty-third Battle Report”—Battle Report, Washington EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK W. BOYKIN OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. BOYKIN. Mr. Speaker, in addi- tion to the hundreds of letters of com- mendation I have received, no day passes but what some Member of this body speaks to me of the tremendous interest they find in the television broadcast, each Sunday afternoon over the Na- tional Broadcasting Co. network, en- titled “Battie Report, Washington.” This, as you know, is the program sponsored by the National Broadcasting Co., on which—without the hawking of merchandise or a commercial of any kind—Dr. John R. Steelman, the As- sistant to the President, presents top- flight Government officials to the televi- sion audience of this Nation. These, in turn, make direct reports to our people with respect to matters that come within their immediate jurisdiction as Federal Officials, At various times in the past, not alone the Members of the President’s Cabinet, but many other top-flight civil- jan and military officials of the Govern- ment have spoken on this program. Last week, in the twenty-third Battle Report, Washington, Mr. Steelman spoke with respect to General Eisenhower’s trip to Europe, and succulently summed up the task which lies ahead of the gen- eral by saying that— Today, he must assess accurately what is available in Europe—what manpower is available—what material is avallable—and, above all else, what spirit 1s available, for the support of the free world. Additionally thereto, Mr. Steelman presented a former colleague of ours, wh once having represented the Third District of Florida, became the Governor of that State—and now bears the heavy responsibilities that go with the title, Administrator of our Civil Defense Ad- ministration, the Honorable Millard F. Caldwell. In addition thereto, he presented the Honorable James J. Wadsworth, Acting Deputy Administrator; the Honorable George C. McGhee, the Assistant Secre- tary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs; as well as Pfc. Rufus McAdams, of the Seventh Division, K Company, Thirty-first In- fantry, who was in the planned with- drawal from the reservoir in Korea to Hungnam a month ago. Mr. Speaker, it is refreshing to observe the tremendous interest and the will to do on the part of the Assistant to the President in rendering this splendidly presented and real service to the Amer- ican people. Anybody who follows closely teledocumentary Battle Report, Wash- ington, certainly is not alone in tune with the times, but well informed about the current matters of their Federal Govern- ment which are of greatest interest to the American people. Mr. Speaker, I was happy to learn that the famous Jones twins, on Wednes- day, January 24, took off on a tour of the trouble spots of Europe and the Near East—where they will serve as camera correspondents for Battle Report. Inas- much as they will cover any and all points of interest in the European and Near Eastern areas, we, in America, can look forward shortly to seeing their work, Mr. Speaker, I need not remind you that these are the young men, Gene and Charlie Jones, natives of Washington, D. C., who, after seeing action in the South Sea Islands of the Pacific in World War II, returned from that war to take up employment with the National A473 Broadcasting Co. and various local daily newspapers. Immediately upon the opening of hos- tilfties in Korea last June, these two intrepid cameramen were hired by the NEC Television—and spent months at the front in Korea. There they shot some 25,000 feet of combat film, which pictures today constitute some of the finest top-flight pictorial coverage made of fighting in the Korean war from the very time of its inception. One of those splendid American Jones boys was critically wounded at Inchon, where he hit the beach with the first wave, and who, despite his wounds, a mere 3 weeks later parachuted with his brother Charlie into North Korea with a portion of the Eleventh Airborne Division. Mr, Speaker, you may be assured that the splendid service now being given the American people by the Honorable John R. Steelman, Ted Ayers, producer, and the National Broadcasting Co., will be further augmented by the pictorializa- tion of the actual conditions that obtain in Europe today in all of the free nations in that part of the world. Mr. Speaker, in order to bring the Twenty-third Battle Report, Washing- ton, of Sunday, January 21, to the atten- tion of my colleagues and the millions of Americans who are as yet without television, I ask the unanimous consent of this body to extend my remarks and include the same in the ConGREssIONAL REcorp. That Battle Report is as follows: Mr. McCormick. The Nation's new budget. It calls for @71,000,000,000 in addition to the blood, sweat, and tears, the year ahead will demand of us—more than half of every dollar for defense dlone, Against the curtain of these hard facts, NBC television presents your Twenty-third Battle Report. Washington, where this week the House asked the UN to pin the tag, “aggressors” on the Chinese Communists tn Korea. Korea, where our air power is now blasting away to stall the build-up for the expected new Red offensive. Today, Battle Report selects from repre- sentatives of our diplomatic and fighting fronts, as well as from the field of civil de- fense, to paint a picture of the war aa we see it, here in the Nation's Capital. But first, the Assistant to the President, Dr. John R. Steelman. Dr. Srreuman. Five and a half years ago, General Eisenhower returned home from Europe after leading the allied forces to a glorious victory fought to preserve the dig- nity of mankind. Two weeks ago today, General Eisenhower was again in Burope—this time to begin his fact-finding tour of the Western European nations who are pooling their resources once more to preserve the way of life cherished by democratic countries. The Supreme Com- mander of Allied Powers in Europe faces a dificult task * © * he must assess ac} curately what is available today, what man- power is available, what material is available, and, above all, what apirit is available for the support of the free world, While General Eisenhower has been devot- ing all of his energies to tying the free world together for its common defense, the Com- munists have been employing their usual insidious techniques in an effort to discredit his mission and to destroy its successful con- clusion. The Cominform ts doing its utmost to foment anti-Eisenhower demonstrations throughout free Europe. Regardless of what
Ad74 these Communtst-inspired demonstrators are saying, they mean one thing: “Let us stay weak and defenseless and disorganized—so that we may Join those happy and fortunate countries under the tyrant’s heel behind the fron curtain.” Though the Soviets may seem to enjoy temporary gains through such an- tles—subversion and strikes-—-they cannot seriously expect to fool people indefinitely. At this moment, the Nation ie responding to the urgent need for organising an effective defense against attack on civilian popula- tions. Telephone calls—letters by the hun- dreds—have been received here from individ- uals, from organizations * °* ° offering aid, demanding to help. Everyone wants to do something. Here are two men who can tell you what is being done about civil de- fense: Gov. Millard Caldwell, Administrator, Federal Civil Defense Administration, and James J. Wadsworth, Acting Deputy Admin- istrator, Federal Civil Defense Administra- tion. While the modern nation of Turkey 1s only & Vveat-pocket edition of the once far-flung Ottoman Empire, it continues to play an important part in world affairs. Today, George C. McGhee, Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs, will discuss Turkey and the adjacent Kingdom of Greece, both vital in containing the avaricious ambitions of Soviet expansion, Greece in Europe, and Turkey, athwart the path to the rich resources of the Middle Hast. Also, Mr. McGhee will touch on some of the problems of south Asia. The appearance here of one of our boys who haa been in Korea is to me a dramatic and solemn occasion. Pfc. Rufus A. McAdams, of the Seventh Division, was in the planned withdrawal from the reservoir to Hungnam last month. He comes to us today from Wal- ter Reed Hospital especially for Battle Report. And, so again, we see what our Nation is doing on several] battlefronts. May God as- sist us on each. Mr. McCoamick. Just this past week, the man to oversee our Nation’s civil defense set- up was confirmed by the Senate. Former Governor of Florida, and once representing ite Third District tn Congress, he now bears the heavy responsibilities that go with the title. Administrator of our Federal Civil De- fense Administration, ladies and gentlemen, meet Millard F. Caldwell. Mr. CALDWELL. The Civil Defense Act, as recently passed by Congress and signed by the President, concerns itself with more than mere survival, It creates an active civil de- fense force which would enable our strategic target cities to recover quickly from an ene- my attack and get back into the fight. Ours ts not a passive nation under such clroumstances. We do not take attacks lying down. We are not people who run from trouble or hide from an aggressor. No for- eign power has ever been able to make us do either of those things. No foreign power is strong enough to make us do them now-— unless we let it. The trained civil defense force that we need can only come into being, however, through the voluntary efforts of millions of Ameri- cans. Civil defense must begin with the individual and his local authorities; not with the Federal Government. As civilians, we must have the courage and determination to @o what is expected of us. Quite simply, that means we must stick to our homes and jobs, no matter what happens. Under the Civil Defense Act the Federal Government can lay down a blueprint for re- organization at regional, State, and local levels. It has already done so. The Federal Government can advise, guide, and consult with civil authorities who are charged with the responsibility of carrying out the na- tional plan. it is dolng so and has been doing so, The Federal Government can also stockpile equipment and supplies, build, and operate a warning and communications system, set up training schools and courses, inatruct, and inform the public, and supply matching funds for the building of shelters and the purchase of certain civil defense needs. All these things will be done as soon as possible, following congressional appropriation of the funds needed to implement the Act, which is expected promptly. The passage of the Civil Defense Act did not, of course, automatically create and staf an operating organization. It merely estab- shed the legal basis for transforming civil defense plans into action. It now becomes my duty, as Administrator, to press that ac- tion along the lines already laid down—and to do it as quickly as roasihle. We have not a moment to lose. As Administrator, I have only one ambi- tion—to make the Federal Civil Defense Ad- ministration the beat ataffed, best run, most eMcient and most effective agency in govern~ ment. It has always been my practice in ad. ministrative posts to surround myself with the best people I could find. That will con- tinue to be my practice in this post. I am confident that the national program for civil defense will bring out the best of our national qualities if trouble comes. As a Nation, we are capable of great triumphs of individual effort and organizational skill. Neighborly help in time of disaster, which is the basis of the civil defense program, has always been 8 part of our national tradition. Therefore, I have no hesitation tn asking the full cooperation of every man, woman, and child in the defense of our homes. As the President said when he signed the Civil Defense Act, “No true American would want to give less than his best to that cause, and no one who knows the American people could ask for more.” Mr. McCorsacx. London well remembers the horror of its World War II ordeal by rocket bomb. The V-i's, shown here, sent over by the Nazis, called for every ounce of courage Britain could muster, plus a civil defense system that couldn't falter. While some of the rockets were shattered in the air by defense pianes, many fell unimpeded to the ground to kill and destroy. Matched with the threat of the atom bomb which leveled Hiroshima and Nagasaki—the prob- Jems these memories for our civil de- fense are slightly short of terrific. What is being done now to protect our American cities? What specific action has been taken to date? Because you have every right to hear the answer from one of our top Officials, we focus now on the Federal Civil Defense Administration's James Wadsworth, Acting Deputy Administrator. Mr. WanswortH. Six months ago, only 16 States had appointed civil defense directors. Today, every State, every Territory, and the District of Columbia, has a competent, full- time director with authority to act by legie- lation or executive order. That simple com- parison is a fair measure of the progress we are making in olvil defense. There are other encouraging reports. Many of our strategic target cities have already inventoried their disaster resources. A num- ber have tested their civil defense plans un- der hypothetical attack, or are ready to do so in the near future. All of our major met- ropolitan centers have civil defense organiza- tions in being, and are working out mutual aid plans with nearby communities in co- operation with their State directors. Enlistment of auxiliary policemen and fre- men ts under way in many places. Hun- dreds of doctors and nurses throughout the country have received instructions in radio- logical defense. Thousands of volunteer wardens have been trained im cities where civil-defense buildings have been designated as air-raid shelters, or are being surveyed for that purpose, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD On a national basis an alr-raid warning code has been established. It is estimated that a few minutes of advance warning plus & well-organized civil defense would cut our casualties in an atomic raid by at least 50 percent. Specifications for radiological monitoring