APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD existed; here in Los Angeles we should never forget the “Yanks are not coming” propa- ganda of our own local Reds prior to Hitler's invasion of Russia, nor should we fail to profit from the about-face overnight of the home-grown Communists who, seeing Russia menaced, demanded a halt to labor strife which they had stimulated, and who went all-out for a second front regardless of the coat in American lives. To get back to Secretary ‘Dennis: Speaking to the plenary meeting of the national com- mittee of the Communist Party last Decem- ber in New York, Dennis attempted both to explain reasons for Communist set-backs in the 1946 elections and to advance suggestions for Communist successes in 1947 and 1948. KEY CENTERS “Unusual consideration must now be given,” he said, “to prepare for the coming 200 municipal elections which will take place in 1947, especially in such key centers as Detroit, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Los Angeles.” His suggestions—or orders—are faithfully being carried out here; Communists are working overtime, above and underground, to take over the schools and to retain or elect sympathizers or dupes as members of the city council. For the time being it seems good sense to allow the President and Congress to explore ways to control Communism abroad; Los Angeles voters have their own opportunity to start the ball rolling right in their cwn front yard. Radio Address to My Constituents EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the REcorp, I include the fol- lowing radio address made by me over Station WNBF, on March 22, 1947: Dear friends of the Triple Cities and my congressional district, in the happy days be- fore World War II I used to welcome many senior classes to Washington each year from schools back home. These boys and girls climaxed their high school careers with a trip to the Nation's Capital and it was my pleagure to greet them in my Washington office and to pose with them in group pictures which was the proper accent to put on such a memorable event. These group pictures still cover the walls of my Binghamton office. Came the war, and travel of this kind was virtually ended so that I had little opportun- ity to meet the young people graduating dur- ing that interim. But it is interesting to note with the passing of the years, many of the youngsters who traveled to Washington as high school seniors in 1989-40 are now solid citizens, live and work in our home communi- ties and, in several instances, have written to me within the last few months about current problems. Not a few have reminded me of the time they were greeted by their Congressman so long ago on the Capitol lawn. . I am glad to tell you this practice of so- journing to the National Capital is being re- vived in earnest this year. The members of @ dozen senior classes throughout Broome, Chenango and Madison counties are sched- uled to arrive Easter week and we will doubt- less hear from several others. . I look forward to meeting these enthusias- .tic young Americans, It is refreshing to wit- XCITI—App.——77 ness the profound admiration they demon- strate when they come face to face for the first time with the shining grandeur of the Capitol dome, and when they view the sacred precincts of the Supreme Court Build- ing or when they descend the steps of the White House. These time-honored institutions sometimes escape the closer scrutiny of the hurried traveler as he keeps an appointment with some Government official, with only an hour to spare in Washington. But to the high- school senior, on his first visit to our Capitol, it is a dream come true, a story book come to life. So while I am welcoming these young folks this year, I draw your attention to their visit likewise, and emphasize to ycu the love of country and high degree of patriotism which prompt them tocome. Their sincerity constitutes hcpe for the future and their zeal @ guarantee that America will be perpetu- ated. At the request of several postal employees, I am taking a moment this evening to re- iterate my stand on legislation affecting the Post Office Department. . This division of our Government, efficiently and capably run as it is, needs every dollar we can possibly allow it to maintain mail service to the American people. The Post Office is the oldest department in our Gov- ernment. The great mass of Americans de- pend on its workers more than on any others to keep alive the communications and cor- respondence of millions. Congress has found it almost impossible and certainly impracticable to chcp very much off the Post Office budget. And that is u tribute to the integrity of Post Office personnel and management because 1t proves there is Httle or no waste in funds which Congress appropriates for this great work. To the dairymen of my district and throughout the New York milkshed I wish to express concern over the despairing letters I am beginning to receive from many of you, complaining about the drepping of milk Prices paid to producers. These declines might be all right if feed costs were going down. They might be understandable if the consumer were paying less for his milk and dairy products. But it seems to me there is no justification for the lowering of prices the dairyman is now getting. I would like to know why this is coming about and I think the farmer has a right to know, too. Lower his production costs while you are cutting his income and give the consumer ao break in the barguin. Thank you. Income-Tax Reductions EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK BUCHANAN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendi.: of the Recorp, I include an edito- rial which appeared in the Saturday, March 22, 1947, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, entitled “Taxing and Spending”: TAXING AND SPENDING The House Republican high command talks wit’ more assurance about how to cut in- come taxes than it does about how to cut the President's budget by $6,000,000,000. A1217 The proposal to cut the taxes of little fellows by 30 percent and to reduce those of virtually all other income taxpayers by 20 percent is good for sncgging votes. But we would still like to know how taxes are to be cut and the budget is to be balanced at the same time. Thus fur the only specific recommendation for cutting the President's $37,500,000,000 budget has come from the House Appropria- tions Committee, which would take a bite of 9897,072,750 out of Treasury-Post Office funds. This is a sham because $800,000,000 of that reduction is simply knocked off the $2,301,- 000,000 estimate for tax refunds for the next fiscal year. The only way to reduce tax re- funds is to reduce the number of taxpayers or cut down on the number of errors requir- ing refunds. It would be foolhardy to cut appropriations in the vague hope that the number of errors will be reduced or that fewer taxpayers will be required to file re- turns. The tax reduction would reduce Federal income by 83,840,000,000, It might be justi- fied if Congress could show how the budget can be reduced by the 86.000,000.000 pro- posed by the House or even the $4,500.000,000 proposed by the Senate. That would leave something toward retirement of the $260,- 000,000,000 public debt. Meanwhile, what about the new demands for Federal spending abroad? ‘The $400,000.- 000 for Greece and Turkey were not foreseen when the President prepared his budget. There is also talk of a possible $500.000,000 for Korea. The Congress is debating $350,- 000090 for relief in China and European countries over and above the 8400.000,000 for Greece and Turkey. These funds arc likely to be a drop in the bucket. Once committed to a program to stem the world tide of communism with dol- lare. we can anticipate new and heavy de- mands, Not al] of them will have to be met, certainly, but we aren't going to be able to take a swing at the problem and then duck out. We will have to follow through. Congress should not reduce taxes, adding to inflationary pressure, until the reduction has been considered carefully in relation to foreign policy, a balanced budget, and a re- duction of public debt. Thus far, Congress has not shown how these conflicting matters are to be reconciled. Also an editorial from the Pittsburgh Press of Friday March 21, 1947, entitled “Taxation for Votes Only”: TAXATION FOR VOTES ONLY House Republican leaders have agreed on @ tax reduction bill. It provides— A 80-percent cut for those with taxable income up to 81,000, comprising—and not by coincidence—the largest number of voters. A cut of 20 percent for the next largest number of voters, those with taxable income between 81,000 and $302,000. And 10.5 percent for the handful whose Income is above 8302000 and who are pre- sumed to vote Republican anyway. This bill, if passed, will diminish the Gov- ernment's revenues by 83,840,000,000—at a time when the Government's debt is $260,- 000,000,000, when the budget is still unbal- anced, when demands for national security expenditures at home and around the world are rising. Taxpayers in all brackets would be much better off tf Congress held to the present tax rates this year, and used all surplus reve- nues collected to start paying off the public debt. With prices and living costs still rising, due largely to the Government's continued spending of borrowed money, this is no time to cut taxes. Now may be a good time to start working on a sensible tax cut to be- come effective next year, after the budget has been balanced and prices stabilized.
A1218 Typical Views of Many Oklahomans EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, since Congress convened, Jan- uary 3, 1947, and even before that time, I have received litcrally hundreds of let- ters from some of the most patriotic and clear-headed citizens of Oklahoma, ex- pressing freely their views on the labor situation, and the New Deal enacted leg- islation on the subject. Nearly everyone who has written me, except CIO union officials, and a few individual members of various labor organizations, have ex- pressed the view that the Wagner Act should be repealed in its entirety, or at least drastically amended. They fre- quently refer to other national legisla- tive enactments on the subject of labor, with about as much emphasis in favor of the repeal or amendment of such other acts. Several members of organized labor, union members themselves, have suggested the necessity of congressional repeal or amendment of various acts, or parts of acts, regulating labor. The vast majority of people out our way who ex- press themselves on the subject are thor- oughly disgusted with the way the New Deal crowd has dealt with organized labor and particularly with the labor union bosses and racketeers. They all agree that the rank and file of labor is not to blame, but that the bosses and racketeers who profit and profiteer off of the individual worker should be curbed in their activities. The public has the greatest interest at stake. Management has been restricted and held responsible, and the people generally are demanding that labor unions should have their activities cir- cumscribed and that they should be held equally responsible with management. Neither management nor organized la- bor should be favored by the law. Neither of them is as vitally interested as the general public, and the public generally is demanding that this Con- gress enact legislation that will protect the interests of the public and not show any favoritism or partiality toward either management or organized labor. Typical views of many Oklahomans on this subject is expressed in a letter which I received a few days ago from a very responsible person who generally is ac- credited with thinking clearly on any subject before he speaks. I am pleased to quote from this letter as follows: Corrective labor legislation is soon to be given consideration by Congress—we hope. The closed shop is a crime against Ameri- canism, Christianity, and the individual right to provide a living for a man and his family. Why should any individual be forced to pay tribute for the privilege of a God-given right to earn a living? A few years ago when our plant was being Organized one of our older employees, about 60 years of age, came to the writer and stated, “Mr, . if I have to join this union I will be unable to work for you any longer.” I asked him why. He stated that his religious belief would not permit him to join such an organization. I have respect for every man’s religious belief, even though it might seem peculiar. This man had worked for us for 25 years. His earning capacity was greater with us than if he had gone to another con- cern for employment. We feel that the Wagner Act should be amended. It has given everything to labor, but has restricted employers from any voice whatsoever. We are not opposed to unions, if they oper- ate within the bounds of reason and legiti- mate activities. In a meeting with organizers some 2 ycars ago, one of the organizers stated in open mecting that so far as they were concerned— meaning the union—merit was kicked out of the door, That, of course, means that there would be no incentive for the ambitious, industrious, capable individual. All would be placed on the same level, and that level would be the lowest production of the poorest worker. No doubt you are aware that many States have outlawed the closed shop. The neigh- boring States of Arkansas, Tennessee, Ne- braska, and Arizona have already passed this law, and, of course, many others. I believe the matter is now before the Texas Legis- lature and I believe that it has passed the Senate. Would appreciate your giving consideration to our views along these lines. . Boxcar Shortage EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. H. CARL ANDERSEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. H. CARL ANDERSEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I quote a telegram addressed to Mr. J. Monroe Johnson, Director, Office of Defense Transportation, by the North- west County Elevator Association and the Minneapolis Grain Commission Mer- chants Association. Steps should be taken immediately to assure the great railroads in the Midwest, from which region comes the bulk of the food for our Nation, adequate boxcars in which to move these products to market. MarcH 11, 1947, Mr. J. MONROE JOHNSON, Director, Office of Defense Transpor- tation, Interstate Commerce Com- mission, Washington, D. C.: Unless immediate steps are taken to fur- nish northern grain carriers with adequate supply of boxcars to move wheat now clcg- ging country stations to Minneapolis market, Government must assume full responsibility for further rise in wheat prices and resulting increases in cost of living through higher bread and other prices. Government already mainly responsible for recent price increases through its purchases of grain and flour for shipment abroad, since Government has been aggressive bidder for the limited supply of grain available in the cash market due to the shortage of boxcars for the movement of grain awaiting trans- portation in this territory, Railroads in this area which are large owners of boxcars especially constructed for shipment of grain, today have only small percentage of their total boxcar ownership on their lines. For example: Great Northern has only 59 percent, Northern Pacific, 68 per- cent, and Soo Line, 57 percent. Coincidentally, various eastern railroads are reported to have car supplies totaling more than 100 perecent of their ownership. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This condition is ridiculous and indefen- sible in view of urgent necessity of moving wheat and other grains to this market, as possible means of retarding or reversing constantly mounting prices and cost of living. Hundreds of elevators on these northern railroads are clogged with grain while buyers compete for small supplies trickling into market due to lack of boxcars. Major portion of wheat still available for food is in farmers’ bins and cannot be mar- keted until plugged elevators are cleared through increase in boxcars. Farmers wish- ing to sell grain at present prices unable to do so because of famine of cars. Promises of relief to date have not been fufilled and unless immediate and extensive increase is ordered and provided in number of empty boxcars furnished to these northern railroads present shortage of supplies in cosh market will continue, with probable further increase in prices and cost of living. Shortage of boxcars also partly responsible for advancing corn prices, and unless this situation is relieved, vast quantities of corn are in danger of spoilage, rendering it unfit for human or animal consumption. This would result in a costly national waste of food. Only Government can correct this condi- tion, which affects every farmer with grain to sell and every consumer of bread. Asso- ciation of American Railways has failed to mect situation. Drastic measures which only the highest authority can apply are required and justi- fled. Unless needed steps are taken at once full responsibility must be be assumed by authorities who fail to act. NoRTHWEST COUNTY ELEVATOR ASSOCIATION, Grain Exchange Building, Minneapolis, Minn. MINNEAPOLIS GRAIN COMMIS- SION MERCHANTS ASSOCIA- TION, Grain Exchange Building, Minneapolis, Minn. Pinks in the State Department EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to revise and extend my re- marks in the ReEconrs, I include a letter addressed to you some 4 months ago by the Honorable Hamilton Fish, former senior Republican member of both the House Rules Committee and the Foreign Affairs Committee: Hon, JoserH W. MARTIN, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Joe: As one who served for 20 years on the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House and for many years as its ranking minority member, I feel impelled to write to you as the next Republican Speaker of the House urging an immediate investigation of the infiltration of Communists, fellow trav- elers, pinks, and left-wing New Dealers into places of responsibility in the State Depart- ment. At the proper time, I shall be glad to sub- mit the names of the Communists and fel- low travelers who, like a lot of termites, have wormed their way into our Foreign Service and should be summarily dismissed,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Communists or red Fascists who seek to subvert our American system and to ap- pease Soviet Russia and its satellite nations will be the easiest to drive out of public life on their records. There is another category, far more insidious, of fellow travelers, par- lor pinks, and left-wing New Dealers who while denying any Communist allegiance generally follow the party line. These radi- cal and extreme left wingers have been screened into the State Department for the past 14 years and constitute an almost im- passible barrier toward the establishment of a@ genuine American foreign policy that is neither pro-Soviet nor pro-British. For years, left wingers have been deliberately screened into our Foreign Service until today they pass on statistics and results of investi- gations transmitted to the top policy makers. Thus, they are in a position to, and actually do, distort and color this information with a strong communistic or leftist slant. Jf the Republicans in Congress are to have any real cooperation with the administra- tion, we must insist on a complete house- cleaning of the Communists, fellow travel-. ers, and extreme leftists from out of posi- tions of trust in our diplomatic service and in other bureaus and departments of the Government. For the best interests of our country we cannot afford to wait until a Republican President is elected in 1948 to have a thorough purge of these communistic and un-American elements. If the administration fails to cooperate, then the Congress should conduct its cwn investigation. The same investigation should tnquire re- garding the entrance of foreign-born Com- munists, Reds, and other undestrables into the United States through connivance of the State Department in bypassing legitimate quotas. Such an investigation might well also ascertain the responsibility for the issuance of communistic textbooks to GI classrooms by the Army advocating prohibition of the right to inherit any wealth and that “land and capital must be socialized if national economic planning is to be effective.” I urge that you adhere to your announced policy of conducting a series of factual probes into the corruption, waste, and malfeasance of New Deal bureaucrats, but above all to reopen the Pearl Harbor investigation and to turn.the light of pitiless publicity on the Communist espionage within the United Btates. Wishing you every success as the first Re- publican Speaker in 16 years, Sincerely yours, HamMiItTon FisH. Novemprr 15, 1946. The World Situation of U. S. A. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RecorD I include therein an editorial from the Carroll County Independent of March 21, 1947, entitled “Strictly on Our Own— Now”: STRICTLY ON OUR OWN—NOW The discussion on help to Greece and Turkey goes on and on. While we are de- bating whether or no we shall help those countries, we are also debating whether or no ‘we shall take our place as the world's leading power or hand that position over to Russia. Russia is a powerful, expanding nation, ruled by men who are intensely ambitious. Russta’s leaders secured their background and training in the pitiless school of European power politics. They are avaricious, cynical, and ruthless. If we give Russia free rein tn Europe we can expect to wake up 10, 15, or 20 years from now and find that Russia has organ- ized, consolidated, and rebuilt Europe to further her own objectives with regard for no other nation or people. In the States we have always considered England and France as cour bulwarks against aggression. That is, they have always given us time to train and equip our armies. Today France is disorganized, with no money, no equipment, and torn by political strife. England is almost bankrupt. During the war she sold off her investments in loreign lands to meet the expenses of defense. Her standard of living is almost lower than It was in wartime. She owes huge sums to her one-time colonies. She is withdrawing from some of her great possessions. In no sense can England be rated the great power that she was in 1937, 10 short yeurs ago. That puts the United States squarely on the spot. It is not & question of crusading for democracy, right or wrong, or the four freedoms. It is simply a question of where the bal- ance of power in the world is going to rest and who is going to have control of that power. We in the United States have been luckier during the last three decades than any other people in the world. We have not been in- vaded, bombed, burned out, pillaged, or oc- cupied as have nearly all the nations of Europe and great sections of Asia. Because misfortune has never come to us is DO reason that it cannot or will not come. From now on, we have no great nations to protect us while we prepare to resist an aggressor. We are strictly on our own. United States Veterans’ Administration Skould Take Over St. Albans Naval Hospital EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EMANUEL CELLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letter and resolutions: Tut SEnatTE, STATE OF NEw YORK, Albany, March 21, 1947. Hon. EMANUEL CELLER, Fifteenth Congressional District, House of Representatives, Washington, D, C. Dean CONGRESSMAN: I am enclosing here- with copy of Senate Concurrent Resolution Ne. 11, introduced by Mr. Halpern, adopted in the senate on March 13, 1947, and concurred in by the assembly on March 14, 1947, memo- rializing Congress to establish a veterans’ hospital in the Borough of Queens. Also enclosing herewith copy of Senate Concurrent Resolution No. 68, introduced by Mr Halpern, adopted in the senate on March 11, 1947, and concurred in by the assembly on the same date, memortalizing Congress to take appropriate action to authorize the United States Veterans’ Administration to take over the St. Albans Naval Hospital. Sincerely yours, WruusM 8. Kina, Clerk of the Senate. A1219 Senate Resolution 68 Srate or New York, Albany, March 11, 1947. Whereas the county of Queens, in the city and State of New York, has a population of 1,369,000 of whom 207,033 are veterans of World Wars I or 11, or of the Spanish-Amer- ican War, and the adjoining counties of Nassau and Suffolk have a combined veteran poputation in excess of 140,000; and Whereas most of these veterans requiring medical treatment or having claims for adju- dication must travel great distances to the Veterans’ Administration facility in the Bronx or regional office in Manhattan, and such travel causes severe hardship, particu- largely to thore disabled; and Whereas the naval hospital at St. Albans, Queens County, N. Y., bas a plant which fits it admirably for use as a combined facility of the Veterans’ Administration providing adjudication service, out-patient service, ex- aminations, rehabilitation service, and an orthopedic section; anu Whereas the St. Albans Naval Hospital, with the Long Island railroad and various bus lines providing service at its door, offers con- venient travel facilities to residents cf Queens, Nassau, and SudJolk Counties; and Whereas come of che wards at the St. Al- bans Naval Hospital are now being used by the Veterans’ Administration on a tempo- rary basis an” others have been closed or are bsing used for storage purposes; and Whereas those facts make it evident that the Veterans’ Administration can with little expense, no dclay, and no inconvenience to the Navy, establish a combined facility at St. Albans, N. Y., providing convenient and ade- quate treatment and service for the large vet- eran population of the three counties named; and Whereas the shortage of space for rent and the obstacles to new construction generally prevailing make it improbable that such a combined facility can be opened elsewhere in any of the three counties named within 3 years or more: Now, therefore, be it Resolved (if the assembly concur), That the Congress of the United States be, and it hereby is, respectfully memorialized to take appropriate action to authorize the United States Veterans’ Administration to take on the St. Albans Naval Hoepital to provide ad- judication service, out-patient service, exam- inations, rehabilitation service, and as an orthopedic section; and be it further Resolved (if the assembly concur), That copies of this resolution be transmitted to the President of the United States, the Secre- tary of the Senate, and the Clerk of the House of Representatives of the United States, the Administrator of the United States Veterans’ Administration, the Secretary of War, the Sz2cretary of the Navy, and to each Member of Congress elected from the State of New York. By order of the senate: Wuuam 8. KIne, Clerk. In assembly: March 11, 1947. Concurred in without amendment. By order of assembly: ANSLEY B. BORKOWSEK!, Clerk. Senate Resolution 11 Strate or New Yorxk, In Senate, ALBANY, March 13, 1947. By Mr. Halpern: Whereas the Borough and County of Queens, State of New York, ts larger in popu- lation than many of the States in the United States; and ‘Whereas Queens does not possess adequate United States Veterans’ facilities for hos- pitalization of wounded and disabled vet- erans; and Whereas a large number of men formerly in the armed forces, who now require hos- pital, medical or surgical treatment, came from localities in or contiguous to Queens
