APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This Changing World—L’Heureux Idea of Prayers for Peace Is Growing to Vast Proportions EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I wish to include an article by Con- stantine Brown, which appeared in the Washington Evening Star of May 30, 1950: Tris CHANGING WorLD—L’HrurEux IDEA oF PRAYERS roR PEACE Is GROWING TO VAST PRo- PORTIONS (By Constantine Brown) When Herve J. L'Heureux, Chief of State Department, Visa Division, returns to a post in the Foreign Service in the summer of 1951 he will leave behind—barring the outbreak of another diastrous war—a live and grow- ing movement dedicated to prayers for peace. Since the Last Man’s Club of the William H. Jutes Post No. 48 of the American Legion at Manchester, N. H., adopted the original prayers-for-peace resolution on October 28, 1948, the movement has grown to vast pro- portions, without the help of any national organization or of financial endowments be- yond that which Mr. L’Heureux’ own finances will bear. The extent to which the movement has grown deserves recognition on this Memorial Day, when President Truman again has called on the American people to offer prayers for continued world peace—even if the benefits of that peace are negated by the constant threat of war. SUMMARIZED IDEAS Mr, L’Heureux summarized the idea of his movement in an address April 15 this year before the Department of Virginia, Catholic War Veterans, at Alexandria, Va.: “I speak to you as a fellow veteran and a layman,” he said. “I am not a preacher. I advocate no new dogma. My message is simple: Prayer, a minimum of 1 minute of prayer daily at noon by every man, woman, and child in the United States, each in his own way, each according to his own faith, to seek divine guidance and assistance in secur- ing world peace.” The simplicity of this idea, “ts all-embrac~ ing character, had an immediate appeal. Since the first resolution by the Manchester Legion post the following had taken similar action by May 15, 1950: Five hundred and fifty-nine veterans’ organizations (individual posts), 86 veterans’ auxiliary groups, 12 serv- ice clubs, 83 fraternal societies, clubs, and sororities, 148 student groups, 22 alumnae groups, 45 church groups, 133 business firms and 13 groups of Federal employees. Besides these the national organizations have joined the movement: The Elks, the Greek-American Progressive Association, the Order of Ahepa, the Society of American Legion Founders, Delta Theta Phi law fra- ternity, Jewish War Veterans, and the Na- tional Executive Committee of the American Legion. AIMS AND PURPOSES No more succinct statement of the move- ment’s aims and purposes could be written than that delivered by Mr. L’Heureux before the Catholic War Veterans: “Those of us who initiated this movement were actuated by a conviction that each and every person, re- gardless of his station in life, or his religious belief, can assist materially, through daily prayer, in achieving the peace which all of us desire so ardently. It was thought that a pause in the midst of our daily work, at 12 o’clock noon, is an appropriate time to mar- shal the spiritual force of our Nation for peace, with the hope that such a custom might become universal in effect. “The establishment of this practice gen- erally would not only be a national acknowl- edgement of our dependency upon God, but it might also be a source of inspiration and encouragement to the masses of unfortunate people throughout the world who look to us for moral leadership, as well as for material aid. “The prayers-for-peace movement is thoroughly patriotic, consistent with our basic philosophy of life and with the funda- mental precepts upon which this country was founded. It is not pacifist in character. It is not a substitute for adequate armament, but an indispensable, spiritual component of adequate preparedness—in fact, a properly balanced preparedness. “While our potential enemies are straining every effort in preparation for total war, and we in the United States are taking necessary precautions to meet the challenge, why not unite, simultaneously, at least in a national, if not a world-wide, mobilization, of daily prayers for divine assistance and return to good morals and true Christian principles, with the hope of dissipating the causes for another world conflict? There is hardly a person who believes in God who, whether he goes to church or not, does not turn to God for help in times of peril to himself or to a loved one. Since this be true why wait until the eleventh hour? Why not seek God’s graces now, before it is too late?” The Raw Material for Our Social Structure EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY J. DAVENPORT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. DAVENPORT. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Rrecorp, I include an address made by Admiral Ben Moreell, president of the Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., to the annual con- ference of the National Council of Juve- nile Court Judges, Pittsburgh, Pa., May 1, 1950: THE Raw MATERIAL FOR Our Soclau STRUCTURE Chancelor Fitzgerald, Judge Schramm, members of the National Council of Juve- nile Court Judges, ladies and gentlemen, it is an honor to address the judges who preside over one of the most important seg- ments of our judicial system. It is referred to as a segment rather than court because, if my understanding of your processes is correct, the actual formal court proceedings are but a small part of the total work which is done in the name of the juvenile courts. This does not imply that the juvenile court is regarded as an administrative agency solely. It is a most important part of our judicial system. In your journal of last September, the learned Dean Pound, a most eminent scholar of jurisprudence, makes this distinction quite clearly when he speaks of the juvenile court as individualizing with A4065 regard to principles rather than unguided personal feeling, He says, too, that the juve- nile court is characteristically American in that 1t 1s part of an Anglo-American system of judicial rather than administrative insti- tutions and so keeps within the bounds of constitutional authority while employing the individualized methods of judicial adap- tation of remedy to result in view of the facts in particular cases, which is character- istic of Anglo-American equity. In laymen’s words, this means that you are humanitar- ians who apply appropriate remedies to spe- cific cases. But you are, at the same time, wise judges who act under and by a set of principles, thus differing from so-called ad- ministrative experts who function under the theory that they are free to pursue any course and to apply any remedy which will serve an end deemed by them to be desirable. In considering an appropriate subject for this address, I am inevitably drawn to my favorite thesis, which 1s the guide and pre- cept for my own conduct. It is this: that nothing is so important to this country, and to the world, as people—human beings— individuals. Machinery, equipment, proc- esses, buildings, communications, transpor- tation, distribution, sales, finance, research, raw materials, even the very moral and ethi- cal principles by which we live, are without substance and value unless we have the people—the men and women—to make them function. And the raw materials of people are children. We, in the steel industry, know that the things we produce or which others fabricate from our products are no better than the raw materials which are fed into the blast furnaces and open hearths. The iron ore, the coal, the limestone, the steel scrap, the alloy metals—all these come together to de- termine the quality and the character of the sheet, the wire, the bar, the tube, or the structural member which finally results from the rolling or drawing process. Steel can be ruined by improper processing, but even with the best of processing good end products can be produced only from good steel, and this only from good raw materials. The raw materials for steel making are much like our children. A goodly part of these raw materials are fit for use just as they are extracted from the ground. They require no special treatment. They are sub- jected to the traditional processes of smelt- ing, reduction, heating, rolling, and drawing, to make sound products. But large quantities of our coal and iron ore, in their natural states, are not suitable for the making of steel because of contami- nations acquired from their environments or otherwise. In the case of iron ore, we say it must be beneficiated. In the case of coal, it must be washed, screened, and sep- arated to eliminate undesirable parts. Fre- quently we resort to extensive research to develop methods for improving these raw materials so they will be useful elements for the making of steel. The parallel, I believe, is obvious. Our children constitute the raw material from which our social structure is built. Like the coal and iron ore, mest were formed and de- veloped in an environment such that they require no special treatment, no “beneficia- tion,” to enable them to grow into useful citizens under the influence of our normal processes and institutions—our homes, schools, colleges, and churches. But there are some who are not so fortu- nate. Their environment, or perhaps some hereditary trait, requires that they be bene- ficiated—that they be given special treat- ment which will ft them to take their proper places in society, to contribute usefully to the collectivity, and to enjoy the spiritual and material fruits of productive service. And, as in the case of raw materials for steelmaking, the required special treatment
A4066 is not the same in all cases. Careful and ex~ tended research may be needed before we can dctermine the treatment which will serve best. Iam sure that this is much more diffi- cult in the case of children than it is in the case of iron ore and coal, but the greater effort 1s fully justified by the greater im- portance of the issue. Whether and to what extent we beneficiate our raw materials for steelmaking is largely a question of economics. The continuing dis- coveries of new, large deposits of high grade ircn ore in various parts of the world elimi- nates the question of absolute necessity and reduces the problem to one of relative costs. Eut whether we can build a strong social structure is infinitely more impcrtant than any question of economics or of the physical developments of cur economy. For of what use are physical developments if we do not have the strong social structure to operate them And the strength of our social struc- ture is, in the aggregate, the summation of the strengths of the individuals who com-~ pose it. Qurs is a highly interdependent society. One can hardly take a significant action without material effect on the lives and welfare of many people. This very fact stresses the basic importance of developing the moral fiber of the individuals upon whom we must depend for the operation of our social machine. And you gentlemen here tonight carry a great burden of responsi- bility for the character of that development. The value attached to the individual human being is the important distinction between our system of living and those of communism, socialism, and other forms of collectivist or regimented government. The supremacy of the individual and his liberty is the foundation stone upon which is based our concept of government as the servant of the people, not their master. We have often lost sight of this fact. Our complex economy and the employment of large numbers of people in huge enterprises makes us think in terms of people in the mass—unions, shifts, gangs—and our quan~ tity production induces the use of purely statistical terms, such as tons per man-hour, for units of measure. These impersonal usages serve to obscure the importance of the individual. But when we carry this kind of thinking too far we get into trouble. Let us not over-~ look the importance of quantity production and distribution. That is the very essence of the great industrial and economic power which permits us to make and distribute goods at prices within the means of most of our people. It has enabled us to achieve victory in two great wars by smothering our enemies in a flood of industrial production. These results have been accomplished by means of huge aggregations of capital operated by large concentrations of human talent in the form of our modern corpora- tions. Without them we would be vulnerable to the attacks of any avaricious aggressor. But we must be alert to the danger which arises when these large organizations tend to become impersonal and to minimize the im- portance of individuals who, together, make the organization. Wein industry are keenly aware of this danger. We are facing it with confidence in our ability to solve the prob- lem. We are rapidly achieving a better understanding of how to live and work to- gether and, as we learn more about human beings, we make faster progress toward the goal of complete social equity. Not long ago my secretary told me a story which has great significance. He said he was discussing my periodic letters to our em- ployees with some of our men. One of the foremen from the mill told him of an inci- dent which had occurred the day before. It appears that the foreman, who was in charge of a labor gang, had found it-necessary to speak very harshly to one of the laborers. When he hed finished, the laborer, who had listened calmly and patiently, said, “You know you ought not to talk to me lke that.” The foreman asked, “Why not?” and the laborer replied, ‘“‘Because Admiral Moreell says that Iam an individual, I have dignity and I am important.” The Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp. has ap- proximately 45,600 employees. If each one of them can achieve that belief, we will have made a great advance toward the solution of the basic problem of human relations. As head of a great construction organiza- tion during the recent war, I was frequently faced with evidence of the tremendous latent power which inheres in the human spirit. We do nct think of military organizations as taking cognizance of this power. Certainly the Prussian tradition of militarism does not recognize it. But I assure you that it was the individual spirit which make our Seabees ex- ceed the standard of accomplishment im- plied by their celf-adopted motto, “Can do.” Their great achievements in the face of what appeared to be insurmountable ob- stacles and hardships did not result from the well-planned orders of admirals and cap- tains which were directed to men who acted as automatons. The officers provided the plans and the leadership, but the indomitable spirit of the individual men accomplished the tasks. And that is why I believe that recognition of the importance of the individual can de- termine whether it shall be victory or defeat in war, spiritual and material advances or deterioration in peace. It is significant that every nation, every civilization, which has turned away from the doctrine of the supremacy of human in- dividuality has ended in disaster. You may ask why is it not proper that the most wise and intelligent amongst us should take charge and order our lives. There are many men and women with superior intellects. Shouid they not be given absolute power to arrange the lives of the others and thus pro- duce the ultimate in efficiency and maximum good for all? It has been said that the democracies are at a tremendous disadvan- tage when pitted in war against the au- tocracies. The German and Japanese Armies appeared to be invincible. They and the civilian economies which supported them were the last word in absolute control by a few over the many. The odds were in their favor. But they did not win. They were frequently beaten by forces which were in- ferior in number and material equipment. The reason is evident to any thinking person who has had the opportunity to ob- serve the event at close hand. Absolute domination of the individual human spirit by other humans makes for moral and spir- itual decay amongst both rulers and those who are ruled. Our men were endowed with independence and spirit, initiative and the moral character which goes with sound basic principles. I am sure that they did not reason this out for themselves, but there was an intuitive feeling that they were fighting for decency and fair play against immorality and enslavement. Our men were born and reared in an at- mosphere conducive to the development of their individual characters; where the only valid limitation on the right of the indi- vidual to improve his lot was that which was established by his own abilities. In our commercial world we have many examples of what individual initiative and character have accomplished. Horatio Alger was popular because he recorded history, al- beit under fictitious names. While our record is far from perfect and much re- mains to be done, this great country has made great advances both in material bene- fits and in the moral strength of its people by releasing the unlimited power of the human spirit, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It is important to note that every society which has belittled the importance of the individual and has attempted to treat humanity in the mass has also eventually belittled religious teachings and faith amongst its people. To me this is an in- evitable sequence. The spirit of God does not reside in a group of people as such. The teachings of Christ invariably deal with the status of the individual. It is only the individual who can feel and live by religious faith. I have dwelt at some length on this sub- ject because I believe that the work of the juvenile court is so completely in accord with my thinking in respect to this matter of the strength of the human spirit. If even a small part of the children who need to be guided or reclaimed, or perhaps I should say beneficiated, fail to receive that help, we are suffering an irreparable loss to our so- ciel structure. We are discarding individ- uals at those stages of their lives when they can with the greatest ease be guided along the high road of achievement or, by neglect, be permitted to become a burden, or even a menace, to our society. Let us not delude ourselves into thinking that all of the men and women who have done great deeds for our country have rec- ords which are spotless. I venture to say that many of us here tonight will recall a smudge or two which we would wish were not there. But that merely serves to spot- light the point I am meking, that with ex- pert and devoted treatment, human beings can be beneficiated to better serve their God, their country, and their fellow man. I know that it is risky to attempt to ad- vise experts in their own field, but I have the temerity to do so. From experience in working with adults, many of whom needed help, I have learned a lesson which may be applicable to your work with children. It is this: When a person does his own think- ing and arrives at his own conclusion, the resolves which result from that thinking are more firm and more likely to stay with him. If we can concentrate on teaching people—children or adults—to think straight so that they can straighten out for them- selves the angled skeins of their own lives, we are more likely to achieve success. That is the ultimate in individualism—that each one should decide for himself to do what is right with his own life, not because of material advantage to be gained or punishment to be avoided, but because it conforms to that high moral code which is the only key to the treasure house of unlimited spiritual power. Yours is a high and noble obligation. You are working with the materials of which our Nation is built. Your devotion and compe- tence will have significant influence on the strength and resilence of our social fabric and of our Nation. May God give you the wisdom and courage to carry on. Lie Should Be Given All Encouragement in Peace Mission—UN Head Undiscour- aged by American Aloofness to Media- tion Efforts , EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI IN THE HOUSE, oF “REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I wish to include an article by David
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Lawrence, which appeared in the Wash- ington Evening Star of May 30, 1950: Liz SHOULD BE GIVEN ALL ENCOURAGEMENT INT PEACE MissIoN—UN Heap UNpIscouRAGED Br AMERICAN ALOOFNESS TO MEDIATION Errorts (By David Lawrence) Trygve Lie (pronounced “Lee”) came and falked and went away undiscouraged. He is apparently the only man who sees a possibil- ity of bringing the cold war to an end, and he thinks it can be done if someone stays in the middle—and doesn’t become the par- tisan of either side. Again, as has so often happened in world history, an opportunity presents itself for governments to be mindful of the awful consequences of arrogance and stubbornness and to try to find a healing formula instead of resigning themselves to the ultimate busi- ness of ‘organized murder’—-more euphe- mistically referred to as war. Mr. Lie’s mission to Washington is of transcendent importance. It cannot be dis- missed as the journey of a meddler. What else was the United Nations created for but to furnish mediation machinery when rival powers seem unable to compose their differ- ences through the ordinary channels of diplomacy? TREATED WITH SCORN It is most unfortunate that before Mr. Lie had conferred with Stalin, before he had visited London and Paris and talked with high officials everywhere, his errand was treated with scorn in dispatches reflecting official attitudes. Even before it was pub- lished that he would come to Washington to talk with President Truman and Secretary Acheson, the unofficial word was dissemi- nated here that it wouldn’t do any good. The tragic fact is that this is character- istic of closed minds. It emphasizes a haz- ardous disregard of the risks of drifting from a cold war into a hot war. No high official, of course, thinks he is guilty of such indiffer- ence. Yet men in positions of responsibility often develop a kind of blind confidence in the rightness of their own judgment. They leave no room for doubt as to their own infallibility. Trygve Lie didn’t discuss with the press what he said in his intimate conversations with the President and the Secretary of State. But it is apparent that the American attitude of the moment is one of aloofness to any sort of mediation which does not start with some conspicuous act of reassurance from Moscow. There is such deep distrust about conferences themselves that they are considered superfluous. This is a dangerous state for the relations between major powers to reach and indicates more than ever the need for a bold intervention and some per- sistent effort to change rigid positions. BARRIER CAN BE OVERCOME The United States Government professes to be interested only in peace-making. It also fears that the word of the Russian gov- ernment is meaningless in any pledge that would be given. Distressing as is this bar- rier, it is by no means insurmountable. Usu- ally two parties to a dispute reach that par- ticular point of mutual distrust and yet experience teaches that there are always ways to solve the unsolvable when there is &@ Will to do some solving. Basically, Trygve Lie can assure the Amer- ican Government that Russia has a will to settle the cold ‘war, and he can assure Rus- sia that America has a similar desire. get a formula for peace is not just to sug- gest a retreat or advance of one particular issue. The dispute, for example, over whether the Chinese Communist government shall be seated in the Security Council is not now and never has been the real issue in the United Nations. There are many more points of friction, and about all that the controversy over recognizing Communist To China adds is just one more tangle in the skein of controversies which must be disen- tangled entirely before progress can be made. Politically, it is risky at the moment for the Truman administration to agree to give the Chinese Communist government a seat in the Security Council, but it is even more risky politically to follow a course that can make the administration appear to be stum- bling into war with Russia. The time to stop a war is long before the casualty lists start coming in and the cities of the United States begin to be bombed. Peace is a better political issue than any other. Trygve Lie is the only man in the world who in this critical moment in the affairs of mankind can keep the doors open in Mos- cow and Washington. He can fly back and forth and submit proposals and counter- proposals if desired. That