B g heard, the only means of securing a» full hearing hes heen constantly to devise new methods and techniques by which the views of one group can be presented more effec- tively than those of that group’s competitors. Thua, vigorous competition has made the ectence of lobbying an ever-developing pro- fession. For while modern-day lobbying is being streamlined with new techniques and meth- ods being added, the old ones are not being abandoned. As an example, buttonholing of legislators by direct contact is still com- mon practice. Groups, as well as individuals, very properly seek to acquaint legislators directly with their views on public tesues. present-day variations on this old theme of buttonholing 9 legislator are with- out end. Lobbying practice today has some groups making their views known by letters, telegrams, and phone calla, While some de- pend largely on personal contact with Mem- bers of Congress, still others think that they can best depict their particular cause of in- forming Congress by organizing delegations for marching in groups on that legislative body. Prom the individual congressional aide, Members are quite accustomed to being sought out not only in their offices, in the corridors of the office buildings, in their homes, but also in the cloakrooms and res- taurants of the Capito] itself. Their at- titude toward théeae approaches is realistic. They wish to be informed of all sides in 4 public issue, not only from constituents but from those outside their districts as well, s0 they welcome letters, telegrams, and tele- phone calls on a pending legislative matter. In an age where the actions of Congress dl- rectly affect the lives of so many congres- sional members are aware that these means of communications from the public at large constitute the lifelines, as well as the pipe- lines, of our kind of representative govern- ment. HEARINGS DISPEL SUSPICION And with the institution of open commit- tee hearings in 1911, much of the suspected akullduggery on committee members by the old jobby barons, was banished. As in a) democratic proceases, open hearings dispel suspicion of, bribery of committee members and at the same time affect the appeals of a lobbyist testifying before such @ commit- tee, where he would and 1s obliged, in the glare of the public scrutiny, to argue largely on merit, Today, organized lot-by groups perform 4 service function in many different forms to Members of Congress. As a first example of this service, lobbies furnish, in present- ing their own views before congressional committees, the very raw material needed for representative legislative action. What human being serving as an elected Member of Congress, could be informed on all phases of the many questions of public interest that come before that body in the course of even &@ single session? But in addition to the information serv- fces crganized lobby groups give Congress on public iseuves, they perform other services, In the drafting of bills and amendments to bills, the preparation of speeches and other materials for Members, lobby groups perforya not only a high service to the leg- islative process but further their own ends as well. CAUSES EXPLORED In the final analysis, lobbying remains a very practical problem with a number of very practical causes. Firit among these very practical causes is our splendid tradl- tion of free assembly. We Americans are free to band together when and where we choose by conatitutional aranty. This tradition of free association hes provided the essential matertala from which our present system of lobbying has heen built, STETEM CALLED COMPLEX Our system of government is, of neceasity, complex with its separations of powers end this has also contributed to the growth of lobbying. We have all heard of the bottle- necks existent in government. But what is not generally known is that it ls to these bottlenecks that pressure can be quietly and effectively applied. By research into the subject it was discovered that the aim of most lobbies is the prevention of gov- ernmental action and for that reason pres- sure exerted at every critical spot~euch as a bottleneck—has meant ea relatively easy amount of success for the lobbies under these circumstances. Finally, lobbying has reached its present stature because our Government has always been sensitive to private demands. One piece of special pleading bred another with the result that the entire sygtem of special interests has developed. The theory that special interests applying pressure to Congress will cancel out another such group has been disproved. Instead it appears that rather than canceling out, the pressures on government have been piling up. Today there are 2,300 registered lobby- ists and approximately 200 organisations fil- ae financial reports under the Lobbying Act. ADVANTAGE DESCRIBED In addition, it should be remembered