A670 conciliator with a labor background and I do have calls from management specifically requesting such conciliators. We have done a lot in the Conciliation Service during the last year to make sure that our conciliators act impartially in the public interest. If you have any specific complaints, I will be glad to hear them later today or tomorrow. Or, if you prefer, remember that you have four management representatives on our Labor-Management Advisory Commit- tee who will speak for you. Let them know about your complaints. Conciliation is too important to you and your business for you to accept a partisan conciliator. At the same time, conciliation is tmportant enough 80 that you should examine any prejudice you may have and discover whether it is based on fact or on hearsay. In the year since the President’s Labor- Management Conference on Industrial Rela- tions met in Washington and recommended an expansion of the Conciliation Service, we have been working hard to create a media- tion agency in which both unions and em- ployers can have confidence. I believe we have come a long way on that path in 12 months. I would like to say that in this effort we have had some able assistance from Carrol French, the industrial relations direc- tor of the NAM. We need other types of help from em- ployers and union officers. We depend on your judgment to bring conciliators into disputes at the right moment. A conciliator is needed in negotiations only if and when it begins to appear that the employer and union are approaching a deadlock. But, if he is expected to postpone a strike deadline and avert a stoppage, the conciliator must be brought into negotiations while there is still some time left. You can help us not only by timing the call to the Conciliation Service properly, but by seeing that our con- ciliator atrives under the proper circum- stances. In the present state of public uneasiness about stoppages and threats of stoppages, I believe that many employers could perform a valuable public relations job by taking the initiative in calling conciliators when- ever it appears that they may have trouble. I have observed that public citizens of the community interpret a call for a conciliator as an extra effort by the company to settle its negotiations peacefully without com- munity disturbance, I think you are missing a bet when you let the union put in the call to the conciliator. Part of the failure of employers to take the initiative in calling for a conciliator is, I believe, a misconception of what a media- tor can and cannot do. Our conciliator has no forms for you to fill out. He makes no inspections. He has no authority to order you to do a single thing you don’t want to do. He cannot force you to open your books. He cannot take you to court. He is forbidden by order of the Secretary of Labor from ever testify- ing in court or in Government hearings on any details of any dispute in which he acted as mediator. In this respect, he has the immunities of a doctor or a lawyer. His reports are confidential. The conciliator’s only power is the power of persuasion and the cold eye and clear head that an impartial third party can contribute in a crisis. He represents the public inter- est in a peaceful settlement. However, he will not make any public statements against you—or the union. Twice during the last year—to my knowledge—conciliators have is- sued public statements criticizing parties to a dispute. In both instances, the concilia- tor was immediately withdrawn from the dis- pute, Under our policy, a conciliator may attempt to persuade either party privately to modify his position. But, he may not at- tempt to pressure either party by public statements. You will find that the conciliator frequent- ly can furnish the fresh information and fresh viewpoint that helps to get negotia- tions off dead center. During this past year, we have launched an intensive training pro- gram for our conciliators. We have periodic problems conferences in Washington and in every one of our seven regions. Part of our effort has been to bring to our staff the view- points. of labor and management. For ex- ample, we have had a representative of either the National Association of Manufacturers or the chamber of commerce as a speaker in every one of these training sessions. There are other services which we can fur- nish, At the recommendation of our Labor- Management Advisory Committee, I have just completed the appointment of 26 special con- ciliators, men of outstanding reputations in this field who will be available for occasional mediation assignments in key disputes. Through the device of this panel, we have re- cruited the occasional services of men whom we could not attract to Government service on a permanent, full-time basis, And, if we could attract them, we could not afford them. When disputes arise over wage incentive plans, work load, job evaluation, or similar technical matters, our technical division is available on joint request to make impartial studies of the facts in dispute. If an employer and a union have decided to submit their differences to an outside um- pire, the Conciliation Service has available @ new panel of qualified impartial arbitra- tors. All the men on this panel have been screened by the Regional Labor-Management Advisory Committee in the area in which they work. These seven regional advisory Committees are composed of men recom- mended by the NAM, the chamber of com- merce, the AFL, and the CIO. When an em- ployer and union are unable to agree on their own arbitrator, we will, on joint request, ap- point as arbitrator for them from this same panel of qualified men. Occasionally, in disputes involving the public safety, a conciliator may recommend to employer and to union that the dispute be submitted to an emergency board of in- quiry. If both parties agree to this pro- cedure, but only if both parties agree, the emergency board will conduct hearings and make recommendations on the evidence. Their recommendations are not binding but are intended as a basis for further negotia- tions. These are the major services we can offer you. We have made many changes in the Conciliation Service during the last year. It is performing efficiently and impartially. During the last year, our conciliators aided, to a greater or lesser degree, in the peaceful settlement of 13,000 industrial disputes. Our records show that in 90 percent of the dis- putes in which we were called before work had halted, no stoppage occurred. . Last year, we aided in the settlement of 8,400 strikes. Of those, 64 percent—almost two out of every three—had begun before either of the parties called for the services of aconciliator. We believe this record proves that conciliators are useful, The Conciliation Service can play a useful role in your bargaining. It cannot succeed unless you use it. The more you use it, the less you need fear that the Government will alter its policy of free, collective bargaining. We are an essential part of the free-enter- prise system. But, in the final analysis, the best conciliator in the world cannot bring about a peaceful settlement unless the em- ployer and the union have the will to settle. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Labor Union Leadership EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. ROBERTSON OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. Speaker, when is a liberal liberal? For many years Members of Congress have listened to the charges made, especially by mas- querading liberals, that they thought more about their election than they did the service of their country. Again and again we have heard the large employer condemned because of his reactionary tendencies. He was satisfied with the status quo. He was doing well enough for himself. In the latter case, no doubt, too many large capital structure groups have in- sisted on the status quo and refused to look forward to a changing world. Much of labor leadership has posed before the world as the ideals of new liberal thought and action in the Nation. If you showed any disposition in Congress not to go all the wey with labor, you were condemned to death. All Members of Congress will remember that Phil Murray served no- tice through his Political Action Com- mittee to defeat a hundred Congress- men and elect progressive liberal Mem- bers that would represent the people, not the vested interests. Today in this great battle that is shaping up in the Congress on labor legislation, I ask this simple question— where is the lMberalism in the labor unions today? There can be no doubt that there is much liberalism within the ranks of labor, but there is little liberal- ism within the leadership of labor. They, too, are content with the status quo as has been the case with their cap- italistic brothers. At a time when the leadership of labor can come forward and offer a solution for a distressing con- dition—a condition made distressed be- cause of their action, because of their lack of liberalism and vision—they now abdicate their leadership, they refuse to listen to the demands of the common people, whom they have so frequently made reference to in their oratory of the past. Whatever may be the condition in the world today as regards labor and the rest of the people, it has been brought about by the leadership of labor. There is evidence at every hand that there is need for correction, and if the leadership of labor is Nberal, as it has so long claimed to be, now is the time to come forward with corrective measures to correct the abuses that have grown up under their direction. In other words, to come forward and serve the demands of the people of the Nation. That, in my Judgment, is true liberalism. We are receiving no such cooperative effort on the part of the leadership of large labor unions. Rather, they are in- dicating that the status quo is good enough, and anything that is done as a result of the demands of the people wil! be taking from labor its long-won gains,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Under unanimous consent, I include the following editorial taken from the Washington Post entitled ‘‘Abdicating Leadership”: ABDICATING LEADERSHIP President Green, of the AFL, and President Murray, of the CIO, are in accord for once— both profess to be satisfied with the legis- lative status quo. Called before the Senate Committee on Labor and Welfare, both wit- nesses spent their time in negative criticism of various proposals to curb abuses of union power, without offering any constructive suggestions. Mr. Murray did concede that there is no moral justification for jurisdic- tional disputes, and he suggested that the committee invite President Green and him- self to work out a method of banning such disputes. But since jurisdictional disputes involve conflicts not only between AFL and CIO unions but also between unions within the same fold, and since neither Mr. Green nor Mr. Murray have been able to prevent interunion clashes among their own follow- ing, as indicated by the jurisdictional dis- pute that is holding up work on the new Georgetown Hospital, the suggested remedy can hardly be taken seriously. We fail to understand the lack of states- manship revealed by the stand-pat attitude of both these labor leaders. They surely have read the hand\.riting on the wall and must realize that, with or without their cooperation, Congress is going to pass laws to restrict in some measure by some means the activities of organized labor. The really dificult question confronting our legislators is how to protect the public against abuses of labor power without unduly hampering labor in the pursuit of its legitimate objec- tives. Messrs. Green and Murray cannot be ignorant of the existence of numerous abuses that: call for correction. Not only jurisdic- tional strikes but secondary boycotts, irre- sponsible breaking of contracts solemnly en- tered into under collective-bargaining agree- ments, work stoppages that paralyze indus- try, such as the coal and railway strikes, and a host of unfair union practices designed to give certain unions monopolistic powers at public expense cry aloud for legislative action. Not the public alone but organized labor itself needs to be protected against such abuses of power. The longer legislative action is delayed the greater the danger of passage of punitive measures aimed at sup- pression of unions instead of reasonable re- strictions. By their ostrich-like refusal to admit the existence of abuses, the heads of the AFL and CIO have forfeited an oppor- tunity to make their influence felt in the framing of legislation that would strike at evils without calling for unwise prohibitions calculated to produce the industrial con- fusion and strife that both wish to avoid. Friends as well as foes of organized labor realize that the Wagner Act and the Norris- LaGuardia Anti-Injunction Act are in need of amendment, and that stronger mediation machinery is required to deal with certain types of industrial disputes. To take the position that the existing body of law is adequate in all respects is to deny the validity of an unassailable mass of evidence to the contrary—evidence supplied by a series of recent major industrial disputes and countless lesser disturbances that have resulted in losses to employers and employees and to the public at large. No less inimical to the public welfare, though more difficult to assess, are the losses resulting from all sorts of antisocial union practices designed to outlaw the use of labor- saving devices, to compel employers to hire unneeded labor and to coerce rival unions. Abuses of this sort are not going to be cor- rected by the unions themselves, They can only be extirpated by their legislative out- lawry and by punishment of those union members who indulge in such practices. Studied ignoring of the existence of such abuses and refusal of union leaders to co- operate in framing a legislative program to cope with them only strengthens the convic- tion that reform from within the ranks of organized labor cannot be relied upon as a substitute for remedial legislation. Employment by Russia of German Atomic Scientists EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. BRIEN McMAHON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 24 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. McMAHON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the ReEcorp an Associ- ated Press Dispatches from Goettingen, Germany, indicating that the Soviets are importing German scientists for work on atomic energy. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Sovrer’s Orrzer TO GERMAN ATOMIC SCIENTISTS ACCEPTED By THREE, Now aT WORK IN RUusSIA GOETTINGEN, GERMANY, February 23.—Dr. Werner Heisenberg, foremost German atomic scientist, disclosed today that Russia had made a standing offer of 6,000 rubles a month to any German atomic expert who would engage in research for the Soviet Govern- ment. The Nobel Prize winner in physics for 1932 said three Germans already were known to have accepted the offer, equivalent to $500 monthly at the diplomatic exchange rate. Heisenberg observed the production of atom bombs ‘is no longer a problem of science in any country, but a problem of engineering.” He said Germany possessed a uranium pile in the last phase of the war and that Ameri- can agents spirited it away from the terri- tory that was to be occupied by France. FRENCH REPORTED “IRKED” “Germany's uranium pile, which I was building up to create energy for machines and not for bombs, was located at Haigerloch, 40 miles south of Stuttgart,” the cheerful little man with bushy brows and receding sandy hair said in an interview. “It consisted of 2 tons of uranium, 2 tons of heavy water and 10 tons of graphite, As the world now knows, the explosive pluto- nium is produced in such a uranium pile. “Haigerloch was within the zone which the French Army was in the process of occupying early in 1945. But the French didn’t get the uranium pile. All of it was transported off by an American (scientific intelligence) force before, apparently, the French knew what was happening. I heard that the French were very irked when they found out.” Dr. Heisenberg, 45, and six of his associates whom he directed in uranium research spon- sored by the Nazi Government, are now pur- suing research in the cosmic ray here under British control. (Other German scientists have been re- ported doing research in the United States for the U. 8. Government.) Dr. Heisenberg said the scientists who now were “somewhere in Russia” after accepting the Soviet offer were: A671 “Prof. Gustav Hertz, who built Germany's cyclotron for smashing the atom and who is an authority on the separation of the explo- sive isotope U-285 from uranium; “Dr. Robert Doepel, the Leipzig scientist, and Dr. Ludwig Bevilogua, my assistant dur- ing the war.” Heisenberg said an authorized German from the Russian zone approached him last September on behalf of the Russian Govern- ment with an invitation to join his col- leagues, “The prevailing salary, I was told, was 6,000 rubles a month,” he said. “I was promised in addition 50 pounds of fresh meat month, a ration of 3,500 calories of food a day for each of my six young children, and a com- fortable, well-furnished house with many amenities. “I rejected the offer because I wish to keep on living in my own country. I don't want to do bomb research for anybody.” READ SMYTH REFORT “My three associates went to Russia very soon after the end of the war. Dr. Bevilogua, for a while, was working in the Crimea. Then he was suddenly moved. I am not cer- tatn of the whereabouts of any of them now, but I would guess the vicinity of the Urals.” Heisenberg said he rejected an invitation from Dr. Enrico Fermi, the Italian scientist who is now an American citizen, to join the “Chicago group.” “I'd like very much to lecture for a little time in the United States, as I did before the war, but I simply don't want any part of homb making,” he said. (In Rockford, Ill., Dr. Fermi said he had “never advised Dr. Heisenberg to come to Chi- cago.” Fermi did not elaborate other than to describe Heisenberg as the “foremost Ger- man physicist.”) (More than 1,000 topflight German scientists are being brought to the United States to work on United States defense and industrial needs. Some 270 are already in this country, including the brilliant men who developed the V-2 rockets and jet fighters. A half million documents and 6,000 tons of German scientific equipment have been brought to this country. in what is called Army Operation “Paperclip." (On February 6, the Washington Post re- vealed that Dr. Heisenberg was among 10 top- flight German experts on nuclear physics who were barred from the United States. Se- curity officials decided the Germans might return to Europe to divulge atom secrets they learned here, so they were detained in Eng- land temporarily, then returned to Ger- many.) As director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Physics Institute, Heisenberg supervised all of Ger- many’s atomic research during the war. He asserted that German achievements equaled those of tLe United States until June of 1942. “On June 6 at a decisive meeting, we re- ported to Armaments Minister Albert Speer that atomic explosives could be produced in two ways, either by separation of the isotope from uranium or by building a uranium pile,” he said. “But Mr. Hitler was a madly impatient man. We were asked how soon it would be possible to extract the explosive plutonium, and we replied 2 years or longer. Hitler re- fused to consider any military measure that would take more than 6 months. At that time, he was dreaming of winning the Cau- casus Oil fields and the Suez Canal—the old blitzkrieg dream. “Germany, in any case, did not have the huge industrial capacity which the United States had to divert to the separation of the isotope, from which the bomb used on Hiroshima was made. We went ahead with the uranium pile, having committed our- selves to nothing more than research into energies for machines.
