APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD delivery a day, but most of the carriers who would be released could be absorbed into other postal operations needing more per- sonnel. That, however, wouldn’t provide the reduction in the postal budget which is sought. The Hoover Commission report on the Post Office calls for economies in many direc- tions. But Congress has avoided those econ- omies in response to the pressures of those who have been receiving postal subsidies. Secretary Donaldson has now countered with a proposal which hits the Congressmen of both parties in their most vulnerable spot— the home folks. We can be sure that the Congressmen will wriggle and squirm, and they may come to a decision that it is far better to increase rates on subsidized postage and save votes than to take a chance on the displeasure of those who go to the ballot box. Mr, Donaldson has, however, put the gen~ erals on the spot—those generals who are always in favor of general economy but never in favor of a specific act of economy that affects them. Americans in Asia Doubt United States Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RrEcorp, I include the following extremely inform- ative dispatch to the New York Times from its experienced correspondent in Asia. A wise doctor is always eager to change an erroneous or obsolete diag- nosis in order to alter the treatment and save the patient’s life. Will our Govern- ment be equally eager to change its er- roneous diagnosis regarding the Chi- nese Government in order to alter dras- tically its policies and save the freedom of Asia? Our security depends whether it puts first its face or our freedom. AMERICANS IN AszaA Dovusr UNITED SvatTres Poiticy—Sari To Fre, STATE DEPARTMENT FoLLows OUTDATED PLANS-——-TaIre!t HELD Best Hope (By Burton Crane) Toxyro, April 21.—Discontent with the State Department has become widespread among Americans working in Asia. In a 8-month trip to Formosa and Hong Kong this correspondent found few compatriots who defended present American policies. The virtually unanimous opinion is that the Asiatic situation has changed tremen- dously in the last 6 months, and the State Denartmen: still is following policies that mar nate teen valid a year ago but are not now. Even among Foreign Service officials there is a tendency to agree to the view that trying to check communism in the small southeast Asian countries will get nowhere and the best American bet is to help and use the reborn Nationalist Chinese Gov- ernment as long as possible. It is the only force in Asia with a sizable anti-Communist army, In justice it must be noted that many of the State Department’s loudest critics are the same men who last autumn would have gone even further in the other direction, art Then they would have rushed to recognize Communist China in the hope that by work- ing with Mao Tze-tung’s government the United States could prevent 1t from orient- ing its foreign affairs exclusively to Moscow. But, argue the critics, the situation has changed since then and the policy also should change. Mr. Mao already has “leaned” to- ward Moscow, to use his own phrase, and there is no longer any advantage in continu- ing to advocate a policy designed to keep him from leaning. Besides, it is contended, Na- tionalist reorganization has made the For- mosa regime a potentially valuable anti- Communist instrument. Although inflation has been halted and financial affairs arranged so the Taipei Gov- ernment meets its bills without printing banknotes, it is doing so at the expense of gold and supplies that won’t last forever. Unless those stocks are replenished soon, col- lapse appears inevitable, ‘Therefore, any aid must be prompt. Even among Foreign Service employees this correspondent found no supporters for the view aired by Prof. Owen Lattimore in a Johns Hoptins speech last week. Professor Lattimore proposed that the United States let the Nationalists die, even hastening their fall on the theory after they had gone Mr. Mao would not be pressed so hard against Premier Stalin and the United States might be able to deal with him. Men on the spot contend that Mr. Stalin already has taken steps to prevent any such eventuality by placing Soviet advisers in all branches of the Chinese Communist Govern- ment. Both those who want immediate American aid for the Nationalist war effort and those who caution against going too fast agree that the Taipei Government has managed a vir- tually complete rebirth. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Postal Cut Called Shock Treat- ment,” published in the New York Times of April 20, 1950. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Postan Cur CanLep SHockK TREATMENT—CITI- ZENS BaCKING THE Hoover RErort Say It Is HaRDLY THE ANSWER TO DEPARTMENT’S Ixus WasHINcTON, April 22,.—The Citizens Com- mittee for the Hoover report issued a state- ment today characterizing curtailment of postal services as “sudden shock treatment” that was “hardly the answer” to the Post- office Department’s ills. Tuesday’s order to reduce most mail de- liveries to one a day and otherwise cut ex- penses should-have been preceded by con- gressional action on recommendations of the Hoover Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government, it was asserted. The comments were made by Robert L. Johnson, national chairman of the citizens committee, in a statement distributed by A3461 committee headquarters here. Dr. Johnson is president of Temple University. “The bipartisan Hoover Commission clear- ly showed the way to substantial savings in postal operations,” he said. “All told, the Commission’s recommendations, if fully adopted and installed, could mean a reduc- tion of over $200,000,000 a year in the huge postal deficit of $500,000,000. Moreover, by streamlining and modernizing the post office structure and equipment, the efficiency of its services would actually be improved.” Nevertheless, Dr. Johnson continued, “ab- solutely no affirmative action” has yet heen taken on any of a number of pending biils pased on the Commussion’s report and en- dorsed by President Truman and Postmaster General Jesse M. Donaldson. The measures have been before Congress since July. Dr. Johnson asserted that he was at a loss to understand the inaction, and went on to say: “Postmaster General Donaldson and the 400,000 hard-working postal employees will be constantly hampered by an obsolete or- ganizational structure and by antiquated methods and equipment until Congress acts, Meanwhile, Tuesday’s action, causing hard- ship to thousands, highlights even more strongly the need for action. “In effect, the post office is suffering from the chronic, wasting disease of inefficiency for which the Hoover Commission recom- mended concrete remedies and a healthful regimen. Sudden shock treatment is hardly the answer Yet inertia and reluctance to give up special privileges are keeping the patient from treatment.” By the term “special privileges,” Dr. John- son alluded to congressional patronage in the appointment of postmasters, a practice which the Commission proposed to end. “The Hoover Commission,” he said, “dis- tinctly pointed out that the lowered morale wrought by political appointment of post- masters was one of the basic causes of in- efficiency in the Department.” Errors in Foreign Trade Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. BYRNES OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. BYRNES of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, I call the attention of the House to two editorials that recently appeared in the Green Bay Press-Gazette which is published in Green Bay, Wis. Our foreign trade policy is of great importance to the economy and security of this country. Jobs of American work- ers are at stake. The ability to maintain a supply of strategic goods is involved. The foreign trade policy of the United States must be realistic. The following editorials point up some of the errors we must avoid in our think- ing on this subject: HERESIES IN FOREIGN TRADE ‘The President has appointed Gordon Gray as an assistant “to mobilize the resources of the Government and the experience and thinking of our people in charting our course” so as to maintain a high level of exports. Hitler, in his flamboyant way, told the German people shortly after he came to pow- er: “Export or perish.”
A3462 It is obvious that nations, like Germany, Britain, Italy, and Japan, to name important ones that are over-populated, must create manufactured products to trade for food and raw materials with such nations as have the latter but do not have the industries. America is not such a Nation. It, like Russia, is selp-supporting in all important particulars. We should like to see every nation able to maintain a high standard of living. But in dividing up the American market with other nations, some errors of thinking have devel- oped that should be stopped in their tracks. The argument is that we would like a lot of foreign trade but that to secure it we must permit imports from foreign countries in order to provide the necessary dollars to others to buy our products. If this were true in all particulars, why would it not logically follow that the more of our own market we gave away, the better off we would be? Politicians who play with this subject avoid entirely a discussion of normal trade. They are more interested in the immediate happy results of artificially created trade than they are in genuinely constructive puilding. An illustration may suffice. Say we buy from the countries to the south of us nearly or about $2,000,000,000 worth of coffee, fruits, oil and a numerous list of other items peculiar to the tropics and that we can use. They spend most of that $2,000,000,000 purchasing the products of our industries that they cannot create. This is natural trade. It is healthy trade. But if we import from such countries cotton, potatoes, eggs, cheese, butter, or other items that we have in abundance in order to whoop up the figures and provide a few specialized industries with enlarged profits, we create a problem for our- selves while we tend at the same time to bloat the economy of the nations with which we deal. Obviously countries like Germany, Britain, Italy, and Japan, overpopulated as they are, should arrange their trade agreements with nations that have raw materials and great food supplies but lack manufactured articles. This idea has no relation to existing cir- cumstances in any of these countries that were torn or ravaged by war and whose in- dustrial plants have been seriously crippled. Marshall-plan gifts when limited to such replacements were not without supporting argument once it be conceded that vast presents between nations could actually tend to pacify the world. The recent discovery of rich iron ore in forbidden parts of Canada and Venezuela and of manganese in Brazil will greatly in- crease the normal exports and imports be- tween this country and our neighbors. There is no froth to that kind of trade. It carries no kinks. It wrecks no American business and no American producer. It makes no specialized taxes here in this country, no sub- sidies, no peasantry, and no political hand- out, The President, we think, would have been & much wiser man had he appointed an assistant both to encourage and protect pri- vate enterprise in this country as it searches the Hudson Bay area of Canada and the jungies and mountain ranges of Central and South America for other hidden wealth. Russia, of course, has made it much harder to normalize world trade because it rules from the Pacific Ocean clear to Berlin and Vienna and its obvious purpose is to employ force and violence to secure and maintain a corner on all the trade originating in that tremendous area. Nonetheless, the rést of the world should build its future upon nor- mal demands instead of those highly stimu- lated trade conditions that are bound eventu-. ally to collapse, Currine His Turoat To HELP THE OTHER FELLOW Emil Riebe, president of the CIO Textile Union, with its 400,000 members, told the assembled delegates at the union’s conven~ tion at Boston that it would be better for American economy to give away surplus goods than to accept imports. About the same time Mr. Holman, head of Standard Oil of New Jersey, made an ad- dress in which he favored increasing our imports by 100 percent in order to provide dollars to the rest of the world and there- fore increase our output just that much more. Columnist Sokolsky recently wrote an ar- ticle with a linen napkin on his knees that had been made in the Soviet Union by the hollow-eyed slaves who dare not open their lips except to repeat a formula written for them by their master. These napkins natur-~ ally were for sale in this country below the price of the identical article made by Ameri- ean. labor. And while spokesmen for the ‘new concept” were urging us to drop our already low tariff barriers, a canning establishment in our Pacific Northwest was closing and sending all its workers home because it said it could not compete with canned crabmeat imported Into this country by Russia. Our Atlantic canneries were also screaming for help be- cause the British were rushing here great quantities of canned crabmeat which they had secured from Russia and could not dis pose of among their own people. American furriers and shoe manufactur- ers have also complained that they cannot continue to pay the American standard of wages if they must compete with slave labor either from Russia or its satellite countries, We warn our readers to examine carefully the language employed by those who advo- cate opening up the American market to aliens. Try to find if you can, any one of them who will put his finger upon the par- ticular article to be admitted and who will face the consequences of describing to us what will happen to American competitors in the same business. It is easy to sing a lul- laby if one has the voice. It is not so easy to make bread and butter out of the words, The Washington administration, know- ingly or otherwise, is attempting to create in this land during peacetime a hectic war- time condition in which some plants will be closed down and other plants will be excessively taxed to take care of the unem- ployed. This is a childish and foolish policy. It is as absurd as if our Government could order us all to buy twice as many articles as we needed in order to give business to foreign firms, and then taxed the more pros- perous among us to provide the money to pay for such goods although those who bought them could do nothing more with them than stack them up in the attic. We are forgetful of the fact that we should aim at a normal life. We cannot wear two pairs of shoes at the same time. We do not need two suits of underclothes even in win- ter. It is silly to put on two neckties, one hanging down the front and the other hang- ing down the back. If we eat twice as much as we need, we will get high blood pressure. And if we drink twice as much as we should we will get drunk. America stands ready and willing at all times to import anything for which it has a call, It does not help to straighten out affairs in the world by importing wastefully or to its own harm. If our-country were directed by real leadership, it would show nations like Britain, Germany, Italy, and Japan how to create markets for their prod- ucts in countries that need them and which have abundant foodstuffs to trade for them. When the sirens start playing their lulla- bies, ask them which of our industries they want to close down. We need be that direct, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Disturbing Pattern—Resurgence of Isolae tionism Described as Threat to United States World Leadership EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE L. HAYS OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. HAYS of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include pertinent paragraphs from Thomas L. Stokes’ daily column, pub- lished in the Washington Star for Mon- day, May 8, 1950. The point of Mr. Stokes’ remarks seemed to me to boil down to the fact that the same kind of men who caused the United States to become involved in World War II are rapidly planning to have us involved in a third world war. Unless we have the courage to stand up for what we believe to be right now, a third world war will be inevitable at a time and place not of our choosing. DISTURBING PATTERN—RESURGENCE OF ISOLA= TIONISM DESCRIBED AS THREAT TO UNITED SrateEs WorLp LEADERSHIP (By Thomas L. Stokes) A disturbing pattern of confusion of pur- pose and disunity that threatens our position of leadership in the world at a most critical time has revealed itself recently. It deserves some hard thinking. It is made up of a resurgence of isolation= ism of McCarthyism, of economy in the wrong directions, of bitterness and cynicism among our own people. There is politics in- volved, and it is unfortunate that we have a campaign that lends itself to exploitation just at this time, but it seems to go deeper than mere politics. It is hard for us, a nation comparatively new in a world role, to recognize what re- sponsibility that entails; to recognize how what we do, often in our careless, boisterous, and frolicking way, now is watched intently all over the world and frequently misunder- stood. To perform our mission in the world, and we have a serious one, it is essential that we present a united front and demonstrate a capacity to “stay put,” so to speak, so that our friends and allies can depend upon a firm, continuous, and consistent policy with- out deviation or backing away and can de- pend upon us and have confidence in us. We cannot walk alone. EUROPEANS CAUTIOUS Ever since our refusal to enter the League of Nations after the First World War and to cooperate with other nations in that era, European nations have had a fingers-crossed attitude about us. They have perhaps been more sensitive to our every whim than was justified. Unable still to understand our free and easy domestic politics, they have sometimes magnified minor political maneu- vers of no real consequence beyond their true significance as indications that we wanted to pull out of our assumed obligations. It must be hard, too, for our European friends to understand. how a former Presi- dent of the United States, Herbert Hoover, would propose to throw Russia out of the United Nations and break up that organiza- tion which we, ourselves, initiated. It is still a unifying influence in the world, a source of many humanitarian endeavors of great and lasting value, and the only forum where our allies are continually able to stand
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD up and reveal to the whole world their own attitude toward Russian designs which are continually exposed there publicly. Isola- tionists have exploited Mr. Hoover’s unfor- tunate proposal. isolationism feeds, too, upon the reckless campaign of Senator McCartHy, who still is trying to find a Communist somewhere in the State Department. It is not only breeding fear and suspicion among our people, shak- img their faith with no reason whatever in their institutions, but shows to the world the spectacle of a great nation torn and divided over a matter that a mature nation would handle quietly, as we have handled it quietly and effectively up to now, and with- out benefit of the McCarthys. It reveals us as an inept, timorous people and to that extent shakes confidence in us beyond our own borders. The hates and prejudices it has aroused are alarming. It is to be hoped that this does not persist to confuse the real issues that our country faces in the November election, issues affecting our welfare as a Nation and its role of leadership in the world. It is time to pause and take a look at our- selves. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Post Office Department Seen Using Scare To Get More Cash,” pub- lished in the Springfield Daily News of Springfield, Mass., of April 20, 1950. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Post OFFIcE DEPARTMENT SEEN USING SCARE To Gur Morr CasH#—PrRSONNEL Cut ORDER Herp Move To Pressure Coneriess Inro LINE Growing resentment against what is termed “political maneuvering” by high Post Office Department officials was seen today as observers branded coming mail service cuts @ move to pressure Congress into going easy with expected slashes in post office appro- priations. A recent directive from Postmaster Gen- eral Jesse M. Donaldson’s Washington office ordered drastic cuts in mail service in antic- ipation of budget cuts amounting to $24,- 921,000. The trimmed budget was reported out of committee and Congressional ap- proval of the cut is feared by mail officials. Informed sources in Springfield, who re- fused to be quoted, said today that the post office hierarchy is trying to scare the public into applying pressure on Congress to pre- vent the loss of funds, as recommended in Washington. “Tt’s a bluff,” said one observer who knows the situation. “The Post Office Department isn’t sure the budget will be cut, but they are afraid of what Congress might do. There are a lot of veterans who would be affected if the decreased service becomes an actuality and each one of those vets is a pressure on his Congressman in Washington.” ’ According to the Washington directive, the change-over to limited mail service must be accomplished by July 1, the date the Post Office’s new fiscal year begins. Scares of what will happen to vets who took out GI loans and bought or built homes, if they are laid off by the post office are rapidly gaining momcntum, according to postal workers, who point out that these vets could not collect any unemployment com- pensation. A lot of behind the scenes poli- ticing will take place, however, before any such moves take place, according to officials. It remains to be seen just how effective the postal campaign to prevent budget cuts is, and notices won’t go out if the “scare” falls flat, as it well might, observers said. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorD an editorial entitled “Misplaced Economy,” published in the Strafford Sta1 of Dover, N. H., of April 19, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: MISPLACED ECONOMY Most Americans are deeply concerned with the continued national budget and the ac- cempanying heavy tax burden, so that they are eager to see governmental economies— but there will be general agreement that the Post Office Department was not the right place to start. The decision to discharge 10,000 postmen and to limit home mail deliveries to one a day is not welcome. This move is a throw- back, turning back the pages of time for postal service. It means depriving thou- sands of loyal workers of jobs, causing mil- lions of Americans to be deprived of the early delivery of mail to which they have become accustomed. There has been plenty of exaggerated growth of other governmental departments. The Hoover report revealed explicitly many places where consolidation, merger and elim- ination of bureaus could save the taxpayers millions of dollars. We have in mind partic- ularly some of those Federal agencies which sprang up as emergency or war babies but have continued ever since. One form of minor relief for the Post Office Department could be embodied in a resolution curtailing the amount of free mailing allowed Members of Congress under their franking privileges. While this might be only a small saving, it would hurt no one—except those politicians who might feel that their constituents are thereby deprived of reading their immortal words. The present maneuver is so ill-advised as to suggest the possibility that it was done de- liberately in order to provoke a wave of protest against all economy moves. It could be an attempt to use the Post Office Depart- ment as a scapegoat in order to protect other less deserving agencies. In the meanwhile, we hold that Govern- ment economy can be more judiciously di- rected toward those avenues where a pleth- ora of bureaucratic agencies cling in para- sitic fashion to their unnecessary existence. As one department which is performing an excellent job of direct service, the Post Office should be left largely alone. A3463 Twenty Years of Flying Without Fatality EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr, KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to include the following state- ment made by Mr. Sigmund Janas, presi- dent of Colonial Airlines, Inc., on the oc- casion of its recent celebration of a world record of 20 years of flying without a sin- gle fatality to any passenger or any mem- ber of its crew: Sarety Rrecorp Twenty years of flying in all kinds of weather without a single fatality to any passenger or to any member of the crew is indeed an enviable record. It has never be- fore been achieved, and it is made all the more interesting if we pause and reflect that during those 20 years Colonial Airlines flew 310,000,000 passenger miles, and in doing this, made 455,000 landings and takeoffs without a single fatality. This record could only have been achieved through the cooperation of every man and woman in Colonial Airlines, and each and every one of them can be justly proud. The maintenance department and all other employees had to do their part in order that a record of this unequaled excellence could be obtained. To each of them goes my sincere thanks and congratu- lations. This record of 20 years of safety without a single fatality is simply an indication of what the future holds for the whole com- mercial air-transportation industry. All the American airlines have been steadily achiev- ing new highs in their safety records, and the day is not far distant when I believe an airplane accident will be one of the rarest things in the world. The personnel of all of the American air- lines is, in my opinion, the finest to be found anywhere in the world, and many of these men and women are veterans who volun- teered their lives in achieving air supremacy in World War II. With the achievements of war behind them, these men and women turned their minds to making American avi- ation the greatest in the world. The same eareful thought which they put into the accomplishment of their missions in the war is now being expended in making air trans- portation better and safer. Today we hear a great deal about new types of power for airplanes, and uninitiated are straining on the leash to see inaugurated service in various parts of the world with use of jet liners. Now, there is no question that the jet liner or any other type of new equipment is of great interest to the in- dustry, nevertheless, we must use prudence and judgment and remember that we are the guardians of the lives of our passengers, They rely upon us to see that their con- fidence is not misplaced. The tremendous increase in speed in aviation and particu- larly in types of air transport planes makes those of us in the industry realize the in- creased problems which attend the increased speed and any new equipment. I have argued for years and will continue to urge that no airplane be permitted to engage in commercial air transportation un- less it is flown at least 3,000 hours as a freight carrier or in some type of work where it receives the necessary take-offs and land- ings and has tested the normal weather that all planes in scheduled air transpor- tation must overcome,
A3464 By all means, we should give every en- couragement to builders of new equipment, but we should use that equipment only after it has been proved to be of the quality justifying our confidence and only after it has shown that it is free of bugs and is safe. The standards of safety laid down for American air transport companies is higher than that of any other nation in the world and the primary consideration of all of us is the protection of the American people and our friends throughout the world, who show their confidence in American fliers and American planes by patronizing our flag lines. We must keep the faith with these people. One day the jet plane will no doubt find a@ place in air transportation but this should come only after the questions of its safety have been solved. We should not confuse military aircraft with air transport liners be- cause their purposes are entirely different. The Military Establishment has their at- attention focused upon the success of a mis~ sion and the accomplishment of this in safe- ty is not always the primary consideration. In commercial air transportation, safety must be first, last, and all the time the principal consideration governing every flight. Faster equipment of the jet type will re- quire adjustments in our airports, the ex- tension of the runways, and improved con- trol of flying around any airport which they intend to use. These things are not accom-~ plished overnight, and we must not forget our sacred responsibility to the air traveling public during the experimentation with and eventual adaptation of that sort of plane in the years ahead to air transportation. While the jets and their accomplishments are newsworthy, the conservative air transport operator can only prudently see them as rays of hope on the horizons of the future types of transportation, Colonial and its management will watch with interest every improvement in the art of flying as applicable to commercial air transportation but we are determined to do everything in our power to continue to merit the confidence of the flying public and to carry into the years ahead our unequaled achievement of safety in the air, which we commemorate today in marking the comple- tion of 20 years of totally safe flying. There have been many improvements in the science of flying since we started to achieve this record, but those who are familiar with us recognize that we have maintained our safety record and continued, at the same time, to give the service and safety which the public expect, Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA - IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an editorial entitled “Reduced Postal Service” from one of the newspapers in St. Joseph, Mo. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: ReEDvcep PostTan SERVICE One delivery route in six in St. Joseph will be eliminated as the result of Postmaster General Donaldson’s heavy-handed crack- down on postal service, it appeared from re- ports yesterday at the post office here, Un- doubtedly some savings will be made by the sharp cuts ordered in service, which feature but one daily delivery in residential areas. Back of the loud protests which have been made over curtailment of postal service there seems to be the feeling that the move was designed to force larger appropriations for the Post Office Department from Congress, Two bills to get the Department more money now are before the lawmakers. One is de- signed to raise postal rates enough to bring in. $600,000,000 more a year. The House cut this to $100,000,000, and the revised bill now is pending in the Senate. The other is the post-office appropriation, which the House Appropriations Committee cut by $25,000,000. It is probable that Mr. Donaldson hopes the service reductions will put his Depart- ment’s business on a firmer financial footing. But the only estimate so far of what the savings will be comes from an unidentified Official who guesses them at $30,000,000. That is hardly a dent in the $500,000,000 cut the House gave the postal-rate bill; nor does it bulk very large against the $550,000,000 deficit that turned up at the end of the last fiscal year. Probably the place the reduction in serv- ice will carry most weight is in the impact on voters, nearly all of whom will be directly affected, and outraged voters have a habit of writing to their Congressmen, who just hap- pen not to have taken final action on the requests of the Post Office Department. Whether Mr. Donaldson’s order represents a political maneuver or not, there will be many who will regard his action as autocratic, especially as he did not announce his in- tended move sufficiently in advance to give communities an opportunity to adjust them- selves to the new conditions. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrecorp an editorial entitled “Postal Cuts,” from the Worces- ter Telegram. . There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Postant Curs ; It certainly may be questioned whether the drastic cuts announced in the United States Postal Service represent a sincere con- cern for governmental economy or are politi- cally and somewhat ingeniously designed to make such economy so painful and incon- venient for the general public that it will stop its rising clamor of demands for Uncle Sam to “stop spending.” No taxpaying American, perhaps, should look an economy gift horse too closely in the face, but this abrupt and sudden decision for economy where the public is certain to feel some immediately bad effects must cause a more than casual look. The timing of these drastic postal service economies has come just when considerable public support had been won to the cause of economy in Goy- ernment, both by the publicizing of the Hoover report and by the continued attacks of those who fear the result of continued Federal deficit financing. In effect, the Post Office is saying, “So you wanted some econ- omy, well here it is.” And the results, un- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fortunately, may be enough to make many people cry “Uncle” in their economy de- mands—something the Administration would very much like to see happen before the congressional elections. The public will feel this economy drive in the curtailment of mail deliveries not alone in purely residential districts, but in areas where business and residential districts are mixed. It will feel the results in shortened hours at the post office windows, and in earlier pickups from street mail boxes at night. People will find important mail de- layed, and the post office will blame the pub- lic for demanding lower taxes and budget reductions in Washington. Real econcmy, gained through efficiency of operation, cannot be scorned by Americans who want just that in all their governmental departments. The type of economy that Postmaster General Donaldson has imposed can be questioned, for he is taking away from the public services which it pays well for in both direct revenues to the Post Office Department and in taxes. His cuts have gone beyond those recommended recently by the House Appropriations Committee which, in fact, did reduce the over-all Post Office budget to $2,207,500,000 from the §2,235,- 607,000 requested by Donaldson. Mr. Don- > aldson’s reaction to this is seen in the an- nounced postal cuts. Mr. Donaldson’s concern for economy would have been more impressive and would have seemed more sincere if he had only called for a revamping of his whole Depart- ment along more economical lines. The De- partment’s bookkeeping and cost-acounting system is the same one that was established in 1886, and there has been no basis of es~ tablishing costs anyway. The services to other Government departments contribute greatly to its deficit. In a single year, for instance, the Post Office handled 2,000,000,000 pieces of mail free for the Government, in- cluding some 18,000,000 pieces of registered mail. It has been handling free of charge savings-bond sales, documentary stamps, civil service exam notices, and migratory bird stamps. The public feels that good postal service is @ thing to which it is entitled; postal serv- ice is not supposed to support itself at all, but to be a public service. It expects efficient operation, and applauds any genuine efforts to achieve that. Mr. Donaldson cannot be applauded on that score yet. One Hundred and Fifty Million of Us EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD D. DONOHUE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. DONOHUE. Mr. Speaker, I should like to direct my colleagues’ attention to a very timely and thought-provoking edi- torial which appeared in the May 7 issue of the Worcester (Mass.) Sunday Tele- gram. The concise, vivid description of the fruitful meaning inherent in our excit- ing, modern population growth presents a healthy, optimistic note to dispel the gloom too frequently, and unwarrantedly, dispensed by our current prophets of doom. The article follows: Ont HUNDRED AND Firry Miniion or Us One of these days the one hundred and fifty millionth person will arrive in the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD United States, either a neworn baby or an immigrant landing in what he hopes will be his land of opportunity. There will be no fanfare to greet this important personage, but his coming will mark a tremendous for- ward step in the population growth of the country and presage a tremendous economic surge for the :uture. On the basis of early returns from the official United States census, the time has come to welcome this one hundred and fifty mullionth person. The figure represents a growth of 19,000,000 people in the last dec- ade—quite a few persons when thought of in terms of needed new homes, automobiles, refrigerators and television sets. The gigantic size of the American popu- lation is staggering even the experts who had spent the last decade trying to foresee how many Americans there would be in 1950. For, as it happens, the population growth is a full 6 years ahead of the estimates of the Census Bureau itself. Experts in the Government said 3 years ago that the one hundred and fifty millionth person would arrive sometime after 1955. A life insurance company predicted in 1931 that this figure would not he reached until 1970. According to sociologists, the various pre- dictions were way off the beam because even the best of statisticians didn’t count on the wartime resurgence of the American birth rate. This rate jumped 18.9 per thousand population in 1940 to a high of 27.9 in 1947, At the same time, immigration stepped up, too, in recent years, and the death rate went down. All of this has added up to headaches for school superintendents trying to figure how to jam all these new children into crowded classrooms, but it is an exciting prospect for most of us to be living in such a dynamic- ally growing country. Those gloomy souls who saw the end of our frontiers in the 1930’s just didn’t figure on this frontier— population growth. In the figures may be a promise of greater than ever prosperity ahead. Statement of Harry H. Cook, President, American Flint Glass Workers’ Union EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. M. G. BURNSIDE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. BURNSIDE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- oRD, I include the following statement: STATEMENT PRESENTED BY Harry H. Coox, PRESIDENT, AMERICAN FLINT GLass WORKERS’ UNION, TO THE HousE COMMITTEE ON EDU= CATION AND LABOR, STEED SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMPORTS AND EMPLOYMENT, May 4, 1950 Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the com- mittee, I appear for and represent the officers and members of the American Flint Glass Workers’ Union of North America. Our organization was formed in 1878 and I am pleased to make the statement to you that we are one of the oldest labor organizations in the United States and that the industry in which our members are employed and must depend upon for their livelihood is one of our country’s oldest industries with its first factory at Jamestown, Va., in 1608. We are affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. I wish the committee to know that I have been a worker in the glass industry for the past 57 years, starting at the age of 10, I worked in glassware factories as a skilled craftsman for many years. For the past 34 years I have represented the workers in these factories as one of their international officers; the past 10 years as international president, While business generally is reasonably gocd, we find the American hand-made glass= ware industry in a serious condition and rapidly reaching the point of catastrophe be~ cause of the damaging influence and effects of the importation of glassware produced by cheap labor in countries embraced by the Marshall plan and also behind the so-called iron curtain. Imports need not be injurious but can in fact be very harmful. It is not only a matter of quantity but particularly one of prices. If we had competitive parity with imports, so that our domestic products would not be undersold in our own market, we would not face the constant threat to our wage stand- ards that now confront us. The facts are that the extremely low wages paid in other countries, such as Japan and Czechoslovakia, not offset by lower pro- ductivity, gives these countries a great price advantage in this market. This advantage is not based on greater efficiency of the foreign producers, as some people would have you believe; nor is it based on greater skill of the foreign workmen. I am sure that we can match them in both these respects, but we cannot match their prices without sacrificing something that is the pride of America, namely, the high living standard that makes this country stand out alone over the rest of the world. This high standard of living makes us vulnerable to the onslaught of low-wage pro~ ducers abroad. This is to say, we cannot hope to compete on a wholly unequal wage basis. The only possible result of being forced to meet this competition is unemploy- ment, joblessness, poor working conditions and a gradual decline to the economic level of these foreign competitors, We are delighted, Mr. Chairman, to have this opportunity of appearing before a com- mittee that is interested in the employment angle of import competition. We have been coming down here for years and we might as well have saved our breath, We have simply been told in effect that if we cannot meet the competition that faces us we might as well face the music instead. The prevail- ing theory in the State Department seems to be that if an American industry cannot com~ pete with imports the fault lies with the American industry. We are held to be inefficient, uneconomic, or to be marginal producers if we cannot meet the abominable wages paid in compet- ing countries. Mr. Chairman, the foregoing is an unfortunate theory and to describe our glassware industry in this way is worse yet. The workers in our glassware industry are well paid. They are skillful artisans and we need offer no apologies to any workers any~ where else in the world. We do not believe that we represent the workers of an industry that might as well be discarded, the State Department to the contrary notwithstanding. Until a year ago the glassware industry (pressed and blown branch) was getting along very well. However, Czech, Japanese, and German glast tableware has given us more and more trouble. Today there is acute danger of shut-downs and lay-offs. The question is how far this must go before relief can be had, if any. Few, if any, of our American hand-produc- tion glass plants are operating more than 50 percent of normal capacity today. Many are operating far below 50 percent, and some are about to close indefinitely. Many of these plants are in small communities which depend upon them to furnish employ- ment and to support the needs of such com- munities. In speaking for the more than : 85,000 workers, I also presume to speak for A3465 the many hand-made glassware factories that constitute the industry as a whole representing a heavy and vital financial in= vestment. Our workers are trained in glassmaking and not as production-line workers in auto- mobile factories or as steelworkers, or elec- trical workers. In the handicraft part of our industry individual skill still counts. Our workers retain the close connection be- tween workman and final product, the lack of which psychologists consider as one of the great drawbacks of modern industry. We are told by high authority in our Gov- ernment that if the American glassware in= dustry cannot survive the onslaught o- im~ portation they should engage in new busi- ness and that the displaced glassworkers will be afforded some kind of Federal unemploy- ment relief while training for new kinds of work. Why should the American glassware industry be sacrificed and why should our highly skilled glassworkers be forced, and the thousands of other workers in the indus- try be forced to depend upon extended Fed= eral unemployment relief? Our Government, through its social-secu~ rity regulations, has repeatedly stated that a worker has the right to choose the kind of work he desires to do. Surely our people would, by the proposed arrangement, be de-~ prived of this freedom and be forced to ac~ -cept employment which they do not choose to accept. Our people are good Americans and splendid citizens. They should have the right to choose their place of employment and should not be ex~ pected to submit to being moved like com- mon cattle to other places of employment through governmental regulations as a matter of expediency. The State Depart- ment propagandists condemn the Russians for uprooting humanity by their transfers of large groups of people to new areas of em- ployment yet they propose to force our good American glass workers to sell their homes, take their children out of schools and move into strange communities and accept em- ployment contrary to their wishes. Are we in America all to become produc- tion-line workers, or are we to retain smaller industries in smaller communities scattered throughout the United States? Shall we no longer produce anything that will be worth possessing a generation or a hundred years later? Are we to succumb completely to machinery and be deprived of all the arts of handicraft production? This is precisely what will happen if we cannot have proper protection in industries that still offer opportunity for handicraft labor. Apparently we are to be forced to go to Europe or anywhere but the United States if we are to find any articles that embody individual skill, artistry and crafts- manship. In the United States only ma- chine-made products, which have no lasting artistic value, are to be produced. We greatly deplore this attitude in those who have the power to say whether we will or will not survive. It almost looks as if they were more concerned about the welfare of foreign producers than about the well- being of our own. There is a very stubborn insistence upon further duty reductions despite the fact that we should find some remedy for cuts already made, where these have gone too far. The terms of trade treaties negotiated un- der the Trade Agreements Act have never afforded adequate protection to the Ameri- can glassware industry. It is more difficult now because foreign countries are deter- mined to expand their prewar export trade and are coming into a position to do so. We have been told of the relief to be gained under the escape clause in the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. Unfortunately this would affer¢ no help in the present situation. Immediate remedial action on foreign-made
