IV 
111TH CONGRESS 
1ST SESSION 
H. CON. RES. 217 
Expressing the sense of Congress that the President, in negotiating any 
new bilateral strategic arms agreement with the Russian Federation, 
shall ensure the continued deterrence capability of the United States 
strategic arsenal and flexibility in the allocation of its components in 
the event that third countries may pursue the deployment of significant 
and technologically advanced nuclear strategic forces not covered by 
such a United States-Russian arms agreement. 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
DECEMBER 3, 2009 
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN (for herself, Mr. MCKEON, Mr. BOEHNER, Mr. PENCE, 
Mrs. MCMORRIS RODGERS, Mr. PRICE of Georgia, Mr. MCCOTTER, Mr. 
HOEKSTRA, Mr. WILSON of South Carolina, Mr. TURNER, Mr. FRANKS 
of Arizona, Mr. GALLEGLY, Mr. BISHOP of Utah, Mr. BURTON of Indi-
ana, Mr. BOOZMAN, Mr. BILIRAKIS, Mr. INGLIS, Mr. LAMBORN, Mr. 
MILLER of Florida, Mr. FLEMING, Ms. GRANGER, Mr. THORNBERRY, Mr. 
KLINE of Minnesota, Mr. ADERHOLT, Mrs. MYRICK, Mrs. BACHMANN, 
Mr. WITTMAN, Mr. BROUN of Georgia, Mr. PUTNAM, Mr. MACK, Mr. 
BONNER, Mr. BARRETT of South Carolina, Mr. SESSIONS, Mr. LINDER, 
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey, Mr. COBLE, Mr. NEUGEBAUER, Mr. TIAHRT, 
Mr. COFFMAN of Colorado, Mr. SOUDER, Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey, 
Mr. CAO, Mr. MCCAUL, Mr. FORTENBERRY, Mrs. CAPITO, Mr. ISSA, Mr. 
GINGREY of Georgia, Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas, Mr. GRAVES, Ms. 
FOXX, Mr. TIBERI, Mr. AKIN, Mr. CAMPBELL, Mr. ROGERS of Michigan, 
Mr. CONAWAY, Mr. ROE of Tennessee, Mr. ALEXANDER, and Mr. POSEY) 
submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was referred to the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs 
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 
Expressing the sense of Congress that the President, in 
negotiating any new bilateral strategic arms agreement 
with the Russian Federation, shall ensure the continued 
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deterrence capability of the United States strategic arse-
nal and flexibility in the allocation of its components 
in the event that third countries may pursue the deploy-
ment of significant and technologically advanced nuclear 
strategic forces not covered by such a United States- 
Russian arms agreement. 
Whereas United States strategic nuclear forces have been 
successful in providing a security framework for the 
United States based on the concept of deterrence, such 
continued successful deterrence of strategic attacks on 
the United States will require the United States to main-
tain a strategic force capable of deterring attacks, not 
just by the Russian Federation, but by other countries 
with the capability to deploy significant nuclear arsenals; 
Whereas the importance of maintaining strong nuclear capa-
bilities is emphasized in the September 2008 report, 
‘‘National Security and Nuclear Weapons in the 21st 
Century’’, issued by the Department of State and the De-
partment of Defense, which states, ‘‘Nuclear forces con-
tinue to represent the ultimate deterrent capability that 
supports U.S. national security . . . [and the] nuclear 
force must be of sufficient size and possess a wide range 
of capabilities to provide credible threat option to deter 
existing and future WMD-armed adversaries’’; 
Whereas the United States and the Soviet Union, and, subse-
quently, the Russian Federation, have already reduced 
the total numbers of deployed strategic nuclear weapons 
by more than three-quarters; 
Whereas, on July 31, 1991, the United States and the former 
Soviet Union, succeeded by the Russian Federation, 
signed the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I), 
which committed both countries to reduce and limit long 
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range nuclear arsenals and which is set to expire on De-
cember 5, 2009; 
Whereas in 2002, the United States and the Russian Federa-
tion signed the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty, 
known as the ‘‘Moscow Treaty’’, which set out to reduce 
deployed strategic nuclear weapons to between 1,700 and 
2,200 warheads on each side by 2012 using the 
verification regime of START I to monitor reductions; 
