A344 Powers and Duties of the Committee on Foreign Affairs EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHARLES A. EATON OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 29, 1947 Mr. EATON. Mr. Speaker, at the organization meeting of the House Com- mittee on Foreign Affairs, of which I have the honor to be chairman, the com- mittee unanimously adopted a resolution relative to its powers and duties and scope of its work under the rules of the House and the Legislative Reorganiza- tion Act of 1946. In the consideration of this resolution the committee heard the report of a preorganization sub- committee consisting of Mr. Vorys, of Ohio; Mr. Jonxman, of Michigan; and Mr. Javits, of New York. In view of the interest expressed in the action of our committee, I am extending in the Rrcorp the full text of this committee resolu- tion and the report of the subcommittee, which was received and filed: COMMITTEE RESOLUTION RELATIVE TO THE POWERS AND DUTIES OF THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE AND THE SCOPE OF ITS WORK Whereas the Committee on Foreign Affairs was established in 1822, and by the Legisla- tive Reorganization Act of 1946 (1) has been given jurisdiction as a standing committee over relations of the United States with for- eign nations generally, and (2) shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the Department of State and the agencies of the United States Government of the laws relating to the relations of the United States with foreign nations generally; and Whereas the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 gives apparently conflicting jurisdic- tion to other House committees, and the possible overlapping jurisdiction of commit- tees may result in duplication of committee activities and unnecessary demands upon the time of departmental officers in appearing before committees; and Whereas by tradition and precedent pecul- farly close relations have grown up between the Foreign Affairs Committee and the execu- tive departments with reference to foreign affairs; and Whereas it is the desire and purpose of the Committee on Foreign Affairs to aid in the formulation and execution of a bipartisan foreign policy and to cooperate to the fullest extent with the President and the new Sec- retary of State in the discharge of their grave responsibilities, while at the same time dis- charging its obligations to the people and to the House of Representatives, of recommend- ing legislative action only after full knowl- edge of the facts and policies involved: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, (1) That the Committee on For- eign Affairs make a detailed study of the laws affecting the relations of the United States with foreign nations generally, and that a study be made of the international organi- zations of which the United States is a member; (2) that the Committee on Foreign Affairs invite the Secretary of State to cooperate with the committee in such study and to furnish all necessary information as to the organization, the personnel, and the policies of the Department of State and international agreements to which the United States is a party, and that the committee agree to safe- guard such information against any dis- closure which is incompatible with the public interest; and (8) that, upon the acceptance by the Sec- retary of State of this invitation and agree- ment, the Committee on Foreign Affairs rece ommend to the Speaker and to the other committees of the House of Representatives that no other committee make any unneces- sary duplicating studies of the organisation, personnel, and policies of the Department of State; that the Committee on Foreign Affairs invite duly appointed subcommittees from other committees to participate in hear- ings held by the Committee on Foreign Af- fairs on subject matter which is within the jurisdiction of such other committees, and that the Committee on Foreign Affairs re- quest the Appropriations Committee and the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments and the other committees whose powers and duties may involve foreign affairs to permit subcommittees of the Committee on Foreign Affairs to participate in hearings by such committees which involve the or- ganization, personnel, or policies of the De- partment of Btate and matters relating to the relations of the United States with foreign affairs generally; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be submitted to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Secretary of State, and the chairmen of the standing committees of the House of Representatives. REPORT OF SUBCOMMITTEE ON POWERS, DUTIES, AND SCOPE OF WORK OF COMMITTEES The reorganization of the House commit- tees caused by the change in personnel and in party control, together with the changes re- quired by the Reorganization Act of 1946, involve a careful analysis of the powers and duties of the various committees and a plan- ning of their work, so as to avoid dupli- cation and confusion. While the House has over-all control of the functioning of its committees, their jurisdiction and their ac- tivities, each committee can contribute to the over-all plan by making an analysis of its own functions and a plan for its own activities as part of the over-all work of the House. Oonfliicts between committee activ- ities are subject to the decision of the House, but, by study and planning and cooperation, conflicts can be avoided. It is in this spirit that the subcommittee presents the accom- panying resolution. The Committee on Foreign Affairs was ea- tablished in 1822 and has had “a broad juris- diction over foreign relations” (sec. 689, Jef- ferson’s Manual), and has by the Legisla- tive Reorganization Act of 1946 been given its prior jurisdiction as a standing committee and also jurisdiction over (sec. 121, rule XI) “all proposed legislation, messages, petitions, memorials, and other matters relating to * * * relations of the United States with foreign nations generally” including “inter- national conferences and congresses.” * * * “Measures to foster commercial intercourse with nations * * * the United Nations organization and international financial and monetary organizations” and “foreign loans” and (sec. 136) “shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the ad- ministrative agencies concerned,” thus giv- ing the Foreign Affairs Committee special powers and duties with respect to the De- partment of State and the international or- ganizations of which the United States is a member. The Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 gives apparently conflicting jurisdiction to other House committees, to wit (sec. 121, rule XY): “Committee on Expenditures in the Execu- tive Department: “(B) Studying the operation ot Govern- ment activities at all levels * “(D) Studying intergoveramental relation- ships between the United States * © APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and international organizations of which the United States is a member. “Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce: “1, Interstate and foreign commeree gen- erally. “2. Regulation of interstate and foreign transportation. “3, Regulation of interstate and foreign communication. “Committee on Un-American Activities: The diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries * * * and all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation.” Committee on Appropriations: The work of the Appropriations Committee requires de- tailed study of the organizations and activi- ties of the Department of State. Committee on Armed Services: This com- mittee has announced a study of the entire international situation under its jurisdiction, “common defense generally.” The possible overlapping jurisdiction of these six committees may cause, on the one hand, duplication of committee activities, and unnecessary demands upon the time of departmental officers in appearing before committees and, on the other hand, the pos- sibility that studies necessary for legislation may be omitted entirely because of misun- derstanding or confusion. There have been many instances where executive agencies asked for blanket authorizations from legisla- tive committees, saying that justification of the details would be presented when appro- priations are sought under the authorization, and then when the same agency appears be- fore the Appropriations Committee it states that this subject has been explained in great detail to the legislative committee. The re- sult is that neither the legislative nor the Appropriations Committee makes the proper examination of the project because each thinks the other is doing it. On questions involving foreign policy the relations between the Executive and the Con- gress are fundamentally different from the relations in domestic affairs. In the first place, in the disturbed and tense interna- tional situation, both Republicans and Democrats on Capitol Hill are determined that Congrees and the Executive shall pre- sent a united front to the rest of the world as we formulate and carry out a bi-partisan American foreign policy. Wide-open con- gressional investigations, public arguments and debates between Congress and the De- partments have an important place in the settlement of domestic issues, but would be out of place in many aspects of our foreign affairs at this time. In the second place, under our Conatitu- tion and traditions the Executive has powers and responsibilities in international affairs in his relations with Congress which do not apply at all in domestic affairs. In 1796 President George Washington refused a re- quest of the House of Representatives for information in connection with the Jay Treaty saying: “The nature of foreign nego- tiations requires caution and its success must often depend upon secrecy; and even when brought to a conclusion a full disclosure * © © would be extremely impolitic. To admit, then, the right of the House of Rep- resentatives to demand and have as a mat- ter of course all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power would be to establish a dangerous precedent.” In the case of United States v. Curtiss- Wright (299 U. 8, 804), it was held that the powers of the Presidency in foreign affairs came before and beside the Constitution. The Court said: “In this vast external realm with its important complicated, delicate, and manifold problems, the President alone has the power to speak or listen as a representa- tive of the Nation. * * * Into the field of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD negotiations the Senate cannot intrude and Congress itself is powerless to invade it.” House resolutions of inquiry, although highly privileged, whén addressed to the President or the State Department on subjects of dip- lomatic interests contain the clause “if not incompatible with the public interest.” (See Cannon's Precedents, vol. III, sec. 1896; id., vol. VI, sec. 436.) Many times information requested of the State Department is denied as “incompatible with the public interest.” The power of subpena certainly stands no higher than a privileged resolution of in- quiry. The House rules and precedents show that there is no constitutional way for Con- gress to force information from the Executive except in impeachment proceedings. . This Congress desires to cooperate to the fullest extent with the President and the new Secretary of State in the discharge of their grave responsibilities; on the other hand, we believe this Congress is determined to have at Jeast part of its membership fully informed as to the facts and the policies in- volved. We do not believe this Congress would be willing to legislate if pertinent and relevant information were denied the proper committees of Congress. The Foreign Affairs Committee has by tra- dition and precedent peculiarly close rela- tions with the State Department and the Executive with reference to foreign affairs. We believe that it is the committee to make inquiries concerning personnel, policies, and organizations of the State Department and our international activities. We believe that the Department will make full disclosures to this committee of all necessary informa- tion with proper safeguards for secrecy if publication is “incompatible with the public interest." We received much of such infor- mation during the war. Subcommittees of the Military Affairs Committee and the Ap- propriations Committee received informa- tion of the most secret kind, including A bomb development during the war, and preserved this secrecy inviolate. The House, in acting upon conclusions and recommenda- tions furnished by committees which are en- joined to secrecy, has at least the assurance that trusted Members of the House are fully informed, and believe that secrecy is in the public interest. Such committees have a grave responsibility. Secrecy should not ex- tend beyond vital military and diplomatic matters, but in such matters it is imperative that (1) the proper committee be fully in- formed, and that (2) this information be not made public, We believe that the resolution, with refer- ence to our work, placing upon the Foreign Affairs Committee the responsibility of checking the organization, personnel, and policies of the State Department, providing liaison with other committees which are necessarily involved, and preventing dupli- cating activities of other committees, will be the best way to carry out necessary functions of the House of Representatives at this session. The Senate Committee on Foreign Rela- tions has precisely the same jurisdiction under the Reorganization Act as the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, except for treaties. The House, however, with its con- stitutional power of the puree, initiates all appropriations, and the House Committee on Foreign Affairs has the primary duty of au- thorizing all appropriations affecting rela- tions of the United States with foreign nations generally. Cooperation in the formulation and execu- tion of a bipartisan policy involves more than cooperation between the Senate and the Executive; it involves more than coopera- tion between the House and the Executive; it involves more than cooperation between the parties in each body of Congress; it in- volves cooperation between the Senate and the House, as well as between Congress and the Executive. The Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House is obviously the appro- priate committee to cooperate with the Come mittee on Foreign Relations of the Senate. Tariff Pirates Are Back EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 29, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorp, I include herewith an interesting and well-timed editorial] from the Belle- ville, Ill., News-Democrat, Friday, Janu- ary 24, 1947. I have been disturbed recently by the tendency of some persons to start a movement toward high tariff barriers to commerce, but I am confident that the majority in this Congress have confi- dence in the policy of tariff reciprocity as the best path toward an expanding world economy. The United States has much to gain by the continuation of the reci- procity policy—much to lose by a re- lapse into economic isolation. The editorial which follows briefly ex- plains the meaning of a high tariff wall which would be thrown up after the scrapping of the policy of reciprocity to the average American, the consumer and the business man. The editorial: TARIFF PIRATES ARE BACK A few months back, when OPA still was in force, many manufacturers and produccrs screamed loudly that Uncle Sam was lousing up their business by meddling in something which was none of his concern. They griped continuously about various injustices and discriminations; said they just couldn’t bear up under the burden. OPA got the blame for everything—from stifling industrial reconversion to trampling on grandma's bunion. From the housetops they shouted “Down with price controls,” and they raved and ranted about a return to the “solid principles of free trade.” Some of them even stooped to connivance against the Government—which is to say the people of the United States—by maliciously withholding desperately needed items. And finally they put the screws on and brought the country to its knees by a fiendishly en- ginecred artificial meat famine. Their zealous fight for “free trade” was won, and the OPA was killed. But now the shoe is on the other foot. It develops that all their loud mouthings about the restoration of “free trade” was insincere hokum, dished up purely to make @ point. These opportunists never wanted “free trade,” and even now are unwilling to submit to the law of supply and demand. Instead, the hoodwinkers want to turn the tables on the people again. They are cur- rently bellyaching for greatly strengthened protective tariffs, which naturally are im- posed and enforced by the Government and are paid for by all domestic consumers. They don’t want price ceilings, but they do want price floors. More than a thousand briefs have been filed in Washington by United States in- dustries and trade associations, and within the next 8 weeks spokesmen will vocally go to bat to win congressional approval to gouge the man on the street. A345 American sheepmen, for example, whose lamb and mutton were conspicuously absent during the artificial meat famine, are in the swim. They want a substantial increase in the wool tariff, which, of course, will be re- flected in the price of your next sult of clothing. The Cotton Textile Institute not only wants to keep the high tariff on imported cotton fabrics, but it also wants quotas which would flatly restrict imports. That, too, shows up in the price you pay for clothing and whatever eise is made of cotton. Fabulous byproduct of the cattle indus- try—which led the OPA-killing meat strike— is hides. And the leather people are going to town to boost the tariff on Argentina produced hides. If they win out, you may be sure that the price of leather shoes will never be lower. The shortage of paper, even at the enor- mous current prices, won't be alleviuted either if domestic paper manufacturers, who can't even approach fulfillment of a colossal backlog of orders, have their way. They also want the sky-high tariff on paper retained. And that, ladies and gentlemen, affects your pocketbook all the way from building paper Ww toilet paper. We could go on reciting these outrageous proposals until both you and we got blue in the face, but not once would there be one of them free of the taint of selfishness, and proposed in the public interest and for the common food of all American mankind. Free trade is impossible wherever the sup- ply is controlled. Yet that is exactly whut these free trade champions of a few months ago now are sceking, The thing about it that we don't like is that the public will be made to hold the bug—and pay the bill. The Job Training Ceilings EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HERBERT A. MEYER OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 29, 1947 Mr. MEYER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the RecorD, I include an editorial from the Arkansas City Traveler: THE JOB TRAINING CEILINGS The stand of H. A. MEYER, new Third Dis- trict Representative, in favor of lifting the $200-a-month ceiling on combined wages and subsistence allowance for war veterans taking on-the-job training should meet with general public approval. The on-the-job training program was set up to compensate veterans for the occupa- tional advantages lost by their being called into service during the period in their lives when most young men are learning a business or trade and qualifying themselves for full- fledged participation in their chosen careers. The subsistence allowance offered by the Gov- ernment enables them to cross the financial hurdle imposed by the low wage scalcs in- herent in apprenticeships and “learner” type jobs. In anything as large, as involved, and as hurriedly set up as the veterans’ training pro- gram, there were certain to be loopholes by which individuals and companies could take unfair advantage. The Veterans’ Administra- tion sought to close these gaps by imposing the 8200 top monthly ceiling on veterans’ in- come from both employers and the Govern~- ment.
