APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD so will mean losing the eld war or getting involved in a shooting war. If there is to be real unity, the administra- tion must change its tactics or the people must change the administration. Address of Hen. Don Wheeler EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN S. WOOD . OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. WOOD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following radio ad- dress oi Hon. Don WHEELER of Georgia: ADDRESS OF Hon. Don WHEELER ON Raplo Station WSB, ATLANTA, GA. Ladies and gentlemen of the radio audi- ence, it is a pleasure to be again afforded the ov~cr*ur +7 of speaking to you through the inc... wf this great radio station. There are a great many subjects which clam- or for attention but the shortness of time allowed me will prevent me from develop- ing any one subject thoroughly, therefore, I shall confine myself to a few hurried im- pressions of the current scene in Washing- ton. One of the most alarming thi-ss abtus the whole legislative picture in Wa-:.1i' is the inability of oir Gevernment to ‘bal- ance the tudget. This situation would not be so alarming if we were out of debt, but, in view of the fact that we are in debt to the tune of nearly $260,000,000,000 makes the appropriation of every dollar a matter ef extreme importance. This situation has caused me to determine my vote not on the basis of whether a project is worth while but on the basis of whether it is absolutely nec- essary, and it is my firm belief that voting in this manner is the only way in which our budget will ever be balanced. Hardly a week passes in Congress but that a bill is brought up for passage which provides for some worth-while project—it must have some merit or it would never reach the floor for a vote—but when the vote comes, I am con- strained to ask whether the project is ab- solutely necessary to the welfare and safety of this country. Whether the bill provides for spending $1,000, $1,000,000, or $1,000,000,- 000, I do not vote for it unless I am con- vinced that it is necessary. Too many people in this country seem to feel that all the Federal Guvernment has to do in order to get money is to have someone in the Treasury Department press a button and print the amount of money required. If this were the way wealth is created we could all be rich, but the fact of the matter is that the only way the Federal Government can get money to spend is by either collecting it in the form of taxes or by borrowing it. The American people are now being taxed to the tune of over $40,000,000,000 each year and we have borrowed until we are nearly $260,000,000,000 in debt. In spite of the fact that we are taxed to the tune of over $40,000,000,000 annually and in spite of the fact that we are nearly $260,000,- 000,000 in debt, certain pressure groups in this country continue to press upon the Con- gress legislation which will, if enacted, either increase the tax bu-den or further increase the debt which our children and grand- children will have to pay. Nearly every American citizen seems to want the Govern- ment to quit spending so much money and they want great numbers cf Government employees fired, but wher yov get down to cases you invariably fiud that they want us to quit spending money on everyone else except the particular group of which they are a part and they want us to fire all the employees except, “me and my wife, John and his wife—us four, and no more.” This is the sort of thinking on the part of the American public which has resulted in the present deplorable fiscal situation. Of course, this sort of thinking is only indica- tive of the prevalent philosophy which holds that i.e Government owes everyone a living. Another way of expressing this philosophy is to say that your neighbor owes you a living for it is your neighbor who will pay the taxes to provide the security which you de- mand of Government. Pressure groups must have a “horse to ride” or a cause to espouse if they are to maintain their existence. Every time the Congress meets these pressure groups come before it through their spokesmen and pre- sent their legislative program and demand that it be enacted. The welfare of the coun~ try becomes secondary to the welfare of the particular group these spokesmen represent. When they have presented their programs 1t is all too often true that the Congress, fear- ing political reprisal, will pass the legislation espoused by the pressure group. Once the pressure group gets what it wants for one year, they immediately start to work on fresh demands to be made on the Congress the fol- lowing year, and so we go with no place where politicians can find courage to stop. To aid and abet the pressure groups in their sometimes unreasonable demands, we have the executive branch of Government headed by the President who tells the people that if the Congress would only furnish him with the money, he would take care of all their desires and that in addition to taking care'of all the wishes of the American people, he would care for all the wishes of all the other people in the world. In speaking of taking care of all the people in the world, it must he realized that we can-~ not any longer live to ourselves alone in the modern world. Modern communications and transportation have made isolationism fool- ish but they have not made it true that the American taxpayer must furnish housing, food, clothing, and medical attention to all the people of the world. We cannot finance the whole world and at the same time pro- vide security for ourselves. If the Federal budget is ever to be balanced, the American people must begin to realize that there is no such thing as something for nothing and the Congress must reflect this thinking in the action it takes on the various projects which call for the spending of the taxpayers’ money. We must also begin to realize that for every degree of so-called security that is obtained from Government, a commensurate degree of individual liberty must be given up in exchange. Thank you for listening. ee Tax Freedom Day EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT A. MEYER OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. MEYER. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow, April 28, will be a day of liberation for the American taxpayers. In commemo- ration of this event, I have today intro- duced the following concurrent resolu- tion: ~ A3077 Whereas postwar spending is continuing at an unprecedented rate so that the na- tional debt now stands at $255,588,544,106; and Whereas the Federal spending budget for 1951 has been set at an additional $42,- 439,000,000; and Whereas this represents a direct obliga- tion on the average American wage earner whether he or she pays in direct or indirect taxes; and Whereas it requires one-third or 32 cents out of every dollar a man or woman earns to support present profligate expenditures; and Whereas this means every salary and wage earner actually works for the tax collector for the first 117 days of each year before he or she can call his or her money their own; Therefore be it Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That it is the sense of Congress that April 28 be observed and designated as Tax Freedom Day marking the first date from January 1 when a man can call his dollar his own; and be it further Resolved, That April 28, designated as Tax Freedom Day, be symbolized as a day of re- lief throughout the land with such demon- strations as may seem appropriate, including a prayer for deliverance. Mr. Speaker, I am informed a similar resolution is today being introduced in the other body by Senator Brincrs and Senator Tarr. The St. Lawrence Seaway Costing Over a Billion Dollars Would Be Unusable for 6 Months Out of Each Year EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, I am inserting herewith an article from the April 23, 1950, issue of the Cleveland Plain Dealer showing that the Great Lakes are at the present time ice-blocked and will not become navigable before May 7 or May 10. Those who are advocating the con- struction of this economic monstrosity known as the St. Lawrence seaway are prepared to spend the money of the American taxpayer for a project that can only operate for 6 months each year. The article referred to is as follows: [From the Cleveland Plain Dealer, April 23, 1950] Ficuts Lake Surerion IcE Foor py Foor— Currer In ToucH Cotp War; Ore SHIPPING ABOvE Soo BY May 1 UNLIKELY ABoARD U.S. S. “MACKINAW’’, LAKE SUPERIOR, April 22.—Battering the stubborn Lake Su- perior ice barrier, then backing up to batter it again, this powerful Coast Guard cutter is using all the tricks at her command to blaze a path to the iron-ore docks. Ice in all the crazy forms nature can de- vise is making this cold war veteran fight for every foot she gains. Windrows extending from 30 to 40 feet under water and rising 10 feet above it strike back for mile after mile. Solid blue ice 24 inches thick, topped by
A3078 heavy-crusted snow, starts where the win- Grows leave off and provides stanch opposi- tion, too. The bigger windrows (long rows of Jammed ice) bring the icebreaker to a camplete stop again and again. Then, if she can, the ship packs up for another attack. Sometimes, however, her bow becomes wedged and she cannot move. - ROCKED OUT OF TRAP Then the “heeling” system is brought into play. Water in the wing tanks is shifted from one side of the ship to the other at the rate of 400 tons in 3 minutes. This rocks the cutter out of the trap as her six Diesel engines, providing a total of 10,000 shaft horsepower, are turned on full speed. The bow propeller, 15 feet below the water line, whose main purpose is to suck water from under the ice, got jammed in the giant windrows several times today, cutting out the motor. All this adds up to bad news for vessel operators, and indicates there will be no early resumption of large-scale iron ore shipping from Lake Superior. Experienced officers of the Mackinaw say that from the present outlook shipping through the Soo locks by May 1 will be im- possible. They contend that each vessel which tried to make the passage to the lake head now “would require an individual Mackinaw.” FOUR MILES IN TWO HOURS It may be impossible to open the traffic lanes before May 7 or 10, according to these men, and even then, unless favorable weather intervenes, the war against the ice menace may have to be continued. Illustrating the fierce battle nature is waging is the fact that for a stretch abreast of Grand Island this morning the best speed the Mackinaw could make was 4 miles in 2 hours. Unexpectedly, Whitefish Bay, which had been reported heavily windrowed, provided little opposition. It was covered with 15- inch blue ice and contained hardly any wind- rows worth mentioning. Opposite Whitefish Point a wide expanse of open water stretched a welcoming hand. It was only an insidious gesture, however, for from that point on the going became rugged with deep, stone-wall windrows. Only a few leads (narrow stretches of open water) and wide-open areas have been encountered so far. The weather does not hold much promise. The temperature dropped to 20° in the night and formed new 1-inch skim ice in places which formerly had been clear. Instead of going direct to Duluth, as had been planned, the ice breaker is proceeding to Marquette to break out the harbor there. Pushing slowly through this arcticlike land of nowhere is an eerie experience. The only traces of human activity so far en~« countered on the lake were the hoof prints of a horse and the track of a cart leading to & 30-foot pole. The pole had been used by herring fishermen in threading a net between two holes in the ice. The fishermen are not happy that the navigation season is near. They have been making large catches. Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent I include in the Appendix the third article by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop on the growth of communism in our country: Some Americans got to know communism in college. Some in the Department of State. A very few, for communism is not a working- class movement, found it in factories and shops. I met up with communism at a funeral. A Communist agitator named Steve Ka- tovis was killed in a riot in January 1930, as I was setting out to learn the reporter’s trade in New York City. I happened by accident to hear that the Communists intended to make propaganda of Katovis’ alleged martyr- dom. I knew as little about Communists or the Communist cause as I did of Katovis himself, an obscure and now utterly forgotten instru- ment of a conspiracy against civilization. But the brief word going out ahead of his funeral sounded to a reporter’s ears like excitement, action, and drama, in the streets. So early on the morning of January 27, 1930, as soon as I had finished my work, I headed for Union Square, a dank, drab, dis- mal place in those days and little better even yet. Many shops of the neighborhood had for~ eign signs and newsstands had about as much for sale in other languages as in our own. Toa boy from the inland United States of America, it was all exotic, odd, and inter- esting without being attractive. One of the seediest and shabbiest buildings on Union Square was, if memory serves ac- curately, about 5 stories high. It had a rusty, peeling coat of red paint on all the woodwork, doors, and window trim. A sign said that it was the establishment of the New York Daily Worker. People were streaming in a side door as I arrived, so I just followed the crowd in and up on the elevator. There in a bare, tgly room, Was an open coffin. On the walls were large portraits, in steel engraving of men with bushy beards, bald domes, and out-of-date clothes. I won- dered who they were. At the head of the coffin were two flags, one of the United States of America, and the other, blood and flaming red. Two men stood by the flags and two at the foot of the coffin. They were in brown uniforms, their peaked brown caps had a red star, dead center. And they stood at attention, looking grimly through and past the slowly circling line of people. Katovis, small and blank of fea- tures, lay with his hands folded. He, too, was dressed in a brown, red-tabbed uniform, After 20 years, this scene is still vivid in my memory. For it was so utterly un- expected, so alien and so shrewdly put to- gether by the experts who knew exactly what they were doing, I had not any inkling, as I went into that building, of what to expect inside, But from the moment I had come to Union Square the electric currents that are born in any reporter who likes his work, had be- gun to come alive. All the queer faces, the sudden movements of young men motioned to by old men, the switching girls with brassards on their drab clothes and carrying bundles of freshly printed handbills, who were taking up posts along the pavement—all these things sig- aaled that something really big was on, that ay. And then to go inside and be carried through that fantasy, completely out of any world I had ever known, had me on the alert and recording every sensation and event for my life’s recollection. I could not possibly have known then, that the hushiest beard I saw on the wall was that of Karl Marx, a crazy man whose crabbed scribbling in the British museum almost 100 years before that morning had already set off APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a train of disasters that I, as a reporter, would spend so much of my career trying to understand. I was soon to learn that those bleak, cold walls and all that shabbiness were not the marks of communism’s poverty in America, They were actually careful details of stage management, the disguise of a revolution out to rule the world and as just one ele- ment in its strategy, wearing the cloak of a “working class movement.” Outside the Daily Worker building, I felt and saw the people being herded skillfully into place. Then came the bands and the flags, every time a United States flag paired with a Red one, and the red ones edged with gOld fringe, huge and sagring out, carried mostly by girls, sailors in uniform and occasionally by a ragged, hollow-cheeked man without a hat, who all but groaned and rattled chains. It was magnificent drama. I did not know then, but was not long in finding out, that among these seeming children of the poor were millionaires, doctors, professors, and debutantes. There were also several Moscow-trained ex~ perts in the management of mobs, who had literally gone to a university of revolution. They knew what they were doing. Should We Change the Way We Elect Our Presidents? EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FREDERIC R. COUDERT, JR. OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. COUDERT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an editorial appearing in the Saturday Eve- ning Post of April 29. The Post indi- cates a clear preference for the Coudert amendment over the Lodge-Gossett amendment. Under the present system of electing a President of the United States, there is al- ways the possibility that the winner will lack a majority of the popular vote. This has happened, notably in the first election of Woodrow Wilson, when Theodore Roosevelt’s third party was in the field, and in the elec- tion of Rutherford B. Hayes in 1876. Since the president is elected by States, a President who squeezed in by a whisker in the more populous States, while losing other States by an ample margin, could lack a popular majority, but nevertheless be elected. This rather remote possibility has always bothered some people; and right now the question has reached a level of interest suffi- cient to account for the introduction in Congress of the Lodge-Gossett amendment, which attempts to correct the situation by dividing the electoral votes for each State in direct proportion to the popular vote cast. Blanchard Randall, a Baltimore business- man and distinguished Maryland Republi- can, has pointed out some of the flaws in the Lodge-Gossett amendment by means of an interesting analysis of the effect of the scheme proposed, Mr. Randall undertakes to show what would have happened if the scheme had been in effect at various times in the past. He declares that if this system had been adopted before 1896, “Mr. Bryan would have been elected President by about four and one quarter electoral votes over President McKinley and several minor candi- dates, although Bryan was given only 46.7
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD percent of the popular vote and McKinley received more than 51 percent of all the votes cast. * * * Again, in 1900, history tells us President McKinley was reelected over William Jennings Bryan. McKinley received 7,219,000 votes and 292 electoral votes, against Bryan’s 6,358,000 popular and 155 electoral votes. However, had the proposed amend- ment been at work, Mr. Bryan would actually have been elected again, this time by about one-third of one electoral vote, despite the fact that Bryan carried only 17 of the then 45 States and despite the fact that about 8 voters out of every 15 said they wanted McKinley.” The reason for this, of course, lies in the advantage which the less heavily populated States, particularly in the one-party South, would have over the larger and more closely contested industrial States in the North and East. Mr. Randall poses a hypothetical case: “South Carolina generally votes about 90,000 for the Democrat and around 5,000 for the Republican. Under the new amend- ment the Democrats would get about seven and a half electoral votes, while the GOP would get about one-half of one electoral vote. Now lock at New York, with nearly 6,500,000 votes. Suppose the Republicans carry New York by 85,000 votes, the same margin given the Democrats in South Caro- lina. The new amendment would give the Republicans about twenty-three and three- quarters electoral votes and the Democrats twenty-three and one-quarter electoral votes, a net margin of only one-half of one electoral vote. * * * In other words, under the Lodge-Gossett system, 1 South Carolina vote is worth about 14 New York votes.” Senator Tarr estimates that the GOP would have to poll 58 percent of the popular vote to win a Presidential election. Another approach to electoral reform is made jin the Coudert amendment, which pro- poses that we go back to one of the original proposals made before the Constitutional Convention of 1787—namely, that Presiden- tial electors in each State be selected in the same way that the State elects its Members of Congress. Thus in all but a few States where Congressmen are elected from the State as a whole, one Presidential elector would be chosen in each congressional dis- trict, with two elected “at large’ to match the two United States Senators. The effect of this would be to divide the vote for Presi- dent in each State substantially as it is divided in the congressional elections. There are certain advantages to this sug- gestion. For one thing, it would have the effect of confining the power of the machine- dominated cities to a few congressional dis- tricts. Thus the radical American Labor Party, which now holds a virtual balance of power in New York State, would hold sway mainly in New York City, where the over- whelming majority of its constituents re- side. Furthermore, its ability to influence the policies of the major national parties, because of its balance-of-power position in pivotal New York, would be ended. The trouble with most discussions of plans to reform the electoral system is that few advocates are interested in whatever princi- ple is involved, but only in how a new ar- rangement would affect the fortunes of this or that political group. However, the Coud- ert amendment does have the merit of prac- ticality without the dangers to the Federal structure inherent in the Lodge-Gossett pro- posal, which is actually a step toward lump-~ ing together of the national popular vote. Fortunately, no such system can be adopted, since the smaller States would refuse to ratify the amendment. The Coudert idea might have a chance. Anyway, no change in the electoral system is so urgent as to justify legislation until the whole matter has been thoroughly studied. Home Rule for the District of Columbia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to ixfclude a statement I made last night in addressing a group of citizens in Wash- ington Highlands on the matter of the pending home-rule legislation. It was a privilege to be on the same program with the gentleman from Utah [Mr. Grancer]. I am making this available because in my decision to make this statement I am expressing a conviction which, as I indicated, I held for many years prior to coming to Congress and which has been deepened by my personal observa- tion of the situation as it exists here. I do not mean to say that this is a con- dition prevailing exclusively in the Cap- ital City, but I am reasonably confident that most of my colleagues would agree that it exists to a greater degree here than in practically any other commu- nity in this country. I do not have any idea that this expression of opinion is likely to have any real or lasting effect upon the attitude of those who choose to lend themselves to constant attacks on Congress as an institution but, at least, I hope it will stimulate thinking on the part of the reading and listening public both here in Washington and elsewhere. The point I want to make