APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD War to want to improve on the facilities, and he hoped that camels would play & Part. Now, the camel is a vicious brute, given to bad temper, especially if not well han- dled. The Secretary knew well that the Army mule skinner had no ability or in- clination to manage the camels, so camel drivers were imported with the camels. I believe all the men brought with them were Greeks, although possibly some Arabs were brought. I happen to know personally about one of the camel driv- ers who operated across Arizona and later retired and died at Phoenix. His companions could not pronounce his Greek name, so they called him High Jolly. He is especially honored with a monument in a Phoenix ccmetery, and on the monument is an account of some of his exploits of which camel driving was only one. There were not enough camel drivers imported to take charge of all of the animals brought in, and some army mule skinners did make the attempt to handle the oriental brutes, but not for long. Asa part of the vicious- hess of the camel, he can bite an arm off of a man quicker than a Missouri mule can kick his driver, and many men were terribly bitten by these camels. These animals soon fell into disfavor with the Army, and that is putting it mildly. Several military units tried the camels, and, naturally, wanted to make them successful, because this was the pet proj- ect of the Secretary of War, so there must have been a reason why they were not found successful and were later dis- carded. In fact, there were several rea- sons why they were soon discarded. I may say in passing that one com- mander of the period did use the camels to good advantage and did report fa- vorably on their use to the War Depart- ment. That commander was Major Beale, who explored the West along the thirty-fifth parallel of north latitude starting out from San Antonio, Tex., and crossing to California. Major Beale crossed Arizona twice on this round-trip expedition. On one lap of the expedition he crossed Arizona in the summertime, and on the other lap he crossed northern Arizona in the wintertime, which meant that he gave his camels a real test, for in the high altitude around what is now Flagstaff the winters are very severe, with usually heavy snows and often be- low-zero temperatures. Major Beale gives the camels credit for saving the lives of his men and the other animals in his expedition when a guide got the party 40 miles from a known water hole and did not know where the next one was to be found. This was in northern Arizona, probably not far from Kingman in Mohave County. On this occasion the camels were used to go back to the known supply of water and carry sufficient water for man and beast in the stranded expedition. It was found to be true that a camel can go a long distance and a long time without water, and they did it in this case. Why were the camels discarded by the Army? There was another more potent reason than their natural viciousness and the disinclination of American soldiers to fool with them, The chief reason is that the camel is not adapted to the American type of desert. He has a soft padded foot and not a hoof. He can negotiate easily the sandy deserts of the Far East, but he cannot negotiate the vast areas of the Southwest in the foot- hills and the mountains particularly where sharp-edged rocks are the only footing for man and beast. I do not know whether the Army attempted to shoe the camels, but in any case they found that the camels’ feet were cut to pieces by much of the rough country over which they were called on to travel. When the Army discarded the camels they simply turned several hundred of them loose in southwestern Arizona. A circus management felt that they needed some camels for their show, and hearing of some nearer than Africa sent their agents out to Arizona and rounded up at least 20 or 30 of them and took them on the road. Also a mining company using burros for transport figured that they might use the camel as a beast of burden with greater success than the Army had known. Accordingly, a large number of these camels were captured and put to use by this mining company. But they soon found the same difficulty that the Army had found, that the camel's soft feet would not stand the travel over the rock-strewn areas, so the animals were again discarded. A per- sonal friend of mine, an elderly lady living in Tempe, Ariz., tells me that when she was a little girl 9 years of age she saw the last camel train going through the place of her birth, loaded with ore, for this mining company. That was just before they were discarded the second time. What became of these ungainly beasts turned loose on the desert? Our story is not ended yet. In those days, long before the coming of the railroad, prac- tically all goods and passengers destined for Arizona Territory were brought to Yuma in the southwest corner of Ari- zona. Wagon trains carried goods and freight into the interior of the Territory. For years the teamsters were harassed by these camels, for whenever wagon trains stopped at night the camels came into the encampment hoping perhaps to get some oats or hay, but frightening the horses and mules and stampeding them so that the angry teamsters would shoot the camels to get rid of a nuisance. Shooting these semiwild camel seemed contrary to the principles of the humane society, and a great cry went up against it. The Legislature of Arizona Territory passed a law declaring closed season on camels, and took other measures for their protection, but even so apparently they are now extinct. A live camel has not been seen on the southwestern des- erts of Arizona for many years. In fact, we cannot be sure when the last live camel was seen, for many wild tales and legends have sprung up. The old prospectors exchanged stories around the campfire in which the un- gainly oriental beasts figure conspicu- ously. I have even heard some old men of the mountain declare that there are ghosts of camels stalking the desert at night, and that I can come nearer be- lHieving than many of their tales that are more fantastic and less ghostly. One I remember distinctly from an old A1119 Prospector was to effect that the last camel he had seen was a very large old brute, and he had chained on his back the skeleton of a man. The camel, it seems, never told who his rider had been nor where he was taking the last re- mains. These assertions about camel ghosts and ghostly cargo may be dis- counted, but that the camels were used and in Major Beale’s case were success- ful, and that the humane society per- suaded the Legislature of Arizona Ter- ritory to pass a law protecting these semiwild beasts, are all matters of his- toric fact and matters of record. Monopoly and the South EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLAUDE PEPPER OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. PEPPER. Myr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a very able address entitled “Monopoly and the South,” delivered by Mr. Wendell Berge, Assistant Attorney General of the United States, before the Southern Economic Association in Birmingham, Ala., on November 22, 1946. I am advised by the Government Printing Office that the manuscript of the address will occupy approximately three pages of the REcorp and the esti- mate of cost is $213. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: More than 8 years ago the late President Roosevelt in a letter to the members of the Conference on Economic Conditions in the South described the plight of the South as the Nation’s No. 1 economic problem. You are familiar with the substance of the report of that conference. It drew a glaring por- trait of an area rich in economic endowments but baffled in the realization of its potential capabilities by the hold of habit on economic outlook, by waste in economic resources, and by the opposition of entrenched monopoly controls. Although it is not yet a decade since that report was completed, time has run, and the world has undergone irrevocable change. The South, along with the other great regions of the United States, threw its energy and its spirit into the defense of freedom. In the same way that the immense drama of war and peace has altered economic facts and prospects elsewhere, so the events of these years have left their imprint upon the South. The South is now confronted by many pro- found questions which must be answered if its economic development is to continue and if it is not to slip back to the doldrums of prewar ycars. Instead of becoming ogain a problem area, the South, like the West, un- doubtedly will’ seek to retain its gains and to go forward in the fulfillment of its ca- pacities as a prosperous productive region within an expanding national economy. Tt may at once be said that the gains which have been made during the war years are striking. Their extent may be judged from & report recently issued by the Department of Labor, This study, based upon a compre- hensive survey of the Southern States, from
A1120 Virginia to Texas, offers a far different pic- ture than that which this same region pre- sented in 1938. New industries have grown up, products never made tn the South before the war are now manufactured here, and both per capita income and productivity havo risen at rates as high or higher than in any other part of the country. The percent- age of total national income for which the South now accounts is larger than at any time in history. During the war years the South has sub- stantially reduced its indebtedness, thereby decreasing its interest-tribute to the North, and increasing southern-owned equity in southern industry. This new equity can be uscd by southern enterprisers to strengthen their hand in the control and operation of southern industry, free and independent of northern domination. This, in most general terms, constitutes the bright side of the pic- ture. It is a panorama of hope and promise, ut it is not enough to warrant complacence about the future. For the South must progress a long way to reach economic parity with the North and to throw off what has been described as its economic colonial status. The great bulk of southern industry, transportation, and commerce is still controlled by the North. Monopoly during the war strengthened its hand everywhcre, including the Scuth. Ab- sentee ownership and control of southern industry and economic asseta are still very much tn the picture. They represent bas- ically, the major economic problem of the South, And we must admit that we have not yet coped very successfully with this problem. More than 50 years ago that great construc- tive southern thinker, Henry W. Grady, wes advocating for the South diversification of arriculture, creation of local industries, and the development of manufacturing. Grady was sometimes ironic about the South’s lack of economic freedom under its antiquated agrarian system. He once said that a poor men who died in Georgia had a gravestone from Vermont, a coffin from Cincinnati, funeral clothes from Boston and Chicago, and that the South didn't furnish a thing for that funeral but the corpse and the hole in the ground. I suspect that the same sit- uation exists about as it was in Grady’s time. The South must now especially be concerned with the concentration of control in economic affairs, because it, like the West, has many new industrial capacities which will be a target for monopolies seeking to extend their control. In discussing the disparity in economic conditions which works to the detriment of the South, I want to make clear at the outset that it is my opinion that a sound national economy depends on the vigor of the development of all sections of the coun- try. It is not @ question of building up one region as against another. It is rather an acceptance of the fact that our country can- not be prosperous if artificial and unnatural impediments are put in the way of each region's developing to the fullest its own in- dustrial potential. Without elaborating the point, it is my belief that when the South or the West are not permitted the maximum development of which they are capable, the East and the North also suffer in the long run. The South now possesses all of the assets which are necessary to tranalate opportunity into accomplishment. Its physical resources are profuse and varied. Its soil produces a wide range of agricultural products in addi- tion to those such as cotton and tobacco in which it leads the world. Several hun- dred types of commercially valuable minerals are found in the South—coal, iron, and bauxite which is essential to the manufac- ture of aluminum, asbestos, sinc, and many others. More than half of our production of crude oil and natural gas comes from southern States, and nearly all of such im- portant commodities as phosphates and sulfur. The South has abundant water re- sources and highly developed roads and navigation facilities—and as the besic requi- site for growth, the South hag a young and abundant supply of labor. In contrast with this ample heritage of raw materials and people are the practices and accumulated artificial handicaps which for s0 long re‘arded southern development. Here again there is no need to recapitulate in detail the story of eroded soil, too often furrowed more by neglect than by use; of unwise’'y exploited resources, misdirected energies, and the tragedy of waste which has depleted so much of our national wealth without returning a comparable compenss- tion to the people. All of us know too well the toll which such conditions may take from the lives of those who Hve in an area abject to the ravages of economic error. That story also has becn told too well and too bitterly in the past, both in the lower standards of education and the poorer con- ditions of health that have affiicted large sections. These same factors have accounted for a continuous siream of migration from the southern States. The scarcity of capital and credit in the South have constituted a tremendous bar- ricr to the development of local industry. Ordinarily the South has had to depend al- most entirely on outside sources for the fi- nancing of its industries with the conse- quence that absentce ownership and man- agement have for long dominated many of the larger southern industrial activities. In consequence of this situation southern re- sources in some cases have deliberately been left unused by absentee owncrs to prevent the development of competition. In other cases southern production, subject to remote control, has been coordinated with designs of monopoly in other areas not to benefit the Nation or the South but to further the in- terests of the monopoly group. Both as pro- ducers and consumers the people of the South have felt the effects of such monopoly meth- ods more keenly, even if more indirectly, than citizens of New England or of the Mid- west. We do not have to go far to seek examples of the way in which remote monopoly groups have been able in past years to limit southern economic development. This situation has existed in the steel industry over many years. In the case of bauxite nearly all important deposits have been owned or controlled by outside interests. Even though there is an abundance of zinc ore in the South, the zinc has been fabricated not in the South where the ore is found but fn other areas. In effect, many southern mineral resources have been limited to the status of colonial mines. Some of these effects of monopoly on the South can best be illustrated by citing spe- cific examples. There have been many in- stances in which new southern industries came into being and vanished at the whim of monopoly. One such case occurred during the first World War. When American im- ports of safety matches were cut off by the war a large match plant was built in Savan- nah. In 1920 when an international match cartel was formed between the major Ameri- can producer and the Swedish match com- pany controlled by Ivar Kreuger, one of the provisions of the cartel agreement was the raging of the Savannah plant. At a later date in 1931, the Kreuger started to build a match plant in Natchez, Miss. Before it could be finished, another cartel agree- ment intervened and the plant, instead of being completed, was demolished. In the roster of monopolies and cartels which have been prosecuted by the Depart- ment of Justice during the past 10 years are included such basic industries and products as aluminum, chemicals, fertilizers, glass, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD electrical equipment, incandescent lamps, magnesium, newsprint, dyestuffs, drugs, plastics, photographic materials, foodstuffs, tobacco, and a host of lesser items. Every one of these cases involved at some point questions and issues vital to the emergence of new Southern industry or essential to the welfare of Southern consumers. The total cost of such monopolies is, of course, incalculable, but it has been estimated that the price paid by the South for the existence of just one monopoly, that in commercial fertilizers, was great enough to have pro- vided a college education for every high- school graduate of the Southeastern States. The weapons of monopoly are as numerous as they are artful and varied. It is for this reason that monopoly conditions have often grown up almost unnoticed by the public until one day it is suddenly realized that an industry is no longer competitive but is gov- erned by an economic oligarchy able to crush all competition. It is all the more impor- tant, then, that we should clearly under- stand the element upon which monopolistic control is generally based. In themselves, these elements are relatively simple but in their operation they are intricate and com- plex. A monopoly group may acquire con- trol of raw materials. In the past, monop- olics of this type were erpecially impor- tant. Today, however, there are only a few industries in which monopoly control of limited natural resources is the real problem, At the present time, such factors as the control of technology, of research, and of know-how are far more likely to be the basis of monopoly power. Where these are not suffcicnt, a whole array of ingenious de- vices may be employed to substitute monop- oly power for the free play of competition in the market. Markets may be divided. Fields of production may be allocated among @ privileged few. Quotas may be placed up- on output. Prices may be artificially fixed and enforced through marketing agreements, Gentlemen's understandings may impose dis- crimination against individual buyers and sellers. Or, in some cases, by taking ad- vantage of already entrenched positions, monopoly groups may employ thelr power over credit to squeeze small industries and lesser rivals out of the market. Beyond such tactics there are many shad- owy monopoly practices which have so in- filtrated the operation of industry that it becomes extraordinarily difficult to remove them, The use of complicated trade sta- tistics or of carefully worked out basing point systems may be just as effective in accom- plishing the will of monopoly as would be the outspoken fiat of an economic autocrat gov- erning industry openly and directly. Although it would be possible to cite scores of cases illustrating in dctail the motives, the methods and the consequences of every stratagem which modern monopoly com- mands, it will suffice to point out that in all such cases there is at some point an abuse of power and a violation of the laws and prin- ciples upon which our free economy is based. Monopolies strike at the root of those quali- ties of efficiency and progress which the world identifies with American industry in general. Even if there were no other reason to censure monopoly as inimical to the public interest, the inescapable inefficiency which results would demand that we attack it. Monopoly can be efficient only when it ts in a position to compel others to carry the burden of costes and waste. The truth of this assertion was clearly demonstrated in a recent antitrust case in which the defendant ‘was among the world’s largest retail distribu- tors of food products. This group employed massed purchasing power and massed selling power to destroy all semblance of genuine competition in the production, manufacture, processing, distribution and sale of food prod-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ucts in a Nation-wide market. This par- ticular monopoly system was integrated both vertically and horisontally, so that all power ‘was concentrated in a small compact nucleus of top management. As the largest organi- gation in its field it was able to place an unusual number of restraints on competition at all levels, and its tactics are instructive. In purchasing supplies it continuously sought to coerce discriminatory buying preferences from manufacturers and producers. A dual threat was employed to this end: Either the monopoly group might withdraw its pat- ronage, or it might manufacture the same commodity as a competing producer. In effect, this amounted to a direct threat of boycott. The secret of the system was a dif- ferential price structure under which the monopoly group could pay low prices for its own supplies while all competitors were forced to pay higher prices. The greater the preference it could obtain the higher was the price which then had to be charged to others. So far as ite retail competitors were con- cerned the monopoly group could make it dificult or even impossible, if it chose, for them to survive. By selecting points of at- tack it could at any moment throw its full weight against the small rival until he was eliminated from business. How deeply such practices could cut into the fabric of a free economy was shown by the treatment which the monopoly group accorded to independent farmers. Even aside from the constant ma- nipulation by which it could raise or lower the price of farm products through monopol- istic demand, this group was not above vent- ing its disapproval upon individuals. For example, after a convention of fruit growers in a Southern State had been assembled and lectured upon the benefits of dealing exclu- sively with the chain, it was anticipated that unanimous assent would be forthcoming from the audience. Several growers, however, pro- tested that to abandon the open auction which was their custom would permit the monopoly group to skim off the cream of the crop, or conversely, to drop the bottom out of the market for fruit it did not choose to buy. The dissenting farmers thereupon be- came marked men. No purchases at all were made from them and very shortly they were forced out of business, and in effect out of their livelihoods. Unfortunately, such cases are not isolated. Such inroads upon the free market constitute an assault upon economic liberty at its source. It is only necessary to translate the signifi- cance of such a situation to the veteran starting in business, to the independent in- ventor seeking to exploit a new discovery and to the average family trying to meet its needs or to achieve higher standards of living. When monopoly has the power to stifle com- petition, or to impose its own terms upon the market and consumers, it constitutes a de- nial of that economic opportunity which is the core of our system of free enterprise. Even more, the denial of opportunity not only creates economic difficulties; it presents 8& crisis to the central values upon which American society is based. If the increasing concentration in American industry were to continue indefinitely we should not simply be confronted with obstacles to the future economic development of the South or of the West or of the Nation; in effect, we should be faced with a catastrophe of those economic and political principles which lie at the heart of American democracy. There would be no point in describing these dangers, real as they are, if they could not be avoided. The proof that they can be overcome is contained in the magnificent performance of American industry during the war and in the contribution which the South made to that achievement. Given the start that it now has there is no visible limit to the economic development of the South any more than there is a fixed XCITI—App.——71 boundary to the growth of the American economy. At the present time no one can say how far the readjustment of the southern economy will go. As manufactures of all types con- tinue to increase, agriculture also will under- go some changes. It may no longer consti- tute in years to come the predominant occu- pation that it is today. It is very likely that much greater diversification will occur, both in industry and agriculture. It is not likely now nor is it ever likely to become the aim of the South to develop into a one-sided, highly mechanized, overindustrialized sec- tion, I suppose that what the South secks and needs is to acquire economic balance and proportion. In this respect the decen- tralization of industry which began during the war is especially important. The war plants built in this great southern region can and should be a direct boon to southern industries, and these plants must not be- come additions to the control of existing monopolies, The scope of our tasks is equalled only by the extent of the cooperation which they require among industry, labor and govern- ment. In this respect the South already knows what such cooperation can do. The Tennessee Valley Authority, perhaps the most successful experiment in economic co- operation in American history, has demon- strated what happens when latent resources are brought to light. The returns are im- mediate and apparent. New enterprise. better health, better education, higher in- comes und a constantly increasing range of opportunities and occupations flow from the dams and rivers which have been harnessed by the TVA. The Tennessee Valley Author- ity has proven its worth both in war and peace. Leland Stowe, the well-known for- eign correspondent, once stated that the war might have been delayed months, perhaps years, had it not been for the tremendous addition to American productivity which the TVA represented. The power of TVA not only added to the output of ordinary muni- tions—it was the existence of TVA which made the South the birthplace of the atomic age when the Government located its major atomic enerry center at Oak Ridee, Tenn In all of its aspects the performance of TVA has been to the South, and to other regions as well, “news about the future’—a pre- view of accomplishments within the grasp of the present generation. No discussion of monopoly and the South would be complete if it overlooked the tm- portance of freight ratcs. Freight rates have beén arranged so as to permit the East to draw raw materials out of the South cheaply, and, at the snme time, to hinder any attempt of the South to export finished products on a large scale. Thus the rate structure has quite cffcctively deprived the South of much of the advantage and profit that would come from processing its own raw material. Under existing rates most finished products move much greater dis- tances for an equal amount of money when made in the Northeast than when processed in the South. Thus in any attempt of a southern munufacturer to compete with an eastern manufacturer in a market from which each is equidistant, the southern manufacturer is beaten before he starts. The system of rate making by which the railroads have covered the country with private agreements maintaining rates at noncompetitive and discriminatory levels has undoubtedly worked against the South's best interest. The manner in which this has been done is most interesting but it can- not be described adequately in the time which is available tonight. To those who wish to pursue the subject, I commend a careful study of the allegations and the evi- dence in the pending case of State of Georgia v. Pennsylvania Ratlroad Company. This Al121 case, as you know, was initiated by Governor Arnall of Georgia as an original action be- fore the Supreme Court of the United States, against the principal southern and enstern railroads. It should be noted that this case is one of those infrequent but very interest- ing actions provided for by the Constitution to try issues between a State and citizens of another State. The complaint alleged that the defendants had violated the Federal antitrust laws by: 1. Combining and conspiring to fix non- competitive freight rates; 2, Employing economic coercion to control freight rates; and 3. Combining and conspiring to discrimi- nate in rates against the State of Georgia and other Southern States. The Supreme Court has already held that the State of Georgia presented a valid cause of action. A special master was appointed and the taking of evidence has been con- cluded. The case is to be argued before the master early next year. The evidence contains much that is pertinent to the fu- ture of the South.’ A few instances will show the type of evi- dacnce with which the record abounds. On October 11, 1941, the Southern Rallway sub- mitted to the Southern Freight Association & proposal for a reduced rate upon logs from certain stations in northwestern Alabama to Altavista, Va. the entire movement being over the lines of the Southern Railway. The Southern Railway in its proposal stated that it felt that the reduced rate was necessary in order to enable the logs to move from the Alabama points. When the proposal was submitted by the Southern Freight Associa- tion to its members there were objections predicated upon the supposedly dangerous competitive influences that might be set in motion by the proposed rates. These freight associations are part of a hierarchy of private organizations that pass upon the rates which individual carriers shall fille. The hierarchy is in the shape of a pyramid with fewer and fewer officials from larger and larger railronds composing the committeer as the top of the pyramid is reached. There is an elaborate procedure of appeals whereby the action of a commit- tee on a lower level may be appealed to a committee on a higher level. In the in- stance I am discussing the proposal for re- duced rates on logs was disapproved initially by the General Freight Committee by a ma- jority vote. It was then appealed to the executive committee where it was agatn dis- approved by a majority vote Finally an appeal was taken to the Traffic Fxecutive Association- Southern Territory, where on July 20, 1943, 22 months after the proposal was first filed, it was stricken from the docket. This illustration demonstrates the power of the organized railroads, acting throuth their various rate committees and executive associations, to prevent, hinder and delay proposals to reduce rates from becoming effective. Here the entire movement in- volved was over the lines of the Southern Railway, but even its mananerial discretion was subjected to the concerted judgment of the other roads, none of whom were parties to the rate proposed. And in the end the reduced rate was not made effective. Another instance. On June 24, 1941, the Louisville & Nashville Railroad submitted a proposal to the Southern Freight Association 4Only a limited number of copies of the transcript of the evidence will be navailable, but much of the evidence was placed in the record of the Senate hearings on the Bul- winkle bill (H. R. 2586) which were held be- ginning March 20, 1946. Copies of these hearings can be secured from the clerk of the Senate Committee on Interstate Com- merce.