that the advantage will always lie with those interests which ire best organized, best financed, and have the easiest access to radio, newspapers, and other mass media. For this reason, organised business has always gained the most from lobbying because it had ail these requirements. Organized business has had another advantage. It has sought to prevent rather than encourage action by pop- ular government and it is far easier to ob- struct legislative processes than it is to create, But it is not conceivable that responsible public policy would result tf government yielded only to the strongest pressure. There remain today several vital questions con- cerning lobbies. What of those, which serve as a “front” for other groups whoee true con- tributors are not always known? And what of those lobbies which epend large sums of money to influence elections? RESPONSIBILITY NEEDED Absolute responsiveness to group interests is part of our Government. But truly re- sponsible representative government Je quite another thing Indeed. While lobbying is natural tn our system of government and should not be curbed, the outer limits beyond which lobbying is an offense against the welfare of the whole com- munity have not begun to be charted. Resolve To Go All Out for Freedom in 1951 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DWIGHT L. ROGERS OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. ROGERS of Florida, Mr. Gpeak~ er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include therein an editorial from the Fort Lau- derdaie Daily News, of Monday, January 1, 1951. This editorial was written by Jack Gore, the editor, who will be re- membered as the writer of an editorial APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD placed in the Rzcorp last year, Let's Re- member the Sea Gulls. The following editorial entitled “Re- solve To Go All Out for Freedom in 1951" is timely and most convincing and I recommend it te the consideration of not only the Members of the Congress but to all those who read the Conorzs- stonat Recorp. It will also be remem- bered that the Fort Lauderdale Daily News published a booklet containing a number of editorials and which was dis- tributed to some of the Members of Con- gress. The above-mentioned editorial follows: Ruso.ve To Go ALL Our ror Ferrpom in 1051 What we American must resolve this New Year’s day is abundantly clear. We must make ourselves as strong militarily as our resources in men and material will allow. For only in the full marshalling of our strength is there any hope of peace. We must not quail at the hard sacrifices this task will impose upon us. No sacrifice, even that of our lives, is too great to make to save our liberties. Should the moment ever come when we would rather have bread than freedom, then our great advanture in human endeavor will be over. We cannot thus abandon the fleld to the barabartc, unmoral totalitarians who today wear the dress of communism but are still the tyrants of old. We cannot forsake all that America has built, all that western Civilization has been moving toward for centuries. We must stand here, where we are. And we must stand now. To wait longer might mean we will never be able to stand against the force that could be arrayed opposite us. It seems cruelly unfair that with the ex- penditure of so must treasure and sO much blood in World War I, we were able to buy so litle peace and happiness. Five short years, years of booming prosperity to he sure, hut years marred by the dislocations of a war just ended and the fears of another that could start at a dictator’s whim. This may seem small recompense indeed for great sacrifices already made. But it must not be forgotten that we did save our freedom. We are not today the slaves of Hitler and Mussolini. If we and all others in the free world are not to become the slaves of Stalin, we there- fore must plunge ahead and do again—on a bigger scale—all the onerous and painful tasks thet together spell the preservation . of liberty. None can escape this responsibility, nor tell himseif his energy and ability are not required, Total effort is needed. The quality of a nation's life is always measured by the sum of millions of individ- ual contributions to its well-being. Noth- ing 1s lost in thia accounting. Never is this more true or more meaningful than when a country is struggling, as ours now is, for its very survival. Yuletide Prayers EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. ANDREW F. SCHOEPPEL QF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. SCHOEPPEL. Mr. President, 1 ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, the spe-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cial Christmas column written by A. L. Shultz, long-time political and feature writer and columnist of my State. This article appeared in a host of Kansas newspapers and carries a mes- sage as well as a challenge for all of us at the beginning of this new legislative year. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Torexa, Kans., December 20.—Yuletide prayers will be on millions of trembling lips throughout this usually happy holiday time in fervent supplication for deliverance from the chaos that threatens our beloved land and cherished heritage. In all this Nation there is somber, serl- ous meditation. It has supplanted the spirit of traditional Christmas cheer in the hearts of mothers, fathers, brothers, and sisters everywhere. They sense an impending na- tional tragedy. They are aware of the threatened loss of things they hold dear. Instinctively, dulled senses warn that for all practical purposes of sound leadership, Government in Washington has fallen apart. This isn’t anything new. Evidences of de- cay and deterioration heve been increasingly apparent for months. Not until the walls of public confidence in Washirgton buckled and collapsed was there general awareness of the seriousness of it all. Now there is a stark, barren spectacle of impending ruin. It is a horrible holiday thought. You don’t like it. Nobody likes it. Yet at the approach to the new year, it 1s time for people to speak calmly, frankly, and truthfully to themselves and to each other. Never in the history of God-fear- ing people was tragedy displayed more starkly at an hour which so significantly calls for supplication for deliverance fror impending catastrophe—possibly destruction of civili- zation itself. In the hearts and minds of people every- where there is sudden realization that small men have been called to great tasks for which they are not trained or equipped. There is awareness that selfish, greedy individuals with lust for position and power hold per- sonal ambitions above the welfare of their country. Much of the failure should be charged to sheer ignorance and inability to appraise grave problems. It is all glaringly apparent how, Tragic days in Korea brought the true story to every community in the land. Lives of American boys sacrificed in frozen passes in a strange land spelled the price of stupid mismanagement of our foreign af- fairs. Swaggering, self-satisfied, incompetent Bubordinates executed decrees of power- drunk policy makers. A supine public se- lected this leadership. All too late there is realization of the betrayal of that trust— through ignorance rather than design—per- haps. Yet the cost ts the same. Something in the indomitable faith and courage of the average American reflects a confidence that there still is opportunity to regain the world prestige and high standing which has been undermined. This awaken- ing makes crystal clear that the men gullty of tragic bungling in Washington are not now capable of leading the country out of danger.’ Maybe through divine direction and a surge of public determination, the path to anew future may be opened. At this Christ- mas season and the turn of the year, millions of people will pray that the deliverance, which today seems so far away, may still be within reach. There is ane hope, maybe one hope alone. It is in the leadership of the new Congress which agsembles in a few days. Solemn, serious acceptance of responsibility to stop this mad plunge to disaster may produce new, inspired, and capable men in this hour of danger. Those men who meet in Washing~ ton to write the Nation's laws face oppor- tunity and responsibility. They alone can restore the heritage of honest, capable, cou- rageous, and unselfish National Government. Those men can perform the miracle that will save America. This column is in the same boat with 160,- 000,000 other citizens. We are bewildered and confused. In facing the impending crisis, we appealed for words of wisdom and the benefits of sound thinking by a man whose contacts throughout the Nation and around the world make possible a profound under- standing of existing problems. A few para- Graphs from his letter seem deeply ap- propriate. “We are probably confronted with the “greatest crisis in our national history,” this man wrote in a summary that was free from rancor, but candidly tinged with a despair that burned at his heart. “The executive branch of our Government is in a state of almost complete collapse. What they will do through ignorance and viclousness, only God knows.” Then, in clear, thinking appraisal of possi- blo remedies, such as only a man of great wis- dom and deep understanding can offer, he added: “Obviously, the key to the solution of all our ills depends on the Congress taking back its powers and assuming its responsibilities. It is absurd to vote vast sums of money to the administration without Congress being organized to supervise the expenditures. Congress {s made up of 531 men, mostly well- meaning, but totally uninformed. The ad- ministration merely takes their money, ts devoid of any