A3268 These policies can and have had far-reach- ing consequences for the 58,864 Negro en- listed men and the 1,238 officers. There are still many white commanders unwilling or unable to carry out these policies. These can only delay but never halt the trend toward integration. SHOULD WAR START TOMORROW, THE NEGRO SOLDIER 1S BEING TRAINED TO BE READY TO DEFEND HIS COUNTRY—TODAY, NEGROES ARE GEITING THEIR BEST CHANCES World War It taught us a lesson. Racial intolerance was preventing us from making full use of this country’s manpower. Few Negroes were used or trained in combat tac- ties. The policy has changed. The Depart- ment of Defense plans to make full use of all manpower if war should come. Today, more Negroes than ever are being trained in all phases of modern warfare. They are in com- munications, field, and mobile artillery, learning to use the recoilless 75’s, driving M-41’s and M-26’s. They’re lecrnirs not only how to follow but also how tc 1» d in combat tactics. With white boys, many Negro youngsters at Fort Benning are grappling with the Army’s paratroop training program. AS part of the proud troopers, they’re learning the rigid discipline, fighting know-how, and the rugged team spirit of the outfit. A para- trooper’s life is no bed of roses, but these boys take to it like a ‘chute to the breeze. They learn how to fall, how to put on their harness. For 4 weeks they learn how to Jump from 2, to 34, to 250 feet, before they make the big 1,000-foot jump from a fying boxcar. They are in fine physical shape, don’t drink, and do little smoking. WHAT ARE THE ISSUES IN THE ARMY?—-HOW FAR CAN A COMMANDING GENERAL TAKE INTEGRA= TION ON A POST? There is still a wide gap between Army policy and Army performance. Separate in- fantry and artillery battalions of Negro troops, with separate quarters and only token. integration of Negro and white officers, re- main the rule at many Army posts. In aux~ iliary units integration on an individual level has begun, And it is the trend begun in these auxiliaries which seems certain to establish a pattern for all. Some Army commanders have time and again raised the old fears that mixing the Negro and white soldiers indiscriminately in the same units will impair fighting morale. They have claimed that integration of so large & mass of Negroes as are in the Army is more difficult than in the Navy and Air Force with their fewer numbers. These are old dodges without foundation in fact. The facts are that the Air Force has integrated fully 25,000 Negro airmen on an individual level without a single serious incident. The reason for Air Force success can be found in such blunt and forthright comment as that made by Air Force Maj. Gen. Laurence 8. Kuter, who wrote every officer in his com- mand as follows: “Selected and qualified Negro officers and men will be assigned to duty throughout the Air Force without re- gard to race. * * * Commanders who cannot cope with the integration of Negroes into formerly white units or activities will have no place in the Air Force structure.” Within the month after this story is pub- lished the Fahy committee, established by President Truman, is expected to report on the execution of the integration policy. The firm attitude of the President, his Secretary of Defense, and the work of this committee are factors which face recalcitrant Army commanders unable to cope with the prob- lem of complete integration. Dynamic pub- lic opinion inside (two out of three white soldiers do not oppose integration) and out« side also faces them across their Maginot line of prejudice. And these are factors which make it possible to predict that within @ matter of months (possibly at Fort Lewis) we will have the first completely racially mixed battalion. WAVY’S POLICY OF INTEGRATION TODAY CALLS FOR STEPPING UP NEGRO RECRUITING In comparison with the Army and Air Force there are fewer Negroes in the Navy (15,000). This number is less than 2 percent of the total strength. Traditionally Negroes were restricted to the Navy messmen’s divi- sion. Today, 8 years after this ban was drop- ped, most Negroes (about 60 percent) still are stewards. But in contrast with former years, Negroes now hold every general-service rating and serve on every type of ship. The Navy's drastically reduced appropria- tion is one of the main reasons for the Ne- gro’s numerically unimportant role in this service. With economy demanded, the Navy pruned out its least capable men, relegated much of its fleet to the “mothball” class, and operated installations with minimum crews. The Navy has witnessed a trend from com- plete segregation to one of integration. It began 6 years before the Executive order banned discrimination. In April 1942 the Navy announced its ex- periment to train Negro volunteers as sea- men, And in June 1942 it followed through by opening Great Lakes Naval Training Sta- tion to Negro apprentice seamen. In Septem- ber of the same year, 150 of these trainees arrived at Hampton Institute for advanced training in such general-service retings as machinist mates, electricians, mctnlsmiths, cooks, bakers, and carpenters. Subsequently, the Seabees division (similar to the Army’s engineers) was opened to Negroes. And in November 1943 the Navy began using Negro seamen and rated men aboard ships. Today its policies for equality of treatment and opportunity are fully approved by the Secretary of Defense. Implementing this policy, it has stepped up recruiting among Negroes and encouraged college students to enroll in the Naval ROTC. Also, the stew- ards branch has lost its “for minorities only” label, Faced with unprecedented orders some ship and station commanders required several reminders before they adopted the equality program. But enlisted men accepted it and there were no incidents. Tan faces, once the symbol of the Navy’s servant caste, now are recognized as skilled craftsmon on battle- ‘wagons, Carriers, and subs. WILL NAVY COMMISSION MORE NEGROES?— ANSWER Is “YES” Today Negroes operate cranes, control radar apparatus, handle electrical and clerical jobs aboard such aircraft carriers as the Roose- velt and Midway (the Navy’s pride). In the event of another war undersea strategy will figure prominently. And in increasingly important sub and antisub squadrons Negroes serve in a variety of general service ratings. Their job well done also extends to battle wagons, destroyers, and auxiliary craft. Negro base personnel and trainees are just sailors at New London, Cohn., Norfolk, and Great Lakes naval establishments. North- erners and southerners from every family background are buddies. But there is a problem. There are only 17 Negro officers in the Navy and Naval ROTC’s and Annapolis will hardly produce more than 10 annually. This problem is being tackled by the Presi- dent’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Forces, but as yet no solution has been found. THE MARINES HAD NO NEGROES BEFORE 1942, BUT TODAY FOLLOW NAVY DIRECTIVES IN ATIT- TUDE TOWARD NEGROES Although the Marine Corps takes its orders from the Navy, its policy toward Negroes does not always follow the Navy pattern. In fact, the Marines did not accept Negroes APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in their ranks until 1942 when the Corps was being mobilized to a strength of 70,000. Yet when the Marines hit the shore at Bou- gainville in 1943, Negroes were among them. Later they fought in all the Marine cam- paigns through Okinawa. Today, of the 74,000 men in the Marines, about 1,500 are Negroes, most of them in pay grade 6, the next to lowest. The number of them in pay grade 1 is increasing, mainly because the quota system in the Marines has been abolished. Montford Point, once designated as “a recruit training center for Negro Marines” is deserted but for a few guards watching United States Government property. Now Negro Marines do their boot under the same conditions as the white boys at Parris Island, S. C., and San Dicgo, Calif. From there they move on either to the 173 square miles of Camp Lejeune or, depend- ing on their ability, to basic schools at Quantico, Va. As the east coast center of varied Marine Corps training activity, Camp Lejeune is the home c. the 1nmous Second Merhre Division and the Marine Barracks, Headquarters and Service Battalion, in which are some 300 Ne~ groes. They mess, use the same service clubs, and are billeted with white boys. Camp facilities include a free theater (in the Army it costs 24 cents), a 19-hole golf course and the use, on separate days, of Marston Hall, a palatial ballroom, The Marines have four Reserve Negro sec- ond lieutenants, but none on active duty, But the way is open, if they can qualify, WACS, WAFS, WAVES, MARINES—LESS PUBLICIZED, BUT VERY IMPORTANT IN THEIR OWN RIGHTS ARE SERVICES WOMEN Negro women specialists served with the Army and Navy during World War II. En- listing when the Women's Army Corps was founded in July 1942, Maj. Charity Adams commanded a Negro WAC unit overseas, Maj. Harriet West, another of the Army’s Negro pioneers, was chief of the Planning Bureau Control Division in the Army’s Wash- ington headquarters. Pacesetters in the Navy were Lt. Harriet Pickens and Ensign Frances Wills. There were no Negro WAFS or women Marines during the war. Today Negro women hold responsible jobs in all branches of the service within the zone of the interior, and in Europe and Japan. Capt. Blanche Scott commands the all-Negro WAC detachment at Fort Dix. Others who command Negro WAC units with strategic jobs are Lt. Margaret Barnes at Madigan General Hospital, Tacoma, Wash., and Lt. Doris Williamson at Fort Lewis, Wash. At present Nogro WACS number 594. There are 200 WAFS. Typical of these is Staff Sgt. Annie Moore at Lackland Alr Field Base, Tex. Flight leader of 127 white and Negro WAFS, she is @ member of the permanent party on the base. Figures on the numbor of Negro WAVES are not available. An estimate places them at 15. There are only two Negro women on active duty in the Marine Corps. After training at Parris Island, 8. C., on a completely unsegregated basis, they are on assignment at National Marine Headquarters in Washington. THE AIR FORCE MAKES NO BONES ABOUT WHAT IT MEANS BY INTEGRATION—NEGRO BOYS ARE BEING TRAINED IN ALL ITS HIGHLY TECHNICAL DEPARTMENTS When the Negro unit at Lockbourne Air Base was decentralized last October, many Negroes had their misgivings. The “Race Base” (as Lockbourne was slanged) had oper- ated so well under a Negro commander that they felt 1t was a crime to break it up. Some were convinced that Negro pilots would be lost in the diffusion, be grounded Lecause of race, and would lose their flying pay. Others saw the glory of the Three Hundred and Thirty-second scattered to the winds.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Those were short-term views; in many cases, selfish. The Air Force proposals pro- vided for the assignment and utilization of Negro personnel on the basis of individual ability. All references to race were to be stopped. Breaking up Lockbourne was only the initial step in the implementation of the policy. Soon enougl: the Air Force showed that it meant business. By December 31, last year—the time set for the policy to be in complete operation—vhe scheme had worked far beyond expectations without the least friction. The majority of Negro air officers with whom Our World talked are now sure that this is the best thing that ever hap- pened to the Air Force in terms of a long- range plan. A few still “beef” about the high percentage of grounding among Negro pilots. But investigations in Washington indicate to Our World that white boys have suffered just as much; and grounding, in most in- stances, has been ordered because of appro- priation cut-backs or to conform with age limitations. If anyone needs confirmation of the Air Force’s good faith in the accomplishment of this program, a visit to Lackland Air Field Base, deep in the heart of Texas, will do it. Being the “gateway to the Air Force,” Lackland, more than any other base, needs the strictest supervision to mold its raw recruits. Maj. Gen. Charles W. Lawrence, the commander, has set down the strictest discipline for the acceleration of the inte- gration plan. If any “jeep” has racial preju- dices when he enters the indoctrination cen- ter, he had better get rid of them. From the time he hits the “Red Arrow” until he leaves the base at “Grand Central Station,’ his race is incidental. The flight chiefs, who prac- tically teach them everything they learn, are carefully screened. And, on graduation, tkese boys receive assignment strictly on ability. Cfficer personnel, too, like Maj. Lee Ray- ford and Lt. Bill Kelly, have been appointed here strictly because of their ability. TOGETHER, “CHASING ELECTRONS” OR FLYING JET PLANES, NEGRO AND WHITE BOYS ARE BUILDING A GREATER AIR FORCE And Lackland is not alone. In varying de- grees of efficiency, dependent on local com- manders and geographical position, the Air Force’s nonsegregation program is going into high gear. We saw Negro youths at Keesler, in Biloxi, Miss., side by side with whites, studying the most technical elements of air traffic control, radar net defense, and com- munications. We saw Negro officers (many of them ex-Ninety-ninth men), side by side with white boys “chasing electrons,’’ sweat- ing through calculus, or studying the super- sonic trainer. We saw them at officers’ clubs, with their wives, eating at the same tables, slumped on the same bars as white officers and their wives. We saw them in the same BOQ’s, in the same toilets. At Williams Air Field Base in Arizona the same thing happens. There, the center of the jet-plane command, the boys—black and white—sleep, eat, and live “jets.” To them and their wives the all-important project is jet planes, jet engines, and their perform- ance. Four Negro officers are flying instruc- tors here, among them the fabulous “Mr, Death,” Lt. John Whitehead. What does all this mean? It means that the Air Force is following the order to the letter and in its true spirit. In fact, giving the lie to the old bromide of racial incom- patibility. THE LOGIC OF THE COLD WAR DEMANDS COMPLETE INTEGRATION OF NEGROES IN ALL DEFENSE FORCES As praiseworthy as are the moral and the ethical grounds for giving to all Negroes full rights in our armed forces, there are even graver considerations which make integra- tion mandatory: The very security of the Nation is at stake. The cold war now being waged against western democracy by world communism is making wide use of examples of antidemo- cratic treatment of Negroes in America to win the allegiance of darker peoples all over the world. The allegiance of more than seven hundred million is weighing in the balance. Segregation, denial of opportunity to Negro Americans, spells tragedy for Amer- ica in the cold war of ideas. America cannot afford anything less than complete integra- tion in her armed forces. If the “cold war” becomes “hot” then there 1s even greater reason for the fullest utilization of all available Negro man- power to save the Nation. It is against this background of clear necessity that one sees the Truman adminis- tration through its Department of Defense move into high gear to carry out its program of equality of treatment and opportunity for Negroes in the armed forces. Much remains to be done. There are still military com- manders “overprejudiced in grade.” But the race is against time. And time is short. United States armed forces in 1950 must march forward to complete integration for all of America’s races. Warmed-Over Biscuits EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. ANDREW J. BIEMILLER OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 3, 1950 Mr. BIEMILLER. Mr. Speaker, with permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I attach the following column by Doris Fleeson, which appeared in the Washington Star, May 3. The column speaks for itself in its careful review of the absolute clearance of State Depart- ment personnel by the Republican Eight- ieth Congress, a clearance now being dis- puted by other less responsible Repub- licans. ‘ WarRMED-Over Biscurirs—McCarRTHy’s Famous List oF SUBVERSIVES COMPILED BY GOP EIGHTIETH CONGRESS (By Doris Fleeson) His fellow Republicans of the Hightieth Congress compiled Senator McCarruy’s fa- mous list of subversives in the State Depart- ment during 1947-48. Various committees analyzed it, took tes- timony on it, and concluded by praising the State Department and its security officer, Deputy Under Secretary John E. Peurifoy, for their zeal. Then they pigeonholed it without even bothering to make a report. The Senator from Wisconsin thus stands in the grotesque position of accusing the only Republican-controlled Congress in 20 years of having failed to do its duty in rooting out communism. WHOLE STORY IN DETAIL The Tydings subcommittee of the Senate will momentarily disclose the whole story in detail. It will show that— Every name on the list of 81 supposed Communist sympathizers handed to Senator Trprncs by Senator McCartiy appears on the old House list. The descriptions given by Senator McCar- rey of the 81 tally in substance in every in- stance with the descriptions given in the A3269 House record as to ages, dates, type of work, background, etc. In some instances Senator McCartHy scarcely bothered to change the wording. As the subcommittee reconstructs the story, the original list was put together by the staff of House Appropriations, then func- tioning under the iron hand of Representa- tive JoHN TaBzr, of New York. At the time President Truman had not issued his loyalty orders so that Mr. Taser’s people helped themselves freely from State Department files. Of files the Ten-~*~-cn* had plenty. It had just been \ .. ** i. by the transfer of many war agencies. The investigators took a sampling of 108 names to the Hill and Mr. Peurifoy followed. Before the Eightieth Congress bit the dust House Appropriations, Expenditures, and Foreign Affairs, and Senate Foreign Relations all had a whack at the 108 and Security Offi- cer Peurifoy. The personal interest taken by Representative Taser, a tough customer, showed in the fact that it was the only State Department item to which he gave his own attention. The rest he entrusted to Repre- sentative Stzeran, of Nebraska, but when the list was at issue Mr. Taper sat in. BALL HANDLED SENATE JOB Senator Ball of Minnesota, then Senator Tart’s principal backstop on labor policy, handled it for Senate Appropriations. The Senators not only cleared the State Depart- ment but never leaked the fact of the list. Representative Chenoweth of Colorado headed the Expenditures Subcommittee which closed its hearings after 3 days and voted four to one not to continue with the matter. The final sweeping exculpation came from Representative Jonkman, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee, who said on the House floor: “I want the Mem- bers to know there is one department in which the known or reasonably suspected subversives, Communists, fellow-travelers, sympathizers, and persons whose services are not for the best interests of the United States, have been swept out. That is the Department of State.” Representative Jonkman modestly took credit for the Republican-controlled Con- gress for his happy situation with a few kind words thrown in for himself and Mr. Peurifoy. Then came Senator McCartuy. 'The Sen- ator has bounded lightly from 205 fellow- travelers to 57 card-carrying Communists and he gave the Tydings subcommittee 81 names. His 81 all appear on the old House list of 108 by name and description. Actually 51 of the 108 were never hired by State. It 1s presumed that Senator Mc- CartTHy got his 57 card-carriers by subtract- ing the 51 unhired from 108—and, of course, making a rather large assumption as well. Of the 57 who were hired, only 40 remain with the Department. They have been found absolutely loyal after investigation and re- investigation by the FBI and the President’s loyalty boards. Representative Karsten, Missourl Demo~ crat, hinted at the above in his blast at Senator McCartuy for his attempt through deceit and fraud to hoodwink and inflame the American people. Some politicos are slightly more tolerant. They suggest that Senator McCartHy needed a fiery speech for a Lincoln Day Dinner and some Republican handed him these warmed- over biscuits. Ambitious but little-noticed here, he then found the attention he at- tracted was irresistible. Perhaps he was a little stampeded by the headlines. Thus say the Democrats. The Republicans apparently are left to moan: “Say it ain’t so, Joz.”
