APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Basin and beyond. At the same time, the waterway should help promote low-cost ship- ment of the products which the Red River Basin sends out for the use of other parts of the Nation and the world. The whole basin should be benefited. The new lateral canal, however, will resolve only one aspect cu: the valley's primary prob- lem of water control and usage. Destructive floods have periodically swept the region—so many, in fact, that our division engineer has estimated that, under existing conditions, the inflow from uncontrolled ‘areas can be ex- to produce flood stages on the main stem below Boggy Creek every other year, and serious floods on an average of once in 10 years. Many constructive steps have been taken by the people in the valley, and by the Fed- eral Government, to protect life and property from these floods. These accumulative efforts have culminated in the presently authorized interim flood-control plan passed by the Con- gress last year and included in the 1946 ficod- control bill. Behind this plan—if I may re- iterate for emphasis—lie many other smaller, related plans and undertakings to control the waters of the valley and put them to beneficial use. I should like to dwell for a moment on these previous undertakings and accomplishments. The greatest of these projects in point of sine, expenditure, and multiplicity of benefits to be derived to the valley is, of course, Deni- son Dam, which was placed in operation in 1944. This dam—among the largest earthen dams in the world—is designed to control as completely as possible the flood flows which can reasonably be expected in Red River above Denison, Tex., and also to provide sufficient storage to generate a substantial block of hydroelectric power. In addition to Denison Dam, local valley interests have constructed levees and appur- tenant works intermittently along the river at a cost of approximately 825,000,000. There ere six Federal levee projects, with appur- tenant works, along the main stem of Red River. On four of these projects the levee work has been constructed. Two short cut- offs on the main stem also have been com- pleted. Yesterday, the Wallace Lake Reser- voir on Cypress Bayou was officially dedicated. This dam and reservoir—today practically complete at a cost of over a million dollars— was constructed for the single purpose of flood control. Substantial progress has been made on bank protection in the Shreveport area, and the channel of the Bayou Pierre has been enlarged along the lower 30 miles. The filood-protection project for Bayou des Glaises, La.—located in the Mississippi-Red River backwater area, and providing a diver- sion channel from the bayou to the borrow pit of the west Atchafalaya Basin protection levee—has been completed. Work on the reservoir authorized on Bayou Bodcau is under way. These extensive projects have been, and are, worthy constructions in bringing needed benefits to the valley. But without the works authorized in the 1946 act, they would be vastly inadequate protection for the people and property of the valley against the largest floods. During the extensive investigations undertaken by the Corps of Engineers, a de- signed flood was developed. A designed flood is a flood larger than any other experienced during the period of our records, but which is considered possible in the future. Accord- ing to our calculations, this designed flood would overflow approximately 1,700,000 acres along the section between Boggy Creek and the Mississippi backwater area. Naturally, you were not satisfied with this situation, either as individuals or as a group of progressive citizens. Through your con- gressional representatives you made the valley's great need for further—and much more adequate—protection known, Congress ised these needs as being a Federal responsibility and, as consulting engineers for the Congress, the Corps of Engineers, after extensive investigations, recommended the project that has since been authorized— the interim flood-control plan. I should stress here that this project is an interim action. It and the Overton-Red River waterway project forms part of a great com- prehensive development program for the en- tire Red River and its tributaries. This com- prehensive over-all plan should be completed this spring. It will consider a program for the complete development of Red River and its tributaries for flood control, navigation, electric power, the provision of water for irrigation, water conservation, and related benefits. Because the Ouachita-Black, the principal tributary, joins the Red River so near the mouth, it has been investigated as a separate stream and will be made the subject of a separate report. The interim flood-control project, as au- thorized by the Congress last year, calls for an estimated expenditure of $77,500,000. It entails flood protection on the main stem of Red River below Denison Dam, and includes the construction of six reservoirs on tribu- tary streams. Tentatively, the reservoirs are Boswell, on Boggy Creek; the Hugo, on Kia- michi River; the Millwood, on Little River; the Texarkana, on Sulphur River; and Fer- rells Bridge and Mooringsport, both on Cy- press Creek. These six reservoirs would con- trol a combined drainage area of 14,240 equare miles. The authorized interim project also calls for enlargement of existing and authorized levees, and for the provision of floodgates, as well-as the construction of additional re- vetments, dikes, and similar works to sta- bilize the banks of the Red River. The projects will provide substantially complete protection from headwater and tributary floods along the main stem of Red River between Denison Dam and the limit of the Mississippi-Red River backwater area. Both the Overton-Red River waterway and the interim flood-control plan have been approved and authorized by the Congress, but I remind you that no construction work has been done as yet on either project. Such work is dependent upon future appropria- tions by Congress. It is important to note that the 1948 budget for civil works contemplates only funds for continuation of construction on projects already in process of construction or on which work may be initiated this fiscal year with funds previously appropriated. Projects in the Red River Valley on which we expect to be able to proceed this year in- clude construction of the Bayou Bodcau Reservoir; additional bank protection at Shreveport; a local protection small channel clearing project on Bayou Bodcau, Red Chute, and Loggy Bayou; and the final small jobs on the Wallace Lake Reservoir. Installation of a second power unit is pres- ently under way at Denison Dam, Levee con- struction or drainage work is expected to be initiated in the Red River backwater area before the end of the present fiscal year. Authorized local protection work in the Pine- ville and Aloha Rigolette area is under study. In regard to the Red River Valley, and in all of our basin-wide development programs, ‘we who are responsible to the American peo- ple through Congress have been impressed again and again with the need for the fullest participation of all responsible citizens in the formulation of the projects required. Re- gional development of our land and water resources must be the culmination of many years of work, representing the sum total of our engineering knowledge and experience. Exhaustive investigations, intensive study, and intelligent planning must be preceded by A555 other years of observation and the accumula- tion of accurate records. Even then, such engineering knowledge cannot in itself arrive at an ultimate program without the support of an informed public opinion and the fullest cooperation of all interested Federal and Btate agencies and local citizens. The policies established by Congress are sound, particularly in the way they emphasize that our program must begin at the grass roote, in the needs and desires of the people as expressed through their representatives. Public-minded associations such as yours are rendering a necessary service in informing the people of the virtues of these democratic Processes and alerting them against en- croachments by any special interests, at any time, anywhere. As representatives of the local interests and the citizenry of the Red River Valley, the initiative for waterways improvement needs in your great region remains with you. The Corps of Engineers, through the Con- gress, is at your disposal. David Lilienthal: The Man and His Services EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES © Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, with leave to extend my remarks, I include the text of a radio program of February 14, 1947, known as Headline Names, con- ducted by Russell Turner over WOL, Washington. The program consists of a colloquy between Turner and myself rel- ative to David Lilienthal. It is as follows: Mr. Turner, The most controversial name in this week’s headlines undoubtedly is David Eli Lilienthal, President Truman's nominee to be chairman of the new Atomic Energy Commission. When Mr. Truman sent the nomination to the Senate, more than a month &go, no one believed there would be any serious oppo- sition. Senator KENNETH MCKELLAR was, of course, expected to wage the same fight he has put on for severa] years every time Mr. Lilienthal’s name has come up for anything. But everyone expected the McKellar fight would be just as futile as it always has been in the past. But in the last week it sud- denly has become a serious and substantial . fight, with a definite possibility that Mr. Lilienthal may not be confirmed. The issues involved have gone far beyond the McKellar-Lilienthal feud. But an under- standing of David Lilienthal the man, how he got where he is, the principles on which he operates, and the principles for which he stands; that background will help under- stand the issues involved now. To start at the beginning, Mr. Lilienthal was born in Morton, Il., in July 1899, the son of hard-working immigrant parents. Despite having to largely work his own way through school, he was only 20 when he grad- uated from DePauw College at Greencastle, Ind. He won his law degree at Harvard, then began practicing in Chicago in partnership with Donald R. Richberg, at that time known as one of the country’s outstanding young liberal labor lawyers.
A556 Mr. Lilienthal spent much of his time on utilities litigation and wrote several articles on the subject, enough so that he soon won recognition as an expert in that field, and in 1931 was named a member of the Wis- consin Public Service Commission. Two years later, with the advent of the New Deal, the long-discussed Tennessee Valley Author- ity became reality. And the late President Roosevelt, at the suggestion of then Senator Robert M. La Follette, Jr., chose Wisconsin's capable young public service commissioner to be one of the three TVA directors. But for the rest of the story, here in the studio with me is Congressman Esrzs Kr- rauver, of Chattanooga, Tenn., whose district lies squately in the Tennessee Valley. Mr. Kerauver, incidentally, probably knows David Lilienthal better than any other person on Cn rpitol Hill. Mr. Kerauver, would you tell us something about Mr. Lilienthal as a person and the kind of job he has done with TVA? Representative Kerauver. Well, to begin with, Mr. Turner, I feel confident he did not want the atomic job. He liked the TVA, he liked what he was doing there, he liked Ten- nessee, he had just recently been confirmed by the Senate for another 9 years. Mr. Turner. Mr. Keravver, what is David Lilienthal like as an individual? Representative Krerauver. Well, he’s meek, mild, even-mannered. He's quiet, but he enjoys going around meeting people and talking with people. He does not push him- self forward, and he’s not at all the arrogant, pushing man some people now are trying to make him out to be. Mr. Turner. Right on that point, Mr. Kerauver, Fred Othman, the United Press columnist, tells a story about the time he was assigned to cover a TVA press conference back in 1935, when Fred was relatively new to Washington. A few minutes before the conference started Fred discovered he did not have a pencil. Sidling up to a quiet, un- ostentatious, youngish-looking man, Fred said, “Son, do you happen to have a pencil?” “No, sir,” replied the youngish-looking man, “but I'll get you one.” The unknown left the room and returned in a couple of minutes with a pencil, for which Othman duly thanked him. You can imagine Fred’s em- barrassment a few minutes later when the same young chap introduced himself to the conference as David E. Lilienthal. Representative Kxrauver. That story is exactly in character. Mr. Turner. But let’s get back to the TVA, Mr. Keravver. Wasn't it in 1985 when Mr. Lilienthal had his knock-down fight with the TVA chairman, Dr. Arthur E. Morgan? Representative Kerauver. That's right, Mr. Turner. Norris Dam had already been built, and Dr. Morgan wanted to concentrate on it and the power it produced. But Lil- ienthal and Dr. Harcourt A. Morgan, the other Director, felt the mandate of the TVA law required further expansion. He felt that flood control and navigational improvements were an integral part of the TVA program and that additional dams were essential to carry it out. A full-dress congressional in- vestigation failed to produce any major criticism of his ideas, and President Roose- velt finally upheld Lilienthal. Dr. Morgan resigned, Mr. Turner. Mr. Keravver, Senator Mc- Keriiar's feud has been going on for several years. Has there been more to it than the fact that the Senator could get nowhere in trying to build up a patronage lst on the TVA pay roll? Representative Krrauver. Yes; there has been. David Lilienthal never has paid any attention to politics in running the TVA, and most of us have come to accept that. We know that a Co: ‘s endorsement for a TVA job is more likely to do harm than good. Patronage troubles probably were the beginning of Senator McKxxiar’s opposition to Lilienthal. But the real fight came in 1941, Additional power was desperately needed, in those early days of the war for the alumi- num plant at Alcoa, about 10 miles south of Knoxville. .TVA itself and the Army en- gineers were agreed that the only way the power could be obtained for the aluminum plant that year, in the quantity needed, was to build the Douglas Dam, about 25 miles north of Knoxville, Two other dams had been proposed and Senator McKELLAR argued at length for them. His biggest reason for opposing the Douglas Dam was that it would flood several thousand acres of rich bottom land, most of it owned by 4 large canning company. Senator McKELLAR did manage to hold up a start on the dam for 2 mont!s, but he finally lost out and the dum was built. After that, Senator McKx.uar began his real fight. He had an amendment written into an appropriation bill requiring Senate confirmation of all TVA employees making more than $3,800 a year, but the figure later was raised to 64,500. Then he tried to ham- string TVA operations by requiring that Congress make specific appropriations for all of its expenditures. Under its charter, TVA is allowed to spend its receipts from power sales for operational and maintenance items, and then turn the balance over to the Treasury at the end of the year. Senator McKELLAR tried to make it so that these power-sales receipts would be blanketed into the Treasury as they were collected, and nothing could be spent unless it was spe- cifically appropriated. Now that, of course, would be impossible in an operation like TVA, where they never can tell what may come up—storms may blow down trans- mission lines or damage other distribution facilities, and any one of a thousand other things may make it absolutely essential that substantial sums be spent for maintenance work immediately, without waiting for a con- gressional appropriation. Senator McKE.uar did persuade the Senate to adopt such an amendment two or three times, but it always was knocked out in the House. Mr. Turner. So that’s the story of the McKellar-Lilienthal fight. Representative Kerauvir. Yes. Inciden- tally, I might point out that in spite of some of the testimony being offered by Senator McKetiar’s witnesses, David Lillenthal 1s ex- tremely well-liked by people who work for TVA. He is a very able administrator, and has an unusual ability to select capable and loyal personnel. Personally, I have always felt that one of the main reasons for the success of the TVA has been its ability to make decisions in the Valley, without hav- ing to refer matters to Washington. It's an example of real regionalized control. And it Occupies that status because Lilienthal has always insisted that it operate that way. He has made it work with and for the people of the seven States in the Valley; he made it work in cooperation with State and local officials; he made it work with and through other agencies which are working in the area, such as the Soil Conservation and Forest Services. Mr. Turner, What do the farmers in that area think of him? Representative Keravver. They believe in him. For example, the great conservative farm magazine, “The Progressive Farmer,” se- lected him as the “man of the year” for 1945, Their citation was to the man who made the greatest contribution to southern agriculture during the year 1045, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Another point in Lilienthal’s favor is that TVA always has built dams for less than was authorized by Congress. It never has had to come back and ask for a deficiency appropria- tion to complete some project. There's one further example of David Lil- jenthal’s complete interest in TVA. A few years back, he wrote a book called “Democ- Tacy on the March.” It sold many thousands of copies, and the profits were substantial. But Lilienthal did not keep a single cent of those profits. Instead, he divided them be- tween a special fund to defray incidental ex- penses of entertaining visitors to the TVA and a charity fund for TVA employees. Mr. Turner. And that’s the background of the battle that’s going on now. Representative Kerauver. Yes, it started off as Just another round in Senator MCKELLAR’s constant fight against Mr. Lilienthal and against everyone who has been closely con- nected with him. Now, however, it has be- come more than that. With Senator Mc- Ketiar having been able by himself to hold up confirmation for a matter of weeks, dif- ferent other groups have lined up against Lilienthal for various reasons of their own. In general these are the forces of economic and political reaction and isolationism. They include, among others, the power lobby which has long fought Lilienthal because he sym- bolizes public power at cheap rates. And there are others of like character. Whether they'll win or lose is something only time can tell, Mr, Turner. Thank you very, very much, Congressman Estes Keravver. I'm sure that, thanks to you, we all know a bit more about David Lilienthal, and therefore understand a little better the issues involved in the battle over his nomination to be chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. Continue Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN A. CARROLL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. CARROLL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- oRD, I include a letter addressed to the President of the United States concern- ing the necessity of continuing rent con- trols, This letter is signed by able men who are thoroughly qualified to write and speak on this subject: Fesravary 7, 1947. President Harry 8. Truman, White House, Washington, D. C. Dear Me. Prrstpxrnt: Americans for Demo- cratic Action strongly endorses your stand against any general rent increase. We are disturbed, however, at the possibility that the Congress may pass legislation effecting such an increase. Only vigorous leadership and the united efforts of all Members of the Congress who support your stand can pro- tect the American people from that danger. The overwhelming majority of the Ameri- can people oppose any general rent increase. Bvery public-opinion poll proves this. Rep- resentatives of organized labor and of con- sumers’ and veterans’ groups have already appeared before the Congress to express their Opposition; and in this regard they spoke
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD not only for their membership but for the great mass of ordinary peopie who will suffer from a rent increase and who have no way of making themselves heard in Washington. It is especially for these millions of people who have not been heard—unorganized wage and salary workers; Federal, State, and local government employees; teachers; firemen and policemen; clergymen; elderly people who live on pensions,,and all the others who live on relatively low fixed incomes—that we should like to speak. A great clamor has been raised for a gen- eral rent increase by the landlord associa- tion, their lobbyists, and, unfortunately, some Members of Congress. But no facts of any kind have been presented by landlords or their spokesmen, in and out of Congress, which would remotely justify such action. Landlords today, as a group, according to of- ficial and unchallenged figures, are far bet- ter off than they were before the war. The issue is whether the will of the people or the high-pressure lobbies will prevail. We recognize that there may be some in- dividual landlords who are suffering harc- ship. That hardship should be relieved. 1 t the fair and just way of taking care of these cases, ag you have pointed out, is on an individual basis, The Congress, therefore, should appropriate the funds needed to handle these cases expeditiously. To in- crease all rents in order to take care of a relatively few hardship cases will give land- lords generally an inexcusable windfall at the expense of a heavy and unwarranted burden upon millions of people. To maintain full employment and indus- trial peace, the real income of our people must be increased. Yet, as you pointed out in your economic report to the Congress, the $46 weekly take-home pay of the aver- age factory worker in October 1946 bought only about as much as the $35 he received in April 1942, If the Congress were now to cut further into real income by raising rents generally, your profram of attempting to secure price reductions throughout indus- try would be smashed. A general rent increase of 10 percent would add #500,000,000 to the Nation’s rent bill; 16 percent would add 750,000,000; 20 per- cent, $1,000,000,000, Additions of those mag- nitudes to the cost of living would under- mine the possibilities for lubor peace and destroy the foundations of high-level busi- ness activity. Labor could not reasonably be expected to exercise restraint in the face of such an attack to their living standards, nor would their earnings suffice to clear the markets of the enlarged volume of goods and services which will be produced in 1947. The property owners’ lobby protests that all other business enterprises have been per- mitted to boost prices—and profits—at will. The regulation of an industry or group is always met with cries of “discrimination.” The real question is whether the regulation is fair and reasonable. In the case of rent control we are faced with the simple issue whether the income of the great body of citizens shall be further reduced to alleviate the fictitious grievances of most landlords. Landlords today are in a more favorable position than ever before both because of the housing shortage and adjustments granted by OPA, and there is no prospect whatever that the shortage will be reduced in the near future to permit the play of supply-and-demand forces that oper- ate in other areas of the economy. Every consideration of public policy re- quires the defeat of the proposal for a gen- eral increase in rents. The administration has a moral obligation to assume leadership in the fight against the efforts being made to bestow unwarranted benefits upon the great majority of landlords at the expense of millions of tenants. We look forward confidently to your as- sumption of leadership in this fight. We urge that you make your intentions crystal clear to the Congress and to the people. We urge: 1. That you address the people reiterating your call for extension of the present rent- control law. 2. That you make it clearly known that you will veto any bill which calls for gen- eral rent increases or contains other crip- pling amendments. 8. That you exercise the full powers of your office in the fight for continued effec- tive rent control. The landlord lobby's campaign represents & new flagrant attempt to sacrifice the inter- ests of the many to augment the profits of the few. We urge you to accept the chal- lenge unequivocally. Respectfully, Lron HENDERSON, Wrson W. Wyatt, Co-Chairmen, Organizing Committee, Americans for Democratic Action, A557 Statistical Summary of Veterans’ Administration Activities EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the CONGRESSIONAL REcorp, I include the following statistical sum- mary of Veterans’ Administration activ- ities as of January 31, 1947. I believe that most of the Members of this House will want to study these figures carefully in order to bring themselves up to date upon the important subject of the care of our veterans. Stattstical summary of VA activities, Jan. 31, 1947 Subject Veteran population: 1. Total number of veterans, end of month........... 2, Number of World War II veterans, end of month. 3. N uni ber of veterans of other wars aud Regular Establishment, end of MONE... 2. eee ee eee eee eee Vocational rehabilitation (Public Law 16); 4 . Total number of applications received during montu. .......2.....