A346 To men with families and other obliga- tions, the reduction in income which followed the imposition of this came as & definite hardship in the face of rising living costs. The pinch has been felt particularly in the large cities, where almost everything comes with higher price tags. Especially hurt have been the older men who had acquired some experience before entering service and who wanted to start at a higher leve)] in the training acale and qualify for a better type job. ) Under the circumstances, it would appear sound policy for Congress to lift the ceilings by a reasonable amount while laying down more definite regulations for the entire pro- . This combination would work to re- strict chiseling while discounting the penalty on the great majority of veterans acting in good faith. What Government Agency Can Make a Better Showing? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN R. MURDOCK OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 29, 1947 Mr. MURDOCK. Mr. Speaker, I wish to discuss briefly one of the important activities which is carried on by the Fed- eral Government in my State, and the rest of the Western States where rainfall is insufficient to grow crops without man- made water storage and distribution sys- tems. I refer to the work of the Bureau of Reclamation in the Department of the Interior, which for almost 45 years has been constructing dams, building irriga- tion canals, hydroelectric projects, and developing prosperous irrigated farming areas and communities. The total contribution of this work, in terms of wealth and human welfare, is perhaps immeasurable, but some indica- tion of its extent can be gathered from the records of the Bureau of Reclama- tion. A factual report of achievements, prepared by the Bureau, has just reached me. It is entitled “Project Repayment Histories and Payout Schedules” and contains a detailed account of the finan- cial status of each project, year by year. This report should be studied by every Member of Congress. I am particularly impressed with the completeness of this record and the businesslike repayment procedure in ef- fect. This procedure is based on a series of repayment plans which have been authorized by the Congresses and en- acted into laws from 1902 forward. The project water users have agreed, in 295 contracts, to repay $352,400,000. Amounts due under 80 of these contracts, principally for the sale of surplus waters in reservoirs, have been fully paid. There are now 177 contracts on which payments are being made each year. An additional $8 contracts have been exe- cuted covering repayment for projects now under construction or just being completed. Of the amount that had become due in these contracts to June 30, 1946, 97.6 percent, or $74,838,673, has been paid. That is an excellent record of repayment, it seems to me, and proof of the sound- ness of the Government's investment in the projects. Let us look for a moment at that in- vestment. After 44 years of operations approximately $1,000,000,000 has been spent. When these projects for which repayment contracts have been executed are completed, the investment in them will be more than $1,800,000,000. As I stated before, $352,400,000 will be repaid by water users. An additional $473,315,- 000 which will have been expended for irrigation facilities will be repaid from revenues to be obtained from the sale of power. Over half a billion dollars in- vested in power facilities will be repaid from power earnings. This reimbursability characteristic is basic in the structure of the reclamation program, making it somewhat unique in this era of large outlays of Federal moneys. It was provided for in the origi- nal Reclamation Act passed in 1902 and the requirement has been adhered to throughout the intervening years. But do not think that the monetary re- turn to the Federal Treasury is the only measurement we have of the value of these western reclamation projects. Speaking cumulatively, for the years 1906 through 1946, nearly $5,000,000,000 worth of crops has been produced in these areas, In 1946 alone, a banner year as to yields and farm prices, the gross crop value totaled over $500,000,000. You can see from this record why I am interested in the activities of the Bureau of Reclamation as they relate to my sec- tion of the country and as they relate to the total national wealth. Killing the Goose That Lays the Golden Eggs EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 29, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, regarding H. R. 1030, we all realize the necessity for maintaining certain ex- cise taxes in view of our large national debt and the necessity of balancing the budget. It appears to me, however, that in our desire to secure a high volume of taxes there is an inherent danger of overtaxation. When the President an- nounced that he would permit certain excise taxes, levied’ as an emergency war measure, to lapse in June of this year, he created a situation which was highly damaging to the fur producers of this country. The State of Wisconsin is pro- ducing 60 percent of all domestic fur, and, at the time of the announcement, was having great difficulty in keeping its house in order because of the sag in mar- ket conditions. The message added fuel to the fire in this industry. The passage of H. R. 1030, now before the House, would reimpose or continue in effect these war-excise-tax rates for an indefinite period. I am satisfied that the House Committee on Ways and Means will very soon conduct a thorough study APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of this whole excise-tax problem and will bring to the House a bill which we can consider as permanent legislation and which will reestablish the old tax rate on luxury items which existed prior to the war. The fur producers in my district and State have paid large sums in the form of excise taxes under the war program. They do not now object to paying taxes if the business warrants, but, Mr. Speak- er, under present conditions, the indus- try cannot meet these war-excise-tax rates. This means that there will be very little in the way of tax dollars, which the Government needs so badly, from this industry. Congress cannot af- ford to kill the goose that lays the golden eggs. If business is poor in this industry, then it cannot meet its tax liability and the Government will not profit. Re- moval of these taxes, however, just as early as possible, will permit the industry to rehabilitate itself and taxes will flow into the Treasury when this period has been overcome and the industry is pros- perous again. Mr. Speaker, let us not make the mis- take of seeking tax dollars under this program when, as a matter of fact, they will not be paid by an industry which has no immediate prospects for a profit- able season. I am opposed to the passage of this bill insofar as it continues the excise tax upon the fur producers of this country, and especially upon those of my district and State. Reciprocal Trade Agreements EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY or NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 29, 1947 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEc- ord, I wish to insert some pertinent ob- servations with regard to the reciprocal trade agreements: The so-called reciprocal trade-agreements is a legal monster that ultimately will destroy the American worker, farmer, and businessman. This Prankenstein piece of legislation was conceived in hysteria and nurtured behind closed doors of the State Department. This State Department an instrument that has been used for the economic death or serious injury of the farmer, worker, and business- man. The Congress should take steps imme- diately to wrest from the State Department the power to make these agreements. The agreements actually are give-away agreements. To call them reciprocal agree- ments is a misnomer and a piece of propa- ganda concocted by New Deal thinkers to hoodwink the man on the street. It' was a term employed by the New Dealers to en- able them to put across the idea that such & program eventually would mean the eco- nomic salvation of the world. Reciprocity should be a two-way street, Actually, the whole program has been a one- way street ever since it was first inaugurated in 1984. In all those yeara there has never been a tariff increase. On the contrary there placed in the hands of the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD have been hundreds and hundreds of tariff reductions so that we have been granting concessions all along the line and receiving nothing tn return. Despite these reductions we have not yet felt the full effects of the program. That is explained by the war years which prevented imports on the things on which the tariffs had been reduced. But we are beginning to feel the results of these give-away agreements today. Hun- dreds of our industries are threatened with extinction and thousands of jobs are at stake not to mention the injury to hundreds of our agricultural products. It will not be long before the disastrous Tesults of this wicked program are felt. I am fearful that we will wake up too late. Hundreds of representatives of labor, agri- culture, and business have the same feeling. Currently, hearings are being held before a committee downtown which is called the Committee for Reciprocity Information. This is an interdepartmental committee set up to hear the story of American labor, ag- riculture, and business. These hearings are being conducted in preparation for the Geneva tariff conference which will be held this spring. There 18 nations will sit down and draft a world-trade program. Members of our State Department who will represent the United States at this important conference have full authority to cut tariffs up to 50 percent of the existing schedules. They have the power utterly to ignore the appeals for protection which are now being made before the Committee for Reciprocity Information. They should not have that power. When T say that I am merely refiecting the position of spokesmen for a large part of the Ameri- can economy. These spokesmen are fearful lest State Department offictals, often with no practical experience, will barter away the American's high standard of living. I believe in competition and world trade. But I do not believe that the American worker with his high standard of living can com- pete with the low standard of living found in most countries today. There are those in the State Department who believe that some American industries are inefficient and therefore unworthy of tariff protection. They are of the opinion that these ‘weak sister” industries should be wiped out. The opinion js that unless such industries can stand on their own and compete with foreign-made goods they should be allowed to dle. This is utter nonsense. It is dangerous and fallacious thinking. And yet this is the position of many high-ranking officials of the State Department who now have the power to reduce tariffs by 50 percent. If an American glove manufacturer, for instance, must buy his raw material at a higher cost to him than his foreign com- petitor and must then convert his raw skins into finished gloves at labor rates which rank with the highest of any industry in this country, he certainly cannot compete price- wise with his foreign competitor. The labor costs of the European glove manufacturer are only one-third of the American manufacturer. As a result, the European manufacturer can make and send into this country, including the duty, a dozen pairs of gloves for less than we can make them. In this connection, I wish to point out the utterly nonsensical provision in the so- called reciprocal trade agreements which is known as the most-favored-nation clause. As a result of this clause, the minimum tariff rate governs the tariff rate for all nations wishing to import the same com- modity into the United States. If, for ex- ample, we set a duty schedule on the imports of Belgian pottery, that rate applies to all nations wishing to import pottery into this coyntry. This is a matter of grave concern to thousands of American workers, farmers, and businessmen. It is an integral part of the program which mystifies most people. Members of the Committee for Reciprocity Information were exceedingly courteous to representatives who have been appearing be- fore them during the past 2 weeks. They were patient and gave witnesses ample time to express their viewpoints. What disturbs me, however, and hundreds of American businessmen is what effect these hearings will have when State Department officials sit down at Geneva with representa- tives of the 18 nations. There is the fear among labor, farm, and business groups that the State Department representatives at Geneva will ignore these appeals for tariff protection. They have the power to do so. The hearings now being conducted could well be mere window dressing. Our State De- partment is not bound by these appeals. If it is the aim of State Department off- cilals to destroy the American standard of living they should come out in the open and say so. The American worker might then have an answer to that attitude. The trouble is, of course, that these agree- ments are drawn up in such secrecy that nobody knows exactly what is being done until after the negotiations are completed. That certainly is not the democratic way of doing business. We have only ourselves to blame. Only the Congress should have the power to draw up trade agreements. We have placed this power in the hands of the political untouch- ables in the State Department. They are not responsive to the wishes of the people. The voters cannot touch the State Department. Labor Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN E. FOGARTY OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 29, 1947 Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following radio address delivered by me on radio program New England in Congress, Yankee network, Station WEAN, Providence, R. I., Satur- day, January 25, 1947: Question, Since the last congressional elec- tions there has been a great deal of discussion on the subject of labor. All kinds of ideas have been advanced for handling the prob- lems which are grouped under the head of labor. Numerous bills have been intro- duced in both the House and Senate, and I wonder if you would tell me just what is your attitude toward the proposed legislation on this subject? Answer. Some Members of Congress have never been sympathetic toward labor's posi- tion, It’s fair to say some of these men are motivated by a firm purpose to cut down labor unions in any manner they can. Others, apparently well-meaning Members of Congress, are of the opinion that union mem- bers, or at least union officials, should be punished in some way or other. These Mem- bers interpret the results of the last election as a rebuke to labor unions—I have heard that opinion expressed. Now, I don’t think that is the sensible attitude to take. Aside from any statistical interpretation of the results of the last election, what the average person wants—and this includes members of trade-tunions as well as nonunion people— what he wants is not an end to unions but an end to industrial disorder, or strife, or A347 whatever name one sees fit to give it. What he wants is production with fair prices and decent jobs at fair wages. As I see it, the Job is to find a way to promote that desire of all Americans. Question. Do you mean that no legislation at all is needed—whether new laws or amend- ments of old ones? Answer. I would never make a flat state- ment that no legislation should be enacted. Laws are constantly being reconsidered in the light of new developments. But I do think those who have rushed forth with the present crop of so-called labor legislation are going at this thing in the wrong way. Question. Why do you say that? Answer. Well, these same men who are advocating new control agencies—or new functions for old Federal] agencies—to con- trol, interfere with, or dominate labor unions—are the same men who decry the fact that there is already too much Government interference with our daily lives. Question. Then would you say industry— both from the standpoint of management and labor—would be better off if there were less Government interest in industrial relations? Answer. I would, absolutely. I think our efforts should be directed toward removing the Government from business, at least in this connection; to get back to genuine col- lective bargaining for the settlement of industrial disputes. Question. How do you propose such a “return to collective bargaining,” as you phrase it, could be brought about? Answer. I think it could come about very easily, if management, or business, would take up willingly the opportunity for leader- ship which is now in its hands. Question. Do I understand you to infer that management in the past has failed to exercise leadership in the field of industrial relations? Answer. That’s correct. I believe, in all sincerity, that it was the failure of business to show some genuine leadership that re- sulted in the growth of unions and in the enactment of the labor legislation which is presently on the Federal statute books. Question. Do I understand from that, that you feel] labor has been exercising whatever leadership there has been? Answer. Not exactly that—the fact is that in years past the working men and women looked to management for leadership in their constant struggle for economic security. Management failed miserably. The result was that employees were forced, whether they would or not, to form unions—labor organi- zations—in order, through the strength of numbers, to force management into making some long overdtfe concessions. Question, Did that provide at that time, what we hear referred to now as a balance between labor and management? Answer. It should have, and had manage- ment recognized that unions were here to stay, labor could have been admitted as a partner in the industria] function, and then labor and management could have worked out its problems in a spirit of cooperation. Question. But isn't it a fact, Congressman, that management did try to bargain with the unions? Answer. It is a fact that there were meet- ings in some industries. Some business leaders actually welcomed the union repre- sentatives as spokesmen for their hundreds of employees and with them worked out plans for betterment. Most, however, refused to recognize the unions and were determined to break them, Prior to the 1930's, business generally, rejected its opportunity for Jeader- ship and embarked upon a program of union busting. They did not lead—they fought the unions. That is a historical fact. Question. It is your opinion that this at- titude was responsible for the industrial dis- cord we have had in recent years?
A348 Answer. Well—it’s been a progressive thing. The employees had turned to their unions for leadership when ent failed to provide it. When the unions failed to find a spirit of cooperation in business leaders, they turned, of necessity, to some outside agency. Their aims were honest and legitimate, so where else could they turn but to the state. They looked to the Fed- eral Government for assistance in their efforts to achieve a better life for their peo- Ple. And the state provided the assistance and the leadership which they sought. You must remember that Government, being a Political body, is always attentive to the cries of great numbers of its people. That is borne out by the present statements of many Republicans—they plead that the GOP should not go too far with antilabor legis- lation. They want to get the labor vote in 1948. Question. Will you explain what you mean by your statement that the Federal Govern- ment provided the “assistance and leader- ship which the unions looked for?” Answer. It’s not always easy, you under- stand, to put an attitude, or a state of mind, into concrete, definite words and phrases. But, let me put it this way. Many big in- dustrialista—those who dominated the field, Benerally—refused to accept the idea of sit- ting down and bargaining with union repre- sentatives as freemen—so the Federal Gov- ernment provided the Wagner Act, that’s the act which sct up the National Labor Re- lations Board and made collective bargain- ing a protected right of the labor unions. Labor unions strived for an intelligent at- titude toward the men and women who op- erate the machinery of business. Industry provides for the retirement of machinery and capital assets—but it gave no thought to the human element in the plant—here the Federal Government provided social se- curity. Industry provided insurance against the times when machinery was down and not producing income—but gave 10 thought to the men who were also down and producing no income. The Federal Government pro- vided unemployment compensation, Industry believed wages should be gov- erned by the number of employables in the general labor pool, Available labor competed one with another for the available jobs. Wages were kept at a low level. The Federal Government stepped in and provided the Fair Labor Standards Act, setting a minimum On wages and a maximum on hours at straight time. Question. Isn't it fair to say that this was & good development in industrial relations? Answer. Yes; it is in the sense that it marks progress. But it is not so good when you consider that this marks the entrance of the state as a dominant element in indus- trial relations. Question. I don't follow your idea, Con- gressman. How can this helping hand of the Federal Government be considered a harm- ful influence? Answer. It is my belief that this “helping hand,” as you call it, interfered with the proper effectiveness of genuine collective bargaining, as it should be conducted by freemen in a free society. You see we had, along with the benefits obtained from all this legislation, the active interest of an all- powerful authority—the state. Labor had no choloe in the matter, Labor was driven into the arms of govern- Ment in order to win a square deal from em- Ployers. It naturally looked in that direc- tion for protection of the rights which the state recognized. It received that protec- tion but with it came additional administra. tive orders, executive direction, court de- crees, and a general manifestation of the au- thority of the state. - Since this was so, it might be said that labor leaned on the Government. Management, as &@ result, looks to the state for clarification of its position. The net result is the present situation in industrial relations. Instead of having management and labor bargaining as free people—we have management, labor, and government involved in a never-ending bick- ering that threatens to wipe out every ves- tige of free collective bargaining. Question. That brings us to just about the point where we started, Congressman. I can appreciate your attitude on the labor situa- tion, but isn't it a fact that we have to have action of some kind? The question, it ap- pears, is what kind of action we should have. Answer. That's exactly the position we are in as I see it. I don’t like the insistence on more governmental authority. With that au- thority will come more control, and it is fool- ish for labor unions or business to think they can have one controlled and not the other. Labor will be insisting on government con- tro] of industry, and industry wants govern- ment control of unions. The achievement of both goals would be the end of our “free en- terprise system” and the beginning of a socialist state, Some men insist that is the only way out. I insist our system can funo- tion, and solve all our problems, if freemen will act like intelligent men and get on with the job. Question. What steps do you suggest to- ward this end? Answer, Let's have an end to the attitude that labor is the enemy of industry. Labor is just as essential to industry as industry is to labor. One complements the other. In- dustry had a chance, years ago, to provide the essential leadership which would have produced a better and more well-ordered life for all of us. It muffed that opportunity and the state had to step in. Let industry now demonstrate intelligent leadership. Industry makes use of every possible facet of scientific knowledge to de- velop its operations. Let it also make use of every possible facet of social and politica) knowledge to cultivate the human beings who make its operations possible, The lead- ers of industry in many places have shown that leadership. There are many instances of industries where a strike is unheard of, where employees have intimate, personal re- lations with their employers, and where em- ployees enjoy better conditions than are pro- vided by all the Federal and State legislation on social security, etc. Industry knows that the workingman’s chief concern is a decent wage that will en- able him to enjoy the benefits of our indus- trial output. If industry is equal to the op- portunity which is afforded it at this junc- ture in our national development, then we can ease the state out of the picture alto- gether and all of us can enjoy industrial peace and progress. Industrial peace, and the real progress we all work and hope for, cannot be obtained, and will not be pro- moted, by writing into the law of the land the punitive measures which are advocated in the current crop of so-called labor legislation. Fatal Atom Rays Still Being Cast by Bikini Vessels EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 29, 1947 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rzcorp, I in- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD clude the following article from the err adeiphia Inquirer of January 20, 947: Faran ATOM Rays Strut BZING Cast 8¥ BIKINI Vr (By John M. McCullough) WasHinctrom, January 19.—The persistence of dangerous radioactivity aboard ships which served as for the two atom bomb tests at Bikini last summer almost certainly means that the vessels never will be permitted to escape rigid Navy Department control, it was learned today. When their usefulness for study has ended, it 1s probable that they either will be scut- tled at sea or employed for fleet gunnery and alr attack practice. At the moment, no final decision has been made, principally because of their almost priceless value as laboratories for continuing study of biological effects of radioactivity and as training schools for Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Public Health Service radiological safety officers. CITY MAY GET SCHOOL It also was authoritatively learned that Philadelphia has a “good chance” of becom- ing the home in the near future for the Navy's permanent Radiological Safety School—a school whose civilian and military graduates ultimately may be numbered in the scores of thousands. The present schedule for disposition of the target ships, the bulk of which are at Kwajalein, calls for a certain number to be transferred to Pearl Harbor, others to the Pacific coast, and the balance—including those unseaworthy for either journey—re- tained at anchor in Kwajalein‘'s great lagoon. Thus far the real hazard due to their radio- activity has not prompted any change in the schedule. DEADLY FUMES FEARED Working parties and detachments of grad- uates from the Radiological Safety School established by Operations Crossroads and continued until a few weeks ago have been working aboard the ships for months without suffering the slightest injury, due to the extraordinary safety precautions. A definite Navy decision not to sell the ships for commercial scrap arises from the fact that, when vaporized—as it would be in the process of being cut up—the contami- nated steel gives off poisonously radioactive fumes. Furthermore, working with the steel results in a skin contamination of measur- able radioactive intensity. It 1a feared that, no matter how low the radioactivity ultimately might become, un- controlled disposition of the ships in the commercial scrap market might lay the foundation for excessive suits for damages against the Federal Government on the part of persons complaining of injury due to radiological poisoning. RATS PLACED ON SHIPS Thus, the question really is reduced to one: of scrap value versus law suite—and the Navy, facing sharp budget restrictions, is in no position to invite costly litigation, The hitherto undisclosed fact was learned that experimental rats from the Navy's Med- ical Research Center at Bethesda, Md., are living under control conditions aboard some of the target vessels at Kwajalein, under careful study by medical technicians. of the biological effects of alpha and beta emanation is just as vital to future national security, naval spokesmen asserted, as the study of the effecta of and high-speed neutron radiation during and immediately following the “Able” and “Baker” teste of last July 1 and July 25 at ‘Bikini, .