A1122 effecting a reduction on agricultural imple- ments from points in Southern Freight As- sociation Territory to points in official terri- tory. Official territory is, roughly speaking, that part of the country lying east of the Mississippi river and north of the Ohio and Potomac rivers, and it also includes most of Virginia. The Southern Freight Associa- tion approved the proposed reduction, and on July 19, 1941, forwarded it to the official lines. Although the proposed rate did not seek parity but only 110 percent of the pre- vailing northern level, it was rejected by the northern lines on the ground that— “The only justification offered is commer- cial competition, that 1s, competition with producers in official territory at markets in official territory. . “It is our understanding at the present time that there is a movement of agricul- tural implements from the Scuth to offictal territory. Generally, quite frequently, it is & movement of items that are not usually manufactured in the North, although this May not always be the case. After careful study of the proposal before us we cannot consistently recommend that this reduction in rating be made, and therefore recomr end that the proposition be not concurred in.” Thus culminated a 12-year struggle on the part of southern manufacturers of agricul- tural implements to market their product in the North—a struggle which David E. Lilien- thal, former Chairman of the Tennessee Val- ley Authority, described ar an example of the economic handicaps that unequal freights impose on the South. Many other instances of this type may be cited to illustrate the kind of disadvantage under which the South has long labored. This situation will be partially corrected in respect to some kinds of traffic if the Inter- state Commerce Commission's order, which is now being litigated in the courts, finally becomes effective. But, in my judgment, the South will never be freed of these unfair discriminations until the railroads are made to observe strictly the requirements of the antitrust laws. Although great strides have been made by the South toward becoming a balanced eco- nomic region, much remains to be done be- fore the fullest effects of such progress are visible. The hopes of the South depend not only upon the energy and economic imagi- Nation of its people but upon their insist- ence that they shall not be denied equal opportunity. Southern development can find a major stimulus to the organization of new industry and to the improvement of its ag- riculture in the advances which are now tak- ing place in every ficld of technology. New chemical techniques are both a challenge and an invitation to the development of new chemical industries in the South. Such products as cotton and wood have potential uses, far greater than any now existing, as raw materials for the new chemical tech- nology. Much of the same is true of ad- vances Which have been made in electronics, aS power resources are developed and as new methods of communication and lighting are introduced. There is hardly an area of its economic life from housing, transportation, and health to recreation in which the South cannot find great benefit by taking advantage of the techniques which have come out of the war. All of these goals are within the realm of achievement if southern industry is not subject to the domination of monopoly groups. No one can deny the existence of urgent and irksome social problems any more than one can deny the unique cultural contribu- tion which the South had made to American life. There is every reason to believe, how- ever, that if the South can sense in its daily life and look forward to the reward of eco- nomic development, such problems will be- come much easier to solve. One of the most promising signs for the South is the growing number of bold, pro- gressive thinkers who are determined to cre- ate a better life for the South. These dy- namic leaders were born tn the South, they have lived here and they understand your traditions and people. They appreciate to the fullest the true richness and fruitfulness of southern culture. But they are also cog- nizant of the mistakes of the past and the need of the South to advance at quickened pace if it is to reach its true fulfillment. These new leaders might say in the words of your immortal Sidney Lanier: Old past let go and drop 1’ the sea ‘Till fathomless waters cover thee! For I am living but thou art dead; Thou drawest back, I strive ahead The day to find. The South seems to be turning with in- creasing frequency to these liberal leaders. Their abilities will be a great aid to the South in securing its proper recognition in the affairs of the Nation. Men like Georgia's great Gov. Ellis Arnall have sensed the South’s urgent need to throw off the yoke of absentee-monopoly control and to estab- lish local and regional industries on a wide- spread front. Other statesmen in the South have also grasped the importance of such a program. Right here in Alabama there are some out- standing leaders who are increasingly at- tracting the country’s attention as men who are in the vanguard of the new, liberal South, “Where there is no vision, the people perish.” This proverbial admonition sug- gests the greatest need of our age, if we are to measure up to our responsibilities, Whether it is on the level of international statesmanship in the creation of world peace, or on the level of the small community seek- ing to improve the education of its children, men must view what they do today in terms of tomorrow. In economic affairs, as else- whcre, the American people in the years ahead must make some inescapable choices, Their decisions will result either in an ex- panding economy in which economic freedom and production are constantly increased, or, if our perspectives are shortsighted, in a static economy marked by the growth of monopoly and the further decline of oppor- tunity. Monopoly thrives in the “chill, reactionary snows” that follow war. Hence it is espe- cially necessary at this time to prevent monopoly power from limiting opportunity in any direction. The answer to the monop- oly problem is much simpler to state than it is to achieve, It consists in using every means and every policy available to promote the greatest possible freedom of opportunity. If the vision with which we approach these tasks is sustained by the enforcement of the antitrust laws, and by the encouragement of new and independent enterprise, both the South and the Nation of which it 1s a part will be able to work in an economy of in- creasing opportunity and economic justice for all Americans. Legislative Thievery EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. F. EDWARD HEBERT OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. HEBERT. Mr. Speaker, the time and the opportunity has now come to ex- pose the studied program of political party carnage and legislative thievery APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which has been adopted by the Repub- lican leadership in the House of Repre- sentatives for the next 2 years. In order to bring this program and policy out into the open and in full gaze of the public I have today reintroduced an exact copy of a bill introduced by Rep- resentative A. lL, MILLER, of Nebraska, on last Tuesday. This bill known as H. R. 2620 introduced on March 18, 1947, expresses the same purposes and the same intent as the original bill intro- duced by me on January 6, 1947. The obvious and admitted purpose of the reintroduction of the bill by a Re- publican is legislative thievery which is going to be the established procedure of the Republican Party as long as it re- mains the majority party in the House. If this is going to be the policy of the Republican leadership then the American public should know about it. Iam ready and willing to accept the challenge, and demand those who deny a minority party its rights stand up and be counted in the broad daylight. The Republican leadership has issued instructions that whenever good and progressive or constructive legislation is introduced in the House by a member of the Democratic Party the legislation is to be reintroduced by a member of the Republican Party and the Republicans are to take full credit for all such legis- lation and initiative. In effect, it is the policy of the Republican Party to entirely eliminate the Democratic Party in the House for all intent and purposes of con- structive legislation. In this particular instance I headed a committee which has worked for several months on many bills concerning the District of Columbia penal system. Out of the studies and conferences of this committee a revolutionary approach to the alcoholic problem was brought forth. The import of the proposed legislation immediately caught the popular fancy and soon attracted the attention of the Nation as progressive and needed legis- lation. The alcoholic problem has been declared by the United States Public Health Service as America’s No. 4 problem. This approach to the problem was also an obstacle in the admitted renewed march of the prohibition movement. I am a dripping wet and I am opposed to prohibition, which is the reason I believe those of us who can drink should do something about those who cannot have a social drink without injurious results, Extensive hearings were conducted on the proposed legislation, and throughout the hearings the legislation is referred to as the Hébert bill. Without warning to myself or advance notice, the amended legislation resulting from the hearings was introduced by the Republican chairman of the committee. The Hébert bill has now become the Miller bill. Since then I have learned that the gentleman from Nebraska, Representative MILLER, was instructed by the Republican leadership to reintroduce the bill in his name and that the further policy of the Republican leadership is to take credit for all good legislation which has been introduced by a member of the Democratic Party.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The results are obvious. This policy of the Republican Party means the com- plete elimination end destruction of the rights of the minority party in what is supposed to be a two-party legislative body. It means that whenever any legis- lation proposed by a member of the Dem- ocratic Party meets national approval and acclaim that a member of the Re- publican Party, acting under instructions of the Republican leadership, will steal the legislation and reintroduce it under the name of a member of the Republican Party, which party will take full credit, although it neither created nor developed the legislation. This particular legislation and myself as an individual are unimportant, but the principle involved in this policy is most important. The principle involved strikes at the very fundamentals of our Constitution, which, while acknowledg- ing the responsibility of the majority, at the same time recognizes the duty of the minority and the protection of its rights. If the minority in this Nation is to have no voice or right in the affairs of this country, then we are not far removed from a complete totalitarian form of government. The Republican Party, which has given such lip service to the removal of con- trols, now advances the policy of abso- lute control over everything that is good and constructive for this Nation. The party which professes to want no controls wants all control. It is time that the American people know about this Republican policy in- stead of a further piece down the road. For my part, I shall continue to be guided by what legislation is good or bad for this country, whether it is introduced bv a member of the Republican Party or @ member of the Democratic Party. I shall participate in no party carnage or partisan chicanery, and I shall oppose at every turn the legislative thievery in which the Republican Party now indulges and on which it has set its course. Seventy-fifth Anniversary of East Boston ‘Branch of the Boston Public Library EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. JOHN F. KENNEDY OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following letter: CoNGnEss OF THE UNITED STATES, House oF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D. C., March 19, 1947. BmtTHDAY Girt COMMITTEE, East Boston Branch, Boston Public Library, Boston, Mass. GENTLEMEN: May I take this opportunity of extending to you my sincere congratula- tions on the seventy-fifth anniversary of the East Boston Branch of the Boston Public Li- brary. All of the people of Boston are proud of the great contribution to the community's educational advancement that the East Bos- ton Branch has made. I feel sure that the East Boston Branch Library, the oldest branch library in the United States, will con- tinue in the future as it has in the past to add luster to its record of public service. It is indeed fitting that on the East Boston Branch Library's anniversary on Thursday, March 20th, the occasion be celebrated by presenting equipment, resulting from public subscriptions and donations from school children, that will enhance its value to the people of East Boston. I am honored to represent the community containing the oldest public branch library in the country. With kindest personal regards, I am, Sincerely yours, JOHN F. Kennepy. Forty Questions About the Greek-Turkey Aid Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. MARION T. BENNETT OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr BENNETT of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, all] patriotic Americans are op- posed to communism and hope that its spread in this country and elsewhere throughout the world can be stopped without war and by reason of the ob- vious superiority of our own system in its bencfils to mankind. Those of us who have been pointing out dangers of communism for many years are now, at long last, pleased to find it officially un- popular in Washington, D. C. Yet, the President’s address to a joint session of Congress on March 12, 1947, raises some questions which need to be answered frankly by the administration. Our judgment is no better than our informa- tion. Our information about American foreign policy is not all tnat it should be by reason of the secrecy with which it has been conducted. It is also a little difficult to tell just what our foreign pol- icy is. It seems to change from day to day and to have no consistent being. In the past 14 years it has ranged all the way from extreme isolation to extreme internationalism. It has witnessed ap- peasement of Japan, Germany, and Rus- sia with eventual war made against the first two and now thinly veiled threats of war against the latter. It has placed great reliance upon the United Nations yet now bypasses it in favor of imperial- ism. Today the administration asks Congress to furnish troops and money to be used in the discretion of the Presi- dent to stop communism in Greece and Turkey. What I want to know is— First. Where do we go from here and where do we come out, or do we? Second. Can democracy be sold at the point of a gun or bought with dollars? Third. To what extent will our under- taking to finance various foreign nations limit our fulfilling commitments to our own people at home, particularly vet- erans? Al1123 Fourth. What will be the total expense of the President’s plan to the taxpayers of the United States? Fifth. When was our Government first informed that Great Britain desircd to cease her aid to Greece and Turkey? Sixth. What commitments to Great Britain, if any, by inference or in fact, concerning aid to Greece have already been made on behalf of the United States? Seventh. What agreements, express or implied, made at Yalta, Potsdam, Lon- don, Tehran, on the Atlantic Ocean, or in secret meetings at any other place, exist between the United States, Russia, and Great Britain with reference to other countries and peoples? Eighth. If aid is extended to Greece and Turkey can we refuse similar assist- ance to other countries threatened by communism and civil disorder? Ninth. How long is it contemplated that we must finance Greece and Turkey and support them in a military way against the age-old dream of Russia to control the Dardenelles? Tenth. Has Great Britain given any assurances that if we assume the eco- nomic and military assistance to Greece that she will be able to and be willing to carry out her economic and military commitments elsewhere in the world without further help from us? Eleventh. Who will exercise control of and what will be the extent of control over the expenditure of the money pro- posed to be made available by us to Greece? Twelfth. What reason do we have to believe that after the proposed loan is used the Greek Government will have established itself so that it will not need an additional advancement to prevent be- ing absorbed into the communistic fold? Thirteenth. Has Great Britain agreed to keep her troops for pclice purposes in Greece or can we expcct. Great Britain to tcll us, after we make the loan, that other commitments require withdrawal of troops as well as economic aid by Britain? Fourteenth. What reason do we have to believe that Great Britain if she re- mains will not use the moncy loaned to establish in Greece a socialist form of government substantially the sume as the present government in England which has failed so miserably to mect its re- sponsibilies even though supported by vast loans from America? Fifteenth. In event the proposed loan is made and our interest then in Greece still becomes menaced by aggression of Russia, what shall be the recommenda- tion of the administration as to the steps to be taken to protect our interest? Sixteenth. Is it contemplated that the Greck-Turkish-aid-power-politics policy will be revived in China where it failed its first test? Seventeenth. Why is it anticipated that intervention of this kind will work in Greece and Turkey when it failed in China? Eighteenth. How can we reduce our national debt when saddled with foreign financial undertakings the conclusion of which is not in sight?
