APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD against self-incrimination. The provisions of this bill proclaim to the world that we, the people of the United States, have not grown up, that we are children incapable of mature political judgment, that our common sense is so lacking that it is necessary to put us in a cellophane bag and protect us from every naughty, naughty word. And who, of course, is to say what word is naughty? Pity our country, indeed, when a sedition law is so written that we, adult and mature as I know we are, are placed in a climate where metaphorically we must sit in a school room with our hands folded in front of us in rigid conformity to what a schoolmaster chooses to call good behavior. We have gone through wars and economic crises. We have gone through Civil war, but never before has so novel a proposition as this Mundt-Ferguson bill been proposed as the law of the land. Surely in the market- place of ideas the democratic and free way of life need not fear competition with ideas of totalitarian of the right or the left variety. With Congress so busy protecting us from ourselves, we are threatened with a new kind of paternalism which does not sit well in a society which justly prides itself on the fact that the individual is not subservient to the state. I’d like to ask “‘What’s happened to our sense of humor? What’s happened to our self-assurance? What’s happened to cur pride? Are we to be sheep of one colcer en- closed in one pasture?” I was forcibly struck by the statement of Prof. Zechariah Chafee, Jr., noted professor of law at Harvard University, in opposition to this bill. I would like to see every man and woman in the United States read a copy of that statement. I cannot resist the temp- tation to quote to you one of its choicest parts: “Let us now turn from the law to the facts. How many Communists are there in the United States? The United Press said 70,000 in 1947, out of a total population of 148,382,- 000 (World’s Almanac, 1949, pp. 544, 164). Thus Communists form one-twentieth of 1 percent of all the people in our country. The odds are 1,999 to 1 in favor of free insti- tutions. Suppose a football stadium holds 40,000 people. The chances are that 20 of them would be Communists and 39,980 would not. Remember, too, that it is not a ques- tion of 20 dynamiters or 20 men with con- cealed weapons, for then they could be ar- rested at once under the ordinary criminal laws. Just 20 unarmed persons who have not violated any existing Federal or State law or conspired to violate any existing law. But they have learned bad ideas about poli- tics from foreigners and foreign books, they are thinking bad thoughts about these bad ideas, they are telling them to each other and to any outsiders who are willing to listen. What can we do to prevent them from harm- ing the other 99.95 percent of us, who have on our side only the city and State police, almost every newspaper and school teacher and professor and preacher, the Federal Bu- reau of Investigation, 1*e Army, the Air Force, and the Navy, never forgetting the Marines? “Such is the clear and present danger in- side the United States which (according to sec. 2 (11) of the Ferguson bill) imperils ‘the existence of free institutions’ and makes it ‘necessary’ for Congress to pass a new law 80 pages long with unheard of regulations and 10-year prison sentences ‘inorder * * * to preserve the sovereignty of the United States as an independent nation.’ Shades of Valley Forge andIwo Jima. If weno long- er want to be the land of the free, at least let us be the home of the brave.” Now let’s turn to a more specific examina- tion of a few of its provisions. There are two basic terms in the bill, “Communist po- litical organization” and “Communist-front organization.” Neither is defined with spe- cific precision despite the fact that the courts have held consistently that a criminal stat- ute must be sufficiently definite so that a person may know when he is indulging in criminal acts. Note the term “Communist- front organization” which under the defini- tion of the bill “1s primarily operated for the purpose of giving aid and support to a Com- munist political organization, a Communist foreign government, or the world Communist movement.” What does “giving aid and support to a Communist political organization’ mean? Suppose an organization is formed for the purpose of supporting the New Deal; that is, against the provisions of the Taft-Hartley law, for extension of a rent control, for broadening of the Social Security Act, for the civil-rights legislation, etc. It may so hap- pen that the Communist Party likewise sup-~ ports these measures. Will such an organ- ization then be termed a Communist-front organization because its issues are in ac~ cord with some of the issues of the Commu-~ nist Party? How easy would 1t be to destroy any liberal organization by identifying it as a Communist-front organization? The bill provides that no Communist- front organization or Communist political organization shall be entitled to exemption from Federal income tax, nor shall deduc- tions from Federal income taxes be allowed for the contribution to or for the use of any of these organizations. In other words, before you make a contribution to any or- ganization—some organization which you have supported because of its liberal ideas— you will have to run to get information from the Attorney General, information from the Subversive Activities Control Board, or write your Congressman, or call up the editor of your favorite newspaper, or beyond that— ask yourself in the language of the bill: Am I giving “aid and support” to a Communist political organization? You no longer join or attend a council or a@ neighborhood community group without first opening every closet door and looking under every bed. You just don’t join. But, of course, if you must join a group, there’s nothing in this legislation that prevents you from joining the Ku Klux Klan or any Fas- cist group or any anti-Catholic or anti- Semitic group. If you join these organiza- tions, you don’t have to register under pen- alty of being refused a passport, under pen- alty of being fined or imprisoned. You can make hay on every street corner without worrying whether the Attorney General has your name or not, but you must, by any and all costs, avoid joining any concerted act or expression of liberal organizations. The shadow this bill will cast is a long one, indeed. Now let’s see who will deter- mine these things. The bill says that the Subversive Activities Controi Board shall, upon application made by the Attorney Gen~ eral, determine whether any organization is a Communist political organization or a Com- munist-front organization. This is a three- man board to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Three men shall determine whether your ideology is according to Hoyle. Not your common sense, not your ability to un- derstand political issues, not your matur- ity, not your own judgment shall prevail. Three human beings subject to all fraility and weaknesses that all mankind is sub- ject to will determine what organizations are good or bad for you and for the country. It is disgraceful that the temper of the times is such that we must in every public statement say “I am not a Communist. I am not defending communism. I am de- fending the principles of free speech and liberty.” Has it become so necessary that every .public speaker must spew forth hatred and contempt of a group in order to clear himself from a shadow? Is this to he A3969 the age of the badge, the wearing of the label on every sleeve, the setting of brother against brother in the name of security. Let me repeat the words of Mr. Justice Jackson: “Freedom to differ is not limited to things that do not matter much. That would be a mere shadow of freedom. The test of its substance is the right to differ as to things that touch the heart of the existing order.” Now let’s look at this picture. It 1s the kind of a bill where you are damned if you do and damned if you don’t. If the Sub- versive Activities Control Board deems the organization subversive, then you must reg- ister. If you don’t, you are subject to all the penalties of the bul. If you do, I don’t have to tell you what happens to you in terms of employment and the threat of social ostracism. As I said before, to me this appears a dis- tinct violation of the protection against self- incrimination. It must be noted as well that no trial by jury precedes the determination of the Subversive Activities Control Board. All that 1s left is a right of review. And keep in mind that no overt action on the part of these organizations or any of these individuals is necessary. Just aid and support. What that aid and support may be neither I nor anybody else at this time can have any possible idea. Of course, the Sub- versive Activities Control Board can deter- mine that this is not a political-front organ- ization, but by that time the allegation has served its purpose, and as Senator Mc. CantHy knows very well, it takes a long, long time for the truth to catch up to a charge. Under existing statutes we have sufficient law directed against any act of espionage, sabotage, etc. If individual laws need strengthening, then let’s do that; but we have no law on our books aimed against what aman thinks, and in the name of democracy may that never happen. I want to add one more thought. No bull now pending before Congress would serve the Communist purposes better. Passage of this bill would be a double triumph for the Communists. “One, because it will serve as a most effective propaganda weapon through- out the world. The Communists can point with pride to the fact that they have re. duced the powerful United States to this expression of fear and cowardness. They can point to this bill, if enacted into law, as proof of their power and, grossly exaggerate through their usual propaganda channels, the strength of their numbers and effective- ness. And secondly, they know full well that the passage of such a bill will create a cli- mate most favorable to their way of think. ing; that is, the suppression of opposition, opinion, and thought. Let me again say that the strength of American institutions, freedom in our eco- nomic, political, and social life—is the one weapon which the Communists cannot match. Let us keep it that way. Address by the Right Honorable Louwis S. St. Laurent, Prime Minister of Canada EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHARLES A. EATON OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. EATON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following address by the Right Honorable Louis S. St. Laurent, Member of Parliament, Prime Minijstcr
A3$70 of Canada, to the Canadian Society of New York, New York City, February 10, 1950: Iam happy to have this occasion to attend a meeting of the Canadian Society in New York and I am deeply gratified to be made an honorary member of this organization. As such, I will feel more closely associated with the purposes of the Canadian Society. I can assure you they are purposes which I am anxious to support in any way that is possible for someone who is not resident in New York. I cannot promise to observe all the formal duties normally required of members in a society such as yours. But I know the aims and objects of the Canadian Society are already well attended to by the company of people I see before me, To those of you who, though resident in the United States, remain Canadian citizens, or who, by birth or ancestry, are Canadian, I bring greetings from your home country. These messages of goodwill do not, how- ever, include any element of the sympathy which exiles sometimes expect from visitors from the homeland. It seems to me you are in the fortunate position of enjoying many advantages, with very few of the dis- advantages of being away from home. I can, therefore, only congratulate you on the fact that you have the opportunity to contribute to the life of this community and to enjoy its benefits, and, at the same time, to symbolize the happy and mutually satis- factory character of the relations between Canadian and United States citizens. Iam sure you will expect me at this point to express the appreciation all Canadians feel, whether they live in New York or are merely visitors to this city, of the fine con- tribution made to those good relations by our former consul general, Mr. Hugh Scully, and by Mrs, Scully. I have not the slightest doubt that all of you who have met Mr. and Mrs. Greene will have discovered already that they are going to follow in that tradition and to make their contribution to that common fund of good- will. Though it is perfectly true that Iam happy to be here with you this evening, your pres- ident knows I was reluctant to accept the invitation to make my visit this early in 1950. One reason for my hesitation was that you wanted me to be in New York at just about the time we usually begin our annual session of Parliament. And I know most of you are close enough to Canada to realize what a busy time the opening of a Parliamentary session is for the members of the Government. At the time your president invited me, we were all preoccupied with our first post-elec- tion session of Parliament and I must ad- mit I was frankly apprehensive about un- dertaking additional commitments when we were so concerned about meeting those we had made during the election campaign. That is why my first response to your in- vitation was negative. But shortly after- ward Mr. Pearson came home to Ottawa from New York, where he had been attending the Assembly of the United Nations. While he was in Ottawa, he persuaded me to change my mind and to accept your invitation. You might like to know how he did it. He said it had become a tradition for the Prime Minister of Canada to speak to the Canadian Society of New York, and that this was @ privilege of which I should avail myself at the earliest possible opportunity. Of course I knew that your society would give me an unequaled opportunity to talk about Canada, and that I could find no more friendly and receptive audience, But that fact itself was a further reason for my reluctance. I was worried about not having anything new which was worth while saying to you, A good many years ago it was my privilege to bé seated alongside of Lord Dunedin at a dinner which was followed by a lot of speeches. After listening to several of them, His Lord- ship turned to me and said: “Young man when you get to be my age’—he was then over 80—“you will realize that it is unwise for anyone to attempt to make a speech un- less he really has something to say. And after he has said it, he should sit down.” I told Mr. Pearson last November that I did not know anything new or different which needed to be said about Canadian- American relations at that time. He replied that some question was pound to arise which would provide me with a suitable topic. Well, I accepted his forecast and your president’s invitation. But when I sat down the other evening to prepare some notes for what I might say to you, I realized that Mr. Pearson had been wrong. Perhaps fortunately for both countries, nothing special kas developed in the rela- tions between Canada and the United States significant enough to be made the theme of a@ speech. The result is, I have nothing new to talk to you about. The best I can do is to at- tempt to recall some generalities which are always important in Canada’s relations with this country and more particularly in the relations of both these North American na- tions with the rest of the world. The first essential factor in our good rela- tions is our mutual respect for each other, and our genuine desire not only to be fair to each other in fact, but to have that fair- ness obvious and indisputable. In our day-to-day individual dealings with each Other it is not difficult to achieve fair- ness and to have that fairness accepted as a matter of course. But the smooth course of these day-to-day individual dealings is dependent upon peace on this continent. And peace on this con- tinent now depends upon much more than the good relations between the people of the United States and the people of Canada. During the whole of the last century and even the first years of this one, we, in the New World, felt little ¢eoncern over what went on in other continents. : Even when war broke out in Europe in 1914 there were many who felt that though Canada might have been drawn in as a colony of a great world power, the United States could remain aloof. Well that turned out to be impossible. Our side won, but the cost of victory in human lives, in human suffering and in material wealth even on this side of the Atlantic, was immense. The cost was great not only while the war lasted, but also in its after-effects, during the terrible years of the thirties. For a time after 1918 everyone hoped that men had had enough of war and that the world might look forward to an era of peace. But, as the hope of peace faded in the decade of the thirties, a great many people in the United States turned again toward the traditional new world policy of isolation. And many of our people in Canada went a long way with our North American neighbors on the same road. Canada had emerged from war in 1918 with a@ deep national consciousness and a place of her own in the comity of nations. But our country was a nation of only 7,000,000, and we did not easily recover from the loss of over 60,000 precious young lives, All over North America, there was disillu- sionment with the old world. It is easy now to see that we should have been saying “Let us try to keep war out of the world,” but all too many of us were actually saying “Let us try to keep out of war.” In the result war was not kept out of the world, and neither did we keep out of war. When war came to Europe in 1939, we in Canada, were not in automatically. But our external connections and sympathies - were still important. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Reluctantly, but deliberately and unitedly, Canada entered the war by the free decision of our own people in their own parliament. And, once more, our people put forth a tremendous effort for victory. Again, in 1939 as in 1914, there were many who hoped and felt that the United States need not be involved. But that also proved to be a vain hope. And notwithstanding the ultimate uncon- ditional surrender of the nations which had set out to dominate the world, the allied victory again cost untold misery and devas- tation to all our peoples. Of course, what we saved is infinitely more than what we had to expend. And I am still convinced that if we had to do it again, we could and we would do it successfully. But we don’t want to have to do it again, anc I don’t think we need to if we are willing to pay the price of peace. Nevertheless we all realize—you in the United States and we in Canada—that the people of this continent cannot hope to avoid the catastrophic consequences of war whenever a major war breaks out anywhere in this world. For many of us in Canada it was difficult to realize that appalling truth. But when we saw that the people of the United States, with all their might, and the almost complete self-sufficiency of their economy, had to acknowledge that even they were powerless to protect themselves against the calamities of war whenever there was war in the world, we had to face that fact as a fact for us, too. We now know—at least most of us know— that our only real hope lies in the preven- tion of war. Though in 1945, our hopes were not as high as they had been in 1918, I believe there was—and is—a far more resolute determi- nation on this continent, and among all the free nations, to look upon the prevention of another world war as a matter of urgent and grave and constant concern. That was the spirit in which our Canadian representatives went to San Francisco to take part in the completion of a charter for the United Nations. The charter we signed at San Francisco was the best instrument on which there was the slightest hope of getting agreement be~ tween the great powers. We knew it was far from perfect, but we thought—and still think—it was better than having no agree- ment at all. No charter, however, can ensure peace un- less it is reinforced by good will and a de- termination to cooperate on the part of the great powers. As you know, article 43 of the charter pro- vides for the negotiation of agreements be- tween the members and the Security Coun- cil to make available “armed forces, assist- ance, and facilities, including rights of pas- sage, necessary for the purpose of main- taining international peace and security.” Our Canadian delegations to the United Nations Assemblies made repeated efforts to have such agreements negotiated as soon as possible. But it was not long till 1t became evident that one of the great powers had no inten- tion of entering into effective military agree- ments under the charter to prevent war, and that therefore it was not enough for the nations which really wanted peace to rely for their security on the charter of the United Nations, After this situation had become apparent the nations of the North Atlantic area, acting in accordance with the provisions of articles 51 and 52 of the charter, negotiated the North Atlantic Treaty. The purpose of the North Atlantic Treaty, like that of the charter itself, is to prevent war, and to do so by a combination of actual and potential strength and unity sufficient to prevent aggression from being successful.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Of course, that means that if there is aggression against any signatory of the treaty, all the signatories become involved in hostilities. It means that the North Atlantic nations have given up the hope— and the possibility—of staying out of any future major war. I do not think that represents a serious additional risk. Twice in a generation, 1t has been demonstrated that there is no real choice for North America when there is a world war. We are all involved sooner or later. I believe firmly that the smallest risk we can take is to remain united and to re= main strong, so long as there is any likeli- hood of aggression. ; Well, now the North Atlantic Treaty or- ganization has been established and we are faced with new problems. The treaty itself asserts that the North Atlantic community is not just a military alliance; the North Atlantic nations have undertaken to combine their economic, so- cial, and moral strength as well as their military resources. And if the North Atlantic Treaty is to be an effective deterrent to aggression, that combination of strength must apply in all those spheres. Of course, the first requirement is sufii- cient armed strength to prevent any sudden overwhelming blow from destroying all power of effective resistance. But in these days, when weapons “become obsolete so quickly, the North Atlantic na- tions could probably make no greater mis- take than to concentrate on piling up arma-~ ments to the point where they become a dead weight on our national economies. We are accustomed to think of this cold war as a struggle between two ways of life, an ideological struggle. Of course, it is that. But there is another way of looking at it. It is also a competition not so much in pil- ing up armaments, as in the development of military potential. Once we appear to have sufficient strength to prevent a sudden knock-out blow, the calculations of any potential aggressor are apt to turn from arms-in-being to estimates of respective staying power. Important though it may be not to lose the first battle, it is far more important to remain able to win the last one. And staying power in the final analysis depends on whether we can maintain—not just in the United States, not just in North America, but in the whole North Atlantic community—a healthy, progressive, and dynamic society. Almost all of us in North America believe that free economies, like ours, can produce greater wealth—and distribute it more fairly—than totalitarian societies. But the mere conviction will not he enough; we must continue to demonstrate that the facts justify our belief. Now I am convinced that all the North Atlantic nations signed the treaty in good faith and that all wish to do their part to give it reality. It is obvious however that European na- tions, with economies still shaky from the dislocation and devastation of aerial bom- bardment, prolonged enemy occupation, can- not yet give the same response as the rela- tively sheltered economies of North America, And the restoration of genuine economic se- curity to the European partners in the North Atlantic alliance 1s one of the most effective means of achieving military security and ul- timately of reducing the burden of providing that security. Looking no farther than this continent, there is naturally bound to be considerable difference between what a great power like the United States and a nation like Canada, with a much smaller population, can do to give reality to North Atlantic security. In many ways the two countries are simi-~ lar; but in many ways they are quite dif- ferent. And I believe it is quite as impor- tant to understand the differences as it is to appreciate the similarities, if we expect to maintain that mutual feeling that we are all of us being absolutely fair to each other. As the most powerful nation on earth, the United States has world-wide interests and responsibilities that Canada does not share. Moreover, in population the United States is about 150,000,000 to our thirteen and a half; in developed wealth and in annual na- tional income the