was the spirit behind the creation of the United Nations itself, The world will be patient while Trygve Lie tries to bring some sense into the situa- tion. It could be the most important me- diation of all time, and hence Mr. Lie should be given every encouragement. Back to America EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD H. VELDE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. VELDE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include the following editorial from the Peoria Journal of May 24, 1950, entitled “Back to America”: Back TO AMERICA In a three-column-long editorial, repro- duced in full-page advertisements in numer- ous major American newspapers, the Wash- ington Post is appealing that something be done to start on what it calls the road back to America. It declares that the rise of distrust in Washington, inspired mainly by the charges leveled against the State Department by Senator McCartTHy, is endangering the future of America. The Post, while admitting the danger that exists in the operations of a Communist fifth column in this country, is fearful that the methods being used to rout out the disloyal are burning down the house of the American way of life in order to get at the rats in it. The Post proposes, instead of the airing of charges and the leveling of accusations that reflect on innocent employees as well as the guilty, to form a Commission on National Security to survey the threats to our Gov- ernment and to develop weapons and de- fenses against them. Such a Commission may be able to accom- plish much in the way of removing the terror that hangs over the heads of innocent peo- ple and in rooting out the agents of a foreign government that seeks our national down- fall. Perhaps it should be named. One thing, however, the Post, in its de- sire to put an end to what it calls witch hunting, overlooks. It shows no concern over how the subversive agents of Soviet Russia got into our Government and it vouchsafes no worry over the lack of interest being shown by the Truman administration in their existence there. We can appoint commissions and soft pedal wild accusations but we will be making no start on the road back to Americanism un- til the leaders of our Government begin to concern themselves with getting rid of em- ee A4067 ployees whose sympathies are suspicious. So far they haven’t. We hear a great deal of talk about the irresponsibility of the charges made by Sen~ ator McCarrHy, Certainly his inability to produce evidence to back up his accusations is indication that he has been far from care- ful in the flinging of charges from within his cloak of senatorial immunity. But if we had had an administration that was on its guard against infiltration and that was determined that no advocates of foreign ideologies could arise there would have been no opportunity for a McCartHy to grab the spotlight. We need to get back on the road to America all right but we can’t do it until the admin- istration gets back in the general vicinity of that road itself. Let’s stop the shielding of people obviously in sympathy with commu- nistic aspects of government and begin con- centrating on true American ideals. Then, and only then, will we be on the American road. Dalton-Lavallee American Legion Post, Easthampton, Mass., Donated Land and Building for New Home EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FOSTER FURCOLO OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. FURCOLO. Mr. Speaker, I think the Members of Congress and everyone in the Nation should know of a very unusual act of generosity that recently occurred in Easthampton, Mass. The Dalton-Lavallee American Legion Post had long wanted a home of its own. The wishes of its members finally be-~ came a reality when the officials of Stan- ley Home Products, Inc., donated land and a building to the post. The pres- entation ceremonies were held on May 28 in Easthampton. A splendid pres- entation speech was made by F. Stanley Beveridge, founder and president of the Stanley Home Products, Inc. The new post home is one of the finest I have ever seen and I believe the dona- tion was an extremely rare and fine dis- play of generosity. It is the sort of in- spirational and generous act that should be brought to the attention of the entire Nation, in my opinion. The officials and employees of Stanley Home Products, Inc., have always taken a great interest in the post and have tried to help it in every possible way. They also wanted to honor one of their present employees, Alphonse A. Laudato, Jr., of Westfield, Mass., who was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross in World War II. One room in the post home has been named the Alphonse Laudato room in his honor. The ceremonies also saw the dedica- tion of a magnificent 30-foot flagpole in memory of Lt. Robert A. Richardson, an Easthampton boy who gave his life in World War II. I know all the Members will want to join with me in extending best wishes to the post in its new home and also in congratulating all associated with the Stanley Home Products, Inc., for their act of generosity which should serve as an inspiration to all,
A4068 Verdict Without Trial EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKEI. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Rec- ord, I wish to include an editorial which appeared in the Washington Post of Tuesday, May 30, 1950: Vervicr WirHour TRIAL Secretary of Commerce Sawyer’s attempted ouster of two employees under fire involves @ principle of vital importance. It is with the principle alone, rather than with the person~ alities of the two cases, that this newspaper is concerned. We believe that men accused of disloyalty are entitled to a fair hearing under the procedures of the President's loy- alty program devised to deal with just such accusations. The effect of Secretary Sawyer’s attempt to dismiss rather than to suspend William W. Remington and Michael HE. Lee while their cases are pending is to under- mine the whole loyalty program, and indeed, to threaten it with entire collapse. Mr. Sawyer says that his action “‘is in no- wise intended to reflect in any way on the loyalty of either of these two men” but was taken, rather, “in the interest of good ad~ ministration in the Department.” This is simply glossing over a bad action, The ae- tion cannot tril to reflect on the loyalty of the men concerned, and, in the case of Mr. Remington, who has been called before a grand jury, it may bave the most damaging results, for it amounts to nothing less than an assumption of guilt before there has even been an indictment. Mr. Sawyer well knows that grand juries are not impervious to the verdicts of Cabinet officers. So far ag “good administration in the De- partment” is concerned, this can scarcely be advanced by a yielding to pressure from Capitol Hill. Quite the contrary, as subse- quent developments showed. Senator Ma- LONE said on a television program Saturday that the Secretary of Commerce acted hbe- cause he was afraid, if he did not act, his Department would be investigated. The fol- lowing day, flushed with his success, Senator Manone called for a “good, old-fashioned house cleaning in the Commerce Depart-~ ment.” He asserted that the Secretary's action showed the need for investigation of everyone connected with the Lee and Rem- ington cases and added, with the logic that seems to be the fashion in such matters, “This should prove they’re all in it together.” Thus the Secretary has abdicated his re- sponsibility as administrator, and employees of the Commerce Department are now on notice that Senator MALoneE is their boss. This is the kind of intimidation we ob- ject to. The executive has now succumbed to it. It seems to be accepting any expres- sion of no confidence in the Loyalty Review Board that comes along from any individual Senator. The Board was created by the President for a dual purpose: to protect the Government from untrustworthy employees and equally to protect loyal employees from unjust accusations, It cannot fulfill these functions if it is ignored by department heads, as Secretary Sawyer has ignored it, and if dismissal by denunciation is to be the rule. The threatened breakdown points impera- tively, we think, to the need for a commis- gion on security—an impartial study by an unpartisan body of universally respected citizens to weigh the procedures for deter~ mining loyalty and to clarify the climate in which they are to operate. What Mr. Sawyer has done is to supply a telling argument for that commission, and the President by this time ought to realize it. Here is one of his own Cabinet members kicking in the teeth the procedure with which he says he is satisfied. Address of Panamanian Ambassador Herbruger Before the Panama Canal Society of Washington, D. C. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARK W. THOMPSON OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. THOMPSON. Mr. Speaker, the Panama Canal Society of Washington, D. C., at its annual banquet on May 27, 1950, honored the memory of one of the most illustrious of the builders of the Panama Canal, Harry Outen Cole, of West Virginia. It was most fitting, therefore, that among the speakers on that occasion should be the distinguished Ambassador of Panama to the, United States, Sefior don Rodolfo F. Herbruger. His state- ment regarding the relations between the Governments of the United States and the Republic of Panama supplies a deeper insight into the political prob- lems of the region which was the scene of Mr Cole’s great contribution toward building the Pacific section of the Pan- ama Canal. As chairman of the Speeial Subcom- mittee on Panama Canal Tolls under House Resolution 44, Eighty-first Con- gress, I visited the Canal Zone in 1949, had the great privilege of addressing the National Assembly of the Republic of Panama, and of seeing the unique inter- national relationship inherent in the operation, maintenance, and protection of the Panama Canal. It was indeed gratifying to observe the free relations which exist between the people of the Canal Zone and the Republic, separated only by ah unpatrolled, invisible bound- ary line respected by all. To make the views expressed by Am-~ bassador Herbruger available to the Congress, I deem it appropriate that I should include in my remarks the full text of the Ambassador’s statement: Mr. President, members of the Panama Canal Society of Washington, ladies and gentlemen, it is with the greatest of pleas- ure that I have accepted your most kind in- vitation to attend the annual dinner of your organization. The fact that the Honorable Maurice H. Thatcher, ex-Governor of the Canal Zone, is tonight’s principal speaker makes this occa- sion the more memorable for me, due to the circumstance that the distinguished gentle- man is from Kentucky, the State in which my father was born, and also because I con- sider Mr. Thatcher to be a real friend of Panama where his personality is remembered with a great deal of affection and where his name has been immortalized by the Thatcher Ferry ana the Thatcher Highway. As you all well know, the residents of the Canal Zone and the people of Panama live, for all practical purposes, next door to each ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD other. The human contact between Ameri- cans and Panamanians 1s a daily routine, as is also the close working cooperation which for the sake of harmony has to be maintained between the official authorities in both jurisdictions. However, because of the existence of that situation, it has been humanly impossible to avoid, at certain stages in the past, tem- porary strainings in the relations not only between the residents of the Canal Zone and Panama; but, also, on some occasions, be- tween the official authorities of both areas. If some of the incidents which have occurred are sadly remembered today by good Pana- manians and good Americans, maybe some comfort can be found in the fact that if an impartial observer would analyze the his- tcry of ihe relations between our two coun- tries since 1903, he must arrive at the con- clusion that, human nature being what it is, the number of such incidents do represent a minimum of what could be expected under the prevailing conditions. ~ Yet, notwithstanding those incidents, it seems to me that the daily contact which for years has now been going on between Americans and Panamanians has enabled both groups to acquire a better understand~ ing of each other, and has thus created a more propitious climate for better relations in the future. I am sure that today both sides do recog- nize and give due consideration to the fact that because of the political, social, and eco- nomic relationship and interdependence which exist between the two areas, it is not possible to solve our differences by the nor- mal means and procedures which regulate the relations between neighboring countries. Arrangements and mutual concessions of a special nature must be agreed upon by both sides, in order to solve our problems on ade- quate, equitable, and permanent basis. As the dimensions and proportions of ob- jects vary according to the distance and angle from which they are seen, thus, in human relations, the axioms of political, social, and economic problems acquire new meanings which lead to new conclusions, when ana- lyzed from ‘different points of view. Much of the misunderstandings which have occurred in the past can be attributed to a lack of willingness from both sides to exert any effort in order to try to understand the other side’s point of view. May TI frankly say that until very recently neither side has tried to be constructive or objective, and that both sides, when discussing mutual problems, have approached them under the sphere of its own point of view, taking only into consideration the protection of its own exclusive interests. I am sure that most of you, who had worked in the Canal Zone, would approach today the problems which confront us in a very different way than you would have done, when you lived down there. I am confident that most of you, if appointed to a com- mittee to study the atters which arise from the peculiar nat of the relations be- tween the Canal Zone and Panama, would at the present time make a genuine effort to understand our point of view, and may I also state that it is the firm purpose of Panama’s present administration to discuss our mutual problems with the same spirit. The efforts of adaptation and comprehen- sion which have been recently made by our two Governments in order to solve our differ- ences are commendable and, so far, the re- sults are promising. ' However, if it is our sincere wish that this initial step toward objectiveness and con- structiveness should become a stable and permanent policy, it will be necessary to rectify in the minds of the people on both sides the distortioned conception that still exists regarding the true nature and the real implications of the problems that we have to deal with,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Recognizing this necessity, every single official statement that has been made by His Excellency, the President of Panama, Dr. Arnulfo Arias, with reference to my country’s relations with the United States of America, has indeed sought to create an atmosphere of confidence and better understanding and, on the other side the Honorable Edward G. Muller, Jr., Assistant Secretary of State for the Latin-American Republics, and His Ex- cellency, Mr. Monnett B. Davis, United States Ambassador to Panama, have greatly con- tributed toward improving our relations, by statements made in press conferences. It would be a shame if the promising re- sults so far achieved during the past months should be wasted because of false propaganda based on misconceptions, or because of the pressure that groups on either side could apply on their respective Governments to protect petty interests. Both Governments, therefore, must con- tinue to take positive action in order to maintain and strengthen this policy, and all men of good will in the United States and Panama should do their utmost to help their respective governments in this task. Because of their intimate knowledge of the political, social, and economic problems which exists between Panama and the Canal Zone, because of their ability to approach these problems today from a high-level point of view, and because of the connections that they have with different organizations in the Canal Zone, I know of no other group of people that could be of more help toward creating a better understanding between the residents of the two areas and could thereby contribute more to the solution of our differ- ences, than the members of the Panama Canal Society. For this reason I make a fervent appeal to all of you to work toward this end. Do re- member that Theodore Roosevelt, when he visited my country, promised that all the new commercial opportunities that would be created by the construction of the Canal should revert to the people of Panama. Please Kcep also in mind that all the agree- ments that would be entered into by our re- spective governments, in that direction, will be mutually profitable; the economic bene- fits that will thus accrue to Panama will be shared by the citizens of the United States in general; and, particularly, because of their local connections, by the residents of the Canal Zone, since the Republic of Panama in its constitution has granted to United States citizens the very same economic priv- ileges thereby granted to Panamanians. I am confident that practical solutions to our economic differences, that could be of mutual benefit for the residents of both ju- risdictions, can be found. It is only neces- sary for both sides to approach the problem with an open mind and a feeling of good will and understanding toward the other side’s point of view. I do wish to thank you once again for the privilege of being here tonight and to reiterate the sincere pledge of my Govern- ment to keep on taking positive action in order to strengthen the bonds of friendship between North Americans and Panamanians. The Russians Back Down EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD H. VELDE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. VELDE. Mr: Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the _ Peoria Journal of May 24, 1950, entitled “The Russians Back Down”: THE Russians Back Down Once again it has been demonstrated that a display of strength and firm determination is enough to make Soviet Russia back down. This time the Russians are changing their plans for a German Communist Youth in- vasion of west Berlin next Sunday because the Allied forces have announced in no un- certain terms that they are prepared to deal with any emergency that arises. Had the west Berlin ~-~o-7y~>r+ ec ~peared fearful and disorganize:, .° 22.- «" would have gone ahead with the show of sirength they had planned for Whitsuntide and the Allies would have suffered a damaging loss of prestige. The same story has been repeated time and time again. Aggressor Russia inevitably has gone as far as she dared without provoking actual resistance on the part of the demo- cratic nations. Whenever she has come face to face with what appeared to be active op- position, she has changed her plans or dropped them temporarily until a more pro- pitious time arrived. So it was with her choking off of travel between the western zone of Germany and Berlin. Tne Berlin airlift cracked the blockade and forced the Russians to back down. The forces of oppressors are usually equipped with two plans. If opposition arises, they retreat. When the forces of Adolf Hitler marched into Poland, they had orders to turn back if effective opposition arose against them. When none appeared, they went ahead with their seizure of that nation. This inevitable reaction of the aggressors whenever the democracies demonstrate that they are prepared to stand up for their rights is what makes the preservation of an ade- quate defense force in the United States so imperative. If Russia thought she could get away with the occupation of Western Ger-~ many and the rest of Europe without arous- ing American armed opposition, she vould go ahead. Indeed, she would have accom- plished such an occupation a long time ago. Our foreign policy has been a weak and deviating one. It has given ground more often than it has presented a firm front to Russian maneuvering. For a change, we stood our ground in Berlin and let the Rus- sians Know that we meant business. The result can be seen in their announcement that they will not invade west Berlin, de- spite the fact that they had already given wide publicity to that intent. If our State Department is smart, it will base future policy toward Russia on the success of the plan followed in Berlin. Judging from past behavior, that may be too much to hope for, but the lesson should be clear. Chip on the Shoulder—Chilly Reaction to Lie’s Peace Mission Out of Keeping With United States Tradition EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I wish to include an article by Thomas L. Stokes, which appeared in the Washington Evening Star of May 30, 1950; A4069 CHIP ON THE SHOULDER—-CHILLY REACTION TO Liz’s Prace Misston Cur or KEEPING WITH UNITED STATES TRADITION (By Thomas L. Stokes) The timid, stand-offish, chip-on-the-shoul- der attitude of our Government in what approaches an international crisis is drama- tized in our chilly official reaction to the current peace mission of Trygye Lie, United Nations General Secretary. Mr. Lie has talked with Russian officials in his attempt to bring about some arrange- ment whereby Russia will return to full partnership in the UN so that agency can fulfill its function of setiling disputed mat- ters about the conference table as it was intended to do. He reccgnizes it will take time and pa- tience. There is no quick answer to the problems involved, including Russia’s in- sistence on the seating of Communist China in place of Nationalist China in the Secu- rity Council. But his idea is to get the major nations, including United States and Russia, ~ to talking again, negotiating again, in order to break the stalemate that has produced the tense and dread psychology of cold war. EURGPE OFEN~-MINDED The UN’s self-appointed emissary was well received after his Moscow visit by French and British officials who apparently see some possible bases of eventual adjustment. He returned to New York optimistic. The open-minded attitude he found in Europe is a contrast to the negative, dis-~ trustful reaction at our State Department which was exemplified further by President Truman’s refusal to discuss the Lie mission until he talks to Secretary of State Acheson on his return here and his brusque reply at his press conference that he did not know whether he would see Mr. Lie or not. Undoubtedly he will in the near future. But the brush-off attitude is somehow not in keeping with our role and influence in the troubled world of today nor with our tradi- tions as a great free democracy. Nor do the attempts to discredit Mr. Lie by the whispers that he is pro-Russian. It is sadly true that this new peace ad- venture comes in the midst of an emotional upheaval in this country, with the very at- mosphere suffused with suspicions and fears generated by such things as Senator Jor McCartTHy’s reckless attacks on the State Department, by the revelations of more atomic spies, by Russia’s continued tactics of confusion abroad and here, by her childish and churlish walk-outs in the UN.” WILL SETTLE NOTHING But it is also true that, with continued cold war, such things will only continue and multiply until the tension suddenly snaps on one side or the other, and then we will be right up against a hot war. Arming more and more heavily on each side will settle _ nothing and it is not likely, moreover, to scare either one of the two giants as each presumably hopes. Each has got to give or there will be such an explosion as the world never saw before. We have had two in this century since 1914. The world could hardly stand another. A hundred and fifty years ago there was an explosion that rocked all Europe com- parable—for those times and the world of that day—to those in our times, the era of revolution and the Napoleonic dictatorships and conquests. After that, the diplomats of that era sat down in the Congress of Vienna in 1815 and determined that it should not happen again and made adjustments that prevented another such general European catastrophe for a hundred years. Nor did they have any general organiza- tion, only the will to keep the peace and brains ready to accomplish that purpose. We do have machinery in the UN. It will be tragic if we do not use it.