is a matter of long-standing conviction, even before I became a Member of Congress. I know, as you know, that a group of 435 men and women in the House and $6 men and women in the Senate could not truth- fully or accurately be portrayed as a bungling, ignorant, even venal assembly of American citizens. I know and you know that a number of editorial writers, and particularly certain talented car- toonists, newspaper columnists, and ra- dio commentators have established a lucrative living largely based upon con- tinuous public ridicule of Congress as an institution. I know and I believe you know that no greater disservice to our democratic institutions could be done than has been done by much of this. I realize that when we come here as Rep- resentatives of our constituents we are fair game for these men and women, and I do not think that most of us are over- sensitive about their guerrilla cam- paigns. Yet, I doubt if any group of 531 men and women in this country are col- lectively more sincerely devoted to the best interests of this Nation than that group. Certainly there is no harder- working body of American citizens, and I have been associated with a great many sincere and patriotic Americans in one or another organizations to which I have been glad to devote any ability I pos- sessed. Yet you good people here in Washington present your case to our committees, work unceasingly for ulti- mate victory, and, whether you realize it or not, find yourselves confronted al- most every morning with a clear example A3879 of this kind of ridicule. I do not know whether you appreciate the handicap this presents to your friends in Congress when they make earnest efforts to pre- vail upon their associates to join in this effort to bring this problem to a final vote, but I have repeatedly pointed it out to my friends in the District who have your project very close to their hearts. You may have noted that I stressed the word “morning.” I have done so ad- visedly, for I think our greatest offender appears in one cf our morning papers. I would not excuse certain columnists among our evening papers, for I think they must bear a fair share of the re- sponsibility. This all brings me to the suggestion that you who are close to this problem and have devcted so much of your time to its fruition might well devote an in- creasing amount of your time to the attitude of your outstanding news- papers. I am convinced that if they would be willing to declare temporarily @ moratorium on what is, in the minds of most Congressmen, a vicious and un- principled attack upon Congress as an institution, it would make the task of your friends in Congress in connection with this issue a far easier one and probably one which we could solve. I am not arguing that any individual should not have a full right to express himeelf or herself as he or she wishes in any editorial, cartoon, column, or radio comment. I have far too high re- gard for the great majority of these able and responsible people who shape public opinion. But I am saying to you here and tonight that the most effective enemies in connection with fair con- sideration of this proposal are not those who have been characterized as Dixie- crats or associated Republicans in some kind of an undefined coalition but, rather, these brilliant reople who con- sciously or unconsciously, devote their talents to an unceasing campaign of ridicule and have, in fact, in too many instances prevented fair-minded Mem- bers of the House who would otherwise join in our effort to bring this matter to a vote from signing this vital dis- charge petition. I realize that it may seem funny and is, undoubtedly, profit- able to portray every Member of Con- gress as a pot-bellied, chin-whiskered fool, but I suggest to you that you will not find in the membership of the House and Senate any single person who re- motely resembles that conveniently in- accurate picture of American public servants unless you resort to Pravda or some other silly organ behind the iron curtain. Our Merchant Marine Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EDWARD J. HART OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I
A3080 include the following address of Hon. Firersert C. Bonner, of North Carolina: Our MrrcHaNt Marines ProcRaM (Address cf Pervoren tative HERBERT C. BON= wor, of * - Cc: ily member, Commit- tee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries, be- fore the National Rivers and Harbors Con- gress, March 24, 1950) It is a real privilege to address the dis- tinguished membership of the National Rivers and Harbors Conference. My keen personal interest in your work is intensified because of its vital bearing on the Atlantic seaboard congressional district which I repre- sent. Also, as a long-time member of the House Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries, I know of your great contribution to the American merchant marine. By con- stantly striving to maintain and improve the terminals and highways of water-borne commerce, ++ “remote public interest in the commerce .. Of our ports, and to develop new facilities and modernize old ones to accommodate our ever changing indus- trial pattern, you render an invaluable service. It has been suggested that I speak briefly about our merchant marine. The subject is very close to me. I share with all Ameri- cans justifiable pride in the wart-time ac- complishment of our maritime industry. Its immediate postwar prosperity has been a@ source of gratification to me. I now con- template with deep concern its decline from its proper place as an integral part of the commeice which is the lifeblood of Americans. It is not my intention to disparage the efforts of those now in the forefront of the fight for an American merchant marine sec- ond to none. Nor do I minimize the difi- culties. The facts are too well known to all of us. For many years before World War II, American-flag ships were carrying only a small part of our products to foreign markets. Eminent in international eco- momics, we had become mediocre in the transportation adjunct to our world trade. Most American tonnage was engaged in do- mestic trade—a protected tratie, free from foreign-flag competition, and economically sound because of higher costs of land trans- portation. It was a far ery from the days of the clippers, when much of the war-horn commerce of the world loaded and unloaded from ships flying the American flag, Prewar conditions were but a continua- tion of the decline of the American merchant marine. The causes are clearly recognized. Our maritime industry, operating in inter- national trade routes, meets a front of com petition not experienced by other major American industries. Lower foreign wages and living standards, and the apathetic ac- ceptance of them by workers, alone give foreign competitors an advantage. Any re« duction of our own standards to meet those has, of course, been summarily rejected. On top of that, national combines and inter- national cartels, extraordinary political con- trols, subsidies and rebates and the like, and all manner of devices have been contrived to gain foreign mastery of world shipping. Taken all together, these factors have tended to outweigh any superior American produc-" tion and operation. To combat the stifling effect on American shipping, legislation was enacted in 1916, in 1928, and again in 1936. The dangers were seen, but much was left undone with the advent of World War II. The outbreak of World War II delivered all our tonnage to the war effort, transferred our domestic trade to land facilities, and created the largest shipbuilding program in the world’s history. At the close of the war we were the leading maritime power simply because we had con- trol of the world’s supply of ships. Under the Ship Sales Act of 1946, we set out to re- habilitate our privately-owned merchant ma~ man rine. Also, we undertook to restore the econ- omy of allied maritime nations by selling them more than a thousand ships, To facih- tate the transition from war to peace we chartered as many as 1,500 vessels at a time to American operators. The need for our products abroad promoted an unprecedented boon in American-flag shipping. There has been a marked leveling from the abnormal era of 1946 through 1948. Pre- war maritime nations are returning to the oceans in ships larger, more modern, and swifter than ours. All of the prewar dis- advantages face the American merchant ma- rine, and others have been aded. For one ex- ample, domestic water-borne commerce has been unable to put on the market an eco- nomically sound service because it no longer enjoys 1ts favorable prewar position in respect to land transportation. Deterioration of domestic tonnage is shown by a simple comparison of figures. In 1939 there were 468 dry cargo bottoms and 304 tankers—a total of 772. In 1947 there were put 98 dry cargo bottoms and 218 tankers. Traffic now moves by rail which could be handled adequately and economically by water carriers. The rail traffic moves at wa- ter-compelled rates, often at a loss to the railroads. The water carriers lose the busi- ness which might be profitable to them. No carrier gains, all of them lose, and there is a consequent economic loss to the public. This comparatively new and serious con- dition in domestic water-borne commerce constitutes a separate part of the over- all problem. That commerce gave sub- stantial savings to domestic shippers. Its benefits, extended hundreds of miles inland by joint and combination rail-water rates, were passed on to a large segment of the public. Many great industrial centers de- pended largely on coastal and intercoastal water commerce. Reduction in that com- merce is detrimental to them. Finally, do- mestic shipping, constituting a large defense reserve for World War II, should be restored for that reason if no other. I submit this proposition as beyond dis- pute: That there shall be an American-flag merchant marine adequate to our commer- cial needs and the national security. Presi- dent Roosevelt, urging enactment of the Merchant Marine Act of 1936, aptly stated this overruling necessity. The reasons given were short, but conclusive, and are embodied in the law. They are: 1, In time of peace foreign subsidies, ship« ping combines, and other restrictive or re~ bative methods prejudice American shippers. Fair competition can be assured only by American-flag tonnage sufficient to carry a reasonable part of our foreign commerce; 2. A neutral America could be seriously crippled, in case of a major war, for lack of bottoms to carry on its peaceful foreign trade; and 3. If the United States is involved in a war, American-flag ships are needed for naval auxiliaries and necessary foreign intercourse. These reasons are of even greater force and effect today. The neéd for an adequate mer- chant marine now is far more pressing, and the impediments more troublesome, than they were in 1936. To accomplish our ob- jectives is a critical and perplexing problem. Each of us has much at stake in the solution, The Congress and the President, maritime industry and labor, and shippers and trades- men are directly concerned. More important, the public stands to profit from a wise pro- gram, or suffer from the lack of one. It seems to me that certain political and economical factors govern our approach to the problem. All of them must be kept clearly in mind to set a course of action. First of all, our system of free enterprise is the framework to build upon. It is the foundation of our national strength, the po- litical amd economic concept that has prought us to world leadership. The best prospect for a healthy and progressive mer- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD chant marine is one privately owned and operated, so far as possible. It should he our ultimate purpose, regardless of any ob- stacles. I think its attainment 1s entirely possible, even in these times. That is at- tested by the successful operation of some of our largest shipping companies, without direct Government aid. At the same time, progress toward our objectives must go hand in hand with main- tenance and improvement of our standards of living. Industry is entitled to a fair re- muneration, labor to a fair wage, and the public to a fair share in the resultant bene- fits. Each should bear its part of the burden, but none should profit unfairly at the ex- pense of any other. At the outset, also, the relationship of the Government to the merchant marin: must be made clear. Whether and to what extent there will be Federal aid to private owner. ship, or active Federal participation. is dic- tated by the public interest and none other. No dollar of taxpayers’ Money may go to line the pockets of individuals or special interests, or groups of them. Nor may public funds be to foster inefficiency and incompe- tence. It would be particularly unfair to the Government, the American people, and the shipping industry itself, if the Government were forced to pay exorbitant prices when, by reason of national emergency, it has no alternative but to requisition privately owned ships. This was the intent of the Congress, of course, when the Merchant Ma- rine Act of 1936 was enacted. However, from a review of experience in World War ITI, it appears evident that even greater and more specific safeguards must be provided in new legislation, to prevent the accumulation of unjust profits flowing solely from the cxist~ ence of an emergency. Federal assistance should be only to the extent necessary to bring the merchant ma-~ rine to the size and quality essential to the 1ational welfare and security and keep it there. This may be done, in accordance with the principles already stated, by three methods: First, by placing our merchant marine on a fair competitive basis in es- sential foreign trade routes. Second, by pro- tecting it from discriminatory practices in domestic trade; and third, by paying the cost of national defense features not fully useful in commerce. Government owner~ ship should be limited to cases where the national security or the nature of the service preclude private ownership. Federal regulation should not be so string- ent as to unduly hamper legitimate efforts of private enterprise to develop profitable business. There should b2 all freedom of action, incentive and initiative meeded by private industry and consistent with the public interest. This is necessary to build up business in a highly competitive field and by effective private operation, to keep the cost to the taxpayer at a minimum. To accomplish our several objectives, with- out sacrificing any, is a tremendous task. But, though perhaps discouraging, it is by no means insurmountable. Oareful study, wise judgment, vigorous action, and constant vigilance are needed. A concerted, joint ef- fort of all concerned can bring success. Man- agement, labor, and Government must co- operate fully for maximum results. Anti- quated, costly methods must be brought up to date or discarded. New and better meth- ods and techniques must be devised and utilized. Greater efficiency and economy must be developed in the construction and operation of vessels and port facilities, in other shoreside activities, and in all phases of the industry. Training of personnel should be emphasized, with special reference to continuing replacements. Regular, re- Nable, and reasonable services should be planned and put into operation. We must realize on the superior potential of American incustrial genius and the inherent skill and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ingenuity of the American worker, In short, all must put a shoulder to the wheel. Only then can we reach our goal without sacri- ficing our standards. The Eouse Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee is charged with responsibility for maintaining and dtveloping American-flag shipping, and is well aware of the many prob- Jems. In the discharge of that resnorsihitity, ° it is keeping in close contact wi.t i! ‘eg- menis of the shipping industry. Exhaustive consideration Las been, and is being, given the needs of the American merchant marine. Extensive hearings have been held. Repre- sentatives of Government, operators, labor unions, shipbuilding and repair industries, and other interests have discussed the prob- lems at great length before the committee. As a result of these studies, it is the sense of the committee that substantial changes in the law are needed, so that our obligation to the national commerce and security may be fulfilled. . Legislation has been reported, and some is still pending before the Committee, which should go far in meeting current problems, although it may not be a complete remedy. The committee is genuinely interested in developing the means and methods of es+ tablishing and maintaining an adequate American merchant marine. It is working constantly, and in close cooperation with the rest of the Government, private, industry and labor, to formulate and have enacted a sound and farsighted program for the mari- time industry. The committee realizes that the problem is not a static one and is alert to meet changing conditions. It is mindful of the probable cost, and determined to pro- tect the Government while at the same time helping American shipping where American shipping is unable to go forward. I know that American shipping and allied interests are eager to help solve our problems. As an advocate of a strong American merchant marine, I welcome your support in the deter- mination of a sound policy, and your criti- cisms and suggestions toward that end. Resolution of Ancient Order of Hibernians, East St. Louis, Ill. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 - Mr. PRICE, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include herewith a resolution adopted by the Ancient Order of Hibernians, Divi- sion 1, East St. Louis, Ill., concerning in opposition to the partition of Ireland: Division 1, ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS IN AMERICA, East St. Louis, Ill., April 24, 1950. Hon. MELVIN Pricer, . House Office Building, Washington, D. C. Dear Sm: At a special meeting of the An- cient Order of Hibernians, Division 1, East St. Louis, Ill., the following resolution was drafted and unanimously adopted: “Whereas the Government of Great Brit- ain, in violation of the rights and contrary to the wishes of all of the people of Ireland and their descendants and friends in the United States, as expressed by their Parlia- mentary Assembly in Westminster, has taken six of the counties in the Province of Ulster, an inherent part of Ireland, and fraudulent- ly annexed them as a separate state under the flag of Great Britain; and “Whereas Great Britain, against the ex- pressed wishes and desires of the Irish people and in violation of all of the principles of a free people, continues to dominate and gov- ern these counties: Now, therefore, be it “Resolted, That we, descendants of Irish forefathers, declare curselves to be unequiv- ocally opposed to the British domination im- posed on the free people of these six coun- ties in violation of all of the basic principles of the United Nations and of a true democ- racy; and “Whereas England, by this action, has proven herself unworthy to participate in any discussion pertinent to the future of any freedom-loving people; and be 1t further “Resolved, That we uphold the inherent right of free people to determine their own method of government independent of the dictates of any power-hungry or subsidizing nation.” Very truly yours, Witt1AM F. KEELEY, President. THomas P. O'BRIEN, Vice President. CoRNELIUS O’SULLIVAN, Recording Secretary. JOHN MonGan, Financial Secretary. Patricx SHEAHAN, Treasurer. Attacks on Big Business EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include the following article from the Washington Evening Star: GOVERNMENT Group SEEKS RUIN oF BiG BUSINESS, FAIRLESS Sars HEAD OF UNITED STATES STEEL HITS FEDERAL CRITICS IN BITING PHRASES Benjamin F. Fairless, president of the United States Steel Corp., made a bitter at- tack today on “powerful” groups in Govern- ment which he said seek to dismember Amer~ ican business. Declaring that all American industry is on trial “because it has served the public too well—because it has pleased too many cus- tomers and has built the greatest industrial Nation on the face of the earth,” Mr. Fair- less said: “Successful service to the Nation now strangely seems to be the signal for the polit- ical punishment of those who performed it.” He said those people intent on “dismem- bering business” are “the most dangerous reactionaries of this twentieth century.” Mr. Fairless’ views, bitingly phrased, were addressed to a House subcommittee investi- gating the steel industry. His statement was one of the strongest to be made before congressional critics of big business and bristled with such phrases as “unsound and dangerous notions” and “jet-propelled flights of fancy.” Mr. Fairless told the committee that United States Steel “is successful, it is prof- itable, it is efficient, and it is a large enter- prise.” “These are the simple facts and I am proud of them.” But he declared there are within the Gov- ernment “powerful agencies and groups A3081 which hold that all this is wrong, They hold that there is something inherently vicious in bigness, and growth and success.” Some of these groups, he said, would break up successful business enterprises “even though the high quality ¢f v.ci service to the publirc ts wncunctiopad”? Others .. ‘om. tit. °° limits on busi- ness size, 7¢ 0 "2. Cr 4%. G ome would sub- ject business to utility regulation by Gov- ernment bureaus. WOULD TURN BACK THE CLOCK “By dismembering business, they would turn back the clock to the horse-and-buggy days of 50 years or more ago, and would iry to squeeze a modern, dynamic, efficient America once more into the puny production patterns of industrial childhood. “Or, by subjecting American productive enterprise to the deadening hand of roliti- cal regulation, they would borrow from the old world the dismal economic philosophies that have led most of Europe to desolation and despsir. “They would substitute governmental reg- ulation for competition and political pres- sures for Government control.” Mr. Fairless said the Nation needs big busi- ness as well as small business. They are in- terdependent, he declared, despise the at- tempt of sttistically minded theorists to create economic class distinctions. He called a myth the charge that U. S. Steel possesses monopoly powers enabling it to restrict comretition, “Te fea-t is,’ he told the committee, “that when Ul. S. Steel was created in 1901, it produced 66 percent of all the steel then made in America—twice as much as all of its competitors put together. Today it pro- duces only 33 percent of the Nation’s steel. “True, U. S. Steel’s production has grown greatly during the half century, but its com- petitors Lave grown nearly four times as much,” he added. Anniversary of Founding of Nation of Israel EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CHESTER A. CHESNEY OF ILLINOIS IN THT HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. CHESNEY. Mr. Speaker, on Mon- day, April 24, Jewish people throughout the world rejoiced over the celebration of the second anniversary of the found- ing of the infant nation of Israel. Is this really an infant nation—or is it a rebirth of the nobility of the Jewish race? Is it not also a tribute to the determi- nation and courage of that people to be once again among the brotherhood of nations? ‘To raise its head once more as a free unshackled race? ‘To live once again without the fear of oppression and limitation? Anything that is worth possessing is worth fighting for, and, certainly, this is borne out by the history of the struggle of this valiant race. It has not been a short struggle and even though the rest of the world believed that there was no longer any hope for the dreams of the Jewish people, there appeared, once more, a spark of life in this seem- ingly lost cause. Through almost 19 centuries the fight has progressed. If their dreams were a little late in being fulfilled, it cannot be said that this delay