AS4S6 glassware is an absolute necessity if the American glassware industry and the wage and other standards of living of the Ameri- can glass workers are to be preserved. The wage rates in Czechoslovakia range from an average of 20 cénts for unskilled werkers to an average of 40 cents for skilled workers per hour in the glass industry. The rates in Japan are still lower, reaching down as far as 10 cents. The rates in Germany are higher than in Cgechoslovakia but are still very low compared with our own rates. Swedish wages are higher than those in Ger- many where average rates range from 36 to 45 cents per hour. This compares with an average of about $1.85 per hour in this country. Even if our workers were twice as produc- tive as the European, we would still be at a competitive disadvantage. In those of our factories where handwork still predominates we have little advantage, if any, over the Europeans, in productivity. In terms of quantity, imports are not ex- tremely heavy. The 1949 imports amounted to slightly over $5,500,000, foreign invoice value. At our wholesale prices this would amount to roughly $10,000,000. According to the Census of Manufactures of 1947, employment in the pressed and blown glassware industry amounted to 42,170 per- sons; but no breakdown is given which would show how many of these are in the hand- made division of the industry. Hand-made articles amounted to about a half of the machine-made product in tableware and kitchenware classification. However, in employment the two are probably more nearly equal. The effect of imports, since the lush post- war market has disappeared, is to create pressure on wages, hours, and employment. It also affects the question of old-age pen~ sions. I can tell you that wagewise we are definitely in competition with the low rates prevailing abroad. Unless this wage gap is bridged or unless some other limit is placed on imports the hand-made glass factories face extreme difficulties and eventual ex- tinction. We hope that you can do something to focus the spotlight on the nature of wage competition that will bring home to the public this fact: We can no more compete with 25- and 380-cent-an-hour wages in Hu- rope and hold up our standards than we could compete with sweatshop wages in this country when they were still in existence. The employer who wants to pay decent wages can continue to do so only if he can hold his market against his substandard competi- tors. Otherwise he either goes out of busi- ness or lowers his standards. The latter is what we want to avoid. We assure your committee of our apprecia- tion of the opportunity you have made pos- sible for us to appear before you and present this present serious problem of a great Amer- ican industry and a splendid American labor organization. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp an editorial entitled “False Economy,” from the Chi- cago Daily News. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: FaLtst ECONOMY The post office is a utility. If it were pri- vately owned and managed, the Government from President Truman down would be screaming imprecations over the wholesale firings and sharp cuts in service projected by Postmaster General Donaldson. The nature of the reductions is such as to plant the suspicion that the main idea is to generate a public outcry against the whole idea of Government economy. For months supporters of the Hoover re- port have been trying to prod administration leaders in Congress into the reforms which Were recommended. The heavy-handed economies now ordered are another instance of how the department clings to outmoded methods. The streamlined business system advocated by the Hoover Commission experts would have sought the remedy in greater efficiency, increased revenue through more and better service, and by ending the hidden costs which drain the Department’s funds but return no benefit to the users of its service. The Hoover studies developed that the post office does not know what it costs to provide its various classes of service. It is estimated that handling of a penny postcard costs 24% cents. These are mainly used by business. There is no good reason why this service, along with registered mail, money orders, insured mail, and the like, should not be self-supporting. For another example, there has been prac- tically no attempt to install the mechanical devices, and utilize the modern principles of materials handling, by which private busi- ness has been able to cut costs and give bet- ter service. The Department’s antiquated vehicles seen on Chicago streets offer another tip to the grievously high maintenance costs. The investigating experts found a woeful lack of employee-training programs. Fur- thermore, political appointment of top offi- cials reduces the incentive of workers to improve themselves in the hope of advance- ment. And why should users of the mails pay the subsidies which it is deemed expedient to pay the airlines for carrying mail? It is wise to promote aircraft development, but this should be a charge against the taxpayers. There could be no objection to pruning unneeded employees from the Post Office, and the great expansion in its personnel would indicate that there are some. But to carve all the savings directly out of service is a harsh and backward step. The one good thing that may be said for it is that it will ‘educate a lot of people concerning the Fair Dealer’s pretensions that bureaucrats can always do it better. We, the People, and the World Civil War EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, April 21, 1950 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, Prof. Max Ascoli, in a thoughtful editorial append- ed hereto, marking the first anniversary of the Reporter, a biweekly news com- mentary which in its initial year has earned much-deserved national atten- tion, gives another name—and a provoc- ative one—to what we now term the “cold war.” The “world civil war,” as APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Professor Ascoli has called it, has passed the stage, he points out, where the re- sponsibility is mainly in the hands of governments. The responsibility, he now points out, lies directly in the hands of our people, who are called on to be “prac- titioners of freedom,” to daily live as we would have the world live. Professor Ascoli asks us to keep in mind that dollar aid is only one part of our struggle in the “world civil war.’ He ably states his conclusion, as follows: Freedom is the patrimony of the people, and the government is only the instrument for the preservation of this patrimony. The business of defending freedom in this coun- try and in the world is primarily the people’s business. Only if we, the people, don’t do our part will we lose this civil war. And only if we lose or are about to lose the civil war will the enemy make war on us, The editorial follows: THe WorLD CIvin War (By Max Ascoli) We are in the midst of a world civil war, Jaunched by a remorseless enemy against all the institutions that give purpose and di- rection to the conduct of human affairs. Over the years, political and economic crises, wars, and depressions, have been putting an increasing and sometimes unendurable stress on the ties that bind people into a democ- racy. Our enemies—at the same time the products and carriers of unrest—have be- come expert at shocking the nervous system of a democracy into a condition first of spasm, then of paralysis. They are confident that by tirelessly drumming up a sense of tension and danger, as they are trying to do in Berlin, they can make a civil population snap, and then even the bravest of men give in. When that moment comes, the Commu- nists are ready to replace the complexities of democracy with the discipline of the herd. This civil war is not a conflict of ideologies or of national interest. It is an attack by slaves—sometimes self-made slaves—on all men who, with various degrees of delibera- tion, want to exert a measure of control over their own destiny. In the East, our enemies are now enjoying an extraordinary opportunity: New nations as yet untrained to rule themselves are trying to adopt the pattern of free institutions that is sorely tested everywhere in the world. International communism, while holding political power in a cluster of nations, is agi- tating for civil war everywhere else in the world. That is why we in the West have had to reach the conclusion that peaceful coexistence with Soviet Russia is an extraor- dinarily difficult goal. For whatever peace settlement we might reach the Russian Gov- ernment would use against us in the world civil war. This is practically what Secre- tary Acheson has been saying in his recent speeches: That Soviet Russia erases with its left hand any signature it affixes with its right, INCURABLE LAWBREAKERS The Russian leaders cannot help break- ing pacts. Like all other holders of power, they want to consolidate it and enjoy some peace. In fact, they have been trying to do it repeatedly. Having conquered a mostly agricultural nation, they first attempted to develop its economy according to the Marx- ist pattern: They tried to establish various types of controlled capitalism that were sup- posed to evolve into socialism, At the end of the last war, they tried—probably earn- estly—to set up mixed economies in the na- tions of eastern Europe that were to become a meeting ground between east and west. But they cannot control themselves: When- ever they encounter difficulties that may give rise to opposing political programs and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD parties, they have to subject their people to purges, mass deportations, and murders, Actually, the Communist dictators are slaves themselves. The irresponsible, un- challengeable power they have extorted from their people does not allow them to be responsible contracting parties to interna- tional agreements. After the devastation of the last war, the Russian Communists now need peace, but it is extremely doubtful whether they can af- ford to have peaceful relations with the world. They are following a runaway course, and it is difficult to imagine any man—even Stalin—putting on the brakes. The rulers of Soviet Rusisa could enter into constructive negotiations with the Western World only if they accepted full responsi- bility for all their weapons of international civil war, and agreed to negotiate about their political as well as their military armaments. The acceptance of responsibility for inter- national communism would shake the foun- dations on which their power rests. This is their business. We cannot settle for less, THE AMERICAN POSTURE At this stage of the conflict the Commun- ists know that only by destroying our coun- try can they achieve world domination, but they also know that the Stalinist methods of subversion are of little use here. They must rely mainly on the spontaneous dis- ruption of our economic and political struc- ture which, according to the Marxist theory of history, is bound to come. In fact, ours is the only country that is left free to verify the Marxist laws of history—-the exception which should prove the inevitability of a process that nearly everywhere else com- munism has had to set in motion delip- erately through internal subversion and armed intervention. The enemy has no choice but to trust us, alone among the people of the world, to bring about our own doom. He is waiting for our depression, he rejoices whenever he sees how easily, even without an effective Communist Party, we become prey to hysteria. He ap- proves of our press when it conducts trial by headline, free from any statute of limitations and from any rule against multiple jeopardy. He is heartened whenever he sees how ready we are to pour our economic and military resources into every country in which he de- cides to start a civil war. And he is certainly grateful to the Americans who make up for the strong Communist Party we haven’t got by mobilizing ghosts and robbing graves. Our Government is defending itself with a sort of shy, harassed, and sometimes belated wisdom. It has been working effectively to contain Russia and build up strength that Russia will have to acknowledge and respect. There is a more thorough understanding of public affairs now in our Government, par- ticularly in the State Department, and in the great economic agencies like the ECA, @ greater concentration of skillful, devoted people, than there was at any time during the last war. But the surprising thing is that our Government leaders have been leery of publicizing the global pattern of our for- eign policy. In this issue of the Reporter, Harold Graves shows how well-rounded and consistent this policy is becoming. The deeds of our Government leaders seem to be wiser than their words. It is strange and somewhat ominous that the Communists have taken it upon them- selves to express the people’s universal crav- ing for peace. It is strange to see how many Americans still consider the conflict as a pure clash of power politics, and look either toward a crude division of the world or the establishment of a string of neutral states between our power and Russia’s. Certain other people think that only the threat of war, if not war itself, could stop this par- alyzing structural disease that is commu- nism, WE THE PEOPLE The responsibility for the confusion and hesitancy inside and outside the Government lies primarily with ourselves, the people. No government can successfully fight a civil war without the aroused and organized support of its citizens—certainly not a civil war of this kind, world-wide in scope. This is the crux of what Mr. Acheson said so compell- ingly to the American Society of Newspaper Editors. We expect our Government leaders not only to conduct the political affairs of the Nation wisely, but to formuate the ideas, the beliefs, that should sustain our faith. We expect the men who, in our democratic so- ciety, have assumed some shreds of the kingly function of government to be philoso-~ pher-kings. We want them to be at the same time political philosophers, policy makers, and policy executives. We con- stantly ask for governmental or presidential leadership. It is certainly the function of Government to lead. But we had better de- cide what kind of leaders we want our states- men to be, orchestra leaders or cheer leaders. Surely we can do something more than cheer or clap at inspiring orations. We are in an infinitely better position to defend ourselves than any other nation, for, like the two world wars, the civil war on which our existence depends has not touched our soil. The attack can be thrown back once and forever only if we make the tex- ture of our society more compact, the role of intelligence more deliberate, the discussion of issues more open. It can be won inside our western societies, rather than by throw- ing bombs on the miserable populations that communism has enslaved. DOLLARS ARE NOT ENOUGH At long last the time for the people to do their part is coming. If, to close what is called the dollar gap, foreign products are to be thrown into the American market, many sections of our economy are going to be dislocated. It will hurt. Factories may have to be closed, people thrown out of their jobs; and local communities, trade unions, chambers of commerce, will have to pool their energies and inventiveness, to cushion the shocks and solve the problems of reem- ployment and retraining. Europeans will have to do the same thing, if, as another article in this issue of the Reporter points out, what is called integration is ever to approach reality. Many lessons have been driven home to us in these last few years; first of all that the money given by the citizens to the Federal Government, and spent by the Government for defense or foreign relief, is not enough to defeat communism. There are at least a billion people in the non-Communist world who need our assistance. Shculd we double the number of dollars we are now giving away, that still would only mean about 3 cents more a day for each of them—hardly enough to dissuade even the most wretched beggar from becoming a Communist. Even if we give away everything we produce in a year, it would only amount to about 60 cents a day in goods for each person needing help. The only gifts that will make any real dif- ference are those whose effects are multiplied by the uses to which they are put—gifts that - the receiving governments will utilize to make basic reforms in productive techniques or social organization so as to release the lat- ent energies of their peoples. If we stipulate conditions of performance, however, they will have to be reciprocal: conditions that we demand and conditions that we are ready to live up to. We cannot ask the other na- tions to put their houses in order if in our own house we cringe behind tariff barriers and subsidized exports. We can give an ex- ample of how the people’s productive ener- gies may be released by letting every one of our citizens, no matter what his race,’ A3467 color, or creed, go as high as his intelligence and character can take him. In the countries we undertake to help, we must show that we can put brakes on the development of industrialism, handle its wheels so that the least possible disruption of life is imposed on human beings. We must show that we can short-cut or by-pass stages of development, like colonialism or imperialism, that Marxism considers inev- itable. To defend ourselves against com- munism we must keep our economic system creative and resilient. A point can easily be reached where huge government expenses for armament, foreign assistance, and internal welfare can wreck the economic structure of the Nation—something that the Russians would not dislike. PRACTITIONERS OF FREEDOM We cannot ask our Government to tell us what jobs we have to assume and what ideas we have to follow if we want to do our part in winning the civil war. Governments are not made to produce ideas, and when Gov- ernment spokesmen venture into that realm their statements are likely to be opaque and stilted. This is true even of such an excep-~ tionally high-minded and cultured a man as Mr. Acheson when he defines a free society as one that “‘values the individual as an end in himself.” The foreign individual who speaks English and has business con- tacts with Americans may be glad to be told that he is an end in himself, but the poor peasant in southern Italy is likely to think that Mr. Acheson, too, stopped at Eboli. It is the function of our political think- ers to help the Government by providing clear, ringing ideas that will give hope to our friends and put fear in the hearts of our enemies. In the same way, it is the function of our business and labor leaders to keep our economy not only viable but expand- ing and free. Efforts of this kind have been made in the past—by the Committee for Economic Development, for instance, in preparing the business community for the shock of reconversion to peace. Far more strenuous efforts now have to be made by all the productive forces of the Nation, on. both a community and a national level. There are a large number of organi-+ zations in this country that provide our citi- zens with information on foreign, domestic, and economic affairs. They are doing good work. But it is most important not only to clarify the issues but to shape the policies on which the people can take a stand. It is imperative, for instance, in dealing with the nations on our side, to establish a sharp distinction between our allies and our co- pbelligerents. An aroused, informed public opinion can make it easier for our Govern- ment representatives to limit their com- mitments toward regimes that can produce no other document of their worthiness than an anti-Communist affidavit. Our Government leaders cannot easily Keep up a name-calling contest with the Russians, but private groups can more freely undertake the job of denouncing Commu- nist lies to the people of the whole world. Only private groups and individuals can ac- tually show the spontaneous power of men and women united for freedom. We haven’t much to gain by making sermons on free- dom to the people of the world unless we back our propaganda and make it powerful by showing that we are skillful practitioners of freedom. In this work that the people must do by themselves to support their Government, a . very great role can be played by the Ameri. can press. The present situation is almost incredibly different from the one that pre- vailed between the two world wars, for we are no longer a spectator, but the protagonist nation. The business of the press at the present time is to provide something more