A1124 Nineteenth. How many American military personnel and of what types are to be sent to Greece and Turkey? Twentieth. Will any funds loaned be expended for maintenance of Greek and Turkish military forces? Twenty-first. Does not our entry into Greece and Turkey under the circum- stances proposed by President Truman entail the abandonment of the Monroe Doctrine with its established corollary that if European countties keep out of North and South America we will like- wise keep out of Europe? Twenty-second. Does the President's proposal carry with it the abandonment of our hopes and efforts to build a United Nations capable of dealing with such Mituations as the present? Twenty-third. Will not this proposed bypass of the United Nations weaken it? Twenty-fourth. Why is it alleged that there is not time enough for UN to act in this emergency? Twenty-flifth. Why are not the World Bank and International Stabilization Fund able to furmish the financial as- sistance required by Greece and Turkey? Twenty-sixth. If we act outside of the UN when it suits our purposes, can other nations be blamed for doing likewise and will that not nullify the value and pur- pose of the UN? Twenty-seventh. Are we laying down a@ general principle which will govern our policy elsewhere in the world and particularly in China, Poland, Iran, Iraq, Korea, Palestine, Argentina, and India? Twenty-eighth. What arrangements and security are being or could be pro- vided for repayment of the Greek and Turkish loans? Twenty-ninth. Is not our proposed move into Greece and Turkey a policy of imperialis: 1 and power politics? Thirtieth. Were any conversations conducted with Russia to persuade her to cease intervention in Greece and Turkey prior to the President’s request for intervention by ourselves? Thirty-first. If an economic offensive is to be launched against communism abroad what steps is the administration prepared to take to fight communism at home? Thirty-second. What is the danger to democracy and freedom in Communist control of Greece and Turkey provided the people want it in place of the mon- archy in one and dictatorship in the oth- er now prevailing and to which we pledge support? Thirty-third. Why is America, with the largest national debt in history, be- ing called upon to shoulder this burden alone, without cooperation of like-mind- ed fellow nations? Thirty-fourth. What is there about our administration of German affairs to commend our talents in administering other alien populations? Thirty-fifth. If Russia regards our en- try into Greece and Turkey with the pur- pose of arming peoples on her borders as an unfriendly act, do we propose to maintain our position by force of arms? Thirty-sixth. If we are to wage every- thing short of a shooting war against communism wherever we find it abroad, should we not stop further aid to Russia herself and to her satellites? Thirty-seventh. If our policy of financ- ing the world leads to bankruptcy and inflation at home will that not be an aid to communism in America? Thirty-eighth. Will not continuation of government by crisis, a technique of recurrent emergencies we have faced in the past 14 years, mean continuation rather than elimination of Government controls and to that extent play into hands of the Communists in this coun- try? Thirty-ninth. Since extent of our aid to Greece is predicated upon the survey and reports prepared in a study there by Paul Porter, former head of the OPA, is it contemplated to try OPA-WPA the- orics in Greece and, if so, what prospect is there that they will work for an inter- national New Deal any better than they did at home where they had to be aban- doned? Fortieth. Will not a policy such as rec- ommended by the President set up po- litical] tensions and an armament race between the United States and Russia which would set the stage for an overt act of war as soon as Russia has finished developing the atom bomb? United States Coast Guard EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SCHUYLER OTIS BLAND OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. BLAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks I dcsire to discuss certain remarks which were made of an adverse nature in regard to the Coast Guard during the debate in connection with H. R. 2436 and the re- port of the chairman of the Subcommit- tee on the Treasury and Post Office Ap- propriations. The chairman of the subcommitee, the distinguished gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. CANFIELD], a man whom I hold in the highest esteem for his pur- pose and devotion to the task at hand, has made certain statements with which Icannot agree. Since the Seventy-third Congress, as chairman of the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee, I have been in close association with the United States Coast Guard and its growth, de- velopment, and legislative program, I cannot accept without a word of nega- tion such statements as my distinguished colleague the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. CaNEIELD] has made to the effect that his colleagues on the Appro- priations Committee will give you spe- cific examples of the waste, extrava- gance, and grandiose schemes of the Coast Guard. I know that the commit- tee in placing a ceiling of $79,000,000 for Coast Guard expenditures points out that this is $72,000,000 more than the ap- propriation of 10 years ago. We are dealing with 1948 values and comparing APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD them with those of 1938. Since 1938 the former Lighthouse Service of the De- partment of Commerce and the Bureau of Marine Inspection and Navigation of the Department of Commerce have been united with the Coast Guard and their appropriations incorporated in one ap- propriation. In addition, the Coast Guard has by the acts of Congress itself been given still other and additional re- sponsibilities which require funds far in excess of that which were originally requested by this service for its 1948 budget. In this connection, I quote from the appropriation bill, fiscal year 1947, and the report from the Committee on Ap- propriations committed to the Commit- tee of the Whole House and ordered to be printed on May 14, 1946: Certain new activities growing largely out of wartime scientific developments are now necessary functions of the Coust Guard and serve to increase materially the cost of op- eration. These activities include loran sta- tions, an entirely new use of radio waves to guide ships and airplunes at sea, weathcr stations on ships located strategicully in the Atlantic and Pacific to furnish weather in- formation necessary to air transportation, an air-sea rescue service made necessary by the great increase in transoceanic air travel, and other duties. I agree wholeheartedly with the spirit of peacetime ‘economy which must be adopted and do not now debate nor argue the merits of a greatly expanded Coast Guard. However, I do wish to bring to the notice of the House the fact that it has not been any grandiose idea of this serv- ice to expand itself, but that its growth has been brought about by its wartime efficiency and the fact that it has so well performed many duties throughout the world that the Navy and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and other executive departments have required the Coast Guard to per- form a multitude of tasks. Many of these responsibilities are of such a nature that were they performed by the Army, Navy, or other organization that organ- ization would itself be required to pur- chase, build, develop, and equip facili- ties, and to train and educate personnel. For example, if our fleets need aids to navigation, are we going to require the Navy to duplicate the equipment and the service available from the Coast Guard? I have for long given particular atten- tion to the rating structure and ranks of the Coast Guard, and I have consci- entiously served on the Board of Visitors to the Coast Guard Academy; in such duty I have been ably assisted by the distinguished gentleman from New Jer- sey. This gentleman states: It is not intended to reduce enlisted per- sonnel below the 19,600 ceiling now in effect. * * * If the Oonst Guard will carry out the intent of the bill, the reduc- tion will be made in officer ranks. The firures will prove that the limita- tions of funds appropriated for pay and allowances will not maintain 19,500 en- listed personnel and a requisite propor- tion of commissioned and warrant offi- cers. The maintaining of such enlisted strength would in fact probably require the discharge of commissioned officers
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for whom the Government has expended considerable sums in education. I do not say that no reduction should be made in commissioned officers, but I do not think that it was the intention of the committee that the hands of the Coast Guard should be tied in this manner, otherwise there would be a complete nullification of the flexibility which the committee claims for its allocation of funds tunder the different headings. Criticism is made of the number of offi- cers and petty officers in the Coast Guard compared to the number of nonrated men. The Coast Guard has always had a large percentage of ratings because the small floating units operated by the serv- ice require petty officers for the deck watches and petty officers are the artdfi- cers that operate the machinery. In other words, a small craft with eight or nine men will require ratings for prac- tically the whole crew. If these men were on the larger units such a pre- ponderance of ratings would not be had. It should be recalled that in order to enforce law, the man in charge of a boat or watch must be an officer of some category, either commissioned, warrant, or enlisted. The Coast Guard maintains over one thousand shore establishments, lifeboat and light stations, which neces- sitate men trained for their specialty and rated for the responsibilities of their po- sitions. These. too, are small groups of men and often the group is composed en- tirely of petty officcrs. I desire also to refer to the statement of the distinguished gentleman from North Dakota 1Mr. Ropertson]: The chairman of the subcommittee hus touched on the deep-sea operations of the Coast Guard. Added all together, we have a sordid story of bureaucratic expansion at its worst. The cut the commitee has madc is, in my personal judgment, completely justifled beyond question. Such statements as this I regret to see in the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp refcr- ring to a service with as honorable a record as the Coast Guard. Deep-sea operations in which the Coast Guard is engaged are something for which this service may be proud. That these opera- tions are not due to any grandiose idea of this service, I quote from a recent let- ter published in the Washington Post of March 11, 1947: The report of the Appropriations Commit- tee on the Treasury-Post Office bill states: “It was never the intention of Congress that the Coast Guard should bccome a ‘b!ue- water’ organization, extending its functions far beyond the coasts of the continental United States.” On June 22, 1936, Congress passed and the President signed, the act to define the jurisdiction of the Coast Guard. This act declares it to be the duty of the Coast Guard to enforce all laws of the United States on the high seas. The Pclagic Act (1912), the Northern Pacific Halibut Act (1982), the Whaling Treaty Act (1936), the Sponge Fish- ing Act (1914), the Migratory Bird Act (1918), the act to afford aid to distressed navigators (1837), the authority to remove derelicts and floating dargers to navigation (1906), the act charging the Coast Guard to exteni med- ical and surgical aid to the crews of Ameri- can vessels engaged in deep sea fishing (38 Stat. 387), the act implementing the Safety at Sca Convention of 1914 and establishing the International Service of Ice Observation and Ice Patrol, so as to avoid another Titanic disaster where a trans-Atlantic liner col- lided with an iceberg and many lives were lost (49 Stat. 1922), are all acts of Congress extending Coast Guard functions beyond the coasts of the continental United States, most of them necessitating action far beyond those coasts. I am certain that this service does not deserve such adverse comment as was gratuitously and unwarrantedly heaped upon it by several of the members of the Subcommittee on Treasury and Post Office Appropriations in justification of its reduction of appropriation and limit- ing of the scope of the service. Small Business Unit in Department of Justice Is Excellent Move by Attorney General Clark EXTENSION OF REMARKS {°) KON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Moznday, February 10, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I wish to call attention to the news of the establishment on January 22, 1947, of a Small Business Unit in the Depari- ment of Justice. I particularly call at- tention to this as it is definitely a step in the right direction. I think it is highly important that the Department of Jus- tice take this action to aid the small businessman in the postwar era, and I believe Attorney General Clark and his associates are to be congratulated. In announcing the creation of the Unit, Attorney General Clark stated: The Small Business Unit is authorized. insofar as the Inaw and budgetary Nmitations permit, to invcke all the power which Con- tress has conferred to maintain full oppor- tunity and free competition in business, We are particularly interested in the problems of veterans secking to engage in new busi- nesses or to reestablish enterprises which they abandoned to enter the armed forccs. Assistant Attorney General Berge, in charge of the Antitrust Division. de- clarcd: Esch request for assistance is treated in confidence and it is not necessary that a small businessman have proof of a violation of the antitrust laws before he can come to us with his problems. It is not necessary that he come to Washington or that he go to one of our field offices. A letter addressed to the Antitrust Division in Wushington, D. C., will suffice to initiate a study of the difficulty and an early dctermination of what, if anything, can be done in the matter by the Department of Justice or by any other agency or department of the Government, Mr. Chalmers Hamill has been desig- nated Chief of the Small Business Unit, which is under the general supervision of Edward P. Hodges, Chief of the Com- plaints and Small Business Section of the Antitrust Division. Mr. Hamill, a native of Marshall, Ill., is a lawyer and former manufacturer, formerly counsel for the Firestone Tire & Rubber Co., and secretary of the Na- tional Bellas-Hess, Al1125 The Small Business Unit will carry on the following functions: (a) The Small Business Unit receives and studies the complaints, requests, and communications of small businessmen. All such matters presented to the Unit are held in strict confidence. (b) Wherever necessary, the Unit will make contacts with representatives of Government or industry, either in per- son or by correspondence, thus saving the time and expense of the small busi- nessman, (ce It will furnish such advice, guid- ance, and suggestion to complainants as may be deemed helpful and appropriate. (d) It will afford the complainant such protection against unfair, oppressive, or predatory business practices as may lie within its lawful powers. (e) The Unit will refer any violations of the law disclosed by the complaint to the proper division of the Department of Justice. (f) Veterans’ prcblems will be given speedy attention. While the Department of Justice cannot make loans or award contracts, the Unit will assist veterans in their efforts to obtain equipment or materials which are in short supply and which are being arbitrarily allotted by the supplier on an historical basis of purchase. It will assist them in obtain- ing a fair opportunity to secure Gov- ernment contracts and in other matters. (g) While the work of the Small Busi- ness Unit is not litigative but concilia- tory in nature, it is a very definite anti- trust enforcement. It is based upon the assumption that the antitrust laws are well enforced if, in conjunction with our prosecutions of antitrust violations, an endeavor is mede to eliminate the cause of complaints of such violations in their incipiency, without instituting lawsuits. By assigning a small group of men to consider specifically the problems of the small businessman we can. it is hoped. correct situations: now existing in the business community which, if uncorrect- cd in their early stages, would ulti- mately require the institution by the De- partment of antitrust cases. Democratization of Germany EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THEODORE FRANCIS GREEN OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. GREEN. Mr. President, several times lately there have appeared in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD comments on and extracts from a statement by Secretary of State Marshall at Moscow relative to the democratization of Germany. It seems to me very important that the statement have as wide circulation as possible because in the conflict of ideologies the word “dcmocracy” is given many meanings. Differnt mean- ings have been given the word in the course of history throughout the cen- turies, and there are different meanings
A1126 today in different parts of the world. The statement of the Secretary was so clear in his definition of what American democracy means that I think the entire statement should be available, and I ask that it be printed in the Appendix of the REcorp. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the REcorpD, as follows: DEMOCRATIZATION The Berlin Conference instructed the Al- lied Control Authority “to prepare for the eventual reconstruction of German political life on a democratic basis and for eventual peaceful cooperation in international life by Germany.” We believe that that directive should be made more precise so as to assure unity of procedure within the different Ger- man zones. T realize that the word “democracy” is giv- en many interpretations. To the American Government and citizen it has a basic mean- ing. We believe that human beings have certain inalienable rights, that is, rights which may not be given or taken away. They include the right of every individual to de- velop his mind and his soul in ways of his own choice free of fear or coercion-—provided only he does not interfere with the like right of others. To us, a society is not democratic if men who respect the rights of their fellow- men are not free to express their own beliefs and convictions without fear that they may be snatched away from their home and fam- ily. To us, a society is not free if law-abiding citizens live in fear of being denied the right to work or deprived of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. We believe that the reconstruction of Ger- many on a democratic basis as called for by the Berlin Conference requires that basic law within each German state and the practice of the occupying authorities should assure such rights to every individual and effec- tively prevent any government or group, however powerful or however numerous, from taking such rights from, or imposing such fears on, any individuals, however weak or however few. We believe that the present control of Germany by the Allies gives us a unique opportunity to demonstrate to the world the sincerity of the democratic goals which were proclaimed in the Atlantic Char- ter and the Charter of the United Nations. Unfortunately, the Allied Council has not yet been able to agree upon the guaranties necessary to assure political and economic freedom in all parts of Germany. In con- sequence there has been no uniform prep- aration of the Germans in the different zones for the political reconstruction of Germany. In the first place it seems clear that there has not been a uniformly effective guaran- ty of civil rights in all parts of Germany. The protection of the individual in the mod- ern state rests upon the constitutional guar- anties of his basic rights and lberties. I assume my colleagues will agree that ade- quate guaranties of these basic rights of the individual should be contained in every German constitution. In the second place there has been no uniformly effective guaranty of the rights of political partics in all parts of Germany. Freely constituted political parties should be insured the right to participate in a free competitive election system in which each is accorded equal opportunity to present its views, to win adherents and to obtain just representation. In the third place, there is no uniformly effective guaranty of the rights of free trade unions in all parts of Germany. The rights of free and autonomous trade unions to carry on customary trade-union activities in ac- cordance with the wishes of their members should be clearly established. In the fourth place, there is no uniformly effective guaranty of the freedom of the press and radio in all parts of Germany. There is in the opinion of the American Government and the American people a vital connection between modern democracy and a free press and radio. Governmental dom- ination and manipulation of information media in the interest of the Nazi Party were powerful weapons in the hands of the anti- democratic Nazi regime. If anti-democratic ideologies are to be forever eliminated in Germany we must certainly permit the people of that nation to enjoy an unre- stricted access to information obtained by means of all media of public information including press, radio, book and magazine publications, films, theater and music. In the fifth place, there is no uniformly effective guarantee of freedom of movement for persons and goods throughout Germany. Such freedom is essential to the development of a sound political and economic life in a peaceful Germany. The original reasons for restricting movement of Germans internally no longer exist. The German military forces have been disbanded, the great major- ity of war criminals have been apprehended, the Nazi organizations have been broken up, and active Nazis and subversive elements are under necessary control and surveillance. Since the reasons for restricting free move- ment no longer prevail, it seems to us that the time has come to terminate any such restrictions that now exist. Iam sorry that the Allied Control Council has delayed in taking the necessary action to ensure the observance of these prerequisites to the agreed political and economic objec- tives. We will never democratize Germany by the mere negative process of depriving Nazis of their positions and influence. We must rather take an active part in the estab- lishment of the essentials which I have out- lined and pYroceed to restore German eco- nomic and political life upon the foundation which they provide. To make substantial progress in this di- rection, common agreement among us is essential. The United States delegation regards the principles I have outlined as of fundamental importance. I shall later cir- culate a proposed directive on the subject which I hope will have your sympathetic consideration. International Bill of Rights EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT N. McGARVEY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. MCGARVEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following resolution: Whereas the United Nations Human Rights Commission is currently engaged in prepar- ing the first draft of an international bill of rights; and Whereas this is one of the most important single tasks in modern times since its formu- lation and implementation are basic pre- requisites to a just and lasting peace; and Whereas newspaper reports of the Commis- sion’s meetings indicate the representative of one nation as claiming that only a small layer separates man from the animal and that the difference may simply be that man can APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD think of someone else as well as of himself; and Whereas other newspaper reports indicate that the representative of another nation claims that the bills of human rights pre- sented for study are wrong because the em- phasis is on the rights of individuals where- as the new trends in the world make it im- possible to consider individuals except col- lectively; and Whereas still other newspaper reports in- dicate that the representative of another na- tion urges the deletion of all the following concepts: “The right of fe, of personal lib- erty; the prohibition of slavery and compul- sory labor; the right to petition national gov- ernments and the United Nations; nonrctro- activity of penal laws; right of property; pro- hibition of unlawful expropriation; freedom of movement; and freedom to resist oppres- siong; and Whereas these sentiments are in direct conflict with the natural law, the American Declaration of Independence, and the pre- amble of the United Nations Charter: Be it therefore Resolved, That we, the delegates of the Philadelphia archdiocesan Holy Name Union, regularly assembled at this March 2, 1947, quarterly meeting, hereby respectfully peti- tion the Chief Executive of the United States, President Harry 8. Truman, and the several Senators and congressional Representatives of the districts in which we live, to duly in- struct the United States representatives on the Human Rights Commission to insist that a bill of rights be drafted that takes com- plete cognizance of at least the following basic truths: I. That the dignity of man, created in the image of God, obligates him to live in ac- cordance with law imposed by God. Conse- quently, he is endowed as an individual and as a member of society with rights which are inalienable; and Il. That the family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is endowed by the Creator with inalienable rights antecedent to all positive law. The family does not exist for the state, but on the other hand is not independent; and WI. That political authority is entrusted by God to nations, which are endowed with rights and charged with the obligation of establishing justice, of promoting the gen. eral welfare of their citizcns and of cooperat- ing with other nations in furthering the uni- versal welfare of mankind; and IV. That the human family constitutes an organic unity or a world society and the states of the world have the right and duty to associate and to organize in international community for their common welfare, Improvement of German Food Situation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. KERSTEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing resolution and pctition: Whereas it 1s the desire of all Americans who belicve in justice, freedom, and hu- manity, that all necessary steps be taken which will promote democratic ideals and humanitarian concepts among the people of Germany, Austria, and Hungary; and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Whereas America can best promote these ideals and concepts by itself being the leader; and Whereas it is necessary that these three countries should be assisted in the recon- struction of their industrial life in order to avoid starvation and extreme suffering in the cities of these countries and to enable them to get on their fect so that they will not become a permanent burden upon this or other countries: Now, therefore, we as liberty-loving citi- vens of the United States, do hereby resolve and petition that all peaceful, appropriate, and necessary means be employed by our President, our State Department, the Treas- ury Department, the War Department, the Senate, the House of Representatives, and by all other departments and agencies of the Government to accomplish immediately or as soon as possible the following: 1. To open the Russian zone of Germany so as to permit unhampered relief to be ex- tended and operated by all groups or indi- viduals in charge of rellef. 2. To improve the German dict to a mini- mum of 2,000 calories and increase the fats ration to 15 percent of the total calories, and increase the animal protein diet to 15 percent of the total calories, and inasmuch as all private relief, despite its honorable purpose and good intentions, remains er-tirely inadequate, it becomes the duty of the Fed- eral Government, whose charges these con- quered people are, to increase the budget to the end that these people may have sufficient physical strength to do their daily work in the promotion of self-help and democratic ideals. 3. To make it possible to issue visos for German, Austrian, and Hungarian children s0 as to allow them to be admitted into American homes for rehabilitation and to cause to be issued nonquota passports to Ger- man, Austrian, and Hungarian orphans who will be adopted into American homes and reared to become American citizens. Respectfully submitted. StTEvuBEN SOCrery OF AMERICA. New York, N. Y., January 29, 1947. Inequalities of Pay of Federal and State Employees EXTENSION OF REMARKS r HON. A. L. MILLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. MILLER of Nebraska. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp a letter from Senator John Callan, chair- man of the Committee on the Budget of the Nebraska State Legislature. In this letter, Senator Callan points out that the Federal Government is mak- ing many raids upon the pay rolls in the State of Nebraska. What is said of Ne- braska, can be repeated in all of the 48 States. I am sending a copy of this letter and these remarks to the legislative and ap- propriation committees in the House. I earnestly believe these committees should give it serious thought. Certainly the wage scales under Civil Service which might apply in the cities in the eastern part of the country, does not apply to the less populated areas. The burden becomes especially hard for a State like Nebraska, where the Federal Government had as of April 1946 27,500 people on its pay roll. The wage scales paid by the Federal Government cannot be and should not be matched or equaled by the State government. This also ap- plies to private enterprise. The 27,500 people employed by the Federal Govern- ment in Nebraska is probably more than was employed by all the State, county, city, and municipal governments in the State. If this Congress fails to cut down the unnecessary Government activity, they will be rendering a poor service to the taxpayers of this country. The letter follows: NesrasSkKa STATE LEGISLATURE, Lincoln, Nebr., March 10, 1947. The Honorable A. L.°MIm.Er, United States House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DeEAaR REPRESENTATIVE MILLER: The Com- mittee on the Budget of the Nebraska Leg- isinture wishes to call your attention to a matter with which you are probably alrendy familiar, and to ask that you use your best efforts in devising a solution to the problem presented. A considerable degree of competition ex- ists in Nebraska between certain agencies in the State government and those of the National Government in securing employees. In this competition the State of Nebraska is at a decided disadvantage because of the marked difference in salary scales of the two governments. Engineers in our department of roads and trrigation receive higher of- fers from the United States Reclamation Service, or from the Army Corps of Engi- neers. Professors at the University of Ne- braska College of Agriculture accept posi- tions with the Federal Department of Agri- culture at 40 or 50 percent increase in sal- arics. Clerical employees in the State cap- itol frequently resign to accept civil service positions with Federal agencies. The re- sult is that the agencies of the State govern- ment are operating under an even greater handicap than would normally be true when there is a scarcity of trained help. We rendily agree that income and living costs have soared, and that salaries must be increased accordingly. We concede the prin- ciple that adequate salaries must be paid if competent help is to be secured and retained. Our complaint, however, arises from the fact that the Federal salary scale, at least for some positions, seems unwarrantedly high in Nebraska. It is quite possible that in Wash- ington, D. C., and some Eastern States where both per capita income and cost of living are much higher than they are in Nebraska, the Federal salary scale may be entirely in line with those of both private business and the agencies of the State governments. That, howcver, is definitely not the case in Ne- braska. It is obvious, of course, that when a Nebraskan accepts a position with the Fed- eral Government and is sent to California or the District of Columbia, he must be paid @ salary comparable to that of other persons in a like position, but it is difficult to see the necessity for paying salaries in local Fed- eral agencies so much above those paid for similar services by private business or corre- sponding agencies of the State government. Hoping that this matter will receive your serious consideration, and with best wishes, T am, Sincerely yours, Joun 8. CALLAN, Chairman, Committee on the Budget, Nebraska Legislature. Al127 Carroll B. Reece and Our Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, without prolonging an unfortunate controversy born of ineptitude and nurtured in par- tisanship, I fecl a word of commendation should be extended to the distinguished former Member of this body from Ten- nessee, Mr. Carroll B. Reece, the present chairman of the Republican National Committee, for his forthright refusal to accept the thesis presented by Mr. Gael Sullivan, of the Democratic National Committee, that these two instrumen- talities seek to exercise a machine con- trol over the action taken by Congress in the present world crisis. Mr. Reece has pointed out in his re- ply, as even the Washington Post can- didly admits editorially this morning, the obviously political purpose of the move in that the Democratic National Com- mittee saw fit to release the contents of the letter to the press at the same time it was delivered to him. It is but another instance, as the Republican chairman with admirable restraint refrained from pointing out, of the Democrats jumping on the band wagon and rushing into print in an attack on communism after they had sat back complacently for years and allowed the snake to sink its fangs deep into the sinews of our Government and spew its poisonous venom through- out the land. Also deserving of commendation are the distinguished gentlemen f10m Mich- igan and Texas, Senators VANDENBERG and CONNALLY, for their disavowal, patriot- ically with equal vehemence, of this ill- conceived move, to put it charitably, of the Democratic hierarchy. Of course, we take him at his word that the Senator from Texas did not know of this blast from Democratic headquarters. The re- sentment he expressed on the floor of the Senate is only natural. He has labored shoulder to shoulder with the Senator from Michigan to present-a united non- political front to the world as they have ably and diligently represented this coun- try in the family of nations. No less bitter, I am sure, is the resent- ment of many of the Members of this body across the aisle at this ill-considered, presumptuous, chauvinistic exhibition by the executive director of the Democratic National Committee. I know that they repudiate such tactics as completely as has the Senator from Texas. The problems which our country faces today in the international field are too grave, too complex, too far-reaching, to be made the objects of political maneu- vering for position. As illustrative of the universal rebuke from the press which Mr. Sullivan’s ef- fort at slickness has so justifiably re- ceived, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the editorial comment of Mr.
A1128 Arthur Krock as it appeared yesterday in the New York Times: PARTISAN AIM REBUKED-—-DANGER OF SEEKING POLITICAL ADVANTAGE ON GRAVE ISSUES SHOWN IN SULLIVAN CASE (By Arthur Krock) WasHINGTON, March 18.—The dangers of being too clever and trying to turn every- thing to partisan advantage—even including the gravest issue of foreign policy in the Nation's history—were not foreseen by the headquarters staff of the Democratic Na- tional Committee when it was decided that Gael Sullivan, the executive director, should send the letter to B. Carroll Reece, the Re- publican national chairman, that was de- nounced in the Senate today. But after Senator ARTHUR H. VANDENBERG made his dig- nificd protest against it, and Senator Tom ConnaLLy followed him, the consequences that should have been obvious were made clear. Mr. Sullivan is a handsome, self-assured young man from Chicago, brought up in Mayor Ed Kelly’s school of politics and the New Deal’s school of economics. Last No- vember's election results failed to impress him as proof that there is anything for such alumni to learn if the Democrats are to continue to win Presidential elections, He is used to public Jobs and power under that party's dispensation and, like many others, has been affected in judgment by the long tenure of the New Deal. As pinch-hitter for Robert E, Hannegan, the national chairman of the Democratic Party, Mr. Sullivan is anxious to make a record for alertness and, having been nur- tured on the principle that the American people love slickness for its own sake, it was natural that the letter that got bipartisan criticism in the Senate today should ap- peal to him. It would, they reasoned around Demo- cratic headquarters, put the Republicans in a hole and get votes in 1948 for the party candidates—which is the business of the National Committee. The Republicans would be put in a hole because, if Chairman Reece signed the manifesto drawn up by Mr. Sullivan—a two-party statement en- dorsing President Truman's new anti-Com- munist foreign policy—the Republicans would become the “Me Too" party, despite their control of Congress. If Mr. Reece refused, the Republicans would be put in a hole because a new charge of isolationism and noncooperation on a vital foreign issue could be laid against them, a charge that was made successfully and with good basis in 1940 and 1944. Above all, this reasoning continued, the Democratic National Committee would ap- pear very sharp and clever, and the Amerit- can people reward those qualities with votes. And the letter should be made public before any answer was received, so that full pub- licity value might accrue. Mr. Sullivan thought very highly of the scheme and the letter was published. Polli- tics is a trade to its professional practitioners, and that is the plane on which this care- Jess handling of a high explosive was con- ceived. Even when the material burst in the face of the Democratic National Com- mittee, Mr. Sullivan issued a statement an- nouncing Mr. Reece’s refusal to be a co- signer, which by its triumphant tone im- plied that the gravity of the cynical blunder is still unrecognized at committee head- quarters. But, as Mr. VANDENBERG said and as Mr. ConnaLLy echoed, bipartisan foreign policy will die in revolt if one party organization seeks to make use of it to gain a partisan advantage over the other. And it is hardly possible to interpret Mr. Sullivan's letter in any other way. The Republican majority in Congress, not its national chairman, must make the decision posed by the President's message. Any maneuver that is taken as an attempt to pressure or embarrass the ma- jority as it faces this heavy responsibility is a disservice to the bipartisan approach. Mr. Sullivan is a former college lecturer on public administration and economics, a former divinity student and a man with a reputation for ability in certain lines. But he has played politics with a callous city and national machine for many years, which develops a kind of insensibility to the fact that there are some public situations from which the technique of the professional polli- tician is wisely excluded by both moral and practical considerations. The True Meaning of Conservation of Mineral Resources EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHARLES H. RUSSELL OF NEVADA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. RUSSELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- ord, I include the following article by John A. Church, consulting enginecr, which clearly sets forth the need of a program for the wise utilization of min- eral resources and the true meaning of conservation of those resources: It has been urged in some quarters that as a Nation we should leave our ore reserves in the ground and depend for our postwar re- quirements on foreign sources, saving our home supply while we exhaust the world outside. This idea rests on a profound mis- conception of the art of mining and the de- velopment of ore resources. It assumes that every pound of ore in the ground is known, and that we have only to reach out our hands and pick it up when an emergency arises. It also assumes that the extremely complex op- erations of ore concentration, smelting and refining can be manned and started over night. The real truth is, that a mine is neces- sarily a slow growth, and that even in ground known to be mineralized, the precise location of the ore and provision of the means of access to it must be constantly pushed in advance of actual mining, or the mining itself will soon decline and finally come toa stop. It is true that some ore bodies at or near the surface have been almost com- pletely explored and delimited by drill, so that mining can be planned in detail for years ahead. But even these are covered with blankets of barren overburden which must be removed, section by section, before the ore beneath is accessible to future ex- traction. In underground mines, the con- tinuous search for ore and its methodical opening up in preparation for mining are absolutely prerequisite to maintaining steady production. Furthermore, in emergency the element of time is vital. To sink a deep shaft requires many months, and to open up a block even of proven ore requires months longer. If by some legerdemain all the copper-ore re- sources of the United States had been known five or six: decades ago and it had been de- cided to save them untouched for use in the World War, we should have found our- selves on the morning of December 8, 1941, without a pound of domestic copper avail- able and no prospect of getting any for many months to come. Nor during the whole pe- riod of the war could we have achieved more than a part of the production we actually enjoyed. The only practical source of do- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mestic ores in emergency is a going indus- try, working on developed ore bodies and staffed and manned with miners, millmen, and smeltermen who know their work by daily experience. When a mining industry has once been developed, as ours has been, it cannot be subjected to prolonged shut-down without serious loss of resources. Very few under- ground mines are dry. They must be con- stantly pumped out, and frequently the penalty of failure to keep them pumped out is rotted and broken timbering, caved ground, admixture of waste rock, and trre- coverable loss of ore. In a mine operating in heavy ground, maintenance and repair of haulageways and other main workings must be continuous. Where mining is carried on by caving methods, or by shrinkage stopes, in which ore is blasted down and left in the stopes (chambers) to be drawn off later, the caving of barren sidewalls or roof during a shut-down can so dilute the ore as to destroy its value. By value at this point is meant usefulness in a national emergency; the diluted ore would require more manpower, more concentrating facilities, and more time for its beneficiation than the Nation in a great emergency can spare. These are the physical facts with which mining methods and mining economy have to deal, and the same conditions would be equally effective in damaging our ore re- sources, if the industry were drastically cur- talled by a mistaken attempt to set aside those resources for emergency. In the fleld of metals it has been shown that the outside world has need for all the meta] that it can reasonably insist upon producing. The United States, on the other hand, needs a domestic industry capable of rising in- stantly to emergency, but no industry, espe- cially a mining industry, can respond unless it is In sound and healthy operating condi- tion when the emergency arises. The foregoing discussion deals with the practical conditions which govern the use of ore resources. It is a discussion of conserva- tion, and it leads directly into the broader aspects of conservational policy, which can- not be better stated than in the words of Dr. C. K. Leith, one of the world’s authorities on mineral resources and a leader in our mineral strategy during the war: '! “Conservation is a primary consideration of any mincral policy. By conservation we mean efficient extraction and use, not hoard- ing. By stabilization we mean the effort of balancing supply and demand of world min- erals to avoid bad effects on industry, stand- ards of living. and labor conditions, and, above all, the waste of irreplaceable resources caused by the overdevelopment, overproduc- tion, and violent swings in prices. “Because mineral resources are exhaustible and irreplaceable, conservation and stabili- zation are almost synonymous requirements both from the standpoint of the industry and the nations concerned. Efficient extraction of minerals with a minimum of waste re- quires continuity of operation and prices adequate to permit of conservation practices. Stabilization commonly requires higher than competitive prices when they are at the bottom of their cyclic swings. An outstand- ing example of conservation through stabill- zation is the huge saving of oll resulting from the cooperative efforts of the ofl-States compact. Excessive competition in the min- eral industries in the past has resulted in overproduction and low prices which in turn have made it impoasible to carry on the necessary conservational practices of extrac- tion. Excessive taxes have sometimes had the same results. Only the best and high- grade parts of resources could be profitably extracted and the rest was often left in such 1Principles of Foreign Mineral Policy of the United States, published in Mining and Metallurgy, January 1946.