APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the growth of the delicate being in her trust, she can hardly fail in her joyful endeavor. If, on the other hand, she regards mother- hood as an almost unmitigated drudgery, if she exaggerates its necessary burdens and minimizes its compensations, she will have set the stage for failure. . If we can see through the child's own in- quiring eyes, if we can understand his tender receptiveness, we will not fail to provide him with thé best within our power, we will not fail to fan its tiny flame of hope and legiti- mate desire. So, too, if we display in our personalities and in our deeds the ideals which we desire in our children, we will most assuredly implant them in young minds and hearts. The child's mind is like a sensitive sound camera; it registers almost everything around it and plays ‘t back. We must bear in mind the old truth that if we fill our homes with scenes of tender- ness, affection, and teamwork, then the child will most invariably show these qualities. If the child's ears are filled with gracious words, constructive expreasions, and noble thoughts, his lips will speak the same. To be sure, the outside environment—a neighborhood gang 01 faulty schooling—may tend to corrupt the child, but their influences can be counter- acted, given favorable home conditions. However, if a child sees family strife and hears profanity, gossip, and negative thoughts of fear, worry, and anxiety voiced throughout the home, he will probably tend to reproduce these miserable conditions in his own life. Years ago when our own youngsters were very small, I hung up a sign in our front hal) which read, “Little children are growing here.” I wanted all who entered our home to contribute to the best possible environ- ment for our dear little ones. Perhaps you remember the beautiful verse: “T took a piece of living clay And touched it gently day by day And molded with my power and art A young ¢child’s soft and yielding heart.” A CHECKLIST FOR PARENTS How can we be sure that we are molding well that soft and yielding heart? Here, as a sort of checklist, are four groups of ques- tions whose answers may help us to evaluate ourselves as good parents, These questions involve the hallmarks of a straight-living child. If you can give affirmative answers to these questions, you may take much satis- faction. If, as is probable, you and I can- not answer them with unqualified “yeses,” we must both spur ourselves on to greater achievement as parents. In doing 80, we will help to keep our own and other young- sters on the straight and narrow path. 1. Is the child healthy? Has he received the love and care that make, for example, for good digestion and good nerves? Does the child have wholesome habits, a love of na- ture’s great medicines of air, sun, and water, and a respect for his own pure body so that he will tend himself and feed himself with due care? Consider how the delinquent child is so often the ill child—nervous, with poor pos- ture, and poor digestion. The poisons of his body and mind conspire to rob him of the possibilities for good living. The indiffer- ence of parents, their neglect of the child's health thus reaps bitter fruit in more than the child's recurrent sickness. On the other ‘hand, anxious parents may go to such an ex- treme of health mania that they make nerv- ous wrecks of themselves and of their chil- dren. If, however, your child has been enabled to enjoy the fullest blessings of radiant health, you have given him a priceless gift and have predisposed him to right thinking and acting. 2. Is the child happy? Do his countenance and his actions reflect natural good cheer? Does he realistically strive with faith and confidence to overcome his little defeats and misfortunes and any physical handicaps which he ‘nay have? Does he tend to see the bright side of things? Does he pursue his hobbies, his school work, his social play with gest, enthusiasm, and a sinsing heart? Remember that the delinquent child is un- happy. His mind ts a battleground of seeth- ing conflicts. He meets his day-to-day problems with defeatism and despair. He fails to find adventure in tracing ideas to their lair. He finds little that is construc- tive and stimulating in normal schooling and recreation. If your child has a sense of humor, a spirit of honest fun, however sober he may he otherwise, if he enjoys the adventure of liv- ing, then you may indeed mark these to your credit. 8. Is the child filled with noble purpose? Does he have an attitude of service, of in- dustry, of thrift? Does he seek beauty and charm and enlightenment in worship, in nature, in friends, in books, in maguzines, on the radio, in the press, and in living not simply in the senses? Does he feel his re- sponsibility to himself—to realize his fullest potentialities, to grow to his fullest dignity, to achieve? Does he recognize his obliga- tions to his parents, to his community, to his Nation, to his Creator? A delinquent child ts selfish, a creature who has not learned the joy of giving. He is a child who has not felt the thrill of honest work. He is often the “underprivileged child" of the well-to-do, allowed to idle and waste, and denied his primary birthright to butter his own bread. He is a child whose development has been arrested. He has been stopped from acquiring and refining socially useful skills and information. The delin- quent child has failed, too, to sense and re- spect his obligations to his mother and father, to his neighbors, to the land which has given him unparalleled freedom, and to his Maker. He may have the attitude that his parents, his community, and country owe him a living. Tf you have instilled in your child the love of honest labor, of beauty, of service, you have enabled him to realize the divine mean- ing of our existegce. Robert Browning once said, “Life has meaning, and to find its mean- ing is my meat and drink.” 4 Does the child have self-discipline? Are honesty, integrity, reliability, truth, a part of his belng? Does he know and live the virtue and rewards of self-moderation in all things? Does he feel a yearning for order and propriety? A delinquent child is without inner checks and balances, a child which may have been taught the “thou shalt nots” but who never has known the true reasons for them. He is a child who has known only an outer disci- Pline of father’s strap, mother's slap, and teacher's punishment. He ts a child whose senses, passions, and appetites run riot in excesses, If you have encouraged self-discipline in your child without attempting to make him @ little saint, you have given him the ultimate inner policeman which will insure righteous- ness all his days. These questions, then, comprise a sort of report card which we as parents may mark for ourselves, If our report cards are worthy, and if we seek ever to improve them, we will have helped to solve America’s crime problem and, of greater importance, to insure the con- tinued well-being of the Republic. Adl Carter Glass EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr, BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent to insert in the Appendix of the REcorp a brilliant and eloquent address delivered by Representative J. Linpsay ALMOND, Jr., at the Virginia State Democratic convention in Rich- mond on September 5, in which he paid tribute to the character and record of one of the greatest American staLesmen, my late colleague, Senator Carter Glass. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mr, Chairman, ladies and gentlemen of the convention, on the 28th day of May 1946, after a lingering illness, borne with charac- teristiz patience and fortitude, the greatest Virginian of his day and generation answered the final mandatory summons of the only Commander in Chief his spirit and conscience ever knew. That dauntless son of Virginia, through his indomitable will, the sheer power of his intellect, his impeccable concept of honor and duty, and his uncanny and con- structive mastery of the science of state- craft, had written his name and fame in- delibly across the scroll of the affections, esteem, and respect of the American people. Bowing to the acknowledged supremacy of divine omniscience, the democracy of Vir- ginia today, in convention assembled. pays tribute to him whose life and achievements epitomize an immeasurable contribution to the efficacy of representative democracy and a priceless heritage to the posterity of lib- erty, justice, right, and freedom—the illus- trious Carter Glass, of Lynchburg. Stricken with grief because of his passing, Virginians—yea, Americans everywhere—with commendable humility and reverent pride, can point with unalloyed satisfaction to the rich and constructive contribution which he so unselfishly made, on the altar of public service, to his beloved State and country. Many voices will be raised in the halls of this convention today, tomorrow, until the sound of the chairman's gavel announces ad- journment sine die. His voice will not be among them. His was a familiar voice. It has been heard in every Virginia Democratic convention, Save one, in almost half a century. Whether raised in debate or in exhortation, in de- nunciation, or in eulogy, whether cool in reasoned argument, or flery with emotion, it was listened to. Jt might be heeded, or its advice might be rejected, but it was lis- tened to. There was none who could ever ignore it, or be indifferent to it. It will not be heard again. forever. But it will be remembered, and the mem- ory of it can serve. To those who pause and listen to its loud silence, the courage in that voice will give courage, the wisdom of it will give wisdom, and the devotion of it to its party will engendor devotion, Physically diminutive, inteHectually a colossus—Carter Glass in championing the cause of right and justice in the arena of democracy possessed a heart of adamant and 4 soul of fire. A master of sarcasm, irony, and invective, when aroused in battle against It is stilled
A42 wrong and oppression, yet his great heart pulsated with a genial warmth of friend- ship, compassion, sympathy, and under- standing that exuded in the contagion of his personality and made him the idol of his fellowmen in all walks of life. Carter Glass was a man of integrity and of courage. There was no inducement that could be offered, no pressure that could be applied, that could make him go against his conviction of right. He could accept the de- cision of his people at the polls with equanimity, but could not be swayed thereby from the course his mind and conscience had dictated. His own decision was for him to make and for him to follow. His own opin- tons were his to torm, and by them he was guided. The few who attempted to influence him wrongly, to offer reward of any Kind, got nothing for their temerity but his scorn and contempt, expressed as only he knew how to express them. Attempts to intimidate him were a call to battle. They succeeded only in arousing his spirit of contest to higher level. His rapier thrusts in debate, the power of his reasoning, the clear logic and impelling force of his conclusions emanated from his masterful wielding of the flaming sword of truth which sought no quarter, gave none, and brooked no compromise with chicanery and deceit. Carter Glass loved Virginia. Loving her, he served her. He did not serve intermit- tently; he did not serve perfunctorily. He did not serve for gain. He served all the days of his life, to the best of his ability, and for the sake of service. He was born in Virginia. He was steeped in Virginia's history. He lived through more than half of her life as a member of this Union of States, and of some of the greatest events of her existence he could say, “A part of which I saw, a part of which I was.” All his American ancestors were Virginians. In Virginia, they toiled and suffered and, in a Measure, prospered. To Virginia, he owed much; to Virginia, he gave much. Carter Glass loved the Democratic Party. Born as the Nation, Virginians had done so much to make great, free, and democratic, hurtled toward civil war and the arbitrament of differences by the sword, spending his childhood in the midst of a conflict in which Virginia gave her all, growing to manhood through the days of reconstruction, he gave his allegiance to the party that rid his be- loved State of the carpetbagger and the scalawag, and set it on the course that led to restoration of liberty, renewed fertility of land and industrial progress. He saw the party beaten, he saw it resurgent, he saw it in defeat and in triumph. In the evil days he suffered; in the days of victory he gloried. In all tiuat, too, he could have said he had & part. Why should he not give to that party his allegiance? Why should he not hold faithful to that allegiance to the day he passed into the dark shadow from which his emergence was through the doors of death into that bright land in which his faith was strong and abiding? The independence of thought, of deed and of spirit, which ally and opponent agreed was one of his great virtues, could not break that loyalty, nor dim it. His independence was manifest within the party. Deeming it essential to the welfare of the State and Nation he loved so well, and to which were given his highest loyalty, he worked for it, fought for it, and sought to make it strong. When it seemed to him to stray from the path of principle and of honest conviction, he sought with others of like mind to lead it back into the true course, but assaults from without he repelled with all hts giow- ing faith in its eventual redemption and with all his unwavering faith in its high mis- aion. Foes within his party he could fight, but never the party. For he was ever confident that that party would continue to give to the Nation the great service it had been privileged to give under the great Democratic leaders whose disciple he was, with whom he is worthy to be named. The old adage that the office should seek the man voices an aspiration rather than a reality, but the aspiration came almost to fruition 1n the career of Carter Glass. He was drafted for a seat in the Virginia Senate. He was virtually pushed by his friends into a seat in the Constitutional Convention of 1901-02, in which he played an active, aggres- sive and effective part. He was first elected to the House of Representatives while sick in a hospital in a far-away State, and never thereafter had any real opposition. He sought a seat in the United States Senate, and, as if fate were determined that the record should be preserved, he was defeated. Appointed later to the Senate without any effort on his part, he was returned at every election without a contest within his party. He was tapped by President Woodrow Wilson for the post of Secretary of the Treasury while out of the country. It is a fact not often emphasized that the greatest political fights o” this great Vir- ginian’s career were for party, for principle, for candidates other than himself. The speeches made by him that will be remem- bered, some of them as a part of any history of the Nation, were of this kind. In the constitutional convention they were for re- form of the suffrage laws. In the House of Representatives they were for the reform of the currency and banking laws. In the Senate they were for the integrity of the courts or for more vigorous prosecution of his country’s wars. In party conventions they were for Democratic Party principles, for financial sanity, for the candidate of his heart and mind for the party nomination for President. On the rostrum they were for Woodrow Wilson, for Alfred E. Smith, for Franklin D. Roosevelt. Possibly the greatest speech of his life was that delivered for the first election of Franklin D. Roosevelt, the great American President who preceded him to the grave by months. Or, paradox.cally, the speech he made in opposition to that President's pet project, the reorganization of the Supreme Court. Member of the Virginia Assembly, member of the Virginia Constitutional Convention, Member of the National Hpuse of Represent- atives, Secretary of the Treasury, Member of the Senate of the United States, this man through 650 years of public service fought and worked and strived, sometimes to the point of physical exhaustion, with an un- selfishness and a lack of personal ambition rare even in the best of public servants. These are the chings that easily come to mind when the public life of Carter Glass is reviewed. These are the events and the bat- tles and the strivings. In these are included his constructive legislation in State and Na- tion, the suffrage clause of the Virginia Con- stitution, the value to the Nation in time of stress of the Federal Reserve Act, the speeches polemical and the speeches explana- tory of abstruse financial theories, the float- ing of the Victory loan after the close of the First World War, when the Nation was weary and defeatists predicted failure. But none of these constructive legislative and executive efforts and none of these plat- form triumphs, nor all of them, constitute his greatest contribution to his beloved Vir- ginia and to his beloved country. That con- tribution was not of the material, but of the immatertal, not of the flesh but of the spirit. It was his moral courage, his in- tellectual integrity, his absolute disregard of and contempt far the political consequences of the course of action upon which eonscienes" and conviction had impelled him te embart. Tt wes these characteristics that gave him APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD influence, more than any of his great quali- ties of mind. It was these things that gave him the respect of his colleagues, of oppo- nent as well as of ally, of the people at home among whom he was reared and with whom he lived through the 88 years of his life. Carter Glass stood firmly always for the things that are good in life. He stood for the eternal verities, the rock-ribbed concepts of Jeffersonian democracy, the underlying fundamental principles on which this great Nation of individual initiative and freedom of enterprise has grown to be the most po- tent factor in all of the world. His con- suming ambition was to make his country bigger, better, and stronger—economically, politically, and morally. No man could be motivated by a purpose more noble or an ambition more lofty. This man spoke out when there was some- thing to be said. He acted forthrightly with promptnesa, unwavering purpose, and clear- cut decision when there was something to be done. Immovable before the surging tor- rent of criticism, unperturbed by the dissent of friendship, uninfluenced by the hope of political preferment, magnanimous in vic- tory, devoid of recrimination in defeat, mod- est and humble under the avalanche of praise, laudation, and honor showered upon him, Carter Glass faced every issue through- out a long, eventful, and remarkable public career, and from his deathbed he handed back to the people of Virginia, whom he loved with zealous devotion and served with deep fidelity to trust, his warrior’s helmet and shield without tarnish, without blem- ish, undefiled, without semblance of shame or taint of dishonor, but glistening, gleam- ing bright with the brilliance of the noon- day sun. His place, forged by the dint of his own effort, 1s safe and secure in the annals of Virginia, to whose escutcheon he brings honor and credit and glory as he walks down the corridors of time to fame’s eternal camping ground, there to answer the roll call of Virginia’s and the Nation's great, with Washington, Madison, Jefferson, Lee, Wilson, and that innumerable caravan who have served faithfully, honorably, and well, May his spirit brood over this convention and the memory of the qualities which made him great help to guide its deliberations. Carter Glass would be the first to say that he owed much to the Democratic Party of Virginia, to the loyalty with which it sup- ported him in his battles in national party conventions and in battles on the floor of the Congress of the United States, to the love which led it to present him to the Nation as one worthy of its highest honor. But we here who have followed his career know that the Democratic Party owes him much, As a token payment of that debt, and as a reminder to future generations of the love and honor in which we, in company with Virginians of all parties, hold his memory, let it be hereby resolved: First. That this convention voices ite pride that the party it here represents can boast of such a man as Carter Glass as a member and leader; and Second. That his strength of character, honesty of purpose, nobility of soul, courage of conviction, forensic power, sanity of judg- ment, tenacity of principle, depth of ethical concept, political and personal integrity, de- votion to duty, loyalty to friendship, love for his country, and unwavering fealty to his God will ever stand as the bulwarks of his . Greatness, the vehicles of his accomplish- ment, and as a perpetual. monument to his memory; and Third. Thet it is the hope of this con- vention that whoever be-its chotos to anecsed him in the Senate of the United States, Vir- g@tnia will. continue. to be served with the same courage, the same ability, the same