A1220 and must travel great distances to receive proper attention: Now, therefore, be it Resolved (if the assembly concur), That the Senate and Assembly of the State of New York memorialize Congress to establish a veterans’ hospital and maintain suitable facilities for the hospitalization of such vet- erans in the Borough of Queens, City of New York and State of New York; and be it further . Resolved, That copies of this resolution be sent to the President of the United States, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, each Member of Congress from the State of New York and to the Administrator of the United States Veterans’ Administration. By order of the senate: WI.LLiaM S. KING, Clerk. In assembly, March 14, 1947. Concurred in without amendment. By order of assembly: ANSLEY B. Borkowsky!, Clerk. People Demand Federal Appropriation Cuts Now EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I have received almost innum- erable Jetters, telegrams, and long dis- tance telephone calls from the people of my district and other congressional] dis- tricts in the State of Oklahoma, and from other places scattered all over the Nation, demanding that this Congress reduce the Federal budget by drastically cutting appropriations and Federal ex- penditures. The people are demanding Federal appropriation cuts now. Typical of the demands of the people, I am pleased to quote the following let- ter, which speaks for itself: OKLAHOMA CITY, OKLA., March 5, 1947. Congressman GrorcE B. SCHWABE, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Drar Sir: We all know that costs have in- Creased since 1940. Government bungling has increased expense in private industry as well as in our National Government, causing the dollar to be deflated and prices to be inflated. In our business costs have doubled since 1940. However, the cost of Government is three and one-half times the 1940 rate. We realize a large Navy, Army, and Air Corps has increased costs, but three and one-half is a big number to be used as a multiplier. The Joint Legislative Budget Committee recommended a ceiling of $31,500,000,000. We feel that is plenty high. Private business ls forced to trim expenses, eliminate need- less waste, and return to a firm competitive basis. Why can't our Federal Government do likewise? The Army and Navy, through a little real economy, can eliminate sufficient needless waste to absorb the cut proposed in their budget and not in any way impair the Nation's defense. Numerous other Govern- ment agencies can be entirely eliminated now, not several months hence, but now. Those agencies which do remain can be re- duced 25 percent to 50 percent by eliminating all the dead timber and needless expense without impairing one iota the actual service rendered to the public. We are not talking in generalities or rid- dies; we are talking about things we actually know, because we have a lot of contact with many different Government agencies and we see these agencies overstaffed from 40 percent to 60 percent, occupying high rental space, 8 well as incurring other operating expense. If they were reduced to the actual needs the budget could be reduced to 831,500,000,000 and be able to pay up to $10,000,000,000 on the national debt. It is time for the political pork barrel back scratching to stop or our Nation is going to be thrown into commu- nism and bankruptcy. Very truly yours, R. W. ROBBERSON. The Occupation of Monmouth County EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES C. AUCHINCLOSS OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE CF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. AUCHINCLOSS. Mr. Speaker, under authority granted me, I am in- serting in the REcorp as a part of these remarks an excellent editorial which ap- peared in the Asbury Park Press on March 21 entitled “The Occupation of Monmouth County,” and I hope it will be read by my colleagues. Up to the time the war broke out, Monmouth County in New Jersey was fast developing into an expanding farm and home area in the State. It offered unusual opportunities for recreation, having fine ocean bathing and fishing facilities as well as riding, golf, and game hunting. With the war came the Army and Navy with ever-expanding demands which the residents responded to with enthusiastic and unselfish patriotism. Now that the war is over and the time has come to cut down expenses wherever possible, the people properly expect to receive back some of the things that have been taken from them. The Army and Navy should show greater cooperation in this respect than they have. The Army now proposes to spend $1,- 175,000 in building 30 additional quar- ters for officers at the Signal Corps depot at Fort Monmouth, although the personnel stationed there now ts much reduced from what it was during the war when they got along without these build- ings. Furthermore, if these buildings are really needed—which is open to Brave question—they should be built on the presently occupied extensive camp area and not on the country club prop- erty as proposed. The country club property should be sold to private owners and restored to the local tax rolls. Protests have been made to the Sec- retary of War concerning this and he is conducting an investigation. I am in favor of the support of a strong Army and Navy but I am strongly opposed to this sort of wasteful and unnecessary expenditure. The editorial which well expresses the views of the community follows: THE OCCUPATION OF MONMOUTH COUNTY The conquest of Monmouth County pro- ceeds apace. At the present rate it will not be long before the entire county is converted APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD into a military and naval reservation with searcely any territory left for the. civiliar population that foots the bill for the occu- pation forces. Fort Hancock commands all of Sandy Hook; Fort Monmouth has usurped the heart of a thriving residential area; the Earle ammunition depot consumes a vast stretch of land and divides the county with a private ammunition railroad and highway and blocks the south channel of Raritan Bay with a loading pier; the State encampment at Sea Girt deprives the public of a stretch of fine beach; Camp Evans extends over a large tract of land that was ready for resi- dential development, in addition to occupy- ing a fine hotel; and incidental installments such as Camp Wood deprive the county of hundreds of additional acres of land that has been taken off the tax rolls, During the war emergency the people of Monmouth County did not resist the occu- pation forces. They were ready to maké any contribution to victory, even though the Army and Navy often seemed to be occupy- ing more land and spending more money than was necessary to win even a global war. But now that the war is over the people of Monmouth County feel that they are entitled to share in the peace. They resent such ridiculous projects as the construction of 30 buildings for officers’ quarters on the site of the Monmouth County Country Club. Here was a splendid club and recreation cen- ter that paid a sizable tax bill to the borough of Eatontown and the county. It was yielded to the Army during the war but it was pre- sumed that it would shortly thereafter be returned to private owners and to the tax rolls. But the Army, apparently eager to show that it needs larger appropriations by spending every dollar at its disposal, plans permanently to occupy the country club site and spend over a million dollars in erecting officers’ quarters, even though abandoned Army buildings elsewhere would supply the accommodations it needs for officers. Congress, prompted into action by the pro- tests of the people of Monmouth County, should call off this invasion. It should do so to save Monmouth County for the people of Monmouth County and to prevent a waste of funds on military projects of doubtful ne- cessity. We have heard a great deal lately of the billions needed for national defense. Most Americans will be inclined to grant the - necessary appropriations. But when the Army wastes its funds by erecting new offi- cers’ quarters when satisfactory accommoda- tions are already available there is indication that the national defense budget it requests is subject to further scrutiny. The United States Marine Corps and Its Part in National Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS o HON. GEORGE W. SARBACHER, JR. OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SARBACHER. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp, I would like to include an address by Gen. A. A. Vandegrift, Commandant, United States Marine Corps, at the Navy Council Conference February 5, 1947. This timely and significant presentation reflects the thoughts of many of us who had the honor and privilege of serving under Genera] Vandegrift in the South- west Pacific. " I do hope that in future legislation we of Congress never allow the identity of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD this valiant organization to be lost or forgotten in the shuffie of unification. Military organizations, like nations and in- Gividuals, are subject to nature's laws of sur- vival. With age they acquire dignity and distinction, but sometimes over the course of the years they lose the vigor and robust character that gave them their initial im- petus. When this happens, they are replaced. They Have lost their usefulness and must give way to a hardier species. The dead tree topples with the storm while the live oak with its branches extended to the heavens and its roots embedded in the native soil survives as a symbol of life, growth, and usefulness. The Marine Corps is a live oak, and I am glad to inform its friends here today that it intends to survive. Its roots extend to town and hamlet ir the land which it bas served so well and for so long. Its sound trunk is the long roll of its memorable achievements and its branches extended are symbolic of great service yet to be rendered to a nation which supports it and believes in it. The part of the Marine Corps in national security tmposes many obligations. Success in battle is the most obvious, but it can never be attained if we have failed in other fields. Great armies have bcen vanquished merely because they found no support in the hearts and minds of the people from which they came. Their failure was in the field of moral preparation. Moral preparation its the opposite of mil- itariem. For Americans in civil life it con- sists in a steadfast belief that our form of government, our institutions, and our ideals are worthy of preservation, that the freedom which we enjoy gives us each a way of life characterized by a complete liberty to find our individual path toward whatever goal of achievement, happiness, and security we may have set for ourselves, But we never forget that the price we must pay for these benefits is the continuing obligation to de- fend them. If we should ever come to be- lieve that this debt has been discharged in full then will we stand within measurable distance of losing everything we have cre- ated during our span of life as 2 free nation. The Marine Corps is keenly aware that it ts this motive of good citizenship which has impelled so many thousands of the Nation's young manhood to join its ranks in time of war. It appreciates the depth of the pa- triotic urge which has led these same young men to accept the hazards of battle in a branch of the service which has histori- cally regarded as its chief honor the execu- tion of the most dangerous and desperate of combat assignments. In its turn the Marine Corps feels its own Gistinct obligation to these men who fill its ranks, It knows that the desire to serve one’s country in time of war is the highest expression of a responsible citizenship. These men came to the colors to vindicate their belief in the dignity of man—they must therefore be accorded a status and treatment in the service that supports them in their belief, These men answered the call because they have been taught to be- lieve in deiaocracy—they must therefore find an expression of democracy in their mili- tary service. Military service is an honor- able thing and we fail in our duty if we do not provide the man in our corps with a@ service in which he can serve with the utmost self-respect and the conviction that his civilian ideals are likewise a matter of daily practice within the military environ- ment in which he has chosen to exercise his right to bear arms in defense of these same ideals. This is the philosophy of the Marine Corps. It has borne fruit in two great wars. We have had little to offer our young men except a hard and hazardous life, yet there has never been a failure of morale or of spirit or of the will to carry the fight to the enemy. Above all we have had the satisfaction of seeing these men leave the Marine Corps at war's end free from bitter- ness and recrimination. Wherever they have gone they have carried with them back to our native soil, something that will make our country stronger in mind and in char- acter to replenish that great reservoir of belief, faith, and conviction which is the ultimate source of a great nation’s strength. This then is the fundamental contribution of the Marine Corps to our national security that, in peace, it returns to the land in renewed form the strength that it must find in war. While the roots of the oak may be hidden to the eye, the trunk which they support re- quires less description. The Marine Corpse bas rendered 172 years of continuous and honorable military service to the country. It has provided more national defense at less cost than any other comparable military organization and it remains today the Na- tion’s principal force in readiness for emer- gency use. But a corps, or in fact any military organi- zation, cannot be fully useful merely by maintaining itself in a physical state of being at the expense of the taxpayer. It must know where it is going and what it Proposes to do when it gets there. We have always known where we were going and we have alwdys been confident of our ability to give a good account of ourselves when we reached our destination. I can best illus- trate my point by referring briefly to the last 25 years in Marine Corps hirtory. In 1921, the Marine Corps became con- vinced that an eventual war with Japan wes inevitable; that it would be an amphibious war requiring seizure of island bases required for the advance of our seapower and air- power to within striking range of the heart of the Japanese Emrire. At that time there existed nothing to tell us how this was to be done. We had before us only the ghastly lesson of the Dardanelles campaign where the Brit 85 had lost so many thousands of brave men in the failure of their landings at Gallipoli. It was a lesson so tragic that military men the world over classified the landing attack as a feat of arms impossible in modern warfare. Our reply was that the coming war with Jepan would require us nevertheless to seize the mighty fortified positions she we; erecting in the Pacific. There was no alter- native, as subsequent events so fully proved. We began work in 1921 to create the forces and develop the methods and equipment that had to be found. We studied the prob- jem step by step for 20 ycars and in the utmost of detail. The seizure of Guam, Saipan, Truk, and the Palaus, names now familiar to every American, were enacted and perfected !n the classroom and on the field of maneuver year after year with an approach to reality which in retrospect seems amazing. We were ready on the day war struck, ready not only to play our own part in the conflict, but to train others and to teach others so that the benefits of what we had created could be put to use by every army and navy of the allied world in waging this new kind of warfare which we alone had foreseen. We knew where we were going, and we helped to point out the way to others; we are as proud of this unseen ac- complishment as we are of Guadalcanal, Iwo Jima, and the other historic milestones of the long. hard road that led from Pearl Harbor to Tokyo. To view the past with a justifiable pride is one thing, but to regard it complacently as a guaranty of invincibility in the future ts another. To live the tree extends its branches upward, and a military service must do the same. Its branches are its plans to meet the s of the future; to prepare for the new danger in anticipation of the event itself. Al221 In some quarters there is a tendency to shrink from the implications accompanying the recent awesome advances in the sppli- cation of science to warfare. The Marine Corps knows that an epoch in the develcp- ment of military sciences ended with the @ropping of the bomb at Hiroshima. It hes examined the facts carefully and appraised them with realism and studied detachment. Its motive is to find an answer with the same hard core of fact that it reached in 1921 when it could so accurately forecast the form and substance of the great amphibious war of the Pacific. We have reached the conclusion th:t the principle of sea power in the sense of the use of seas as the great highways cf pecce und war remains unaffected by any preeent development or any future develcpnent which is reasonably foreseeable. Warring nations will continue to regard the control and use of the oceans as primary objectives tor as long as it remnins cheaper, easier, and safer to slide cargoes of war through the water than to lift their deud weight through the air. We will continue for many years then to require our Nevy as the primary instrument in the enforcement of sea power and the dcnial of the ocean's use to enemy powers. The ficets and aircraft of a future war will continue to require bases to advance their striking power to hostile shores in the de- fense of our own. Upon the Mz-rine Corps, as the Nation’s primary amphibicus force, there rests the continuing obligation of holding itself in readiners to sez: bases re- quired in the prosecution of any war of the future just as in the wars of the past. An additional factor has tn fact now arisen to emphasize the vital nature of our h‘storic mission end to surround it with an ex:raocr- Ginary sense of urgency. In the future, enemy bases established in this hemisphere even beyond our shores might well endanger our cities and industrial centers with long- range atomic missiles. There must be main- tained at all times a force in readiness to reduce such threats before they can undo us. This force must be maintained as part of the Navy in an actual momentary state of reediness to strike. We have muintained such a force fur many years; it is the Fleet Marine Force, an integral part of the ficet for use in war and peace alike. It is the force which formed the spearhead of the amphib- ious drive across the Pacific. It is the force wh'ch may in some future war prove to be a shield against surprise attack. But the methods which the Fleet Marine Porce used so cffectively from Gucda!canal to Okinawa will not suffice in a future war. We have assessed the threat of the atom bomb and the guided missile and we under- estimate the potency of netther. We have turned our backs sharply on the past and are grappling with the new problems. Others may slumber complacently in the fox holes of the war just ended, but we will not. If we are to be confronted with the catastrophe of another war, we will not meet it with the antiquated weapons and methods of the past. Our tentative beginnings have tndicated some degree of promise. If I can tell you little of a definite nature concerning them I think you will understand the reason. We do not intend to fail the Navy or the Nation in advancing our amphibious specialty to meet the standards of this new age. I sincerely hope that we have your con- fidence that the Marine Corps is aware of its responsibilities and will persist in its ef- forts. Your confidence is in last analysis the thing that will determine the question of success or failure of the armed forces of a nation. The confidence of a people in their cause kept Washington's ragged Army in the field when no one could, with reason, hope or dream of victory. Jt sustained us in the black days following Pearl Harbor. That confidence has never been misplaced and it
