A960 5 years ago that we were being implored to help communiam stop fascism. Now, in effect, we are being urged to help fascism stop communism. . Isn't it about time we stopped playing one form of totalitarianism against the other, and asserted, with a moral strength to match our military might, that the only lasting alternative to both forms of totalitarianism is political and economic democracy? With all our shortcomings we have developed two great American principles at home—individ- ual freedom and economic opportunity-—and these, too, are most valuable commodities for export. Rather than accept the thankless and bloody task of maintaining or underwriting order in Greece for King George and his Fascist clique, the United States should exert its influence to secure the establish- ment of a democratic regime in Greece, backed by the United Nations, and at the same time provide the greatest possible measure of relief. If this modest venture sounds too visionary and hopeless, we might as well know now—before we assume the responsibility for maintaining a regime for which we shall be constantly apologizing, and @ regime which might ultimately plunge us into war. The statesmen, the generals, and the ad- mirals of the world still talk of war, but the people dream of peace. We have erected, in the year and a half since the end of World War I, a vast array of international organi- gations to guard the peace, but they are not paying off because the men and nations who make them up haven't the moral pur- pose to want peace urgently enough. Peace is the only pay-off, and peace will continue to elude us until we strike at the causes of war, which are power politics, tm- perialism, spheres of influence, armament rivalries, social and economic dislocations, racial and religious intolerance, harsh rep- arations, and vengeance-minded treaties. Active American intervention in Greece would strike at none of these causes; actu- ally, it would feed and fatten several of them. In the last analysis, you can't stop Russian communism with Greek fascism or the rem- nants of British imperialism, but you can outsell all of them in the markets of world opinion with a virile, affirmative, peace- minded American democracy. A Peculiar Defense EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RecorpD, I include an editorial in the Italy News-Herald, of Italy, Tex.: A PECULIAR DEFENSE No loyal American, whether a Member of Congress or not, would do anything to weaken our national defense, but all Ameri- cans who served in the armed forces during the war know that waste runs rampant in all branches of the service and are not too sym- pathetic with Genera] Eisenhower's plea that all military items in the budget be retained as ts, All of us have heard stories of returned servicemen regarding the dumping of machinery and supplies on foreign bases since the end of the war. We have all heard the stories of bulldoners piling up barracks, beds, blankets, and all for huge bonfires. Some may be inclined to scoff at these stories, but the News-Herald has no doubt but what they actually took place in the light of some things that came under our observation dur- ing and after the war. As samples take a look at these instances. In late July 1945 on a coral reef off of Lanall Island we saw case after case of canned goods, two practicaly new typewriters and several thousand gallons of fuel ofl dumped into the sea in order to lighten a ship which had gone aground. Salvaging of the oll would have been impossible, but the other items could easily have been brought aboard our ship. In fact, we had been trying for months to obtain two more typewriters for the ship's office, yet we were not allowed to sal- vage these two. At the same time a large rubber raft used in the salvage operations was allowed to remain on the beach. On August 12, 1945, we saw a plow steel towing cable, cost $10,000, consigned to the bottom of the Pacific Ocean about 250 miles northwest of Pearl Harbor. This cable was new and had been delivered to our ship the day before. In attempting to wind it on a drum the deck force started the wrong end. A few hours hard work would have been required to correct the error and we had 2 weeks cruise at sea ahead of us with noth- ing else to do, yet it was ordered that the cable be thrown overboard. These two in- stances took place aboard the U. S. 8. Atakapa, ATF 149. On September 5, 1945, the writer sailed from Adak, Aleutian Islands, aboard the U. 8. 8. Rapidan, a tanker. About 6 p. m. that evening word was passed that there would be no smoking aboard ship all night as they were pumping aviation gasoline over- board. It seems that storage tanks at Adak would not hold all the cargo that had been brought up. As a result the Bering Sea was a red sea that night as thousands of gallons of this precious fuel were poured on the waters. A week later this same tanker took aboard 85,000 gallons of fuel oil at Kodiak off the coast of Alaska. Two days later it was all pumped into the sea. This ship was en route to Seattle, mind you, and the gasoline and oil could have been returned to the United States without additional expense. These are just a few specific items which for one reason or another we can peg as to date and place. There are other instances not so fixed in our memory wherein we know of mattresses, sea bags, emergency food ra- tions, and various and sundry other small items being thrown overboard simply be- cause we were found to be overstocked with them. It has been said that the reason so much material and supplies were destroyed after -the war was because the cost of bringing them back to the States was prohibitive, yet there was not a returning ship but what could have carried one or more trucks, cars, or pieces of heavy machinery on its decks. The cost of transporting clothing to war- torn countries has never been questioned, yet surplus military clothing and bedding was destroyed while the people here were being asked to donate their cast-offs. While calling attention to these few in- stances of waste in the armed forces, we do not take into account the tremendous amount of personnel with which Army and Navy bases were overflowing during the war, nor the fact that even today the Navy has four men on recruiting service where two were stationed during the war. There is little doubt in the minds of those who saw what was going on but what the war cost was from one-third to one-half more than was necessary. A part of this unneces- sary expense during wartime can be excused because of the emergency nature of every operation, but there is no excuse for-s single APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ‘wasted dollar during peacetime, and if Con- gress will demand that need be shown for these huge sums rather than simply taking high officers’ words for it, then these same officers will see to it that necessary functions are adequately maintained. Robert Emmet EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein the following edi- torial which appeared in the Irish World of Saturday, March 1, 1947, concerning the one hundred and sixty-ninth anni- versary of the birth of Ireland’s hero martyr, Robert Emmet: ROBERT EMMET People of Irish blood ali around the globe will celebrate on Tuesday, March 4, the one hundred and sixty-ninth anniversary of the birth of Ireland’s hero martyr, Robert Em- met, who offered up the sacrifice of his life upon the altar of his country's liberties un- der circumstances so full of sublime heroism mingled with most touching pathos as to cause the memory of the patriot martyr to be enshrined forever in the affections of the Irish people and of lovers of human liberty everywhere. Some of our readers will recall the cordial response of Irish-Americans all over the United States to the call of the Irish World to commemorate with fitting ceremonies the centenary of Emmet's birth in order that, though the martyr’s epitaph be still unwrit- ten, his heroic example and the principles for which he laid down his life were stil] treasured as sacredly as ever by the scattered children of Ireland. Nor was the privilege of honoring the memory of the patriot con- fined to those of Irish blood, for representa- tive Americans of various racial extraction have ever considered it an honor to partici- pate in the celebrations and to place on record their admiration for the exalted char- acter, the splendid abilities, and the self- sacrificing devotion to his country which were refiected in the career of Robert Emmet and caused his name to be enrolled among the world’s highest exemplars of pure and lofty patriotism. Often has it been said that Emmet was en- gaged in an enterprise so hazardous that only his youth and enthusiastic temperament could excuse its undertaking. But “the crime of being a young man” he could defend by his genius as successfully as did his con- temporary, William Pitt, who at the age of 25 was the recognized leader of the British Parliament, and whose villainous agent, Lord Castlereagh, was but 80 years old when he engineered the conspiracy to deprive Ireland of her home parliament and fasten her in the manacles of the act of union. Robert Emmet lived in a generation when revolu- tion was winning triumphs on both sides of the Atlantic, and when young men were astonishing the world by their marvelous achievements in the senate and on the field. The tmmortal Lafayette wore the untform of a major general as he led the insurgent Americans to victory when he was not yet 21. Emmet had grown to manhood while these men were decorating the brows of brave and ambitious youth with imperishable renown.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD He had seen 3,000,000 patriots in America overcoming the might of England and assert- ing their independence, and he said: “We are over 4,000,000, and the same France that alded the Americans to win their tndepend- ence is now ready to aid us in securing ours.” Those assurances he had before deciding upon the insurgent movement which was to pre- cipitate the conflict on the larger scale. How skillfully his plans were laid, and how slight the accident which prevented their carrying out, are matters of history, which do not re- tract from the fame or genius of the young hero, while a heart-melting pathos is im- parted to the scene of his trial and execution by the fact that he could have avoided arrest and its subsequences had he not planned to meet his flance and assuage her grief. His calm und dignified bearing when ar- raigned before the tribunal which had al- ready determined upon his death, and his eloquent appeal from the judgment of his ex- ecutioners to that of posterity in vindication of his character and motives will remain in history as unimpeachable witnesses testify- ing to his nobility of soul, his tmmovable firmness of purpose and conviction, his utter absence of fear, his generous sacrifice of all personal ambitions and interests for the sake of his oppressed country. and his comprehen- sive and commanding abilities, which alone could have conceived so vast and hazardous an enterprise, drawing to its support many of the ablest minds of Ireland and France, and conducted hig operations from almost within ® ».one’s throw of Dublin Castle. Nowhere may the memory of Robert Emmet ve more fittingly celebrated than in America. Where the names of Washington, Barry, La- favette, and Pulaski are loved, here, too, must Robert Emmet be recognized as their heroic comrade in the cause of human liberty. Pig Iron and Scrap Iron EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT J. ENGEL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. ENGEL of Michigan. Mr. Speak- er, I have been inquiring into the pig- iron shortage, as several industries in my district, involving thousands of jobs, have been critically affected by the exist- ing confusion in the pig-iron situation. I imagine many other Members, with industries needing pig iron, have been similarly occupied. My efforts have led me, more unmis- takably than ever, to the conclusion that the sooner the Government gets all the way out of the priority picture the better it will be for everybody. At present the Government is partly in and partly out. In some respects the situation is worse than ever. If we learned anything at all from the Gov- ernment controls during the war it should be that you cannot partly control an industry without causing serious and unpredictable disruption to the major- ity in that industry. Take the pig-iron situation. Under the present set-up, priorities are granted only for so-called housing requirements. But the housing uses for pig tron sre a small part of the entire pig-iron picture, not more than a third at most. XCHI—App.——61 What happens? Any pig-iron user who can wangle himself into the housing program gets a priority. He is supposed to be furnished his allotted pig iron first, regardless of what happens to the rest of the industry. If this distortion brought about some rea) solution for the housing situation, it would be justified. But I believe the pig-iron-industry figures will show that the Government priorities, for all their good intentions, have brought little con- structive benefit to anybody, the housing industry included. The chief contribu- tion of the so-called limited-priority program has been to spread the con- fusion. Here is another example: The existing extreme shortage of scrap metal is, of course, the basis for much of the present difficulty with pig iron. The scrap short- age has been and is so acute that the price of scrap is considerably higher than the price of pig iron. One result is that, where possible, many foundries are using pig fron in place of scrap. The priority users—those who can claim some relationship to the housing pro- gram—come in with priority demands to supply them with extra pie iron. so that, because of the price differential, they car substitute pig iron in place of scrap. Mark you, this goes on at a time when a majority of pig-iron users are not en- titled to priorities and when the available pig-fron supply is completely insufficient at. best. Even so, certain users under the guise of furthering the housing pro- gram are permitted by Government pri- ority to dig still more deeply into the critically short pig-iron supply so they can substitute lower-priced pig tron for higher-priced scrap metal. The ma- jority of pig-iron users, not entitled to priorities, must sit by and watch this exhibition of not so impartial Govern- ment helpfulness. Some of the users report it has even got to a point where a few priority pur- chasers, with the Government on their side, have been able to obtain supplies in excess of their needs, and have seen fit to deal in pig iron out of the back door on a black-market basis. I could cite many other examples—all leading to the same conclusion. A few days ago a manufacturer in my district tried to buy a certain piece of equipment—a punch press. Makers of this type of press told him they had so many Government priority purchasers ahead of him that they could not hope to reach his order for many months. Each maker, in turn, suggested that my friend petition for a priority for him- self—that being his only hope. The Government, they said, is still partly in the priority business, so file an appli- cation. But the Government’s answer is that it is out of the priority business, except for housing. It is mostly out, but partly in. Qualify under housing and you are in; otherwise you are out. But so many still get in that the manufacturers’ order books are clogged and the outsiders, de- spite the fact they are in a great major- ity, have not much chance. AS61 It is plain to me that for the welfare ef the country as a whole it is time for the Government to get all the way out— to let competitive industry run its own affairs. I talked to a Civilian Production Ad- ministration official—the head of one of these priority sections—a few days ago. I want to commend that gentleman, He was one of the frankest, most honest men I ever met in Government. We were talking about this partly in, partly out priority situation. Suddenly he Cleared his throat and asked if I wanted the real solution. I said “Yes”; naturally I would like his opinion. His reply was, “Fire me; get rid of the program.” I agree wholeheartedly with that man. Can We Buy Nations Away From Communism? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow noon President Truman is to address a joint session of Congress on the state of conditions throughout the world and the challenge which they present to this Republic. It is to be hoped that in his address the President wil! take America fully into his confidence and give us not only a description of conditions as they are today, together with his recommen- dations as to our future course, but that he will also detail for us the steps by which we have reached the sorry situa- tion in which we now find ourselves. America has appeased the Communist dictatorship in Russia consistently and ceaselessly since the days of the Cairo Confereuce, and perhaps before. We have conceded and yielded and appeased and apologized. Now, we are apparently to be told the era of coddling has ended and the time has come for a new ap- proach to the problems of a Jasting peace. It is a gross understatement of the case, Mr. Speaker, to say that the time is long overdue when a new approach is essen- tial if we are not eventually to be con- fronted by a Frankenstein of such di- mensions that it will make the threats of nazism, great as they were, seem minor by comparison. As we face this new decision, it is im- perative that we be provided with a full bill of particulars showing in detail the mistakes and the missteps by which we have reached this perilous impasse. If we are to profit by our experiences—sad though they have been—it is clear that we must be shown specifically what those experiences have been, what our commitments have been, and what ef- forts have been made up to now to avert the onward and outward rush of pagan communism. Certainly, it will not be enough for the President simply to come to Congress with a confession of failure up to now as a prelude for suggestions
A962 for a new course of action. Wecan have no assurance that the new adventures will prove any more effective than the past appeasements unless we are first told in detail what has precipitated the existing situation. It is also important, in my opinion, that Congress should survey the entire field of eventualities and possibilities be- fore voting to implement or adopt any specific program involving vast expendi- tures and risks on the pat theory that America can buy good will, good govern- ment, and good relations by the simple expedient of opening our Treasury to all of the countries living on the periphery of Russia. Maybe yes. Maybeno. But we should also consider the possibility that the best way to meet the challenge of communism is to attack the problem in Moscow instead of Timbuktu or Shangri-la. It is conceivable that the development of realistic, understand- able, reciprocal, and mutually acceptable relations with Russia by direct confer- ence and by specific proposal might do more ti rescue the world from the rav- ages of communism than al] of the bil- lions of dollars which our printing presses can print and which we can reck- lessly toss overseas to work their un- monitored wonders in areas where free- dom from fear is of greater importance to the people than free access to what some people still mistakenly presume to be the bounty of the United States. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted me by the House, I desire to call the atten- tion of the Congress and the country to the following thought- provoking edito- rial from the pen of Fred C. Christopher- son, the editor of South Dakota's great- est newspaper, the Sioux Falls Daily Argus-Leader. It discusses decisions which America must make and which all of us must approach carefully and humbly, since the hazards of deciding wrongly in this atomic age are almost too fearsome to contemplate: Can WE Buy Nations AWAY From CoMMUNISM? Now the cry is generally heard that the United States must pour millions into vart- ous foreign countries or they will go com- munistic. China, we hear, will fall into Stalin's hands unless great quantities of money are forwarded posthaste. Greece's imperial government, we also hear, will tumble unless our gold is made immediately available. And so the story runs. Even England, we are told, must have prompt aid to avoid a further descent into socialism. Naturally, we don't want these nations to go communistic. We shudder, in fact, at the thought. Something must be done, we as- sume; and if our dollars should be required, let’s relinquish them. But is this all of the story? Can we buy these nations from communism? And if so, how long must the buying continue? The circumstances are peculiar and the whole subject warrants more sober reflection than it has received. ‘We wonder—and do so seriously—about the ability of American dollars to prevent communism in any country. The flow of gold may postpone such action, to be sure, but isn’t there a definite possibility that such benevolences may actually hasten rather than retard communism? We base the an- swer suggested in this question on the fact that our assistance is a crutch and that it creates a tendency to lean on the Govern- ment. And that’s the beginning of commu- nism or statism. The opposite of that—a government of and by the people—is one in which the people are self-reliant and self- supporting. WORLD-WIDE WPA? We saw some of this in the United States in the unlamented days of the WPA. The WPA was to be just a temporary expedient— @ period of momentary help to serve while the people were getting on their feet after the reverses of the depression. But it didn't work out that way. As long as the WPA existed, the people were inclined to lean on it and to refrain from shifting for them- selves. Bad habits acquired then, in fact, are still in existence, In consequence, occasion exists for dis- turbance over the apparent tendency now to fight communism in Europe and elsewhere by the distribution of American gold. The results may be the opposite of what we have in mind. No American with a heart can, of course, tolerate the thought of people starving else- where while food and clothing are abundant here. But perhaps our benevolences should be drastically restricted. If we make it too easy for the peoples in other countries to receive food ana clothing without work, they are likely to become habitual clients of our re- lef agencies. It is well to remember that life for many of them even in normal times has meant little more than a bare existence, WORLD-WIDE POLICE? Perhaps we shouldn’t be too concerned about the types of their governments or, to state it more accurately, perhaps we should realize that we can’t dictate their type of government unless we assume control of them—a policy that is abhorrent to the American tradition. We can be helpful. We should be helpful. But we should be constructively so. Individuals can be taught to live in idle- ness and in dependency. So can nations. It wasn’t just yesterday that the war ended. It is now close to 2 years since the fighting in Europe was over. But if we are to judge from current dispatches, virtually no progress has been made in some countries in the task of reconstruction and in the reassertion of independent economic forces. Behind the fron curtain, Russia may be doing well. The Scandinavian countries appear to be record- ing some progress. That's not true, though, of central and southern Europe and it isn't true of much of Asia. Americans, it appears, should be doing some serious thinking about the troublesome Problems in connection with foreign affairs. The Public Health EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Hillsboro Evening Mirror, Hillsboro, Tex., of February 28, 1947: THE PUBLIC HEALTH Within the near future, Congress will be- gin considering a number of proposed meas- ures designed to improve the public health. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD And when that time comes, certain definite principles should be kept firmly in mind. First, nothing must be done that will pre- vent people from choosing their own doctor, This is basic in sound medical practice. Second, medicine must not be regimented. The doctor must never be dominated by a Government official—required to look to some bureau for his livelihood. Third, we must avoid the mistake of forc- ing people to pay for a specified medical service whether they wish it or not. Volun- tary prepaid medicine is one thing—compul - sory tax payments for a service individuals may not desire is something very different. Fourth, we must confine (ederally financed medicine to care for the needy, so far as treatment of the individual is concerned. It is a proper public service for the taxpayers to underwrite medical care for those who honestly cannot pay for it themselves. It is not a proper service to finance it for those who are perfectly able to pay for it. Fifth, administration must be accom- plished at the local, community level—not at the Washington level, with its inevitably wasteful and inefficient bureaucracies. The goal should be to preserve private medicine—and at the same time to help the indigent. This can be done with a minimum of expense—and without creating still an- other ever-expanding Federal bureau with am enormous pay roll, Trade-Agreements Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 28, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude an address which I delivered be- fore a meeting of the Institute on World Organization on March 10, 1947. The subject of the address was The Recip- rocal Trade-Agreements Program, and is as follows: Without active economic cooperation our hopes of success in the field of international political cooperation, so auspiciously begun, will surely fail, One facet of international economic cooperation is the reciprocal trade- agreements program, which has been an important part of the economic foreign pol- icy of the United States since 1934. That program was initiated at a time when the world was unfortunately engaged in eco- nomic warfare and headed toward a shooting war. Some of the harmful effects of the ex- treme practices of economic warfare were counteracted by progress made under the agreements. Although no one holds trade agreements in themselves will prevent war, the basic philosophy of nondiscrimination and expansion in trade is conducive to peace- ful relations among nations. A strong and positive foreign policy ts essential if we ure to avoid World War III. We have achieved a genuine bipartisan for- eign policy in political matters, but there is some element of uncertainty about full co- operation in our economic foreign policy. There is ample evidence that the great ma- jority of the American people favor mutually beneficial business relations with foreign countries through applying the principles of reciprocity. Doubts which have been ex- pressed in Congress regarding the reciprocal trade policy may seriously impede the work of the American delegation scheduled to take