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD WOULD AFFECT ALL OBJECTS The radioactivity remaining is precisely the type which would most seriously affect not only naval craft but all other installa- tions, afloat and ashore, following an atom bomb raid, particularly if it took place un- der conditions approximating the “Baker” (underwater) detonation. Although every ship at Kwajalein was stricken from the list of commissioned naval vessels and was heading for the scrap heap, Bikini or no Bikini, naval officers are keenly sensible of the implications of persistent residual contamination of ships of the active fleet in the event of atom bomb attack. “America” EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein an article by Bill Collins, Jr., which appeared in the Law- rence Sunday Sun, Lawrence, Mass., January 19%, 1947: NATIONAL HYMN, “AMERICA,” WAS WRITTEN ON SCRAP OF WASTE PAPER BY ANDOVER STUDENT IN HALF HIOUR—DR. SAMUEL FRANCIS SMITH, A YOUNG THEOLOGICAL STUDENT AT THE TIME, PENNED THE IMMORTAL VERSES OF MY COUN- TRY, ‘TIS OF THEE, IN HOUSE ON MAIN STREET, ANDOVER, A HALF HOUR BEFORE SUNSET ON A FEERUARY DAY IN 1832 (By Bill Collins, Jr.) You would not have known, had you looked up at the sullen, slate-gray sky on that after- noon in February, in the year 1832, that something historically important to a nation was about to happen. The ponderous, frowning clouds rolled up over the horizon like fat men in a parade, pouting angrily, threatening a storm. The wind woke Itself up from a breeze to a rushing, howling wind, forcing the trees to tip thelr hats as it raced headlong through the streets of the growing little village of Andover. You would not have known, had you fol- lowed the course of the young man carrying an armful of songbooks as he made his way slowly along Main Street, his head bent forward as he buffeted the storm winds. He could not have told you, had you asked him—pbecause he did not know himself. Yet that young man was walking along the pathway to eternal fame. He was climbing the stairway to the creation of a hymn that has become the inspiration of a nation. It is a hymn that is a national tra- dition, sung by millions of school children in millions of schoolhouses throughout the United States. It is “America.” Breathing heavily from his battle with the wind, his spirits darkened by the dismal day, the young man wearily climbed the stairs to the front porch of 147 Main Street. His armload of songbooks weighed heavily upon his muscles. His hands were cold as he reached for the latch and let himself into the house. The warmth of the house was a welcome thing as it rushed to him and embraced him. He smiled in relief as he placed the songbooks upon his study table and shed his coat and hat. Mr, Mason would be waite ing for him to get these translations done, for him to change the German words into English verse. He was anxious to begin his work, Quickly the young theological student from Boston, in Andover to attend classes at the Andover Theological Seminary after graduating from Harvard College, prepared his desk for labor. Freshly sharpened pen- cils, pen and ink, a light—the tools of his work were readied. Then he sat down at the table in the center of the north parlor of the house at 147 Main Street and began to read through the songbooks. It was one-half hour before sunset, and at that moment a young man, requested to translate some German songs into Jinglish because he was a talented linguist made inken marks with a scratching quill and the marks wrote his name and fame across the face of a nation. America will always remember Dr. Samuel Francis Smith. He was the author of its greatest hymn. As the young student thumbed the pages of the songbooks, humming the tunes, allow- ing himself to be caught up in the martial, patriotic air of them, he felt a strong surge of love of country swelling his heart. Sud- denly the pages, flicking, one after the oth- er, stopped. The young man's hands were still, The melody of a song in the German book—a song later claimed by some to have been penned in France—caught his fancy, held his mind. He hummed it to himself, again, and again. “It is a wonderful melody,” he said to himself. “It is a surging, swelling, inspira- tional tune.” As he hummed the tune over and over to himself, it seemed as though the rhythm pulsed with his pulse, beat with his heart’s beats. If only it had English words! Then it was that history happened. The suggestion of a thought, the ready ambition and eagerness of a young man's mind, the taking up of a pen—words scrawled upon a piece of waste paper (some say it was the wrapping of a bundle of meat) and history had been made. In one-half hour's time Dr. Samuel Fran- cis Smith wrote the verses of the song that was destined to become America itself. “My Country, ‘tis of thee" were words that were to be sung by millions and millions of Ameri- cans throughcut the world—and they were written on a piece of waste paper in Andover, Mass. When the young theological student had completed his poem, fitted to the music of a song he had found in a German songbook, he was pleased. He sang it to himself again and again. The words were like the wind that rushed through the treetops outside, free and strong and great and clean. Yet he was not aware of what he had done. He was not aware that he had written his name across the face of a nation, that his simple poem, penned in such a hurry as the words rushed out of his heart onto paper, was to become beloved by all his countrymen, He told no one in particular of his triumph, of his creation. Even his landlady, a Mrs, Hitchings, who ran the boarding house in which he lived, who made and sold paper dolls to the chil- dren of the village, was unaware of what her young roomer had accomplished, of what fame was due to be his. The young man worked diligently and swiftly translating the other songs the music teacher, Mr. Lowell Mason, had requested. As he worked he heard his friend's voice re- questing that he do this work. “I received these German songbooks from a friend who recently returned from Europe,” he had said, “put they are not of much use to me because I cannot read German, You, Samuel, under- stand so many foreign tongues—would you translate some of them for me? Will you translate them into hymns, songs, or po- etry—or, if you prefer, compose hymns or songs of your own of the same meter so that IT can use them?” When he had finished his work for his friend, the music teacher, the young student A319 quietly placed them all together in a sheaf— includigg his immortal song dedicated to the meaning of America—and took them to the man who was to become the father of church music in America. He did not, even then, point out his best work as he placed the fin- ished hymns and songs in the professor’s hands. The fame and glory that was to be his as creator of the hymn “America” was slow in arriving—in making itself known to the young man. He returned to his rooms and worked on his studies, feeling pleased that he had been of help to a fine friend. There in the boarding house, which is said to have once been a tavern, young Dr. Smith had writte.. a poem that shall never perish from the mands of Americans, but he did not real- ize the greatness of his deed. Mr. Mason, pioneer of music in public schools, took the sheaf of music thankfully, handling it tenderly and with the great re- spect all lovers of music afford all melodies. He took the hymns and songs with him for use in his classes. Among his many fine and wonderful traits, Mr. Mason had a deep love of children. Im- portant as he was in the music world of young America, he devoted much of his time to directing a juvenile choir for the Boston Sabbath School Union. The union included approximately 3,000 children, of which about 500 were members of Mr. Ma.on's juvenile choir, These 500 children of Boston were the first Americans to ever sing the nation-1 hymn “America” at a public gathering. Thus it was that while strolling past the historic Park Strect Church in Boston the following Fourth of July young Dr. Smith heard his song being sung at a public cele- bration, its tender and meaningful words being given full glory by the clear, melodiors voices of 500 children, led by Lowell Mason, He was both ceurprised and thrilled. The people in attendance applauded. They stamped their feet and they whistled. They began to sing the song themselves, then with other Americans, until gradually “America” was being sung by al] Americans. From a little red schoolhouse in S uth Dakota toa high school in New York City, “America” was sung in the same reverence as the national anthem. People all over the country were singing the words written by a young student upon a piece of waste paper—and they were realiz- ing all that their magnificent country means to them. “America” has been sung by Americans on all the far-flung battlefronts of the world. It has brought a sense of home-being to soldiers stranded in frontline trenches and to sailors being rocked savagely by wild seas. It has brought security and peace and con- tentment and the gratefulness of a than!:ful people—"“I am an American,” they told themsclves as they sang Dr. Smith's hymn, and they were proud. In 1932 the one hundredth anniversary of the public acclaiming of “America” on that eventful Fourth of July in Boston was na- tionally celebrated by congressional resolu- tion. The young Dr. Smith, who was born near the Old North Church in Boston, was toasted by his appreciative countrymen al- though he was not alive at the time. However he did not have to be present to realize how his song had been taken to the heart of America itself. His realization of how his hymn had traversed the Nation came before the hundredth year of its be- ing sung by Americans. In tribute to his Harvard classmate, Oliver Wendell Holmes, in speaking of “America,” wrote: “Time wrecks the proudest piles we raise, The towers, the domes, the temples fall, The fortress crumbles and decays, One breath of song outlasts them all.” Born in Boston in October 1828, Rev. Samuel Smith died in November, 1895, after living a full life that carried him through
A350 Harvard College, Andover Theological Semi- nary, ordination, various pastorates, college professorship, editorialship, and missionary work in Europe. He wrote many publica- tions and other hymns, one of which was “The Morning Light Is Breaking,” which was penned about the same time that “America” was written. Some controversy has arisen since his death as to the actual date upon which the national hymn was written, with one contention being that it was written in 1831 and contained five verses in place of the four now so well known. Another controversy arose over whether the song was written in Andover or Newton, where Reverend Smith later lived and held a pastorate. Dr. Smith was alive at the time of this controversy and, to settle the issue, penned the following note to the Andover Historical Society: “ ‘America’ was written in my room at the house of Mrs. Hitchings while standing before the front window nearest the front door of the house in the north parlor, If I remem- ber rightly, I always had my study table in the middle of the room to guard against being diverted by any objects in the street, as I might have been if the table had stood near a window.” The original draft of the young 24-year-old student’s hymn is now owned by Harvard College. Written on an old subscription blank, it was presented to President Lawrence Lowell in 1914 by Dr. D. A. W. Smith, eldest living son of Rev. Samuel Smith, the author. Dr. Smith married Mary White Smith September 16, 1834. Mrs. Smith was the daughter of Jonathan Kimball Smith and Ann White, of Haverhill, Mass., and grand- daughter of Rev. Hezekiah Smith, a chaplain in Washington's army. The America House, as the dwelling at 147 Main Street, Andover, is now called, ts now owned by Phillips Academy. Still stand- ing, it bears a simple sign describing its significance. Last week, on the same sort of a dismal day on which the young Dr. Smith wrote his immortal hymn, I passed by that house on my way to the Andover Historical Society for a visit with Miss C. M. Underhill, the pleasant and charming resident-director of the society, who gave me permission to go through the files pertaining to Rev. Smith's creation “America,” The sky was sullen and slate-gray and pon- derous frowning clouds lumbered heavily over the horizon as I sat there in the hun- dred-year-old house of the society, gathering my notes to the stately rhythm of a digni- fied, aged gradfather’s clock, and, somehow, as I read and learned so much of the life of the young man and the creation of his won- derful hymn, I felt it was the year 1832 and I wondered if I could hear him singing the words he wrote so hurriedly on a piece of waste paper, before it began to snow. Majority Whip Organization ‘ REMARKS HON. LESLIE C. ARENDS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I am includ- ing information which I trust will be of value to the Members of the majority party in the House of Representatives. You will find here a complete outline of the various regional whips and assistant regional whips whom I have appointed to make up the majority: whip organization for the Eightieth Congress: Majority whip: Lrsiiz C. ARENps, of Illinois. Deputy whip: RALPH A. GAMBLE, of New York. Eastern regional whip: W. SreruzNo Core, of New York. Eight States, 62 Members—Maine (3), New Hampshire (2), Vermont (1), Con- necticut (6), Delaware (1), Wiliam J. MIL- irr, of Connecticut; Massachusetts (9), R. B. WicGLeswortH; New York (28), W. STERLING Coxg; New Jersey (12), Currrorp P, Case. East central regional whip: Harry Mc- Grrcor, of Ohio. Seven States, 72 Membere— Pennsylvania (28), Lron H. Gavin; Michigan (14), JoHN B. Bennett; Ohio (19), J. Harry McGrecor; Maryland (2), West Virginia (4), Tennessee (2), Kentucky (3), J. GLENN BEALL, Midwest regional whip: Roserr A. Grant, of Indiana. Eight States, 67 Members—In- diana (9), Rozerr A. Grant, of Indiana; Ili- nois (20), Evan HowELL; Wisconsin (9), Min- nesota (8), North Dakota (2), South Dakota (2), 1 vacancy, Lawrence H. SMirH, of Wis- consin. Western regional whip: Hat Houmaxs, of Washington. Twelve States, 44 Members— Kansas (6), Colorado (3), Nebraska (4), Ok- lahoma (2), A. M. Cos, of Kansas; Washing- ton (5), Oregon (4), Montana (1), Idaho (2), Wyoming (1), Nevada (1), Utah (1), Hau Hoimes; California (14), Gornon L. Mc- DonovueH. Membership___..--..------.-.-----.--- 245 One vacancy...-..--.---.-.----.2--- ee 1 Total...------.------.------- 0 246 Alaska and Hawaii Make New Statehood Bids EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MIKE MANSFIELD OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. MANSFIELD of Montana. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing editorial from the Butte (Mont.) Post of January 11, 1947: ALASKA AND HAWAII MAKE NEW STATEHOOD BIDS Two of the early measures in the new Congress propose admission of Alaska and Hawaii to statehood. Introduced by their respective Delegates, they renew a race be- tween the Territories to become the forty- ninth State. Admission of both has been widely urged &s a defense measure to strengthen the ties of the territorial inhabitants with the rest of the Nation. Both are recognized as vital outposts in whose destiny all United States citizens are concerned. They proved their value as such in the recent war, when they were key points tin defense of the continent, In the case of Alaska, statehood would help inhabitants to overcome present disadvan- tages of isolation and undersettlement, Long-distance supervision from Washington and a resultant lack of sympathy with the problems of Alaska is one of the reasons why its commercial development and settlement have lagged. These conditions would be remedied by increased control by Alaskans over their industries and natural resources which would follow admission to statehood. Although both territories have voted in favor of statehood, their admission necessi- tates passage by Congress of enabling legis- lation and adoption by the new States of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. constitutions. The final step is proclama- tion of their new status by the President, Their admission proposals are nut new. SimNar legislation was before the last Cone grees but never was acted upon. However, their chances are better now, since the war has given the Nation a new realization of their importance to the Union. Tax Relief EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROY 0. WOODRUFF OF MICHIGAN IN, THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. WOODRUFF. Mr. Speaker, we are hearing some talk of hedging on tax reductions and much talk of paying off the national debt. Liquidation of the national debt is a problem of the next hundred years. The Nation wants tax relief now. Business needs tax relief now. The citizens want to keep more of their earnings to spend for themselves. The Republican Party promised tax relief. After study committees had sur- veyed governmental waste, bureaucratic irresponsibility, war extravagances like the Canol project and others of similar character, these study committees found that there are many—very many—ways in which multiplied millions can be saved by reducing appropriations, compelling greater governmental economy, with a real and actual increase in governmestal efficiency. The Republicans must not break their campaign promises to the people. If the Republicans disappoint the Na- tion after the gross betrayal of the people’s trust and confidence by the New Deal Administration, communism might well make long strides toward the violent overthrow of our American system. It is unthinkable that we—a people who accomplished the miracle of war efforts which we did—should be defeated by taxation and labor-industrial disputes, There is no need for it. Those who now argue that our plain, uncquivocal promises of tax reduction and governmental economy made to the people before the elections should now be repudiated, do a great disservice to the Nation, the Congress, and the Republican Party. Of course, the executive bureaus and departments argue vehemently that they must have more money instead of less. Of course, they are attempting to shift their activities to pretended and simu- lated peacetime necessities. Of course, they will try to hold onto their powers and their spending, their extravagances, and their claims of public requirements. When did bureaus and bureaucrats ever do otherwise? It is the job of the Republican Con- gress intelligently to cut appropriations, compel economies and increased effi- ciency in the executive branch of the Government, and to translate those economies and that increased efficiency
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD into a balanced budget, debt retirement, and tax reductions for our people. Our American Government is the big- gest business on earth, and it should be the most efficiently operated. It has been said that “Everybody’s business is no- body’s business, and everybody’s money is nobody's money.” That is the psy- chology of bureaucracy, of course, but the fact ‘is everybody’s business and everybody’s money as expressed in Gov- ernment and public funds are distinctly and emphatically the concern of the Congress. The Republican Party and the Repub- lican Congress must keep the campaign pledges to the people for the sake of the common welfare and the confidence of the people in our American system of government, economy, and _ society. That confidence must never be jeopar- dized again as it was under the broken promises of the New Deal. To preserve public confidence in our American sys- tem, our pledges to the people must be fulfilled. Defensio Pro Populo Georgia EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. PRINCE H. PRESTON OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. PRESTON. Mr. Speaker, the cur- rent attempt to heap infamy and ridi- cule upon the State of Georgia by those ignorant of her history and institutions cannot go unchallenged. The time has come for men of good will to plead for sanity and truth. A page of history is worth more than volumes of hypothet- ical abstractions to one seeking enlight- enment over the present controversy for the office of Governor. Georgia was one of the Thirteen Original States of the Union. Her early constitutions, like others of the Revolu- tionary period, placed the election of the Governor and many other officials in the hands of the legiSlature. The era of Jacksonian democracy witmesscd a series of amendments to Georgia’s Constitu- tion of 1798 showing a definite trend away from legislative dominance toward a better balance of power between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. Among these was the amendment of 1823-24 provid- ing for popular election of the Governor. The provision of this amendment for the returns of elections was as follows: The returns of every election for governor shall be senled up by the presiding justices, separately from other returns, and directed to the president of the senate and the speaker of the house of representatives, and transmitted to his excellency the governor, or the person exercising the duties of the governor for the time being who shall with- out opening said returns cause the same to be laid before the senate on the day after the two houses have been organized, and they shall be transmitted by the senate to the house of representatives. The members of each branch of the general assembly shall convene in the representative chamber, and the president of the senate and the speaker of the house of representatives shall open and publish the returns in presence of the general assembly, and the person having the majority of the whole number of votes given in shall be declared duly elected governor of this State; but if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the two highest number of votes who shall be in life, and shall not decline an election at the time appointed for the legislature to elect, the general assembly shall elect im- mediately a governor by joint ballot; and in all cases of election of a governor by the general assembly, a majority of the votes of the members present shall be necessary for a choice. Contested elections shall be determined by both houses of the general assembly in such manner as shall be pre- scribed