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD devotion, and with as much honor to the States; and Fourth. That Virginia Democrats here in convention assembled, pause for a moment in silent tribute to a great Democrat, a great Virginian, a great American—the inimitable, the indomitable, the invincible Carter Glass, A New President’s Unequaled Oppor- tunity: America Unlimited EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER FERGUSON OF MICHIGAN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “A New President’s Un- equaled Opportunity: America Un- limited,” written by John 8S, Knight, of the Knight newspapers, and published in the Detroit Free Press of November 24, There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: A NEW PRESIDENT'S UNEQUALED OPPORTUNITY: AMERICA UNLIMITED As President Truman sits in the sun at Key West, plaintively diagnosing the ailments of the Democratic Party and wondering what old “Jawn” L. Lewis will do next, the idea must have occurred to him that he is at least partially responsible for his amazing slide from the popularity peak he enjoyed shortly after taking office. Harry Truman, good American and patri- otic citizen, had an unparalleled opportunity to place country above politics, to lead rather than be pushed around, to carry over into the Gays of peace some of the unity of purpose that rewarded our supreme war effort. Actually, the President has achieved few of these goals, not because he falled to recog- nise their worth, but simply for the reason that he is not a leader of men in the sense that Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and our late President have so been acclaimed by the historians. There is a lesson in Mr. Truman’s travails which the Republican Party, Nushed with victory, should note well. The same lesson might have been learned in the middle of President Hoover's term, but neither the great engineer nor his supporters in Congress ever grasped even its fundamentals. The lesson is that the people’ of America honor, respect, ard follow their President in direct proportion to the quality of his lead- ership. If he is a little man, they quickly sense it. If his course is wavering and indecisive, they soon lose faith. In view of the recent election returns, all of this must now be quite clear to Harry Truman as he sits out his feud with John L. Lewis on the Keys of southern Florida. Let us hope that it is equally clear to the Re- publicans who have had 16 long years in which to reach a few conclusions of their own. Unless the newly elected Republican Con- gress falls woefully in the next 2 years, elther Dewey, Taft, Bricker, Stassen, Vandenberg, or Warren will be the next President of the United States. There are cther possibilities including Senator BatonsTaz., of Massachu- fon but these six are currently leading the eld. Without expressing any personal prefer- ence, I would like to see a President elected who would do these things: 1. Issue a proclamation to this effect: “As the newly elected President of the United States, I pledge you my word that each and every act of mine will be based upon one premise and one only: Is this good for my country? “Whether or not I am reelected is of no great moment, but at this stage of our his- tory it is all important that the country be given an administration free from the yoke of political expediency and the organized strength of powerful pressure groups. Every citzen will be guaranteed his full constitu- tional rights, regardless of position, wealth, or power. “I shall yield to no man, group, element, or party in my zeal to place patriotism and love of country ahead of any other consideration.” 2. Appoint Cabinet members who are em!- nently qualified to become the administra- tive heads of their departments. Give them full responsibility for the conduct of their departments but insist that the national wel- fare not be imperiled by factions within the Cabinet or individual loose talk. In other words, demand that they function as a team in carrying out the policies laid down by the Congress and the Chief Execu- tive, 8. Give the Vice President greater respon- sibilities than were originally contemplated in the Constitution, have him present at all Cabinet meetings, see that he is fully in- formed on every Presidential move, train him for Presidential succession in case the need may arise. 4. Take the lead in urging governmental economy. Have an adequate and conclusive study prepared showing just what useless functions of Government could be elimi- nated and then be ready to carry the fight to the people in case Congress should prove uncooperative. 5. Call management and labor together and tell them bluntly that the labor laws enacted by the Congress will be rigidly en- forced and that there will be no appeasing of either side. 6. Insist upon a thorough-going reorgani- gation of the State Department, which would develop men properly equipped for the posi- tion they hold either at home or abroad. 7. Draft first-rate men for important Gov- ernment assignments and then support them up to the hilt. 8. Throw out the White House sycophants and build a smal) but Joyal executive staff which would be completely in sympathy with the President's objectives and his “no poli- tics” frogram. 9. Place White House press conferences on @ dignified level and resolve to think twice before giving off-the-cuff opinions on ques- tions that hadn't finally been determined. 10. Avoid silly junkets and political clam- bakes. Resolve to stay on the job and set an example for the rest of the country by giving a real sense of dignity to Government. 11, Restore the Supreme Court to its for- mer high level by naming eminently well- qualified jurists, rather than politicians, to vacancies that may occur. Follow the same policy in appointments to the other Federal courts. 12, Work with congressional leaders of both parties and hold regular meetings for the furtherance of domestic and foreign policies required for the Nation's welfare. 18, Break up the quarreling between the Army and the Navy and demand an adequate program in which each branch of the serv- ice would play an important and honorable t. Pepreas for a single department of national defense in the interests of economy and the A43 development of a real.air force. Replace the boots-and-saddles generals and the bat- tieship admirals with young, forward-looking officers who realize the world has shrunk. 14, Ban the practice of bureaucrats issuing rulings that properly should come from estab- Ushed courts of law. 15. See that all elements of society are treated equally but that all be compelled to obey the Federal statutes. Place no one class of society above another and avoid appeals to prejudice. 16. Endeavor to lead the country instead of following the election returns. There are many other important resolu- tions that a President could make as he takes the oath of office but these points will convey the main idea. A President who would approach his tasks with that sense of patriotism and humility might never be reelected but yet it is quite possible that he would prove to be the most popular and highly respected man of his me. The people of America are not only willing but anxious to see the White House occupied by a man who, through his own actions, would help them regain their own sense of dignity and perspective. The people, too, could help such a Presi- dent by reorienting themselves. We hear too much griping about the future and too few expressions of faith in a ccuntry where in- dustrial and social progress has gone hand in hand for the past 40 or 60 years. Intolerance is once again on the march. The Jews are unjustly blamed for sins they never commit; Negroes as a group are con- demned for the unsocial acts of a few and in some parts of the country even the Cath- Olics come in for their share of abuse. Since we possess every known blessing and advantage over other nations and an un- limited opportunity for world leadership, why can’t these problems be solved if our hearts are right? With the technological advances now in sight and a renewed faith in our democratic processes, there is no limit to America's future if we but have the will to work and the patience to understand the’ progressive steps by which a democratic form of capt- talism evolves from one generation to an- other. When we can raise our intellectual and tolerance levels above the chatter of the cocktail lounge and the gossip of the Tues- day Bridge Club, America Unlimited is ours for the asking. JouN 8. ENIGHT, War Booms and Busts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT W. HAWKES OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. HAWKES. Mr. President, Judge Harold C. Kessinger, of Ridgewood, N. J., made an able and thought-provoking speech before the annual convention of the New Jersey Association of Schools of Business, on October 26, 1946, at the Military Park Hotel, Newark, N. J. His speech is worthy of reading and atten- tion by every Member of Congress un- der the difficult conditions facing this Nation. I ask unanimous consent to have Judge Kessinger’s speech, under the title
A44 “War Booms and Busts,” inserted in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: Are we on the same old road? Have we learned nothing, and will we re- peat everything? Will we continue on the tragic treadmill of war, boom, panic and war? The American Republic was born in a panic. American independence was declared July 4, 1776. Cornwallis surrendered October 19, 1781. When the couriers on lathered horses rode the Atlantic seaboard, proclaiming the good news of peace, it was the bad news for business. The British Army had been here fighting us, but with gold to buy supplies; the French Army had been helping us, also with gold to buy supplies. Those outside the limited theater of hostilities had done a thriving business with all armies, including the Con- tinental Army, named after the Continental Congress, a loose federation of Colony- States, and with no power either to raise troops or tax property. In the chaos that followed the winning of the Revolution, creditors ran away and tried to hide from their debtors to avoid being paid off in wads of practically worth- less paper money. Farmers had livestock, but couldn't get enough money for it to pay their taxes to the various States of which they were citizens, The farmers of western Massachusetts pe- titioned the legislature to create paper money based on horses and cattle. The petition was laughed down and voted down, and yet in our modern day we have had suggestions just as fantastic. After being defeated by the law-makers, these Yankee farmers took matters in their own hands, just as Iowa farmers did over ® century later, and started some “shot- gun reforms.” They raided the courts, broke them up, and drove them from their part of the state. A Capt. Daniel Shays, veteran of the Revo- lutionary War, raised a band of 1,200 men, most of them former soldiers and attacked the arsenal at Springfield, Mass. Thoughtful men in all the States were alarmed, aroused, and finally after the Shays Rebellion was put down, through a number of moves, not all of them too open and aboveboard, get enough delegates chosen to meet in Philadelphia, and after added effort got a majority of them to attend the meet- ings. Ultimately, after long debate, tense discussion, and many compromises, a consti- tution was agreed upon which, after more effort, far from unanimous, was adopted by enough of the States to become the Federal Charter. Washington was elected President: Hamil- ton was appointed Secretary of the Treasury; and a solvent young nztion was started on @ very successful journey, in spite of wars, booms, panics, and wars. Seven years after the War of 1812 we had @ panic; nine years after the Mexican War; eight years after the Civil War; nine years after the Spanish-American War; eleven years after the First World War. When you eat too much, you get a stom- ach ache; when you drink too much, you get a headache; when you go to any economic excess, you get an economic hang-over which we call a depression when it is little, and a panic when it is big. When we have a war, the panic comes about 10 years after the war, preceded, of course, by a boom. Without a war to dis- locate peacetime economy, it’s about 20 years from one to another. Before the panic of 1837, the people en- gaged in a feverish real-estate speculation. Wood lots in Maine jumped from 85 to $50 anacre. Three bundred and forty-seven new banks were started, most of them loaning money in ridiculous amounts upon real estate. When the panic broke, they all sus- pended specie payment, . North Carolina farms were sold for 2 percent of their supposed value; Mississippi repudiated its State debt; Pennsylvania sus- pended payment of interest; laws were passed in Western States to prevent property being sold for debt. Early in 1837 great firms in New York and New Orleans failed; cotton fell from 20 cents to 10; poorhouses were crowded; a mob of 5,000 men attacked the city hall in Boston. The panic reached its lowest ebb in 1841, and finally ran its course. The Mexican War was followed by a great boom in slaves, and 9 years after the war, preceded by a slave boom, we had the panic of 1857, which was not as severe as the pre- ceding panic, lasting only 2 years, In 1860 we had the Civil War. In 1865 the ‘war was over. Gloomy predictions were made that the soldiers would never settle down, but the restless days were soor over; a great postwar boom led by the railroads was soon under way. Yet, in 1873—8 years after the close of the Civil War—there came a great panic which lasted 6 years. Even the smartest men didn’t see it com- ing; William H. Vanderbilt, considered very farsighted, was paying $120 a ton for steel rails just before the crash. Jay Cooke failed; also Fisk and Hatch, Henry Clews & Co., Union Trust Co., and the textile house of the Spragues, of Providence, for a greater amount than the total State and municipal debts of the entire State of Rhode Island. Without a war in between, we jump 20 years to the next panic. We Republicans always call the panic of 1898 the Cleveland panic, just as you Democrats call the panic of 1929 the Hoover panic. In the panic of 1893, 407 public and private banks failed. Wheat went to 49 cents a bushel. The Reading, Erie, Atchison, Union Pacific, Northern Pacific, and other railroads followed one another into receiverships. One hundred and sixty-nine roads, operating 87,855 miles of road, with stocks and bonds worth $2,400,000,000, went into bankrutpcy. There was labor unrest all over the world, and fear that anarchy had arrived. Finally things got better. The headache, the stomach ache, weren’t quite so bad. We survived the economic hang-over and went into the election of 1896, McKinley and the full dinner pail versus Bryan and free silver. In 1898 we had the Spanish-American War, not a big war, followed by a smal] boom, and yet, 9 years after this war, we had a depression under Theodore Roosevelt, when for 7 months many banks issued scrip. We go along to 1912. The regular Repub- licans nominated William Howard Taft, father of the present Senator. The Bull Moosers, or Progressives, nominated Theodore Roosevelt, and the Democrats named the president of Princeton, who won easily over a divided opposition. In 1914 three important things happened, and the third kept us from ever knowing how the first two would have turned out in any normal, peacetime economy. The first was Ford's 5-day week, the second was the Under- wood tariff bill, and the third was the First World War. Wages went higher than Ford's scale, and tariffs, high or low, were no issue when all of our competitors stopped producing and competing and started destroying and buying munitions from America with which to kill their enemies. This country entered the war in April 1917, and the war was over in November 1918. Business boomed and prices zoomed in 1919 and 1920, took a serious drop in 1921 and 1922, and the real boom started in 1923, led APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD this time, not by real estate, slave traffic, or railroads, but by King Auto. In 1928 38,000,000 Americans bought the first car they ever owned—a good year for the dealers; no trade-ins, Lumping trucks and cars together, the United States produced the following num- ber of units in the following years: Units 5, 358, 420 In 1929 we had the peak of the boom and the beginning of the panic. We had nearly everybody in debt for almost everything. We had the installment plan with a ven- geance, most all income mortgaged, the mar- ket saturated. By July 15, 1930, we had 2,000,000 people out of work in England, 8,000,000 in Ger- many, and by Christmas it was 5,000,000, half a million in Italy, and 800,000 in little Austria. Conditions in all other countries were comparable, except France, which had little mass production, and two-thirds of her people still in small towns and on the farms. Later, she, too, was swept into the world depression, ° In 1932 we had in these United States of America 15,000,000 unemployed, and our total income for that year was $40,000,000,000, $3,000,000,000 less than we paid in Federal income taxes in 1944 in a war-spurred economy. In 1938, under a new President, we de- valued the dollar, started relief and deficit financing. In 1936 the soldiers of the First World War were paid their bonus, and this, added to everything else, was mildly infla- tionary, so that in the beginning of 1937 we had many amateur and professional econo- mists predicting a new perpetual boom, only to have such a sudden drop that in 1938 the railroads hauled less tonnage than in the worst depression year of 1932, when only 1,370,678 automobiles were manufactured in America, 6o we come to 1939, with nothing settled, everything postponed, a mounting debt which seemed in those days staggering, no added employment in private, profit-making enterprise. We drift along to September, when Germany marches into Poland, Britain declares war on Germany, and the world is in the Second World War. Britain sold the American stocks of her citizens on the New York Stock Exchange— Atchison at $18 a share, and other equities at similar prices, When English funds were exhausted, we had the lend-lease, then Pearl Harbor, and then two wars. Now the wars are over, but not their re- sults; not the physical destruction, not the moral degradation, not the spiritual scars, not the hunger and the hate; not even the seeds of the third world war. Shall we walk down the same old road? Shall we learn nothing and repeat every- thing? Shall we continue in the war-boom-panic- war cycle? Shall we have a 1947 and a 1948 something like 1921 and 1922, then the boom of 8, 5, or 7 years, and then the panic as deep as the boom was high, and then the third world war fought with atomic weapons? American cities have not known the ruin and rubble, the mud and blood, the filth and disease of modern war. Shall we risk knowing it in the next atomic conflict? For 20 years after the First World War America acted as if she had no interest in, or responsibility for, world conditions, as if dictators and hate, and exploitation and aggression against weak peoples and small nations could never harm or touch smug,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD prosperous, isolated, ocean-protected Amer- ica. In ‘this radio-radar-electronic-auto-sero- atomic age, the oceans are not as much protection as was the moat around a medi- eval castie. The airplane made isolationism imprac- tical. The atom bomb makes it impossibie. So I believe in the United Nations. It ts a start, and I am willing to make any start, no matter how little, and any compromise, save with liberty, conscience, the dignity of the individual, and the hard- won freedoms of worship, assembly, speech, and the press. Let us take a new interest in politics on all levels. I don’t condemn the men who hold public office; I condemn those businessmen and civic leaders who refuse to serve in their towns, on their schoo) boards, in their coun- ties, their State, and the Nation. We need public men who think of the next generation, not the next election—who represent the great public, not some pri- vate pressure group. Let us protect the Nation and the way of life which has the greatest, longest record for giving every man a good job, every woman good hame, and every child a good education and equal opportunity. And, in the name of the dead, the living, and the unborn, let us strive with every power at our command to win a durable peace. Mayor O’Dwyer’s Pian for Labor Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, much has been and, undoubtedly, more will be said with respect to proposals for effecting permanent and peaceful labor-manage- ment relations. It is, therefore, not sur- prising that the great city of New York under the able and inspiring leadership of the present raayor. William O’Dwyer, has taken the lead in this most im- portant field. General O'Dwyer has taken the initiative in the establishment of a successful plan for adjusting labor disputes that menace vital services af- fecting the health and comfort of the citizens of New York City. His plan is fully set forth in the fol- lowing article and editorial which ap- peared in the New York Times of January 6, 1947, and which it is my pleasure to insert herewith: Lason Pwact Here CREDITED TO PaNEL— Mayor's EmxscGency DivisioN HAILED FOR Hetrinac To AVERT THREAT OF MAsOR TiE- Urs—CoopmrATION Irs PoLicy—BoaRD oF Best Brains In Crry Busy Bzrorge Con- Tracts END, Uarts No COMPULSION (By A. H. Raskin) The averting of the threatened tugboat strike focused new attention yesterday on the success of Mayor O'Dwyer's plan for cop- mg with labor disputes that menace vital services, Much has been written in recent weeks about the effectiveness of the Toledo plan and other programs for industrial peace, but relatively little note has been taken of the techniques that New York City has been evolving to keep iteelf free of crippling strikes. Since October 1, when the mayor estab- lished the city labor reiations division un- der the direction of Sdward C. Maguire there has been no major walk-out here. Disputes involving bus drivers, telegraph workers, school custodial employees, puilding-con- struction workers, funeral drivers, and many other groups have been settled without strikes. START BEFORE CONTRACT ENDS The division, with only four men on its regular stuff, has confined itself to disputes in key industries. Its practice is to communi- cate with management and Jabor representa- tives in such industries a full month before thelr contracts expire und urge them to begin negotiations right away. If little or no progress has been made within 2 weeks, the division notifics the State mediation board or the regional! offices of the United States Conciliation Service. The division itself does not step in until it ap- pears that the strike dead line wil] be reachcd without an agreement. When it does intervene the city agency requests that the State or Federal mediator be assigned to cooperate in the city’s efforts to effect a settlement. There is no rigid formula to which the division clings in its approuch to critical situations, but one technique that it has employed with uniform success has been the appointment of three- man committees representing the public, employers, and iabor. “It has been our good fortune.” Mr. Maguire said, “to obtain the services of really out- standing citizens on these tripartite commit- tees. In all cases they have been men of great wisdom and they have given unspar- ingly of their time and experience. “Their great contribution has been to make the parties in a dispute realize the public interest involved and the responsibility they bore to the public. They have represented the best braine af the community.” PERSONNEL CHANGES PLANNED Mr. Maguire said the mayor had no in- tention of setting up a permanent panel ot employer, labor, and public repiesentatives because of the fear that the members might grow “stale or shopworn” through being called on too often. It was Mr Maguire’s hope that no one would be asked to serve more than once in 6 months. Thus far none of the committees ap- pointed by the mayor has had to exert any compulsion to bring about a settlement, Mr. Maguire said All agreements have been reached through voluntary discussion and mediation in the privacy of committee meet- ings with labor and management negotia- tors. “The last thing we want to do,” Mr. Ma- guire said, “is to have a committee impose @ settlement, but if a situation were so vital to the public welfare and there was no ap- parent hope of reaching an agreement or of submitting the dispute to arbitration we might ask a committee to make a repcrt to the mayor. If he approved, it would be made public as a means of exerting pressure on the parties.” One activity in which the city jabor re- lations division has been heavily engaged has been the handling of labor problems af- fecting the city’s own employees, Julius Kass, counsel of the division, served an a member of the mayor's committee on city salary increases, A comprehensive plan for labor relations and grievance machinery in all city departments, except the board of transportation, will be submitted to the mayor by Mr. Maguire later this month. GROUP LEADERS COOPERATE To help maintain the record of labor peace bullt up in the last 8 months, Mr. Maguire has conferred with leaders of many labor groups and boards of trade. They have prom- A45 4sed their cooperation in making available to the division copies of contracts and con- tract termination dates in order that the city may become aware of threatening situa- tions sufficiently far in advance to prevent strikes. Mr. Maguire’ emphasized that additional data were still needed on expiration dates, even though the division's own activities will extend only to those industries it be- lieves essential to the public welfare. “We.are a small organization, and we in- tend to stay so," Mr. Maguire said. ‘We do not want to grow. The job can be done by this small organization, or our theory is cockeyed. “We are not in competition with the State mediation board or the United States Con- cilintion Service. All we want to do is sup- plement their work.” In uddition to Mr. Maguire and Mr. Kass, the division’s personnel includes Theodore W. Kheel, deputy director, and Henry Lyons, mediator. PEACE IN THE HARBOR The settlement at city hall Saturday night of issues between local tugboat operators and union employees did more than avert a repe- tition of last year's critical tie-up in this port It illustrated clearly that timely action by Federal and municipal officials can, if reason prevails, provide an answer to such labor-management rifts as paralyzed the Nation’s economy on so many occasions last year. Negotiators for Local 838, United Marine Division, International Longshoremen’s Association, AFL, and tugboat operators be- gan their discussions 2 months ago. They made litle progress and there were indications that another strike of harbor craft workers would be called after the expiration of their contract on December 31. The 10-day walk- out by the local last February had threatened loca) fuel and food supplies and led to an unprecedented 36-hour shutdown of many of the city’s public buildings. Another such strike would have been a catastrophe. Early last month, however, the United States Conciliation Service entered the dis- pute. A week ago Mayor O'Dwyer appointed an emergency labor board in a further effort to bring about a settlement. Intensive work by members of both agencies contributed substantially to Saturday night’s agreement, which came after nearly 10 hours of almost constant sessions at city hall. Under tts terms the workers won a 40-hour week in place of the previous 48 hours, a general wage increase of 11 cents an hour, and time and a half for Saturday and Sunday work. Its ap- proval by union membership is regarded as certain. Reached after concessions by both sides, the settlement stunds as a tribute to the foresight of the Conciliation Service and the city administration and the untiring efforts of their appointed arbiters. How United States Food Saved World EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER FERGUSON OF MICHIGAN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an article entitled “How United States Food Saved World,” written by Wallace R. Deuel and pub- lished in the Chicago Daily News of No- vember 15, 1946.
