APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD opportunity to show their actual losses occasioned by such taking. In some cases, the owners were told that they had to remove in 30 days because the Japs were coming. In other cases, threats directed to those who might resist caused a hurried massed exodus in which many personal effects were left behind. In cases where the owners had received old-age assistance, “old-age liens” came in and took the low price paid for the land, without the owner ever seeing the money, aS repayment for previously given old-age assistance. All of this looked to me like another “forced patent” situation. In the Sev- enty-eighth Congress I was successful in getting passed legislation which would reimburse ward Indians for State taxes paid on land which had been patented without their consent. In this case it seemed to me the Gov- ernment again caused the sale of this land without the consent of the individ- ual owners and the subsequent confisca- tion of the sale price for previously given old-age assistance amounting to “forced patents” in every sense of those words. The same idea applied to the other cases in which no opportunity was afforded to show losses and damages over and above the bare appraised price which no In- dian was given the right to contest. Accordingly, I introduced H. R. 6664 to correct these injustices. A subsequent hearing on the bill resulted in the draft- ing of a formal resolution by the Sub- committee on Public Lands requesting the Secretary of the Interior to look into the matter and report back to Con- gress, The resolution follows: Whereas during the years 1941, 1942, and 1943 the War Department found necessity for taking and took certain lands belonging to the Pine Ridge Sioux Tribe of Indians of South Dakota or to certain individual mem-~ bers thereof; and Whereas it is questionable whether all legal, equitable, and cutomary rights were given to the owners in the taking of such lands by the United States Government; and Whereas the proceeds received for the taking of such lands caused the removal of many such owners from the rolls of old-age assistance, which assistance they were other- wise entitled to by virtue of existing State and Federal laws; and Whereas the proceeds received by many such owners were made subject to old-age assistance liens, thereby depriving them of their property through no fault of their own: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the Public Lands Commit- tee of the House of Representative of the United States of America request the Secre- tary of the Interior of the United States to make such investigations, surveys, and studies as he deems necessary to enable him to make a full and complete report, with recommendations based thereon, to this committee in regard to the following: (1) The facts and circumstances sur- rounding the taking by the War Department of certain lands belonging to the Pine Ridge Sioux Tribe of Indians or to certain indi- vidual members thereof during the war years of 1941, 1942, and 1943. (2) The procedure used by the United States Government in the taking of such lands including information as to the fol- lowing: (a) Legal rights given to such owners by the United States Government in the taking of such lands. (b) Basis and method of appraisal fol- lowed in determining value of such lands. (c) Opportunity given each allottee for a court determination of value of land taken, and opportunity given each individual allot- tee to he heard directly on the evaluation of his tract. (d) Consideration given in the appraisal of improvements on lands taken. (e) Consideration given in the appraisal of lands taken to such assets as water, water rights, timber, minerals, etc. (f) Variance between value paid for In- dian-owned land and white-owned land taken by the Government. (g) Variance between value paid to owners, white or Indian, who contested condemna- tom receredires ‘r court and those who ac- cena. Gy . appraisal. « ¢. .f mineral rights on State school lands as ewnerrd vith “reserva tion of such righ s -s I:g wr ec land. (i) Buty of the Secretary of the Interior to protect and reserve mineral rights on In- dian lands taken by the Government. (j) Consideration given to relocation and ieee ement of allottees whose lands were aken, (&) Use of unfair or unethical methods in obtaining consent of owners to appraised value and resulting possession of land by the Government. (1) Consideration given to tribal property rights and their reestablishment. (3) The effect of the State social-security law upon proceeds received by such owners, including information on the following: (a) Results of such owners’ receipt of pro- ceeds from sale of such lands with respect to benefits under State and Federal social- security laws. (b) Old-age-~assistance liens that attached to proceeds received from sale of such lands. (4) That, if such owners did not receive just and adequate compensation for lands taken; that measure of damages which would adequately compensate them for the lands taken, including costs in removal to another location, and complete assimilation. (5) Comparison of present status of both tribe and allottees with status before lands were taken by the Government; be it fur- ther Resolved, That the said report and recom- mendation, together with the supporting data on which the same is based, be made available to the Public Lands Committee of the House of Representatives as soon as prac- tical, but not later than the opening day of the first session of the Highty-second Con- gress. Py Oem The American Way—How May We Improve It ? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES G. POLK _ OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. POLK. Mr. Speaker, the Ameri- can Legion, Department of Ohio, spon~ sors annually an Ohio high-school essay contest on some subject of public in~ terest. This year the subject was the American Way—How May We Improve It. Approximately 75,000 essays were submitted. Out of this number 12 were selected as winners and the 12 high-~ school students who wrote them were awarded a trip to Washington. Last Monday it was my privilege to have luncheon with the prize-winning Ohio essayists. To meet these young people, to see their bright faces and A3115 listen to their keen, intelligent com- ments on the state of our Nation, was to feel that the future of America is in good hands. To read their essays gave posi- tive proof of that feeling. One of the winners this year is Mr. Daniel Bercik, a student at St. Mary’s High Schcol of Portsmouth, Ohio. To be abie to write a prize-winning essay in this State-wide contest is an indication of outstanding ability and excellent teaching. Daniel Bercik’s essay would be a credit to any American. For a ninth-grade student, a high-school freshman, it is doubly remarkable. I wish to congratulate Mr. Bercik and his teachers at St. Mary’s High School upon his success in this contest. I be- lieve his essay is worthy of the considera- tion of the Members of the House. It is as follows: Tue AMERICAN Way—How May WE IMPROVE IT? “Tt Am an American.” Can any one of us grasp the full meaning of these few words? Whether uttered here or in any of the far corners of the earth, they claim the person making the statement as being a member of our democracy. This country had its origin in greatness. It was founded by men—great men, whose inborn instinct of freedom was insup- pressible. It continued to thrive on the en- ergy and thought of hardy pioneers whose love of freedom was unvanquished. These men of vision wanted the right to worship as they pleased and the right to speak and act without having to fear the consequences, To obtain these freedoms they were willing to go to any length, even to death if neces- sary. As enthusiasts for a new way of life, they were bound together by indissoluble bonds and united in one cause, that of lib- erty—liberty not only for themselves but also for the coming generations who would be the freemen of tomorrow. To maintain this noble heritage, it be- hooves each of us to strengthen our forces in a common cause. We must be willing to sacrifice; we must be willing to fight even as our forefathers fought to keep the American way free from the onslaught of prejudice, bigotry, and racial differences that are con- stantly threatening to engulf it. This is the sacred duty of every loyal and progressive American. To overcome the trials that lie before us, all must follow in the footsteps of our worthy predecessors. Our enemy today is not the enemy which our sires fought. It is not the oppressions of a cruel mother country nor the tyrannical impositions of evil lords, but it is, instead, the infiltration into our Gov- ernment of aliens bent in belief and activity on the destruction of our democracy. Com- munism, socialism, and all the other isms generate ruin to the easy flow of democratic living, unless watched and checked with the precision of the stalwart fathers of our country. We, the children of today, will be the Americans of tomorrow. Every generation has had its great problems to contend with. Because today’s problems are especially great and vital, it is our pride and duty as Ameri~ can youths to provide ourselves with an edu- cation that will be our strength against aggressive forces. The basic battle plan of our present enemies is to utilize ignorance; they prey first on the stupid people of the world who have not the common sense to oppose them. Working for a foreign power or for personal gain, they first aim to dupe the common people by telling them of the Utopia that will supposedly be theirs if they merely join them. If this strategy fails they go underground and there with a surpris< ingly small force do unprecedented harm.
A3116 There they dig at the very root of democracy to undermine it, A menace like this cannot be allowed to gather strength. Its very beginning must be stamped out, As Americans, we demand united action against a common enemy. First we must arouse a conscious realization of our present well-being and security under the American way of life, Then, inspired by the strength of it, we will triumph even as those before us triumphed. We will allow no evil to threaten the heritage we have re- ceived, With our enemy grounded, we will build a bigger and better future for the American way. Reserve Officers EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. OVERTON BROOKS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend and revise my remarks, I include the brilliant address made by Gen. J. Lawton Collins, Chief of Staff, United States Army, at the Louisiana State convention of the Reserve Officers Association of America, held at Shreve- port, La., on April 21, 1950. The address follows: Deeply ingrained in our national philos~ ophy is the concept that it is the responsi- bility of all citizens to defend this Nation in time of danger. It had its origins in the resoluteness of the minutemen of Lexington and Concord who first displayed the cour- age that has been the inspiration for our preparedness ever since. The threats to their security were so immediate and so real that they found it necessary for all to integrate into their peacetime pursuits an individual defensive posture. Our problems today are not too different from theirs—with one ex- ception—the dangers to our way of life are more complex. The minuteman concept is, of course, a de- fensive philosophy, and that is as it should be, The small Army that we have always maintained in peacetime could not possibly be considered a force for aggression. And our civilian components—our Organized Re- serve Corps and our National Guard—are patently defensive forces. Our Army, com- posed of these three components, is—and always has been—nothing more than an or- ganization to defend our homes against the initial onslaught of an aggressor, to provide a continuous examination and research into new techniques and weapons of war, and to form. the nucleus for rapid expansion in time of emergency—and thereby to act as a deter=- rent to aggression—a force for the prevention of war. I recently heard the charge that the Regu- lar Army wanted to do away with the Re- serves. Any clear-thinking American——-what- ever his profession—could not seriously be- lieve such a charge. For we have always considered ourselves in the United States as having one Army, made up of several components. Each component complements and strengthens the others and all are vital to our national security. An offi- cer recently described this relationship as eloquently as I have ever heard i+. He said that there are in the American community today three groups of our citizens who are deeply interested, and who participate ac~ tively in our Army programs: First, those who devote full time to active military serv ice—the professional soldiers who constitute the Regular Army, There is another group of men who do not devote their entire time, and who do not make a full-time career of the Army, but who can devote a large part of their time to national defense. These are the members of the National Guard. Then there is still another group of persons in civil life who do not have the time that guardsmen have to give, but who still want to take an active part in national defense. Our Organized Reserve Corps offers these men a means by which they can contribute to national preparedness. Whatever their degree of prrticination, all three of the components covs..tu.e one Army. That is the reason why, in our re- cent presentation of the Army organization bill to congressional committees, we have asked that there be only one term to desig- nate our Army, and to do away with any differentiation between the terms “United States Army” and “Army of the United States.” The rapport between our three components must be of the highest order, and we must keep it that way. That is the reason why I have taken such an active interest in our new Organized Reserve program. and why I have personally presented 1t lo the Sec- retary of Defense, to Congress, and to the President. So many of you here today fought in World War II, and have kept up with international affairs, that it seems redundant for me to tell you what has happened since 1945. But to place what I have to say about our new Re- serve program in proper perspective, I pro- pose to go back to the end of the war. At that time, as you know, things were confused—-both nationally and interna-~ tionally—as far as military policy was con- cerned. We all thought we were entering upon a period of world peace, and so we did a very natural thing: We demobilized the finest Army, Navy, and Air Force that the world had ever seen. We did not have unification as we have now, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff had not agreed upon any firm unified defense plan for use in the event of an emergency. It was in that atmosphere that the sec- tion V committee, consisting of regulars, guardsmen, and reservists, reviewed the Re- serve ahd National Guard program with a view to coming up with a new postwar pro« gram. In the confused international atmosphere that I have just described, these men were working in the dark, and yet they had to devise a plan under which we could operate until world conditions crystallized. They did recommend a plan which was later adopted, and under which we have been oper- ating for the past 3 years. The plan they formulated in 1945 contemplated about 1,000,000 men in ORC units, plus an unde- termined number of individual reservists who would be needed in the event of an emergency in all components of the Army. The plan they proposed was based upon a concept of a mobilization force that would require a great many divisions in the first year of war. It also assumed the availability of ample funds and a constant flow of trained manpower from the operation of the uni- versal military-training program. Although the plan met certain obstacles, I feel that it made reasonably satisfactory progress. Some 11,000 units, company size or smaller, and 8,000 trainng units were organized, and ap- proximately 120,000 officers and 90,000 en~ listed men were actively participating in the Reserve program. / The major difficulties we encountered in the implementation of the plan were the magnitude of the program and the lack of facilities. The very scope of the program in- “hibited adequate planning and supervision of training. This was further complicated by the inability to provide adequate armory space which in turn limited the amount of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD equipment that could be placed in the hands of units. Naturally, those limitations ad~ versely affected the recruitment of enlisted personnel. Also, events caught up with that program, We gained a better understanding of the in< ternational situation; we adopted unzifica- tion; we obtained definite strategic plans ap- proved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Congress saw fit not to pass a universal military training bill. In light of these new devetnrmente it be« came obvious that our fi bur, ar Re-« serve and National Guard programs had to be revised and brought into consonance with the strategic requirements established by the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The matter of funds is a factor I cannot emphasize too much. We must realize that a@ fine balance must be struck between miuli- tary requirements and the needs of our domestic economy. That is our real dilem~ ma—how to maintain a reasonable military posture and yet not spend ourselves into economic collapse. Our Nation is not at war—but neither are we really at peace, for we must prepare for a war that may be thrust upon us—and yet we are doing this while trying to conduct business as usual in the sincere hope that war will not come. While we are in a period of twilight—this quasi-peace, the police states of the world are in a period of quasi-war in which they are feverishly increasing their strength eco- nomicully, politically and militarily. They have been increasing their advantage in land forces, while at the same time rapidly de- veloping their air and sea forces. Meanwhile, within our own armed forces, we have had to make radical adjustments. With prices and development costs of new equipment rising, we have found it difficult to conform to the real limitations that our national economy imposes. However, I feel that real progress has been made, and is still being made, toward providing effective defense within our means. Every proposed defense activity must be evaluated on the basis of its relative importance and its es« timated minimum cost, because we cannot hope to provide absolute security within the means available to us. Therefore, econ= omy was a very real consideration in the preparation of the new Organized Reserve program. In the preparation of the program, the cur- rent plans of the Joint Chiefs of Ctaff were the controlling factor. The concept of our requirements for the first year of war has been materially modified since 1945, and in- cludes Regular Army and National Guard di- visions which depend upon the Organized Reserve Corps to provide many of the aux- iliary combat supjort units, the great bulk of service s"1pport units, and individuals re- quired for early mobilization. Modification of the over-all stratege re- quirements has also affected the peacetime objective of the Organized Reserve Corps program. In order to provide a program that would conform more realistically to known requirements, to estimated manpower potential, and to current and projected budgetary capabilities, a complete restudy of the Organized Reserve Corps program was initiated in July of 1949, and completed dur- ing November of the same year. The organization established under the new program includes the Active Reserve, the Inactive Reserve, and the Honorary Re- serve. The Active Reserve has two parts, the Organized Reserve and the Volunteer Reserve. The Organized Reserve consists of personnel in units, plus those individuals needed upon mobilization in the units and staff agencies of the Regular Army. The Volunteer Reserve consists of individual offi~ cer and enlisted fillers for the Army; the terms “Inactive Reserve” and “Honorary Re- serve” are self-explanatory. The first step in the reframing of the ORC Program was to insure that in peacetime,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD only those units absolutely necessary for early mobilization were maintained. In general, the restudy indicated that our for- mer goals were substantially correct as a Jong-term requirement for the first 2 years of war and would approximate 1,000,000 offi- cers and men in units. The restudy also indicated that a desir- able peacetime Organized Reserve would ap- proximate 625,000 individuals and a mini- mum Organized Reserve of approximately 867,000 officers and men. This last figure would necessitate maintaining all ORC units at 100 percent officer strength with enlisted personnel at cadre strength. The Regular Army reinforcements would be maintained at 100 percent officer and enlisted strength and the 25 cadre divisions at cadre strength. This organization includes some 9,000 units, In addition to the requirements for per- sonnel in units of the organized portion of the Active Reserve, there must be available on M-day some 130,000 officers and 200,000 enlisted men to reinforce units in being. These individuals constitute the Volunteer Reserve, and are of necessity in the last priority for pay purposes. In this connection, I might add that the President’s budget message in 1951 contem- plates no pay for individuais presently in training units. In the present program, such individuals correspond to personnel in the Volunteer Reserve and, if the provisions of the 1951 budget directive are maintained in subsequent years, will be on a non-pay status. As far as the organization of units is con- cerned in the new program, it is proposed that there be but one required type unit, the cadre type, with provision for advance- ment to fully organized status if funds per- mit of all units except the 25 cadre divisions, This change simplifies the program, and meets our minimum mobilization require- ment for ORC unit organization. One important feature of the new program in regard to units is the carefully considered requirement that they attain a prescribed strength within a definite period of time. Failure to do so would necessitate relocation of the unit in question to a more favorable locality. We feel that this requirement is @ good one, for not only will it encourage Reserve commanders to keep their units above certain minimum strengths, but it Will also insure realistic effective units in localities that can support them on a volun- teer basis. Certainly any sound program for the ORC must provide for the progressive, profession- ally efficient training of individual Re- servists. For this purpose, the new program proposes to establish ORC schools on a na- tion-wide scale, in geographical areas as ac= cessible as possible to Reservists. These schools will utilize instructional materials of the Regular Army service schools, and provide training which is designed to pre- pare the reservist for his duty in the event of war, retain his interest, and give the Gov-= ernment greater returns for every dollar in« vested in the program. TheSe schools will utilize existing governmental installations as far as possible, It is estimated that 334 such schools will be required. We have pres- ently available 275 installations suitable for this purpose. One of the most difficult problems we have had to face in the Organized Reserve Corps since the end of World War II has been the promotion of reservists. As you know, the terminal promotions that were made at the conclusion of the war produced a top- heavy grade structure. Also, the establish- ing of retirement privileges has materially reduced the rate of volunteer attrition. The combination of these two factors has slowed down promotions. Under the new program, this situation will be considerably improved by establishing a stable organization in the Organized Re-< XCVI—App.