H. Res. 292 
In the House of Representatives, U. S., 
June 3, 2011. 
Resolved, 
SECTION 1. STATEMENTS OF POLICY. 
The House of Representatives makes the following state-
ments of policy: 
(1) The United States Armed Forces shall be used 
exclusively to defend and advance the national security 
interests of the United States. 
(2) The President has failed to provide Congress 
with a compelling rationale based upon United States 
national security interests for current United States 
military activities regarding Libya. 
(3) The President shall not deploy, establish, or 
maintain the presence of units and members of the 
United States Armed Forces on the ground in Libya un-
less the purpose of the presence is to rescue a member 
of the Armed Forces from imminent danger.
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SEC. 2. TRANSMITTAL OF EXECUTIVE BRANCH INFORMATION 
RELATING TO OPERATION ODYSSEY DAWN AND 
OPERATION UNIFIED PROTECTOR. 
The House of Representatives directs the Secretary of 
State, the Secretary of Defense, and the Attorney General, 
respectively, to transmit to the House of Representatives, not 
later than 14 days after the date of the adoption of this reso-
lution, copies of any official document, record, memo, cor-
respondence, or other communication in the possession of 
each officer that was created on or after February 15, 2011, 
and refers or relates to— 
(1) consultation or communication with Congress 
regarding the employment or deployment of the United 
States Armed Forces for Operation Odyssey Dawn or 
NATO Operation Unified Protector; or 
(2) the War Powers Resolution and Operation Od-
yssey Dawn or Operation Unified Protector. 
SEC. 3. REPORT TO HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
(a) CONTENTS.—Not later than 14 days after the date 
of the adoption of this resolution, the President shall trans-
mit to the House of Representatives a report describing in 
detail United States security interests and objectives, and the 
activities of United States Armed Forces, in Libya since 
March 19, 2011, including a description of the following:
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(1) The President’s justification for not seeking au-
thorization by Congress for the use of military force in 
Libya. 
(2) United States political and military objectives 
regarding Libya, including the relationship between the 
intended objectives and the operational means being em-
ployed to achieve them. 
(3) Changes in United States political and military 
objectives following the assumption of command by the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). 
(4) Differences between United States political and 
military objectives regarding Libya and those of other 
NATO member states engaged in military activities. 
(5) The specific commitments by the United States 
to ongoing NATO activities regarding Libya. 
(6) The anticipated scope and duration of continued 
United States military involvement in support of NATO 
activities regarding Libya. 
(7) The costs of United States military, political, 
and humanitarian efforts concerning Libya as of June 3, 
2011. 
(8) The total projected costs of United States mili-
tary, political, and humanitarian efforts concerning 
Libya.
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(9) The impact on United States activities in Iraq 
and Afghanistan. 
(10) The role of the United States in the establish-
ment of a political structure to succeed the current Liby-
an regime. 
(11) An assessment of the current military capacity 
of opposition forces in Libya. 
(12) An assessment of the ability of opposition 
forces in Libya to establish effective military and polit-
ical control of Libya and a practicable timetable for ac-
complishing these objectives. 
(13) An assessment of the consequences of a ces-
sation of United States military activities on the viability 
of continued NATO operations regarding Libya and on 
the continued viability of groups opposing the Libyan re-
gime. 
(14) The composition and political agenda of the 
Interim Transitional National Council (ITNC) and its 
representation of the views of the Libyan people as a 
whole. 
(15) The criteria to be used to determine United 
States recognition of the ITNC as the representative of 
the Libyan people, including the role of current and 
former members of the existing regime.
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(16) Financial resources currently available to oppo-
sition groups and United States plans to facilitate their 
access to seized assets of the Libyan regime and pro-
ceeds from the sale of Libyan petroleum. 
(17) The relationship between the ITNC and the 
Muslim Brotherhood, the members of the Libyan Islamic 
Fighting Group, al-Qaeda, Hezbollah, and any other 
group that has promoted an agenda that would nega-
tively impact United States interests. 
(18) Weapons acquired for use, and operations initi-
ated, in Libya by the Muslim Brotherhood, the members 
of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, al-Qaeda, 
Hezbollah, and any other group that has promoted an 
agenda that would negatively impact United States in-
terests. 
(19) The status of the 20,000 MANPADS cited by 
the Commander of the U.S. Africa Command, as well as 
Libya’s SCUD–Bs and chemical munitions, including 
mustard gas. 
(20) Material, communication, coordination, financ-
ing and other forms of support between and among al- 
Qaeda operatives, its affiliates, and supporters in 
Yemen, the Horn of Africa, and North Africa.