APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I know we must trade with other countries and I am im favor of reciprocal trade if it is really reciprocal I cannot see the United States being made a dumping ground for free trade at the expense of our own workers and their jobs. There has been nothing recipro- cal about tlese trade agreements. Other na. tions do not reciprocate In case after case, other countries have withdrawn their con- cessions with us while still enjoying the full benefits of our concessions. I say, when con-~ cessions are withdrawn by others, then let us withdraw ours. I belicve in helping free nations in need of assistance to restore and raise their stand. ards of living. I believe we can do this without our American workers, in addition to being burdened with high and indirect and hidden taxes, being deprived of their jobs to bolster a foreign policy which, in my opinion, has not been an outstanding suc- cess, The best security for the American worker Js a good job at good wages. And that is the best security for peace. Hon. Joseph E. Ransdell EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, June 5, 1950 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, it is my great honor to incorporate in the ConGRESSIONAL Recorp an article which appeared a few weeks ago in the Monroe (La.) Morning World about for- mer United States Senator Joseph E. Ransdell, when he was honored at a din- ner at Lake Providence, La., when there was conferred upon him the papal dis- tinction of Knight Commander of the Order of St. Gregory the Great. I also enclose herewith an article which recently appeared in Catholic Ac- tion of the South, written by Mr. Adras LaBorde, Senator Ransdell’s blographer, I take this opportunity, too, Mr. Speak- er, to add my congratulations to this great and distinguished son of my State. Senator Ransdell, now near 92 years of age, is still a tremendous factor for good in our Nation. It is fitting that the re- ligious leaders of my own church, to which he has been loyal and devoted, should pay these great tributes to him while he is still with us: Ex-Szenator From East Carroun Paris Con- FERRED Wits Honor (By Mrs. H. T. Van Fossen) Ninety-one-year-old Joseph E. Ransdell was honored recently at a dinner in Lake Providence, La. and conferred the papal dis- tinction of Knight Commander of the Order of St. Gregory the Great. The former United States Senator, who served as a legislator for 32 years and did much to promote the Carville Leprosarium, the National Congress for Rivers and Har- bors and the National Institute of Health was cited as “having brought great honor and prestige to Lake Providence.” The Most Reverend Charles Paschal Greco, D. D., Bishop of Alexandria, commended the Senator for his many years of loyal service and devotion especially throughout the years that the Ku Klux Klan flourished in Loul- siana and the Southland. Bishop Greco pointed out that Senator Ransdell was repeatedly returned to Con- gress from an area of the State where only 1 percent of the voters were Catholic. He praised the American people for their fair- mindness and appreciation of one’s loyalty to duty whether of their faith or not. Ransdell was later termed “a great serv- ant of God and the people of Louisiana” by the bishop. More than 200 friends and churchmen of Northeast Louisiana were guests of St. Pat- rick’s congregation at the dinner honoring Senator Ransdell. Speaking at the dinner, Judge Frank Voelker, of the sixth judicial district, as- serted “this is a unique occasion, the average person rarely receives such recognition or has an accolade bestowed upon kim during his lifetime.” Judge Voelker pointed out, “Senator Rans- dell has brought great honor to our little town. His reputation as a statesman has brought prestige to his hometown and for this we can be appreciative.” A number of years ago Senator Ransdell was made a Knight of St. Gregory. The order of St. Gregory the Great is a pontifical order of knighthood founded by Pope Greg- ory XVI in 1831. There are civil and mili-+ tary divisions and each is ranked into Grand Cross Knights of the first and second class, commanders and knights. “This order is bestowed in recognition of distinguished service to the church,” Judge Voelker said. “We honor a man already loaded with honors and prestige,” Judge Voelker said, “a man who today is in his ninety-second year of fruitful living, one who despite his many years of useful service is still working day by day for the betterment of the community in which he lives.” Msgr. John C. Marsch, pastor of St. Mat- thews Church in Monroe, read the English translation of the papal rescript. Charles F. Zimmer was master of ceremonies. Msgr. John Vandegaer, of Natchitoches, and Roy Aycock, of Alexandria, former pas- tors at St. Patrick, commended Senator Rans- dell for his humbleness, helpfulness to his fellow men in East Carroll Parish, in dividing his large landholdings in East Carroll Parish into tracts and selling them to small farmers whom he financed, and assisted in inaugu- rating the first colored Catholic congregation in Lake Providence. The Catholic church and school of 1925 and today was compared by Monsignor Marsch who pointed out that Senator Ransdell was a native of Rapides Parish and was a former classmate of his mother, Overcome with emotion Senator Ransdell asserted, “I am too full for utterance. This is the greatest honor of my almost 92 years. I came to East Carroll Parish 67 years ago and the people here have been good to me, What I have been able to accomplish has been through the assistance of my friends here and throughout the State.” The dinner honoring the East Carroll Sen-~ ator was sponsored by the Associated Cath~- olic Men's clubs of northeast Louisiana and T. P. Coenen, of Rayville, and his brother, W. R. Coenen. es [From Catholic Action of the South of February 23, 1950] INVESTITURE RECALLS LABORS OF HUMBLE Son or Mornmr CHurcHh (By Adras LaBorde) ALEXANDRIA.—When. Bishop Charles P. Greco, of Alexandria, invests Senator Joseph E. Ransdell, of Lake Providence, as a com~ mander in the Knights of St. Gregory, Sun- day, he will be honoring one of the greatest Catholic laymen to appear on the Southern seene since Chief Justice Edward Douglass White. A4219 Senator Ransdell, nearing 92 years of age, will become one of the select few named by the Pope to the high honor of Knight Com- mander. A glimpse into the life of Senator Ransdell shows more than adequate justification for the honors bestowed upon him by his church. Joseph E. Ransdell can look back upon a full life; full in the sense that he will leave the fruit of his work to the benefit of many generations to come, and full in the sense that he has used his God-given talents use- fully, and in the courageous defense of his treasured Catholic faith. The story goes back to 1858—just before fraternal strife tore up the Nation. Senator Ransdell was born in that year, on a cotton plantation on Bayou Roberts, in Rapides Parish, La. His life covers nine-tenths of the fastest moving century in the history of man. His 50 years as a public servant span that great half- century during which America emerged from the shambles of civil war and a mere frontier to the greatest Nation on the earth—five decades crowded with breath-taking progress in transportation, communications, indus- trial, and social evolution. STANCH CATHOLIC The Senator is an integral part of the glorious history of those 50 years. More im- portant still, as a Catholic layman, stanch in his faith by word and deed, his very pres- ence on our Nation's stage has given him a stellar role in the phenomenal growth of the church he has loved and served so un- tiringly. He was born under a President who was elected by the anti-Catholic Know- Nothing Party. He reached the height in public life just in time to champion his faith against the fury of the Ku Klux Klan With an avidity of interest and intellectual acu~ men which belies his years he daily follows with joy unfeigned the progress and vic- tories of his church. Joseph E. Ransdell recalls vividly the more sharply etched memories of his child- hood—the slaves, the Union and Confed- erate armies, himself as a 6-year-old refugee of the war fleeing to Texas with his family, the poverty and toil and turmoil of recon- struction, his father’s death in a sugar-mill accident when he was 11. Having to work as a youngster to support a fatherless family, he had only a few months of formal schooling. He is indebted for his basic education mainly to his con- vent-reared sisters and to Father Menard, his pastor at Alexandria—the stalwart church pioneer of central Louisiana. By the time he was 19, young Joe Rans- dell was riding his pony 25 miles to Spring Creek to teach in a small country school. Thirsting himself for greater knowledge, he received a scholarship to Union College at Schenectady, N. Y. He fondly recalls his preparation for his first trip north, particu- larly how he procured Father Menard’s light- weight overcoat by exchange for his heavy riding coat more appropriate for the pas- tor’s horseback rides to missions. GRADUATES WITH HONORS Joe graduated with honors in 1882, win- ning the much-prized Blackford gold medal for oratory. His stay up North presented opportunities for the young student to mani- fest two traits which have characterized his life down through the years: A strong and vocal adherence to his faith in the face of adversities, and a penetrating evaluation of the common problems and general welfare of the Nation as a whole against local and sec- tional interests. After graduation, Joe made his home with his brother-in-law, Tom Montgomery, in the delta town of Lake Providence. There he studied law under the tutelage of Tom’s father, After 1 year he passed an examina- tion and was admitted to the bar, in 1883.
A4220 Joe began his public life in a truly Wash- ingtonesque manner that same year. He was appointed parish surveyor. The next year, at the age of 26, he was elected district attorney and was reelected without opposition in 18838 and 1892. On November 15, 1885, he married Olive Irene Fowell, of Lake Providence, who had joined the church 2 days earlier. Not finan- cially able to take a honeymoon or even to settle down, the couple were given lodging with Father Mahe, the pastor at Lake Provi- dence. Joe declined renomination as district at- torney in 1€96 and devoted himself to the practice of law for the next 3 years. During this period he represented his area at the Louisiana Constitutional Convention of 1898. In 1899 he ran for Congress and won over four prominent opponents, because “I said only nice things about them.” In December he began a term of duty in Washington which was to continue for 32 years. Noteworthy in Joe’s election for seven con- secutive terms as Congressman from the Fifth District is the fact that only 1 percent of his constituents were Catholic. Some misguided politicians tried on occasion to make an issue of his faith but to no avail. His integrity and earnestness were too well known tc become besmirched by the lies of demagogue or religious bigot. His 14 years in the House of Representa- tives and 18 in the Senate were marked by accomplishments which cannot he detailed here. In brief, they included: The rookie Congressman had seen the floodwaters of the Mississippi and its tribu- taries regularly rampage through the fertile fields of his homeland. It was natural that flood control should have been a pet project from the start. The United States Govern- ment at that time did not conceive of flood control as its responsibility. A means of winning friends for this new departure had to be devised. As a result of Joe’s efforts, the National Rivers and Harbors Congress was reorganized and Joe served as 11s president for 13 years. In that capacity he was largely responsible for the steadily increasing appro- priations for the Nation’s rivers and harbors. The over-all, long-term, flood-control plan which has followed the disaster of-192'7 is his crowning victory. Every citizen residing in lowland areas owes him a personal debt of gratitude. PUBLIC HEALTH CHAMPION Senator Ransdell’s interest in public health was whetted by memories of the great yellow fever epidemic of 1905, when he had rendered personal service in his own community. Visits 1o Puerto Rico and Panama during the fight to make the tropics safe for human habitation further confirmed his determina- tion to provide man with every weapon against disease that modern science cquld devise. In a speech on the floor of the Senate in 1916 he reminded his colleagues that rural health was the Nation’s prime duty—that if billions could be spent to advance the art of killing in war, certainly smaller sums should be spent to advance the art of pro- ~ longing life. Ten years later he introduced his bill creating the National Institute of Health, a great clearinghouse of health for mankind, for scientific techniques in the conquest of disease. It took him 4 years of utter persistence to sell the strictly hu- manitarian measure to patronage-minded Congressmen. Nothing of its kind had ever been pushed through. An eminent medical authority epitomized the value of his labors in establishing the Institute in these words: “* *  * there are probably 1,000,000 peo- ple living in this country today who would not be living if it had not been for your advocacy of that public health measure.” Along these same lines it was Senator Ransdell’s efforts that led to the estab- lishment of the national leprosarium at Car- Ville, La. The Senator held remarkably advanced views on American foreign policy. He sup- ported President Wilson wholeheartedly in World War I. After the armistice and upon learning that the President was going to Europe to confer with Lloyd George, Clemen- ceau, and Orlando on world peace, he urged Wilson to make his foreign policy bipartisan by taking along ex-President Theodore Roosevelt as adviser. In reply, Wilson ad- mitted that he needed help, but not that man. Senator Ransdell deplored the President’s partisan politics when so much was at stake. He publicly deplored, too, the fact that pro- ceedings leading to the Versailles Treaty did not mention the name of God, and that the preceedings did not open with prayer or appeals for Heavenly aid. ALINED WITH WILSON He alined himself with Wilson in the post- war fight for ratification of the treaty and for United States membership in the League of Nations. In one of his strongest speeches in his long public life he predicted before the Senate that 50 years hence it will be a matter of common wonder that there should have been any opposition to the League of Nations. His prediction was wrong only in that it came to pass much sooner. As the dominant Catholic layman in the public life of the Nation for half a century, Joseph E. Ransdell had many opportunities to speak out for his faith. He never missed such a chance, In June of 1914 Notre Dame University rec- ognized his catholicity by conferring upon him an honorary doctorate of laws. At commencement exercises that night he proved his ability to foresee social evils by devoting his talk to the dangers of divorce. He predicted that the divorce rate would increase steadily to threaten the foundation of our society. That very year he introduced in the Senate a proposed constitutional amendment which would prohibit divorce with the right to remarry. Even then he was running deliberately counter to the spirit of the times. He found time during the busy war years to make three important speeches on his faith: “The patriotism of Catholics,” a timely topic at a Knights of Columbus cele- bration at Richmond, Va.; “The influence of Bishep Russell”; and “What a nation has a right to expect from the Catholic college graduate,” at the graduation exerciscs of Villanova College, Philadelphia, Pa. PAID HIGH HONOR High honor was paid him in 1926 when he was invited to address the International Eucharistic Congress at Chicago. His talk on “The holy Eucharist doing for the soul what the hand of God the Father has done for material nature” was to be long remem- bered by the tens of thousands who heard it. From the crowded coliseum of Soldiers’ Field, Chicago, the Senator’s inspired lan-~ guage flowed into the Halls of Congress to refute unjust criticism of his church. The refutation was in answer to vitriolle attacks of Senator Tom Heflin, of Alabama, who tried to slander the church in general and the KC in particular. ; After 32 years in Congress—the longest tenure of any Louisianian—Joe Ransdell’s popularity as an honest, God-loving public servant collided head-on with the ascending political star of Huey P, Long. His defeat shocked him, but left him without rancor. To this day he says that his defeat was a fa- vor in disguise. Already in his early seven- ties, he returned to hose Villa, his home on the cypress banks of Lake Providence, to re- sume his role as country gentleman, and to attend to his business interests and the pub- lic welfare. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD On March 9, 1985, Mrs. Ransdelil passed away. The Senator’s grief was heavy, but his faith eased the burden. By now, far beyond the classical life span of threescore and ten, the Senator gave no indication of feeling his years. He divided his properties into family farms and estab- lished almost 100 tenants, white and colored, on land of their own. Of his work in this connection, an official said, “East Carroll will always owe a dept of gratitude to Senator Ransdell. He gave opportunity to many poor farmers who atherwise would still be share croppers. Their success stands as a monument to Mr. Ransdell and the encour- agement he gave these worthy people.” On February 18, 1938, in his parish church at Lake Providence, Joseph E. Ransdell was invested as a IXnight of St. Gregory the Great, It was the first time a layman in a rural community of Louisiana had been so honored, and the first time any man in the diocese of Alexandria had received the cov- eted knighthood. Despite his memories of applause when he shared the limelight on the national stage, despite the high recognition accorded him by his church, Joseph E. Ransdell remains a humble son of mother church, a wonder- ful parish man. At 91 he assists at mass, missal in hand, and receives holy commun- ion every morning. His great love is the new parochial school his generosity made possible, He is an ac- tive member of the Holy Name Society. A few months ago he helped to organize the Associated Catholic Men’s Club of Northeast Louisiana. More recently he drove 180 miles to Maryhill to inspect with gratification the magnificent plant, seminary, retreat house, and youth camp which his bishop (Blshop Greco) was erecting. He looks forward to an early retreat at Maryhill, Truly, Joseph E. Ransdell deserves the honor of commander in the Order of St. Gregory. Winthrop College Commencement Exercises EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. BURNET R. MAYBANK OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, June 6 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MAYBANK. Mr. President, on last Sunday, June 4, the Honorable John EK. Peurifoy, Deputy Under Secretary of State, addressed the graduating class of Winthrop College at Rock Hill, S. C. This was an important occasion for two reasons in particular. First. More than 300 young ladies were completing their formal education in one of the largest girls’ schools in the Southeast and were about to enter into the everyday activities with which we in the Congress have such great concern, Second. The address was delivered by a native South Carolinian who has already rendered at a youthful age im- portant and illustrious services to his State and his Nation. The remarks of the Secretary were well and appropriately directed to the mem- bers of the graduating class. I ask unanimous consent that the ad- dress be printed at this point in the ReEcorp,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mr. McCARTHY. By whom did the Senator say the speech was made? Mr. MAYBANK. By Deputy Under Secretary of State, Mr. John E. Feurifoy, at Winthrop Coliege. I may say to my good friend from Wisconsin, we are fel- low South Carolinians. I am very proud of him. Mr. McCARTHY. I have no objection. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: ADDRESS BY THE HONORABLE JOHN E. Pruriroy, Deputy UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE, TO THE GRADUATING CLASS OF WINTIZROP COLLEGE, Rocx Hitz, S. C. I have always been pleasantly aware of Winthrop College. It is a known fact that this institution, through its many hundreds of graduates, has exerted a strong and bene-~ ficial influence on South Carolina. I, per- sonally, have felt that influence. For one thing, my foster mother is a Winthrop gradu- ate. Then, some of the teachers who strug- gled with me in my early school days were trained here. And, many of the girls with whom I grew up received the benefit of the sound education that is given here. So, com- ing to Winthrop is very much like renewing an old acquaintance and, at the same time, making a new one. In the last couple of weeks, as I was antici- pating this trip I experienced the usual pleas- ant expectations of visiting South Carolina, but here there was a new and stimulating ele- ment included—the thought that this would be no ordinary eccasion. On the contrary, for the more than 300 of you who are con- cluding your undergraduate work and ven-~ turing out on the careers of your choice, this, I realized, would be a unique event, a mile- post or a turning point in your lives. This realization gave me a sense of particular in- terest and, at the same time, evoked a feel- ing of personal responsibility. I thought it would be useful if I passed on to you some fundamental ideas that have impressed themselves on me in the course of my ex~ perlence in the Department of State. It occurred to me that education is a process that never stops. To him who has, it shall be given—as long as a man draws breath he will be learning more and more new things and through experience the old things that he has known will shine in new and varied colors. And I do have hope that through education the world progresses and, in the lives of gacd people, civilization moves further and further away from the law of the jungle. Tcannot look upon international problems wrom a detached, impersonal angle. Instead, I see and have always seen problems in terms of human beings. When a great issue comes up I see behind it families, homes, and the solid human values that you have learned about here and in which we all place such great importance. It was with those values in mind that I cast about for some conclusions that might help you see more clearly the problem of peace and security in the world of tcday and, at the some .time, help you toward a mrore constructive and perhaps a happier life. There is an inscription carved on the pedi-~- ment of the Union Station in Washington. When you visit your Nation’s Capital remem- ber to look for this inscription. It says, “tHe who would bring home the wealth of the Indles must take the wealth of the Indies out with him.” We cannot go empty-handed into the world and expect to reap a harvest. What we reap depends on what we have to give, You of the class of 1950 are not going empty- handed into the world. You are taking with you much more than the wealth of the Indies—the wealth of an American tradition, KCVI—~App.