instruments have been iasued to the States, with the Federal Civil Defense Administration offering to pool orders to re- duce costs and insure high standards of performance, To inform the public fully on what to do in the event of atomic bombing, a 33-page booklet has been tasued under the title “Sur- vival Under Atomic Attack.” More than 5,000,000 copies have been distributed to date. A motion-picture dramatization of this booklet is now in preparation, and will be widely televised shortly after its first ap- pearance in theaters throughout the country. Other public-information booklets will fol- low shortly and will be publicized in the same way. A manual entitled “Health Services and Special Weapons Defense” has been prepared and sent to State medical officers. This 260- page volume deals with our defenses against germ and chemical warfare, as well as radie- tion sickness. Still ancther manual entitled “The Fire Effects of Bombing Attacks” has been issued for the guidance of fire-fighting services. For the individual citizen who asks, “What can I do?”, the American National Red Cross has mobilized its facilities and chapters in cooperation with the Civil Defense Adminis- tration to carry out three major activities in which anyone can take part, now. These are the first-aid programs, in which 320,000,- 000 people should be trained as quickly as possible: the blood-procurement program and the nurses’-aide and home-nursing program. Perhaps more important 1s the growing re- jection, by the public, of the “teke-to-the- hills” attitude, which was in evidence a few months ago. We are beginning to realize, as Americans, that there is nothing ta be gained by giving up our homes at the first hint of trouble, On the contrary, if we were to abandon our cities and surrender our pro- duction lines, we would lose a wer for the first-—and last—time. Once that idea sinks in most of us will be determined to stand by our homes and jobs, no matter what happens. If we do that, our individual chances of survival are good. Our national prospects are certain. We will withstand any attack which an enemy might hurl against us—and come back to win. Mr. McCormice. From these front lines in Korea—while men work out the problem of protecting us here at home—comes better news than we've heard for a long time. Our troops are no longer in retreat. In a series of counteroffensives—the first since we lost Seoul—they are suddenly lashing out at the enemy. Latest reports have the UN forces stabbing deep inside Red lines on three icy sectors. Wonju was reocoupied without op- itton, and there is fighting mow near nm, 28 miles southeast of Seoul. Fortu- nately, America, we are not in this battle alone. Other nations, closer to the real enemy than ourselves, recognize this fight as theirs, too, and are assisting it as best they can. For some pertinent information on this score we turn our cameras now on the Assistant Secretary of State for Near East- ern, South Asian, and African Affairs, George Crews McGhee, Mr. McGuez. Now, we'll take a look at the Noar East and south Asia. This vast area of more than 600,000,000 people bounds Rus- sia and Communist China on the south for This area has close ties with ‘ope and the west. What happens there ig of vital concern to us and the rest of the world. None of these countries are Communist, If they are attacked, they will defend their freedom.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The peoples of the Near Tast-and South Asia are increasingly disturbed by the threat of Soviet aggression and by developments in Korea and China. They realize their vulner- ability and their relative weakness. The strategic near-eastern bridgehead between Europe and Asia and Africa has been coveted by every would-be conqueror from Alexander the Great to Hitler. Soviet ambitions clear- ly inolude taking over, sooner or later, the inhabitants of the vast territory in the Medi- terranean and Indian Ocean areas. These lands contain great resources—half the world's ofl, and important quantities of manganese, rubber, and other essential raw materials. They constitute almost half of the manpower resources of the free world. The Near East is, moreover, the gateway to the fabulous riches of the African Continent, the uranium of the Congo, the copper, chrome, and industrial diamonds, I want to highlight the response of two countries in this area to the Soviet Commu- nist challenge. I refer to Turkey and Greece, Both have extensive frontiers with the fron curtain, Both realize that their security de- pends upon the strength and unity of the free world. Both contribute to the defensive strength of other countries in the Near East for which they set as a shield. Moreover, these two countries have volun- tarily and enthusiastically supported the larger cause of collective security through the United Nations in Korea. Although Ko- rea is farther away frorm them than {t is from us, they realize that if aggression were not stopped in the Far East, the forces of aggression would soon turn to a new vic- tim—perhaps to them. Their contribution to the United Nations forces in Korea has been outstanding. For instance, the Turkish brigade of 4,500 men is the equivalent, population-wise, to $4,000 American troops. We have all fol- lowed with admiration the fighting prowess of the Turkish soldiers in Korea. A few weeks ago, they volunteered for a dangerous rear-guard action of great importance. Al- though surrounded, they accomplished their mission and heroically fought their way out. As for the Greeks, they have courageously defended their homeland against Communist aggression. Since World War IT, Greece has lost about as many men fighting Communist guerrillas in Greece as we have lost in Korea, although their national population is only 5 percent of ours. Greece sent to Korea her best troops, thoroughly trained in mountain and commando type warfare. It ig true that in some of the other coun- tries of the Near East and South Asia, the governments have felt unable to make a con- tribution to the UN effort in Korea. This has resulted from various factors, but more because of a feeling of military weakness than from any lack of desire to support the UN. Some states have unfortunately not seen eye-to-eye with us on all details of handling the conflict in Korea. but they have, through thelr spontaneous cease-fire effort, sincerely sought to restore peace. With the growing strength which is result- ing from our own rearmament program, new confidence and hope will be given to our friends in the Near East and South Asia that they and the rest of the free world can he defended against Communist aggression. There is @ growing recognition on their part that their own true interest calls for a step- up in thetr own efforts to strengthen their individual and collective defenses. We must vigorously seek to increase such strength wherever we can. The potential of the free world is tremendous. It is great enough to assure ultimate victory in any confiict. If it is to be fully realized, we must achieve increasing mutual understanding and teamwork on the part of all the free nations. Mr. McCormick. When the war in Korea is history, America—the story of it will lie long on many tongues. And among the tates thet are sure to be passed down from father to son, are the bitter, heroic days that are summed up with two words “Changjin Reservoir.” For it was here, en- trapped in the frost-biting cold, and strug- Sling against perhaps the most overwhelm- ing odds that ever faced modern American combatants, that the GI—beating out his escape—wrote an unforgettable chapter in American military history. With us today is a young veteran of the Changjin Reser- voir engagement. His name, Rufus Mc- Adams. His home town, paradoxically, Winter Garden, Fla. His outfit, Seventh Division, Thirty-first Infantry, K Company. His rank, private first class, and his story, well—How did the battle start? Private First Class McApams. Well, Bob, the battle started when we first arrived at the reservoir. I was on guard from about 8 to 4 in the afternoon—I and a Ssuth Korean, Just about 10 minutes before I came off guard, I noticed a person coming down the railroad track and wondered if 1t was an enemy or one of our men which we we sent out about 200 yards down to the track as a machine-gun nest. Getting closer, I halted the man and found out he was one of our boys. The machine-gun nest had been overrun and he had been wounded during the battle. I and the South Korean took him to the medics. Bsfore we had a chance to get back to our position, the enemy had already overrun our position, so we hed to pull back and start fighting, too. Mr McCormick. And you didn't even know the enemy was anywhere near you? Private First Class McApams. No, Bob: we didn’t row they were anywhere around. So, after fighting that night and the next day— for 4 days--out of our company of 260 men we had 60 men left who were able to fight. Mr. McCormick. You mean 200 men were killed or wounded? Private First Class McApsms, Two hundred were killed and wounded. Mr. McCormick, In 1 day's fighting? Private First Class McAnams. One day's fighting—and the night. After getting sup- plies from the air—we got most of the sup- plies, but Chinese got the rest. After fight- ing for 4 days, we decided our best chance was to try to get our wounded, and what men we had left, out. So we londed our wounded on trucks and assigned guards to them and pulled out. After about one-half hour’s travel, I got wounded for the first time in the left leg. Proceeding on for about another 2 hours, I got wounded again in the left arm. That’s where we met the con- voy. I was put on a truck for about 4 hours, After fighting our way through road block after road block, we finally got as far as we could with about 4 trucks out of the 20 we had. Mr. McCormick. You mean 4 trucks out of 20 got through, Private First Class McApAMs. Well, we got through to the last road block. I don't think any of them managed to get through there. With one truck, we tried to get down and make a break down the railroad track and after about 100 yards the truck got hit. I was hit, too, and was thrown off the truck. Making my way back to where the other three trucks were and what few men were left, and the wounded—we finally tried, six men, to get back to where the marines were. Mr. MoCormicx. Could I go back for just one second? These trucks were burned, you say Private First Class McApams. Yes. After getting back up to where these three trucks were we noticed two trucks about 300 yards down the road, The Chinese had already poured gasoline all over them and set them on fre with wounded in them. Mr. MoCoamice. You mean our wounded were burned alive in trucks? Private First Class MoAnams, Yes; they were, Bob, After seeing that and what few A475 men were left, I and six other guys who were wounded decided to try to make our way back up to where the First Marine Divi- aion was, After going through the woods for about one-half mile, we came across a creek-— I fell in and this caused my feet to get frosthitten like they are now. After going for about another half mile, we came to 4 Korean village, where we atopped to get some water and rest awhile. We found a security police, and he said he would guide us to where the Marine division was, so we left and went on our way. About one-half mile down the road, we came to where the road forked and we noticed that whatever was up there was having @ little battle. So we decided we'd leave the Korean there-— we didn’t trust him any more. We went on up the road for ahout another mile—then we met the First Marine Division. I was sent to a station hospital—and then flow from there to Tokyo and then back to the States. Mr. McCormicx. One other thing. What about the cold? You should be a first-hand witness to that. Ladies and gentlemen, not only frozen feet, but frozen hands, Is it as cold as we hear It 1s? Private First Class McApams It is, Bob, Sometimes it is from 10 to 20 below in the morning and afternoon. Mr. McCormick. Do you ever get warmed up? How do you warm up? Private First Class McApAms. Well, the only chance to warm up is to find a Mttle brush and build a fire—~and when you have time, and they‘re not firing too bad, you can warm up. Most of the men take turns get- ting out of the foxhole to warm up. Mr. McCormick. Thank you very much, Private First Olass McAdams. Not only from NEC and Battle Report, but also from your country. Until we turn our cameras upon the Nation again next week for another teledocumen~ tary—this, then, against the background of battlefront Korea, is Robert McCormick put- ting a period on your twenty-third Battle Report, Washington. Murzled EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E.. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, spread over a period of years, I have made an effort to destroy the “yes man” psychology which hinders Congress, who represents the American people, from getting first-hand and straight-from- the-shoulder opinons from the military spokesmen of the Nation. Among the many editorials supporting my efforts is the following one that ap-~ peared in the January 24 issue of the Altoona Tribune, Altoona, Pa.: MuzzLep Representative James E. Van Zawor, of Al- toona, Tuesday called attention in a Congress speech to a growing tendency in this country to endeavor to pattern our thoughts and policies, and eventually probably, our ac- tions and our lives, along lines laid down by the Central Government in Washington. The Altoona Congressman’s verbal attack ‘was aimed at a “confidential directive” which he said had been issued by Secretary of De- fense Marshall prohibiting officers of the armed services from speaking for publication ‘unless they confine themselves “to the,
