Al%8 “9, Bveryone shall have the right to free- dom of expression; this right shell include freedom to seek, receive, and impart tnforma~ tien and ideas of all kinds, regardicss of frontiers, either orally, in writing, or in print, in the form of art, or through any other média of his choice. “3, The right to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas carries with it special duties and responsibilities and may therefore be subject to certain penalties, abilities, and restrictions, but these shall be such only as ate provided by law and are necessary for the protection of national security, public order, safety, health, or morals, or of the rights, freedoms, or reputations of others.” Article 15 reads: “The right to peaceful assembly shall be recognized, No restrictions shall be placed on the exercise of this right other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary to insure national secu- rity, public order, the protection of health or morals, or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.” And as if these Mmitations and restric-° tions on these vital rights were not enough, article 3 of the covenant gives signatory nations the privilege of canceling articles 14 and 15 among others “in the case of a state of emergency officially proclaimed by the authorities.” An American Bar Association committee named to study this proposed treaty asks of it: “Is this not prostituting these fundamen- tal rights to the readily invented emergency declarations of the all-powerful state?” And says: “The government could, for example, close down newspapers just as in other emergen- cies the President has closed down banks.” The Government could also close down untversities and radio stations, seize and burn books and pamphlets, and disperse any assembly of citizens gathered together to question such steps. Are these the “rights” a free people will welcome for themselves? Government sy Treaty: A DANcER To Our Bri or Riexts Are opponents of these treaties alarmists, as is claimed by those pressing the Senate to ratify them, or are they presenting valid arguments? Those opposed to the Covenant on Human Rights include the American Bar Associa- tion, the American Newspaper Publishers’ Association and Sigma Delta Chi, national professional journalism fraternity. Opponents also include jurists, both Fed. eral and State; a growing number of news- papers, university presidents and law school deans and Members of the United States Senate. These organizations and people, along with this newspaper which as long ago as March 1949 pointed to the dangers in the Declara- tion of Human Rights, believe the Covenant on Human Rights unacceptable to the Amer- jean form of government as we know it. But is there any judicial basis for their fears? What has been the attitude of the United stave Supreme Court in the matter of trea- Let's look at the record. The Supreme Court has never expressly declared any treaty ratified by the Senate invalid. The Bupreme Court has upheld a law en- acted to place teeth in a treaty after it had declared the same law unconstitutional he- fore the treaty was ratified. This instance of the Supreme Court rul- ing that the treaty-making power could be used successfully where the Constitution forbade the Congress to act is pointed to by Frank E. Holman of Seattle, a former presi- dent of the American Bar Association, in an article in the September issue of the ABA Journal, entitled: “Treaty Law-Making: A Blank Check for Writing a New Constitu- tion.” Here's how it came about: In 1913, Con- gress enacted a Federal Migratory Bird Act. After its approval by the President, its con~- stitutionality was questioned on the grounds that it invaded the reserved powers of the States, and the statute was declared uncon- stitutional in 1914 by the Supreme Court in United States v. Shauver. The Court held: “That the National Constitution is an en- abling instrument, and therefore Congress possesses only such powers as are expressly or by necessary implications granted by that instrument, is not questioned. Unless, therefore, there is some provision in the Na- tional Constitution granting to Congress either expressly or by necessary implication the power to legislate on this subject, the act cannot be sustained.” Supporters of the regulations governing the taking of migratory birds then sought the treaty route. The President concluded a treaty with Great Britain and the Senate ratified it. A second Migratory Bird Act was then en- acted. It was practically identical with the fret, and it was attacked as unconstitutional also. This time the Supreme Court, in Missouri v. Holland, upheld the law as valid since it was implementation of a valid treaty. “This decision,” Mr. Holman writes, “in effect, and really for the first time, opened the way for amending the Constitution of the United States by and through a treaty, be- cause it proclaims that an otherwise uncon- stitutional law may become constitutional when, as, and if the President negotiates a treaty on the subject and obtains approval of the Senate.” This