A210 heavy taxation. He referred specifically to the Brannan plan and socialised medicine, adding “other unsubstantial experiments.” We want to be “a humane, progressive na- tion, but we cannot be big-hearted with money we haven't got.” Expenditures for nonmilitary purposes must be “cut to the bone.” He thinks the best way to help the farmer is not through a “two-pronged threat to the farmer and the taxpayer,” as even the two big farm organizations regard the Brannan plan, but rather in helping him find the way to the market at less cost and with more efficiency. “Government aid in marketing, in lowering the cost of transportation, and in finding new uses for farm producte ts the way to prosperity with freedom.” if President Truman listens to Mr. Farley's advice on the oivil-rights problems he will ask the souvhern leaders to solve them on & regional and a State basis, instead of playing political football with a Federal bill. “To threaten the South with drastic Fed- eral legislation is the last way to approach these problems * * * Freemen in whose hearts there lives a sense of justice and com- mon sense can generally be trusted to do what is right. “When we review the history of past years we see clearly that most of the problems raised by the so-called civil-rights program are gradually and peacefully being solved right here in the Bouth. The gates of op- portunity for all races are opening wider and wider, the right to vote is spreading to all, and disorders that once resulted in lynchings have been brought under control by the States and communities.” The earliest hint that Mr, Farley was parting with the philosophy still current in Washington was his break with President Roosevelt, presumably on the third-term issue, but in reality over the sort of ‘experi- ments” to which he now objects. His is one more voice calling upon the party to get back to ita earlier sound traditions by abandoning the road that leads eventually to socialism. There are many other Democrats who agree with him, but few who speak with greater effect. That he has spoken will be good for the Democratic Party, if it takes his advice, and for the country as a whole. Tactics, Not a Strategy, of Freedom EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. H. ALEXANDER SMITH OY NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 17 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Presi- dent, ever since it was my privilege to visit the Ukraine DP camp in Ger- many in the summer of 1947 and to talk with the leaders there of the Ukraine in- surgent movement, I have been pro- foundly interested in the Ukraine, and the great courage of its people, who have consistently resisted the totalitarian dic- tatorship of Soviet Russia, In this connection I wish to call the attention of the Senate to an article written by Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, pro- fessor of Georgetown University and president of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, on the timely subject of “Tactics, Not a Strategy, of Freedom,” which appeared in the Janu- ary 1, 1951, issue of the Ukrainian Bulle- tin, a publication of the Pan-American Ukrainian Conference. This article contains certain concrete proposals for American policy toward Soviet Russia. I am sure all Senators will find these proposals interesting and challenging, and will admire the spirit which motivates them. All who read this article will join sym- pathetically in its tribute to the courage- ous leadership of the late General Taras Chuprynka, commander of the still very active Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) which operates politically and militarily behind the iron curtain. Ali believers in freedom suffered a loss when General Chuprynka fell in battle with Russian MVD troops last March 6, 1950 in the western Ukraine. When word of his death was recently received by the free world, his loss was mourned not only by Ukrainians, but also by Lithuanians, Croats, Slovaks, Poles, Hungarians, Georgians, Latvians, Cossacks, Turkestans, and many other who have known intimately the general cause for which he fought, and for which his Ukrainian insurgent army is still courageously fighting. The people of America and the peoples of the free nations, who today are build- ing our strength to preserve peace, can- not but be inspired and reassured by the heroism of these fighters for freedom behind the iron curtain, for whom there is no peace. I ask unanimous consent that this commemorative statement by Dr. Do- briansky be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recoerp, as follows: Tactics, Nor a S&rrarrcy, or Farrpom (By Prof. Lev E. Dobriansky) History, we are told, has tts own dispas- sionate way of revealing the truth. And how powerfully, not to say brutally, true this is. For even before the closing days of World War II, the burdened pupulaces of the world hopefully heralded the peace of the future, while many of their naive and unrealistic leaders were feverishly engaged in laying anew the supposed foundations of international law and order—literally, and frankly, with outlaws participating. But far in the distance of the Carpathian Moun- tains, away from the momentary clamor of unbridled emotion and pious commotion, atark reality was being squarely and coura- geousiy faced. It was then, in May, that the unsung hero whom we are solemnly honoring tonight issued his famous procla- mation to the underground Ukrainian In- surgent Army, fighting valiantly under his command against the forces of Red Rusala. It was then that he proclaimed in no un- certain terms the basic truths that ‘The peace 18 not yet won” and, in a sense more important, that ‘In the struggle against the Kremlin you are by no means ulone.” In effect, it was then, in May 1945, that General Cbhuprynka, who, to the immense loss of the anti-Communist world, fell in battle this past March in the Ukrainian yillage of Bilo- horscha, raised the ory of ajl freedom-lovers for concrete tactics, not a strategy, of free~ dom. Never has this cry been more pressing than now. The so-called strategy of freedom, as was so exhortatively enunciated recently, is acarcely nove} or instructive to those who have long been inspired by the ideals of freedom, whether they be in the comfortable confines of these United States or in the boggy regions of the Pripet Marshes. The time for mere statement of ideals and ab- stract virtues has definitely passed. Current APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD conditions call for judictous consideration of not what we are striving for, but how we are to achieve it. What ie urgently de- manded is concrete, determining political action, not a sanctimonious contemplation of general principles coupled with a passive adaptation to determined circumstances. The ao-called strategy of freedom is pat- ently presupposed, but the positive tactics of freedom are yet to be efficiently composed. Composed chiefly in the living spirit of Chu- prynka that “In the struggle against the Kremlin you are by no means alone.” ‘The requisite tactics of freedom are clearly definable and so formidably within our prag- matic reach. To succeed in thig universal struggle for survival, the first and basic tactic of freedom is to ectualize our bipartisan leadership, a leadership in the international field that is intrepid and risk-taking, that knows intimately the substance and machi- nations of Russian Communist imperialism, that possesses the dynamic vision to see that in the end the peace cannot be securely won and everlasting until the tenuous founda- tions of Russian Communist imperialism and the politically unnatural Russian empire are reduced once and for all time. It requires a tactical leadership ungiven to timidity, ap- peasement, suicidal containment, and the superficial niceties of diplomatic play, all of ‘which has led to the fantastic contradictions of fighting now a Communist China whom our State Departznent so blindly coddled, of being unable to bomb the very material bases of the enemy, of refusing in Korea the mili- tary aid of a chartered member of the United Nations, namely Nationalist China, and of vainly tolerating in the council of the free nations the notorious representatives of the only contemporary aggressor, Soviet Russia. There are far-seeing men about who can implement this bipartisan tactical leader- ship, as witness the profound ideas of a James Burnham (The Coming Defeat of Com- munism). Of the capacity of a Chuprynka, who incredibly sustained organized anti- Soviet resistance these many years, and, let me emphasize, without any outaide aid, this tactical political leadership is our only hope of averting a devastating world war UI, a war which we will be saying was born of in- excusable blunders and contradictions, out- moded diplomacy, and timid containment. To overcome this frightful record and to steer our course away from world war III, this firat tactic of freedom will surely be forcefully inspired by the Chuprynkan dictum that “In the struggle against the Kremlin you are by no means alone.” The second tactic of freedom is the daunt- less functional use of one of the most power- ful and precious principles of th American democratic tradition, the principle of seif- determination. The tragic note of the cur- rent situation is the fearful refusal of our State Department to use this atomic ideo- logical weapon against Russian Communist imperialism on the contradictory plea that such an act will be construed as an interven- tion in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union. Construed by whom—the profes- sional distortionists of the Kremlin? In the contemporary historical context, there is no substantial difference between Soviet aggres- sion in Korea, in which we have intervened, and preceding military aggressions in the Baltic States, Ukraine, Georgia and numerous others which exist strategically close to the heart of the Soviet Russian octopus. President Truman well observed recently that the Chinese people are being forced to serve the end of Rusgian colonial policy, but who with historical perspective can ignore the non-Russian peoples of the Soviet Union who have met this fate earlier? Yet-—listen to this—~I have been informed that the pathetic Voice of America deleted this ob- servation of President Truman from the script beamed to various parte of the Soviet Union ff this ts true, then Almighty God will have to bless our America to overcome
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Soviet scourge. The Soviets intervene in every state of the worl’ through their fifth columned Communist Parties, but we, be- hind the Maginot wall of containment, fear to build up our fifth columns of freedom. Only fearless tactical leadership can explode the ideological atom of self-determination when, as its first step, it will beam over the Voice of America to the enslaved non-Rus- sian nations of the Soviet Union—‘In the struggle against the Kremlin you are by no means alone” The third urgent tactic of freedom is the rapid formation of allies who in one way or another have tasted the deadly poison of Russian Communist imperialism. The pha- lanx of anti-Communist power will not be so effectively established at traditional centers which have had little experience with Rus- sian Communist imperialism and which will insularly seek to appease and appease the insatiable Russian imperialist appetite after the fashion of Munich and Yalta—only in the end to have American lives sacrificed at stupendous costs. In the best tradition of “speak softly (and, I might add, briefly) and carry a big stick,” American tactical leadership would depend as well on the big stick of a remilitarized Japan and Western Germany, the embrace- ment of the Chinese Nationalist Army, and aid to anti-Communist Ohinese guerrillas, the mobilization of a foreign legion consist- ing of Eastern and Central Europeans, and of the material support of Tito and anti- Communist Spain. Appeasement treacher- ously contains the seeds of ultimate Ameri- can disaster. Nonappeasing forces must be tactically rallied in the spirit demon- strated by Chuprynka with the non-Russian undergrounds behind the iron curtain—the spirit that “In the struggle against the Kremlin you are by no means alone.” Coordinated with the third is the cructal fourth tactic of freedom, enormous aid to the underground systems behind the iron curtain This can be done, and under courageous tactical political leadership would be done Many in high places are fully aware that in the vanguard of this underground activity stands the Ukrainian insurgent army—the amazing UPA of the late beloved General Chuprynka, the UPA which has invineibly symbolized unyielding resistance for all the Communist-bludgeoned peoples behind the really unriveted iron cur- tain. Amply supplied with guns, medicine, photographic and printing material, the UPA and its existing allies would grow im- measurably, infiltrating the multinational Red army, harrassing the MVD and MGB, disseminating propaganda leaflets, and shak- ing the very psychological props from under the very center and heart of world Commu- nist imperialism. Through this undermin- ing tactic of freedom the possibility of avert- ing world war III is by far greater. Through this cardinal tactic of freedom the peoples upon whom we shall basically have to depend will assuredly know that “in the struggle against the Kremlin you are by no means alone.” In truth, the only real source of aggres- sion today is not North Korea, nor Com- munist China, but Soviet Russia, the spawn- ing ground of international lawlessness. To eliminate aggression elsewhere with mini- mum loss of American lives and resources logically necessitates a prudent concentrated attack on the sole instigator of all serious aggression today. Time is in the outlaw’s favor, but the powerful elements of fearless Americanism, resistance, and less costly vic- tory are in ours. The time is now for tac- tics, not an already known strategy, of free- dom. Bold leadership, the ideological use of self-determination, spirited alliances, and underground operation—these are the win- ning tactics of freedom. It is these tactics that the gallantry, infinite courage, and une appeasing wisdom of General Chuprynka, that great pioneer in the modern anti-Com- munist cause of freedom, so brilliantly ex- emplified. By these tactics America can vice toriously fulfill that uncanny OChuprynkan promise that “in the struggle against the Kremlin you are by no means alone.” These tactics of freedom will serve to insure the preservation of American freedom and the regained freedom of others, for the two are inextricably interwoven. Regulations on Indian Counsel EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DENNIS CHAVEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 17 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. CHAVEZ. Mr. President, we have thousands of original Americans—the Indians—within the United States. I ask unanimous consent that there may be printed in the Appendix of the Rec- orp a copy of a letter relating to regula- tions on Indian counsel, written by Alden Stevens, secretary, 4ssociation on Ameri- can Indian Affairs, Inc., of New York, which was published in one of the local newspapers last week. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: REGULATIONS ON INDIAN COUNSEL The rights of American Indian citizens of the United States and Alaska are seriously undermined by new regulations governing contracts of Indian tribes with attorneys. These regulations, promulgated on Novem- ber 9, 1950, by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, would so hamstring the Indians seeking counsel and the attorneys they re- tain as, in effect, to deny Indian people the right to counsel of their own choice and to a confidential relationship with such counsel. Inevitably, citizens of Indian affillation will be prevented from securing the due process of law guaranteed by the Federal Constitu- tion. The regulations are minute and detalled. For example, they require that before a tribe may hire an attorney 1t must prove to the Commissioner its need for counsel—not in general but for the exact services he is to be asked to render—and ita ability to pay the fees. They control the term and terms of the contract, the fees, and renewal condi- tions, making 1t mandatory, in the case of claims contracts, that fees and even expenses be wholly contingent, regardless of the de- sire and ability of tribes to pay set fees. They empower the Commissioner to control the amount of Indian legal business to be undertaken by any one legal firm, in effect frustrating the desire of Indian tribes to hire attorneys known to be successful in this special field. They require that a tribe hire a local attorney for general legal services, rather than one established in Washington, where they need him most. They even give the Commissioner, who is not a party to the contract, power to terminate it without cause and without advance notice—subject only to tribal “consent,” a concurrence which itself is subject to many administrative pressures. These regulations are not only a denial of constitutional rights and a grave step backward in the progress of American In- dians toward full self-determination as citi- gens. The Association on American Indian Affairs, in a legal memorandum—submitted December 18, 1950, jointly with others, to the Secretary of the Interior—maintains that these regulations go beyond any authority given the Commissioner of Indian Affairs by A211 existing law; that, in fact, they violate spe- cific rights of Indians under present law as well as public policies established by Con- gress. The association maintains, for ex. ample, that the obsolete 1872 law on which the Commissioner bases his authority does not apply to Indians who are citizens, as vir- tually all American Indians now are, and that Indian tribes organized under the In- dian Reorganization Act of 1934 and related etatutes are specifically guaranteed by those laws the right to make their own attorney contracts. Although issued in November, these regu- lations are still subject to veto by the Secre- tary of the Interior, Unless revoked, they will open a new period of arbitrary bureau- cratic control of the daily Hives of American Indians, to their detriment and that of the Nation. We ask your help in arousing Americans of good will to appeal to the Secretary of the Intertor to reject this inva- sion of American Indian rights, ALDEN STEVENS, Secretary, Association on American Indian Affairs, Inc. N.w York. Where Shell We Look for Leadership? EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. PAT McCARRAN OF NEVADA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 17 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. McCARRAN. Mr. President, in the December 29 issue of United States News and World Report there appears an editorial by Mr. David Lawrence en- titled “Where shall we look for leader- ship?” This is one of the finest editorials I have read in a long time, and I think there will be many who will find in it an expression of the thoughts they have held in their own hearts. I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Presi- dent, that this editorial may be printed in full in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Wuere SHALL WE Loox For LEapersHip? (By David Lawrence) Hundreds of millions of people today live in fear. Among them, however, are legions of youth who are not afraid to die—who are not afraid to give their all for a great cause. People at every age level, however, are be- wildered. They need leadership. They look back at World War II and feel it has not accomplished its main purpose—~to emanci- pate mankind from slavery. Military victory was achieved but no peace. Humanity is not unwilling to make further sacrifices—to finish the job. If military means constitute the only way, free peoples will accept that way. But millions of persons fee} there must be some other way besides war. That's why there is wavering. That’s why the will to fight has been dormant in countries which made sacrifices before. By some govern- ments, unfortunately, thie reluctance is mis- construed as a readiness of peoples to sur- render vital prinziples—to accept the easy way out. Such a course does not mean peace except for a brief moment in history. War is brought nearer when there is a compromise on principle—an appeasement of those who are faithless to their pledges and promises.