--.-- 6. Number of applications pending advisement, end of mouth. . 6, Total number in training, end of month. ..2.2222- a. In educational institations 4... 22. &. In job training. - 9, Number who had completed or discontinued training during mon -- 10. Number of regular payments for subsistence allowance made during Education and training (Public Law 346): 1 1, ‘otal number of applications received during month... .. -------.---- 12, Number of applicatlous pending, eligibility not determined, end of month. January { December 10471 394g | July 1945 wenn wenn eee eee eee eee 18, 277, 000 | 18, 161,000 | 6,712, Q00 14, 341, 000 | 14,220,000 | 2,685, 000 wee ee ewe eee 3, 936, 000 | 3, 941, 000 4,024, 000 27, 963 23, 757 9, 148 46, 750 4, 688 12,810 ween nee e ee 201, 043 100, 464 16, 003 112, 840 106, X22 1.650 8S, 503 43, 642 m 10, 779 ¥, 223 - 187, 712 TRS, 215 12, 705 253, 328 180, 892 14,131 weceeeeeeceneeenee eee 24, 774 13, ‘Total number in training, end of month 2, us, a0 14. In educational institutions #_...........--2...------------ eee eee ee 1, 56, oy JS, In job trumming......-.-..---- 2-2-2 eee eee eee eee oe wae 632, ONL 16. Number who had completed or disvontinued education or traming during month. .. - - ween cee eee eee eee cee e eee eee ee 179, 867 141, S16 3, O51 17. Number of regular payments for subsistence wlowance made during month. _ 22-2 ce eee eee eee eee ee ee 1, 580, 881 1, 482, S97 13, 281 Loans: 18. Total number of loans approved for guaranty through 25th of month_- 639, 205 591, 392 14,319 19. Total amount of loans approved for guaranty through 25th of month (thonsands of dollars) _..-...--------------------------- -2---- -- $3, 421, 245 | $3, 139, 24 a 20, Total amount of guaranty and insurance of loans approved through 2oth of month (thousands of dollury) ...--.-.----.-------- eee eee eee eee $1, 584, 847 | $1, 455, Sh] $24,904 Readjustment ulowances: 21, Number of initial unemployment claims filed during week ending, lust Saturday of month....._.--.------- ence ene, see eee ne ene eee eee nce 128, 185 104, 848 410, 000 22. Number of continued unemployment claims filed during week ending last Suturday of month...-_.-----.-----------------------------+----- 1,162, 247 B24, 704 44y,.000 23. Number of self-employment claftus fled during month. @) 164, YS2 13, 211 24. Amount of unemployment allowances paid during 4 we Saturday of month (thousands of dollars) ......--.- $91, 303 $73, 196 $3, 123 25, Amount of self-employment allowances paid dur: CeCe) ann ® $15, 317 $1, 210 Disahility compensation or pension cases: * 2. Number of new oases received during month... ......------------------ 69, 842 62, 055 94, 530 27, Number of new cases adjudicated during month... 68, 762 65, 200 475, 259 28, Number pending adjudication, end of month. __...__- 183, 040 750, 808 107, 409 29, Number of active casos (running awards), end of month............--.. 2, 187,202 | 216K,772) 1.002, 215 Death compensation or pension cases: * 80. Number pending adjudication, end of month..........----------------- 19, 851 2n, 464 52, 102 31. Number of active cases (running awards), end of month. 452, 915 452, 895 280, 245 Automobiles for disabled veterans: 32, Numbor of applications filed to end of month... ......... 18, 387 17, 261 33. Number of applicants certified as eligible to end of month 13, 316 12, 537 84. Number delivered conveyances for which VA has made pay: of MONt.. eee nen nn een ene nn nnn en eee en ene eee e eens 7, 354 5, 600 |---...--... National-er vies life insurance: 35, Number of applications pending, end of month °_________-.-.--.------- 18, 304 19, 413 170, 634 36, Number of insured lives on which payments of desth cluim awards were active, end of month ........-------------2- nee eee nee ne eee’ 377, 308 376, 244 237, 993 87. Number of death claims (beneficiaries) awarded during month 6. - 2, 89 2, 503 2, 738 38. Number of death claims (beneficiaries) pending, end of month ¢__...... 17, 381 17, 308 27, Got 30. Number of disability claims (waiver of premium) awarded during month 6___._- 2-2-2 e ee. eee ee ee eee -- 2, 434 2,728 31, 257 #. Number of disability claims (waiver of premium) pending, end 0 month ©. nw. nec e cence eee ee ee nee ee ne een 1, 2 1,721 20, 404 Requests for physical examination: 41, Number cleared by examination during month 94, 404 87, 513 2, 147 42, Number pending. examination not completed, end of month......-.... 221, 770 224, 8&2 137, 462 Applications for hospital or domiciliary care: . @. Number received during month... .......-.-.-.------------------------ 81, 463 63, 887 30, 115 44, Number disposed of during month. .......-..-----.------- -- 80, 483 63, 4t4 20, 4p) 45. Number pending, eligibility not determined, end of month............. 10, 400 9, 420 4,377 § Preliminary; subject to reviston. 4 Estimated. ® Inoludes cooperative training, ® World War IL, World War I, and Regular Establishment. tNot available. ® Central office only.
A558 Statistical summary of VA activities, Jan, 31, 1947—Continued Januar: December Subject | iy 1046 July 1045 Veterans awaiting hospital admission: 46, Total number, ond of month .....2. 22. eeen een anew anew ewe ee nnn en nneee 22, 004 22, 305 4,329 47, Number with service-connected disorders, end of month.._......---...- 5B 55 169 48. Number with non-service-connected disorders, end of month.........-- 22, 036 22, 340 4, 160 Benoficiaries remaining in Veterans’ Administration hospitals or homies: 49. Total number in hosptials, last Wednesday in month..............-- 90, 628 782, 808 67, 320 50, Voterans with service-connectod disorders__._.......-----2+------eeee 20, 042 26, 230 22, 700 61, Veterans with non-service-connected disorders. 60, 401 55, 620 43, 007 62, Others... 2-2. o see eee nee een eee ee eee eee U3 53. Total number in homes, last Wednesday in month..... -.---. (3) 13, 498 9, O86 Beneficiaries remaining in non-Veterans’ Administration hospitals: ‘Total number, last Wednesday in month._.-... 14,110 112, 239 4, 459 85. Voterans with service-connected disorders... (8, 4,970 S41 56. Veterans with non-service-connected disorders. 8, 371 7, 180 8, 5H Others. 2222.0. eee ee eee cee eee nme renee en eee 71 54 Present program hospitals: 6%. Number for which type, capacity, and general location have been OD Th 74 821 59, Number for which funds have been appropriated_..... 75 4 s2L @. Number for which specific sites have been selected and approved. hy the Prosident.. 222-22. .-- eee ene eee een ee eee cee cee eee eee ee 68 67 #16 61, Number for which plans and specifications have been completed and approved... 2 eee eee ee ee eee eee ene ene 7 7 62 62. Number under construction 4 4 ") 63, Number completed 0 0 $0 Supplemental program hospitals (aw aiting | 4. Number for which t3 approved... . ..- 22 - een eee eee ee ne eee eee eens 1h 16 80 65. Number for which funds have been appropriated._...22...------2 2. 0 0 Lt) Present program additions to hospitals: 66. Number, for which type, capacity, and general location have been ap- 48 ” +36 CT) q a7. Number for which funds have been appropriated..._....----- 48 a $36 68. Number for which plans and spveifications have been approved. 32 32 8340 ov, Numoer under construction 12 Bi) § 28 70. Number comploted .. -.-.----....------- 2. eee eee nee ee 19 WwW $0 Supplemental program additions to hospitals (awaiting appropriation of funds); re Number for which type, capacity, and general location have been ap- 1 2 to 72. Number for which funds have been appropriated........ .---.2--..---- 0 0 40 § Preliminary; subject to revision. Reparations: Antidote for War EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. SAM RAYBURN OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. RAYBURN. Mr. Speaker, under leave td extend my remarks in the Rec- ord, I include the following address by Ambassador Edwin W. Pauley, United States reparations representative, before the National Press Club, Washington, D. C., February 12, 1947: The forthcoming meeting in Moscow on the German peace treaty, the middle of March, makes reparations a timely subject right now. The agenda of that meeting will embrace two principal parts: Political and economic, and certainly repurations ts the most important part of the economic prob- lem. Deputy Foreign Minister Vishinsky said during last fall’s Paris conference that “Rep- erations are the most important factor in the peace.” §o, I think it’s worth a look. To begin with, it seems to me that the reparations problem cannot be understood unless the purpose is understood. In fact, it is clear to me that misunderstanding of the purpose of our reparations program— both as to Germany and Japan—is the cause of much of the criticism that is occasionally heard, « In the past, military victors have usually demanded reparations from the vanquished primarily for repayment of war costs—in money—or for revenge, In the process they ' Data as of Jun. 1, 1047. » Data as of June 30, 1945, have frequently blundered into strengthen- ing their former enemies—just as the Allies did after the victory of 1918. This time we have not been motivated by these goals, The fundamental purpose of the German reparations program is security— security against another outburst of German aggression. As stated in the Berlin protocol, the aim 1s “to secure that Germany never again will threaten her neighbors or the peace of the world.” If we bear that in mind, we will avoid the errors of analysis that have been made by some who have been critical of the program, In order to achieve the security which was our basic aim, the Big Three agreed at Pots- Gam to take two major steps: First, to eliminate German industrial war potential by removing from that country plants designed specifically to make war ma- tériel, and to control rigidly certain types of heavy and specialized industry directly neces- sary to war economy, such as metals, chemi- cals, and machine tools. Second, to transfer to Germany’s victims the surplus industrial equipment beyond what Germany needs for a peaceful economy, in order that they might be able to re- bulld and strengthen themselves against the future. I will not go into the details of the recom- mended removals from Germany, because this information has already been made pub- lic. Suffice it to say that the program calls for the destruction or removal of varying percentages of a number of categories of in- dustry—in other words, the taking of things, instead of money. Such a program makes it possible for us to avoid the blunders of World War I, after which the Allies de- manded money reparations. You will recall that Uncle Sam loaned Germany the money to build up its industry so that it could pay money reparations to the other allies. And APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD what happened? Well, Uncle Sam never got his money back—but his money enabled Ger- many to erect the industry with which it mounted World War II. Yet, in the face of that tragic lesson, there has now developed a body of critics who sug- gest that we repeat the mistake. The gist of their argument goes something like this: “Look, Germany is the industrial heart of Europe. It is unrealistic to think that you can move industry out of there. If you do, the Germans will starve, and the entire Euro- pean pattern of commerce will be disrupted. The smart thing to do is to leave the indus- try in Germany, and collect reparations from current production.” That is the argument that one hears these days, and almost invariably it winds up with the inference that the men who fashioned the reparations program were small boys who should have been home flying kites instead of tinkering with things they didn’t under- stand. Well, of course, the taking of reparations from current production is just what our Soviet colleagues have been insisting upon since Potsdam, and I will point out in a moment the grave dangers inherent in such a course. Meanwhile, let’s look back very briefly and see how and by whom the German reparations program was devised. The preparatory work actually began 2 years before the negotiations started. In- tensified work was under way many weeks before the opening of the first meetings of the Allied Commission on Reparations in Moscow. In Washington, in London, in Paris, in Germany, and in the neutral coun- tries, recognized specialists carried forward thoroughgoing studies of all phases of the problem that was to be faced. They went into the economics, and into the engineering and sociological aspects, both current and historical. They worked out the most care- ful kind of forecasts as to the likely conse- quences of alternative courses. At all times, they worked closely with the military, so that reparations plans would harmonize with Army and Navy plans. Concurrently, the development of an agreed-upon United States Government policy was being undertaken by the group designated as the Informal Policy Committee on Germany. This group was made up of representatives of the State, War, Navy, and Treasury Departments, the Foreign Economic Administration, and my mission. We had the benefit of frequent talks with the Presi- dent and extensive consultation with mem- bers of the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate and the Foreign Affairs Commit- tee of the House. Among the many distin- guished people outside of Government whom we called upon for counsel was Mr. John Foster Dulles, who not only approved the program but heartily endorsed it. And, so, when one refers to the German reparations program, he is referring, in fact, to a document known as a Memorandum of the Informal Policy Committee on Germany, or, as we know it for short, IPCOG TWO. This is not just Ed Pauley's program—al- though I fully support it and am quite ready to accept any blame that may attach to it. It is a program signed by the Secretary of State, by the Secretary of War, by the Secre- tary of the Navy, by the Secretary of the Treasury, and by the Foreign Economic Ad- ministrator, in addition to Ed Pauley. Finally, the staff of my mission were men of acknowledged ability and experience, drawn from Government, industry, and the professions, and others with special knowl- edge of conditions in Germany and Europe. Anyone who will take the time to look at the list of staff members will recognize their competence. I have given you this detail simply by way of suggesting that the American delegates to the reparations meetings were not doing a Job of ad libbing, and they were not second-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD stringers. As a matter of fact, anyone who will examine the record objectively will, in my come away with the realization that a particular feature of the German repa- rations job was the unusual amount of prep- aration and the high quality of the staff. Now, we face the German peace-treaty negotiations at Moscow; and one of the major ingredients of those negotiations will be the reparations program. The question then becomes, What will happen to that program at Moscow? Should it be revised, as our Soviet ocolleagues—and some American critics—have so strongly urged? Or, should we stoutly tnsist upon its execution? In order to answer, we need to consider what has happened to the program since it was embraced in the Berlin Protocol signed on August 2, 1945, by President Truman, Gen- eraliasimo Stalin, and Prime Minister Attlee. We need to consider, also, the principal ob- jections that have been advanced, domesti- Cally and abroad. One of the difficulties has concerned the Soviet desire to take large-scale reparations from current production. Now, we do not abject to the Soviets taking reparations from current production if certain prerequisites are fulfilled. One of these is that there are first removed from Germany the plants de- signed specifically to make war matériel. Another is that there also be first removed from Germany such other industrial plants and equipment as the Germans do not re- quire to maintain a peaceful economy. The third is that, before reparations are taken from production, the Germans first be allowed to retain sufficient for the agreed- upon subsistence level, plus enough to pay for necessary imports. Now, if these pre- requisites are met—as was agreed at Pots- dam—will someone please tell me how there can be anything left for reparations from current production? More than that: Will any red-blooded American—remembering the sacrifices that have been made tn two world wars—dispute the principle that these pre- requisites must be met? These aspects of the matter of taking of reparations from current production involve highly important considerations, and need to be understood, whatever the ultimate de- termination may be. It was a subject that received most careful constderation by all departments concerned, during the prepara- tory studies in Washington. I am now at liberty to reveal the instructions which I had from the President on this score—and again I would point out that these instruc- tions were signed, not only by the President, but by the Secretaries of State, War, Navy, and Treasury, and by the Director of the Foreign Economic Administration. I quote: “To the maximum extent possible, repara- tions should be taken from the national wealth of Germany existing at the time of collapse, with primary emphasis upon the removal of industrial machinery, equipment, and plants, particularly the shipbuilding, metallurgical, machine-tool producing, elec- trical machinery, and chemical industries (including all industries producing of] and ot! products, synthetic nitrogen, and syn- thetic rubber), ships, rolling stock, patents, copyrights, and German foreign exchange assets, including investments abroad.” It was fully recognized that there might be strong insistence by our Soviet allies upon reparations from current production, be- cause we were well aware of their great need for consumer goods. Therefore, in antici- pation of such a development, my instruc- tions read—and agatn I quote: “Such goods should be of such a nature and in such amounts as not to require the maintenance of the German war potential or the continued dependence of other countries on Germany after reparations cease. Ac- cordingly, recurring reparations, over a period of years, should be— “(1) As small as possible in relation to the reparations to be paid in the form of indus- trial plants and equipment; and “(2) Primarily in the form of raw mate- vials and natural resources, and to the small- eat extent possible in the form of manufac- tured products.” Now, as I have pointed out frequently, there was @ very sound reason for these in- structions, and they grow out of our sad experience following World War I. After World War I, the Allies—excepting the United States—demanded reparations from Germany in the form of a huge sum of money. But Germany didn’t have any money. The only way it could get it was to build up its foreign trade. Good old, pa- tient Uncle Sam obligingly supplied credits, and Germany began increasing its industrial structure so that it could develop the foreign trade that would give it the money to pay reparations. The consequences of this blunder are, of course, an old—and bitterly tragic—story. Germany built up its industry so effectively, and fashioned its cartel arrangements 50 skillfully, that it brought most of Europe under its economic dominance. Worse still, this hampered or actually prevented the development of essential techniques in the countries which had been her conquerors— and it gave Germany the industrial plant that readied it for its next try at world con- quest. And, please note this basic point: This result was brought about by demanding reparations from the proceeds of current production—the oourse that we now hear advocated by Americans who seem com- pletely unwilling to learn from history. The United States Government had de- termined that we would not repeat this error. That is why we stood so strongly at Moscow— and again at Potedam—in favor of taking reparations this time in the form of things— capital goods that would take out of Ger- many the physical wherewithal for plunging~ the world into war again. But, the critics will tell you: “You can’t do that. Germany is the industrial heart of Europe. Remove industry from the Reich, and all Europe will suffer.” Freed from military and political pressures, and from the coils of restrictive cartels, why cannot France and the U. 8. 8. R., Belgium and Czechoslovakia, and the other ravished nations of Europe provide Europe with its industrial needs just as well as Germany has done in the past? It may be answered: “Well, in the first place, it will take time to transfer equipment out of Germany to other countries; and Europe needs production now. Besides, in- dustrial installations are built where they are because of specific reasons: availability of raw materials, power, labor, transporta- tion, markets, and so forth. You can’t just pick them up and move them willy-nilly to some other place.” Let me say that I recognize that these are disadvantages, and serious ones. But certainly everyone agrees that we cannot let the Germans reconstruct their former might—and offer it to the highest bidder for another adventure tn conquest. Meanwhile, what of the further allegation: That the reparations program is forcing Ger- many into starvation and thereby breeding unrest and hampering the development of democratic elements? Of course, the first answer is that the reparations program could not possibly have brought about such a con- Gition, because the program of removals in the western zones has been necessarily de- layed. So let’s not try to pretend that rep- arations are responsible for Germany's ad- mittedly unhappy present state. Let us rather recognize—what any schoolboy should realize—that there was a war not so long ago. So it is just barely possible that bombs and artillery and the collapse of a totalitarian A559 economic organization might have had some alight part in putting Germany in its present condition. What, then, of the future effect of rep- arations? The answer is: ‘“‘Yes—sure—rep- arations removals will affect Germany ad- versely, but there is no desire or intent to starve Germany or to turn the country into @ vast poorhouse. President Truman recog- nized this when he noted in his instructions to my mission: “It will be inevitable that the German standard of living will be adversely affected by the carrying out of the reparation plan. However, the reparation exactions should be held within such limits as to leave the Ger- man people with sufficient means to provide a mintmum subsistence standard of lving without sustained outside relief; Dut under no condition should this Hmitation operate to require the retention in Germany of means to support basic living standards on a higher level than that existing in any one of the neighboring United Nati This philosophy is embraced in the Berlin protocol. To implement that protocol, very careful calculations were made by very cap- able people to determine the level of in- dustry which would, in fact, enable Germany to sustain itself on this basis. Now, what is unreasonable about this? Are the critics going to argue—with any pre- tense of seriousness—that the victorious Al- lies owe some responsibility to subsidize Ger- many? Is it being suggested that Germany ts just an unfortunate friend who had an accident? Has it been forgotten already that Germany started the war—that Germany devastated most of Europe and a good deal of the United Kingdom for no other purpose than to gain world empire? Do we overlook the fact that some fellows from this country had to go to Africa and Europe on troop- ships and didn't come back? I do not ask these questions with the idea of stirring up the lust for revenge upon Ger- many. We are not a revengeful people. But I will confess to feeling a rise in temperature when I hear the suggestion that it is our responsibility to repatr the enormous damage that Germany brought upon itself. I submit that all that we. as a humanitarian people, owe to Germany is a chance to do their own rebuilding with only the minimum help that ts needed during the transition to self-sus- tenance. This is precisely the viewpoint that was taken by thc Government representatives who drew up our policy on German repara- tions before I went to Moscow. It is pre- cisely the viewpoint expressed by the Presi- dent when he instructed me—with the con- curring signatures of the Secretaries of Statc, War, Navy, Treasury, and the Director of the Foreign Economic Administration. I quote: “This Government opposes any reparation plan based upon the assumption that the United States or any other country will finance directly or indirectly any reconstruc- tion in Germany or reparation by Germany.” If anyone chooses to call this callous or cold-blooded, my answer ts: Lect them tell it to some people tn uniform who went ashore at Normandy one June morning. With no thought of vengeance, but with simple real- ism, my attitude ts plainly this: Germany has dragged the world into war twice in our time. If it is necessary for the German peo- ple to endure some rigors tn order that a third such calamity be prevented, then lect those rigors be endured. At the same time, I would point out—and emphasize—that it is extremely important in my opinion that we avoid anything that borders on persecution of the Germans, or anything that could be interpreted as re- pressing their reconstruction. After all, we are supposed to have hunted out and pun- ished the war criminals. If there are any whom we have not hunted out and pun- ished, then we had better do it right now.