A3468 than news and entertainment—promiscuous information or lonely “think pieces” sand- wiched between bloated news and cheese- cake. The American reader needs focal re~ porting on the basic issue of our day, which is victory in the world civil war. For the American press is the instrument of vision of the American people. Sometimes one is taken by the fear that the cataracts are coming down, and that the area of vision is being reduced and dimmed. The most popu- lar media of the American press make so few demands on the memory of their readers as to become agents of national amnesia. ‘We need memory, on the contrary, for we need to feel part of that tradition of free- dom that has made our country and has given it its unique role in the present world. Freedom is the patrimony of the people, and the government is only the instrument for the preservation of thi- patrimcre. The business of defending --.elu. ix. hn. coun. try and in the world is primarily the people’s business. Only if, we the people don’t do our part will we lose this civil war. And only if we lose or are about to lose the civil war will the enemy make war on us. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Public Service Cut,’ published in the Altoona (Pa.) Tribune of April 22, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Pusric SERVICE CUT It is ironical indeed that the public’s cries for economy in government are being an- swered by cuts in two departments which certainly are among the most important in government: the Department of Defense and the Postoffice Department. Postmaster General Jesse M. Donaldson has directed that mail deliveries be cut to one a day. He has further ordered cost re- ductions in the Department that cannot fail to have a serious effect upon the public serv~ ice rendered by the Department, Often those in Government who oppose economy moves for political reasons at once attack critics of such slashes as the Post- office and Defense cuts by asserting, “You called for economy, and when you get it you holler.” Of course, the answer is that economy can be achieved in Government without affecting either public service of a necessary kind or the national defense. Thousands of bureaus duplicate efforts. The Federal bureaucracy is so vast, so expensive, that no one man knows all its purposes, its costs, or its work. The Hoover Commission has shown where savings can be effected without loss of vital services. But the professional payrollers scream when the economy ax looms, Now Postmaster Donaldson proposes a re- duction program that will not save the tax~ payers any money in practical terms. But it will cost them vital service. ‘The Postal De-« partment probably is the only Department which provides the average American with any real service for his money. It is gen- erally the only Department at least with which he has any contact, that serves him directly. His other contacts with Govern- ment cost him money. The proposed post office economy program would require mail carriers to wovk straight through from morning to night with only a half-hour break for lunch—to eat wherever they happen to be on their route. If there is no lunchroom handy they either do without or carry their lunch, in addition to the heavy load of mail and magazines they must carry. Thousands of postal employees will be out of jobs, which is ironic, too, because the Postal Department gives real service, has a hard job to do, needs more employees to do it right, and Government is hiring thousands of new employees for various jobs every month, and probably none nearly so essen- tial. It would seem that Mr. Donaldson is going to cut the post office progress right back to where it was 25 or 50 years ago. One mail delivery a day may mean no delivery for many people. In fact, carriers say it is pos- sible that some areas might not have a mail delivery for several days. Mr. Donaldson moves us back to the days of the Pony Express, while the administra- tion and State Department waste the public funds by scattering them far and wide over the earth. In these days of a vast bureaucracy in Washington, the Federal free mail alone be- comes a burden for carriers. Pension checks, notices, Government regulations by the bale for business and private individuals, all are carried free. The burden upon the Department is in- creasing. Of course, it is a problem for Con~ gress, and Mr. Donaldson’s move obviously is primarily a pressure move against Con- gress because it failed to give him the ap- propriation he asked. But, this is an ill-advised pressure move, for it damages the reputation and prestige of one of the few Government departments which produces a straight job of service for the people. The Hoover Commission has recommended changes to put the department on a self- sustaining basis, and it has complimented the department upon its service. It has suggested that the Post Office De- partment be permitted to set rates for in- sured and registered mail, money orders, postal notes, postal cards, special delivery and ¢. 0. d. mail which would make each self- supporting. The Commission estimated this would save $113,000,000 a year, It suggested that the costly air-mail sub- sidies be paid by open appropriation from tax funds instead of from postal funds, so the cost will be apparent. The Department loses money on every air mail delivery. The Commission also suggested that the Department keep its own accounts, under the Comptroller General’s division. These are common-sense proposals. To cut the service as drastically as Mr. Donald- son has ordered is not common sense. Italian Government Honors Civic Leaders in Dunkirk and Fredonia, N. Y. EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, the city of Dunkirk, N. Y., my home com- munity, has never failed to meet its civic responsibility either in times of war or in times of peace. The generosity of the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD citizens of Dunkirk, N. Y., has become a permanent and cherished tradition that, translated into action, has enriched and ennobled those in need of its bounty both here and abroad. The civic leaders in Dunkirk and Fre- donia who have been so beautifully and signally honored by the Italian Govern- ment are rich indeed when wealth is measured by an unfailing yardstick, “That no man is worth more than he contributes to the social, civic, and spir- itual growth of the community in which he lives.” The article published in the Evening Observer, Monday, May 1, 1950, which r am extending under unanimous consent heretofore granted tells the story of a most worthy civic achievement: Ivatran Repustic Honors DUNKIRK-FREDONTA AREA By SoLmariry AWARDS In a program recorded for broadcast in 23 languages by the Voice of America, five rep- resentatives of the Dunkirk-Fredonia com- munity were yesterday awarded the Gold Star of Italian Solidarity. Those who were selected for the honor, as representatives of the people and institu~ tions of the two communities, were: Mayor Walter F. Murray. Former Mayor Harry F. Salhoff of Fredonia. The Very Reverend Leslie F. Chard, presi- dent of the Dunkirk Society. Miss Katherine Drago, corresponding sec- retary of the Dunkirk Society. Wallace A. Brennan, editor of the Observer. OFFICIAL THANKS The occasion was Italv's cfficinl therks for the Dunkirk to Wve me Freeh giving 1947 in wanuh ie vi hee aera community sent gifts valued at $2U0,000 to Anzio, Italy, and for the later gift of an ambulance to the Anzio-Nettuno Hospital. About 150 attended the dinner served in Acquavia Post under arrangements made by Chairman Nelson Currier and Industrial Commissioner Roman Wiate, Philip Lo- Guidice presided. City officials, members of the common council, and members of the Fredonia board of trustees attended. The medals, which are the only decoration of any kind issued by the present Italian Government, were voted by the Italian Par- liament. The presentations were made by James Battistoni, regent of the Italian con-~ sular agency of Buffalo. He was accom- panied to Dunkirk by Angelo Cordero of Buf- falo, a recipient of the star in that city, Miss Alda Fontano of the consul’s office, and Alphonse Papplardo of the newspaper, Tl Progresso. MISS DRAGO RESPONDS Miss Drago, who had visited Anzio recent- ly, made the general response for the local recipients, showing how the gifts had been used in the Anzio-Nestuno community. Mr. Battistoni read messages from the Italicn Ambassador, Signor Alberto Tarchia- ni, and from the consul general, Dr. Aldo M. Mazio. He said: “Greetings and salutation to all of you “a _ from the Italian Ambassador, Signor Alberto Tarchiani, and from the consul general of Italy, Dr. Aldo M. Mazio. “Once again I have the great pleasure to be with you and this time to do honor to five distinguished leaders of your esteemed Dunkirk Society, a group of men and women who have done so much and so well to help the European victims of infamous dictator- ships and war. “GRATEFUL REPUBLIC “I am really happy that Dr. Aldo M. Ma-= zio, the Italian consul general of Italy, has
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. reserved for me the pleasure of conferring to the leaders of your society the Star of Italian Solidarity and I am honored and pleased to extend to all of you the gratitude of the President of the Italian Republic, and the gratitude of the Government of Italy and of the Italian people, for your wonderful assistance and your valuable contribution to the reconstruction of Anzio and Nettuno, “When one observes and studies the crim- inal doings of past and present dictatorships one shudders at the thought of so much of man’s inhumanity to man and when war as horrible as the last one is being fought, and brothers kill brothers, one comes near to losing faith in what we call civilization. But, fortunately, one has the opportunity to come in contact with groups of people like you, so ready and so generously willing to extend the helping hand to human beings many thousand miles away; then one dis- covers and he is reassured that there is still much good in humanity yet. “¥ was in Italy 4 months in 1946 and the situation there, at that time, was really heart-breaking, but as everyone that has been in Italy recently can testify, the country of my birth has made great progress in the last 4 years. The wonderful accomplished recov- ery is due in great part to the moral support and the material help that Italy received from the United States, from every city, large and small, and from men and women like yourselves. “This symbol, the Star of the Italian Solidarity that I am about to confer to five of your leaders, has a special significance, not only as a token of gratitude toward bene- factors like all of you here today, but also as a renewed tie between Italy and the generous American people. . “Ladies and gentlemen, in the name of the Italian Government, in the name of demo- cratic Italy, I have the honor and the im- mense pleasure to confer the Star of the Italian Solidarity to the Honorable Walter F. Murray, mayor of Dunkirk; to the Honorable Harry F. Sahloff, mayor of Fredonia; to Very Rev. Canon Leslie F. Chard, president, Dun- kirk Society; to Wallace A. Brennan; and last but not least, to Miss Katherine E. Drago, secretary of the Dunkirk Society. “Long live America! “Long live Italy!” Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an editorial entitled “Post Office Economy,” from the Detroit News. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Post OFFric—e EConomy The layman, who has mail delivered to him by carrier, and who buys stamps at the post office, but has little knowledge of what goes on behind the barred windows, sees the effect of Postmaster General Donaldson’s order as this simply: The same volume of mail to be handled by fewer employees. - That apparently will require greater effi- ciency in the mail service; and this, to the rank and file of postal employees, means speed-up. XCVI—App.——219 But to the higher-ups, the directing per- sonnel, it may mean less of speed-up and more efficiency studies. Now the Post Office Department is already noted for efficiency studies. It is at them constantly. It demands long and detailed re- ports from post offices, and presumably these are used in arriving at decisions for improv- ing the service without adding to its cost. But it is not apparent that these studies have succeeded in saving money, The ex-~ pense of the mails continues to mount in higher ratio than the postal rates. It can be argued that without these efficiency studies the cost would be still greater, but the average citizen has no means of judging whether that is true. One complaint in the postal service is the constantly shifting personnel. This is especially marked in an industrial com- munity like Detroit, where a fairly large num- ber of persons regard the post office as a sort. of sheet anchor. They pass the civil service examination; they get their names on the rolls; in case of vacancies they are called in and offered employment. But if meanwhile they have obtained other jobs at better pay, and there is good prospect of the continuance of these jobs, they turn down the call. Nevertheless, they remain on the eligible roll; and if they are thrown out of work by a strike, or are dismissed, they are eager for postal jobs at which they work until some- thing better comes up. A situation of this sort is not conductive to either economy or efficiency. Anything smacking of speed-up is likely to make it worse. The real remedy would be to pay wages competitive with those offered by in- dustry, in an attempt to make the personnel more nearly permanent. That would in- crease costs, it can be argued. But would it? There seems to be a large amount of waste in the present set-up, which might be cut down by giving employees more incentives. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr, President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article by Frank Ray in regard to the proposed curtailment of postal service. There being no objection, the article. was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: ‘TIMELY—-ACCURATE—INTERESTING (By Frank Ray) Only the most brilliant minds of Congress could have planned this great economy slash on the Post Office. What a great saving will be made by the dismissal of more than 10,000 usefully em- ployed people. One little item, however, has been over- looked. How much will really be saved in public funds when most of- these people must resort to relief rolls and unemploy- ment compensation? The taxpayer will then be paying these same people for remaining idle. There are enough funds to feed and sup- port the people who were our enemies only a few years ago. Germany and Japan have no difficulty getting appropriations from Congress, and nothing frightens our Con-< A3469 gressmen more than the spectre of unem- ployment—in Japan and Germany. Also, billions are available to keep the mu- nitions makers busy. After all there will soon be a war to fight. Won’t there always be wars? But funds for the postal system, our most vital and useful Government service: that comes under the heading of necessities-we- can-do-without. The Post Office shows a deficit because it is a servant of the privileged few who use it as their personal valet. Congressmen pour tons of mail into the postal system. They don’t pay one cent for the service. And mail-order houses send back-break- ing catalogues through the mail for less postage than it costs you to mail a 2-ounce letter. Advertisers enjoy the privilege of cheap mail. Giant circulars are carried for post card rates. By firing the men and women who are needed to keep our postal system function- ing efficiently we solve nothing. By put- ting the postal rates on a realistic basis we will take the free-riders out of the mails, and then this wonderful Government service will be seen and appreciated for the great work it really accomplishes. —— ee Watches and War EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Elmira Sunday Telegram of April 30, 1950: WATCHES AND WAR—WATCHMAKERS WANT Tarr, Not Sussmyr > (By William E. Hill) During a war all nations are dependent upon watchmakers for their delicate mechan- isms, such as aircraft instruments, chro- nometers, clocks, compasses, fire control watches, jewel bearings, navigation instru- ments, tachometers, time-delay devices, time fuzes, etc. You cannot set off an A-bomb or an H- bomb unless you have precision workers to make the fuzes. Watch workers require from 2 to 10 years to train. Prior to World War II Great Britain had allowed her watchmaking industry to de- cline, and during the war Switzerland was surrounded by the Axis Powers and so could not supply any precision instruments to the Allies but did make them for Germany. This left the United States as the only source of precision instruments for all of the Allies. - Our three manufacturers of jeweled watches, Elgin, Hamilton, and Waltham, stopped mak- ing watches for the trade and from Decem- ber 1941, to August 1945, were employed 100 percent of their capacity in Government work. Since World War II Great Britain decided that for security reasons they must encour~ age and protect their clock and watch manu- facturers. On October 16, 1945, the gov- ernment established a credit of about $1,- 800,000 with a provision made to increase this sum if it should be needed. From 1946 to 1949 subsidies were given amounting to $1,- 630,000. The government also established a National Horological College at London at a cost of approximately a million dollars.
A3470 This college provides for the training of technicians that would be needed in case of war and was opened in 1947. About 70 firms are now producing clocks and watches and 12 of them can be classed as big. About 21,000 men and 14,000 women are now employed in making clocks and watches. The policy of Great Britain is to encourage export of clocks and watches and to discourage imports. To achieve export goals and meet foreign competition, some manufacturers have reduced export prices below cost. In 1948 the exports amounted to $5,346,840. Switzerland is said to be working for world control of the watch market, and the elimi- nation of American competition. Switzer- land not only subsidizes’ their watchmaking industry but has established a joint central Government research, and also trains engi- ners and toolmakers. The United States Tariff Act of 1930 pro- vided a schedule of duties on watches which fairly well reflected, at that time, the differ- ence in the cost of production of watch movements here and abroad. In 1935 the reciprocal trade agreement with Switzerland reduced the tariff rates by about 34 percent on the average. During World War II, while cur watchmakers were all busy making con- trols for guided missiles and other war ma- terial, the Swiss were supplying our trade with watches up to about 9,000,000 in 1 year. By 1946 the Swiss supplied 86 percent of the jeweled watches sotd in America. The main cost of a watch movement is the labor. Our watchmakers received about two and one-half times as much per hour as the Swiss watchmakers. This and the low duty on watch movements is the reason that the cost of Swiss jeweled watch movements in this country is more than $4 less than the manufacturing cost of our cheapest jeweled watch movement. The United States market has been flooded by an estimated 100,000,000 foreign-made watches during the past 10 years, so that at the close of the last war. when Elgin, Hamil-~ ton, and Waltham again were able to make watches for the trade, there was no backlog of orders and they had to compete with for- eign-made watches that could sell for what it cost the American manufacturers to make their watches and still make a profit. The logical result has been that since the recip- rocal trade agreement went into force in 1936, over 10,000 mechanics formerly em- ployed in the watchmaking industry have gone into other trades, In 1948 the Waltham Watch Co. had a deficit of $1,610,000 and on February 3, 1950, they closed their plant and laid off the re- maining employees, 1,231. The Elgin Watch Co. has reduced its working hours and closed one of its plants. Early this month the Hamilton Watch Co. stockholders authorized increase in corporate indebtedness to four and one-half million dollars, and R. M. Kant, president, told stockholders that “the watch market continues to be in a badly unsettled condition” and that firm’s first quarter sales and earnings “will make a poor comparison with the same period a year ago.” The per- cent of profit, compared with sales of Elgin, Hamilton, and Waltham Watch Companies combined, in 1940 was 90-53 percent and in 1947 it was 3.72 percent. If the Elgin and Hamilton Watch Com. panies are forced to close due to foreign com- petition, would we be able to buy foreign- made watches at the price we now pay for them? If world war III catches us with no watch-manufacturing companies that make jeweled watch movements, where will we get the precision instruments to set off our bombs? Switzerland would be surrounded and we might not be able to get any through from Great Britain, Our watchmakers do not want to be sub- sidized by their Government but they do want a@ tariff that will enable them to com- pete with foreign-made watch movements on an even cost basis. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr, LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp an editorial entitled “The Postal Order,” published in the Springfield (Mass.) Union of April 20, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: THE PosTaL ORDER It is hard to believe that so drastic a Nation-wide curtailment of postal services as has been ordered into effect by Postmaster General Jesse M. Donaldson would be forced by action of the House Appropriations Com- mittee in pruning the $1,786,000,000 post- office budget by $24,921,000. In stating that the order would go into ef- fect immediately, even before final action has bsen taken on the budget, Mr. Donaldson seems to be acting with indecent and suspi- cious haste. It may not be pure coinci- dence that a detailed program for a read- justment of the services was in readiness to launch on such short notice. The Post Office Department is in a par- ticularly favorable position for applying a familiar device of the various departments which are about, or fear they are about, to feel the ax. There is not a community that is not affected by layoffs of personnel and curtailed postal services. By raising a howl from those affected, there would, of course, be great propaganda value for res- toration of the full amount of the budget. It is an old trick that has been tried many times before and that will be tried again. It is most effective where the cut can he made to hurt most. But there is no reason to believe that these proposed readjustments in the postal services are necessary. Econ- omies are. Budgets are not sacrosanct, especially the post-office budget. There is good reason ta doubt that lay- offs and greatly curtailed services are neces- sary because of the slicing of $24,921,000 from the budget. There must be good rea- son behind the increasing demands for re- duction in costs of the postal service, where increased efficiency would cancel out the budget cut. Why Retain Our American Free Business System? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD include the following letter sent by one of my constituents and friends, Mr. W. H. Feldmann, president of the Electric Machinery Manufacturing Co., of Min- neapolis, to the employees of the com- pany he is leaving to accept a well-de- served promotion. His letter illustrates the kind of relations a president ought to have with his men, sharing with them his deepest concerns about the things that are necessary to maintain and im- prove our lives in this country, and in return welcoming their views and con- cerns. The letter follows: ELECTRIC MACHINERY MANUFACTURING Co., April 19, 1950. To: All EM employees. From: W. H. Feldmann. Dear FELLOW EM EMPLOYEES: Business is better for us. Orders received in February and March were 40 percent above the aver- age of November to January. The S and R divisions got the greatest benefit, although all divisions, except two-pole generator, now have a reasonable workload for the next 3 months. As a result, we have been able to call back 50 men and women which, I assure you, gives us a great deal of satisfaction. This is my last letter to you. On May11I1 leave the company to accept the position of vice president in charge of sales of our parent company, Worthington. This means moving to New Jersey and cutting direct ties with EM and my friends in its employ with whom I have worked, suffered, worried and thrilled for 28 years. I will, however, have just as much interest in and responsibility for orders for EM as for Worthington. In this last letter I ask your indulgence in reading my strong feelings about a subject which is of vital importance to all of us, our American free business system. There are many who would replace it with a welfare or socialistic state system. Hither would, in my opinion, seriously limit our liberties and eventually lower the living standards of all of us. Let me tell you why. Under our present system, as you well know, we have an absolutely free choice of what we buy with our money. Your wife and mine go downtown, or to our neighborhood centers and say, “I'll take this one, not that one.” She is guided entirely by what she thinks gives her the greatest value for her money. The manufacturers and retailers, who provide—and inform her about—their greater values, get more and more orders, expand their businesses and employ more people. Those who, by high costs and in- differences, offer inferlor values are soon called on by the county sheriff. Inci- dentally, the sheriff is one of America’s great- est benefactors. He either opens the minds of or eliminates from our business system the weak, the inefficient and the lazy who would give us less for our hard-earned money and thus lower our standard of living. On the contrary, the welfare or sdcialistic state does not weed out the weak and reward the strong. Political considerations govern. Government control, no matter how well in- tended, cannot possibly provide the needed and immediate corrections our free business system does automatically through the mil- lions of people who say each hour of the day, “I’ll take this one, not that one.” And this is aside from the question of our personal freedom. It is the most important thing in the world to us. I hope it will not be necessary for us to lose our freedom be- fore we fully realize this. The inability of many British workmen to change jobs, to move, or to buy what they want is not an unusual situation. It is the inevitable result of a state-controlled system. It was Woodrow Wilson who said, “Lib- erty has never come from the Government;