A44 “War Booms and Busts,” inserted in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Are we on the same old road? Have we learned nothing, and will we re- peat everything? Will we continue on the tragic treadmill of war, boom, panic and war? The American Republic was born in a panic. American independence was declared July 4, 1776. Cornwallis surrendered October 19, 1781. When the courtiers on lathered horses rode the Atlantic seaboard, proclaiming the good news of peace, it was the bad news for business. The British Army had been here fighting us, but with gold to buy supplies; the French Army had been helping us, also with gold to buy supplies. Those outside the limited theater of hostilities had done a thriving business with all armies, including the Con- tinental Army, named after the Continental Congress, a loose federation of Colony- States, and with no power either to raise troops or tax property. In the chaos that followed the winning of the Revolution, creditors ran away and tried to hide from their debtors to avoid being paid off in wads of practically worth- less paper money. Farmers had livestock, but couldn’t get enough money for it to pay their taxes to the various States of which they were citizens, The farmers of western Massachusetts pe- titioned the legislature to create paper money based on horses and cattle. The petition was laughed down and voted down, and yet in our modern day we have had suggestions just as fantastic. After being defeated by the law-makers, these Yankee farmers took matters in their own hands, just as Iowa farmers did over a century later, and started some “shot- gun reforms.” They raided the courts, broke them up, and drove them from their part of the state. A Capt. Daniel Shays, veteran of the Revo- lutionary War, raised a band of 1,200 men, most of them former soldiers and attacked the arsenal at Springfield, Mass. Thoughtful men in all the States were alarmed, aroused, and finally after the Shays Rebellion was put down, through a number of moves, not all of them too open and aboveboard, get enough delegates chosen to meet in Philadelphia, and after added effort got a majority of them to attend the meet- ings. Ultimately, after long debate, tense discussion, and many compromises, a consti- tution was agreed upon which, after more effort, far from unanimous, was adopted by enough of the States to become the Federal Charter. Washington was elected President: Hamil- ton was appointed Secretary of the Treasury; and a solvent young nition was started on @ very successful journey, in spite of wars, booms, panics, and wars. Seven years after the War of 1812 we had & panic; nine years after the Mexican War; eight years after the Civil War; nine years after the Spanish-American War; eleven years after the First World War. When you eat too much, you get a stom- ach ache; when you drink too much, you get a headache; when you go to any economic excess, you get an economic hang-over which we call a depression when it is little, and a panic when it is big. When we have a war, the panic comes about 10 years after the war, preceded, of course, by a boom. Without a war to dis- locate peacetime economy, it’s about 20 years from one panic to another. Before the panic of 1887, the people en- gaged in a feverish real-estate speculation, Wood lote in Maine jumped from 85 to $50 an acre. Three hundred and forty-seven new banks were started, most of them loaning money in ridiculous amounts upon real estate. When the panic broke, they all sus- pended specie payment. North Carolina farms were sold for 2 percent of their supposed value; Mississipp! repudiated its State debt; Pennsylvania sus- pended payment of interest; laws were passed in Western States to prevent property being sold for debt. Early in 1837 great firms in New York and New Orleans failed; cotton fell from 20 cents to 10; poorhouses were crowded; a mob of 5,000 men attacked the city hall in Boston. The panic reached its lowert ebb in 1841, and finally ran its course. The Mexican War was followed by a great boom in slaves, and 9 years after the war, preceded by a slave boom, we had the panic of 1857, which was not as severe as the pre- ceding panic, lasting only 2 years. In 1860 we had the Civil War. In 1865 the war was over. Gloomy predictions were made that the soldiers would never settle down, but the restless days were soor over; a great postwar boom led by the railroads was soon under way. Yet, in 1873—8 years after the close of the Civil War—there came a great panic which lasted 6 years. Even the smartest men didn't see it com- ing; William H. Vanderbilt, considered very farsighted, was paying $120 a ton for steel rails just before the crash. Jay Cooke failed; also Fisk and Hatch, Henry Clews & Co., Union Trust Co., and the textile house of the Spragues, of Providence, for a greater amount than the total State and municipal debts of the entire State of Rhode Island. Without a war in between, we jump 20 years to the next panic. We Republicans always call the panic of 1893 the Cleveland panic, just as you Democrats call the panic of 1929 the Hoover panic. In the panic of 1893, 407 public and private banks failed. Wheat went to 49 cents a bushel. The Reading, Erie, Atchison, Union Pacific, Northern Pacific, and other railroads followed one another into receiverships. One hundred and sixty-nine roads, operating $37,855 miles of road, with stocks and bonds worth $2,400,000,000, went into bankrutpcy. There was labor unrest all over the world, and fear that anarchy had arrived. Finally things got better. The headache, the stomach ache, weren't quite so bad. We survived the economic hang-over and went into the election of 1896, McKinley and the full dinner pail versus Bryan and free silver. In 1898 we had the Spanish-American War, not a big war, followed by a small boom, and yet, 9 years after this war, we had a depression under Theodore Roosevelt, when for 7 months many banks issued scrip. We go along to 1912. The regular Repub- licans nominated William Howard: Taft, father of the present Senator. The Bull Moosers, or Progressives, nominated Theodore Roosevelt, and the Democrats named the president of Princeton, who won easily over a divided opposition. In 1914 three important things happened, and the third kept us from ever knowing how the first two would have turned out in any normal, peacetime economy. The first was Ford's 5-day week, the second was the Under- wood tariff bill, and the third was the First World War. Wages went higher than Ford's scale, and tariffs, high or low, were no issue when all of our competitors stopped producing and competing and started destroying and buying munitions from America with which to kill their enemies. This country entered the war in April 1917, and the war was over in November 1918. Business boomed and prices zoomed in 1919 and 1920, took a serious drop in 1921 and 1922, and the real boom started in 1923, led APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD this time, not by real estate, slave traffic, or railroads, but by King Auto. In 1928 8,000,000 Americans bought the first car they ever owned—a good year for the dealers; no trade-ins. Lumping trucks and cars together, the United States produced the following num- ber of units in the following years: Units 4, 084,012 3, 602, 540 4, 265, 830 4, 300, 934 8, 401, 326 - 4,358, 759 5, 858, 420 In 1929 we had the peak of the boom and the beginning of the panic. We had nearly everybody in debt for almost everything. We had the installment plan with a ven- geance, most all income mortgaged, the mar- ket saturated. By July 15, 1980, we had 2,000,000 people out of work in England, 8,000,000 in Ger- many, and by Christmas it was 5,000,000, half a million in Italy, and 800,000 in little Austria. Conditions in all other countries were comparable, except France, which had little mass production, and two-thirds of her people still in small towns and on the farms. Later, she, too, was swept into the world depression. In 1982 we had in these United States of America 15,000,000 unemployed, and our total income for that year was 840,000,000,000, $3,000,000,000 less than we paid in Federal income taxes in 1944 in a war-spurred economy. In 1933, under a new President, we de- valued the dollar, started relief and deficit financing. In 1986 the soldiers of the First World War were paid their bonus, and this, added to everything else, was mildly infla- tionary, so that in the beginning of 1937 we had many amateur and professional econo- mists predicting a new perpetual boom, only to have such a sudden drop that in 1938 the railroads hauled less tonnage than in the worst depression year of 1932, when only 1,870,678 automobiles were manufactured in America, Bo we come to 1939, with nothing settled, everything postponed, a mounting debt which seemed in those days staggering, no added employment in private, profit-making enterprise. We drift along to September, when Germany marches into Poland, Britain declares war on Germany, and the world is in the Second World War. Britain sold the American stocks of her citizens on the New York Stock Exchange— Atchison at $18 a share, and other equities at similar prices. When English funds were exhausted, we had the lend-lease, then Pearl Harbor, and then two wars. Now the wars are over, but not their re- sults; not the physical destruction, not the moral degradation, not the spiritual scars, not the hunger and the hate; not even the seeds of the third world war. Shall we walk down the same old road? Shall we learn nothing and repeat every- thing? Shall we continue in the war-boom-panic- war cycle? Shall we have a 1947 and a 1948 something like 1921 and 1922, then the boom of 8, 5, or 7 years, and then the panic as deep as the boom was high, and then the third world war fought with atomic weapons? American cities have not known the ruin and rubble, the mud and blood, the filth and disease of modern war. Shall we risk knowing it in the next atomic conflict? For 20 years after the First World War America acted as if she had no interest in, or responsibility for, world conditions, as if dictators and hate, and exploitation and aggression against weak peoples and small nations could never harm or touch smug,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD prosperous, isolated, ocean-protected Amer- ica. In ‘this radio-radar-electronic-auto-sero- atomic age, the oceans are not as much protection as was the moat around 4 medi- eval castie. The airplane made isolationism imprac- tical. The atom bomb makes it impossible. £0 delieve in the United Nations. It is a start, and I am willing to make any start, no matter how little, and any compromise, save with liberty, conscience, the dignity of the individual, and the hard- won freedoms of worship, assembly, speech, and the press. Let us take a new interest in politics on all levels. I don’t condemn the men who hold public office; I condemn those businessmen and civic leaders who refuse to serve in their towns, on their schoo] boards, in their coun- ties, their State, and the Nation. We need public men who think of the next generation, not the next election—who represent the great public, not some pri- vate pressure group. Let us protect the Nation and the way of life which has the greatest, longest record for giving every man a good job, every woman fp good home, and every child a good education and equal opportunity. And, in the name of the dead, the living, and the unborn, let us strive with every power at our command to win a durable peace. Mayor O’Dwyer’s Pian for Labor Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH GF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr, KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, much has been and, undoubtedly, more will be said with respect to proposals for effecting permanent and peaceful labor-manage- ment relations. It is, therefore, not sur- prising that the great city of New York under the able and inspiring leadership of the present raayor. William O'Dwyer, has taken the lead in this most im- portant field. General O'Dwyer has taken the initiative in the establishment of a successful plan for adjusting labor disputes that menace vital services af- fecting the health and comfort of the citizens of New York City. His plan is fully set forth in the fol- lowing article and editorial which ap- peared in the New York Times of January 6, 1947, and which it is my pleasure to insert herewith: GLazon Peacr Hare CREDITED TO PANEL— Mayor's EMERGENCY DIVISION HAILED FOR Hevrinc To Avert THREAT OF Mason TtE- Urs—Cooreration Its PoLicy—Boarp or Best Brains In City Busy Brrore Con- Tracts Enp, Usss No OoMPULSION (By A. H. Raskin) The averting of the threatened tugboat strike focused new attention yesterday on the success of Mayor O’Dwyer’s plan for cop- mg with iabor disputes that menace vital services. Much bras been written tn recent weeks about the effectiveness of the Toledo pian and other programs for industrial peace. but retatively little note has been taken of the techniques that New York City has been evolving to keep iteelf free of ertppling strikes. Bince October 1, when the mayor estab- lished the city labor relations division un- der the direction of Edward C. Maguire there has been no major walk-out here. Disputes involving bus drivers, telegraph workers, school custodial employees, building-con- struction workers, funeral drivers, and many other groups have been settied without strikes. START SEFORE OONTRACT ENDS The division, with only four men on its Tegular staff, has confined itself to disputes in key industries. Its practice is to communi- cate with management and labor representa- tives in such industries a full month before their contracts expire and urge them to begin negotiations right away. If little or no progress has been made within 2 weeks, the division notifies the State mediation board or the regional offices of the United States Conciliation Service. The division itself does not step in until it ap- pears that the strike dead line will be reached without an agreement. When jit does intervene the city agency requests that the State or Federal mediator be assigned to cooperate in the city’s efforts to effect n settlement. There is no rigid formula to which the division clings in its approach to critical situations, but one technique that it has employed with uniform success has been the appointment of three- man committees representing the public, employers, and labor. “It has been our good fortune,” Mr. Maguire said, “to obtain the services of really out- standing citizens on these tripartite commit- tees. In all cases they have been men of great wisdom and they have given unspar- ingly of their time and experience. “Their great contribution has been to make the parties in a dispute realize the public interest involved and the responsibility they bore to the public. They have represented the best brains of the community.” PERSONNEL CHANGES PLANNED Mr. Maguire said the mayor had no in- tention of setting up a permanent panel ot employer, labor, and public repiesentatives because of the fear that the members might grow “stale or shopworn” through being called on too often. It was Mr. Maguire's hope that ho one would be asked to serve more than once in 6 months. . Thus far none of the committees ap- pointed by the mayor has had to exert any compulsion to bring about a settlement, Mr. Maguire said All agreements have been reached through voluntary discussion and mediation in the privacy of committee meet- ings with labor and management negotia- tors. “The last thing we want to do,” Mr. Ma- guire said, “is to have a committee impose a settlement, but if a situation were so vital to the public welfare and there was no ap- parent hope of reaching an agreement or of submitting the dispute to arbitration we might ask a committee to make a repcrt to the mayor. If he approved, it would be mace public as a means of exerting pressure on the parties.” One activity in which the city labor re- lations division has been heavily engaged has been the handling of labor problems af- fecting the city’s own employees. Julius Kass, counsel of the division, served as a member of the mayor's committee on city salary increases, A comprehensive plan for labor relations and grievance machinery in all city departments, except the board of transportation, will be submitted to the mayor by Mr. Maguire later this month, GROUP LEADERS COOPERATE To help maintain the record of labor peace built up in the last 8 months, Mr. Maguire has conferred with leaders of many labor groups and boards of trade. They have prom- A45 fed their cooperation in making available to the division copies of contracts and con- tract termination dates in order that the city may become aware of threatening situa- tions sufficiently far in advance to prevent strikes. Mr. Maguire emphasized that additional data were still needed on expiration dates, even though the division’s own activities will extend only to those industries tt be- lieves essential to the public welfare. “We.are a smail organization, and we in- tend to stay so,” Mr. Maguire said. “We do not want to grow. The job can be done by this small organization, or our theory is cockeyed. “We are not in competition with the State mediution board or the United States Con- ciliation Service. All we want to do is sup- plement their work.” In addition to Mr. Maguire and Mr. Kass, the division’s personnel includes Theodore W. Kheel, deputy director, and Henry Lyons, mediator. PEACE IN THE HARBOR The settlement at city hall Saturday night of issues between local tugboat operators and union employees did more than avert a repe- tition of last year's critical tie-up in this port. It illustrated clearly that timely action by Federal and municipal officials can, if reason prevails, provide an answer to such labor-management rifts as paralyzed the Nation’s economy on so many occasions last year. Negotiators for Local 333, United Marine Division, International Longshoremen's Association, AFL, and tugboat operators be- gan their discussions 2 months ago, They made litle progress ang there were indications that another strike of harbor craft workers would be called after the expiration of their contract on December 31. The 10-day walk- out by the local lust February had threatened local fuel and food supplies and led to an unprecedented 36-hour shutdown of many of the city’s public buildings. Another such strike would have been a catastrophe. Zarly last month, however, the United States Conciliation Service entered the dis- pute. A week ago Mayor O'Dwyer appointed an emergency labor board in a further effort to bring about a settlement. Intensive work by members of both agencies contributed substantially to Saturday night’s agreement, which came after nearly 10 hours of almost constant sessions at city hall. Under its terms the workers won a 40-hour week in piace of the previous 48 hours, a general wage increase of 11 cents an hour, and time and a half for Saturday and Sunday work. Its ap- proval by union membership is regarded as certain. Reached after concessions by both sides, the settlement stands as a tribute to the foresight of the Conciliation Service and the eity administration and the untiring efforts of their appointed arbiters. How United States Food Saved World EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER FERGUSON OF MICHIGAN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an article entitled “How United States Food Saved World,” written by Wallace R. Deuel and pub- lished in the Chicago Daily News of No- vember 15, 1946.