A560 Thereafter, it seems more than a little im- portant to me that the rest of the German people—so long as they fulfill their obliga- tions under Potsdam—hbe spared from the imposition of any unnecessary handicaps. (In other words, I think they should be entitled to what we might call an “E” for effort.) Only thus can we encourage demo- cratic elements within the country; only thus can we avoid the disgruntlement and unrest which can lead only to the resurgence of some new form of Hitlerism, The program has, of course, not gone fore ward as all of us had hoped that it might. One reason is the delay that has been expe- rienced in persuading our Soviet friends to accept the principle—agreed by all at Pots- dam—that Germany should be operated as an economic unit during the period of oc- cupation. Such unification is important be- cause the level of industry, upon which the proposed reparations removals are based, is predicated upon it. Thus it is obvious that Germany can sustain itself with less indus- try if it is operated as a unit than if four separate units have to be made self-sustain- ing within themselves. Another obstacle has been Soviet resist- ance to the principle of making necessary imports a first charge against exports. This is a point that is important to the American taxpayer. The proposal advanced by the American reparations delegation went like this: Germany has to have certain imports to meet its essential requirements. But the only way it can pay for these imports is to export sufficient raw materials and finished products to give it dollar exchange. The Soviets accepted this principle at Potsdam, but since then they have stood strongly for its revision, and for a reason which we can understand even though we may not approve. That reason is one which I mentioned earlier—if imports are made & first charge against exports, and if certain other specifications are met, then there Will be nothing left from current production to go into reparations. “ I pressed this point long and vigorously at Moscow, first with Ambassador Malisky and later with his successor on the Repara- tions Commission, Mr. K. V. Novikoff, not the present Russian Ambassador to the United States. At one point, after the dis- cussions had been in progress for exactly 1 month, I wrote a letter to Mr. Maisky in which I said—I quote: “I want to make my position perfectly clear with regard to the charges against Ger- man exports which we discussed yesterday. “Surely we both understand that there can be no current annual reparations from Germany except as more goods are shipped out of Germany than are shipped in, that is, there must be a large export balance. An export balance cannot be produced in Ger- many without some imports, such as food, alloys, cotton, etc. If these indispensable imports (without which there would be no exports of certain highly important types) are not a charge against the exports, then you, or we, or some other economy will have to pay for the imports. Neither the U. 8.5. R. nor the U. 8. A. can think of recommending to its people a reparations plan which over- looks this elemental fact. “Mathematically {t may be stated as fol- lows: Current reparations equal German current production less the sum of occupa- tion costs, minimum essential German con- sumption and imports required to achieve the production permitted by the Allies, In symbols this reads: “R=P—(0+C0+1) “You say that the Russian people are more interested in R (reparations) in this for- mula than in anything else, My people, re- membering the last reparations settlement, when the final element of this formula was overlooked, insist that we do not forget the I, the imports. But we do so in order that the R will be true net reparations, and not fictitious reparations which come out of your pockets or ours. When we say that essential imports are a prior charge on exports, this is not because we think that imports are more important than reparations. Quite the contrary. All we are saying is that you must feed the cow to get the milk. The food isa prior charge; it comes firat in time, but !t is not more important. “Without carrying this simile too far, could we say that you want a cow which will give lots of milk. We both expect that the cow will lose both horns and will get mighty thin. ‘We want to be sure that the small amount of fodder required will be paid for with some of the milk. Last time we put up the fodder. “If you can think of any way of making this clear in economic language which says just this and will be more acceptable to your people than the words of principle 8, I shall be more than happy to agree, as I know that we are pursuing the same objectives.” Principle 8 was the American proposal which provided for imports being a first charge against exports. It was never ac- cepted during the Moscow negotiations, but it was accepted by Generalissimo Stalin at Potsdam. Let us remember that Potsdam, like any other international agreement, was a compro- mise. When you go into any meeting with other people—whether in government or in business—you maintain your own viewpoint because you think it's right. The other parties try to maintain their own. Obviously, the only way by which agreement is reached is by compromise. We who negotiated with the British and the Soviets at Moscow, and later at Potsdam, know that the agreement we reached was not a perfect agreement. But, I would ask you note this: We also knew that, if we waited until later, it would be still further short of what we believed desir- able. And, I say without hesitation that the agreement which was signed is far better than anything that is now proposed. I might interpolate at this point that, while I have confined my comments to Ger- many, the same general principles apply to Japan, which is even more barren of natural resources than Germany without the Ruhr, It is in the rest of Asia where the raw ma- terials exist and this is a point which was kept constantly in mind in the development of our Japanese reparations program. But, enough of Japan. As the Moscow meetings draw near, we find reparations to be an extremely important part of the agenda, with significant problems still unsettled. Despite all criticism, I still believe in the soundness of the program evolved at Potsdam. I believe it is worth defending, I believe that this program can be a very important factor, indeed, in the job of working out a peace that will last at least somewhat longer than the last one, and one fervently hopes forever. I don’t want to sound maudlin or to slip into burb- ling bromides, but, seriously, we can’t go on indefinitely sacrificing our young men every 20 years. I believe very strongly and very sincerely that the reparations plan can help prevent that from happening. That is why I am eager to support it with all the vigor at my command, That is why I am sincerely grateful for the chance to state the case to you men today. I want as many people as possible to understand the problems ahead, because there will undoubtedly be debates with our Soviet friends, and it just isn't pos- aible to get anywhere in international nego- tiations without support at home, T thank you. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD National Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an address titled “National Security,” deliv- ered at Boston, Mass., February 15, 1947, by Louis E. Starr, commander in chief, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States: One week from today is the two hundred fifteenth anniversary of the birth of George Washington, soldier, statesman, President; the Father of our Country. No one could speak in the Boston area where Washington took command of the Continental Army with- out paying tribute to him and his patriot followers, whose vision and fortitude made possible American independence. Today, our leaders again face a Herculean task. At no time since the days of Washing- ton has their assignment been so baffiing. Theirs is a job of shaping a just peace in a world seething with hate. They must pre- vent World War III. They must make the United Nations organization work. Two million members of the Veterans of Foreign Wars are vitally concerned with this task of our statesmen. If they succeed, we shall live in peace. If they fail, World War TI is inevitable, and World War ITI will mean the destruction of our present-day civiliza- tion. Governments have had their last chance to resort to war to further their aims. The next war will destroy them, Members of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, having served in combat areas overseas, are eager to lend full support to our statesmen. In this turbulent world, our members realize, that the prestige which our representatives of the United States have a right to enjoy, can stem only from modern military might. Consequently, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, of right, has come to certain definite conclusions as to what constitutes military might. George Washington, who still stands as the greatest of our military leaders, en- joined our people to make themselves avail- able for military service. And in his day a trained soldier with a rifle was the greatest fighting unit in existence. Today the Vet- erans of Foreign Wars feels it can turn to no better advice than that of General Wash- ington: to put the best available weapon in the hands of trained, talented youth. The outstanding lesson of World War II was the emergence of air power as the great- est striking force known. Air power alone defeated the British Med- iterranean Fleet in the Kythera Straits in May 1941. Air power totally defeated the Japanese in their homeland. Air power forced surren. der of the Japanese homeland Army of two and a half million men, trained tough, phys- ically and spiritually. Yet this army sur- rendered unconditionally, although it had never been engaged. Tam positive tonight that if George Wash- ington were alive today he—as he did more than a century and a half ago—would place as first priority in his national-security pro- gram, the maintenance of the most modern and powerful air force in the world. I am Positive also that George Washington would organize our industry so that this air force
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD could be rapidly expanded. Such action would be most consistent with the combat effectiveness which he prescribed for his day—the utilization of the rifle, and every man trained to use it, This does not mean that air power alone is all that is essential to national security, but since it is the greatest striking force known and could punish an enemy before any other force, the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States has placed air power first on the list of budgetary and ac- tual requirements. We are determined that, in these turbulent times, we shall have a real air force in being. In order to keep the best air force in the world, exhaustive scientific research and de- velopment is necessary It is our contention that, in building our national security, there must be created a joint civilian-military agency to undertake the scientific research and development which is essential to keep production as ad- vanced as American genius for invention, development, and productivity can devise. Such an agency requires ample liquid funds; and in spite of any desire for economy—a principle which, by the way, our organization endorses—we must have the money for this research. While it is difficult to predict the modern trend in striking power—which might today be in a period of transition from the bomber to the guided missile—certain developments are already worthy of note. The recent controlled flight ot pilotless air- craft from Honolulu to San Francisco and the use of electronics to guide pilotiess planes into their target, enable us to sense the need for further electronic development. If, by electronics, planes Were flown pilotless from Honolulu to San Francisco, then by the same process—electronics—those planes might be turned around or guided into the ground before they reach their target. Air attacks once Inunched always go through to their objective. There may be losses en route, but experience is conclusive that air attacks go through. It is, therefore, necessary for the proposed research division to undertake the creation of an electronic defense against aircraft attacks and attacks from guided missiles. Only 2 weeks ago, Glenn L. Martin testified before the Senate that the United States is 18 months to 2 years behind Great Britain in jet propulsion. Two articles in one of our leading magazines last month emphatically asserted that the United States is far behind Soviet Russia in the development of rockets. The reason for this lag is not that we lack the genius to progress, but rather because we have not allocated the funds necessary for research. Let me pose this question: How can any American sanction foreign loans and then deny funds for the research which is so essen- tial to our existence? Since the primary striking force is air power, friendly strategic air bases are essen- tial. The Veterans of Foreign Wars believes it is vita! to national security that we main- tain some 10 regular, well-trained, profes- sional divisions, capable of being flown as an air army to any point in the world. An ex- panded and improved National Guard and organized Reserve are also essential, 80 that National Guard and Reserve divisions will be immediately ready to take the place of regu- lar divisions as they are committed. There is a precedent for the concept of an air army. From the 20th to the 24th of May 1941 the Luftwaffe flew 35,000 troops into Crete, landed them physically on top of a numerically equal force, supported and sup- plied this air-borne army by air, and in 11 days the German forces captured the island of Crete. This was the first and possibly the only separate operation in World War II which was entirely air borne and air supplied. XCIII—App.—26 The exploitation of the talent and genius which is peculiar to America in the devel- opment of air-striking power is not alone sufficient for national security. As long as we have interests overseas, a modern Navy is an essential element in national secu- rity. The advent of air power, the atomic bomb, and the fact that our potential ene- mies do not possess fleets in no way lessens the importance of the Navy. The Veterans of Foreign Wars believes that the role of the Navy in keeping communications free and in supplying our overseas units is still as impor- tant as ever. Fortunately, today we have the best Navy in the world. It must be main- tained in keeping with war’s modern po- tential. In the past, our armed services have tailed miserably in the field of military intelligence. This failure has been due primarily to treat- ing this most important phase of national security as an amateur activity. Many of our military attachés were afflicted with social ambition, were not inclined to asso- ciate with the right people where they were stationed. Too many depended on the gems of wisdom which dripped from the tea tables at social functions, The trend toward super- ficiality led them merely to count cannon and tanks and ships and airplanes, and from this numerical count, attempt to assess the war potential of a power. In making these careful material assessments, we neglected, to a great extent, to consider the temper, racial characteristics, and religion of the people. These human traits, possibly not quite as evident as cannon, are nevertheless more important in evaluating the combat efficiency of a nation. Today, a central intelligence group has been created to perform this extremely im- portant mission of evaluating human as well as material factors. But the group is handi- capped by inadequate funds. The Veterans of Foreign Wars advocates the allocation of whatever funds are necessary to enable our central intelligence group to perform its mission properly. More than ever before in our history, economy in government is essential. We are far advanced on the inflationary spiral. Spending must be curbed, taxes lowered, the budget balanced and then reduced. The Veterans of Foreign Wars is convinced that some cconomy can be achieved in military expenditures without sacrificing national security. Duplication of effort and cumber- some administration must be eliminated. Still more important, duplication of missions among the armed forces must be eliminated. Obsolete weapons, organizations, and equip- ment must be abandoned. These measures will affect our economy matertally. But the Veterans of Foreign Wars will op- pose to the limit of its capability any econ- omy which will prevent the maximum devel- opment in scientific research. It will op- pose any economy which prevents our main- taining, in being, the most modern and powerful air force in the world, capable of rapid expansion. And the Veterans of For- eign Wars will oppose all economies which would impair the creation of, and proper functioning of, the essential elements in national security, which I have just outlined as vital to the existence of our people. The allocation of funds today for the pur- pose of purchasing national security is a sound and practical investment. We have just fought a war—we were told—to make the world free. Unfortunately, after the war ended, there are fewer people free and fewer nations free than there were before the war started. Selfishness and hatred are rampant in the world today, yet no nation need fear Ameri- can aggression. If we had possessed aggres- sive intent, we would have taken what we wanted 18 months ago when we had the most powerful ground force, fleet, and air force in the world, . A561 Our investment in national security is a prerequisite to the maintenance of the pres- tige of our statesmen in their endeavor to effect a just and lasting peace. We own the atomic bomb. It will be 5 to 7 years before any other country can produce it, even though that power may know how to do it. The fact that we possess it offers the best possibility—and I regret to say the only possibility—of preserving world peace for the next 5 years; and a 5-year period should give our statesmen the opportunity to shape a peace which will last. Nothing is so vital today as the mainte- nance of our national security. It must be 80 effective that an attack upon us by any power or coalition would mean its prompt destruction. Today the question is not: Can the United States afford to buy national security? But, rather: Can we afford not to buy it? Any economy or obstruction which impairs our national security will spell self-destruction. Dedication of Wallace Lake Dam EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OVERTON.BROOKS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following ad- dress of Lt. Gen. R. A. Wheeler, Chief of Engineers, at Wallace Lake Dam dedica- tion, Shreveport, La., February 9, 1947: The presence of such a large and distin- guished gathering for ceremonies marking the dedication of the Wallace Lake Dam today is a tribute to the importance of this occasion, as well as a tribute to the Nation- wide cause of flood control. The linking of these ceremonies with the public generally by radio is particularly ape propriate. By this means thousands of peo- ple who will benefit primarily from the Wal- lace Lake project, yet who are unable to be present, will be able to participate with us in today’s proceedings. It rightfully should be a matter of satisfaction and pride to them, and to all of us, that substantial protection against floods has been provided for the arca. At the same time, other areas of the country also menaced by floods, but not as yet pro- vided with adequate protection, can take encouragement from events such as this. It is tangible evidence that the Nation is steadily making progress in its extensive pro- gram to reduce flood losses throughout the country. And the need is great. During the 22- year period, 1924-45, nearly 2,000 people lost their lives due to floods in the United States. In addition, more than $2,000,000,000 were Jost in property damage. In 1945, the lat- est year for which the River and Flood Fore- casting Service, of the United States Weather Bureau, has made a provisional estimate— the toll was 73 lives and $178,000,000 in property damage. The completion of another new unit of protection—the Wallace Lake Dam—is an oc- casion for gratification. It also is an occa- sion to renew our determination for a real- ization of adequate protection for all people throughout the Nation, wherever they may be, who may be threatened with loss of life or property by the menace of recurring floods. As Chief of the Corps of Engineers, I am happy to have a part in today’s ceremonies.