———197 serve, and a firm strength requirement in the Volunteer Reserve. With these factors established, the Department of the Army is able to formulate an equitable promotion system which provides for advancement and reasonable attrition. Of course, implementa- tion of the system will be so phased as to protect, as far as possible, the interests of the individual, and the full effects will not be evident for several years. As I mentioned earlier, the major ob- stacle to rapid growth of the Organized Re- serve Corps has been the lack of adequate unit facilities. I believe that this difficulty has been considerably alleviated by the new program. The reduction in the number of units and increased construction of semi-< permanent type armories will provide the necessary facilities. Another problem we had to consider in our new ORC program was equipment. Experi- ence has shown that although equipment is available for issue to Reserve units, the unit commanders have, in many instances, been reluctant to accept it because they lacked adequate storage facilities. .The provisions of adequate facilities should over- come this problem. In general, we have sufficient equipment on hand to meet our minimum training re- quirements, although in certain specific cate= gories, there have been—and still are today— troublesome shortages. Of course, these shortages are not unique to the Reserve program, but are common throughout the entire Army. I have been devoting consid- erable time lately to the study of Army equipment problems, and hope that as time goes by we will be able to solve them. The cost of the new program is greater than that of either fiscal year 1949 or 1950. And although we have established several plans for the implementation of the new pro= gram—a 38-year, a 5-year, and a 7-year pro- gram—the attainment of the objectives out- lined in each of them is dependent upon the availability of funds. Because it is closely allied to our Organized Reserve Corps program, I would like to say a@ word about the Reserve Officers’ training program. At present, our ROTC program is geared to produce 22,000 reserve officers a year. These are not solely for the Reserve Corps however. We need Reserve officers on active duty in the Regular Army, and we need this source of new Officers for the Regular Army itself. We count upon getting rough- ly 25 percent of our Regular officers from the ROTO, both from honor graduates, and from competitive tours of active duty. In this way, the ROTC program is a very important part of our plan for broadening the base of the Officer Corps of the Regular Army, as well as producing officers for the Organized Re- serve Corps and the National Guard. In closing, I would like to summarize the advantages of the new ORC program. With simplified organizational structure and forced progression. of units, we expect to have more units actually in being than we had under the old program. With simplified reporting procedures, we will be ‘kept fully aware of the forces available in the Organized Reserve Cotps, and of their state of proficiency. Given that information, we will have a sound basis for estimating and supporting fiscal and equipment requirements, and for planning realistic training that will stimu- late the interest of those who participate. This is a program which I am confident will ensure that the ORC will continue to furnish the reserve strength that has long been one of the bulwarks of our national security. Inherent in our way of life is the potential to survive in a world threatened by a preda- tory philosophy backed up by unprecedented military forces—forces that we could not match for long without curtailing the very freedoms we seek to preserve. Jt is a unique quality of democracy that it inspires its citi- wens spontaneously and voluntarily to inte= A3117 grate into their peacetime pursuits, the de- velopment of the leadership and technical skills that we can draw upon in time of dan ger. The complexity of modern war pre- cludes our doing this in the simple manner of the Minute Men of 175 years ago, but our present-day civilian components pro- grams provide the opportunity for their mod-~ ern counterparts to develop—in the manner of their own choosing, and to the extent of their time and ability—the forces we would need if another terrible conflict should oc- cur. The Mest Dangerous Ism in the World, “Because” EXTENSION OF REMARKS ~ or HON. THURMAN C. CROOK OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. CROOK. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rzc- orp, I include the following article writ- ten by Richard S. Kaplan, historian and service officer of the Gary Memorial Post, No. 17, American Legion, as reprinted from the Hoosier Legionnaire, March issue, by the Labor Beacon of Michigan City. We shall all do well to take cognizance of this veterans’ philosophy so admirably displayed in Because. The article follows: BECAUSE Day by day, my heart has been growing heavier and heavier, and inside of me I’ve been getting sicker and sicker. Reading the audacious boasts and pledges of t leaders of the Communist Party in the United States, most of whom are now “on trial before Judge Medina, that in the event of a war between the United States and Rus- sia, they will support and aid Russia, simply nauseates me. How in the name of heaven can men pos-= sessing the brain of an ant live in these United States and support the ideologies of communistic Russia? As @ democracy, why should we continue to harbor, protect, and tolerate these disloyal creatures? Why do I feel so bitter about these men and all of their ilk? Because I love America, love these United States with all my heart and with all my soul. Why do I love my country as I do? Because my father (God rest his soul) came here from Russia as a young man, flee- ing from persecution and Czarism. He had nothing but his hands, his mind, and a will to learn and work. He found both here. Attending night school (at no cost to him) he learned the English language and the history of this country. He was given the chance to earn his living without let or hindrance, the whole world before him han- dicapped by nothing and no one other than his own will and ability. Because, given the chance, my father was able to own his own little business, practice his religion in his own temple, and raise four children to manhood and womanhood. Because those four children were given a free education, a chance to obtain college educations, a chance to travel and know this country. Because all through our lives we went to bed at night safe and secure in the knowledge that police were in the streets, not to knock at our doors, not to search our homes or to grab any of us and throw us, willy-nilly, into @ dungeon—but to protect us against evile doers. Asleep or awake, each of us knew
A3118 that the power of our town, our country, State, and Nation was behind us, watching over us, protecting us like a loving mother ready to spring at the throat of any who would harm us and to avenge an injury to us through its police and courts. Because in spite of my religion (or because of it), I was able to achieve an honored pro- fession and, like my parents, bring my daughter and grandchild into this world blessed and protected by the same country. Because, when my father—an orthodox Jew—died in Allston, Mass., he was carried to his grave by 10 pallbearers—police officer friends of his in life—all Roman Catholics, came to say their last farewells to their friend. Because I was given an opportunity to serve my country in time of peace and in the armed forces 1n time of war, not because I was forced to do so, but because I wanted to do so. Because none of the events and conditions above presented could have occurred in Com- munist Russia, where the individual 1s but a grain of sand to be blown hither and yon by the faintest breath of the Politburo and its stooges, where the state is god and all, and where the individual is but a servant of the state. Because communism is the drug that destroys the very soul of man, dwarfs the mind of man, and leaves him a pliable tool. Because, having known freedom all my life, I treasure it; and freedom is an unknown thing in communistic Russia, or any country dominated by communism. Anything or anyone who would take away my freedom— freedom of thought, freedom of worship, freedom of expression, freedom to live my life as I wish to live it, so long as I do not hurt my fellow man—I repeat, anything that would destroy that freedom, I hate with all the hatred 1n my heart. Because communism, evil thing that it is, will, 1f allowed to spread and grow in this country, destroy the breath of life as we Americans know it. And though the stooge leaders of communism in this country don’t realize it, they, too, will be destroyed, for they will outlive their usefulness to the com- munistic state, and communism has always preached that that which is not useful to the state must be destroyed. If my father were alive today, he would say, as he said 100 times over in his life, “There is no greater or better country in all the world than the United States. I know. You who were born here don’t ap- preciate a good country. I’ve seen the sleet and the storm and the rain. I can appre- ciate the sunshine—represented by the United States.” Let us all say amen to his words. To those who prate of their love for com~ munism, all I can say is, “I pity you. May I, however, suggest that we in the United States can spare your presence here. Go join the country you love so much; practice your communistic ideology there. We want no part of 1t here.” I love my country. I hate and fear communism, because it has brought fear where only love existed before. Air Age in Agriculture EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) F KON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, in the first session of this Congress, I intro- duced House Resolution 363 which called for an expression of interest on the part of the Congress in the development of an aircraft suitable for agricultural pur- poses. Such an undertaking is being conducted by the A. & M. College of Texas with the help of the Civil Aero- nautics Administration and the Depart- ment of Agriculture at College Station, Tex. Under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, I wish to include the follow- ing article entitled “Air Age in Agricul- ture” which appeared in the magazine section of the Houston Chronicle of Sun- day, April 23, 1950: AtR AGE IN AGRICULTURE (By John Furneaux) Another El: Whitney of the cotton industry or Cyrus Hall McCormick of the grain fields may be in the making at Texas A. and M. this year. There a dozen specialists are working night and day in an effort to perfect an airplane which may revolutionize dusting, spraying, fertilizing, and seeding from the air. Whitney’s gin actually made the cotton farmer of the South. McCormick, with his improved reaper, pointed the way toward prosperity for the grain farmer. And to the farmers of the Nation, and Texas in particular, such a plane as the A. and M. men are now designing may mean dollars in the bank, T-bone steaks on the table, and Cadillacs in the garage. Fred E. Weick, aeronautical engineer in charge of the project, admits that the air- plane’s use in agricultural projects isn’t new. But it is Weick’s intention to perfect a plane which will do what none other before it has accomplished—a plane embodying the characteristics of the slow-flying crafts of years ago as well as some of those of super- speed jets which streak above the earth at unbelievable rates. When the experimental plane is finished and perfected manufacturers will then be able to produce the craft for vital agricul- tural work. Helping Weick with his task, besides the A. and M. experts, are representatives of the Civil Aeronautics Administration, the United States Department of Agriculture, and the National Flying Farmers Association. To do what the researchers at Aggieland are hoping for, the plane must have adequate maneuverability, good visibility, excellent rate of climb, correct distribution by hopper placements, safety, and must he easy to repair. “Some of the planes now in use have these qualities to a degree, but not to the extent we seek,” Mr. Weick says. “And, it takes all of them in their proper balance to attain the field distribution we are shooting at.” “It’s a big order,” admits Weick, a genial 6-footer who practicaly grew up in an air- plane. “And it must be understood that we are purely researchers. We are not promising anything. We are merely hoping to accom- plish what we have set out to do.” That Weick knows his business can hardly be contested when one looks at some of his previous accomplishments. He designed and developed America’s first two-control plane, the Ercoupe; he is credited with the design and engineering development of the low- drag cowling for radial air-cooled engines and the design of the first “spinproof” airplane. He 1s a member of many national com- mittees in the field of aviation, Included are the aerodynamics committee, the industry consulting committee and the propeller sub- committee of the National Advisory Commit- tee for Aeronautics; the Guggenheim Medal ‘Board of Award, Collier Trophy Board of Award, chairman of the contest board of the National Aeronautics Association, the nonscheduled flying advisory committee of the Civil Aeronautics Administration, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD He is a fellow of the Institute of Aero- nautical Sciences and in 1945 received the Sylvanus A. Reed award presented by the institute. The following year he was the recipient of the Fawcett aviation award. Actual work on the undertaking started last August. Since then, the preliminary design of the “workhorse” airplane has been completed and construction started. A “mockup” of the center portion of the fuselage, including the pilot’s compartment, hopper and wing center portion, has also been constructed. Py doing this, the men are better able to visualize the design layout for this vital part of the assembly. Weick candidly admits that the plane will not be a thing of beauty. Rather will it be an “ugly duckling,’ as he expresses 1t, with utility the paramount objective. The low wing of the monoplane will be very thick to provide adequate hopper space, and will spread some 40 feet to obtain a low operational speed and quick take-off. The plane will carry a 200 horsepower engine which is expected to provide for a cross~ country cruising speed of 90 to 100 miles an hour. More important, however, than its cruising speed is accomplishment of the actual work at hand—dusting or spraying, seeding or fer-~ tilizing more efficiently—and to do this, a plane must be able to fly at comparatively slow speeds. “We are shooting at a speed of only 45 mules per hour with a normal load,” Mr. Weick says, “This will be invaluable, we feel, in getting more efficient distribution. Agricultural experts will have a lot of work to do after the plane is in operation, how~ ever, measuring just how efficient it is.” Planes flying as low as 3 or 4 feet above ground obviously constitute a hazard for the 3,000 to 5,000 fliers who are today dusting, spraying, and doing other agricultural jobs. And it was to many of these pilots, their companies and other experts that the A. and M. men went before work was started at College Station. From the hundreds of comments they made, the complaints they registered about present-day equipment, and their ideas about the plane they “would like to have” came the plans which Weick and his asso~ ciates are attempting to put into effect. “A wide view forward and down is im- portant in low altitude dusting and spraying, for example,” says Mr. Weick. “The pilot has to clear fences and trees as well as make turns at low altitude at each end of the swatnu. A good view in the direction of the turn, therefore, is imperative. “Just as necessary for efficiency is a clear view to the rear in order that he may note the effectiveness of his work. It was mainly for these reasons that we selected a low-wing monoplane.” Hopper location in the new plane may be in the wings, or in the plane’s center section, and both locations are to be tried. Every pass over a field must count, and proper distribu- tion is a must if the airplune is to do its work successfully. Two things had to be considered besides this, however, in determining the hopper placement. Many dusts are highly corrosive and can damage metal plane parts, so hopper surfaces are to be treated with special cor- rosion-resisting compounds, If you mix engine exhaust fire with some of the highly flammable dusting compounds, trouble is not only sure, but quick. Plans for the new plane include placement of the exhaust over the low wing. As the distribu- tion system is underneath, Weick fe ls the fire hazard may be surmounted. For vision’s sake, the plane’s cockpit normally would be placed as far forward as possible. But, for safety’s sake, it should be as close to the tail as feasible. To accompjish both factors, Weick and his associates plan on placing the cockpit high
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in the center of the fuselage, above the trailing edge of the wing and behind all loads, which should absorb much of the shock in the event of a crash. From the super-fast jet planes of the stratesphere Weick borrowed the seat for his experimental plane. This seat is so arranged that it may be moved up or down by a control lever. This will be particularly advantageous to the pilot when he is actually working at his task, for in the up position visibility is greatly increased. From the fighter n'sr~. ke borrowed a shoulder harness +7. evo» freedom of movement for the pilot, put has an inertia reel that locks in the event of a crash. The pilot’s body is then held rigidly in position. The new plane also will have its instrument panel farther forward than is customary, to prevent the pilot from striking his head on it in the event of a crash. A rigid pilot’s headrest will provide a pro- tective turnover structure, and guards will be placed in front of the open cockpit to deflect wires and branches over the pilot’s head. If the landing gear of the plane should come in contact vith wire fences or tele- phones wires, a special, sharpened leading edge of the supports will cut the wires rather than allow the plane to become entangled. A. and M., with its 39 agricultural experi- ment stations, was a logical choice for the plane experiment, for after the task of de- veloping it is completed it must be field- tested and the results tabulated. Engineers and funds for the plane are being provided by the CAA, while the United State Donertmrent of Acriculture is provid- ing its re och “¢.2 cs and the advice of its plant and insect experts. “The end of the year may see the plane in the air for the first experimental flights,” Mr. Weick says. “But it may be some time after those initial flights before we are ready to get to work on the second phase of our project, that of actually plotting results in the field.” Meanwhile, Weick is getting In some per- sonal flying time daily. Every morning he climbs into his silver monoplane at the small airport at his home and flies the 24% air miles to A. and M.’s Easterwood airport where the project is be- ing conducted. Morning mail for the Weick family is de- livered by the engineer at lunchtime via the same plane. Back to work after lunch and bome again each night in the plane is standard routine for Weick. “It’s monkey business, I guess,” the 6-footer says. “But, after all, I have to practice what I preach, don’t I?” Refreshing Words in Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANGIER L. GOODWIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. GOODWIN. Mr. Speaker, many of us acknowledge to a profound sense of futility in attempting to have put into practice what so many of us have been so diligently preaching, namely, the crit- ical necessity for reducing Government expenses. I have been pleased to note that the Mobile (Ala.) Press-Register has editorialized along this line and I include herewith that editorial under leave to extend my remarks: REFRESHING WORDS IN CONGRESS In these times, when the people are being soaked for burdensomely heavy taxes to finance a Washington orgy of waste, it is re- freshing to hear a Member of Congress speak as Representative A. L. Goopwin, of Massa- chusetts did on the floor of the House one day this week. It is regrettable that more Members of Congress are not speaking in the same fashion about the opportunity and need for reduc- ing the cost of the Federal Government. “We all know,” Mr. Goopwim told his col- leagues, “that there are m-—> ¢---los**ons and overlappings in the .«. -7et ‘> of government, and we all know ‘that waste and extravagance is ever present. “We also know that practically every gov- ernmental department and agency is over- staffed * * *. “I know of no way to economize except to economize. I know of no way to cut ex- penses except to cut. I feel that the temper of my own people is such that they will not be satisfied with my representation of them in Congress if I preach economy and fail to practice it * * “I propose to be consistent and vote for every reasonable saving which can be made. “I know of no other way in which I can demonstrate that I have been sincere when I have warned my people back home that we are headed for national financial disaster un- less we can call a halt im reckless Govern- ment spending and do it now.” There must have been those among Con- gressman Goopwin’s colleagues who squirmed guiltily at the sound and shock of his words. For what he said (whether so intended or not) has the quality of 2 sharp dressing-down for the element on Capitol Hill which never gets any closer to economy than lip service brings it. At no other time in the history of this country has there been greater need for sound economy in Federal Government. Yet in spite of this fact, the cause of economy is being treated with more lip service on Capitol Hill in Washington today than ever before. The Nation’s taxpayers, unjustly burdened to foot the bill of Washington’s spendthrift didoes, see a great deal of congressional shilly-shally about economy. In far too many instances, a declaration of interest in reducing waste is followed up by votes to * hand out money for bureaucrats to waste. In short, too many in Congress are giving economy the lip-service treatment—declar- ing themselves in favor of economy but fail- ing to stand up for economy when the show- down arrives. Centenary College, Shreveport, La. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OVERTON BROOKS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, down in Louisiana, in the Fourth Congressional District, which it is my privilege to rep- resent in Congress, today the people are celebrating the one hundred and twen- ty-fifth anniversary of the founding of a great institution—Centenary College of Louisiana. This college was estab- * lished at Jackson, La., and through the years it has developed and grown and continued to function as a great beacon light of higher learning in the United A3119 States. It is one of the oldest institu- tions in the country; and it is the oldest in the State of Louisiana, in point of service. AS a proud citizen of Louisiana and of the Fourth Congressional District, I ex- tend my sincerest congratulations to the trustees, president, and faculty of Centenary College of Louisiana upon reaching this notable milestone in the long tour of active educational leader- ship in service to the people of the United States. Through the years, ben- efactors, leaders, and teachers of Cente- nary have shown brilliant moral leader- ship and service to the Nation, Throughout these years they have ex- emplified the admonition taken from the Scriptures, “Go ye therefore and teavh all nations.” The history of tre college—the oldest west of the BMississippi River—has been @ unique one. Beginning and operating as a State-supported school for 20 years, then as a college under the sponsorship of the Methodist Church, the institution has survived the vicissitudes of the years, including three great war catastrophes. Through the devotion and fortitude of dauntless and sacrificing friends, the col- lege survived the poverty and difficulties resulting from the War Between the States. Of the Centenary students who joined the Confederate Army, it is said that every member of the senior class gave his life for the southern cause. In these formative years, Centenary College was builded by hard-working, earnest American leaders, who entertained the belief that education should be broad and refining and tolerant. In the early part of the century, the college was moved to Shreveport, La.— an honor and distinction to this city which its citizens fully appreciate. We of Louisiana, and the Fourth Congres- sional District, are proud of the sons of Centenary who have filled the highest positions in our State with credit end dis. tinction. Centenary’s contribution, how- ever, rests not only on the achievements of her sons and daughters. The people of Shreveport realize the importance of Centenary College to the community, and are justly proud of the enriching contribution it has made both to the State of Louisiana and the Nation. We are grateful for men like Dr. George S. Sexton, who steered the college through some of its most trying times. His hope and dream of seeing a financially strong Centenary College is now being realized. On this one hundred and twenty-fifth anniversary, Centenary College has many things to make it proud. Both its faculty and students have won recog- nition in scholastic attainments, re- sponsible citizenship, and Christian lead- ership. Centenary has a faculty whose ability and educational leadership is not surpassed by that of any school of its size. Graduates of this great school have been recognized by the institutions of the country for their preeminent abil- ity and influence. Centenary College’s first 125 years have been filled with the sorrows of three shattering wars as well as the joys of peace. Today she stands as a living symbol of American ideals. She faces a
A31206 richer future than her founders ever dreamed of~—a future of leading our young people along the paths of truth; of impressing them with honesty and integrity in their lives as well as in their thinking; and of inspiring in them con- fidence, fortitude, and patience in order that they—tomorrow’s leaders—may measure up to the responsibilities of our increasingly complex civilization. This beacon light of learning on the banks of Red River in Louisiana has made a real contribution to our society throughout its history—an even greater future is within her grasp. The Power To Destroy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FREDERIC R. COUDERT, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. COUDERT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following editorial which appeared in the Hearst papers from coast to coast on April 4, 1950: THE 1950 CAMPAIGN IlI—THE POWER TO DESTROY It was John Marshall who cemented into our jurisprudence the admonitory maxim— “The power to tax involves the power to destroy.” In the case before him, the great Chief Justice was concerned with a State tax levied upon a Federal institution. Wisely he held that a State could not be permitted to tax a national institution out of existence. What would John Marshall say today of the disquieting fact that State and local government are in the course of being ex- tinguished by Federal taxation and Federal bribes? Originally, and, of course, before there was a socialistic confiscatory income tax, the United States Government financed itself sufficiently out of customs duties and a few excises, Virtually all other tax sources belonged to the States and their political subdivisions. The unlimited income tax introduced the evils of unlimited Federal spending. And to feed the increasingly ravenous Treasury, the Federal Government began to invade—in effect, to confiscate—tax revenues that were necessary for State and local government, Moreover, to make the thievery palatable, or better said to buy the unsuspecting peo- ple’s assent, the Federal Government adopted the trick of sending back to the States, and in some instances the communities, part of the money which the Federal tax collectors had taken away from them—itself reserving the rest for its own support and purposes. This reallotment was called Federal aid, and a little of it was justifiable. But it has grown into an enormous racket which, unless checked, will surely enslave the States and make this country a total bureaucracy. According to Representative Freperrc R. CounperT, Jr., of New York, the Federal Gov-= ernment takes in billions of dollars from the States and sends only a portion of it back— to do things that the States could do “better and more economically” for themselves. For along with the Federal rebates goes Federal control, steadily diminishing the areas of State and local self-government. And the political wastage 1s tremendous— approximately $5,000,000,000 a year simply disappears in bureaucratic legerdemain. In its noteworthy statement of principles the congressional leadership of the Republi- can Party proposed the only remedy for the dangerous condition. It proposed a nonpartisan commission to survey the whole field of taxation, and to recommend a sensible redistribution of gov- ernmental functions and sources of revenue among Federal, State, and local governments, so as to secure the sovereignty of the several States with as much decentralization as is compatible with the national welfare. As one of the party leaders, Representa~ tive CouprerT has introduced legislation, giv- ing this Democratic Congress an opportunity to act. Unless the Congress does act, the question should be made a prime issue in the 1950 campaign. The Republican slogan is Liberty Against Socialism. . And— “The surest way to socialism,” Representa- tive Couprrt warns, “is excessive expenditure and destructive taxation.” Farmers on the Auction Block EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHAUNCEY W. REED * OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28; 1950 Mr. REED of Dlinois. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RrEcorD, I include the following edi- torial from the Batavia Herald, of Ba- tavia, Ill, which appeared in its issue of April 21, 1950: FARMERS ON THE AUCTION BLocK Further evidence that our approach to difficult problems these days is from the auction~block standpoint was given Mon- day evening by Allan B. Kline, president of the American Farm Bureau Federation, ad- dressing the annual farmers’ dinner of the St. Charles Chamber of Commerce. Mr. Kline, in a masterful address, de- scribed present-day conditions of the Amer- ican farmer, the legislation that is now on the staSute books, how it got there, and what the federation believes should be fu- ture policy in keeping with the general American economy, At the moment there are two camps in the thinking being done about a farm pro- gram. Mr. Kline and his Farm Bureau Fed- eration are in one camp; Secretary Brannan, of the Department of Agriculture, is in the otier camp. Mr. Kline emphasized the dif~ ference in the philosophy of the two groups, an their approach to a stable farm policy. Both groups seem to understand that the present system of high-farm supports with its destruction of foods is never going to win acclaim from the rank-and-file citizen. Mr. Kline believes passionately in the free- dom of the American farmer, and the Fed- eration is proposing a support program that gets away from the present 90 percent of parity to a more elastic formula that will follow crop productions closely. Secretary Brannan has trotted out what js generally known as the Brannan plan, modeled closely after the program for farmers APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that England has had for some years, and which we understand is not only costly but has already deprived the English farmer of much of his independence and freedom. Under this plan the farmer would continue to get the high supports of present-day leg- islation, the consumer would buy the prod- ucts in the market place at a low price, and the American taxpayer would pay the differ- ence between the two systems. The farm bureaus resent Secretary Bran- nan’s open lobbying for his plan. Brannan is swinging wildly, hitting in the clinches, and using every device known to entrenched officialdom to further support for his Bran-~ nan plan. Mr. Kline made it very clear Monday even-~ ing that Congress, and Congress alone, makes the laws, that the administrative branch of Government—that includes Secretary Bran- nan—has only one job to do, and that 1s to carry out and administer laws passed by Con- gress. Mr. Kline stressed the imperative need for high-class men in Congress, and an end to politicians on the Hill who vote subsidies to farmers or any other powerful group in exchange for votes at the polls. The prob- lems of today are too serious, said the farm leader, to continue a system of auction- block legislation, that we must have a new approach, an approach from the standpoint of the national welfare, and not from the sel-« fish welfare of any pressure group. In a radio-telecast program Sunday aftor- noon Secretary Brannan, speaking from Washington, stated that Kline, in opposing his program, is ‘‘Talking through his hat, ag usual.” He evidently feels that Kline doesn’t know what he’s talking about. In his Fox Valley appearance Monday night, Mr. Kline gave every impression that he is a remark-~ ably well-informed man. He talked like a real statesman. He seems much more inter- ested in how farmers eat, rather than how they vote. We are inclined to think that he is much closer to solid ground than is the Secretary, and we believe American farmers think so. The St. Charles Chamber of Commerce is to be congratulated for having brought to the Fox Valley such an outstanding man ata time when there is mich confusion in our think- ing on the all-important subject of farm legislation. A Pay-as-You-Go Proposal for Pensions EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS CASE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. CASE of South Dakota. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing statement of Emily Cuyler Ham-~ mond before the Senate Finance Com- mittee, March 23, 1950: Mr. Chairman, my name is Emily Cuyler Hammond. I am here as a private, indi- vidual American, representing no other indi- vidual or group, to testify against H.R. 6000 on the basis of 19 years’ study of social secu~ rity at home and in Europe. I am at present preparing a book on security or freedom in America, Mr. Chairman, I shall give you, if I may, first a résumé of the rather unique experi~ ence from which I draw my conclusions; second, the reasons I believe the Social Se= curity Act to be a misnomer and H.R. 6000
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to offer no real security; and, third, an out- line of recommendations for a self-support- ing, pay-as-you-go, American pension pro-« gram. In 1931, when the depression posed the question of what to do ahout those who could not take care of themselves, I went to Germany, on my own account, to investigate the whole field of social security from the point of view of the individual. I chose Germany because, since Bismarck started the social insurance movement back in 1883, the country had had time to assimilate its benefits; and the principle of insurance, it seemed to me, was more consistent with American tradition than the dole. I con-~ fidently expected to find the contributory German system a shield to human dignity as against the humiliation of public -relief, WEIMAR WELFARE REPUBLIC After studying the Bismarckian social in- surances at the University of Heidelberg, I made an investigation of those laws in opera- tion in a number of the great industrial centers, in cities, small towns, and rural areas. I interviewed government officials in charge of the various programs on the Reich, province, and municipal levels; and in- spected their institutions, hospitals, low- cost housing projects, work-relief projects, work camps, or whatever. I talked to poli- ticians, doctors, employers, and labor lead- ers. Most important of all, I talked to people covered by the laws. ‘Wherever possible, I lived in workers’ houses or in the home of some other Reich beneficiary or pensioner— pecause I wanted to find out the impact of these insurance laws on the individual Ger- man. BUYING OFF THE OPPOSITION The first thing that impressed me as sig- nificant was that German social insurance was insurance in name only. In reality it was a money-raising device on the one hand and a Reich-subsidized hand-out on the other, given and taken as a right in exchange for freedom of action. Government officials looked upon “das volk,” as unable to take care of themselves. Generally speaking, they assumed that the more Reichsmarks they were able to dispense in subsidy to industry and agriculture and in benefits to the people, the less trouble there would be. As Bismarck had introduced social insurance to buy off labor revolt spearheaded by the Socialists, so Weimar’s social-democratic and successive leftist regimes liberalized social insurance in an attempt to buy off Communist or Fascist revolution. In 1981 and 1932, Bruning’s center party was caught holding the bag. “The vast majority of the Germans with whom I talked, concerned with the admin- istration of the so-called social insurances— with a few notable exceptions—expressed their own selfish interests. The enormous, ploated bureaucracy whose members owed their jobs to the system was for it at all costs. The higher the official the rosier the glasses through which he viewed the welfare state. PRESSURE-GROUP MOTIVES Employers were divided and profoundly disturbed. For the most part they clung to the belief that social insurance was the pur- chase price of labor peace—and cheap at that, if it gave value received. But with the de- pression, the increasing burden of the repub- lic’s insurance and welfare taxes had become so intolerable as further to reduce over-all production and everybody—employers, em- ployees, and beneficiaries—had smaller pieces of the pie. Desperate employers watching the growth of communism in their factories, among the ranks of the unemployed, and in the Reichs. tag, and listening to a mountebank promis- ing to put the ancient German gods to work to start the wheels of production again, com- mitted the crime of backing Adolf Hitler. Labor leaders, who had abdicated their effective power by advocating Reich respon- sibility for the workers’ welfare, boasted that it was really trade-unionism that had brought the social insurance into being, com- plained that the government was not doing enough, but had no solution to offer as to how it might do more and remain solvent. All these donors of social security deluded themselves on the people’s reaction. The people, the beneficiaries of so much for so httle, reacted quite differently from what was expected of them. FREEDOM FOR SALE During those last years of the Weimar Re. public’s existence, the average German, I discovered, was not a free human being whose dignity was protected by his alleged insurance right to assistance in case of ill- health, unemployment, disability, or old age. He was a state serf, cringing and conforming in the presence of officialdom; carping and cheating behind the back of the law; doing the minimum required of him; devoid of personal initiative; incapable of independent reasoning; blaming the government for everything that went wrong. And no won- der. CJ The average German under the Weimar Welfare Republic, did not have to think for himself or plan for his future. He was de- pendent on the fatherland directly or in- directly for his vocational training, for his employment and unemployment compensa. tion; for his, his wife’s and his children’s health; for any accident or disability that might befall any of them; for his old age; for his burial; for his survivors. Having to make few important decisions for himself in day-to-day life, he would hardly be expected to know what to do in time of crisis. Just as his wife and his children could have little respect for the husband and father who ran to the govern- ment for every need, so in turn he could have litle faith in the paternalistic state un- able to solve its own problems. The father- land’s various social insurance funds had been broke so often that the fiction of re- serves was no longer taken seriously. But when the government exhibited its innate weakness by ruling by edict, the confused and harassed serf naturally turned to whom- ever most convincingly promised him a way out of his dilemma. POLITICAL TRICKS COME HOME TO ROOST Mr, Chairman, I am convinced that Bis- marckian social security in its political de- ceit, basing rights on token contributions, robbing the people of initiative and respon- sibility, reducing production by back-break- ing taxation, necessitating ever more cen- tralized government controls, was the essen- tial underlying cause of the failure of the Weimar Welfare Republic—and incidentally of Hitler’s rise to power. In December 1933, after making a com- parative study of security under the Nazis, I came home, and in August 1935 witnessed, to my horror, my country following in the footsteps of Germany, embarking on a course I felt to be fraught with disaster. The So- cial Security Act was sponsored by men and women wanting to do good by their fellow men. Yet there seems to be not the slight- est question of the wisdom of adopting a for- eign concept or of copying a foreign system in extravagant detail which, however utopian it sounded in theory, had been proved in practice to be economically unsound. When- ever I brought up the point of the collapse of the Weimar Welfare Republic, the an- swer was: “Oh, that could only happen in Germany. The Germans are sheep. It couldn’t happen here—or anywhere else.” SAME CAUSE, SAME EFFECT In July 1937, I went back to Europe and from that time until the war brought me A3121 home again, I made a comparative study of social security in its social, economic, cul- tural, collective, and political aspects in France, Germany again, Poland, Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland, Italy, Albania, and Greece. Everywhere, I found “that the same cause resulted in the same effect: To the extent that a government took responsibility from the individual through social security, to that extent the individual had lost his personal freedom and initiative. Social security was the barom- eter of dictatorship. Since the war, I have made surveys in a number of States, to gather material for my book. Wanting to estimate the effect of Bismarckian social. security on the individ- ual American, I Lave talked to beneficiaries in their own homes, usually by a random ringing of door bells in working-class dis- tricts. After allaying the initial dreadful suspicion that I might be a social worker coming to spy and after taking an oath that I would never divulge identity, I have en- countered remarkable candor. Although Europe was suffering varying de- grees of depression when I made my studies there, and we have been enjoying relatively high employment here, nevertheless I have the uncanny feeling that I am redreaming an old dream. There is the same sneering at the government for not giving enough, the same boasting of chiseling with the easy “Everybody else gets away with it, why shouldn’t 1?” But there is a difference. There are still Americans who would rather suffer hardship than either undergo a needs test or cheat to get something for nothing. There is also a healthy questioning as to whether the law itself is not unjust and whether, after all, it would not be better to exchange alleged future security for an honest dollar. INSECURE DEMOCRACY Iam opposed to the present Social Security Act and to H. R. 6000 because OASI is un- American economically and ideologically. It will lead to statism here as it did in coun- try after country in Europe—unless it is stopped now. Mr. Chairman, I submit, we cannot enact laws which undermine indi- vidual responsibility and expect to survive as a free people. I shall not dwell upon the fictitious OAST fund; the fact of double taxation, the bur- den on industry passed on to the consumer in inflationary prices; the expense of an expanding bureaucracy tending unnecessary wage records; or the precariously mounting costs of H. R. 6000. I should prefer to con- centrate on the effect of the injustices of the act on the individual American. UNJUST LAWS MAKE DISHONEST PEOPLE OASI is dishonest in principle and per- formance. Its avowed purpose is to protect the dignity of the individual. It proceeds to try to fool the individual into believing that, by its compulsory contributions, he is paying his own way for security and old age. This is not true. The people in increasing numbers know it. And their dignity is not protected by the pretense. On the contrary. There is neither dignity nor justice in a $20,000 windfall—a hand-out from the pub-~ lic purse—to a $50,000-a-year executive em- ployee. And the same goes for the hand- outs right on down the line to the unhappy compulsory contributor who misses ‘insured status” by half a quarter and has to undergo a needs test to qualify for assistance. According to the Federal Security Agency, . at the end of 1949, of the 80,400,000 pérsons who had contributed into OASI, 36,700,000 did not have insured status. Even under the wider coverage of H. R. 6000, “fifteen or so million” of the gainfully employed will re- main uncovered—not to mention those who will lose or never acquire “‘status.”