difference is considerably greater, On the other hand, Canada is physically a larger country than the United States—a good deal larger in square miles. Now that means we have a very heavy na- tional overhead. Take railways as an exam-~ ple. There are more than twice as many Americans as there are Canadians to provide traffic for each mile of railway in our respec- tive couniries. AnG while there are, I suppose, at least half a dozen coast-to-coast highways in the United States, we have yet to complete our first transcontinental highway in Canada. And so it goes all through the Canadian economy. Compared with the United States, we have to use a far “-"~cr yrercor**~. of our national wealth to :' ..: ' ° 7st essential services which keep a country going. As a result, we in Canada have never been able to equal the American standard of liv- ing, though by dint of hard work we have kept not too far behind. Then there is another great difference be- tween Cenada and the United States. The United States, it is true, has vast prob- lems of conservation, but this country has passed the pioneering stage, while with us in Canada a large part of our national estate 1s still waiting to be opened up. If Canada is to achieve its highest eco- nomic and military potential, the develop- ment of new natural resources must be pushed ahead rapidly, and that means heavy capital outlays from our annual production of wealth. Then there is another big difference. For the United States, with its mature and largely self-sufficient economy, foreign trade is rel- atively much less important than for Can- ada, which is at an earlier stage of economic development. We need to attract capital from outside Canada, and because of the na~ ture of our resources we are heavily depend-< ent on external trade. All that means our economy—and our prosperity—are more vul-~ nerable than the economy of the United States. This dependence of Canada on world trade, and the vulnerability to which it gives rise, are more serious because of another factor in our situation. Canada has a large favor- able balance of trade with western Europe and a large unfavorable balance with the United States. And that means for us an exchange problem which the United States does not have. In the past decade, we have experienced what is almost an industrial revolution in Canada; but by the standards of your nation of 150,000,000 our industry is still on a small scale. The production of the whole range of modern armaments on a large scale is Ob- viously beyond our capacity. What we must have, if we are to make our most effective contribution to our joint security, is speciali- gation on the manufacture of a limited number of items coupled with the kind of reciprocal arrangement we had with the United States during the war. Under the so-called Hyde Park declaration of 1941, each country produced for the other those armaments it was best fitted to pro- duce. Each of us paid hard cash for the A3971 other’s product, but we were better able to pay you because we were able to sell muni-~ tions and Weapons to you. The Hyde Park arrangement involved no loans, no gifts, no charity—nothing but plain business sense. And we in Canada cannot see why a business arrangement which produced such good re~ sults for both countries in war should not produce equally geod results in providing security against war. In maintaining an effective security sys- tem there 1s this kind of a problem the North Atlantic nations are apt to have to face in the next few years: The more effective the North Atlantic Treaty proves to be in pushing back the menace of aggression, the more difficult it will be to ensure that the people of the free nations will remain Willing to pay the in- surance premiums necessary for their security. We shall probably hear, in all the North Atlantic countries, a good deal of grumbling, and perhaps some invidious comparisons about the share of the burden each nation is ready to bear. I hope none of us is going to be too much worried by such grumbling or even by in~ vidious comparisons. Free debate, after all, is the privilege of free peoples. By contrast, the unhappy people of Poland, of Czechoslovakia, of Hungary and of Russia, are not permitted even to grumble out loud about having to bear a heavy share of the upkeep of the iron curtain. To maintain the security of the North At~ lantic community, each nation must clearly make the kind of contribution it is best fitted to make by history, by geography, by aptitude, and by resources. Since economic strength is the essential foundation of genuine military strength, it follows that one of the main objectives of the North Atlantic nations is to keep their economies strong so that they can make their contributions toward maintaining the peace without impairing their ultimate stay- ing power. I think we all hope and believe that can be done and that international security need not mean any reduction in the economic ef- ficiency of this continent nor even in the North American standard of living. There has been such a great increase in our productivity on this continent that our ma- terial standard of living has continued to rise despite all we have thus far expended on de- fense or contributed to European recovery. The massive assistance of the Marshall plan to the economic recovery of Europe has been quite as important a contribution to our com- mon security as the North Atlantic Treaty itself. And we can understand the emphasis your public men are laying on the importance of removing barriers to the trade of our Euro- pean allies with each other. But I do not think we can afford to lose sight of the fact that is even more impor-~ tant to the economic strength of the free world that the European countries and, in-~ deed, all countries suffering from a dollar shortage, should also be able to export as freely as possible to North American markets. It is, after all, only by accepting imports from other continents that we in North America can hope to reduce the real cost to ourselves of our contribution to the common security of the free world. And 1t is only by accepting imports that we can hope to provide stable and profitable markets outside our continent for those ag- ricultural and other surpluses beyond our own. needs which both our countries do ac- tually produce. Canada, in this matter also, is in 4 some~ what different position than the United States. Though we still export rather more than we import, our over-all exports and imports are not too far from a balance. But,
A3972 as I have already said, we in Canada import from the United States far more than we ex- port to this country, and we export to Europe far more than we import from Europe. That is why Canada, too, has a dollar problem. We, therefore, have a special interest in freer multilateral trade, and though I am not an economist, that seems to me to mean freer entry to this country both for Euro- pean exports and for our own. I would not venture to advocate the re- duction of tariff and other trade barriers as any special favor to us. But it does seem to me that such a policy might make a tremen- dous contribution to the security of the free world generally and the United States in particular. A century ago England found herself in much the same position the United States has today. England was then the greatest industrial nation, the wealthiest nation, and, therefore, th» greatest potential market. : She opened that great market freely to the world and, whether as a result or merely as a coincidence, the world, herself includ- ed, enjoyed more than half a century of comparative peace and economic progress. Might it be possible that history has there a lesson for this continent and this country at the midpoint of the twentieth century? Be that as it may, in closing—and I must close, because I have already spoken longer than Lord Dunedin would have felt proper— I wish to express sincere and unqualified ad- miration for the generous and effective lead- ership given by the United States, its Gav~ ernment and its people, since the end of the war in the great task of rebuilding the economies of the free nations and the mo- rale and confidence of their populations. May I couple with that tribute the hope that the citizens of this great country, in their mental appraisals of the needs, the ca- pabilities, and the actual contributions of their associates in the North Atlantic Se- curity Pact, will be as understanding about others, and as deeply conscious of their own incomparable position, as they have proved themselves to be in the fact of the tremen- dous material ruins which had to be, and which to such a large extent, through their understanding and assistance, have been re- stored, . An American Citizen’s Rights and Re- sponsibilities Under the Constitution EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 23, 1950 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, in connec- tion with their Americanization program each year the American Legion of Marion County, W. Va., sponsors an ora~ torical contest on some phase of the Constitution. This year the subject of the prepared oration was An American Citizen’s Rights and Responsibilities Under the Constitution. Pupils of nine junior high schools in Marion County participated. Miss Patricia Woodruff, ninth-grade pupil of the Miller Junior High School of Fairmont, W. Va., was the successful contestant. Since it appears that many are drift- ing into a way of life contrary to those principles set forth in our Constitution, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp T include this oration, with the hope that those adults whose thinking has become cluttered with the many “isms,” foreign to our principles of American freedom, may profit by know- ing how some of our younger set think about this cornerstone of our American liberties. AN AMERICAN CITIZEN’s RIGHTS AND RESPON= SIBILITIES UNDER THE CONSTITUTION (By Patricia Woodruff) We do not receive privileges under the Constitution because a privilege is a favor granted to an individual. But we are the possessors of rights, those actions which are justified not only in the Constitution but in the eyes of God and man. Likewise we are not forced to perform duties because a duty is something which must be done as a result of the pressure of society. We are responsible, however, for doing those things which give meaning and protection to our rights in a free and demo-~ cratic society. We American citizens have been endowed with our rights in many ways and over a long period of time. The major ones have been received from God, the others from man-made governments, the national, the State, and the local. Fach is sovereign in some powers without ‘which we would cease to be contributing in- dividuals. All are necessary if we are to ful- fill the purpose of our existence, to make the world a better place in which to live. Our personal rights make it possible for us to develop our talents to the fullest, lim- ited only by our wishes and our desires, Consequently, the citizens of other countries have not been and cannot be as progressive, as well informed, and the possessors of such a high standard of living as we. Very early the Magna Carta set up some principles of freedom of the individual and his right to property and justice. The Eng- lish Bill of Rights guaranteed personal free- dom. and extended the control of Parliament by the will of the people. The Declaration of Independence states that man is endowed by his Creator with the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Inasmuch as it covered only one phase of government, each of these documents was imperfect. However, each fulfilled some need prominent at the time and all have stood the test of time. The writers of the Constitution realized that each of these contained fundamental rights. Therefore much of the same theory and many similar ideas are incorporated in this great document. Although the Constitution was patterned after these earlier attempts at governmental structure, the basic principles had never before been tried successfully. If we are to retain these republican rights, we must think of our Constitution as a liv- ing organ—living because, through amend- ment and appropriate legislation, it is as applicable today as when drawn up, 161 years ago. As our social, economical, and political philosophy has changed, so, in pace, has this document. Certain rights not definitely stated in the Constitution have evolved from those clauses which imply that individuals have the following rights: We are entitled to work in any locality of our choice, contract our affairs, start and manage any enterprise, invest in a profit and-loss system, and buy and sell on a free market. These are but a few of the indi- vidual rights which benefit our personal success and development. We may estab-~ lish our reputation, choose our jobs, join organizations, promote causes or campaigns, or in any other ways enjoy the life of one unhindered by political persecution or the wishes of our Government officials. The Constitutional Convention was marked by many disputes over the draft- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ing of the actual plan of government, but all agreed that there were certain laws gov- erning personal actions which must exist to support a democracy. It is these fun- Gamental liberties which we must Keep alive. This can be done only so long as we do not abridge the rights of others because a right is valuable to us to the extent that we work to retain it for others, as well as for our- selves. There can be no freedom without self- restraints. When we advocate the seizure of another’s property by the Government or endanger it ourselves, we threaten our own freedom. If we admit that our neighbor’s property rights may be questioned, we threaten our own because we are equal in the sight of the law. Freedom of religion would be of little importance to us if we did not worship in some manner. If it were taken away, we would demand it. Because we may exercise this right, we must respect and sympathize with other’s viewpoints; we must be tolerant even though we have no convictions of our own. Protection is provided for us by the main- tenance of a militia. However, there is no excuse for us to depend on this institution except in cases of emergency. Too, we are entitled to a trial by jury. Therefore, we should ielp to supply one for another either by consenting to serve as jurists or witnesses ourselves. Few of us realize how futile we would feel if we were to be on trial for some reason ahd none of our neighbors would come to our aid. Undeniably we have the right to speak our minds and write what we believe. But let us be sure we know what we are writing or talking about. Let us be sure we know the good as well as the evil about controversial subjects so that we will not spread false propaganda or reflect upon our Government. Assembly is necessary at times, as we are doing today. If we are to retain this free- dom, we must conduct ourselves in such a way that we do not encourage mobbing. A redress of grievances is essential to our personal satisfaction, but this does not justify our making unreasonable demands. We all realize the need of an intelligent and well-informed electorate. Therefore one of our greatest responsibilities is to develop the faculties of our minds, bodies, and spire its. Since there is no royal road to learn. ing, we must make the most of opportuni- ties to acquire the knowledge necessary to conduct us through life. Only through study, appreciation, and application can we pre- serve the Constitution, a living organ, for our posterity. In closing, I would like to say that it does not seem, in daily life, that these rights are 50 severely challenged, but even in the small- est negligence or abuse of our responsibili- ties we weaken this heritage which is to pass on to our children. We must leave the Con- stitution stronger and more effective than we found it. I thank you. The People Are Recapturing the Republi- can Party From Its Present Bondage EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. Speaker, for over 18 long years the groping in the dark Republican Party has been na-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tionally under the domination and con- trol of gigantic selfishness and greed. It is very encouraging indeed to see State by State break the tramp hitch of these men and interests and bring back the discredited remains of the once- great Republican Party to the control of the people, as Abraham Lincoln so wisely intended. Through lawless and unholy lobbies and by acquisition of daily and weekly newspapers and otherwise, a tremendous effort has been made to bring this Nation under the thought control of this shame- less group, but it now looks as if the political sins of these un-American men and interests are slowly but surely los- ing them all of the ground they have gained. Their lobbyists have fled from the Capitol and their newspapers which served exclusively the limousine trade are going broke, and well-heeled but bad-meaning Republican bosses and pol- iticians are biting the political dust. In surprising order New York, Pennsyl- vania, and Oregon have given reaction- ary republicanism a hearty political boot by electing liberals to take the places fondly coveted by blue-nosed conserva- tives. The spreaders of the doctrines of di- visionism and doubt have failed to fool the American people any longer. An editorial in the Farm-Labor Press, of Council Bluffs, Iowa, published by George Woodward, Sr., had this to say in part about the reactionary Republi- can propaganda which for a long time has been spread journalistically : We perhaps don’t often find much to agree with in the daily newspapers but when a columnist whose writings are syndicated na- tionally through some dailies, recently lumped certain characters together and charged them with following the Commie line and giving outright aid and comfort to bloody Joe Stalin, he was on the right track, Of course, the modern day Czar of all the Russias and some hapless other countries who used to be independent as well, dearly loves to see men practice the divisionist and doubt program in any country. In fact, that’s how Stalin likes to operate. Get a people to doubt their government, get them to doubting each other and before long you have a condition that’s ripe and ready for the Kremlin. “Bunk?” It works that way. Just take a look at eastern Europe today. In another Farm-Labor Press column to- day, that of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the opinion is advanced that this great Na- tion of ours will never be defeated from with- out, if we ever go down to defeat it will be from internal causes and one can agree with this too. Certainly, the wild accusations, half-truths, untruths, and smears, being tossed around today, do little for internal or external security. To further show what is taking place in Republican Nebraska, I wish to quote the following from the Omaha Evening World-Herald of Thursday, May 18, 1950, which discloses that liberal Re- publicans in Nebraska are also revolting against the men now in control whose thinkings and doings have not kept pace with political progress, or the govern- mental needs of the people: GOP Is Back To THE ProrpLeE—ApaMs SEES LESSON IN PENNSYLVANIA VOTE Tuesday’s Republican primary elections in Pennsylvania may have their impact on the Nebraska Republican Party. At least this is the opinion of Ernest A, Adams, county treasurer and delegate to the last National Republican Convention. “After many years of old-guard control the Republican Party is at last being re- turned to the people,’’ Mr. Adams asserted. Tuesday the Grundy machine was beaten in Pennsylvania with the Republican nomi- nation of Governor James H. Duff for the Senate and John S. Fine for Governor. Just a little more than a year ago Mr. Adams stirred quite a rumpus in Nebraska Republican ranks with his charges against the old guard. His Wednesday remarks are a renewal of his campaign for a broader base of leadership in the party. “MAY REALIZE “The Old Guard has hypnotized the rank and file quite a few years,” Mr. Adams said. “The Pennsylvania elections now more or less dispel this. “The Old Guard has been in control in Nebraska for a number of years. Now the Old Guard may begin to realize it is to their advantage to have all Republicans working in behalf of their party.” Asked to define the Old Guard in the Ne- braska party, Mr. Adams said: “They are just a half dozen people or so—everyone knows them—who have been stifling the rest of the party. They have been in control for years.” MAY AFFECT CONVENTION On the national level, he said, they are the Carroll Reeses, the Harrison Spanglers (former national chairmen), and Joe Grundys “who have their disciples at local levels.” The impact of Governor Duff’s victories in Pennsylvania may be first felt In Nebraska in the preprimary convention, Mr. Adams sald. He described the preprimary as “the ve- hicle of the Old Guard.” In the past the word was passed around on what candidates should be favored and that was it, Mr. Adams said. At this year’s preprimary, Mr. Adams said, he looks for more independent thinking from delegates. A. V. Shotwell, Nebraska’s national com- mitteeman, was out of the city until Monday and not available for comment. Centennial Celebration at Seymour, Conn. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, on June 23, 24, and 25 of this year the town of Seymour, Conn., will celebrate its cen- tennial year. A community of fine people who have been an integral part of Connecticut’s progress, Seymour will leave no stone un- turned in the gala affair marking its one hundredth birthday. The celebration begins on June 22 when Seymour High School graduates speak on topics relating to the growth of the town. On June 23 a block dance will be held, followed by a parade on June 24. Leland Stowe, well-known author and Seymour native, will be the speaker at ceremonies following the parade. In line with the traditions of this wonderful community, special religious observances will be held on Sunday, June 25, with a pageant and tree planting to follow, A3973 This community, which has grown from a population of slightly more than 1,000 to 7,000 over the years, is typical of the finest in New England tradition. May Seymour continue to grow and prosper for many years to come. As a portion of my remarks, I include a condensed history of Seymour com- piled by Katharine Matthies and Mary i. Edwards: History or SEYMOUR (By Katharine Matthies and Mary L. Zdwards) Ebenezer Johnson of Derby was the first white man to own land in Seymour when in 1678 he purchased the land near Rock Rimmon from the Pequot Indians. Cthers, among them being David Wooster, Jeremiah Johnson, and Samuel Riggs, soon followed him. Their relations with the Indians were friendly, which is greatly to the credit of those early settlers. The deeds relating to the purchase of land from the Indians are recorded in Derby. In 1738 this settlement became known as Chusetown from the Pequot Indian, Joseph Mauwehu, who received the name Chuse from his pronounciation of the word “choose.” He owned much land near the falls which he eventually sold to the white men. The first houses were really little more than huts and the settlers had to make ab- solutely everything they needed in the way of building materials, tools, and clothing. Their food was raised on their own land. The first grist mill built on Little River in 1747 by George Abbott was followed by one erected there in 1760 by James Fritchard. In 1804 the name was changed from Chuse- town to Humphreysville after General David Humphreys who established the first paper mill in 1805, and a woolen mill in 1806, at the falls of the Naugatuck. It is unfortunate that the old woolen mill is not standing to- day for it would have been a landmark of great historical interest. David Eumphreys was born in the section of Derby, now Ansonia, in 1752. His father, Rev. Daniel Humphreys, was pastor of the Established Church in Derby for over 50 years. David Humphreys graduated from Yale University in 1771 after which he was principal of the Wethersfield Academy, until he entered the Army in 1778 where he re- ceived many promotions and became aide-de- camp, first to Gen. Israel Putnam, and then to General Washington. Washington gave Humphreys the honor of receiving the colors surrendered by Cornwallis at Yorktown and of presenting them to Congress in the name of the Commander in Chief, which he did in Philadelphia on November 8, 1781. Hum- phreys was met by a troop of horsemen and paraded to the State House where he pre- sented a letter from Washington which read in part: “I have committed them (the flags) to the care of one of my aides, whom for his fidelity and good services I beg leave to rec- ommend to Congress and Your Excellency.” This letter was referred to a special commit- tee, which on November 7 voted, “That an elegant sword be presented in the name of the United States in Congress assembled to Colonel, Humphreys.” After the close of the Revolution, Hum- phreys was an intimate member of Wash- ington’s family at Mount Vernon and acted as a secretary and major-domo. Humphreys was sent as Minister to Spain in 1797 and returned in 1802 with the first merino sheep to be introduced into this country. These he sold for prices ranging from one hundred to three thousand dollars for a single ram or sheep. He procured a charter and was the first manufacturer of broadcloths in the United States, and Thomas Jefferson, when inaugurated President, was clad in garments the cloth of which was made in Seymour.