sense of responsibility toward the Congress, and tells them to go to hell when they ask for information. The whole thing is just nuts” There ig no question as to congressional authority. But Congress must reclaim the things which once were that body's accepted prerogatives. It must hold those privileges high. Ruthless abuse of authority must never again occur under the White House roof. Secret agreements, trade pacts, and military and financial commitments must never again be made with foreign powers without congressional sanction. Congress which surrendered its authority, must re- claim its rights. It may have to fight for them, but an outraged und awakened Amet- ica will be behind those 631 men and women. If they don’t restore to themselves the right to safeguard against pillaging of human lib- erty and the economic stability of the Na- tion, the ideals of a great America are lost. That tremendous, but not impossible, re- sponsibility will be on the shoulders of the new Congress which convenes almost with the turn of the year. Keenly aware of the fact that freedom and economic security go hand-in-hand, this very clear thinking friend supplies another thought. This new Congress, he points out, may properly and wisely, set aside 2 percent of its appropriations for a screening of Gov- ernment spending. Experts in all the fields of Government endeavor should be inde- pendently retained to supervise expenses— even to and including the military, That staff of commercial and financial experts would become the scrutinizing eyes of Congress. Surely there is & way out of this dilemma. National collapse is no mere phrase with which to frighten voters and taxpayers. We are on the verge of it. Never since the days of Valley Forge has the Nation's future been ao dark. It is this realization of impending calamity that will bring millions of holiday supplications for deliverance. The hope of salvation depends on the courage, clear thinking, and patriotic leadership of repre- sentatives of the people themselves—the new Congress. ‘ABS lowa Was a Better Place to Live in 1950 EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. JAMES I. DOLLIVER OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. DOLLIVER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following bulletin of the Iowa Development Commission : Iowa Was a Berrern PLAce To Live rv 1980 Life was a little better in Iowa, in 1950. On the surface, it looked about the same. Babies were born, youngsters trudged to school, young couples were married and some of them divorced, paydays came as fre- quently as they ever do, people bought homes and cars and farm equipment. Life went on much as it always has. But life was a little better than usual, it appears in the summing up, More babies were born in Iowa, this year—~ 680 more than last year, and 2,000 more than the year before. An estimated 63,577 infants Joined the Iowa population during 1950. The 1949 and 1950 birth rates were 24.2 babies born per thousand population; 1948 births were 23 7 per 1,000 population. The 1930 Iowa babies had a better chance to live through the dangerous first year of their lives, too. Towa’s infant mortality rate runs about 20 percent below the national average, and it dropped still another notch in 1850, Of every 2,000 babies born in Iowa, 1,953 happily celebrated thelr first birthday dn 1950. More Iowa youngsters went to school in 1950, but fewer of them trudged, Some 477,- 720 Iowans between 5 and 18 years of age were in public schools this year—an increase of 2% percent. Six and a half percent more country pupils were riding school buses to town or consolidated schools—67,586 this year, compared to 63,318 last year. And at least 10 percent more were eating hot lunches at school: Nearly 1,000 Iowa schools are serving hot lunches to some 137,500 pupils this winter. Cupid was out-batting the gremlins in Iowa marriages, in 1960. An estimated 26,- 732 couples took out Iowa licenses to love and to cherish, this year—1,200 more than in 1949. Only 5,195 couples took their troubles to the divorce Judge—250 fewer than in the year before. Paydays were no closer than usual, in 1950, but they came more regularly and the pay- checks were bigger. Unemployment dropped to a 2-year low, and the average weekly pay- check was the biggest on record, in October of 1960. Average factory wage in Jowa, for instance, rose to 61.40 an hour, and em- ployees put in an hour or two overtime, most weeks, to give them an average paycheck of $59.26, More Iowans were becoming homeowners, in 1950. Sixteen thousand more residents filed for homestead exemption in 1950 than in 1949—475,122 of our citizens now hold deeds to their homes. More Iowans owned automobiles, too. Motor vehicle registrations topped the mil- lion mark in Iowa in 1960, and by the end of the year totaled 1,198,000. Of them, 878,606 were passenger cars, and more than 120,000 had been purchased in 1960. As usual, Jowa farms were the most mechanized in 1950. Iowa continued to rank t in the number of tractors and other labor-saving farm equipment. And while life was a little better in Iowa fn 1950, tt was alao a Iitle longer. Jowans departing this life in 1950 averaged nearly 72 years of age, and had enjoyed at least