A3122 UNFULFILLED PROMISES In other words, OASI fails of its purpose: As a hand-out, 1t u:dermines the self-respect of those who can save for themselves and offers no protection to those who need it most. This creates doubt in the minds of many people as to the justice of the law. Why, they ask, should some who Lave worked diligently all their lives, have to undergo the indignity of a needs test, while others may receive windfall benefits whether they need them or not? Why should contributions ever have to be forfeited? Why should the Government want anyone to stop working? Mr. Chairman, we cannot have unjust laws and honest citizens. LET UNCLE SAM Do IT Public assistance, financed by Federal grants-in-aid, is deplorable for three reasons: (a) the needs test; (b) dangerously in- creasing costs; (c) dangerously increasing Federal penetration in a field I believe the fathers of our country never intended the Federal Government to enter. I take it to be axiomatic that in a free society the individual earns his own bread and butter. When the individual fails, his family looks out for him; when his family fails or he has no family, his church or his community takes over; when his church and community fail, the State takes over; and when the State wants more money, it cries to Washington. The number of representa- tives of State agencies who have come here professing a desire for more grants-in-aid, is an indication of the failure of the family, the church, the community, and the State. The more Federal money made available for the needy, the more needy there will be. Eventually, the more there are depending upon the Federal Government, the less Fed- eral money there will be. There will come a day of reckoning, as there has come to every other welfare Stato in history—unless, of course, we stop letting Uncle Sam do it and do it ourselves now. We Americans as individuals have already delegated too many of our prerogatives. The delegation of love of our neighbors and of Kindness to our neighbors’ crippled children and other disabled members of our commu- nities is, in fact, impossible. Love and kind- ness cannot be reduced to a benefit formula, nor to a price of living budget. Assistance should stay with the local community and receive not a penny of Federal aid. UNDERMINING INDEPENDENCE The H. R. 6000 redefinition of employee and proposal to include the self-employed under OASI would only undermine the inde- pendence of that many more of our citizens and hasten the day of an American welfare republic. Disability allowances as proposed by H. R. 6000 would bring the Federal Government into private homes in an unconstitutional manner, and constitute strike one to social- ized medicine. RECOMMENDATIONS Mr. Chairman, because I do earnestly be- lieve that we as a nation are well on our way to losing our birthright of freedom, lured by the illusion of security, I respectfully ask your committee’s consideration of the fol- lowing recommendations: I. That the present Social Security Act be repealed in its entirety. I. That the present Social Security Act be replaced by an honest responsible pay-as- you-go system under which: A. Every American citizen would pay an income tax of 8 percent on the first $5,000 of income, without exemptions, for aid to the aged, B. Every American citizen at the age of 65 would receive a flat amount, tied to the changing cost of a bare living—$35 a month to start—without a means or a work test. ae C. State and local agencies would have the responsibility of caring for the disabled for orphans and children in broken homes; and of subsidizing especially needy cases of aged. D. The individual would have the responsi- bility of saving—by whatever means he saw fit—for his old age and his survivors. He would be free to work as long as he is able, to contribute to his own and his neighbor’s fuller life. III. That a special commission be ap- pointed to make an exhaustive study of the costs of a universal, nondiscriminatory, democratic pay-as-you go system of aid to the aged; and of the possibility of keeping both the necessary taxes and payments down to the State level. It is true that State in- come tax set-ups would complicate the prob- lem of interstate payments. But so is de- mocracy more complicated than dictatorship. OPPORTUNITY FOR SECURITY Cutting through the thickest of complex- ities of OASI—the benefit formulas, the qual- ifications, disqualifications, inadequate con- tributions, increment factors, windfall bene- fits, innumerable discriminations, and who has a right to what—our problem is simply this: r We want to make decent provision for those who cannot take care of themselves, without undermining the responsibility and initiative of those who can. There is a very fine line which divides too much from too little assistance. Too little means poverty, disease, death. Too much means serfdom. It saps individual self-respect and initia- tive, breeds indolence, and eventual revolu- tion from the right or the left. The small tax credit I suggest for all American citi- zens at the age of 65 would serve as a mar- gin of error. It would be a first line of protection for those who had little or noth- ing. It would eliminate the temptation to cheat and to beg for more and more and more from the Government because the working and producing taxpayers in a pay- as-you-go system would always outnumber the voting recipients. It would not under- mine incentive to work or to save but would return responsibility to the individual where in a free country it belongs. In the long run it would be cheaper, more efficient, more equitable and more democratic. Mr. Chairman, I wish to express my appre- ciation and thanks for the privilege of ap- pearing here today. Eliminate “Iron Curtain” in Northern Ireland EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 21, 1950 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following article by Thomas Dorgan, clerk, Suffolk Superior Civil Court, which appeared in the Boston Traveler, Boston, Mass., Tuesday, April 25, 1950: Dorcan DEMANDS FREE IRELAND—UnrceEs Srupy Berore FurTHER AID TO GREAT BRITAIN Is GRANTED (By Thomas Dorgan, clerk, Sutolk Superior Civil Court) The amendment proposed by Congressmen Foacarty, LANE, MANSFIELD, KEATING, DoLLIN- GER, and Javirs to House bill 7797 provides that before we furnish any more economical assistance to Great Britain, we should care- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fully examine the iron curtain in the north of Ireland which was placed there by that self-styled defender of freedom and liberty— Great Britain. The question is asked by all sincere, peace- loving, democratic people, “What is this iron curtain? We thought the Kremli . comspira- tors were the only ones who had an iron cur- tain.’ Well, it is the mutilation, or cutting up, of one of the homogenous nations in the world. Ireland was always regarded as one nation, clearly defined and bounded by the hand of God. Even before the Christian Era, Ireland was recognized as a single unit and that unit has survived for thousands of years. In 1914, at the beginning of World War I, Premier Asquith of Great Britain promised the Irish people, in return for their assist- ance during the war, absolute home rule at the end of the war. Great Britain took the field in World War I for the freedom of small nations. Premier Asquith said, “‘We are fighting to vindicate the principle that small nationalities are not to be crushed by the arbitrary will of a stronger and overmaster- ing power.” Because of Premier Asquith’s pledge, 300,- 000 Irishmen went to war and over 50,000 of them were killed in battle. But, after the war was over, Ireland was given the old har- poon by one of the greatest quarterbacks England ever produced—Lloyd George. For instance, this was one of Lloyd George’s de- ceptive plays. In a lateral communication by quarterback Lloyd George from the fa- mous T-formation, to Sir Edward Carson, a notorious British Tory from the north of Ireland, sent from Whitehall on May 29, 1916, he said, ““‘We must make it clear that Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge in the rest of Ireland.” CHARTERS FLOUTED Such a statement might be expected from the Kremlin conspirators but not from the self-styled peace-loving and liberty-loving Great Britain. In World War ITI, people were led to believe thet they were brought into conflict for the salvation of civilization and in behalf of liberty and democracy to vindi- cate the Atlantic Charter and the “four free- doms,” and to maintain the freedom of small nations against an aggressor or any other tyrant. We know now that the Atlantic Charter and the “four freedoms” were just simply words. There is, at the present time, more slavery, more dictatorial rule than ever in the history of mankind. lf other nations, and there have been plenty, pleaded for help from America—it was graciously given. Why, then, not Ire- land’s cause? We must not forget that mil- lions of young men and women of Irish descent were led to believe when they took the field in World War I and World War II that liberty and freedom would be granted to all nations, whether big or small. Just imagine, even though Ireland was strictly neutral in World War II, over 275,000 Irish volunteers went into the army, navy, and air force of Great Britain. No such per- centage of nondrafted men offered them- selves for any other country in the world. And for the information of Sir Basil Brooke, the Tory Premier for the north of Ireland who is now paying us a visit, the southern part of Ireland received 12 Victoria Crosses from the British Government. This decora- tion is equivalent to our Congressional Medal of Honor. Irish heroes also received thou- sands of other decorations from the English Government—and this is all part of the record. It is also a matter of record that there was no conscription in the English-dominated counties in the north of Ireland, and the only Victoria Cross awarded in that part of the country was given to an Irishman—not a Tory.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The only way to crystallize publie opinion on this important resolution is to contact your Senator and Congressman by telegram or letter asking them to record themselves in favor of this bill at the hearing Friday before the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, JoHN KEE, House of Representa- tives, Washington, D. C. Explain in your telegram or letter that- you think the flow of American taxpayers’ money to Great Brit- ain should be stopped until such time as the iron curtain in the north of Ireland is elim- inated. Thomas H. Buckley, commissioner of ad- ministration at the state house and presi- dent of the American League for an Undi- vided Ireland, will represent Massachusetts. American Security at Midcentary EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ELBERT D. THOMAS OF UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 1 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. THOMAS of Utah. Mr. President, on Saturday evening, April 29, 1950, at the forty-fourth annual meeting of the American Society of International Law, Administrator Paul G. Hoffman of the Economic Cooperation Administration delivered an address entitled, “American Security at Midcentury.” Mr. Hoff- man’s appraisal of his country’s position among the nations of the world, his re- flections on America’s leadership and her aims as they are inspired because of the responsibilities of that leadership, make his remarks not only timely, but of uni- versal interest. I therefore ask that the address be printed in the Appendix of the RECORD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: AMERICAN SECURITY AT MIDCENTURY (Address by Paul G. Hoffman before Ameri- can Society of International Law, Wash- ington, D. C., Saturday, April 29, 1950) The theme of your meeting—American security at midcentury—brings us face to face with a question of overwhelming sig- nificance not only to America but to the en- tire world. In the past 2 years I have visited many countries. I am here to testify that all the free world today feels that its security is de- pendent upon the United States. The emi- nent Earvard historian, Dr. Arthur M. Scheslinger, recently said that the most im- portant development of the first half of this century was the reluctant acceptance by the United States of world leadership * * * our emergence as one of the two world pow- ers fated to shape the future of mankind. I hope Dr. Scheslinger was correct in stat- ing we have accepted our new responsibili- ties. Assuming that he is correct, I know that he is also right in stating our accept- ance was reluctant. Few of us welcome our new responsibilities.» Few of us enjoy them. Not all of us even now entirely grasp the fact that we must accept them and handle them wisely: or let the fate of the free world be decided by. Communist Russia. That is one side of the coin. I suggest that we in America turn the coin over and take a look at the other side—a new look at the rest of the free world. The day is past when American security can be preserved by American action in America alone. The time has come when we must stop thinking about theo free na- tions of western Europe and the other free people of the world as charity cases. We must start and start now thinking of them as vitally necessary allies in this titanic struggle between the slave world of the Kremlin and the free world. There can be no American security in midcentury unless there is security for the other nations of the free world. In view of the fact that the United States has been cast for such a vital role in this struggle with the Kremlin, the first ques- tion we should ask ourselves is, How strong is America? Strength, of course, cannot be built in a day. It is the result of growth. It is my be- lief that Aiserica has been growing steadily stronger during the past 50 years to a degree hardly realized by our own people. To be sure, the general inclination, both here and in the rest of the world, is to look back on the first half of the twentieth cen- tury with a shudder. No less a personage than Winston Churchill, speaking at the mid- eentury convocation at MIT referred to this terrible twentieth century. Theolo- gians, philosophers, novelists and politicians have echoed that sentiment. The welcome the world gave 1950 sounded more like a wake than a celebration. It is true that terrible things have hap- pened. A world-wide depression brought hardship and misery to tens of millions. Two of history’s most devasating wars left vast areas of the world’s surface in ruins. And peace, a secure peace, has eluded us. Terrible, yes, and terrifying, but that is not the whole story. If you will accept as the basic criterion for progress the enhance~ ment of opportunities for men, as individ- uals, to grow and develop, materially, intel- lectually, and spiritually, a good case may be made for the period as the most fruitful in history. And that is the only criterion we dare use. A nation is only as strong as its peopie are strong. Using this test, America’s past 50 years shape up remarkably well. The first half of the century has brought a great enrichment of opportunities. Let us take a quick look at what has hap- pened. In 1900 the material benefits of our eco- nomic system were largely limited to those born on the right side of the tracks. The vast majority of other people led very aus- tere lives. Today there isn’t any other side of the tracks. Millions enjoy comforts and conven- ljences unknown even to the most fortunate 50 years ago. Not too long ago Fortune mag- azine directed an inquiry to thousands of persons throughout America asking to what class they thought they belonged, upper, middle, or lower. Almost 90 percent rated themselves as belonging to the middle classs. I doubt if at any time in history there has been a country in which so small a percent- age of the people considered that they be- longed to the upper or lower class. Opportunities for great numbers of peo- ple to achieve material benefits from any economic system are largely the results of the capacity of that economy to produce and dis- tribute wealth. ‘In that respect these 50 years in the United States have seen the most startling progress in the history of man, ‘We have become the richest, most productive nation on the face of the earth. And how did we do.it? Well, between 1900 and 1950 we steadily increased effi«- ciency of production. We used more and more machine power. We invented work-sav-= ing machines and became skilled at using them. Year by year we made better and more goods at lower costs. A3123 With mass production came mass mar- keting and mass consumption. The indi- vidual’s opportunity to enjoy the material benefits of our expanding econcmy increased enormously. The national income, in dollars of the same purchasing power, soared from $50,000,000,000 to $225,C00,000,C00, an increase of 450 percent. In the same pericd our popu- jation rose from approximately 75,000,CCO to 150,000,000, an increase of only 100 percent. In the manufacturing industries, wages in- creased from about 20 cents to $1.40 an hour. The number of jobs went from 27,560,0C0 to about 60,000,000. Intellectually the enhancement of educa- tional opportunities opened the dcor to a fuller life for millions. Sumner Shchter of Harvard recently said that few periods in the world’s history had made more rapid pregress in breaking down the barriers to education. Back in 1890, to use some of his statistics, only 1 out of 14 children between the ages of 14 and 17 was in school. In 1945 the proportion had grown to four out of five. The number of high-school graduates has in- creased about 13 times as fast as the popu- lation and the number of college graduates six times as fast. It is not so easy to gage spiritual mat-_ ters since they are at once the most im- portant and most intimate part of any in- dividual. But surely it can be counted as @ spiritual gain that we have passed from a smug disregard for social conditions to a lively awareness of our responsibilities toward our fellow men. Back in the early part of the century it was rare indeed for anyone even to advance an argument that there should he equality of work opportunities for all, regardless of race, creed, color, or sex. Today, whatever our practices may be, we, at least, concede the validity of that concept. And our chil- dren accept it without reservation just as they accept as a fact of life the brotherhood of man. ° And underlying all this progress is the determination of our people that our Gov- ernment should be one of laws, not of men. That, of course, is fundamental. To quote the distinguished British political scientist, Sir Ernest Barker, “itis * *° * the foun- dation of foundations. When you have the rule of law, the individual knows where he is; he knows where he is today and where he will be tomorrow.” That is my case for America * * * America strong and growing stronger. Now let us take a look at Europe. I can speak with authority only of the nations we are serving * * * the free nations of western Europe. To help in the restoration of their strength has been ECA’s particular assignment over the past 2 years. General Marshall, himself, gave a report on the progress of the program recently, stating that “a near miracle has been ac- complished.” I will not quarrel with so dis- tinguished an authority. Translating that “near miracle” into hard facts, we find that, in the past 2 years, industrial production in western Europe has risen to 20 percent above prewar. I use the phrase carefully when I say that what has een accomplished here is spectacular. The remarkable speed of the recovery pace can best be appreciated if we remember that after World War I, in which the destruction of industrial facilities was much less than in World War II, it took these same coun- tries 7 years to restore levels of prewar out- ‘put. , . Agricultural production as a whole has been brought nearly to the level of prewar and, given favorable weather conditions, will reach the prewar Ievel this year or exceed it, This means, in human terms, that the western Europeans today have a generally adequate diet, that they can feed and clothe their children and that they are at work.
