A1080 @. To demand the ouster of the Soviet Union from membership in the UN if it con- tinues with tts flagrant violations of the United Nations Charter. Counct. or Lrrevantan Soorertes, ANTHONT J, Micerma, President. Maarm Rata, Secretary. Thought for the Week EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HUGH J. ADDONIZIO OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 , Mr, ADDONTIZIO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include the following Thought of the Week address delivered by the Reverend Philip E. Dobson, 8. J., director of Bt. Peter’s College Institute of Industrial Relations, to 600 adult stu- dents at the institute on Wednesday, February 21, 1951. St. Peter's College Institute was founded in 1945, and near. ly 3,000 members of labor unions and Jeaders in management have availed themselves of the courses in labor-man- agement problems given each fall and winter. The main purpose of the insti- tute is to build up moral armament in labor and management against the evils of communism. I commend to my col- leagues this thought-provoking address by Father Dobson: THOVaNT FoR THE Week—Tue Rea, BATTLE Front: Your Home anp Your Jos In this hour of our country's gravest peril, when our natural resources, our manpower, and our production machinery are being geared and channeled into the building of a great war machine, some may have a mise Sen impression about the true nature of the titanic struggle in which we are being involved. In the frantic fush to turn out battleships, alrplanes, guns, and tanks when there is little time for meditation and qulet thinking, there is a danger that our people will pour out their very lifeblood to beat the Communist world menace, in vain, un- less they realize just What is at stake, unless they comprehend what it is that makes in- evitable the fight to the death which we are facing between Christianity and com- munism, The cause for the spread of communism goes further and deeper than the imperial- istic ambitions of Josef Stalin and the Po- litburo, The spread of communism is an effect. It is not the basic cause of the pres- ent world conflict. Communism ts rolling in to fill the vacuum caused by the crum- bling of a decadent western civilization. Father Gorman, in this month's lesue of the Sign, dissects masterfully the diseased carcass of our western so-called Christian civilization, and jays bare the wounds, the sores, the deterioration which have left that body # ready prey to al) types of social dis- eases. That it is communism now is quite inoidental. To paraphbrese Father Gorman: Why does communism heve such a tremendous appeal to 80 many millions?) Let us roam the world and find out. Why do our arguments against communiam avail so little? Let us stack our arguments against reality and soon we shall know. The answer is that we have been false to our Christian religion. We have given it Ip service, but in our datly lives we have been greedy materialists, We have sacri- ficed our ideals on the altar of pomp and power and pagan worship of our bodies with ite pleasures. - : What does the share cropper in the South, wringing a miserable existence out of the wretched soil, care about our argument that the Soviet farms are colleativized? He couldn't be worse off than he is. We think - we can turn people away from communism by pointing out that there is one ballot in Soviet Russia, To the Negro in the South that is better than no ballot. The French dock worker who lives Itke the rats that scurry around the wharves is not impressed by statistics pointing out So- viet Russia's low standard of living. Rhet- oric on the glories of Christian civilization hardly impresses the Italian tenant farmer living with his family in a cave, whose very lifeblood, so to speak, is drawn off by an ab- sentee landlord to purchase & mink coat for his mistress. For that farmer, any change would be for the better. Certainly our appeals to the Asiatics and the people of Africa fall on deaf ears. The white man’s record on these continents should make decent men blush with shame. The imperialism of the western nations gouged these countries of their wealth and their resources, The white lords condemned and despised the natives. They degraded them, ground them down, prevented their realizing the advantages of education and their rich native culture. Is the white man qualified, then, to warn the people of Asia and Africa that with communism comes slavery? Bociety can be compared to a butlding. Just as & building 1s erected by placing one brick upon another and the quality of the building is known by the quality of the bricks, so society consists of you, and you, and you, as individuals and the moral tex- ture of society ta the sum of the moral characters of the individual citizens. When a society consists, for the most part, of peo- ple who observe the law of God, abstain from debtittating vices, are hard working, healthfully independent, and dedicated to high ideals in life, that is a sound soctety. With this description of a healthy soctety as @ background, I ask you to estimate the caltber of our present ao-called Christian civilization. With the passage of time every empire the world has known has decayed, crumbled, and falien. The classic example is that of the Roman Empire. These empires crumbled, not because they lacked men with brains and ability at the top. They decayed and fell apart because the great mass of oltizens, the bricks of society, became soft, amoral, and ‘unprincipled. The empires crumbled be- cause the human bricks individually crumbled. These considerations should bring home to each of you, with devastating clarity, how important each and every one of you are in the crisis which looms before us. Unless we can point to Joe Citizen after Joe Citizen end claim that they are moral, God-fearing, good-living, upright, hard-working, dedicated eltigens, it is in order to ask the questions, “Have we anything worth fighting for?” I fay this because if, after estimating citizen after citizen, we should find them wanting, then we are forced to conclude that our civil- ization resembles the decadent state of the crumbled emptres and certainly such a clvil- ization is not worth the outpouring of the blood of millions of people, ; I say then, that the real batfleground in this crisis ts found in your homes and on your jobs. Military might ts undermined and sapped of its wnless it has as its foundation morally healthy homes and zoembers of labor and management who prac. tice Justice and charity. Should we squeane through to viotory in the present ‘crisis, just before we become too decadent, the hosan- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nas of triumph will turn to the rattle of despair and the statues of victory be pulverized into ashes. This will be 20 unless our homes and un- lees our families are free of the debilitating vices which have undermined other world powers. This will be true unless social jus-~ tice and social charity are praaticed by Jabor and management in their wage policies, in their handling of grievances, in their atti~ tudes toward each other, in the setting of production policies and in their attitudes toward the public. Oar Lost Spiritual Fortitude EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OXLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thureday, March 1, 1951 Mr, SCHWABE. Mr. Speaker, the editorial entitled “Our Lost Spiritual Fortitude,” which appeared in the Tulsa Tribune, published at Tulsa, Okla., Sat urday, April 8, 1980, is worthy of being reprinted in the Conargssronat, Recorp. This editorial was written by my fel- low townsman, Mr. Richard Lloyd Jones, one of America's great editorial writers. This editorial was awarded an honor medal award from the Freedoms Foun- dation, The award was announced at Valley Forge, Pa., by Gen. Omar N. Brad- ley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in an address by General Bradley on Washington’s Birthday, February 22, 1951. The news item from Valley Forge giving an account of the announcement of the award by General Bradley and reciting that the recipient of the award was chosen by a distinguished awards jury composed of State supreme court jurists and executive officers of national patriotic and service organizations, whose chairman was Dr. Milton 8. Eisen- hower, president of Pennsylvania State College, follows the quotation of the edi- torial to which I have referred. May we have more such spontaneous declarations and patriotic reminders and pronouncements of those capable of in- fluencing the citizens of this country in the right direction—America-ward. The editorial follows: [From the Tulsa (Okla.) Tribune of April 8, 1050] Our Losr Srintrua, Foartrups (By Richard Lioyd Jones) Everywhere, on every land, in every clime, life should be lovely. Every human being, who is not crasy, loves to live. He wants to see, see the color of the earth, the green of the trees, the blue of the seas, the radiance of the flowers, the brilliance of the sun, the Peauty of the stars, the majesty of the moon, He wants to see. He wants to hear. Hear the voices of kin- folk, neighbor, and friend. He wants to and be spoken to. Most of all he cherishes that interchange of thought that indices laughter. He wants to amell the sweetness of the air, the aroma of the new-tilled earth, and the fresh-mown hay, His nostrils anti® life with rapture, : War i waste, wreckage. War is murder, Why must we have mags nrurder? No sane mind wants it.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We Americans are worried, fearful that we may again be drawn tnto another war. Our scientists have made mass murder appalling- ly massive. Life can be annihilated iv we war again, Then why do we have it? Our ts @ beautiful country. America is a land worth loving. As each loves his own home, every good American has learned to love our collective home. We have rules to make home pleasant, By those rules we live happy home lives. We have rulea to make our collective living pleasant. The makers of our Republic recognised the individual's rights to Ife, Mberty, and the pursuit of happiness. No less they recognized the common responsibility that every citizen must accept if we are to protect the freedoms in which we may live our lives In largeness. We have rules for Hving together. They make the Oregonian feel happily at home in Ohto or Oklahoma. And the Missourian in Massachusetts or Mississippi. All that any of us want ts the right to live in freedom, in peace, unafraid of any wild and ferocious beast who, like the un- tamed Russian bear, watches with covetous eyes, ready to pounce upon us, and destroy us. We talk of World War IT as a triumph for our fighting forces. But we lost that war. America never carried the Stars and Stripes onto any field af battle except to widen the horizon line of human freedom until this Second World Was. The military historian insists we won that war. But the honest historian is alzeady telling the tragic truth of our surrender. Our Commander in Chief surrendered at Yalta, at Quebec, and at Tehran. , t All people, even the Russian people, want peace. They all want to live, they all want berty and the right to pursue happiness. The world was eager to believe we meant what we said about “four freedoms.” But ‘we no sooner proclaimed the “four freedoms" than we sat down with Stalin, the mad marshal of mass murder, and wiped out the freedoms of millions, Instead of being free from fear, we hurled the whole world head- long into fear. Free men became slaves, armies rushed again to their gun racks. Because of betrayals, the war that does not end, now compels us to fear devastating attacks upon our own soil. Something has happened to us that our house, so long in order, is falling in decay. The greatest dan- ger that confronts us is not Stalin, nor the loss of the liberties of millions of people that we betrayed into slavery, but the indifference of our own people to the menace of the political mess we have made. This indiffer- ence has already gone far to destroy our own ireedoms. At long last we have begun to convict some who have betrayed public trust. It is shock- ing to learn in the Hiss case, as one, that 10 years before he was brought to trial all the truths and facts that convicted htm were known to such men in positions of public trust as Dean Acheson, A. A. Berle, William C, Bullitt, Ley Henderson, Cordell Hull when he was Secretary of State and Frank Murphy when he was our Attorney General. And nothing was done. They had all the records, and they hid them. Have we Americans become a guilleless, gullible people? We ourselves have given administrative powers to men who care little about our life, our Hberty, and our pursuit of happiness. Freedoms are firm, Every courthouse is built to so testify. In every State, in every county and in every town we have laws that protect the invasions of our homes by ban- dits, burglars, sneak thieves, murderers. But it has come to pass that the Supreme Court of the United States has so far de- parted from the constitutional foundations of our Republic that 1t defends any alten who comes onto our ahores as a spy, a6 a £08, of our freedoms. This ie not fantastic, Our highest judi- celal tribunal has thrown hurdles and stum- bling blocks in the way of our peace officers who would protect us from the subversive spies. Our highest tribunal befriends the alien who pilfers the secrets of our defenses. Our State Department and our courts throw their protection around Communist agents, If these public officials are not smart enough to cope with insidious criminals, then they are not competent to be the defenders of our freedoms. If they are smart enough to recognize an enemy, and shield him, then we should not allow our liberties to be entrusted to their care. Why are our life, Mberty, and our pursuit of happiness subjected to this studied en- croachment on our freedoms? We have done this to ourselves, While we listened to the pleasing platitudes of four freedoms they were repudiated. We have listened to two Presidents hold in contempt the patriotism that made America. Love of country has been scoffed at, treated with sneers. Ridicule of our country has become the thesis which conscienceless book publishers and periodical makers have smiled upon with favor and pro- mobted. When the bugles blare and the drums rattle our fiag files before marching men. We become patriots again. Something ts wrong when it takes a war to make us pa- triots. It takes a war to silence the con- temptuous sneer of the shallow conceited intellectuals who betray ua and bring to our lovely land the fear of Communist tyranny. Something beside fertile soll] and vast re- sources made us the richest Nation on earth. Because we have baen the richest Nation we can and should be the most powerful Nation on earth. A power for peace. We betray our heritage. We betray our children and our children’s children 80 long as we keep electing public officials who have been responsible for the growth of the New Deal and Fair Deal, both of which have repudiated the laws and principles that made us mighty. And we are going to grow weaker so Jong as we keep a President who has shown a disposition to protect aliens who wish to destroy us. There is a@ hopeful trend dawning. Sen- sible writers and commentators ure in ree volt. They are beginning to tell the truth about the betrayals that have been destroy- ing our right to life, Mberty, and the pursuit of happiness. There is an increasing num- ber of nonprofessional historical writers who are reviewing the years of our Nation’s crea- tion. As our national existence is threatened we are becoming once again interested in our heritage. Once again we learn that our seemingly insuperable obstacles were over- come by the spiritual fortitude of our fathers. The spiritual fortitude we have been schooled to lose. We do not want to destroy ourselves. Nor do we want to lose our liberty. We want to live. We love life. We want all peoples to have the right to live as they choose to live. But we have weakened ourselves by choosing weak leaders. Observing this, spir- itually tmpoverlshed but phyelcally mighty powers seize upon our sleeping patriotism. If we are to save the life we love and live it as we all want to live it, we must again be Americans, MxpaL yor Farxnom Eptrokia, AwargpED TO TRIBUNE PUBLISHER Richard Lloyd Jones, publisher of the Tulsa Tribune, will receive an honor medal award from the Freedoms Foundation for an editorial titled “Our Lost Spiritual Forti- tude,” it was announced today at Valley Forge, Pa. The award was announced by Gen. Omar N. Bradley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of A1081 Btafl, and was among a series of honors be- stowed on leading Americans and organizea- tions for “outstanding contributions to freee dom during 1950.” General Bradley, tn his speech prepared for the Freedoms Foundation’s presentation ceremony, said the United States has “ample strength” to share with ite free-world allies until they become “self-sufficient and inde- pendent of our aid.” And the combined industrial production and skill of the free nations “will assure our Military supremacy if we need it,” the Ohair~ man of the Joint Chiefs of Staff said. He added, however, that the avowed in- tentions of communism provide little chance that America's military load can be lightened soon, The North Atlantic treaty organization is a stronger combination than “the compul- sory league of Soviet satellites,” Bradley said. Naming of the recipients was part of a special Washington's birthday ceremony. They were chosen by a distinguished awards Jury composed of State supreme court jurists and executive officers of national patriotic and service organizations. Chaire man of the jury was Dr. Milton 8. Elsen- hower, president of Pennsylvania State College. Basts for the judging ts the official credo of the Freedoms Foundation, which defines the American way of life as an indivisible bundle of economic and political freedoms &s set forth in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, based in turn on a fundamental belief in God, TTT Postal Rates EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTONIO M. FERNANDEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr, FERNANDEZ. My. Speaker, over 90 percent of every 1,000,000 postal cards sent through the mails are sent by busi- ness, enterprises such as advertising agencies and other business firms, For every million such postal cards so mailed, those business enterprises pay $10,000, and the taxpayers pay $18,000, result- ing in a clear subsidy to business. A like subsidy at taxpayers’ expense is also enjoyed by newspapers and magazines, I was pleased to see both the Washing. ton Post and the Washington Daily News strongly support the adjustment of rates to eliminate this hand-out of public funds. I ask unanimous consent to in- clude with these remarks in the Recorp a@ copy of each of those editorials, the first one from the Washington Dally News of February 28, and the second from the Washington Post of March 1, The editorials are as follows: {From the Washington Daily News of Feb- ; ruary 28, 1051] Rataz Posara. Rates President Truman has sent Congress his annual plea for higher postal rates. Oon- gress should, by all means, raise rates, He estimates that, at present rates, the post office deficit would be 6621,000,000 in the 12 months beginning next July, - Unsound at any time, such a deficit would, fs he says, be worse than unsound now when the taxpayers must carry a heavy burden of Gefense costs.