A1222 is a powerful force. For example, the weap- on that conquered Iwo Jima was not pro- duced in the vast arsenal of industry, but in the hearts of the American people who were represented there by the finest they could send to do battle with our mortal enemy. It is not too much to say that the future of the Marine Corps, of the Navy, or of the Nation itself rests finally not in our hands, but in your hearts. Labor Problems EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GERALD W. LANDIS OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. LANDIS. Mr. Speaker, the House Labor Committee has just finished public hearings on labor legislation. We are ready to write a labor bill and will pre- sent it to the House within the next 2 weeks. I realize we cannot solve all la- bor-management problems by legislation but we can stop some of the red labor leaders and stop labor racketeering. Our main objective should be to enact a labor law which would encourage settlement of disputes ‘between labor and manage- ment by collective bargaining, therepy minimizing industrial strife, strikes, and lock-outs. Our big job is to protect the public from union leaders who have misused their power; however, we must be careful not to restore the abuses of the past on the part of the employers. AS a member of the House Labor Com- mittee for the past 8 years, I wish to dis- cuss important labor legislation to pre- vent strikes. If the following amend- ments are adopted by the Eightieth Cou- gress we will stop most of the labor abuses. If the executive department is sincere about cooperating with the Eightieth Congress, I believe the Presi- dent will approve such a bill incorporat- ing these provisions: First. Individuals who participate in jurisdictional strikes lose the protection of the NLRA and Norris-LaGuardia Act. Second. Individuals who participate in secondary boycotts lose protection of the NLRA and Norris-LaGuardia Act. Third. Individuals who participate in mass picketing lose protection of the NLRA and Norris-LaGuardia Act. _ Fourth. Individuals who participate in wildcat strikes lose the protection of the NLRA and Norris-LaGuardia Act. Fifth. Individuals who participate in a strike to force an employer to commit an unfair labor practice lose the protection of the NLRA. Sixth. Outlaw strikes against the Gov- ernment. Seventh. Make it a Federal offense for violence and destruction of property. Eighth. Make it an unfair labor prac- tice to bar a qualified person from a la- bor union. Ninth. Make it an unfair labor prac- tice to force an employer to hire more help than necessary. Tenth. Assure the right of free speech to both employees and employers, Eleventh. Equalize collective bargain- ing. Twelfth. Give the employer the right to discharge a subversive individual. Thirteenth. The NLRB shall not cer- tify a union under the NLRA if the un- ion elects an official or agent who has been convicted under the Alien Regis- tration Act. Fourteenth. The NLRB shall treat all legitimate unions alike. Fifteenth. The NLRB shall hold secret elections in voting for bargaining repre- sentatives. Sixteenth. No election shall be directed in any bargaining unit for a period of 12 months except upon petition from more than 30 percent of the employees. Seventeenth. Give the employer the right to petition for an election in case of a dispute between two unions seeking to act as the bargaining representatives. Eighteenth. Give foremen the right to join an independent organization. Nineteenth. Require a 6 months’ stat- ute of limitation on filing of charges and issuing complaints. Twentieth. Separate the powers of the NLRB by placing the prosecution in the hands of the Attorney General. Twenty-first. Modify the closed shop by requiring a two-thirds vote of the membership. Twenty-second. Outlaw political con- tributions and expenditures of labor unions. Twenty-third. Require labor unions to make financial reports to the Secrevary of Labor and their own membership. Twenty-fourth. Write new definition of “commerce.” Twenty-fifth. Industry-wide strikes which affect the public health and safe- ty of our citizens—30-day mediation, 30- day voluntary arbitration and 15 days to take a secret ballot. Labor leaders will probably call these harsh and punitive measures, but these amendments will be necessary to create better labor and management relations and eliminate labor racketeering. La- bor still has the right to strike and the rank and file of labor will have the right to take a greater part in their problems with the right of the secret ballot. Labor will still have the right to bargain with management on the local plant level, re- gion, or on an industry-wide basis. They will stil] have the right to the voluntary check-off and the right to bargain col- lectively on wages, hours, safety meas- ures and better working conditions. No one should condone jurisdictional disputes, wildcat strikes, secondary boy- cotts, and violence and destruction of property. A jurisdictional dispute is one growing out of a dispute between two or more representatives of employees. In- nocent employers should not be penal- ized because unions force a strike to settle difficulties between unions. The mine, mill, or factory should continue operating during jurisdictional disputes and wildcat strikes. Representatives of the lumber indus- tries proved conclusively that the pro- duction of lumber lost as the result of strikes and work stoppages alane would have provided enough limber for 186,- 000 six-room homes. Most of these APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD strikes were not over wages, hours, or better working conditions. Secondary boycotts engaged in by la- bor unions to force a third party, not a party to a primary labor dispute, to force that party to cease using the products of the employer engaged in the primary dispute is an activity which should be made illegal. Secondary boycotts have had the effect of throwing a great many innocent people out of work. As a result of these secondary boycotts many of our citizens have been deprived of the de- liveries of milk, bread, meat, fruits, vege- tables, and other essentials of life. A member of the Associated Farmers of California, who testified before our committee, cited many examples how boycotts have cost the Nation a loss of millions of dollars in food stuffs. For in- stance, the lettuce strike at Salinas in 1936 caused a loss of 2,000 cars of lettuce which would have been distributed over the United States. As recently as last fall 20,000 gallons of “hot milk” were dumped one morning in front of the city hall of Los Angeles. The term “hot milk” is that milk which is barred from the market and sale by the teamsters’ union or any other union involved. They em- bargo the “hot milk” and invoke a sec- ondary boycott against the delivery of any milk which they feel should be milked by union milkers, or hauled by union teamsters, or distributed by union drivers. Close to $1,000,000 was lost in a sim- ilar asparagus strike. Seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars worth of as- paragus was dumped in one pile in San Joaquin County, Calif., alone. The farm- ers of California were forced to dump 76 carloads of lemons because they could not get them unloaded and delivered to the markets. In many instances where sec- ondary boycotts have occurred, union trucks have refused to haul products of honest hard-working American farmers. If the farmers or dairymen try to haul for themselves, their trucks are destroyed and their lives threatened. The witness pointed out an example where a lady had built up a business in raising and market- ing turkeys. The union served notice on her that she could no longer hire her neighbors to pick the turkeys and help her dress them; that she would have to hire union turkey pickers. She refused and the turkeys were later refused ship- ment. Other examples were given where there have been huge losses of pears, oranges, spinach, calavos, and other products. In Philadelphia, local 929 has complete control over the wholesale produce deal- ers of that city in the sale and movement of perishable fruits and vegetables. The union leaders want the girl clerks of these wholesalers to become members of the teamsters’ union. A returning vet- eran who went into business for himself testified that he was not permitted to use his own truck even though he em- ployed a union driver and helper. The union demands that an employer may be permitted on the firm’s premises on Saturday morning provided permission to do so is obtained from the union in advance. The union also demands that where a partnership of two persons ex- ists, but who employ no salesmen, one
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD member of that partnership must be a member of this union. Therefore, in the event of a strike one partner would be forced to picket the other. By reason of these high handed methods $125,000 worth of perishable fruits and vegetables have rotted because these dealers were prevented physically from either moving or selling them since January 6 of this year. The Constitution gives us the right of free speech and with this right the priv- flege of peaceful picketing. However, it does not give us the right to block the entrance to places of employment and prevent employees from entering and leaving. Therefore, mass _ picketing must be abolished. Employers and employees must be assured the right of free speech. ‘There was no intention of Congress to deny the right of free speech to anyone under the NLRA. The right of free speech is guaranteed to all citizens in the first amendment of the Constitution. If we are allowed to take this right away from one group, there may come a time when an administration in power wotld want to take this right away from all groups. No subversive individua) should be al- lowed to hold office in a labor union. An employer should have the right to dis- charge a subversive individual at any time. I am certain the rank and file of labor are anxious to remove subversive leaders from their organizations. The NLRB should not certify a labor union under the NLRA if the union selects an official, agent, or attorney who has been convicted under the Alien Registration ct. No employer should be required to hire more help than necessary. Caesar Pe- trillo, the czar of the musicians’ union decided that our American children must not participate in a musica] program Over the radio network of this Nation unless the station or a sponsor was willing to pay union musicians to do nothing else but stand by in the studio during the children’s program. Thus, the children in 200,000 rura] schools in the United States are denied the opportunity to learn to play musical instruments by the dictates of one man—Petrillo. In conclusion, I would like to ask you, Are any of these proposals contrary to the best interests of the public? Are any of these proposals contrary to the best interests of the rank and file of American workers? You know the answers, This industrial unrest proves that our pres- ent labor laws are thoroughly inadequate of attaining industria] peace. And we intend to do something about it in terms of what is best for all of the people. INDUSTRY-WIDS BARGAINING Industry-wide bargaining has been very helpful and desirable in many cases but it has retarded negotiations in other cases. I do not believe we can restrict industry-wide bargaining and add to in- dustrial peace. Many times local unions have bogged down in their negotiations with their employers. Many of these local representatives are untrained and are dominated by elements much more Tadical than are their international or- ganizations. If we outlaw industry-wide bargaining I fear we will have industrial chaos in the United States. The proposals which have been introduced in Congress will change collective-bargaining arrange- ments for Nation-wide and regional areas. Those industries affected bar- gaining on a national basis are: coal, stove, wallpaper, pottery, glass, elevator installation and repair, and installation of automatic sprinklers. Those indus- tries affected bargaining on a regional basis are: steel, automobile, longshoring, meritime, lumber, shoes, paper, dyeing, fishing, canning, leather, metal inining, and hosiery. Therefore, to outlaw in- dustry-wide bargaining would be un- workable. The national organization would recommend demands to be made simultaneously to competing employers. The same demand made at the same time on all employers would establish common contro] and concerted action and disqualify many good bargaining agents. CLOSED SHOP The closed shop form of union security originated and prevails in those trades and industries where special crafts, re- quiring high skills and long years of training still predominate. About 30 percent of the organized workers of America belong to closed-shop unions. A closed-shop contract is gained through collective-bargaining agreements. The employer agrees to employ none other than members of the unions carrying membership cards. At least a majority or two-thirds of the workers in a plant should agree to the closed shop before submitting it to col- lective bargaining. I prefer the union shop to the closed shop because the employer is free to hire nonunion workers and is the sole judge of the qualifications of the applicants. Union membership may be acquired im- mediately following employment or within a stipulated period thereafter. One of the big labor questions the Eightieth Congress has to face is the con- sideration of the closed shop, the union shop, and maintenance of membership. If the Congress outlaws the closed shop where old contracts exist we can expect to create industrial strife in closed-shop plants in the next 6 months. If Congress outlaws the closed shop, will it also out- law the union shop and maintenance of membership? Several proposals have been offered as a@ compromise on this issue: First. Outlaw strikes to bargain for a closed shop, but if management and labor agree on this issue it may be a part of the contract. Second. Require a two-thirds vote of the total membership of a plant before the labor representatives can bargain for a closed shop, but continue present closed-shop contracts for 1 year. Third. Give individual States the right to outlaw closed-shop contracts. CHECK-OFF The voluntary check-uff method is the best because employees who desire to have their union dues checked off are required to sign a formal authorization which may be binding for the duration A1223 of the agreement or revocable at any time upon written notice. In many cases the union and employer agrees to the check-off. Many employers prefer the check-off to stop constant campaigno for dues at the plant gates. Mvch time is lost on the premise by union officers making collec- tions. Many employees have been checked off for war bonds, Red Cross funds, community-chest drives, sick and death benefits. Consider Agriculture From the State Level and Standpoint of the Farmer EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I recently received a letter from the able president of the State board of Agriculture of the State of Oklahoma, Mr. Joe C. Scott, emphasizing the im- portance for Members of Congress to consider agriculture from State levels and from the standpoint of the individual farmer. Mr. Scott sent me a copy of the resolutions of the National Associa- tion of Commissioners, Secretaries, and Directors of Agriculture, adopted at their Detroit meeting, November 18-21, 1946. He checked for my special consideration some of the resolutions which I think should be brought to the attention of Congress. It shows the thinking of the commissioners, secretaries, and directors of agriculture of the various States. Ap- parently they are somewhat disconcerted about the attitude that has been assumed from the Washington or Federal level. They insist that their local activities be not duplicated by Federal agencies and activities, but that the functions of the Federal agencies be more or less limited to that of cooperation with the State de- partments of agriculture in the interests of the individual farmers. In other words, Mr. Speaker, I am in- clined to think that these State agents feel that they know the problems of the individual farmers of their respective States and are eminently better qualified to assist and serve the farmers of their States than are the Federal agents with the Washington viewpoint. Whatever is best for the farmers of one State may not be best for the farmers of another State. They do not want to be told from Wash- ington how to handle the problems of the farmers of the individual States. They do not want all of their activities dupli- cated with a super-duper outfit from Washington. Methinks they want to be let alone and allowed to handle their own affairs in situations that are especially local in character. A lot of duplication has grown up and the Federal agencies should not attempt to duplicate State activities and Congress should not pass appropriations implementing such dupli- cations,
A1224 I quote the following resolutions adopted by the national association last all: CURTAILMENT OF APPROPRIATIONS TO FEDERAL AGENCIES THAT DUPLICATE STATE ACTIVITIES Whereas there appears increasing evidence that agencies of the Federal Government me, in the course of their operation, duplicating, setting aside, or carrying on programs con- flicting with activities required to be per- formed by State departments of agriculture: Therefore be it Resolved by the National Association of Commissioness, Secretaries, and Directors 9 Agriculture, That the officers of our associa- tion be directed to attempt to secure from the Appropriations Committees of the Na- tional House of Representatives and Senate agreement to the following policy: That no appropriations shall be made tu any Federal agency for expenditure in any State for the purpose of carrying on prto- grams which shall duplicate, set aside, or conflict with cfficial activities being carrird on in euch State by its department of agri- culiucve Marketing activities of the United States Department of Agriculture to be done through cooperative agreements with State departments of agriculture. Whereas certain Federal agencies are en- denvoring to assume the functions of ‘he State departments of arriculture in inspect- ing, reporting, and marketing activities: and Whereas this is detrimental to the State Gepartments of agriculture and is contrary to the principles of States’ rights: Be it Resolved by the National Assoctation of Commissioners, Secretaries, and Directors of Agriculture, That all work that it is necessary for the Federal Government to conduct in the various States along inspecting, report- ing. and marketing lines shall be done through and 1n cooperation with the various State departments of agriculture by coopera- tive agreements or such other methods as are mutually agreeable. PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE COOPERATION Resolved, That the National Association of Commissioners, Secretaries, and Directors of Agriculture request the United States Pub- lic Health Service to confer and cooperate with the legally authorized sanitation en- forcement agencies in the State before inaugurating or carrying out any programs of activity relative to sanitation in that State. SOIL CONSERVATION POLICY Resolved, That in the formulation of na- tional agricultural policiy major emphasis be Placed on soil conservation and that in the execution of soil conservation programs full and adequate provision be made for partici- pation of State departments of agriculture and local subdivision of government and local control vested in farmer committees. Race Segregation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN BELL WILLIAMS OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE- HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the REcorp, I wish to include an editorial from the Jackson (Miss.) Daily Clarion-Ledger of date of March 20, 1947, on the subject of segregation, which I think is very appropriate at this time and should be read by every Mem- ber of this House: SEGREGATION I8 NECESSARY FOR PROTFCTION OF BOTH RACES The Los Angeles news story reporting a strike by more than 500 high-school students in protest against the admission of Negroes to the school, the strike being marked by a mass demonstration climaxed by the hang- ing of a Negro in effigy, is not pleasant but ne:ther is it surpricing. It is another reminder of the fundamen- tal truth that, where large numbers of mem- bers of the white and colored races have to live tcgether, segregation of the races is nec- essary for the protection and best interest of both, and is the only practical way of preventing friction and clashes, Where the members of one race are & very small minority it is comparatively ecsy to tolerate racial differences, and segrega- tion may not be necessary. But where many members of both races have to live near each other, with constant contacts, friction, ard clashes become almost inevitable without segrezation, In this Los Angeles case, the edmission of one Negro pupil last year aroused no pro- tests, but when eight were enrolled this yeur, the strike followed. The report of such a story from Los An- geles is not surprising. S:milar reports from Detroit or other cities to which Negroes have migrated in large numbers in recent years, as they have to Los Angeles, would not be surprising. If migration of Negroes from the South during the next 5 years attains pre- dicted scales—and some estimate that mechanization of cotton growing will cause 5,090,000 to leave the South—then racial problem will truly become a national prcb- lem, and legal racial segregation will be- come more than a southern institution. It will be practiced, legally or informally but effectively, in cities of other sections, for the protection of both races, as it is in muny cities now. Our Economy Is Built on Changes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my re- marks, I desire to include in the Recorp an editorial that appeared in the March 22 issue of the Belleville (Ill.) Daily News-Democrat. This editorial, entitled “Back to Normalcy?” reflects a very sound insight into the economic prob- lems now facing our country: BACK TO NORMALCY? Too often we hear the pessimistic query: “When is the country going to get back to normal?” Most of us seem to forget and fail to take into account the fact that in this country there is no such thing as normalcy—we are constantly in a process of change. Our country has been endowed with many national assets. Here we find the highest employment quotient and pay rolls in peace- time history. We have the greatest potential productive capacity, the highest national in- come, greatest money accumulation, Ameri- can inventive genius which has brought a APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD new high in industries and an unsurpassed pent-up demand for goods and services—all this plus a land of 140,000,000 persons with a birthright never before possessed by any people. We are still a young, virile Nation. We have proved that our form of government, backed by a united people, can emerge tri- umphant from a world cataclysm. We know that our democracy is equipped with all the muchinery necessary to ¢cpe with the prob- lems of its constituents Why'then should we fear the future? Without change there can be no progress. This country can stand changes—our econ- omy is built upon them. So let them con- tinus. Let them come more frequently, 80 that we can move forward with them. Parentage of American Youth for Democracy EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FRED L. CRAWFORD OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21. 