——266 the wealth of 4 years’ experience on the Winthrop Coilege campus, and the wealth of nearly 2,000 years of Christian heritage. Added to this wealth is the dividend of youth, and all that youth embraces—vigor, imagination, courage, independence. This wealth which makes you strong is the target of our enemies just as much as the material and industrial wealth of our great country. There is no ljoubt at all that our country has been singled out as the main target of Communist aggression. That fact in itself is significant. It is, in a way, a tribute to our moral and material strength. We are fair game because we represent everything communism opposes. We believe in God. Communism is an avowed philoso- phy of nonrecognition of God. We believe in freedom and human rights, and we work ceaselessly to extend them more and more each day. Communism denies the rights of the individual. In Russia there is only one right, the right of the State above all else. We have the secret ballot and Russic. has the secret police. We believe in free enterprise —the Russians oppose it. We permit our national neighbors to go and come freely across our borders. There are no military barriers between us and Canada or Mexico. The Russians control the people and domi- nate the governments of their neighbors. So we see communism is not at all a posi- tive philosophy but a very negative creed, It opposes every principle for which we stand. Let me warn you of the class of 1950 that far too many people in this world go through life always against and never for anything. It is so easy and often even popular to be against everything. Some, animated more by emotions than by convictions, become pro- fessional crusaders, asainst their government, against certain religions, and sometimes even against the young people. I’m sure all of you have at some time heard that the younger generation is going to the dogs. It was going to the dogs when I was a boy. My father told me it was said to be well on the way to the dogs when he was a boy. In the days of Cicero, Terence delivered tirades on the hopelessness of the young Romans. So it is an old stale story, and I want to go on record as saying never have I had more confidence in the youth of Ameri- ca. You are a great improvement over what I was at your age. You are more poised, more mature, and more spiritual. Never could Lucinda Matlock say to you— “What is this I hear of sorrow and wearl- ness, Anger, discontent, and drooping hopes Degenerate sons and daughters, Life is too strong for you. It takes life to love life.” I hope that you of the class of 1950 will be positive and not negative in your attitude and approach toward life. Let us all be af- firmative—not negative. Let us be construc- tive-—not destructive. Let us talk less about communism and talk more about democracy. Let us play down Russia, and play up Amer- ica. While we must take a realistic view of our weaknesses, let us always remember our sources of strength. While recognizing our flaws, let us capitalize our virtues. Natu- rally we have differences among us, but let us advertise our unity. The great nations of this world, those that have exerted most positive influence for good on the history of men, are those na-~ tions whose leaders were men of vision with great spiritual qualities. The iconoclasts, the dictators, have their brief innings, fall, and are remembered, if at all, only for the evil they worked. The achievement of moral leadership lives on, forever. Ancient Greece, constricted in size and arid in soil, gaye the standards of truth, beauty, and liberty as we know them A4221 today. From tiny Palestine came a phi- losophy which has determined the moral ecde of the Christian world for 2,000 years. The might and wealth of greater nations have vanished, but the vision of the prophets of Judah and the teachings of Christ are a potent influence in the world today. One key to the future is what I have called the fourth dimension in citizenship. We Americans have learned through long years of practice té accept the responsibili- ties of citizenship in our own home towns and our own States. We have demonstrated that we are both willing and able to handle the broader responsibilities that go with citizenship in this great Nation. But now something more is required of us. The security problem to which I have already referred, plus the ever-increasing ecmmpactness of our world and the inter- dependence of peoples, all those elements combine to make necessary a new level of individual responsibility. For want of a bet- ter term let us call this new requisite world citizenship. I don’t mean world citizenship in a literal sense, of course. The application of the fourth dimension in citizenship by the American people and by peoples in other countries has been growing steadily since the end of the last war. Acceptance of the concept derives from two factors. The first, of course, is self- interest. Whatever help we give other free- dom-loving people to become strong is, in the long run, helping ourselves. The second factor—the moral one behind world citizen- ship—is realization that we have a respon- sibility toward our fellow man, that we are, in fact, our brother’s keeper. You will recognize the interplay of both of those factors in the major foreign actions that the United States has been carrying out since the last war. That interplay is evident in our support of the United Nations, in the Marshall plan, in the Truman dac- trine, the Rio and North Atlantic Treaties, the Mutual Defense Assistance Act. It is also inherent in the point 4 program and our support of such other cooperative ventures as the International Trade Organization. Secretary Acheson has recently described one phase of our foreign policy as creating “situations of strength” against Communist expansion. He said that, being very realis- tic people, the Soviet leaders of communism could be influenced by such situations of strength where nothing else meant anything to them. Wherever communism has been faced up to in a determined manner it has generally been checked. If we are to continue to hold off immedi- ate threats to the peace by opposing them with strength we must continue to think and act in the fourth dimension of citizen- ship. Likewise, the long-pull job of creating lasting conditions in which peace can thrive will require that we exercise increasingly our responsibility on the world scale. The thousands of young men and women who, like yourselves, are graduating from colleges and universities everywhere will one day fall heir to the reins of leadership on all levels of activities. ‘You are relatively few in number. Because of that, upon you must fall the responsibility for the spread of the fourth dimension of citizenship. Yours will be the responsibility in that you have been given the opportunity to under- stand the nature of the stakes at issue. You will have the duty of maintaining standards and extending them among those who have not had equal opportunities. That means, in plain words, that each member of this graduating class must take on the job of acting and speaking his knowledge ana convictions on the world issues which can, like a thunderbolt or an earthquake, bring disaster into the most secluded of American communities, And, if I may say so, seeking
A4222 to achieve those standards gives a zest and an excitement to adult living. . As you assume your places in the order of things you will be playing a role of ever- increasing “~~7"*s77c no matter what your walk of ... .. -S more, you have as imspiration the accomplishments of your predecessors ai Winthrop who are a credit not only to this institution but to the great State of South Carolina as well. A small percentage of you may find your way into the Government, bringing to it the fourth dimension of citizenship that I have been talking about. In the Federal service, I am proud to say, there are many dedicated people, people motivated by an overwhelming zeal in the accomplishment of then dvLcs, a zeal which denies any selfish considerations of personal gain. There are a good many such people serv- ing this country in the Department of State. I have special reference to our people who have, for all practical purposes, given up all the comforts of life as we know them to represent democracy and freedom in the farthest reaches of civilization. These people are serving in places where food is all canned, where water must be boiled, where disease is rampant, and in many instances where one must contend with secret police. These people are really on the frontiers enduring hardships that would be forbidding to most of us. These courageous Americans are working at the level of the fourth dimen- sion. They are doing-an essential job, help- ing to bridge the gap between our standard of life and that of people who have been submerged for centuries. They are the modern-day pioneers. They are all too few in mumber. Those of you who do find your way into the Federal service will find the Washington scene to be exciting and, at the same time, challenging. But you will find inspiration, as I do, in the example of the service that has been rendered our country by South Carolinians who have become preeminent in world affairs. You who are graduating here today will bring home the wealth of the Indies because you are taking it out with you. GOP Woman Senator Blasts Four Horse- men of Calumny—Margaret Smith’s Declaration of Conscience Hits Me- Carthyism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, on May 5, 1950, I delivered a radio speech in Detroit, in which I stressed the fact that the Republicans were deliberately engaged in a campaign of smear, fear, hate, and suspicion; and that they ex- pected to ride to victory on this appeal to these base and low emotions of the human race. On June 1 the Senator from Maine was joined by six other Republican Senators who admitted publicly that they could not stomach the dirty, filthy, smeary, character assassination that their own Republican Party was engaged in. This statement of repudiation and disassociation from those who would play in the garbage pail will be well re- ceived and highly commended by ail de- cent citizens. I wish to include an article by the very able and distinguished Washington cor- respondent, Blair Moody, which ap- peared in the Detroit News on June 2, 1950: GOP Woman Senator BLAsts Four HorsEMEN or CanumMNny—MarGarer SmirH’s DrcLARa- TION oF CoNSCIENCE Hirs McCarTHYIsM (By Blair Moody) WASHINGTON, June 2.—It remained for the lady from Maine, Senator MARGARET CHASE Suir, to lead Republicans in a repudiation of McCarthyism and to lay on the line in @ declaration of conscience, what many in the Senate (and 1n the press gallery) have been thinking, feeling, and privately saying for weeks. “I am not proud,” said Senator SMITH, as Senator McCartHy (Republican, Wisconsin) sat a few feet away, “of the way the Senate has been made a publicity platform for irre- sponsible sensationalism * * * a forum of hate and character assassination sheltered by the shield of congressional immunity. “As a Senator Iam not proud of the reck- less abandon in which unproved charges have peen hurled from this side of the aisle * *« * or the obviously staged, un- dignified countercharges from the other side * * * “T do not like the way the Senate has been made a rendezvous for vilification, for selfish political grin at the sacrifice of individual 1eputa.icns and national unity. “Tam not proud of the way we smear out- siders from the floor of the Senate and hide behind the cloak of congressional immunity * « * and yet if we say the same thing in the Senate about our colleagues we can be stopped on the grounds of being out of order * * *, Surely we should be able to take the same kind of character attacks that we dish out.” THE FOUR HORSEMEN “I don’t want the Republican Party to ride to political victory on the Four Horsemen of Calumny—Fear, Ignorance, Bigotry, and Smear.” Six other Republican Senators—Ivzs, of New York; Aucen, of Vermont; Tosry, of New Hampshire; Morss, of Oregon; HzenpricKson, of New Jersey, and Turn, of Minnesota— joined with Mrs. Smirx in a joint statement, accusing both the Democratic administra- tion and certain elements of the Republi- can Party of unwittingly, but undeniably, playing directly into the Communist design of confuse, divide, and conquer. “Tt is about time,” said the seven Senators, “that we stopped thinking politically as Re- publicans and Democrats about elections and started thinking patriotically as Americans about national security based on individual freedom. It is high time we all stopped being tools and victims of totalitarian techniques » « * techniques that, if continued un- checked, will surely end what we have come to cherish as the American way of life.” While Senator Smrrm’s demand that Sen- ators “do some soul searching * * * weigh our consciences * * * on the man- ner in which we are using or abusing our powers and privileges” was directed prin- cipally at her own party, she also blistered President Truman, without naming him, for lack of leadership. NATIONAL FRUSTRATION She said that there exists in the country a national feeling of fear and frustration that could result in national suicide from lack of effective leadership in either the legislative or executive branch. The Democrats, she asserted, have pro- vided the Republicans with plenty of polit- ical issues without resorting to political smears. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “tne Democratic administration,” Mrs. Smirra cheread, “he- 27 ~"o+elv confused the people by ts advow 1 crt. *) grave warn ings and optimistic assurances * * * by its complacency to the threat of communism here at home and the leak of vital secrets to Russia * * *, It is time for a change and Republican victory is essential to the security of this countiy “Yet to replace (the President) with a Republican regime embracing a philosophy thav lacks political integrity or intvellecvual honesty would prove equally disastrous to the Nation.” : It was then that Mrs. Smirm said she did not want to see the Republican Party “ride to victory on the Four Horsemen of Calumny ” and went on: “I doubt if the Republican Party could— simply because I don’t believe the American people will uphold any political party that vyutt ties] exploitation above national ers: * * * Such a victory would be a lasting defeat for the American peo- ple. * * * It would ultimately be suicide for the Republican Party and the two-party system.” AMERICANS FIRST The seven-Senator statement declared, “we are Republicans—but we are Americans first.” “It is high time,” Mrs. Surrx said, “that we remembered the Constitution speaks not only of freedom of speech but also of trial by jury instead of trial by accusation. “Whether it be a criminal prosecution in court or a character prosecution in the Senate, there is little practical distinction when the life of a person has been ruined. “Those who shout the loudest about Americanism in making character assassina- tions are all too frequently those who ignore the basic rights of Americanism—the right to criticize, to hold unpopular beliefs, to protest, to think independently. “The American people are sick and tired of being afraid to speak their minds lest they be politically smeared as ‘Communists’ or ‘Fascists’ by their opponents. * * * Our country is being psychologically divided py the confusion and suspicions that are bred in the United States to spread like can- cerous tentacles of ‘know nothing, suspect everything’ attitude. * * *” James W. Wadsworth Retires EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, the edi- tor of the Rochester (N. ¥.) Democrat and Chronicle has, with rare insight, caught the spirit of the true Jrm Waps- worts in editorializing on his announced retirement from Congress. Under leave to extend my remarks, I include this edi- torial and also an appreciation of his public service by Mr. Arthur Krock of the New York Times: Concress Won’r Be toe SAME tt “JIM WavswortH retiring? I can’t believe That was the reaction of the average west- ern New Yorker to the startling news that came from Washington Wednesday an- nouncing JAMES W. WanSwortH’s decision to retire from Congress at the end of his present term. A congressional election without the name of James W. Wansworr: on the ballot in the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Forty-first District? A Congress roll call without a calm voice answering “Here” when the name of “WapswortH of New York” is reached? It does seem almost unbelievable. He has been 1n public life so long that we of western New York have been prone to take him for granted. But in our hearts we were always proud to have’such a Representative in Washington, To the Nation he is a familiar name, an elder statesman, one of the really dis- tinguished figures in the Congress, one of the few who has served in both legislative branches—throvgh two great wars—for a total of 30 productive years. But to us in the Genesee country he will always be “Young Jim,’ our neighbor from up the valley, a persor viv of rare charm, the aristocrat vu. ii use democratic ways, the tall, bald, square-shouldered man who speaks so easily without any rhetorical flourishes put with a forthright forcefulness, whose face 1s creased into a thousand wrinkles when he smiles his ready grin. It is hard to pelieve that he is in his seventy-third year. He was born to wealth and position. He was of the landed gentry, of a house that sottled in the Genesee Valley in 1790. His father and his grandfather before him served in Congress. He might have been just a playboy squire, riding to hounds over the ancestral acres, Instead he went in for public service at an early age. His father, James W. Wads- worth, Sr., taught him as a boy the me- chanics of farming and of managing the valley estates. He went to Yale in the fam- ily tradition but he also played an able first pase for the Geneseo town team. He vol- unteered for service in the Spanish-American. War. Once as a youth he risked his life in a Genesce River flood to save some of his father’s prize cattle. For 5 years he man-~ aged a ranch in Texas and rode the range with the cowboys. That was after 6 years in the State assem- bly. He was elected from Livingston Coun- ty in 1904 when he was only 27 years old, He conducted no front porch campaign.- He went oul among the voters, as he always has. Jim Wavswortm greets dirt farmers with the same unaffected geniality with which he meets the leaders of the Nation— and he has known most of them in his time. Ife was only a second-year man in Albany when he was chosen speaker of the assembly, tho youngest man ever to hold the post. He showed his independence and presided with such tact and ability that he won the praise and the friendship of the opposition. Representative WanswortH’s political ca- recr 15 a familiar story—his election to the United States Senate in 1914, his service as chairman of the Military Affairs Committee for 7 years during which he was author of the World War I Selective Service Act. Then came his defeat by Robert F. Wagner, Demo- erat, in 1926. Contributing to that defeat was Waps- WORTHT'S uncompromising stand against pro- hibition and his earlier opposition to woman suffrage. Ho mover took the popular side just to win votes. He always had the cour~ age of his convictions. That is a bromidic phrase but it describes JamEs WapdswortH’s intellectual integrity. In 1932 he became the nominee of his party for Congress in his home district. Few who served in the august Senate have ever deigned to run for the lower House. It was in the tradition of John Quincy Adams, who served in the House of Representatives after he had been President of the United States. It was a fortunate thing for the Forty-first District—and America—that WapswortH had no false pride. Public service has been his life. It is in his blood, His experionce has been invaluable in Washington during as troubled a time as America has ever known, Opponents have branded him a Tory and reactionary because he feared the drift cf his country into strange new ideolcgies. Pacifists have called him a Jingo because in time of danger he wanted astrong America. Yet all respected his cour~ age, his sincerity, and his candor. Since 1905 with the exception of two brief interludes, he has been in the public serv- ice. It has been a stormy time. Through it all the gentleman from Geneseo never lost his grin, his temper, or his convictions. There is ~w~o***~ ~ Churchillian about this western Ne « \o~ >: who has the stoutness of one of the great oaks of the valley he loves so well, the valley where his family has lived for 160 years and where he will spend his declining years. There is only one Jim Wapsworts. To the Nation he may be an elder statesman, a figure of history. To Rochester and western New York, the homeland, which recognizes his statesmanship but which also knows him as an engaging personality, a very human individual, somehow he will always be “Young Jim” from up the valley, who used to play first base on the Geneseo town team. A Great Pusiic Ficure Is Passine (By Arthur Krock) WasnHincton, June 1—The news that Rep- resentative JAMES W. WapswortH will not stand for reelection in the Forty-first Con- gressional District of New York calls to mind many a notable parliamentary struggle in which his wisdom, courage, and integrity were devoted to a high patriotic concept which rose above any partisan consideration. So often did Mr. WapswortTH occupy this un- crowned height in Congress that he came to be recognized as the conscience of the House which, though it might evade, it ad- mired and respected. But one day in particular emerges from the haze of memory—August 12, 1941. On that day Pétain commanded the beaten French to collaborate fully with Hitler; Berlin an- nounced the defeat of the Soviet armies west of the Dnieper in the Ukraine; and, alarmed by the growing aggressions of Japan, the United States and Great Britain warned the Japanese war party to keep its hands off Thailand. On that day, with Pearl Harbor less than 4 months away, the House was debating the bill to extend by 18 months the military services of those already taken by the draft. This passed by one vote, 208 to 202. Opposed were 135 Republicans, 65 Democrais, and 4 of the assorted minorities. In favor were 182 Democrats and 21 Republicans. It was to these latter Mr. Wapsworrm made the plea without which, in the opinion of many watchers of the event, the draft extension would have been rejected on the ground that the administration, to win the election of 1940, had misrepresented the draft law as a brief and passing need. As a young legislator from Livingston County, speaker of the New York Assembly in the first decade of this century, a two-term Senator who was defeated for a third because he steadfastly declined to compromise then unpopular principles, and Representative since 1932, Mr. WapsworTH made many dis- tinguished public utterances. But probably none will assay as importantly as that of April 12, 1941, in the judgment of history. THE ARGUMENT He began by pointing out that, since the whole Army was only slightly more than 1 percent of the population, “it must be the most efficient Army for its size, if we can make it so.” Taking as an example the Twenty-seventh Division of the New York National Guard, he showed that subtraction from Army cadres in training of those in se- jective service who would be returned to civil life by defeat of the pending bill ‘would wreck them as a team for at least 8 to 10 A4223 months.” He spoke as an expert on this practical aspect of the issue, and the listening House well knew he rated that status. Then he turned to the world situation, saying in part: “Hitler has carried the ball from the begin~ ning of this terrific game. He has gained ground on every play and there are no rules in the game as he plays it, much less a ref-= eree. You see his activities today plus the activities of Japan, Against whom was the alliance between Japan and the Axis powers primarily directed? Against the United States, have no doubt about it. And that alluance was made after we passed the Selective service law. “Look at the far-eastern situation. Is it not of more concern to us today than it was a year ago? See what the Japanese are do- ing. Every sensible man knows that our vital interests are menaced.” THIS IS THE WHOLE QUESTION Turning to the Republican side of the House, Mr. WaDswortH described the conse~ quences in Europe and North Africa of the fall of France, forecast what would follow if Russia, then fighting alone, was conquered, and assured his colleagues that, when Hitler felt ready, “the signal will go to Japan.” Quoting Mark Sullivan that ‘America is not moving toward war, war is moving toward America,’”’ Mr. WapswortTH concluded his ap~ peal by saying: “We are trying to do something from day to day which will discourage anybody from attacking the Western Hemisphere. The fend-off policy accounts for the acquisition of the island bases. So it accounts for the occupation of Iceland and Newfoundland. Would this House vote to retire the Marines from Iceland today? I think not. We do not dare take chances, not for one moment. It is conceded that if legislation of this kind is not passed the defense of the United States will be seriously weakened for many, many months. “This is the whole question before us, as I see it. My prayer is, Mr. Chairman, that our decision shall be made in the interest of the safety of the United States.” Republicans Show Lack of Organization and Discipline—Now They Deal With a Case of Conscience—“Its Disposi- tion May Not Be Easy,” Says W. K. Kelsey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, I wish to submit an article by the highly re- spected and widely read correspondent, W. K. Kelsey, who writes a daily column for the Detroit News, under the title “The Commentator”: THE COMMENTATOR (By W. K. Kelsey) To expect that the “declaration of con- science” read in Senate, Thursday, by Sen- ator MarGaretT CHASE SMITH, of Maine, pub= licly backed by six other Republican Sena- tors, and admired by some others who con- gratulated her later, will have much effect on the rest of the party in that body is , irrational.
