APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. It's like Pa says, “You can’t run a ship with- out a good captain.’ I don't know how these stories get started. “But I know one thing, Mom, when I get old enough to vote I'm sure going to be care- ful who I send to Washington, “Love to everybody, and don't worry; I feel fine, “Your loving son, “Ben.” Editorial Comment on Address by Ex- President Hoover EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 3), 1951 Mr.. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have ;-rinted in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial en- titled “Invitation to Disaster,” published in Washington, D, C., Sunday Star of December 24, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: INVITATION TO DISASTER The fact that Secretary Acheson has seen fit to call upon the National Security Coun- cil as @ rebuttal witness is a measure of the seriousness with which the administration views Herbert Hoover's call for a retreat from Western Europe. (The Security Council says such a retreat could lead only to surrender or defeat.) Mr. Acheson and the others have good rea- son to be deeply concerned with the Hoover apeech, For it was an appealing statement— @ speech which was bound to evoke a warm and enthusiastic response from millions of Americans. But it was also a speech which may wel] have contained within tt the seeds of our own destruction, and it is proper, therefore, to examine and reexamine it. When Mr. Hoover said that he spoke “with a sense of deep responsibility,” he was wholly sincere. He has passed that point in life when men may be tempted by some hope of personal advantage, when partisanship seems worth while merely for the sake of partisan- ship. In the Star's opinion, Mr. Hoover spoke as an American citizen whose sole concern im these dark times is to serve the best inter- ests of his country. Nevertheless, this news- paper belteves that the course which the former President has advocated le a course which, tf followed at this time, can lead us only to disaster. When the speech is boiled down to its es- sence, Mr. Hoover 1s saying that we should pull back from Europe unless the western Buropeans build for themselves a defense capable of turning back a Russian attack. If anything is certain, it is that Burope, with- out our vigorous assistance and support, will never erect such a defense. And the alterna- tive in Mir. Hoover's opinion, is to arm our- selves to the teeth and maintain our own defense, with the Atlantic and the Pacific as our outward bastions. The firet trouble with the advocacy of such a point of view is that it tends to frighten the Europeans into doing Without our help, they cannot and will not fight in any effective manner. HM they do not Sight, if they do not erect what Mr, Hoover calls sure dam against Communist aggresston, the overwhelming probability ts that Russia will take over Western Europe. What then? Mr. Hoover does not advocate that we fight in such an eventuality, but rather that, while pursuing our own rearmament, we adopt a wait-and-see policy. What we should expect to see is a Ruasian exploitation and development of the skilled manpower and the industrial resources of Western Europe. Instead of having 160,000,- 000 yeople alined with us, they would be working for the Russians. Mr. Hoover says there is no more danger that the Russians could invade Washington than that we, with land armies, could reach Moscow. That is quite true. But what about the ability of Russia, once the resources of Western Europe are at her disposal, to launch an all-out, devastating atomic attack on this country? All that Mr, Hoover says on this point is that the atomic bomb tis 4 far less dominant weapon than {t was once thought to be. Maybe so, But the prospect of living for an indefinite future under the constant dread of an overpowering atomic attack is not an attractive one. At best it leaves with the enemy the initiative, the choice of the time and means of attack. And at worst, it in- vites the prospect that this country might be destroyed without any effective chance to fight back. Mr. Hoover seems to think that his pro- posal offers hope, after the initial prepara- tion, of reduced expenditures, a balanced budget, and freedom from the dangers of inflation and economic degradation. The Btar fears that this is the sheerest wishful tLinking. We would be faced, for one thing, with a loss of our foreign trade. That might not be too important. What is im- portant is that, as the Russians increased their military strength after the conquest of Western Europe, we would have to in- crease ours. We would never reach the point where we could sit back and say that we are strong enough, that we do not need more and newer weapons. Instead, we would have to live indefinitely in an armed camp, and that, even without actual war, would sap our resources, cancel out our freedoms, and, finally, bring on the economic degradation against which Mr, Hoover warns. Mr. Hoover cautions in eloquent terms againet appeasement. But that which he proposes actually would be the greatest act of appeasement of all. It is true that if Western Europe does not take every possible step to insure its own defense, we probably will have to fall back to the line which Mr. Hoover wants us to occupy. But it would be a ghastly rfilstake to beat such retreat unless and until! it becomes clearly necessary. The sensible thing