A672 “Beven days after the meeting with Speer, American atomic scientista had a similar meeting with their Government at which they got the go-ahead signal and, I under- stand, some 62,000,000,000. Then they out- matched us at least 1,000 to 1 in money, men, and material. “As a moral issue to a scientist,” he con- tinued, “it must be remembered that every tool invented by man since the first ax has been used to slay his neighbor. Yet the deveolpment of tools is essential for the de- velopment of mankind. They are what distinguishes man from the animals. I pray that the politicians will be clever enough to save us from the evil misuse of science.” SmyrH Report REvEALED Meruop, SCIENTIST Says GoxrtTincen, GERMANY, February 23.—Dr. Werner Heisenberg, German atom scientist, said today that the Smyth report on the American development of the atomic bomb had told him “exactly what was done, except for some small technical details.” The report had been criticized in the United States for allegedly betraying military secrets. “I estimate on the basis of the Smyth re- port, that the bomb 1s about a 20-pound sphere of plutonium, say the size of a volley ball,” he said. “It is separated in two halves. Each is completely harmless and can even be safely put into a stove. But bringing them together in a few millionths of a sec- ond created the greatest lethal explosion in the world.” Rural Electrification Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH P. O’HARA OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. O'HARA. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rzc- ord, I include the following concurrent resolution adopted by the Minnesota State Legislature, memorializing the Congress of the United States to con- tinue its appropriations in support of the rural electrification program and to refrain from enacting any legislation adverse thereto: Whereas the rural population of the State of Minnesota is vitally interested in the bene- fits and conveniences afforded by the Rural Electrification Administration; and Whereas there should be sufficient appro- priations of the Rural Electrification Admin- istration as approximately only 55 percent of the rural population of Minnesota is served by this program; and Whereas the rural population of Minnesota is anticipating the time when rural Minne- sota will be 100 percent electrified; and Whereas rural electrification has proved a good investment to the Government by rea- son of the fact that it has met its obligations, both principal and interest, in advance: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the house of representatives (the senate concurring) , That the Co: of the United States shall continue to provide funds for the expansion of rural electrifica- tion where such construction 1s economically feasible and likewise to refrain from passing any legislation adverse to the rural electrifi- cation program; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the President of the United States, the Vice President, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and to each Con- gressman and Senator from the State of Minnesota. Lawarncs M. HALL, Speaker of the House of Representatives. COC. Exumer ANDERSON, President of the Senate. Adopted by the house of representatives, the 4th day of February 1947. G. H. Leany, Chief Clerk, House of Representatives. Adopted by the Senate, the 6th day of Feb- ruary 1947, H. Y. Torrey, Secretary of the Senate. New Agriculture Horizons Through Research EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. FLANNAGAN, JR. OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. FLANNAGAN. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include there- in the following address I delivered be- fore the first annual convention of the Virginia State Feed Dealers Association in Richmond, Va., on February 20, 1947: Mr. Chairman, members of the Virginia State Feed Dealers Association, the great struggle of man over the ages has been to provide sufficient food and fiber to properly feed and clothe himself. His inability to unlock the food and fiber storehouse of nature has caused more suffer- ing and misery, and engendered more wars, than all other causes combined. For centuries he stood at nature’s food and fiber door shivering and hungry, knocking, and plaintively crying, “Open the door, Richard.” Seemingly he never thought of making a key to open the door, of doing a little research. At last, after centuries of struggle, we begin to see the horizon of a new and better day. With our present knowledge I confidently be- eve that it is now possible to produce enough food and fiber to properly feed and clothe every man, woman, and child in the world. What, you ask, has made this possible? The same thing that has made America the greatest industrial production machine the world has ever known—research. My friends, if you forget every other thing I say tonight I want you to carry this thought with you, the future hope of agriculture lies in re- search. And, may I digress right here in the be- ginning of my remarks to observe that the fact that we have progressed far enough to provide food and fiber to feed and clothe the peoples of the world makes it possible, and for the first time, to bring about world peace. This is no rhetorical statement. Remember this: you cannot make a peaceful world out of a hungry and naked world. The food and fiber struggle has been long and hard. At intervals—interminable in- tervals of hunger and distress—haphazard intervals in which no systematic effort was made—we have, chiefly through luck, forged keys that would unlock this or the other compartment in nature's storehouse of food and fiber. If rightly conserved, in that store- house, commonly known as the land, is stored away, not only an inexhaustible supply of food and fiber, but many other useful in- dustrial commodities to lighten the load and APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD make life a ttle sweeter. Ours ts the job of keeping on forging keys, not in a haphaz- ard way, but by systematic study and re- search, until we can unlock every compart- ment in nature's great storehouse and thus bring to man the enjoyment of those things & just, righteous, and bounteous God pro- vided for him. ‘And there is another job for us that is equally as important. The job of putting back as much, at least, in the storehouse as we take out, the job of systematic, scientific conservation of our natural resources, 80 as to insure an inexhaustible supply. As I said, the food and fiber struggie has been long and hard. Although centuries had come and gone when our forefathers came to this country, very little progress had been made in food and fiber production. Let me briefly recount the struggle here in America, At first the American family had a hard time producing enough food and fiber for its own use. Then by working long hours—in most cases from before the sun came up until after the sun went down—with horses and oxen, iron-shod wooden plows, scattering seed by hand, harvesting with the sickle, and thrashing with the flail, four farm families were able to provide enough for their own use and one other family. In other words, four out of every five American families had to engage in farming in order to supply our people with food and fiber. Not until the early thirties, when one of our own Vir- ginians, Cyrus McCormick, invented the reaper, and John Deere the scouring plow, was further appreciable progress made. These two pieces of farm machinery revolu- tionized farming, and by 1850 one farm fam- lly could produce enough food and fiber for itself and one other family. From then on until the present generation very little fur- ther progress was made. This generation, and solely because it commenced to tackle the problem in a systematic and scientific way, through soll conservation, irrigation, improved seed, pest control, mechanized farm machinery, and better and more fertilizer, has seen more progress made in production of food and fiber than all the generations preceding us put together, and today the prediction is made that in the near future 10 percent of our people can produce enough food to feed and clothe themselves and the other 90 p*rcent. We are slowly beginning to realize that farming is a business, the biggest and most important business in the world, and at long last are beginning to apply business prin- ciples and practices to agriculture. It was this realizatiqgn that prompted me in intro- ducing in the last Congress H. R. 6932, com- monly known as the agricultural research bill. Briefly stated, this legislation, which was passed by unanimous vote, through research, attempts to give all phases of agriculture the opportunity of growing and developing along the line that has made industry in America so efficient and succesful. We have realised for years that the dynamo back of our great industrial empire is industrial re- search, The research legislation is an at- tempt to put the same kind of dynamo back of agriculture. And let me hasten to state that research, as used in the legislation, is not restricted to the laboratory where scien- tists prove that two plus two equals four, but is used in its broadest sense, and in- cludes every activity in connection with agri- culture from the soll in which products grow until the products of the soil, whether in their original or processed state, reach the consumer. In order for you to appreciate the scope -Of this legislation, let me say that title one of the bill inchides research relating to con- servation and the development of land, -foresta, and water resources; research relat- ing to the design, development, and more efficient use of farm homes, buildings, and machinery; research relating to improved methods of production; research relating to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pest control; research into the problems of human nutrition; research relating to the development of present, new, and extended uses of farm crops, with particular emphasis on those crops and plants which may be adapted to utilization in chemical and man- ufacturing industries; and research to en- courage the discovery, introduction, and breeding of new and useful agricultural crops and animals, both foreign and native. Title two of the bill relates to research in marketing. Our farm marketing system has been so sadly neglected that we thought special treatment should be given to the subject. Now, permit me to briefly discuss some of the research projects that need our im- mediate attention. I. SOIL, WATER, AND FOREST RESEARCH We have, of course, made some progress in conserving our soil, water, and forest resources. As to the soil: First on the list I would place soil improvement and soil care. Why? Because farmers can no more produce food abundantly and cheaply on impoverished and worn-out land than can the manufac- turers produce goods, Wares, and merchan- dise abundantly and cheaply in run-down plants equipped with worn-out and out- moded machinery. Let me quote from a speech I made on soil conservation some time ago: “Now, soil improvement and conservation are far more than farm problems; they are national problems, They are impressed with more than a public interest. They are im- pressed with a public duty. The very strength of this Nation depends upon the strength of our soil. As we improve the soil, we strengthen our Nation; and, conversely, as we deplete the soil we weaken our Nation. I make this bold statement, the strength of every nation in the world today can be measured by the strength of the topsoil of that nation. “While, due to the vastness of our farm lands, We, as a Nation, have not reached the danger point as yet, we are, to say the least, skating on mighty thin ice. “(a) Soll erosion has affected in some de- gree more than 1,000,000,000 acres of land in America. This is more than one-half of the Nation's land. “(b) Approximately 60,000,000 acres of once-productive cropland have been already ruined for any further immediate cultiva- tion; another 60,000,000 acres are in a condi- tion almost as bad; and half to all the fertile topsoil] has been removed from another 100,000,000 acres. “(c) Of the present American cropland of 415,000,000 acres, only about 342,000,000 acres can be classed :s really good land. Of the 342,000,000 acres of good land, only about 62,000,000 acres are nonerodible, and the other 280,000,000 acres of good land js losing soil with every hard wind and rain, “(d) Three billion tons of top soil go down the streams and rivers every year. “(e) The annual loss of soil minerals by erosion is twenty times the amount of soil minerals annually used by plant life. “(f) We are annually mining out five times the soil minerals that we annually put back into the soil. “(g) Erosion alone is costing the Nation approximately $8,844,000,000 annually. “(h) In the short span of our existence we have whittled down our top farmland soil from an average thickness of about 9 inches to a present average thickness of about 6 inches. This is a statement of deep signifi- cance when we realize that American civiliza- tion is resting upon such a thin foundation. Yea, when we begin to visualize that our Re- public and all it stands for rests upon such a thin foundation, we begin to realise the im- portance of keeping the foundation in good repair. XCUI—App.—43 “Having realized that soil improvement and care are national problems affecting the wel- fare of every man, woman, and child in Amer- ica, we would be remiss in our duty if we did not tackle the problem from the national point of view. We are justified in such an approach not only from the standpoint that in so doing we are insuring to the genera- tions yet unborn an ample food supply, and thus insuring the perpetuity of our national existence, but upon the ground that we are insuring consumers, present and future, cheaper food. It is axiomatic that when we increase production we decrease production costs and make it possible to give the con- sumers cheaper food.” Oh, do I hear someone say that by im- Proving our soil we improve our production capacity and in turn bring about ruinous sur- Pluses. Well, get this straight, the world has never produced a surplus food crop. Amer- ica has never produced a surplus food crop. It is true that due to our distribution sys- tem, which I will touch on later, we have on more than one occasion piled up ruinous sur- pluses. During the depression, for instance, we heard a lot about surpluses. The fact is we did not have a surplus food supply at that time, but did have a surplus of many million hungry men, women, and children. Controlling production is not the answer to our agricultural problem. The answer lies in a wider distribution plus new uses. Careful study leads to the conclusion that in conjunction with a sane, sound, sensible export program, we can use all the food and fiber the American farmers can produce for years to come if scientific skill is applied to food and fiber utilization and distribution. As for me, I shall never subscribe to a program of scarcity as long as millions are starving, other millions living on a starva- tion diet, at least one-third of our own peo- ple undernourished, and two-thirds suffering dietary deficiencies. As to our timber: When it comes to tim- ber, we have been a prodigal nation. We have treated our timber in much the same manner we have treated our soil, and, as a matter of fact, much of our soi] erosion is directly attributable to the unwise and in- discriminate cutting of our timber. One of the best ways, in my opinion, to stop soil erosion is by putting on an intense campaign of reforestation. Let me give you a few high lights on our timber problem so you will at least begin to realize the seriousness of the probiem. In 1909 our total stand of saw timber was 2,826,000,000,000 board feet. In 10945 the es- timate was 1,601,000,000,000 board feet. This indicates that in 36 years we have reduced our saw timber 44 percent. At present we are making terrific drains on our saw timber, Last year we cut or destroyed 53,900,000,000 board feet of saw timber and against this the estimated growth of saw timber amounted to only 35,300,000,- 000 board feet. Thus it will be seen we over- drew our saw-timber account by 18,600,000,- 000 board feet. Now, we cannot afford, as a Nation, to travel the timber road of the past, because that road leads to destruction, Our self-preserva- tion demands that we pay more attention to protecting our forests from forest fires, in- sects, and diseases; that we put on an inten- sive campaign of reforestation; that we elim- inate the waste that occurs not only in cutting, but in manufacturing; and that we immediately put into operation better forest practices. Research, my friends, will play an impor- tant part in saving our forests. Our water resource: God has peculiarly blessed America with wonderful rivers and streams. If our water resources are properly harnessed we can reclaim millions of acres of arid land, bring cheap electrio power to every home and factory, and save millions of tons of topsoil that usually go downstream with every tide. A673 Research will play an important part in conserving and developing our water power, TI, DISTRIBUTION OR MARKETING RESEARCH One of the great problems connected with agriculture, probably at this time the most pressing, is distribution. That our system of distribution or mar- keting in the field of agriculture has been woefully neglected is beyond cavil. When we engaged in our marketing study of agri- cultural products we found that practically no work had been done by the Federal Gov- ernment in the field of agricultural market- ing. We also found that because our ad- vancement in production had far outstripped our progress in distribution that frequently in the past we had the paradox of simul- taneous so-called overproduction of food and fiber, while millions, many of them right here in our own country, were hungry and undernourished and ill-clad. And we found, too, that for every dollar the farmer receives for a product the consumer has to pay from two to three dollars for the same product. The more the marketing committee, of which I had the honor of being chairman, wrestled with the problem the more thoroughly we became convinced that we would not only have to harness but coordinate all our agen- cies directly or indirectly connected with marketing—Federal, State, and private—and that we would have to approach the problem from a scientific rather than a haphazard angle, Title II of the research bill, I am persuaded, if rightfully administered, will make it possible to market all the food and fiber we can grow upon a profitable basis to the farmer. The great problem in agricultural market- ing, of course, is to bring the farmer and consumer closer together—to narrow the spread between the field and table. If this can be done literally millions will be saved, not only by the farmers, but by the con- sumers as well, and the consumption of food, due to a lower cost, will be greatly in- creased. Most of the industries in America have worked out such a system and the time is long overdue for such a system to be worked out by the farmers. I have said be- fore, and I repeat it, no industry in America could stay in business if it had to operate under a marketing system similar to the system the farmers of America have operated under over the years. While I cannot go into detail as to our agricultural marketing problems, let me list some of them for your consideration. (a) Reducing the spread between the farm and table by more direct marketing and efficient handling. (b) Building up our marketing news serv- ice so the farmers will be daily advised as to price and market conditions. The diver- sion of a few shipments, in many cases, will prevent a glut on some particular market. (c) Build up our foreign trade in agri- cultural products. Many parts of the world, not only today, but for centuries past, have been crying for food. Surely there is some way to channel off that part of our food and fiber production not needed for home con- sumption and use to these hungry millions. The reciprocal-trade agreements is a step in the right direction. Another step in the right direction was taken by the Food and Agricultural Organization at its meeting in Copenhagen, Denmark, last fall. At the Copenhagen meeting it was agreed that in- ternational action had to be taken to handle world hunger. The idea is to set up a World Food Board to handle an ever-normal world @rainery in order to utilize any surpluses that any country might have in those places where people are starving. (d) New and better uses is another chan- nel through which to market farm products. Here the possibilities, with proper research, are, it would seem, unlimited. Just a word on new and better uses: Prior to the war we had found a few uses for