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD it has always come from the subjects of it. The history of liberty is a history of Mmi- tation of governmental power, not the in- crease of it.” So let’s keep our system. And keep on improving it as we have corstantly done since 1780, especially in the last 20 ycurs. It has and always will provide, through the constant, terrific pressure to get lower costs and think up new and better products, more things to divide. So much more that even our lowest-paid worker at EM and elsewhere has more things to enjoy than he would get under state management. It will little profit him for the higher paid EM employees to be pulled down nearer to his living stand- ard, if his own is also reduced. Especially when, in the process, he loses his liberty and his country 1s weakened. What is true of the products our wives buy ‘is equally true of the products we make at EM. Just as soon as the coil tapers at Gen- eral Electric or Westinghouse turn out higher quality work at equal or lower cost than do Betty Selinsky and her sister tapers, we start down hill. But when all the members of our sales, engineering, manufacturing and administrative departments do a better job than competitors in quality and costs, and also cooperate effectively, we will have a big- ger and stronger company with more secu- rity and more things to enjoy for all of us. Recently Mr. Charles E, Wilson, president of General Motors, told me, “Economic prog- ress and social progress are twins. They are, in fact, Siamese twins, for if one dies, the other dies too.” So let’s continue our social progress by insuring our economic progress. I bespeak for Dick Olson, our new presi- dent, the loyalty, cooperation and friendship you have always extended to me. With every good wish for you and yours, Good-bye. WALTHER FELDMANN, Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an editorial entitled Truman-Style Post Office, from the Pampa Daily News, of Pampa, Tex. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: TRUMAN-StYLeE Post OFFICE Postmaster General Donaldson, on the plea that economy is necessary to keep within his budget, has ordered a radical reduction in mail service to the public. ’ There will be only one daily residential delivery in cities, instead of two. Saturday deliveries to business houses will ‘be cur- tailed, and smaller post offices will be closed .on Saturday where possible. A number of classifications of night work will be stopped. By these economies, which in the instance of householders, the most numerous of all recipients of postal service, amount to cut- ting their service in half, Mr. Donaldson hopes to eliminate 13,000 postal employees ‘by July 1. This would reduce employment in the department to 504,000 persons. At the .end of the war there were only 403,000 post office employes. The demonstration of econ< omy is not impressive, to put it mildly. This is not the first time that the Post Office Department has tried to punish the public because Congress refused to give it all the money it asked. Similar tactics were used in 1947 and resulted in demands in the Senate that postmasters who deliberately overspent their appropriations be sent to jail, The Hoover Commission criticized the Post Office Department as one of the most ineffi- cient in the Government. It has not changed its fundamental plan of operation since 1836. The Commission made 27 recommendations for improving post-office efficiency, and not one of them even hinted at saving money by curtailing public service. Fundamentally, the Commission reported, the department should be taken out of poli-~ tics and run as a business instead of a Gov- ernment bureau. So operated, the Commis- sion said, it could run at a profit instead of piling up annual deficits. Mr. Truman sent @ reorganization plan containing an excessively watered down ver- sion of the Hoover recommendations to Con- gress Iast year, and it became effective when Congress failed to veto it. It was so weak, however, that in January Robert L. Johnson, head of the National Citizens’ Committee backing the Hoover report, pleaded with Con- gress to enact a real post-office reorganiza- tion bill. Mr. Truman has used the Hoover report to date only to cloak his petty political moves, such as his own salary raise and the attempt to kill the Taft-Hartley act by abolishing the powers of the general counsel of the Labor Relations Board—a step which the Hoover Commission did not sanction. He has no use for the genuinely useful reforms recom- mended by the Commission, because they would prevent his exploitation of Govern- ment service for political purposes. He'd rather beat post office customers over the head than give them economical and efficient service. After Formosa, Hong Kong? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Clyde Farnsworth from the Washington Daily News of May 1, 1950: Arter Formoss, Hone Kone? (By Clyde Farnsworth) Hone Kone, May 1.—When and if the Chinese Reds and their Russian big brothers take Formosa, the “liberation” of Hong Kong will be the next order of business. According to the present line being laid down for the Chinesé Communist political workers, Britain will be required to sur- render that crown colony—not merely the leased territory but also the ceded territory of the Kowloon Peninsula, Hong Kong Island, and other insular bits. Either that or the Reds will take it “by any means needed.” Disclosure of this policy, circulated thus far only for internal consumption by the Chinese Communist Party, was made by a newcomer from Hankow who credited it to a General Tang, identified as a political com- missar for the Communists’ most powerful field army, that of Gen. Lin Pao. General Tang was said to have laid down this line in a recent lecture to political A3471 workers in the Hankow headquarters of the Fourth Field Army. The informant from Hankow also claimed to have discussed the matter personally with the Red commissar. “HIGHER AND HIGHER “The prestige of the Chinese people’s gov- ernment is growing higher and higher,” Gen- eral Tang was quoted. “We cannot establish relations with Britain until after the libera- tion of Formosa. “Then we will liberate Hong Kong, Kow- loon, and the Jeased territories. When For- mosa is in our hands the British will recog- nize that they must withdraw. The people’s government will not be satisfied with Kow- loon or the new territories (on the main~ land) but must have both Kowloon and Hong Kong.” MIGHT RECOGNIZE BRITAIN “If the British are not wise enough to rec- ognize this inevitability, the people’s govern~ ment will take this territory by any means needed. On the other hand if the British are wise enough to give all of it up, the people’s government will recognize Britain.” The last was a reference to the long sty~ mied efforts of London to establish diplo- matic relations with the Peiping regime fol- lowing British recognition last January 6 of that regime as the legal government of China. Britain has recognized the Chinese Com- munists, but the Communists haven’t recog- nized Britain. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “That Cut in Mail Service,” pub- lished in the Jackson (Miss.) Daily News. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrc- oRD, as follows: Tuaar Cur mx Mat. SErvice Postmaster General Jesse M, Donaldson’s action in ordering a cut in home and small business mail deliveries to one a day seems hard to justify on grounds of economy. In fact, it looks more like a spectacular play to scare -Congress into providing extra funds than a desirable move. There's no question that the post office deficit is rising. But in most districts the mailmen are already carrying maximum loads, and the only way the second delivery can be eliminated without permitting the mail to pile up at the post office is to shorten the route or put two men on the job at the same time. That would cut service without reducing costs in the least and might even increase them. . Meanwhile, of course, the real causes of the Post Office Department’s predicament are to go unsolved. The post office is to go on subsidizing the commercial airlines; giving free mail service to Congress and the Gov- ernment and providing a dumping ground for politicians who want postmasterships and whatever gravy may be obtained thereby. As the Hoover report revealed, the Post Office is overladen with wasteful red tape and duplicated activities which should be eliminated. Then, if further economies are
A3472 necessary and if money can really be saved by such a step, judicious service cuts might be warranted. But in any case, the haphaz- ard firing of a few $50-a-week carriers, mostly veterans—that’s where the saving comes in slashing mail deliveries—will not be the an- swer. Firing 10,000 employees is actually an al- most infinitesimal stroke against a postal deficit running to $500,000,000 a year. But the act is vivid; everybody will feel the dif- ference. And to the aggrieved mailmen and politicians and even to the Householders re- duced to dreadful plight of merely- one mail delivery, Mr. Donaldson can sit back and ask: Well, what’s the alternative? The question is far from rhetorical. The Postmaster General, if pressed, could give the answer. Reorganize the Post Office as a business institution, make the rates self- sustaining, cut out the political fat. The Hoover Commission spelled out a detailed program of reorganization many months ago which would reduce the annual deficit by more than $200,000,000. Administrative re- form, alteration of an inefficient accounting system, elimination of political traffic in post- masters are among the key points. On prin- ciple there is no opposition, but Congress stands still. These are savings of the first magnitude, designed to quicken the whole Post Office into new and greater efficiency, and without the painful accompaniment of wholesale discharges. Mr. Donaldson may have a subtle purpose of directing attention to the Hoover recom- mendations. At any rate he has violently impressed governmental economy on the pub- lic consciousness. But it should be remem- pbered that the slashes in postal service are only a drop in the bucket compared to what Congress could acomplish by putting the Post Office on its own. Only public opinion can win that battle. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp a carrier’s protest of delivery cuts, published in the Sea Cliff News of Sea Cliff, N. Y., of April 21, 1950. There being no objection, the protest was ordered to be printed in the Rxcorp, as follows: ' CARRIERS PROTEST DELIVERY CUTS (Evrror’s Notz.—William T. Klein, 157 Brown Street, Sea Cliff, is trustee for the Long Island district of the National Associa~- tion of Letter Carriers, and secretary of the Sea Cliff branch.) The National Association of Letter Carriers has vigorously protested the instructions issued by the Post Office Department under date of April 18. A copy of our release to the press, and the letter sent to every Mem-= ber of Congress, are quoted as follows: “The order is contained in the Postal Bul- letin of April 18, directing all postmasters to curtail virtually every type of postal serve ice, amount to a rape of the postal service. “Congress and the general public should meet this challenge head-on by stating in the most unequivocal terms that the United States Post Office belongs to the American people everywhere.” The National Association of Letter Car- riers sent the following letter to all Mem-~- bers of Congress today: Hon. Onin D. JOHNSTON, United States Senate, Washington, D. C. Dear SENATOR JoHNsoN: We are seriously alarmed over the instructions contained in the Postal Bulletin of Tuesday, April 18. Having spent the greater part of our lives in the postal service, and representing 102,- 000 letter carriers, we feel that the orders contained in the Postal Bulletin of April 18 will result in irreparable damage and destruc- tion of our fine postal system. It will make the great postal service—the Government function closest to the lives of the American people—a second-rate inferior Government agency. We have always been mighty proud of the fact that the postal service rendered excellent necessary service. Delivery of mail Nation- wide is restricted to one delivery a day in residential districts and services greatly reduced in business districts. Parcel-post deliveries are to be cut in half in business areas. Weekly magazines, such as Time, United States News, Newsweek, and all others that have become an important part of American life will no longer receive ex- peditious handling. The prompt mail de- livery that the American people have been receiving will not be available. Postmasters have been ordered to discon- tinue directory service on all ordinary mail, other than perishable matter and parcels of obvious value. This order contains many other provisions, every one of them seriously restricting the fine delivery now being af- forded the American people and imperiling the postal service itself. These orders will result in tremendous money losses to American business and great inconvenience to the general public. Postal employees, particularly low-paid substitutes, will suffer greatly because of the reduction in the number of trips. We appeal to you as a Member of Congress to take immediate corrective action against this devastating, ill-advised, and unneces- sary order issued by the Post Office Depart- ment under date of Tuesday, April 18. W. C. DoreErty, President, D. R. SULLIVAN, Vice President, JEROME J, KxaTING, Secretary, R. B. KrrMers, Assistant Secretary. To combat the grave emergency created by the drastic curtailment order, President Wil- liam C. Doherty has issued a call for a con- ference to be held in the city of Washington, commencing May 15, 1950, at the Washing- ton Hotel. All branches are invited to send representatives to this conference. We Shall Carry On EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. RODINO. ‘Mr. Speaker, Generoso Pope has passed on. He had dedicated his life to many exalted and noble tasks—all in the interest of his fellow man. He never forgot the Italy from whence he sprung, and sought in every way possible to help in its era of recon-~ struction on democratic principles. He APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD was truly a great American who had Jearned the meaning of demccracy and sought to help others participate in the blessings which flow from a true Gde- mocracy. His passing was untimely for the noble purposes he sought to attain were not fully and completely realized. However, his sons—imbued and instilled with that same spirit will take up the task where “Gene” left off. I am confident they can carry on, And I wish them God- speed. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include herein the follow- ing editorial which appeared in Il Pro- gresso, Sunday, May 7, 1950: We SHALL Carry ON The untimely passing of our beloved father poses many questions, the foremost of which is: “What are the Pope brothers going to do?” It is with the deepest humility and the fullest realization of the task which confronts us that we answer: “We shall earry on.” ‘ The path which we are determined to fol- low was Clearly defined by our father, not merely because it led to the goals he set for us, but because we firmly believe in the principles which motivated his every ac- tion. And we have believed in them from our early youth when he taught us many valuable lessons which he himself had learned in the school of hard knocks. It was then we learned of his great love for little people. It was then that he taught us that the greatest blessing we could earn was to help our fellow man. Our father’s life story is a saga of true Americanism. Accomplishments such as his were possible only in a democracy such as ours. Like millions of others before him, he came here as a poor immigrant boy. He took the fullest advantage of the opportu- nities and blessings of American liberty, and in return he dedicated himself to the service of his country by aiding all the causes which would make our freedom invincible and our national progress second to none. And so, with the passing of the years, he attained success. ‘Yet he never forgot his humble be- ginnings. We, his sons, were schooled in his philosophy—a deep-rooted feeling of kin- ship for his fellow man and 2 constant de- sire to be of service to humanity. That is why we will never forget his teach- ings. We shall always hold dear the memory of his ideals and we shall ever cherish the thought that often he clung to his ideals despite difficulties and great hardships. His credo is our credo. In advocating and fighting for what we believe is right we shall not yield an inch. We have the utmost faith in America. Having been closely as- sociated with him in all his work, we know exactly what he expected of us and, with the fullest realization of our responsibili- ties, we shall, with vigor and energy, see to it that Il Progresso continues as a beacon light and effective instrument in the service of our people. Fully realizing the debt civilized mankind owes to the people of Italy for their countless contributions to human enlightenment and culture, Il Progresso shall never be remiss in its positive and forceful undertakings to help assure the Italian people international justice, equitable treatment and their right- ful place of honor and dignity in the comity of great nations. We shall be ever on the alert against in- ternaticnal injustices and spare no efforts to have America lead the nations of the world in. restoring to the Italian people the posi- tion, prestige, and rights which are justly theirs. We know that the success of all the cam- paigns waged by Il Progresso in the name of justice and fair play for Americans of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Italian origin and for the people of Italy; campaigns for tolerance and against all forms of discrimination based on race, color, and religion; our campaigns for education and scholarship, for human liberty and decency everywhere; our constant efforts to strength- en the traditional ties of friendship which pind the people of America to the people of Italy, was made possible because of the con- fidence of the people in our father and the staunch support they gave him. Because of the inspiration he has been to us and be- cause of our firm belief in his work, we are certain that we can successfully carry on this vital work if we prove ourselves worthy of this same confidence and support. We are mindful of the many problems which confront our people and it is in their interest, and theirs alone, that we shall dedi- cate ourselves wholeheartedly. Their strug- gles shall be our struggles. Their aspirations shall be our principal concern and our mis- sion, with their cooperation, must not and will not fail. We take this occasion to express our warm~ est thanks and appreciation to that multi- tude of friends who have so touchingly shown their esteem and love for our father and shared with us our sorrow upon his passing. We stand united and shall not permit nor countenance subtle attempts to swerve us from our singleness -f purpose. We shall carry on with fullest faith and unshakable determination to be worthy of the great and inspiring heritage which is ours. This we pledge to the readers of Il Progresso. This we assure the people of our city, State, and Nation. This is our message to the people of Italy. ForTUNE Pore. ANTHONY Pore. GENEROSO PopE, Jr. ee Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Restricted Mail Service,” from the Marion Chronicle, of Marion, Ind., of April 21, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: RESTRICTED MaIL SERVICE Postmaster General Donaldson's order re- stricting postal service may be regarded as an effort to reduce the annually increasing deficits arising from the operation of the mail service. It also is an effort to force cer- tain users of services which Donaldson says are operated at a loss into those that he claims are operated at a profit. The latter may serve to increase the revenues but how much nobody can predict with any accuracy. But savings from the curtailment of services probably will be negligible. In any event, curtailment of service is not a very good way to secure additional net revenue. Such cur- tailment usually is accompanied by a reduc-~ tion in the intake, although the post office, being a Government monopoly, may be an exception to the general rule. The Postmaster General commented on the post-office situation that existed in 1939 com- pared to that In 1949, as follows: “During that period, the revenue increased 110.72 percent; the number of pieces of mail han- dled, 64.7 percent; the weight of the mails increased more than 104.73 percent; while the increase in employees was less than 48.43 percent.” That usually would be taken to be the picture of a flourishing business, but instead it has produced annually increasing deficits, These, according to the statement of the Postmaster General, are due largely to in- creased salaries, fixed by Congress. Addi- tional costs for transportation by rail and air since July 1945 approximate $125,000,000. The total increase of all expenses in the same interval approximates $900,000,000, ac- cording to the Postmaster General’s state- ment. The economies suggested by Donaldson can be no more than trifling when stacked up against the forecast deficit. The American people are interested in governmental economy. However, inferior service is a poor way of achieving it, as we have stated. The Hoover Commission pro- posed a much better answer. One of them would take the post office out of politics. This has been bottled up by a Senate com- mittee for more than a year, as has another which in the words of the Hoover Commuis- sion, would provide the Department with flexibility in management, simplification in budgeting, accounting, and auditing. It may be that Donaldson’s orders are an ob- lique way of obtaining the required action which is so long overdue. But the Citi- zens’ Committee for Reorganization warns, “only a strong display of public interest ad- dressed to the entire Congress, can get this needed action.” Address of Welcome to Newly Naturalized Citizens EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der permission to extend my remarks, I include a living and inspiring address of welcome to newly naturalized citizens made on May 1, 1950, in Boston, Mass., by the Honorable William T. McCarthy, United States district judge of the dis- trict of Massachusetts, Now, ladies and gentlemen, you have been signally honored by the great sovereignty of the United States today because, not only have you received the insignia of solid Amer- ican citizenship, but you have received it on a day dedicated to the saintly men and women who gave to us our civilization—and I mean the kind of a civilization that we have in the United States of America—who have given to us a form of government ,.red- icated upon a.Godlike philosophy that goes back over the centuries, and which had its inspiration for our present-day era in a lit- tle stable in Bethlehem. This is, in a way, Mother’s Day; but I rather feel the kind of men who run our Government must have had in mind a series of consoling factors. Here we are in this courtroom, a part of a golden treasury of a@ life that is so strikingly