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD part in an International trade conference and tariff negotiations at Geneva in April. The United States has much to gain from such a program since it has about 69 percent of the world’s productive capacity, and that capacity, in some of our most productive in- dustries, such as automobiles, machinery, wheat, tobacco, and cotton can produce far more than our domestic market can absorb. We are the world’s greatest creditor nation, and need world-wide sources of profitable in- vestment. We cannot, of course, continue to operate or expand our most efficient segments of industry unless other nations are able to produce and to exchange their products with us. For lack of markets some of our most prceductive industries may have to go on part- time operation if definite steps are not taken to exchange products with foreign countries. Higher standards of Itving throughout the world can only come through expanded pro- duction and exchange of goods. Without a gradual improvement in living conditions everywhere we cannot hope to have a peace- ful world. The economic, as well as political, foreign policy of the United States should be directed toward world pcace. The foreign trade of the United States, be- cause it cntails a comparatively small part of cur total economy, is sometimes con- sidered of little importance. For example, exports have sometimes been considered as unimportant because they represent, on an average, only from 7 to 10 percent of our national production. In addition to the ex- port industrics previously mentioned, ma- chine tools, shoes, fruits, rice, and many others may need forcign markets in the years nhead. On the other hand imports, which have represented only from 3 to 4 percent of cur national income, are made to appear as a threat to the whole domestic economy. Without raw materials imported from every continent of the globe, some of our impor- tant manufacturing industries, such ns ruto- mobiles, shoes, steel, and textiles, giving em- ployment to hundreds of thousands of work- ers, would have to close down. Instead of threats to employment imports ought to be viewed ns nids to full production. Combining the prewar value of United Statcs imports and exports into an industry of foreign trade, which before the’ war amounted to some seven or cight billion dollars, we find that in terms of both value and number of workers employed the in- dustry of foreign trade is one of the four or five largest in the Untted States and employs millions of workers, Such an in- dustry cannot be dismissed as unimportant, even if it is made up of many comparatively small units. The Konorable Cordell Hull, former Secre- tary of State, once said of this subject: “No economic falschood cver deceived as many credulous people as the stock phrase that America only exports about 10 percent of her production and that home consump- tion of the 90 percent completely controls our economic situation. In the first place, instead of all Americnn industries exporting 10 percent each of their production, a few dozen of our great industries, on the pros- perity of which the prosperity of the entire Nation absolutcly depends, are obliged to ex- port not 10 percent but a large proportion of their production.” The sale of goods and services abroad in 1946 amounted to some $15,000,000,000. A large part of the $15,0C),000,000 went into reconstruction of war-devastated countries. Commercial exports, however, amounted to nearly €8,000,000,000. This segment of our economy certainly played a key role in the maintenance of domestic production, em- ployment, and purchasing power. Our high prices have brought in foreign goods which would not have been exported by other coun- tries except under their extreme need for Unitod States dollar exchange with which to pay for imports from this country. We all realize that if we are to maintain a well- balanced prosperity, in the long run, our foreign trade must be established on a more permanent basis than it was during 1946. We cannot expect to buy as much from abroad as others buy from us during the in- terim period of reconstruction. The eight- billion-or-so-dollar exports, if we expect to stabilize the foreign trade of the United States, will eventually have to be paid for with imports and services. The imports of less than $5,000,000,000 worth during 1946 left a large deficit, which cannot continuc forever. Imports will have to increase or exvorts decresnse. Eventually, if we are to receive the ex- pected benefits from our foreign loans and investments, and puyment for our exports, we will have to take payment largely in goods. Furthermore, we shall continue to need imports which add richness and variety to our standards of living, as well as a means of conserving some of our nonreplaceuble strategic materials. We do not necd to feur imports If we can maintain high production, employment, and purchasing power. The way to maintain such purchasing power 1s to give every encouragement, including for- eifn markets, to our most productive in- dustrtes which ore able to comprte through- out the world and to receive pzyment for their goods in terms of a great variety of imports which ere to the advantage of the economy of the country. Taking the initiative is an important ele- ment of success. Experts of the Unitcd States Government have accordinely worked out a program which, if fully adopted, will make it possible for world trade and employment to expand and thus create the higher stand- ards of living to which all progressive peo- ple aspire, That program was published on December 6, 1945, in Proposals for Ex- pansion of World Trade and Employment, at the time of the signature of the British loan agreement, to which it was closely re- lated. The proposals point cut how the United States and other countrics should work together in the fleld of international trade, so that more productive powers may be released to operate for the greuter benefit of all humanity. These proposals represent an attempt to place before the world, for frank discussion and action, a basis for interna- tional cooperation so that the world's ex- change and distribution facilities may par:Wel the enormous production cupncity which has been developed during the war, The basic principles of this plan were built upon the existing trade-arreements phi- losophy. This program was discussed at Lon- don with representatives of 17 other coun- trics in October and November of 1946, It includes the proposals for a chartcr for an intcrnational-trade ot ganization. Publication of these proposals advertised to the world that this Government's settled policy is to move in the direction of greater cooperation with other nations in order to establish freer and greater international commerce, ‘The proposals suggest that the United States will not pursue a policy of economic nationalism or isolationism. They suggest that we have learned from the expe- rience following World War I, when a differ- ent policy was followed. The proposed reciprocal trade-agreements negotiations at Geneva with 18 other coun- tries and the United Nations Conference to follow are major steps taken by the United 8tates toward world economic recovery. Two other lines in this chain—the International Bank and the Fund—are getting under way; our loans to the British and to other coun- tries are aiding in reconstruction of war- damaged countries. The formation of an international-trade organization represents a most important step toward establishing a high volume of A963 foreign trade on a sound basis, and it there- fore conforms to the Bank and Fund prin- ciples. This proposed organization embodies @ principle of commercial conduct designed to enlarre the movement of goods. The es- tablishment of a forelyn-trade o:ganization is closely tied in with our propdsal to nego- tiate reciprocal tariff agreeincuts with 18 countries, scheduled for April of this year. In the negotiations for taril! concessions we will be able to secure reduction of forcign tariffs and elimination of discriminations against American products which need tor- eign markets. If it ts not possible for the major trading countries of the world to get together in healthy economic relations, it is possible that these countries will increase their trade controls so that there will be a tendenc, of the world to bieak up into small trading blocs, Trading blocs are apt to lead to economic warlure among the blocs. One way to avoid this impssse is for the United States to press for a fair share in interna- tional trade through the reciprocal reduction of barners. As tormer Secretary of State Jumes F, Byrnes has pointed out, we must learn that prosperity, sike freeduin, must be shared on the basis of fir and honest exchauge ol the products of the labor of {ree men and women. Victory in war has given us an oppertunity to live and work for the fruits of peace and freedom. Through some such progiun: seems to lie the hope tor creating an enduring perce throughcut the world. Under Secretary Clayton, in a recent letter to Senator BUTLER, cpituimivcd the signili- cance of this aspect of our fore:gn policy when he sald: “We are fighting fo~ the preservition of the sort of a world in which Americans want to live—a world which hold. cut some prom- ise for the future of private entcurprise, of economic freedom, of rainy, standards of living, of international couperation, of se- curity and peace. The trade-nsgreements program is an instrument whose aid we need if we are to achieve these enus.” As the late President Reosevelt suid in one of his last messages to the Cungress in 1945, in which he urged the extension cf the Trade Apreements Act: “If the economic founduiions of the peace ure to be as secure as the political founda- tions, it is clear thot this eflort must be con- tinued vigorously and effcctively.” Resolution on Independence of Lithuania Adopted by the Federated Lithuanian Societies and Clubs of the Borough of Shenandoah, Pa. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. IVOR D. FENTON OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11. 1947 Mr. FENTON. Mr. Speaker, in com- pliance with a request, and under unani- mous consent, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp the following resolution adopted by the Federated Lithuanian So- cicties and Clubs of the Borough of Shenandoah, Pa., at a meeting in the Shenandoah High School, March 2, 1947: Whereas the independence of Lithuania was proclaimed on the 16t? day of February 1918, and thereafter, following admission to the League of Nations in 1921, its independ- ence was recognized by the great powers of the world; and
A964 Whereas the Republic of Lithuania having thus emerged once more as a free and inde- pendent country after having been oppressed since the late eighteenth century by the Russian monarchy; and Whereas the Soviet States of Russia pro- claimed to the world in 1920 its belief in freedom and independence and the right of a free people to govern themselves by, inter alia, entering into a treaty with Lithuania wherein we read these binding words, “Rely- in, on the strength of a declaration made by the Federal Soviet Socialist Republic of Russia to the effect that all peoples of every nationality have the right of self-determina- tion and complete separation from the state to which they belonged previously, Russia, without any reservation whatsoever, recog- nizes Lithuania as a self-governing and in- dependent state with all juridical conse- quences that follow from such a recognition and, in a spirit of free and good will, re- nounces all sovereignty rights of Russia con- cerning the Lithuanian nation and Lithu- anian territory which previously belonged to her. The fact that Lithuania for some time was under Russian sovereignty does not im- pose on the Lithuanian people and their territory any obligations toward Russia”; and Whereas, having thus had a new birth of freedom, e8tablishing a republican form of government with universal and equal suf- frage, Lithuania, as a nation, dedicated itself to the task of peace, industry, commerce, and learning, and thereafter the nation and its people lived in peaceful, free, and har- montous relations in the community of na- tions of the world; and Whereas the Government of Lithuania, eager to preserve its freedom and happiness and with prophetic guidance as to the source of danger to its newly acquired independence and freedom, entered into a Lithuanian- Soviet nonaggression pact on September 28, 1926, which, by mutual consent, was to be effective until December 31, 1945, read in part: “Article 2. The Republic of Lithuania and the Union of Soviet Soctalist Republics mutually undertake to respect in all circum- stances the sovereignty and territorial in- tegrity and inviolability of each other”; and Whereas the Government and people of Lithuania have no national, religious, eco- nomic, political, or cultural interests similar or akin to the Russian Government or its people, but differ therefrom in every con- ceivable aspect, yet, nevertheless, the Repub- lic of Lithuania was annexed by Russia in violation of the existing treaties and in vio- lation of international law, by the over- powering force and subterfuge of the Russian Government, whereby through the vehicle of a sham election, controlled and dominated by the communistic government, the Repub- lic of Lithuania was incorporated into the United Soviet States of Russia against the will of all of the Lithuanian inhabitants; and Whereas the Government of the United States being interested, in accordance with its avowed declaration in the Atlantic Char- ter, to permit other peoples of the world desiring freedom to remain free and inde- pendent; and Whereas the Government of the United States declared war against Germany and Japan to thwart and prevent aggression and tyranny to spread its evil forces; and Whereas the Republic of Lithuania, fol- lowing World War I, emerged as a free and independent nation, and since demonstrated its ability of capable self-government, and now, following World War II, finds itself de- prived of its freedom by a communistic Rus- sia, and its people living under a govern- ment alien and differing in every respect from the desires of its people: Now, there- fore, be it Resolved, That we, loyal citizens of the United States of Lithuanian birth or descent, meeting at the Shenandoah High School, this 2d day of March A. D. 1947, do hereby express our united voices in urging the President and the State Department of the United States and the agencies of the United States Government to exert fully the cou- rageous efforts of this Government in doing its utmost to restore the freedom and inde- pendence of Lithuania; and be it further Resolved, That we beseech the President of the United States and the State Depart- ment to request forthwith the withdrawal of the Russian occupational forces from Lithuanian territory and to further request of the United Soviet States of Russia that the Lithuanian people who have been de- ported from their country to slave labor camps in Siberia and elsewhere be returned to their homes and families in Lithuania; and be it further Resolved, That we petition the President, the State Department of the United States and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to refrain from signing or ratifying any treaty involving the Baltic region of Europe which fails to embody the free and independent states of Esthonia, Latvia, and Lithuania and to present the pleas and supplications for justice and humaneness contained herein to the proper authorities of the United Na- tions for appropriate action as may be necessary to effect such results of inde- pendence and justice; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the President, the State Depart- ment, the Senate Foreign Relations Commit- tee, to the Senators of the United States from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, to our Representatives in Congress from this district, with a hope and trust that each one, in such manner as he or it may choose, lend every effort toward fostering, aiding, and achieving the independence of a people who wish to be free to govern themselves and loosening them from the shackles of com- munism, ANTHONY SE£EANISKIB, Chairman, Attest: Lronarp J. CHAIKOWSKY, Secretary. Treatment of Enlisted Men in the Army EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EVAN HOWELL OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. HOWELL. Mr. Speaker, with this Congress rests the responsibility of appropriating funds for the armed forces of the Nation and the welfare of the men and women who serve in them. When either the War or Navy Depart- ments approach us with requests for more funds, we, as custodians of the Nation’s purse strings, receive assur- ances again and again that the money will be judiciously spent and accounted for, and that our military units are the best equipped and best fed in the world. But it has come to my attention that there is many a slip ’twixt the cup and the lip—that is between the money that we appropriate and the amount of food and services that our citizens in uniform are receiving. I am in receipt of a letter from a dis- traught mother at Springfield, 1ll., which I believe should be called to the atten- tion of every Member of this House. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD For obvious reasons, I will disclose nei- ther her-name nor that of her soldier-son, so as to spare him the possibility of reprisal. The mother writes me as follows: Two of our sons enlisted and served 4 years in the Army during the war. One was missing in action, later reported as a pris- oner of the Germans. This was hard for us to take, knowing our son was suffering from malnutrition, filth, body lice, and disease. This was war. Now the war is won. Our youngest son enlisted in the Army when he was 18 years old, because he thought he would have to serve his time, and he wanted to get it over with, so he could enter college. My first letter from him was written on board ship. You can read the letters and then understand why I am writing you. Now he is in Korea. He writes for soap, towels, food. I am just sick thinking of our boys over there, suffering from cold, hunger, and most of all—filth. 1 can just imazine them with disease, body lice, and suffering from malnutrition. They are all 80 young. If they were older, they would be wiser, and they would wait till they were drafted. I hate to admit this, but it is true. Please, Mr. HowE.x, see what you can do about these conditions. This American Army which is supposed to be in the best fed, best clothed, best supplied army in the world is certainly misquoted. So reads this mother’s letter. But what her young son has to say is even more significant. For instance, and I am quoting again from the letters sent back home by this young soldier: Today makes our fourteenth day on this blue Pacific Ocean, and we still have 5 or 6 more days to go before we get to Korea. When we get there I will then be 8,000 miles away from home. I am sure glad I joined the Army rather than the Navy. For the first week I was really sick. We sleep in the hull of the boat where the bunks are five high, and all you have to lie on is a piece of canvas. There are 360 men in my compart- ment, and the smell alone is enough to make you sick. We live like pigs, get pushed around like cattle, and eat like birds. For breakfast we get a small box of cereal and a piece of bread. For dinner we get few crackers, bread, a piece of cheese, and an orange or apple. For supper we have stew. I feel like I am in a prison camp. There are 1,800 men on this ship, and they are all hollering about the food. * I think before long there will ‘be mutiny on this ship. I really have never seen such hungry guys in my life. Guys sell apples for a dollar apiece, sandwiches for a dollar and a half, cans of pineapples and peaches for $5, candy bars for 50 cents a bar. * For Christmas Day, all I had to eat was an apple and orange. I was laying on my “piece of canvas” thinking of the Christmas dinner you were eating. By the time I get off this slave ship I will have had more sea duty than a lot of sailors, I bet. Please send me a package of apples, oranges, canned meat; any- thing that won't spoil. Two years before the mast was nothing compared to this. In a second letter, the son writes: Well, today is Sunday, but it isn't any different than any other day. The latest rumors are that we are going to stay on this boat 21 more days. By that time everybody should be sick and well again, so maybe we will be able to go ashore. A week later, from Korea, he writes: I am still living in the factory and it gets colder every day. They are supposed to have steam heat in this building but I haven't felt any so far.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I can well appreciate and understand the concern and anguish of a mother who receives such pitiful missives as these from a beloved son. I can also realize the resentment and bitterness that she must feel, and that her son must feel. These conditions are deplorable, and wholly unnecessary. I believe the War Department should be held responsible, and that steps be taken immediately to correct and eliminate such evils. Cir- cumstances in war by necessity may cause privation and suffering which can- not be avoided. But now the war is over and there is no valid excuse for the con- tinuation of conditions such as have been described here. Old Highland Hall EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAYMOND S. SPRINGER OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. SPRINGER. Mr. Speaker, from Mr. L. V. Hegwood, of Tacoma, Wash., comes a poem which relates to Highland Hall, a very crude structure located in Fayette County, Ind., which was used many years ago as a general meeting Place for literary societies, and other so- cial functions, This structure was also used for band practice, an organization which sprang up in that rural commu- nity, and for parties and other social functions. Mr. Hegwood was a partici- pant in many of those meetings and de- bates, and he was ever a worthy foe for any team of debaters. The person, “Finn Gray,” referred to in the poem, is no less a personage than the Honorable Finley H. Gray, a former Member of the House of Representatives, whe served in this body with honor and distinction. The “Spiffeldinks,” to which reference is made, is taken from the book written by Hon. Louis Luptow, now a Member of Congress, from the Eleventh Congres- sional District, of the State of Indiana, in which he referred to Senator Sclomon Spiffeldink as one of his characters therein. A very enterprising farmer, by the name of Jasper Davis, who is re- ferred to in this contribution by Mr. Heg- wood, built this place known as High- land Hall upon a small tract of land, on his farm, and extended the free use of this building for all public purposes, such as are portrayed in the attached poem. This building has come into the posses- sion of other owners, and for many years it has been used as a storage building for farm products and farming implements, but in the minds of those who either par- ticipated in those community social functions or who attended them, there remains a treasured memory of those days, long years ago, of the happy hours spent in Highland Hall. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my own remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include herewith this poem, written by Mr. L. V. Hegwood, of Tacoma, Wash., but who formerly resided in Fay- ette County, Ind.: OLD HIGHLAND HALL Today as I walked down memory lane Seeking a place I'd known in the past, There by the wayside to my surprise, The object I sought, I found at last. As my eyes swept o’er this familiar place I began to recall—the faces I'd seen, Anda the laughter I heard; In this famous Old Highland Hall. And in the silence of that empty room Came voices and music from out the gloom. The thumpin’ and bangin’ from that old string band Was the joy and pleasure of all the land. Jap Davis played fiddle—I played guitar, Ray Painter played his old harp, fretted with scars. Doggone, those voices, I hear them, they seem to call, As I reach and cry for them, in Old Highland Hall, You—folks remember, I know Now some fifty years ago—the debates we used to have About—Church against the school: And, “Am I my brother's keeper?” against the Golden Rule. All the Spifiedinks for miles around Were chosen for their teams; The oratory would begin to fly, Each one letting off some steam. The “Silver Tongues” were waxing strong, Will Tate snid—There’s something wrong.” Finn’ Gray remarked, “Tonight I rode here on & mule, To settle this question about the graded school.” “Ride him in,” Tate said—if any— “Oh, no,” retorted Gray, “Two mules in here is way too many.” To hear those voices—of long ago— Those “Silver Tongues”—we miss ’em so. The Msteners whispered, still as death, With trembling lips and broken breath, As with one voice—and eyes all wet, “God"—"'God”—"“Thank God, they're speak- ing yet.” These are the voices I heard rise and fall, The day I entered Old Highland Hall. —L. V. Hegwood. Tacoma, Wash. Educational Value of Motion Pictures EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANDREW L. SOMERS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 6, 1947 Mr. SOMERS. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I submit herewith a copy of a letter which I have written to Mr. Fred J. Schwartz, of the Century Theaters: Mr. Farp J. SCHWARTZ, Century Theaters, New York, N. Y. Dear Mr. ScHwartTz: During the recent war the motion-picture industry performed splendid services for this country and its allies. Much of the total effort was concen- trated in the neighborhood theaters, where millions of dollars’ worth of bonds were sold, more millions collected for the Red Cross, United Nations relief, and others, and on the screens of which Government films of an inspirational and informational nature were exhibited. A965 The neighborhood theater became a foun- tainhead of considerable community activity, with Century Theaters well up at the top of the list for intelligent, patriotic performance. It was interesting to read of your visual education experimen: which you are now condycting in collaboration with the New York City Beard of Education. This is clear indication, to me, that your public-minded- ness is not a crisis-inspired phenomenon, but a permanent sense of community respon- sibility, active in peace as in war. Century's offer of a large portion of its theater facilities, plus the motion pictures required, without any cost to the board of education is, to the best of my knowledge, unprecedented. There is no question in my mind but that the experiment will produce information on the value of the motion pic- ture as an educational mediu.. when tnte- grated with classroom studies. Anything that abets the education of our youth ts of key importance, and tf your experiment proves there is educational value in regular commercial] films shown in the ideal techni- cal surroundings of the commercial motion- picture theater, Century will have performed @ signal service. It is most gratifyirg that this experiment, which may conceivably develop national im- plications in the educational field, originated in my constituency. It is even more conclu- sive proof that for tratl-blazing thinking one would do well to—look to Brooklyn. I wish to extend my best wishes for the success of your venture and to commend you and Century for your generous gesture. Very truly yours. ANpbREW L. SomERs. Resolution on Displaced Persons and Overseas Relief and Reconstruction EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following letter and resolution: THE PROTESTANT COUNCIL OF THE CITY oF NEw York, HUMAN RELATIONS COMMISSION, New York, N Y., March 6, 1947, The Honorable Jacos K. Javits, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN JAVITS: At its meeting last week this commission adopted the at- tached resolution urging migration into this country of 400,000 displaced persons who are now in Europe, during the next 4 years, and recommending appropriation of the $350,000,- 000 requested by the President for overseus relief. The commission has instructed me to send you the resolution and urgently request your support of these greatly needed emergency measures. Very sincerely yours, Roserr W. SEARLE, Executive Secretary. Two great responsibilities of mercy con- front the people of the United States today. On each of these issues the words of Jesus Christ present a mandate to the Christian Church which requires of Christians that they do their utmost both as church mem- bers and as citizens. These issues challenge the Christian people not only to support
A966 generously their church funds for overseas relief and reconstruction but also to exert their influence that the Nation may meet its full measure of responsibility. The United States must face realistically its obligations to the starving people of the world and its particular responsibility tp the displaced persons of Europe if it is to have any claim to moral leadership. Today there is an awful contrast between the destitution of Europe and Asia and the unprecedented prosperity of the United States. Generosity should lead us to give liberally and without haggling, but if we lack the spirit of generosity, then our fears for the continuance of democracy and the welfare of our children should impel us to avoid bringing discredit upon democracy and from drawing upon America the hatred of the world. In addition to the hunger and destitution which grips so much of the world, the Com- mission is deeply concerned for the plight of the 850,000 displaced persons now held in unproductive idleness. The commission is informed that on the basis of national origin these displaced persons are Poles, Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, and Jugo- slavs; and that religiously 550,000 are Roman or Greek Catholics, 200,000 are Jews, and 100,000 are Protestants. It is reported that most of these persons are between 20 and 40 years of age and that about 150,000 are under 18 years of age. The immigration law of 1924 provided for the admission of a total of 153,789 persons each year. In only 1 year since 1931 has more than a third of this numbcr been ad- mitted. Therefore, the Human Relations Commis- sion urges upon the Congress of the United States the approval of President Truman's request for the appropriation of $350,000,000 for world relief. It considers this amount a pitiful minimum of our moral obligation. It further recommends to the Congress of the United States favorable action on the request of the President for the -nactment of emergency legislation to reopen unused quotas back to 1940 and to permit the trans- fe~ of these quotas so that those not used by one country should be made available to others to the end that within the next 4 years 400,000 displaced persons may be admitted to the United States. Those admitted should meet the required standards of health, moral character and the guarantee that they should not become public charges. We Must Set Our Course EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM M. COLMER OF MIS‘YSSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. COLMER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I enclose herewith a very timely editorial appear- ing in the March 8, 1947, issue of the Jackson Daily News, Jackson, Miss., un- der the caption “We must set our course.” The editorial follows: WE MUST EET OUR COURSE The problem of what to do about Greece is only one part of the larger question of what kind of world policy the United States proposes for itself during the next quarter century. We are confronted on the one hand with the unmistakable signs of collapse in British policy and power along the frontiers, To believe that this is only a temporary situation is to close one's eyes to the true nature of the financial crisis in Britain and to the general stagnation in the world mur- kets which were Britain's source of former strength. On the other hand, we cannot be insen- sible to the proposition that the recession of British power or retreat by our own forces, anywhere along the present frontiers, opens the door for the advance of Russia, either directly or by the spread of communism. What is needed now is that our diplomacy decide which set of risks is preferable and that we set a course according to a view of the problem as a whole, instead of continu- ing to take piecemeal action. As great as are the dangers to our system from Russian expansion, they must be weighed against the opposition danger that we may bankrupt ourselves in a futile effort to keep Russia confined within her present limits. We believe that the only sound policy for the United States is to set the line which we are certain we can maintain over the long pull—this regardless of what openings may come to any other power. The Greek crisis needs to be weighed in this light. It is not a separate question. What applies there, and is of moment to us, applies just as directly to Palestine, to- ward which we shrug our shoulders, and to Korea, where we are now starving our own policy. The possibility of a collapse in Greece weakening Turkey’s prospect of resisting Russia at the Straits is a lesser danger to our military position than a British retreat from the east of the Mediterranean. The advance of communism in Greece is at one with the prospect of its final success in Korea. This Nation cannot continue to prop up democracy with bayonets the world over, because finally we will not have bayonets enough or money cnough. Nor 1s it sound policy for the United States to support fi- nancially the arms of another nation in be- half of a common policy unless the cause is so vital to our welfare that finally we would commit our arms there, also. Women in Today’s World EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, this morning I had the privilege of speaking to the Washington Club. This historic organization is one of the oldest and most active women’s clubs in the Nation’s Capital. Mrs. Cloyd Heck Marvin is the president, and some of the other officers are Mrs. James Shera Montgomery, vice president; Mrs. Winston Holt, vice presi- dent; Miss Emma Strider, treasurer; and Mrs. Mark Eldidge, program chairman. Under unanimous consent, I include a copy of my remarks in the Appendix of the ReEcorp: WOMEN IN TODAY’S WORLD (By Representative Joszp# R. Bryson) American women were not bystanders of war. They played a vital role in virtually every phase of its prosecution. War has a curious way of speeding up all historical processes and pushing people and their societies much more rapidly into the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD future than they would ever move under normal peacetime conditions. For instance, it speeded up, even more rap- idly than did the Jast war, the revolution in the life of women. We forget that it is not only about 100 years since women were first admitted to any universities in America; that they obtained the franchise only after the last war; and that only during the Second World War were all restrictions on their pos- sible activities lifted, with their admission into the last hitherto exclusively male occu- pation: the armed forces. War is inevitably a revolutionary force in the life of women. There are those indeed who, like Max Lerner, go as far as to say that “when .the classic work on the history of women comes to be written, the biggest force of change in their lives will turn out to have been war.” Whether or not so dramatic a generalization be accepted, there can be no question as to the dynamic effect of war in accentuating trends and accelerating changes in the life of women which otherwise would follow but slowly upon new phases of indus- trial organization or community need. Not only in China but in India, the Latin- American countries, in Great Britain, and Australia—everyhere—women have stepped over the threshold into a new era. Many have faced situations straining the utmost strength of mind and spirit—exile, intern- ment, the misery of occupation, the slow starvation of their children. To the extent that thelr nations have been involved in the war, women have suffered and toiled to meet the emergency. Over the radio came the sensational an- nouncement: Women are to replace men in every possible capacity in the nation’s in- dustrial, operational, military, and defense fields. In answer to the call came thousands of women—schoolgirls, store clerks, waitresses, housewives, domestics—ready to produce, to invent, to organize, to administrate—in short, to keep all the wheels of national life turning while all available manpower was drafted in the country’s defense. In my own district, which is the largest textile district in the world and which in- dustry war declared essential to the war, no deferments were allowed to men workers, There wus a constant ciphering away of male textile workers which necessitated the return of many women to the plants so as to keep up production. No tribute is too great to pay to our women who left their homes and families to carry on while their menfolk were in the service. Could women run the country in the case of emergency? Could they take over the fac- tories, railroads, farms, transport, commu- nications, and civilian defense? The answer to this question was given daily by the crews of competent women me- chanics servicing bombers; by girl workers who handled thousands of rivets with speed and precision in the plants; by women swinging heavy picks and shovels on air- drome sites; by girl grease monkeys wielding monkey wrenches on auto and airplane en- gines. Women's technical, mechanical, and administrative aptitudes constituted one of the greatest surprises of the recent war. “Women lack strength—women lack experi- encc—women lack traditions of craftsman- ship,” such were the objections of men when they heard that women were to take over their jobs in the defense industries. But it took only a few short months for girls workers in airplane factories to prove that they could keep up with the tempo of production set by men workers. The legend of women's frailty has thus been exploded by the manifold activities in which women have distinguished them- selves in war. A United States surgeon made an investigation to determine the compara- tive physical capacities of hoth men and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD women in industry from the surgical point of view. He discovered that women in railway trades were less subject to injury than men, due to the fact that they were more careful, possessed a superior quickness of action and a Keener perception. With regard to indus- trial accidents, fractures did not occur as readily, because women’s bones are denser and more elastic. Women of middle age were less subject to heart strain and their blood vessels were in better condition than in men of the same age. “Those girls aren't afraid to get their hands dirty,” said the president of one great com- pany employing thousands of women. “They aren't afraid to work. They put on overalls and tie up their hair or cut it off. And :n 12 weeks, they were making 900 dif- ferent kinds of tools and making them well.” That comment was made to a group of newspaperwomen who toured American war plants from coast to coast, and reported on the part women were playing in producing war material. In an aircraft plant on the Pacific coast, the vice president showed them a fuselage assembly. “See that line?” he said. “First all-women assembly line of a major part in the history of aircraft. Look at their fingers go.” Farther on he pointed to a hooded woman with a gas torch. “Hardest job in the place,” he murmured. “Aluminum welding. All women doing it. Can't beat them.” A former schoolteacher in another air- craft plant figured out a new way to do a paint job. She saved 8 hours a plane. Women are naturally nimble with their fin- gers. Once they understand a job, they take to it like a duck to water. Women who had never worked before found that their natural gift for using their hands was standing them in good stead. A woman down oun her knees cutting a sheet of steel with a burner's torch uses the same keen eye required to stitch up a hem on a sewing ma- chine. Ironing out the seams of a life belt uses the same abilities as ironing the family laundry. The woman who used to drive the kids to school ran tractors carrying materials in the biggest plants. Training classes developed character, too— helping women to prove that they can work steady hours without fatigue or interrup- tions. Between 56,000,000 and 6,000,000 women were fighters in the war. Their greater place in industry after the war was assured. They had earned it. An official of a big rubber company went all the way with his enthusiasm. “It’s the working women,” he said, “who won this war.” Yes, and other women also went to war— mothers and wives, sisters and sweethearts, And the battles they fought required no less courage than was demanded of the men on the battle lines. When we honor our heroes—our fighting men—let us not forget those who never heard a gun or saw a battle- ship, but who were just as truly heroic. “The bravest battle that ever was fought, Shall I tell you where and when? On the maps of the world you will find it not; It was fought by the mothers of men.” Ool. Mary Agnes Brown, top-ranking Wac in the Southwest Pacific command, pre- dicted recently that if there is a war 50 years from now, women will be on an even footing with men. We all hope and pray that the proof of Colonel Brown's prediction will never be known, but you can put it down as a fact that the women have now made a permanent place for themselves in our military services. Congressman E. E. Cox, of Georgia, has even proposed a joint military academy to train young women as Officers in the various serv- ices—a “West Point for women.” Congress- woman Eprrn Nourse Rocers of Massachu- setts, who sponsored the original WAC leg- islation and is generally regarded as the godmother of the women’s services, is cer- tain that there will be a permanent training program. But she thinks that it will take the form of social courses conducted for members of an organized women’s reserve. The women have done almost everything except fight. At one marine base, women took over the whole transportation set-up, from keeping the records to overhauling and driving the cars and trucks. The accident rate went sharply down. At another base the male marines gasped when a truckload of dungaree-clad women drove in. But they gasped even harder when the women went efficiently to work installing a complete elec- trical system, Women may do fine work in such fields as plumbing and truck driving; but there they are only pinch-hitters for the men. What's more important is that the Army and Navy learned, as private business learned long ago, that there are ficlds in which men are only awkward, restless pinch-hitters for women. That is why 6,000 Wacs were sent to Eng- land before the invasion—mostly for admin- istrative and specialized work. It is why 87 percent of the enlisted personnel in murine headquarters in Washington were women, why the Navy assigned more than 1,000 Waves to the postal service. The fact that women up to now have had little to say about the management of the world’s affairs—and, therefore, are not re- sponsible for the conditions that led to the world upheaval—does not, however, preclude their grave responsibility for the future. Women are in the majority in Europe, and also in the United States. In particular will business and professional women be the shock troops of this onward march. They are the responsible and trained workers in the great army striving for better conditions in a@ better world. The women of the United States have everything at stake in our postwar world— their future, the future of their children, the future of their country. As an even better organized and informed phalanx of public opinion, they will be heard and they will have their way if theirs is the right, the unselfish, the progressive way. Women must renounce for all time the tradition that it is unseemly for a woman to mix in politics or world affairs. Women are taking an important part in Jawmaking and public administration, As all of you Know, we have seven women in the Congress this session. Throughout the country there are 178 lady lawmakers in our State legislatures, Unfortunately, most of them are Republicans, but we believe things will improve as time goes on. Important State offices outside the legislature have also fallen to women. Connecticut and South Dakota have female secretaries of state. Idaho has a woman treasurer, and North Dakota has a fair lady working as State auditor. And here in Washington we have Frances Perkins, former Secretary of Labor, who is now a member of the Civil Service Commission; and Mrs. Nellie Tayloe Ross, Director of the Bureau of the Mint. Indeed, our ladies have made big names for themselves in virtually every fleld of human endeavor. In last Sunday's papers I noticed by the Gallup poll that out of the 10 people of the world who are most admired by the American public two of them are women—Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt and Sister Kenny, tho great Australian nurse who has done 80 much toward developing a treatment for infantile paralysis. Yes, women have proved beyond doubt that they can take their places beside the men in business and industry and government and make a great contribution to the welfare of the world as a whole. And what I am going A967 to say now 1s in no way a contradiction to what I have just said. It is this: Despite the tremendous contribution that women have made and are now making in the world of affairs, still Iam old fashioned enough to believe that the crowning contribution of women throughout the ages has been the bringing of children into the world and train- ing them in Godliness und good citizenship. In all time to come that will be the crowning glory of womanhood. The great wave of juvenile and adult crime which is sweeping our Nation at present is not completely the result of war. It is in great part an indica- tion of the failure of motherhood. Children who have good mothers and fathers and good homes don't usually fall into crime. When our mothers and our bomes fail in their responsibilities, crime and social chaos are inevitable. Statistics show that the so-called better class of people have deemphasized family life and children, whereas the people who are less capable of properly rearing their children are doing more than their share in propagat- ing the race. That of course is an unwhole- some situation. An eminent physician has had this to say in that connection: “As men and women become more divorced from nat- ural settings and pursuits, as they become more artificialized, more ‘educated,’ more ‘civilized, they tend to have smaller and smaller families, and for that reason the race has been and still is dying out at the top. Personally, we doubt if such ‘education’ is really education, and if such ‘civilization’ is really civilization in the highest sense, but such is the custom of the times. It is doubtless the reason why many people con- sider the bearing of children to be common and plebeian.” In conclusion, I would like to quote again from this outstanding doctor and writer: “The woman who has loved her mate frankly and honorably, who has borne and reared his and her children, who has sacrificed every- thing for her loved ones, who has borne pain for them, who has known the pangs of un- utterable dread and fear when they were in danger, who has felt her heart bursting with pride of them, who has smiled when she wanted to cry, who has loved and lived, develops in middle and advanced life a beauty which is the beauty of the Madonna.” That, I believe, is the finest contribution of women to our world of today and to- morrow. Bretton Woods—Paper Money Heaven EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FREDERICK C. SMITH OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude in the Recorp the following article entitled “Bretton Woods—Paper Money Heaven” by John E. Kelly, which was carried in the California Mining Journal of March 1947: Bretron Woops—Paprmr Monty Heavrn (By John E. Kelly) In a discussion of the Bretton Woods scheme for an International Monetary Fund (California Mining Journal, November 1946), the point was made: “The next factor which very r:aterially upsets the deal is the fact that finances of Many of the nations desiring to participate in the deal, especially as borrowers, are in