A4224 Although the declaration was critical of the Democratic leadership, the only reason icr making it was the McCartHy charges and their support by many Senators who hoped they could be made to stick, so that the Re- publican Party would be given a popular issue n this campaign year; as Mrs. SmirH put it, “in the hope of riding the Republican Party to victory through the selfish exploita- tion of fear, bigotry, ignorance, and intol< erance.” : In a following speech, Mrs. Smirm said: “The Nation sorely needs a Republican vic~ tory. But I don’t want to see the Republican Party ride to a political victory on the Four Horsemen of Calumny, Fear, Ignorance, Bigotry, and Smear.” The declaration illustrates something more than the stirrings of conscience among seven disgusted Senators. It illustrates also a lack of organization and discipline in the opposition party. To be sure, there is a similar lack in the Democratic Party; but that is no good rea-~ son why the Republicans, who ought to be in a position to take advantage of Demo- eratic lack of cohesion, should take such long chances as they did in permitting Sen- ator McCartuy to proceed as he did. The McCarthy affair could not have hap- pened in the British Parliament. In the first place, no member of the minority party would have dared make such charges without the full approval of the party leader, who would not have given it without making sure that there was plenty of fire behind the smoke, and that he could afford to throw the full support of the party behind them, In the second place, such charges, given such support, would force the appointment of an investigating commission to deal with them under strict rules of evidence, with full protection of witnesses, and of the rights of the accused. TIME TO ENFORCE DISCIPLINE “It is ironical,” said Senator SmirxH in her speech, “that we Senators can in debate in the Senate directly or indirectly impute to any American who is not a Senator any con- duct or motive unworthy or unbecoming an American—and without that non-Senator American, having any legal redress against us—yet if we say the same thing in the Senate about our colleagues we can be stopped on grounds of. being out of order. ‘I think it is high time that we remem- bered that we have sworn to uphold and defend the Constitution. I think it is high time that we remembered that the Constitu- tion, as amended, speaks not only of free- dom of speech, but also of trial by jury instead of trial by accusation.” It is also high time that political parties crack down on irresponsible Members who jeopardize the interests of the party, to say nothing of those of the Nation. It is always a temptation to discover and make the most of some fault in the opposition, especially when that opposition controls the executive department. But it is extremely bad policy to yield to that temptation without looking ahead and making sure that the attack will find a real joint in the armor. In the present instance Senator McCarrHyr was not only permitted but encouraged to go ahead, although every experienced news~= paperman began to laugh when Jom changed the number of his accused Communists and fellow travelers almost day by day before declaring he would “stand or fall” by the case against Owen Lattimore—and then de- clined to fall. If the Republican steering committee had taken Joz in hand when he changed his statistics it could have saved the party's prestige. But it didn’t, even though it must have known Mr. McCartay, and been aware that figs are not produced from thistles. So now the party must deal with a case of ' conscience, Its disposition may not be easy. The New War Against the South REMARKS F HON. BEN H. GUILL OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. GUILL. Mr. Speaker, the Fair Deal of President Truman’s so-called Democratic Party can now officially and permanently be called the “raw deal.” The shameful decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Tidelands case yesterday “legalized” the cold- blooded theft of an estimated $1,000,- 000,000 by a vicious and totalitarian ad- ministration which falsely calls itself democratic. The “raw deal” adminis- tration has stooped so low as to pick the pockets of our Texas school children and to break the most solemn word of the United States Government. Another decision of the Supreme Court struck a blow at the ancient and sacred traditions of the South. It also struck a severe and damaging blow at the entire concept of States’ rights as we knew them and as our forefathers knew them. Mr. Speaker, these decisions, following the infamous veto of the Kerr bill, repre- sent definite aggressive and calculated steps by the “raw deal” administration against the State of Texas. As long as Texans continue to support in office their worst enemies, the Socialists who call themselves Democrats, they can expect to be stabbed in the back repeatedly as a reward for their misplaced loyalty. June 5, 1950, was Black Monday for Texas and the South, It should be apparent now to every single thinking citizen of this country living below Mason and Dixon’s line that the Truman administration has declared war upon the South and intends to carry that war to a brutal and successful con- clusion. Compared to this cold war of 1950, the War Between the States was a clean and honest conflict. The War Between the States was fought in the open by men who are willing to fight and die for prin- ciples in which they believed. The cold war against the South of 1950 is one- sided and it is fought with knives in the dark. It is fought by legal ambush and sly administrative practice. It is fought by infiltration, treachery, and deceit. It is fought by nameless men in secret places and there is no mercy, little hon- esty, and less decency among those who fight it. For years the representatives of the Truman administration have made little attempt to hide their hostility toward the South. But the people of the South con- tinued to disregard the thunder on the left. They could not believe that the party which they have so loyally sup- ported in the past has been stolen com- pletely away from them and has fallen so low as to become an instrument of to- talitarianism. They found it difficult to accept the fact that the machinery, of the Democratic Party has been stolen by a gang of self-seeking Socialists. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD As a result, before the people of the South became fully aware that the cold war was on—they found they had already Jost several vital battles. They found that the forces of totalitarianism were over the border and marching uron them. In the Elmer W. Henderson case— whereby segregation of Negroes from whites in dining cars was judged by the Supreme Court of the United States to be illegal—a learned brief was submitted for the “raw deal” administration by Philip B. Perlman. Mr. Perlman docu- ments his case against southern tradi- tions with constant citations from offizial Soviet Russian publications. Mr. Perlman argues that discrimina- tion in this country caused unfriendly re- action in the foreign -press and cites a Russian article by a man named Frantsov to support his claim. Mr. Speaker, there is something definitely ridiculous about this country’s worrying about the reaction of Russia toward our policies of discrimination, when Russia itself is the most brutally discriminatory nation in the world today. There is certainly something sinister in the spectacle of a representative of this country supporting what are wrongly called civil rights with admonitions from Russian authorities representing a nation where there are no rights at all. As a matter of fact, from among a handful of references to publications cited by Mr. Perlman in his brief which I personally checked this morning, I found works by a Soviet propagandist, a stockholder in the New Masses, a con- tributor to Soviet Russia Today, several members of the left-wing Lawyers Guild, and signers of the call to the notorious ‘pro-Moscow National Writers Congress. When the traditions of the southern part of these free United States are held up to scorn by the “raw deal” administra- tion in contrast to the principles of the Soviet Russian Government, we may well pause and consider along what dan- gerous roads our so-called Democratic ‘leaders are driving us. Mr. Speaker, almost every major proj- ect of the “raw deal” administration has been directly in opposition to the best interests of the South. In every case where the interests of the South con- flicted with the interests of the big city machines of the North, the President has decided against the South. The entire concept of States’ rights has been put to scorn and whittled away so that, unless we strike back through the ballot box, States’ rights will be as dead as the ancient cities of Greece. The Kerr bill veto, the Sweatt case, the Henderson case, the McLaurin case, all constitute a roll call of infamy and coercion. If the “raw deal” administra- tion had attempted any such rankly dis- criminatory and subversive legislation against any section of the country where the two-party system prevails, it would have been defeated at the polls and its minions: sent back to the obscurity they so richly deserve. But up until now the South in general, and Texas in particular, have been played for suckers. The “raw deal” ad- ministration has taken it for granted
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that the South would continue to vote for the Socialists who call themselves Democratic no matter how much it was abused. But, Mr. Speaker, sir, if other sections of Texas and the South do not follow the lead of the Panhandle of Texas in refusing to vote “Ja” at every election— we shall find our traditions and our way of life destroyed. We shall find our courthouses and our slatehouses op- erated through directives issued by left-wing agitators here in Washington. We shall see our freedom and our liberty dragged in the mire of socialism. The gage has now been thrown down. It is up to the people of Texas and the South to pick it up and strike back or else they can resign themselves to the fate of never again being treated with respect, fairness, or consideration by the totalitarians of the Truman “raw deal.” Hall Wants Free Open American Elections EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr, Speaker, recent Sunday editions of the Binghamton Press tell the real story of the desperate efforts of the hate-Hau. elements to make the August 22 primary in New York’s Thirty-seventh Congres- sional District an iron-curtain election. From now on until the day arrives for filing petitions, the bosses will spend most of thelr time trying to squeeze out everybody but their tailor-made candi- date. Along with sundry, sordid ad- vocates of the Nazi plebiscite, they will pour cold water on the hopes of every free agent in our primary. Anybody with a grain of self-respect or an ounce of manhood will resent the insulting references to their not having a chance in the primary. Iam sure that Messrs. Westfall, Bond, and Morrissey will resent and resent strongly the same belittling tactics directed at them which these political bigwigs have used on your Congressman for a generation. I say again what I have said several times in this campaign, that I do not be- lieve the newspapers or any moneyed tycoon will be able to scare these men of the people out of a free primary. From their independent and fearless manner, I am certain the Messrs. West- fall, Bond and Morrissey will not bow to the ridicule, and the weltering abuse which Triple Cities newspapers will heap on them for daring to upset the well-laid plans of certain wealthy advertisers to put a catspaw in Congress from this dis- trict. Frankly, I am indignant over such lewd and lousy tactics. As an exponent of the popular primary system, I resent having these millionaires interfere with the only opportunity the people of our section will have to choose their Representative. T accuse the big shots of trying to scare out three rank and file Americans like myself who want to exercise their priv- ilege of running for Congress. I accuse these partisans of the single name ballot of strongarming all other candidates out of this race by dampening their ardor, their enthusiasm, just as they have mine for the past 11 years. Tinsist that Messrs. Westfall, Bond and Morrissey have as good a chance as I have or as the cringing creature supported by the political dictators of the southern ler, In the name of free American elections, I demand the big boys stop trying to keep honest men from running for office. I call upon them to do the patriotic thing and stop throwing cold water on the hopes of the American people. Urgent Need To Adopt Hoover Commission Reforms EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY M. JACKSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. JACKSON of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I am inserting in the Recorp, under leave to extend my remarks, an excellent letter I have received from a Seattle lawyer, Mr. Kenneth A. Cox, who has been working very hard to arouse interest in his community in the work and reports of uhe Hoover Commission. I consider this one of the finest letters I have received on this subject. In view of the rejection by the Senate of five reorganization plans submitted by the President, I think it particularly appro- priate that such a letter, which calls for enactment of all Hoover recommenda- tions, despite the protests of particular interests, be called to the attention of the Congress. Srarritz, WasH., May 23, 1950. Congressman Henry Jackson, House Office Building, Washington D. C,. Drar CONGRESSMAN JACKSON: I have been intending for some time to write to you and some of the other Members of the Wash- ington congressional delegation regarding the recornamendations of the Hoover Com- mission as to the organization of the execu- tive branch of the Federal Government. However, as is so often the case, I kept putting the matter off until recent items in the newspaper forceably reminded me that unless some concerted effort is made, many of the worth-while recommendations of the Commission may come to nothing, either because of inertia or of pressure of special interest groups. I am a member of the Seattle Junior Chamber of Commerce and for the past year have been serving on its governmental af- fairs committee. In that capacity, I have been in charge of the local phase of the United States Junior Chamber’s Nation-wide “Operation Economy,” which was designed to build popular understanding of, and support for, the Commission’s recommenda- tions. In addition to this, for the last 2% months I have been serving as chairman of the Washington State Bar Association's speaker’s committee on the Hoover report, 44225 In the course of this work I have made ap- proximately 15 talks to groups of all kinds and my friends and associates have made several times that number of appearances. It has been our universal experience that the people before whom we appeared were vitally interested in the Commission’s find- ings and wholeheartedly endorsed, in broad outline at least, the recommendations which the Commission has made. The one possible exception to this, of course, has been the veterans groups. I have appeared before one such group and a friend of mine has ad- dressed two others. It is our feeling that even here among those persons who actually take the trouble to think about the matter, the feeling is that the Commission is right. CertainJy I, as a veteran, find nothing in its recommendations as to veterans’ affairs which I do not consider to be constructive. It is my understanding that you and all of the other Members of our congressional delegation have at one time or another gone on record as favoring the Commission’s pro- posals. It is therefore discouraging to read recently of the defeat by the Senate of four of President Truman’s reorganization plans which, as far as I have been able to determine from the press, conform essen- tially to the recommendations of the Com- mission. Certainly the proposed subordi- nation of the Comptroller of the Currency to the Secretary of the Treasury and the proposals to give increased administrative powers to the chairman of certain of the regulatory commissions seem directly in line with the Commission’s recommendations and also seem to me to make excellent sense. Although I realize that the Commission made no very detailed statement regarding the Department of Labor because of the then pending debate over repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act, it nevertheless appears t@ me that the proposed change in respect to the general counsel of the National Rela- tions Labor Board was in line with the Com- mission’s strong recommendation that in no case should a subordinate ever be given powers completely independent of his superiors. It therefore concerns me very much that these measures should have been defeated. I can understand the action with regard to Mr. Denham because of the strong emotions which are generally felt as regards the Taft- Hartley Act. However, I can find no expla- nation for the other three actions except on the ground of personal pressure by interested parties in the agencies themselves. It is ob- vious, of course, that none of the agencies affected by the Commission's proposal is like- ly to be willing to have the suggested changes made. However, if we are to get any good from the work of the Commission, 1t seems to me that those special interests must be sub- merged in the over-all interests of the coun- try at large. It seems to me, furthermore, that we must take advantage of the work of the Commission, not primarily because of any tax savings it might effect, but because it seems to me that there is real question as to whether our democracy can continue to exist and thrive in the world of today under a government so badly organized and so de- voted to out-worn procedures as ours now is. Unless we can effect @ rational structure for the executive branch and lay out sensible and cfficient procedures to be followed by our executive officials, it seems to me that we cannot expect to deal effectively either with the problems of our domestic economy or of the international cold war. I am sure that there are mistaken recommendations in the Commission's report, and that Congress should give careful scutiny to Measures pro- posed to it as seeking to put the Commis- sion’s ideas into effect. However, it seems to me that uniess you and our other repre- sentatives do something affirmatively to for- ward the job of reorganization, the work of
A4226 the committee will simply gather dust and we will continue to struggle along either un~ til the Government reduces itself to abso- lute futility or until our Federal budget be- comes so large as to impair the health of our general economy. My investigation into the work of the Hoover Commission has convinced me that it represents a great forward step in the eter- nal struggle to make cur Government ac- tually work for us and that the great bulk of its recommendations should be adopted. I cannot urge you too strongly to do every- thing in your power to forward the work of the Commission. Very truly yours, KENNETH A. Cox, Help for Underdeveloped Nations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLIFFORD P. CASE OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. CASE of New Jersey. Mr. Speak- er, under unanimous consent granted to me today, I insert the following letter written by the Honorable Warren R. Austin, representative of the United States to the United Nations and United States representative in the Security Council, to the Secretary of State: UNITED STATES REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONS, May 11, 1950. Hon. DEAN ACHESON, Secretary of State, Department of State, Washington, D.C. My Dresar Mr. Secretary: I find the at- tached summary of reports from some 800 local discussion groups of the People’s Sec- tion (American Association for the United Nations) indicative of a growing public opin. ion in support of a program of technical cooperation for development through the United Nations. I hope it can be given gen- eral circulation to officers of the Department and other Government agencies interested in the point 4 program. I note with particular interest the empha- sis on strengthening the United Nations by using it as the instrument for international cooperation in this great effort to help un- derdeveloped nations help themselves. These groups express their views after study and discussion of the issue. Therefore, their opinions are considered in the light of the information. The small outlay of funds called for during the initial stages may obscure the impor- tance of the undertaking and cause people to think of technical assistance as purely technical and of small assistance. It en- courages me, as I am sure it will encourage you, to know that organized groups of Amer- icans are probing into this matter and find- ing out for themselves what great things can be accomplished with so little, through international organization.: Nothing, in my judgment, can be more permanently contributory to international peace and stability than uniting people in @ common enterprise. When, through their own international agencies, they act to at- tack the common enemies of ill health, wasteful administration of Government, pov- erty-breeding methods of agriculture and in- dustry, they become identified with a positive program which can pave the way for ex- panded production, stable Government, and a better life for all. As this job is tackled in large part through the United Nations, not only will we achieve the results we seek in lifting the level of life and trade and self-reliance, but we will be strengthening the institutional life of our world organization. Sincerely yours, Warren R. AUSTIN. The Late Ronald C. Alford EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH J. ADDONIZIO OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. ADDONIZIO. Mr. Speaker, the residents of West Orange, N. J., mourn the passing of their beloved town clerk, Mr. Ronald C. Alford, who served his community most creditably for many years. West Orange has lost a trusted public servant who will be missed by all. Although I did not have the pleasure of personally knowing Mr. Alford, I was well acquainted with his splendid record and with the esteem in which he was held by his neighbors. Mr. Alford performed his duties throughout the years with un- failing devotion and courtesy, and set an example as a public servant that could well be emulated by all who aspire to public office. The following tribute ap- peared in the West Orange Chronicle of May 25, 1950, and expresses very well the sentiments of the community: A SINCERE AND ABLE PUBLIC SERVANT Ronald C. “Ronie” Alford proved his faith in West Orange’s future when he accepted the appointment of town clerk shortly after the commission form of government had been adopted. It wasn’t much of a job then as the town had not begun the rapid growth that started later in the twenties. It meant a sacrifice at the time he took it but he never regretted the decision. Ronie gave to West Orange the type of service that this Nation’s forefathers in- tended for public office when they drew up the historic documents that established democracy in this country. He could no more make a sinecure of it, so popular in many places in these days of political opera- tion, than he could have changed his funda- mental character. It was natural and axio- matic with him tc put in a hard day’s work every day, to give the utmost in service, to cooperate to tLe fullest extent, and to main- tain a cheerful countenance at all times. As town clerk he was to many people the offi- cial representative of the town’s municipal government and there could not have been a better one. Because of nature of his duties, he had without doubt, more kKnowil- edge and information about the town’s municipal machinery and its functioning than anyone else in town. His ability was recognized and respected by those who served in municipal capacities outside the town. 1t would perhaps not be entirely accurate to say that it would be difficult to find some- one of sufficient stature to fill his shoes be- cause Ronie would have been the last to con- sider his shoes big. His modesty was as apparent as his sincerity. But whoever is selected to succeed him will find that they are very exacting and very conscientious shoes he must fill. And his successor will have little success in eclipsing a memory of aman who dedicated his life to serving his town, sincerely and well. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Lynn, Mass., Centennial EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, June 5, 1950 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, I wish to in- clude herein my remarks Over radio sta- tion WLYN on Sunday, June 4, 1950, at which time Lynn, Mass., was honored on its one hundredth year as a city: Greetings. This is the happy birthday of a city. Of the 100,000 people who call it home. Friends and business acquaintances in even greater mumbers congratulate you on this proud occasion. A man’s first loyalties are to his God and to his family. In the ever-widening circle of his experi-~ ence in life, his community ranks next in his affections. Whether by birth or through adoption, he claims it as his own, stimulated by its past accomplishments, to work for its progress in the future. To you who live and produce in the place called Lynn, it is the very best city on earth. Others are larger, wealthier, or more famous, but these are nothing compared with the friends and neighbors that are yours here. A city is more than an individual pattern of streets and homes and factories and stores, It is more than city hall, the newspapers, schools, churches, or the identifying land~ marks that give it a unique quality. Walk down Main Street on a late Sunday morning, after services. At once you are conscious that something is missing. The buildings are still there, but the old familiar faces are absent. Most of them are reunited with their families or have left the city on highways that lead to the beaches or the mountains. Main Street is quiet and almost empty. Somehow it seems longer and wider than it used to be. Even the stores seem to be sleeping. For Main Street is not the same without its people. Almost instinctively you turn down a side street—any side street that will lead you to friends and loved ones. For these are the heart of your city, without which its streets and its buildings would be lifeless. On an anniversary such as this, we be~ come aware of the network of human asso- ciations, reaching back through generations, that give a person nourishing roots In his community. A traveling salesman has a surface cheer- fulness that is necessary to his occupation. It also helps to keep him going until he can get back to the base called home. The people of Lynn have so much to talk of when they speak of home. For their roots extend deep into the very beginnings of our Nation—to the year 1629, when a few intrepid pioneers selected this land by the sea as a favored spot on which to build shelters for their familles. These men did not ask guaranties of security, before they ventured into the un~ known, for if they did, Lynn would not be the thriving industrial center that it is today. There was sparked the enterprising spirit that is the true kernel of the American char~ acter—a spirit that was strengthened by example as son succeeded father, and the people of this city faced up to the prob- lems that confronted them during the dif- ferent periods of its growth.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In the early town meetings, every citizen had a chance to speak up on questions of local policy and thereby helped to build that tradition of responsible self-govern- ment that stands this community in such good stead today. Those town meetings, in bringing people together, also made them more neighborly. As the settlement grew up through village and town to the status of a city, its in- habitants never lost this precious human quality. Even with the increasing mechan- ization and the replacement of home indus- tries by huge factories threatening to smother the individual in the crowd, the people did not succumb to standardization. In business, government, and labor they maintained close and constant touch with those who were delegated to represent their larger numbers. This active two-way com- munication has not only preserved but is constantly infusing new life into their demo- cratic processes. They are not afraid of “bigness” because they have learned to guide it. Thousands of Lynn folk work in one of the Nation's largest factories without being overwhelmed by its size. Both management and labor are to be complimented for mak- ing the adjustments required in this new area of industrial relations, which reflect credit on both. Management represents some. Labor represents others. But all in- volved are human beings, needing each other. This ability to work out an understanding of any problem on which human beings may have opposing viewpoints is a development of that spirit of neighborliness with which they solved earller and simpler issues. This is a tradition passed on through heritage from the carly settlers of this com- munity. It is being actively practiced today. It is the reason why the residents of Lynn are proud of their city on its one hundredth birthday as they pause to take stock of past accomplishments and then look forward with confidence to its future. As a Member of the Congress of the United States, whose privilege it is to represent you in our National Legislature, I have an op- portunity to observe many communities; some are declining, others are marking time, but most are advancing. It 1s clear to me that your city is blessed with that ploneering vigor which welcomes any challenge that the future may present. Your industrial foundation is that of a growth industry which is ever developing new products and new techniques. This, in turn, is inspired by the skill and faith of every man and woman of Lynn. You are the city. As such, may I rejoice with you on this birthday anniversary and predict even greater happiness and prosperity for Lynn, a city distinguished by its friendly people. Farewell to Ambassador Elath EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, Israel’s first Ambassador to the United States, Eliahu Elath, is leaving these friendly shores this week for a brief return to his homeland and subsequent assumption of the very important diplomatic post of Jsrael Ambassador to the Court of St. James’s. He was a great force for good will and for the establishment of the friendliest relations between the United States and Israel. Many of us in both Houses of Congress have come to know him well personally and to appreciate his great admiration for the American people. We wish him godspeed and new successes as a statesman in the years to come. I desire to place in the Rrcorp two brief editorials, one from the New York Herald Tribune of June 5, 1950, and the other from the New York Times of June 6, 1950, as follows: As Mr. Erato Departs As Eliahu Elath departs for Israel, before taking up his new post as Israeli Ambassador to Great Britain, he takes with him the con- sciousness that he has won many friends in America, for himself and for the state he rep~ resented here in a crucial stage of its develop- ment. First as an emissary of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, then of the Provisional Government of Israel and finally as Ambassa- dor, he knew troubled times, when the des~ tiny of the new nation hung in the balance, and when the shifting tides of great-power policy were uncertain and difficult to gage. But the scholarly EHlath, learned in the life and zealous for the cause of Israel, was equal to the heavy responsibilities which rested upon him. Israel is fortunate to have a man of his charm and capability to represent her in Britain, especially since he is succeeded here by Aubrey Eban, who has proved his mettle and made so many American friends while serving as Israeli delegate to the United Na- tions. One of the most severe tests of a young state is to choose men of character and ability to speak for it abroad; Mr. Elath and Mr. Eban provide a happy augury for Israel’s future. SPOKESMAN FoR ISRAEL If the young State of Israel had had a hundred million people to choose from in- stead of less than a million, it could not have found a more effective ambassador than Eliahu Elath, who left his Washington post yesterday to go to the Court of St. James. Mr. Elath is a scholar, a broad-minded states- man who understands that Jew and Arab must be friends, a diplomat who kept his dignity and built up his Influence during 3 years in the United States before the State of Israel was recognized, a democrat who sees the world in broad, human terms. As he has done here, he will surely make friends for Israel Im London, Our good wishes go with him. They go, too, to Aubrey Eban, who has been doing excellent work as Israel’s delegate to the United Nations and who will now become ambassador in Mr. Elath’s place. A Little Russia EXTENSION OF REMARKS ° HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, June 5, 1950 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, from a constituent of the Fourth Congressional District of Michi- gan comes a letter which, as I wrote the writer, if one-half true, should be a warning to the farmers. Inasmuch as a reference of the situa- tion to the local AAA would disclose the writer’s identity and if what he writes is true subject him to persecution, there A4227 scems to be little, if anything, I can do to help. The letter reads as follows: JUNE 5, 1950. Hon. Cuare E. Horrman, Washington, D.C. Dear Frrenp Cuare: I feel that it is high time that I write to you pleading for you to use every effort at your command to pre- vent the New Dealers, or Fair Dealers, or any other Communist-dominated element of the Democratic force, to put through the Brannan plan and to refuse any further financial support of the AAA, the Soil Con- servation Department, or any other of their organizations that are claiming to help us farmers, and if at all possible I ask for leg- islation to disband these organizations which are undoubtedly the arch enemy of our Amer- ican way of life. I did feel a few years ago that after the war was over an investiga- tion would be carried on throughout the country and that numbers of these AAA and follower organizations members would be tried by our civil courts and executed as spies and traitors, but I have long since given up any hope of their getting their just dues. Some people might think that the above is arash statement. It is not. It is the truth, and I am going to try and outline some of the persecution that I went through at their hands and I have met other farmers who have been persecuted in similar ways. Back in 1932, when the New Deal element first came into power, I was about 40 years of age, owned 85 acres of land, had sent or was sending most of my children through high school. I had a family of 10 child- dren. I supplemented my farming by butch- ering and selling direct to consumers in the livestock that Iraised, Although I considered myself a rather poor man financially, I would find myself the victim of the envy of some others in the neighbor- hood because they were not doing as well as Thad. You probably know how such can be. In 1934, after the death of my mother, I purchased the balance of estate from other heirs, making me 277 acres. I am only re- citing these happenings that you may see the why of what followed by AAA. I have found that the AAA followed one pattern whenever possible in the different communi- . ties. First, they chose field workers who were down-and-outers, were on the losing end financially. Then they would pick out some farmer who still had his head above water and would win lots of followers by preaching that he didn’t have any right to own so much property, and so forth, and the funny thing was that it worked. I had to quit the butchering and selling business, not because of sanitary reasons or any local ordinances, but because of the New Deal hog edict. Even the little pigs were killed off. I was forced to quit as a farmer was only allowed to butcher and sell in 1 year about 300 pounds of dressed meat. I went to see the Federal dictator who had charge of this district and he warned me that I would be prosecuted to full extent of the law if I butchered and sold more than that amount. He told me that the liquor bootlegger was a piker compared to my crime. I quit, as I had already heard of several who had been fined a great deal more than their hogs had sold for. I felt rather bitter about what I considered infringement on my rights. I could see the handwriting ca the wall. I refused to sign up to AAA and wrote several articles criticizing the admin- istration that were published in several State papers. For all this I was further persecuted. I was now only engaged in gen- eral farming, raised wheat, oats, corn, po- tatoes, hogs, cattle, and dairy products and chickens to sell. Was that I couldn’t raise
A4228 potatoes to sell. They cut my wheat acre- age to something less than 20 acres, The total acreage of wheat on this farm when I bought this latter part was about 75 acres. That is, they cut me to less than 20 acres on my farm of 277 acres. I explained to the AAA that I was feeding a large percent of my wheat but they in- formed me that I could buy wheat to feed. I ienoved ++e allotment of less than 20 acres a? ct « 80 acres. That summer after harvest I was notified that I was fined sev- eral hundred dollars or could pay it in several hundred bushels of wheat. I have forgot the exact amount but I have the pa~ pers laid away. I refused to pay up. I was notified to be at on a certain date at the and that farmers would receive their wheat-marketing cards, otherwise I could not feed or sell any of my wheat. I went to this meeting only to see my neigh~ bors given marketing cards and I and a few others like myself refused cards and notified not to feed it either. I told the AAA bunch to go to hell. I or~ ganized a few who were in the same position as myself. Then I joined the which was affiliated with the national organization, They hired William Lemke, of North Dakota, to represent and defend us. (I have here at my desk the newspaper account of his death last Tuesday for which I admit I feel rather sad. I have met him personally. He was a@ great guy.) The war was on by now or rather we were in it. I was notified that my fine had been reduced and warned to pay up. I still re- fused to pay. Finally I was notified that if I would sign a bond they would issue me a marketing card. They finally reduced my bond to $10. I still refused to comply. My son, the only help I had on farm was drafted by Army draft board. I fought it off the best I could. The man who was the head of the AAA office was also the head of the war board. who passed on deferments for agricultural purposes. My son was refused deferment for agricultural purposes although the only other help I had was my 11-year-old son. One day when I was in town a Democrat who was in business, not a farmer, came to me and said they are planning to take your boy off your farm and put him in the Army and it is because of your stand against the AAA and your refusal to sign up a bond on the wheat issue. I told him I know it. He said come with me and I'll sign that bond and they won’t take him. At first I refused, but at his urging I finally agreed. At the AAA office I felt rather embarrassed and humiliated when he interceded for me and explained that I had changed, that I would be a good AAA man henceforth, etc., and that he was there to sign my wheat bond. I was told that I must get two bondsmen for the $10 bond. I got one immediately as an old man came in, I received lots of kind smiles from the AAA office personnel for submitting to this which was I suppose ex- pected to make it easier to take, They took my son into the Army anyway. He was refused deferment. Later a good Democrat friend came to me and told me that if I would write a request to President Roosevelt asking that my son be deferred that the local office would see that it was done. I write all of this that you may see the part that the AAA and local politics were playing with my destiny. I, of course, refused to knuckle down and write to Roosevelt. At my appeal for help I was offered a young man of draft age from an adjoining county who had no experience at farming, but who had been exempted for agricultural purposes. I re< fused to hire him at his wages, I went it alone except for my 11-year-old son who was in school. During the war I was continually ham- pered by the ration board, which office was entwined with the AAA. I was refused gaso- line ration to drive to and from any other set of buildings on south end of farm, about a@ mule apart. I was told that I could walk it. I had livestock there to take care of. Of course, I didn’t walk it. I was continually hampered by notices to report at ration boards or they would cut my tractor gas allotment. One day a man who represented himself as from the State tax department came while I was at south farm buildings doing chores and caring for livestock. He barked out a command for me not to crank my tractor, that I was in wrong with the State of Mich- igan in fillmg out a form for gasoline tax refund. I refused to be intimidated, and asked him what was wrong. He said he had five counts against me. I promptly answered each. On some told him to check with the Standard O11 Co. There was nothing wrong. Then he said that he had been talking with my wife, and she had told him that I had been driving my tractor from my house where I lived to south buildings to care for livestock every day. He claimed I didn’t have any right on the highway with my tractor. I told him to go to hell. At that time two other neighbors’ tractors were coming down the road. I said why don’t you go out and jump on to them fellows? I got rid of him by agreeing to let him take off 25 gallons from any claim that I might have used on tractor on highway. Now, don’t think for a minute that there wasn’t any connection between this and the AAA It was all a system of terrorizing me—to break me financially and otherwise. At this point let me tell you about how just recently I was talking with another farmer about AAA. He was telling me about how his wheat acreage was cut so drastically and how he was fined heavily. How he refused to pay up. How he managed to sell his wheat. How they sent a man after him who repre- sented himself as a State tax man. How this man ordered him not to drive to his farm— the one that was a couple or 3 miles from where he lived—to care for his livestock and to carry on his farmwork. How the ration poard would not allow him automobile gas to doso. So he was forced, he told me, to sell about 160 acres of his 300-acre farm. Now I believe you see the connection between the AAA and the ration board, and this man who said he was from the tax department. My younger son is in partnership farming with me now. This last fall we were given an allotment of only 25 acres for wheat. Yet, last summer we had out and harvested 44 acres. I protested this 25-acre allotment but was refused an increase. We have a lot of part-time farmers who work in town and plant large acreages of wheat. Some of these fellows plant several hundred acres. This is encouraged by the AAA, as it has a tendency to confuse the issue and it does make the surpluses that will force the controls. Last fall during wheat-planting season a peculiar condition was happening. While we were “old that 25 acres was our limit, con- siderable of these farmers who had been good AAA followers were planting real high above their claimed allotment. At our inquiry they would say that they were not going to abide by the AAA allotment. Well, I finally com- menced to understand and told my son that I bet these fellows were in a deal with the AAA and that probably the AAA would get Congress to lift the allotment after they had overplanted and after it was too late for us other fellows to plant. As you probably know, that was just what was done. Now this spring we have a corn allotment. Ours was set at 18 acres. Last year we raised 80 acres. I did not protest for an increase for in the past no increase has been granted me. I could not get the amount of oats planted that I had planned 60 am putting it into corn. That will proba- bly put us much over our allotment. I have APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pondered this question of what to do. We keep livestock and have to have feed. If we do this somehow we will be penalized. If we don’t raise the feed then where will we be financially? Now for the past several years I have been signing up to the AAA. I have to or I wouldn’t be allowed to live. But don’t mis- understand me, I detest it. If the Brannan plan is given the authority of law then I and others like myself are just legislated out of life. My people were pioneers in this country and I own my farm home here but I know that this is a very lengthy letter to ask you to read, but I am fully convinced that there is nothing that is happening behind that nasty iron curtain in Russia but that is being duplicated here under mock democracy, If the AAA, the power that be, knew that I had written this letter they would arrange to get me somehow, and I know from past experience. If you wish to use any or all of this, I will give my permission but please do not dis~ close my identity or the county where it came from so it would be possible for them to trace it. I will appreciate hearing from you. One Hundred and Seventy-fifth Anniver- sary of the Battle of Brooklyn EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr, MULTER. Mr. Speaker, my dis- tinguished colleagues from Brooklyn, Messrs, CELLER, PFEIFER, Krocu, O’TOOxE, HEFFERNAN, HELLER, and Mrs. KELLY, and I have today introduced bills pro- viding for the issuance of a special post-~ age stamp commemorating the one hun- dred and seventy-fifth anniversary of the Battle of Brooklyn. The pages of American history are re- plete with many heroic episodes attest- ing to the valor and spirit of sacrifice on the part of the people who fought to establish and maintain the independence of this country. In our efforts to safe- guard the freedom and independence of the American people in a world of true peace in our own day, we often go back and refresh our memory about the early days of our nationhood, those crucial and sacrificial days when the fate of the future American Republic was being de- termined. Those days have always been a source of great inspiration and genuine patriotism to the American peo- ple, and they will continue to be so for generations to come. One of the most inspiring historical events in our Nation’s history dates back to the early Revolutionary period, to that eventful year of 1776. We refer to the Battle of Brooklyn—sometimes known also as the Battle of Long Is- Jand—which occurred on August 27, 1776, just a few weeks after the Declara- tion of Independence was formally adopted, heralding the birth of a new and great democracy.