by law. As a result of these amendments of the early nineteenth century, Georgia emerged with an excellent constitutional system and came to be known as the Em- pire State of the South. American his- tory could not be written without the names of William H. Crawford, John Mc- Pherson Berrien, John Forsyth, Howell Cobb, James M. Wayne, Herschel V. Johnson, Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Thomas E. Watson. Fred- erick L. Olmsted, the Yankee peripatetic, declared: It is obvious to the traveler and notorious in the stock market that there is more life, enterprise, skill, and industry in Georgia than in any other of the southern common- wealths. It is the Yankee land of the South. Numerous changes were made in the Constitution of Georgia in 1877, de- signed primarily to prevent a recur- rence of the abuse of finances that had occurred during the Reconstruction Era, but the provision for the returns of elec- tion of the governor quoted above were carried forward without material change. In 1943 the legislature author- ized a commission of 23 members to re- vise the constitution. This commis- sion’s work was submitted to the general assembly for further revision and approval, and on August 7, 1945, the people ratified a new constitution. No change was made in the method of electing the governor, but provision was made for a lieutenant governor, as fol- lows: There shall be a Neutenant governor, who shall be elected at the same time, for the same term, and in the same manner as the governor. He shall be president of the senate, and shall receive the sum of $2,000 per annum. In case of the death, resigna- tion, or disability of the governor, the lieu- tenant governor shall exercise the executive power and receive the compensation of the governor until the next general election for members of the general assembly, at which @ successor to the governor shall be elected for the unexpired term; but if such death, resignation, or disability shall occur within 80 days of the next general election, or if the term will expire within 90 days after the next general election, the lieutenant governor shall exercise the executive power and receive the compensation of the gov- ernor for the unexpired term. The failure to make specific constitu- tional provision for succession to the office of chief executive in case of the death of the chief-executive-elect is not a@ mystery too deep to be fathomed by men of intelligence. The Constitution of the United States had no specific pro- vision on this matter before the adoption A351 of the twentieth amendment in 1933, and while the National Constitution now pro- vides for succession of the Vice Presi- dent-elect, much doubt remains as to who would be President if both the Presi- dent-elect and  Vice-President-elect should die before inauguration. That rival claims should be advanced in Georgia in a case where the consti- tution is not specific is but natural. Sup- porters of Herman Talmadge controlled the general assembly and elected him governor by a vote of 161 to 96. Melvin E. Thompson—elected lieutenant gover- nor—and his supporters contended that the general assembly was without au- thority in this matter; that the lieuter- ant governor legally became the acting governor upon the expiration of the term of Gov. Ellis Arnall. The attorney gen- eral of Georgia and retiring Governor Arnall supported Thompson's claim. Governor Talmadge, who was supported by the adjutant general, gained control of the executive offices in the capitol. A suit has been entered in the courts to test the legality of the election of the governor by the general assembly. Tal- madge asserts that the courts have no jurisdiction in the matter, but, nonethe- less, he has publicly announced that, should he be mistaken in this position, he will abide by the decision of the Su- preme Court of Georgia. Moreover, in his first appearance before a joint session of the general assembly he stated that at the end of the present session—limited to 70 days—he would be willing to resign if Thompson would also resign and per- mit the speaker of the house of repre- sentatives to serve until an election by the people could be held. Thompson, insisting that he has the only legal claim to the position of governor, will not agree to this procedure; hence all parties await a decision by the supreme court. The educational and charitable insti- tutions, and most agencies of the State government are functioning normally in the meantime. There has been no vio- lence or bloodshed. A perfectly natural solution is being made of the situation that could have arisen in many States. The ridicule of Georgia during the past year has had no justification. Refer- ence to any standard encyclopedia will show that Georgia still remains the larg- est State east of the Mississippi, that her population is above 3,000,000, and her birth rate—Rousseau’s criterion of @& healthy state—one of the nine highest in the United States; that in 1946, the year she received so much abuse from the press, Georgia produced 555,000 bales of cotton, 730,300,000 pounds of peanuts— highest in the Nation, 44.145,000 bushels of corn, 114,747,000 pounds of tobacco, 6,204,000 bushels of peaches, 7,020,000 bushels of swectpotatoes, 4,025,000 gal- lons of sugarcane sirup, and other agri- cultural products, of a total value of ap- proximately $500,000,000; that since 1940 Georgia has produced 60 percent of the Nation’s naval stores: that taking ad- vantage of the recent discovery of her distinguished scientist, Dr. Charles Herty, Georgia is forging ahead in the manufacture of newsprint from slash pine; that her textile industries are rap- idly expanding; that her 4,000 manufac- turing establishments employed 255,900
A352 persons in 1946, as compared with 170,000 in 1939; that the annual value of her 27 mineral products—including 80 percent of the Nation’s supply of kao- lin during the war years—is above $20,000,000. Those who criticize Georgia’s educa- tional institutions should remember that at the University of Georgia, the oldest chartered State university in America, increased emphasis is being given to re- search and publication, and that the re- cently established University Press is al- ready making a distinct contribution to American culture. Newspapers that heralded the fact that approximately 100 students out of an enrollment of 6,314 at the university made an orderly march to the capitol to present their views in the controversy over the governorship gave little or no notice to the fact that on the same day the regents of the university system of Georgia voted $1,250,000 for a new library building. The State of Georgia has increased her annual appro- priation for educational purposes three- fold in the past 15 years. For the school year ending in June 1946, Georgia had 4,745 elementary schools—1,776 for white children and 2,969 for Negroes—with an enrollment of 601,170 pupils—372,667 white and 228,503 Negroes—and a teach- ing staff of 15,864—9,962 whites and 5,902 Negroes. High schools numbered 1,333— 793 white and 540 Negro—with a student enrollment of 144,722—114,114 white and 30,608 Negro—with a teaching staff of 6,314—5,033 white and 1,281 Negro. In the fall quarter, 1946, there were 22,651 students enrolled in the 18 divisions of the university system of Georgia—in- cluding 1,718 in 3 Negro colleges—to say nothing of private educational institu- tions such as Emory, Mercer, and Agnes Scott. The State of Georgia now ranks first in the Nation in the percentage of total State income devoted to education. Is adverse criticism justified? The signatures of Lyman Hall, Button Gwinnett, and George Walton remain on the Declaration of Independence. The statues of Alexander Hamilton and Crawford W. Long remain in the Nation’s Hall of Fame. The poems of Sidney Lanier are still admired by all Americans. The golden isles of the Georgia coast and the lakes of the Georgia mountains re- main favorite resorts. The people of Georgia still employ the hospitality for which they are renowned. The Cherokee rose will blossom again in the springtime. The year 1947 is likely to see Georgia continue her rapid strides in industrial and agricultural progress. The momen- tary controversy over the office of chief executive will merit only a small footnote in the history of a great State. The Rural Electrification Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CARL T. CURTIS OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, the pro- Bram of the Rural Electrification Ad- ministration is one that is welcomed by rural America. I am for that program and I wish to see it carried on and ex- panded. Under leave to extend my remarks, I include therein Legislative Resolution No. 1, passed by the Legislature of Ne- braska. The resolution ts as follows: Legislative Resolution 1 Resolution memorializing the Congress of the United States to increase allotments for rural electrification program in Nebraska Whereas the rural electrification program is of great importance to Nebraska; and Whereas electricity should be brought to every possible Nebraska farm home; and Whereas the allotments for rural electri- fication should be increased to further this program and make it possible for every per- son desiring electricity for their farm: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the members of the Nebraska Legislature in sixtieth session assembled: 1. That the Rural Electrification Admin- istration allotments be increased in order to assure every possible Nebraska farm home benefits of electricity. 2. That a copy of this resolution, suitably engrossed, be transmitted by the clerk of the legislature to the Vice President of the United States as presiding officer of the Senate of the United States, to the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States, to each Member from Nebraska in the Senate of the United States and in the House of Representatives of the United States and to the Director of the Rural Electrification Administration. Nineteen Hundred ard Forty-seven Is Bicentennial Year of Great Hero, John Paul Jones EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD F. HARLESS OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. HARLESS of Arizona. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing article from the Arizona Daily Sun of January 22, 1947, entitled “1947 Is Bicentennial Year of Great Hero, John Paul Jones,” which was written by James Patrick McGovern, Washington corre- spondent of that newspaper: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND FORTY-SEVEN IS BI- CENTENNIAL YEAR OF GREAT HERO, JOHN PAUL JONES (By James Patrick McGovern) WASHINGTON, D. C., January 22.—A joint resolution of the Seventy-ninth Congress in- troduced July 19, 1946, “Providing for the comprehensive observance of the bicenten- nial of John Paul Jones,” passed the Senate by unanimous vote on July 17, 1946, and was reported favorably by the Committee on the Library of the House of Representatives, to which it had been referred. The pressure of business in Congress, however, prevented final action before the adjournment of that session. It now remains for the Eightieth Congress to take proper measures to bring the name of John Paul Jones suitably before the people of the United States in the bicen- tennial year of 1947, As a genius, patriot, and man, John Paul Jones ranks among the most outstanding of the American Revolution. In action and in theory he demonstrated the soundness and scope of his professional training. His deeds APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD reflected an ardent love of his adopted coun- try. In private life he had an extraordinary magnetism for men and women alike. John Paul Jones first saw America at the age of 12 as a shipboy on a merchant vessel which sailed to Virginia. He continued his service at sea for some years, rising rapidly to the position of master of a trader, but he left this employment and settled in America, at first incognito, pending an admiralty trial in Tobago, of the Bahamas, for the death of & mutineer whom he Killed in self-defense. When the ports were closed and the Revolu- tion ensued, he accepted a commission in the Continental Navy as the first Meutenant of the Alfred in Hopkins’ fleet. Soon, as captain of the Providence and of the Providence and Alfred combined, he evinced his originality in strategy, his skill in tactics, and his brave and also generous spirit in enterprises against the enemy. With the independent command of the Ranger in European waters, his ability and boldness became even more pronounced. His plan to burn the shipping at Whitehaven, which failed only because of insubordinate officers and crew, was typical of his large, surprising designs. At St. Mary’s Isle his purpose to take the Earl of Selkirk as a hostage for the exchange of prisoners was pcrhaps ill- conceived, yet it revealed at the same time the humanity and gentlemanly traits of the supposedly rude, unscrupulous sailor, And the victory of the Ranger over the Drake speaks for itself as unique in a long history of English naval warfare unmarred by any defeat until this exploit even in the home waters of the British. The cruise of the Ranger was only the prelude to the still more brilliant deeds with the Bonhomme Richard and the accompany- ing ships. Despite the inferior frigate, the insubordination of captains of the other ves- sels, notably that of Landais in the Alliance, the mercenary purposes of the crews with the exception of officers and men of the Richard herself; despite such drawbacks, Jones won one of the most notable victories in history in taking the Serapis. In what other in- stance in warfare was the sinking frigate the conqueror and the still seaworthy frigate the conquered, even to the extent that the vic- torious captain and his officers and crew had to transfer finally from the former to the latter? And when, at the climax, Pearson called to Jones to surrender, in the convic- tion that the Richard was in desperate straits, the reply of the American will always be cherished as historic: “I have not yet be- gun to fight.” The later record of Jones is scarcely less notable. After the battle, he made a skillful and daring escape from the pursuing British to the port of Texel in Holland and an even more striking dash from that port despite the blockade of the enemy. It was during his stay at the Texel] that he honored the flag of the United States in a new, significant form by refusing, for his protection, to adopt the subterfuge of a French commission as cap- tain of a privateer in substitution for his commission as captain in the Navy of America. Unfortunately, neithe: America nor France offered him a suitable squadron during the remainder of the Revolution. He did, how- ever, bring to completion the building of the ship of the line America by his characteristic energy and resourcefulness in the face of Ob- stacles, and it was only the presentation of this ship to France as a mark of appreciation that prevented him from commanding her as rear admiral, After the war, Louis XVI of France presented him with a gold sword in recognition of his victory in the Bon- homme Richard over the Serapis. America gave him a gold medal! such as no other naval officer of the Revolution won. Although America was at peace, Jones thirsted for new action, further training, greater honors, Jefferson, then the American Minister in Paris as the successor to Franklin, was an intermediary and adviser when Jones
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD received and accepted an offer as rear ad- miral from Catherine II of Russia to fight in her second war against Turkey. He served in the Black Sea with his usual canniness and bravery, but while he won the victories, the favorites and courtiers of the Empress took the honors. In fact, they not only arro- gated to themselves the glory that was his but also calumniated his name as a naval officer and as a man. The tense strain o. his life, physical and mental; contributed toward his early death at the age of 45. His end came at Paris in 1782, during the turmoil of the French Revo- tution, so thet his grave long remained there in obscurity. In 1905, however, his identified coffin and body were brought to America with signal naval and military honors. He now has a magnificent resting place in a sar- cophagus in the crypt of the chapel of the Onited States Naval Academy. The setting of the sarcophagus well con- veys the spirit of the life of John Paul Jones. an front of it is the inscription: “He gave our Navy its earliest traditions of heroism and victory"; and nearby are the names of the ships which he commanded. The words of John Paul Jones, crystallized into deeds. still live. It was Jones the patriot who said: “I can in no situation, however remote T am, be easy while the liberties of America seem to me to be in danger.” It was Jones the strategist who advised: “Who can surprise well must conquer.” It was Jones the war- rior who declared: “I have not yet begun to Stick to the Facts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Myr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rzcorp, I include the following article from the Bristol (Pa.) Courier of January 28, 1947: STICK TO THE FACTS People who know their way around usually learn early in life not to pay much attention to the arguments of those who are Careless of their facts. . In political matters, however, the most obvious misstatements are apt to do harm, because they are accepted as true by many who do not have the background and oppor- tunity to disprove them. This is particularly true where the falsities appear in print. The world is full of credu- lous souls who simply can’t bring themselves to disbelieve anything they read tn black and white. Most newspapers are especially vigilant to try to keep their facts straight. Errors usually are corrected on the first opportunity, But even the best of newspapers can't do much about special writers who attempt to sell a line of reasoning by means of garbled facts. A classic exampie of disregard of facts ap- peared in a recent article by Columnist Ralph W. Page, printed in the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin of Friday, January 24. This article was an ardent defense of the Roosevelt-Hull program of reciprocal trade agreements, by means of which the tariff pro- tections of the Smoot-Hawley Act have been largely swept away. Consider the following paragraph: “Yhe worst depression on record immedi- ately followed the attempt fo boost the American standard of living by enacting the highest tariff schedules on record (the XCl1II—App.—— 23 Smoot-Hawley bill). Since then under the Trade Agreements Act these subsidies and barriers have been reduced 30 percent—and (1) no industry can show that it has been damaged and (2) the standard of living, and our export trade, have increased prodi- giously.” The amazing collection of misstatements must have been hard for the author him- self to swallow, since he followed it imme- diately with the words “on this undisputed premise, etc.,” in an apparent attempt to bolster it up by boldness, since tt was unsup- ported by facts. To show the startling mishandling of truth in the paragraph, it is necessary to take it phrase by phrase: “The worst depression * * * * * * the Smoot-Hawley bill.” The mere dates disprove this. The Ameri- can end of the depression started, as almost everyone knows, tn October of 1929. That was the month the stock market crashed and business started going to pieces. As a world proposition, the depression already had been going on for several years. Germany had inflated and collapsed; England and Prance were in trouble. At any event, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, officially Known as the Tariff Act of 1930, was not signed until 8 months after the United States depression began. It was signed June 17, 1930. “Subsidies and barriers have been reduced 80 percent.” This is so inaccurate and misieading that it is almost unbelievable it should be seri- ously stated. A word of explanation may make the point clear. Under the Smoot- Hawley Act, approximately 60 percent of im- ports were not charged a tariff at all; they were on the free list as being noncompetitive. Of the others, virtually al) which have any industrial importance have been reduced by the trade agreements. On considerably more than 1,000 basic items, involving the produc- tion, in one way or another, of the great bulk of American manufactures, the rates have been cut a full 50 percent. In 1945 the President demanded and was given the right to cut any existing tariff another 50 percent. To try to sum al) this up under the harm- less-looking pretended average of 30 percent is ridiculous. “No industry can show that it has been damaged.” Again, this is a ridiculous statement. At the tariff hearings in 1945 industry after in- dustry showed specific losses. So serious was the situation that in some lines the labor unions, alarmed for the future of their em- ployment, were the ones foremost in going to bat for protection. A single example will prove the point. In the watchmaking industry it was the union which protested loudest that the reciprocal trade agreements were permitting the sale of literally millions of Swiss-works watches which, under a protective tariff, would be manufactured by American labor, “The standard of living’ has “increased prodigiously.” Tell that to the marines. Are houses necessities—part of our standard of living? Try to buy or rent one. What about auto- mobiles? Or electric refrigerators? Or any of a thousand prized items with long wait- ing Unes? Food? We are doing without a great many staples, and still more luxuries. Lack of sugar, cooking fats, etc., have put diet in a strait-jacket. Meanwhile prices on such items as can be found have been soaring because of infla- tion. The whole plea of the labor unions for higher wages has been based on the an- swerable argument that New Deal inflation has undermined the American standard of living. “Our export trade” has “increased pro- digiously.” followed A353 As has been brought out a thousand times, there is only one way by which the New Dealers can support this well-known state- ment; and that is to count in the shipments we made before Pearl Harbor to the nations then preparing to fight us. The statement is true if we count all the scrap iron shipped to Japan before the war, all the gasoline and other war munitions sent to Germany and Italy. These items would have been bought whatever the price. The purchasers needed them—and one of the worst mistakes in all American history was for our Government to allow them to be sent out of this Nation and turned over to the Axis Powers at that very time plotting against us. What the trade agreements did was to ex- pedite this export of war materials which might easily have lost the war for us. Under these agreements millions of dollars’ worth of Japanese trinkets, or east-European glass- ware and other products, were traded for the necessities of modern warfare. If war materials are omitted from the ex- port lists, as they certainly ought to be, it is impossible to prove any increase in our export trade as a result of the trade agree- ments. Moreover, it is a sad fact that much of what exports we have made have been paid for, not by the foreign recipients but by the American taxpayers, as witness the entire lend-lease enterprise. Mr. Page is, of course, entitled to what- ever opinion he likes on the subject of tar- iffs. But in fairness to the several] million Amer- icans who are trying seriously to understand this vexing problem, he certainly ought to stick to the facts in presenting his case. A Lesson in Politics EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein an article by Arthur Krock which appeared in the New York Times, Wednesday, January 1, 1947: WaSHINGTON, December 31.—When the President, by proclaiming today the official end of World War II hostilities at noon, auto- matically terminated or specifically limited the lives of 61 statutes and restored to Con- gress the powers in them that were on indefi- nite loan to the Executive, he was following the precepts of his own political philosophy and also giving the Republicans a lesson in practical politics. The personal philosophy implicit in Mr. Truman's act was stated by Thomas Jefferson in a letter to James Madison in January 1797: “The principle of the Constitution is that of a separation of legislative, executive, and Ju- dicial functions except in cases specified. If this principle be not expretsed in direct terms, it is clearly the spirit of the Consti- tution, and it ought to be so commented and acted on by any friend of free government.” LESSON TO REPUBLICANS The lesson in politics he gave to the Re- publicans can be summed up as follows: In the recent campaign you talked and acted as if it would be necessary to compel me to give up any war and emergency power after the need for it was obviously ended. You promised the people that you would