@ years more life than their friends who provers them in 1950. Iowans can now ook forward to a longer life than the resi- dents of 44 other States—from 2% to 3 years longer than the Nation-wide average. IOWA GAINED A NEW INDUSTRY FOR EACH ‘WEEK OF 1950 Iowa gained 62 new industries during 1950, the Iowa Development Commission an- nounced this week, in summing up the year’s activities. Six hundred Iowa cities and towns now have industrial plants to help balance their aurrounding agriculture, the Commission said. Two years ago, when the last industrial survey was made, 566 Jowa cities and towns could boast industries. ‘This geographic spread of industry through Jowa is an indication of the continuing growth of manufacturing in the Tall Corn Btate. Some 3,500 more Iowans went to work In industrial plants in 1960. In 1949, the num- ber of industrial workers averaged 144,512. For the first 10 months of 1950, the average was more than 148,000. In October, the latest month so far reported, 149,400 Iowans were employed in tndustry. Weekly payrolls in industry grew to $8,853,- 444 by October of 1950. The year previous, dndustrial payrolls were running 6300,000 less: $8,692,523. Ten years ago, the weekly payroll in Iowa industry was $2,380,000. Proof of the value of industry to a com- munity came with the 1950 census. Ten in- dustrial counties gained 89,000 resident pop- ulation, which was 6,000 more than the 83,000 gain reported for the entire state. The 10 counties and thelr gains were: Polk, 24,844; Linn, 18,005; Scott, 13,369; Black Hawk, 16,- 665; Clinton, 4,714; Webster, 2,597; Pottawat- tamie, 2,617; Dubuque, 4,655; Wapello, 2,364; Des Moines, 4,252. Aocording to the 1960 survey of industrial plants, those counties have a total of 1,975 industrial plants. The breakdown: Polk, 871; Linn, 189; Scott, 140; Black Hawk, 152; Clin- ton, 81; Webster, 75; Pottawattamie, 87; Dubugue, 142; Wapello, 65; Des Moines, 73. IOWA BUSINESS SETS RECORDS IM 1060; RETAIL GALES $100,000,000 OVER 1949 Nineteen hundred and fifty was a bus- tiling year for Iowa business, the Jowa De- velopment Commission commented today. As the midcentury year was closing, it looked as if retail sales would be from $110,- 000,000 to $115,000,000 ahead of 1940's record volume. Bank debits (transactions by check) were running 9.5 percent larger than in 1949. Life-insurance sales were the largest in lowa history—11 percent above the average of the previous 5 years. Construction in Jowa was adding up to 27 percent more than last year, and seemed likely to top 1948's record. Cash farm in- come was expected to surpass the 1949 total. Zarnings in industry—both by employees and owners—were at an all-time high. Iowa merchants’ cash registers rang up $2,774,000,000 in the first 11 months of 1850, according to computations by the develop- ment commission's statistical staff. This total was $51,765,000 better than Iowa busi- ness in the same period Jast year. In addition, Iowans bought $447,000,000 worth of merchandise outside the State— 650,000,000 more than in 1949. The 11-month totals showed 1060 business $102,000,000 better than 1949, in Yowa. Obristmas sales were to boost the oaoiee tax somewhere over §110,000,000. Sales-tax collections through ber of 1050 totaled $40,653,580, an tuoreese oa milion end 8 half dollars, and 8 percent, over the same 11 months in 1048. Use-tax collections were $8,042,484, a million dollars and 12.6 percent above 1949. Life insurance sales—a good algn that Iowans have money to save—were running 8 percent above the 1949 volume, which totaled 448,000,000. At best guess, 1950 sales were expected to top the 1947 record of $463,000,000. Life insurance sales in Iowa have been steadily increasing the last 35 years from a volume of $76,722,000 in 1014. Jowans now have #8,250,000,000 worth of life insurance in force. In the first 10 months of 1950, Iowans spent more than twice as much on new houses—112 percent more than the 1949 10- month total. New industrial building added up to 33 percent more than 1949, in the same 10 months. All construction was 27 percent ahead of 1940, and was holding a Jead over 1948, in which building activities set a record in Iowa. Towa had an undisputed lead in the an- nual farm-income race, as 1950 drew to a close. After finishing second in 1948 and a close third in 1049, Iowa farmers took an early Jead in 1950 and maintained it through third-quarter reports. Iowa topped the bil- lon-dollar mark in farm income at the end of 7 months. At the end of September, Iowa farm pocketbooks held @1,418,758. ‘This was slightly below total income for the first 9 months of 1949, but economists expect better farm prices in the last quarter to push the 1950 total ahead of 1649. If Iowa's 1950 farm income is more than two billion, as anticipated, it will be the fourth straight year in that bracket. 