AA4T6 f bounds and policies which have been publtoly "announced by the White House, State or Defense Departments.” “Joamern’ said a similar directive in 1946 ordered officers to support in testimony be- fore Congress only the budget estimates recommended by President Truman. Gaid tative Van ZANnDr: “No wonder we were unprepared for Korea.” And he recalled that a number of top- ranking military leaders were reprimanded or lost their posts because “they spoke their mind.” Said Mr. Van Zannr, “This yes-man pey- chology is the ruination of good government and especially of our national defense.” The truth of this indeed has been proved by Korea, and by our fumbling on the dip- lomatic front. Mr. Truman obviously has been endeavor- ing to control the thinking of all our officers and governmental leaders. As Commender in Chief of the Armed Forces, he appears to think it is his right to direct the thoughts of every man under him. It was obvious during the armed services hearings on unification and tn the B-36 in- vestigation that officers appearing as wit- nesses were reluctant to give their personal opinions. Those who did, as in the case of Admiral Denfeld, were demoted or fired, Of what value is offleer experience if all thought ts to be guided by official directives? The stultifying effects of the restricted unification hearings have been tragically ap- ent. Preedom of our officers, and our other lead- ers, to think for themselves gives power to our country and our Government. The authoritarian doctrine that the head of state can do no wrong, that policies ema- nating from the seat of government are sanctified, and not to be questioned, has brought one nation after the other down into the dust. ‘ "The defeat of Nazi Germany depended in the end upon many factora. But, one of the most important of all was Adolf Hitler's in- sistance upon using his own judgment, and in refus.ng to defer to the wisdom of his skilled officers. Representative VAN Zanpr indicated that the latest “muzzle” to be imposed upon our armed services was the result of the strong public statement issued last week by Air Force Maj. Emmett O’Donnell, one of our top serial strategiats, who returned the other day from Korea, and criticised our restric- tions in Korea, the mandate which prevents us from bombing or attacking China or Manchuria. General O'Donnell said he favored use of the atomic bomb, It is likely that the gen- eral was so incensed by the bitter handicaps imposed upon us by the UN in Korea that he spoke out for the strongest weapon we have. The American public, judging General O’Donnell's remarks on the basis of what we know about the Korean War, would agree with him, we believe. It is an unfair handicap to place upon a fighting force to direct that they must not strike back at the enemy nation. Rea jet planes attack our forces from across the Yalu River border, and return there quickly. Once across that river, they know they are secure from attack. American planes may not chase them across that river, and may not attack them or their bases, once over the border. Yet, theee planes can emerge safely from thetr sanctuary and strike quick blows at us, then dash back to their haven. The Chinese Red army is being supplied from lines and bases which could be de- if our forces with the UN army were a free, American fighting force, “policemen,” to use Mr. Truman's term, serving & master, who apparentiy would be eager to get rid of them. There Are Nearly 2,000,000 Guerrillas Fighting the Communists in China; Proper Aid by Us Could Make Them a Majer Army EXTENSION OF REMARKS cr HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks I include the fol- lowing article from the New Leader af January 22, 1951. Its author, William Caldwell, is a Washington news man and radio commentator. If it is right for Americans boys to be fighting Chinese Reds in Korea, why is it wrong to let or to help Chinese anti-Communists fight them on their own soll? Do we want to win in Korea, or don’t we? If we do, then why not do everything pos- sible to weaken the enemy. If we do not, then why should our Government ask Americans to die in fighting them? How long can this two-faced murderous policy be continued? Our Sxsconp Front mv CHINA (By William Caldwell) WASHINGTON.—A second front in China— effectively maintained and supported—could upend Stalin's timetable for Asia. It could prevent the capture of Korea and Indochina, the outflanking of Thailand, Malaya, and Indonesia, the isolation of Japan, and the complete neutralization of India. It could relieve American, British, and Frenoh troops for the defense of Europe, and cause new strains on Soviet war industry. A number of public figures, including Senators Styvies Brmans and Pau. Dova.as— have urged the creation of such a second front by mounting an invasion of the Chin- @se mainiand by Nationalist troops from Formosa. Actually, our potential second front in China already exists. It consists of nearly 2,000,000 guerrillas now actively har- rassing the Communists in every corner of China. Peking has repeatedly claimed the destruction of these forces, but they have grown from Jess than 400,000 in September 1949, to 824,000 in January 1950, to 1,667,000 last August. These are the figures of Dr. T. ¥. Tslang, Nationalist China’s UN delegate; but on April 28, Christopher Rand of the New York Herald Tribune estimated that half the land area of China was in anti- Communist hands. The chief reason for the guerrillas’ growth was also indicated by Dr. Tslang, when he revealed last June that more than 15 percent of the resistance units were commanded by former Communist off- cers. Mao Tse-tung himself on June 13, while claiming that a million resisters bad been rounded up since the withdrawal of the main Kuomintang armies from the main- land, conceded that there are still more than 400,000 bandite to be annihilated.” The underground forces received a great spur last fall when Communist Premier Chou En-lai announced a full-scale land reform for Central and South China. Chow said this . Chou conceded this time that 200,000 bandits were stil! , Dut claimed that the Reds had arrested 13,707 secret agents and unearthed 175 secret radio stations. ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This was one ef the more modeat Com- gence added that 2,000 radio stations had seized. On August 16, the Communist hews agency claimed the back of resistance had been broken in most areas of Central and South China, and that 210,000 guerrillas had been wiped out there in the past 6 months. Last winter, they claimed to have killed an- other 180,000 bandits in Honan Province alone. On August 8, 1949, General Teng Wen-yi, discussing the revolt of 170 village societies of Honan, declared that 240,000 guerrillas had just been wiped out tn Honan, Hupeh and Anhwei Provinces. The most grandiose and most recent Communist claim of guerrilla annihilation came last Novem- ber 15, when the Chungking radto clatmed that 400,000 bandits had been Itquidated in the previous 6 weeks. Ohungking added, however, that “Kuomintang espionage agente wit not stay down, but have become very active.” STRONG IN SOUTH CHINA The area where anti-Red guerrillas are most numerous centers around the province of Ssechwan in West China, but since moun- tain barriers prevent any effective link-up with other guerrilla forces, the most impor- tant underground groups are the ones in central and south Ohina. The traditionally revolutionary provinces of Kwantung and EKwangsi in south China have been a sub- ject of mounting concern to the Communist authorities. The Central and South China Military and Political Affairs Committee of the Communist Party admitted last March that Lukfung County (in EKwantung, be- tween Hong Kong and Swatow) was “infest- ed with bandits” and that 14 Communist of- fictals had been killed by the “Kuomintang agents.” By last summer, Kwangsi Gover- nor Chang Yun-yi was complaining that the people of the province had been “deeply af- fected by the deception and of reaction” and that there still existed the “feudalistic, anti-alien ideology of Pan- Kwangalism.” (The latter label is based on the fact that South China resents the Com- munist troops in the area, who come mostly from Manchuria and Shantung.) The Governor of Kwangasi said spring up- risings had led to the slaying of 105 Commu- nists. In a bitter report to Peking, he de- clared: “The masses were incited into organising insurrections, public grain stocks were robbed, rural workers were killed, local gov- ernment offices were attacked and all sorts of evil acts committed.” With the withdrawal of large occupation forces to Korea, conditions have been get- ting worse for the Communists tn Kwangsi and Kwantung. On December 29, 2,200 Russian advisers were sent to Canton, martial law was proclaimed in the city, and 7 new Communist divisions were dispatched to the Kwantung area. Within the city, a cultural Purge was under way: six Canton newspaper- men (along with two in Wuchow, Kwangsi province, and one in Shanghal) are known to have been executed as cultural special agents on December 1. A week before the proclamation of martial law, a Soviet plane at Canton's Patlyun airfleld was destroyed, and Formosa claimed that in the 2 weeks ending December 6, the strategic Canton- Hankow ratiway had been damaged seven mes. Probably the most effective underground force is the one concentrated tn tnland central Chins in the Provinces of Honan, Hupeh, Anhwet, Hunan, and Kiangsi. The main Chinese railways bisect this area. The Communist news agency had reported peasant revolts in Anhwel as as June 28, 1040; Comnrunist Gen. Lin Piao dectared
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD aome time later that fuedal rule and the influence of bandits and Kuomintang agents je still very strong in the villages. In the year that followed, the Reds made several Claims of destroying the guerrillas, adding up to a total of 380,000 annihilated. Wang Shou-tao, the Governor of Hunan, did admit last summer that many of our old and new cadres were lost. ANTISABOTAGE FORCE At the time, he claimed that there were only 18,000 guerrillas left in his province. But Peiping announced on October 24 that a force of 1,157,000 would be “recruited” to quell the guerrillas in these areas. Three days later, the Liberation Daily of Shanghat revealed that 200,000 troops were being “re- cruited” to fight guerrillas in northern Anhwet alone. And on November 14, the Peiping radio announced that Red China's regular 5,000,000-man army would have to be supplemented by an armed militia of 5,500,- 000 for the express purpose of combating “sabotage.” The guerrilla movement today has little to do with the political factors involved in the old civil war; it is based on direct experience with the Communist regime in power. Ac- cording to Christoper Rand, ‘The unifying factor in the guerrilla movement ts a resent- ment against the Communist regime—chiefly against its grain levies” This resentment extends right into the Communist party and army. The party, which grew from 3,000,000 to 5,000,000 be- tween 1948 and 1950, had to launch an in- tensive period of “criticism and self-criti- cism” last summer. On July 26, the death penalty was established for “American agents.” Formosa claims that on November T some 15,000 troops mutinied outside Wusih on the Shanghai-Nanking railway. On No- vember 13, the party cracked down on Voice of America Msteners. And on November 19, on the Honan-Hupeh border not far from Hankow, a full division of Lin Piao’s Fourth Field Army is reported to have rebelled and joined the guerrillas. Of the Chinese sol- diers taken prisoner in Korea, a great ma- jority expressed their desire to join the Nationalist armies on Formosa. Can the guerrilla forces within China be- come an effective second front? The answer Hes with the United States, The guerrillas’ prime needs are encouragement and equip- ment—mostly small arms and radio gear. Both of these could easily be provided by the United States. Our air drops enabled guerrilla forces in wartime Greece and Yu- goslavia to develop into full-fledged armies. If the United States Air Force is restrained from officially aiding the guerrillas, mili- tary men here propose the formation of 4 new group of volunteer airmen, like Gen. Claire Chennault's Flying Tigers, to ald the guerrillas. But if the United States is not determined to surrender east Asia to the Mao Tse-tung regime, a program for the lib- eration of China would have to include: Full-scale airdrops of arms, ammunition, and radio gear to the guerrillas, under the direct supervision of an American airman (General Chennault perhaps). A twofold political program for the post- liberation establishment of an all-China constituent assembly under UN supervision and for large-scale United States and United Nations economic aid to the Chinese people. This program would have to be vigorously enunciated again and again through every possible medium to the people of China, WORK WITH FORMOSA Full representation for all guerrilla forces in the Republic of China Government on Formosa. While this reconstituted govern- ment should be readmitted to full partner- ship in the Par East, both we and the Na- tionalists should make it clear that it is an interim government, to be dissolved on the election under UN auspices of an all-China constituent assembly. Pin-point non-atomic bombing of China's important ratlway and supply centers. This would have to be preceded by a long bom- bardment of warning messages to the Chinese civilians, urging them to evacuate these cen- ters and/or join the guerrilla forces. When guerrilla forces have attained crit- ical military importance, American air and sea forces should assist the Chinese Nation- alist armies to link up with the guerrillas by invading the mainland. This program, which enjoys the support of increasing numbers of military men since the turn of events in Korea, would require considerable expenditures on the part of the United States. But, it is argued, greater ex- penditures will have to be made in Inda- China, Malaya, India, and Japan if com- munism is not stopped in China, and these efforts will have a much slighter chance of success. What is more, in those nations we might have to use large numbers of western troops; in China we would be availing our- selves of the largest anti-Communist force in Asia, without involving a single American foot soldier. All of which leads to Washington's $64 question: What about Chiang Kai-shek? Wil his popularity or unpopularity affect seriously any program for the liberation of China? Military men here point out that United States diplomats have been calling Chiang inadequate since 1944, and yet, in all of that time, have not been able to name