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In the Battle of Brookiyn we have the origin of the modern Dunkirk idea; that is, the withdrawal to safety of a large body of troops across a barrier of water under the most adverse military condi- tions. Gen. George Washington’s suc- cessful retreat during the Battle of Brooklyn and the subsequent effect of his strategic act must have left such lasting impressions on the British that they never forgot it and, in turn, used it with great success themselves just 10 years ago at Dunkirk in June 1940. Simi- larly, as Dunkirk helped to save the final victory for Britain in our days, so the Battle of Brooklyn helped to save Wash- ington and his army from being sur-~ rounded and captured—a fate which would have sealed the doom of the Amer- ican Colonies and dashed to earth their hopes for independence. The Battle of Brooklyn has not been sufficiently and properly evaluated by our historians in the past. It unquestion- ably ranks with Lexington and Concord and Valley Forge and many other his- toric battles of that period as an event of major importance. It merits a place of honor in the annals of American his- tory. Although officially the Americans lost that battle and retreated across the East River to Manhattan, it actually proved to be a significant turning point in the war. It slowed the British mili- tary effort against the Americans and it kept our forces intact and in a state of high morale. As we look back today upon that event in the perspective of history, the sacrificial spirit of those early Americans heroically defending the revo- Jutionary cause at the old Stone House in Brooklyn stands out as one of the most courageous chapters in our history. We are approaching a significant an- niversary of this notable event which lends itself most fittingly to a commemo- rative celebration and to paying homage to those valiant martyrs by extending appropriate recognition to their heroic deeds and sacrifices during the Battle of Brooklyn in 1776. On August 27, 1951 we will celebrate the one hundred sev- enty-fifth anniversary of that historic event. It was just prior to that battle that General Washington addressed his troops as follows: The enemy have now landed on Long Island and the hour is fast approaching on which the honor and success of this army and the safety of our bleeding country depend. Remember, officers and soldiers, that you are freemen fighting for the blessings of lib- erty—that slavery will be your portion and that of your posterity if you do not acquit yourselves like men. The people of the Borough of Brook- lyn intend to celebrate this anniversary with the proper dedicatory services, wide civic participation, and suitable pro- grams as a manifestation of patriotism in a living democracy. The bill we are introducing today calls for the issuance by the Post Office De- partment of a commemorative postage stamp memorializing the Battle of Brook- lyn. It will bear a design depicting the battle and will be issued on the anniver- sary date indicated. The Test of the Dairyman’s Strength EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include the following article from the Chenango County Farmer: The dairyman of the Thirty-seventh Con- gressional District will be given three tests in 1950. The test of his strength of fighting spirit, the test of the strength of his vote, and the strength of his loyalty to his Repre- sentative in Congress—EpwiIn ArTHuR HALL. It will be remembered that in 1948 Con-~ gressman Hai was said to be the main tar- get under Democratic fire for they wished him removed from Congress and no means were to be spared to remove him, and the good work was to be done in Binghamton for his greatest strength was there. It was soon learned that his strength in Binghamton was so great and in the rural disiricts also, that all the schemes, even the $50 schemes were: fruitless. But the plans and schemes have taken a new turn in 1950. Reinforcements are needed and what better place to look for them than among the dairymen for there could be a net laid for them and him also. It is a great help to some if the farmer can be kept a slave to help pay others’ expenses. The Brannan plan was carefully written but it was expected the farmer would object as he had a little experience with dictators dur- ing World War II. Then he was told when he must arise, when he should retire, where he could go, where he must not go, what he could do and not do, what crops he could raise, and how much he could raise. But if the farmers objected there was another way; he could be compelled to take it. So the net tightened until the farmers turned to their Representative for help. Just as expected, Congressman Haun asked that the farmers be allowed to survive by giving them a fair price for their produce. He asked that the dairymen be given a price for milk that would cover the price of pro- duction. What was the answer? The price of milk was lowered. Then again he did the expected. He asked that the price of dairy feed be lowered until the farmer’s milk check would pay his feed pill. What happened? The price of dairy feed advanced. He asked that the suffering dairyman in drought-stricken areas of which his district was a part be given help to place them on their feet again. What was the an- swer? They were told hay would be avail- able at from $35 to $50 per ton. That was the help the dairyman got, And each time he was refused help the net tightened around the dairyman and his Representative. For if the dairyman could be compelled to lose confidence in his Representative the rest would be easy. Congressman Hauu has repeatedly tried to keep the farmer from being caught in some net that has been cast for him. Despite threats it would cost him his seat in Con- gress he has been loyal to his dairymen. He has fought the manufacturers of oleo. It is true he voted for repeal of all taxes on oleo because manufacturers of butter and even the dairymen asked for a compromise; asked that all taxes be removed and oleo be left uncolored. The manufacturers of oleo accepted the removal of taxes and then asked that they be allowed to color their A4229 product yellow. Congressman Haru fought stubbornly to prevent interstate commerce and coloring of oleo but the manufacturers gained victories. But this should not reflect in any way on Congressman Hatu’s ability. Although the southern Democrats gained victories they swore vengeance on those who fought them. And has Congressman Hai any other ene- mies? He has heen named as the world’s champion on remembering faces and shak- ing hands. Can it be possible, when in Washington, he has forgotten or purposely declined to shake the hand of John L, Lewis or Joe Stalin? Would he forget and ignore two such prominent men as they and then come back to his own home town and re- member every face and shake the hand of each constituent? The dairymen should give all this care- ful thought. Their Representative is a can- didate for Congress among several other can- didates. The Republicans are anxious to keep all the power they have. For that reason the incumbent should be chosen. The dairymen should remember every time they yield an inch the enemy advances one mile. And if the dairymen surrender their representative, they have surrendered every-~ thing. The dairy industry is a business and no business of any kind is so great it cannot be injured or ruined. Are not the Triple Cities shoe factories already in similar dan- ger? If the dairy industry is to be saved it must be saved by the dairyman, not by politics. And any who doubt Congressman Ha.1’s capability, stability, integrity, and loyalty should ask himself the question, “Why are the opposition and manufacturers of oleo so determined to rid Congress of him?” That is all that is needed to prove the worth of Congressman Hari to his party and his dairymen. Epwin ArTHUR Hati is not the man to be influenced or bribed. He is not the handy- man around Washington, working for his own party only when the opposite party has no use for him. If he was that type he would have no trouble staying in Washing- ton for the other party would see he was kept there. If the people of Binghamton are planning a strategy, if votes can be pooled to defeat him, the dairyman can use that same strat- egy and votes can be pooled to elect him, He is representing the Democratic dairymen as well as the Republican. When he fights for one he fights for the other. The dairymen should forget politics when electing their Representative for it is for their interest to do so. They must fight and fight to win. They should not fight for him one day and be against him the next. Congressman Haut is flanked on all sides in the Triple Cities by friends who can neither be influenced nor bribed. Their support with the dairymen’s should be suf ficient for it was said in 1948 his strength in the cities and the strength of the farmers were 50-50. If the dairy farmers of 1950 have the fighting spirit of their forefathers to fight for their liberty, they will start fighting while the fighting is good and while they have a Representative in Washington to fight with them and for them. If the Repub- lican dairymen value their liberty they will go to the primaries and demand liberty by casting their vote to renominate their Repre- sentative, Epwin ArtHur Haun, And if the Democratic dairymen have the fighting spirit to answer the challenge hurled at the dairy- men and their representative, “Get help if you can,” they will answer that challenge with another challenge in November— “Take my Representative from me if you can.” (Chenango County Farmer, by Mrs. D. E, Huntley, R. D. No. 1, Greene, N. Y.)
44230 Reserve Components Policy Board Is Hope of ROA EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks, I in- clude a speech delivered at the annual banquet of the Michigan Reserve Offi- cers Association convention at Battle Creek, Saturday, June 3, 1950: Mr. Chairman, distinguished guests, mem- bers of the ROA and ROAL: I know of no petter way to cover the main problems of interest to reservists than to summarize the activities of the new Board set up a year ago, im the office of the Secretary of Defense to handle those problems. I say that for this reason. The history of the Army and the Air Force, in particular, in regard to their Reserves has not been very good. This is not so true of the Navy and Marine Corps; and I can understand, at least in part, and sympathize with the Army and Air Force in their dealings with some of their problems. But certainly one reason they have had trouble can be traced to the general-staff system. Here is why. Under that system, all the military—not excluding the Re-~ serves—head up in the Chief of Staff. The civilian Secretary usually knows only as much as the Chief of Staff lets him know, And the Chief of Staff is almost always what in the Navy is known as a “line officer”’—a, field soldier who is more sensitive to the problems of the standing combat forces than to anything else, . Iam not standing in judgment on that. I just say that is the situation. Whether it is good or bad, generally speaking, is another subject that I can't try to cover tonight. But, taking that as a fact, it leaves the Reserves behind the service eight ball. The Chief knows about and is interested in the Infantry, the armored force, and so on, but when it comes to the civilian Reserves, he can give their needs attention only on a part- time basis. Now, this situation has produced several bills in Congress to put Reserve matters in the Army and Air Force in the hands of the civilian side of the Departments—to take these matters away from the complete con- trol of the Chief of Staff and General Staff and vest them in a civilian Under Secretary or Assistant Secretary for Reserve Affairs. Your ROA has been interested in that in the past, and it might get active eventually in the Congress if a strong enough case is made for it. But, in the meantime, a really great step forward has been taken for the Reserves, The Defense Department last year set up what is known as the Civilian Components Policy Board. It is an intrinsic part of Sec- retary Johnson’s office, and, therefore, takes the place of the previous efforts to get these matters away from Chief of Staff control in the Pentagon. I believe it has the opportunity to accom~ plish more for the services’ Reserves than anything done in recent years for them, and that is why I want to tell you about it to- night. That Board, only a year old, func- tioning on the same high level as the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Munitions Board, the Research and Development Board, and the Personnel Policy Board, is, I expect, to affect the military future of every member of our civilian components, active or inactive. And, given close scrutiny and gentle prodding by the Congress, I think its impact on the re- serves will be all to the good. (I have to say here that the way some things have gone for Army and Air Force Reserves in the past makes me suspect that any progress by this Board would be bound to be good.) So now, how does this new Board work. Listen closely to this. It 1s exceptionally important to each of you here and to Re- serves all over the Nation. This Civilian Components Policy Board makes recommendations direct to the Sec- retary of Defense on Reserve matters of major policy. In all other Reserve matters— that is, those not of a major policy nature, and there are many of these—the Board has the full delegated power of the Secretary of Defense under the Unification Act. (Judg- ing from our recent experiences in the Congress, I needn’t remind you that that power of the Secretary is not inconsiderable. You can see that your new Board is in a posi- tion to wield a really big stick if it has to.) Specifically, though, your Board has this assigned job. It is charged with the plans, policies, and programs of the Army, Navy, and ‘Aur Force in the Reserve area. Of course, it is founded on the basic concept that it should function only as a staff agency—a concept supposed to be characteristic of all activities in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, even though that wasn’t done recently in re- spect to closing of military hospitals over the Nation, including Battle Creek here in Michi- gan. But, insofar as your Board goes, it has done that, and hence has left in the Army, Navy, and Air Force Departments their re- sponsibility for their own Reserve programs. Now, I want to point out here that your Board is not, by any stretch of the imagina- tion, a rubber-stamp outfit for the Regular services. Twelve of its voting members are themselves members of the civilian compon~ ents. Two come from the Organized Re-= serve Corps of the Army, two from the Na- tional Guard, two from the Naval Reserve, two from the Marine Corps Reserve, two from the Air Force Reserve and two from the Air National Guard. These are senior Officers with many years of service who have been and are active in these affairs in Wash- ington and over the country. Their member- ship on this Board is a splendid step for- ward for all Reserves, and I am looking for really substantial results to flow from their efforts. Now, there are seven other voting members of the Board. They are the chairman, who is Mr. Edwin H. Burgess, and a civilian assist- ant secretary and a top-ranking officer from each of the three military departments. Each of these members is a man of high exec- utive caliber, thoroughly experienced and qualified for making top-level policies and decisions. For example, Mr. Burgess, the chairman, is vice president and general counsel of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad. That is certainly high calibre experience. And he only recently succeeded Mr. William T. Faricy, who is president of the Associa- tion of American Railroads. Mr. Faricy was the chairman of the Civilian Components Policy Board from its inception until last month. The Board’s retiring executive offi- cer, Luke W. Finlay, a brigadier general in the Organized Reserve Corps, a graduate of both West Point and Yale University Law School and World War II executive officer of the Army Transportation Corps, is now returning to his position as counsel for the Standard Oil Corp. of New Jersey. I understand that General Finlay will be succeeded by Rear Adm. I. M. McQuiston of the Naval Reserve, also a very able man, The admiral has been associated with the Naval Air Reserve since World War I and was an original member of the Civilian Components Policy Board. So that is the composition of your Board in the Pentagon. I have seen few Washing- ton boards as good. It seems to me that it APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD will take a superhuman effort on the part of someone to Keep it from doing fine work, and I think you'll agree. Now, bear in mind that the Board js not a full-time organization. It has convened, I understand, for seven sessions since Octo- ber of last year. However, it doesn’t stand still in between sessions. An executive com- mittee, composed of the three civilian mem- bers of the Board and the Chairman, is em- powered by the Secretary of Defense to act for the Board when the Board is not in session and action is too urgent to wait for the next session. Also, the Board has a full-time research and planning staff. Like the Board itself, it is a well-balanced group of Regulars, Reservists, and National Guard men, who have been selected from their various military departments. So there is continuity in the executive committee and the research and planning staff despite the part-time nature o. tne Boud. So much for the Board’s make-up. Now, let’s get to what it is doing. Tam sure that by far the most important matter before the Board since it was cre- ated is the so-called Armed Forces Reserve Act. It has been before the Board since its first meeting in October, which is too long, in my opinion, but I have believed in giving the new Board a reasonable chance before finding too much fault with it. Now, this Armed Forces Reserve Act is a piece of so-called must legislation. It is to come to Congress for enactment in the near future. What it does is to broaden the previous so- called Roper bill—H. R. 2828 of this Con- gress—so as to apply generally across-the- poard to the civilian components of the three services. The Roper bill, as you prob- ably know, was the Navy’s intended mod- ernization of the Naval Reserve Act of 1933 and was a magnificent job which now is to benefit all Reserves. So this is to be a sort of charter for all Reserves. It will provide a base in law for the organization of the civilian components of all the Armed Forces. It was processed some time ago by the Civilian Components Policy Board with the hope that it might be introduced in this Congress and hence would be available for general discussion by Mem-~ pers of the Congress, the civilian compo- nents, veterans’ organizations, and all indl- viduals concerned. The legislation is to in- clude a section covering matters common to all the services and also a section covering items pecullar to each of the military de- partments. To give you an idea of the importance of this measure to each of you, I will hit its high points very briefly. It has a section covering standard con-= tracts for members of all civilian compo- nents on extended active duty, An allow- ance for uniforms for officers of all the services is established commensurate with the allowance which Naval Reserve officers have received for some time. The so-called common Federal commission bill is included, providing for a common Federal commission for officers of the National Guard and Or.~ ganized Reserve Corps. Items such as these which are the subject of separate proposed legislation have been included in this bill in order to make it an all-inclusive general basic law for all Reserves. A section of the Navy title of this bill prescribes that Reservists serving on active duty during any future war or national emergency shall be transferred temporarily to the Regular Navy, Marine Corps, or Coast Guard, as the case may be. The effect of this provision is to place naval reservists while on active duty in the same position as the Regulars. The legislation does not deal primarily with matters which are the subject of other major laws, such as pay, retirement, and the universal code of military justice, except as those matters have to be mentioned in
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD connection with certain sections of this bill. Of course, it is not the aim of this bill to change those laws. Your board has moved two other legislative measures that are of great importance to a well-balanced reserve program, High pri- ority has been properly attached to the re- serve training facilities bill, and to a pro- posed Reserve Officers Training Corps bill. The first of these is just about to come out of the House Armed Services Committee and authorizes the construction, on a joint usage basis, of additional facilities needed for the training of the expanded postwar reserve programs. The second, which is now tied up in the Bureau of the Budget but scon to come up to Congress, modernizes existing ROTC legislation and is extremely importaut. It would make available to all the services on an across-the-board basis provisions com- parable to those now enjoyed by the Navy alone under the Holloway Act, thus bringing about parity among the services in the pro- curement and training of sorely needed jun- ior officers for the three regular services and their civilian components. And there is more legislation that has been considered by your board. A military and naval science buildings bill has been proposed. If the Congress passes it, it will authorize the Army, Navy, and Air Force to make grants to certain educational institu- tions for the purchase, construction, and ex- pansion of military and naval science build- ings. These grants of moneys could be made to accredited universities and colleges grant- ing baccalaureate or higher degrees at which ROTC, NROTC, or AFROTC units now exist or may heroafter be established. The grants are set up to be used to defray a portion of the costs of construction of a permanent puilding, or buildings, or allering, remodel- ing and enlarging an existing building or buildings, for use as a military or naval sci- ence building, or both. The idea is to pro- vide space for instruction in military or naval science including space for Army, Navy, and Air Forco personnel, and security and hous- ing for military and naval instructional equipment. For other logislative items being consid- ered by the bourd, I will dash these off: Amondiments to your retirement law (Public Law 810) to bronden the scope of retire- ment benefits extended to certain nurse and WAC members of the clvilian components; amendments to Public Law 108 providing ad- ditional benefits for members of civilian compoucnts who suffer disability or death from training injuries; measures which will permit the services to furnish rations in Ikind to enlisted reserve and National Guard personnel engaging in inactive duty train- ing; expansion of the military amateur radio system program; provisions for active duty status for United States property and dis- pursing officers, and bills to establish an Armod Forces Reserve medal and Armed Forces Reserve commendation medal. I mention all of this because it begins to look to me as if the legislative require- ments of our Reserve forces are now and will continue in the future to have sym- pathetic direction from a high level in the Department of Defense, and that is very important to the success of the Reserve pro- grams. But there are other important ele- ments in the development and maintenance of the civilian components besides legisla- tion. One is the very important subject of fiscal matters, and that one is mighty hard to reach, in its planning stages, by the Congress, so the Board can strike a tremendous blow there if it carries out its responsibilities as it is expected to. Based on reviews of budget estimates and studies of the composition of the individual com- ponents themselves, the Board can make powerful Chiefs of Staff and the Secretary of De- fense with respect to the fiscal require- recommendations to the Joint: ments of the Reserves and the effect of pos- sible budget limitations on a planned state of readiness if such limitations are imposed. This could be the Board’s most productive arena, judging from the previous experi- ence of the Reserves with the service dollar. But to go on about your new Board. Even in its brief operation to date, it has considered a wide diversity of matters other than legislation and money. Some of these items have been completed. Others are still in various stages of study and development. For instance, a study is now being made of the current status within each of the three services of what has thus far been done ta implement the recommendations made to former Secretary of Defense Forrestal by an earlier committee on civilian compo-~ nents. You will recognize the report of this committee as the Gray Board Report. It had 90 recommendations. They were intended