A3270 “Little Abner” Brannan EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY 0. TALLE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 4, 1950 Mr. TALLE. Mr. Speaker, I want to take this opportunity to commend the Democratic National Committee for its realistic appraisal of the Brannan plan, as evidenced by its recent announce- ment that the comic book technique will be used to explain it to the people. This is a most intriguing development indeed. T am sure most of my colleagues will agree that there could be no more ap- propriate medium than the comic car- toon for depicting the Truman admin- istration’s so-called farm program. Un- fortunately, the humorous aspects will be replaced by the tragic if this mon- strous proposal to regiment the farmers is foisted upon the already overburdened American taxpayers. Taxation of Annuities of Retired Federal Employees EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. F. EDWARD HEBERT OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 1, 1950 Mr. HEBERT. Mr. Speaker, under permission of the House, I would like to call attention to the following commu- nication written by Mr. H. G. Richey: SravemMentT RELATIVE ro Unsusr Taxarion or ANNUITIES OF RETIRED FEDERAL EMPLOYEES New Or.eEans, LA., March 1, 1950. Hon. Rogsert L. DoveHTon, Chairman, House Committee on Ways and Means, Washington, D. C. Honoraste Sir: The following statement and plea is submitted in behalf of those Federal employees who, when retired, had to sever thelr connection and withdraw mem-~ bership from any employee organization in which they were associated, in order to re- duce their Hving expenses to the level of the annuity they were granted by the Gov- ernment. This group of retired employees, having no connection with any employee or- ganization which may be represented before your committee in support of proposed leg~ islation, will have no representation except this statement, submitted by their repre- sentative whose signature is hereinafter affixed. This statement is submitted with the re- quest that it be laid before the Committee on Ways and Means, and be made a part of the record of hearings on proposed legisla~ tion, such as bill H. R. 124, which is to clarify section 18 of the Civil Service Re- tirement Act, relative to the collection of any tax on the annuity paid to retired Fed- eral employees. This group of retired em- ployees requests favorable action by your committee on such legislation, and early enactment into law by the Congress. That our request is just is shown by the following arguments: (a) The Civil Service Retirement Act (sec. 18) provides that the annuity of retired em- ployees shall not, “be assignable either in Jaw or equity, or be subject to execution, Jevy or attachment, garnishment, or other legal process.” The wording of this section clearly indi- cates that the Congress which enacted the Retirement Act, intended that the retired employee should receive the full value and penefit of the annuity, without any reduc- tion by “levy” or “other legal process.” The word “levy” as defined by Webster’s New In~ ternational Dictionary, is ‘“‘to raise or collect, as by assessment, execution or other legal process; to execute or impose by authority, as to levy taxes, toll, tribute, or contribu- tion.’ Note how closely the wording of sec- tion 18 of the Retirement Act follows the definition of the word “levy’’ as given by the dictionary, and that this recognized author- ity on the meaning of words states that “levy” means to collect taxes by “levy,” and the Retirement Act exempts the annuity from “levy.” The word “levy” to the layman means to tax, or to levy a tax, and to date there has been no legal interpretation as to the mean- ing of the word “levy” as used in section 18 of the Civil Service Retirement Act. Taxing the annuities is the result of a decision by the Treasury Department, the agency which collects the tax, That it is an unjust tax js shown by the fact that no legal action can be taken, under the law, against the annuity, to collect any unpaid taxes. There- fore, 1t would seem that the collection of a tax, which cannot be collected by a legal process, is an illegal tax, and an illegal col- lection. Bill 124 should be enacted into law to clarify and make explicit the intent of section 18 of the retirement law, and the intent of the Congress which enacted the Retirement Act. (b) The Railroad Employee Retirement Act provides that “No annuity payment shall be assignable or be subject to any tax or garnishment, attachment, or other legal process under any circumstances.” The Civil Service Retirement Act provides that “None of the moneys mentioned in this act shall be assignable, either in law or equity, or be subject to execution, levy or attachment, or other legal process.” The only material difference in the word-~ ing or meaning of the two separate acts, is any difference there may be in the meaning of the word “levy” and the word “tax.” Web- ster’s New International Dictionary defines the word “tax” as, “A sum imposed or levied upon the members of a society to defray its expenses; a charge or burden, usually pecuniary, laid upon persons or property.” Note that the word “levied” has the same meaning as the word “taxed” or “tax.” Qom- parison of the two sentences quoted from the two different acts, clearly indicates that the two words, “levy” and “tax,” were in- tended by Congress to mean the same thing. However, under the Railroad Retirement Act, the annuity of a retired railroad employee is not taxed, while the clvil-service employee, under a ruling of the Treasury Department, has to refund, or “kick back,” a part of his annuity in an unjust tax. When an attempt was made to obtain an interpretation of section 18 of the Retirement Act, by the United States Attorney General, that Office advised that such action could only be taken on the request of the Presi- dent or the heed of 1. devururen. When the President was ‘etr.coied (> obicim such de- cision or interpretation, the request was re- ferred to the Internal Revenue Bureau, the agency which collects the tax. When a retired employee protested against the collection of a tax on his annuity, and made payment under protest, he was advised by the Internal Revenue Bureau that: “Consideration was given to the question of the taxability of annuities received by re- ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tired civil-service employees in connection with the preparation of the income-tax reg. ulations and the fact was established that section 18 of the Civil Service Retirement Act was not intended to exempt annuities from Federal income tax, and that such annuities were taxable under the provisions of section 22 (b) (2) (A) of the Internal Revenue Code.” The Internal Revenue Bureau also cited the following court decisions relative to the collection of income taxes: Disouke v. U. S. (297 U. S. 167); Raymond v. Commissioner (114 F, (2d) 140; 311 U. S. 710); Gillespie v. Commissioner (128 F. (2d) 140); Nanne v. Commissioner (165 F. (2d) 304). A study of the decisions cited shows that section 18 of the Civil Service Retirement Act, or the meaning and intent of the word levy as used therein, was in no way a part of the cases decided; hence the decisions cited have no bearing on the present question. The various tax laws passed by Congress, under which the Internal Revenue Bureau operates, instructs the Commissioner of In- ternal Revenue that, “There shall be levied, collected, and paid,” etc., etc. Note the word levied as used in the tax acts, instructs the Commissioner to levy and collect the tax; then note that section 18 of the retirement act states that the annuity of retired Federal employees is not subject to levy. Thus to levy and collect a tax on the annuities granted to Federal employees, retired under the retirement act, is in violation of section 18 of that act. It has been suggested by the collecting agency that a test could be made and an interpretation obtained, by a retired em~- ployee refusing to pay the tax, and take the case through the Tax Court, and to the higher courts. The retired employee, how- ever, has neither the finances, or the ex- pectancy of life to institute such procced- ings, and can only seek relief through the Congress. To give some relief from their present he retired employees request that AOTan . R. 124, be vommilttee, and Congress has recognized the decreased purchasing power of the dollar by granting various increases in the salary of employecs still in active service, but no stich consid- eration has been given the retired employee. These aged retired employees, physically in~ capacitated by age or ailment from obtain- ing further employment, to augment their annuity, seek relief through your commit- tee and the Congress, by enactment into law bill H. R. 124, or similar legislation. As representing the herein described group of ictired Federal employees, I thank you ana the committee for your kind considera- on. Very respectfully, HG, Ricury. Ranyon’s Last Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 4 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, we are now in the midst of a Nation-wide cancer drive sponsored by the American Cancer Society. I participated in the opening ceremonies of this national cam~- paign, at which time I presented a medal, the Clement Cleveland Award, to the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD distinguished columnist, Walter Win- chell, who at that time donated on behalf of the Damon Runyon Cancer Fund $256,000, with which to get the drive under way. There appeared in the April 22, 1950, issue of Collier’s magazine an article relative to the fight against cancer, which is a matter of vast importance to the American public. The article, en- titled “‘Runyon’s Last Story—By His Friends,” was written by Albert Q. Maisel. I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the Appendix of the REcorp. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Runyon’s Last Story—By His Frienps (By Albert Q. Maisel) A few weeks before Damon Runyon died of cancer, he took the short end of a thou- sand-to-ten-dollar bet. It was the kind of bet you could get only on Broadway, where the bookies can figure the odds, even on life and death, more accurately than any actuary. Runyon bet that he would return after his death. He had no expectation of ever winning that wager. “It’s just,” he shrugged, “that I couldn’t resist the odds.” Yet Runyon, the gifted writer who knew Broadway and the race tracks and the prize rings far better than they knew themselves, has come back. Today, more than 3 years after the ashes of his wasted body were sprinkled into the winter wind over Man- hattan, he is influencing the lives of all those who know him and of hundreds of thousands to whom his name was only a by- line beneath which they knew they would find a terrific story. Runyon’s last story is being written by all the weird and ‘wonderful characters who peopled the tales he wrote while cancer slowly choked him. It’s a magnificent story of a strange and democratic memorial erected by a million Joes and Janes, touts and chorus girls, crooks and con men, gen- erals and Congressmen, who have jumped at the chance to buy their way into the busi- ness of being philanthropists. Like much of Runyon’s fiction, it is full of bad guys doing good things. But it isn’t fiction. There is nothing fictional about 8,000,000 bucks in cold, hard cash. It is also the story of Runyon’s friends, the worldly wise denizens of table 50 at New York’s Stork Club, who started out to raise enough money to endow a bed in Memorial Hospital in New York and ended up in the philanthropic big time, teaching new tricks to the experts. The plot, like every Runyon story, has a surprise twist. The hep characters who touched off the Runyon Memorial Fund as a sentimental gesture have had thelr baby taken away from them. A million contrib- utors have made it public property and thus proved what Runyan could have told them from the start: You never know what the people will do except that it’s always better than you think. The fund got its start 4 days after Run- yon died, just before Christmas in 1946, when Walter Winchell grabbed his micro- phone to begin his staccato Sunday-night barrage of the air waves. “It seemed like nothing much at the time.” Winchell recalls. “For more than a year 1 had watched one of my oldest and dearest friends dying. In all that time we had talked of everything but death, because you don’t talk of death with a man whose voice has been choked out of him, a man who has to write down on slips of paper every word he wants to say. When Damon was released at last from the . pain he never talked about, I had to say . something, if only to get it off my chest. “There I was, with the mike in front of me, and for the first time in my life the words came hard. But what I did say, they told me afterward, was that maybe other people felt the way I did about the thing that had killed Damon, that maybe they’d want to send a buck or so and take a share in building a Damon Runyon Memorial to fight cancer, “I didn’t have the slightest idea how much we could raise, twenty or thirty thousand, maybe even seventy-five thousand tops. But that wasn’t the point. It was just one of those things you do first, then reason about afterward.” When Winchell walked out of the studio that night in Miami and began his usual tour of the night clubs, people sidled up to him and stuffed money into his pockets. The next day, at Tropical Park, you could have mistaken him for a bookie, getting the kind of heavy play most bookies only dream about. In restaurants head waiters, famous for itching palms, slipped him $5 bills. Guys on the rim of the underworld—the shadowy characters straight out of Run- yon’s books—stopped him in the street to say, “Lay this C note on the cancer deal.” Winchell, pad in hand, tried to be business- like: “What name shall I put this contribu- tion under?” More often than not the answer followed the line of one gangland figure who said, “Never mind me name—just put it down as from ‘synonymous’.” The mail came in baskets. after the first broadcast, Winchell got a panic-stricken call from his secretary in New York. ‘‘Help,” she screamed. “I’m drowning in dollar bills.” Winchell, by then was deep in trouble himself. It had never occurred to him that you can’t just set yourself up in the founda- tion business by making an announcement over the air. There were technicalities he had never heard of about the little matter of collecting money even for a good cause. The postal authorities and the Department of Justice, while not quite ready to throw the columnist into the calaboose, made clear that the formalities had better be complied with in a hurry. Winchell put through a rush call to lawyer Morris Ernst. “Get us a charter, Morris,” he begged, “before they throw me into the jug. But don’t forget, we have no money to spend. Every cent we collect goes to cancer research. So shop around and see 1f you can get a charter for nothing.” Soon Winchell made another discovery. It was necessary to have officers if you were going to have a foundation. Again the phones buzzed. Winchell called Broadway columnist Leonard Lyons to ask him to be vice president. Lyons accepted. Sports col- umnist Dan Parker, Winchell tagged as “El Presidente.” Parker demurred. “You started this thing,” Dan said, ‘““You be the president.” “Oh, no,” Winchell replied, “I’ve got the money—I’ll be the treasurer.” There still remained the problem of a sec- retary. Here Winchell tagged Leo Linderman, the Lindy of Lindy’s Restaurant on Broad- way. “That,” Walter explains, “gave us a -free board room in which to hold meetings, with free board guaranteed.” The Damon Runyon Fund was in business, and everybody wanted to get into the act. For a time Winchell appointed honorary directors like a Kentucky governor appoint- - ing colonels: Arthur Godfrey, Milton Berle, Gabriel Heater. Finally he just passed out word that every newspaperman in the United States was, willy-nilly, an official honorary director of the fund, their rights and duties to give the fund plenty of publicity and to forward all contributions without taking anything off the top for expenses. This was about as radical a departure from standard fund-raising practices as“can be imagined, . In over 3-years of operation, with the first ~ Three days. A3271 $3,000,000 funneled through the banks and out into the research laboratories, the fund has spent not one penny for overhead or administration. Whenever receipts have to be printed, Win- chell calls Lyons and asks him to get some receipts. When letterheads are needed, he calls Parker and asks for letterheads. When the volunteer secretaries need a place to sit down, the Park Sheraton Hotel in New York is spontaneously moved to discover that it has an unrentable suite. Out of the bluse comes a volunteer sign painter and on the door go the words: “Damon Runyon Memor- lal Fund.” The fund officers have applied their no- overhead rule as rigorously to themselves as to all others. Winchell, Lyons, and Parker, frequently traipsing around the country to officiate at Runyon Fund benefits or take part in ceremonies turning over money to a research institution, always pay their own way. Their expenses have averaged over $15,000 a year. The very amateurishness of this approach to fund raising has had a curious effect. Since the three officers admitted they knew nothing about fund raising, everybody else could qualify as an expert. Suggestions, of- fers, and propositions poured in. MEMORIAL HANDICAPS BOOST FUND Jerry Brady, of Tropical Park, touched off an avalanche of contributions from the rac- ing world when he ran the first Damon Runyon Memorial Handicap early in 1947. It netted the fund $5,000. Other tracks fol- lowed. Suffolk Downs topped Tropical Park with a 10-grand Runyon Handicap, which it now runs annually. Hollywood Park turned over a full day’s receipts—about $35,000. Churchill Downs runs a Memorial Handicap and tops it with an additional $5,000 from the gate receipts on Derby Day. Chicago tracks turned over $33,000. All in all, some 88 tracks, virtually every major United States racing park, have worked out one twist or an- other to swell the coffers of the Runyon Fund. Other contributions have come from sources that would shock the staid directors of more orthodox philanthropies. The coin- machine industry dropped a $350,000 jack- pot into the fund. Bugsy Siegel, who left much unfinished business when he was shot to death 3 years ago in Beverly Hills, some- how had the foresight to slip the fund an $8,000 check only a few days before his demise. Joseph “Socks” Lanza, the ex-king of Fulton Fish Market, sent $250 from Sing Sing Prison, where he was serving a term. With the check was a note from Lanza’s lawyer, apologizing for the meagerness of the offering. “ ‘Socks’ would be glad to raise much more,” the letter said, ‘if it could be ar- ranged for him to circulate more freely.” A few months later the Sing Sing grape- vine brought news that Lanza himself was suffering from cancer. His friends, who still ran things in Lanza’s old hunting grounds, the fish market, decided to tack a premature Lanza memorial onto the now burgeoning Runyan Memorial. By methods best not talked about they rounded up a bank roll. It would have been simple enough to put the money in an envelope and trust it to the mails. But the underworld never makes a pay-off that way. Late one night Leonard Lyons received a phone call and a voice said, “Stay put, fella. Ya gettin’ some visitors.” -Lyons stayed put. Presently in walked three gentlemen, their coat collars raised high, their hatbrims pulled way down. Each one pulled out a cigar box and placed it on the table. Then all three of them gumshoed away, leaving the bug-eyed columnist to dis- cover, inside the boxes, 6,000 ‘greasy dollars, smelling strongly of fish. A PUBLICITY-SHY STATESMAN Actually, the underwerld’s:part in the-total . fund 1s a very small one, far overbalanced by
A8272 contributions from the other end of the social scale. One of the earliest large con- tributions wes a $5,000 check from a dis~ tinguished elder statesman. A scrawled note read simply: “Don’t advertise this.” A few months later Winchell buttonholed the donor and argued him into a release of his name on the theory that, if people knew that Bugsy Siegel could support the Runyon Fund, they also had a right to know it was approved and supported by Bernard Baruch, Another small check came in, pinned to a letter which read: “I like what you fellows are doing about cancer. Please don’t put this in the papers and don’t look at the amount of this check. It’s all I can afford from a humble soldier’s pay.” This request for anonymity was honored until Winchell recently presented a check for cancer research at Columbia University. With Columbia’s president standing along- side him at the microphone, he then read the note, ending with the signature, “Dwight D. Eisenhower.” Between the noteworthy contributors of high and low degree stands a vast army that now totals nearly 1,000,000 individuals— workmen, housewives, actors, ranchers, pen- sioners, and children. A private stationed in the Canal Zone presented probably the most heartbreaking donation in fund history. His pay had been snafued for a long time. When the Army finally came through, he received nearly $1,500 in a lump sum. He bought ten $100 money orders, every last one made out to the Runyon fund. His letter ended with a simple postscript: “Hope this helps you catch that cancer. It killed my wife.” In New Yorks’ teeming Bronx some 7-year= olds decided to help by putting on a cellar show and charging 2 cents admission. Neighborhood adults contributed pennies. After a few weeks, a swarm of grimy young- sters emerged from the subway and entered the fund’s Office. Each toted a clinking milk bottle which he promptly poured out on the desk. The pile totaled 9,000 pennies. In Warrenton, Va., a group of kids from the horsey set got the same idea. They trotted out thelr own ponies and let other children ride them for a 5-cent contribution. At least a dozen individuals have converted the fund into their own memorials by re- membering it in their wills with sums rang- ing from a few dollars to many thousands. The fund also is acquiring property. One woman gave it a share in an Arizona gold mine. The father of a 16-year-old cancer victim learned only through Winchell’s an~ nouncement over the air that a close friend had donated the major share in a high-pro- duction oil well to the fund in memory of the boy. Oilman John Wrather turned over to the fund the renamed Runyon-McGee Well No. 1, with a guaranteed income of at least $100,000. Actors and night-club entertainers have worked out ingenious methods of shaking down their audiences for the Runyon Fund. Comedian Joey Adams, for example, wrote a book and proceeded to peddle it at every per~ formance, calmly charging 65 per volume and turning the entire proceeds over to the Run-~ yon Fund. His collections total well over $10,000. Richard Rodgers and Oscar Hammerstein II devised another fund-raising gimmick, With ticket scalpers getting 860 a seat for tickets for South Pacific they arranged to al~ Jot 14 house seats for every performance to the Runyon Fund. These tickets are sold to the highest bidders. St. Subber and Lem- uel Ayers followed sult with their show, Kisg Me Kate. To date, this has netted the fund well over $60,000, The latest innovation in Runyon fund rais- ing, one that promises a tremendous sum for cancer research, was suggested in a letter by the wife of an Army colonel, TRYING IT OUT ON GODFREY Winchell tested it out first on Arthur God- frey before a recent Sunday-night broadcast. “Whatever became of all the short snorters we used to collect during the war?” Walter asked him. Godfrey dug out his wallet. Buried deep behind old auto licenses and honorary deputy sheriff cards, he found a yard or so of pinned- together short-snorter money. He displayed it, then began to return it to its hiding place, But Winchell was too quick for him. Ne appropriated the short snorter and 10 min- utes later was screaming the story on the air, ending: “Send me a million please.” For days vast bundles of soiled and folded samples of every kind of legal tender in the world came through the mails. Another inspiration occurred the night fire swept Bar Harbor, Maime, and a cancer laboratory burned to the ground, A mile away, a doctor sat in his car watching 35 years of his lifework go up in flames. Then, over the car’s radio, came Winchell’s voice: “This is to tell Dr. Little up in Bar Harbor, Maine, that the Damon Runyon Fund is mail- ing him 50 grand tonight. He will get it in the morning.” A few months ago Milton Berle reached right through the television cameras to shake down all America for the fund in a 17-hour performance, By the time he dropped from exhaustion, he had gone through 76 cups of coffee and collected $400,000. * Occasionally, heels have tried to latch onto the growing fame of the fund. One of the boldest was a Midwest fight promoter who called Winchell to announce that he was going to put on a series of bouts for the fund. Winchell plugged the bouts on the air, and then waited for the check—which didn't arrive. After 2 weeks Walter blew his top. He learned that the promoter had once been a partner of another shady figure whose fame rests upon his ability to get arm-twisting jobs done anywhere in the United States. The arm twister was sent for. Winchell banged the table: “Get me that money in 48 hours. “And if I don’t get it,” he added, “you can tell that no-good welsher that I'll get on the radio every Sunday night until every boxing commission in the country has barred him from the fight business.” The astounded thug backed slowly out of their restaurant meeting place. Two hours later, $5,800, the exact amount due the fund, was quietly slipped into the columunist’s pocket. PHONIES GET THE BRUSH-OFF Occasionally a cancer faker touting a quack cure tries to horn in on the good will that envelops the fund. Winchell, Lyons, and Parker, however, have learned how to get rid of these phonies. All three, recognizing that their forte is fund raising, not cancer re~- search, have wisely used the same experts who guide the allocation of grants for re- search for the American Cancer Society and the United States Public Health Service, Even here the trio has followed the rule of “not one cent for overhead.” Forty days after the fund was started they voted their first grant of $250,000 to the New York chapter of the American Cancer Society. They tied only one string onto the grant, that the society would provide them, free, with an expert adviser. That is how they acquired John H. Teeter, who makes order out of their chaos, yet lets them run as wild as they want to whenever they get an idea for raising money. ‘Teeter and other fund advisers have saved Winchell and his pals from a number of boners. Winchell, for example, felt that money coming from the 48 States should go back to all of them. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But, under Teeter’s tutelage, the amateurs who run the fund discovered that you can’t parcel out the money ona simple geographi- cal basis. Some States just don’t have the scientists and the laboratories capable of using research funds to full efiect. So Run- yon Memorial money goes to the institutions best fitted for cancer research. More than $2,500,000 has already gone to colleges and hospitals in 34 States. MORE WORKERS BEING TRAINED Frustrated in its original scheme for geo- graphical distribution, the board of directors is still trying to lick this problem, really the problem of a lack of cancer experts, by pouring more than $410,000 into fellow- ships for individual researchers who today work in the blg cancer centers but who will eventually move out to fill gaps in the na- tional cancer research pattern. Although experts advise the amateurs who direct the Runyon Fund, the final decision ou spending money as well as on raising it rests with the directors. Only two direc- tors’ signatures are required on a fund check, but never has any decision been reached without the O. K. of the entire board. When the Runyon Memorial first began, many an old-line fund raiser and scientist looked askance at the brash, promotional- minded, high-pressure team. Today, many of their unorthodox methods, such as raising money by giving away a house and lot, have been adopted by other public-health and research foundations. Winchell and Lyons and Parker have not only learned from the experts, they have taught them as well. And the greatest les- son they have taught is that the people—all people—will give and give and give and give if given half a chance. Statehood for Alaska EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. E. L. BARTLETT DELEGATE FROM ALASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 4, 1950 Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an excellent editorial from the April 24 issue of Trainman News, publication of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen. The editorial, which presents so convinc~ ingly the case for Alaska statchood, follows: ApMiIT ALasKA Now The important Alaska statehood bill is soon to come up for consideration by tho Senate, and we’re hoping the lawmakers will lose no time in admitting this rich and stra- tegically vital Territory into the Union. Bince a statehood plank is embodied in the platforms of both major political parties, * there can be no legitimate reason for pro- tracted delay. The measure passed the House of Representatives some time ago. Although many BRT’ers live and work in Alaska and have repeatedly oxpressed their desire to have it made a State, our interest extends beyond the membership. Alaska has earned the right to a place in the Union. Its population and resources are adequate to support State government. Its resources, in fact, and population of approx- imately 185,000, are greater than those of nearly half of the States at the time they were granted statehood. Some which were admitted with fewer people than Alaska in- clude Delaware, Georgia, Rhode Island, en
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nessee, Ohio, Mississippi, Illinois, California, and Missouri. The United States has received wealth from Alaska amounting to 400 times the purchase price of $7,200,000, a fabulously profitable investment. At present it has no public debt. Alaskans are subject to all the taxes, including the income tax, but have no voice in how the money is spent. And wasn't our battle for freedom based on the rallying cry that “taxation without repre- sentation is tyranny’? Because of its lack of participation in our national programs, Alaska has suffered eco- nomically. Its underdevelopment is glaring by contrast when we consider that only 54 miles away, across the Bering Straits, the Soviets are pushing the limits of agriculture, erecting experiment stations every 100 miles, and establishing a permanent farm popula- tion to support a new industrial, mining, and military development. This latter point must be weighed with considerations of self-preservation. Today, when every national act of our Government has its effect on the cold war, it would seem strategically and psychologically imperative that Alaska be admitted to statehood and be afforded the defenses necessary from such disquieting potentialities. Gov. Ernest Gruening recently stated that Alaska today is literally defenseless; it could be taken in a few hours by two air-borne divisions, which could overwhelm the meager garrison of 8,000 men stationed there. Fact is, Alaska was the only portion of America invaded and for a time held by the enemy in the last war. Granting of statehood would demonstrate to the other nations of the world that we practice what we profess about self-deter- mination, self-government, and the superi- ority of the democratic process. This is of vital importance during these trying days when democracy is being challenged through- out the world by totalitarian propaganda. The importance of these issues transcend narrow party lines. The Senators should pass the measure promptly. Statement Submitted in Opposition to H. R. 7595, “To Protect the United States Against Certain Un-American and Subversive Activities,” by Mr. Nixon, of California, or Any Similar Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 31, 1950 Mr. KLEIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave, I am inserting in the Recorp my own statement submitted to the Com- mittee on Un-American Activities in op- position to the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950: Forman STATEMENT BY REPRESENTATIVE AR- THUR G. KLEIN, OF New York, TO THE Com- MITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES IN OprrosiTion To H. R. 7595 or ANY SIMILAR LEGISLATION Mr, Chairman and members of the com- mittee, I am opposed to the bill, H. R. 7595, “to protect the United States against cer- tain un-American and subversive activities, and for other purposes,” on the grounds that the bill is too vague, its criminal sanc- tions too harsh, that it is unnecessary and redundant, that every good purpose which might be served by the bill’s enactment is better served by existing legislation and ad- ministrative action, and that its other pur- poses are themselves dangerous and sub- versive of American democracy. It is my considered opinion that the mere introduction of this legislation, or any simi- lar legislation, and the dignity given it by formal hearings, is an abject confession of lack of faith in the ideals of democratic liv- ing, and appears to me to be a serious effort to introduce totalitarian uniformity of po- litical thinking under the guise of making totalitarianism unlawful. I am sure that the sponsor of this bill is motivated by a sincere desire to protect the United States against foreign and do- mestic enemies, which is a meritorious and desirable purpose; but I disagree profoundly with the means. I should like to remind the committee that one of the most brutal tenets in the whole depressing manual of revolutionary com- munism is that the end justifies the means. This dees violence to the modern concept of ethics, and to the basic premises of the demccratic way of life. I feel that the enactment and active en- forcement of such legislation would weaken our democracy and destroy that which all or us seek to protect. With some change in language but with no change in its nature and ultimate ends, this is the measure which I fought in the Eightieth Congress, which I fight today, and which I shall continue to fight. At the outset, I want it clearly understood that my opposition to all legislation of this kind springs from my own deep faith in the strength of American democracy, and not from any external influence. 1. The bill is redundant and unnecessary: Every useful and desirable purpose that could or would be served by the enactment of such legislation already exists in the statutes of the United States or in the explicit powers bestowed on the Chief Executive by the Con- stitution. Mr. Chairman, I instituted a search of the United States Code for existing law to prove this measure to be duplicative and re- dundant. I was startled anew to discover with what minute supervision the 80 Con- gresses which have preceded this one into history have acted to safeguard the security, the dignity, and the sovereignty of this Na- tion, without violation of the letter or the spirit of the Constitution and the noble principles of representative self-government by majority rule, without threat to the rights of dissident minorities, on which this great Nation has flourished and endured since the Declaration of Independence in 1776. We found that scarcely a chapter in any title of the code was without some measure of national protection. We found that every useful purpose which might be accomplished by H. R. 7595 or a variation of it is being accomplished under present law, or by execu- tive action under explicit powers. Because of the sheer bulk of the notes which resulted from this search, we have reduced the catalog of sections to those of major importance, and have prepared the notes in the form of an appendix annexed to this statement; I request that it be included as a part of my statement. The 1946 edition of the code was used. Even in synopsis form, the resulting citations from titles 8, 18, and 50 are so voluminous that we mentioned some titles only by name and number; and we have skimped on the appendix to title 50 and the supplements issued since 1946, containing enactments subsequent to the general edition. I was impressed by the fact that with the exception of the quickly repealed Sedition Act of 1798 statutory enactments up to 1939 had studiously refrained from entering the A3273 field of thought and association; beginning with the Hatch Act in that year there has been a regrettable tendency to attempt to emulate the Fascist and Communist dicta- torships by prescribing “naughty thoughts.” The instant bill represents, perhaps, the most startling innovation in that field ever seriously considered by a congressional com- mittee; and I trust sincerely that, as I shall show, the views of the author of the bill on other comparable legislation will prevail here. (See appendix for recapitulation of cita- tions to the 1946 United States Code, and for statement by Hon. William O’Dwyer, mayor of New York City, in 1948, in opposition to Mundt-Nixon bill in 80th Cong.) 2. The bill is vague and woefully lop- sided: The title of H. R. 7595 instantly raises questions of constitutionality in its vague- ness. A careful search of the laws fails to dis- close a statutory crime of subversion; as codified, the subtitles of the Smith Act re- fer to subversive activities but the text does not refer to them directly in the category of prohibited acts under the subtitles. (See U.S. C. 18, secs. 9 to 15, inclusive.) Undoubtedly it would be possible, though difficult, to frame an objective judicial or legislative definition of subversion and to make specific acts definable as subversive illegal; but it is utterly impossible to arrive at any objective definition of un-American- ism. Acts highly patriotic to one good citizen are despicably un-American to another. The phrase is, and must be, completely sub- jective, as a matter of semantics. It can have only that meaning by which it is clothed in the mind of the speaker. To me, for example, the invasion of private beliefs and associations and the imposition of a standard of political and economic ortho- doxy, together with the extremely dangerous current tendency to freeze the current eco- nomic system or systems into statute, are highly un-American, To some of my colleagues, and in equally good faith, the very opposite is true. I hope the time will never come in America when I can impose my beliefs on another person, or another person can impose his beliefs on me, by force of law or arms. The policy statement incorporated in H. R. 7595 under the heading, “Necessity for Legis- lation,” raises the same issue of subjective- ness. There is no factual statement in this pre- amble with which I strongly disagree, and only one or two conclusions of opinion in which I believe the validity of the logic is dubious. What I disagree with violently is the thesis that the remedy for the threat lies in un- democratic suppression of free opinion and the imposition of drastic criminal sanctions to enforce that suppression. In this I stand with Oliver Wendell Holmes and other great American lawyers and jurists who insisted on the capacity of truth to find acceptanc? in the free marketplace of ideas, If this is a pragmatic concept of political teleology, it is self-evident that the genius of America has been pragmatic, and any effort to bend that genius to dogma must fall, or destroy the genius which has made this country great, The attempt in sections 2 and 3 to define totalitarianism only in terms of communism is absurd on its face. The dogma on which a totalitarian govern- mert rests is unimportant to the effect on the governed; a totalitarian government may be a personal dictatorship, a dictatorship by a class, or by a caste, or by a clique, or junta. Totalitarian dictatorships may and often do repudiate in practice the principles to which they subscribe in their published ideology. Perhaps the most damning indictment. of Communist dictatorships in those countries where they exist is their brutal perversion in
A3274 the practice of statecraft of the principles they publish to the world. Aside from the philosophical inaccuracy of these sections, they quite obviously open the way to subjective interpretation and con- sequent abuses and injustices. It would be an emotional and intellectual impossibility for any group of fallible men to make an objective finding of the facts and the law un- der these definitions. Similarly, the attempt in section 4 to de- fine as acts what may be only thoughts or utterances introduces a novel principie into American concepts of justice and law. There is a strong clash between succeeding sentences of this section. In the first sen- tence of section 4 (a) the act declared unlaw- ful is anything substantially contributing to a totalitarian dictatorship “the direction and control of which is to be vested in, or exercised by or under the domination or con- trol of, any foreign government, foreign organization, or foreign individual.” The succeeding sentence, much more ra- tionally, gives a definition of a totalitarian dictatorship in terms of any dictatorship in which there is no practical distinction be- tween the single dominent political party and there is forcible suppression of all op- position to the party. But for the life of me, I cannot tell whether the crime the section attempts to define is limited only to an effort to estab- lish a foreign-dominated dictatorship, or extends to any kind of totalitarian dictator- ship. Paragraphs (b) and (c) set up a category of crimes in which the principal factor is knowledge or reason to believe. Apparently enforcement of these fantas~- tic provisions is to lodge with the Attorney General; but what prosecutor, what court, what jury, can look into the minds and hearts of accused and of accuser and say what knowledge or reason to believe lay there? The paralyzing fear of prosecution through some error of judgment would re- duce public administration to an ineffective palsy of indecision. The bland disregard of existing dictator- ships of the extreme right is not flattering to the intelligence and knowledge of the American people. It is true that the three principal and ex- plosively expanding totalitarian govern- ments of the extreme right—Hitler’s Ger- many, Mussolini’s Italy, and MHirohito’s Japan—have fallen; there still exists one totalitarian and authoritarian regime de- liberately patterned on and fostered by the Italian and German Fascist dictatorships, and actively and expensively propagandizing in the United States today. I refer now to Falangist Spain, in, which Dictator Franco maintains a government no less absolute than Hitler’s, and differing in political dogma from Hitler’s only in about the same degree quantitatively and quali- tatively as Mussolini’s corporative state dif- fered from Hitler's Nazi state. There are a number of personal dictator- ships of the nature of total government, but resting on little in the way of party dogma or ideology. At least one of these— that of Peron in Argentina—seems to be headed in the direction of complete totali- tarianism, including absolute one-party rule, active foreign propaganda with an ultimate aim of imperialist expansion by force, sup- pression of dissident opinion by police-state methods, and abrogation of all civil rights. In Argentina’s threat to the contiguous free republics of South America, and to the peace and harmony of the Western Hemisphere, there appears at this stage to be no real difference between the Russia of Stalin, the Germany of Hitler, the Italy of Mussolini, the Japan of Hirohito, and the Argentina of Peron, ¢ Except as the phrase, “totalitarian dicta- torship,” is all-embracing, there is nothing in this bili to indicate any recognition of totalitarianism except that of militant rey- olutionary communism. 8. This bill is class legislation of a pecu~ liarly vicious kind: It singles out for oppro- brious sanctions a small and limited class of American citizens, and condemns them, not by judicial process, but by legislative and administrative fiat, and (with minor excep~ tions) not for overt acts of criminal nature put for passive association and for alleged thoughts and beliefs. 4. This bill would open the door to cruel Gcistortion and abuse. No single person or administrative body should ever, in a nation calling itself democratic, be given such broad and sweeping powers of condemnation over other persons as would be bestowed by this bill to the Subversive Activities Control Board. This bill would deliver to a small body of men of fallible knowledge and decision abso- lute power over the thoughts and associations of our whole population. There is no use in saying that such power would not be abused, or that safeguards against abuse will be written in. It is legalistically impossible to write safe- guards which will prevent abuse of such vast and dictatorial power of destruction. The definitions in the bill are vague and sweeping, and the language constitutes an invitation to the Control Board to exercise its great powers on a subjective basis; the Board’s answerability to the courts is less than per- fect, since no aggrieved party could conceiv- ably recover in a favorable judgment the good name lost by the original administrative decision. Merely to carry out its defined duties the Board would require an army of investigators, with a constantly widening latitude of faulty and subjective judgments in each descending echelon of authority. 5. The bill is dangerous and subversive of American freedoms: Such legislation, by whatever name it may be called, opens the door to the very evils it seeks to guard against. By proscribing an unpopular political and economic dogma, this measure would intro- duce totalitarian controls of thought and association, a principle deeply repugnant to the Constitution, to American traditions, and to the best that has been written by our founding fathers and political leaders. Thomas Jefferson said: “Subject opinion to coercion: Whom will you make your inquisitors? Fallible men; men governed by bad passions, by private as well as public reasons.” (From Notes on Virginia, query 17.) 6. There is, and by definition can be, no adequate safeguard in the bill against false accusation of groups having no primary po- litical significance: While I cannot conceive of a time when this measure would be sus- tained by the courts, judicial adjudication necessarily takes a long time; and in the meanwhile, with no recourse, many groups primarily ethnic or religious would be open to false accusation, shame, and disgrace. Labor unions would be vulnerable. i. The penalties provided are unduly harsh: The bill abandons principles of court procedure and legislative standards which have grown up through centuries of slow evolvement to their present state, which is yet less than perfect. 