for us to do is to try by every feasible means to encourage and help the Europeans to stand up to the common enemy. If they refuse to do that, then we must fall back. But let us not abandon this battle until we have really tried to fight it. Many of the people who respond favorably to Mr. Hoover's counsel are also admirers of General MacArthur. Perhaps this is a good time to recall some advice that he has given. More than a decade ago, when another ruthless enemy threatened the civilized world, General MacArthur wrote to a friend: “The history of failure in war can almost be summed up in two words, ‘too late'—too late in comprehending the deadly purpose of # potential enemy; too late in realizing the mortal danger; too late in preparedness; too late in uniting all possible forces for resistance; too Inte in standing with one's friends.” That is the advice of one of our ablest military comomanders. So let us not be too quick to abandon our friends and prospective allies in favor of standing alone, A4l Russia’s Plan for World Conquest EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ZALES N. ECTON OF MONTANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 3), 1951 Mr. ECTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Russia's Plan for World Con- quest,” written by Joseph Stalin, with introductory comments by the editors of Coronet as printed in the January 1951 issue of that magazine. This article gives the Russian dictator’s nine-point program for world conquest as revealed by his recorded writings in the archives of the National War College in Washing- ton, D.C. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorn, as follows: Russia's Prawn ror Wortp Conquest (By Joseph Stalin) (Just like Adolf Hitler, the dictator of So- viet Russia has a carefully prepared plan for winning world supremacy. And just as Hit- ler did in his notorious book, Mein Kampf, so has Joseph Stalin written, in clear and unmistakable words, his blueprint for ag- gressive conquest—the Communist blueprint that is belng followed, down to the smallest detail, in the Far East and elsewhere around the globe. Ironically, however, few people in the United States have taken the trouble to explore Stalin’s writings and weigh their significance to the citizens of a free world. In order that there be no further unaware- ness of his long-range aims for the forcible spread of communism, here is the Russian Dictator’s nine-point program for world con- quest, taken from his recorded writings, which are now on file in the Stalin Archives of the National War College in Washington, D.C, Sentences in brackets have been in- serted throughout the article in order to point up Stalin’s plan fn the light of today's criti- cal events.—Tuxr Epirors) Now that the Soviet Union has become a major power, the world is severed into two camps. The capitalist world is being dia~ integrated by internal antagonisms which are paralyzing it; on the other hand, our Socialist world 1s steadily growing stronger. Lenin told ue that once the Communist Party triumphed tn our own land, the epoch of world revolution would begin, an epoch full of confitcts and wars, of victories and defeate—an epoch which would, in the end, lead to victory over the chief capitalistic countries. This epoch covers a strategic period of years or even decades. In the course of this pe- riod, there must occur ebbs and flows in the revolutionary tide. The Communist revolution does not de- velop along a continuous and upward line, but slong a zig-zag path, by means of for- ward and backward marches. Our possi- bilities of success depend upon the relative strengthe and weaknesses of friends and enemies abroad. The weaknesses of the capitalistic world which we can use gre its insuperable antag- onlams—antagonisms which dominate the whole internationa] situation. The first group of antagontems consists of those between the workers and the middle
A42 class in the capitalist countries; the second consists of those between imperialism and the liberation movement in colonies and de- pendent countries; the third consists of those between the war victors and the conquered countries; the fourth consists of those which have arisen among the victorious states; the fifth consists of those which have developed between the U. &. 8. BR. and the capitalist countries as a whole. The trend of our foreign policy is deter- mined by the conflicts and antagonisms of these five groups. x {The Korean war offers convincing proof that Soviet Russia hag a long-range plan for attacking capitalism through its weakest point—the Far East.) In 1917 the weakest part of the capitalist world front was Russia, Where is the front breakable next? Again at the weakest point. In Indla there are young and combative rev- olutionaries allie] with the powerful move- ment for liberation, The forces of the revo- lutionary movement in China are immeas- urable. They have not yet come into any- thing like full operation, but the future will show how vast they are. The immediate task confronting the revo- lutionary movement in colonial lends {8 (1) to win over the best elements among the workers to communism and to form inde- pendent Communist Parties; (2) to set up a nationalist and revolutionary coalition of workers, peasants, and revolutionary intel- lectuals; and (3) to guarantee that leader- ship of the revolutionary coalition shall be in the hands of the workers. It is obvious that