A3124 And they are working hard. * A fact which the production figure dramatizes. But a near miracle is not enough. We will need a full sized miracle to complete the job. In my opinion, it can be brought about but only if the European people are given an opportunity to realize on their full potentialities. Let us look back. Until the turn of the century Europe was the undisputed center of world trade and commerce. The conditions in which Eu- rope’s modern economy grew great were a substantially free trade throughout Europe, a free movement of labor, and a substantially free movement of capital. Because Europe was, in effect a single market, within the limits of the then-existing knowledge and techniques full use was being made of Eu- rope’s resources. Competition exercised 2 relentless pressure on costs, and stimulated a continuous search for new and more efficient methods of production. As a consequence of these benign condi-~ tions trade among the countries of Europe and between Europe and the world increased geometrically. Wealth grew so rapidly that European capital flowed out in a great stream to high-yield, productive enterprises throughout the world, stimulating still fur- ther demand for European manufactures. And with minor exceptions, there was real peace among nations. For 50 years—up until recently—Europe has been in the process little by little of de- stroying these conditions of its economic greatness. The break-down of the European security system that accompanied the rise of German power late in the last century drove the nations of Europe to increasing po- litical and economic nationalism. The na- tionalism was intensified after the First World War as each nation sought to solve the prob- Jems of economic reconstruction along lines of national self-sufficiency. Tariff barriers were raised to heights theretofore unknown. Then came the world depression, and in- stead of attacking the problem of growing poverty by cooperative measures, each nation in Europe tried to solve it by beggaring its neighbor. Tariffs were no longer sufficient. The absolute trade restriction came into be- ing in the form of import quotas and ex- change controls. These rigidly determined the amounts of goods that could move in international trade, and sharply reduced the influence of the competitive process on the flow of trade. It was only behind absolute trade barriers that Hitler was able to create a synthetic gasoline industry and a synthetic rubber in- dustry. It was only behind the most rigid trade barriers that Hitler was able to con-~ vert the German economy from the produc- tion of butter to the production of guns, If the European economy had been inte- grated, with its resources used in the most efficient manner, with trade flowing freeing from one unit to another, neither Germany nor any other country would have been able to put itself into a position to sustain an ef- fective attack on its neighbors. This strangulation of intra-Huropean trade over a long period by artificial trade restric- tions practically eliminated competition in Europe’s basic industries, thereby destroying a fundamental condition of increasing pro~ ductivity. It caused a deficient and inef~ ficient use of Europe’s resources. And, fix nally, it provided a barrier behind which an aggressor twice prepared for war against its neighbors. These were the facts and this was the sit~ uation confronting the western European na- tions when, with our help, they began their recovery drive. This is the background of ECA’s insistence . that economic integration is a “must” if * * western Europe is to regain her economic strength and to stand on her own feet, inde- pendent of extraordinary outside * * * our * * * assistance. The goal we and the western Europeans have set is the building of a single market of 275,000,000 consumers in which the goods and services produced by mass production can move freely and in which the people can enjoy a high and rising standard of living. Then, and then only, will they be com- pletely immunized against the false appeal of communism, There are, of course, other factors essential to the restoration of western European strength. The “dollar gap” must be prought within manageable proportions and here we, in America, have a contribution to make be- yond just material aid and advice. We must accept the hard fact that we must sell less and buy more from western Europe. There is little appeal in such a program Lut it is the only alternative to continuing our aid at heavy cost to the American taxpayers—or let- ting the Emopean economy collapse at a heavy cost to our hopes of winning in the present struggle to preserve the free world. We in ECA are fully aware of the difficul- ties involved in attaining our goals. To again quote General Marshall the 2 years before us—those between now and ECA’s termination date—will be the most difficult of all. But, looking at America, I see not the slightest reason for discouragement, We can and will attain the goals set for the Marshall program. We can and will win the cold war once we understand its significance, This is a new kind of war. It is essential that we understand that, too. We are in- clined, I am afraid, to think of wars exclu- sively in terms of shooting. Modern war is fought on four fronts—economic, informa- tional, political, and military. We are just learning how to fight on these first three fronts. And our methods, I am deeply convinced, are appropriate to our goal—an enduring peace in which all men live in decency and dignity. On the economic front we have provided food to relieve hunger. We have provided tools to make work possible. We are teach- ing modern methods in order that modern tools may be used effectively. On the information front we are fighting lying propaganda with truth and nothing but the truth, From the outset our goal has been to tell the Marshall plan story so that each, European—and each free citizen—would un- derstand his stake in the recovery effort. We have sought in every way possible to get the truth to the peoples concerned. We are con- tributing to the rebuilding of confidence and hope. Our goal is people who are free and strong. On the political front—well, the western tradition, for all its heresies, has had one constant feature, its concern with freedom. Their physical strength restored, I do not think we need fear the political surrender of the western Europeans. This is the Kind of war we can afford to fight. We cannot afford not to fight it. The full 4 years of the Marshall plan will cost us something less than $15,000,000,000. What it would cost to fight a cold war in southeast Asia I do not know. I do know, however, that it would be a comparatively modest fig- ure, and I do know we cannot afford not to spend it. The kind of war we cannot afford to fight is a shooting war. Former Secretary of the Army, Gordon Gray, said, not so long ago, that World War II will have cost the United States $1,300,000,000,000 before the last due bill has been met. What world war IIT APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD would cost no man can say. We might well pay for it in the total destruction of our civilization. The free nations of western Europe cannot win this struggle alone. They need our aid and comfort, but it is also true that we need them. Long ago, the poet, John Donne, said that no man is an island entire unto himself. That can be said with equal truth of nations. Today, America is strong, prosperous, blessed above any nation on earth. But she is not an island entire unto herself. The security of America—the security of our friends and neighbors overseas—calls for the drawing together of all the free nations, economically, militarily, and politically. Together, but only together, we can win this cold war and build a peace so strong and enduring that no aggressor of today or potential aggressor of the future will dare to violate it. Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. IRVING M. IVES OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 1 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. IVES. Mr. President, I ask unani- mous consent to have printed in the Ap- pendix of the REcorp a statement by the Governor of the State of New York call- ing upon the people of the State to join in the observance of CARE Week, which is the period from May 1 to May 7, inclusive, in recognition of the very im- portant humane activity which has been and is being carried on through the Co- operative for American Remittances to Europe, better known as CARE. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the REcorpD, as follows: EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, Albany, N. ¥. STaTEMENT BY GOVERNOR DEWEY It is inspiring to know that the people of our country have sent more than $100,000,- 000 worth of food and other articles in- dividually to the people of war-torn countries in the past 4 years through the Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe, bet~- ter known as CARE. The packages sent in- clude food, blankets, clothing, and books. They have been sent not only to Europe but also to the Philippines, Korea, Israel, Pak- istan, India, Japan, in fact to all areas which suffered from the ravages of the war, This generosity has been of an entirely voluntary nature and is exercised aside from the large sums we have contributed as a nation for the rehabilitation and recovery of overseas countries, on the Government level. CARE enables us as individuals to make these gifts as a matter of direct and personal help and as the expression of our friendship. To call attention to this important humane activity, the period of May 1 through May 7 is being observed as CARE Week. I am sure the warm-hearted men and women of the State of New York will join in this observance with special response to this appeal.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Hon. Herbert Hoover’s Suggestion About Reconstitution of United Nations EXTENSION OF REMARKS EON. HERBERT R. O’CONOR OF MARYLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 1 (legisiative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr, O’CONOR. Mr. President, the re- cent suggestion of former President Her- bert Hoover that the United Nations be reconstituted without Russia and her satellites has raised, and will continue to arouse, considerable discussions. There was a very splendid study of the Hoover suggestion in the Baltimore Sun- day Sun of yesterday, written by Mr. John W. Owens, which, because of Mr. Owens’ long experience in the field of journalism, and his wide knowledge of matters of which he writes, will com- mand respect and attention far and wide. I ask unanimous consent that the ar- ticle by Mr. Owens be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: [From the Baltimore Sunday Morning Sun of April 30, 1950] Rack BETWEEN IpEAs AND HaksH EVENTS (By John W. Owens) Whether or not the United Nations shall be reorganized without Russia and her satel- lites, as suggested by Mr. Hoover, probably will depend less upon opinions than upon events. There is wide diversity in opinions. Some men of wide experience and of un- challenged devotion to the cause of peace think advantages of the United Nations as now organized outweigh disadvantages. Apart from various achievements, which they count as material, though far short of the goal which was set in San Francisco 5 years ago, these men think the United Na- tions provides a forum which is as valuable in world debate to the West as it may be to the East. They also cling to the hope that out of the nonshooting war will come ul- timately some kind of balance between West and East and they think that in that hoped- for hour of balance the United Nations as now organized may provide a meeting ground for settlements. Bordering all such theories are various ideas of union or federation of nations, some limited to the West and some more ambitious, which could, in theory, be adjusted to the framework of the United Nations. And, of course, there are opin- jons in the west of Europe which are not by any means at one. There could be prolonged argument be- tween men who hold such ideas and those who would follow Mr. Hoover’s opinion that direct, swift action should be taken in reor- ganization of the United Nations without the Communist states. But, in existing con- ditions in the world, events may on any day decide for the United States and the West, not only what they should do in organiza- tion, but what they must do. In putting the Marshall plan through Congress, the Italian election of April 1948, and the danger that Italy would go Communist in a popular vote, was worth many many speeches in explana- tion of General Marshall’s program. Russian pressures accelerated adoption of the Atlan- tic Pact. Russian pressure almost overnight converted a skeptical Congress into one vig- orous in provision of arms for Europe. Con- ceivably, events in Berlin in May could make decisions for the West about the United Nations. And another crisis may lurk be- hind that expected in Berlin. With the germ of Mr. Hoover’s idea, doubtless millions of people in the United States mentally grapple every day in the midst of indescribable confusion. The germ is this question: How to build close, firm unity in the West? Call it regional coopera- tion or union or federation. Organize it inside the United Nations or outside. Con- tinue to hope for neace with Russia or pre= pare for war with Ruc a Short of war, count upon ultimate balancing of relations with Russia or count upon continual match-~ ing of armed strength Whatever the wrap- pings, doubtless millions of people daily grapple with the question of ways and means in establishing unity in the West—hoping rather desperately that they may have oppor-~ tunity to hammer out conclusions before events take the question out of their hands. In the first place, the necessity of such unity speaks for itself. If there were abso- lute unity there would be no assurance that on some fine day Russia would not send her armies into the west of Europe and take her chances on what we could do to her own cities in retaliation. But, up to this time, Russia has not taken this course. Possibly she thinks she has done too well without war to invite risks. But as Russia maps her course there can he little doubt that she would be impressed if close, firm unity could be achieved in the West. On top of what has been done in hurried measures of ccopera~ tion—in adoption and execution of the Mar- shall plan, in formulation and development of the Atlantic Pact and its military corol- lary and in virtually daily exercise of im- ponderable habits of consultation—the at- tainment in actuality of close, firm unity of the west would become a major fact in Rus- sia’s calculations. She would face, not an array Of allies who are still awkward in com- mon action, but a coherent force which would be capable of decision. In the second place, such unity would give some promise of reducing the burden which the United States carries—relatively, if not absolutely. There never was reason to think that, once the world became divided, the United States could escape the burdens of being the principal treasury of the West and the principal arsenal. In the months immediately following adoption of the Tru- man doctrine 3 years ago, great numbers of people seemed to think that we could throw down the gage of political warfare to Com- munist Russia and then go in for business as usual and politics as usual. Billions piled on billions for national defense and for military and economic aid to allies have dissipated that delusion. But we are entitled to think that, if nationalistic divisions of the West could be subdued in an actuality of unity our partners would gather enough strength and confidence to reduce, at least, our rela- tive responsibilities as treasury and arsenal. The reason that millions in the United States grapple with this question of unity and see only modest progress—while events rush ever onward—is that deep-rooted na- tional barriers seem at times almost insur-~ mountable. Take one illustration. There can be but scant hope of close, firm unity if nations of the west are engaged in economic warfare among themselves. All political, so= cial, religious, and racial divisions could be subdued in principle, but unity would fail if there were economic warfare. At that point another question appears. How are the na- tions to live in economic unity if they keep tariff walls? Specifically for Americans: How are nations in Europe to live in unity with us if, after we stop giving grants, we refuse to allow them to sell us as they buy? Some A3125 day, if time is left us for rational decision, we may discover that we must make broad adjustments in our industrial life—perhaps with governmental aid—in order to achieve the economic unity, which is « sential to the whole unity of the West, which is essential to our safety. Reply of the Brooklyn Tablet to Mr. Friendly’s Article in Washington Post EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 1 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, last week I inserted in the CoNGRESSIONAL Recorp an article from the Washington Post, written by Mr. Alfred Friendly, dealing with the activities of a Mr. Alfred Kohlberg in connection with our China policy and the current controversy con cerning that policy. In the body of that article there was some reference, which escaped my notice at the time, to the Brooklyn Tablet, a publication of the Catholic diocese of Brooklyn. I did not and do not now vouch for the accuracy of Mr. Friendly’s remarks, nor can I vouch for the accuracy of articles printed in the Tablet or in any other newspaper. But I know Mr. Scanlon, the editor of the Tablet, to be an extremely able news= paperman. In comment on Mr. Friend- ly’s article, Mr. Scanlon wrote a letter to the editor of the Washington Post, The Post printed that letter on April 28. I ask unanimous consent to insert Mr. Scanlon’s letter as printed in the Post in the Appendix of the Recorp, so that I may be, as I desire to be, perfectly fair to all persons. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recor, as follows: TAasLetr’s ANSWER Alfred Friendly in your issue of April 23 misrepresented in an intolerant manner, the Tablet, the official publication for the diocese of Brooklyn, which comprises one and one~ quarter million Catholics. Mr. Friendly asserts I was a sponsor for a dinner given to Archbishop Yu-pin, of China, in the Hotel Commodore, New York. What was wrong with that? I am willing to be a sponsor for any bishop of my church and particularly for one being persecuted in his own country by tyrants. Your writer asserts the Tablet follows the Father Coughlin line. Father Coughlin has been*out of public life almost 10 years; I have no seen him in 15 years and only occa- sionally hear of him. What is the Father Coughlin line? I do not know what it is or if any exists. But I believe the name of this priest, who has been out of the limelight SO Many years, was used by your reporter as the same sort of smear attack the Soviet exercises when it desires to manifest its antipathy to champions of human rights. Your writer states the Tablet “gives aid and comfort to the intemperately reactionary elements on the American political scene.” While the same charge has often been made in the Daily Worker, it’s new to find it in the Washington Post or any representative
A3126 American publication. We are curious to know who Mr. Friendly considers the intem- perate reactionary elements to whom we give aid and comfort. Of one thing you may be sure, it is not the group who put Alger Hiss, Judy Coplon, and 92 perverts on the Federal pay roll. Paterck J. SCANLON, Managing Editor, the Tablet. BROOKLYN, N. Y. Proposed Extension of Federal Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY P. CAIN OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 1 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. CAIN. Mr. President, she Senate Committee on Banking and Currency has just concluded a week of hearings on the Federal rent-control-extension question, and the House Committee on Banking and Currency will begin com- panion hearings on Monday of next week. In an effort to provide both com- mittees with information and opinions in support of letting the 1949 Rent Con- trol Act expire on its termination date of June 30, 1950, I ask unanimous con- sent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp three letters which have re- cently come to my desk. The mayor of Salt Lake City relates the benefits which came to a relatively large American city after decontrol. The other two letters were written by American veterans who are entitled to an opportunity to speak for themselves. There being no objection, the letters were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Satt LaKe Corp., Salt Lake City, Utah, March 22, 1950. Hon. Harry P. Carn, United States Senator, Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: My attention has been invited to the prospective discussion on the theme, Should Federal rent control be continued? in which you have been invited to participate. It occurred to me that you may appreciate hearing our point of view at Salt Lake City was one of the so-called larger cities to de- control. Our population at this time in the metropolitan area numbers about 2°0,000. Decontrol took place the first part of August 1949. Immediately, as controls were removed, there seemed everywhere to be a re- lease of the restraints that, I sincerely feel, for years, has reacted negatively against all property ownership. I realize that such a statement may be of little value to you as it is just one of the intangibles. However, may. be 1 can translate this reaction into some- thing more helpful. From August 1, 1948, to March 1, 1949, there were 1,039 building permits issued. During the same period from August 1, 1949, to March 1, 1950, there were 1,222 building permits issued or an inercese of 1714 percent since decontrol. However, for Janu- ary and February of 1950, there were 290 permits as against 165 for the same 2 months in 1949, or an increase of 75,7 percent so far this year. In the matter of real-estate sales, the ac- tivity of the last 5 months of 1949, when controls were lifted, was 261 sales greater than during a comparable period in 1948 when controls were on. Our over-all rent increase on the basis of dollar average has been $6.48, according to our Bureau of Labor Statistics report. You can imagine the relief to the mayor’s office the removal of controls has been. Our setting up of a rental housing office met the issue. The employees were busy in that Office for the first few weeks and then 1t tapered right off. It was soon apparent that by far the large majority of callers were simply shopping around. This past week one of our largest opera- tors voluntarily reduced the reni.ls in one of his largest and finest medium-priced prop- erties $10 per apartment. Several important apartment properties are now in the late planning stage and some are well on the way in construction. There are also many lesser undertakings in the apartment field which will help us appreci- ably to meet the rental issue. The greatest relief which has come to this Office is the cessation we now enjoy from evictees pleading for help. In 1948, for in- stance, there were 369 eviction notices and 27 writs of restitution. In 1949 the evic- tions had dropped to 307 and the writs of restitution had declined to 22. The great showing of decrease, however, is being noted this year. For the months of January and February of this year there were only 19 eviction notices as compared with 49 for a comparable period the year previous under control. The outstanding feature of this entire achievement is the return to a more cordial feeling between our citizens, owners and renters. The dire forebodings which were predicted as to happen to me have not transpired. We are living and working under the American manner fully grateful for free private enterprise which, incidentally, is the only enterprise in our beloved country which is self-sustaining. If this modest statement seems to you significant, in any way, you are at liberty to use it. Very truly yours, Earn J. GLADE, Mayor. NEw ORLEANS, La., March 28, 1950. Dear Sir: I am writing you this letter in reference to the coming rent-control hear- ing. We bought a plece of rental property 2 years ago and have invested $11,000 on vari- ous improvements to date, however, our OPA approved rent at present is $20 per month less than the 1943 ceiling on this same prop- erty. Iam a totally disabled veteran of World War II and have invested all our savings in- cluding the loan provisions of the NSLI and private loans in these improvemeats. If it were not for my retirement pay we would not be able to pay taxes and keep this property going on the present rents allowed by the Housing Expediter. We therefore urgently request that you vote against any extension of rent control. Any of the above facts can be substan- tiated by myself or the local rent office. Sincerely, C. L. Epwarps, Lieutenant (Junior Grade) USNR (retired). Hon. Harry P. Carn, Senator, State of Washington, . Washington, D.C.: May Lintroduce myself? My name is Rich- ard Lenington. I am 31 years of age, mar-~ ried, a veteran of World War II, with 4 years’ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD service in the Air Force, and 22 months of overseas duty in the South Pacific. I work in the property-management department of White & Bollard, Inc., in Seattle, and live in an apartment under rent control. I am writing to you because I feel that in my job I have an excellent opportunity to see the actual workings of rent control and yet I am not a property owner and my opinions are not formed by any prospect of personal gain. Iam in truth a married veteran with the usual problems and hopes of all veter- ans, and my job is a means of a livelihood as is any other veteran’s. The facts and opinions I offer are honestly given and I sincerely believe without prejudice, except as a citizen of the United States who is an advocate of private enterprise and per- sonal liberty. Iam against rent control, and I shall try to explain my reasons for this stand. As a veteran I object, because I believe it works against the best interests of the vet- eran in spite of the stand of the VFW