IV 
112TH CONGRESS 
1ST SESSION 
H. RES. 21 
Recognizing non-proliferation options for nuclear understanding to keep 
everyone safe (NO NUKES). 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
JANUARY 5, 2011 
Ms. WOOLSEY (for herself, Mr. GRIJALVA, Mr. HOLT, Mr. MARKEY, Mr. 
HONDA, Mr. FATTAH, Ms. BALDWIN, Mr. OLVER, and Mr. SERRANO) 
submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committee on Armed Services, 
for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case 
for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the 
committee concerned 
RESOLUTION 
Recognizing non-proliferation options for nuclear 
understanding to keep everyone safe (NO NUKES). 
Whereas nuclear weapons are inherently indiscriminate and 
represent a disproportionate use of force; 
Whereas, since the end of the Cold War, the United States 
has squandered a superb opportunity to diminish the role 
of nuclear weapons in foreign and military affairs and 
failed to verifiably eliminate existing stocks of nuclear 
weapons as well as prevent new nuclear dangers from 
arising, and consequently the threat of nuclear disaster 
remains unacceptably high; 
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Whereas United States foreign policy is eroding the network 
of security treaties that have helped to stem the spread 
of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, thus de-
creasing security for Americans and non-Americans alike; 
Whereas the United States has a vital security interest in 
promoting the nonproliferation and disarmament of nu-
clear weapons, since the only genuine and permanent se-
curity from the threat of the use of nuclear weapons is 
their elimination under strict and effective international 
control; 
Whereas the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear 
Weapons (NPT) (21 UST 483) entered into force and 
became part of United States law on March 5, 1970; 
Whereas more countries (a total of 188) have ratified the 
NPT than any other arms limitation and disarmament 
agreement, a testament to the significance of the NPT; 
Whereas the United States has undertaken, in accordance 
with article VI of the NPT, to ‘‘pursue negotiations in 
good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of 
the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear 
disarmament’’; 
Whereas the long-term viability of the nonproliferation goal 
is at risk if the United States fails to implement its arti-
cle VI obligations; 
Whereas the United States agreed, in connection with the in-
definite extension of the NPT in 1995, to the ‘‘deter-
mined pursuit’’ of ‘‘systematic and progressive efforts to 
reduce nuclear weapons globally, with the ultimate goal 
of eliminating those weapons’’, including a pledge to com-
plete negotiations on a ‘‘universal and internationally and 
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effectively verifiable Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban 
Treaty no later than 1996’’; 
Whereas, on July 8, 1996, the International Court of Justice, 
in response to a request for an advisory opinion from the 
United Nations General Assembly, concluded that— 
(1) ‘‘the threat or use of nuclear weapons would 
generally be considered contrary to the rules of inter-
national law applicable in armed conflict’’; 
(2) ‘‘there exists an obligation to pursue in good 
faith and bring to conclusion negotiations leading to nu-
clear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and ef-
fective international control’’; and 
(3) ‘‘[t]he legal import of [the NPT article VI] obli-
gation . . . is an obligation to achieve a precise result— 
nuclear disarmament in all its aspects—by adopting a 
particular course of conduct, namely, the pursuit of nego-
tiations on the matter in good faith’’; 
Whereas, from April 24 to May 19, 2000, the United States 
and all NPT parties participating in the 2000 NPT Re-
view Conference unanimously agreed to 13 steps for the 
systematic implementation of article VI, including— 
(1) an unequivocal undertaking to eliminate their 
nuclear arsenals; 
(2) prompt ratification of the Comprehensive Test 
Ban Treaty; 
(3) full implementation of the Strategic Arms Re-
duction Treaty II (START II) (ratified on January 26, 
1996) and conclusion of negotiations on the Strategic 
Arms Reduction Treaty III (START III) as soon as pos-
sible, while preserving and strengthening the Anti-Bal-
listic Missile Treaty (23 UST 3435; entered into force on 
October 3, 1972); 
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(4) taking concrete measures to reduce the oper-
ational status of nuclear weapons; 
(5) taking irreversible measures toward total nuclear 
disarmament; 
(6) increasing transparency regarding nuclear weap-
ons capabilities; and 
(7) diminishing the role of nuclear weapons in secu-
rity policies; 
Whereas the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT), 
signed on May 24, 2002 (ratified on March 6, 2003), by 
President George W. Bush, fails to incorporate key ele-
ments of the START II and START III agreements re-
garding the destruction of delivery vehicles and the dis-
mantlement of warheads, and it fails to provide new 
verification procedures necessary to effect transparent, 
meaningful, and permanent reductions crucial to the de- 
nuclearization process; 
Whereas the SORT called for a decrease in the number of 
deployed strategic nuclear warheads, but projected stor-
age of thousands of strategic warheads, including many 
capable of quick redeployment; 
Whereas rather than affirming the United States obligations 
under the NPT, the January 9, 2002, Department of De-
fense Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) called for a New 
Strategic Triad consisting of nuclear and conventional of-
fensive strike systems integrated with active and passive 
defenses and a revitalized defense infrastructure with new 
capabilities; 
Whereas the NPR— 
(1) projected indefinite retention of a large, modern, 
and diverse nuclear force totalling many thousands of 
weapons; 
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(2) maintains and expands the role of nuclear weap-
ons in United States national security policy, including 
the use of nuclear weapons in ‘‘immediate, potential, or 
unexpected contingencies’’; 
(3) reiterated Administration plans not to support 
ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty; 
(4) pledged to increase readiness to resume nuclear 
testing and proceed with development of a Ballistic Mis-
sile Defense; and 
(5) called for the development of new nuclear weap-