is nothing more nor less than govern- ment by treaty. We can lose such rights as freedom of worship, freedom of speech, freedom of peace- ful assembly if our Senate ratifies as a treaty the covenant on human rights, — GoveRnMENT sy Treaty: Art AMERICANS Reapy ror 11? The people of this country are the inheri- tors of liberties gained at great cost through the centuries. These liberties—such as religious freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of peaceful assembly—are endan- gered by such proposed treaties as the Geno- cide Convention, already submitted by the President to the Senate for ratification, and the Covenant on Human Rights, which is near completion in the United Nations. These treaties invade the precincts of domestic law. These treaties reduce the powers of the States while strengthening the powers of a centralized government. These treaties strengthen the powers of the executive branch of the Government, thus weakening the historic balance of the legis- lative, the executive, and the judicial. These treaties, if ratified by the Senate and upheld by the Supreme Court, can destroy ut- terly our Bill of Rights, and our form of gov- ernment. Mr. Frank M. Ober of Baltimore, 1949-50 president of the Maryland Bar Association, writes in the September issue of the ABA Journal: “This argument (that the treaty-making power is almost, if not entirely, without any constitutional limit) has received strong sup- from the implications of = recent deoi- sion of the Supreme Court in United States v. Curtiss-Wright, where it is said ‘the invest- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment of the Federal Government with the powers of external sovereignty did not de- pend upon the affirmative grants of the Con- stitution;’ but are ‘necessary concomitants of nationality.’ If it be true that the treaty- making power is not derived from the Con- stitution, then it logically is not Hmited by its other express provisions or any other re- strictions implied from that document. Hence, on that hypothesis, there would seem to be nothing that would logically prevent, for example, denying freedom of religion or of the press by treaty, or the cession of some of our States to a foreign government—" Mr, Ober declares it seems doubtful that the Supreme Court “would press the Curtiss- Wright doctrine that far,” but points cut these dangers: 1, Supreme Court rulings on implied limi- tations on the treaty-making power “are vague at best,” and “the Supreme Court has never expressly declared a treaty invalid, and has cast doubt on its own power to do 50 in the Curtiss-Wright case;” and “2, There is some indication that the Supreme Court might decline to take juris- diction to declare treaties invalid on the ground that they involve political questions, thus leaving treaties subject to the unre- stricted power of the President and Senate.” This is government by treaty. Under this concept the House of Repre- sentatives will have no voice in adoption of any domestic legislation contained in a self- executing valid treaty. It means a change in our form of government, for the House of Representatives was fashioned to make its Members more directly answerable to the people by election every 2 years. Government by treaty means, in the ulti- mate, destruction of the Bill of Rights. Are Americans ready for that? GoveRNMENT BY TREATY: WHAT WE CaN Do Asour Ir This newspaper is opposed to government by treaty. This newspaper is opposed to ratification of the Genocide Convention and the Covenant on Human Rights, because it believes them to be dangerous to our liberties and freedoms. Members of the American Bar Association's committee on peace and law through the United Nations ask: “Can we sacrifice fundamental principles of freedom on the altar of necessity for a compromise? “For which standard of free speech and a free press will we be fighting under the ban- ner of the United Nations—the standard of the covenant or the standard of the Con- stitution of the United States?” Proponents of these treaties say that we must ratify theme to assume the leadership expected of this Nation in the conflict of ideo'ogies and the battle for men’s minds. But ts it leadership to endanger the rights of our citizens to meet upon the common ground of agreement with other countries whose nationals do not possess nor under- stand nor, in some cases, desire the rights we as Americans hold dear? If the Government's policy is to set an example, then we recommend the example set by the representatives of the United States, Great Britain, and Canada in refusing to approve the proposed treaty on public information because it included the same sort of general restrictions of public safety and public security that the covenant in- cludes, But if the policy of our Government is to agree to these lower standards on the prem- ise that forsaking our own historic ideals is necessary in the interest of world peace and understanding, then there is a way to implement that policy of compromise and still maintain our own traditional rights and freedoms.