A3974 Besides being a soldier, diplomat, and manu- facturer Humphreys was 2 poet and belonged to the Hartford Wits. He died in 1818 and was buried in New Haven. Seymour was incorporated as a town in 1250 by the general assembly, the name being chosen in honor of Thomas H. Seymour, then Governor of Connecticut. The population was 1,677. The first town meeting was held on June 24 of that year, at which time Sey- mour was the one hundred and forty-eighth town to be recognized in Connecticut and entitled to a representative in the general assembly. Today Seymour has two repre- sentatives and a population of about 7,000. The first school in town was the Great Hill School established in 1843 and followed by other one-room schools all of which are now gone. The Humphreysville Academy was established in 1849 and offered the first opportunity for higher education. Center School came into being in 1884 and was fol- lowed in 1914 by the Maple Street School and in 1920 by the high school on Pine Street. The Ridgeley C. Clark auditorium was added to the high school in 1936. The early inhabitants went to Derby to church until 1789 when 26 persons signed the certificate organizing the First Congre- gational Church in Seymour, and erected a meeting-house where the present Methodist Episcopal Church is located. Other churches soon followed as accounts given elsewhere in this book show. The first library in Seymour appears to have been that of the Village Church of the Congregational Society in 1817, followed by two other short-lived libraries. It was in 1892 that the Seymour Free Publie Library was established in the old town-hall build- ing on Second Street. It remained there until 1916 whe& it was moved to its present building on Broad Street. This library was the gift of Henry P. and Edmund Day and endowed by ©. B. Wooster. The wooden covered bridge on Bank Street was built in 1856-57 and was fol- lowed by the iron bridge at Broad Street in 1883. The latter bridge is still in use but the covered bridge gave way to progress in 1936 when the new concrete bridge was built. The first railroad from Bridgeport to Sey- mour was opened in 1849, and the present railroad station was built in 1898. The elec- tric road, or trolley, began operation in 1901 from Ansonia to Seymour and later was ex- tended to Waterbury. The last trolley went through Seymour on June 19, 1937. The present Whittenmore Tavern on South Main Street occupies the same build- ing as the tavern of the same name promi-~ nent in the days of the American Revolu- tion. Various other taverns have come and gone through the years. One still in exist- ence is the present Dutch Door Inn on Broad Street which opened as the Seymour House in 1824. Here the horses were changed on the stage coaches running from New Haven to Albany. Most of the old houses are so changed as to be almost unrecognizable, but the Ann Stephens birthplace on West Street still looks much the same, as does the Judge John Humphrey house on the corner of West and West Church Streets. In this house about 1790 lived Samuel Sanford, the first physi- cian in Seymour. The Beach Parsonage on the corner of Pearl and Elm Streets was the home of Rev. Benjamin Beach, the first Con- gregational minister. Diagonally across Pearl Street is the Deacon E. A. Lum house with a large chimney and an old ballroom. Seymour had three newspapers, the Inde- pendent of 1855, the Times, 1885 to 1888, and the Record, established by W. OC. Sharpe in 1871. Mr. Sharpe published the Record as a weekly for over 50 years until his death and Mr. Baker continued its publication until about 1945. The first town court was established by the legislature in 1925 with Harry F. Mann- weiler as the first Judge. A perusal of this book tells the story of Seymour’s development as an industrial town giving employment to hundreds of its citizens. To name the prominent citizens, past and present, cf Seymour would take many pages and the writers deem it inadvisable to men- tion even a few. Suffice it to say that from its earliest days Seymour had its share of noted men and women who met the needs of their times and did their part in the de- velopment of the town and the Nation. Seymour men in large numbers partici- pated in all the wars in which the United States was engaged from the French and In- dian Wars to the Second World War. It is impossible to tell of their deeds in this im- ited space but the town owes a deep debt of gratitude to them. The Seymour Red Cross did outstanding work during the two World Wars and now as a branch of the Ansonia Chapter provides life-saving training at the Legion pool and first-aid training in the factories. The Junior Red Cross is active in the schools. The Seymour Public Health Association, established in 1919 with one nurse, now has one part-time and two full-time nurses with headquarters in the town hall, Seymour is @ healthier town because of this organiza- tion, which provides TB X-rays in the high school each year and in 1949 held a TB X~ ray program for all townspeople, among its many activities. The Shady Knoll Convales- cent Home was established in the old Gilyard Home on Skokorat Road on January 1, 1948. It can take care of 17 people at one time and usually is filled to capacity. In 1900 Mr. Carlos French gave the town a part of 14 acres which has been used as an athletic field; for Memorial Day exercises and other festivities. It was dedicated as the Carlos French Memorial Park on October 5, 1935. Seymour’s first post World War IT hous- ing project was begun in the fall of 1949 at Smith Acres on Walnut Street. A second project off Emma Street is under develop- ment at the present time. Seymour today is an active, growing com- munity with good homes, good roads, and good schools. Its fire and police departments are excellent as evidenced by the lack of bad fires or serious crimes. The recently pur- chased town ambulance has proved invalu- able. The playground on Broad Street, equipped in 1949, is a definite factor in pro- viding healthful recreation and in keeping the boys and girls off the streets. And so with these few, brief high lights this chronicle must come to a close, Sey- mour’s record is one of which to be proud, May the achievements of the past be a guide and an inspiration to growth and develop= ment in the future. Compulsory Health Insurance EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CARL T. DURHAM OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. DURHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I submit herewith a resolution against compul- sory health insurance unanimously adopted by the Andrew Jackson Unit, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD No. 87, of the American Legion Auxiliary, in High Point, N. C., on May 11, 1959: RESOLUTION REGARDING COMPULSORY HEALTH INSURANCE Whereas the American veteran in two World Wars has defended the American free-enter- prise system, which has made possible the development in this country of the highest standards of medical care and the finest medical institutions attained by any major country in the world; and Whereas having experienced the shortcom- ings of assembly-line medical care typified in the form of Governmcnt-controlled medicine necessary in time of war, the veteran under~ stands the dangers of imposing such a sys- em permanently on the entire population; and Whereas ccmpulsory health insurance would impose a new payroll tax on the vet- eran, reducing further his take-home pay and creating new financial burdens which would increase the cost of necessities of life and thus lower the standard of living for veterans and other citizens; and Whereas compulsion in the guise of social benefits or advancement is repugnant to the American way of life and contrary to our precepts of liberty and freedom for which vet- erans of two recent wars have fought and died: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the Andrew Jackson Unit of the American Legion Auxillary, High Point, N. C., does hereby go on record op- posing any form of compulsory health insur- ance or any system of political medicine de- signed for national bureaucratic control; be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be forwarded to each Senator from the State of North Carolina, and the Representative from this district, and that said Senators and Representative be and are hereby re- spectfully requested to use every effort at their command to prevent the enactment of such legislation. Socialized Medicine’s Ills EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM M. McCULLOCH OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. McCULLOCH. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Christian Science Monitor of May 22, 1950: SocrAnizep MeEpIcINn’s ILus The increase in reported sickness during Great Britain’s first full year of socialized medicine has its significance for the United States. Much of the British program is em- braced in the proposal of Government medi- cal care insurance which the Truman admin- istration is promoting. This part of British egzperience with the system will hardly rec- ommend it to Americans. Sickness among adult Britons rose 8 per- cent and workdays lost through illness 22 percent, according to a Government-spon- sored survey. The increase occurred for the most part among women. The workdays lost by young women climbed 32 percent and by elderly women 41 percent, while the work- days lost by men went up 8 to 9 percent. Officials credit the growth of reported illness mainly to economic reasons—people now get- ting medical service who previously could not afford it,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But there are additional reasons. In the experience of European countries with com- pulsory sickness insurance 1t has long been observed that when workers are taxed for medical care they often claim it unneces- sarily. That is the only way that many fig- ure they can get something back for their money. The situation encourages a flood of patients with minor illnesses for which they would not ordinarily seek medical attention. Some doctors are consequently overworked to the point of hasty, careless diagnosis and treatment. It is also a standard part of the Govern- ment insurance system to give weekly cash payments to claimants. The chance to stay at home and live for a while with the aid of state funds frequently militates against a speedy return to work. In many instances the cash benefits delay recovery. | The more workdays lost through illness the smaller the production and the lower the general standard of living. These and other disadvantages of a na- tional system of government insurance for medical care are getting no publicity from the Truman administration. British experi- ence, however, is bringing out some of the missing facts, National Poppy Day, May 27, 1950 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, as part of my remarks, I am including part of an article on Poppy Day written by Mrs. Howard Simmons of Providence, R. IL, national poppy chairman of the American Legion Auxiliary, which ap- pears in the May issue of National News, official publication of the American Le- gion Auxiliary. The article is a timely one in view of the fact that next Satur- day is officially Poppy Day. It is hard to believe, Mr. Speaker, that more than 700,000 children, this past year, have received the benefits from this great pro- gram and all are children of veterans. I would also call attention, Mr. Speaker, to the fact that the poppies are made by the veterans in the hospitals. Many years have passed since that First World War spring of 1915 when soldiers’ eyes were gladdened by the sight of bright red blossoms breaking out all over the country- side. These were the hardy poppies springing up to cover hastily dug graves with a blanket of beauty. Each spring for four long, weary years the poppies returned to brighten the dreary western front and to perpetuate their pledge that freedom should never die. Be- fore the war’s end, they even covered the grave of Lt. Col. John McCrae, whose poem In Flanders Fields had made them famous. To the men who returned from the battle- fields of France, the poppy had become a sym- bol of their comrades’ sacrifice and they loved its bright red petals. Each year, as the miracle of spring unfolds, the members of the American Legion Aux- iliary prepare for Poppy Day—the day of re- membrance, Each little flower worn on Poppy Day will show that an American is thinking and giving for the welfare of men in hospitals and the women and children in fatherless homes—those for whom the war has never ended. Heads bowed in prayer for God and country are not enough encouragement for disabled veterans. They must never doubt that a grateful America remembers their sacrifices and heartaches. The poppy industry is the backbone of our rehabilitation program, and each year more and more veterans are turn- ing to the American Legion Auxiliary for help and encouragement. The number of disabled veterans has in- creased steadily since the end of World War II, as the results of war service have made their effects felt. During the past year more than 400,000 veterans required hospital treat- ment. Many of these men have become dis=- abled after discharge from service and have been unable to prove service connection for their disabilities and receive no compensa~ tion. A majority of these veterans have wives and children who must share the hard- ships that exist when there is a disabled hus- band or father. During the past year more than 700,000 children of veterans were aided by the Amer= ican Legion and Auxiliary. President Harry S. Truman received his poppy from the hands of the Auxiliary’s national president, Mrs. Norman L. Sheehe, who pinned the poppy on his lapel in cere- monies at the White House. The President’s poppy was the first of the 35,000,000 little erepe paper memorial flowers which the Aux- iliary will distribute to be worn in honor of the Nation’s war dead on Poppy Day. Honor for the war dead—aid for the dis- abled and for needy children—these are the purposes of the poppy. Generoso Pope, Benefactor of Humanity EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EDWARD J. HART OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, several days ago there passed away a great American. Mr: Generoso Pope was born in Italy and came to this country as a boy. By diligence, ability, and char- acter he made himself one of the most influential citizens of his day and gen- eration. Because of the greatness of his heart and his love for the people among whom he was born, he will be mourned by countless thousands of his fellow citi- zens. In extending my remarks, I sub- mit herewith an editorial from the Rubi- con, which appeared in its May 1950 number: Generoso Pope died the morning that this paper went to the printer and he is given the place of honor because he was a bene- factor of humanity, not because he was a titan or a captain of industry or an example of the Horatio Alger idea. Many other immigrants came here from Italy and made fortunes, some of them even greater than that which Generoso Pope amassed during the 59 years of his life, less than 50 of which were spent in this country. Many other immigrants were as well known in this country as he was. But there were few of them who took the time to interest themselves in the plight of their fellow men. There are many Americans of Italian origin who have made more money than they could ever use, or that their families could ever A3975 use. Nay, if we have the kind of changes which even the welfare state would make in our lives, some of the fortunes which have been thus made may be taxed away. It would have been better if those pioneers or titans had cast some bread upon the waters during their lives, and used some of their time to help their fellow men by good works, by friendly interest, by espousing good causes, Some of us had our political differences with Generoso Pope and we did not pull our punches when we disagreed with him. But when we were called to cooperate with him in his philanthropical interests, or when we proposed ideas along those lines, we found that he had a heart that was above the usual desire to obtain reclame in the press or over the air. We knew Generoso Pope much better than many of his friends did. Indeed, many of his philanthropical projects were aided and encouraged by us. Only last year we had begun to discuss projects by which the Ital- jan community in New York would have had a real Italian educational and social center, an Italian wing in one of the large city hos- pitals, and similar activities. But the inexorable Hand took him away. It is hoped that his widow, Mrs. Catherine Pope, and his three sons, Fortune, Anthony, and Gene, Jr., will carry on where Generoso Pope left off. We trust that they will be guided by his ideals, which were far above his business interests, in shaping the future of those enterprises which he founded and directed. (I. C.) Aid to Chinese Students EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, support for the provision in the ECA bill relating to Chinese students comes from the China Institute in America with headquarters in New York City. The officers of the institute include the Honorable Henry R. Stimson and Chang Poling, honorary presidents, and Henry R. Luce, president; and among its trustees are Frank Alt- schul, Edwin N. Clark, Stephen Duggan, Dr. Raymond B. Fosdick, Mrs. Charles Merz, Thomas J. Watson, Jr., and other distinguished citizens. This organization is incorporated under the University of the State of New York. The resolution adopted by the institute follows: Whereas the traditional policy of the United States Government has been to en- courage Chinese students, trainees, and scholars to come to the United States and to foster educational relations for the mutual benefit of both the American and Chinese peoples; Whereas at the present time there are about 5,000 Chinese students, trainees, and scholars in the United States; Whereas nearly one-half of the Chinese students and all trainees and scholars are not eligible for aid under the present Chi- nese emergency-aid program administered by the Department of State; Whereas the funds available at present are estimated to be only one-third of the total need;
A3976 Whereas these Chinese nationals consti- tute the greatest potential resource for Chi- nese-American understanding and coopera- tion; Whereas the continued study, training, re- search, and teaching of Chinese students, trainees, and scholars under democratic auspices is the best way to insure mazxi- mum contribution to Chinese-American fiiendship: Therefore be it Resolved, That China Institute in America, motivated by a desire to strengthen the democratic forces and to develop cultural relations among the peoples of the world, strongly urge and recommend that Congress appropriate $20,000,000 out of the unex~ pended China ECA funds to remain available until expended to finance a program of edu- cational and cultural cooperation between the United States and China; and be it further Resolved, That this program should provide for help to Chinese students now so that this education, grounded in American democratic principles, may aid the United States; and be it further Resolved, That the institute, as a special- ized private agency of nearly a quarter of a century of standing and experience, char- tered as an educational corporation under the laws of the University of the State of New York, hereby offers its services to the United States of America to assist, as pro- vided in section 103B of the proposed bill, H. R. 7797 (81st Cong.), in the administra- tion of the funds under the direction of the Secretary of State; and be it further Resolved, That the officers and trustees of the institute transmit this resolution to the President of the United States, the Secretary of State and the appropriate congressional committees and delegations, and to send copies of this resolution to interested na- tional and local agencies and colleges and universities. Fate of Some of the Reorganization Plans of the Hoover Commission Submitted to Congress by President Truman EXTENSION OF REMARKS. HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. Speaker, in view of the fact that so many people have written to me inquiring about what has happened to the reorganization plans submitted by President Truman to the Congress, I take this opportunity to sup- plement my letters to them by giving them the following information: Sixteen of the twenty-one reorganiza- tion plans which President Truman sub- mitted to Congress 2 months ago be- come effective Wednesday. The other five were vetoed by the Senate and do not go into operation. The plans rejected were: No, 1, transferring the duties of the Comptroller of the Currency to the Treasury Department; No. 4, reorganizing the Department of Agriculture; No. 7, transferring control of the In- terstate Commerce Commission to its Chairman; No. 11, transferring control of the Federal Communications Commission to its Chairman; No. 12, abolishing the office of inde- pendent General Counsel for the NLRB. The plans which become effective are: No. 2, Department of Justice; No, 3, Department of Interior; No. 5, Department of Commerce; No. 6, Department of Labor; No. 8, Federal Trade Commission; No. 9, Federal Power Commission; No. 10, Securities and Exchange Com- mission; No. 13, Civil Aeronautics Board; No. 14, transferring labor standards functions to the Labor Department; No. 15, transferring Alaskan and Vir- gin Islands public works to the Interior Department; No. 16, transferring school district and water pollution control to Federal Se~ curity Agency; No. 17, transferring public works ad- vance planning to Housing and Home Finance Administration; No. 18, transferring building and space management to General Services Ad- ministration; No. 19, transferring employees’ com- pensation functions to the Labor Depart- ment; No. 20, transferring certain record- keeping functions from the State De- partment to the General Services Ad- ministration; No. 21, transferring Maritime Com- mission functions to the Department of Commerce, The recent speech of ex-President Herbert Hoover to the Sales Executives Club in New York City had the effect, I believe, of saving some of these plans from being’ rejected. It is hard for me to understand why there would be much opposition to many of them becoming law. They were pre- pared by a task force of capable persons, at great expense to our Government, and approved by an ex-President and a Presi- dent, all.of whom with sincerity of heart and purpose tried to do a needed task for their country. I wish to set forth now an editorial appearing in the Lincoln Star, of Lincoln, Nebr., on Saturday, May 20, 1950, which explains perhaps the sources of some of the opposition to certain of these re- organization plans. Mr. Hoover Losinc PatrlENce Herbert Hoover said the other day he was near the limit of his tolerance toward vested officials and pressure groups that threaten so many of his recommendations for stream-~ lining the Gavernment’s business. He hasn’t named names so far, except in a negative way, reminding the public that pressure groups always proclaim their glad support of reforms that affect them, while fighting them from the rear. When or if the full story is told, the people might shed some of their complacence, which has led too many to believe that plans as practical as Mr. Hoover's will just naturally be put into effect. They won’t. Not without public pres- sure—for which most States, including Ne- braska, have voluntary citizen groups at work—and the publicizing of hostile inter- ests that is need to spur the efforts of these. A day is approaching on which Mr. Hoover might see fit to ask for a show-down. It is APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD May 24, on which the 21 recommendations submitted by the President to Congress 2 months ago will take effect unless thrown out in the meantime. Last year Mr. Truman obtained approval of six of the seven plans he submitted, the seventh proposing to set up a welfare department to unify the health, education and public welfare programs now handied by the Federal Security Agency. Opposition to quite a few of the 21 is building up inside and outside Congress. Unless taxpayers are sufficiently aroused by the burden of excessive Government costs and remediable extravagance and inefficiency they are carrying, the pressure groups will have things their own way. The outset of political campaigns makes this an ideal time for naming names. Plywood Tariff EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RUSSELL V. MACK OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. MACK of Washington. Mr. Speaker, our American State Depart- ment, which already has given over to the Russians a large slice of the domestic markets for American crab meat, now seems about. ready to sacrifice the Douglas fir plywood industry of the Pacific Northwest to Canada and Mexico. I say this because Secretary Dean Acheson of the State Department re- cently has announced that our State De- partment in September at Liverpool will enter into discussions to consider re- ducing or removing the present tariff rate of 40 percent ad valorem on im- ports of plywood. If this plywood tariff is reduced, the United States will be flooded with Canadian and Mexican plywood, with the result that many of our western plywood workers and loggers, who supply the mills with logs, may lose their jobs when the present exceedingly heavy demand for plywood declines. There are, at the present time, 56 ply- wood plants in the three Pacific coast States; 29 of them in Washington, 22 in Oregon and 5 in California. These plants employ 18,500 workers and have payrolls of $66,000,000 annually. Of these 56 plywood plants, 42 are lc- cated in small towns where curtailment of their production would seriously af- fect the entire economic life of the com- munities. This is too large and too im- portant an industry, affecting the lives of too many people and too many com- munities, to be sacrificed on the altar of so-called reciprocal trade. DIFFERENCE IN WAGES The plywood industry of Oregon, Washington, and California pays an average hourly wage of $1.72 to its em- ployees compared to a wage average of only $1.22 an hour in Canada. Then, too, the Canadian wages are paid in Canadian dollars which have been depreciated 10 percent. This means that the Canadian plywood worker in terms of American dollars, received a wage of only $1.10 an
