APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tent that it does not want to make similar studies of alternative sites. Conservationists throughout the country can, in this instance, defend to the full their national park system confident that pres- ervation of the Dinosaur Monument entails no sacrifice of other benefits. Tosum up, in conclusion, let us emphasize; 1. The Echo Park and Split Mountain Dams are not necessary for the successful and economical development of the upper Colorado Basin, or for compliance with the interstato compact, or to furnish the pro- posed diversion to the Utah Basin. The claim that these dams are sO necessary is definitely in error. 2. In fact, substitutes may be found which will not only furnish more water storage and more hydraulic power, according to the re- ports of the Bureau of Reclamation, but will cost less for the results attained. 8. The Dinosaur National Monument con- tains natural, geological, archaeological, and recreational features that are unique and irreplaceable. These are treasures which our generation holds in trust for posterity. There is @ mora! obligation upon us to preserve them undamaged for our grandchildren, our great grandchildren, and for their children, 4. Such recreational features as could be developed in connection with the reservoirs would be equally provided on the substitutes and would be just what is found at every one of the thousands that already exist through- out the country; the unique educational and inspirational values would be destroyed—and quite unnecessearily—if the dams are built in the monument. 6. Our growing population needs more na- tional parks and national monuments and more places of special interest displaying the variety of natural manifestations. Every visitor to such a park is a better citizen after- ward, and we need good citizens. Any re- duction in the extent or character of our parks would be a step contrary to the public interests. 6. If these dams are allowed to be bullt they will constitute precedents for again repeatedly violating in the future a wise policy, established by Congress with the Department of the Interior, to prevent Just such wanton destruction of irreplaceable values. 7. The injury will be to the whole country and to future generations not here to defend their heritage, the benefits are claimed for a relatively small number of local inhabitants and their communities--but this is all due to a misunderstanding; the benefits can be had just as cheaply or more cheaply without these two dams and reservoirs. There are really no valid reasons for them; it is just that there is always a temptation to grab & park for any other purpose and public opinion has been stirred up under a mis- understanding, and then ‘t 1s human nature not to want to give up @ cause which has once been espoused. Education and the American Heritage EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 31, 1951 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I am placing in the Recorp the text of two addresses and a brief statement in con- nection with the eighty-fourth convo- cation of the board of regents of the University of the State of New York, held on October 20, 1950, at Albany, N. Y. The theme of the convocation was “Edu- cation as the guardian of the American heritage,” and the two major addresses were delivered by Dr. Charles Franklin Kettering and the Right Reverend Mser. Fulton J. Sheen, two outstanding per- sonalities in American life. I am cer- tain that my colleagues will find these addresses both timely and interesting: EDUCATION AS THE GUARDIAN OF THE AMERICAN HERITAGE REGENTS’ STATEMENT OF THE CONVOCATION The eighty-fourth convocation of the board of regents of the University of the State of New York, held in Chancellors Hall, State Education Building, Albany, N. Y., is now part of our history. The thome of the convocation, “Educa- tion as the Guardian of the American Heri- tage,” proved a most attractive one, Judging from the enthusiastic crowds which attended each of the sessions and stirred the various speakers to deliver addresses which, without exception, were notable and provocative. The convocation was held on October 20, 1950, and the three afternoon sessions were designated, respectively, higher education, elementary and secondary education, and adult education. The Senate Chamber was filled to capacity for the session on higher education to hear, under the chairmanship of Regent Moot, the addresses of Dr. Irwin Edman, Johnsonion professor of philosophy, Columbia University; Brig. Gen. Ames T. Brown, New York State director of selective service; Dr. Everett N. Case, president, of Colgate University and president of the Assoctation of Colleges and Universities of the State of New York; and Dr. Carroll V. Newsom, associate commis- sioner for higher education. The Capitol Room at the Hotel Ten Eyck was not large enough to accommodate the overflow crowd for the session on elementary and secondary education which, under the chairmanship of Regent Eastman, listened to addresses of Col. Lawrence Wilkinson, direc- tor, New York State Civil Defense Commis- sion; Dr. Samuel Flagg Bemis, Sterling pro- fessor of diplomatic history, Yale University; and Dr. Harry V. Gilson, associate commis- sioner for elementary and secondary educa- tion. In the Cathedral Guild House a large auct- ence attended the session on adult educa- tion under the chairmanship of Regent Macy, and enjoyed the reports of the two youthful community ambassadors, Theodore Rhoades, who was sent to the Netherlands, and Dora L. Bertoglio, who was sent to Italy, and the addresses of Dr. Kenneth Powers Williams, professor of mathematics, University of In- diana, and Dr. Edwin R. Van Kleeck, assist- ant commissioner for adult education and special services. The evening session found Chancellors Hall crowded to its utmost capacity, and it was then that the convocation, which was under the chairmanship of Chancellor Wallin, swept to a dramatic climax in the addresses of Dr. Charles Franklin Kettering and the Right Reverend Monsignor Fulton J. Sheen. Dr. Kettering’s message was primarily one of hope—ea resolute call to educators to in- spire youth to face the future with daunt- less courage in their own abilities and un- shaken confidence in the resources of America, Monsignor Sheen's message was primarily one of faith—a clarion call to educators to reaffirm in youth the pioneering spirit of our founding fathers, thetr trust in God, and their recognition that from Him come their inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pure suit of happiness. The board of regents felt that these two addresses, going as they do to the funda- AS05 mentale of the democratic way of life, are so valuable and timely that they should reach @ much larger number of readers than the formal publication of the proceedings of the convocation, and, therefore, bas provided for the separate publication of such addresses in this brochure. The regents call upon educators and all others who would keep the American herltage constantly to reaffirm such faith and hope in all who seek their ministering services-—faith in the Creator, faith in this great country of ours and her democratic processes, faith in fellow man and faith in self; hope in the fu- ture of America and of mankind, so that youth, fortified by their instruction and ex- ample, may overcome all dangers, difficulties, and discouragements, and press on to achieve the goal of youth’s most cherished dreams. To that faith and hope the regents join a message of charity, that youth may be taught and may fulfill thelr life’s mission with male ice toward none and in the apirit of that brotherhood which instinctively recognizes the dignity and the privileges of all, irre- spective of race, creed, or color. Thus will our eighty-fourth convocation, while remaining a part of our history, con- tinue as a vital force guarding the American heritage. ee ADDRESS OF OHARLES FRaN&LIN Kerrerina, DIRECTOR AND RESEARCH CONSULTANT, CEN- ERAL Morons Oo. Gentlemen, distinguished guests, the la- dies. I am delighted to be here. I havé no prepared talk becauee your situation in this convocation is so different from anything that I had been acquainted with, and fur- ther, if I had attempted to write something, it would have been inadequate when I got on the ground. I thought I would like to talk to you for a minute about a different point of view in education. I have been an inventor all my life, and I thought you might be interested in how an inventor luoks at education and what 1s the difference between an inventor and a scientist. I was asked the question last winter: “What is the difference between an inventor and a scientist?” My explanation wae rather simple. I said a scientist ts realty something very special, He is like the strings in the loom that go lengthwise, and if you made a hammock of that type, it would be difficult to sleep in. The inventor puts the strings in the other way. A study made a number of years ago said the more education a man has, the less likely he is to be an inventor. Now the rea- son for that is quite simple. From the time the boy, or girl, starts in school he is ex- amined 3 to 4 times a year, and, of course, it 1s a very, very disastrous thing if he fails. An inventor fails all the time and it is a triumph if he succeeds once. Consequently, if education is an inhibition to tnvention, it {8 due entrely to the form by whch we rate things and not because of any intellec- tual differential. I can take any group of young people, any place. and teach them to be inventors if I can get them to throw off the hazard of being afraid to fail. Because failure is just exactly like the steps that lead up into this great education building. You fail because your ideas aren't right. You shouldn't be afraid to fall, but you should learn to fail intelligently. By that I mean, when you fail, find out why you failed, and each time you fail it will bring you up nearer to the goal. It ts very interesting that most people look at problems as being complicated. We can- not solve the complicated problem. Conse- quently, we have to analyze it and bring it down to the most elementary things in the world. We have had a motto in our re- search laboratory that reads: “This problem, when solved, will be simple,” because every
A506 one we have ever solved has been simple, We don't think anybody can solve a com- plicated one. There are two general types of knowledge in the world. There is the knowledge about people, and there is the knowledge about things. Things are much older than people. Nature was here for millions and millions cf years before the people were here and we sometimes, in our sotentific approach to the thing, get the idea that we can tell nature what to do. We read in the paper about the great discoveries that have been made. Well, those are discoveries, but we shouldn't get excited about them. If they hadn’t been there, we wouldn't be here. And so I think that because over the past few hundred years we have been able to understand some of the phenomena of nature we have become egotistical es to how much we know sbout nature. Of course, a knowledge of nature is science. We have developed a thing we call research and we perhaps overestimate what it is because a researcher is simply an ama- teur; he is going to do something for the first time, and that is all the amateur does. The researcher is a professional amateur. He 1s professional in that he knows that he is going to have a lot of trouble with the problem and it isn't going to be a very good solution when he gets !t, because the work of an amateur is never very good. So we have tried to set up a method of describing these elemental things. That is why I say I can take any group of people, any place, and I can get a good result with them if they don’t try too hard and if we can analyze the problem, The word “design” is a very bad word. We don’t design very much of anything. We make it so it will work. Right after this last war some friends of mine from Europe came over and they were amazed at some of our developments in Diesel locomotives and Diesel engines in general. The type of engine they looked at was quite unconventional. They said, “How did you get yourself into the atate of mind that you could design such a cockeyed engine?” “But,” I said, “we didn't. We pullt a single cylinder engine and we gave it half a doven pistons and said, ‘You try these out. See which one you like the best. Here are some valves.’ We let the engine try them out.” I said that if the engine wasn’t any good, we didn't design it. We made it the way it wanted to be, to show how much smarter the engine is than the engineer. These parts run 30 times as long as anybody thought they could be made to run. But we let the engine pick them out. The engine is a pretty smart piece of machinery if you let it talk to you. In science we need to listen to thé prob- lem. We have one motto in our laboratory: “Let the problem be the boss’—becauge it’s the only thing that can be the boss. We have the idea that if we have a couple of Latin and Greek synonyms set up, that is a good substitute for knowing how. I have been working on a problem called photosyn- thesis, or why the grasa is green, for many, many years. I think we are going to find out some day. We have made more progress in the past 3 years than in the past 50 or 60 years. The oldest plant we have in this universe ia the little blue-green alga which grows on ponds. Blue-green alga goes back to pre« historic days, Its appearance hasn't changed, It has a mind of ite own and goes on being a blue-green alga. A friend of mine picked up & little book and sent it to me air mail. The particular thing that had interested him was that in this little book it said it had been definitely proved that the active principle in blue-green algae is phycocyanine. I read this and I immediately grabbed the telephone and said to one of my associates, “Send me the structural formula of phycocyanine.” I didn't get a reply. So I called him up again, and he said nobody knew the formula for — phycocyanine. I called several well-known book stores, Brentano's in New York, and Kroch's Book Store in Chicago, and said, They couldn't get me very much. So when I got back to my home in Dayton I thought I would look it up in the dictionary. Sure enough, there it was. Phy- cocyanine. Phykos is the Greek word for algae and cyanine is the word for blue. So I went out, walked around the house and came in the same door. I was walking past the International Busi- ness Machines Co.'s office the other day and saw in the window display something repre- senting the old Tower of Babel. As you know, when the people tried to build the tower to heaven the Lord confused their tongues. Don't think that tower is gone—we are con- fusing the tongues today—so if any fellow in any ne can understand anything in any other line, he fs not well educated. Yet nature made all. It was all here, all de- veloped, before any words were in exiatence at all. Consequently, take the problem and try to find out what it is. You have had no trouble in learning to talk to the problem. You don’t need to know Greek, nor any Latin, but you do need to know how to ask and how to r the answer. A great many people say that the trouble with the in- ventor ie that he is @ cut-and-try artist. We never thought we were that bad. In the East you call it trial-and-error. That 16 because you are older and more refined than we are out Weat. It isn't elther of them. It 1s when you cannot make the calculations atall. We try to find out what those factors are by experimental evaluation, which is a tremendously different thing from cut-and- try. The inventor is constantly stumbling onto something. I used to tell this story. If this room were very dark and there were a chair in the middie and we all sat around the wali, we could philosophize aa to where it was, but the fellow who got up and walked around and stumbled over it would find the chair. One fellow puts it this way: “There is one thing proven, that nobody ever stumbled into anything sitting down.” In the introduction of the new college presidents and the new superintendents of schools here, it was mentioned in the re- marks of both of these gentlemen that there are opportunities which exist today in the whole world of education. There never was such an opportunity in the history of the world for people to know things. Therefore I have been trying to work out the idea that this 1s the age of opportunities unlimited. A great many people are quite distressed; a great many people are worried, and the rea- son for it ts that there are two types of things—the current confusion, for one. We have @ war, and I think there are some elec-~ tions coming up. Those are the confusions of the day. They are the current distrac- tions, but they haven't anything to do with the long-range type of things that we need to do, and therefore if we plan some of these long-range things—there never was such an opportunity to do, never such an opportunity to understand, never such an opportunity to find out. We live in a world of fear and despair. If you listen to some commentators and Communists, you will find that out. I have been very fortunate in that I have never been able to read very much, so I have been spared a lot of that. I was talking before the American Broad-« casters Association not long ago. I said I wished I had @ business of my own. I would put on 1 hour a week, the Happiness Hour, and tell what wonderful opportunities we have in this country. We talk about ex- hausting the lands. We ere talking sbout people going to starve to death. I don't know whether you know it or not: I have been in the automobile business all my life. I have bullt a lot of engines. Everybody al- ways said that we are the people who are APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I admit the streeta are getting pretty full. I asked a very good friend of mine, “Why are you worried about people starving to death?” “Well,” he said, “we are exhausting the lend.” I said, “Just wait a minute. We can feed about 200,000,- 000 people in this United States of ours with- out very much trouble. In the past 25 years the horse population bas gone down 18,000,- 000 and for every horse you don't feed you can feed four and a half peopie.” Without farming one more acre of ground you can feed 70,000,000 more people. I know it is a ttle hard on the horses, but then * « *, Nevertheless, he came back and said, “Of course, you are going to exhaust your of] and your petroleum, and so fort! ” I said, “Suppose we do. Let's be realistic. Let's find out at what rate we are exhausting those things.” I don’t ilke to Hive in this atmosphere of despatr. It is hard on a person. It makes one nervous. Just where are we in the pic- ture? Well, we got some figures together. Here ts what we find. Only 5 percent of the coal has been taken from the mines. We atill have 90 percent of our petroleum in the ground. We have 90 percent of our natural gas. We have all of our shale oll, which is perfectly enormous in quantity. Out in Col- orado there is one rock that contains six or seven times as much oll as we have ever used. It is interesting to know that shale oi] is made up from the remains of those little algae that I was talking to you about. It takes 8,000 years to lay up an inch. There is one rock out there 600 feet deep, so you see they weren’t in a hurry about it. Our whole source of power comes from the sun. I think we know how much our agri- cultural colleges have done. We don’t have to jump at this thing. We have fuel in sight for 1,800 years. I think we can raise enough fuel on an acre of ground to run an auto- mobile, Incidentally you use up the weight of your automobile in fuel per year. That ‘would be about 2tons. The people in Maine who have had their quotas reduced in pota- toes are raising 20 tone to the acre. Of course, there is a lot of waste. The only way we use ft is by fermenting it into alcohol, and that is the wrong way to do it. I do not mean from the social implications, but be- cause a pound of alcohol has only 12,000 or 13,000 heat units while a pound of petroleum has 19,000. So there is no advantage in mak- ing it that way. You want to make it the other way, but we don’t know how to make it the other way yet. Nature made this fer- mentation process automatically. There is nothing to worry about, but our point of view to the whole situation is that we can answer any questions that you need to ask if we do them in # nonegotistical way, if we don't want to become authorities. A fellow sald to me, “Inventors have no respect for authority.” I said, “We do have respect for authority, and the authority we have respect for is the fact and that is the only authority in the world. Nature will answer your questions for you. Nature will do these things for you if you don't try to edict it.” You haven’t any idea how many people want to say, “That is the way it ought to be done.” It ought to be done the way it will work. So, people can learn things today as they never did in the history of the world. Tt doesn’t necessarily have to be a formula. We have this great pneumatic tire industry. We think it is one of the greatest mechanical inventions that has ever been made. It isn’t mentioned in any textbook tn any engineer- ing school. The reason, they say, is that we have no formulas for it. You have to atudy low-pressure steam boilers because we have the formulas, but they don’t make those any more. Z have read about the integrating ma- chinea—these wonderful calculating ma- chines, We got our tires by using a kind of ruining the world.