1947 Mr. CRAWFORD. Mr. Speaker, the Governor and the Legislature of the State of Michigan are cooperating with cur Congress in an effort to halt the spread of subversive propaganda and doctrines by Communists and _ their fronters. One of these fronts is the American Youth for Democracy and I have prepared a study of the background and parentage of this organization for the consideration of my constituents, It follows: CrTIZENS OF THE EIGHTH District: STanpd Up AND BE COUNTED Hon J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Fed- eral Bureau of Investigation, upon accepting the American Legion Distinguished Service Medal, declared, “We are rapidly reaching the time when loyal Americans must be willing to stand ub and be counted.” Director Hoover was referring to the fight against the growth of the un-American communistic philosophy in the United States. It appears that the time has now arrived when the citi- zens of Michigan should be willing to stand up and be counted. Governor Kim Sigler has set about to rid the State pay roll and educational system of Communists and Communist sympathizers. No sooner had the announcement of his in- tentions reached the public than certain ele- ments voc!ferously, “Stood up to be counted” and immediately launched a smear campaign to divert attention from the uims of the Governor's inquiry. Sensible citizens will look beyond the smears to the originators of the attacks. It should be borne in mind that the Com- munist Party of the United States of America has itself declared: “The Communist Party will systematically and persistently propa- gate the idea of the inevitability of and ne- cessity for violent revolution and will prepare the workers for armed insurrection as the only means of overthrowing the capitalistic state.” In 1942 the Attorney General of the United States (Mr. Biddle) in a “findings of fact” declared “that the Communist Party of the United States of America from the time of its inception in 1919 to the present time, is an organization that believes in, advises, advocates, and teaches the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the United States,” and “that the Communist Party of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the United States from the time of its incep- Gon to the present time is an crganiszation that causes to be written, circulated, distrib- uted, printed, published, and displayed Printed matter advising, advocating, and teaching the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the United States.” PARTY NOT A PARTY As pointed out by Director Hoover, “the American Communist Party, despite its claims, is not truly a political party. The Communist Party in this country ts not working for the general welfare of all our people. it is working against our people. It is not interested in providing for the com- mon defense. It has for its purpose the shackling of America and its conversion to the godless, Communist way of life. If it were a political party, ite adherents could be appealed to by rezson. Instead, it is a system of intrigue, actuated by fanaticism. It knows no rules of decency. Its unprincipled con- verts would sell America short if it would help their cause of furthering an alien way of life conceived in darkness and motivated by greed for power whose ultimate aim is the destruction of our cherished freedom. Let us no longer be misled by their sly propa- ganda and false preachments on civil liberty. They want civil license to do as they plcase, and if they get control, liberty for Americans will be but a haunted memory. For those who seek to provoke prejudice and stir up the public mind to angry resentment against our form of government are a menace to the very powers of law and o-der which ruarnntee and safeguard popular rights.” AMERICAN YOUTH FOR DEMOCRACY This is the organization largely responsible for the present investigation of un-American activity now being conducted under the direction of the Governor and in that con- nection citizens of the State of Michigan should know the background of this orguniza- tion whose leaders boast that they are operat- ing in the schools and colleges of our State. G-man Hoover ably identified this group when he said: “In cur own country and in our own time, we have scen another youth movement arise. It still fourishes. I refer to that high-sounding, idealistic title, ‘Ameri- can Youth for Democracy,’ which conceals the evils and the corruption of American communism. This name is but a new one for the former Young Communist League. It reflects all the sinister purposes of the Communist Party of the United States. It employs the sare techniques and has the same objectives—namely, the conversion of our haven of liberty and freedom to worship as we choose to a godiess, totalitarian state where the adversaries of democracy can do as they please. Their attacks should be pro- claimed from every pulpit and headlined in every newspaper in the land.” EVOLUTION OF AYD Those who scoff at the Governor's attack on the American Youth for Democracy are certainly not acquainted with the evolution of that organization. From 1922 to 1925 the junior branch of the Communist Party was known sas the Young Workers League and from 1925 to 1929 it functioned as the Young ‘Workers (Communist) League. For 3 months after May Day 1929 the group operated as the Communist Youth League and became O@icially known as the Y. Communist League on August 1, 1929. It continued to function openly as an arm of the Communist International until tt went underground with other Communist organizations in 1943. NO MERE ACCIDENT It did not just happen that the Young League passed out of the pic- ture on one day and the American Youth for Democracy showed up on the next day. Those wanting to know fects should refer to the Communist Daily Worker, page 1, October 16, 1048, where a story appears de- claring that over 5.000 young Americans met. “as the Young Communist League opened its historic national convention to consider ite own dissolution and the building of a new anti-Fascist organization of youth.” ‘Two days later the same Communist news- paper announced “a new American anti- Faeec:st youth organizetion was born at the Mecca Temple yesterday as 382 delegates representing 190 community clubs and 150 guests and observers ended an crganiration convention initiated by the Young Com- munist League. * * °* The new conven- tdon decided to name the new organization American Youth for Democraacy.” Not only did Young Communist League thu3 take credit for initiating the con- vention which gave birth to the AYD but the principal officers of the Young Com- munist League were elected to high positions of contro) in the American Youth for De- mocracy outfit. Max Weiss, former YCL of- ficer, and now editor of a communistic monthly migagine, declared, “All Commu- nists will naturally hope that thousands of youth who join the new organization (AYD) will also later join the Communist Party and that many will become leaders of the Com- munist Party.” MICHIGAN CHAM®_EONS No one should know better than a group of young men and women {rom Michigan of the ability of young Communirts to change their colors for the benefit of public appeal in true chameleon fashion. Mich.gan has alwcys had sizable representation in the conventions of the American Ycuth for De- mocracy and as a matter of fact Michigan stood third among 16 States in the number cf delegates to second annual AYD conven- tion in 1946. Surely these young people know of the Communist background of their leaders. It was not mere happenstance that Car] Ross, former heed of the Young Com- munist League in New York, became execu- tive director in AYD. Neither was it a co- incidence that Robert Thompson, formerly of the Ohio Young Communist League, was elected ccchairman of AYD. Oddly enough, elected to serve as cochairman with Thomp- son was Naomi Ellison, identified in con- gressional records as editor of a magazine classified amoug Communist Party organs. Miss Ellison was a sponsor of the American Peace Mobilization which was listed in United States Attorney General's classification of subversive Communist groups. Claudia Janes, educational director for the New York Young Communist League, was elected a member of AYD’s national board, as were Lillian Foss, Faye Caller identified with the Young Communist League's national war service committee. It is significant that a report of the United States Congress says, “Young Communist leaguers occupy all the important positions in the New American Youth for Democracy. * * * In other words, there is not a shadow of a doubt that the present American Youth for Democracy is nothing more nor less than the old Young Communist League.” MICHIGAN REPRESENTATION At the 1944 AYD national council meet- ing Patricia Mullison and, Paul Endicott, both of Michigan, were very active. Mise Mulli- eon was State director of the “Sweethearts of Servicemen” identified as a Red front, She was elected to the national AYD council. Endicott had charge of the AYD anniversary observance committee. At the 1946 second national convention of AYD Erma Henderson of Michigan was cochairman of the second day's seesion and Phil Schatz of Michigan was chairman of the constitution commit- tee. Mabel Lee Smith of Michigan submit- ted a report for the resolutions committee. It was at. this AYD convention that Senator Vandenberg along with President Truman and Secretary Byrnes were charged with seek- ing for the United States the position of Al1225 dictator among nations of the world, and the AYD complained because we have not been sharing with Russia our controi of Ja- pan. They called our present foreign policy Pattern for imperialism. They demanded close friendship of the United States and Boviet Union and praised as courageous friends the Peppers, Marcantontos, DeLaceys, Powells and Coffees. The constituents of DeLacey and Coffee repudiated them at the last election. William Z. Foster, present head of the Communis* party in the United States sent greetings to last year’s AYD convention and reitcrated the Communist line to the effect thet American impertalism is driving toward world domination. The AYD seems to openly boast of its ac- tivity in Michigan and one of ils vulunteer workers is reported to have freely admitted to the Detroit School Board that AYD-spon- sored teen-age clubs are flourishing in that city. A Karl Marx Scciety is now organizing on the University of Michigan campus. Communists boast of their growth in Michigan—Ann Beiswenger reported at the last National Communist Convention that “Wwe had the most rapid expansion of our crganization in Michigan” and, “We reached 170 percent of our original recruiting goal.” Within the last few weeks William O'Dell Nowell of Detroit appeared before a commit- tee of Congress and admitted having held membership in the Communist Party. Fur- thermore, he stated that he was sent to Mos- cow by the Communist Party of the United States where he was trained at the Interna- tional Lenin School in the art of conspiracy and sabotege. This witness further testified under oath that Gerhart Eisler, now under indictment by the Federal Government and considered Moscow's No. 1 Agent tn the United States met with Communist leaders of Michigan in the city of Detroit (at the farty office formerly located at Grand River and Vernor Highway) relative to educational work in the State of Michigan. Eisler's own sister, under oath, has branded him as the perfect terroris. type. Eisler is accused of having been one of the connecting links between the Canadian atom bomb spy ring and Moscow. Recent developments in the United States and Canada, which show beyond question that the Communists have been and stil] are operating an espionage ring in the western hemisphere on a gigantic scale, should con- vince any sane thinking American that we are threatened by an enemy from within. It will be recalled that one member of the Canadian parliament, and educators, scien- tists and government employees of Canada have been sent to prisan within the last year for their part in the Communist espionage plot under which certain US-Canadian mil- itary secrets were passed over to representa- tives of Moscow through channels of native Reds in Canada. By their espionage they conspire against us externally and by their fronts they conspire against us internally, ment to Program for Antitrust Laws EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, dur- ing recent years a great deal has been said both in and out of Congress with
A1226 reference to preserving the traditional American free enterprise system. It is recognized that the fostering of healthy small businesses is d prerequisite to the maintenance of our free competitive system. The strengthening and more vigorous enforcement of our antitrust laws is a necessary part in any program for the benefit of small business. The Netional Federation of Small Business, Inc., has a lerge individual membership in all States of the Nation. It has expressed strong support of a program strengthening the antitrust laws. In the latest issue of the mandate of the National Federation of Small Business the members of the federation voted on two important propositions af- fecting the antitrust laws: 1. Are you for or against Congress starting immediately to reform and streamline our antitrust laws? 2. Are you for or against Congress ceasing activity on social reform legislation until antitrust laws are strengthened and en- forced? The federation’s members voted 96 percent for proposition 1, 3 percent op- posed, and only 1 percent not voting. On proposition 2, the federation’s members voted 91 percent for, 5 percent opposed, and only 4 percent not voting. The result of the votes of the federa- tion give a ringing endorsement of the efforts now being carried on in both the Senate and House to stop the increas- ing concentration of economic power by way of large corporate mergers which have become so prevalent during the past few years. A bill is now being considered in the Judiciary Committee of the House, pas- sage of which would be the most effec- tive thing Congress could do to halt the onrush of monopolistic mergers. This bill is to plug the loophole in sections 7 and 11 of the Clayton Act, The Clayton Act was passed in 1914 on the theory that it should be the pur- pose of the Federal Government to pre- vent monopolistic mergers by making them illegal in the first instance. The purpose was to prevent monopoly rather than merely to punish it after it had taken place. The intent of Congress at the time the Clayton Act was passed is definite and indisputable. An examina- tion of the reports of the House and Senate Committees and of the debate fully confirms this point. The Con- gress which passed the Clayton Act had in mind that monopolistic corporate mergers would be accomplished by one corporation purchasing the capital stock of another. This is prohibited in sec- tion 7. Section 11 of the same act pro- vides that if, after a hearing, the Federal Trade Commission finds that section 7 has been violated the Commission shall issue a cease-and-desist order and direct the divertment of the stock involved. Within a few years after the passage of the Clayton Act corporations con- ceived a means of bypassing the plain intent of the act by purchasing the phys- ical assets of their competitors rather than the capital stock. As a practical matter these two sections became a dead letter in 1926 as a result of the Supreme Court decision in the case of Federal Trade Commission v. Western Meat Co. (257 U. 8. 554). The Court held that where a corporation had illegally ac- quired the stock of competing corpo- rations and had used the control so ac- ‘quired to obtain transfer to it of the assets of such corporations, the authority of the Commission was limited to a di- vestiture of the valueless stock of the former competing corporations. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch in its issue of March 14, 1947, carried an editorial which described the purpose of this bill and the necessity of its approval. The editorial is as follows: A PLEA FOR FREE ENTERPRISE The air is full of free enterprise oratory, but free enterprise is eventually doomed if the control of business continues to concen- trate in fewer hands. The Federal Trade Commission reports that 1,800 businesses have been swallowed up by others since 1940, and that the merger fever has moved apace into such traditionally small-business fields as textiles and foodstuffs. It warns, there- fore, that the rapid growth of private super- government in industry must be halted, else the minority in control of American industry will become so powerful that a political su- pergovernment will necessarily rise to im- pose social controls. This testimony is addressed to a bill which would plug the hole in the anti- trust laws through which a swarm of merg- ers have poured, The Clayton Act of 1914 forbids one corporation to buy another's stock where the outcome might substantially lessen competition, but it neglected to forbid the acquisition of assets other than stock. In a typical evasion, the acquiring corporation first buys a block of stock, then votes the stock to sell the business out to itself, The stock purchase is unlawful, but the courts have ruled that the merger cannot be set aside on that account unless FTC can get in its decree before the assets are sold. Thus the FTC is left helpless. So long as the loophole remains unplugged, the FTC correctly points out that the anti- trust law actually promotes mergers. The law can and does forbid little businessmen to conspire for price fixing. But the more ef- fective the prohibition is, the greater is the temptation to seek the merger loophole, the completely final way of eliminating competi- tion, The issue is perfectly clear. The FTO wants the bill, President Truman has de- clared himself for it. Other friends of pri- vate capitalism favor it. If this Congress means half of what its Members say on be- half of free enterprise, it will speedily be written into the law. The Baltimore Sun, in an editorial of March 12, 1947, set forth the importance of early consideration by Congress of this measure. The Sun editorial is as follows: THE KEFAUVER BILL A bill to amend the Clayton Antitrust Act by permitting the Federal Trade Commission to block the purchase of a company’s assets if the transaction would promote monopoly has been introduced by Representative Kr- Fauver, of Tennessee. With congressional attention centered on more dramatic and politically potent matters, such as economy, taxes, and foreign affairs, a measure of this sort is likely to the shunted into the back- ground. A special report to the Congress by the FTC on the growth of a monopolistic trend since 1940 should serve to focus some attention on the Kefauver proposal. The report reveals some startling developments. Since 1940, according to the FTC, 1,800 smaller companies have been swallowed up by purchase and merger, and 242 of this APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD number have been bought up by the coun- try’s very largest corporations—those with assets above $50,000,000. On the basis of these facts, the Commission urges adoption of the Kefauver bill to halt the rapid growth of private supergovernment in order to pre- vent the rise of a political supergovernment. The point is well taken, even though the language may seem somewhat extreme. Cer- tainly it must be obvious that our form of government leans heavily on the continued healthy existence of the greatest possible number of small businesses, Under the Clayton Act as it now stands, the Trade Commission can block acquisitions of stock which tend to monopoly control, and can outlaw price-fixing combinations among different companies. These powers alone, however, as the FTC points out, tend to be self-defeating. They tend to put a premium on the outright purchase of competitors as a device for circumventing existing monopoly restraints. The concept “monopoly” is a slippery one, as bookshelves of legal opinions on the alu- minum situation and reams of testimony be- fore the Temporary National Economic Com- mittee prove. It is dificult to determine the precise point at which industrial consolida- tion to achieve the benefits of mass produc- tion ceases to be a virtue. For this reason, the criteria of administrative discretion to be set up by the Kefauver bill should be closely scrutinized by Congress. There can be little argument, however, that the additional anti- trust powers proposed are necessary to any effective policing of the situation. The Government’s Policy on Aid to Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address delivered by a former Member of this body, now Secretary of Labor, the Hon. Lewis B. Schwellenbach, before the Commonwealth Club, San Francisco, Calif., March 20, 1947, on the subject of the Government's policy on aid to Greece and Turkey. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rec- orp, as follows: THE GOVERNMENT'S POLICY ON AID TO GREECE AND TURKEY: SOME QUESTIONS ANSWERED The reporters who were present in the House of Representatives on March 12 have told you of the reception that Members of Congress gave to the President’s epoch-mak- ing message on aid to Greece and Turkey. They received the message in the spirit in which it was given, with a sense of awareness of the importance in history of the steps that were being recommended to them, and a sense of their own responsibility for the deci- sions that are to be made. They felt—we all felt—a sense of that humility which comes to men when con- fronted with a great decision involving the security of others. It is with this same sense of humility that I think we should today consider the various aspects of the problem posed by the Presi- dent to Congress. It is with humility that T would like to discuss with you today some
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of the principal questions that have been raised by the American people in connection with the President's recommendations. There are answers to the various questions that have been raised and it is important that they should be brought out in public discussion. Some writers and commentators have de- scribed the President's message as a chal- lenge to a foreign country. Such an inter- pretation is unfortunate and untrue. The President's message was directed to Congress and to the American people. It was an appeal for support of a policy which the President and his advisers feel is necessary for the security of the country. If a similar crisis in foreign policy had arisen in’ some countries, a small group of men would have met, made n decision, and ordered its execution, whatever the cost. There would have been no publicity and no possibility of their action being portrayed by their own writers and commentators as a challenge to the United States or any other foreign power. It would become known only Gradually as its results were observed, Tf a crisis in foreign policy of this same character had arisen in a country with a parliamentary system, the Prime Minister would have introduced an appropriation bill into Parliament, where he usually commands @ majority. This bill would have been ad- vanced and supported by government spokes- men in discreet and general terms, and it would probably have passed without much commotion. But in the Unitea States, our governmental institutions and our political conditions are such that if the President is to get congres- sional and popularsupport fora needed meas- ure of foreign policy, he is obliged to speak in the frankest terms. Without a full ex- planation of the situation and of the dangers confronting the country, an appropriation bill introduced by the President for aid to Greece and Turkey would have little chance of passage through Congress. Bipartisan support for foreign policy is today imperative, and it is cleat that bi- partisan support demands full information and frank speaking on the part of the Execu- tive. Congress will simply not write blank foreign policy checks for the President. Let us assume that it were possible for the President to speak with each Member of Con- gress and convince him privately of the need for a certain course of action. It would still be necessary to speak fully and frankly to the public. For Members of Congress are only representatives of the people. There is no alternative to a foreign policy based upon an informed citizenry. This is why the President found it necessary to speak so plainly to Congress and the Ameri- can people on March 12. The President was not challenging any foreign country. He was challenging the American people to face the grim facts that dominate the world today, and to accept their proper share of responsi- bility for world peace and security and freedom. A second criticism of the President's pol- icy on aid to Greece and Turkey involves the United Nations. There are some Americans who believe that this Government is will- fully bypassing the United Nations in favor of a unilateral approach to the problem. They feel that rehabilitation and reconstruc- tion in devastated areas should be under- taken »y the United Nations, and that the Security Council should take care of any threat to world peace arising from the situa- tion in Greece. I believe that public misgivings in this quarter may arise from some confusion as to just what the problem is and what ts being done about it. Greece is faced with four grave problems of varying degrees of urgency. The first is the alleged violation of her frontiers by for- eign countries. The second is civil disorder which prevents political and economic re- construction. The