a single other figure around whom non-Com- munist Chinese would rally. These military men still remember the ill-fated experiment with Li Tsung-jen in 1949, which consid- erably accelerated the disintegration of the Nationalists on the mainland. Quite pos- sibly, new and stronger leaders may develop now, from the ranks of the resistance move- ment, if it is properly encouraged. To offset the possible effects of self-seek- ing interests within the Kuomintang, and to put the Free China program on the broadest possible footing, it is urged that an out- standing American general, acceptable to the Pentagon and to the Chinese, be given full power over all American economic and mili- tary ald to the anti-Communist Chinese. For this post the outstanding candidate is Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, whose 1947 report on China now stands up as a model of sobriety and cool thinking. Such an ap- pointment, combined with the constant re- iteration of America’s pledge to help China choose its own government, would offset any deleterious effects resulting from Chiang’s alleged unpopularity and emphasize anew that the struggle against Stalin is one for all peoples. In an era of tranquillity, the urgency of such a program would not be too clear. But with Lin Piao’s armies driving our divisions down the Korean Peninsula and appease- ment and neutralism sweeping the Orient, it has become clear that freedom must make @ stand in Asia. The men and women best qualified to make that stand are the people of China, whose long and courageous re- sistance to Japanese and Communist im. imperialism entitles them to their Just share in the fight for a free world. Extend Reciprocal Trade Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, the ex- tension of the Reciprocal Trade Act will A4QTT come before Congress this week, Since its original enactment, this legislation has proven to be a highly constructive step both for the economic welfare of our country and the improvement of good trade relations with other nations, ' The Rules Committee has reported a rule for its extension and I hope Con- gress will extend our reciprocal trade agreements with an ‘overwhelming majority. The following editorial by H. B. Snyder of the Gary (Ind.) Post-Tribune reflects a general endorsement given this legislation throughout the country: EXxtTenp Recrprocat Traps Act The Reciprocal Trade Act is back before Congress for consideration. The 2-year ex- tension voted in 1949 will run out on June 15. A 8-year extension is being sought now, and it ought to be approved. Congress hag approved the principle of reciprocal trade agreements seven times since the law first was enacted in 1934, so that it would seem an extension for an even Ionger period might be approved. The trade act has been called “the cornerstone of our foreign economic policy” and it is especially important that it be retained in the present international situation. The reciprocal trade law never has come within the framework of the bipartisan foreign policy, but Republican support of it has been increasing through the years. In- deed, the GOP might claim some credit for originating the idea on the basis of flexi- bility provisions carried in Republican tariff acts prior to World War I. When the reciprocal trade law first was enacted in 1934, only two Republicans in the House and five in the Senate voted for it. In 1945, when a 3-year renewal was voted, Republicans in the House divided 83 yeas to 140 nays, in the Senate 15 yeas to 16 nays. Republicans were in control of Congress in 1948 and they gave a 1-year extension over- whelming support. However, the extension law carried restrictions, including the peril- point plan. In 1049, with the Democrats again in control, the act was extended in sub- stantially tts original form, The House Republican vote was favorable, 84 to 63, al- though the Senate GOP division was 15 yeas to 18 nays. If the act is worth extending, it should be retained for at least 3 years. Anything less gives an impression of uncertainty not to be desired in our dealings with other nations, Government Waste Contributes to High Prices EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I wish to include the follow- ing material: With the widespread interest in the terms and effect of the price order issued last Friday evening it is increasingly im- rtant to examine the operations of the wtment of Agriculture in its food purchase and hoarding program. Surely no one will deny that the Department's activities have a significant effect upon
‘A878 the prices of similar commodities in the open market. The loss incurred by the Department on the disposition of five commodities Nov, 30, 1049 and the carrying charges, as compared with the same operation last year, reveal imcreases. The official figures follow: Nov, 8, 3050 | Nov. 80, 1949 Nov. 30, 1980 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. ) Represents gain. This is a percentage increase of 1,000 percent in loss on disposition of com- modities; 66.1 percent in carrying charges; and 633 percent in the total of both items. Surely it is of vital importance for the appropriate congressional committees to develop the full details of the Depart- ment’s operations and, through legiala- tion and limitations on appropriations, insure that these practices are elim- inated. The American Mission EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- oan, I include the following article from the American Scholar, winter edition of 1950, written by Mr. Clinton Rossiter, which I believe will be of interest to the Members: Tux American Mission (By Clinton Rossiter, associate professor of government at Cornell University) The belief that God or providence or fate occasionally singles out # nation for some higher destiny is a striking example of the power of ideas in history. It sustained an- cient Israel, the “holy people unto the Lord thy God”; it apparently helps sustain So- viet Russia, “the beacon of the tollers in every land.” And surely the vigorous Amer- foan conviction thet God also chose this people to fulfill a historic mission has been & profound ideclogical force in ovr national development. We seem to have been chosen for differ- the Union soldier of 1868, the missionary o: 1875, the imperialist of 1900, the idealist of 1017, the interventionist or teoletionist of ”~ that He carried these precious few to a new world and presented them end their de- scendants with an environment ideally suit- ed to the development of a free society; and that in bestowing His grace He also bestowed & peculiar responsibility for the success of popular institutions. Were the Americans to fail im their experiment in self-govern- ment, they would fail not only themselves wut all men wanting or deserving to be free. Tf such government could not work here, it could not work anywhere. America was to serve a9 & “testament to freedom.” Or, to vary the analogy, it was to be the “labora- tory of democracy,” tn which God could mix the beet of all possibile men with the best Of all possible environments, and determine once and for al! whether liberty was worth the pains. The belief in the mission, in one vartant or another, has been part of the American tra- dition stnce the first settlements. Great and remembered men, presidents and philoso- phers, and small and forgotten men, preach- claimed by Jonathan Mayhew, of Boston, in The Snare Broken, a sermon of sober rejotc- ing on the repeal of the Stamp Act. The mission of America as asylum was also vigor- ously advertised by such revolutionary fig- ures as Franklin, Paine, Jefferson, and Freneau. The prophecy of untold future splendor was spoken by many Americans, but it remained for an Englishman, the estima- ble Berkeley, to voice, some 50 years before the Revolution, the grandest fancy of Ameri- can destiny: “There shall be sung another golden age, The rise of empire and of arts. * * °& Westward the course of empire takes its way.” Despite these refinements and flights of imagination, the central idea of America’s divinely appointed mission remained that of @ people who by mere example would ad- vertise liberty to all nations. This vision was @ conspicuous arrow in the well-flied quiver of the great revolutionaries. For them spoke John Adams as early as 1765: “T always consider the settlement of America with reverence and wonder, as the opening of & grand scheme and design in Providence for the illumination and emancipation of the slayish part of mankind all over the earth.” And he agreed with hundreds of other patriots that the defeat of the colonies would mean the defeat of liberty every- where. The American mission came to flower with the adoption of the Constitution. The “Pather of the Constitution" reminded the Philadelphia convention that “it was more than probable we were now digesting a plan which in its operation would decide forever the fate of republican government,” reason enough to aim for the best. Washington, too, was conscious of the mission. In his Brat address he expressed the con- viction that “the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the re- publican mode) of government are justly con- sidered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.” In his Farewell
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to us, have imposed on us the duty of prove ing what is the degree of freedom and self~ government in which a society may venture to leave ita individual members.’ And just 10 day# before he died, in the last of his exhortations, he could say of the Declaration of Independence: “May it be to the world what I believe it will be (to some parts sooner, to others later, but Anally to all), the signal of arousing men to burst the chains under which monkish ignorance and superstitution had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self- government.” For all men in this heroic age, whether Federalist or Republican, merchant or “mechanick,” pious or secular, President Ezra Stiles, of Yale, spoke as prophet of in- spiration in the United States Elevated to Glory and Honor. If he foretold wealth and might and dominion, he did so only to remind his Connecticut listeners that God gave these good things to those who de- served them, in this instance to a people determined to prove to a doubting world that ‘a democratic polity for millions, stand- ing upon the broad basis of the people at large,” could be made to work. The Amerl- can mission was an influential ideological force in the formative years of the Republic. In the decades of expansion, most Ameri- cans lost sight of the interpretation of the Nation's mission formulated by Washington and Jefferson. This was the age of Manifest Destiny, a phrase of huge import coined by John O’Sullivan in his Democratic Review in 1845. The loudly voiced assertion that it was America’s duty to expand without delay to its natural geographic limits obscured the simpler, uncombative beliefs of the found- ing fathers. Even the concept of America as asylum for the “huddled masses yearning to breatne free’ was made to serve this muscular version of the national destiny. "Tf ours is to be the home of the oppressed,” thundered Representative Duncan, of Ohio, in the debate over Oregon, “we must extend our Territory in latitude and longitude to the demand of the millions who are to follow us, a8 well of our own posterity as those who are invited to our peaceful shores to partake in our republican institutions.” Yet the idea of the model Republic had lost none of ity appeal for more thoughtful men. Andrew Jackson reminded his fellow countrymen that “the eyes of all nations are fixed on our Republic,” and in his farewell address observed that “Providence has showered on this favored Jand blessings with- out number, and has chosen you as the guardians of freedom, to preserve it for the benefit of the human race.” No less con- vinced of this truth were his opponents, Story nnd Calhoun. Said the first of these, “We stand the latest, and, if we fail, prob- ably the last experiment of self-government by the people.” Said the second, “We may * * * do more to extend liberty by our example over this continent and the world generally, than would be done by a thousand victories.” Representative Severance, of Maine, countered the shrill cries of the ex- pansionists by urging that we “rather extend the ‘area of freedom’ by * * * our bright and shining example as a pattern Republic.” The philosopher and the poet joined the statesman in this persuasion. Emerson pro- claime@ his belief in the Nation's peculiar destiny: “The Office of America is to liber- ate * * © Zwish to see America a bene- factor such as no country ever was.” He hoped profoundly that we would contribute “our peoiliar and legitimate advantages to the benefit of humanity.” And, of course, Walt Whitman: “for we cannot tarry here, We must march. * * * We must bear the brunt of danger, We the youthful sinewy races, all the rest on us depend, Pioneers! O Pioneers!” Potiter folk preferred to hear this from Longfellow: message “Thou, too, sail on, O Ship of Statet Sail on, O Union, strong and great! Humanity with all ite fears, With all the hopes of future years, Is hanging breathless on thy fate!” The mission was given one final prewar turn by the economist, Henry Carey. In his Principles of Social Science, published some 11 years after Marx had proclaimed the inex- orable antagonism of classes, Carey called America to testify that the class struggle ‘was not the inevitable consequence of an in- dustrial civilization. “Such ts the true mission of the United States * * * to prove that among the people of the world, whether agriculturists, manufacturers, or merchants, there is per- fect harmony of interests, and that the hap- piness of individuals, as well as the grandeur of nations, is to be promoted by that greatest of all commandments, ‘Do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you.’” The fateful meeting of the great American and the great American crisis cast this an- tique doctrine in a new and vital role. Re- peatedly Lincoln expressed the persuasion that the cause of free government every- where hung in the balance of this epic strug- gle, and repeatedly this theme was ham- mered home in press and pulpit, For Line coln the mission