to determine the type and character of civilian components to be maintained, the missions they should have, the most desirable size and composition, the proper relationship of such components to the several armed services and to one another, the ways in which the desired purposes could be attained with the maximum of harmony, efficiency, and econ- omy, and the elimination of a host of in- equities and disparities among the several components. The Board has reported to me that it is going to determine the need for further implementation by the services of these Gray Board recommendations in an effort to arrive at the most satisfactory organization and efficient state of readiness of the civilian component forces. And here is another interesting develop- ment. I think it is a corker. The idea is that the members of all civilian components of the Armed Forces should have equal op- portunity to participate in the formulation of policies pertaining to the organization and administration of the civilian component program. To do this the Board is recom- mending that cach of the services develop a plan of local civillan component advisory groups. A successful plan of this sort has been in effect for several years in the Navy. It works this way: Local Naval Reserve units and individual Naval Reservists are invited to submit recommendations and comments on their local programs to a Reserve policy group at their naval district headquarters. The local group screens and consolidates the recommendations and comments for for- warding by the naval district commandant to the statutory Naval Reserve Policy Board, which convenes in Washington. I am en- thusiastic over this plan. There is too ‘much of this submission of matters through com- mand channels. This idea is much more desirable from the point of view of the in- dividual, and I think all Reserves will find it a much ketter means of conveying rec- ommendations to the people in Washington who have the power to decide and act. How to get enlisted Reserves for the armed services is also being studied. This is being done by an ad hoc committee of the Board. There is serious need for a definite program in this fleld throughout the services, and it ought to move along now that the Board is getting its teeth into it, The study will also cover such allied problems as the al- location of Reserve units so as to use most efficlently the enlistee potential in the pop- ulation and prevent competition between civilian component units; and the value and need for an expansion of the junior ROTC or the establishment or expansion of other organized and supervised programs. A joint advisory panel on ROTC affairs has also been set up. It will make recom- mendations to your Civilian Components Policy Board concerning over-all ROTC policies and the coordination of the ROTC plans, policies and programs of the three military departments. Civilian educators closely assaciated with the ROTC through- A4231 out the country are being invited to par- ticipate with representatives of the military departments in developing these recommen- dations. Now, I am sure I don’t need to remind you tha* the Regular establishments form a very small portion of our peak military strength in time of war. This created a need to establish policies for the assignment of all Regular officers to duty with the Re- serves at some appropriate point in their careers. It also required some indoctrina- tion of all officers so assigned in the prob- lems of the Reserves and the opportunities afforded by such an assignment. There had to ke two purposes in mind in dealing with this. One was to give the professional mili- tary men who must be the leaders of our war= time forces intimate familiarity with the un- derstanding of the problems, state of train- ing, and psychological outlook of our citizen soldiers. At the same time we have to pro- vide the Reserves with the skilled guidance and supervision that only the professional military man can give.: This brings your Board in the picture again. A set of prin- ciples for the guidance of the military de- partments in the assignment of Regular officers to reserve duty was recommended by the Civilian Components Policy Board and approved by the Secretary of Defense. If these ar: observed conscientiously over the years, they should have far-reaching benefits to the entire Military Establishment. Well, I could keep this sort of thing up for a long time. For example, the Board has set up on-site planning boards at all jointly utilized facilities. In this it is sup- ported by 52 National Defense Reserve Facilities Boards located in each State, Ter- ritory, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico. These were transferred to its juris- diction when the Reserve Facilities Commit- tee was transferred from the Munitions Board some time ago. It has also reviewed the fiscal year 1950 construction programs and examined current construction costs. Passage of the proposed Reserve Training Facilities bill now in the House will move this along, but in the meantime, varying degrees of joint usage are already under way in more than 700 Reserve training facilities. The problem of procurement of Reserve pilots is also being taken up. The problem of adequate training of enlisted personnel for all the Reserves is not only being studied but has recently been broadened to include & proposal to use a system of trade school ard college scholarships as an inducement to young men of appropriate age to par- ticipate in summer training programs with a view to their subsequent recruitment in the Roserves. _A program for the cross-train- jing of members of the Civilian Components of one service by appropriate units of other services is in the mill, and the achievement of uniform standards among the services to the greatest possible extent is being sought on all such matters as drill pay, active-duty training, promotion, age-in-prade regula- tions, allowance of retirement credits, and the like. The Defense Department and with other interested agencies are also trying to develop policies on the proper interrelation- ship between the Reserve programs and selective service on the one hand and be- tween the Reserves and other claimants for essential manpower on the other. I realize that this list is long, but I think the progress made thus far is extremely gratifying and you are entitled to know about it. For the first time in history the Re- serves of the Armed Forces, through their own Board, are participating on a policy~ making level, in decisions affecting all Re- serves, and I say that things are looking up in the Pentagon. For a final word, I will say that the Armed Services Committee has a Special Subcom- mittee on Civilian Components which is standing by just in case the Board rests
AA232 too long on its oars. It may swing into action this fall, at least to keep in close touch and to prod things along a bit, but the main thing is to know that in the Pentagon, and on Capitol Hill too, you now have groups in existence that can carry your battles for you in Washington. Just keep that in mind and let the committee know if things look like they’re going wrong. I think we can stoke up the furnaces, get the fires going in a hurry, and really get resulis. A Profile of Hon. Jacob K. Javits, of New York EXTENSION OF REMARKS - oF HON. CLIFFORD P. CASE OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. CASE of New Jersey. Mr. Speak- er, under unanimous consent granted to me today, I include the following article from the magazine New Yorker concern- ing our colleague from New York, Hon. Jacop K, JAvits: Prorires—THE GENTLEMAN From New York (By E. H. Kahn, Jr.) To a Representative in Congress it seems that the Members of his particular body politic are, individually and collectively, the nicest, most generous, and most deserving people in the world. He spends about half his time looking out for their special inter- ests, and his motto with regard to them is, as a rule, “Service with a smile.” Jacos Koppen Javits, the Republican-Liberal stand= ard bearer, in the House, of the Twenty-first Congressional District of New York, has a fine set of shining white teeth, and, though by nature a rather solemn man, he is often moved to display them in fond welcome upon the approach of a constituent, much in the manner of a maitre d’hotel upon the approach of a steady and well-heeled cus- tomer. The demands on Javirs’ patience, endurance, and resourcefulness are, on the whole, infinitely more severe than those a head waiter has to cope with. Javrrs has served 3 years in Congress, and during that stretch has been asked by his flock to handle around 10,000 matters. Should an ex- soldier in the Twenty-first District, which takes in the upper West Side, including the entire northern tip of Manhattan and has @ population of nearly a third of a million, feel, as one did not long ago, that the Veterans’ Administration was unfair in its decree that he ought to be treated by psychi- atric therapy rather than by psychoanalysis, Javits is the man with whom the complaint is apt to be lodged. Should a lady be of the opinion that the Bureau of Internal Revenue is demanding of her a dollar and seventeen cents more than she owes on her Federal income tax, or another lady, repre- senting an Elizabethan reading club, be of the opinion that the New York Public Library carries a shamefully inadequate stock of the books favored by her society, Javits is the man who is likely to hear about it and be expected to do something about it, He is a public servant of remarkable forti- tude and energy, and every few waking hours he does a favor for a constituent—sometimes without knowing about it, since he has a staff of six assistants who dispose of many such problems in his influential name. Javits is so conscientious that he makes sure his constituents are looked after even when he is thousands of miles away from them. In the summer of 1947, while in Europe on a congressional fact-finding ex~ pedition, he had a good deal of legislative research to attend to, over a Wide area, but nonetheless he took pains during a stopover in Dublin to get in touch with the American consul regarding the issuance of a visa to a cousin of one of his constituents, who was eager to migrate to the Twenty-first Dis- trict, and upon finding himself in Vienna he took equal pains to expedite the admis- sion to this country of a rabbi, then in a displaced-persons camp, whom a group of constituents wished to import to officiate at their temple. Javirs scarcely ever fails to react sympathetically to a plea for help from a resident of his district. Recently, a young man in Washington Heights wrote in to say that he thought he was losing his mind, and what did his Congressman propose to do about it? “I am sure you will remain sane,” Javits replied, and urged the man to feel free to call on him again if he needed further advice. The gentleman from New York is a dazzling example of a successful progression from rags to riches. His father’s monthly cash earn- ings never exceeded $40 and his political activities were confined to proselytizing for Tammany Hall on the lower East Side; his mother could neither read nor write until she was 55. The fact that the son of this underprivileged couple may now affix an Hon. to his name, is a familiar figure in the Bankers Club, calls John Hay Whitney “Jock,” and can, without quivering, pay a check at “21,” where he frequently dines when in New York, is an inspiration to many of his constituents, among whom are quite a few refugees from Europe seeking the realization of the American dream. In Javits’ rapid rise to eminence they see the fulfillment of the aspirations they entertain for their own children, and they would be delighted if their Congressman were to make even more splendid political progress in the future. So would he. The Congressman’s father, Morris Javits, was born in 1862 in Mielnitza, which was then part of Austria and is now part of the Soviet Ukraine, and was entrusted by his parents to a rabbi, in whose steps it was hoped he would follow. Instead, when he was 22, he migrated to the United States and, like so many other newcomers from eastern Europe, went into the clothing in- dustry. He made pants. He had been here 7 years when he met his future wife, Ida Litt- man. She had been born in Palestine, the child of a farmer’s daughte: who had mar- ried a traveling salesman from Vienna while he was passing through Galilee and had been abandoned by him shortly thereafter. Ida’s mother subsequently married a Russian and went off with him to Odessa, leaving the girl in Palestine, where she was obliged to go to work at the age of 6. Ida joined her mother and stepfather in Odessa when she was 16, and 2 years after that, when the stepfather died, mother and daughter came to New York. Ida went into the clothing trade, too. She made neckties. She was married to Morris Javits in 1898, and they had two sons, Benjamin, born the following year, and Jacos, born in 1904 and for most of the time since then known informally as Jack. Morris Javits was a dreamy type, ill at ease in a materialistic world, and his wife, a@ practical woman who considered pants- making a precariously seasonal trade, ob- tained a degree of security for the family by persuading her husband to devote himself instead to superintending three dingy tene- ments near the corner of Orchard and Stan- ton Streets. That at any rate meant they could live rent-free. She helped support the family by selling toys and drygoods from a pushcart. There were about twenty adult tenants in each of the tenements over which her husband presided, and the senior Javits, in addition to performing his custodial du- ties, represented Tammany Hall on the prem- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ises. Before every election, he would go to a nearby saloon, and fron its proprietor, who controlled political disbursements in that neighborhood, receive a $2 honorarium for each tenant eligible to vote and ostensibly willing to vote Democratic. In return for his taking the trouble to distribute these incentives, he was allowed by Tammany to perform minor philanthropic functions in its behalf, such as fixing any parking tickets acquired by pushcart peddlers on his corner. Jack attended public school in the neighborhood. By the time he finished the elementary grades, in 1916, his brother had left City College, had set up shop as a collector of bad debts, and was studying law at Fordham in his spare time. During the First World War, the family moved to Brook- lyn, where Morris Javits died, after an opera- tion, in 1918. On becoming the head of the family, his older son, for the sake of con- venience, moved his mother and brother to Washington Heights. In high school up there, Jack won a prize for scholarship, was elected chairman of the senior class day committee, and was appraised by his fellow students, in their class yearbook, with the phrase “You can’t tell from first appear- ances,” a judgment that was certainly pro- phetic in at least one important respect, for his only appearance on the political scene up to then had been as a youthful and ardent soapbox advocate of socialism. Jack Javits was graduated from high school at 16, and within a few months, hay- ing decided to forego a college education, was earning $75 a week as a salesman of printing inks and lithograph stones. In 1923, his brother was admitted to the bar, began to practice law, and turned his bill-collecting business over tohim. While chasing debtors, Jack attended New York University Law School on the side, a college degree not thon being a prerequisite for such study, and, showing an early aptitude for a legislative career, won the post of anchor man on the dcbating team. In 1924, he, too, abandoned bill-collecting, and became a clerk in his brother’s law office. He continued in that capacity until he had completed his law course, Jack was admitted to the bar himself in 1927, and joined Benjamin in practice. Their firm, Javits & Javits, came to enjoy consicer- able success in representing minority stock- holders in bankruptcy and reorganization cases, some of which involved millions of dollars in contested funds and, ultimately, a hundred thousand or so in legal fees for the stockholders’ counsel. In most instances, JacK was the courtroom man and the desk work was done by Benjamin, who over the years has become noted as an expert in anti- trust matters and has distinguished him- self avocationally by helping to draw up the National Industrial Recovery Act, by helping to found a pressure group of stock~ and bond= holders called the Investors League, and by writing a number of books on high finance, among them a sensationally untimely one, published in 1929, entitled “Make Every- body Rich—Industry’s New Goal.” He has also been active, in a behind-the-scenes way, in politics, and soon after Jack began prac- ticing law urged him to cultivate a similar interest by joining the National Republican Club. Jack was agreeable. He had been cool toward the Democratic Party ever since, as @ child, he had observed his father greas~ ing the nelghbors’ palms,-and he had reached the decision that the Coclalist Party espoused too utopian a program to warrant his con— tinued support. He became a fervent dis— ciple of Fiorello LaGuardia, worked hard for him during the 1937 mayorally campaign, and in 1940, when the Norris-LaGuardia com- mittee was formed to stir up non-Democratic enthusiasm for President Roosevent's third— term campaign, went along with his idol. Javirs’ defection from the Republican ranks on that occasion has since prompted some old-line members of the GOP to take 4 jaun-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD diced, if not downright suspicious, view of him, but nowhere near so jaundiced or sus- picious a view as they might have taken if any Republican other than Wendell Willkie had been the candidate. At a dirmer party early in 1941, while Javits happened to be in Washington on bus- iness, he met an Army general who was de- puty to the head of the Chemical Warfare Service. The two got to talking, and the general casually mentioned that the service had been having a tough time arranging for the manufacture of a certain kind of paper filter needed for gas masks. Javirs was then, and his firm still is, counsel for the National Paper Trade Association, and the next day, seeking to do a favor for his ac- qwuirtaree of the evening before, he got in fcueh wth an official of one of the many cormpanies affiliated with that organization and obtained his promise to produce the filters at once. The general was astonished at the ease with which this civilian could dispose of a problem that had been stump- ing the military, and Javirs was invited forthwith to become a two-day-a-week con- sultant to the Chemical Warfare Service. It was one of those dollar-a-year jobs. Thanks to the National Paper Trade Association and other prosperous clients of his law firm, Javits could afford to take it, and did. He impressed his new associates so profoundly that by November, despite his never having studied either chemistry or warfare, they asked him to become a full-time civilian aide to the chief of the Service. He accepted, and the following March was commissioned a major. By then, he had achieved such sta- ture in military circles that his swearing-in ceremony was attended by five generals. That fall, in an effort to make his knowledge of soldiering somewhat commensurate with his rank, he took 6 weeks of concentrated basic training and proceeded straight from that to the Command and General Staff School, at Fort Leavenworth, Kans. thus becoming possibly the only soldier in Amer- jean history to make an academic jump roughly the equivalent, in civilian circles, of skipping from kindergarten to the In- stitute for Advanced Study. At the end of the war, Javirs, by then a lieutenant colonel—he is now a colonel in the Chemical Reserve—decided not to devote himself exclusively to the law but to have a fling at politics. Through George Medalie, a friend of his and a prominent Republican of long standing, he became head of the re- search division at the campaign headquarters of Judge Jonah J. Goldstein, the Republican and Fusion nomince for mayor in 1945. Javirs’ duties consisted mainly of writing speeches, and he wrote a great many, all dealing soberly with significant issues and brimming with research. Goldstein never delivered any of them, having determined to pin his hopes—unsuccessfully, as it turned out—on winning recognition and votes as a gang buster. Nonetheless, the Republican leaders in the city were grateful to Javits for his efforts, and, scouting about for a suitable means of showing their appreciation, came up the following summer with the nomina- tion for Congressman from the Twenty-first District. On the face of it, this reward ap- peared as unsubstantial and unappetizing as an empty ice cream cone, for the Twenty- first was a notoriously non-Republican dis- trict. The last previous Republican to be sent to Congress from there had won out in 1920, and then only after three successive defeats. In the 1944 election a Tammany man had swamped his Republican rival by 91,747 votes to 40,718. Javirs, however, was delighted with the nomination and undis- mayed about his prospects. He moved at once from a midtown hotel where he had been staying to an apartment at Riverside Drive and One Hundred and Sixteenth Street, on the southern fringe of the Twenty-first, and shortly thereafter to more spacious quar- ters on the Drive at One Hundred and Fifty- first Street. (A Congressman doesn’t have to live in his district, but it 1s considered ex- pedient for him to do so.) He persuaded the Liberal Party to give him its official nod, too. As that party was then in its formative stage, a petition with 3,000 signatures was required to get Javits a Liberal Party line on the vot- ing machines. Javirs energetically collected a thousand signatures himself. When Javits started his campaign, he was unknown to mest of the residents of the Twenty-first District, and the Twenty-first District, even though he had lived in 1t briefiy while in high school, was pretty much un- known to him. The candidate immediately sought to atone at least for his own ignorance by conducting extensive local research, in which he enlisted the services of, among others, Elmo Roper. Javirs was rewarded with, and made public, such findings as that the Twenty-first contained 50 percent more high-school graduates and 25 percent more college graduates than the average for New York City’s 23 other congressional districts, and that within it were 6 homes for the aged, 81 churches, and a hundred delicates- sens Javits further revealed, presumably to bolster his prospective constituents’ hopes about their life expectancies, that 61 funeral parlors in the district had gone out of busi- ness between 1940 and 1946, and that 3 500 births had occurred there in 1945, as against only 100 deaths. (He didn’t bother to append a footnote to this last statistic explaining that the Harkness Pavilion, where numerous babies destined to live in other districts are born, is situated in the Twenty-first, but in politics there is rarcly time for footnotes.) Crammed with pertinent facts and figures, JaviITs began to make himself a familiar sight, and sound, on upper Broadway and its en-~ virons. For a couple of months, he delivered half a dozen speeches a night, often from a white truck with a paralyzingly loud ampli- flier on it, which became known in the com~ munity as the Javits Dream Boat. He also dropped in at some eight hundred local re-~ tall establishments, none of them funeral parlors, where he buttonholed from 5 to 50 housewives a visit. Having ascertained that the district was an exceptionally literate one, he spent a mere $25 on cigars but put out $300 for pencils, which had his name in- scribed on them and which he gave to any- pody who would take one. All in all, the campaign cost around seventy-five hundred dollars (twenty-five hundred of which was Javirs’ own money), including such items as $106.08 for banners, $326.48 for posters, and $35.23 for lollipops that he and his cohorts passed