A212 To seek to curry favor with them is only to stimulate their insolence and encourage fur- ther aggression. It is time for clear thinking and deliberate planning. We must first designate our real enemies. Our enemies are not the peoples of Soviet Russia or the peoples of the so-called iron- curtain countries. Our enemies are not the peoples of China or of North Korea or of Siberia. What is more important still is that our enemies no longer are the people of Germany and the people of Japan. We need to examine the status of peoples rather than the status of governments who claim to represent them. Our primary obligation is to humanity—to the innocent peoples who are the victims of governments that seek to exploit peoples and make cannon fodder of their youth. Once we have the courage to make this differentiation—to make the case clear to all peoples—the road becomes clear. The Soviet government has forfeited its right before mankind to represent the Rus- sian people. So has the Communist govern- ment of China forfeited its right to repre- sent the Chinese people. We compromise with truth, we appease, and we bargain with evil when we try to deal across the table with tyrannical and despotic governments which have demonstrated an unwillingness to fulfill international obliga- tions. This is an inescapable truth. How- ever painful to the policymakers, it is the un- derlying truth on which world policy must be based. The record for expulsion of Soviet Russia from the United Nations is conclusive. It is idle to say that we will thereby be denying ourselves a means of communication. There is no value in continuing communication with an enemy of freedom—an aggressor government, We must have a bold policy that applies first the great instruments of moral force— renunciation of evil governments. Until we have shown that we will not compromise with truth, that we will not yield to ex- pediency or fear but will deal firmiy with the source of the infection in today's troubled world, we will be temporizing. Let us not be deterred by the cry that to rearm morally or militarily may offend enemy governments. If war must come, let us face it as our forebears have faced it before. Above all, let us seek help in the only place where mankind has an abiding faith—in the leadership of God. Prayers to Almighty God will not avail, however, if we are not ready to face truth within ourselyes, if we are not willing to purge ourselves of the sins of materialism which so often cause us to seek the easy ways of expediency rather than to accept the hard ways of duty and sacrifice. Prayer is a two- way line of communication. We must give ourselves to servioe if we expect guidance in return. When we are willing to clean house of evil at home, we will be strangthened to resist evil abroad. In thia Christmas season, we are usually reminded of the great teachings of Jesus. We are inclined, however, to overlook our own sins and, with self-righteousness, focus on the sins of others, As we bow humbly and ask for divine , we shall find the leadership we seek. Our temporal leaders can be inspired to greatness and we shall follow them duti- fully. But there must be among allied gov- ernmente and among peoples allied with us @ readiness to face truth and to accept truth. We shall not win by selfishly withdrawing into our own boundaries and asking for pro-~ tection solely for our own territory while ignoring the attacks on freemen elsewhere. We are our brothers’ verywhere that mankind calls for human help, For in saving others, we shall save not only our bodies but our. soyls. The Road to Bipartisanship EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ARTHUR V. WATKINS OF UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 17 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. WATKINS. Mr. President, on De- cember 7, 1950, Holmes Alexander, noted Washington columnist, wrote an article for a syndicate of newspapers on the subject The World Crisis Stems From Many Errors. This article created a sensation because of the fact that it quoted from a Senator on the Demo- cratic side, a Senator close to the Pen- tagon, the White Tiouse, and the State Department, on the reasons why Presi- dent Truman ordered our Armed Forces to intervene in the war between North Korea and South Korea. Subsequently, on the 20th of Decem- ber, the same writer wrote another article entitled ‘‘The Road to Bipartisan- ship.” The Worcester (Mass.) Tele- gram, under date of December 20, published Mr. Alexander's article. These two articles are in a sense re- lated, and should be read together. I, therefore, ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the article dated December 20, which appeared in the Worcester (Mass.) Telegram. The other article to which I referred has already been printed in the Con- GRESSIONAL RecorRD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rxconrp, as follows: [From the Worcester (Mass.) Telegram of December 20, 1950] Tue Road 70 BIPARTISANSHIP (By Holmes Alexander) Wasuinoton, D. C.—Historians looking for significant American dates could jot down December 13—the day that Mr. Truman be- gan a series of meetings with congressional leaders of both parties to discuss wide areas of foreign policy and national defense. The occasion—if Mr. Truman doesn't backslide—~ could mark a return to the history treaty~ making and war-making powers of Congress. As a recent exampie of what's at stake, let's go back to last June 27 when the Korean war oMicially began. On the afternoon of that day Senator WatTxims, Republican, of Utah, entered the Senate Chamber while Majority Floer Leader Lucas, Democrat, of Tilmols, was reading the White House proclamation which kicked off the ill-fated police action. The following dialog is lifted from the ComoressiomaL Recorp of that date. the Congress? “Mr. Lucas. No; it is a statement by the § § és to do. have been called to the attention of the entire Congress. “Mr. Lucas. What would the Senator from Utah do if he were States? APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “Mr, Warxrms. I would have sent a mes- sage to the Congress.” We have here the gist of the argument that Mr. Truman—like his predecessor at Yalta, Tehran, and Cairo—hes taken over powers of adivice and consent which the Constitution gives to Congress. It will not do to write off WaTxins 95 a head-tn-the-sand isolationist. He Is, in fact, a very good example of a reexaminationist. Elected to the Senate in 1046, Watkins began by voting for the Truman doctrine and the Marshall plan at a time when bdipartisan- ship was in full force behind the leadership of Senator VaNvensene. Watkins began to shy away from White House foreign policy at exactly the time Vannenpera withdrew from the acene because of illness and Secre- tary Acheson assumed office at the resigna- tion of General Marshall. This time coin- cides roughly with the introduction of the North Atiantic Pact and the downfall of Chiang Kai-shek in Asia. On the day after the Lucas-Watkins debate, Senator (Mr. Republican) Tarr also complained that the White House had failed to seek advice and consent on its Far Hast policy. Tarr said: “It should be noted that there was no pre- tense of consulting the Congress. No resolu- tion has ever been introduced asking for the approval of the use of American forces in Korea. My own opinion is that there is no legal authority for what he (Mr. Truman) has done.” Most of this legalistic criticism was drowned out in the cheers that acclaimed Mr. Truman’s boldness and in the early din of battie. But, one result of the Korean disaster has been to reexamine the Constitu- tion and—possibly—to restore bipartisan- ship after a considerable lapse. The White House conference of December 13 marks the first time that Mr. Republican has been con- sulted in the role which earned him that title. No one should suppose, however, that the change-over will be instantaneous and com- plete. The President has a short temper with critics, both musical and political. Those of us who attend his press confer- enoes have seen a marked change in the man since 1948. He is given to outbursts which cause his neck to swell and his face to go crimson with rage over seemingly in- offensive questions. It is hard to imagine that he will take closed-door criticism in a spirit of sweetness and light. His Republican consultante, too, are angry men with tempers just as trigger- ish as that of the President's. But at least a situation is developing which will give both sides the opportunity to prac- tice the bipertisanship that both have preached. Come good luck or bad in the days ahead, the country will have a chance to benefit from two-party planning and two- party responsibility. A Letter From Korea EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. PORTER HARDY, JR. OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. HARDY. Mr. Speaker, in your re- marks to the House on January 3 you expressed a conviction that everyone now living lives in the most dangerous time anyone ever lived in since the founding of our Republic. You called for unity and for working together in order that we might make ourselves strong to assure
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the preservation of our Republic and of civilization itself, The expression of your feelings about these things closely parallels my own. There is need for a universal recognition of the dangers before us. There is need for oneness of purpose to do whatever may be necessary in the interests of pre- serving our Nation, our principles, our lives, and our freedom. Although we are a peace-loving peo- ple, during our brief national history we have become involved many times in war and in each case we have been a unified Nation impelled by noble ideals. We have never lost a war, but at the conclu- sion of fighting, certainly of World Wars I and II, we failed to achieve peace. I wonder whether this may have been due to the sacrificing of some of those ideals on the altar of expediency. It may be that we, as a Nation, are not without responsibility for the present plight of the world. Appeasement has gotten to be a nasty word, but how often have we sidestepped our responsibility for world leadership and permitted other nations to disregard their commitments, to exploit weaker nations, and to engage in acts completely contrary to the prin- ciples by which we live and for which we fought. If in fact we have not our- selves been guilty of appeasement do we not have a measure of responsibility for standing idly by and permitting it? In effect have we not been an accomplice? In Korea we are meeting our responsi-. bility. We are paying a great price, but it may well be that the price we pay there in measuring up to our obligations and standing by the things in which we believe may save us from more dire con- sequences which otherwise would follow. Our young people in the combat areas today recognize the part which they are playing in the fulfillment of the obliga- tion of the United States and the United Nations to a civilized world community. That this is so is exemplified by a letter which a young Army lieutenant in the Korean theater wrote on Christmas Day to his family in my district. I know this fine young man intimately. He exempli- fies all of those high attributes of char- acter, loyalty, and devotion to his God and his country which have been the basis upon which our Nation has become great. Lieutenant Bowers’ letter was printed on the editorial page of the Nor- folk Ledger-Dispatch for January 13. Our young people in Korea have put aside selfishness, petty jealousies, and offer their lives that we may fulfill our obligations to the world, to ourselves, and to posterity. We at home should do no Jess. We must make our maximum con- tributions. Any sacrifices which we make or any adjustments which are re- quired in our mode of living are minor when compared to the contributions which they are making. I want to read the article and the letter: [From the Norfolk Ledger-Dispatch of January 18, 1951] A Sorprer’s Guinepse or War's MISERY AT HuUNGNAM The letter below is from First Lt. Thomas D. Bowers, United States Army, son of Mr, and Mrs, G, H. Bowers, of Norfolk. Lieuten- ant Bowers, a graduate of V, M. I. in 1949, is a member of Headquarters Battery, Thirty- ninth Field Artillery Battalion, of the Third Division, and the letter was written on an LST in Hungnam harbor during the evacua- tion of marines and other American forces and some 100,000 Korean civilians. The Third Division had been the spearhead of the ‘rive to clear the way for the historic retreat of the First Marine Division and part of the Seventh Infantry Division from northeast Korea. The letter is reprinted here by permission of Lieutenant Bowers’ family because of the spirit of selflessness displayed by an American soldier. The letter follows: CurisTMas Day. DEAREST FAMILY: Yesterday we loaded the last of our vehicles and personnel on LST 799 and pulled out into Hungnam harbor. We are very much overcrowded, but very happy to be warm and alive, and although this is not like any Christmas I ever spent before, I have much to be thankful for. Christmas is passing for us without my hearing even a Christmas carol, and I be- lieve I miss that more than anything—other than being with all of you. We are going to Pusan, but we would feel much better about it 1f we knew where we were going from there. Although I haven't been here long, I’ve seen an awful lot, and I know that these must be the most pitiful people in the world. And they have fewer people to feel sorry for them than any other group on earth. I saw thousands and thou- sands of these forlorn creatures wait patient- ly days on end in the most cruel cold weather just to be shipped out of here in the holds of ships where few other human beings would or could be forced to stay even for a short while. These people are the victims of cruel cir- cumstances, They are afraid of their com- muniatic Chinese friends and turn to us for help. When I saw them cut the line the morning that we—the Third Division—made a dash for the LST’s, there were as many waiting then as there had ever been. Women began screaming and throwing themselves on the ground, They begged and pleaded, but it was of no avail. In particular, I saw a little girl who had lost her parents; evidently they had been loaded out and she had been lost in the shuffie. No one could quiet her, and there was nothing to do. She looked about 12 and was at the age when she was probably most dependent on her parents. To be cut off like that, helpless, in a world so mixed up and so hard for her to comprehend, makes one stop and think. There are literally millions of stories I could tell like this one, but it would take weeks to write of them and more paper than I could borrow. The only reason I wrote of this is because it starts your mind to racing and thinking a million things. First of all, how lucky we are, both here and in the United States. In the United States we hope nothing like this ever happens—and yet you can't help but think it must have been the same in the Civil War. Here, for us, it ts often very discouraging. But we look at scenes like this—and know that things might be worse and we draw new courage. I think even now of our own fam- ily and I wonder what would happen if any one of us were cut off for some unforeseen reason from the rest of the family. How helpless we would be. Well, there’s nothing else right now that I would like to write about, but I've got a million thoughts and ideas which I'll never forget. Although I'd love to be home and I sometimes want to quit or give up, I'd never trade this experience for anything in the world. I've always had a secret desire to see if I could live like this, and to test my cour- age, and I am getting self-confidence and satisfaction I could get nowhere else on earth. A213 I took my first bath today in over a month, and once again I realized that “cleanliness is next to godliness” in that it all happened on Christmas. Please don't worry about me, but pray for me. Hope to see you soon. Love to all, Tommy, Facts Prove Mr. Hoover Is Right EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE oF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, under consent to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Rrcorp, I include a fine editorial from the Livingston Manor Times, one of the most outstand- ing and courageous weekly newspapers in my district: Facts Prove Mr. Hoover Is Riext Former President Herbert Hoover seems to have caused considerable of a disturbance in Truman administration circles with his plea that the United States should concentrate on turning this hemisphere into a Gibraltar and stop sending men and money to the western European nations. After all, let us look at a few cold facts and it would appear we are being taken down the river for another sleigh ride to rearm Europe at the United States taxpayers’ ex- pense and fight her battles with American boys. In this country we are now raising an army of 3,000,000 men, which is a small num- ber compared to the more than 12,000,000 we raised, equipped, and armed in World War II, at much less expense than we are paying at present, We also actually armed Europe at American expense. We have recently been aiding Europe to the tune of $10,000,000,000 and although Europe is in the best shape she has been in for some time, we are re- quested by Mr, Truman to keep on. France asks financial aid and American manpower in Indochina, but France has an armed force of only 650,000 men, and the facts are significant that in World War II France had an army of 5,000,000 men. In World War I France had an army of nearly 8,000,000, and not only equipped them but alded in outfitting American troops. It is also interesting to note that France today js at least 25 percent communistic. We will now take Great Britain, without considering Canada. England has a token force of men under arms, but in World War II she raised and equipped an army of 4,683,000 men, and Canada supplied an addi- tional number of 780,000 men. Italy has been given enormous ald by this country and has actually given no aid at all to us. In the World War II Italy had an army of 4,000,000 men. Let us look at some of the other countries included in the At- lantic Pact and their war effort in World War II. Australia supplied 680,000 troops; Turkey, 850,000; Greece, 414,000; Yugoslavia, 500,000; New Zealand, 157,000; Netherlands, 500,000; Japan, 6,095,000; Spain, 850,000; and Ger- many, 10,000,000. This is not all of them. Already Mr, Dean Acheson, our Secretary of State, has committed this country to an army of 200,000 men in Europe, but is leav- ing General MacArthur with a force of less than 180,000 men, most of them Americans, to hold off a force of 1,600,000 Chinese Reds in Korea. We believe that Europe is in even better condition than she was before World War II,
A214 and that her resources of manpower are just as large, and the facte printed here have never been refuted. Why, then, more American aid unless cer- tain people high in our Government are working to drain American resources and manpower to their lowest point, to make us @ push-over for an aggressor nation? Why were 17 shiploads of munitions for National- ist China dumped in the sea without being delivered, and by whose orders? Why are we at war in Korea without the consent of Congress? After all, 50,000 American casual- ties is a lot of men. Our only hope of stopping these very pe- cular incidents lie in the incoming Congress, which may be able to bring reason and order out of chaos, corruption, and, if we may say it, “treason.” Valuation of Gold by Great Britain EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALT HORAN OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. HORAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my own remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I am pleased to include two letters, one from the Direc- tor of the Mint, Mrs. Ross, which is self- explanatory, and the other, a letter of comment from Mr. Frank Lilly, director of the mines and research bureau, of Spokane. I feel that these two communications pose a mighty interesting and serious question in our troubled times. The above-mentioned letters follow: TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Washington, D.C., January 4, 1951. Hon. Warr Horan, House of Representatives, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. Horan: This is in further reply to your communication of December 16, 1950, enclosing a letter from a constituent asking two questions regarding the valuation of gold. The first question reads: “Would it be correct to say that Great Britain is getting our gold on the basis of the value of $35 an ounce that we have set and, in turn, giving that gold a measure of value in their economy equivalent to $102.17 an ounce?” The answer is that it would not be correct to say that Great Britain gives gold a meas- ure of value equivalent to €102.17 per ounce. Great Britain values its monetary gold at a figure in pounds sterling which is equivalent to about 834,72 per fine ounce. The figure of $102.17 ia apparently arrived at through the mistaken application of a legal parity rate (suspended since Septem- ber 21, 1931), instead of the current exchange rate, for the British pound sterling. The second question reads: “Tf this is true, and we are getting only the equivalent of @95 for each ounce of gold that goes abroad, wouldn’t it be good sense to place a higher measure of value (price) on our gold so that we could get more goods and commodities for it—particularly in view of the fact that-our imports are increasing at a tremendous rate?” Since the initial hypothesla—that Great Britain values its gold at the equivalent of $102.17 an ounce—is incorrect, the conclue sion of the question is not established. On the contrary, to devalue the dollar to the equivalent of $102.17 per ounce would se- riously aggravate inflationary pressures and be interpreted by the public of this and other countries as meaning that this Government has broken faith with regard to stabilising the value of the dollar and of their savings. Very truly yours, Neue TayLor Ross, Director of the Mint. Spokane, WasH., January 10, 1950. Hon. Watt Horan, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear WaLr: Thanks for the copy of letter that you received from the Director of the Mint in reply to the question on gold which I suggested that you ask. This reply from the Director of the Mint dodges the question because it goes without saying that it is the use that is made of a thing that determines its practical value. I am wondering how the Treasury can ex- plain the fact that we lose gold when Great Britain devalues if this devaluation does not, in fact, give gold a higher measure of value in Great Britain. It was Great Britain's devaluation in Sep- tember 1981 which, in giving gold a higher measure of value, caused our gold to flow to that country; and this, in turn, caused Presi- dent Roosevelt to increase the price of gold here so as to meet the British figure. On this point I quote from a statement by the Honorable Francis Case as reported in the Co-termsstonat Recorp of April 12, 1939: “It is evident that a great deal of confu- sion exists in the minds of the Members of this House with respect to the gold situation, for the statement has been repeated fre- quently that the only reason that we are paying $35 for gold is because of an act passed by Congress and a proclamation made in 1984. Anyone who will take the oppor- tunity and the trouble to review the history of the price of gold during the year preceding the passage of the Gold Reserve Act of 1934 will be disabused of that idea. “The price of foreign gold prior to the Gold Act of 1934 was not $20.67 an ounce. The average price for gold in London for the month of January 1934, immediately prior to the President's proclamation under the Gold Act, was $32.87 an ounce. “On different days in the preceding months it had been higher. For instance, on Novem- be~ 15, 1983, it was $34.91, and the average for November was $33.10. And after the United States accepted the situation and paid $35, the London price has exceeded that on several occasions. It averaged $35.18 in September 1984, going as high as $35.37 Sep- tember ¢. In more recent years also the price has also bounded above the price offered in the United States. “Gold was going out of the country in 1932 (8446,219,397) and 1933 (€173,455,507). Our stocks were depleting before the advanc- ing world price of gold. In 1933, an embargo was declared to stop the outward flow; later the RFC went into the foreign market to outbid the buyers. Finally, it became a mat- ter of self-defense that we should act to pay what the world was paying in order to main- tain and build up gold stocks here.” During this period, 1932-1934, when the London price was higher on @ United States equivalent basis, Great Britain was getting its trade balances paid in gold at $20.67 an ounce and in turn using the gold at a higher measure of value in her economy. And she is doing the same today. I think it goes without saying that, if the London prices of gold in 1938 and 1034 as given by Senator Case had verity then, they have equal verity pow because in each case the United States equivalent of the London has been caloulated on the basis of monetary parity. I cannot tell you how much I appreciate your cooperation in my efforts to clarify this APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD matter of the disparity between the gold price in the Unfted States and other coun- tries, Frankly, I think the Treasury Depart- ment is hiding its head, ostrich-like, in the gands on what is really a very important matter. Certainly the loss of over a billion and a half of our gold within the last 6 months is a serious matter. With kindest regards, I am Sincerely, Pranks. Hardships Facing Armed Forces in Korea EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, an example of the hardship facing the fight- ing forces in Korea is exemplified by the letter written to his wife and son by a marine sergeant of Ansonia, Conn. It is shameful that the men fighting for survival against overwhelming odds should lack adequate facilities and food. The full story is contained in the accom- panying clipping from the January 11, 1951, issue of the Ansonia Sentinel. Wat CuristMas MEANT TO ANSONIA MARINE SERGEANT 1N Korea AFTER WITHDRAWAL From CHOSIN RESERVOIR—-EXTREME HARD- SHIP MEN OF First MARINE DIVISION UNDER- WENT IN WITHDRAWAL FRoM CHOSIN RES- rrvorr AREA Is Vivip_y DESCRIBED IN LETTER to His Wirs The extreme hardship which men of the First Marine Division underwent over nar- row, snow, and ice-coated roads in subzero weather in the successful withdrawal of troops and equipment in the Chosin Reser- voir area, in Korea, is inverestingly told in a letter written by to his wife on December 26, which was received today. The men of the First Marine Division and the Forty-first Royal Marine commandos of the British Army were highly commended in a division memorandum, Operations in the Chosin Reservoir Area, dated December 19, 1960, by Maj. Gen. Oliver P. Smith, com- manding general of the First Marine Divi- sion, CHRISTMAS IN KOREA The letter written by to his wife and son follows: “Because of the international date line, today is Christmas back in the United States, #80 let me wish you both a very holy and merry Christmas Day. “I attended Christmas mass at midnight and also on Christmas Day, when I went to confession and communion. Somehow I'm contented that I was away this Christmas because I now understand the true meaning of the holiday. With all the wickedness in the world, we who believe in Christ still have & precious thing to fall back upor and no matter where I am on Christmas Day, I'll always remember to rejoice because of our Lord. No matter what happens, one always finds peace with God and for that reason I for one am thankful. Be sure to bring our son up in & manner tn which he will be able to understand and appreciate the things it took me so long to learn. "I received your moat letters and Christmas cards. I only wish you had more time to write more. Those short letters, although appreciated, don’t give me a chance to take @ second breath. I just want to sit -and read and reed about you beceuse, my dearest, I miss you terribly, I keep myself