A46 There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: HOW UNITED STATES FOOD SAVED WORLD- -WHOLE NATIONS KEPT ALIVE-~INCREDIBLE FLOOD OF SUPPLIES BLOCKS FAMINE, REVOLUTIONS (By Wallace R. Deuel) WASHINGTON.—This is the story of how the United States saved the world during the last 12 months. The American people kept whole nations alive, and prevented civilization from collaps- ing in chaos and barbarism throughout most of the earth. It was the greatest outpouring of help by one people to others that history has ever known. This is the story of how America, in help- ing others, also helped itself. People often say that one more war would destroy civilization, but World War II itself almost did that—and the danger is not over yet. At least the modern world has a good chance to survive now, however, thanks to the United States. The American people have been able to produce things on a etaggering scale, and to get those things to the hundreds of mil- lions of human beings who were dying for lack of them. When World War II ended, 19 countries lay prostrate and dying. The peoples of these countries numbered almost a billion—approximately half of the human race. Europe was like a charnel house, and 80 was a large part of Asia. MILLIONS HUNGRY Tens of millions were gaunt with hunger and disease. They ached with cold, crawled with vermin and shook with fever. The world had slaughtered almost 14,000,- 000 of its best men—and women—in uni- form, and wounded almost 31,000,000 more. Another 27,000,000 were missing or prison- ers of war. Total civilian casualties were probably at least as high as those in the armed forces. Six million civilians were killed in Poland alone. The war had driven 77,000,000 human be- ings into alien areas. Tens of thousands of children had been so completely lost that they did not even know who their parents were, or where their homes had been, or their own names or na- tionalities or the mother tongues they had spoken, and neither did anyone else know these things. The war had destroyed 15,000,000 dwellings and seriously damaged 30,000,000 more. Tens of millions of people had no place to live. More than 25,000,000 human beings were living in caves, dugouts, ruined buildings and holes in the ground in White Russia alone when the war ended, and more than 800,000 in Poland. Whole nations were wearing their last threadbare clothes. Whole nations had little or no fuel to keep them warm. STARVATION Starvation faced 800,000,000 human beings when the war ended—two fifths of the human race. Without help, 800,000,000 of these people would have received 900 calories a day. This is roughly what the Nazis fed the prisoners in the Buchenwald concentration camp. The other 500,000,000 would have had approximately 1,500 calories a day. This is roughly one half as much as the average American eats. It won't even Keep people alive and well for long. Large numbers of people in Holland were so far gone that they had to be given drugs so they could assimilate food. In an inland village in Greece where re- lief deliveries fell 15 days behind achedule, one-fifth of the people were found to be liv- ing entirely on roots and weeds. More than one-fourth of all new-born babies were dying in Poland. More than one-half were dying in some other parts of Europe. Twenty million children in Europe had tuberculosis, rickets, and anemia because they had been so hungry for so long. Epidemics of typhus, typhoid, cholera, smallpox, bubonic plague, dysentery had broken out. Tuberculosis, malaria, and venereal disease were out of hand. Over this desolation of what had been the proudest, the most powerful, the richest, and the most civilized of peoples, there hung the stench of the unburied dead. Over them hung moral collapse and despair. Europe and Asia were dying. Other na- tions were bound to be soon stricken, too. It was very near being the end of the mod- ern world. THE UNITED STATES STEPS IN Only one country could give the hitherto undreamed-of help necessary to save the world—the United States. It did give it. America has contributed more than $3,342,- 000,000 to foreign relief. This has been made up as follows: Given to UNRRA_..___-.... $2, 700, 000, 000 Donated through American Red Cross_...-.---.-..--+ 178, 000, 000 Raised and distributed by 93 other private relief organi- zations -..--..--..---.... 464, 000, 000 Total 8, 342, 000, 000 This contribution is almost two and three- quarters times as much as the United States public debt in 1916, It is slightly more than the total United States individual income-tax collections in 1942. It is not quite as much as the American people spent for recreation in 1939, and it is roughly twice the total they spent on toilet articles and preparations, barber- and beauty- shop services, and baths and massage. CAN'T EAT MONEY But money alone was useless. The world couldn't eat or wear dollar bills. Civiliza- tion was dying for the lack of goods and services, Only the United States could provide these necessities, A great flood-tide of supplies poured into Europe and Asia from the United States— supplies by the millions of tons; Wheat, corn, rice, oats, and barley: dried beans and peas; fruit, eggs, and canned fish; sugar and soap and shirts and steel bridges and sawmills and signal eq Milk and layettes and locomotives; coal; great road-building machines and tiny vita- min pills that were equally necessary to keep people alive. Flame-throwers to fight a locust plague in Sardinia, airplanes to spread DDT on moasquito-breeding marshes in Greece, vac- cine to stop cattle disease in China—all the things that might save the world. America is sending more than 16,500,000 tons of food abroad this year. UNRRA alone has shipped, among other things, 99,861 tons of meat and meat prod- ucts, and 189,626 tons of soap, oils, fats, and waxes from the United States. The American Red. Cross has sent, among other things, 12,500,000 quarts of milk. JOHN @. SHBLLS OUT Americans privately contributed - 21,759 cases of foodstuffs to a victory collection for foreign retief, and 689,448 cases to a later emergency coliection.: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Greek War Relief recently collected more than €314,000 worth of chocolate-milk drink. The Maritime Catholic Committee for the Relief of Europe gave more than $136,000 worth of various foodstuffs for Italy. A California rancher gave two carloads of wheat for Chinese relief. The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico sent UNRRA a gift of grain. Some 234 inhabitants of the Eskimo village of Noorvik, Alaska, sent $42 they had raised to help war victims. The total American contribution has been titanic. There have been times this year when the United States shipped more wheat overseas in a month than it did in a whole year be- fore the war. Every available port has been used. Early this year, 19 Liberty ships were loaded with wheat in Albany, N. Y. An ice breaker had to be sent up the Hudson River to clear the way for them, It was the first time that wheat had ever been shipped from Albany during the winter period of heavy ice, but port facilities have had to be used wherever and whenever they could be found. FLOOD OF CLOTHING Torrents of clothing have poured out of America, too. UNRRA alone has shipped more than 279,- 000 tons of clothing, textiles, and footwear from the United States. The American Red Cross has distributed more than 41,000,000 garments abroad. More than 7,000,000 Red Cross garments have gone to France, 4,000,000 to Italy, 1,- 000,000 to Holland, and 1,000,000 to Poland. The United States exported almost no coal to Europe before the war. This year, ship- ments have run between 1,400,000 and 2,000,- 000 tons monthly. Some coal has even been shipped from Utah to Europe by way of Long Beach, Calif. American medical and sanitation supplies have flooded into HZurope and Asia, too. The Red Cross has sent whole hospital units, bactericlogicals and drugs; X-ray sup- plies, bedding and rubber sheets, equipment for producing penicillin, blood plasma, de- contamination units. The Red Cross has just made 187,000,000 surgical dressings available for foreign retief. It had previously sent 97,000,000 dressings to Poland, 25,000,000 to Italy, and 10,000,000 to Norway. The Red Cross has also sent 9,000000 vitamin tablets to Poland and 7,200,000 to Crechosiovakia and 1,000,000,000 units of penicillin to Holland... It has shipped 2,000,000 pounds of soap overseas, The United States Council for Relief Agen- cies has just sent 7,000,000 units of insulin to the United States sone in Germany and hag arranged with Denmark to buy 5,000,000 units more a month. FACILITIES TAXED This torrent of goods has sometimes swamped transport Tacilitiec. There were not enough ships to move the supplies until the war ended and the major redeployments ceased. When ships became available, tre flood- tide of goods they poured into Europe and Asia overwhelmed the transport facilities there. Americ: had to deliver the goods, as well as produce them. So trucks and tires and parts and oil and gasoline are being sent overseas, too. With them are going whole motor vehicle repair shops, road-building machinery, and locomotives and freight cars and track, spikes. and ties and tugs with LST’s and LSM's aad UNRRA sent 1f fixed steel bridges to China this year. The American. Red Cross sent .588: binycies te Finland so that nurses there ‘coutd ‘go on their rounds of mercy.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ‘THE UNITED STATES SHARE America has given more to foreign relief than the rest of the world put together. The United States has contributed 73 per- cent of UNRRA funds. It has provided 71.6 percent of the total of UNRRA supplies. America has produced 78.1 percent of all UNRRA food shipments; 66 t of all clothing. bextiles. and footwear; 69.7 percent of all 1, lubricants, petroleum and prod- ucts, and 92.6 percent of all medical and sanitation supplies. Besides ite enormous outright contribu- tions to relief, the United States has made available to the rest of the world since before Pearl Harbor, or committed itself to do so, the staggering total of more than $66,385,000,000 in various other forms. America has done this under the following principal headings: Total foreign credit author- izations by Export-Import Bank anno e+e -- ae 8, 458, "71, 000 United States quota in World Bank.--.-.. - ---- 8,175,000, 000 United States quota in World Fund_-....--....- 2, '750, 000, 000 Civilian supplies sent to lib- erated and occupied area’ .....--.-------.--- 1, 400, 000, 000 Credits advanced to finance sales of United States surpluses abroad.......- 851, 486, 000 Total__.... eennene-ne 66, 385, 257, 000 SEVENTY BILLION OUTLAY Only a part of this total has been or will ba available at any one time. Some of it will be paid back and with interest. But all of these items represent in the last analysis American goods and services which nobody else could make available to the world, which America did make avail- able and without which the world would have perished. These outlays plus American contributions to foreign relief total almost $70,000,000,000. The total United States national income reached this figure in only one prewar year— 1987. The United States public debt didn't total 70 billions until 1942. Total wages and salaries paid in private American industry didn’t reach that figure until 1943. Seventy billion dollars is almost three and one-half times as much as the American people used to spend on food plus tobacco in & year in the period from 1929 to 1941. It is almost eight times what they spent in @ year on housing during that period. COLOSSAL POWER Bo colossal is America’s power to produce that the country has been able to pour out ite wealth on this gigantic scale without suf- fering hardship at home. Foreign relief has operated on the principle, “From each according to his ability; to each according to his need.” America has been by far the best able to cuntribute, and it has contributed by far the most, Countries which suffered the worst have re- ceived the most relief. America’s huge shipments have made hardly a dent in United States production. The fats and vegetable oils which President Truman has we will send abroad this year, amount to only 5 percent of esti- mated United States production. American shipments of ooal are only 1 percent of national production. The American people have eaten better since the war began than ever before. Shortages have béen due primarily to two 1. The millions of men in the armed forces have used up more food and other commodi- ties than they had used as civilians, 2. The civilians have made more money and bought more things with it than ever before. The country has gone on wasting things on & vast scale, too. Americans waste 125,000,000 pounds of food ® day, according to one estimate, or enough to add 300 calories to the dally diet of 500,- 000,000 of the world’s hungry human beings, according to another calculation. UNITED STATES POLICY . United States outpourings of relief are serving America’s own purposes, too, besides helping others. Contributing to relief is not only a spon- taneous act of humanitarian generosity. It is also a deliberate act of high policy. The Government has attached the utmost importance to foreign relief. It has devoted some of its best talents and energies to making relief available in the greatest possible volume. “The compulsions of mere surviva] shape and guide much of our foreign policy today.” Dean Acheson, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, has said. “These compulsions are so strong that nearly everything we do is directed to the preservation of life and the preservation of society.” There are three main reasons why the United States attaches such importance to foreign relief: 1. The simple humanitarian reason of keeping millions of people alive. 2. The feeling that the United States owes its allies a debt of honor to help them re- cover from the ravages which they suffered and which America was spared in the joint winning of the war. Most particularly there is the feeling that the United States owes it to its allies to help them repair the damage caused by “scorched earth” tactics which America asked them to employ. 8. To make a decent world possible, and thereby serve America's own purposes. WHAT UNITED STATES WANTS The basic aim of American foreign policy is to create—or maintain—the kind of world society in which the United States can be safe, can remain at peace, can prosper and can preserve ite free institutions and ways of Hfe. These things are possible only in a world in which there is a safe balance of power, a world which is peaceful and in which there is a reasonable degree of prosperity. Without foreign relief on an enormous scale, the modern world had no chance to be prosperous. It did not even have a chance to survive. Nor could the world be peaceful. Nor could there be any safe balance of power. Beggared, diseased, and bitter, hundreds of millions would have fallen prey to ex- tremisms, most of them to the left. Revolution would have swept a dozen countries, and Europe and Asia would have turned to Moscow for hope and direction. Foreign relie_—and America’s other out- lays—have prevented these things so far. They have made a decent world possible. There is only a chance for America’s kind ofaworld. But without American help there wouldn't even have been a chance. & NEW PHASE United States policy on foreign relief and lending now enters a new phase. There will be no more huge outpourings of American treasure. UNRRA goes out of business December 81 in Burope and March 81 in the Far East. The world will need i relief for another year. But the United States will no longer contribute three-fourths of it. A47 Also, America itself will distribute what it does contribute, instead of turning it over to others. Washington thinks that the worst needs which UNRRA was created to meet will be met by early next year. Washington also believes that further out- pourings of United States purchasing power would create a dangerous inflationary pres- sure in this country. The administration further thinks that internationally organized and administered relief work is inefficient. Finally, some peopie here think that if the United States went on pouring out relief it might encourage a “mendicants’ psychology” among the recipients which would harm the recipients themselves, the contributors, and the rest of the world as well. UNITED STATES SAVES WORLD Thus a great chapter in the history of United States foreign policy—and of civiliza- tion—ends. A new chapter begins. But regardless of what the new chapter reveals, this remains true: The modern world has come within a hair's breadth of destroying itself. One people alone have been able and will- ing to produce the things that the world had to have, or perish—the American people. The American people have thereby given the modern world—including: themselves—a chance to survive. Suppose that America had been unable or unwilling to do this? Suppose that, in another war, America should suffer so horribly—along with the others—that the American people would not be able to save everyone else, even if they wanted to do 80? Outlook for the Durable Goods Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp an article written by Mr. Hartley W. Barclay, and published in the New York Times of Thursday, January 2, with respect to the outlook for the durable goods industry. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Bic Year EXPecTeD IN Heavy INDUSTRY—HIGH, STABILIZED PRODUCTION INDICATED a8 GROW- ING ORDERS ADD TO THE BACKLOG—DURABLE Goops OUTLOOK—INCREASE IN ORDERS MarTcHED BY Dexivery Rise INDICATES BUY- gers’ Market Is ForTHER OFF (By Hartley W. Barclay) Record backlogs and firm orders for dur- able goods, equipment, too] and machinery lines now on hand point to 1947 prospects for stabilized production at a high level, with the major trend of increased productivity in evidence as assurance of a strong upward surge of this field of business. Many manufacturers of durable goods, now quoting 8- to 12-month delivery, have re- ported that orders have tended to increase as deliveries have increased, indicating that the arrival of a “buyer's market” may occur later than was generally expected by fore- casters.
A48 The underlying post-war development which provides proof of the further bulwark- ing of the American economic scene, large- ly based upon capital goods investments, is the further increase in the investment of capital in heavy equipment to create both output and employment, as well as profits. While new machines, methods, and processes installed and on order for early delivery, to accelerate this trend, are often unrecognized by the public, large-scale con- tracts setting record figures for construction of new plants indicate that the upward trend will continue through 1947 and probably far into 1948. The year 1946 opened with a dismal out- look for the heavy manufacturing industries because of five depressing situations: 1, Shortages of materials. 2. Unexpectedly large requirements for en- gineering and scientific development. 8. Shortage of skilled labor and technical supervisory employees. 4. Dangers of industry-wide strikes in basic industries. 5. Economic hazards involved in war sur- plus disposal of equipment. These aspects were further complicated by existing allocations and priorities on mate- rials, indecision in cfficial quarters in Wash- ington, D. C., on important reconversion policies, and problems of price control ad- justments. Acute stages of most of these problems have now been passed, spokesmen have reported. Without exception, members of the heavy equipment industries reported during the year that the ‘problem of bringing incoming parts and materials into balance with needs of production schedules was an acute bottle- neck of their reconversion management ex- perience. However, many companies which had de- veloped well-designed postwar plans, through adequate research into customer require- ments and product development needs, sur- vived the year in an excellent position. They said that this period compared to a trial run for their normal postwar output and that they expected to improve their methods fur- ther by standardization and streamlining in 1947. Price movements within the heavy-equip- ment lines late in 1946 took a long-delayed and, in many Cases, & very necessary upward adjustment ranging from 5 to 40 percent, providing adjustment for increased mate- rials and labor costs and permitting in some cases improvement of the quality of prod- ucts. Firm price policies are coming to the front, however, for the first quarter of 1947. Inventories at the end of 1946 remained unbalanced, for the most part, with urgent needs for a few scarce materials essential to completion of production parts needed to round out final assembly schedules. A short- age of electric motors for machinery uses remained the most serious of the whole field. Innovations in distribution of industrial supplies and equipment introduced long- delayed improvements in sales methods and distribution policies for some organizations. These steps were based, for the most part, upon a careful study of the advancing tech- nical needs of industrial buyers and users of the products. The result, greeted with enthusiasm by major distributors of tools, machinery, and metals everywhere, has been a substantial advance in the application of scientific man- agement to the field of industrial sales. Whereas the financial and inventory in- volvements of the distributing branches of the industry in the same period after World War I were extremely serious, Nation-wide reports show no current trend toward in- ventory speculation, excessive buying, and “shoestring” financing errors which brought about some large-scale failures after the First World War. Spokesmen reported at the end of 1946 that technological advancements in many heavy- goods fields had not been completed as rap- idly as had been scheduled, in some lines, but that substantial progress had been made. Many important new products have been delayed in final production by both shortages of component parts and by the extreme cau- tion being exercised in testing and perfecting equipment, Some of the important new products which will finally reach the mass-production stage in 1947 are reported to be the mechanical cotton picker, gas turbines for power-plant use, electronic inspection machinery, im- proved continuous-output package-manufac- turing equipment, frozen-food-locker refrig- eration, improved automatic painting and drying machinery, improved steel-mill rolling equipment, ultra-precision gages, higher- capacity machine tools using tungsten-car- bide tool bits, and improved types of trans- portation and material-handling equipment, to mention only a few outstanding lines. The geographical expansion of heavy-goods industrial plants continued during 1946 and is expected to develop further in 1947. Metal- working and machine shop activities on the west coast, in the Southwestern States, and the deep South are continuing to grow, al- though not at a rate that could challenge the leadership of the east and middle west- ern regions. Spokesmen for the heavy industries have reported excellent prospects for profitable operations during 1947, provided no upset occurs from an unexpected source. They revealed an expectation that the year would mark the introduction of an era of good times, with a widely distributed sharing in the progress of their industries. “We Know That the Law Is Good, If a Man Use It Rightly” EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, Under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following sermon de- livered by the Very Reverend Dr. William J. Mahoney, C. M., president of St. John’s University, at the Mass of the Holy Spirit, held in Brooklyn, N. Y., on September 26, 1946, commemorating the opening of the courts for the year 1946-47: “WE KNOW THAT THE LAW 18 GOOD, If A MAN USE IT RIGHTLY”’=—1 TIMOTHY 1: 8 We would interpret this inspiring gather- ing here this morning as a public and sincere endorsement of these quoted sentiments of the apostle. “We know tbat the law is good, if a man use it rightly.” The law 1s good in its nature and becomes good in its execution when used rightly, The law is good. It must be good because it comes from God, Who is the essence of Goodness. So we can say not that the law is good, but rather that the law is God. It is what God would have men do. It is the will of the Creator imposed upon His creatures. In the beginning God said, “Let there be light” (Gen. 1: 8), and history records that light was made. And in that light, creation first saw the beginning of an inexorable law— the will of the Creator stamped upon the work of His hands. From then and forever after there would be unquestionable evidence APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of a design of order and a changeless law. Night would follow day as summer would follow spring. There would be the ever en- during force of gravitation and the persis- tency of the mathematical formula that two and two make four. There would be the in- evitable and uniform pattern of life, repro- duction and death in the vegetable and animal kingdoms. The eternal will of God became the immutzble law of animate and inanimate creatures alike. Fiat lux. Flat lex. Then on the eixth day of creation God created man, the most noble and beloved of His creatures. He would make man accord- ing to His own image and likeness, But was man who was created a little less than the angels to be and live without the law? Was he to be nature’s solitary boast of defiant independence? No. The paragon of per- fection still remained a creature of God. Man's own reason made known to him that despite his exceptional gift of free will he was also subject to a superior law. Fiat homo. Fiat lex. The eternal law that governs all creatures, as it is applied to man is known specifically as the natural law. It was from the begin- ning decreed that man should do good and avoid evil. And this unwritten law received in time a more definite articulation when it was written by God upon the Mosaic tablets of stone. This law we know as the Ten Com- mandments. And within the sphere of this natural law must live man and move and have his being if the order of creation is to be completely maintained and mankind not to perish from the face of the earth. For God so wills it. Law in its nature and origin, therefore, is something intrinsically good, something in- herently holy. It comes from God. And consequently its human expression must stem from God. “For there exists no author- ity except from God" (Rom. 13:1). Civil legislation becomes sacred as it squares with divine legislation. The common law and court of equity are but detailed ramifications and specific applications of the Ten Com- mandments and must be revered as the Code of Sinai. As our late beloved holy father, Pope Pius XI, declared, the juridical order must be “an outward refraction of the social order willed by God, a luminous product of the spirit of man which is in turn the image of the spirit of God.” Human law, therefore, and we speak of a good law, because a bad law ts no law, but rather a species of violence, reflects the will of God, And this divine reflection is found not only in him who makes the law as in him who enforces it, but in the highest to the lowliest agents of the law. Were the blessed sacrament of the altar to be carried in sol- emn procession by the Pope of Rome, all Catholics would bend their knees in devout adoration. This would also be true if the bleased sacrament was carried by a bishop or country parish priest, or even in time of emergency by a layman. It makes no differ- ence who is the carrier, but it does make a difference what is carried. And so also in the exercise of the law, be he President or police- man, judge or attorney, he carries the same sacred thing—the law—the expressed and sacramentalized will of God. The court of law, therefore, must partake of the sanctity of the sanctuary. We do speak of the min- ister of justice. And it is in this sense that the apostle speaks when he says, “We know that the law is good if a man uses it rightly.” They who handle the law handle the will of God. There are many people in this country who do not profess belief in God or who at least do not identify themselves with any public and organized worship of God. Yet they look above:and beyond them- selves for some ultimate source of personal safety, economic, social and international security, and the protection of their inalien-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD able rights to life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness. And thank God the traditional democracy of America would not tolerate the enthroning of a false god, a self-ap- pointed dictatorship or entertain a philos- ophy of law called juridical positivism which Pope Pius XI says “attributes a deceptive majesty to the setting up of purely human laws, and leaves the way open for a fatal divorce of law from morality." And hence our fellow citizens who do not accept God or church find their own hope of human security in our Government, courts, and law- yers. These agencies become the only sanctuaries whither such people can flee for protection against the criminal, the redress of wrongs, and reestablishment of the rights due them. These agencies, if they do not represent God to these people, at least should hold inviolate the imperishable sanctity of the law and be valiant custodians of the tabernacle of human rights. With people who believe in God, the court of justice becomes even more holy ground where the will of God is reverentially and im- partially dispensed to His obedient children. We know the law is good if a man uses it rightly. And we know that those who deal with the law in any official or professional capacity will use it rightly if they are con- vinced they are interpreting and executing the will of God toward His people. They have been appointed human ministers of divine justice and charity. They have been ordained as legates to carry into effect what St. Paul calls the ordinance of the angels. (Acta 7: 53.) With confidence that we have expressed your own thoughts and feelings this morn- ing, we are happy to greet the members of the Catholic Lawyers Guild, their associates and friends ut this opening of the New Court Year. The law is good and holy in its origin and nature. And we feel that in your hands it shall remain good and holy in its execu- tion, May the holy spirit of God prompt and guide you in your deliberations. Resolutions of Poweshiek County (lowa) Farm Bureau EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL M. LeCOMPTE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. LECOMPTE, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Con- GRESSIONAL ReEcoRD I desire to include a set of resolutions adopted by the Powe- shiek County (Iowa) Farm Bureau at a special meeting held October 8, 1946. I feel that these resolutions are pertinent and will be of value to all Members of Congress who are interested in agricul- tural problems. 