out, principally to nonvoters. Javits smiled at, or gently patted the heads of, countless neighborhood children but, accord- ing to his recollection of those bustling days, did not kiss a single one. ‘People don’t want you to kiss their babies,” he said later. “It is insanitary.” Javirs got a couple of lucky breaks in 1946. For one thing, the Democrats selected an un~ inspiring candidate to run against him. For another, the non-Javrrs vote was split when the American Labor Party put up a man of its own. On top of that, Javits identified himself, to the disgust of his oppo- nents, as a highly unorthodox kind of Re- publican, coming out in favor of the Ojfice of Price Administration and against the National Association of Manufacturers, and declining to give more than lukewarm assist- ance to the concurrent campaign for re- election belng waged by Governor Dewey. (Javrrs’ relationship with his State’s reigning Republican has never been exactly cozy.) It is perhaps not quite true that the emer- gence of Javits in the Twenty-first District ‘was comparable, as one of his more rhapsodic admirers has claimed, to a flower’s suddenly blooming in a cesspool, but in any event he A4233 won by 6,000 votes over his nearest rival, nete*h~tanaes the fact that, owing to a hem ae “..1' of the Board of Elections, the name of the Republican candidate for Congress in the Twenty-second District er- roneously appeared in place of Javits’ on one voting machine in the Twenty-first. Soon after taking his seat in Congress, in January 1947, Javirs established himself as a maverick in the Republican herd that then constituted the legislative majority. During the Hightieth Congress, for example, when the Republican leaders in the House advo- cated easing up on rent controls, Javits voted to strengthen them. It pains some of the old-guard Republicans to see a man Gressed in their colors behave every now and then, as Javirs does, like one of the op- position. “Why are you always against us?” @ Republican legislator once asked him sor- rowfully at a party caucus. Actually, Javits is not always against the Republicans, but when he is with them, it is often only to vote on routine legislation. In the Rightieth Congress, he sided with the majority of his fellow-Republicans about 60 percent of the time; in the Eighty-first he has been with them only 25 percent of the time—by far the most heretical record of any of the Re- publican delegation from New York State. Tris Coffin, a Washington correspondent, has reierred to him as “the cross of the GOP,” and a member of the Democratic bloc in the House said cheerfully, not long ago, “We thank God for Javirs, because in a crucial situation we can almost always count on him for another vote.” Javits professes to be hurt both by the Democrats’ thus taking his vote for granted and by the Repubitcans’ viewing him as a distant and eccentric cousin. He considers himself a perfectly bona fide Republican, in the tradition of Theodore Roosevelt, Fiorello LaGuardia, and, regardless of JAvIT’s apostasy in 1940, Wendell Willkie. Javirs is not the kind of legislator who gets along easily with clubhouse politicians. He prefers dry Martinis to straight bourbon and has spoken up on the floor-of the House in favor of art, throwirg in learned refer- ences to such esoteric figures as Rembrandt and Grandma Moses. The clubhouse boys, while respecting his possession of the basic political asset, the ability to win elections, are leery of such carryings-on and of the intensity of his preoccupation with serious issues. They cannot comprehend a man who, 3 years before the scheduled end of the Euro- pean recovery program, will make, as Javits did last year, a 20-minute speech in Congress outlining a plan he has conceived all by him- self for a post-ERP plan. “Jack don’t fall into the category of what the mob calls the regular-guy category,” one high-placed old- time Republican politician in New York re- cently said. “He’s too polished and dignified. Why, I went to a party at his house once and he had artists and scientists there—people like that.” Javirs hopes to stick with poli- tics, and since being a Representative is an uncertain occupation—involving running for office every 2 years—he would like to extend his theater of operations. He had hopes of doing so by becoming the Fusion candidate for mayor last year. When Newbold Morris got the designation instead, Javirs sporlingly agreed to serve as chairman of his campaign committee, undoubtedly figuring that the position would help him to get better ar- quainted with the mob and perhaps even in time to be accepted as a regular guy. In 1948, running for reelection to Con- gress, again with both Republican and Lib- eral blessing, Javirs had a harder time re- taining his seat than he had had getting it. The Democrats, recalling how badly they had fared 2 years earlier in a three- cornered race, joined the American Labor Party in putting up Paul O'Dwyer, who not only proved to be a forceful candidate in his own right but had the advantage of
A4284 being the Mayor’s brother. To meet the challenge of this formidable adversary, Javits campaigned even more earnestly than he had in 1946. He had innumerable per- suasive brochures printed, among them one advising voters that the difference between a Javirs defeat and a Javits victory would be the difference between a $50 grocery bill and a $10 one, as Well as the difference between a tepee in Central Park and a home with a wood-burning fireplace and a footstool. He went to such trouble to make a special appeal to every conceivable voting group that he even imported a testimonial from George Mardikian, a San Francisco restau-~ rant man with high standing in Armenian~ American circles, and had copies of it printed in Armenian for distribution among the few dozen voters in the Twenty-first District who could read that language. For voters whose reading was confined to comic books, Javits got one up. The climax showed its hero, Congressman Javirs, bravely disarming and soothing an enraged veteran who, on the brink of being tossed out of his home, had threatened to shoot a marshal trying to enforce the eviction order and was holding the entire neighborhood at bay. (The inci- dent related in the comic book was not based on fact, but, as one of Javits’ cam- paign workers noted afterward, what inci- dents in comic books are?) Javirs’ opposi- tion aimed a barrage of equally spirited literature at him, The American Labor Party was particularly active, claiming that he was a crony of Governor Dewey’s, stressing his having hobnobbed with bankers, and calling him “a Big Business Representative, a dem- agogue who poses as a liberal to deceive an independent, progressive community.” The real Javits, withstanding this stream of am- munition as stanchly as the comic-book Javirs had risked the fire of the distraught veteran, squeezed out a victory over O'Dwyer by less than 2,000 votes. What with elections to the House coming up every 2 years, its Members who hope to stay in it generally make a point of keeping themselves, or their names, on dis- play as much as possible in their home dis- tricts. Javirs worries so much about his legislative responsibilities (he has admitted to having once spent a sleepless night brood- ing about how he should vote the next day on a single amendment) that he isn’t able to participate personally as much as he would like to in community affairs in northern Man- haittan, but he is omnipresent there in spirit. In his name, for instance, residents of the the Twenty-first are offered free advice on rent problems by a dozen politically minded lawyers who take turns giving counsel at five clubhouses—-four Republican and one Liberal—in the Twenty-first, a service that nearly 5,000 of Javirs’ constituents have availed themselves of. His name, further- more, receives wide institutional circulation. He is a trustee of the Jewish Memorial Hos- pital, a director of the Manhattan Civic Club, an honorary director of the Inwood Community Center, an overseer of the Jewish Theological Seminary, an honorary adviser of the Gold Star Window Committee of the Temple of the Covenant, and a member of the advisory board of Aufbau, a German- English weekly that has some 20,000 readers in the district and in whose advertising columns he has had himself extolled during his campaigns as “dein Kandidat.” His most enterprising scheme for keeping him-~ self firmly established in the consciousness of his constituents has been to send a multi- graphed letter twice annually to every one of the 90,000 heads of families in the dis- trict. In anticipation of this semiannual event, Javirs makes a long speech on the floor of the House, summarizing his legisla- tive accomplishments during the previous half year. Then, after the speech has ap- peared in the ConGrissionaL Recorp, he buys reprints of it, to send out with his letter, at the bargain rate of a third of a cent apiece. Even so, and even though he enjoys the use of the congressional frank and therefore doesn’t have to pay postage on this sort of correspondence, it costs him nearly $2,000— mostly for having envelopes addressed— every time he thus unburdens himself. Javits always closes his reports home by urging his constituents not to hesitate to call on him or write to him any time they are so minded. Many of them don’t have to be urged. He receives between 50 and 100 let- ters daily, and is extremely careful about acknowledging, or having some member of his staff acknowledge, all of them, except those written by crackpots and nonconstitu-~ ents. As a lawmaker of a Nation whose law is often word in distant lands, he receives in his mail a regular sprinkling of communi- cations from Egypt, Argentina, Ireland, Tur- key, Yugoslavia, Korea, Bulgaria, Denmark, and other regions outside the Twenty-first Congressional District. He is also bombarded with ponderous tomes bearing the imprima- tur of such domestic groups as the National Grain Trade Council, the American Near East Society, and the Chiefs’ Council of the Tona- wanda Band of the Seneca Indians. Many organizations with axes to grind put all Con- gressmen on their mailing lists and keep them there the year around; others seek out the legislative eye, or ear, only when working toward some particular end. On the whole, Javits has been less pestered by spokesmen for special-interest groups than Congressmen are often thought to be. “No lobbyist ever offered to take me to dinner, or to the thea- ter, or get me a girl, or anything,” he said the other day. “I guess I have the reputa~ tion of being unapproachable and pretty busy, and well enough off to buy my own dinner. When I first came to Washington, the lobbyists ignored me because I was con- sidered too unimportant to be worth culti- vating. Now that Iam worth the effort, the people know where I stand on things, prac- tically the only lobbyists who don’t pass me up are those who represent idealistic causes, and they can’t afford to take me to dinner. I usually end up by having to take them to dinner.” Javits is habitually polite to all represent- atives of groups who, whether over the dinner table or merely in an exchange of correspondence, manage to engage his atten- tion, since he is well aware how foolish it would be for a man in his position need- lessly to antagonize the advocates of any point of view held by a plural number of voters. He is polite even to nonvoters. A while ago, along with his colleagues, he was subjected to a slew of communications from residents of the District of Columbia who, whipped into action by the Washington Times-Herald, were urging the defeat of leg- islation providing that stray dogs in that city might be taken from the municipal pound and used in medical research. Javits, who has a high regard for medical research, would undoubtedly have been on the affirm- ative side of the matter if it had come to a vote, which it didn’t, but he saw no point in putting himself on record any sooner than he had to, and in reply to the dog-lovers he sent out an artfully equivocal form letter that read, “Dear Friend: Thank you for your communication with respect to humaneness to our good friend, the dog. You may he sure that I will have your views very much in mind as the bills affecting the subject come before us here.” Only a fraction of Javrrs’ mail from home contains expressions of sentiment on na- tional issues. Most of it consists of appeals for help from people who, finding themselves in real or fancied difficulties, have hit upon the notion of writing to their Congressman about them. A sampling of Javirs’ corre- pondence a while back unearthed a letter APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD from a man who wanted the Government to pay him $15,000 compensation for the aver- sight of an Army surgeon who had left a sponge in his stomach during an operation; one from a widower who wanted to find out if his wife had owned any war bonds that he didn’t know about; one from a laborer who had worked on the Panama Canal from 1904 to 1920 and wanted to collect some Money he thought he had coming to him through a retroactive increase in pay authorized by a@ 1944 act of Congress; one from a manufac- turer of concrete window frames who wanted the Federal Housing Administration to show an interest in his product; one from a mail carrier whose feet hurt and who wanted a transfer to the more sedentary position of postal clerk; one from an applicant for a civil-service rating who wanted an investiga- tion made of the fact that he had bcen allowed only an hour and a half to take a 2-hour exam; and one from a gentleman who wanted a Spanish-American War pen~- sion for himself and, for his three sons a commission in the Regular Army, an ap- pointment to the Naval Academy, and a page’s job in the House. Even if Javits had been eager to assist the prospective page- boy, he couldn’t have done much about it. As far as patronage is concerned, his personal pickings have been very slim. A Republican Congressman, and especially a junior one, is unlikely these days to get more than a whiff of the pork barrel, much less to have a chance to dip deep into it. Aside from the six’ Gov- ernment-paid posts on his own staff, Javits has had only a couple of plums to dispense, neither of them notably juicy. Both were $2,400-a-year jobs—a guard’s and an eleva- tor operator’s—on the House staff. Constituents who want Javirs to do some-~ thing for them frequently preface their re- quests with some such generality as “Since I know that you have but to wave a wand to have things happen, I wonder if you—” The assumption is false. In only about 25 percent of the cases in which Javits is in- vited to wave a wand is he able to do any-~ thing like what he has been asked to do, a circumstance that is carefully taken ac- count of in the conduct of his office. Not long ago, in the course of transferring a young lady from his personal staff to a job in his law firm, he explained to her apolo- getically that he was shifting her not be- cause she lacked industry or efficiency but simply because she lacked sufficient warmth for the job; it was imperative for a man in his position, he went on, to have assistants who could give comfort and sympathy to the 75 percent of his constituents for. wham no more substantial service could be rendered. Her successor is a young lady whose “Sorry, re dice” is as gentle and soothing as a lul- aby. Despite his inability to make the dreams of 75 percent of his constituents come true, Javirs is diligent about going through the motions of pleading their causes, however lost. When the Federal Government is in- volved, he or one of his staff dutifully gets in touch with the agency concerned, and since all appropriations bills originate in the House, the Congressman’s avowal of interest almost always results in swift, though sel~- dom, favorable, action. If it is a New York State matter—as in the case of a man who complained that his son had been diserimi- nated against in an examination for State prison guards, or in the case of a deposed notary public who was anxious to have his commission reinstated—Javirs usually turns it over to a State assemblyman from his district with whom he is on cordial terms, and who, of course, gets to vote on appro- priations for State agencies. Then there are constituents who want nothing in partic~ ular of the Federal or the State Govern~ ment but, feeling that a congressional bless- ing is useful anywhere, beseech Javrrs to furnish them with letters of re.*.nmenda~-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tion. for jobs in private industry or with char- acter references to supplement their chil- darén’s applications for admission to colleges. And, finally, there are those who ask for tickets to the Army-Navy football game, to which, they have heard correctly, Javits is allotted 16 seats a year, 8 on each side of the field. JAvits gets so many requests for these from powerful political associates—to say nothing of ordinary constituents, who con- trol only a single vote—that since becoming a Congressman he has attended no Army- Navy game himself. For all services rendered, and comfort and sympathy bestowed, Javits expects no special thanks from his constituents, except, perhaps, votes the next time he may need them. Now and then, however, a constituent who knows that Javits is still a partner, though a largely inactive one, in Javits & Javits offers to throw a bit of business his way. Javirs is at liberty to accept such a token of gratitude unless it is litigation in- volving the Federal Government, in which he may refer his would-be benefactor to someone else in the firm but may not touch the case himself. Just as his political life affects his professional life, so does it affect his home life. His wife cannot switch from one rei-htorkced grocer to another, for in- stance, v-'ro. explaining at great and mollifying length her reason for making the change; grocers, after all, are voters. Javirs has been married twice, the first time, 1n 1933, to a daughter of one of the Ringling brothers. They were divorced 3 years afterward. In 1947, he married Marion Ann Borris, a young lady 20 years his junior. They have two chilaren, a boy and a girl. The boy, named Joshua, after the late Rabbi Joshua Loth Liebman, who officiated at the Javitses’ wedding, was born the day before the current session of Congress convened. The birth of the girl, named Joy, occurred in Seplember 1948, on a day, as it happened, when Javirs had scheduled a political tea at his home for fifty ladies from his district who were working to get him reelected. Mr. Javits, exhibiting in fine measure the pa- tence required of the wives of Congressmen, played hostess most of the afternoon and had her baby that night. The Javitses met at Fusion Campaign Headquarters in New York in the fall of 1945. The then Miss Borris, a native of Detroit who wanted to be an actress, had taken a campaign job during & lull in her theatrical career. They were married 2 years later, in spite of the fact that one night, early in 1947, when Javits had asked Miss Borris out to dinner she had to compete for his attention with a delegation of Greeks who were trying to persuade him to plump for increased aid to their country. Tho Javitses have two homes—a three- room apartment in Washington, on the edge of Georgetown, and a seven-room apartment in New York, at 450 Riverside Drive. Their home here is just a few blocks west of that of Javrirs’ most illustrious constituent, Dwight D. Eisenhower. Javits is delighted to be the general’s representative. When Eisenhower ascended to the throne of Co- lumbia University amd to residence on Morningside Drive, the Congressman took note of the honor that had been conferred on his district by saying on the floor of the House, “We will try to make him comfortable in the Twenty-first and we will try to make him very happy. The General’s view of the fludson River and the Palisades, which is truly magnificent as seen from our district, will, we believe, make him foel that New York can be very beautiful, homelike, and a real rest from the labors of war while he under- takes the arts of peace.” A friend who had read this speech of welcome visited Javits at home and, after enjoying the magnificent view of the Hudson and the Palisades from his window, voiced his doubt that Eisenhower could see either of them from Morningside Drive. “Don’t quibble,” said Javits. “The General can see them from his office any- way.” The friend, a real quibbler, later en- countered one of EHEisenhower’s aides and asked about the view of the Hudson and the Palisades from the office. “Can’t see either one from there,” said the aide. “There are too damn many buildings in the way.” Every Saturday, barring acts of God or Congress, Javirs holds open court for his constituents in his law offices, to 630 Fifth Avenue, in Rockefeller Center. Congressmen are granted free office space, when it is avail- able, in Federal buildings within their dis- tricts, and may take advantage of their pre- rogative, but the only eligible buildings in the Twenty-first are a couple of overcrowded post offices. Javits estimates that 1t would cost him at least $5,000 a year to maintain an office in his district, and since the law office is already set up, he uses that. On a normal Saturday, he may have around 20 appoint- ments with constituents, and, Imasmuch as they often show up in delegations, may re- ceive as many as 50 or a hundred of them. It is a fairly simple matter for any constituent, or group of constituents, to get an appoint- ment with him; few businessmen are as read- lly accessible to customers as most Congress- men are to voters from their districts. One recent Saturday, the first of Javits’ callers was a colored woman employed by a Federal agency, who informed him that her supervisor, in making recommendations for promotions, had been discriminating against her for 8 years because she was a Nogro. Javits said he would have an investigation instituted at once. Then came a Puerto Rican, who hoped Javits could arrange to have a disability pension he was drawing as a result of the Second World War paid to him in a lump sum, rather than in the monthly installments he had been getting, so that he could start a small business. Javrrs said that he would inquire into the possibili- ties but that he was doubtful. Then came a naturalized German Jew, who carried on alternately and interminably about the re- vivification of nazism in Germany and a plan he had for mixing alcohol and gasoline to take the place of fuel oil. Javrrs listened to him for 20 minutes, and finally said, “I understand, I understand, but what do you want me to do?” It turned out the man didn’t have anything specific in mind; he just wanted to talk to somebody. Then came two men who were planning to make a non- partisan survey of the state of civil rights in a portion of the West Side of Manhattan and hoped Javirs would be a cochairman, along with Representative FranKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, Jr., whose district, the Twentieth, was also involved. Javits said he’d be glad to, and asked what ground they proposed to survey. From Fifty-ninth Street to One Hundred and Twenty-fifth, they told him, and Javits pos- sibly having in mind the fact that the only part of his district to be covered would be a stretch from One Hundred and Twenty-fifth down to One Hundred and Fourteenth Street, urged them to extend their northern limit to One Hundred and Thirty-fifth. “You wouldn’t want to cut Manhattanville in half, would you?” he asked sternly. They agreed that that would be an ungallant thing to do, and departed. Then came a businessman, who during the Second World War had lost a consignment of brush bristles in Switzer- land. He said the Swiss Government had confiscated them and had paid him only a fraction of their worth. As a German refugee to this country and technically an enemy alien he had been helpless at the time, but now he was a naturalized American citizen, and would Javirs please prevail upon the State Department to intercede with the Swiss, so he could be paid in full? “Pll do what I can,” Javits told him. ‘But you must remember that I can’t force the A4235 Federal Government to do anything for you. T’m only a small part of the Government. All I can do is use my influence.” “That would be fine,” said his visitor. “And I can’t begin to tell you how much I appreci- ate your listening to my private troubles. I’m sorry to have taken up so much of your valuable time.” “Don’t be silly,” said Javirs. “That’s a Cons gressman’s job, That’s my duty.” Pioneers Are in Demand EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT THOMAS OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. THOMAS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrec- orp, I include the following address by Glenn H. McCarthy, of Texas, at the University of Wisconsin: Mr. Chairman, distinguished guests, mem- pers of the Wisconsin Men’s Association, ladies and gentlemen, I understand this occasion is to honor the men of Wisconsin who have made some contribution to their university community. I congratulate both this association and the men so honored. I feel humble in the midst of such a mag- nificent group. Yet I am without words to adequately express my pride in being se~ lected for this address. When I was invited to come to Wisconsin for this occasion, I forsaw another oppor- tunity for a bit of Texas bragging. The more I learned of your State and this great university, however, the more convinced I became that such an attempt would be ri- diculous. In fact, you have turned the tables on me. After my visit here today I intend to go home and do some Wisconsin bragging. Down in Texas we are rather proud when we hear patriots refer to our State as the last stronghold of democracy. Yet it leaves us with a feeling of responsibility and lone- liness. Looking over this city, this univer- sity, and this wonderful audience, I feel able to report back to the great Republic of Texas that we have at least one ally in Wis~ consin, in our determination to fight against foreign isms. I trust you have heard that we McCarthy’s, be we Democrats or Republicans, hold little brief for things un-American. When your chairman invited me to speak, he told my public relations man it was be- cause I was a fighter. Until then I had hoped that that part of my reputation had been localized to Houston, or at least Texas. I must admit that my armor is a bit soaked with foreign oil imports now and they tried to slow down the fight in me. But in the process I have picked up a few new and fancy techniques. Seriously, ladies and gentlemen, there is an insidious story going around this country today. It is the myth that opportunity is a thing of thé past—that the last frontier has been reached. As an American, I resent it. That claim is the most absurd lie in this world of lies we live in today. The truth is that never in the history of mankind has there been more opportunity. A hundred frontiers exist today where one existed at the turn of the century. Opportunity beckons every individual who is an individual. It cries for men who are men. Once men had to seek opportunity. Today opportunity seeks men,