A674 farm products other than for human and animal food and clothing. For instance, I cite the miracles in new uses wrought by Dr. Carver, the eminent Negro scientist, with the lowly peanut and sweetpotato. However, it was the necessities of war that really demonstrated in a big way the possibilities of diverting farm crops to new uses. Faced with shortages, our scientists turned to the farm and through the use of millions of bushels of grain and beans and peanuts sup- plemented our dwindling stock with millions of gallons of industrial alcohol and vegetable oi] and miliions of pounds of starches and rubber. Let me take cotton to illustrate better uses of farm products. The rayon industry has spent millions of dollars in research, and as a result we find that the rayon industry is making not only serious, but alarming, in- Toads on cotton. Rayon, a product of the laboratory, has rapidly been overtaking and supplementing many of the former uses of cotton. It has made such enormous strides, it now seriously threatens to supplant some of the major outlets for cotton. This in- creased use of rayon over cotton is not due solely to any inherent qualities or advantages rayon has over cotton. In fact, the converse appears to be true, namely, that cotton in- herently has many advantages over rayon. Rayon’s advancement and expended use has been due primarily to research—research which developed its qualities, and adapted it to an increasing number of new uses. It is safe to say that if one-hundredth of the amount spent by the rayon industry in re- search had been spent on cotton research that the rayon industry would never have made inroads into cotton, and the cotton- grower today would have a market for thou- sands of additional bales of cotton. Let me take rubber to illustrate the possi- bilities there are for new uses for grain. One bushel of grain will make 2% gallons of alcohol; 2% gallons of alcoho! will make 6 pounds of butadiene; 6 pounds of buta- diene will make 6 pounds of rubber; 6 pounds of rubber makes one ordinary automobile tire. America is the greatest user of rubber in the world. Our prewar consumption was around 600,000 tons annually, and we relied upon foreign rubber entirely, which had to be shipped half way round the world to reach us. During the war our supply of rubber was cut off, and we had to turn to synthetic rubber, and it cost us millions of dollars to build the necessary plants. It would be a crime to dismantle these plants. We should, at least, run some of them, and the rest should be kept intact to guard against another emergency. But let me get back to the possibilities in rubber from an agricultural standpoint. To produce 600,000 tons of rubber would require 200,000,000 bushels of grain. Now, in making rubber we only use the starches in the grain, and starch is made from sunshine, air, and water. Hence, after the starch is extracted from the grain in the form of alcohol, there remains in the residue all the food value, such as protein and minerals, that was in the original grain, and as a result of further research we now recover from the residue of each bushel of grain 20 pounds of high- protein feed, which all adds up to this: We can extract enough alcohol from 1 bushel of grain to make an automobile tire without impairing the food value of the bushel of grain. Sounds kinder Munchauseny, doesn't it? Well, chemistry, you know, is the science of converting fantastic dreams into realities. Ti. NUTRITION RESEARCH Nutrition should be given a No. 1 priority in research. What we are, as strange as it May seem, depends largely on what we eat. Now the whole problem of nutrition stems back to the soil. We are beginning to learn that it ts impossible to produce nutritious grain, vegetables, and fruit on land where the sol] minerals have been mined out. We are beginning to learn that it is impossible to produce nutritious beef on pastures where the soil minerals have been mined out. We are beginning to realize that the health of the people living in soil-depleted areas is nothing like as good as the health of the peo- ple living in those areas where the land has not been mined of its soil minerals. The war, through the selective service, brought this fact sharply to our attention, It showed, for instance, that in one Southern State where the soil had been largely depleted of its ‘minerals 70 out of every 100 inductees were rejected, whereas in one Western State where mineral depletion had been less 70 out of every 100 inductees were accepted. The most important medical discovery that has been made in recent years, I believe, is the fact that almost any disease can be pro- duced experimentally by faulty food. Heart disease, diabetes, arthritis, cancer, anemia, and many other diseases are on the increase. We will, I believe, in a few years discover that the increase has been brought about largely by malnutrition, by the eating of food produced on land where the soil min- erals have been mined out. Let me recount a few of the things that we have already discovered, through research, with respect to nutrition. A genius living down in Kentucky, Savage by name, has been experimenting for some years with mineralized vegetables. Many sick people fed on his vegetables have achieved nearly miraculous cures. A farmer down in my district, W. P. Buchanan by name, has been experimenting for years with alfalfa through soil improve- ment. He has now developed alfalfa that shows a protein content of 25 percent. Can you think of a better dairy feed than some of Buchanan's alfalfa supplemented by a small amount of grain? Another farmer down in my district, Wheeler Kesterson, has been experimenting through soil improvement with grass on a 40-acre bluegrass field that, when he com- menced the experiment, would only carry 20 head of cattle during the grazing season. In the course of a few years he has brought the carrying capacity of the fleld up to 50 head of cattle, extended the grazing sea- son some 8 weeks, and the 50 head of cattle put on more weight per head during the grazing season than the 20 put on per head when the experiment was commenced. It has been shown that the iron content of milk has been increased from 21 to 55 parts per million by the proper feeding of the soil on which the cows grazed. After adding a pinch of manganese in the soil of a tomato field, a food processor dis- covered that his tomatoes had triple the vitamin C content. A little boron around the apple trees in “an apple orchard in the Northwest doubled the vitamin A content of the apples. Lambs fed mineral-rich hay from treated soil made nearly three times as much gain in weight as other lambs from the same flock fed the same amount of hay from mineral- poor soil, I know you men will be interested in this test which is the last one I will give. When rabbits were fed in their diet a mineral-de- ficient hay in a few weeks the males would not look at the lady rabbits. Other rabbits fed on a mineral-rich hay from treated solls were regular wolves. By changing the diet, the rabbit wolves became lady-shy, and the tame, depressed, impotent rabbits became wolves. Just contemplating the possibilities of this test brings new hope to the aged! I rarely ever make a prediction. I am going to make one tonight. It is this: The time will come when the price of farm prod- ucts and livestock will be based, and based entirely, upon the nutritive value of the products and livestock. — . APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The greatest challenge to research, at this moment, is to find out the proper soll-restor- ing minerals, and to train our farmers in their use. Only in this way can we restore our national health. A properly mineral- rich diet predisposes a man to health and normal functioning. And the healthier we are, the better able we are to resist diseases, In my opinion the best health program we can put on is to put on a program to improve the nutritive value of our food. We have got to get away from our think- ing that the Lord only put a little lime, phos- phate, and nitrogen in the soil, and find out just what minerals it is necessary for us to put back into the soll in order to produce a nutritious diet for man and livestock. Soil “geta sick, just as man gets sick, and two adjoining fields may be suffering from en- tirely different diseases, I hope the day is not far distant when it will be possible to wheel a soil laboratory into every farm, and let the soil chemist go from field to field and make a soi] analysis and write for the farmer & prescription for each field, and that in every agricultural county there will be set up an agricultural drug store where the farmer can go and get the prescription filled. My friends, I am grateful for the opportu- nity of addressing you this evening. I have enjoyed being with you. Just this parting thought. I am optimistic about agricul- ture’s future. We have the greatest area of productive land in the world; we have the best farm equipment in the world; and we have the most resourceful and successful farmers in the world. And, at last, we are becoming soil-conscious, nutrition-conscious, marketing-conscious, research-conscious, and conscious of the possibilities of new uses for agricultural products. The agricultural horizon never looked brighter. Not even Tennyson, when he looked “into the future, far as human eye could see,” had vision enough to encompass the possibilities of agriculture. The crying need of the world today 1s for an agricultural leadership composed of men of vision. Such men could do more to straighten out the ills of the world than all the diplomats from Washington to Moscow. The field is ripe for such leadership. Ma God give us the men. ’ Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rerc- orb, I include therein upon request some very forceful views on the subject of rent control by my old friend, Mr. Ralph E. McGrath, of Fitchburg, Mass., as follows: I want to call to your attention the in- justice of continued rent control, I purchased a block last June in this city and in the same terrace that I live in and to this date have been unable to occupy it. However, that is not the worst of it. The two tenants each pay $28 per month and have for that rental a private way of street width, with. parking privileges and no restrictions; one has seven rooms and the other six with a reception hall. Each has hot water, bath, large cellars, steam heat, storage spaces, and hardwood polished floors throughout, even to the pantries. Following are my payments for the courage of being a landlord:
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I have a mortgage of $6,000 and an equity of $2,000, making a total cost of $8,000. Payable to the Worcester North Bank monthly (interest) --....-..-.---- $24.40 Principal___.---.--------.---------- 21.06 Taxes.__.----------~------------.-- 18. 00 Total to bank per month-_---- 63. 46 Interest on my equity at 5 percent per month-_..-...-.-----.-..----- 8.35 Water rates per month (average)-.-. 2.50 Insurance (tornado and fire only), average -...-._----.-._------------ 2.00 Minor repairs (average), per month. 5.00 Total _---...----------------- 81.31 Return on rents_.-_..-...---------. 56.00 Loss to my family and me per month. 25.31 The sad part of this matter, and others are in the same boat, is that this property paid $40 each a month before the depression and before taxes increased and both you and I know that taxes will not decrease for many years to come. The bad thing about control, as I see it, is that it answers nothing, and we are farther away from the solution each date that it continues. The only solution that I see is to get rid of controls in order that building may take place, and as far as my own case is concerned I would like to make apartments and relieve the situation, but this I cannot do because of the continued loss on my property, and I speak for others also. Please read this on the floor of Congress. Kind personal regards. Ratpx E. McGratuH. P. 8.—Bear in mind also that these controls are not in line with wage increases. Communism Should Be Defined EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. MCDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, the time has come for definite action by the Congress to legally define communism in clear, concise terms. Newspapers edi- torialize about communism, men in pub- lice life are attacked as adherents to communistic philosophies, but in spite of all these discussions few people can de- fine communism or give any coherent ex- planation of their understanding of the term. Informed Americans know that a Com- munist menace does exist in the United States, a dangerous force which threat- ens our future. There is evidence prov- ing that an organized attempt is being made to establish communistic methods, policies, and political ideologies within this Nation. The number of workers in this movement who understand its true purpose may be few. But unfortu- nately, they are highly trained men and women like Gerhart Eisler, so subtle in their methods that they enlist the active aid of thousands of loyal Americans who are sympathetic and are misled by de- liberate confusing of issues, subversion of facts, and deceit. We must take steps to protect the in- nocent and expose the guilty. We do not want to brand loyal Americans, mis- guided though they may be, with the label of communism when they had no intention of furthering the Communist cause. We do want to seek out the Com- munists who burrow from within to de- stroy everything we cherish, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, and freedom of enterprise. We want to expose them, reveal them as enemies of the United States and deal with them accordingly. But first we must define “communism.” Without a legal definition of that term our law enforcement agencies are help- less in many cases and even the courts are at a loss how to act with conviction. Recently the United States Circuit Court of Appeals in Illinois was called upon to decide a case in which the de- fendant was accused of libeling the plaintiff through the use of the term “Communist” applied to the plaintiff in @ syndicated column of political com- mentary written by the defendant. A district court dismissed the suit on the ground that no cause for action had been established since the word “communism” had no definite meaning. The United States Circuit Court of Ap- peals reversed the prior ruling, and ordered the case to trial stating: It is libelous per se (of itself) to write of & man or corporation that they are Com- munists or communistic sympathizers. It continued: The label of Communist today in the minds of many average and respectable per- sons places the accused beyond the pale of respectability and makes him a symbol of public hatred, contrary to the statutes. During the arguments before the court of appeals in this case, it was defi- nitely established that the word “Com- munist” has no definite meaning, but that its appearance as a characteriza- tion in a newspaper political editorial is sufficient to destroy a person’s presum- ably good reputation with the public. In every argument in the House con- cerning communism or Communists we see further evidence of the need for clarification of the use of these terms. Champions of persons accused of Com- munistic activity argue that no man can be guilty of Communistic activity unless he has engaged in actively supporting action for the violent overthrow of the Government of the United States. Before the development of the fifth column technique in Europe this may have constituted a liberal definition of communism. But today, with the rec- ord of the infiltration of nazism in the countries of Europe before the war and rise of quislings within European gov- ernments, we know that organized com- munism can use these methods, which overthrow without violence, and com- munism has adopted chem. Communism crawls through this Na- tion with the subtlety of the serpent, bent upon the destruction of all religion, the abolition of all private property, and the complete subordination of the individual to the state. Its weapons are deceit, conspiracy, confusion, propaganda, and revolution. Its goal is the overthrow of democratic government by peaceful means, or by force and violence if necessary. It is obvious that an untenable situa- tion exists. We can correct it by passing legislation that will clearly define the A675 term “communism.” At the same time we will take constructive action toward the elimination of the communist men- ace. I have introduced House Resolu- tion 99 for the purpose of defining communism. I urge the Members of the House to support its passage in the near future. Cherish Public Credit EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRANCIS CASE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24. 1947 Mr. CASE of South Dakota. Mr. Speaker, February 22 was George Wash- ington’s birthday. In the Farewell Ad- dress of the First President, which is read to both House and Senate every year, appears this sentence: As a very important source of strength and security, crorish public credit. That admonition comes at the open- ing of the paragraph which Washington devoted to a discussion of ‘‘a proper de- fense” and the cost of wars. In it he also urged “reduction of the public debt” in time of peace rather than “ungener- ous” saddling of all costs of a war toa succeeding generation. CONGRESS HEEDS To both admonitions, the House of Representatives gave heed, during the past week. First, we called back into the Federal Treasury over $700,000.000 which had been previously appropriated. Next, we voted a $7,000,000,000 slash in the expenditures which the President's Budget had proposed for fiscal 1948. And with the recommendation for the tighter ceiling, we recommended that “a portion of the excess of receipts over expenditures” be applied to the national debt. In the meeting of the Joint Budget Committee there were three schools of thought. Some wanted to apply all of the savings to the debt. Some wanted to apply all of the savings to reducing taxes. And some favored both tax re- duction and debt reduction. Personally, I supported the moves which sought to apply not less than three billion to reduction of the debt and to apply a portion of the savings to tax reduction. SHOULD ANY CUTS BE MADE? In round figures, the census people say we have 140,000,000 p&ople in the coun- try. Estimates are that about 58,000,000 are gainfully employed. How much is $37,500,000,000, President Truman’s Budget, divided among them? Repre- sentative WIGGLESWoRTH has figured it out. His answer: $55 per wage earner per month, Your Federal income-tax payments may not figure that much—or may fig- ure more, To trace it all down, you will want to remember that the Federal tax on cigarettes is part of it, that taxes are
A676 paid in railroad freight, the price of au- tomobiles, telephone and electric light bills, theater admissions, etc. Oh, yes, and besides the Federal ex- penditures , there is the bill for local school, county, town, and State taxes. How much of your time do you work for yourself anyway? THE ARMY AND NAVY? They will get what the Congress, after detailed hearings on their estimates, de- cides we should spend in prudence. Figure before the Appropriations Com- mittee show that these services could have over $14,000,000,000 for actual spending in the coming year, including carry-over funds. Hearings began last Monday on the Army’s needs. I am again a member of the subcommittee which examines the War Department’s estimates. We meet every day. The hearings begin at 10 in the morning and close at 5 in the after- noon. They will run until about the 24th of March on the Military Establishment and then go into the civil functions of the War Department, flood control, gov- ernment of occupied areas overseas, and so forth. No one can say in advance what the outcome will be in dollars. General Eisenhower, however, in his opening statement said to us: “We recognize the constitutional responsibility of Congress to determine what the Nation should spend on its armed services. Whatever your decision, we will abide by it.” OPA AFTER VJ-DAY Last July, almost a year after VJ-day, OPA’s rent contro] had 5,700 employees. In November, most of OPA was abolished by Executive order. But February 1, OPA’s rent-control staff had increased to over 6,500 people. The increase was largely due to transfers from the abol- ished jobs. So OPA asked for an extra $6,000,000 to run to July 1. The Appropriations Subcommittee on Deficiencies, of which I became a member this session, not only said “No,” but took back nine million of the twenty-seven million not yet spent out of the one hundred and one million appropriated last year. Our idea was that as we get further away from the war, wartime agencies should shrink, not grow. As I said during the debate on the bill, “You can tell the folks back home that we are set upon reducing the Federal pay roll. We are out to cut the cost of government. We are on our way.” Lincoln’s Common-Sense Republicanism Weuld Be Workable Today EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS A. JENKINS OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 19, 1947 Mr. JENKINS of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to insert a copy of an ad- dress which J delivered on February 12 before a large assemblage of the people of Miami and Dade County, Fla. The address follows: Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, it is always a great pleasure for me to come to Florida, the land of flowers, fruit, fish, and flamingos. From the looks of the crowds I see around on your streets, it would seem that &@ great many other people feel as I do and have come to visit you again. I have been coming to Florida nearly every year for more than 20 years and have seen tremendous growth and improvements in that time. I feel that your State has a wonderful future. You will always have your fine sun- shine and fine climate, and you cannot im- prove upon that. You will also have your fine strategic, commercial, and maritime locations “upon which you can build great improve- ments, Already you have one of the coun- try’s greatest airports and its possibilities are almost unlimited. Likewise you can extend your production of citrus fruits and vege- tables to much greater volume and to finer quality. Your sugar industry can be de- veloped greatly. I have always been strong for Miami. I have seen it grow in population by leaps and bounds. Its real estate expansion has, I dare say, not been surpassed any place in the country. Its improvement in this respéct has been steady and substantial. Those in charge of the municipal government of Miami and of Dade County should be forward look- ing because there is no doubt that Miami is destined to become a great city. Your politics also can be improved very much. I dare say that if a census were taken of the people actually present in Florida, that in the wintertime three-fourths of the peo- ple in Florida, would be Republicans and that in the summertime more than half of them would be Republicans. While I am probably not competent to advise the people of Florida on what is best for them economi- cally, J am going to take a chance at suggest- ing that I might be competent to advise them what is best for them politically. At any rate, I think anyone could make a good argu- ment to the effect that the two-party system would be advantageous to most of the South, especially to Florida. You people in Florida are now badly in need of one or two Repub- lican Congressmen and a Senator that would pay more attention to local and national affairs and leas attention to foreign affairs. I want to compliment the Republicans in Dade County for the remarkable progress they have made under the able leadership of my good friend Wesley Garrison. I can remem- ber when there were only 1,200 or 1,500 regis- tered Republicans {:: Dade County. I am glad to know that nearly 35,000 Republicans. voted in the election of 1946. There is no question but that the cause of republican- ism has made a magnificent growth in the last 10 years. From all indications, the Re- publican Party in Florida will continue to grow. I hope that in the next election you may elect a large number of Republicans to municipal and State positions and that in the next general election Florida will send some Republican Congressmen to Wash- ington. Every audience in Florida at this time of the year is made up predominantly of peo- Ple who came from somewhere else. In this audience tonight are a large number that I Know are here only temporarily and have come down to enjoy your sunshine and to play on your beaches and golf courses, Those of you who expect to make Florida your permanent home, and who expect to own property here and to engage in business, should always keep in mind the State's principal business, which will always be to entertain tourists in search of sunshine and health and pleasure. All over the Nation, Republicans are hold- ing Lincoln Day celebrations at this time of the year. Edwin M. Stanton, a great Ohioan, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD who was a member of Lincoln's Cabinet, and who sat with him when he p ‘away, said, “Lincoln now belongs to the ages.” His statement has been fully justified, for Lin- coln's influence is greater in the United States and in the whole world today than it ever has been, and he is now known all over the world as the great apostle of human liberty. It shall not be my purpose to at- tempt a eulogy on him because no eulogy that I could make would do justice to his name or memory. As Lincoln said of Wash- ington, so I can say of Lincoln, “To add brightness to the sun or glory to the name of Lincoln is alike impossible.” In addition to the fine qualities of mind and heart which nature gave him, his great influence in the world can, I think, be traced to his firm anchorage in three great docu- ments. The Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States, and the Gospel of Jesus Christ. He récognized the Declaration of Independence as a docu- ment “proclaiming liberty throughout the land and to all the inhabitants thereof.” He recognized the Constitution as a sacred bond that held the States in kn indissoluble un- ion. And he recognized the Gospel of Jesus Christ as the Breatest moral force in the world. Lincoln lived in a “very critical period in the life of our Nation. Henry Clay, with his numerous compromises, had delayed the join- ing of issues on the question of slavery. Daniel Webster had done his best to pre- serve the Union when he said, “Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and insepara- ble!” The political parties were uncertain in their policies and in their strategy. The peo- ple were floundering both politically and eco- nomically. The churches were fervently en- gaged in defending public morals. The Gov- ernment was weak and uncertain, Lincoln came along and put life into the then strug- gling Republican Party. In his famous lost speech of 1856 he gave it issues upon which to stand. He put the forces of honesty and common sense into motion. He carried the people back to the standards of thought and purpose that had actuated the people when they put forth the Declaration of Independ- ence and the Constitution. He told them that a house divided against itself cannot stand. The Republicans of today can well afford to give heed to the admonitions and com- mon sense pronouncements of Lincoln. For the last 16 years our country has gone through the worst possible attack upon the very foundations of the Republic. I hope that I may not affront anyone, but I was in Washington long before the New Deal came into power. Although it was hard living, still I am glad to say that I lived through the New Deal, and I hope that I have lived clear through it. While everything about the New Deal was not wrong and improper, it carried about as much of a threat to the perpetuity of the Republic as the conditions in Lincoln's time which prompted him to say in his Get- tysburg Address, “That we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom.” There is no question but that the real alm and purpose of the New Deal was to change our form of government. An open declara- tion of their purpose to spend, spend, spend; elect, elect, elect, could not possibly have been in consonance with the spirit of the Constitution of our oountry. I cannot see how anyone could claim that he was doing his full duty toward his country when he ‘was purposely advocating scarcity as against plenty, idleness as against industry, profli- gate spending as against thrifty economy, and Government control of property and business and the regimentation of the people in what they did and what they consumed. Their bold and practically successful at- tempt to control the judiciary of the Nation by packing the Supreme Court will eternally