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD busy so that I don’t have time to think, be- cause I doubt if I could stand things.” AN EMPTY FEELING “Knowing how wonderful you are and how much fun and trouble our son is at this time, leaves me with an empty feeling. I used to think of the days when I could play with our child and he'd appreciate and know who was playing with him. I still do and I picture you sitting on the couch saying and just saying ‘tsk-tsk’ at our actions. “Now by the time I get back he'll be grown and I'll never have the chance to live that part of our lives. Being a father is some- thing I'm very proud of (you of course al- ready know that). I only hope that this war will end soon so that maybe I can get home and throw him around a little. “As it looks now we'll be here for some time. For a while we thought they were going to take us to Japan and eventually the States because as Marines our job was finished a long time ago along with the fact that we are in a pretty darn run-down con- dition, At night I almost cry when I hear the men cough and know that there isn't much anyone could do about helping them. I never saw so Many men that are sick, par- tially sick or have something wrong. Ap- parently we can’t be spared because we are not leaving. “After Hagaru-ri we thought we'd really have a good rest, get some good food, etc., before going back, but our conditions for rest are very poor and our food is terrible. I'd rather eat C rations than the stuff they are giving us. For the 4 days before Christmas we had hash and dehydrated potatoes. We had an excellent meal for Christmas, though. I don’t mean to be a griper, as they call them, but looking at the matter from a broad viewpoint, we're in a sad shape. The food for one thing in the area we live tn should be much better, our living conditions could be better, and the sick, well, they could stand some better conditions, too. “Now that we have a meal under our belt we must be ready again because we are mov- ing again suon. Just like around Thanks- giving, by the time you get the letter, we'll prebably be on the lines and you'll know our whereabouts when you read the paper.” PEOPLE AT HOME KNOW MORE “It’s a funny thing how Mttle we know ourselves about our lives. Today at mail call one of the fellows got a letter from home and his wife said that the news in the paper was that the First Marine Diviston will not come back to the States and instead are going back up to the lines. Tonight we were officially informed of the fact. It seems that the people at home know more than we do.” TRADITION OF OLD GLORY “It's a funny thing, » Wwe saved everything we could in our withdrawal from Hagaru-ri and came back in a manner that upholds the tradition of Old Glory. We didn't get panicky and run like the others. We did our job and knocked ourselves out doing it. So what? Here we are again. “All I can say is that even though we are not up to strength physically, tactically or morally we'll perform our task, no matter what. I hate the thought of going back just like everyone else, but if they need us, and there isn’t cnyone else, I'll go in good faith and spirit just Hke always. “We are the only outfit that can be de- pended on to do thetr job according to orders." enclosed a commendatory letter from Major General Smith on the successful withdrawal of the First Marine Division. In closing his letter writes “Well, darling, this will be all for tonight, Maybe tomorrow I’ll have some more. Depends on how I make out with the day’s schedule. Haven't been feeling well and our training starts tomorrow. You see we never stop or forget about our professional duties.” The Marine Corps Reserve Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. MIKE MANSFIELD OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the RecorD, I include the following supple- mentary statement before the House Armed Services Special Subcommittee on Reserves: MakineE Corps RESERVE OFFICERS ASSOCIATION, Washington, D.C. It seems desirable to place on the record certain background facts regarding the Ma- rine Corps and Marine Corps Reserve in or- der that Korea and its impact upon Ma- rine Reservists and their families may be understood. 1, It was not the fault of the Marine Corps that its two divisions were badly under- strength, or that the great bulk of the Fleet Marine Force was in the United States when the hostilities began in Korea. 2 Nor was it the fault of the Martine Corps that it had to mobilize its entire ground re- serve Of organized units in order to supply needed combat troops for Kurea. The Com- mander in Chief authorized this extraordi- nary measure and the Marine Corps carried it out. 3 It was no fault of the Marine Corps that enlisted men in the Reserve went for a time without dependency allowances. Solutions to these three above matters rested outside the Marine Corps and the Marine Corps Reserve, namely, with the Con- gress and the Department of Defense. It 1s essential to mention this for the record, for much of the criticism made of the corps by relatives and loved one of Reserves has been based on the above problems. Had there been a strong enough ready force in being outside the continental Itmits of our coun- try, Korea may never have happened. It is certain that it never would have gotten far in July of 1950 had we been able te put ashore one or more reinforced divisions of marines. 4. There has been some criticism of the Marine Corps because young reservists were fighting 1n Korea within u few weeks of mobilization. The criticlam has not been general, but usually in scattered localities where casualties have been reported to the next of kin. After the Joint Chiefs directed the Com- mandant to get a full strength Marine divi- sion to Korea as soon as possible, the Marine Corps organized ground reserve was mobi- lized and arbitrary training standards set up for overseas use Of reservists. Generally if a man had attended 48 drills and 1 summer camp or 24 drills and 2 summer camps or had World War II experience, he was considered properly trained under the emergency con- ditions. There were some slip-ups and some few reservists were sent to Korea without what might be termed desirable training and experience. However, ee. afte: the Inchon landing ‘:aining of many troops went on in Reserve areas while assault units were fight- ing out in front. The state of readiness and training of the Reserve is evidertly high when only a few weeks after mobilization orders, the Marine Corps could land more troops in Korea than there had been in the entire Fleet Marine Force in June when hostilities began. One last comment, the morale of the or- ganized aviation units of the Martine Corps Reserve and the fighting efficiency of the Marine Corps itself has been lowered by A215 refusal of the Joint Chiefs to permit an in- crease in the number of Marie tactical squadrons at a time when they could be used to great advantage. Submitted by: Maj. Wittiam P. McCann, National Executive Director (For the National Council). Portraits in Relief in the Redecorated Chamber of the House of Representa- tives at the Opening of the Eighty- second Congress, January 3, 1951, Described and Explained by Library EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLYDE DOYLE OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. DOYLE. Mr. Speaker, that which constitutes the decorations of the Cham- ber of the United States House of Rep- resentatives is naturally of interest to every patriotic American citizen. As I took my seat on January 3, 1951, as a member of the Eighty-second Congress, and observed the redecorations of the Chamber in which I have already worked for 4 years, I realized that some 23 relief portraits, appropriately arranged around and near the ceiling line of the Cham- ber, were about persons distinguished in history, several of whom I knew rela- tively little. Since it will be my privilege to again sit as legislator the next 2 years in this Chamber where these relief portraits of these 23 historic characters are to be daily present, I asked the Library of Congress to give me a brief comment about each of the characters represented by these medallion portraits, or reliefs, so that I might know who is in my pres- ence by “proxy.” Iam also aware that no doubt all other Members of this great legislative body are likewise interested: as well as all other citizens of our great Nation. Therefore, it is with pleasure that I share the following information from the Library with you: The redecorated Chamber of the United States House of Representatives features a series of medallions portraying 23 historic characters. These individuals were chosen as representative of the great lawgivers of the world who contributed to the American law syatem. The one and only inacription that accompanies them, appearing behind the Speaker’s desk, reads: “Let us develop the resources of our land, call forth its powers, build up its institu. tions, promote all its great interests, and see whether we also in our day may not accom- plish something worthy to be remembered.” The subjects of these relief portraits were selected by the Architect of the Capitol, after consultation with many authorities and ap- proval by the Special House Roof and Cham- ber Committee. A blographic sketch of each of these great men is attached hereto. The statements given above and the list of subjects have been provided by the office of the Architect of the Capitol. The sketches summarize salient—and epropos—material found in the Encyclopedia Britannica (1042 ed.) and the first and second editions of the Columbia Encyclopedia. Articles in these
A216 sources were found to complement one an- other, and material from both sources was used in every sketch, with the exception of Pothier, who is not listed in the Columbia Encyclopedia. The pronunciation notes are taken from the Merriam-Webster unabridged dictionary, second edition, The Architect of the Capitol has released a statement that serves to explain why each man wes chosen for inclusion in this group. It is attached as an appendix to this report. Some of the material therein does not appear in the following biographical sketches be- cause it does not appear in the sources used in their preparation. (George L. Kackley, History and General Research Section, January 11, 1951.) HAMMURABI FLOURISHED CIRCA 2100 B. C, Hammurabi was a great king of Babylonia. His military and political achievement of establishing a central and efficient govern- ment at Babylon is regarded as one of the most far-reaching events in ancient history. Henceforth Babylon was to be the political and intellectual center of west Asiatic history right down to the Ohristian era. Hammurabi’s name ts particularly asso- clated with the great law code which he was declared to have received from the sun god, Shamash. This is one of the greatest of ancient codes. Promulgated for the use of the courts throughout the empire, it is par- ticularly strong in its prohibition of defraud- ing the helpless. It ts genuinely humant- tarian, although one savage feature is the retributive nature of punishment, which fol- lows “an eye for an eye” literally. MOSES FLOURISHED CIRCA 1400 B. C. The lawgiver of Israel and the founder of her nationality and religion, Moses stands out as one of the greatest figures in history. From his infancy, according to Exodus, there were constant signs of God’s selection of Moses to lead His people. His leadership in the Exodus and his prominence in the great covenant at Sinai are well known and docu- mented. It was he who welded into one people the various kindred tribes under his leadership. But further details must be a matter of conjecture. Not only the Ten Commandments, but the whole Mosaic law as found in Leviticus, Exodus, and Deuteronomy are ascribed to Moses. However, close study of the Bible makes it difficult, if not impossible, to ac- cept the tradition which accredits to him every detail of Israel's legal and cultural institutions. Even the earliest code of laws in the Bible (Ex. xxi: 23) 1s simply a local and national form of the civil law common to Babylonia, Assyria, and the Hittites, and was probably adopted by Israel after the settle- ment in Canaan. LYCURGUS FLOURISHED SEVENTH?~NINTH? CENTURY B. C. Lycurgus is the reputed founder of the Spartan constitution. According to a standard hypothesis he lived in the seventh century before Christ. He may be a myth- ical figure. Tradition represents Lycurgus as finding Sparta the prey of disunion, weakness, and lawlessness, and leaving her united, strong, and subject to the most stable government which the Greek world had ever seen, To him we may attribute the unification of the several component parts of the state, the strict military organization and training which soon made the Spartan hoplite the best soldier in Greece, and above all the elaborate and rigid system of education. His subordination of the individual citizen to the all-powerful state has been the model of subsequent police states, but it has yet no parallel in the history of the world. SOLON, CIRCA 635-6550 B.C. Solon was an Athenian statesman and lawgiver. His amatory poems and patriotic and didactic verse won him inclusion among the Seven Sages. He led the Athenians in a victorious military campaign. But his enduring renown rests on his economic and constitutional reforms. Bolon was elected archon at a time when the nobles held unchecked all the governing power of Athens and the new capitalists virtually owned the entire peasant class, Receiving the unlimited powers of a dic- tator, he annulled all mortgages and debts, put narrow limits on the amount of land anyone could add to his holdings, outlawed contracts in which a person’s liberty was pledged, and put Itmits on the amount one might spend on various functions, such as funerals. Other state controls included those over exports, education, the use and sinking of wells, bee farming, the planting of olives and figs, and the cutting down of olive trees. 8olon’s new constitution laid the founda- tions of the Athenian democracy and paved the way for its later developments. The as- sembly was thrown open to all freemen. He erected a whole new law code that tends toward democratization. His reforms were characterized everywhere by a moderation that made him the model of Greek states- men. GAIUS, CIRCA, 110-180 A. D. Gaius was a celebrated Roman jurist of the second century A. D. Of his personal history very Mttle is known. Indeed, it 18 impossible to discover even his full name, Gaius being merely the given name. Gaius is remembered for his Institutes, which contributed materially to our knowl- edge of early Roman law, and on which much of Justinian’s work is based. The Emperor Valentinian named him, along with Papin- fan, Ulpian, Modestinus, and Paulus, as one of the five jurists whose opinions were to be followed by judicial officers in deciding cases. Besides the Institutes, which are a com- plete exposition of the elements of Roman Jaw, Gaius was the author of several other works. His interest in the antiquities of Roman law makes his work valuable to the historian of early institutions. PAPINIAN, DIED 212 A. D. Papinian (Aemilius Papinianus) ie gener- ally considered to be the greatest of Roman jurists. He was magister Hbellorum and afterward Praetorian prefect under the Em- peror Septimius Severus. An intimate friend of the Emperor, Papinian accompanied him to Britain and became the guardian of his two sons. In 212 one of these brothers, after committing fratricide, had Papinian put to death. Papinian was noted not only as a jurist of wide learning and great comprehension but as a stern moralist. His works are known to us through the numerous quota- tions of them in the Theodosian Code and in the Digest of the Corpus Juris Civilis (see Justinian). The constitution of Theodo- sius II and Valentinian named him the prin- ctpal of five jurists set up as authorities to be cited in future decisions of the courts (see Gaius). JUSTINIAN, 488-565 A, D. Justinian I (Flavius Anicius Iustinianus), surnamed The Great, is the most famous of all the Emperors of the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire. He recovered Africa from the Vandals and Italy from the Ostro- goths, but met with leas success in fighting Persia. He insisted upon the supremacy of the Emperor over the church, not only in matters of organization but also in matters of dogma. He engaged in various important controversies about dogma but never suc- ceeded in creating unity. It is aa a legislator and organizer of the law that Justinian’s name is most familiar to the modern world. His greatest accam- plishment was the compilation of the Corpus Juris Civilis, which hag influenced all sub- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD sequent legal history. Finding the law of the Roman Empire in great confusion, he ordered the preparation of this work—con- sisting of the Codex Constitutionum (a col- Jection and revision of the impertal consti- tutions from the time of Hadrian), the Digesta or Pandectae (a revision, abridgment, and rearrangement of the classical jurists), the Institutiones (a handbook for students), and the Novellae (the new laws instituted by Justinian). The Corpus was not a codifi- cation but a consolidation. Thus regarded, Justinian'’s work may appear to entitle him and Tribonian to much less credit than they have received. TRIBONIAN, DIED 545 A. D. Tribonian (Tribonianus) was a famous jurist and chief legal minister to the Emperor Justinian. Under the command of Jus- tinijan, he directed the compilation of the Corpus Juris Civilis, the most important col- lection of Roman law and the basic docu- ment of modern civil law. It is not possible to determine exactly what Tribonian himself contributed to the Corpus Juris Civilis. In all likelihood he wrote a large part out of his encyclopedic knowledge of Roman law. Of the four parts of the Corpus he was the most impor- tant editor of the Digest, Institutes, and Codex. Of the Novels (the new laws) he must have heen a principal author, as chief legal minister. Tribonian was probably not & juridical thinker, like the great five jur- ists (see Gaius), but his knowledge of Roman law and his somewhat pedantic eru- dition was absolutely essential to the great project that he directed. MAIMONIDES, 11358-1204 A. D, Matmonides (Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon, or Rambam) was born in Spain and mi- grated to Cairo, Egypt, where he became the greatest of all medieval Jewish scholars. He produced a great commentary on the six orders of the Mishne (where he was the first to enumerate the fundamental dogmas of Judaism), a collection of discourses, a work on logic, @ treatise on the calendar, several medical books—including an important work on hygiene—and the great philosophi- cal work, Moreh Nebukim (Guide for the Perplexed). (The Mishna ts tho text of the oral law, in contradistinction to the Scrip- tural, or written, law of the Jews.) In the latter work he explains the esoteric ideas in the Bible, formulates a proof of the exist- ence of God, expounds the prinotple of crea- tion, and elucidates baffling metaphysical and religious problems. The work has dominated Jewish thought and exerted a profound influence upon Christian and Arabian thinkers. The greatest scholastic work of this sa- vant-physictan-philosopher was the Mishna Torah, a classified compendium of the Jew- ish law. This attempt to organize and sys- tematize the vast mass of Jewish oral law became a reference book for laymen as well as rabbis and judges. GREGORY 1X, 1145-1241 A. D. The papacy of Gregory IX (Ugolino Conti de Segni) was largely devoted to hostilities against Frederick II, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. Gregory systematized the medieval inquisition. His veal for the ex- tirpation of heresy made him generally dis- liked. The people of Rome, disapproving his temporal power, exiled him for a part of his reign. He died as Frederick was invad- ing the papal states. Gregory ordered the condensing of five compilations of decretals into a single col- lection. (The decretals are papal decisions and decrees to be considered authoritative and binding in future decisions.) The edi- tor, Raymond of Pennaforte, did not at- tempt any inal work, and the Pope had no idea of codifying the whole of canon law. However, the collection was an important step toward codifying canon law.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD INNOCENT II, CIRCA, 1161-1216 A. D. Innocent III (Lotario de’ Conti de Signi) ‘was elected Pope at the age of 87. The ef- fective assertion of world power is the char- acteristic feature of his pontificate. Working from a theory that since things of the spirit take preeminence over things of the body, and since the church rules the spirit and earthly monarchs rule the body, earthly monarchs must be in i1] things in subjection to the church, Innocent effectively exercised his ideal that the Pope is the political ruler of the world. Innocent’s exalted ambitions were even- tually their own undoing, and had the effect of setting almost every resolute Christian prince automatically against the church. The triumph of his pontificate was the fourth Lateran Council (1215), a great assembly of States that did little more than listen to and endorse the decretals read by the Pope. The Pope's interest in law was active: he constantly held court, with a good name for impartiality. He instituted ecclesiastical reforms, centralizing the administration at Rome and his authority within the church exceeded that of his predecessors. Innocent is remembered for his abrogation of the Magna Carta, Supporting King John, against the barons who demanded the great docu- ment, Innocent declared it null as a forcibly exacted promise. SIMON DE MONTFORT, CIRCA, 1200-1265 A. D. Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, spent the most active part of his life giving skill- ful end ruthless support to, then leading ro- volts against, Henry II of England. At the “Mad Parliament” of Oxford he headed the opposition. In civil war he became master of England, which was placed under a consti- tutioral government. De Montfort was prectically dictator after his victory on the battlefield at Lewes, in May 1264. However, he promulgated a scheme for establishing a thorough parliamentary control over the ex- ecutive. He was killed in a resurgence of civil war. Simon is an important figure in the his- tory of legislative bodies because the great parliament which he summoned in 1265 was a revolutionary assembly that established an important precedent: it contained not only knights from each shire to represent the rural nobility, but also representatives from the towns and boroughs, He left a heritage in the precedent he had established in cham- pioning the cause of the nobles and the people against the King and in calling the parliament of 1265. For years after his death he was revered by the commons 48 & martyr. LOUIS IX, 1214-1270 A. D. Saint Louis, or Louis IX, King of France, was an accomplished knight, physically strong, fearless in battle, heroic in adversity, of imperious temperament, unyielding when convinced of the justness of his cause, en- ergetic and firm. He stands in history as the ideal king of the Middle Ages. Here was an ascetic who gave charity to over a hun- dred begrars dally, yet safeguarded the royal dignity by bringing them in at the back door—and by a courtly display greater than ever before in France. He made presents of haircloth shirts to his friends and went on two crusades. He was canonized in 1297, His reign was comparatively uneventful. Louis was active in arbitration, adjusting territorial claims, imposing peace upon war- ring factions of his nobility, and settling succession disputes in neighboring countries, He simplified administration, improved the distribution of taxes, abolished the judicial duel, and sought to introduce uniform Ro- man law. The English barons (see Simon de Montfort) submitted their quarrels with Henry III to him, but his judgment in favor of the king led to civil war and the victory of Simon at Lewes. This judgment, known as the Mise of Amiens, was a flat denial of the parliamentary reforms known as the Provisions of Oxford. However, it expressly declared that the decision was not to invall- date the privileges and liberties of the realm of England, which had existed before the time of these provisions. ALPHONSO X, 1221-1284 A. D. Aphonso the Wise, or Alfonso X, King of Castile and Leon, ruled from 1262 until he was deposed by the Cortes in 1282. He is perhaps the most interesting—though he was far from being the most capable—of the Spanish kings of the Middle Ages. As 4 ruler he was weak, unstable and obstinate and he ruined the economy of his lands while en- deavoring to secure his election as emperor of the Holy Roman empire. El Sabio (the Sage) is called the father of Castilian prose. Under his patronage and editorship a number of vast works were un- dertaken, including Las Siete partidas, the earliest known Spanish-vernacular chronicle, valuable compilations from Arabic sources such as the Alfonsine Tables in astronomy, an fllustrated book of games, and one of the greatest collections of medieval poetry and music. Under his patronage the flow of oriental culture into Western Europe was greatly accelerated. Alphonso showed legislative capacity and a very commendable wish to provide his king- doms with a code of laws and a consistent judicial system. He was largely responsible for the Stete partidas, a compilation of Ro- man and canon law which was promulgated by his grandson, and other codes: the Fuero de las leyes or Fuero Real and an Espejo de Fueros. EDWARD I, A. D. 1239-13907 Edward I, King of England, failed in the chief ambition of his life, the conquest of Scotland. (He did humiliate Scotland by removing the coronation stone of Scone to Westminster.) Yet, his conquest df Wales, his Icvislation, and his triumph over his barons, his eccleriastics and the greatest of French medieval kings indicate the strength and permanence of his work. Edward is remembered for the develop- ments in law and constitution that have caused him to be called the English Justin- ian. Before he became king he appropriated some of Simon de Montfort’s ideals. The general effect of his work was to eliminate feudalism from public life. The Statutes of Westminster I and II formulated much un- written law. The Statute of Mortmain was a@ landmark in his struggle with the church, resulting from his dislike of authority not emanating from himself. The Statute of Winchester established police and militia regulations. Westminster III, also called Quia emptores prohibited subinfeudation. Thus Edward brought within the formu- lated law the gains of a century of common law, supplementing them, He gave a tre- mendous impetus to the development of law and courts, and bullt up the central admin- istration. Some important developments were wrung from Edward against his will. The parlia- mentary constitution of England was estab- lished as the result of his convocation of the model Parhament of 1295. “What touches all,” ran Edward’s writ of summons, “should be approved by all, and it is also clear that common dangers should be met by measures agreed upon in common.” This action marks a tremendous forward step in the develop- ment of a powerful representative body. Two years later, the rising hostility of his sub- jects, barons, merchants, and clergy forced Edward to issue the confirmation of char- ters granted by John and Henry III, includ- ing the Magna Carta. SULEIMAN, 1494-1566 A, D. Suleiman the Magnificent was the most fortunate of Ottoman sultans. He lived dur- ing the most glorious period in the history of Islam and ruled without a worthy rival. A217 He inherited ea well-organized country, a disciplined army and a full treasury. Al- though his campaigns were not always wisely and prudently planned, they added great territories to his realm. In his days Turkey became a firet-rate sea power and attained the culminating point of her glory. Sulet- man ig remembered for his encouragement of learning and the arts. He wrote verses and it 1s from his time that historians date the rise of the occult influence of the harem on Turkish political development, In Turkey, Suleiman is known as the law- giver. His claims to renown as a legislator rest mainly on his organization of the Ulema, or clerical (religious) class, in its hier~ archial order. The judges belonged to this class, but all executive and administrative power remained outside it, in the hands of the military. Sulelman’s administration was, relatively, one of the best of his time, His amelioration of the lot of his Christian subjects is not his least title to fame. How- ever, his record of magnanimity was marred by the murder of his two sons, at the in- sistence of his favorite wife. GROTIUS, 1583-1665 Hugo Grotius, or Huig van Groot, was a Dutch jurist and humanist. He strove vainly to reunite the Christian sects and the Eu- ropean countries. He wrote valuable works in theology, history, nnd classical study, but his fame rests chiefly on the De Jure Belli et Pacis, which he prepared in Paris after fleeing life imprisonment in his native coun- try. Concerning the Law of War and Peace, the De Jure Belli et Pacis, is a systematic study of the bases and principles of positive nat- ural law. Though not the first attempt in modern times to ascertain the principles of jurisprudence, it went far more fundamen- tally into the discussion than any one had done before. The work ia startling in its originality and in the scope of its consid- eration of international law and interna- tional ethics. One of the great masterpieces of legal Mterature, it is usually considered to be the first definitive text on international law. COLBERT, 1619—83 A. D. Jean Baptiste Colbert was a statesman who aid much for France. Nevertheless, his rule was a very bad example of overgovernment. He did not believe in popular liberty. The parliaments and states-general received no support from him. The technicalities of jus- tice he never allowed to interfere with his plans. He trafficked in public offices for profit. Colbert became the chief power in the administration of Louts XIV, where he cleansed the financial administration ruth~ lessly. His ambitious scheme of encourage- ment of industry and trade involved sub- sidies, state planning, and rigid control of every detail of production, including quality and price. Similar policies were applied to agriculture. His greatest and most lasting achievement was the establishment of the French marine. (To supply oarsmen for his galleys, he required judges to sentence as many persons as possible; the convict, once chained to the bench, was seldom released at the expiration of his sentence. Colbert never thought of the long agony of those who filled his needs.) Colbert extended his scheme of paternalism to the arts and liter- ature. His industry was colossal; he even found time for the improvement of the breed of horses, Colbert reformed certain aspects of the legal administration and codified ordinances. POTHIER, 1609-1772 A. D. ‘Robert Joseph Pothier was a French judge and professor of law. He paid particular attention to the text of the Pandects, or Digeats, of the Corpus Juris Civilis (see Jus- tinian, Tribonium, etc.). His Pandectae Jus- tinjanae in novum ordinem digestae is a
A218 classic in the study of Roman law. He wrote many learned monographs on French law and much of his work was incorporated al- most verbatim in the French Code Civil. BLACKSTONE, 1723-80 A. D. The fame of Sir William Blackstone rests on his Commentaries on the Law of England. His career in Paritament, to which he was elected first in 1761, was somewhat inglorious, as he disliked attendance there. Ih the 10 years of his judgeship he administered the law satisfactorily but attained no special dis- tinction. He inaugurated courses in law at the British universities, which had previously confined themselves to Roman law. The Commentaries of Blackstone have been regarded as the most thorough treat- ment of the whole of English law ever pro- duced by one man. Whether it ts owing to its literary graces, or to its success in flatter- ing the prejudices of the public to which it was , the influence of the work has been extraordinary. It may be more correct to regard it as a handbook for laymen than as s legal treatise. ‘Yet, it has been used as the standard textbook in English law for generations. The fame of Blackstone is greatest in the United States, where the Commentaries was, for many years, almost the only source of knowledge of the English law. MASON, A. D. 1125-92 George Mason exercised great influence In local and Virginia legislative bodies. As a member of the Virginia convention, he drafted the Virginia Constitution and the famous Bill of Rights, a radically democratic document which hed great influence on American political institutions. This great work was extensively copied by other Ameri- can States and had some influence on the French declaration of the rights of man. Mason was @ member of the Federal Con- stituttonal Convention at Philedelphia in 1787 and took an active part in drafting the Constitution. However, he objected to the large and indefinite powers given to Congress, the compromises on the tariff and slave-trade issues, and failure to include a bill of rights. He refused to sign the Constitution, and, with Patrick Henry, he led the fight in Virginia against ite ratification. Falling in this, he suggested amendments, the sub- stance of several of which was afterward embodied in the first 10 amendmente— the Bill of Rights—to the American Can- stitution. Mason believed that jiocal government should be kept strong and central govern- ment weak; his democratic theories have had much influence in Southern and Western States, NAPOLEON, A. D. 1769-1821 Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, wes a spectacular military genius of unlimited am- bition. One of the greatest conquerors his- tory has ever known, he made France para- mount in Europe, rearranged its map, and set his relatives upon its thrones. In France, Napoleon consolidated the re- sults of the Revolution and sought a new conservative balance by his reforms. He centralized the administration, established the Bank of France, inaugurated financial reforms, made peace with the church, and instituted legal reforms to pave the way for the Code Napoleon. His excessive centrali- gation made the state supreme over the entire people—a system singularly favorable to statism. The Code Napoleon, sometimes called the Code Civil, was the first code of French civil law. It embodies the private substantive law of France, fusing the preexisting Germanic and Roman civil law applied in France additions resulting from the French Revolu- tion. The code has been in force, as changed by legislative amendment, since it was first promulgated. Still in force in Belgium and Holland, {t has served aa a model for—and has exercised the greatest influence in— many other countries. ‘The Spanish civil code was largely based on the Code Civil, as were the civil codes of most of the South American states, Quebec and Louisiana. TEYTERSON, 1748-1826 A. 0. Thomas Jefferson is the outstanding apos- tle of American democracy and one of the greatest liberals of all time. He held a great range of public offices; he was prominent tn many, and foremost member of several, of the most important deliberative and legis- lative bodies in American history. He is famous for many contributions to the Amer- ican democratic system, as Governor of Vir- ginia, member of the Continental Congress, Minister to France, Secretary of State, Vice President, and President. Jefferson was the chief inspirer and most ardent worker for reforms embodied in a re- vision of the laws of Virginia, These included the statute for religious freedom—the first law of its kind in Christendom, abolition of primogeniture and the repeal of the laws of entail. Here, he was the first American statesman to make education by the state a fundamental article of democratic falth. He gained his greatest fame as author of the Deciaration of Independence. As Vice Preei- dent and Presiding Officer of the Senate, he wrote the influential Manual of Parliamen- tary Practice, which is still used in both Houses of Congress. In Jefferson the Nation had a great scholar and philosopher, who was at the same time one of her most competent political man- agers—a leader with unlimited faith in the people. The ideas he advocated have become the very foundations of our Government. His importance as a maker of modern Amer- ica is unequaled; it can hardly be overstated. APPENDIX ECLYEF PORTRAITS IN MARBLE OVER HOUSE GALLERY DOORS The relief portraits on the upper walls of the House Chamber are of men noted in his- tory for the part they have played in the evolution of what has become American law. There has grown a great body of judicial tra- dition and a mass of legislation embodying the rules and standards by which the Amert- can people, regardless of State lines, are con- tent to guide their lives. The colonists brought to this country the common law of England, its concepts of prop- erty, liberty, and justice, but they took pains to make themselves free of governmental tyranny. But though our law is mainly de- rived from the British system, it also owes something to French law, and both of these great systems derive from Roman law, and the laws of earlier peoples, These great lawgivers, in chronological order, are: Hammurabi, the first King of Babylonia, reigned about 2067-2025 B. C.: The great law code bearing his name is recognized in legal literature as, perhaps, the earliest sur- viving, naturally characterized by ite primi- tiveness. Moses, circa 1571-1451 B. ©.: Hebrew prophet and lawgiver. Amongst all lawgivers, four.ders of states and teachers of mankind, none has excelled Moses, who transformed a horde of slaves and wanderers into a nation, disciplined a race, and breathed into it its character. To him is attributed the delivery of the Ten Commandments. Lycurgus, circa 900 B. C.: Legislator, tra- ditional author of laws and institutions of Sparta (by present standards a harsh code). Solon, circa 694 B. C.: The great Athenian Jawgiver, author of constitutional and legal Galus, “dirca, A. D. 110-180: A celebrated Roman jurist, probably a native of the eastern empire, He was the author of nu- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD merous works on the civil law, the most noted being the Institutes. Papinian, circa, A. D. 200: A Roman, re- markable not only for his juridical genius, for his independence of judgment, lucidity, and firmness, but for his sense of right and morality by which he frequently rose above the barriers of national prejudices, and merited the highest veneration of succeeding centuries. Justinian, 463-665 A. D.: One of the moat important events of the reign of this Byzan- tine emperor was the publication of the Jus- tinfan Code, the body of the Roman law compiled and annotated, the raost important of all monuments of jurisprudence, Tribonian, circa 500-547 A. D.: A Byzantine jurist, he was head of the commission which codified the laws under Justinian. Maimonides, 1186-1204 A. D.: Jewish phi- losopher of Cordova, he compiled a system- atic exposition of the whole of Jewish law as contained in the Pentateuch and in Tal- mudte literature. Gregory IX, circa 1147-1241 A. D,; Author of a compilation of decretals on canon law; during a critical period he accomplished much in maintaining the remnants of Roman law. Innocent IH, 1161-1216 A. D.: A profound student of canon and civil law, his accom- plishments during a dark and critical period of human history were much the same as those of Gregory IX—preservation of the remnants of Roman lew. Simon de Montfort, 1200-1265 A. D.: Cele- brated English statesman, he originated the first appearance of the House of Commons of England. St. Louis, 1214-1270 A. D.: King of France, author and mise of Amiens. Alphonso X, the “Wise,” 1221-1284 A. D.: King of Leon and Castile, he was the author of the code “Las Siete Partidas,” the basis of Spanish jurisprudence. Edward {, 1289-1807 A. D.: King of Eng- land, founder of the parliamentary consti- tution of England and eliminator of feudal- ism from political life. “What touches all should be approved by all, and common dangers should be met by measures agreed upon in common.” Suleiman, 1404-1566 A. D.: “The lawgiver,” Sultan of Turkey, reformer and improver of civil and military codes. “His amelioration of the tot of his Christian subjects is not his least title to fame.” Grotius, 1688-1645 A. D.: Dutch statesman, Advocate General of Holland and Zealand. Author of “De Jure Belli et Pacis,” first treatise on international law. Colbert, 1619-1683 A. D.: French states- man, codifier of the ordinances, reformer of the French legal system. Pothier, 1699-1772 A. D.; French jurist, author of “Digest of the Pandects.” He as- sembled and codified the remnants of Ro- man Jaw, and the prevalent French law. Blackstone, 1723-1780 A. D.: A celebrated English jurist, professor of common law at Oxford; his Commentaries on the Laws of England, had cansiderable influence on the importation and adaptation of English com- mon law in this country. George Mason, 1726-1792 A. D.: He drafted the Virginia Declaration of Rights, 1778, was a@ member of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, but led opposition to the ratifica- tion of the Constitution until the Bill of Rights was inserted in it. Napoleon, 1760-1821 A. D.: He appointed @ commission which produced the Code Napoleon, and saw that it was enfarced. It is prevailing law, even now, in Louisiana, quite influential in Florida, New Mexioo, and California. Thomas Jefferson, 1743-1826 A, D.: Third President of the United States, he was suthor of “the Declaration of Independence Gtatute of Virginia for religious freedom.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Index Alphonso X.......cnceseenecsconen Blackstone. Colbert. Edward gaits... regory Grotlus... Hamtmurabt. Innocent TIT. Jefferson... Justinian... Louls IX... Lycurgus. ... Maimonides. Suleiman . Tribonian..........2...-.eee een nne (George Kuckley, History and General Reseach Sce- tion, January 11, 1951.) Connally Rebukes State Department EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE MOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I am including an article by Mr. James Reston that appeared in the New York Times today: ConNALLY REBUKES StTaTe DEPARTMENT—SEN- ATOR PROTESTS—-CONNALLY COMPLAINS HE Was Nor CONSULTED ON CEASE-FirE VOTE, QUESTIONS ACHESON AIpEsS—-Two DENY UnitTep STATES APPROVAL OF UN RESOLUTION Was SURRENDER TO COMMUNIST CHINA (By James Reston) WASHINGTON, January 16.—Senator Tom CoNNALLY, Democrat, of Texas, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, told the State Department today that he wished it would stop making major foreign-policy decisions without consulting his committee, In a meeting with Assistant Secretaries of State Dean Rusk and John D. Hickerson this morning, the administration's principal for- eign-policy spokesman in the Senate com- plained that he had not been consulted be- fore the United States voted in favor of the latest United Nations cease-fire appeal to Communist China. i To read about this decision for the first time in the newspapers, and then be con- fronted with a horde of angry associates in the Senate, said Mr. CONNALLY, was a pe- cullar method of trying to keep the State Department and the Congress in step. QUESTIONS JUSTICE OF APPEAL Moreover, Mr. CONNALLY indicated, he had reservations himself about the justice of the United Nations appeal, which proposed that & Korean cease-fire should be followed by negotiations with Communist China on the future of Formosa and the question of who should represent Ohina in the United Nations. It was said in the Senate that the United States approval of the United Nations reso- lution was a surrender to Red China and the start of a maneuver to give Formosa to Peiping and to seat Peiping in the United Nations. Mesers. Rusk and Hickerson denied it was anything of the sort. The United States, they said, was trying to maintain unity in the United Nations on the problem of Communist China. It was the overwhelming sense of the United Na-: tions that another effort should be made to bring a halt to the fighting in Korea. The United States also was urged to agree to discuss the Formosan and United Nations representation questions, if the cease fire were carried out. It was entirely wrong to assume from this, however, Messrs. Rusk and Hickerson added, that the start of discussions meant a “‘sell- out.” We had been discussing many things with the Communists for years without sur- rendering to them. PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT STRESSED The United States was obligated under the United Nations Charter, they pointed out, to try to settle all disputes by peaceful means. We had been “discussing” the question of who should represent China in the United Nations—the Nationalists or the Commu- nists—for months, We had also agreed some weeks ago to discuss the future of Formosa with the Chinese Communists at the United Nations, they declared. Secretaries Rusk and Hickerson added that if the United States had failed to go along with the United Nations cease-fire appeal, some United Nations members would have feared that Red China would have had one more excus) for rejecting the resolution— namely that the proposals put forward by the United Nations were not accepted by the United States. By accepting the resolution, however, the State. Department aides said, one last clear and fair attempt to end the war had been made, and if it were rejected by Peiping, then the other members of the United Nations could scarcely have any excuse for not going forward with a clear condemnation of Red China’s aggression. The representatives of the State Depart- ment and several members of the Senate For- eign Relations Committee differed on the obligation of the State Department to con- sult before last week’s vote. Mr, Rusk said it was the policy of the State Department to consult with the Foreign Relations Commit« tee and the House Foreign Affairs Commit- tee whenever there was any change in the basic policies of the United States Govern- ment. NO POLICY CHANGE ADMITTED The vote for the cease-fire resolution, how- ever, did not signify or imply any change in our basic policy toward Communist China, Formosa, or the questions of representation in the United Nations. These policies re- mained the same. If Red China accepted a cease-fire in accordance with our terms, we would discuss the other questions, but that did not mean that we were prepared to turn Formosa over to Peiping or bring the Com- munist regime into the United Nations. The United States voted for the cease-fire resolution in good faith, Mr. Rusk and Mr. Hickerson observed. It would, of course, enter into any negotiations in good faith. It was not simply maneuvering on the cease-fire resolution in order to get the other members of the United Nations to go along with our condemnation of Red China as an aggressor, but if Peiping did not accept the cease-fire— both thought it would not—the path for all members of the United Nations, under the Charter, would then be fairly clear. Mr. Rusk sald he would try to keep in closer touch with the committee in the future. He pointed out, however, that while it was easy to explain any basic policy change on such questions as our poficy toward Formosa, it was difficult, if not impossible, to keep Sena~ tors informed of all the rapid acts of negotia- tion with other nations at the United Na- tions. He told the committee members that the United States would press for action as scon as possible if Peiping did not reply favorably A219 to the cease-fire appeal. Our idea was that maybe by Thursday a reply should be re- ceived, but if it was not, he felt confident that the United Nations would be ready to take up the question of condemning the Peiping regime and studying the question of what to do about the aggression. ‘ The meeting was not stormy, as has been reported, However, Mr. CoNNALLY, an artist at Texas diplomacy, conveyed to the visitors in his own way that a little less “sudden diplomacy” sure would ease his pain. A Prophecy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD B. WIGGLESWORTH OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, and at the suggestion of a mutual friend, I in- clude at this point in the Recorp a strik- ing prophecy made almost 8 years ago on May 24, 1948, by Hon. George Holden Tinkham, who served with great distinc- tion in the House of Representatives for 28 years from the State of Massachusetts. Mr. Tinkham, a Republican from a Democratic district was never defeated, Over the years he has traveled in al- most every country in the world. He has always been a student of foreign affairs and of economics. He is held in high regard and affection by those who served with him in the Congress. CRAMERTON, N. C., May 24, 1943. You say that you would like me to give you my view on the present and of the “shape of things to come” as I should if I were talk- ing to you personally. Here they are for what they are worth: As early as 1933 I saw coming another great war in Europe, and 60 stated in a speech I made in Congress at that time. By 1936, I had decided that war was inevitable, would come soon, and would last at least 5 years, perhaps longer. Looking ahead at that time, as serious as the war seemed to me, what would inexora- bly follow in the political and economic spheres, both nationally and internationally, seemed very much worse. In the long view I saw, after a postwar boom, universal pov- erty, undiluted bolshevism, and Red revolu- tions and more bloody wars rampant, we not to be excluded. At present I see a Bolshevik Russia, with the largest victorious army in Europe, dictat- ing the peace, a partially bankrupt and semi-Bolshevized England cooperating in an alliance, the United States being allowed to finance that ailiance, I see the Western Hemisphere and the Pacific being left to the United States, with England cooperating when and where she wishes. All this will be nothing but cynical, brutal power poli- tics—and of course all dressed up in saint- ly clothes and made to bear the hypocritical mien of alleged democracy. If out of this there eventuate leagues or federations, they will be mere puppets of a naked power alliance. In relation to the revolutions and wars which I saw and still see in the long view, let me remind you that it was out of poverty that followed the last war that Lenin, Musso- Uni, and Hitler came to power. The end of this war will see the whole world, including ourselves, very much more impoverished than after the last war.