A1082 ‘Mr. Truman proposes to cut the deficit to $160,000,000-—the cost, he figures, of services ine por office performs for the Government But there is no assurance that the rate inoreases he seeks would make the deficit that small, for, as he points out, postal costs will rise if railroad and airline mail-carrying charges are boosted, and—-though he doesn't mention this—those coats will rise further if Congresu gives postal workers the higher wages they want, need, and deserve. However, judging by past performances, there will be a lot of boggling in Congress ovet Mr. Truman’s request for 6361,000,000 2 additional postal revenue, to be raised vm ' Doubling the l-cent rate on postcards, circulara, and advertising matter; doubling the rates on newspapers, magazines, and other publications; making parcel-poat rates high enough to cover costs; and raising charges for registry, insurance, c. o. d. mall, and special-delivery services. This newspaper agrees with the President that now, more than ever, it is wrong to ask the taxpayers to bear costs that should be borne by users of the mail service, many of whom have enjoyed large special privileges in the form of low, subsidized postal rates, The Scripps-Howard newspapers have said repeatedly that they want no subsidy from the Government; that they are willing to pay the full, accurately determined cost of deliv- ering thet pert of their circulation which goea by mail, The increases, of course, should be fairly applied. There should be few, if any, ex- -ceptions to the rule that private users cof | postal services must pay their own way. , Tne Government should cut down its own extravagant use of those services, and Con- gress should put into effect without more delay the Hoover Commission recommenda- tions for divorcing the Post Office Depart- ment from politics and making it a more picient, more economical business insti- tu . [From the Washington Post of March 1, 1051] Postat RatTEs ‘There is an inescapable logic in the Presi- dent's message to Congress asking for in- creased postal rates, Under the rates now in force the Post Office Department anticipates @ deficit for the 1052 fiscal year of $521,. 000,000. As the President pointed out, “a postal deficit of more than half a billion dol- lars is obviously unsound, especially at a time when every effort must be made to re- duoe the aize of the Federal budget.” It must be considered irrational and pecullarly exasperating, as well as unsound, when it is considered that this particular deficit has to be borne by the whole public for the special benefit of those using the postal service. A portion of the deficit, approximately $160,000,000, ie inourred through the han- dling of mail sent on officiel business by the executive, legimlative, and judicial branches of the Government. Gince this serves gen- eral public purposes, the general public must pay for it in qne way or another. But the balance of the deficit is incurred in providing service for private users and amounts to a subsidy of thelr business enterprises. For instance, penny post cards, used tn large part tor commerctal and advertising purposes, en- tatl a handling cost of 2.6 cents each. The cost ought to be borne by the users. But the largest loss to the Post Office De- partment comes from the handling of secand- class mall, The rates in this category, which covets newspapers and magakines, were in- tentionally set low on the theory that they would the of information and education, But si newspapers and magasines are gold for private profit, subs aldization of them—at least on a scale so generous as that now prevalling—-involves a serious inequity, The cost of carrying them _ exoeeds the postage patd by their publishers in the amount of 200,000,000 annually, A theory applicable when the country was in ita infancy can scarcely be held to justify such a hand-out to mass circulation media with a advertising content today. The President has recommended that Con- greas provide for modest rate increases in respect of post cards, periodicals, and also third- and fourth-class mail. He does not seek an immediate wiping out of the whole Geficit in post office operations, but asks that the Postmaster General be given authority to revise rates from time to time in order to keep them in line with costs. This news- paper urged the same remedy some months ago. Postal deficits represent a burden im. posed on the many for the benefit of the relatively few. There is neither reason nor fairneas in this kind of Anancing. Propaganda Machine of Stalin & Co. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following excerpts of a speech given by Thomas Dorgan, clerk of Suffolk Superior Civil Court to members of the Dorchester Kiwanis Club at this lunch- eon at the Uphams Corner Market Res- taurant on Tuesday, February 27, at 12:16. Mr. Sidney G. Harris, president of the organization, presided at the meet- ing. The above-mentioned follows: It is an amazing fact that during the past & years, Stalin's empire has grown from 190,000,000 people to more than 900,000,000. Thirty-seven out of every hundred people in the world today are under the domina- tion of the Communists because of the de- ceptive ideas given to the workers of the world. It is still more amazing that all the land and peoples taken over by the Com- munists were acquired through propaganda and infiltration by the fifth columns within those countries, Americans are considered experts in the mechanical know-how but when it comes to propaganda we are babes in the woods com- pared to Stalin and company. The basic policy of Stalin and company is to achieve world conquest by force, violence, trickery, fraud, and the big lie. If we can draft boys to carry a gun, why not draft them to carry the principles of American democracy, based on justice and truth, to all the nations of the world? The biggest lie of all that has been sold to the workers of the world 1s the part of the Communist Manifesto which read, “Workers of the world unite, you have nothing to lose but your chains.” Instead of the workers losing their chains, the Commies have put @ lock and key on them all over the world. However, it fs not enough to abuse Russian communism and to publish the horrors of its physical application and it will not be enough to defeat it physically. We must defeat tt by a stronger idea and ‘we have that idea here in Amerfda-—the Oon- stitution of the United States, We should sell it to the world—not by lend lease, gifts, or loans—but by training our bright young men in our eges and universities and sending them to every country In the world as ambassadors of good will to spread the principles of American democtacy. We could Graft many of our best students in our col- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fi sdre that they possess not only sees chnrester, and integrity, but, most important, loyalty to the American wey of J] ‘We must get rid of the fifth column of Russian conspirators in this country, we have tolerated them for too long. The Kremiin conspirators train thelr students to the true way of life such as freedom, liberty, and religion. We should see to tt that the students tn our colleges are trained to sell our way of life, which ts based on truth and justice for all, to the nations of the world. This would be in keeping with ° the wishes of the founding fathers who com~ manded the preceptors of our colleges “to go forward and teach the youth ideais of love of country, chastity, obedience, and all those virtues which are the ornament of human society and upon which our Constitution was founded, Our Lord sent His Apostles out to the highways and the byways to sell the com- mon people the true way of life. Can you imagine the force of 12,000 or 20,000 stu- dents imbued with knowledge of our Con- stitution and our way of life going forth to the nations all over the earth—s sixth col- umn for justice and truth? In World War I and World War I, we won the war but lost the peace, You cannot win peace by guns alone, it must be accomp! by truth- ful propaganda, Thet 1s the only way to destroy for all time the big lies which have been planted in the minds ‘of the ‘workers of the world by tyrannical dictators eee, The Houston Port and Trafic Bureau, Inc., Houston, Tex., Adopts Resolution Opposing the St. Lawrence Seaway Project Because It Is Unsound and Unnecessary EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES E. VAN ZAND OF PENNSYLVANIA “ IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, the Houston Port and Traffic Bureau, Inc., of Houston, Tex., conscious of the dev- astating effect of the St. Lawrence sea- way and power project on the economy of the entire United States, adopted the following resolution January 23, 19651, ne such an economic monstros- The resolution ts as follows: Whereas it has been reported In the press that a bill has been presented to the Con- gress r that the United States Government participate with Canada in the construction, maintenance, and expense at- tendant upon the completion of the Great Lakes-8t, Lawrence seaway; and Whereas this project has been defeated several times in recent years because it la both unsound end unnecessary; and Whereas this project would result in di- verting export and import business originat- ing and terminating in the Midwest area from the Gulf porte to Canadian ports by enabling oceangolng vessels to call as far West as Lake Superior; and ‘Whereas land-transportation rates from Jazvge portion of the West and Midwest to the Great Lakes ports are more favorable than to the Gulf ports there would he a reaultant logs of revenue detrimental to the Gulf ports and the citizens of Texas: and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Whereas large sums of Government and private funds have been expended to build ‘ulf ports and terminal facilities for the urpose of handling midwestern business hat would be diverted to Canadian ports; an ( Wheteas unnecessary Government spend- fing when economy is in order as the means Of aiding our national defense program, is contrary to public interest; and Whereas the 27-foot channel proposed would not be able to carry fully loaded mod- ern cargo vessela, and cost to deepen it later to i or 86 feet Would be extremely heavy; an Whereas the St. Lawrence River is unusable due to ice conditions during a considerable part of @ year: Be tt therefore Resolved, That the Houston Port and Traf- fic Bureau urge the Senate and the House of the United States Congress to oppose this proposed legislation; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be sent to Congressmen and Senators in all States of the Union that are affected by the proposed project; to all salt-water ports in the United States and to the Association of American Railroads in Washington, D. O. A Challenge to the Schools EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CARL D. PERKINS OF KENTUCKY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr, PERKINS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the New York Times of Febyu- ary 19, 1961; 1 A CHALLENGE To THE Sc#0018 Figures on Army drafv rejections do not efford a sound basis for sctentific generaliza- tions, since they merely reflect an opinion as to the minimum requirements for a good soldier. It is Gisheartening nonetheless to learn that one out of every three young men called up fails to qualify, that about one in six the country over is turned down for “‘men- tal” reasons, and that in the South rejections tor “mental” reasons run to 88.7 percent. It is wise to put “mental” in quotation marks, for the wide variance here {s certainly more telated to education than to native intelli- gence. In the country as a whole, as well as the South, !lliteracy has been steadily de- lining, but there are many who are “‘func- tionally illiterate’—that is, able to read but unable to make easy use of printed mat- ter—and thelr plight is the result of poor Schooling. ' The most loyal southerner would not maintain that Negro schools in the South have had as much money spent on them, or have been as good, as the white, schools. ¥frorts are being made to improve the aitua- tion, but the disparity largely remains. It must be admitted, too, that schools in the poorer parte of the South, white and Negro, have suffered because there was too little Money to support them adequately. This has been true even when @ given southern Atate spent a larger fraction of {ts total in- come on education than is common in the North. !) If we are to have universal military service and training, which the world situation de ens, the argument for Federal aid to edu- : will be strengthened. It is both un- air and unwise to let young men come to age without the basic schooling which will enable them to make the most of military training. We can take some com- fort from the fact that rejections for funce tional Nilteracy dropped greatly between the two World Wars. Nevertheless it 1s clear that the task of educating our people to be effec- tive citizens as well as good soldiers is far from completed and has become a national responsibility. A Second Try EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARENCE E. KILBURN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr. KILBURN. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my re- marks, I include herein an article by Walter Lippmann, which I hope every- one will read. The Federal Reserve System should be above any pressure from outside and I hope they follow through on their position regardless of those pressures, The article follows: [From the Washington Post of March 1, 1951] Topay aND TOMORROW (By Walter Lippmann) A SECOND TRY The President has now intervened for the second time in the controversy between the Treasury and the Federal Reserve. This meeting differed from the first one, which was held on January $1, in that the Presi- dent has now come to gee that the issue is not one that can be settled by calling in the Federal Open Market Committee and asking them to be good boys and to do what John Snyder wants to have done, At the meeting this week the President recognized—at least in theory—that there is ® problem still to be solved, that there are divergent policies which have still to be reconciled, This time the Treasury, the Office of Defense Mobilization, the Council of Economic Advisers were also present, and the President instead of talking off the cuff read a memorandum, appointed a commit- tee to make a report, and expressly did “not ask those present for any commitments on the subjects under discussion.” This 1s a decidedly better way to come at @ great question of this sort. But it is not nearly good enough. The report which the President asked for is to be made by Messrs. Snyder, Keyserling, McCabe, and Wil- son. What two out of the four members of the committee—namely, Mr. Snyder and Mr. Keyserling—are going to report we already know; they have put out a preview of it in the memorandum that the President read and that they—or their staffa——must have written. Thus half of the committee to study the problem has written its own Views about the conclusions of the committee into the directive which the committee is to fol- low, Mr, Wileon, the third member, has a tre- mendous interest in any measure which will reduce the inflationary pressure on the price and wage ceilings for which he is respon- sible, But Mr, Wilson has been subjected to pressure, In fact to unfair pressure. In effect he has heen put in a position where he cannot side with the Federal Reserve without coming into open disagreement with the President of the United States, who is his immediate superior. The fourth member of the committee is Mr. McCabe, the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, His position is even more dificult than Mr, Wilson's. For Mr, McCabe has duties under the law which direct the Federal Reserve to prevent injurious oredit expansion or contraction, It is, I believe, the fact that all the members of the Federal Reserve Board and of the Federal Open Market Commit- tee are agreed—including in his private views even Governor Vardaman—that the Treasury's insistence on the rigid support of a fixed-interest pattern is causing in« Jurious credit expansion that is highly inflae tionary. \ Mr. McCabe and his colleagues of the Fed- eral Reserve are under the law an independ. ent Government establishment. They are not supposed to take orders from or to be subjected to the pressure of the administra- tion. President Wilson, who was responsi< ble for the creation of the Federal Reserve System, treated the members of the Board with the same scrupulous respect for their independence that he gave to the judges of the Federal courts. There can be no doubt that it has been the intention of Congress that the Federal Reserve System should be independent. To emphasize this view Con- gress in the Banking Act of 1935 removed the Secretary of the Treasury and the Comp- troller of the Currency from the Federal Re- serve Board. Congreas acted then upon the advice of Senator Carter Glass, of Virginia, who had been Secretary of the Treasury un- der President Wilson. Senator Glass told the Senate that all Secretaries of the Treas- ury including himself have exercised undue influence over the board and have treated it rather as a bureau of the Treasury in- atead of as a board independent of the Gov- ernment * * * not to be used to finance the Federe] Government, which was assumed always to be able to finance itself. Mr. Truman does not, it appears, recoge Nize that the Federal Reserve {s an itnde- pendent establishment with duties which are laid upon it by the law, duties which it cannot, or at least should not, abandon because he asks the Board to do that. Mr. McCabe and his colleagues are in the awk- ward predicament of being asked, indeed, heavily pressed, by the President of the United States to do what under the law and their own unanimous judgment under that law they ought not to do. The President's memorandum comes close to saying that if they do not obey the Treas- ury, they will be interfering with the de- fense effort. This is duress employed to override thelr independence of judgment, It is not fair, indeed, it is highly improper, for the President to place them in a dilemma where if they do their duty under the law, they are made to appear as obstructora of the national defense. If the President be- lieves the emergency is such that the Fed- eral Reserve System should cease to be in- dependent and should become, as Senator Glass put it, a bureau of the Treasury, then he should accomplish that by asking Con- gress to amend the law and not by pressure trom the White House, In what was surely one of the ablest speeches delivered in the Senate for many a long day, Senator Dovoras said at the end, "I conclude with the plea that the Treasury abate its policies and yield on this issue, May I also enter oe plea that the Federal Reserve Board gird its legal loins and fulfill the responsibilities which I believe Congress intended it to have?” - It is asking a good deal of any board—~ especially in a time of national emergency, especially in a field which so few under- stand well enough to have strong viewe—that it should gird its legal loins and defy the President and his administration. Since Mr, Truman seems determined to make the iasue one where the Federal Reserve must choose between following its own judgment and obeying his instructions, there ts an {s<' sue which Congress alone can decide, Bena-* tor Dova.as has a resolution which would
t decide it, and it ahould be brought forward— far enough forward at least to offset the heavy whitch is being ¢xercised upon ithe President’s committes by the White Houne. Trim the Fat From the Defense Effort EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALLAN OAKLEY HUNTER \ OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, under ‘unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include an excel- lent editorial which appeared in the Sanger (Calif.) Herald of February 22, 1951, Certainly the ideas expressed in this editorial are representative of the thinking of many people in our Nation today. ‘There is nothing sacred about the military budget. The nature of mill- tary operations makes some waste in- evitable; nevertheless, every effort should be made to get the most out of money appropriated for defense. , The editorial follows: ' There is an old adage that says where there's smoke there's fire. Experience has proven that this is true in many cases. Ex-~ perience has also proved that in the Federal Government investigation has shown this to be true even when nothing was done to correct the faults. The wishy-washy mili- tary situation as far as manpower and eff- ciency is concerned seems to have thrown ‘up a lot of smoke. Certain investigation has ‘ghown that there Is a certain amount of fre in beck of this. But the military has always been more or less of a sacred cow in this country, without too many persons paying attention to it in peacetime. In wartime everyone treats the brass with kid gloves and gives them acco~ Jades if they happen to succeed in doing a job for which they have been trained and paid. The citizens of this country must awaken to the realization that money does not grow on trees—for the Government no more than for the private citizen. The tie-up between the Government and the military from the supply and manpower standpoint is extremely loose and inefficient, many times stupid and ‘wasteful, ‘The excess money being spent to ikeep the armed services going must be elim!