10WA IN THE 1950 HEADLINES—A BRIEF REVIEW OF FOOTPRINTS ON THE ECONOMIC SANDS Towa stepped into second place in farm mechinery manufacture: Iowa factories turned out more than 8 quarter million dol- lars worth of farm equipment. Best customers in United States grow on Iowa farms: In 72 of Iowa's 69 counties farm families spend $12,000,000 or more a year. That is the heaviest concentration of top- spending counties in any one State. Iowa dominates export of hybrid corn: More than 400,000 bushels of seed corn from Jowa exporters was planted in Europe this year. Seedamen said that is easily nine- tenths of the total export. Iowa's not the range, but it’s the cattle country: Iowans found they feed and sell more cattle than any other State and realize more income from beef. Jowa a “white” State in unemployment map: Jowa’'s unemployment average dropped to 2 percent and less, while the national average was running 5 to 7 percent of all those employed. Iowa's variety of employ- ment deserves the credit. Farm income averages from 64.50 to $5 a month per acre: Iowa’s total cash farm in- come, divided by number of acres under cul- tivation, revealed acre earnings of from 654 to $60 per year. Iowa industries pay $5,000,000 a year in taxes; Iowa cities and towns have $5,000,000 more tax monty each year from the 200,000,000 capital investment made by Jowe’s 350 new postwar industries. Iowa's highways on pay-as-you-go financ- ing: Last of Iowa's primary road bonds were retired November 1. Iowa now {fs operating on 8 $60,000,000 a year road fund out of cur- rent tax income, Iowa manufacturing grew 80 percent in 10 years: lows factories are employing more than 149,000 Iowans; 160 percent as many as in 1889 and 152 percent as many as in 1940, About one-fourth of all workers outside agri- culture are now in industry. Iowa leeds the meat- field: Iowa packers handied 11.7 percent of all meat ani- mals sieughtered in the United States through October of 1950. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Prejudiced Smear EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HAROLD H, VELDE or ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr, VELDE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rxcoarp a review of Max Lowenthal's book, The Federal Bu- reau of Investigation, written by N. J. L. Pieper, entitled “Prejudiced Smear,” and appearing in the December 23, 1950, issue of the Saturday Review of Literature. Mr. Pieper was head of the San Fran- cisco field office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation during World War 11 when I worked out of that office in the Counter-Espionage Division. He was my boss then and I still hold him in highest respect for his past accomplishments and for the work he is carrying on this very day. I know that you will enjoy reading Mr, Pieper’s review as he expresses very well the feelings of those who really know what the Federal Bureau of In- vestigation stands for. The review follows; PREJUDICED SMEAR (By N. J. L. Pieper) Biased, slanted, and patently prejudiced, Max Lowenthal’s book is a base smear. It is the antithesis of an objective picture of the PBI by an author conservative in the most profound sense as heralded by his publishers. Belaboring the FBI for imaginary viola- tions of civil Uberties for its alleged failure to protect the American people from spies, saboteurs, and criminals Lowenthal would have his readers believe the FBI and its di- rector, J. Edgar Hoover, guilty of dire acts, either by omission or commission. In his treatment of the FBI the author employs the technique of selecting quotes from pubiic sources which best sult his own purpose but ignore the real record of the FBI and its accomplishments—accomplishments so sound and extensive that even the most prejudiced FBI-hater would admit them to be above question or reproach. Lowenthal devotes two-thirds of his book to the Department af Justice's Investigative Unit from 1808 through 1924. This is all before Mr. Hoover became director. Yet Lowenthal implies that the activities of these years were ‘geable to Mr. Hoover and G-men of present-day stature. Lowenthal’s misuse of numerous quota- tions from a great variety of sources—~ Speeches, congressional committee hearings, and news clips—would have one believe that here ts a factual picture of the FBI. Low- enthal must know that his tricky placement of material out of context, omissions of qual- ifying sentences or statements, even his padded reference pages, have had to be so presented to get over an implication where