1. We reaffirm our allegiance to the United States, the Department of Agriculture, the Extension Service, and the Iowa and Ameri- Can Farm Bureau Federations. We will co- operate with them to the fullest extent. 2. We pledge our wholehearted support to the churches, schools, and all other organi- gations in the county working for commu- nity betterment. 8. We recommend that every effort be made to make the United Nations Charter into a workable instrument for a lasting world-wide peace, and that the secrets of atomic energy be retained by the United XCUI—App.——4 States until such time as full peace is as- sured. 4. We feel that a revision should be made of the present parity formula, making it more equitable to the producers of all farm com- modities, 6. We demand the fulfillment of the 90 percent parity price support program for 2 years after the official end of the war as pro- vided for by the Steagall amendment. 6. Because of the break-down in the prin- eiples of OPA, resulting in inequitable con- ditions and ineffective control, we recom- mend the removal of all OPA regulations. 7, We believe that under present condi- tions the control of production of our agri- cultural commodities is necessary so that the supply will be in line with the demand. We recommend that this program be continued and administered by locally elected farmer committeemen up to and including the State levels We further recommend the continuance of Federal commodity loans and purchases, when necessary to maintain the prices of farm products. 8, We favor the 100 percent collection of the State income tax rather than higher property taxes. 9. We recommend that all income produc- ing property held by nonprofit organizations be taxed as other property. 10. Since two-thirds of Powcshiek County farmers ure still living on mud roads, we recommend that a more intensive road im- provement program be developed for the construction of all-weather secondary roads. We recommend that a more aggressive State all-weather secondary road program he adopted, including an additional l-cent gas tax for secondary road building. We also believe that a higher percentage of Federal funds for road construction In lowa should be used for all-weather secondary roads. 11, We recommend the establishing of a maximum speed limit on Iowa roads and a more adequate system of highway markings. 12. In face of increasing traffic accidents, we recommend that all automobile owners be required to carry liability insurance before an auto license be issued. 13, We favor legislation as outlined in the last school code commission report recom- mending $12,000,000 State aid annually for schools. 14. We urge the creation of a county board of public instruction. 15. Since a number of the counties of the Stute now receive $5,000 county appropria- tion annually for extension work, while others like Poweshiek County receive only $3,000 annually, we recommend that legisla- tion be enacted so that all counties will re- ceive $5,000 annually. 16. We recommend the employment of a full-time county nurse. 17. We ask for support in the 1947 session of the Iowa Legislature for an enabling act which legalizes the establishment of and pro- vides for the maintenance of free public libraries for rural persons, and to educate toward the organization of efficient rural library units financed by local tunds and supplemented by State and Federal funds. 18. We recognize the valuable assistance rendered to agriculture by the Agricultural Extension Service, the Experiment Station, Iowa State College, and the United States Department of Agriculture. However, we feel that the experiment station should de- vote more work and study to the control of livestock diseases and parasites. 19. The need of more soil conservation practices in Poweshiek County is becoming more evident each day. We recognize the value of the soil conservation work as carried on by the Poweshiek County Soil Conserva- tion District and the Soil Conservation Serv- ice and pledge our support to this program. 20. We recognize the valuable training being given our rural youth through 4-H club work and vocational agriculture and home- A49 making schools. We feel that every rural boy and girl should have an opportunity for the training afforded by these programs. 21. We commend the farm service officers and manager and the general and special in- surance agents for their work and the efi- cient operation of their groups. 22. The various cooperative associations in the county have made a successful and val- uable contribution to agriculture. We pledge continued support and assistance to these organizations, 23. We recognize the value of the publicity and support which the papers of the county have given during the past year and express our appreciation to them for their fine coop- eration, What Goes On Here? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN R. MURDOCK OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. MURDOCK. Mr, Speaker, under extension of remarks, I wish to include herewith an item taken from the Arizona Farmer of December 28, 1946, entitled “Winter Seeds, New Yuma Industry.” This is a very enlightening bit of infor- mation. It has a direct bearing on leg- islation now pending before Congress. It throws much light on the character of the soil, climate, and agricultural possi- bilities of land in Yuma County, Ariz., which is now being reclaimed by the Gov- ernment. This very area described in the in- cluded article is a part of the Gila project which the Bureau of Reclamation is pre- paring within a few weeks to have ready for veterans under legislation passed in the Seventy-ninth Congress. In view of the fact that the project is only partly completed, the amazing results portrayed in this accompanying article lend weight to the justification by the Bureau of Reclamation for the rapid completion of this reclamation work. The article is as follows: WINTER SEEDS, NEW YUMA INDUSTRY—OATS, PEAS, WHEAT—-AND WHAT'S TO COME NEXT? On Yuma Mesa they're growing 800 acres of peas this winter—for seed! They're grow- ing 40 acres of oats there and 10 more in Yuma Valley—for seed! Those peas will be planted next spring in Washington, Oregon, and Idaho. The oats will be planted next spring in Minnesota. These enterprises sound like interesting Arizona farm stories, and they are. But they are more. They are further proof that the Nation has discovered Yuma County as a wint-r seed-producing areca. If farmers elsewhere find themselves short of desirable seed, as the pea growers of the Northwest did last fall, they can send to Yuma and have seed grown in time for their next crop season. Suppose that some seed house or experi- ment station develops a valuable new va- riety of vegetable or field crop, as the Uni- versity of Minnesota has developed two varie- ties of 70-day oats. The seed cun be in- creased in winter at Yuma, under the Arizona sun where there is never any shortage of ir- rigation water, and the variety can be in commercial production at least a year sooner than would otherwise be possible.
A50 That has already been done in the case of Rescue wheat. In fact, the Rescue suc- cess was what brought to County Agent Bob Moody the inquiries which resulted in those plantings of peas and oats. He has answered still other inquiries which may lead to more and possibly bigger contracts next fall. ALL-YEAR SEED COUNTRY But wait a minute. Don't get the idea that raising winter seed for customers in a hurry is all that those Yuma folks have in mind. Once their county threshed a tenth of all the alfalfa seed produced in the whole United States, and they'll be back in that position again if market conditions are right. Maybe they'll get back there any- way, regardless of the market for old stand- ard alfalfas such as Chilean and Hairy Peru- vian. For they have the jump on the world in three important new varieties; they get 29 cents a pound premium for al! the Ranger seed they can grow, 14 cents for their India and African seed. And it will be years, from all indications, before they can overtake de- mand. Then there's Bermuda seed. The Roll- Mohawk district ‘produced nearly all of America’s Bermuda seed and can step up in its output any time more is needed. On top of all this is a factor juet as im- portant as any already mentioned. They have seed know-how down there along the west end of the Gila and the south end of the Colorado. They're seed specialists whose experience will keep them ahead of all com- petitors. They know how to take full ad- vantage of their climate. They know how to combat insects and are not afraid to pile on the fertilizer. TIME THE ESSENCE But since the peas are the most spectacu- lar development of the current season, let's get back to Yuma Mesa and Ralph McGill. Late last summer, Bob Moody had a letter from Gerald Whitney of the Whitney Pea Co., of Athena, Oreg, Whitney is a young go- getter whom many of the canners and freez~ ers of the Pacific Northwest depend on for the seed they supply to their growers. All at once they had decided that they needed many tons more of Thomas Laxton, Alder- man Improved Gradus, and Perfection seed than were available. Did Moody think there might be a chance to get a winter seed crop on Yuma Mesa? Moody did think so. His reply was so fa- vorable that Whitney flew to Yuma in his private plane. He signed a contract with McGill, a young veteran who had already made a name for himself farming on the mesa. McGill swiftly made a deal with the United States Bureau of Reclamation for 800 acres in forties and eighties, just leveled and ready for water. His proposition fitted right in with the Bureau's program for getting that land ready to be settled by GI's. . Ian A. Briggs, who supervised the first plantings on the mesa division of the Gila project, had found that peas make an ideal nurse crop for alfalfa, protecting it from the winds which so often sweep across those treeless fields. The Bureau furnished the alfalfa seed, which was drilled in with the peas between September 25 and October 5. The pea-seed- ing rate was 100 pounds to the acre, perhaps @ trifle light. Nevertheless, there’s a won- derful stand of both alfalfa and peas on every one of those blocks. Whitney again flew to Yuma on December 8. This time he was accompanied by Fran- - cis Wade, who grows 1,000 acres of Oregon canning and. freezing peas every summer. Both agreed that the prospects could hardly be any brighter. Two snappy nights imme- diately preceding had not even nipped the pes vines, some of which stood almost knee high. Wade predicted that the threshing could start in late February and that the yleld of dried pea seed will be half a ton to the acre; it can be much more, with any sort of weather luck. MAY NEED HELP AGAIN But a wandering farm editor was akeptical that this one-season venture had any long- term significance. ‘You'll be growing plenty of pea seed at home this summer and prob- ably won't be back,” he said. “We'll likely have plenty of seed of these varieties, but that doesn't mean we may not be short of something else,” Whitney replied. “If this crop turns out all right, we may be looking to Yuma Mesa for help every time we get in a jam. And peas probably aren’t the only vegetable that will yield winter seed in a district as warm as this.” McGill is also a figure in the seed-oat enterprise. In that, however, he’s a partner of Alf Hess, who's giving him a lot of help with the peas. TRIUMPH OF BREEDING The Minnesota Seed Co., of Faribault, wrote to Moody about getting the seed of two new oats, Mindo and Bonda, increased. These are rapid-maturing varieties, strong- stemmed and rust-resistant, believed to be the best ever bred for the short summers of the Northern States and Canada. There was only a little seed. If the Minnesotans had to wait until 1947 to increase it, they would have to walt until 1948 for any extensive plantings. They hoped to save a year. Yuma County was ready to oblige. On December 12 Hess and McGill began planting 15 acres of Mindo and 325 acres of Bonda on the meaa, 10 of Mindo at Hess's place in Yuma Valley. Again, alfalfa went in with the mesa oats, for oats also are a splendid nurse crop. The Rescue wheat story has already been told in Arizona Farmer but will here be re- viewed because of what that experiment led to. This is the sawfly-resistant, solid- stemmed wheat that originated in Canada Just in time to give new hope to desperate farmers in Montana and elsewhere. Ralph Mercer, Montana's extension agronomist, sought aid from the Arizona Agricultural Experimental Station. A single bushel of seed was sent to the Mesa Farm, increased to 85 bushels in the winter of 1944-45. This was enough to seed 27 acres in Montana, which produced 877 bushels in the summer of 1945. The Montana Crop Improvement Association shipped 100 bushels back to Arizona and that was planted on 100 acres of John Brete’s farm in South Gila Valley, about 10 miles east of Yuma. Brete’s yield was 8,870 bushels, which got to Montana in time for June planting. Last fall Montana threshed 38,870 bushels, which is plenty to ges commercial production of Rescue started in 1947. No, it doesn't take any super-optimist nor any wizard with second sight to perceive that Yuma County has some wonderful oppor- tunities in winter seeds. Those opportunities don't lie altogether on the mesa, either. Probably all the truck-crop seeds will have to be grown there; but when it comes to small grains, both Yuma Valley and South Gila Valley are warm enough. To Reduce Taxes, Cut Public Expenditures EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wedzesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, much is being said these days APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD about the reduction of taxes by the Fed- eral Government. Everyone wants this to be done. There are many ways to reduce taxes. But the surest way is to cut public expenditures.. ‘ A sharp reduction in the number of Federal Government employees, and the taking off of the pay roll of perhaps several hundred thousand Federal em- ployees, will result in a great deal less spending of public funds. The saving will be made, not only in the salaries now being paid these employees, but in end- ing the expenditures of vast sums of money by these employees and for hous- ing and office equipment and other ex- penses necessarily incident to the reten- tion of the vast army of civilians now on Uncle Sam’s pay roll. The public generally, and almost uni- versally, is demanding that Congress de- lay no longer than necessary to take the proper steps to discharge hundreds of thousands of bureaucrats not needed in peacetime operations, who in many in- stances are retarding reconversion and stifling much needed production. The shifting of employees from one bureau or agency to another will not solve the problem. The taxpayers cannot be re- lieved of their present burdens until the bureaucrats are fired. Apparently they will not be discharged and their names stricken from the pay rolls until Congress refuses to appropriate the vast sums of money now being spent for their salaries and expenses. The first and most important way to reduce taxes is to reduce public expendi- tures. Let us begin by eliminating un- necessary employees. The people de- mand that this be done, and I believe Congress will carry out such a program, and that the people will approve. The following editorial appears in the Tulsa Daily World of Tuisa, Okla., of January 6, 1947, entitled: THE FEDERAL PAY ROLL Topping the agenda of the Eightieth Con- gress will be the Federal fiscal prohlems, never before 8o many, important, tremendous, and timely. Substantial tax and Budget cuts have been pledged from various quarters. Also to receive major attention will be the efforts to balance taxation with spending. The machinery to help achieve this balance will be available to Congress when the provi- sions of the Legislative Reorganization Act are put into effect. This act‘oalis for a more adequate review of spending proposals by means of a “legislative budget” to be sub- mitted to Congress by February 15. For the first time Congress has provided itself with the tools with which to examine and bring needed efficiency to the largest governmental spending unit in the world, A stronger fiscal control is not only neces- sary but imperative. The war-swollen total of Federal Government employment can well be the first target of economy advocates. The @7,500,000,000 peak was reached in 1944. At the end of 1945, after some cut-backs had been made, pay rolls were still 850 percent greater than in 1939. Today there are 2,209,- 000 civilian employees in the Federal Gov- ernment. Congress should determine the number necessary for efficient operation of the Government and promptly put a stop to herd habit of becoming wed to the public pay roll.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Uncommon Man EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT W. HAWKES OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES "Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. HAWKES. Mr. President, I in- vite the attention of the Members of Congress to an article which appeared in the Denver Post of September 19, 1946, written by L. Ward Bannister, a promi- nent and respected attorney of Denver, Colo., under the title “Here’s a Cheer for the Uncommon Man.” We all recognize that the rights of the common man must be protected and that justice must be spread evenly for all. Nevertheless, we must make it pos- sible for the uncommon man, who does the unusual thing for the benefit of all, to survive and be protected in the re- wards he obtains from using his uncom- mon abilities, genius, and powers of leadership. The great difference be- tween America and the rest of the world is that America makes it possible for the common man to become the uncom- mon man. It makes it possible for the laborer of today to become the capitalist of tomorrow. It recognizes the value, power, and necessity of leadership prop- erly and honestly performed. I ask unanimous consent to have this article inserted in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: HERE'S A CHEER FOR THE UNCOMMON MAN— LET'S NOT VORGET REWARD FOR MAN WHO MAKES PROGRESS (By L. Ward Bannister) We hear much these days, and rightly, about the common man, but not nearly enough about the uncommon man. Let us beware that we do not let this man become the “forgotten man.” We need him, We, the people, are equal before the law, and want to stay so, for we will have no frozen classifications, but open ones, that we may strive and rise upon our merits. It is to be remembered however, that, in point of fact, we are not all equal in capacity and at- tainments. The great majority of the people are honest, industrious, and good citizens. As they strive, they progress, and the Nation progresses. They are the bone and sinew of our national Hfe. They represent the com- mon man. Below that majority is a small minority of the less competent, indeed, of many loafers, some of whom, it is to be re- gretfully said, are beyond redemption. Above that majority is another minority—men and women of greater natural ability, inventive- ness, daring and achievement. They are found to some extent in all lines—manage- ment, labor, agriculture, the professions, the aciences, and the arts. Private capitalistic nations have them; so does public capitalistic Russia; although, because of greater individ- ual liberty and responsibility, they are far more numerous in the former than in the latter. It is the members of this superminority who represent the uncommon man; ths man whom right. now, even in our own America, there is a tendency to overlook and. to forget. It is he, this uncommon man, who. inspires and guides the rest of us into greater en- deavor, It is he who makes the wheels go ground into fields of greater accomplish- ment, indeed, into fields that often are new. What he does is for the benefit of us all in point of economic goods and of other values as well. We need to keep this uncommon man with us. How are we to do it? Let us not, through envy or economic error, shackle too much his greater gbilities. Let us, in this connection, recall the story of Dean Swift's shipwrecked “Gulliver” who, landing alone on a strange island, lay down on the ground to sleep, only to find, on awakening, that a multitude of tiny dwarfs had swarmed over his body and had tied him to the earth. Yes, they tied him down, but they had to gang up on him to do it; not one of them could have done the job alone. No, “let not genius lay its head upon the block while towering mediocrity plays the king.” How are we to reward this uncommon man so that we may retain him in our service? There is, in the main, only one way. Russia tried another first, the formula of equality in economic reward, but in the end had to give it up and turn to that of inequality be- cause the former rule proved inconsistent with human nature and social progress. In- deed, by way of illustration, wage differen- tials among the workers in Russia are greater today, in many instances, than in America. What should the formula be? Here is one, although only symbolically expressed, that carries a rational appeal: A quart of milk a day to the common man, and two quarts to the uncommon man, for the common man knows, if he but stops to think, that he is more likely to get his one quart if the uncommon man gets his two, and he wants his one quart. Hail to the uncommon man! Brooklyn’s New Leader EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH: OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ord, I include the following editorial which appeared in the Brooklyn Eagle of August 12, 1946: BROOKLYN'S’ NEW LEADER If we must have political bosses, John Cashmore, who succeeds the late Frank Kelly as Democratic leader of Kings County, seems a happy choice. He is not one of the back-room boys, but a civic-minded man of the people, whose career has been as open- faced as he is. Time will test his capacity in the new job, his pressure resistance, his progressiveness and his ability to pile up the impressive Democratic majorities that Kelly manipulated. But he is equipped for a@ good start. A51 Mr. Cashmore may readily be graduated from a local to a national figure. Kings County is untque in a dominant State. It casts the second heaviest Democratic vote of any county in the country. Its majorities have repeatedly carried this State into the Democratic column and were considered phenomenal in the Roosevelt years. But Mr. Cashmore has won even larger majorities there than President Roosevelt or Mayor O'Dwyer. He is bound to have a potent voice in future Democratic conventions, both State and national. Veterans’ Hospital, Newington, Conn. EXTENSION OF REM 4RKS oF HON. WILLIAM J. MILLER OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. MILLER of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker, I have just secured permission to insert in the ConaressionaL Recorp & copy of a resolution recently adopted unanimously by the rehabilitation com- mission of the American Legion for the Department of Ccnnecticut. This resolution asks for the immediate expansion of the United States Veterans’ Hospital, at Newington, Conn. It is sug- gested that 128 additional beds be made available at this hospital. This is not intended to interfere in any way with the proposed construction of a new gen- eral and medical hospital in New Haven, Conn. Due to the fact that the Govern- ment already owns ample land and that the power plant and other utilities are now adequate to provide for an enlarged hospital, the additional beds can be pro- vided for just about one-half the cost of providing the same number of beds at some hew site. I hope our Committee on Veterans’ Affairs will very early in the session con- sider the advisability of expanding some of the existing smaller hospitals. Resolution adopted unanimously by the re- habilitation commission of the American Legion for the Department of Connecticut Voted, That without in any respect im- pairing its program for hospital construction in the vicinity of New Haven, we respectfully urge upon the Veterans’ Administration the need of addittonal hospital beds at a point where they can be provided with maximum promptitude and minimum cost because of existing installations. The record of the United States hospital at Newington is outstanding; and in our judgment it should be expanded by 128 beds to meet the constantly growing load of vet- eran surgical and medical needs before the situation becomes acute. We earnestly rec- ommend this, as well as the prompt installa- tion of long-awaited surgical facilities, and respectfully request that these urgent mat- ters be given priority. Purther voted, That the Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs and th: chief medical di- rector be requested to accord to our chair- man an appointment to discuss this impor- tant subject as soon as practicable; and that copies of this resolution be transmitted for their information to our Senators and Rep- resentatives in the Congress of the United States.
