APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD orD, I include the following article by Capt. Miles P. DuVal, United States Navy Department, Washington, D. C.,, formerly captain of port, Balboa, C. Z., March 1941 to June 1944: THE MARINE OPERATING PROBLEMS, PANAMA CANAL, AND THE SOLUTION (By Miles P. DuVal, Esq.) ‘ SYNOPSIS Reconstruction of the Panama Canal to facilitate its operation and to increase its capacity is imperative. The present design is a high-level waterway, 85 feet above sea level. An improvement near the Pacific end of the Canal to provide a high-level terminal lake analogous to Gatun Lake on the At- lantic side is discussed in this paper. The need for the change is explained, based on marine operating and safety con- siderations. The solution proposed is the physical removal of Pedro Miguel locks, the construction of all Pacific locks in continu- ous lifts near Miraflores, the elevation of the Miraflores dams, and the creation of a high- level anchorage north of Miraflores. Navi- gational rather than engineering features are stressed. This paper was originally presented before a meeting of the Panama seCtion of the society on May 20, 1943. The opinions and recommendations are purely personal, and have no official connotation. PRESENT CANAL OPERATING PLAN Any mariner’s first transit of the Panama Canal is always a memorable experience. Although he may know only a little of the history of this great waterway, he is always deeply impressed by the magnitude of the Canal and the quiet efficiency of its operation. His ship passes through the Atlantic (Caribbean) sca level scction and enters the three-lift Gatun locks. The ship is locked up to the summit level in one continuous operation, After traversing Gatun Lake, it enters the tortuous and rocky artificlal gorge known as Gaillard (formerly Culebra) cut. At the south end of this cut the vessel enters the single-lift Pedro Miguel locks and is locked down to the interme- diate-level Miraflores Lake. It then enters & second set of locks at Miraflores and is locked down in two steps to the Pacific sea level. Many shipmasters observe the Canal and the lock arrangements closely. Instinctively they note that only one lock structure was placed on the Atlantic side, and they won- der why two scts of locks are needed on the Pacific side in what they feel is an improper marine arrangement. They would prefer one structure on the Pacific as at Gatun to avoid (1) slowing their vessels in a rocky gorge and (2) undertaking double handling. Masters generally do not know the long history of the Canal nor the great struggles involved in its building; so they are reminded that this idea of single-lock structures at the Pacific terminus is not new and that it was considered during construction but had to be discarded because it was claimed that suitable foundations were not available and because no other solution seemed possible. This explanation is accepted; and a transit is usually sufficient to impress masters with some of the marine problems affecting op- eration of the Canal. The principal marine problems are the traffic bottleneck at Pedro Miguel, lockage surges in Gaillard cut, fogs, currents, and the suction of banks or lock walls. Only after long service with the Canal and close observation do shipmasters comprehend fully the nature of the operational difficulties and hazards of this waterway. In addition to the inherent navigational problems of a restricted waterway, the physi- cal lay-out of the Canal for operation is not symmetrical. On the Atlantic side there is @ capacious summit level anchorage in Gatun Lake where vessels bound in either direction can anchor safely until ready to proceed, Such favorable facilities do not exist on the Pacific side. The Pedro Miguel locks are lo- cated squarely at the south end of Gaillard cut, with no summit Ievel anchorage avail- able as in Gatun Lake. These locks scrve as a timing device that restricts the use of the cut to the capacity of the locks, and thus limit the capacity of the Canal, In spite of these inherent problems, the Canal has operated successfully but it has operated under difficulties. North-bound vessels enter the cut at lockage intervals and no faster. South-bound vessels cannot arrive more rapidly than the locks can be readied to receive them. Hence, the Canal has not been able to develop its maximum obtainable capacity. This condition can be illustrated by ex- amining a day's treffic in the Canal under the restricted conditions. Vessels start tran- sits on both sides of that Isthmus simulta- neously, arriving at Gatun locks and Mira- flores locks about 7 a.m. North-bound ves- scls are locked up to the summit level con- tinously until all north-bound traffic has passed Pedro Miguel locks. Then each pro- ceeds in succession at lockace intcrvals through the cut into Gatun Lake and thus to Gatun where it enters the locks or anchors to walt down lockage. South-bound vessels are locked up to Gatun Lake where they anchor at Gatun anchorage or wait under way until they are scheduled to cnter the cut. After the north-bound traffic clears Gaillard cut at Gamboa, the south-bound vessels spaced at lockage intervals enter the cut. Thus, Gatun anchorage supplies a stop- over station for both north-bound and south- bound vessels and permits flexible operation of Gatun locks At Pedro Miguel there is no comparable anchorage to enter. Vessels have to approach these locks in a relatively narrow and rocky passarte; they cannot an- chor for they would swing into the bank; they cannot slow too much because of the necessity of maintaining steerage way in a narrow, rocky gorge which in the dry season is subject to high winds in the daytime. Thus, vessels must be received as they arrive and they cannot arrive faster than they can be received. This situation creates immense ship-handling and traffic-control problems that cause delays and at time subject both the Canal and the transiting vessels to danger. For marine operations the location of the Pedro Miguel locks at the end of Gaillard cut constitutes the great traffic bottleneck of the Panama Canal. It was the fundamental ere ror in the design of the Canal. CANAL CAPACITY What is the capacity of the Panama Canal? Obviously, if the summit water supply is ample, it is the capacity of the locks. Be- cause of the bottleneck at Pedro Miguel locks, their capacity measures that of the Canal. Assuming that one side of the Pedro Miguel locks is in operation during biennial ovcer- hauls and that the lockage interval for single culvert operations is 534, minutes, the 24- hour capacity is 27 lockages. This figure has been accepted as the minimum capacity of the Panama Canal. A more complete picture of Canal capacity was presented in a study by the Locks Divi- sion of the Panama Canal in 1938 (table 1). Two methods of operating the Gatun locks are noted. In the one designated “normal” & vessel enters a lock after the vessel ahead has cleared the distant chamber; in the follow-up operation a vessel enters a lock chamber before the preceding vessel has cleared the last chamber. Thus the vessels are always separated by one lock. It should also be mentioned that the filling may be , accomplished by the use of either single or double culverts as shown in table 1, for each lock has two sets of culverts, Al1177 TABLE 1.—-Capacity of single locks, Panama Canal; based on study by Locks Division, 1938 Norma ifnter- vals (min,) Total 24-hour capacity Lock single | Doubte Single | Double culvert: culvert culvert | culvert Gatun 54 4n 26 35 01 7b 16 a] 53. 5 7.5 27 38 Miraflores. ._2..--..- €0 48.5 24 2 Thus, the lockage capacity of the Panama Canal is lowest during the overhaul of Mira- flores locks, with the rate of one lockage an hour, This capacity is based on unin- terrupted lockafes and disregards the effcct of certain other important fnctors to be discussed Inter. It represents the maximum Cxpacity of the Canal under the most re- strictive lock operating conditions—that 1s, during periods of one-side operation at Miraflores when under overhaul. EFFECT OF FOG Fog is one of the most frequent and serl- ous interruptions of traffic in the narrow reaches of the Canal. The channel between Pedro Miguel and Bohio ts subject to dense fog at frequent intervals, especially in the wet season. South of Pedro Mifuel and likewise north of Bohio fog scldom occurs. Both Guam and Miraflores locks can op- erate on a 24-hour basis under favoruble weather conditions because both Gatun an- chorage and Miraflores Lake are relatively fog free. Vessels can lock up from the At- lantic to the summit level and anchor safely at Gatun anchorage without interruption, day or night, and similarly at Miraflores Lake, In fog, vessels cannot enter Gaillard cut be- cause of the danger of striking the bank; but when Pedro Miguel locks are clear, north-bound vessels may lock up to the north approach wall of the locks to await the clearing of fog in the cut. After the north wall is filled to capacity, all north traffic must stop. Few persons not directly concerned with the control of traffic in the Panama Canal realize the frequency with which fogs affect marine operations. In 1942 there were 223 fog reports from marine signal stations in Gaillard cut during traffic hours, but only 118 fog days. Conditions are worse during the wet season—May to December. Fog forms after 9 p.m., but normally clears by 8:30 a. m. The Canal capacity is thus reduced from the rated lock capacity at Pedro Miguel to the lock capacity during favorable weather conditions in the cut, During periods of long fog duration the capacity is less than the previously assumed minimum of 27 ships @ day. TRAFFIC RESTRICTIONS For certain types of vessels, the Panama Canal has strict regulations requiring one- way traffic in Gaillard cut, known as Clear Cut Rules. Ships laden with explosives, oil tankers, unwieldy vessels, ore ships, large warships, and largest merchant vessels are dispatched only when Gaillard Cut will be clear of vessels to pass. For reasons of safety, traffic in the opposite direction is delayed while they transit the cleared cut. As a result the capacity of the Canal is still further reduced, particularly when the traffic does not arrive at times convenient for safe and prompt locking. The physical lay-out of the Pacific locks prevents any com- pensatory routing of vessels in groups that would overcome these delays. ACCIDENTS IN THE PANAMA CANAL In connection with the writer's duties when he was Captain of the Port, Balboa, C. Z., the records of all accidents in the his- tory of the Canal that had been formally in- vestigated were examined and indexed. The
A1178 revelations were impressive. The most seri- ous were found to be lock accidents, ground- ings, collisions, and accidents resulting from steering-gear failure. The study showed that they tended to occur at definite places, and these danger spots were determined. Of a total of 1,036 accidents formally inves- tigated between January 13, 1922, and July 13, 1942, 393 were lock accidents (table 2). The most serious were caused by striking the sharp corners of the lock wing walls or ram- ming them. TABLE 2.—Number of lock accidents, Panama Canal, formally investigated between Jan- uary 13, 1922, and July 13, 1942 Lock Enter-| 22 | Depart- Num. |™ cham: | "in Total Name ber of ® | bers 6 cham bers Gatun.._........ 3 87 41 a 182 Pedro Miguel... 1 7 16 “4 138 Miraflores....... 2 56 28 19 103 Groundings in Gaillard cut are feared more than any other type of accident. When ea large vessel strikes the rocky bank, the hull may rupture and the vessel may sink and close the canal. The records are notable especially for the increasing record of sink- ings; out of a total of seven sinkings in the 24 years from 1919 to 1942, five occurred in the final 6 years. Collisions in the relatively narrow waters of the Canal are likely to be serious—espe- cially in Gaillard cut where the banks are rocky. During this same period there were 50 collisions in the Canal channels, of which Gaillard cut contributed 26, causing one out of four sinkings. Steering gear failure is always on the mind of a master when his ship is in close waters. This has been one of the most prolific causes of groundings and collisions. Of the 1,118 accidents during this same period, 110 were due to this cause. Steering gear failure in Gaillard cut makes groynding or collision almost inevitable (table 3). Obviously, the cut is the most serious danger spot in the Canal. TABLE 3.—Accidents caused by steering-gear failure, Jan. 1, 1919, to July 19, 1942 Atlantic sea leve Gatun Lake Year Colli- sions Ground- |Colli-| Ground- ings sions ings 1Grounding or collision not specified for 1 case. The failure of steering gear is not by any means the only cause of serious accidents. Another is the phenomenon known as bank suction, experienced by vessels moving in narrow channels or close to walls. Wall or bank suction often causes grounding as ves- sels depart from locks or as they pass salients in Gaillard cut. Usually suction causes a movement of the ship's stern toward the closer bank, center wall, or salient. If the pilot is unable to break the resulting sheer, the vessel may get out of control, strike the wall or bank, or ground on the opposite bank. In a study by the Panama Canal in 1939, the positions of many groundings were plotted. They tended to occur.at bends after the turns were completed, and in some rela- tion to the degrce of curvature. The larger turns had the larger number of groundings. The subject of groundings has not been ex- hausted. It is a large field for a detailed study that should be undertaken—leading to a scientific determination of necessary changes in alinement of the channels, Lock accidents have demonstrated the need of modifying the wing walls of the locks so as to eliminate the sharp corners at the lock entrances. The record of lock accidents and groundings shows that the separation of the Pacific locks into two structures has Barbacoas to Gamboa bt ett et OS bet 9 Ge ie at i Co BO Oram O7 © 09 Or GO OR OOM AD - rare J caused more accidents than would have oc- curred had the canal plan provided a summit level terminal lake on the Pacific analogous to Gatun Lake on the Atlantic. The perspective of a quarter of a century or marine operation shows that the separa- tion of the Pacific locks into two structures, the location of Pedro Miguel locks at the south end of Gaillard cut, and the failure to create a commodious summit level ter- minal anchorage on the Pacific, are the great Marine operational errors in the planning of the Panama Canal. THE 1939 THIRD LOCKS PROJECT Canal authorities have looked forward to increasing the capacity of the Canal for many years and have made several studies of the subject. However, not until August 11, 1939, was construction of the third locks project suthorized by Congress, in those months of hectic activity preceding World War II. The Purposes were to increase the capacity of the Canal, to permit the transit of large naval vessels, to attain a greater security from bombing attack, and to facilitate conversion from a lock-type canal to a sea-level canal. The earliest plans for a third set of locks placed the locks alongside the existing struc- tures. The & of the war and the Tesulting desire to disperse lock structures be- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cause of the danger of bombing caused the adoption of a plan in which the new locks were placed at a distance from the present structures and bypass channels connected the new locks with the main channels. Except for the segregation of the new locks, the 1939 third-locks project represented no Tundamental change in the Canal plan. It was in principle an acceptance of the present Canal arrangement. Its completion would have perpetuated the bottleneck at Pedro Miguel and would have delayed indefinitely any chance of solving the navigational prob- lems of the present Canal. Instead of improving and simplifying the Canal, part of the project added certain features dangerous to operation. The pro- posed new bypass channel] at Pedro Miguel would intersect the present channel near Cucaracha at an angle of 28°59’. North of the proposed new Pedro Miguel locks there would be a turn of 46°17’ in the bypass channel; and, in Miraflores Lakes, still an- other turn of 87°30’. The experience of a quarter of a century has demonstrated that the proposed bypass channel north of Pedro Miguel would be definitely dangerous, and that it should be abandoned. This channel will not simplify or improve the operation of the Canal; on the contrary, it will complicate the existing situation. The turns of the new channel and the intersection of the new cut with Gaillard cut would become new foci of accidents; cre- ate the most difficult marine operating prob- lems; and make transit of the Canal more hazardous. Fortunately the suspension of this 1939 third locks project in 1942 occurred at such & stage as to afford an opportunity to re- examine some of its dangerous features. SEA LEVEL VERSUS LOCK TYPE CANAL There has been so much discussion of the so-called sea-level canal as an assumption in the planning of the evolution of the ultimate Panama Canal that an examination of this proposal is essential before focusing attention on the fundamental marine problems that should be solved. The idea is not new. The alluring prospect of the Strait of Panama is an ancient historical conception that has had great public appeal. This idea has even been symbolized in the Canal Zone seal which shows a Spanish galleon sailing through Culebra cut into the waters of the Pacific. Statesmen have made many elo- quent speeches setting forth the assumed advantages of the sea-level canal over the lock-type canal. Yet, in spite of all the rhetoric, a lock-level canal was adopted mainly through the efforts of the late John F. Stevens, honorary member and past presi- dent, American Society of Civil Engineers. It was completed by the late George W. Goe- thals, member of American Society of Civil Engineers. In a recent comparative study of the ma- rine features of the sea-level and lock-type canals, it was assumed that the sea-level canal would follow the same general route as the present Canal; would have approxi- mately the same form; would contain a tidal lock at Miraflores, and possibly would have an anchorage or mooring basin north of Miraflores. In effect, such a waterway would not be a sea-level canal but a tidal level lock canal. The conclusions as to the effects on navi- gation were that the low level lock canal would: 1. Extend the length of hazardous chan- nel from 7.69 to 31.18 miles: 2. Increase the number of critical curves Got) in the hazardous channel from 2 3. Increase the total curvature in the has- ardous channel from 199° to 564°; 4. Probably extend the channel length sub- ject to fog; 6. cgobably curtail operations during fog °
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 6. Require the use of ship-mooring sta- tions: 7. Extend the collision, grounding, and steering gear failure area considerably; 8. Increase the number of transverse streams; 9. Reduce pliots’ vision; 10. Increase the time required for transit; 11. Complicate the traffic-control prob- lem; 12. Subject the Canal to the dangers of great floods in the Chagres Valley; and 13. Reduce the general navigability and operational convenience, There is only one appreciable marine op- erational advantage for the sea-level canal and that is the elimination of the Atlantic locks and the consequent reduction of lock accidents. In comparison, the operational advantages of the lock-type canal are over- whelming. TO SOLVE THE MARINE OPERATING PROBLEM The principal marine operating problems of the present Canal have been described, The way to overcome them is to remove Pedro Miguel locks from their position at the end ot Gaillard cut; to create a large summit-level anchorage in an elevated Mira- flores Lake; and to concentrate all Pacific locks near Miraflores in continuous lifts, These changes automatically correct most of the operating problems. This high-level terminal lake plan (fig. 2 (b)) is fundamen- tal from the operational stundpoint. It will supply the best canal for handling ships. The land contours of the Miraflores Lake basin are suitable as an impounding perim- eter for a terminal lake on the Pacific and will require relatively small dams and dikes, There are several possible lock arrangements. Of these the best marine arrangement is the one in which the present Miraflores locks are abandoned and all the Pacific locks are placed on a new site that will utilize in some way the excavation for the bypass locks at Miraflores. The summit-level anchorage is of greatest marine interest to those charged with the operation of the Panama Canal. It contem- plates nine 300-yard berths and thirty 200- yard berths, to be obtained by dredping cer- tain areas. The areas of the several berths, classified as to depth, are as follows: Area (square miles) 1.03 The number of berths in this anchorage should be sufficient for the present traffic even without dredging. The essential points of the terminal-lake plan for the improvement of the Canal are the removal of the bottleneck Pedro Miguel locks from their position at the end of Gaillard cut and the creation of a large sum- mit-level anchorage on the Pacific side. The lake is the key to the solution. MARINE ADVANTAGES OF THE PROPOSED PLAN Anyone who has made many transite through the Pacific locks, viewed the Mira- flores Luke from nearby vantage points, or studied the opcrating sheets, weather re- ports, and accident records, cannot fail to discern the tremendous advantages of the terminal-lake plan. Among its marine ad- vantages are that it— 1. Improves and simplifies the operation of the Canal; 2. Increases the capacity of the Canal; 8. Extends the useful life of the Canal; 4. Increases the summit-level water stor- age by 60 to 75 percent and the watershed by 37.4 square miles; 8. Provides a summit-level anchorage be- tween Miraflores and the entrance to Gaillard cut; 6. Makes the operation of Pacific looks in- dependent of fog; 7. Simplifies the problem of dispatching. transit traffic; 8. Avoids the three large turns and con- sequent groundings in the 1939 third locks project channel between Cucaracha and Mira- flores which would necessarily be traversed by the largest ships; 9. Eliminates one lock from the Pacific lock system and the hazards in Miraflores Lake during the approach and departure of vessels to and from Pedro Miguel locks; 10. Reduces the number of expected lock accidents at the Pacific locks; 11. Removes lockage surges in Gaillard cut as factors controlling depth of channel; 12. Simplifies the operations of the Pacific locks; 13. Reduces the channel maintenance oper- ations; 14. Reduces the time of transit about 1 hour; 15, Enables a better distribution of Dred- ging Division equipment in event of slides; 16. Increases the safety of transit especially for large war vessels; 17. Enables a better handling of transit traffic in the event of slides. 18. Eliminates the lock silting problem in the present Pedro Miguel locks; 19. Improves ship-handling conditions in Gaillard cut because of the elimination of surges and the increase in channel depth; and 20. Removes the dangerous traffic bottle- neck of the Panama Canal at Pedro Miguel. Other operational advantages could be added to this list. So far as known there are no operational disadvantages to this plan. The marine advantages of the terminal-lake plan are so extensive that this plan will have a@ tremendous appeal to the United States Navy and to all merchant shipping. The main engineering problems will be involved in the construction of the neces- sary locks and dams. A study of the topog- raphy shows that the configuration of the land is favorable for the creation of the terminal lake by dikes. Geological reports indicate favorable foundations for locks and dikes. The enginecring features of the plan have been examined by engineers and have been given preliminary approval. All of them would have to be subjected to intensive and detailed study. The cost of the termi- nal-lake plan should not differ matcrially from the revised oost of the 1939 third locks project. On the other hand, it .. not desired to minimize the problems that will be encoun- tered and that will have to be overcome. Among these are: 1. Inherent difficultities of changing an approved plan now in effect; 2. Relocation of sections of the railroad, highways, and pipe and cable lines; 8. Removal of Pedro Miguel locks; 4. Elevating the spillway and dams at Miraflores; 5. Foundation work at Miraflores; and 6. Maintenance of Canal traffic during construction. ° Nevertheless, the navigational superiority of the terminal-lake plan to the 1939 third locks project on the Pacific end of the Canal is so overwhelming that it should be adopt- ed even at considerable additional cost. It is the plan that will meet the marine oper- ating requirements of the Panama Canal, It will make possible the construction of ad- ditional sets of locks at each end of the Canal. It should be the plan for the ulti- mate Canal. HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE One of the first questions that is likely to be raised after this discussion is, Why were these fundamental ideas not presented be- fore this year? The answer is that they were, but they were presented differently and by men without marine operational ex- perience, . Al179 In recent years Ralph Z. Kirkpatrick, former Chief of Surveys of the Panama Canal, sow the weakness in the present Canal arrangement and submitted suggestions. His main purpose seems to have been to combine the Pacific locks into one structure. His plans were not backed with the force of operating experience and were not adopted. Before Mr. Kirkpatrick there was the late Maj. Gen. W. L. Sibert, M. ASCE, the builder of Gatun Locks He wanted to place all Pacific locks between Cerro Cocoli and Cerro Miraflores in one structure as at Gatun. Although he had an excellent grasp of the needs for traffic, his main thesis was economy of construction. His plan was investigated by a board which reported favorably, The report was referred to the President of the United States who decided against adopting the change in the Canal plan because the Pacific locks had been started; because it would have meant a delay in completion date; and because any modification would have given the enemies of the Canal an op- portunity to seize it as an evidence of weak- ness in the lock-type canal at a time when & political attack could have endangered the completion of the Canal. Before General Sibert there was Mr. Stevens. In 1906 he proposed the combina- tion of all Pacific locks into one structure near Cerro Aguadulce with a summit level terminal lake formed by a dam between Cerro Aguadulce and Cerro de Puente. He was a transportation man and understvuod the operational implications of his proposal, Unfortunately, his investigations did not establish the existence of suitable founda- tions for lock structures. Also during Mr. Stevens’ time there was the late William Gerig, M. ASCE, who developed the same idea independently of Mr. Stevens. Still earller was the proposal of the French engineer Adolphe Godin de Lépinay at the Parls (France) Congress of 1879, He had worked on the Isthmus and knew the prob- lems that would face canal builders. With & plan of unbelievable simplicity he advo- cated creating large artificial lakes about 80 feet above sea level at each end of the canal with dams as close to the oceans as permitted by the configuration of the land, and con- necting these lakes by locks with the sea level sections of the Canal. The problem then would have been simply one of join- ing the lakes by digging a channel across the continental divide. This is properly termed the high-level, terminal-lake conception. M. de Lepinay probably was motivated by con- trol of the Chargre river and the reduction of excavation, but he emphasized the naviga- tional advantages of his plan, The concep= tion of this plan has brought an enduring fame to its author. M. de Lépinay’s idea was not adopted until many years later, in 1906, when the adoption of the high-level canal with a dam and locks at Gatun was secured matnly through the efforts of Mr. Stevens. Because thcre was no provision for a terminal lake on the Pacific side, the Canal as completed in 1914 was only a partial realization of the funda- mental conception of the Canal as a marine operating unit. The Pacific sector of the Canal when opened for traffic did not con- form to the requirements of the full de Lépinay conception. THE PRESENT ISSUE The Panama Canal is again in an era of decision. A vast store of operating experi- ence, not available to the early Canal build- ers, is availabie for guidance. When the Canal was constructed, engi- neering considerations were the chief bases for decisions. Now marine operational re- quirements rather than engineering prob- lems are the factors that should govern de- cisions. Just as events forced the relocation of Bohio Dam to Gatun, to form Gatun Lake, the time has come to eliminate the Pedro Miguel locks and dam and to concentrate all