8. This is the wrong way to preserve our democratic way of life: If the same energy put behind this bill were devoted to enact- ment of the President's clvil-rights program, the country and the world would be better served. The way to preserve our democracy is to make {t more democratic, not less so. When every man has an equal opportunity to earn a living, regardless of race, religion, national derivation, creed, or status; when every man is equally safe from assault, dis- crimination, and illegal action by law offic- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ers; when every man is equally free, and freely equal, within the obvious limitations of his own natural gifts; when every man is judged on his own worth, and not by any external qualification, then, I assure you, the Communist Party will wither away and dis- appear. All revolutionary parties, regardless of their ideological content, thrive on discon- tent, insecurity, discrimination, and fear, I condemn as boldly as any member of your committee the chicanery, the deceit, the dou- ble talk, and the absolutism of revolutionary communism. However, the whole approach of this bill to the very real economic, politi- cal, and social problems of our wountry is negative. I differ from the author of this measure in believing that not repression and indiscrimi- nate proscription but redress of grievances is the answer to the discontent on which, in the black depression years, the Communist Party gained its greatest membership in the United States and elsewhere, while revolu- tionary fascism took over absolute power in Italy, Japan, Germany, and Spain. By your own figures, the Communist Party of America is today in a parlous state. Its membership has shrunk to a small flrure, about one-thirtieth of 1 percent of the pop- ulation. As for fellow travelers, I am sure that those who were not shaken loose by the Hitler-Stalin alliance in 1939 have been jarred from their emotional moorings since the end of World War II. The only members left in the Communist Party in the United States are the hard core of fanatics—those to whom commu- nism is Iess a political and economic pana- cea for obvious-wrongs than o religion to which they cling with psychotic fervor, This legislation would create martyrs of the true Communists, and might even arouse sympathy among many people hitherto dis- gusted by the terrorism, the imperialist ag- gression, and the blind bigotry of commu- nism, both as a world movement and as a personal religion. Mr. Chairman, and members of the come mittee, I urge you to drop this bill and to devote the resourees of your committee to ferreting out the real un-American activi- ties which are on every side—the hooded terror of the Ku Klux Klan and its imita- tors; the insecurity, politicnl and economic, of our Negro citizens in every State; the open. advocacy of falangism and the existence of Falangist cells under one name or another in some of our States, especially where there is a Spanish-speaking population; economic and political discrimination against many minority groups, whether ethnic, religious, economic, or political; the resurgence of pan- Germanism in the United States; the creep- ing paralysis of monopoly enterprise which is clutching at the throats of free and open business competition of small units. You have o vast field in which to operate. It is a disservice to the House and to the country to become so onsessed with one danger that you fail to see other and equally real un-American activittes, IT cannot add anything to my opposition. Iam against the bill, section by section, line by line. I can, however, if the committee will per- mit, point out a curious tuconsistency on the part of the author of the bill, the gen- tleman from California [Mr. Nrxon]. On page A2129 of the Appendix to the Con- GRESSIONAL Recorp the gentleman inserted an editorial in opposition to a proposal made in the other body for the licensing of the motion-picture industry. The gentleman's position on the censor-~ ship proposal almost precisely expresses my own views on the bill which you have under consideration, I ask permission of the committee, Mr. Chairman, to include the remarks of the gentleman from California [Mr. Nixon] as
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a part of the record on the instant bill, and I ask that the committee take into con-« sideration the utter lack of consistency be-« tween his authorship and support of the Subversive Control Act of 1950 and his strong opposition to an almost identical proposal affecting the motion-picture industry. “MORE FEDERAL CONTROL “Extension of remarks of Hon. RIcHARD M. Nrxon, of California, in the House of Rep- resentatives, Wednesday, March 22, 1950 “Mr. Nrxon. Mr. Speaker, one of the most startling and dangerous proposals which has been made in recent years is the suggestion that a Federal bureau should be set up for the purpose of licensing the motion-picture industry. Even actors and actresses would be required to take out licenses with the Government before they could appear in pic- tures. The ostensible purpose of this pro- posal is to improve the standard and quality of motion pictures. The ultimate effect of it, however, can be not only censorship of motion pictures themselves but also com- plete control of the individual lives of those who appear in and produce the pictures. “But the greatest threat inherent fn this proposal is the precedent that would be es~ tablished. It would open the way toward licensing everybody who engages in inter- state commerce. This, in the final analysis, gives the Federal Government the power to deny a license to anybody whose business standards and personal behavior it does not approve. Right now we should be giving more thought to reducing the power of the Federal Government to control our indi- vidual lives and fortunes rather than con- sidering proposals to increase that power. “The motion-picture industry has estab- lished its own governing body to enforce a code of morals and ethics. Under this pro- cedure, the industry has been eminently suc- cessful in raising the moral standards of the films it produces. True, under this self~ regulation, the code governs only the preduc~ tions themselves and does not apply to the private lives of those who appear in the pic- tures. But I see no more reason for the Federal Government to set itself up as the arbitrator of the moral conduct of individ- uals in the motion-picture field than Ido in any other field of private employment.” Mr. Chairman, and members of the com- mittee, I agree with the gentleman’s posi- tion here absolutely. I am opposed to such authoritarian con- trols. I am opposed to them in the moving- picture industry, in publishing, in politics, in religion, and in this legislation. APPENDIX TO ForMAL STATEMENT BY REPRE- SENTATIVE ARTHUR G. KLEIN, or New Yorzk, IN OFPOS:TION TO THE SUBVERSIVE ACTIVI- gies CONTROL ACT OF 1950 CITATION TO THE UNITED STATES CODE, EDITION, WITH SUPPLEMENT I. Title 18, Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure Part I. Crimes Chapter 1. Offenses against the existence of government: Every one of the 17 sections of this chapter support my thesis that Ii. R. 7505 is redundant and unnecessary, and that every proper and desirable end which might be accomplished by its enactment is better accomplished by existing law or ad- ministrative action under explicit powers. Sections 1, 2, and 8, codifying statutes go- ing back to the first Congresses under the Constitution following the successful out- come of the Revolutionary War, define and prescribe punishments for treason and mis~< prision of treason. (It is to be noted that the Constitution includes a restrictive defi- nition of treason to guard against the very 1946 $: of indiscriminate accusation and pro- scription provided for in this bill; this bill and others of sjmilar intent are, by defini~ tion, evasions of the constitutional limita- tions by creating a lesser order of offenses tainted with treasonable intent.) Section 4 defines and prescribes penalties for inciting rebellion and insurrection. (See also title 50.) Section 5 interdicts correspondence with foreign governments and their agents for all purposes except that of redress for pri- vate wrongs, in language more exact than that of the proposed legislation, Section 5 defines and penalizes seditious conspiracy; sections 6 and 7 prohibit re- cruiting or serving in armed forces opposing the United States. Sections 9 to 17, inclusive, codify the Sweeping provisions, prohibitions, and pen- alties with very great delegations of power to the Attorney General, embraced in the act of June 28, 1940 (Alien Registration Act). It issnoteworthy that there is a similarity not only of intent but of language between these sections and the text of H. R. 7595. Section 9 is one of several having sub- heads citing subversive activities, but with no specific reference in the text. The sub- head reads: “Subversive activities; under- mining loyalty, discipline, or morale of armed forces.” The text is broad and sweeping, and is not confined to states of war or emergency. Section 10 (same; advocating overthrow of government by force) is equally sweep- ing in its interdictions of seditious activi- ties, while section 11 makes unlawful con- spiracy to violate the sections. Section 12, containing the broadest grants of power as to search and seizure ever granted by Congress to an executive agency in peacetime, is now covered by rule 41 of the Federal Rules of Prosecution (q. v.). See also note under this section. Sections 14, 15, 16, and 17 provide for registration of a large category of organiza- tions, with a wide grant of power to the At- torney General, in language paralleling the bill before you. Since these sections are now undergoing their greatest court test I refrain from any comment beyond their citation as complete and adequate protection against any dangers of sedition or of seditious conspiracy, from within or from foreign sources, against our country, in peace or in war, when taken in conjunction with other provisions which I shall cite specifically or by reference. Chapter 2. Offenses against neutrality: The 19 sections of this chapter act to guard this Nation against unintended involvement with foreign quarrels, and provide punish- ment for individuals commiting acts danger- ous to amicable relations with other powers, Chapter 38. Offenses against elective fran- chise and civil rights of citizens: Not only do sections 51, 52, 53a, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, and 59 offer specific protection against the in- ternal imposition of totalitarianism; the principle on which these sections are founded clashes headlong with the indiscriminate grant of power in H. R. 7595. Additionally, this chapter contains the provisions of the act of August 2, 1939 (Hatch Pernicious Political Activities Act), of which section 611i reads: ‘It shal be unlawful for any person em- ployed in any capacity by any agency of the Federal Government, whose compensation, or any part thereof, is paid from funds au- thorized or appropriated by any act of Con- gress, to have membership in any political party or organization which advocates the overthrow of our constitutional government in the United States. “2, Any person violating the provisions of this section shall be immediately removed from the position or office held by him, and A3275 thereafter no part of the funds appropriated by any act of Congress for such position or office shall be used to pay the compensation of such person.” Chapter 4. Offenses against operation of Government: Every section in this long chap- ter relates directly, or can be made to relate without any wrenching of the plain intent of the law, to the national security and to that stability and freedom needed by a democratic and representative government against the overreaching power of unscrupulous indi- viduals or conspiratorial groups. All sections are cited by reference; but some sections are necessarily more specific and relevant than others. Sections 71 to 87, inclusive, are concerned with defining and prohibiting false person- ation of United States agents and officials or private persons in negotiations with Gov- ernment and fraudulent conversion of Gov- ernment funds or property. Section 88 is a general provision against conspiracy so all-embracing as to demand full quotation: “If two or more persons con- spire either to commit any offense against the United States, or to defraud the United States in any manner or for any purpose, and one or more of such parties do any act to effect the purpose of the conspiracy, each of the parties to such conspiracy shall be fined not more than $10,000, or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.” Section 89 prohibits and penalizes threats against the President; section 91 prohibits and penalizes bribery of a United States offi- cer. Sections 94 to $8 contain detailed defini- tions and penalties for offenses directly con- cerned with the Army, Navy, national defense establishments and its reservations and plants, and international relationships. Sections following close on this cover the counterfeiting of Government documents, passes, etc., interference with communica- tions, etc. Chapter 5. Offenses relating to official du- ties: It is natural that the provisions of this chapter should be chiefly designed to pro- tect the financial probity of officers and em- ployees of the United States Government. Section 171 is so phrased, however, as to be of direct interest in connection with current discussions of employees who are security risks because of personal habits. The section makes unlawful the perform- ance of any act or attempted act of extor- tion. It is respectfully submitted that consid- eration of an amendment to extend this sec~ tion to acts or attempts at acts of extortion by other than officers or employees and di- rected toward officers or employees, by a com- mittee having proper jurisdiction, would be of greater service than any effort at inva- sion of private rights of views and affiliation. Chapter 6. Offenses against public justice: The recitation of the section titles of this chapter is a recitation of specific and detailed definitions of prohibited acts, with penalties, tending to interfere with public justice, and includes forgeries, destruction or conceal- ment of records, perjury and subordination of perjury, bribery and other offenses, all of which further safeguard the peace and secur- ity of the United States against acts against public security and interest. ' Chapter 9. Offenses against interstate and foreign commerce: While less directly rele- vant to internal and external security than other chapters cited, these sections have a real usefulness in protection of peaceful commercial intercourse. It is especially to be noted that, in the criminal code, this is the entire statutory recognition of the private economy, and that the laws are designed to preserve a free com- petitive economy without attempting to freeze into immobility against future devel- opment any specific stage of the economy.
A3276 Il. Title 50, War Chapter 8. Alien enemies: Section 21. Restraint, regulation, and removal: This goes back to an act of July 6, 1798, and has guarded this country against hostile activities of aliens owing allegiance to any enemy power very effectively. Sec- tions 22, 28, and 24 give detailed instructions and definitions of powers. Chapter 4. Espionage: The 11 sections of this chapter are all devoted to protection of the national security against espionage and sedition, by specific definitions of prohibited acts or of entities and places. It has long been my belief that a proper duty of the Con- gress is to reexamine this chapter, particu- larly sections 31, 32, 33, 34, to determine if the sections should be strengthened and broadened; proper jurisdiction lies obviously in the respective committees of lawyers— the Committees on the Judiciary of House and Senate. For my part I have no prejudg- ment except that the sections cited obviously offer no specific prohibition against activi- ties in peacetime which in war are prohibited and heavily penalized. Even in this regard it must be kept in mind that most such ac- tivities can be kept under reasonable con-~ trol through the invocation of appropriate sections of other titles or by administrative and educational methods. See also chapter GA. Chapter 4A. Photographing, sketching, mapping, etc., defensive installations: The powers bestowed on the Executive by this chapter, and the all-embracing language of Executive Order 8381, offer substantial safe- guards against peacetime espionage. Chapter 5. Arsenals, armories, etc.: Sec- tions 56 and 57 provide specific safeguards against internal sabotage by Government employees. Chapter 6. Willful destruction, etc., of war or national-defense material: The six sec- tions of this chapter offer adequate legal de- fense against any sabotage operation, in war or in peace, by any person, alien or citizen, Federal employee or not, without invading beliefs. Chapter 8. Explosives, etc.: By its licensing provisions and prohibitory language, this chapter guards against unauthorized manu- facture of explosives of any kind, in war or in peace. Chapter 12. Vessels in territorial water, etc.: Again, with minute detail, and in lan- guage so broad it can be extended to any type of machine for transportation, in war or in peace, the Executive is authorized to take security measures. Chapter 13. Insurrections: Although most of the 26 sections of this chapter were en- acted during the Civil War, the language is broad enough to meet any conceivable situa~ tion of internal disorder. Title 50. War The appendix, although merely a com- pilation of laws and executive orders of specified terminal date, applicable only to periods of open war or enacted for a specific purpose during that period, offers ample il- lustration of the ease and swiftness with which a democratic nation, without aban- doning its freedoms beyond the time neces- sary for the completion of its war task, can act to meet an emergency. The Trading With the Enemy Acts, although included in the appendix, stand as permanent statutes available at all times for economic reprisal against enemy nations or allies. III. Title 8, Aliens and Nationality Chapter 6. Immigration (et seq.): Aside from the broad and general powers over the admission to the United States of aliens granted to the Attorney General and the Secretary of State, section 137 spells out specified categories of excludable aliens on political grounds; section 157 provides for de~ portation of aliens convicted of specifled war- time offenses; sections 165, 166, 167, 171 guard against landing of excludable seamen. See also title 8, Code of Federal Regulations, 1949, part 175, sections 52-53, 57. Chapter 10. Alien registration: This chap-= ter embraces the provisions of the Alien Reg- istration Act of 1940. Drawn with the active participation of one of the most distinguish- ed members of your own committee, this chapter and the succeeding chapter have stopped every conceivable loophole through which alien disaffection might be spread. It is pertinent to note that these statutes have been termed too rigorous for a democratic way of life, and that they are confined to overt actions. Chapter 11. Nationality: The many sec- tions of this important enactment, embrac~ ing all provisions of the Nationality Act of 1940 together with unrepealed prior statutes, act as a whole to guard the safety of the United States against subversion of aliens and of citizens and to penalize disloyaity by loss of citizenship. Again, the punitive and prohibitory language is directed against acts, or the failure to perform specified acts. Cer- tain sections do, however, stand out when evaluated against the instant bill. Section 705 specifically denies the right of citizenship (naturalization) to individuals advocating overthrow of government by force and violence or the unlawful damage and de~ struction of property in sweeping language. Section 706 denies naturalization to de- serters or Graft evacers. Section 801 prescribes loss of citizenship as a penalty for taking any oath of loyalty conflicting with loyalty to the United States. Section 746 contains a long list of penal provisions for offenses against the chapter, all of which are safeguards against fraud and misrepresentation of citizenship. The powers already possessed by the Presi- dent and by the Secretary of State to control the extension of passport privileges for citi- zens of the United States engaged in foreign travel approach the absolute, in language much more parliamentary than the direct and limiting provisions of this bill. If called to testify, I am sure the Secretary or the chief control officer would confirm my belief that existing law is broader and more useful than the narrow clause of H. R. 7595. There are other provisions, notably in titles 10, 14, and 34, and in enactments sub- sequent tp the 1946 edition of the code, which act to safeguard the national security in peace and in war; but no good purpose would be served by continuing what can be, in such brief compass, only a catalog of laws and Executive orders. It is my belief, however, that the sections Specifically cited and those cited by refer- ence only make my point, almost to intel- Jectual suffocation, that every useful end which might be accomplished by enactment of the Subversive Control Act is better ac- complished by existing law, or by the con- sideration of amendments to existing law where there appears to be a specific lack. Nothing in history or in the present strained international situation; nothing in the precarious domestic political economy with its unending threat of depression or of inflation, or of unemployment or of sur- felt; nothing in all the ideological assaults which are being or may be made on our ac- customed modes of living and doing busi- ness, nothing, I repeat, can concelvably ex- cuse the enactment of any law which seeks to peer into a citizen’s mind and say that what is found there is unorthodox and heret- ical and must be proscribed by severe crim- inal and economic sanctions. Such a law, in the words of my colleague, the gentleman from California [Mr. Nixon] author of the bill under consideration, “would open the way toward licensing every- body.” Section 4 (e) of Nixon bill tncluded in H. R. 4708: As a final citation I wish to draw APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD attention to the fact that section 4 (e), which extends the statutory Nmitation on prosecutions for violations of section 4, is substantially included in H. R. 4703 (by Mr. Brrson of South Carolina), introduced on May 16, 1949, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and passed by the House on March 15, 1950, by a vote of 368 to 2; placed on Senate Calendar March 16. I quote verbatim from the digest of the bill furnished by the Library of Congress: “Ey. R. 4708. Mr. Bryson; May 16, 1949 (Judiciary). Amends the Criminal Code to impose a $10,000 fine and/or 10 years impris- onment on any unauthorized person who controls, obtains, and so forth, any docu- ment, and so forth, relating to national de- fense and who transmits or communicates it to unauthorized persons or fails to deliver it to Federal employees entitled to reccive it. Similarly punishes persons having lawful possession of such documents, and so forth, for failing to report promptly loss, theft, de- struction, and so forth. The Statute of Limitations in such cases shall be 10 years. “Requires registration under the Act of June 8, 1938 (U. 8, C. 22; 611-621) of persons with knowledge of or having received in- struction in espionage, sabotage, and so forth, tactics of a foreign government with certain exceptions. “Subject to a 85,000 fine and/or 1 yenr’s imprisonment persons violating orders of the Secretary of the Navy for protection of secu- rity of vessels, harbors, and so forth, or orders of the Secretary of Defense regarding pro- tection of security of aircraft, airports, etc.” Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 4, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include the tenth article by Mr. Frank Waldrop on the infiltration of com- munism in our country: Biaarsr Srory (By Frank C. Waldrop) Russia is a vast region, but is not now, nor has jt ever been, what we understand in this part of the world when we speak of ® “nation.” It is not a tight-knit body of men and women all educated in the same general lan- guage, law, and idea of life. Instead, it is a disjointed confederation of races and languages held down by threats of personal death to the man in the street on orders from afar. It is easier for that power from afar to rule now than it used to be, on account of bombers, artillery, and automatic rifles. But even yet, ruling Russia is a hard and complex job. In the old days, the kings in Moscow who called themselves “czar” in a Russian cor- ruption of the Latin “Caesar,” extended their shaky rule by guile, intrigue, and sudden pounces with the sword. But they were never sure. The old duchy of Moscow was made up of Russians. But to the south were the people who called themselves the “Ukraine,” and beyond them, “Turks.” To the west were the Mongols, who once spread thelr deathly touch from the shores of the Adriatic where Tito is trying now to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD be a jitney Junior Stalin, all the way down to India and across to China. In between were more than 20 varieties of tribes, lan- guages, and races, All in all, the Russian empire of old was as disorderly as it was disjointed, and re- volt was instinctive with all, from the ree gional nobility and gentry down to the slaves. The Moscow czars were perpetually over- extended, always required to cut off heads to make themselves obeyed. One of them, named Peter, went to west~ ern Europe and saw how countries could be orderly and progressive. So in 1700 he di- rected that a new “window on the west” be built for him on the marsh edge of the Baltic Sea, and called it St. Petersburg. Peter (the Great) was an imaginative man. He defeated the Swedes when they attacked him under command of the dreaded Charles XII. He also reformed the state religion to suit his ideas and one day had 5,000 soldiers beheaded to keep discipline. In general he made the loose confederation of tribes tremble. But he could not have foreseen that the town he called St. Petersburg, his “window on the west,” one day would he 1wled by a Ger- man woman empress called Catherine, also the Great. Nor would Peter in his wildest hangover, for he loved to get drunk, have imagined that in 1894 there would come to St. Peters- burg a country schoolmaster’s son, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, who would take the alias of “Lenin” as a preliminary to a career de- voted to overturning the reign of Peter’s successors on the Russian throne. Least of all could he have dreamed that on the night of April 4, 1917, thal same school- master’s son would step down from a train arriving in the Finland railroad station in St. Petersburg, then renamed Petrograd, and announce: “We will now proceed to build the Socialist state.” What’s more, that the Socialist state would soak in blood and terror worse than any- “ thing ever known in Peter’s day. Lenin was born April 9, 1870. Russia was ruled then by the Czar, Alexander II, who had spent the past 9 years giving freedom and land to some 23,000,000 slaves and then having to put down their revolts against his government. Czars through the centuries had followed more or less the same pattern of extending their rule, acquiring new subjects and broader territories, and then having to kill large numbers to maintain control. Lenin was born in the period of upheaval precipitated by Czar Alexander’s attempt to bind the slaves to him by giving them citizenship and land, in an empire already over-extended and inclined to fly apart. Lenin’s older brother, himself named Alexander, was already a revolutionary when someone threw a bomb at the Czar that hit the bull’s eye. Then in a few years that older brother was one of a group that threw another bomb at the new Czar, Alexander III, and missed. So that time it was the bomb throwers who died, including the said brother. Lenin became a law student, fell in with the college radicals even as students do to- day, and gave himself over to a life of revo- lutionary conspiracy. , As such he was 4@ genius. But his fatal day came when he stepped down from that train in the Finland station to attempt the Socialist state. He got as far as kidnaping the power of the government, a story next in this series, but he was an utter failure as a Socialist or even as @ czar. The science of Marxism failed as soon as tried. A girl put a bullet through his neck one day, he never really recovered, and then he died. ' XCVI—App.— 207 Relation of the Methodist Church to the Federation for Social Action EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 4, 1950 Mr. RICH. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following statement by the Council of Bishops of the Methodist Church on the relation of the church to the Federation for Social Action, unani- mously adopted at Cleveland, Ohio, April 20, 1950: The Methodist Church takes pride in its achievements in the field of social action. It has always held that it had a divine obli- gation not only to call men and women one by one to repentance and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, but also to serve as an instru- ment of God’s will to define and defend those moral and spiritual standards which under- gird Christian society. Such convictions have through the years made us the en- thusiastic champions of movements which ever seek the reconciliation of our divided society, the removal of prejudice and hate, the -emotins of the bonds of brotherhood, the oxa ‘irz 7‘ God as the Father and Ruler of mankind and Christ as the Saviour of all men. We believe that God wills that all men be free to work out their destinies in a just society amid conditions favorable to the abundant life. We seek to be universal in our outlook and ministry without becoming partisan or political. JT ‘e pioneering of the Methodist Church in the field of social justice is evidenced by the social creed which came out of the mind and heart of the church as early as 1908, and which has become a Kind of Christian Magna Carta for the churches of Protestant- ism. In line with the spirit pervading this creed, the bishops of the church declared in their most recent episcopal address, “We are determined that free preachers, occupy~ ing a free pulpit, preaching to free laymen in a free land, shall proclaim the freeing truth of the religion of Jesus.” The address of the council of bishops to the general conference in 1948 made un-~ mistakably clear the position of the Method-~ ist Church concerning communism: “We reject communism, its materialism, its method of class war, its use of dictatorship, its fallacious economics, and its false theory of social development; but we Know that the only way to defeat it permanently is to use the freedom of our Own democracy to establish economic fustice and racial brotherhood.” We have recently received communica-~ tions of various sorts from*devoted and loyal Methodists in many sections of the church making inquiry as to the Methodist Federa- tion for Social Action and its relation to the Methodist Church. The federation was organized in 1907. Across the years, it has counted in its mem- bership some of our most distinguished Methodists and loyal Americans, and has made notable contributions in the field of social justice. The federation, however, is not and does not claim to be an authorized agency of the Methodist Church. It is a voluntary and independent organization. It is not responsible to the church. It does not speak for the church, and over it neither the general conference nor the council of bishops has jurisdiction. . We are reliably informed that the execu- tive committee of the federation has rec- ommended to the federation’s membership A38277 that the word “Methodist” be dropped from its title. We commend this action. Should this recommendation be approved, it would, in our opinion, clarify in the public mind the independent nature of the federation. We deplore and sharply disagree with cer- tain positions taken and statements pub- lished of late in the federation’s official bulletin. Many months ago, members of the federation initiated actions which have made clear their similar Judgment. Our position as bishops in the church affords us unusual onncrtunity tc know the mind and character of our Mc:hadi-v people. We are convinced that no group of American citizens can be found possessed of a more stalwart loyalty to our Christian ideals and the evangelical emphases of Protestantism. These are days of fierce perplexities. Enor- mous forces have been released in the world which challenge our faith and courage. We Methodists must not allow hysteria and fear to rob us of confidence in our leadership nor Givert us from our task, We therefore sum- mon both ourselves and our people to a new consciousness of God’s power; to quickened insight by which we are made increasingly aware of human need; to a more construc- tive Christian statesmanship through which the gospel may be preached in language all can understand, with a thoroughgoing appli- cation of its ethic to all the affairs of the world’s life. The Postmaster General’s Order to Curtail Services Not Warranted EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON, THOR C, TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, April 25, 1950 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr. Speaker, on April, 18 Postmaster General Donaldson decreed that the letter carriers of the postal service, in residential areas, should work twice as hard. He in effect ordered these public servants to carry double their usual loads. The Postmaster General is an expert on this subject. He, too, has carried mail from door to door, At the beginning of his own career he faced personally the problem of getting as much mail as pos- sible delivered in the shortest time. What record the Postmaster General set in hauling mail on his back, I do not know. I do know that he soon moved on to a higher position. Now, instead of carrying mail on his back, he has in- stead the difficult, distasteful, unfriendly job of policing these “couriers in the swift completion of their appointed rounds.” He has made the postal service his career. His son is also making this serv- ice his career and holds the position of Assistant Chief Inspector of the Post Office Department. His rise to that post was meteoric. We all know the letter carrier. He is a friend of all of us. Has any one of us ever experienced anything but cour- tesy, friendliness, and sincere devotion to duty on the part of the quiet, efficient, and faithful mailman who serves us daily? Dignity, decency, and uncom. plaining performance of duty are ex- pected of the letter carrier for the simple 4
A3278 reason that we all have never known anything else. Tf it were necessary for the Postmaster General to take the step he did in order- ing curtailment of service, my voice would be silent. But it seems to me that this step was completely unnecessary and impractical. The Postmaster General is the last person to deny this. His own testimony before various committees of Congress, on numerous occasions, he is in no position to repudiate. The mail must move. Post offices are not places of storage. What comes in must go out to make room for more incoming mail. The letter carrier moves the mail out to the people on his route. He makes whatever number of trips are necessary to keep the mail moving. The length of his route is fixed in such a way as to keep him busy and his sack loaded. Can a letter carrier’s load be doubled by a stroke of the pen of the Postmaster General? If so, why was this not done before? We all know that the volume of mail has increased tremendously in recent years, even in recent months. This in- crease is continuing. All the more rea- son for keeping the mail moving. Pos- tal facilities are already overtaxed. What will happen when the letter car- rier becomes a bottleneck, stopping the flow of mail and causing it to pile up in already overburdened post offices? The Postmaster General must know about this condition? But he cannot solve this problem by another order. He cannot decree that each post office be doubled in size. All this in the name of economy—but @ ridiculous, impossible, deceptive econ- omy, perpetrated at the expense of the letter carrier—the friend and faithful servant of every man, woman, and child in the United States. This is no real economy; there is the appearance of an effort but no genuine effort to econo- mize; and this action treats the friendly mailman with the lack of the consider- ation to which he is entitled. This so-called economy would be more understandable if there were no real op- portunity available to the Postmaster General to economize in the true sense of the word. But such opportunity does exist; it has been ignored, even though it would result in increased service to the American public while a saving is being made. When the Postmaster Gen- eral passes this opportunity by, and in- stead reduces service to the public with no real saving, what language can be used to characterize his action? The Postmaster General has un- doubtedly traveled much, particularly in recent years. It is fair to assume that he has frequently been a railroad pas- senger. We can also take it for granted that when the Postmaster General pays for a first-class ticket, he rides in the parlor car, not the coach; and if he pays for a lower berth, he does not climb into an upper. Jesse M. Donaldson, as a railroad passenger, gets what he pays for. To this he is entitled. He does not pay two fares for one ride. But what happens when he as Post- master General, is paying the fare for mail. To begin with, he pays double for the service he is supposed to receive, According to his own testimony before the House Committee on Post Office and. Civil Service, in connection with his bill to increase postal rates (H. R. 2945), the Post Office Department, in shipping mail by railroad, “used about half of the space that we paid for.” ; In other words, in shipping mail, the Postmaster General pays for two seats, and uses only one. And sometimes he does not even get a seat. Instead he rides 2 boxcar in a freight train, despite the fact that he is paying a parlor-car rate. Any product can ride in a freight train without paying a passenger fare. A very interesting and enlightening re- port on this situation has very recently been made by the General Accounting Office. This report states, page 35: Many cars of mail are moved in refrigera- tor and other kinds of freight cars on which passenger-train rates are paid. This report of the General Accounting Office, made to the Senate Committee on Post Office and Civil Service, is entitled “A Study Made of the Round Trip Pro- visions of the Railway Mail Pay Act of 1916.” This is a serious statement, made by an agency of Congress. It is short and to the point. So much is said in so few words that it will bear repeating and I accordingly repeat it: Many cars of mail are moved in refrigera- tor and other kinds of freight cars on which passenger-train rates are paid (p. 35). This report makes the similar addi- tional finding: Much mail traffic moves in freight trains at passenger rates. There are no mail freight rates approved at this time (p. 4). The Post Office Department is now paying a railroad bill each year of ap- proximately $250,000,000 (a quarter of a billion dollars, two hundred and fifty millions of dollars). We are paying this sum for first-class, de luxe service in passenger trains. Yet we are getting not even coach service. We are putting our mail in box cars, and shipping it in freight trains. The Postmaster General is interested in both service to the public and reducing expenses. Here is his opportunity. Let him take the mail out of slow freight trains and increase service to the pub- lic by putting it in fast passenger trains. Since he is paying for passenger-train transportation, this will not cost the Post Office Department one cent. When mails can be transportcl in freight trains without damage to the service, I suggest that the Postmaster General reduce his expenses by paying a freight rate instead of a first-class pas- senger rate. Perhaps he might also wipe out a large part of his deficit by recoy- ering for what may be called overcharges already paid the railroads. The report of the General Accounting Office which I have mentioned is a very interesting document. Most interesting is the fact that it does not tell the whole story of the transportation of mail by the railroads of this country. It is many pages long, accompanied by many ex- hibits. It shows that the Post Office De- partment has been overcharged by the railroads many millions of dollars a year, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in many ways. Paying passenger-train rates for freight-train service is only one of the ways in which the overcharges come about. This entire matter should be thor- oughly investigated. The General Ac- counting Office should go into this mat- ter completely. It is that agency of Con- gress which is charged with the duty of supervising payments by the Post Office Department. In the meanwhile, I suggest the Post- master General revoke his order making the mailman the scapegoat of his effort to effect alleged economy. If he is sin- cere, let him do what he can to econo- mize by paying the railroads no more than the law entitles them to. The American Merchant Marine EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ERNEST W. McFARLAND OF ARIZONA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. McFARLAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “Our Merchant Fleet,” from the New York Times of this morn- ing. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Our MERCHANT FLEET As a last resort the subsidized American- - flag shipping operators submerged their minor differences last week and appeared in force before Senator Macnuson’s Marl- time Subcommittee to lay before Congress disclaimers of execssive earnings under the subsidy system. It was a demonstration of unity that will do the industry good. The operators gave an answer, documented and accompanied by an unusual composite finan- cial statement drawn by independent ac- counting firms, that should have been given last year when the whole question of Marl-~ time Commission subsidies, both construc- tion and operating, was brought under fire by the General Accounting Office and mem- bers of the House Expenditures Committee. The steamship industry is a relatively small facet in the national economy, but it is a critical one. It has aptly been de- scribed 4s less an industry than an instru- ment of foreign policy. The subsidy to shipping is small. It is not a gift to the operators, Subsidized operation carries well-defined obligations and restrictions, and from all of these the nonsubsidized line is free. More~ over, the subsidy system has strong recap- ture provisions. The company board chair- men and presidents showed that more than. 70 percent of the operating subsidies went back to the Treasury in outright recapture. In some individual cases all of it was re- trieved by the Government. To permit the shipping industry to wither, as it has too often in the past, would be folly, for the country must have a strong merchant marine. We do not want a top- heavy merchant marine, and we do not want one that will put friendly maritime nations out of business; we must remember that foreign shipping services are a means of sup- port and dollar aid to Marshall plan coun~ tries, But we want a good fleet, and one
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD with enough modern passenger ships to car- ry our share of travel and provide a reser= voir of potential troop transport in time of emergency. Senator Macnuson, who has devoted a great deal of time and interest to the hear-~ ings, is to be congratulated on his job. We hope he can arrive at a dependable estimate as to the size of the fleet needed, and then press for legislation on the phases his com- mittee covered. Saving at the Spigot and Wasting at the Bung EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN R. MURDOCK OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. MURDOCK. Mr. Speaker, today we are appropriating more than $56,000,- 000 for the conservation of our soil. I approve every cent of such expenditures when wisely and effectively made to ac- complish the intended purpose. Natu- rally, I vote for such appropriations as the one contained in this agricultural appropriation bill. Just as naturally, I am grieved to see a glaring waste of soil and water great enough to counteract or to cancel, five times over, the effect of the present appropriation we are con- sidering. What is this avoidable and glaring waste? The avoidable and tragic waste large enough to counteract the amount of the conservation appropriations in this bill, several times over, is the senseless spill- ing of Colorado River water annually into the ocean to the extent of $300,- 000,000 worth of potential wealth in the 8,000,000 acre-feet of water flowing, un- used, to the Gulf of California. That water could be used on soil in the United States and still supply the Republic of Mexico with the amount guaranteed her under the recent water treaty. This 8,000,000 acre-feet wasted annually could produce perpetually $300,000,000 of agricultural wealth in seven States of the Colorado River Basin, and, as I see it, existing law provides for a proper di- vision of this water in the fairest way that human beings can devise among the seven States of the basin. Proposed Curtailment in Mail Deliveries EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, 50,000,- 000 American families have been hit in the mail box. Mail deliveries to residences are being cut from two a day to one a day, and other vital services are getting the ax. So, on April 19, a few hours after read- ing the announcement of Postmaster General Donaldson’s drastic ruling cur- tailing these postal services, I issued a strong protest against that ruling. I stated that it seemed very inappropri- ate for the Post Office Department to slash postal services: (a) Before the Hoover reports on the Post Office Department were applied. (b) Before an efficient budgeting and accounting system was set up, so that we would know exactly how much vari- ous postal services really cost. (c) Making a few humble postal workers the victims of a slash which will not really save money, but which will merely put out of employment some $40-a-week veterans—clerks and car- riers. I am glad to say that the favorable response to my statement from all over Wisconsin has béen very gratifying. In addition, I have heard from many other States of the Union. I ask unanimous consent, therefore, at this time that a supplementary statement which I have prepared be included in the Appendix of the REecorp. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, aS follows: WE Musr ConTINUE ADEQUATE Mart SERVICE “Why slash the Post Office Department’s services at the very time when the need for more and better mail service is being con- stantly felt?” This is a question asked all over our Nation. We all know that this is an age of high- speed mail communication. Modern busi- mess depends to a tremendous extent on fast mail service. American newspapers and magazines operate on hair-breadth deadlines which require getting out the copies at high speed. Countless wage earners depend on the mail for prompt job information. Old folks, veterans receiving certain types of aid must get their mail promptly. WE CAN FAVOR ECONOMY AS WELL AS ADEQUATE SERVICE But someone may ask: “Can one be both for Federal economy and against this drastic service cut?” The an- swer, I feel, is very definitely yes. It is en- tirely consistent to favor Federal economy as well as to favor adequate mail service to the American public. Let us see how that works out. By adequate service, we help businesses using the mails and by helping these businesses we help to assure a large amount of revenue ultimately for Uncle Sam. Obviously, @ prosperous America can help make for a healthy American Government. Crippling our mail service certainly does not make for a healthy America. Any Government expert knows that the greater the volume handled, the greater economy can be achieved through assembly- line techniques providing scientific manage- ment principles are of course really utilized. POST OFFICE DEFICIT IS ARTIFICIAL IN PART Yes, we are all indeed interested in cutting down on the huge deficit facing our Govern- ment. That includes the deficit facing the Post Office Department. contended for many years that the deficit in the Post Office Department is in many re- spects an artificial concoction. Why? Be- cause there are many items in the Post Office Department budget which have no business being there. These items serve to increase the size of the budget. I refer, for example, to the air-mail subsi- dies, to the cost of carrying so-called penalty mail free for Government agencies, and yes, the cost of carrying congressional franked However, I have : A3279 mail, I believe that each of these respective costs should be set up within the budget of the department units. In other words, the budget for the legislative branch should in- clude the charges on franked mail. I do not believe that Congress should make the Post Office Department carry Congress’ mail costs. We should pay our own way in our own budget. We all realize the fact that franked mail (that is, postage-free official mail) is about the only way by which the Members of Congress can contact the public, and so it is a necessary service. But that does not mean it should be carried in the Post Office Department budget. POSTAL UNIONS ARE FIGHTING CuT It 1s an important fact to note that Amer- ica’s able postal unions—the organizations which are most familiar with the actual operations of the first-, second-, and fourth- class post offices throughout our country have taken a very determined stand in oppo~ sition to the Postmaster General’s ruling. I have received many fine communications not only from the national officers of these various postal unions and their auSiliaries, put from the State officers in Wisconsin. These conscientious unions are rightly fight- ing for elementary justice tor their members and particularly, as I have pointed out, for the new folks who have only recently come to the Post Office Department and who have just been fired as a result of this drastic order. We do not lose sight of the fact that post- office workers are, after all, taxpayers as are other Government employees and the rest of us. They realize that the tax burden on the American people is very high. They realize that it is necessary for the Govern- ment to become more and more efficient. But they do not believe, and I join with them in this conviction, that it is necessary to slash service to the American public reck~ lessly, arbitrarily, and without heed as to consequences. . EXCERPTS FROM WISCONSIN LETTERS The people can speak for themselves. Let excerpts from various expressions which have come to me from Wisconsin be printed at this point in the ConcrEssionaL Recorp. In the instance of individuals who have written to me, I have necessarily, of course, respected their confidence, and I have not included their names. However, in the case of organizations which have sent me public letters, I have included the name and the title of the various folks who wrote to me. I could add to this list literally hun- dreds of other messages, e. g., from the Wis- consin State Federation of Labor as well as many other distinguished groups too numer-= ous to mention. To be sure I have received some few mes~ sages which support rather than oppose the curtailing of postal deliveries. But I do want to point out that these messages are based upon the premise of saving the Gov-= ernment’s money. However, I, for one, firmly believe that we are not going to save the Government money by ruthlessly cutting down on mailings, because inevitably there will be decreased volume and decreased volume will mean increased costs to the Post Office Department. Now, we all appreciate the fact that the farmers of our Nation receive only one mail delivery a day. At the same time, we all recognize that the farmer, like everyone else, is increasingly using mail service. So, now from the city as well as the coun- try areas of Wisconsin, this is the voice of our people: SHEYBOYGAN, WIS. Dear SENATOR Writer: It gave me a great deal of pleasure and satisfaction to read your blast against Postmaster General Donaldson’s cut-back order hitting the ‘50,000,000 tired taxpayers’ in the mail box” (and the postal employee below the belt). This on *op of the
A3280 infamous “mail-handler order” of October 27, 1949, will do much to demoralize the postal service and the employees. It will certainly not improve the service nor save any ap- preciable money for the Department; not to the extent of taking it out of the red. Your statement regarding the removal of air-mail subsidies, free-mail costs of Con- gress and other Government agencies from the budget of the Department is consistent with the bill H. R. 6103, introduced August 93, 1949. This bill, if passed, will accomplish that objective and will give us the proper credit for all the extra services that are at the present time considered a deficit. Ep W. KNABE, President, Wisconsin Federation of Post Office Clerks. MILWAUKEE, WIs. It is the sincere hope of the Milwaukee County Industrial Union Council, CIO, that you work actively to have the cut in postal service, as recently ordered by the Post- master General, rescinded. Frep A. ERCHUL, Secretary-Treasurer, Milwaukee County Industrial Union Council, CIO. . OsukosH, Wis. Millions to destroy food; billions for for- eign relief; no money to deliver the mail. In Oshkosh Post Office, 10 men, all veterans, are being laid off. Is this what we fought for? We are counting on you to help end this fiasco. Lytz E. Rog, Secretary, Branch 173, National Asso- ciation of Letter Carriers. MiwavkKeEz, WIS. We hereby petition you to support Senate Resolution 261 by Senator Laneser and to use your best influence with the Postmaster General to have him rescind his recent mail curtailment order. Lovis BEDALOR, Treasurer, Croatian Central Committee, Inc. SHEBOYGAN, Wis. We heard on the radio the same night that the Postmaster General’s orders were given, that our Senator Witzy, from Wisconsin, ‘was opposed to cutting down mail deliveries in curtailing the post-office expenses in the Post Office Department. We appreciate what you have done in the past and we know that you will support and urge any legislation in the Senate that will redound to our well-being, namely, security of our husbands’ jobs, continued ownership of our homes and our present standard of American living. Mrs. Warrer A. BRAND, President, Ausiliary to the National Federation of Post Office Clerks. INDIVIDUAL MESSAGES FROM BADGER CITIZENS A message from an unemployed veteran in De Pere, Wis.: “Congratulations to you on your strong opposition to the recent cut-back in our mail-delivery service. It gives me great pride and pleasure to know that my home State Senator is in there pitching for fellows like myself. “Because I, as substitute carrier, am one of the many thousands affected by this so- called economy move by our Government experts. Yes, Senator, I was good enough during the recent war to serve 35 months for a government such as this; but now we aren’t needed so out we go. Today our postmaster handed me my walking papers after serving 25 months in the postal department,” A message from Fennimore, Wis.: “IT wish to thank you for your courage and action in opposing the drastic reduc- tion of postal service which the Postmaster General has instructed to be put into effect.” A message from Green Bay, Wis.: “We are in full agreement with you on the post office cut-back to one delivery. The people pay for better service and expect it.” A message from Milwaukee, WIs.: “My hat is off to you, Senator WiLry, for standing up against this disgusting situa- tion, and so are the hats of every other mailman in the United States. Keep up the good work, we all appreciate it.” EDITORIALS IN BADGER PAPERS Excerpts from editorial in Fond du Lac (Wis.) Commonwealth Reporter: “We are inclined to agree with Senator ALEXANDER WILEY, of Wisconsin, that the Post Office Department action is outrageous and that there is a need for more mail service rather than less mail service. “We believe the American public is willing to pay for what it receives; we doubt, how- ever, whether it is willing to pay for service that it does not receive and we fear that is what the retrenchment order of the Post Office Department is going to mean.” Excerpts from editorial in Waukesha (Wis.) Daily Freeman: “If you don’t think it is costly business to use the Post Office Department as a tool of the Democratic Party, reflect a moment upon what is about to happen to postal service all over the country. The number of de- liveries are about to be reduced, post offices will be closed sooner in the day, there will be fewer street box collections, windows will be closed Saturdays and the bulk of the mail will reach its destination on delayed schedules. “Today, in the face of the greatest peace~ time budget and the greatest Federal deficit in the history of this Nation, the post office must go on shorter hours, the people must wait longer for their mail to be delivered and the fewer are the hours when post offices the country over will be open to give the pub- lic service. Does it make sense? It makes about as much sense as turning the Wauke- sha post Office, lock, stock, and barrel, over to the county Democratic Party as was done a few short weeks ago. This is the gift of the DOC in Wisconsin to the people of Waukesha and the State.” Termination of Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY P. CAIN OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. CAIN. Mr. President, the ques- tion of Federal rent controls is of con- tinuing interest and concern to a large number of communities and States throughout the Nation. I have recently received two provocative letters on the subject from citizens living in Minne- apolis and St. Paul, Minn. I ask unani- mous consent that these letters be printed in the Appendix of the Rxcorp, where they may be read by anyone who is concerned with the thinking of others. The question of whether Federal rent controls shall be permitted to terminate on June 30, 1950, as the 1949 Rent Act provides, or be continued in the future APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD will soon be before the Congress. The letters and cbservations I have offered, and others to be offered, come from those whom we serve, American individuals, They often are more familiar with what is taking place in their own areas than we can ever be here in the Congress. I think we ought to give consideration to their reflections before extending legis- lation which first was initiated because of a wartime emergency. There being no objection, the matters referred to were ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: MINNEAFOLIS, MiNN., April 24, 1950. Senator Harry P. Carin, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. HonoraBLteE Sir: The attached article on rent control appeared recently in the Minne- apolis Star. I am renting what are called luxury apart- ments. Some have in excess of 2,000 square feet of living space, including four bed- rooms and three baths, and are located in one of our exclusive residential districts, overlooking one of our beautiful lakes. I have very fine tenants, some are the heads of the largest concerns of their Kind in the United States and are perfectly willing to pay fair rental. Through rent control, I am compelled to rent these luxurious apartments for 40 per. cent less than similar accommodations rented for 20 years ago. On a square-foot basis, I get 40 percent less than the city of Minneapolis is getting for their cheap Quonset huts that they rent to veterans. Last year my rental income gave me a net of 2 percent on my investment, with no allowances for management fees, va- cancies, or collection losses. FHA on new construction, loans about the entire cost of the project, and rentals must provide for an annual return of 614 percent after ex- penses and taxes, and after an allowance of 7 percent to cover vacancy and collection losses. Iam a World War I veteran and due to a recent illness Iam unable to work, and about my only income is from my property that I have worked for years to accumulate. Is it fair that I should have to rent my prop- erty at an unfair rental, to tenants who pay many times more in income taxes than they pay me in rent? Luxury apartments are rented to tenants in the higher-income bracket. To put these units in balance, may I suggest that all unfurnished housing units now renting for $90 or more per month be decontrolied, if rent controls are continued, Yours very truly, D. G. Crranpiurr. P. S.—Yesterday’s Sunday Tribune sted 428 advertisements for housing accommo- dations, many for more than one unit. Un- furnished apartments were offered as low as $24.50 per month, Now, Asour Renr Conrro. To the Enrror: It amuses me when I read that by remov- ing rent controls there would be more homes at lower rates available. If these people would glance through the Sunday want ads and find one below $90, I'd gladly like to see it. It’s the poor people who have to rent, and who can afford that on average wages? E, J. Warson. MINNEAPOLIS. To the Eprror: I read the letter of Mrs. Benston, April 13. If some of these owners didn’t think so much of their own pockethooks and more of the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD average working people who make a salary of $35 or $40 a week, the tenants would be more agreeable. M. NELSON. MINNEAPOLIS. To the EpitTor: I sacrificed many necessities to put up an apartment. building completely furnished, heated, electric refrigeration, etc. Now the rent dollar I receive will buy half the neces- sities of life it did in 1942. I am not asking for a subsidy such as the farmers get, but if somebody comes along and offers an Amer~ ican citizen a better job with more pay, he should be allowed to accept it. If not, is this not forced servitude or slavery? I would like to offer my solution to this situation. Wages for many occupations are figured on the United States Department of Labor cost-of-living index, Why not rents? If there is a housing shortage, why did the politicians pass a law allowing 359,000 dis- placed persons to enter our country and then tax us $2,500,000,000 to build houses? Figure the cost of homes, possible schools, and all other institutions they will require, and where do you get off? Enwarp T. WaARDELL. St. Pavu. To the Epiror: Your April 12 article on AFL Local 359 urging continuing rent controls after June 80 shows a selfish and unjust move on their part. At one time monthly rentals in pudgets were figured at a week’s salary. I ‘wonder if the AFL officials pay a week’s salary for a month’s rent. Our JOHNSON. MINNEAPOLIS. To the Eprror: I am deeply impressed by the pitiful letters written by tenants in your Everybody’s Ideas column. For 8 years they have been living off the blood and sweat of honest people who have sacrificed in order to own income prop- erty. I admit it is becoming increasingly unpopular to work for anything since our Democratic give-away government or soak the rich politicians decided they could re- main in office indefinitely simply by confis- cating the property of minority groups and feeding it into the maw of the public. W. H. ASHFORD. MINNEAPOLIS. To the Eprror: Why don’t you publish more letters against rent control? Taking rent control off is the only thing that will solve our housing short- age. If rent controls come off, rents on older places would probably go up for a short time, but would gradually be adjusted and every- body would have an equal chance. Mrs. Epona SMITH. MINNEAPOLIS. To the Enrror: * TI am a landlord, but first of all I am a humanitarian, so I believe in fairness in all things. We all, including tenants, know that landlords have not had a fair deal. Rent controls should have been discontinued im- mediately after the war and rents would have been adjusted to a fair price long ago. Now, here is where I hope the landlords will be fair if controls come off: Please, land- lords, do not increase your rentals for 3 months. In that length of time, an ad- justment will take place and still will permit a raise fair to tenants and landlords. Mrs. V. C. KRANER. MINNEAPOLIS. To the Eprror: Your recent article (April 10) regarding rent controls being outmoded was very fit- ting at this time. Tenants who are now well set in rent-controlled property are op- posed to decontrol. No doubt the landlord is wondering how he will meet increased real- estate taxes and other expenses, and needy young couples can’t find places to live. Isn’t it time rent controls are discontinued so all may have an even chance? Mrs. M. ALLEN. MINNEAPOLIS. To the Epiror: The AFL must have enough to do with- out interfering with all the politics. They say if we ended Federal rent control in June, rental fees would skyrocket and they would have to get higher wages. Everything that was rationed has been lifted except for the landlord. If we are the only fools left, then we need a guardian, not a bunch of political racketeers, to run our business. MAUDE ANDERSON. MINNEAPOLIs. Sr. Paun, MINN. Subject: Facts about Federal rent control. My Dear SENatToR: We are just struggling landlords between the ages of 63 and 68; one, a teacher for some 34 years, now re- tired, one a retired farmer, and one a re- tired building contractor. All of us worked for wages or salary for many years—ail took their parents’ advice to work hard, save if possible, and invest in real estate, and to look to ourselves rather than to our Gov- ernment for old-age security, and we ail support ourselves from rental income. If our story was not representative of millions of other small landlords we would not presume to burden you with these facts. During the war, wages, salaries, prices and rents were frozen, and we all felt it would help the war effort and that it was justified, put when wages, salaries and prices were dGecontrolled, leaving only rents still under drastic Government control, the problem of the landlord became increasingly more diffi- cult as all other prices and wages increased approximately 100 percent. Thus the land- lord was forced to pay ever-increasing prices for items of maintenance as his net income Giminished. He also must now pay 100 per- cent more to cover his living expenses or reduce his standard of living. A book could be written to explain why the rent-control laws as revised from year to year and administered by OHE did little else than give lip service to meet this ever-increasing difficult position of the land- lord, but suffice it here to say that its ac- complishments are summed up by the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics who report that rents increased an average of less than 12 percent from 1942 to 1950. During the same period the farmers cash income increased over 200 percent, corpora- tions earnings increased over 200 percent, personal income over 180 percent, coal over 100 percent, homes over 100 percent, whole- sale prices over 100 percent, wages and sal- aries increased 170 percent, cost of living increased 67 percent, Federal taxes over 600 percent, and rents increased Jess than 12 percent. In my humble opinion the seeds of dis- aster have been planted and will come to fruition if Federal rent control is not up- rooted and allowed to die—and we give you the following facts to prove our position: 1. Rent control, as administered, has sick- ened the entire business of private building for housing rental, and the repair and re- decorating of existing rental properties, be- cause the landlord has insufficient income under rent control to hire this work done, which adds to unemployment. This weak- ness in our otherwise prosperous economy may well be the cause or contribute largely to our next possible depression, A3281 2. While all other segments of otr economy are prosperous and able to set aside a nest egg for possible hard times, the landlords have no reserve whatsoever and in addition must compete with Government subsidized housing. 3. The landlords, for lack of sufficient rent income, have of necessity let their property run down for lack of repair, redecorating, and replacements. What is to happen to the jJandlord when the heating boiler or refriger- ating system needs replacing or cas stoves, carpets, and furnishings wear out? I ask what is to be his fate and what effect will it have on our economy in general? 4, The landlord, instead of the Govern- ment; has been compelled by rent control to subsidize the tenants, so they will have more money to bid up the things they buy, and this greater purchasing power has created added pressure on prices. It is most doubt~ ful if their standard of living has been there- by increased. It is a fact however, that if the landlord was allowed a just rent he could keep up his properties better, which would mean better living for his tenants. We do not believe that good can blossom from in- justice. When the farmer is subsidized the cost comes out of the United States Treas- ury or the consumer, or both, but when the tenant is subsidized it comes out of the land- lord. 5. Russia confiscates the lands of the land- lord and gives its use to the tenants. Rent control, as now administered, takes part of the rent income which belongs to the land- lords and gives it to the tenant. The prin- ciple involved is the same in each case—for one’s property is taken away without just compensation. As disastrous as rent control may prove economically if continued, it has sown far more deadly seeds which can do much more harm politically, as explained below: ' A. When a democratic government delib- erately takes away unjustly from one minori- ty class of its citizenry without just com- pensation and gives to another class, no matter how worthy the cause is thought to be, no class is safe from exploitation, and representative government is tottering for a fall. B. If the farmers’ representatives in Con- gress or any other important voting groups would, at the request, let us say, of the or- ganized labor groups, vote for the extension of rent control, solely to get labor’s support of some pet legislation of their own, even though the farmers’ representatives felt rent control unjust—then I say integrity is dead and it is only a matter of time when chaos will become rampant and representative government is doomed. ©. The farmer, through direct aid and ‘price support, has been subsidized to the ex- tent of over $2,000,000,000 in 1949 alone— can it be that he favors continued rent con- trol for others who receive less than 12 per- cent more rent income than in 1942? The landlord asks for no subsidy or price guar- antee or profit guarantee—all he asks for is common justice and fair dealing. He asks for a chance to run his own business. He asks that the farce that World War II is still in progress, be forever buried. D. We challenge you to strike a blow for equity and justice and for our representa~- tive form of government by voting against the extension of Federal rent control, before it destroys our way of life, and also discour- age the States from attempting State rent control with its disastrous results as shown so clearly in France. : _ Respectfully submitted. ISABELLA F. Boyp. Lzon H. Bowxn. yas. H. Born.