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This can be done by amending the Con- stitution to— Forbid the invasion of domestic law by treaty unless specifically authorized by act of Congress; Forbid the Congress to make treaties effec- tive by laws not otherwise authorized by the Constitution; and Forbid any fundamental change in our form of government as now constituted by the device of treaty ratification, The American Bar Association has author- ized a committee to study this suggestion of amending the Constitution to protect our Bill of Rights. But until these three steps— or some equally acceptable safeguards—are adopted to prevent destruction of the United States Constitution through government by treaty, the Senate should reject summarily any and all treaties which are judged to contain unacceptable restrictions on and derogations of our rights as free Americans, American Trade Council for Histadrut EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. IRVING M. IVES OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 15 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. IVES. Mr. President, I ask unani- mous consent to have printed in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp an address by Wil- liam Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, at a testimonial dinner in his honor given by the Amer- ican Trade Union Council for Histadrut on Thursday, January 11, 1951, at the Hotel Waldorf Astoria, New York City. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: I am deeply honored and sincerely de- lighted to be here with you tonight and to respond, in the name of the American Federation of Labor, to the generous tribute embodied in this occasion. I cannot help but feel, however, that this meeting has a deeper significance in symbol- izing the unity of purpose and spirit that binds the trade-union movement of Israel with that of the United States. Since the days of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 the American Federation of Labor has been active on the side of those who have struggled and sacrificed to bring the great dream of a Jewish national home in Palestine to reality. Both before and after the creation of the State of Israel the Ameri- can labor movement has given all the ma- terial and moral support it could muster to this historic cause. The American Federation of Labor could, in good conscience, do no less. Since the year of its foundation by an immigrant Jew, Samuel Gompers, the pioneering tradition and the moral and cultural ideals of the Jewish people have left an indelible mark upon our great organization. Jewish work- ers and leaders have presided at its birth, contributed to its education, pioneered in its development, and sustained and ad- vanced {t in its maturity. This is a debt which the American Federation of Labor can never fully repay—it can only hope to recog nize it adequately. The aims and ideals of the American Fed- eration of Labor are identical with those which inspired the many brave men who guve their strength, energy, and even their lives that Isracl may live as more than a dream. Together we stand for brotherhood, for lib- erty, for equal justice and opportunity, and for the sacred right of freemen to deter- mine the course of their own destinies, These are the principles which raise man- nad above the level of the beasts of the eld, These principles have been advanced to new heights by the creation of the State of Israel, by the influence of Histadrut as a force in ita national life, and by the unity of action and purpose that exists between the labor movements of Israel) and America, The American Trade Union Council of the National Committee for Labor Israel is one of the strongest of links in that chain of unity. The American Federation of Labor 1s proud of its close fraternal ties with Histadrut. Histadrut has triumphed over the most for- midable obstacles that any labor movement has even faced. It has brought order out of potential chaos, without compromising its democratic principles. It has inspired the free world by demonstrating in a vivid and practical way that security, welfare, and social and economic progress can best be achieved in an environment of freedom and democracy. We have gloried in its victories as though they were our victories; we have watched its progress as though it were our own. And, in a very real sense, the progress of the workers and citizens of Israel is a measure of our own progress—just as the progress of any group of pioneers is a measure of the progress of the whole of human society. It is a bitter commentary on the state of the civilized world today that there should be such a vast number of oppressed and dis- possessed, from so many aifferent nations, who should be compelled to wander so far to find a safe and congenial haven. It stands as the brightest episode in a dark era that the State of Israel, a small community of 650,000 people newly arrived at independ- ence, offered such a haven to more than half a@ million persons in less than 3 years. The burden of