was an article of national faith, “felt in the blood and felt along the heart.” His profound distaste for slavery derived to an important degree from his opinion that the mere existence of human bondage as a legal and social institution vir- tually destroyed our claims to be the model republic. On the road to Washington he dedicated himself to “that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave lib- erty not alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the world, for all future time.” And in his dramatic measage to the spectal session of Congress, July 4, 1861, he made clear the historic purpose for which he at least could justify the letting of fraternal blood: “This issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. * * * This Js essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of gov- ernment whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men.” He returned to this belief again and again, as if it alone had power to revive his flag- ging faith and give some semblance of moral purpose to a war that must have often seemed a senseless pageant of suffering and corruption. He confided to Hay, “For my part, I consider [that] the central idea per- vading this struggle is the necessity that is upon us, of proving that popular government is not an absurdity.” He reminded that it was not alone the Union but “the last, best hope of earth” that we would “nobly save or meanty lose.” And finally at Gettysburg he made clear that he had acted and “these honored dead’ had fought so “that government of the people, by the peo- ple, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” Thus with the help of the American mission, did Lincoln sublimate into an eter- nal symbol the best remembered of the Na- tion’s battlefields. In the decades of industrial, continental, and finally overseas expansion that followed the close of the Civil War, the doctrine of the mission was twisted into several un- lovely and almost unrecognizable shapes. The generation of high-spirited Americans who went a whoring after the falae gods of imperialism Hkewise went & whoring on a swarm of idealistic but hardly democratio missions, Angilo-Saxony, the native version of the myth of the superior people, called upon Americans to ready themselves for in- evitable triumph in the mysterious process of racial Darwinism. A close kin was the A479 White Man's Burden, which a host of Ameri- Gan Kiplings heralded as America’s mission of the twentieth century. The belief in tnevi- table and God-given empire, an inflated ver- sion of Manifest Destiny, was voiced by Ma- han, Lodge, Beveridge, and many others. Even the missionaries, especially those of the more vigorous Protestant groups, fell victims to this unattractive imperialistic trauma. “The taste of empire is In the mouth of the people,” observed the Washington Post, “even as the taste of blood in the jungle.’ The true American mission was weak ideological meat for & people with Havana and Manila on their hands and minds, And the Isthmus of Panama. To Senator Morgan, of Ala- bama, the building of the canal had become “the proud mission of our Government and people, under a providence that ts as pecu- liar to them as the founding of the kingdom of the Messiah was to the seed of Abraham.” The most dramatic proponent of these im~ perialistic notions was, of course, the rough- riding President. Roosevelt never doubted that the hand of God pointed out the high- road of international stewardship to the deserving American Republic. A weird but decipherable combination of democrat, jingo, missionary, and Anglo-Saxon, he had noth- ing but contempt for the argument that America should teach the world democracy by example alone. In the end, perhaps, the spirit of the age was more boldly heralded by his friend Beveridge, although Roosevelt would have been “de-lighted” to associate himself with these remarks: "God has not been preparing the English- speaking and Teutonic peoples for a thou- sand years for nothing but vain and idle self-contemplation and self-admiration. No. He has made us the master organizers of the world to establish system where chaos reigns. He has given us the spirit of prog- ress to overwhelm the forces of reaction throughout the earth. He has made us adepts in government that we may admin- ister government among savage and senile peoples, Were it not for auch @ force as this the world would relapse into barbarism and night. And of all our race He has marked the American people as His chosen nation to finally lead in the regeneration of the world.” This was hardly the American mission as conceived by Washington and Lincoln. It remained for Woodrow Wilson to hack away this jungle growth and lay bare the American mission in its pristine simplicity. Not only did he mount that rescue-party for freedom thet Mayhew had foretold some 180 years before, but he created almost single-handed a pattern of high-minded values as the ideological support for Ameri- can participation, And of these none waa more exalted than the mission. He told Amerioans that this Nation had alweys been destined to jead mankind “in the assertion of the rights of peoples and the rights of free nations; as destined to set a responsible example to all the world of what free gov- ernment is and can do for the maintenance of right’ standards, both national and in- ternational.” Our immediate mission was to make the world safe for democracy; our ultimate mission was to show the world that democracy was worth saving, — The missionary urge, the call to duty that assigns the Republic a historic responsi- pility nobler than the mere defense of its own independence, lives on in a half-dozen recognizable forms. Harry 8. Truman, Henry Luce, Henry Wallace, Francis Biddle, Eric Johnston, David Lilienthal, and Paul Hoffman are a few of those who have recently exhorted their countrymen in the idiom of the migsion, ‘Yet their versions, most of which look to the export of American ideas and institutions, are framed in terms of active proselytism. The true American mis- sion seems to have lost its popular appesl— perhaps because there are now so many
other testaments to freedom, perhaps be- cause it lends itaelf so easily to the dis- credited cause of isolation, certainly because those Americans who recognize our obliga- tions to other nations te that the force of good example ts not enough in this savage world. Yet it would be unfortunate were we to lose sight of the authentic American mission. If we must have a mission—and historically and spiritually we probably must, whether Gictated by God or providence or sheer utility—-why should it not be this humane and humble version of a universal trait of national consciousness? Admittedly it can serve as a cloak for the revival of the most short-sighted, ethnocentric stamp of tsols- tionism, but only if internationally-minded Americans permit it to be stolen from their keeping. The American mission, a view of national destiny neither vulgar nor imperial- istic, can certainly be squared with a healthy attitude of international cooperation. And at the same time it can continue to serve as a healthy spur to domestic improvement— in race relations, education, politios, labor- management relations, and all the other major areas in which we might, if we felt the world’s gaze fixed upon us, be better Democrats. And no matter what positive obligations we assume toward other nations, or what ideological adjustments we make in assum- ing them, it is inconceivable that this doo- trine, which Ralph H. Gabriel ranks with the fundamental law and the free individual as one of the three Jeading articles of our democratic faith, could be cast upon the scrap heap of outworn American ideologies. If we are no longer the only testament to freedom, we can still be the most notable. America, which seeks to meet the vaat prob- lems of sectional, economic, racial, and re- gious diversity with democratic solutions, has much to teach by mere example. The American mission is yet to be fulfilled. Communist Hungary’s Anti-Jewish Policy EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW TORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, ever since Soviet Russia has embarked on a policy of anti-Semitism and mistreat- ment of its Jewish minority in Nazi fash- jon, the Communist satellite govern- ments of Eastern Europe are following the dictates of Moscow by adopting simi- ler policies toward their own Jewish minorities. A striking example is Com- munist-dominated Hungary, where the Jewish community of 160,000 souls has undergone a vicious campaign of politi- cal repression in recent years. Hunga- rlan Jewry has been rendered destitute by the Communist regime, its religious and communal life has been subordi- nated to the state, and the flourishing Zionist movement among the Jews of Hungary has been outlawed and de- stroyed. Not only have the Jews of Hungary been robbed of their rights and nearly earthly possessions, but according to all re- oent reporta-dhey are on the verge af wholesale deportations to the conctn- tration camps of Siberia. Anti-Semitiem is rampant in Hungary, the Jews and other religious minorities are regarded with suspicion because they look to America and the west as their last hope for eventual freedom. The well-known magazine, the New Leader, in its issue of January 15, pub- Mshed an article Do Hungary's Jews Face Communist Liquidation? by Bela Fabian, himself a former victim of the Nazi con- centration camps and a veteran Hunga- rian democratic leader. He is in con- tact with the underground now working against the Communist regime in Hun- gary and is said to have been the first to predict the trial of Cardinal Mind- stenty. His article follows: Do Huncar?’s Jews Face Communist Liqui- DATION?—SATELLITE ReGIMES ARE ROBBING dzws or RIGHTs AND PRorPerTY; WHOLESALE DerortaTion May Coms (By Bela Fabian) (Bela Fabian, himself a victim of Nazi con- centration camps, is a veteran Hungarian democratic leader. He is now a member of the Hungarian National Council, with wide contacts in the Hungarian underground. He was the first one to predict (in the New Leader of January 1, 1949) the trial of Cardinal Mindszenty.) Gyula Perl is as large as a giant, In 1944 he and I had been deported to Auschwitz in the same cattle car. On our first night in Auschwitz, he intercepted with his huge body the blows intended for me, On December 10, 1948, he came to visit me in New York. He had just escaped from Communist-ruled Hungary. “Why did you leave, Gyula?” I asked him. “You are no politician. Surely you could have lived inconspicuously.” “I did not want to live to see the sealed cattle cara again,” he replied. “You will see, they will come again.” Although I have no illusions about the Communist regime in Hungary, I Ustened to Gyula’s words with doubt. But very soon the information coming to me from within Hungary began to confirm my friend's expec- tations. All the events within Hungary point to the possibility that the cattle cars of @eportation may soon be rolling out of the country again. A few months after my friend's visit, I got the first hint of what ‘was coming. On February 7, 1049, at 6 o'clock in the evening, Premier Matthias Rakos! received five delegates of the Hungarian-Jewish Public Office, Al! Hungarian Jews, both Neologue and Orthodox, were united in this organ- ization. Ministers Gerd and Révai were also present. The delegation was led by Lajos Stookler, the president of the Jewish com- munity of Budapest, and by Dr. Lésald Benedek, its vice president, The Jewish delegation entered Rakosi's majestic office at Akademia Street, which is furnished with works of art and precious antique furniture stolen from the aristoc- racy, and lavishly decorated with pictures and Persian carpets. Minister Joseph Revai received the delegates with these words: “Gentlemen, we are now among ourselves.” “Does this mean that we are among us Jews?” asked one of the delegates. He re- ferred to Rakos!, Gero, and Revai, who are Jews by birth. “No,” Gero replied, “among us Commu- mists. According to my knowledge, neither Zz nor my comrades Rakosi and Revai are Jews, we are nonsectarian; we are Marxist- Teninist-Staliniste. Our prayer is our work for accialism,” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Stockler and Benedek approved this, But an elderly lawyer declared: ' “We are here to discuas the following vital problems: the quick decline of city Jews to ‘beggars; the growing hostility of the Hun- garian Communist Party to the Jews, whether or not they are party members; the Government's new policy toward Zionism and against the emigration of Jews to Palestine.” To this Matthias Rakoal replied: "Do you believe, comrades, that we Com- munists will give up our progressive e0o~ nomic policy because it does not suit the Jewieh bourgecisie, or because it is disagree- able for them, or because they feel them- selves injured? Do you belteve, comrades, that we shall make exceptions for your fel- low religionists? That we shall do thie when only the indigents and their sons, as well as the former members of the forced-labor battalions of the Horthy regime, are our sincere adherents? Do you believe that you really are the chosen people? A state within the Communist state? Do you believe we shall close our state-owned department stores, our socialized hotels, cafes, etc., which because of their low prices drive the Jewish businessmen into increasingly painful bank- ruptcy? Do you believe that we shall toler- ate the old bargaining? If you came to dis- cuss such problems, you had better go.” JEWS FROWESTERN, ANTI-COMMUNIST Révai added to this: “Don't you know that the Jewish bourgolale is conspiring against us? And this together with the big landowners, big-business men, bankers, fired state officials, and priests. Not only here in this country but also on the other side of the borders, Vile Jewish jokes against the Communist regime are spread throughout Budapest. We have documents to prove that you Jews give money to the Mindazenty clique for the purposes of espio- nage, for the organization of ‘Black gangs,’ for the restoration of the throne of Otto Hapsburg, the king of rich Christians and Jews?” Dr. Lhsa#id Benedek agreed. He said: “I am & Communist in the first place and a Jew only in the second place, Iam on your side. The former wealthy Hungarian Jews are in- curable. They are the enemies of the Soviets. They are the adherents of the west. They do not deserve anything but the whip, the jail, and bayonets.” Raékos! then explained the new official Com- munist stand on Zionism: “The present State of Israel is a nationalistic state, ite govern- ment is hypocritical, by no means democratic, and has taken up the attitude of ‘hurrah nationalism.’ The present state function- aries are under American tnfluence and, moreover, are in the service of the Western Powers preparing for war. You can find no traces of Socialist arrangements in Israel, either in politics, economy, or education. Ben-Gurion and Shertok are the puppets of Washington. We have good proof of this. The elections in January were a tragi-comedy. Righty to ninety thousand voters were crossed off the lists. What kind of voters? Those voters who did not make a secret of their s0l- idarity toward the Soviet Union. This is how this election result was obtained. An Amer- ‘lean bluff, which means a siap in the face to everyone who knows the political structure of the present State of Isracl. I do not speak of the ingratitude of the government, which ought to thank the Kremiin for everything which was done for Israel in world politics and in the UN. We have recognised the gov- ernment, whioh ts corrupted to the banes. The Kremlin was the first to recognize the Btate of Israel. Only after that Truman came hesitatingly, because he saw that our policy toward Israel undeniably showed the gener- oaity and sincerity of the Soviet Union. Only after that did Truman also act, followed by