each of these countries will need separate treatment. We must study all the special characteristics of the revolu- tionary development in these lands, and must educate the students from these coun- tries in such a way as to be sure they will fulfill all the tasks assigned to them. bog {Even though America is investing billions in Europe under the Marshall plan, Russia is convinced that capitalism abroad will in- evitably collapse. } Our country, a vast domain with very ex- tensive mark@s and enormous supplies of raw materials, has been detached from the capitalist system. The loss of one-sixth of the world signified for capitalist Europe a restriction of production and a profound dis- turbance, Meanwhile, the European powers are threatened with the loss of their most important hinterland, the colonies. Europe has been compelled to increase the burden of taxation, and to make the condi- tion of the workers much worse than before. The temporary stabilization of capitalism has been mainly effected with the aid of United States capital. The European coun- tries, while continuing to exploit their own colonies, have themselves become financially Gependent upon the United States. Thus, the center of financial power in the capital- ist world has been shifted from Europe to America. ™m (The recent history of internecine labor warfare in the United States reveals how cleverly Communist agents use unions to achieve their revolutionary aims.] No country can, in these times, carry on war without the workers. If workers refuse to make war against our Soviet Republic, then such war becomes impossible, Communists must go into the untons, work fn them for & or mora years if necessary— to it that every Communist, without ex- peption, becomes a member of an appropriate “union, there to work patiently and eystematically for the solidarity of the work- ing class in its fight against capitalism. @ support of our revolution by the work- ers of all lands, and, even more, by the vice tory of workers in a few countries at least, are indispensable preliminaries without which the final triumph of socialism cannot be assured. Should an attack on Russia materialize, we should be prepared to use every and any means in order to open the floodgates of revolution throughout the world, rallying the workers of capitalist coun- tries and the people of colonial lands to the aid of the Soviet Unton. Iv [The fact that Communists try to take over American liberal organizations is not an accident; it is all part of Stalin’s master plan.] How wil) we bring the masses of a nation into the Communist program? We have fashioned a number of organizations without which we could not wage war on capitalism: Trade unions, cooperatives, workshop com- mittees, labor parties, women’s associations, @ labor press, educational leagues, youth s0- cieties. As often as not, these are nonparty or- ganizations and only @ certain proportion of them are linked with the party. But un- der special conditions, every one of these organizations is necessary; for, lacking them, it is impossible to consolidate the class po- sitions of the workers in the various spheres of the struggle. There is a veritable ant heap of independ- ent organizations, commissions, and com- mittees comprising millions of nonparty members. Who decides upon the direction that all these organizations take? Where is the central unit of organization that wields sufficient authority to keep them within pre- scribed lines in order to achieve unity of command and to avoid confusion? The central unit is the Communist Party. Vv (Communists are always eager to support political “reforms,” but their real purpose is not reform but the capture of America’s ap- paratus of government. ] Among the masses of the people, we Com- munists, as Lenin said, are but drops in the ocean. We have a style of work that is pe- cullar to the practice of Leninism; it creates a special type of worker, a special type of party or state official, a special kind of style in public office. Our task is to assign party members to the key points in the state apparatus, and to see to it that the apparatus is thus subjected to party leadership. For the revolutionist, the revolution 1s everything, and “reforms” are only a means to an end. What we are concerned with are not the reforms, but the uses they can be put to. A revolutionist may sponsor a “re- form" because he sees in it a means for links ing up constitutional action with unconsti- tutional actlon—because he feels he can make use of it as a screen behind which he can strengthen his secret work. 29 {The natural radicalism of America's younger people, especially students, makes them a major target for Communist in- doctrination and manipulation.) What is our youth technique? It is the education of young workers and young farmers in the spirit of Leniniam, strength- ening their conviction that our workers’ state is the base from which the revolution in all countries will develop, Young people must be inspired with confidence in the lead- ership of the Communist Party of Russia. Young Communists must be active in all domaing of socialist construction work—in industry, agriculture, cooperatives, educa- tional organizations, and the like. It is es- sentia] that the young folk should learn that our revolution not be regarded as an end in itself, but as a means toward the victory of the proletarian revolution in all lands. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD vir [The Communists encourage both monop- olies and cooperatives under capitalism, be- cause they can be more easily socialized than individual enterprises.] The measures for strengthening socialism are: State monopoly of foreign trade, agri- cultural taxes, state purchase and sale of agricultural production, and an all-embrac- ing plan for nationalization of industry, transport, and credit. The state and the cooperatives, as well as the capitalists, are “traders,” and when they have learned how to trade, they will get the upper hand over private trade (they are do- ing so already). Those who cannot under- stand this are not Leninists but lberals. Great banks, as Lenin has said, are the state apparatus which we need for the realization of socialism, and which we take over ready-made from capitalism. When we do so, a unified state bank of the most com- prehensive kind, with branches in every dis- trict and factory, will control production as well as distribution of products. No, we are not Nberals. We put the in- terest of the party above the interests of formal democracy. For us Communists, formal democracy is a trifle. vii [The performance of the Soviet delegates at the United Nations is proof of how Russia likes to talk about peace, while actually pro- moting aggression. ] We Communists create slogans for the masses. Treaties embodying fresh groupings of forces with an eye to war are termed “peace treaties.” The signing of them is al- ways effected to the accompaniment of the pipings of peaceful alliances, Our prepara- tions for a war are conducted under cover of paeans to peace. The opposition will not accept our proposals: that shows how genu- ine is their love of peace. The Peace of Brest-Litovsk ? is 8 model in- stance of this strategy. This peace enabled the party to take advantage of the discus- sions, to disintegrate the enemy forces, and to gather strength for an attack on the White Russians. Even the dullest have now come to see that the Peace of Brest-Litovsk was & concession Which strengthened us while it wrecked the forces of international Capitalism. x [In Stalin’s blueprint, war between Russia and tle capitalistic world is inevitable: the only thing left to chance is the actual date of hostilities. ] As Lenin has said, a terrible clash between Soviet Russia and the capitalist states must inevitably occur. The forces of united capi- talism and all their military technique are a mighty power, a very real power. Therefore ‘we must try to take the enemy by surprise, seize a moment when his forces are dispersed. .We may consider that the time is ripe for the decisive struggle when all the class forces arrayed against us are in a state of confusion; when all are sufficiently embroiled with each other and have been sufficiently weakened in combats; when all the vacillating elements have exposed themselves before the people and paraded their utter bankruptcy. The ruling classes must be in the throes of a major government crisis, so that the govern- ment 1s so enfeebled the revolutionists can speedily overthrow it. It is inconceivable, as Lenin has written, that the Soviet Republic should continue to exist side by side with capitalist states. 1The Treaty of Brest-Litovak was signed March 8, 1918, between the new Bolshevik Government and the Central Powers (Ger- many, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and Bul- garia) at Brest-Litovak, Poland, and marked the withdrawal of Russia from World War I.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD al i Fei Bed H 832 ta of communism is that nothing is left Republic T uniamnemeend EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 3), 1951 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mh. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp & very pro- vocative editorial published in the New Yorker of December 30, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Year's end and year's beginning are the game moment in time, The lack of a decent interval at midnight never fails to produce a feeling of headlong and unrelieved adven- ture; the moment is completely elusive, has no reality. You could strike a gong, but the waves of sound would belong fractionally eithe: to 1950 or to 1061. The in-between is soundless. Even a kiss is impossible to man- age between years, and always takes place in etther the long past or the uncertain future, or extends from one to the other. At the end of the windy year 1080, we are giad to report that the young tree that took hold and grew on the stone coping ouside our window, well above ground and with only odds and ends for soil, withstood the hurrt- cane; several nearby television antennas, with a much greater outward show of firm- ness, went down before the blast, It was « matter of being correctly rooted. On awakening the other morning, we found fn our Tribune an article by the brothers Alsop headed “Decline of this Republic,” but after reading the article we did not think the headline fitted, or that the Republic is in a decline, or that such a headline serves & good p e. The article should bave been called Queer Goings On in Senate and House Regarding Acheson, or some such. The Aleops found that the bloodthirsty activ- ities of the Republicans indicated a decay of American politics. But it seems to us that a Republic is not necessarily declining because a faction is busy trying to pry @ public servant