A3082 was due to the lack of a desire for free- dom on the part of these people. While they were carrying on their own struggle for freedom, they were also helping others to obtain this most precious of human destinies. Ido not need to recall to our minds the help given us by Jewish people when we were suffering the birth pangs of our Natiun at Valley Forge. When the Congress of our own country had failed to retain faith in our cause, we received encouragement—and more important—the necessary equipment from Jewish patriots who devoted their fortunes to the foundation of our coun- try and enabled us to secure our freedom. I believe that this second anniversary of the founding of the Jewish nation of Israel should be a source of encourage- ment to all free people. It is, most surely, an indication and proof that per- severance, faith, and devotion to the cause of freedom can never be defeated. Rubber Footwear Imports EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I wish to present further comment pertinent to the disastrous trade policies being fol- lowed by this administration. New England has long been the ‘“‘whip- ping boy” of those who determine Fed- eral policy. Agricultural subsidies have benefited the Midwest to our detriment; public-power policies have aided the South and the West to lure industries from our region. New Englanders are considered to be second-rate citizens of this Nation. Foreign-trade policies have been set by those interested in the free trade of agricultural products—without regard to the effect upon the industrial East. We are now beginning to reap the harvest of unemployment sown by the seeds of free trade. The architects of so-called reciprocal trade were far more concerned with the export, under favorable conditions, of cotton, tobacco, and allied products, than with the possible importation of slave- labor goods to compete with those manu-~ factured by Americans. Too long have honest men been cowed by the label of “‘protectionists” and “iso- lationists”; therefore unwilling to take up the cudgel for the interests of their fellow Americans, No amount of subterfuge by the ad- ministration can mask the grand de- sign; further cutting of tariffs as con- cessions to foreign nations. It seems that we always concede at international conferences. Perhaps our people would fare better if Congress refused to appro- priate travel expenses for State Depart- ment employees. At least no jobs would be threatened by stay-at-home diplo- mats. Administration apologists are now at- tempting to carry water on both shoul- ders in Connecticut. On the one hand, they promise citizens confronted with the loss of employment that they will give every consideration to the problem of increased unemployment through im- portation of foreign-made goods, and, on the other hand, these apologists state that no harm is being done by Demo- cratic foreign-trade policies. Statistics are quoted showing a drop in the impor- tation of canvas footwear from Czecho- slovakia in the past 2 years. In reality, no one has stated that our difficulties are attributable to this source. The imports of waterproof footwear from the Russian. satellite of Caechoslovakia are responsi- ble for production cut-backs in Connecti- cut factories. Far more serious are the threats posed to this entire industry by proposals to abandon the American sell- ing-price principle, and further tariff cuts which may take place after the Sep- tember trade-agreement meeting in England. These apologists seize upon the oft- quoted statement included in every com- munication received on this subject from either the State Department or the Tar- iff Commission, to the effect that if in- creased umports threaten or cause serious injury to domestic industry we may withdraw from the agreement. This is the escape clause which allows the United States to cease being a party to its own funeral after the corpse is em- balmed. We do not want American in- dustry saved after it is ruined—but be- fore that time. The issue is a simple one; are we to continue this foolhardy course of grant- ing concessions to slave labor nations, or are we to help protect the jobs of Americans, and assure an adequate living for their families? If this is protection- ism, count me in. As evidence that many others have . grasped the true significance of this problem, I present material showing the increasing concern with irresponsible importation, in the form of a resolution adopted by the Greater Naugatuck In- dustrial Council, CIO; an editorial from the Catholic Transcript of April 20; and an interesting excerpt from the United Sgates News and World Report of April 28. RESOLUTION ADOPTED AT APRIL 18, 1950, Mrrr- Inc Of GREAIER NauGcatucK INDUSTRIAL Union Councit, CIO, P. J. Gatiucci, PRESIDENT Whereas the importation of rubber foot- wear, tennis shoes, and allied products from Japan and Czechoslovakia is rapidly increas- ing in volume; and Whereas this influx of these low-priced products is undermining the rubber-footwear industry in the United States causing ex- tensive layofis and loss of jobs of our union members, with the resulting loss of income and purchasing power; and Whereas the present tariffs are inadequate to protect the jobs, incomes, and purchas-~ ing power of our American workers and union members: Therefore be it : Resolved, That the Greater Naugatuck In- dustrial Union Council, representing more than 7,000 employees in Naugatuck, Conn., go on record as being unalterably opposed to any further reduction in tariff on rubber footwear and allied products which would inevitably result in widespread unemploy- ment and great distress amongst the em- ployees in the rubber footwear industry in the United States; and be it further APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Resolved, That the Greater Naugatuck In- dustrial Union Council, CIO, go on record ag favoring immediate and firm action by the Government to provide full employment for all of the more than 20,000 people (men and women) in the rubber-footwear industry in the United States including the immediate restitution of the protective tariff laws of 1932-49; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be immediately forwarded to the House of Rep- resentatives, the United States Senate, and individual copies sent to all Congressmen and Senators from the State of Connecticut, to the Secretary of Labor, the Secretary of Com- merce, and the President of the United States. [From the Catholic Transcript of April 20, 1950] ABSURD AND INTOLERABLE On Sunday the New York Herald Tribune publicized a situation which for some time has puzzled and troubled citizens of Con- necticut. The metropolitan pauper took a look at the city of Danbury, so many of whose people depend for their livelihood on the hat-making business. That business 1s not flourishing just now, with the result that large numbers of Danbury residents are eith- er wholly *mo~r'sved ocr employed but part time. The cl.c. it. condition is felt by the entire community and indeed has State and national repercussions, so close-knit is our economy. One of the most frequently cited and strongly stressed causes of the unemploy- ment in Danbury is unfair competition .19n hats made in Communist-run Czechoslova- kia. These are brought into the United States in great quantity and undersell the domestic products. Where Danbury-made hats are priced to New York milliners at $25 to $80 a dozen, hats from Czechoslovakia are available to these milliners at $15 to 820 a dozen. And where hat imports from Czecho- slovakia were in the amount of almost $41,- 000 in 1946, they jumped to the amount of almost $1,200,000 in 1949——an astronomical increase. It is notorious that, wherever the Com- munists are in control, slave labor is the rule. This has been proved beyond the pos- sibility of refutation—that slave labor is a fundamental and permanent feature of Communist cconcmy, ti.c very basis of that economy. The hats from Czechoslovakia can be sold for so little because made by captive and exploited labor. It is equally notorious that the warfare to the death which the Kremlin, with mastery over Ozechoslovakia, is waging against the West and principally against the United States as the mainstay of the West, is ruthlessly fought with every sort of weapon, the eco- nomic no less than the military and the po- litical. It should, then, be just as notorious that the hts dumped into our market by Communist-run Czechoslovakia are a po-~ tent weapon for the Kremlin. How? For one thing, the sharp decline in employment in Danbury means a sharp de- cline in taxes collected by the Federal Gov- ernment, for example, income taxes. Taxes, that is, which are urgently required to finance the expefisive programs both for na- tional csfense and for economic and arms assistance to the European nations on which we Cepend for containment of the Commu- nist tide. Cudgel our brains though we will, we cannot see the tiniest grain of common sense in taking bread and butter out of the mouths of Americans and drying up a source of much-needed Federal revenue, in order to give dollars to a member of the iron cur- tain bloc which aims at our defeat and ex- tinction. This strikes us as a roaring absurdity. For another thing, it is the dearest wish of the Kremlin that there be depression and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD discontent in the United States. Some meas- ure of the first can already be seen in Dan- bury. The second is not yet noticeable on any big scale. But it could easily and quickly de- velop. Why anything of the sort should be tolerated, when it stems from a readily cur- able condition of benefit only to the Krem- lin, we cannot make out. It is a baffling mystery. Danbury’s troubles may not be exclusively attributable to the importing of hats from a Communist-run country, which is in effect an enemy country in the cold war. But they are unquestionably in part attributable to it. Sanity requires that this condition be righted, and at once. [From the U. S. News and World Report, April 28, 1950] Russia is preparing to assume full control over Czechoslovakia’s trade. A new trade treaty has been negotiated, ostensibly giving the Czechs what amounts to a $200,000,000 gold credit, but actually making Russia the broker for almost all of Czechoslovakia’s ex- port trade. The Russians g2t power to mar- ket Czech products and determine the share of the proceeds the Czechs will receive. Fair Deal Tough on GM Officials? Not by . $8,000,000 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERMAN P. EBERHARTER OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. EBERHARTER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following article from the newspaper Labor of Saturday April 29, 1950: Far Dean Touch on GM Orrictats?—Notr BY $8,000,000—Hucr Bonus ExPLaINS WHY TrHeyv’re So Anxious To Cur Taxes on RicH—SiIxTy-ONE SHARE Gianr MELON— DIscLosuRE MaKES COMPLAINTS Harp To UNDERSTAND—-WHAT Do THEY WANT? A move to limit income taxes is becoming the rallying cry for all kinds of lobby and propaganda groups in an effort to weld them into a single body bent on upsetting every- thing that the Fair Deal stands for. Their often-repeated complaint is that Fair Deal spending and socialism are ruining the coun- try. Some of the loudest complainers, and the heatinst contributors to the propaganda groups, are officials of the giant General Motors Corp. After General Motors reported record profits of $656,000,000 in 1949—the largest ever made by any corporation in a single year—many people began to wonder what they were complaining about, and how much it would take to satisfy them. WHY THEY WANT TAX CUT This week it became clear why they are so interested in efforts to put a limit on income taxes. For 61 top officials of the company were disclosed to be sharing a huge bonus melon for 1949 of better than $6,000,000 in cash, plus 24,338 shares of the company’s stock, worth nearly $2,000,000 at present prices. Uncle Sam, of course, will get quite a chunk of that in income taxes, but the company arranged to pay it in five annual installments to help the officials keep out of the upper brackets, so they can keep as much as possible. The announcement certainly is not going to help their propaganda about the Truman administration making it tough for busi- ness to get along. The bonus action had to be made public under regulations of the Securities and Ex- change Commission, which requires that such information be given to stockholders. It was contained in proxy statements mailed to the company’s 400,000 stockholders with notice of the annual meeting to be held in Wilmington, Del., May 19. Charles E. Wilson, president, topped the list, with a total of salary, bonws, and direc- tor fees for 1949 of $586,100, which suggests that he has nct suffered greatly from the Fair Deal. His salary and fees totaled $201,100, and the bonus was $308,021 in cash and 1,243 shares of stock. The shares were given an award value of $76,979, although at present market prices they would bring more than $100,000. Next behind him were three executive vice presidents: Albert Bradley, who gets $511,- 225 all told; Harlow H. Curtice, $496,100, and Marvin E. Coyle, $496,000. Open House at Kings Point EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY J. LATHAM OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. LATHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an excellent editorial from the Long Island Daily Press, pointing out the need for a strong merchant marine and for contin- uing without restriction the facilities for training capable merchant marine of- ficers at Kings Pcint Merchant Marine Academy on Long Island: Kines Pornt The United States Merchant Marine Acad~ emy at Kings Point in Great Neck is holding cpen house next Sunday, providing an op- portunity for Long Islanders to become better acquainted with this impressive service in- stitution. Kings Point is as important to the well- peing of the Nation as is West Point or Annapolis, yet it has not attained the rating accorded these Academies in the public mind. The reason is probably that Kings Point is many years younger than either the Army’s or the Navy’s officer-training schools. If many more Long Islanders realized the importance of the Kings Point institution, and were familiar with what it is accom- plishing in training officer personnel for the merchant marine, it is probable it would have far less trouble obtaining the financial backing in Congress which is necessary if it is to continue in existence. Year after year attempts are made at Wash- ington to pare down the Academy’s fund allocations, to reduce the allotments for its students, and otherwise curtail both its activities and its prestige. Such attempts arise plainly because of a lack of understanding of what the Academy does in training competent officers for the merchant marine in peacetime and building up a reservoir of sea Officers for war emer= gencies. A strong merchant marine is a Key to pros= perity in commerce and industry in peace- time. It is indispensable to our fighting forces in wartime. It is as necessary to the safety of the Nation as either West Point or Annapolis. No rational person would think of curtail~ ing officer training at either of the older serv= ice academies, but there seems to be no hesi- tation to restrict the training at Kings Point, A3083 The Merchant Marine Academy needs pub- lic support. It can grow and continue strong, or it can easily be restricted and hampered in its development because of a lack of public knowledge of its importance. The open house at the Academy will give Long Islanders an opportunity to see for themselves what is being done there. Where the Menace to Freedom Lies EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CLARENCE J. BROWN OF OHIO _ IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Bruce W. Knight, from the Readers’ Digest: WHERE THE MENACE TO FREEDOM LIES (Condensed from Dartmouth Alumni Magazine) (Bruce W. Knight, professor of economics, Dartmouth College) The greatest public issue before Americans today is pseudo-liberalism—false liberalism, phony liberalism, the pretended pursuit of liberal ends by means which lead in the oppo- site direction. In other words, are we to have liberalism or are we to have a wretched counterfeit in the form of state paternalism? State paternalism is precisely what a large and articulate group of self-styled “liberals” is working might-and-main to wheedle or even force us to accept. In the group are Government officials, administrators, and academicians—particularly social scientists, would-be social scientists, and “cause” preachers making a noise like social sci- entists. Toward these persons, as persons, I bear no ill will. Isuppose they mean well. I sympathize with the esthetic impulse which prompts them to give us something more lovely than the facts of life. Nevertheless, more is needed to qualify them as authori- ties on the attainment of human welfare. No doubt the stork legend is artistically pref~ erable to the truth about babies, -but it is hardly to be recommended as an approach to regulating the supply. It is toward the pa~ ternalist, as such, that I am hostile, because I am convinced that he, rather than the avowed Red who knows what he is up to, is the most dangerous foe of personal freedom. Liberalism is essentially an attempt to solve the greatest of all minority problems, the plight of the individual person in a world organized or disorganized by human institutions. Here a great deal of metaphysi- cal nonsense can be avoided by facing the simple fact that you are you and nobody else, and that you want to be yourself as fully as possible. Society is an excellent thing for certain purposes, but it is also a conspiracy against the real you. Liberalism tries to retain society’s useful results while minimizing its infringement on you. The primary postulate of liberalism is freedom of the individual for self-development and self-expression. Hence any attempt by au- thorities to restrict this freedom unneces- sarily, by controlling the individual in either his internal adjustments or his exter- nal relations, is to be resisted. A liberal society is not an organism in which the parts are to be controlled in the interest of the whole. Since its fundamen- tal interest inheres in the parts, the indi- vidual persons, its objective is not control at all but voluntary agreement,
A3084 American liberalism is mainly a heritage from England. Its chief elements are the politics of democracy and the economics of the free mark t. More broadly, it is a diffi- cult combination of majority rule and indi- vidual rights. From its essential nature follow these propositions: Independence: The people cannot exer- cise real self-government unless they think independently. They must not permit their conceptions of public issues to be deter- minded by agencies of the state. Individualism: Majority rule must leave the individual as free as possible from the feeling of official coercion, Compromise: If voluntary agreement 1s to prevail over social control, the art of com- promise is essential, and to it, in turn, a spirit of tolerance is necessary. No person or group must insist on an exclusive inter- pretation of what is right or best for the people. Diffusion: Since, as Lord Acton put it, “power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely,” power must be diffused. It must not be concentrated geographically, or in the hands of any one branch of Gov- ernment, such as the executive. Conservation and progress: We cannot make progress, enlarge personal freedom, ex- cept by conserving what we have and build- ing on it. Liberalism is necessarily conserva- tive in its selection of means. It is under- mined by attempts to substitute rapid struc- tural changes for natural growth, since such changes require the people to surrender so much power to the Government that they cannot control the Government, that is, govern themselves. Economy: Liberalism cannot survive with- out a reasonably sound free economy, or one having what the people regard as reasonable rights of private property and reasonable stability. Tf this is liberalism, as I believe it is, ad- vocates of state paternalism—for which the welfare state is another term—are not liber- als. Let us consider briefly certain marks by which they may be identified. The paternalist is a tireless espouser, not- ably before groups of women, of raising more and more revenue for expenditure on the underprivileged, particularly if the revenue is supposed to come from State rather than local taxes. He not only aches vocally for social justice but is very intolerant of any~ thing save the welfare state as a means to it. If you happen to believe that a distention of governmental power is not the liberal answer to private abuses of power, he calls you a reactionary. He prefers to overlook the fact that the paternalist in government takes something which is not his and redis- tributes it among a larger number of voters. The paternalist typically advocates more centralization of power, not only in the Fed~ eral Government but also in the executive branch, For how else, he reasons, can you get a sufficient “rain of laws” to penetrate the parched soil of social injustice? Do not the ends justify the means? It logically fol- lows that the Federal Government must col~ ject and expend larger and larger fractions of the national income to support more and bigger agencies for social control. He employs the piecemeal technique of Hitler, presenting his program in dramatized bits so that the expansion of expenses, bur- geoning of government and contraction of individual freedom will not be noticed till too late, Nowhere is American lberalism more Kicked around, stood upside down, and turned inside out than in the field of eco= nomics, Nor should this prove surprising. The economy is a strategic sector at which to launch the assault on individual freedom. Moreover, our economy is peculiarly vulner- able to attack, It will have enough trouble to stand without the persistent efforts of bogus liberals to push it over by misrepre- senting its character, Any available alternative to the free mar- ket necessarily involves a tremendous loss of individual freedom. Apart from anarchism, which is obviously unworkable, the only real alternatives are authoritative systems in the form of communism, fascism, or democratic socialism, The first two of these require no discussion here. For democratic socialism, of which the welfare state is one variety, only two possible outcomes are probable enough to be worth talking about. First, if it re- mained democratic, it would become a colos- salracket. With practically all wealth being