A562 Yor, with completion of the Wallace Lake Dam, another forward step has been achieved in the fight against floods tin the Red River Valley. It is a milestone, offictally marking completion of the first dam and reservoir to be constructed by the Corps of Engineers in Louisiana. The Wallace Lake Dam ts the most important extension to date of our fiood-contro! activities below the main-stem Denison Dam, and into areas off the main stem that have suffered greatly from floods arising from the tributary streams. One aspect deserving of special mention here today, is the cooperation of tocal in- terests in expediting the Wallace Lake proj- ect. Their desire for greater flood protec- tion prompted the offer which provided the necessary lands and rights-of-way at only a nominal or token cost to the Federal Gov- ernment. We are grateful for this generous assistance. The Wallace Lake project, dedicated here today, consists of an earth-filled dam 4,940 feet in length—inctuding the 644 feet of spillway and outlet works. It rises 48 feet above the stream bed. The reservoir provides storage for 96,200 acre-feet of water, includ- ing a conservation pool of 7,600 acre-feet. This reservoir will control 260 square miles, or approximately 30 t of the total drainage area of Bayou Pierre, Cypress Bayou, and tributaries, and will afford pro- tection against floods for about 90,000 acres of valley land below the dam. This dam is already in operation, with only a slight amount of work remaining to be done. The spillway, outlet works, and north embankment were completed under a con- tract with Newsom Bros. and J. W. Snowden, of Columbia, Miss. The main portion of the dam, work on which was started in August 1942, was completed during the fiscal year 1943 with the exception of the closure sec- tion and reinforcing of the ratlroad embank- ment. Work had to be suspended on Janu- ary 9, 1943, in accordance with the then ex- isting Federal policies on wartime construc- tion. It was resumed in the summer of 1946. A contract was awarded to T. L. James & Co., Inc., of Ruston, La., and the job was practi- cally completed in late December of last year. No relocation of utilities was required by the project, but protection of the Kansas City Southern Railway across the reservoir was necessary. The dam was designed by our Vicksburg district engineer and his staf, with the late O. N. Floyd, of Dallas, noted authority on dams and similar structures, serving as consulting engineer. The Wallace Lake Dam is an integral unit in the over-all pattern for flood control in the Red River Valley. It also will fit into the comprehensive plan now in preparation for the complete development of the water resources of the Red River Basin—a plan that includes adequate protection against recur- ring floods. The over-all coat to the Federal Government for the Wallace Lake Dam has been $1,182,000. This money is a sound in- vestment for the social, economic, and physi- cal advancement of the people of the area, and through them, for the Nation as a whole. The project is the first single-purpose dam to be built in the Red River Valley. Denison Dam is a multiple-purpose project, with suf- ficient storage capacity to generate a sub- stantial amount of hydroelectric power and to provide other benefits. Wallace Lake Dam has been constructed to meet the primary need of flood control. It 1s appropriate, I think, to invite atten- tion at this time to the fact that the flood- control plans recommended to the Congress by the Corps of Engineers for more than 200 river systems in the United States inctude & great variety of proven measures—multiple- purpose dams, single-purpose dams, levees, walls, channel ftmprovements, diversion channels, and floodways. The Corps of Engi- neers is not wedded to any single type of structure or method of flood contro]. Our desire is to determine and recommend the pian best qualified for solving each problem Individually, with the over-all program and all physteal and economic factors considered. We have a duty under existing Iaw—and the repeated directives of the Congrese—to report fully on the potentialities for control and utilization of the country’s water resources, and to evolve such plans as will afford maxi- mum benefits from any stream under ate thorized investigation. The Corps of Engineers considers not only the basic matters of flood control and river and harbor improvements but also such al- lied factors as hydroelectric power, irrigation, abatement of stream pollution, and the pres- ervation of fish and wildlife. In some areas sites are available and desirable for reservoirs which will serve two or more of these pur- poses. In other areas multiple-purpose res- ervoir sites either are not available or are not needed, as singte-purpose projects meet both requirement and desires of the local people. The matter ts one to be determined by the peopie to be bencfited, and by the Congress of the United States. In planning and execution of comprehen- sive basin-development programs the Con- gress utilizes the several departments of the Pederal Government which are acknowledged experts In water and land resources. There is no duplicatton of effort or waste of public funds. In this sound, time-proven way the public is assured of fully integrated plans for development of the watersheds of the Nation. After the years of war, it ts good to attend ceremonies devoted to the works of peace. Here, today, we are dealing with constructive projects, designed to serve the peacetime needs of our citizens over the course of years. We in the Corps of Engineers, in keeping with our custom dating back more than 170 years, have turned happtly and eagerty from the grim duties of war to the constructive tasks of peace. Tradittonalty, during peacetime, the Corps of Engineers acts as consultant to Congress in carrying out authorized investi- gations, and ts the executing agency for con- struction and maintenance of the Nation's rivers and harbors and flood-control projects. To date, the Federal Government has spent approximately $3,500,000,000 on such im- provements. Much remains to be done in both flood control and waterway improve- ments—here in your own Red River Valley, and elsewhere, But America is on the march. In the years happily behind us, together we built the arsenal of the democracies. Together, we solved almost insurmountable engineering, construction, and production problems. To- gether, we turned back the floodtide of enemy power abroad. Now, we have accomplished the transition from war to peace, and, together, we are ad- vancing against the destructive floods within our own borders. The pace of the attack must not be permitted to diminish. We must be fired by the same unity that bound us inseparably in our common objective of the war years. The peacetime tasks in river valleys are many and formidable, but to their ultimate and successful accomplishment, I pledge you the best efforts of the Corps of Engineers, EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAY J. MADDEN Or INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, in the last week I have been receiving numer- ous letters and protests from citizens in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Indiana regarding the unfair attacks betng made upon the President’s nomi- nee, David Littenthal, to head the Atom- fc Energy Control Commission. I am submitting an editorial by H. B. Snyder, editor of the Gary Post-Trib- une, regarding some of the unfair charges against Mr. Lilienthal. M’KELLAR HITS A FOUL BLOW There are complaints that we are unable to get really big men to take Federal office, except under the stress of wartime. It’s not surprising, when a prospective appointee moust face treatment such as Senator Mc- Kettar has directed at David Lilienthal, des- ignated to head the Atomic Energy Control ion. MCKELLAR has several achievements to Yoark down on his Senate record. One is the Jength of his service in the Senate. The other is the vast amount of patronage he has collected during the years. His ability to get political spoils, and his long and close alliance with Boss Crump, of Memphis, bear more than a alight relationship to his many terms as a Tennessee Senator. McKELiar is against communism, and 80 are we. But his conduct in the Lilienthal hearings makes ome wonder whether he is half as opposed to communism as he is irate against Lilienthal who his patron- age assaults on the TVA. Perhaps there are excellent reasons for rejecting the Lilienthal appointment, but they will have no connec- tion with McCKELLAR’s Opposition to his nomination. When McKx..ag draws out that Lilienthal’s perents were born in Czechoslovakia, and then interjects that Czechoslovakia is under Russian domination, he is hitting a foul blow. And so is he when he proposes that appoint- ments on the Commission should be denied to men whose parents were foreign-born. As Senator McManon replied, that’s a bar- rier we don’t even place against candidates for the Presidency. Nominees for Federal appointments should be subject to searching inquiry. Nominees for appointment to the Atomic Energy Con- trol Commission should be able to meet the highest test. But men asked to serve their Government ought not to have to stand for the abusive treatment McKxrtiar has been dishing out. He reflects discredit upon him- self and upon the Senate to which he be- longs. And he only befogs the real issue of Liltenthal’s worthiness for the position. Defects of Electoral College and Succession Law EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESELE. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. KEPAUVER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to in- clude a thoughtful editorial which ap- peared in the Washington Post on Feb- ruary 11, 1947. The editorial is as fol- lows: ACHILLES' NEEL If Members of the House listened to the address delivered by Representative Kzrauvsn recently, they ought to be frightened into prompt action on the Presidential succession problem, Mr. Kevauvar outlined numerous contingencies that may leave the Nation without a directing head. Oonsidering the dangers inherent in this situation we are
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD frankly at a loss to understand the seeming complacency in Congress on the matter. Nor is it merely a question of who would succeed to the Presidency in contingencies that the founding fathers overlooked. The truth is that our method of choosing our President is flagrantly obsolete. The average citizen would count the privilege of voting for Presidential candidates as one of the fore- most rights given to him by the Constitution. But that supposed right rests only on custom. For the unquestioned purpose of the found- ing fathers was to prevent the people from electing the President. In pursuit of that aim they authorized the States to name elec- tors who would, in their superior wisdom, select a President from among the Nation’s great. There is no requirement that these electors shall be chosen by vote of the people. Indeed, as Mr. Kerauver pointed out, South Carolina’s electors were chosen by the legis- lature until the 1860's. All of the States could conceivably go back to the arrangement of “appointing” electors, thus denying the supposed right of the people to elect their own President. The Presidential candidate favored by the people might also be defeated in a close election by the refusal of individual electors to carry out their instructions. In 1944 a group of electors who had been chosen to represent the Democratic Party in Texas threatened to bolt and vote against that party’s candidate. Should such threats be carried out, our electoral system would be plunged into chaos. No mere patching of this electoral machinery designed to pre- vent the popular election of the President will suffice. It ought, in our opinion, to be completely overhauled. Several proposed amendments to the Con- stitution for this purpose have been before Congress in recent years. Probably the best of them would abolish the office of elector and cause all votes to be cast directly for Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates. The States would retain the same number of electoral votes they have now—one vote for every Senator and Representative. In- stead of swinging all the electoral votes of each State to the candidate receiving the largest number of popular votes, however, the electoral votes would be divided among the candidates in the same proportion as the popular votes. The effect of such an amend- ment would be to eliminate the dangerous loopholes in the present electoral system, to permit the people to vote directly for presi- dential candidates, to reduce virtually to zero the possibility of a tie vote, and greatly to stimulate interparty contests in States that are now automatically put into the Democratic or Republican columns. The advantages of this amendment are many. And the arguments for abolishing the present elector system are unassailable. “Since, therefore, the electoral college is of no real use—it is a formality that is gone through with, but it is still a formality that carries with it a great deal of danger,” Mr. Keravver concluded, “let us remedy the situation before it causes chaos.” Russia and Our Defense EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following edi- torial from the New Orleans States of February 14, 1947: RUSSIA AND OUR DEFENSE America is nearing the danger point of national defense. Congress plans to slice the Navy €500,000,- 000, which the sea arm of our defense system says will immobilize the fleet, Congress plans to slash a total of $1,175,- 000,000 from all armed forces. General Mac- Arthur from Japan says we might as well pulf out if they do. Secretary of War Pat- terson says both Eisenhower and MacArthur have said such a slash “invites disaster” and jeopardizes occupation chores in Germany and Japan. It's the opposition of the American purée to our military. Nobody likes high taxes. The War Department has announced plans for a mobilization day Army of 1,750,000 men and expansion within a year to 5,500,000 soldiers, based upon a universal military- training program. Secretary of State George Marshall has already expressed the conviction that uni- versal military training is necessary to our national security, though there has been con- siderable congressional opposition to the Plan. This opposition has its roots in the Ameri- can home. Americans just naturally are opposed to universal military training. It goes against our every trait of a freedom- loving people. Yet the very existence of that home has been threatened twice by Euro- pean wars. On each occasion we had enough time to prepare for the victory. In the last war, we had just a little over a year from the first draft call to the attack on Pearl Harbor. In this time we prepared our nucleus, the spearhead that shoved the Nazi out of Africa, We may never have that much time again. We should be ready for any eventuality. If it takes our sons from our homes for a period of time for the necessary training to fit them to fight, we should give them gladly. For they ure Icarning to protect that very home they leave. Cosmopolitan magazine, in the February issue, tells the story of the Russian spy ring in Ottuwa which has been trying to break through the secret of the atom bomb. The series is by Igor Gouzcnko, a former cipher clerk in the Russian embassy in Canada. Guozenko says that on VJ-day, a Colonel Zabotin, chief of Soviet military intelligence forces in Canada, proposed a toust: “Yesterday our allies, today our neighbors, tomorrow our enemies.” This toast was directed at the United Btates, Gouzenko says. A VJ-day celebration at the Russian embassy must have seen the vodka flowing freely. It is quite possible that Colonel Zabotin’s toast was just an instance of pot-valor. Yet Gouzenko further says: “I heard no mention of hope of interna- tional control of the atomic bomb. All the higher ranking officers said the same thing: ‘Now that the Americans have invented it, ‘we must stcal it.’” This country doesn’t know if they have succeeded or not. Admiral Standley said here recently that Russia didn’t have the know how to invent the bomb. If what Gouzenko says it true, they don’t have to know. They can steal it. So can others. No one knows who may be America’s enemy tomorrow. When we were flying the hump into China to ald her, we were their heroes. When we landed on her shores we were hailed amid rejoicing. That was just 18 months or so ago, We aren't very popular in China now. The best way to keep nations our friends is to be so prepared that they dare not be- come our enemies no matter what their am- bitions toward us. A563 Work of the Agriculture Conservation Association of the Production and Mar- keting Administration of the Third Dis- trict of Arkansas EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES W. TRIMBLE OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. TRIMBLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to insert the following report showing the work done by the Agricul- ture Conservation Association of the Production and Marketing Administra- tion of the Third District of Arkansas, which I have the honor to represent. I think this is a very remarkable report, and the request for funds for this great effort is certainly modest. It is one of the pesential programs of good govern- ment. The Agricultural Adjustment Administra- tion offers the following objectives: (1) Help farmers get a fair share of the national in- come. (2) To protect consumers by produc. ing abundant supplies of agriculture prod- ucts at a price fair to all. (8) To improve the health and living conditions of the peo- ple by increasing food and feed production of good variety with essential minerals and nutrients for home use and abroad. (4) To maintain and build the productivity of the sol through better soi] and water conserva- on, During the recent national emergency our Government called on farmers to increase production on practically every agricultural commodity. In order to do this it was nec- essary to sacrifice conservation to a large extent and the results have been, in many cases, a tired, run-down soil. This makes it essential that we now enter Into a vigorous campaign against erosion and for a wider use of soil and water conservation practices that will bring our soil back to its original and higher productive capacity. This can be accomplished only by extending the pres- ent AAA assistance which will put into effect conservation and production prac- tice that will bring about a more balawced agriculture, conserve the soil and water, im- prove the fertility of the soil, and hold a ma- jor portion of rainfall on the land where it falls so as to avoid quick run-off of water. Recent years have brought to our attention many disastrous floods in the delta area and much concern is now Delng expressed, not only by individuals but also by our National Government about these conditions. Mil- lions of dollars are wasted each year in floods which can all be traced back to poor con- servation measures. Floods can never be controlled until forest and farm lands are developed in harmony, and such conserva- tion measures are taken as to avoid quick run-off of water, If the soil is exposed or unprotected from the rains the people and the Nation will become poorer und poorer as the soil gradu- ally moves off the land and down the muddy streams beyond the reach of any conserva- tion measure or practice. As good land be- comes more scarce, farmers will be forced to use land much in the same way as they have during early agriculture and the recent World Wars. Erosion will be speeded up and tn relatively few years our agricultural areas will be reduced to poverty. We have only to look around in the upland area to
A564 see land that is no longer productive due to erosion, and to move only a few miles to the delta area to find land unsuitable for culti- vation due to being flooded by waters from streams filled with good soil to the extent that the water carrying capacity has been reduced to the point where the streams are no longer capable of ca: g the excess amount of water released into them. Nor is erosion completely confined to the upland areas. Large areas of our delta is of such nature and follows a contour that makes them extremely hazardous from an erosion standpoint. With AAA production practices carried out, old meadows improved, new meadows plant- ed, pastures improved, contour farming used on every farm, cover crops planted on ex- posed land during the winter seasons and timberland protected from fire, all these disasters can be avoided. With conservation practices applied to our agricultural areas and to our forest land, the soil will absorb most of the surface water run-off and will serve as reservoirs, thus storing the water on the land where needed most. Before these objectives can be accom- plished, all people, not just farmers, must become conservation-minded. Our Repre- sentatives in Congress must see the urgent nged for expansion of the AAA program. They must see the disastrous results that will follow if time is wasted and conserva- tion practices are not put into effect. We must become so conservation-minded that each year we will put into the soil more than we take out. To do this financial assistance must be made available to expand a vigorous AAA agricultural program through the adminis- tering agency. Trained farmer committee- men must take the idea of conservation to the farmer on the farm and machinery and materials must be made available. With this accomplished, we feel that conservation of the soil and water will be greatly improved and that we will begin to keep the soil and water on the land, and stop our major floods and to preserve the lifeblood of the Nation, the soil. Farmers, however, have accomplished un- believable results with the assistance of the AAA program, but we have only scratched the surface on the soil and water conservation needs. Conservation needs by far outstrips our progress. Furthermore, our objective lies be- yond the simple restoration or maintenance of what we consider normal productivity. We must conserve our soil and water by the use of production practices and build the productive capacity of our land to higher productivity through sound conservation farming, since it benefits consumers by giv- ing them more nutritious food, and pro- ducer by making the soll more fertile. Conservation f@rming increases crop and pasture production an average of 30 percent, and also saves labor and equipment on four farms out of five. Farmer committeemen and other substan- tial farmers from all sections who have prac- ticed conservation farming state the acre yields and total production rises sharply after the application of AAA production practices are applied. With three-fourths fewer acres in cotton, we are producing 70 percent more pounds of lint cotton per acre. With one- half fewer acres of corn, we are producing four-fifths more bushels of corn, and other crops production increases are equal to and some exceed the above crops. With the use of idle acres, we have increased grain, hay ylelds, and larger and better pastures through the use of AAA production practices on our farms and have been able to start, or to ex- pand livestock enterprises. The number of livestock has been increased 41 percent by putting production practices into effect on our farms since the start of the program, but we must continue to improve if we ex- pect to go forward as a great nation and le. Conservation farming is efficient farming. Where practiced it has brought a 30 percent increase in production per acre on an aver- age. It has provided a practical guide for greater crop diversification and has resulted in