third problem is that of imminent economic collapse. And the fourth is the scarcity of technical personnel re- quired for military, political, and economic reorganization. In cases where it has been empowered to act the United Nations has already estab- lished a record of moving promptly and ener- getically. The Security Council is already acting in the present Greek crisis to the ex- tent of sending a special commission to in- vestigate disturbed conditions in northern Greece and along the Greek northern {fron- tier. The United States strongly supported the motion which created this commission. The President's proposal for aid to Greece in no way prejudices any findings of the commission, nor will it prejudice any subse- quent action that may be taken by the Se- curity Council in this matter. The appeal that has been made to the United States by the Greek Government, however, is concerned primarily with the country's economic and financial plight. It was urgent and required immediete action, because Great Britain, who has been aiding Greece, has made it clear that she cannot extend further aid after March 81. The United Nations does not of itself pos- sess funds for expenditures of this kind on behalf of member states. The Economic and Social Council is an advisory body that rec- ommends economic, financial, and social ac- tion to member states. The International Bank, which is Just now completing its or- ganization, is set up primarily to make self- liquidating loans for long-term reconstruc- tion purposes. The Bank has not as yct made any loans whatever. It may be that at some future time the United Nations may be organized and equipped so as to render emergency aid to member states of the kind now needed in Greece and Turkey. But, as the President said, the United Nations and its related or- ganizations are not now in position to extend help of the kind that is required. Suppose that instead of addressing its re- quest to the United States, Greece had ap- proached the United Nations. If that body had decided to recommend assistance it would have had eventually to turn primarily to the United States for funds and supplies and technical assistance. Much time would have been lost, even if the United Nations should agree, and there is no time to be lost if the situation is to be saved. Continued study and consideration are nevertheless being given by the Government to ways and means through which the United Nations, as its various orgens develop strength and resources, may assume responsibilities in Greece and Turkey and in other countries finding themselves in a similar situation. Any agreements or undertakings entered into with Greece or other countries as a result of the legislation asked for by the President will be duly notified to the United Nations under the terms of article 102 of the Charter. A third question has been raised in con- nection with the President's policy. Some people ask why the President did not nego- tiate this question directly with the major powers concerned. I confess that I have very great difficulty in taking this question seriously. It has been raised by responsible people, however, and it requires an answer. The answer is the record. For several years the United States has been gravely concerned about the maintenance of the freedom and independence of the countries in central and southern Europe, and the Middle East. We have negotiated on this point. We have discussed it often and at great length with the major powers. And we have delivered many protests in regard to violations of agreements entered into. In his message to Congress the President re- ferred to coercion and intimidation, in vio- lation of the Yalta Agreement, in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria, The President also A1227 stated that there had been similar develop- ments in a number of other countries. If there are any openings for further ne- gotiations that have not been tried, the Gov- ernment is not aware of them. Our protests and our efforta in this direction have largely proved ineffective. The time has therefore come when we must implement negotiations with action in order to prevent extension of totalitarianism to free countries. We must take action designed to strengthen Greece and Turkey to the point where they will not be open to intimidation and coercion of the kind practiced on their neighbors. We fervently hope, however, that successful ne- gotiations on these subjects may take place in the future. And we believe that the Pres- ident’s policy will lay a basis for greater euc- cess in such negotiations. Let us now turn to the criticism advanced by some persons that the Government of Greece to which the United States now pro- poses to give aid is a corrupt, antidemocratic clique that is opposed in Greece by the truly democratic elements. They also say that the Greek Government is a royalist government installed by the British. These criticisms are without foundation. Greece is a constitutional monarchy, as are Norway, Holland. and England. A year ago e‘ections were held for members of the Greek Parliament. American, French, British, and South African election observers were pres- ent at the invitation of the Greek Govern- ment. The Greek Government also invited the Soviet Union to send observers but that invitation was rejected. These foreign ob- servers, numbering about 1,200, toured Greece from one end to the other during the 2 months preceding the election, and it was their conclusion that the elections were rea- sonably fair, The subsequent plebiscite for the King wus also observed by American and British personnel, and it was their conclu- sion that the plebiscite represented the view of the majority of the Greek people. It is true that certain political groups abstained from the election but even allowing for these abstentions, the Greek Government without doubt is supported by the majority of the electorate. As for the caliber of the present Greek Government, President Truman has already said thet we do not condone everything that they have done or will do. The point is that the Greek Government has been demo- cratically elected by the Greek people, who are striving to maintain democratic institu- tions and freedoms. So long as this is true, the people of Greece can improve their Gov- ernment and, in the words of tae Greek note to the American Government, grow into a “self-respecting democracy.” I think we all know what would happen if the armed mi- nority now threatening Greece's political and economic stability were to gain control. Free institutions and human freedoms would dis- appear, and democratic progress would come to an abrupt halt. We do not claim that all of those forces that are in opposition to the present Greek Government are Communist. There are among them many elements who honestly, but in our opinion mistakenly, support the Communist-led opposition because they do not like the present Greek Government. It is greatly to be hoped that these elements will take advantage of the political amnesty of- fered by the Greek Government, and cooper- ate to make democratic Greek institutions work. The choice today in Greece is between a totalitartanism and an imperfect democracy. We seek to help an imperfect democracy grow toward a more perfect democracy. Any other course would probably result in the complete disappearance of democracy. | Let us now take a look at the bitter-end isolationist argument. It is advanced in this country by certain people who should know better but who, nevertheless, persist in error,
A1228 This argument runs as follows: The United States should not weaken itself by shelling out money to foreign countries. It does not really matter whether Europe and Asia go Communist. We all know that communism will not produce automobiles and bathtubs as well as capitalism. The peoples of Europe and Asia will find this out after a few years. Communism will then recede and everything will be fine. I do not need to give you the answers to this preposterous line. I doubt that there are many of you here on the west coast who would fall for it. Not long ago this same group argued that we should not help Czecho- slovakia or England or China, that we should conserve our strength in the American hemi- sphere. And then came Pearl] Harbor. I can think of no course that would 80 certainly lead to world annihilation in a third world war than that proposed by the bitter-end isolationists. The problem of aid to Greece and Tur- key, which the President has declared in- volves the national security of this country, is one which has its center more than 6000 miles from the Golden Gate. The President and his advisers are convinced that if we should fail to support the free peoples of the world there may be a collapse of free institutions and loss of independence in many countries, and that the resulting to- talitarianism could spread right around the world in a series of chain reactions. The important thing is that the well-being of the citizens of San Francisco can be threat- ened by developments in Greece. Greece and Turkey may not be the only countries which might eventually require our assistance. But the need of Greece and Turkey is immediate and it is necessary to act fast if the freedom and independence of those countries are to be preserved. The sum of $400,000,000 which the taxpayers of this country are being asked to provide is a huge sum, however, and the citizens of this country will rightly want to know how this money is to be spent. It is possible now to give some idea of the general purposes for which this money will go. Later, how- ever—during the consideration of the prob- lem by Congress and the country—there will be presented a more detailed program based on reports from all sources, including those from the American economic mission which went to Greece early this year at the request of the Greek Government. Economic and political reconstruction in Grecce will be impossible unless tranquil- ity is restored to Greek villages, and hope to Greek households. For that reason, part of the money made available to Greece will be used for the reorganization and reequipment, to Greek Army, to the point that it may be able to restore and maintain the authority of the Greek Government throughout its territory. With internal order restored the country can plan its economic and political future with confidence. Greece has always been a poor country with a very narrow margin of subsistence. The country suffered severe destruction as a result of invasion and occupation by the enemy. The hardships inflicted on Greece during the war were as grievous as those borne by any nation. The roads and rail- roads of Greece were left practically unus- able. In a country where only about 20 per- cent of the soil is arable, crops could not under these conditions be cultivated, nor if a crop were harvested could it be brought to market. Greece, which has always imported a large part of its food requirements, had to fall back on her utterly insufficient internal resources. The result has been gravely to finpair the material and human resources of the nation. Added to this situation, there has been cruel currency inflation, civil strife, and menace from abroad. Black as the picture is, however, there 1s reason for believing that United States financial assistance to Greece may tide that country over while a stable econom‘c base for orderly and representative government is being created. There are certuin recuperative forces in the Greek economy which even now can be discerned. For example, one of the principal items in the Greek balance of payments in prewar years was the earnings of Greek shipping. About 75 percent of Greek ocean- going vessels were lost in the war and the very important coastal shipping was also ruined. Port and harbor facilities were de- molished. Several months ago the United States extended to Greece a credit of $30,- 000,000 for the purchase of up to 70 surplus United States ships. The earnings of these ships in the future should be of help to the Greek foreign-exchange position. Greece normally makes up a large part of the deficiency in her balance of payments from the large emigrant remittances from Greeks who live abroad. Emigrant remit- tances have now been resumed tn consider- able volume. There is also some foreign ex- change revenue to be expected when tourists can again visit Greece in numbers. We intend to make available to Greece, American experts who know their job and can advise the Greeks in fields such as engi- neering, transportation, foreign trade, civil- service orzanization, budget procedure, rgri- culture, public health, and taxation. These are greatly needed. For example, there is not now in Greece a modern system of tax- ation which 18 needed to establish a sound menns of public finance. We expect to help Greece tackle its recon- struction problem as an integrated whole. Projects for transport, reclamation, irriga- tion, and improved farming methods will be considered as interrelated parts of the whole economy. We will also advise on setting up foreign trade, banking and currency con- trols which for a period will be required to avert the inflationary menace and to rebuild foreign trade on a sound basis. The extension of American technical ad- vice does not mean that the United States intends to take over Greece and Turkey as some foreign critics have insisted. We simply want to help them help themselves. When our specific job is done we hope to see these countries standing on their feet as living proof that democratic institutions and processes need not be sacrificed to insure in- ternal stability and material prosperity. Too many people today have come to discount democratic solidarity, to believe that democ- racy is weak and anachronistic, and that it has nothing to offer the economically hard- pressed and sorely doubting peoples of Europe and Asia. Our effort in Greece and Turkey should demonstrate that democracies are able and willing to help each other protect their free institutions and their independence. Tributes to the Late Oliver Max Gardner EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM B. UMSTEAD OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. UMSTEAD. Mr. President, we have been told of old that national rec- ollection is the foundation of national character. We quicken this recollection from year to year by the observance of the anniversaries of those Americans who, in their day and generation, have proved themselves preeminent for their APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD abilities and patriotism. From the ear- liest days of the Republic, we have chosen the day of their birth to commemorate rather than the end of their earthly journey. Saturday of last week North Carolina remembered with pride and gratitude the anniversary of the birth of Oliver Max Gardner. He was born in Shelby, N. C., the youngest of 12 children, 65 years ago Saturday. Some 6 weeks ago, the country he served with such devotion was shocked and grieved by the announce- ment of his death within a few hours of the time he was to sail for London to enter upon his duties as Ambassador to Great Britain. Many were the tributes paid his memory. I shall not attempt to repeat them here nor to add tothem. It seems appropriate, however, in the Sen- ate, where he was so highly esteemed by friends on both sides of the aisle, that we quicken today national recollection of the heritage he has left his countrymen by the example to be found in his life and work as a private citizen and as a public servant. From the editorial tributes paid Am- bassador Gardner’s memory from coast to coast several have been selected for insertion in the Recorp only because they represent the high and noble sentiments expressed in all. These sentiments also found most eloquent expression in the ci- tation read by Rev. C. Leslie Glenn, rec- tor of St. John’s Church, Lafayette Square, at the memorial service held in Washington Cathedral on the afternoon of the 14th of February last, attended by more than a thousand friends of this great and good American. The citation was written by Mr. Arthur Krock, chief of the Washington Bureau of the New York Times and long-time friend of the ambassador. On behalf of the distinguished senior Senator from North Carolina [Mr. Hory] and myself I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendx of the Rrc- orp the memorial citation and the edi- torials referred to, in grateful observance of the sixty-fifth anniversary of the birth of Oliver Max Gardner, of North Caro- lina, who was born on the 22d of March 1882, and laid down his life in the service of his country on the 6th day of February 1947. There being no objection, the matters were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE CITATION Through all the days of his life he followed the light that shone on the road to Damascus. In its warmth and clarity be lived, and in its glory he died. But to him the light did not come sud- denly, as by revelation. He perceived it in the hour he first saw his mother. To him this light never faltered, or paled, or grew cold. He met the basic tests of Christianity that were set down by the Apostle Paul who, be- ing the most human and self-deprecatory of all its missionaries, was his greatest guide and inspiration in matters temporal or spiritual. Reverent without intolerance, compas- sionate without weakness or patronage, gay without hardness of heart, successful with- out the loss of humility or the sense of pity for the sorrows of daily life, he was & man, a husband, a father, and a public servant
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fit to stand, as he was sure he would, in the presence of Saul “who also is called Paul.” He wronged or hurt no one whom he en- countered in his gentle journey through mortality. He helped and comforted many, and none who knew him will cease to feel the loss of his passing while that one, too, shall live. Let his requiem be these words of Paul to his young colleague Timothy, “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith.” {From the Shelby (N. C.) Daily Star of February 6, 1947] O, MAX GARDNER O. Max Gardner sleeps. The stout armor with which for more than 49 years he carried the fight for progressive, clean, and honest government ts hung aside. He died this morning in New York as he pre- pared to sail for London to take up his work as the American Ambassador to the Court of St. James's. The world mourns the passing of a great American, The tributes to his greatness make clear, if anyone ever questioned it, that he, like St. Paul, was truly a citizen of the world. In- deed, in his last public statement to his friends and neighbors at the First Baptist Church here he viewed London today, like Rome of Paul's day, the crossroads through which were passing at this time the currents he hoped he might there help fashion into a better, a saner, and a more peaceful world. He died carrying the fight for that ideal. Max Gardner walked with kings and never lost the common touch. When his life slipped away in the St. Regis Hotel there passed an eminent lawyer, a gallant and courageous statesman, a philanthropist who never al- lowed himself to grow away from the soi] and the people whence he sprang. It is signifi- Cant, is it not, as soon as the radio flashed word of Governor Gardner's death the local telephone system broke down time and time again under the overload of calls as his friends and neighbors sought to express to each other their shock, their sorrow, and their love for the man whom death had taken into ite arms at the height of his career. Max Gardner was so much of and in the city of Shelby and county of Cleveland that he was at once our Ambassador and guide. He was a worker and a planner with a gift for friendship. He was democratic tn the finest meaning of that word; his death robs us of a man with a passion for his com- munity as well as his State and his Nation. His greatest love of recent years was for Gardner-Webb College, to which he had given generously of his money, his time, and his interest; further indication of his devotion for his home community. It is improbable that Governor Gardner's type can be repeated among the leaders of a newer generation, but his essential qualities of friendship, personal charm, and profound integrity will always be hallmarks of great- ness. So long, Max! kindly soul! God rest your great and —d {From the Raleigh (N. C.) News and Observer of February 7, 1947] LIKE NIOBE, ALL TEARS Yesterday the News and Observer printed, from the pen of Drew Pearson, an unusually fine tribute to O. Max Gardner on the eve of his departure to enter upon his duties in London as American Ambassador and Plen- ipotentiary Extraordinary to the Court of St. James's. That true appraisement of a golden-hearted statesman warmed the hearts of all North Carolinians. Today the State sorrowse—"“like Niobe, all tears” —at the sad news of the sudden death of Ambassador Gardner in New York as he was preparing to sail to enter upon the great office to which he had been appointed. And not only does the death of Mr. Gardner carry grief in North Carolina, but will give sorrow to hosts of friends and admirers in Washington, to his whole country, and also to the British people who had hailed his ap- pointment with much satisfaction. The career of Mr. Gardner is a proud rec- ord of success and leadership in all the posi- tions to which he was called by his country- men. Native of Shelby, he spent his college days in Raleigh as a student in State Col- lege where he became a leader in his studies and on the athletic field and afterward as instructor. As young Democratic leader in his home county he early showed wisdom in politics and in statesmanship in his com- munity which was later evidenced in larger fields as State senator, Lieutenant Governor, Governor, trusted adviser to President Roosevelt in important war policies, serving as Chairman of the Advisory Board on War Mobilization and Reconversion, a8 Under Secretary of the Treasury, as a most useful trustee of the University of North Carolina, founder of the Gardner-Webb College which he endowed. Mr. Gardner was a wise coun- selor in the State and National councils of his party, having served as member of the National Democratic Committee. He was a born diplomat in the best sense of that word and his countrymen looked forward with confidence to distinguished service by him as Ambassador to Great Britain. Well in advance of the 1944 primary Mr. Gardner, at the behest of many friends and in pursuance of a laudable ambition, an- nounced himself as a candidate for the United States Senate. He was practically as- sured of election when, to the regret of his friends and the surprise of his State, he an- nounced that on the advice of his physician he would not make the race. He had been informed that his heart could not bear the strain of a campaign. His sudden death yesterday as he was on the eve of departure for London shows that the diagnosis was correct. From the days of his youth Mr. Gardner's ambition was to be Governor, and he almost achieved that ambition when only 39 years old, being defeated in 1920 by a narrow mar- gin. Eight years later he had so consoll- dated his position that he became the only Democratic candidate who has been nomi- nated without opposition since the passage of the primary law in 1915. His record as Governor shows he was a progressive and constructive chief execut.ve. He enterprised and carried through impor- tant plans, among them the adoption of the Australian ballot, the consolidation of the three higher State institutions of learning into the greater university, and give impe- tus to his “Live at Home” program and other measures which advanced the State. The recent appointment of Governor Gardner as Ambassador met with an even greater degree of acclamation. Not only was the nomination approved warmly by members of his own party, but only last week the Senate of the United States wit- nessed an extraordinary scene when Repub- lican Senators vied with Democrats in prais- ing the appointee to what has long been regarded as the most sought-after diplomatic post in the American Foreign Service. Mr. Gardner will go down in history as one of the ablest, most constructive and pro- gressive chief executives in the history