Government wealth, and practically all in- come Government income, Government offi- cials would have approximately five times as much as now with which to promote their causes, especially the cause of keeping them-~ selves in power. Second, and largely because of its having become the first, it would cease to be democratic. The paternalist employs other tricks to misrepresent our economy. He exaggerates the importance of private monopoly, bad though some monopolies are. He overlooks the foremost father of mceronches, the Gov- ernment itself. He assumes ‘lol che evil of monopolies would be reduced by having one huge meorenc'r, tho Government. our --* ‘iow against freedom of the market is the Federal Government itself. The tariff alone has probably done more economic damage inside and outside America than all our industrial monopolies combined. Further, government has been the foremost abettor of internal monopoly. It has used import duties, quarantine regulations, cur- rency manipulation, and the lke, to keep firms out of the market. It has shut out sub- stitute products by such means as the out- rageous tax on colored margarine. It has restricted output directly in its farm pro- gram. Yet the paternalist proposes to cure the evils of monopoly by making the Government a far bigger monopolist than it already is. The chief argument for this course is that monopoly is ‘inevitable,’ and must therefore be public rather than private. If half the energy now devoted by the state to promot- ing monopolies and then trying to control them were given instead to freeing th2 mar-= ket and keeping it free, the output of welfare and liberalism would be far larger. There may be something to be said for the candid espousal of communism or fascism by persons who really believe that liberalism is washed up. But there is no honest justifica~ tion for the brazen. posing of state paternal- ism as the one and only liberalsm If one honestly believes in socialism, let him say so, and call it that, and explain why. But don’t call it liberalism. Winston Churchill has said: “Of the differ- ence between socialism and communism I said a good many years ago that a strong dose of either socialism or communism would kill Britannia stone dead, and at the inquest the only question for the jury would be: Did she fall or was she pushed?” ate Changes Needed in Electoral Plan EXTEKSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, I have noted a meritorious editorial from the pen of Marion Gaines in the Pensacola News-Journal. It gives deserved sup- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD port to the Gossett amendment for a re- vision of the electoral college system of electing Presidents. Under leave to ex- tend my remarks in the Recorp, I in-~ clude the editorial, as follows: CHaNGES NEEDED IN ELECTORAL PLAN Political dopesters have not been optimis- tic about the prospect for House approval of the proposed constitutional amendment to revise the electoral college system of electing Presidents. It would automatically divide the electoral vote of each State among Presi- dential candidates according to the popular vote in the State. Under present customs, each State’s votes are cast in a block for the candidate receiving the highest vote. With this change the electoral vote, which actual- ly determines the election of a President, would follow the popular vote State by State, and the system would more nearly approach the election of Presidents by popular vote. An unfortunate feature in the considera- tion of the proposal is that argument seems to center on the question of how the change might affect the immedia*e “cHtien" fcr tunes of one party or theG .r Nw. or this tends to obscure the questions of wheth- er the proposal would be in the interest of the whole people, and of whether the change might be made still better by throwing out the electoral vote system altogether and electing Presidents by direct popular ballot. If the matter is debated solely on the basis of the national good it is hard to see how any defensible stand can be taken for keeping the present system. The question to be decided then is not whether or not to make a change, but what Kind of change should be made. Un-American Activities Committee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN S. WOOD OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. WOOD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following resolution: ‘Whereas there is a need for a rededication to the principles and ideals upon which our Republic was founded; and Whereas the devotion and allegiance of each citizen and organization to these prin- ciples is essential to the perpetuation of our Republic and to the continue: growth of freedom and economic opportunity in Amer- ica; and Whereas there are individuals and organi- zations dedicated to the overthrow of our Government by force and violence; and ‘Whereas the Congress of the United States, through its House Un-American Activities Committee, is engaged in exposing commu- nism and Communists, whereever to be found in the United States; and Whereas said House Un-American Activi- ties Committee has been engaged in conduct- ing a hearing on Communist activities with- in the Territory of Hawaii since April 10, 1950; and Whereas said House Un-American Activi- ties Committee is performing a public service in the cause of patriotism, Americanism, and is performing a further public service in exposing the degree of communistic infil- tration present in the Territory of Hawaii, which said exposing of communism and Communists tends to defeat their effective- ness in our community: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, by Honolulu Post, 1540, of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD States (a veterans’ organization chartered by the Congress of the United States), That said House Un-American Activities Commit- tee be commended and congratulated for its excellent work in the community in the cause of Americanism, patriotism, and to the end that the ideals and liberties we cherish sO dearly may be perpetuated forever; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution he sent to the House Un-American Activities Committee, the President of the United States, the Speaker of the House, the Presi- dent of the Senate, and our Delegate to Congress. Submitted by Hyman M. Greenstein, na- tional deputy inspector general, VFW, past commander, Department of Hawaii, VFW, past post commander, Honolulu Post 1540, VFW. Explorer Before Boone Was Not First Briton in Kentucky EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CARL D. PERKINS or KENTUCKY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. PERKINS. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I include in the Appendix of the Rrcorp a story written by Mr. Gerald Griffin, staff correspond- egt of the Louisville Courier-Journal of April 24, 1950, on Dr. Thomas Walker: Explorer Berore Boonz Was Nor First Briton IN KENTUCKY—BaARBOURVILLE To Pay Homacz ro Dr. WALKER (By Gerald Griffin) Barpourvintte, Ky., April 238.—The man Barbourville and its environs will honor in its bicentennial celebration the coming week end was no mythical figure, no Paul Bunyon of the Cumberlands, but a real his- torical character—Dr. Thomas Walker. Ancestor of many Kentucky and Virginia families, Dr. Walker antedated Daniel Boone into the land beyond the mountains by almost 2 decades. But even at that he found initials carved on trees indicating that other English explorers had preceded him. NAMED CUMBERLAND RIVER Two things prevented Dr. Walker’s name from being as well known today as that of Boone. First, he turned back when he was within a day or two of reaching the rolling plains of the Bluegrass region. And second, what is now Kentucky still was a forbidden region, claimed by both the English and French, for that important matter had not then been settled by the outcome of the French and Indian War which sputtered along from 1755 to 1763. But Dr. Walker and the intrepid explorers who accompanied him through Cumberland Gap in 1750 left their imprint by the name “Cumberland,” which he gave to the river of that name. And, according to the History of Kentucky written by Judge Charles Kerr, Lexington, who died recently, he named the Levisa Fork of the Big Sandy River. A surveyor in the romantic heyday of sur- veyors, and of necessity a fearless explorer, Dr. Walker was born January 15, 1715, in King and Queen County of the colony of Virginia, a loyal subject of the English King. When he died, November 9, 1794, at Castle - Hill, his home in Albemarle County, near Charlottesville, in the State of Virginia, he XCVI—App.—195 _ was a citizen of the lusty young United States of America, and a neighbor of Thomas Jefferson. RECORDED EXPLORATIONS While yet in his early thirties, Dr. Walker had gained recognition as a surveyor, as had George Washington, and in 1748 accom- panied Col. James Patterson on a tour of inspection into southwestern Virginia, But this party made no attempt to cross the mountain barrier then recognized as the western rim of colonial Virginia. Dr. Walker kept methodical records of his exploration activities and modern historians have delved into them in looking into early picreor times. TZ. knowledie of the western country fre- quently was utilized by the colonial gov- ernment which, on several occasions, sent him to conclude treaties with the Indians, And it was not the Indians who gave him trouble on his famous Kentucky journey— they let him strictly alone—but a bear that wounded one of his companions, and a snake that bit one of his horses on the nose, MADE TREATY WITH IROQUOIS Dr. Walker’s most celebrated Indian treaty was the one at Fort Stanwix, N. Y., in which the English gained title to the lands south of the Ohio River including what is now most of Kentucky. The other party to the treaty was the Iroquois Tribe. As a prelude to his hazardous invasion of the lands which later became Kentucky County and a long time later, the Common. wealth of Kentucky, Dr. Walker entered into a contract with the Loyal Land Co. on December 12, 1749. The company had title to 800,000 acres west of the Cumberland Mountains and it became Dr. Walker’s job to explore it for possibilities of settlement. With five intrepid companions, all mounted, two pack horses, and a few hunt- ing hounds, Dr. Walker set out from his home near Charlottesville, now home of the Uni- versity of Virginia, on March 6, 1750. His companions were Ambrose Powell, William Tomlinson, Colby Chew, Henry Lawless, and John Hughes. TELLS OF HUNTING Several months later they were back home with a none tco glowing report of the western country excep. icr whe Punting, a tally of which ends the Walker log: “We killed in the journey 13 buffaloes, 8 elk, 53 bears, 20 deer, 4 wild geese, about 150 turkeys, besides small game. We might have killed three times as much meat if we had wanted 1t.” The Walker party, after stopping with a few settlers along the way, passed through what is now known as Cumberland Gap— later pubiicized by Boone—April 1s, 1750, and pierced the mountain chain now known as the Cumberlands. But there is no abso- lute record that Dr. Walker named either the gap or the chain. In his journal he refers to the Cumberlands merely as the “steep ridge.” But 4 days later he discovered and named the Cumberland River, from which the mountains and the gap probably got their name. He named the river after William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, son of King George II and Queen Caroline. Following the Warriors’ Path of the In- dians, later followed by Boone and the pioneer settlers, he forded the Cumberland just below the present site of Pineville—Cumberland Ford—where the Iroquois are believed by some historians to have thrown back other tribes. That was between 1700 and 1750 in the Iroquoian conquest of the Ohio Valley. Near the present site of Barbourville the party divided, some of them, with Dr. Walker, continuing southwestward and the others — remaining to build a log cabin, 8 by 12 feet, clear @ little patch of land, and plant corn and peach stones, A3085 FOUND CARVED TREES It was on this trip away from the base that Dr. Walker found the initials carved on the trees. Also, from a high point, he could see nothing but thickets of laurel and decided to change direction. He returned to his base, April 28 to find the cabin built near an abandoned village, possibly Cherokee, of sev- eral Indian-type cabins grouped around a mound 20 feet high and 60 feet wide at the top. The exact site of the cabin built by the Walker group is a matter of debate among historians, but they usually agree that 1t was the first built in Kentucky by English-speak- ing people. At any rate it was somewhere within a few miles of Barbourville. Without waiting for their corn to grow, the party pulled out from the base and made their way to the mouth of Station Camp Creek, where it empties into the Kentucky near Irvine. Just a couple of days more on the way west and they could have taken home a more encouraging report—they would have reached the great meadows of the Bluegrass—but here they turned toward the northeast. CAMP NOW IS SALYERSVILLE Continuing through the wilderness, the party camped June 3 where the courthouse now stands at Salyersville and named the Louisa River which, according to Judge Kerr, later became known as Levisa Fork. They named it for Louisa, sister of the Duke of Cumberland. Then they passed over the present site of Paintsville and made their way back to Char- lottesville. That celebrated journey took place 200 years ago, 26 years before the United States was born and Kentucky County of Virginia was created. And it was several years before the rebel and surly Cherokee chief, Dragging Canoe, told Judge Richard Henderson and Boone at Sycamore Shoals: “You have bought a fair land, but there is a cloud hanging over it; you will find its set- tlement dark and bloody.” Michigan’s Miracle Mile EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. CHARLES E. POTTER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. POTTER. Mr. Speaker, the American people are prone to overlook one of the greatest engineering installa- tions in the world which is located at Sault Ste. Marie, Mich. If anything should happen to the locks at Sault Ste. Marie, our national economy would be greatly hampered. It is through these locks that over 80 percent of our iron ore moves from the upper Great Lakes to our great industrial centers. Our military has designated the Soo Locks as one of our prime defense areas. Time and time again, I have called upon the Secretary of Defense to more ade- quately protect this vital zone by estab- lishing a permanent military installation at Sault Ste. Marie. It is no military secret that the Army finally plans on stationing an antiaircraft battalion at the Soo but no permanent base has been established. Even though the Fifth Army Corps has constantly recommended to the Pentagon that permanent facilities
A3086 be constructed, we have been unsuccess- ful in securing this vital installation. I include at this point of my remarks an article written by Norman and Mad- elyn Carlisle titled ‘““Michigan’s Miracle Mile,” which appeared in the May 1950 issue of Coronet magazine: MICHIGAN’S MIRACLE MILE (By Norman and Madelyn Carlisle) THE FABUL“US SOO, A MARVEL OF ENGINEERING, IS THE BUSIEST CANAL IN THE WORLD There is a stretch of water in northern Michigan, on the United States-Canadian porder, that provides one of the greatest nautical shows on earth. Nature designed it as a spectacular set of violent rapids in the St. Marys River, which connects Lakes Su- perior and Huron. Human ingenuity turned it into an engineering marvel, the world's pusiest canal, through which passes more cargo t an goes through the Panama, Suez, and Kiel Canals combined. Yet Michigan’s miracle mile, the fabu- lous Sault Ste. Marie—generally known simply as “The Soo”’—piles up this record ‘in only 8 months annually, v7hile the oth- ers afe open year-round. The area occupied by the canal and its famous locks has well been called the most important mile in America. Without the Soo, our economy would be disrupted, fac- tories would be forced to move, great indus- trial centers like Pittsburgh would shrivel, the price of hundreds of products you buy would soar. Strangely enough, the Soo is perhaps the least-known of modern engireering achieve- ments. Spectators are astonished at the speed with which vessels are raised and low- ered, so that a skip which has been towering far above them has, in a few minutes, droped so low that they ave looking onto its decks. The Soo is really a set of gigantic water elevators which overcome the 22-foot hurdle presented by the fact that the level of Lake Superior is higher than that of Huron. Ships go through the locks on an average of one every 18 minutes, 24 hours a day—except when Old Man Weather steps in, The Soo has a long and colorful history. Two years before the Pilgrims landed at Ply- mouth Rock, a yourg French explorer, Eti- enne Brulé, stared in amazement at the falls in the St. Marys River. Father Mar- quette established a mission there in 1668. To this isolated 200-year-old town, there came in 1852 Charles Harvey, a determined young man from New England. He had no idea that his visit would help to change the history of America, for his purpose in com- ing was simply to sell weighing scales for the E. T. Fairbanks Co. Young Harvey never got a chance to sell scales. Stricken with typhoid, he lay des- perately ill for weeks. While he was recov- ering, he had time to talk to bearded pros- pectors who had come in from the upper peninsula wilderness with important news. Copper and iron—huge deposits of it—had been discovered. The metal was desperately nteded for America’s growing inustry. Yet young Harvey sensed that this mineral treasure-trove lay useless, because there was no way to transport it to civilization. Except for one cruel joke of nature, it could come down the Great Lakes in ships. But Lake Superior was almost 22 feet higher than Huron, and the link between was the violent St. Marys River. As soon as Harvey was able, he rushed back to his employer, Erastus Fairbanks, and audaciously proposed organizing a company to build a set of locks on the St. Marys River. He himself would direct the build- ing. Young Harvey was so persuasive that he induced the hardheaded New England businessman to organize the St. Mary’s Falls Ship Canal Co. There were vast obstacles in the way of completing such a project in a remote wil- derness. Stone for the locks had to come from far down on lake Erie, wrought iron for the lock gates all the way from Pennsyl- vania. The nearest telegraph office was 450 miles away, in Detroit; letters to Harvey’s financial backers in the East took 6 weeks for delivery. Yet he wasted no time worrying about problems. Two days after he arrived with 400 men in June 1853, he had shelters built for them and personally turned the first spadeful of earth. The first winter was a white nightmare. Temperatures stayed at 35 below, day after day. The workmen grew numb with cold, in spite of huge bonfires. At each runway Harvey had a watcher whose job consisted of rubbing snow on any man whose face was turning white with frostbite. The spring following the second winter a new and treacherous enemy — struck. Cholera. Harvey saw the whole undertaking ending in wretched failure if his men fled the dread epidemic. Calling together his most trusted workmen, he told them that the truth must be concealed from the others. Each morn- ing his lieutenants gathered and carried away the dead for burial deep in the forest. The rest of the crew never learned that 200 men died before the epidemic at last abated. Somehow they kept going, driven by the lean, insatiable Harvey, who was determined that the locks should be completed before the ice broke up on the Lakes. He won his battle. In April 1855 the waters of Lake Superior flowed into Lake Huron through the new canal, and in June the first ship was locked through. The fabulous Soo had become a reality. Harvey’s burning faith that the Soo Canal would mean a new era for America had been vindicated. Today, to handle the more than 100,000,000 tons of cargo that move through it each year, the Soo has three great locks, in addition to the Poe lock, which replaced the original Harvey lock in 1896. Through these great devices passes an endless parade oz Great Lakes shipping, the very lifeblood of American commerce. The colorful pageant includes giant 600- foot ore boats, which may carry as much as 20,000 tons of ore; huge, bulging grain car- riers, often loaded with half a million bushels of wheat; sleek, black oil tankers; trim pri- vate yachts, and sometimes even rowboats or canoes. Any craft, no matter how large or small, has the privilege of going through the locks without payment of any kind. Although it is run by the United States Army engineers, there is no sign of military activity at the Soo. The man who bosses this bustling enterprise is a soft-spoken civilian engineer,.Clifford Aune. From the administration building, he directs the 325 employees who handle the job of running the locks. The enterprise costs the United States only $1,000,000 a year, a sum so modest that shipping experts describe the Soo as “Uncle Sam’s biggest bargain.” Smooth as the operation of the locks may be, the men at the Soo never forget that as long as human beings run the ships there is always a chance of error. They remember what happened in 1909 at the Canadian locks. Two down-bound ships, the Crescent City and the Assinaboia, had just entered the locks. Approaching from down river was the Perry G. Walker, which the lockmaster ordered to wait. Instead, she kept on coming, straight toward the gates which towered above her, and behind which were millions of gallons of water and two huge ships. Spectators watched in horror as the dis~ tance between the Walker and the gates nar- rowed. There were shouts from the men on her own decks, and a frantic clanging of bells in the engine room. Still the ship kept com-~ ing on. With a rending crash her prow APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD smashed into the gates, ripping them from their hinges. With a roar, a wild torrent of water rushed out, carrying with it the two ships which had been in the lock. There was a melee of ships and water, from which all three craft emerged badly battered. Fortunately, no one was killed, but so great was the force of the water that both upper and lower gates of the lock were carried away. To the 10,000 Great Lakes seamen, the Soo means news from home, books to read, a mid-voyage contact with land in a swift 7~ day round trip that takes them from Duluth to Cleveland and back. Here at the Soo is the unique canal post office that stays open 24 hours a day. When a ship enters the locks, her skipper, mate, or @ seaman scrambles ashore and rushes to a gray stone building that houses the post Office. Here he will find a fat packet of mail awaiting him, the clerks having been in~ formed hours in advance that this ship was coming in. It is one of the curiositics of the Soo that the man who climbs down the ladder of a Huron-bound ship will also climb down to get back aboard. During the comparatively short time the sailor has been ashore, the ship has been lowered until it is below the ground level. The Soo becomes a knot of tension in the long line of navigation late in November, when the ships are making their last runs, their skippers praying for a few more hours of good weather and open water. They are racing with winter, and they do not always win. Sometimes the ice closes in on scores of ships above and below the locks. Wind, too, can be a stern enemy of ships and men. One fall afternoon in 1948, it was howling at close to 60 miles an hour with all the makings of big trouble. It came, soon enough. Through the flying spray, men at the lock level saw two ships headed straight for the same lock at an angle that indicated a disastrous crash. From his knowledge of incoming craft, the lockmaster high in his tower Knew there shouldn’t be two ships there at all. Trying to pierce the black wall of flying water, he made out that what the man on the run- ways had seen was really just one ship, swung in across the lock. Still, the situation was desperate. The ship, now discerned to be the Ralph Watson, was unable to overcome the force of the wind and get swung straight into the lock. Obviously she would need tugs. For six tense hours the great ship lay there straining, until enough tugs could come up-~ river and be locked through to join her in the titanic battle with the wind. Eventually they freed her and she steamed through with no damage to ship or locks. The sturdy men of the Soo had won another victory over the elements. Once again the long ships were free to pass through the busiest water mile in America. Water, Our Most Precious Natural Resource EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARK W. THOMPSON OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. THOMPSON. Mr. Speaker, the Nation is becoming increasingly aware of the absolute necessity of water conserva- tion and the insuring of an abundant supply of fresh water for ourselves and our posterity.