A968 such poor shape that there exists no basis on which to stabilize their currencies.” Unfortunately, it is this very near bank- ruptcy of many of the signatory nations that supplies the pressure to close the deal and dish out the billions provided by the long- suffering American taxpayer, a pressure apparently welcomed by internationalist- minded officials in Washington. Bretton Woods is a scheme, a poker game wherein one player—guess who?—antes $6,000,000,000, the others put in theirI O U's. In any place but Washington a gambler who financed his opponents and invited them to play for keeps would be carted off to the booby-hatch. But on the banks of the Potomac such conduct is statesmanship and “global vision.” RED SATELLITES AWAIT HAND-OUTS It is true that Russia has so far declined to join the Fund, although the Soviets were one of the originators of the plan; but all of the Red satellite nations of Europe are wait- ing in line for the cashier’s wicket to open. This takes a load off Russia's back, in effect giving Russia a loan without requiring her to guarantee repayment. UNCLE SAM PUTS UP ALL THE CHIPS Nations joining the Bretton Woods plan a@re supposed to subscribe a given percentage of the Fund’s total capital, but there are many “outs” and loopholes for everyone ex- cept Uncle Sam, who will put in all the real values, but be outvoted in the board of directors. Signatory nations are further supposed to deliver 26 percent of their sub- scriptions in gold, and it may be merely a coincidence that the amount of gold pay- able by foreign nations is just about the same as that the New Deal has shipped abroad in the last 3 years. High officials of the administration have boldly proposed that we divide our gold with other nations, mak- ing them free gifts, so “that we can all start even and trade will be stimulated.” In British Columbia the tribes held an annual potlatch, at which the warriors gave away their possessions. But, lo, the poor Indian was drunk when he did It. After Upper Slobbovia puts in the gold it got by shipping ores to Uncle Sam during the war while taking mountains of American goods free on lend-lease, it can then bor- row American dollars to stimulate trade, and that trade doesn’t have to be with this countr,. The borrowed money can be used to provide cutthroat competition for us, for the plan provides that no conditions may be imposed on where the loan be used. Russia could have all her puppets borrow for her account. Moreover, borrowers can get up to eight times the amount of their gold sub- scriptions in foreign exchange, which means American dollars, the only currency of world- wide acceptance and sufficient quantity. All the borrower needs to do is to match the face value of the foreign exchange it with- draws, with its own paper money, newly printed for the occasion if desired. As if that were not enough, a majority of the di- rectors can at any time permit the borrower to get not 8, but 10, or 18, or 30 times the amouni of its gold subscription. In Hun- gary recently, a 2,000,000,000,000 pengo note was worth a package of Cigarettes, but in the International Fund it could have been cashed for 400,000,000 American dollars, because the Fund must accept the borrower's say-so on the worth of its paper. Hungary was just a little premature with its inflation, but the rest of the little red brothcrs will be on hand. GOLD HELD LOW FOR BANKRUPT NATIONS The Bretton Woods acheme holds the price of gold down, because it is to the interest of the bankrupt, non-gold-producing nations that it be so. Russia stands aloof and sells her gold high in the European black market, or as recently reported in the Canadian press m‘y be preparing to dump gold, tem- porarily, at a figure below $35 in an endeavor to upset capitalist economy. Whatever price the Soviet sells at, the Ngure is clear profit, for costs mean nothing in a land where pri- vate property is nonexistent and the mines are worked by slave labor. Twenty years ago, when the Red regime was much less power- ful, though equally hostile to free enterprise, Moscow did dump gold in an attempt to wreck the gold standard, but the attempt failed. Now with flat-money advocates strong in Washington and controlling the Bank of England, the tactic might be re- sorted t» again, for whatever confusion would result therefrom, Recent Russian dumping of platinum is credited with breaking the price from $93 to $63 per ounce and Russian silver is appearing in India at bargain prices, A free market for gold is the only safeguard against these socialistic schemes wherein everyone benefits except the United States. Free World Markets EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following article as written by Col. C. Browning Smith, of Greenville, 8. C., which I am sure will be read with much interest. To the Envrror: Political domination of one country by another leads to the economic strangulation of the dominated country. This truth was verified when Europe was under Hitler and the conditions existing today in those parts of Europe and Asta under Russian domina- tion. The foreign policy of the United States has always striven to keep world markets open to American trade, broadly covered by the term “freedom of the seas,” when sea power was a dominant factor in war. This likewise has been the policy of the British Empire and her spokesmen are referring to world-wide trading privileges when they speak of the “life lines of empire.” Her main concern for over a century has been, not so much to maintain political control over alien peoples, although she has been guilty of this, as to assure herself of friendly governments bordering essential waterways that would not interfere with her trading privileges nor menace her ocean-borne com- merce. It was for this principle that she waged the Napoleonic wars and fought the last two World Wars, and it was for practically the same reason that we were drawn into these same two wars. We fought to maintain our trading rights throughout the world, but said we were fighting to maintain the freedom of the seas. Both wars have been a costly les- son to us that we cannot maintain our na- tional economy without a free world market from which to import tin, rubber, oil, sugar, coffee, and hundreds of other basic com- modities, as well as sell our surpluses. Fundamentally, this is at the basis of our disagreement with Russia. We simply can- not afford, if we are to survive, to permit any nation through political action or war to establish her influence over most of the world’s land area and exclude us from those markets—oll from the Middle East, for example. It is not foreign capital nor the capitalistic system, whether American or British, that exploits more backward peoples so much, as APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD it is the corrupt rulers and politicians that these capitalists have to do business with. I hold no brief for the abuses of capitalism but at least those people living under this system prevailing in truly representative gov- ernments can sleep soundly at night with- out fear of a secret police, firing squads, and concentration camps. Churchill and Bevin have repeatedly warned us that Britain unaided is no longer able to maintain open world markets. They have not said it in these words, but that is what they have meant and Britain's an- nounced withdrawal from Greece should not have taken us by surprise as it did. If we do not move in with a military force and establish a democratic regime, then Russia will move in, not necessarily with an army, but with political agents and Greece will end up like Yugoslavia. Should this happen Russia will have moved another step forward in forcing Turkey and the Middle East into the orbit of her power and thereby exclude us from this fleld of trade, as she has already done in those parts of Europe she now oce- cupies. Like a strangling octopus, the tentacles of Russia reach out, absorbing more and more land power until her heartland beyond the Urals is free from attack by land, air, or sea, Moving eastward through Asia and west- ward through Europe, where will she stop? The day of sea power is waning, although still vital as a decisive factor in world affairs, and massed land power, backed by air power, controlling land areas adjacent to strategic waterways, such as the Dardanelles, Suez Canal, Straits of Gibraltar, Dakar, the hump of South America will make the position of the United States as a world power, with access to world markets almost untenable. Sea power alone is not enough. This is the geopolitics of world affairs that American statesmen, backed by an informed public opinion, will have to solve. C. BRowNine SMITH. GREENVILLE, 8. CO. Arms for Greece EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I am inserting an editorial which appeared in the New Hampshire Morn- ing Union on Monday, March 10, 1947 entitled “Arms for Greece.” I wish to compliment New Hampshire’s leading newspaper on this most realistic ap- praisal of the entire Mediterranean situation. The course of action sug- gested by the Morning Union should, in my opinion, be followed by the United States. We cannot stand idly by and allow the Mediterranean to become a Russian sea. If Greece comes under Russian domination the Dardanelles, Turkey, Iran, the Middle East, and even Saudi Arabia with its ofl may utimately follow. Now is the time for this country to stand firmly against the march of communism. If we fail to do this then our present position of world leadership will be imperiled. The editorial follows: ARMS FOR GREECE Official sources indicate that President Truman will ask Congress for permission to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ship arms and ammunition to the Greek Army in addition to providing economic aid. This request would seem to be imperative in any effort to find a solution of the Greek problem. Reports show that the Greek Communists do not constitute more than 16 percent of the Greek population at most. But they are given strength out of all proportion to their numbers by supplies of arms and ammuni- tion furnished them by neighboring Com- munist-controlled countries, Meanwhile the Greek Army is handicapped by a lack of Military supplies in ite effort to suppress the revolutionary forces. With Britain now determined to with- draw her 15,000 troops from Greece, the only hope of establishing and maintaining order and stability in that country lies in equip- ping the Greek Army to take over the policing job effectively. The United States is the only country fitted to supply this equipment today. We can do so out of the surplus left from the war without injury to ourselves. We have a definite interest in seeing that Grecce does not come under Russian domi- nation, which is exactly what will occur if the Greek Communists prevail. The resulte of such Russian domination are too serious to be ignored. Greece is the keystone today in the line between western and Soviet Rus- sian influence. If Greece falls to the Commu- nists, Russia will expand her influence over the eastern Mediterranean and the Suez Canal. Turkey and Iran will become pup- pets of Moscow. Communist influence in Italy and France will be strengthened so as to eventually win contro! in those countries. Spain in turn will fall to communism. Russia will then control the western gate- way to the Mediterranean and be master of most of Europe. We cannot stand idly by and see this series of developmente occur. Under such circum- stances, military aid to enable the Greek Government to remain master in its own household becomes imperative. Russia will, of course, raise a howl over what she will label as unwarranted American interference ‘in Greece. But this is not important. There is no more reason why Russia should take offense from the United States bolstering the Greek Government to maintain order in that country than there is that the United States should have a grievance over the machina- tions of Communists to bring Greece under Soviet domination. The ideal solution would be for both Rus- sia and the United States to leave Greece wholly free ‘o settle her own problem. But the Communists are not doing that. So we must be realistic. The solution of the Greek Problem is a question of strategy on which there can be no compromise. The Russians do not hesitate over steps to promote their own interests, and we must be equally defi- nite and practical. Shall We Relax Our Maritime Safety Standards? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRED BRADLEY : OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. BRADLEY of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted to- day to extend my own remarks in the Recorp, and to include certain corre- spondence, I wish to call the attention of the House to the fact that House Joint Resolution 76 and H. R. 1240 are sched- uled to be called up on this floor for con- sideration and vote on Thursday. Both of these pieces of legislation are designed to carry out the President's reqvest for the extension of title V of the Second War Powers Act for 1 year. House Joint Resolution 76 authorizes the Commandant of the Coast Guard to waive certain inspection laws with ref- erence to the safety regulations and crew manning requirements of a presently relatively large fleet of ships engaged in passenger traffic many of which were not Specifically designed for that traffic. In our entire merchant marine as of today, we are operating only five ships—the America on the North Atlantic, three ships in the South Atlantic, and one in the Pacific—which do not require these waivers. The major portion of our war- built or converted passenger ships are now in drydock being reconverted to passenger service so they can meet our American safety standards, which are by far the highest in the world and on a plane considerably above the interna- tional maritime safety standards, to which other nations are supposed to ad- here. Evidence before our committee is to the effect that there are no ships operating in the world today—outside of these five—that would meet our high American safety standards. That does not mean we are operating ships that are totally unsafe by a long ways; and offsetting the risk we continue to take in the operation of these ships is the fact that we have some 40,000 Ameri- cans who were stranded overseas when the war broke who are desirous of get- ting home; there are many thousands of others who have to go overseas for tem- porary purposes in the interests of our Government or on essential business, and then there are something like 75,000 dis- placed persons who our armed forces overseas and our State Department want us to transport to South America or else- where to become settled in those coun- tries and a certain number of folks from abroad who want to come to our land under our usual immigration quotas. If we do not handle them with what is pres- ently available they will be stranded in- definitely and we will have to clothe and feed them where they are over there. Aside from the mechanical safety fea- tures on which waivers are asked, we are also asked to waive certain regulations with respect to the manning of these ships and among others the number of aliens employed thereon. The unions, by and large, control the manning of our offshore fleet. Many of the steamship operators have closed- shop contracts with the union and, through a rotary hiring system, the unions supply the crews when requested by the operators. During the war, a great many aliens were employed on our ships under the waiver powers con- tained in title V of the Second War Powers Act. There are those now in com- mand of our unions who not only seek to continue that alien employment, through the continued grant of these waivers, in order that they may continue in turn to receive the dues from these aliens while at the same time denying those job opportunities to loyal Ameri- can-born citizens. A969 Under permission to include in my re- marks certain correspondence, I add at this point copy of a telegram from Mr. Philip Murray, president, Congress of Industrial Organizations, to me as chair- man of the Merchant Marine and Fish- eries Committee, dated February 25, copy of his letter to me of same date together with copy of my reply thereto. which I think are self-explanatory. I hope many Members of the House will have an op- portunity to read this: Exuusir I House OF REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON MERCHANT MARINE AND FISHERIES, Washington, D. C.. March 6, 1947. Mr. Putuir Murray, President, Congress of Industrial Organt- zations, Washington, D.C. Dear Mk. Murray: I acknowledge and thank you for your wire and letter of February 25, 1947. The position taken in your telegram is entirely inconsistent, in my opinion. On the one hand, you protest transfer of Ameri- can ships to foreign registry—which some few American operators tell me they desire, in order to compete with the extremely low standards and low wage rates paid to certain foreign crews, as, for instance, the British with the employment of Chinese and Lascar seamen, ete. In order to compete with them, that is the only possible justification for any loyal American citizens to want to transfer registry to a foreign flag and employ alien crews under lower standards and lowcr wage scales. On the other hand, you who ask us to Muintain the American merchant marine under the American fing, in order to pre- serve American wage und saicty standards, now approach me with the idea that you want to do so to permit the cmployment of aliens under American wage standards and under American safety standards. Presum- ably, of course, those aliens would be re- quired to, and would be delighted to, oper- ate under your union regulations. It would be distinctly to their benefit to do so. On the contrary, I have it on good authority that your union regulations would prevent our own citizen vetcrans, who sincerely de- sire to go to sea, to receive employment on these ships unless or until they joincd your union and paid your dues. I have protests from veterans’ organiza- tions in this country to that effect. Your own representatives have stated to me that unless we continue to grant these waivers for the employment of your alien member- ship you are unable to man the American merchant marine with American seamen, namely, those belonging to, and paying trib- ute to, your own union. As far as I am per- sonally concerned, I want the strongest possible American merchant marine manned by loyal American citizens, regardless of whether they pay dues to your union or not, and as long as there ure American boys still on the streets today. seeking to man the American merchant marine, in my opinion, they must, and should, have priority over aliens, regardless whence they come. House Joint Resolution 76 and H. R. 1240, I understand, are coming up on the floor next week, When I was asked to introduce these reso- lutions, I understood they were necessary to take care of the transportation of American citizens and displaced persons through the presently available facilities of the American merchant meérine. That is the only reason I introduced the bills and the only fustifica- tion I have for presenting them to the Con- gress and supporting them, which I do with some misgivings. Our committee has been informed in no uncertain terms that unless
A970 these two resolutions pass the House prac- tically every passenger ship in the American merchant marine will be tied to the docks as of March 81, or as soon thereafter as they reach the next port, thereby effectively taking the American flag off the high seas. It is the responsibility of our committee to maintain paramount on the high seas an American merchant marine, manned by our own American citizens. We intend to dis- charge that responsibility. But I do not conceive it the duty of our committee—and certainly it ‘s against my own conscience— to man the American merchant marine with alien seamen. We must protect the jobs of Americans; I am against employing aliens on our ships. Therefore, I intend to introduce an amendment to my own bills next week, instructing the Coast Guard in the one case (H. J. Res. 76) and the Army in the other case (H. R. 1240) that henceforth no waiver shall be granted authorizing the employment of alien seamen, except as now provided by law, after June 1, 1946. I am equally opposed to the admission to American citizenship of what I am told to be between twelve and fourteen thousand alien members of your organization—whether they served on our ships during the war or not. With the shortage of jobs for American sea- men becoming grester and greater, I am op- posed to granting special privileges of citizen- ship to these men, who would then compete for the fewer available jobs with Americans, who also served at sea during the war. H. R. 476 will be considered further just as soon as possible. We shall be glad to consider all other per- tinent legislation to maintain our American flag paramount on the high seas—“with equal Justice for all and special favors to none.” Very truly yours, Frep BRADLEY, Chairman. CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS, Washington, D.C., February 25, 1947. Hon. Frep BRADLEY, Chairman, Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee, United States House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear CONGRESSMAN BRADLEY: Several thou- sand noncitizen war service seamen who ren- dered incalculable service to our cause in the war effort are about to be “rewarded” with deportation. Many of these men would to- day be bona fide residents or citizens of this Notion had it not been that their services were needed at sea. The State Department promised aid in their behalf after the war, but such aid has not been forthcoming. Your committee can take two steps to pay our debt to these men. First, I urge that you act favorably and promptly on House Joint Resolution 76, extending the Coast Guard waiver power until January 1, 1948. This action will enable war service noncitizen sea- men to find continued employment on our ships and to avoid deportation. Second, I urge that your committee give serious consid- eration to amendments to H. R. 476, the Mer- chant Seamen’s War Service Act, which will be put before you in testimony of the CIO Maritime Committee. These amendments would provide legal entry for 1 year of war service in danger zones and citizenship for 8 years of such service. These war-service seamen are few in num- be:, but they have already made a valuable contribution to this Nation. They bring with them a devotion to our principles, skills which we need, and a willingness to under- take the responsibilities of citizenship. This Nation discouraged them from entering the armed forces, where they could have secured citizenship with 8 months of service. They were needed at sea and they stayed with the ships through the greatest of danger. We should pay our debt with the citizenship they have earned. Sincerely yours, Purir Muerar, President. Wasuinaron, D. C., February 25, 1947. Hon. Frep BRADLEY, Chairman, House Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee, United States House of Representatives, Washington, D. C.: Puture employment opportunities of mari- time workers and the American merchant marine declines daily. Transfers of Ameri- can owned or controlled vessels to Panaman- jan and Honduran flags become more numer- ous. These transfers have as their purpose to avoid American labor standards and to avoid American safety standards. A request of the CIO maritime committee for the criteria on which Maritime Commis- sion approval of such transfers are based has gone unanswered. Your committee is de- voted to the maintenance of a strong Amer- ican merchant marine. Accordingly, I urge that you undertake an immediate investiga- tion of the extent of and reasons for such transfers preparatory to the consideration of legislation to make the American mer- chant marine second to none. PHILIP MURRAY, President, Congress of Industrial Organizations. Then, Mr. Speaker, I include also a letter received from a typical American citizen seaman who is being crowded out of the American merchant marine through the employment of these aliens and this gentleman speaks for himself in no uncertain terms: Exumrr II Newport News, Va., March 10, 1947. Hon. Frep BRADLEY. Sm: I am writing to you as an active mem- ber of the merchant marine and as a member of the NMU to let you know my stand and countless thousands of other merchant-ma- rine members, on the issue of granting citi- zenship to aliens to continue sailing Ameri- can ships. I and thousands of others who are not members of the Communist Party, are strictly against granting an extension to alien sea- men to sail beyond March 81, for the follow- ing reasons: 1. As shown by their attitude and conduct, they are sailing our ships and have sailed them not for patriotism, but for the higher wages and conditions. They all gang up on our offshore ships, according to where it's going, by nationality groups; 1. e., if a ship is going to South America, the aliens who originally came from those countries will ship on her. Once aboard, they act as if the American members of the crew are the aliens, And by getting together and speaking only in a foreign tongue, they are able to get the Americans disgusted and quit. That's what they want—they don't want Americans aboard their own ships. I'll give you one instance: I shipped in Texas not so long ago on a Lykes Bros. freighter, going foreign. She was a new C 3 type freighter, a beautiful ship. Going aboard, I thought I was on a foreign ship. There was only one American on deck—the boatswain. I was put on watch with two men from Spanish Honduras. I saw right away they were out to get rid of me before we sailed. Upon asking them questions, they answered in Spanish and lay in their bunks speaking Spanish to each other at the top of their voices. Needless to say, in the next port, Beaumont, I quit. 2. A good part of these men, including the ones on the ship I was forced to quit, were not even sailing during the war. They had been going to sea on American ships 10 months on the 12-4 watch. The entire watch was Chinese aliens—they couldn't speak a word of English, only “overtime.” This en- dangers both crew and passengers to have men in the crew who do not understand the language of the ship. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 3. If we did not allow aliens on our ships, the countless thousands of American young- sters that were trained by the Maritime Service during the war would have continued to sail merchant ships. As it was, after one trip and hearing nothing but a foreign tongue, they got disgusted and quit. 4. Countless thousands of the old-time seamen who quit during the war, would come back to sea if the aliens are removed. I have talked to quite a few. They all say the same thing. They do not want to sail with aliens. So there would be no shortage of seamen as the old-timers would be back. 5. Before the war, we sailed practically the same number of ships we have today with 100 percent citizen crews. Granted that most of the 6,000 merchant seamen who lost their lives in the war were the old-timers— all citizens. We could still man the ships, as a lot of Navy veterans want to join the merchant marine and the men who were trained by the Maritime Service would come pack. Then, we American seamen would not have to hang our heads in shame on our own ships as we now do, 6. An extension would be a victory for the Communist Party faction in our union, the NMU, who were responsible for aliens being on our ships and who want them continued as they car tell them they were responsible for them still being on the ships and thus give them a powerful bloc in our union who would vote the way the Communists tell them to. They want to freeze the rest of us American seamen off the ships as we are anti-Communist and do not let anyone lull us to sleep with Red propaganda. They want the ships manned by men who will pay their dues, say nothing, and vote and do as they are told. They don’t want Americans with a mind of their own. 7. Most of us Americans are now forced to sail on these coastwise oil tankers and coal boats as only full citizens can sail them. Otherwise they would be packed with aliens. Also, it’s a fine pass when American seamen who sailed all during the war, are forced to sail only coastwise ships as aliens have our jobs and force us off our offshore ships. On this tanker, not one man wants the alien seamen to get an extension as we want to sail on our own ships with our own coun- trymen—not aliens. Fraternally yours, Mr. Speaker, this continued employ- ment of large numbers of aliens—and figures which I have received from the Bureau of Marine Safety in the Coast Guard show that there is an average of 17.5 percent now afloat in the American merchant marine—is a hazard of which they are thoroughly aware and about which they are very much concerned. The fire hazards and the safety hazards on these cargo-passenger ships, which are temporarily employed in carrying passengers, is enough of a hazard in itself but if, as and when we have a serious accident at sea and you put aliens in those lifeboats who do not understand the commands of the officers of the ship, who may not speak their native tongue and who may, therefore, be unable to control them, then you are creating an unspeakable additional hazard the re- sponsibility for which I do not want to assume even though the above men- tioned bills carry my name and which I introduced first at the request of the President—which appears in the Con- GRESSIONAL RecorD of February 3, page 152, and in the case of H. R. 1240 in a letter from the Secretary of War ad- dressed to the Speaker and referred tu me as chairman of our committee,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Above all, as far as I am personally concerned, I am unalterably opposed to this blanketing into citizenship of some 14,000 alien seamen. We are very grate- ful for their wartime service but I see no justification for blanketing them into citizenship simply because of that serv- ice and thereby creating an additional handicap toward native American citi- zens being given a fair opportunity to exercise their desire to serve in the peacetime, postwar, American merchant marine. Representations have been made by certain union groups that the majority of these aliens are Scandina- vians—that is an absolute untruth. Afloat as of today there are on the aver- age less than 8 percent Scandinavians out of the entire alien group There are on the other hand on the average of 25 percent Latin Americans, 18.6 percent Filipinos, 18.6 percent British and 7.8 percent Orientals. I hope the House will give very care- ful consideration to these two bills when they come on the floor Thursday. Sugar Control and Rationing EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK BUCHANAN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following article ap- pearing in the New York Times by Mr. Joseph Abbott, president of the American Sugar Refining Co.: Bic Sucar ReFINFR ENporSES CoNTROL— American Co. Says It Is NErpED THROUGH 1947 To AvErT “Boom aNp Busr”—Fam Dea. ASKED FOR CusA—Rerort Suows RISE InN INCOME TO $4,735,278, on $3.60 a S1anrz, Last Year Reporting on operations last year of the Americun Sugar Refining Co., Joseph F. Ab- bott, president, informed stockholders yester- day that while the company opposed Govern- ment price and rationing controls as a peacetime measure, the sudden eliminution of the present wartime sugar-control program undoubtedly would cause substantial price increases and a scramble for available sup- plies. Prompt action is necessary, Mr. Abbott con- tended, to prevent another “boom and bust” situation such as that after the first World War when prices skyrocketed and then col- lapsed because of the absence of an orderly decontrol program. He urged the Government to advwpt the following program in the public interest: Provide for the American public substantially more suger in 1947 than 1946 in line with ite promise; continue price and rationing con- trol through 1947; announce without delay the date when controls will end; define its policy on further purchases of sugar crops and its plans to provide sugar to foreign countries. INDUSTRY'S PROBLEMS SURVEYED Covering all phases of the company‘s oper- ations, the report included a survey of the major problems facing the entire sugar in- dustry in the field of domestic controls, legis. lation, Cuban developments, and trade agree- ments, The company’s consolidated net income for 1946, after taxes, $500,000 contingencies, and all charges, amounted to 64,735,278—equal to $3.60 a share of common stock. In 1945 the company had a net of $4,539,921, or $3.17 @ common share. Operations of the company’s Cuban sub- sidiaries were an important factor last year. Net income of the Cuban corporations, after taxes ond all charges, was $2,389,466, com- pared with $1,602,188 in 1945. Net income from refining operations, however, fell to $1,679,803 in 1946 from $2,398,553 the year before. ; ACTIVITIES OF ALL REFINERS Deliverics of all cane-sugar refiners in 1946 were 714,000 tons less than in 1945—a reduc- tion of about 15 percent—the report de- clared. Since deliveries for export tn 1946 increased by 112,000 tons over 1945, all re- fliers’ deliveries for domestic civilian and military use were 826,000 tons less than in 1945—a reduction of about 19 percent. De- liveries by beet processors, importers, and mainland cane mills were 408,0U0 tons greater than the year before. Total deliveries of all primary distributors for domestic civilian and military use were 7 percent less than in 1945, the company said. “Cuba's 1947 crop is estimated at about 5,600,000 tons,” the report said. “It comes at © most opportune time. The public pres- sure here for more sugar is so great that continuation of sugar control and rationing through 1947 would be impossible if substan- tially more sugar 1s not provided for the American public for 1947. This added sup- ply can come only trom Cuba's 1947 bumper crop. Cubu will be able also to continue to make a big contribution to the needs of other nations in Europe by shipping them sub- stantial supplies. “If Congress considers revised sugar legis- lation this session, it should not neglect Cuba as was done after World War I. Ap- Preciation of Cuba's cfforts 1n coming to our Tescue when necded and consideration of her peacetime sugar problems muke this course obvious. Security for our raw-sugar needs, both in peacctime and in war, requires it.” Role of America as International Almoner EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ELMER THOMAS OF OKLAHOMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. THOMAS of Oklahoma. Mr. President, I have received from Mr. J. K. Wells, a resident of Oklahoma City, a letter in which he discusses one phase of our foreign policy. I find myself in agreement with Mr. Wells, and for that reason I ask permission to have his let- ter printed in the Appendix of the REcorD. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: OKLAHOMA CrTy, OKLA,, March 8, 1947. Senator ELMER THOMAS, Senate Office Butlding, Washington, D. C. Dear Senator: Every country in Europe, with the exception of Russia, Sweden, Nor- way, Finland, and Switzerland, is on the threshold of economic collapse. They are sustained, in the main today, by direct gifts and bad loans made by the United States Government, When this collapse comes— A971 and I don’t think it is over 6 months away— Russia, or the Communists, will take over all of these bankrupt countries without firing a single shot. The financial status of these countries to- day is very similar to that which prevailed in the old South in our own country im- mediately following the Civil War—a dev- astated country without money and with- out credit. England, France, Italy, Greece, Yurouslavia, Spain, and the Lowlands are looking to the United States daily for succor and rellef. We are implored daily, either by some of our own statesmen (7?) or by the paid repre- sentatives of some of these countries, to ex- tend to each und every one of them addi- tional loans for continued sustenance. Surely we ure not so foolish us tu think we can feed all the peoples of the world und they remain in abject idleness. The sad part of the whole story is that when these ccun- tries collapse, the repercussion therco! will shake the foundation of the United Siates and the whole world—the lke of which we have never witnessed before. In view of this impending danger, don't you think it wise that we berin immediz«tely to put our own house in order—to withstand this Herculean disaster? We should stop trying to feed and finance the world und begin at once to reduce our national expenditures wherever possible, and to quit muking bad Joans and unappreciated gifts to foreign countries that know noth- ing of our democratic wuy of life—and care less—but only look upon us as a wanton and wasteful Santa Claus. This disaster ts in- evitable und we could not prevent it even if we loaned them the full limit of our total resources. That Would merely delay the disaster that is sure to come. I think it is high time we quit kidding ourselves and take a more realistic view of the situation and trim our sails for the inevitable storm that will surcly envelop us unless we forthwith cexse spending foolishly and for political purposes and “dig in” for a siece of economic world chaos, With best wishes and kindest personal re- gards, I am. Sincerely yours, J. K. WELts. Democratic World Looks to United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT OF ARKANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 M FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to ..ave printed in the REcorp an article cntitled “Demo- cratic World Looks to United States,” written by Sumner Welles, and pub- lished recently in the Washington Post. There being ro objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: VALLEY OF DECISION DEMOCRATIC WORLD LOOKS TO UNITED STATES (By Sumner Welles) The postwar period has now entered its most critical phase. Events are rapidly moving toward an inevitable crisis. Th American people have entered the val- ley of decision. If the United Stutes makes full use of the opportunity afforded by its position, its power and its resources, it can
A972 determine the destinies of humanity. It can save Western civilization. The nature of the course we are going to take will be shown by what we decide to do in the case of Greece. Many persons are pro- testing that, if the United States steps in to help the Greek people maintain their sov- ereign independencc, this country will be merely “pulling British chestnuts out of the fire.” What these individuals cannot, or will not, see is that in the world of today, the chestnuts are American as well as British. The greatest of all wars has brought in its wake the greatest political, social, and eco- nomic upheaval of recorded history. The factors which had been determining inter- national relations since the period of the Napoleonic wars have suddenly ceased to exist. The era of the Pax Britannica has end- ed, Great Britain is no longer able to pre- serve a balance of power in Europe or to play any considerable part in maintaining inter- national order in the Near East or in Asia. France has been bled white. The smaller countries of western Europe are exhausted and prostrate. The prospects for a German settlement of a kind which can bring order out of chaos and terminate the mounting fear and uncertainty grow daily less favor- able. Save in the New World, the democratic Peoples who have been helping to uphold what we call western civilization have neither the manpower nor the material resources needed to make it possible for them to coop- erate in any major struggle for its preserva- tion. If it is to be saved, it will be saved because the American people have decided that thelr own security and safety of their own free institutions depend upon its sur- vival. The issue could not be plainer. If the United States acquiesces in an extension of Soviet domination over Greece, Turkey will soon thereafter come within the Soviet orbit. The Levant, the Arab states, and north Africa will then lie open to Soviet expansion. The Mediterranean will be included within the Russian sphere of influence. Should the starvation and misery with which all of Europe is presently afflicted con- tinue much longer, communism will sweep to the shores of the Atlantic. The strength of communism in western Europe has not yet shown itself openly. It has penetrated far deeper in all of the western democracies than is yet fully recognized. It can only be ar- rested when peoples have food, employment, and hope for the future. It can only be checked if peoples see that democracy pro- vides security. It can only be overcome when democracy shows itself to be positive rather than pallidly negative. The decision which the American people confront involves a fundamental change in their policy Should this country refuse to accept the challenge now presented, the So- viet government will automatically assume world leadership. I do not believe that either the Russian people or their Government de- sire war, or are prepared for war. But if through timidity or indecision the United States today acquiesces in further Soviet expansion, whether political or military, and permits the European democracies to fall, war between the United States and the So- viet Union will ultimately become inevitable. No more fatal a mistake could be made by the American people at this time than to compel their Government to reduce their armed strength. Any present reduction in the American budget which will result in a decrease in the military or financial power of the United States, and thus prevent it from assuming these new world obligations which are incumbent upon it, is an open invitation to the rulers of the Soviet Union to persist in an expansion policy. Until peace settle- ments are concluded which can guarantee that the legitimate interests of the United States will be safeguarded, and that a stable international order can at length be estab- lished, the American taxpayers must be pre- pared to assume a heavy burden. But such @ sacrifice will be infinitesimal compared to the price which would be exacted of them by a new war or by world anarchy. Until security is within their grasp, the people of this country must see to it that their Government makes full use of the armed strength of this Nation, as well as of its economic resources, in order to main- tain the independence and to insure the survival of the remaining democracies. Only through such a policy of bold and enlight- ened initiative can the United States hope to prevent war and to bring about the con- struction of a world in which the United Na- tions can maintain peace. ' Valley of a New Civilization EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN H. OVERTON OF LOUISIANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. OVERTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an editorial entitled “Valley of a New Civilization,” which appeared in the Commercial Appeal of Memphis on March 9, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be print~d in the Rrecorp, as follows: VALLEY OF A NEW CIVILIZATION Forty years ago, then President Theodore Roosevelt—a New York Republican—made a steamboat trip from Keokuk, Iowa, to Mem- phis. He had become interested in a pro- posal to create a 14-foot channel from the Great Lakes to the Gulf. What he said at Memphis has probably been forgotten, yet, because his truths are more applicable today than they were then, what amounted to a declaration of national policy should be memorized by every person living in the Mississippi Valley. In a day of new weapons of fantastic speed and awesome destructive power, they are truths understood far more clearly than when spoken, for the Valley is the relatively safer area, situated between the protective coastal mountain barriers. His was a prophecy. The date was October 4, 1907. This is what he said: “No man can foresee the limit of the pos- sibility of development in the Mississippi Valley. Such being the case, and the Valley being literally the heart of the United States, all that concerns its welfare must concern likewise the whole country. Therefore, the Mississippi River and its tributaries ought, by all means, to be utilized to their utmost possibility. “The Valley of the Mississippi is politically and commercially more important than any other valley on the face of the globe. Here, more than anywhece else, will be determined the future of the United States, and, indeed, of the whole western world; and the type of civilization reached in this Valley will largely fix the type of civilization for the whole Western Hemisphere.” This Valley, as President Theodore Roose- velt envisioned it, was to become the cradle and citadel of a new hemispheric civiliza- tion. Its area of greatest opportunity is that known as the alluvial valley—the vast agri- cultural and potentially industrial sections lying between Cairo and the Gulf, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The deep channel sought at that time was not attained. It was only a little more than 2 years ago that the Congress author- ized deepening the channel between Cairo and Baton Rouge to 12 feet as against its present 9, and the work on that is yet to be started. For many years after President Roosevelt uttered his prophecy, the alluvial valley per- mitted its water transportation facilities to deteriorate and completely ignored its indus- trial opportunities. It was too busy growing cotton and producing lumber. Agricultur- ally it ignored—and many a time disas- trously—equally prophetic warnings to diversify, to get its farmers established on a live-at-home basis. It lost the vision of Theodore Roosevelt. It wasted its years. The real awakening began to come within the decade. The South started to shake of its lethargy, and with it, the alluvial valley. The introduction of cotton substitutes, along with educational campaigns, such as the plant-to-prosper program of this newspaper, spurred what is a continuing, growing agri- cultural transition. New industries seeking fields of abundant labor supply, water-rail transportation, and a@ more beneficent climate started to move into the South, and are moving now with ever-accelerating gpeed. A great deal of it is speed inspired by belief that coastal manu- facturing centers must be decentralized for sefety's sake. And with it all the alluvial valley sud- denly began to realize that the Mississippi River with its transportation facilities and potentials can be a perpetual asset to unlim- ited development instead of a periodic curse. Greenville has one of the finest of the country’s inland harbors. Vicksburg has im- provements planned which the Congress hus authorized. New Orleans is seeking a new water artery to the Gulf, in which the city government plans to make a 830,000,000 in- itial investment. New Orleans is the seaport of the alluvial valley. More than half of the relief supplies going to Asia and Europe are being moved through that port. Most of it moves through this Valley. If the Congress approves a plan for the standardization of Latin-American military equipment and sup- plies through American aid, most of that, too, will move through this Valley. There is tremendous opportunity at hand for Valley-wide development of foreign trade with Latin America. Opposition to Bill To Permit Monopolistic Practices by Freight Carriers REMARKS HON. JOHN H. FOLGER OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 12, 1947 Mr. FOLGER. Mr. Speaker, I be- lieve anyone who takes the time to read the minority report on S. 110, and every- one in my opinion ought to read it before he votes, will oppose this proposed leg- islation. This legislation is indefensible. I ask unanimous consent to revise and extend my remarks and to include there- in the minority report. There being no objection, the minority views were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Minority Views I dissent from the recommendations of a Majority of the committee that the bill (8. 110) be passed.