truth would not sustain his insinuations and accusations. To answer the distortions of fact, half truths, false representations and inaccuracies us, however, conatdey briedy the alow ’ er the fo! examples. “ay : wenthal dwelis at great length on the Palmer raids, attempting to create the false ession that Mr. Hoover was responsible. A te patotary Committee absolved Mr. Hoover any responsibility. Attorn General Harlan Stone, tater niet Justicn,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD was one of the first to denounce the Palmer raids. It will be recalled that the Palmer raids occurred in 1919-20. Mr. Hoover was then only a special assistant to the Attorney General and was not assigned to the Bureau until 1921. He was named Director by At- torney General Stone in 1924. Had he felt that Mr. Hoover was accountable for the raids it is hard to conceive that the late Chief Justice Stone would have named him Director as he did. Criticism of the manner in which arrests were made in the Detroit recruiting groups of Spanish loyalists gets considerable space. Notably omitted, however, is Attorney Gen- eral (now Justice) Jackson's statement after investigation that the FBI had violated no civil liberties. There is perhaps no greater authority on civil liberties in this country than Morris L. Ernst, who has appeared as counsel for the Civil Liberties Union in many Important cases. One need but read Mr. Ernst’s article published in the December Reader's Digest to see why Lowenthal avoids quoting this authoritative source. . Lowenthal makes a cheap implicatio when he holds out that the FBI Wants to tap wires because it is too lazy to do its in- vestigative work. He cites a Californias kide naping. The facts here are clear in my mind, I was responsible for handling this case. The kidnaper was apprehended and the child was returned unharmed, because no single effort was spared. I asked Mr. Hoover for authority to monitor the telephone. Mr. Hoover went immediately to Attorney Gen- eral Jackson. Here is the CONGRESSIONAL Record quoting Representative Hobbs, of Alabama: “Our great Attorney General did not hesitate. He immediately authorized the interception of the call. He assumed full responsibility.” Should the possibility of a solution by wire-tapping have been ignored in this case? Would a parent agree with Lowenthal? He makes so much of wire-tapping. Let us consider it. The FBI does not make policy; its job is fact-finding. The President and Attorney General make policy. The FBI's wire-tapping policy was established by Franklin D. Roosevelt in a 1940 directive, wherein he authorized and directed in such cases as the Attorney General might ap- prove the use of wire-tapping in instances involving internal security. Attorneys Gen- eral Jackson, Biddle, Clark, and McGrath have since adhered to this policy, which was reafiirmed by President Truman after he en- tered the White House. Some lawyers who should know better, including Lowenthal, raise the issue of illegality in the intercep- tion of telephone calls. Mr. Justice Jackson when he was Attorney General, in a widely published statement of March 20, 1941, stated: “There is no Federal statute which prohibits or punishes wire-tapping alone. * * © The courts do not stop people from tapping wires—no one has ever been or under present law could be convicted of that by itself. What has been stopped is the use of the evidence to enforce the laws against criminals.” The FBI has never attempted to conceal that it taps telephones. But each installa- tion must be authorized by the Attorney General; the authority does not rest with the FBI. Its wire-tapping is not indis- criminate, and evidence obtained in this manner is not used in court. Lowenthal would have the reader believe differently, as would other oritics of the FBI. No one has fought harder against a na- tional police than J. Edgar Hoover, yet Lowenthal falsely and without justification accuses him of aspiring to head such an organization. In May 1850 Mr. Hoover de- scribed the Communists as the most dan- gerous and one of the most powerful forces in the United States. But, says Lowenthal, “gome informed authorities believe other- wise today as in the past.” Events refute them After reading this book no fair-minded person can but ask the question: Why? Why should any individual write this way? What would impel someone to go so far from truth to smear another individual or organization, and why, as has been charged on the floor of Congress, should the author level his smear in 1950 as we are arming to repel communism? I shall not answer that question, but the author raises one that I will answer: is the FBI “good enough, right enough, efficient enough to carry out its job?” It ts. A Bill To Outlaw the Communist Party EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrec- orp, I include the following bill intro- duced