A1180 . Pacific locks near Miraflores to form a high level Miraflores Lake. Primarily the purpose of this paper is to present a historic ideal of the Panama Canal improvement in its modern conception, forti- fied by 30 years of marine operations. Dis- cussion of these points should clarify the whole problem: No claim for engineering or construction sufficiency is made or intended. The issue is clear. The solution of the marine operating problems of the Panama Canal consists of (1) the physical removal of Pedro Miguel locks from thcir position at the end of Gillard cut; (2) the creation of ®& large summit level terminal lake north of Miraflores locks for use aS an expansion chamber for traffic; and (3) the construction of wll Pacific locks in single structures at Micatiores. That plan sbould equip the Canizl for ages to come. Those who bring it nboul will bestow « tremendous service on the naval forecs of the United States and On the shipping of the world. They will be the real modernizcrs of the Panama Canal. They will achieve the rare distinction that will rank them with the builders of the Panama Canal, Address by Hon. Francis J. Myers, of Pennsylvania, Before the Southeastern Fennsylvania Chapter 1947 Red Cross Fund Campaign EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS J. MYERS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MYERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp un address delivercd by me before the Southeastern Pennsylvania Chapter 1947 Red Cross fund campaign, on March 20. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: I understand the original plans for this meeting today called for my friend, Presi- dent Robert Johnson, of Temple, to be here with us. I am sorry he could not be two places at once. Had he been here, I would have befun my talk with a few references to the magnificent work performed by him and by Judge Oliver and the other mem- bers of that remarkable committee of Phila- delphians in almost succeeding in bringing the permanent headquarters of the United Nations to Philadelphia. Even though Bob cannot be here today, and even though we are discussing a somewhat different subject, I think I'll make some of those references anywuy, because they are appropriate. To say that that committee almost suc- ceeded in its effort to bring UN here is to dismiss too lightly, I believe, the lengths to which members of that committee went, the effort they expended, the imagination they put into the job. Actually, in this case the word “almost” tells volumes, for indeed they did succeed, they succeeded magnificently, even though the final decision went against Philadelphia. I know that every open- minded observer was convinced by this com- mittee beyond any doubt that Philadelphia ‘was really the logical place, the perfect place for the headquarters of an agency for the advancement of peace and of decency among men and among nations, More, however, Judge Oliver and Bob Johnson and the civic-spirited Philadel- phians who worked with them, did some- thing for our town which long has needed doing—they “sold” us Philadelphians on our own city. This sleepy town, as some would call it, shabbily genteel Philadelphia, if you will, in that supposedly futile effort to be- come the capital of the world, had come alive with such driving energy that I think it surprised us all. I guess we just never be- lieved the old town had it in her. But now that we know—now that we've had a demonstration of what Philadelphia can really do when it sets its mind to it—let’s Keep it un; let’s not ever again let Phila- delphia give the impression it has fallen asicep to dream on its past glories. This Red Cross drive affords one of those opportunities for Philadelphia and Philadel- phians to keep the fires burning under the boiler of our civic consciousness—to keep up the stcam. Iam sure it will be a real suc- cess, Next to paying our taxes—a somewhat painful thing to speak of this month—I don't know of anything which reminds us more foreefully of our duties—our obliga- tions—-) our democracy than the aniuual drive of the Red Cross. Obli,ations in a democracy are few and far between when listed alongside the host of privileges and rights which go wiih a democracy. They are pecullar obligations, compared with the obligations of citizens under most other forms of government, in that they are so easy to pass off on some- body else—on George—if one has a mind to do 50. You can let George familiarize himself with the records of candidates for office and let George do tho voting. You can let George kcep an cye on the public officials and let George protest when things are wrong. You can cven let George take care of the Red Cross drive, collect the money, donate the money. There is, then, either one of two results. Either the Georges get to be so few in num- ber that eventually we have no democracy any more—but just a few Georges who do the things they think should be done whether the rest of us think they should or not—or else everybody has to become a George. When that happens, then, by George—by George, indeed—we have real democracy, I don’t have to give you people here today & pep talk on the Red Cross, and I’m not going to try. You know the need; you know the urgency of the need, or you wouldn't be here in the first place. You know how much is needed, and for what purposes. I know you'll scll the story of that need to the people of our town and that their re- sponse will be truly in the Philadelphia tra- dition. The Philadelphia tradition, I think, tells the story perfectly. It is a tradition of decency, of decency among men. We who have grown up in this town, un- der this tradition, passing under Bill Penn's hat, walking among the daily reminders of old Ben Franklin, exploring the narrow lit- tle streets where Washington and Jefferson and the Adamses and Hamilton and the others lived and talked and worked out a plan of government which grows in stature as it ages, we who have inherited the Phila- delphia tradition as our very own and know it intimately sometimes forget, I am afraid, that this freedom, this decency we so cher- ish among men is not a universal thing en- joyed by all but is, in fact, a luxury so far achieved only by a comparative few. It is important that we keep this fact in mind. It is, in fact, necessary to keep it in mind, for we have a terrific task ahead of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD us, a task which is almost frightening in scope. Our job—esa job I am convinced our gener- ation cannot shirk if there are to be other generations—is to spread the Philadelphia tradition—the tradition of brotherhood and of decency among men—over an entire world. Most of the world is conditioned now for acceptance of that doctrine, but that was true in other years, in other generations, after other upheavals, and the idea didn't take, it didn’t catch on. Now there is another opportunity, perhaps the last op- portunity, and this time it must be seized. This symbol we have before us here today, this Red Cross, is an exemplification of the idea we must sprecd. The Red Cross repre- sents the conviction that the suilerings of each of us are the concern of all of us, that we are indeed our brother’s keeper, that starvation and privation and disease, dis- aster and tragedy, no matter where they strike, are our business, America has always known this. It has demonstrated its knowledge of this fact in one way or another many times in the past— usually in dollars. Dollars are important, of course. I should say that in whut they rep- resent in food and shelter aud warmth and medical supplies and hope they are urgently important. But they are not enough by themselves. They must be nccompanied by something more precious than gold. We must export to a whole world Amer- ica’s greziest single product—the ideas which go to make Amcrica—ideas which, sumply stated, are the things of which our Philadelphia tradition is made—the belief that man is an individual endowed with a God-given right to dignity and to decency. We must first perfect in our own nation those principles of human dignity to which we subscribe so that they will be enjoyed by every American everywhere. And each American must, in his own way, be repre- sentative to the world of the value of a doctrine based on so simple a foundation as decency among men. The Red Cross has nlways been an im- portant factor in the spread of this doctrine, and I know it will continue to be one. But, the active help of all Americans and of all like-minded individuals everywhere is re- quired to breathe into all mankind this spirit of oneness among men, of friendship among men, of friendship among nations. We Americans must sometimes be a puz- zling and irrational race to other peoples. We divide openly, noisily, and somctimes angrily over the occupant of the White House, our President, yet join solidly in reverence for the office he holds; we fight bitter partisan political campaigns which are regarded elsewhere as reflections of the dis- unity and division of America, yet on grave issues facing our Nation, partisanship usually disappears and we are one; our war stratcgy was continually under attack in the news- papers and in the Congress and yet, on the Tundamental tests, it was always supported all the way; our newspaper editors are some- times hung in effigy in protest against the violence of their views, and yet thero is no sincere American who would tolerate in- fringement of the editor's freedom to speak; our Government owns the air over which the radio stations broadcast and yet those sta- tions are free to broadcast attacks upon that Government. Perhaps it !s too much to expect that all peoples everywhere would want to emulate our form of Government, or could emulate them successfully had they the destre. On the other hand, it is not too much to desire that all of those people who want to might one day have the opportunity to try. How to provide the fertile sof] in which such freedom can germinate is the long-range problem of the world, a problem in whose
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECOFD solution we who hold to the Philadelphia tradition havo a tremendous stake. I think the first approach to the solution of that long-range problem is a short-ranyve, immediate step—to see to it that all peoples everywhere begin now to obtain at least the very barest minimum ecsentials of life— food, clothing, shclter—simple things which large elements of the world's population have never really enjJoyed—things which now are denicd millions. These simple material things do not of themselves breed decency among men; but decency among men can- not thrive without them. We are taking on this tremendously big job of helping to feed and to clothe and to restore a world and it will cost us money, it will take sacrifice, We have no fuaran- tee that our dollars so spent and our sacri- fices s0 made will pay us the dividends we seek—the establishment of a decent world. On the other hand, however, we know that without our aid, without our sacrifices, there is no hope for the hopeless, there is only despair—the despair which in other crises in other years sowed the seeds of a whirl- wind which cost us only recently the blood of more than 1,000,000 American casualties, the lives of more than a quarter-million American boys und of millions of men, wo- men and children throughout the world. That was a frightful price to pay for the failure of other generations to establish de- cency as the motivating force among men. Now we have another chance, in all likeli- hood our tast chance. Our road buck to our next try at this task begins right hcre—in this Red Cross drive. Knowing the price of failure, can we help but succeed? American Aid to Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS J. MYERS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legislative day of Wedzucsday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MYERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimcus consent to have printed in the Appendix of the RecorpD an editorial entitled “Why UN Could Not Serve,” published in the Philadelphia Bulletin of Merch 17, 1247; also an editorial en- titled “Not Bypassing the UN But Aiding It,” published in the Philadelphia In- quirer of March 21, 1947. There being no objection, the edi- torials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Bulletin of March 17, 1947] WHY UN COULDN'T SERVE Investia, chief organ of the Sovict Govern- ment, reproaches the Truman administra- tion with bypassing the United Nations in its policy of aid to Greece, The United States is charzed with ignoring its obligation as a UN member. It so hreppens that the record of UN in dealing with Greece explains perfectly why recourse to the world organization was ruled out at Washineton. Moscow has repeatedly, directly, and through White Russia, sought to get UN action to back up its own policy toward Greece. It had the majority of the Security Council against it all the time, but if tt had had a majority in its favor it could have uccomplished nothing against the veto of any permanent member of the Council. President Truman knew perfectly well that attempt to obtain assistance for Greece through UN would have gotten nowhere. The urgency of the situation and the need of haste is the reuson he puts forth why appeal to the United Nations was not made. The UN lacks funds and the machinery to render aid and any proposal to empower the United States to act for the world organiza- tion in rendering and financing aid would assuredly have been blocked by the Soviet. UN supporters hope the time will come when the organization can successfully take in hand cases like those of Greece and Tur- key. But that would require if not a change in the charter, at least a change of heart in some UN members. [From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer of March 21, 1947] NOT BYPASSING THE UN BUT AIDING IT Dean Acheson's belief that American aid to Greece and Turkey to block the spread of communism won't lead to war doesn’t mean, of course, that there are no potential war risks in the far-reaching propusals made to the country last weck by President Truman, There is bound to be some danger when the Unitcd States cmbarks on a policy di- rectly opposed to that of the expansionist Soviet Union. But the Under Secretary of State's calm, Weill-reusoned statements beiore the House Foreign Affairs Committee yesterday carried & measure of reassurance which the some- whet confused people of this country greatly needed. We wouid all be glad if the United Nations, rather thon the United States, could take over in Greece, Turkey, and other Commu- nist-menaced countries and help their in- hab:tants to maintain their independence. Put it isn't a fact, in the present case, that the United States is deliberately bypassing the United Nations. The United States, whethcr we like 1t or not, of necessity has to asstume this defense job because the UN isn't ready for it, and there is nobody else to do it. ‘Sle international organization intended to preserve peace is still in its infancy. It has no police force to keep aggressor nations— or omrressive ideoloties—in check. It has lind no experience to fit it to deal with such a complex situation as exists Jn Greece. In addition, it would have to try to operate un- der the threat of a veto by Sovict Russia. Meanwhile, as Under Secretary Acheson says, time is of the cssence. Th the Commu- nists were to take over in Greece when the British bow out, nobody can foresee what chrin resection, unfavorable not only to the United Siates but to all nations struggling against Communist domination, might de- velo) in short order. Such a chain reac- tion would be a renal war peril. ret rome of the questions that hewtlder the peonle of this country are: Where is the nolicy outlined for Greece and Turkey foing to tale us? How much will it cost? If we follow this line in Greece, why aren’t we Coling the sme thing in China? Does it mean that we ere starting a global cru- sade acainst communism? ivr, f/eheson’s words are encournging on one + Snitie-snt point. He says the Greece- Turkey case is an emerpency and that study is being given to ways in which ‘the United Mations mav tale hold of the situation after the emerrency has passed, That's on objec- tive toward which we certainly should be working. Mut it epperars to us that, If the United Nations is ever to be made competent to handle preat world pence issues, it is abso- lutely necessary for the Untted Statcs to step into the breach now. By doing so we will strengthen, not weaken, the UN. It is impossible to believe that the United Nations can ever be mace to work if it has to contend with a chronic veto threat. Nor is it at all likely that the United Nations Al1181 will ever nmount to a hill of beans if all counvries back away every time communism prepares to add a new zone to its field of domination. On the other hand, it is entirely conceiv- able that bold, courageous efforts by the United States to stem communism’s march in eastern Europe will not only hearten small nations to resist Red infiltration, but help to convince the Soviet Politburo poten- tates that their wisest course is to drop obstructionism and adopt cooperation for peace as the best way to national stability and prosperity. V/hatever we do in Greece, let us do it with our eyes open with all the facts that we can obtein on the risks and costs in- volved. And let us go into it with the detcr- mination that what we do is aimed, not at sturring up more trouble, but at making the United Nation work and insuring lasting world peace, Bypassing the UN? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLYDE R. HOEY OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. HOEY. Mr, President, I ask unani- mous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the REcorp a very splendid editorial entitled “Who Is Bypassing UN?” published in the Charlotte Ob- server of March 19, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: WITO IS BYPASSING UN? The churge by Izvestia, the newspaper pub- lished by the Fresidium of the Supreme Sovict, that the United States in proposing to tale over tne British obligations in Greece is bypassing the United Nations and ucting unilaterally, should not, considering its source, need a rcfutation belore an American audience, except that it bears a striking re- semblance to editorials that have appeared ji, some newspapers and to speeches that have been made vy some Members of Con- gress on the floors of both Houses. Tr, tndced, the Izvcstia arvcle hud been published 48 hours earlier, a reader would have been almost justified in deducing that the American cditorialists and the Congress- men cpposing the President's policy had taken their cue from Izvestia; but, since the order is reversed, it might be assumed that lzvestia took its cue from the American sources, Those who peisist In arguing that the Greck siluation should be referred at once to the United Nations and that the United States should stay completely out of it should familiarize themselves with the following facts: 1. The Security Council in December ap- pofnted a commission and authorized it to investimote the situation in Greece. That commission is now at work on its task; hence, the Greek situation is already under con- sideravion by the United Nations. 2. The United Statcs, under President True man's suvecstion, will be taking over obliga- tions that Britain is no lover able to pere form; that is, these oblications are mercly being transferred from one member of the United Nations to unother. These obliga- tions antedate the United Nations, because they were assumed by Britain before the United Nations completed its organization.
A11&2 Since the UN has never asked Britain to re- linquish these obligations to it or to any of its agencies, the argument that they bypass the UN is rcduced to an absurdity. 3. As we pointed out last Saturday, the Greek situation could be handled by three branches or subsidiaries of the United Na- tions: the Security Council through its po- lice foree; the Bank for International Set- tlements; and the International Montetary Fund. The Security Council is considering the case through the commiesion now at work, but its police force is not yet formed. The Bank for International Settlements only this mouth completed {ts organization and is just beginning to function; the Monetary Fund is not yet operating at all. 4. Article 51 of the United Nations Charter gives individual members the authority to act in emergencies pending such time as the Security Council is able to take over the case and deal with it. The Council's investiga- tion may take months, and in the meantime Greece could colinpse. The United Statics is acting in the emergency under article 51. When, therefore, Izvestia and American critics of President Truman's proposal charge this country with bypassing the United Na- tions, we can reply with the vernacular, “Look who's talking.” The agencies that could handle the Greek situation are not functioning, principally because Russia has refused to join them. Hore is a list of those agencies in which Russia declines to cooperate: The World Bank. The International Monetary Fund. The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. The Food and Agriculture Organization. The International Civil Aeronautics Or- ganization. The International Labor Organization. The International Refugee Organization. The International Trade Organization. To say nothing of sabotaging the Atomic Encrgy Commission. Who's bypassing the United Nations? He Who Laughs Last EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HARLEY M. KILGORE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. KILGORE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial from the magazine Labor on March 22, entitled “He Who Laughs Last.” There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: HE WHO LAUGHS LAST Just a few years ago three men who then were Senators were fighting for public de- velopment of electric power on the Pacific coast. They were George Norris of Nebraska, Hiram Johnson of California, and Homer Bone of Washington, How the Power Trust fought and laughed, and scorned the three as “impractical dream- ers.” Boulder Dam, Bonneville, and Grand Coulee and other power developments were socialism and waste of public funds. Norris and Johnson have gone to their reward. If they had been living this week they could have joined Bone in a “last laugh” over those who called them impractical. On the front page of the conservative Wall Street Journal appeared a long feature article, pointing out “an acute power short- age in the Pacific Northwest.” “Big as Bonneville and Grand Coulee are, they've proven inadequate to meet the North- west’s powcr needs,” the Wall Street paper says. “That area's industry and population mushroomed in wartime and are still grow- ing. “By November 1, 1953, it is estimated that new Federal generating capacity of 1,565,000 kilowatts will be required to meet all needs.” As a result of the shortage. the Journal says, private utilities in the Northwest are actually urging Congress to nearly double the appropriation for the Bonneville Power Administration. Talk about miracles! Of course, the private utilities want Bonne- ville to sell the added power to them so they can retail it to consumers and make a profit, But their changed attitude proves that Norris, Johnson, and Bone, and those who supported them, were not dreamers but mighty practical and far-sighted men. Only One Choice EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein an editorial which appeared in the Telegram-News, Lynn, Mass., Monday, March 17, 1947: ONLY ONE CHOICE Americans today can have only one atti- tude toward their President’s proposal to show the world that dynamic democracy in action assumes responsibility for keeping po- litical freedom alive in Greece. Russia must know that the people of the United States stand behind Mr. Truman as their spokesman against the pressure of total- itarlanism. We believe that on most matters the Russians do not understand us and that we do not understand them. Mr. Truman is seeking to make the Russians understand our position in Greece by 9 policy which recognizes the fact that the United Nations is not yet equipped to act in such an emergency. The President must depend upon a united America and we think he will get the unity he needs except from extremists who are against him in everything. There still must be public discussion of Mr. Truman's proposal to support the tottering Government of Greece and the weakening Government of Turkey in order to prevent the spread of communism in those key Balkan countries. The public must understand all of the reasons for the move and especially the broad implications which Mr. Truman said were involved. The public must understand why the United States and not the United Nations must step in and rescue the Greek Govern- ment. - After sober discussion, which should not be too long delayed, Congress must make up its mind whether it is willing or unwilling APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to meet the responsibilities of world leader- ship which the outcome of World War II put upon us. If Congress lends money to Greece, Ameri- cans will insist on a real democracy there, Greece is a sorry example of democracy. Few Americans will favor spending money to prop up King George of Greece. The fascist and monarchist gangs must be cleaned up if America intends to give Greece a@ real injection of democracy. The same goes for Turkey, which is a backward nation, prone to totalitarianism, too. Communism has seemed attractive to some Greeks because they are living in those con- ditions of starvation and poverty in which communism breeds best. A hungry man may be willing to sell his political freedom for food. And there has been—and is—hunger in Greece. Some peasants have been reduced to eating grass. In the cities the show win- dows display pastries but few can buy. In- flation is so great that food prices are in- 5. at 600,000,000 compared with 100 in 1939. It is in this kind of arena that President Truman proposes a showdown between two theories of government—one in which the people run the state and one in which the state runs the people. We have a chance to show Russia we in- tend to support democracy as strongly as she supports communism. Eventually such an attitude may prove to be the only way in which the constant clash of ideologies can be avoided. Let’s Take Up a Collection EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARLEY M. KILGORE OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. KILGORE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial from the Wyoming Eagle of Thursday, March 6, 1947, entitled “Let’s Take Up a Collection.” There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: LET’S TAKE UP A COLLECTION Now that the war is over, everyone believes the Government should tighten its belt, pay a little on its debt, get set for the hard pull ahead. Even the Democrats are for it—if it’s done right. But it happens that the Republicans are in control of Congress, so it's the Republicans who are to determine where the cuts are to be made, if they are made. But no two of them can agree as to that. With one excep- tion. The exception is this: Drastic reductions are to be made in appropriations for mainte- nance of the Post Office Department. Yes, tell it to Ripley, the Post Office Department. Next to maintaining the Army and Navy, the most essential service provided by Gov- ernment is carrying the mails. It is con- ceivable that the country could get along without a Department of Commerce, a De- partment of Labor, a Census Bureau, or a Weather Bureau. But it is not conceivable that the country could get along without a Post Office Department,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The mail service is the lifeblood of the country—business could not be conducted without it, family relationships would be desolate without it. No department of Gov- ernment—not even the Army and Navy— could long function without regular dally, fast, safe mail service. Yet this is the one department on which the new Republican Congress has agreed to economize. Extravagances to please power- ful members may be tolerated elsewhere, but not here. Appropriations for the Post Office Department must be pared to the bone. The war raised heck with the postal service, as we all know. Experienced help was drafted into the armed forces, some never to return. Transportation was tied in knots, and, instead of hours, at times it took days to get the mails through. Carrier service was curtailed from two or three deliveries to one delivery a day. And standing at the end of ® long line for service becuuse of under- manned and overworked staffs and too few service windows became a habit. Things would revert to normal after the war, we all thought. The U. 8. A. again would have the fastest, finest, safest, most courteous postal service in the world. Where there had been two or three deliveries a day there again would be two or three. And those much-needed new post-office buildings to replace overcrowded rattletraps in use for many years were to become a reality, we believed. But we believed wrong—if the politicrats in Congress can get away with it. For as yet no one in the majority party has raised his voice to protest against this injustice—injustice to the most indispensable department of Gov- ernment, injustice to the most faithful of Government employees, and injustice to the whole people. It is the postal service that is to be cut off at the pockets, and it is being done in the name of economy. But further curtailment of the postal serv- ice is unthinkable. Further delay in restora- tion of the service to peacetime efficiency is intolerable. Funds must be provided, even though the hat has to be passed—even though the Department has to be supported like we support the churches—by taking up a collection. State of the Nation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein an article which appeared in the Christian Science Moni- tor of February 28, 1947, by Roscoe Drummond: WASsHINGTON.—Congress is showing signs of slowly bestirring itself over the unabated trend of industrial monopoly in the United States. In the extent to which political leaders talk against but do very little about it, eco- nomic monopoly is like bad weather. Both parties are strongly committed to fight great concentrations of economic power, but year after year goes by and the steps taken to check monopoly and the appropriations given the Justice Department to enforce the anti- trust laws add up to mighty little—mighty little compared to the size of the problem. Several factors currently are stimulating Congress to look, listen—and possibly act: Both the President and the Council of Economic Advisers put a strengthening of the antitrust laws among the foremost safe- guards of a sound economy. Industrial monopoly was tremendously abetted by the war, and the trend is showing no sign of checking itself voluntarily. Congress recognizes that it gravely weak- ens its case for checking labor monopoly when it continues to do so little about checking industrial monopoly. It becomes more evident all the time that the monopolistic restraint of trade is a peril to free enterprise itself, and that regimenta- tion by monopoly cannot fail ultimately to lead to regimentation by government. The evidence accumulates to show how the whole impact of war production was to cause big business to prow bigger. Two re- cent congressional reports on monopoly problems underline this trend. They show that of 8175,000,000,000 of prime war-contract orders to 18,000 corporations, more than two-thirds went to only 100 large concerns. While the exigencies of war no doubt justified a procurement policy which stimulated rather than resisted monopoly, its effects are increasingly apparent in the Nation's postwar economy. Thus the allo- cation of war plants followed the pattern of taking bigness and making it still bigger. It develops that the 250 largest manufac- turing corporations which before the war owned 65 percent of all the productive fa- cilities operated about 80 percent of all the private facilities built during the war with Federal funds. These corporations are in the best position to acquire these facilities now that the war is over. The continuing concentration of the econ- omy in the hands of the already big is re- flected not merely in an accretion of big bust- ness. It has been achieved at the sacrifice of small business. There were some 160,000 fewer businesses operating at the beginning of 1946 than there wore in 1941. Numerous antimonopoly measures are be- ginning to sprout in the new Congress, and the two outstanding antagonists of monop- oly are from both parties. They are Sen- ator WILLIAM LANGER, Republican, of North Dakota, and Scnator JosEPH C. O’MAHONEY, Democrat, of Wyoming. The issue in Con- gress is not s0 much a choice between pro- and anti-monopoly as between measures best calculated to break monopoly and in- sure competition. The more active antimo- nopolists are agreed on these main lines of legislative attack. 