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This bill would give the railroad, motor- carrier, water-carrier, pipe-line, and freight- forwarder industries the opportunity of ob- taining complete exemption from the anti- trust laws If enacted into law, the proposed legislation would cut the antitrust laws from the heart of our economy—the transporta- tion industry. Such legislation would be an opening wedge in entirely destroying the antitrust laws, designed to guard and pre- serve the American system of free enterprise. The obvious purpose of the bill is to de- prive the courts of jurisdiction in pending cases instituted by the Department of Jus- tice and the State of Georgia. The Depart- ment of Justice, in a sult at Lincoln, Nebr., 1s seeking to enjoin powerful combinations of railroads, railroad associations, and bank- ers from violating the antitrust laws, fixing arbitrary and discriminatory freight rates, limiting railroad services, suppressing im- provements in railroad equipment and facili- ties, and preventing the development of modes of transportation competitive with the railroads. The State of Georgin’s suit is now being tried in the Supreme Court of the United States and seeks to enjoin combina- tions in the railroad industry from fixing noncompetitive and discriminatory freight Yates. These important cases, brought to enforce basic laws enacted by the Congress, could become moot if this bill is enacted. A dangerous precedent would be set, encour- aging other powerful groups to seek legiela- tion immunizing them from established laws and the power of the courts to enforce them. Cartelization of the transportation indus- try cannot be isolated from the national economy. Transportation costs are a mujor element in determining the price of gonds in other industries. The power to control the cost of transportation is a power which may be used to dictate whether othcr busi- nesses shall enjoy competitive success or be stified to death. Analysis of the bill shows that it would permit the legalization of pri- vate controls over the Nation's economy not only by transportation combinations but, under the broad terms of the bill, by indus- trial and financial combines working in al- liance with combinations in the transporta- tion industry. This legislation sets a pat- tern for supplanting the American system of compctitive enterprise and for the car- telization of the Nation's entire economy. ANALYSIS OF THE BILL Under the specific provisions of paragraph (2), the transportation industry could set up and perpetuate a private government which could have the power, through con- certed action, to determine the rates to be charged and the service to be performed; the time at which trains shall depart and the time they shall arrive at their destinations, from where they shall leave, over which routes they shall run, and the places at which they shall stop; the equipment and facilities to be used, and whether or not Improvements thereon shall be made or suppressed; the part of the rate each carrier shall receive; the allowances which shall be granted to shippers; and the basis and extent of settling claims of passengers and shippers against a particular carrier. The phrase “promotion of adequacy, econ- omy, or efficiency of operation or service” is so broad as to authorize concerted action comprehending every activity in the trans- portation industries. It would include the financing, construction, and utilization of equipment, safety devices, facilities, stations, and terminals. It would include action determining whether spur’ tracks or other facilities, necessary to meet the requirements of particular shippers, shall be constructed, and whether new types of service necessary to promote an advancing economy shall be instituted. Approval of agreements permitting the in- dustry to organize into combinations and by joint action to make determinations of such wide scope would constitute a delegation to private groups completely to cartelize trans- portation. Competition would be eliminated not mere- ly among the carriers of the same type or class but among the several competitive modes of transportation—the railroads, the water carriers, the freight forwarders, the pipe-line companies. Paragraph (4) would permit agreements between carriers of dif- ferent classes if the agreements concern matters relating to freight clussifications or to transportation under joint rates or over through routes. Since retes to be charged for transporting freight are matters relating to freight classifications, this provision would authorize approval of agreements be- tween groups of carriers in the different spheres of transportation whereby the rutes in each sphere could be privately munipu- lated so as to eliminate compctition between the various classes of carriers. Moreover, the words “matters relating to * * * trans- portation under joint rutes or over through routes” are so broad as to permit the ap- proval of agreements between the carriers in all the classes of transportation under which collective action could be taken to curtail services, equipment, and facilities. All these things relate to transportation under joint rates or over through routes and, indeed, are within the term “transporta- tion,” as defined in the Interstute Commerce Act. The term is defined in that act to in- clude “locomotives, cars, and other vehiclcs, vessels, and all instrumentalities and facili- ties of shipment or carriage, irrespective of ownership or of any contract, express or im- plied, fo~ the use thereo!, and all services in connection with the receipt, delivery, eleva- tion, and transfer in transit, ventilntion, re- frigeration or icing, storage, and handling of property transported.” It would thus »e possible for the railroads, the trucks, the water carriers, the freight forwarders, and the pipe lines to combine into private organizations and to take con- certed action determining with immunity the rates to be charged, the quality of serv- ices to be performed, and the facilities to be installed in each mode of transportation. Under paragraph (8)— “No agreement approved by the Commis- sion under this scction, and no conference or joint or concerted action pursuant to and in conformity with such agreement as the same may be conditioned by the Commission, shall be deemed to be a contract, combination, conspiracy, or monopoly in restraint of trade or commerce within the meaning of the anti- trust laws.” Thus not only would combinations of car- riers participating in agrecments for joint and concerted action be immunized from the antitrust laws but their bankers and financiers, manufacturers of railroad and other carrier equipment, and powerful ship- pers, taking “joint or concerted action pur- suant to and in conformity with” the car- riers’ agreement, would be immunized from the antitrust laws. By these adroit provi- sions, effectively eliminating the application of the antitrust laws, financial and powerful shipping interests, acting through rate-mak- ing and other procedures provided in agree- ments approved by the Interstate Commerce Commission, could ally themselves with the dominant carrier associations to fix transpor- tation rates and limit transportation services 80 as to stifle new competitors and perpetuate monopoly. Similarly the bill would permit the rees- tablishment of old arrangements existing under the illicit “pullman monopoly’’ re- cently divested by the courts in an antitrust suit brought by the Government. This mo- nopoly, which had for so long a period of time prevented the introduction and use of modernized and improved equipment, would be restored and the court's mandate nullified. A973 The approval by the Interstate Commerce Commission, as envisaged by this bill, is not merely with respect to particular rates or other specific action agreed upon or taken by carriers, Under the scheme of the legislation here proposed, the Commission would ap- prove the basic plan of organization setting up the rules, regulations, and procedures under which the private carte] would regi- ment and control transportation The amendments to parugraph (9). adding two provisos thereto, contain much verbiage but fail utterly to contravene the power of the monopoly group, once its plan of oigani- zation is approved by the Commission The second proviso, that approval of un or- ganization agreement providing for proce- dures on time schedules, facilities, settle- ments of claims, and other nonrate matters “shall not be deemed to be approved of any joint or concerted action” on such matters, is meaningless because, under the terms of the bill, exemption from the antitrust Inws would apply when concerted action is taken “pursuant to and in conformity with” the approved afreement. Immunity for con- certed action flows from approval of the agreement. Concerted action, itsclf, need not be separatcly approved. Nor is the first Proviso effective in curtailing monopoly power by requiring, in the case of nonrate matters, separate approval of agreements made pursuant to the approved procedures, Tap power of the monopoly group does not depend on carrier agreements openly arrived at, but on concerted action, effectuated through the coercions and pressures inherent in the organizational structure. Such con- certed action, taken through the procedures Provided in the association’s plans of or- ganizations, would be insulated from attack under the antitrust laws by virtue of pre- vious approval of the plans of organization of, and the procedure in, the associations. Moreover, even if the amendments to para- graph (9) were effective to deny monopoly the power to control services, the bill, in- Solar as it provides for the legalization of monopolies in determining prices to be paid for services, is sufficient to stifle competition in the industry. This bill, which would delegate to the Commission authority to delegate to a pri- vate government powers to contro) every aspect of transportation, could vest in the private government powers greater than those exercised by the Commission itself. As ob- served by the Commission in its fifty-second annual report (1938) : “There is gross exagferation tn the idea that every act of the railroads is subject to regulation. The railroads have a large de- gree of initiative in the making of their rates, and have freely made a multitude of reductions to meet competition. We have no power to control their passenger service, and exercise very Httle control over their freight service. They select and pay their Officers without supervision or hindrance. Nor do we undertake to tell them what equip- ment and supplies they may buy; how they shall operate their shops or maintain their tracks; what rails, ballast, and ties they shall use; what stations or other buildings they shall erect; what construction contracts they shall let; or how they shall manage their affairs in many other ways. The pattern of their regulation is in no way unique but ts substantially the same as is now applied gen- erally throughout the country by the States or the Federal Government to other public- utility companies.” But these matters, which the Interstate Commerce Commission declares it has no power to control, could, under this bill, be delegated to a private government to control. Paragraph (6), purporting to guarantee a party to the agreement the right of inde- pendent action, is devoid of such guaranty. The paragraph, upon close examination.
A974 merely protects the right to take independ- ent action after a determination or report is made through such procedure as is pro- vided in the agreement. The bill does not preserve independent action taken prior to the collective determination. In the face of a determination already collectively agreed upon a carrier. desirous of deviating from the action of the association, would at once be confronted with the exercise against it of the coercive power of the entire combina- tion. A carrier who persists in adhering to its own managerial prerogatives and rights and who persists in refusing to yield to the collective determination runs the hazard of ostracism as a nonconformist, who takes the benefits of the combination but refuses to make required sacrifices. The detailed day- by-day operations in the transportation in- dustry are so complex and the relationships between the carriers and the industrial and financial interests are so involved as to afford numerous opportunities for retaliatory action against the nonconformist. Such retalla- tion may be carried out so subtly as to leave no evidence of the restraints exercised against such carrier. Under these circumstances a stipulated right to act independently is il- lusory. The danger is accentuated when it is considered that, by various devices, initial determinations or reports concerning pro- posals unsatisfactory to the dominant inter- ests may, under approved procedures as es- tablished in the existing private system «! Judicature of the rate bureaus and. assoc.u- tions, be delayed for long periods of time before acted upon. Moreover, the prohibition in paragraph (6) against boycott, duress, or intimidation would seem to be applicable only to protect inde- pendent action following the determination arrived at through the association’s pro- cedures. And, in any event, coercion, other than by means of boycott, duress, or intimi- dation, is at no time prohibited. Economic pressures, exercised by interlocking financial and industrial powers, is sufficient to coerce carrier management. The sole purpose of this bill is to remove the legal restraints against monopoly in- herent in militant enforcement of the anti- trust laws. Yet, while the bill would in- sulate the transportation monopoly and its allies from the courts (pars. (2) and (9)) and reduce the Attorney General to the status of & private complainant before the Interstate Commerce Commission (par. (7)), it would provide no adequate regulatory safeguards, if they be possible, even to insure compli- ance with agreements approved by the Com- mission. Paragraph (7) in essence limits the power of the Commission to determining whether action taken under an agreement approved by the Commission is in conformity with such approval “and is consistent with the standards" sct forth in the bill, and whether its approval should be modified or termi- nated or additional terms or conditions pre- scribed “with respect to the particular action complained of.” Thus, the Commission may merely prescribe additional admonitions for future conduct in the matters complained of. But neither the Commission, nor any other agency of Government would, under this bill, be given power to impose any penalty for past offenses. It must be recognized that the adoption of this bill would result in the worst kind of special legislation for special interests. It would constitute a most dangerous prece- dent which could henceforth be used to jus- tify the exemption of any or all industries from the safeguards of the antitrust laws, The pursuit of such a program inevitably means the extinction of the free and com- petitive economy of the United States. It is plain, therefore, that this bill should not be enacted into law. Craries W. Tosrr. David Lilienthal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE P. MILLER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 12, 1947 Mr. MILLER of California. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing article which appeared in the San Francisco News Thursday, March 6, 1947: Dave LILIENTHAL Is AN ABLE MAN (George Carmack, former editor of the Knoxville News-Sentinel, and now editor of the Houston Press, a Sc:ipps-Howard news- paper, makes the following statement in a signed article in his newspaper.—The Editor.) (By George Carmack, editor, the Houston Press) Dave Lilienthal is not a theorist who thrives on controversy. Dave Lilienthal is one of the ablest men in this country today—and this is said with careful consideration of just what those words mean. There 1s no business in this country too big for Dave Lilienthal to head. He could be an able president of the American Tele- phone & Telegraph Co As head of the Pennsylvania Railroad he would be a success. He could fill the shoes of the president of United States Steel. KEEN POWER OF ANALYSIS To any of these jobs he would bring a vision, a keen power of analysis, the ability to see problems as they are and not as he would want them to be, a quality that makes people work with him, the Knack of picking good executives and getting the best out of their ability. TVA built more than 20 dams on the Ten- nessee River—a construction project which, in its entirety, is probably the largest ever undertaken in the United States. Despite high wage rates—the equal or better than union scales—record after record for low cost of construction per cubic foot was made in building these dams. , I have known Dave Lilienthal for many years. Primarily, it was the everyday ac- quaintanceship that the editor of a news- paper has with the head of the largest public business in the editor's town. But it was more than that. Close personal friendship with Dave Lilienthal for several years can lead only te an unqualified belief that he has no sympathy either with the idea of communism or with the fanatical people who follow the party line. VOTE OF CONFIDENCE The people of Knoxville, Tenn., where he has lived for the last 12 years, know him best. We feel sure that if the people of Knoxville were to take a vote of confidence on Dave Lilienthal, he would get 90 percent favorable ballots. He has no more sincere advocate than the Knoxville Chamber of Commerce. On pre- vious occasions when Senator McKE.iar has been out to get Lilienthal, the chamber of commerce has publicly made Known, by for- mal endorsement, its belief in Lilienthal and his policies. This is not to say that there have not been Communists in TVA. I suspect there were Ku Kluxers, and Silver Shirters and almost anything you might want to name among the thousands the Authority hired. And it must be remembered, too, that the United States had a great deal more tolerance APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for the "Commies" back in those days. Most people considered them somewhat as freaks— harmless nuts. The real menace of com- munism to the United States is something that all of us have just been woking up to in the last few years. FOR POLITICAL SPOILS But to understand the fight on Dave Lilienthal—at least in its beginnings—it is necessary to understand Senator McKgr.ar, of Tennessee. Senator MCK&LLag ie the lead- ing political-patronage ndveewie-in public life. No job is too big, and rozre too small, to escape the Senator's eye, constantly rov- ing for another bit of political spoils. The Senator is part of the E. H. Crump political organization in Memphis—and it must be noted a very meek part on the rare occasions that he has incurred Mr. Crump's displeasure. This political organization is built in part on extreme ruthlessness in fill- ing jobs—even a woman holding a nonpay- ing presidency of a school’s Parent-Teacher Assoctation must be on the organization's side of the political fence. The heart and soul of TVA has been the principle—writte, into law—that Jobs in TVA must be filled on a merit basis and not as political patronage. Senator MCKELLAR was not able to pass out TVA jobs to the politically faithful. Dave Lilienthal saw to that. A diploma from a fine engineering school and a record as a successful engineer meant a@ lot more than a telephone Call from a Sen- ator’s secretary when a young engineer ap- plied for a job working on one of TVA’s dams. WOULD HAVE BEEN DIFFERENT Then there were cases when Senator Mc- KELLAR—even though he had worked hard for many of TVA’s appropriations—couldn't have his way. There was one particularly bitter fight over the location of one of TVA’s dams. Senator MCKELiag cries “communism,” but we suspect that if Lilienthal had followed a& policy of requiring a letter from Senator MCKELLaR before you could get a job with TVA the cry of “communism” would never have been raised. Make no mistake about it—Lilienthal is @ liberal. But he is a liberal of the old school—a liberal in the fine sense of the word. He ts a liberal in the meaning it used to have—when it meant freedom of spccch, freedom of the press, freeddm of religion-- when it meant honesty and sincerity—-when it meant the dignity of man—when it meant the courage of one’s own convictions and not @ party line laid down by Moscow via a com- mittee for the advancement of this and that and a press agent with a mimeograph ma- chine turning out ready-made thoughts. He is a liberal of the Senator Norris school rather than the Henry Wallace or Vito Mar- cantonio or Claude R. Pepper stripe. Dave Lilienthal is an able man. It will be a sad day if the McKellars and the Tafts— or even the O'Daniels—can drive him from public life. The Proposed FEPC Bill Dangerous REMARKS HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 12, 1947 Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, as I have pointed out time and time again, the most communistic piece of legislation
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD with which this Government has ever been threatened is this so-called FEPC bill, so-called Fair Employment Practice Committee. If you will get the CONGRESSIONAL REC- ord of February 17, and turn to page 1012, you will find a speech I made analyzing this bill as it is now applied in the State of New York. You will also find that they put it on the ballot in the State of California in the last elec- tion and appealed to the people of Cali- fornia to adopt it. The voters of Cali- fornia defeated it by a million majority. Now, a movement is being made to try to force other States to place this legis- lation on their statute books without a thorough investigation. If we are going to adopt a communistic platform, remember this FEPC is the first plank. I am inserting a statement by Mr. Mason J. Dixon on this subject, which I hope every Member will take time to read: The matter referred to follows: Rather, in this article, our purpose is to look into this pecullarly explosive piece of proposed legislation—generally known as FEPC (the so-called Fair Employment Prac- tices Act), which provides severe punishment for employers adjudged to be guilty of prac- ticing racial discrimination in hiring workers, A commission investigates and determines whether employers are guilty of putting race prejudices tnto practice in the employment offices of their businesses. During the war, FEPC functioned on a temporary basis. The proposal now is to make it permanent. Strangely and interest- ingly enougn, the most notorious case in- volving FEPC was precipitated by a labor union, rather than an employer. In Phila- delphia, the transit company was directed to hire Negro streetcar conductors. The union went on strike, and a costly transpor- tation tie-up developed in America’s third largest city. A number of important labor unions have, written or unwritten, regulations limiting their membership to the white race. FEPC must be unfair, one-sided, and impractical until it is aimed in application at labor unions as well as employers. In many cases, employers have no juris- diction over the choice of employees, since the union dictates the employee. Under the Wagner Act, they are compelled to permit the union to maintain a closed shop; they are obliged to employ the workers dispatched from the unton hiring hall. If the advocates of FEPC are truly inter- ested in eliminating racial discriminations in employment, they will establish the pro- posed bureaucratic control over both union membership rolls and union hiring halls as well as the employer. Some time ago, the National Republic car- ried an article on the subject, Can race prejudice be outlawed? The conclusion reached was that race prejudice must be overcome by the forces of religion and educa- tion, working to perfect racial understand- ing and brotherly love, rather than by grant- ing to socialistic regimenters and communts- tic bureaucrats the right to throw into Jail all Americans suspected—or convicted—of harboring race prejudices which express themselves in employment discriminations. The new Congress has pressing problems to consider—problems which must be solved in the interests of the general welfare of our people. However, the agitators of the race question are insisting that Congress shal! drop everything and devote its major atten- tion to the FEPC. This may mean another “lezislative strike.” It may mean a long- @rawn-out, knock-down, drag-out battle on the floor of the Senate. A stalling of legis- lative machinery over the FEPC issue could be as costly to the Nation as the recent coal strike. The crying need of our country is for unity and understanding between North and South, between all races and classes and par- ties. FEPC is the most explosively laden bombshell of disunity, bitterness, and mis- understanding to be detonated in recent years upon the floor of the Senate. It has been an agency of distrust and misunder- standing spread throughout all] races and classes of our people. That is why the Communists, the profes- sional merchandisers of distrust and disunity, are insisting that the splitting of itself over FEPC shall be the first order of business of the new Congress. No lover of representative government will condone the filibustering methods employed by the southern Senators to halt the passage of FEPC or any other type of legislation. However, as in most cases, wrong is not wholly on one side. The communistic pressure groups