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Important light on the problem was shed by the Honorable Guy C. Jackson, Jr., president of the Texas Water Con- servation Association, in an address be- fore the recent meeting of the National Rivers and Harbors Congress. For the information of the Members of Congress and others interested, I take pleasure in Placing in the Recorp a copy of Judge Jackson’s address: Watrr—Otvr Most Precious Naruran RESOURCE There is no more important basic problem confronting the people of Texas today than the problem of developing, conserving, and beneficially utilizing; its limited, but re- plenishable water resources, in the interest of further agricultural, municipal, and in- dustrial expansion and the economic welfare of our citizens. According to the United States Geological Survey, the water demands in Texas increased over 7,000 percent between 1890 and 1940, while the population of the State increased only 287 percent. Within the past 10 years, industrial plants costing more than $1,000,- 000,000 have been erected in Texas. Syn- thetic rubber, magnesium, nylon, paper, steel, furniture, food products, airplanes, various chemicals, and many other products are now being produced in quantity. Also, within the past 10 years, more than 1,000,000 acres of land in Texas have been provided with irrigation water for the first time, there- by expanding Texas’ irrigated acreage to more than 2,884,000 acres in 1949, about 54 per- cent of which is irrigated from wells. With this increased development the daily water demands are exceeding the unregulated flow of Texas’ rivers, Withdrawals of ground water are beginning to lower the water table at an excessive rate in some areas. It is estimated by the Texas board of water en- gineers that there is being used in Texas an average of about one and a half billion gallons of ground water per day for irriga~ tion, industrial, and municipal use. To give an example of the increased use of underground water for irrigation on the high plains alone, I quote from figures given by the United States Geological Survey as fol- lows: “In 1937 there were 1,150 wells on the high plains irrigating 160,000 acres of land. In 1947, 10 years later, there were 7,375 wells irrigating 950,000 acres of land, and I am informed by the same source that more than a million acres are now under irrigation in that area. During the past 2 years many of our cities and towns were forced to ration water and many of them passed ordinances prohibiting the watering of lawns and the washing of cars. Some had to haul water for domestic purposes in railroad tank cars. To give you one example, the city of Coleman, in west Texas, had water shipped in for a period of 20 months. During this same period there were short- ages of water for irrigation purposes and sev- eral irrigation districts and canal companies had to refuse water for lands that otherwise would have been irrigated. Within the broad expanse of Texas, with 10 major river systems, the average annual rainfall ranges from less than 9 inches at El Paso to 55 inches near the Louisiana line. Thus, there is in Texas, between humid east Texas and arid west Texas, all the water problems that can confront any people. In 1917 the people adopted the “conservation amendment” to the Texas constitution, sec~- tion 59 a, b and c of article 16, declaring “The conservation and development of all .of the natural resources of this State, includ- ing the control, storing, preservation and dis- tribution of its storm and flood waters, the waters of its rivers and streams, for irriga- tion of its arid, semiarid, and other lands needing irrigation, the reclamation and drainage of its overflowed lands, and other lands needing drainage, the conservation and development of its forests, water and hydro- electric power, the navigation of its inland and coastal waters, and the preservation and conservation of all such natural resources of the State” to be “public rights and duties”, and commanding the legislature to ‘pass all such laws as may be appropriate thereto”. Following the adoption of this amendment, the Texas Legislature passea er-b'in> leg- islation providing for the ¢.- «. local conservation and reclamation districts, water control and improvement districts, etc., for constructing works for irrigation, municipal and industrial wa*srr s“npt:cs, most of which were for direct d.re:sion ircm unregulated streams, and very few dams were constructed for storing storm and flood waters. By the early 1930’s it had become increas- ingly apparent that if Texas was to continue to expand industrially and agriculturally, and if its ities and towns were to grow in population, steps would have to be taken to store the storm and ficodwaters wasting into the iulf of Mexico from Texas streams, which is estimated to be 80 percent of the average annual run-off. In compliance with the mandate contained in the conservation amendment to the constitution, the Texas Legislature created, by special acts, 81 con- servation and reclamation districts and river authorities, embracing practically all of the several watersheds in the State, and having for their purpose the control, development, conservation, and utilization of the waters of the rivers and streams within their respec- tive boundaries for irrigation, industrial, municipal, hydroelectric power development, navigation, and all other useful purposes and for flood control. I will mention a few of these to show what is being done in Texas to develop our water resources. The Lower Colorado River Authority, em- bracing the 10 lowermost counties in the Colorado River, Tex., watershed, has four dams and reservoirs in operation with a com- bined capacity of 3,000,000 acre-feet of water and has two more under construction, the cost of which is being paid from the sale of revenue bonds and no funds will be requested from i_e State or Federal Governments. The Brazus River Conservation and Recla- mation District has one dam and reservoir in - operation with a storage capacity of 724,700 acre-feet. The district is planning to start construction within the next few weeks on three other dams and reservoirs to be paid for from the proceeds of revenue bonds with no aid from the State or Federal Govern- ments. The Lower Neches Valley Authority is the largest distributor of water in the Southwest, During the rice irrigating season, the au- thority sells and distributes 500,000,000 gal- lons of water daily for irrigation, municipal, and industrial purposes. The Corps of Engi- meers propose to construct four dams and reservoirs on the Neches River and tributaries, one of which will be completed this year. The authority is contributing $5,000,000 to- ward the construction of two of the dams and in return will receive waters stored in them. The Central Colorado River Authority has constructed more than 1,000 small dams on tributaries of the Colorado River in Cole- man County. The Corps of Engineers has completed a flood control and water conser- vation dam on Hords Creek, a tributary of the Colorado River. The city of Coleman, which hauled water for 20 months, con- ‘tributed $100,000 toward the construction for the purpose of having approximately 6,000 acre-feet of water stored for its use. The Upper Colorado River Authority has agreed to purchase the conservation. storage in the Corps of Engineers’ North Concho River flood-control project near San Angelo, Tex. In addition to the above-mentioned dams, the Corps of Engineers now have under con- A3087 struction four dams on the upper reaches of the Trinity River watershed near Dailas and Fort Worth; two on the Brazos River watershed and one on the Sulphur River near Texarkana. The city of Dallas has pur- chased the conservation storage in the Garza- Little Elm Dam and Reservoir, in the Trinity watershed for $5,000,000. The Park Cities, adjoining Dallas, have also purchased con- servation storage in Grapevine and Garza- Little Elm Reservoirs. Several cities and towns have voted bonds for the construction of dams and reservoirs for supplemental water supplies. Private capital has constructed two dams in Texas, one near Longview in east Texas, and one near Colorado City in west Texas. All this recent development was brought about through the coordinated efforts of all interests working together toward a common goal, by and through the Texas Water Con- servation Association, a State-wide organi- zation representing the five major classifi- cations of water use: Irrigation, municipal, industrial, navigation, and river authorities. The classfication “river authorities” includes all those districts and authorities created by special acts of the Texas Legislature. The government of the association is vest- ed in a board of directors consisting of 35 members, 7 each, from the 5 classifications of water use represented. The members of the board are selected by representatives of the several classifications of water use. The association has as its primary pur- poses the promotion of the continued im- provement and development of the State’s rivers, harbors, lakes, and water and land resources, and the investigations and ap- proval of practical and economically feasi- ble projects throughout the State. It ac- tively supports and advocates the orderly development and conservation of our soil and water resources for purposes of flood control, navigation, irrigation, and all bene- ficial uses. It provides a forum for the discussion of all problems relating to land and water de- velopment, conservation and use, serves as a clearing house for coordinating the activi- ties of local agencies, groups, and organiza- tions, and affords a means of securing united action by all the interests concerned with the various phases cf lend and water con- servation anc uliuzeion. The association maintains permanent headquarters in Austin under the direction of a full-time general manager. From its offices, by regional meetings of its executive board, through its news bulletins, the daily press, and its officers and directors, the as- sociation keeps constantly before Congress, the Texas Legislature, State and Federal off- cials, bureaus and departments, and the public the need for water and land de- velopment, conservation, and utilization for the public benefit. In adopting the conservation amendment to the Texas Constitution in 1917, the people of Texas commanded the legislature to rec- ognize the State’s responsibility in develop- ing and conserving our water resources and to do something about it. The legislature has done something about it in a limited way, but there remains much to be done. There are many conflicting and ambiguous provisions in the present Texas Water Code which must be clarified and unified in order . that the water users, the board of water engineers, and the courts may Know the intent of the law. In other words, our water code must be revised and brought up to date, based on present-day experiences. The regular session of the fifty-first legislature created a water-code committee to study ‘this subject and make its recommendations to the fifty-second legislature. At the last regular session of the Texas Legislature there was introduced Senate Joint Resolution No. 3, proposing an amend- ment to article III of the Texas Constitution by adding a new section to be known as
A3088 section 49c, creating a Texas Water Con- servation Project Board and providing for the issuance by said board of not to exceed $200,000,000 in bonds as an obligation of the State of Texas for the purpose of creating a fund to be known as the Texas Water Con- servation Projects Revolving Fund, which bonds were to be sold from time to time to make funds available for such projects as might be specifically authorized by the legislature after official reports had been submitted by the Texas Water Conservation Projects Board and the Texas Board of Water Engineers, showing such projects to be self- liquidating. Texas and the other States of this Union are going to have to accept their responsi- bilities in the development, conservation, and utilization of their water resources or surrender their rights to the Federal Gov- ernment. There is no substitute for water and the people are demanding that the waters now flowing to waste without any beneficial use be conserved and made avail- able to meet their ever-increasing demands. If the existing State and Federal agencies don’t do it, the people will finally surrender to a Federal valley authority. There is now pending before the Congress of the United States several bills for the creation of Federal valley authorities or ad- ministrations such as the Columbia Valley Administration, the Missouri Valley Admin- istration, and others including an omnibus bill to create some nine Federal conservation authorities blanketing the entire United States and placing all Texas rivers and streams under the Arkansas Valley Authority extending from the Missouri River Basin to the Rio Grande. The pending bills are not basically differ- ent. However, under the omnibus bill, H. R. 894, by Representative RaNKIN, of Missis- sippi, the President would appoint an ad- ministrator for each authority, thus placing nine men in control of: the people and re- sources of the Nation, whereas under the Co- lumbia and Missouri Valley Authority bills he would appoint three directors for each authority, giving 27 men complete control of the resources and economy of the Nation. These authority bills provide for the com- plete regimentation of the people, resources, and industry of the country. They are so-_ cialist to the core and can lead to nothing less than dictatorship. Under the Columbia Valley bill, the Administration, the three- man beard of directors, would establish the maximum size of farm units within each project for the reclamation of lands—but no farm unit shall contain more than 160 acres or less than 10 acres of irrigable land. No benefits from such projects could be made available to owners of lands whose individual holdings exceed the maximum area unless the owners agreed to sell the acreage in ex- cess of the maximum at an appraised value approved by the Administration. The Texas Water Conservation Association has consistently opposed the creation of Federal valley authorities on the following grounds: 1. They are undemocratic in denying the people affected an effective voice in the formulation and development of programs for the utilization of their resources, 2. They create confusion and chaos in the Gevelopment and operation of programs which can be made to function in a satisfac- tory manner. 8. They will jeopardize every established water right within their reach and initiate interminable litigaton. 4. They will tend to upset and unduly hamper and restrict the traditional freedom of the social, cultural, commercial and in- dustrial life of our citizens. 5. They will remove direction and govern- mental control over local matters from the communities where such matters arise, and will render more difficult the solution of our problems whether by authorities or by the courts. 6. They will destroy the sovereignty of the States in matters vital to the preservation of our form of government and in complete negation of the principles upon which it was founded. The exercise of such powers of control by a central government will make effective a program of planned economy and a definite change in the American system to an experiment in state socialism. Potato Marketing Agreement for the New England States EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. HESELTON OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. HESELTON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include a letter I received this morning advising me of the recent de- cision of 85 potato growers in Hampden, Hampshire, and Franklin Counties in Massachusetts not to participate in the potato marketing agreement for the New England States and listing the reasons for that decision. I believe this decision and the reasons given will be of very real interest to all of my colleagues who are concerned about the development of a program for agriculture which will meet with gen- eral approval. The letter follows: NORTHAMPTON, Mass., April 25, 1950. Congressman H&rsELTon, Washington, D.C. DrsR CONGRESSMAN: Last week 85 Hamp-~ den, Hampshire, and Franklin County potato growers went on record as opposing potato marketing agreement for the New England States, excluding Maine. Listed below are reasons why they opposed the order. A. Expense of administration, inspection, and policing the area, which would be levied on the growers. B. Lack of expensive sizing equipment which is necessary under such an agreement when size restrictions are imposed as in Maine. 1. Under such a proposed program small farmers would be forced to sell their crops to dealers who have these expensive grading facilities. 2. In this area the standard practice has been for growers to grade and sell their own crops. Cc. Lack of definite information in proposed agreement as to how much an order would affect the grower. 1. Too many decisions are left to an area committee and the Secretary of Agriculture to make after the agreement is in effect. D. Growers feel that excessive Govern- ment regimentation and intervention in business is against the principles America was built on. We have sent a similar letter to Congress~ man Furcoto. We hope that by contacting you, you will have a better understanding how Massachusettes potato growers feel to- ward the proposed marketing agreement. Very truly yours, STANLEY N. JasKoixa, Chairman. EARLE M. PARSONS, Jr., Secretary.’ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Bill To Stabilize Duties on Imports EXTENSION OF REMARES OF HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. “AULTER. Mr. Speaker, 1 am in- troducing a bill today providing that any change in import duties previously de- termined by customs authorities shall apply only to future imports and not be made retroactive to items which have already been imported or in process of importation. By amending the United States Tariff Act of 1930 by this bill, manufacturers and businessmen in this country will be encouraged to increase their imports from foreign countries thereby improv- ing our trade relations with those coun- tries an 1 bolstering their economy at this crucial period in world affairs. By the way of example, let me cite to you the case of an American firm which importei 2,600 wooden cases from Canada in the latter months of 1949 ata stipulated import duty approved by United States customs officials. In De- cembe.r 1949 the importer was informed that the cases had been reclassified, the import duty was increased to a point which no lounger made importation profitable, and the increase was made retroactive on the 2,600 cases previously imported. In my bill I aim to establish as a legal fact that when once a classification has been made by the proper United States authorities at a customs port of entry, that decision should be final and the im- porter should not be subject to retroac- tive increased uucvien imposed by sub- sequent reclassifications. When a busi- ness firm or manufacturer figures out what it can import with Government sanction, that trade relationship should not be disrupted suddenly and without forewarniig. We are trying to build up our imports Zrom abroad and not to dis- rupt them completely. In connection with the prohlem of world trade and the question of imports from abroad without hurting American producers, I desire to call the attention of my colleagues to the following article which appears in the United States News and World Report, April 28, 1950, which is of great timeliness: Wantep: Traps Stimunanr ro Fornow Mar- SHALL PLAN (Worries over the end of the Marshall plan already are bobbing up in Washington. Problem is to help Huropeans sell more and buy less on the American market without hurting United States producers. Tariff cuts, sales campaign, etc., are under study. But they won’t be enough to guarantee that Europeans can pay their way without more United States aid.) How to ease the shock from ending of the Marshall plan in 1952 already is giving the United States a new crop of problems. That shock, if it comes, will result from a drastic cut in our exports and a possible rise in our imports. The problems are of several kinds. Some businessmen and farmers selling in the domestic market are worried because a new