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD integrating process. We put them out and tried them on all automobiles under all Kinds of conditions. They have to be pretty good. We try them out on all the roads and all the people of the world. It is the biggest integrating machine we know of. So, you can abide by these simple ap- proaches. Do you want todoathing? What is the best way to do it? Let's start. Re- member you can't start finally. You have to start ag an amateur. You have to learn ow. One time I was talking with an indus- trialist who said, “You fellows do a very, very poor job in your research. Your things are never very well done.” I said, “I will go down to the music store and get you the finest violin that you have ever seen. W411] you attempt to play a re- cital in Carnegie Hall right away with that?” He said, “No.” I said, “The fellow who plays in Carnegie Hall starts when he is a kid and he practices all through the years.” The great trouble with us is that we want to edict our ideas into completeness instead of having them grow. Ideas grow like corn, You get the idea started and if you don't become politic about it— people say it has to be this or that. It doesn’t. It can be this and that in any ratio, in any proportions you want. I would ke to congratulate this great State of New York on its educational system because it is doing here what everybody is trying to do—integrate the thinking—and everybody has a right to think as he wants to. You are trying to open the road. From an inventor's standpoint, we think the question of procedure is more important than knowledge. You have to know how to analyze a problem. You don’t have to know much to do that, because you can get every- body else to do it. Let me give you un illus- tration. If you were building a house and you went separately to a carpenter, a brick- layer, an electrician, and a plumber, you wouldn't get a very good house. If you took a plan, you would get a good job. The pro- cedure, to the inventor, is like the plan of @ house. We have developed laboratories which are known as problem analysis laboratories, I have a friend who is a very brilliant man. He is quite old. One of his recreations was to work these big jig-saw puzzles. He had a table set up in his house in a room he used for this particular purpose. He said, “I can work these in half the time anybody else can.” I said, “That is the research procedure you are using. We don’t get puzzles that easy. Let me give you the kind of problem we have. Let me take three pieces out of three other puzzles and stir them into your box and see what you can do with that one. You can’t solve the problem until you find out what pieces don’t belong to it, and what ones you don’t have" That is the thing we have to do all the time in trying to solve the problem. We have to do something about it. Let's find out what the thing is that we want to do something about. If you do that, you can write your ticket, and you will underwrite it every time, because your success will be greater than your anticipation. ADDRESS OF THE RicHT REVEREND MONSIGNOR FuLTON J. SHEEN, Nationa. Diricror, So- CIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE FAITH Mr. Chancelor, Dr. Kettering, members of the Board of Regents, your Excellencies, friends, I always consider applause at the beginning of a lecture a manifestation of your faith, If it comes in the middle, it 1s @ sign of hope. And if it comes at the end, it is always charity. Dr. Kettering said that he had no prepared speech because he did not know exactly the nature of the group which he was to address. I have no prepared speech because I know the nature of the group tht I am to address. Dr. Kettering was telling us the difference between invention and education. Dr. Ket~- tering said that invention wag research. If you copy anything out of one book, it ts Plagiarism. If you copy it out of two books, it is research. If you copy it out of six books, you are a professor. Dr. Kettering was speaking of nature as a teacher, which, indeed, is right. No man ever sits down hefore nature and tells It how it ought to work. He is passive before it, There is a note of submission, resignation, respect and obedience in which he says, “Be it done to me according to Thy word.” While Dr. Kettering was developing that theme, there came to me the idea that that is just the way we all ought to b> before the will of God. As we sit passively before nature, so we submit to God's will. Apropos of God's will, it is certain that we are to be educated. Which brings me to my theme of Education as the Guardian of the American Heritage. We begin now by defining terms. What is the American heritage that we have to defend through education? The American heritage, I think, is respect for human rights and liberties. That brings up this next question: Where do we get our rights and liberties which we have to defend? They have a source. Where do I get the right of free speech? Where does the board of re- gents get the right to educate? Where do you get freedom of conscience, freedom of religion? Do you get them from the State of New York? If you got them from the State of New York, the State of New York could take them away. Do you get your rights and liberties from the Federal Govern- ment in Washington? If you got your rights and liberties from the Federal Government in Washington, the Federal Government in Washington could take them away. They are taking almost everything else away. And they could take away your rights and libs erties. Our founding fathers had to face this ques- tion, and it was one of the very first that they answered. They looked around the world for an answer. England wae saying that rights and liberties come from Parlta- ment, and the new French school was saying the rights and liberties of man come from the will of the majority. But our founding fathers knew very well that if your rights and liberties came from the will of the ma- jority, the will of the majority could take away the rights of the minority. After all, the majority is the custodian of minority rights. So they sought for some basis and ground of human rights and liberties, and they found it and set it down in the second para- graph of the Declaration of Independence: It is a self-evident principle that the Crea- tor—the Creator—has endowed man with certain unalienable rights. Unallenable rights. They cannot be taken away. And among them is the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Then, finally, when the Bill of Rights was drawn up, article 9 was written. This article reads: “The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or dis- parage others retained by the people.” A cow has no rights. Neither has a pig, No animal has rights except by association with a human. We alone tf ive rights, and that is because we have transcendental ends, because we have an immortal soul and be- cause this soul was created by God. Just as soon as educaticn, civilization, and so- called culture, allenate themselves from this divine basis of human rights and liberties, there is tyranny. If you have ever read the Soviet constitution you will recall that there are 118 articles setting up a totalitarian system before there is a mention of the word “right.” I think the constitution reaches A507 either chapter 9 ar chapter 10 before you- find aut that one of your first righta 1s the, right to work, That is a duty, not just a right. And then when it comes down to the more basic rights which we take for granted, : they change the wording of the constitution, and begin to use the weak word “recognize.” Rights are no longer guaranteed. They men- tion in article 125 freedom of speech, free- dom of press, freedom of assembly, but on what condition? On condition that they are used to rupport the totalitarian system. The American heritage is concerned with rights and lMbertles, and rights and liberties do not come to us from a dictator. They do not come to us from a state, We do not have them because they are socially expedient. Otherwise a political power might some day determine that they were not expedient. But they come to us from beyond this world, and perhaps one of the difficulties that we are ir, in the international order, is trying to preserve these rights and Iberties which are the great fruits of civilization, without also keeping the roots. If you wish to keep your light and heat, you must also keep your sun. If you wish to keep your perfume, you must keep your flowers. If you wish to keep your forests, you must keep your trees, and tf you wish to keep your rights and libertics in educa- tion, you must also keep your God, That is the American heritage. How does education preserve these rights and liberties? Education preserves them by developing first of all reason or knowledge, secondly, freedom, and thirdly, character. These words are used often very loosely. Reason has undergone a tremendous transformation in the past two or three hun- dred years. Reason always used to mean ends, goals, purposes, and destinies. And then men lost sight of their destinies, Rea- son began to be used almost exclusively for technical purposes and to discover means. Now reason is being used in some parts of the world solely for planning. Socialism is the forcible organization of ® chaos that was created by egotistic reason. Socialism varies in direct ratio and propor- tion with the decline of reason and respon~ sibility. One of the reasons today why peo- ple are becoming constantly, increasingly frustrated is because they have lost the meaning and purpose of life. There 1s noth- ing that so much undermines the minds of people as the loss of meaning of life. After all, if we do not know why we are here, why go on living? One of the reasons why an inventor can go on experimenting and be sure that thore ts going to be a right result sometime is because there is a great Logos and reason and purpose behind the world. If education is to guard our American her- itage it must ever keep in mind the meaning and purpose of life, namely, that we were really made for God as well as for this earth. Freedom has undergone a great transfor- mation, too, Freedom, or liberty, can be understood in three ways. First of all, free- dom can be called the right to do whatever you please. If freedom is the right to do whatever you please, then freedom is not moral but physical, Certainly you can do whatever you please, For instance, you can turn a machine gun on your neighbor's chickens. But freedom does not mean the right to do whatever you please, hecause that ig nothing but power and itt leads to anarchy and tyranny. A8 a result of the confusion that was pro- duced by so many people tn the world think- ing that freedom meant that right to do whatever they please, there began a reac- tion. In nazism, fascism, and communism we had a new definition of freedom. Free- dom is the right to do whatever you must. For example, Engels, who helped Marx write his Communist Manifesto, actually gives this example; “If I drop a stone from my hand, that stone is free because it must obey the
1 a 3 of gravitation. So you are free to the you obey the law of the dictator.” philosophy behind communism. the two extremes of communism: to do as you please and the right tever you must. een both is what American free- be, and the freedom that edtrca- preserve. Freedom ts the right to whatever you ought, and ought implies purpose and law. We are free in the law and not outside of it. We are most free when we obey the nature of things, not when disobey them. I am free to drive an automobile in traffic on condition I obey the trafic jaws. I am free to draw 6 triangle provided I draw three aides. I am free to draw a on condition I draw a long neck, not a short neck. Many people want PEP Beyseice & dom ts mot negative. It is positive. A rich man went up to a taxi driver and gaid, “Are you free?” The taxi driver said, “Yes. I am free.” The rich man left, shouting, “Hurrah for freedom.” {Yt wae meaningless to the taxi driver be- cause if he was free, he was free for some- thing. Our American heritage implies a memory. A heritage is a tradition, and just as you cannot think without going back into the storehouse of your memory, 80, t00, elvilization has a memory, and our country has a memory and a tradition. That tradi- tion is freedom within the law and not out- side of it. Finally, education pheaedl es the American heritage through the developmen char- acter. Character to some extent is a little different from education. In education you always take what is best in ® pupil. For example, education would never take hold of me and teach me to be a singer. I was telling someone at dinner tonight that when, T first instructed Grace Moore, she said after the first 10 minutes, “You have a wonderful voice.” T said, ‘If I do have a wonderful voice, why can't I sing?” She said, “Have you ever tried?” (What priest hasn't?) She said, “What is your favorite duet?” I eald, “Anges Pures from Faust.” She said, “Let's sing it.” Well, we sang it, It goes up about eight octaves each verse. She finally stopped and seid, “You are right. ‘You can't sing.” Bducation lays hold of what is best in a person but I think that character lays hold of whet ts worst. It takes hold of a failing and by very skillful manipulation and train- ing turns it into a perfection. St. Paul said, “Power ts made perfect in infirmity.” Some- times the part of the house that is repaired is the strongest part in the end. There is a tendency today tn certain quarters to believe that character {s made by some single act Mamie called. That was the day you began to hate your mother, and you grew up with that terrible hatred and all the complexes that you have since are due to that one wy what te called the habitus. Habitus tn Latin ta a virtue and is made by repeated atts directed toward a certain end or purpose. I the end is bad, then you have an evil oheraeter. If the end is good, then you have oharacter. down to play at the piano it is Mt ae nce Hae we, Ble 5 I niight hit a t note. Ed Wynn was once phn oy who boasted that he knew operas very well. Ed Wynn struck one note on the piano and said. “If you know operas so well, from what opera does that note come?” fo if you gave me a selection to play, it is that I might hit one tight note, but if a great artist like Rach- maninoff sat down to play, it ts conceivable that he might hit s wrong note. But you would say Rachmaninoff could play and I couldn't. You would not be judging by the individual act. You would be judging by the habitus, A good tennis yer right sometimes make a very bad . A person who cannot, play tennis might sometimes make a very good one, but there is the habi- tus in one and not in the other, and habitus is developed throngh the will and not through knowledge. There is apt to be the assumption of Soo- rates in education that the only reason people are bad is because they are ignorant, and if you give them enough education, they will be good. Oh, no. Sometimes education can make clever devils instead of stupid devils, Not every doctor of philosophy is a saint, nor every doctor of divinity. I am both, and I am not a saint. We ought to be, but we are not. We have the knowledge. Most of the saints never had a doctor of divinity degree nor @ doctor of philosophy degree. Ignorance is not identical with evil. Evil comes from the will and from bad choices. That is why the preservation of the American heritage requires a certain amount of diacl- pline. Is education forgetting it? How lite tle of memory work there is in modern edu- cation. And those of you in the audience who, like myself, are over 30 years of age will remember when we went to school, that we had to do considerable memorising, Memory has to be trained when we are young, It is a very good discipline. Spelling is a very good discipline. Then there are mora) disci- plines. There is nothing that develops char- acter like a pat on the back, provided it is given often enough, hard enough and—low enough. All the education in the world will not make good citizens unless, as I say, we keep in mind the purpose of life and also train the wilt of our young. That means that we bave to decide what is the purpose of education, The purpose of education is not merely to train for a democracy. That we must do, but that cannot be the final end. The purpose of education cannot mere- ly mean to earn our economic living. The purpose of education is the training of the whole man, body and soul. In order to un- derstand how to educate a man, you must know what a man is. Our world is oscillat- ing between two extreme solutions of man. We have the optimistic solution that made every man a saint, and the idea that man is naturally good, progressive and that through the forces of evolution and time alone, he will go on and upward until he becomes a kind of a god. Remember how it was 20 or 30 years ago? Now no one believes in it. What has hap- pened to our philosophy of progress? Look at the rapidity of wars. The interval between the Napoleonic and Franco-Prussian Wars was 55 yoars, from the Franco-Prussian War to the First World War was 48 years, and from World War I to World War IZ it was 21 years, All this at a time when man had all the ma- terial conditions essential for happiness—~ this is not necessary and inevitable progress. The world awept to the other extreme and fell into this terrible despair which Dr. Ket- tering condemned s0 rightly, the despair, for example, that is registered in the philosophy of Sartre that man {s made for nothingness. Man came from nothingness but he was not made for it. Sartre just put nothingness on the wrong end. This ts the essence of Sertre's phtlosophy. He said, “Anything that negates my ego is nothing. But you negate my ego. Therefore, you are nothing.” The result is that today there is a pessimism and a despair about man. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Bducation cannot fall into either of these extremes of or peselimism, Rather we have to realize that we are all not saints and we ere not devils, either—that we are just human belngs who can be very weak. Our weakness can take one of three direc- tions, and the psychologists of the world have recently rediscovered them. Not one of them discovered all of them but each one discovered a third. The three instincts thet we have in us that are not wrong, but that can be perverted, are the instinct that be- longs to our body, which is sex, the instinct that belongs to our mind, which can be ego- tiem and know-it-all-ness, and third, the in- stinct that is related to things—avarice, greed, and material selfishness. Freud re- discovered sex. Adler, with his infertority complex, discovered egotism, and Jung dis- covered avarice and the philosophy of secu-~ rity. These instincts of body and of mind and the instinct to control things are not wrong. They are God-given. They are right, but they have to be watched and controlled and channeled. Body has to be controlled and channeled into marriage. Things have to be controlled for the common good. Mind has to be controlled toward fraternity, spirit of generosity and humility, and all of these are necessary in the development of char- acter. If, then, education is to preserve the great American heritage, it will train the will as well as the intellect. It will keep God and it will also stress discipline in edu- cation, America is now perhaps at one of its great- est moments of generosity. We have many failings, indeed, and we are living in a time when we are cursed by the nemesis of me- diocrity. But let us also count our great- ness. We are, under Providence, the second- ary cause for the preservation of the free- doms of the peoples of the world. We have been the pantry of the world. We are feed- ing the world. We are in danger of attack but if that attack comes, may we as educa- tors recall our founding fathers and the source of our rights and liberties. May we see the fulfilment of the words that Moses wrote. “As the eagle stirs among her young 80 does God stir among the nations.” Moses noted that the eagles built their nest high in the mountain alongside of a orevioe. When finally the mother eagle had hatched her young, she would stir in the nest and finally push one reluctant eaglet over the edge. The little bird would use its wings for the first time—wings that were all too feeble to bear ita weight—and he would fall and fall and fall down to what must have seemed to its little eyes certain death on the precipice or in the chasm below. But just before it. would crash, the mother eagle would swoop out under it and gather the young one on its giant pinions and then sweep it up into the air. Then it would fly from under the eaglet and repeat the process until finally the little bird learned to fly. And as the eagle stirs among her young, 80 does God stir among the nations. We have had material security. Now the nest of America is being stirred by God, and we are being made conscious that there are other worlds and other peoples besides those in our own nest. Sweet Providence is now pushing ws over the edge of this nest of ours and in the uncertainty of feeding the other nations of the world and preserving their freedoms, it may seem that we are crashing to death below. Just as thet eagle gathered up her young, may God who stirred our nest also swoop down under us and bear us up again, as education, conscious of its American heritage, does more and more to preserve the foundation of all rights and liberties; under God to Whom we give all honor and glory forever.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD A Government of Laws and Not of Men EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT R. 0’CONOR OF MARYLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. O’CONOR, Mr. President, on January 27, 1951, the distinguished junior Senator from North Carolina (Mr, SmitH] delivered an address before the Maryland State Bar Association in Baltimore which richly deserves the attention of the Members of this body, and of all the people of our country. In most scholarly fashion the Senator from North Carolina reviewed the legal aspects of American freedoms and guar- antees, freedoms and guarantees which at this moment are threatened as per- haps never before in the history of this great Republic, An outstanding audience, including Many members of the Maryland judi- Ciary and leading authorities in many flelds of legal endeavor, was privileged to hear the address. Judge Levin C. Bailey, of the first judicial circuit of the State, is president of the Maryland Bar Association. Judge Stedman Prescott of the sixth judicial circuit acted as toastmaster at the dinner. I ask unanimous consent that the ad- dress of the distinguished Senator be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: A GOVERNMENT oF Laws ann Not or MEN The people of America are concerned, as rarely ever before, with the paramount prob- lem of their freedom and the question of national survival. They wish a defense that will preserve to us and to our posterity the freedoms that have come to be regarded as commonplace in America. The people are thinking about the history of those freedoms. The founding fathers set a course and followed a path designed to furnish us a correct pattern for life and liberty in a de-~ mocracy. And, that was done when the concept of democracy was not nearly so well understood in the world as is true today. From their studies and efforts they evolved @ government of laws and not of men. They knew the dangers of a government by an individual. The history of dynasties and tyrannies was well-known, and it was thelr purpose to prepare for us a path of progress in na~- tional life that would afford the people the greatest good and freedom. They abhorred the tyrannical abuses of governments based upon the concept of the divine right of kings or despots. We have then our form of government un- der a written Constitution, whose virtues have many times been proclaimed. Our Government was designed to prevent the pos- sibility of a dictatorship ever arising in Amer- ica controlling the lives and liberties, or dedicating the activities of the people to unwise objectives, In a nation where the people are to such @ great extent homogeneous, it would seem unnecessary for such a constant cleavage to exist between the Congress end the execu- tive department as sometimes appears, That there have been obstructions coming from all three of our Gepartments—legislative, ex- ecutive, and judicial—cannot be gainsaid. But, behind and above all the conflicts has been the determination that despots should not rule the people of America. History is replete with the story of despots in many lands overrunning the will of the people and subjugating them to their dictates. Such was never contemplated in America, And, with that feeling, tt is my purpose to Giscuss briefly with you the duties and re- sponsibliities of the three coordinate branches of our Government, and particu- larly the duties of the legislative and the executive, You, as lawyers, are as familiar with the Constitution of the United States as am I. But it ls well indeed to have a recurrence to fundamental princtples now and then, in order that we may keep clearly in our minds just what our type of government 1s supposed to be. The legislative branch was given the re- sponsibihty and the duty of legislating the will of the people into the written law of the land. The executive branch was allotted the duty of executing the laws of the land under the Constitution. The judicial branch was charged with interpreting the laws, and hold- ing a check rein, so to speak, upon any un- warranted exercise of powers by either the legislative or the executive. It is nothing new in the history of na- tions that conflicts have arisen between the legislative on one hand and the executive on the other. But, we in America have been able to avoid the results that have some- times overtaken other nations, It was with a@ profound understanding of human nature that those philosophers of government who organized our system, and knew the his- tory of governments in the past, provided that the elections of Congressmen sliould be every 2 years, so that the people