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD raise a doubt as to their complete loyalty to our form of government. I therefore say that we have in the last 16 years come through a worse crisis than that which preceded and followed the Civil War. As the Republican Party saved the Nation then, so the Republican Party must save it now, and we must do it with malice toward none and with charity for all, and we must do it by, binding up the Nation’s wounds and by stepping out and up to new and higher and more healthy political and economic grounds. The American people demonstrated in the November election of 1946 that they had had enough. No political party was ever so completely repudiated as the New Deal party in the last election. The responsibility of the Republican Party is great. The people are expecting great things of us. The people want the Republican Party to succeed. They are not expecting the impossible. The strongest position the Republican Party could take today would be to recognize as its three cardinal principles: adherence to the pronouncements of the Declaration of Independence, compliance with all of the provisions of the Constitution, and allegiance to the gospel of Christianity. In other words defend the liberty which we achieved through the Revolution, support the Consti- tution which is our political and economic charter, and practice Christianity, which is the greatest moral force in the world. Lincoln’s strength was in his common sense and his accurate appraisal of what the people were thinking about and what their best interests demanded. He presented these issues in a masterful fashion. To my mind that is exactly what we must do through our press and through our pulpits and through our legislative debates and enactments. In other words the duty of the Republican Party is simply to do what should be done as measured by the rules of common decency and common honesty. In the early history of the world, military might was the determining factor in forming the destinies of nations. And while we showed in the late war that we had all of the military might that was necessary, still our problem now is not one of military might. It is one of appraising properly the needs of the people and proceeding coura- geously to secure them. The people by reason of the press and radio ere better posted on public events than they were in the days of Lincoln. The people are looking to Washington more now than they ever have done. Congress is more inclined to listen to the voice of the people now than it ever has been. I think this is as it should be. There are several very important issues before the American people at this time and the people are looking for Congress to solve them. THE PUBLIC DEDT Several of the important issues before us today spring from the fact that the country is now carrying the most terrific national debt that any nation ever attempted to carry in the histery of the world. I can remember that after the first World War we thought it was a terrible load to carry a national debt of $27,000,000,000. The conscience of the Nation at that time did not approve national extravagance. We should have heeded the chiding of our national conscience. The Republicans reduced that debt for 10 years at the rate of a billion dollars a year. ‘When the New Deal came to power the debt was about $20,000,000,000. I remember that it was with great temerity that we increased the debt limit to $35,000,000,000 and then to $45,000,000,000 and then to $60,000,000,000 and then to $125,000,000,000 and then to $210,000,000,000, then to $260,000,000,000 and finally to $300,000,000,000. Now the debt is €259,000,000,000. ‘“‘uis terrific debt has great weight in de- termining whether and how much we shall reduce taxes and how we should apply the revenues which the Government collects. Most of this terrific debt was contracted in the past few years. Our Government spent more than twice as much money in the 5 years 1941, 1942, 1943, 1944, and 1945 than it spent in all of the days from George Wash- ington down to the beginning of 1941. The total cost of the Government from the days of George Washington to the end of 1940 was less than $175,000,000,000. The total cost of Government in the 5 years from 1941 to 1945, inclusive, was more than $350,000,000,000. In not one single year of the 16 years of New Deal administration was the Gov- ernment able to meet its expenses. Terrific deficits were piled up in every year. The New Deal never did balance its budget. This year the Republican Congress is determined to balance the Budget and to pay something on this large debt. Personally, I hope we can keep the Budget to thirty-one billion and that we can reduce taxes substantially and have three or four billion to apply on our national debt. There are three ways by which the national debt can be discharged. The first might be by repudiation, which no loyal American citi- zen would favor. If we refuse to pay our honest debts then we can not operate under our Constitution. The other method would be by inflation. No country has ever paid its debts by inflation and survived. We could not do so. The remaining method by which the debt could be paid is by the old method of taxation. In other words, we must pay this debt ourselves since it is our own debt. I know that Franklin D. Roosevelt advocated that we should not worry about the national debt since we “owed it to ourselves.” It is not so important that we owe it to ourselves as it is that we contracted it ourselves and it 1s cowardly for us to carelessly pass it on to future generations. It is little short of a national disgrace for us to take the position that we cannot pay this debt for at least a hundred years. We must do it in less time. We might amortize the debt over a period of years and obligate ourselves to pay in yearly installments, but even then it would take a long time. But it must be paid. We must again publicly advocate that thrift is a virtue and should be practiced by the Government and by the individual. Repeatedly on the floor of the House have I challenged anyone to produce any state- ment by Franklin D. Roosevelt advocating thrift. The motto of his administration was to spend and spend and elect and elect. Now the time has come when we must begin to pay. We must pay by taxation and by econo- mizing. The Republicans in Congress have deter- mined to economize. This must be done in every proper way. They have determined to separate from the Government service many thousands of persons who probably were never needed and who now are surely not needed. A great saving could be accom- plished in that respect. Likewise a general policy of economy and thrift must be prac- ticed in the making of appropriations by Congress. As you know, the President has recom- mended that the Budget for the coming year be fixed at $37,500,000,000. The Federal rev- enue comes largely from taxation. No great savings can be effected unless the Budget is reduced very materially below $37,500,000,- 000. A committee from the House and Sen- ate have now been working on this for sev- eral days. They must conclude their work and report to Congress by the 15th of Feb- ruary. The Republican Members are deter- mined to keep the Budget below 632,000,000,- 000. Personally, I think it can be reduced as low as 6@381,000,000,000. In a few days we shall know the result of the work of the Budget Committee. The report of the com- mittee must be approved by Congress. A677 of the Budget is a very impor- tant matter. It is the first must matter to be done by Congress in this session, but it would be very fortunate for the country if we could just know what the national in- come will be for the coming year. But this is not possible by February 15. If our coun- try continues to maintain a high national income, we can naturally carry a higher Budget. What the national income will be depends largely on what the economic con- ditions will be and what will be the produc- tion of the Nation. As you know all wealth comes from the ground plus production by the hands and brains of the people. If the relationship between the employer and the employee should be friendly, cordial, and co- operative for the next year our national in- come would stay up. If on the other hand the relationship between the producing forces is strained and production is kept down, then our national income will no doubt come down. I think that there is a finer feeling of conciliation between indus- try and the employees now than there has been for years. I hope this will manifest itself with the result that production will be maintained at the highest possible rate. As soon as the Budget is fixed, then we can proc*ed logically to determine where and how savings are to be effected. The more saving that can be effected the more taxes can be remitted. If we cannot reduce ex- penses, then we cannot hope for a reduc- tion in taxes. We read frequently in the press that the Republican Party is committed to a 20-per- cent-across-the-board reduction in taxes. I have never felt that I have been committed to a reduction of taxes in any special amount. I have refrained from committing myself, because as I have already stated, the reduc- tion of taxes must depend upon other fac- tors. Of course I hope that we will be able to reduce taxes and to reduce them very sub- stantially. I know that it will be the pur- pose of the Republicans in Congress to make as great reduction as is consistent with good business. That will be my purpose. I am sure you would like to know what ts the feel- ing of the Republican Members of Congress with reference to their responsibility toward the American people. Not since I have been in Congress has there been a stronger fecling among the membership to do what is best for the Nation. I hope that we will be able to sO demean ourselves as to win the ap- probation of the American people for having done conscientious and constructive work. The Government under the New Deal hans been expanded in so many ways that the ex- pense of operating the Government has in- creased greatly. Before the last war the total operating expenses of the Government were about six billion. At the present time it takes six billion to pay the interest on the debt. It also takes about six billion to pay the veterans’ claims. This would make a total of €12,000,000,000. And there must be a terrific increase in the cost of maintain- ing the Army and Navy. Formerly the Army consisted of less than 300,000 men. The Army now must contain about a million men. The same is true also of the Navy. Our for- eign commitments are much heavier than they were formerly. President Truman says he should have 837,500,000,000 next year in order to meet expenses. I think the Repub- licans will decide that he must get along on less than $32,000,000,000. If we are suc- cessful in this respect we can reduce taxes about 83,000,000,000 and still have about $4,000,000,000 to appy on the national debt. My friends, I would not leave with you a dismal picture. Personally, I feel very hope- ful that the Republican Congress will be able to do most of the things that the people expect us to do. I know that the Congress is alert and wants to do for the country what it knows the people are expecting. I
A678 feel that the Republican Congress has the right spirit and that it will accomplish great things. The House of Representatives has already passed legislation calling for an amendment to the Constitution restricting the holding of the office of President by any person to two terms of 4 years each. This was done only after many ardent New Dealers in Congress had protested. However, many of them voted for the measure. I hope this amendment is finally adopted. The House has also passed legislation ex- tending the Jaw providing for the collection of the excise taxes, This legislation would continue the collection of $1,300,000,000 in excise taxes. Iam hopeful that the Republican Congress will courageously undertake the solution of the labor problem and will reduce taxes and pay on the debt and that it will repeal the many laws giving special power to the Execu- tive over the property and rights of industry and the people of our country. I also hope that the Republican Congress will remove all vestiges of the OPA as soon as possible consistent with good government. The OPA was the one program that showed how far the New Dealers would go in their fallacious policies and arrogant parctices in an effort to socialize our country and to sup- plant republicanism with socialism and state- ism. The people on November 5 showed that they had finally properly appraised the New Deal and they repudiated it completely. As a Republican Congressman speaking to Re- publicans I am hoping that our own party will for the good of the country and the world demean itself in such a manner that fu- ture generations may proudly say that ours is a government of the people, by the people, for the people, Lincoln’s Philosophy, Then and Now EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH S. WHERRY OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, February 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. WHERRY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp a Lincoln Day address en- titled “Lincoln’s Philosophy, Then and Now,” delivered by me before the Middle- sex Club, Boston, Mass., on Wednesday, February 12, 1947. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: It is a high honor for me to come to Boston to join you in celebrating the birthday of Abraham Lincoln. Out in Nebraska we have the views of the Great Plains. Our country is young. We do appreciate the traditions of your background which you enjoy here in New England. But, as you cherish the traditions of the Middlesex Club, we have a fondness for experimenting with things new. Nevertheless, we do have many prin- ciples in common. One of those principles is a tremendous faith in opportunity. America is history's greatest demonstration of achievement by a free people; and Lin- coln stands before the whole world as the symbol of that American freedom. His example is the inspiration for Ameri- can leadership, indeed, for the leadership of the world. America today needs another Abraham Lincoln. It was his wise leadership in our land of opportunity, combined with the leasons of experience and his new vision, that strength- ened the roots of our new-found liberties. Down the vista of the years, the spiritual figure of Abraham Lincoln grows. Lincoln now has a timeless quality, and a moral dig- nity and grandeur all his own. We see him now, not only as a political figure, but as one of the great spiritual leaders of mankind. To all Republicans, Lincoln’s birthday has & profound significance. He was the founder of our party, and Our party, the rank anc file, and its lead- ership, come together on this day reverently to rededicate themselves to those larger pur- poses, to which he gave such a full measure of devotion. THE FORCES IN MOTION What forces led to Lincoln’s nomination for the Presidency and how do they corre- spond to the forces that work within the country today? During the weak, vacillating administra- tion of President Buchanan the momentous issues were beginning to crystallize which culminated in the campaign of 1860. The issue then raised was the extension of slavery into the new territories seized or opened up by the Federal Government. Fearful of open conflict that threatened, most national leaders of the time urged compromise. Horace Greeley proposed the nomination of Stephen A. Douglas, then a towering figure in the United States Senate, author of the doctrine of “Popular Sovereignty” which sought to accomplish the impossible feat of compromising the power of the Union with extension of slavery—trying to face both ways at the same time. Hasn't that kind of double talk a familiar ring? WHAT QUALITIES OF LINCOLN MET THESE FORCES? What qualities singled out this angular, un- known frontier lawyer from New Salem, II1., for national leadership, when the young Re- public was confronted with the first serious threat to its continued existence? It was the outstanding figure, Stephen Douglas, whom the young unknown lawyer, Abraham Lincoln, challenged in a series of debates which were to become historic. Lincoln saw more clearly than did most men that the great issue of preserving the Union admitted of no compromise. To those who urged softness or fusion, Lincoln wrote: I quote. 1. “There are good, patriotic and able statesmen—whom I would gladly support, if they would now place themselves on Re- Publican ground—but I am against letting down the Republican standard a hair's breadth.” Lincoln's unswerving philosophy was there can be no compromise with any force which would undermine or destroy the Union. That was the Lincoln approach and that is exactly the kind of Republicanism we need today. The voters last November 5 decreed that there be no compromise with the forces bent upon undermining the Union. They said by their vote, they wanted an end to Federal encroachment on their liberties. During the last 14 years, bureaucracy has grown by leaps and bounds. From March 14, 1986, to November 5, 1945, there have been 107,186 Executive orders, directives, grants, permissions, and prohibitions issued by the bureaucrats in Washington. To print these orders required more than 62,000 pages and 93,000,000 words. Female steers, mules, steam pipe, and threads. President Truman last Thursday asked _the Congress to extend the Second War Powers Act, the authority under which such orders and prohibitions are issued. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD If we are to confine the Federal Govern- ment to the functions it should perform as a government of laws we must take back those . war powers Congress has delegated to the Executive and when the Second War Powers Act terminates on March 31, I, for one, will vote and work against its extension, If there are any controls that should be continued let the administration come to the Congress and ask for specific legislation in each case. We must also cut down, and cut out, a multitude of bureaus no longer needed in Government. To that end, I joined with Senators Wri.raMs, of Delaware, and Wat- xINs, Of Utah, to end on April 30 the Office of Price Administration. If there is any further need to control prices, let the administration come before the Congress, and justify spectal legislation to meet each specific need. The Congress, in the House, has met its first test on another issue which involves a most dangerous threat to our American system of liberty. On last Thursday they overwhelmingly voted for a constitutional amendment to limit the Presidential tenure to two terms. Every Republican in the House voted for this amendment. No political monopoly or personal autoc- racy should ever again be permitted to exer- cise such power as to perpetuate its control over the people, by a multiplicity of terms in the White House. The “no third term” tradition is based upon one of the soundest principles of Amer- ican freedom. Your own Calvin Coolidge kept faith with that time honored and sacred tradition. Fourteen years of misgovernment, because of the centralization of power, have left us with an array of unprecedented problems, which the Republican Congress is now called upon to solve. A secure, sound, and solvent America de- pends upon a balanced national economy. Our task is to balance our national economy in the face of a staggering debt of nearly $260,000,000,000. 1, The budget must be balanced—make no mistake about that. Yet, it is only one of several factors in the problem of balancing our national economy. 2. Our national debt must be serviced and reduced, and at the same time, we must reduce taxes, 8. We are faced with the worst housing shortage in the history of the country. And yet to meet this situation no relief is offered except through a veterans’ housing program which is completely bogged down. 4. Federal-aid appeals still flood Congress, from municipalities and States, for the same old kind of financial hand-outs. 5. We are under terrific pressure to in- crease wages. The administration insists, all these increases should be made without any corresponding rise in prices. That's the Wallace theory. Inseparably connected with these factors is the stabilization of the American dollar. How is the dollar to be stabilized? (a) By sound administrative practices in Government, (b) By increased production of goods and services which, through competition in free markets will assure reasonable prices and good quality. It was for precisely that reason that I in- troduced a resolution and fought on the floor of the Senate to continue the Small Business Committee, Small business is indispensable to the welfare of America. The family-sized farm, the home indus- tries, the small home-town newspaper, the corner grocery, the village blacksmith, and the family doctor around which a flourish- ing community is built, are the foundations of a sound national economy. For the security of all, we must lick in- fiatton, Nowhere was this brought home