A220 Y recommend that you read the second part of Oswald Spengier’s The Decline of the West, in my opinion the ablest book written since 1900. In 1919, before the rise of Mussolini and Hitler, in a penetrating his- torical analysis, he predicted many things which have come to pass; for example, that and money were having their un- belfevable final triumphs and would shortly collapse with the coming of the Cnesars. Certainly, that 1s exactly what we have wit- nessed and are witnessing here and through- out the world. It might be well for you to also read the Outline of History by Wells. He has an- other interesting point of view, although it is not so different as far as money is con- cerned. ° . Let us look at our own economies for moment. The financing of ourselves and the world and after the war means an eventual eral debt of between two and three hundreds of billions of dollars, and pethaps much more, dependent some- what upon the length of the war, sums equal to i not more than our accumulated wealth. I see much greater taxation from old and new sources. I see nearly everything sub- sidized, nearly everyone penaioned or “bo- nused”—the cost of all of which to come from acoumulsted wealth and business being put an ® soclaliged collectivist basis so as to That would mean the end of I seo ahead the progressive fall of the purchasing of the dollar, probably a radical fall, conditioned somewhat by the length of the war. I think I see in time the value of gold much enhanced. Paradoxi- cally as it may seem, I see perhaps the Ca- nadian dollar and the Argentine currency, as well as some other South American cur- rencies, pomica, including their currencies, than we ve, A grim picture, I have painted, I know, but you asked for it. Believe me, with every good wish, BSinoerely yours, Grores Houwsen TINKHAM, The Medway Plan EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr, PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, 1 am pleased to insert in the Reconrp, the text of @ Christmas message from William Montgomery Bennett, national director of the Medway plan. Included also is an explanation of the objectives of this organization. Mr, Bennett is a sincere worker for in- ternational cooperation, and is to be commended for bis untiring efforts to secure friendship among the peoples of the world. The above-mentioned Tae Maowar Pian yor HuMAN RemApiLtration arp Wostp Peace, Woodbury, Conn., Christmas, 1950. Mayor Pierre LePortter, Comte de Bagneuz, Abbe Amiard, and to Al Plan-Medway Comité Assoctates in France, Ganrixecrn: The great day of the Med« way plan is st{ll before us. Its work is not done. It has hardly begun as yet. It must not be diverted by war or transient events however important. Ite eternal work is peace and the preparation for peace. . These are critical, formative days for us all, At last a clear demarcation between free democracies and Russian slavery stands defined. All hope for understanding and toleration between the two ideologies has been swept away by the ruthless men of the Kremlin. It ts now a fight for survival. The governments of the Western European and the American nations are belatedly seeking to meet the threat of war, The peo- ples of those lands have at last awakened to danger. They are on the march. In very truth World War IT has never ceased. The defeats of Germény and Japan were but way-stops on Russia's echedule for world Gomination. Just as Hitler openly told his aims in Mein Kampf, Stalin from the first has given s clear statement of his over-all objeatives. In neither case has the world credited those blackheartefd dictators with meaning what they said. The plain fact is that France, England, the United States, and the peace-loving countries of the United Na- tions are in an undeclared war with Russia. This we must face. The forces of hatred still challenge the forces of human brotherhood; the minions of darkness still wrestle with the children of light. A deeper degree of understanding and friendship is needed between the men, women, and children of France, Britain, and America, so that a fuller confidence in their unselfish devotion to truth and spiritual values will exist as a bulwark for mutual de- fense. The united west will trumph over their foes not alone through armed might but through a common faith in freedom, human rights, the rule of law, and the bless- ing of world peace under the one God. And now I give you the message that the Medway Plan Associates in America wish to give to the people of France. It is a very important message. I ask that you take steps to make it widely known. message: “There sings in the hearts of all true Amer- {cans @ song of deep appreciation, of affec- tion, and of sympathy for all the people of France. We Americans hark back to Lafay- ette and de Grasse and their great love for the little America of the early days. When we recall our first steps toward freedom we remember how liberty waa born in France, Deep in our inner selves we feel that your people and ours have raised their eyes to the same horison of freemen to claim those righta which the Creator fashioned for all human beings. Americans and Frenchmen will never give up those God-given rights. “There is no shadow of doubt but that all Americans will stand shoulder-to-shoulder with France to guard and guarantee her life and freedom. There may be dark days when politicians differ in policies. Those will pass. But in the hearts of our people there will be no deviation and the best that we in America possess will be joyfully placed on the altar of liberty that Pranoe shall jive. “We, here, pray that all Frenchmen will stand steadiast as our friends and brothers, Friendship is never bought; {t is earned. Friends are won by love. France earned America’s friendship for all time in the American Revolution and America will never fail France. “Our peerless Eisenhower, backed by our mighty resources and our deter mination, goes to France to fight with all the freedom-loving nations to save our ways of life; to establish truth, honor, human rights, and liberty for all men. Let Prance be assured there will be no let down in that fight until the eagles of victory perch upon our united banners.” That is Medway pian’s message to the peo~ ple of France. The basic of the Medway plan cannot be assailed or denied by any man, ‘They are spreading around the earth. Men grasp them as they would APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a chalice filled with the holy wine of love. Men realize that only when those principles prevail will there be amity throughout the world. Accordingly, on behalf of our great host ot Medway Plan Associates, I confidently call upon you to press forward with unflagging geal and unflinching courage. Victor Hugo wrote that no earthly force is so great a6 an idea whose time has come, The time of Medway plan has come. With warm Christmas greetings, I have the honor to be, Paithfully, Wits MontTooMEry BENnweTT, President, the Medway Plan, THe Mepway PLan vor HUMAN REHABILITA- TION AND WORLD PEACE (By Dr. Charles R. Joy) A RAINBOW OF HOPE A huge. rusty gun rises above the bat- tered ruins of the old Atlantic wall, the great bastion built by Hitler along the Chan- nel Coast of France to prevent an Aliled invasion. Storm clouds mass behind it, black and threatening. A gust of wind, a rush of rain, and then—the rainbow. Back again in Strasbourg, this is a vivid memory of a recent visit to a little fishing town in northern France. But it is more than s memory. It is a symbol of our hope. The shattered remnants of the old war re- main; guns and walls and mines, widows and orphans and mutilated children. Now a new conflict in eastern Asia threatens many parts of the world, the dark clouds lowering in the heavens, driving winds and rains beating down upon ws in scattered showers, but there, vibrant tn glowing colors overreaching all earth’s sorrows and its pains, is the rainbow of man’s eternal hope. To this rainbow the unique Medway plan adds its bit of light and color. It stretches in beauty from land to land and binds the people together in love and hope. THE BASIS OF PEACE Councils and parliaments, charters and treaties, codes of international law and leagues of united nations will never of them- selves create a world of peace. These are but the channels through which a river of life must flow; the empty chalice into which the wine of love must be poured. There are many who cry peace today when there ts no peace; many who, bebind the form of law, conspire to break the law; many who would organize an idea in order to destroy it. Men put their confidence in external things and artificial forms because faith and love are absent from their hearts. But peace is an inward quality. It 1s born In the mind and in the soul. It is profoundly spiritual and religious. The world has never sought peace early enough. Peace is usually a frantic, postwar dream. Former enemies meet with all the old hostility in thelr hearts to sign it. War- time allies, sometimes with little in com- mon except their hatred of a former foe, meet to organize it, It is obvious that upon such # basis a lasting peace cannot be found or made. THE LONG VIEW Jesus looked beyond the present moment. He cherished a dream of a richer world, He preached a future messianic kingdom. He was not deeply concerned with immediate problema. “Render unto Caesar the things that ere Onesar’s, and unto God the things that ate God's.” There ti brief compass was his attitude toward present and future. There are temporal things, things of today to which we must make our adjustment. But there are things that are of God, eternal fn the heavens, and these are the impor- tant things, To the divine law, to the fu- ture heavenly kingdom our loyalty is due. In the end the kingdoms of this world will become the kingdoms of our God.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD THE MEDWAY PLAN The Medway plan believes that the essen- tial thing is a will to peace which is based on friendship and understanding. It pins its faith upon the spiritual forces that move in the hearts of men—forces which, eventually, will produce a world conscience wherein the cornerstones are honor, human rights, the moral law, and rule by law. The Medway plan is not an organization, in-the ordinary sense. It asks for no contribution and car- Ties on no financial campaigns. It is what its name suggests—a simple plan for indi- vidual action freely offered to all those who would help to build a world at peace, either through their individual efforts or through voluntary cooperation with others. To such as thes: the Medway plan makes its sugges- tions and cffers its assistance through its voluntary workers, who are known as Med- way Plan Associates. THE CHILDREN FIRST The Medway pian begins with the children. They are the leaders, the educators, and the voters of tomorrow. If the children of one land come to understand the children of other lands they will grow into adult citizens of a world community where war Js unthink- able. The Medway plan therefore attempts to bring the children of America into help- ful contact with the children of other lands through correspondence and through the gifts of simple essentials of life. It is an exciting thing for a child in a war-torn coun- try to find a new friend in that America which he has always thought of as the won- derland beyond the seas. And little hearts reach out to lMttle hearts, binding friend- ships are formed, and the future of the world made more secure. It is the business of the Medway plan to facilitate these friend- ships. ~t has long lists of names and ad- dresses available. Perhaps the children will lead us into the promised land. THE ADULTS NEXT It is the deep conviction of the Medway plan that every individual should make his contribution to the peace of the world. Those who make no such contribution strengthen by act of omission the evil forces that at present dominate the world. The Medway plan has suggestions for those who would like to help but do not know where to begin. It is ready to put Americans in touch with individuals and families abroad who need encouragement and a little help, Dur- ing the past 3 years many thousands of Americans have found a way into the hearts of stricken families in the war-torn countries by this method of free adoption. This is the final, convincing argument for democracy. TOWN SPONSORSHIPS The Medway plan facilitates, also, the adoption of community by community, and many American towns and cities from Maine to California have sponsored sister communti- ties in France, Austria, Italy, England, and Germany. This has resulted in bulk ship- ments of supplies—food, clothing, medi- clnes—to provide immediate relief, and, more important still, the establishment of personal friendships, The many letters of gratitude attest to the enduring consequences o* this plan. But there are many more such communities that await the evidence of lov- ing concern. The work of building a world of peace has only just begun. THE RESULTS More than 200,000 American children and adults are now in regular touch with a corresponding number of persons in Europe. Over 160 American communities have adopted European towns under the Medway plan program. About 82,000,000 worth of relief supplies have been sent abroad to date. Eighty information centers are being estab- shed overseas, stocked with material telling the story of a friendly, democratic America, This ie a remarkable record of short-time accomplishment by a group of devoted per- sons working without compensation because of their loyalty to the future peace of the world. INCEPTION OF MEDWAY PLAN The Medway plan was founded and de« veloped by Mr. William Montgomery Ben- nett, of Woodbury, Conn., and Charleston, 8. C., a retired industrialist and economist, who is now giving all of his time and work to the promotion of true freedom and world peace. In this he is ably assisted by chap- ters of Medway Plan Associates of which Mrs. Gertrude Sanford Legendre 1s chairman, Mr, Bennett was formerly director of church services for the British War Relief Society and for Bundles for Britain. He founded and directed the Interfaith Group for World Peace Under God, the purpose of which was to secure spiritual representatives as ad- visers in the organization and development of the United Nations. He also founded and js chairman of the National Religious Council ccmposed of a hundred leaders of the Protes- tant, Catholic, and Jewish faiths. But Mr. Bennett’s heart is in the Medway Plan for Human Rehabilitation and World Peace, THE MEDWAY PLAN INVITES YOUR COOPERATION This, then, is the Medway plan, a simple, flexible, personalized, integrated program for constructive action, The plan cooperates wholeheartedly with other relief agencies, particularly with the National Medical and Surgical Relief Committee, with the Pesta- lozzi Foundation of America and with CARE. In turn it invites the cooperation of all men of good will, who want to help and do not know how. He“e is a way by which ev-ryone, whatever his means, can have a part in building the brave, new world of the future. He can at least write a letter of friendly good will to someone. He can send a CARE package of food or clothing. He can become, perhaps the Medway plan associate in his community and help or- ganize it for the sponsoring of a town abroad. St. Francis of Assissi prayed that God might give him strength to leave a bit of love in every place where he found hatred, to leave a little Joy wherever he found sad- ness. That can be the privilege of all those who cooperate through the Medway plan, and a new rainbow will rise about the out- moded symbols of war—a rainbow of faith and hope and love. Additional information will be gladly fur- nished. The Medway Plan, head office; Woodbury, Conn. Offices also at 1 Wall Street, New Yor City; 20 Montague Street, Charleston, 8. C.; Chenedouit, Orne, France; Salzburg, Austria. emer enmememeel Address of Erle Cocke, Jr., National Commander of the American Legion EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr, SIKES. Mr. Speaker, I take pleasure in submitting for the Concrées- SIONAL RECORD, an address delivered by Erle Cocke, Jr., national commander of the American Legion at the National Press Club in Washington on yesterday, We of the South take great pride in the splendid achievements of this young American. His forthright statements in A221 this message leave no doubt of the vigor or of the quality of the leadership he im- parts to the Legion. I would lke to add, Mr. Speaker, that he was introduced on yesterday by Radford Mobley, president of the National Press Club, and one of the leading newsmen of this or any other city. The address follows: Mr. Chairman, members of the National Press Club, guests. Iam glad to be here not only for the personal pleasure of meeting with the Capital's press, but for the pride of knowing that you do honor to the organiza- tion I represent. The American Legion, througheut its his- tory, has enjoyed splendid relations with the press, and I consider {t one of my responsi- bilities to keep it that way. Wherever I have gone across the country, I have found large numbers of your colleagues who are also active Legionnaires. And I think you should know that we feel the press has had a good deal to do with pushing American Legion membership ahead of the total a year ago. I am especially glad for the opportunity to lay before you at this time The American Legion's position with regard to the current emergency. That position reflects the think- ing of 4,000,000 men and women at all levels and all places in our society—men and ‘women with a common background of serv- ice in the Nation's Armed Forces during war. The question of how best to meet the chal- lenge of communism is being debated hot and heavy at the present time. The debate, it seems to me, will serve a good purpose—provided it is held above per- sonal and partisan levels, and provided it does not end in filibuster. To argue for argument’s suke at this moment is danger- ous. To argue for partisan advantage would be unpatriotic. Certainly, we agree that there must come a time—and soon—when the people will have to accept and actively support the policies of our national leadership. In order for this to come about, I believe that both sides will have to give ground, The administration should lead the way by frankly admitting that mistakes have been made. Nobody expects an administra- tion to be 100 percent right, but everybody resents the attitude that never owns up to a wrong. Isolationism in this country died in 1941, There are signs now of its revival, If the trend takes hold, it will be because the American people were left with no place else to go. It tan’t a question of whether or not large numbers of Americans should be dlsillu- sioned. The fact is that they are disillu- sioned, and disappointed, and discouraged by what they believe to be inconsistent and unproductive foreign policies. In 1947, President Truman declared that it would be the purpose of this country to support free nations everywhere in resisting communism. You called it the Truman Doc- trine, and it won popular approval. Best of all, it worked; Greece and Turkey proved the experiment. In 1948 came the Marshall plan to spend American dollars and know-how in rebuild- ing the economy of Western Europe. And again, the people applauded and the plan worked. But then came the sad awakening. With the rout of the Nationalists in China, it be- came apparent that, while combating the Kremlin on one side of the world, we had delivered it into power on the other, The State Department then asked us to believe that the Reds in China were not really bad people, that they wanted only land re- form. Most of us refused to swallow that one, The fact that it was offered at all is, in my opinion, a grave indictment of the Btate Department's policy makers,