£4070 How Far Has America Moved Toward Socialism ? EXTENSION OF REMARES oF EON, ALSVANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 26 (legislatwe day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, on Mon- day evening, May 15, it was my pleasure to share the platform at the annual con- gressional dinner of the Potomac Grange with one of our Nation’s Capital’s finest citizens, President Paul F. Douglass, of American University. I have in my hands a copy of the forthright address which President Douglass delivered on that memorable occasion. Not every- one will agree with all he said in that address. I, for one, do not fully agree, but no one will question the candid, hard-hitting and learr.ed nature of that address. I should like to say just a brief word about this honored American. I know of very few men who have combined excel- Jence in so many diverse careers and so many types of public service as has my good friend, Dr. Paul Douglass. Not only has he been President of American University for the last decade, but he has been a prominent attorney, an author of many well-known books, an active mem- ber of both Houses of the Vermont State Legislature, an esteemed newspaper editor and correspondent, a member of Government study groups, an ordained clergyman and an active professor, in addition to demonstrating an amazing variety of other miscellaneous talents. There are few men indeed who can si- multaneously (a) brilliantly teach a course in the history of philosophy and (b) handle a wide variety of the most practical types of up- -to-the-minute community needs as he can. Yes, here in the Capital of our Nation, he has been untiringly active in many types of service to the community, In fact, whenever the call comes for a well- known leader in community life to take the helm of some important new project, whether it be helping to collect funds to combat some disease or performing some other civic service, Paul Douglass is available to answer that call, in spite of a multitude of responsibilities. He has simultaneously, however, brought his American University—both its graduate and its undergraduate divisions—particularly its school of social sciences and public affairs—to the fore- front of American institutions of higher learning in the 48 States. These few comments I submit as an indication of my own tremendously high admiration of him—an admiration shared by members of both political par- ties here on the Hill. So, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that an abridged text of Presi- dent Douglass’ keenly analytic address, entitled “How Far Has America Moved Toward Socialism?” be printed in the Appendix of the ConcRESsIONAL RECORD. I wish that I might be able to print the entire text but unfortunately, space lim- itations do not permit and so, Dr. Doug- lass’ review of 12 principal criticisms of the welfare state must be deleted. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as {cllows: How Far Has AMerica Moven TcowanD focraLisM? (Speech by Dr. Paul F Douglass) THE JCINDER OF ISSUE The issue for America is joined. Guy Gebrielson, chairman of the Repub- lican National Committee, says: “The Truman administration has entered into an unofficial compact with Socialist Great Britain to promote socialism in Amer- ica. The one paramount issue,” he added, “is the choice between our representative Republic and the Socialist master state. That,” he concludes, “is clear enough for anyone to understand.” Harry S. Truman, President of the United States, says: “The power of the Government exists for the people to use. The strength of the Gov- ernment is being used now, and, so far as I am concerned, it will continue to be used to protect jobs and improve welfare.” THE ROLE AND ENDS OF GOVERNMENT There you have a fundamental issue. It is this: What shall be the goals of society and what shall be the role of government in the achievement of those ends? GOVERNMENT AS A FEARFUL MASTER Long ago Washington said: “Government is not reason, it is not eloquence, it is force. Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master.’ He knew how easily a state can become a tyranny. As Americans we are concerned with the threat of a Social- ist tyranny. NATURE AND FORMS OF SOCIALISM Frederick Engels described socialism as the “ascent of man from the kingdom of neces- sity to the kingdom of freedom.” Socialism comes when the workingman seizes political power and turns the means of production into state property. Central planning sub- stituting political judgment for market com- petition employs economic calculating to al- locate resources rationally by a concentra~ tion of final economic power in government. This is a full-grown Socialist state. The Chamber of Commerce of the United States defines the term “socialism’’ like this: “Socialism is a system of political and economic organization under which the principal segments of the economy are owned and operated by the central govern- ment. “Socialism may be accomplished in two ways: (1) by direct nationalization of indus- try, agriculture, distribution, medicine, and other segments of the economy; (2) indi- rectly through the creation of a climate un- der which the private segments of the econ- omy cannot continue to operate effectively over a period of years, thus requiring the government to step in and take over owner- ship.” Under any definition socialism ultimately means the appropriation of the means of production by political society and its di- rection by a political bureaucracy for the achievement of politically defined goals. WASHINGTON AND TRUMAN To Guy George Gabrielson, Washington is a wicked place peopled with officials of a police state mentality. It holds out a set of brass knuckles instead of a cooperative hand to private enterprise. Government here holds its black jack over the steel industry. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Washington governs by threat forcing pri« vate management to do its bidding. “President Truman who lives in the evil city of Washington,” says Mr. Gabrielson, “promises everyone a gold mine in the sky.”” He tries to hoodwink the American people in an attempt to save the so¢ialistic Fair Deal, Cocky and confident Piesident Truman, he concludes, thinks that “promises extrava- gantly distributed and Government funds indiscriminately disbursed * * ™ will hoocwink the people indefinitely.” “Dr. Goebbels in his heyday,” he adds, “had noth- ing to approach the propoganda mull that the Federal Government maintains tcday.”’ AN EXAMINATION OF THE THOUGHT OF EGCIALIEM’s CRITICS I propose tonight to go behind the cliches to find out what the critics of socialism are worried about. I want to piece together the puzzle of their thought. (Material omitted.) THE PATTERN OF THOUGHT * * * In Republicans’ minds it (the welfare state) 1s synonymous with socialism. The critics of socialism oppose: 1. Taxation of those who have been mast abundantly showered with the blessings of inflation. 2. Taxation on the basis of ability to pay. 8. Taxation adequate to balance the na- tional budget. 4, Public provision for equal opportunity for persons of equal ability. 5. Social minima adequate to give the American people security against the mis- fortunes of accident and disease. 6. Governmr¢v* -*rer. eatic to deal with the problems". <li.) Atl on cor people face, 7. Performance of functions as an activity of the whole people which have not been well done or which cannot be done by private enterprise. 8. Activities of unions necessary to make collective bargaining work. 9. Adequate suvrerts for agriculture to balance the *. ..<.'%..1 economy. 10. Cooperative marketing. 11. American history at the points where our past experience relates to the troubles we have faced. 12. Religion at the point where it becomes effective in social action. I find the whole pattern—understand me, the whole pattern—of the current critics of socialism—dangerous and antidemocratic, but a degree of truth in almost every criti- cism. I see no discussions in their literature about the issue of war—the great, imminent issue. I see no reference in their literature to the fact that the Federal Government in this year of 1950 will make outlays and draw checks to American business in the amount of $21,419,000,000. I see nothing in their literature about the attitudes of the Amer- ican workingman in relation to socialism— put they have their polls and they know. They say nothing about the well-planned ambitions of some labor leaders to seize the means of production, to make a genuine state socialism. The point that I am making is this: The leaders who move in the pattern which I have been analyzing are false leaders. In my opinion their arguments will only hasten the coming of socialism as a real political system. How far are we on our way to socialism? These facts are indisputable: 1. That the Federal Government makes political decisions over larger and larger percentages of the individual’s income. 2. That the brittle structure of the na- tional economy, given its national debt struc- ture, demands more and more central plan- ning and political decision. 8. That the maintenace of high level eco-= nomic activity and full employment demand
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD more and more central planning, political decision, and bureaucratic administration. 4. That our present statutory system pe- nalizes ability and makes no provision for equal opportunity for equal ability. §. That Government bureaucracy has in- creasing experience in central planning and the satisfactory administration of enterprise. 6. That spiritual values adequate to sus- tain a society of freemen are pretty generally absent at all levels of observation. How far are we on our way to socialism? We are structurally in a precarious world position which compels our Government to remain strong and grow to meet the issues that face us as a people. We have a huge bureaucracy which has had enormous experience in central plan- ning and administration. We face immediate problems which the critics of the Government cannot avoid by shouting that they don’t like both the Government and the issues. We face imminent war which if lost will give us communism and if won will give us the most centralized government which America has ever experienced. We have the trained Government person- nel competent and ready to plan and operate any segments of the national economy that need attention. ‘ We are in a situation in which the direct action of Government to maintain the eco- nomic machine in full operation must be forceful and in which the decisions of Gov- ernment in the private segments of our econ- omy must be more and more controlling. American Government is prepared by 20 years of war and depression to administer the national economy as a socialized unit. The experience is adequate. The personnel is trained. The mood of many of our people is such as to welcome a clear transition. The climate of the world is favorable to it. America now is running against the tides of the thinking in the rest of the world. America is much, much closer to socialism than we dream. Overwhelming majorities in the 1952 elections could in fact be de- cisive. We are on the borderline of state action. Men cannot remain free in a Social- ist state. Complete planning implies au- thority to compel people to move within the framework of the plan. Coercion become an inevitable corollary of state socialism. THE ALTERNATIVE The one alternative to full-grown social- ism lies in the positive action of citizens. Long ago Thomas Paine said that “those who expect to reap the blessings of freedom must undergo the fatigues of supporting it.” Participation If all the people do not take an active in- terest in the outcome of the momentous is- sues which are before us, a few of the people will determine our futures for us. In 1948, when we were electing a President, a new House of Representatives, a third of the Senate, 49 percent of the eligible voters did not go to the polls. One sample analysis showed that among the list of delinquent citizens were 33 percent of all clergymen, 87 percent of the automobile dealers, 37 percent of the independent grocers, 20 per- cent of the doctors, 27 percent of the inde- pendent druggists, 25 percent of the mem- bers of the chamber of commerce. Is it true that half the Americans don’t care about the outcomes at all? There you have issue No.1. Americans must get to the polls to determine outcomes, War It’s pretty clear that we can’t go oh living our way of life in a garrison world. And yet I don’t find among the critics of social- ism very much discussion about this issue. But it is the issue. We can’t solve any of our other problems until we solve this one. A good index of our concern for the social consequences of what we do lies in this fact. From 1943 through 1951 the United States Will spend $4,$58,000,000 for the development of atomic energy. Of this $5,000,000,000, hardly $50,000 has been spent for research on the economic and sccial aspects of atomic power. Under the Atomic Energy Commus- sion only one study on the economics of atomic power has been prepared. This is a four-volume work by Palmer Putnam on the Future of Land-Based Nuclear Power. The volume has little bearing on the title, It deals chiefly with world population growth through A. D. 2050. Research funds for the social sciences are not included in the National Science Foundation biil. Where, I ask you, in our political struc- ture is there a place for the objective study leading toward the elimination of war? We have Joint Committees on the Reduction of Nonessential Federal Expenditures, on the Economic Report, on Atomic Energy, on For- eign Economic Cooperation, on the Disposi- tion of Executive Papers, on the Renovation of the Executive Mansion. Why do-we not have a joint commission for the study of ways to abolish war? We have spent tens of billions on methods and instruments of war. Is it not time to devote the scientific mind to a real problem? ‘To the problem of how man can live, how civilization can continue? Unless we do this, we cannot say that we have even tried to save our American way. COLLISION ‘OF RAW POWER The meeting of human beings both inside and outside the United States is now char- acterized by the open collision of raw power, Elton Mayo said that while material effi- ciency has been increasing for 200 years, the human capacity for working together has in the same period cchtinually diminished. The alarming break in the structure of civilization expresses itself in the disintegra- tion of international and national com- munity into an infinity of mutually hostile groups. We have lost the spirit of team- work. From a sociological point of view, the only instrumentality for eliminating the collision of raw powers is a supreme coer- cion—the naked power of government. The conflict in belief systems will either be elimi- nated by this emergence of a naked political dictatorship and tyranny or by the redeem-= ing quality of a higher loyalty. Toynbee deals with the schism in the soul. He finds the schism in the body social mere- ly the outward and visible sign of an in- ward and spiritual rift. We cannot recover that higher loyalty by the worship either of money or of power, The worship of either must end in tyranny, Adam Smith dealt with the problem in his Theory of Moral Sentiments. He sug-~ gested that each of us change places in fancy with the sufferer. Our own moral judg- ments, he said, with respect to our own con- duct are only applications to ourselves of decisions which we have already passed on the conduct of our neighbors. If we change situations with others, we acquire a new sense of duty in our own action. In America we can yet worship a God who makes the understanding heart divine and the reverence for the person a Godlike qual- ity, Here is a higher loyalty available to us, THE USE OF GOVERNMENT Whether we like it or not, we are going to have to use government, to work it and through it as a tool. This fact means a higher quality of craftsmanship in citizen- ship. Albert Goss, master of the National Grange, is the kind of citizen I am talking about. It means that we are going to deal objectively with our problems and experi- mentally with solutions—~always with the concern that what we do is done with a sacred reverence for the individual and a A4071 sacred allegiance to the kind of freedom which reserves always the right of choice to the individual. MEN WHO KNOW THEIR DUTIES The only way to have less government is to govern ourselves more. The only way to have more freedom is to use wisely what we have. The only way to have better govern- ment is to beccme better citizens ourselves. In 1816, Jefferson wrote to Taylor: “What constitutes a State? Not high-raised battlements, mount, Thick wall, or moated gate; Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown’d; No; men, high-minded men; Men, who their duties know; But know their rights; and knowing, dare maintain. These constitute a State.” no labkor’d The League of Frightened Men EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ANDREW J. BIEMILLER OF WISCONSIN - IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. BIEMILLER. Mr, Speaker, with permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I attach the following speech of Oscar Ewing, Federal Security Admin- istrator. This address, delivered before the twenty-seventh convention of the Inter- national Ladies’ Garment Workers in Atlantic City, May 24, is an acute exami- nation of what Mr. Ewing very properly calls the League of Frightened Men, men who fear social progress, LEAGUE oF FRIGHTENED MEN It is an honor to be here. Your golden jubilee is more than a family party. It is an observance in which every American can take pride. And I count it a privilege to bring my greetings and congratulations in person to you, David Dubinsky, to all my friends in the ILGWU. In your 50 years of pioneering for the ad- vancement of your own membership, you have a proud and honorable history—in many ways, a unique history. Foresight and dogged determination won the epoch-mak- ing strike of 1910 with a protocol of peace and the creation of a great health program. That foresight and determination have never flagged. They have gained in stature and in vision through the years. Nor has this vision been self-centered. You have always known that you could not be good union members without being good citizens. You have fought for the general welfare, not just for the garment workers’ welfare. Some people have accused you of not minding your own business. They are wrong. It is your business—and everybody’s business—to be concerned about the gen< eral welfare. About decent wages and condi- tions of employment. About good housing, and enough of it. About schools for all our children, and the chance for every youngster to go as far as his own brains and deter- mination will take him. About health, and enough money to pay the doctor’s bills. About insurance for the times when a man can’t get a Job or when he is too sick to work—and for his family if he should die, About self-respecting security in old age. About the inalienable civil rights which are
A4072 every American’s heritage. About peace that does not truckle to the totalitarians. That is what you mean by the general welfare, and it certainly is your business. That is what I mean, too, and it certainly is my business. And we intend to go right along making it our business. TOO MANY REACTIONARIES We shall continue to do so in spite of the pecuhar oppesition we face. There are too many reactionaries in America—too many men who say that you can make progress by going backward, that you can promote the general welfare by destroying the gen- eral welfare. The American reactionary may be a fine gentleman, complete with country estate. He may love his mother dearly. He may be kind to his underlings. But if he is a reactionary, his ideas add up to the fact that he is against health. Against so~ cial security. Against education. Against a living wage. Against everything that means anything to ordinary people. And, in the end, against our very liberty, our oppor- tunity, our hopes for the future. He is against all of these things for everybody except himself. Why are the reactionaries against these things? Is it because they are wicked peo- ple? I don’t think so. I think it is because they are fearful people. We are confronted in America by a League of Frightened Men. LEAGUE BYLAWS The bylaws of the League of Frightened Men provide that you cannot be a member in good standing unless you distrust the people of the United States. You cannot be @ member unless you shiver at the idea of scientific progress, unless you quake at the thought of the complexity of our modern civilization, unless you tremble in the face of reality. During the initiation ceremonies, when you join the League of Frightened Men, you must be able to prove that you turn pale when someone mentions the words “labor union.” Then your face must promptly flush when you hear the dread mame of Franklin D. Roosevelt, or when President Truman’s Fair Deal is referred to. You must get a prompt case of the shakes at the suggestion that Government has a responsibility to the people to help them help themselves to security, employment, health, and education, and that sometimes people are willing to pay real money for this purpose. Finally, you must be able to raise your voice and shout “socialism” at the top of your lungs whenever you hear of an idea that was born since 1890. If you can meet this test, you are likely to be accepted into the League of Frightened Men, and you are likely to enjoy the com- pany of your fellow-reactionaries. I am not sorry to say that I cannot pass this test—any more than you can. [Tam not afraid of 1950—any more than you are. I am not afraid of labor organizations, or of mass industry, or of jet-propelled speed, or even of atomic energy. I am not afraid of the American people. I am not afraid of their common sense, their drive, their rest- less desire to improve the condition of the world in which they live. I think that our restlessness, our ambition, our energy, are the most wonderful things in the world. The league of Frightened Men would like to expand its membership. It would like to spread fear throughout the land, and make this a nation of frightened men. Well, we are not frightened. We leave fear to the re- actionaries, who see ghosts, and to the un- happy peoples behind the iron curtain, who have a right to be afraid of their masters. PLENTY OF PROBLEMS Do not misunderstand me. I am no Polly- anna. I do not counsel sticky and stupid optimism. We have plenty of problems, plenty of troubles. But the difference be- tween the reactionaries, on the one hand, and people like you and me, on the other, is that they can do nothing more than yearn for the past, while we are prepared to tackle these problems and Hck these troubles. Their weapons are fear and inertia. Our weapons are courage and common sense. In my job as Federal Security Administra- tor, I have plenty of opportunity to see the battle between reactionary fear and liberal courage. In education, for example. The courageous, liceral, and I believe typically American idea, is that