A4235 Pioneers are in demand. Men willing to put forth blood, sweat, and tears are scarce. The trouble is that men are blind to the real facts. They haven’t the sight to see them. They are listening to the siren call of pa- ternalism and the impractical promises of socialism. They are spending their energies looking for something for nothing, mostly from their government. They forget that no eoverr mon ever gave anything to its people oo. G°. first take away from the people. As in the pioneer days of this Nation, men need courage, imagination, hard work, and prains to make the most of the opportunity that is here. There must be a revival of the spirit of the pioneer. With that there is no limit to the progress we can make. For man to follow the progress available to him he must be of an inventive, Challenging, inquiring mind. Today men listen to propa- ganda from every side and never once ques- tion it. No pioneer ever did the normal things. He kicked out of the routine and plunged ahead on his own. The pioneering spirit is still around. You see it in men fighting for an education. It is recorded in the success stories of the day. Those who want opportunity bad enough to make the necessary sacrifices will find 1t in America, The political philosophy laid down by the founding fathers of America unleashed the creative energies of millions of men and wo- men. Under the Old World method there was no freedom of thought or action. That is still true in most of the world outside of the United States today. Americans have more of this world’s goods than all of the rest of the 2,000,000,000 peo- ple on earth today. With a scant 7 per- cent of the world population we have created more wealth than the others combined be- cause we are free to act as individuals. The answer to this is that man, in Amer- ica, has been given the incentive to progress. Incentive is the father of initiative. In- centive to live in peace, to live as free men and women, to worship as we choose, and to profit from our individual efforts. These are the things that give America the drive that has led us to the leadership of the world. Ladies and gentlemen, what I am about to say tonight may seem strange to you. But I suppose that you expected a strange man in a strange country to bring you a new message. I have spoken of opportunity. I believe it presupposes certain responsibilities, one of which is to defend it. I see a danger to our Nation today. It is a danger not only to the initiative and the opportunity we enjoy as Americans, it is a threat to the entire do- mestic economy of the United States. You live in a part of the country where there is no oil industry, or at least no oil production. You cannot be expected to rec- ognize the menace of foreign oil imports at a@ time when exports have been drastically reduced. It will be difficult for you to understand my contention that the American economy is pasically an oll economy, unless I explain myself. I have spoken of the tremendous progress this country has made in less than 200 years. Let me remind you that the greater part of the industrial progress of this country has been made in the last 50 years. It is my contention that without the oil industry that would have been unlikely. We are living in the automobile age and the air age, Without our modern oil industry, brought about by independent wildcatters, there would have been no such ages, Spindle Top, a salt dome along the Gulf coast of Texas, gave birth to the modern oil indus- try. It would have been either there or somewhere else. It hadtocome. But it took American initiative and incentive to bring it about. That discovery not only made the automubile possible. It made it necessary, Prior to Spindle Top, the oil industry was merely an illumination and lubrication business. With that discovery, man’s imagination in this country was fired anew. In its wake came hundreds of new o1l discoveries, most of them by wildcatters. In its wake came new demands on the steel industry, the transportation industry, and the automo- bile industry was born. New interest in aviation was inspired. New eneigies were unleashed under our freedom. Here was created an industry that America could call its own—men of vision and courage, un- afraid of hard work, developed a know-how that until today no other nation on earth possesses. That know-how 1s how we search for, drill, and produce oil wells. It 1s our own American industry, The spirit of that industry has permeated every other indus- try in this land today. Petroleum has aided magnificently in winning two world wars. It is the greatest bulwark we have standing between us and the threat of world com- munism today. Yet, at this very hour six oil companies out of more than 35,000 operating in this country are pursuing a policy which threat- ens the life of the entire domestic oil in- dustry, if not our national economy itself. Those six oil companies are importing almost a million barrels of foreign petroleum and petroleum products into this country every day. Independent producers of oil find most of the new reserves. Without new reserves America would some day be confronted with a@ serious oil shortage. With independents active, none of us will ever see the day when this country is without oil for peace or war. Wildcatters keep searching when the major executives decide it is 100 risky. They rush in where angels fear to tread. For every Wildcatters keep searching when the major ary holes. They are like the slot machine players. You hear of only those who hit the jackpots. Those who feed the kitty without any return are anonymous. Even the jackpot winners usually sit around and put back all of their winnings, plus what they came with. It is the occasional wise player who walks away with a little profit. Carrying the comparison a little further, when the odds are set highest, the play is the hottest. Reduce the odds and the play cools off. Eliminate the chance to win and only the idlers seeking amusement stay around. No major ofl company finds much new oil in this country. Yet this country constantly depends on new discoveries. It is necessary for the domestic ofl industry to remain strong, virile, and prosperous if the inde- pendent is not to be destroyed. My objection to this foreign import policy is that we are importing 26 percent more oil than we imported in 1948, while we are exporting 23 percent less than we exported the same year. While I have no objection to normal imports, I think they should be balanced with exports. I am not urging leg- islation to restrict imports, I am hoping the President of the United States will call these six or seven company heads to his office and appeal to their patriotism and their business statesmanship. Two years ago the Commerce Department had the power to curtail exports 20 percent without legislation. Today we can curtail imports without legislation. Legislation will come as surely as the importers continue their unprincipled practice. A practice which benefits 6 or 7 out of 35,000 operators in this country. And that practice Is not hurting the do- mestic ofl Industry alone. The coal miners and operators, the railway workers and rail- roads which transport our oil and coal also suffer. American labor in all flelds has suf+ fered because of this selfish, unwise policy. Because of foreign oil imports alone, one APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD coal mine in Pennsylvania closed the other ay throwing 1,200 miners out of work permanently. It 1s not often that I am wren “6 ~ngle oui any one man or any one (vt, me of our Government, but in this case I will. I do so because in the Interior Department the independent oilman seems to have a sym- pathetic friend. And in the Scnate of the United States, as well as the House of Repre- sentatives, he has many e™c+~rce- But I would like to answer a <° 2 ve's. made recently by the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs. This State Department spokesman, Mr. Willard L. Thery. cie'mcd that he was stat- ing the cdmim <strac.on’s policy on foreign oil imports. It is my weet ads, how= ever, that he might no. “i oO nett ok exe actly that. Although he npcirtedly denied it in advance in his article, he denions."atd very little regard for the domestic oil in- dustry. He did admit his interest in foreign oil. Your Senator McCarry says the State Department is full of subversives. I’m not in a position to argue that point. I will say that it is shot through with ignorance of our national economy, and I think that is as bad. I have contended that war with Russia is inevitable because democracy and commu- nism cannot live under the same sun. The Communists refuse to let us live in peace. I believe that as soon as we have ceveloped oil along the Persian Gulf sufficiently to power the Russian planes and tanks, along with that oil they already have, we will see the outbreak of war. Mr. Thorp gives me a new fear. I gather from his statement that war might even come over a fight for the $18,000,000,000 of American money invesied in that area, as well as the $2060,000,000,- COO in potential profits. It is bad enough for a peace-loving country to be forced into a war to defend itself against aggression and YO PruLteet our way of life. It is a much worse tairg to be forced into a war to defend foreign investments that should never have been made and billions in profits that will accrue to six or seven major oil corporations. I am not suggesting that it happened, but merely hoping that there has been no com- mitment on the part of our State Depart- ment to protect those investments and profits. Mr. Thorp had a lot to say about tbe thourands of stockholders in the major importing companies. He thinks they are entitled to the profits to be gathered there. What will happen to their profits here? I wonder if he was around when the Mexi- can Government arbitrarily expropriated the properties of American ojl companies back in the middle thirties. That could happen in the Arabian area. He was very careful to point out how much these oil companies were promoting the American way of Mfe and free enterprise— more so, he said, than by any governmental actions. I know little of governmental ac~ tions in foreign countries, I do know these companies engage in the exploitation of for~ eign property by hiring natives at un-Amert~ can slave wages. They make deals for land with the kings Instead of common lanJ- owners. They pay tax pittances, if any at all, that are of no benefit to ordinary citi- zens, They produce wells at the frightful rate of 10,000 to 15,000 barrels a day. Then they bring their ill-gotten product back here to destroy a decent, economy-bullding in- dustry like the American domestic oll in- dustry. That may be the democratic way and free enterprise Mr. Thorp knows. It isn’t the way I know them, This State Department official contends that increased oil imports offer no threat to our domestic economy. I hold that the supplanting of domestic oil with foreign oil is not only hurting the domestic econ- omy but that it threatens the life of the domestic oil-producing industry, which is
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of prime importance in peace and vital to our freedom in war. Any serious weaken- ing, actual or threatened, to an industry so vitally essential as the oil-producing indus- try is a matter acutely affecting our national security and our expanding peacetime economy. What conclusion is to be drawn from these statements that the State Depart- ment backs a policy of continued heavy im- ports by these big companies? Either the Department is pursuing its policy regard- less of the harmful effect of this domestic industry and the interests of our Nation, or that it has blinded itself to these effects. Foreign oil, Mr. Thorp wrote, can be a great benefit to us in the next war. How? That is the question any man with common sensc is bound to ask. I doubt that we could get the oil out of the wells in Venc- zuela But it is a definite fact, beyond the slightest question, that Russia would take over the Persian Gulf fields in the first hours of war. No military mind in the world questions this fact. Had this Nation been dependent on foreign oil in the last two wars it would have lost poth of them. It will be more dependent on domestic oil in the next war. Because of the submarine warfare in World War II, let me remind you that our tankers could not move safely from Gulf of Mexico ports to the eastern seaboard. We were forced to build a tremendous pipeline, known as the Big Inch, to transport 80 percent of our oil to points in the East. As the war ended it had become recognized that a pipeline to the west coast was equally essential. Earlier I spoke of opportunity. I think there should be plenty for men with in- tegrity, brains, and loyalty in our State Department. Is oil a wartime essential to our national security? Who doesn’t recall Patton's armies in the Battle of the Bulge when tanks and all motorized equipment was grounded for days while men fought for their lives? How short is the memory of the gentlemen of the State Department? In whom are they interested? Before you get the idea that I am attack- ing others for what I would do myself had I the opportunity, I'd like to make one thing clear. I have had foreign oil opportunities. LI have had them in the Middle Enst, in Mexi- co, in Canada, in Venezuela, and in the Ar- gentine. This is a matter of principle with me. I avoided those offers for the very reason I am opposing foreign development with American dollars and American know-how today. There may be a day when it rvill be reason- able for us to venture into forcign flelds put that day is not on the horizon at present. It will be the day when we know we have hoard the last roar of belligerent guns, and the day when we know such oil is mecessary to preserve democracy and our free enterprise. Ladies and gentlemen, tonight we seek pioneers, pioneers in. the shaping of American public opinion. I have sald there are new opportunities and new frontiers. You will find the new frontiers at the four corners of the earth where our fighting men have. gone in search of peace. They went forth to bring the fruits of our inventive and manufactur- ing genius to all mankind. They went out to defend our way of life on the one hand and on the other to create new frontiers of thought. Today we see the iron curtain moving closer and closer to us. We know we have yet an- other fight on our hands, We hope the world can be made safe for democracy. There must be an aroused and indignant public opinion. It is my purpose tonight to awaken you ladies and gentlemen and make you aroused and indignant. ITimplore you to use your God-given rights as free men and women and give thought to the important problems of the day. I thank you. XCOVI—App.——267 Unemployment Among Middle-Aged Workers EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- oRD, I include the following statement: Congressman Danren J. Froop today in a statement to the Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives, considering the problems of unemployment with rela- tion to the Social Security Act, stated: “Mr. Chairman, one of the most serious problems within the over-all problem of un- employment is the amount of unemployment among the middle-aged workers who are con- sidered ‘bad pension risks.’ “This is not only a problem for private business but it is a problem demanding the alert and detailed attention of the various governmental agencies concerned with this type of economic difficulty. I feel that it is an extremely important and very delicate socio- logical problem which should not be associ- ated with any unsound or destructive eco- nomic scheme attempting to repair a wheel within a wheel. ‘I sit in my office in Wilkes-Barre every day that Iam home and listen to the pleas of hundreds of able-bodied men without work. I feel that I am qualified especially to speak on this subject, Mr. Chairman, because of the fact that I represent a district which is one of the most acutely distressed areas in the Nation, insofar as male unemployment is concerned, of all ages. ‘My interviews with these groups of men have brought to my attention the tragic case of the jobless man of 45, who is too young to retire, and too old to find a job. “This may be a strange sermon for me to preach in view of the fact that in my dis~- trict it is almost impossible to find a job for anybody, but I shall give this committee the benefit of my considerable experience with men of all age groups in their quest for em- ployment. “Certainly, the executives of the modern American business world should revamp and reexamine their hiring and firing policies and preach the gospel of intelligence into the ears of their personnel people. Today there is being built up a new scrap pile of human beings and this is a disgraceful and unneces- sary economic waste. “There is no doubt that advancing age is a handicap to any man looking for a job. And in these days of rapidly developing pen~ sion plans the middle-aged job seeker is - looked upon as a bad pension risk largely because the bookkeeping people in the actu- ary’s office are ready to complain that his age messes up their scheme in a plant where employees retire at a given age. “Tf think the time is right for American pusiness to tackle the problem itself to see whether or not the problem can be solved by American business ingenuity, but this much must follow, Mr. Chairman, that if American business refuses or fails on this matter, then the Government, whether you like it or not, must step in and see if a solu- tion is possible. “& new slogan should be injected into the whole fteld of employer-employee relation- ship; that is, that a man’s age must not be held against him. Modern business think- ing and employment rules should be exam- ined to conform with the known physical and economic facts, that in this year of our Lord 1950 the middle-aged man js not ready A4237 for the scrap heap, physically or mentally. “This will not prevent the hiring of younger men and should in no way inter~ fere with such a program. With the increase of our population and the development of our economy generally, ways and means must be found for the development of Ameri- can industry to absorb the abilities and ex- perience of every man who wants to work.” Ireland Must Be United EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ISIDORE DOLLINGER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr.DOLLINGER. Mr.Speaker under leave granted me, I am including my statement that Ireland must be united, which is part of the record of proceed- ings before the Foreign Affairs Com- mittee. My statement follows: Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to have this opportunity to speak against the present partition of Ireland, and to,ask that your committee give favorable consideration to the legislation now before you. LI introduced House Resolution 529, which was referred to you. However, I am interested in the final result, and am in favor of any measure which would assist the people of Ireland to establish their complete independence. We know that during the First World War, Great Britain gave a guaranty to Ire- land that immediately after the war the people of Ireland could have a free election. When the election was held in 1918—the people in Ireland voted 4 to 1 for complete independence. Thereafter, England by threats and force, did all she could to cause the people to rescind their vote. When these attempts proved futile, she brazenly broke her promise and kept a stranglehold on the six northeastern counties—allowing Ireland to keep 26 counties in southern Ire- land. For this breach of faith, there is no excuse. The Irish people today are asking that a free election be held in all of Ireland to determine whether or not it shall be one united country. Ireland’s right to take her place as an undivided nation in the world’s family of nations is denied her because of England's tyranny and oppression. Ireland maust be given the opportunity to settle, by a majority vote of her people, how she wishes to be governed. She must be given a chance to free herself from the rule of any foreign power. We cannot forget the contributions of the Trish to our own Nation in its fight for free- dom and democracy. They gave of their lives and efforts in our struggle for independ- ence—and they have never failed to carry their share of the burdens of any nation when democracy was at stake. We owe it to the people of Ireland to assure them that we believe in independence for them too— and that we sincerely believe they should be allowed to govern themselves. We will prove our sincerity when we demand that the par- tition of Ireland must be removed. There is no question that a free plebiscite would re~- sult in a united Ireland. Then, Ireland would be enabled to join the Atlantic Pact, which in turn would be an advantage to Ire- land, Great Britain, and the United States, from the standpoint of defense. I urge your committee to help us fulfill our duty to Ireland, and to report favorably the necessary measure looking toward the end of Ireland’s partition and aiding unification.