behind FEPC have used equally dis- graceful tactics in an effort to browbeat Sen- ators into supporting this legislation, which many competent lawyers believe to be plainly and patently unconstitutional and which in th: end extends racial contention rather than modifies it. Employed by a minority, a filibuster ob- structs the carrying out of the will of the majority. But a ruthless minority, organized into a high-pressure lobby, is designed to ac- complish the same purpose, and it does—in practice—accomplish the same purpose of defeating the principle of majority rule. With filibustering on one side, and minor- ity pressuring on the other side, the ques- tion still remains: Do the American people favor an FEPC? . The last election supplied a very convinc- ing clue to the answer to that question. The proposal for a State FEPC was put on the ballot for a direct and decisive vote of the People of California. Before the balloting, all sides agreed that this would be a fair test of public sentiment. All the propaganda and mass meeting tech- niques Known were put into play by the proponents. To a considerable degree, Cali- fornia ts the melting pot of the Nation. Only @ fraction of her population is native-born. The preponderant majority of her people have come from abroad or from the other 47 States. Communism, the ClO—all left-wing ele- ments—are strong in California, consider- ably stronger than in the Nation as a whole. This gave to the proponents of the FEPC a decided advantage as the issue was brought to a popular test. Of course, it must be recognized that one of the strongest objections to a Federal FEPC is that it would provide the Govern- ment in Washington with new and far- reaching controls to be imposed upon the people of the 48 States. Many Americans who oppose Federal FEPC as being uncon- stitutional might actually favor a State FEPC. The CIO, Communist Party, and other left- wing groups spearheaded the drive to enact FEPC in California. Through their clever propaganda, some church groups were mis- led into supporting FEPC as a “step toward racial equality and the brotherhood of man.” Yet, when the ballots were counted, FEPC had been rejected by a crushing majority of 212 to 1. The Republican candidate for the United States Senate won with 54 percent of the votes. But 70 percent of the total votes were cast against the FEPC. This demonstrates that it is no partisan issue. Republicans and Democrats joined in smash- ing this Communist-sponsored proposal. The vote was so overwhelming as to con- vince any political observer that the Ameri- can people strongly disapproved of such a legislative interference with individual \Mberty. California has a large and growing Negro population. It also is the home of A975 large representations of other raeial minori- ties—such as Filipinos, Mexicans, Chinese, etc. The vote would indicate that even these minorities, whom the proponents of the FEPC profess to wish to help, did not vote solidly in favor of it. On the basis of the California vote, it may be assumed that the American people do not approve of FEPC. Residents of 46 States (New York has an FEPC, enacted by legisla- tion and not by referendum) are not unlike Californians; and, given the opportunity, they undoubtedly would register the same decision. The FEPC, introduced in the House by the Communists’ proponent, MaRCANTONIO, ought to be defeated, but not by a filibuster carried on by a minority of Representatives or Senators. It ought to be defeated by the overwhelming majority vote of Republicans and Democrats, who respect the wishes of their constituents, the people of the United States. In the interest of ull races, Congress should kill FEPC. This decision is dictated by the manifest will of the people. It is dictated by the plain provisions of the Constitution of the United States, forbidding such inter- ferences with individual liberties and the rights of the States. The defeat of FEPC will clear the air in Congress. It will dissipate the gathering storm clouds of misunderstanding, distrust, and disunity in the Senate and throughout the Nation. In the conception of the communistic pro- moters of strife in our land, FEPC is regarded as an effective monkey wrench to be cast into the legislative machinery of Congress and inte the social and industrial relations of our people. Congress will render a public service by throwing this made-in-Moscow instrument of sabotage out the window or into the waste basket. To progress toward better racial relations and understanding in America, we need no bureaucratic system of regimentation: we need no FEPC. We need a spiritual awaken- ing; we need a reviving and reinforcing of the spirit of true religion. Instead of more power for the Washington bureaucracy to regiment the lives of our people, we need more power for the church of the living God to transform the lives of our people with the redeeming love of Christ for all men, all classes, all races. Presidential Award for Meritorious Serv- ice Rendered During World War II Given to Jack L. Warner EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesdaz;, March 12, 1947 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Sneaker. at March Field, Riverside, Calif., yesterday at 2 p. m., Mr. Jack L. Warner was pre- sented with the Medal for Merit award- ed to him by President Harry Truman for his services to the Nation during World War II. This is an honor deserved and earned. The citation which accom- panies this award reveals the unselfish service Mr. Warner rendered to the Na- tion, and reads as follows: Jack L. Warner, for exceptionally merito- rious conduct in the performance of out- standing services to the United States from
A976 September 1939 to April 1942 and from No- vember 1942 to September 1945. Mr. War- ner, through his 30 years of experience and background in the motion-picture industry, impelled by the finest patriotic motives, and on his own initiative, pointed out to the armed services of the United States the use which could be made of motion pictures in the effective prosecution of the war. He provided producers, directors, technicians, and executives from the industry, indoctri- nated them in the needs of the armed serv- ices, and established the first Motion Pic- ture Unit of the Air Forces himself. In an- dition to providing the full use of motion pic- tures for combat purposes, he produced more than 100 films for the recruitment of per- sonnel, the training of officers and men, and the education of thr public in various phases of the war effort. He enabled the armed services to accelerate procurement of per- sonnel and training of men already in the service at a time when mobilization was at & critical stage, and the tremendous conver- sion of a civilian population into an armed force was being attempted. This contribu- tion was an immeasurable one, and was pos- sible only because of his profound insight into the needs of the services, and his vast knowledge of the potentialities of the mo- tion picture as a medium. He put at the disposal of the United States forces in the overseas theaters thousands of prints of feature motion pictures for entertainment purposes, which contributed substantially to the morale of the men. Throughout his entire relationship with the armed services, his sole thought was the role the motion pic- ture could play in making possible the de- feat of the enemy. He contributed vast sums of money and enabled the armed serv- ices to conserve great amounts of money in this part of their program. But distinct from any financial consideration, the energy and knowledge he provided, unselfishly and unsparingly, were on a level with that of only a few civilians in the business and in- dustrial worlds during the course of the war. Mr. Warner's conduct and achievements, his devotion to the cause of his country, and his complete disregard of personal gain reflect the highest credit to himself, the Govern- ment, and the people of the United States. Harry TRUMAN. Tue Waits Hovas. Congressional Astrology EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT OF ARKANSAS IN THE SENATE OP THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Appendix of the Recorp an article en- titled “Congressional Astrology,” written by Marquis Childs, and appearing in this morning’s Washington Post. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: . WASHINGTON CALLING (By Marquis Childs) CONGRESSIONAL ASTROLOGY Twenty Members of Congress are having & pillow fight with imaginary pillows. The contest between 10 Members of the House and 10 Senators over whether the budget will be cut by $6,000,000,000 or by $4,500,- 000,000 is just about as real as that, The figure that finally comes out of this pillow fight will be wholly arbitrary, having nothing to do with the obligations both at home and abroad that this Nation must as- sume It’s astrology. It’s numerology. It’s fortune telling with a little assistance from the oulja board. The District of Columbia is one of the few jurisdictions in the country that licenses fortunetellers. The fee is $250, and 37 for- tunetellers hold licenses. In announcing that he would not vote on the budget ceiling when it was being debated on the floor of the Senate, Senator Brien McoManown, of Connect- icut, told his colleagues that they ought to have the decency to take out a license before they voted. Even while the business was being dis- cussed publicly on the floor, the whole proc- ess was made to look foolish. Chairman ArTHurR Caprprr of the Senate Agriculture Committee brought in a bill with the unan- imous approval of his committee providing for United States funds to fight the epi- demic of hoof-and-mouth disease in Mexico. Caprrr said it w 3 imperative the bill be Passed at once by unanimous consent. No one could very well dispute the need for such action. The plague in Mexico will cer- tainly spread to this country unless it is stopped where it is. In this respect, it's like the political- military plagues that beset certain areas. If they aren’t checked, they will certainly grow and spread. You can measure, however, tangibly and concretely the deadly effect of something like the hoof-and-mouth disease. But no one in Congress has any idea how much the attack on Mexico's hoof-and- mouth disease will cost. The bill rushed through to available passage—Public Law No. &—merely says that funds shall be made available to do the job. One witness esti- mated there were 1,000,000 head of cattle in the infected area in Mexico and the cost of eradicating them would be between fifty mil- lion and sixty million dollars. That is just one item above and beyond the estimates of the experts who drew up President Truman's $37,500,000,000 budget. Until Congress gets down to cases and decides how extensive our obligations will be in the coming year, the argument over cutting the budget is like the medieval argument about how many angels can stand on a needle point. Take another and more formidable ex- ample. Thus far this session 150 bills have been put in, by Republicans and Democrats, covering veterans. Almost without exception they provide for spending money above and bevond the estimates in the budget. No one either in the Veterans’ Administra- tion or in the Veterans’ Committee of the House has had the time and the patience to find out what it might cost the Government if even half these bills become law. But it would undoubtedly run into hundreds of millions of dollars. Some of these bills will become law. Cer- tain measures may be essential to correct injustices. The pressure of the professional veterans’ lobbies is powerful and unceasing. An arbitrary budget celling adopted by Congress at this time is bound to be punc- tured. It will be purely and simply a polit- ical ceiling. Those engaged in this sham battle are counting on the fact that people have short memories. At the next session of Congress, the Department of Agriculture will ask for a deficit appropriation to cover the cost of eradicating the hoof-and-mouth disease in Mexico. It's a fairly safe bet that no one will remember that this little item was ignored when Congress was contending angrily over @ purely fictitious budget ceiling. You might be safe in betting that few people would ordinarily remember there ever was such a ceiling. But they will be re- minded, come the next election campaign, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The victors in this battle of the windmills can be counted on to make political capital out of a wholly empty victory. From the demands growing out of the crisis over Greece, you get some idea of how empty that victory is likely to be. The re- quest for money to sustain Greece was not in the President’s budget because no one short of a crystal-gazer could have foreseen that the need would become so desperately urgent just when it did. The longer the contest goes on over a fic- titious budget celling, the more foolish it appears, which may be one reason the Demo- crats are sitting back and looking rather self- satisfied these days. Greece and Turkey a Job for the United Nations EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. MARION T. BENNETT OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 12, 1947 Mr. BENNETT of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, the President today asked Con- gress to authorize our Government to furnish several hundred million dollars, together with an unspecified number of civilian administrators and troops to stop civil war and the spread of com- munism in Greece and Turkey. I am led to wonder how it will work there when it failed in China. The President said that the United Nations could not do this job he has in mind but did not say why. On the latter point I com- mend to attention of the House the fol- lowing thoughtful article which ap- peared this morning in the Washington Post: Tue WASHINGTON Merry-Go-Rounp (By Drew Pearson) The problem of Greece boils down to the following alternatives: 1. Either we throw good money after bad and let the British continue to bungle Greece nearer the brink of civil war and chaos. 2. Or we use our influence to have the United Nations, with its World Bank stabili- gation fund and world police force, put Greece back on its feet. 8. Or we wipe our hands clean of Greece altogether, in which case Greece goes Rus- sian-Communist, Since even the Republican isolationists are dead opposed to a Soviet-dominated Greece bottling up the eastern end of the Mediter- ranean with its Arabian oil now used by the United States Navy, the third alternative probably can be ruled out. Chances are strong that we will do something to help Greéce. The chances are also strong that we will follow the first alternative, and let a British puppet government continue to bungle. Po- litically, both for Congress and for Truman, this is the easiest way out. Furthermore, it is virtually what we have been doing already. Actually, it makes little difference whether United States cash is spent by the British or @ British-puppet government, or by a new coalition government. As long as British troops dominate Greece the result is likely to be the same; continued turmoill—which plays right into the hands of Soviet agents. As set forth in this column point by point last week, the British Labor Government is
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD now paying for Winston Churchill's policy— & policy based on kings, bluster, phrase-mak- ing, and lend-lease tanks. Churchill's errors cannot be undone overnight. It will take a surgical operation. Looking for the remedy, history shows that one of the very successful reconstruction jobs performed by the old League of Nations was in Greek Macedonia, where the trouble-mak- ing Turkish population was removed, and where Greeks were taken from Turkish An- atolia and resettled in Macedonia. Pre- viously there had been constant friction be- tween the two countries. After the League per’ormed this surgical operation, Greece and Turkey became good friends. Today the old League of Nations, feeble and inefficient, is gone. Its place has been taken by a new United Nations, on which millions of People pin their hopes for a future warless world. And the big question now is: Will we circumvent the United Nations until it be- comes weak and vitiated, or will we let it per- form the peace-paving jobs for which it was formed and constituted? UN EQUIPMENT Today Greece needs money. The United Nations, in turn, has a World Bank with $9,000,000,000 gathering dust in its Treasury. The bank was established for the purpose of helping situations where the security of the world was in the balance—situations similar to Greece. Greece also needs currency stabilization. The UN has a huge stabilization fund estab- lished for the very purpose of stabilizing foreign currencies, Greece also needs for the moment a cer- tain amount of police protection. Again, the UN has its joint military staffs, its Security Council, its blueprint for an international police force. The Sol Blooms and others who believe in paying lip service to the United Nations but not relying on it claim that Russia would be able to sabotage a United Nations admin- istration of Greece. Unquestionably, Russia would try. However, General MacArthur has shown that the veto power works both ways, and that where Anglo-American forces have the upper hand the veto keeps the Russians in their place. The Soviet is represented on MacArthur's governing council in Japan, but he was first on the Japanese scene, and he runs the Japanese show. The same thing can be engineered in Greece. LATIN-AMERICAN LESSON One of the great lessons learned from our Pan-American relations is the importance of teamwork. Prior to the good-neighbor pol- icy we worked as an individual Nation. We landed troops in Haiti, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic. We banged Mexico over the head with diplomatic threats and mobilized troops on her border. Result: All Latin America disliked us. Then Sumner Welles sold Roosevelt the idea of being a good neighbor, of sharing re- sponsibility. So when trouble arose in the Western Hemisphere, the Pan-American na- tions solved it as a team. Result: Fewer mistakes were made and when they were made Uncle Sam didn’t get all the blame. The British Empire, hitherto, has operated ona unit basis. It didn’t worry about team- work. Result: It is hurriedly liquidating parts of the empire and reaping bitter criti- cism in Palestine and Greece. Further re- sult: The United States is asked to share the financial responsibilities—and the head- aches—in one of those countries without having too much to say about the things that cause the headaches, If we become the bankers for British head- sches, the pain and the blame can extend to Turkey, Italy, north Africa, and all over the world. That's why we should take a leaf from the Pan-American good-neighbor book and let the United Nations get busy in Greece before it is too late, XCIII—App.——62 Republican Leadership in Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HOMER FERGUSON OF MICHIGAN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article by Gould Lincoln under the heading “The political mill,” published in the Washington Star of March 11, 1947. In his article Mr. Lincoln discusses a letter written by my distinguished colleague the senior Senator from Michigan [Mr. VANDENBERG]. I think the letter ably answers some of the critics of the legis- lative program and the speed with which it has been proceeding. I realize that there are a few people who think that if a legislative body passes a new Dill daily and appropriates a million dollars to carry it out, that is ideal legislative procedure. I also appreciate, however, that we are now dealing not only with an automobile which has been run off the road but with one which has been wrecked, and it is taking considerable time to do the repair work on it. In view of the fact that the letter expresses my own opinion and, I believe, the opin- ion of most of my colleagues in the Sen- ate, I ask that it be inserted in the Appendix of the REecorp. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE POLITICAL MILL (By Gould Lincoln) Acting President of the Senate VANDEN- BERG is indignant over what he asserts is de- liberate propaganda in and out of Washing- ton to discredit the new Republican Congress. This propaganda is taking two forms. The first is an effort to make 11 appear that the Republican leadership in Congress is violently divided and falling apart. The second is an effort to show that the Republicans in Con- gress are soldiering on the job. The propa- ganda, in the opinion of Senator VANDENBERG, comes particularly from Democratic New Deal sources, and is aided and abetted by writers and commentators who have the New Deal slant. Senator VaNDENBERG, who is himself very much a leader of Republicans in Congress, especially on the problems and issues of for- eign relations, says that reports of dissension between him and Senator Tarr, of Ohio, chairman of the Republican Policy Commit- tee, are all poppycock. He admits he and Senator Tarr have not seen eye to eye on the appointment of David E. Lilienthal to head the Atomic Energy Commission, he favoring and Senator Tarr opposing Mr. Lilienthal. He contends, however, that disagreement of two Senators over a single appointment to office means nothing at all when it comes to cooperation on the Republican legislative program. As for the charges that the Republicans: have been slow and are lying down on their job, Senator VANDENBERG Says that apparently Republicans out in the States are falling, in some cases, for the work of the propagandists. He has drafted a reply which he sends to every letter writer who criticizes the Repub- licans in Congress for delay. It covers the ground in detail and predicts that soon a mass of remedial legislation will be coming A977 from the congressional mill, The letter follows: “My Drarn Mr. Brank: Thanks for your frank letter of March 3. I am happy to answer it in equal candor. “I do not think there is the slightest justi- fication for any impatience with the speed with which the new Republican majority in Congress is proceeding with its labors. We have been at work just 67 days. Our first necessity was a complete political reorganiza- tion for the first time in 15 years. Simul- taneously our initial task was to complete the total procedural reorganization of Con- gress under the Reorganization Act for the first time in 150 years. “These things had to be done before we could even start to function on our legisla- tive program. In my own opinion, it was little short of a miracle that we were able to conclude these labors und get our factory in operation in 30 days. “Thereupon our major legislative problems went to the new committees for study and report. Haste makes waste in legislation. Careless, impetuous legislation ts one of the curses from which we have suffered for a decade. I have never seen more constant and earnest legislative labors than those of our committees, working night and day. “You will soon see the results coming off the production line. You will soon see Fed- eral expenditures cut by four or five or six billion dollars. You will see taxes reduced. You will see the portal-to-portal outrage ef- fectively controlled. You will see new and far-reaching statutory protections in connec- tion with labor-management relationships. You will see bureaucracy demobilized to the last possible man. You will see peace treaties ratified. You will see the constitutional tenure of the President limited. “If a program of such magnitude is com- pleted by next summer, it will be the greatest achievement itn modern legislative history. If it isn’t completed. you will be entitled to indict the new Republican majority. But I respectfully suggest that no indictment lies at the end of the first 67 days when we had to start from zero.” It is well within the possibilities that from the same sources now attacking the Repub- licans for delay will come howls of anguish when the legislation Senator VANDENBERG promises begins to roll Much has been made, too, of a request by the 16 Republican freshman Members of the Senate for greater participation and more information in the Republican councils. It has been played as a revolt. There ts no revolt. There will be no effort at a change in leadership. Extension of Pennsylvania Turnpike EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS J. MYERS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, March 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MYERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the REcorp an editorial that appeared in yesterday’s issue of the Philadelphia Inquirer, entitled “Bring the Turnpike Here.” There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed, as follows: BRING THE TURNPIKE HERE The desirability of extending the Penn- sylvania Turnpike from its present eastern terminus near Carlisle to Philadelphia be- comes more evident every day.