education is a good thing. We believe that any boy or girl ought to have a chance to learn as much as he can, so that when he goes out into the world he will be able to fulfill whatever talent, whatever skill, he may be best equipped for. We also believe that in a democracy we must have people who understand what the world is all about, who will make decisions on the basis of facts, of thinking, and of wisdom, who will not be stampeded by a demagogue. The fearful neople a hundred years ago— and we had them then, too, people who in the 1840’s thought things were in a dangerous state and yearned for the good old days of the 1820’s—these people trembled at the idea of universal public education. They said a little knowledge would be a dangerous thing. They became hysterical at the suggestion that education should be universal, and free, and paid for out of public funds. They pre- dicted the downfall of the Republic. In- evitably the League of Frightened Men lost the battle. The American people won out. Today nobody questions the traditional American principle of universal free educa- tion. But the frightened men have merely retreated; they have not stopped fighting. SCHOOL PROBLEMS Today we have a sudden increase of 80 per- cent in the numbere@wf children of school age. We do not have thé schoolhouses or the teachers to take care of them. Too often the salaries of teachers are sadly out of line with present-day living costs. We have thousands of youngsters going to school in fire traps, in abandoned stores and garages. We have thousands who do not go to school at all be~ cause there isn’t any school for them to go to. We have half our young people of col- lege caliber unable to afford to go to college. We have, in short, a crisis in education. Now, part of the reason for this crisis is that our system of local support and control of education—a system in which I firmly believe—has not been able to cope with the inequalities as between the States. Some States are rich, and others are very poor. An American child in a rich State is 10 times more likely to get a proper education than an American child in a poor State. So the problem is one of working out a system to help the poorer areas do a better job, with- out in any way disturbing the system of local control of education. The only solution I know is Federal aid to education. That will help the primary and secondary schools. For higher education, the answer is Federal grants for college scholarships, fellowships, and student loans. The League of Frightened Men opposes this solution. It is afraid of doing some- thing to meet the crying need for more and better education is: our country. It screams hysterically about socialism, about Federal control of education, about dictatorship. Well, we can’t afford to wait for the League of Frightened Men to get over its crying jag. We don’t want socialism, or dictator~ ship, or Federal control of education. What we do want is more and better education for every American child, whatever his race or his color or his religion, whatever State or county he may live in. And we are not going to let the League of Frightened Men scare us away from this objective. CONGRESS TO ACT-—-WHEN? I believe that Congress will ultimately pass progressive legislation in the field of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD education. I would be naive if I tried to tell you the exact date when it will do so, or the exact terms of the legislation that will finally emerge. But I believe we will wind up with a worth-while program of Fed- eral aid to education, because the American people know what they want, and this is one of the things they want very much. Not so long ago, the frightened men were in control in Washington. All through the 1920’s, under their rule, the country built up to a terrific bust. When the bust came, the frightened men sat about fearfully and wrung their hands—doing nothing, as usual. The American people put in a man who was not scared, a man who warned us that the only thing we had to fear was fear itself. And, along with President Roosevelt, we were not afraid. SOCIAL SECURITY NEEDS In the early years of the New Deal, we es- tablished a system of social security, over the opposition of the League of Frightened Men. For the first time, on a broad scale, we recog- nized that in our society it is imperative that all people who work for a living should coop- erate, through social insurance, so that they may have a little money for themselves when they become older, or for their dependents when they die. That was one of the proudest achievements of the New Deal. Today, in 1950, the Fair Deal is proud of the fact that this Eighty-first Congress is obviously going to pass new and broadening amendments to the original Social Security Act. I dcn't know what the exact terms of these amend- ments will be, because they are still before Congress. But I do know that Congress will make sure that social security covers millions more people than it covers now, and that the benefits will be a good deal larger—in some cases, they might even be as much as 150 percent larger. The frightened men were afraid of this, too, but the people of this country have not permitted their fantastic fears of the frightened men to prevent us from doing the intelligent thing. Originally, we had hoped that the amend-~ ments would include social insurance for total and permanent disability. It may still wind up in the final legislation, but that will only happen if enough people insist on it. But the very fact that total and permanent disability insurance has been in and out of the amendments is a bitter commentary on how fear confuses reason. As matters stand right now, we won’t do a thing by way of insurance to protect a worker against acci- dent or illness, but we are ready to pay his family benefits as a matter of course if he just goes ahead and dies. Only the League of Frightened Men can seriously sell us the idea that it is better for your family that you should die than that you should stay alive, LEAGUE’S AMA CHAPTER If you think I am exaggerating, let me tell you about some of the things I have learned in the fight on another front—national health insurance. Here we have to do with the American Medical Association Chapter of the League of Frightened Men. It is a very active chapter, and extremely well heeled. Its members, however outstanding they may be as physicians, are not only fat cats but fraidy cats. And what are they afraid of? Of all things, they are afraid of improving the health of the American people. They are afraid of our having enough doctors to take care of the American people. In the face of a serious shortage of people in the medical and allied professions, they are dfraid of anything that would make it possible for our medical schools to teach larger numbers of students so that the ratio of doctors to patients would be more in keep= ing with the needs of our time. Above all, they are afraid of any system that would make it possible for people to pay for the medical and hospital care they
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD may need throughout their lives. Is insur- ance such a revolutionary idea? Does life insurance, or fire insurance, or automobile insurance, smack of Karl Marx? Has social security destroyed the Republic? To you or me, the answer is so obvious that we need not discuss it any further. But to the American Medical Association Chapter of the League of Frightened Men, the answer is, “I’m scared.” Scared of what? Scared of a system whereby people would help build up a fund out of which would be paid the bills for the care they need when they are sick. Scared of a program that would take the financial calamity out of serious or chronic illness. Scared of a plan that would simply change the method of payment for medical and hos- pital care, without in any way interfering with the relationship between doctor and patient. Twenty years ago they were afraid of vol- untary health insurance. They said it was communistic. Now they see that it is not communistic at all, and—because we are proposing a national health insurance pro- gram to do what voluntary plans are unable to do—now they say they’re not scared of the voluntary plans any more but that they are really scared of this sinister conspiracy to destroy the fabric of our free land. STATE OF TERROR Why, I have seen them go so far in their terror as to say things like this, and I quote from a recent issue of the New York State Journal of Medicine: “We readily admit that under it [meaning the present haphazard system of medical care] a certain number of cases of early tuberculosis and cancer, for example, may go undetected. Is it not better that a few such should perish rather than that the majority of the population should be encouraged on every occasion to run snivelling to the doctor?” Try that one on for size. Is it not better for you, or your wife, or your child, to perish than for you to be covered by national health insurance? That is the question that the frightened men are asking you. Now, I am prepared to argue that the doc- tor who wrote those words in the New York State Journal of Medicine was suffering from a@ serious attack of terror. I am prepared to say, in defense of the medical profession, that most doctors would not prefer to see a hu- man being die rather than have him “run sniveling” into the office. But these men have been so terrified by their own-medical association that they have lost all sense of balance. Like the frightened animal that claws anything in reach, including its best friends, the medical profession has per- mitted its organizational leadership to betray its responsibility to the American people. Let the doctors remember this: That the patient is always more important than the doctor, and that a single human being who dies because he did not have the money to pay for the medical care that might have saved him is a horrifying reflection on the Nation, the profession, and the person who is too fearful to have wanted to save him. The American Medical Association tells us it is afraid we would wreck the personal re- lationship between doctor and patient. I tell them, in all sincerity, that a single ar- ticle such as the one I have quoted does more to wreck this relationship than any s0- Cial-insurance scheme on earth. The American Medical Association tells us it is afraid that the Government would somehow dominate the doctors if national health insurance came to pass. I tell them, in all sincerity, that no responsible person in Washington wants to dominate the medi- cal profession, but that we will not shirk our duty to put forward a sensible solution to the financial barriers that prevent millions of Americans from getting the care they need. The American Medical Association tells us it is afraid that national health insurance will lead us straight to communism. I tell them, in all sincerity, that communism nev- er succeeds in a land where human needs are met wisely and skillfully, but only in lands where fear and worry and distraction stalk the countryside. FIGHT FEAR WITH COURAGE I realize that you cannot fight fear with reason. It it could be done, the league of frightened men would long since have dis- appeared from America, You can only fight fear with an even more powerful emotion— courage, Courage to face the facts, courage to do what is right, courage to go torward. The history of your own union, in this very field of health, is proof enough of this. Out of the sweatshops of the past, out of the tuberculosis and chronic diseases that used to beset the garment workers of an- other generation, you have built a magnifi- cent health program, with your great Union Health Center in New York and your health centers in other cities. You established the first direct-service, union-sponsored medical- care plan in the United States. Your board of sanitary control, back in 1912, inspired the Public Health Service to study the health of garment workers as the very first official act of the fledgling Office of Industrial Hygiene and Sanitation. You fought against tuber- culosis with the same energy that you fought against the sweatshops. Today your medical director is a member of our Public Health Service Advisory Council on Industrial Health. Not only as the son of your first medical director but in his own right, he 1s a leader in this field, and you can be proud of him. In health, as in the protection of working people in the garment industry, as in politi- cal action, you have moved forward with courage and statesmanship. You have shown that you are not afraid. The League of Frightened Men will never conquer America because there are too many Americans like Dave Dubinsky and the rest of you, strong and self-confident and sensible, ready to work to make our country stronger, safer, and happier than ever before. I am proud to count myself your fellow worker in this never-ending battle. State and Federal Management of Timber Holdings on the Olympic Peninsula ia the Pacific Northwest EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY M. JACKSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. JACKSON of Washington. Mr. Speaker,-Mr. Charles N. Webster, pub- lisher of the Port Angeles Evening News, Port Angeles, Wash., recently wrote a series of four articles on the management of State and United States timber re- sources on the Olympic Peninsula. In my opinion, Mr. Webster has rendered an outstanding public service in explaining the present situation regarding our all- important timber holdings in this section of the Pacific Northwest. The articles appeared in the Port Angeles Evening News on April 24, 25, 27, and 29, 1950. I commend to my colleagues in the Con- A4073 gress a careful reading of these thought- ful articles: [From the Port Angeles (Wash.) Evening News of April 24, 1950] GooprEaR Forecasts 90,000,000 FEET ANNUAL Yretp From STaTEe SustaiNEep YIELD FOREST (By C. N. Webster) I State sustained-yield forest No. 1 in west- ern Jefferson County should produce at least $0,000,000 board feet of logs annually with- out exceeding annual growth. This was a guess ventured by Supervisor T. S. Goodyear in a brief talk to the Olympic Logging Conference in Victoria Thursday afternoon. “This guess is based on a 60-year rotation, which should be ample for production of pulp and an intermediate amount of saw timber,” Goodyear explained. “This esti- mate may, of necessity, be adjusted as more growth figures are available. “Most of the State-owned timber consists of an even-age, overripe stand, composed of hemlock, cedar, spruce, Douglas fir, and white or silver fir. “Probably 70 percent of the entire timber stand is more suitable for pulp than saw timber.” In his prepared talk, Goodyear did not directly venture a guess as to the present volume of standing timber in sustained yield forest No. 1. His estimate of a mini- mum 90,000,000 feet annual cut, on a 60-year rotation, suggests (by multiplication) a stand of approximately five and a half billion feet. Most of the area never has been cruised. A cruise is now proceeding under Goodyear’s direction which will give the first reasonably accurate inventory of State timber in the 185,235-acre State-sustained yield forest. Wartime cut 123,000,000 Goodyear also disclosed Thursday that logs taken from State sustained-yield forest No. 1 during the last war totaled approximately 123,394,960 board feet. This was mostly Sitka spruce and Douglas fir, for airplane construc- tion. The-spruce was all selectively cut. However, about three-quarters of a section of Douglas fir was clear cut. Goodyear compiled this first total of actual wartime sales since he became supervisor of the forest on July 21, 1949. Hus source ‘was the log scale reports to the State land office. This wartime emergency sale, all in the Hoh Valley, represents the only cutting ever done in State-sustained yield forest No. 1. The 1933 law establishing the forest pre- vents any cutting until maps and logging plans are completed for a sustained yield operation. Not until 1949 did the State ap- propriate funds ($100,000) to do this pre- liminary work. Log scale This 1933 law also authorizes uses of log scale for sale of timber from sustained yield forest No. 1. It is one exception to the general law requiring State timber sales on a cruise made before logging. In a Friday talk to the Olympic Logging Conference, State Land Commissioner Jack Taylor called sales on the cruise ‘“‘a horse and buggy way of doing business.” He said national forest and private owners sell tim- per on log scale and advocated legislation permitting the State to do likewise. Such a bill passed the house last year, but not the senate. The land commissioner also advocates ap- propriation for State land classification and inventory of all State-owned timber, similar to the inventory now being made on sus- tained yield forest No. 1. “Your Olympic peninsula forest got the first such appropriation since statehood,” Taylor said. “Last year the State land office sales totalled $15,000,000, but the legislature
AAOTA refused an appropriation of only $2£0,000 to start an inventory. It passed the house but not the senate.” As with other State timber sales, all tim- ber sales from State-sustained yield forest No. 1 will be handled by the land commis- sioner, at public auction. But payment will be on log scale, instead of lump-sum on 4 cruise. Taylor said State sales on log scale also may give a better chance to the small log- ging operator, who now must pay cash in advance of logging and take his chance on the cruise volume. [From the Port Angeles (Wash.) Evening News of April 25, 1950] Burers or NaTIonaL Forest Timeer Fat To Cur Tuwper as Fast as Ir WiLL Grow (By C. N. Webster) bag Timber cutting on the Olympic National Forest never yet has reached the sustained yield limit desired by the United States Forest Service. The Forest Service wants loggers to cut 182,000,000 board-feet per year. It has been selling timber fast enough to reach that limit, or thought it had, but timber buyers have failed to cut it that fast. For the past 5 years the actual cut has totaled from 125,600,000 to 155,000,000 feet per year. Consequently the Forest Service has now decided to oversell—sell beyond its 182,000,000 feet limit—in an effort to get. loggers to cut the desired limit. That is the gist of what Supervisor Carl B. Neal told the fifth annual Olympic Logging Conference in Victoria Friday. He was the last of 12 scheduled speakers on the 2-day program. His topic was Timber Cutting Pro~ gram for Olympic National Forest, 1950-51 (meaning the United States fiscal year end~ ing June 30, 1951). “We have tried to make, and we thought we had made, the timber sales needed to bring the actual cut up to the allowable cut,” Neal told the assembled loggers. “But the purchasers for one reason and another have not made the cut anticipated. Only on Hood Canal has the cut come up to the allowable. “We now have 330,000,000 feet under con~ tract and uncut. In addition to this we have 400,000,000 feet ready to advertise for sale. Of this backlog, about 300,000,000 feet is peing advertised this spring. “We have found we have to oversell in order to get our cut up to the allowable. How much we have to oversell we have not determined because we never have reached the allowable. “But if we sell this 300,000,000 feet this spring and then allow 2 years for road and bridge building, I have hopes we will then reach the allowable,” the supervisor said. “We should reach and maintain our allow- able cut. That is essential for good tim- perland management.” Region the same Under-cutting the sustained yield capacity of national forest land is not limited to the Olympic peninsula. It applies generally to the whole Pacific northwest region. Regional Forester H. J. Andrews, who at- tended the Victoria conference but did not address it, told the Evening News that actual cut on national forests of Washington and Oregon is totaling 1,300,000,000 to 1,500,000,- 000 feet per year. But the allowable cut is ai least 2,250,000,= 000 feet, Andrews said. “That is a conservative calculation. I feel the allowable cut may readily be 2,500,000,~ 000 to 2,750,000,000 feet. It depends upon the economic availability of our remote timber. “For example, the upper Clackamas tim~ ber right back of Portland would require a 100-mile truck haul to market—an exces- sive trucking distance now. But suppose you puild a mill near the timber and convert the logs to finished products before making your long truck haul. Finished products can be trucked economically much farther than logs,” Andrews observed. The same problem confronts Supervisor T. S. Goodyear, of State-sustained yield forest No. 1 in western Jefferson County. The truck haul is too long to existing rail- heads. Only the top grade timber will pay its way out, and Goodyear recognizes that such “high grading” is inexcusably waste- ful. Goodyear proposes a twofold solution. A common carrier railroad connecting exist- ing lines to south and north of the State forest. A pulp mill in western Jefferson County—preferably a kraft mill for max- imum utilization of low-grade wood. Either of these alone might solve the State’s problem of marketing its 90,000,000 feet of available logs per year. Goodyear hopes to get both railroad and local mill. Until he gets something, the State school system, which needs funds so badly for ex- panding population, will earn nothing from its idle timberland in western Jefferson County. And the growing capacity of this 185,000-acre State forest will continue lost to productive industry. [From the Port Angeles (Wash.) Evening News of April 27, 1950} PUBLIC FORESTERS, FINDING SELECTIVE LOGGING IMPRACTICAL, Now Favor CLEAR CUTTING IN SmauL PaTcHES; MAxIMUM 80 ACRES : (By C. N. Webster) Ir Clear cutting is generally speaking the only practical method of harvesting the pub- lic’s dense Olympic Forests, although such cutting should be closely limited to patches not over 80 acres each. On that point, supervisors of both Na- tional- and State-owned Olympic forests agreed in their talks to the Olympic logging conference in Victoria last week end. Speaking of logging plans for State sus- tained yield forest No. 1.in western Jeffer- son County, Supervisor T. S. Goodyear told the assembled loggers: “From the timber type maps completed to date, it appears the only practical way of logging is to clear cut the mature timber in patches not to exceed 80 acres, and reserve from any kind of logging the areas stocked with regrowth under 30 years of age.” And the United States Forest Service, which has pioneered the small-patch system, now goes even further. It favors limiting these clear-cut patches to from 40 to 60 acres each. Both parties oppose any broadcast clear cutting in the traditional wholesale methods so familiar on private lands which contained the Olympic peninsula’s best virgin timber. Selective logging is out At the same time the United States Forest Service has abandoned its prewar theory that selective logging is practical west of the Cas- cades. This change has occurred rather quietly, considering the way Government foresters were boosting tree selection logging a decade ago. But it is nonetheless definite, as shown by a brief remark in Supervisor Carl B. Neal’s Victoria address on national forest timber sales. He told the assembled loggers: “At the present time we are not practic- ing partial cut or tree selection logging in the forests west of the Cascades, except in potential recreation areas and scenic strips. We have found that such a practice merely reduces our inventory and does not increase growth.