greater diversification. It has meant sav- ings in seed, fertilizer, labor, and power. It has permitted the greatest possible degree of protection and improvement to soil and water resources under the pressure of in- tensified wartime production. It offers the farmer and rancher a sound avenue for shifts in type or intensity of production that has become necessary to meet changes in the price and demand for agricultural commodities. The soil, which all of us, city and country people alike, live from, is our Nation’s most important resource. Industry and labor, and professional people, as well as farmers have a large stake in the country's land. Today they all are rightly concerned about America's productive soil and water resources; they realize as never before that these basic re- sources are linked directly to the United States’ future prosperity. These same re- sources also have a real bearing on the future of civilization. Food which comes from the soil was an important weapon in the war and it 1s equally important in the peace. Pro- ductive soil, therefore, is our base for every- thing we do, all we share, even whatever we amount to as a greater people, begins with and rests on the sustained productivity of our agricultural lands. To maintain and rebuild our soil at its present and higher productivity, it is essen- tial that more production practices be put into practice. To be able to accomplish this, it is imperative that more funds be made available for administrative expense in ad- ministering the program so that we farmer- county committeemen can maintain an ade- quate office personnel and be able to use the community committeemen to take the program to the farmers on the farm. We are positive, if the funds for administering the program were twice the funds ($549,599 administrative funds for Arkansas) for the present year, we could double the conserving of our sofl and water resources over the present rate of conservation. We also be- lieve this would be cheaper to the people than the erosion today that is playing havoc with the soil. ‘Watter D. RAMEY, Winslow, Ark. RALPH HUDSPETH, St. Joe, Ark. Jess PaRRIsH, Lowry, Ark. J. M. Parker, Huntsville, Ark., Route No. 4. H. E. McMorgis, Green Forest, Ark. Foreign Policy: Ideals, Not Deals EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, one of the outstanding international authorities on United States foreign poli- cies is John Foster Dulles, of New York City. He recently spoke to the Inland Daily Press Association in the city of Chicago. It was my privilege to have APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD read his address before it was given, and it is my opinion that Mr. Dulles has made an important contribution to our think- ing on this subject which is extremely helpful at this time. Under leave to ex- tend my remarks I am including here- with his address in full: United States foreign policy is made at home. It is the projection abroad of our national will. Diplomats, politicians, pro- fessors, and columnists may concoct what they think American foreign policy ought to be. Their devisings will come to naught un- leas they reflect the simple, basic will of the American people. Our will flows from the fundamentals of our faith. Our founders believed that there was a moral law which gave reality to such concepts as justice and righteousness. They believed that “all men are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights” and consequently that government ought to be a means of releasing, not repressing, the indi- vidual personality. They believed that men had not only rights, but also duties, to God and to each other. They felt a sense of mis- sion in the world. The “great American ex- periment” was not a selfish venture. It was the design of men and women who conceived that their conduct here could be an example which would set in motion great forces every- where. I mention, finally, that our founders believed that freedom would never be secure unless free men were vigilant to defend their freedom and, if need be, die for it. Such basic beliefs have fixed the course of our Nation in history. They will continue to fix our course so long as Americans are true to their tradition. A first great external manifestation of American will was the Monroe Doctrine. The holy alliance—Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France—threatened freedom in the new- born republics to the south of us. So President Monroe declared that “We owe it * * © tocandor * °* * to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous t our peace and safety.” In 1895, when the Monroe Doc- trine secmed threatened in Venezuela by Great Britain, President Cleveland pro- claimed ‘“‘the duty of the United States to resist by every means in its power.” A second great external manifestation of American will was in relation to China. Largely through missionary societies the American people had developed friendship for the Chinese people. Also, our interest in the Far East greatly increased when we acquired the Philippine Islands. So, at the beginning of this century, when the Chinese were squeezed between the rival imperialisms of Russia and Japan, our Government inter- vened. President McKinley and Secretary Hay pronounced the doctrine of the “open door” and of territorial integrity for China. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Secre- tary Hull repeated that when Japan sought to control China through a puppet regime. On November 26, 1941, in what was a virtual ultimatum, they demanded that the Japa- hese Government should “not support—mil!- tarlly, politically, economically—any govern- ment or regime in China other than the national government with capital tempo- rarily at Chungking.” Our Nation risked— accepted—war rather than let the Chinese people fall, even by indirection, under the domination of a foreign power. A third great external manifestation of American will was in regard to Europe. Our Nation had been founded by those who came from Europe to avoid its quarrels. But Europe was still the land of their fathers and the cradle of western civilisation. Also, as science made the world smaller, the fate of western Europe became increasingly signifi- cant tous. When the Kateer's armies moved westward toward the Atlantic, the American
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD people quickly came to feel that they were more than s ators. In April 1917 the United States declared war because, as Presi- dent Wilson said, “the world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty.” Again in 1941, we fought to free European democracy from the heel of Nazi tyranny. A fourth and recent external manifesta- tion of American will is in relation to the United Nations. That organization was first thought of as a perpetuation of the United Nations war alliance, to be dominated by the Big Four. Governor Dewey said, during the campaign of 1944, “That would be the rank- est form of imperialism. Such a proposal would be rejected by the American people.” It fell to Senator VANDENBERG to play a great part in transforming the original de- sign. At the San Francisco Conference of 1945, the General Assembly was charted as a “town meeting of the world” where all of the nations, strong and weak, could speak freely and as equals; where the conscience of the world could make itself felt; and where justice could be sought. Today, the Ameri- can people, without reserve, support that kind of a United Nations. The four foreign policies I have described reflect the practical idealism of America. They are idealistic because inspired by a desire to promote justice, as we see it, and to preserve human liberty. They are prac- tical because they recognize that our own freedom would be imperiled if there were only wind and water between us and militant dictatorship. No doubt our Nation has at times been hypocritical. Some of our external exploits were ignoble. Some of our trade policies lacked enlightenment. We have not fully realized at home the human freedom and political equality of which we talk abroad. We have no call to be vainglorious. But we can humbly recognize that our foreign poli- cles in their broad lines have reflected a great faith and a great tradition. As such, they are neither partisan nor sectarian. Republicans and Democrats, residents of seaboard and of interior, have joined to- gether to make those policies and, when necessary, to write them with their blood— and that is the most indelible of all writings. Today these policies face a serious chal- lenge from the Soviet Union. The professed social goals of Soviet communism are not unlike our own; but Marxian communism is atheistic in conception and materialistic in its view of man. It does not admit of a Creator who establishes eternal principles of right and justice or who endows His creatures with inalienable rights. It denies the sacredness of the human personality and would force human beings into spiritual strait-jackets. Those Soviet beliefs generate a will which is being projected into the world. Soviet Communists have long taught that their goals can be achieved only if, as Marshal Stalin put it, “the capitalistic encirclement is liquidated,” and only if free societies give way everywhere to “the dictatorship of the proletariat.” Soviet foreign policy can conveniently be analyzed in relation to what I call the Soviet inner zone, middle zone, and outer zone. The inner zone is the Soviet Union itself. That has been much expanded. The mili- tary position of Russia, as the great land power next to Germany and Japan, gave Soviet leadership unique opportunities to bargain. With the tacit consent or explicit approval of Hitler, part of Finland, all of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, and large portions of Poland and Rumania were, in 1940, incorporated into the Soviet Union. That was the price of Soviet neutrality while Hitler was attacking in the West. When Hitler turned east to attack Russia, that made Russia an ally of Britain and soon of the United States. It was vital that the war Ynity of these three should be preserved and Soviet leadership relied on that to bargain at Teheran and Yalta. As a result, Soviet land power was further extended in Europe and in the Pacific. The Soviet middle zone comprises the states, about 20 in number, which are near to the Soviet Union itself. The zone is a band running from the North Cape south to the Mediterranean, then east and then north to the Sea of Japan. Much of that gone is, or recently has been, occupied by the Soviet Army. Even where there is no present occupation, there is fear that it might hap- pen. The governments of those border coun- tries are partly puppet governments and partly independent governments which are under strong pressure, from without and from within, to take guidance from Moscow, The outer zone comprises the rest of the world. There, the Soviet Communist Party employs idealistic propaganda to woo those who are disaffected and to capitalize on the accumulated errors of western civilization. It employs “smear” against those who state truths they find unpleasant. It employs secret infiltration for spying and fifth- column activities. Soviet foreign policy conflicts with Ameri- can foreign policy. In South America, Com- munists and left-wingers, with Soviet sup- port, agitate against the United States and seek to promote there the Soviet system of proletariat dictatorship. That effort comes up against the declaration of President Mon- roe, that for Russia and others “to extend their system to any portion of this hemi- sphere [is] dangerous to our peace and safety.” In China, Communist armies, with Soviet sympathy, seek to supplant the national gov- ernment. That comes up against the policy which led our Government to demand of Japan that it must “not support—militarily, politically, economically—any government or regime in China other than the national government.” In Europe, the Soviet inner and middle zones have been enlarged without regard to our Atlantic Charter commitment to “the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live.” The Soviet influence flows westward into France and Italy, where Communist parties now exercise a large measure of governmental power. That could jeopardize the founda- tions of political liberty, which in 1917 and 1941 we fought to preserve. In the United Nations the Soviet Union still seeks great power rule. Its representa- tives insist on the veto at all points because they believe that ultimate authority should be vested in two or three great powers which themselves are not bound by any law. I have described the Soviet challenge and its points of conflict with American policy because the American people ought to know the facts. It is they who make our foreign policy and they cannot make it well if they make it blindly. Also, they cannot make foreign policy well unless they make it all together. Sometimes it seems that those along our seaboard are unduly sensitive to foreign events and not sufficiently rooted in American tradition. Sometimes it seems that those who are inland feel somewhat insulated from foreign events and less instantly sensi- tive to external hazards. However, there has never been a critical period in American for- eign relations when the American people did not come to act unitedly. That is essential to our safety. Editors of newspapers have, in this matter, a great responsibility. News is unlimited, paper is limited. Therefore, you who edit the newspapers must make a choice. Upon that choice much may depend. The American people not only need facts, and need them simultaneously, also they need to appraise them wisely. Facts are quite often horrid things. Today, as the mist of war romanticism is lifted, facts emerge which might make us panicky and lead us A565 either to strike out in anger or to retreat in fright. There is oocasion for soberness, but not for panic. Every civilization faces periodic challenge. That is the kind of a world God put us in, and there is no ground to question His wis- dom in that respect. Western democracy has for many centuries held unquestioned supremacy in the world. It is natural and even healthy that we should now have to evaluate again our place in history, to clear away some of the barnacies that have gath- ered and to reinvigorate the basic and worthy features of our historic faith. There is no reason whatever to assume that the Soviet challenge makes war inevitable. Soviet lead- ership does not want a war. The American people do not want war. Also, we know from our own experience here at home that strong, conflicting, and dynamic faiths can exist side by side in peace. Some talk as though the United States itself seeks war— & so-called preventive war. That is one of those theoretical concoctions which ignores American tradition. It will not happen. There is risk that we may provoke war by a retreat which would cause Soviet leaders to push on recklessly. The greatest danger of war is from possible Soviet miscalculation. Political leaders who are dynamic and who have had great initial successes often be- come overconfident. They are apt to take even greater risks until they find to their chagrin that they have made a bad calcula- tion and have gotten into trouble which they never wanted or expected. I believe that Soviet dynamism will keep within tol- erable bounds; but that will be because it come up against something that is vigorous, not because it encounters mushiness. Twice within 25 years the United States has been drawn into war because the Ameri- can people finally came to feel that aggres- sive policies in Europe and Asia threatened our free society. In each case the foreign leaders would probably have followed a dif- ferent course had they, at any early stage, realized that the American people would re- act as they finally did. By not making ap- parent, in time, our devotion to our ideals, we were guilty of contributory negligence. ‘We must not make the same mistake three times in a generation. Peace lies not in compromising, but in invigorating, our his- toric policies. 1, Here at home we need to demonstrate anew the value of our free society. That kind of society has been smeared throughout the world by Communist propaganda. Of course, it has defects. We should constantly seek to improve it. However, even as it is, our society is a miracle of achievement. At the last Assembly of the United Nations it was estimated that our economic capacity was equal to that of all of the rest of the nations put together. We must, however, be sure that that vast potential works. If it were to break down, that would confirm Communist prophecies, If it maintains sus- tained production, that will discomfit its detractors and, more than any other one thing, restore our prestige in the world. 2. We must maintain a strong Military Etablishment and keep the will to use it if necessary. The last two wars came upon us when some foreign leaders thought that our nation had become spineless. A big military establishment, however, is not itself an all- sufficient end. It is more important to have @ people possegsed of moral stamina and sound judgment. We must make certain that our Military Establishment is not bought at the price of impairing the moral and edu- cational development of our youth. 8. We should promote hemispheric soli- darity. The Declaration of Chapultepec pro- mised an early treaty between the American states to implement the idea that an act of aggression against one is an act of aggression against all. That principle of collective self- defense was, in turn, sanctioned by the
A566 United Nations Charter. We should move promptly to realize that arrangement. It is not enough, however, to rely on inter-gov- ernmental compacts. We must help the countries to the south of us to develop more vigorous and healthy economies which will end the mass discontents which too widely prevail. That will not require any vast grant of our money. Rather, it requires an intelli- gent comprehension of the possibilities of these naturally rich lands. 4. In Europe our policy should be guided by the great dictum of our founders that: “To look for a continuation of harmony be- tween a number of independent, unconnected sovereignties in the same neighborhood would be to disregard the: uniform course of human events and to set at defiance the ac- cumulated experience of ages.” Of course, increased unity on the Con- tinent depends primarily on the continental peoples themselves. But the United States has there both moral rights and political power. Formerly Europe could have its wars without involving us. Now American blood, shed in two European wars, gives us the moral right to speak. Also, the United States, with Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and France, possesses decisive power over Germany. What is done with that power will either promote unity in Europe or perpetuate disunity. We have a responsibility that is inescapable. The four of us could contribute much to make continental Europe something better than the rickety fire hazard of the past. If the Soviet Union does not want to advance con- tinental units as a whole, then a worth-while start could still be made in western Europe. There, 200,000,000 people could, through in- creased unity, achieve increased prosperity. freedom, and peace. 5. We must continue to safeguard the in- tegrity of China. That calls for support of the National Government. As General Mar- shall has said, we ought to encourage its more liberal elements. But we cannot aban- don that government without abandoning that for which we fought the Pacific war. 6. We should begin to use the United Na- tions to mobilise world opinion against in- ternational injustices. Article 14 of the Charter was intended to make it possible to relieve injustices like those occurring in Po- land. At the last assembly that article was invoked by India, with Soviet backing, in relation to discrimination against Indians in the Union of Bouth Africa. The Soviet Union aleo proposed that the United Nations should call conferences of non-self-governing peo- ples, such as those of Alaska, Hawali, and Guam, to promote their aspirations. It may be that the time has come for the United States to ask the Assembly to concern itself with areas in Europe where purges and dis- crimination go on despite international pledges, and where aspirations for self-gov- ernment are suppressed. Through such invigoration of our historic policies we can readily assume a leadership which will make us safe. We have the ideals, we have the “know-how,” and we have the power. We should put all three to work in harness. During the First World War, President Wilson proclaimed, as 14 points, great goals of victory. They reflected the finest Ameri- can tradition. They rallied the wavering forces of democracy and men went on to die that those ideals might live. But at Paris, Mr. Wilson was confronted by the secret treaties of London and he had to deal with Mr, Lloyd George and Mr. Clemenceau at that low level. The result was widespread dis- iilusionment. Secretary of State Lansing, when he first read the draft Treaty of Ver- sailles as a connected whole, commented: “The impression made by it is one of dis- appointment, of regret, of depressions. During the Second World War, President Roosevelt with Prime Minister Churchill, pro- claimed, as the Atlantic Charter, great goals of victory. Again, they reflected the tradi- tional faith of America. The United Na- tions all endorsed them and, 8 second time, men died that those ideals might live. Now there is danger that the peace will refiect, not the high ideals of the Atlantic Charter, but the secret deals of Teheran and Yalta. Since the collapse of the Roman Empire, there has never been a nation which possessed so great a superiority of material power as does the United States today. Also, as we have shown, we still possess deep springs of faith on which we can draw for ideals which respond to the aspirations of men everywhere. Only as we use the prestige of our power to achieve such ideals can we be safe in the world. Otherwise we shall be merely one more great nation gone decadent and ripe to be plucked. Our Nation was never destined to become involved in cheap intrigue with foreign rulers. We do not do that well. President Washing- ton’s advice to avoid that still stands good. We have a different destiny. It is to forge spiritual alliances with the peoples of the world. President Lincoln said of the Declara- tion of Independence that it offered “liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope for the world for all future time. It * © gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men, that all should have an equal chance.” That is the spirit which ought to pervade our foreign policy. It is not a spirit which is easily translated into international treaties. It would, however, be better to accept that difficulty than to be unfaithful to our spirit- ual heritage. Inviting Disaster EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorD, I include the following editorial from the Washington Evening Star of February 13, 1947: INVITING DISASTER? Until it becomes clear just where all the cutting is to be done, there will have to be @ crossed-fingers attitude toward the huge spending slash approved by the Senate-House Subcommittee on the Budget. The Presi- dent's program for fiscal 1948 Calls for ex- penditures of some $37,500,000,000. The sub- committee would reduce this by $6,000,000,- 000, and the full committee is expected to agree. At a time when economies in Gov- ernment are highly desirable, this proposal has an undeniably attractive sound. Un- fortunately, however, unless ite advocates can prove otherwise, it must be received with the most serious misgivings, especially