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD all the chessmen of the Washington chess. board. But they still allowed Bevin to make & few little moves to exploit the recognition of Iarael by the Kremlin for their anti-Com- munist agitation in the Arab States. I do not wish to speak of Israel having got their best weapons for this war from the Osechs through the intervention of Moscow. The members of the Government of Israel are simply scoundrels in the pay of Washington. They will live to see unexpected things. Those Jews who are Communists, that 1s practical political revolutionaries, will under- stand us. And those who do not understand ‘us shall feel our impact.” Another delegate, an old Communist fore- man in a great Budapest printing plant, who had been 8 Zionist for decades, said timidly: “This is why we would like the Commu- nist-trained Jews to lose less time than last year in golng to Ierael so that they can do their best for the revolution.” Rakosi replied; “This, comrades, is out of the question. Comrade Rajk [this was before the Rajk purge—Ed.] has already explained our point of view to the Minister of Israel. Old and sick Jews can get out of the country, but only with their most necessary household utensils, without any other property. But workers we need ourselves. The young Jews must use their efforts and strength in this country.” “We inform you,” R&ékosi continued, “that the government will shortly dissolve by the atroke of a pen all Zionist recruiting offices, schools, organizations, denominational and nationalist underground movements. We shall tolerate no longer the Zionist machina- tions in Hungary. The Minister of Interior, Comrade Kaédaér, will remove this illnees of Hungarian Jews by an operation.” After the death of Zhdanov in October 1948, it was no longer a secret that anti- Semitic instructions had arrived from Mos- cow to the Communist governments of all the satellite countries. Shortly after my conversation with Gyula Perl, I received more news as to how these instructions were being acted upon. I re- ceived a memorandum from a former pro- fessor who miraculously escaped from a Transylvanian prison. By chance he was put on the same train in which Rumanian Jews were being deported. He described how the bodies of those Jews who perished on the journey were thrown out of the train, Just as they had been thrown out of the cattle cars on their way to Auschwitz. ABEED OLD NAT QUESTIONS The chairman of the 1949 Rajk trial, Vilmos Olty, formerly a prominent Nazi, the same questions to the defendants whioh were asked in Nazi times by Nazi judges: “What was your father’s last name? ~ What was your grandfather's last name?” By this he wished to demonstrate that the Gefendants were of Jewish origin. Rajk, who was well known for his anti-Semitic feelings, after having replied that his grand- father’s name was “Reich,” remarked at the game time: “Hts name was Reich but he was an Aryan.” He confessed to everything except thet he might be of Jewish origin. After the Rajk trial, 36 prominent Jewish Communists were taken from the party center to the secret police, Xighty others received heavy sen- tences. Still others disappeared without leaving a trace. ‘This was followed by an anti-Semitic cam-~ paign throughout the country. The cam- paign was directed by Istvén Kossa, deputy general secretary of the Communist Party, and by a member of parliament called Joseph Gém. The latter, in a speech in Nyiregyhaza, devtared that the Jews were sabotaging the S-year plan, that they sided with America XCVII—App.—-31 and were the enemies of the Soviet Union. A few days later, the president of the Jewish community of nearby Tokaj and his wife were cold-bloodedly beaten to death in their home in broad daylight and in the presence of their child and their maid. This hap- pened on Fe! 19, 1950. A few hours after this crime, the prealdent of the Jewish community of Miskolc and the rabbi of Miskole arrived on the scene. They were im- mediately arrested, but released on condi- tion that they would mention the murder to no one else. The next day, the Jews of Tokaj started to pack their belongings be-= cause they no longer felt safe and therefore wanted to flee to Budapest. They were told that if they dared to leave the community they would be interned immediately. Was there any investigation of these crimes? There was not, and no one was sur- prised, because Laezlo Piros, who was respon- sible for the widespread pogroms in 1046, had just been named a major general, Piros only 4 years ago was a shoemaker. Throughout the country today the Jews are being questioned in their homes by the secret police, “Have you got jewels? Have your relatives got jewels? Which of your friends has jewels?" The interrogations are conducted as they were in Nazi times. At one such interroga- tion, conducted in the vaults of the Bank of Commerce in Srékeafehérvaér, when beating and torture were of no use, the secret police applied the old Nazi method of forcing re- ligious Jews to eat bacon, strictly prohibited by the Jewish faith. Mlegal escapes through Czechoslovakia ceased in July 1949. A transport of refugees was brought back from Slovakia to Hungary, in July 1949, by a Heutenant colonel of the secret police named Kovacs. The escapees received heavy prison sentences. Since then, refugees have been leaking through the Aus- trian border, heavily guarded by mines and barbed wire. More than half of these refu- gees are killed by mines or by the bullets of the guards, Nevertheless, these flights con- tinue. Hungary’s Jews know that Hungary and the Soviet Union have a common fron- tier. They know that 36,000 Jews have been deported from Lemberg and that almost the entire Jewish population of the Ukraine, of White Russia, and of the Crimea are being sent to eastern Siberia. When I -nontion these facts in the United States, I am often told: “There are no gas chambers in Runsia.” ‘Those who say this do not know that the coal mines of Karaganda can be just as dead~ ly as gas chambers. DIBRELIEVED MAY ATROCITIES In August 1942, Magr. Béla Varga, today the president of the Hungarian Nattonal Council in New York, smuggled out to Swit- zerland the microfilms telling the story of the Warsaw ghetto and of Auschwitz. At that time, the Western World was late in reacting. Before the Nazis deported the Jews of East- ern Europe to Auschwitz and other extermi- nation camps, they deprived them of their conditions of living. When the Jews were left without jobs and without bread, the Nazis simply declared that people without income or profession are a menace to society and must be removed. Today, the first part of this proceeding has been repeated by the Communists. Jewish businessmen, indus- trialists, lawyers, journalists, actors, and offi- ciala have nearly all lost their jobs, Several months ago, I received «& letter amuggled out of Budapest. The letter was written by a friend of mine who as yet hasn't been arrested; together we had fought against the Nazis before my deportation to Germany. “Do you remember,” he writes “with what hope we looked toward the west in those days?” ‘A43i Famine m India—United States Aid Urgent onto EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW Yori IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr, JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following arti- cle by Walter Lippmann from the New York Herald Tribune of January 30, 1951: Topnay amb Tomozzow (By Walter Lippmann) FAMINE AND DIPLOMACY There may be some good reason—though it ta not easy to think of one—why the State Department chose last week as the time to talk to Senator ConwaLiy's committee about India’s application for fcod. The Depart- ment, we have all been to'd, has been sttrdy- ing the famine which India must meet this year, it is strongly in favor of sending the food, it is well aware of the consequences of mixing up human misery with domestic and international politics. Yet the Department picked the present moment when the Indian- American disagreement over China ig the hottest to approach Conrrese. What happened, of ccurse, was that the committee was cool, and the news was broad- cast to India and to the world that the United States Government is withholding food from the famine-atricken masses of India because it disagrees with the foreign policy of the Indian Government. Is !t pos- sible that the Department did not know that this is what would happen if this sub- ject was opened up last week? Why did it not wait until the issues at stake and the consequences had been explained fully to the leaders of Congress and until the crisis in the UN had subsided? Let us hope that it was only bureaucratic insensitiveness which prevented the Depart- ment from realizing how Congress was feel- ing about Indja last week and how India would be feeling about America this week. The problem of the Indian famine 1s grave and urpent, and what we do about that famine will have great and far-reaching con- sequences. The main facts of the problem are ag fol- lows: There has b3en a crop failure in India during the last year which is due primarily to a combination of natural disasters In the different parts of India—to floods in some regions, drought in others, to the earth- quakes in Assam, and to a plague of locusts. There are about 100,000,000 people who de- pend on rationed food, and they are already down to 9 ounces of rice or wheat a day, These rations cannot be sustaine t until the autumn unless the Indian Government im- porte about 6,000,000 tons of food grains, of wheat, millet, and rice, Two-thirds of this amount, or 4,000,000 tons, the Indian Government hae been able to procure and pay for—with some assist- ance from us. But 2,000,000 tons have still to be taken care of. It is known that we can supply this amount of food—mostly but not entirely tn the form of wheat. The neces- sary ships are also avatiable, though it may be necessary to use some ships that are now moth-bailed. The cost is estimated at $200,- 000,000. The Indian Government wishes to finance this transaction as a credit, to be sure on easy terms. The State Department, after studying the over-all Indian financial
A482 position, thinks it unwise that India go into debt for consumable goods. It is, therefore, proposing a grant, and that of course re- quires action by Congress. This is how the matter got to Senator CONNALLY’s committee, Let us hope the members of the committee will approach the question bearing in mind the fact that there is no doubt that India needs the food desperately and that there is no doubt that America has the food and can eastly make it available. Under these condi- tions failure to provide the food can be due only to one reason—an intention to use the granting ana the withholding of the food as an instrument of diplomatic pressure upon @ government with which we happen at the moment to be disagreeing. That is something we ought not todo. It is beneath us. We cannot, we must not, stoop to it. It is also something that we can- not afford to do. For it would illustrate too dramatically the propaganda of our ene- mies—namely, that American philanthropy undermines the independence of the nations which accept it. Let us not defame ourselves by giving even @ shred of justification to the charge that we could let people die of hunger because their government aid not vote as our Govern- ment would like that government to vote, Let us not place between the people of India and the people of America, perhaps for dec- ades or generations to come, such a terrible memory. Let us not for lack of imagination and experience do as a government what no decent American would dream of doing if it were his own personal and private responsi~- bility to give or to withhold out of his surplus food for men, women, and children who are dying of hunger. Let us rather buy with this food and this money the incalculable benefit of having proved to the whole world that we do indeed believe in freedom--and that we do not buy the consciences of our friends but only their goad will and their confidence in our own decency. If ever there was a chance to justify our friends and to confound our ene- mies, it is here and now—by rising above all the petty feelings of the moment in order to play that part in the world which, when we are at our best, we find it a joy and a pride to be able to play. Let’s Use the Belasco Theater as a Service Center Again EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 Mr, KLEIN. Mr. Speaker, I have in- troduced, today a bill which would au- thorize and direct the Administrator of the