settling these newcomers, pro- viding them with housing, food, clothing, and work devolved upon Histadrut. Histadrut has been the mainstay of the entire society of Israel. As a democratic institution of workers, it has been intimately concerned with the social and cultural life of the country as well asthe economic wel- fare of workers. In its relatively short span of existence, it has given workers en 8-hour day, em- ployment through its own labor exchanges, seniority, family allowances, sick leave and vacations with pay, social insurance, and many other tangible benefits. It has de- veloped its own system of schools to im- prove the level of educational facilities. With the great influx of immigrants, it has assumed the task of training new workers in the skills required for the expansion of the national economy. In a country where capital is at a pre« mium, Histadrut has established cooperative industries to help maintain a high rate of employment and production. Over half the hospitals and health centers of Israel were built and financed by Histadrut. Its hous- ing cooperatives have taken over the job of providing Jow-cost housing, and have built more than half of the new housing. This in itself is a tremendous task considering the magnitude of the {mmigration, These are all inspiring accomplishments. But the most inspiring aspect of this mag- nificent record lies in the fact that all of this was done without yielding to tempta- tions, which surely must have arisen, to abandon the principles of liberty, democracy, and equality and to resort to authoritarian methods. Even in the face of crisis and danger, Histadrut adhered to the democratic principles upon which it was founded. Al79 Its leaders were as scrupulous ae regarda the means they used as they were enlight~ ened as regards the ends they sought. They adjured the insidious principle that the ends justify the means, The Jewish people have learned only too well, under the iron heel of totalitarian regimes of the past and pres- ent, that ends are inextricably bound up with means, and cannot escape their conse~ quence. No other group has suffered more bitter, first-hand experience of “man’s inhumanity to man,” in its most brutal and sadistic form, than have the Jewish people, through- out their history. No group has more nearly justifiable grounds for vengeful emotions or retallatory acts, when the tables are turned, than have the Jewish people. Yet no group has given a more soul-stirring demonstra- tion of the principles of the brotherhood of all mankind, of magnanimity toward van- quished adversaries, than they have. Of the new Israel it can truly be said, in the terms of Paul, that there now abides “faith, hope ‘and charity—and the greatest of these is charity.’ This, rather than area, popula- tion, or wealth, 1a the true measure of the greatness of a nation and of a people. If only the rest of the world would take note and guidance from this example! Not only are Jews from every point of national origin or cultural and economic background accepted as equals in Israel, but likewise are the Arabs, with whom there had been incessant conflict when they were the predominant group. The first Arabs to par- ticipate in a truly democratic election did so in Israel—both men and women. The first compulsory education program for Arabs was in Israel. One of the greatest Arabic libraries in the world is being catalogued by both Jew and Arah in Jaffa, Palestine organized the Palestine Labor League. By working to- gether, wage differentials between the Arab and Jewish skilled workers have almost dis- appeared, and the Arab unskilled worker's salary has increased from 120 to 150 percent in the last 4 years. The opportunity of immediate benefit for the entire world lies in the triumph of Israel, its example, and its steady progress. The fact that the Jews have won their age-long struggle to establish a national homeland, and the example of the supremacy of toler- ance, justice, and democracy there, should serve to counteract and reduce the intoler- ance, prejudice, and race hatred from which Jews living in other nations have suffered for many centuries. It is the task of those, like ourselves, who believe in the rights of minorities, to fight for the defense of those rights everywhere, not only abroad but right here in our own country. Prejudice, intolerance, and dis- crimination are errors of human thought which even our own constitutional guaran- tees have been unable to eradicate. Just as American labor has helped in the establish- ment of Israel, the inspiring record of Israel will be of great ald to American labor in combatting intolerance and discrimination in this country. All Americans should take pride in the fact that the President of the United States accorded immediate recognition of the State of Israel, thereby serving notice to the rest of the world that America stood squarely on the side of international morality and decency. Now the rest of the world, in extending recognition to Israel, has come around to the acceptance of an accomplished fact—the creation of a free nation that by force of Justice, as well as of arms, has demonstrated its ability, its fitness, and ite right to take ita place in the family of nations. There are many striking parallels between the birth and growth of Israel and that of the United States. The cause of Israel, like the cause of America, ts for us more than a mere humanitarian one. It is really the