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD hour compared to the American wage of $1.724. In short, the average pay of American plywood workers is $69 for a 40-hour week compared, if figured in American dollars, to $44.40 paid Cana- dian plywood workers. This wage dif- ferential gives the Canadian plywood in- dustry a big advantage over United States operators and unless this differ- ential is compensated for by a tariff, it stands to reason that Canadian plywood can undersell the similar American prod- uct and capture a sizable part of the American market. Nor is the wage rate the Canadian ply- wood producers’ oniy advantage. He buys his logs 40 percent cheaper than American mills, JAPANESE PLYWOOD If the tariffs on plywood are reduced to permit and encourage more foreign ply- weod to come into the United States, Japan, also, in time, may be among the nations that will invade our markets. Japan has upon her own and neighbor- ing islands vast forests. In 1938, she was producing 1,100,000,000 square feet of plywood or almost one-half as much as the United States. In 1939, she exported almost one-third of her production. In 1949, last year, wages in the Japa- nese wood production industries was 223.7 to 256.8 yens a day, which in United States dollars means 61 to 81 cents a day. In short, a Japanese woodworker had to labor 2 days te make as much as Ameri- can workers are paid for 1 hour’s work. Surely, American plywood workers zan- not and it should not be expected that they should compete with such wages. We ought to go slow in overhauling tariffs when the reduction or removal may destroy the jobs and incomes of many thousands of our citizens. Proposed Memorial at Arlington for Sir John Dill EXTFNSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES W. VURSELL OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. VURSELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks I am inserting in the Recorp an article by Walter Trohan which appeared in the Washington (D. C.) Times-Herald. This article discusses a proposal which I believe should receive the immediate attention of the Committee on Armed Services or some other appropriate com-~ mittee of the House. According to this article it is proposed that an acre of land at Arlington Ceme- tery be given over to a memorial for Sir John Dill, British field marshal. I do not question that he was a great sol- dier and that he served his country, and the common cause of freedom with great skill and extraordinary bravery. But, Mr. Speaker, no such pretentious memorial as is being proposed for Sir John Dill has ever been erected for any one of our own country’s great military leaders that are buried in the sacred soil of Arlington Cemetery. No such memorial as is proposed for this British soldier marks the honored grave of Gen. John Pershing who, as commander in chief of all the American forces in World War I held, I believe, the highest rank of any military leader in history. No such pretentious memorial stands over the last resting place of the distinguished Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox, who died while in the service of his country in the last war. Mr. Speaker, the hallowed ground that is Arlington Cemetery is very limited. To allow an acre of this sacred soil set aside for our honored dead to be used for a memorial for a British Field Marshal seems to me to be beyond all reason. It is my understanding that an acre of land could serve as the last resting place for 300 American soldiers, With all honor to Sir John Dill, for whom the American people have the greatest respect and admiration, I believe that the American people would much prefer to have this land used to honor 300 American soldiers, with the simple markers at their graves, than it all being used for single memorial for a great Brit- ish soldier. As a great military leader, I am sure that Sir John Dill himself would not wish what is being proposed for him, I earnestly urge that this matter be looked into promptly by the proper com- mittee before it is too late, The article follows: ONE-AcRE Memoria TO Briron IN ARLINGTON Hir By VirGInia Paper (By Walter Trohan) The Manassas (Va.) Journal yesterday called upon Congress to halt plans to erect a memorial over the grave of Sir John Dill, British field marshal, in Arlington Ceme- tery. . The Virginia newspaper protested against devoting an acre of the Nation’s hallowed burial ground to the honoring of a foreign soldier. It urged that Congress by resolu- tion direct the Army to disinter the remains of Dill and return his body to British soil. The Veterans of Foreign Wars has been protesting for almost 3 years against the memorial, which the Manassas Journal charges was conceived by General Marshall, wartime Chief of Staff, and now head of the American Red Cross. SPACE FOR 300 AMERICANS The publication declared that Marshall browbeat the Army into violating the stat- utes by turning over an acre of the na- tional cemetery to honor Dill. An acre of the cemetery would accommodate 300 Amer- ican war dead. Under Marshall’s plan a $35,000 equestrian statue of the general would be raised above the grave. This would be financed by pop-~ ular subscription by an organization known as the Field Marshal John Dill Memorial committee and the English Speaking Union, which worked to bring the United States into the war on Britain’s side. Marshall and Dill were both members of the Lighest rank in the exclusive British or- der of knighthood, the Order of the Bath, The grand cross of the order would make Marshall known as Sir George if he were a British citizen. The Manassas Journal listed a roll of offi- cers who were reversed by Marshall even after he became Secretary of State when they A3977 opposed features of the memorial plan. The paper published copies of documents signed by protesting high-ranking officers. Marshall, who has a vast array of foreign decorations, is now pushing the Dill project. As head of the Red Cross Marshall gets $22,500 a year and he draws full pay and allowances of a five-star general of almost $20,000 a year for life. Marshall’s predecessor, Basil O’Connor, would not accept pay for his services. Dill, a former chief of the British imperial staff, was head of the British joint staff mission in the United States and was senior British officer on the combined chiefs of staff, Marshall was a member of the combined chiefs group. CREATED FOR UNION DEAD Dill died here in November 1944. He had served in the United States for 3 years. At his own request he was buried in Ariington, He is not the first foreign soldier to be buried in Arlington. Among the 71,000 graves—of which 13,000 have been added in the last 3 years—are a number of British, French, and Italian soldiers who died here during World War I. None have pretentious memorials, The cemetery was created for Union war dead. A number of Confederate soldiers are buried in the area, however. A number of foreigners who served in the American Army were buried in Arlington. Most prominent of these is Pierre L’Enfant, the designer of the city of Washington, who fought in the Revolutionary War. The Veterans of Foreign Wars has adopted a@ resolution condemning the Dill memorial on the ground that honors on such a scale are denied great and heroic American dead in the cemetery. Comparatively simple markers denote the graves of such cutstand- ing Americans as General Pershing, General Sheridan, Justice Holmes, and William Howard Taft, President, and chief justice of the Supreme Court. The Government provides a simple marker for all graves. However, shafts, statuary and tombs are permitted, when provided by pri- vate funds. The Dill statue, 20 percent larger than life size, would ‘be the most elaborate and costly. Newspaper Report on President Truman’s Visit to Broken Bow, Nebr., on May 8, 1950 EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. Speaker, the Custer County, Nebr., Democratic Com- mittee, the Broken Bow Chamber of Commerce, and the city of Broken Bow, through a three-fourths of a page news- paper advertisement in the Custer County Chief, invited thousands of resi- dents in the area to meet with and listen to our President. West central Ne- braska’s hospitality was never better dis- played. The following individuals and organi- zations deserve the thanks of the com- munity, and all of Nebraska too, for making the reception of President Tru- man at Broken Bow, Nebr., so completely successful: The Merna, Arnold, and Broken Bow Bands; the American Legion
A3973 Posts of Merna, Mason City, Arnold, Ansley, and Broken Bow; the VFW of Anselmo and Broken Bow; the Broken Bow VW Auxiliary; R. G. Fox, county sheriff; Rae L. Simonson, in charge of parade; the Broken Bow City Police; the Nebraska Safety Patrol; Battery C, Five Hundred and Sixty-eighth Field Ar- tillery Battalion, Nebraska National Guard; Broken Bow High School; and the Broken Bow Municipal Utilities. The following news items appearing in the Custer County Chief, of Broken Bow, Nebr., give the reader an idea of how splendidiy President Truman was greeted upon his visit there: PrRoGRAM 7 p.m. (central standard time): Assem~- bling, until 7:30 p. m., of bands at city square. Assembling of American Legion, Veterans of Foreign Wars, veterans (in uni- forms or caps) at east steps of the Custer County Courthouse. 7:30 to 8 p. m.: Parade from city square to Burlington depot with Broken Bow, An- sley, Merna, Arnold, Callaway, and Sargent pands and color guards from county veter- ans’ organizations, plus uniformed veterans. Rae L. Simmons in charge of parade. 8 to 9:45 p. m.: Assembly of crowd at sta- tion. Diversion will be furnished by the playing of the bands alternately. 9:50 to 10 p. m.: Arrival of President Harry S. Truman’s special train; release of re- straining ropes and fence and overflowing of crowd onto tracks and area surrounding the station. 10 p. m.: Introduction of President Tru- man by Mayor Harry T. Massie, of Broken Bow. Talk by the President, About 10:15 p, m.: Leaving of Presidential special. Farr WEATHER, GREETING CROWD READY FOR TRUMAN Here TonicHT—“Hapry BirtHDAY” ERovauer WitL Be Given Here Latest plan for the greeting of President Truman at Broken Bow tonight includes the presentation of a “happy birthday” bouquet to him. Crowds are estimated conservative- ly at 6,000, but, if the weather is right, they may grow to 10,000. Arrangements for the greeting of the Presi- dent and his party have been completed here by P. J. Kelly, chairman of the county Democratic committee, James R. Kelly, chair« man of the county young Democratic com- mnittee, Mayor Harry T. Massie and L. J. Walker, Jr., secretary of the Broken Bow Chamber of Comerce. Special protection and policing measures have been taken to arvure a safe stay in Broken Bow for the President, Massie re~ ported. The Nebraska Safety Patrol, Cus- ter County sheriff’s office, Broken Bow police, and the Custer County National Guard unit. Massie stated: “If the weather is fit, this will be a larger crowd than we're accustomed to handle, therefore, we are asking the safety patrol to assist in the direction of traffic, thus leaving Sheriff R. G. Fox and the city police under Chief Harry Brock available for control of the pedestrian traffic.” The National Guard unit, under the com. mand of Capt. Harland C. Raymond, will con- trol the crowd at the station, assisted by the local Boy Scouts, under their leaders, Lyle Van Wormer and Cloyd Cramer. Secret Service men are in charge of the over-all arrangements. Chief Brock suggested to thé citizens of Broken Bow that it would be worth while for residents to lock their homes and business places and for visitors to lock their cars, because there are always some who follow these crowds with intentions of taking any- thing they can lay their hands on. He fur- ther suggested that the residents of the city leave their cars at home to leave enough parking space for visitors’ cars on the city streets. ee Over 10,000 Haar TrRuMAN TALK ON Farm Pro- Gram Here Monpay-—-Reviews Story or REA, OTHER RuraL IMPROVEMENTS As President Truman walked out to the rear of the train in Broken Bow, he wore an expression of surprise to see such a large crowd. His first words verify this when he said, “Somebody told me that this great city of Broken Bow had 2,800 peopie in it. It looks to me as if there are 28,000 here to- night.” Reporters from the train estimated from 10,000 to 12,000, the largest crowd since leave ing Lincoln. “I grew up on a farm in Missouri,” Truman said, ‘and know first-hand what it is like. Of course, I am not up to date on the sub- ject. You see, I lived on the farm from 1905 until 1917.” ‘I used to milk cows by hand,” he told a trackside audience. “I used to plow with @ four-horse team instead of a tractor. I used to sow wheat with a drill that had only 12 holes on it, and I used to cut wheat on a@ binder that cut 8 feet wide.” He said he has two nephews on the same farm who get much more out of a farm than he did by using machinery. But, he said, “I don’t think that those boys could follow me up & corn row to save their lives.” He said, “We have been doing a lot in re- cent years to make country life easier and happier. One of the most important things has been to bring electricity to the farms.” “Fifteen years ago, before we started the rural electrification program, only one out of every 10 farm families had electricity. Now 8 out of every 10 of the Nation’s farms are electrified.” “I’m glad to see that Congress has now authorized loans to expand rural telephone facilities. That is another step forward.” “I regard Government expenditures for the improvement of rural life as an invest= ment in the future of this great country. The next time,” he said, “you hear somebody talk about high Government expenditures, remind him that when we spend money for raising the standard of living on the farm, we are contributing to a greater Nation. And that is the best way to preserve world peace.” “Tam coming back now to talk to you and let you look at me and see if you think I have gone ‘high hat’ on you. I am still working for your welfare and benefit. I am your servant. That is the reason I am taking this trip across the country.” Truman ended his speech by saying he is our “public servant, hired by you in the election of 1948 and hopes most of the people in the United States will understand that I am only working in the public interest and for your benefit and for the peace of the world.” Mrs. Truman and Margaret were intro- duced by the President, which was followed by the crowd singing Happy Birthday. Tru- man waited for the bands to play one number and the family waved as the train pulled out, Homry ATMOSPHERE PERVADES TRUMAN’S PRIVATE CAR Entering the club car Monday evening, a Chief reporter was received by Mrs. Harry Truman and Margaret as if it were the living room of their Independence, Mo., home. At the first glance plush red chairs could be seen arranged around the windows of the car with a large circular brown-topped table in the center. Blonde Margaret, at- tired in an attractive aqua-colored after-five dress, was standing at the back and behind APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the table. Mrs. Truman, wearing a simply styled print dress, stood at the side of the table at her daughter’s right. Four men were spaced behind the two ladies, undoubte edly secret service agents and perhaps sev= eral were of the President’s personal staff. Mrs. Truman and Margaret were hospitable and gracious as they accepted corsages given by the town of Broken Bow, thanking every- one for a splendid reception. They asked if it had rained earlier in the evening, re- marking about the downpour in Lincoln. Mrs. Truman appeared weary, but said her trip had been very enjoyable up to now (Broken Bow.) Margaret seemed refreshed and appeared as if she were enjoying the trip tremendously. The manner of each was nat- ural, unaffected, and homey. They were very relaxed. As the train pulled out of the station, Mrs. Truman and Margaret, wearing the two core sages, waved to over 10,000 people standing in the rail yards. TRUMAN SPEAKS 18 MINUTES aT SENECA Speaking on the anniversary of D-day in Germany, President Truman delivered an 18- minute informal speech to a crowd estimated at 4,000 at Seneca, Tuesday evening. Willard Lynch, Thedford, reports that people from Alliance to Dunning and Valen- tine, including Cherry, Thomas, Hooker, Grant, and Blaine Counties were in the crowd that greeted the President, Mrs. Tru- man, and their daughter, Margaret. William McCreath, Valentine; Homer Fin- ney and Seth Hanna, Seneca; were on the welcoming committee. The hosts presented & barbecue for the crowd. The evening’s events were followed with an old-time dance sponsored by the Seneca VFW post. A very dear friend of mine, James R. Kelly, of the law firm of Kelly & Kelly, at Broken Bow, Nebr., had this to say concerning President Truman’s visit: DraR GENE: I suppose that you have read in the papers about the visit of President Truman to Broken Bow, Nebr., and have heard that we had an enormous crowd, be- tween 10,000 and 12,000 people here at the depot and that he was generally accepted and even the old tried and true Republicans left after his talk, feeling rather kindly to« ward him. I think he was wise in stopping in Broken Bow and believe that he has helped himself a great deal in this section of Ne- braska. Buffalo and Chautauqua Deans on Episcopal Committee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTHONY F. TAURIELLO OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. TAURIELLO. Mr. Speaker, re- cently, the Episcopal diocese of western New York held its one hundred and thirteenth annual convention in Buffalo, N. Yes which I have the honor to repre- sent. This was, indeed, a historic occasion, for the Episcopal diocese of western New York has a splendid record of over a century of service to the community and to the country. It has been outstanding in its leadership and has contributed
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD much to the mutua: cooperation enjoyed in religious and civic matters in Buffalo. I want to extend to the Very Reverend George F. O’Pray and the Very Reverend Leslie F. Chard my heartiest congratu- lations upon the election to the standing committee of the Episcopal diocese and to offer them my best wishes for con- tinued success. They are the deans of Buffalo and Chautauqua County and both have long records of splendid lead- ership in the Episcopal Church. Under leave to extend my remarks, I herewith submit an article from the Buf- falo Evening News, setting forth the de- tails in connecticn with this convention: BUFFALO AND CHAUTAUQUA DEANS ON EPISCOPAL COMMITTEE The deans of Chautauqua County and Buffalo today were elected to the standing committee of the Episcopal Diocese of West- ern New York at its one hundred and thir- teenth annual convention in the Church of the Good Shepherd. The Very itev. George F. O’Pray, rector of St. Clement’s Church and dean of the Buffalo Deanery, was elected for 4 years, and the Very Rev. Leslie F. Chard, rector of St. John’s Church, Dunkirk, and dean of Chautauqua Ccunty, was elected for a 2-year term. A layman, Wallace J. Stackel of St. James Church, Batavia, was elected for 4 years. Three clergymen and three laymen elected to the executive council are: Rev. H. Dime mick Baldy, St. Jude’s Church; Rev. Law- rence C. Butler, vicar of All Saints Chapel, Lockport and assistant at Grace Church, Lockport; Rev. William G. Woodward, rector of Trinity Church, Lancaster, and registrar of the diocese; Dr. Roland Burton, Trinity Church, Fredonia; Theron Cleveland, St. Stephen’s, Olean; Alonzo Waters, St. John’s Church, Medina. ELECTED TRUSTEES The Very Rev. Ansel R. Morrell and the Rev. Richard B. Townsend were elected diocesan trustees. Dr. Morrell is rector of St. Mathias, East Aurora, and dean of Erie County. Mr. Townsend is rector of St. Mark’s Church. Deputies elected to the provincial synod are: The Rev. William E. Bowker, rector of the Church of the Holy Communion; Rev. Alex- ander A. Corti, rector of St. Albans Church, Silver Creek, and rector-elect of St. Mark’s Church, North Tonawanda; the Very Rev. John T. Sanborn, rector of St. James Church, Batavia, and dean of the Batavia Deanery; Joseph L. Blaney, Church of the Ascension; Dr. Albert E. Connolly, St. Peter’s Church, Niagara Falls; James E. Wells, St. Mark’s Church, Orchard Park. Trustees of DeVeaux School are: John K. Walker, St. Paul’s Cathedral; Rev. Joseph Groves, on special assignment; John Bin- genheimer, St. Peter’s Church, Niagara Falls. ISLAND WORK DESCRIBED Two trustees elected for DeLancey Divinity School are: Rev. Douglas M. Stoll, rector of the Church of the Advent, Kenmore, and William Foote, St. Mary’s-on-the-Hill. The Rt. Rev. Charles F. Boynton, newly= elected suffragan bishop of New York, de- scribed the work of the church in Puerto Rico and thanked the diocese for its contri- bution to that work. Bishop Boynton, who has been serving as bishop of that missionary district, addressed a joint session of the convention and wom- an’s auxiliary in Central Presbyterian Church at noon. NAMED AFTER BISHOP He especially thanked the woman’s auxili<~ ary for $7,000 it contributed to build a cote tage for Mr. and Mrs. Earle Hackett of Dun- Kirk, who are serving as missionaries and teachers at a newly established agricultural boarding school for boys—the first on the Island. The cottage has been named in honor of the late Bishop John C. Ward, one-time rector of Grace Church, Buffalo, and bishop of the diocese of Erie. Officers of the woman’s auxiliary elected this morning are: Second vice president, Mrs. David K. Hamilton, Buffalo; supply sec- retary, Mrs. Fulton Chamberlin, Buffalo; treasurer, Mrs. Jocelyn K. Brotz, Silver Creek; united thank offering custodian, Mrs. Joseph