Whereas, although the United States and Russia have signifi-
cantly reduced their nuclear missile arsenals, other coun-
tries are seeking to enhance and enlarge their nuclear 
weapons capabilities and deployments, including the Peo-
ple’s Republic of China; 
Whereas the People’s Republic of China is the only declared 
nuclear weapons country under the Nuclear Nonprolifera-
tion Treaty (NPT) that is expanding its nuclear arsenal; 
Whereas, according to the United States National Air and 
Space Intelligence Center’s April 2009 report, ‘‘Ballistic 
and Cruise Missile Threat’’, ‘‘China has the most active 
and diverse ballistic missile development program in the 
world’’ and ‘‘China’s ICBM force will grow consider-
ably.’’; 
Whereas, in a March 2006 statement to the United States- 
China Economic and Security Review Commission, then 
Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security 
Affairs Peter W. Rodman said, ‘‘China is pursuing a pa-
tient, long-term, comprehensive modernization program 
. . . . newer versions [of ICBMs] such as the DF–31 and 
DF–31A . . . and the JL–2 submarine-launched ballistic 
missile . . . will reach . . . virtually the entire continental 
United States’’; 
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Whereas the 2009 Department of Defense annual report to 
Congress on the military power of the People’s Republic 
of China states that ‘‘China is both qualitatively and 
quantitatively improving its strategic missile forces’’, and 
that ‘‘By 2010, China’s nuclear forces will include DF– 
31s and DF–31As; enhanced CSS–4s; CSS–3s; CSS–5s; 
and JIN-class SSBNs, each carrying 12 JL–2 SLBMs. 
The addition of nuclear-capable forces with greater mo-
bility and survivability . . . will . . . enhance [China’s] 
strategic strike capabilities’’; 
Whereas, on July 6, 2009, President Barack Obama and 
Russian Federation President Dmitry Medvedev signed a 
preliminary agreement to replace START I, which is set 
to expire on December 5, 2009, in spite of the fact that 
the Nuclear Posture Review, which is now being con-
ducted by the United States Department of Defense and 
which will establish United States nuclear deterrence pol-
icy and examine United States strategic force require-
ments, will not be ready for submission to the Congress 
until December 2009; 
Whereas the Nuclear Posture Review is intended to provide 
a basis for the negotiations to the follow-on agreement to 
START I, and it would therefore be premature and po-
tentially damaging to the national security interests of 
the United States to hold negotiations on any nuclear 
arms control agreement until the Department of Defense 
completes that Review and the President and Congress 
have had adequate time to carefully review its assess-
ments; and 
Whereas it is estimated that the People’s Republic of China 
now has 40 or more strategic nuclear warheads on mis-
siles capable of reaching the United States in all or in 
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part and the National Air and Space Intelligence Center 
April 2009 report states ‘‘. . . the number of warheads 
on Chinese ICBMs capable of threatening the United 
States is expected to grow to well over 100 in the next 
15 years’’: Now, therefore, be it 
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
concurring), That Congress— 
(1) calls on the President to not enter into or 
extend any arms control agreement with the Russian 
Federation that may in future jeopardize the ability 
of the United States to ensure a credible strategic 
deterrent with regard to the People’s Republic of 
China or other countries that are deemed capable of 
deploying a strategic nuclear arsenal and may decide 
to do so; 
(2) calls on the President to provide Congress 
with a detailed report on any plans, negotiations, or 
steps taken for the purpose of entering into any bi-
lateral arms control agreement with the Russian 
Federation; 
(3) calls on the President to report to Congress 
on the capabilities and intentions of the People’s Re-
public of China with regard to the future deployment 
of a major strategic nuclear arsenal; 
(4) urges the President to refrain from negoti-
ating or entering into any follow-on agreement to 
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