disproportionate to the kind of life that liberty-loving men and women now have in foreign lands. Today ‘we kneel at the footstool of the loveliest lady in the world, who gave to American women the priceless heritage of American woman~ hood—living in a community life where the A3473 dignity of the home is recognized; living in a community life where all steeples point heavenward; living in a community life where men who hold public office hold it with the consent of the governed. And contrast that to the ambitions of irresponsible, auto- cratic, racketeering leaders, representing all the diabolical agencies in those persecuted lands, ready to overthrow, to wipe out the ideals and the principles which have helped to invest you today with the priceless em- blem of American citizenship. May your lives and the lives of the fearless men and women, Godlike men and women, Godlike leaders in those foreign countries, continue in the preservation of the ideals which we love so much here. There was a distinguished churchman who spoke at the University of Kansas on Satur- day. He addressed 700 persons, and he was introduced at that Kansas University dinner by the Kansas Governor, Harry H. Woodring, and he spoke as follows—and I quote: “If we are to endure as a nation of free, strong-hearted men, we must, in unity, stand sentinel against the potent, growing dangers of faithless, traitorous Communists and Communist sympathizers who are using their freedom to destroy our freedom.” Just think of what that means—who are using the freedoms that were given to us by God himself through an earthly medium, our founding fathers, who, under His in- spiration, gave to us a form of government which has stood for over 170 years. And they try to change our way of life, and they are encouraged by a lot of godless men and women who are allowed to teach in universi- ties and in law schools—yes, and in medical schools too. And then this distinguished churchman went on to say—“They are the host of traitorous men and women who, living beneath the protection of our Ameri- can flag, enjoy the priceless privilege of being citizens of our Republic, while their own allegiance is actually pledged to an emblem representing a theory of government op~- posed to everything for which Old Glory stands.” Now, I am talking right from my heart. I think of the wise men—soldiers, martyrs, statesmen—who under the guidance and with the inspiration of God gave us our way of life in the form of our Constitution and the Declaration of Independence; who from time to time in the exercise of their wisdom, realizing that there were 18 States, realizing that those States under our Constitution were separate entities, but realizing also that if this Government was to be a great nation it had to be a nation checked by a central government and so they gave us a series of amendments to the Constitution. And as they came along these amendments were a perfect picture of the development and growth of the natural order, and the natural order is nothing more or less than an order upon which nations go ahead un-~ der the guidance of Almighty God. They gave us what is called by lawyers and judges the “due process clause” of the Con- stitution. It is a clause of the Constitution that was passed for the specific purpose of preventing “yungle law.” It was passed for the specific purpose of checking the States so that you would not have a government by might. And yet there are men who should know better that advocate the complete obliteration of due process. And I speak of these things because I think of the boys and girls who will make up the civilization of the tomorrows; and I speak of these things because I want you to become active, potent factors in your community lives. I want you to see to it that there is a demonstration of public appreciation and public worship— that these ideals be translated into acts which indicate a sturdy Americanism; that you participate in the election processes; that you recognize that this country of ours is a panorama where the two principles called “the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood
A3474 of Man” are the beacon lights and the mule- stones and the yardsticks for your conduct— men and women kneeling obediently before the power and the majesty of a Supreme Being—men and women responsive to the kind of discipline that the natural order intended should he the beacon hght. That is the kind of a messege that I want to give you on loyalty day. That is the kind of a message that I think every American should give. ‘You exemplars of the demo- cratic way of life, and you should send forth to a world torn apart by strife and turmou the message of the kind of happiness and hope and good will and peace that the great men and women over the one-hundred-and- seventy odd years of this country’s existence intended this Government to be. And you should remember that these attributes are founded not upon the words of men but upon the power and the influence of the great Master of Men and the prophecies that have come down through the centuries. You are surely having a rendezvous with destiny; and let your beacon lights, and, I mean by that, let your conduct, let your loyalty to your institutions in this country be such as will make this country a better country to live in. Let us have during this whole month a devotion as citizens to a word which is the loveliest of all words-—to a word which spells sacrifice, cooperation, and yes, martyrdom to the causes which mean so much to the civilization of tomorrow. If this country is going to be saved, and it will be saved by the grace of God, it will be done through the influence and example of the lovable, saintly mother of God or by the in- spiration that men and women get kneeling at the golden footstool of the mother who has long since died but who still lives as an example and as a milestone by which men and women can expect this country to he an abode of peace where men are to live and let live. That is my message to you, ladies and gen- tlemen, this morning; and I hope that Heaven will shower upon all of you its choic- est blessings, and I hope you will pray every day that you will retain the inspiration to be fine American citizens—to be loyal American citizens—to be able to subscribe to these guiding principles that mean so much for the civilization of the tomorrow. This is the perfect picture of the development and growth of the natural law. That is God’s method, that is the American method. and it is not the communistic method. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Reducing Mail Service,” from the Daily Press, of Atlantic City, N. J. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: REDUCING Mam SERVICE Ever since the announcement was made that Postmaster General Jesse M. Donaldson had ordered drastic curtailment in mail de- livery service we have been waiting for a statement that the order had been rescinded. It had the appearance of an attention- calling move on the political checkerboard in Washington, to be followed by other moves in Congress that would bring a happy ending to the argument. Now that the effective date, May 1, is almost here and the order seems to be sticking, we are disappointed and a little sore. The idea seems nonsensical. In addition to throwing many men out of work, it will be a@ distinct inconvenience to many business people, not to mention the individual. It seems like saving money the hard way, in a manner that will bring pain to a great many people. If Uncle Sam was really up against it, there might be some merit to the plan, but he shows no evidence of being thrifty when it comes 10 buying potatoes that are later de- stroyed, or eggs that are gotten rid of even- tually at a great loss. The letter carrier has always epitomized the hard-working, diligent, and faithful em- ployee, the Government worker we most often see. Unless somebody in Washington can come up with a very convincing argument to the contrary, we will string along with the mailman in believing it is a dirty deal. Detour Ahead EXTENSION OF REMARKS ie HON. FRED L. CRAWFORD OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. CRAWFORD. Mr. Speaker, the defense program of the United States, together with the internal life of our people, is so completely dominated by steel and steel products that I feel we can well afford to pay some attention to the observations made by the presi- dent of the United States Steel Corp. only a few weeks ago. Therefore, I submit for the Rrecorp, and without fur- ther comment, a portion of his remarks before the Baltimore Association of Com- merce, Baltimore, Md., April 21, 1950: DETOUR AHEAD (By Benjamin F. Fairless) Gentlemen, I am about to deliver a critical speech, and at the outset I want to make it clear that I am neither attacking nor defending either political party as such. Neither am I attacking nor defending any individual or individuals of either political party. I am, however, attacking anyone who, in my opinion, is attempting to destroy the free competitive American industrial sys- tem which has made our country the great- est on earth. I offer this statement for clarification purposes only and it is not in any way to be construed as an apology for what I am about to say. This visit to the Free State of Maryland is a pleasure which I have been promising myself for a long time. In fact, I had planned to be with you months ago, but unfortunately I hit a detour and wound up in a notorious suburb of yours, over near Bladensburg—a placed called Washington, I believe. I guess that’s what always happens to peo- ple these days when they start heading for a free State. Some traffic cop shunts them off on a rough and bumpy road they did not want to travel, and they end up at an un- happy destination they never wanted to reach at all, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It is about detours that I want to talk to you today—and about Washington. I had expected, of course to talk about the steel business, and some day I hope to get back to Pittsburgh long encugh to find out what’s happened to 1t. But during the past few months, I have been specializing in our National Capital, and our National Capital has certainly been specializing in me. Up 140 now, as you know, I’ve spent most of my time in O’MAHONEY’s dog house; but next week I move to EMANUEL’s cellar. So it is a pleasant relief indeed to escape for a few hours and to enjoy your hospitality here in Baltimore. I have already spent a most interesting morning. Mr. Charles E. McManus took me over to the Crown Cork & Seal Co. to see the fine new cold-reducing mill they have installed there. To me there is something really beautiful about machines like that. They have majesty, dignity, and grace of motion; and I never cease to be fascinated by the miracles they perform. The magician who first produced a live rabbit from a silk hat had a great deal of ingenuity and skill, and people of every age still marvel at the trick; but to me it 1s not nearly as mystifying or as breath-taking as the process by which modern American industry produces even such seemingly sim- ple things as bottle caps. My visit to this plant today, however, was not merely a pleasure, it was definitely a mat- ter of business as well—not that I am think- ing of going into the bottle-closing business; and not that Crown is a customer of ours, either. They are not. They buy their steel from one of our rivals. I hate to say that, because I know what a shock it will be to some of our Washington critics who insist that there is no competition in the steel in- dustry. Apparently they never heard of Bethlehem—or a couple of hundred other competitors of ours who are doing very nicely, thank you. You know, sometimes I wish these critics could join our sales force for a few weeks and try to sell a little steel. I think they would find out for themselves what competition really is. When I say that my visit was a matter of business, I mean that I think it is part of my job—and the biggest part of my job, per- haps—to know how American industry pro- duces and engineers the millions of intricate things that it turns out—to study the in- genious processes that it has devised and to see how it meets and solves the hundreds of operating problems that it has to face, I do not believe that any man who has not seen these things for himself can hope to understand our American industrial ma- chine. I do not see how he can hope to dis- cuss our American enterprise system intelli- gently, factually, or even honestly. tf you happen to detect a note of feeling in my voice as I say that, it is because of my recent experiences in Washington. From the time it was organized 50 years ago, United States Steel has been subjected to almost con- stant investigation by various agencies of the Government and for the past 10 years and more, I myself, have been on the business end of most of these investigations. Gen- tlemen, I have been through so many con- gressional inquisitions that no self-respecting skeleton would hide in my closet on a bet. So far this year, Senator O’Manonry has already had me on the griddle once, and Con- gressman CrLLER starts dissecting me next week. After that, O’Manonzy wants me back again, it seems; and Representative Macy is proposing that I become the permanent vic- tim of a continuing investigation. I shall never know why. What with the TNEC report, the volu- minous records which we file regularly with various Government agencies, the frequent congressional inquiries we have faced, the proceedings before the Federal Trade Com-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mission, and the evidence we have presented in numerous court actions, I don’t suppose there is a single statistic about United States Sieel which could possibly be of any real interest or significance to anyone, that is not already a matter of public record. And yet to this day, most of our inquisitors re- main blissfully ignorant of the most impor- tant fact of all—how steel is made. Among all the members of all the public bodies we have faced in the past dozen years, I don’t suppose that more than two or three, at the outside, have even been inside a steel plant, or have ever seen for themseives what a gigantic operation steel making is. Yet, until he has seen these things for himself, I do not believe that anyone has any right to tell anybody how big a steel company should be; for any views he may hold on the subject can hardly be regarded as the reasoned opin- ion of a qualified and competent authority. During the hearings next week, I intend to invite Mr. CELLER and the members of his committee to visit our steel plants. I hope most earnestly that they will accept that in- vitation; for, by doing so, I believe they could add richly to public knowledge and public understanding of this whole controversial is- sue of bigness. - I am aware, however, that such action by them would constitute a radical departure from established congressional practice as I have seen it. So far as I can discover from personal experience, congressional investi- gations of businessmen follow a standardized pattern that has heen in vogue in America since the old days of the western frontier, when the established procedure was to shoot first and ask questions afterward, Nowadays, the chairman sends you a letter inviting you to appear before his committee on a certain date. Then he starts issuing @ barrage of statements to the newspapers telling the world what a dangerous and ne- farious character you are. When you no longer have a friend left in the world the hearing begins, and the chairman starts out by reading a statement in which he finds you guilty and pronounces sentence upon you. Then he announces that the committee will proceed to a full and impartial investigation of the facts, which seems to be a great waste of everybody's time, because when the evi- dence has been fully presented the chair- man ignores it completely, writes a report setting forth all of his preconceived notions, and quotes at length from his opening state- ment to prove he was right all the time. Throughout the proceedings, of course, there is a great deal of talk about the public interest, but I cannot help wondering what public interest a committee is serving when It conceals, distorts, and openly misstates the facts—the basic, all-important facts—which the American people must have if they are to plan their economic future intelligently and wisely. Now, gentlemen, I am not an alarmist. I don’t run around crying “wolf.” I never see bogeys under the bed—and seldom see them on a golf course these days. But Iam gravely and sincerely disturbed by what I have seen in Washington. In my opinion, our American economic system is in deadlier peril today than it has ever been in my lifetime. ing that it has always defended itself suc- cessfully against its enemies abroad, but I honestly do not know how it can be protected against its self-styled friends in Washington who would literally hack it to death on the pretext of saving its immortal soul. I am convinced that if these misguided planners and politically ambitious officeholders have their way, three of our most precious liber~ ties—freedom of opportunity, freedom of initiative, and freedom of enterprise—will vanish from this earth. I say that know- - I have always had great faith in the plain, cracker-barrel common sense of the Ameri- can people, and so long as they are permitted to know the facts, I have no fear that they will ever allow their economic system to be engulfed by foreign isms and ideologies. I do not fear communism because every passing day proves its utter failure. The American people know that if communism Were really working successfully there would be no need for police-state oppression, phony trials, and slave-labor camps behind the iron curtain. I do not fear fascism because it has killed the three great nations which adopted it. The American people want no part of any economic system that feeds only upon war and conquest. I do not fear outright socialism because, in Europe today, socialism itself is living on the dole, and America is the only country on earth that is able to foot the bill for it. No American taxpayer is likely to fall for that kind of an economic system, at least un- til he has found some other nation that is rich enough and generous enough to indulge him in his folly. But when somebody in Washington starts telling me how much he loves the free-enter- prise system and how he proposes to save it from itself, I shake in my very shoes. I wonder why it is that these self-appointed saviors of our national welfare always seem to miss the point—the one magnificent les- son that should be apparent to anyone who looks about for him at the world today. *The point is, gentlemen, that our American system of free competitive enterprise is the only one left in the world that is not con- trolled by power-hungry politicians; and whether you call it the Square Deal, the Fair Deal, the New Deal, or just plain Fed- eral regulation, the fact remains that once the dead hand of politics gets its convulsive grip on American business and industry, free competition will be strangled and our eco=- nomic system, will be no different—and no more successful—than those noble experi- ments which are crumbling into dust in Europe. Of one thing I am convinced—the Ameri- can people will never Knowingly travel that foreign road to economic disaster. They have built the most magnificent industrial machine this world has ever seen, and they are certainly not going to wreck it that way as long as the road itself is clearly marked by signposts which honestly reveal its desti- nation. But in Washington today there are theo- rists and bureaucrats and economists and Congressmen who are switching the signs. They are trying to take down all the hon- est guideposts and put up others reading “Detour—To Utopia.” To my way of thinking, gentlemen, that is nothing less than economic murder; and it is hard for me to believe that all of these signpost jugglers are so innocent and s0 credulous that they can sincerely suppose they are pointing the way to salvation. We are all riding in the same machine, and we are all going to end up in the same place, whether we like it or not. SoTI think it might be wise indeed to examine the sign- posts closely. Now it seems to me that the most dangerous deception which has been practiced upon us is the fallacy that our whole economy can be divided into two parts, labeled “big” and “little’ business. This deception has been used so long and has become so familiar to us that we have begun to accept it, unthinkingly and with-. . out question. Because some statistician has arbitrarily - drawn an entirely imaginary line between companies employing more or less than 500 persons, we argue about big. business and . ’ little business as though they were two hos=- A347 tile armies warring against each other. And so we fall into the trap that Washington has set for us, by creating class distinction in the industrial world. How silly that concept is, if we stop to analyze it. There are 4,000,000 individual business units in this country and they are all part and parcel of one great industrial machine, They are very much like the parts of that cold reducing mill I was watching this morning. Some of them were big and some of them were little. There were tiny electrical contacts and huge steel rolls that weighed several tons each, Some parts ran at high speed, while others ran slower; but all of them were intricately fitted together, and each had a particular job to do. So this mechanical giant went grinding along, roll~ ing the hard, tough steel into strips, as smoothly and as easily as grandmother used to roll pie crust. But of what use would that machine be to anybody if our Washington theorists once went to work on it? Our economists would cut it up into half-a-dozen pieces because it is so big. Our statisticians would sort out all the parts into neat piles according to size, Some Members of Congress would pass a law decreeing that all the parts must be the same size, or that all must run at exactly the same speed. And in the end, there would be no machine at all. All the parts— the big parts and the little parts—would be junk. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Making Economy Felt,” from the Herald-Journal, of Syracuse, N. Y., of April 20, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the REcorn, as follows: MAKING EcoNomy FE.tT It was certainly with no feeling of pleasure that the public read of the planned curtail- ment in mail delivery. No part of Govern- ment service touches so intimately the lives of the great mass of the population. The people follow with a deeply personal inter- est the various moves made from time to time to facilitate the handling of mail and have felt that each step toward efficiency has been a contribution toward making life more worth the living. It was to be expected that the sweeping order issued would be regarded in some quarters as a move to bring pressure on Congiyess for higher rates. The fact that the rate bill is still pending in Congress lends color to that theory. . However, the defenders of the change can retort that the way to economize is to econo- mize, and that, to use an ancient metaphor, they cannot make bricks without straw—the straw in this case not being hay, but some millions of dollars, The public has always regarded a deficit in the Post Office Department more tolerantly than one anywhere else, because that Depart- ment serves everyone and everybody shares in its benefits.