Goold, Harris Hill. COMMITTEE HEADS NAMED Mrs. Harold J. Senior, of Williamsville, president, appointed the following committee heads: Constitution, Mrs. Welles V. Moot, Mrs, Lauriston L. Scaife; finance, Mrs. Ralph Bar- ber, Westfield; nominating, Mrs. Howard J. Bradley, Cheektowaga, Mrs. R. A. Weise, Mayville. Two missions were admitted into union with the convention—St. David’s, Ebenezer, and St. Andrew’s, which serves the Newfane, Burt, and Olcott areas. The Reverend Kenneth W. Kadey, rector of St. Paul’s Chapel, Harris Hill, and diocesan director of youth work, called for ‘“‘more co~ operation from the clergy in the diocesan youth program. He stressed the need for a full-time youth director and said that youth work in the diocese at present is not good. WHY SCHOOL IS CHANGING The Reverend William S. Hudson, head- master at DeVeaux School, explained why the school is changing from a military to a civilian status. “The military system and the church just don’t go along together,” he explained. ‘The military comes into constant collision with the principles of Christ. Boys come out of chapel and are, perhaps, ordered to ‘shut up’ by some officer if they talk in the halls. In general, if a school has a good military sys~ tem, it is a poor church school.” The Right Reverend Lauriston L. Scaife summoned all loyal churchmen Monday evening to become active opponents of the forces opposed to Christianity. “It is high time,” the bishop warned, “that churchmen cease to be ‘tolerant’ and prac- tice more intolerance—intolerance of every. thing that is opposed to Christianity. GIFT OF $250,000 “No true, loyal, devoted churchman can tolerate the forces opposed to Christianity. We cannot be missionaries for the spread of Christ’s Kingdom * * * without ac- tive opposition to the godless indifferences to all religion at large in the world today.” High-lighting the bishop’s report on dioc- esan activities was the announcement that a devoted communicant of the diocese, who desires to remain anonymous, recently do- nated $250,000. This extraordinary gift, he said, is to be made available for investment as part of the endowment for the Episcopate. Noting that the past year has been one of planning, growth, and experimentation, in the diocese, Bishop Scaife said he hoped it will not be many years before we can de- vote our full time and thought to the at- tack on the great problems that confront us, SAYS YOUTH WORK A PROBLEM One of the chief problems churches must confront, he said, is work among their young people. He expressed the hope that the dio- cese in 5 years will be spending 10 times what we are now spending for this. Urging that churchmen insist upon Chris- tian influence in the total life of our youth, he added forcefully: “We must consider Christian influence upon the media of entertainment which our A38979 young people have, for * * * @ half. hour on Sunday morning * * * cannot be the limit of Christian education. We must not attempt to compete with other agencies for amusement and recreation.” The church must, however, influence the type of programs and material offered by the radio, motion pictures, and television, so that some evidences of Christianity are to be seen and felt, he asserted, WOULD CONSOLIDATE GAINS While emphasizing the importance of en- couraging mission congregations which he called “our most critical spots,” Bishop Scaife said he does not intend to seek to open any new mission work “until present gains have been thoroughly consolidated.” He reported that in the past year he has confirmed 1,181 candidates. He hailed as “gratifying” the diocese’s 1950 pledges or gifts of more than $55,000 in the national church’s “One World in Christ’ campaign, urging that the remainder of the $72,444 goal be attained during the next year. PRAISES RETIRING AIDE He also lauded the woman’s auxiliary and its “outstanding group of women under the leadership of Mrs. Senior.” Announcing the retirement of Arthur F., Freeman after 30 years as financial secretary of the diocese, Bishop Scaife praised Mr. Freeman as a “trusted confidant for untold numbers of the clergy and laity.” A mem- ber and vestryman of the Church of the Ascension, Mr, Freeman will continue as financial consultant. Miss Emma Dupler, of Pittsburgh, has been named to succeed him. THANK OFFERING ACKNOWLEDGED Bishop Scaife reported that the Reverend William R. Shannon, rector of St. Paul’s Church, Lewiston, has accepted a call to become rector of Christ Church, Clarksburg, W. Va., effective Sunday. He announced the appointment of Mr. O’Pray as dean to succeed the Reverend Alanson C. Davis, associate rector of Trinity Church, who has accepted a call to become rector of the Church of the Ascension, Brad~ ford, Pa. The Reverend John EH. Knox, priest in charge of St. Mary’s Church, Gowanda, will succeed Mr, Davis as chairman of the dio- cesan department of publicity and promo- tion, Bishop Scaife gratefully acknowledged the presentation by the woman's auxiliary of the semiannual “United Thank Offering,” total- ing $3,932, which will be forwarded to the national church for missionary work. The auxiliary is meeting in conjunction with the convention. The delegates also commended Mr. Free- man and voted to send greetings to the Dio-~ cese of West Missouri, which also is meeting today. The Right Reverend Edward R, Welles, formerly rector of St. Paul’s Ca- thedral, was consecrated bishop of West Missouri last month. Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 _. Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un= der unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include the thirtieth article by Mr. Frank
A3980 C. Waldrop on the infiltration of commu- nism in our country: Bicczst Story (By Frank C, Waldrop) The Communists of the United States of America, in the 10 years between 1920 and 1930, discovered two very important things. First, that revolution in America was very slow business. Second, that they were not masters in their own house. And so it was that even as their leader, Lenin, had foretold, the “locomotive of his- tory” roared around the curves and left many a one behind with his face in the dust. Two such victims can tell the story for all. The witnesses for this account are Benjamin Gitlow and Jay Lovestone. One of the strangest evenings of my life was spent in their company. It was a dinner attended by 10 or 12 of the most famous ex- apostles of “scientific socialism” for the United States of America. Among those present were Isaac Don Levine, now editor of Plain Talk; Eugene Lyons, who went to Communist Russia as to a shrine and came back to devote his life as an author and editor, to its opposite; J. B. Matthews, who once led pilgrimages of Amer-~ icans to Lenin’s tomb and then gave years of penitent labor to researching evidence on communism, fascism, and nazism, for a com- mittee of Congress. There were others I will not mention, now. Some of this company had been Communists of record, some in the phrase that Matthews invented, “fellow travelers.” All had been worshipful and all were devot- ing themselves to saving America from that which they had come to know too well, All of them, in one way or another, and without knowing it, disclosed to me the wounds and scars &@ man suffers when he makes that most terrible of all discoveries, that he is re~ garded with contempt by one he worships. Prison would not have driven them from their worship. More than one had done time for communism’s sake. Beatings, for the sake of the cause, were satisfying tests of faith. To be outside the law of a society at which they were at open war was natural. No. It was nothing brought against them by our world that had broken the spell. They found they would have to choose, either to be Communists or to be men, and they chose to be men. IT am not sure that is altogether clear, Let me try again. Bravery is actually a common enough ar« ticle in human affairs. A child can be brave as any soldier on the field of battle, if that child fears a nameless Something upstairs in the dark, and yet goes up to bed without a murmur. In his mind, it is there. And his act of will in daring it to grab and eat him alive—that is courage. A woman who has that fox in her bosom, whatever it may be, and yet looks her hus- band in the eye and smiles, she has won her medal of honor, too, The woman and the child have a bond with the private soldier in the field who, on orders from a man he has been taught to re- gard as his commander, goes out in the open and risks his life against a gun. But then if the parent who sent that child upstairs laughs in his face at his fear, if the husband slaps his wife with the other woman’s name, and if the officer treats the soldier as a mere animal without human dignity, there is a challenge. Somebody has to lose. The child loses his self-respect or he loses faith in the parent who ridiculed him. The wife can go to pieces, and lose the rest of her self, too. The sol- dier—sometimes he just puts a bullet through a back. Anyhow, nobody can challenge the sense of manhood in anybody else and make the consequence satisfy the victim. The fact that the revolution in America wasn’t coming off as promptly as expected did not destroy the Communist faith of Ben- jamin Gitlow, Jay Lovestone, and those others. They could see the reasons all around them. They were prepared to make twists and turns in daily tactics, so long as the basic strategy of a Communist world re~ mained the same. But the thing that threw them was the discovery not that they might well be sacri- ficed in the tactics—any soldier may get killed—but that they were being used. It is one thing to die for the cause. It is another thing to have the cause spit in your face. Stalin spit in their faces. He made it clear that no matter what they might report to Moscow on conditions in America, deci- sion for Communists in America would be made to suit Stalin’s personal purposes in Russia and for Russia. Their fundamental sense of manhood was challenged. So, in their various ways, they jumped off the Moscow Express. Gitlow and Lovestone actually went to Moscow for a last-ditch encounter with Stalin and were lucky to get away alive. To this day they have not yet told all about how they did it. . Annual Banquet of School of Commerce and Finance of Seattle University EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH B. MITCHELL OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 23, 1950 Mr, MITCHELL. Mr. Speaker, as one of the sponsoring committee for the an- nual commerce banquet of the School of Commerce and Finance of Seattle University, it was my privilege to attend this impressive event on May 15, which, as so well stated by the Reverend Albert A. Lemieux, S. J., Ph. D., president of Seattle University, “is only an outward token of the inner growth within the School of Commerce itself.” Mr. Speaker, under unanimous con- sent, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp the remarks of President Le- mieux, which although confined to the Commerce School are indicative of the growth of this largest private university in the State of Washington. I also in- clude the remarks of the Honorable John ¥F. Floberg, Assistant Secretary of the Navy for Air, who was the principal speaker, following those of President Lemieux. The remarks of President Lemieux are as follows: This has been a very pleasant evening—a happy reunion of faculty, student, alumni, and friends. It has also been a very stimu- lating evening with its serlous but chal- lenging theme of military defense—a most important theme to us who live on the outer edge of a potential military front. This is the third year that I have had the privilege to attend the school of commerce banquet. Each year, it is my impression that the banquet is getting larger and finer. For one thing, tonight we have been honored APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to have as our guest speaker, the distin- guished Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Floberg, Seattle University, as you are aware, 1s one of the 27 colleges operated by the Jesuit Fathers throughout the United States—Georgetown, Fordham, Holy Cross, St. Louis, Loyola Chicago—are all sister in- stitutions of Seattle University’s and part of the same educational tradition. This year these combined colleges will graduate from ten to fifteen thousand graduates. From whatever particular school a graduate may come, we Jesuits throughout the United States consider each graduate as our own Jesuit boy. We take as much pride in the achievements of the graduates of each insti- tution as though they had been graduated in our own particular university or college. Fach institution traditionally welcomes the graduates of other sister institutions to its campus as if that campus were their own, It is a great thrill and pleasure to us tonight to be honored by a distinguished graduate of Loyola University—to have one of our own Jesuit boys as our principal speaker. It is gratifying to note the increased num-~ ber of businessmen at the banquet tonight, We are always grateful to them for their in- terest in and cooperation with the school of commerce. They should not forget that their presence and interest is both an inspi- ration and challenge to every undergraduate in the school of business. The growth of this banquet, however, is only an outward token of the inner growth within the school of commerce itself. Since its establishment in 1945, the school has steadily grown until it now enrolls some 600 students. Each year under the very capable and efficient leadership of its dean, Dr. Volpe, its programs and staff and techniques are carefully reevaluated and scrutinized. I only hope that w2 have the financial where- withal to follow our dean’s commendable vision. I have observed the remark that he made tonight that he could not ask for a more loyal student body and industrious faculty. I did not hear him say, however, that he was satisfied with the president and his appropriations. Perhaps with the interest and cooperation of the businessmen of the community dis- played here tonight, some day Seattle Uni- versity will have a president with ample means to realize the aspirations of our good dean, Dr. Volpe. Avpress By Hon, JoHN F. Firoperc, ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF THE Navy FoR AIR The opportunity which is mine this even- ing to speak to so distinguished a gathering is deeply appreciated. I feel honored indeed that it fell to my happy lot to bring to the members and guests of the School of Com- merce and Finance of Seattle University the greetings and good wishes of the Secretary of the Navy, the Honorable Francis P. Matthews. It was with the greatest personal regret that Secretary Matthews found himself un- able to fulfill his original intention to ac- cept your gracious invitation and to be here this evening. Ho, like the Navy as a whole, has a deep personal interest in this com- munity, which is the headquarters of the very important Thirteenth Naval District and has long been a favorite region for Navy duty. In his stead I would like to reassure you of the Navy’s gratitude for the contribu~ tion freely made by all Americans of this Northwest area in support of our fighting Navy during the war and through the years of precarious peace which have followed. Your shipyards and the nearby naval base of Bremerton built, fitted out, or repaired our ships in record time when numerical preponderance was of the utmost urgency. Your sons and daughters served in all branches of the Armed Forces, always with
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the greatest loyalty and sometimes with high distinction. The immeasurable contribu- tion which you made to the Navy’s morale by keeping Seattle one of the fine “liberty ports” for our sailors, soldiers, marines, and airmen during the war was a stimulus to the fighting hearts we needed for victory. Today the Pacific coast 1s no less impor- tant to the purposes of national security than at any time in the recent past. That is why the Navy today maintains and will continue to maintain in the Pacific the finest fighting force which we can afford under the finest leadership which we can mobilize among our senior officers. We believe that in Admiral Arthur W. Radford, our Commander in Chief of the Pacific Fleet and United States High Com- missioner of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, we have a worthy successor to the great naval figures who preceded him at headquarters in Pearl Harbor. Simularly, in command of the Air Force of the Pacific Fleet, we have Vice Adm, Thomas L. Sprague, a veteran of wide com=- bat experience in this area. The Western Sea Frontier, which stretches from California to Alaska, is under the able direction of Vice Adm. George D. Murray, who also was in command of our fighting forces in the Pacific during the war. Under him, as commander of the northwest sector, western sea frontier, and as commandant of the Thirteenth Naval District, is our mutual good friend, Rear Adm. Howard H. Good. The Army and the Air Force have com- parable leadership of the highest quality in this important defense area. The Army has Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, wartime com- mander of the United States forces in the China theater, as commanding general of the Sixth Army with headquarters at the presidio in San Francisco; and Brig. Gen. Robert A. McClure, commanding the north- ern subarea of the Sixth Army from nearby Vancouver Barracks. Air Force command is in the able hands of Maj. Gen. John E. Upston, commanding general of the Fourth Air Force, whose jurisdiction includes Mc- Chord Field in this State. To name some of these military and naval leaders is not to ignore the great reservoir of strength which resides in our universities and in the business, commercial, industrial, agricultural, and financial life of the Nation and of this section of the Nation. Without the full partnership of these factors of our national economy we would never have been able to produce and distribute the over- whelming material advantages which gave our fighting men the deciding edge over the enemy both in the Pacific and in the other theaters of operation. We have come to our position of world - leadership and preeminent prosperity be- cause from the earliest days of the Repub- lic we have devoted ourselves to integrating capitalism in our economic affairs with democracy in our political life. We have promoted individual enterprise at the same time that we preserved individual freedom. By these same means we have given the widest measure of economic freedom and en~ couragement to the leaders of business. This matertal way of life is what has given us the security and the opportunities nec- essary for the fuller development of the Christian principle of human dignity and the encouragement of the high cultural achievements characteristic of American life. We are great not only because we are free and because we are materially strong— but because we are both free and materially strong at the same time. Greece was free but its greatness as a nation was negated by its lack of material resources. Rome was powerful but it never possessed the inner strength of democratic institutions. Napo- leon, the Kaiser, and Hitler are modern ex- amples of the eternal principle that power without popular control spells decay. On XCVI—App. 251 the other hand we have in our generation seen many an instance of the fact that free- dom without strength leads to subservience or slavery. The economic and human bur- den of keeping the two in balance is heavy, but no American would live where they were not. Seattle University is the representative of @ great tradition in education which was established by a military man more than 400 years ago. Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Jesuits, under wh7se eusnices this university operates, was a Cco.7Ci. 49-- dier of his king before he became the spear~ head of the vast movement for truth and enlightenment of which this institution 1s @ part. From its very earliest days the history of this continent in exploration, in discovery, in the development of democratic principles, and in the nroregetion of the high ideals of the heures 7 sca) 7 ~™in under the father- hood of God has been linked closely with the activities of the educational predecessors of the men now in charge of Seattle University. This rich area was the Eldorado sought by intrepid men of diverse nationalities as they endeavored to unweave the mystery of a Northwest passage. Once gained, it poured a flood of wealth in furs, lumber, and min- erals into the economic bloodstream of America. Today the Northwest is the lively, progressive daughter of Columbia, matching its fine manpower to its God-given re- sources—and enriching the whole Nation with the promise of an ever more bountiful tomorrow. In the fulfillment of this prom- ise your citizens are united, and the sons of Loyola are happy to share. While collegiate business and commercial education is a comparatively new venture, which but recently celebrated its golden an- niversary at New York University, the prog- ress it has made in the past 50 years has been broad in scope and highly productive of good effects in our economic life. Our schools of commerce and finance, such as this one, have provided technically trained and practically schooled men and women for the business and industrial life of the Nation. Their training has made them men and women of independent thought. It has made them see their jobs and their institu- tions in proper relation to the rest of the country and the rest of the world. It has made them powerful and patriotic propo- nents of the American system, which is basi- cally that of Christian, democratic capital- ism. The greatest insurance that American, capitalistic free enterprise continues to exist is, to my mind, to have more human beings, both at home and abroad, understand it. Animosity for the American way of life, of which the American economic system is the very heart, can be based only on either igno- rance or malice. These men and women, graduates of this university and of hundreds of others throughout the land, who are now scattered in key positions in business and industry, are a@ dependable bulwark against infiltration by misguided, disloyal, or merely hare-brained ideological theorists who have never come to know the basic realities of American life. Quietly and effectively these men and women are carrying on the battle against Commu- nist adherents in our own household. Viewed from long range, they are as truly a part of our manpower resources in the world- wide “cold war” as the men of our armed forces who are patrolling the seas, walking the barricades, or searching the sKies to pre- vent overt acts of aggression which might lead to armed conflict. This audience appreciates, as I do, that we are today at a critical point in the campaign for peace which we haye pursued since the end of hostilities 5 years ago. The west ‘coast, which was the scene of the organiza- tional meeting of the United Nations, is well ‘aware of every self-sacrificing step we have A3981 taken to promote the economic rehabilita~ tion of devastated or underprivileged areas and to stabilize the political conditions under which universal concord might be achieved for a reasonable period of permanency. At every turn we have been opposed by a@ new and revolutionary technique in totali- tarian imperialism. We have witnessed the aerrada*icn of Czechoslovakia and of Aus~ trie. Ve have seen the Balkan countries subservient under the threat of Red bat- talions and the machinations of the secret police. We have seen the invader crush Manchuria and bring into subjugation large parts of China. In all these areas economic ard psychsiocicel subversion have preceded Eel ucel nad miitary means in the process of enslaving one nation after another. Wherever chaos and confused conditions have created a political vacuum, the forces of communistic imperialism have found an open channel for expansion. They have ex- ploited doubt, dissension, and disunity. On the other hand, wherever we have acted firmly to prevent weakness or wavering we have been successful in staying this type of subversive aggression and conquest. By taking decisive and timely action in western Europe, Greece, Turkey, Iran, and Korea, we have saved them, our friends, from falling into the orbit of the Kremlin. We are turning the tide, but we are still far away from the goal of global stability and the guarantee of freedom for all. In recent months there have been disturb- ing incidents, some of which have directly affected the lives or activities of American citizens. Several countries behind or within the shadow of the iron curtain have closed our consulates or information offices. Our public officials, and at times our military leaders, have been accused or abused by the Soviet propaganda press and radio. The military services have borne their share of the tension between the democracies and the communustic dictatorship. The policing of the occupied areas in Europe and Japan by the Army has not been without casualties. Other brave men of the Navy and Air Force lost their lives in the magnificent airlift effort by which we fed and sustained the western sector of Berlin for many months. Only a few weeks ago 10 naval airmen in a defenseless plane were shot out of the sky over the Baltic, where they had a perfect right to be—an example not only of heroic sacrifice but of continued American forbear- ance and patience in the face of ruthless and unjustified provocation. This is but a sketchy résumé of what has happened on the international scene since the close of the war, yet it contains all the reasons why we must continue to maintain not only diplomatic firmness but military strength if the objectives of security and peace are to be attained. Despite the almost record peacetime ex- penditures which we are making for the na- tional defense, we have quantitatively the minimum strength which we can safely maintain under present conditions. Happily, in the opinion of those best qualified to judge, the efficiency of all our armed forces is qualitatively at the highest level we have ever achieved in peacetime. This qualitative standard will continue to improve in the future with the development of new and improved defensive weapons. |We are, for example, undertaking the con~< Struction of new submarines, including two new types, the fast attack submarine and the antisubmarine submarine. The first ves- els of these classes are expected to be com- pleted sometime next year. Similarly we have built a prototype 60-ton experimental patrol plane as part of our research and development program. We are developing new and better jet fighter planes, and we have high hopes for our turbo prop aircraft engine, We are forging ahead toward the ’