as re- gards its bearing on national defense and foreign policy. In the President's budget a sum of approx- imately $11,300,000,000 has been set aside for defense . Under the plan of the Senate-House subcommittee this would be cut to less than $10,000,000,000 by lopping off $1,000,000,000 from estimated Army outlays and $750,000,000 from the estimates for the Navy. In addition there would be a reduc- tion of $500,000,000 in the War Department's expenditures on civil functions. The bal- ance of the $6,000,000,000 slash pre- sumably would have to come from the sums budgeted for international affairs and fi- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nance, veterans’ activities, social welfare, and the numerous other fixed undertakings of the Government. Offhand it is difficult to see how an economy move of such dimensions can be put into effect at this time without unsettling several programs: Of course, considerable savings may be possible in some fields, but there is good reason to wonder whether the congres- sional budget group has not set its sights much too high. Certainly, as far as defense is conoerned, skepticism of the strongest sort seems justified. This skepticism has been well expressed by Senator Cuan Gurney. As chairman of the Senate Armed Services Com- mittee, he believes that the Army and Navy may each be able to stand token cuts of a couple of hundred million dollars, but he does not see how they can function effectively if the pruning knife is to be applied more. deeply than that. In his Judgment, excessive economy in this instance, instead of being economical, would weaken Secretary Mar- shall’s hand at Moscow and do harm to our se- curity by undermining the power basis of our diplomacy. For its own part, the Navy flatly declares that a retrenchment of even $500,000,000 in its estimates would render it practically immobile and impotent as an in- strument of national policy. And Secretary of War Patterson, speaking for the Army, warns that the proposed cuts will invite disaster. These somber views must receive the most earnest consideration. Economies to pay off part of the debt and permit tax reductions may seem wholesome on their face, but they will be penny-wise and pound-foolish if they hit at our defense and pull the rug out from under our foreign policy. In the present un- settled state of the world, the well-being of the United States demands that Congress show the greatest foresight and wisdom on this point. Amendment of Pay Readjustment Act of 1942 EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ALBERT M. COLE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. COLE of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, I have introduced today a bill to amend section 12 of the Pay Readjustment Act of 1942, to remove the discrimination be- tween Regular and Reserve components of the services in the act in regard to transportation of dependents and house- hold effects. In a ruling on an initial pay act, the Comptroller General denied payment to members of the Regular services for transportation of dependents and house- hold effects on the reasoning that separa- tion from service by way of being dis- charged is not covered in the construc- tion of the statute. The use of this con- struction in subsequent pay acts gave confirmed congressional authority to this interpretation. It is a well-established rule of statutory construction that when a long and uniform construction has been given a statute by the Government agen- cy concerned, similar Janguage in a sub- sequent statute on the same subject will, if possible, receive the same construc- tion. This was the foundation of the de- cision No. B-35081 of the Comptroller
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD General dated August 4, 1943, whereby the construction of the Pay Readjust- ment Act of 1942 denies transportation of dependents and household effects to members of the Regular services of this act. My attention was called to this situa- tion last summer in a letter from a vet- eran discharged from the Army. His case is representative of thousands. After the inception of the draft, many of the youth of America heeded the call to the colors and volunteered their services, not waiting till their number came up. Motivation of service is not a question, the fact remains that the greatest ma- jority of them put on the uniform in the same years and those, pursued by aggres- sive recruiting stations, that went into the Regular component of the services were no different than those that went into the Reserve component. They were motivated by the same causes, accepted service simultaneously, served approxi- mately the same tour of duty, and were released from service relatively together. An enlisted man or officer of the Regular service, honorably discharged because of a physical disability, resulting from the line of duty, does not receive the same treatment as his Reserve counterpart. Also in the case of hardship discharges, the regular is not on the same basis as a reserve. Those in the Reserve com- ponent received the benefits of transpor- tation for their dependents and house- hold effects upon release from service while those in the Regular service did not. By personal contact, I have af- firmed that this was not the intent of the framers of this act. Injustice has been accorded that por- tion of American service people by this discrimination, perhaps unintentionally by this body, but it can be rectified by this body by passing this measure. Appropriations for National Defense EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SAM RAYBURN OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. RAYBURN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REec- orD, I include the following telegram: WASHINGTON, D. C., February 16, 1947, Hon. Sam RayBurn, Member of Congress, Washington, D,. C.: Three and one-half million men who fought our country’s two world wars know from first-hand experience the value of na- tional security and the folly of unprepared- ness, These veterans are righteously alarmed at the prospect of further reducing the strength of our armed forces. Such reductions are implied by the Joint Legislative Budget Com- mittee’s irrationally recommended 86,000,- 000,000 cut in the National Budget. They vigorously oppose the reported slice of $2,250,000,000 for the armed forces, include ing a cut of 750,000,000 which would de- stroy the Naval Reserve training program and preclude further developments in naval aeronautics; the proposed slash of $500,000,- 000 intended to feed the starving people in occupied countries whose behavior might otherwise necessitate the expense of addi- tional troops; the terrific hacking away of Air Force funds and the $200,000,000 reduc- tion in the Veterans’ Administration appro- priations. They are appalled to learn that their Government contemplates sabotage of the proposed universal military training pro- gram, recommended by high Government of- ficials and demanded by the public, through & $1,000,000.000 cut in Army appropriations. Are we to discard already the lessons learned in the last war? After each war we have adopted the pen- ny-wise, pound-foolish philosophy which has reduced our armed forces to tmpotency. Our token forces in occupied countries are now dangerously near tourist strength. Through our weakness after each war we have invited aggression. These world wars created the heavy taxes which Congress is now trying to reduce. Wars are responsible for the enor- mous public debt. For more than a century and a half Amer- ica has refused to make the small sacrifices in peacetime which would have prevented such great sacrifices in men and money. As a result this Nation whose people cherish peace has found itself regularly at war. Must we again confess our guilt in weak- ening ourselves in the eyes of the whole world and rendcring ourselves incapable of secur- ing in peace our wartime victory? Are we to ignore our international com- mitments to the extent that our representa- tives at peace parleys become the targets for contemptuous mockery by nations which have remained strong and influential? In this critical and turbulent hour, a world of nations watches us to see what action we will take to maintain our leadership in world affairs, There is a solemn and sacred obliga- tion upon America to remain strong until a permanent, feasible peace plan is established. We must not permit America’s insurance policy to expire at this uncertain hour. The American Legion has always been a proponent of economy in government. It detests “red tape” and bureaucratic bungling that penalizes taxpayers and prevents good government. The American Legion is con- fident, however, that economy achieved at the expense of security or vetcrans is no economy at all. May I respectfully remind Congress that it is directed by the United States Constitution to provide for the common defense of the several States, If the issue involved must be resolved by guaranteeing citizens their constitutional rights or fulfillment of campaign pledges, there can be only one American answer. Paut H. GRIFFITH, National Commander, the American Legion. San Francisco Bay Bridges IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES HON. GEORGE P. MILLER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. MILLER of California. Mr. Speaker, a Joint Army-Navy Board, op- erating under authority of this House, recently completed its work and made a recommendation as to the form that a second transbay crossing between San Francisco and the east side of San Fran- cisco Bay should take. A567 It recommended a six-lane combina- tion viaduct trestle with a tube under the bay channel. This crossing would start near the foot of Army Street in San Francisco and hit the east shore near the foot of Fifth Street in Alameda, a “freeway” across the Alameda and then a tube under the San Antonio (Oak- land) estuary, coming up at Fifth Street in the vicinity of Washington Street in Oakland. This is a logical solution of the prob- lem of a second transbay crossing and has many desirable points about it that more than outweigh those that can be raised against it. In support of this type of crossing, under unanimous consent, I include as part of my remarks an editorial appearing in the Oakland (Calif.) Ob- server under date of February 8, 1947: As forecast exclusively by the Observer last week, the Joint Army-Navy Bridge Board of Engineers has recommended a combina- tion viaduct, trestle, and tube low-level crossing of San Francisco Bay from the vicin- ity of Fifth Street, in Alameda, and entering San Francisco at Army Street, after passing under the deep-water channel. Just as we predicted, the advocates of a second high- bridge crossing, from State Public Works Director Charley Purcell down to the local yokels, who resoluted in favor of such an infeasible plan, received a distinct shock. While the Observer had no inside leak tip- ping it off as to the nature of the recommen- dations of the Joint Army and Navy Board, we did feel we had judged the temper of both the Army and Navy authorities toward a second high-leve] bridge plan, and espe- cially the idea of paralleling the present structure and still further increasing the in- tolerable traffic congestion at the approaches on both sides of the bay. The plan proposed by our own home neighbor, Col. Frank E. Bonner, of Piedmont, formerly of the United States Engineers, and which we have advo- cated from the start, is practically the basis of the Joint Army and Navy Board's recom- mendations. The report distinctly does not recommend providing accommodations for bringing the transcontinental railroads into San Francisco via the new crossing. The phobia against this possibility, apparently, is at the bottom of the stubborn opposition of the local boards and governmental groups, chambers of commerce, etc., to any type of viaduct, or low-level crossing. Already a fire has been started by the same old downtown group, which has run Oakland into the ground for lo these many years, to scuttle the proposed low-level plan, They are for a high bridge type of crossing, and have apparently geared their support of such an out-dated type of crossing to fit in with their own pecuniary intcrests—al- though to our way of thinking nothing could be sweeter for the development of central Oakland than the proposed Army and Navy plan. We shall not repeat its details, as they have been given in great detail by the dally press, but we wish to call attention to an important feature about it. The Joint Army and Navy Board plan is not only a formula for a bay crossing in what we believe the most feasible way, but, it calls attention to the lack of any master transportation and trafic plan in Oakland, and makes recom- mendations for a splendid system of con- necting highway approaches, tubes under the estuary connecting Oakland and Alameda with the proposed transbay crossing. It then goes on to recommend that the East Bay cities get busy to have an adequate master traffic and transportation plan worked out as @ guidebook for future development. Now isn’t that something? It is just as the Observer has repeatedly declared: That if Oakland and its neighbors do not quit
A568 their sectional squabbles, downtown versus uptown and central versus east of the lake areas, someone is going to step in some day with the authority to force such a plan upon ‘us, not of our own devising, because that someone's interest, which might be para- mount—as in the case of the Army and the Navy, are being jeopardized by our not do- ing the job properly ourselves. Apparently, however, you cannot teach old dogs new tricks, as we find the mouthpiece of the group tn the saddle already snapping at the heels of the Joint Army and Navy Board's recommendations. The same old formula is being followed. It is being belittled, damned by innuendo, blamed for inadequacy at the same time its over-all cost of some $261,000,- 000 is being held up in horror, and com- pared, unfairly, with the alleged cost of a second high bridge. That is the trouble with Oakland. It has been fed with such Machia- vellian propaganda for years that it is no wonder its municipal thinking is muddled and warped. We have been informed that a joint meet- ing of the San Francisco and Oakland Chambers of Commerce was called for Thursday to try to coordinate effort toward united support of the Joint Army and Navy Board's recommendation, and the speeding of plans for building the badly needed second crossing. That, even if this second crossing is built speedily, the growth of traffic in the bay area is so phenomenal, Colonel Bonner points out, that whereas conditions are now so acute, with our present State registration of 8,000,000 plus cars, what will it be like in 5 years, when all indications point to a registration of 7,000,000 cars in California. Strangely enough, while even the Joint Army and Navy Board points out that in a few years the second crossing will be insufficient to handle the estimated traffic, the opponents of the low-level crossing are using this as an argument against building it. Can anyone, whose judgment is not warped by self- interest, argue that a second high-level bridge, paralleling the existing structure and dumping ite added traffic load upon the al- ready congested arterial approaches, will be more helpful? Let’s quit quibbling and get on, A Blow to National Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GEORGE A. SMATHERS OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, I include therein an editorial from the St. Louis Post- Dispatch. In view of the impending vote on the proposed cut in the President’s budget, and because that proposed cut may vi- tally affect the peace of the world by weakening our armed forces and evi- dGencing our waning interest in world peace, this editorial herewith introduced is a timely and thought-provoking work that merits the attention of every Mem- ber of the House. 4 BLOW TO NATIONAL SECURITY Our very security will be dangerously weak- ened, President Truman warns, if the budget slashes stay in force. There is all too much reason to fear he is right. It is obvious that the subcommittee which cut 61,750,000,000 from the Army and Navy and another half billion from the Army’s civil functions acted without a close study of the armed services’ needs. Our peace diplomacy has thereby suffered a heavy blow; our hand is weakened in the current UN negotiations and the forth- coming Moscow conference on the German peace settlement. Secretary Patterson says flatly that the cut will keep the Army from carrying out its assignments. It means 865 air combat groups instead of 55, only 500 new planes a year instead of 900. “In 3 to & years,” General Spaats testifies through Patterson, “we will have a second-rate Air Force largely equipped with obsolete planes.” Patterson reports for Generals Eisenhower and MacArthur that the cut will reduce “the already dangeroualy low civil ration in occu- pied areas, Starvation is inevitable’—and then insurrection. “Any successful deflance of our authority in occupied areas would quickly mushroom to dangerous propor- tions.” Secretary Forrestal has said that a threat- ened smaller cut than the one actually voted “would so greatly reduce the effectiveness of the Navy as to render it practically im- mobile and impotent as an instrument of national policy.” Among other things, it would sharply curtail pilot training and break the enlistments of men who joined the serv- ice in good faith. Yet some Republican leaders still contend, in Representative DmxskNn’s words, that the warnings are only a campaign “to keep the fat and padding” in the original budget. Maybe so, but Patterson cites figures showing how sharply his subordinates’ plans were trimmed before being submitted to Congress. If the Dirkeens are right, it is only by rare coincidence, because they actually don't know what they are talking about. Patterson and Forrestal are armed with information. The subcommittee did not bother to arm itself by close study; it pre- ferred the meatax. Its act was irresponsible— gravely irresponsible, because it weakens us in international political affairs of the utmost importance to our own peace and security. Fortunately, this lapse can still be re- trieved. The full budget committee of 102 members can reverse its subcommittee, cor- fess in effect that the Presidential request has not been thoroughly explored, restore the whole amount tentatively, and leave the actual limits on expenditures to subsequent hearings and debate. A special committee ‘was created to avoid such lengthy indecision, but its negligence leaves no other tolerable course this year. National security and ef- fective domestic government being at stake, no less a cours” is tolerable. Coal Crisis Points Up British Empire Plight EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ORD, I include the following article by Mallory Browne, from the New York Times: Coan Crisis Points Ur Bairum Empime PLicght—THovcH Nation Is CONFIDENT, Two Wars Have WEeakewep Its Posirion (By Mallory Browne) Lompom, February 15.—The coal crisis in Britain is an uncannily accurate symbol of the present plight of the British Empire, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In both cases the underlying problem is one of power. Over here in gloomy, blacked-out, half- frozen London, Britons are more surprised than annoyed to read excerpts from the American press telling them that what is happening is the “disintegration” of the aoe t Empire. In the first place, the av- is much too busy trying to keep. warm to think about the international implications of the coal shortage. In the second place, the British, who are always at their best in adversity, are as confident that they will weather this current crisis as they were during the Dunkerque evacuation when the rest of the world thought Britain was finished. BASIC ISSURS REMAIN Yet thoughtful people here in Britain are beginning to perceive that the mere fact of surmounting the present acute coal short- age, important and dificult as that js, will not solve the basic problems of the British Empire. “The day of great European-ruled empires is finished.” This ts not a quotation from an American or Asiatic newspaper. It is a statement made this week in Glasgow by Sir John Boyd Orr, director general of the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organ- ization and one of the most respected ad- visers of the British Government. One of the most thoughtful and respon- sible newspapers in England, The Yorkshire Post, wrote this week that “large forces now being maintained abroad will have to be re- duced to provide more manpower for indus- try at home.” And it concluded, “The time has now come when Britain may be forced to reduce some of her armaments.” RECOGNITION OF REALITIES This typically British understatement re- veals the fundamenta)] significance of the present crisis, which is simply that Britain is being forced by it to face up to the real situ- ation dt home, in the Empire, and in the world. This true situation is, of course, not sim- ply, as The Yorkshire Post cautiously sug- gests, that Britain “may” be forced to re- duce some of her commitments but that it has been for some time and is being obliged to reduce many of its international commit- ments and to withdraw from strategic posi- tions hitherto held vital to the existence of the Empire: India, Egypt, and now Palestine. What is it that is forcing the British to these Empire-shaking withdrawals? How did Britain get into her present sorry plight? Not, of course, either domestically or in- ternationally because of the shortage of coal. The coal crisis is not—except superficially, and in the most immediate sense—a cause. It is an effect, or perhaps more exactly a symptom. It is a symptom of Britain's loss of power. The plain hard fact is that Britain, which 40 or 50 years ago was the most powerful ‘nation in the world with a far-flung empire on which the sun never set, has now become a@ vulnerable little island kingdom off the coast of Europe without enough power to hold its Empire toge rhaps even with- out enough power left to maintain its former high standard of living at home. CHANGES ARE RECOGNIZED Only this week Ernest Bevin, Britain's For- eign Secretary, was wistfully lamenting these changes. “Facts are facts and must be faced,” he said in a speech, and the imposing fact of the postwar world was that “the United States and the Soviet Union have come out of the conflict very powerful.” He went on to say that if he had 40,000,000 tons of coal he would be three times more powerful in Kuropean diplomatic councils than he is at present. He could, he said, “do a lot better in peace-making if he could get the manufactured goods for export, while if