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD condition that it could be recovered only at great expense, if at all.” This discussion makes it clear that in the wise utilization of mineral resources conser- vation begins, not in total abstinence, but, at the moment when those resources are opened up for use. From that moment on- ward, the responsibility devolves on the oper- ator to carry on extraction as efficiently and with as little waste as possible, within the Umit of his power to control events. But completely outside that power, and reserved solely to the nation at large, is the power to safeguard his operations from overde- velopment, overproduction, and overcompe- tition in the world beyond the national boundaries. Liberalizing Postal Restrictions on Germany EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. KERSTEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing resolution and petition: Whereas it is the dcsire of all Americans who believe in justice, freedom, and human- ity that all necessary steps be taken which will promote democratic ideals and human- itarian concepts among the people of Ger- many, Austria, and Hungary; and Whereas America can best promote these ideals and concepts by itself being the leader; and Whereas the present permissible 11-pound private food and clothing parcels to the above countries are entirely inadequate; and Whereas millions of our citizens are ready and willing to provide sorely needed clothing and food to their friends and rela- tives in the above countrics; Now, therefore, we petition the President, the Department of State, the War Dcpart- ment, the Treasury Department, the Senate, the House of Representatives, and all other departments and agencies of the Government that postal regulations be liberalized to the extent— 1. That restrictions on gift parcels be lifted to the extent at least that larger and more frequcnt shipments may be made to indi- viduals and groups in the above-mentioned three countries; 2. That, consistent with necessary secu- rity, censorship of mails be removed and 4 free and unhampered intercourse between the citizens of those countries and the citi- zens of our own country be promoted; 8. That, consistent with necessary security, the remaining parts of the “postal block- ade”—namely, the prohibition of sending let- ters other than strictly personal and private messages, the prohibition of sending any printed matter including books, newspapers, magazines, pamphlets, catalogs, CoNaRrEs- SIONAL REcorD, etc., and the prohibition of sending pictures or photos be eliminated. 4. That, consistent with necessary security, full wireless, cable, telephone, and air-mail services between the countries mentioned and our own United States be immediately reinstated. Respectfully submitted. Srrvsrn Sociery or Amenica. New York, N. Y., January 29, 1947. Senator Wiley’s Record on Behalf of Agriculture EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I believe that from time to time every legislator should make available to his constitu- ents a review of his record on given sub- jects, such as agriculture, so that they may obtain a clear and broad picture of his activities along this line. At this time I ask unanimous consent that there be reprinted in the Appendix of the RrEcorp excerpts from various speeches, statements, and other ma- terials, which have largely been pub- lished in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD since I came to the Senate in January 1939, reporting on my activities on be- half of the farmers of my State and of other States. I feel that through these excerpts not only will my constituents have a chance to note my efforts in the past and at present, but from them they will be able to understand the role which I expect to play in meeting their problems in the future—the problems of 177,000 Wiscon- sin farmers, The problems of the farm- ers in 1947 and 1948 and in later years will undoubtedly be very similar to prob- lems which we have encountered in the past—problems of surpluses, of foreign imports, of parity prices, of rising costs of production. The farmer, as I have often pointed out, has always been the backbone of the Nation. I fee] that whether he be en- gaged in poultry activities, in dairying, in fur farming, in truck farming, in bee keeping, in livestock breeding, in log- ging, or in any other farming activity, he must be given the protection which his vital role in the Nation merits. The problems of farming cannot, of course, be considered only as of them- selves; they are interwoven with every other phase of our economic life—with labor, with business, with transportation. Nevertheless, there are obviously many specialized aspects of farming in which legislators must stand up and be counted. WISCONSIN’S AGRICULTURAL IMPORTANCE Wisconsin, I may note, stands first in the Nation in milk production—15,- 500,000 pounds in 1945—in number of silos, in corn for silage, in number of milk cows, in tame-hay production, in clover and timothy hay, in peas and beets for canning, sweet corn for processing, hemp acreage, cheese output—515,000,- 000 pounds in 1945, equal to half the Na- tion's total—and condensery products, It stands second in alfalfa acreage, in cucumbers for pickles, in cabbage for kraut, cranberry production, and alsike clover seed. The Badger State ranks third highest in all cattle and calves, creamery butter, red-clover seed, cabbage production, and Al1129 casein production. It holds fourth place in production of oats, of honey, and of green lima beans for processing. In the light of these facts, my efforts to promote Wisconsin’s agriculture and America’s agriculture are reviewed in the compilation which I send to the desk and ask to have printed. There being no objection, the excerpts were ordered to be printed in the Rscorp, as follows: 1939 1. MARCH 14, 1938: AS THE DEPRESSION SPREADS RUIN AMONG FARMERS, AN URGENT BILL 18 INTRODUCED TO SUSPEND FARM FORECLOSURES Mr Wey. Mr. President, at this time I ask unanimous consent of the Senate to sub- mit a resolution, which, if agreed to, will authorize the courts of the land to stay fore- closure proceedings upon real-estate mort- Gager to the United States. s *. We now have * * * Government mort- gazes which are being foreclosed by the thousands upon farms from which the farm- ers cannot get sufficient (income) to live, not because, in a majority of cases, they have not worked hard, but because market conditions of the product they produce have made it impossible for them to exchange that prod- uct for a sufficient number of dollars to make a living. In my own State, where it costs the farm- ers from @1.80 to $2.60 a hundred to produce milk, they are selling that milk, in the ma- jority of cases, for 70 cents to a dollar a hune- dred. They are not to blame for that situa- tion. They have worked hard. They are producing the product. Now, the taxes and insurance and interest on Government ob- ligations require payment, and they cannot meet the bill. So the Government forecloses. In the county immediately north of my county in Wisconsin there are 400 foreclo- sures. This is one of the greatest dairy counties in America. I am informed that in five counties surrounding my county there are 1,500 foreclosures by Government agencies. 2. APRIL 6, 1989: PROTECT AMERICA'S FUR FARM-~ ERS, A BILL I8 INTRODUCED TO RESTORE THE DUTY RATE SO AS TO HOLD BACK THE RUINOUS FLOOD OF FOREIGN FURS In the beautiful Wisconsin northlands— where I hope to see many of colleagues next summer—there are many so-called fox fur farms. s e es s e Mr. President (at the present rate of for- eign imports) this growing industry in this country will be wiped out. If this continues, the smul!l fox-fur farmer will lose his invest- ment und his business before the year is over. In my Stute, he is already unable to mect his feed bills. Inside of another year, even the largest fox-fur producers in this country will be forced to the wall. To prevent this, Mr. President, 1 introduce a bill, which I ask may be printed in the Recorp, relating to the rate oy duty on cer- tain fox furs imported into the United States. 3. APRIL 17, 1939: BOOSTING WISCONSIN CHEESE No meal can really be complete without a bit of Wisccnsin checte. [Laughtcr.} Mr, President, there is something about cheese that is productive of good. It does not create gas on the brain, and without gas on the brain, this country will not go to war. [Laughter.] * * . ® oJ Myr. President, there are several kinds of cheese that come from Wisconsin, and all of them are good. No matter whet one's ail- ment may be, cheese is the remedy. The science of food chemistry tells us that there
A1130 would be less need for rouge if cheese and butter were eaten. There would be fewer divorces, because cheese and butter tend to harmony and rationality. There would be more contentment. Mr. President, you never saw a cheese eater or a butter eater who did not radiate joy. Why? Because these foods are the nearest to Nature's perfect food, Why? Well, in the summer season out of the juicy grasses, out of the sweet-scented clover, out of the luscious alfalfa and cool spring water, the greatcst chemist in the world—the milk cow—makes this food; and in the wintertime, out of the silage from the nut-brown corn, out of ground wheat, and oats, and out of hay and alfalfa, she turns out the same product. * ° o e * Seventy-five years ago this month the foundation was laid for the flourishing cheese industry in Wisconsin by Mr. Chester Hazen, who built Wisconsin's first cheese factory at Ladoga, near Ripon, Wis., which is famous as the birthplace of the Republican Party 85 years ago, the 29th of last month, A pound of Wisconsin whole milk cheese represents four quarts of clean pure milk. Wisconsin cheese is a health food. Wis- consin cheese provides high food value at low cost. Wisconsin natural cheeses retain their surprisingly high food value in pro- teins, in fats, in phosphorus, iron, and cal- cium, all so essential in the building of bones, flesh, and muscles, and in regulating the functions of the body; but, best of all, Wisconsin cheese contains vitamin A, mak- ing Wisconsin cheese a concentrated, body- building and growth-stimulating food of high value. And Wisconsin cheese is eco- nomical compared with other foods. While I realize that many of my brother Senators are at lunch, I desire to say that I have seen many of them taking ABC vita- mins for nourishment. I suggest that they use Wisconsin cheese, and see how much better they will get along. [Laughter.] Wisconsin cheese as one of Nature's most perfect foods contains, in addition to pro- teins, fats, phosphorus, iron, and calcium, an abundance of vitamins. Cheese is easy of digestion and is fully absorbed by the body. s s s s td Wisconsin cheese is the only food that Can be served in any part of the meal from salad to dessert, and at any time, anywhere. Do your body good by acquiring the Wiscon- sin cheese habit. Eat Wisconsin cheese reg- ularly for its food value, for its economy, for its taste appeal. Wisconsin cheese is good for every American. It is good for you. 4, APRIL 24, 1939: A RADIO ADDRESS ANNOUNCING THE CELEBRATION IN WASHINGTON OF 75 YEARS OF WISCONSIN CHEESEMAKING The early settlers in Wisconsin were hardy pioneers who drove cattle with them when they came West. Sturdy and industrious people, Scandinavians, Germans, Swiss, Dutch, English, and Irish—contributed to lay the foundation for the 200,000 dairy farms which today make Wisconsin the greatest dairy State in the Nation. These people found in Wisconsin many natural advantages, temperate climate, fertile gruss- lands, and crystal-clear waters. More than 2,000,000 dairy cows, foster mothers of the human race, today make dairying the back- bone industry of the State. Dairying is the largest single agricultural enterprise in the United States. e * e e . We are proud to celebrate Wisconsin Cheese Week in Washington, the Nation's Capital, this week with fitting ceremonies and festivities. Tomorrow morning, Tues- day, April 25, at 11 o'clock, the biggest and best cheese in the world, Wisconsin's 2,200- pound cheese, is being exhibited at the east steps of the Capitol Building. Goliath, as the big cheese is called, has come here from Madison, Wis., under the auspices of the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture and Markets, and will be displayed throughout Washington during the week. A cheese statue of Vice President Garner will be pre- sented to his wife on the Capitol steps to- morrow. Luncheon clubs and civic organizations are featuring Wisconsin cheese on their menus this week. Stores in all parts of the city are emphasizing Wisconsin cheese sales, As © climax to the week’s cheese activities, Wisconsin natural cheese will be served in the Senate and House dining rooms on Fri- day, April 28, which is the date of the dia- mond jubilee birthday celebration. Simul- taneously, thousands of people will gather at Ladoga, Wis., on the site of the State's first cheese factory, to honor Chester Hazen, the man whose foresight and courage laid the foundation for a great industry in Wis- consin, America’s dairyland. 5, MAY 2, 1939: THE FARMERS FACE A CRISIS AND MUST BE SAVED BY COORDINATED ACTION It is very easy for us to forget that the $60,000,000,000 American farm investment totters on the brink of financial annihila- tion. In Washington it is perilously simple for us to ignore the gaunt, tanned man who swaps his toil in a Icsing barter, in which his rightful wage is lost in the shifting sands of commodity price levels. * ° * . e Mr. President, I desire to bring to the at- tention of the Senate—and I shall not take more than 5 minutes—the fact that we do not seem to be getting anywhere in solving the farm problem. To me it is the greatest problem before the American people, because the farms of the Nation constitute the eco- nomic backbone of the Nation. We sit here and laugh and talk and discuss other issues and let the backbone crack up. Several months ago, because every sector of our farm group had individual bills in- troduced, I suggested the need of a coordi- nated bill wherein every farm section would be represented. Nothing came of that sug- gestion, so on the 28th of March I introduced an amendment to House bill 5269, calling for an appropriation of 100,000,000, $50,- 000,000 of which was to be used under sec- tion 32 of the AAA Act to buy surplus butter. e *. ® Ld e Up to date no coordinated bill has been whipped into shape, no bill representing the interests of cotton, corn, wheat, dairy prod- ucts, and so forth. . * A . e My real object, however, in rising to my feet at this time is to pray to this session of Congress that they will recognize, as most of us do not recognize, the serious situation of the farmers. I mean that they are literally bleeding to death. Letters to this effect continually pour in from my State. ° ° * s s On April 27 I submitted to the Senate a resolution the purpose of which was to call to the attention of the Congress and the people a supplementary way of aiding the farmer. In the resolution, I suggested that the President investigate the feasibility of entering into some barter arrangement to ob- tain materials which we do not produce in this country by exchanging dairy products for them, Everyone knows that the price the farmer gets for his milk which produces butter and cheese is away below what it should be. * * es s es During the past year the Government and its agencies accumulated about 80,000,000 pounds of butter. No effort was made by the Government to dispose of that butter in foreign markets, and no effort is now being made, It hung like the sword of Damocles APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD above the heads of the farmers with the re- sult that the market for butter and milk products dropped to its present ruinous level. Several months ago I talked to the Secre- tary of Agriculture about that situation, and I again talked with him several weeks ago, suggesting that this butter be sold in for- eign markets even if a loss had to be taken, since the loss the Government would sustain was nothing compared with the loss the farmers were sustaining because of the de- preciated market. At that time I was in- formed by the Secretary himself that he and the President and others felt that the Ameri- can people would not approve such a step, * * * While I feel that this decision was honestly arrived at, I think it was a foolish decision. 6. JULY 19, 1939: A BILL IS INTRODUCED FOR PROMOTION OF SOUND DAIRY PRACTICES Mr. President, back in the spring, I made some remarks on the floor of the Senate in which I characterized the idea that came out from Wisconsin in relation to handling the dairy problem as the “Wisconsin idea.” It in- cluded dairy products in the so-called basic commodities and provided for parity pay- ments for milk. * * ®* TI ask consent at this time to introduce a bill to provide for the promotion of sound dairy practices and to provide an adequate and balanced flow of milk and its products in interstate and for- eign commerce, and for other purposes, and ask that it be referred to the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. 7. NOVEMBER 2, 1939: A LETTER TO A WISCONSIN CONSTITUENT PLEDGING AID TO PRESERVE AMERICA’S MINK PRODUCERS Thank you for your informative letter. I agree heartily with you that the American mink-pelt market must not be unduly de- pressed by a dumping of pelts on the Ameri- can market which might ordinarily have been sold abroad. I have already contacted the State Department on this matter. 1940 8. MARCH 19, 1940: THE DAIRY FARMERS OF WIS- CQNSIN AND OF AMERICA ARE NOT RECEIVING ADEQUATE AID FROM THE DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE The farmer, especially the dairy farmer, is the Nation's No. 1 forgotten mun so far as Government aid is concerned. Out of almost & $1,000,000,000 appropriation for agriculture, it seems singularly strange that the dairy farmer does not get much help. The only item in the entire bill that is earmarked for the dairy industry is an appropriation for the Bureau of Dairy Industry, and that provides for total salaries and expenses of $731,405, out of which amount $353,580 may be ex- pended for personal services in the District of Columbian. That does not leave much for the dairy farmer himself. The bill is top-heavy in its administrative costs and lopsided in its benefits. We must remember that the dairy farmer gets none of the parity payments. There is also provision for the disposal of surplus commodities, $85,000,000 being appropriated for that purpose, but that, too, fails to pull the dairy farmer out of his economic bog. “On March 30 last year, I offered an amend- ment to the bill then pending asking that an additional $50,000,000 be used for the pur- chase of dairy products. “Mr. President, I desire to insert in the Recorp certain tables which show how farm income in 1939 compares with the farm in- come in 1929. They show that Wisconsin, the great dairy State, now ranks forty-second in the list of State farm incomes (in comparison to their respective position in 1929). Com- pared with other States, she is receiving now only 72 percent of what she received in 1929, whereas other States, which are receiving great sums from the Government, have in- comes over 100 percent parity. For example, we can consider Arizona 108 percent, Florida
APPENDIX ‘TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 104 percent, North Carolina 103 percent, and 60 on, * e s e s Average AAA payment, 160 acres, Wis- consin, equals $120. Average AAA payment, Corn Belt, $400. 9. MAY 27, 1940: SENATOR WILEY'S BILL FOR NATIONAL DAIRY DAY IS PASSED Mr. Wier. Mr. President, I am authorized by the Committee on Agriculture and For- cstry to report back, without amendment, Senate Joint Resolution 254; and I ask unan- imous consent for its present consideration. Mr. McKettar. Mr, President, let the joint resolution be stated by title. The Presiptna OFricer. The Senator from Wisconsin requests unanimous consent for the immediate consideration of Senate Joint Resolution 254, which will be stated by title. The Lecistative CLERK. A joint resolution (8. J. Res. 254) providing for the observance of National Dairy Day. The Paresipinc Orricer. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Wiscon- sin for the immediate considcration of the joint resolution? There being no objection, the joint reso- lution was considered, ordered to be en- grossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed, as follows: “Resolved, etc., That for the purpose of stimulating the per capita consumption of dairy products the President is hereby re- quested, by proclamation, to designate a day in the month of June 1940 as National Dairy Day, which may be appropriately observed throughout the United States.” 10. NOVEMB"R 14, 1940: AN ADDRESS DELIVERED AT SHEDOYGAN, WIS., EEFORE TIJE WISCONSIN CHEESE MAIKERS’ ASSOCIATION, ON WAYS AND MEANS OF IMPROVING CHEESE-MAKING CONDI- TIONS I want you to know at the very out- set of our discussion that I stund ready at all times to do anything and everything that I can to assist the dairy farmers and the cheese producers of Wisconsin. That has consistently bcen one of my major objec- tives in Congress, and my legislative record on the Senate floor and my activities in the Senate Agriculture Committee will bear me out on this point. e e e s e I believe that the marketing of cheese will be materially bettered by a careful study of the packaging problem. We must make cheese easy to handle and easy to sell in attractive containers. * * ¢ I believe that part of the answer to the problems of the dairy industry and of the cheese maker will be found in scientific ex- ploration—in research. Our modern Wis- consin cheese factory is a far cry from the pionecr farm-kitchen cheese factory, but we must continue our march of progress s0 that our preduct becomes even finer and its use even more widespread. With the closing of the European sources of production, there is a new challenge to us, a challenre to make & product which will answer every require- ment of those consumers who formerly pur- chased European cheeses. It is entirely conceivable also that we may develop new and allied cheese products, ncw types, and new varieties which may open up new markets. I have a similar hope for the dairy industry in general because I know that when casein is utilized in industry more extensivcly and when the other by- products of the dairy industry are properly used, we will be well on our way to solving the dairy problem. I look forward to the day when the byproducts of casein will sup- plant bone and bakelite in many commercial uses today. Yes, I believe it is possible for the laboratory to make a great contribution to the solution of our dairy problem. * * * I have personally presented every Senator of the United States with Wisconsin cheese, and too often I have those same Senators return to me with the story that they want to secure more of that cheese but are unable to purchase it in retail stores throughout the East. Part of our problem must be to create a great many more sales outlets. That is the simple economic philosophy which is one cornerstone in almost all sales programs today. In connection with creating more sales outlets I might mention that a great many States under the so-called police powers granted to them under the Constitution have set up trade barriers which would elim- inate Wisconsin dairy products from enter- ing their State. The reasons which aro given for these regulations are absurd. There can be no valid reason for keeping Wisconsin milk out of any State. It can be shipped on fast trains in glass- lined refrigerator cars so that it will arrive at its market in perfect condition. The only possible reason for barring it from any State is merely to create an economic blockade. I am opposed to this economic border warfare between States. i want to see that every State in the Union has the privilege of drinking Wisconsin milk if it so desires. I introduced legislation to eliminate this guerrilla warfare, and I shall continue to fight against this unwarranted discrimina- tion against Wisconsin products. If we are to have national unity in the larger sense, it is essential that we have it also in an economic sense. 