A354 quickly cut down the Executive to constitu- tional size. That was never necessary so far as this Executive is concerned, and here is proof. The President did not say this. And in his press conference there was no reference to political considerations. But if he had made the statement above, or thought these things, it would have been a@ just comment on the speeches made by some Republican spokesmen and candidates for Congress this autumn. Not until recently did the Republicans seem to realize that “stop-look-and-listen” should be their guiding slogan in the recon- version of the executive branch of the Gov- ernment to coordinate, peacetime status; that this must be attained gradually in con- cert with the President rather than by their majorities in Congress acting alone. Senator ALEXANDER WILEY, of Wisconsin, warned the Senate Republican conference yesterday that precipitate action must be avoided in the national interest. Prior to that, Representative EarL R. Lewis, of Ohio, after a study of the war and emergency statutes, issued a similar warning to his colleagues in the new House majority, many of whom had pledged themselves to head- long repeals. ACT CALLED PROGRESSION But, while various committees of Congress were preparing to follow Mr. WILEY’s rec- ommendation that they study the situation and report by February 15 to the Judiciary Committees of both branches what the first steps toward reducing abnormal and wartime executive powers should be, the President took these himself, and voluntarily. Like his moves to abolish the various controls and other regimentations of wartime, his act today was a progression toward the coordinate, constitutional form of govern- ment in which he is the firmest of believers. If some other man had been sitting in Mr, Truman's chair, it might have been necessary for the Republicans to use the pressure they promised in the campaign to get back the congressional powers which have been dele- gated to the Executive in recent years. HISTORY'S EXAMPLES CITED There are examples in American history of Presidents whose appetite for special author- ity grew with every new supply of it. But Mr. Truman's disposition is exactly to the contrary, and this is merely -the latest illus- tration he has provided of that fact. His timing of the proclamation of the end of hostilities gave it in part the appearance of a stroke of political strategy, because a Congress is about to assemble which is con- trolled by the party whose campaign spokes- men talked as if governmental reconversion would have to be forced on the President. Doubtless he was pleased to use the time factor to such advantage. But the chief reasons for choosing the laat day of the year for his action were legal and constructive. By officially ending the World War II hostilities before the advent of the year 1947, Mr. Truman saved the American taxpayers from $1,000,000,000 to $2,000,000,000 which ultimately they would have had to pay in farm subsidies and excise levies if the pioclamation had been delayed into the year that begins at midnight, A Religion of Good Will EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWARD J. HART OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, recently on the occasion of the Round-Table Inter- faith Broadcast, which took place in Jersey City, N. J., the radio listeners heard a convincing and stirring state- ment on the moral value and religious nature of good will. The speaker was Rev. August F. Bender, pastor emeritus of the Second Reformed Church, who re- cently celebrated his fiftieth anniversary as a minister of religion. Dr. Bender is noted for his scholarship, eloquence, and his unobtrusive piety. He is not only an eminent citizen of his city, but by virtue of his kindly nature, his genuine humility, and his undaunted courage, one of its most beloved. I append herewith his brief, reflective discourse as it appeared in the Jersey Journal: It is with profound pleasure that I salute Mayor Hague, his fellow commissioners, the religious leaders, and all people of Jersey City, regardless of sect, color, and social status, for all are children of the God and Father of all mankind. I congratulate them upon their past achievements in the civic, social, industrial, and religious activities, and for their endeavors toward the permanent good of our city. I wish them abundant honor and prosperity in the years to come. As no city lives unto itself in these days of world-wide commercialism and every life is somehow dependent upon and linked with some other life, there is only one way to be useful citizens, and that is to have part in & service well grounded in good will toward mankind. “Here goes in the name of God and hu- manity’’—that was the motto of our heroic service men and women, white and colored, of Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant faiths, in both World Wars. The Lord of Hosts ever went forward with our valiant beloved because they had committed their righteous cause into His hands and because they trusted in Him implicitly while they suffered, bled, and died for Old Glory. “Here goes for God and humanity”—may that be the slogan of all citizens of Jersey City! With such a spirit, there is no failure. Let that be the spirit in which we seek to make the Golden Rule operative in indus- trial affairs and with which we seek to make this a warless world. With all the religion that we profess to have and boast of, yet there is such a thing as not having enough religion. I mean the religion of good will that expresses itself in life, and not in forms; that seeks to glorify God, and not itself; that has for its purpose the saving of the lost, not the righteous. Iam thinking of real religion, the religion of good will; the religion of love which loves God with all its heart and soul and one’s neighbor, irrespective of religious belief or color. The religion of good will that moves us to go out of our homes and offices and factories into the streets and byways, seek- ing the social outcasts, prodigals, and under- privileged, in order to bring about their eventual reformation and reestablishment among respectable men and women. I have in mind the religion of power—a power far greater than that of the atom bomb, The power of Almighty God—that makes us new creatures. The religion of good will that closes the lips of the blas- phemer; that kills the thirst of the drunk- ard; that lifts men and women from degra- dation and despair to plains and plans of honor and integrity. Whether your skin be white or colored— whether you be a Jew, Protestant, or Catho- lic—you cannot have too much of this reli- gion of power and good will. It is the reli- gion of Jesus Christ, After a Christian ministry of 30 years in Jersey City I am happy to state that Catho- lics and Jews have been and still are num- bered among my dearest friends. During the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD past 60 years in the ministry of the Reformed Church in America they have ever helped me most generously in my labors of charity. Honor to whom honor is due. I salute them most cordially. We go to church in Jersey City to learn to love and help one another. There is no racial preju- dice among the people of Jersey City. “O brother-man! Fold to thy heart thy brother! Where pity dwells, the love of God is there! To worship rightly is to love each other— Each smile a hymn, each kindly deed a prayer.” New England Fisheries EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, the fish- ing industry—a vital part of the business life of New England—soon will be non- existent unless steps are taken to remedy the ills that now beset it. In an effort to call public attention to this important matter and in the hope of helping to solve the problems now fac- ing this multi-million-dollar industry the Providence (R. I.) Journal recently as- signed one of its reporters, Leonard O. Warner, to study the industry and the problems now facing it and to write a series of five articles on the subject. So that every Member of the House and Senate may have the benefit of these articles, I propose to offer these articles for printing in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, and, under permission already granted me, I include herewith the fourth article, as it appeared in the Journal of January 15, 1947. It follows: Aquatic Bro.ocist Suaarsts PLAN To Protect NORTHEAST FISHING GROUNDS—FISH AND WItouire SERVICE OrFIctIaL Has THREE-POINT PrograM FOR SOLVING ACUTE HaAppock SHORTAGE—REGULATIONS USED IN PACIFIC SuccEstep (By Leonard O. Warner) During the war years fishermen and fishing boats from the ports of Boston, Gloucester, and New Bedford were recruited by the Navy, leaving only a comparatively small fleet of Graggers and trawlers. Depletion was relegated to the background, both because of the need for food and the fact that a small] fleet couldn't deplete the 20,000-square-mile undersea farm that 1s the Georges Bank and South Channel, off Cape Cod. But William C. Herrington, aquatic biolo- gist for the United States Fish and Wildlife Service, kept his eye on depletion, knowing that with the war's end the problem again would become serious. Herrington has been studying the situa- tion for 12 years, first at sea aboard draggers and trawlers, and then in his Manter Hall office off Harvard Square in Cambridge. And now, with the fleet at its peak strength, Herrington has reached the conclusion that three things must be done if New England boats are to stay in business close to home, rather than be forced far out to sea, and per- haps out of business. Because the haddock presents the most Pressing problem, Herrington, called “Doc”
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD by fishermen, has confined his recommenda- tions to the species. : These are his suggestions: 1, Require all boats fishing for haddock to use a net mesh of 4 inches, inside of the knots, rather than the present 2% -inch mesh, so that nearly all fish under 2 pounds may escape. 2. Establish closed areas to protect princi- pal nursery grounds. 8. Prohibit the sale of haddock under 2 pounds. This recommendation would imple- ment the first, since fishermen would not catcl what they couldn't sell. Herrington added his belief that the rec- ommended regulations must be backed by Federal legislation or international treaty. For Georges Bank and South Channel, Fed- eral legislation only would be sufficient, but for the Nova Scotian banks—also important to the United States—international action would be a prerequisite to successful control. The pattern might be the International Fishery Commission set up by treaty between the United States and Canada in 1930 to control the halibut catches in the northern Pacific Ocean. The Pacific halibut is a classic example of a resource which. after undergoing extreme depletion, has been re- stored through careful regulation. HALIBUT GROUNDS DIVIDED Under authority of the treaty. an inter- National commission divided the halibut grounds into four areas, and thereafter an- nually set a quota on the number of pounds of halibut that could be taken. When the quota is reached, the season is closed. As a supplementary measure, two areas where small fish predominate are entirely closed to fishing. As a result, the abundance of halibut in the Pacific has increased tremendously. The catch per unit of gear has risen as much as 112 percent since 1980, and halibut produc- tion has jumped 10,000,000 pounds. New Englanders also might have developed halibut catches, but lack of action—such as that which now threatens the haddock and other species—has virtually choked off the halibut in the North Atlantic. Many years ago New England caught about 14,000,000 pounds of halibut annually; now the catch fg 1,000,000 pounds. But in the Pacific the fishermen, the boat owners, the dealers—in fact, everybody— were in agreement that action must be taken. Selfish interests were laid aside. FIRST STEP FAILED The first formal step toward control of the North Atlantic fishing grounds was taken in 1940, but it failed miserably. In that year the Atlantic Fishermen's Union drafted a bill for introduction into Congress embody- ing the same recommendations as made here by Herrington. “We couldn't even get it introduced, say nothing of passage,” said Austin Powers, union business agent. “Is Congress blind? Shouldn't it be interested in saving an in- dustry worth millions of dollars?” Herrington explained he fully realizes his recommendations may appear drastic to those accustomed to thinking of the North- west Atlantic as their own private fishing pond rather than as a great natural resource owned by all of the people of the United States. “When the alternatives to regulation are considered, however,” he added, “it should be obvious that some definite action of the kind suggested must be taken. “If the fishery continues its present course without hindrance, and the taking of small haddock continues and increases, the tre- mendous production of the haddock fishery in the South Channel-Georges Bank area will decrease both in quantity and quality until the annual catch is reduced to less than 50 to 60 miJlion pounds, and is made up prin- cipally of baby haddock.” DECLINE OF REDFISH While haddock has been the primary con- cern of the researchers, the popular redfish and yellowtall are also declining. Figures show that the rapid expansion of the redfish fleet has resulted in a considerable decline in yield from the Gulf of Maine, and that to supply the market—the great Midwestern market for redfish—the boats are being forced to progressively more distant grounds. Cod catches also have been fluctuating widely for the past 10 years and only now is the problem being examined. It has been the experience of all inter- ested in solving the problem of depletion that dealers are much less concerned than fishermen. Said one official: “The closer you get to the men who have to get the fish out of the water, the better understanding you get.” Officials of the United Slates Fish and Wildlife Service, unselfish in thetr motives, feel that agitation for remedial action must come from the industry itself and from the public, rather than from the Government. When it comes, the next request for con- eressional action will probably be made by the Atlantic Fishermen's Union. The men of the Pish and Wildlife Service feel they have accumulated sufficient data to warrant action. The only accurate fig- ures showing the decline of the haddock fishery, for instance, are those of the Service. ANNUAL CATCH FIGURES Long ago, these men determined that an- nual catch figures were not accurate barom- eters. When the annual figures increased, the industry pointed to them as proof that nothing was wrong, that there wasn’t over- fishing. But the only method of accurately keep- ing count was to compile the figures on the basis of “catch per day per boat.” That would tel! the real story. The Service has been keeping its figures in that manner, always being careful to make adjustments for improved gear, more ecient boats, and so forth. Their charts show that the peak year for abundance of haddock was in 1927. In that year the average catch per boat was 44,000 pounds. By 1931 that had slipped to 9,100 pounds, but those were depression years and demand was slow. In 1942 the figure was 16,600 pounds per day per bont. In 1946 it was 14,500—a long way from the 44,000 pounds of 1927. And it can be said that 1927 and 1946 were compnrable years so fay as demand is concerned. The Fish and Wildlife Service charts prove one major point, Herrington said. “In the long run, the catch can be no larger than the fish growing up to commercial size.” Growth of Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAYMOND S. SPRINGER OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. SPRINGER. Mr. Speaker, many of our people are greatly disturbed over the apparent growth of communism in our country. May I say that I am un- alterably opposed to any philosophy which would, to any degree, either lessen our ardor and faith in our form of gov- ernment or which would either tend or point to the destruction of our form of government. We, as Americans, believe A355 in our form of government—and that form of government must maintain throughout the future years. Any group or any organization which becomes infested with communism, or communistic policies, must clean out its own back yard and rid itself of those who believe in those un-American policies. I am very happy to find an article upon this very subject, which appears in The Stars and Stripes of date January 30, 1947, which, under unanimous consent, I incorporate herein as a part of my re- marks. This article follows: CLEAN OUT YOUR NEST A week or 80 ago Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., son of the late President, let it be known that he and some of his associates in the American Veterans Committee had reached a startling conclusion. Communists within the self-styled veterans’ grcup have torn it asunder and factionalized it, he said. We are now bewildered and confused by their lies; the Reds are advising those who follow the Moscow trail to tie in with the AVC; the people have lost faith in us because we are Commie-infiltrated; and an up-and-com- ing organization of inspired young Americans is now tattered and torn, Roosevelt said, and, he added, “We must decide—what now?” The veterans of America—nat quasi-vet- erans who never wore the uniform of their country and who make up one of the most vocal factions of the AVC, which is not a veterans’ organization at all—echo the query, What now? Much as they believe that all bona fide veterans would best serve their own interests by alining in membership with existing major veterans’ societies, neither the well-organized ex-service men and women nor this veterans’ spokesman are insistent upon their doing this. If any group of men, or women, who saw war service in their coun- try’s armed forces, wish to form thelr own select groups, that is their business. But, however pleasing it might be to fluat along on a tide of veteran popularity by finding it possible to join a so-called veterans’ associa- tion without actually being a veteran, the two, like oi] and water, cannot possibly have anything in common. We said that many, many months ago. We also said that no philosophy espoused by Communists could be tolerated in the same clubroom or meet- ing place of any group that believes in un- adulterated Americanism, The two ideolo- gies will not mix, and the mixers can only ride to a fall. Like some others who choose to mistakenly term themselves “liberals,” young Roosevelt and a few of his friends are only now beginning to find out what we have tried all along to tell them. Lest it be reasoned that the Kooseve:t deci- sion is an entirely new slant, let us disabuse the thoughtless. Four months ago Charles G. Bolte, “Chuck” to his pals, and the AVC national chairman, lambasted all recognized major veterans’ organizations who do not subscribe to his “liberal” sophisms. In a weasel-worded radio address, he stated that bis outfit “did not welcome Communists,” but he made no effort to kick them out. In a foredoomed campaign to sign up a million members, he accepted donations from vet- eran and nonvetcran alike, and cared not about their source. He signed up nonvet- eran as well as veteran, American and alien, patriot and opportunist foreigner, al! under a banner claiming America a.. its origin and veteran as its purpose. By word and by pen, he and his associates, including young F. D., through argument and expression, have sown the sort of discord that attracts Communists and alienates red-blooded Americans. He bas not had the will to do what other or- ganizations have done—retuse the Reds mem- bership—because he needed numbers he could not otherwise obtain.