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to me more clearty than last November when I visited Prance and Germany. I saw at a farm sale in Pranoe, a 2-year-old colt bring 182,000 francs, or about $1,300 in American money. And in Germany, a package of cigarettes would buy more goods or services than a pocketbook full of marks. A cigarette was worth 86 cents in American money. These tnstances were the results of scarcity. I said, in Boston a year ago, that the way to halt inflation is by tncreased production. We can get ful) production only when we stabilize relationships between management and labor. There must be an end to the epidemic of strikes, such as swept the country last year. If one thing ts clear, it is the absolute inadequacy of the Wagner Labor Act, either to bring about or to maintain industrial peace. The record during the past 11 years is tragic. Last year, for example, there was estab- lished an all-time high both as to the num- ber of workers involved in strikes and the number of man-days lost. There were 4,700 work stoppages during the year involving 4,650,000 employees which resulted in 113,000- 000 man-days of idleness during a when the American people faced acute short- ages of goods. Who suffered the most, lost the most, and paid the most? The working people. What the Nation needs most of all is OO nema nme Policy in the light of our past experien: Congress is confronted with the duty of protecting labor, , management, and the Government itself—against any un- due hostility, or unreasoning hatred. Collective bargaming is a necessity in our American economy. It is essential to our National well-being that the Congress pre- serve opportunity for labor. But, as oppor- tunity 1s preserved legislation must be en- acted which will assure every man the right to work for whom he pleases—and protect him against being required to pay tribute to any union for that right. The right to work is a vital part of the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of bap- piness. In union there is strength but there must be no despotism or tyranny. These are only a few of the domestic prob- lems that have literally been dumped in the lap of the Eightieth Congress. It is now obvious to all of us that it is most difficult to heal the ills of a Nation that have been 14 years in accumulating and still escape scot-free from their consequences. If we are to use the Lincoln approach the settlement of these problems can no longer be delayed and the principles cannot be compromised. It will have to be done by a militant Congress willing to assume the leadership necessary to remove the uncer- tainties that threaten our high production level, restore those incentives which unlock the energies of men and, build the founda- tions for a permanent, prosperous America. It has not been done, and cannot be done, by a feeble, hesitant, or divided leadership. FOREIGN POLICY The settlement of these domestic issues is further complicated by world-wide commit- ments made by the State Department over the past 14 years, frequently without the prior knowledge of Congress. The practice of making domestic policies subservient to our foreign policy as admin- istered by the State Department is some- thing new, and is the outgrowth of authority used by the State Department without con- gressional review. Traditionally our foreign policy was molded within’ the framework of a strong, virile, free domestic economy. But today, because of foreign commitments, our situ- ation has been reversed and our domestic policy is now being shaped to fit the pattern of our foreign policy. The United Nations was set up to bring lasting peace to the world and all people hoped and prayed it might be accomplished. To implement the United Nations organi- gation and the other international agree- ments America has poured out billions and billions of taxpayers’ dollars. Now we find that the money has been used largely to finance the very forces alining themselves against us around the world. It takes no prophet to predict that within the next 12 months many of these organi- zations and nations will again be knocking at the door of our Treasury for more Ameri- can billions. Tf we are to prevent the use of the Ameri- can taxpayers’ dollars for the financing of alien forces working against us throughout the world then the time has come for Con- gress to take back the policy-making powers exercised today by the State Department without even a semblance of senatorial re- view. I refer specifically to the power to nego- tiate reciprocal-trade agreements and tariff reductions and, the power to shape Ameri- can food controls and foreign export regu- lations in which the State Department pres- ently has a dominant voice. Also the dis- proportionately large measure of authority the State Department now exercises in shap- ing our national defense and related pro- grams. . CONCLUSION In conclusion I think it is well for us to recall that the founding fathers (and wise men they were) created a government to be composed of three independent coordi- nate branches each checking the others in order to preserve wide-open opportunity for the individual citizen. That opportunity we must continue to preserve. America grew great, and we as a people achieved the highest living levels, greatest freedom of religion, speech, preas, and as- sembly; the highest wages, the most luxu- ries of life because of individual opportunity, which was a constant invitation to individ- ual talent and initiative. Unless we are, as Lincoln said, meanly to lose all of this through our own indiffer- ence, then we must prepare to face what- ever pain and inconvenience may be occa- sioned by these necessary readjustments to get back from a government by bureaus and regulations, to a government of, by, and for the people in which opportunity, under the Bill of Rights, is the chief foundation stone. To do that we must set Our faces sternly and unyijeldingly against any move within this country either to destroy our American system of free constitutional government, free economy, and free society, or to lead our people away from their ideals and their faith in God. As we leave this banquet hall tonight I call upon all of you party workers to rededi- cate your lives, to fight for the principles for which Lincoln gave his life. May we keep the faith with the immortal Lincoln? Yes; may we keep the faith of the teachings of the Almighty God. The Eightieth Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HENRY 0. TALLE or IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. TALLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I A679 include the following editoria] from the Washington Post of February 22, 1947: Procress IN CONGRESS (By Mark Sullivan ) BUDGET AGREEMENT SIGNIFICANT In accounts of the new Congress, 7 weeks after it came into existence, appear occasion- ally the words “muddle” and “confusion,” espectally in connection with the budget. Citizens who might be anxious about this condition if it existed, may get assurance from considering the essential facts, which point to a contrary conclusion. The new Congress has made a remarkable record of speed and competence. This is not merely a new Congress. Nor is it merely a Congress in which one party took over from the other, nor merely a Con- gress controlled by one party while the Presi- dency and the executive machinery are in the hands of the other. In addition to these conditions, which make difficulty at all times, the new Congress faced a novel and extraor- dinary difficulty. There had been enacted, last year, a law, the La Follette-Monroney bill, which com- pletely reorganized the machinery of Con- gress, and which took effect with the open- ing of the present Congress. This law, among other things, revolutionized the committees of Congress as they had been for a century. Many of the old committees were abolished, others combined, duties of many committees transferred to others, the total reduced to a manageable number. And this drastic reorganization of commit- tees is not the whole of the story—essentially it is only the beginning. Upon the commit- tees, as newly set up, are placed greatly en- larged functions and responsibilities. The La Follette-Monroney bill contemplated an assumption by Congress of enlarged control over the machinery of Government as a whole, a reassertion by Congress of control over de- partments and agencies of government which, over a period of years had weakened or lapsed. This enlarged control by Congress was to be exercised mainly by the committee as newly set up. That this revolution in the congressional machinery made organization of the new Congress especially onerous goes without saying. That it has been accomplished—that the new committees are organized and func- tioning, that their staffs have been appointed and are at work—is prime testimony of the speed and competence of the new Congress. Add that another and traditional difficulty has been surprisingly minimized. Between the new Congress, controlled by one party, and a President belonging to the other is a degree of cooperation not achieved in pre- vious times when the conditions existed. The prompt working of the new congres- sional committee system is illustrated by what has been done about the budget. In the new system, and very important in it, there is set up a joint committee of the Sen- ate and House, the Joint Congressional Com- mittee. This committee is directed by the new law to make and recommend an esti- mate of Government expenditures for the year ahead, and to announce it by February 15. The new committee did this, on the day specified. The joint committee took as a starting point an estimate made by the President, that expenditures should be 8$37,500,000,000. This the committee reduced by $6,000,000,000, and so recommended to Congress. This $6,000,000,000 recommendation has been ac- cepted by House Republicans; Senate Repub- licans have proposed a smaller figure, four and one-half billions. Controversy between six and four and one-half, within the parties and within Congress, provides most of the current news about the budget. What is really important is not the con- troversy between four and one-half and six,
A680 but the acceptance by both groups of con- tenders that there shall be a ceiling to ex- penditures, the ceiling to be less than the President's recommendation of thirty-seven and one-half billions. That there shall be a ceiling on expenditures, and that the ceiling shall be fixed by Congress, is all that Con- gress is so far called on to do. The differ- ence of opinion about the ceiling figure, a one and one-half billion difference in judg- ment about a total which in any event is over thirty billions, far from occasion for concern, is an extraordinary degree of agreement. So far as concern is justified at all, it is whether Congress actually restrains itself to the ceiling it sets. This is for the future, when Congress makes the appropriations which compose the total of Government ex- penditures. As a matter of fact, apprehen- sion is hardly justified. There is hardly the faintest doubt that after Congress has made the various separate appropriations the total will conform to what Senator Tart has said: “The Republicans propose to reduce * * * this year and more next year.” That purpose is held by Democrats as firmly as by Repub- cans. Address of Louis E. Starr, Commander in Chief, Veterans of Foreign Wars EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARVE TIBBOTT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. TIBBOTT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the address of Command- er in Chief Louis E. Starr, Veterans of Foreign Wars, before the Women’s Patri- otic Conference, Washington, D. C., January 24, 1947. It is a speech on the matters of defense worthy of the consid- eration of every American. It follows: THE WOMAN PATRIOT is a special pleasure to address the Women's Patriotic Conference. The aims “and ideals of my organization are in general the same as yours. The wording of our char- ters may vary, yet there is a similarity of phrase and in our activities an identity of purpose. Some of our objectives concern themselves with veterans’ affairs almost exclusively. In & larger sense, however, we are interested in other and wider objectives. It is in these we find our common ground: To maintain true allegiance to the Gov- ernment of the United States of America and fidelity to its Constitution and laws; to foster true patriotism; to maintain and extend the institutions of American freedom; and to preserve and defend the United States against all their enemies whomsoever— these are the ideals I shall discuss, relating them to the subject I have selected as the keynote for this conference, The Patriot Woman. Through the ages men have set the pattern for what is generally accepted as patriotic service. Perhaps they established themselves as the defenders of the hearth—and of tribal rights—at the dawn of human history—when women, hampered by the necessity of protect- ing their children, remained hidden in caves or behind rocky escarpments. Whatever the origin, it has been men—the fathers and sons—who have distinguished themselves around the council fires, in battle, and in those parleys in which the destinies of na- tions have been determined. Because women have traditionally been the homemakers, or speaking less idealistically, because they have been the vessels through whose sons property and titles descend, they have been guarded as any valuable chattel would be from exposure to war, danger and predatory males. I do not argue the right or wrong of this procedure—of the historical restriction of the field of women’s patriotic endeavor. I only know that men have set the precedents for aggressive patriotism—and women, rather than attempting to ape them—have, happily, distinguished themselves in related fields of endeavor. It has been women, like yourselves, who have inspired and taught fidelity to the Con- stitution and its laws, true patriotism and the extenson of the institutions of American freedom. Despite the handicap of an inferior politi- cal, economic and social position, women have achieved unique distinction in the cus- tomary observances and symbolism of our country. In an earlier day the United States was often represented by a womanly figure, Columbia. She was depicted as a Junoesque type in a pose not unlike that associated with the Statute of Liberty. Columbia, the Gem of the Ocean, was a popular symbol, cele- brated in song and poetry. Liberty, long the guardian of our eastern portals—The Lady to millions, of servicemen who have sailed past her—is a nobl2 representation of a woman. Justice, blind but invested with rectitude, honor, faith and probity, is always a woman of ineffabl> beauty. It is significant that literature records only one army of women, the battling and fearless Amazons of the ancients. It has been men who have perfected the mechanics of war— women who became skilled in the arts of peace. As a symbol, the patriot woman is an heroic figure. In reality she is a creature of our imagination, ofttimes expressed through the medium of each of you. The patriot woman is she who recognizes the needs of her country and within the limitations of her genius, actively does some- thing about them—not all her country’s needs—no one, Man or woman, can act with wisdom in al] matters simultaneously. She elects the things she best can do and does them with all her heart and strength—with vision, with determination and with skill. Often she works only in her own family or in her own community. Ages past women learned a lesson that men are only beginning to accept as a prin- ciple of world order. Women long ago rec- ognized that they could reconcile the di- vergent personalities of a family. Johnny may be a fiery, black-haired crusader and Jane may be a blond bombshell, but mother somehow manages to teach them to under- stand each other, to subscribe to a common ideal of action in the home—to the end that they live together comfortably and for mutual good. The ideal of the United Nations, reduced to its fundamental expression, is really nothing more than an extension of the prin- ciple of family relationships. It follows, therefore, that women can do much in teach- ing us how to live in a world community. But before you women can teach us how to live together you must recognize and understand the problems we face together. The needs of the world community of na- tions are great. The needs of our own coun- try are even greater. By serving the latter well—you serve the former better. Our country needs—the world needs—a rebirth of the ideal of freedom, a rededication to the principles of our Constitution, and a re- evaluation of our individual responsibilities as citizens. The patriot woman, answering the call of her country, dreams in terms of service, not of self. She constantly asks herself, “What can I, a single individual in my modest home in my small town—what can I do?” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There is no formula for service. Not the degree of talent, but the depth of desire will decide what patriotic service ia for each of you. “Not the dark place but the dim eye that hinders.” So it is with the will to serve your country. There is no lack of work to do—no village, no rural lane, but opportunity is there. Too often it is not the dark place but the dim eye of disinterest that obscures Patriotic needs. Early in the nineteenth century there lived in New York a beautiful and wealthy young woman with red golden hair. At 16 this high-spirited young heiress found it so aificult to keep her giddy mind on her studies that, to coerce herself into the task, it is said she had the maid tie her to her chair. Service to her country seemed never to have entered her bright young head. She married a reformer 20 years her senior and continued her studies. She wrote sev- eral books of conventional verse bearing such modest titles as “Words for the Hours” to which no one paid much attention. She bore three children, wrote nursery rhymes for them, applauded politely her husband's activities in the Abolition movement, and one day a mature woman, awakened to dis- cover within herself a burning desire to help in her country's hour of need—the Civil War. There seemed little enough a second-rate poet could do, especially a female poet. She busied herself, not in rolling bandages as so many of you did in the recent war years (in the work rooms of the American Red Cross) but in a comparable task, scraping lint for surgical dressings. This was not enough. There must be, she reasoned, some way in which her small talent for versification could be magnified to serve her country. If only her tiny note of music might become a swelling anthem! One day she came to Washington tc witness a review of troops. I do not know where her carriage halted when the ceremony was done, I only know the regiments swung by, delay- ing all carriage traffic. Company after com- pany marched past until the rhythmic pounding of feet echoed and re-echoed in her heart. To pass the time her party began singing the rousing song, John Brown's Body. Turning to the red-headed woman, Janes Freeman Clark said, “Julia, why don’t you write some really worthy words to that stir- ring tune?” “Really worthy words?” Not John Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the ground. Not that—but something better. The troops vanished in the distance. Julia went home, Inspired but inarticulate, that night she fell asleep. In the gray dawn she awakened. Quietly she lay, suddenly aware of a great exultation. The words marched from her heart in sonorous dignity. “Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord,” she whispered in the silence of the dawn, “His truth is marching on!” Line by line the swelling anthem rolled from her lips. The Battle Hymn of the Republic! Her little talent, spontaneously, suddenly in full fruition. Worthy words for a stirring tune? The marching song of a nation! Millions sang it then. Millions sing it today. It echoes from the country school and from convention halls. Julia Ward Howe dedicated herself to her country. She gave the best and the full-flowering of her talent, a song that—like truth—=still marches on. Within her limitations, whatever they are, despite handicaps, the patriot woman finds opportunity to serve—simply and naturally in her own heart she finds the way. There is in these United States today a blue-eyed, gray-haired woman who loves her country, perhaps more because she cannot see it. She is quite blind. She is stone deaf. Not so long ago she volunteered to spend a