A3476 Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Record an editorial entitled “A Familiar Pattern” from the St. Joseph News-Press of St. Joseph, Mo., of April 19, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: A FAMILIAR PATTERN Postmaster General Jesse M. Donaldson has ordered one mail-delivery service daily in residential sections. In issuing this ulti- matum the gentleman is following a pat- tern familiar in bureaucratic politics. Every agency seeking to focus attention upon its retrenchment due to limited operational funds invariably strikes at the point most noticeable to the public. Donaldson is tak- ing his move of economy into the home of each taxpayer by whacking off one delivery of mail. The Veterans’ Administration invariably follows this procedure when it slashes for economy’s sake. It will close the office of some consultant in the field upon whom its members rely for advice rather than reduc- ing the army of personnel who catalog and file the tons of triplicate forms that pour into its headquarters. It is not the single delivery of mail that perplexes us on the Postmaster General’s directive. After all, country folks have got- ten along just fine on one delivery a day for years. We think that the city people will bear up just as nobly. Our bewilderment arises over the predicament of the postal carrier. By making one round dally his time is less. Does this mean that his pay dimin- ishes and thereby saves 1n operational ex- penses? If the pay isn’t less, then wherein lurks the saving? The burden of the postal carrier is doubled because the bulk of the mail will remain the same, although it will be carried over the route but once a day. Certainly Jesse Don- aldson should be familiar with the weight of the postman’s satchel because he started his career 42 years ago as a letter carrier in Shelbyville, Ill. We fail to see how adding to the carrier’s burden lessens the postal cost. , For a Job Well Done EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, today, without faith to guide and encowrage us, one may lose sight of human values. In a world where the dignity of man is challenged by godless forces it is basic that we do not lose faith in man, in our country, and in God. We can bolster our faith by keeping strong the spiritual ties which bind us to God. By our daily ac- tions, our deeds and our thoughts, our simple prayers, each in our own way, each according to our own religious teachings, respecting man’s dignity, re- specting another’s faith, and religion, we give meaning to democracy. The Newark Evening News, published in my district, has been cited for its out- standing service in the field of religious activities. I congratulate the News and its religious news editor, Miss Vance. It is a distinct privilege to have been given leave through unanimous consent to insert in the REcorpD the following edi- torial which appeared in the Sunday, May 7, 1950, issue of that paper: RELIGIOUS NEWS The Newark News takes pride in the fact that it is one of three newspapers to receive an award of merit from the National Re- ligious Publicity Council, The other re- cipients are the New York Times and the Providence Journal. Miss Margaret A. Vance, religious news editor, whose work in this field is notable, accepted the award on behalf of the News. In the terms of the award, the News is commended “in recognition of outstanding service rendered to organized religion through the pursuit of impartial journalism, and as a testimonial to its continued efforts in behalf of all faiths to advance the spirltuab life of the Nation.” That is a citation which the News will continue to strive to deserve. The News was the first metropolitan paper in the Hast to have a church page. Through the years it has published religious news, both on the church page and on the general news pages, as an important part of the chronicle of our times. It has been both a privilege and an obligation to do so. Religious news is now, more than ever, of wide interest and significance, for the spir- itual life of man, in a deteriorating world, shines with values that are true and perma- nent. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Bidding for Trouble,” from the Shawnee News-Star, of Shawnee, Okla. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: BIDDING For TROUBLE It’s an old trick that Postmaster General Jesse M. Donaldson is using. Congress has denied increased postal rates. It has refused increased appropriations for the postal department. ‘Therefore, Donald- son figures he’ll let the public lobby for him. By cutting mail service drastically—more drastically than necessary—Donaldson ap- parently believes the chorus of squawks from an indignant citizenry will bring the law= makers to terms. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD No doubt the complaints will achieve Don- aldson’s purpose in part, at least. Economy that cripples an essential function of Gov- ernment will not take well with the people. However, Congress cannot relish being put on the political spot in such fashion, hua- dreds of thousands of postal workers cannot enjoy the bombshell which threatens their jobs, the public will not think too kindly of an administrator who creates an upheaval to win his way. So, although Donaldson may get some part of thr sa-veat tien asked, he’ll also acquire a+. ° ns | make him a political undesirable. There have been other high-handed Post- masters General in the history of the mail service. But Donaldson is making a real pid for the reputation of most unpopular. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrecorp an edito- rial entitled “Making Economy Unpopu- lar,” published in the Bridgeport Eve- ning Post. There being no objection, the edito- rial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Maxine Economy UNPOPULAR One way to make economy unpopular as a national policy is to apply it most dras- tically in the department where it will do the most harm, hurt the most people, and produce the most resentment. That is the method chosen by the Truman administra- tion in proposing drastic cuts in our postal service. The cuts in the postal service would result in the laying off of thousands of trained postal workers. Naturally, that is hard on them. The accompanying reduction in serv- ice would annoy every citizen of the United States and in some cases might seriously in- jure businesses which depend on the prompt delivery of mail. There is no excuse for this sort of thing. The postal service today is good, but any change should be for the better, not for the worse. There is still room for improvement in the speed and frequency of mail delivery. Mr, Truman proposes to move in just the opposite direction. Notice that the favorite, politically man- aged alphabetical Fair Deal agencies are not to be cut. We are to continue to pour money down the sewer, but we are to cut an essen- tial Government service—one of the services about which there is no controversy. We are to continue to pamper those services of an experimental nature whose value is accom- panied by a big question mark, and to hurt the one service that everybody uses, every~ body needs, and everybody wants to see im- proved. We predict that the proposed cut will not go through. Or that if it does go through Congress will quickly recall it. But in the meantime, the avid money spenders in Washington will have accomplished part of their purpose—to throw a cloud of disfavor over the whole question of economy.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mr. Hoover’s Proposal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Minneapolis Morning Tribune of April 29, 1950: Mr. Hoovzr’s PROPOSAL If the United Nations is to be reorganized without the Communist nations, as proposal by former President Herbert Hoover, it will be up to the United States to do the job. Would the United States have much help in thus reorganizing the UN? Would stch a move seriously injure the Soviet power? Would it materially enhance the peace, se- curity, and freedom of the United States and other non-Soviet nations? Despite our great respect for Mr. Hoover's experience and wisdom 1n world affairs, we are not persuaded that adoption of his pro- posal at this time wou's --rd-ice affirmative answers to those vital cw sor. It is quite possible that an attempt of this sort would increase rather than decrease the isolation of the American people in the cold war about which Mr. Hoover rightly showed deep concern in his speech Thursday night. A demand on our part that nations join us in formally excluding Russia and its satellites from the UN might play into Russia’s hands more than strengthen our hand in the cold war. It would certainly help Russia increase its domination over “Communist China, There is much reason to believe that the last thing Russia wishes is admission of Commu-~- nist China to the UN despite its pretensions to the contrary. It is easier for the Kremlin to dominate a Chinese government which has no ties with the non-Soviet world than one which deals on a position of nominal equality with other sovereign states in a world organization or in the customary diplomatic relations. Soviet behavior in other areas is compre- hensible only as part of a policy of widening the cleavage between people under Commu- nist domination and the rest of the world. While Communist spokesmen use the UN for propandaga purposes, the Kremlin currently appears to be more eager to shield its sub- jects from democratic influences than par- ticipate in the UN for antidemocratic propa- ganda purposes. A disconcertingly large number of people in non-Soviet countries are not sufficiently persuaded of our worth as an ally or are too afraid of incurring Communist wrath to be willing to join us in such a UN reorganization at the present time. Our insistence on being counted for or against us would not win over such fence-sitters. Considerations of this sort and first-hand experience in the UN have persuaded a fel- low Republican, John Foster Dulles, to take @ different view than that of Mr, Hoover, In his newly published book, War or Peace, Dulles says, “I have now come to believe that the UN will best serve the cause of peace if its assembly is representative of what the world actually is, and not merely represent- ative of the parts we like. Therefore, we ought to be willing that all the nations should be members without attempting to appraise closely those which are ‘good’ and those which are ‘bad.’” Such a UN is much less than is required to preserve peace with freedom and justice, It must be supplemented by coperation be- tween those countries which are determined to preserve their freedom at any cost. To the extent that such cooperation between the United States and other like-minded nations can be maintained within the UN, it should be so done. But if the UN does not permit such necessary cooperation it should be or- ganized outside UN. Survival in freedom and security 1s the paramount consideration, The UN in its present form is not the be-all of our collective security. But it should not be necessary to risk destroying the UN by purging it of Communists in order to aline with us those who are willing to go as far as we are willing to go in defense of freedom with security. The Atlantic and Rio Pacts show the possibilities in this direction. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Record an editorial entitled ‘“‘Asking for Trouble,” from the Durham Sun, of Durham, N. C., for April 21, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: ASKING FOR TROUBLE The Postmaster General’s current scare campaign, directed against the House Appro- priations Committee, may or may not frighten the Congressmen; but it is apt to get the Postmaster General and the admin- istration in some hot water. First reaction of many Americans is that Mr. Donaldson’s virtual sabotage of mail service is not a sincere move. They doubt he intends to carry it out. It is a tactic de- signed to force more money out of Congress, hence out of the people. That such is the case seems corroborated by a concerted leap- ing of all postal employees to the firing line. Someone has inspired them. Actually, Postmaster General Donaldson had better not carry out his projected pro- gram. What the country needs and expects is more mail service, not less; and on a more economical basis. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an editorial entitled “Postal Penny Pinching,” pub- lished in the Boston Traveler of April 20, 1950. A3477 There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Postan PENNY PINCHING We feel like screaming: How can people be so stupid? Costs have been rising in the Post Office Department as they have everywhere else. So what? That’s no reason to rush off the deep end. Here we have a fiscal problem which should be solved through fiscal means. Hither the rates must be raised as the Postmaster Gen- eral proposed, or some form of subsidy must be provided. The third absolutely unbelieva- ble alternative—but the one chosen by the Postmaster—is to smash the postal service to smithereens. Over the years the civilized world has come to take postal service for granted. No one remembers that the daily mail is the backbone of any communications system without which no nation could possibly sur- vive. Not that the United States has ever been famous for really good postal service anyway. Several European capitals, notably London, far outshine us in that field. But suddenly, we who pride ourselves on our modernity have reverted to colonial cus- toms. Cutting back mail service is like wiring a skyscraper with the latest devices and then saying you can’t afford the bulbs. Demented. If the slash sticks, all mail, including first class, will most likely be delayed 24 hours. What this will mean to business, to Govern- ment, to ordinary human relations is incale culable. This type of administrative mismanage- ment confirms the worst fears of the “agins.” We cannot allocate the blame for this mess with any accuracy. Both Congress and the Post Office Department appear culpable— with Congress well in the lead. But if gov- ernment—meaning the combined legislative and executive—-can’t even manage the Post Office Department decently, why on earth should anybody believe it could manage any- thing like a general health insurance pro- gram? Let the Democrats who voted against postal rate rises or subsidies think that over. The Republicans are always harping on efficiency. This curtailment can’t help but slow the whole tempo of American economic life. Where were they on voting day? The hue and cry has started locally already. We hope it mounts to a deafening crescendo. The cutback must be rescinded before it has time to do real harm. The Post Office is easy, gentlemen. How could you have muffed it so colossally? Voice of America EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the follow- ing letter from the Honorable Edward W. Barrett, Assistant Secretary of State: Apr 10, 1950. The Honorable Eprrm NoursE ROGERS, House of Representatives. My Dear Mrs. Roczrs: I am very favorably impressed and am interested in pursuing your suggestion for a domestic Voice of Amer- ica hour as reported in the ConGRESsIoNnaL Recorp for February 23 and March 2, 1950. I
A3478 have discussed your idea with various offi- cials of the Department, all of whom feel that it has considerable merit. The Department’s role in such a project would be limited to one of cooperation only, due to legislative restrictions on the use of funds allocated to the International Broad- casting Division. The initiative and respon- sibility for such a program would have to come from private radio networks. Any domestic network interested in pre- senting a documentary program on interna- tional broadcasts could obtain, from the For- eign Broadcast Information Service, reports of what official foreign radio broadcasts are saying about the United States and also ob- tain from the Department what the United States is broadcasting to foreign countries. You will be interested to learn that the Amer- ican Broadcasting Co. already has communi- cated with the Department’s International Broadcasting Division with a view to pro- ducing a program on the Voice of America. Basic Voice of America scripts are available to Members of Congress and the press at all times. English versions of foreign language scripts, translated on 4 rotating basis, are available for inspection at the Library of Congress. I thought you would like to know that your suggestion has received much consideration and that there is a strong likelihood that it will develop into a program on some domestic network. Your interest in the Department’s international information services is greatly appreciated. Sincerely yours, Epwarp W. BARRETT, Assistant Secretary. The False Charge of Socialism EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. THURMAN C. CROOK OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. CROOK. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following press re- lease entitled “The False Charge of Socialism”: THe False CHARGE OF SOCIALISM Not the Democrats; not the rank and file of the Republicans, but the leaders of the Republican Party, in their greed for political power and monopolistic control, are instru- mental in spreading spurious propaganda, false accusations, and deception over our great Nation today with harbored hopes that they can cause the masses of our people to contract a severe case of jitters. The Republican leaders and many of their big-business allies are devoting inestimable energy to wolf cries of “socialism” given in- ception by the Democratic Party. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Under so- cialism the government owns businesses and there are no large profits and no huge bonuses. In a private enterprise there can be profits and bonuses. In recent years, under Democratic regime, the program of the Federal Government has produced a climate under which our private economy can thrive, profit, and bonuses can be sizable, if you please. The private enterprise system is doing far better under the present Democratic ad- ministration than ever before in our history. If you don’t think so, take a look at the fol- lowing extracts from the records of 1949 and early 1950: 1. Chrysler paid $2,581,000 bonuses to 229 top executives. 2. General Motors bonuses of $7,500,000 went to 61 executives in 1949. 3. DuPont officials receive $2,696,680. 4, New York (Associated Press): “United States Steel hiked dividends on its common stock from 50 cents to 65 cents. Profit for 1949 was set at $5.39 per share.” 5. New York (Capital Times): “General Motors Corp. earned more profits last year— over $600,000,000—than any other company ever made in a similar period.’ Report by Albert P. Sloan, Jr., chairman of the board. 6. Special to the Christian Science Monitor, Washington: “United States dividend pay- ments set record in 1949. United States corporations paid out the biggest total cash dividends in history—$6,495,800,000. This was 7 percent above 1948.” 7. New York (Asscciated Press): “Bethle- hem Co. had a net record of $99,200,000— equals §9.68 a share in 1949.” 8. Milwaukee Journal: “The Northwestern Mutual Life Insurance Co. passed the new high of six billion at end of 1949. Reference had to President Fitzgerald’s report.” 9. The Wall Street Journal, whose ‘editors fly into a rage every time the words “welfare state’ are mentioned, reports: “The Nation’s electric utilities will report total earnings for 1949 in the neighborhood of $778,000,000, the largest single year’s profits in the industry’s history.” 10. Detroit, Mich. (Associated Press) : ‘The Nation’s automobile industry built 6,238,088 motor vehicles in 1949. The Automobile Manufacturers’ Association said the volume topped the industry’s two best previous years—1929 by 16 percent, and 1948 by 18 percent.” 11. New York (United Press): “Stocks climb to new highs in brisk trade February 4, 1950. Industrial shares advanced for the eighth consecutive day on the stock market Friday.” 12. New York (Associated Fress): “Gener- al Motors nets record $212,287,765 during first quarter of 1950.” If space permitted, I could exhibit an end- less chain of evidence further proving the present governmental program is not sapping the lifeblood of free enterprise as many would gladly make you believe. No free enterprise can long exist under any name if we neglect the general welfare of the masses of our people, which is the source of our buying power so necessary to consume the products from our farms and industry. That was adequately proven during the deplorable depression. If anything the strong and liberal arm of Government has been too nice in helping big enterprise to be prosperous and it is high time that we give like assistance to small business and small industries to prevent the big enterprises from exploiting and liquidat- ing the smaller ones. There is nothing wrong with the bigness of industries and businesses but, unless they be kept under reasonable restraint, they can do irreparable damage to the free-enterprise system. The natural-gas bill, which the President vetoed, predicated an attempt by the big gas and oil companies to escape restraint at the expense of the American consumer. Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 9 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Appendix of the REcorp an editorial entitled “Who’s Lobbying Now?” from the Times-Herald of Washington, D. C. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Wxo’s LoppyIinc Now? Postmaster General Donaldson’s announce- ment that he is cutting the residential mail deliveries to one a day as an economy move is the most feeble coverup attempted by the administration for many a day. It is estimated that the only savings will be the salaries of 10,000 postal employees who will lose their jobs. Most of these are sub- stitutes. This is a peanut operation com- pared with the $140,000,000 annual savings that could be accomplished if the Hoover Commission’s recommendation for reorganiz- ing the Department were carried out. WHAT’S THE IDEA? Thus, suspicion that the move is a thinly veiled attempt to force Congress to agree to Donaldson’s demand for a $600,000,000 a year increase in postal rates is wellfounded. The House has cut this request to $100,000,000 and the Postmaster General has ordered the de- livery reduction in advance of the Senate action, Can it be that Donaldson figures the home owners and housewives will complain so loudly over the reduced service that he’ll get the increases he wants? Or is he attempting to convince the American public that govern- ment economy is just a pinchpenny aggra- vating scheme that’s not worth trying? If he had any such ideas he certainly hasn't fooled some Members of Congress. Hardly had the order been announced when Senator Wiiny, Republican, of Wisconsin, said: “I urge my colleagues in the Senate and House of Representatives to take immediate action and request a withdrawal of the out- rageous order just issued by the Postmaster General curtailing mail deliveries to resi-+ dential sections and making other changes in postal rules. ‘I believe that there is a deep suspicion among the American people that this drastic Postmaster Genoral edict has been timed with Congress’ review of the 1951 fiscal year budget—as a means of putting pressure on the Congress.” TAXPAYERS ARE TIRED “Fifty million tired taxpayers have been hit in the mail box by this ruling, and I, for one think it is disgusting because, from re~ ports which I have received from my people, there is need for more mail service, rather than less mail service.” On the House side Representative Santa, Republican, of Connecticut, also blasted the Donaldson order, “The Post Office Department’s curtailment of service is a slick maneuver that is in- tended to deceive the public into thinking that the Truman administration wants to save money,” SapLak said. . “Time after time, congressional commit- tees and outside engineering experts have recommended modernizing the Department’s operations and have shown exactly how to do it while protecting the legitimate interests of the postal employees and the public. In- stead of putting these reforms into effect, Mr. Donaldson is now busily engaged in covering up his own failures.” Now that Donaldson's petty political plan has been exposed in the House and Senate, the way is open for Congress to achieve some real economy in the Post Office Department by carrying out the recommendations of the Hoover Commission. WIPE OUT POLITICS Legislation now pending would take poli- tics out of the Department’s administration by wiping out appointment of the 22,000 postmasters on a patronage basis. They