ons capabilities for a wide range of missions, including 
nuclear earth-penetrating weapons to strike hardened and 
deeply buried targets, and low-yield nuclear warheads; 
Whereas rather than affirming the United States obligations 
under the NPT, the September 2002 National Security 
Strategy of the United States set forth an aggressive pol-
icy of preventive self-defense in which ‘‘America will act 
against . . . emerging threats before they are fully 
formed’’; 
Whereas rather than affirming the United States obligations 
under the NPT, the December 2002 National Strategy to 
Combat Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) stated 
that ‘‘The United States . . . reserves the right to re-
spond with overwhelming force—including through resort 
to all of our options—to the use of WMD against the 
United States, our forces abroad, and friends and allies’’, 
with both ‘‘conventional and nuclear response’’ capabili-
ties; 
Whereas the above-detailed policies and programs of the 
United States are— 
(1) antithetical to United States obligations under 
the NPT; 
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(2) contrary to fundamental requirements of inter-
national law, because the United Nations Charter does 
not permit preventive war; 
(3) counterproductive, because United States reli-
ance on nuclear weapons encourages other countries to 
acquire them, ultimately increasing the likelihood that a 
nuclear weapon will be used against the United States; 
(4) dangerous, because the assertion of the United 
States of a right to engage in preventive war encourages 
other countries to assert the same right; and 
(5) immoral, because they place a threat of mass de-
struction, and the assertion of a right to initiate war, at 
the core of United States foreign policy; 
Whereas nonproliferation strategies based on internationally 
accepted standards of behavior, ranging from treaties to 
enforcement mechanisms such as on-site inspections, 
technical surveillance, intelligence sharing, and the de-
struction of all such weapons of mass destruction, are de-
signed to prevent the proliferation and development of all 
forms of WMD, so that hostile countries and entities ei-
ther are unable to procure WMD or are required not to 
use WMD; 
Whereas nonproliferation strategies emphasizing reciprocity 
and cooperation that are consistent with international law 
have been used successfully for the last 50 years, while 
counterproliferation strategies based primarily on the 
unilateral use of force, outside the framework of inter-
national organizations and agreements, are likely to lead 
to the disintegration of existing arms control and non-
proliferation mechanisms and a renewed, more complex 
arms race; and 
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Whereas former United States national security officials 
Henry Kissinger, Sam Nunn, George Schultz, and Bill 
Perry called for establishing a goal for the global elimi-
nation of nuclear weapons: Now, therefore, be it 
Resolved, That the House of Representatives— 
(1) requests the President to inform Congress 
and the Secretary General of the United Nations re-
garding the efforts and measures the United States 
has taken with respect to— 
(A) implementation and observance of arti-
cle VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of 
Nuclear Weapons (NPT) (21 UST 483); 
(B) implementation and observance of 
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 
52/38O and subsequent resolutions related to 
the July 1996 advisory opinion of the Inter-
national Court of Justice, which called upon all 
countries to fulfill their nuclear disarmament 
obligation by commencing multilateral negotia-
tions leading to the early conclusion of a nu-
clear weapons convention; 
(C) implementation and observance of 
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 
55/33C and subsequent resolutions welcoming 
the outcome of the 2000 NPT Review Con-
ference, and affirming that ‘‘a nuclear weapon 
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free world will ultimately require the underpin-
ning of a universal and multilaterally negotiated 
legally binding instrument’’; and 
(D) nuclear disarmament; 
(2) calls on the President to implement and ob-
serve all NPT obligations and commitments and to 
revise national policies on nuclear weapons accord-
ingly; and 
(3) urges the President, in the interests of pro-
tecting and advancing human, national, and global 
security, to— 
(A) declare unconditionally that the United 
States will not use nuclear weapons first, and 
that pending their elimination, nuclear weapons 
serve only to deter a nuclear attack by a hostile 
country or other entity; 
(B) initiate and conclude multilateral nego-
tiations on sweeping, verifiable, and irreversible 
steps that countries with nuclear capability 
shall take to reduce and eventually eliminate 
strategic and tactical nuclear weapons and their 
delivery systems; 
(C) begin verifiable and irreversible reduc-
tions in the United States strategic and tactical 
nuclear weapons and their delivery systems; 
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(D) cooperate with the Russian Federation 
to remove from deployment nuclear weapons 
that presently are operational and ready to be 
launched on short notice; 
(E) reaffirm the moratorium on nuclear 
testing and work for ratification of the Com-
prehensive Test Ban Treaty at the earliest pos-
sible date; 
(F) terminate all efforts aimed at enhanc-
ing the military capabilities of the United 
States nuclear arsenal, including research and 
development for both low-yield nuclear weapons 
and the ‘‘robust nuclear earth penetrator’’ 
(commonly referred to as ‘‘bunker-busters’’); 
(G) terminate all plans for upgrades to ex-
isting weapons research and production facili-
ties, and construction of new facilities, includ-
ing those for plutonium pit manufacturing and 
tritium production; 
(H) terminate the declared United States 
policy of preventive warfare as a response to 
threats from weapons of mass destruction 
(WMD); 
(I) obtain the approval of the Senate or 
the entire Congress as a condition for with-
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drawal from and termination of both existing 
and future security treaties; 
(J) terminate development of ballistic mis-
sile defenses and initiate multilateral negotia-
tions to eliminate ballistic missiles; and 
(K) support initiatives and multilateral ne-
gotiations to ban weapons in outer space. 
Æ 
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