- ‘mated or the country’s taxpayers will be in .bad shape and worse humor, | It hes come to Nght that it takes four men to keep an American soldier at the front, while in Russian and Ohinese opera- tions one man can keep from two to four men at the front. It 1s logical to assume that if we are to fight the Chinese and Russians and use our manpower to the ut- most, we must take steps to cut down this huge differential. t Biveryone who has been in the Army knows the waste of money there. This extends from the Pentagon in Washington down to the mess halis in the camps. The men in the military services should be treated well, but they need not be pampered and feted. Special services, entertainment teams, waste in the kitchens, and tco many personnel for the same job are but a few thstances. + The biggest waste of money is the jealous purchasing end of the deal. With millions of pounde of butter and eggs stored in caves eround the country, the Army officials went | into the open market and placed orders run- ning into the millions of doilars for butter and eggs. There was no effort at coopera tion between the iture and the Army. And the stored butter and eggs? They were practically given to Bu- ropean countries who have been extort- ing the United States ever since the war for money and materials with the threat that they will go Communist if not taken care of. All this ts quite spnseless. And it means money out of the pocket of every taxpayer. And who isn't 8 taxpayer these days? It is up to the people to put the pressure on Congress to put the preasure on the Govern- ment bureaus and the armed services to straighten up and begin acting in the in- } tereats of the United States. We are in for a long siege of military preparation and ac- tion. Let us trim our Armed Forces down to a fighting organization and take out the hoopla and drug store generals. Let us prepare to fight anywhere in the world, but in doing so let us not simper around the foreign countries and hand them lots of goodies just so they will say, “I might be on your side some time.” Time has shown that when the chips are down, most of these countries say, “I am on your side (just a little bit)." There are too many countries with vacillating Great Britain the chief of- fender and pusayfooter, doing business with the Russians to make a dollar and then standing up in the United Nations and say- ing what bad boys they are. Lest We Forget the Conspiracy To Defame Anna Rosenberg EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ARTHUR G. KLEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 15, 1951 Mr. KLEIN. Mr. Speaker, I am in- serting in the ConcressiowaL Recorp the newspaper column by Walter Winchell which appeared in most newspapers subscribing to the column on January 11,1951. This particular column is from the New York Daily Mirror. Since the column was printed the Committee on the Armed Services of another House has acted wisely and magnanimously in referring to the De- partment of Justice for appropriate action the perjured and vicious testi- mony offered in derogation of Mrs. Anna Rosenberg, who has been confirmed as the Assistant Secretary for National De- fense in charge of manpower problems, and who already has proved the astute- ness of the Secretary, General Marshall, in choosing her. It is my sincere hope, and I know that it is the sincere hope of every decent American, that grounds can and will be found for appropriate legal action against the witnesses who falsely ac- cused her of a multitude of gins, Our libel laws do not permit of action against others, not witnesses, who pur- sued this valiant and intelligent woman with crude vulgarities and le dImnuendoes; I hope that some good can fome from the evil that has been APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Ordinarily I would see Httle potnt in the iusertion of matter almowt 2 Ronis old. Here, however, we have an example of deliberate effort. to destroy the char- acter and reputation created by a life- time of hard work-—an effort which seems to have many of the components of @ conspiracy, and definitety to bear the infamous brands of perjury and malice. We must not forget, and we must not allow the law enforcement agencies to forget, that this happened. Mr. Win- chell’s column is a concise summary of events and an excellent reminder. I am sure that you will agree, Mr. Speaker, that what we seek here is not any limitation on the right of individ- vals to come forward with views and opinions on pending legislation, includ- ing the examination of nominees for high office, What we do want is to make sure that no person, in the name of free speech and democratic privilege, shall need- Jessly defame a public figure from malice or from mere publicity-seeking. We are protecting the right of free speech and the sanctity of the oath as well as pro- tecting public servants ‘from baseless canards. The text of the column follows: {From the New York Dally Mirror of January 11, 1951] Waiter Winowei, IN New Yor MEMO TO THE EDITORS (AND THE U. 8. SZNATE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE) Three weeks ago 18 members of the United Btates Senate conspleted taking testimony against the new Assistant Secretary of De- fense, Anna M. Rosenberg. When all the evi. dence was in, the committee—and the Na- tion—were convinced beyond a shadow of doubt that the accusers were guilty af mak- ing charges based only on hearsay, unsup- ported rumor, and probable falsehood. Mrs. Rosenberg was cleared, though her reputation was tarred and feathered without mercy. The committee itself had been forced to waste 10 important daya at a time when the Senators and Mrs. Rosenberg could have been making vital decisions in prepar- ing America's defenses against an imminent war with Russia. There was taik of perjury indictments— but only talk. Nothing has been done to bring the culprits to task. Here’s the whole dirty behind-the-scosnes story. We offer it in the hope it will prompt the Senate committee to recommend indictments—in order that this near “Dreyfus case” never be permitted to happen again in this country. On December 6 the committee announced it was reopening the hearings on the nomi- nation of Mrs. Rosenberg. A ‘eesman had advised he had a witness who wished to testify that Mra. Rosenberg had been & Communist fellow traveler, active in the John Reed Ciub movement. The witness presented was One Benjamin Freedman. Let's Hft the manhole cover Just a little and take a peck sewer: Freedman is” Hitler's friend, the Grand Mufti, Two ago Freedman wae Geacribed by a New York as « “crackpot and international med- diler.” For the last couple of years he has been the financial angel the dirtiest hate sheet in the Mast. ‘ of Common Sense,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Communist transmigston-belt organization, and that the FBI files would prove Mrs, Rosenberg was 4 serious security risk, Were these statements true? The person named as Mrs. Rosenberg's “agent” for planting spies in schools appeared before the committee and testified that the accusa- tion was an outrageous He. The charge that the Assistant Defense Secretary was active in the Commie-front known as the John Reed Club was also proved false when the FBI pro- duced the “Anna Rosenberg” actually in- volved. Freedman’s sworn testimony that the FBI files challenged Mrs. Rosenberg’s loyalty was exploded when J. Edgar Hoover opened his records. Senator Carn, who examined them, reported that the file “was highly com- plimentary to the personal character, to the competence and capacity and to the loyalty” of Mrs. Rosenberg. (Freedman named a former Dies commit- tee investigator as his source for the alleged FBI opinion. When that source was called to testify, he swore that his source was two ex-FBI agents, one of whom was Ted Kirkpatrick, editor of Red Channels. The G-men had told him, the ex-Dies com- mittee detective said, that a William Harris had informed the Bureau that Mrs Rosen- berg had been a member of his (Harris’) Commie cell, but Kirkpatrick appeared and testified that he had never told the Dies man or anyone else any such thing—and that in fact he had never heard any such story from Harris. Then Harris appeared before the committee and confirmed Kirkpatrick's testimony. Harris swore he never made the statement.) The second witness against Mrs. Rosen- berg was one Ralph DeSola. A glance at his record’ DeSola was a member of the Communist Party from September 1934 to January 1937. During that period he was the managing editor of two Commie publi- cations and a leading figure in the John Reed Club. DeSola swore to the committee that he was a member of the John Reed Club with Mrs. Rosenberg. He named James Magraw as the individual who had identified Mrs. Rosenberg to him as an important CP mem- ber. But Magraw came before the committee to swear that he (Magraw) was never a mem- ber of the John Reed Club; never knew Anna Rosenberg and never identified her to DeSola, DeSola also swore to the committee that he had talked about Mrs. Rosenberg several times to George Starr, an FBI agent. But ex-FBI Agent George Starr (who later be- came State Department security officer for New York) then came to testify DeSola had never mentioned Mrs, Rosenberg to him in any way whatsoever, This is to tell the Senate committee that Freedman and DeSola were not operating alone. They were part and parcel of a whole bigoted movement, created to destroy tile new Assistant Secretary of Defense. Take & look at some of the hate rags and hate mongers who supported the efforts of the two discredited witnesses: (1) West coast bigot, Maj. Robert H. Wil- \iams, professional pamphleteer (who uses his former Army rank for prestige), pub- Meshed all the false charges and advised his readers to urge Congress to act against Mrs. Rosenberg’s appointment, (2) Wesley Swift, Gerald Smith’s Cali- fornia stooge, urged his followers to write to Washington to protest Mrs. Rosenberg’s appointment. Swift tcld his suckers Gen- eral Marshall’s new assistant was not only a Jewess, but an alien from Budapest with socialistic ideas. (8) From Arcadia, Calff, came a filth sheet called National Defense, published by ex-Congressman John P. Hoeppel (the for. mer mis-Representative who went to prison for selling Weat Point appointments). Hoeppel urged Mrs, Rosenberg be turned down as a menace. Of course, Gerald Smith was active bee hind the scenes from the very dirty begin- ning. Smith distributed an anti-Rosenberg circular throughout Washington, mailing it to every Senator and Representative. From Washington, Smith sent his follow- ere @ series of messages during the course of the Senate investigation. Smith took a major share of credit for bringing Anna Rosenberg's Red record to the attention of the Armed Services Committee Excerpts from Smith’s drivel: “I spent all of yester- day working on a very important and strate- gic enterprise. * * * I organized a staff of three people who immediately began to contact Membors of Congress and the United States Senate, while I, in turn, contacted several. We succeeded in delaying the con- firmation of the Rosenberg appointment, * * * We contacted three important committees and 10 Members of the United Btates Senate.” Obviously, a fraud has been perpetrated on the Senate of the United States. The only way to guarantee against a repetition of this kind of slimy racket is to indict those re- sponsible for it. Testimony of Hon. Albert W. Hawkes at the Joint Hearing on the Wherry Resolution EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ROBERT A. TAFT OF OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. TAFT. Mr. President, I ask unani- mous consent to have printed in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp the testimony of Hon. Albert W. Hawkes at the joint hear- ing on the Wherry resolution before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the Senate Armed Services Committee, on February 20, 1951. There being no objection, the testi- mony was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: My name is Albert W. Hawkes, of Mont- clair, N. J. I am a former United States Senator from New Jersey and have heen president of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, and am now chairman of the executive committee of the American Coalition of Patriotic, Civic, and Fraternal Societies of the United States. I appear here today at the invitation of this joint committee and my testimony will be offered both as that of an individual American citizen and as an expression of the position undertaken by the American Coalition. May I explain that the American Coalition is comprised of 96 societies representing more than 6,000,000 Americans from all sections of the United States. It doe: not necessar~ ily speak for every individual in these socl- eties, but the results from a vote in these organizations is similar to the election vote in our Nation—it speaks for the majority. As it is constituted, ita board of directors is made up of the heads of these individual societies, and the head of each individual organization votes as the representative of his group at the American Coalition meete ings. Last Saturday, February 17, 1051, at @ meeting of 570 members of 58 socteties par- ticipating in the American Coalition in New York City, the following resolution was A1083. unanimousty adopted as the American Coalition's position on the vital question’ before the country as to the advisability of garrisoning a large standing army in Burope for an unknown period of time: “As representative of 68 patriotic organi+ zations in convention assembled “We pledge to the Congress of the United States our suppor in the exeroise of its cone stitutional authority to determine when and where American troops shall be gare risoned in foreign lands. “We urge the President and the Congress to avoid commitments abroad of our mili- tary and economic resources which may weaken the defense of this hemisphere, or jeopardize the independent action of our own Government, “We further urge that the President and the Congress, in «he exercise of their sepa- Tate constitutional functions, exact fram our allies adequate military guaranty to avoid another Korea in which American troops are called upon to do most of the fighting and dying.” In appearing here today, I wish to em- phatically state that I am not a military expert, nor do I appear here for any other purpose than to bring about unity among our Representatives and the people of the United States on this vital question before the committee. Unity of purpose, if possible to obtain, ts more important than anything I can think of, except fidelity to the Constitution and one’s Own conscience, In an 8,000-mile trip I have made from coast to coast, on which I have talked to thousands of our citizens, I find them all wondering why the President of the United States does not crave congressional authori- gation and approval of such a momentous question as sending hundreds of thousands, 4f not millions, of our boys into foreign countries to engage in a possible world war III. Some of his supporters say the Con- gresa is too slow to act. Hence, they would circumvent, if not violate, the provisions of the Constitution of the United States. His supporters are willing to violate the ine tent, if not the letter, of the Constitution, as well as the intent, if not the letter, of the so- called North Atlantic Pact. The people generally controvert this state. ment by referring to the fact that it took less than an hour for the Congress of the United States to declare war at the start of World War II. Some Senators even fatled to be in their seats for the vote because it happened so quickly. I think the Representatives of the people in Congress can be trusted to do what is necessary to protect the welfare of the peo- ple if we or the nations party to the Atiantio Pact are attacked by some other nation determined to make war. Even the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the Honorable Tom CONNALLY, said in the report of his come mittee to the Senate on June 6, 1940, rae ferring to the North Atlantic Treaty (and I quote from page 19, as follows): “It has been questioned whether a treaty subordinating action to the constitutional processes of 12 democratic nations offers suf- ficient certainty and immediacy of action effectively to deter aggression, The commits tee is convinced that it does. The expres- sion of the will of 9 whole people offers far more certainty than any commitment by a dictator. The action of the democracies in the past great war is concrete evidence of their ability to act with the necessary speed in the event of an emergency.” It was statements like that and the reply of Secretary of State Acheson to Senator Hriokxn1oorsr and the statements of the se- nior Republican Senator ArtHUa H. Vanpen- BERG, as Well as the telegram sent by Presl- dent Truman from Potsdam at the time of our entering into the United Nations, all of which statements were to the effect that the
A1086 ion of sending troops to fight under the United Nations and the quastion of sending troops abroad to function under the North Atlantic Pact, should be left to Con which influenced many Senators in voting for both the United Nations and the North Atlantic Pact. , One of the great objections the American people have against a dictatorship is that one man, supplemented by a few members of the inner circlc, deems himself wise enough to dectde the fate of vast numbers of people without consulting them through their chosen representatives. Again, I say, I should think the President of the United States would welcome the acceptance of responsibility in this vitally ‘mportan’ ques- tion by the Congress of the United States. My experience in my interviews with great numbers of the American people is that our efforts to stop war and fulfill our obligations under the North Atlantic Pact will be fruit- ful only if the will of the people is back of them—only if they are satisfied that their chosen representatives are acting wisely in the use of our manpower and economic means. Our people are fast becoming aware of two things: (1) That the waste of our economic means, if continued, leads to na- tional bankruptcy, and that leads to social- ism or communism, and (2) the waste and destruction of our manpower and the brains required to lead the Nation likewise leads to soctalism or communism. if anyone doubts this, let him talk to the best informed Britishers. It is for these reasons and many others, with which I will not take up your time, but which reasons are in the minds of all alerted Americans today, that I personally, and as the representative of the American Coalition above referred to, am wholeheart- edly in favor of the resolution adopted by the representatives of 58 of the participating organizations assembled in New York City lat Saturday, February 17. It is for these reasons that I favor the Wherry resolution (8. Res. 8) of January 8, 1951, which reads: “Resolved, That it is the sense of the Sen- ate that no ground forces of the United States should be assigned to duty in the Zu- ropean area for the purposes of the North Atlantic Treaty pending the adoption of a policy with respect thereto by the Congress.” My only son is buried in Arlington Ceme- tery as one of the casualties of World War qm. I am certain, gentlemen, if I had two or three more boys subject to draft or enlist~ ment I would not want them precipitated into a situation which borders on war and precipitated from that border into a fight- ing war on foreign soil bscause of the opine jon and decision of one man, even though he be the President of the United States. I would want them to respect the law. I would want them to do their full duty in military service to defend their country. But I would want the chosen representatives of the people in Congress assembled to deter- mine their fate of life or death. I would like to have inserted in the min- utes of this hearing my address before the Sons of the American Revolution end Daugh- ters of the American Revolution on Febru- ary 18, 1051, in New Jersey. The Big Steal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GARDNER R. WITHROW OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr. WITHROW. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend and revise | my remarks, I include therein an edito- rial which appeared in the February 24, 1951, Vet-Times, the national newspaper of veterans’ affairs. As a Member of Congress, I sincerely hope that the con- ferees will be able to work out a satisfac- tory solution to the problems presented by the passage of h. &. 1 by the House of Representatives. The editorial follows: Tur Bia STEAL The big steal is on. A lazy playing puppet to the inefficient Veterans’ Administration and looking for a cheap way out—was prepared this week to rob past, present, and future veterans of their long-cherished and valu- able right to obtain and retain low: cost Gov- ernment life insurance, one of the few per- manent benefits veterans derive from service to their country in time of war. Aside from the traditional laziness of Congress and the extravagant inefficiency of VA, we think the blame for this uncOnscion- able robbery lies directly at the doorsteps of three of the major veterans’ organizations— the Veterans of Foretgn Wars, the Disabled Veterans, and the American Veterans of World War II (AMVETS). To a lesser degree, it aleo Mes with the American Legion. Under the temporary free-insurance plan, which the House has twice passed and which the Senate is scheduled to pass at this writ- ing, the Government assumes no greater re- sponsibility for paying benefits to survivors of insured men killed in action than it al- ready shoulders. The plan does deny to those not killed or disabled the opportunity to retain and pay for low-cost Government insurance after their separation from serv- ice. It sends them back into civilian life uninsured, subject to high commercial rates which increased during their service, and in many cases economically unable immediate- ly to take out the commercial protection which their families nee 1. The major vet organizations advance the rather specious argument that fatiure of some 9,000,000 World War II veterans to keep their national service life insurance policies indicates that there was no real interest in retaining this benefit. This is nonsense, pure and simple. Just what significance do the VFW, DAV, and AMVETS attach to the fact that more than 6,000,000 did hold onto their policies; that s great many of them converted to permanent plans of insurance; or to the fact that thousands upon thousands of War I vet- erans still retain-~and pay for—United States Government life insurance protec- tion? We appreciate the destre of the veterans’ organizations to make certain that the fami- lies—or the survivors—of servicemen are equally and adequately protected against the extra hazards of war. On that score we agree that every man entering the service should be given a free $10,000 poltocy. But this should be in addition to any other Govern- gent insurance which he has or would like to have—and for which he pays out of his own pocket. Since the end of World War II, the vet- erans' organizations have been in the van- guard of those urging that compensation rates be increased to meet the ever-rising im the form of paid NSLI or USGLI— to a maximum of $10,000, payable over & 40-year period, in monthly installmente or 9092.00—about 923 a week. If a veterans already is carrying N&ii— and is paying for it out of his own pockst— APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD why can't he, too, receive # $10,000 free tn- surance policy so that his family will be pro- tected adequately in the event of his death? Similarly, why can't a young man entering the service for the first time receive the free indemnity insurance and also buy and pay for additional NSLI insurance? A $10,000 insurance policy today is worth just about half what it was worth during World War I or the early days of World War TI. Yet the major veterans’ organizations which presume to represent the Nation's fighting men have not even suggested that Congress make some adjustment. Clearly, those organizations which support the $10,- 000 maximum coverage are either blind to economic reality, hypnotized by tradition, or careless of the welfare of those . whose dollars and support they seek. We'd venture to assert that a commercial life insurance agent would lose his job to- morrow if he failed to advise a prospective client that a $10,000 policy today is worth only half as much as @ similar policy 15 or 20 years ago. If, in these days, the leaders of our ma- jor veterans’ organizations think that the widows and children of men killed in action can exist—let alone survive—on & meager $23 a week, they are living in a fool’s para- dise. ENNIO Universal Training: A Fraud EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOWARD H. BUFFETT OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. BUFFETT. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following article, en- titled “Universal Training: A Fraud,” by Hoffman Nickerson. I recommend its reading to my col- leagues: UnivensaL Trainmna: A Fraup (By Hoffman Nickerson) Compulsory universal military training without automatic Mability for service is an absolute fraud. Universal military training and service are frauds as far as the present emergency is concerned because it is physi- cally impossible to start such & system quickly. Universal Hability for service and compulsory selective service are necessary evils in an emergency. On the other band, since compulsion is at best & necessary evil, and aince one of the worst features of our time is the wide- spread enthustesm for clubbing people into uniformity, lovers of liberty should do their level best to make certain that the present emergency ehal] not be used to put our country into # permanent strait-jacket. The iron logic of military necessity and military efficiency should be our sole guide, and the “mania for compulsion’—es & recent num- per of the Freeman aptly called it—should pe shunned like the plague. Of course, a minimum of compulsion is to those weaknesses. other words, war ig ® commmunal thing, end the great wars of our time make huge doses of Uision