A180 game cause as that which Inspired the found- ers of American democracy—the cause of freedom, justice, and opportunity for the common man. It la my fervent hope that the people of Israel can establish in Palestine an America of the Middle Rast that they can carve out of progressive, prosperous nation whose high principles and honest practices will serve as an inspiration to all the millions of oppressed, downtrodden, and subjugated peoples of the world. We are now engaged in a great struggle against the Red beast of tyranny. The out- come of that struggle will determine the future of the free trade-union movement and of all free peoples throughout the world. The Jewish people know from the lessons of their past what the curtailment of liberty means in concrete terms. They know that Mberty 1s not just a word or a high-flown concept, but « living, breathing thing, essen- tial toa moral society. Wo one needs demon- state to them that the world cannot con- tinue to exist “half slave and half free.” Our mutual interest demands the unity of all free labor and of all free men. We must work together toward a united free world, whore the dignity of labor and the dignity of man reign supreme. We must all do our part to make sure that Israel] remains as # shining beacon to show the people of the Middle East, of Eastern Eu- rope, Asia, and Africa the way and the work- ings of # truly democratic society, and as & bastion of freedom in that vital part of the world. Milwaukee Leads Great Lakes in Prepara- tion for St. Lawrence Waterway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. KERSTEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, under leaye to extend my re- marks, I wish to explain how the city of Milwaukee has done a remarkable job in preparing its port for handling of heavy cargo after the St. Lawrence waterway is completed. The municipal port direc- tor of the city of Milwaukee, Mr. H. C. Brockel, has planned the port of Mil- waukee with a keen foresight of the fu- ture use of this great port. The city of Milwaukee is to be commended for the fine work it has done in carrying out these plans. I include herein an article written by Mr. H. C. Brockel which appeared in the November 1950 issue of the Nautical Gazette. This article shows how Mil- waukee leads the Great Lakes in prepa- ration for the St. Lawrence waterway: Mi_waveee's Bro ror Heavy Carco (By H. C. Brockel) As a part of its considerable program of improvement, the Milwaukee Board of Harbor Commissioners has recently placed in service the largest heavy-lift gantry crane on the entire Great Lakes. Milwaukee has thus realised its objective to provide unexcelled handling facilities, and continues to set the pace for the Great Lakes area in the feild of harbor facilities. Milwaukee has already won wide recogni- tion for ita aggressive program of municipal port development, and ranks as the first ocean port of the Great Lakes in terms of number of ocean saflings. From 80 to 90 ocean vessels wil) have taken on or dis- charged cargo at the port of Milwaukee dur- ing 1050. For several years past export industries in Milwaukee and throughout Wisconsin and the territory west of Lake Michigan have been utilizing the port of Milwaukee to an increasing degree as an export gateway to Western and Northern Europe as well as to Canada and the Caribbean area. Mil- waukee, often described as the “machine shop of America,” is a major producer of heayvy-type machinery, including cranes, shovels, excavators, turbines, generators, crushers, bottle washers, and other major industrial equipment. Much of this machinery, even when knocked down for export shipment, involves lifts of single pieces ranging from 20 tons to 50 tons or more in weight. The Milwaukee municipal dock facilities, formerly equipped with 28-ton- and 380-ton-Capacity cranes, were already outstanding on the Great Lakes, but excellent as these facilities are, it was found on occasion to be impossible to handle some of the heavy export pieces originating in the territory. To correct this situation and to provide for the Milwaukee export gateway handling fa- cilities equal to those of most seaports and excelling any other Great Lakes port, the Milwaukee Port Authority has placed in serv- ice its new heavy-lift gantry crane, which gives Milwaukee a facility unique among in~ land porte. The city of Milwaukee contracted with the Clyde Iron Works, of Duluth, Minn., in July 1949, for the new heavy-lift crane, after re- ceiving competitive bids from manufacturers. Bids were taken on the basis of a complete specification prepared by the Milwaukee Board of Harbor Commis- sioners, Prior to erecting the crane, it was neces- sary