might have a chance to frequently express themselyes upon public questions and policies. Those philosophers of government also knew that many times in the past the people have been exploited by their rulers, when those rulers were unrestricted in their activities, their whims and caprices, It must be conceded, I think, that dicta- tors and despots have for the most part come Trom executives who have been given too much power, and have abused that power. Our Constitution placed restrictions that now apply and as such are generally respected by our legislative anceexecutive departments, but not always. It was the executive, Kaiser Wilhelm I, who brought about the Franco-Prussian War, We do not have to think far back to realize that 1t was Kaiser Wilhelm II who projected the holocaust upon Europe which we know as World War I. We would not have to search our recollection to remember that it was Hitler who brought the Second World War upon Europe, along with Mussolini, both ex- ecutives who became despots and dictators. That war was in spite of the efforte of repre- sentatives of constitutional, democratic gov- ernments to prevent it. Nor can we forget the so-called Imperial Japanese Government, represented in the person of a ruler possess- ing power in both the temporal and the spiritual realms, who startled the world with the dastardly depredations upon a peace- loving people at Pearl Harbor on that Sunday morning 80 well-described by our past great President as “a day of infamy.” Nor can we forget the other despotic characters in history. These lessons of history justify the wise dom of our founding fathers in cresting a government of, for, and by the people, whose wish should be expressed and heeded through their chosen representatives. Un~- doubtedly the legislative branch af our Government has made many mistakes, but generally those mistakes have been made in devotion to the interesta of the people, in trying to protect their rights and Hberties. The activities and mistakes of Congress, as egregious as they may have been, have al- ways been in the open and not in secret. All the world knowa each day what Con- gress is discussing, and what its Members are thinking and planning. People of all walks of life have equal opportunity to exz- press their views. They do not have to be on guard against secret deals such as were made at Yalta. The secret deals of the past are undoubtedly responsible for our present situation. The people applauded when President Wilson proclaimed in his memo- rable message thet there should be open covenants, openly arrived at. Yet we have seen this Nation of people knowing little about agreements inade in their name and which have so materially affected their lives and well-being. It waa not the legislative branch of the Government that made the deal at Yalta. It was the executive branch. The people have a right to know of com- mitments by the executive branch with re- spect to duties and obligations that may be piaced upon them. We are a people with a missionary spirit and zeal, that sometimes seems to prompt us almost to the point of meddling tn the affairs of others. I believe it was something like that in the mind of Nehru which caused him to speak out against our Nation in the last few days, even in the tace of the fact that he is expecting millions of tons of grain from this Nation to preserve the lives Of his people. There can be no doubt but that we are well-wishers to all the Ilberty-loving snd freedom-seeking peoples of the world. And yet, there can likewise be no doubt that our motives are susvected and our efforts, at times, unap- preciated. We cannot hold one man, or even two, re- sponsible for our recent diplomatic mis- takes. Many were responsible, including some in the legislative branch, It does ap- pear that maybe there was too precipitate action. It ie not my purpose tonight to censure or to blame, but to call attention to the fact that in this hour of national serious- ness we should remember, and indeed we must remember, that the problems at hand are those that must be dealt with in a spirit of conciliation and of mutual understand. ing between the executive and legislative branches of our Government. Mistakes will be made, and while we should not stop to cry over spil¢ milk, nevertheless it will be well for us to keep an eye upon those who may have had such an unsteady hand as to do the spilling, lest they may again do like- wise. War means death to millions of men who have the same right to live, to bask in the sunshine of freedom, and to breathe the air of Mberty, as you and I do tonight. It should be entered into only after careful consideration and joint action by the execu- tive and legislative. Our Constitution was planned to avoid precipitate action by any branch of our Government. It was con~ templated that discussion and debate in Congress would bring out the correct facts on every situation before our Nation pro- ceeded with warlike activities, Entering upon the shores of Korea was a terrible mistake, We went there in high spirits and with great hopes of what we could do tor hitman freedom. But the hopes for that achievement have long since van- ished in the minds of most of our people. Who can say what would have happened with respect to the Korean situation if Con- gress had had the opportunity and had de-~ bated the question and the dangers with which that expedition was fraught. If we
A516 had gone into Korea after such a full and freé discussion, we would -have had «& col- lective feeling of responaibility. If we had stayed out after such a discus- ston, then probably we could have avoided our present dilemma and saved the casusi- ties that now amount to approximately 60,000 American boys. We need the collective wis- @om of the branches of the Government to be exercised for the benefit of all. In the present period all chips should be removed from all shoulders, go that we may approach the problam with a clear and open mind. Let us, therefore, examine the duties, un- der the Constitution, with respect to the making of war-—for that is what we have. Let us do so dispasstonately. Let us forget for the present the usurpations of authority by executives of the past that can and prob- ably do furnish impelling precedente. We know that the @rst part of aur Con- etitution, article I, provides for legislative powers, and that those were the first powers to which the founding fathers gave conaider- ation. In section VII of that first article there was provided that— “The shall have power * * ¢ to provide for the common defense." And then we go to those paragraphs in sec- tion VII which provide for the authority that ts given to the legislative branch aod known to all of us as the war-making powers. I quote them in order that we may have them clearly in mind tonight: “(t1) To declare war. “(12) To raise and support armies, * “(18) To provide and maintain a navy. "(14) To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forcea. “(15) To provide for calling forth the wallitia to execute the Jaws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions. “(¥8) To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for govern- ing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, * * “(18) To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execu- tion the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or office: thereof.” A consideration of the meaning of those sections Would seem to indicate rather clearly where the powers for making war rest, but in spite of the arguments that have proceeded for these last severa) weeks, I do not believe that I have seen quoted in any discusaton the foregoing provisions from the Constitution, Then there is the provision, in article ZI, for the executive power, which says: “The executive power shall be vested in @ President of the United States of America.” As you wii note, nothing ta said therein about the powers of the Predident, but merely that the executive power, as that may, of course, have been interpreted by one or an- other group, wus to be vested in a President. Then there comes section II of article 0, which provides: “The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States.” Neither of those sections gives the Brecu- tive any power, either as President or as Commander in Chief, to make war, as does section VIII of article I spelling out the powers of the Congress. I do not know of any provision in the Constitution that ap- pears to counteract the provisions which ave just been cited. We do know that paragraph 2 of section I of article I provides that the President “shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur.” And it is, of course, correct to say that the Atlantic Pact was approved as @ treaty in which the Senators concurred and to the extent that such treaty placed a8 auty upon the United States Government of helping to defend the freedom of our allies. I do not understand, though, that that treaty gave to the Executive any additional war-making powers, or that the right of Con- gress to declare war, if indeed we were to go into war, was abrogated in any respect, In fact, I understand, that the Georetary of State “categorically denied that the pact had for its purpose or its intent the sending of American troops to Europe to meet any possible defense prior to an armed aggres- sion”—and I am quoting from a speech made hy the distinguished Senator from Utah [Mr. Warxins] in the Senate of the Unitec States on January 22. In connection with that apeech there is listed fifteen interventions by the Armed Forces of our Nation which have been cited as precedents, to support the claim of executive authority to send into foreign countries armed forces without the approval by Congress. Those 15 interventions prove tuterest- ing reading and show the disparity between police actions and all-out war: Naval hos- tilities with France, 1708; Jefferson's expedi- tion against the Barbary ptrates, 1404; the Seminole War, 1817; Polk's occupation of Gisputed Texas-Mextcan border territory, 1828; intervention in Samos, 1840-41 and period subsequent thereto; the use of naval forces in China, 1991; Boxer Rebellion in China, 1900; Theodore Roosevelt's interven- tion in Panama, 1903; intervention in Santo Domingo, 1940; in Nicaragua, 1899, 1910, 1912, 1926; the intervention by Marines in Haiti, 1914; President Wilson's intervention at Vera Crug, 1914; the Santo Domingo intervention in 1916; the effort to pursue and capture Pancho Villa, 1916; the intervention tn Rus- sta, Archangel, Siberia, tn 1919. Those instances were police activities but not war such as we have in Korea today. The largest number of troops, as I under- stand, involved in any of those expeditions was in Chine in connection with the Boxer Rebellion, and upon that oocasion there were less troops involved than we have siready had killed in Korea. Certainly we cannot say, then, that there are any precedents for the Korean operation. ‘We do have treaty obligations which should be carried out in defense of the Atlantic Pact, but in accordance with law. There was an open covenant, openly arrived at, and the executive branch of the Government as well es the Defense Depaftment has @ right to expect from Congress cooperation to the ex- tent necessary to a proper fulfillment of our treaty obligations, having in mind the proper Hoetprevation of that treaty by the Congress if. It has been said that “a frank confession ia good for the soul.” Would it not be in order for those responsible to admit their mistakes and join in an effort to do that which will properly carry out our treaty obligations, and yet be responsive to the will of the Amer- ican people? Should we not proceed in ac- cordance with our constitutional provisions whoee terms we have sworn to uphold? Dis- satisfaction ts rampant amongst the people, and that should make us pause and think, but should not prevent us now from having @ clear understanding of the rights and duties of the respective departments of our Government. I shall hope that we may be able to see an end to political partisanship and bickering, and party adherence merely for the sake of such. Rather we should see a completé un- derstanding between our branches of gov- ernment undisturbed by personal pique. But that is a two-way street and pad the elected rep- resentatives in Corigress are entitled to extre cise their governmental duties without abuse or side-stepping by subordinates in the ex- ecutive department, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD May we be wo guided that America may re- main a beacon light of freedom to all the wortd, and that, in the words of a famous American, “Liberty shall not perish from the earth.” Address by Hea. Robert A. Taft, of Obie, te the Republican Club of the District of Columbia EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WIACOMSIN I THE SENATE OF THE UNITED ATATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address hy the senior Senator from Ohio [Mr, Tarr] on danuary 29, 1951, to the Re- publican Club of the District of Columbia. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rscorp, as follows: It is atways a pleasure to find the Repub- lican Party operating vigorously at the seat of the Government, exercising 4 personal in- fluence on those who determine the policy of government, Those nonvoters certainly cid & great job in bringing in through absent voters’ ballots those many people here who have been wise enough to retain a residence in the great State of Ohio. Iam delighted to join with you in honor- ing the new Republioan Members of the Sen- ate and the House of Representatives, who won this year because they are fighting Re- publicans. The addition to our membership tn both Houpes is an augury of victory in 1952, and thetr enthusiasm will step up the determination of those of us who perhaps have been here too long for our own good. ‘The year 1950 was a great Republican year. While the ultimate repults were not so fayor- able as in 1966, nevertheless the victories in individual States were more impressive and more promising. In 1946 the result came somewhat from temporary issues; in 1950 they represented a victory of principle. Now is the time for all Republicans to begin to plan the campaign of 1952 and the best way to start is to find the reasons for some of the huge majorities in many States in 1950. First, it seems to me clear that the people have responded and will respond to a4 straightforward appeal for progress under the baste principles of American freedom which are the foundation of the Republican Party. I believe tf that appeal is presented in behalf of liberty, gustice, and equality at home and independence and peace abroad, they will protien to that appeal more than to any s0- clalistic promises and programs. The issues in the recent election included the Brannan pian supposed to appeal to the farmer, social. ized medicine‘supposed to appeal to the mil- lions of middle-income and lower-income families, and the repeal of the Taft-Hartley law supposed to appeal to the members of the labor unions. If those suppositions had been correct, the Republicans would have Jost by large majorities, because most of the candidates took a head-on position against all of these three programs. They did not lose. New Deal victories in recerit years had created the impression that you couidn't beat Santa Claus. They had created the impression that & man can successfully promtee the farmer high prices and the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD consumer low prices at the same time: that people can have free medical service and many other free benefits without paying any increased taxes; that government could give the people something for nothing. Now we know that the American people need not be fooled by that kind of philosophy. I was particularly impressed with the at- titude of the labor union member in Ohio. The officials of all the great labor unions combined to purge me from the Senate in order to prove the power of the unions in politics and secure the repeal of the Taft- Hartley law. They made no headway with their own members. The union members voted in what they considered to be the public interest. The American workman still regards himself as an American citizen firat and a union member afterward. He does not respond to an appeal based on the claim that he is the member of a particular class, has only a class interest, and that somebody is trying to discriminate against his class. He believes, as we believe, that America is not divided into classes, and that there is no division line which separates the interest of one man from that of another and no boundary which cannot be easily crossed by any American boy. In Ohio cer- tainly, he rejected a purely class appeal. The same thing ts true of the farmer in his rejection of the Brannan plan which had all the elements of demagoguery dressed up in a palatable and attractive form. The people rejected socialized medicine, I be- lWeve, because they have an instinctive dis- trust of the efficiency of Government service. Socialism and communism are based on a@ class appeal. They are based on the theory that only government will protect the inter- ests of different classes and that control of all activity must be concentrated in a great central government. That principle the peo- ple of America rejected in 1950, and will re- ject in 1952 if we do a proper job of publicity and organization. But the affairs of government in which we in Washington have such a tremendous interest are a good deal further from the people than we realize, and the majority of the possible voters do not follow the issues in politics and government as those of us who are in political life imagine. Conse- quently, we must not only adhere ourselves to basic principles, but we must present those principles in the most effective way to all of the possible voters. We have a tremendous job of publicity and propaganda, and we can- not rely on old methods. We need every kind of publicity—radio talks, columns, mag- azine articles, speeches, pamphlets, and & steady barrage of material to the columnists, commentators, and newspapers, upon whom so many of the public rely for argument and information. In addition to publicity, we need organization; that is, we must ask those who are concerned about sound progress in government to organize groups among their friends and extend the scope of their in- terest. We must finally ask thousands of volunteers to go from door to door to pre- sent oral arguments and written pamphlets. Left-wingers are first-claas propagandists. They outnumber Republicans on the lecture platforms, in writing books, on the radio, and, I think, particularly in pamphleteering. The Communists taught the labor unions and others how this propaganda job should be done, but the political organizations have Jagged far behind. The American people fundamentally believe in American princi- les. P Every program presented by our friends or our opponents should be analyzed and tested on the basis of whether it promotes liberty in the long run or destroys liberty; whether it favors spectal interests or special groups, or whether it holds the scales of Justice even- ly and impartially as government should do, The Republicans present a program of prog- ress in increased production, in standards of living, better education, public works that are worth while, sound principles of finance, but they must tell the people why their pro- gram will achieve permanent results, and why the Fair Deal proposals can only lead to inflation, socialism, and complete Govern- ment control of the lives of our people. But I believe the decision last November was probably more affcctcd by the concern of the people over the foreign policy of the United States, and that in 1952 also, that may well be the determining factor, In spite o. the President's recommendations in his budget message, I doubt if this Eighty- scconc Congress will embark on any new ventures in domestic policy. The interest of this Congress, and very likely that of the people In 1952, is centered on this problem of meeting the threat of Communist aggres- sion. In the last campaign, the Republicans for the first time attacked directly the past foreign policy of the administration. We pointed out that the present power of Russia and its ability to threaten th security of the United States arose out of that policy. We pointed out that Communist infiltration into the Government, into Hollywood, into labor unions, and into the intelligentsia of the colleges and the writing profession. At Yelta our policy was largely dominated by Hopkins and Harriman. Both of them, like many other Government officials at that time were apparently convinced, perhaps by dcliberate Soviet Communist design, that communism was another form of democracy. They took the position that Soviet Russia was a peace-loving democracy, as much in- terested in liberty and justice as the Ameri- can people themselves. Loy anyone brought up in American schools and conversant with the history of Lenin, Trotzky, and Stalin could have come to that conclusion, it is difficult indeed to understand. But they did. They accepted the promises of Stalin that he would establish freedom in Poland and other countries, although he had never kept a@ promise and was as much of an aggressor in Poland as Hitler was. They set him up in control in Berlin, Prague, and Vienna, and American troops were turned back from Ber- lin and Prague because of the agreements made at Yalta. The administration estab- lished Stalin in Manchuria contrary to every principle of American foreign policy since the days of John Hay, and contrary to our obligation to our ally who had so long fought the Japanese. They encouraged the Chinese Communists. They tried to make Chiang Kai-shek take Communists into his cabinet. They cut off the ammunition and supplies which he needed at the most crucial period. In effect, they notified the Com- munists that we would not intervene in Korea, and wholly failed to arm the South Koreans, except with small arms, for fear apparently that they might attack the Com- munists in North Korea. They intervened in Korea without even consulting Congress on the call of the United Nations, knowing well that Russia would veto all subsequent action. In spite of the most liberal policies of assistance for 5 years, cost- ing our taxpayers bilions of dollars, the ad- ministration apparently obtained no prom- ises from England and France that they would back us up in the east even against all-out aggression by Chinese Communists, an aggression not only against the United States but against the United Nations. It is not strange that the people suspected the influence of communism and resented the weakness of the State Department. Today the administration’s foreign policy ig chiefly dominated by a wavering uncer- tainty. We don't know exactly the size of the Armed Forces considered to be necessary, We don't know the extent of the burden of taxation or of drafting of boys. The people are certainly prepared to meet any sacrifices ‘that are necessary either in taxation or in the drafting of men or in Government con- A5i1 trols. But they want to be certain that they are necessary and why they are necessary. They certainly want an all-powerful Air Force and complete control of sea and alr to protect our own safety. I believe they will acquiesce in the drafting of as many boys as are necessary for that purpose and for a land army of reasonable size. They know as weil as everyone else that we cannot assume to run the world, They know that if we take on commitments heavier than we can assume, we may well bring this country to disaster, If the people are going to be asked to cut down their spending, they would like to be certain that the Government will cut its nondefense spending. If we must have a huge Army, Navy, and Air Force for a good many years, they would like to see all of the frills cut off from those services, and the same results accomplished with more econ~ omy and good sense in the obtaining of munitions, supplies and equipment, and in the use of personnel. The detailed program to be presented by the Republican Party can hardly be deter- mined until there is more crystallization of opinion, but I believe that our policy must be based first on the maintenance of the independence of the United States, and sec- ond, on peace unless that independence is threatened. It must be based on assistance within our capacity to assist those nations which are willing and anxious to battle com- munism at home and abroad. It must be based on a program which maintains Ameri-~ ca as the mighty fortress of lfberty, un- assailable from without and strong and sound within. It must maintain the eco~- nomie soundness of this country and ine creased production as we go, and this both for our own interest and for the interest of those who are closer to the Communist menace. We must, therefore, avoid inflation and the waste of our resources, Foreign policy is to a large extent the application of sound principles to hundreds of situations that arise from day to day. It requires sound underlying principles, but also good sense and judgment in their application, Perhaps because the present administration has failed to understand the principles, they have surely lacked judgment in their day- to-day decisions, In foreign policy as in domestic policy, we must present our case to all the posstble voters of America. We must meet head-on any truckling to Communist sympathizers in the United States, any appeasement of Russia which is likely to lead to more ag- gression, any waste of our resources with the idea that we can buy the support of nations who, of course, will not be bought, Our affirmative policy must be definite on the particular problems before us at the time: but founded always on a strong America, and cooperation with those nations who are willing to join with us in meeting the great- est threat from without to our own security which we have known since the Revoilution- ary War. Development of the Nation’s Potential Water Power EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES W. TOBEY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thureday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr, TOBEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in