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which the monstrous leviathan states of today have grown #0 great. Historically, the longest single invasion of individual liber. tles was perpetrated when the Revolution- ary French Republic proclaimed the levy in mass not merely for home defense but for general military service. Napoleon contin- ued the system; after his fall, Prussia added compulsory and universal peacetime train- ing. and, after 1870, all Europe more or less copied Prussta. Oddly enough, although eociologists are now as thick as files in sum- mertime, the relation between war and the eocial order has been little studied. If the statemen. that mass armies and great wars hive beer. a chief factor in pushing Europe toward Marxism seems a little bold, at least the:' have not prevented most of Europe from going Marxist. For years past an active propaganda has tried to blur the truth that compulsion is it best a necessary evil. The ink was hardly dry on the German and Japanese surrenders before the War Department began hollering for universal compulsion; not for any emergency then visible to the public or apparently to our leaders but just for the hell of it. In the first place, a peacetime mass army is inappropriate to the geographical situation and therefore to the national strat- egy of the United Statea—a fundamental point to which we shal] return later in this article. In the second place, the raising of & mass army would have flatly contradicted the wholesale demobilization of our Ground Forces then in progress, which demobilization was based upon the idea that the Soviets would honor their obligations; nor is there the slightest reason to believe that the high command of our Army was more foreseeing thai our political leaders, as to what the Soviets would actually do, for not one Army officer risked his career in order to protest publicly against the general demobilization of 1945, as various naval officers afterward protested against what now appears to have been a subsequent error in military policy; 4, e.. overemphasis upon that form of whole- sale baby killing politely known as strategic bombing. The high point of comp‘iision plus mill- tary inefficiency was reached in the 1947 re~ port of the President’s Advisory Commission on Universal Training. That military mon- strosity would have forced all our young men into uniform for 6 months without add- ing a single recruit to any of the active services, and would have increased the civil- ian components only slowly and uncertainly by means of a complicated series of options, which in many cases could have been jug- gled around until the cows c.me home. This feat of now-you-see-it-and-now-you-don't prestidigitation would have been accom- plished by setting up an enormous training corps, not under military law but on'y under a watered-down version thereof, The re- sulting need for a considerable army of in- structors and caretakers from the regular services would have seriously diminished the available striking power of those services. The scheme also sprouted a lush crop of political jokers, all calculated to increase centralized Federal power without even a pretense of genuine military advantage. Congress rightly refused to enact the absurd proposal, but its soul still goes marching on—or rather lurching on—as we shall see in @ moment, Instead, in 1948, Congress enacted a sen- sible selective service Jaw under which the drafted men, after a necessary minimum of recruit training, go directly into organized, regular units where they can learn from their more experienced comrades as well as from their instructors. A notable merit of such &@ system is that it is flexible. Within wide limits it permits the speeding up or slowing down of recruitment according to the evi- dent necessities of the near future. So matters stood when our President took the doubtful step of scrapping the Defense Department war plan which called for only the use of American naval and air forces in case of an invasion of South Korea. The hell which promptly broke loose after the landing of United States ground troops in Korea has at least had the melancholy merit of reminding us of realities. Alas, our military age of innocence is not yet over, Only the other day Oscar Ewing proposed high-school universal military training. That apostle of socialized medi- eine said that “If * * © necessary the high-school period might be * * °* 5& years instead of the present 4 in order to achieve the basic training goal,” and that under his plan the young would be “kept out of Army camps almost until the time they were ready for field service.” In other words, near readiness for field service is to be de- veloped on the athletic fields of high schools. Similarly, the senior high-school students of a New York Times youth forum unani- mously agreed that universal militery train- ing should be instituted now. Disregarding these straws in the wind, a sinister symptom of the attempt to rivet permanent compulsions upon us under cover of the present emergency appears in the current circular of the Military Training Camps Association. That body is the suc- cessor of the so-called Plattsburg group which, in collaboration with the late Gen. Leonard Wood, did admirable work in train- ing prospective officer candidates Just be- fore our entry into World War I. Today its letter paper is headed by the names of three civilian aides to the Secretary of the Army, and its executive committee includes a num- ber of eminent and greatly respected men, most of them from the New York area and practically all of them of a conservative sort. Unfortunately, however, they consider that permanent universal military training and service would strengthen our institutions and our social order, and seem blind to the e°cial aspect of the matter as a step toward socialism by increasing the already excessive powers of our nominally Federal Govern- ment. Accordingly, their circular recom- mends “a durable military manpower law suited as well for times of peace as for pare tial and for total mobilization.” The first of thelr alternative proposals is “universal military training at 18 for 1 year with service only if called”; their second “universal mill- tary service at 19 for 2 years"; and only in third place do they speak of “selective service at ages 19 to 26 or 2 years.” Proposal No. 1 is unrealistic in itself and unrelated to the present emergency. As far as purely military policy 1s concerned, train- ing without lability for service is only a complicated mumbo-jumbo which would produce a minimum of actual military re- sults at a maximum cost in money and loss of manpower. No. 2, although not a sham like No, 1, is nevertheless unsatisfactory in point of age, and still more because it would be an inflexible, rigid method of raising a large army. The average company com- meander would much prefer to have a sprin- kling of men in their early twenties and even in their late twenties as ballast for his 19- year-old recruits, The personnel section of any general staff would like to be able to regulate the flow of recruits according to the need for them instead of having to train an annual “class” of fixed numbers. The same fault of rigidity characterizes the plan proposed by President Conant, of Harvard, who would like to see all valid young men drafted for 2 years or 27 months of military service at 18 or at the end of high school, whichever is later. He also sug- gests that those physically imcapable of armed service should be drafted for such duties as they can perform. Those familiar with his political attitudes, his scandalous tolerance of fellow-traveling professors, his enthusiasm for raising the already confisca- tory rates of the inheritance tax, his desire A1087 to put our universities under Federal con< trol by grants of Federal tax moneys, and his repetitions of the Communist slogan of “@ classless society,” will not be astonished at his desire to regiment even those physi-« cally handicapped, Fortunately, the Conant plan has been promptly attacked by the executive commit< tee of the Association of Colleges and Uni- versities of the State of New York, which committee has pointed out the educational and military unwisdom of calling up entire age groups at one time. General Hershey's Selective Service Scientifie Advisory Service Committee has done even better. Under the leadership, so it is said, of President Charles W. Cole, of Amherst, that body has Opposed universal training altogether, and is advocating extended selective service inatead. When counsels are divided, it is wise ta go back to first principles. First, where and for what purposes was universal training de~ veloped? Next, how does geography neces- sarily affect our national strategy? Finally, what is—so far—the nature of the present emergency? Universal training originated in Europe among nations separated only by land fron- tiers across which men can walk, or by rivers across which bridges can be thrown. Under these conditions military efficiency meant the cheapest possible method of raising the larg- est possible trained army which could be hurled into action at the utmost possible speed. Before World War I every valid Frenchman was trained and kept with the colors for 3 years, while other countries fol- lowed the same pattern a little less strenu- ously. The essence of the system was the enormous mass of trained reserves, of which the younger classes in various countries were kept up to scratch by frequently recalling them for maneuvers. After about 20 years of universal training, a general mobilization would call up a tenth of the entire popula- tion, say roughly a fifth of all males. Every reservist Knew the exact place at which he must report within a few hours, and at that place his entire equipment was waiting for him. Next to numbers, the prime necessity was speed. One day saved in mobilizing might well make all the difference between triumph and disaster. For instance, in 1914 it was the Germans’ ability to use reserve divisions from the first days of mobilization which brought France to the ragged edge of immediate and total defeat. But note well that in order to get the full benefit from such a system you muat have land frontiera, numbers rather than highly specialized equipment must be decisive, and the system must have been practiced continuously for the better part of a generation. Now as far as ail other great powers are concerned, the United States is strategically an island, Flying has, indeed, altered the applications of this truth, but the basic truth remains. If anyone thinks that air- planes have abolished the effect of distance and salt water upon strategy, he should get his head examined. In any great war we or our opponents must cross elther vast oceans or almost uninhabitable Arctic wastes, Com- mand of the sea, insofar as the sea and the air over it can be commanded, is vital. Thus the bottleneck of military effort on either side cannot be merely the number of trained men available. It must be the fighting and carrying capacity of the avall- able planes and ships, Since shipping and plane tonnage are the necessary foundation of all United States strategy, the ideal United States Army would be a sort of glorified Ma- rine Corps, an elite hody which strives for quality rather than quantity for the simple reason that one good shot makes at leaat as many hits on the enemy as two bad shots, and requires only half as much cargo-carry- ing tonnage to support him overseas. Of course, there must also be a cadre of officers
A1088 and noncoms to train replacements and re- gerves. But no United States mass army, even if complete to the jast buttan, could ever be rushed into action like the conti- nental European armed hordes. The reader may ponder the title of a book on the sup- ply system for the Normandy campaign, Ten Million Tons to Eisenhower. Finally, even the outlines of the present emergency are not clear. This is by no means 8 plea for altting back and taking things easy—far from it. It is a mere state- ment of fact thet our chief possible enemy, who is known to hold strong cards, has not yet fully shown his hand, and that there is grave doubt as to who would really be on our gide in a show-down, and to what extent. These uncertainties demand the utmost elasticity in our own military policy. In any case we must be strong at sea and in the atr-—the two are today inextricable. We maust also be much stronger on the ground than we now are; the idea of getting a mill- tary decision by air alone against an enemy who holds a vast continental land mass is too doubtful to bother about. The real questions are: How much of our total re- sources should go into armed preparedness and how much into strengthening our own economy? Also, what proportion of our armed preparedness should go into a ground army? The present emergency results from the clash between Communist expansion and Soviet imperialism on one side and the Tru- man doctrine of “containing communism everywhere” on the other side. Since the United States has only about 6 percent of the world’s population, the simon-pure Tru- man doctrine is bunk—if any sufficiently large local group of the remaining 94 percent ehoose or permit themselves to go Commu- nist, we could not stop them with United States armed force alone. Even if we made ourselves a semi-Sovietized slave state, still our regourees would be insufficient if we did not have strong non-American support. If we do not limit our military commit- ments, we should prepare our minds for a series of bigger and worse Koreas. In the Far East we have little cholce except either to get off the Asiatic mainland or to use ermies of Asiatics to do most of the fight- . In Europe, General Eisenhower, as Hanson Baldwin truly says, commands only & “shadow force” of 19 western divisions, whereas the Soviets have 80 divisions in Eastern Germany, 60 in tlelr European satel- lites, and 145 in the U. 8. S. R., a total of 238. Should the Red Army march, we would be lucky !f any European front forward of the Pyrenees could be held. The proposition ts up to the west Buro- peans. If they cannot begin promptly to do ® great deal more for themselves than they have been doing, then our only logical moves will be either back to pan-American- ism or the holding of minimum footholds in the Old World from which future offensives could be launched. For such strategies, sea and alr power plus a moderate-sived army would suffice, The existing situation puts a premium on the flexibility which selective gervice can give, and universal service by “classes” cannot. Joseph H. McGann Seaman EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES C. AUCHINCLOSS OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr, AUCHINCLOSS. Mr. Speaker, f am grateful for the permission to ex- tend my remarks in the Recorp and in- clude the article appearing in yester~ day's Evening Star by Mary MoGrory about one of the finest and most faithful men who has ever served his country, Joseph H, MeGann, the clerk of the Committee on Public Works. Ever since I came to Congress about 8 years ago, when I became a member of the Committee on Rivers and Har- bors, I have had the pleasure of being more or less closely associated with Mr, McGann and in a position to observe him. For about 50 years he has served on the staff of the Rivers and Harbors Committee and he continued when later it was absorbed into the Committee on Public Works. His patience and unfail- ing courtesy is only matched by his sin- cere love for the work that he is doing and the ,vast knowledge which he has acquired about the physical problems and the natural resources of the United States, His character and trustworthiness have been recognized by Republicans and Democrats alike throughout the years because he has always been se~ lected to continue at his important post, no matter what party was in control, Mary McGrory in her article tells the story of Joseph McGann's success, which js simply that he is so happy and engrossed in his work that he has no idea of retiring because, as he put it, “I wouldn't know what to do.” I wish every Member of Congress could have had the opportunity and the privilege of knowing this man as I have because I can testify that his friendship is an inspiration to every good American, Mary McGrory’'s story follows: Josrren H. McGann Knew Concrerss WHEN (By Mary MoGrory) Last week, for the fourth time since 1941, hearings on the 8t. Lawrenoe seaway opened before the House Public Works Committee. As usual, the proceedings were stage-man- aged by Joseph H. McGann, clerk of the committee and its faithful servant for 49 years. Once all the relevant documents were on each Member's desk and all the witnesses and spectators herded in, he sat down at his desk in front of the chairman and began to take a few selective notes in the Pitman shorthand he learned so long ago in his native town of Cleveland, Ohio. Man and boy, Mr. McGann has been Isten- ing to the pros and cons of the St. Lawrence scheme, and could probably pinch-hit for any of the witnesses on either side. An inland-waterways man from way back, he's been wondering about it since the days he worked for the Great Lakes Steamers in Cleveland. It was during the 8 weeks’ off-season in the office, when the Lakes were frozen over, that Mr. McGann, then 29, was prevailed upon by Representative Burton, Republican, of Ohio, to come down to Washington and give him a hand tem: ily with the work of the Rivers and Harbors Committee, of which Mr. Burton was then chairman. Mr. McGann wae reluctant, but he finally agreed. Like almost everyone else who ever came to Washington temporarily, he stayed on. Now, at 79, he has rolled up the longest record of uninterrupted service in congressional ane ne . A spry, neat, dry little man, Mr, McGann looks back over a lifetime of hard work and considerable change in the congressional world he knows like the palm of hia hand, One.of those dedicated, anonymous Govern iment workers whose job has become his life, he is better at figures than at names, But APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD he can reel off the nine committee chairmen he has served without a moment's hesitation. His memory goes back to a more incon- venient, informal era in Congress, when the House had only 357 Members, and only Members lucky enough to be committee chairmen had offices in the Capitol, He oan recall, for instance, when the House bad its own mail delivery system, and horse- drawn wagons made the rounds eight times a day to Members’ boarding houses ot apart- ments. Moat of the legislators had to con- duct their business at home, In November of 1902, when Mr. McGann brought his bride back from Cleveland to a boarding house on North Capitol Street, the congressional secretaries who lived above and below them used to be clacking away at their typewriters far into the night. It was the only time and place they could do their correspondence. Looking forward to their golden wedding anniversary, the McGanns now live at 1845 Park Road NW. One of the big considerations in a Con- gressman’s life, tn those old days, was seeds— vegetable and flower seeds, five varieties of each, sent on request to constituents, Con- gress yoted $50,000 a year for the purpose. The seeds, packed in envelopes and gath- ered into huge mail sacks, used to be deliv- ered to the congressional secretaries for mail- ing at the boarding houses. “Bome nights I’d come home and the sacks would be piled so high around the door I couldn't get in,” says Mr. McGann. ‘Then we'd leave them lying around the Office at the Capitol, and the mice would get into them. Oh, we'd have an awful time.” The first bill the young McGann worked on. was the rivers and harbors bill of 1902, which carried an appropriation of 863,000,000. This year, the President asked for $620,000,000 for rivers and harbors and flood control. Another change Mr. MoGann has observed ie that they don't have the orators they used to. He can remember when Representative Burton would call them up to hurry over whenever one of the House's rea) spellbinders got to his feet. Mr. McGann’s favorite was John Sharp Williams, of Mississippi, Demo- cratic floor leader from 1903 to 1907, “the best rough-and-tumble debater in the House.” E. Bourke Cochran, a Democratic Member from New York, waa another one who could make the rafters ring. Now, of course, under the 5-minute rule in the House, & man can scarcely clear his throat, much Jess work up to the classical references. Hearings were a much more perilous busl- ness. Everybody jammed into the one-room committee office, and the air got so foul that on several occasions Congressmen collapsed, They had some sort of ventilation gadget, but tt poured cold alr down the nearest legislator’s neck, so they couldn't use it. The work isn't as hard as it used to be in the old days when they worked 14 hours a day getting bills ready. But it still absorbs Mr. McGann. And he is not looking forward to retirement. “I wouldn’t know what to do,” he says. The Quest for Peace EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. EDWARD J. THYE ' OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE GF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 1 Qegislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. THYS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Grabbing the Peace Ball,” writ-
APPENDIX ‘TO THE CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD ten by Malvina Lindsay and published in the Washington Post of March 1, 1081, There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: GRABBING THE Prace BALL (By Maivina Lindsay) TREND FROM NEGATIVISM There are some faint signs that at last Americans are doing a little more to grab the peace offenaive from the Kremlin—and this despite the current louder notse made by the war-is-here, drop-the-bomb crowd. A movement is growing here to differen- ttate between the Russian people and their rulers. There is aleo increasing popular de« mand that the Nation announce and retter« ate its ultimate peace aims. The construc- tive idea of war prevention back of point 4 lg beginning to take stronger hold of the imagination of grass-roots leaders, and the American prayer movement for peace—re- ceutly given momentum by the United Lay- men’s noon prayer practice instituted on Washington's Birthday—is snowballing. One handicap to peace strategy here has been that the Soviet, having appropriated the word “democracy,” then took over the word “pesce’—lock, stock, and barrel. Many of the peace movements tn this country and elsewhere have been Communist-inspired. Many timid, expedient, and even normally self-protective Americans have been 80 frightened by such things and by the general jitters over communism that the Soviet has been left sione with the peace ball to make ®@ big play to the grandstand. But now there is some clamor that this country, and the western democracies as well, stop being outmaneuvered on the peace front. One of the first steps in doing this, many authorities on the Soviet Union be- Heve, is for both citizens and leaders alike to try more of Stalin's technique in their public utterances. The fact that Soviet leaders have been careful to direct their vituperation to American imperialists, Wall Streeters, governmental warmongers, and not to the American people shows Kremlin respect for such strategy. hb ‘Yet loose talk about the evil Ruselans—~ rather than their tyrants—continues to be heard in Congress and on every streetcar. A pledge on the part of every American to substitute Soviet, Kremlin, Politburo for Russian in speaking of Soviet aggression might be one simple step in peace strategy, | Experts on the Russian situation con- stantly advise that the West's best hope of stabilizing the world lies in not allenating the great masses of Russian people because they may ultimately be its best help in re- moving history's latest upsurge of tyranny, The newly organized Friends of Fighters for Russian Freedom are working along this line, | David J. Dallin, a leading authority on the Soviet Union, emphasizes in his just published book, The New Soviet Empire, that the Russian revolution has lost the devo- tton cof the Russian people, though it stil retains a large measure of their loyalty. _ Several moves in peace strategy have re« mtly been made in Congress. Senator MoMawon and 22 other Senators intro- Guced a resolution expreasing friendship for the Russian people. Americans discontented over their country’s negativism tn the cold war should see that this resolution is adopted with all the attendant publicity possible. » Genator Raurm EB. Puanpers recently called for more disarmament proposals, These ot least would provide peace propaganda for the Voice of America and other information agencies to hurl at peoples behind the tron curtain and around the world, As Pastor Martin Niemoeller, of Germany, recently ted out, one of the major problems con ting Germany today ts how to combat, in non-Communist terms, the peace offen- sive with which it is daily battered by Come XCVII~App.—-—49 munists. He emphasized that had to be made in order that countorpropanenda could answer the Cominform, 6 moat vigorous, spontaneous expression of the American search for a peace formula is the prayer movement. This is something more than a vague supplication for the millennium, Many of the manifold prayer groups now operating—one atarted by @ Btate Department employee as a personal Pp oject has enlisted 1,700 organizations—are engaged in meditation, study, self-searching. The United Laymen, a group of business and professional men which is trying to co- ordinate the Nation’s prayer force, is espe- cially seeking concrete action. Its prayer formula is that each individual ask guidance about what he personally can do to further peace in the world—and naturally in his own environment and in himself. Quiet though all these efforts have been, they poa- peas & vitality that holds promise of reviving in the Nation its old positive spirit of leader~ ship that it has manifested in the highest moments of its history. Address by Former Senator Joha A. Dana- her at the Banquet of the National Ladies Auxiliary, Jewish War Veterans of the United States T eunmmmnaeeend EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. IRVING M. IVES OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. IVES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorn, extracts from remarks of former United States Senator John A. Danaher, of Connecti- cut, on the occasion of the annual ban~ quet of the National Ladies Auxiliary, Jewish War Veterans of the United States of America, held in Washington on February 20, 1951. There being no objection, the address ‘was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Madam president, distinguished guests, ladies, and gentlemen, one may sometimes wonder why Americans willingly become the most talked-at people in this world. The simple answer is that we like to be confirmed in our beliefs, It is part of our nature, There is little I can say tonight that you cannot say or that has not been said be- fore—and said better. Even so, the observa- tions of another speaker may suggest a fresh point of view, and the sum total of my presentation may prove helpful. If I at least did not hope so, I could not justify my acceptance of your gracious invitation to address you. As the Ladies Auxiliary of the Jewish War Veterans of the United States of America, you are entitled to our salute if for no other reason than that you are Jadies and affiliates of a great organization whose ideals you share. Last week our Na- tion celebrated the birthday of the Great Emancipator as this week, We celebrate the birthday of the Father of our Country, Ninety yeard ago this very week at Independ- ence Hall in Philadelphia Abraham Lincoln said: “T have never had « feeling, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Decleration of Independ- ence.” What did he mean? A partial answer, st least, can be found in a resolution adopted by the Jewish War A1089 Veverans at ita last national convention, a portion of which describes the Jewish War Veterans as “an organisation composed of men who served the Republic tn time of war, devoted to the principles embodied in the Constitution of the United States and the American way of life, which principles stem from the basio tenets of Judaism, and have their origin in the ooncept that God crested men in his own image, endowed with an inalienable individual right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness * * * irrespective of race, creed, color, or national origin.” This cent statement reflects the principles underlying the Declaration of 1776. The founding fathers then insieted that the American people ‘are entitled to that atation “to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitled them.” Not the law of the king. Not the law of some parliae ment. “We hold these truths to be self-evident,” they said. Truthe? A truth is something that is verity; jt ts immutable; it is per. sintent; it is living and vibrant. “That ali men are created,” the founders continued, Created?