1. Provide for Federal charter of corporas tions, with strict standards of corporate conduct. 2. Prohibit corporate mergers through ace quisition of assets or require Federal Trade Commission approval of such mergers. 3. Revise the patent laws to prohibit at- taching restrictive conditions of manufac- ture, sale, or price to patent licenses, 4. Make corporation officers and directors civilly liable for adequate penalties for vio- lation of antitrust laws. Among those who count vigorous enforce- ment of the antitrust laws essential to free enterprise there is considerable anxiety over the forthcoming resignation of Assistant Attorney General Wendell Berge, in charge of the Antitrust Division of the Justice De- partment. Much depends on the character and talent which goes into this post. But all the talent in the country cannot enforce the law without funds to carry for- ward the enforcement. Here Congress long has been deficient—Democratic and Re- publican Congresses which give the antitrust laws strong praise and weak financial sup- port. There is no economy in crippling the en= forcement of laws so vital to the economic health of the Nation, A1183 Address on Public Works by Hon. Chapman Revercomb, of West Vir- ginia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHAPMAN REVERCOMB OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. REVERCOMB. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the speech which I made before the Regional High- way Conference in New York City on February 20, 1947, dealing with the sub- ject of public works. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The progress and advancement of a na- tion is closely linked with its advancement in the construction and maintenance of works that improve communication, trans- portation, trade, and comfort of the citizens. Such structures are monuments to prog- ress. Therefore, if the country lives and grows from year to year, and if it expands in population, there is required expansion in those instruments that improve in general the living of the people in their trade and commerce with one another and with the rest of the world. There is a reasOnable limitation, of course, upon the extent of such undertakings, and that is the limitation of cost. While plans may be made and projected for such work, yet from year to year we must use sound Judgment to live within our means and not undertake activities which may Create a ruinous burden. Unless such a limitation be followed we could conceivably reach a point where we could not maintain the needed structures that we have built, much less add to them. Unless we follow the rule of rea- sonable restraint we could find ourselves like a bankrupt man living in a once beauti- ful mansion that is falling apart around his head. So, therefore, we are always con- fronted with our ambitions and our plans and with the ever-present necessity of rea- sonable and sensible restraint. One must be fairly weighed against the other; there is no other sound course. HISTORY AND TYPES OF PUBLIC WORKS The meaning of the term “public works” as used with respect to the Federal Govern- ment has changed and expanded through the years of our history. In the early days of the Nation's life, the phrase “public works” meant construction needed only in meeting the actual physical needs of Federal activi- ties, such as lighthouses, harbors, post offices, and similar structures. One of the very first acts of the First Con- gress was the passage of a bill to construct the lighthouse at Cape Henry, Va., at the en- trance to the Chesapeake Bay. This act was passed on March 26, 1790, and the lighthouse was completed and showed a light in 1792, Thus, the Cape Henry Lighthouse apparently has the distinction of being the first com- pleted public-works peroject in America, its beginning antedating the surveying of the District of ColumVia as the national seat of government by several months. . For many years expenditures for national public works were limited strictly to those projects controlled by the Federal Govern- ment and projects over which the States
A1184 had no jurisdiction and were without right of management. New public demands and needs through- out the growing country expanded the inter- pretation of the words “Federal pubtic works.” As a result, @ great variety of serv- iccs are now included under the term such as forestry, pest controls, and the planning that goes with these undertakings. It might be said that the growth of this fleld is measured only in terms of public duties, national wealth, and willingness to pay. The term has long since been expanded to include monetary aid to the States ih the construction of projects primarily under the control and jurisdiction of their govern- ments. The public road is a notable ex- ample. While the State must map out !ts plans for its roads, yet the Federal Govern- ment must approve such plans and the cost thereof where Federal funds are in any part ‘used. Only a few years ago the Supreme Court of the United States held that where Federal funds are used by the States in carrying out any of its functions of Government that the Congress may impose any conditions that it sees fit upon the use of such funds. Thus, we have in essence the joint venture of the State and Federal Government where Federal aid is used. Another example of the expansion of Fed- eral public works has followed the expanding definition of navigable streams. The na- tional Government has primary and exclu- sive jurisdiction over navigation. There was a time when navigable strcams were those which were oonsidered navigable “in fact.” Through a course of changing court interpre- tations al] streams now which are substantial feeders or tributaries into a navigable water- way are also considered navigable insofar as Federal control over them and their waters may be concerned. Thus has followed the construction by the National Government of numerous dams and reservoirs and flood con- trol projects upon streams that were not known as navigable in the early days of the country. In more recent years we have beheld the National Government engaging in other un- dertakings classified as public works. For relief against unemployment, the PWA, the WPA, the CCC and other Government agen- cies were used. This was a new concept of the term, and under this concept programs were adopted by the administration that be- came Official policies of government. CRITERIA OF PUBLIC WORKS The National Resources Board in 1934 shows how far those in charge of Federal ac- tivities went in their prospectus of public works when that Board set up eight criteria to be used in the planning of public works to meet the unemployment crisis. Here we see the term stretched to include instru- ments of social and economic reform gen- erally. They were: 1. The criterion of balance, which means consideration of proper proportion between expenditures for the several kinds of public works. 2. The criterion of service standards. 3. The criterion of essential services appli- cable to such basic needs as water supply, sewage disposal, and fire protection. 4. The criterion of cost. 5, The criterion of relative needs and rela~- tive benefits. 6. The criterion of trends, that is, of growth and development potentialities. 7. The criterion of emergency, with applica- tion varied according to whether projects are for replacement of necessary public works destroyed by fire, flood, or other catastrophe. 8. The criterion of social and economic desirability. Ot the rules that I have just mentioned, the principal difference of opinion throughs out the country has centered and now cen-= ters upon the criterion of social and economic desirability. This involves the ever-present and growlug problem of using the Govern- ment’s power of public works construction where it conflicts with private enterprise in the creation of services and needs of the people. Notable in this conflict is that of power projects. Under the recent administration of the Government a policy grew that went quite far in using public funds for the construc- tion of projects which private industry had generally undertaken in the field, even to the extent of curtailing the expansion of private works. It seems to me a dangerous course for a government in a country like ours, which in years past fostered private initiative and enterprise, to take any step that would stultify the growth of private work. Some hold to the view that any endeavor impressed with public interest should be controlled by the Government. To follow such a course to its ultimate would eventually mean com- plete ownership and control of all enter- prise engaged in works needful or he!pful to the well-being of our pcople. To carry such a philosophy to its end would place all activities under government control, from the manufacture of electricity to the rais- ing of potatoes for food. And do not think that an exaggeration. We have seen live- stock destroyed by Government edict; land subsidized for uselessness; and this year potato raisers were paid subsidies throuch Government purchase. There may be emer- gencies for the Governmcnt to well meet and give aid, but it is a dangerous course if it becomes a fixed policy, for you may be sure of this—where the Government spends its money it will soon control the activity. If that principle became generally estab- lished we wou'd then have a people under strict control of a central government, and freedom of life and enterprise would have ended. Therefore, there must be a reasonable limi- tation upon federally controlled enterprises. It seems to me that there is reason in limit- ing the use of Federal works to those un- dertakings where private enterprise cannot meet the need. Of course, privately owned enterprise, which deals with the public and is impressed with our present understand- ing of the term “public interest,” will be subject to the control of the several States in fixing the service that it renders and the price that it charges for its product. Under such a plan private venture will not be stopped. It can expand within its capacity to do so. Where it cannot render the scrvice, the Government will meet the needs of the citizens with public works 80 that they may not be without the services and comforts of a progressive country. CURRENT BUDGET FIGURES You mey perhaps be interested in a few figures with respect to expenditures by your National Government upon some of the pub- lic works which through the course of years it has undertaken and which have become established functions of the Federal Govern- ment. Under the budget now before the Congress there has been allocated for all items that come under the term “Civil Public Works” the sum of $2,100,000,000 to be expended for the fiscal year 1948, that is, for the year ending June 80, 1948. This may be com- pared with the figure of $1,700,000,000 which will be expended for the fiscal year of 1947. The proposals for expenditures under this item cover both direct construction by the National Government and grants to the States. I need not tell you that the pro- posed figure for 1948 will in all likelihood be cut and curtailed by the Congress. Can- dor requires that I say this to you as my earnest belief. The extent of any cut cannot be stated at this time. Taxes have become so burdensome upon all the people of this country that there is APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD @ demand—and I may say a very just de- mand—that the expenses of Government be lowered so that not only may taxes be lowered upon the citizens but that payment be made upon the gigantic public debt now in excess of $260,000,000,000. Sound finance requires an immediate start upon the retirement of this debt which will necessarily extend over a long period of time. Likewise, taxes must be lowered as a first step toward meeting a more settled fiscal condition among the people of this country, not only for this year but for the years to come, The amount sought by the Army Board of Engineers for Rivers and Harbors for the fiscal year 1948 amounts to a total of $290,- 850,000 for new construction and for con- tinued construction of projects already be- gun. And for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1948, for maintenance, operation, and care the Board of Engineers for such civil functions of the Army has asked an appro- priation of $70,000,000. To those of you who are interested pri- marily in Federal aid to State roads and the amount expended by your National Govern- ment in the maintenance of roads, I may say to you that there hos been authorized, as distinguished from appropriated, for each of the first three postwar years, the sum of 500,000,000 or a total of €1,500,000,000. No part of this sum has been appropriated or spent. It was primarily intended to meet un- employment if it arose. There is a move afoot to extend the appropriation to such future years when it may be needed if un- employment arises. The $500,000,000 for each year has been broken down as follows: $225,000,000 for work on Federal-aid highway system, $150,000,000 for secondary or feeder roads—this has to be spent on a system of secondary roads—@125,- 000.000 for highways in urban areas in and around cities of 5,000 or more population. Thus we have a prospective plan for em- ployment now held in abeyance for use when necded. And its plan would give permanent improvements for roads, COST OF CONSTRUCTION I have before me a construction-cost index prepared by the Board of Engineers for Rivers and Harbors, which shows at a giance how construction costs have increased in this country since 1913. I thought that this might be of interest to you because it will indeed be a determining factor, temporarily, in the program for construction in this country. Using the average for the early years of this century to obtain an average cost for the year 1913 as a normal base of 100, we find that the cost curve dropped to 88.56 1 year later, in 1914. It rose to 92.58 in 1915 and thereafter rose swiftly to a peak of 251.28 in 1920. The swift rise from 1915 to 1920 covered the years of the First World War. After 1920 costa dropped to a low of 174.45 in 1922 and remained below the World War I peak for many years, reaching as low as 156.97 in 1982. After 1932 construction costs again soared swiftly, and in 1946 reached an all-time high of 345.74. In other words, construction costs today are approximately three and one-half times higher per unit than in 1918 and more than twice as high as in 1922, PUBLIC WORKS AND HIGHWAYS The States, with Federal aid, still maine tain the principal highways throughout the eastern States. Many of the hichways through the wide regions of the Western States are maintained with Federal funds. This is one phase of public construction that must go forward as far as possible within our means. The primary network of highways for the United States is now well advanced, with hard-surfaced and year-round road facilities for a large part of the country. In the densely populated centers something has