in favor of rent controls. In the years since the beginnig of the war low-rent housing has been taken over by people who were not required to give up their homes in the defense of our country. Rent control has enabled and has, in fact, forced the con~- tinuance of this condition. People who have their housing subsidized, which rent control in truth provides, naturally will not move nor can they move because the law of hous- in, turn-over has been practically nullified. Many apartments and other rental units are now occupied by people who are not normally renters. They have been able to sell their houses at high prices and by in- fluence, exclusive listings, etc., have been able to secure low-cost rental accommoda-~ tions to tide them over until the price of houses decline and they buy back at lower prices and thus make a tidy profit. The veteran who has no influence or an exclusive listing to offer has no opportunity to com- pete for the few vacancies that do occur. Instead, he is forced to buy the house at the high price in order to find a place to live. I have friends that are veterans who would gladly pay a nominal increase in rent if these lucky people who would not consider such an increase as good business would again own their tomes instead of renting. The same condition existed in the automo- bile busincss under OPA, when the dealers required a used car as a trade-in as a price for buying a new car. If the veteran didn’t have a used car to turn in, he didn’t have much chance to buy a new one. I have people come in and tell me that they have, for example, a two-bedroola apart~ meat which is much too large and they would like a small one in another location. Others have small ones which they would gladly give up for a larger one. With the freedom of movement, available if economic laws were allowed to function, these adjust- ments would take place of thelr own accord. I have painters, carpenters, applance dealers, etc., call on me every day seeking business. I have tenants who would gladly pay more rent if they could have their unit decorated or new appliances added, or the outside painted, or better service, all of which provides employment. Under rent control these two demands are not allowed to function. Millions of dollars of business are lost every year, because if you miss a year of decorating, you can never make it up. I don’t know how long some buildings can go without proper upkeep, but I do know that many have eliminated several com- plete decoratings that would normally occur. Landlords are not as a rule large property owners. We all know that thousands of land- lords only own from one to three units. They are, in fact, in the majority. When people talk about landlords who do not suf~ fer under rent control they certainly are not considering the small operators, but rather,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the large ones who perhaps can afford to let their buildings depreciate in order to show a profit. I have seen many houses and duplexes where the loss of 1 month’s rent uses up an entire year’s profit. These fac- tors are not a primary concern of mine in this issue, however, because I believe this to be a risk of any business, but I do feel that a great injustice is being done to the small property owners when such statements are made. My next point applies to Seattle because this is where I know the facts. I have found it necessary to advertise for as long as 3 weeks to rent a duplex that rents for $50 a month. This also applies to apartments that rent for $30 and $40 per month. The reason? They are located too close to the colored district. Certainly, I have received 10 to 30 calls per day for these units but how can anyone claim there 1s a housing shortage if the units are not taken because of location. The price charged for the units is not the reason because they are under rent control and the same units located else- where that rent for $57 rent with no trouble. When renters in this bracket object to loca- tion I cannot believe that a housing short- age exists any longer. I further have been running as many as eight vacancies per month for brand-new duplexes which have ranges, refrigerators, de luxe Bendixes, full basements, landscap- ing service and complete maintenance. Ad- mittedly, the rent of $77.50 per month is rather high, but the facilities offered are excellent. The prospective tenants for this class of rental are able to shop around and are able to be extremely choosy. After each vacancy we are forced to completely deco- rate the apartment, which is as it should be. The rent on these units will soon have to be lowered to under $70 to meet competi- tion which would indicate to me that there is no longer a real shortage of housing. If rent controls were lifted I am convinced that the so-called shortage would soon fade into oblivion. In fact, I sincerely believe that rent control in effect does a favor for property owners that they fail to appreciate. It practically eliminates turn-over and the cost of continued decorating. Good service and clean apartments are not necessary be- cause normal competition is eliminated. It is becoming common knowledge among man- agement men in Seattle that the honeymoon is over and those of us who have any prop- erty to rent other than the very best or extremely low-priced units are finding rental and collection problems quite prevalent. The only justification I can see for the belief that continued rent control is neces- sary is fear—fear for their jobs on the part of the employees of the Housing Expediter and fear through lack of knowledge on the part of the rest of the advocates of such control. The union men in this city who are in any way affected by the operation of rental units will tell you privately that they know that the need for rent controls is past but that the policy of their parent organ- izations guide their public utterances and for some reason the word has come down to oppose decontrol. ‘Therefore, they are afraid to say what they know is true. If the administration fears that decontrol and the resulting competition in the rental business will destroy the rent scale of the 608” apartment loans, let them say so, but to talk about chaos and shortages as a pre= text for continued controls is not fair to the American people. Any shortage that exists is caused by the very existence of rent control and even then is a very minor thing. This fact can be proved to anyone who cares to investigate without bias. Senator, may I compliment you on your stand on this issue. You know the facts as well as I do and better. For my part, I have merely tried to explain the thing as I see it every day in the actual business of renting. I know that it’s hard to make others believe the truth when so many powerful forces in government seem to have made up their minds that political expediency demands that they support this false cause of rent control. The many people who will be provided with work decorating, remodeling and pro- Gucing needed appliances and fixtures for our neglected rental units support you. The thinking tenants and prospective ten- ants who want a decent place to live or a competitive chance to find a place to live sup- port you. Property owners who want the chance to improve their buildings and man- age their businesses in the American way support you. The real-estate firms and salesmen who want to sell homes to people who should be owning their own homes sup- port you. The veteran who would like to take the apartment vacated by such people support you, in spite of the dictates of some politically-minded clique who claim to speak for the veterans. Socialistic-minded individuals and groups will oppose you. Big unions who for some reason unknown to me, think that stifling a large sector of prospective jobs is good busi- ness will oppose you. The administration, which is guided by political expediency and has a pyramid of interests to protect, will oppose you. Senator, believe it or not, some property owners who fear competition, rent- ing costs, increased maintenance and decor- ating costs and who Enow that decontrol will bring back the many problems of renting units under a free economy, will offer oppo- sition by the very fact that they will not give you active support. I believe the cause is just. I believe in the wisdom of the people and their elected repr-sentatives. I believe that because ours is a free society and because competitive business will always bring better results than a controlled economy, your fight will be a successful one. I wish you Godspeed. Very truly yours, RicHaRD LENINGTON, Seattle, Wash. Strengthening the Spiritual Values of American Democracy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 1 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the ConGRESSIONAL REC= ORD a@ memorandum which I have re- ceived from C. E. B. Ward of the League for the American Home, Inc. Mr. Ward is a prominent religious leader who is asking to impress upon American par- ents the fact that after all the American home and the American chuicr. should work inseparably in strengthening the spiritual values of our democracy. There being no objection, the memo- randum was ordered to be printed in the Recor, as follows: ALERTING THE CLERGY Alerting the clergy is an appeal to the clergy of all faiths for a Nation-wide crusade for daily Bible reading and prayer in Amer- ica’s homes. The appeal is addressed to the clergy, the spiritual heads of the church and Nation, to A3127 whom the public looks for spiritual guid- ance. Without whose active, expert leader- ship, Nation-wide observance of family devo- tions 1s hardly possible. The enperl is based on the conviction that daily “s:2le reac.ig and prayer in our homes would unlock and develop untold latent spir- itual potentialities. Release the most dy- namic force the world has known. Power for implanting faith in our children, reviving the church, building the character necessary far citizenchin in a democracy. Power for “tom t nn - crime, divorce, immoral- ity, irreligion. Power to create sufficient moral force to enable us as a Nation to imple- ment our full responsibility in international leadership for creating and maintaiming peace on earth. Such stupendous, miraculous results in- evitably follow the simple practice of daily Bible reading and prayer in our homes be- cause it means reaffirmation and rebirth of obvious, fundamental principles which made us a great Nation. Truisms learned in child- hood, tested through experience, common sense, psychology, and the Bible, but forgot- ten, buried by neglect, materialism, and trivialities. For this conviction we suggest four ob- vious reasons: Homes are the divinely created human welfare agents. Religious instruction of the child is pri- marily the parents’ prerogative and respon~ sibility. The child has the same capacity for the spiritual as for the material. The dynamics of diminutive forces. I. HOMES ARE THE DIVINELY CREATED HUMAN WELFARE AGENTS God set the solitary in families Dr. E. Stanley Jones’ personal message given me for America, calls the family the most nearly perfect cooperative social unit, therefore nearest the kindom of God. Roger W. Babson believes a father and mother of character living normally together with their children do definitely more in making a strong nation than Presidents, governors, legislators, educators, or clergy- men * * * and settle the character and destiny of the child for time and eternity. Lin Yutang asserts that the final test of any civilization is the type of husbands and wives and fathers and mothers it turns out. A Japanese Buddhist after touring Amer-= ica’s scenic wonders declared, “The ‘it’ of America is the American home.” In theory Americans give top priority rating to homes. Out of 40,000 personal in- terviews with representative Americans for a cross section of public opinion and for ex- pert counsel, not a dozen dissented from our thesis concerning the supreme importance of home values. This truth was taken for granted. ‘You don’t need to sell us on this idea’”* was heard everywhere. But unanimity of opinion does not mean alert, concerted action to strengthen the place of America’s homes in the modern social order. There is a lack of adequately 1 i , organized public effort on behalf of right functioning home life. The overwhelming weight of public support is given to count- less welfare agencies scattered over the country. For example, of $52,500,000 con- tributed 1 year by 122 leading American foundations to charitable, educational, and prilanthropic institutions, not $1 was re< corded as given to any movement definitely working for more stable home conditions. Yet, the New York Times editorial warns, “Without homes, the primal source of all health and education, the billions of philan- thropy must be powerless. Better give the -home a chance than spend increasing Dbil- lions trying to correct errors that might have been avoided if only 5 to 10 percent of money lavished on ixustitutions were invested in homes.”
A3128 Men create an ever-increasing number of agencies—institutions. Some are indispen- sable for organized community effort to meet existing social conditions. Others, sin- cerely—though futilely—attempt to substi- tute for the home’s tragic failure. Institutions reclaam—homes prevent A clear cleavage exists between institu- tions and homes. Institutions heal, cure, restore, and reform; ald the sick, the poor, the neglected, and the delinquent. Insti- tutions deal with youth, usually en masse, through agents, on a secular level, using reclamatory methcds. In families, parents personally care for their own children in- dividually from infancy—and if homes are religious, in a spiritual atmosphere—for the prevention of social ills. Decades ago, Amiel in his journal pleaded for keeping pure the human stream of 80,000 newborn babes daily pouring sweetness into the world’s corruption and defilement. To keep clean this increasing stream of newborn innocence is better, faster, safer, cheaper, and more thrilling than later in life to wash out disease, -mzrora‘itr, unbelief, and crime. To homes, cspecia.l~ tc mothers, belongs this fascinating preventive role. Upon the clergy rests a unique responsibility and opportunity for directing the execution of this high service. It 1s significant that the United States Department of Labor reports “an almost complete breakdown of hitherto approved methods, painstakingly worked out” for moctir~ +he needs of youth. ‘Lvs wr. . as God and Nature created it, when prepared for its task, seldom if ever fails in its unique service. Train up 4a child in the way he should go and when he is old he will not depart from it. Homes fail when inadequately equipped or when lax in performance of duty. A notably successful home experiment The 100 percent effectiveness of spiritually inspired homes was demonstrated over a period of 18 years in 20 specially created small-unit Marvel House homes with 2,600 teen-agers of all social strata, 30 national- ities, and 10 major religions whom Mrs. Ward mothered as her own sons. This proved J. Edgar Hoover’s reiterated assertion that “The only solution for delinquency is old-fashioned homes, religion—and family prayers.” A large percentage of these youths were headed for or had actually come under the courts as so-called delinquents. Only one is known to have come afterward under court jurisdiction. All had been hazy regard- ing their future. Nearly all found their vo- cations. Few had had any previous religious training or cared to attend church. How- ever, all participated voluntarily in our daily family prayers, and most of them became Christians. J——~ caught the spirit of work. I——, gifted as humorist, cartoonist, and actor, found his niche. F- was groping, though fitted by nature and choice for scientific re- search. C—— shook off the gang whose whistle had sent him out nightly on crim- inal raids. M-———~ learned how to pray— could not sleep until he had said his pray- ers. Hell’s Kitchen boys begged for a beat- ing rather than be suspended from Marvel House home privileges. Youth, from many nations in the First World War, never ceased wondering at the spirit of unity and brotherliness among themselves while their fathers and brothers were fighting each other in many lands. Marvel House homes welded them into one family, and prepared them for American citizenship, . Hundreds of letters from the boys express gratitude and attest these home values. W—— from Texas: “So you wrote me while on your back sick in bed. If I could get a letter like that to begin every day it would keep my mind off of other things that seem to bring on trouble.’””’ _ K-—— from California: “If there were more people like you, Mrs. Ward, there would not be so much crime, If only I had taken your advice.” D: from Panama: “You treated me like a mother. I read more cf the Bible now. Your sweet home led me to accept Christ.” RB. (to his mother in India): “Here we are from dif- ferent countries equally housed and taken care of by these noble hearts, Mr. and Mrs. Ward, God-fearing and duty-loving. We are constantly reminded of the supremacy of religion over the bustling materialism of the west.” M-—— from Egypt: “When I went out of the gate in the -r~*~~ *“e weight and hardness of the city .N.\ 4. °*) settled upon me, but when I returned at night, as soon as I came through the gate, the brightness and cheer and joy of the home drove away all the depression. My lovely days in Marvel House under your care passed too rapidly, as if they were dreams, happy dreams.” S—— from Palestine: “I will always remember your splendid home. My parents are very grateful for all your kindness to me during my stay in New York.” E from Iowa: “Who could picture a jollier family than I witnessed at dinner that last Sunday in Marvel Mouse? It has stayed with me ever since.” Under proper home influence, boys were often so completely changed in a few days that even their own mothers did not know them. If one consecrated mother with meager help could transform the lives of 2,600 teen- agers in spiritually inspired homes, 25,000 devoted mothers, trained for preventive serv~ ice in the home field, could turn back the growing tide of America’s juvenile crime. Homes, through which every person comes into the world, are the universal welfare agencies. The perfect media tor meeting the needs of youth. The church’s most hopeful field of service and its inexhaustible source of supply. The yardstick of our American way of life. The place where America will hold its rendezvous with destiny. To provide homes for neglected delinquent youth, to prepare youth for marriage and parenthood, to help parents to realize that what they do, teach, live, think, and feel in their 40,000,000 homes means more to the fu- ture of our children, to the Nation, and to the world than the total contribution of all institutions combined: This is to render a major service, because it is God’s and nature’s human welfare plan. And it works. It, RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF THE CHILD IS PRI- MARILY PARENTS’ PREROGATIVE AND RESPONSI- BILITY The church in thy house Unless parents assume their spiritual re- sponsibility we can scarcely expect children’s feet to turn toward God or the church. Proclaimec on page after page of Holy Writ is the spirltual accountability of parents. “The father (family priest) to the son shall make known Thy truth.” ‘These words shall be in thine heart and thou (parents) shalt teach them diligently unto thy children, and shalt talk of them when thou sittest in thine house and when thou walkest by the way, and when thou liest down and when thou risest up * * * Jest thou forget the Lord * * * lest He destroy thee from off the face of the earth.” Godlessness and disaster inevitably follow parental neglect of this minutely de- tailed duty. The church’s major role is to encourage and guide parents in assuming their share of spiritual care of their own children. A statement asserts that if America ever falls it will be for lack of Godly homes. A governor warns that without religion no na-« tion can survive and then reminds us that there are no less than 17,000,000 American children receiving absolutely no religious in- struction. An estimate sufficient to shock the most complacent into prayerful action. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Home evangelism The official statisticlan of a great Protes- tant denomination reports that 1n a recent year only 60,000 members were received into that denomination by confession of faith. In that year there were 9,000 ministers, 51,000 spiritual lay leaders, nearly 2,090,000 mem- bers, 1,500,000 Sunday-school scholars, a cur- rent budget of $33,000,000, property invest- ment of $500,000,000, and half a million ser~ mons delivered. If not a Sunday-school lesson had been taught, or a sermon preached, but Christian parents had faithfully met their spiritual obligations to their children in the home, many more than 60,000 persons would have professed faith. A mighty influx of believers into churches of all denominations would follow the complementary functioning of church, Sunday school, and homes in a great, coordinated effort. The Wall Street Journal states that “what America needs more than railway extension, western irrigation, low tariff, bigger cotton and wheat crops 1s a revival of religion. The kind that father and mother used to have * %« * that counted it good business to take time for family worship each morning right in the middle of wheat harvest.” A professor of Christian education in a great American university estimates that of over 46,000,000 Protestants there are not 6 men or women giving full time to Christian parent or Christian family-life education. And that not one of our Christian colleges has set aside a single professor for full-time research and instruction in family religion. After my address in a school devoted solely to preparing students for Christian service, the Dean announced “This is the first time in the history of this Christian school that fitness for Christian service in the family has been stressed, or even mentioned.” Religious instruction in the home—‘pre- cept upon precept, line upon line, here a lit- tle and there a little’—-must not be dispro- portionately appraised as a mere or doubtful adjunct to Sunday school and church, but rather as the prime factor for spiritual re- habilitation. The “stone which builders re- jected must become head” of our welfare structure. As the Spanish proverb has it, “An ounce of mother is worth a pound of clergy.” Reinstating the mother in her sacred position at the source of life, spiritual as well as physical, lays a foundation on which later the clergy builds. A Chicago pastor, who aggressively pro- moted spiritual home life, increased church attendance more than 300 percent, nct by becoming thr-e times as eloquent, but by introducing daily observance of family devo~- tions into 90 percent of his membership. By conditioning all members of families toward religion and the church, his young people largely cut parks, movies, and Sunday games. He now preaches to three packed houses every Sunday, instead of one partially filled. A New York City church, founded on a pledge taken by every family to read the Bible and pray daily, now ranks high in membership of that denomination in the city. Auditorium, gallery, and basement are crowded Sunday morning and evening in a Miami church whose families are pledged to say grace at meals, read the Bible, and have prayer daily. Native Christians of India and Burma, re- plying to a 10-point questionnaire regarding what most helped spiritual life of the church and the individual, invariably replied “Fam- ily prayer every day in every home.” A most hopeful and necessary service is to aid parents in 40,000,000 American homes to assume their share of spiritual responsi- bility for their own children. Godly homes assure successful churches and a stable democracy.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD il. THE CHILD HAS THE SAME CAPACITY FOR THE SPIRITUAL AS FOR THE MATERIAL Thy children shall be taught of the Lord From a child Timothy knew the Scriptures. Samuel served in the Lord’s house, receiving and transmitting a profound ‘piriual mes- sage, though he “did not yet know the Lord.” The head of the New York Psycholcgical Center asserts that the strategic time is when the child is too young to. understand but not too young to accept—wax to receive but marble to retain. That period from in- fancy through early childhood when, with- out clearly defined Knowledge, it uncon- sciously absorbs the world around it, sub-< consciously pigeonholing it for later under- standing and use. The White House Conference on Children in a Democracy agreed that the emphasis should be shifted from adult education and from adolescent youth to early childhood. This is in line with modern psychology which teaches tha* the permanent bent of a child’s life is determined before it is 2 years of age. Adolescent problems are solved in the cradle. The second word heard from restless, fret- ful, crying 1-year-old baby girl was “ni pa” {nice prayer) when Grammy lovingly prayed that she might be quieted and go to sleep. That baby girl, now 10 years old, prays earn~ estly for Grammy’s Nation-wide work for America’s homes. When Grampa visits his home, his 2-year- old grandson brings the Bible asking to hear read the story of the men in the fiery furnace. One asks: What can a 2-year-old understand about captives thrown into a furnace and a fourth walking with them, like unto the Son of God? But repeatedly exposed to spiritual truths, he slowly absorbs their meaning and comes gradually to believe in a@ higher power always ready to help. Thus, early spiritual influence and training pre- empt children for God and church. Fortify them against temptation. Persist through mature years. Give permanent shape to character. Ra:aify finally into all phases of our American way of life. Crystallize it into Christian civilization. Dr. John R. Mott gave me this special message, “You can’t overestimate the im- portance of early religious influences and training in the home. Tell America Dr. Mott said so.” Challenging a general belief that institu- tions of higher learning undermine faith of undergraduates, Dr. Lowell, ex-president of Harvard, told each incoming freshman class “No university can take away the reli- gion a child gets at its mother’s knees.” A village pastor observed wisely: “While formal religious guidance comes later in life through pastor, Sunday-school teacher, or friend, unconscious religious influences stem from the home. Without them in early child- hood in the home, youth are not likely to seek formal religious guidance offered later by the church.” Save one generation of children and you Lave saved the world. Childhood represents divine timing. IV. THE DYNAMICS OF DIMINUTIVE FORCES (DEM~ ONSTRATED BY A WISE PROVIDENCE) THAT NO FLESH SHOULD GLORY The atomic age has focused attention on the tiny, the little valued, the oft discarded. Mud packs for beauty. Oil of earthworm for healing. Bread mold for manufacturing pen~ icillin. Electrons of speed. Atoms for power. God also “hath chosen the foolish, weak, base, despised.” “The widow’s mite. The lad with five barley loaves and two small fishes. Moses’ rod. The cruse of oil. Two agreed. One chasing a thousand, two putting ten thousand to flight. The second mile. The other cheek. Faith as a grain of mus- tard seed.” Ideas, ideals, freedom, liberty, truth. Value of the individual, the child, the parent, the home. And the power of the much neglected practice of daily Bible read- ing and prayer in the home for the spiritual rehabilitation of the church and Nation. A builder of Oak Ridge and developer of the atom estimates that 1 pound of atomic energy is equal to 1,500,000 tons of coal. So might 1 pound of preventive spiritual energy, generated in early childhood by parents in the home, be eci>l te 1590 900 tons of cura- tive, secular .