—not like enimals but by a Cre- ator, and we reach back thousands of yeare to the writings of the earliest prophets of Judaism for the assertion of that truth. As Lincoln pondered the philosophy of the Declaration it is small wonder that he found in {t an outline of the basic faith of all Americans, people endowed with rights, possessed by virtue of law higher than can come from any government. Why are there Jewlsh War Veterans of the United States of America? Why are there any war veterans? Because we know that bY g we are to maintain our inalienable rights, we must have government, a Government which derives its just powers from the con- sent of the governed. We will fight, as we have always fought, to make our Govern- ment secure. We Americans preserve our own form of self-government in the sure knowledge that unless we govern ourselves, we will be governed by others. No other peoples in all history's pages have governed themselves so long or 80 well as we Americans. Let us then pause to inguire into some of the characteristics of Americans. It is of the essence of the American scheme that our Creator had invested us with in- dividual sovereignty, a part of which we yielded up when we entered into the com- pact to form our Government. Hence it is that the authority of the United States of America derives from the people in that through the organic act called the Cone stitution we have consented to be governed,’ Thus we choose from among our number those representatives who will stand in our places and who will decide for us, as surely as though we were personally present, Just what laws shall be enacted and how they shall be executed. Thus simply stated we have an outline of the principle of self. government in which—characteristically—- Americans believe, and which, patriotically, we have sworn to support and maintain, The first characteristic accordingly is that of our adherence to the principle of self-government. \ If self-government ts the largest com- mon denominator, characteristic of the American people, have we achieved some degree of eminence because we are all of one race? Clearly not. From one mother country? Clearly not. Our peopie are made up of emigrants of various races, from all sections, from every nationality, The one thing that all had in common was a desire to come to America. No mat- ter what the risks, they came. No matter the heartaches at leaving home and loved ones, they came. They could have remained 4n the countries of their origin, and they could have accepted the status of the gov- ernment in each of such countries, but they
A1090 came, They sought opportunity here. They sought to hive under “he beneficent rule of the very people among whom they would Hive, and with whom they would share the tasks, the obligations, the duties as well as the rights and privileges afforded by the United States. Thus, a second character- istic of the American people might be said to be their love of opportunity. Those from other shores and their chil- dren, become Americans, found yet another characteristic of our people, that of self- determination. This meant not only freee dom in the governmental sense but the ex- ercise of & personal choice to do or to at tempt to do, those things which the indi- vidual feels will be to his greatest advantage in Ife. It means that the American people believe that if they risk much, they are entitled to profit commensurately. Whether they be prospector or shipmaster, whether in the factory or on the farm, Americans seek- ing to satisfy their own wants and desires, found they must equally satisfy the wants and desires of others. They established the interdependence of all Americans, upon one another and upon the goods and services of each. Hence in the creation of a successful economy, self-determination urged on by ambition is disclosed as another American characteristic. These elements so pecullarly admixed in Americans have combined to invest our peo. ple with a psychological attitude, unique in itself, It has pressed us on to what some will say is the greatest development among all peoples. Other nations are expansive, other nations contain larger populations. Some of them possess larger and more exe tensive natural resources. Americans how- ever have not only developed their own sources of raw matertals but have actively promoted the development of those owned abroad. The tmpelling desire, so generally prevalent is for an expansion of opportu- nity for ourselves and our families. More, this attitude has leq the American people to a willingness to share both at home and abroad, Twice in 25 years we went to war against those nations which had reduced their people to puppeta and which would destroy the dignity of the individual. In the aftermath of war we have willingly poured forth our billions to alleviate the suffering and reduce human misery. None can justly charge at the bar of world opin- ton that our Nation has sought material gain for itself in any aingle respect. Thus, magnanimity is a characteristic of the Amer- ican people which ranks itself with the most noble impulses of mankind. Clearly the evolution of these character istics of Americans stems from our exercise of cur inalienable rights which long ante- ceded the formation of our Government. Ob- viously, 1f we were to admit that an indl- vidual derives his rights from government we would equally be bound to concede that gov- ernment could take those rights away. No constitution controls, the basic principles which underlie our very lives, do. It ie of the utmost importance that we realize this fact. When Hitler assumed control in Ger- many, he purported to act legally under the Weimar Constitution. Who controlled Ger-~ many thereafter? The Weimar Constitution or Hitler? Let us analyze a little further the point now involved, for all too often we find Americans taking our natural heritage for granted. Yet our concept of life is under aasault, and it sometimes may seem that the background of American life is not being rly defended. We assume that freedom, ike sunlight or fresh alr, belongs to us and need not be defended, We make too little effort to ascertain the forces against which ‘we must contend. We say we can out-produce any country that has ever existed. We have more auto- mobiles than all the rest of the world put together. We have more telephones, more bathtubs. Are we to assume that our strength derives from these material aspects of our fe? Did the Jewish War Veterans of the United States of America send thou- sands of young men into battle on that ac- count? I venture to say that our spiritual strength is our true bulwark. And now we find the America we have made, the America we have lived in, under gravest assault. There sre forces abroad which would challenge our very being and which would destroy us if they could, Some of the same forces threaten within our very midst. We have seen whole peoples else~ where become the ready prey to the fanati- cism of scheming dictators. Some of them yielded up their rights as individuals, fondly hoping that they might achieve security. Others, through outright persecution and mass murder, have been abjectly forced into @ life of despair which knows no measurable depth. The challenge to the American way of life ig vast. It is cunningly contrived. It 1s mercilessly directed. The state which now seeks to impose its will upon the world is one which has completely repudiated the basic, fundamental, spiritual essence of mankind. The materialistic state admits no power superior to itself. It asserts the authority to plan and direct the life of every person, at all times, and in every field of activity. It sets itself up to men as their highest good—to be served without question and without reservation, If I have set before you understandably two wholly different concepts of government and its functions I will feel rewarded. Go out knowing that freedom transcends every other phase of our societal life. With freedom comes incentive, with incentive comes work, with work comes production, with produc- tion come the means to satisfy our wants. Thus do we achieve that standard of living we discussed, a state of national well-being, and the maintenance of life, liberty, and the pursuits of happiness, Those are the ends for which our Government was formed—for these things have we fought. Our fight 1s not over. It must go for- ward-——-and you are part of it. Only eternal vigilance can sustain us. That same great Abraham Lincoln once asked: “Must a gov- ernment of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its people or too weak to maintain its own existence?” Our Government at this very moment is seeking the answer to this question. The National Ladies Auxiliary can enlist with Us in a great cause—the American cause, You may erect mammoth marble halls to house the Supreme Court-—and surround it with the appearance of dignity and the trap- pings of the state. Its sessions will be in vain if it will not uphold the moral and constitutional rights of mankind. You may insist upon majority rule accord- ing to the American process, but you will be bound by the tyranny of your own Govern- ment if you choose as your rulers those who would sabotage the institutions of liberty and abrogate the freedoms inherent in man. You may install the Declaration of Inde- pendence upon a pedestal, you may put a gold frame ground it, you may set soldiers to guard it by day and by night. It will be but “the faded memento of manktnd’s brav- est dream if you will not defend the propoal- tion that God has endowed each one of His children with definite rights.” Qur form of government will be pre- served—by the patriotism of our people. Our freedom will be guaranteed—by our vigorous and constant defense against all assaults upon it. Our institutions will thrive—not on musty parchment nor on the yellowed page. You cannot save them merely locked hind bars of steel. They wil’ live—if they are to Mve—in the hearts of men. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Endorsements of the St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS . or HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr, WILEY. Mr. President, I have called the attention of the Congress on many occasions to the many expressions from all sections of the country, in news- papers and in other media, pointing up the tremendous importance of the com- pletion of the Great Lakes-St, Lawrence seaway. I have pointed out that never before has there been a clearer recog~ nition on the part of our people of the absolute importance of this project. I have indicated that there are some few persons who feel that now may not be the right time for the completion of the work on the project. It is my per- sonal feeling, however, that now is a splendid time and it is far better than 1 day from now or 1 week or a year from now. Of course, this project should have been acted on years ago, but there is no reason for any further delay. I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Rec- orp, the following items: First. The text of an excellent article by the associate editor of the St. Paul Sunday Pioneer-Press, Mr. Alfred Sted- man. Second. The text of a resolution adopted by the Sheboygan, Wis., Com- mon Council. Third, The text of an editorial in the Great Lakes Harbors’ Outlook. There being no objection, the matters were ordered to be printed in the Recoroa, as follows: [From the St. Paul Pioneer-Press} Ours Versus Russ Sraway (By Alfred D. Stedman) Russia has stolen from us and ts busily shaping to her aims the basic principle of our own long delayed Great Lakes-St. Law- rence seaway. That is the principle of open- ing a deep waterway from the ooean to in- land lakes or seas, and of developing vast hydroelectric energy from its dama and reservoirs. Right now while the United States of America is still arguing the strategic value of our seaway, the U. 5. 5S. R. is building her version for herself. Next year she will par- tially open and in 1957 fully open her deep channel linking the Black Sea and the Cas- pian with the Baltic Sea and the Arctic Ocean. The map shows her route. Russia expects to gain tremendous military advan- tages: (1) From water transportation of stra~ tegic materials, (2) from stepped-up war production with electric power, and (3) from ability to move naval ships inland from sea to sea. Russia's steal of our seaway idea was for & long time one of her guarded military secrets. Back of the iron curtain, war pris- oners and other forced labor rushed the work. And now the key link, a dam on the Don and 8 deep canal connecting the Don with the Volga, is headed for completion in 1952. Two more dams, further deepening the Volga, are
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to be finished in 1057. Existing northern oanals in the network are being improved, At last the Russian censors are allowing or ordering their press to tell their story. Re- cently details of the Russian project have been printed in the United States by the New York Times. So what are we going to do now about building our seaway? We can’t safely dodge the question any longer. Russia's comple- tion date of 1957 is about when we can get our seaway built. Not that ours and Rus- aia’s waterway problems are identical; far from it. But her hard-headed militarists now show, not by their words but by their acts in sparing nothing to rush her seaway, the high military valuation they place upon tt. Thus our seaway question is brought to a head by one of the greatest forcea that can be felt by any nation—which is the leverage of seeing & military advantage alipping away to & competing and warlike power. Our great question is whether the St. Law- rence seaway would or would not be a real military asset to Canada and the United States of America. Until now, the dispute has been running to extremes. A pamphlet called the project iceway. A college pro- fessor wrote flatly that it lacks any economic or military merit. A publicist for the sea- port-ratl-power lobby called it a laugh and a scream. A Texas newspaper dismisses its defense claims as “sleazy” patriotism, the last refuge of the damned scoundrel. But now the bloom is off this type of argument. In the light of this country's danger, Congress has got to get down to the facts and the sober judgment of authorities responsible for this Nation's safety. Here are answers, straight from such sources, to real questions about our seaway: As to bombing. The chance exists that a lucky bomb hit might disable the seaway for a considerable time. But the seaway’s benefits fully justify any such danger. And the strategic risk can be minimized to & large extent by the taking of reasonable precautionary and defensive measures. Rus~ asia’s much greater risks due to our superior air power and atom bomb power are not stopping her from rebuilding the great Dnepropetrovek Dam on the Dnieper or the three big shipway dams on the Don and the Volga. As to strategic materials. Steel require- ments in construction should not be a serl-~ ous deterrent. And the seaway’s purpose to give access to great alternative supplies of fron ore in Labrador would obviously benefit national defense. Great Lakes shipbuilding would be of distinct advantage. As to ice. On the average, Lake Superior is closed 4% months and other lakes 3% months a year by ice. Russia's sbipway, especially the north end giving its only direct access to the ocean itself, would be closed much longer, but she still considers her geaway of great strategic value. As to channels. The increase now pro- posed from 27 feet to 30 feet depth would accommodate a majority of merchant ves- sels at an added cost of $250,000,000. A 35- foot depth to Lake Ontario would admit to that lake at moderate added cost all freight~ ers and all naval ships except capital ships. If the 85-foot depth later were extended to Duluth, the total seaway cost would be in- creased from $966,000,000 to $1,920,000,000. As to electric power. The United States would get an average output of 6,300,000,000 kilowatt-hours per year. From a national defense viewpoint, there would be great ad- vantage in having availiable this large source of cheap, dependable power. . hs to the railroads: These would no doubt do another heroic job as defense transpor- tation mainstay. But in event of war, they would be laboring under intense strain that the sexway could, to some extent, relieve. As to coastal ports and terminals. It is up to Congress to find out whether these main foes of the senway are not themselves among the most vulnerable atom targets, and whether reducing the risks of snarled traffic in them isn’t a militarily aound reason for building the seaway. One place to turn for counsel on our sea- way's value is‘to the recommendations of the Permanent Board on Defense for the United States and Canada. Another ts to the words of the late Secretary James Forrestal, who literally gave his life in devotion to defense. The joint defense board unanimously found that our seaway would be of great economic and defense value, found its de- fense benefits so great as fully to warrant any risks of attack, and urged that the sea- way be built as a joint power and naviga- tion project. Forrestal told Oongress that “trom the viewpoint of national defense, the St. Lawrence-Great Lakes seaway and power projects would be clearly advantageous.” In a country like ours, the opposition al- ways has a right to ite say. But, ultimately, perhaps democracy must make decisions if it 1s to survive. Our time of decision on the seaway secms to have arrived. ~~ Whereas the St, Lawrence waterway has been endorsed by all major political parties as essential to the continuing strength and commercial betterment of this Nation; and Whereas this municipality as well as the surrounding area would participate in and benefit directly from such project; and Whereas despite obvious economic justifi- cation, 8 minority opposition has been able to forestall creation of the proposed water- way to the detriment of the United States: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the mayor and common coun- etl of the Ctty of Sheboygan, Wis., That by and through the adoption of this resolution that the common council reiterates the hope of this community that the St. Lawrence waterway may be realized in fact and that necessary legislation and treaties be con- summated on the Federal level in the near future, and be it further Resolved, That the olty clerk ts hereby directed to forward certified copies hereof to the President and Vice President of the United States and to our representatives in the Congreas of the United States. Lestxr SCHILD, [From the Great Lakes Outlook of January 1951] Nineteen Hunprep and Frirry-Onr May Wet Bs THe Year or Decision ror THE St. LAW= RENCE SEAWAY AND POWER Paosxct In his annual economic message to Con- gress on January 12, President Truman called for s national increase in electric generat- ing capacity of more than 20,000,000 kilo- watts during the next 3 years, to increase nationa)] defense production and to expand power resources. Again vigorously recom- mending the St, Lawrence seaway and pow- er project to the Congress, the President said that the country “shovld start at once on the St. Lawrence seaway and power project so that im tron ore can be shipped efficiently by water to the great steel-pro- ducing centera of the Middle Weat.” He said that the project was vital for the prea- ervation of the steel] industry and when de- veloped will furnish a major part of the country’s new powe Thus, the issue of the 8t, Lawrence sea~ way project is again before a Time may be running out on the American Al0si people and on western civilization, but in the time remaining much coulfi: be done to assure our future national security by add- ing the St, Lawrence project to the transpor- tation and power resources of the United Btates and Canada. The patience of our good friends and allies in Canada ts wearing thin. Another clarion cali for the St. Lawrence project wes recently sounded by the Honorable Lionel Chevrier, Canadian Minister of Transport, who warned bluntly that uniess the United States resolves its differences and undertakes the St. Lawrence seawsy project as called for by the 1941 agreement between the two nations, Canada will do the job alone. A similar frank statement of Canadian post- tion has been made publicly by Prime Minis- ter St. Laurent on more than one occasion during the last year. In this hour of decision, we see the Narth, American Continent in peril, with a great demand and need for quick expansion of national production and transportation. Simultaneoualy, we see the spectacle of acif- ish and sectional interests working unceas- ingly to throw roadblocks in front of a proj- ect which will accomplish two of our most vital objectives—expansion of power for na- tional defense production and increased transportation to move the goods. The well organized and financed opposai- tion to the 8t. Lawrence seaway and power pioject probably does not appreciate the re- sponsibility which history may attach to them. Dr. N. R. Danielian, seaway author- ity, pointed to the responsibility which these men have assumed, when he said in a recent address: “I do not belleve these railroad and power officials would join with Stalin in bombing Grand Coulee out of existence and yet they achieve the equivalent of that when they prevent the St. Lawrence power project from being built. “I do not believe these men desire to in- crease the cost of steel by several hundred million dollars a year, or to endanger the life of our youth on the high seas in time of emergency, and yet that is the result of their obstruction of the seaway, “I do not believe they wish to treat Canada, our best customer and our last Hne of de- fense, as & second class cousin, and yet that is the result of 30 years ‘kidding’ we have administered to our most patient and loyal friends by dallying with thetr most cherished project.” There 1s still manpower, materin:, and money sufficient on both sides of the inter- national boundary between the United States and Canada to start the seaway roll- ing. The manpower and the material may n ¢ be available several years henc-. It is no longer a question of whether the United States and Canada want the project, or whether certain influential interests do not want it-~—we simply cannot be without it for the critical years ahead and the critical decades ahead. Freeman Lincoln predicted thet the 50- year fight for the St. Lawrence project is approaching its final phase, and sai‘ in the December issue of Fortune magazine, “Whether the unsophisticated citizen bases his judgment on no more evidence than a map of North America or whether he care- fully studies the volumes of testimony for or against, he cnn scarcely escape the conclu. sion that the &t. Lawrence seaway and power Project ahould be bullt because it ts inevi-~ table and essentially right. There is always the pious thought, however, that the things that should be done in the world eventually geem to get done. The seaway must be such @ thing.”