1941 11. MARCH 20, 1941: BRING THE AGRICULTURE DFPARTMENT’S DATRY DIVISION CLOSER TO THE FOLKS BACK HOME There are too many swivel-chair farmers looking after the farmer’s interests. We do not need our present great Arricultural De- partment here in Washington. Why cen- tralize everything here? If the Army em- ployed in that building were put back in the sections where it could operate effcctively, where the cotton division could get close to the cotton farmer, where the wheat division could got close to the wneat farmer, where the dairy division could get close to the dairy farmer, we might get results. 12. APRIL 2, 1941: A PLEA FOR ADEQUATE FOREST PRODUCT RESEARCH FUNDS BEFORE THE SENATE AGRICULTURE AND FORFSTRY COMMITTEE I am referring specifically to the Forest Products Laboratory at Madison, Wis. I wish to urge at this time that the laboratory's appropriation be increased from $632,500 to $1,232,000, with the proviso that 8600,000 of this $1,232,000 be allocated specifically in equal parts to aircraft research and for other military uses of wood. During the last World War the Forest Prod- ucts Laboratory was the only Federal insti- tution concerned wholly with the investiga- tion of the mechanical, phyrical, and chemi- cal properties of wood and wood products. At that time the laboratory operated on @ 24-hour basis. In other words, our past ex- periences Gemonstrated its effectiveness in defense work. e id e e e At the present time industries related to forest products suprort, in one wey or an- other, some 13,000,000 people. In order to continue this support it is vital that research in forest products not only be maintained but increased. I maintain that it is the obligation of Gov- ernment (and it is a traditional obligation in this case) to carry on research in forest products. If there were no other reuson, it would be the obligation of the Federal Gov- ernment to carry on this research because it is such a large owner of timber in the United States. -I am informed that our Federal Govern- ment, at the present time, owns about one- A1131 third of the so-called saw timber in the United States. In addition to this there are almost three and one-half million farmers who are small forest owners. It is impossible for these farmers and small forest owners to participate in any program of research other than the Government pro- gram. In other words, the type of forest owner and operator which we encounter in most sections, and in Wisconsin. is usually more of a farmer than an industrialist. ° e s e e In my State the United States Forest Prod- ucts Laboratory in 1932 moved from its emall quarters to a marvelous new modern struc- ture at Madison, Wis. This building repre- sented limitless possibilities for forest-prod- ucts research, but throuchcut the past 8 years of almost unlimited Federal spending, this laboratory has been treated as a kind of step-child, and has consistently received ine adequate appropriations, so that its facill-~ ties—and this is » Government institution, mind you—have never been adequately utti- lized and its research has never been as come prehensive as it should have been. ° s * * * There has not been a single year since 1928 when Congress has appropriated more than €665,000 for research in forest products. At the present time the appropriation is $632,500 and that ts #9,000 less than it was in 1932. 13. APRIL 3, 1941: SUGGESTIONS FOR IMPROVING THE CRITICAL CONDITIONS OF WISCONSIN DAIRY FARMS About 20 percent of the farmers in Wiscon- sin who live near cities, within certain milke shed urens, are pctting the cost of production or more out of their milk. That leaves 80 percent who were probably gclting, during 1939, about 90 cents a hundred for their milk. It tekes on the average 100 pounds of milk to produce 461, quarts. In other words, 80 percent of the farmers of Wisconsin dur- ing 1939 averased less than 2 cents a quart for their milk. *- * . s s Two ceuts a quart is all the farmer re- ceived, while on the eustern seabourd, in Boston and elscwhere, consumers are paying 18 cents a quurt for their milk. What kind of a society have we arranged that gives to the man who invests and produces and works and sweats less than the cost of production, while it gives all the cream to the mun who works 3 or 4 or 6 hours a day? ° s s e ° One of the ways to materially aid the gen- eral farm economy, incidentally, is by retain- ing the American markct for the American farmer. We have not determined our prices on our great surplus crops on the basis of American standards and American costs but in the world's market centers. C7 s s s s I am not sure that the head of the Grange docs not have an idea which might work into this picture. I give it for what it 1s worth. His idea is that farmers should be paid something to grow certain products. Such payments are called “incentive payments.” Incentive payments could be made to farmers for growing crops which are not now grown. They could be paid to farmers for growing specialty crops needed in the national de- fense, Thcy could also be paid to farmers for following certain types of agriculture which would benefit the Nation. The incen- tive-payment program would be desisned to pry farmers for doing things, not for what they do not do. 14, AUGUST 12, 1941: A REPORT ON EFFORTS TO PROMOTE THE DAIRY INDUSTRY MADE AT THE BARRON COUNTY FAIR, RICE LAKE, WIS. T myself feel that I can qualify as one of the dairy farmers—and I am proud to be
A1132 classified with that group. I own and oper- ate a dairy farm in Barron County—the same farm which my father owned before me. Those of us who are dairy farmers, those of us who have tried to balance our milk checks against our expenses, know that the dairy farmer hasn’t been getting the cost of production. * * e s s I recently made a protest directly to the Secretary of Agriculture in connection with the efforts of the Department to popularize synthetic products competing with butter, I feel that it is extremely undesirable for the Depurtment of Agriculture (which should be concerned primarily with protecting the American farmer just as the Department of Labor protects the American laborer) to spend iis time and the people’s moncy prop- agandizing the American people into using synthetic products. That js not only unde- sirable from an economic standpoint be- cause it affects the dairy farmer adverscly, but it is also undesirable from a health standpoint, where it adversely affects the health standards of the American people. ° * *. e s I agree with the Surgeon General when he says we need a nation of people who are more fit, more vigorous, and with higher standards of health. That means we hive to put to work our scientific knowledge for the nutrition of all ovr people. We have the capacity, the facilities for distribution; in fact, every element which we need to raise the standards of public health through better nutrition, which certainly means an increased rather than a decreased use of dairy products. It has been said that less than one-fourth of our people are on a good diet even when measured by the old standards. The Sure geon General has admitted that our defi- ciency in dict will require at least a 50- percent increase in our national production of milk and milk products. 18, DECEMBER 15, 1941: HELPING TO PROMOTE SALE OF WISCONSIN CHEESE—A RADIO AD- DRESS Europeans have always consumed three or four times the amcunt of cheese con- sumed by Americans. As an American of Norwegian descent, I know that my Nor- wegian ancestors had cheese regularly, even for breakfast. If we consumed as much cheese per capita as the people of Holland did in happier days, the dairy post-war prob- lem of this country would be solved. That is cvs of the reasons why there must be an intensive educational campaign. That i: why we must tell the world that a pound of Wisconsin whole-milk cheese rcp- resents quarts of milk. That is why we must tell the world that Wisconsin cheese provides high food value at low cost; that it is a concentrated body-building and growth-stimulating food of high value. * . ° * ry If we succeed in selling the American peo- ple on the idea of cheese, on each day’s menu, we will not only have widened our in- dustry’s market, but we will have raised our national health standards. I believe that Government should assist in such an educational cumpaign and I stand ready at all times to urve assistance by Government in this direction. I might add that I believe so strongly in the food value of cheese that I have urged the War Department to incorporate cheese in the training-camp menus. I believe it is desirable for us tu secure luwer shipping rates on cheese, and in Janu- ary of this year I wrote the Ratlway Ex- press Agency with reference to high express rates on cheese. I might add that the par- cel-post rate on shipping foods was also extremely high, and I have protested these rates to the office of the Postmaster General. I suggested to the Railway Express Agency that they alter their rate plans, so that it would be cheaper to ship small amounts of cheese, and, consequently, to encourage more shipments by individuals and small concerns, and to encourage a cheaper, more exten- sive and more widespread use of Wisconsin dairy and agricultural products. Throughout the year I corresponded on this subject, and on October 25 of this year the vice president of the Railway Express Agency finally agreed to have the Railway Express Agency issue favorable rates on small pack- ages of cheese from all points in Wisconsin to all of the States in the Union. I feel that this change in express rates will unquestion- ably be of value in the postarmament period when our cheese producers will again be turning to domestic markets. 16. JANUARY 22, 1942: THE FACTS ON PARITY PRICES Even with price ceilings set at 110 percent of parity, agriculture cannot survive in the face of rising production and labor costs. Agriculture faces heavy production-increase burdens in the Nation's future war economy. Agriculture, particularly dairy, poultry, live- stock, and truck farming, faces severe short- age of labor and equipment, which can be had only at drastically increased costs. s s * e e The United States Department of Agricul- ture parity began with actual disparity in- stead of equality during the base period 1909- 14. The average per capita income for farmers, 1909-14, was $134, while the average per capita income for nonfarm groups dur- ing that tlme was 6487. 17. DECEMBER 4, 1942: IN THE MIDST OF THE NATION-WIBE GASOLINE SHORTAGE A PLEA FOR ADEQUATE SUPPLY FOR WISCONSIN LOGGERS Mr. President, lately I have received many letters from farmers and small loggers in the State of Wisconsin. Because of years of ex- perience in the past, many Wisconsin farm- ers have had to supplement their earnings by small logging operations. Now the War Pro- duction Board has demanded a great supply of birch and other veneer lumber. Many hundred farmers in the communities of Wis- consin produce both milk and logs for the War Production Board. There has been great maladministration in the gasoline program in that section of the country, and as a re- sult I receive letters each day stating that mills have shut down and that farmers will not be able to haul their milk to market. Mr. President, I think I have some good news which should go into the Recorp. I un- derstand that lately the OPA and the ODT got together and issued an order which pro- vided for relief until the first of the year, and it is hoped that their program will there- after be so arranged that the farmers and the loggers who operate trucks will get the gas necessary to carry on. 1943 18. MARCH 22, 1943: A LETTER TO THE LATE GOVERNOR GOODLAND ENDORSING HIS STAND ON AGRICULTURAL AFFAIRS Hon. WALTER 8. GOODLAND, Acting Governor, State of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. Dear GOvERNOR: Thank you for your let- ter of March 19, and for your courtesy in sending me a copy of the resolutions adopt- ed by the Midwest governors’ conference held on March 15, 1943, at Der Moines, I concur wholeheartedly that agriculture should be recognized as an essential war in- dustry, and I have repeatedly recommended such a recognition, I likewise agree that farm labor should accordingly be recognized as essential, and I concur with the recommendation for some suitable insignia to those who serve on the farm front. I might point out that on January 8, 1943, I urged Secretary Wickard APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to adopt a special recognition for farms whose production is outstanding. I recognize the necessity of making avail- able adequate supplies of fertilizer for the 1943 crop season, and I likewise recognize the necessity for adequate transportation for seasonal agricultural laborers, You may be certain of my active interest in these mat- ters. Yours for victory, ALEXANDER WILEY. 19, MAY 20, 1943: THE POSITION OF WISCONSIN BUTTERMAKERS REGARDING OLEOMARGARINE Mr. President, let us see just what the situation is. Does the dairy industry want oleomar- garine abolished? Decidedly not. Oleomar- garine has its place, but that place is not as an imitation of butter, which is simply— and I am speaking of butter—the fatty con- stituent of milk sepurated by agitation after & lactic fermentation of the cream. Oleo- margarine is not butter. It has its own characteristics, Just as butter has its own charactcristics and color. Even under the new standards, oleomar- garine will not contain certain fatty satu- rated acids which, according to a widely known biochemist of the University of Wis- consin, are exceedingly important to the growth of human beings. What the duiry industry wants is to see that oleomargarine is definitely sold on its own merits, that it does not masquerade as butter, and that its sales are not promoted by Government—I repeat, promoted by Government—to the detriment of the post-armament dairy mar- ket. In this age of synthetics and ersatz products. that is a problem which may con- front other segments of agriculture; and that is why all agricultural interests are concerned with this precedent, and that is why the public is also concerned. 20, JUNE 24, 1943: BECAUSE OF THE GRAVE MAN- POWER SHORTAGE, A PLEA FOR USING THE SERVICES OF ARMY BOYS IN NEARBY CAMPS TO CAN THE VITAL PEA CROP Mr. President, this is a serious matter. Twenty-five percent of the pea crop will be wasted unless we can get men into the fields. « e s s s The important thing now is to get boys out of the camps during the harvest and into the canneries. As I suggested yester- day, the primary problem in our country now is to preserve the food first. 21, JULY 5, 1943: A PLEA FOR FARM MANPOWER AND MACHINERY Weeks ago I took up the question with the War Manpower Commission. The result has been an attempt to get somewhere. s s s * s First, the farmer must have manpower. Farmer after farmer in my State has told me, We have not the manpower to harvest the crops which are coming on. Think of that. Ordinarily we might say that that is the farmer's concern. It is not now. It is the Nation’s concern. If we are to feed the boys in service we must have manpower. * * s ° s Secondly, the farmers must have machin- ery. If they cannot get new machinery they must have men who can repair the old ma- chinery. That is not simply to aid the farmer. It is for the Nation. Machinery ts a part of the production line. In big business we provide machines for the manufacture of ammunition and weapons, There is no more important munition than food, s0 we must have machinery on the food front. 22, DECEMBER 8, 1943: ANOTHER STATEMENT ON THE OLEOMARGARINE SITUATION—BROADCAST OVER A WISCONSIN RADIO STATION Fellow Americans, there is pending in Con- gress a bill to abolish the Federal tax on oleo- margarine,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Why its this bill introduced now? If it be- comes law, what will be the effect? Why should a Federal tax of this nature be im- posed upon a domestic product? What is the tax? These, and other questions, I pro- pose to answer in this brief talk. At the present time there is a 10 percent Federal tax on oleomargarine which js col- ored to resemble butter and only a quarter of a cent on uncolored oleomargarine. The question at issue in the oleomargarine fight is largely a question of color. The oleomar- garine industry, which consists of 18 manu- facturers and their subsidiaries, produces all the oleomargarine made in the United States. Many people have been deceived by the propaganda put out. It is deceiving and unfair; the public has been led to believe that they are not able to get oleomargarine because of & 10-percent Federal tax which is applicable to oleomargarine colored yel- low—an imitation of butter. Ninety-nine and eight-tenths percent of all oleomargarine sold for civilian use in the United States is uncolored margarine which I repeat bears a tax of one-fourth of a cent per pound. This small tax is ubsorbed by the manufacturer, who makes a tremendous profit on the oleo- margarine produced from vegetable oils. Now, the oleomargarine manufacturers have only one objective, which was clearly indicated by Dr. Carlson, the chief spokes- man, before the Senate Finance Committee at a hearing on the Maybank Dill lust week. He ‘ated that he “advocated that all whole milk should be used and consumed as whole milk,” and I repeat Carison said that “oleo- margarine colored yellow should take the place of butter in the diet of the American people.” Do the American people want this? The answer is a decided “No.” We have been Ttegimented enough without being ordered what to eat. It is quite obvious that the sole intent of the oleomargurine industry is to perfect @ synthetic product called oleomargarine, and to make it tuste, smell, and look like butter so as to deceive the public—having in mind @ complete change in the diet of the Amcri- can people from butter to oleomargurine, thereby increasing the sales and profits of the oleomargarine manufacturers and de- stroying the dairy industry in this country which consists of nearly 6,000,000 farmers and which is the principal and the largest source of cash income for American agri- culture in the Northern States—5,000,000 farmers and families and tens of thousands of communities of the Nation are involved. s s . s s To color oleomargarine tu look like butter, and sell it in the stores as a butter substitute, is unfair practice. Let those who want oleomargarine on their tables buy it and color it. This they can easily do. But do not take a product which isn’t butter, and permit it to be pawned off as butter. That is neither fair dealing nor sound business practice. Such a practice strikes at the se- surity of millions of America’s best citi- gzens—the backbone of the Nation. We shall do our best to defeat this meas- ure. We want no economic paralysis to af- fect any segment of our society. | 1944 23. JANUARY 14, 1944: AN ANECDOTE POINTING UP THE SMALL SHARE THE FARMER RECEIVES FOR SALE OF HIS PRODUCTS IT should like to cite an instance which came to my personal attention in the last few weeks. It was my privilege to be in New York City, and a gentleman there took me to breakfast. We had some orange juice, a little bacon, some eggs, & little toast, coffee, and a little milk, The breakfast cost $2.20 apiece. When I returned to my home in Washington, I asked my wife how much it would cost to place that breakfast on the table here in Washington, where, as we know, prices are high. Thank God she is the one who cooks my meals for me; it would be unfortunate for me if she did not; she lonks after my breakfast and my dinner at night. She figured out the cost of the orange juice, the ees, the bacon, the toast, the coffee, and the milk, and said the cost would be about 30 cents. Then, I figured out that the farmer to produce the fruit, the bacon, and eges, did not receive over 15 cents. Now I ask the Senator, if the Guvernment sub- sidized the farmer's whole product for 15 cents, does he think that would reduce the price of that breakfast in New York City by a cent? 24, APRIL 17, 1944: A PRESS REPORT ON THE BATTLE TO PREVENT RUINOUS DRAFTING OF VITAL CHEESE-MAKING MANPOWER Senator ALEXANDER WiLEy, Republican, of Wisconsin, stated to Food Administrator Marvin Jones today that the omission of cheese manufacturing from the list of essen- tial activities would result in the paralysis of the cheese industry of Wisconsin. He said every skilled cheesemaker wus working over 70 hours, 7 days per week, with no extra pay for overtime. Over 60 percent of the Nation's cheese is made by 1,700 Wisconsin factorics The Senator said further that drafting 1 man under 26 would talk. 30 to 75 percent skilled help from the individual factory af- fected, and 100 percent in about 150 fac- tories, and many factories would be forced to close. 25. APRIL 18, 1944: A PLEA TO THE GOVERN- MENT FOR TRUCKS FOR TRANSPORTATION OF MILK There will soon fall on the transportation facilities of the milk industry one of the most tremendous londs in the history of our Siate. This increased burden is being piled on a transportation system which is rapidly breaking down beyond economical repair. It is getting to the point where farmers cannot take their trucks in and get them overhuuled. The trucks need new motors, but the furmers cannot get new motors. The chassis are go- ing to pieces, even beyond repair. New trucks are what the farmers need and what the milk industry needs. If the Government has surplus trucks available. it must see to it that the milk in- dustry obtains them in order that milk may be transported. As I have said, already milk is flowing in the gutters of Detroit. 1945 96. SEPTEMBER 10, 1945: ONE MONTH AFTER THE END OF THE WAR, A LETTER TO THE SEC- RETARY OF AGRICULTURE, URGING THE ENDING OF DAIRY RATIONING My Dear Mr. SECRETARY: May I respect- fully submit that with the Nation now well into the reconversion period the time has come and is, indeed, long overdue for all dairy products, including butter and cheese, to be taken off the ration list. Although the supply of these products may not be sufficient at present to give every would-be purchaser the entire supply that he would like, surely our dealers could informally apportion the limited supplies to prevent hogging. Removing these items from rationing would not only rid the public of one more annoyance but would also help the dairy industry, whose well-being is so vital to the Nation, to readjust itself to normal condi- tions. forward to your early reply as to the Department’s intentions in this regard, IT am, Sincerely yours, ALEXANDER WILEY. A1133 27. OCTOBER 22, 1945: A STATEMENT ON OPA'S UNJUST HANDLING OF THE CHEESE SITUA- TION The Government has followed an arbitrary, unfair, and unjust policy of not only dis- criminating against the Wisconsin cheese industry in particular, but of striking arainst the entire cheese industry of the Nation. There are a number of charges which I made months ago against Government's unfair orders aguinst cheese. Most of those charges still stand. Just what are they? 1. Wisconsin cheesmakers have becn de- nied proper mark-up for direct sles on the service wholesaler and retail basis. 2. Because of OPA rulings, Wisconsin, which produces over 50 percent of the Na- tion’s Cheddar; has been operating under the lowest ceiling prices on cheese in the country. This is due to the infamous Plym- outh-plus tormula, 8. Entire types of cheese have been priced off the market. Thus there is no brick and Muenster available throughout the Nation. This has hit particularly the Dodge County area of my State, which for years hss pro- duced over 85 percent of the Nation's total output. 4. The Cheddar cheescmakers of Wiscon- sin are compelled to pay more for their milk than did the Cheddar cheese manufocturers of any other Siate—und still more important, as I have stated :.bove, the manufacturers of every State reccived substantially more for the Cheddar chccec than did the Wisconsin manufacturers. 5. Aged and cured cheese have been priced off the market because the Government would permit no differential In price between cheese as it came out of the factory and checse that was aged. 1946 28. APRIL 1946: THE GRANGE COMMLUNTS CN SEN- ATOR WILEY'S EFFORTS ON BEHALF OF AMER- ICAN AGRICULTURE The following is quoted trom u number of Grange publications: “WILEY Carrirs THE BALL For FARMERS “It sometimes takes a show-down in the Senate for farmers to find out who ther true friends are and who their feir-weather friends are Senator ALEXANDER WILEx, Wis- consin Republican, never has been Consid- ered a Member of the so-called k’arm Bluc in Congress but when the ball was passed to him in an eleventh-hour effort to prevent farmers being squeezcd under the G5-cent an hour wage minimum Dill, he carricd it for a winning touchdown. “For weeks the National Grange, the Amer- fean Farm Bureuu Federation, the National Council of Farmers Cvuoperatives, and the Cooperative Milk Produccrs Federation had sought to prevent a labor-inspircd move from taking away exemptions under the present law. “The labor move would have sdded mil- lions of dollars a year to the cost of prepar- ing farm produce tor market und wculd have either decreased farm income or added to consumers’ food costs. Under OPA there wasn't much doubt as to which it would have been. “A few quotations from WiLFy's address to the Sennte on behalf of farmers will il- lustrate the kind of a fight he put up. His address disclosed a deep and sympathetic understanding of the farmer's problem. “During the past decade,’ he said, ‘ap- proximately 6,000,000 people left the farms, If such an exodus continues, there will not be production, and production ts vitally needed throughout the country. Perhaps there are persons in this country who wish to see @ grand exodus from the farms. “I know that the farmer is the backbone of the Nation. When I look around this