of North Carolina and as a national leader of wisdom and statesmanship. North Carolina is in mourning for its most distinguished and beloved son. [From the Henderson (N.C.) Daily Dispatch of February 8, 1947] ©. MAX GARDNER Sudden death of Ambassador O. Max Gard- mer on Thursday in New York was a distinct A1229 shock to tens of thousands of his friends in this State particularly, as over the country generally. He had accepted his appointment from President Truman to be Ambassador to Great Britain with gratitude, high enthu- siasm, and with a yearning to render his State and Nation the most outstanding serv- ice possible. His nomination was given unanimous approval in the Senate of the United States, and there was great satisfac- tion and endorsement in Government circles and elsewhere generally over the selection. North Carolinians, who Knew this native son better perhaps than any other section of the country knew him, had looked forward to the former Governor setting something of a pace in the conduct of the Nation's diplo- matic affairs in London. They had every reason to expect such a career abroad for their fellow citizen. Then death intervened. The people of this State did not withhold their flowers, their esteem, their kind words, and their confidence until their statesman had gone. Affections were expressed and were known to him. But sudden death brings so much of the past to mind, and in the thought—and grief—it wells up to the surface. Gardner had made tremendous success in a business way and had climbed high in his State and in affairs of the Nation. Not too many North Carolinians have been ap- pointed to ranking diplomatic posts abroad. Walter Hines Page was President Wilson's Ambassador to the Court of St. James's dur- ing the First World War and Josephus Dan- jels, Secretary of the Navy during the era. was Ambassador to Mexico under the latc President Roosevelt. There is every good reason to suppose that Max Gardner would have added new luster to the record of achievements of these distinguished Tar Heels in the Foreign Service, and that he would have ranked with the most outstand- ing envoys sent from the United States to this station of duty and responsibility, long rated as the No. 1 diplomatic spot in the world outside Washington. [From the Asheville (N. C.) Citizen of February 8, 1947| - OPTIMIST IN GOVERNMENT Max. Gardner was an independent thinker. In thinking for himself, he arrived at an economic philosophy which steered a middle course between clashing ideas. It is said. for instance, that he regarded the Jate Pres-. ident Roosevelt as not quite “liberal” enough in 1982. Yet he differed with extremists in the subsequent New Deal. On a visit to Shelby last August while still Under S-c- retary of the Treasury, he spoke of the fu- ture of America in these terms: “The war has seen an enormous expansion of our national economy. Surprisingly. many observers appear to regard this growth as short lived. They view our wartime po- tential as something quite apart from our peacetime potential. In the process of get- ting back to normal they anticipate a radi- cal shrinkage—as much as a quarter or a third—in the volume of our national in- come. They fail to see that we have reached @ new and higher plateau of productive ca- pacity and that descending national in- come implies depressed levels of production and employment, and lower living standards. They fail to see that the plateau of the forties has risen above the peaks of the thirties.” This was a bold prognostication for an official of the United States Treasury. It was made at a time when most orthodox economists were predicting a cycle of “boom and bust.” It is perhaps a clue to Mr. Gard- ner's own thinking as a “liberal-conserva- tive” (as he classified himself) businessman. Max Gardner had had some experience with government at hoth the State and Na- tional levels, He disliked undue interference in business and private affairs. He believed
A1230 in a balanced budget and the “preservation of the character, credit, and currency of the United States.” Yet he was convinced that critics of Government should play more than @ negative role in the vast democratic proc- ess. “The best insurance against conditions requiring the Government to step in,” he said at Shelby, “is to maintain the flow of private income to individuals through con- tinued high levels of wages and salaries and reasonable profits. Purchasing power thus maintained is the key to a sound and pros- perous economy.” These are rather obvious statements, yet their importance, and even their meaning, is sometimes obscured by thundering debate in the economic forum. Max Gardner was, above all, an optimist. It would not be sur- prising to see his theories substantiated by the test of time. {From the Atlanta (Ga.) Constitution of Fobruary 7, 1947] O, MAX GARDNER The death yesterday of O. Max Gardner deprived the Nation of a great political leader and a true liberal. Mr. Gardner was ready to embark on the crowning achievement of his career when death struck. His diplomacy, tact and infinite understanding were being relied on by President Truman and Secretary of State Marshall to give the United States able representation to the Court of St. James’s. Mr. Gardner was only recently con- firmed without dissent by the Senate for the post as Ambassador to Great Britain. Although he had lived in Washington since expiration of his term as Governor of North Carolina in 1933, Ambassador Gardner still called Shelby, N. C., “home” and made it a point to visit his home town every few weeks. He was a personal friend of the late President Roosevelt and after establishing law offices in Washington declined numerous proffered appointments until Mr. Roosevelt persuaded him to accept the unpaid post of Chairman of the Advisory Board War Mobili- gation and Reconversion. President Truman last year prevailed on him to become Under- secretary of the Treasury, a post he held un- til his appointment as Ambassador to Great Britain. Mr. Gardner was independently wealthy. He earned his money himeelf, reportedly making a million dollars or more in the tex- tile business. But his wealth only served to enable him to broaden his scope of service to his State and Nation, His political philos- ophy was liberal in the true meaning of the word, President Truman voiced the sentiment of the Nation when he said he was “deeply gTieved and shocked” at Mr. Gardner's death. “T have lost a loyal and devoted friend,” Mr. Truman ts reported saying, “and the country has lost a great American.” [From the Washington (D. C.) Star of February 7, 1947] OLIVER MAX GARDNER Mr. Gardner had a distinguished career in North Carolina before he ever came to Wash- ington. But the nature of his brief experi- ence in the Federal service offers some ex- planation of his value and standing as a citizen and public servant. James F. Byrnes persuaded him to become chairman of the Advisory Board of the Office of War Mobiliza- tion and Reconversion and he was retained there by Chief Justice Vinson, who succeeded Mr. Byrnes. When Mr. Vinson went to the Treasury he took Mr. Gardner with him as Under Secretary and when Mr. Snyder be- came Secretary Mr. Gardner was persuaded to remain, against his personal inclination to return to his own substantial private law practice. These men regarded him highly for his of some of those talents mentioned with such genuine feeling yester- day by President ‘Truman—his kindness, courtesy, an urbane understanding of human relationships and a capacity for hard, effec- tive work. They leaned on his judgment and his integrity in matters of policy as well as administration. Such qualities would have gone far in helping him to realize the hopes that the President had pinned on his service as Ambassador to Great Britain and it is a curious fate that intervened so dramatically, on the day he was to sail for London. He has left a great many warm friends in Wash- ington who respected and loved him for his character, molded by the early environment of a fine family and developed through self-dependence throughout his whole life. Not the least of his success was his ability to inspire confidence with affection wherever he went. [From the New York Times of February 7, 1947] OLIVER MAX GARDNER Oliver Max Gardner’s nomination in De- eember to be Ambassador to Great Britain was received with the warmest approval by everyone who knew anything about this modest, friendly, and able man. Mr. Gardner had proven himself as a liberal-minded Gov- ernor of North Carolina, wartime chairman of OWMR's advisory board and Under Secre- tary of the Treasury. As this newspaper said of him on this page after his nomina- tion, he was “a good man at finances and a convinced and persuasive advocate of our economic system.” No one could have been better fitted to explain the United Stutes to the British. The Senate showed its gaad Judgment by a prompt confirmation, as svon as the flurry attending the opening of the Eightieth Congress was over. Now, as the steamship which was to have taken him to his post is on the way across the Atlantic, Mr. Gardner Illes dead. He can- not know the irony of this untimely tuking- off. The rest of us can. He had much to give, and now he cannot give it. All we can do is to pay tribute to a man who served his fellows faithfully and well so long as the strength was in him. President Truman will have to make a wide canvass before he finds a man as well suited for the St. James appointment as Oliver Max Gardner, Forged To Outlive the Swastika EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON: MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include herewith a fine arti- cle which appeared in the March issue of the Le Clerian, student publication of Le Clerc College, Belleville, Ill.: FORGED TO OUTLIVE THE SWASTIKA Hearing the voice that defied Hitler, was the privilege of a limited number of Le Cler- jans, Sunday, February 23. “It is a fatal error to believe that the state is the highest expression of divinity. War and hate, and not charity and love, prevail in the world today, but the world must re- member that it must achieve this love, which excludes no one and encompasses all hu- manity.” In the very heart of nazism, in Berlin itself, a voice was heard proclaiming Christ's lessons of justice and love. One marvels that arms - were raised :to-cheer the orater. One would rather expect the long arm of the Nazi regime APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to have smothered that voice before it drew another breath, but Conrad Cardinal von Preysing continued his defense of religious freedom and lives to tell the tale. Conrad Count von Preysing is a member of an ancient Bavarian family of the twelfth century which belongs to the Royal House of Bavaria. He became an attorney, and during his diplomatic career, met and became a clase friend of Pope Pius XII. In 1908 he aban- doned his work and 4 years later was ordained for the holy priesthood. In 1935 he was made Bishop of Berlin and became outstanding for his actions in de- fense of Christian principles. In his Christ- mas pastoral letter of 1943 the bishop strong- ly condemned the prevailing mode of thought and appealed for a change to the principles of justice and right. Hitler is dead, but the voice of Cardinal von Preysing has reached even to American shores, has echoed in our midst, while the thunders of “Heil Hitler’ are stilled into oblivion. Portal-to-Portal Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include herein the following editorial taken from the Washington Post of Sunday, March 23, 1947: PORTAL<-TO-PORTAL BILL The bill passed a few weeks ago by the House, as well as the bill passed Friday by the Senate, bans all past portal-to-portal pay claims unless the employer has been required by custom or practice, or by express agree- ment or contract, to make such payments. Both bills have been attacked on the ground that these provisions are much too sweeping. For they would not only outlaw portal-to- portal-pay claims but admittedly eliminate other claims for back pay under the Fair Labor Standards Act—claims that the Wage- Hour Administrator has held to be compensa- ble. A spokesman for the Senate bill ad- mitted that inequities would result from the method followed. But he concluded that the public interest in outlawry of these back-pay claims was a paramount consideration, and that any bill that could be written would be inequitable to some extent. The remedy 1s, a8 we stated in discussing the Gwynne bill, a crude one. But Congress is confronted by an emergency that necessi- tates prompt and drastic action. For the huge and unexpected retroactive liabilities represented by back-pay claims threaten the solvency of many employers and might result in drastic curtailment of industrial opera- tions along with declining employment and wage reductions. The gravity of the emer- gency, therefore, seems to us to justify the methods adopted in disposing of past claims. The real difficulties begin when attempts are made to deal with future pay claims of this type. Undoubtedly legislative action of some sort is needed to prevent continued wrangling. But in endeavoring to deal with this aspect of the problem, both the House and Senate bills are open to severe criticism. The record of the Senate debate would make a thick volume. It is impossible to discuss here in any detail the merits of the pro- posed legislation. But we think that the . Opponents of the bills have proved their main point—-that. those measutes. would tend to break down safeguards established
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD by the Fa.r Labor Standards Act, the Walsh- Healey Act covering Government contracts, and the Bacon-Davis Act affecting Govern- ment construction, Under the House bill all future portal-to- portal claims would be barred unless vali- dated by custom or express agreement. Un- der the Senate bill, only preliminary and postliminary activities would be noncom- pensabje, unless custom or contract called for Payment. The S2nate's attempt to distin- guish between noncompensable activities and principal activities carried on during the workday raises innumerable questions of definition, to which answers are not forth- coming. Indeed, it ts charged with good reason that it would lead to a flood of litiga- tion and make the Fair Labor Standards Act a haven for unemployed attorneys. Other objections to the House and Senate bills grow out of provisions to exempt employers from payment of damages in suits under the Pair Labor Standards Act when they have acted in good faith and in reliance upon administrative regulations. Critics maintain that it would be almost impossible to prove bad faith and that such provisions would, therefore, encourage widespread evasion of the provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act, especially in dealings with unorganised labor. Under the circumstances, there is danger that the conference bill will invite a Presi- dential veto on the ground that it weakens the Fair Labor Standards Act. We think that Congress would have been well advised to restrict legislative relief to back portal-to- Portal pay claims, leaving future claims to be dealt with by the Wege and Hour Admin- istrator. Senator THomas of Utah takes the right slant on the problem when he says: “It is my opinion that if the Congress should grant the rule-making power to the Administrator, subject, of course, to the guidance of Congress and subject to court review, there would be no need whatever for such legislation as is proposed in the com- mittee bill with regard to claims for future lability under the Fair Labor Standards Act.” The Bypassing of UN EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. H. ALEXANDER SMITH OF NEW JERSEY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp the column by Mr. Walter Lippmann which appeared in the New York Herald-Tribune of Sat- urday, March 22, entitled “The Bypassing of UN.” As Mr. Lippmann points out, the issue is not whether we should “pass the buck” to the UN in the Greek- Turkish crisis, nor is it whether or not, as some have suggested, we should call the United Nations Organization the scapegoat. The simple question, as I see it, is whether we should take the vitally important step that is being pro- posed unilaterally, by ourselves alone, or whether we should take the step with the cooperation and full knowledge of the United Nations Organization, and with the clear assurance to the UN that we are looking upon the matter as one which affects the collective security of the entire world. We should not set the precedent of try- ing to deal with these matters uni- laterally. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Topay ann Tomorrow (By Walter Lippmann) THE BYPASSING OF UN The reason given by Mr. Acheson for the bypassing of UN is that there is an emer- gency in Greece and Turkey and that “the United Nations and its related organizations are not now in position to extend help of the kind that is required.” It is true that there is an emergency which the UN ts not now equipped to deal with. It is true that the United States must deal with it. But these are not reasons for dDypassing the UN. . They are reasons why it is our special duty and deeply to our interest to make it plain to the United Nations why in our judgment there is an emergency requiring us to uct unilaterally. For the charter was adcpted for the purpose of preventing nations from acting unilaterally and on their own judgment in matters which affect the inter- ests of other nations. Precisely because we feel that the emergency is such that we must make an exception to this rule, we should be seeking the opportunity to recognize the moral authority of the UN, lest the excep- tional case establish a precedent which will then be the rule. If the pattern of our conduct in this affair becomes a precedent, we shall have cut a hole in the Charter which it will be very dificult to repair. The President has told us, quite rightly, that “the seeds of totali- tarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soll of poverty and strife.” Suppose we can- not all around the world relicve quickly enough the misery and the want. Suppose that in Greece later, or in some other wracked and hungry land, there comes into power by elections like those in Greece a government of the extreme Lefts, dominated by the Communists. That could happen. It could happen elsewhere in Europe, in Asia, or even in an American republic. What happens then if that government calls upon the Soviet Union for nid, asks it to equip and train its army, to supel'vise its budget, to plan and direct its economy? What under the “Truman doctrine” do we do if the Soviet government says there is an emergency, that it has been invited to intervene, that the UN is not in position to extend the kind of help required? Until March 12 we would have been able to do what we did in Iran last year. We would have been able to raise the issue in the Secur- ity Council and the General Assembly, and to demand an accounting, and to bring to bear upon the situation the collective opinion of the United Nations. The UN was not any better equipped to act in Iran than it is in Greece. But it was equipped to bring great pressure to bear on the Soviet Union's desire to judge for itself whether there was an emer- gency which demanded unilateral action. That is what the “Truman doctrine,” as it is being presented to the world, will destroy if we persist in setting this precedent. And it is so unnecessary. “Time is of the essence,” said Mr. Acheson. But no time will be lost in extending to Greece and Turkey the assistance which almost all of us agree should be given, if we choose to recognize the interest of the UN. It would not take as long to conform to the principles of the charter of the United Nations as it will take to conform to the constitutional processes of the United States. If there is time for Mr. Acheson to inform Congress, there is time for Mr. Austin to in- form the United Nations. Al231 But it is not only for the sake of the UN that we should avoid this shattering prece- dent. It is also for the sake of our own action in Greece. The official picture of what we are getting into in Greece has been softened and s:m- plified. The emphasis has been put on the need of the Greeks, the dire results of not helping them, and the benevolent and tn- nocuous cheracter of our assistance, This picture needs to be supplemented by a full realization that we are intervening in a civil war, that we shall be responsib!e for the Greek Army, not only its training and equip- ment but its strategy and tactics, that since our financial assistaice is measured to bal- ance the Greek budget, we ehull become re- sponsible for the whole operation of the Greek Government. Now the Government of Greece has been a European problem ever since the country was liberated from Turkey in 1£29 by the combined intervention of Britain, France, and Russia. Never for long has Greece not been an international problem, and while we may be abie to succeed where s0 many others have failed, it is, I believe, extremely unwise on our part to accept the sole respon- sibility. The British Government, which has dealt with Greek affairs for over a century, has failed and has suffered great morul injury. If we are wise, we shall seek to spread the moral rick, not to assume the whole of it, as we are now doing. We shall proceed by consultation with those of our allies who ehare our purposes, and by a scrupulous ad- herence to the rules we have made with those of our allies who may not share our purposes, For i1 we cannot get the agreement of the Russians to what we propose to do, we can still do it, using our own veto to block any attempt on their part to bicck it. But in seeking agreement and practicing consultation, we shall not be taking a posi- tion which, because it is unilateral, combines the worst features of isolationism and of interventionism. Finland’s Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN B. BENNETT OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. BENNETT of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I include a statement signed by patriotic American citizens of Finnish extraction, some of whom reside in my congressional district. The statement which follows is entitled “Finland’s Peace”: FINLAND'S PEACE On this day 7 years ago, the 13th of March 1940, Finland signed in Moscow the peace treaty ending the winter war. This peace was only a truce. The 10th of February this year, in Paris, the final peace was signed— a treaty still harder for Finland tian the hard peace of 1940. At this anniversary the undersigned groups and organizations, repre- senting the overwhelming majority of Amcri- cans of Finnish descent, want to express their sorrow and their deep anxiety over the des- tiny of the country of their ancestors. Independent Finland was always a thor- oughly democratic Republic under a consti- tution very similar to the Constitution of our beloved United States. The freedom and the rights of every citizen were assured as in our American Bill of Rights. All men and