A978 The roads from Harrisburg to this city and other points to the east are not able ade- quately to handle the load of traffic given them. To dead-end this fine superhighway at the very point where it is needed most is not sound traffic engineering. It should be brought into Philadelphia, and authority for the extension—as well as for that west to the Ohio line—was granted by the legis- lature before the war. In the last several years the project fell into the doldrums. It is time it be revived. In this connection the suggestion made to Governor Duff by J. Maxwell Smith, presi- dent of the Keystone Automobile Club, is timely and sensible. Mr. Smith urges a leg- islative appropriation for an immediate sur- vey of a route to be taken by the eastern extension. Such a survey is an essential preliminary to construction, and it has the added virtue of entailing a relatively small outlay. One objection that has been raised against the proposed road, that it would cut a strip through large areas of richly productive farm lands, should be shown up as not valid by the survey. A route should be adopted that would avoid that particular farm sec- tion. If preliminary action is not taken speedily on this improvement, the anomalous situa- tion of an express highway doubly dead-ended and thus unable to provide the full measure of traffic convenience it is capable of might continue indefinitely. The survey should be made, Hauling Down Old Glory EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BERTRAND W. GEARHART OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 26, 1947 Mr. GEARHART. Mr. Speaker, with further reference to the subversive preachments of Milton Mayer, a Uni- versity of Chicago professor, which I re- ported to the House last week, senti- ments of which he unbosomed himself at Syracuse, N. Y., on February 16 last, in the following words: We must haul down the American flag. And if I wanted to be vulgar and shocking, I would go even further, and say, haul it down, stamp on it, and spit on it. I offer, for inclusion in the Concres- SIONAL REcorD as a part of my instant re- marks, a blistering editorial which first appeared in the Syracuse (N. Y.) Herald- Journal on February 17, 1947. The editorial to which I have just re- ferred is, Mr. Speaker, the following: MAYER HARMS WORLD CAUSE “If full acceptance of world government means hauling down the Amcrican flag and denying our patriotism toward the United States, then it’s time to stop such fantastic international nonsense right now.” That was a fairly common reaction yes- terday as central New Yorkers discussed the sensational remarks made in Syracuse Satur- day night by Milton Mayer, of the University of Chicago. Although Mayer broadcast a confused denial yesterday that he had advocated haul- ing down, stamping, and spitting on the American flag, the quotation attributed to him by a Post-Standard reporter was sub- stantiated by responsible persons who were in the audience, Aside from the extreme pacifists who have blindly opposed the United States Govern- ment since long before Pear! Harbor, the sin- cere advocates of world government recog- nize that Mayer has done their cause almost irreparable damage. . His crackpot theorles have even under- mined popular support of the United Nations, in the opinion of some loyal and patriotic citizens. As Norman Thomas and Col. C. A. Edson, head of the Federal Social Security office in Syracuse and organizer of the local world government group, pointed out after Mayer spoke Saturday night, the best way to serve humanity and the broader world cause is not by casting off the established loyalties to home, family, city, State, and Nation. When such persons as Milton Mayer take the view that the American flag should be reviled as a sign of world loyalty, their in- fantile opinions turn thinking citizens away from all internationalism, however sound. Loyalties are built on loyalties, not on dis- loyalty and treason. If we are not careful, the professional pacifists will head us back on the road to- ward the narrowest of nationalism—and war. Christ and Sex EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SAM HOBBS OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. HOBBS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following sermon by Dr. Peter Marshall, minister, New York Avenue Presbyterian Church, Washing- ton, D. C.: CHRIST AND SEX In the midst of the problems of our com- plicated lives most of us, if we are honest will confess that it is difficult to put into practice the principles of Christ. In the first place, we do not have a clear idea as to what these principles are, because far too many of us have only a hazy notion of what the New Testament teaches. In the second place, Christ Himself is not real to us. He is still only a painted image, a figure in stained glass, an echo from the eastern shores of the Mediterranean long, long ago when the moon was a child’s bubble and not the syn- thetic pearl it is today. Christ is still a stranger to the vast majority of people, even to many who are called Christians, for very few have any personal knowledge of Jesus Christ, have never met Him for themselves and become acquainted with the, Presence. Far too many have only heard rumors of Christ's movements in the hearts and lives of their fellows, but again and again they have missed Him, as though He were some romantic figure moving about the pitched tents of an army at night. They have heard stories of Him whispered round the camp fires before which men seek to Warm their souls. But it is all rumor and hearsay. Christ has haunted each successive gen- eration like the lingering sweetness of a Mozart melody. Poets have written about Him; musicians have sung of Him; artists have painted Him, all in an effort to capture His elusive loveliness that nevertheless has remained as evasive as the deepest yearnings of their own hearts, as unimprisoned as the fragrance of a thousand roses at dusk. Yet here ts what the records say about Him. After His death on the cross—and they all saw him die—He appeared alive, in a resurrected body, to His disciples, and to hundreds of His followers. Every last one APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of them was convinced that His prophecy that He would rise from the dead had been fulfilled, and no Roman threat or Jewish persecution could silence them. Moreover, He had promised them the Holy Spirit, and He came at Pentecost and poured out His power upon them so that they were enabled to do the things that Christ had commanded them. Christ had sent them out into their world-wide mission with the promise that He would be to them an ever- abiding Presence, and that His help would be theirs in any situation, and sufficient for every need. That was their experience, and their testimony to us. It has been the ex- perience of the saints of all ages, people of every race and color, who have found that the promise is true, and the Presence real. Most of us who think of Christ at all are inclined to place Him in a sacred niche, to which we will come to pray on Sunday, or when we are ill, or in trouble, and try to avoid on weekdays and as long as things go all right for us. But Christ in the flesh dealt with ordinary life. All his illustrations were taken elther from His own experience as a carpenter and a young man growing up in a humble home, living among the peasants of a little enemy-occupied country, or in His observation of the experiences of His friends and neighbors. Perhaps the church in its worship of Jesus, has tried to keep Him in this sacred niche, and let Him speak only at funerals, at church services, and in lovely Bible stories, to little children at Sunday school. But Christ would have words with the business- man, and the politician, and the housewife, and the student, and O how He yearns to have words with youth—today’s young people. He would talk, if they would listen, about the problems that confront them. He would talk of race relations, of war, of careers, and guidance in them. He would talk of the most basic things that trip them up, and He would help them in their difficulties. One of the areas in which most young peo- ple find difficulty and need real help and guidance is in the matter of sex, and the problems it raises in their minds and in their lives. Next to hunger, the most powerful of human instincts is that of sex. You can- not escape from it, for you are made that way. It pulses in your blood, sings in your throat, and shines in your eyes. Now sex will be either the nicest thing in your life—or it will be the nastiest—de- pending upon whether you use it or abuse it. Only in nasty minds are there nasty thoughts about sex. There is nothing shameful about the sex urge, but some peo- ple let it urge them to do shameful things. We have read about some of them, and the conduct of many of our soldiers, who as part of the army of occupation in Germany were ambassadors of America, has made us ashamed. The Nazis taught the girls of Germany that it was their highest privilege to give themselves to the sexual gratification of Ger- many’s fighting men, and their highest duty to produce soldiers for the Third Reich. Virginity was made unpatriotic, and purity was tantamount to treason. But the be- havior of many of America’s soldiers—officers and enlisted men alike—must have made the frauleins wonder if there is much difference between the Nazis and their conquerors. Hunger and misery have driven the youth of the war-devastated countries to submit themselves to revolting humiliations. Bodies have been sold for a few cigarettes, a cake of soap, or a candy bar. Mix lust with alco- hol, add a few drugs, in a setting of human squalor and hopelessness, and you have hu- man beings like broken fiddles, the nerves strung tighter and tighter until they snap. But even before the war, here in our own country we had such vices, organized on a huge scale. It was organized vice in this country that made Al Capone a millionaire,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in his control of brothels and houses of pros- titution. Sex has been exploited and abused to sell almost everything. Scantily dressed girls have been used to advertise all sorts of prod- ucts—toothpaste, perfume. and even spark plugs. Authors of recent best-sellers have vied with each other in their lurid descrip- tions of sexual orgies, until millions of read- ers have filed in the libraries of their imag- ination pictures that dance obscenely in the half-light of desire and passion. In Sinclair Lewis’ new novel Cass Timber- lane, he draws pictures of 15 or 16 marriages where every religious foundation of marriage is left out. I do not know what Mr. Lewis set out to do, but it is very clear what he did do. He has shown with wonderfully vivid and skillful writing a whole mess of mar- riages without fidelity, or reverence, or re- ligion, and he has shown what they turn into—deadly boredom. His book is a power- ful picture of a blasted waste of acrimony, adultery, alimony, and alcohol. When fidel- ity is gone out of marriage and raw sex takes the place of love, the prop of a real mar- riage is gone. A new movie, a spectacular and sexy west- ern, which has been condemned by Califor- nia branches of Catholic, Protestant. and Jewish organizations, by the DAR, the Ameri- can Legion Auxillary, the Girl Scouts, and other groups. and threatened with a possible ban by the Legion of Decency, has, accord- ing to a national magasine, “reaped the usual reward: a 30 percent rise at the box office.” This is a telling commentary on public taste and morals. Hollywood, Tin Pan Allicy, the tabloid press, the burlesque, and the pulp magazines have all contributed their quota to give the youth of America a greatly distorted view of sex. Now with all these stimuli, and being young and eager and filled with desire, what are today’s young people to do? You know as well as 1 do, that if they go to certain doctors and psychiatrists, they will be told to seek expression for their impulses and satisfaction for their desires. Young people in certain quarters are being told that they should do as they please. For if they deny themselves greater latitude in sexual mat- ters, they will then suffer from things called “inhibitions,” “complexes.” and so forth. The idea seems to be “back to the jungle in the name of progress.” The old concept of “what God hath joined together, let no man put asunder’ is re- garded as “bourgeois morality.” Scruples are wrong and desires are right. Yet the plain fact is that people who live that way are not really happy. Look at them. They are haggard or bitter, torn by an endless search for something just within sight yet never within reach. Surely the time has come for young people who sincerely want to follow the Christian life to find Christ’s answer to the problems of sex. Christianity offers a full life—not the cramping of any God-given impulse or desire. We must keep before us the picture of Christ, and look to Him for the answer to our problem. We may be sure that if we Jook to Him we shall not receive only a blank stare. We may be sure that we shall be understood, and we shall realize that we are looking no longer at a figure in a stained- glass window: we are looking at a person who lives, and moves, and breathes, and understands, and who must have known and shared the ecarthly desires which we asso- clate with the word “sex.” The Bible tells us that Christ, while in the flesh, was “tempted in all points like as we @re, and yet without sin.” If Christ was tempted in all points, then He was tempted at this point, where you and I are tempted. And let me say here that there is no shame or disgrace in being tempted. The shame comes when we yield to temptation. Re- member the old Sunday-school hymn, “Yield not to temptation, for yielding is sin.” That’s the point. One of the first things we learn about Christ in the Bible is that He was tempted by the devil: “If Thou be the Son of God, command this stone that it be made bread.” So spoke the Devil to Him in the arid wilder- ness, when He had been fasting for 40 days. If Christ had not felt the pangs of hunger, there would have been no point in this par- ticular temptation. It was the same dur- ing the agony in the garden. Not only had Christ the ordinary man’s capacity for feel- ing pain, but He had the ordinary man's Capacity for dreading it. When He made that poignant supplication, ‘Father, if Thou be willing, remove this cup from me * * nevertheless, Thy will be done.” We are told that, as He prayed, “His sweat was as it were great drops of blood falling down to the ground.” Christ was in fact God in human fiesh— but the human flesh was whole and com- plete. Christ could not have had whole and complete humanity did He not know and suffer and conquer the temptations of sex. If you regard this idea with disgust, you had better go back to your painted tmage, which knows no emotions, which 1s gilded by a sunlight which it does not feel. and tar- nished with a rust of which it is not aware. But as you do so, you must honestly admit what you are saying ubout Jesus Christ. You are saying that He had every human emotion except the greatest emotion of all. He was hungry, thirsty—yes, He was tired. angry, exalted—yes--but He was untouched by sexual desire. That is what you are say- ing. I simply do not believe it. For if Christ never knew sexual desire, how can He help us in our sexual difficulties? I do not think that we can speak to Christ in prayer of any emotion which Christ did not under- stand, and share, and conquer. You will remember that it was Christ who said: “But I say unto you, that whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her hath committed adultery with her already in his heart.” On this basis, 1 venture to say that there is not a person here who is not under condemnation. Of course, Christ under- stands. Of course He was tempted. Desire must have entered into Him, and with a golden gesture have been transformed from the corruptible to the eternal. This golden gesture which Christ made toward sex is called in these days sublimation. And our problem is to discover, with Christ's help, to what extent the average man and woman can practice sublimation, and to what extent it is desirable to do so. Now, sublimation means a sort of mental elevation, a conscious transmutation of en- ergy into higher channels, and in the case of the sex urge, to elevate it into a creative impulse expressed artistically in redemptive ministry. Psychoanalysis has given it merely a hysterical interpretation. The mind of the amateur psychoanalyst is full of lurid little paragraphs from Jung and Krafft-Ebing concerning elderly governesses who have been removed to paddcd cells shrieking texts from St. John, because they have not been afforded the dubious satisfaction of physical inter- course. The word “sublimation” conjures up for him a ghostly cohort of pale priests with furtive eyes and fumbling fingers, of frenzied evangelists with high blood pres- sure and inflamed imaginations, of silly little undergraduates with no girl friends and a crucifix over their mantelpieces. I believe that Christ knows more about sex than Freud and that we can go to Christ with our problems and find the answer—the only answer that will give true happiness, peace of mind, and the full, rich life that God meant us to live. But there is one mis- conception that must be cleared up before ‘we proceed further, and that is that falling in love is one of the human rights that belong to every man and woman. Falling in love is not a human right at all, but a God-given A979 privilege. Love, like faith, is a gift of God. No mother has any business assuming that her duughter has the right to be married. It may be that God's will for her is something else. Very seldom do we find young couples tak- ing into account God's will for their lives as they begin to think of marriage. People fall in love on almost any other basis than God's will. They fall in love on the hasis of af- finity, proximity, femininity, personality, af- fabllity, sociability, financial ability, and almost any other ability on God's earth except God's will. Perhaps one reason why some couples do not together seek God's guidance about their proposed marriage is the fear that He would say “No.” But it is clear that the couples who cannot get on without each other are being outnumbered by the couples who cannot get on with each other. Any marriage that is based upon physical attraction alone cannot possibly long endure. Falling in love ought to be a very religious matter, for love is not only within the sphere of religion, but the center of religion. Any man who does not feel drawn nearer to God on falling in love may well ask whether he has fallen into lust instead of love. Now if Christ’s answer to the sex problems of the unmarried is sublimation, Just what do we mean by that, and how its it applied to actual life situations? Imagine the in- stinct of sex as a stream flowing in a certain channel with great power in order to achieve a certain result, namely, the carrying on of the race If, for various reasons, for certain individuals, marriage is not possible, we must not try to dam up the current, for it will break out somewhere, }ossibly in an unpleas- ant way—in unpleasant dreams, lustful im- aginings, morbid curiosities, neurotic ten- dencies and nervous break-down. It must be sintuimated. As fr. Mlustration of the sublimation of another instinct, suppose a boy gets hold of &@ good gold watch, and tries to see how it works, and stirs up the wheels with a rusty nail, the most helpful and constructive thing to do would be to give him an old broken- down alarm clock and let him try that, so that not only does he learn something about clocks, but the energy of an instinct is used up in a satisfactory way, being not dammed, but diverted. The Boy Scout movement is another goc: illustration of the diverting of the gang instinct from breaking into houses, stealing automobiles, into learning about na- ture, learning how to make things, how to work with, play with, and live with other boys and serve a useful function in the com- munity. The sex urge within each one of us is surely a powder keg—useful, but dangerous. It’s not enough for the Christian to realize that he is sitting on a powder keg, and that he must keep the lid on It’s far better to take the lid off, and remove the powder and put it to work in some constructive way, to furnish the explosive drive to some brave new venture. It takes a passion to cure a passion, If we put our sex feelings all in a box deep down in our personality, shut the lid and try to forget there is anything there, we are acting in a way which will lead to trouble. The pent-up energy is as danger- ous as boiling water in a kettle, the lid and the spout of which have been sealed. Sublimation, in the teaching of Christ, will lead one to paths of service and consecration. It will not stifle the urge, but provide for it new and different outlets. For some, these will be found in teaching children, or in nursing. For others, it may be found in community work of some sort. Still others find it in writing, painting, music, or in crafts of various kinds. That there is a close connection between these things and the sex instinct is surely evident in the way we speak of @ person being “wedded” to his art, “in love" with his work, of being “passionately” fond of poetry, and so forth.