A512 the Appendix of the Recorp an address on the subject Development of the Na- tion’s Potential Water Power, delivered by me yesterday at the REA convention in Cleveland, Ohio, There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recor, as follows: DEVELOPMENT OF THE NaTION’s POTENTIAL Warun Powza As I offer my greetings to you assembled at this REA convention I speak as one whose support for rural electrification and its achievements, is a matter of record, and T am happy to be with you in this fellowship. The man speaking is not the only Tobey who is interested and concerned with the well-being of rural electrification, for my son, Attorney Charles W. Tobey, Jr., is coun- se] for the New Hampshire Electrical Coop- erative. This cooperative haa many of my friends among its officials and members, and is a living memorial to the ideals and sacri- fice of the late Bill Neal, of Meredith, N. H., whose tragic death was & shock and a pro- found loss to the good people of New Hamp- shire and to farmers all over the United Btates. Friends, I am 4n .old-fashioned Theodore Roosevelt “bull moose” Republican, a man of progressive political instincts. To my tmaind, the creation and development of the Rural Mectrifieation Administration, and its system of rural electrical cooperatives, ex- presses one of the very best examples of the possibilities of the Federal Government’s constructive role, in the economic and social progress of our great country. The chief basis of our great national pro- duction and high standard of living ts a truly competitive, free-enterprise aystem, I underline the thought “truly competitive.” The dynamics of our society rejects a static existence or a status quo psychology. As we work long hours with a strong and free spirit, we know, given equal opportunity, that we can aspire to better ourselves in the spiritual, mental, and material values of life. That hope and that goal is ever with us, one and all, end is the American inspiration. Com- munista and Fascists take note. In any system of economics end govern- ment, perfection is not attainable, and our capitalist free-enterprise system is no excep- tion. Ohinke and cracks exist, both because of the imperfections of man and a natural selfishness and grasping of private corporate interests, which sometimes manifest them- selves when they are in a position to domi. nate and monopolize a segment of the econ: omy of a locality, a State, a region, or the Nation. What economists cali perfect com- petition, which implies the automatic com- petitive distribution of goods, to each of us according to ability and need, is a mirage however pleasant to contemplate. With the culmination of the industria] revolution in the United States, and the disappearance of the American frontier, the Federal Govern- ment was forced by circumstances, and the extremes of wealth, private economic concen- tration, and monopoly, and the protection of the equality of oppertunity for ite peopie to enlarge its sphere of operations far beyond the Jeffersonian concepts, which were de- veloped in an agrarian economy and based on the premise that a man could go west if he wanted to start anew. And 80 today, in the great industrial and atomic age, the individual may find himself without a job in the factory or without the resources or private credit to properly de- velop bis farm, all due to factors entirely beyond his control, to change or bet~ ter himaelf by hard and earnest work. Thua, your Government has stepped in, sometimes spasmodically and haphazardly, but always at the will of the people ds a whole, and helped to provide and equalize opportunity, and protect the individual from private mo- nopoly, and the disastrous extremes of in-~ fliatton and depression, which sometimes spring from the private business cycle. I support this concept ae a matter of prin- ciple, although we in Congress have a duty to belance and check the Executive by pro- hibiting Federal control over the economies and day-by-day activities of private industry and agriculture, while at the same time en- couraging arid aiding private economy where ft is needed and desirable. To be concrete and spectfic in modern-day terms, I have co- sponsored and fought for the Taft-Eliender- ‘Wagner housing bill, which is now the law of the land, and yoted and worked for the decentralized Taft Federal-aid-to-education bill. On the other hand, I stand against the compulsory-health-insurance bill and the controls envieaged under the Brannan farm lan. There is all the difference from Dan to ‘ahebs between these programs, enacted or proposed for your Federal Government. The housing and education bills provide financial ald to local communities on a de- centralized basis, with minimum standards, to equalize opportunity for the people as a whole, in fields where private industry can- not make a profit, and shouldn't be e: to, or where the local communities alone cannot meet the need from their own re- sources. The socialized medicine bill and the Brannan plan, in contrast, are based on the principle of Government control at the centre] level, which ultimately would have an undesirable effect on the consumer and the farmer. The problems of health and farm standards have been, and will be, approached in other ways, without loss of initiative, by coordinated programs of encouragement and aid where needed, but without Federal con- trol. This is the essence of the American Government in action and should be accom~ plished within a sound budgetary frame- work at all times. As I noted a moment ago, the development and execution of the REA program is a shin- ing example of what can be done, by the wise use of Federal aid and encouragement, to help people to help themselves. By use of minimum standards, the REA has been able to chart its course of aiding electrical coop- eratives to build power lines, distribute elec- tric power, and bring light and energy to thousands of farmers and rural homes, throughout the country. This program has involved contracting for large purchases of power from private utilities and in some cases the construction of generators by the cooperatives themselves. What was the genesis and background of this program? What were the needs and the circumstances which made the program a neces-ary and legitimate area of Government concern? It arose from one major factor and a host of interrelated results. Firet of all, it has long been a olearly discernible economic fact, that the private utility business some- times tends by its nature to be monopolistic, with economic and social evils that threaten the consuming public. The industry rarely, if ever, feels it advisable to run competing lines to bid for the consumer's Instead it has tacitly divided up the ‘available territorivs, consolidated its position in highly marketable areas, and, at least in the old days, charged what it can get for this vital and constantly neceasary service in an in- dust.ial age. The recognition of the public's stake in electric power was recognized by the estab- lishment of State regulatory commisatons. But although helpful to the public, by mak- ing the utilittes justify proposed rate inv creases with economic facte, and by licensing APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD intrastate construction and conealidation, this type of reguiatory approach is, at best, & palliative, not & cure for the public's con- cern. Also, later establishment of the Ped- eral Power Commission to license interstate utility construction was based on the same approach. But there is nothing in this type of gov- ernmental reguistory approach at the State and Federal levels which ameliorates the lack of this yital service of electric power in vast portions of our country, particularly in thinly populated areas. As a matter of pol- iey, private utilities have lagged, in expand- ing their kilowatt , and daecreas- ing margins of profit. Rather they have limited their operations to populous places and the main highways of commerce in the best farmlands. Only at prohibitive cost would they expand to the byways of our Nation, where farmers toil to produce our grain and fowls. It was uneconomic, they said, and with a degree of truth, up to & point, Therefore, when harried and overworked State public service commissions were pre- sented with reams of facts on coste, they tended to go along with increased rates with- out tnoreased service. You see, there was nothing with which the commissions could compare the cost and service factors because the utility in the area had no competition, no urge for efficiency and increased service. In other words, no yardstick was avatilable and the consumer was the loser. But what of the basic needs of the farmers and rural folk who wanted desperately the miracle of kilowatts and horsepower to apply to their farm tasks and farm homes? Pri- vate industry was failing them completely. And as more rural youth left for town and city life after World War I, there was aa much or more work to be done, and less people to do it. Wasn't large-scale use of electric eseential to preserve and expand fur- ther the farm economy which, if anything can be so called, is the basic prop of our Nation? The answer was “yes,” and Con- gress made it an area of ite concern, and rightly so, You who are here, the experts, architects, and beneficiaries of the REA program, know the details of the development of rural elec- trification far better than I. The resuite speak for themselves and nedd no elabora- tion. Suffice it to say that the expansion of the REA system in our rural areas has been & stimulant for private utilities to expand to areas previously considered not profitable; it has been a strong factor in reducing rates in areas where consumers have realized the benefits of cooperative effort; and above all 1¢ has made countless farm homes the recipi- ents of all the many joys and workloads of electricity which have long been taken for granted by town and city dwellers. Do there exist today any doubting Thomases as to the values which have ace crued to people in rural communities, from the : tension of rural electrification? Go out in the hinterlands of America and ask the farmer who now has eliminated a large part of his labor in the care of cattle and poul- try and inoreased production thereby. Ask the farmer's wife how she evaluates the ade- quate water supply pumped into that home and outbuildings by electricity, with the consequent saving in physical fatigue. Ask the housewives in rural sreaa what it means to them to be saved the back-breaking work of doing the family laundry in the old tubs in place of the electric w machine. Ask the rural families of the Nation what it is to have an adequate supply of good lighting throughout the home and outbulld- ings, doing away with the fire hazards in the eo of kerosene and the tedious care of lamps,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The truth is rural electrification hes meant emancipation from back-breaking, tolisome daily work to men and women in rural life. There are millions of people across the country who rise up to call it pressed. et, no private utility, to my knowledge, has failed or been forced to reduce tta over. ali profits as a result of REA activity. In- deed, they are in a more proaperous state than ever before, in areas adjacent to rural electrical cooperatives. That's as it should be, and more power to them. With a tre- mendous defense effort a very necessary part of our lives today, we need every aingle kilowatt of installed central-station power capacity we can possibly achieve, keeping in mind and balancing other critical uses, for our public and private defense dollars, Rural electrification and the ideal of social service it exemplifies is as old as the history of this Nation; as indigenous, as American as the granite of my own State of New Hampshire—it isn't soctalism. While it is as modern as the latest New York play on Broadway in the comforts and conveniences and pleasures it ts bringing to the farm, in its essence it is merely another form of continued self-help, which is the American way of doing things. if I may speak as a Republican, rural elec- trification is an idea and an ideal that the great commoner of our party, whose birth- day we will celebrate next month, would have understood and fought for. Born and raised on a farm, teaching himself, as every schoolboy reads, by lamplight and firelight, drawing his water by hand from a well, Abra- ham Lincoln would have known what elec- trict light and electric power means to the farmer and to the farmer's wife. Lincoln—the true Lincoln—has been my idal He had political imagination to know and enough human heart to feel that the test of men in public life is the degree to which they organize the materiais available to soci- ety in their time, so that the economic and scientific progress of every aze can be trans- muted into less drudgery and more living for every man and woman. In his own way he led the battles for the REA's of his own day. As a Member of Con- gress and as President, before his energies were swallowed up in the Civil War, he was in the forefront of the fight for internal improvement, for building roads and canals w.th Government fundg, so the country could bo bound together with communications and the farmer could bring his produce to mar- ket. Lincoln was in truth and in fact the father of the farm-to-market road tn his time, He would have tried to be the father of rural electrification, if it were possible in his time. His theory of government was*based on the axiom that government is the mecha- nism by which we, the people, combine to help ourselves. You may remember these word of his: “Why * * * should we have govern- ment? Why not each individual take to himaelf the whole fruit of his labor, without having any of it taxed away, in services, corn, or money? Why not take just so much land as he can cultivate with his own hands without buying it of anyone? The legiti- mate object of government is to do for the reople what needs to be done, but which they cannot, by individual effort, do at all, or do so well, for themselves. There are many such things; some of them exist in- dependently of the injustice in the world. Making and maintaining roads, bridges, and the like; providing for the helpless young and afflicted; common schools; are instances.” Rural electrification is just that--neither leas nor more. Tdncoln believed in no socialism; you and I believe in no socialiam. But Lincoln and XOVII—App.——-33 always you and I all believe in what my fellow Yankee, Justice Holmes, called the soctali- zation of luxury—that society should use its best braing ¢o contrive to multiply the lux- ury of the few today into the happiness of the many tomorrow. In our time rural electrification, in con. crete terms of labor saved, has brought, more than any other movement, the relief of drudgery for many and the increase for many of the capacity to live more as we want Americans to live. All of us who have had any part in creat- ing it, all of us who have had any part in sustaining and extending it, can be proud of one old American tradition in which we act, This leads me into a broader field, the de- velopment of our Nation’s potential water power. I do not believe tt is unsound to say that whole civilizations have been built on water, land, and people, and as the recent report of the Water Resources Policy Com- mission reminds us, “when (this) combina- tion ceases to be infused with a moral rela- tionship between man and man, and man and nature, civilizations decline and give place to new combinations of these ele- mentary values.” I don't have to remind you how important the rivers of New England were in turning the wheels of our early-day manufacturing plants. Nor do I have to recall to you at length the role of our middle Atlantic rivers, as they carried the increased burdens of our early national commerce, and made possible the beginnings of other great industries. And of course, the continuing saga of the great Mississippi-Missouri-Ohio River network, as well as early and modern commerce on the Great Lakes system at our bucks here today, is a part of the dafly lives of a great propor- tion of you in this assembly. But it behooves us—all of us—to think deeply how much water and its resultant electric power, irrigating aids, navigation possibilities, and countless other uses, can mean to us directly and indirectly in our everyday lives, whether we live on a farm or in an eight-story apartment house. You and I take so many things for granted when things are going right. But we can least of all succumb to this attitude in the poten- tial development of our Nation's water power, and the conservation and huebanding of our natural resources. The right policies and programs, private and governmental, just don't happen, We muet plan, analyze, and give careful thought to the best possibili- ties, and then we must fight for them. While developing my thoughts for this talk today, I have been doing, on a limited scale, Just what I advise—some basic re- search and thinking. I have referred to the report of the Water Resources Policy Com- mission, volume I of which was issued on December 11, 1950, entitled “A Water Policy for the American People,” and I will again in & moment. Magazine articles, speeches, and other informal sources are always useful fodder A new book, published only last week, called Water, Land, and People, is ag- gressively critical with challenging and sweeping ideas, as the authors contend that & water and soil crisis ia upon us now. They point out that a dam built 30 years ago at Elephant Butte now finds itself with 20 percent of its capacity Alled with silt, due to generations of abuse of the soll, The authors remind us that Lake Mead, above the Hoover Dam, ie already filling with silt. They make the statement that two-thirds of the 10,000 largest reservoirs in the country have an estimated useful life of less than 100 years. To go on, The first report of the Water Resources Policy Commission ts well worth the time and trouble of any citizen who fe concerned theoretically, or practically, with the use of our Nation's water resources, The Commission has made ‘some 70 palicy recommendations for Congress and the peo- ple to consider, Among others is the pro- posal for a Federal Board of Review, ap- pointed by the President, with the confirma- tion of the Senate, which would evaluate proposed water resources developments, and coordinate the many activities of the Fed- eral agencies in an orderly manner. Another suggestion is 2 new law specifically directing all Federal agencies to apply the same atand- ards and methods to the evaluation of all river basin programs. These two recom- mendations, along with certain others on program planning and evaluation, are emi- nently sound and would have the effect of eliminating the duplication and throat cut- ting, for example, between the Army En- gineers and the Bureau of Reclamation. The avid competition between those two agencies for power and their respective theories of development have echoed through the halls of Congress, and the taxpayer has been the loser, See the Hoover Commission report on this subject for further reference, At first glance, there are many of the 70 recommendations made by the Water Re- sources Policy Commission with which I do not agree. That's not surprising, due to the scope of the subject covered, and due to the great emphasis the Commission puts on Its solutions, without having the tremendous competitive demands on the national budget and defense programs within its viewpoint, The Commianion duea make a bow in the direction of tho present national emergency from time to time, and they point out rightly that these very defense needs acceniunte, not diminish, the need for changes tn evaluas tion, program planning, and for certain proj- ects, Aside from being disturbed by the phi. losophy of the Commission in some of its reasoning and recommendations, I question the necessity of some of their urgings, in view of competitive defense needs alone. But I do call attention to the conclusion of the Commission’s summary of recommen- dation where they summurize their views under the label “Critical Decisions.” Here they have made 6 valiant attempt to get their long-range and short-run ideas into focus, and I commend them for it. Some of the questions covered by the War Resources Policy Commission in great detail include: . Surface and ground water. . Flood management, . Land reclamation. Domestic and industrial water supply. . Pollution control. . Inland and intercoastal waterways. . Hydroelectric power. . Recreation. . Fish and wildlife. 10. Conservation education. Each and every one of these questions hos been and ig the subject of intensive study and action by private industry, State and local governments, and the Federal Govern- ment. However, I shall limit my remaining remarks to two of these subjects—iniand waterways and hydroelectric power.’ In so doing I am golng to plead the case of the propored 8t. Lawrence seaway, which by every standard is right and vital for the well-being and future success of our great country. As we look back on the history of our country in every field of endeavor and action, we can seo that, by and large, those things which benefited the majority of the people have eventually come to pass. Yes; there may have been years and perhaps decades of pulling and hauling, backtracking and aide- stepping, but eventually, when the people as @ whole have found out where their interest and their future lay, no selfish interest, how ever determined, has stopped them, Thus have come vast politioal reforms, spectacular evonomic advances, and a steady lifting of OOIMNBR OE