A3282 Curtailment of the Veterans’ Hospital- Construction Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS ° HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, last week the House of Representatives reaffirmed its position on the veterans’ hospital- construction program by passing H. R. 5965 to direct the Veterans’ Administra- tion to proceed with the construction of new hospitals totaling 16,000 beds. For a little history of this program we should remember that the Veterans’ Administration reported in January 1945 during hearing on the independent offices appropriation bill for 1946 as follows: In compliance with section 101 of the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944, the Veterans’ Administration, in collaboration with the Federal Board of Hospitalization, submitted an estimated program covering the hospital needs of the Veterans’ Admin- istration up to and including June 30, 1947. This program covered the estimated require~ ments for additional neuropsychiatric, tuber- culosis, and general medical and surgical beds and provided for the acquisition by new construction, or by transfer at such time as they might become available from the Army and Navy of approximately 22,000 beds. This program was approved by the President on September 12, 1944, and the Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs was authorized to submit a@ specific construction program totaling ap- proximately 14,100 beds for inclusion in the appropriation estimates for the fiscal year 1946. Subsequent to the program for 14,100 beds that was approved by the President on De- cember 2, 1944, the Veterans’ Administra- tion submitted additional programs—one covering 19 new hospitals that was approved on October 16, 1945, and one covering 30 new hospitals that was approved on December 38, 1945. The final program submitted by the Veterans’ Administration provided for 15 new hospitals and was approved by the President on October 19, 1945. This program was de- signed to meet our requirements through the fiscal year 1951. You can see from the testimony of the officials from VA that the proper armed services officials and the VA medi- cal people were working out a hospital program. for veterans as authorized by Congress and the Federal Board of Hos- pitalization had approved of the planned projects, Mr. Speaker, I believe that it is im- portant that the established policy of Congress should be carried out as di- rected by the elected representatives of the people and if the policy by later events appears to be in error, then the facts should be presented to Congress for its action. By no means should the established hospital construction pro- gram authorized by Congress be changed by the drastic expedient of curtailing beds aS was done by the executive branch last year. Mr. Speaker, I wish to insert at this point an explanation of the Federal Board of Hospitalization and its duties to show that this was a responsible group which approved the planned VA hospital program: FEDERAL BoaRD OF HOSPITALIZATION On August 1, 1943, the Executive Office of the President directed a new Federal Board of Hospitalization to serve as an ad- visory agency to the Bureau of the Budget. This Board was charged with the duties of analyzing and reviewing hospital, convales- cent, and domiciliary activities and programs developed and operated by all departments and establishments of the Government for the purpose of— (a) Preventing the overlapping and dupli- cation of services and overbuilding of facili- ties; (b) Insuring the most efficient and com- plete utilization of the total services and facilities of the Federal Government by each department and establishment; (c) Determining the need for existing or additional facilities of each department and establishment; (a) Determining the area or locality in which additional facilities should be pro- vided; (e) Determining the extent to which non- Federal facilities may be utilized in the ad- ministration of the hospital activities or programs of any department or establish- ment; (f) Developing a complete over-all pro- gram for providing hospitalization for the veterans of World War II; and (g) Furnishing recommendations with re- spect to such matters as the Director of the Bureau of the Budget may refer to the Board. The above will be recognized as very sig- nificant, in view of recent announcements in the press and developments otherwise. No less important is another instruction given to the Board at the time it was rees- tablished, so to speak, which reads as follows: “No project for acquisition of additional beds by new construction, major alterations, or leasing of or contracting for existing facili- ties shall be undertaken by any department or establishment until it has been submiried to and reviewed by the Board as to need, location, type of construction, and any other factor which the Board may consider perti- nent to the perfc:mance of its responsibili- ties, nor urn L the r¢s.!..ng recommendation of the Board has been transmitted and con- sidered * * ™“ as approved by the Presi- dent.” An article appearing in the Washing- ton Evening Star of Friday, April 28, 1950, quoted Dr, Paul B, Magnuson, Med- ical Chief of the Veterans’ Administra-~ tion, as saying that he wished more Members of Congress, chamber of com- merce heads, and Legion commanders knew what a hospital was. Further, he stated that he could not use 16,000 more hospital beds if they gave them to him, stating that it took 14% people to take care of each bed year in and year out and that he had nearly 4,000 of their present beds empty for lack of staff. However, in 1949, the Senate and Pub- lic Welfare Committee prepared a com- mittee print including the hearings which were conducted by it on the cur- tailment of veterans’ hospital construc- tion which included an exhibit prepared by the Veterans’ Administration and can be found on page 16 under the heading “Exhibit F,” as follows: Staffing requirements as presented by the Veterans’ Administration for the facilities proposed to be cut back, with pertinent in- formation indicating whether or not the problem can be met by the Veterans’ Admin- istration in the case of the institutions pro- posed to be cut back, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD EXHIBIT F COMMENTS REGARDING STAFFING OF HOSPITALS INVOLVED IN CUT-BACK IN THE VA HOSPITAL PROGRAM 1, In the 16,000-bed cut in the VA hospital program the following 14 hospitals were re- duced in size: Syracuse, N. Y_--.--~---~-----------~ Philadelphia, Pa.-----------.-.-----. Pittsburgh, Pa....------------ Washingion, D, C_....---.-----~.---- Pittsburgh, Pa _.~..-------------~----. Atlanta, Ga. ----------~-------~---- Cincinnati, Cleveland, Ohio--_......-~----. Cleveland Ohio... Louisville, Ky ..-..--.-- +--+. Chicago, Tll_-.----_------------- e+ Kansas City, Mo--.--- ~~~... GM. and TB. Oklahoma City, Okla.-.-.-------.---. GM, St. Louis, Mo....--_--- eee GM. All of these hospitals are to be located in communities where there are medical schools, and no difficulty in staffing these beds would be encountered. 2. Among the hospitals eliminated from the program, we could very readily staff the following hospitals: Detroit, Mich. __ New York City...-.--..--.. Charlotte, N. C_--.-~---.----~---~---. GM. Grand Rapids, Mich Greenville, S. C_-.---.--------- ee 3. Hosptals that would be moderately dif- ficult to staff: Norman, Okla. -. ~~ El Paso, Tex... Chattanooga, Tenn. Tallahassee, Harrisburg, Pa ...-.------.-------.--- 4. Hospitals that would be difficult to staff properly: Salisbury, N. C..---u--e eee e ~- NP. Americus, Ga. - ee eee eee Gainesville, Fla... Memphis Tenn... eee Thamisvilie, Ga Decatur, Tl 2... Duluth, Minn Mound Bayou, Miss... eee QM. Tupelo, Miss.... 20.22. .-nnnwnanenneme GM. Klamath Falls, Oreg...--~u.-~-.--- ee GM, San Diego, Cafe. enna nnnne wan GM. In determining the difficulty of staffing certain hospitals, consideration has bean given to recruiting of all types of needed personnel, including the neccssary medical specialists. Without complete coverage of all the various types of technicians and doc- tors, a hospital cannot be operated satisfac- torlly. If only an X-ray specialist is not avail- able, it may mean a difference of several days’ hospitalization resulting in greater cost to the Government. The same thing applies to other specialists and techniciang in the hospital. Mr. Speaker, several of our cities, such as El Paso, Tex., spent considerable amounts of money preparing for the ex. pansion of their water and sewer sys- tems on the promise of Congress that authorized VA hospitals in their cities would be constructed. I have given con- siderable thought to all of the various aspects of our hospital construction pro- gram and I believe that the 16,000 beds that we previously deleted from the pro- gram should be restored. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include a resolu- tion adopted by the Veterans’ Affairs
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Commission of Texas in regards to the VA hespital program: RESOLUTION Whereas there are many vacant beds in the old section of the Veterans’ Administra- tion Hospital at Legion, Tex., that are not being used; and Whereas there are many tubercular vet~ erans in Texas and surrounding States who are being denied hospital treatment as a re- sult of these vacant beds; and Whereas this situation could be relieved by the Veterans’ Administration if they would complete the renovation of these ward rooms and reactivate the complete facilities at this hospital: Therefore, be it Resolved, That the Veterans’ Affairs Com- mission of Texas in executive session at Aus- tin, Tex., this 25th day of March 1950, here- by calls this deplorable condition to the ate tention of the Veterans’ Administration, Washington, D. C., and hereby requests that immediate action be taken to complete the renovation of existing facilities and reac- tivation of the complete facilities whereby the acute need of tubercular veterans may be alleviated; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be sent tor the President of the United States, to the Governor of Texas, to the ma- jor veterans’ organizations, to Administrator Carl R. Gray, Jr., to Chief Medical Director Dr. Paul B. Magnuson, and to the manager, Veterans’ Administration Hospital, Legion, Tex. RENE A, Garza, Chairman, Zapaia, Tex., Rosert W. AKERS, Vice Chairman, Beaumont, Tex., Jor M. DANIEL, Secretary, Corsicana, Tex., Lrwis P. Frenps, Member, Amarillo, Tecx., Marcus WirEMs, Member, West Columbia, Tezx., Veterans’ Affairs Commission of Texas. Colorado’s Senator Johnson EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES W. TOBEY Of NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. TOBEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an article entitled “Colorado’s Senator JoHNsoN,” by Thor Severson, from the April 15 is- sue of the magazine Frontier. The ar- ticle is an extremely interesting profile of our esteemed colleague, the senior Senator from Colorado [Mr, Jounson]. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: THe Man WHO Gave Hottywoop A Horroor— Conorano’s SENATOR JOHNSON ' (By Thor Severson) Big En’s voice quaked with indignant wrath. His mammoth head lifted in right- eous purpose. Shoulders back, he stood proud and erect. His bold finger, this day, was searching out a woman who had sinned. Magnificent was the word for Big Ep in his role as an apostle of virtue. The place: The most public stage in all the world, the United States Senate, The sub-~ ject: Ingrid Bergman, her Italian lover, Ro= berto Rossellini, and an island called Strom~- poll. The day: March 14, 1950. This was the day big Ep JoHNson, the razor-tongued master of the unpredictable, the bull-shouldered Senator from Colorado, made his now celebrated attack on Holly- wood’s motion-picture industry and the stars the industry has made wealthy and famous. This was the day big Ep cast the biblical stone, labeling Miss Bergman a common mistress and costarring her with Princess Rita Hayworth Kahn as Hollywood’s two apostles of degradation. This was the day he dismissed Rossellini as vile and unspeakable and a common love thief, and the day he bull whipped RKO studios for its nauseating commercialism in releasing the picture Stromboli, even while Miss Bergman was giving birth to Rossellini’s child. This day, too, the Coloradan called upon the United States Senate to take a bold action—to license the motion-picture in- dustry and its stars’ morals. Said Jomnson: “Miss Bergman, Rossellini, and RKO have invited restraints by law, and I shall do my best to see that they get what they have asked for.” And JoHNSON has. His attack has touched off a full hearing for mid-April on his proposed film licensing bill. Hollywood, at that hearing, will be called to account. Now this article, most certainly, does not attempt to plead the justice or injustice of Senator JoHNson’s castigation of Hollywood. It is interested, primarily, in the why, and in the man Jonson, himself. But Hollywood did not lack for defenders. The film capital, smarting under the sena- torial lash, squirmed with almost equal pain and embarrassment, when many of its pro- fessional in-print and on-the-air babblers— the source themselves of more Hollywood smears than the Senator is accused of in~ venting—rushed to its defense with cries of outraged virtue. Fortunately, Hollywood had its defenders, also, in more respectable quarters. The Mo- tion Picture Producers’ Association, for in- stance, took sharp exception to JoHNsoN’s barrage of charges when he daubed the entire film colony into the picture of degradation he painted. Said the Senator: “Stars go to jail for brawling or peddling ‘reefers’ or they get into the papers for negotiating a Mexican mail-order divorce, whereupon they are cast in a leading role so that the Industry may cash in on their notoriety while it is still hot.” REBUTTAL The producers association replied: “Hollywood, like every other community, has its share—but no more than its share— of people who violate the moral code. The majority of people in Hollywood are the finest type of Americans, devoted and loyal to their families and their country.” Aly Khan laughed off the Senator’s refer- “ence to his screen-star wife, Rita Hayworth. He asked: “What should I do every time some idiot utters imbecilities?’” But even the Sen- ator’s most devoted enemies—and he has some—would have a reservation about Mr. Ehan’s wrathful reaction. In many contro- versial situations in the past, it has not been JOHNSON who looked foolish, in the opinion of the voting public, when the box score was totaled. Rossellini took the charge with more hu- mility. He said: “The Senator threw the book at us.” As for the famous Ingrid, she did not comment at all, The all-out attack on Hollywood and its stars by an acknowledged movie patron of 40 years standing and a long-time admirer of Ingrid, opened wide avenues of thought on what manner of man JoHNson himself is, and his motive in setting a torch under the Hollywood camp. Variety, the trade paper among show folk, saw the fine hand of politics involved, It A3283 viewed the assault as more politically con< trived than morally inspired—as a move to drag the carpet out from under the growing boom in Denver to elect Frank H. (Rick) Ricketson Governor of Colorado. Ricketson, rresiden* of Fox Intermountain Theaters, Inc, ¢:d ise man who reaped a fortune with the bank-night theater gim- mick, has not announced for the gcverror- ship but his name is figured nromiverviy as &@ potential Republican Party candidate. And, says Variety, JOHNSON’s attack was timed to link Ricketson with the “big, bad people of Hollywood”—just in case Rick does declare for the post. This view. nev*oers is taking the long way around—a 1 vc 1.:* walking around to the back door to get into the front living room. But it is an opinion, another slant. Walter Winchell, who quoted the Variety charge, drew a prompt reply from JoHNSsoN, who said, “Screwball Walter Winchell de- voted a lot of his valuable radio time last Sunday to spreading a yarn about Rick Rick~ etson, which does not even make good sense, The Peephole Kid does not know how sin-= cerely I admire Rick and how affectionately I regard him.” And Ricketson stated: “This whole Johnson story that appeared in Variety sounds ridiculous to me. I don’t believe politics are played that way in Colo- rado. Although Ep JoHNSoN and I do not agree on politics, I don’t believe this attack would be any part of his program.” Others are divided on JoHNSON’s motive. Some say a motion the like of JoHNSON’s was inevitable. Others say it was just a play for page 1. JOHNSON, himself, explained his stand thus: “I’m not a prude nor a Puritan. But it seems to me the motion-picture industry is getting to the point where all an actor has to do is get arrested for something or get messed up in some immoral affair and stardom is guaranteed.” This, says JOHNSON, is his principal con= cern. This along with the far-reaching ef- fect that movies and the lives of the stars have on American life. : But what of the man, himself—this pow=- erful voice in the United States Senate? This man whom politics reckons with as a figure of tremendous influence, as a good friend when he’s a friend but a capable and dangerous enemy when he’s an enemy? This man who pointed a righteous finger at the Nation’s lucrative film industry? And why? THE COMMON TOUCH You'd probably give JoHNson more than @ passing glance if you met him on the street at high noon. He’s a man of the rough cut, a man with the common touch. His frame is huge—big-boned, powerful. His hands are muscled, like the hands of a boilermaker. His brow, beneath a heavy shock of graying hair, is knuckled, bold. He can be gracious. And he can be vitri- olic. Hefearsnoman. Yet he is among the most sensitive of men. This man can speak and write in the character of the indomitable Churchill. Yet his schooling was meager. You see him at a formal gathering—and he is a man who never seeks you out; you seek him out. He has the face of a lonely man. He never impresses you as entirely comfortable. No one has ever said of JoHN-=- son, “There is a man at a loss for words”; yet he speaks only when there is occasion to speak. Idle chit-chat is lost with this Senator. His dress is conservative, unless you take into account the red suspenders he some- times wears and is not loath to show when he shucks his coat, as he will when the spirit moves him, at public gatherings. He dons a tuxedo occasionally, when he must. The rough-hewn Senator from the moun- tain State turns a cold eye on the social blandishments of Washington. He lives in & modest apartment not far from the Capitol
A3284 and is reputed to have saved money from his salary when other Senators are complain- ing about the high cost of living in Wash- ington. But what of the man? JoHNSON’s character, his personality—the dJcHNSON, himself—has been tempered by an early life of a son of a Swedish immigrant homesteader; dedication to the God his parents taught him to worship; a turn at homesteading himself; illness with tubercu- losis in his young manhood; and, finally, politics as a Colorado State representative, lneutenant governor, governor, and United States Senator. This man has never been defeated in a political campaign. He talks to a farmer cs a farmer, to a businessman as a business- man. The languages of the land and the market place—he knows them both. All told, Jouwson has served in public office since 1922; four terms as State repre- sentative, one as lieutenant governor, two as governor, and, at present, he’s in his third term as United States Senator. His politics: Ostensibly Democratic. But sometimes the question is raised: Is not JOHNSON a party unto his own? Many times, he has confounded even his own party by his trading with the Republican camp. He is no lone wolf; yet, he has switched packs so often he cannot be tied, without allow- ance for error, with any certain group. This trait in the political character of JoHNSON has led him more than once into the stumbling path of inconsistency. His record, in spots, is pocked with the cross- currents of contradiction. FPolitical-wise, he’s about as predictable as next year’s weather. At that, however, his vote is cast along party lines about 75 percent of the time. TALENT FOR TIMING Jounson has the same ear for politics that a piano tuner has for musical pitch. This man, JOHNSON, seems to have an in- born talent for timing: Despite this, he’s hit a few discords in his political career. The man recovers beautifully, however— this, when another would perish. It’s been said that every time Jounson appears to have cut his own throat politically, another man bleeds to death. And there are many reasons to believe the truth of the observa- tion. For example— During his last senatorial campaign in 1948, JoHNSON gave but very feeble, left- handed assistance to the reelection of Presi- dent Truman, His speeches—especially, In the one ex- ample when he debated with his opponent, Will F. Nicholson, at the University of Colo- rado—were geared to put across one thought: Whichever candidate won in the Presi- dential election, Truman or Dewey, JoHn-~ son would give his full support whenever his own principles were not violated. He could work with Dewey, he hinted. There was no sound reason to object to him as @ candidate in the event of a Dewey vic- tory—which, then, appeared inevitable— simply because he, JoHNSON, was a Demo- crat. This, by another man, could have smacked of party traitorship. The party-line voter could have been enraged. What JonHnson did was to open the door to the maverick Republican vote. And he got a goodly share of them, too, trouncing Nicholson unmerci- fully. Nicholson, a sound, liberal Republican with youth and the veteran vote on his side, knew he had been up against a pastmaster vote-getter when the ballots were tallied election night. His throat was unmarked, but it was his blood, not JouNson’s, which flowed. Backtracking a few years further, Joun« son was elected as a New Dealer when Colorado first put him in the governor’s chair in 1932. Partially, JoHNsSON’s victory was traced to the Democratic landslide of ’32; put, for JoHNSON, let it be said he polled more votes in Colorado than even F.D. R. that election year. Yet, he was elected as a New Dealer, too, when Colorado sent him to the United States Senate for the first time in 1936. Yet he was never an administration man during the tenure of F. D. RB., just as he is not an admin- istration stalwart under Truman. He seemed, in the time of F. D. R, to be eter- nally un and out of the good graces of the White House. Under Truman, he’s just out— except that Truman, after keeping JoHNSON dangling on the string for several months, finally accepted his choice of Colorado’s Gov- ernor Lee Knous this month to a Federal judgeship. Today Jounson supports this Nation in its role as a world leader, the same Senator who was a driving force -against interven- tion in any phase of Europe’s troubles before the last great war. A fellow traveler with the isolationists was Ep JoHNSON. He lam- pooned Roosevelt for lend-lease; he preached the Monroe Doctrine. The United States, he suggested, was sufficient unto itself. But it would be unfair to shake this skele- ton without pointing out that JoHNson, in the prewar years, believed sincerely this Nation could avoid war-—-that, at least, it should leave no stone unturned to avoid that war. His fight to keep the United States free from foreign entanglements was based on that belief. It was, on the part of Johnson, a sincere effort to prevent this Nation from spilling its youthblood. And who is to say he, JoHNsoNn, was wrong in so trying? JOHNSON, of course, has been the target of many editorials in the national press dur- ing his 14 years on Capitol Hill. He has been both damned and blessed. His dramatic career—dramatic without the trappings of affected drama—has been fertile soil for Washington observers. Even before he went to the Hill Jonnson had a knack for hitting the headlines. There was the time, for example, when he called out the national guard to prevent Mexican beet workers from entering Colorado to take jobs away from Colorado’s own. FLIES BY TIE SEAT OF HIS PANTS In politics, the observation has been made that JoHNsoN files by the seat of his pants— that he wouldn’t know how to read a political instrument board if it were thrust under his nose, This may be true. But, despite this, he al- ways seems to land safely. Take the recent television broadcast the Senator made on the A-bomb, the telecast which rocked Capitol Hill. David E. Lilienthal, then Chairman of the United States Atomic Energy Commission, said JoHNsOoN discussed questions which could not be discussed publicly without se- rious involvement of national security. His telecast, in effect, alerted the world on the H-bomb. It provoked editorial com- ment pro and con on the so-called disclos- ures he made. As far as JoHNSON was concerned, he de- nied saying anything that had not been stated time and time again by officials and published over and over—that he made no new disclosures. They’re still talking that one over. This, then, is Ep Jounson. His attack on Hollywood, right or wrong, was apparently voiced with conviction that the State should curb the film capital, since, in his belief, Hollywood has no proper sense of restraint itself. He's 66 now. He’s been married to the same woman since 1907, and happily. His pleasures are simple; his capacity for work immeasurable, He walks his way a sensitive man, but in- sensitive to controversy. Admired. Dis- liked. He is never ignored. He is Epwin Cart JoHNSON, of whom no man can predict @ course of action, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Cargoes and Pacific Northwest Power EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 3, 1950 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the &xcorD, I include the following state~ ment: CARGOES AND PaciIFIc NORTHWEST POWER (By Ivan Bloch, of Ivan Bloch and Asso- ciates, consultant to the Port of Portland Commission) Tonight I would like to speak of ships and kilowatts; of distant lands and Pacific Northwest industry; of bauxite mines in Dutch Guiana and Sumatra, and the alumi- num plants c* our region; of AlasKan lime- stone »rd Porilenas calcium carbide indus- try; of Australian zinc concentrates and elec- trolytic cells; of Turkish, New Caledonian and Philippine chromite for Pacific North- west electric furnaces. And I will speak of the water-borne cargoes needed by the new and potential electrochemical and electro- metallurgical plants of Oregon and Washing- ton, and of the water-borne shipment of their products to distant markets. All of us in the Pacific Northwest have developed a conscious understanding of the magnitude of our hydroelectric power devel~ opment—with at least 25,000,000 of kilo- watts yet to come. We admit to the abund- ance and excellence of our pure water sup- plies, even though perhaps we may not fully appreciate their industrial importance. We all know of the fabulous narm:'**ten inereases of the past decade; 53 pe. ‘v.. *t.