A1092 Export Losses of Gold Soar EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER E. CAPEHART OF INDIANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 1 (legtslative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. CAPEHART. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, an article entitled “Export Losses of Gold Soar,” published in the Spokesman-Review, of Spokane, Wash., December 29, 1950. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Racorp, as follows: Export Losses or Gouin Soar-—-DEVALUATION BLAMED FOR RAISING METAL’S VALUE ABROAD The United States may have to resort to raising the price of gold or revalue the cure rency to stop the loas of gold by export, Prank Lilly, Spokane mining man and head of the Mines Research Bureau, said yester- day. Citing the largest value of gold exports in history during 1950, he declared that it was “comparatively small losses that led to the Government placing an embargo on gold ex- ports in 1988 and to its increasing the price of gold.” According to figures tabulated by his or- ganization, the United States Treasury lost 61,722,000,000 during 1950 up to last week and estimated the total for the year will come about #1,800,000,000. This, he said, compares with the loss of only 446,000,000 in 1982 and $178,000,000 in 1933. UNITED STATES HOLDINGS SHRINK He said that in September 1949, when Great Britain and its affiliated countries in the sterling bloc devalued their currencies, the United States Treasury’s gold holdings totaled 624,691,000,000. At the beginning of last week United States holdings had shrunk to $22,796,000,000, “The why of our loss of gold is inevitably linked up with devaluation,” he continued. “In other words, devaluation had the effect of increasing gold’s measure of value in over 80 foreign countries. For example, the Lon= don price of gold is now, and has been since devaluation, equivalent to $102.17 an ounce on the basis of legal monetary parity. “This fact gives Great Britain a tremen- dous advantage in trading with us. As a result, our imports have been exceeding our exports, after elimination of gift exports un- der the Marshall plan, every month since Great Britain’s devaluation. International trade operates on a gold standard; therefore we must pay trade balances in gold—hence our loss of gold. “Since we in this country are so accustomed to think in terms of billions, the loss of one or two billions of gold may not, on the surface, seem a serious matter. However, when we consider the fact that each billion dollars’ worth of gold lost means the loss of the required legal backing for four times as much jn Federal Reserve notes we begin to realize something of the danger involved in the decrease of our gold reserve, because these notes constitute the bulk of our folding money.” RUSSIAN DOLLAR VALUE SEORET “True enough, we still have more gold than any other nation, but our debt and responsibilities are also far greater than those of all other nations combined. The fact that Russia revalued its currency tn gold last March has given Russia an advan- tage in trade, not only with countries behind the iron curtain, but also with some coun- tries of the sterling block which still trade with Russia. “The equivalent dollar value of gold in the Russian economy is not definitely known but that it is very high may be judged from reports that a good dinner for three costs as much as $125 in United States currency; and from the fact that Poland has recently revalued its zloty in gold on the basis of 100 to 1 or, in other words, has raised the price of gold 100 times. “President Roosevelt raised the price of gold only after Great Britain had increased her price for it, and this move stopped the flow of gold from the United States, except for short periods, until September of 1949 when Great Britain, by devaluation, again increased gold's measure of value in the ster- ling bloc. “This country may be forced again to raise the price of gold as Great Britain has done, or revalue its currency in gold as Russia has done because the economy of nearly 2,000,- 000,000 of the world population functions in one or the other of these two blocs. Without such a move, we will inevitably lose all of our gold and our economy along with it.” Military Housing in Alaska EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. E. L. BARTLETT DELEGATE FROM ALASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 28, 1951 Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks, I wish to have inserted in the ConGRESSIONAL REc- orp @ series of articles now appearing in the Scripps-Howard newspapers by Mr. Andrew Tully. Mr. Tully, now in Alaska, is viewing at first-hand the sit- uation with respect to the housing of our troops in the Territory. (By Andrew Tully) AncHORAGE, Alaska, February 22.—Cor- Has Ann Hamilton, a pretty little girl of 3 years, is dead today because her soldier father—sent here to help defend America— couldn't find a decent place for his family to live. Corliss Ann burned to death the other night in a fire that destroyed her home, a home-made two-room cabin. Apparently an ofl lamp, the cabin'’s only illumination, turned over. It was all over in about 10 minutes. They say there was a smile on Corliss Ann's face when they dug her blackened body out of the smoking ruins. That's possible be- cause ehe had been asleep and little girls dream the pleasantest of dreams, But Corp. Thomas Hamilton, her father, wasn't smiling. The neighbors had to pull him away, screaming, when he tried to run into the flames to get Corliss Ann. He al~ ready had carried 2-year-old Johnny out of the inferno, but no man could have gone into that cabin again and lived. Mrs. Hamilton wasn’t amiling either. She hasn't smiled since. For Johnny is in a hospital with burns over three-quarters of his chubby body and he may not Hve. And everything the Hamiltons had in worldly pos- seasions is gone. Corp. Tom Hamiiton had been a pretty proud man, too. He came to Alaska 10 months ago, leaving word with his wife that she and the kids could follow as soon as he found a place for them to live, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD He took a look at the one-room shacks without plumbing where the local landlords get $85 a month and up and decided to take matters into hig own hands, He bought a little plot of land and built his own home. What he built wasn’t much. It wasn't as good, for that matter, as the shacks he had turned down. They at least had electricity, but there was no line on Muldoon Road so Corporal Hamilton had to be satisfied with oil lamps. But he had his own well, and a pretty comfortable privy, with a couple of little seats for kids, And he partitioned the 10- by-18 cabin into two rooms so the kids could get to bed early and not be kept awake by lights and the parents’ small telk in the evenings. The Missus and the two children came to Alaska last September. The cabin wasn’t what Mrs, Hamilton had dreamed of but it was home and it was where Tommy, her husband, was. That was important. That made up for no sink. “hat made up for heating water for hours on the stove for laundry, and for midnight trips to the privy, and for the hard times they had getting doctors to come when one of the kids was sick. And, after all, several hundred servicemen were living in houses just as bad—and pay- ing outlandish prices to private landlords for the privilege. This was the Hamiltons’ own home, and the back of the hand to all landlords. Now, today, Mrs. Hamilton isn’t so sure she wants to make the effort of living in Alaska so her husband can be content while he helps defend America. She is thinking of going back home to Victoria, Tex. It seems almost too much to take, just as it seemed too much to take for Mrs. Virgil Miller, wife of one of those dashing jet pilots you hear so much about. Mrs. Miller left today for home in Ne- braska—jJust her and the two kids, Kit, 3%, and Johnny, 24%. Lt. Virgil Miller couldn't go with them, because he was dead. Lieutenant Miller was dead because he ‘was serving his country when his jet cracked up in the weather. This was not considered unusual because a jet pilot realizes he is risking his neck daily in this Alaska weather and these Alaska mountains and you are not supposed to be corny and talk about it or elae apmebody will think you think you are a hero or something. So they buried Lt. Virgil Miller, the boy from Nebraska, with full military honors, which was nice for those who can see them. And the officers’ wives came to see Mrs, Miller and were sorry because officers’ wives in the Air Force know how it is. Their husbands fly, too. ‘ Then, today, after everybody said what Uttle could be said, Mrs. Miller left, She didn’t leave much. For Lt. Virgil Miller, crack jet pilot, lived with his family in a trailer. It’s a funny thing. Back in Washington people wouldn't spend one night in the Mil- lers' tratler for fear they'd catch cold. But the Millera, living in a country where the mercury drops to 26° or 30° below zero, thought they had quite a good deal. That’s because, unlike most servicemen around here—or anywhere in Alaska—they had running water. They also had a little lean-to attached to the trailer which they had fixed up as a bedroom for the kids. They had an electric refrigerator, which some- times worked for as long as a week at a time. They also had an inside totlet, but this was just for show. The water was al- ways freezing, so they used the community outhouse up the rubbish-ltttered alley. It is nice to know that the Millers and Hamiltons put up with all this, that they are willing to live like they did because Amer- ica needed them. But it makes you kind of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ashemed of yourself, And because you saw Corliss Ann Hamilton’s body a few hours ago, it makes you pretty mad at the people who run things back in Washington. The Millers and Hamiltons stood for all these hardships because they had hope. Things were golng to be better, everybody seid. But things are almost as bad here to- day as they were 2 years ago. Washington seems to have forgotten there are people named Miller and Hamilton up here defend- ing their country. (By Andrew Tully) ANCHORAGE, ALASKA, February 23.—Service- men in Alaska get $60 a month as a cost-of- living allowance. In addition, enlisted men draw overseas pay of $8 to $22.50 a month. But this extra dough doesn’t mean much in a country where the necessities of life cost roughly twice as much as in the United States and where rent control is a farce. It ian’t so bad for those family men who can live on the base. They get rent free in place of their rental allowance. They are close to the commissary where food and other things can be bought for the same prices they bring in the States. But since only about one-fourth of our military pereonnel in Alaska can be accom~- modated on bases, the lucky ones are the ex- ception rather than the rule. The rest have to shift for themselves among the money-hungry civilian landlords. They usually end up in one of Mountain View's one-room cabins with no inside plumbing, for which they pay from $85 to 8100 a month, plus about $50 a month for heat. This is real rough on the private, who draws $224.50 per month, less Insurance and fncome-tax deductions, It is almost aa rough on corporals, who draw $241.05, and on staff sergeants, who draw 8319.60. It is not considered exactly easy on frat Heu- tenants who draw 8433.88. All of these men, oi course, sre entitled to buy food and other supplies at the commis- sary. But if they don't live on the base, this if often impracticaule. You Just don’t walk 2 or 8 miles every time you run out of bread, so you pay the civilian grocer 40 cents 8 loaf. You pay 20 cents a gallon for fuel oll, And you pay 40 cents a quart for fresh milk, Not at the end of the month, though, when you're running lL.w on money. Then you pay 23 cents a quart for “recombined” milk, which fs powdered milk with water and vitamins added. Or you buy frozen milk from Seattle at 19 cents a quart. If you fecl like a couple of beers, that’s 1 buck, prother—60 cents a bottle. If you don't have a car, it costs you a minimum o. $1 for a cab ride, or 2 bucks {if you live out- side the city limits, which don’t extend more than a mile or two in any direction. The big bite, of course, is your rent. That, also, ts where you find the big gimmick. Technically, Anchorage is under rent con- trol. But since most of the shacks available to military personnel were bullt after Au- gust 1947 they don’t ccme under the regu- lations. Thus the landlords can charge whatever they can get. Even if you find a shack where the rent {a controlled, however, that doesn’t mean much. The landlord can get $20 more & month under the table from somebody else if you don’t want the place. That’s what you're going to pay. Or else he has put in improvements. This usually consists of a new shelf or a storm door or a filmsy parti- tion. But it meane hc can jack ~p prices. Most landlords have the same story when Woloce everybody else pig Biren more 80. prices every! e 'e They point out that a house which oosts to build in the States costs $15,000 &s 000 here. This ts not too convincing when you've just been inside one of those one-room cab- Ps i ins In Mountain View, but you can't argue with shrugged shoulders. One character, thongh, was brutally frank, “Sure,” he satd, “I'm getting away with murder, But why not? Maybe next year there won't be any Army here at all. You never can tell when those people down in Washington are going to put on another economy drive. So I figure I better get mine while the getting’s good. When I get enough, I’m getting the hell back to civili- zation.” There are a lot of fly-by-nighters like this guy. And there doesn’t seem to be much that can be done about them. Half the time they can’t find anybody to run the local rent-contro] office. The director now, Mias Jean Camon, has only been here since last August and before that the office was closed for several months. But it seema, putting it mildly, rather bad taste for the richest country in the world to let an American soldier with a wife and four kids live in a one-room cabin. Especi- ally when that soldier would not be here if his country had not sent him. — (By Andrew Tully) ANcHORAGE, ALASKA, February 24,—Less than one-fourth of the servicemen entitled to live on the base are now being accommo- dated on Alaska’s three major military in- stallations, And of that number, almost one-half, most of them with children, are ving in sub- standard quarters which would be un- comfortable in a New York winter. Yet these people are considered well off here. Moat of the rest, including lower grade enlisted men not entitled to Uve on the base, ara living in one-room cabins with no plumbing or tollet facilities and paying a civilian landlord 8135 a month, including heat, for that A@ublous privilege. If you want to extend callousness to the nth degree, you can wash your hands of these lower-grade enlisted men. Technically, they are not supposed to have families here. They ere not even supposed to be married. But all the rest is strictly Uncle Sam's re- sponsibility. Under military regulations, the Government ig required to provide housing on the base for all officers and the first three grades of noncommissioned officers. Those regulations are a tragic joke in Alaska. At Elmendorf Air Force Base and nearby Fort Richardson in Anchorage, a total of 4,167 family units are requited to house those en~ titled to base housing. Only 1,832 families are now being taken care of and 517 of those are living in tarpaper shacks, converted la= trines, and ‘‘temporary” Quonset huts which the military deems substandard. The story ts the same—or worse—at Ladd and at Etelson Air Force bases, both in the Fairbanks area. Ladd needs 1,906 family units. It’s got 457, of which 171 are sub- standard. Elelson needs 1,014, It’s got 208, every one of which has been ruled unfit for occupancy. It was 40 degrees below zero in Fairbanka the other day. In most of these glorified chicken houses occupied by offcers with children there are three or four rooms—each about the size of a large bathroom back in the States. But there are plenty of children living in two- room shacks designed for childless couples. They ail have inside toflets and running water. But they are heated with inadequate oll stoves which aren't much help against arctic winds that seep through the tattered tar-paper exteriors. The only time they're really warm is just after there's been a heavy snow, Then the man of the house banks snow high around his dream castle to keep out drafts, “What's being done to improve the sttus- tien?” The answer is not much. Elmendorf and Fort Richardson need a total of 3,342 A1098. additional housing units, and only 679 are: either under construction or will be started: during the next butiding season, Only « smnall percentage will be ready for ocolipancy by next winter. Another 434 units have been approved and money is avallahie to bulid them, But nobody knows when they'll be built. Ladd Field, at Pairbanks, needs 1,620 addi- tional units, None are being built now and Ohly 665 are planned for the future. Elelson needa 1,014 units; 112 are under construc- tion and 878 have been approved for future construction, Only here in Anchorage ts there any im- mediate hope of the military getting a new slice of civilian housing, The Pacific Alaska Building Corp., with FHA funds, ls building a new apartment project. Because it's Gov- ernment property, the Government bas ear- marked 464 of these units for use by either the military or civilians employed by the military, Units—one- and two-bedroom site—will rent for 6100 to $125 a month, including all utilities and garages. These apartments will be heaven for those lucky enough to get them. But for a long time to come, there won't be enough heaven to go around in Alaska. For a long time to come, most servicemen will continue to exist in what is @ rough approximation of hell, International Japanese Trade Fair Prevents nen EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH B. MITCHELL OF WaSsHINOTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 26, 1951 Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. Speaker, as an indication of the growth of good will be- tween Japan and the United States, Seattle, Wash., is undertaking the first International Japanese Trade Fair, scheduled for June 17 to July 3, 1951. This worthy project will refiect the growth of business and trade between the Pacific Northwest and Japan. Those responsible for the program are to be commended. The following is a résumé of plans and accomplishments: JapaNtse ‘Trane Fatr To Br Sracrp tn SEat- TLE, WaSH., JUNE 17-JuLY 3, 1951--Foun Scorz or Movranizzep Jarangss INDUSTRIES To Br SHownN Uniten States BUYERS Inquiries regarding the first Seattie-State of Washington international Japanese Trade Pair, which will be staged June 17 to July 3, 1061, in Seattle, Wash., have been arriving in quantity since the fair was first announced, Herbert 8. Little, chairman of the fair, has stated in Seattle. Honors for the first Japanese space reserva tion went to the city of Osaka, whose Foreign Trade Association cabled the feir committee to hold a large exhibition area open for & full showing of Osaka's products and cul- tures. The second Japanese reservation came from Mie Prefecture, which requested that substantial space be set aside for the show- ing of cultured pearis, fishing equipment, and porcelain ware, Between 300 and 500 of the latter manufactures will be shown, Lit- tle was informed by the Mie group. Since tre firat two Japanese space reserva- tions were made, Little stated, a number of other Japanese areas and tndividusl manu- facturera have sent in their space reaervae tions, and every mail fs bringing more. The first Seattie-State of Washington In» ternational Japanese Trade Pair will be one
A1094 of the most colorful and unique to be staged in the world during 1951, The fatr's staging is being financed by the people of Seattie and the State of Washington as a good-will gesture toward the people of Japan. No fees or charges for exhibition are being asked of the Japanese who send displays. They are only required to ship their displays to Beattle, Little said. The rest is free; financed by the paid-display space being purchased by American exhibitors, and by donations being made to the production budget by Seattle and State of Washington business firms, commercial associations, and private individuals, First donation to the $100,000 production and promotion budget was a contribution totaling $8,000, presented to Little by E. H, Savage, president of the Port of Seattle Commission. The port of Seattle's contribu- tion includes the services, at the request of the fair committee, of John M. Haydon, port director of public relations. Haydon ia serving as director of the fair. Site of the fair is the University of Wash- ington’s famed Edmundson Pavilion. More than 60,000 square feet of display space will be devoted exclusively to Japanese merchan- Gise, trade goods, products of both light and heavy industry, processed material, food products, textiles, china, and other retail ‘mMerchandize items from every classification, ‘plus cultural, educational, recreational, and entertainment displays. Use of the pavilion was donated by the University of Washing- iton. It is Seattle’s largest and finest public building. . Foreign traders have described the first Beattle-State of Washington International Japanese Trade Fair as a prime opportunity for retailers, wholesalers, buyers, suppliers, contractors, manufacturers, and others from the fields of export and import, transporta- tion, industry, and commerce to study at first hand the improved quality, craftsmanship, and originality of goods and materials now being produced by a revitalized Japanese industry for consumption in America and abroad. Fair officials said that the dates, June 17 to July 3, 1951, were chosen for two rea- sons. First, so that buyers placing orders would be allowed ample time for seasonal delivery, and second, so that those attend- ing the fair, which will be held at the best part of the State of Washington's cool and green summer season, will be able to bring their entire family for a vacation in Wash- ington. “Many will take advantage of the opportunity to fly on to the Orient over Seattle's shorter, Great Circle routes,” Little said, “and others will wish to visit the Old World atmospheres of nearby British Colum- bia, or to journey throughout the State to such scenic wonders as Grand Coulee Dam, the last frontier stretches of our rugged Olympic Peninsula, the romantically lonely beaches along the sandy Washington-Pacific Ocean coast line, the forest and river areas encircling Washington's snow-capped moun- tains, and by sea and air, to the grandeur of Alaska.” Little stated that many buyers would find the cost of their vacations paid for by the commercial relationships estab- lished at the fair. Many entertainment features have been planned to take place in Beattle during the fatr's presentation dates, and visitors will be given a royal welcome by the city of Seattle, which is just entering tts centennial year. * The first Seattle-State of Washington In- ternational Japanese Trade Fair is under the sponsors‘itp of International Trade Fairs, -‘Inc., a nonprofit organization which includes Micials of the city of Seattle, port of Seattle, tate of Washington, Seattls Chamber of Commerce, Washington State Foreign Trade Counell, Pacific Northwest ‘Trade Association, Greater Seattle, Inc., World Trade Club of Beattie, Propeller Club, port of Seattle, and many other groups and organisations from all levels of Seattle and State of Washing- ton culture, industry, commerce, labor, recreation, transportation and other fields. Commenting on the fair, Seattle’s mayor, William F. Devin, said, “Not only will this Japanese trade fair strengthen trade pat- terns with Japan, but it will help carry out America’s political, economic, and social philosophies abroad, and at home. Not only will it assist the Japanese, but it will spread to the world a picture of hov the strength of free nations depends upon their ability to expand their trade with each other and to outproduce their aggressors.” Mayor Devin toured Japan last year with & Seattle Chamber of Commerce good-will tour to the Orient, and he returned home convinced that the nations he had seen had to be helped in every way back to high levels of production, and to a state of self-reliance, so that the; could take their place with other strong and peaceful nations. While in Japan, Devin, along with other members of the tour party, discussed the possibilities of holding a Japanese trade fair in Seattle with Gen. Douglas MacArthur, and with other high SCAP and Japanese Government officials, All expressed enthusiasm and the fair is a natural outgrowth of those talks, RADM Gordon Rowe, commissioner of the port of Seattle and also a member of the tour party to Japan, describes the forth- coming fair as a real example of democracy at work. Instead of merely giving gifts, we are going to provide the Japanese with a working opportunity to do and build for themselves, Obviously, if Japan is to be built @8 an ally of America and the other free nations, she must be helped toward a self- supporting economy. This fair will be a major step in that dtrection. Formation of the committee to stage the fair came following approval and endorse- ment of the project recently by the board of trustees of the Seattle Chamber of Com- merce, which directed Robert C. Story, man- ager of the chamber's world trade division, to carry out the initial work under the direction of the division’s membership and its chairman, Maurice C. Rattray. Another member of the party which toured the Orient was Sol G. Levy, now serving as vice chairman of the fair committee. “Japan is beginning to get back on her feet industrially and culturally,” Levy sald. “This International Japanese Trade Fair will make Seattle a giant showcase for Japan's prod- ucts, and a living textbook of ways and means and rules and regulations for traders and businessmen who are looking for new, Profitable lines and ways in which to expand thelr trade with Japan and the rest of the world.” Committee appointments made include fair chairman, Herbert 8. Little, Litlle, Le- Sourd, Palmer & Scott; vice chairman, Sol G. Levy, senior partner, the Commission Co.; site and dates, Fred W. Geibel, publisher of the Marine Digest; ways and means, Sol G. Levy; products and exhibits, Douglas Egan, United States Department of Com- merce; and promotion and advertising, John M. Haydon, director of public relations for the port of Seattle. Chairman Little has described the fair as a chance for Seattle to take a solidly con- structive step toward strengthening her posi- tion in international trade, and further im- Proving her place as closest American port to the Orient and the natural gateway to meen and the other countries of the Far Following announcement that the fair was going to be held, a letter received from Maj, Gen. William F. Marquat, Chief, Economic and Scientific Section, SOAP in Tokyo stated, “This will be an outstanding event for both Japan and Seattle. We will do everything necessary from this end to make it a real success.