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Shortly after Neal became Olympic Na- tional Forest supervisor, the Forest Service initiated in 1942 its first conspicuous selec- tive logging experiments on the north pen-~ insula. Three tree selection sales near Lakes Bea~ ver, Sutherland, and Cushman totalled ap- proximately 60,000,000 board feet. These. operations were extensively covered by word and picture in the Port Angeles Evening News at that time. The officially approved theory was that if you remove, about one-third of your old growth trees during each cut, you stimulate growth in the remainder, while also Keeping the land covered with forest. The Service advocated this system as practical forestry, except on slopes too steep for tractors. Now the official USFS doctrine is that to get continuous production, you must clear cut and start a new crop. (This does not apply east of the Cascade summit, where rain is scarce and pines grow sparsely. Se- lective logging is regularly practiced there.) Staggered settings After thus disposing of selective logging in two sentences, Supervisor Neal summarized in his Victoria address the clear-cutting system now favored on national forests: “Most of our sales are, as you know, laid out for staggered settings. We anticipated that it will ordinarily take three cutting cycles to cut over the entire area. Possibly 40 percent will be removed on the first cut, “The purpose of staggered settings is to decrease the fire hazard and to increase the probability of adequate reproduction on the cut-over area. ‘Normally on a 100-year rotation, cutting cycles will come in 33-year intervals. To accomplish the purpose of staggered settings we figure that these intervals should not be less than the period required for the repro~ duction to grow to such size as to result in a closed canopy. On this basis we figure the minimum period between cutting cycles to be about 20 years. If we don’t get natural reproduction promptly, we plan to plant. We want to keep the land productive.” United States timber management While Neal’s address did not mention the acreage limits on their staggered settings, this and other policy details appeared in a mimeographed statement issued last fall, la- beled Access Roads to Government Timber, Senate Joint Resolution No. 24. ‘ Although this 3-page statement bore no identification as to source, and was undated, the Forest Service used it in support of its recommendation that Congress appropriate money annually to build permanent timber access roads. It says,in part: . “Before discussing the advantages of this resolution to the Forest Service, it probably would be desirable to explain certain features of timber management as applied to the national forests. “The Forest Service recognizes two types of cutting in the Douglas-fir region west of the Cascades: (1) Partial cutting, formerly called tree selection; and (2) area selection. “(1) The former (that is, tree selection), (a) merely reduces the forest inventory, (Db) does not stimulate growth, (c) does not tend to convert stagnant forest into a growing forest. “It has a certain economic advantage when certain species cannot be marketed. Other- wise, its application is limited to such spe- cial areas as scenic strips and recreational areas. “(2) In area selection, the watershed is broken down into cutting areas of from 40 to 60 acres each. “The forest rotation, usually 100 years, is broken down into three cutting cycles. The- oretically, cutting cycles would be 33% years apart. Actually, they should, es a minimum, be separated by the length of time necessary to get a stand of reproduction with a closed
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD crown canopy. This normally would be about 20 years. “Yhe forest is now on its first cutting cycle, removing alternate cutting areas of about 60 acres each.” Market price A good example of the certain economic advantage when certain species cannot be marketed occurred on the south side of the Olympic National Forest before selective log- ging was tried on the north side. This was a big long-term sale to Schafer Bros. Logging Co. of Grays Harbor. They cut the fir and left the hemlock standing for later cutting at higher prices. The old clear cutting practice on private or State land was to leave hemlock on the ground when it wouldn’t pay its way to market. Even though not cut, all trees got knocked down during the clear-cut opera- tion. But the Forest Service didn’t believe in that practice. They wanted the public- owned hemlock used, not left to rot on the ground. Hence the remedy of leaving hem- lock on the stump until marketable, instead of knocking it down as a normal part of a clear-cutting operation. [From the Port Angeles (Wash.) Evening News of April 29, 1950] NaTIoNAL ForEsTERS ApvocaTs ADVANCE CoNn- STRUCTION OF TIMBER Access Roaps (By C. N. Webster) Iv How best to finance new timber access roads is a problem now bothering the man- agers of public-owned forests on the Olympic Peninsula. They discussed it briefly at the fifth annual Olympic Logging Conference in Victoria, Foresters who supervise our national for- ests now advocate Government-financed permanent access roads in advance of timber sales. _ Loggers who buy the Federal timber would continue to build their temporary branch roads from the main road into each indi- vidual timber sale. But they would not build the expensive main access roads, as they now must do where none already exist. When once built the Forest Service itself maintains all main access roads as public thorcughfaies. The Forest Service view is not shared by the supervisor of our largest State-owned forest. But his Victoria speech showed he is recognizing the same problem. Supervisor T. S. Goodyear of State sustained-yield for- est No. 1 told the assembled loggers that: “In the northern part of the sustained- yield forest, State lands are scattered and fairly accessible to ‘existing roads. Timber on these lands should be reserved to small independent logging operators, while the solid blocks of State-owned timber, situated back in the high country where expensive road construction will be necessary, can un- doubtedly only be handled by large, finan- cially sound companies or corporations.” This State-owned forest includes most of the public-owned timber available for cut- ting in western Jefferson County. The Olympic Highway, U. S. 101, skirts the forest. Public roads extend up the Hoh, Clearwater, and Queets Rivers in the forest. High-cost roads But costly access roads into the main biccks of State timber present a formidable financing problem. Goodyear sees large cap- ital operators as the only solution. In order that such roads may pay out in one cutting cycle, he must sell such a large amount of timber that small operators could not bid on it anyway. And the plan to con- fine logging to 80-acre patches means more miles of road for a given quantity of timber in the first cut. . If the State built the main access roads in advance, maintaining them permanently for successive cutting cycles, the State might have more bidders and smaller operators would have a chance to compete. That is what Federal foresters advocate for national forest timber sales. Supervisor Carl B. Neal, of Olympic Na-~ tional Forest, briefed the plan as follows at the Victoria conference: “Our policy is to connect all timber sale areas to a public road by a road over a right-~ of-way either owned or controlled by the Government. We do not want competition limited by privately owned rights-of-way. “We believe it would te in the Govern~ ment’s interest for Congress to appropriate sufficient funds so that we could build the roads in advance of making the timber sale. “We prefer Government built roads be- cause they permit better timber manage- ment, smaller sales, salvage sales, increased fire protection, and better breakdown be- tween summer and winter logging. “They would cost the Government no more in the long run because we would get higher stumpage prices when the Government builds the roads. As it is now, the timber buyer has to build the roads. “About 40 percent of the volume is har- vested on the first cut. This first cut has to liquidate the cost of the main road sys- tem for the entire area. “This compels a high allowance for the first cut appraisal value. The appraisal must allow for road costs. “If the road costs $100,000 and the sale volume is 25,000,000 board feet, $4 per thou- sand feet will be allowed for road con- struction cost. Roads so built by loggers remain Government property, the same as Government built roads.” Seven million dollars annually The logger must build main roads to for- est service specifications. Since the road is designed for permanent logging use, it has to be heavily surfaced and usually costs from $12,000 to $20,000 per mile west of the Cascades. Regional Forester H. J. Andrews told the Evening News that national forests in Ore- gon and Washington now are adding 300 to 400 miles of main logging roads costing around $7,000,000 each year. He would like to see Congress appropriate this amount annually so the Government could finance the roads instead of deducting it as a logging cost on timber sales. Current annual appropriations to the Oregon-Washington region for national for- est road and trail development are around $3,000,000 (out of a $10,060,000 national to- tal), Andrews said. This will barely main- tain the existing road and trail system. The region’s total is about 16,000 miles of roads and 20,000 miles of trails. Andrews observed that advance construc- tion of timber access roads would be espec- jally useful in higher altitudes where the logging ~ season is short. And it would permit prompt salvage of timber blown down or killed by fire or insects. Public travel Timber access roads also increase the forest mileage open to public travel. That is in national forests, not Washington State for- ests. National forest policy is to keep all roads open, except specified extra hazardous areas during fire season, State policy on the other hand is to keep its forest development roads closed. ‘You see the locked keep-out gates everywhere that a State forest road branches cff a main high- way. T. 8. Goodyear emphasizes that most fires start from careless travelers. He suggests our forests would be better protected without any roads to facilitate such fires. A4075 For many years before becoming supervisor of State Sustained Yield Forest No. 1, Good- year was head of the State division of for- estry with responsibility for protection of State and private forest lands. Emergency stockpiles Regional Forester Andrews suggested another potent reason for advance construc~ tion of timber access roads. National defense officials want to stock pile critical materials. At the start of the last war, wood was not rated a critical material. It soon became one—but not until the best road-building men and equipment had been shipped off to military posts, Andrews re-= called. He explained that although 65 to 70 percent of cur remaining timber is public-owned, its relative inaccessibility caused it to supply only 15 to 20 percent of the timber cut dur- ing the last war. Balance came mainly from the traditionally overcut private land. Prior to 1941 only half a billion feet of timber per year was coming off the national forests of Oregon and Washington. War’s demand trebled the cut to 1,500,000,000 feet, the current rate. But this is still far less than their sustained-yield capacity of around 2,500,000,000 feet annually. Now defense officials want to stock pile woed. Replying to a committee’s inquiry on this point, Andrews said it is impractical to stock pile wood in the huge quantities needed for wartime use. Instead he has recom- mended the Government stock pile timber access roads, ready to cut remote timber in- stantly in emergency. If this idea should take hold with resulting forest-road money available from our huge defense appropriations, it would be some- thing for State sustained-yield forest No. 1 to look into. That forest already benefited from Federal road money during the last war.’ The Government wanted spruce from State land in the Hoh Valley. Federal funds heavily graveled the Hoh road, and built a branch into Snahapish Pass. That is a bare beginning to what the State will need to log its 185,000-acre sus~ tained-yleld forest in western Jefferson County. Houses for Permanent Military Installations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEROY JOHNSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Speaker, houses for permanent military installations can be obtained on the installment plan by using rent money to pay installments. H. R. 8645 provides for this. Here is a general explanation of the plan provided by this bill: The total estimated amount which will be spent for fiscal year 1950 for rent of military personnel is the staggering sum of $321,292,000. The estimated amount to be required for fiscal 1951 is $312,- 998,000. The reason for this staggering sum of money, for which we have nothing to show at the end of the year except rent receipts, is that our Armed Forces are much larger than we anticipated they would be following the war. We antici- pated a sharp decline in the size of our Armed Forces. However, the cold war
AAQIG and the unsettled conditions of the world has meade it imperative that we retain a large Army, Navy, and Air Force. Many stations scattered in all parts of the United States, in Alaska, and in for- eign countries have only enough houses to meet a very small fraction of the num- ber of personnel on the post. Th hasic compensation which a mem- per of the Armed Forces gets is the pay of his rank and eppropriate quarters. If no quarters are available then the United Gates Government furnishes him money with which to rent appropriate quarters. In the pay scale we fix the quarters allowance for the various grades of en- listed men and officers. The total num- ber of houses required to take care of our service personnel on permanent stations has not been accurately estimated. However, the amount of money required to build adequate quarters for the per- sonnel, not only for today, but for the next 10 years so far as can be estimated, would be such a staggering sum that we cannot begin to build anything but a small fraction thereof if we are to pay for the entire house or houses in full at the time of construction. Consequently, the problem is how can we build houses where only a very small _ fraction of the cost of each unit is paid upon the completion of the contract of construction and the balance be paid thereafter on the installment plan? The key to this is found in the fact that if we do not have adeauate quarters we allow personnel rent money. As men- tioned above, the amount which will be spent this year is over $300,000,000. The amount which will be spent next year for rent is over $300,090,000. At the rate we are going in 10 years we would have put out over $3,000,000,050 for rent and have nothing to show, except rent receipts, for this fabulous sum. We would have no tangible equity from the $3,000,000,000 which we would have spent. Consequently, I have felt, and I have been studying the problem for several years, that it was possible to convert this rent money into installment payments, which would pay interest and principal of the contract price of the houses. These installment payments would give us at the end of 15 years or less, the house fully paid for and thus terminate rent allowances for the occupants. These, then, could be utilized as quar- ters for appropriate personnel and there would be only the cost of maintenance. That is the situation that the Armed Forces have always contemplated; that is, that there would be appropriate quar- ters for its personnel on duty at perma- nent stations. How can this be done? Here is the plan which I offer. It is the simple build- ing and loan principle, that millions of Americans have used with which to ac- quire a home, where they did not have the capital necessary to pay for the entiré structure at the time that it was acquired or built for them. We will invite bids for contracts on certain permanent military stations. We will provide in our notice for bids and in our plans and specifications that 5 percent of the total amount of the awarded contracts will be paid in cash upon the completion of the contract, and the balance in instaiments as provided py this law. It is provided by this law to have each set of quarters—each living unit—will be occupied by an officer or enisiec. man. We provide in the law for the payment of a minimum of $75 per month per unit of quarters—payable semiannually—until the contract cost of the entire number of quarters under the specific contract is completely liqui- dated. At the time of each payment in- terest is to be paid on the unpaid part of the contract, at a rate not to exceed 4 percent peranum. Wealso provide that any quarters which are occupied by mili- tary personnel, which have not been fully paid for by the Government, shall be occupied by military personnel and those persons may be allowed rent money which shall be fully applied to the unpaid pur- chase price of the quarters and interest on unpaid part of contract. The minimum which we guarantee for each set of quarters—whether occupied or not—is the sum of $75 per month. Then we provide in the law that in the event someone should cccupy the prem- ises whose rent allowance was less than $75 per month, we will make up the differ- ence to make the payment $75. We also provide that in the event that persons occupying the quarters who receive a larger rent allowance than $75 per month, and every officer except the sec- ond lieutenant receives a larger allow- ance, that we may apply the allowance which the person occupying the quarters is entitled to as the monthly payment for the particular quarters. If it is a captain, we will pay the amount of the captain’s rent allowance, if it is a major, we will pay the allowance he is allowed. The rent money which these cccupants get, as provided by the law, shall be paid directly to the contractor or his assignee to liquidate the contract. This bill provides for not over 4 percent interest on the unpaid amount of the contract. We propose to pay this semi- annually—let us take a specific case to show you how it works. Assume that a certain unit of quarters cost $10,000. The initial payment which we would make would be $500, namely 5 percent of the cost of this one house or unit in a multiple-unit building. Then we would promptly designate an occupant for the quarters. If it were occupied by a sec- ond lieutenant the rent money to which that second lieutenant would be entitled would be $75 per month. This law would apply to all units of quarters not fully paidfor. Consequently, as the payments are made semiannually, at the end of 6 months we would pay the contractor for each unit of quarters, $450. This sum would be divided as follows: On the un- paid balance of $9,500, there would be $190 due as interest for the 6 months preceding the payment on the unpaid balance. This would be paid to the con- tractor as interest and the balance, namely $260, would be applied to the rincipal. Subtracting $260 from $9,500 eaves a net amount due of $9,240. Then at the end of the next 6 months we would repeat this process and pay 2 percent on the $9,240. This would equal $184.80. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This in turn would be subtracted from the $450, leaving a balance of $285.20 to be applied to the principal of the unpaid debt. Subtracting this from the princi- pal $9,240 still due leaves $8,975.80 still due. This would be repeated every 6 months until the interest was all paid and the principal likewise all paid. It will be noted as the successive payments are made the principal becomes smaller and the ratio of the installment paid on each unit goes more largely to reduce the prin- cipal than for interest. In other words, the amount of the interest keeps getting smaller, and, consequently, the amount of the installment which goes to the prin~ cipal gets correspondingly larger. You can imagine that if we had the place occupied in part by a first lieutenant at times—sometimes by a captain, or even a major—this would appreciably accel- erate the time which it would take to pay out the contract and remove the ob- ligation under it, and likewise obliterate the rent allowance. How do we guard against an over- supply of houses? ‘This is done in the following manner: The station com- mander must make an estimate and determine what houses will be needed for the next 10-year period. On this basis, no contract will be allowed to be entered into that provides more than 60 percent of the estimated requirement for houses. The secretary of each service will provide for the letting of these contracts. All of the contractors finance them- selves. This law provides a guarantee by the United States Government that the money for the initial down payment of 5 percent of the contract price will be paid to the contractor after its success~- ful completion, and also that payment in installments, as provided by the law, with interest at the rate of 4 percent on the unpaid amount, will be paid as re- quired by this law, that is, a minimum monthly payment for each unit of $75. It is a guarantee by Uncle Sam, and undoubtedly any bank, financial com- pany, or life-insurance company would be happy to take such a contract off the contractor’s hands, and in that way find a place for the investment of large blocks of money at the rate of 4 percent per annum, with Uncle Sam’s guarantee of payment thereof until the contract price and interest on unpaid amounts was fully paid. In this way we can have a way to pro- vide adequate housing for most of our military personnel by the application of rent money to the payment of contracts for houses. We will cut down the ter- rible rent load which we are paying now and which goes down a drain, with no tangible benefit to the Government or anyone else except the landlords who rent these houses. We will gradually ob- tain appropriate quarters for the peo- ple whose duty it is to provide security for the United States of America. This is bound to raise the morale of these men and their families. I have seen some shameful conditions in the various parts of the United States due to the lack of housing, and in some places even a lack of available space which may be rented for the money which we allow as rent