to reinforce the dook structure to carry the tremendous weight of the new crane, at 8 cost of approximately 625,000. The cost of the new crane, delivered and installed at the municipal open dock in Milwaukee, was ap- proximately $100,000, and with incidental equipment and the dock-reinforcement work, the total investment in the new crane is about $130,000. The crane has a lifting ca- pacity of 70 tons at a 40-foot radius, and a capacity of 15 tons at its full radius of 110 feet. According to the manufacturer, an overload of 50 percent or more will be re- quired to tip the crane, which indicates that the new equipment could, on occasion, safely handle lifts of well over 75 tons within a good working radius for shiploading purposes. The followings is the radius-capacity table for the new Whitley: Load radius and capacity The crane is equipped with a 100-foot boom and a 10-foot jib, giving it an extensive working radius. It will be used principally for loading and unloading cargo to and from vessels, for loading and unloading railroad cars, and for handling material in and out of open storage. Its long boom length as- sures adequaqte coverage of a considerable dock area and good penetration into atorage areas. The boom hoist line is a 13-part line. The single line pull on the matin hoist is 16,000 pounds at a hoisting speed of 225 feet per minute. The crane has four four-wheel driver trucks and has @ ground travel speed of 90 feet per minute. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The crane erected weighs approximately $34,000 pounds and required miore than 50 tons of counterweight. Ite total weight in- stalled is about 220 net tons. This large load, concentrated in a relatively small area under the wheel trucks, necessitated, as al- ready noted, structural reinforcement of the dock area in which the crane operates. The crane embodies the most modern fea- tures with complete one-man control; a s0- called inching contre] for lowering heavy loads, and electrically-operated braker. Other interesting features include an ex- tended operator’s cab which gives the opera- tor full visibility throughtout the entire work area, and a crane gage which tndicates to the operator exactly what load 1s being lifted and when he is approaching his maxi- mum capacity at any radius for any load. The Milwaukee crane is unique from an- other standpoint, in that its track gage is only 20 feet between ratfl centers. Most heavy-lift cranes of this character operate on gages of 32 feet or more, but physical limitations of the dock structure necessi- tated a compact design on an unusually narrow track gage. The manufacturer suc-~ cessfully worked out his design to accom- plish this objective. The gantry structure has a vertical portal clearance of 22 feet, permitting railroad locomotives to pass un- der the crane. The operator's cab is about 80 feet above ground level. The crane is powered by electrical motors, 440-volt, 3-phase, 60-cycle. The holst mo- tor, travel motors, and slewing motor are independent of one another, with separate controls, Motors are General Electric and electrical controls are by Cutler-Hammer. Official tests were run on the new crane after installation had been completed early in the summer. The crane equaled or ex- ceeded all specification requirements with regard to travel speed, swing speed, hoisting speed, and capacity. Capacity loads were Ufted at various radii and then lowered elec- trically through dynamic braking, and me- chanically through use of foot brakes, to test brake adequacy and speed control. The re- sults of these tests were entirely adequate. After testing, the crane was officially ac- cepted by the board of harbor commission- ers, and has been utilized to load a num- ber of heavy-lift cargoes during the current shipping season, A considerable volume of cargo involving lifts from 30 to 75 tons has been booked, to be handled during the lat- ter part of the 1950 shipping season. Sev- eral thousand tons of cargo in the extreme heavy-lift category have already been sched- uled to move via Milwaukee, thus assuring the new crane of a good degree of utiliza- tion during its first season of operation, Milwaukee is the only port on Lake Michi- gan with heavy-lift handling equipment ex- cept for the Manitowoc shipyards, which have, occastonally, as an accommodation, made heavy lifte of export material origi- nating west of Lake Michigan. Much heavy machinery from Chicago and other points in Tiinols regularly moves to Milwaukee for export loading in the absence of any heavy- lift equipment at the port of Chicago. The Milwaukee port authority is confident that the new crane will serve as & magnet to at- tract heavy-liftt export business from the States of Indiana, Dlinois, Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. In addition to its important function of serving the export trade, the crane will be used actively for routine dock operations, loading and unloading lake vessela, handling pleasure craft in and out of storage, and for other local harbor work. It will, for ex- ample, permit installations of new engines in tugs and other types of vessels by top- side loading, thus eliminating need for plac~ ing such vessels in shipyard. The port of Milwaukee has gained consid- erable stature from the new installation, and Milwaukee port authorities are copfAdent