General Services Administration to leas? to the Commissioners of the Dis- trict of Columbia the Belasco Theater Building on Lafayette Place with a nom- inal annual rental of $1, and to assume the cost of renovation and operation, as long as it is managed by the United Serv- ice Organization as a recreation center for service personnel of the United States and the United Nations. The bill will, in normal procedure, be referred to the Committee on Public Works; and in deference to my friends on that committee I wish to explain that the bill I presented today is little more than a legislative draft, When I started going invo the ramifications, I found that many public and private agencies are involved in any plans for a service and recreation center in Washington, and will wish to be heard. It may well be that any bill reported by the com- mittee will be much changed in lan- guage. However, I am convinced that the fundamental idea is sound, and that the 2 of Federal funds to maintain such a center in Washington can be logically defended. Among American municipalities the city of Washington is unique in many respects. It is, as the Nation’s Capital, the only municipality wholly dependent on Congress for appropriations. Prob- ably no other municipality of such com- pelling interest to the men of the armed services is within traveling distance of sO many men in military installations. The appropriations required will not be large. It is estimated that restoring the stage and other facilities to the con- ditions existing when it was a famous World War II stage-door canteen will cost about $75,000, and that light, heat, power, and maintenance and janitor service will cost two or three thousand dollars a year. Neither the government of the District of Columbia nor any of the agencies serving the armed services personnel have available funds to defray these costs at this time—and the center is needed now. I hope the bill will be promptly and favorably received and studied by the committee. Some Practical Thinking on the Price Freeze EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23,1951 Mr.MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the noted columnist and keen observer on economic affairs, Sylvia F. Porter, always seems to be able to express in a clear and simple manner the difficult economic problems with which we are faced and to com- ment upon them intelligently. Her brief column in the New York Post of Janu- ary 29, 1951, concerning the recent price freeze is characteristic of her thinking on economic matters and is most timely in its presentation. I commend it to the attention of all Members of Congress: Now It’s Up ro Us (By Sylvia F. Porter) The Government can't put 5,000,000 of us in jail 1£ 5,000,000 of us decide to violate the law. A few hundred law enforcement agents, operating out of only 55 key areas in the entire land, can’t really enforce price cellings if enough buyers and sellers elect to break the ceilings. We are witnessing an insane economic race from which no American can emerge & winner. We are watching a devastating attack on the dollar which can destroy our Nation and our security just as surely as a hydrogen bomb can blast our Nation and our security, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Now another half-way move—fiexible con- trols on prices and wagea—is being made to cut short the race, beat back the attack. As a half-way move, it oan achieve half- way results-—but only if you and I, acting as individual buyers and sellers, as individual businessmen and wage esrners, want it to achieve even this. It can and tt will accomplish nothing if you and I, acting as individuals, decide to wink at violations, cooperate in price-wage chiseling. In fact, if we don't get into this act and get into it fast, the new stabilization will fail miserably and the result will be less than nothing, for there'll be only intensifi- cation of cynicism about the dollar's value. There's no pious pontificating in what I'm writing here. Our dollar is in a terrible trend. To an increasing extent, where the cost of living goes from here depends on you. United we stand, divided we fail. We must stop fooling ourselves about the delights of inflation. It is a disease. The glow it seems to bring to the economic face— to the profit report and the weekly pay check—is only a fever. This disease has killed economies since civ- ilization began. It can kill ours, too. Even during World War II, when we had much, much tougher controls and rationing too, prices rose 15 percent. Even when we were fighting an all-out war on two fronts, hundreds of thousands of Americans ghoulishly violated the law, played black markets, betrayed themselves and their land Now the new controls are flexible—and even that word is misleading, for flexibility is supposed to suggest something that can go two ways. In these rules, the flexibility is only on the way up. ‘We've wasted 6 months in talk and seen the cost of living rise month by month to the highest mark ever—81 percent above the level of prewar days. We're still fumbling, and harsh as the contro] headlines may appear, the fact is the regulations are full of loopholes. Worse still, the latest schedule I’ve heard indicates that officials view this as just an- other interim step, figure they can’t put on & real freeze until late spring or summer because prices and wages haven't yet reached the right level. 8o our only protection is our own under- standing and my only prayer is that you’re thinking more clearly than the politicians. If thousands of businessmen decide to rush to the control agencies to yelp about inequities the stabilization will be a mock- ery in no time. If thousands of wage earners decide to crowd their spokesmen for additional con- cessions, ditto. If thousands of you decide to chisel, there aren't enough policemen to find you or jalls to hold you. It's that delicate, it’s that touch-and-go, As one individual, I can only emphasize the magnitude of the stakes, vow to do my best. How about you? Pacific Pact and Organization for Far East Economic Cooperation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL: RECORD the Recorp, I include the following ar- ticle written by me for the New York Herald Tribune of January 30, 1951: A Decisive Far East Pourcy-—-Nrep aNp VaLur oF a Pactric Pact snp Economic Recovery PROGRAM «RB (By Representative Jacos K. Javits) A bipartisan group of eight Members (Representatives Lava C. Battie, Democrat, of Alabama; Walter H, Jupp, Republican, of Minnesota; Mire MANsrFrx_p, Democrat, of Montana; Curstze E. Mzegnow, Republican, of New Hampshire; Tromae E. Morcan, Democrat, of Pennsylvania; ABRAHAM A. RIn- rcorr, Democrat, of Connecticut; CLement J. ZaBLocks, Democrat, of Wisconsin, and the writer) last week introduced in the House of Representatives a bill favoring a Pacific Pact. Two members of this group (Repre- sentative Rrrcorr and the writer) sponsored at the same time a resolution favoring a far- eastern recovery program implemented by an organization for far-eastern economic co- operation. Both programs of self-help and mutual cooperation, for defense and for eco« nomic development, are to be joined in by the United States. These efforts are to be considered in the context of the negotiation of the Japanese peace treaty for which John Foster Dulles also left last week. The resolutions represent together an af- firmative foreign policy for the Far East by the United States with the primary respon- eibility placed where !t belongs, on the peo- ples affected, but with the United States backing them tn their efforts in recognition of the fact that the eastern shore of the Pacific Ocean ts the strategic frontier of the United States itself. This effort recognizes the adulthood of the free peoples of Asia and puts them on a parity in American con- sideration with the mature nations of West- ern Europe with whom we have developed the Atlantic Pact and the European recov- ery program. In such a framework of re- gional organization within the United Na- tions Charter, the development of Japanese military capabilities for the defense of the Japanese islands and of Japanese industrial production for the economic improvement 60 urgently needed by the free peoples of Asia, can proceed without the overhanging fear that a new aggressor Frankenstein might be created. The North Korean and Communist Chinese aggression in Korea and the commitments undertaken by the United States respecting Formosa, the Philippines, and Indochina show the urgent need for collective action with full contribution by the powers in the Pacific area themselves in a Pacific area coun- cil, to guarantee their independence and ter- ritorial integrity againat further aggressive action of the Korean type or by subversive tactics. Accordingly, regional pacts for col- lective self-defense which come squarely ‘within article 51 of the UN Charter paral- leling the example of the Atlantic Pact will, it is expected, provide an organization ca- pable of coping with the Communist threat. Tt is my conviction that a Pacific pact can do much to discourage further aggression. The principle of self-help and mutual coop- eration implicit in the Atlantic Pact, and in @ proposed Pacific pact, is one of the greatest contributions which can be made to a con- structive foreign policy and to international peace and security. We see in this principle a decisive answer to Communist efforts to confuse the free peaples and lead them to their own destruction py charging imperial- jem and warmongering. The other free peoples have a right to fight for their free- dom, and to share in the great responsibill- ties of meeting the challenge of communism; proper organization for such an effort is es- sential, . The sponsors of the resolution contemplate that the immediately eligible powers for & Pactfic aren council would be the Philippines, Australia, and New Zealand and Japan. It would be the alm of the pact to include also Indonesia, Thailand (Siam), Burma, Indie, Pakistan and Ceylon, the states of Indochina and the Federated Malay States. Formosa would, of course, be a logical and essential addition for the defense of the Pacific Ocean area, but the terms upon which Formosa should join in and be represented should be determined by the other participants in the pact. This also applies to the participation of France, Great Britain, and Holland, which administer areas in that part of the world. This position would assume no appease~ ment of the Chinese Communists, and there- fore dispositions of our forces committed in Korea as military needs dictate. It would also imply an early peace treaty with Japan, giving her a framework of regional organi- gation which would protect her neighbors while putting her in a position to defend the Japanese islands. The fact that we would not appease the Chinese Communists with Formosa, however, makes it vital that we must be more concerned than ever about democracy and free institutions in Formosa— economic development and good government there. The resolution favoring the creation of an organization for Far East economic coopera- tion represents an effort to follow the policy of self-help and mutual cooperation so suc~- cessfully developed with the European re- covery program and which I consider to be the most enlightened development in Amer- ican foreign policy since the Monroe Doc- trine. It is a policy of improving the well- being of peoples in order to give them an incentive to fight of their own free will for a freedom which is valuable. It emphasizes the one strength of the United States which all admit and recognize: the strength of pro- duction of goods and services. While the Communists only promise economic better- ment, the United States should help the free peoples of the Far East to deliver economic betterment. A blueprint for the economic development of South and Southeast Asia, the Colombo plan, was developed by the members of the British Commonwealth at a meeting of the Cabinet ministers of the Commonwealth Governments concerned in the Pacific held at Colombo, Ceylon, January 1950. The 6-year program calls for £1,085,000,000, equiv- alent to about 63,000,000,000, which is needed from abroad for economic development in India, Pakistan, Ceylon, and Malaya. The British expect to supply about 750,000,000 out of blocked sterling, leaving a net re- quirement of $2,260,060,000. An extension of the economic development program with others of the Asian countries which urgently require such development, it 1s estimated, would add to this figure for the same period another 61,000,000,000 to $2,000,000,000 re- quired from abroad. The Colombo plan em- phasizes the other sources than new invest- ment from which such vast amounts of money may be drawn and pointe out that these are already largely being utilized to the maximum. These, for example, include, aside from sterling balances held in London by India, Pakistan, and Ceylon, loans of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and private investment, It is pointed out that private investment has a great field but that public investment to improve food supply, health, education, and transportation is first essential to pro- vide a sound economic and social framework which will encourage private investment. The role of the International Bank, though important, is recognized to be limited, as it must make reasonable banking requirements for its loans. The bank has already made loans to India totaling $62,500,000 for devel- opment projects and loans to Thailand (Stam) of @25,400,000 for such developments, put this must be compared to a minimal net capital requirement for India alone under the Colombo pian of £607,000,000, or about $1,699,600,000, A488 It is important to emphasize that the Colombo plan has Nmited objectives com- meneurate with the economy of means im- posed upon the Commonwealth countries by their own economic problems and by the balancing between expenditures for arma- ment and economic development required in any development plans which are now sought to be financed by any country in- cluding the United States. Hence, the Co- lombo plan promisés an increase of 18,000,- 000 acres of land under cultivation, or about 3.5 percent; an increase of 6,000,000 tons of food