United States approval of the UN’s cease- fire plan tor Korea impresses our organiza- tion as being one more link in a chain of misadventures in the Far East. Appease- ment is a cloudy word, but I think it can be applied with all of its original meaning to thut action. What can be gained by vol- untarily surrendering the cause for which we went into Korea It’s a little late to be making a gift of that country to the Reds under terms that would preclude us from punishing them. Whether we pull out of Korea is a deci- sion for the military to mak:. The American Legion favors holding that ground as long as the effort is vastly more costly to the enemy than to us. We submit that the failure of a majority of United Nations members to join the United States in branding Communist China an ag- greseor has done more to foster isolationism in this country than all of the speechmaking in Congress or out of it. The UN cannot long endure the reputation of penalizing lit- tle aggressors while letting the big ones get away. It is tagging itself with precisely that reputation today. Chiang Kai-shek's offer of 30,000 troops to fight in Korea has gone begging for 6 months. There is talk now of sending over reinforce- ments from this country. I submit that it would be a grievous error to commit another GI into that battle while ignoring the ready assistance of the only Chinese Government recognized by the United Nations. In the event that the UN does not act against the Chinese Reds, we believe tt will be necessary for the*United States to take that action alone. Regardless of the out- come in Korea, we should biockade the Chi- nese coast and give all possible aid in weap- ons and military advice to the forces on Formosa and the guerrillas within China it- self. Committing large numbers of American troops to the defense of Western Europe is admittedly a risky proposition, one that de- serves the most careful study and which the President—again in the interest of unity—~— should discuss with the Congress. Two basic concepts must be borne in mind, First, Europe cannot stand against Russian attack without substantial American ground forces. Secondly, no amount of American men and weapons can hold Europe unless those coune tries contribute a maximum military effort on their own hook. You simply cannot de- fend a country that will not defend itself. Now we are not ready to admit that this is the situation in Europe today. General Eisenhower went abroad for the express pur- pose of sizing up that issue. And the Amer- ican Legion is prepared to accept the gen- eral’s judgment. To attempt to settle the question on any other basis seems to me a dangerous break with realism. After all, why have we undertaken such e huge and costly rearmament effort? If we are going to be candid about it, not prima- rily to save Italians or Frenchmen or Ger. mane from capture by communism. And cer- tainly not for reasons of charity. We are doing it because it is necessary for the security of our own country, our own homes, our own lives, The Hoover plan, in our Judgment, com- bines extreme pessimism with exaggerated Optimism, It leads from his premise that Europe cannot be defended to the conclusion that the Western Hemisphere, alone, can be defended. I think everyone would agree that the time may come when communism will have to be battled from the Americas. That is a Possibility. MY. Hoover’s proposal would make it a certainty. He fs asking us to con- cede all of Europe and all of Asia and Africa at a time when there is a reasonable chance of keeping powerful resources of those con- tinents in the fight. When you consider that retiring to this hemisphere would leave the Kremlin in con- trol of seven-eighths of the world’s peoples and more than half of the world’s industry, you have to believe that the Americas under that condition would be considerably less than a Gibraltar. Ah in all, 1t would appear that Mr. Hoover—out of the very best of motives-—has come up with an untimely recipe for na- tional survival, With regard to Mr. Taft, frankly, I am confused as to which aide of the plate the Senator is batting from. He has established himself in a very short period of time as the top switch-hitter in the foreign relations league. One week ago-~and speaking in this room-—Senator Taft disclosed thet he wasn't at all certain that Stalin intends to attack in Western Europe. In 1948, the Senator gave that same reason for opposing Uni- versal Military Training. And 10 years ago, in early 1941, he said it was asinine for any- one to suppose that Japan would make war on the United States. I think the veterans of the country, par- ticularly those of World War IT, can be ex- cused for respectfully discounting Mr. Taft's knowledge of dictators’ intentions. The Senator from Ohio also warns that our going into Western Europe with troops might provoke attack. That may be. But if we are agreed that communism is an aggressive, imperialistic force bent on world conquest, then at some time and place we must take a stand. I believe the time is now and one priority place is Western Europe. One good effect of the great debate has been to get the people thinking—a great many people who otherwise might have coasted along unmindful of the issues. We should make certain, however, that in all the excitement we do not make the mistake of falling for an easy way out, The idea of concentrating on sea and air forces—with a relatively small Army—is a case in point. This old chestnut was pretty well buried by World War Ii. I am sure that the 8,000,000 ground troops who helped bring victory to America in that war do not consid- er they were either unnecessary or unessen- tial. And I am equally certain that our ground forces in Korea feel they are doing an important job. History shows that every major war has brought forth new and more destructive weapons. And the need for manpower has gone up with every war. Atomic bombs hastened the surrender of an already-beaten Japan, but who can guarantee that Russia would react accordingly? Unless we come up with planes and ships capable of storming hills and taking away the enemy's guns, we had better leave those jobs to the foot-sol- dier and train him to do them. The really encouraging side of the present situation is the degree of unity already exe pressed on the need for building and main- taining powerful armed forces. Where they should go and how they should be used are live questions. But for the first time in our history, short of declared war, the American people are convinced that military prepared- ness is most essential, How do we go about it? The President has announced a goal of 8,500,000 men in uniform by July. I look for the figure to reach 5,000,000 in 1952, unless there is all-out war, and maximum mobilization would then be in order. If Russia does not attack, mobilization will probably level off at approximately 7,000,000 in . To our way of thinking, the build-up in manpower should be limited only by the ability of the armed services to absorb new recruits. We cannot ganvbie again on time to train while we fight. For every man of service age who was ready to do battle on Pearl Harbor day, there were 10 who had APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD no prior military experience. The year that it took us to mount our first major offensive in North Africa would not be ours to waste next time. The American Legion wil] support 4 pro- gram of universal military training and serv- ioe as the best and fairest means of filling out the armed services, I believe that congressional action on the UMT feature of this plan is as important a security step as the Nation will be called upon to take. No other move could do #0 much to guarantee that the strength being mustered now will outlast the emergency. If UMT is not enacted, we will be well on the way to repeating the old mistake of sprinting to a dead stop so far as national preparedness is concerned. Oertainly, every qualified young man can expect to undergo military training and serv- jee during the next 10 years. Bearing arms is going to become as much a habit of Amer- ican life as studying in school and paying taxes, and not only will the Nation be more safe but the people will be stronger and better citizens because of it. We hear a lot about the great sacrifice in- volved in youngsters giving up their time and careers for military service, Personally, I believe that most young men neither need nor want that type of sympathy. Military service in these times is the first obligation of citizenship. But beyond that, and equally important, it is an opportunity for the indi- vidual to increase his own chances of sure vival, The compelling factor of this stage of mo- biligation is speed. We need to build up the fighting services with the finest available fighting stock. To do that, we must draw heavily, it seems to me, on the 18-year-old age group. The American Legion does not presume to have sure-fire answers to all of the prob- lems I have touched on here today. But I am convinced that on one essential point, we have caught the will and the hopes of the majority of the people. That is a deep and abiding belief in the future of this country— and in the capacity of 150,000,000 Americans, pulling together, to come up with honorable and workable solutions, Leading a Free World EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FREDERIC R. COUDERT, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. COUDERT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include a very worth-while letter ap- pearing in the New York Times of Jan- uary 14, from the Honorable Herbert Pell, a distinguished New Yorker who formerly represented the Seventeenth New York district in the House: ; LEADING A Free Worup—SvurvivaL or Crvitr~ BATION Bain To Dureny on Era oF Peace (The writer of the following letter, for- merly a Member of Congress and State chatr- | man for the Democratic Party, served as Minister to Portugal and as the American member of the UN Commission for Investi- gation of War Crimes.) Hopawkun Joncrion, N. Y.,, January 10, 1951, To the Evrron or rue New Yoru Trocus: Tam for peace. I am for minding our own business, I am particularly opposed to a policy which boils down to an effort to im- pose American ideas and customs on other
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nations. This does not mean that we should not recognize the duties and responsibilities of our position. We must properly understand the situa- tion of the Un'ted States. This country is the leader of the free world, which is a very different thing from being the free leader of the world. We are the first of a group of associates. We cannot act as the master of slaves, as the paymaster of hirelings or as the dominator of satellites, The nations on our side are weaker and poorer than we are, either because they are smaller or because they have suffered more, but they are not slaves, servants or syco~ phants; they are free nations and can be led by their willing consent or not at all. We cannot treat them as tools to be broken in our interest. When we assume the burden of leadership we assume at the same time a re- sponsibility for the interest of those whom we lead. We cannot offend their conscience or sacrifice them for our own gain. ECONOMIC SURVIVAL Intelligently, we must recognize that the United States cannot be alone in the world. It cannot long remain prosperous in a com- pany of ruined nations. So much is obvious, For a good many years to come the core of individualist economy—if that economy is to survive at all—must be a prosperous United States. It is manifest that we can- not as a nation continue as the leader and the bulwark of a civilization based on the assumption that peace is the normal condi- tion of mankind if we persist in a policy of military adventure or turn ourselves into an armed camp. If the United States is to be the first nation of the future, if we are entering on the American century, let us hope and do what we can to make it so that the period of our leadership will be a period of peace, amity, and prosperity rather than a time of subor- dination for the world under the rule of a people themselves oppressed by the tools of their dominance. Peace is the only possible base for our civilization. It was built on peace, and without peace it will die. War will ineluct~ ably end the customs and the outlook and the way of life, the ideals and the national purposes which we inherited from our fathers to be held as a sacred trust for our children, Peace is not always easy to maintain; at the present moment its maintenance is, and will be for some time, extremely difficult. As Governor Dewey once said, ‘We must wage peace.” HISTORY OF WARS Twice in our time we have seen that total war (and there really is no other kind pos- sible) decides nothing, settles nothing, an- swers nothing, and leads to nothing. Win- ner and loser, both are vanquished. Is there a single nation on earth that got, by any imaginable system of accounting, a net gain out of either of the two wars we have lived through? Today, does any sane person believe that a conflict with Russia will mean anything but mutual destruction and ruin? Do we hope to overrun Russia as Germany was overrun and occupy it as Germany was occu- pied, and then build it again, as we are doing in Germany and Japan, into some- thing very like what it was before? What do we plan to do with a victory? Tt 1s manifest that a war with Russia will end in a collapse of common exhaustion. The representatives of a shattered Russia will meet the emissaries of a worn and ex- hausted United States and devise a means by which both can survive without continu- ing mutual slaughter and destruction. Is there any person in the world who imagines any other result possible? ‘The real difficulty les in the fact that the negotiators on both sides fear disapproval by the politicians at home. I do not know how ft is in Russia, but in the United States today every person who dares to express the obvious fact that com- promise is better than the best conceivable result of any possible war—which is the real belief of thinking Americans—finds himself attacked and stabbed on all sides by men sitting safely in public offices, who know very well that come what may they will be safe from any enemy. OPPONENTS OF COMPROMISE Here, there, and everywhere you hear them shouting against compromise, calling the world to witness that their only desire ts to shoulder a musket and face the wicked foe. It is only the superior quality of their patriotism that prevents them from selfishly indulging this wish. They must for the good of the Nation remain in public office while they cheer on the envied heroes. They have the effrontery to attack as cowards all who disagree w th anything they shout. The whole thing 1s contemptible. How much courage does it take for a Con- gressman or a Senator to yell for blood? Does a district attorney show a high quality of bravery when he howls aguinst compromise? Right or wrong, no question of courage is involved. How much courage does anyone think it would take for me, 66 years old, liv- ing on an ample income quietly in the coun- try, to clamor for gore, to demand the sacri- fice of a million men 40 years younger than I am and then end my heroic address with a bitter note of regret that my years or my grapevines prevented me from joining the brave boys whom I envy? Such words do not come from the mouths of heroes or of patriots but from the lips of self-seeking politicians hoping to ride into office on a wave of excitement that will conceal their own shortcomings. I have been in politics for 40 years. I was a Mem~- ber of Congress 10 years before the oldest soldier drafted was born, and I know. Most of the political shouters think they are backing a winning horse—that’s all. Twenty-five years ago thousands of Amer- ican politicians attacked the Catholics to get the Klan vote. Today they follow Mé- Carthy. Twenty years ago they said as they drank their bootleg liquor, ‘“‘There’s one more election in prohibition.” Today, safe behind desks, they think that war and hatred will keep their snouts in the public trough in 1952. It's as simple as that. I am for peace. I am on the side of the angels of God, who sang, “Peace on earth, good will to men,” They were not popular with those who filled the inn and crowded Mary into the stables, but they were right all the same. Why not negotiate now, while the young men are stil’ alive? Hersert PELL, High Cost of Bread EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. USHER L. BURDICK OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. BURDICK. Mr. Speaker, just to Jet the consumers of the East know that the high cost of bread cannot be fas- tened on the farmers who raise wheat, I submit an original statement from one of the best farmers in my area, The letter follows: Wriiirston, N. Dax. Dear Ma. Burptce:t bought a loaf of bread today for which I paid 20 cents, It con- A223 tains less than 1 pound of dry wheat flour. I also sold a load of No. 1 wheat at the elevator for 9 cents e pound, and then the consumers blame me for the high cost of living. I buy the land at e high price, spend big sums for improving the land, pay high taxes on it, buy thousands of dollars’ worth of high-priced machinery, furnish the seed, hire high-priced labor, etc., to grow and har- vest the wheat and bring it to market. And then somebody else takes that wheat and grinds it into flour and bakes the bread, and all I get is 83 cents, 7 percent, of the final cost to the consumer for the bread. Why js not that fact mentioned oftener when Congress is arguing ways and means of how to lower the cost of living? Happy New Year. O. 8. Extzvonp. “P. 8.—If you start figuring Genera: Mile’ Puffed Wheat, it looks 10 times wu..e. Don’t Penalize Parenthood EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. S. J. CRUMPACKER, JR. OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. CRUMPACKER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include a column by Al- bert W. Spiers, editor of the Michigan City (Ind.) News-Dispatch, which ap- peared in that newspaper on January 5. ‘ Commenting on plans for increasing taxes to help pay for the expanded de- fense program, Mr. Spiers presents a most convincing argument against any across-the-board cut in dependency ex- emptions, Lower exemptions, he points out, would place an unfair share of the tax burden on families with children, A fairer method would be to leave ex- emptions unchanged while boosting the levy on taxable income. Mr. Spiers’ point is well taken, and, I hope, will be considered by the Ways and Means Committee when it begins formulating a new tax bill next month, The above-mentioned follows: ‘The new tax plans of Truman and company will deal a low blow to parents who are strug~ giing to raise good kids in tough times. Let’s write our Congressmen. Here's the gimmick: Truman wants to raise income taxes mainly by lowering the $600 per exemption, perhaps as low as $400. That sounds fair and simple, but let’s see how it works with two families of identical income. Mr. and Mrs. Joe Doaks like kids. They have three, and make continual sacrifices for them. Only when income taxes are calcu- lated are those tykes a budget blessing. The Doaks live in a house that is perpetually battle-scarred, but always warm, happy, and rambunctious, Mr. and Mrs. Joe Iceberg decided long ago not to have costly kids. They like the com- forts of life for themselves, so their home, . while lacking warmth and noise, is neat, modern, and ftted with all the latest con- veniences, Both the Doaks and Icebergs make 85,000 a year, With their two exemptions, the Ice- bergs now pey about $600 a year to Uncle Sam. ‘The Doaks, having five exemptions, only pay about $250—a difference of @360,