A3982 realization of atomic-powered vessels, and we are anticipating the day when a guided~ missile combat ship will be added to the fleet. Several ships including a small anti- submarine aircraft carrier, the U. 8S. S, Bataan, will be added to the Pacific Fleet this summer so as to permit increased anti- submarine training with new and ever im- proving equipment for fleet personnel. Wherever possible, this increase in essen- tial comkat strength 1s being made without increasing the national defense budget. It is the result of economies and reallocation effectively made by the coordination of ac- tivities and facilities of the various armed services under the operation of the Unifica- tion Act as administered by Secretary of Defense Johnson. We of the military de- partmenis realize fully that the national strength depends as much upon a sound na- tional econemy as upon the numerical strength and equipment of our Army divi- sions, naval ficets, Air Force squadrons, or Marine Corps regiments. That is why heavy emphasis has been put upon the utmost necessity for economy in the operation of all the armed services, and a corollary which I firmly cclieve is that Americans well founded and well educated in our economic system and understanding it thoroughly are as effective defenders of our American heri- tage as are our military personnel. The Navy is exerting every effort to trans- late that portion allotted to it from the $18,000,000,C00 defense budget into maxi- mum fighting strength and mobilization po- tential. The validity of the principle which calls for it to do so would seem to be self- evident, but economy is only popular when itis away from home. The Navy is certainly not indifferent to the effects which retrench- ments in expenditures for the shore estab- lishment have upon local economics, but our basic responsibility is to the country as a whole. By furnishing the maximum possi- ble military effectiveness to the country within the limits of our over-all budget we are fulfilling our first duty of providing miti- tary protection to all Americans instead of jobs to a few of them. I cannot believe any fair-minded citizen would want us to do otherwise. As businessmen or as students of com-~ merce and finance or as experts in related fields of our national economic life, you will appreciate the practical importance of the steps we have taken to make every tax dollar allotted to the Department of Defense pur- chase 100 cents’ worth of security for every American, We welcome your cooperation, your recom-~ mendations, your assistance, and your sup- port. The full and true strength of Amer-~ ica today, as in the past, rests upon national unity. Only through the coordination of all segments of American life—of business and industry, labor and agriculture, finance and management, education and patriotic political and civic leadership can we bring to bear the fullness of our greatness upon the perplexing problems of peace which we must solve to survive. It is comforting to know that the post- war youth upon whom will fall the respon- sibilities of tomorrow have been trained to know true from false democracy and have come to maturity in a time of crisis. They are serious. They are energetic. They are devoted to American ideals. They are know- ing. They are skilled. They are the prom- ise of the brighter tomorrow for which so many men died within this decade and for which as a Nation we shall never cease to strive. I salute this school for its help in fortifying its students with the fundamental principles which will help this country to persevere against those who would destroy it. With your help and in God’s good time may we come to share with all humanity the blessings we enjoy as Americans. The meas- ure of our worthiness will always be the de- votion and loyalty with which we continue to serve our fellow citizens and our common country. Arming of the Arab States EXTENSION OF REMARKS HCN. CHESTER C. GORSKI OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. GORSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letters: BurraLo HisTADRUT FEDERATION, Buffalo, N. ¥., May 22, 1950. Hon. CHEsTer C. GoRsxI, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. Gorski: Enclosed, you will find copies of letters to our President. We feel that it is most important that you know how we feel in this regard and hope for your continued support. Trusting that you will carry your fight even more aggressively for the maintenance _of peace in the Middle East, I remain, Yours sincerely, Mayvrr D. Lupwie, Regional Director. May 22, 1950. President Harry S. TRUMAN, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR Mr. PRESIDENT: We have received dis- turbing information from sources which we consider reliable, that the Arab States, par- ticularly Egypt, are receiving such arms, am- munition, sea and air power which are above and beyond the reasonable needs of their internal security. We are greatly disturbed, Mr. President, that our State Department is doing little or nothing to prevent another conflagration in the Near East—our fear of another attack against the State of Israel—which may result in another world war. In order not to disturb the precarious bal- ance of power which has been achieved, Mr. President, we advocate that you use your good Offices in expediting the attainment of such defensive arms by Israel, so that this delicate equilibrium will not be disturbed. Knowing of your love for peace and your efforts in this regard, we respectfully call your attention to the above facts and urge you to use your great influence, together with the State Department to insist that Britain immediately stop the arms shipment to the Arab States, and that we lift the arms em- pbargo, now in effect, against Israel. We ask this of you in the name of 32 cities in the State of New York, representing the great majority of the Jewry of New York State. Respectfully yours, Hon. Davin DiaMonn, Honorary Chairman, Buffalo His- tadrut Federation, Pure ROTH, Honorary Chairman, Syracuse His- tadrut Federation. ABRAHAM A, ZEPLOWITZ, Regional Chairman, New York State Histadrut Federation. Rabbi PHinip BERNSTEIN, Honorary Chairman, Rochester His- tadrut Federation. (Copies to Hon. Herserr H. Leman, Hon. Irvine M. Ives, Hon. AntHony F. TAURIELLO, Hon. Curstmer C. Gorski, Hon. Wititram L. PFEIFFER. ) APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Tariff con Cotton Textiles EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON O? SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr, BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, follow- ing my remarks heretofore made regard ing the serious threat to our textile in- dustry, I include in the Appendix of the Record the attached statement from the press of yesterday: Corron TErrin=e Inpustry Brier Scores Tarirr CuT—Drvicz ror CLOSING DoLLaR Gap Is Hetp DANGEROUS FALLACY New Yorke, May 22.—A policy of tariff cuts as a device for closing the dollar gap is a dangerous fallacy and would invite disaster at home by letting loose a torrent of foreign products from low-wage countries on the American market, the cotton-textile industry charges. The industry in a brief filed with the Com- mittee for Reciprocity Information warns that exports of American cotton textiles have been wrecked by the combination of devaluation and the rise of low-cost foreign competition. This drop in export trade represents a loss of more than one-half bil- lion dollars and is equivalent to 52,000 tex- tile jobs and millions of wage dollars. FIRST RIGHTS HERE “Cooperative efforts of the United States in a world recovery should not be carried to the point of weakening or endangering the American economy,” the brief contends. “Our own people have first right to the fruits of the Nation which they have created.” Prepared jointly by the American Cotton Manufacturers Institute, Inc., National As- sociation of Cotton Textile Merchants of New York and Textile Export Association of the United States, in conjunction with other industrial groups, the brief was filed pre- liminary to tariff hearings scheduled for coming weeks. Testimony will be presented at these hear- ings for consideration in tariff negotiations with 23 or more countries in Torquay, Eng- land, in September, concerning some 2,000 types of goods directly competitive with products made in at least 500 textile plants from Maine to Texas, the brief discloses. “In greater part the dollar gap does not * even exist,” the brief states, “and the present unbalanced condition of foreign trade has resulted from an export contribution of four or five billion dollars a year in the form of donations to Europe’s recovery and rehabili- tation program.” COMPETITION UNEQUAL “One of the gravest fears,” the brief says, ‘fs that unequal competition with low-wage countries will waste the superior efficiency of the American cotton-texfile industry, which is now being used to support the pro~ grams of this country’s internal economy.” “Free market competition with foreign countries means throwing into the balance our higher wages, which in major part are the measure and substance of our efficiency,” the brief asserts. As for new, improved machinery and mod-~- ernization of mills, for which the industry has been paying $300,000,000 a year since the end of the war, the brief says “the means of technical progress cannot be acquired where there is a continual erosion of the wage and price structure, and a forced diminution of physical stature from the imports of sub- wage standard countries.’’
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The industry statement also asks that the tariff negotiators consider the vital impor- tance of the textile mills to national defense, demonstrated during the last war when not only were all military and essential civilian requirements met in this country, but those of the allies as well. Protest of the Bebbin Manufacturers Association Against Tariff Cuts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 22, 1950 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following letter of Mr. Charles D. Brooks, president, United States Bobbin & Shuttle Co., Lawrence, Mass., to the chairman of the Committee for Reci- procity Information: UNITED SraTes BopsBin & SHUTTLE Co., Lawrence, Mass., May 16, 1950. The CHAIRMAN, Committee for Reciprocity Informa- tion, Tariff Commission Building, Washington, D. C. : DeEarR Sir: The Bobbin Manufacturers As- sociation is comprised of the following com< panies, headquartered at the addresses indi- cated: American Bobbin Co., Lewiston, Maine; Jas. H. Billington Co., Philadelphia, Pa.; Bowen-Hunter Bobbin Co., East Corinth, Vt.; the David Brown Co., Lawrence, Mass.; the Dana S. Courtney Co., Chicopee, Mass.; H. & P. Spool & Bobbin Co., Lawrence, Mass.; Lowell Shuttle Co., Lowell, Mass.; N. E. Bob= bin & Shuttle Co., Nashua, N. H.; W. L. Parker Bobbin & Spool Co., Lowell, Mass.; United States Bobbin & Shuttle Co., Law-= rence, Mass.; Vermont Spool & Bobbin Co., Burlington, Vt. The member companies of this association provide manufacturing employment for sev~ eral hundred people in the New England States, New York, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, South Carolina, and Minnesota. The mem- ber companies produce collectively the bulk of the bobbins and spools in the United States, used by the textile industry for twist- ing and spinning yarn and weaving cloth. As head of the largest company in the association I have been appointed by Mr. William Bourassa, American Bobbin Co., president of the Bobbin Manufacturers As- sociation, to present an association state- ment to your committee for your earnest consideration in the tariff-cut deliberations which are scheduled to get under way May 24,1950. This letter to you constitutes that statement. In 1980, under paragraph 412 of the Tariff Act of that year, the duty established on bobbins imported into the United States was 3314 percent. In January 1948 this rate was reduced by ‘Treasury Decision No. 51802, amending the duty downward from 3314 per- cent to 162%, percent. In January 1948 the bobbin manufacturers in this country were not troubled by foreign competition due to unsettled economic conditions abroad and due to the fact that the nations in the ster- ling area had not then devalued their cur- rencies. The situation today, however, is different. Here in the eastern United States we have for the past 6 months been suffer- ing from the competition of bobbins pro~ duced in Canada. These bobbins are brought into this country and sold to east- ern textile mills at rates well below our own price levels, For example, this company produces an automatic loom bobbin which - looms. sells, f. 0, b. Lawrence, Mass., at $100.78 per thousand. One of our customers in eastern Connecticut was able to buy Canadian auto- matic loom bobbins equal in quality to our product for $96 per thousand delivered to its mill, duty paid. As another example—this company recently lost an order in Rhode Island amounting to one-quarter of a mil- lion automatic loom bobbins. Our list price on this particular bobbin, again f. 0. b. Law- rence, Mass., was $76.38; the mill was able to purchase a satisfactory Canadian bobbin de- livered into its plant for $71 per thousand, duty paid. These are but two examples which are quoted for your information. Our competitors within the association are find- ing similar conditions throughout the east- ern textile market. Unfortunately United States manufacturers of bobbins do not en- joy the same preferential treatment from the Canadian Government when they at- tempt to ship bobbins into Canada, Rather, the duty assessed by the Canadian Govern- ment against United States bobbins going Into the Dominion is 20 percent, a disparity whick is grossly unfair, particularly with the United States dollar at a premium in that country. If you will refer again to the two orders mentioned above, they totaled 850,000 units. The manufacture of each 100,000 units with= in the total 350,000 bobbins would have pro« vided 117 man-days of work. In other words, the loss of those two orders deprived United States citizens of 409144 man-days of gainful employment. While our association is deeply concerned over the inroads of this Canadian competi- tion, we are also concerned over threatened competition from Europe. We have it on excellent authority that the Emil Adolff Co., of Germany, is currently negotiating for sales representation in the United States to im- port German bobbins. The United States Bobbin & Shuttle Co. manufactures a par- ticular type of maple bobbin equipped with a metal ferrule for use in Crompton & Knowles The price of this bobbin is $1388 per thousand f. 0. b. Lawrence, Mass. The Adolff bobbin can be loaded on cars or other trans- portation facilities in New ‘York, ocean freight, duty, and selling commission paid, at $113.85 per thousand. It is obvious that the present tariff pro~ tection afforded American bobbin manufac- tures is totally inadequate to stem such competition. The Bobbin Manufacturers Association, therefore, prays your commut- tee that it not only give up any thought it may have of further reducing bobbin duties put that in its stead the committee see to it that the 3344-percent rate originally ob- taining in the Tariff Act of 1930 be imme- diately restored. In the matter of wooden spools, the origi- nal duty established under the 1930 tariff was 334 percent. On November 2, 1936, by Treasury Decision No. 48554, this duty was decreased to the present level of 25 percent. We are informed by the deputy collector of customs of the port of Boston that the Tariff Commission is considering reducing this 25- percent duty to 12% percent. It takes little imagination to see that if our protection is reduced to this very low level, our spool business will quickly be placed at the mercy of foreign competition. The manufacturers of spools and bobbins in the United States, both within and with- out the Bobbin Manufacturers Association, are paying high wages, unemployment insur- ance, social security, workmen’s compensa- tion, accident and health insurance, Federal taxes, State taxes, and local taxes; in short, they are meeting in full all obligations placed upon them, both as corporations and as individuals. They are also carrying out to the last degree their contractual relations with their employees. ; In time of peace these companies have a oductive capacity greater than is required o keep the entire textile industry in the A38983 United States operating around the clock. In time of war or national emergency the manufacturers of spools and bobbins are rated as a vital industry because without them the textile industry in this country would quickly come to a halt. Since it is our Government’s policy to keep American vital industries in a going condition, and since imports of foreign bobbins and spools will seriously impair the financial condition of these American companies as well as re- duce their ability to provide employment, it is only reasonable to ask that we again be accorded on both product categories the full 33% percent protection which we enjoyed prior to 1948 and 1936. Respectfully submitted. CHARLES D. Brooxs, President, Henry Morgan Speaks His Piece EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES E. POTTER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. POTTER. Mr. Speaker, with your permission, I am inserting into the Rrc- oRD an article by the columnist, John Crosby, which appeared in the Washing- ton Post of May 23, 1950. Mr. Crosby’s article cites a speech made by the comedian Henry Morgan before the New York chapter of Sigma Delta Chi, the national journalistic fra- ternity. While I am not particularly fond of Morgan as a comedian, the speech cited is a noteworthy commen- tary of the influence wielded by a free American press and radio. Mr. Morgan cites in his short speech the completely contradictory positions taken by the press on various issues, and thank God that we in America have a press that can present a variance in views and which is not controlled to a point where all news stories and edi- torials must follow a party line. Henry Mcrean Takes A LOOK AT THE PRESS (By John Crosby) Henry Morgan, a sardonic, sometimes mis- guided but always honest man, lumbered to his feet before reporters, columnists, editors, and publishers at the annual dinner of the New York chapter of Sigma Delta Chi, the national journalistic fraternity, and deliv- ered a speech. It lasted all of a minute and a half, a fine length for a speech, and it was a fine speech. In that minute and a half, Morgan, one of the more thoughtful radio comedians, sum- marized his opinion of the American press. This is a difficult assignment for a radio comedian. His listeners—reporters, column- ists, editors, and publishers—could crucify the man in print if they didn’t like what he said. A radio comedian needs the support of the press. He’d have great difficulty existing without it. Still, Henry spoke his mind about us freely, and while there were some barbs in this small essay, it was on the whole @ flattering and (I hope) intelligent esti- mate. I’d like to pass it along. AVERAGE WARPED MAN “I was asked here this evening,” said Mor- gan, “mainly because it’s common knowl- edge that I am an authority on this stuff. A number of people here work on newspa- pers. That isn’t nearly as bad as what I do. I have to read them. Some people produce