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD money. Just to mention two key in- stallations where we need houses badly, I point out Muroc Lake, Calif., and Lime- stone, Maine. Many other strategic and key stations are almost as badly off for adequate housing as these stations. It is hoped that this bill will start on its road a plan that will not only give us adequate houses, but take a great finan- cial load off the backs of the United States taxpayers. [H. R. 8645, 81st Cong., 2d sess.] A bill to authorize and expedite the construc- tion of family quarters needed at perma- nent military installations by authorizing the Secretaries of the military departments to contract for the construction of family cuarters and to apply the occupants’ basic allowances for quarters to the payment of the ccst of construction, provided that no monthly payment for any unit shall be less than $75, and for other purposes. Be it enacted, ete., That it has been the policy of the Government since its inception to provide quarters for those in the armed services who are stationed on military in- stallations or in lieu thereof to provide mone- tary allowances with which to rent quarters. The present unusually large peacetime com- ponents of our Armed Forces is due to the continuing international tension which de- veloped immediately following the cessation of hostilities. Undoubtedly, this situation will continue for an indefinite period into the future and the need for relatively large military forces will continue to be required. To promptly build and pay in full for the housing required for military personnel on duty at permanent stations would require such a vast sum of money it would be utterly impossible considering the present demands upon the National Treasury. The amounts spent each year for rental money to our mar- ried personnel, who have been provided with quarters, is over $300,000,000 per year. It is hereby declared that the purpose of this act is to provide for the construction of housing on military installations under such proce- dure as will permit basic allowances for quar- ters to be applied as installment payments upon such houses, to the end that within 15 years said houses will be fully paid for, the contractor will have made a reasonable profit and be paid a reasonable interest rate, not to exceed 4 percent per annum, payable semi- annually, on the unpaid portions of said contract, and the Government will thereupon be the owner of the houses and the expendi- ture for basic allowances for quarters will be greatly reduced. In recognition of the intention of Congress to reduce the size of our Military Establishment as soon as pos- sible, consistent with maintaining our na- tional security, the number of family quar- ters that may be constructed under this act at any installation is limited to 60 percent of the additional family quarters which the Secretary of the military department con- cerned anticipates will be required at such installation during the next 10 years. Sec, 2. When the Secretary of a military department finds that there is a shortage of family quarters at an installation in the continental United States (excluding Alaska) under his jurisdiction and considered to be @ permanent part of the Military Establish< ment, he may contract for the construction of not more than 60 percent of the number of additional family quarters he estimates will be required at such installation during the 10-year period following the close of the fiscal year in which he makes such estimate. Src. 8. Each contract made under this act shall provide for (1) a down payment of not less than 5 percent of the principal obliga- tion under the contract, (2) complete amor+ tization of the remainder of the principal ob- ligation by semiannual payments within such XCVI—App.——257 period of time (not to exceed 15 years) as may be prescribed in the contract, and (3) interest at not to exceed 4 percent per annum on the amount of the principal obligation outstanding at any time. Sec. 4. (a) The sum of the monthly prin- cipal and interest payments shall be an amount equal to the basic allowance for quarters to which the member of the uni- formed services assigned to such quarters is entitled under section 302 of the Career Comnensetion Act of 1949, except that in no ease (whicner or not the quarters are so assigned) shall the sum of the monthly prin- cipal and interest payments be less than $75. (b) Annual anrrcnriatines for rent for quarters shall be ri. de tcr . ILormea services personnel who occupy the quarters herein provided for, the contract price of which has not been fully paid. Said rent allowance money shall be paid directly by the appro- priate officer to the contractor who built such quarters, or his assignee, and such pay- ments shall be made until **.c have been entirely paid for, as 3 -. 1 this act. (2) No member of the uniformed services assigned to family quarters constructed under this act shall be required to assign his basic allowance for quarters to the United States if, by reason of orders of competent author- ity, his dependents are prevented from oc- cupying such quarters. (c) For the purposes of this section, the terms “member” and “uniformed services” have the same meaning as when used in section 802 of the Career Compensation Act of 1949. Src. 5. Section 3733 of the Revised Statutes (41 U.S. C., sec. 12), and section 1136 of the Revised Statutes, as amended (10 U. S. Cc, sec. 1339), shall not apply with respect to the construction of family quarters under this act, but no contract shall be entered into under this act unless (1) money has been appropriated from which the down payment required by the contract may be made. Src. 6. The Secretaries of the respective military services are authorized to make and promulgate appropriate rules and regulations to carry out the provisions of this act. The Secretary of Defense shall approve all such rules and regulations to the end that they may be as uniform and simple as the situation permits. nerewtass cures s Jim Farley Speaks for International Trade EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ANDREW J. BIEMILLER OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. BIEMILLER. Mr. Speaker, with permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include a distinguished speech on world trade made by the Honorable James A. Farley, chairman of the board of the Coca-Cola Export Corp., at the world trade dinner of the Milwaukee As- sociation of Commerce in Milwaukee, May 25. It is an eloquent expression of the faith that free world trade can help the cause of world peace, that trade barriers are barriers to international understanding and good will. Worip TRADE As most of you know, the company and ‘product with which I am associated have recently received a severe, and I think all of you here will recognize, an undeserved, blow A4977 at the hands of the French Chamber of Deputies. It is true that this blow would Dronanly never have been dealt us without ic: *: agitation of the Communists in s~ .c. I don’t have to go into their motives——which are to attack everything and anything that suggests that something good might come out of America. But 1t is also true that the Communists in France could never have suc- ceeded in putting over this particular piece of legislation by their own efforts alone. They were aided by others, and for this one time a great measure of their sunncr* c.me from a group that is normally ara uid cons ally onrosed tc Communist doctrine. I mean the ezr'cul.u ul element, and specifically the wine growers. Now, I don’t bring this up to be critical of the French wine growers. What I want to be critical of, however, is an attitude of mind. And not because it exists in France, though I regret 1ts existence anywhere, but primarily because it also exists among cer- tain groups of people in this country, and most unfortunately among some who have a powerful influence in shaping public opin- ion in America. INSTINCT VERSUS LOGIC I suppose the desire to shut out competi- tion, real or fancied, is instinctive with cer- tain people who have goods to sell or services to offer. We find this instinct deep-rooted even among banks and corporations, among corner grocers and haberdasheries, among peanut vendors and shoe-shine boys, and even among young ladies in search of a husband. But instinct and logic are well recognized to be two separate things that do not always agree. Personally, I happen to believe that the French wine growers would have put the pressure on their legislators, not to pass this legislation but to stop it, if they had investigated thoroughly and fully evaluated all the factors in the case. I could go into considerable length on this specific point, but that is not my purpose bere. What I should like to do is examine the factors that affect our own position, right here in America, in respect to imports from abroad. What are these factors? If you are a globe-trotter like me, you cannot fail but be impressed by the way American goods haye been broadcast throughout the globe, since the war as well as during it. In France you see a railroad car, and it looks French. It is small, and has those peculiar looking European bump-~ ers instead of couplings as we have here. But if you go up and look at at it closely you see that it says on it “Made in U. S. A.” You see a bulldozer in India and it is an American product. You see a huge highway truck on the China roads and it comes from America. You are surprised to see a tractor on a small farm in Italy, but your surprise ends with the discovery that it was made in America. ores IMPORTANCE OF EXPORTS You are constantly amazed at the degree to which our substance—our iron, our steel, our coal, our copper, our wheat, our food, and our clothes—dots the landscapes of the world. And you realize, as you think about it, what an enormous hole it would leave in our economy if our export business were ever to be withdrawn. Admittedly, a large proportion of the American goods you see abroad today has been paid for with money that came from America in the first place—first through lend-lease, then through the Marshall plan, or ERP, as it is now known. I am a strong advocate of the Marshall plan. I shall go on hoping and working for its continuance as long as it is necessary. Yet it is obvious that ERP cannot go on forever, and nobody,
A4078 including myself, would wish it to. Only, when it does end there will have to be something to replace it—for our own sake as well as for the sake of those nations who are now receiving its direct benefits. For if we are to have prosperity at home, we must continue to sell goods abroad, to people who have enough of their own money to buy them, out of the fruits of their own labors and the profits of their own trade, within their own borders, with one another, and with us. That is the real purpose of the Marshall plan, or ERP—to help rehabilitate the nations so that they can again become fully self-supporting participants in the economy of the world. There ate those who argue that by re- building foreign industry we are only put- ting competitors for overseas markets back into business and thus would tend to reduce instead cf increasing the volume of our ex~ ports. That argument is not valid. Against it is the whole history of world trade, which shows that the best customers, as between nations, are those who are able to sell abroad, generally in competition with one another. Even less valid, if possible, is the philosophy that in order to attain prosperity @ country should export as much as possible while holding imports down to as near to nothing as it can. Surely nothing could be more unrealistic than for any concern or any nation to hope to increase its own busi~ ness by keeping its customers poor. MUST SPREAD IDEAS Tam aware, of course, that this is a world- trade dinner at which I am speaking, spon- sored by groups who are especially interested in advancing world trade, and that therefore I have thus far been preaching latgely to the converted. But it is not enough to settle the pros and cons of foreign trade among our- selves and for our own intellectual satisfac- tion. There is need for all of us who are sold on world trade to take an active part in combating the prejudice that exists in many quarters and among many groups in this country against so-called foreign competi- tion—a prejudice that frequently sounds as bitter as that which was so successfully stir- red up in France recently against Coca-Cola— @ prejudice based upon misunderstanding of the very nature of trade itself, and which can be overcome only by a process of wide- spread education. And the need to over= come this prejudice is urgent. It is urgent because intimately involved with the ques- tion of world trade is also the question of world peace. We hear much about the cost of the Mar- shall pian, and I do not deny that it is ex- pensive. But the cost of ERP is relatively small change compared to the cost of be ing prepared for war. Moreover, we can fore- see the end of the Marshall plan, but who at this point in history can confidently predict a day when we shall not have to pour ever- increasing amounts of money into perhaps a still larger Army, a still larger Navy, a still - larger Air Force, and more and more expen- sive equipment? The end product of the Marshall plan is greater wealth and a better life for all the peoples of the world. The end product of military expenditures, if ever what is being purchased by those expenditures are put into use, can only be destruction and death, Yet our military expenditures on their present tremendous scale continue to be necessary because of the kind of world we live in. I think you will agree with me that the most important single economic, political, and moral fact in that world today is Russian communism, FIGHT RUSSIAN IDEAS What Russian communism really is is diffl- cult for an American even to visualize, It is so far from our own purposes that even after we see it we refuse to believe it. Its objective in regard to other nations is to pro= duce chaos and weakness on a world-wide basis, so that the communistic idea may in- herit and control. And, significantly, it is part of this policy, as it has been through- out history for every tribe or every nation who ever sought self-aggrandizement at the expense of others to shut out foreign trade. Fortunately, we are not engaged in an armed struggle with communism. Whatever conflict exists is still in the stage of the cold war, and I am much encouraged to believe that it will never go beyond that stage. But even in a cold war no one nation can stand alone in opposition to the rest of the world. Not even Russia. Not even the United States. We need friends and allies. So does Russia. Russia is trying to win hers by promoting violence and revolution within her neighbors’ borders. We can win ours only by demonstrating to the people of other nations the benefits to them of our way of life. This we can do only by opening our doors and windows and letting them look in, by showing them what that way of life has made available to us in terms of the highest standard of living the world has ever known, and therefore what it can in turn also make available to them. Thus the more people we expose to Ameri- can products the better they will understand the kind of people we are. The more who experience our merchandise, the better off both they and we will be, and the greater the mutual understanding and friendship between us. It is well known that people understand things much better than they understand ideas, When we speak to the outsider of democracy the idea may be beyond his depth. Moreover, in the international bat- tlefield of propaganda, the word “democ- racy” has been abused and distorted in every conceivable way. In fact, it is an important part of the Communist propaganda tech- nique to appropriate the word, to give it an entirely new definition, and to claim that its own special concept of democracy, which turns out to be miles and miles away from yours and mine, is the only true democracy there is. So when you say democracy to a European or an Asiatic, you cannot be sure exactly what that makes him think of, or whether it evokes in him any thought at all. But when you invite a man from a slum in Na- ples for a ride in your jeep, or offer him a cigarette or a bar of chocolate, that is some- thing he can taste and feel. Show his wife @ washing machine, and you show her a pic~ ture of a better life for herself that is more eloquent, more effective, and more convinc- ing than any word or combination of words from all the dictionaries of all the languages in the world. To the foreigner, the most im- pressive thing about American democracy is that it is a system capable of producing low- priced merchandise of standard quality for universal distribution; that it is a system capable of producing for ordinary folks everywhere the kind of American merchan- dise, from trucks to shoelaces, that they saw and appreciated during the war. There is no doubt in my mind that one of the most effective pieces of propaganda for the American way that could be conceived would be a Montgomery Ward or a Sears, Roebuck catalog in the hands of every in- habitant of the globe. And that includes the Russians. FOREIGN TRADE VITAL So, then, foreign. trade is indeed vital to us, as I tried to point out at the beginning, for the maintenance of our own prosperity. But it has an even higher purpose, the advance- ment of world understanding and therefore of world peace. There is therefore, as I have tried to indicate, a moral obligation upon us who understand this to take an active part in spreading this doctrine among our fel- low-citizens. Above all, what needs to be more generally realized is that forelgn trade APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD can never be a one-way street, as all too many unthinking people would like it to be. I do not mean that we should go out and urge people to prefer foreign-made products in preference to American-made ones, espe- cially if it happens that the American-made product is the better value. And I do not deny that in a certain few very special in- stances some restrictions on the unlimited importance ‘of a given product or a given type of product may be desirable. But I am opposed, and I think we all should be, to every artificial barrier that is not dictated by exceptional necessity. I think it 1s an cbli- gation for us all to oppose any sentiment We see expressed, as we too often do, in favor of general discrimination against foreign- made products just because they are foreign- made. I believe it is our duty to be vigilant against all attempts to establish excessive duties on imports wherever there is indica- tion that they are being proposed to merely shelter a monopoly or would-be monopoly or to protect a cherished, but perhaps not en- tirely justifiable, price structure for the cor- responding domestic product—and to make our protests known. COMPETITIVE STIMULUS I think it is to the advantage of everyone for us to maintain and to insist on every possible occasion that the only really satis- factory way to meet the competition of for- eign products admitted to this country is exactly the way American manufacturers have always been accustomed to meeting their own comestic competition. For there has always been competition in business, and businesses have always survived, with the public getting the benefits of greater values at a lower price as a result. It is through this process largely that America has become great and our living standards unsurpassed. And Iam at a loss to see why it should make any difference to the manufacturer in Wis- consin whether the stimulus of the competi- tion that makes him do a better job comes from Nebraska or Norway, Indiana or Italy, Austria or Alaska, New York or New Zealand. The plain fact is that the more our domes- tic markets are divided among the pro- ducers of the world, the more our world mar- ket is extended and multiplied. And since, taken all together, the other peoples on this earth outnumber us so manyfold, this can only mean a gain for this country’s industry, the world’s most highly developed industry with the world’s greatest capacity and poten-~ tial for production and hence with the most goods to sell. But there is an even greater gain to be had than that. That gain will come when, thanks to foreign trade, the peoples of this earth will become so mutually dependent that they cannot get along without each other. Then we shall have peace—perma- nent peace, at last. Surely, the cause of world trade is a good eause, worth all our energies to promote. For it is the cause of peace. Letter Carriers Are Human, Too EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BARRATT O’HARA OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. O’HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I have a letter from an esteemed con- stituent which I think will be of inter- est to my colleagues in their considera- tion of H. R. 547. This constituent is