¢ Pacifie Coast, and 59 percent tor Oregon as com~ pared to 12 pereent for the Nation. These are the things whereof the future of the Pacific Northwest is made. These are the things which make possible a new era for the Pacific Northwest. The scope of the op- portunities at hand is immense. It is go- ing to take thinking and action of similar magnitude. We of the West have passed over a very significant hump, the importance of which is not yet appreciated: our own backyard market—the 15,000,000 people of the Pacific Coast States—is now big enough to support the output of most modern plant production units. It is becoming less necessary for us to market a sizable portion of the goods we manufacture over long and expensive dis- tances to eastern, midwestern, and southern consuming centers in order to sustain eco- nomic plant operations. This important fact is beginning to soak in to the planning of our own business and of industry. The re- sult cannot fail to mean the expansion of all types of manufacture in the West. Bach subarea of the Pacific Coast will have its own peculiar pattern of develop- ment, largely dependent on traditions, attitudes, and basic resources. Thus, for some years to come, it is clear that al- thought enormous strides will be made in the Pacific Northwest in all categories of industry, major growth will take place espe- cially in those relying on our supplies of low-cost power and pure water. The very nature of those industries will place a pre- mium on increased water-borne commerce and appurtenant facilities. It is this phase of future development which I will discuss this evening. The growth of electroprocess industries in the United States has been enormous. That segment of basic industry is now indispen~ sable to the maintenance of our modern way of life and shows every indication of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD becoming even more necessary. This is due to the fact that a large portion of today’s metals and chemicals can only be manu- factured in the electric furnace and the electrolytic cell. Among these materials are aluminum, magnesium, titanium (now called the metal of the future), stainless steel, electrolytic zinc, chlorine and caustic soda, calcium carbide and many others. Another important reason for the growth of these industries 1s that the purity of their prod- ucts cannot be attained by any other method. Furthermore, our supplies of mineral raw materials are becoming increas- ingly more complex and low-grade in their make-up, and frequently can be treated only by electroprocess methods. These fac- tors all increase dependence on electrical power as a basic raw material. Electroprocess industries require such ex- tremely large quantities of power that the amounts of electric power per pound of end product are a primary element of cost. For example, a 2-mull per kulowatt-hour cost 1s equivalent to 2 cents per pound of alumi- num, or about 20 to 25 percent of its pro- duction cost. In addition, the over-all quantities of electricity required per plant for the production of electroprocess mate- rials are very large and their supply must be continuous, 24 hours a day for 865 days of the year. For example, the Vancouver alu- minum plants consumed over 1,400,000,000 kilowatt-hours in 1949. This was about 25 percent more than the consumption for the Portland, Oreg., area. The entire alumi- num industry in the Pacific Northwest— producing about one-third of total national consumption—required almost half of the output of both Bonneville and Grand Coulee Dams in 1949. Titanium—a light metal now in its infancy and for which an auspicious future is in sight—requires even larger quantities of electric power for its reduction from the titanium-bearing ore. Estimates are now on the order of 20 kilowatt-hours per pound, or twice the requirements for aluminum. The production of 100,000 tons of this metal would require close to half a million kilowatts, or roughly the equivalent of the generating capacity of Bonneville Dam. This dependence on large blocks of lowest- cost electricity, available continuously, necessitates the locating of industry in close proximity to large hydroelectric installations, As @ consequence, electroprocess industries generally have clustered in those areas hav-~ ing ample supplies of hydroelectric energy, such as at Niagara Falls, in the Tennessee Valley, and in the Pacific Northwest. It is now an indisputable fact that the major por- tion of further expansion of electroprocess industries in the United States must take place in our region. As a matter of fact, were it not for the temporary deficiency in power capacity which has plagued the Pacific Northwest since the end of the war, a very sizable expansion of existing electroprocess industry would already have taken place and several new plant units would have become established here. If power supplies are a control in the loca- tion of electroprocess industries, what about requisite raw materjals and markets? The Picture is relatively clear: raw materials will be moved to the region of abundant power supplies, and the finished products likewise will be transported to distant markets. A prime example of this is our Pacific Northwest aluminum industry. Its raw material—bauxite—now originates in areas of the Caribbean Sea. These supplies are initially processed into alumina py chemical plants in the southern part of the United States. The alumina is transported overland to the Pacific Northwest for reduce tion to metal. The resulting ingots of the metal are shipped away to distant consuming markets, except for that portion which ts rolled in sheet and plate at Spokane and which will be processed into wire and cable at the new plant now under construction by the Aluminum Co. of America at Van- couver, Wash. Another example can be found in chlorine and caustic soda: the salt required as a basic raw material is s*cdueed in California and is shipped to Pavi.tc Nozvh- west plants to be processed with Pacific Northwest power. The finshed products find a world-wide market, although a large por- tion 1s consumed in our own pulp and paper plants. These *-7 oyom™tes itlnstrate the fact that, by andler.: whoa ct r of power is more controlling in the location of most electro- process industries than the factors of local raw materials or immediately adjacent markets. * In addition, there is another situation to be considered. A substantial number of electroprocess industries are utilized for the production of important industrial materials obtained from minerals of which the known domestic supply is far below national needs and which therefore must be imported from distant world points. These minerals in- clude bauxite for aluminum metal and abrasives; chromite for ferrochrome and stainless steel; manganese for the produe- tion of ferromanganese for the steel indus- try. Also involved in varying degrees are the ores of copper, lead and zinc, iron, nickel, tungsten, and titanium. The sources of these materials are all over the world— some have been drawn upon consistently during the past decades to maintain the national industrial structure in operation. Others are gradually coming into being, due to the rising tempo of our industrial re- quirements and our domestic “have not” status. This dynamic situation, although it must reflect exchange and political world conditions, is directly tied into the nature and trends of the United States’ industrial economy. In general, the diversity of ma- terials we must import is steadily increas- ing, and the tonnages are mounting. The nature of this over-all situation therefore draws attention to the potential tonnages of ihbound raw materials which will flow in increasing quantities to the Pacific Northwest, and to the outbound shipments of finished and semiprocessed ma- terials which will leave our shores for coastal, intercoastal, and world markets as a result of what I would term the inevitable growth of electroprocess industry in the Pacific Northwest. In presenting the following estimates of some of the potentials, I am fully aware of the hazards of so doing. It is not possible A3285 to describe the “absolutely feasible,” but it is desirable to try, at least, to provide a framework of reference to guide our think- ing, and to justify our giving consideration to the establishment of facilities and prac- tices which will hasten the development of PORTAEES of the industries to which I will refer. The estimates I will present are based on the results of an intensive study of potential Pacific Northwest electroprocess industries. For 2 years, starting with 1945, a staff of highly qualified technicians and industrial consultants at the United States Bonneville Power Administration, under my direction, carried on an analysis to be incorporated in the United States Corps of Engineers’ monu- mental report on Columbia River and tribu- taries. The directive to this group—assigned as consultants to the Corps of Engineers for the purpose—was to develop estimates for a rational level of power capacity which weeva bt rowed im 70C0 or “renoabouts for COC Ln Ts en “ «sedi 00 be feasi- Boe. C..ac1Lmient oa cbsc.co’. The staff therefore studied critically all of the factors underlying such establishment—industry by industry—processes, raw materials, costs of production, national, west coast, and local markets, and the structure of industry. The final rough drafts of the reports for each in- dustry were circulated among leaders of the industry for review and criticism, so as to make sure that estimates of potential growth in the Pacific Northwest reflected general agreement with the industry’s own beliefs. The results of this analysis show enormous growth, given a continuation of good eco- nomic conditions, no war emergencies, and ample continuing power supplies. I feel cer- tain that the expansion forecast is entirely possible of realization. Because of our power shortages I think it highly probable, however, that some of the expansion may take place some time during the decade beginning with 1960, rather than as of 1960 itself. In order,to arrive at an estimated level of potentially feasible inbound shipments of raw materials and the resulting outbound shipments of semi-finished products, I have estimated what portion of over-all future Pacific Northwest electroprocess industry de- velopment may logically take place in the lower Columbia River area. From this ex- amination, raw material requirements were developed for each industry. These are shown in tabular form, “Estimated Potential In- bound Shipments for Some Major Electro- process Industries—Lower Columbia River Area, 1960-1970.” A few details on the background of these estimates I believe will be of interest to you. Estimated potential in-bound shipments for some major electroprocess industries, lower Columbia River area, 1960-70 Annual tonnage Annual require- Raw material Electroprocess use potential | ments, es- Some places of origin tonnage tablished. aluminum industry Bauxite,....----.---------a----- Alumina, artificial abra-| 2,700,000 | 1,200,000 | Intech Crors. Jamaica, sives, t » = ' +3, India, Petroleum coke.....----------- Aluminum, ferro alloys, | 500,000] 160,000} Canforma, ee.” ealexum carbide. Limestone.....-..-- ave ene enn Alumina, calcium carbide, 400, 000 150,000 | Alaska. glass. Mfae ety nd Soda ash... nen ne ene ee ee Alumina, glass._.....-.... 120, 000 50,000 | Cote ty te , Zinc ore and concentrates....-- Electrolytic zinc....-....- 65, 000 |.. - veo ' i: te oo we a Chrome ore and concentrates..| Stainless steel, ferro alloys, 50, 000 |-.---..----. Pope re Nowe oi chemicals. Guna, Uda Cuart, “6 ULnbys Lead ore and concentrates..... Refined lead..-......----- 50, 000 |---.----nnee Australia, gor British Co- bepenennncenancennnenenencees Oblorine and caustic soda. 50, 000 |... --nwnn- California, etc. Oryoilte nroranosaneceenesneseeee Aluminum....-.....---s.- 50,000 30; 600 Greenland, United States eas . M e@ ore and concen- | Ferro-alloys, electrolytic 40,000 |...-------- Phitippines, Indochina, i angen: Netherlands East Indies, trates. manganese. India Gold Coast, Turkey, ete. Bilica sad... -nenneeeeaene- Glass, artificial abrastves..| 20, 000 |.--.--.---=- Belgium. Grand total... ..-- ce enn [eee meen e eter enennnnnpenne| 4,045,000 } 1, 580,000
A3286 To begin with, the largest electro-industry group now in existence in the Pacific North- west is for the production of metallic alumi- num from alumina, As pointed out, the principal present raw material requirements for this 300,000-ton capacity industry— 600,000 tons annually of alumina—are now shipped by rail from eastern alumina plants at Baton Rouge, La., Hurricane Creek, Ark., Mobile, Ala. and East St. Louis, Mo. These alumina plants obtain bauxite, the now pre- ferred primary ore for the industry, from various Caribbean areas, principally Dutch Guiana, and a relatively much smaller por- tion from domestic bauxite deposits primarily in Arkansas. For some time it has been evi- dent that the economics of this widely sep- arated industrial structure are not satisfac- tory. There is little doubt that the industry is actively thinking of—and planning for— the ultimate establishment of alumina plants here in the Pacific Northwest to proc- ess bauxite ores to be shipped from such areas as the Caribbean—Dutch Guiana, Haiti, and Jamaica—possibly from the Caro~- line Islands and India, and undoubtedly from Bintan in the Dutch Hast Indies. An unknown amount of local ferruginous baux- ite located near Portland, Oreg., will also be utilized some day. ‘The equivalent amount of bauxite which the present Pacific North- west aluminum industry requires totals 1,200,000 tons. As the industry expands to the production level estimated for the decade 1960-70 the bauxite requirements of possible alumina plants on the lower Columbia River would be 2,700,000 tons. Assuming a bauxite cargo capacity of 8,000 tons per ship, the present requirements of the existing industry would be equivalent to the arrival and un- Joading of 150 ships per year, or about 1 ship every 2 days. The potential requirements would be equivalent to 325 ships per year, or almost 1 per day. To cut down time at un-~ loading dock, modern bulk unloading facil- ities will be necessary, It is important to remember that there are other bulk materials which the establish. ment of alumina capacity will require, such as limestone and soda ash. Also needed for the aluminum reduction plants are petro- leum coke and eryolite. For example, petro- leum coke is now shipped into the area by rail, with tonnages well over 150,000 tons per year. It is my belief that a very large por~ tion of this tonnage, if not all of it, could be shipped in by boat from southern California, for example, if modern bulk unloading facil- ities were available here in Portland. Nat~ ural cryolite from Greenland and synthetic cryolite from the east coast could also be shipped and unloaded at lower Columbia River points, Present tonnage is on the order of 20,000 tons per year, As to chrome and manganese ores, the Pacific Northwest already processes these materials into ferro alloys. The outlook is one of slow but certain expansion, together with possibilities for the production of stainless steel. In general, as western steel demands and production increase, so will the requirements for ferro chrome and ferro manganese. These two materials are very high on the list of so-called strategic and critical materials, the consumption of which has been steadily rising. As a consequence, the United States must draw upon foreign sources, such as in the Pacific basin, which provides an unusual opportunity for process~ ing in the Pacific Northwest. The avail-~ ability of modern bulk unloading facilities— should these be installed—would cut costs and enhance the competitive position of Pacific Northwest production. ' As for electrolytic zinc and refined lead, the aspects of the situation involve both Pacific Northwest production and the im- portation of foreign concentrates. For many years considerable thought has been given to the establishment of an electrolytic zinc refipery in the lower Columbia River area, It would appear that in the not too distant future such a plant will probably be estab- lished somewhere along the lower Columbia River; this could be expected to stimulate the development of some local Pacific North- west ore reserves at present without an eco- nomic outlet, and would also have the ad~ vantage of drawing upon such producing areas as Australia, coastal British Columbia and, in time, Alaska. The refined slab zinc could then move by water shipment to con- suming centers in the East, providing over-all economies much to be desired. Whether cop- per refining capacity could be established in the lower Columbia River area is highly spec- ulative and problematic, and is best left for contemplation at some later date. As to the production of calcium carbide, the demand for this material, which is the pase for the production of acetylene and such chemicals as calcium cyanamid, is in- creasing so that the outlook for expanding carbide production in the Pacific Northwest is highly favorable. One of the factors pro-~ viding grounds for such optimism is the in-~ creasing interest in the production of chem- ical substances known as acrylonitriles. These chemicals are manufactured by the interaction of acetylene with hydrogen cy- anide, both of which are made from ealcium carbide. It is reported that the most im- portant new use of acrylonitriles is for the manufacture of synthetic fibers such as Orlon, and others which it is believed will eventually outstrip nylon in use and import. ance. In addition, there is an expanding market for chemicals based on acetylene and chlorine. The key to the expansion of the Pacific Northwest calcium carbide industry will probably rest in the development of high-grade tidewater limestone deposits to provide much lower costs than those now prevailing. In this connection, shipments of extremely pure limestone from southeastern Alaska are definitely in the cards, Modern PULE unloading facilities would provide a reduction in laid~down prices for Imestone, resulting in a sizable expansion of its use— mot only for caleum carbide but for other chemical purposes, for cement, and agricul- tural soil-conditioning purposes. The production of chlorine and caustic soda in the Pacific Northwest plants in Ta- coma and Portland is on the upward move. The markets for both products have been. increasing and the future appears quite bright. The tonnages of salt—the basic raw material for chlorine and caustic pro- auction—can become significant. Another industry which eventually will locate in the lower Columbia River area is the manufacture of flat and bottle-wareglass. No flat glass is made in our region; the only producer of bottle-ware in the Pacific Northwest, at Seattle, employs both electric and fuel-fired furnaces. The observed benefits of electric operation would seem to indicate possible expansion of this type of production. The raw material requirements of soda ash and silica sand will provide sub- stantial tonnage possibilities for water move~ ment. Although the Pacific Northwest does have sources of silica and undoubtedly more will be found and exploited as time goes on, one should not overlook the possibilities of shipments from such sources as Belgium, a practice well established prior to the last war. Considering these industries alone—and I would like to point out that they are only a portion of those which may ultimately locate in the Northwest—the total inbound tonnage level which may be expected to develop between now and sometime during the next decade can be set without too great question at around 4,000,000 tons per year, As I have pointed out before, the present requirements of the aluminum industry alone in the Pacific Northwest represent an inbound tonnage potential of around 1,500,- 000 tons per year. Of this I believe at least 75 percent, if not all, of these tonnages will APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD move by deep-draft seagoing vessels. The resulting outbound shipment potentials in- volved for the industries described are more difficult to estimate, but I believe that 1,000,~ 000 tons is not beyond possibility for ship- ment by water. In this discussion I have dwelt only on electroprocess industries and only on those which, as of today, seem feasible of expansion along the lower Columbia River area. To this list should be added an unknown num- per of electroprocess industries now in the laboratory stage. The enormous advances of electroprocess technology and the increas- ing reliance of manufacturing industry on the products of the electric furnace and the electrolytic cell lead me to believe that the potentials for the years 1960-70 may he even greater than those just outlined. In addition, our vast inland empire can directly benefit from—and contribute to— the expansion of maritime commerce on the lower Columbia River, in ways which are not always apparent. For example, I would like to suggest consideration of some of the op- portunities which may arise as a result of the economic development taking place in south- eastern Idaho, western Wyoming, and north- ern Utah. In my judgment, this area may become one of the great chemical production centers of the United States. Located within & radium of 100 miles of its center are large natural gas reserves, oil, coal—including major sources of coking coal for the West— high concentrations of potash salts and other natural chemical substances, sulfur (from natural gas and sulfur-bearing ores), and the Nation’s largest reserves of phosphate rock. This is only a portion of the roster of raw materials available in that area, as it abounds in metallics such as copper, lead, and vanadium. Already great developments have been taking place there, such as the operations of copper and lead refineries, of the Geneva steel works, and of the recent large fertilizer and phosphorous producers. This is but a beginning, and it behooves us to anticipate a substantial movement of the output of these industries westward for ex- port to the world. The question is whether the existing and potential export movement will be via California ports or via the lower Columbia River area, The primary problem obviously is one of transportation economics and I wonder what validity there may be to the thesis that the lower Columbia River arca, could capture this potential tonnage. It would necessitate a combination of com~ petitive modern bulkhandling facilities at original and terminal points, and the use of both rail and inland waterway facilities. The challenge of this possibility is certainly intriguing, and typical of the maritime com~ merce opportunities afforded in the expan- sion of industrial activity of our inland areas. Throughout this discussion you will note that I have referred to the need for com- petitive transportation and cargo handling facilities. Although I believe in the in- evitability of industrial establishment in the Pacific Northwest and the resulting move- ment by water of very large tonnages, I am just as aware of the competitive position of other port areas on the Pucific Coast and particularly on the Gulf of Mexico. In this connection, time is working against us—at least as far as the Gulf ports are concerned— as they are steadily increasing the establish- ment of industry and the consequent move- ment of traffic by means of the most modern port facilities, What we must do, therefore, is to supple- ment now our undoubted natural advan-~ tages to improve our competitive position. No single factor can probably resolve the situation, but in terms of the movement of bulk commodities one of the major answers seems quite clear; those ports on the west coast which provide the most efficient and economical facilities for loading, unloading, and otherwise handling cargo will have a tremendous advantage over those which do