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD been done toward heavy duty roads where planning distinguishes among uses and limits express or heavy traffic to specially constructed lanes. The next steps in road development would seem to lie primarily in— 1, Continuance of the program of classify- ing and developing roads for specialized uses, such as heavy-duty highways without grade intersections, freeways, and walkway provi- sions for pedestrians. 2. Improvement of alinement, grades, and roadsides on greatly widened rights-of-way for existing roads. 3. Continuance of the trend to abolish grade crossings with railroads and with in- tersecting highways where traffig demands, 4. Development of rural roads. Each of these four aspects of road work will require large sums of money during coming years. Long range plans carefully related to other methods of transportation, to possible population trends and industrial development, should be prepared in advance to avoid wasteful mistakes. A great need in much of the country to- day is the development of rural roads to markets, and it is my hope that the con- struction of public highways has now cd- vanced to the stage where something may be done toward giving better travel facilities to the farmers and the residents of the rural communities. Much has already been done in my State and in other States in this regard, but there are still vast stretches of the country, thinly populated. which are without hard-surfaced or secondary roads. The result of failing to construct rural roads in sufficient numbers has frequently been to shift rural populations from the dirt road areas to the hard-surfaced road sections. This has meant a decrease of population on the farms and a corresponding increcse of persons seeking work in the urban com- munities. New special-purpose roads have already demonstrated their desirability in the more densely populated regions. It is no longer necessary to argue the advisability of by- passing traffic around congested centers and towns instead of forcing it through a great expense of time and money. Various parkway developments through- out the Nation have illustrated the value of that type of travel way. The so-called speed highways have accel- erated movement of trafic. Much needs to be done to make our exist- ing highways more useful and safer. Per- haps the chief need today is wider righte-of- way to permit expansion, better curvature, and grades, and roadside improvements. It has been estimated that recreational use forms at least 60 percent of the total use of automobiles, a showing which would seem to justify work done to the control and preserva- tion of roadside appearance. Many rearrangcments of transportation facilities might result from consideration of the effective use of all methods of moving goods and people instead of departmental planning of one method at a time. For instance, extensive highway development hag already showed that much of the railway branch line mileage is unnecessary, and the towns on railway branch lines can be better end more cheaply served by the highway. A great deal of money and effort could have heen saved had plans been made earlier looking toward this development. In this connection there are some who think that eventually the airplane will sup- plant the automobile as a means of transpor- tation, even as the automobile has in a sense supplanted the railroad. Such a de- velopment may, of course, come to pass, but I do not conceive of it within the limits of foreseeable probability at the present time. No matter how much the airplane comes into general use the fact remains that human be- ings are essentially attached to the soil, and XCIII—App.——-75 ‘ highways are and will continue to be the chief avenue of transportation. While the airplane may conceivably lessen the driving time between distant points and extend its use into the movement of goods and com- modities which need to be moved quickly, it is probable that the highways will continue to move heavy goods and commodities and also serve for the utilitarian and pleasurable use of automobiles. The fact that a great deul of the Nation's freight still moves on the waterways is fre- quently overlooked. Railroad reconstruction and modernization, highway development, air development, and waterways planning can well be coordinated. WATER PROJECTS Water projects command our attention as useful to our progress. And here again is a field in which planning 1s important. Not only waterways but water supply, sewage treatment, and pollution elimination com- prise important subjects for plan. The Fed- eral Works Agency has been supervising ex- tensive plans on these items. Other aspects of this type of work concern flocd control, irrigation, and drainage. FUBLIC WORKS AND UNEMPLOYMENT At the present time, with the great starved market of America and the world, there is full opportunity of employment in this coun- try. However, we cannot be s0 shortsighted as to fail to understand that the time will come whcn this market may be more nearly satisfied, when there will be less demand for the goods and articles that man needs and desires, and when the production of them will be lowered and there will be less em- ployment of our people. Plans must be made for such an eventuality. The Government of this country ts not going to permit the people of America to be in want. So long as private industry and employment offers an opportunity of livelihood, as it does to- day, the immediate problem of work is not a troubie. But plans must be devised to forestall want in this country. It is my be- lief that public works will be the first siep to be taken to meet any margin of unem- ployment that may arise in the fu.ure. If that fails, then there is nothing left but to resort to direct monetary aid to those in need. To this end plans are being made to meet such a situation if it should arise. I may say to you that tcday, under the plan of the Board of Engineers for Rivers and Harbors, there is a hacklog cf plans Placed on a list of active projects, ready to be proceeded with, in a total cost under pres- ent levels of cost of €867,000,000. These are projects that have been authorized but for which money hes not been appropriated. We should proceed to continue to draw public- works plans to meet any possible un- employment in the future, so that if finan- cial depression comes upon us we shall not be forced into the expedient of providing useless work that cur people may live. Those projects should be such es to be of actual Insting benefit to the country as well as immediate relief to those engaged upon them. May the country never again and may the people never again have to con- tend with a situation such as that which arose under the confused and attempted relief of WPA. HOUSING REGULATIONS I have discussed heretofore the advantages of planning in public works, but it must be wise and foresighted planning, otherwise the result may be failure and distress. The best example of this is to be found in the housing situation. Up to 1932 housing was not thought of as a public responsibility. With the emergence of the new philosophy of government in recent years a variety of housing activities sprang up with different governmental agencies working on them and A1185 with a great deal of resultant confusion. These housing agencies were Federal, State, and municipal. In addition, there were pri- vate agencies, usually called housing aseo- ciations of the cities in which they were developed, The Federal Government set up several agencies of its own, including the Federal Housing Administration; the Public Works Administration, Housing Division; the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation; the Division of Subsistence Homesteads; the Federal Emer- gency Relief Administration; the Alley Dwelling Authority of the District cof Co- lumbia; and others. More recently, we have been confronted with a serious housing shortage due to the allocation of materials to other purposes curing the war and the controls which were bet up by the Federal Government to insure that the materials of war would not be di- verted to some other purpose. When the war ended the controls re- mained in effect, and it soon became appar- ent that the controls and the agencies wh.ch had been set up to administer them had 60 bound up the Nation's economy that the controls were a hindrance rather than a help in solving the housing situation. Several months ago 1 came across evi- dence of how not to plan to solve the hous- jog situation. For instance, at one of the large hzrdwood lumber mills in this coun- try, I discovered great stacks of hardwood lumber in the yards. Knowing how much this lumber was needed for home building here, I inquired as to why it appeared on the yards in such abundance unused. I found that it had been cut for export ship- ment and was stocked there to be sent abroad. It could not be purchased or used in the domestic market. It was marked for export to other countries. About the same time the Chief Executive announced thrcugh the press that this country was prepared to import lumber from atroad, And so, as the result of controls, we were confronted with the spectacle of ships sailing from the United States loaded with lumber and meeting on the high sess other ships coming to this country with lumber for us. The controls had backfired. PRESENT PLANS Public works throughout this Nation, both by the Federal Government and by the States, must continue at a reasonable pace— we cannot permit a deterioration in the great travel ways of this country such as the roads and the navigable rivers and harbors. The reclamation projects of the West have justified those gigantic undertakings not only in the reclamation to usefulness of thousands upon thousands of acres of land but also in the continuing amortization and repayment to the Government of money invested in them. However, undcubtedly the time has come in the financial situation of this country where there must be a retrenchment in spending so that people may be gradually relieved of the burden of the immense public debt which amounts to more than $2,000 for each tndividual in the country, and so that taxes may be reasonably reduced to permit private expansion and to permit peo- ple to use more of their earnings for their own private advancement and well-being. This, frankly, means that there will be less expenditures by your Federal Government and perhaps by the State governments. Certainly the States must follow the same course of tax decrease or the lessening of Federal taxes will, in fact, help the citizens very little. There can be no fixed formula as to just what projects will be constructed. The de- cision must be made with each particular plan to see how far it can be justified. The factors of need, public benefit, and monetary
A1186 return will be largely guiding in the public works program for sometime to come. It would be a very sound and wonderful thing if all of our projects undertaken with public funds could in fact make a monetary return to the till out of which they were financed. This, however, we know cannot be dcne with all projects. The return from some will be made in the service given the public, for example, over its roads and its waterways. REORGANIZATION OF PUBLIC WORKS COMMITIFE One of the important recent developments in the public works fleld occurred with the Passaze of the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946. This act, sponsored by Senator La Follette, attempted to streamline and simplify the functions of the legislative side of the Federal Government, and one of the fentures of the reorganization was the com- bination and coordination of overlrpping ccmmittees. Section 102 of that act provides thit all pranesed legislation, messages, petitions, memorials, and other matters shall be re- ferred to the Committee on Public Works if they cover the following subjects: 1. Flood control and improvement of rivers and harbors. : 2. Public works for the benefit of naviga- tion and bridges and dams (other than in- ternational bridges and dams). 3. Water power. 4. Oil and other pollution of navigable waters. 6. Public btulldings and occunied or im- proved grounds of the United States gener- ally. 6. Measures relating to the purchase of sites and construction of post offices, custom- houses, federal courthcuses, and government buildings within the District of Columbia. 7. Measures relating to the Copitol bu'ld- ing and the Senate and House Office build- ings. 8. Measures relating to the construction or reconstruction, maintenance, and care of the bulldings and grcunds of the Botanic Gar- dens, the Library of Congress, and the Smith- Bonian Institution. 