A514 the level of society. And so the fight goes on in al! walks of life and for every con- celvable objective, That is the backbone and vitality of our great American democracy, I have touched in a general way today on my subject, the development of our Na- tion's potential water power. Now I want to use the proposed St. Lawrence seaway and power project as o concrete example of what ean be and must be done as a part of the pattern of water-power development. I am the sort of man who feels he has to come to grip with a subject, fight for what he believes in, and call a spade a spade. That’s part of my nature. So I use the St. Lawrence sea- way as an example of a development which is part of the American vision, just as the Cumberland Road, the transcontinental ratl- roads, the Panama Oanal, and the Grand Coulee Dam are the realized dreams of the past. But for some decades this great project, which has been carefully planned to the last engineering detail and which will be eventu- ally self-liquidating to the last red cent, has been stopped cold in its tracks by one of the most cleverly organized, and carefully conceived, lobbies in the political history of the United States. Our long-term na- tional defense, the economic growth of our good Canadian friends, the future of heavy industry and commerce of our own great Midwest, and the electric power hunger of our industries and consumers in New Engiand and New York, are all tied up in the success of the St. Lawrence seaway. And yet organized minority intorests, afraid to face competition or lower power rates, are unable to put the safety and future of the country first, have muddied the waters, misied many people and exerted tremendous political power. These efforts must be exposed for what they are and the force of public opinion brought to bear. All of you here can help in this effort to start a counter grass-roots cam- paign of truth about the St. Lawrence proj- ect. In politics we often need a series of backfires, to deal with heavily financed and selfish interests. We have been defeated in Congress again and again, but we have Just begun to fight. I plead with you to give us a hand in arousing the country in behalf of its long-term future and self-interest. Let us take a look at the background and history of the proposed St. Lawrence sea- way and power project, as well as some vital statistics, The seaway, when completed, would give access to ocean-going ships to an inland sea, the Great Lak:s system outside our windows, which is by all odds the busi- ness center of commerce in the world. Do you realize that more yearly tonnage passes through one of its bottlenecks, the Mac- Arthur locks at Sault St. Marie, than passes through the Panama, Suez, Manchester Ship, and Kiel Canals combined? Think of it, this vast reservoir of commerce which would bo tapped and made available to ocean trading. The proposed seaway would, in effect, give the United States and Canada a new seacoast more than 8,000 miles long with ports such as Montreal, Toronto, Buffalo, Cleveland, De- troit, Chicago, and Milwaukee. When con- struction is completed, a 27-foot ship channel would be guaranteed from Duluth on the western end of Lake Superior to the Atlantic Ocean, 2,650 miles to the east. With the Great Lakes, the deeper parts of the St. Law- rence River, and the already constructed canals and locks at various points already available, nature and man already have done more than 95 percent of the jon. The twin to the completion of a ship canal {s the great hydroelectric power project, which is planned down to the last blueprint for construction on the St. Lawrence River. This 2,200,000,000 horsepower station would be located on the international boundary between Barnhart Island and the Canadian meiniand, near Massena, N. Y. More about Massena in a moment. The amazing thing about this project 1s the natural favorable even fiow of water which is provided by the Great Lakes, Whereas the maximum flow of the Columbia River at Bonneville Dam is 33 times the mini- mum, the maximum of the Tennessee River at Wilson Dam is 115 times the minimum, the spread at the proposed St. Lawrence powerhouse is only 2.2 to 1. There would be no dry months when large amounts of gen- erating capacity stand idle, nor would it be necessary to build standby steam plants, such as Congress is asked to approve at TVA. This natural reservoir which ia provided by the Great Lakes, reduces to an absolute minimum the size of the reservoir, that must be built immediately above the power sta- tion, above the proposed Long Sault Dam. Millions of dollars of construction costs for huge control systems which have been bullt in other areas, are thus saved by the kind- ness of mother nature. Try to let your imagination visualize the vast good which would be reaped by the Midwest, Canada, my New England area, and the defense and security of our country as a whole. Never was project contemplated in our history which could mean so much to so many people. Yet it has been stcpped cold in its tracks. The cost? That is one of the most in- credible facts of all. The total cost of the program, both the seaway and the power project combined, would amount to only 802,566,000 in terms of 1978 construction costs. In other words, well less than a bil- lion dollars would be spent over the approxi- mately 5-year perlod of construction and, most important of all, the seaway and project would be self-liquidating over a period of 40 years, This “pay-for-itself” principle will be accomplished, through tolls for the seaway, and sale of electric power by the power proj- ect. The complete and detailed story on costs and all other imaginable charts, sur- veys, engineering problems, and so on, hag been brought up to date by the Senate For- eign Relations Committee, in a committee report issued March 2, 1949, which 1s avail- able to the public. Before leaving the question of cost, it might be pointed out that the United States share of the $800,000,000 c. t will be $573,- 000,000, over the 5-year period, the remainder being charged to Canada. Don’t jump to conclusions, however, because the Canadians have already spent $132,000,000 for construc- tion of the Weliand Canal and improvement in the Thousand Islands section, these costs being incurred in terms of 1935 dollars. Our good neighbor to the north went ahead in good faith, feeling we would honor the terms of our treaty and agreement with them for St. Lawrence construction, but I fear they are beginning to despair at our ability to keep our word, What 1s the history of our long efforts to consummate this great project with the aid of our Canadian friends? Back in 1896, looking for cheap transporta- tion into the heart of the continent, the United States and Canada set up a Deep Waterways Commission to study the seaway problem. This body reported favorably, the first of a long, long series of bodies to do so. In 1909 a boundary waters treaty estab« lished an international joint commission which went to work in detail on the St. Lawrence seaway and power situation after World War I. It held hearings in cities across the United States and Canada and filled 60 volumes with testimony. The joint commission reported favorably, causing Presi- dent Coolidge to appoint a United States commission in 1924 with Herbert Hoover as chairman. At the same time, beginning in 1924, a joint board of engineers developed complete plans for the project, which since have been revised continually and kept up APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to date. These commissions and the engi- neers reported favorably, with the result that & seaway treaty was signed by Canada and the United States in 1932. At that time most naive people thought that the weight of evidence and study was 80 great, and the public interest so clear, that the treaty would be approved by the Senate. But they were figuring without knowledge of the great power of organized self-interest, These ratlroads, commercial interests, and utilities who feared expansion of compett- tion, and were against lower rates for the good of the consumer, marshaled their forces and carried the day. The final vote was 46 to 42 in favor of ratification of the treaty, but, as you know, the Constitution requires two-thirds of the Senate to concur in ap- proval of treaties. But the fight for approval continued, while Canada stood by ready to go, and actually constructed the Welland Canal linking Cieve- land's Lake Erie with Lake Ontario. In 1941 the Roosevelt administration negotiated a seaway agreement with Canada. This agree- ment, by eliminating certain policies of a treaty nature, would only have required a majority vote of both the Senate and the House of Representatives. Various resolu- tions implementing this agreement have been introduced in the Senate and the House and Jong hearings and favorable reports by the Foreign Relations Committee of the Sen- ate resulted in 1946 and 1947. The House Public Works Committee held hearings in May of 1950. The cost estimates and other details were brought up to date by the Senate committee in 1949. But only once has the Senate voted, in 1948, and that time the resolution was returned to the committee, on motion, by a majority of the Senate for further study. But still we fight on. Now the Members of Congress, and those of you who will help us defeat these grasping selfish interests, who have neither the ability, nor the vision, to sce beyond their own high profits to the greater good of the country, have a new and unanswerable argument. If we are to prop- erly meet the enormous challenges of in- creased productinn and expansion of ca- pacity necessary to lead the free world against the world-wide Communist menace, we have absolutely and incontrovertably got to hve the transportation facilities and hydroelectric power which would be pro- vided by the project. In other words, the 8t. Lawrence seaway has assumed the clear- cut dimensions of a national defense neces- sity, both to the United States and our friend and ally, Canada. Don't get me wrong. If we were to become involved in a war with Soviet Russia tomor- row, that would be one thing. We most probabl; could not engage in 5-year projects, however desir..ble, if we were actively bat- tiling for survival. But, as we marshal our manpower and resources, for a period of semimobilization in what General Marshall has termed a period of “prolonged tension,” stretching for 10, 15, and perhaps 20 years, we must plan and program to increase our supplies of raw materials expand our indus- trial capacity, and increase our production for the long haul ahead. Already Russia is far ahead of us in making the best use of internal waterways, and is challenging us in hydroelectric power. Take, for example, the network provided by the Don-Volga River Canal, which links the Black, White, Caspian, and Baltic Seas, and you can see what I mean. But we have one great margin of superiority, which we must maintain at all costs. That, of course, is our overwhelming and overpowering production of such vital items as steel. We must have the vision and courage to increase this mar- gin by a'l possible means. Don’t forget for one moment that Stalin himself, in happier days, expressed absolute amazement at our ability to produce in World War Il, The
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Politburo has a healthy respect for the strength of our industrial sinews, and they are working their slave labor day and night, beat - to narrow the margin of our supert- In concrete terms what must we do? We must tap every source of fron ore to re- pienish the almost bankrupt Mesabi Range. Although we may hope that beneficiation will help the quality of the quantities of taconite available there, the high costs of such treatment make it almost prohibitive for large-scale industrial use. But we are lucky. In addition to the quantities of South American ores which will be brought into our Atlantic ports, the M. A. Hanna Co,, with headquarters here in Cleveland, and the Hollinger mining interests of Canada have uncovered and are prepared to exploit huge deposits of high-grade iron ore in Labrador. The problem ts to get huge quan- tities to our inland steel mills at reasonable cost, The answer? You guessed it, the 8t. Lawrence seaway. If work is begun this year on the project, its completion should coin- elde with the opening of large-scale produc- tion of the Labrador mines. This is a good example of capitalistic democratic planning, inspired by a stroke of luck. We who have championed the cause of the St. Lawrence project for many, many years, welcome with open arms the conver- sion of the Hanna interests and certain other steel companies. We can use their help, and they tell me there is nobody as zealous as @ convert. To use one more concrete example, we must expand and expand and expand our production of electrical energy, the driving force behind all great industries. This should be done quickly. {n areas where it will do the most good and where it is des- perately needed. No greater need exists than in the power-ceficit areas of New England and New York, and there is where it will do the most good, in our skilled metal in- dustries. During World War II in 1942 the War Pro- duction Board had an expert survey made as to the power-deficit areas of the country from the point of view of the national war effort. This survey was headed by Mr. J. E. Moore, who was then Deputy Director of the Power Division of the WPB. Was he a s#0- called Government bureaucrat? Oh, no; he was, and, I assume is, once again, an official of Electric Bond & Share. He could hardly be accused of bias against the private utility industry. At any rate, the results of the survey were expressed in a chart entitled “Areas of Power Sc reity and Surplus in the United States of America,” and marked “Confidential.” Although the original of this chart later dis- appeared from the files of the War Produc- tion Board, I have seen a photostatic copy. As shown by the chart, the worst power scarcity existed in the Niagara, N. Y., area. Think of it, right next to a God-given water supply of unexcelled potential. The next worst power-deficit area included all but & minor fraction of New England, as well as Diinois, Indiana, and Kentucky. Another facet of the power need for de- fense purposes is the aluminum plant at Massena, N. ¥., owned by ALCOA. This is the exact site of the proposed St. Lawrence power plant. You can remember how vital Massena aluminum was to our World War II effort. ‘Yet ALCOA, even with its vast re- sources to carry along a marginal operation, was forced to discontinue production of aluminum there in about 1947. They gave as their sole determining reason the pro- hibitive cost of power, which I belleve is the largest cost factor in the manufacture of aluminum. ‘There is a sequel to the Massena story. Late this fall the Federal Government, through ita agent, the General Services Ad- ministration, made a series of contracts with ALCOA, Reynolds, and Kaiser to expand their production of aluminum for the de- fense effort. ALCOA agreed to reopen the Massena plant, where the power must be transmitted from several hundred miles away. In its contract with ALOOA the Gov- ernment had to agree that all the cost of electrical energy above 5 mills per kilowatt- hour will be added to the contract price. Since it requires 10 kilowatt-hours of elec- tricity to produce a pound of aluminum, this means that the product of the Massena plant will cost the United States not less than 5 to 6 cente s pound above the con- tract price. Think of it. And right at the site of a power plant which would have been finished long ago but for the selfish inter- ests who oppose it. One final argument directly related to our defense and security. Our neighbor, Canada, is potentially one of the world’s greatest areas for industrial expansion. We are vitally concerned with her well-being in these troubled times. She is our closest friend and ally. The vast richness of Canada’s natural re- sources is evident, even though only a small percentage of the country has been thor- oughly explored. Quantities of high-grade fron ore lie on the Labrador-Quebec border; extensive oil fields and trillions of feet of natural gas have been discovered in the prairie provinces. Canada has titanium, and it has a virtual monopoly of nicke}, used to harden steel. It has gold, lead, sinc, and other metals in quantities as yet undeter- mined. Unfortunately, many of Canada's natural riches He so far from markets that they are at present almost useless. Their development depends on transportation, which today is Canada’s greatest problem. And the most urgent of Canada’s transpor- tation needs is the St. Lawrence seaway. Wilt you join us, one and all, in this crusade? Will you spread the gospel of the St. Lawrence seaway? You have both a duty and a privilege. In conclusion, I want to leave you with a bit of my philosophy which applies to the political, economic, and social problems of our day. As applied to the development of our nation's potential water power, I hold that when Almighty God has placed upon the face of the earth bodies of water which science and the ingenuity of man can develop and transform for electric power, transporta- tion, and good works for all the people, it is an economic sin if political and business interests are allowed to stand in the way for purely selfish reasons. The only qualifying test should be the economic soundness of the proposed projecta and the availability of public funds, apportioned under a sensible budget. The good of the people as a whole is greater than any part. So much for my attitude toward water- power development, But I have one final thought as to my general philosophy of government. I am one who was brought up to, and still does, believe sincerely and genuinely in the principles of free competitive enterprise, und the profit system, when and if it gives just consideration to human needs, as it carries on in its operations, I hold that business and finance, and parties and government, are all-tmportant factors in our American life, and I want to do all I can to improve them and bulld them up, but I also hold that even more important are people, and that these four equations I mentioned are not an objective in themselves, but should be judged, in the last analysis, as to their effect upon the lives and fortunes and happiness of people. I am not alone in this thought, Many authorities have expressed it far bet- ter than I can, and I recall the words of tormer President Herbert Hoover, who well ‘We aim to set up in this country a human society, not an economic system. We aim A515 for increased production and greater effi- ciency, but to the end that we may have happier home life in America.” That aim is real, and in my heart, and I commend it to you. Address by Hon. Joseph R. McCarthy, of Wisconsin, at a Kansas Day Republi- can Banquet EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ANDREW F. SCHOEPPEL OF KANBAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr, SCHOEPPEL Mr. President, on January 29 last, in my home State of Kansas, the junior Senator from Wis- consin (Mr, McCartuy] was the speaker at the annual Kansas Day Republican banquet. I ask unanimous consent that the address he delivered on that occa- sion be printed in the Appendix of the ReEcorp. There being no objection, the address was ordercd to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Since June 26, 1960, there have been 46,201 American casunities in Korea. The blood of the 46,201 which has consecrated the mud of the Korean valleys ts only a small drop compared to the American blood which may well be shed in the days, weeks, and months just ahead. Lst me tell you of one of the 46,201 young men. On the afternoon of November 29, a typical, young American boy, Bob Smith, of Middle- burg, Pa., climbed the slopes near the Yalu River and took up 4 defensive position on the Changjin Reservoir. Before a red dawn broke over the mountains of Manchuria on Novem- ber 30, much western biood and eastern blood had mixed in the Yalu River. As that cold red dawn broke Bob Smith was lying In a gutter near the Changfin Reservoir. Three cold hloody dawns he saw breuk, as his bullet riddled body lay fn the gutter covered only by a raincoat. One morning the Chinese Communists, the agrarinn reformers, over- ran the area. He played dead and they stripped him of his shoes and most of his clothing. Wounded and half froven, after 3 days Bob Smith dragged himself to a nearby hut with a few other wounded sons of Ameri- can mothers. Eleven days Jater a group of marines, having learned of those wounded soldiers, slugged a bloody path back through the ring of Chinese Communists and rescued them. Bob Smith is home today, but his hands andl legs are still in the hills beyond the Yalu River, Each of us whom you, the American people, have sent to the United States Congress, if he is doing his duty, will be working long days and nights, examining the minutest detail of our foreign policy that coat Bob Gmith his hands and legs. We shall be examining the planners and their planning to discover whether the blood of those 46,201 American boys shed in the past 8 months has been well spent or whether it has been wasted—to find out whether some of the agony, blood, and tears promised the Amert- can people for the future can be avoided. For some time now we have been attempt- inz to expose those who have been leading us along the road to disaster—leading us along a road which will be strewn with Bob