A224 which is little enough when the real cost of raising children is conatdered. Comes costly war. New taxes must be im- posed, new sacrifices made. Who ahould make these sacrifices—the Doaks, who al- ready are fulfilling their obligation to God and society by struggling to raise three fine youngsters, or the Icebergs, who live selfishly in cold personal comfort? You know the answer, and so do I—but the tax men don't. Let us now cut those tax exemptions, as Truman suggests, to $400 each. We now have added $400 (¢200 for each of two exemptions) to the taxable income of the Icebergs. At roughly 26 percent, that will cost ‘em $100 more, But we have added 61,000 to the taxable in- come of the struggling Doaks, and that will cost them $250 more. In other words, under this plan the famity with three children will bear two-and-one- half times as much of the new tax burden as the family without children. Should that be? Or should the shoe be fitted to the other foot? That could be done eastly by leaving the @600 exemption unchanged and boosting the levy on taxable income. Let’s try that on our two families. The Doaks now have 4 taxable income of roughly $2,000—their $5,000 less 83,000 for five exemptions at $600 apiece. Their $250 bill is a shade less than 15 percent. The Yoebergs’ taxable income is ¢3,800— their $5,000 less two 8600 exemptions. Their 600 tax bill is a shade more than 15 percent. Now raise taxes 20 percent. The Dosks will now pay 85 percent of $2,000, or $700. But the Icebergs will pay 35 percent of $3,- 800, or a healthy $1,330. + We have increased the Doaks’ tax bill $450 and the Icebergs’ tax bill $730—and brother, that’s the way I like it. The Icebergs, by any, measure, are better able to make new eacri- fices than the Doaks. They have chosen not to make sacrifices for children. It delights me to force them to make sacrifices for America. Servicemen’s Wives and Infants Neglected EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM K. VAN PELT OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. VAN PELT. Mr. Speaker, I ask permission to insert into the Appendix of the Recorp, a timely editorial from the Sheboygan (Wis.) Press dealing with the necessity for a maternity and infant care program for the wives and infants of the men in the Armed Forces. The editorial follows: Sexvicemen’s Wives anv Invants NEGLECTED The emergency maternity and infant care program (EMIC), inaugurated back in 1943, should be reestablished by necessary legisla- tion at Washington tf we are going to remove a hardship that falls upon the wives and in- fants of men in the United States service. This program was administered by the Children’s Bureau, Federal Security Agency, through Btate agencies, and it did a mag- nificent Job. The program was available to the wife and infant of an enlisted man serv- ing in the fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh pay grades of the Armed Forces or of an avia- tion cadet, providing without cost medical, nursing, and hospital maternity service dur- ing the prenatal period, childbirth, and for 6 weeks thereafter, and medical and hospital care for the infant during hia first year. After July 1, 1047, there was a gradual ter- mination of this emergency, and the latest dates on which care could be provided was July 1, 1048, for mothers, and to April 30, 1949, for infants. At the present time there is no such program, and need for a similar program for wives and infante of servicemen is even greater than it wes during World War II. The quarter allowance for depend- ents now varies with the pay grade and the number of dependents, as follows: Pay grades 1, 2, and 3: 1 dependent...-.....-.----------- 885.00 2 dependents...~.-....--------- <= 107. 50 Over 2 dependents.......------~- 125.00 Pay grades 4 and 5: 1 dependent,_.....-------------«- 127. 50 2 dependents......--..--.--------- 127. 50 Over 2 dependents.........--.----- 145. 00 Pay grades 6 and 7: 1 dependent..... wenenaccnnncnnnee 147, 50 Q@ dependents._....-..---.-------- 147. 50 Over 2 dependents......-.-.------ 165, 00 The serviceman could, of course, send to his family additional sums from his pay. Let us point to the local situation today, and every taxpayer will realize the need for this agency program. During the months of November and December a record was kept of local pending confinements of wives of servicemen. Up to this time 12 have been recorded, and it is reasonable to assume that there are as many more that have not been brought to the attention of the Red Cross or to any other agency. In many instances hos- pitalization insurance was forfeited with ter- mination of husbands’ employment, end at the present time payment of confinement pills is arranged for directly with the doctor and hospital by the wife. Every month that this continues without a new emergency ma- ternity and infant-care program it will work a hardship on many of the families of men in the service. If an application is made to Army Emer- gency Relief, Navy Relief, or Air Force So- clety, depending on the branch in which the head of the family serves, it is handled on a loan basis and deducted by allotment from the serviceman’s pay. There is no local agency, other than the Red Cross, which will pay for such confinements. It would be in- teresting to learn what support the county medica] association will give a new program. Our point is that we can do no less for those fighting in Korea and who ere in the service in other portions of the world than to give them a program similar to the one which was in force from 1943 through April 20, 1949. It should be resumed and imme- diately. The United States Department of Labor issued a folder back in October of 1945 which outlined the various services of the Emergency Maternity and Infant Care program: 1, It is for wives and infants of men in the four lowest pay grades of the Armed Forces and of aviation cadets, regardless of family income, race, or length of residence. 2. It provides medical, nursing, and hos- pital servicee—not cash payments—to the wife. 8. It provides services without cost to the men, their wives, or families. 4. It operates tn every State, the District Kay Columbia, Alaska, Hawali, and Puerto co. 6. It is administered by the State Health Departments under plans approved by the Ohiidren’s Bureau. 6. It depends for its success in each State on the cooperation of physicians, hospitals, nurses, clinics, and public-health agencies, 9, It provided care for about 860,000 moth~- era and about 110,000 babies during the 30 months it was in force. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This ts s subject that should call for immediate action, and our Representatives im Congress and in the Senate should hasten to enact a program similar to thet which ‘was discontinued or replace it with a new measure covering the various phases that we have mentioned. If we are going to bulld the morale on the home front, if we are go- ing to give our fighting men with dependents at home something to build up their morale, the best way is to provide ways and means jn the nature of care and medical treatment for the dependents here at home. If we want to make a wife or a mother feel that the Government is interested in her welfare, this is the surest way to proceed. The Cost of Freedom EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SID SIMPSON oF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr, SIMPSON of Illinois. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following edi- torial from the Quincy (Ill) Herald- Whig, of January 15, 1951: Tue Cost oF Prerom The Nation today was given the estimates on the cost of preserving freedom against the encroachment of totalitarianism. Mr. Truman's budget figures are, of course, ap- mate. None can foretell the course of events. But they are grim reminders of the sorry plight of a world which twice in a gen- eration fought to eradicate the very condl- tion that faces us today. No American can be happy over the leader~ ship of the free world which now is ours. It is 8 costly honor—costly in effort, blood, and treasure, but it is inescapable. Paradoxically, this Nation, grew to strength and power through wars which weakened most of the other nations. Perhaps we grew in spite of wars, or because the wars were fought on other people's grounds. In any event, the torch of freedom is in our hands and if we fail there will be no other to take it up. The President's determination, that this country shall do everything possible for its security cannot be logically challenged. All of us want peace and security. Mstimates of cost will, in time, be tested 1n committee inquiry and congressional debate. But the cost of government for the years ahead will be heavier than we ever have known in peace- time. Mr. Truman has offered a Federal budget for the fiscal year starting next July 1 of more than $71,500,000,000 and will propose increased tax rates to meet it in full. If approved the tax load will require $471 from the average person in fiscal 1962, or 61,884 in Federal taxes for the average family of four, Since approximately one-half the Fed- eral revenue comes from personal income taxes, tt would mean 6235 from each person next year, or about $940 for each average family in direct Federal income taxes. Many, of course, would pay much less and many would pay more than the average amount. A Federal sales tax ie certain to be asked. This would be in addition to the present aales taxes in many States. It could be col- lected with less work as a tax on goods at the source, although the total revenue would be smaller than if taken at the retail level. Still, a tax of 3 percent might yleld five bil- Mons annually. It still would leave the heaviest burden for the income tax field.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Sales taxes hit harder at the smail income citizens and income taxes etrike harder at big incomes. In the present situation all will have to pay more. The Budget fixes probable Federal spend- ing next year at seventy-one and one-half billions, as compared with an estimated forty-seven and one-fourth billions for the current fiscal year. It estimates also that higher production wil! bring higher {ncomes so that the current Federal revenues of forty-four and one-half billions would rise to fifty-five billions next year even with no rate increases. This year's anticipated deficit of more than two and one-half billions will increase the Federal debt to two hundred and sixty billions, a staggering figure which we should not contemplate increasing. Even with the higher national income, next year's deficit probably would amount to sixteen and one-half billions unless taxes are increased or new ones levied. Mr. Tru- man will ask Congress to raise in taxes sufll- cient funds to put the defense program on & pay-as-you-go basis. To do this, we will have to pay one-third higher taxes than at present, with at least 27 percent of the na- tional income going into the Federal coffers. This is a huge sum. Plans call for forty- one and one-half billions, or 58 percent of all Federal revenues, to be used for rearm- ing and for seven and one-half billions to be spent in military and economic aid to our allies. Thus almost forty-nine billions or 69 percent of all Federal funds would be used for defense, leaving @ little more than twenty billions for domestic purposes. The welfare of all the people and the preservation of their national existence calls for speedy rearming with as little waste and error as possible. Although the domestic costs are relatively small, they afford the most debatable fiscal points. Mr. Truman's apparent attempt to inject his Fair Deal, checkmated in the Eighty-first Congress and largely repudiated at the polls, may endan- ger the worthy portions of his program. Cer- tainly no effort shquld be made under the cover of national distress to sneak such things as FEPC, Federal health insurance, and the Brannan plan through the back door under the cloak of national defense. There are ways in which the domestic costs can be reduced. They will make only a small dent in the tremendous budget, but every million saved will help to ease the burden. Several members of Congress tried uncuc- cessfully in the last session to reduce ordi- nary costs. Now these savings must be made. We shall pay billions for defense, but we can’t afford a cent for waste. Universal Military Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT R. O’CONOR OF MARYLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 17 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 Mr. O’CONOR. Mr. President, in the present critical state of affairs through- out the world it is most vital that our country have the benefit of the thinking of leaders in every walk of life. One group which has been organized with this thought in mind is the Committee on the Present Danger, which includes among its membership 2 number of col- lege presidents and leaders in the profes- sions and in business. One of the proposed programs for government which this committee con- XCVII~—App.——15 siders urgent is the adoption of universal military service. A statement on this matter presents the reasoning behind it in such convincing terms that it deserves to be brought to the attention not only of the Members of the Congress, but of all our people. I therefore ask unanimous consent that the statement from the Committee on the Present Danger be printed in the Appendix of the REcorp. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows. WasHincron, D. C., December 12, 1950. STATEMENT BY THe COMMITTEE ON THE Present DANGER The acts of naked aggression by powerful Communist forces in the Far East constitute & grave threat to the survival of the United Nations, and a peril to the very security of these United States, which cannot be mis- taken, cannot be ignored, The members of the Committee on the Present Danger, making this statement, be- lieve that the hour is at hand when our country must mobilize its manpower and resources on a scale great enough to meet the real and present danger, and that scale is very great indeed. We confront the actuality of the assault by vast Red Chinese armies on the United Na- tions forces in Korea, We confront the con- dition of military weakness in Western Eu- rope, a condition seriously worsened by recent shocking developments in the Far East. We confront the fact that in these circumstances American power is far from adequately mo- pilized. We confront the fact that we can find no safety by withdrawal from overseas and by attempting to make the North Amer- ican continent impregnable—that would be a counsel of despair and defeat. Even in this crisis we totally reject the idea of a preventive war. Nor do we accept the idea that war with the Soviet Union is in- evitable—unless the Soviet so wills it. On the contrary, we believe that the great objec- tives of our foreign policy and military pol- icy—working in common with the other free countries in the United Nations—sbould con- tinue to be the attainment of an enduring peace, looking toward @ condition in which the beginnings of world disarmament may be made. But we are convinced that there is no hope of accomplishing these objectives so long a8 the military position of the free coun- tries remains as weak as it is today. The aggressive designs of the Soviet Union are unmistakably plain. Its Asiatic ally and satellite has launched an all-out attack upon the United Nations forces in Korea, In West- ern Europe the ability of the United States Air Force to inflict heavy damage on Russia's strategic centers has been the chief deterrent to a full-scale Communist attack. Radical improvements in defense against air attack, together with growing ability of the Soviet Union to produce atomic bombs, is progres- sively weakening the effectiveness of this re- straint. Unless an adequate supplement for the atomic potential of the United States is brought into, existence the time may soon come when all of continental Europe can be forced into the Communist fold, and the British Isles placed again in even graver peril than in 1940, at sacrifices in blood and wealth that the Kremlin would accept, No scruples of conscience will stand in their way. In our view, the necessary supplement to our present atomic leadership is an allied force in being strong enough to furnish ef- fective resistance to military aggression. Such a force in readiness to execute the deci- sions of the free countries assembled tn the United Nations would make those decisions respected. That force does not exist. To meet the need, it must be promptly built. A225 To create it, the United States must take the leadership. The European nations will make the greater effort required only if the United States takes a firm stand beside them, pro- vides the balance of the equipment needed, and, most important of all, makes a powerful contribution of troops. Our part will call for greater sacrifices than any our people have yet been prepared for. Since our contribution will include forces in Europe and in the Far East, as well as a stra- tegic reserve in this country, the totel pro- gram will of necessity be a large one, calling, we believe, for a total United States armed force of at least 3,500,000 men. Also, the danger of an all-out war 1s so serious that all of our young men must have military training. But universal military training alone is no longer an adequate solu-~ tion of the problems which now face us be- cause it does not provide a force in being. The time has come for a new concept that universal service in defense of our freedom 1s ® privilege and an obligation of our young men. To accomplish this with the least in- terference with education, with business and professional careers, and with family lfe, this service should commence at the age of 18 or upon graduation from high school, whichever is later. Two years of such mill-~ tary service, including training, will be necessary, and the program should embrace radically broadened standards of fitness. We recognize that many detailed provi~ sions interpreting and applying these princi- ples remain to be worked out, and we expect shortly to present concrete proposals. The above program would, of course, be a supplement to the selective service law, not & substitute for it. But in addition to providing military man-~- power, this country must expand the pro- gram for equipment and supplies far beyond goals already announced. This will be a hard task, calling for development of the strongest possible organization to supervise our military procurement here and abroad. It will require submission to economic con- trols more exacting than those now in effect, particularly in the field of credit, Govern- ment and private. It will also render neces- sary a sharp reduction tn Government spending for nondefense purposes, The doubt is not whether such @ program 4s too arduous. The doubt is whether it is arduous enough. Certainly it is not nearly as drastic as the conditions which make it necessary. The price is high, but we believe it must be paid. It is, in our Judgment, the only chance of averting a war of world di- mensions, or of assuring victory if, in epite of all efforts to maintain the peace, the Soviet Union insists in precipitating world war III. We shall at the least have created strength which may convince the 14 men in the Kremlin that further aggression will not pay. The Committee on the Present Danger has been formed in the American tradition by civilians acting on & nonpartisan basis. It will enlarge its membership and strive to further the above purposes. To this end we are already studying certain specific prob- lems, and will from time to time meke re- ports to the public dealing with them. The bitter fact is that our country has again been thrust into a struggle in which our free existence is at stake, a etruggle for survival. We have no time to lose. Julius Ochs Adler, Raymond B. Allen, Frank Altschul, James Phinney Baxter TU, Laird Bell, Lewis H. Brown, Harry A, Bullis, Vannever Bush, Will L. Clay- ton, James B. Conant, R. Ammi Cutter, Harold W. Dodds, Charles Dollard, Edward 8. Greenbaum, Monte M. Lemann, William L. Marbury, Freder- ick A. Middlebush, John Lord O'Brian, Robert P. Patterson, Howard C, Peter- gen, Stanley Resor, Robert E. Sher- wood, Robert G. Sproul, Tracy 8. Voor- hees, Henry M. Wriston.