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD day, as she often does, visiting a great Army general hospital. The officials worried a lit- tle. She asked to visit the wards. What, they thought, could a speechless woman, blind these many years, and deaf—what could she do for hospitalized soldiers? Knowing how often youth disguises emo- tion by boisterous talk, they feared she might sense their turbulence, “How shall we tntro- duce her?” they asked. Her interpreter ad- vised them to avoid such formalities. “She needs no introduction,” she smiled. So they led the blind woman to the wards. Unerringly, sure of welcome, she ap- proached the beds. Her searching fingers read the story of each pain-wracked face. Sightless but loving, the lively blue eyes an- swered their unspoken questions. To the texture and color of skin she was blind. She recognized no race, no color, no creed. From corridor to corridor they led her through the long hours of the day, and as she departed peace lay sweetly over the wards. Doomed to speechless darkness, her eloquence had penctrated sou) after soul as she ex- pounded equality and brotherly love with her fingertips. “You are a good soldier,” she said as she touched each cheek lightly. And not a broken body but would have risen to fight again for freedom as she passed. That wo- man was Helen Keller, patriot woman, Julia Ward Howe, Helen Keller, Lucretia Mott, Molly Pitcher, Jane Addams, and Mary Antin—all women patriots, ull great names in history. But what of you today? Let us examine your responsibilities. The last 40 years have witnessed three parallel and opposing developments in the social and economic status of women. One, founded on a complete level and equality with men and offered by Lenin, has attained a stature of world significance. Another, chosen by Mussolini and later espoused by Hitler, was best described by the latter when he declared, “Man is the organizer, woman the organ for carrying out his plan,” and “Woman has her battlefield. With each child that she brings to the nation, she fights her fight for the nation.” The ultimate in pragmatism, declarcd so- cially good because it worked to produce the manpower s0 greatly coveted by Fascist na- tions, this philosophy degraded women to the level of productive beasts. The third, that of free choice in her rela- tionships with men, has found its greatest development in the democracies. In the United States we have grown to expect that & woman will choose of her own free will how she will live and work with men. These three avenues of development are still open to women. Which American wo- men will choose, which they will call “pa- triotic,” will depend to a large degree upon what you women here—what your organiza- tions—do within the next few yeurs. Not Only your membership in your own organiza- tion, but your membership itn other women's organizations—an interlocking of interest— bestows upon you a large share of influence. Tremendous power is yours. Guard it well. Just how powerful are women today? No one knows. Devices for measuring total wo- man power, world woman power, have not been perfected. Even the most skilled and learned sociologist cannot estimate the pres- ent power of women, nor predict with any degree of accuracy, the weight of influence they are destined to embody in the eco- nomic and social affairs of the proposed com- munity of nations. However, it is safe to predict that there will devolve upon women heavy obligations for patriotic service to the state and to the world. If for no other reason, because women in the Jeading nations far outnumber men, In Russia, the Communist state where equality is the law, women outnumber men by 10,000,000. In Great Britain, whose standards for women may be said to parallel ours, there are 3,000,000 more women than men. In Germany the proportion is five women to three men. In the United States women outnumber men by 1,000,000. Tak- Ing Into account the war losses in Japan, it would appear that women outnumber men about 700,000. In China alone do the men outnumber the women. What does this preponderance of women really mean? First, for your immediate planning, it means that your responsibility to your coun- try and to the community of nations is pro- portionately great. Traditionally, women have assumed the duty of training and in- spiring youth in the ideals of the Republic, You will continue to discharge that obliga- tion. But you must do more. As a shifting in the balance of pOwer between men and women occurs, you must of necessity accept the mantle of statesmanship as and if it is relinquished. Your responsibility to your country and your obligation to the world community of Nations is in direct proportion to your num- bers. Unless some accident of fate deci- mates women, or some inordinate skill in planning is developed, it is not inconceivable that the future world state may be one of which the ancient Amazons were prophetic. You women, your sisters and duughters may be, all unconsciously, the pioneers In . pre- dominantly feminine world. During the war years, women, blessed by society and commended by Government, left their homes by thousands. They became riveters and welders and grease monkeys and pilots. They drove trucks and busses and enlisted in the WACS. WAVES, SPARS, and Marines. They followed the troops to the fighting fronts. In the world’s largest Mass exodus from the home they evolved a new economic and social design for women. For several years the woman we have so long considered typical—the woman in the home—was scarcely more than a graciously remembered symbol. Those too young to enlist or to work on the production front or those who were training for a trade or profession deemed necessary continued in school. With 10,000,- 000 men withdrawn from normal duties women took over many unusual jobs. They also took over the schools and colleges. The ranks of professional women and white-collar girls grew by leaps and bounds. The grad- uates of the war years, miles ahead of their masculine contemporaries, form in the ag- gregate a bloc of no inconsidernble power, Numerically you are already great. How great is your patriotism? Is it great enough to answer the major challenge—the challenge to which it may be that women must give the final answer. Has the human capacity for working together and living together in peace and prosperity diminished through the years? Have we as nations, as a society, lost the knack of living together that you women have so painstakingly developed through the ages? This is the question asked of you and of all nations in which women predominate. Material efficiency has increased amazingly. You need only consider the working tools of your grandmother's household to see how much easier life has beer made for the home- maker by increased material efficiency. On a larger scnie we have perfected the machinery that produces almost every conceivable com- fort and luxury. Yet at the same time we have devised an engine of destruction that is incomparably more horrifying than our wildest conception of hell—the atom bomb that can destroy us all. You may say that we have in the past faced many international crises and domestic turmoil. We have. We have faced revolt, rebellion and foreign war and brought them all to a successful conclusion, But it is not enough that driven by hate and fear we should, through sheer ingeniousness, con- trive to defeat our enemies. It is not enough that under pressure we can produce dra- matically for the effective chaos demanded by war. We must learn the secret of such A681 efficiency for war and put it to work for peace. We must manage somehow to avert war and to circumvent depression. We must learn to recognize these twin evils, to diag- nose their symptoms and to perfect preven- tive not curative medicine for them. As science has produced serums for diphtheria, yellow fever, smallpox, and other virulent diseases, so must civilization discover the hidden reasons for war and depression and attack them at the source. We must search them out and destroy them before they deto- nate us into oblivion. We have relied too much and too long upon the punishment of the guilty or the irresponsible as a cure for war and a panacea for depression. It is not enough that the sinister Nazis hang at Nuremberg or that Japanese war lords die. They must never again be permitted to thrive. The innumerable phases of a program of prevention can furnish your organizations with material for endless plans for public education. Whether or not we embrace a world community of understanding and mu- tual respect, at the same time maintaining our national individuality -and integrity, or invite chaos, lies with you women of the patriotic orders, For chaos is not a factor outside ourselves or outside our national borders. It lies with- in our minds and hearts. Destruction and oblivion can come only to a country that invites them, The miserable sneak who seeks to infil- trate subversive propaganda with a daring so bold it can be mistaken for courage must find you alert to recognize his cunning. Take time to analyze the persuasive platitudes and generalities with which these purveyors of treason attempt to disarm and divide us They would set us one against the othr until the noise of discord deafens us to the call of patriotic service. Patriotism can be cultivated. It can be taught as surely us loyalty and obedience. You, as leaders of patriotic organizations, must take the lead in teaching and exempli- fying loyalty and voluntary cooperation as a means of national prosperity and interna- tional good will. Rather than permitting the fear of de- struction to drive us, let us stand fast and freely dedicate ourselves and our children to the knowledge of ourselves and our neigh- bors to the end that we may peacefully live together. During the war we fought an ideal to which ours was opposed. Since peace has come it is important that we reevaluate our own philosophy and hold fast to it. In opposing another ideal, surely we must have more clearly defined our own. Now, precisely what is our ideal and how are we going to preserve it or adapt it to world organization? To you women it should not seem difficult to define, nor to use. For, as I previously stated, the ideal of the United Nations is an international application of the principles that have so long governed the activities of women in the home and of women’s patriotic organizations; that is, unity of purpose but diversity of activity. You may ask, how much can I do? You ean do much. Go back and set your own small house in order, for it is there that pa- triotic service begins, there that international understanding originates. Education for peace can become as effective as training for war. Indeed they should go hand in hand. Military strength and international peace are not antitheses. They can be reconciled, for peace is the other face of war. Like Janus, the two-faced God of the Romans, peace and preparedness are two aspects of the same thing. For that reason, during the trying years of international growing pains ahead, while na- tions learn to live together without aggres- sion, you should vigorously support ® pro- gram of military strength—a controlled, dis- Ciplined, adequate military strength, not
A682 only to protect ourselves, but to protect those little people of other lands who cannot pro- tect themeselves. Go back to your homes determined to put into patriotic action the ideals of the United Nations. In this way you can best serve your country. Go home determined that un- derstanding will replace distrust and fear, for these lead to misery in the home and ter- ror among nations. Go home rededicating yourself to maintain true allegiance to the Government of the United States, to maintain and extend the institutions of American freedom and the teaching and interpreting of them to your neighbors at home and abroad. Then will you become a true patriot. No monument will be raised to you or to the patriot woman I have described. She exists only in our conception of her and lives only in your hearts as you exemplify her virtues. You will not pass her on the street nor see her in the markets. Yet in the tangle of city traffic you may glimpse her greatness, in the clamor of the legislative halls you may catch the brief music of her voice, In the living room of your own home you may—ever so fleetingly—feel her elusive charm, In the church you may sense the graciousness of her presence. Her responsibility is heavy. Yours is equally great. It will become greater. There is work for you, no matter how small your talents, no matter what your handicaps. If you fail now, woman may be forever shamed. How powerful you are no one knows. But it is safe to say that if every female in the United Nations dedicated herself to the pa- triotic service of her own country and to the understanding of others, the present economic and social evolution could be, over- night, world revolution for peace. Protect American Shrimp Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES DOMENGEAUX OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. DOMENGEAUX. Mr. Speaker, a great industry that means a livelihood for many thousands of our citizens in Louisiana and other States along the Gulf Coast is in grave danger. I refer to the shrimp production and packing industry which is imperiled by the steadily increasing importations of this very wholesome and delicious seafood into this country, particularly from Mexico. Reliable reports show that very large quantities of shrimp are being brought into the United States and placed on the Chicago and possibly other markets in competition with our own product. These imported shrimp can be sold at a lower figure than those taken from American waters, because of the cheap- ness of Mexican labor. Whereas com- mon labor in the packing plants along the Gulf coast receives around $40 a week, similar workers in the principal competing country get less than half that sum. As a further advantage, Mexico is producing from new and what would seem practically limitless shrimp areas that can supply at a rate many times our own. These and other factors serve to create a situation that can and will, un- less curtailed, soon wreck an American business that has taken long years of toil, courage, and sacrifice to develop to its present importance. I believe in the so-called good- neighbor policy, but I do not believe in fostering it at the expense of our own citizens. Our shrimp fishermen and ‘packers are hard-working people who struggled through depression years, slowly, but with never-ending persever- ance, building up their industry. They have been aided by the days when the Nation’s pocketbook has been better filled, increasing the demand for their product. This era of prosperity cannot be expected, however, to go on forever. It is only a question of time before those engaged in shrimping must face weak- ened markets and reduced prices. If they are properly protected by their own Government they will still be in a posi- tion to make a good living. If not, they can easily face bankruptcy. The Government owes these thousands of loyal, devoted Americans this protec- tion, not only from an economic stand- point, but likewise because of their very valuable and patriotic contribution to the war food program, under dangerous and difficult conditions. We owe it to them for the fact that in addition to the haz- ards connected with their own work they rescued nearly 300 merchant seamen who faced death wl.en enemy submarines attacked Allied ships during World War Il. There is one solution for the problem now confronting the American shrimp industry. That is to limit the importa- tion of shrimp into the United States, and as a means of eliminating the prin- cipal danger at this time I am today introducing a bill to restrict such im- portation from Mexico. My measure provides that the total importation of fresh, iced, canned, and shrimp into this country from Mexico in any one calendar year, beginning with 1947, shall not exceed the largest total quantity of such shrimp that was imported into the United States from Mexico during any one calendar year within the period of January 1, 1942, to December 31, 1945, both dates inclusive. As used in this legislation the term “United States” means the several States and the District of Columbia. This is a matter which concerns the welfare of so many individuals and in- volves so many millions of dollars in- vested in shrimp boats and shore instal- lations in seven coastal] States, that it calls for prompt, decisive and favorable action by Congress. Unless we protect the rights of our fellow citizens affected in this instance, how can we expect other industries in this country to look to us for the establishment and maintenance of those principles that guarantee fair. trade practices and wholesome, just com- petition? If we fail in such a clear duty at this time we must expect that the confidence of business will be shaken, in its dependence upon us. No doubt in view of the efforts of our Government to promote world trade we should not seek a tariff on shrimp, since APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD other nations might regard that course ‘as one of discrimination. But I believe that properly limiting imports is suf- ficient to maintain this industry on a safe and profitable basis. It seems to be the wisest, fairest, and most practical step to follow. Danger Signs EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY R, SHEPPARD OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. SHEPPARD. Mr. Speaker. under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Daily Sun of San Bernardino, Calif.: DANGER SIGNS It is time for our Nation to pause and take stock of its position in the world. It may be later than we think. Congress may be about to order further dis- armament in the quest for the money sav- ings to make good an alleged Republican promise to cut taxes 20 percent. For several weeks the Nation's military leaders have been warning that further re- ductions in appropriations will dangerously cripple the efficiency of the Army and Navy. The people can recall that on other occa- sions Congress declined to heed similar warn- ings from the men who had been hired to prepare the defenses of the country. They certainly have not forgotten that this coun- try went right up to actual war without tak- ing notice of the danger signs that were visible throughout the world. This country not only did that onge, but twice. History reveals that two great wars into which we were drawn, were started because men who thought they could rule the world gambled on the inability of the United States to arm in time to successfully defend itself. Are the signs that are again visible danger signs? What is the real meaning of the feverish activity of Russia in the spread of communis- tic activity throughout the world? What is the real reason for Russia’s iron curtain? Why does Russia refuse the simple prop- osition that the United Nations outlaw the atomic bomb and take over the supervision and inspection of all activities relating to the atomic bomb? Why does Russia insist upon extending its domination over other peoples of Europe who are opposed to living under the Russian system? There is no satisfactory answer. And since there is no satisfactory answer, what is the course of wisdom for the people of the United States? That answer is not or should not be dif- ficult. This country should continue its de- termination to be able to defend itself. We do not think war with Russia is im- pending. We do not think Russia desires-a war that would be disastrous to Russia— even though it might also be disastrous to the United States and civilization. But history proves that too many men and women, who on two other occasions thought war involving the United States ‘was impossible or improbable, were exactly wrong. Silence on the diplomatic clash between the United States and Russia is no longer
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD wise. There is a clash, a very deep and determined clash. There is not the slight- est indication that this country can be per- suaded to accept the Russian view, nor that Russia can be persuaded to accept the Amer- ican view. The United States will not surrender the atomic bomb unless Russia agrees that it will submit, along with every other country in the world, to the right of inspection of all activities relating to atomic power. The United States will not retreat from its posi- tion that security for all nations should come through the United Nations organiza- tion. The United States will not retreat from its position that until there is agree- ment on the responsibilities and power of the United Nations it will not disarm. Nor will the United States relax its opposition to the policy of Russia in extending ite power into other nations which do not want to be dominated by the Soviet. The official foreign policy of this country calls for patience, in the hope that Russia will eventually reach the conclusion it does not desire to force its political dictatorship upon the rest of the world. The Republican and Democratic parties are united upon such foreign policy. But the Republican Party may be the party that will weaken such a determined foreign policy, if the Republican Congress takes leadership in forcing a reduction of military appropriations. The Democratic Party must accept history's indictment for failure to prepare this country for both World Wars, for it was in power during the danger years. It wanted the votes that went with the slogan “He Kept Us Out of War.” Just why the Republicans would be anxious to duplicate the previous role of the Demo- crats is difficult to understand. Instead of looking for reward in 1948 because we are the boys who cut your taxes 20 percent, the GOP should look more intently upon the danger signals that again fly in this world. The world-wide fear of the atomic bomb may be sufficient to prevent its use. Hitler had the poison gas that could have knocked Britain out of the war. He didn’t use it be- cause he knew retaliation in kind would be certain and swift. This country’s determination that the na- tions of the world shall disarm together or we will not disarm at all is clear. But pend- ing the decision of the world, it would be foolhardy for the United States to deny the Army and the Navy the money they need to do the job we expect. For once Congress should listen to the ad- vice of the men the country hires to defend n. Duplication and Inefficiency in Govern- ment Bureaus EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EARL WILSON OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 . Mr. WILSON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following: Domiap & Co., Inc., Columbus, Ind., February 21, 1947. Representative EarL W1ILs0n, Congressional Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dear Sm: In one recent mail delivery we received six duplicate notices in six separate envelopes from War Assets Administration, Cincinnati, Ohio. We enclose notices and envelopes as evidence of typical duplication and inefficiency in Government bureaus. Many preceding notices, etc., have been re- ceived in an equa) degree of duplication. Yours very truly, Dunap & Co., INc. ALvin W. Munor. Extension of Reclamation Act to Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD J. WELCH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. WELCH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks, I include a communication from the Act- ing Secretary of the Interior recom- mending legislation extending the Rec- lamation Act to Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands. Mr. Speaker, as chairman of the Com- mittee on Public Lands, I have today in- troduced a bill to extend the provisions of the Reclamation Act to Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands. The importance of these outposts of our Government to national defense has taken on a new significance since Pear] Harbor. It is more necessary than ever that every possible step be taken to de- velop the economy and well-being of the American citizens residing in these Ter- ritories and insular possessions. In recommending this legislation, the Acting Secretary of the Interior sub- mitted the following communication to the Speaker of the House of Representa- tives: I enclose for the consideration of the Con- greas a draft of a bill to extend the Reclama- tion Act to certain Territories and possessions of the United States. From time to time during the past several years it has been brought to the attention of this Department that investigations and projects looking to the conservation and de- velopment of the water resources of our Ter- Titories and possessions are urgently needed. If such activities had been undertaken and the necessary construction accomplished, the problem of transporting foodstuffs