A516 Bmiths—a road watered with the tears of Ameriean wives and mothers; wives and mothers who are again being forced to travel deep into the valley of darkness and despair. We have been damned from hel! to break- fast for exposing those responsible. In fact, the left-wing cabal of press and radio have accused me of almost everything but murder- ing my great-great-grandmother. Take my word for it, ladies, I don't enjoy this task. It is a dirty, disagreeable job, but a job which must be done. When I was a boy on the farm my mother ‘used to raise chickens. From those chickens the groceries for a large family were supplied, as well as mother’s Christmas money. The greatest enemy the chickens had were skunks. In order to protect mother’s chick- ens my three brothe.s and I had to dig out and destroy those skunks. It was a dirty, foul, unpleasant, smelly job. And some- times after it was done people did not like to have us sit next to them in church. But we learned early in life that the ‘Jobs that most badly need doing and are left undone are more often the most difficult and un- pleasant jobs. . And, I intend to devote my efforts to dig- ging out a much more dangerous brand of animal in our Government. This I intend to do regardless of the high-pitched squeal. ing of those left-wing bleeding hearts of the press and radio. This J intend to do as long as I am in the United States Senate. There is no reason on God's earth why this should be a fight between Democrats and Republicans, Those who have been be- traying us can't honestly claim the label of Democrat or Republican. When they profess to be Democrats they are insulting the mil- ltons of good loyal Democrats in this Nation. Every thinking American knows that there will be neither a Democrat nor a Republican Party if the sell-out continues and the Com- munists win out. Keep in mind, please, that the Communist fight is not a Russian fight. It is only being directed by Russia at this time. Keep in Mind that 10,000,000 Russians have had the gute and nerve to stand up and fight athe- istic communism to the extent that they are doomed to Siberian slave labor camps, So don’t make the mistake of thinking that this is a fight between the Russian people and the American people. It is a fight between international communism and western civill- zation. This is the Armageddon foretold in the Bible—the fight between the forces of good and evil, a fight between the forces of light and darkness, the last titanic struggle be- tween atheistic communism and Western elvilization. Let’s not waste time discussing whether or not we want war. We are at war. It is not a war of our own choosing We did not start it. We can't stop it. Only the Krem- lin oan call a halt and the teaders of the Kremlin ave decided not to. This war can end only with victory for Western oiviliza- tion or the death of Western civilization, Therefore, let’s be done with this senseless drivel about whether we want to fight a war. We have no choice. Our task is to decide how we can win the war with the least amount of death and destruction. The active phase of the war between inter- national communism and our Western civili- gation commenced over 33 years ago when the Bolsheviks took over Russia. It is now entering its final stage. During that 33-year period the Communists have been steadily moving forward On practically every front, During the past 6 years communiam has been racing forward to the staccato beat of time—like a forest fire in dry woods. There have been many phases of this satanically clever Communist war against civilization, One important phase was di- rected toward gaining control of the key agencies of our Government by placing Com- munists and their dupes and stooges tn key spots in our Government. They made fan- tastic progress in the early thirties at the time we recognized Communist Russia. This was the time that the Hiss-Remington-Press- man-Witt-Acheson group started to work their way into key spots in the Government, So great did their power in Government be- come that Alger Hiss, as you recall, was ap- pointed the very top man to misrepresent this country at the United Nations Confer- ence. Men like Harry Dexter White, a known Communist agent, drafted many of the post- war plans for Europe. Men like Remington were in charge of shipments of war materials to our friends and enemies. Before discussing the personalities respon - sible for Communist victory and impending disaster for this country, let us briefly review the Communist plans for world enslavement. There is nothing secret about those plans. They are just as public as were Hitler's aims in Mein Kampf. The plans were publicly ex- pressed by Lenin, publicly approved by Stalin. Their first task was the creation of a Red China. As Lenin said: “He who con- trols China controls the world.’ The brains of the Communist Party for years proclaimed to their loyal workers that one of their two major tasks was to work for the creation of a Red China; that this was a necessary prelude to the creation of an entirely Red Asia and a Red Pacific, which could wash our western shores with its communistic, atheis- tic erosion, and then the plan for world en- slavement could enter its final stage—the creation of a Red enslaved America. The final stage of the battle has arrived. It is with us tonight. If we are to take ad- vantage of every possible opportunity to win even at this late date—even after tremendous Communist victories—it is necessary that we examine the reason for the Communist vic- tories to date and their plans covering the immediate days, months, and years ahead. Let's first examine the record and see whether Russia has been successful in her plans to control our foreign policy by her agents, her dupes, and her stooges in key spots in our Government, Le:’s look at the cold record and find out to what extent Rus- sia has been able to twist and pervert our foreign policy. This we must do if we hope to win in the final stages of this Communist war against us. The statement that there are those high in Government who are doing the work of Communist Russia must not be lightly made. It should be made only after deep study. It Must be made only when he who makes it ds willing to submit the proof of what he says. Let us do that now. Keep in mind as we examine the mistakes of the past, as we examine the work of those who have brought us to the brink of disaster, this proof is examined not for the purpose of punishing those who have betrayed us. Much more important work is at hand. It is done so we may get rid of those individuals—remove them from positions of power and replace them with good, loyal, intelligent Americans in their place. Lenin and Stalin long stressed that the turning point in world revolution would come when China was conquered by com- munism, William Z. Foster, head of the Communist Party in this country, in Decem- ber of 1945 said, “The war in China is the key to all the problems of international communism.” Now let's see how closely the State De- partment plans tied in with the plans of Lenin, Stalin, and Foster: A short time after Foster’s statement, General Marshal) was sent to China with secret State Department instructions, which as a soldier, he obeyed. Those instructions to Marshall were (1) place an embargo on ammunition to the Chinese troops fighting communism; (2) force the anti-Communist troops to with- draw from Kalgan Mountain pass to Man- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD churia, making it possible for the Chinese Communist forces to move freely and ob- tain arms from the Russians; and (3) force Chiang to reduce his army by more than 1,000,000 men, many of whom after 8 yéars of war, having no occupation, were forced to enlist with the Communist forces, Nine- teen hundred and forty-six dragged by. Mar- shall came home. The Communist army—| grown from 300,000 to 2,000,000 men-~armed, trained, directed, and even officered by the Sovietsa—was ready for the offensive by late 1947. But the Marshall embargo made it im- possible for the Chinese troops fighting the Communists to get ammunition from either America or England—the only sources of supply. Marshall was given the job of cutting off all arms and ammunition to the forces fight- ing communism in China, if they would not agree to take the Communists into partner- ship. Marshall did this and commented, “As Chief of Staff I armed 29 anti-Communist divisions. Now, with a stroke of the pen, I have disarmed them.” At the time the Acheson group was writing the secret instructions under which Marshall was, in his words, disarming 29 anti-Com- munist divisions with a stroke of the pen— at that very moment, according to docu- ments supplied by Ambassador to China Pat- rick Hurley, this same group was “openly advising the Communists to refuse unifica- tion * * * unless the Chinese Commu- nists were given control’—a weird, traitor- ous double-deal, lf ever there was one. Here the treason of Yalta was brought to full bloom. Here was signed the warrant condemning to atheistic communistic slav- ery 400,000,000 of our allies who fought s0 well with us during the entire war. Here was signed the death warrant of the young men who have been dying today in the hills and valleys of Korea. Here was signed the death warrant of the young men who will die tomorrow in the jungles of Indochina. Here was signed the death warrant of the young men who will die on the sands of Iran the next day. Here was signed the death warrant of the young men who will die in the streets of Berlin and Paris the day after that, unless the clamor of the American people becomes so great that the President is forced to get rid of the crimson clique which has such a hypnotic Svengall-like influence over him. And Jest you think that this sell-out was made in error, let me quote from the Secre- tary of State's own words last January before a@ National Press Club audience in referring to the Communist victory. He said: “A new day has dawned in Asia.” About 30 days before that his chief lNeu- tenant and architect, Owen Lattimore, had referred to the Communist victory over our friends and the enslavement of 400,000,000 of our allies as the opening of lmitless horizons of hope. In the article written by Acheson's adviser, which I hold in my hand, from the July 17 issue of the Compass, he praises the State Department for having succeeded in letting China fall without letting the American peo- ple know we pushed her. At that time he also sald: “The problem in Korea is the same as in China; that is, to allow her to fall with- out letting the American people know that we pushed her.” And so the blood of 46,201 American boys 1s part of the price we pay for this great task of allowing China to fall to communism without letting the American people know ‘we pushed her. Before discussing the proposed sell-out of 1951, let's just take a few brief minutes to Giscuss some of the typical personnel who are doing the planning for us in the State Department and in the United Nations. When you hear of the sell-out of American interests in the United Nations and the State Department, keep in mind that these are
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD just = few of a vast number dae thane of individuals oy given but omitted from prepared Now, let’s take an example of one of the top planners of the State Department, if we may. {Cases given but omitted from prepared speech.] I dislike taking your time, on these in- dividusl cases because we could recite like cases all night, but I think that it ts im- portant for you to have a few of those typical cases in mind ao that you can better understand the entire dangerous picture as it develops. Let’s examine more closely the sell-out of 1980 and 1961. At the time our troops moved tnto Korea there was issued to the Seventh Fleet one of the most fantastic wartime orders that you or I will ever hear of. Prior to this order to our Seventh Fleet, Chiang Kai-shek, who leads the forces who are fight- ing communism in China, was rather effec- tively blockading the main Communist ports of China. He had on Formosa over half a million Chinese soldiers. The Communists had about a quarter million soldiers on the mainland opposite Formosa. One reason why the Communists kept a quarter of a million troops opposite Formosa was to protect against a possible landing on the China mainland by Chiang’s anti-Communist troops. So the State Department drafted an order to the Seventh Fleet, ordering it: Number 1: to break Chiang Kal-shek’s blockade of the Communist ports. Number 2; to prevent any landing by Chiang on the China coast—a tremendous service, of course, to the Communists. Immediately the quarter million Commu- nist troops which had been stationed oppo- site Formosa on the China mainland, moved north to the Korean border. Secretary Ach- eson stated in his recent broadcast early in July or August that he was fully aware of the fact that trose Communist troops were mov~ ing up toward Korea. Now there might have been some reason for that fantastic order to the Seventh Fleet before the Communists started shooting Americans, but certainly no reason on God's earth for its existence after they started shooting A 1erlcan men. Let me repeat that order to you. We said to the Chinese Com- munists: No. 1: We will keep our friend and your enemy from blockading the Communist ports. We will allow war material to flow into Communist China-—war material now being used to kill Americans. No. 2: We will not allow Chiang Kai-shek to attack the China mainland. 80 you may move your Communist troops northward into Korea. So we find the incredible picture of Truman issuing a State Department order—an order to our Seventh Fleet to ald the Chinese Communists. The one bright spot in this dangerous picture is that Truman himself is not part of the Acheson-Lattimore-Jessup-Service crowd. ‘Truman is a loyal American. He doesn’t want communism to win out in this country any more than you and Ido. Un- fortunately, however, he is 8 man of great stubbornness and a small mind—a man who is being operated by puppet strings pulled by the Acheson-Jessup crowd, but if the pres- sure from the American people becomes great enough, there is hope that he will yet élean house. So much for the bungling of the past. Let's examine what must be done if we are to win this war with the least amount of death and destruction. Today we are con- sidering drafting 18-year-old boys—today we are actually calling back into service men with wives and families—men who served in World War II. While this is being done, Chiang Kai-shek, who heads the anti-Oom- munist Chinese forces, has offered us the use of his troops—600,000 of them stationed on Formoas. He says: “If your State De~ partment and the United Nations will only say the word, we will give you half a mifl- lion trained troops to fight the Communists, Give us the weapons of war and we will give you another million Chinese guerrillas now on the China mainiand. They are willing and eager to fight the Communists.” But the Btate Department and the United Nations say, “No, we want this war fought by Amer- ican boys.” The old Yalta crowd says, “No, we won't use those Chinese because they were resisting the advance of communism in China while we were aiding the Com- munists.” They say, “No, we will draft a million and a half American boys instead.” The United Nations chimes in and agrees that only the sons of American mothers can fight and die. Spain haa offered to give us a million men within a matter of weeks if only we will say the word. But the Yalta crowd which still runs our State Department says, “No, we don't like the Spantards be- cause they fought against communism dur- ing the years that we were coddling it. We will draft another million American boys in- stend—18-year-olds and boys with wives and families.” Now, what to do. The answer is obvious. We must make a direct about~face and first kick out the entire Yalta crowd—replace all those architects for disaster with good, loyal Democrats and Republicans—Democrats and Republicans loyal to America. Next use the manpower of our allies; use the anti-Com.- muniast forces on Formosa; use the anti-Com- munist guerrillas in China; give them the tools of war so they themselves may strike the Communist chains from their wrists and ankles; use the manpower of Spain to create a powerful army in Western Europe; give them American weapons so they may do their own fighting. Above all—now and forever—discard the tortured reasoning of the Yalta crowd that only the sons of American mothers must fight and die in this last final showdown struggle between international, atheistic communism and western civilization. If this Nation and our Civilization is to live, then the rallying cry of the American people should be; Get rid of the entire Ache- son-Jessup-Yalta crowd—get rid of all of the Pied Pipers for disaster. It follows as the night follows the day that when the crimson clique jn our Gov- ernment engineered the Communist victory in China, they aligned the death warrante of every young man who has died in Korea. At that time they condemned the Bob Smiths to live out their lives with no hands and no legs. Bob Smith has no hands for us to shake today. He bas no feet on which to walk to a hero’s welcome—not tonight—but some day he will have artificial legs and when he does he should walk straight to the head- quarters of the United Nations. He should walk to the office of the Secretary of State. He should say to him: “Mr. Secretary of State, as I fought up the slopes of the Chang- jin Reservoir I was met by Communists firing rockets from horseback—a reincarnation of the horsemen of Genghis Khan. “Mr. Secretary, do you still think that they are agrartan ‘reformers? “Mr. Secretary, up until a few months ago you felt that the anti-Communist forces on Formosa should all be turned over to Com- munist China. Do you still think so, Mr. Secretary?” He should say to him: “Mr. Secretary, you have never fought in the cold so you cannot know its bitterness. You have never felt the shock of a bullet, you cannot know its pain. munists.” He should say: “Mr. Secretary, do you think you were right when you ordered A517 embargo on arms and ammunition to our friends in China to the end thet communiam. ewept over all China? If you think you were wrong, tell us when you discovered ft, will you, Mr. Secretary?” He should say: “Myr. Secretary, do you think the communiszation of China and the resulting war in Korea was an accident, or was it the handiwork of traitors and are they atill doing the planning, Mr. Secretary?” He should say to the United Nations: “Gentlemen, why do you dawale and debate while 46,201 men are crippled and die? Why the uncertainty over whether killing 46,201 of our men ie a friendly or an un- friendly act?” Perhaps we, the American people, tonight should say to the President: “Mr. Truman, perhaps God wanted Bob Smith home even without his hands and legs. Perhaps he wanted him home to face the stubborn and the unwise and the traitorous men who be- trayed him. Perhaps that is the reason for his suffering. He is the symbol, Mr. Presi- dent, which may bring an end to the blun- ders, the stupidity, the cowardice, and the betrayals.” Bob Smith ts the symbo! of the courage we need. He is the symbol of the honesty we do not have. He is the symbol of the honesty which we must regain if our civill- zation is to live, Importance of Navy in War Crisis EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorn excerpts from an address I delivered in Norfolk, Va., on January 20, 1951. There being no objection, the excerpts were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The wer in Korea has proved one thing beyond any shadow of doubt. It has proved the Navy cannot be relegated to the limbo of the blunderbuss. Korea has made it certain that our ac- tual and potential enemies are Red China and Russia. Korea has made it clear that we cannot hope to match these enemies with foot-soldier manpower alone. Korea has demonstrated that their type of fighting, characterized by the mastery of infiltration, half way around the world is no target for strategic bombing. In short, Korea has proved that the Navy is still not only our firat line of defense but also our first requirement for offense. This is not to say that the Air Force and the Army do not have vital roles or that they do not rate the stature of integral parts in our military force. They must be made just as invincible as the Navy. But those who a short time back were talking about the “fancy Dans’ of the Navy and the policemen in the Marine Corps have eaten a lot of salty words since Korea. It was the Navy and the Marine Corps that were thrown into the breach when the Red Koreans were overrunning the thin United Nations line early in Korea, and it was the Navy that went to the rescue at Hungnam., Since Korea, the Navy, with the aid of chartered merchant ships, has hauled more than 127,000 passengers, 1,400,000 barrels of ol] and gasoline, and 3,000,000 tons of cargo
A518 across 6,000 miler of water. Ini 4 months Navy cargo would have filled 101,000 freight cars, That would be 4 solid train stretching from Norfolk almost to New Orleans. In the type of warfare which we must an~ ticipate it will be only with sea power that our numerically inferior forces can expect to strike at times and places of our choosing. It will be with overwhelming sea power that we can hold back significant numbers of Red troops which must be kept in reserve against seaborne invasion. Sea power and air power are our only weap- ons by which we can selze and austain initia- tive. Without them we cannot gain the initiative, and we cannot hold initiative without open sea lanes. Moreover, diversi- fied air attack depends upon sea power and its carrier-based planes. If and when war should come we cannot win until we gain control of the timetable and assume and hold the initiative. At Pusan and at Chungjin Reservoir, when our land troops were in desperate need of support, light carrier-based Navy and Marine fighter planes held the enemy down and in check until our ground forces could rest and regroup to fight again. In Korea the Navy was called upon not only for amphibious sup- port and air cover but even the heavy arttl- lery of the battleships found ® place in 1950 warfare. In fact, under seaborne fire power every man at Hungnam was evacuated by sea, with equipment and stores, without casualty. The Government has recognized both the importance and the significance of sea power in the struggle which confronts us. The House of ‘Representatives this week has passed the bill authorizing new naval construction to supplement e: ‘sting tonnage, and the con- version and recommissioning of World War IT ships from the mothball fleet. One hundred and seventy-three vessels, totaling 500,000 tons displacement are included in the 1952 shipbuilding program, which will be before the Senate Armed Services Committee in the next few days, and 130 of these vessels will be combatant ships. Construction of the 60,000-ton aircraft carrier will be authorized by this bill. This huge carrier will be an expansion and an improvement on the Mid- way and Essex type, but smaller than the carrier which was previously started and scrapped at Newport News. In addition to the proposed new tonnage, & total of 240 ships of all classes have been taken out of reserve since last June and placed in the active fleet. Many of these re- activated ships are already in service, and many of them have been modernized to in- clude latest developments, The ship construction bill now before Con- greas authorizes the conversion of 281 more vessels of practically all classes, including alroraft carriers, cruisers, destroyers, guided. misaile ships, picket vessels, and submarines converted for antisubmarine warfare. We are faced with a Federal budget this year, short of war, approximating $75,000,- 000,000. Unless we reduce nondefense ex- penditures or raise taxes even higher we are faced with deficits as far as we can see at the rate of $28,000,000,000 a year or more. These will be superimposed on top of a Fed- eral debt already a quarter of a trillion dollars. When we started World War I the gebt was $1,000,000,000, When we started World War II the debt was €41,000,000,000. When we started this one we shall be labor- ing under the handicap of a debt such as no other nation has ever survived. We have got to have an army of the maxi- mum strength, and to overcome superior numbers we must be superior in skills, weapons, and mobility. The quality and quantity of the Russian Air Force is un- known and for this reason we must assure that ours ts superior in all respects. To assure our own defense and to Keep open the only road to offense which must be taken before victory can be won, we must have a Navy such as we have never had before. Faced with debt and taxes and the cost of materials and labor such as they are today, we cannot meet these requirements unless we get more than a dollar’s worth for every dollar spent fer the Army, the Air Force, the Marine Corps, and the Navy, And then we must eliminate every dollar of nonessential Federal expenditure. Even when this is done it will be neces- sary to increase the tax burden still further to pay as we go. Any other course will jeopardize our fiscal security. Obligation of Americans to America EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES P. KEM OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. KEM. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp a speech made by former United States Senator Albert W. Hawkes, of New Jerscy, on January 25, 1951, when he was the principal speaker before the American Coalition of Patriotic and Civic Societies of the United States at their annual meeting in the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D. C. Senator Hawkes has said a number of things in his speech which the American people should take time to understand in this critical era facing our Nation. There are a number of important points in the speech, but in my opinian one of the mast important things he had brought out is the fact that this Nation has fought in two World Wars, and carried the larger part of the burden of those wars, with great loss of men and wealth. Those wars were each fought to victory for the cause of free men, but the victory seems to have been only a physical victory. Neither of the two great victories has done much good for peace and the cause of free men. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Let me say no man living knows the answer to the thousands of distressing problems which have been created for the people of this country and the people of the world by large groups of self-seeking politicians and dictators whose interest seems to be personal power first and the people's welfare second, if there is any welfare left. It is too late for any of us to lose our patience and temper, or to cease striving for a sense of humility. No one can hope to be all right or to find the other fellow all wrong in a situation of mad confusion which faces the people, due to the concentration of power in a centralized government, which power has either been unwisely voted or improperly seized by those in authority. Mass con- fusion, in the minds of the people, has always preceded the downfall of any great government or organized effort of man. In attempting to appraise our commit. ments of every kind, made to foreign govern- ments or groups of governments, and their commitments to us, and in trying to ascer- tain the billions of dollars we have given APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD away in the two world wars, and since the cessation of actual fighting in 1945, up to the time of the Korean “event,” plus the billions of dollars we are yet obligated ta put into the foreign situation, I am unable to find a man in Washington or elsewhere who would even attempt to evaluate the situation. Practically all who are in a posi- tion to know considerable about the situa- tion recognize and admit that the loans or gifts, whichever you wish to call them, will eventually be charged off to profit and loss. I think we should stop making any further commitments abroad, and (1) appoint a com- mittee of the ablest lawyers, statesmen, econ- omists, accountants, and financial minds of the country to take an honest, nonpolitical, nonpartisan inventory of our present eco- nomic and defense equipment and abilities; and (2) this committee should list all of our commitments and show all the gifts and loans, with their total sum, since World War I. Then we should determine whether it Mes within our power to fulfill all the commitments made or promised in good faith and whether the nations to whom the promises were made can fulfill their part of the commitments and if they have acted in complete good faith. Then we should try to find out whether the mothers and fathers of the United States are in favor of having their boys sent all over the world to fight battles in which I, personally, believe there is no way to do more than win a physical victory here and there without any of the fruits of peace and good will to follow the physical victory. Americans forget too soon and forgive too often. Woodrow Wilson, a great and distinguished American, who took us into World War I, was elected for his sec- ond term, in which we became embroiled in foreign alliances, by this slogan, “He kept us out of war.” I remember the posters all over the United States of a mother standing with her hand on her son’s shoulder, saying “My son, vote for Woodrow Wilson, he kept you out of war.” I will not analyze the right or wrong, but just take this look at the facts. Right here I would call your attention to two of the cardinal rules of equity, which are fundamental in all human relationship: 1, He who asks equity, must do equity. 2. He who comes into equity, must do so with clean hands. Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected to his third term principally through a campaign speech he made in Boston, when he said to the mothers and fathers in the United States the following: “I say to you again and again and again, that your sons will not be sent to fight on foreign soil.” It is quite reliably reported by those who heard the speech, and I was one of them, that the words which were later found inserted in the manuscript “unless we are attacked” were not used in the speech when it went to the ears of millions of Americans. My only purpose in reemphasizing this fact is that it convinces me that our American people never wished to be drawn into the wars of foreign nations which have been going on for centuries. Both Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt will probably occupy a distin- guished position in history and were beloved by millions of our citizens. That does not change the fact that the people did not want their sons sent to foreign soil and did not want to become involved in foreign en- tangled alliances. Certainly it is true that none of us know what George Washington might say today to the American people in a farewell address, but I want to ask every American to think carefully as to whether the morals, the character and the spiritual development of a vast part of the world Justified or justifies us in changing our posi- tion of living under our American way of lite and contributing all within our power to help
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD othera to find the way of improving lives and freedom. As ome American, to those who are willing to listen to what I aay in good faith, my answer is, that we have entered into partnership and alliances with political powers, leaders, and dictators whom no intelligent American ottizen would choose as & partner in his life's work. Perhaps we are moving too fast. Perhaps we are forgetting how the tide of good has come in over the last 2,000 years only to recede to points further away from our ob- jective than they have frequently oocupied over the centuries gone by. I ask you if any one in this room feels that this world is better after World Wars I and II than it was before World War I, when ths Constitution of the United States was supreme with us and the American fiag oc- coupled firet place in our hearte, minds, and souls. A relatively small percentage of our peo- ple appreciate that a treaty made, executed, and ratified with a foreign power, takes precedence over our Constitution and the law of the land, A relatively few of our people have made the understanding of gov- ernment important enough for them to realize that when we go into a world gov- ernment, that we have lost control of our own affairs and have become just a part of a muddlod, confused world. A world whose selfish motives and objectives dictate their vote. If socialism and communism are pre- dominant, then we have thrown our fine sys- tem and way of life, in a kettle of interna- tional dictatorship, there to become part and parcel of the conglomerate whole, where the state 1s master, and man its puppet or serf. Then there will be no leader of freemen left to hold the light of liberty and opportunity aloft, to lead others out of the darkness and despair brought about by rulers who have ali the iniquitous qualities of the worst kings and emperors of the past, regardless of the name by which you call them. Perhaps power-seeking politicians and leaders are trying to change the quality and charecter of humanity faster than it can be changed. Perhaps they are hoping to accom- plish by force and subsidy those things which can only be accomplished by spiritual de- velopment and decency of purpose on & voluntary basis in keeping with the spirit of the Golden Rule. Perhaps they are trying to change humanity by force faster than God ordained {t should be changed. A human life is but the wink of an eye or the break of & wave as compared to the known time of the past. I am not saying that some day the world may not be right for world govern- ment, but I am saying if we try to force it on the people of the United States in view of the conditions confronting us, and consider- ing the character of the people of the world now, we will destroy the greatest accomplish. ment of mankind in the history of the world. I refer to the American form of government and way of life. Regardless of what any one may say or how much it may hurt the feelings of some people tn the world, I claim that the United States of America has been the greatest charitable organization ever known in the history of the world in its attempts to do good for others without seeking anything ma- terial in return. I also claim that, in our gteat seal to do good, we have overpromised Ourselves, or agreed to things which, if pur- sued, will wreck this ou charitable organization in the world. If any great charitable institution within our borders were to become emotional or over-zealous in promising to do things which its board of directors and contributore found could not be done without destroying the institution, then it is my opinion, that board of directors would be forced to take inven- tory and reappraise its powers and the rela- tive importance of the things it would lke todo, Then the members of the board would be forced to say, “We have undertaken to Go more then ie possible with our manpower and materia) wealth without jeopardising and destroying our whole effort in charity.” I think they would be courageous enough to sey we have over-estimated our power to do good, and they would be compelled to adjust thempelves to the doing of things within the limits of their known, or at least their prob- able income and manpower. Thus they would preserve their great charitable institu- tion to do good within the scope of its ability. No decent American ever wishes to defy the law of his country. No decent American ever wishes to evade military service required to protect and preserve our great country. But, if we are # free people, every American should have the right without smears or reprisals to say openly how he feels our wel- fare and purpose in Ife are to be best served and accomplished. If, because we are in a great emergency—tf, because we are in- volved in some kind of a war that our lead- ers do not call war, if, because we are on the brink of a great war, possibly engulfing the world, we stop the citizen from express- ing his honest, patriotic views, then, indeed, have we become a dictatorship where those in power in the Government are the masters and the people its puppets. Right now I would not attempt to appraise who fs responsible for the dilemma in which we find oureclves. Nor would I urge others to do so. Two great world wars fought to victory by the men tn the fleld. Two great opportunities fcr tre establishment of peace or ways to peace forfeited or bungicd away by the political leaders because selfishness could not be made into intelligent self-in- terest, and our leaders compromised prin- ciple. I often think of the admonition I gave to our political leaders and the leaders of the world, in the speech I made before the GI Forum in Rome, less than 8 weeks after VE-day. I had had conferences with Win- ston Churchill, and a delightful visit with His Holiness, the Pope—four other Senators being present. The substance of what I said was this. We have spent vrobably 8200,000,- 000,000 to get an Army of 8,400,000 of the best trained and equipped Amerizan soldiers on the Kuropean Continent, and to assist our ally, Britain, in getting 785,000 of the best trained and equipped British soldiers on continental Europe. Then I asked the ques- tion, Why shouldn't we announce to the world in simple unambiguous language, the objectives for which we fought the war, and our objective in securing peace, before we take this great Army beck home, and ship the equipment to other parte of the world? All I wanted to do, was what any plain, ordi- nary, American citizen should have wanted to do. For making that statement I was blasted by the socialistic, communistic, New Dealish sympathizers as a warmonger. Now I am receiving letter from the most distin- guished men in the country, saying that I was one of the few people who saw the pic- ture clearly and expressing great sorrow that no heed was taken of that speech except by the smear artists and character assassins. The only object I have in referring to this— which is water over the dam—is to prove that all we have thus far done is to win physical victories and bungle away the peace. Why should we expect the political leaders now in power in the world, to do a better job if we win another physical victory, efter the loss of hundreds of thousands, if not mil- lions, of our fine young manhood, No, I reiterate, they should call to arms, all of thetr available manpower, to defend themselves, before we take another step with land forces into the foreign arena. I do not mean w? should fall to support our boys in Koreas or in Europe. But we should think well abcut maintaining land forces for our own soil, and the return of our men from Korea, in an arderly way. I would adopt youth Then an appraisal and inventory of our resources, m:unpower, and abilities to do things, shoulc guide the American people and their Representatives in Congress as to how far we can go with any degree of safety in the future. As one American, if I had the power, I would make the saving of the Unived States my No. 1 job. I would change the slogan which has led us into the joes of hundreds of thousands of lives, the crippliny of hun- dreds of thousands of more Itves and put us on the brink of national insolvency. That slogan iz, “We must save the world if we ‘would save ourselves.” I don't believe it to be true I agree we should save the world, if we can, but I would make our new slogan, “We cannot save the world unless we save ourselves.” I would ask those in authority to truly appraise the atomic bomb and not distress and terrify the people with imaginary things that may never happen, neither would I overemphasive the importance of dangerous things that may happen. Certainly, what General Bridley said is true, “We may be bombsd.’ But we wil) nevor be overcome, as a nation of freemen, except by great land force, landing on our own shores, and greater than we can combat. Hitler had one of the greatest armies in the world and he got to the shores of the English Channel. England was on her knees, crippled from tensions and ruthless aitacks from the air. Hitler didn't dare attempt to cross the Channel— 22 miles. Russia would have to bring 2 roan force of tremendous magnitud: some 4,000 miles if she stsrted from home, and some 8,000 miles if she started from the shores of our former allies in Burope. It is incon- ceivable that she could transport a large land force either acroas the Atlantic Ocean or acroas Siberia down through Alaska. We can likewise bomb, providing we spend ali that is necessary to be supreme in the air and maintain supremacy on the sea. I said on the Senate floor almost 5 years ago that Russia would never need to precipi- tate an open war with us in order to accom- plish her objective of destroying our way of life. I made this statement on the basis that we were and are spending ourselves into national bankruptcy, and national bank- ruptcy would sound the death knell of the free-enterprise system. I agree with what Abraham Lincoln said when he was 20 yeara old: “No power on earth can ever land a force in this country to overcome us. As a nation of free men we must live through all time or die by suicide.” Tolerance, pati- ence, equity, and justice in our dealings amongst ourselves are the things required to build national unity. If we can build com- plete unity no one can overcome us. Then we will set an example to the world which free men can follow if they are willing to pay the price of liberty. Our people favor alr and naval supremacy, but they are opposed to our sending millions of men to fight on foreign soil side by side ‘with people whose political philosophy and economic objectives are certainly not stabi- liged and unified any more than all of their morals and character are stabilized and ‘unified. What if these countries who are leaning strongly to socialism should change their course, while a vast army from here is on foreign soil?
Yes, I would take an inventory right now of what the world might think of us. The better people of the world would thank us later for having done it. When I was on the Air Policy Board of the Congress I told the committee and the high command of the various branches of the armed services, that I would vote for any amount of money necessary to make ‘us supreme in the air and on the sea as fast as we could lawfully and intelligently spend the money. I would not say now what we should do to heip other nations, who believe sincerely and are on record as being in favor of the freedom of the individual. I would let them know their Uncle Sam cannot do thelr job for them no matter how kind his heart is. The best work of all men in the world has been done when mother necessity stood back of them with a broomstick and, particularly, when self-preservation was their objective. I hear Americans say, “Wouldn’t you send even 10 divisions to Europe or to Asia, just to show good will?” My answer is, if you send 10 divisions anywhere and the vast hordes of any nation, which is our enemy, is putting them and our supposed full- fledged allies to rout, then, {n the name of decency and honesty we will have: to send many hundreds of thousands, or millions more as is necessary to support them, pro- tect them, and save them. We can't just send our boys around the world, and, if they fail, let them be massacred. No war can be conducted under the direction of the United Nations, which takes 2 or 3 months to give &@ go-ahead signal in every case, except where they voted to resist the Communist advance from North Korea and we furnish 90 to 95 percent of all the aid given to the South Koreans. I yoted for the United Nations and it may yet serve a purpose, but when our fine ally, Great Britain, is holding Red China by one hand, while patting us on the back and asking for more help and more favors, and up to date, has refused to vote Red China the aggressor, it does not seem to me to justify the sending of our fine boys to all quarters of the earth to fight battles for what we believe in, but apparently not the things in which the present British Govern- ment and some others, believe in. Let us not forget that Englend has not shown her colors yet in regard to Red China becoming a member of the United Nations and thereby further contaminating it with communiam., Of course, every decent American would help feed those in need and deserving, even if it means sacrifice at home. Of course, every decent American wants to keep his promises within the limits of his ability, but the bankruptcy law, which helps individuals, who have overreached themselves and failed, does not help nations who do the same thing, Of course, every decent Ameri- can is interested in lending aid and help to nations who truly believe in the cause of freemen and who, themselves, are willing to pay the price to fight to the limit of their ability for that cause; therefore, I would be in favor of giving all possible help in the air and at sea to such nations, so long as that does not jeopardize the life and the preser- vation of our American peopie and their system of freemen. Ex-President Hoover did the people of the United States and all the decent people of the earth a great service when he made his radio address on December 20, 1950. The gist of his speech meant to me this—we can- not save the world unless it first does every- thing in its power to save itself, ‘We must stop where we are, take an inven- tory of our assets and abilities in this world moss, then if not too late, make certain we save ourselves, otherwise all will be lost. Why should we not consider Spain as an ally, in our great need to protect the lives, Uberty, and property of the Amerigan people? Spain, protected by the Pyrenees Mountains, with 400,000 men now in arms ready to fight communistic aggression and probably 1,000,000 more men who soon could be in arms, should have our consideration as an ally and a protected base for Air and Navy. Think carefully of some of the allies we now have in and out of the United Nations before we ignore this available ally. {In closing, I think every American mother and father should make it their duty to notify their representatives in Congress and in the executive branch of Government how they feel and what they expect of their elected and appointed representatives. It is not a question of right to speak, but duty to speak. I would urge that it be done now, so that these representatives may under- stand, and be encouraged by the wish and will of the people. I would urge the people to carry that wish and will through to the next election, for if the pecple sit idly by and watch their rights destroyed one by one, and, later try to arise to action, they may find they have lost the power of action. If the people are masters in this country of ours, they must act like masters, because when a master abdicates to his servant, he is no longer the master, and the dove of peace, and the flower of liberty, will have vanished and faded away, “With malice toward none and charity for all” let us build unity and strength in the land of the free, and thus create an example for the world to follow. An example that may spell peace on earth, The Way of Justice the Road to Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH C. O’MAHONEY OF WYOMING IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, at the request of the senior Senator from Nevada {Mr. McCarran], who has been called out of the city, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the sermon delivered on Sunday, January 14, 1951, at the Shrine of the Immaculate Conception at the Catholic University of America, Wash- ington, D. C., by the Most Reverend Joseph F, Flannelly, D, D., auxiliary bishop of New York. . There being no objection, the sermon was ordered to be printed in the Recor», as follows: “And the fruit of justice is sown in peace, to them that make peace.” (James III: 18.) When the author of the Book of Ecclesias- ticus discussed friendship, he first cautioned the chosen people against seeking direction from falr-weather friends, selfish compan- ions, and deceitful counselors. Secondly, he advised continual contact with a holy man who feared God and had real sympathy for them. Finally he said, “But above all these things, pray to the Most High that He may direct thy way in truth.” Some 200 years later, the Eternal Bon of God, having come to earth, revealed the power of prayer in the Sermon on the Mount, declaring, “Ask and it shall be given to you: seek and you shall find: knock and it shall be opened to you.” It 1s therefore something more than prece- dent or tradition that has brought you, the members of the Judiciary, the Congress, and the bar, here today. Directed by the di- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD vinely inspired word and invited by the Son of God, you have come here to pray for guidance in the way of truth. Ever con- sctous of the sacred trust imposed upon you by your high office, and particularly anxious about the grave problems of this fateful year of 1961, you have come to ask for that divine help without which we can do nothing. . Thanks be to God that you do stand and knock, through prayer, at the heart of God, for the guidance and assistance indispen- sable to the fulfillment of your office the settling of the difficulties of God’s suffering children. If you continue to knock, the way will be opened to you. This is the promise of the God-man. Prayer will direct you in your solicitude for the safety and preservation of America. Prayer will strengthen you in your service, as jurists and legislators, as advocates and counselors, to the millions of men and women who are America. Prayer will sup- port you in the fulfillment of your noble vocations. God has given you these voca- tions for the benefit of His creatures, In legislative chambers and in courts of justice, it is your vocation to represent and plead and protect the cause of every individual living under our flag. What is this cause? Is it advancement in the material and physi- cal order? Is it better health and more wealth for the individual? Is it more power and wider influence for the Nation? Not at all. These things are the effect or fruit of our cause. Our cause is spiritual. Just 6 days ago the Prosident of these United States of America declared, “This is our cause—peace, freedom, justice.” Today and forever let us proclaim that this is also the cause of all God's creatures, peace, freedom, justice. In this, they were cre- ated equal. Unfortunately, instead of peace and freedom, there is war and human slavery, because some do not understand that peace was promised by God's angels to men of good will only, that men of good will are those who accept God's eternal principles and live by His law; that peace is obtained not by the victories of fighting men over fighting men, but rather by the victory of men over the world, the flesh, and the devil, over injustice, selfishness, and godlessness. In one word, there is war and there is human slavery because there is injustice. Fully comprehending the price of peace, our President, in his state of the Union message, further said, “But more precious than peace are freedom and justice.” In this sentence the President was briefly re- echoing the convictions of our founding fathers. In the preamble of the Constitu- tion, they gave us the reasons for that docu- ment, which we hope and pray will live and function until the end of time. For the sake of continuity may I presume your indulgence and state these reasons? “To form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general wel- fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, * * * “To secure the blessings of Hberty.” Well, did the patriots understand that liberty and freedom are part of every man’s God~ given nature? Since every creature was thus endowed by Heaven, they knew that only one force could gather these sovereign creatures into a more perfect union: that that force must also come from heaven. Despotism could club men into siavery. Only justice could unite them for peace. This they knew to be a sound principle of eternal truth and ao, for the safeguarding of man's freedom and for the promoting of peace, they established legally, in the Con- stitution, this principle—the absolute neces- sity of strict justice. This was the cause