by me today and letters with re- gard thereto: A bill to outlaw the Communist Party Be it enacted, etc,, That from and after the date of the approval of this act it shall be unlawful for any individual knowingly and willfully to become or remain a mem- ber of the Communist Party. As used in this section, the term “Communist Party” means the political party now known as the Communist Party of the United States of America, whether or not any change is here- after made in such name. Sec. 2. Any alien who is found to be a member of the Communist Party shall, with- out delay, be taken into custody and de- ported from the United States. Sec. 8. Whoever violates any provision of the first section of this act shall, upon con- vinction thereof, be punished by a fine of not more than 10,000 or by imprisonment for not more than 10 years, or by both such fine and imprisonmen‘. VETERANS OF FOREIGN Waks OF THE UNITED STATES, Kansas City, Mo., December 20, 1950. Re H. R. 3200, Highty-first Congress. Hon. Josrps R. Bryson, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Bryson: The fifty-first national encampment, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, held in Chicago, 11l., August 27 to September 1, 1950, endorsed the provie sions of H. R. 3290, Eighty-frst Congress, copy of which ie enclosed. It is hoped you will reintroduce this bill when the Eighty-second Congress convenes and should you find that our organization can be of assistance toward ita advancement, please feel free to call upon us. With best wishes for a happy holiday season, I am Sincerely yours, Omar B. Kercnum, Director. JANUARY 2, 1951. Director Omar B. Kercnum, Nattonal Legislative Service, Veterans of Foreign Wars, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. ComManoer: I am very grate- ful to you for your letter of December 20, endorsing the provisions of H, R. 3290 as in- troduced by me in the Eighty-first Congress. A5T It is my purpose to reintroduce this bill in the Eighty-seoond Congress. Let me commend you and your associates upon the splendid work you are doing and aak that you call upon me for any special service that I may render. Very respectfully, JoszeyH R, BRYSON. Address of Mr. B. M. McKelway at Wel- come to Washington Dinner EXTENSION, OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS G. ABERNETHY OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. ABERNETHY. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following remarks by B. M. McKelway at the Welcome to Washington dinner, January 4, 1951, Statler Hotel: The opportunity within grasp of a speaker on this occasion is unique. It finds no duplicate anywhere in the world. The opportunity is one that permits an ordinary, taxpaying citizen to address an au- Gience which gains its distinction from the presence of so many newly elected and re- turning Members of a new Congress of the United States. Many of these Members are fresh from tri- umphs won at the polls. They come bearing new mandates from the people. They come to assume awesome responsibilities of govern- ment, in a time of great trial. It is possible that this prospect places them in a humble mood, a mood from which no doubt they will quickly recover, but which may make them momentarily receptive to advice. In these circumstances, ladies and gentle- men, the temptations of a speaker are well- nigh overpowering. There you sit. Here I stand. There are available to you none of those wisely conceived provisions of parlia- mentary rule by which you can stop the speaker. You cannot note the absence of a quorum and demand a roll call, You cannot request that I yleld. I have you, in other words, in a position that any one of millions of citizens of this country would pay a King’s ransom to obtatn. Please take note, therefore, of the extent of the speaker's forbearance in sticking to the pleasant role with which he has been honored, It is the role of one who, in behalf of cit- izens of the District of Columbia and the members of the Washington Board of Trade, congratulates you upon the discriminating judgment of the electorate and welcomes you to this, your own, city. This role permits of no admonitions, no advice. We have no favors to ask, no proj- ects to promote, and nothing to sell. What we hope for is your friendship, your under- standing, your interest in the wise conduct of a local government of which, under our Constitution, you are exclusive legislative trustees. And what we look for is an op- portunity to be of service to you as neigh- bors who share with you residence in our Nation’s Capital. You come to a city where, as Members of Congress, our local legislature, you are held in high respect. As oltizens, with unexcelled opportunity to observe at close range the workings of Congress, we have developed a genuine appreciation of your problems, your labors, your methods, and the consclentious