grains produced per annum, or 10 percent; an increase of 17 percent of land under ftrrigation, adding 13,000,000 acres, and an inereage of 67 percent in electric generating capacity. Lest anyone be de- ceived as to the extent of the improvement which this would make, it is to be noted that in the case of India {t would mean ap- proximately 20 kilowatt-hours of electricity production per capita, as against 2,296 kilo- watt-hours per capita for the United States. The need for economic development to give the psoples of the Paoific Ocean area and of south and southeast Asia a basia for resisting communism and seeking free- dom and a real incentive to do so is cer- tainly there. Living conditions in that area are as low as anywhere in the world, with annual income per capita in the range of $56 per annum, as against about $600 per capita per annum for Great Britain and about $1,700 per capita per annum for the United States. It is significamt to note, for example, that in India there are 73,000,000 agricultural workers out of an estimated population of over 850,000,000, while in the United States there are only 8,000,000 agri- cultural workers out of a population of over 150,000,000 It 1s this fundamental economic fact of chronic hunger and debased living standards in the whole area which underlies the great revolutionary ferment now in proceas in Asia and the appeal of the spurious Communist promises. It might seem easier from our point of view if we could, while we are so heavily engaged in military expenditure, by reason and argument show the people the fallacy of these Communist promises. But the conditions of the people in that area are so bad and a rate of over 90 percent illiteracy and other impediments to the spread of information add so much to the diMcutties that this approach is not too promising for the short term when the greatest danger exists, Accordingly, direct economic improvement on the moet basic level without political strings and with a maximum of self-help on the part of the peoples affected will prove to be the most effective weapon to win away the peoples of this area from the inevitable attraction that fake Communist promises of economic equal- ity and improvement are now exercising. This is the basia for my own efforts and those of other Members of Congress to help India with the 2,000,000 tons of grain cur- rently needed to avert famine there, though we deeply feel Prime Minister Nehru's po- Ntical pronouncements on Communist China to be untenable and ill-advised, and though we were among the first to advocate UN action in condemnation of Communist Chi- nese aggression in Korea. Let us not forget that India has a formidable army of 600,000, that Pakistan has & substantial army and that means exist in this whole area to withstand and hold back an armed Communist tide. It is the will and the morale which must be bullded as well as the military means and all in recognition of the new day in Asia—the day of adulthood and self-reliance. This is en- tirely In accord with American tradition, and it lg the purpose of the sponsors of the reso- lution for a Pacific pact and e Far East re- covery program to galvanize the executive department into action before it is indeed too late. ™
A484 New York: The Port With a Future EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, Junuary 31, 1951 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orD, I include the following address by the Honorable Howard S, Cullman, chairman of the Port of New York Authority, before the annual dinner of the New York Foreign Freight Forward- ers and Brokers Association at the Hotel Commodore on January 9, 1951: Iam here with you tonight for just one reason—to take a look at the Port of New York. You are the men whose business de- pends upon moving large volumes of export- import freight through the Port of New York safely, expeditiously and economically. The Port of New York Authority 1s an organiza- tion set up nearly 30 years ago to help do the same thing from the public angle. I under- stand your association is Just 5 years older than the authority. From some of the statements made by our competitors one might get the impression that the Port of New York is on its last legs. Atrip up and down the water front discloses much that needs to be done, both in New York and New Jersey, and might lend some support to such statements. The compari- son of new port facilities at other points along the Atlantic coast is embarrassing. However, the Port of New York has always been characterized by vigor. It has always been able to find the road to leadership, and I am confident that we will ultimately find the method and the resources to go forward with the program of modern pier construc- tion that will assure the continuance of our preeminence. We are currently handling over six billion dollars’ worth of foreign trade a year. Back in January 1861, just before the Civil War, when the total trade of the port wag less than half a billion dollars, Harper’s Weekly commented that alarm had been created by threats of new commercial rivals to New York, but sagely concluded “It is very easy to open a port and to expect a great trade but it is very hard to create a rival to New York.” This is no time, therefore, for a Pollyanna attitude, either with respect to the interna- tional situation or the future of the Port of New York—far from it. We all have a hard job to do for the future. However, once in a while we need to take stock of both our strength and our weaknesses; to publi- cize Just how much effective work is being done to insure the future supremacy of the port, and to do a Nttle self-criticizing on what more needs to be done. Last spring the Mayor of New York ap- pointed a committee to review the future needs of the port. I was asked to serve as chairman of a subcommittee that had to do with the transport rates and other costs paid by the shipper, which in many instances are a handicap to competition for commerce. I am also serving on another committee which has to do with increasing the effec- tiveness of port promotion. Although the reports of both these sub- committees are in semi-final form, they have not yet been submitted to the main com- mittee for consideration, and hence I will not try to discuss them, I shall, however, give you some of my pwn views on both of these subjects. a! As Al Smith pid say, “‘let’s look at the record.” It is known to you gentlemen, although not to all of the businessmen of New York, that transportation rates between the interior of the United States and the Port of New York have for many years been higher than to other ports. Responsibility for this situation goes back to the dim pages of history 60 to 75 years ago when the great rail transportation systems were engaged ina bitter rivalry. When they finally worked out a compromise peace treaty, New York ended up with the distinction of being the port taking the highest handicap, a sort of 10-goal man on the polo team. Over the years our port has lived with these disadvantages in rates without too much pain because of our superiority in ocean steamship service, some offsetting ocean rate advantages, and the great mag- netic force of a large banking, forwarding, and consuming area at the port. In recent years, however, the rules of the game have been rigged against us in several ways. Since 1946 the percentage increase in rail rates has hiked our long-time port differentials to new levels of disadvantage. On export agricultural implements from Pe- oria, Ill, where New Orleans formerly had an advantage of 844 for a 20-ton carload, the difference is now $96. On the same com- modity from Minneapolis, the New Orleans advantage under the normal differential of $32 a car was lifted to $120 a car, and Balti- more’s prewar advantage of $12 was jumped to $20. On imports of burlap bagging to Milwaukee, New Orleans’ advantage was in- creased from $19.50 to $51 per car. The restoration of the normal basis of port relationships has been a matter of great concern to the Port Authority, to business interests of the port, and to the New York carriers. The Port Authority has carried this matter to the Interstate Commerce Com- mission every time a percentage increase came up. The Commission’s orders have been clear that the inflated differentials should be readjusted to norm. Readjust- ment of these rates involves rechecking and republication of thousands and thousands of class rates. The carriers have delayed this action and shoved it aside. The New York railroads have restored the prewar re- lationships by the publication of special commodity rates on automobiles, agricultural implements, rubber tires, meats, grain, bur- lap bagging, cocoa beans, coffee, crude rub- ber, and a few other commodities for particu- lar origins and destinations in the interior, but there are still many rates out of line. One of our most important objectives is to find a quick and simple way of restoring these relationships, disrupted since 1946, and the Port Authority is working constantly with the railroads to attain that objective. Another disadvantage which has bothered us a great deal is the fact that at the Port of New York big pieces—machinery, large ve- hicles, and similar weighty objects—are sub- ject to a heavy lift charge, when lightered to shipside. A piece of machinery weighing 20 tons from an inland point such as Spring- field or Peorta, Ill., is assessed a heavy lift charge of approximately 820 at New York and no such charge is made at other ports—a dis- advantage which has resulted in some sub- stantial diversions of this type of business. The Port Authority trade promotion of- fices in Chicago, Cleveland, and Washington have tried to overcome this situation by ad- vising shippers on how to route heavy pieces to shipside by carfloat to avoid this extra charge, but such routing requires a minimum of six cars and does not help the shipper of consignments in lesser volume. A proposal is now before the New York carriers to elimi~- nate heavy lift charges on pieces up to 25 tons, and to reduce the minimum require- ment to one car in ordering a carfloat in Neu of lighter delivery. At New Orleans, where heavy lift freight has to be handled through pier sheds or by lighter, In much the same physical manner as at New York, the railroads on October 10 Jast year abolished all heavy lift charges. This leaves New York as the only port where APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD such charges are still in effect. We hope the railroads at New York will act promptly to meet the situation, since comparisons of 1960 with 1949 tonnages show a definite fall- ing off in the proportion of heavy machinery moving through New York as compared to certain other ports. There are other rate disadvantages at New York with which you gentlemen are very familiar, which are the subject of constant attention by the Port Authority. Nobody should assume for one moment that an active campaign is not constantly under way to improve our position ratewise as compared to other ports. The Port Authority has just filed a com- plaint against five Swedish steamship lines which have been imposing an added charge of 81 per ton on wood pulp to New York, and will take the matter to the Federal Maritime Board. The New York railroads and the Port Authority are acting vigorously to abolish the long-standing disadvantages in rates and unequal free storage time on export grain from the Great Lakes area. The matter will probably have to go to the Federal courts but it will be pursued to a final conclusion. Over the years attempts of Baltimore, Philadelphia, Albany, Boston, and the Florida ports to permanently widen the dis- advantages on railroad rail rates have been beaten back. The attempts of the railroads serving the Gulf ports to extend their rate advantages east of Chicago, Indianapolis, and Cincinnati were successfully resisted. All of this work requires the constant at- tention of skilled traffic, rate, and economic analysts, and the ablest attorneys we can find. Under its directive from the two States to intervene in proceedings affecting commerce of the port, the Port Authority alone is spending $200,000 a year in this work. Over the years we have had our experts assemble data and present testimony, and our attorneys file briefs and make oral argu- ments in 182 formal cases before the regu- latory commissions having jurisdiction over rail, water, and motortruck rates. In recent years several score more cases have also been carried on before the Civil Aeronautics Board in the field of air transport. The over-all batting average has been good but the work must go on with undiminished effort as the competitive situation becomes sharper and sharper. I welcome particularly the evidence in re- cent months of an aggressive attitude on the part of New York railroad carriers to assert their rights to compete on an equality with carriers serving other ports. Part of the struggle is in the political fleld—other sections of the country, for example, are advocating an outpouring of funds to subsidize transportation operations such as the Federal Barge Line on the Mis- sissippi River. Although the operations of these lines are costing the taxpayers of the United States as much as $2,000,000 a year, there are perennial bills in Congress calling for the expenditure of $17,000,000 more for purchase of new barge-line equip- ment and extension of operations to new points. This Federal Barge Line project was set up in 1924 as a temporary pioneering operation to be turned over to private enter- prise when river channels were fully com- pleted and adequate terminal service and rate structures established. Nevertheless, now 26 years later, the Louisiana delegation is spearheading an attempt to continue and to expand this line which, at the expense of the taxpayers, {is matntining such low rates in combination with the Mississippi Valley railroads, that an exporter of agricultural machinery from Minneapolis has an advan- tage of 168 per 20 ton carlot via New Orleans s compared to New York. In close coopera- tion with New York and New Jersey Senators and Representatives these matters are being fought out in Congress, There are many other facets of rate disad- vantages, such as extra transfer charges at