A226 Emergency This EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, there are few, if any, among us who are not painfully aware of the apathy and com- placency of our Nation toward the men- ace which threatens our very existence. In this hour of crisis many eloquent and forceful voices have been raised in an effort to awaken the Nation. Among these the voice of Mr. Donald J. Mc- Quade, the national commander of the Catholic War Veterans, raised an in- telligent and unspectacular appeal to our people, should merit our attention. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include Commander McQuade’s call to action, Emergency This, which appeared in the January 1951 issue cf the Milwaukee County Vet, and commend it to the Mem- bers for their careful consideration: Emercency THIS (By Donald J. McQuade, national com- mander of CWV) It becomes apparent as the critical stages of the present global situation wends their ways, propelled by basic materialistic and atheistic programs of complacency and anti- God idealism, that we, Catholics, Jews, and Protestants, white and black, man and woman, have come to the end of the pro- verbial rope. This endangers not only our lives but the lives and well-being of our children; not only our religion, but all sound Christian ideals; not only our Amer- fean way of life, but the only progressive hope of the suppressed peoples of the world. WE ARE COMPLACENT We need not go far to find the use of ma- terialistic and athelstic programs; need not analyze the mind cf the self-styled atheist; need not question the attitude of our neigh- bors; but definitely ask ourselves what we have done with the gifts of liberty, freedom, and justice. Have we used our freedom in- aividually, to stanchly defend and promote true Americanism as only a private citizen can, or have we been materialistically com- placent in our duties to God, to our country, and to one another? WARNINGS ARE IGNORED Throughout history the severest struggle of mankind has been to obtain Uberty in keeping With his dignity as a human being and so necessary for the fulfillment of his most sacred aspirations. Yet during the world wars our people have too often stated openly, “Why are we fight- ing? What do we owe this cause?” Yes, and tcday, even in the face of utter domi- nation and complete destruction of our ideale—at any time we have been warned, may come the claw of the hammer and sickle to disjoint the links of a free unity and in its stead proclaim a slave state—we are still complacent. Where? Not in Poland, it has happened there; not in Czechoslovakia, it has happened there; not in Yugoslavia, there too it has happened. For none of these conquered territories is there fear, but for the articulate and carefully-laid plan of con- trol and domination of these United States. MUST REJUVENATE OUR IDEALS The ircn curtain is not able to keep from our minds, our hearts, and our bodies the ating of terror and loss of ideals that Russia js continuing to expound. Yet, in the face of this peril that could befall us, Americans etill find themselves liberal with their lib- erty, free with their freedom, and irreligious with their religion; for example, our Supreme Court upholds godlessness as a part of liberty and anti-Americanism as a part of freedom, and our churches during special prayers for peace continue to be unattended. The tenets necessary for the period which we are experiencing will go down in history as mere words, if there is not an immediate rejuvenation of the ideals upon which our great Nation was founded. We must vigor- ously move to restore the faith to our people in God as the Supreme Ruler and Guarantor of inalienable rights. The news of the hour will not allow us to be presumptuous. At once we must make ourselves and our families ready for sacri- fices that we have never known, to ussure for our own generation and the generations to come the continuance of life with in- alienable rights. APPLY CHRISTIAN PRINCIPLES There is a crying need for the stoppage of the disooncerting decay that is occurring within. Americans must overnight refortify themselves with the knowledge of the princi- ples of Christ and of our country, and a sincere demonstration of them. Our chil- dren must be taught the principles of re- straint and discipline; the mother and father to respect their sacred contract; em- ployers to take an honest interest in the rights of employees; employees to take cogni- zance of the rights of employers; and all of us, to consider and appreciate our basic lib- erties in the light in which they were be- stowed upon us by the Creator. TAKE A DETERMINED STAND In complete trust that Americans and other free people of the world still have within them the native ability to defend and protect their liberties, we believe that the threatening fangs of terror with which Rus- sia is striking, will give us, who can be called upon to be the world defenders of freedom, a new and invigorated will, Only through sacrifice, sweat, and determination, and with the help of God, will freedom be restored to suppressed, helpless people, and will freedom be protected in our loved land. Only then can we ourselves enjoy real progressiveness in the fear and love of God and progressive- ness in the American way of life. ALL MUST COOPERATE Many of us will be recalled to military status. Our leaving will cause certain sad- ness and sacrifice to our wives and mothers of our children. Our women may be mus- tered to bolster our defense. Our industry will be called upon to produce untold quan- tities. Our scientists and technicians will be found working far into the night. Our Gov- ernment officials will be bound by a deeper sense of responsibilities and keener consid- eration of decisions, No room for profiteers. No basis for strikes. No realm for politics. No place for the weak. No time for the slacker. Emergency this. sae enereeee ered You’ve Been Cold for as Long as You've Lived EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES E. POTTER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. POTTER. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I wish to include APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the article by Jim G. Lucas, Scripps- Howard staff writer, which appeared in the January 17 Washington News, This report relates in realistic Jan- guage the hardships endured by our combat troops in Korea. The article follows: ‘You've Bren Cotp ror as LONG as YOU'VE Liven (By Jim G. Lucas) Sourn or Wonsu, January 17.—It's the cold, the awful uncompromising cold, that gets you. There's no describing it. Some people call it “frostbite.” Frostbite, hell. That's not the word when the flesh falls from a man's feet. Not when the toes swell and burst out of the shoes. Not when the hands turn black and the fin- ger joints swell as big as a baby’s elbow. Somebody ought to be able to describe what the men are going through day after day on these wind-swept mountains in cen- tral Korea. Up here where it’s 32 below zero. Where the winds cut like a razor. Where men haven't been out of clothes for 15 days. Haven't taken off sweat-soaked socks. Haven't been by a fire for 2 weeks. Haven't had a real sleep. NO WAY There ought to be a way to tell you about it but I don't know how. Not with words like frostbite. Not with any temperate zone words I know. I’m not writing about myself. I’m cold all right. But I’m not sleeping in the moun- tains tonight. I'm sleeping in a valley where it 1s 21 below. Where at least I will have a fire and lights. My rations will be warm. And when I go to bed it will be inside a warm sleeping bag with a roof overhead. When I get up tomorrow I'll have dry socks and shoepacks. The all-night fire takes care of that. And I will have slept. That’s im- portant. A man needs sleep. Up in the mountains it’s different. I know. I was there this afternoon. I came back be- cause I couldn’t take what those men are taking. Just getting there was different. Three to five hours over the worst mountain passes in this part of Korea. Icy roads. Narrow horseshoe curves. Stalled trucks. Steaming convoys. Wrecks. And always the cold. The awful bitter, uncompromising, re- lentless cold. Over by the mortar platoon I watched a weary young lieutenant greet a handful of replacements. The kids obviously just re- cently arrived from the States. Now they were in a terrible new world. A war they had been reading about was concentrated right here. They couldn't have come at a worse time. Twenty-five yard; away heavy mortars were firing salvoes. Jets were straf- ing nearby hills. Artillery was going all-out. “You men probably have been wondering why we forgot to give you sleeping bags.” The lieutenant wanted to sound hard, but only succeeded in sounding tired. “O. K., I'll tell you. You don’t sleep at night up here. Get that? You'll have no sleeping bags. We got them but we shipped them back. Those things are death traps. Zip yourself up in one and what happens? Tl tell you. Some Chink slips in and alits your throat while you're trying to uncorset yourself.” “Don’t get me wrong,” the Neutenant con- tinued, “Don't get scared, damn it. Scared moen are. dead men. You got a good chance of getting out of here alive. Meep your eyes open and most of you will get out in one piece. Only remember this: No sleeping. That’s all.” The night comes and these kids sit in fox holes. The holes are not very deep be- cause the frozen ground is too hard. There's & little rice straw on the bottom and each
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD man hes a single wool blanket. You've seen the type. They sell them in war-surplus stores. Probably you appreciate bow much protection one blanket offera when it's 83 below. It snows and the wind roars. ATTACK AT DAWN Usually—around dawn—the Reds attack, Sometimes it's only a probing patrol. But other times—like this morning—it's four or five companies. Some men tell me they wel- come that. It gives them a chance to get the biood circulating again. Sometimes somebody gets killed. But what the hell? Lots of these kids have troubles which are their own fault, of course. They haven't changed socks when they could. They haven't washed their feet. They have done a hun- dred things they shouldn't and failed to do & hundred things they should have. So their feet begin to crack and bleed and before they know it, they've had it. These kids have been at grips with the enemy for 17 days and 17 nights. They never let up. They never can rest. They never can relax, THEY'RE STILL FIGHTING But they're not complaining any more than soldiers always complain and they're atill fighting. It may be their fault, but you have got to admire the way they take it, It’s Just that godawful cold. ‘chat bitter, uncompromising cold. You've forgotten what it is to be warm. You just know you're cold. That you always have been cold. As long as you have lived you've been cold. Extension of Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH J. ADDONIZIO OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. ADDONIZIO. Mr. Speaker, Con- gress will have to give early attention to the question of extending and strengthening rent control in order to prevent inflation and injustice during the emergency. In this connection, I be- lieve the attached article from the Pe- oria, Ill., Star, of December 21, 1950, will be of interest to all Members since it graphically describes the useful work being done by the rent advisory boards throughout the country: Rent Disputes ADJUSTED BY ADVISORY Board's ‘Wispom (By Theo Jean Ahrends) To bring a landlord and tenant face to face (and particularly when one has filed a com- plaint about the other) is a nerve-wracking possibility. Despite the danger, the Peoria Rent Ad- visory Board continues to confront landlords and tenants on the second and fourth Tues- day of each month, armed with the Federal Rent Act of 1950 and a sense of equity. Giving their time (sometimes as much as 4 hours each evening), the members of the board review decisions rendered by the rent control office and then make what they con- sider a just recommendation to Ares Rent Director H. 8. Heilman, who also gives his time to the hearings without pay. Any land- lord or tenant who complains he has not had a fair hearing has certainly not been before this board. On e typical review evening a week ago only two board members and Mr. Heilman could be present. Those walting to be heard were told this was not a quorum but were asked if they wished to go ahead. They did. First to come into the brightly lighted rent office from the dim corridor of the post-office basement was @ atoutly built young woman, in this case the landlady, who was appealing an order to refund $300 to the tenant, a dark-hatred young man accompanted by At- torney Hudeon Sours. Why had the young woman charged above- ceiling rent? Why, specifically, had she charged 866 a month? The board wanted to know. The house payments had been 835 a@ month, she said, the installment payments for storm windows were $20 a month and by adding $10 a month to make up the annual taxes, the rent added up to $65 a month, Moreover, said the young woman, she had kept only one room In the house for her- pelf; the tenant had four rooms for his fam- fly. She had kitchen privileges only on the week ends when she brought her two chil- dren home with her. It was at their (ten- ant’s) invitation that I used the house freely; I used to baby-sit for their kids. LOST INVESTMENT Now the house was gone, too, sold for @6,000, although it had cost $7,500 and she had added 83,000 worth of improvements. Buddenly the young woman sroke out in a tear-tight voice, “I have just this to say. In the first place I don’t know where I'd get the money if I have to pay it. I'm not asking anyone to help me. I’m supporting two children and working to do it. But I haven't asked the Government or anyone to help.” Murmurs of reassurance went around the room. Then attorney Sours asked, “Would you be able to pay $50 or $60 if you had, say 3 months to pay 1t?” She would. “Then tf that's agreeable with you (to the tenant), let's say $50 in 75 days.” Not all cases solve themselves. Into the landlord's chair next came a thick-set, short man in overalls and striped shirt, a brown cardigan sweater buttoned tightly about him and his former tenant following close be- hind. Both sat down, in chairs not more than 2 feet apart, facing the board. The charge again was overcharging. The man who owned the house on Bigelow, read Mr. Heilman from the original complaint, had charged his tenant @23 a week for 16 weeks, and then 618 a week for 10 weeks. The house was originally registered with a $40 & month ceiling, later increased by the rent office to $60 a month. Overcharges amounted to $158. The tenant wished to collect. While landlord and tenant and board mem- bers listened, Mr. Heilman read more. A rent office inspector had made a report on the house. It read, “Structure poor, about 50 years old, exterior in need of painting; interior in need of paint, one room not fur- nished, other furnishings sparse, linoleum on floor—no scatter rugs, private bath, old fix- tures, old refrigerator—runs constantly, doesn’t freeze.” The landlord, by definition, had a house in the classification of “zone 5,” wherein the rental range was $50 to $55 a month with heat and water furnished and garage. But his tenant had paid $92 and then 672 a month and patd his own utilities. On his own ac- count to the board he had also fired the fur- nace and mowed the lawn. Why? DESPERATE FOR HOUSE “Because I moved in in the winter when I had to have a place to stay, I was living in another place owned by him (the landlord present), & one-room concrete floor apert- ment. It was cold and I had a little boy who was sick and I was desperate for a place to stay.” Were there any extenuating circumstances for the landlord? His attorney pointed out that the tenant had his brother staying with him while he paid the 628 a week, and that the landlord reduced the rent to $18 when the brother left. (It was still $3 above the ceiling get.) A227 Board Chairman Clarence Hulyer wanted to know if four was above the occupancy limit for the kind of apartment. “No,” answered Heilman—checking through his code-—"six ts the limit.” “That’s not all,” interposed the tenant. “When he told me to move out he sald he ‘was going to move in (a legitimate reason for eviction). But I think foul tactics were used to get me to move out. He hasn't moved in yet.” "There was also the question of a receipt. The rent office had one for $23 signed by the landlord. He had signed it under pressure it seemed. “Why do you object to signing a receipt for money you receive as rent?” asked Hillyer. “Just never got in the habit of it,” the landlord returned. (Signing of receipts, with amount tndicated, not just “paid in full,” 1s required by rent lew.) Since the landlord was a “repeater” in offenses, Heilman pointed out, the board was not bound by the refund indicated and could penalize the landlord up to triple dam- ages, But after both tenant and landlord departed, members decided for a $100 refund. The tenant, could if he wished, refuse to accept and take the case into court where he might collect triple damages. The board hoped the settlement was “equitable.” COMPROMISE The board had convened at 7 p.m. By 10:45 p. m. it had alao considered a case on Aiken avenue where a landlord had failed to register with the rent office and when finally registered had refused to reduce his rent from 860 to #40. He said he had to have 830 or sell the house. The board compromised at $50. In the case of a house on South Bourland, the bank seeking relief was asked to turn in D~1 forms, showing actual expenditures, and D-106 forms, showing fair net operating in- come needed. A landlord, protesting that his rent increase was not yet sufficient to cover his added costs, was asked to file the D-106 form. One landlord, who told the board his tenants had agreed to the increase he sought because they understood about the rising costs of maintenance and repair, was referred to a later meeting, the board taking the position that both parties should be present. Close to 11 o'clock, the men who had put in eight hours of thelr own work before com- ing to the rent office, closed their briefcases and shrugged into their overcoats. To give both landlord and tenant a chance to “ex- plain” personally what could not be told ade- quately on paper, it bad taken almost four hours. Members of the local advisory board are currently—Jack A. Coney, John H. Sprecher, Byron E,. Huston, Clarence G. Hillyer and Daniel BE. Horan. For Mr. Hellman it was only one of six such evenings a month. He meets with the Macomb-Canton board once a month; with Galesburg board on two Fri- Gay evenings a month and with the Bloom- ington board one Monday evening each month, Confusion Confounded EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHARLES B, HOEVEN oF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. HOEVEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rsc- orp, I include herewith a splendid thought-provoking article, written by Louls Bromfield, the noted agriculturist and author, This article appeared in
A228 the January 15, 1961, issue of the KEnox- ville (Tenn.) Journal: In Washington we are certainly suffering from a confusion compounded of confusion end tragically the confusion finds its way into the hearts of all of us. It seems to me that much of the confusion arises from hypocrisy, dishonesty, and the deliberate and calculated misuse of words. Instead of deal- ing with realities and truth, the adminis- tration and in particular the State Depast- ment is dealing with a fog of illusions, shifty maneuvers, and deliberate deception. Each time that I read in the newspapers or hear over the radio the term “United Nations forces now fighting in Korea,” something turns over inside of me. Why does this hy- pocrisy exist? The war in Korea is between American forces and those of Soviet Russia and her puppet China. All the supplies and expenses are furnished by the American peo- ple. Not 1 percent of the troops are supplied by the other nations included in the UN. Why does the administration insist on re- ferring to a full-scale tragic and disastrous ‘war as a police action when it is war being fought by us virtually single-handed? What, indeed, has the UN turned out to be but an agency which has shillied and shallied and hamstrung our efforts in a bit- ter war. Our State Department and our military leaders, hamstrung first of all by President Truman himself, cannot fight an all-out war. They must awalt the consent and decisions of the UN made up of other countries playing both ende against the mid- die, while our own American soldiers are being frozen, wounded, and killed. We can- not bomb the supply sources and lines in Manchuria without the permission of the UN. This will never come so long as Euro- pean nations want to continue their trade in war materials used against us and Great Britain wants to protect Hong Kong from attack as a port out of which she is making money while we pay in lives and expense. What is the UN anyway? It is not the only world alliance of nations. There are two—the UN and the Comintorm nations. Soviet Russia, under a plan worked out by Alger Hiss, Secretary of State Acheson and others, has the power to veto and block nearly @]l decisive collective action. Soviet Russia and her Satellites all sit on the UN which even invites an aggressor nation like Soviet China to present its utterly destructive case. None of our side sits in on the Cominform UN. We admit Yugoslavia and reject Spain. And not only are we as a nation and the UN as an organization hamstrung by the Soviet group but confusion is created by every nation which wants to save itself at the ex- pense of the United States. The philosophy seems to be, you protect us but don’t do anything rough which might involve us in awar. Just fight a war with one hand tied behind your back and we'll be safe. In the Western Europe that remains free there are approximately 330,000,000 of peo- ple. In the United States there are 150,- 000,000, yet President Truman drafts ours sons and brothers with the avowed inten- tion of sending them to Europe to defend these 330,000,000. We have already con- tributed about fifty billions to the economic welfare of these $30,000,000, and we are ex- pending more billions to arm them, yet they make very little effort to defend themselves. The Labor Government of Great Britain clearly places its mangy Soctalist ideals above the welfare of the nation and the free world itself. It insists upon nationalizing the vital steel industry and throwing it into the con- fusion and inefficiency and bureaucratic management in the midst of the worst crisis the western world has ever known. Washington tells us that aid to Great Britain under the Marshall plan has ended and in the same breath tells us that we are Paying two and a half billion to Great Brit- ain to help her arm. What kind of silly dou- ble talk 1s this? What difference does it make to a Government on the verge of bank- ruptcy whether we call the two and a half pillions Marshall-plan or military aid? It’s all in the same pot, and we American citizens pay it while we draft the beat of our young men to do the fighting not only in Asia, but, if Truman has his way, in Europe as well. Truman cries “Wolf! Wolf!” and declares an emergency when there is no emergency save the unpreparedness which grew out of the politicking and inefficiency of his own administration and the high command of the Armed Forces, which spent fifty billions in 5 years to achieve a state of unpreparedness. It is not possible to cry “emergency” again and again and again. What, therefore, hap- pens when # real emergency arrives? What is it we are trying to do? Whither are we bound? Why do we go on calling Communists in this country Communists instead of what they are—a Soviet Russian fifth column of saboteurs. We cannot meet any situation or even save ourselves 80 long as we deal with hypocrisies, deceits, and se- cret agreements designed to sell the Ameri- can people a bill of goods under false pre- tenses. Or is all this because Stalin, before the whole world, has made fools of certain high officials at the very top of our Govern- ment? Suspension of the Import Tax on Copper EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 17, 1951 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, I have introduced legislation, H. R. 256, providing for the suspension of the cop- per-import tax for the duration of the national emergency. The following editorial from the De- cember 22, 1950, issue of the Waterbury, (Conn.) Republican, and the accompa- nying letter from the C. R. Norgren Co, of Denver, Colo., are particularly perti- nent to the need for rapid enactment of that legislation. EXPLANATION DUE We hope that every Member of the United States Senate who voted against suspension of the copper tariff when it was brought up again Wednesday is prepared to answer for his action. Every Senator who voted against the cop- per bill should be prepared to explain why he was willing to approve a measure which will add millions of dollars a year to the cost of defense material. Each Senator who shouted his opposition in the voice vote that killed this legislation should be ready to explain his willingness to risk a shortage of strategic materials at a time of national emergency in order to satisfy the political demands of the copper bloc. The legislators who killed the chances of the Connecticut copper measure should be ready to explain why they favored a policy which risks diverting South American cop- per to users who won't necessarily be helping the United States in a military showdown that might confront us any minute. They should be prepared to explain why they favor a policy which is designed to de- plete American copper reserves rather than to conserve them against a time of even greater need, The opponents of the copper bill should have some explanation of why they were willing to support a policy which helps the Reds in South America by driving a diplo- matic wedge between the United States and e, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Unless the state of world affairs begins to show some improvement pretty soon these economic Pollyannas are going to have some tall explaining to do. — C. A, Noraren Co., Denver, Colo., January 11, 1951. Jamus T. PATTERSON, Representative, Connecticut, Hose Office Butiding, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. ParrersOn: I have been in- formed that you have been actively striv- ing to eliminate the imrort duty on copper which was reinacted this past summer. If have written many Congressmen and Sen- ators with respect to this matter and those of us in industry are totally at a loss to justify import duty on copper which is in short supply and which is selling at the high- est price in history. On the contrary, we fe 1 that copper should be brought tn here in the greatest possible abundance from every source or earth in order to reduce the drain on ou: own natural resources. Copper is not an expendable item in our economy. We only have a few pro- ducers of any consequence in the United States. Marginal mines should not be con- sidered as a source to fill the breach. The best they could possibly do would be a token tonnage, and, although I am fully in favor of developing these mines to see what their capabilities are, we know that they cannot be great. Most of all, we are concerned with the fact that if we go on treating copper as an indus- try to be protected under prevailing prices we are merely hastening the day when we will become a mineralogical desert so far as this strategic material is concerned, Patrioti- cally, the thing to do is to exhaust every foreign source of supply and conserve our own. Then, too, the addition of the 2-cent import duty is terribly confusing. Because of the short supply and world demand the importer merely adds the 2 cents so that we receive invoices for domestic copper on a net basis and imported copper plus 2 cents, which, of course, makes cost accounting a very difficult problem. Then, too, to further support the validity of bringing in all of the copper we possibly can is the fact that copper js definitely being sold on the black and gray market and we are asked by people, whom we had assumed to be perfectly respectful, to pay as much as 10 cents a pound more for this material when they purchase it from the hoarders. The same reasoning applies to zinc, tin, and lead. It is a sad commentary on the intel- ligence of the American people when they do not treat these compelling matters dealing with the ultimate preservation of our econ- omy in a manner that makes just a little sense. We are commending you highly on your efforts and sincerely hope that you will have some success in your efforts. Sincerely yours, C. A. Nororen Co,, Cari A. NorGREN, President. Waste by Nondefense Agencies EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr, HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, the Federal budget for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1952, presents dismal prospects for the taxpayers of this country who