looge from hia job. The govern- ments that are in a serious decline, always, are those that do not possess either the ma- chinery or the will to correct and alter their leadership and whose Secretaries of State are held safe against criticism. There lies the real decay. Name us the number of years @ dictator has been in power and we will mame you the number of years his regime hag been in decline. A Republic like ours may, and often does, show tremendous con- fusion under stress and make colossal blund- ers, but it is the confusion of free cholce and apeech, and this is not decline but steady (though tumultuous) ascent. ‘We look for 8 continued ascent of this Republic during the 1961. rerhe headline of decadence is repeated in ‘press and radio every day. It is an unneces- sary additional burden that we saddle our- selves with. For 3061, .ve recommend that publishers ask their copy desks not to over-~ write and ask thelr comment ‘ors for great accuracy and a philosophical stance. Go many things that seem new are old. The Republicans want Acheson's head because of the need for a ecapegost—one of the earliest of cravings. Politically, this ts annoying and aboriginal, but not decadent. We shall pre- sumably always have a few early men in Congress, as in any well-run museum. Por ourself we shell resolve not to over- write in the New Year, and to defend and exalt those principles and quirks that have carried the Nation slowly up the long hill since it started: ifs gaiety, its resilience, its diversity, its tolerance of the divergent or the harassing idea, its respect for all men. Who is to say we are not greatly ascendant still? Because of fear Americans have lately compromised their essential position—have published blacklists, have permitted legisla- tive committees to presuppose what is “American,” have watched them hang inno- cent men and women an the gallows of the newspaper headline, have winked at the meddling of Congresamen in the conduct of the movies, have made the natural loyalty of the citizen ever so much more difficult by removing loyalty itself from the realm of free choice, have hinted that jobs belong chiefly to the confessed orthodox. For us 1950 will be memorable above all other years because it was the year we once found our- self hesitating to throw something in the wastebasket, from a flecting dread that it might be seen and misconstrued. In that one blinding moment of hesitation the fresh alr of America suddenly seemed contamil- nated with evil. The incident was absurd, and the feeling passed, but nothing ts quite absurd that happens. Insofar as orthodoxy has gained strength, our republic has lost atrength. But the loss is neither irreparable nor unusual. It is the product of war clouds—a sort of terrible mist that gathers. Luckily, many of our strongest skippers see through it. For 1951 we wish our readers health, faith, the sure eye that sees through mists, and the pa- tience and muscle for the ascent of the most beautiful bill there is. Voice of America Programs Regarding Christmas Observance Throughout the United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 5 (legtslative day of Wednesday, January 3), 1951 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I was very glad to receive from the Office of the Assistant Secretary of State for Pub- lic Affairs, the Honorable Edward Bar- rett, a release describing Voice of Amer- ica programs to the world on the subject of Christmas observance throughout the United States. I am perfectly delighted to note this splendid subject matter of the Voice of , because it has long and in articles and releases, that it is by utilizing the vital power of sptritual light and truth that we can best contact Ad3 the masses of the world. In other words, we have in dynamic Christianity the finest possible basis on which to antidote the efforts of the fanatic and godiess Communist philosophy. . These beamed by Christmas programs the Voice of America apparently well re- flected the diverse approaches with which the various Christten faiths ap- proach the Christmas holiday and the @iversity in which various nationality groups similarly approach that inspiring occasion. I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the text of the State Department release on this subject. There being no objection, the release was ordered to be printed in the Rscorp, as follows: The Voice of America will give listeners around the world a full picture of Christmas observance in the United States, the De- partment of State disclosed today. Throughout the holiday week end special Christmas programs of music and features will be beamed in a score of languages to Latin America, the Near East, and to both sides of the iron curtain in Europe and Asia. in the English service, programs will in- clude the annual Christmas message by the President, traditional music by the Trinity Choir, sidelights of Christmas observances throughout the United States, documentary on American Yuletide celebration, music by American composers and vocalists, and dramatization of the Bible story. Broadcasts in Arabto will include a state~ Ment by Mayor Issa Bey Bandak, of Bethle- hem, special music, and a feature describing Christmas in America. To Austria the Voice of America will broad. cast greetings from Cardinal Spellman, Bruno Walter, Rudolf Bing, Mayor Impellit- teri, and the Austrian Minister, Dr. Klein- wacchter; Christmas songs, greetings