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Martin F. Kalbow, of 4300 South Ellis Avenue, Chicago, who holds the respon- sible position of secretary of Charles D. Duffy Branch, No. 11, of the National Association of Letter Carriers. I be- speak for his presentment of the view- point of the letter carriers the thought- ful attention of the Members of this body. Certainly there is no body of public servants which has more fully earned by hard and faithful service the good will and cooperative friendship of the American people than that of the mail carriers. I am sure that Mr. Kal- bow’s letter will be read with sympa- thetic eyes. The letter follows: Cuicaco, May 29, 1950. Hon. Barratr O’Hara, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear ConcressMAn: The 4,400 letter car- riers of Charles D. Duffy Branch No, 11, Chi- cago, Ill, are very much concerned With the curtailment order of Postmaster General Donaldson of April 18, 1950, and are rising as one protesting against this drastic order which seems so unnecessary at this time, and with a cold war on our first line of commu-~ nication is now threatened. Under the curtailment program and a one- delivery-a-day system, half of the day’s mail will be carried over to the late afternoon. If a letter carrier cannot cover his route due to heavy mail, it means some mail will not pe delivered until the following day, and in the afternoon of the following day, causing complaints from the patron. The carriers will be handicapped in eating their lunch on the route, and especially in wet weather, how can he eat his lunch on @ curbstone when it rains? He will also be forced to wear wet clothing instead of chang- ing into dry clothing at noon when it rains, causing him to be ill, or mayb die, on ac- count of the drastic order of the Postmaster General of April 18. Our letter carriers in Chicago, Ill., are con- scientious and sincere in performing their duties, but this drastic curtailment order will certainly tear down the morale of these carriers. The American pegple have a right to ex- pect and request normal mail service here in the United States. Germany and England have three deliveries a day, but here in the greatest country of all, we should have only one uccording to the Postmaster General. We want you to support the House Reso- lution 547 rescinding the order of Postmaster General Donaldson of April 18, 1950. We know how busy you are, and we will thank you for considering this letter. Hoping for an early reply, and with best wishes, I am Sincerely yours, Marrin F, KALBow, Secretary, Charles D. Duffy Branch, No. 11. Nazism and Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, if any- one is still in doubt about the kinship in ideas and methods as practiced by the Nazis and Communists, the stories carried in the press in the last few days attest to the fact that basically there is no difference between them. Former Nazis in Austria and in east Germany, which is under Russian domination, seem to have no difficulty in integrating them- Selves into Communist ideology and in following the dictates of Moscow. Dic- tatorship, whether black or red, is all the same to them. Yesterday’s Nazis had no love or understanding of democ-~ racy, and they have still less apprecia- tion of it as they emerge in the role of today’s Communists. We would do well to remember this fact in dealing with the Nazis and “former” Nazis of west- ern Germany. The following editorial, which ap- peared in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, May 27, 1950, deserves more than passing at- tention: Norortous Nazis BecoME CoMMIEs IN AUS- TRIA-—-KINSHIP oF Two SHOWN The kinship between Nazi and Communist has been made strikingly apparent by the history of the peacetime years. Although theoretically far apart, actually they have pursued identical objectives through similar means. Under Hitler and under Stalin the ends have been the same—the destruction of all freedoms, including that of worship, the enslavement of the masses, the conquest of other lands, the establishment of a world domination. Old Nazis, deeply indoctrinated with the teachings of Hitler, have no difficulty in ad- justing themselves to the ideology of Mos- cow. Little is involved except a change in name. Thinking and methods and pur- poses are all the same. There is never any great variation in the ways of dictators as they hew their way toward their objectives. Reports from Vienna that Soviet Russia is sponsoring in Austria a pro-Soviet group recruited almost exclusively from among former Nazis of an especially evil type are accordingly easy to accept as authentic. Its leader is Adolf Slavik, a former member of the Nazi Elite Guard and one of the more notorious of the former followers of Hitler. Austria has been one of the Kremlin’s more difficult problems. Resistance to com- munism has been determined and effective, as was revealed impressively in the recent elections, which gave only a meager scatter- ing of votes to Moscow’s puppets. In order to make even a semblance of a showing of progress, it has been necessary for Soviet agents to seek among discredited and dis- reputable elements for leaders and recruits. They are being found, although only in limited numbers, among former Nazis, some o2 whom have served time in prison and are willing to form any sort of an attachment that may lead to an easier way of living or a little authority. Generally, the National League, as the new Soviet organization is known, is made up of the “irredeemable type of Nazi.” In explaining his shift from nazism to communism, Slavik is reported as having said that in the event of a new war Russia would occupy all of Europe and that it was accordingly expedient to be on the winning side. ‘Similar reasoning probably influenced his alliance with Hitler a decade or more ago, with disillusioning results. Formation of the National League in Austria and the methods through which re- cruits are being found has a heartening sig- nificance. They suggest that the Kremlin is finding barren soil in Austria and that its agents are hard-pressed to make a showing. A4079 Oregon Poll on Alaska and Hawaii Statehood EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. E. L. BARTLETT DELEGATE FROM ALASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include a poll published in the Portland Oregonian of May 18, 1850, which shows a pregressive and cver- whelming sentiment for Alaska and Ha- waii statehood among the residents of that great western State: ALASKA AND Hawat Recztve Strone BackIne IN OrnEGon THE FRONT DOOR BALLOT BOX (By Dan E. Clark II) Where Oregonians are concerned, Alaska and Hawaii can add their statehood stars to the 48 already shining from the blue field of Old Glory. The matter of whether to add these two Territories to the Union is now before Con- gress and votes may be taken before the end of this session on whether or not to ad- mit them as full-fledged States. Front door ballot box interviewers asked a scientifically designed cross-section of Ore=- gonians to vote on these questions and this is how they felt when asked: “Would you favor or oppose granting statehood to Alaska? Hawaii?” Alaskan {| Hawaiian statehood | statehood Percent Percent Raver a eee nee en een seeeen seen 8 78 ppose....- 12 Undecided. 7 10 100 100 “Alaska is closer to us than New York,” exclaimed one person, “why should we wait any longer to take it in as a State?” “Alas~ kans’ interests are the same as ours, so why shouldn’t we give them the same statehood rights we enjoy?” declared another. Although Hawaiian statehood was slightly less popular than Alaskan, it was still favored by alarge majority. The main objection here was on the racial issue, and some expressed fear of Communists in the islands. Gives breakdown One of the interesting features of this question was the unanimity of feeling among all segments of the population. Alaskan statehood is universally favored by Repub- licans and Democrats, men and women, the various educational levels, and the different age groups alike. The Hawaiian issue shows some difference existing, but most of them are matters of in- decision. These figures show the pattern of opinian: Favor Oppose Hewaiian|Hoewaiian| Unde statehood| statehood} © Percent | Percent |, Percent Democrats__.....~------ 79 10 1 Republicans... - 77 15 8 College educa 82 12 6 High sch 80 18 7 Grade school.. 72 1 7 ee . “What are we going to do with the two extra stars if they become States?” queried one anxious Oregonian,
‘A4080 GM Shows the Way EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANDREW J. BIEMILLER oF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr, BIEMILLER. Mr. Speaker, with permission to extend my remarks in the REeEcorD, I attach the following editorial, GM Shows the Way, by Father Benjamin Masse, from the June 3 issue of America: GM SHows THE War (By Benjamin L. Masse) Last week America ended its editorial com- ment on the negotiations at General Motors with these words: “UAW wants a wage increase of 9 cents an hour, a union shop, welfare benefits, and minimum monthly pensions of $125, includ- ing Federal social-security benefits. That package would cost about 31 cents an hour. Don’t be too surprised if Mr. Reuther receives a substantial part of it, though he certainly won’t come away with the union shop.” In the light of the thrilling news from Detroit on May 23, that prediction turns out to be conservative. Walter Reuther not only obtained a substantial part of his economic demands, including the most generous pen- sion plan in the industry; he also left the bargaining table with something suspiciously like a union shop. Even that doesn’t tell the whole story. Breaking the news of the agreement to the press, Charles E. Wilson, president of Gen- eral Motors, called the contract unprece- dented in labor-management relations. His words were echoed by Walter Reuther, UAW president, who referred to it “as the most significant development in labor rela~ tions since the mass-productions industries were organized in 1936-37.” Though these reactions might be suspect as emanating from interested sources, they were immedi- ately confirmed from outside the industry. “after a period of apparent incredulity,” reported the New York Times on May 24, Government officials hailed the agreement, and Secretary of Labor Maurice J. Tobin called it great news. Cyrus S. Ching, Director of the Federal Mediation and Con- Ciliation Service, was more specific. He said that it “marks a milestone in the progress of collective bargaining.” In Pittsburgh, Philip Murray, president of the CIO, gave his blessing to “an amazing and very wholesome development.” Finally Wall Street rendered its dollars-and-cents verdict by shooting GM stock to its highest price since 1929. What is there about the UAW-GM con- tract that caused all this excitement? First of all there is the provision, probably not matched in any other labor-management contract, that the agreement will run for 5 years, with no reopening of any kind. For the workers that means security, and for the corporation freedom from strikes. It means more. It is a vote of confidence by the biggest nonfinancial company in the world in the continued health and prosperity of the American economic system. It is also @ recognition by big business that its deci- sions can and ought to have, in the words of Mr. Wilson, “a stabilizing influence not only on our business but on the economy of the whole country.” That brings the thinking of GM and Walter Reuther much closer to< gether than anyone thought possible in the dismal days of 1945~46. In the second place, there is a whole host of economic benefits which enable the work- ers to share fairly in the increasing produc- tivity of our most profitable corporation. Here are the main ones; 1. Four cents an hour, representing the estimated annual gain in productivity, will je added each year to the basic wage. Since the average wage now is $1.65 an hour, that means a rise to $1.85in 1955. The basic rate for apprentices is raised an additional 5Y% cents an hour, and the rate for 30,000 skilled tool-and-die workers, 5 cents an hour. The cost-of-living formula, first adopted in the 1947 contract, is retained. Under this formula wages will rise or fall 1 cent an hour, depending on every rise or fall of 1.14 points in the consumer price index of the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Though there is no ceil- ing on the amount wages can go up under the formula, the agreement specifies that wages may not fall below the pasic rate. 2. Workers with 25 years of service can re- tire at 65 with a pension, including Federal social-security benefits, of $100. In the event that the Government increases ben~ efits, however, the gain will be passed along to the workers up to a maximum of $117 @ month. That feature liberalizes the present pension pattern. The contract also provides that any employee with 15 years of service who becomes totally and permanently dis- abled after the age of 50 becomes eligible for a disability pension ranging from $50 to $90 @ month. When such a disabled worker reaches 65, he comes under the regular retirement plan. 3. Medical and insurance benefits are lib- eralized. All company employees and their families, with the corporation paying half the premium, will now enjoy complete Blue Cross and Blue Shield coverage. Life-insur- ance policies are upped a flat $500 and will range from $2,500 to $5,000. The union also won ah increase af $14 a week in sickness and accident benefits. These will run from $28 to $45.50, for up to 26 weeks. 4. Also liberalized was vacation pay, which employees ordinarily take instead of days off. Workers with 1 year’s service will receive a week’s pay, and the amount grows thereafter proportionately with length of service. The top is 8 weeks’ pay for employees with 15 years to their credit. The union estimates that the economic features of the new contract will cost GM 19 cents an hour—Mr, Reuther had originally demanded 31 cents—or $144,000,000 the first year. Over the life of the contract the total gain of the workers will exceed $1,000,000,000. The union also estimates that in the fifth year alone the average GM worker and his family will have an income $700 above what they have today. ‘Since the corporation's profits after all taxes were $656,000,000 in 1949, and are running at an even higher rate so far this year, these economic concessions will not unduly strain its ability to pay. They represent a laudable willingness on the part of GM to share its unparalleled prosper- ity with its employees. Great as these economic benefits are, they are not so startling as the noneconomic con- cessions granted by the company. The union won more than 80 desirable changes in the contract, the most important of which is a modified union shop. Under the terms of the union-security clause, all new employees must join UAW and remain members in good standing fora year. At the end of this period they have the option of resigning. Present employees who are not members of the union are under no obligation to join. In view of the historic open-shop policy of GM, which was maintained as a matter of “principle,” that bow to the social obligations of its em- ployees ranks with the historic decision of Ford a decade or so ago to grant the union shop. It means that GM now concedes that its employees can belong to UAW without in any way being disloyal to the company. It means that the union is given a new status in the plant community, which approximates the status of partnership. It means, finally, that the company sees in Walter Reuther not the dangerous character portrayed in certain management circles, but a loyal American ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD intent on using his power for the good of his industry and his country, as well as for the narrower interests of his followers. It is much too early to estimate the full impact of this precedent-shattering contract. It seems clear, however, that it will have a generally pacifying effect on industrial re- lations, especially in basic industry. It will likewise strengthen the trend toward longer and more stable agreements between labor and management. It also marks as success- ful the 1947 experiment in tying wages both to increasing productivity and to the cost of living. Thus it may point the way to a new objective criterion for wage determination. From the standpoint of union politics, the GM agreement bolsters the position of Wal- ter Reuther in UAW. During a visit to De- troit last March, the writer had the im- pression that the Chrysler strike had weak- ened Reuther and given the tenacious, ir- repressible Communist opposition a new lease on life. The GM settlement should regain for the young UAW leader any ground he may have lost. Since the writer has had in the past some small differences with GM management, it gives him all the greater pleasure now to hail the corporation for breaking new ground in industrial relations. Its obvious willingness to live and work with the union is in sharp contrast with the negative, again’-the-union policy of the Chrysler Corp. Congratulations all around. How Prisoners Become Clients Through the Cooperation of Federal Prison and State Agency EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES C. DAVIS OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. DAVIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, in the current issue of the Journal of Rehabilitation, which is the official organ. of the National Rehabilitation Associa- tion, there appears an article on the joint program of vocational rehabilita- tion of the United States Penitentiary in Atlanta, Ga. This is a most interesting and inform- ative article regarding the fine work being done. I have been greatly in- terested to learn of the fine results being accomplished through this joint program. of vocational rehabilitation. I believe that readers of the CONGRESSIONAL REC- orD will likewise be interested in this work, and under leave granted, I insert the article herewith as a part of my re- marks: How PrIsOoNERS BECOME CLIENTS THROUGH THE COOPERATION OF FEDERAL PRISON AND STATE AGENCY (By Bruce Hall, Supervisor of Research and Information, Vocational Rehabilitation Di- vision of Georgia) In a feature article published nearly a dec- ade ago, the erudite Christian Science Mon- itor gave Atlanta’s United States Peniten- tiary its motto: “Atlanta Sets the Standard.” It was not an undeserved compliment to this institution, which has the custody of more than 2,000 men, mostly recidivists and of- fenders in older age groups. Few young first offenders are sent to Atlanta. It takes more than modern facilities and accepted administrative policies to set stand-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ards worthy of emulation by other insti- tutions. It takes vision, imagination, and a pioneering spirit. On that score, Atlanta seems to have been fortunate over a span of years in the individuals who have been as- signed there as wardens, REBUILDING MEW The institution's method of dealing with prisoners was summed up rather neatly by aninmate. In an article which appeared re- cently in the prison’s well-edited, attractive magazine, the Atlantian, he said: “Almost from the moment the thinking in- mate enters Atlanta he is impressed with the fact that his ultimate rehabilitation is the aim and goal of the prison’s program. From the time he enters the quarantine building until he is discharged at the end of his sen-~ tence, his actions and thinking are chan~ neled toward the end goal of incarceration— return to society—by placing him not un- der the watchful eyes of prison guards, but under the direction of instructors.” The word rehabilitation, in this connec- tion, may be used in its broadest sense, for the prison program looks not only toward the social, moral, and spiritual rehabilita-~ tion of inmates, but to their physical and vocational rehabilitation as well. On the 27 acres within massive walls are well-equipped shops for vocational training, a modern hospital, athletic field, and recrea- tion areas, in addition to industrial plants, administration buildings, and other facil- ities. Incidentally, the prison industries during World War It furnished millions of dollars’ worth of materials to the armed services. PROBLEMS—AND ANSWERS The distinctive program for the physically handicapped has been developed in recent years through the cooperation of the voca- tional rehabilitation division of Georgia’s Department of Education. It grew out of a problem which confronted prison officials in 1943. A Negro who had a marked facial disfigurement, due to scrofula, was to be released to his legal residence in North Carolina, He was in dire need of plastic surgery to eliminate fissures through which his teeth were exposed. There was no pro- vision in the budget for surgery services by an outside specialist. The officials of the Atlanta, Penitentiary sought the advice of Paul S. Barrett, Georgia’s director of vocational rehabilitation. Mr. Barrett recommended requesting the assist~ ance of North Carolina’s vocational rehabili- tation division. This course was followed, and North Carolina accepted the case, but the man violated his conditional release be~ fore the service could be rendered. A failure? Maybe, in this specific case, but the experience had uncovered the ap- proach to the problem of physical restora- tion of handicapped inmates who needed types of medical and surgical care not avail- able in the prison hospital. Other cases arose and were handled on an individual basis. One was a white man, 52, who was 70 per- cent deaf and wore an artificial limb. Rec- ords showed that he lost his leg in 1915 and went to prison the following year; he had served eight sentences for various offenses, including post office robbery. He told prison officials he had turned to crime because he could not make a living. He never had begged, he said, and never would; he pre- ferred being a prisoner. While in prison he was trained to operate a lathe. Efforts were made to place him. Shipyards were calling for manpower, but because of his defective hearing they would not accept him. The assistance of the Georgia Division was sought. A hearing aid was provided, and when the man was released, in 1944, he was promptly placed—in a Georgia shipyard. Two years later shipyard personnel officers told a prison placement officer that the man had never been late to work and had been absent only 5 days when ill with influenza. if there had been a Federal-State voca- tional rehabilitation program back in 1915, this man might have been rehabilitated before going to prison. A PLAN THAT WORKED In 1947, Warden Jos. W. Sanford, since retired, conceived the idea that a program could be worked out to serve all handicapped inmates. The upshot of this was an agree- ment between the prison and the vocational rehabilitation division setting forth indi- vidual and joint responsibilities. It’s just a simple statement, without a lot of legal phrases and technicalities. A special vocational rehabilitation com- mittee was organized. It comprised the prison’s director of training and placement, the supervisor of employment placement, the parole officer, the supervisor of vocational training, the vocational rehabilitation coun- selor, and a secretary. All inmates having vocational handicaps were called before the committee. Questions relating to physical restoration, training ap- pliances, and future placement were dis- eussed. Feasible cases were accepted and all forms, including the medical report from the hospital, were filled out. The Atlanta counselor then referred the case to the ap- propriate State or Georgia local office. After the backlog of cases had been cleared out, the committee’s work was delegated to the placement officer, Jerry Head, and the Atlanta counselor. Now the procedure is routine: if the medical examination shows a vocational handicap, the case automati- cally is referred to the _ rehabilitation counselor. While follow-up reports are not available on all cases served, prison officials have ample information on which to base an appraisal of the program. In discussing the cooperative program Warden W. H. Hiatt said: “It has been so successful and so helpful to us in problems dealing with handicapped inmates that we are of the opinion other institutions would benefit from a similar arrangement. “It has accomplished a great deal for men who realize they couldn’t secure em- ployment without corrective measures, We believe that incapacitation is a big factor in getting them into difficulties. Removal of the cause is a step toward rehabilitation.” Dr. George Hess, chief medical officer, ex- pressed himself even more emphatically: “The Vocational Rehabilitation Division has given us 100-percent cooperation. We feel there is as much to physical restoration as to anything else in rehabilitating inmates. Everyone who comes here with hernia, for instance, gets the necessary surgery. We are doing surgery in extreme case of varicose veins. And we're doing more plastic surgery. I think we’re on the right road.” In connection with the physical restora- tion program, it should be emphasized that Vocational Rehabilitation Divisions never are called upon for surgical fees unless the oper= ation requires the services of an outside spe- cialist. And, of course, there are no hos- pitalization costs on any cases accepted by the divisions, The prison hospital is ap- proved by the American College of Surgeons. RESULTS ON RECORD In his report for 1948, the rehabilitation counselor, J. J. Segars, had this to say: “T have visited the penitentiary once or twice a week. Cooperation of all officials has been excellent and I feel the program has been much more successful than any- one anticipated. . “Since no program of this sort had been undertaken previously, I felt it was impor- tant to select carefully the cases to be ac- cepted and proceed on a sound basis with a reasonable number rather than to attempt a@ large number. Every inmate referred by, A4081 the institution has been interviewed, and a study made of the case history. “The interest and cooperation of the indi- viduals has been very good. Few have shown no interest at all. We have followed a policy of rejecting all applicants who were habitual drug addicts and those who had long crim- inal records. “A good variety of services has been pro- vided, most of which have been secured through the cooperation of the institution and without cost to State rehabilitation agencies. “During the year we asked for and received the cooperation of eight States. Every plan calling for financial assistance from a State agency has been approved, except in one case when a counselor said he did not have funds available at the time. “A total of $1,258.95 has been provided. These services would have cost a great deal more if the State agencies had provided them after the client left prison, since all hospi- talization, dentures, artificial eyes, and train- ing are provided by the Bureau of Prisons.” In planning training courses, considera- tion is given to the inmate’s term. The schedule is worked out so that the trainee may complete the course before the date of his release, Courses cover a wide range, from. general education to technical sub- jects such as television. The outside detail of trusties working on the prison farm, may get training in truck farming, tractor driving, motor repairs, and other subjects that fit in with farming. Of course, there have been some disap- pointments. One was a 30-year-old amputee who had been provided with an artificial limb and placed as a tractor driver in Mis- sissippi. He had worked only a short time when he obtained permission from his pro- bation officer to go to another State for a petter job. There he stole an automobile and is now back in the penitentiary. But an occasional failure does not discourage those who see the whole picture. Recently we had an opportunity to inter- view a former inmate who had surgery and training under the cooperative program. This white man had congenital club feet. Before he was 30, he became involved in an extortion scheme, During incarceration he received corrective surgery, orthopedic shoes, ahd braces. He was trained as a radio repair man and, upon release, placed in em- ployment. Soon thereafter he had an oppor- tunity to go in business for himself. Voca- tional Rehabilitation assisted in the pur- chase of equipment. A room in his home was converted into a shop. He answers calls for radio-repair service from any part of the county and takes jobs in his shop, His earn~ ings for the first year, he said, have averaged better than $250 a month. He has a wife and two children. When asked about the prison program, he replied with enthusiasm, “It’s fine.” Then he explained that it had made it possible for him to realize a lifelong ambition in getting corrective surgery and learning a trade in which he finds real satisfaction. National Spelling Bee - EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES C. DAVIS OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. DAVIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, Washington constantly has the oppor- tunity to see extraordinary people and witness unusual events. We hear and