A52 The People’s Plea to the New Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAMOMA IN THE HOUSE OF R&P. [ATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, on November 5, 1946, the people, by their ballots, made a strong appeal to the new Congress. They said, by their votes, that they wanted to abolish regimentation. They said, in effect, that they wanted the new Congress to do everything necessary to relinquish the chains of the New Deal administration. The people undoubtedly said by their votes that they wanted us once more to be simply Americans. They told us, in no uncertain terms, that they wanted the new Congress to restore America to Americans for Americans. The following article by Mr. E. F. Hut- ton, of Westbury, Long Island, appeared as a full-page presentation of these ideas in the New York Journal and American of December 13, 1946, which i am de- lighted to quote as a true expression of the people's plea to the new Congress: If you are an American, read this. If you are too busy now, tear it out ~nd read it iaver. 6. F. a. ABOLISH REGIMENTATION & PLEA TO THE NEW CONGRMSS, FOR THE PEOPLE Gentizmrn: The vote which elected you was an insistent protest aguinst interference with the lives and tiberties of the people. This interference came from two souross. One was by a vast bureaucracy asserting the power to rule and reguiate cur lives, often in disregard of statutes passed hy the Congress of the United States of America. The second was by the “invisible govern- ment” of irresponsible labor leaders who have been exempt from the law under which all others must live. We want bureaucrate and labor leaders to be governed by law. We want social security from strikes. We want to be sure that we can get fuel to keep us warm and operate owr vast in- dustries. We want to be sure that our cities shall not be plunged into darkness. We want to be sure that our babies can have milk and our children can go to school. We are tired of economic wars. We want “domestic tranquillity” under which we can work, produce and prosper. We want irresponsible power curbed. We want to return to constitutional gov- ernment—equal justice under law. We want the Wagner Act reviewed in the light of the abuses which have grown up under it. We want to know why there have been three times as many strikes since that act wes . We want all workers to prosper—because they are all customers. There are no laber gains when the loss in wages from strikes leaves the worker behind the eight-ball for maonths or years before he oan catch up. There are no labor gains when strikes force wage increases which do not result in increased production and musi, therefore, be paid by all the people through higher prices. Labor unions have exerted power over the lives of millions. More than the Gov- ernment can constitutionally assert. This must be stopped. ‘No man or group of meen has the right to peraiyee el business activities and tarow millions out of work. No American should be competied to pay tribute to anyone for the right to a fob. Slavery was supposed to have been abolished 81 years ago. Wo American should be compefled to go on strike without a democratic opportunity to voice his opinion. We want the working people of this Nation to have the freedom and the liberty promised und@er our Constitution. We want waste in Government ended. We want taxes reduced. Too much money {8 now being poured into Government bureaus and spent without thought or reason. We want this money made available to buy better tools and equipment and thus encourage in- ‘eased production by human energy and skills. Only in this way will we enjoy lower covets as Wages and standards rise. We want you to encourage the enterprise system which built this country from 13 weak Coionies into the No. 1 world power. We want you to say to every American: “Bpeak up. Express your opinion. Give your counsel freely on all public questions. Have No fear of retaliation.” We want more men who can create pay checks, more pay checks, bigger pay checks. Gentlemen, you are the trustees of Ameri- can liberty, the guardians of American pros- perity. As you face this trust, act upon what is fight, not who is right; put aside political expediency Legislate for America. Cooper- ate with the President of the United States and let htm cooperate with you. Make some sacrifice of opinion for national unity. You, gentlemen of the Congress, must re- unite our people You must reinstate the incentive to work, the incentive to risk cap!- tal in new ventures, free from crushing tax- ation and crippling red tape. Your success tn this effort will justify the faith of our founding fathers. Your failure may mark the collapse of the last citadel of a free people anywhere on this globe. Respectfully yours, £. F. Hvrron. Wersrevrt, Lona Islan OPEN LETTER TO EWERY GEADER OF THIS ADVERTISEMENT If you believe what is said here, it is your Obligation to give this message the most wide- spread circulation possible. Endorse this page with your signature—send it to your Representatives in Oongress and your Sena- tor. Join with others in financing the re- printing of this advertdsement in other cities and towns. As one individual, it 4s impos- sible for me to cover the country. If you are & man of American business, the reprinting of this message is an obligatton of yours. Reprint it as a corporate or private effort, in as many papers as you can afford. If you are 4 leader of American tmbor, the same respon- sibfiity applies to you. We are now at the point where no one of us, interested in the welfare of our country, can any longer shirk his duty and responsibility. EF Address of Dr. Ruth Miller Steese EXTENSION OF | or HON. RICHARD M. SIMPSON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES , 1947 ‘Mr. BIMPSON of Pennsyivania. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD marks, I énciude tn the Racorp the radio address delivered December 30, 1946, over Station WKOK, Sunbury, Pa., by Dr. Ruth Miller Steese, of Miffinburg, Pa., national executive committeewoman of the American Legion Auxiliary. The address follows: ; As we close the year of 1946 and look for- ward to the gear of 1947, we do eo with a song on our lips and a prayer in our hearts that the New Year will bring to every one in our radio sudience the realization of the universal wish for the establishment of 4 true and lasting peace. To America, the nations and the peoples of the world have always looked as the Utopia of their dreams, the land of wealth and opportunity, and the land and home of free- dom and equality. To America, the nations are again looking as the United Nations strive for the solution to the problezns of war, for the answer to the possibility for the eradication of racial and class hatred and bittermess, and for the ulti- mate goal of world peace. As we consider all the problems which face us, we realize that ‘history will be in the making when the Eightieth Congress con- venes tn Washington this week. To the new Congress will come many new faces and many individuals new to the science of national lawmaking. But in that group of mew Congressmren wil] appear many who have werved their Nation in other capacities, vet- erans in military science and service and vet- erans in governmental practice and procedure. The Ejghtieth Congress will possibly be composed of the targest group of ex-service- men ever to formulate our national laws. To the American Legion and its auxiliary, the calender of events in Congress will be a con- stant study With an actual membership of over 4,000,000, representing the interests of every veteran and his family in the United ‘States, we shall seek to have made into laws those measures which will secure and main- tain for us a zound America, freed from com- souniem and ail other foreign philosophies and ideologies—a safe America, whose every shore is protected dy the strongest national defense program possible tn a free country— a sane America, whose young men by a sys- tem of universal military training have learned the value of liberty and who prefer to serve ber in time of peace in order to pre- vent the horrible holocaust of a third war of total destruction and annihilation. With such basic principles and ideas ever uppermost in our minds and hearts, we as the largest veterans’ organization and its auxiliary, will present to this Eightieth Con- gress our majcr program on legislation. Our program will mecesaitate the drafting of ap- proximately 250 bills, to be introduced into the Senate and House of Representatives early in the sesaion, that the mandates of national conventions may be carried through to ac- complishment. It is a huge program, varied fin scope, gigantic in aim, and herculean efforts will be needed to make these 250 bills into laws withia the one session, but with the strength and determination of organized vet- erandom we shall be successful. As we pre- went our program to the public, we do s0 reminding them that it is not a selfish pro- gTam and reminding them that the veteran popniation of the United States was their Meginot line, ther Normandy beachhead, their southwestern Pacific defense between them and the of destruction of Ger- many, Italy, and Japan in 1941-45. The veteran population is the personal rep- yesentative of almost every family in the United States and as such, represents that tor which all America and all Americans ‘en all-out effort for the perpetuation of the land of our fathers, the country of Washington and Lincoin and the tand of promise of our children’s children.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It was the blood of the veterans of 1917-18 and it is the blood of those of 1941-45 which keeps ever bright the red stripes in Old Glory, just as their courage and loyalty, their de- votion and sacrifice keep the white stars and the blue field, true white and true blue. The major legislative program which we shall present to Congress shall cover nine main objectives, which are— 1. Rehabilitation and readjustment. 2. Housing. 8. On-the-job training. 4. Terminal leave pay. 5. Reemployment of veterans. 6. Universal military training. 7. Education of orphans of veterans. 8. Aid to dependent children. 9. Veterans’ preference. The success of this program will mean the individual and collective success of everyone in terms of happiness and security to the America of the present. It will mean a partial fulfillment of the promises made when the men and women went forth to serve— that well-known promise of “nothing is too good for those who sérve.” But the greatest security for the America of today and of tomorrow can be found only in the enactment of point 6—namely, uni- versal military training. The opponents of this measure have con- stantly deluded the public by confusing mil- itary training with military service, This has been done deliberately and with a pur- pose. Because we of the American Legion and the American Legion Auxiliary believe so strongly that the American Legion plan for universal military training is a program of value to every young man, because we believe that it would raise the health and educa- tional standards of the United States and because we are confident that it would pro- mote lasting peace, we ask everyone, believers and nonbelievers alike, to study our plan. With the military service of our country favoring it, with veterans’ groups who know more than any other the exact meaning of war, promoting it, and with the National Education Association endorsing it, the pub- lic, who will be the most affected by it, should study it with an open mind, with an interest born of things American, with a love akin to their belief in and devotion to these, our United States of America. It is with love for America and her tradi- tions, with visions and dreams for her per- petuation as the worthy capital of the United Nations, that the membership of the American Legion and its Auxiliary asks you, the public, the individual citizen, to study our entire program on legislation that we may bring to realization the words of the immortal American, Abraham Lincoln, “To care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan.” But more important is his last admonition, “To do all which shall achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.” This is the challenge which we of the American Legion and its Auxiliary offer to the American public as the old year of 1946 draws to a close and as we enter upon the new year of 1947 and as the Eightieth Con- gress of the United States of America goes into session, May you each one measure your 1947 hap- piness and prosperity in terms of ease from suffering for those veterans hospitalized for you, in terms of security and protection for the widows and children whose veteran dead are scattered over the battlefields of the world, in terms of peace, enduring and ever- lasting peace, for all because we in the United States had the courage to be strong enough physically to command the respect of all the nations of the world, large as well as eraall, And so with this program in mind, with & request for your support and cooperation, we of the American Legion and the Ameri- can Legion Auxillary wish you, each and all, @ happy New Year. Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FADJO CRAVENS OF ARKANSAS ‘ IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. CRAVENS. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from the November 1946 issue of the Journal of the American Bar Association. This article was prepared by Hon. Aaron L. Ford, of the District of Columbia Bar and a former Member of this House. It deals with the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 and contains much helpful and timely information: Ts LEGISLATIVE REORGANIZATION ACT oF 1946 (By Aaron L. Ford, of the District of Columbia Bar ’) Article 1. Section 5, clause 2, of the Fed- eral Constitution says that “each House may determine the rules of its proceedings.” This provision of the Constitution being the su- preme law of the land, the Senate or House of Representatives in the next or any suc- ceeding session of Congress may by appro- priate resolution adopt new rules relating to their proceedings or create new committees, notwithstanding the enactment of the Legis- lative Reorganization Act of 1946.7, But there are also many other things in the latter statute. BACKGROUND For many years the executive branch has requested, and the Oongress has granted it, extraordinary powers to meet emergency needs. Complaint has arisen respecting the use of many of those grants. The situation became the target for criticism. Congress was strongly urged to reorganize and re- assert itself as a coordinate branch of the Government. On February 11, 1943, the House of Repre- sentatives created a special committee to investigate acts of executive agencies in ex- cess of their statutory or constitutional au- thority. The committee submitted seven reports,‘ of which the seventh pointed out 1Member of Mississippi and District of Co- lumbia bar; Representative in Congress from Mississippi in the 74th through the 77th Con- gresses, 1935-43; general counsel of the Spe- cial Committee of the House of Representa- tives To Investigate Acts of Executive Agen- cies Exceeding Statutory or Constitutional Authority, 1943-45. ' Public Law No. 601, 78th Cong., 2d sess., approved August 2, 1946. *H. Res. 102, 78th Cong., lst seas. How- ard W. Smith, of Virginia, chairman; John J. Delaney, of New York; Hugh Peterson, of Georgia; Jerry Voorhis, of California; Fred A. Hartley, Jr., of New Jersey; John Jennings, dr., of Tennessee; and John B. Bennett, of Michigan. Representative Brnnerr shortly resigned, and Representative Crarz E. Horr- MAN, Of Michigan, was appointed to fill the vacancy. “H. Repts. 699, 862, and 898, 78th Cong., Ist sess.; H. Repts. 1024, 1866, 1797, and 1912, 78th Cong., 2d sess. A53 that most important bills were drafted by the executive officials intended to be the recipients of the powers. The committee recommended that Con- gress establish a permanent joint Senate and House legislative staff service, for the pur- pose of enabling the standing legislative committees of Congress to obtain expert, un- biased, and independent analysis of pro- posals. The committee also recommended the establishment of a permanent Joint Sen- ate and House Committee on Appropriations, to investigate and study the manner in which the executive branch spends funds, the es- tablishment of a permanent Joint Senate and House Committee on Executive Agencies and Procedures to investigate whether the laws are executed and administered accord- ing to the intent of Congress, and the crea- tion of a joint committee of the House and Senate to study the organization and opera- tion of Congress and recommend improve- ments to enable the Congress to meet its responsibilities § THE 1946 REPORT OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE Meanwhile, a joint committee of the two Houses of Congress was created for a full and complete study of the organization and oper- ation of the Congress... On March 4, 1946, 157 years to a day after the convening of the first session of the First Congress, the com- mittee submitted a report containing 37 spe- cific recommendations for the modernization and improvement of the operations of Con- gress and stating in part that:* *A bill embodying these recommendations ‘was introduced in the House of Representa- tives by Congressman Howargp W. SmiTH of Virginia on November 20, 1944. H. R. 5485, 78th Cong., 2d sess. ¢§. Con, Res. 28, 78th Cong., 1st sess., intro- duced by the late Senator Francis Maloney, of Connecticut, and H. Con. Res, 54, 78th Cong.. 1st sess., introduced by Representative A. 8. Mrtxe Monroney, of Oklahoma. They were identical. The following were the members of the committee: Representatives Mon- roney, of Oklahoma; Cox, of Georgia; Lane, of Massachusetts; Michener, of Michigan; Dirksen, of Illinois; and Plumley, of Vermont. Senators Maloney, of Connecticut; Thomas, of Utah; Pepper, of Florida; White, of Maine; Brooks, of Illinois; and La Follette, of Wis- consin. Senator Russell, of Georgia, was ap- pointed a member of the committee, on Feb- ruary 12, 1945, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Senator Maloney. Senator Maloney passed away on January 16, 1945, and Senator Robert M. La Follette, Jr., was elected chairman of the committee on March 8, 1945. On January 11, 1945, early in the first session of the 79th Congress, Senator Maloney introduced a resolution to recreate or continue the committee (S. Con. Res. 7). This resolution was presented to the Senate by Senator Barker, of Kentucky, for Sen- ator Maloney during Senator Maloney’s last illness. On January 11, 1945, Representative Monroney introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives to recreate or con- tinue the committee (H. Con, Res.18). This resolution passed the House on January 18, 1945, and was agreed to with amendments in the Senate on February 12, 1945. The House of Representatives concurred in the Senate amendments on February 19, 1945. The same Members were reappointed or continued to serve on the committee and the actual study and report was made pursuant to H. Con. Res. 18, 79th Cong., 1st sess. ™ The committee held 89 public hearings and 4 executive sessions between March 13 and June 29, 1945. The testimony of 102 witnesses was taken, 45 of whom were Mem- bers of Congress, In addition, 87 Members and many interested private citizens sub- mitted written statements”; S. Rept. 1011, 78th Cong. ad sess., p. 1; H. Rept. 1675, 78th Cong. 2d sess., p. 1.