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that it will prove a wise investment not only in terms of prestige but in terms of new port activity. The crane has already proven @ powerful economic factor in the Wisconsin area by aiding Wisconsin industries to bid successfully on highly competitive export business, with the assurance that heavy-lift items can be expeditiously handled to ocean vessels at a nearby port, thus eliminating costly rail hauls to shipping points on the seaboard. Several major orders have already been assured Wisconsin industries in highly competitive areas as a result of the combi- nation of heavy-lift facilities, and frequent ocean sailings available via the port of Mil- waukee, In addition to its unique new crane equip- ment, the port of Milwaukee is in the midst of a port expansion program which will have involved almost a million dollars of expendi- ture by the end of this year, Under construction is a new lake-front pier of special design, over 1,000 feet in length, which will be for the accommoda- tion of tanker vessels. The new pier, which is of “open bent” design, will have as its sole function the carrying of pipelines from pe- troleum vessels to nearby marine storage terminals. Four lines of tankers are already committed to use the new pier, including Shell Oil Co., Cities Service Oil Co., the Texas Co., and Phillips Petroleum Co. The initial movement of petroleum through the new fa- ciiity is expected to be at least 500,000 tons annually. The new tanker pier will cost $400,000. One hundred and eight thousand cubic yards of material were dredged from the Milwaukee outer harbor to provide two slips which will give deep water access to both sides of the new facility. Another outstanding Milwaukee port proj~ ect is a $200,000 program for the improve- ment of Maitland Airstrip, Milwaukee's unique lake front landing strip. The fa- cility will be provided with a modern admin- istration building, improved highway access, drainage system and new access road. The program, when complete, will place on Mil- waukee's lake front an ‘air park” which will blend into the lake front park system. Other projects in full swing include a new dock office building to serve the municipal harbor terminal, which will cost 860,000; a mile and a half of water mains for outer har- bor fire protection, $100,000; industrial lease improvements, such as sewer, water and rail- road facilities, to serve industrial develop- ments on the Milwaukee outer harbor, 100,000. The continued industrial utilization of the Milwaukee outer harbor is evidenced by the fact that the Texas Co. is completing its new marine terminal on the Milwaukee lake front, and the Phillips Petroleum Co. has negoti- ated a 20-year lease with the Milwaukee port authority for a 10-acre site for a new marine terminal. The Moral Issue EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON CANFIELD OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. CANFIELD. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following edi- torial from the New York Times of Jan- uary 15, 1951: THe Morar Issue On December 1, 1960, President Truman sent @ message to Congress describing the crisis produced by Communist China's inter- vention in Korea. In this message he said: “The moral issue now is the same as it was in June. The aggression of the Chinese Com. munists is a direct assault upon the United Nations, and upon the principles of inter- national law and order which are its founda- tion. By their action the Chinese Commu. nist leaders have proved themselves law- breakers in the community of nations.” Can these words be reconciled with the American acceptance of the five-point cease- fire proposal which the Assembly's Political Committee has sent ot Pelping? On the principle that no cease fire can be bad they can be reconciled. But the details of this action, fully considered, include much that must be a cause of regret and appre- hension to all friends of the United Nations— that is, to all friends of peace, security and freedom. The five-point proposal contains not a sine gle syllable remotely suggesting any wrong- doing on the part of Red China. It contains not one word indicating that we or our friends are even mildly displeased with the government whose troops are at this moment trying to annihilate United Nations soldiers in Korea, The military defeat, the lost bat- tle, could not be prevented. The courage of the wounded and the dead, the valiant ef- forts of the living have not been enough, But we do not have to accept a moral defeat, We do not have to submit—we cannot safely submit—to what General Romulo, in his im- passioned speech on Saturday, described as “intimidation and blackmail.” At this moment the tmportant point for us in the five-point proposal is