-_.-tu st.al-tr: applied later in life. Victor Hugo wrote, “Nothing is so power- ful as an idea whose time is come.” The time is come again for all clergy and churches to promote with the utmost urgency the divine idea that spiritually inspired homes are powerful agents for reempowering the church, saving our youth and our civilization, An appeal to entice angels Forty million humble Lomes with a high potential. Multitudes of parents desperately needing aid in teaching their children to love and serve God. Myriads of innocents capable of receiving and retaining the divine imprint. Our own flesh and blood awaiting @ parent’s magic, spiritual touch. This is an appeal to entice angels. Available helps Ample family helps are published by all denominations, Bible societies, Federal Coun- cil of Churches, International Council of Religious Education, many groups and indi- viduals. The League for the American Home and Marvel House also are eager to aid through (1) free literature; (2) Method of Procedure for the Church (10 cents per copy), which stresses the importance in every local church of a home committee selected from its most consecrated members to study spiritual home conditions, needs and methods, formulate a practical, workable program and patiently undertake its execution, thus relating the church in a businesslike manner to the home problem; (3) speakers’ bureau (expenses only); (4) conduct of conferences, forums, rallies, broadcasts, syndicated press articles, house-to-house visitation; (5) family prayer circle covenant, “Recognizing the tremen- dous power of @ spiritually inspired home, as a@ member of the family prayer circle I will do my best for the spiritual welfare of my fam- ily, to inaugurate and maintain regular Bible reading and prayer in my home—daily if possible.” The Bible is in more homes today than is any other book. Most of it is written with such simplicity and clarity as to require little or no learned exposition. It is a “sword, Jamp, light, guide, abideth forever.” “He may run that readeth.” No high I. Q. is nec- essary for understanding. Any father and family may worship with a psalm, parable, miracle, narrative, biography, even a single verse, and find inspiration, guidance, com- fort, cheer for the day. And simple prayer produces amazing results: “Before they call I will answer, and while they are yet speaking I will hear.” This family-bible-prayer crusade involves no obligations on the part of the clergy save that imposed by conscience and accounta-~ bility to God and to parishioners. Its impor- tance merits— 1. Strong and repeated emphasis upon spiritual home values, in sermons and reli- gious-education programing. 2. Pastoral planning to the end that some of the church’s program has the specific pur- pose of reminding and equipping parerfts for their peculiar function and responsibility to create a religious home environment. The League for the American Home, Inc., with headquarters at 1214 Carnegie Hall, New York City, invites the clergy to share with it plans which they have found successful in dealing with this problem. It also welcomes both suggestions and inquiries concerning its program. A3129 Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 1, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Appendix of the Recorp to include the fifth article by Mr. Frank C, Waldrop on the infiltration of commu- nism in our country. Brieczest Story (By Frank C. Waldrop) There is a Communist college of revolution. running wide open today at 575 Sixth Avenue, New York City. It has regular classes, teach- ers, and textbooks. It is called the Jefferson School of Social Science. A few days ago this writer dropped in there to see how things were getting along, and in a matter of minutes used up a $20 bill collecting samples of current publications the faithful are required to buy. The Communist organization in the United States raises a great deal of money through the writing trade. Indeed, writing and print- ing are basic weapons with which the con- spiracy recruits and disciplines its member. ship. ‘The word factories of the conspiracy pro- duce books, plays, magazines, pamphlets, weekly and daily newspapers, tracts, hand- bills, and leaflets in an endless stream. Most of these are manufactured in New York City, and the thinking that goes into them largely centers in that school of revo- lution above-mentioned. But the production is not limited to New York alone. Nearly every large city in the United States of America has a production of its own that takes the New York manu- factures and reworks them for local colora- tion. Those without local plants at least have sales outlets, showing Communist thought- control at prices ranging from 2 cents an item up to $10 and $12 sets of collected works of approved writings. Nothing happcs in the worlds of art, liter- ature, science, or government, that is al- lowed to pass untreated by the Communist discipline. For the masters of communism are wise in their way. They thoroughly understand that man is a thinking animal. He cannot be trusted, left on his own, to stick to a single line of approved action. His natural instinct is to invent variations to suit himself. And since it is, beyond everything else, well understood by the Communist masters that they cannot operate and manipulate people who think for themselves, the word factories work night and day producing Communist versions of thought in all its infinite variety. The faithful are bound by the fundamental laws of their faith to believe nothing except these Communist interpretations of every- thing from jazz music to biology, from fic- tion to astronomy. Indeed they are to read nothing else if that can be avoided. Thus from cradle to grave the mind of the Communist has a path laid out for it, and strictest orthodoxy is enforced. This is extremely important to know in all your dealings with Communists. They have a rigid conception of mortal sin and they live by it. _ Therefore if you know their conceptions of sin you can judge pretty closely how they will behave in any set of circumstances, whether in war or in peace,
A31390 To a Communist, mortal sin is involved in any word, thought, or deed, done in vio- lation of the science of Marxism. This sci- ence governs Stalin as surely as it governs the silliest sophomore in the Jefferson School of Social Science above-mentioned. The spy who steals atomic secrets for Russia, the State Department officer who betrays his oath of office, the witness who refuses to answer a Senate committee, the college teacher who perverts American his- tory, the girl in the street who carries a libelous placard, all these are bowing to the science of Marxism. As long as that science rules them, they cannot be reached by appeals to traditional instincts of human decency. Mr. Roosevelt and his advisers at Yalta dcmonstrated that all too well. They hadn’t done their home work on communism, even then after all those years of experience with the Communists here in Washington. That is, you can only say ignorance was the source of error if you subscribe to the charitable theory that Mr. Roosevelt didn’t mean to do in world politics what he had been doing in the domestic affairs of the United States of America from 1933 onward. And that, as the public record shows, was to let the Communists, and him knowing it, move into seats of power in our Federal Government. The science of Marxism is governed by one basic rule. It is that there is not room on earth for those who would live and let live. The law of life for those who are governed by the Communist idea is to con- quer by any means at all, but conquer. That law dominates every Communist every day 1n every way, no matter what he says or what he does to the seeming contrary. The charity offered Roosevelt is that he thought he could make a deal with Stalin. H? was wasting his time, if he thought that. The man with whom he would have had to deal died in 1883 and he was not interested in deals with anybody on any subject. He was the author of this science aforesaid, and he caused trouble in the world. It is a remarkable feat that one man has been able so to bewitch so many. Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 1, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Appendix of the Recorp to include the sixth article by Mr. Frank Waldrop on the infiltration of commu- nism in our country: Biccest STORY (By Frank C. Waldrop) A man can be crazy and yet upset the world. Several have done that in recent times and the result is that mankind is upset today worse than ever before in any age, Were these men really crazy? Well, take the case of Hitler. In World War I, this backwoods Austrian ‘was a low and obscure corporal of little edu- cation and less experience. Twenty years jJater, though, he was master of Germany. Yet that was not enough and so his be- havior ran on beyond the réach of common sense and reason carrying millions with him, How do these things happen? Nobody really knows. Was Hitler crazy® There can be no doubt. A man is crazy when he thinks and acts, no matter how ably, from a@ point of view that everybody else knows to be without any foundation in fact. As Hitler demonstrated, a man can be very shrewd and potent, even though crazy. His thinking machinery may be powerful and smooth, It just runs the wrong way. The curious and disturbing thing is that such crazy men can exert so much influence. How? Well we all know when we think about it that deep in the nature of man- Kind there lies a passion for order and the settiement of all problems that beset us in this life. This might be called the in- stinct of a place for everything and every- thing in its place. And this instinct is at endless war with another passion even deeper in the nature of man. That is the passion for free individual experience and self-made decisions. The human race survives and triumphs over trouble by keeping those two passions, one for freedom and the other for order, in eternal conflict. Neither ever completely wins and neither ever wholly loses. And so we get along. But on occasion there comes some man who symbolizes one or the other of these instincts so powerfully that millions go along with him. Then, 1f we are in an unlucky age, it turns out that the leader is not sane and calm, like George Washington, but insane and unreasonable, as with so many politi- cians of our time. The crazy men of modern times have had one thing in common. They have been fas- cinated by this idea of order. The short title in polities for this is social- ism. Under socialism, the problems of life are all to be swept away. Therefore, hand everything over to the Government, which will own and run the means of production impartially, and with the same impartial justice hand back the fruits to each according to his need. Pretty? Ah, yes, if you are crazy enough to overlook the jagged edges and dismiss as mere detail the multitude of exceptions to the rule. Hitler was one who held the de- tails unimportant. He was a good Socialist. In fact, he founded a political movement revolutionary in character and ruthless in deed, titled “The National Socialist Party.” But Hitler’s socialism, itself modeled on the socialism of another crazy man of our upset times named Benito Mussoli.i, was not the passion for order carried to its utmost extreme. The last word in that line is “commu- nism,” the claim that not only can every- thing be placed and everybody’s needs be met with full satisfaction to all, but that even the Government itself can be “withered away.” The whole of life will then be automatic, self-satisfying, and the whole world peace- able, prosperous, and populous. Who could possibly fall for it? Well, on May 5, 1818, there was born a son, christened Karl Heinrich Marx, to a lawyer of Trier, Germany. Karl Heinrich Marx grew up to believe that communism could be impressed upon our many-talented race. But only, he decided, after a few preliminaries were out of the way. * These preliminaries he made clear and simple, as follows: “You will have to go through 15, 20 or 50 years of civil wars and international con- flicts, not only to change existing condi- tions, but also to change yourselves and to make yourselves capable of wielding political power.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Thus a man could calmly suggest that the world be mtu tea -~40 50 years of war on the mere off © i.e he could be right about the wr fit: the*+ might fall in an age unborn, a. .1. * influence survived his life and ultimately penetrated the Government of the United States itself. . Biggest Story ° EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 1, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the REcorpD to include the seventh article by Mz. Frank C, Waldrop on the infiltration of communism in our country. Biecest Story (By Frank C. Waldrop) Government is not mere advice, said George Washington. It is authority with power to enforce its laws. It is obvious, therefore, that people who are going to he governed by others had better take care to see what the laws are, who will enforce them, and how. Since time began there have been among us some who cared more for the exercise of authority and the enforcement of their own brands of law, than for anything else. And when such people are out of authority they may well promise the whole earth and all that’s in it to whoever will give them authority. Americans who have bee: awake and alert these 20 years past know something about promise and performance in politics. We have known a man to run for President in 1932 promising peace less government, and lower taxes, ideal notions in any age. But what was the performance? Karl Heinrich Marx, the lawyer’s son from Trier in Germany, went up to Berlin in the fall of 1838 as a university student. Europe was flowering at that moment into a time of light and progress. Just a little while before, a revolution had gone off in America, organized by a band of colonists who had asked no more than the right to look after themselves under the general rule of the least government is the best government. That American Revolution, the «nly one in history that ever worked out according to plan, had been followed by another in France, so fierce and bloody as to horrify ihe world. Why? Because the French revolutionists were not satisiied with the idea of least gov- ernment. They wanted to make all obedient to a rigid rule of state. Karl Marx, as many another ‘after him, Was sure that the French Revolution should have worked. The flaw was not in the idea but in the acts. The oldest mantrap of philosophy is that of saying an idea is “Tight in theory but Just lacked in execution.” If a theory is right, why doesn’t it work under test? Anyhow, Marx was a son of the well-to-do, of respected parentage and not suffering from the lack of material things, when he landed Jn Berlin. He chose philosophy as his career. th And out of philosophy he moved to poli- CS. His philosophy was bunk, as see below, and for that matter his politics got him no place either. But just the same Marx died con-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD vinced that he alone possessed the keys to the kingdom of heaven on earth, thusly: 1. Man is an animal, nothing more. He came from nowhere, he goes nowhere. Re- ligion, therefore, is a fraud conceived by some men to deceive others, Just how this remarkable fraud has sur- vived so many human follies and why it comes back after every attempt of mankind to escape it, no Marxist has made clear to this day. 2. Other frauds listed by Marx were the home and family, the schools, governments, businesses, and industries of the world. Like religion, all these really are “agin” na- ture and do more harm than good. In short, the world as is, can be called a mere jungle, calmed by no hope of self- improvement, because it is all a conspiracy of the rich against the poor. . 8. Therefore, since the poor are many and the rich are few, the obvious thing is for the -poor to rise against the rich through force and violence, and rule the world. But this, of course, would be a complicated business. So in order for the theory to work right, the poor must surrender their political edu- cation, direction and action, to a single, small but carefully trained, officer corps. This command force would, of course, have to do some nasty things but as soon as the bloody business could be ended the officer corps would readily and freely commit hara- kiri. This intermediate period of getting things organized, Marx called “the dictatorship of the proletariat.” And the officer corps we know today as the Communist organizations of the world, all commanded from a single headquarters in an ancient palace of Mos- cow, Russia, called the Kremlin. Now, anybody looking in a common-sense way at the Marxist analysis of the world, can see its imbecilities and shortcomings. And Europe, in the nineteenth century with the horrible example of the French Revolu- tion to consider, was particularly having none of it. Marx died embittered, lonely and frus- trated. He was buried in London, where he had spent most of his adult life calling for the revolution that would not come. His early followers and believers were as futile as he. Had it not been for the follies of the German general staff and two resi- dents of the United States of America, Marx- ism would not be the issue in the world it is today. Control of Forest Insect Pests EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK A. BARRETT OF WYOMING IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 1, 1950 Mr. BARRETT of Wyoming. Mr. Speaker, when the conference report on _ the urgent deficiency bill was before the House, I called attention to the fact that -spruce bark beetles were destroying thousands of acres of fine-spruce stands in the Roosevelt National Forest in northern Colorado and in the Medicine Bow National Forest in Wyoming. I called attention also to the fact that the mountain pine beetle was attacking the lodgepole pine in the Jackson Hole area as well as in Idaho and would destroy much of the scenic beauty of that area, I am hoping that the deficiency com- mittee will report out an item on the next deficiency bill to provide funds to carry on the fight on this infestation in time for work this spring. Under unani- mous consent, Mr. Speaker, I insert with my remarks an editorial by Mr. Bob Cruzen, the editor of the Laramie Boom- erang, in the form of a letter to Hon. JOEN TaBER on this subject matter. I may say, Mr. Speaker, that Mr. Cruzen is one of the best-informed writers on this matter: House Urcen To APPROPRIATE $4,500,000 FoR Pest CoNTROL (By Bob Cruzen) Representative JoHN TaBeEr, Member of the House Appropriations Committee, House of Representa- tives, Washington, D. C. DeEaR Mr. Taper: I am writing you an open letter in regard to amendment 13 to H. R. 7207, a bill making appropriations to supply urgent deficiencies in certain appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1950, and for other purposes. This amendment, which pertains to the control of forest-insect pests, was reported in disagreement by your committee of con- ference in House Report 17941. ACTION IS CHALLENGED As you will recall, Representative CLARENCE Cannon, Democrat, of Missouri, made public a statement in lieu of a report on March 20, 1950. It was at this time, that Members of the House representing States in the Rocky Mountain and far West areas, challenging the actions of your group in reducing the amount of appropriations needed to fight for~ est pests which are now destroying thousands of acres of our best timber. Representative Frank Barrett, Republican, of Wyoming, pointed out to your group that the conference report indicates that nothing has been appropriated for the protection of pine and spruce beetle infestation in Wyo- ming and Colorado. As I understand it, your committee has he- gun work in preparation for the next de- ficiency bill and at a later date our western Representatives will again be heard on this issue. However, forest officials and entomol- ogy experts in this region agree with Repre- sentative Sansporn of Idaho who told your committee that “there is just one time to treat these beetles, and that is in the spring of the year.” Mr. Sanzorn, in commenting on funds for this project, added that “the sum should be adequate to take care of the total operation,” and pointed out that “it is absolutely worth- less to do a partial operation.” ‘WASTED FUNDS He further stated that “if the sum that is being suggested in this amendment, which is only $750,000, were scattered out over the various projects that need attention, the money would be wasted.” “However,” he con- cluded, “if an adequate sum of money were appropriated in this amendment, then the situation would be met and this valuable timber could be saved which otherwise will be lost.” GRAVE CONCERN The fact that your conference committee has seen fit to eliminate desperately needed monies to fight beetle infestation in the western mountains, is cause for the gravest concern here in the Rocky Mountain region, The facts presented to your group by Repre=- + sentatives Hmz and Aspinau, of Colorado, Representative Barretr of Wyoming, Repre- sentatives Sansorw and Ware of Idaho, Rep- resentative D’Ewart of Montana, Representa= tive Casz of Couth Dakota, Representative Hotmes of Washington, Representative A3131 Mansrietp of Montana, and Representative ANGELL Cf Oregon are far from exaggerated. Authorities on the subject of beetle in- festation have told us that this is one cf the worst epidemics in the history of the West. After viewing the damage done by the spruce beetle in the White River and Routt National Forests of northern Colorado, it is increas- ingly apparent to residents of southern Wyo- ming that our lush forests are in immediate danger of becoming seriously infested. Representative CANNON’s statement that the deficiency bill “is intended to carry only urgent deficiencies appropriations where ex- treme need exists,” leads me to believe that your committee has ignored the facts pre- sented by your congressional Representatives. How much greater can a need be before action ic forthcoming? IMPORTANCE OF FOREST Our forest lands are of vital importance to the West. We depend upon the forest for many things. Timber for industry, timber to protect wildlife, and timber to pravide recreation. Mr. AsPInatL, Representative from Colo- rado, was not only speaking for the residents of his State but for the entire region when he told Representative Cannon that ‘TI especially support the proposed expenditure of $4,500,000 in addition to the amount now available which is needed presently in five of the Western States.” In this country, Mr. Taser, we are ex- tremely concerned over the current beetle epidemics. Because of congressional apathy, 3,000,000,- 000 feet of board measure—Englemann spruce and lodgepole pine—have been killed to date in the forests of northern Colorado, The value of this stumpage alone has been estimated at $7,000,000. At the present time, spruce timber along the Wyoming-Colorado border is threatened in the amount of $11,- 040,000. The total of all timber now threat~ ened in our area is valued at $490,200,c00. This, of course, represents stumpage alone and does not include the loss in salaries, wages, and services of the lumber industry if this timber were manufactured into lumber and other forest products. Is it any wonder, then, that peoples of the West take a dim view of penny-pinching congressional committees which balk at spending $4,500,000 to save many times that amount of valuable timber? TIME Is NOW The time to start this war on beetles is now—this spring. In fact, the whole pro- gram should have been launched several years ago. The Forest Service has been wag- ing a continuous war on insects but it takes money to get the job done. This is not the time to criticize the Bureau of Entomology for inefficiency. It is a time for immediate and drastic action. If the Bureau was at fault, as some claim, then it should be held responsible. But let's" get this project under way now and take care of the Bureau later. Regarding our immediate problems in northern Colorado and southern Wyoming, the regional forest office has stated: “Tf any control work is to be done, this year is the time to start. There will be need for control work for two more years in addi-« tion to 1950." As I understand it, your committee will pass a verdict on the required $4,500,000 forest-pest control appropriations bill early next month. In the interests of the five Western States, I earnestly request that your committee give extremely serious considera~ tion to the above-mentioned sum. ‘Sincerely, R. B. Cruzen, Managing Editor, Laramie Repubdti- can-Boomerang. LansMiz, WYO.