9. Public reservations and parks within the District of Columbia, including Rcck Creek Park and the Zoological Park. 10. Measures relating to the construction and maintenance of roads and post roads. It will be readily seen that the new Com- mittee on Public Works is now charged with responsibility for proposed legislation on matters which were previously handled by three Senate committees. Flood control, rivers and harbors, water power, and pollution of navigable waiters were formerly under the jurisdiction of the Committee on Commerce. Public buildings and grounds, the purchase of sites and con- struction of post offices and other buildings in the District of Columbia, measures relat- ing to the Canitol Building and the Senate and House Office Buildings, measures relat- ing to the Botanic Gardens, the Library of Congress, and the Smithsonian Institution, and parks within the District of Columbia were formerly under the jurisdiction of the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. Measures relating to the construction and maintenance of roads and post roads were formerly under the juriediction of the Com- mittee on Post Offices and Post Roads. Under the new Legislative Reorganization Act a new concept of the responsibilities and duties of legislative committees has come into being. Heretofore, it has been the custom of the departments of the Gov- ernment to forward plans for construction projects to the legislative committees with either recommendations of approval or dis- approval, based upon the advice of the tech- nical experts employed by the administra- tive departments. Now the committees are to be staffed with their own technical ad- visers on the various subjects, and the need, usefulness, and costs of projects will be double-checked before legislation directs proceeding with them. Urge Action on H.R. 2185 EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 18, 1947 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, anything that can be done to insure adequate and continuous supplies of natural gas at reasonable prices to the people of M:ch- igon will have my unquslified support. For that reason I want to congra‘u- late my colleasue, Representat:ve Ross Riziey, of Oklahoma, for having intro- duced on February 24 a bill, H. R. 2185, for it appears that enactment of the amendments to the Natura] Gas Act as preposed in th'‘s bill will repair the dam- age that has ben done by the Federal Power Commission in following polic’es which have resulted in preventing the natural-gas industry from develcping its markets. I have made some inquiry into this matter, and frem my study it appears that the natural-gas industry has made every effort to render adequate and con- tinuous fervice. But because of the red tape and con- fusion to which they have bzen subjected by the Federal Power Commission, it has been humanly impossible fcr the industry to give my people the service they want and are entitled to have. In Michigan we have severely cold winters and we must have plentiful sup- plies of fuel available at all times. Nat- ural gas is the most convenient and cleanest of fuels and many hou-eholders want to use it. Unless the FPC follows policies which will permit the natural ges industry to expand and serve its maik2ts properly, those who want to use natural gas are fearful that sufficient sunplies will not be available at the very time when most needed, namely in times of extreme cold. If the FPC would stay within the limits of regulation laid down for it by Congress, and let the industry fulfill the job it is capable of fulfilling, Iam confident that my people would en- Joy to the fullest extent the cleanliness and convenience of adequate and con- tinuous natural gas service, and at a price that is reasonable. Industrial plants in Battle Creek, Kal- amazoo and other communities within my district also feel that they shou!d not be prevented from having the benefits of natural gas for various uses they make of it in their operations. I thoroughly agree with them, and feel that the amend- ments to the Natural Gas Act contained in the Rizley bill will have this result. It is most necessary that the inter- state transportation of natural gas be subjected to regulation, and I would be the last one to suggest otherwise, but just as emphatically I say that those who administer the Natural Gas Act must not exceed their jurisdiction, as APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD they have done, to the detriment of the public welfare. I hope that the House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committce will hold hearings on this measure as soon aS pos- sible and will expedite its consideration of the legislation, so that the natural ges industry can proceed in an orderly fashion to meet the demands being made on it, Tribute to the Late Mrs. Alben W. Bark'ey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD B. RUSSELL OF GEORGIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legeslative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. RUSS=ZLL. Mr. President, I ack unanimous consent to heave printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article from the Paducah (Ky.) Sun-Democrat entitled “Sidetights on Paducah.” It m‘ght more appropriately be entitled “S'delights on the Golden Character of the Late Mrs. Alben W. Barkley.” There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: SIDELIGHTS ON PADUCAH (By Fred G. Neuman) More people visited Mount Eenton Ceme- tery on the Lone Ouk Road over the week end than were ever in that burial ground before. The visitors came from far and wide to see the many floral tributes placed at the grave of Mrs. Alben W. Barkley, who was laid to rest last Wednesday. Most of the designs, original and elaborate, came from out-of- town friends of the family and showed the esteem in which Mrs. Be-kley was held both here and elsewhere. Her passing oc- casioned the largest number of floral blankets, spravs, wreaths, crosses, broken hearts, anchors, and other designs in the history of the city. Since the funeral serv- ices last Wednesday hundreds of cars have entered the quiet burial ground and driven around the back of the circle to view the lovely flowers. Over the week end, however, as many as nine cars at a time paused beside the Barkley lot, nearly a quarter acre in size end strewn with nature's choicest blooms, Although the site stands on a slight rise and the weather wrs cold, few of the flowers had wilted by late Sunday afterncon. Many kind words were spcken of Mrs. Barkley, both in her lifetime and since che joined the host on the other side. She was one of, the most gracious and humble personalities this town ever knew—and that goes for Washington, too, where she spent the last 35 years of her life. The fact that her husband was prominent never turncd her head, and she longed to come back among old home folks, hence the farm at the out- skirts of town on the Blandville Road, with all its old ways, old days, and old memories. She loved Kentucky with undying affection. She never once forgot her friends and asso- ciates in the old home town. ~ I’ve read lots of fine tributes to Mrs. Bark- ley the past few days. But I believe the finest expression came in a letter just received from Miss Mabel Warnecke, of the department of psychology at the University of Kentucky, which touches on a phase of character typical of the good woman who has just gone on. Here is Miss Warnecke's letter:
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “These few lines may help you to under- stand the warm spot that will long be Mrs. Barkiey’s in the hearts of her many friends. “Several years ago, when the women’s coun- cll of her church was holding its first fall meeting, the ladies present were asked to intreduce themselves—each in turn giving her name and some identification. Varicus ladies did so, adding perhaps ‘wife of the treasurer of the church,’ or whatever was appropriate. “When Mrs. Barkley's turn arrived, with everyone prepared to hear ‘wife of S2nator Barxrey, majority leader, etc.’ what hap- pened? A sweet voice simply said, ‘I am Dot Barkley Linda Brower’s sister.’ (Linda, of course, having been a faithful worker in the church for many years.) “Such charm is not often found.” Resolution of Independent Polit:cal Slovak Club of Monessen, Pa. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AUGUSTINE B. KELLEY ©” PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. KELLEY. Mr. Speaker, I wish to insert in the RecorD a resolution which I have received from the officers of the Independent Political Slovak Club of Monessen, Pa. The officers of this or- ganization are noted for their high de- gerce of citizenship and integrity. I hope that the State Department will take cognizance of this appeal in behalf of Dr. Jozef Tiso. The resolution follows: Whereas Very Rev. Magr. Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first and only President of the Slovak Republic, proved his loyality to Czecho- slovekia eas long as it was a practical reality; to wit, from 1918 to 1938; and Whereas the representatives of the Slovak peoples, duly elected in the fall elections of 1928 by universal, secret, and direct ballot, unanimously proclaimed an independent Slovakia on March 14, 1989, upon the dis- integration of Czechoslovakia; and Whereas Dr. Jozef Tiso was drafted into the highest office of this lawfully erected Slovak Republic, guiding and managing its internal affairs during the trying years from 1939 to 1945 during which period Slovakia progressed culturally, thrived economically, and grew nationally as it never did in the past; and Whereas the Slovak Republic, under the wise leadership of Dr. Jozef Tiso, had been recognized, before, and during the war, 45 an independent state, even by many United Nations, to wit: Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Great Britain, France, Poland, Yugoslavia, and many others; and Whereas Dr. Jozef Tiso and his regime had the wholehearted support of the vast major- ity of h‘'s countrymen, because of his just rule ix. spite of the raving dictates of Hitler; and Whereas the Slovak Republic was destroyed by the self-appointed communistic political regime, imposed upon the Slovak people without vote by the sheer might of Russian military force; and Whereas thousands of Slovak inteligentia, men, women, and children were arrested and taken to concentration camps in Russia and Siberia without trial or conviction, where they are enslaved, starved, and dying in camps No. 487 and 242/29B, in Stalinsk, Siberia: , Therefore, we, American citizens of Slovak descent, members of the Independent Politi- cal Slovak Club, and residents of Monessen, Pa., in meeting assembled, Sunday, the 26th day of January 1947, hereby protest most emphatically and vigorously the unjust im- prisonment and threatened execution of the Very Reverend Monsignor Dr. Jozef Tiso, and demand the release of the Slovak inteligentia from Russian concentration camps. Be it resolved, (1) That we demand the liberation of Dr. Jozef Tiso; (2) that the case of Dr. Jozef Tiso be placed before duly elected representatives of a free Slovak people; (3) that the Slovak Nation which has lived through a thousand years of oppression, domination, and misrule, be given a chance to exercise its God-given right of self-rule, as have many smaller nations, both in size and population. To wit: Norway, Irish Free State, Switzerland, Belgium, Denmark, Albania, and others; be it further Resolved, That we protest most vigorously the imprisonment and trial of Dr. Jozef Tiso, because he was in the sphere of the Axis na- tions, being forced by sheer might to do the will of Axis leaders, many of whom are en- joying liberty and the friendship of the United Nations, to wit: Italian Victor Eman- uel, Hungarian Admiral Horthy. and others. In conclusion we further protest the im- prizonment and trial of Dr. Jozef Tiso, be- cause it is purely a political guise on the part of Dr. Edward Benes, the Prague puppet of the Icremlin, and his fellow Red Communists to destroy all political opfesition in a coun- try that claims to be free and democratic, and thereby to continue the colonial exploi- tation of Slovakia, as was the case from 1918 to 1938; it is also Resolved, That this resolution be sent to the proper authorities of our Government 50 that it will intervene on behalf of Dr. Jozef Tiso and the enslaved intelligentsia in Russia, Signed at Monessen, Pa., this 26th day of February 1947. STEPHEN CreNnez, ANDREW B. ErMPéH, Mr-an PETTKO, Jcun K. ANTURSKOVICH, ZOcEPH KRvuPA, Officers of the Independent Political Slovak Club, Monessen, Pa. Tribute to Commissioner Durr, of the Fed- eral Communications Commission EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GLEN H. TAYLOR OF IDAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. TAYLOR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a tribute which has been paid by Variety, one of the country’s oldest, most dis- tinguished, and most popular trade magazines, to Commissioner Clifford J. Durr, of the Federal Cammunications Commission. Commissioner Durr repre- sents the very highest tradition of the American civil service, and throughout his notable career his one great goal has been the protection of the public in- terest. He has frequently been criti- cized by some spokesmen for the indus- try which his commission regulates, but it is encouraging to note that the most influential publication in the entertain- ment industry appreciates what others overlook; that in serving the interests of the public, Commissioner Durr has also A1187 served the long range interest of the broadcasters themselves. This citation to Clifford Durr appeared in the March 12, 1947, issue of Variety. There being no objection, the matter was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: CLIFFORD J. DURR Clifford J. Durr is one of the few Commis- sioners in the history of the FCC who has been able to see the woods for the trees. By contrast with the lawyers and engineers who have usually been his colleagues, he hus in- sisted that the dec'sive criterion of radio service is not primarily the coverege pattern, the balance sheet, or the cewrtietics of a practitioner before the FCC bar, but whut comes out of the loudspeaker: the program. It is preeminently Durr who has re:used t? Iend his assent to Commission decirelons which might tend to corrode the foundations of a truly free and unmonopolized radio. It is Durr who has struck out sharply acainst inflated sale prices for facilities which ure primarily the property of the publ.c. And, finally, it is Durr who has not hesitated to state his position publicly and in lvcid terms, stumping the country from end to end to preach the gospel of democracy in radio. To the great dissenter of the present FCC, the guardsman of the American pcople's stake in the air they nominally own and the most show-management-minded Commis- sioncr on the FCC. Variety extends its estecm and its 1946 award. Litt'e by Litt’e the American People Are Being Let in on What Has Been Hap- pening to Greece EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RUBERT S. ELLIS OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, Murch 21, 1947 Mr. ELLIS. Mr. Speaker, I submit for the consideration of my colleagues an editorial from the Parkersburg (W. Va.) News by Mr. Herman E. Gieske. This statement clearly indicates that the people, particularly in my section of the country, are not going to be fooled by the political gymnastics of the State Department and are going to take a good look at all administration proposals en- tailing further foreign commitments. The editorial follows: OF ALL PEOPLE! Little by little the American people are being let in on what has been happening to Greece. Paul Porter, formerly an obscure smell town New Deal editor, is revealed as “a special invesi.gator in Greece,” hurrying home to lay before Congress “first hand” evi- Cence supporting President Truman's pro- gram to combat ccmmunism in Greece by lending American guns, money, and military to that country and Turkey. Of all people we can think of, we could scarcely imagine anyone less qualified for this key role than the ubiquitous Paul Pcr- ter, whose last role was head cf the now nearly defunct OPA. It was he, after Chester Bowles had been ousted, who still tried to sell the American people a bill of political goods on the OPA. And of all the Communist-like agencies of the United States Government OPA was one of the worst in its baneful efiects on the American people and its bureaucratic high-handedness.