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD only Britain had financial credits to give, he could do an enormous amount.” What is the explanation for the decline in British power so sadly summarized by Mr. Bevin? Two main reasons are the two world wars in one generation. Both these wars weakened Britain. Di- rectly they weakened her through loss of manpower. Not only were there millions of British casualties but the population trend, which before the First World War had been upward, turned downward. WEAKENED BY WARS .S Indirectly, too, both wars weakened Brit- ain. They resulted in or at least hastened the development of the United States into the greatest industrial, military, naval, and finally, air power, and also as the greatest economic and financial power. At the same time the wars were accompanied by the rise of the Soviet Union to the position of the world’s biggest military power on land and to the status of the dominant diplomatic power in both Europe and Asia. There is another basic reason for the de- cline in Britain’s power at home and abroad, less direct than the effects of the two World Wars but equally operative. Out of the in- dustrial revolution of the nineteenth cen- tury has come the social revolution of the twentieth. Power has passed to the masses under a Labor Government dominated by the British trade-unions. However excellent the ultimate effects of this change may be, one immediate result has been to entrust the authority to rule an empire to individuals unaccustomed to rul- ing. It is true, of course, that the change was cushioned by the permanent civil serv- ice in Britain. But even so the British grip on things, both domesticalty and imperially, has inevitably lacked some of the sureness and firmness of the past. This has been doubly important because, as part of the world-wide revolution of the masses, there has been a great political awakening of the so-called backward peo- ples. In India, in Burma, in Egypt, and in many British colonies, political nationalism has flamed up, partly as a result of war, partly because of a train of circumstances reaching back into history. RUSSIAN INFLUENCE This upsurge of the colonial peoples toward independence has been aided and abetted by Moscow Communists in many places. There is no room left for doubt that the Soviet Union regards itself as a rival of the British Empire and the potential heir to any frag- ments it can help to detach. More and more it looks from London as if the only hope of “something new and better” resides in the United Nations. It is signif- icant that both the Egyptian and Palestinian crises ure now virtually certain to come be- fore the United Nations soon. Furthermore, the British are aware, though they do not often talk about it, that the atomic bomb has altered their whole strategic outlook. England, with its highly concen- trated industrial population dependent upon imported food for its existence, is admittedly the most vulnerable of all countries to at- tack by atomic weapons. HOPE IN UNITED NATIONS Sometimes it seems to the British them- selves as if the problems facing them were beyond their immediate means. Ultimately, they place their hopes in building up a United Nations organization that will work. The only visible short-term solution would be a real improvement in Anglo-Soviet rela- tions. This, if it was genuine, would allow Britain to reduce its manpower commitments in places like Greece and Palestine where the shadow of the Soviets is the underlying problem. Mr. Bevin hopes that something along this line may be done in Moscow next month. The present electric-power crisis has hardly strengthened the British bargaining position, however. The outlook for Britain abroad, as in her blacked-out streets at home, is not bright. The United States Under the Republicans EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include herein another article in a series, The United States Under the Republicans, which has been reproduced in booklet form by its author, Edwin K. Gross, after publication in the Morning Herald, Gloversville, N. Y., of which he is chief editorial writer: SINGLE-TERM TRIO RANK AMONG OUR BEST PRES- IDENTS—WITHIN THEIR OWN PARTY, REPUB- LICANS DEFEATED EVILS OF SPOILS; M'KINLEY FOSTERED RECIPROCAL TRADE AGREEMENTS; GOP LONG AUTHORED “THE MORE ABUNDANT LIFE” BEFORE OPPONENTS USED THE PHRASE The Republicans defeated the wickedness in spoils, in a fight within their own party. Office seekers and trivial mutters were for- merly, even more than today, the bane of Presidents. Lincoln said to an old Illinois friend: “It isn't this war that’s killing me, Judge; it's your confounded Pepperton post office!” James A. Garfield found a third of his time consumed by the oflice hunters, who “waylaid him when he ventured from the shelter of his home, and followed him even to the doors of the church where he wor- shiped.” Within 4 months after his inau- gural Garfield was slain by a disappointed job seeker. “Any system of civil service under which the subordinate positions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing,” the Republicans’ 1872 platform asserted, “and we therefore favor a reform of the system.” Grant then made an attempt at reform through a Civil Service Commission. “The present system,” he said, “does not secure the best men, and not even fit men for public place.” Hayes issued an order against “offensive partisanship’—forbidding Federal employees to participate in political organizutions or campaigns, and also banning political assess- ments upon public workers. He steadfastly refused to build up a personal following through his patronage power. In answer to those who charged that he was ruining the party because he did not make the political appointments asked of him, Hayes said: “He serves his party best who serves the country best.” The Hayes Cabinct included as Postmaster- General a former Confederate officer. Be- cause this President dismissed worthless officeholders even though they were Repub- lican Party members, stalwart Republicans called him a “half-breed.” But the fight between merit and spoils con- tinued to rage until the shots of an assassin felling Garfield rang in the ears of the coun- try—confirmation of the evil to which the advocates of civil-service reform had pointed. Our politics, not surprisingly, has given us more mere politicians than statesmen, but, with the death of Garfield, a man who had been a machine politician, Vice President Chester A. Ar‘hur, succeeding, “filled the country not less with surprise than with deep satisfaction” (the Democrat, Woodrow Wil- son, wrote) when, instead of presiding at a A569 lavish ple-cutting, he pressed for the passage of the act of Congress which in 1883 provided for competitive examinations for public jobs and prohibited removal for political reasons. Arthur had been displaced by Hayes as Collector of the Port of New York for evad- ing Hayes’ instructions to rid his custom house of hundreds of clerks who had nothing to do and some of whom were so illiterate that they could hardly write thelr names. But now, as President, Arthur emulated Hayes, became a vigorous reformer. About 12 percent of all Government jobs were placed on the classified list during Ar- thur’s tenure; the list was steadily extended; Taft added a great number of offices; and the work of Hoover's administration in this direction brought the Federal posts under civil-service protection to about 83 percent. When Benjamin Harrison appointed Theo- dore Roosevelt to the Civil Service Commis- sion, that young reformer at once injected new energy into the law and rallied fresh enthusiasm among the people to its support. The spoilsmen had reviled the mild-man- nered members of the Commission, but T, R. fired back at them, as when he handed them the blast that a large portion of the political contributions extorted from reluctant offi- cials was “retained by the jackals who col- lected it.” Hayes, Arthur, and Harrison, among our best Presidents, though not glamorous, are examples of what a President can do with one term in the White House when he kceps his mind off reelection. The veto was frequently used by Hayes. He protested against coupling of bills which had little or no relation--a congressional device to force approval of obnoxious legis- lation through attachment to an urgent measure. Under Hayes the Life-Saving Service was established—the first life-saving institution ever authorized and supported by any gov- ernment. Arthur's initiative rejuvenated an enfee- bled Navy. Against pressure to protect the guilty ina discovery of graft on the Post Office star- route contracts, Arthur removed the officials involved, including an assistant postmaster gencral. Woodrow Wilson, in tribute to Hayes and Arthur, said: “The 4 years of Mr. Hayes’ term in the Presidency, with their restful discontinuance of party legislation, afforded not only a time of calm in which thoughtful men could look about them, but also a clear stage upon which it quickly became evident that new scenes were being set.” * * ®* Arthur “dealt with the bills sent to him by Congress in a way that lacked neither courage nor discrimination. Factions were quieted and the course of affairs ran cool again, with an air in which men could think.” Wilson suid of Harrison (grandson of President William Henry Harrison) that he was “aman * * * = gifted above most of his predecessors with the power to think and speak clearly, impressively, and to the point upon every public issue. There was a plecs- ing independence in the way in which Mr. Harrison showed his good conscience and careful diligence in affairs.” In his inaugural address, Hayes pledged himself to a single term and recommended a constitutional amendment limiting the Pres- ident to one term of 6 years. When Grant was twice boomed for a third term, objection within the party to the shat- tering of American tradition against more than two terms for any President was effec- tive. In 1874 the Republican Convention of Ohio, Grant's own State, resolved that the ob- servance of George Washington's example was an essential rule of unwritten Republican law. In 1880 a convention of independent antl- third-term Republicans was held in St. Louis to protest against a Grant renomination. No
A570 case was ever more sincere, therefore, than the Republican position against the third and fourth terms to which the Democratic Roose- velt won election. One of the greatest parliamentary land- marks in the Congress was laid down by a Republican Speaker, Thomas B. Reed. He believed wholeheartedly that the incumbent party's duty was to see that its policies were carried out. Before 1889 it had been the custom of the minority Members to obstruct the bustness of the House by the expedient of refusing to answer the roll call, though present, to deny a quorum. Speaker Reed ordered the clerk to record unresponsive ones as present but not voting. When the opposi- tion objected, charging that he was upsetting precedent of a hundred years, he replied: ‘Yes, and I am establishing precedent for the next 100 years.” Coolidge’s Vice President, Dawes, made an inaugural address as outspoken as if he was addressing a private business conference. He assailed moss-covered Senate traditions and rules, principally those which permitted one- man filibustering. Lincoln’s administration and Republican successors increased the Federal revenue by the tndtrect method of building up the wealth of the country, offered bounties not only for construction of railroads but also for increased production of needed goods, aided agriculture, assisted internal improve- ments, pursued a itberal immigration policy because of the need for additional labor. From 1860 to 1870 the number of fac- tories increased 79.6 percent, and the per- sons employed in them almost doubled. In 1860 the United States ranked fourth among the nations of the world in industry, by 1892 it led them all; the number of fac- tory workers increased threefold, the total value of their products fivefold. The expansion of capital in ttself led to the organization of labor unions to protect the rights of the workers. The fcans’ 1873 platform, when Grant was reelected, recognized “the qduty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital; and for labor, the creator of capital, the larg- est opportunities and a just share of the mutual profits.” ‘Khe Republican platform of 1888 declared Opposition to all combinations of capital organized in trusts; President Benjamin Harrison recommended that Congress con- sider restraints, and in 1890 he signed the Tesulting legislation, the Sherman Anti- Trust Act, “to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies.” Advocating a “square deal”, denouncing “malefactors of great wealth”, the abuses of corporations, the poverty in great cities, and the social perils in existing inequalities, Theodore Roosevelt became the fiery trust buster, smashing the oppression and arro- gance of capital. In his first message to Congress, he pro- posed regulation of industry with an attack on unfair practices, and Congress responded by creating the Department of Commerce and Labor. He maintained that the biggest corporation, like the humblest private citizen, must be held to strict compliance with the will of the people. T. R. instructed his Attorney General to bring suit against the Northern Securities Co., a holding company organized by James J. Hill, J. P. Morgan, and E. H. Harriman, for the purpose of controlling the stock of the Weatern Pacific, the Great Northern, and the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Ratroads. Court order that the corporation must be dissolved was a great victory for the Govern- ment. No fewer than 4€ such antitrust ac- tions were instituted by Theodore Roosevelt. And Wiliam Howard Taft continued ac- tively the prosecution of the trusts. In his edministration the Interstate Commerce Act Was amended to give the Commission juris- diction over telephone, telegraph, cable, and wireless companies; a Pederal parcel-post service was estabiiahed to break the monopoly of the express companies, whose rates were excessive; and, similarly, the Postal Savings Bank was founded in the Post Office De- partment to which the Republican Congress during Johnson’s tenure had gtven the postal-money-order system. Roosevelt won for the coal miners the principle of collective bargaining when he compelled the operators to arbitrate a strike. With the country confronted with a dis- tressing winter in 1902-3, T. R. commanded the operators and strikers to send representa- tives to a White House conference. When an operator objected ‘“‘to being called here to meet a criminal, even by the President of the United States,” the Republican Roosevelt wielded his “big stick”’—imformed the opera- tors that if they would not arbitrate he would take over the mines by force and operate them in the public interest, though he had no constitutional authority for such pro- cedure. With reference to the insulting operator, Theodore Roosevelt said iater: “If it wasn’t for the high office I hold, I would have taken dim by the seat of the breeches and the nape of the neck and chucked him out of that window.” To Speaker of the House, Joseph G. Can- non, when they were discussing the Presi- dent's lack of legal right to interfere, T. R. said: “I would have seized the mines and the roads and would have given the freezing peo- ple coal, and Congress could have impeached and be damned.” He said that he was functioning according to the Jackson-Lincoln theory of the Presi- dency, “that is, that occasionally great na- tional crises arise which cal] for immediate and vigorous Executive action, and that in such cases it ts the duty of the President to act upon the theory that he is the steward of the people.” War-Born Devices Should Be Utilized To Make Rail Travel Safer EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks tn the Recorp, I include herewith an editorial on atr and railroad safety. The article, which was published in the Belleville (l.) News-Democrat on Saturday, Feb- ruary 15, supports a bill which I recently introduced in the House to promote the safety of railroad employees and passen- gers. This legislation is now before the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, and I recently appeared be- fore that group in support of this meas- ure. The editorial follows: At the moment public attention ts focused sharply upon the suffering safety record of the air lines. The frequency of serious crashes has jumped to the extent that the fty-Iine customers are canceling thetr reserva- tions im favor of other modes of transporta- on. The record of the railroads, however, ts not impeccable by any stretch of the imagination, and these carriers have been having their safety headaches, too, Major accidents, seem. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ingly, are just as frequent on the ground lines as in the air lines. Accidents are costly, wasteful, and all too Siweye te avoidable. Often they take lives, always they smash up valuable equipment, and invariably these foster an aversion for travel which is mirrored in future business. Daring the recent war the armed forces made great strides in the development of radar and other electronic-control equipment to minimise the human error which, m most cases, is responsible for the difficulties. And these inventions worked miraculously. It is therefore fitting that the benefits of these war-born devices be utilised for peace- time pursuits. This week the Civil Aeronau- tics Administration, alive to the probiem, asked Congress for $1,600,000 to effect con- versions on 20 terminal atrports. And their chances of getting it look pretty favorable. Stmilar favorable attention shou'd be con- ferred upon a bill which has just been in- troduced to the Eightieth Congress by Rep- resentative Mervin Price, which seeks to promote the safety of both passengers and ratlroad employees by requiring the carriers to tnstal! similar electranic-control devices. This is a matter which the Interstate Commerce Commission itself should have attended to long ago without the necessity of intervention by Congress. But in this regard the ICC has been derelict in not being abreast of the times. As late as last Avgust it had only one employee with any previous experience in radio communication and none with pre- vious experience in radar. And, in view of its past record, we seriously doubt that this status has been materially improved. The vitality of America’s railroads ts fm- portant to the continuing health of the Matton. The rail carriers represent an im- portant resource wpon which all of us are tremendously dependent, which explains the official interest of Congress in their continuing welfare and justifies the steps ft takes to force them to Keep up to date. Legislative Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. A. L. MILLER IN THE HOUSE OF RE Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr, MILLER of Nebraska. Mr. Speak- er, the country is seldom hurt by laws that Congress does not pass. This Con- gress might do well to wipe out of exist- ence some laws adopted in the last 14 years and that now are no longer needed. With that thought in mind, Mr. Speak- er, I am reintroducing my resolutions to declare the end of the Second War Powers Act and to declare the war officially over. If we do these two things, it will shortly terminate several hundred Executive or- ders and laws, and, of course, put out of business a score or more of Government agencies with their thousands of em- ployees. The few laws that may be neces- sary to continue can be passed and their administration placed in old established Federal agenctes. Mr. Speaker, I consider this step the first approach to the weeding out and the necessary pruning and elimination of the duplication and confusion which now ex- ists in our Government. Unless. this is done, we can expect Government agen- ctes to grow in number as they have been
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD doing since VJ-day. I hope the proper committee will give these two resolutions an early hearing. I believe they are a must and a mandate from the American people. The next step, Mr. Speaker, is to make strict economies in Government. This can be done by refusing appropriations to unneeded Government agencies. Ac- cording to a good Democratic Member of Congress in another body, these agen- cies and commissions number more than 1,100 as of today. They consume the taxpayer’s dollar like the thirsty camel at his far-between water holes. When a reduction in Government expenditures has been achieved, the next step must be to reduce and balance the budget. Then follows debt and tax reduction. The people also expect the Congress to pass legislation and set up machinery to bring about more labor and industry peace. This is a legislative must. The two committees in this Congress are now holding hearings and it is hoped good, constructive labor legislation will be be- fore this body in a short time. When this is done, Mr. Speaker, it seems that the Congress could well afford then to go home. We do not need a host of new laws on the book. We need to do some unscrambling of laws that have already been passed to clarify the func- tions of government. Good Sense EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I wish to submit herewith a letter received from one of the highly esteemed citizens of Lake Charles, La., in my dis- trict. This fine lady is of the old school and has been one of the most active civic workers in Lake Charles for many, many years. She is universally esteemed and highly respected for her fine judgment, tolerance, charity, and her unselfish work for her city and country. The letter follows: LAKE CHARLES, LA., February 11, 1947. Hon. Henry D. LARCADE, United States Representative from Loui- siana, DEAR REPRESENTATIVE: I am writing to e::- press my views on some important measures that are up in Congress this session and I feel that it is time that we, the people, let our lawmakers know how we feel about some of the things that have been imposed upon us under the guise of wartime necessities. First, I believe it is time to stop 80 much waste in operating unnecessary Government agencies and I favor a more economic ad- ministration of Government affairs. I am not in favor of any across-the-board reduction in income-tax rates, but I do favor some form of relief for those in the low- income bracket. National debt should be re- duced if possible, sir, and I am opposed to the continuance of any wartime measures and restrictions beyond their present expira- tion date. We feel that these have served their purposes. The worst is over and I can see only conflict and confusion among our citizens by continuing them longer. I con- sider it a waste of our taxpayers’ money keeping a lot of Government agents scat- tered over tiie country telling us how to operate our business now that the emergency is over, Let's get back to the good old democratic way of running the affairs of our great Na- tion. Let's keep it great by encouraging free and competitive enterprise in every way possible, Hoping that you are giving all matters of umportance your most sincere consideration, am, Yours respectfully, (Mrs.) Mary E. JARDINE, Carroll, of Colorado EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. MIKE MANSFIELD OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. MANSFIELD of Montana. Mr. Speaker, with unanimous consent granted me by the House, I am pleased to insert an article about our colleague, the Honorable Joun A. CARROLL, of Colo- rado, which appeared in the Washington Daily News of February 15, 1947, Iknow from personal observation that JoHN CARROLL will be a real asset to this House and will be able to contribute greatly of his knowledge in behalf of his State, his country, and the world. We of the Rocky Mountain region are extremely glad that we have such a vigorous and promising Member and we know he will add greatly to our strength in this body. THERE ARE ONLY THREE OTHERS LIKE HIM Twenty-five years ago Colorado's Repre- sentative JOHN ALBERT CARROLL Was & young war veteran with an itch to become a lawyer, but without the financial wherewithal to soothe it. So he joined the Denver police force, pounded a beat by day and studied law at night. For 6 years he toiled at his police work and his Blackstone, but he finally got his law degree. LEARNED EARLY He grew up in a family he describes as of moderate circumstances, had to quit high school, and lie about his age in order to get into World War I. He learned early the know-how of success against odds. Mr, CarroLu, a Democrat, chose 1947 as the year in which to make his congressional debut. To reach Capitol Hill he had to de- feat