AA082 see so much that is unusual here, that we can, without becoming excited, extend a welcome to visiting dignitaries from other nations, watch the newest and speediest jet planes perform at almost miraculous speed, and participate in governmental activities which have the most far-reaching effects. These are all the actings and doings of adults, educated, trained, and experi- enced. But I want to call attention to- day to an outstanding event which oc- curred in Washington last week, which is worthy of notice and high praise. Irefer to the 1950 national spelling bee, which was held Friday, in which there were 50 contenders, ambitious, intelligent, wholesome boys and girls from every sec~ tion of the country ranging in age from 11 to 14 years. These 50 boys and girls were the champions of their respective States. They had defeated opponents in contests in their schools, their counties, districts, and States. The 50 who won the trip to Washington were the finest spelling tal- ent of the schools of America. These bright boys and girls faced the keenest possible competition in this con- test. For many of them it was their first visit to the Nation’s Capital. They were in strange territory and their competi- tors were strangers to them, facts which in themselves contributed to the diffi- culties of the situation. The 1950 national spelling bee was the twenty-third annual contest of this group, and while all of them have been outstanding this was an extraordinary contest in several respects. It was the first time, regular spelling- bee goers said, that the first list of words was exhausted; the first time that a spell- er had been eliminated, and later rein- stated because the judges found the word could be correctly spelled two ways. This happened three times in this spell- ing bee. It was the first time the judges completely ran out of words, and the first time that the contest ended with two spellers, neither able to spell down the other, tied for first place. So this year’s spelling bee created two national champions instead of one. These two distinguished and able spellers who emerged victorious from this grueling 74-hour contest were Diana Reynard, of Cleveland, Ohio, and Colquitt Dean, of College Park, Ga. Col- quitt Dean lives in the Fifth Congres- sional District of Georgia, and I do not need to tell you that Iam very proud of his remarkable achievement in winning, first the State championship, and then with the able young lady from Cleveland becoming joint national champion. We of the Georgia delegation are proud of Georgia’s newest champion. I take this opportunity to commend the sponsors of the National Spelling Bee for the fine service they are rendering in affording to the boys and girls of America the opportunity to participate in this wholesome, educational competition, which trains the contestants in self-re- liance, self-improvement, and the prin- ciples of good sportsmanship. This event strengthens my confidence in the future of America. The boys and girls who took part in this contest in all its stages, will soon be men and women, and they will be the good Americans who believe in individual effort, free enterprise, and the American way, who can be depended upon to exert the necessary effort to preserve these things. . Congratulations to them upon their achievements and best wishes for their success in future undertakings. Lawson Veterans’ Hospital EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES C. DAVIS OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. DAVIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, at a meeting of Gate City Council, No. 5, Junior Order United American Mechanics, in Atlanta, Ga., on May 17, 1950, Dr. M. D. Collins, national coun- cilor of the order, introduced a resolu- tion urging that Lawson Veterans’ Hos- pital in Atlanta be not closed, but that it be continued for the use of sick and disabled veterans in that area. This res- olution was seconded by Mr. Vester N. Owenby, and was unanimously adopted by the membership of Gate City Council. The original of this resolution has been forwarded to the President of the United States. I feel that Members of Congress should know of the interest of this fine civic and fraternal group in the preservation of this veterans’ hospital, and I am in- serting the resolution herewith as a part of my remarks: Whereas the announced decision of the President of the United States to bring about the immediate closing and abandonment of the admirable United States Veterans’ Ad- ministration hospital facility at Chamblee, Ga., and known as Lawson Veterans Hospital, in the vicinity of Atlanta, has brought deep anxiety to the veterans and families of vet- erans in this community who will thereby be subjected to great neglect and serious incon- venience; and Whereas such a step will result in many veterans otherwise entitled to full hospital and clinical treatment, being deprived of this merciful consideration at the hands of the Government which they so gallantly served in time of war; and Whereas the decision aforesaid would also result in the wasteful abandonment of Gov- ernment facilities which cannot be replaced elsewhere except at huge expense; and Whereas the decision in question does not appear to be based upon any sound deter- mination of the actual facts regarding the - overcrowded hospital situation in this com- munity; and Whereas the abandonment of Lawson Hos- pital would likewise deprive the veteran pop- ulation of this community from the advan- tage of its proximity to the Emory Univer- sity Medical College and staff composed of renowned specialists and technicians in every branch of medicine and surgery, whose skilled services have long been available to the patients of this institution. Whereas the ideal location of Atlanta as the center of transportation and communi- cation for the vast area immediately within the environs of Lawson Hospital has afforded to it an advantage unsurpassed elsewhere for the treatment and diagnosis of those dis- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD abilities which are a peculiar incident of war service, both from the standpoint of physical disabilities and mental infirmities; and Whereas the decision in question appar- ently gives no proper weight to the foremost principle of a sound hospital program which has been held to include the idea that no existing hospital accommodations should be abandoned until adequate and correspond- ing facilities have been provided on an equal pasis of bed-for-bed, ward-for-ward, and staff-for-staff, which may amply, properly and promptly administer to those who are in need of treatment and hospital care, and who would otherwise be displaced or trans- ferred to distant points away from their families, and where recovery and recupera- tion may be seriously handicapped and re- tarded; and Whereas we deplore this decision and earnestly hope that it will be revoked or modified in such a way as will prevent un~ que hardship and suffering from being in- flicted on helpless patients, or where the ex- isting long waiting list for admissions to hos- pitals shall not be further lengthened and aggravated: Therefore be it Resolved, That in accordance with the con- stitutional right of all American citizens to petition for the redress of grievances, Gate City Council, No. 5, Junior Order of United American Mechanics, at a regular session thereof at Atlanta, Ga., on May 17, 1950, do hereby respectfully and earnestly petition the President of the United States to alter and rescind his previous order for the abandonment and dismantling of Lawson Veterans Hospital, and that he immediately suspend the execution thereof until such time as a more detailed and factual analysis and survey can be made of the hospital needs both present and future, of the veteran popu-~ lation of this vicinity; be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be sent to Georgia’s two United States Sena- tors and to Congressman Jamgs C, Davis, as the Representative of this district, in support of their efforts to prevent the con- summation of the order of the President to which the above references are respectfully made. Address by the Vice President at National Triennial Convention of B’nai B’rith EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF _ HON. HUBERT H. HUMPHREY OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, June 1 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. HUMPHREY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an address delivered by the distinguished Vice President of the United States on the occasion of the Na- tional Triennial Convention of B’nai Brith held in Washington, D. C., on March 21,1950. Vice President BaRKLEY shared the program with Secretary Gens eral Trygve Lie, of the United Nations. The dais was graced with such digni- taries as Eddie Jacobson, of Kansas City, former business associate of President Truman, who was a guest of honor; Mrs. Alben W. Barkley; Israeli Ambassador Eliahu Elath; Supreme Court Justice Tom C. Clark; Attorney General J. How- ard McGrath; Secretary of the Interior Oscar Chapman; Secretary of Agricul- ture Charles F, Brannan; Senator James
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD P. Kem; Senator Herbert H. Lehman; John Sherman Cooper, Delegate of the United States to the United Nations As- sembly; Secretary of the Navy Francis P. Matthews; Assistant Secretary of State Willard L. Thorp; Assistant Secretary of State John D. Hickerson; Benjamin Cohen, Assistant Secretary General of the United Nations; Ben V. Cohen, United States Delegate to the Interna. tional Court of Justice, The Hague; A. H. Feller, Counsel to Trygve Lie, Secretary General of the United Nations; Eugene Meyer, publisher of the Washington Post and former President of the World Bank; Watson Miller, United States Commis- sioner of Immigration; Representative Emanuel Celler; Representative Edith Nourse Rogers; Representative J. D. Dingell; Representative Joseph Bates; Representative Louis C. Rabaut; Rep- resentative Cecil P, King; Representa- tive Arthur G. Klein; Representative Jacob K. Javits; Representative Abra- ham J. Multer; Representative Richard Bolling; Representative Earl Chudoff; Representative Isidore Dollinger; Rep- resentative Louis B. Heller; Representa- tive Edna F. Kelly; Representative Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr.; Representa- tive Sidney R. Yates; and Representative William H. Bates. It was also my privi- lege to attend. Frank Goldman, president of B’nai Brith, in presenting Vice President Barker, said: There are few persons in the United States . who are held in greater affection and re- gard by all people than Vice President ALBEN W. BarKuEy. His great and long record of public service entitles him to an important place in the history of our time. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, dis- tinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, I am sure we have all been delighted and in- spired by the beautiful program to which we have listened this evening. So much so that I am afraid that what I shall have to say, my part on the program, might be an anti- climax. But I am greatly honored by the invita- tion which enables me to participate in this triennial convention of B’nai B’rith. There are many things that I should like to say which have been inspired by the magnificent address of Mr. Trygve Lie. I shall not do so because I desire to make my remarks brief. First, I wish to say that it is very fitting and appropriate always to honor men for their outstanding work while they are yet alive and may enjoy the encomiums which they hear heaped upon them by their fel- low men for good work well done. It seems to me, therefore, peculiarly fitting tonizht that this great organization should give to Mr. Eddie Jacobson the citation of which he is to be the recipient. All of his life he has devoted himself to good works and to worthy causes. He has long been active in B’nai Brrith, traveling all over this country and wherever any duty might call him, giving of his time and of his. substance and his energy in the great cause of brotherhood represented by this great or- ganization. He has also.been active in the American Legion. He has also been active and ef- fective in the great United Jewish Appeal campaign for funds to aid displaced persons and refugees all over the world, and par- ticularly in the new State of Israel. And in order that he might bring home to his own people and to all people of America within the range of his voice and his influ- ence the real need of these hundreds of thousands of unfortunate people, he visited Israel itself in order that he might see first hand the great need and the distress of these unfortunates, who have found a home in the new State of Israel, and who must be sup- ported and encouraged in their effort to build a new state—not merely a Jewish State but a state in which all the inhabitants may enjoy that degree of liberty, freedom and dignity which we claim for ourselves in these United States of America. He has been a lifelong friend of Presi- dent Truman. He fought by his side in Europe in the First World War and was as- sociated in business with him for a time after the termination of the war. It was therefore most appropriate and fitting that the President, when he signed the announcement of the de jure recognition of the new State of Israel, should ask his friend and comrade-in-arms to be present, together with the president and secretary of B’nai B'rith, to witness that historic act of his. And so, I join with all of his friends here and all over the country in congratu- lating him upon the receipt shortly of this citation. And it was extremely appropriate also that the President should have the president and secretary of B’nai B’rith with him at the time he signed this announcement of the recog- nition of the State of Israel. We do not ordinarily bank too much on ancestry in this country where we believe in the equality of men without regard to race, religion, or color, or national origin. And, yet, we do place some store by the long and outstanding record of groups of men as well as individual men. A boy one day asked his father, “What is an ancestor?” And the father said, “Well now, son, I am an ancestor.” The boy said, “I understand that, but why do people brag about it?” We do brag about our ancestors, and prop- erly so, because just as in horses and in other forms of animal life, blood undoubtedly tells among human beings. We are especially proud—and I am happy to acknowledge it, though not eligible for membership in this great organization—we are justly proud of its ancestry, of its origin, and of its great record, that B’nai B’rith has for 107 years in the United States of America, and wherever else its influence might he felt, sought to break down the barriers of bigotry and intolerance and hatred and to teach the protherhood of men, to inculcate in your own children through your high schools and your colleges and in your daily associations among yourselves and with all others the belief in the doctrine and the truth that God made us all in His own image, and being therefore children of the same Creator, we are brothers, without regard to our ancestry, our condi- tion, our geography or our economic or re- ligious or racial differences. B'nai B’rith’s great work has not been limited by geographical or racial boundaries. It has served in helping to hospitalize the veterans of our wars. It has gone wherever it heard the voice of need in order that it might administer to that need, to calm that voice by its presence, by its benefactions, by its influence, and by its courage. B'nai Brith I should say, being the oldest and most representative and probably the largest of all the Jewish organizations, has had an influence far beyond its own bound- aries, far beyond its own lodge rooms or headquarters, because it has taught all peo- ple, particularly in the United States, that men of different origin, of different ancestry and different background, of different re- ligious beliefs, different political affiliations, A4083 different economic status, may live together as neighbors and as friends and as Ameri- cans. So, Iam happy to be on this program, even briefly, to pay tribute to one of the oldest organizations in America, one of the most liberal of those, which harbors less of bigotry and antagonism and hatred than probably any other organization of its kind in the United States. What we need, not only in this country, but in the world, is a breaking down of the barriers of misunderstanding, the barriers of inherited antagonism, the barriers of hatred, whose roots are deep in the soil of humanity. Most of the wars that have cursed the earth, that have drenched the soil of all nations with the blood of their people, have grown out of inherited hatreds, misunder- standings, and unwillingness to believe that there may be another side to controversies, an unwillingness to resort to the arbitration, negotiation, and understanding that interna- tional tribunals are set up to bring about. I know, as you know, that if it were left to the peoples of the world there would be peace. Those who draw the water and hew the wood, those who bear the burden of taxation, the burden of the battlefield, those who hold their children and their babies in their arms, nestling at a mother’s bosom to obtain the sustenance and substance of life--if they had their way, if they could speak as one voice, they would tell us and all governments that without regard to inherited hatreds, without regard to international or social< ‘economic antagonisms, without regard ta the ambitions of selfish men, they believe and want the nations of the world to sit down around the counsel table, now repre- sented by the United Nations, to settle their disputes without resort to the sword, without the devastations that mean the ruin of the treasured accumulations of the centuries and the ages which have been brought about by the art and science and work of man. So I am happy tonight to have heard the Secretary General give us this note of hope, of courage, with regard to the United Nations. If the United Nations fails as the League of Nations failed, it is difficult to predict the fate of man. It is difficult to predict that another international world-wide organiza< tion might ever again rise above the ruins and the graves of millions upon millions of people. So I have been encouraged tonight, and I am thankful to have been here to have heard this constructive and yet fair, level« headed, calm recital and appraisal by the Secretary General of the work of the United Nations. I have faith in it. When we think of it and grow discouraged about it, we might well consider the early history of our own country. After the Revolutionary War had been won In 1788, for the next 4 years our Thirteen Colonies, which had been united during the war, came to the brink of perpetual, perma- nent separation. Local jealousies inspired local politicians, and appeals to the selfish and provincial interests of.communities well- nigh obliterated the desire for the creation of a nation. Finally, 4 years after the victory, a group of men met in Philadelphia to write the Constitution—not to write it; they did not meet there for that purpose. Not a delegate who went to Philadelphia had any commis~ sion from his State to write a new Constitu-~ tion, but only to amehd and strengthen the Articles of Confederation under which the Colonies had limped along for 4 years. They were men of courage and vision. They went beyond their authority. They went beyond the commissions which they bore, and they wrote a Constitution of the United States and submitted it to the Thir- teen Colonies. And when it was submitted to the State of Virginia, Patrick Henry made