from Austrian exchange students now in the United States, a Christmas story, dramatiza- tion of The Littlest Angel by Tazewell, and a Ohristmas talk by Koganovsky. Special music and features will be broad- cast to Bulgeria, with additional programs scheduled on January 7, the date on which Christmas is observed in Bulgaria. Broadcasts to Czechoslovakia will include interviews with Americans of Czech and Slovak origin, as well as specia] music and stories, a 15-minute recording from Bethie- hem, Pa., and a feature of the observance of Christmas by displaced persons in the United States. To France, the Voice of America will broad~ cast carols by the Barnard College Choir, special events from around New York, a cross-country montage stressing the religious aspects of Christmas, and special muastc. German programe will include a dramatiza- tion of The Little Ange! Without a Name, carols by the New York Liederkrang Choir, and a Ohristmas question-and-answer feature. The Hungarian broadcasts will include special Christmas messages by Msgr. Fulton Sheen and the Reverend Semuel Shoe- maker; Hungarian Christmas Mass held by Monaignor Mihalovics, Christmas songs by the Hungartan Displaced Peraons Children's Chotr of Bethlen Home, Ligonier, Pa., and a feature on Oardinal Mindszanty, including his last pastoral letter, on December 26, the gecond anniversary of his arrest. , Ttallan broadcasts will feature Christmas stories, special event recordings from the Italian colony at Stamford, Oonn.,, an American farm, Bethlehem, Pa., and New York; Christmas dramatizations and muatc. Broadvtaste to Poland will feature invoca- tion by the Right Reverend Felix Burant,
AMA Christmas music and features, a Yule puppet show, and a dramatic presentation of Christ- mas in modern Bethlehem. Rumanian programs will include a message from the Reverend Vasile Hategan and spe- cial features. To the Soviet Union, the Voice of America will broadcast a message by the Right Rev- erend Bishop John, of the Russian Orthodox Church of Brooklyn, features on Christmas in America, and church music by the Rus- sian Metropolitan Choir, and the Capella Chotr, Broadcasts to Yugoslavia will include a dramatized musical program and features on Christmas observance by Americans of Croat, Slovene, and Serbian origin, with music by orchestras of Detroit, Pittsburgh, and Chicago. Programs for Spain will feature Christmas narration, greetings, and music, Ukrainian programs will include a state- ment by Archbishop Mastylav, of the Greek Orthodox Church of Philadelphia, carols, and a Christmas sketch. To Latin America, the Voice of America will broadcast special features and mustc in Spanish, Portuguese, and English. The Greek broadcasts will include two dramatic presentations and special Christ- mas features The Turkish program will feature a sketch of a Christmas visit to an American home by a Turkish student. To the Far East, the Voice of America will broadcast Christmas music, dramatizations and features in English, Indonesian, Korean, and Vietnamese. Do We Abandon Rome? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEVERETT SALTONSTALL OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 3), 1951 Mr, SALTONSTALL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “Do We Abandon Rome?” published in the Pilot, of Boston, Mass., on December 30, 1950, as a reprint from the Boston Herald of December 22, 1950, on the subject of the Hoover speech con- cerning Europe. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The following editorial is reprinted from the Boston Herald of December 22, 1950: “Do We ABANDON ROME? “What is this Europe that Kennedy and Hoover are willing to write off? It is 800,- 000,000 people. It is the mining and indus- trial facilities of the Ruhr, the wine of France, the cheeses of Holland, the olives of Italy. It ts the Alps and the Riviera. It is the railroads and highways, farms and fac- tories and schools, It is the Louvre and the canals of Venice. “All these are tangible things. They can in a rough way be weighed against the cal- culated risk of American forces thrown into their defense. “But what of the intangible things, the oulture that is Europe’s and that was our source? What specifically, of the Catholic Church? “If communism takes over Italy, the Holy Gee will suffer a far worse fate than it aid under fascism. Mussolini at least gave lip service to the church; communism is a new, intolerant atheism, with an old and unap~ peasable hatred for catholicism. “The church would, of course, survive, But what of her millions of communicants? The church has outlived many tyrants and will outlive many others. But the loss of Rome would be an unthinkable tragedy, not alone for Catholics, but for everyone throughout the world who stands in danger of communism. With all its great spiritual and temporal powers, the church has fought the world’s great fight. Whether we are Catholics or not, it is here our mighty ally. “Tt is difficult to believe that the Kennedy- Hoover-Hearet school has given full appre- elation to the implications of the surrender of Europe to Stalin's hordes. Europe is more than people or geography or works of man. It ts the civilization from which we sprang; it 1s the faith in the dignity and freedom of man." TTR Excess-Profits Tax EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH C. O’MAHONEY OF WYOMING IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 3), 