a Republican incumbent. He did. All told, only 4 Democrats replaced Republicans in the House this year, while 54 Republicans ousted Democrats. The Carroll-Gillespie (Dean M.) election campaign was a struggle between opposites, between a relatively young lawyer who isn’t afraid of the label New Dealer and an elderly businessman and veteran conservative Con- gressman. “THAT GOT HIM” Perhaps an explanation of Representative CARROLL’s success can be gleaned from ac- counts of a debate he and Representative Gil- lespie participated in. Representative Gil- lespie, Mr. CARROLL recalls, denounced the ‘Wagner-Ellender-Taft housing bill as sociale istic. He chortles: “I asked him if that meant A571 he considered his own leader, Senator Tart, a Socialist. That got him.” The new Congressman brings to Capitol Hill a veteran’s viewpoint—besides service in the Philippines during World War I he served 2 years with AMG in Africa, Corsica, Italy and France in World War II. His interests reflect that viewpoint. One of the things he is primarily interested in seeing Congress work out, he says, is a “real housing program.” He says “housing means a lot for prosperity.” The Carrolls (the new Congressman is married to a Denver girl and they have a 15-year-old daughter who goes to the George- town Visitation School) like Washington, However, Representative CARROLL admits he's ; bit disappointed by some aspects of life ere. ‘I don't quite meet the hospitality you get in the West,” he complains. ‘“Partic- ularly, that goes for the tradespeople. I guess they're tired out after the war.” Also, he says, he was amazed to find slum areas sticking out like sore spots in other- wise well-groomed sections of the Capital. The Carrolls have been fortunate to find an apartment—in the Wardman Park Hotcl. But the Representative isn't completely happy about that, either. “The rent’s sort of stiff for a boy from the sticks,” he sighs. School Lunches EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS S. GORDON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. GORDON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend by remarks in the Recorp, I include the following resolu- tion urging that funds be made available to permit continuance of low-cost- luncheon program in the schools of the city of Chicago, adopted by the City Council of Chicago on February 10, 1947: “Resolution urging that funds be made available to permit continuance of low- cost-luncheon program in schools of the city of Chicago “Whereas the Federal contributions which, with State and local funds, have made possible low-cost luncheons in the public schools of the city of Chicago, are reported to be nearly exhausted, and the Board of Education of the City of Chicago will be forced to increase the price of lunch- eons in the public schools by approximately 3314 percent after March 10, 1947; and “Whereas low-cost balanced luncheons are imperative for the children in the schools to maintain the health and well-being of our children, to aid them in growing up to be strong and healthy citizens, and to enable them to maintain high educational stand- ards in their school work; and “Whereas it is unthinkable that any mis- guided efforts at economy in government should be permitted to affect the health and development of these children or the success of the low-cost-luncheon program, which has so vitally influenced their physical and mental well-being: Now, therefore, be it “Resolved, That the city council does urge the Congress of the United States to make available at once funds sufficient to permit the continuance of the low-cost-luncheon program in the schools of Chicago; and be it further “Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be sent by the city clerk to the Representa- tives in Congress from the districts embraced
A572 within the city of Chicago with a request that they lend every aid and assistance available to them to secure favorable action by the Congress on this request.” Srate or ILiiorw, County of Cook, ss: I, Ludwig D. Schreiber, city clerk of the city of Chicago, do hereby certify that the above and foregoing is a true and correct copy of the certain resolution adopted by the City Council of the City of Chicago at @ regular meeting held Monday, the 10th day of February A. D. 1947. Witness my hand and the corporate seal of the said city of Chicago, 18th day of Feb- Truary A. D. 1947. [SEAL] Lupwic D. SCHREIBER, City Clerk. In Defense of Mississippi EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN BELL WILLIAMS OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp, I include the following editorial from the Summit Sun, Mrs. Mary Cain, editor and publisher, Summit, Miss., date of February 13, 1947: IN DEFENSE OF MISSISSIPPI Under the above caption, brilliant Clayton Rand, of Gulfport, writes: “Not since the War Between the States and Reconstruction has the fair name of Missis- sippi been so besmirched and maligned. Libeling Mississippi has become the favorite pastime of radio broadcasters and news com- Mmentators, from Washington to Moscow. To millions of people Mississippi is a State popu- lated only by bigots and yokels. Capitalizing on the Bilbo flasco we are publicized by greasy-tongued scandalmongers to gratify the greed of the perverted and prejudiced. Unfortunately, we are on the defensive. “Neither in the light of history nor in the living present is Mississippi a prostitute in the sisterhood of States, to be slurred and insulted by publicity pimps and political nincompoops. “We may hold no brief for Bilbo, but we can speak for Mississippi. As States go, she 1g not rich, but we are not ashamed of our poverty. Primarily rural, her people have fought against overwhelming odds to enrich the Nation's economy. Starting almost from scratch, no State is making more rapid prog- ress in industrial development. “With the highest birth rate in the Union, Mississippi leads in the production of men and women, many of whom have gone forth to all the States to help build the fortunes of the whole country. “Mississippi is no benighted part of a proud Republic. Ours is a singular achieve- ment. Otherwise, how could we be, as the super-critics say, a State populated by illiterate peckerwoods, and then lead the other States in the production of literature? “Never in the history of Mississippi have her people tried to dictate the internal affairs of other States. Yet for more than a hundred years now we have been relent- lessly pestered by snoopies telling us what We ought to do in Mississippi. We do not like some of the things they do, some of the candidates they elect; but that is their business, and why in hell don’t they leave us alone? The most interesting thing about America is that all Americans are not alike. We Mississippians may be a little peculiar, for we prefer to be individualistic and inde- pendent. “If Mississippians enjoy paying @ poll tax, is it not their own business as much as it is the right of Minnesotans to penalise the sale of oleomargarine, or Nevadians to provide re- liefs from matrimony with easy divorce laws, or citizens of other States under community property laws to cheat the Federal Govern- ment out of income taxes by permitting a husband to split his earnings with his spouse? Massachusetts has a law forbidding a man to kiss his wife on the Sabbath. “Is there any more reason why we should compel each State to conform to the same federalized pattern than to enforce our citi- vens into uniformity by requiring them to stereotype their thoughts and acts or to eat spinach? Shall we substitute for the regi- mentation of the individual under alphabeti- cal agencies the regimentation of the States under the GOP? “Is it not as silly to extinguish the pecu- liar cMaracteristics and customs of the State as it is to destroy the personality of the indi- vidual? Under our singular form of govern- ment, is not the sovereignty of the State as essential to the preservation of the Republic as the freedom of the individual citizen? “Haven't we had enough of these butt- headed buttinskies who would change us? Shall we not declare open season against all meddlers into the internal affairs of Missis- sippi? Fighting is a tradition with us, proven on countless battlefields and at as many forums, “Mississippi is the mother of soldiers and statesmen. But we are a State of pikers if we refuse much longer to meet what has be- come a challenge to our pride and patriotism. “Mississippi needs a statesman in the United States Senate, a fearless advocate, fully qualified and equipped to meet all comers in a match of wits and words. But more than that, we need a quickened con- science among our people, expressing itself in bold print and courageous speech. Mis- Sissippi cannot take the slander of loose tongues much longer and retain her SBelf- respect. Don’t you think we have been kicked around enough?” To which every Mississippian worthy of the name will add a hearty “Amen!” but editor Ned Lee goes further. “Wit and words,” thinks editor Lee, “are not enough.” A real fight to the finish is what we must have. And he proposed to begin that fight by cutting from his paper such mud-sling- ers at Mississippi as Walter Winchell, whoso column he has carried for many years. ° And he added, “In connection, we heard a local lady say that never in all the rest of her days will she use again a certain hand lotion long associated with the name of this South- hating and South-insulting, reckless, un- thinking, and ignorant columnist-radio commentator.” The lady is doubtless right. As long as we take the comments of men like Winchell and continue to buy the products they spon- sor, those sponsors will continue to let them go on spreading poison. But if sales slumped, the sponsor would soon cause Mr. Winchell and ‘iis ilk to pull in their fangs. We're not posseased of a vindictive spirit but we are inclined to agree with Editor Lee that the fight must be carried on in every Mississippi home. If we analyzed the South haters and refused the products they boost, we might hear a different story from them. Moreover, it’s high time some of us went into other States and told of some of the horrible things we could find there. For in- stance, New York slums could be described in the minutest detail, and we could keep harping on it until every State in the Union was conscious of the filth and insanitary condition of the average New York slum dis- ct. Every State in the Union has its weak points. We are not alone. The trouble with us is that we're too busy trying to clean up our own yard to tend to those of our ais- ter States—but they're never too busy to pop over and tell us how to manage ours, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD National Scheel Health Services Act of 1947 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EVAN HOWELL oF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSB OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. HOWELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL Record a summary of the National School Health Services bill, which I have proposed in legislation introduced in the House today. The summary follows: The Federal Security Administrator, through the United States Children’s Bureau, as authorized by title V of the Social Secur- ity Act, now makes grants to the States for the purpose of extending and improving (1) maternal and child-health services, (2) serv- ices for crippled children, and (8) child- welfare services. This proposed bill would establish a new grant-in-aid program for (4) school health services. School health services consist, in the main, of periodic schoo! health examinations to discover physi- cal and mental defects, and preventive and corrective services rendered by physicians, dentists, nurses, and mental hygiene special- ists. PURPOSE The basic purpose of this bill is best ex- pressed by its section 2 which consists of a proposed declaration of policy by the Con- gress: “The Congress hereby declares that in order that no American child shall come to adult life with physical or mental defects or con- ditions which can be prevented or corrected at an early age, it shall be the national policy to provide assistance to the several States to enable them to establish and develop school health services for the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of physical and mental defects and conditions of school children, with spe- cial reference to the correction of defects and conditions likely to interfere with the normal growth and development and educational progress of children. Such school health services shall utilize and develop, insofar as feasible, the qualified public health, medical, dental and hospital facilities already estab- lished in each community.” In respect to treatment of physical and mental defects found, the bill specifies that this shall be provided especially in rural areas and areas suffering from severe economic dis- tress. The bill further specifies that funds may also be used for the training and super- vision of school personnel in utilizing the findings of health examinations, but excludes health instruction other than that given as part of examination, diagnosis or corrective procedures. STATES WILL DETERMINE PROGRAM This bill would apply to the problem of establishing and strengthening school health services, the same general pattern of Fed- eral-State cooperation that has worked so successfully in improving maternal and child health services, services for crippled chil- dren, and public child welfare services. Un- der this bill the States rather than the Fed- eral Government would determine how they want to and can provide school health serv- ices. On the State level the program would be administered as provided by State law either by the State health agency or the State education agency, or jointly by these two Btate agencies, with the advice of a State advisory committee of representa- tives of public and private cone cerned with health, education, and child wel- fare, and the public at large. Each State
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD would determine how the health and edu- cation authorities will cooperate in making available all health services to school chil- dren provided for in the bill. Each State would draw up its own plan, according to its own needs. FINANCING For the fiscal year commencing July 1, 1947, $12,000,000 is authorized to be appro- priated. 'For the fiscal year commencing July 1, 1948, $18,000,000 would be appro- priated, and for each succeeding fiscal year such sums as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of the act. 1, Half of the sum made available for allot- ment to the States each year would be ap- portioned among the States as follows: $20,- 000 to each State and the balance on the basis of the number of children between the ages of 6 and 17, inclusive. This amount would be matched dollar for dollar. 2. Half of the sum made available for allotment to the States each year would be apportioned according to the financial need of each State for assistance in carrying out its State plan after consideration of the number of children between the ages of 5 and 17, inclusive. These funds would not be matched. 3. Of the sum appropriated each year, $2,000,000 or 10 percent of the sum appro- priated, whichever is greater, would be avail- able to enable the Children's Bureau to ad- minister and to provide demonstrations, to pay salaries and expenses of personnel de- tailed at the request of State agencies to assist them in carrying out this program, and for the training of personnel for State and local school health services, through grants to accredited schools of public health or other professional institutions. APPROVAL OF STATE PLANS The Chief of the Children’s Bureau is required to approve any State plan for ex- penditure of these funds which meets the following conditions: (1) Financial partici- pation by the State. (2) Administration or supervision of the plan by either the State health agency or the State educa- tion agency, or jointly by these two State agencies, (3) The plan must be con- curred in by both the State health and the State education agencies. (4) Such methods of administration as are necessary for the proper and efficient operation of the plan, including maintenance of personnel standards and selection on a merit basis. (5) Provision for necessary reports and pro- vision for carrying out the stated purposes of the act. (6) Provision for cooperation with medical, dental, health, nursing, edu- cation, and welfare groups and organizations in the State, and where necessary for work- ing agreements with State or local public agencies having authority under State law for the care of crippled or otherwise physi- Cally handicapped children, or for other necessary health services. (7) Provision for the designation of a State Advisory Commit- tee to include representatives of nongovern- ment organizations or groups, and of State agencies, concerned with health, education, and child welfare, and the public at large, to consult with the State agency in carry- ing out the State plan. (8) Provide that the health services described in the State plan shall be available to children without regard to race, color, creed, or nationality, on a basis that is equitable in view of need for services. The Chief of the Children’s Bureau, acting with the advice of a School Health Services Board composed of himself as chairman, the Commissioner of Education, and the Surgeon General of the Public Health Service, shall approve any plan which fulfills the condi- tion specified above, except that if a State plan, or any portion thereof, is to be ad- ministered by a State education agency it shall not be approved by the Chief of the Children’s Bureau unless the plan, or such portion of it, shall have been approved by the Commiseioner of Education. A National Advisory Committee for School Health Services, consisting of 12 members, shall be appointed by the Federal Security Administrator on recommendation of the Chief of the Children’s Bureau, the Com- missioner of Education, and the Surgeon General of the Public Health Service. The members must be persons representative of the fields of health, education, and child wel- fare, and the public at large, one-half of whom shall be selected from panels of at least five names by representative national organ- izations, and at least three members shall be doctors of medicine and at least one a doctor of dental surgery. FEDERAL ADMINISTRATION With the advice of the School Health Services Board and the National Advjsory Committee, the Federal Security Adminis- trator shall administrate this act through the Children’s Bureau, except that he shall utilize the services of the Office of Education in matters involving State education agen- cies and in matters pertaining to the train- ing and supervision of school personnel. The Chief of the Children’s Bureau must consult State health and education authorities be- fore issuing regulations with respect to grants to States and in matters of general policy with the advice of the National Advis- ory Committee, and insofar as possible to ob- tain their agreement. The Chief of the Children’s Bureau is authorized to provide demonstrations and for the training of per- sonnel for State and local school health services, and to detail technical staff upon the request of the State agency for consulta- tion, advice, and assistance to the State and its local communities in planning, organiz- ing, and improving school health services for the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of Physical and mental defects and conditions likely to interfere with the normal growth and development and educational progress of school children. Orderly Debt Reduction EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY 0. TALLE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. TALLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following resolution adopted by the Senate and House of the Fifty- second General Assembly of Iowa: Senate Concurrent Resolution 13 Whereas the national debt remains at one of the highest amounts in our history; and Whereas it is the universal desire of all citizens that we adopt a national fiscal policy which will provide for an orderly liquidation of the national debt, eliminate deficit spend- ing, and place the National Government on @ pay-as-you-go basis; and ‘Whereas the senior Senator from Iowa, the Honorable Grorcz A, WILSON, has introduced Senate Concurrent Resolution 5 in the Sen- ate of the United States, which said resolu- tion will result in the aforesaid objective: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the senate (the house concur- ring), That the Congress of the United States is respectfully requested to give early and favorable consideration to Senate Concurrent Resolution 6; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be transmitted to the President of the United A573 States, to the Iowa Members of the United States Senate, to the Iowa Members of the House of Representatives in Congress, to the chairmen of the Committee on Ways and Means and the Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives, and the chairmen of the Committee on Finance and the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate. ALDEN L. Dovp. JAY C. COLBURN, HERMAN M. KNupson. We, Kenneth A. Evans, Lieutenant Gov- ernor of Iowa, and W. J. Scarborough, secre- tary of the senate, hereby certify that the above and foregoing resolution was adopted by the Senate and House of the Fifty-second General Assembly of Iowa. KENNETH A. EVANS, Lieutenant Governor of Iowa. W. J. SCARBOROUGH, Secretary of the Senate, Extension of Authority of United States Maritime Commission EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIS W. BRADLEY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 17, 1947 Mr. BRADLEY of California. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing resolution of the city council of the city of Long Beach requesting that the Congress of the United States im- mediately enact legislation extending the authority of the United States Maritime Commission to continue the operation of coastwise and intercoastal water freight services beyond March 1, 1947: Whereas the city of Long Beach has ex- pended millions of dollars in developing and expanding the harbor and port facilities that serve this community; and Whereas the industrial facilities of this community, now reconverting from a war to a peacetime operation require every advan- tage in service needed for the transporta- tion of raw materials and finished products; and Whereas this community 1s suffering from & severe housing shortage which can only be remedied by a steady flow of building ma- terials; and Whereas thousands of local citizens are now employed by and receiving wages from the waterborne shipping industry and other industries dependent on it; and Whereas the activity and prosperity of Long Beach's harbor facilities must in great measure depend on a continuing and expand- ing coastal and intercoastal steamship serv- ice; and Whereas the industrial facilities in this community must look to coastal and inter- coastal water services for many of their sup- plies of raw materials and as an expeditious and economic means of transporting finished products and goods to other markets; and Whereas lumber and other vitally needed building materials are now being transported to this area by coastal and interconstal water traffic; and Whereas any reduction or cessation of coastal and intercoastal water freight services will eliminate work opportunities for thou- sands of our citizens as well as seriously dis- rupt local manufacturing facilities and serve as a decided set-back in our activities to solve our housing problems; and