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD round of tariff cuts is soon to be undertaken. Other businessmen and farmers whose prod- ucts go into export are afraid of losing busi- ness when Europe no longer has Marshall plan dollars with which to buy. And Gov- ernment officials are concerned over what will happen if Europe cannot obtain essen- tial goods from this country. Both Senator ArrHur H. VANDENBERG (Re- publican), of Michigan, and Senator Cirinron P. ANDER3ON (Democrat), of New Mexico, are urging that a special commission be set up to deal with the problem on a bipartisan basis. President Truman is giving attention to it also. He has named Gordon Gray, for- mer Secretary of the Army, as a special as- sistant to define the problem and recom- mend a further course. Tariff cuts to be offered by the United States in talks with 17 countries at Torquay, England, beginning in September, will have 38 bearing on the problem, but probably not in a major way. These reductions, by them- selves, are not expected to bring in enough more imports to come anywhere near bal- ancing United States foreign trade. The list of 2,500 products on which cuts will be discussed includes pottery, passen- ger autos, chemicals, textiles, toys, whisky, wines, chinaware, watches, clocks, cutlery, lead, zinc, nickel, oil, cattle, sheep, wool, fruits, ilberts, certain kinds of cheese, and many other articles. Business and farm groups affected are strongly objecting. Manufacturers of watches, pottery and textiles, nut growers, and coal and oil companies were among the first to protest. Actually, the concessions that are granted to other countries are likely to be less sweep- ing than those made in the two earlier rounds since 1945, when Congress authorized tariff reductions of as much as 50 percent. On the average, the rates have been reduced only 22 percent and theoretically could go down another 28 percent, under the law. In many instances, however, the full reduction that is considered practical, from a political and economic standpoint, already has been placed in effect. A search for other ways to meet the “dollar gap” problem, therefore, is being made. Eu- rope now spends around $4,000,000,000 more a year than she earns. That’s roughly equal to the amount of the Marshall-plan aid. Even when that aid ends, Europe’s dollar shortage will still be from one and a half to two and a half billions, unless a solution can be found. Paul G. Hoffman, head of the Economic Cooperation Administration, says that, to earn the dollars she needs, Europe will have to sell $400,000,000 more of competitive goods in this country. Such an import flow cannot easily be brought about. As an example of what might happen, the case of textiles is used by officials. Suppose that, as part of the $400,000,000, textile imports are increased by $75,000,000 a year. The question is asked: What would be the effect on the United States textile industry—on the workers it employs, on the capital invested in it, and on the communities dependent on it? In the studies soon to be initiated by Mr. Gray and others, the probable effect on va- rious United States industries of bringing in competitive imports is to be surveyed. These studies also will explore ways of en- couraging European countries to sell in the United States more goods of types that will not be upsetting to industry in this coun- try. Alternative courses of action for the United States, in the event that imports cannot be increased to the extent urged by Mr. Hoff- man, are to be weighed. Stopping Marshall plan aid to Europe in 1952 and putting nothing in its place could bring a decline of two or three billion dollars a year in United States exports, officials say, with especially severe blows to producers that are dependent on the export market. Grow- ers of cotton, wheat, and tobacco and manu- facturers of such articles as machine tools, motor trucks, tractors, farm machinery, and office appliances would be hurt. At the other end, European countries suddenly deprived of essential goods from the United States also would be hard hit. To avoid a drastic decline in exports, new ways of getting dollars into the hands of foreign countries, so that they can continue to buy United States goods, are being studied. In some circles, the military aid program is looked upon as a successor to the Marshall plan. That program, however, while helping to maintain employment in the United States, does not provide Europe with dollars that can be spent in this country for ordi- nary commercial goods. The only answer for the United States that can dodge painful adjustments, of the type that would be forced by greatly expanded exports or sharply reduced imports, appears to lie in big-scale foreign investment. This can take the form of public or private loans, possibly geared in with the Government’s point 4 program of technical aid for develop- ment abroad. Any dollars sent to Latin America or southeast Asia, the exncerts etplain, are likely to find their way co Eurowe oclore returning to the United S.stces. ‘Iaose dollars can help to bridge Europe’s dollar gap, bolster Tree S.u.es exports, and lessen the pressure for a sudden increase in United States im- ports. The net result can be an expanded total of world trade, in which many nations will share. Some such long-range program o*% invest- ment, therefore, seems certain to engage the attention of any bipartisan commission that Congress or President Truman may set up. Let Us Support the United Jewish Appeal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, April 24, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to direct the attention of my col- leagues to the following editorial which appeared in the New York Journal-Amer- ican and other papers throughout the country: Let Us SUPPORT THE UNITED JEWISH APPEAL (By Harry H. Schlacht) Our toast to Israel— Shalom Uvracha! Peace and blessings! We salute the second anniversary of the State of Israel. We hail the historic event with resolution and hallelujah. Two years of glorious achievement. years of glorious fulfillment. Let us celebrate this happy occasion with a solemn pledge of continued support to the United Jewish Appeal. This is the hour of destiny and opportun- ity that will stand out boldly in Jewish history. , No true Jew, no true Christian, no true American can stand apart from the campaign of the UJA. To feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to provide hope for the downtrodden and dis- possessed, represent the highest ideals of Christianity, of Judaism, and of Ameri- canism. Hashomer ahi anohi? “Am I my brotler’s Keeper?” Two A3089 Americans of all faiths are solidly behind the UJA in the building of a new democracy, in the rescuing of Jews from inhumanities. Without the UJA, European Jewry might not have survived the horrifying destruction under Hitler. Without the UJA, the 2,000- year-old dream of the Jewish state might not have been realized. The UJA presents the greatest reconstruc- tion program in the history of world Jewry. It seeks to rebuild and readjust the lives of the victims of persecution. It seeks to bring the blessings of brotherhood to those on whom the tortures of war inflicted the most dreadful toll. Through the UJA, thousands of uprooted persons are leaving the isolated existence of DP camps, ghettos, and way stations throughout the world. They are finding their rcots again and live as men, This has been accomplished by the UJA. The people of America must support this Godly enterprise. The UJA efforts are pri- mary in the program for Jewish survival. There are still thousands of sick, helpless Jews in Europe. They remain precariously suspended be- tween life and death. They face the terror of starvation and ignominy. The problem of saving the last remnants of European Jewry is one of the most impor- tant questions facing the architects of the new world. The decision rests with us. By our devotion, by our selflessness, by our generosity, we can make 1950 a year of op- portunity for oppressed Jewry. Let us all support the UJA. support this humane cause. Let us demonstrate the greatness of the American heart. Let us give for the sake of our immortal soul. Our deeds determine us as much as we determine our deeds. God bless UJA. God bless Israel. Shalom. - Let us all A Celebration Tomorrow EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, the Washington Times-Herald in an editorial today calls attention to a fact tha’ all our people should understand, and especially all Members of the Con- gress. It points out that the average salary and wage earner in this country works 117 days a year to pay the tax col- lector. Tomorrow is the one hundred and seventeenth day and it should be a day of rejoicing; a day to celebrate. As part of my remarks I shall include the editorial at this point: TomorkOw’s THE Day Since January 1, the average salary and wage earner in this country has worked 117 days and every cent he’s earned must be paid the tax collector. So, tomorrow for the first time this year he can call his salary his own. We think such an occasion should be marked by a special observance in the hope of stopping the flood of Government spend- ing which might increase the number of days we'll have to work for taxes next year to 120 or 140 days,
A3030 TAXPAYERS NEED HELP The national debt today has reached $255,- 588,544,106.81. The administration plans to spend $42,439,000,000 in 1951. Such a budget will increase the debt by another four or five billions. In order to meet this huge expense you must pay direct and indirect taxes such as 8 cents on a quart of milk, 18 cents on a can of baby powder, $2 on your telephone, $3,000 on a new house, 70 cents on a shovel, and $3 on a pair of shoes. Congress could make it a real celebration tomorrow. For a starter it could cut down the 1951 budget until it balanced and then wipe out the excise taxes put on the Ameri- can public as wartime emergencies. How about it? Old-Age Assistance EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ANTHONY F. TAURIELLO OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 27, 1950 Mr. TAURIELLO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ord, I include the following statement by George H. Pauley, of Buffalo, N. Y.: THERE IS AN ANSWER (By George H. Pauley) What is the answer to the greatest and most important question confronting our legislators, economists, and statisticians to- day? That question which also has the labor leaders, the bankers, the great ndus- trial tycoons in a quandary. The question of what to do about our aged citizens, The article entitled ‘‘Don’t Kid Yourself About Pensions” “written by Nat. S. Finney and appearing 1n Look magazine under date of March 28, 1950, is the most dour, pessi- mistic picture of the subject that anyone could conjure up. Mr. Finney goes to great length to minutely describe the most obvious and simple facts known to anyone who has given the matter the most casual consideration. But, he has failed to offer anything of a constructive nature; notaing that has a slight semblance of a solution to this important problem. The concluding paragraph of Mr. Finney’s article states: “The country is still a long way short of finding a way to divide production in a way that will honor the fair claims of the old folks.” To that I would say: Only so far short as a self-seeking group in our legislature de- liberately keeps it for political purposes. But I am in full accord with the writer in his choice of the last six words in that para- graph: “Fair Claims of the Old Folks.” The millions of words written by hun- dreds of writers, some famous, some just mediocre, all simmer down to the same basic facts. Our great American medical and in- dustrial scientists have produced a Nation of high industrial productivity as well as great longevity. This of course is a very desirable condition, insofar as every indus- trialist and every worker is desirous of pro- ducing more and earning more in order to procure more of the world’s goods for him- self; and likewise, whether prince or pauper, a long life is a very desirable ambition. The only thing wrong with tnis picture is the fact that modern, mechanized industry can- not use all available manpower; leaving about 11,000,000 oldsters without means of earning the necessaries of life. Some of our legislators and economists have not Kept abreast of the tames; too many of them are still thinking in terms of 1880. Secure 1n their smug offices with salarics of fifteen to twenty-five thousand dollars a year, they have no idea how the average American taxpayer lives. Plain evidence of this fact is found in the present so-called social security law, with its $10 minimum; not enough to buy a half ton of coal and help pay John Lewis’ salary and pension. Various writers quote the billions of dol- lars in savings held by the savings banks; put no one has broken down the figures to find out how much of this money belongs to the worker with family in the $3,000-a- year and downward class. Perhaps we would find that to be a nonexistent sum. Regardless of how many words may he spoken or writen on this subject, pro or con, these tacts remain, we still have 11,000,000 vitizens past 65 years of age, wholly or partly dependent upon others for support; owing to facts beyond their control, among which being 30 years of heavy income-tax pay- ments which have siphoned off their poten- tial life savings. Also, industry-paid “free’’ pensions are ob- viously impractical. The present Social Security Act is imma- ture, inadequate, and impractical Pen- sions paid out of current Goverment reve- nue are highly imvractical and unsecured, insofar as any hot..’e Cousress could refuse to appropriate the necessary funds. But there is an answer, just as America has always found an answer to any question: First. Abolish all income tax on wages oar salaries under $3,000 per annum. Second. Spread the cost of pensions equally between employer and employee. Third. Pay pen- sions of $100 per month to all workers at age 65, $150 to husband and wife when wife reaches age 60. Fourth. Abolish title 1 of present Social Security Act, placing all on an equal basis. Fifth. Stop fooling around with 1 percent or 1% percent of pay roll as a tax base, and make all contributions uni- form. For example: Tax all employees $2 a week, all empl-~ce's n--'-~ $2 per week per person, thus 2a. employees on an equal tax basis as well as on an equal benefit basis. Sixth. Begin paying to the present crop of oldsters at once, thus placing the sys- tem on a pay~as-you-go-basis. And last, but not least, abolish the pension question as negotiable between labor unions and em- ployers. Place the responsibility where it rightfully belongs, with the Federal Gov- ernment. Aprit 18, 1950. Electricity and the Valley’s Future EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, April 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. KEFAUVER. Myr. President, there is now pending both in the Senate and the House a bill proposing the inclusion of the Cumberland River Valley in the TVA. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix an address by Gordon R. Clapp, Chairman of the Board of the Tennessee Valley Authority, delivered at the fourth annual meeting of the Tennessee Valley Public Power Association on April 20. In this address Mr.,Clapp does not specifically mention the matter of including the Cumberland in the TVA, but his speech sets forth in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD very definite terms the necessity of find- ing additional hydroelectric power if this important section of the country is to continue its economic development. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: ELECTRICITY “aND THE VALLEY’S FUTURE (Address by Gordon R. Clapp, Chairman of the Soard, Tennessee Valley Authority, fourth annual meeting of the Tennessee Valley Public Power Association, Nash- ville, Tenn., April 20, 1950) On March 20 an important and significant event took place at Wilson Dam, Ala. The eighteenth generator, recently installed in the Wilson Daim powerhouse, started to pro- duce electricity as a part of the TVA system. This unit—No. 18—completes the original and presently planned installations at this place, bringing the total capacity of the Wilson Dam to 436,000 kilowatts. In 1925, when Wilson Dam was completed as a belated World War I project, it was viewed by many as a “white elephant,” by others as a coveted prize—if bought for a dime on the dollar. In 1928, and again in 1930, Congress (Republican at both times) passed bills to establish something like the TVA to start wher: Wilson Dam left off and turn the whole Tennessee River system to public benefit. Both times the enactments were vetoed. In 1933, when TVA was estab- lished by the Congress and the President, Wilson Dam was turned over to the TVA. The powerhouse contained eight units with a total capacity of 184,000 kilowatts. Be- yond these eight units stretched the long unfilled floor of the powerhouse—room for 10 more units. Today the full complement of 18 units—436,000 kilowatts is at work. Unit No. 18 at Wilson Cam, changing the power of falling water into electric energy for farms, homes, and factories, is today a symbol of the development of a whole region, adding the growing strength of its rich nat- ural resources to the betterment of the Amer- ican standard of living. Those who said, and honestly believed, the Tennessee Valley did not need or could not use more electricity were men with 100 little faith. Those who once labeled Wilson Dam as a “white elephant” should now have red faces, Behind this recent event at Wilson Dam is a story familia: in its general features to most of us here in the Tennessce Valley and to many outside the valley who understand and applaud and support the course of development the Tennessee Valley has pio- neered in the past 17 years. You, the dis- tributors of TVA power, in partnership with your consumers and the TVA, have made Wilson Dam and the whole ‘fennessee Kiver system an asset of great value, Let me recite some of the facts of which unit 18 at Wilson Dam is an appropriate and dramatic example. These facts are an old story to all of us here but the passage of time and the pressing problems of today’s responsibilities some- times dim our perspective. It is good to look back occasionally along the road we have come to give us energy and direction for what can be done in the future. Before 1933, Wilson Dam produced, in an average year, less than one third of a billion kilowatt-hours; in the single fiscal year of 1949 alone more than 2,00U,000,000 kilowatt. hours were produced. This increase could not and would not have happened except for two “hings: 1. Dams built upstrean. and on the tribu- taries steadied the flow of the river, thereby providing more water the year round to operate more turbines more of the time; the minimum, stream flow at Wilson Dam before TVA was less than 5,000 cubic feet per second. With the present system of TVA dams, this minimum stream flow is more than five
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD times greater. Before TVA primary power at Wilson Dam was about 39,000 kilowatts; with upstream storage and additional units it is now 159,000 kilowatts. 2. The region has demonstrated what the founders of the TVA believed—produce more electricity, distribute it at low rates, people will use more electricity, efficiency of the power investment will increase, and the area served will be able to grow and develop. A more efficient river for flood control, naviga~ ticn, and power would have been a luxury if the people of the Tennessee Valley had been slow to use the electricity this development made possible. You and the consumers you serve and the Nation’s requirements of war and defense have ept the TVA busy keeping up with the growing demand for electricity. And that electricity has helped to transform the life, living, and strength of a region vital in the Nation’s economy. In the field of electric energy the moral of Wilson Dam should be clear—put a white elephant to work, feed him well, and he will more than earn his keep. Today, Wilson Dam as part of « whole system devoted to flood control, navigation, and power is help- ing to earn the 4-percent return the TVA power system has averaged since 1933. Let’s review for a moment the growth of the TVA power system and the area served by the distributors of TVA power. In 1933 the area now served by the TVA used 1,500,000,000 kilowatt-hours of elec- tricity. In 1949 the TVA system supplied more than 17,000,000,000 kilowatt-hours. In 19383 most of the electricity distribu- tion agencies you represent did not exist. By 1945, the lust year of the war, your munie- ipal and rural electric cooperative systems distributed three and one-third billion kilo- watt-hours to your consumers; by last year that had almost doubled to about 6,500,000,- 000 kilowatt-hours. Our forecasts of your requirements based upon a conservative projection of your past and present rate of growth estimate your loads will almost dou- ble again by 1954 to 11,000,000,000 kilowatt- hours. In 19383 the area now served by the TVA had less than 300,000 consumers of elec- tricity. The number now exceeds 1,000,000. In 1938, 15,000 farms, or about 3 percent of the region’s total, had electric service; now more than 300,000 farms, or 77 percent of the total, have electricity. During 1949 rural lines were extended to as many farms every 60 days as the total mumber reached in all the years prior to 1933. ‘The rural electric cooperatives, the REA, and the municipal distribution systems have all contributed to this achievement. The rural cooperatives and the municipal distribution systems put $56,000,000 into new rural and urban lines and substations last year. Your consumers bought more than $100,- 000,000 worth of electric appliances in 1949. The average residential use in the TVA area is now 70 percent higher than the av- erage for the Urited States. And so I could go on. But you know the story; it is the cumulative total of what is happening in individual areas served by the 145 locally owned, business-managed, tax- paying municipal and rural electric cooper- ative distributors of TVA electricity. There is one more set of figures I must in- clude. They dramatize the responsibility of your systems and the TVA and our joint op- portunity to serve the continued growth of this great region. From Wilson Dam in 1933 to Watauga Dam in 1949 new records of power produc- tion and use have been set only to be sur- passed. Last June (1949) the TVA power system, including Alcoa’s dams and Dale Hollow, the first.of the Army engineer proj~ ects on the Cumberland, registered an in- stalled capacity of 2,747,092 kilowatts. By June of this year it will reach 2,997,610 kilo- watts. Additions now under way, to be com.