A356 The National Tribune-The Stars and Stripes discussed this issue as far back as the fall of 1945. In June, October, and twice in November 1946 we attempted to point out to the real veterans in AVC the error of their ways and the pitfalls that must come. At innumerable times we have discussed here the Communist philosophy, all without avail, and we say once more that when one sleeps with strange and diseased bedfellows the taint is infectious; when termites once get into a house, that house will be destroyed unless preventive measures are adopted. A prominent Washington newspaper printed last week 21 inches of paid display advertising by admitted Communists of Maryland and the District of Columbia. In a play on words, they attempted to lead the unwary to believe that they were loyal Americans; that they supported American democracy and the Constitution; that they condemned the use of force and violence; that they accept in good faith the principles of organizations, including those of veterans, and do not wish to capture them; that they do not want to stir up trouble; that they bid only for improved living and working conditions and a better life for the common man, They ie. The newspaper that printed the advertisement accompanied it with an explanatory editorial, admitting it has been amply demonstrated by official records, both here and in Moscow, that every paid-for word was a printed equivocation. The Reds have been proved to be disloyal to this Nation and all of its institutions; they belleve in revolution by force and violence; they are attempting to gain control of every type of organization in which they have member- ship; they thrive on discord, unhappiness, unemployment, lack of housing, hatred, it said. We add that “liberalism” is but coun- terfeit communism, and we are now engaged in a war against that ideology. Now comes F, D. R., Jr., and his friends asking, What now? It may be they have just awakened to the fact that the people are fast revising their estimates of how far one can go in tolerating Communist-inspired Leftist movements, whether they be termed “liberal,” “progressive,” “radical,” or “red.” But if the question be real or feigned, the genuine veterans of this country can supply the answer. They have been trying to do it for, lo, these many years. Do not encourage Red demonstrations such as we have wit- nessed so many times under AVC banners. Become imbued more with an old-fashioned and undiluted Americanism and less attracted to false prophets who would save the world at the expense of their own beloved country. Learn the difference between truth and prop- aganda, and find a means to absorb and be- Heve in the fundamental rights that have made this country the greatest on earth. Devote less time to curing the fancied ills of all the peoples of the world, and move to correct the maladies that our sworn ene- mies are stealthily injecting into the veins of your own kind. Be kind, be generous, veer a little to the left or the right, if you will, but keep a firm eye on and help to preserve the liberties that have been handed to you at such bloody cost and that you yourselves in your own time helped to pre- serve. Recognize them for what they are. Do not throw them foolishly away. That ts what to do. Help us to weed out of the armed forces confessed Communists who seek only to de- stroy. Give aid to those who would remove them from places in government, both high and low. Add some impetus to the effort to kick the vermin out of any organization where it associates with you and sullies and compromises your own patriotism, And, if you would have the AVC enjoy the company of groups of veterans that struggle ever to make of this America what it was intended to be, if you would gain their respect and march side by side with them in a whole- some belief in militant Americanism, revise your standards and rewrite your bylaws to make of the AVC an honest organization with the right to use the words “American” and “veteran.” Clean out your own nest, Resolution of Steuben Society of America EXTENSION OF REMARKS r HON. ROBERT TRIPP ROSS OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. ROSS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I am including the following resolution: The Steuben Society of America, an Ameri- can patriotic organization, interested in the educational, civic, and political problems af- fecting the American people, and being firmly convinced that there must be no repetition of the failure of 1918 and subsequent years to properly provide for the returning vet- erans, do submit to the Veterans’ Admin- istration of the United States of America the following brief of those subjects which it believes should be sponsored so as to gen- erally provide for the welfare, comfort, and future of the returning veterans of World War II: EMPLOYMENT We believe that the rights as given to the veteran respecting his job, both private and governmental, should be protected by the United States Government by creating a spe- cial court of jurisdiction within the Veterans’ Administration to which the veteran may apply in the event of necessity to seek rein- statement to his position or any other action to assure his benefits hereunder. We do not believe that the veteran should be submitted to the necessity of pursuing his legal remedies in the Federal and other courts, but rather that such a particular subject should be considered by a court duly created and acquainted with veterans’ prob- lems. EDUCATION AND TRAINING We advocate a greater application of the privileges of educational, vocational, trades, agricultural, and technical programs under the supervision and planning of the United States Government through its duly created Veterans’ Administration, under a bureau of education which shall have the authority and power to direct and control in the sev- eral States, municipalities, and communities the educational and training programs for the benefit of the veteran wishing to ac- quaint or adapt himself to the program. United States assistance should be given when found necessary and warranted to each locality to permit the building of such schools and institutions as may be deemed essential for the proper administration of such educa- tional and training programs, and for the proper dormitory accommodations to those accepting the rights under said program. DISABLED VETERANS We advocate appropriation of reasonable compensation to disabled veterans of World War II. We further believe that our Govern- ment should provide the means for such dis abled veterans to obtain vocational rehabili- tation through the service of a duly consti- tuted Federal division of social welfare under the auspices and pursuant to the rules and regulations prescribed by the Veterans’ Ad- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ministration, which in turn may assist vet- erans in their home States, municipalities, and communities. HOSPITALIZATION We believe that one of the first responsi- bilities which we have is to provide adequate facilities for the hospitalization, treatment, and medication of those wounded, maimed, sick of mind, and sick of body veterans, and we therefore advocate the creation of a divi- sion of menta] hygiene within the Veterans’ Administration which shall arrange for the acquisition or erection of buildings and in- stitutions, and for the equipment thereof, 89 as to provide for hospitalization, treat- and medication of those wounded, maimed, sick of mind, and sick of body veterans, and World War II. HOUSING We advocate a greater activity by the Vet- erans’ Administration in urging the enact- ment of legislation to alleviate the dangerous and alarming housing conditions, particu- larly as they affect the veteran, We do not believe that quonset huts as a temporary housing measure are practical, sanitary, com- fortable, or business-wise projects. We urge the Veterans’ Admin.stration to use its efforts to obtain the lifting of restric- tions on those vital materials and supplies used in the erection and completion of hous- ing accommodations. We believe that the Veterans’ Administration should use its efforts in obtaining legislation in the several States, communities, and municipalities per- mitting old and boarded-up buildings to be rehabilitated so as to be available for occu- pancy by veterans and their families, Finally, we advocate the planning within the several States, municipalities, and com- munities of certain housing developments for veterans’ occupancy exclusively, RELIEF We are fundamentally opposed to the granting of relief on the ground that it tends to discourage the individual. We are, how- ever, mindful that certain conditions and cir- cumstances, particularly as affecting a sick and disabled veteran, may arise which would necessitate assistance, We, therefore, advo- cate the creation within the Veterans’ Ad- ministration of a bureau for the relief of sick and disabled veterans. TAXES We urge upon the Veterans’ Administra- tion support of legislation granting to all veterans of World War II an exemption from income-tax payments for a period of 1 year. PENSION We urge upon the Veterans’ Administra- tion support of legislation which would as- sure reasonable pensions for the widows and orphans of veterans who sacrificed their lives for their country in World War II. Respectfully submitted. Sreusen SOCIETY or AMERICA. Veterans’ Social-Security Credits EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DAVID POTTS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. POTTS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I want to point out a real injustice which is being done to veterans with respect to social security.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD As the law now stands, workers who have earned at least $50 tn half the quarter-year periods since 1936, or since they reached the age of 21 years, are fully insured, permanently. Military service is not insurable em- Ployment, so that many veterans, through no fault of their own, have been prevented from continuing this status which their brethren who did not enter military service were able to maintain. Consequently, inequity has been created to the detriment of the veteran. The law also provides for a “currently insured” status under which, in cases where deceased workers paid pay-roll taxes in at least half the quarters in the 3 years preceding death, death benefits are paid to certain of their dependents. Few are the veterans who are covered. It is my opinion that the veteran’s pre- war social-security credits should be pro- tected by crediting his account with an amount equal to that which he would have earned at $160 a month if he had spent the period of his military service in an insurable employment. A bill to correct this injustice has been introduced, and I trust ft will receive the favorable consideration of this Congress. Cooperation and Coordination EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIS W. BRADLEY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. BRADLEY of California. Mr. Speaker, as a small tribute to an efficient branch of the nationa] defense, I take pleasure of presenting here a part of an article written by me and published in the February issue of the Sojourner, official publication of National Sojourn- ers, Inc., descriptive of conditions in the U. 8. 8. Leyte, then under the command of Capt. Henry F. MacComsey, United States Navy, and also some remarks about the relation of adequate funds to efficient scientific research: COOPERATION AND COORDINATION In December, I made a trip to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. as the guest of the Secretary of the Navy. The passage down was by air, the return in the U. 8. 8S. Leyte—one of the new aircraft carriers of the Navy. As a part of the instructive purposes of this trip, the guests witnessed a battle problem conducted by this great ship. The smoothness of handling aircraft—both in launching and in recovery—the fine coordination of every part of this sea-sir combination, the loyal co- operation of every one on the team from cap- tain to seaman, told the story of why and how the United States was victorious in this greatest-of-all-wars just concluded. I do not say this with any thought that the Navy won the war. Par from it! I use it merely as an example of the handling of equipment and the efficiency of all forces under the Stars and Stripes. I use it to invite your at- tention to what we now have toward main- taining the national defense. I trust that Sojourners will exert their every effort, both collectively and individually, in trying to the various components of the armed forces in adequate numbers and outstanding efficiency. Also, while on this subject, may I invite your attention to the urgency of continuing scientific research in matters of national de- fense and in the education of young men and women to undertake such research. Always remember that scientists are of little use without adequate funds and equipment; that these material components are worth- less unless handled by intelligent personnel. Scientific personnel, equipment, and ade- quate funds go hand in hand in research and accomplishment. Let us be sure the team does not lack any part essential for success. Federal Tax Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. VITO MARCANTONIO OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. MARCANTONIO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following: STATEMENT BY THE AMERICAN LABOR PARTY ON A FEDERAL TAX PROGRAM Unless the American people vigorously take up the fight at once, the Republicans are determined to put over a Federal tax pro- gram which will provide relief for the greedy at the expense of the needy, and which will help plunge our country into a depres- sion. The greatest need of this country is to increase the purchasing power of the mass of our people, which is being threatened by high prices. Taxes on the average Ameri- can decrease mass purchasing power. Taxes on the comfortable and the rich have little or no effect on purchases; they largely reduce already heavy savings. Nevertheless, the Republicans have set their sights for big tax cuts to the higher bracket taxpayers, with only crumbs thrown to the average American. Their major goal is a flat 20-percent reduction in personal income tag rates. This scheme is both un- democratic and dangerous to the economic health of the Nation. A 20 percent cut for everybody sounds fair. Actually, it is highly unfair because it would give the greatest relief to those who need it least. A married man with 2 de- pendents and an income of $500 a week would save $1,816 in taxes. If he had an inceme of $5,000 a week, he would save $39,824. But a worker with a wife and 2 children earning $30 a week and struggling hard to provide food and rent and clothing for his family would save only $13.40. The Republican 20 percent across-the- board cut is dangerous to the Nation because it will do little or nothing to increase the purchasing power of the masses of the peo- ple, upon which our economy depends. At the same time it will provide additional millions to the higher bracket taxpayers whose unspent savings are the country's real inflationary menace, and may plunge us into depression. This is shown by the startling facts as to the savings of the American peo- ple recently reported by the Federal Reserve Bystem. At the end of the war, after years of scarcity of consumers goods, 60 percent of the families in the United States had only 3 percent of the total individual liquid assets. It is clear that the Republicans’ income tax proposal will serve mainly to increase the savings of the upper income groups, savings which, if not reinvested, will stall our eco- A357 nomic machine. Such tax cuts are reminis- cent of those put into effect during the Mellon regime, and will reverse the whole course of progressive tax legislation during the Roosevelt era. When President Truman declared the war emergency at an end, the Republicans were faced with a dilemma. That meant the end of wartime excise taxes on June 30, 1947, ac- counting for about $1,260,000,000. They were fearful that the end of these taxes might en- danger their plan to cut huge slices off the personal income taxes of wealthy Americans. They have, therefore, now urged that these taxes be continued. The proposal to continue the wartime ex- cise taxes after June 380 is sound as applied to the luxury items. It is unsound and should be rejected as applied to necessities, such as taxes on admissions to movies or the- aters, cosmetics, luggage, handbags, etc., ex- cept in the higher-priced luxury ftems. The American Labor Party calls for a tax bill based on the democratic principle of ability to pay, a tax bill which will strengthen the purchasing power of the masses of the people, a tax bill which will recapture some of the swollen profits being reaped by indus- try as a result of the postwar inflation. We urge Congress to reject the 20-percent- across-the-board cut and instead: 1. Raise personal tncome-tax exemptions from the present level of 8500 per persan to $1,500 for a single person and 82.500 for a married couple. In this way with the re- tention of the $500 credit for each dependent &@ married couple with two children would thus have $3,500 free of income tax. The authoritative budget studies of the Heller committee, adjusted for recent price rises, show that at least $3,500 is required to keep @ family of four at a minimum standard of decent living. 2. Repeal all Federal excise taxes, whether enacted during the war or before the war, on necessities. Sales taxes hit the neediest the hardest. We have Federal excises on sugar, electrical appliances, films, beer, cosmetics, handbags, and other commodities, all of which should be repealed. There is no place in a democratic fiscal system for regressive taxes on necessities 8. Restore for the year 1947 the excess- profits tax on corporations, without any carry-back. Events have made it perfectly clear that the repeal of the corporate excess- profits tax as of the beginning of 1946 was a colossal fiscal blunder. Corporate profits have skyrocketed to their highest peak; un- precedented billions are being made by big business out of the postwar inflation. As an anti-inflationary measure, as a means of siphoning off huge savings of a small group of corporations and individuals which may plunge us headlong into depression, as a source of billions badly needed for housing, education, public works, and tax reductions in the lower brackets, the excess-profits tax should be restored for the year 1947 at war- time rates, without a carry-back provision, Such an immediate tax program will con- tribute to the economic -ealth of the Nation and will help achieve the proper standard of living of millions of Americans. We protest the undemocratic procedure adopted in the House of Representatives of rushing the excise tax continuation bill to the floor without hearings. We also protest the gag-rule procedure sanctioned by the House Rules Committee under which only the Ways and Means Committee will be per- mitted to offer floor amendments to the bill. Buch a procedure is designed to prevent the American people from having their day in court on the bi'l and their elected represent- atives from being free to urge amendments, It is not in keeping with the American tra- dition.
A358 New England Fisheries EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, the fish- ing industry—a vital part of the business life of New England—soon will be non- existent unless steps are taken to remedy the ills that now beset it. In an effort to call public attention to this important matter and in the hope of helping to solve the problems now facing this multimillion-dollar industry, the Providence (R. I.) Journal recently assigned one of its reporters, Leonard O. Warner, to study the industry and the problems now facing it and to write a series of five articles on the subject. So that every Member of the House and Senate may have the benefit of these articles, I propose to offer these articles for printing in the CONGRESSIONAL REC- orD, and, under permission already grant- ed me, I include herewith the fifth article, as it appeared in the Journal of January 16, 1947. It follows: Boston, GLovcEsTer FLEETs INVADE FISHING Waters orr BLock ISLAND—DEPLETION AT Grorcrs BANK, SouTH CHANNEL Drives Bia Bay SrTatTe TRAWLERS TO YELLOWTAIL Grounps; CATCHES THERE DRoP DRASTICALLY As RESULT (By Leonard O. Warner) Depletion of the Georges Bank and South Channel fisheries has done more than drive the large boats of the Boston and Gloucester fleets further to the east in the North Atlan- tic, Scarcity of haddock and other species is forcing the draggers and trawlers to an in- vasion of southern New England waters, off Block Island, fishing for yellowtail flounder, a popular fillet in the New York market. The inevitable result is a dearth of yellow- tails, one of the chief mainstays of the Rhode Island and New Bedford fleets of smaller fishing craft. The decline of the lobster, clam, and qua- haug populations should be of no less con- cern to New England and other parts of the Nation. Up to 1935, yellowtails were considered a scrap fish. The big fellows from Boston and Gloucester wouldn't have bothered to stop if they had known there were a million pounds under their bottoms. But times have changed. The yellowtail has become increasingly popular as a fine food fish and haddock aren't too plentiful on Georges. Now, the small Rhode Island and New Bed- ford boats find themselves surrounded by those Boston fellows whenever they go out on that more than 100-mile line between Montauk Point and Nantucket Shoals, where owtails are found. ** Linus Dodge, young Block Island fisherman, counted 85 boats in a small area, many of them the large Georges Bank trawlers, one day not long ago. It is more than likely the Boston and Gloucester trawlers had been out to Georges and South Channel, found lean pickings and decided to drop in for a yellowtail catch to salvage something out of the expensive trip. “There's just too many boats fishing for yellowtails,” said young Dodge. Other Block Island fishermen expressed the opinion that conservation measures will have to be taken soon if the yellowtail industry is not to disappear. New Bedford fishermen, hauling in about 16,000,000 pounds of yel- lowtails a year, can remember when whaling was that city’s biggest industry. And look at what overfishing did to whal- ing, they say. One Point Judith fisherman, famous sev- eral years ago for his large catches of yellow- tails, declined to be quoted by name on the problem, but gave this view of the situa- tion: “There aren’t as many fish because more boats are dragging and because some of the larger boats are going far off shore to break up the schools before the fish get inshore.” Fishermen at both Block Island and Point Judith, centers of the Rhode Island yellow- tail industry, told how in the spring they have to shovel spawn off the decks. “It's @ shame,”’—that’s the universal opinion. “But, we have to keep getting ‘em—if we don't somebody else will. This needs a law, & Federal law.” According to estimates, Rhode Island fish- ermen land between 1,500,000 and 2,000,000 pounds of yellowtails each year, most of that for the New York market. William F, Royce, in charge of the North Atlantic fishery investigations for the United States Fish and Wildlife Service at New Bed- ford, supports with figures the statements by fishermen that yellowtails are becoming scarce. The yellowtail population declined ab- ruptly in 19438, he said, and has been at a low figure ever since. In 1942, Royce explained, the average yel- lowtail catch per day per boat was 12,000 pounds. It dropped to an average of 5,000 pounds in 1944 and has remained there. SERVICE STUDIES PROBLEM The Fish and Wildlife Service is continu- ing to study the problem, attempting to nail down a specific cause, or set of causes, “We don't know definitely that intensive fishing is the whole cause,” he said. “It may well be an important factor.” Some fishermen on the New Bedford docks like to believe that Navy practice bombing on the yellowtail grounds was responsible for the decline of the fish population. Studies conducted by the State of Louisiana show, however, that fish within 150 feet of the explosion of an 800-pound bomb are not af- fected. Bombing is probably a negligible factor in the population decline of yellow- tails, said Royce. Lobster, once a penny apiece, now a lux- ury, is another classic example of bad fish- ery management. In 1889, the Nation took more than 30,- 000,000 pounds of succulent lobster—an average per trap of 173 pounds. Today, with all the advantages of power- driven boats, the take is 21,000,000 pounds. “Moreover,” said a conservation bulletin of the Fish and Wildlife Service, “present- day catches contain a larger percentage of small lobsters, which in itself is a danger- ous sign.” REGULATION BY STATE The lobster fishery is regulated by indi- vidual States, but the Fish and Wildlife Service has been working diligently to bring about acceptance of the uniform minimum size limit for lobster of 8% inches. As a result Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Dela- ware, Maryland, and Georgia have adopted this minimum size. Only Rhode Island and Connecticut still adhere to the 3i4s-inch limit. Rhode Island legislators were given a bill last year to raise the limit to 8% inches, but it was lost in the shuffle. It apparently wasn't important. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The difference of one-sixteenth frich in the body shell of a lobster may seem trifling, kut it means a difference of about a quarter of an inch in the over-all length of the lob- ster, and changes the minimum legal size from about three-quarters of a pound to a pound. “Protection of under-sized lobsters appears to be essential if the productivity of this important fishery resource is to be main- tained,” said the Wildlife Service. MANY CLAM GROUNDS BARREN The Atlantic clam and quahaug resources have likewise been badly managed, accord- ing to the Wildlife Service. For want of scientific cultivation and conservation man- agement, many clam grounds are now barren or depleted beyond value. “Furthermore,” said the Fish and Wildlife Service, “some large areas where clams are abundant are heavily polluted with domestic sewage and consequently closed to clam- mers. So long as the public fails to culti- vate its clam grounds, discourages private cultivation, and pours its domestic sewage and industrial wastes over its good clam- growing areas, it can get only a fraction of the potential yield of this resource.” Edward C. Hayes, acting administrator of the Rhode Island Division of Fish and Game, agrees fully with the Wildlife Service. “Some of our best clam flats are in polluted areas,” he said. Albert M. Day, Director of the Fish and Wildlife Service, expressed the additional be- lief that the clam industry is now suffering from a situation brought about by excessive digging over a period of years. MASSACHUSETTS SURVEY Very recently Dr. Paul 8. Galtsoff, shell- fish biologist of the Wildlife Service, began &@ survey on the Massachusetts north shore to attempt to obtain basic information on the scarcity of clams. Dr. Galtsoff is now preparing recommen- dations for a detailed study which the Wild- life Service will probably conduct to reveal the important factors adversely affecting the clam population, But the public and the commercial fish- erles are slow to accept recommendations— whether it be for clams, lobster, haddock, yellowtalls, redfish, cod, or what have you. From a conservation point of view, the fish- erles are perhaps the most poorly managed of our natural resources, The Department of Interior, of which the Fish and Wildlife Service is a branch, re- cently summed it up this way: “The commercial fisheries, taken as a whole, are among the least progressive in- dustries in the United States, “They are generally slow to improve their products, to develop new ones, to exploit vir- gin resources, to correct wasteful fishing methods, or to utilize the whole of their raw material.” The Chaplain and the Congressional Record EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLAUDE I. BAKEWELL OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. BAKEWELL. Mr. Speaker, sev- eral weeks ago I wrote to a clergyman friend of mine in St. Louis, Rev. Law- rence Kearney, 8S. J., of the faculty of St.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Louis University, advising him that the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD would be mailed to him daily. I received a letter from him in which he commends our Chaplain, as well as his predecessor. His letter also expressed a profound thought in such an exquisite manner, that I shal] ask your indulgence while I read it: I've grown with the years to appreciate the CONGRESSIONAL Recornp more and more. If they carried nothing but prayers, each issue would be a joy to me. The last and the pres- ent Chaplain unlock the doors of heaven by their reliance on that sacred name which the builders had rejected but which was made head of the corner. I have no hope of UN until it ts requisitioned as the founda- tion. Then there will be peace on earth and not until then. Your Chaplains are great legislators. Lawrence Kearney, 8. J. A Fraud on American People? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM A. DAWSON OF UTAH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. DAWSON of Utah. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include the following article which appeared in the Salt Lake Telegram under date of January 22, 1947, relating to misuse of clothing donated by Americans in last year’s victory clothing drive: A FRAUD ON AMERICAN PEOPLE? Two instances of the misuse of clothing donated by Americans in last year's victory clothing drive to help European war victims have recently come to public attention. A woman in Fairdale, N. Dak., gave a dress to the drive. She pinned a note high inside the sleeve wishing “lots of good luck” to the needy European woman who might receive it. The other day she received a reply to her note. It didn't come from Europe. It came from . woman who lived about 200 miles away in another Dakota town. She said she bought the dress, along with 99 others, sight unseen, for 618—or 18 cents a dress—from a Chicago mail-order house. A few weeks before, a Muskegon, Mich., boy, aged 11, also received a letter in the mail. He had donated a pair of almost new galoshes in the victory clothing drive. He put a note in the boots and he received this reply from a Mississippi man: “I am writing you this and attaching your letter so you may not be disappointed in your letter to a little foreign friend. Iam a used- clothing dealer in this city (Greenwood, Miss.) and unfortunately—and as I fear, in other cases—your boots were sold to me in New York, instead of going where they were intended.” Frankly, this Just makes your blood boil. ‘The two cases have been turned over to Congressmen. One Senator has suggested @ congressional investigation. We certainly think there should be an investigation, and a thorough one. There should be a full re- port on what happened and a full exposé if someone played fast and loose with the American people on this purported cam- paign to help the unfortunate, destitute people overseas. Somebody ought to go to jail for a colossal fraud on the American people. Decontrol of Sugar EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL M. LeCOMPTE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. LECOMPTE. Mr. Speaker, the fifty-second general assembly in the State of Iowa is now in session, and the senate, with the house concurring, re- cently adopted a resolution urging im- mediate decontrol of sugar for home consumption and industrial use, calling attention in the resolution to the diffi- culty housewives have in preparing sat- isfactory meals with the present sugar ration, the lack of sugar for canning, and the fact that in Iowa great quanti- ties of fruits, berries, and so forth, are produced which cannot be preserved be- cause of the lack of sugar. Under leave to extend my remarks in the CONGRESSIONAL REcorD, I include Concurrent Resolution 6 of the Iowa General Assembly, which reads as fol- lows: Senate Concurrent Resolution 6 Whereas the housewives of America have patiently and patriotically exercised during the period of hostilities and for more than @ year since the cessation of hostilities, the strictest economy in the use and consump- tion of sugar as a part of their contribution to the war effort; and Whereas sugar is indispensable for a well balanced American diet, and housewives cannot prepare satisfactory meals without an adequate supply of sugar; and Whereas the waste resulting from the lack of sufficient means of preserving foodstuffs through the scarcity of canning sugar can no longer be justified, since this Nation has not been at war for the past 18 months; and Whereas Iowa, in common with other great agricultural States, produces many crops which require sugar for preservation, such as fruits, berries and vegetables and in the past year losses in these products, because of the limited sugar available have been estimated at several millions of doilars; and Whereas the absence of sugar for canning purposes has caused thousands of tons of fruit to spoil, thereby depriving American families of a much needed food, and has caused hardships and financial losses in many farming and canning communities; and Whereas labor in the food-processing in- dustry has been without work because of the sugar shortage; and Whereas in 1946 the sugar under the direct control of the United States increased by more than one-half million tons and no por- tion of this increase was made available to the American people; Therefore be it Resolved by the senate (the house con- curring), That the Congress of the United States is respectfully requested to provide by law for an immediate decontrol of sugar for home consumption, and for industrial use; and be it further Resolved, That Congress is respectfully re- quested to remove all controls from the pro- duction, processing, distribution, rationing, sale, and importation of sugar without delay; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be transmitted to the President of the United States, to the President of the United States Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Congress and to the Iowa Members of the United States Senate and the Iowa Members of the House of Repre- sentatives of Congress. A359 A National Public Housing Program From the Standpoint of the Needs of the Cities EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER A. LYNCH Or NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. LYNCH. Mr. Speaker, under the unanimous consent granted me to extend my remarks, I am including herein an address on housing by the Honorable William O'Dwyer, mayor of the city of New York, which was read at the annual meeting of the United States conference of mayors in Washington, D. C., on Jan- uary 20 last. 3 Mayor O'Dwyer was detained in New York by reason of most pressing city business, his address was read by Hon Edmond B. Butler, chair- man of the New York City Housing Au- thority. I might add that Mr. Butler is one of the outstanding experts in the country on public housing. The address of Mayor O’Dwyer fol- lows: Every city in this country is confronted with a housing shortage so serious that it jeopardizes the health and family life of our citizens. ‘Chose hardest hit are veterans and their families. In such a situation it becomes our duty as chief executives of cities to plan a course of action and take the steps necessary to solve the problem. You will agree with me, I am sure, that we have had enough explanations, excuses, and historical reasons for the crisis which confronts us. It avails us little to blame the war, the low rate of construction before the war, the lack of proper planning to avoid deterioration and decay of entire neighbor- hoods, the low incomes of families which fail to attract profitable building enterprises, the difficulties in the building industry, or a dozen other things. What matters is that there is a job to be done now. In December 1945, before I took office, I appointed an emergency committee on hous- ing, representative of all interests in the city, to survey the entire situation and to recom- mend a course of action. At the same time, the New York City Housing Authority, which has to do with the public housing program and is also necessarily concerned with the over-all housing picture, made a study of total housing needs from the point of view of both the actual shortage and what rentals families could afford to pay. A few figures for New York City will be interesting because they probably illustrate the situation in all cities. We have an abso- lute shortage of at least 150,000 apartments. This means that 150,000 families, or about 500,000 persons, are living under the crudest and most difficult conditions—with children in boarding houses without cooking facili- ties, doubled up and crowded in with other families, and even scattered so that the mother and children reside in one place and the father in another. While this is a stag- gering figure, it does not reflect the total needs of the community. In addition to the 160,000 families, almost all of whom are those of veterans who can find no homes of their own, there are about 600,000 families, many of whom are also those of veterans, now living in slums and obsolete buildings. In New York City, therefore, we have a total need for 750,000 new apartments !f we are to satisfy the existing absolute shortage and meet our replacement problem. Our
A360 first concern, of course, is to provide decent homes for veterans and other families who are now living under makeshift arrange- ments. But in considering the housing needs of our cities, we cannot ignore the terrible problem of replacement and rehabilitation of our deteriorated areas which affect the general welfare of our citizens and the finan- cial stability of our governments. A program of this extent requires the utilization of all our resources, private and public. Private enterprise can and must be permitted to do the major portion of this job. In New York City we have given and will continue to give private enterprise every inducement and encouragement to build. We have assisted insurance companies and banks to undertake large-scale housing de- velopments, now in the course of construc- tion, by condemnation proceedings, closing of streets, replanning the neighborhoods of the projects, and by some tax exemption. It 1s evident, however, that private enter- prise has not in the past been able to pro- vide for the entire range of housing needs in the community, nor is there any reason- able prospect of its being able to do so. Only that portion of the job which cannot be done privately must be undertaken di- rectly by government. This portion will vary in different cities. Even if we assume that private enterprise can and will under- take to build for three-fourths of the total need, in New York City there would still remain a governmental responsibility for about 200,000 apartments. This portion of the job alone is of such magnitude that it requires an active partnership of the Fed- eral, State, and local governments. In New York we have such a partnership, which has produced significant results over the years. I hope this partnership will continue on an expanded scale because the greater portion of the task by far is still ahead of us. In the first decade of public housing in New York City we have provided apartments for more than 17,000 families or for approxi- mately 60,000 people. This was achieved mainly with the aid of the Federal Govern- ment under the United States Housing Act of 1937. Unfortunately, for all practical pur- poses, our cities can no longer look to this act for further assistance because funds have been exhausted. In 1939 the people of the State of New York authorized 300,000,000 for loans to munici- palities for public housing. Of this amount, the sum of $240,000,000 was allocated to New York City. The war stopped construction of most of this program. The New York City Housing Authority, however, continued with preparation of architectural plans and speci- fications, the acquisition and clearance of sites, and. in other respects, put itself in a Position to commence construction as soon as conditions would permit. As a result, one project is fully occupied with 3,500 families; five additional projects for 6,735 families are actually under construction; and of the eight remaining projects for 11,660 families, four are about to go into construction and four are in the site-clearance stage. Unfortu- nately, our second partner, the State, has also run out of housing funds appropriated to date. Of the $240.000,000 allocated to the city, $125,000,000 have actually been spent or obligated to contractors. The remaining $115.000,000 is barely sufficient to complete these projects for which plans have been drawn and sites acquired. I said before that the city government should be a partner in this undertaking. In contributing tax exemption and other forms of assistance to public housing, cities have assumed financial obligations. When-~- ever possible, cities should go beyond that and actually finance public housing inde- pendently of Federal and State aid. In New York City we have done just that. By guar- anteeing bonds of the Housing Authority and by agreeing to pay annual cash subsl- dies, New York City has made possible five projects for 2,633 families. It is a sad commentary on this Nation's ability to overcome great obstacles that we have been able barely to scratch the surface in housing. In New York City, where more permanent public housing has been under- taken than in any other community in the country, only 38,000 apartments have been provided over the years with 200,000 apart- ments still remaining to be provided in low- rent public housing. And the housing ap- propriations of all the partners in the enter- prise are exhausted. A similar unfilled need for public housing and lack of funds to meet that need must exist in all cities. In plain language, to solve this housing crisis within the reasonably near future, our cities need substantial sums of money now. The public housing requirements are of such magnitude that the Federal Government must continue as a major partner in this enterprise. To make this possible, the Wag- ner-Ellender-Taft bill was introduced in the last Congress. 1 gave it my full support, and I hope all of you did, even though the measure provided for only a small portion of the need. For example, with the appro- priation contained in that bill, New York City would, at the present time, be able to build a total of 20,000 apartments over a 4-year period. At this rate, if the Federal Government were the only source of funds, it would take 40 years to fill the present minimum needs for low-rent subsidized pub- lic housing in New York City. When the Federal housing bill is reintroduced, we must all support it energetically. We must con- vince Congress that it is essential for the welfare of our country. Some may consider it more expedient to divide the bill into several measures for the purpose of gaining speedier consideration for public housing. Whatever the form, if the bill permits a re- sumption of the public housing program, we must press for speedy enactment. There are other important elements in the general housing bill, particularly those ‘vyhich would encourage the construction of rental housing by private enterprise, which should receive serious consideration by Congress. These, too, must receive our full support. As mayors, we should also look to our States as full partners in this program to the extent that financial resources of the States permit. In New York I am urging a continuation of State ald by means of an ad- ditional $300,000,000 for loans to the munic- ipalities, together with the corresponding subsidies to make low rents possible. As mayors, we do not have to be reminded of the financial plight of our cities and of the strict limitations upon our powers. Munic- ipalities are in the least favorable position to assume added obligations for public hous- ing. Nevertheless, it is our duty to continue to explore every means by which cities may contribute toward the solution of the over- all problem. This threefold plan of action which I have discussed relates to the immediate urgent need for low-rent public housing. There are, in addition, a few pieces of unfinished busi- ness which are of an emergency nature and which should receive the prompt attention of Congress. There are many permanent low- rent projects in the Federal program through- out the country, the construction of which was interrupted by the war. In the mean- time, costs have risen to a point which makes it impossible to complete these projects un- der the limitations of the United States Hous- ing Act of 1937. Under no circumstances should the development of this group of projects be further impeded. It may be necessary to ask Congress to enact a special measure quickly to permit their completion, In any event, the new public housing bill should be sufficiently flexible with regard to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cost-limit formulas so as to avoid the same difficulties in the new program. The other piece of unfinished business re- lates to the temporary housing program for veterana which Congress authorized last year. No doubt many of you have had the game experience as we in New York have had when the Federal Government found it- self short of funds to complete the pro- gram which had been started. As a result, we found ourselves in a very awkward situa- tion, since a definite number of homes was promised to veterans. In many cases, as in New York City, sites had already been ac- quired and improved with the necessary utilities. Temporary housing is admittedly @ makeshift and falls short of the type of housing which the veteran deserves. Never- theless, the job which has been started must be finished. There is dire need for these emergency quarters. Our cities cannot af- ford to assume the contractual commit- ments of the Federal Government in order to complete the temporary housing program. Nevertheless, New York City is advancing $3,600,000 to the Federal Government to prevent a stoppage or a reduction in the temporary housing program in New York. Congress should give immediate considera- tion to a deficiency appropriation for tem- porary housing, and those cities which have advanced the funds necessary to avoid a stoppage or curtailment of the program should be reimbursed. The temporary housing program is evidence of our failure to meet the needs of our com- munities, and particularly of our veterans, for permanent housing. Using the same in- genuity which enabled us to win the war will enable us to solve the housing prob- lem, the number 1 problem of our Natton. The joint efforts of private enterprise and Government in the execution of a well- thought-out program will provide all our citizens with decent homes. Rev. Daniel W. Driscoll, 0. S. A. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ConcrEs- SIONAL RecorD, I include the following special article published in the Pilot, official news organ of the archdiocese of Boston, under date of Saturday, Janu- ary 11, 1947. It pays deserved tribute to the Rev. Daniel W. Driscoll, O. 8. A., pastor of St. Mary’s Church, Lawrence, Mass., which is the largest church in New Eng- land. This beloved shepherd, who was business manager of Villanova College for 13 years, has brought to his present responsible assignment a keen interest in the mental as well as spiritual devel- opment of his parishioners. As a builder of character, he is making a noteworthy contribution to the life of his community. He is helping to make better men and women who will enrich our American way of life. I believe that we owe to this modest spiritual leader, and to all men of God, some ap- preciation of the fine work they are doing.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD As the Pilot expresses it: MEET Your PAsToR (By Bill McMorrow) From the pages of Archbishop Cushing's “Vocation Guide to Religious life—Arch- diocese of Boston,” we learn that the Augus- tine Fathers are today serving as parish priests, as teachers, preachers, missionaries, research men in the field of letters and science, scholars, and writers, and today’s presentation might very well be captioned “Welcome,” for in telling the brief story of Rev. Daniel W. Driscoll, O. 8. A., pastor of 8t. Mary's, in Lawrence, we introduce for the first time in this section of the Pilot a mem- ber of the Augustinian Order. Of far great- er importance to Father Driscoll, however, is the fact that St. Mary’s is an Augustinian parish, located in the great manufacturing city of Lawrence, which down through the years has always been served by this order, and as he himself puts it “* * * its pastor is just another Augustinian.” Born in Lawrence, November 18, 1886, Father Driscoll moved to North Andover at an early age, and was educated in the public schools there and Johnson High School. A graduate of Villanova College, class of 1906, he was ordained to the priesthood in 1915, and served as business manager of Villanova for some 13 years. Later he served as curate in St. Rita’s parish, Chicago, and St. Mat- thew’s in Flint, Mich., and in 1937 he went to St. Augustine's in Philadelphia, one of the four oldest churches in America, the one burned during the “Know Nothing” uprising, and oddly enough, a church to which George Washington had contributed a sum of money when it was erected. Following his stay in Philadelphia, he came to Lawrence and 8t, Augustine's on Tower Hill, known to resi- dents of the district as “the chapel on the hill,” following which he came to St. Mary's as pastor in 1941, In tracing the assign- ments of Father Driscoll it is noteworthy that he has served in the oldest (St. Augustine's, Philadelphia), the newest (St. Augustine’s on Tower Hill, Lawrence), and the largest (St. Mary's) churches in the province. UNIQUE HISTORY “Bt. Mary's Church, founded in the year 1849 by Rev. James O’Donnell, has many unusual highlights attached to its history,” Father Driscoll pointed out. It is such a large parish, with three other mission churches, one of which, the Immaculate Conception, seats in the upper church alone over 1,200, that the assistants are appointed by the pastor to the different missions and districts, and each assistant is, as it were, another pastor in his own district. They are also given charge of the different socie- ties, which gives the pastor more time to look after the many details pertaining to the school system, repairs, construction, and the cemeteries. LARGE AUDITORIUM The first church was built in 1849 on the north side of Haverhill Street and is used today for a grade school. It has the largest auditorium in the city and is often rented for the outstanding large city social func- tions. Many notable church dignitaries and Government officials have been seen there, including President Truman in November 1944. The present church was built in 1870 by Father Edge, O. 8. A. It is of beautiful stone construction, which never seems to lose its light color or grow old. It is the largest church in New England and may well be called a cathedral, comparing favorably with the Holy Cross Cathedral in Boston. With no lower church, it seats about 2,200 com- fortably and ts 80 feet from ceiling to floor. Its gothic architectural lines are so -perfect that its enormous size is not perceptible; yet a stranger in Lawrence, viewing the skyline for the first time, couldn’t miss its towering spire, a landmark for many miles. Assisting Father Driscoll in the work of this busy parish are Rev. Charles F. Hart, O. 8. A., subprior; Rev. Daniel J. O'Mahoney, O. 8. A., Father Driscoll’s former pastor, and at 91 years of age perhaps the oldest priest in our diocese today; Rev. William P. Kelly, O. 8. A. Rev. Hugh P, O'Neill, O. 8. A; Rev. William Donovan, O, 8. A.; Rev. John R. Brennan, O. 8. A.; Rev. John V. Keegan, O. 8. A.; Rev. Joseph T. Conroy, O. 8. A; Rev. Edward J. Carney, O. 8. A.; Rev. Thomas Rogers, O. 8S. A.; Rev, John J. Lamond, Oo. 8. A.; and Rev. James J, McCueker, O. 8. A. A recent census revealed 2,341 families and 7,745 souls in the parish, and, a8 one would imagine, activities of a spiritual and social nature are many and varied. The St. Mary's Holy Name Society, Holy Family Sodality, Sacred Heart Sodality, Legion of Mary, Blessed Virgin Sodality, St. Vincent de Paul Society, Alumnae Association, CYO, and Boy Scouts, Troop No, 21, as well as St. Rita’s Junior Guild and St. Rita’s Sentor Guild are but a few of the leaders, each a firm booster of the parish and a source of considerable satisfaction to both Father Driscoll and his assistants. Four parish schools comprise the educa- tional system here—St. Mary's Grammar School, for boys and, for girls St. Rita’s Gram- mar School, and St. Mary's High School for girls. With 674 boys and 697 girls in the grammar schools and 298 high-school girls enrolled, totaling 1,669 pupils served here, it’s small wonder 8t. Mary’s school system ig looked upon as “tops” in this section of New England, and, of course, the records of the graduates more than attest the value of the personal attention given the pupils by the 36 Sisters of Notre Dame, 4 Sisters of 8t, Dominic, 9 Xaverian Brothers, and 2 lay teachers who handle this large assignment for Father Driscoll. PARISH CALENDAR For the past 50 years Our Parish Calendar, & monthly publication, has been issued at St, Mary’s and is currently edited by Father O'Neill, in tiptop style, with a multitude of interesting articles, pictures, and data im- portant to every parishioner. 8t. Mary’s Cemetery and Immaculate Con- ception Cemetery both come under the di- rection of Father Driscoll and his assistants, and represent just one more interesting as- signment taken in stride at busy St. Mary’s Rectory. In addition to Immaculate Conception parish, other missions of St. Mary’s in Law- rence are Saints Peter and Paul Church and Assumption B, V. M. Church. Located within the parish lines are the national Churches of St. Joseph's, St. Anthony's, St. Anne’s, and St. Francis’, a truly Catholic community in every sense of the meaning. At the mo- ment Father Driscoll is completely wrapped up in the renovations of St. Mary's, and the beautiful stained-glass windows are most certainly outstanding. The work of Terrace O'Duggan, of Boston, they represent simplic- ity and beauty rolled into one—and little doubt exists that they have no peer else- where in our great diocese. The renovation and construction work is something of a hobby with Father Driscoll, for his dad was a well-known contractor in Lawrence, and the building game is nothing new to the pastor, who learned it as a youngster, the hard way. Soft spoken and mild mannered, Father Driscoll fs a man’s man—every bit, loved by all in the community, and his soft spot seems to be in his fondness for the children. As your reporter took leave of his visit with Father Driscoll, he was given one of the beautiful spiritual bouquet cards distrib- uted to the children for Mother's Day, each year. And the last verse of the beautiful poem seems to express the thoughts of Father Driscoll to perfection: “And so on earth on this her day, Close by sweet Mary's shrine Where mother taught us first to pray, Mary—we link her name with thine.” A36l Statement of Policy Adopted by the Meet- ing of Midwest Chairmen of 12 States Held at the Stevens Hotel, Chicago, III., January 18, 1947 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL M. LeCOMPTE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. LECOMPTE. Mr. Speaker, at a meeting of the Midwest Republican chairmen held in Chicago on January 18 a set of resolutions was adopted which is worthy of consideration by the Congress. Under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorD, I include therein the statement of policy adopted by the meeting and the resolution also adopted at that time. We recognize the fact that the people have entrusted to the Republican Party the re- sponsibility for sound legislation. Therefore we recommend the following as some of the important objectives: Any labor legislation passed by Congress must be based on the fundamental principle that it will protect the rights of labor—mean- ing by labor—the men and women who work. If new legislation is fair, industry will again operate freely to the benefit of all. Drastic reduction of governmental expenses must be made now. This will include the abolition of all unnecessary bureaus and personnel. Income taxes must be cut, and these cuts must be applicable on the incomes of all citi- gens. Governmental legislation must be passed which will reverse the present trend of forc- ing small businesses into mergers. A broad base of small business is fundamental to healthy commerce. The country must go back to operation un- der specific laws tnstead of the present con- trol by Federal commission ground rules and interpretation of laws. Every citizen of this country is now regulated by what bureaucrats and courts choose to designate as their inter- pretation of congressional acts. RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY MEETING OF REPUBLICAN MIDWEST CHAIRMEN, STEVENS HOTEL, CHI- CAGO, ILL., JANUARY 18, 1947 Resolved, That inasmuch as the birth and the rebirth of the Republican Party came from the great Midwest, we believe that the welfare of this Nation can well be entrusted to a Republican President who is symbolic of the ideals and heritage of the Middle West. Address by Hon. Elmer Thomas, of Oklahoma, at Senater Overton Appre- ciation Dinner EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ELMER THOMAS OF OKLAHOMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 31, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of Oklahoma. Mr. President, I ask permission to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address by me delivered at the Sen- ator Overton appreciation dinner, held at the Roosevelt Hotel, New Orleans, November 14, 1946.