Ab4 “Our committee was created in response to @ widespread congressional and publio be- Hef that a grave constitutional crisis exists in which the fate of representative govern- ment itself is at stake. Public affairs are now handled by a host of administrative agencies headed by nonelected officials with only casual oversight by Congress. The course of events has created a breach between Government and the people. Behind our inherited constitutional pattern a new po- litical order has arisen which constitutes a basic change in the Federal design. Mean- while, government by administration is the object of group pressures Which weaken its protection of the public interest. Under these conditions, it was believed, the time is ripe for Congress to reconsider its role in the American scheme of government and to modernize ite organization and procedures.” The bill containing the recommendations of the committee was introduced in the Sen- ate by Senator La Follette on May 13, 1946, agreed to in the Senate on June 10, passed by the House of Representatives on July 25, and signed by the President on August 2, 1946. CONGRESSIONAL REORGANIZATION ACT Titles I and II of the act relate directly to legislative operations. Titles II, IV, V and VI are related to that purpose but have ad- ditional direct effects. Senate Part I of title J substantially amends rules XVI and XXV of the standing rules of the Senate. Beginning with the convening of the Eightieth Congress in January of 1947, the present standing committees of the Sen- ate are reduced in number from 33 to 15." Heretofore Senators have been permitted to serve On an unlimited number of commit- tees; but hereafter. under the amended rule, a Senator may not serve on more than two standing committees of the Senate, except that those of the majority party who are members of the Committe> on the District of Columbia or the Comm‘ttee on Expendi- tures in Executive Departmente may serve on three standing committees. The amendment to rule XVI prohibits the Senate Committee on Appropriations from reporting an appropriation bill containing amendments proposing new or general legis- lation. It provides that the Senate shall not receive an amendment to an appropri- ation bill which proposes general tegislation or is not germane or relevant to the subject matter contained in the bill. It also pro- hibits amendments to any item or clause of such bill which do not directly relate thereto and forbids the placing of any re- "Sections 102, 108, and 104 of the Revised Statutes of the United States are not an unconstitutional invasion of the right of the Houses of Congress to make their own rules, inasmuch as those bodies may act by statutes as well as by rules. Chapman v. U. S. (1896), 8 App. D. C. 302; In re Chapman (Dist. Col. 1897), 166 U. 8. 661, 17 8. Ct. 667, 41 L. Ed. 1154. This abolishes the Senate Committees on Audit and Control, Claims, Commerce, Enrolled Bille, Immigration, Indian Affairs, Irrigation and Reclamation, Interoceanic Ca- nals, Library, Manufacture, Military Affairs, Mines and Mining, Naval Affairs, Patents, Pensions, Post Offices and Post Roads, Print- ing, Privileges and Elections, Public Buildings and Grounds, and Territories and Insular Af- fairs. At the same time the amendment to rule XXV creates new standing committees of the Senate on Armed Services and on Public Works; and it changes the names of the standing Committees on Education and Labor, Interstate Commerce, Public Lands and Surveys, and Rules to Labor and Public Welfare, Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Public Lands, and Rules and Administration. striction on the expenditure of funds appro- priated if the restriction is unauthorised by law and {f such restriction is to take «fect or cease to be effective upon the happening of a contingency. House of Representatives Part 2 of title I substantially amends rules X and XI of the standing rules of the House of Representatives. Beginning with the next Congress, the present standing committees of the House of Representatives are reduced in number from 40 tc 19.2 In the part, mem - bership on one of the major committees in the House of Representatives was considered a full-time job for those members belonging to the majority party, but a member could serve on minor committees without limita- tion as to number. Hereafter, under the amended rule, Mem- bers of the House may not serve on more than one standing committee, except that Members who are elected to serve on the District of Columbia Committee or on the Committee on Un-American Activities may be elected to serve on two standing commit- tees, and Members of the majority party who are elected to serve on the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Depart- ments or on the Committee on House Admin- istretion may be elected to serve on two standing committees. Rule XI has been broadened to permit the Committees on House Administration, Public Works, Public Lands and Veterans’ Affairs to report at any time on certain matters; heretofore this priv- jlege was pretty much limited to the Com- mittees on Accounts, Appropriations, Rules, and Ways and Means when reporting revenue measures. Subpena powers Section 184 (a), part 8, title I, authorizes each standing committee of the Senate, in- cluding any subcommittee of any such com- mittee, to hold hearings and to require by subpena or otherwise the attendance of wit- nesses or the production of correspondence, books, papers, and documents. With the ex- ception of the Committee on Appropriations, which is authorized to conduct investigations under section 202 (b) of title II, no stand- ing committee of the House of Representa- tives is authorized to subpena witnesses or conduct investigations. Budget and revenue The Government is the largest single spender of money. Raising revenue with which to finance its various departments and operations is a continuing as well ag a tre- mendous problem, It has often been sug- gested that the members of the Appropri- *This abolishes the House Committees on Accounts; Census; Claims; Coinage, Weights, and Measures; Disposition of Executive Papers; Election of President, Vice President, and Representatives in Congress; Elections No. 1; Elections No. 2; Elections No. 3; En- rolled Billa; Flood Control; Immigration and Naturalization; Indian Affairs; Insular Af- fairs; Invalid Pensions; Irrigation and Recla- mation; Library; Memorials; Military Affairs; Mines and Mining; Naval Affairs; Patents; Pensions; Printing; Public Buildings and Grounds; Revision of the Laws; Rivers and Harbora; Roads; Territories; and War Claims. At the same time the amendment to Rule X creates new standing committees of the House of Representatives on Armed Services and on House Administration and Public Works, combines the Civil Service and Post Office and Post Roads Committees as well as the Education and Labor Committees into new Committees on Post Office and Civil Serv- ice and Education and Labor, and has the effect of changing the name of the Commit- tee on World War Veterans’ Legislation to the Committee on Veterans’ Affairs. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ations and revenue-raising committees of the Congress should meet and give closer con- sideration to the relationship between in- come and expenditures. Section 138 (a), part 8, title I, provides for a joint meeting of the revenue-raising and appropriations committees of the two Houses at the begin- ning of each regular session of Congress, and contemplates joint action on the adoption of an over-all legislative budget. LEGISLATIVE AID While all of title I of the act deals with changes in Rules of the Senate and House of Representatives and is subject to the will and pleasure of the two Houses with reference to their own affairs, the other five titles of the act become a part of the substantive law. Committee staffs Subject to annual appropriations, the Com- mittee on Appropriations of each House is authorized to appoint such staff by a majority vote as it shall determine to be necessary. Each of the other standing committees of the Senate and House of Representatives is authorized to appoint, by a majority vote of the committee, not more than four profes- sional staff members in addition to the reg- ular clerical staffs of such committees. The professional staff members of the com- mittees are to receive annual compensation fixed by the chairman and ranging from 65,000 to $8,000, and the clerical staff is to receive compensation ranging from 62,000 to $8,000. Section 202 (f), part 1, title II, pro- vides that no committee shell appoint to its staff any experte or other personnel detailed or assigned from any department or agency of the Government, except with the written permission of the Committee on Rules and Administration of the Senate or the Commit- tee on House Administration of the House of Representatives, as the case may be. Sec- tion 202 (g), part 1, title II, provides that no individual who is employed as a professional staff member of any committee shall be eli- gible for appointment to any office or position in the executive branch of the Government within a period of 1 year after he shall have ceased to be such a member. Legislative Rejerenoe Service The Legislative Reference Service began functioning as a division in the Library of Congress about 1914. It appears to have re- ceived its first appropriation $25,000, as auch a division in the Legislative Appropria- tion Act of 1916. Its firat work consisted of preparing indexes and digests of the laws but this was soon enlarged to permit it to supply information to committees and Members of Oongress. During the fiscal year ending June 80, 1046, the Legislative Reference Serv- ice received an appropriation of nearly $200,000, Section 203 (a), part 1, title IT, now estab- Ushes the Legislative Reference Service as a separate department in the Library of Con- gress. Its function is: (1) On request to assist any committee or joint committee of either House in the analysis, appraisal, and evaluation of legislative proposals or recom- mendations submitted by the President or any executive agency, to assist otherwise in furnishing a basis for the proper determina- tion of measures; (2) on request or upon ite own initiative in anticipation of requests to gather, classify, analyze; and make available, in translations, indexes, digests, compilations, bulletins, and otherwise, data bearing upon legislat:on without partisan bias in selection or presentation; and (3) to prepare sum- maries and digests of hearings, bills, and resolutions, Section 203 (b) (1) provides that a director, assistant director, and all other necessary personnel be appointed by the Librarian of Congress, without regard to the civil-service
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD laws, without reference to political affilia- tions, and solely on the ground of fitness,’* Legislative Counsel On February 24, 1919, Congress established & legislative drafting service to afford to committees expert assistance in drafting pub- lic bills and resolutions." The name was changed to Office of the Legislative Counsel on June 2, 1924, and placed under the direc- tion of two legislative counsels, one to be appointed by the President pro tempore of the Senate and the other to receive his ap- pointment through the Speaker of the House of Representatives." During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1046, $90,000 was appro- priated to the Office of the Legislative Coun- sel.8 Section 204, part 1, title II, now au- thorizes appropriations for the work of the Office of the Legislative Counsel in the fol- lowing amounts for the fiscal years ending June 30: 1947, $150,000; 1948, $200,000; 1949, 250,000; 1950, $250,000; and such sums as may be necessary for each fiscal year there- after. COMPTROLLER’S AUDITS Before the passage of the Legislative Re- organization Act of 1946, it was the duty of the Comptroller General to conduct audits for the purpose of determining whether the departments and agencies of the Government were spending funds as authorized. Section 206, part 1, title II, now authorizes and di- rects the Comptroller Genera] to make an expenditure analysis of each agency in the executive branch (including Government corporations), to enable Congress to deter- mine whether public funds have been eco- nomically and efficiently expended. REGULATION OF LOBBYING Title III is often referred to as the Anti- lobbying Act. Such a reference is a mis- nomer, for there is nothing whatever in the act that prevents lobbying. The important part of this title is found in section 307. What the act really intends to accomplish is to bring about registration, and a state- ment of reccipts and expenditures, on the part of ‘any person who by himself or through another in any manner directly or indirectly solicits or receives money or any other thing of value to be used principally to aid, or the principal purpose of which person is to aid, in securing or influencing the passage or defeat of any legislation by the Congress of the United States. Section 308 (a) provides that any person who shall engage himself for pay or for any consideration for the purpose of attempting to influerce the passage or defeat of any leg- islation by the Congress of the United States shall, before doing anything in furtherance of such object, register with the Clerk of % Section 203 (b) (2) authorizes the Li- brarian of Congress to appoint in the Legis- lative Reference Service senior specialists in the following broad fields: agriculture, American Government and public adminis- tration, American public law, conservation, education, engineering and public works, full employment, housing, industrial organ- ization and corporation finance, international affairs, international trade and economic geography, labor, mineral economics, money and banking, price economics, social welfare, taxation and fiscal policy, transportation and communications, and veterans’ affairs. For the work of the Legislative Reference Service (203) (c) authorizes the appropria- tion of $560,000 for the fiscal year ending June 80, 1947; $650,000 for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1948; $750,000 for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1949; and such sums as may be necessary thereafter to carry on the work of the Service, 140 Stat. 1141. 243 Stat. 358; see also 55 Stat. 728. 4 Public Law No. 85, 70th Cong. lst sess. the House of Representatives and the Sec- retary of the Senate and furnish certain in- formation; but persons who merely appear before committees of the Congress of the United States in support of, or in opposition to, legislation are expressly exempted from the requirements of section 308. Section 310 (a) provides criminal penalties for violations and section 310 (b) provides in addition that any pergon convicted is prohibited for 3 years from attempting to influence directly or indirectly the passage or defeat of any proposed legislation or from appearing be- fore a committee of the Congress in support of or in opposition to proposed legislation, TORT CLAIMS ACT In considering the Legislative Reorganiza- tion Act of 1946, Congress was faced with the question of how it could best handle the large number of tort claims. It could con- tinue to handle them through private bills just as it had done in the past; it could give the heads of the Federal agencies power to make adjustments or settlements; or it could make the United States amenable to suit in the courts. It chose what might be termed @ combination of the two latter courses.” Small claims Where the total amount of the claim does not exceed 81,000, under section 403 (a), au- thority is now conferred upon the head of each Federal agency to determine and settle any claim for money against the United States accruing on and after January 1, 1945, on account of damage to or loss of property or personal injury or death caused by the negligent or wrongful act or omission of any employee of the Government while acting within the scope of his office o. employment under circumstances where the United States, if a private person, would be ltable to the claimant for such damage, loss, injury, or death, in accordance with the law of the place where the act or omission occurred. Larger claims are committed to the courts. Suits Subject to stated exceptions,” section 410 (a), part 8, provide: that the United States district courts (for the district where- in the plaintiff is resident or wherein the act or omission complained of occurred), sitting without a jury, shall have .xclusive jurisdic- tion to determine and enter judgment for money on any claim aginst the United States accruing on and after Junuary 1, 1945, on account of damage to or loss of property %*A somewhat similar bill passed both Houses but was given a “pocket veto” by President Coolidgt. H. R. 9285, 70th Cong. 35 Similar legislation has been in effect for some years. Bec. 421 exempts from the title: “(a) Any claim based upon an act or omis- sion of an employee of the Government, exercising due care, in the execution of a statute or regulation, whether or not such statute or regulation be valid or based upon the exercise or performance or the failure to exercise or perform a discretionary func- tion or duty on the part of a Federal agency or an employee of the Government, whether or not the discretion involved be abused. (b) Any claim arising out of the loss, mis- carriage, or negligent transmission of letters or postal matter. (c) Any claim arising in respect of the assessment or collection of any tax or customs duty, or the detention of any goods or merchandise by any officer of customs or excise or any other law-en- forcement officer. (d) Any claim for which @ remedy is provided by the act of March 9, 1920 (U. 8. C., titte 46, secs, 741-752, inclu- sive), or the act of March 8, 1985 (U. 8. C., title 46, secs. 781-790, inclusive), relating to against A55 or personal injury or death caused by the negligent or wrongful act or omission of an employee of the Government while acting within the scope of his . fice or employment under circumstances where the United States, if a private person, would be liable to the claimant for such damage, loss, injury, or death in accordance with the law of the place where the act or omission occurred. The section further provides that the United States shall be Mable in respect of such claims to the same claimants, in the same manner, and to the same extent as a private individual under like circumstances except that the United States shall not be liable for interest prior to judgment or for punitive damages. It also provides that costs shall be allowed in all courts to the successful claim~- ant to the same extent as if the United States were a private litigant, but not at- torneys' fees. Compromises, limitations Section 413, part 3, authorizes the Attorney General to settle any claim after the insti- tution of suit with the approval of the court in which such suit is pending. Section 420, part 4, provides that every claim against the United States cognizable under the title shall be barred unless within 1 year after such claim accrued or within 1 year after the date of enactment of the act, whichever is later, it is presented in writing to the Federal agency out of which activities it arises if such claim is for a sum not exceeding $1,000; or unless within 1 year after such claim ac- crued or within 1 year after the date of en- actment of the act, whichever is later, an action is begun pursuant to part 3 of the title. GENERAL BRIDGE ACT In the past Congress has given its consent for the construction of bridges over navigable waters by the passage of individual bridge bills. By including title V in the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 Congress gave its general consent for the construction, main- tenance, and operation of bridges and ap- proaches thereto over the navigable waters of the United States except where the con- struction of a bridge would connect the United States or any Territory or possession with a foreign country. The location and plans for such bridges must be approved by the Chief of Engineers and the Secretary of War before construction is commenced, and in approving the location and plans of any « bridge they may impose any specific condi- tions relating to the maintenance and opera- tion of the structure deemed necessary in the interest of public navigation. Section 502 (c) makes it unlawful to con- struct or commence the construction of any privately owned highway toll bridge until the of an act or omission of any employee of the Government in administering the provisions of the Trading With the Enemy Act, as amended. (f) Any claim for damages caused by the imposition or establishment of a quarantine by the United States. (g) Any claim arising from injury to vessels, or to the cargo, crew, or passengers of vessels while passing through the locks of the Pan- ama Canal or while in Canal Zone waters. (h) Any claim arising out of assault, bat- tery. false imprisonment, false arrest, ma- lictous prosecution, abuse of process, libel, slander, misrepresentation, deceit, or inter- ference with contract rights. (1) Any claim for damages caused by the fiscal operations of the Treasury or by the regulation of the monetary system. (j) Any claim arising out of the combatant activities of the military or naval forces, or the Coast Guard, during time of war. (k) Any claim arising in a foreign country. (1) Any claim arising. from the activities of the Tennessee Valley Au- thority.”