~ pleted between June 1950 and January 1954, will add 1,297,400 kilowatts. This includes the first four units of the Johnsonville steam plant, the Army engineers’ Center Hill and Wolf Creek Dams on the Cumber- Jand. It also includes the new TVA steam plant begun this month at Widow’s Creek in Alabama, to add some of the power required for the expanding atomic-energy program at Oak Ridge, Tenn. These additions will bring the total TVA systerm to 4,295,000 kilowatts by 1954. But even that will not meet normal and emergency requirements forecast for that time. Pending now in the appropriation bill for 1951, as reported favorably by the House Committee on Appropriations, is a program that would begin two more dams, the Boone and Fort Henry projects on the Holston River in east Tennessee, and also provide an additional unit at Fontana Dam in North Carolina, and two more units at the John- sonville steam plant in west Tennessee. This pending program would add 395,500 kilowatts to bring the total system to 4,- 620,510 by January 1954. In 1983 opponents of the TVA and men of little faith said 1,500,000,000 kilowatt~- hours of electricity was enough; TVA would just add more idle white elephants to the much-debated Wilson Dam. Today, the 17,- 000,000,000 kilowatt-hours available in this region are not enough, though it is far be- yond the highest level of power production TVA met during World War II. By 1954 the TVA system will be capable of producing more than 25,000,000,000 kilo- watt-hours. But even then the system will not have reached the end of its growth. The supply of electricity must grow so the region can grow. More power from the tributaries of the Tennessee, more generating units in the remaining empty stalls of our power- houses, and every bit of power the Cumber- land can develop will be necessary. More steam units will be needed. Our goal is to accommodate normal growth and to be pre- pared for whatever emergency the future may bring. You and the TVA are in a great public business enterprise, to be sure. The suc- cess of our stewardship is measured by the standards of prudent investment, efficiency of operation, and our achievement of low costs in supplying an essential public serv- ice. But we could succeed on that score alone and still fail in our assignment. The success of our joint effort will end should be measured by the effect more electricity has upon the growth of this region, the energies and vision of its people in making electricity more useful in a soil-conserving agriculture, more livable communities, more economic op- portunities. Our success in these things will affect profoundly the contributions this re- gion makes to the Nation and the world. On the basis of these measures of success we ean look back upon the first 17 years without embarrassment. We can do even better in the years ahead. We cannot relax in our task while nearly one- fourth of the farms of the area do not yet have electric service. Plans and construc- tion programs of the 145 distributors of TVA power will soon add most of those not now served. Achievement of this goal is one of our most pressing obligations. We cannot relax in our joint determina- tion and pledge to reduce rates to the do- mestic and rural consumers to the lowest practicable level. Investment in construc- tion of new distribution facilities is making heavy demands upon the earnings of manye distributors and that is delaying rate reduc- tions in sorhe instances. But we should not lose the vision and faith we jointly demon- strated when money was borrowed to get electric service into the hands of the con- sumers through their cooperatives and local governments. The faith that achieved the service we now represent has been confirmed and more. Consumers of today have a right AS091 and good reason to Icok forward to lower retail rates as old indebtedness is paid and earnings grow. In many instances you are prudently financing system expansion by new pond issues, thereby equating present con- sumer obligations with the present benefits that come from low rates. Among the 145 distributors, 33 now apply resale rate schedules below the original low schedule introduced in the 1930’s when our present partnership with many of you began. Continuation of the trend toward lower re- tail rates in the Tennessee Valley is one of our most important and prudent objectives in the years ahead. TVA is trying to do its part in this by holding to its wholesale rate costs, despite the increased costs of heavy construction, and the development of addi- tional sources of hydro power in multipur- pose projects that cannot match the unusual economy of the basic hydro system thus far installed. The margin between the TVA wholesale rate and the retail schedules of the distribu- tors offers opportunity for retail reductions in many instances as loads and earnings grow. The success of our effort in these respects will demonstrate, as it has thus far, the wisdom of the Congress and the President in directing the TVA in its sales 0 power to “give preference to States, counties, munici- palities, and cooperative organizations of cit- izens and farmers, not organized or doing business for profit, but primarily for the pur-~ pose of supplying electricity to its own citizens or members.” Our joint responsibility to meet and serv- ice the power requirements for this region’s full development is not yet satisfied, nor will it be in our lifetime. We are pledged to con- tinue to demonstrate what this valley has proved so conclusively—energy, mobile energy in greater abundance, used more efficiently, and available to all in the area who want and can use it, is a minimum requirement for a strong region; it is an essential ingredi- ent for an ever-increasing, self-supporting standard of living. Proposed Regulation of Motion-Picture Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, April 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1956 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Apperdix of the Recorp a statement prepared by me congratulating the mo- tion-picture industry on the suspension of hearings on the licensing bill. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: CONGRATULATIONS TO MoTion-PIicTuRE INDUS- TRY ON SUSPENSION OF HEARINGS ON Li- CENSING BILL TI read with delight the news that the hear- ings scheduled for May 15 relative to the proposal to license motion-picture actors and actresses have been called off. I congratu- late the distinguished chairman of the Sen~ ate Interstate Commerce Committee, Mr. JoHNSON, for having conferred with the out- standing leaders of the motion-picture in= dustry and with Mr. Eric Johnston, of the Motion Picture Association of America, rela~ tive to a voluntary solution of this problem,
A3092 Iam sure that the executives of the cinema who conferred with Senator JoHNSON will be adequate to the challenge which now faces them to implement the voluntary Motion Picture Code so as to prevent the recurrence of certain types of objectionable practices relating to the exploitation of immoral con- duct. I think that it is a wonderful thing that these leaders of the cinema mentioned by Senator JoHNson in his statement of yester- day afternoon (as printed in the REecorp on p. 5882) should have come to Washington in order to help find a solution to this prob- lem, thus helping the Senate avoid the alter- native of what I felt to be unnecessary hear- ings on unconstitutional legislation. I think that the able Senator from Colo- rado displayed splendid judgment and good sense in his decision of yesterday. I think, too, that he is to be applauded for his noble moral standards which prompted him to be- gin activity on this issue. The fact that I disagreed with him on the specific proposal which he made because of what I felt to be its illegality does not for one moment alter my tremendous admiration of the profound depth of Senator JoHNSON’s spiritual con- victions. We certainly need more of that type of righteous, moral belief. To me, the decision to cancel out these hearings, at least temporarily, is a triumph for the American system of voluntary con- sultation and agreement as contrasted with the alien idea of compulsion. I think that this voluntary principle will indeed be tested as the industry gets down to the problem of actually improving its code. Some of the very small firms in the industry have in particular, according to all accounts, been guilty of breeches of good taste and this situation must be corrected insofar as they are concerned or for that matter, insofar as any large company is concerned. . Correction of those breeches will prob- ably not be easy: a meeting of the minds in a democratic Republic such as ours may as a matter of fact, be very difficult at times. But that does not alter the necessity for our faith in democratic consultation around the conference table. Right now, the industry is still plagued by the 20-percent admissions tax on which re- lief seems to be only slowly coming through lengthy tax-revising procedure in the House. Moreover, there are other serious problems facing this important industry. Most impor- tant, howzver, a milestone in industry freedom has been reached thanks to patience, tact, and understanding all the way around. Throughout my efforts on this matter, be- ginning with my statement in opposition to the licensing proposal, which may be found in the Appendix of the ConcrzusstonaL Rec- orD, page A1916 and as recorded in the Ap- pendix of the ConGrEssIONAL RECORD, pages A2833 and A2981, respectively, it was my sincerest hope that a voluntary solution “would be found, and at long last real progress has heen made. Congratulations are there- fore indeed in order to the American system of discussion and voluntary agreement, National Association of Wheat Growers EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLIFFORD R. HOPE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. HOPE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I herewith include a copy of a speech which I made at Kansas City, Mo., on Friday, April 21, on the occasion of the organization of the National Association of Wheat Growers: I am happy to be here today on the occa- sion of the organization of the National As- sociation of Wheat Growers. I regard this as a most important meeting. Ours is the greatest wheat-producing Nation on the globe, and wheat production is a better than $2,000,000,000 industry. It is one of the most important of our crops. It is the world’s greatest food grain, in many ways the most important of all food products. In recent years American wheat has meant more than that. It has saved uncounted millions from starvation, it has served as an important in- strument of our foreign policy and has been our most effective weapon in the cold war. The westward progress cf communism was stopped in its tracks—not by airplanes or battleships or bayonets, not by negotiations and diplomacy—but by wheat grown on the farms of America. This is typical of the story of wheat throughout the ages. It has won and lost wars; it has made and unmade empires; and world trade in wheat has always peen the most important of all international transactions. This Nation is indeed fortu- nate in including within its boundaries the greatest area of good wheat land ever pos- sessed by any nation. Whatever the occa- sion when people talk about wheat, they are discussing no mean subject. Here in this country at the request of the Department of Agriculture and as a part of our war effort, American farmers increased the production of wheat from an average of about 750,000,000 bushels per year before the war to an average of approximately 1,200,000,- 000 bushels per year for the 6 years ending in 1949. During this same period, when the whole world needed and demanded more food, our Nation was the only one which was able to substantially increase its wheat pro- duction. The rest of the world either stood still or made very slight contributions to the increased need for food. Every bushel of wheat from these better than billion-bushel crops which we have produced during the last 6 years has been needed, and although we hear much talk of wheat surpluses now, our carry-over on next July 1 will not be large when world conditions are considered. We must remember that there are over 200,- 000,000 more people in the world today than there were before the war. There are that many more mouths to feed, although, sad to say, even with our increased production there will not be enough to feed these hungry mouths, even if there existed sufficient buy- ing power and an effective means of distri- bution. For it is a fact that in spite of the increase in world population and greater interna- tional need, trade in wheat is falling off and may perhaps fall off more. The decrease in the present marketing year as compared with the previous year is about 10 percent, and certainly we can expect further drops when the ECA expires and we no longer are financ- ing food exports to the Marshall-plan coun- tries. Along with this, we are faced with the fact that Germany has been admitted to the International Wheat Agreement and in the future will secure its supplies through that source rather than through the United States Army, which means that to some ex- tent we will have to share this market with other countries in the International Wheat Agreement. Although not yet admitted, ® Japan has applied for admission to the In- ternational Wheat Agreement, and presum- ably, if she is admitted, this will reduce the quantity of wheat which we send to that country. Up until the present our per capita consumption of wheat for human food has been declining, and with large stocks of feed grains available and with wheat-sup- port prices considerably above feed prices, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD there appears to be no immediate oppor- tunity to increase the consumption of wheat for livestock feed. In my opinion this meeting is long past due. I cannot at this time recall any group of producers in this country as important as the producers of wheat, who are still un- organized. I do not care in what field you may go, you will find that in this country producers, processors, and distributors of all important and many unimportant commodi- ties are thoroughly organized. If you will take a look at the telephone directory in the city of Washington, you will find listed there the names of several hundred commodity groups having Washington offices. This is to say nothing of those who have their head- quarters in other parts of the country. In the field of wheat, we find that distributors and processors are thoroughly organized, The grain trade is organized through the National Grain Trade Council. The millers have the Millers National Federation. The bakers are thoroughly organized nationally with two groups, one representing the whole- sale bakers and the other the retail bakers. And yet the most important group of all in connection with wheat has been up to this moment entirely unorganized on a national basis. Confining ourselves to the field of agricul- ture, let me point out that the producers of almost every other agricultural commodity are organized on a national scale. Take the field of livestock. Almost every State has one or more State-wide general livestock organi- zations, to say nothing of all the State and National breed organizations. On a regional scale, livestock producers are organized into groups like the American National Livestock Association, representing the Great Plains and Rocky Mountain areas, or the Texas and Southwestern Cattlemen’s Association, cov- ering the southwest part of the country. In the Corn Belt, the livestock feeders have their organizations. In the field of dairying there is a great national organization known as the National Milk Producers Federation, and there are dairy organizations in many States, such as the Dairymen’s League in New York and the Land O’ Lakes Creameries in Minne- sota and adjacent States. There is the California Fruit Growers Ex- change, representing the citrus industry of that State. The Florida citrus producers have a similar organization. There are or-~ ganizations of the deciduous fruit growers and of the various types of nut producers. There is the National Wool Growers Associa- tion, with many State wool associations. The baby chick hatcheries have a national organization known as the International Baby Chick Association, the headquarters of which are here in Kansas City. The sugar- beet producers are organized. There is the American Coybean Association, representing the producers of that commodity. There are the hop producers and the raisin growers and hundreds of other organizations representing agricultural producers from the local to the national level. Every one of them, Iam sure is rendering a service to those whom they represent, and in most cases rendering a service to the pi.dlic as well. It is strange that wheat producers, who are ahead of most agricultural groups in keeping up to date on production methods, have failed up to this time to see the advantages of a national organization. There are some, perhaps, who feel that the general farm organizations are in a position to speak for wheat producers, but these or- ganizations are no more able to speak for wheat producers as such than they are to speak for livestock producers or soybean pro- ducers or any other commodity group. Evi- dently the members of other organized com~- modity groups feel that it is of value to them and have their own organizations. I would not for a moment minimize the value of the great national farm organizations. They perform a real service to agriculture.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD but their field must necessarily be broader than that of any commodity group, and in any situation where ihere way be a conflict of interests between commodities, they of course cannot take a position. The general farm organizations have their field, und it is an important one, but in my opinion there will always be a need for commodity organi- zations. I represent a great wheat-producing dis- trict in Congress, and during my service there the fact that wheat procucers have had no organization to speex tor them has fre- quently been brought to my attention. As an instance, I might mention the difficulty which the Committee on Agriculture had last year in securing ¢~ cx nrcssicn of opinion from wheat preduccrs when 1t had under consideration changes affecting acreage al- lotments and marketing quotas on all of the basic commodities I was asked by the chairman of the committee in charge of the hearings to see that wheat producers were represented. Of course, the general farm organizations were invited and appeared, rep- resenting all farmers, but I had a real prob- lem when it came to securing witnesses rep- resenting wheat producers at those hearings. It was easy in the Pacific Northwest, where there are State organizations. It was possi- ble to secure representatives from western Kansas through the Western Kansas Devel- opment Association, but from there on out it appeared that wheat producers as such were completely unorganized, even on a State or local basis. I made every possible effort to have representative wheat farmers come to Washington. I wrote letters to individual producers, whom I thought might be inter- ested. Through the press the committee in- vited all wheat producers to come to Wash- ington and testify, but, of course, all who came pursuant to these general invitations could speak only for themselves. They did not have behind them the collective wisdom, judgment, and experience that they would have had if they had been representing State or national wheat-growers organizations. The result was that the committee got many diverse and varying individual opinions, many of them in conflict with each other, and when the hearing was ended, with the exception of the presentations made by the small number of State groups I have already mentioned, the committee simply had before it a number of suggestions, many of them no doubt good, but no real information as to the general opinion of wheat producers throughout the country on the problems in question. How much more helpful it would have been to the committee and to the Con- gress generally if there had been a great na- tional organization representing the wheat growers of this country and authorized to speak for them on important problems affect- ing their industry. But, of course, specific legislative questions are only one of the important matters of interest to wheat producers which may come up in Washington. There are many phases of our international policies which directly or indirectly affect the production and mar- keting of wheat, especially in these times when so much international trading is under Government control. I recall that last year, when the International Wheat Agreement was under consideration, representatives of the general farm organizations, the grain trade, the millers, and a number of Members of Congress were called into consultation with the Secretary of Agriculture and mem- bers of the group which were to represent this country at the conference which was to work out the agreement. I am sure that the interests of wheat producers were represented there indirectly, but it is a fact that there ‘was no one present directly representing this great $2,000,000,000 industry. Right now an important question is pend- ing which involves wheat and international policies. It arises out of the fact that an American milling company is building flour mills in Cuba with the understanding that the tariff on wheat will be repealed. At first thought, that might not sound like such a bad proposition as far as American wheat producers are concerned, but the rub is that under cur present preferential treaty with Cuba, American wheat is entitied to a pref- erential tariff rate and can therefore suc- cessfully compete with wheat from Canada and other countries. The purpose of the preferential treaty was to give our producers access to Cuban markets and to give Cuban producers a preference in our markets. Cuba still has this preference in the markets of this country, particularly important, in the case of sugar, but I am told that if the tariff on wheat is repealed, it will mean that Cana- dian wheat will displace American wheat and flour in that country. I think that question is one to which this organization might give some immediate concern. In view of the fact that such a large pro- portion of our wheat exports at present are being made under the ECA program, the policies of that organization are very im- portant to wheat producers. Last year the ECA made available $175,000,000 to the United Kingdom with which to purchase Canadian wheat. Otherwise those dollars would have been spent for wheat or other products in this country. I am not raising the auestion of the ‘visdom or folly of the retcr vt .cr. There are two sides to it, but I am simply pointing out that it was somethirz which was of great importance tu tae Wheni pro- ducers of this country and one in which a national wheat organization would naturally be interested. Whether we like it or not, the future of the wheat growers of this country will depend in a large degree upon Government policies. That is true of every industry. For many years there have been farm programs re- lating to wheat, and whether or not these particular programs are continued, there will always be many ways in which the Govern- ment will touch the business and productive operations of wheat producers. The ques- tion of what kind of a farm program we are going to have, as applied to wheat, is of course of paramount importance. With the rising opposition to farm programs generally, it behooves the producers of wheat to give consideration to a program which will be self-supporting, and which will enable us to compete in the export markets. Aside from legislation there will constantly be questions arising which relate to details of programs and policies. Right now there is under con- sideration in the Department of Agriculture the matter of changing the rate of storage allowances on wheat under the price-support program. The grading of grain is a regula. tory activity of the Government, and any changes which may be made in that program are, of course, of intense interest to wheat producers. Freight rates are another mat- ter in which the Government exercises regu- lation and control. One could go on and enumerate many other Government func~ tions which are of vital interest to wheat producers, and in the solution of which pro- ducers should have a voice to present their viewpoint and interests. In the next few years, there will be hun- dreds of decisions made by the Government affecting wheat growers and their business. Who is going to decide these questions? How do we know they will be decided right? Are they going to be decided by Congress, very few Members of which have personal knowl- edge of the problem, or the time to study it? Are they going to be decided by men in Government agencies, who may have an en- tirely different viewpoint from that of farm- ers, and who may be quite unfamiliar with the problems involved? Many important decisions vitally affecting farmers may be made quite incidenta-ly in connection with the consideration of questions which only incidentally relate to agriculture. For instance, our foreign-trade policies may have A3093 almost as much effect upon the welfare of wheat producers in the next few years as anything which might be done directly under Government programs. Let me make 1t clear that I do not believe this organization should be what is com- monly known as a pressure group. It should be the voice of the wheat growers of the country; yes. It should be in a position to speak for them in matters which affect their welfare and the general welfare of the coun- try, as it is affected by wheat production and marketing. It will »e a voice which, in my opinion, can be very helpful by keeping legislative bodies and Government agencies informed and advised as to the problems of wheat producers and the relationship be- tween those problems and the economic and social problems of the Nation. I know it is only in that spirit and from that standpoint that the whov* crew-ss o* this territory want to be cewres .