to Hawaii, in the early part of World War II, would not have been as acute. Reclamation de- velopment in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands would have lightened the economic distress resulting from droughts and the shortage of fertile land, and would have in- creased employment opportunities. Impetus would have been given to the settlement of Alaska by the wise development of irriga- tion and incidental power projects. In the Hawaiian Islands there is extremely heavy rainfall in areas almost adjacent to areas in which arid conditions prevail. The agricultural economy of the islands has been based largely on sugar and pineapple crops raised on a large scale by corporate farming methods. Staple foods have been almost wholly imported. The Territory's experience during the war clearly indicates the necessity for increasing staple food production locally, to alleviate hardships and diet dislocations in times when water transportation is difi- cult or impossible, and as a means of better balancing the loca] economy. The need for suitable homesteading land has also in- A683 creased; as the population has steadily risen, mew markets have been created. Only through better geographic and seasonal dis- tribution of water, through irrigation, will it be possible to increase the amount of locally grown staple foodstuffs and to insure the success of a homesteading program. Studies of Caribbean conditions, notably in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands, have reached the conclusion that soil and water conservation and the intelligent use of water resources are essential to any effective pro- gram for stabilizing the economy and broad- ening opportunities for employment. In Puerto Rico, the highest peaks and the northern and eastern sides of the mountuin ranges which bisect the island from east to west receive the greatest rainfall, while the remaining areas, with the greatest need for water, receive the least. The average annual rainfall varies from about 80 inches on the south coast to more than 100 inches in the mountain areas, High evaporation combined with high temperatures, low relative humid- ity, and constant winds tend to cause semi- arid conditions even where the average an- nual rainfall is 45 inches. As a consequence of the unbalanced distribution of rainfall, the development of agriculture, Puerto Rico's principal industry, has been subject to marked limitations in addition to the handi- cap caused by the fact that only one-half of the land is arable while the population density is almost 600 persons per square mile. Extension of the Reclamation Act would make a most important contribution to a solution of Puerto Rico’s economic problem. Many excellent dam sites for hydroelectric plants may be found along the rapid, fiat- bottom mountain streams; it is estimated that Puerto Rico's water power could be tripled under the reclamation program. Of even more value, however, would be the addi- tion to the total amount of arable land. The Virgin Islands are in roughly the same situation as Puerto Rico. The population of 30,000 is severely handicapped by too little precipitation, poorly distributed for pro- ductive cultivation, excessive run-off of the water, soil erosion and the lowering of the water table, the latter particularly in St. Croix, the agricultural center of the islands. Recurrent droughts, soil depletion, and im- proper use of land have reduced the quantity and impaired the quality of crops, milk, livestock, and poultry and have affected the health and wealth of the people. A reclama- tion program can do much to improve the situation. In Alaska, there are various areas which, from time to time, have been developed for agricultural pursuits. The Matanuska area, which, after an unsuccessful start. is be- coming an eminently worth-while undertak- ing, is an example of the kind of coloniza- tion that might be encouraged in the Terri- tory. In connection with the agricultural and colonization programs, and perhaps even more important to the development of Alaska because of its potentialities in bringing in- dustry to the Territory, is hydroelectric power. The strategic value of Alaska as an outpost of economic expansion and of na- tional defense has become startlingly ap- parent in the last few years. Works of the type the Bureau of Reclamation is equipped to build will play a major role in the future of the Territory and can contribute much to the economy of the United States as a whole. For more than 44 years the Bureau of Reclamation of this Department has engaged in the investigation of, the planning for, and the construction, operation, and mainte- nance of projects for the conservation of the water resources of the West. The investiga- tions and construction in the territorial areas should unquestionably be entrusted to that agency which has demonstrated its compe- tence. The bill submitted herewith would make possible the realization in Alaska, Hawaii,
A684 Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands of the many benefits to which reference has already been made. In extending the Reclamation Act to the Territorial areas, however, provi- sion has been made that the special public- land laws which the Congress has provided for Alaska and Hawaii will not be affected. Thus, the bill provides that the disposal of public lands in those Territories will continue subject to the Territorial organic acts. The Director of the Bureau of the Budget has informed me that there is no objection to the submission of this proposed legisla- tion to the Congress. Oscar L. CHAPMAN, Acting Secretary of the Interior. Frpruary 19, 1947. On Tuesday, February 18, .wo mem- bers of the House Committee on Public Lands left California to visit Hawaii with the Secretary of Interior in order to gain a first-hand knowledge, on the scene, of the conditions existing there as a first step toward the consideration of legisla- tion. They were Hon. Norris PouLtson and Hon, Cairn ENGLE. On the same day ten other members of the House Committee on Public Lands, together with five Senators from the same committee of the Senate, left for Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands for the same purpose. The problems with reference to Puerto Rico which Congress must consider are much more serious by reason of the fact that when we took over Puerto Rico at the Treaty of Paris in 1899 the island contained less than a million population, while now the population is listed as more than two million. It is one of the most densely populated areas in the world, being less than 100 miles long and 40 miles wide. The economy of these people has been primarily based upon one single commodity—sugar. This great increase in population has further complicated social problems, the solution of which are as important as the economic problems. It is particularly commendable that Members of Congress will take time from their arduous work here in Washington to study a situation of this kind at first hand. They could sit between the four walls of a committee room for weeks on end and not gain the intimate knowledge they have been able to acquire in just a few days’ visit to these islands. The 10 members of the House Committee on Public Lands who made this trip to Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands were: Hon. Frep L. CrawForp, chairman of the Subcommittee on Territorial and Insular Possessions; Hon. Dean P. Taytor, Hon. Westry A. D’Ewarr, Hon. CuHarres H. Russe.L, Hon. JOHN SANBORN, Hon. Ep- warp H. Jenison, Hon. Wittiam A. Daw- son, Hon. ANTONIO M. Fernanpzz, Hon. E. H. Hepricx, and Commissioner ANTONIO FErnoS-ISERN. It is my earnest hope that in the not- too-distant future more members of the committee will be able to visit all of the important areas, including not only Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Vir- gin Islands but also those sections of the United States where governmental oper- ations come under the legislative juris- diction of the Public Lands Committee. By so doing, they can more intelligently consider legislation contributing to the general public welfare. Homes for Veterans EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20, 1947 Mrs. DOUGLAS. Mr. Speaker, hous- ing for veterans is our No. 1 problem in- side the over-all-No. 1 problem of hous- ing. I am sure that many Members of the House are concerned about it. I am convinced that every one of us had better become not only concerned about it, but do something about it, and fast. By that I do not mean, of course, to make bad matters worse by depriving OPA of funds for enforcement of rent and price ceilings on new housing being built with veterans’ priorities and by the rest of the blind, stupid, reckless decon- trol program which passed this House under the deficiency appropriation bill. Mr. Speaker, every day’s delay in en- acting the Wagner-Taft-Ellender hous- ing bill is costly in terms of national health, strength, and welfare, so far as millions of badly housed, overcrowded, and overcharged families are concerned. Veterans are worst hit because they were absent on official business—at our re- quest—when our present inadequate housing was filled up. I have proposed, in H. R. 1750, which fits in with the over-all Wagner- Ellender-Taft bill, a $1,000,000,000 loan and subsidy housing program for vet- erans and their families to be adminis- tered by loca] housing agencies. Most of that money would be repaid. All of it will pay great, high dividends in national strength, health, and unity. What are we waiting for? I call the Members’ attention to an article from the Shreveport (La.) Times stating that two out of five married white veterans in that area are compelled to double up and that half of the married Negro veterans are compelled to do like- wise. Is this the best that our Nation can do for the men who saved freedom for us all? The article from the Shreveport Times follows: TWO-FISTHS OF WHITE VETS DOUBLE UP, RENT ROOMS Approximately two-fifths of the 5,610 mar- ried white veterans of World War II and one- half of the 1,500 married Negro veterans in the Shreveport area are doubling up with relatives or friends or living in rented rooms, trailers, or tourist cabins, according to the result of a recent sample survey released yes- terday by Director J, C. Capt, Bureau of the Census. The survey, made at the request of the Na- tional Housing Agency for the veterans’ emer- gency housing program, further showed that one-tenth of the married white veterans and nearly three-fifths of the married Negro vet- erans lived in dwelling units which need major repairs or lack one or more standard plumbing facilities. The survey is based on findings during a sample survey in August and supplemented in October and November for additional in- formation in the Shreveport and Bossier City areas. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It showed that at the present time there are $8,139 private and public dwelling unite in the area, with all but 1 percent of the total number occupied. Of this number, the owners still lived in 40 percent of them, while the other 50 percent are tenant-occu- pied entirely. The survey, covering the housing plans of all veterans for the next 12 months, showed that if housing would be available during the next year at present prices and quality, 17 percent of the white veterans said they would be in the housing market, 11 percent would buy or build a house and 6 percent would move and rent. Of the Negro vet- erans, 13 percent would be in the housing market, 8 percent would buy or build, and & percent would move or rent. An additional 18 percent of the white vet- erans and J4 percent of the Negro veterans would be drawn into the housing market if they could find houses at the price, size, and quality they desire. Under such conditions, a@ total of 30 percent of the white veterans and 23 percent of the Negro veterans would buy or build a house within the next 12 months; and 5 percent of the white and 4 percent of the Negro veterans would move and rent. : Among the white veterans who would buy or build if houses or materials are available at the price and quality they desire, the aver- age price they reported they would be able to pey for a house was 86,000, and the average gross monthly payment they would be able to make was $45, the survey showed. Their average weekly income from all sources was $54. The average size house they desired was five rooms. Among the veterans who would move and rent other quarters if they could get what they wanted, the average gross monthly rental they would be able to pay was $40, their aver- age weekly income was $48, and the average size unit they desired was four rooms. Of the estimated 11,000 veterans living in the Shreveport area at the time of the sur- vey, one-fifth were newcomers to the locality since they entered the service. Eighty-nine Percent plan to remain in Shreveport and Bossier City. If housing is available during the year at present prices and quality, 11 out of every 100 white veterans plan to buy or build in the locality, 6 plan to move and rent, 71 plan to remain in their present quar- ters, and the other 12 plan to move into rented rooms. Of the total number of veterans living in the area, 8,500 are white and 2,500 are Ne- groes. About two-thirds of the white vet- erans are married and one-third are single, widowed, or divorced. Among Negro veterans, three-fifths are married. Reciprocal Trade Treaties EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALVIN F. WEICHEL OF OHTO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. WEICHEL. Mr. Speaker, the so-called reciprocal trade agreements are a misnomer, and I want to include an editorial of Spencer Canary, editor of the Sentinel Tribune, of Bowling Green, hio: TARIFF AND RECIPROCITY As heretofore stated in these columns, the question of reciprocity treaties is bothering Members of Congress. Senators Vanpenserc and MILLIKIN, recog- nizing how interwoven with world peace are
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD such treaties and yet cognizant of how vital to our country’s economy is the idea of protection of home industries, are seeking an agreement with President Truman that he will exercise protective discretion in making such treaties. At present he has authority until June 12, 1947, to cut import duties one-half in securing “favored nation” treaties with other countries. Many such reciprocal [eatles are to be discussed soon in Switzer- and, As the writer told a Republican women’s group 2 years ago, when the United Nations Charter was being formulated, our ideas of protective tariffs would arise under it. It is arising now. The purpose of reciprocity treaties is to promote economic peace; and the latter serves to prevent war. Here in America it was necessary to protect infant industries in order that they might be firmly established. England sought to keep the American colonies as largely an agricultural people as possible in order that it could sell manufactured goods here in return for raw Products; and it has done the same thing with India. The latter, in consequence, has become a poor nation instead of one of the richest as it was in the eighteenth century; but American ingenuity and efficiency have made this Nation strong industrially under a protective tariff. Just how far the American peuple are will- ing to go in regard to reciprocal trade treaties remains to be secn, At the present time we are lending money to other nations to buy our goods or to rebuild themselves. That is like a storekeeper handing $5 to a would-be customer and then asking, “Now, what do you wish to buy?” William Howard Taft failed to be reelected President probably be- cause he advocated reciprocal tariffs in his speech at Winona, Wis., about 1911. Strongly protective Republicans were alienated by the speech and this helped Teddy Roosevelt to organize the Bull Moose Party. So we got a Democrat, Woodrow Wilson, in 1912. It is hardly likely that reciprocal treaties may be made that will not enable sume other Nation to compete for business of our citi- zens with some of our own industries. Man- ufacturers and some labor leaders see that now and don’t like the idea. How far should we go in that regard in order to prevent war in the future as to make the United Nations Charter a substantial one for peace? We will have to compare the cost of one with the cost and desire for the other, The Red Menace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NOAH M. MASON oF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 COMMUNIST WINDOW DRESSING Mr. MASON. Mr. Speaker, in the early days of the Communist infiltration into the United States the Communists used effective strategy to innoculate in- nocent, unsuspecting Americans with their Communist doctrine. They formed organizations with fine, high-sounding names, such as the League Against War and Fascism and its successor, the League for Peace and Democracy, so lit- erally millions of good Americans joined these organizations, and other organiza- tions like them, because they believed in the objectives suggested by the names of these Communist-front organizations. Many quite prominent, well-intentioned Americans, taken in by this device, be- came dupes or tools for the Communists and helped spread Communist doctrine in America by lending their names and influence to build up these Communist- front organizations. The so-called Dies committee did an excellent piece of work in exposing these Communist-front organizations and their founders, who carried on their nefarious activities be- hind the window dressing set up‘as a screen for their real objectives. Most of these organizations went underground during the war. Today we see the same Communist strategy cropping up again in the win- the-peace conference that met recently in Washington. This win-the-peace conference was sponsored by Henry Wallace, Secretary of Commerce, 20 Members of Congress, and leading Com- munists of America, representing some 90 organizations that have been inves- tigated and branded by the FBI as Com- munist-front organizations. The object of the win-the-peace conference was to further appease Russia. We also see the same Communist influence in our State Department's attitude toward the present Government of Spain. Can it be that good old Uncle Sam is now to become Communist window dressing be- hind which Stalin will work his will cr have his way in Spain? (Weekly News Letter, April 15, 1946.) COMMUNISM IN EUROPE Mr. Speaker, it is most disturbing to note that our Government, through its State Department, recently joined in an effort with other nation. to give aid and comfort to the Communists in Spain. I hope the President and the State De- partment will cease and desist from join- ing in an effort to overthrow the Gov- ernment of Spain—one of the few Chris- tian nations remaining on the Continent of Europe. Certainly Spain, at the pres- ent time, does not offer a threat to world peace. Should we help to destroy that Government and enthrone communism there, it would be a great threat to the United States and her allies who are working for worlc peace, because the western entrance into the Mediterra- nean—Gib:altar—would doubtless fall into the hands of a Communist Spain backed by communistic Russia. From a moral ani Christian viewpoint, this Na- tion should not become a party in help- ing to strike down Christian Spain, and turn it over to communism, anarchy, plunder, the destruction of churches, the murder and liquidation of the clergy—all of which has been the plan and purpose of Russia, as declared by Lenin, who founded the communistic government in Russia. (By Congressman VuRSELL, of Illinois.) OCTOPUS OR BEAR, WHICH? Mr. Speaker, the Encyclopedia Britan- nica says: The octopus or devilfish confuses its ene- mies and protects itself by squirting out a quantity of inky fluid when under attack, darkening the surrounding water so that the octopus can either hide or escape. Soviet diplomacy these days has adopted the tactics of the octopus. A685 Whenever Stalin is annoyed or called to account by foreign diplomats concerning his expansionist policies, he proceeds to raise a countercharge to obscure or be- cloud the real issue, and he is not par- ticular about the validity of his counter- charge. This octopus diplomacy has been resorted to time and again. When Eng- land protested against Russia’s attitude in Iran, Russia brought countercharges concerning Britain's conduct in Greece and in Indonesia.’ When the United States sent a note to Bulgaria urging her to include in her Communist regime two representatives of the opposition parties, Stalin immediately charged the United States with taking unilateral action. Has the Russian bear, under the influence of communism, changed into an octopus or devilfish? What is Stalin up to? (Weck- ly News Letter, April 22, 1946.) Mr. Speaker, the following two articles are taken verbatim from Communist propaganda booklets now being circu- lated throughout Europe. They form a blueprint showing both the aims and the strategy of Communists. What should real Americans do about it? CREED OF COMMUNISM 1, All Communists know that to bolshevize means to liberate humanity from the slavery created by centuries of Christian barbarities; to free humanity from the concept of re- lgion; to free humanity from the concept of national authority; and to free humanity from the concept of private property. 2. All Communists must remember that our purpose is to bolshcvize the world, no matter how much the cost or in what way. 8. The task of each individual Communist is to bolshevize your own surrounding group. 4. Each such individual knows that his or her task necessarily has to be limited for the moment. 5. It is the duty of each Communist tu give the working man and woman the illu- sion that only Communists are free and that only Communist membership and action can free him and her. (Weekly News Letter, April 22, 1946.) COMMANDMENTS OF COMMUNISM 1. Do not manifest the purpose of com- munism to immature companions. 2. Struggle against those—especially the hypocritical priests, ministers, and rabbis— who say what is more or less true about com- munism, by denying emphatically that we are opposed to religion, family, and private property. 3. Show with jokes, sarcasm, cynicism, and with a more pleased and happier show of conduct how you are freer without the im- pediments of religion, * * * making it understood that we who live without religion live better and do more frecly what we wish to do. 4. Destroy morals, teaching the inexperi- enced; create a milieu (environment) sati- ated with that which the clergy of all sects calls immorality. 5. Always remove your companions farther from their religion by any and all means, but especially by putting priests, ministers, and rabbis in as bad a light as possible. 6. Destroy the family—especially the Chris- tian family—by planting tdeag about free- dom in marriage, showing divorce as a more human way of life, and encouraging your people to love, love freely, free love. 7. Educate workers, especially the young ones, to be intolerant of any and all author- ity, especially police authority. 8. Encourage workers to participate in dis- orders, to use brute force, to revenge, and not to have a fear of bloodshed.