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD would be selected under civil-service rules. Another bill provides for new budgeting, ac- counting, and auditing systems. It is esti- mated that these reforms would result in cutting the annual $500,000,C00 post office deficit in half, which is certainly a more sensible way to approach the problem than Donaldson’s picayune proposal, Address of Gov. John S. Battle, of Vir- ginia, at Dedication of Patrick Henry School, Martinsville, Va. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. THOMAS B. STANLEY OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. STANLEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following address of Hon. John S. Battle, Governor of Vir- ginia: I wish to express my appreciation to the citizens of Martinsville for the invitation to participate in these ceremonies tonight ded- icating Patrick Henry School. It can be stated without qualification that this is one of the finest and most complete school buildings in Virginia. Of equal in- terest to us citizens and taxpayers is the fact that it is one of the most reasonably priced products we have obtained in the school. building field in recent years. For a total cost of $427,000 this community has obtained @ building accommodating 660 pupils, con- taining 22 primary and elementary class- rooms, an auditorium seating 600, a library, cafeteria, and all other modern facilities needed for the comfort and proper training of young school pupils. I congratulate Martinsville on this splen- did addition to its educational plant. I know the parents, as well as the pupils enrolled here, are immensely proud of this building and I think I can say on behalf of friends of education throughout the Commonwealth that they also are pleased to know that you are enjoying the benefits of this structure. You will recall the action of the recent general assembly by which $45,000,000 was appropriated to assist in school building con. struction in Virginia. This enactment, which I heartily recommended, was in recognition of the urgent need for enlarged and improved school buildings in many sections of the State. Many localities, such as Martinsville, already have undertaken major projects for the relief of crowded schoolrooms. Many others have been unable to meet their needs from their own resources and the funds ap- propriated by the general assembly will help bring into being equal educational op- portunity for school pupils throughout Vir- ginia, We all recognize that school buildings alone do not make an education, but cer- tainly they constitute an essential factor in providing an adequate educational program for our children. With adequate buildings and able, conscientious teaching staffs, Vir- ginia will move forward with apologies to none for the type of training it affords the boys and girls who are to take their places as responsible citizens in the future. I am glad to report that necessary regu- lations governing the distribution of the $30,000,000 available for school buildings prior to July 1, 1951 have now been drafted and approved, and the machinery has been set in motion to permit early grants to the _ Various localities which will be in need of this aid. As I have stated on numerous occasions heretofore, the appropriation of this State fund should encourage the local- ities to exert their best effort to provide sufficient classroom and related facilities to overcome the shortages accruing from the war and postwar periods, I sincerely trust and believe that the localities will do their part to bring about a lasting solution of this problem. The executive and legislative departments, in recommending and adopting this pro- gram, have not sought to invade the field of local responsibility and local control. They have acted to meet a specific emergency and have clearly defined the nature of the emer- gency in order that the localities and public generally may fully understand that this in no sense constitutes a permanent policy adopted on the part of the State to take over school-building construction, which al- ways in Virginia has been regarded as pri- marily a local responsibility. The general assembly, at the session of 1950, adopted as one of its primary goals a public school system second to none in the fundamentals of sound education. It took many steps to strengthen and improve our program of public education. In addi- tion to the $45,000,000 in grants for school buildings, it provided for transfer of $11,- 000,000 from the sinking fund to the State literary fund in order to make this addi- tional amount available for loans to the lo- calities for school construction. This, inci- dentally, in no wise affected the status of Virginia as a debt-free State, which in effect it is. Prior to the new legislation, Virginia had sinking fund investments sufficient to pay off the State bonds when they mature. Under the recent change by the general assembly, the net effect is to allow this money to work for our public schools, pending the arrival of the time when these bonds, which are not now callable, mature and can be paid off. It is perhaps repetitious to recite the various other enactments by the recent gen- eral assembly pertaining to the public schools, but I find in my visits about the State that many people are unaware of the tremendous increases voted for the opera~ tion of the school system and what this means to the educational program. The general assembly appropriated approximately $78,000,000 for the next 2 years to the operation of our public school system, pri- marily teachers’ salaries and teacher retire- ment benefits. This is an increase of about $13,000,000 over the current 2 years and is the largest increase approved by any previous session of the legislature. The $78,000,000 is of course in addition to the $45,000,000 appropriated for school buildings. The expansion of the State school fund will mean a minimum salary for properly cer- tified teachers of approximately $2,000 a year. We need look back to the salaries of only a few years ago to see what this means to the teaching personnel. Retirement allowances also have been substantially increased, and the program of teacher scholarships has been enlarged for the benefit of those who wish to enter the teaching profession, and those teachers who are endeavoring to com- plete their degree work. The general assembly also has given atten.- tion to the program of instruction in order that no effort be spared to advance the cause of public education in Virginia. With the support of the citizens of Vir- _ ginia, which means the people of each local- ity and their governing boards, Virginia faces an era of unprecedented progress in public education. It often has been said that the teachers are the key to any sound school pro-~ gram. I am in wholehearted accord with this view. I realize that neither buildings. nor salaries accomplish in themselves the ‘fundamental goal of developing young peo- ple who are prepared, upon reaching ma- A3479 turity, to accept the responsibility of citizen- ship and discharge their obligations in a manner which will redound to the benefit of their communities, their State, and their country. This can be achieved only with the com- bined cooperation of teachers who are im-~ bued with the desire to make a tangible and worth while contribution to society, parents who are eager and ready to fulfill their obli- gations in the home; and public officials and citizens generally who are interested in see- ing their governmental services operate for the common good. I regard our teachers in Virginia as unexcelled. I am confident that they recognize and appreciate the effort which has been made by the Commonwealth and the localities to make their profession more attractive financially and to relieve, in- sofar as practicable within our budgetary re- sources, the concern that they naturally have regarding the time when they arrive at the termination of their active teaching careers. It is significant that the general assembly has appropriated well over half of all the money in its general fund—the money available for the general operations of the State government—to our public schools. This is indicative of the emphasis which your chosen representatives have placed upon education, despite the heavy demands of many other essential State services. Because of these great demands on all echelons of government for expanded services and new services, it is imperative that we administer with the utmost care the various activities which are the responsibility of the State and the localities. I am proud of the fact that Virginia has operated on the bal- anced-budget principle and is not confronted with the very grave problem of deficit financ- ing which is current elsewhere. Sound fi- nancial operations, in my judgment, are pre- requisites of good government, and I can assure the people of Virginia that it will be my purpose during the 4 years I exercise the prerogatives of governor to conscientiously abide by that principle. Our success as a State government in meeting the essential needs and in holding down expenditures will depend in a large measure upon the support of the taxpayers. We have not yet come to the point where government can operate for any length of time contrary to the wishes of those from whom it derives its authority, and maintain itself as an instrument of the peo- ple for the proper administration of their affairs. In other words, the policies of gov- ernment refiect the attitude and wishes of our citizenship. It is incumbent upon each of us, therefore, to register our desire for the continuation of sound government, if we are in sympathy with the idea of efficient public service and only those expenditures which are designed to meet necessary functions. It is interesting to note, as I have noted during some 20 years in the General Assembly of Virginia, the great demands made upon the public treasury for various projects and enterprises, without a voice being raised on the other side to question the necessity and propriety of our Government entering into such activities. Your representatives often- times are subjected to great pressure from reputable citizens for a particular appropria- tion, and are accorded no commendation or support if they opposed these measures in order to protect what they sincerely believe are the best interests of Virginia. I cannot forego this opportunity to men- tion these truths because I am convinced that the people of Virginia,.as a whole, are deeply interested in continuing good govern~ ment and in maintaining the basic American concept of free enterprise. It is indeed a great pleasure and privilege to participate in these exercises tonight in connection with the dedication of Patrick Henry School. I Know this building will serve a useful purpose for many years to come and that many future leaders in the
A3489 affairs of this city and this State will here receive their elementary education. This fine building is but another evidence of the great ground swell of sentiment throughout Virginia in the cause of educa- tion. Our people realize that now, as never before, our children must be thoroughiy trained along sound educational lines; that in this complex and highly competitive life, sound education is necessary for economic survival; without it our children cannot attain that measure of success in life to which they are entitled. I venture to assert that, before many years have passed, build- ings similar to this will be accessible to all the children in the Commonwealth and will develop the type of citizens who have made Virginia the proud State it is tcday and who have made America the citadel of freedom and the beacon of opportunity for people throughout the world. This is our challenge—this our objective and our high privilege. The Farm Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. FREDERIC R. COUDERT, JR. CF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. COUDERT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing interesting commentary on the present agricultural program which might well ke thoughtfully considered by Members of Congress: Apri 24, 1950, The Honorable F. R. CoupErt, United States House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My DrEar ConcRESSMAN: I have been study~= ing the Farm Act of 1949, relative to the increasing cost of the farm program and its effect upon prices and the consumer. The general public imagines congressional committees for agriculture consider both farmer and consumer in a broad statesman- like manner bearing in mind that the former benefited and the latter suffered from farm legislation during the last 10 years. Last summer they believed the committees were arranging to modify price supports in their favor. It emerges, however, they and later the farm bloc, rushed through a dual-parity scheme, distorting the original concept of farm aid, and making other changes that have added to the program cost and to the consumer’s and taxpayer’s plight. A farm program based upon deficit financ- ing must be unsound. Therefore, I urge that as a start, the following be motivated without delay: 1. Insist upon withdrawal of the pro- vision that United States Department of Agriculture may use whichever period makes parity higher, the original 5-year period of 1910-14, or the 10-year moving average, be- ginning with 1939-49. This was, I under- stand, imposed high-handedly against the judgment of some farm organizations and without the public having a chance to ap- preciate its significance. The level of price supports provided in the 1949 act, as compared with actual farm prices during 1939-49 are actually above those aver- age prices to this extent: Cotton ranging from 1 cent to 5 cents above the average price of cotton during these 10 wartime years, wheat from 15 cents’ to 45 cents above and’ corn up to 22 cents above. 2. Revise the basic method of calculating parity in the index numbers of prices re- ceived by farmers to make allowance for the increased production per acre on farms and make sure when made that it is shifted sim-~ ilarly into that for the moving 10-year average. For example, the average yield of corn dur- ing the base period 1910-14 (which equals 100 in the calculation) was 28 bushels per acre; during the last five years 1945-49 it was 86. Wheat was 14.2 and 17 bushels per acre; oats 29.8 and 34, and the increase in cotton productivity was great. It can be seen, there~ fore, that in modern times the farmer has much more to sell from the same land; con- sequently the index today should be pro~ portionately lower than when calculated from 1910-14 productivity. 8. Insist upon a fair, reasonable, and real- istic revision of the components in things the farmer buys, monthly. The higher the index numbers the higher parity ratio; conversely the more the farmer has to sell in relation to his 1910-14 production, the lower parity ratio should be. (a) Farmers hardly buy automobiles, trucks, tractors, building and fencing mate- rial on a monthly basis as the present calcu- lation implies. More likely the large farm cooperatives (who are farming mainly for the subsidies provided by the Government) re~ place every 3 to 5 years and the small-scale units (where production according to United States Department of Agriculture is mainly for home use) probably not at all. (b) Revise the present list of food and feed components to madify its effect reason~ ably. At present it includes, on a wide scale, byproducts of items included in the opposite index—prices received by farmers— such as food, flour, mill feeds, poultry feed, varicus animal feeds, and meals made from cottonseed, linseed, and soybeans. When this occurs freely the two indexes of prices re- ceived and prices paid, become dependent upon each other preventing flexible parity ratio. In recent years this ratio has barely moved from its high point. CONCLUSION The taxpayer feels every card has been stacked against him behind his back. I beg you to try to persuade the House Agriculture Committee to restudy the 1949 act objec- tively relative to its cost in a deficit budget. If it is impossible to have support prices lowered I suggest contesting energetically the composition of parity itself with the aim of revising as above. The long-term problem of exporting sur- plus farm products is aggravated by such legislation as the 1949 Farm Act. During last season, exports of wheat were 500,000,000 bushels and 75 percent of that quantity was paid for with dollars furnished by the tax- payer... Of total cotton exports of 4,750,000 bales, 60 percent was paid for with dollars furnished by the taxpayer. This season a larger per- centage of the exports is being paid for by the taxpayer and the higher the support level the larger the amount involved in “giving away” exports. Where is the net gain? In conclusion I draw your attention to cur- rent prices for both the 1950-and 1951 crops of cotton on the New York and New Orleans Exchanges. There the planter has the oppor- tunity to sell at over 31 cents a pound what- ever number of bales he estimates his land can produce this year and next, and without the necessity for support loans at the tax- payers cost. This is a great opportunity con- sidering the average price during the 5 years 1935-39 was 8.87 cents a pound. The object behind this letter is purely con- structive, and I hope you will place its con- tents before any Congressman on the com- mittee who will fight for the taxpayer, the consumer, and the economic integrity of America. Respectfully yours, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARENCE E. KILBURN OF NEW YORK IN TEE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. KILBURN. Myr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to in- clude the following editorial from the Ogdensburg Journal in opposition to the stand of the Rochester Times-Union urging deferment of the undertaking of the great St. Lawrence seaway and power project: ROCHESTER PAPER ASKS SEAWAY DELAY AS Economy Move The Rochester Times-Union has long been a strong advocate of the St. Lawrence sea- way and power development. This week it urged deferment of the undertaking for rea- sons of economy. The Times-Union has been conducting a vigorous campaign for Government econ- omy. The newspaper has decried the co- lossal cost of Government and the ever- increasing Federal deficits with their ominous possibilities. The Times-Union has received a vote of confidence from its readers in this campaign to cut down Government expenses, as many thousands have filled out coupons appearing in the newspaper asking for re- duced expenses in Washington and mailed these in to their Congressmen and Senators, The Times-Union apparently doesn’t real- ize that the St. Lawrence project will pay its own way. If power is developed alone, as proposed by Governor Dewey, and the New York State Power Authority, the Prov- ince of Ontario and the Ontario Hydroelec- tric Commission, the cost would be in the neighborhood of $450,000,000. This entire cost would be financed from sale of the elec- tricity, and it would not cost the taxpayers a penny. If the dual navigation and power projects are developed as President Truman wants, the entire cost of the power part of the proj- ect will still be self-liquidating. The part charged to navigation would be paid for by toll charges on ships using the canals. Sec- retary of Commerce Sawyer told the House Public Works Committee this week “it is my opinion that the seaway will, within a very short time after its completion, handle a huge volume of traffic and the tolls from this traffic will be more than adequate to amortize the cost of the navigation facili- ties.” Staff members of the Department of Com- merce and United States Army engineers have studied the question of Seaway traffic for many years. These studies indicate po- tential traffic for the seaway ranging from 57,000,000 to 84,000,000 tons. At the toll charges suggested, revenue derived from the traffic would range roughly from $37,000,000 to $49,000,000 a year. Estimates of traffic developed by govern- mental and private agencies interested in the seaway indicate that it will be self- liquidating by a very large margin. In fact the seaway will be self-liquidating if a little more than a half of the traffic which the Government anticipates should actually ma- terlalize. On the basis of present costs annual charges required to pay for maintenance ex- penses, pay interest at 214 percent, and to amortize the investment in approximately 53 years, are in the neighborhood of $19,- 000,000. The Department of Commerce and Army engineers minimum estimate of toll revenue of some $36,000,000 a year is nearly twice the anticipated annual maintenance