I 
110TH CONGRESS 
1ST SESSION 
H. R. 770 
To prohibit the use of funds to carry out any covert action for the purpose 
of causing regime change in Iran or to carry out any military action 
against Iran in the absence of an imminent threat, in accordance with 
international law and constitutional and statutory requirements for con-
gressional authorization. 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
JANUARY 31, 2007 
Ms. LEE (for herself, Ms. WOOLSEY, Mr. KUCINICH, Mr. CONYERS, and Ms. 
WATERS) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Com-
mittee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committees on Armed 
Services and Select Intelligence (Permanent Select), for a period to be 
subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration 
of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee con-
cerned 
A BILL 
To prohibit the use of funds to carry out any covert action 
for the purpose of causing regime change in Iran or 
to carry out any military action against Iran in the 
absence of an imminent threat, in accordance with inter-
national law and constitutional and statutory require-
ments for congressional authorization. 
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
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SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 
This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Iran Nuclear Non-
proliferation Act’’. 
SEC. 2. FINDINGS. 
Congress finds the following: 
(1) Numerous bi-partisan commissions and 
study groups, including the Iraq Study Group co- 
chaired by James A. Baker III and Lee H. Ham-
ilton, a 2004 working group established under the 
Council on Foreign Relations and co-chaired by Rob-
ert Gates and Zbigniew Brzezinski, and a 2001 At-
lantic Council of the United States Working Group, 
co-chaired by Lee H. Hamilton, James Schlesinger, 
and Brent Scowcroft have called for various forms of 
dialogue and engagement with Iran in order to 
achieve United States strategic interests in the Mid-
dle East region. 
(2) Implementing effective strategies to deflect 
or deter Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, or 
pursuing the development of nuclear weapons capa-
bilities, is an important United States strategic in-
terest. 
(3) Establishing a diplomatic dialogue with the 
Government of Iran and deepening relationships 
with the Iranian people would help foster greater un-
derstanding between the people of Iran and the peo-
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ple of the United States and would enhance the sta-
bility and security of the Persian Gulf region, includ-
ing by reducing the threat of the proliferation or use 
of nuclear weapons in the region, while advancing 
other United States foreign policy objectives in that 
region. 
(4) The Iraq Study Group Report states 
‘‘Iran’s interests would not be served by a failure of 
U.S. policy that led to chaos and the territorial dis-
integration of the Iraqi state’’, and therefore, the 
Government of the United States should build upon 
this mutual interest to develop a diplomatic dialogue 
with the Government of Iran concerning deterio-
rating conditions in Iraq, which can become a basis 
of broader future United States-Iranian engagement. 
(5) Given the dispersal of Iran’s nuclear pro-
gram at sites throughout the country and their prox-
imity to urban centers, the use of military force 
against Iran would be extraordinarily difficult and 
probably ineffective, the immediate consequences 
and loss of life would be drastic, and the long-term 
instability generated would be against long-term 
United States interests in the region. 
(6) Any military action designed to eliminate 
Iran’s capacity to produce nuclear weapons would 
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run the significant risk of reinforcing and accel-
erating the desire of the Government of Iran to ac-
quire a nuclear deterrent and compounding nation-
alist passions in defense of that very course, and 
would most likely also generate hostile Iranian ini-
tiatives in Iraq and Afghanistan. 
(7) Together, the ongoing efforts of the Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) along with 
corresponding multilateral sanctions recently adopt-
ed by the United Nations Security Council offer a 
viable path for steering Iran’s nuclear efforts along 
peaceful lines, provided that there is close multilat-
eral coordination and steadfastness in the adherence 
to the sanctions and firm United States leadership 
in support of the multilateral effort. 
(8) According to the most definitive United 
States intelligence reports, Iran is likely a decade 
away from acquiring the know-how and material to 
have an option to build a nuclear weapon, and even 
the most pessimistic analysis by outside experts puts 
the timeline at least three years away, assuming 
Iran suffers no setbacks during development, which 
would be unprecedented. 
SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS. 
It is the sense of Congress that— 
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(1) full diplomatic, political, and economic rela-
tions between the United States and Iran cannot be 
normalized unless and until enforceable safeguards 
are put in place to prevent weaponization of Iran’s 
nuclear program and the Government of Iran ends 
its support for international terrorist groups, but the 
attainment of these policy objectives should not con-
stitute preconditions for any diplomatic dialogue; 
and 
(2) no congressional authorization for the use 
of military force in any Act of Congress enacted be-
fore the date of the enactment of this Act con-
stitutes, either implicitly or explicitly, an authoriza-
tion for the use of military force against Iran or its 
nuclear program. 
SEC. 4. STATEMENT OF POLICY. 
It is the policy of the United States not to enter into 
a preemptive war against Iran in the absence of an immi-
nent threat, and then only in accordance with inter-
national law and constitutional and statutory require-
ments for congressional authorization. 
SEC. 5. LIMITATION ON USE OF FUNDS. 
No funds appropriated or otherwise made available 
to the Department of Defense or any other department 
or agency of the Government of the United States may 
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