A3132 Brannan Plan Discriminatory EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CLIFFORD R. HOPE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 1, 1950 Mr. HOPE. Mr. Speaker, there is a widespread feeling throughout the coun- try to the effect that, if the Brannan plan is as good as its sponsors say it is, it should be expanded. A good many peo- ple apparently feel that in its present limited form the plan is discriminatory. These people feel there should be a uni- versal Brannan plan. As an example of this grass-roots de- mand for a nondiscriminatory Brannan plan I desire to call attention to the en- Closed letter to the editor which was pub- lished in a recent edition of the Hutch- inson (Kans.) News Herald. Under leave the extend my remarks, it is included herewith: Horrn BraNwan The Brannan farm plan does not go far enough. Let’s apply it to other industries. Let’s have a Brannan beer joint where we can get a large mug of beer for a nickel. We need _@ Brannan hotel where we can get an old- fashioned square meal for 15 cents. And we should have a Brannan barber shop where we can ¢ot a shave and haircut for two bits. Then let the Government send the beer dealer, the barber, and the boarding-house lady a subsidy check for the balance. John _can pay the bill. John Q. Taxpayer has lots of money. He likes it, I guess. At least, he voted for much of the New Deal gimme stuff. Mimo C, BILYEN. LIBERAL. Contribution of Capital to American Standards of Living EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HUGH BUTLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 1 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. BUTLER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the RecorpD a very ex- cellent editorial entitled “Capital Punish- ment,” from the April issue of the maga- zine Partners. The editorial very effec- tively expresses the idea that American workers enjoy an improved standard of living, not only because of organized labor’s long and patient crusade, but “also because of the incentives of Amer- ican capitalism, that is to say, free enter- prise. There being no objection, the edito- rial was ordered to be printed in the ReEcorp, as follows: CAPITAL PUNISHMENT Many a labor leader, sincere ¢nd otherwise, would lead us to believe that everything the American worker enjoys today has come to him solely as a result of the rise of organ- ized labor, and that each and every gain has been registered in the face of stubborn resist- ance on the part of organized capital. Such a presentation as this is more rash than rational, and to fall for it is to carry for- ward in our minds a badly distcrted picture of the actual facts. This none of us can very well afford to do in these days when the sur- vival of our American economy depends upon mutual understanding and harmony between the partners of industry—the worker and his employer. Certainly the unions have played a promi- nent part in elevating the social and eco- nomic status of the worker—particularly the organized worker. But to run away with the notion that the unions have managed the job single-handed is to labo. under a decid~ edly false impression. CAPITAL’S CONTRIBUTION The standard of living of American labor has steadily increased with the years, first of all, because of the progress of American industry—because of capital investment in technology, plant capacity, and marketing facilities. It was the development of the mass-production technique by capitalized industry which, first of all, enabled manage~ ment to pay labor higher real wages. With mass production of goods came increased purchasing power, to the worker in particu~ lar—in the form of more dollars with which to ‘acquire lower-priced commodities. Here, then, is a highly significant contribu- tion to the econcmic welfare of the working man—and one which enriched his home life, not as a result of militant unionism, but rather as the free result of capitalistic vision, ingenuity and enterprise. No union, we should remind ourselves, played any part in the development by Henry Ford of a low- priced automobile—nor was any demand of labor behind his historic move to establish a $5-a-day minimum wage for his workers at a time when the average wage for the in-~ dustry was somewhere around $1.50 per day. As a matter of record, the vision of Ford, the capitalist, exceeded the vision of any of the labor leaders of his day—for, as a pioneer mass producer of automobiles, he saw in his workers, not only so many production hands, but likewise so many potential customers for his product. Thus, here as elsewhere, before the cart must go the horse—and before we strike off a medal to pin on the breast of organized labor, we must strike off one of equal size and brilliance to pin on the breast of its partner in bettering the lot of the worker. Certainly it is a foregone conclusion that, lacking the benefit of mass-production ma- chinery and technique, there wouldn’t be enough cars produced to reach the members of Walter Reuther’s auto workers’ union, no matter how loudly Walter might shout and pound the table at contract-making time. Nor is it likely that Phil Murray, without the facilities and know-how of the steel com- panies, would be able to turn out enough metal—for all his million members—to sup- ply the mousetrap industry. THE CASE OF SHORTER HOURS What is true of increased purchasing power in the hands of the workers is likewise true of today’s gift to them of increased leisure hours in which to rest from toil and exert that purchasing power. Too many labor leaders would create the impression that it was they and they alone who were responsi- ble for the 8-hour day and the now gen- erally accepted 5-day week. But here again they spout just so much hog wash. For no labor leader, no matter how powerful, is capable of striking pay days from the calender—unless his particu- lar industry is already equipped with labor- saving machinery efficient enough to pay for lost hours of production. Shorter work- ing hours are, the direct result of longer .machines, and here again chief thanks must APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD go to capital and the management of in- dustry for having provided, through their own ingenuity and incentives, the sound economic wherewithal. Minus the intricate mechanization of the modern shoemaking industry, all the cobblers in the land banded together in a single union couldn’t shorten their hours ef effort without at the same time shortening their livelihood. All along the line we find the same situa- tion—labor and management combining to lighten their mutual burden and to provide for their mutual gain. It is at no point a solo performance; everywhere it is a case of partners at work. Capital, through the agency of management, provides the ingenu- ity, the know-how, the savvy to create labor- saving devices; labor, through the agency of its unions, steps in to claim a fair share of the saving for itself. And from lahor, by means of suggestion plans and promo- tions, the ingenuity and know-how which resides within its ranks is handed up to management in a never-ending stream. That is the true picture of American in- dustrial development—and it is not the pic- ture of a monopoly. THs HUMAN SIDE OF CAPITAL Indeed, we should be taking a shallow view of things were we to attribute the gains of the American workingman solely to the efforts of his union leaders. Worse, we should be lacking in what by this time should be common knowledge. For the record is re- plete with the names of businessmen and firms whose contributions to the welfare of the workingman have both antedated and outrun all union demand: The Endicott Johnson Shoe Co. didn’t im- prove working conditions and provide for their workers’ security as a result of union pressure. Nor did James F, Lincoln, presi- dent of Cleveland’s Lincoln Electric Co., de« velop his spectacular system of incentives because some labor leader stood over his head with an ax. The Bettendorfs, of Iowa, didn’t open their coffers to their workers, when times got tough during the depression, because some union presented them with an ultimatum. Nor did Kohler, of Kohler, Wis., build a workers’ paradise in response to union demand. Nor did Mershey, the chocolate king. Nor did Hormel, the meat packer. Nor did any of a tremendously long list of progressive industrialists advance the cause of their workers because union leaders shook a stick at them. In each and every instance, the impulse sprang from the heart; and in each and every instance, the result was a well-thought-out experiment in in- dustrial partnership. THE MEANING OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT Unions in this country have grown strong, and this is as it should be. But this fact gives them no license to let their strength run away with them. Along with numerical strength, they must grow in moral and intel- lectual stature, as well. They must learn to give credit where credit is due and they must learn to appreciate that, being in themselves an expression of the spirit of free enterprise, they can, exist only in a climate of free enter- prise. I doubt that even the meanest union leader ‘of non-Communist stripe would wish upon his membership the political conditions which in Socialist and Communist countries make of all unionism a farce. But the trouble is, all too many union leaders, know- ingly or not, are paving the way for a new order wherein the tyrants of socialism will rule the roost. This being true, it is essen~ tial that each and every American labor lea@sr who is in any way true to his calling should somehow be made to appreciate the disastrous effect of this unending harassment of capital by union word and deed. Labor's organizations, from the bottom to the top, . Must learn before it is too late that the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD capitalistic system of free enterprise is the only system in the world where unionism itself, as such, can remain free and that for their own good, if for no other, this unfair punishment of capital must cease. The labor leader who preaches hatred against the employer, withholds the true picture of capital management’s partner- ship with labor and promotes nation-wide strikes and slow-downs—chiefly for the pur- pose of asserting his own leadership—is a menace to the cause he espouses and a cruel traitor to his membership. For his actions in effect contribute to social conditions which can spell the end of free unionism. Unreasonable demands, vengeful strikes and slow-downs and monopolistic pressures in general add up to mortal economic sin— and here, as elsewhere, the wages of sin is death. In a Socialist state, free unionism soon perishes on the scaffold of social planning. Thus, also upon organized labor itself the final effect of unfair punishment of capital is capital punishment. Frankly yours, MavRIcE R. FRANKS, Editor. Why Farmers Should Vote in the Primary EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD H. JENISON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 1, 1950 Mr. JENISON. Mr. Speaker, it is com- mon knowledge that one of the greatest threats to the survival of Government by the people, as Americans Know it, is the unfortunate apathy of too many of our citizens toward the responsibilities of citizenship. This is particularly ap- parent on election day, and notably so in primary elections when the people themselves have an opportunity to choose the candidates for public office. It is evident that something must be done to get a higher percentage of the voters to accept their responsibility by going to the polls on every election day. One organization trying to do something constructive about this problem is the Il- linois Agricultural Association. Through the various county farm bureaus in its organization, the association promoted an essay contest among school pupils to stimulate interest particularly in the importance of voting in the primary election recently held in Iinois. This program met with success in a large number of counties and notably so in Jasper County. There the Jasper County Farm Bureau had a large num- ber of essays offered, and in addition, Harry Shumard presented an original cartoon which was published in the Men- tor-Democrat, Jasper County newspaper published at Newton. Winner of first place, most remark- ably, was an eighth-grade student. Marilyn Ragsdale, a pupil at Wheeler School, of which Delbert Birch is prin- cipal, wrote an essay revealing such a mature appreciation of the land in which she lives that, under permission granted to extend my remarks, I am including it in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. Young ‘Miss Ragsdale is the daughter of Sam Ragsdale, farmer and rural mail carrier XCVI—App.——198 of Wheeler. Her prize-winning essay, as published in the Mentor-Democrat and in the Newton Press, follows: Way Farmers SHOULD VOTE IN THE PRIMARY (By Marilyn Ragsdale of Wheeler School, eighth grade) The aim of the primary election is to give us, the people of the United State; of Amer- ica, the chance to nominate for public office, the man we think will fill the position best. The primary election has not proved a rem- edy for all the ills of party politics, but it offers an opportunity to defeat the unfit can- didate or to nominate one who is better fitted. Our American men have fought and died so that the Amec:ican people might have freedom of the polls. Therefore, we should take advantage of this and vote. The farmer, who feeds and clothes the world, is just as good as the politician, the Senator, and the Congressman. Let your vote count for the man you want. In Jasper County, every man is guided only by his own mind, his own conscience, and his own sense of what is right. He goes to the polls, not because one candidate offers $10 for his vote, but because he knows what he wants, and he intends to do something about it. If you and you and you continue with your indifference toward governmental affairs, soon these elections will be run by one party boss, and by something like dic- tatorship, simply because you, the voters, refuse to respond to your duty and obligation. A man in our community, whom we shall call Farmer Brown, is one of our foremost citizens. He is a school director and a mem- ber of the church board, a land owner, and a taxpayer. However, when primary election rolls around, Farmer Brown can be found in his fields or barnyard, refusing to go and cast his ballot. “All foolishness,” he calls it, He neither knows nor cares of the results, because to him it is ‘‘all foolishness.” Fool- ishness. Is it so foolish for the people to want to elect the officials to govern their country, State, county, and township? No, it is not. Farmer Brown cannot truthfully be called a good citizen until he has fulfilled his obligation to his country. It doesn’t take much gasoline, sweat, and shoe leather to go to your nearest town house or community center and cast your ballot, and you will only be doing yourself a favor, and your duty to our country. Farmers, this is a challenge to you. Your voice is the voice of America. Let it sound forth for what you want and stand for. Go to the polls this April 11. Let your conscience be your guide and vote your own choice; yes, vote. As you go, bear in mind this poem: I am only one, But, I am one; I cannot do everything, But I can do something. What I can do, I ought to do, And what I ought to do, By the grace of God, I will do. Program of Army Chemical Corps EXTENSION OF REMARKS . oF HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 | Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, one of the Nation’s most distinguished soldiers, now head of the great and important Army A3133 Chemical Corps, recently made an inter- esting speech containing much valuable information about the work of that or- ganization and its strategic place in the country’s defenses. I urge its careful reading by the Mem- bers of the Congress. It follows: AppzESs BY Mas. GEN. ANTHONY C. MCAULIFFE, CHIEF, ARMY CHEMICAL Corps, AT THE ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL MEET- ING OF THE AMERICAN CHEMicaL SOCIETY, Detroit, Micu., APRIL 17, 1959 Mr. Chairman, distinguished guests, gen- tlemen, in gathering here this evening, we are paying tribute to the extremely fine spirit of cooperation which has existed be- tween the American Chemical Society and the Chemical Corps since its foundation. I welcome this opportunity to meet such a distinguished group of scientists. Dr. Volwiler suggested that my talk be sufficiently broad to appeal to the interests of you gentlemen representing every phase of the chemical industry. Since I am a newcomer to this field, I would like to confine my remarks to an ex- amination of the over-all program of the Chemical Corps. I will try to give you a comprehensive picture of our mission, its technical objectives, the goals of our mobili- zation-planning program, and the extent of civilian assistance in the so-called uncon-~ ventional fields of warfare. Biological, radiological, and toxic chemical warfare are usually considered together be~ cause they are all aspects of unconventional warfare. They also have many common char- acteristics. Incendiaries rained fire and destruction on the Nazis and the Japs. Flame-throw- ers smoked out the enemy wherever he was hidden. Smoke screens effectively concealed our beachhead operations, ports, river cross- ings, and troop concentrations on all bat- tlefronts of the world. Thesy weapons are all subject to further improvement. Biological and radiological agents as weap-= ons are as yet unproved in warfare. Evi- dence indicates that other nations have ex- perimented with new and untried forms of toxic chemical warfare. We cannot disregard, therefore, the poten- tialities in these fields. The United States must be adequately equipped to carry on this type of warfare, if the threats to its se- curity come out into the open. And what are these threats? Events, since our final victory in the re- cent war, indicate that the road to perma- nent peace is no longer paved with good in~ tentions. A few years ago, we thought that international harmony, peace, and good will would be reestablished throughout the world. When, and if, the cold war becomes hot, we must be prepared to retaliate with every- thing at our disposal. But the military concept of annihilating the enemy’s military might and destroying his industrial potential has radically changed since the end of the recent conflict. The speed of our scientific progress demanded that. We in the Chemical Corps believe that the weapons developed or now being developed by us provide an opportunity, at the small-~ est logistical cost, to reduce a potential enemy’s will to resist and thereby obtain vic- tory without the destruction of his economy. We have no quarrel with the peoples of a nation. We have no desire to destroy their national life or their economy. But we do want the memers of the com- munity of nations to be peaceful members of that community. . I do not believe that the United States would be the first nation to use the weapons “we have been talking about. Our use of them would be purely retaliatory. Events of the past war proved that our preparations for