A362 There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mr. Chairman, Senator Overton, distin- guished guests, and ladies and gentlemen of New Orleans and the State of Louisiana, a most pleasant task has been assigned to me tonight. It is not often that we have the oppor- tunity of saying just what we think of a fellow Senator. I am glad to be in this great international city of New Orleans. I am glad to be in this great Democratic State of Louisiana. Democratic States are not as plentiful now as they were a few days ago; however, I am glad to report that my State of Oklahoma is still in that select group known as the solid South. : Again I am especially delighted to attend this appreciation dinner in honor of my friend and your distinguished senior Senator, the Honorable JoHN H, OVERTON, Tonight I am dotng for him what I am sure he would do for me if a like occasion pre- sented itself. There is this difference between Senator Overton and myself: In undertaking to pay him a well-deserved tribute I am able to rely on positive facts and his record of ac- complishments, while if he were in my State, under similar circumstances, he would have to draw rather heavily upon his imagination. In passing, let me say that Louisiana is well and ably represented in the Senate of the United States. Your junior Senator, ALLEN J. ELLENDER, is an able, hard-working, and an outstand- ing Member of the upper House of the American Congress. Here in the South you have learned some- thing that has not yet dawned upon some States in the North. You select able, energetic, and patriotic men and send them to Congress and then you keep them there until they know their way around. It is due to this policy that the South wields such a dominant influence in the law- making branch of our National Government. When the new Senate convenes in January I will note only three Senators who were there when I moved over from the House on March 4, 1927. Those Senators are KENNETH MCKELLaR, of Tennessee; ARTHUR CaPPER, of Kansas; and Water F. Groraz, of Georgia. Senator Overron arrived in the Senate on March 4, 1933, and when he returns on Jan- uary 3 he will find only 13 Members older in the service than himself. In my time I have seen many Senators come and many Senators go, but no Senator has come to Washington during the past quarter of a century who has made good to a Greater degree than has your own distin- guished Senator JoHN H. OverTON. For one reason or another, some 22 Sena- tors will have successors ir. the new Congress soon to convene. Of these 22 new faces only 5 will be Dem- ocrats; hence the balance of power, from a voting standpoint, will shift from the South t. the North. This change in the political line-up—seri- ous as it may be to some sections and to some groups of our people—will not greatly affect Louisiana and the South. The reasons for this statement are obvi- ous: The long tenure of merhbership, the high- ranking places on important committees and the ability and energy of your Senators and Congressmen, are positive guaranties that in the future, as in the past, the interests of New Orleans, Louisiana, and the South will neither be overlooked nor neglected. After a distinguished and successful ca- reer at the bar, Senator Overron first came to the National Capital as a Congressman from the Eighth Louisiana District, In 1932 he was elected to the United States Senate, where he is now an outstanding Member. As an evidence of fidelity and loyalty to his State and to the South, Senator OvErRTon se- lected committee assignments where he could render the greatest possible degree of serv- ice to his people, to his State, and to the Nation. Louisiana and the South, among other things, are interested in navigation, river- and-harbor tmprovement, and flood cntrol, Senator Overton secured assignments to the Committee on Commerce, where, as rank- ing member, he has been able to shape and control the policy for such improvements and developments. However, policies alone will not make riv- ers navigable, will not improve harbors, and will not either curb or control floods. Planning, even with congressional approv- al, will not by itself secure the ends desired. It takes money—appropriations—to pay for straightening the rivers, deepening the channels, building the harbors, and con- atructing the levees, dams, and reservoirs to control the floodwaters that habitually fall upon the North and descend upon the South. In order to protect his State and the South, Senator Overron secured assignment to the Committee on Appropriations, where the money !s allocated and appropriated. Money for river and harbor improvement and flood control is handled by the Senate Subcommittee on War Department Appropri- ations and Senator Overton is a high-rank- ing member of this committee. The only limit to the amount of money ap- propriated for the development and improve- ment of Louistana has been the timid con- science of your senior Senator, JoHN H. OVERTON. Your senior Senator is chairman of the subcommittee handling money for the Navy Department and, being a member of this committee myself, I have personal knowl- edge of the painstaking interest which he took in seeing that the Navy was not neg- lected during the recent war. The success of our Navy in World War II was made possible, first, by the plans made by your junior Senator, ALLEN J, ELLENDER, as a member of the Naval Affairs Legislative Committee and, second, by your senior Sen- ator, JoHN H. Overton, as chairman of the Navy Appropriations Committee. In addition to these all-important com- mittee assignments, Senator OveRTON is a high-ranking member of the Committee on Irrigation and Reclamation and is chairman of the Committee on Manufactures. On each committee he wields a dominating influence. Like your State of Louisiana, my State of Oklahoma has to deal with the floodwaters coming down from western Texas, New Mex- ico, Colorado, and Kansas, The Arkansas River and it tributaries cover Oklahoma and the adjacent States like 8 gigantic fan. The recent Congress approved an am- bitious plan for the control of floods, the development of hydroelectric power, and even navigation on this turbulent Arkansas River and now, here in his presence, in his home State, I give full credit to your distinguished senior Senator for making this proposed dee velopment possible, To the extent that we can control floods on the Arkansas River, your damage will be less, and to the extent that we develop navi- gation, your trade and commerce will be increased and expanded. Because of our success in World War I, because of our accomplishments in World APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD War II, and as the result of our energy, ability, and leadership, the United States is today the strongest, the richest, and the most influential Nation of the earth. The present status of our country has not come about by chance. The phenomenal program of preparedness in the recent war, while too long delayed, was not just a “happen so.” The success of our Army and Navy upon the land, upon water, and in the air was the result, first, of careful planning; second, of ample legislation and appropriations; third. of the will to win of the people on the farms and in the factories and, last but not least the ability, courage, and heroism of the millions of our brave boys fighting to protect our homes, our institutions, and the demo- cratic principles upon which this Republic was founded, During his service in the Congress, Senator OverTON has played his full part in solving the domestic, national, and world problems which came before our people and the Con- gress for consideration and adjustment. Our national .tood-control program ts a monument to the foresight and statesman- ship of Senator OvrrTon, His great experience, his great ability, his unbounded energy, and his unlimited enthu- siasm have been in no sense limited to the problems of either his State or the South. The proper place of the United States among the nations of the world has had his serious consideration and action. His wise decisions and his eloquent voice have helped to save the United States and to place our country upon the lofty plane of unselfish leadership where we find ourselves today. The recent war has developed and is bring- ing forth a new world program and a new era in international and world affairs, Nations will either conform to the new con- cept of national morality or they wil’ surely Perish and disappear from the earth. Your senior Senator, JouHn H. Overton, Played his full part in preparing for that war, in conducting the conflict, and in the pro- gram of reconversion back to peace that is in Process of accomplishment tonight. Sanators are elected by the States, but when elected, in addition to representing their States, they become Senators of the entire United States, In conclusion, from what I know of your fine citizenship, your many and diversified interests, your cities and towns, and your vast agricultural areas, I am glad to testify that JOHN H. Overton is what I consider a perfect representative of your people, your State, and of our beloved Nation in the Senate of the United States, The Closed Shop EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN SHERMAN COOPER OF KENTUCKY IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 31, 1947 Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be re- printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp the text of a newspaper debate on the subject of the closed shop between our colleague the senior Senator from Wis- consin [Mr. Witey] and Mr. Frank P, Fenton, of the American Federation of r.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There being no objection, the matter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Waxr UP, AMERICA BHOULD THE CLOSED SHOP BE OUTLAWED? (As debated by Prank P. Fenton, director of organization, American Federation of La- bor, and Hon, ALgxanDexz Wiizy, United States Senator from Wisconsin, chairman, Senate Committee on the Judiciary) Mr. Fenton opens: “The terminology ‘closed shop’ was coined by antiunion employers be- cause of antipathy American people have for anything closed and with the specious plea that the ‘open shop’ affords opportunity for freedom. The open shop is a closed shop to union men. The proper designation of the closed shop should be the union shop open to all qualified workmen. Propagandized individuals might conclude that the closed shop tnvades tndividual rights. Groupe leading the clamor to destroy the union shop aren't affected. Hidden advocates are anti- union employers, or agents acting for them in Congress and through State legislatures, Associated Parmers, Christian American As- sociation, and other propaganda channels to deprive labor of benefits won after 100 years of struggle. We employ no underhanded methods in furthering the union-shop prin- ciple. We offer these reasons: (1) It affords job security and protection against employ- ers’ arbitrary discrimination in discharging, promoting or demoting, or favoring the non- union worker over the wnion worker. (2) Equality of contract begins where there is equality of bargaining power. (3) Protection of working standards by preventing cut- throat wage competition by nonunion em- ployees or employers. (4) Equality of sac- rifice by assuring to all good wages and work- ing conditions. (5) How can we exercise Giscipline to assure fulfillment of contractual relationship without union discipline? La- bor’s contribution to social and economic welfare represents a forward stride in buman relationships, compensating for its faults.” Senator Wry challenges: “The reasons for support of the closed shop fade before these facts: (1) Countless rank-and-file union members themselves have written to Con- gressmen, including myself, opposing the closed shop because it is an instrument of labor-boss dictatorship; why, then, smear all opponents of the closed shop as antilabor? (2) The law prohibits employer discrimina- tion against union members whether or not 8 closed shop prevails; why, then, is it neces- sary? (8) Closed shops have not prevented wildcat strikes by some undisciplined con- tract-breaking workers. (4) Labor can make still greater contributions to the public wel- fare if it is freed from the monopolistic shackles of the closed shop.” Mr, Penton replies: “(1) In an attempt to refute the record of votes cast by a majority of workers, Senator Wier relies on ‘count- less’ letters of union men, The union shop can only be established by choice of a ma- jority of workers. (2) The Wagner Act con- tains special provision to legalize the union shop by collective bargaining. (3) Phe record shows fewest strikes where the union shop exists, Would the Senator destroy an insti- tution that has matertally reduced strikes? (4) Labor can only fulfill its responsibilities to the public where it has commensurate authority. What will protect the individual worker in collective bargaining and social legislation except the union shop?” Senator Wier opens: “The most recent Nation-wide public opinion poll shows that 78 percent of nonunion workers believe the closed union shop is an example of bad Americanism. Fifty-five percent of union members also believe the closed union shop is bad Americanism. I share their convictions because: (1) The closed shop is a violation of the individual freedom of the American worker, It works this way. A closed shop contract is signed, requiring an employer to consider union membership as a condition of employment. This employer will thereafter be required to fire a man simply because the man does not maintain his membership in @ union or is expelled from the union. Thus. the employee can lose his very livelihood be- cause of the contract provision. (2) The closed shop is undemocratic. Why cannot employees be democratically persuaded to join or not to join unions rather than be compelled to do s0? (3) It gives a handful of union leaders the right to monopolize the supply of labor in a given industry, since they can refuse membership to workers who want to get into the industry. (4) The closed shop is no longer required as an element of pro- tection of unions as in the days when unions were just getting on their feet. (5) It gives labor Jeaders a virtual dictatorship over em- ployees because the leaders’ ability to expel them means their automatic loss of employ- ment.” Mr. Fenton challenges: ‘Few persons seek public opinion polls as a basis for important policies. They seek facts in historical rec- ords. Union shop agreements will increase due to 43,000 unfair labor practice charges brought before the National Labor Relations Board. Vocational organizations fix qualifi- cations for mem'yers to maintain discipline and standards 01 service in fulfilling con- tracts. Does Senator Wiisy believe those who don't qualify lose their freedom or live- lthood? The individual has his choice (1) as a union member to participate in un agreement protecting his social and eco- nomic interests; (2) as a nonunion worker to work under arbitrary rules dominated by the employer. This is answered by 8,000,000 workers who voted for industrial freedom under the Wagrer Act.” Senator Wizey replies: “As one who has been a laboring man himself, as well as a businessman and farmer, I believe in every American's constitutional right to freedom of work. The standards set by purely volun- tary professional organizations cannot be compxred to those established by monopolis- tic union= with a closed shop agreement wherein membership is compulsory and men can lose their livelihoods because of their independence. I believe ir unions and in collective bargaining. But I am opposed to labor dictatorship as much as I am opposed to any other type of dictatorship, and so are the American people.” National Representation for the District of Columbia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ARTHUR CAPPER OF KANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, January 31, 1947 Mr. CAPPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp an able statement in support of national repre- sentation for the District of Columbia, written by Jesse C. Suter, of the Evening Star editorial staff, and printed in that newspaper on January 26. A363 There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Crvrc PROBLEMS, Civic Boplrs—Our PENDING CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT (By Jesse C. Suter) DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA NATIONAL REPRESENTA- TION--WHAT IT 18 AND WHAT IT I8 NOT Senate Joint Resolution 6, introduced on January 6 by Senator CaPprer, proposes an amendment to the Constitution empower- ing Congress to grant representation in the Congress and electoral college to the people of the District of Columbia. The resolution was referred to the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, of which Scnator ALEXANDER WILEY, of Wisconsin, is chairman, and was con- sidered informally in an executive session of that committee last Monday. Because of the importance of this matter, the fact that the question of national repre- sentation has been before Congress for so many years and the voluminous records of hearings available, further consideration of the matter was deferred so as to give new members of the committee an opportunity to become familiar with the record. There appears to be confusion in the minds of some Senators as to this movement for national representation being in some way involved with efforts for local self-govern- ment and the idea that the measure has only local significance. Some also believe that there exist numerous factions representing widely divergent views on the question. For many years there has been u far greater unanimity of organization support of national representation than of any other legislation affecting the District. This has been shown by petitions to Congress and alsu by vote in the unofficial plebiscites of 1938 and 1946. In the first of these, 92 percent of the vote cast favored and 8 percent opposed granting the right of representation in the Congress and in the electoral college. The recent plebiscite held on election day 1946 showed 85 percent voted for and 15 percent against such representation. The movement for national representation for the people of the District of Columbia is not now, and never has been, a movement for local self-government. The local issue is in no way involved, either directly or in- directly. Any local aspect is a mere and somewhat remote incident in the long struggle of these voteless and unrepresented people for repre- sentation. When granted that right, they would then have only the same fractional participation in the control of the seat of Government by the Congress, through their elected Senators and Representatives in that body, as possessed by the people of the 48 States. What these District people are after is their fundamental right as American citizens to have a potent participation in the Govern- ment of their country. They have the same interests at stake in the legislation and ad- ministration of the Government of the United States as every citizen of the 48 States. They are all subject to the same laws, pay the same taxes, and serve the country in every way precisely as if they were the citizens of a State. District peo- ple are required to fight, bleed, and die just the same as if they were the residents of a State. Among the 48 States, the District of Co- lumbia is on a basis of equality when it comes to obeying the Nation's laws and bear- ing its burdens, but is not on an equal foot- ing, or really on any footing at all, when it comes to possession of those basic principles of participation which express and vitalize American citizenship.