Al1134 Chamber and see men who were produced by and on the farms, and when I examine the pages of history and consider the char- acter of great statesmen of the past who came from farms, I do not want to see the source of supply of American manpower come to an end. However, Mr. President, that will take place if we do not make life on the farms more interesting’.” FAIR PRICES FOR FARMERS “Why is it inflationary, as some contend, to allow the farmer to receive higher prices for his products and be enabled to meet the higher expenses which are constantly thrust upon him, and yet it is not inflationary to grant increases in the compensation paid to labor, the manufacturer, and Government employees? Why is the so-called farm bloc criticized for asking that the farmer be allowed to receive his cost of production when no word of criticism along that line is heard with reference to the labor bloc? “ ‘Mr. President, it is time that we remove the blinders from our eyes and give to the farmer what he is entitled to receive. I re- peat that I am not speaking only for farm- ers, 23,000,000 of them. I am speaking for the millions of persons who reside in cities and depend on a maximum production of food. I speak for the economic and physical health of this Nation. “‘I do not wish to see an exodus from the farms. I want to see an exodus from the cities back to the farms. I want to see farm life made more and more interesting. After all, the farm is the laboratory of life. There we see vegetable life and animal life. There we see, going on and on, a part of the mystery of creation. “‘Mr. President, I also stand for the proposition that the farmer is just as worthy of his hire as is the laborer. The farmer must now pay an increased cost for labor and material as well as an increased price for farm machinery. If the farmer wants to obtain help he must meet on the labor mar- ket wages which are paid in the city’.” 1947 29. FEERUARY 5, 1947: JOINT STATEMENT BY SENATORS M’CARTHY AND WILEY IN INTRO- DUCING AN AMENDMENT TO EXCISE TAX BILL TO END DISCRIMINATION ON FUR-TRIMMED GARMENTS (THIS AMENDMENT IN SLIGHTLY REVISED FORM WAS LATER ENACTED BY CON- GRESS) The discriminatory provision of the present tax against the use of better quality fur for trimming purposes has closed this mar- ket for our product. Evidence of the critical condition the fur- farming tndustry is in today is substantiated by the fact that a large part of the 1945 crop and all of the 1946 crop is unsold. Besides the cost of production, stored furs depreciate very rapidly. Financial losses to fur farmers ere far above any previous year, and our industry is operating on a credit basis. Something can be done to correct the discrimination in the present excise taxes. 30. MARCH 18, 1947: REPORT ON SUCCESSFUL EFFORT IN SECURING CANS FOR VITAL SAUER- KRAUT PACKING On February 28 I wrote to the Agriculture Department protesting against a foolhardy burcaucratic order which, by denying No. 2 size cans for the sauerkraut industry, was threatening to cause tremendous spOilage in stored sauerkraut and wastage of the cabbage crop. In response to my appeal, I am glad to report, that on March 10 the Agriculture Department wrote stating that the bureaucratic order had just been elimi- nated and al] can size restrictions have been dropped. This is good news, not only to Wisconsin and the Nation's sauerkraut in- dustry, but to cabbage growers and to all those who are anxious to assure adequacy in America’s food situation. Outlook on New Labor Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 19 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a very able address entitled “Outlook On New Labor Legislation,” delivered by Vincent P. Ahearn, executive secretary of the Na- tional Sand and Gravel Association, be- fore the personnel conference of the American Management Association at Chicago, Ill., on February 25, 1947. Mr. President, I am advised by the Public Printer that to print the address delivered by Mr. Ahearn will require 3 pages of the Recorp, which is one page more than, under the rule, can be printed without an estimate of cost, and that the estimate is $213. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: There is only one thing which anybody can say with certainty about the outlook for new labor legislation, and that is that Congress is going to write a law and that unions, true to the tradition of entrenched interest, have largely excluded themselves from influencing the legislation by a policy of blind opposi- tion to any change. One can only speculate at the moment as to what direction this change in our labor laws will take, and in- deed there are two remaining sources of speculation: Will the President veto whatever law Congress passes, and if so, will the legis- lation be passed over his veto? We must all be grateful to the Senate and House Labor Committees for the courage with which they have come to grips with this com- plicated question and for their manifest eagerness to get the benefit of the advice and counsel of interested people. It is clear that these two committees are actuated by an honest desire to recommend legislation which will serve the public welfare and which will do no harm to the legitimate interests of labor and management. It is quite easy to discuss in gencralities what ought to be done, according to one’s point of view. Very few will be heard to jus- tify jurisdictional strikes and secondary boy- cotts, or the use of violence and coercion by unions for the accomplishment of objectives which in many cases would make it necessary for employers to violate the law; but having accepLed the principle that this type of con- duct should be prohibited, the job of reduc- ing that principle to specific statutory phrase- ology is an extremely difficult one. All of us believe that the function of gov- ernment should be confined to that irreduci- ble minimum which is compatible with an orderly society and with the protection of our Nation against foreign aggression. Instinc- tively we are slow to give wide powers to the Federal Government. Employers might be forgiven for being particularly sensitive to any suggestion that unrestricted authority be given to an executive department. We know from bitter experience how that power will be used. Administrative and judicial law mak- ing have plagued and harassed employers for many years. They suddenly found them- selves confronted with obligations of a bank- rupting character. Administrative actions and judicial decisions bypassed the prohibi- tions of our Constitution against ex post facto lawa. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We, out of all the people in this country, should examine with microscopic cure any proposal, made even by our friends, which would give an administrative establishment vague and obscure powers, even if the avowed purpose is to make us the beneficiaries of the assertion of that power. Many bills have beeen introduced in the present Congress. It is possible to summa- rize the most important basic objectives of this large number of bills, and this I shall attempt to do. First I should like to refer to the proposed Federal Mediation Board, which would take over the present Concilia- tion Scrvice of the Department of Labor, be made an independent establishment (al- though some would put the Board in the Department of Labor for housekeeping pur- poses) and have authority to attempt the mediation or conciliation of labor disputes either on its own motion or at the request of one or both parties to the dispute, There is much support for this proposal. The Conciliation Service, many Members of Congress believe, must be taken out of the Department of Labor if it is really to repre- sent the public interest in the peaceful set- tlement of labor disputes. Furthermore, the appointment of a Federal Mediation Board seems to some Members of Congress to be & modest way, stopping short of compulsory arbitration, for the Congress to declare that there is @ superior public interest in most labor disputes, particularly in industries where strikes affect the public health and safety. I believe that the chances favor action by Congress to establish a board of this general character and that the Conciliation Service will be transferred out of the Department of Labor; but I must add a personal opinion that any Federal Mediation Board, however unpretentious its power, will keep Washing- ton in the business of settling Inbor disputes and will surely lead to the failure of collec- tive bargaining in many cases. The board will be forced by public pressure to hold hearings. They will be held at Washington where national news is made. The strategy on the part of unions will be to get their disputes to Washington for hearings before the Board. The tendency will be for the Board to develop into a sort of compulsory arbitration body through the most subtle means. Unions will be encouraged to make the most ex- travagant demands; employcrs will be slow to make proposals in collective bargaining lest they be used as the floor from which the Board would operate in suggesting solu- tions of the dispute; and employers must have learned by now that a governmental board is generally not concerned with the elimination from contracts of provisions which the employer has found distasteful. Employers will always be fighting a rear- guard action before a Federal board. If we have learned any lesson in the past 5 years, it 1s that employers must come forward with proposals of their own for the improvement of collective-bargaining relationships. Too many of our labor agreements are written as though management regarded its function as that of working out the terms of an armis- tice with a victorious enemy. Personally I doubt whether an independ- ent status for the Conciliation Service would guarantee its impartiality. I believe its pres- ent management ts conscious of the fact that its function is not to take sides in labor disputes but to represent the public inter- est in peacefully and equitably settling those disputes. The Labor-Management Advisory Committee has brought about important changes in policy and practice which, in my opinion, have increased its efficiency and opened up the way for making it possible for the Service to render a greater contri- bution to the public welfare. Compulsory arbitration has received little support, although a number of bills were introduced in the House of Representatives
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which require compulsory arbitration when- ever the President found that a public emer- gency exists which threatens the publite health or safety. While you and I undoubt- edly agree that compulsory arbitration would lead to a controlled economy, disastrous both to management and labor, the degree of public support for compulsory arbitration under the circumstances proposed in the bill should prompt us to leave nothing un- done which will! make compulsory arbitra- tion understandable to all the people. Compulsory arbitration ts wide open to criticism, one being that the President of the United States would be called upon to intervene in many labor disputes, because there is hardly an industry whose paralysis will not eventually produce an emergency which affects health and safety. We dis- covered during the war that it is stmply impossible to distinguish between industries in the administration of a national policy for settling labor disputes. It ts significant that the authors of the compulsory arbitration bill suggest no standards for the guidance of the arbi- trators, who would apparently be permitted to issue arbitration awards binding as a matter of law, without even being com- pelled to say why they had done what they did. I doubt the constitutionality of such 8 delegation of law-making power, but I am sure that it is undestrable public policy and I do not believe that computsory arbitration will be approved at this session of Congress. I should hasten to add to this statement, however, one more sober potnt: This country faces a series of dramatic possibilities for the gravest kind of public emergencies. The coal truce expires on March 31; there is a threatened telephone strike; the railroads will soon face demands from railroad brother- hoods which would add nearly $1,000,000,000 to the railroad pay rolls; the steel truce is scheduled to expire on April 30; the major automobile companies face renegotiation of their contracts or reopening of unexpired contracts for wage adjustments, and the great electrical manufacturing companies must contend with union demands, If there are strikes in these industries, no government which hopes to keep the confi- dence of its people can afford not to seek a drastic remedy. I know compulsory arbitra- tion will not work; you and I understand that compulsory arbitration does not really settle or avoid labor disputes; we see the im- propriety of abdication by Congress of its law-making functions. Al' of these consid- erations will be swept aside, I am convinced, if collective bargaining fails in these indus- tries and strikes follow. An outraged public would demand action, any action. The President spoke for an indignant peo- ple when he asked Congress last year for the most drastic legislation ever recommended in peacetime by a Chief Executive. If Mr, Whit- ney had not seen the light and called off his strike, I feel confident the Senate, perhaps by a much narrower margin than prevailed in the House, would have given the Presi- dent a substantial part of the power which he sought. This is so even if we on our side pointed out that the law would victimize an employer not responsible for the strike, would have caused the seizure of properties and the confiscation of assets, but it is well to recall that this proposal was described by Mr. Whitney as an antiunion bill. The propoeal for establishment of labor courts to arbitrate disputes arising during the life of a contract is getting only luke- warm support, but this again is something which has great appeal to the public. On the surface it looks like good common sense to require parties to settle their disputes peacefully by taking them to a court for ad- judication, but our courts are engaged in the application of a specific body of law to specific facts, a situation which is wholly inapplicable to disputes arising under labor agreements. It is my opinion that Congress is prepared to postpone action on this particular legis- lative proposal, in deference to the statement that statutory compulsion would handicap the progressive development of the agreement reached at the President's labor-manage- ment conference that wherever it appears that labor-management relations would be improved by the arbitration of disputes over the interpretation or application of the terms of an agreement, the parties should write into their agreements a proviston for the use of arbitration as the terminal point in the dis- position of all grievance issues subject to arbitration under the agreement. It is impossible, let me say before proceed- ing to other matters, to escape the conclu- sion that there is really no master solution at all for our problems. The simple fact is that collective bargaining has just got to work; any alternative threatens the long- range interest of the public and the short- range interest of munagement and labor. We must have colicctive bargaining done in good faith by men of good will; 1f it fails, the su- perior public interest in labor disputes will be asserted, even though its assertion leads to unfortunate complications. This is a time above all when a sense of responsibility must mark the exercise of privileges if we are to continue to have a free society. Three things have dominated the testi- mony before the labor committees: Shall there be a Federal Mediation Board? Shall Congress prohibit industry-wide bargaining? Shall Congress prohibit the closed shop? I have talked about the first and I should like now to talk about the second and third, Quite apart from the fact that industry-wide bargaining is an accomplished fact in many industries and that tts being made Illegal would cancel out agreements which have existed for many yeurs, I do not believe that the bill making tndustry-wide bargaining illegn] would accomplish the stated objective of reductng the power of unions to paralyze great industries and deprive the public of necessary goods and services. Industry-wide bargaining would be per- mitted under the bill in the same labor market arca, so long as that area did not in- clude places of employment separated by more than 100 miles, If industry-wide bar- gaining is necessarily evil, either because it gives union chiefs undue power or leads to an association between management and labor which does violence to the public in- terest, it can be just as destructive tn distances tess than 100 miles and should therefore be abolished wherever found. The limitations tn the pending bill would still make it possible for unions to tie up the bulk of production in many of our most important industries. Furthermore, tt is a mistake to assume that only unions are interested in industry-wide bargaining. It is preferred by some em- ployers and sought after over union objec- tion tn some of our most essential industries, Company-wide bargaining would apparently still be permissible under the proposed law, and indeed many companies might find it wholly unworkable to go through the laborious process of executing a separate agreement for each of its plants distributed over wide areas, except that most companies prefer, for sound reasons, to make area ap- proaches to wage rates. There ts another reason for proceeding with great caution in respect to prohibition of industry-wide bargaining, and that is that the bill would seem to leave untouched the practice of union-wide bargaining. Some of the witnesses appearing before the Labor Committees to express opposition to in- @ustry-wide bargaining were not actually talking about industry-wide bargaining, but were protesting their status as victims of a situation in which a strong union with con- tracts tn a number of industries tssues an A1135 ultimatum that all must accept arbitrary unton standards, or must accept the results of collective bargaining with a single company. International unions have been known to veto collective-bargaining agreements execut- ec between one of its locals and an employer, not because it was not a good contract but because {t marked a departure from inflexi- ble union-wide standards. Until it is made clear in the bill that the proposal would do more than simply make it impossible for em- ployers to consult for the purpose of develop- ing an industry policy with respect to union @emands applied to the whole industry, I daubt if the bill will pass. Indeed, it is sig- nificant that a bill introduced in the House of Representatives would make it necessary for unions to bargain with duly authorized representatives of employers. The closed shop has no friends among thinking people. The very idea of compul- sory membership in a private organization is distasteful; it contradicts every fundamental standard of decency and fair pluy Coneress wants to legislate on this point, but it seems disturbed about the possibility that even more turmoi) might follow from invalidation of the closed shop or other forms of compul- sory union membership. Congress is much more likely to act on this issue, however, than it is on industry-wide bargaining. If a bill is enacted by the Congress with respect to compulsory union membership, I believe that it will categorically outlaw the practice. No cautious or procedural ap- proach will do the job. It would be impos- sible to compromise the issue by providing for governmental supervision of unions with closed or union-shop provisions in their con- tracts. The surgical knife is indicated if we are to avoid the creation of a giant adminis- trative establishment. Almost everybody agrees that changes must be made in the National Labor Relations Act, the Norris-LaGuardia Act, and the antitrust laws, not altogether because of the phrase- ology of these laws but because of adminis- trative and judicial interpretations. It seems safe to predict that Congress will take about the following steps: 1. Unions will be required to engage in collective bargaining in good faith, when they have acquired status as the duly au- thorized representative of employees. 2. The term “collective bargaining” will be specifically defined in the statute. Both em- ployers and representatives of employees will be compelled to meet at reasonable times tu confer with respect to wages, hours, and other terms and conditions of employment, but the statute will stipulate that s0 long as collective bargaining is done in good faith, neither party will be required to agree to a proposal of the other party nor to make a counterproposal. 3. Congress will make it clear that em- Pployers will have the right of free speech under the National Labor Relations Act so long as written or oral statements contain no threat of force. It is an interesting com- mentary on the lack of confidence in the National Labor Relations Board that Con- gress now finds it necessary to restate a con- stitutional right. This fundamental right will be written into the statute even ff the Board now seems, like another great insti- tution, to be following the election returns. 4. Employers will henceforth have the statutory right to fille a petition with the Board for determination of bargaining rights when they are confronted with confilcting claims of representation by labor organiza- tions. 5. Combinations by labor organizations in restraint of trade will be made illegal. The Oongress has been shocked by testimony that unions in many cases have acted to restrain trade, to make goods scarce and unneces- sarily expensive and to set up artificial trade barriers,