A686 9. Be at the forefront in rendering small services to workers; speak loudly and make yourself heard in their behalf; impose your- self into their midst; hide the good which others do for them and make it appear as if you did it; and, to enlist such workers in your cause, be in the forefront of all labor mevements and organized opposition to parli- amentary proceedings. 10. Struggle constantly against all priests, ministers, and rabbis, against their religions, the morals of all religions, and against their religious organizations and institutions. (Weekly News Letter, April 22, 1946.) THE CATHOLIC CHURCH VERSUS COMMUNISM The strongest defense today against the spread of communism tn Europe is the Cath- olic Church. It has never been deceived concerning the real objectives of the dis- ciples of Karl Marx. It has not forgotten the Marx statement, “Religion is the opiate of the peoples.’’ The Catholic Church realizes that if communism succeeds in mastering Europe there will be no church in Europe. Already in Yugoslavia a Catholic archbishop has been seized, tried, and condemned by the Red rowdies on the trumped-up charge of collaboration with Hitler. The Catholic Church knows what the Com- munists stand for. By the same token the Communists know that the Catholic Church ig the most unyielding enemy they have to their program of violence and ungodliness. Having served 6 years on the Dies commit- tee, I know at first hand about the “enemies within our gates” who are working night and day to undermine and destroy our American form of government. I believe every patriotic American, regardless of creed, should enlist in the war to root out and destroy the Com- munists that have infiltrated our Govern- ment, our labor organizations, our schools, and, in some cases, even our churches. (Weekly News Letter, November 4, 1946.) Sny Valley, Ill. EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. SID SIMPSON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. SIMPSON of Illinois. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rscorp, I include the following edi- torial from the Pike County (Ill.) Re- publican of February 19, 1947: GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS The Pike County (Ill.) Republican appears here as a pleader in what it believes to be a just cause. The cause is that of the people of the great Sny Valley, a fertile agricultural region of 110,000 acres in western Illinois, lying in the broad Mississippi Basin. This valley begins in Adams County below Quincy, extends along the entire western side of Pike County, and ends in Calhoun County to the south. It is @ valley of fertile farmsteads and happy homes. It is a valley reclaimed from the river three-quarters of a century ago by the thriftiness of a great people reaching back into a pioneer period. This valley is being drowned. The story of the Valley is a proud one. Private initiative claimed it for agriculture, A great levee, the largest levee above Vicks- burg, shut out the river. This levee is 52 miles long. Planning for it began in 1870, It was constructed in 1873-74. It cost about $650,000. In late years, Government, to make a deep waterway in the Mississippi, placed dams in the river. People of the valley are agreed that these dams have backed up the water, thereby interfering with the natural drain- age of the valley by the Sny Channel, which traverses its entire length, and raising the water in the valley. This valley is being drowned, Only those who have traveled the rim of this great valley and who have looked out across it in the ripening season of the year can conceive of the luxuriance of its crops. It has contributed greatly to the agricul- tural economy of this section of Tlinois. This valley is being drowned. A sort of creeping paralysis is upon the valley. Productive acres are being turned into nonproducing acres. Already, according to reports of the War Department's engineers, 22,000 acres have been put out of production. There is a remedy. The Congress has that remedy within its hands. Congress can save this valley. What is the record? The Federal engineers made a study of the valley. They made certain recommendations for saving the valley and redeeming it for agriculture. The Board of Engineers for Rivers and Harbors concurred generally with the reporting officers that the improvement proposed by the engineers is economically justified. The Congress of the United States (the 79th Cong.) approved the plan of the engineers for saving this drowning valley. The Presi- dent of the United States signed the approv- ing legislation. Approval by the Congress is contained in the flood control bill, H. R. 6597, enacted July 24, 1946 (Public Law No. 526, 79th Cong.). This act included an item to authorize flood protection in the Sny Basin by diversion of several of the Sny tributaries into the Mississippi River as recommended by the chief of engineers in his report dated April 17, 1946. To date, no funds have been appropriated by Congress to undertake the flood control improvements in the Sny Basin which were authorized by the 1946 Flood Control Act. So it is that the fate of the Sny Valley rests with this Eightieth Congress. The Corps of Engineers sincerely appreciates the importance of providing the flood protection for residents of the Sny Basin authorized by the 1946 Flood Control Act, and we are assured that it is prepared to undertake the necessary planning and construction work for the authorized improvements in that basin when the necessary funds for those purposes are appropriated by Congress, and the local authorities have furnished the required assurance of local cooperation. And let this be understood. We are wholly in sympathy with the pro- posals of the present Congress to cut Gov- ernment expenses. But we would point out that there is a difference between projects that can wait and projects that cannot wait. We are dealing here with a drowning valley. Both Government and private interests have a huge investment in this valley. Total costs to the United States have been approxi- mately $1,022,000. Local interests had some- time ago expended approximately @3,739,000 and cost of restoring drainage systems has been running some $70,000 annually. An- nual flood damage in the valley is estimated by the engineers at $450,000, of which 8193,- 200 is to crops, $18,400 to property, $70,000 to annual cost of restoration of drainage sys- tema, $3,000 to indirect damages, and $165,000 to loss of income from lands rendered un- productive by silt depositions. : We beg to suggest that faiture to protect the huge investments already in the valley APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cannot possibly be justified in the name of retrenchment. And here in this Sny Basin we beg to point out that not only material values are at stake, but human values as well. The economy of a great people is in issue. Additional Federal Generating Capacity in the Columbia Basin EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following resolution of the Legislature of the State of Oregon: House Joint Memorial 6 We, your memorialists, the Forty-fourth Legislative Assembly of the State of Oregon, convened in regular session, respectfully re- quest and petition as follows, to wit: Whereas Oregon and the Pacific North- west with the aid of low-coat power took Tapid strides toward industrial development before and during the war and have re- tained and expanded those advances during the postwar period; and ‘Whereas the only source of low-cost power in Oregon and the Pacific Northwest in quan- tities adequate for their development is the energy in our rivers which can be converted to hydroelectric power; and Whereas the Federal Government, by nu- merous acts of Congress, has assumed the respohsibility for development of this hydro- electric power through the construction of an integrated system of Federal multiple- purpose projects on the Columbia River and its tributaries; and Whereas your memorialists are advised that Congress has under consideration not only curtailment of the construction pro- gram for Federal multiple-purpose projects in the Columbia Basin, but also an increase in the power rates of the Bonneville Power Administration on the grounds that those rates are inadequate to meet the repayments of construction costs required by law; and Whereas existing generating capacity in the Pacific Northwest is now fully utilized and reliable estimates of future power re- quirements of the States of Oregon and Washington indicate that installation within the next 7 years of about 1,500,000 kw of new Federal generating capacity over and above that now ordered ts essential to main- tain continued industrial, agricultural, and utility development; and Whereas official reports of the Bonneville Power Administration and independent audits of its operations by certified public accountants show conclusively that power revenues under existing rate schedules are more than sufficient to meet all repayment obligations required by law in connection with the Bonneville Dam project and the Columbia Basin project: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives of the State of Oregon (the Senate jointly concurring therein), That your memorialists hereby respectfully petition and memorialize the Congress of the United States to make on an annual and continuing basis the appro- priations necessary for providing urgently needed additional Federal generating capac- ity in the Columbia Basin and not to re- quire any increase in the power rates.of the Bonneville Power Administration which would destroy the key of low cost hydro-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD electric power needed to unlock other natural resources in Oregan and the great Pacific Northwest, permitting the development of new opportunities and new jobs and the creation of new taxable wealth; and be it further Resolved, That the secretary of state of the State of Oregon be authorized, and its hereby Girected, to forward immediately certified copies of this joint memorial to the Presi- dent of the United States, the President pro tempore of the United States Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States, the Members of the con- gressional delegation from the States of Ore- gon, Washington, Idaho, and Montana, and the presiding officers of the legislative bodies of the last three named States. Adopted by House February 4, 1947. Joun H. HALL, Speaker of the House, Adopted by the Senate February 7, 1947. M. E. . Z. Coxnett, President of the Senate. and Lincola EXTENSION oF REMARKS HON. GEORGE A. DONDERO OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. DONDERO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Con- GRESSIONAL Record, I include therein the following address delivered by me before the Association of Oldest Inhabitants of the District of Columbia on February 22, 1947; While the month of February is the short- est in the year, yet # marks the birthday of two of the greatest men in history. First, Washington, who did more than any other individual to establish our independence and form the Government of the United States under the Constitution. Second, Lincoln, who did more than any other person to pre- serve the Government established by Wash- ington, and whose words are probably quoted more often than any other man’s outside of Holy Writ. It is most fitting and proper that we com- memorate the birthdays of our two greatest Presidents. It is the two hundred and fif- teenth anniversary of the birth of Washing- ton, and it is the one hundred and thirty- eighth anniversary of the birth of Lincoln. Regardless of the critical hour in the life of our Republic, established and preserved for us by them, we are unanimous in the hope that 200 years hence men and women will gather round the banquet table, as we have done here today, to pay tribute to Wash- ington and Lincoln for their service and con- tribution to the establishment and preserva- tion of a government on this earth founded on justice and freedom. In many ways these two great men were different, the one from the other. In many other ways, they were very much alike. 1, Both Washington and Lincoln were in- tellectual giants. 2. Both Washington and Lincoln were physical giants. Washington stood 6 feet 2 inches. Lincoln stood 6 feet 4 inches. Both men in their early years became ex- cellent and accurate surveyors—Washington in Virginia, Lincoln in Illinois. 8. Both Washington and Lincoln were men who possessed moral and physical courage. 4. Both Washington and Lincoln were men of the outdoors. They were nature lovers. Both loved trees. On one occasion Lincoln said, “Now, trees are something I know about; I like the trees better in winter than in summer because the shape can more readily be seen.” We may rest assured that his hands knew the feel of the ax handle, which had to do with the cutting down of the trees in the forest and the making of a home. We know that Washington planted 6 varieties of cherry trees at Mount Vernon, the peach, the apricot, and 13 varieties of the pear tree. He also planted the plum and 4 varieties of apple trees, 8 kinds of nut trees, and 33 kinds of native trees, together with a cherry walk. 5. Both men were influenced by the rural environment of their early lives. Through life both stood with their feet planted firmly on the ground. Both learned lessons from Mother Earth. Both went to the root of things, and both sought the substance rather than the form. 6. Both Washington and Lincoln could attribute some of their great qualities to their mothers. While Lincoln's mother died early in his youth, he said of her in later life, “All I am or ever hope to be I owe to my angel mother.” Washington was influ- enced more by his mother than Lincoln be- cause Lincoln’s mother died early in his youth. Washington’s mother influenced him not to become a sailor, but she was greatly displeased because he took up a Tailitary career and often regretted that her eon had turned against the British throne. 7. Both Washington and Lincoln had a profound faith in the ultimate good judg- ment of the people if given the truth. They had faith in the patriotism of the people, and they both had faith in the ability of the people to govern themselves wisely. 8. th men were tolerant of criticism, even when that criticism was unfair; and both were responsive to suggestions or con- structive criticism well founded. 9. They were men of such breadth of mind and character that they were willing to re- tain in the service of the Nation subordinates whom they knew were critical of both their personal qualities and official policies. No better example of this could be given than the selection of Lincoln’s Cabinet. It is well known that he chose men for his Cabinet everyone of whom thought they were greater than the President himself. these were Salmon P. Chase, who undertook to supplant him; and William H. Seward, who asked that the running of the Government be turned over to him. Stanton, his Sec- retary of War, referred to him more than once as “a fool.” All of them lived to see the day when they revered his memory and acknowledged that he was the greatest of them all. 10. Both Washington and Lincoln were men who preferred associates who would be frank rather than subordinate to them. 11. Both Washington and Lincoln were big enough and courageous enough to admit mistakes when they made them. 12. Both Washington and Lincoln had a profound faith in divine providence and in the efficacy of prayer. Both accepted the Christian faith and both men were noble models for human conduct. 13. Both Washington and Lincoln con- ducted a war. Washington as the com- mander of the Army; Lincoln as commander in chief. Washington to create the Nation; Lincoln to preserve the Republic. 14. Both men had military experience be- fore entering the Presidency. Washington with Braddock in the French and Indian war; Lincoln as captain in the Black Hawk war. Both Washington and Lincoln had to create an army and both learned many les- sons from the suffering in campaign and battle. 15. Both men made the greatest contribu- tion to the cause of freedam—the one estab- lishing it, and the other preserving it. 16. Both men were intense lovers. Some of Lincoln’s love affairs caused him many heartaches, much mental anguish, some em- A687 berrassment, and no little despondency. Washington, it is said, had four Marys and one Martha in 10 years. Prom what little we know of his early life, his voyages into the realm of womanly charms were lesa violent and painful that those of Lincoln. It is quite possible that without an invitation to dinner extended from an un meet- ing with a Mr. Chamberlain, whom Washing- ton met on a ferryboat, Washington would not have met the charming widow Custis. Her husband had died 8 years before, leaving €225,000 in money and a large landed estate. Washington, undoubtedly, discovered it was as easy to love a widow with money as it was one without, even though she had two chil- Gren, Nellie Custis and John Parke Custis, 4 and 6 years of age. Later in life Washing- ton wrote a letter from Mount Vernon saying, “I am now, I believe, fixed in this seat, with an agreeable partner for life, and I hope to build more happiness in retirement than ever experienced in the wide and bustling world.” Had it not been for a step-mother in a Kentucky home, it is quite probable that Lin- coln would not have met Mary Todd. Both Washington and Lincoln were influenced and their career and course affected by the com- panions they had chosen for their homes. 17. Both men were born leaders. Perhaps no other man could have held together the troops and the colonies in the dark and un- certain days of the Revolution as Wash- ington did. It is Mkewise improbable that anyone but Lincoln could have held together the conflicting elements of the North through the tragic days of 1861-65. 18. Washington lived to view his task per- formed—the creation of a new nation and a new concept of government. Lincoln, at the very pinnacle of his fame and the accom- Plishment of his life, was snatched away from the opportunity to realize his ambition and his task fully performed. These two men were also dissimilcr in many respects. The one was born an aris- tocrat; the other was born with abject pov- erty in one hand and an obscure name in the other. Washington had the advantage of education, while Lincoln never saw the in- side of a grammar school, a high school, a college, or university as a student. His son remarked to me that his father never had anything to start with and hardly went to school at all. We do know, however, that Lincoln went to school in a little log building four terms of less than 3 months each, or not quite 1 year in all, While there was similarity in the lives of both Washington and Lincoln, as I said, there is more than one divergency. The inventory of Washington's estate made by himself and attached to his will, after deducting $250,000 in bequests, placed a value of $530,000 on the residue or balance of his estate, making a total of $780,000, or more than three quarters of amillion, In the days of Washington that was indeed a monumental sum. Lincoln, at the time of his election, which occurred 61 years after the death of Washington, was 52 years of age. He estimated his earthly goods at a meager $15,000. This consisted of the only home he ever owned, the one which he purchased from the minister who married him, the Rev. Charles W. Draper, for the sum of $1,500; 40 acres of land in the State of Iowa, which was given to him for his services in the Bleck Hawk War: 8 vacant lot in the town of Lincoln, M1l., which he received in compensation for his service in laying out the town as a surveyor; a little money in the bank; a few promissory notes, all drawing 10 percent interest and amounting to about $9,000, and the household furniture in his home. I recently conferred with the former private secretary of Robert Todd Lincoln in reference to the amount of Lincoln’s estate at the time of his death. I learned it was about $83,000. You will note that during the 4 years his estate increased from $15,000 to $83,000. The
A688 salary of the President at that time was $25,- 000 per year. He invested 61 percent of his salary in Government bonds, thereby setting an example for the rest of us for patriotism and loyalty to our country. He invested his savings in a government which he did not know would long endure, Washington, a businessman, left a will. Lincoln, a lawyer, left no will. It has been said of Washington that he “was the greatest of good men and the best of great men,” while it has been said of Lincoln that he was one of the gentlest memories of our world. Lincoln had humor and wit, Washington the profoundness of kings These marked similarities and divergencies which I have pointed out in the character, temperament, and policies of these two im- mortal Americans are all the more striking because Washington was the scion of aris- tocracy; he was a son of the culture of his day; he was of the landed gentry; he was a man of wealth; he was a man whose whole training from birth would ordinarily have drawn him away from the common people. Lincoln, on the contrary, was a product of the log cabin. He was a son of the common people. His heredity, his environment, and his experience up to the time he came to the White House was that of a man of the com- mon people. His environment and early training ordinarily would have tended to alienate him from the class to which Wash- ington belonged. The secret of the strength of both of these immortal Americans, I believe, rests in the fact that they loved their fellow men, they believed in the principle of the Declaration of Independence, and they believed that human values transcended all others, but that property rights need not be sacrificed to a fanatical adherence of an unreal or exaggerated sense of human values. Their stature grows larger as their day and deeds recede from us. We can appropriately and truthfully say of both of them what Lincoln said of Washington. “To add brightness to the sun or glory to the name of Washington and Lincoln is alike impossible. Let none attempt it. In their naked, deathless splendor leave them shining on.” A Most Tentative Budget EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN DAVIS LODGE OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 24, 1947 Mr. LODGE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following article by Walter Lippmann: TopaY AND TomoRnRow (By Walter Lippmann) A MOST TENTATIVE BUDGET Those who happened to read an article of mine which was published a week ago may recall that I criticized Senator Tarr because in his Lincoln day speech he neglected to mention the effect on economic stability of uninvested and unspent savings. I now have a letter from Mr. Tarr which shows that the omission of this crucial factor was uninten- tional—the result of a typographical error in the text of his speech as it came from his office to the newspapers. “TI have read with interest your article this morning in the Washington Post. The word ‘wages’ in my Charleston speech was a mis- print which I did not catch until I reached Charleston. As delivered in Charleston, the third balance was between ‘savings and con- sumption.’ While I think there has been some overemphasis on the excess of savings, I have always felt that the 1929 depression was caused in part by the fact that savings became 80 excessive that money was directed into investment and speculation instead of being spent for consumers’ goods.” I may add that in the text of the speech as printed after delivery in the CONGRESSIONAL Recorp, the error has been corrected. Therefore, it cannot be said that Mr. Tarr is unaware that there is a problem of savings. That may make a lot of difference as the search for the solution of that extraordi- narily difficult problem proceeds. Though the question of the budget now before Congress is not unrelated to it, there are other considerations which have to be taken into account more immediately. The controversy which has risen over the President’s budget arises from the fact that under the law, the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, the four money committees of the two Houses are required jointly to report &@ legislative budget of the estimated over- all Federal receipts and expenditures for the fisca] year beginning July 1947. This report was due February 15. The report, when adopted by the two Houses, is supposed to fix the maximum amount to be appropriated for expenditures, The administration wishes to fix that amount at the President's figure, namely, thirty-seven and one-half billions. The Republican majority, with some Democratic support, wishes to fix it at thirty-one and one-half billions. Senator Tarr and a num- ber of others are proposing to fix it some- where between thirty-two and thirty-three billions. Congress is in a difficult position because the law requiring this decision is new, and the machinery for operating it efficiently has not yet been set up. Another year the situa- tion will be different. But this year Con- gress has no evidence before it by which it can decide intelligently what the total ap- propriations ought to be. Yet the law com- pels it to decide. So it must either take the President’s figure, approving it without knowing why, or fix its own figure, not knowing why. If the legislators accept the President's figure, the Republican majority will have reneged, without knowing whether they had to, on their campaign promises to reduce expenditures. If they cut the Presi- dent's figure blindly, and that is the only way they can now cut it, they may cause seri- ous injury to the national interest. The dilemma, though embarrassing, is not so serious as it looks. For while the law re- quires a decision, and then an honest effort to abide by it, it is not, as Senator Brmozs pointed out, an irrevocable action and, dis- closed need could modify it in either direc- tion. Senator Mrixii«in confirmed this view, saying that under the Reorganization Act “we have no alternative but to reach a result based on, let us call it, rough judgment.” This is also the position of Senator Tarr, who made it quite clear, for example, that while he wishes now to act as if the item for for- eign relief can be cut in half, he knows that he is acting on the pious hope that the crops in. Europe will be sufficiently good next summer and through next winter, and that if they are not, the money he is proposing to cut now may have to be restored when all the evidence is in. What this all adds up to is that in fixing a ceiling on appropriations now, Congress is placing the burden of proof on the adminis- tration in the hearings which will be held by the appropriation committees. But the ablest and most influential leaders are not saying that they will not listen to proof that more money needs to be appropriated. My own guess is that while in the end Con- gress will insist on many reductions in serv- ices that reflect the expansion of government under the New Deal, the total national ex- penditures in the year beginning July may be APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as great, and perhaps even greater, than the President's budget. We may spend more money than the President asked for, but the allocation of the money may be different. For the next 18 months—the period Con- gress is now considering—will be highly criti- cal, There is, at least, an even chance that the coming conference at Moscow may show that in the existing balance of forces in the world, no general settlement can be reached. If that happens, we shall have to spend a lot more money than even the President is ask- ing for. But even if things go better at Moscow than we can anticipate reasonably now, it is still as certain as anything can be in advance, that the position in Britain and the British Empire, and in western Europe and the em- pires of western Europe, will become highly critical in the fairly near future. The liquidation of the British Empire, its galloping political and financial insolvency, the developments in the British Isles, in India, in Palestine, in Egypt, and in parts of Africa, are approaching a condition where they threaten to become uncontrollable. If they do, an emergency of grand proportions will exist which will make heavy demands upon us, and all our present estimates will have to be revised radically. Nothing, there- fore, can now be certain except that all our estimates are in the highest degree tentative. Current Status of Aviation Law EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAT McCARRAN OF NEVADA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 24 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. McCARRAN. Mr. President, at the last meeting of the American Bar Association held at Atlantic City, N. J., there was created a committee which has presented to that body a very valuable and very elucidating document entitled “Current Status of Aviation Law,” a progress report to the House of Dele- gates of the American Bar Association by the Committee on Aeronautical Law. The document is so comprehensive, yet brief, that I think it highly advisable to have it inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp. I have secured an esti- mate of cost, which is $236.67. I ask unanimous consent that the document may be inserted in the Appendix of the Recor. There being no objection, the docu- ment was ordered to be printed in the REcorD, as follows: Currgent Status or AVIATION LAW (Introduction) President Carl Rix has charged this com- mittee with the carrying out of the Nation- wide educational program on the principles of aviation law. This program is to be car- ried out in such a way as to bring. these principles to the attention of members of the bar and students in law schools. Your committee has accordingly prepared a sum- mary outline of the major topics in the field of civil aviation law as a start toward a determination of the task which must be undertaken. One of the great retarding influences in the field of aviation today is the lag of law and legislation behind the great technical achievements of the war. This situation is one which calls for united effort by lawyers