A56 location and plans thereof shall have been submitted to and approved by the highway department or departments of the State or States in which the bridge and its ap- proaches are situated. The right is given to enter upon lands and acquire or condemn real estate and other property needed for the location, construction, operation, and main- tenance of bridges and their approaches be- tween two or more States. SALARIES Members of Congress now receive an an- nual salary of 610,000. The Legislative Branch Appropriation Act of 1946 provided an additional expense allowance of 82,500 per year for Members of the House. The Legis- lative Branch Appropriation Act of 1947 con- tained the same provision for Senators, ef- fective after January 1, 1946. Effective on the day on which the Eightieth Congress con- venes, the salary of Members of Congress, by section 601 of title VI, is now increased to $12,500 per annum and the 82,500 annual expense allowance is made permanent. The annual compensation of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Vice Presi- dent of the United States is increesed from $15,000 to $20,000. The provisions of the title also permit Members of Congress to come under the Civil Service Retirement Act, provided they con- tribute 6 percent of their annual salaries. No Member is entitled to receive an annuity until he shall have become separated from the service after having had at least 6 yeara of service as a Member of Congress and has attained the age of 62 years. The Govern- ernment contributes to the retiremcnt fund, and the annuity is an amount equal to 214 percent of the Member’s annual basic salary multiplied by his years of service, but not to exceed an amount equal to three-fourths of the compensation he is receiving at the time he becomes separated from the service. CONCLUSION The Legislative Reorganization Act of 1046 does not appreciably change the rules of de- bate in the Senate nor lessen the prerog- atives of the Rules Committee in the House of Representatives, two things about which there was publicly expressed apprehension. Apart from the value of the reduction in the number of standing committees in the Senate and House of Representatives and the other changes made tn the rules of the two Houses, definite forward steps are taken by the act in the provisions for professional staffs for committees, increased pay to cler- ical employees of committees, larger ap- propriations for the office of the legislative council, and the expenditure analysis of Fed- eral agencies by the Comptroller General. In this connection a most important part of the act is found in section 203, part 1, title II, wherein the Legislative Reference Service is established as a separate depart- ment in the Library of Congress with its duties broadened, its appropriation and per- sonnel greatly enlarged, and the appoint- ment of all its specialists and other employ- ees lodged in the hands of the Librarian of Congress, For many years Congress has been greatly handicapped due to the lack of an adequate staff of expert analysts to assist it in the formulation and study of legislative proposals—lack of proper working tools. It has had to rely too much and too long on the analysis and advice of the executive branch. Congress now makes a significant start toward freeing itself from this condi- tion in forbidding the employment by com- mittees of persons detailed or assigned from any department or agency of the Govern- ment, without the written permission of the Committee on Rules and Administration of the Senate or the Committee on House Ad- ministration of the House of Representatives, and in making professional staff members of committees ineligible for appointment to any office or position in the executive branch for @ period of a year after they shall have ceased to be such a member, Yet Congress has inconsistently placed the hiring of all the personnel of the Legislative Reference Service in the hands of an officer of the executive branch, the Librarian of Congrese who is appointed by the President (by and with the advice and consent of the Senate) and its charged with administering the copyright laws in addition to his duties as head of the Library of Congress.” In that situation Hes danger to the success of what Congress has sought to achieve because, un- leas the Librarian of Congress is superhu- manly careful, it will be only a short time before the executive branch dominates the Legislative Reference Service. Other titles and provisions display, if not a complete solution of the problems with which they deal, a diligent and sincere attempt on the part of Congress to improve the operating methods and potentialities of the legislative branch. In so doing it has taken significant ateps affecting the administration of justice as well, as for example in the matter of tort claims. While there are many difficulties to be seen ahead in launching the legislative reorganization program, everyone interested in good government will hope for its suc- cess and that it will prove to be a start upon which much may be built in the coming years. Army-Navy Moratorium EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. W. STERLING COLE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OT REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. COLE of New York. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following ar- ticle by George Fielding Eliot entitled “Army-Navy Moratorium”: ARMY-NAVY MORATORIUM (By George Fielding Eliot) Within the next 5 years, the ablest mili- tary minds of this country expect very great changes to be made in the weapons and equipment of our armed forces. These will involve changes in tactics and technique and changes, of course, in tmiining. They may be such as to bring about changes in our national strategy—presuming, as we may well presume, that we shall not in 5 years’ time have dispensed with the need for giving serious consideration to strategical matters, This being the case, it seems a pity that we cannot lay aside, for the next 5 years, the furiously red-hot question of unification of the armed forces. Whatever we decide now, we may have to change as we go along, may have to alter out of all recognition within a few years. The existing War and Navy De- partments are perfectly capable of taking care of our national security for the tmme- diate future, and would be even more so if Congress would immediately enact those features of the proposed unification measure on which there is full agreement between the services. These include (1) a national security council, to consist of the Secretary of State, the service secretaries, and the chairman of @ new organization performing roughly the same function as the old War Production Board; (2) a central intelligence authority; (3) a central authority for scientific research and development along military lines; (4) statutory recognition of the Joint Chiefs of 17 8ee 2 U. 8. C. 186 and 17 U. 8. O. A. 1-64, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Staff. One step more might be taken—the President might be authorized to appoint a chairman for the national security council with special powers as a Presidential deputy to resolve interservice differences. Particu- larly, this officer might be charged with bringing about interservice budgetary plan- ning and coordination. Admittedly, this would not be satisfac- tory to the Army proponents of unification now. My Army friends will, I am sure, re- gard this suggestion as Navy propaganda. But how can anyone who Is sincerely devoted to the cause of national security really de- sire the continuance of the present condi- tion of interservice controversy, which takes up so much of the time and thought of offi- cers and officials at all levels of authority in both departmenta? Consider what a 5-year moratorium on unification might accomplish: First, we would have time to see what changes were brought about by new weapons and new methods, and also by international developments. Second, during the 5-year period we would have five classes of high-ranking students passing through the National War College, studying together the broad aspects of war and of national security and passing out into their respective services again, to oc- cupy positions of high authority. Third, during the same period we would have in operation our seven joint overseas commands, in which joint staffs, under a single commander, would be working’ out the practica] problems of joint command in peacetime. Fourth, the national security council and ths Joint Chiefs of Staff would have an op- portunity, under statutory authority, to work on interservice coordination and to discover what could be done and in what respect im- provement was required. At the end of 6 years the whole matter could be reconsidered, in the light of the experience thus gained, and without the heat engendered. by present urgent attempts to rush unification through Congress while the going is—or seems to be—good. Meanwhile, the consolidated congressional committees on the armed forces will have a chance to ehake down at their new jobs. A new President and new service Secretaries will have been 8 years in office and will have brought new points of view to the broad problems of administration which are in- volved. The question of universal training will have been settled. The shape and char- acter of our commitments under the United Nations Charter will be far more sharply de- fined tl.an they are at present. One possible difficulty with the suggested 5-year moratorium is the unquestionable need for autcnomy for the Air Forces. To establish a separate department of air at this time, however, should not be too much of a dislocation—or the Air Force could be set up as @ separate military force under the tem- porary administration of the War Depart- ment for an interim period of 5 years. This latter plan might, indeed, provide a most useful testing ground for some of the theories on which the idea of unification is ased. The Late Honerable W. B. Bowling EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ALBERT RAINS OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 7, 1947 Mr. RAINS. Mr. Speaker, I take this time to inform the Members of the House of the death of a distinguished former
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Member, the Honorable W. B. Bowling, of Lafayette, Ala., on December 27, 1946. Judge Bowling, as he is affectionately known to the thousands of Alabamians who knew and loved him, represented a Part of my district in the House from 1920 until August 1928, when he resigned to accept the judgeship of the Fifth Ju- dicial Circuit of Alabama. Judge’ Bowling passed away suddenly. He was addressing a meeting of the Ro- tary Club in Lafayette, Ala., when he was stricken. His record as a Member of Congress and as & judge is one of excel- lence. He was a leader in the Baptist Church, of which he was a member, hav- ing served as the president of the Ala- bama Baptist Association for a number of years. Judge Bowling was 73 years of age ut the time of his death. He had led a full life, filled with fine accomplish- ments. He died as he would have wanted to, “in the harness.” His legion of friends mourn his passing, and bless his memory. I include at this point a newspaper article from the Lafayette (Ala.) Sun, to- gether with an editorial from the same paper: JUDGE BOWLING PASSES SUDDENLY AT ROTARY CLUB—DEATH COMES UNIXPECTEDLY WHILE REVIEWING ROOK BEFORE THE GROUP Judge William Bismarck Bowling, age 76, prominent jurist of this city, collapsed and died almost: instantly while reviewing a book before the Lafayette Rotary Club, of which he was a member, last Friday at 1:20 in the Baptist Church annex. Stunned members of the club and guests looked helplessly on while Doctors Wheeler, Riser, Frazer, and Moore administered arti- ficial respiration and other first aid measures to no avail. Judge Bowling was reviewing the Adven- tures of Captain Simeon Suggs, one of his favorite books, written by a former resident of this city, Johnson Jones Hooper. He had just read and commented on one of the book's outstanding chapters and had looked at his watch to see if he had time to review further. On finding that he had something like 10 minutes more, he put his watch back in his pocket and began talking. Suddenly he leaned forward against a nearby table and collapsed on the floor, where death came quickly. Funeral services were held at Lafayette First Baptist Church, of which Judge Bowling was a member and deacon, Saturday after- noon at 3 o'clock, with Rev. ©. C Sanders, pastor, conducting, assisted by Rev. O. R. Burns and Rev. 7. M. Gardner. Burial was in the Lafayette Cemetery, with Johnson & Sanders in charge of arrangements. Active pallbearers were John Williams, Joe Tyner, N. D. Denson, Judge Albert Hooten, Bismarck Evans, and Joe Jenkins. Honorary pallbearers were Billy Hare, Holmes Powell, Dick Powell, Thomas Samford Mullins, Paul Hooten Sam H. Oliver, D. W. Jackson, W. O. Walton, R. C. Wallace, C. E. Fuller, C. 8. Moon, James A. Hines, Bill Hines, Howell Morrow, B. B. McGinty, Dr. Gwaltney, Dr. L. N. Duncan, George Lanier, 8. L. Toomer. Surviving are the widow, Mrs. Frances Collins Bowling; one son, George R. Bowling, Lafayette; two daughters, Mrs. George L. Jenkins, Lafayette, and Mrs. John Thomas Frazer, Opelika; two grandsons, Ensign George Randolph Bowling, now stationed on Guam, and William Bismarck Bowling II, of Latayette; two granddaughters, Miss Susan Bowling. of Latayette, and Miss Jane Frazer, Opelika. Judge Bowling was born in Calhoun Coun- ty, Ala.,, September 24, 1870, and was a graduate of State Teachers College, Jackson- ville. He taught in the city schools of Mont- gomery, Ala., and Columbus, Ga., for 7 years and was admitted to the Alabama bar in 1900 when he began the practice of law. From 1904 to 1920 he was prosecuting attor- ney for the fifth judicial circuit of Alabama, resigning this office after he was elected a Member of the Sixty-sixth Congress. He served in this office until 1929, when he re- signed to accept appointment to the office of judge of the fifth judicial circuit, in which capacity he was serving as senior judge at the time of his death. He did not seek reelection and would have retired on January 20, 1947, ‘ Judge Bowling was active in church affairs, being an officer of the First Baptist Church of Lafayette and Bible class teacher for many years. He served us president of the Alabamu State Baptist convention for 2 years and was moderator of the East Liberty Baptist Association for many years, holding this place at the time of death. He was a mem- ber of the Knights of Pythias, Musons,”and a Shriner, and was a member of the board of trustees of Alabama Polytechnic Institute, Auburn, THE PASSING OF JUDGE BOWLING The Sun this week chronicles the sudden passing of Judge W. B Bowling, of Lafayette, one of our most esteemed citizens, whose contribution to the welfare and progress of our people has been outstanding. Judge Bowling had a brilliant mind. He was one nf the most learned men this section has ever produced. An outstanding jurist at the time of his death, his record of public service is seldom equaled. His knowledge of Biblical history was unsurpassed in Alabama, and to hear his discourses on this subject was, indeed, a rare privilege. His many other attainments, too numerous to mention, placed him at the top of the list in the field of public service. His passing was as we feel he would have wanted it, rendering a service to his fellow man while speaking to his fellow Rotarians. Judge Bowling loved Rotary and all it stood for, as he loved the Baptist Church, so the setting for his fare- well to this earth was among friends he loved, in the church he worshiped and served so well in past years. The suddenness with which death often comes is always shocking to loved ones, and while his legion of friends grieve with his family at his going, they can take consola- tion in knowing that he made a great con- tribution to his fellow man, and that the world was made a better place to live by his sojourn here. Brooklyn Navy Day EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following program of the ceremonies held at Borough Hall on Monday, October 28, 1946, in observance of Brooklyn Navy Day, together with a letter from the chairman of the Brooklyn Navy Day Committee: Navy LEACUE oF THE UNITED STATES, Brooklyn, N. Y., October 29, 1946. Hon. Evorng J. Keocu, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dram CoNGressMAN: It ts a pleasure to be able to report to you, a member of the citi- A57 zens’ committee, that the ceremonies held at Borough Hall on Monday, October 28, 1946, in observance of Brooklyn Navy Day, were an outstanding success, For your information, there is enclosed herein a copy of the program. With many thanks for your cooperation, I am, Sincerely, J. VINCENT KEOGH, Chairman, Brooklyn Navy Day Committec. Brooxiyn Navy Day, BorouGH HALL, Brooklyn, OcToser 28, 1946 PROGRAM 1. Musical selection: Navy Band of the New York Navy Yard, directed by Chief Musician Judson Hildebrandt. 2. National Anthem: Everett D. McCooey, soloist. 3. Navy Day proclamation: Borough Presi- dent John Cashmore. 4. Message from Ralph A. Bard, president, Navy League of the United States. 5. Presentation of Navy League Charter to Brooklyn Council, Navy League of the United States, Commander Charles Hann, Jr., to Lt. William C. Mattison, secretary, Brooklyn Council. 6. Address: Rear Adm. Ralph 8. Riggs, United States Navy. 7. Finale. BROOKLYN NAVY DAY COMMITTEE Honorary chairman: Hon. John Cashmore, president, Borough of Brooklyn. Chairman: J. Vincent Keogh, United States attorney. Col. J. H. Bigley, executive director, Brooklyn Chapter American Red Cross; James 8. Brown, Jr., Esq.; Mrs. Mathilda Bur- ling, national president, American Gold Star Mothers of the World Wars, Inc.; Mrs. Thomas F, Callahan, county commander, Ameri- can Legion; Dr. J. Henry Carpenter, Brook- lyn Church and Mission Federation; Hon. Emanuel Celler: Angelo Cincotte, Esq., county adjutant, American Legion; Lt. Comdr. Mary Clavin; Rt. Rev. Msgr. Francis P. Connelly; Mr. Milton Dammann, president, Brooklyn Chamber of Commerce; Mr Henry J. Daven- port, president, Downtown Brookyn Associa. tion, Inc.; Hon. John J. Delaney; Mr. James f, Diver, county commander, Catholic War Vecerans; William T Foley, Jr., Esq.; Mrs. Marion L. Loster, director, Home Service American Red Cross; Mrs. Katherine Goate, president, Women’s Federal Jurors’ Associa- tion; Mrs, William H. Good; Mr George H. Gray, president. Brooklyn Real Estate Board: Mr. Max Grossman, county commander, Vet- eran. of Foreign Wars; Rear Adm. F. E. Haeberle, commander, Naval Shipyard; Hon. James J. Heffernan; Mr. Lloyd I. Herzka, secretary to the borough president; Rt. Rev. Msgr. Edward P. Hoar; Mr. Almeth W. Hoff, first vice-president, Brooklyn Civic Council; Mr. Nathaniel Kaplan, county commander, Jewish War Veterans; John H. Kearney, Esq., Knights of Columbus; Rear Adm. Monroe Kelly, U. 8. N., commandant, Third Naval Dis- trict; Hon. Eugene J. Keogh; Admiral Thomas C,. Kinkaid, commander Eastern Sea Fron- tier; Rabbi Israel H. Levinthal, Brooklyn Jew- ish Center; William C. Mattison, Esq.; Lt. (jg) Andrew J. McCaddin, United States Coast Guard Reserve; Hon. Miles F. McDonald, dis- trict attorney, Kings County; Rt. Rev. Msgr. Richard B. McHugh; Mr. George V. McLaugh- lin, president, Brooklyn Trust Co; Rear Adm. R. R. McNulty, superintendent, United States Merchant Marine Academy: Mr. Albert R. Menard, president, Rotary Club of Brooklyn; Hon. Donald L. O'Toole; Mr. C. E. Paige, Brooklyn Union Gas Co, president; Hon. Joseph L. Pfeifer; Mr. Joseph Pridday, presi- dent, Frederick Loeser & Co.; Hon. Edward J. Quigley; Hon. Leo F. Rayfiel; Mr. Branch Rickey, 8r., president, Brooklyn Baseball]
A58 Club; Miss Harriet T. Righter; John J. Robin- son, Esq.; Hon. John J. Rooney; Mr. Leonard 8. Ross, Namm’s, president; Mr. Walter Roths- ce ild, president, Abraham & Straus; John J. Ryan, Esq.; Mr. Prank D. Schroth, Brooklyn Eagle, publisher; Mr. James B, Schults, com- mander, Old Glory Naval Post; Hon. Andrew L. Somers; Mr. Howard Swain, managing editor, Brooklyn Eagle; Mr. Frank J. Taylor, American Merchant Marine Institute; Dr. Sidney 8S. Tedesche, Union Temple of Brook- lyn; Miss Mary Tuthill, president, Brooklyn Women’s Club; Comdr. William T. Vrooman, Navy recruiting; Mr. Emile Z. Weinberg; Mr. Sidney Weinberg; Mr. Edwin B. Wilson, editor, Brooklyn Eagle; Rear Adm. Francis E. M. Whiting, commandant naval base, Hon. James F. Byrnes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN E. LYLE oF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. LYLE. Mr. Speaker, James F. Byrnes is more than Time’s Man of the Year. He is America’s man of these times, wholly devoted to the simple and fundamental truths of individual dignity and justice for individuals and nations, and always conscious of the realities of this new and dangerous, but challeng- ingly hopeful, atomic age. . He has worked steadfastly for peace, believing always that a victory at arms fs but the opportunity for the victor to lead in the fight for freedom, justice, and economic security for the conqueror as well as the conquered. History will record few men who have given more for a better nation and a better world than our retiring Secretary of State. I am honored today to join millions in an expression of heartfelt gratitude for his labor in behalf of the things for which so many have paid so dearly. Eminent and worthy as his successor unquestionably is, he can but build upon the solid foundation Jimmy Byrnes has laid. America and the world are better places in which to live because of the abilities and work of this fine statesman. We pray that he may regain his health and enjoy many years in this world he has helped to build. On Federal Taxation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 9, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, there seems to be considerable contro- versy as to the wisdom of reducing per- sonal income taxes at this time. I notice that those who decry a cut in personal income taxes are, in some instances, those who have been indoctrinated with the New Deal philosophy and practice of tax, spend, and tax. It is my opinion that there is no more reason for not reducing Government expenditures and cutting taxes now than there would have been in refusing to do so following World War I. The program of economy ihen adopted blazed the way for prompt and substantial reductions in individual in- come taxes. The rates were so high in 1918 that they had arrived at the point of diminishing returns. In this connection it will be recalled that the Federal norma! tax rate on in- dividual incomes in 1918 was 12 per- cent—6 percent on the first $4,000—with @ personal exemption for a single person of $1,000, a $2,000 exemption for a mar- ried person, and a credit for each de- pendent of $200. I repeat that this high rate of taxation, reduced exemption, and low credit for dependents had reached the point of diminishing returns. This situation, in the face of an unbalanced budget, a national debt in excess of $26,000,000,000, and 6,000,000 unemployed presented a serious problem that called for a courageous program of retrench- ment and a realistic tax approach. The same arguments against tax reduction were made then that are heard now. I have referred to the high normal tax rate on individual incomes, the low exemp- tions, and low credit for dependents which existed in 1918. The first step in cutting the Federal normal rate on individual incomes was taken under the Revenue Act of 1918 for the years 1919-20. The Federal personal normal! income tax rate was reduced to 8 percent—4 percent on first $4,000. The personal exemption for a single person, a@ married person, and the credit for de- pendents remained the same. In addi- tion to the normal tax the surtax rates ranged from 1 percent to a top rate of 65 percent on net income in excess of $1,000,000 with surtax exemption of $5,000. The next revenue act was the 1921 act for the years 1921-23. The exemption for a married person was increased from $2,000 to $2,500 where the ageregate in- come of husband and wife did not exceed $5,000, and the credit for each dependent was increased from $200 to $400. In ad- dition to the increased exemption for married persons and for dependents the surtax rates were amended applicable for 1922-23. A surtax exemption of $6,000 was provided and the surtax rates ranged from 1 percent on the first $2,000 to 50 percent on net incomes in excess of $200,000. The second step in cutting the normal rate on individual incomes under the Revenue Act of 1924 was taken. Under this act the tax rate on the income of individuals was reduced to 6 percent— 2 percent on first $4,000, 4 percent on second $4,000. The personal exemption for single persons and for married per- sons and the credit for each dependent remained the same. But the 1924 act increased the surtax exemption to $10,- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 000 and the surtax rates ranged from 1 percent on the first $4,000 of net income to 40 percent on net incomes in excess of ,000. It should be mentioned, as well as stressed, that under the provisions of the Revenue Act of 1924 the tax for the year 1923 was reduced 25 percent. The third step in cutting the normal rate on individual incomes was under the Revenue Act of 1926, covering the years 1925-27, which reduced the rate to 5 per- cent—1% percent on first $4,000, 3 per- cent on second $4,000—while at the same time increasing the exemption for a sin- gle person to $1,500 and the personal exemption for a married person to $3,500; the credit for each dependent remained at $400. The 1926 act continued the sur- tax exemption of $10,000 and reduced the surtax rates. The top rate was reduced from 40 to 20 percent, and the top rate applied to net incomes in excess of $100,000. The Revenue Act of 1928, while it did not change the rates or exemptions, in- creased the earned-income credit limit from $20,000 to $30,000. The fourth reduction in the personal income-tax rate was under a House joint resolution enacted into law Decem- ber 16, 1929, and taking effect as of Jan- uary 1, 1930. The House joint resolu- tion reduced the rate for 1929 on indi- vidual income to 4 percent—one-half of 1 percent on first $4,000, 2 percent on the second $4,000—the exemption for single persons, married persons, and the credit for dependents remained the same. Thus in four revenue acts following World War I there were four substantial reduc- tions in the individual income-tax rates; also a 25-percent cut in the tax for 1923. In addition to all this tax relief there were two increases in personal exemp- tions for both single and married per- sons, and one increase in credits for each dependent. It is noteworthy in the light of these reductions in individual income-tax rates, increased personal exemptions to both the single and married persons as well as the increased credit for depend- ents, that there were no Federal deficits in any year from 1921 to 1931. But more extraordinary than all this, the record shows that notwithstanding all of this relief to individual income tax- payers, there was ample revenue to not only conduct the affairs of the Govern- ment in a high state of efficiency, but sufficient revenue to pay $1,000,000,000 each year for 10 years on the national debt. The period of all this tax relief, to which I have referred, was one of full employment, large production, debt re- tirement, and Nation-wide prosperity. During the 15 years of the New Deal, there have been adopted a great many tax proposals which have been inconsist- ent with our economic law. The country in the last election has repudiated these policies and expressed itself in favor of a return to a sound and constructive tax system. One of these theories is that a reduction of excessive and oppressive individual income tax rates will of itself