A1136 6. Congress is going to do something about boycotts, jurisdictional strikes, and sympa- thy strikes. Just what it will do is im- possible to predict. Secondary boycotts di- rected against employers in order to compel an illegal act will surely be made illegal. Congress is having difficulty distinguishing between primary and secondary boycotts; it may leave primary boycotts untouched but strike at the secondary boycott. I believe, however, there is strong support for amend- ments to any existing Federal law which de- nies the Govenment the right to strike at boycotts and unlawful combinations by un- ions. Legislation is certain; its details are uncertain. 7. The President has said that jurisdic- tional disputes must end. If so, a law is necessary. Labor organizations have dem- onstrated an incapacity to cure the prob- lem. At the very least, Congress will provide that labor organizations may be sued for violation of contract. This should at least discourage jurisdictional abuses but this problem of jurisdictional disputes is the most difficult one of all to handle by law. You can safely assume that an effort is going to be made. 8. Sympathy strikes fall in the same category with jurisdictional strikes. Estab- Nshing the obligation of unions to fulfill contracts will be the minimum step, but it is no secret that the labor committees will have considerable trouble in finding Ways and means of translating into law the public demand for outlawing sympathy and jurisdictional strikes. 9. Although one cannot say for sure, my opinion is that Congress will not order the preservation of the so-called status quo for 60 days while a mediation board attempts to bring the parties together. I question the workability of this proposal. Experience under the War Labor Disputes Act offers no hope for believing that a status quo require- ment would do much more than to intro- duce emotional obstacles into collective- bargaining negotiations. 10. There is some likelihood that Congress will require a secret strike ballot, making a@ majority vote for all workers in the plant a condition of the strike. This would reduce the power of labor leaders who call strikes without consulting with the workers much less permitting a vote, and a secret ballot re- quirement might well strike at some of the evils of union-wide bargaining; but one must not overlook the fact that secret balloting did not curtail strikes in war or since the end of the war. If a secret b&llot discloses &@ great majority of the workers to be in favor of a strike, that fact is used by union leaders in arguing for intervention of governmental authorities or for the appointment of fact- finders to pass on the demands of the union. If union leaders wish in good faith to reach @ compromise, they would be handicapped in retreating from extravagant demands by an overwhelming vote for a strike. 11. The status of supervisory employees will be clarified: At the minimum Congress will stipulate that supervisory employees may not belong to a union of production workers or to a union which {s affiliated with a parent organization of which the union representing the production workers is a part. This same treatment will be accorded professional, tech- nical and confidential employees; but whether Congress will go beyond this point and pro- vide that employers shall not be ‘required to deal with unions representing supervisory employees is something on which it is simply impossible to make predictions. It would be unfortunate if Congress did not take affirmative action on the question of supervisory employees, because if employers are required to bargain collectively with unions of supervisory employees, a deadly blow will be struck at the desirable policy of settling grievances as close as possible to the point where they arise. 12. I believe that.something will be done about so-called health and welfare funds, particularly when sought by unions now possessing the power to strike down a whole industry. Health and welfare is very dear to the hearts of every Member of Congress; any sensible legislation along this line would be popular. Congress will act to prohibit the wrong kind of health and welfare funds, and the subject will not be left untouched. Apparently Mr. Petrillo has the same idea, because he has just announced that his royalty fund will be used for public concerts. Like the National Labor Relations Board, Mr. Petrillo seems impressed by recent elections. A series of other changes will be made: Some strikes as such will be made illegal, including strikes to remedy practices for which an administrative remedy is available, and strikes intended to compel an employer to violate a law of the United States. I be- lieve it will be made an unfair labor practice for unions to restrain, interfere, or coerce employees in the determination of their bar- gaining representative; that the right of em- ployers to discharge employees will be clari- fied, and that the Congress will place sharp restrictions on the right to picket. It is interesting to recall that the Presi- dent himself, in his message to Congress on January 6, 1947, proposed legislation to outlaw jurisdictional strikes, which he de- scribed as indefensible. He also denounced secondary boycotts “when used to further jurisdictional disputes or to compel em- ployers to violate the National Labor Rela- tions Act.” He asked Congress to prohibit the use of economic force by labor or man- agement to decide issues arising out of inter- pretation of existing contracts. He thought Congress ought to investigate the problem of Nation-wide strikes in vital industries affecting the public interest, but made no_ specific recommendations. In vetoing the Case bill on June 11, 1946, the President said other significant things. He stated his agreement “with the principle that it is fair and right to hold a labor union responsible for violation of its con- tract.” He repeated his impatience with strikes or boycotts arising out of jurisdic- tional disputes; he said that he did not think it necessary for him to “emphasize the ne- cessity of applying the antitrust laws to combinations between employers and labor designed to restrain competition.” He said that the Government should be permitted to seek injunctions in order to “restrain strikes against the Government in cases where refusal to work for the Government has produced a condition of national emer- gency." It seems to me a healthy thing that States are beginning to legislate on the labor prob- lem. States should accept their respon- sibility to establish a pattern for solution of local utility strikes, not only because the ex- perience of 48 States will be helpful to all of the States and the Federal Government in the development of a rational and con- structive policy, but also because the fallure of States to accept their responsibilities in Past years has caused a centralization of au- thority at Washington which is not good for the country. States are ulso legislating on other ques- tions. Perhaps employers will not altogether lke the total results, because in the past we have been heard to deplore the lack of uniformity; but confronted with alterna- tives, I prefer the initial development of labor policy in the States. If States acted to restrain the use of violence on picket lines, Federal action would be unnecessary. I mention this to illustrate my point. I have indicated to you in this talk that Congress will probably adopt several pend- ing legislative proposals to translate into reality the ideal stated by the minority of the Senate Committee on Education and La- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD bor in submitting a report last year on the Case bill: “The desired end of bargaining between management and labor js a contract, equally binding and enforceable on both parties with appropriate safeguards against resort on either side to wrongful and un- lawful conduct ” This is another way of saying that the pub- lic interest demands peaceful settlement of labor disputes. The demand for corrective labor legislation is not so much an outbreak of sympathy for employers as it is an ex- pression of public impatience with strikes and violence and with interruptions in the production of goods and services. We must not lose perspective on that fundamental consideration. I have said that Congress will probably postpone action on other proposals. If all legislative action is combined in an omnibus bill, there will be much in that bill which we as employers will not like. Separate statu- tory approaches would be much better, but present indications are that we shall have an omnibus bill This will mean many changes in our laws, principally designed to clarify the obliga- tions and responsibilities of employers and representatives of their employees. We will still have the job of finding a way to live together peacefully; and we cannot do that by legislation alone. Senator VANDENBERG pre- dicts a great era of prosperity for this country “if we quit making senseless war against each other here at home and if we quit abusing our illimitable opportunities.” The public simply will not tolerate endless controversy, regardless of who is right. If laws are added to our statute books which prove unenforce- able or which fail to accomplish the results which management promised, the hostility of a disillusioned people will multiply our troubles. This is the one time above all when re- straint and moderation are essential. I have been appalled at the intemperate language used in union literature. It deliberately seeks to create an atmosphere of hate for employ- ers which would make industrial peace an impossibility. Too many people have lost their sense of humor. We shall find once more that there is no single solution for our difficulty: Government by itself cannot pro- duce peaceful relationships. Whatever is done by Congress, employers and employees and their representatives will still have the job of showing that our free enterprise sys- tem is a happier choice than any other system. St. Patrick’s Day Broadcast of Hon. Eamon de Valera, Prime Minister of Eire EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following text of broadcast made by Mr. Eamon de Va- lera over Columbia Broadcasting System on March 17, 1947: On St. Patrick's Day last year I told you how happy I was at being able, after the silence of the war years, to speak to you once more. Almost twenty-eight years have now gone by since first 1 had the privilege of speaking to American audiences as the rep- resentative of our country. I then brought news of the aspirations of the young men
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of Ireland, of their desire “to work out a way of life free from coercion,” and of their fixed determination to win back the liberty of which their country had for centuries been deprived, despite the many gallant efforts made to regain it. The reception given to my message then, and the encouragement and generous aid steadily afforded to us since, have played no small part in securing the freedom we now enjoy in this part of Ireland. We'here, who have been fortunate enough to have lived through this inspiring period, are endeavoring today so to lay the founda- tions that on them the Irish nation may be rebuilt in a manner worthy of the devotion given to it, and the sacrifices made for it throughout the long period of its sorrow. As I read President Truman's message to Congress a few days ago I could not help thinking how truly democratic these founda- tions are. We here chore unmistakably the democratic way of life “based upon the will of the majority,” and our entire state or- ganization bears visibly upon it all the char- acteristic marks of democracy indicated by the President: “Free Institutions, Represent- ative Government, Free Elections,” with “Guarantees of Individual Liberty, Freedom of Speech and Religion, and Freedom from Political Oppression.” We made our choice some years ago with the conscious purpose of securing that “the dignity and freedom of the individual may be assured, true social order attained, the unity of our country restored. and concord established with other nations.” These are the words of the pre- amble of our Constitution. But the foundations are,not yet as they should be. There is one grievous defect and it places in jeopardy all that has hitherto been gained. The essential unity of our nation does not at present exist. Our na- tional integrity is destroyed by the unnatural partition of our country, enacted and en- forced by coercion from outside. Last year I spoke to you once again of this wrong and asked for your earnest support towards bringing it to an end. Partition of the United States was rejected by Abraham Lincoln in his time. He fought one of the bitterest Civil Wars in history to prevent it. Partition of India and partition of Palestine are rejected today. Every argument against partition in these instances and others that we know of applies with even greater force in the case of Ireland. Ireland has been one since the dawn of history, with a boundary unmistakably de- termined by the ocean. Only a vandal hand would have dared to mutilate it. The part cut off contains the places most hallowed by the events of our history, the places dearest of all others to our people. The inhabitants were not consulted and gave no consent be- fore they were severed from the main body of the nation. A local plebiscite even now ‘would show that in one-half the area cut off the majority desire to be united with the rest of the nation. Of the six separated coun- ties, four taken as a group, and these the four counties, immediately bordering the twenty-six counties, have a majority of their inhabitants in favor of union with the rest of the country The area cut off is in itself neither a historic, a racial, a political nor an economic entity, and is maintained as an artificial political unit solely by the pressure of an outside power. It must be obvious that as long as this un- natural and unjust situation exists any genuine cordiality of feeling between the peoples of Ireland and of Britain is im- possible, and that the efforts of men of good will who labor to foster such a cordiality are doomed to frustration. Yet we are living in a time which makes it more than ever imperative that nations which can come together in amity to ensure their common well being and safety should do so. Ireland and Britain are two neighbor- ing islands off the coast of Europe. Their peoples have many interests in common, XCITI—App.——72 They are the motherlands of large popula- tions living in harmony side by side over extensive regions of the earth. Their econo- mies can, to their mutual advantage, in many respects be made to be complementary. Were the old conflict ended they might in freedom become each a source of strength and a support to the other. This is obvious, but while partition lasts all such ideas must remain a hopeless dream. Those who help to end partition are assisting in the great work of bringing nations tozether, and in the great movement towards world peace. The Irishmen who help ure securing the foundations for a splendid future for our nation. It is for that reason that I conil- dently ask all you who are listening to me to lend your support, Padraic Pearse, in an inspiring lecture which he gave us a young man 50 years ago, on the “Intellectual Future of the Gael.” referred to the remarkable vision of Ireland's future written by an Englishman, Cardinal Newman fifty years earlier. Pearse hoped that much of that vision might yet come true. I will read for you portions of the passage from the Cardinal which Pearse quoted: “* * * I look, the Cardinal wrote, towards a land both old and young; old in its Christianity, young in the promise of its future; a nation, which received grace be- fore the Saxon came to Britain, and which has never quenched it * * * I contem- Plate, he said. a people which has had a long night, and will have an inevitable day. I am turning my eyes toward a hundred years to come, and I dimly see the island I am gazing on, become the road of passage and union between two hemispheres and the centre of the world. * * * IJ see England taught by advancing years to exercise in its behalf that good sense which is her char- acteristic towards everyone else * * * thither, as to a sacred soil, the home of their fathers, and the fountain-head of their Christianity. students are flocking from East, West and South, from America und Australia and Indiu, from Egypt and Asia Minor. with the ease and rapidity of a locomotion not yet discovered * * * all eager for one large true wisdom; and thence, when their stay is over, going back again to carry peuce to men of good will over all the earth.” Such is the destiny beyond all others which those who have sincerely loved our country and are now gone would have chosen for her. Such is the destiny of service which all her faithful children, living and to come, will earnestly endeavor to secure for her, and such is the destiny which today we pray all our Saints, and in particular our glorious Patron, St. Patrick, to plead for, betore the Throne of the Most High. I should like to stop here but there are questions which I know many of you who are listening would ask me if it were possible for you to do so and would be disuppointed if I did not answer You wish to know how we in Ireland are faring in these difficult times and how our plans for the immediate future are progressing. We are indeed having our postwar difi- culties and these have been made more acute by the unusually severe weather of recent months. This has seriously reduced our fuel supplies, dislocated our transport, prevented the winter sowings and delayed the spring sowings. The bad weather, too, last harvest defented what until then had been our suc- cessful efforts to provide ourselves with the greater part of our bread and with the food for our animals. We are now short of both. We have had to ration bread for the first time and drastically reduce the butter ration. These added hardships make us realize more vividly what other nations have had to en- dure and how fortunate in comparison we have hitherto been. At this moment we are getting ready to utilize every favorable hour the weather may give us to sow the wheat and other cereals which we require to meet our needs in the coming year. To do this and A1137 to sow the potatoes, the beet and the green crops and, at the same time, cut all the turf we need for fuel, will be an extremely difficult task in view of the present shortage of ma- chincry and the many other demands upon rural labor. The penalty for failure, how- ever, is to be short of food and fuel in the coming winter I am confident that if the weather be favorable our people will combine for the necessary effort now as they did in the harvest. In regard to our plans for the future I can only tell you that we have resumed the task of building up our manufacturing in- dustries and that in spite of the difficulty in getting supplies of coal and raw materials we succeeded in producing last year a greater volume of goods than before the war, and that the number of persons employed in industry in 1946 was the highest on record. Our plans to get electric light and me- chanical power for our industries by the har- nessing of our rivers and bogs for the pro- duction of electricity are also being put into operation. So, too, are our plans for the further creation of economic farms for the building of tens of thousands of additional houses and for bringing to the countryside the conveniences of electric light and tele- phonic communication. A Ministry for Health and a Ministry for Social Welfare have becn added to the Departments of State since last I addressed you, so as the better to pro- vide that the sick and the aged, the infirm and those who may be unemployed through no fault of their own may have as much care as the resources of our community make is possible to afford. I must now say goodbye. I wish you good fortune and happiness in the year ahead and always. Address of Hon. John L. Sullivan, Under Secretary of the Navy EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. SCHUYLER OTIS BLAND OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. BLAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address by Under Secretary of the Navy John L. Sullivan at launching of U. S. S. Newport News, at Newport News, Va., March 6, 1947: It is a distinct privilege to come to this historic seaport to participate in the launch- ing of a ship which will bear the tradition- ally famous American name o* Newport News. . I am delighted to bring you the greetlgs of the Navy Department and of its Secretary, James Forrestal. Newport News and the United States Navy are not straugers. Your ships have been our ships for a half century— through two great wars and in the inter- vening yeurs of peace. During the war years, occasions such as this stirred us to the depths of our hearts be- cause the ships launched here we knew would speed the defeat of America’s enemies. Now, though emotions are more constrained, we are no less aware of the real meaning of this launching. Today we dedicate ourselves and this great ship to the goal of universal peace. This splendid vessel is the handiwork of the men and women of the Newport News Shipbuilding and Drydock Cv. When her crew comes aboard this fall and she is com- missioned, she will become a proud unit of our Navy—ready to carry on the gallant tra- ditions of the service and the great heritage ©: the sea.