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Senator Warren G, Macnuson of Wash- ington stated in the Nation's Capital, “I wish to congratulate those who are working to put on the first Seattle-State of Washing- ton International Japanese Trade Fair, It will be of tremendous value, not only to Japan, Seattle, and the Pacific Northweat, but to the Nation as a whole.” Robert O. Edwards, manager of the port of Seattle foreign trade zone, wired from Chicago where he was talking with Midwest importers and shippers, “Announcement of Japanese trade fair received with wide interest here. This will mean much, not only to Japan, but to State and city as the country's major gateway to the Orient.” State of Washington Governor Arthur B, Langlie declared that the State was fully behind the venture, and described it as a major step forward in the economic, eultural and promotional progress of the area. Gov- ernor Langlie said that he would extend a personal invitation to Japan’s Premier Sigeru Yoshida to be his guest at the opening of the fair, Official offices for the fair have been set up on the second floor of the Central Building, Beattle, Wash., adjacent to the offices of Toshio Urabe, chtef, Japanese Overseas Agency. Fair Director Haydon stated that many cultural, educational, and entertain- ment features and displays would be pro- duced for the fair to add color and excite- ment to its business attractions and to inter- est attendance on the part of the general public. He said that the first week of the fair would be restricted to buyers and buai- nessmen, and that a premier opening would start off the second week of the fair, which would then be open to the general public, with certain hours set aside for late-arriving buyers. Telephone number at the Japanese trade fair office is Elliot 2010. In Japan, up-to-the-minute information about the fair, preparation of exhibits, ship- ping information, and other data is avail- able to Japanese exhibitors at the Promotion Bureau, Promotion Section, Ministry of In- ternational Trade and Industry, Tokyo, and from the chambers of commerce and indus- trial associations in individual cities, Japanese exhibitors are asked to construct display surfaces, shelving, and tables, in addition to providing themselves with booth decorations, draping, table coverings, back- ground material, and other such individual design material which will carry out the theme of their display and portray the cul- tural, social, and economic background of the goods displayed and the life of the work- ers who produced them. The fair committee will provide the basic booths, internal deco- rations and lighting, and will make addi- tional decorative materials available. Products and Exhibits Chairman Douglas Egan stated that space reservations from United States firms and organizations are now being accepted on a first come, first served basis, since space was limited. Egan said that firms handling Japanese products for sale to retail or wholesale markets were invited to exhibit, and that it was not nec- essary for such firms to be located in the State of Washington. On the same basis, Egan said, exhibits are being accepted from service, soctal, and cultural organizations, re- gardless of geographic location, and from business firms anywhere that handle asso- ciated products which would not detract from the over-all Japanese theme of the fair. Egan stated that firms which were uncertain as to the eligibility of their pro- posed exhibits should immediately contact the Japanese Trade Fair office for a ruling. Egan also warned that space was going fast because rates were being kept as low as pos- sible. He stated that no merchandising schemes of high pressure or gimmick nature would be allowed. Space contracts will be Giatributed as fast as inquiries are received, Egan said.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In summing up the purposes of the first Seattle-State of Washington International Japanese Trade Fair, Chairman Herbert 8. Little said, “This ts, first of all, a good will gesture toward the people of Japan. Sec- ondly, tt is an opportunity for Seattle once again to emphasize dramatically the advan- tages of her port and her Great Circle routes to the Orient. We intend that this fair will do as much as it possibly can to reestablish friendly trade relations and permanent cul- tural and scclal ttee with Japan and her people. We believe that this ts in keeping with Arerica’s current international efforts to promote world peace.” Let’s Get an Effective Stabilization Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THADDEUS M. MACHROWICZ OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr. MACHROWICZ. Mr. Speaker, this Congress and the Nation has full cause for real concern over the recent de- velopments in the Office of Defense Mo- bilization. The action of the labor mem- bers in withdrawing from the Stabiliza- tion Board can easily lead to an eventual complete breakdown of our economy stabilization unless our own Government takes immediate and positive action to correct the conditions which threaten to bring about the breakdown. Let us fairly analyze the facts which led to the situation as it exists today. We have thus far failed to effectively stabilize our economy. Our first steps toward stabilization were weak and gave not enough hope for eventual success be- cause they were haphazard, half-hearted, and in many instances inequitable. Though we mignt excuse some of their deficiencies because of the haste in which they were put into effect, this should not deter us from constructive criticism to help bring about the results which all of us seek, I am confident that free American labor, which so gloriously proved itself in World War II, is ready and willing again today to do its share in the serious war for survival with which we are faced today. ' But Congress and the mobilization agencies must also furnish their share of responsibility for a fair and equitable stabilization and mobilization policy which should take into consideration the welfare of the majority of the people. Such a policy must be premised on equality of sacrifice by all groups of the efvilian population, based on their abil- ity to pay. It must Mmclude all areas of the economy and provide an over-all ; system of anti-inflation controls. | Because the present program fails fundamentally to include these consid- erations, the present crisis in our pro- gram was brought about. It still can, and must, be corrected, but only by in- ‘gating on more fair and equitable con- | As I have previously pointed out in this House on February 12, the price or- der of the Economic Stabilization Agen~ cy of January 26, 1951, was unfair because it completely failed to roll back prices and gave legal sanction to the post-Korean highest price level in our history as the base from which future price stabilization action was to be taken. It gave comfort to those who had engaged in speculative manipulations in the commodity market and who engaged in an orgy of profiteering, all at the ex- pense of the American housewife and the laborer. No effective provision was made to hold down retail food prices, the major item in the cost of living. And nothing has yet been done to extend the control over rents. The only fleld in which a rigid control {1s provided is in the control of wages. The inequity of this condition should be readily apparent to all of us, as it is to the workers who are compelled to live on frozen earnings without any over-all stabilization policy, thus cutting deeply into their living standards. As far as they are concerned, there ts no stabilization program in effect, except as to wages. Stabilization cannot be ef- fected piecemeal, nor by controlling one group of the population. It should not place an undue share of the burden on those who can least afford it carry it. Reduced living standard of the work- ers is not the effective or proper anti- dote for business profiteering and spec- ulation. Our stabilization program must per- mit flexible wage adjustments based on increased living costs. Lower- and mid- die-income families should not be called upon to assume the burden of taxation, That burden should bear heaviest on in- dividuals with high incomes and on cor- porations with large profits. It is un- thinkable to compel low- and middle-in- come families to pay taxes high enough to cut too deeply into their basic living standards. Let us hope that those responsible for our stabilization and mobilization pro- gram will strive to remedy the present inequities and thus avert the calamity which must follow if labor finds itself unable to participate in the program. And this Congress must also bear these same considerations in enacting its tax program for the ensuing year. The Blood of Oklahoma EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. TOM STEED . OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr. STEED. Mr. Speaker, orders ‘were issued last Saturday for the Forty- fifth Division to be sent to Japan for training and duty. Sixice this division is the Oklahoma National Guard, and since it contains more than 11,000 officers and men who are Oklahomans, these orders naturally created a great deal of inter- est throughout my great State, A1095  ! FYor many months I have been seek- ing unsuccessfully to find a way to stop the unequal drain on Oklahoma man- power for the Armed Forces. My in- tense feeling in regard to this unfair- ness shall cause me to continue my ef- forts and I shall propose amendments to the forthcoming manpower bill to prevent by law a recurrence of such @ situation in the future. These editorials included herewith give dramatic evidence of the way Ok- Jahomans feel ebout this situation. Ok- Jahoma, always in the front ranks in voluntary participation in all of Amer- ica’s defense efforts, is justly proud of her contributions now. We are proud of this division of troops. Surely, my colleagues, this is sufficient evidence to persuade all of you that our plea for a more equitable distribution of the man- power burden ts due these patriotic citi- zens of my State. These editorials, one titled “Okla- homa’s Own,” is from the Daily Okla- homan, of Oklahoma City, and the other, titled “Oklahoma in the Orient,” is from the Daily World, Tulsa, Okla, They fol- lew: {From the Dally Oklahoman] OXxLAHOMAa's OWN Oklahomans generally regret the necessity for sending the Forty-fifth Division to the Orient. It ls a sad thing to see men going out on the grim adventure from which many never return. We who escape the call because of age or lack of training can- not fall to look upon any mobilization with a feeling of deep regret. But according to those who are governing the Republic the necessity 1s there, Trained men are needed beyond the Pacific, in the opinion of those who are supposed to know. And the Forty-fifth is a trained division, It happens to be one of the few National Guard divisions of the entire country that ig anywhere near the required standard, so the call comes to these young soldiets to prepare for their departure for the other side of the world. All Oklahomans have reason for pride in the fact that Oklahoma is one of the handful of States whose organized militia was ready for activation when the first call to the Colors came. The guards of far more popu- lous States have not yet received the initial call. And of all the National Guard unite of America only those of Oklahoma ‘and Cali- fornia have been called for service overseas. This is a great tribute indeed to the patriot- jem and fighting spirit of the lads of Okla- homa. While it is a ead thing to see these boys in uniform called to action, it 1s a proud thing to live in a State where so many thousands are willing to go, and as the event proves, ready to go. Never in the State's try- ing history hes Oklahoma failed to do her part in a crisis. Just now it cannot be de- nied that Oklahoma ts doing more than her part. Eventually perhaps the sacrifices of all the States may be equal, but just now Oklahoma is carrying a double load. As these thousands of spirited. young Oklahomans go forth to meet whatever fate may have in store for them, they will not be unmindful of the name they bear. There 4g Mlustrious blood in thetr military an- cestry. On the hattle flag of the Forty-fifth there are many shining names. There are inscribed the names of Sicily and Ansio and Balerno and the invasion of France and the dash across France and the bloody bayonet thrust into the heart of Bavaria. It is @ proud record, and they Who bear the flag of the Forty-fifth in 1951 will add to the
A1096 luster of that record, if they are given the Opportunity. If any ineptitude or blundering has helped to create the crisis that is calling these Oklahomans across 2,000 leagues of ocean, these boys are in no sense responsible. It is not theirs to create @ crisis or to formu- late a policy. It is their duty to go wher- ever the bugle calls and to support the policy that has been formulated. No doubt some of them will recall the words written by an Oklahoma soldier who fell at St. Etienne: “Statesmen may fume and brag and He Winning the fame they seek, But when we are weary of liars and lies, Then the guns, it is theirs to speak.” —— {From the Tulsa (Okla.) Daily World] OXKLAMOMA IN THE ORIENT Ordering of the Forty-fifth Diviston to Japan has, for Oklahomans, two principal phases—the intimation that the command de to be active in the Orient and that it is largely Oklahoman in personnel. The State 4a proud of the Forty-fifth; it won many honors in World War II and was in some of the worst fighting of that war. Its members brought home medals for valor and com- posite distinctions. Tulsa has five units in the division. Our interest, then, is great, personal, direct. The Thunderbirds are a valiant force, and it is evident they are to have a large place in American military history and world develop. ments. There ts both pride and partial re- sentment in the public feeling of Oklahoma, The Forty-fifth is a National Guard com- mand, one of the two of its type ordered to Japan. There is an underlying feeling that Oklahoma is being penalized to some extent for proficiency. Whatever familiar or per- sonal feelings there may be, we all realize now far more than we did last week, that the world situation is full of meaning to this area and that we are to take 4 real part in whatever far-away activities there may be. Two ideas quickly arose when the two National Guard divisions were singled out for duty in Japan. One was that the real destination would be Korea, and Washing- ton was quick to deny that they would be used as replacements. The second, which came to general notice Monday, was that there may be a struggle in and over Japan, It seems to be expected that China and Russia will try to crowd into Japan or hem it in; that was undoubtedly on the Russian agenda when the Kremlin prompted the Korean war. There is pending a treaty with Japan, and apparently this country and Japan are to be in a military pact. We will probably exact bases and will necessarily have considerable forces there. European service, which the Forty-fifth had come to expect, may still be an eventuality. The situation in Korea is actually much larger than our people had surmised. The war in Korea now engages 250,000 Americans, according to figures from Gen. Omar Bradley. The struggle is considerably of the seesaw variety; the Americans are alternately suc- cessful and unsuccessful; apparently they are heading into a big test of strength well up toward the thirty-eighth parallel. The involvement of Japan in whatever may develop in Asia is acute. Formosa and Korea are just starting points for trouble. Thus, when the United States sets up a force and training grounds in Japan it Js prepar- ing for # real struggle with the whole Orient, which has heen staked out for Communist domination. In all this, Oklahoma has poignant in. terest. The commitment of the Forty-fifth Division to the Orient links us closely with far-flung and partly unseen events, The Obligation of Americans to America EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT A. TAFT OF OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, March 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. TAFT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the address entitled ‘The Obligation of Americans to America,” delivered by the Honorable Albert W. Hawkes, at the annual meet- ing in honor of George Washington, held under the auspices of the Sons of the American Revolution and the Daughters of the American Revolution on February 18, 1951, at the First Congregational Church in Montclair, N. J. An estimate from the Government Printing Office indicates that the ad- Gress will occupy two and one-half pages of the Recorp, at a cost of $205. There being no objection, the address ‘was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THe OBLIGATION OF AMERICANS TO AMERICA Let me say, no man living knows the answer to the thousands of distressing prob- lems which have been created for the peo- ple of this country and the people of the world, by large groups of self-seeking poli- ticians and dictators whose interest seems to be personal power first and the people’s wel- fare second, if there is any welfare left. It is too late for any of us to lose our patience and temper or to cease striving for a sense of humility. No one can hope to be all right or to find the other fellow all wrong in the situation of mad confusion which faces the people, due to the concentration of power in a centralized government, which power has either been unwisely voted or improper. ly seized by those in authority. Mass con- fusion, in the minds of the people, has al- ‘ways preceded the downfall of any great gov- ernment or organized effort of man. In attempting to appraise our commit- ments of every kind, made to foreign gov- ernments or groups of governments, and their commitments to us, and in trying to ascertain the billions of dollars we have given away in the two World Wars, and since the cessation of actual fighting in 1945, up to the time of the Korean event plus the billions of dollars we are yet obligated to put into the foreign situation—I am unable to find a man in Washington, or elsewhere, who would even attempt to evaluate the sit- uation. Practically all who are in a position to know considerable about the situation, recognize and admit that the loans or gifts, whichever you wish to call them, will eventually be charged off to profit and loss. I think we should stop making any further commitments abroad and first appoint a committee of the ablest lawyers, statesmen, economists, accountants, and financial minds of the country to take an honest non- political, nonpartisan inventory of our pres- ent economic and defense equipment and abilities; second, this committee should lst all of our commitments and show all the gifts and loans, with their total sum, since World War I. Then we should determine whether it lies within our power to fulfill all the commitments mace or promised in good faith and whether the nations to whom the promises were made can fulfill their part of the commitments and if they have acted in complete good faith, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The majority of this suggested committee should not be men or women Who have al- ready been instrumental in leading us along tho path we are now following, but rather the majority should be other fine American men and women seeking only to fulfill the obligation of Americans to America. From the report of such committee, perhaps we can formulate a foreign policy clear enough and definite enough so that the American people themselves and the men on the firing line can understand it and know for what they are asked to sacrifice their lives. Then we should try to find out whether the mothers and fathers of the United States are in favor of having their boys sent all over the world to fight battles in which I, personally, believe there is no way to do more than win a physical victory here and there without any of the fruits of peace and good will to follow the physical victory. Americans forget too soon and forgive too often. Woodrow Wilson, a great and distin- guished American, who took us into World War I, was elected for his second term, in which we became embroiled in foreign al- lances, by this slogan, “He kept us out of war.” I remember the posters all over the United States of a mother standing with her hand on her son's shoulder, saying “‘My son, vote for Woodrow Wilson; he kept you out of war.” I will not analyze the right or wrong, but just take this look at the facts. Franklin D. Roosevelt Was elected to his third term, principally through a campaign speech he made in Boston, when he said to the mothers and fathers in the United States the following: “I say to you again and again and again, that your sons will not be sent to fight on foreign soil.” It is quite rellably reported by those who heard the speech and I was one of them—that the words which were later found inserted in the manuscript “unless we are attacked” were not used in the speech when it went to the ears of mil- lions of Americans. My only purpose in reemphasizing this fact, is that it convinces me that our American people never wished to be drawn into the wars of foreign nations, which have been going on for centuries. Both Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt will probably occupy a distin- guished position in history, and were be- loved by millions of our citizens. That does not change the fact that the people did not want their sons sent to foreign soils and did not want to become involved in foreign en- tangled alliances. Certainly, it is true that none of us know what George Washington might say today to the American people in a farewell address, but I want to ask every American to think carefully as to whether the morals, the char- acter, and the spiritual development of a vast part of the world justified or justifies us in changing our position of living under our American way of life and contributing all within our power to help others to find the way of improving their lives and freedom. As one American, to those who are willing to Msten to what 1 say tn good faith, my an- awer is that we have entered into partner- ship and alliances with political powers, leaders, and dictators whom no intelligent American citizen would choose as a partner in his lfe’s work. Let us always keep in mind two of the Cardinal rules of equity which are funda- mental in all human relationship: 1, He who asks equity must do equity. 