*¢c br + ert an organization as this in the determination of governmental policies. But governmental policies are only one of many fields in which an organization of this Eind can work. When I think of the poten- tial good which can come from this organi- zation, my mind turns at once to the field of research. I do not for a moment discount the great achievements of agricultural re- search in recent years, and yet, as a matter of fact, compared with its potentialities and compared with industrial research, very little has been done. [I think it should be made clear that taking into consideration the funds which have heen available, marvelous re- sults have been secured. But when it comes to research, industry spends a hundred dol- lars where agriculture spends one dollar. Industry spends these tremenodus sums of money for research because it knows that research pays. We know that research pays in agriculture also. The diffiiculty is that whereas large industrial concerns and organ-= izations have the funds with which to carry on research, 6,000,000 farmers over the coun- try have no way of carrying out research proj- ects as individuals, and no way to carry them out at all without organization. In the past practically all of our agricultural research has been done by Government agencies, in the main through tre Nenert~ont of Agri- culture and the i~c-7r* > evi ces. Under the Research and Marketing Act, provision is made whereby the Government might co- operate in research with private organiza- tions. The Far East Grain Mission, which I am sure is familiar to most of you, is an example of a cooperative effort under the Research and Marketing Act, between the Department of Agriculture and a State organization of wheat producers. There can very well be other cooperative efforts along this line, and if the organization and the funds are available, there will no doubt be much additional research carried on, both independently and in connection with our land-grant colleges and other Government agencies. The need for such research is evident ev- erywhere, both in the field of production and marketing. We all have in mind, I am sure, that there is much which can be done in production research along the line of better varieties. Much has been accomplished in recent years on this, but all of us know that more can and will be done if funds are avail- able. In a large part of the wheat-growing area of the country, there is much need for research on alternate crops to stabilize and balance agriculture in those areas. There is so much yet to be learned about plant diseases. Last year the mosaic disease was a factor in reducing wheat yields in large areas. We have accomplished much in breeding disease-resistant plants and in methods of attacking disease, but every scientist will tell you that the work along these lines has only begun. We need more
A3094 study also in the field of eradicating weeds and other plant pests. The present infestation of green bugs over a large part of the Southwestern Wheat Belt brings to our mind the need for more work along the line of eradicating insect pests. There are questions of land use and the con- trol of wind and water erosion in which there is still much to be done in the field of re- search, We need continued and expanded research in storage and transportation problems. Weevil control is an imstance. We need to study and develop information with refer- ence to the grading of wheat and other grains, and our jerry-built system of transportation rates is a subject upon which much research can be expended. Nowhere is research more important than in the field of marketing. In spite of the world's shortage of food, in spite of under- nourishment, even among people who are supposedly well fed, wheat producers are faced now with the problem of reducing their production unless new outlets can be found. We are all familiar with the fact that there has been a steady decline in per capita wheat consumption in this country for the past 40 years. If per capita consumption today equaled that of 40 years ago, we would con- sume in the United States for human food this year 750,000,000 bushels of wheat, instead of approximately 500,000,000, There are a number of reasons for this decline, but cer- tainly one important reason is the failure of those who produce, distribute, and process wheat to properly advertise the value of their product, and to market 1t in such a form as to get an adequate response from the buying public. The splendid reception which has recently been given in Kansas and some other States to the new type of bread con- taining 16 percent more wheat illustrates the fact that the public will respond to a tasty and improved product. It 1s yet too soon ta see how far-reaching the results of this de- velopment may be, but it is an illustration of the fact that there are possibilities until recently unexplored for expanding consump- tion. If any project of this kind is to suc- ceed on a national scale, it must, in my opin- jon, have the backing of a great national organization, such as is being set up here. We know what the meat industry has done in expanding consumption of its products through judicious and skillful advertising. We know what has been done by the citrus producers and others in expanding their market outlets. These groups have been able to accomplish much, because they were or- ganized. What they have done wheat pro- ducers can do. But the expansion of wheat consumption as human food is only one fleld in which we should be working. Certainly there can be some increase in consumption for livestock feed. There should be research in the utilization of varieties of wheat which are good from the standpoint of the pro- ducer, but which are not satisfactory to the milling and baking industry. We must ex- plore all the possibilities in the way of in- dustrial uses. But the field which has the greatest im- mediate possibilities in enabling us to avoid drastic production cuts is the field of exports, We are not doing so badly now when the ECA program is in effect, and under which our taxpayers are financing exports to the Marshall plan countries and to other nations within the scope of our foreign-assistance programs, including Japan, Korea, and what remains of Nationalist China. The world needs, and will continue to need, every bushel of wheat we can produce in this country, put if we are going to dispose of it after our foreign-aid programs end, as end they must, we are going to have to meet competition from other wheat-exporting countries, in all of which wheat prices are lower than in this country, and we are going to have to find some way by which the importing countries can pay for the wheat which we send them. This gets us into the field of foreign-trade policy and international financing. Much more might be said, but this Is enough, I am sure, to indicate the great field which exists for research in expanding our outlets for wheat and its products. It indi- cates also the necessity for organized effort. I do not mean to imply that a national or- ganization would necessarily want to cover the entire field of research. Much can and will be done by organized State and local groups working with the land-grant colleges and other governmental agencies. But all of the matters which I have mentioned can be accomplished only through organization, either at the local, State, or National level, and the inesivation and push for work of this kind mu-: be furnished by a national organization. This organization represents an effort on the part of farmers to help themselves as distinguished from too much dependence on government. I believe it will be of assist- ance to the wheat producers of this country. I believe it will be helpful to those who in this country and throughout the world are engaged in the distribution and processing of this, the most important of all food prod- ucts. But my interest in the matter would be far less did I not also believe that the National Association of Wheat Growers can make a real contribution to human welfare here and abroad. I say this because it 1s my firm conviction that out of this organization will eventually come more efficient produc- tion and wider distribution of the world’s most essential commodity, the result of which will be to expand the consumption of a nutritious food, diminish hunger, promote the well-being of millions of distressed peo- ple, increase international friendship, and advance world peace and prosperity. The Republican Party and the McCarthy Investigation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, April 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Record an excellent and penetrating article by Miss Doris Flee- son, commenting on the political and moral significance for the Republican Party of the current investigation into the State Department, There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: EXPLOITED BY EXTREMISTS—BATTLE FoR SouL or GOP In MaKING WitH GROWING INFLU- ENCE OF McCarTtHy (By Doris Fleeson) A real battle for the soul of the Republican Party is in the making. In the face of statements by Senator Mc- Carty that “Wait 6 months and you'll see the results of what I’m doing,” thoughtful Republicans are saying that the show-down between the differing GOP factions cannot be long delayed. This group includes gov- ernors and private citizens as well as ring- side observers of the gravitational pull which Senator McCarruy is exerting upon the GOP. What Senator McCartuy is talking about is no riddle. He thinks that his charges are APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD going to be the great Republican campaign issue this fall. He is cocksure that they will elect Republicans and return control of Con-~ gress to them. Then the party will be grate- ful to him and he will have that national stature, that leadership for which he go ardently longs. BOUNDLESS AMBITION Wisconsin editors broke the news last week to their fellows that Senator McCartiy’s boundless ambition includes the Presidency, He has often said at home, they related, that he will be the Nation’s first Catholi: Presi- dent, Republicans who believe that the means used by Senator McCartTHy are in direct con- flict with the party’s basic Americanism foresee a bitter struggle for control, perhaps a deep and permanent schism. Some are still hoping that time will diminish the pres-~ sures; others think the pressures are already mounting to the point of inevitable conflict. One of the party’s major figures paid a little-noticed visit to the Capital recently. He strongly condemned Senator McCarrmy’s tactics which he feels gravely injure the country but admitted that not all his asso- ciates took that view. ‘Republicans, he went on, had never had the fight they must have to determine where they stand. He said that so far they had always at the last moment glossed over their difficultics but they could not get away with it again and should not, even if they could. This Republican can command national attention when he chooses to speak out. He also has a pretty fair idea now, he thinks, of who will be on his side. LINE-UP AFTER PRIMARIES The Republican line-up will begin to be more evident to the public after the primaries are over. If Senator McCartuy can keep his charges alive—as he clearly intends to do and probably can—the Democrats expect to make it impossible for a Republican candi- date to evade taking a stand. The irony of this is that 1t is hardest on those Republicans whom Democrats most admire. The GOP extremists, having noth- ing to lose, can exploit the McCarty charges to the utmost. Others must risk alienating any McCarry admirers while gaining a me- too label. Meanwhile, they point out, in- pendent voters are likely to play safe and run off to the Democrats. This problem of the Progressive Republi- can is capsuled here by one wit in the query: Are Republicans really necessary? Many liberals feel that the anti-McCarruy kind are and desire to help them. Actually the usual iron law applies—they must help themselves. It is theirs to decide when to rebel against the growing McCartayr influence. The Senator from Wisconsin clearly will not help them by subsiding quietly. Tribute to Hon. Paul H. Douglas, of Illinois, by Walter Locke EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, April 28 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the REcorp a column written by Wal- ter Locke, editor of the Dayton Daily News, which describes the personality
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and problems of our colleague the Sen- ator from Illinois [Mr. Douctas] as he carries on his noble effort to be a con- scientious Member of the Senate. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rzecorp, as follows: TRENDS OF THE TIMES (By Walter Locke) A “JUNIORITY” SENATOR—THE UPSET HIS CREATES WaSHINGTON, D. C.—The good farmer never lets his livestock breed run dowr. The prices the livestock growers will pay for the exceptional animal needed to build up their fiocks and herds forever make us stare. New blood, etter blood to build more milk or beef or mutton or eggs—this is a farmer’s must. Congress distributes its powers by sen- jority. Where th? baseball manager sends his sore-armed pitchers to the minors, Con- gress promotes its ancients to ever-increas- ing authority. The younger Members are ordered to the rear. The ancients occupy the committee thrones. The cynical call it the system of senility. Congress, overburdened with increasing work, has lost favor with the people. They voted in 1948 against the Hightieth Congress. They are as likely this 1950 to vote against the Highty-first. Do they grow weary of the ancients dominating there? Congress, like the farmers’ herds, needs new blood. Paut Low4érp Doucias was born in Salem, Mass. (Old witch-hunting town), in 1892. That makes him now 58. He graduated from Bowdoin College, in Maine. He studied at Columbia and at Harvard to make the high- brow that was to be. He became a teacher of economics—Reed, Tilinois, Washington, Amherst, Chicago U. Highbrow? The world round was also a book to read. Behold him a Chicago alder- man. Came the late war. He enlisted in the marines, rising to a captaincy and emerg- ing alive but with a crippled arm. The books rolled from his pen, books show- ing immersion in modern economic prob- lems—wages, apprenticeship, the worker in the modern age, controlling depressions and on and on and on. In the Senate the other day the pork barrel was rolling prosperously along. The pork barrel is a revered institution among the Congressmen. The statesmen gather round with their appeals to Santa Claus. The process is simple: You vote the money for my locality and I’ll vote for yours. It is called logrolling. The pork barrel is the piled-up spendings which the process makes. Many of the appropriations are justified. To get the good ones through, it is necessary to include many not so good. This latest pork barrel was rolling gaily along when a tall back-seat Senator with a shaggy mane stood up. “Halt,” he cried. The consternation was like that when Oliver, in Dickens’ story, asked for more. Only here was someone asking less. By some strange chance this Chicago alder- man, this highbrow scholar who had written books and fought as a captain of marines had wormed his way into the Senate of the. United States. It was one of the amazements of the amaz- ing 1948 election year: the Illinois that had sent to Washington Senator Curly Brooks had given a blazing majority to Paun Douc- tas for Senator. (Strange, the divagations of our States in the choosing of Senators. The Nebraska that gave George Norris to his country presents KENNETH WHERRY now. The North Carolina of the ineffable “Fish Eggs” Reynolds blesses us with Frank GraHaM now. And Wisconsin. It was “Fighting Bob” La Follette 30 years ago; it is “Jumping Joz” McCakTHy now.) There stood the stranger Senator from Illinois calling halt to the rolling barrel. New blocd, clearly, had descended upon the seniority-ruled Senate of the United States. How do you stay in the United States Sen- ate long enough to grow powerful by grace of seniority? There are various ways. Some Senators have so succeeded by the sheer greatness of their minds and hearts. Such greatness is sadly rare. More have succeeded by two particular devices. First, talk economy, then pack the pork barrel well with public money for the local elements. (Santa Claus did not begin with WPA. He had radiated the pork barrel for decades be- fore social security.) This combination of waste and economy is often unbeatable. The freshman Senator from Illinois, call- ing a halt on the rolling pork barrel, was striking at the very thrones of many a seniority Senator. Did he succeed? Of course not. The bar- rel rolled right on over him, 50 Senators to 16. But on it, as it rolled, there were blood spots that would not out—the new blood that had found its way into the Senate from, of all States, hard-boiled, big-bossed Illinois. There came another Senate day. It wasn’t the barrel rolling now, but a steam roller on its way. Mighty hands, well backed by sen- jority, were pushing the Kerr bill, the gas pill, through. Down the Senate aisles came this same tall Senator with the greying, bushy hair, with a trail of charts following him. He set his charts where all the world, not only the Senate, could see. They showed what the Senator held the bill would cost the people of America. For hours he fought there. Did he win? The machine rolled right on over him. Again the blood spots—the new blood the people of Illinois supplied. The country saw. The President vetoed the bill. The shocking economist from Illinois went on to his war on the basing point, instrument, he says, of monopoly. Aradical? This new “plood is conservative as a farmer on his paid-for farm. He is for competition in industry. Coal? He is stumped. Competition there has seemed to fail; but he wants no more government con- trol of prices than cannot be escaped. The farmers cannot be left to fail, but that prob- lem is yet to solve. No socialist here, this easy old shoe of a Senator, but just a Democrat (little d). No better new blood, the press galleries say— and who has more chance to know?—has im= pinged on the seniority Senate in many years. Why Have a Loyalty Program? EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 28, 1950 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, in this land of liberty and freedom why should it be necessary for the Presi- dent to establish loyalty boards to in- quire into the patriotism of some Gov- ernment workers? That is the theme in an article today by George Sokolsky ap-~ pearing in the Times-Herald. I com- mend it to the attention of every Mem- ber and I include it at this point in the REcORD: A3695 THESE Days (By George Sokolsky) In recent months, we have been moving in- to a pair of hysterias. One is the war hys- teria, which is very bad indeed. This started when it was discovered that Klaus Fuchs had been stealing our atomic secrets since 1942 and we did not know it. The other is the hysteria of distrust arising out of the Hiss trials. While we should ferret out every traitor and spy, there is no need to get hysterical abcut it. Actually it shouid be an ordinary police job. Abcut all this, the question arises: Why should there be a loyalty program? Why should there be a need for a loyalty program? Way should there even.be a suspicion that American officials might be disloyal? Is it not shocking that this country should feel called Upon to appoint a loyalty board to in- vestigate its own employees? In the mesh of accusation and defense, is that not really the question that should be asked? For what has happened to us, to our children, that loyalty is not taken for granted, and correctly taken for granted? President Truman made a speech on the loyalty program which he instituted 3 years ago. Then he repeated, 3 years ago. When he instituted that program, did he ask him- self or his advisers: What corrupting virus has eaten into the hearts of our people that their government needs to worry about the loyalty of those employed in the govern- ment? His institution of that program was a@ tacit admission of its need. The President appealed to the people to notify the FBI or the Department of Justice if they have evidence of disloyalty. Well, Whittaker Chambers in 1929 brought his case to the office of the President of the United States when he spoke to Marvin Mc- Intyre, who relayed him to Adolf A. Berle Jr. From 1939 to 1948, that story lay dor- mant. Then the House committee on un-Ameri- can activities revived it. Were it not for Congressman Nixon, of California, nothing would have come of the Whittaker Chambers charges against Alger Hiss. Nrxon pushed that one and deserves the credit for it. The President himself called the Hiss case a “red herring.’ Chambers was violently abused. Nixon persisted. Finally, when the pumpkin papers came on the scene, the Department of Justice prosecuted Hiss and won a verdict. But it took nearly 10 years after the first charges for the case to be brought. Similarly the Amerasia case has been dor- mant from 1945 to today when it is being reopened by a congressional committee. The spying thief, Arthur Adams, ran about this country, trailed by the FBI and news- paper reporters. He was almost an open spy, so many persons were trailing him and trail- ing his trailers. But Arthur Adams got away. I can mention other cases, but you must be as weary of the repetition asIam. What I ask is a fundamental question that must some day be answered: .How did it happen? Until that question is fully answered, the people will remain suspicious. The Presi- dent, in his speech, made the point that some of the loyalty charges are political in nature, aimed at the 1950 and 1952 elections. I suppose there is truth in that, just as his defense was obviously of a political nature. Unfortunately, politics gets into everything. But that is really not significant’ It dodges the central issue, which is: what has happened in our land that any persons, even 10, even 3, even 1, can serve in vital agen- cies of Government and be disloyal to the United States? The President also made the point, in effect, that all disloyal persons in Govern- ment employ have béen found and have been dismissed. The President cannot know