A3984 radio programs. I have it much worse than they do. I work for them—newspapers and radio—the two greatest influences of our time, I figure. You see before you the crea- ture you have made. I am the average warped man. “Because of you people in this room I be- lieve Owen Lattimore is a Communist. I also believe he is not a Communist. Be- cause of you people I believe F. D. R. was & genius and also that he ruined the country. I believe that there is more crime in this country than ever before and that our police are the best in the world. I believe that Eisenhower would make a great President except that I have read that military men don’t make good Presidents and besides he will run if enough pressure is brought, he will not run, he can’t run, he refuses to run, he doesn’t want the job, you can talk him into it, he’s trying very hard to make it look as though he doesn't want it, he’s happy at Columbia, he’s miserable, he’s got a cold, he feels great.” HOW ABOUT A BUREAU “You have made it possible for me to take 5 cents and buy in one package, a new pic- ture of President Truman, my horosccpe for the day, 15 comic strips and the stock mar- ket reports. And I’ve read some terrible things about you. You work for money. Advertising dictates your policy. The de- parment stores dictate your editorials. Don’t you think you’d ke happier with some other system? Wouidn’t it be nicer to have a pureau of some kind supervise your work? Then, if the bureau didn’t like it, you could adjust or get killed. “Still in all, it’s better than having people point at you and say: “There’s a man who works for money. Somehow it’s getting to be very un-American to work for money. It’s also un-American not to work and to live on unemployment insurance. It’s un~Amer- ican to have social security and it’s un- American to have such a small amount of social security. I strongly suspect that this is all your fault. “In short, you people in this room have put me, the average man, in a peculiar position. I now have to make up my mind for myself. As long as you keep doing that, as long as you keep forcing the man in the street to make up his mind for himself, that’s as long as we’ll have the only working definition of democracy that’s worth a damn, “Thank you.” A Tax Change That Might Boost Free Enterprise a Little EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STEPHEN M. YOUNG OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 23, 1950 Mr. YOUNG. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following editorial from the Louisville Times of May 6, 1950: A Tax Cuance THar Micut Boost FREE ENTERPRISE A LITTLE When you buy a pack of cigarettes, 7 cents of what you pay goes to Uncle Sam. This is true, no matter what the price of the cig- arettes happens to be. Here is a fact that has had considerable significance for Louis-~ ville. Once upon a time this city was the country’s leading producer of so-called econ= omy price cigarettes. Those were the happy days when the economy brands sold at 10 cents a pack and the highly advertised stand- ard brands at 15 cents, In Louisville were two big factories pro- ducing economy brands. Those who remem-~- per the depression will remember how these concerns, operating night and day and giving steady employment to hundreds of workers, helped the community to weather the storm. One of these factories is out of busi- ness today. The other thrives, still making economy brand cigarettes but fortunately having other brands, too. It probably could double its payroll if the economy brand could get a fair whack. This does not by any means require @ depression. The fact is that the economy brands continued to enjoy favor throughout the 1930’s and until approaching war and then war itself changed the tax picture. In 1940 the Federal tax on cigarettes was raised from $8 a thousand to $3.25, In 1942 the Treasury proposed to raise the tax again, but this time recognizing that it was unjust to tax both the economy and the standard brands at the same flat rate. The Treasury recommended that the ex- cise on the economy brands be increased from $3.25 to $3.50 a thousand and om the standard brands from $3.25 to $4 a thousand. However, Congress compromised and raised the rate to a flat $3.50 on all. That is the rate which prevails today—the 7 cents a pack that you pay to Uncle Sam. It is a rate which, coupled with increased tobacco prices and increased State taxes on ciga- rettes, compels the economy brand cigarette manufacturer to sell his product at a price so little below the price of the standard brand that the smoker who feels that he can- not afford the standard brand finds that he can hardly afford the economy brand, either. And, generally speaking, it is to the smoker who must economize—roll his own, if neces- sary—that the economy brand always has appealed. In this smoker’s behalf, the House Ways and Means Committee made a decision the other day. It voted to change the cigarette tax structure. It would leave the present rate of $3.50 a thousand on cigarettes retail- ing at more than 12 cents a pack. It would reduce the rate to $2.45 a thousand on ciga- rettes selling at not more than 12 cents a pack. The standard brand smoker and the economy brand smoker would then be each paying about 40 percent of the price of his pack to Uncle Sam. At present the standard brand smoker pays about 40 percent, the economy brand smoker about 50 percent. That is obviously unfair. The Ways and Means Committee decision was made by a narrow margin—13 votes to 12. It may not stand in Congress. But we hope it does. The tobacco industry, includ- ing the manufacture of standard brand ciga- rettes, is an important contributor to the Louisville economy. The Times would not like to see any part of it hurt. We do not believe the change proposed could hurt any part of it. There is nothing in the tax revision proposed that would prevent any of the standard brand companies from en- tering also the economy brand field if it wished to. The only development promised would be possibly a little more competition in cigarette pricing and tobacco buying—hardly an un- toward development if we favor free enter- prise. I Am an American Day EXTENSION OF REMARKS © oF HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 23, 1950 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, I wish to call the attention of the Members of the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD House of Representatives to an article by Jesse C. Suter whom many of you al~ ready know through his newspaper ar-~ ticles concerning the District of Colum-~ bia which have appeared regularly in the Washington Star. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include his mcst recent article: [From the Sunday Star, Washington, D. C., May 21, 1950] Civic PROBLEMS, Civic Bopirs—Tuis Is “I Am AN AMERICAN Day”; oN BEING A LIMITED AMERICAN (By Jesse C. Suter) AMERICAN DAY CELEBRATION COVERS SUNDAY AND MONDAY By virtue of an act of Congress and procla- mation by the President today is set aside and observed as “I Am an American Day.” This year the celebration will be extended to include Monday. The observance today is planned to be of a religious character, when in homes and churches Washingtonians will reaffirm their American citizenship. Monday will feature a more spectacular celebration on the east plaza of the Capitol. These exercises in the afternoon will include band and other music, a recital of the pledge of allegiance, and addresses by Vice Presi- dent Barkley and others. Such celebrations of “I Am an American” Day are usually dedicated to those young men and women who have achieved citizen- ship by reaching the age of 21 years during the past year, and also to those of foreign birth who have become citizens by naturali- zation during the same period. It is antici- pated that speakers will point out to these new Americans that the American citizen, besides acquiring certain rights and priv- ileges as such, is at the same time assuming important, grave responsibilities and duties common to all Americans. To those new citizens recognized today who are bona fide residents of the District of Columbia, without any right of participa- tion in the Government of the United States, there is a marked difference in the meaning of “I Am an American” from what it means to those who possess legal residence in any one of the 48 States. Said Woodrow Wilson: “Just what is it that America stands for? If she stands for one thing more than another it is for the sovereignty of self-governing people.” The most important attribute of the American citizen is the right to participate in the Government of the United States, implemented by voting in the national elec- tions for the President and Vice President, and voting for the Senators and Representa- tives who constitute the Congress. RIGHTS, OBLIGATIONS, AND PRIVILEGES To enjoy the rights and privileges of Ameri- can citizenship and preserve them for our- selves and posterity, there are definite obli- gations resting upon every citizen. Included among these are rendering unquestioned and exclusive loyalty to the United States, voting in all elections, obedience to the laws, service on juries, payment of all taxes levied by the Government, serving in the Armed Forces of the Union as occasion arises and, finally, in all ways being an alert and active good citizen. Being a true American is a 24-hour job 7 days in the week and 12 months in the year. Americans must always remember the obligations as well as the privileges of citizen- ship. These are personal, individual obliga- tions and they cannot be farmed out to others. There is no sidestepping in being an American. Every loyal American should work earnestly to maintain wholesome, clean Government, and should be interested in see- ing that all Americans are given equal privi- lege of enjoying all the fundamental indi- vidual rights possessed by other Americans.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This should include giving District of Colum- pia people those just rights which are now denied. The preamble to the Constitution should be known intimately and understood thor- oughly by all Americans. In reality it is the full ritual of initiation of Americans into this great Union. All Americans, whether native-born or naturalized, must experience a@ feeling of oneness and partnership as they read the preamble: “We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic --*7 G1." .y, provide for the common defense, pr" «"¢ "> general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.” CONFLICTING EMOTIONS To the voteless and unrepresented Ameri- can of the District of Columbia, contempla- tion of this day has a tendency to arouse cer- tain conflicting emotions. When he analyzes the meaning of being an American, it natu- rally suggests to him that he is one of a great body of people in a National Govern~ ment created “of the people, by the people, and for the people.” On second thought, it may occur to him that he can hardly be a full stockholder in this great enterprise, put only a holder of nonvoting stock, sub- ject to assessment and numerous responsiBil- ities, but with no vote whatever in the selec- tion of the board of directors that governs. As his mind reverts to the words of the preamble, he wonders why it is that the good Americans who are bona fide residents of the District are not recognized as being a part of “we the people.” He recalls that the few Americans scattered over what is now the very nopulour District of Columbia were representea i 2....0:°2° of Maryland in the Constitutional Convention in which the Con- stitution was formulated. So, originally, the residents of the District of Columbia were definitely a part of “we the p.cp te” was ordained and established the Crm .. Uiien and through their representatives helped to ratify that important document. It has been charged that their action also ‘ratified the seventeenth clause of the eighth section of the first article of the Constitution which gave the Congress the power to exer- cise exclusive legislation in all cases what- soever, oVer the seat of the Government of the United States. They may or may not have known what they were doing, but it is clearly beyond one’s wildest imagination that the few who then constituted the District’s population realized that the Constitution would be so construed as to deprive them of all participation in the government of their country. REPRESENTATION AN URGENT NEED What these voteless and unrepresented people of the District of Columbia need today more than anything else is to have their Americanism rounded out and completed. The Congress should pass and submit to the State legislature for ratification an amend- ment to the Constitution which will defi- nitely give them a political status. Such amendment would empower Congress to per- mit all bona fide residents here who are qualified American citizens to vote for Sen- ators to represent them in the Senate, Rep- resentatives to represent them in the House, and electors for President and Vice President. To give “I Am an American Day” its full significance at the National Capital, it should be made to mean to the people here exactly what it means to the full-fledged governing Americans of the 48 States. When these voteless and unrepresented Americans of the Nation’s Capital rededicate themselves today to the ideals of citizenship, they should solemnly resolve to make every earnest and continuous effort to acquire through constitutional amendment and sub- sequent legislation those rights now denied and thereby become participating Americans in the government of their country. There is really no practical way to put into operation the ideals of American citizenship except through participation by all of the citizens in the Government. To acquire those fundamental rights now denied to the people of the District, there is need for passage by Congress and ratification by the States of an amendment to the Constitution substan- tially as follows: “The Congress shali have power to provide that there shall be in the Congress and among the electors of President and Vice President members elected by the people of the District of Columbia esrvtitu+*-2 the seat of Government of the Ui cri 3 w-e., in such members and with such powers as the Congress shall determine. All legislation hereunder shall be subject to amendment and repeal.” WASHINGTONIANS HAVE NO PART IN GOVERNING THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA The Petworth Citizen, April issue, carries these eloquent patriotic paragraphs of Pearl S. Buck, under the title: “What America Means to Me “The only danger to our country is from within, that we forget our own power to be what we want to be. Let no American to~ day take refuge in the willful helplessness which shrugs its shoulders and says, ‘What can I do?’ We have the right and the power to make our country what we want it to be. We are the kind of people that democracy produces—free, independent in our thought and behavior, fearless, forthright, and kind. I have seen many peoples of the earth, and it is not only patriotism, I think, when I say we possess these qualities to a greater degree than any other people. “It is not boasting when I say this, either, for like a child born with great gifts, we have these qualities, not by any effort of ours, but bestowed upon us by our ancestors, by those brave men and women who came here from other lands because freedom was essen- tial to them—the freedom to worship God as they willed, the freedom to work and keep themselves and their families from want, the freedom to believe and to speak as they be- lieved, the freedom to live unafraid and at peace, beneath the open sky.” These uplifting sentiments echo in the deep emotions of every civic-minded, patri- otic citizen of the District of Columbia. They, however, touch a very sore and tender spot when upon reflection it is noted that of all competent Americans of continental and contiguous United States these District people alone have no part, as members of the American family, in shaping the policies and maintaining such ideals. The Washingtonian can personally live up to the highest American ideals, but he is denied the fundamental right of an Ameri- can citizen to participate in the government of his beloved country through his elected representatives in both branches of the Con~ gress and in the election of the Nation’s Chief Executive. The people of the District have the same vital interest in all national legislation, na~ tional taxation, national appropriations as Americans in the States. They are as deeply concerned in the great national and inter- national problems as any other people in the country. They have the same earnest desire “to establish justice, insure domestic tran~ quillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity” as any other American. Until an enabling amendment is added to the Constitution and Congress enacts reme= dial legislation thereunder, the Americans of the District will he unable to be on an equal footing with their fellow Americans A3985 of the States. Now they are equal to citizens of the States only in the bearing of burdens; then, by voice, vote, and representation they will have their just share in governing their country. Americanization Day in Jersey City EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EDWARD J. HART OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, on April 30, 1950, the annual Americanization Day celebration sponsored by Capt. C. E. Fisk Post, No. 132, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, took place in Jersey City. This day was first celebrated in that city under the same auspices in 1931. From small beginnings it has gradually grown into the largest demon- stration of its kind in the United States. As stated by Mr. Clyde A. Lewis, com- mander in chief of the Veterans of For- eign Wars, who was the principal guest of honor: This Americanization Day program in Jersey City is traditional. Since its incep- tion some years ago, it has increased in mag- nitude. The spirit that prompted it in the beginning has taken root in the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and has spread to other parts of the Nation. This week end, in all the 48 States and in Alaska and Hawaii, Loyalty Day demonstrations will be staged under sponsorship of the VFW. Captain C. E. Fisk Post, No. 132, is in- deed proud, as it has every right to be, of being the originator and continued sponsor of these exercises. And Jersey City is equally proud of having been the city in which this first took place. The general chairman was again Mr. George A. 'Thornton, Sr. The honorary chairman was Hon. John V. Kenny, mayor of Jersey City, and the grand marsha! of the parade was Master Set. Nicholas Oresko, holder of the Congres- sional Medal of Honor. Despite the fact that inclement weather prevailed, many thousands of people watched the parade as it swung along the 244-mile route. The parade terminated at Pershing Field where other thousands were assembled and listened to addresses from National Commander in Chief Clyde A. Lewis, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, who delivered an important address; Hon. William Flanagan, deputy mayor of Jersey City; Hon. Louis J. Messano, a member of the city commission; Mrs. Helen Murphy, past naticnal president, Ladies Auxiliary, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States; and myself. Invocation, prayer, and benediction were offered by the reverend representatives of the Catholic, Jewish, and Protestant religions. I append herewith the ad- dress delivered on this occasion by Commander in Chief Lewis: . Iam enthused with this great demonstra- tion. The thousands who marched in this parade and the other hundreds of thousands who gathered along the line of march as spectators exemplify the spirit of the occa= sion—Americanism. Those who marched
A3986 and those who watched came of their own free will because of an abiding faith in the cause that inspired it. Their willingness to stand up and be counted is truly an inspira- tion to everyone who loves and believes in the United States and its institutions. As commander in chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, I am gratified to be here and to participate in this heart-warming demon- stration. ‘This Americanization Day pro- gram in Jersey City is traditional. Since its inception some years ago, it has increased in magnitude. The spirit that prompted it in the beginning has taken root in the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and has spread to other parts of the Nation. This week end, in all the 48 States and in Alaska and Hawaii, loyalty day demonstrations will be staged under sponsorship of the VEFW. The governors of 40 States and of the 2 Territories have issued proclamations calling for loyalty day observances to counter the disloyal and un-American activities long practiced on that day by the Communists. Huge parades, such as this one here today, will be held in major cities throughout the Nation—New York, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Detroit, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Pitts- burgh, Salt Lake City and Ogden, and New “Drieans and Baton Rouge. These demonstrations here, and through- out the Nation, this week end, have a two- fold purpose—to reaffirm our faith in Amer- ica and its institutions, and to serve notice that we will not countenance any subversive efforts to weaken or destroy this Nation, or to nullify any of the fundamental prin- ciples embodied in its Constitution, its laws, or its economic, social, and policial structure. It is doubtful if anything in this world is perfect—and that is applicable to our country itself as well as to every phase of American life. We have our faults, both as individuals and as a government. If we own 2 home, we don’t tear it down just pecause the roof leaks, or windows are broken. By the same token, we will not destroy the Nation and its institutions and substitute something new and untried, merely because a few defects here and there need correcting. With all its faults, this is a grand and glorious country that merits the love and respect of all of us. It has served us well by giving us the world’s highest standard of living. It has given us freedom of oppor- tunity, of religion, of speech, and press. It has given us the heritage of enlightenment through free education. It has permitted the humblest of us to work, to earn, and to build the kind of lives we want for our- selves and our children. That love of country—Americanism, we call it--in its true meaning is much more than flag waving and oratory. It is a high and noble principle rooted deep in the hearts and souls of patriots. But there are those who disagree with our views. While we are gathering here and at other points all over the country to publicly acknowledge our allegiance to America and American ideals, members of a group which dares call itself “American” are marching to symbolize their opposition to America and the American way of life. While Moscow pulls the strings, these puppets of the Krem- lin demonstrate their hatred for the free in- stitutions they could enjoy in few other countries in the world today. What a travesty it is to see them openly defying and vilifying the very Constitution that gives them the right to assemble and demonstrate. In a speech a few days ago, President Tru- man characterized communism as a “tyran- nical force which does not recognize justice as we know it.” He declared further that “wherever this force extends, there is no freedom of speech, no freedom of religion, no freedom even of opinion. The State is the all-powerful arbiter of men’s words and acts, Human dignity and human freedom are meaningless.” For many years, the Veterans of Foreign Wars has been outspoken in its opposition to the activities of Communists in this coun~ try. We have insisted that the so-called American Communist Party be outlawed, be~ cause we contend that no individual, or no group of individuals, advocating the over- throw of the American Government, has the right to call itself American. So far as the VFW is concerned, you must be a Communist, oran American. You cannot be both. Iam gratified to see so many young people participating in this occasion, both in the line of march, and along the parade route. These youngsters of today will make the America of tomorrow. What they make of it will depend on we older men and women of today. If we are Willing to stand idly by and let them become inoculated with the poisonous doctrines of communism and other subversive forces, we have no right to expect that they will stand firm for free democracy. In our indifference, we have permitted com- munism to reach out into our schools and colleges, planting the seeds of doubt, and unrest, and even revolt, in the minds of Anierican youth., While we stood idly by, these disloyal forces have wormed their way into the inner councils of our Government. You know the tragic story of betrayal by those who pro- fessed loyalty to the country, but at the same time were handing over secret infor- mation to a potential enemy. We were gratified to hear the President say that the loyalty program has rid the Government of all employees who were found to be disloyal, and that not a single person who has been adjudged to be a Com- munist, or otherwise disloyal remains on the Government payroll today. We sincerely hope he is correct. We, as loyal citizens, can be of help in keeping traitors out of our Government, We can, as the President suggested, advise the Attorney General or the FBI of any known Communists or other disloyal persons occu- pying positions in our Government. As loyal citizens who have fought in defense of our democracy, the members of the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the other veteran organi- zations have always been forthright and cut-~ spoken in opposing any and all subversive and disloyal activities, whether by individ- uals or groups. We have been constantly vigilant, and shall continue to be so. Our stand for forthright Americanism is challenged from another quarter. There are active and vociferous groups which are de- manding that we barter our heritage of free- dom at the bargain counter of world govern- ment or superstatism. They tell us, in effect, that it is old-fashioned to be patriotic, that the United States, as a nation, has outlived its usefulness, that it can no longer stand alone, but must surrender its sovereignty— its national integrity—and become a subor~ dinate element in a dreamed-up, utopian supernation. They would destroy the house rather than patch the leaks in the roof, They single out and accentuate the weaknesses in our sys~ tem. They play upon fear of the atom bomb, the hydrogen bomb, or the bacteriological weapons which might be used by an ag-~ gressor nation of the future. Their slogan is there must be world gov~ ernment now—else destruction. It is regrettable that the legislatures of 22 of our States were taken in by this world federalist pig-in-a-poke scheme. They bought it sight-unseen, but largely through the militant efforts of the VFW and some other patriotic groups, three of them—Geor-~ gia, California, and Rhode Island—have found that what they bought was no bar- gain, and have rescinded their approval. I am happy to tell you that the Veterans of Foreign Wars’ battle on world federalism APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD has just begun. We have set up machinery within our organization to carry on the fight, and we are determined that no re- source at our command will be spared in acquainting the American people with the kind of bitter medicine the superstate crowd is brewing for them, On this Loyalty Day, the Veterans of For- eign Wars, through its one and a quarter million overseas veterans, rededicates itself to the noble task of making democracy a liv- ing, virile force, not alone in this country, put throughout the world. In proclaiming Loyalty Day in the State of New York, Gov. Thomas E. Dewey declared: “For several decades, the first day of May in each year has been preempted by subver- sive groups dedicated to the destruction of freedom. So far as these groups are con- cerned, May Day has been virtually disloyalty day.” The Veterans of Foreign Wars, with the support of all who love freedom, is deter- mined that no shameful record of disloyalty shall mar the pages of this Nation’s history. Midcentury White House Conference for Children and Youth « EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HUGH J. ADDONIZIO OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mr. ADDONIZIO. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that a resident of the Eleventh Congressional District of New Jersey, Mr. Seldon M. Kruger, of Newark, has been named to the advisory council on youth participation for the Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth called by the President of the United States for December 3, 1950. Mr. Kruger and Miss Ruth Schaffer, of Co- lumbus, Ohio, who has been named by the President to the national committee of the conference, have written a most interesting paper dealing with the youth participation phase of the conference. This is the first of the conferences in which youth themselves will actively participate. This article is worthy of reading by all citizens, and I am there- fore placing it in the Recorp: MmcenruryY WHITE House CONFERENCE FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH (By Seldon Kruger, member, Advisory Coun~ cil on Youth Participation, and Ruth Schaffer, member, National Commission) President Truman has called a Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth. This conference will be the fifth in a series of such conferences under the sponsorship of the President of the United States since the beginning of the century. The midcentury conference will base its concern for children on the primacy of spiritual values, democratic practice, and the dignity and worth of every individual. Ac- cordingly, the, purpose of the conference shall be to consider how we can develop in children the mental, emotional, and spiritual qualities essential to individual happiness and to responsible citizenship. TO ACHIEVE THESE GOALS In order to achieve these goals the mid- century White House conference shall— (a) Bring together in usable form perti- nent knowledge related to the development
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of children and indicate areas in which fur- ther knowledge is needed. (b) Examine the environment in which children are growing up, with a view to de- termining its influence upon them. (c) Study the ways in which the home, the school, the church, the law, welfare agencies and other social institutions, indi- vidually and cooperatively, are serving the needs of children. , (d) Formulate through cooperative efforts of laymen and specialists, proposals for the improvement of parental, environmental, and institutional influences on children. (e) Suggest means whereby these pro- posals may be communicated to the people and put into action. COMMITTEES CREATED Four technical and special committees as- sume responsibility for specific areas as- signed by the national committee. In ad- dition, four advisory councils, including an advisory council on youth participation, through their various channels, in the de- termination of policy and program for the conference. This structure is utilized also, to disperse information about the confer- ence, and to provide means for meaningful follow-up work. The national committee has set the date of the conference for December 3, 1950, in Washington, D. C. ADVISORY COUNCIL ON YOUTH PARTICIPATION Of particular interest is youth participa- tion in the conference. Since the American Youth Commission report in 1940, no na- tional report on the status, problems, needs of young people has been published. The biggest concern of young people today seems to be that of finding a place in their com- munity and this complex world. Youth must be prepared to make decisions about education, vocation, marriage, and parenthood; they must choose between many conflicting values in our society; they are concerned about peace, and fear the future. In order to become the kind of adult citizens our world needs they must be mature, stable, responsible individuals. Young people to- day must have opportunities to learn to take responsibilities, and must be given these re- sponsibilities as they are ready to assume them. The aim of the Advisory Council on Youth Participation is to achieve the most real and effective participation of school- and out-of- school-age youth in the midcentury White House conference. In order to achieve this kind of participa~ tion five young people have been invited to serve on the national committee and on its subcommittees. These members were chosen from coordinating councils through which they can channel information and knowl- edge about the White House conference, and from which they can gather youth opinion. Through the national youth serving organ~ izations young people contribute to the con- ference. Youth is represented on most of the State and local committees. The Advisory Committee on Youth Partici- pation will afford other means by which young people may be represented in the planning and execution of the conference. On March 23-24, 1950, the advisory coun- ceil on youth participation met at the Federal Security Agency in Washington, D. C., in order to— (a) Recommend means for effective par- ticipation in the Midcentury White House Conference. , (b) Develop principles for and methods of youth participation in State and local White House Conference committees. (c) Establish channels for the distribution of youth of high-school and out-of-school ages to the Midcentury White House Confer- ence, : (d) Interpret the significance of joint planning of adults and youth in the areas of mutual concern. Representatives from 28 national youth membership organizations and youth divi- sions of national organizations attended, Each organization was permitted to send three youth members in addition to one adult adviser. The youth members were selected by their agency or organization on the following criteria: 1. As a member of the constituency of the agency. 2. Being between 14 and 21 years of age. This age range was intended to include high- school, out-of-school working youth, and college youth. 8. Availability to assume continuing re- sponsibility for the duration of the advisory council. 4, Ability to contribute to the task of the council and ability to represent young people in their agency and community. 5. Of a responsible position within their own youth organization in order to commu- nicate their associates’ interests, as well as their own. The advisers who accompanied the dele~ gates were either a staff member of their particular organization with responsibility for working with youth between the ages of 14 and 21 or a lay member of the organi- zation responsible for youth programs in the agency. The advisers are expected to assume continuing responsibility for the duration of the conference and the follow-up. As a vital part of the advisory council meeting, the delegates discussed in four groups the following questions: 1. What can high-school and out-of-school youth contribute to the focus on the primacy of spiritual values, democratic practice, and the dignity and worth of every individual? 2. What kind of home, school, church, neighborhood, and leisure time relationships develop mental, emotional, and spiritual qualities essential to individual happiness and responsible citizenship? 3. What recommendations, out of a discus- sion of questions one and two (above), does this advisory council make for further con- sideration at the December 3 meeting of the Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth? From these discussions came many sug- gestions, which were put into the form of recommendations. The recommendations, as approved in general session of the coun- cil on youth participation, are that the Mid- century White House Conference— 1. Study and explore ways to stregthen and enrich family life; 2. Place emphasis upon spiritual values as motivation for our actions as individuals and groups in society; 8. Consider the needs of working youth as well as finding ways for their active partici~ pation in the conference and its work; 4, Be concerned with those things in life that make for security of individuals; 5. Be concerned with the civil rights as basic to the well-being of the whole Ameri- can community; 6. Recognize that community life could be greatly improved and enhanced to the degree that there is group cooperation and participation; '. To explore ways and means of provid- ing sufficient and trained leadership for youth groups; 8. Prepare a document summarizing the changes in relationship between children and youth and adults, and recommend pro- grams and action in light of these changes; and 9. The use of radio, press, and television, and other media be extended to tell of youth’s contribution to wholesome commu- nity life. A3987 On the basis of experience with the Youth Advisory Council of the Midcentury White House Conference, it was recommended that similar youth advisory councils be estab- lished on the local and regional level, so that there will be opportunity for more young people to participate in the Midcen~ tury Conference. In addition, to encourage young ‘people to work together and develop new leadership, the Advisory Council urged the establishment of youth councils. The Advisory Council also endorsed the inter- disciplinary approach to problems concern-~ ing young people used by Midcentury Con- ference and urged that it be employed on a regional and local level. In order that the maximum amount of youth participation be achieved on all levels the council further urged: the stimulation of local youth councils; that young working people be included in the conference; that schools and parent-teachers associations be involved in planning on a local level for the conference; that the conference help develop leadership; and that young people of all cul- tural backgrounds be involved in the cons ference. These recommendations were sent to the National Committee of the Midcentury Con= ference for consideration. The results of the Midcentury Century White House Conference on Children and Youth will have greater meaning because of the positive involvement of youth, This is the first of the White House Conferences on Youth in which youth themselves will actively participate. Through participation, young people are given the opportunity to properly function in accordance with their individual capaci- ties. Youth participation enables young people to make a contribution toward the achievement of a goal. As members of the Advisory Council on Youth Participation, young people are mak- ing substantial contributions to the total conference because of their status and ex- perience as youth. On all committees, selec- tion of youth membership was made on the basis of their potential contributions to the particular committee. Youth is able to offer a unique service by providing first-hand experiences as youth in family, school, job, and leisure-time relation- ships. The ideas of young people in these areas should then be considered in planning services for youth. Although suggestions of youth should not be isolated, but should be considered along with all other suggestions and recommendations. By involving youth in the conference not only is the potential fulfillment of the con- ference greater, but another large segment of millions of people within the population will be reached as contributors to the gen- eral welfare. “While the conference itself will take place in Washington, its center of interest and action will extend to every town and village, to every home and farm where children live.” The Housing Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHASE GOING WOODHOUSE OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 24, 1950 Mrs. WOODHOUSE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I in. clude an editorial from the Hartford Times, May 13, which commends the Connecticut State housing program,
A3988 This program is very similar to the mid- dle income housing program which un- fortunately was defeated in the House of Representatives this session: Tur Housine ProsRaM In 1,455 family units built under the State’s housing program, approximately 5,- 800 persons are now living. Many more units are under construction or planned. Today’s issue of the Times includes several pages bearing the news of houses recently built by private capital. Connecticut is in- deed making progress in relieving the acute shortage of housing accommodations. A closer look at the efforts of the State housing authority is well worth while be- cause it is to that body that thousands of persons look for solution of their problem. Tis records show that nearly 3,000 units are under construction. This month and in June construction of 1,500 more units will begin. The authority also says its books show that of the $65,000,000 made available by legislation to moderate rental housing more than $68,000,000 is now under signed assistance agreements with local housing authorities. There is also a home ownership program that the State housing authority adminis- ters. Certificates of eligibility for State mortgage loans have been issued to nearly 7,500 persons. In 164 cases, loans to in- dividual house purchasers have been ap- proved, and there has been approval of loans to enable builders to start construction of 388 houses. Many applications in these two classifications are now being processed. The authority members have expressed the opin- ion that building activity is accelerating at such a rate that the $30,000,000 available for State mortgage loans may be entirely com- mitted by midsummer. In a memorandum from the authority of- fice is the statement that rents paid by fam~ ilies living in moderate rental housing proj- ects and the interest, 14% percent, paid by the families obtaining State mortgage loans will return with interest, all the money bor- rowed by the State to finance these programs and to meet the cost of putting the programs into effect. There is certain to be considerable public discussion of the housing program during the coming campaign and already an attempt to discredit it has begun. Honest and ac- curate criticism will be a good thing. But two things should be borne in mind. The housing authority operates within limits pre- scribed by the general assembly from which the program emerged only after a bitter par~ tisan battle. Under the terms of that pro- gram there is the essential fact that houses are being built, that the rate of construction is increasing and that a lot of people are find- ing shelter within their own economic reach, Armed Forces Day Address by Bon- ner Fellers, Brigadier General, United States Army, Retired, at Danville, Ill. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD H. JENISON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 25, 1950 Mr. JENISON. Mr. Speaker, in com- pany with other communities across the Jand, the city of Danville, Ill., staged an impressive observance of the first Armed Forces Day on Saturday, May 20. The speaker was a “native son” who returned home for the occasion after more than 30 years’ service to his country in the United States Army. He is Bonner Fellers, born in Ridgefarm, Vermilion County, and at the time of his retire- ment from the Army a brigadier general who had served his country in the world’s battle zones, climaxed by service with General MacArthur from Australia to Tokyo. Because of his experience and his outstanding military career, his ad- dress on the occasion of the first Armed Forces Day has more than usual signif- icance. For that reason I am including it in the CONGRESSIONAL RecorpD under permission granted by the House. General Feller’s address, delivered prior to a colorful flag ceremony staged by Danville Reserve military units and the drum corps of Curtis G. Redden Post 210, the American Legion, and broadcast by ra#2S station WDAN, could be read with profit by every Member of Congress and by thoughtful citizens everywhere. It follows: Commander Horneman, Mayor Hicks, my comrade in the Pacific war, Representative Jenison, and friends of Vermilion County, it is wonderful to be home again. I have not lived in Illinois for 36 years. Yet, I believe it is true, that I have thought of home every day since I have been away. During World War II it fell my lot to see considerable fighting. For 2 years I shared the fortunes of the British forces in the Middle East. There some seven different na- tionalities were locked in combat against the German and Italian desert forces. Fol- lowing this assignment I served in the Pa~ cific where Americans, Filipinos, and Aus- tralians engaged the Japs in the jungle, on the sea, and in the sky. I have seen the Thirty-third Division fight in the Philippines. It is my fixed opinion that there are no better soldiers in the world than the men from Illinois. This magnifi- cent patriotic demonstration here today is typical. During the first year I was with General MacArthur in the Pacific, I was in charge of GHQ planning. On my staff were Navy, Air Force, marine, and Army officers. The problem of unification never occurred to any of us because among us cooperation was complete. In their intense eagerness to get on with the war, members of the planning group forgot the services to which they be- longed. Our operations involved use of air, ground, and sea forces in closely knitted teams. The success of each of the services— Army, Navy, Air Force—depended upon the cooperation of the other two. There was never one single instance in which the co- operation was lacking. Each arm endeav- ored to outdo the other in perfecting its as- signment. What then is this problem of unification and why do we hear so much about its being difficult to effect? Unification is sound in principle. Why is it not working as well as we had hoped? The truth is, in my judgment, the trouble lies at the very top. Today the Army, Navy, and Air Force civilian and military chiefs are permitted to plan our national security without an over-all concept of how we must fight the next war. Each of the three arms— Army, Navy, and Air Force—therefore, is planning to fight the next war by playing the major role. The Army is planning to fight it out on the ground in Europe by engaging the full weight of the Red army. This requires ter- rific peacetime expenditures to get ready— some twelve to fifteen billion dollars annu- ally—for men, tanks, artillery, transporta- tion, supply, and related activities. The APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Army also looks to the Navy and to the Air Force for support in combat. Likewise, the Navy is permitted to plan for the next war, envisaging itself in the lead- ing role. The Navy dreams of engaging the Red air forces and of bombing the war in- stallations of the enemy from planes based on supercarriers. This requires a number of supercarriers—worth a quarter billion dol- Jars each—in order to create the necessary sea-air team which is essential if the Navy is to retrieve its former role as our first line of defense. To fulfill this role the Navy needs some $10,000,000,000 annually. The Air Force also is permitted to plan to play the lead should war come. It must do strategic bombing to knock out Russia’s war potential. It must provide tactical air sup- port for Allied troops in Europe, lest they be destroyed by the Red air force. It must defend Allied air bases beyond the conti- nental limits of the United States. It must defend Alaska. As you know, since Russia has the atomic bomb and long-range bombers of the B-29 type, our cities are now threat~ ened with destruction for the first time since 1812. If the next war comes, we shall be bombed here at home. We could have the best Army and Navy in the world and they would be powerless to defend us from air attack. Only air power can do this, As a result of this Army, Navy, and Air Force planning in which each intends to play the major role, the cost of national de- fense has skyrocketed. The last national defense budget submitted was $32,000,000,000 before it was pared down to less than half this amount. It is the policy to split the budget almost equally three ways so that the Army, Navy, and Air Force have about the same amount of money to spend. This arbitrary division has become known as the balancing of our forces. But does this dollar halamce give true combat balance? Would it not be more effective to balance our forces against our potential enemy? Russia is immeasurably strong on the ground. We can’t defeat her in Europe any more than Napoleon and Hit- ler could defeat her. We know that Napo- leon lost half a million men and Hitler lost 5,000,000 men against Russia and that both failed. Why, then, should we not avoid ground combat with the Red army and plan to defeat Russia by another means? We have the best Navy in the world. It is essential that we keep it the best. So long as we have the Navy the Red army can never be brought to our shores. But the Navy cannot deliver the knock-out blow against Russia because deep within Russia’s borders she has all the resources needed for modern war. From the sea Russia is un- blockadeable. Since neither the ground nor the sea forces can win, we must strengthen our air power in time of peace so that, if war comes, we shall have mastery of the air, Russia’s eternal allies of distance, winter, and manpower are impotent against air power, The question arises: Can we defeat Russia by air assault? Iam convinced that we can. We have the example of Japan. The dough- boy and the marine and the sailor and the air men all played heroic parts in the last war. Credit for cur brilliant victories is fairly evenly divided. It was a well-inte- grated team which gave us success. But if you ask a Jap why Japan surren- dered, he will tell you that 52 Japanese cities had been destroyed by air attack before the atomic bombs were dropped. He will tell you that he surrendered because his people were sick of bombing and preferred surrender to total destruction from air strikes. If this was true in Japan, is it not logical to conclude that Russia might sur- render for the same reason? To the unbiased student, therefore, it is clear cur only hope of victory against Russia