2. He who comes into equity must do so with clean hands. Perhaps we are moving too fast. Perhaps we are forgetting how the tide of good haa come in over the last 2,000 years, only to re- cede to points further away from our objec- tive than they have frequently occupied over the centuries gone by. ZT ask you if anyone in this room feels that this world is better after World Wars I and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD H than 1t was before World War I, when the Constitution of the United States was sue preme with us and the American flag ocou- pied first place in our hearts, minds, and ore! tivel relatively small percentage of our people appreciate that a treaty made, executed, ond ratified with a foreign power takes preoe~ dence over our Constitution and the law of the land. A still smaller percentage of our people realize that our commitments to the United Nations and the new treaty-making proc- eases evolved during the last 10 years are tly circumventing our Federal Con. stitution, amending 1{t without the process established for its amendme.t, and some say we have already abrogated vital constitu. tional provisions and guaranties as is evi- denced by the recent decision of the Call- fornia Supreme Court. Only a few of our people have made the understanding of government important enough for them to realize that when we go into a world government, that we have lost control of our own affairs and have became just a part of a muddled, confused world. A world whose selfish motives and objectives dictate their vote. If socialism and communism are predom!- nant, then we have thrown our fine system and way of life into a kettle of interna- tional dictatorahip, there to become and parcel of the conglomerate whole, where the state is master and man ite puppet or serf, Then there will be no leader of freemen left to hold the light of liberty and oppor- tunity aloft, to lead others out of the dark- ness and despair brought about by rulers who have all the iniquitous qualities of the worst kings and emperors of the past, re- gardless of the name by which you call them. Perhaps power-seeking politicians and leaders are trying to change the quality and character of humanity faster than it can be changed. Perhaps they are hoping to accomplish by force and subsidy those things which can only be accomplished by spiritual develop- ment and decency of purpose on a voluntary basis in keeping with the spirit of the Golden Rule. Perhaps they are trying to change human- ity by force faster than God ordained it should be changed. A human life is but the wink of an eye or the break of a wave as compared to the known time of the past. I am not saying that some day the world may not be right for world government, but I am saying if we try to force it on the people of the United States in view of the conditions confront- ing us, and considering the character of the people of the world now, we will destroy the greatest accomplishment of mankind in the history of the world. I refer to the American form of government and way of life. Re of what anyone may say or how much it may hurt the feelings of aome peo- ple in the world, I claim that the United States of America has been the greatest charitable organization ever known in the history of the world in its attempts to do good for others without seeking anything material in return. I also claim that, in our great zeal to do good, we have overpromised ourselves, or agreed to things whioh, ff pur- sted, Will wreck this greatest charitable ore ganization in the world. If any great charitable institution within our borders were to become emotional or oversealous in promising to do things which ite board of directors and contributors found could not be done without destroying the institution, then, it is my opinion, that board of directora would be forced to take in- ventory and reappraise tts powers and the relative importance of the things it would like to do. Then the members of the board, would be forced to say, “We have under« taken to do more than ts possible with our manpower and material wealth without jeopardizing and destroying our whole ef- fort in charity.” I think they would be courageous enough to say we have overesti«- mated our power to do good, and they would be com: to adjust themselves to the doing of things within the limits of their known, or at least their probable, income and manpower. Thus they would preserve thelr great charitable institution to do good within the scope of its ability. No decent American ever wishes to defy the law of bis country. No decent American ever wishes to evade military service required to protect and preserve our great country, But if we are a free people, every American should have the right without amears or re- prisals to say openly how he feels our wel- fare and purpose in life are to be best served and accomplished. If, because we are in & great emergency; if, because we are involved in some kind of a wa- that our leaders do not call war; if, because we are on the brink of & great war, possibly engulfing the world, we stop the citizen from expressing his honest, patriotic views, then, indeed, have we become a dictatorship where those in power in the Government are the masters and the people its puppets, Right now I would not attempt to appraise who is responsible for the dilemma in which we find ourselves. Nor would I urge others to do so. Two great World Wers fought to victory by the men in the field; two great opportunities for the establishment of peace or ways to peace forfeited or bungled away by the political leaders because selfishness could not be made into intelligent self- interest, and our leaders compromised prin- otple. They let idealism blot out realism almost completely. Theodore Roosevelt said, “A pure idealist is often one of the most dangerous men in the world, because fre- quently he is very sincere and convincing, but he has no foundation in the realism of life.” I often think of the admonition I gave to our political leaders and the leaders of the world, in the speech I made before the GI Forum in Rome, in June 1945, lees than 8 weeks after VE-day. I had had conferences with the Honorable Winston Churchill and & delightful visit with His Holiness, the Pope—four other Senators being present. The substance of what I said was this. We have spent probably $200,000,000,000 to get an Army of 8,400,000 of the best trained and equipped American soldiers on the Eu< ropean Continent, and to assist our ally, Britain, in getting 785,000 of the best trained and equipped British soldiers on continental Europe. Then I asked the question why shouldn't we announce to the world in sim- ple unambiguous language, the objectives for which we fought the war, and our Oob- jective in securing peace, before we take this great Army back home, and ship the equip« ment to other parts of the world. All I wanted to do was what any plain, ordinary, American citizen should have wanted to do, vig: that is help make peace possible while power was present. For making that statement I was blasted by the socialiatic, communistic, New-Dealish sympathizers, as a warmonger. Now I am receiving letters from the most distinguished men in the country, saying that I was one gf the few people who saw the picture clearly and expressing great sorrow that no heed ‘was taken of that speech except by the smear artists and character assassins. The only Object I have in referring to this—which is water over the dam—is to prove that all we have thus far done is to win physical victories and bungle away the peace. ‘Why should we the political leaders now in power in the world, to do a better job if we win another physical victory, after the A1097, loss of hundreds of thousands, if not mile. lions of our Sine young manhood, No, I reiterate, they in Europe, should call to arma, all of their available manpower, to defend themselves, before we take another step with land forces into the foreign arena. I do not mean we should fall to support our boys in Korea or in Europe. But we should think well about maintaining land forces, for our own soll, and the return of our men from Korea, in an orderly way. I would adopt some sane for pretraining our youth for armed service in case of necessity and not call upon them to fight wars with- out training. I would build and equip an army for the defense of our country, and it seems to me that Senator Tart’s figure of & miliion and a half men, over-all, with a backlog of trainees, should be our first step. Then an appraisal and inventory of our resources, manpower and abilitiea to do things, should be made available to guide the American people and their representa- tives in Congress aa to how far we can go with any degree of safety in the future. Nothing is more vital than that Congress and not any one man, or group of men, should have the power to say whether our young manhood shall be sent to fight on foreign soll. I firmly believe that the duty of every American is to make the saving of the United States his No. 1 job, I do not believe in the slogan, we must save the world, if we would save ourselves. That slogan has already led’ ‘us into the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, the crippling of hundreds of thousands more of our citizens, and has put us well on the way to national bankruptcy. National bankruptcy of our country can accomplish all of the wicked objectives of the Com- munists and destroy the cause of freemen throughout the world for centuries. I would change that slogan to read, “We cannot save the world unless we save ourselves,” I would ask those in authority to truly appraise the atomtc bomb and not distress and terrify the people with imaginary things - that may never happen, neither would I over~: emphasize the importance of dangerous things that may happen. Certainly, what Genera! Bradley said is true, “We may be' bombed.” But I would like to ask you, fel~ low Americans, whether we are any less likely to be bombed if we send more troops abroad and thus weaken our defense at home? We will never be overcome, as 8 Nation of free- men, except by great land forces, landing on our own shores, and greater than we can combat. Hitler had one of the greatest armies in the world, and he got to the shores of the English Channel. England was on her knees, crippled from tensions and ruth- less attacks from the air. Hitier did not dare attempt to cross the Channel, 22 miles. Rus~' aia would have to bring a man force of tre- mendous magnitude some 4,000 miles, if she started from home, and some 3,000 miles if she started from the shores of our former allies in Europe. It is inconceivable that she could transport a large land force either across the Atlantic Ocean or across Siberia down through Alaska. We can likewise bomb, providing we spend all that is neces~ sary to be supreme tn the air and maintain supremacy on the sea. I said on the Senate floor almost 5 years ago that Russia would never need to precipt- tate an open war with us in order to accom~- plish her objective of destroying our way of fe. Y made this statement on the basts that we were and are spending ourselves tnto national bankruptcy, and national bankruptey would sound the death knell of the free-enterprise system. I with what Abraham Lincoln said when he was 29 old: “No power on earth can ever tand a force in this country to overcome us. As @ nation of freemen we must live through all time or die by suicide.” Tolerance, pa~ tience, equity, and justice in our dealings amongst ourselves are the things required
A1098 to build national unity. If we can build real unity, no oné can overcome us. Then we will set an example to the world which freemen can follow if they are willing to pay the price of liberty. Our people favor alr and naval supremacy, but they are opposed to our sending millions of men to fight on foreign soil side by side with people whose political philosophy and economic objectives are certainly not sta- bilized and unified any more than all of their morals and character are stabilized and unified. What if these countries who are leaning strongly to socialism, should change their course, while a vast army from here is on foreign sail? Yes, I would take an inventory right now regardless of what the world might think of us. The better people of the world would thank us later for having dorte it. When I was on the Air Policy Board of the Congress, I told the committee and the high command of the various branches of the armed services that I would vote for any amount of money necessary to make us su- p-eme in the air and on the sea as fast as we could lawfully and intelligently spend the money. 1 would not say now what we should do to help other nations who believe sincerely and are on record as being in favor of the freedom of the individual. I would let them know thetr Uncle Sam cannot do their job for them, no matter how kind his heart is. The best work of all men in the world has been done when mother necessity stood back of them with a broomstick, and, par- ticularly, when freedom and self-preserva- tion were their objectives. I hear Americans say, “Wouldn't you send even 10 divisions to Europe or to Asia, just to show good will?” My answer is: If you send 10 divisions anywhere and the vast hordes of any nation, which is our enemy, is putting them and our supposed full- fledged allies to rout, then, in the name of decency and honesty, we will have to send a8 many hundreds of thousands or millions more as is necessary to support them, protect them, and save them. We can't just send our boys around the world and, if they fail, les them be massacred. No war can be conducted under the direc- tion of the United Nations, which takes 2 or 8 months to give a go-ahead signal in every case, except when they voted to resist the Communist advance from North Korea, and we furnished 90 to 95 percent of all the aia given to the South Koreans. Can anyone doubt the ultimate failure of our arms on foreign soll when they see how General MacArthur's men of the s0- called United Nations forces in Korea have been handicapped by the indecision of the United Nations. Just this week the Prime Minister of Great Britain has suggested the United ‘ations forces should not go north of the thirty-eighth parallel. General Mac- Arthur had the communistic forces on the run last fall, when he was ordered not to proceed further. The Communists reorgan- ized, rearmed, and reinforced their ranks and drove our Armed Forces almost to the sea. About 10 days ago, our Army started to make heavy gains and drove the Com- munists back again. Now, there is talk of stopping MacArthur again. If that happena, the Communists’ forces from a population of nearly a billion people, will reinforce, re- arm, and again take the offensive. Mean- while thousands of American boys are mak- ing the supreme sacrifice, and 1 suggest you eek yourself, “Where will this all end?” and further ask yourself the question, “What will we really accompl’zh if our forces overcome the Communists in Korea?” My opinion is, the communistic designs to destroy the cause of freemen will wreak out in other parts of the world thousands of miles from our shore, I am convinced that the manhood of 150,- 000,000 people in the United States cannot supply land forces to fight a billion people throughout the world without bringing dis- aster to themselves, Some of our top politicians are saying we can’t refuse to send armies abroad without forsaking our allies. I suggest they begin to think a little about forsaking ourselves and begin to recognize that the opposing forces of communism versus the cause of freemen are in a death grapple which will not be settled in any one part of the world so long as hundreds of millions of people are waver- ing in their minds as to which cause they will support. The nationalization of indus- try in Great Britain and the three defeats administered to the Honorable Winston Churchill within the last month should make all freemen who believe in free come petitive enterprise stop and think. I voted for the United Nations and it may yet serve & purpose, but when our fine ally, Great Britain, is holding Red China by one hand, while with the other she fs patting us on the back and asking for more help and more favors, and took several months to vote Red China the aggressor, it does not seem to me to justify the sending of our fine boys to all quarters of the earth to fight battles for what we believe in, but appar- ently not the things in which the present British Government and some others believe in. Let us not forget that those in authority in England have not yet shown her colors in regard to Red China becoming a member of the United Nations, and thereby further contaminating it with communism. Of course, every decent American would help feed those in need and deserving, even if it means sacrifice at home. Of course, every decent American wants to Keep his promises within the limits of his ability, but the bankruptcy law, which helps individuals who have overreached them- selves and failed, does not help nations who do the same thing. Of course, every decent American is interested in lending ald and help to nations who truly believe in the cause of freemen and who themselves are willing to pay the price to fight to the mit of their ability for that cause; therefore, I would be in favor of giving all possible help in the air and at sea to such nations, so long as that does not jeopardize the life and the preservation of our American people and their system of freemon. Ex-President Hoover did the people of the United States and all the decent people of the earth a great service when he made his radio address on December 20, 1950. The gist of his speech meant to me this—we cannot save the world unless it first does everything in its power to safe itself, We must stop where we are, take an in- ventory of our assets and liabilities in this world mess, then if not too late, make cer- tain we save ourselves, otherwise all will be lost. Why not consider Spain as an ally, in our great need to protect the lives, liberty, and Property of the American people? Spain protected by the Pyrenees Mountains with 400,000 men now in arms, ready to ight Com- munist aggression and probably 1,000,000 more men who soon could be in arms, should have our consideration as an ally, and a pro- tected base for our Air Force and Navy. Think carefully of some of the allies we now have in and out of the United Nations, before we ignore this available ally. Tam urging the people to demand of their Representatives {n Congress that without de- lay an inventory be prepared of what we have left, after where we have been, what we have done, and what we have promised, or agreed to; so by that light, then and only then can our people know what we yet have to do with, and urge thelr representatives to use our Temalning strength in the most effective way APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to save the United States, so that we can help others to save themselves. I ask you, is that not sound as against plunging headlong and recklessly into war all over the world only to lose ourselves and gain nothing for anyone? Senator Harry F. Brep has been almost a lost voice in the wilderness, wisely urging the curtailment and elimination of nones- sential expenditures, so that we may pay for the essential things and not neglect self- defense, and avoid habits that lead to na- tional bankruptcy and suicide. I have always agreed with him, that we should pay as we go and not deprive our ait and sea defense of anything necessary to prevent an attack upon our shores. We should make an honest, earnest appeal to all of our people to stop demanding extravagant, nonessential ex- penditures, and to tighten their belts and do their full citizen’s duty to defend this Na- tion against whatever may be ahead of us. Then, as our forefathers did, we should ask God's guidance and help in keeping our cause righteous and making it successful. Let us not forget the Declaration of Independence, and the constitutions of 46 out of the 48 States make a direct appeal to God Almighty for His help and guidance. In closing, I think every American mother and father should make it their duty to notify their representatives in Congress and in the executive branch of Government how they feel and what they expect of their elécted and appointed representatives. It is not a question of right to speak, but duty to speak. I would urge that it be done now, so that these representatives may under- stand, and be encouraged by the wish and will of the people. I would urge the people to carry that wish and will through to the next election, for if the people sit idly by and watch their rights destroyed one by one, and, later, try to arise to action, they may find they have lost the power of action. If the people are masters in this country of ours, they must act like masters, because when the people abdicate to the government, their servant, they are no longer the master, and the dove of peace and the flower of liberty will have vanished and faded away. “With malice toward none and charity for all” let us build unity and strength in the Jand of the free, and thus create an example for the world to follow. An example that may spell peace on earth under God. Placing Figures of Great Americans on the Walls of This Chamber REMARKS HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1951 Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, a day or two ago, the gentleman from Pennsylva- nia [Mr. Rxopes] took me to task for not mentioning certain Indians when I was naming great Americans whose figures should be placed on these walls to take the place of those caricatures of ancient aliens and enemies of America you see there now. He named Tecumseh, a Shawnee In- dian chief, as a red-blooded 100-percent American whom he said I had over- looked, The gentleman from Pennsylvania {Mr. Ruoprs] ought to read American history. Then he would not attempt to