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of our fathers. This is qur cause. This must always be the cause of America, justice, By the divine plan, justice is necessary because of the nature of man, in his fallen state. Man is composed of a soul which can think and determine freely what acts will be performed by his other component part, his body. Unique as man is in the order of creation, and with mastery over the lower orders, albeit, he is not self- sufficient, He depends upon God, directly, for his existence and he depends upon God indirectly insofar as he is wssisted in his living by his fellow creatures. He depends upon this human assistance not only in the material order but, what is more important, in the moral order. In addition to thelr physical and intellec- tua) birthrights, all men are born with moral rights. When a man exercises these moral rights he is projected beyond himself to in- tercourse with his fellow men, and thereby he becomes dependent upon them in greater or less degree. His freedom and his peace depend upon how justly he 1s treated by his fellow men. And, of course, the same natural law which gives a man his rights imposes upon him the obligation to respect the rights of every other creature of God. In this intercourse of fallen humanity, conflicts a8 to rights and obligations are quite probable, because of men’s varying temperaments, unrestrained appetites, and self-satisfying judgments, Since order 1s Heaven's first law: since “all things must be done decently and according to order” (I Corinthians 14: 40), order was required, an absolute and unchanging rule for human behavior was necessary. The Omniscient Creator of man established that order by the morel virtue of justice. And coming from the mind of God, justice adheres to truth which is eternal and immutable. Since truth is absolute and unchanging, so also is justice. Justice is quite properly termed the “so- cial virtue.” It constantly directs every creature to give to every other creature what~- ever is his due. It constantly directs every creature to give to society and to any divi- sion of society, whatever is its due. Like- wise, it constantly directs the community, the Nation, and society to give to every one of God's creatures whatever is his due. Jus- tioe, therefore, preserves inviolable the God- given freedom of every individual man. And justice cements individual men into society which in turn protects the individual man from any injustice which would rob him of his freedom and thereby destroy his peace. Justice is verily our cause. As creatures of God every one of us has the strict obligation to pursue justice in all our ways. “Know ye not,” warns St. Paul, “that the unjust shall not possess the King- dom of God.” As jurists, legislators, and lawyers, there rests upon the conscience of every member of your honorable bodies the additional ob- ligation of holding the scales of justice even. To society, to the country and to every in- dividual, justice must be done. And you are the essential instruments of that justice. The law which insures justice is enacted by you who are Members of the Congress. The rights of man, who is the very material of society, are defended by you who are mem-~ bere of the bar. And you who are the most estimabie members of the bench, you are the prineipal instruments of justice. You make the judgment. You stand between freedom and slavery, between itberty and despotiam. It is yours to translate words into deeds; to put the law to work; to make justice cone crete. As a fruit of this holy sacrifice of the maas, we pray the holy eptrit of God to in- fuse in your soul His seven gifts. May His wisdom and counsel, understanding and knowledge further enlighten your intellect so that you will see and pursue and procure justice always. May the fear of the Lord and piety enkindle in your hearts an even greater love for justice. May fortitude ever strengthen your will to enact in the Con- gress laws only for the common good, and to seek and render in our courts only strict justice, May the most high God direct thy way in truth. Finally, as Americans, let us all pray for the grace to cooperate with thase seven gifts of the spirit, especially in the doing of in- dividual justice, justice of man for man and justice of society or government to every individual creature. This is a moral obligation; this is a patriotic duty. There is nothing that renders the soll more fertile for atheistic communism than individual injustice. Need I say that athe- istic communism is the most deadly enemy to society and civilization; the greatest enemy of freedom and peace; the most insidious enemy of our constitutional system of gov- ernment; the only enemy of the United States of America. Our battle is not against flesh and blood. Our battle is against the false principles of men and women who hate God and deny the sanctity of His crea- tures. These satanic principles can be con- quered by the eternal principles of God. It was under the guidance of the Holy spirit of God that our forefathers estab- lished this Nation upon the firm and un- changoable foundation of justice This Nation will continue to survive; will grow nobler and greater; and will increas- ingly share the blessings of Mberty with the other nations in God's world, provided that every man, woman, and child of us, under that same Divine guidance practices justice. Only when every individual, in any na- tion, private citizen, or public servant, pur- sv 8 justice can that nation possess fustice and enjoy its fruits—freedom and peace, “Justice,” says the Book of Proverbs, “exalt~ eth a nation; but sin maketh nations mis- erable.” The natural law and the inspired word of God directed our forefathers along the way of truth to justice. They followed that way, wholeheartedly, and so the United States of America was born. If this Nation is to survive, God and America demand of us that we follow that same way—Justice. It ts the only way to peace. In the words of our Holy Father's Christmas message, “The way leading to true peace is long and hard, and impeded by briers and thorns.” But we receive this consolation and assurance from the inspired word of God that “when the ways of man shall please the Lord, He will convert even His enemies to peace.” The American Stake Inside Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 1 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, this morning the New York Herald Tribune published an interesting article entitled “The American Stake Inside Europe,” written by the distinguished historian, John Gunther. This article merits the earnest consideration of every Member of the Senate and of the public generally. I ask unanimous consent that the article may be printed in the Appendix of the RE-orp, There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Ad21 Tux Aurascay Stake Ineips Evcrore—Russ1aw Conrao, of Hx CONTINENT anv Irs Dg PENDENT Arzas WouLd Crippie Stre. INDUs- (RY of UNITED BratTes AND Mean Loss oF AtToMIC SurreMacy {By John Gunther) The grand abstraction “Europe” means more than Chartres or Shakespeare; it means steel, the fabric of modern man. Burope and its copious dependent areas do not mere- ly connote richness in history and culture akin to ours; they connote strategic—-and explosive—raw materials like uranium, The price of the loss of Europe would be grievous to America and the Americans. If Russia becomes Europe, if Europe becomes part of a Communist master atate, the point can fairly be argued that the United States as it exists today could not survive. Emotion and one of ita illegitimate chil- dren, fear, dominate so much ai our discus- sion of foreign policy that issues become milky. Even those who speak in the name of strict American self-interest are some- times tempted to forget what that self-inter- est ls, It is time to bring forward some sta- tistics—atatistics of the crispest. But first— Most statesmen advocating isolationist policies today deny vehemently that they are tsolationista. This has a certain quaint significance. The very word has become 80 tainted that even archisolationists want to avoid being blackened with it. In actual fact, millions upon millions of perfectly good patriotic and reputable Americans would like to be isolationists—if only isolationism could be made to work. The chief reason that it is impossible thete deya as a practical policy is the obvious one of history—the world has changed. It is extraordinarily interesting that sev- eral American leaders, who seem to be Iving in the age of Beowulf, are still isolationist about Europe though interventionist about the Far East. They are willing to fight com~ munism in Asia, with American forces, but not In Europe. Thia is as if a man should, let us say, take out fire insurance for one wall of his house and not the other. But let us proceed to consideration of what Burope means to us in blunt, specific, eco- nomic fields, tn terms of bread and butter. The conception that the United States, in peace or war, could be self-contained, self- sufficient, is as mischievous as measles. What would we lose !f we lost Europe? What would Russia gain? First, steel. Production of stecl in the United States in 1950 was 96,700,000 tons; in the Soviet Union and its European satel- ltes, roughly 31,000,000 tons; in Western Europe (including West Germany) 46,600,000 tons. The Ruhr-Saar area is, as everybody knows, & crucible in which the fate of whole nations may be forged. Adding American to Western European steel, we get 148,300,000 tons, as against a Russian figure of 31,000,- 000—na comfortable superiority. But suppose the Soviet Union makes war; suppuse West- ern Europe should be lost. That would transfer the Western European steel produc- tion to the Russian column, and we would have only 96,700,000 tons as against 77,C00,- 000—not so comfortable. Closely allied to the question of ateel ts manganese. Stee] without a component of manganese is, for most important uses, about as valuable as a compass without a needle. Practically no manganese deposits exist in the United States—nature is capricious—and though some could be developed in northern Minnesota and the Gun Flint Range in Can- ada, this would take some years. Our chief sources of supply for manganese, Russia it- self excluded, are the Gold Coast, Morocco, and India. Whether, if Europe were lost and seaways imperiled, we could continue to im- port substantial amounts of manganese from these areas is uncertain in the extreme. But I have heard it said by experts, if the United
A522 States should lose its accesaibility to man- ganese, 60 percent of our steel industry would have to close down, This would mean, since steel is an octopus, that 60 percent of au- tomobiles would close down, 60 percent of machine tool production, 60 percent of coal, and'‘a formidable lot elae. The consequent unemployment in the United States might rise to 30,000,000. CONGO SUPPLINS URANIUM Second, uranium, on which the production of atomic energy depends. Now it happens that most of the uranium in the world avail. able to us lies in the Belgian Congo. Sup- pose the Russians should march into West- ern Europe, suppose that we were not in a position to beat them back, and suppose that Brussels became overnight the capital of & Belgian satrapate of the Soviet. This would certainly seek to deny us its uranium. We would have to jump all the way to the Congo with strong armed force and jump there fast. Maybe we would get there in time; but maybe not. If we did not seize the Congo deposits it would be impossible for us to continue for Jong production of atomic bombs. Con- versely, and perhaps more importantly, Rus- sia would suddenly gain all the uranium ahe so hungarily lacks and desperately wants. Third, returning to the strictly European scene, it is instructive to compare the pres- ent production of some other massive and eritical commodities. Take coal. American production of coal is roughly 650,000,000 a year; that of Western Europe roughly 500,- 000,000 tons; that of the Soviet Union and its 250,000,000 tons. Suppose Ruasia takes Europe. That will give Russia a coal pro- duction, according to these figures, superior toourown. Or take electricity. The United States has the capacity to produce roughly 400,000,000,000 kilowatt-hours of electric power annually; Western Europe 225,000,000,- 000; the Soviet Union 125,000,000,000. Add Western Europe to Russia, and she will be running us neck and neck. THREAT TO OIL STOCKS Again in this fleld, ofl. Western Europe {taelf does not produce oil, But geography is the most implacable of masters; if we lose Europe, or if Burope loses itself, the Middle East and the Mediterranean will almost cer- tainly be 1-st too. At the best, our gateway to ofl in the Persta-Arabia area will be im- peded; at the worst, we will lose the solid billion of barrels this Golconda produced every year. The United States, even in peacetime, is not self-sufficient as to oll; we have to import large quantities. If the Middle East were lost, there would still be sources in Venezuela and the Caribbean. But even this route might be endangered in a global war. A modern society can no more exist with- out the bone and calories provided by steel, coal, electricity, and oil, than a puppy can exist without water. If Europe were re- moved from us our position in these ele« mental commodities would be severely prej- udiced. From an opposite point of view shortages in steel, oll, and uranium are a principal reason why Ruasia does not make positive war. The chief deterrent to war by the Soviets is not merely our possession of the atomic bomb; it is the American indus- trial potential as a whole, Stalin knows that what won both World War I and World War II was, tn the last analysis, the productive capacity of the United States. But, today, if we cripple this capacity by permitting Europe to be lost, we might find it more dificult to win. RAW MATERIAL STOCKPILES Fourth, stockpiling of strategic raw ma- terials. The story of this is little known, partly because of security reasons. But some details are still publishable. The United States has begun to store up reserves of strategic and critical materiale—60 to 70 commodities in which we are either totally defictent or very largely dependent on for- eign sources. The list includes items from newsprint to the cobalt essential to the manufacture of much electrical equipment; from asbestos to mercury, without which detonators cannot he made. It comes as a shock to learn that the United States is 100 percent dependent on external sources for tin, chrome and cordage fibers; 27 percent for zinc and copper; 92 percent for both manganese and cobalt; 73 percent for tungsten; 34 percent for lead; 51 percent for rubber, Then there are mul- tifarious items like platinum, silk, mica, graphite, cinchona bark, industrial diamonds and jewel bearings, in which we are wholly or in large part dependent on imports from abroad. Now Europe itself, the continent does not supply us with all these materials. Its role is, however, substantial. Most of our im- ports of mercury come from Italy, platinum from Switzerland, chromite from Turkey, sperm oi] fram Norway. As to tin and rubber they arrive predominantly from Malaya. Malaya is not in Europe, but it is in EFuro- pean hands, and if we should lose Europe we would have to take on the job of de- fending it ourselves. FOUR-BILLION-DOLLAR GOAL The total value of our stockpile is approxi- mately $1,500,000,000 as of the moment; our objective is to reach €4,000,000,000. So we are still dependent on sources abroad (mainly Europe) for essential commodities valued at the gigantic sum of @2,500,000,000. ECA has bought and stockpiled enough rubber for 7,000,000 automobile tires so far, Recently it bought in London and Amster- dam $5,300,000 worth of industrial diamonds, $6,700,000 worth of sisal, more than a ton of platinum from England, $800,000 worth of sperm oil from Great Britain, 500,000 ounces of quinidine from the Netherlands, 19,800 tons of Madagascar graphite, $500,000 worth of Danish cryolite (used in the electrolysis of aluminum), and quantities of fluorspar (8 fiux for steel) from Italy. Another field ttle known is that of de- velopment projects put forward by ECA. American teams are prospecting for copper, manganese, lead, and zinc in the Sahara. We are working hard to restore the ancient lead and silver mines in Greece. Recently a converted zinc plant in Italy was put into operation. We are working on cobalt in Rhodesia, industrial diamonds elsewhere in Africa, chrome in Turkey, and miscellaneous mining developments in places so far afield as New Caledonia, Sierra Leone, and Tan- ganyika THE SHIPPING SITUATION Fifth, shipping. The fleets of our allies in Western Europe comprise not less than 35 percent of the world’s total merchant ton- nage. Some of it, if Russia takes Europe, might manage to get away to our shores. Bome might not. Sixth, trade. One does not even need to mention that if Europe were lost, Americans would have to go begging for British woolen goods, Scotch whisky, Belgian lace, Swiss watches, Italian olive oll, French wine and perfumes. As to our export trade, roughly 30 percent of the total—almost a third— goes to Western Europe. The margin this represer.ts means, as is well known, success or fatlur> to many American industries, like the movies. Above and beyond this, the loss of Europe would be almost certain to disrupt our com- merce on a world level. And consider what it might mean to Latin America, which would presumably be our only hinterland if Europe disappeared. Latin America has commercial ties to Europe of the closest. Several things might happen in connection with, let us say, Argentina’s prodigious crop of beef, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD MANPOWER AND BRAINS Seventh, manpower. I do not mean merely that Western Europe has what is probably, next to our own, the most numer- ous and beet trained reservoir of skilled labor in the world, One may likewise skip over the fact that the experienced civil serv- ice, the bureaucracy, of Western Europe would, if it could be made to work, be of im- mense X value to Soviet conquerors. Nor need we mention the over-all fact that, if the population of the 10 Atlantic Pact countries in Western Europe were shifted from our side to the Russian column, the Soviet con- stellation would be augmented by the terrific bulk of 178,010,000 people—more than the total population of the United States. But consider brains. Consider leadership in scientific know-how, in industrial re- search. Think of the work that was done in Norway on heavy water. The sulfa drugs were discovered in Western Germany, and penicillin in the United Kingdom, British research gave us the jet airplane engine; similarly British ingenuity gave us radar. Where would our defenses be today without radar and jet propulsion? Similarly British inventors did the pioneer work on magnetic mines and antimine devices. As of today the Belgians are working hard on small arms and automatic weapons and the French on infrared photography amongst much else, RUSBIAN LAG IN RESEARCH Now it is striking fact that, whereas the Russians have signal capacity to adapt scien- tific procedures and to put quickly into mass production items that somebody else has in- vented, they do not do so well in pure re- search. The intellectual climate in Moscow is not good for that, They are copyists, not innovators. Hence it behooves us to guard well the manpower trained in the great Euro- pean tradition of faith in sclence and inde- pendent, individualist research. Eighth, one might go into all manner of strategical and political implications. But they are hardly part of our specific story. One might at least mention, however, the pertinent fact that, when continental Europe was overrun by the Nazis, the Europeans awaited and welcomed us as liberators. But, this time, few Europeans have much desire to go through the onerous process of which liberation may—or may not—be the trium- phant end. They largely and emphatically prefer not to be occupied in the first place. There is no glamour to the idea of libera- tion any more. Moreover it will be much more difficult to organize resistance move- ments in Europe now than in 1941-1945, if only because a Russian occupation will be even more severe than was the German. Also in this fleld one might mention Latin America again. The pull of a Communist Europe on several South American countries could be magnetically strong, even though the rank and file of Latin Americans detest communism. EUROPE'’S ACCOMPLISHMENTS Finally, one should have a word on what ‘Western Europe has dcne for itself in the last year or so. It has become a kind of parlor game to malign the Europeans, but all things considered they have made a substantial contribution to their own survival. Take one figure only—that during the second quarter of 1950, the industrial output of 10 Western European countries was at an all- time high-—-24 percent above the prewar level. All things considered it might be wise for Americans to turn their criticism inward, instead of across the narrow belt of ocean to the European bastion. Much that a sound European would find incomprehensible goes on in Washington—muddie, greed, panio, and confusion. The world will be a safer piace for all when we recognize a fundamental truth: Europe needs us—but we need Europe too,