A1232 women hed the same civic rights, irrespec- tive of race and creed. Finland’s foreign policy was strict neu- trality. Fulfilling all her international obli- gations up to the last letter, Finland wanted to live in peace and cooperation with all other countries, particularly with her great neighbor in the east, the Soviet Union. When Hitler in the spring of 1929 offered the states around the Baltic Sea nonaggression pacts, Finland declined the offer in order to avo'd even the shadow of being under Ger- man influence. In spite of her wish to live in peace, Fin- land was forced to fight in self-defense. After the partition of Poland between Ger- many and Russia, at that time close friends, and after Russia had brought the Baltic states under her domination, she attacked Finland late in autumn 1939, The League of Nations expelled Russia, and President Roosevelt branded the attack upon Finland a wanton aggression; world opinion and particularly public opinion in Amer:ca was with Finland. But Finland had to fight alone, and finally was forced to sign the Moscow peace, March 18, 1940. In the fateful summer of 1941, Moscow again opened hostilities against Finland. In spite of the bombing of Finnish ships, Fin- nish cities, and unfortified places, the Finnish Government tin circular information to the legations abroad declared their intention to remain neutral. But when the Russian mili- tary actions turned into an all-out attack, there was no choice. Then and only then .the Finnish Government and Parliament unanimously, and with the support of the people, decided to take up arms and to defend the country. The Finns fought their separate war for their liberty and independence and for the integrity of their homeland. Every sixth man gave his life for his country—it is as if the United States of America had lost in the war about 3,000,000 men. That was Finland's bloody sacrifice for the sake of the ‘four free- doms” and the high principles of the Atlantic Charter. Finland never wanted war. Her fight was a righteous fight; but in spite of that she has been punished. Through the armistice in September 1944 and still more through the definite peace treaty signed in Paris, February 10th this year, Finland lost to Russia 12 percent of her territory, implying a loss of 15 percent of her economic capacity. One-eighth of the population became homeless. They preferred to leave their centuries-old homesteads and to migrate into what was left of Finland rather than to become Soviet citizens—a plebiscite in itself. A more striking proof could not be given that this transfer of territory was against the lofty principles of article 2 of the Atlantic Charter. The Finnish Army is reduced to practically nothing and purged and Soviet Russia has now a military base only 10 miles from the Finnish capital and the Soviet troops are allowed to use the Fin- nish railways to reach this place. Further- more Finland has to pay in goods a huge in- demnity, nominally $300,000,000, but in fact about the double of that amount. And finally the peace throws the door wide open for Soviet interference in Finnish politics through the stipulation that forbids all or- ganizations and all activities which the So- viet Union might consider hostile to her demccracy. These are only the most striking features of the treaty. It is futile to conceal that the independence of Finland has become for the time being, only nominal, not real, and that Finland lives under a terrible plight. Wrong has been done to Finland. The fact must be stated. No whitewash or window dressing can alter it. The Finns will fulfill their obligations un- der the treaty certainly to the utmost of their possibility. We feel convinced that in spite of all their difficulties and sufferings, they will not give up their noble traditions and old inherited ideals of freedom and democracy. We American citizens of Finnish extrac- tion who are happy to live in this country of ours, where freedom and justice are the guiding principles, follow with deep an- xiety the events in the land of our ancestors. We ure proud to believe that, owing to the efforts of our country, the day will come when freedom and justice are fully respected all over the world and the principles of the Atlantic Charter no more allowed to be over- ridden by the great and powerful. Central Committee of Finnish Socie- ties of Greater New York, Onni K. Syrjaniemi, president, Sylvia E. Lansiiehto, Secretary, Brooklyn, N. Y¥.; Eastern Finnish Temper- ance League, Alfred Erickson, president, Quincy, Mass.; Finnish American League of Democracy, Victor Annala, president, Gardner, Mass.; Elis Sulkanen, secretary, Fitchburg, Mass.; Finnish Apos- tolic Lutheran Congregations, P. A. Heideman, president, Laurium, Mich.; Finnish Congregational Conference in America, Rev. Wil- liam Hokkanen, president, Wor- cester, Mass.; Friends of Finland, Walter Mork, president, Berkeley, Calif.; Knights of Kaleva, Lauri Hannula, president, Fitchburg, Mass,; Ladies of Kaleva, Lydia Ibbotson, president, Eveleth, Minn.; Ohio, Pennsylvania and West Virginia Finnish Temper- ance League, J. O. Myllykoski, president, Painesville, Ohio; Save Finland Committee, Hon. O. J. Larson, president, Duluth, Minn.; United Finnish Kaleva Brothers and Sisters, Vaino Arniokoski, president, Berkeley, Calif.; United Finnish Temperance Council of United States, Alfred Erickson, president, Quincy, Mass.; Rev. G. A. Aho, Painesville, Ohio, presi- dent, National Evangelical Lu- theran Churches; Dr. A. Haap- anen, Hancock, Mich., president, Suomi Synod; Dr. V. K. Nikander, Hancock, Mich., president, Suomi College, Better Late Than Never EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CHARLES W. VURSELL OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr, VURSELL. Mr. Speaker, Presi- dent Truman in issuing his directive urging the heads of the departments to seek out and separate from the service all employees tainted with communism shows clearly that he remembers the old statement that a good politician stays behind the crowd until he finds out which way they are going, then he rushes to the front, grabs the flag and leads the parade. That is exactly what the President has done. He did not do it, however, until the American people showed plainly which way they were heading when they elected a Republican Congress of which one of its main points, not only expressed in the platform but expressed for 4 years APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD on the floor of the House, was to stop communism on the home front and to drive Communists off of the Federal pay roll, And in this connection may I point out that the Civil Service Committee of which I am a member tried to get an in- vestigation to seek out and drive out Communists by that committee in the past session of Congress. Those on the committee representing the administra- tion stalled it off, but finally agreed to set up a committee that would make a recommendation. This committee made a recommendation providing for the ap- pointment of a commission to make a further study of the question of Com- munists in the Federal Government. This Commission reported to the Presi- dent on February 20, and President Tru- man issued his directive Saturday. The point I want to make is that all of the Communists, all of the fellow travelers, the pinks and reds, were left undisturbed by the administration up until the people spcke in November. All of them backed the administration in power and tried in every way to defeat every Republican Member of Coneress. When we came back here after the peo- ple had spoken, we Representatives con- tinued our drive until] it now has been endorsed, even though belatedly, by the President, It was a part of our program and may we hope now that the President will en- dorse the rest of our program—the de- mobilization of bureaucracy, the reduc- tion of his budget, and the reduction of taxes. Up to date he has only endorsed one plank in our platform, and, I re- peat, not until the people by an over- whelming majority had spoken in sup- port of our position. Snags for an Active Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, New Deal commentators in the press and on the radio have been telling the Nation that the Republican Congress has not made any strides since taking over in January. In that regard I desire to in- sert an article from David Lawrence's United States News, which actually gives the low-down on what has been accom- plished by the Congress. The article en- titled “Snags for an Active Congress” follows: BNAGS FOR AN ACTIVE CONGRESS-—PROGRESS AGAINST DELAYS ON LABOR CONTROLS, TAXES, AND ECONOMIES—-SELF -REORGANIZATION— PASSAGE OF EXCISES, DEFICIENCY FUNDS, PORTAL-PAY LIMITS-——TARIFF TRUCE A Congress that has given a widespread im- pression of dawdling turns out, on analysis, to be one of the busiest Congresses in recent years. Splits and factions in the Republican majority have captured the headlines, leav- ing unnoticed the amount of work that is going on.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Campaign promises to cut taxes, to check- rein Government spending, to curb labor unions and to modify Government controls all have hit snags. Now Congress is asked by the President to determine the direction of United States foreign policy and to do s0 quickly. Congress thus finds it necessary to turn suddenly to foreign policy despite other jobs that are piling up before it. These developments give the appearance of @ do-nothing Congress, an appearance of a Congress bogged down, Actually, the Elghtieth Congress compares favorably with its predecessors. Few Con- gresses have been burdened with the tasks saddled on the present session, and seldom have those tasks been tackled so speedily. The Seventy-ninth Congress wasted many days a year ago in a filibuster o-er a fair employment practice bill. The Eightieth Congress in contrast, has put all committees to work, and a look beneuth the surface re- veals this record: Action is completed or nearing completion on a number of measures that have been con- sidered urgent. Excite taxes at wartime rates are con- tinued indefinitely under a law just approved by the President. This retains more than $1,000,000,000 in revenue. Foot-and-mouth disease control by the United States in Mexico and other hemi- sphere countries is sanctioned in a law passed by both Houses. Appropriations have been approved to meet some operating deficiencies for Fed- eral agencies in the current fiscal year. The House also has passed an appropriation bill for the Treasury and Post Office for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1948. Office of Price Administration and the Of- fice of Temporary Controls have been di- rected to liquidate by June 30, 1947. Farm labor can be recruited from foreign workers under another bill that is through the House and before the Senate. This pro- vides Federal aid in recruiting workers. Portal-to-portal pay suits are to be limited by a law that is close to adoption. Legislative budget, slicing several billions of dollars from the President’s budget of $37,500,000,000, has been given approval sepa- rately by both the House and Senate. Com- promise conferences are under way, Copper-tariff suspension has been approved by the House and is under consideration by the Senate. This is designed to increase supplies of the metal by lifting the 4-cents- per-pound duty. The tariff issue itself has been eased by a White House agreement with Senators MIL- LIKIN (Republican), of Colorado, and Van- DENBERG (Republican), of Michigan, on re- ciprocal trade policy. This compact, rein- forced by an Executive order to include escape Clauses in agreements so as to pre- vent hardship to domestic industry, may quiet discussions of tariff policy for another year, but high-tariff Congressmen still have aggressive plans. In addition to these actions, the Repub- licans also have completed reorganization of Congress along completely new lines, patterned by the La Follette-Monroney Act of the lest session. This reorganization reduced the number of standing commit- tees and was accomplished with dispatch and a minimum of friction. Now Senate leaders—Rosert A. Tarr, of Ohio, and WAL- Lace H. WHITE, Jr., of Maine—have decided on daily and night sessions to speed action on pending measures. Major campaign promises of Republicans are expected to be whipped into legislative shape in the next month or two. Labor controls have reached the drafting stage in the Senate, and also in the House. Outcome of agitation for some curbs on unions is likely to be a relatively mild con- trol measure, plus some amendments to the Wagner Act that would equalize the bar- gaining positions of employers and workers. XCITI—App.——78 A law ts expected to be passed during May or June. Tax policy is getting specific attention in the House Ways and Means Committee, which has held hearings on the proposal of Chair- man KNvUTSON (Republican), of Minnesota, to cut personal income taxes 20 percent across the hoard. House tax leaders expected to have a bill passed by the end of March. The Senate is barred from considering tax matters until after the House acts. Out- look is for some tax reductions, with a modification of the Knutson proposal. Appropriations are getting close attention from subcommittees of the House Appropria- tions Committee under Representative TABER (Republican), of New York. Administrative officials testify that Congress definitely is economy-minded, with budget cuts averaging around 20 percent. These measures are be- ginning to trickle through the House, which must xct first. Postal rates are being studied by the House Post Office and Civil Service Committee. A bill recommending higher rates for some classes of mail is likely, but the rise prob- ably will be less than dasired. Government controls are getting attention from a number of committees. A bill is prepared to extend sugar rationing under the Department of Agriculture for another year. The duration of rent controls is being discussed. A rubber-control bill is being drafted, and woo]-price supports are virtu- ally promised. Congressional leaders say they will have all control measures ready for administration by other agencies by the time OPA and OTC expire. Laws dealing with labor, taxes, spending, and controls will complete the domestic plat- form of the Republican Party, and enactment is promised on most of these matters before summer. A two-term limit for United States Presi- dents also is being drawn for submission to the States as a constitutional amendment. Republican majorities have pushed this pro- posal through House and Senate, but details remain to be ironed out. More time will be required to draft a bill providing for a suc- cessor to the President when the office of Vice President is vacant. Passage of such a measure is still in doubt. Foreign policy has been soft-pedaled as an {esue in Congress, but now is coming to the fore and quick action is promised. Aid to Greece and to Turkey is requested by President Truman by March 31, and Con- gress will try to give the White House an answer by that time. World Refugee Organization also is likely to get United States participation with the consent of Congress. This organization would care for displaced -Europeans. Foreign relief for countries that have been alded by the UNRRA, which is winding up its operations, also is likely to be voted before summer. . International trade organization, however, appears headed for the shelf. This proposal, keystone of the administration's foreign trade policy, is getting a cool reception in Congress. Peace treaties with Italy, Rumania, Hun- gary, and Bulgaria probably are to be accept- ed after some debate spurred by minority voting groups in the United States. Other domestic problems appear to have Jess chance for final action, but Congress is preparing to consider them despite a heavily burdened schedule. Army-Navy merger has strong White House support and will be the subject of early hear- ings by Senate Armed Services Committee. But action is months away. Universal training is another issue that will be raised and on which the decision is likely to be postponed. Congress is waiting for a White House cue. Veterans’ benefits are before Congress in a number of guises, ranging from bonus pay- ments to higher subsistence allotments and A1233 better on-job-training pay. Congressional committees now show signs of sitting on these proposals for a while because of the high costs involved. However, veterans will be given an opportunity to reinstate lapsed war- risk life insurance during the next 5 years. Building controls are effective until] Decem- ber 31, 1947, under present law, but some Re- publicans in Congress are talking of ending or modifying them before that date. The ed- ministration is likely to beat them to the punch by doing some modifying of its own before midyear. Railroad legislation is proposed, but adop- tion is doubtful. A bill to exempt rate-mak- ing bureaus from antitrust action is before Congress, but is threatened with a Presiden- tial veto if it should pass. Another measure providing changes in the bankruptcy laws relating to railroad reorganization is being held up until Mr. Truman’s attitude is known. He vetoed one such bill last year. Science research with Federal aid also is proposed in a National Science Foundation bill. This is likely to pass if it gets to a vote. This Congress, like others before it, is dis- covering that snarls and delays are part of the process in getting laws written. Major legislation always takes time and work. The legislative list on the calendar, and the ac- tivity now going on is a sign that the first Republican Congress tn 17 years is by no means inactive. Honorably Discharged Veteran Wants Congress and Taxpayers To Know About Army Bungling EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I have received letters from many veterans recently honorably dis- charged from the armed forces, and from some still in the service, complaining hit- terly of the waste, incompetency, mal- administration, and corruption which they allege exists in our armed services in occupied enemy territories. The same criticism is voiced in communications I have received from civilians, present and former employees of the Federal Gov- ernment, who worked in close association with the armed forces or directly under their supervision. Some of these are astute young businessmen, alert and suc- cessful professional men, and others of that type. One of the most astounding letters I have received on this subject has just reached me from a man whom I do not know personally, but who says that he has recently been returned from Japan and has been honorably discharged from the Army. He states that he thinks the information he obtained in Tokyo and Yokohama should be brought to the at- tention of Congress and the American public. His statements are certainly forthright, and should challenge the at- tention of Congress and the tax-paying public. I respectfully request that you read this veteran’s letter, which follows: Dear Sir: I have recently returned from Japan and been honorably discharged from the Army,
A1234 Since I have been back, I have felt strongly I shculd write the Representatives of my district in Kansas about what I and thou- sands of other servicemen considered should be brought to the attention of Congress and the American public. However, I have de- layed in writing my own Representative, be- lieving it would amount to little significance. However, tonight I read an account in the Kansas City Star that made me believe that perhaps you may have interest in my letter. While I was in Japan, stationed in both Tokyo and Yokohama, there were hundreds of officers totally incompetent, incapable, in- efficient, und generally not worth a dime to the country. Many officers really had no Job. Many engaged in selling large quanti- ties of sugar and meat to the black market. I, personally, swear to the fact that I ate in & mess hall where there was no‘sugar on the table for a week yet rations were obtained daily. This fact I am not complaining about merely because we had no sugar but because it was being sold by officers higher up in the quartermaster office. Some of these men were caught and are serving in the Eighth Army stockade, but my point is that many were not caught and are still serving as officers in the United States Army. I do not advocate, sir, that these men be brought to justice but am trying to point out one of the many worth- less qualities of hundreds of useless officers drawing their pay at the taxpayer's expense. Many officers in Japan I observed, came in contact with, or personally knew, had back- grounds and intelligence that should have automatically disqualified them from ever obtaining a commission. I do not want to impress you by giving you numerous exam- ples proving various officers’ unworthiness, I am not writing for any personal reasons or because I am sore at being an enlisted man. I sincerely and honestly believe that the taxpaying public should know that they are paying the salaries of many hundreds of utterly useless officers in the United States Army, I read that the Navy is releasing 6,000 offi- cers. I believe, sir, that Congress should clamp down on the prejudiced War Depart- ment and demand a reduction of officers in the United States Army. I would like to add, also, that the War De- partment took on a surplus of civil-service workers In Japan. These people are drawing 20-percent pay also and so many of them ure excess, doing literally nothing. Perhaps my single letter is not impressive, but I know many men who saw the wasted money spent will confirm my accusations, Increase of West Coast Lumber Prices EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD KNUTSON OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. KNUTSON. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted me to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I insert herein the following letter from a prominent busi- nessman in Minnesota, together with an excerpt from Crow’s weekly letter: MINNEAPOLIS, MINN., March 3, 1947. The Honorable HaRkoLp KNUTSON, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Dear REPRESENTATIVE: You probably saw what happened to wheat prices when Mr. Hoover came back from Europe and gave his report. They jumped 20 cents or 25 cents a bushel in 2 days. The same thing is happening on the west coast in the lumber market. As you know, we have given England, China, and other countries enormous credits which, inciden- tally, will never be paid back to us, and they are using these credits to pay exorbitant prices for west coast American lumber, the market for which is already terribly inflated by domestic demands. A friend of mine who has just flown in from the west coast has been in my office this morning. He says that in the approximate 5 minutes he was visiting with one of his mill connections, a buyer came in and bought &@ million and a half feet of 12 by 12 and 20 by 20 for export squares. He paid $75 per thousand for them at the mill, free on board mill. This is conservatively $15 per thou- sand more than the domestic market for these squares. In other words, the English and other buy- ers are using our credits and money, which we will never be paid back, as we all know, to up the prices of our west coast lumber. A week or so ago the market showed signs of settling down and lumber coming down to a fairly reasonabie level on the weat coast. But when the export buyer from England, South Africa, China, or some place elec steps in and out of a clear sky bids up the price of of our west coast lumber to an unheard of new height it certainly disrupts the market and we wil] find that his country will never Pav us for the lumber. We understand that it is also happening in southern hardwoods and pine. In the first place, our lumber is in diminish- ing supply. In the second place, the con- sumers of this country desperately need Jum- ber at reasonable prices. I shall leave out what the direct cost of this lumber that we are shipping abroad is to the American taxpayer. No expert in the world could exactly esti- mate the harm this extravagant export buy- ing has done in the terrifically increased rate which the American consumer is forced to pay for lumber. It could, of course, run into many hundreds of millions of dollars with no one being the wiser. That is exactly what has been happening on the west coast now for over a year and it shows no signs of diminishing. As I stated before, I am not terrifically con- cerned over the hundreds of millions of dol- lars we are giving away in the export-import pank, and the credit extended to England and South Africa, China, and God knows what other places, but I am terrifically con- cerned over the exorbitant prices the Ameri- can consumer is being forced to pay for certain products as a result of this export buying. Frankly the export buyers don't seem to care how much they pay for our material. As I say, they will never pay it back, anyway, so why should they care? . Yours very truly. EXCERPT FROM CROW’S WEEKLY LETTER There has been a lot of excitement in fir circles this week about the purchases recently made by Great Britain and the prospects of their buying even more lumber. The British timber controller, accompanied by a number of other officials, came to British Columbia the latter part of January, and after extended negotiations contracted for approximately 40 percent of the output of the British Colum- bia mills for a period which extends over to July 1, 1948. Great Britain in her purchases is taking all grades from No. 8 common through to clear and better and is accepting fir, hemlock, and a considerable quantity of western red cedar, Sitka spruce, and white pine. The prices paid for this stock are at- tractive, especially on the common grades, and are ample on the uppers. It is well to remember that the Canadian timber con- troller requires the mills in British Columbia APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to reserve 85 percent of their production for Canadian markets. That leaves 25 percent open, but we are reliably informed a consid- erable part of that is already contracted for through the balance of this year. This means that the Canadian lumber available for American markets during the next 15 months will not be enough to have any appreciable influence on the supply. After the British procurement group had completed their deal in British Cotumbia thcy came down to Oregon and Washington and, we are reliably informed, have already placed 260,000,000 feet of fir and related species for shipment during this year. Day before yes- terday they were in Washington, D. C., make ing an effort to get their quota expanded an- other 50,000,000 feet to replace a footage they turned over to China out of their war quota. Their argument is that since this cannot be shipped to China now it should be given to them. Information we get out of Washing- ton leeds us to believe the request will be granted. If it is, they are asking that delivery be made during the second and third quarter of this year, evidently with usual British fore- sight in trying to protect themselves against the possible inability to get lumber from Brit- ist’ Columbia, should labor trouble develop there as it did last year as a result of a request now up for consideration where the unions are asking for a booat of 25 percent in wages. This added 60,000,000 feet could be enough to stop a break in the flow of lumber from Brit- tsh Columbia, providing the American mills kept going while British Columbia plants were idle, should employees there leave the job as they did last year. The prices which the mills in Oregon and Washington are being paid for the British purchases are very attractive, enough so that it is rumored some of the largest tidewater mills have taken on substantial footages for shipment during the next 10 months. The spread of sizes and lengths is reported to be wide, covering practically everything from a 2 by 4 up to a 24 by 24 with grades rang- ing from No. 8 common at 650, N list com- mon 665, N list merch at 870, and select merch at $75. As this is for rough stock and it is purchased free along ship's teckle, which saves the loading costs involved in shipping by rail, the desirability of such business can readily be seen. It is said that some attempt is being made to replace part of this order with inland plants where the short haul to tidewater is not excessive, but as it involves inspection and marking which is in- convenient for many inland plants, it is doubtful whether very much of this stock will come from that source, even though it could mean more money for rough green than is being received now on the weak market for short random rough cutting of that type do- mestically. Three hundred million feet of lumber is quite a footage, yet when it is taken into consideration that last week the over-all cut of the fir mills in Oregon and Washing- ton both in and out of the association was estimated to be somewhere around 140,000,000 feet, it will be seen that over a period of 12 months it is not much of a factor. In all probability this business will be taken mostly by tidewater concerns that normally do only & minimum of rail business. Some folks are complaining bitterly about these export sales, They feel it ts grossly unjust, in view of the extreme need for lumber here in our own country for the British to come in and out- bid our people for their own lumber with money which we loaned them and which everyone is quite sure they have no intention of ever repaying. Be that as it may, the orders have been placed for 260,000,000 feet and except that it has provided some unusual news with which the rumormongers could toy as they searched for something sense- tional to hold up as a bugaboo in front of the market, it will in all probability soon be forgotten.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Christian Century Says “No” to Presi- dent’s Request for a Loan to Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I am including the following magazine article from the Christian Century, under date of March 26, 1947, regarding its attitude in the Greece- Turkey matter: AN ABSOLUTE No Congress should reply with an absolute No! to President Truman's request for $400,- 000,000 to be used in bolstering with Ameri- can arms and personnel the military strength of Greece and Turkey against Rus- sia. Mr. Truman has taken the road that leads to war. He solemnly confessed that he was fully aware of the “broader implica- tions” of the course on which he asks this Nation to embark. The tone of his address to Congress was portentous. It was punc- tuated by such words as “the gravity of the situation,” “in this fateful hour” and “the security of this Nation is involved.” Moreover, he conceded that the aid now asked for Greece and Turkey may be insuf- ficient, in which event the President frankly announced that he would return to Con- gress for more funds and “further author- ity.’ This ominous warning served notice that he stands ready to send armed forces for another purpose than merely to suppress terrorists in Greece. The Nation is thus ecnfronted by its President with the sharply defined imminence of World War III. Mr. Truman recognizes that his proposal em- bodies a policy of defiance and threat to- ward Russia and is willing to stake American lives on its outcome. The worst fenture of his address was his attempt to justify his proposed course by in- vokiny, the principles of the United Nations in its support. Read these quotations, then rub your eyes and read them again: ‘We shall not realize our objectives [in the United Netions| unless we [1, e., the United States | are willing to help free peoples * * * against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes.” “We [ie., the United States] cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations.” In the ac- tion now proposed “‘the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.” How could the President of the United States make so obviously false a claim? The course outlined by him is in reality a repudi- ation of the fundamental principle of the Charter of the United Nations. That organ- ization was created for no less a purpose than to preclude just such unilateral action by a single nation as Mr. Truman now asks the United States to take. Its Charter can- not be invoked as sanction for a single- handed intervention in the situation which now obtains in Greece and Turkey. When the President pleads for our independent assump- tion of the responsibility that belongs alone to the United Nations, he cannot conceal the fact that he regards its principles as not binding on the United States. His tribute to these principles cannot be accepted as sincere. His reasoning in support of the proposed action thus constitutes nothing less than a torpedo ng of the United Nations. It will be so regarded by all the world. Who would have thought that in less than 2 years after its Charter had been adopted and after its organization had taken form and begun to function, the United Nations would be repudiated in principle as well as in fact by the very power which had fostered it and by the President who had acclaimed it as alone holding the promise of world peace? Mr. Truman's excuse for bypassing the United Nations is lame and implausible. He says: “We considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis, but the situation is an urgent one requiring immedi- ate action, and the United Nations * * *° [18] not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.” Pe This is incredible. The Sccurity Council of the United Nations is in continuous ses- sion only 200 miles from the White House. The full Assembly can be brought tuto spe- cial session as quickly as Congress can ad- just itself to the handling of the “crisis.” Moreover, the issue would be defined in much simpler terms for the United Nations than for the American Congress. It falls clearly within the purview of that organization, whose fundamental purpose is “to maintain international peace and security and, to that end, to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace * * * andtobring about * * * adjustment or settlement of * * * situa- tions which might lead to a breach of the peace.” The situation in Greece and Tur- key as described by President Truman, per- fectly matches the purpose of the United Nations as defined by the opening words of the Charter. The President now asks the United States to take the law into its own hands. In total disregard of our solemn plicdges to maintain international peace by collective action, he proposes to meet the speculative threat of Russian aggression by an overt threat of American military power. And he piously puts forward this unilateral action of ours as a realization of the “objectives” of the United Nations. This is sheer hypocrisy, be it ever so unconscious. Still more amazing is it that men like Senator VANDrNBERG and others who helped form the United Nations and paid eloquent tribute to it as the hope of the world, should now be the foremost champions of this proposal] to betray it. The assertion of the President that the United Nations is incapable of dealing with this situation is simply not true. The As- sembly is empowered to consider it and to recommend to the Security Council a course of action. The fact that the United Nations has no military forces at its command and no such funds as Mr. Truman now asks Con- gress to appropriate is no reason at all for disregarding its jurisdiction. Nor need the veto power of the Soviet Union in the Se- curity Council inhibit action. The interpre- tation of the veto which gives an aggressor nation or one threatening aggression or one believed to constitute a threat to world peace the power to estop action by the Security Council reduces the whole idea of a United Nations to either a monstrous or a childish absurdity. The present case affords an ideal occasion to expose that absurdity. How could these alleged hindrances: to United Nations action in the present situa- tion be overcome? The problem would not be difficult. The Assembly, representing 54 nations, could recommend action. The Se- curity Council could register the necessity of action despite the probable (but not certain) veto of the Soviet Union. For funds, an as- sesament of a reasonable amount could be levied upon the member nations which the ' United States would supplement to make up A1235 the $400,000,000 the President now asks this Covernment alone to appropriate. Armed forces not yet having been provided to the United Nations, the United States (or any other country) could be appointed to carry out the collective mandate with respect to Greece and Turkey with whatever military and civilian forces the task would require. If this were done, the entire adventure, even though the burden of its execution was borne by the United States, would wear a wholly different fuce from that displayed by the sin- glehanded operation proposed by Mr. Truman. The threat to world peace admittedly ex- isting in the Greco-Turkish situation would thus be recognized as a world problem to be handled by the world organization created for precisely this purpcse. The operation would not be an American operation, but a United Nations operation, with the United States acting under the authority and with the backing of the world community. The sharp edge of suspicion with which Ameri- can political and economic policy is regarded all over the world would be dulled if not allayed by this procedure. The United Na- tions would be invested with the dignity and respect which it can never possess until it has demonstrated its ability to take decisive action in concrete cases. The present crisis provides that organization with its first opportunity to prove its worth. The irresponsible unilateral seizure of its most essential function by the United States can result in nothing less than a scuttling of the United Nations. This is the way in which the old League of Nations was ren- dered impotent. American public opinion has heaped scorn upon the European powers for similar treatment of the now defunct League. This country invites the same Judg- ment upon itself if it takes the Greco-Turk- ish situation into its own hands. Why did not the Truman administration adopt this obvious course? Why has it teken the ball away from the world organiza- tion and run wildly out of bounds in utter disregard of the team play which it called at LCumbarton Oaks and San Francisco? Plain- ly, Mr. Truman has something else in mind than world peace. He cannot conceal it un- der the sentimental verbiase about America's love for little nations secking “to maintain democratic institutions and their national integrity.” Such sentiments Americans do indeed hold, even though they are under no illusions concerning their applicability to Greece or Turkey. But the President is un- der an illusion, once cherished but long since worn out, when he refers to the free peoples of the world who “look to us for support in maintaining their freedom.” The truth is that they do not look to us; they look to the United Nations! They fear us! We think their fears are groundless, But they are very real to them. The smaller countries, save only those whose governments are the puppets of some imperial power, have unanimously put their hopes in the United Nations. One reason is that they hope the United Nations will pro- tect them against the great powers, including the United States! It is hard for us to swal- low this bitter fact. These nations are dis- turbed at the prospect of the United States extending its power by independent measures outside the functioning of the world organi- gation. To be sure, Greece and Turkey, prompted by Great Britain, have asked us to come over and help them. But even they, desperate as they are, would infinitely pre- fer that our help came through the United Nations than unilaterally. They prefer it because. such intervention would not only promise greater immediate security but would preclude the possibility of imperial domination,
A1236 Mr. Truman's excitement over this crisis is not rooted in pure altruism. It refiects the militaristic ideology that has become ascendant in his administration, which is now dominated by military-minded states- men headed by himself and his new Secretary of State. This mentality has little use for the United Nations. It feels its own power. It feels the great power of the United States. And its policies do not rise above the level of power. It says in effect: “We can clean that situation up; let us, then, hasten to do it!” The long-time consequence of such policies it dees not see, or, if it sees them, is willing that the world shall be dominated by a single power s0 long as that power is in their hands, They see Great Britain bankrupt, its Em- Pire disintegrating, the Mediterranean un- Policed, and they want to take the broken tragments of that Empire—Greece, Turkey, Eg} pt and the whole Near East with its multi- billion investments in oil—under the wing of the United States. . A pax Americana would thus succeed to the pax Britannica. This military-minded statesmanship dces not see that by usurp- ing Great Britain's imperial position we would take over also the permanent lia- bilities which have brought her Empire to 1u.n, and this without the assets which for two centuries have filled the coffers of the ruling country. Chief among the liabilities will be the secrifice of the moral position in world esteem which has been our proud pos- session for more than a century. We shall win an imperial position and hoid it only at the cost of being feared and hated by the rest of the world. All] this we could avoid by acting thrcugh the United Nations. We shculd then have the world on our side, not alone in the present crisis, but in the future more terrible crisis Which may be irrepressible. That final etomic war, if it should come, wculd prob- ebly ennhilate civilization in both Russia and the United States. But our maximun chance of cvaiding it is not to invite it as we do hy singlehandedly challenging Russia now. Our foreign policy must be taken cut of the framework of imperialism in which the militcristic mentality of our statesmen are Profecting it. The American people are not reedy to catt their traditions and ideals on the ecrcp heap. They want to help the stricken peoples of the world, but they do not want to dominate them. They are willing to give millions for humanitarien relief, mil- lions—yes, and billions if necessary—for the support of the United Nations in the dis- charge of its world mission against every threat of war, but not one dollar for empire! Amendment of the Nationality Act of 1940 EXTENSION OF REMARKS KON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speeker, I am to- day introducing a bill to amend the Na- tionality Act of 1940 to facilitate the naturalization of our brothers of foreign birth who served in the military or naval forces of our country in World War II. In fact, by its terms this amendment would apply to those so serving at any time when the United States has been or may be at war. Under this bill certain requirements of the naturalization laws are waived, such es declaration of intention, period of residence within the country, educational tests, and fees for filing petition or for certificate of naturalization. This action is taken at the request of the national legislative committee of the American Legion, which strongly en- dorses this measure. There is now on the statute books temporary legislation of a similar character. The purpose of this bill is to make permanent the already declared and laudable intent of Congress in this regard. No one, I believe, will seriously chal- lenge the contention that the men, few in number, who chose to identify them- selves with the ideals and principles for which this Nation struggled, are entitled to special consideration in their efforts to become United States citizens. Proper safeguards are provided in the bill in that affidavits of two credible citi- zens attesting to persona] acquaintance with and the good moral character of the applicant and his attachment to the principles of the Constitution of the United States are required, together with convincing proof from military or naval forces of his honorable service. No dis- honorably discharged soldier can qualify. I am grateful and prcud to have been selected by my comrades of the Ameri- can Legion as the sponsor of this bill and hope it will receive the favorable con- sideration of the Committee on the Ju- diciary and of the House, as a well- merited gesture of appreciation to our brothers of foreign origin who joined with us to crush the forces of tyranny and oppression. Why “Left” Has Singled Out Taft EXTENSION OF KEMARKS HON. BARTEL J. JONKMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 24, 1947 Mr. JONKMAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- crp, I include the following article by Mark Sullivan, from the Washington Post of March 23, 1947: Wuy “Lert” Has Sinarep Out Tarr (By Mark Sullivan) An important phase of current politics is suggested by shrewd and long-experienced Frank R. Kent. He says that it is not nec- essary to hold a brief for Senator Tart or the Republican Party to recognize one of the sources of the outcry, This source, Kent says, consists largely of left-wing propa- gandists. Attacks on a party in power and its lead- ers are as old as American poiitics. What makes the present one new and gives it ar- resting importance is the source that Kent points out. What is going on is not primarily an at- tack by Democrats against Republicans, not & case of the outs attacking the ins, as has often happened. There is some of that, though much less than in the past. The fact is that Democrats refrain from bitterness in attacks upon the Republican Congress and Republicans refrain from bit- terness in attacks upon the Democratic Pres- ident. This restraint is practiced more or less deliberately, especially on the part of President Truman, who is noticeably careful APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to avoid saying anything offensive about the Republican Congress. NEW ALINEMENT This very amity between the two old parties is due to a recognition by both that the party alinement which separated them in the past is now transcended by a new aline- ment, in which both are opposed by a com- mon adversary. To describe the new alinement it is neces- sary to use a new political terminology, which came to America from Europe some 20 years ago. It is an alinement between left and right, between conservatism and the whole gamut of thought which in varying degrees and forms opposes conservatism. If left-wing propagandists now focus their attack upon the Republicans, it is because that party has come into control of Con- gress and seems to have a strong chance to win the Presidency next year. In the very recent past the left wing has with equal bitterness attacked the Democratic Party, meaning by that the regular Democrats. Nothing could exceed the violence with which come left-wing labor leaders have at- tacked President Truman. And if, among Republicans, the left-wing propagandists single out Senator Tart, it is because he is the outstanding leader of that party in the Congress which it now controls and is also a lecding possibility for the party's Presidential nomination. In both roles Tart is a symbol of conservatism and a presently active exponent of it. So far as Governor Dewey comes to the front—and most certainly if he should be the Republican nominee—he would be the target of left-wing fire. So would Senator VANDENEERG or any other who comes to the front. Former Governor Stassen, though Classified as a liberal Republican, would not be spared. For that matter, if by a change in the political picture it should become ap- purent that President Truman is likely to be President again, he would be a target. All this can be understood adequately only by seeing it in the place it has in the cur- rent of history, a current which by now has become a rapids. There has been under way, for the 30 years since the Communist revo- lution in Russia, a world-wide movement which aims at the destruction of the eco- nomic system which Communists attempt to deride by calling it capitalism. To this world-wide movement much of present American politics is related. About the left wing in American politics no generalization is possible, for they differ greatly in ideology. Some of them, far from being Communists, detest communism. Some of them do not intend the destruction of capitalism but only a modification of it— though not all of them understand clearly just what modification is practicable and whet, if attempted, would lead to destruction. These would be shocked to be told that, without intending to, they are furthering the end of communism. A TESTED TECHNIQUE As for the Communists, they know what they intend and how to bring it about. By their cunning in the art of revolution they are able to maneuver many who are non- Communists or even anti-Communists. Their technique for the destruction of cap- italism includes dragging down, creating lack of public faith in and ultimately destroying not only the institutions of capitalism as such, but the institutions of conservatism, including the two old political parties. For that process, part of the technique is to at- tack and demean individual party leaders who are symbols and exponents of con- servatism. The classic example of this, after the at- tempt has ended one way or the other and the history of it is written, will be former President Hoover. Because he was an out- standing symbol of conservatism, he must be made odious. The attacks upon him, prac-