1951 Mr. O'MAHONEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent, by request, that there may be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a discussion of the excess- profits tax, which took place on the American Foruin of the Air on December 10, 1950. There being no objection, the discus- sion was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Excess-Prorits Tax (By Senator Josep# C, O’'MaHonEry, Demo- crat of Wyoming; Dr. Allen B. DuMont, president, DuMont Television Co.; Theo- dore Granik, founder and moderator, the American Forum of the Air) Announcer. Should we have an excess profits tax? The National Broadcasting Co. presents the American Forum of the Air, founded 22 years ago by Theodore Granik, and dedi- cated to the full and public discussion of all sides of all issues, coming to you from the continental room of the Wardman Park Hotel in Washington, D. C. Now, here is your moderator, Theodore Granik. Chairman Granix. On Tuesday of this week, the House passed the excess-profits-tax bill. It is now awaiting report to the Sen- ate from its Finance Committee. Designed to curb “windfall” profits related directly or indirectly to the defense program and to produce at least $8,000,000,000 an- nually in new revenue, the bill calls for a 75-percent tax on corporation earnings clas- sifled as excessive. It would be retroactive to July 1. . Proponents of the measure say it is in- tended to reap money for defense, ease in- flationary pressures, and take extraordinary profits out of war. Opponents, however, have denounced ex- cess-profits taxation as “an evil brew of inequity, exception, exemption, and privi- lege.” So the American Forum of the Air has invited two outstanding authorities on the subject to give us their views. Senator Josrrx C, O'MaHoney, Democrat of Wyo- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ming, chairman of the Joint Economic Com- mittee, one of the original sponsors of the proposal, and Dr. Allen B. DuMont, president of the Allen B. DuMont Laboratories, Inc., and chairman of the National Conference of Growth Companies. Senator O’MaHoNEY, how does an excess- profits tax take the profits out of war? Senator O’MAHONEY. Let me first say, Mr. Granik, that the bill passed by the House of Representatives will not take the profits out of war. That is a weak and timid bill. It proposes, as you have just said, to raise about $3,000,000,000 in revenue. In 1044 the World War IT tax bill raised about 610,000,000,000 in a single year. The excess-profits-tax principle, in my Judgment, ig misnamed. It should be called a high- profits tax. If I can show your radio and television audience the chart which I have brought here this afternoon, I think it will demon- strate precisely what I mean. Mr. Granix. Senator, do you want to show the chart? Senator O’MAHONEY. Here we have a chart which shows corporate profits, taxes, and dividends from 1939 to 1950. Back in 1939, corporate profits before taxes amounted to a little over 85,000,000,000. During the war, in spite of the excess-profits tax, they rose to $25,000,000,000. After the reconversion Period, following World War II, corporate profits before taxes reached a peak of $35,- 000,000,000 in 1948. And now they are bal- looning to 642,000,000,000 in the third quar- ter of 1950. Corporate profits for the year 1950 will amount to about 837,000,000,000. Mr. Granix. Let’s hear from Dr. DuMont. Senator O’Mauoney. May I just say this word, Doctor, first? Chairman Granmk. Go ahead. Senator O'Manoney. The profits tax bill which passed the House merely provides that on that portion of the corporate profits about 75 percent of the best 8 years the cor- Pporations have experienced in '46, '47, 48, and 49, shall bear a tax of 75 percent, pro- vided, however, that the total tax shall not exceed 67 percent. Chairman Granix. Dr. DuMont, do you want to use the chart, too? Dr. DuMont. I would just like to com- ment on this chart that Senator O’MaHONEY has shown here. I think tt doesn't really show the condition that exists because dur- ing this period of time, if you want to take 1939, for instance, the corporate income of the United States was $33,000,000,000. Well, we have had an expansion of business since 1939; and instead of the 830,000,000,000 cor- porate income we have, if you take, for in- stance, 1948, $189,000,000,000 of corporate in- come, So that, percentage-wise, this in- crease is not great, If you take a look at it in another way, you will find that, percentage-wise, the divi- dends paid in this perlod were only ¢ percent of the national gross income whereas they were 5 percent here. So that actually your curves should be way up here, and percent- age-wise, this isn’t important. There was one thing that the Senator said that I was very happy to hear him say in that this should really not be called an excese-profits tax, if I get it right. We feel very strongly on that subject because growth companies are going to have to pay an excess- profits tax no matter what they do and they are being penalized for success. But certain- ly it would be very helpful if the designa- tion “excess profits” were taken off the tax— and if Secretary Snyder in proposing it called it a “profits tax” rather than an excess-profits Chairman Granm. Senator, do you agree that growth companies are being penalized for success? Senator O'Manonry. I haven't read the bill as it came from the House yet, because