point one, which calls for a cease fire. This means, if it means anything, that there can be no peace talks with Communist China until a cease fire is in operation—that is, until Commu- nist China has ceased her aggression in Korea, or has at least desisted in her at- tempts to extend the area of aggression. But what General Romulo was thinking of was point five, in which we would agree to sit with Britain, Russia, and Communist China on a committee to discuss Far Eastern problems, including, among others, those of Formosa and of representation of China in the United Nations. When President Tru- man ordered the Seventh Fleet into the Straits of Formosa on June 27, 1950, he laid down the stipulation that the determtnation of the future status of Formosa must uwait the restoration of security in the Pacific, a peace settlement with Japan or consideration by the United Nations. Thus, on the record, we can consistently take up this question, But it ought to be clearly understood that we will not accept as good and righteous the forcible reconquest of the island by the Peiping regime, and that we will not vote for the admission of Communist China to the United Nations until she has given convince ing evidence that she had abandoned her policies of direct and indirect aggression, in Korea and elsewhere. And for such evidence we may have to walt a long time. We want no war, Mmited or otherwise, with China. Every humane Instinct cries out against such a war, every sentiment of prudence demands that it be avoided. But let us have a care that we do not apply to great and powerful nations a different moral yardstick from the one we use in judging small and weak nations. We cannot prevent all wrongdoing in this unhappy world, but we need not condone it, we need not call it peace. Let us do all we can to bring about a real and lasting peace. Let us meanwhile avoid commitments we cannot fulfill. But let us not sell our souls. Let us not stand silent at Lake Success if Communist China presumes to attempt to dictate a conqueror’s peace to a beaten United Nations. A181 The Indiana Plan for the Maintenance of National Manpower EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM G. BRAY OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. BRAY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to bring to the attention of my col- leagues the Indiana plan for the main- tenance of national manpower, as ap- proved by the Indiana Conference of Higher Education, This proposal, drawn up by 30 colleges and universities in In- diana, is a careful study of the present manpower situation in this country; it offers suggestions for meeting the prob- lems of the future, when the military will apparently make greater and greater demands on the Nation’s manpower. The suggestions offered in the Indiana plan will be, I believe, of great value to everyone studying alternate proposals on this vital issue. Here follows the In- diana plan: Tur INDIANA PLAN FOR THE MAINTENANCE OF NATIONAL MANPOWER STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES 1. The American college and university recognizes the gravity of the present crisis in world affairs and is sensitively aware of the fact that the national welfare must take precedence over other considerations. 2. Charged with the responsibility of lead- ership in American thought and life we must constantly point to the clear and present danger of the short view which would se- riously impair our tradition of freedom under God. We must proceed on the commonly accepted assumption that our present situa- tion must be viewed as a long term phase of our national preparation for any eventual- ity. Though victorious in our conflict with an alien and vicious ideology we could lose so many cultural and spiritual values that our victory Would be empty. 8. It is our profound conviction that in any plan of national mobilization we must maintain the values for which American cole leges and universities have stood through- out their history as an expression of the heri- tage of our people. This means that definite and intelligent provisions must be made, even in time of national emergency, for the uninterrupted training of the leaders of tomorrow. The American college and university must make a continuous contri- bution to the national welfare in terms of supplying manpower neede in every field of learning during this crisis and beyond it. Thus it is in the national interest that every man pursue his formal education for as long a period as he is willing and able and so long as he can be spared from military service, STATEMENT OF PLAN Upon the basis of these principles we af- firm our conviction that those sections of the present Selective Service law which pro- vides for registration at age 18 with induc- tion not before age 19 should be retained, 2. AS soon as possible following age 19 each person shall be given a physical exami- nation. Those physically and mentally ac- ceptable to the Armed Forces who have completed at least two terms in an accredited college or university on a curriculum which