A1188 When Porter got out of OPA, or rather, OPA wuss cut from under him, we suppose the New Dealites figured he had to have some kind of a political job, so they sent him to Greece. And now he comes up with a char- acteristic New Deal remedy—more spending, more taxes on the backs of American people, for the sake of holding communism “at bay.” This is magnificent irony. We do not recall Mr. Porter ever protesting against Commu- nists infesting our own Government in Wash- ington, or doing anything much about it. ‘Tis a strange destiny for the United States that our future should be entrusted to such men at a critical juncture in world affairs, Southern Industrial Capacity EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. FRANK W. BOYKIN OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OY REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. BOYKIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks, I include an article bylined by my friend, Fred Thornton, in the Montgomery Ad- vertiser. The article is an interview with my good friend and the good friend of “you all,” Gen. Brehon (Slim) Somer- vell, who points out in that interview the tremendous potential industrial ca- pacity of our great Southland where you can run an industrial factory for what it costs to heat one in the industrial north country of you “dese,” “dem,” and “dose” guys: SoMERVELL ASSERTS SOUTH'’S OPPORTUNITIES ARE UNLIMITED (By Fred Thornton) “The sky's the limit” on the South’s oppor- tunities for development along industrial and other lines, in the opinion of Gen. Brehon Somervell, president, Koppers Co., Inc. The former commanding general of the Army Service Forces arrived in Montgomery yester- duy, with Mrs, Somervell, to inspect the local plant of the company he now heads. “You can run a factory down here on what it costs to heat one up north,” General Somervell said. ‘The South has ample re- sources, good people, and it has the energy and initiative, too,” he added. He reminded his interviewer that this statement was really bragging on his home folks, being himself a native of Arkansas, General Somervell declined to comment, for publication, on any of the world aspects of military or international affairs. “I have always thought that old retired generals who are always telling those on active duty how to run their business are a pain in the neck” he said. “I definitely do not intend to get in that class, myself.” General Somervell did comment, in opti- mistic strain, on the domestic situation, “Generally speaking, I will say that in my opinion the domestic outlook is good,” he said. “If we can get by without major in- dustrial conflict for this year—and I think the chances are good that we will—then busi- ness prospects are good for as far ahead as we can now foiesee,.” BOTH LOSE “I believe that labor and management are both becoming increasingly conscious that both sides lose in strife between them,” Gen- eral Somervell declared. “I believe there is an increasing tendency for both to put their respective houses in order, and get together ag reasonable men.” He added that his own company has been remarkably free of -labor- management difficulties. “We try to see the viewpoint of the men, and I believe they are trying to see ours,” he said. General Somervell served under Pershing in Mexico, and in France in World War I. In World War II, in command of the Army Service Forces, formerly Services of Supply, he played a vital role in supplying the armies with the equipment that made vic- tory possible. He was a full general at the time of his retirement. On May 1, 1946, he assumed the presidency of Koppers Co., Inc., of Pittsburgh, Pa. This company is one of varied, widespread activ- ities. The Montgomery plant, of its wood- preserving division, treats approximately 30,000,000 feet of timber per annum, with a monthly pay roll of around $30,000. General Somervell was entertained at a party early Wednesday evening at the Jeffer- son Davis Hotel, attended by a number of Montgomery notables. Later in the evening he was a dinner guest of Col. Weldon Doe, a classmate at West Point, class of 1914. On Thursday, General Somervell, accompanied by a group of representative Montgomery busi- nessmen, will inspect the company’s local plant, leaving later in the day for Birming- am. Who Are the Witch Hunters? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, inasmuch as I have been one of those charged with witch hunting whenever, I have referred to the danger of having Communists holding key positions in the Federal Government, I am inserting an article by Frank R. Kent, March 21, 1947, in the Washington Evening Star, as fol- lows: THE Great GAME OF POLiTics—So-CaLLEep RED BalTING CoMES Now From ALL SIDES, WITH No DENIAL (By Frank R. Kent) In these depressing days it seems worth while to report progress—if only a little—in two not unimportant directions. One is re- cent evidence of an increase in the clarity of political thought in the country generally; the other is evidence that, despite propa- ganda and clamor, truth does, somehow emerge. In a way these two things are one, in that—first, each has to do with the ques- tion of communism; second, the first is de- pendent on the second. Only a short time ago anyone who ven- tured to bring up this subject in print was vehemently announced as a “Red baiter.” A favorite epithet of the left-wing columnists and professional liberals was ‘witch burner.” Those who insisted that the CIO and its PAC, the American Labor Party in New York, the Newspaper Guild of that city and many other organizations, constantly mouthing the word “liberal,” were saturated if not dominated by the Communists, were indicted as ‘Roosevelt haters.” Those who asserted that many Com- munists were holding jobs in various Gov- ernment departments were treated as if they had said something treasonable. HAS CHANGED NOW The mildest thing they were called was “scared reactionaries.” But that has all APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD changed now. The scared reactionaries no longer have to insist on the menace of ccm- munism. The left-wing columnists, the pro- fessional liberals and even some of the CIO leaders themselves (in a pained way) are do- ing the insisting. Conceding the infiltration of that organization and declaring that 25 percent of its unions are Communist-domi- nated, they are openly battling to keep from being submerged. The so-called R-d baiting comes from all sides. Everybody is doing it now—and there is no denial of the charges. Indictment of the CIO as Communist- dominated, they are, openly by the AFL, and admitted by CIO spokesmen. Fresh testi- mony of Communist activity on the Govern- ment pay rolls is offered before a House com- mittee. In addition, a high Government of- ficial, Secretary of Labor Schwellenbach (him- self a “liberal” and CIO endorsed), a short time ago asked Congress to abolish the Com- munist Party in this country by enacting a law to make its existence illegal. Apparently Mr. Schwellenbach had the support of At- torney General Clark in this request and it is not likely he would have made it without President Truman's knowledge and approval. OUTLAWING PROTESTED In addition, one of the new “liberal” divi- sions, the Americans for Democratic Action, has publicly banned Communists from mem- bership. There were immediate protests from the CIO and the Communists to the proposal to outlaw the Communist Party, and objections were raised by others that the proposal is not wise on two grounds—(1) that delicate dealings with Russia might be upset; (2) that to outlaw the party might merely drive the movement underground. Nevertheless, the idea has strong support and the 1942 words of former Attorney General Biddle are recalled when he described the Communist party here as an “organization that believes in, advises, advocates, and teaches the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the United States.” True, Mr. Biddle was a “liberal” but, 50 far as this issue was concerned, he was a lonely one and his statement neither dimin- ished the Communist activity in the CIO nor weakened their political support of the administration of which he was a member— quite the contrary. Of course, if Mr. Biddle was right then and the Messrs. Schwellen- bach and Clark are right now, the Commu- nist Party is, in fact, a criminal conspiracy under existing Federal law. SAMPLE OF SITUATION As to the effect on negotiations with Rus- sia of public agitation and action to halt the spread of communism here, it may reason- ably be abked what is the sense of sending millions in money and material to Greece and Turkey to prevent Communist domina- tion of those countries while entirely ignor- ing its spread in our own? That seems idiotic, Certainly, it is not the way to win Russian respect or confidence, It is a sure way to confirm the view that we are a Nation of incurable saps. As a sample of what goes on here, take this quotation from the extremely left-wing New York Evening Post from the column of the extremely liberal labor specialist, Victor Hisel. He says: “Another of the pro-Communist unions controls enough native and white Pan-Amer- ican workers to cripple the Panama Canal if a strike were called. Some 20,000 men work- ing for the Army, Navy, and canal adminis- trations are members of this highly politi- calized union, They were ordered to reveal their militancy by parading through the streets of the cities at each end of the canal— which they did 2 weeks ago. They are CIO unions.” This does not come from an unfriendly source. It comes from a friendly one. Is it something to be ignored?
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORDJ) Ipnocence Abroad EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL T. DURHAM OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. DURHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orD, I include the following article from whe Army and Navy Bulletin of March ’ 1: INNOCENCE ABROAD A reluctant America is having thrust upon it the leadership of the western world. The role of international policeman, which has been the sole, and unhappy, responsibility of Great Britain ever since Napoleon went off to St. Helena in 1815, is now being offered to an America that 1s politically unsophisti- cated in international affairs. When it be- came apparent that the British Empire was unable to continue as an international buffer for the western democracies and the Ameri- can Republics, the one gratifying develop- ment was that a traditionally happy-go-lucky race of Americans seemed aware of the por- tents of this historic hour and did not casti- gate as Cassandras those who explained the facts of present-day international life. Our profound apathy apparently was shaken by the realization that the conven- tional world known to this generation cf Americans and its forbears is disintegrating. The reluctance of Prime Minister Winston Churchill to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire was respected by his defeat, only in the nick of time. India, that brightest jewel in the British crown, will leave the fold not later than June 1948. Egypt already has perted company and wishes to carry Anglo-Egyptian Sudan with her. Palestine, with its bitter problems, is being handed by Britain to the United Na- tions—which to all intents and purposecs, in this particular instance, means the United States, because President Truman has made it abundantly clear that Palestine is an American problem. It was only a question of time until, fol- lowing the prophecy “Westward the course of empire,’ our turn came to support and perpetuate the heritage which first stemmed from the Grecian archipelago that we are now called upon to rescue. Great Britain has been going it alone since the beginning of the eighteenth century, and is old and tired America is lusty and young. It is now called upon to accept leadership from the palsied hand of a great empire now in its twilight and dotage. The Empire is broke, bankrupt, and in forced liquidation. It is cutting commit- ments right and left. The Royal Air Force-— those few who so recently did so much for so many—is being deliberately curtailed. The Royal Navy, cut another 60 percent, steps down from its ancient high estate to a sub- ordinate role. The heritage of Lord Nelson becomes America’s, as Britain for the first time since Trafalgar cuts off the pensions and perquisites of the family of her greatest naval leader, classically referred to as the embodiment of the sea power of Great Britain. From that British homeland and Empire we received a solid legacy—Magna Carta, habeas corpus, Chaucer, Shakespeare, the common law, and the King James version of the Bible—with all the liberties implied by such enduring monuments. It is this very substantial heritage along with the frothie: elements of democracy, the amenitie of western civilization, like the customs and manners of the French court Americanized by Emily Post, which we are now called upon to support and perpetuate. During the generations that Great Britain policed the world, she relied almost entirely upon her navy. In The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, Mahan characterized the British Navy as “Those storm-tossed ships upon whom the grand army never looked stood between Napoleon and the do- minion of the world.” It is no longer true, as in the great days of empire from Eliza- bethan England to Jutland, that he who holds the trident of Neptune wields the eceptre of the world. In this air age, Nep- tune’s trident must be joined to the chariot of Apollo. And trazically over all looms the robot-guided atom bomb. Meanwhile sca power and air power—actual and potential— America now has in rich abundance. As we first comprehend the role of world leadership being thrust into our wavering and reluctant hands, the inventory of cur might will be gratifying. Not only is our lead in sea power and alr power unchal- lenged but we remain, with our inaustrial superiority, the arsenal of democracy. Be- cause of our economic condition we are like- wise the granary of democracy. Over all these we have the atomic bomb; and all cf these, except the last named, should and will be used by America ir its new role of world leader. So, in response to Britain's sudden cry for help in sustaining Greece, the Mediterranean may become—like the Pacific Ocean—another American lake. There would be United States naval squadrons patrolling from now on out in the Middle Sea. We will become more acutely aware of the Durdanelles. We will oppose Russia's demand for Tr.politania as a quid pro quo for Micronesia. There will be divisions of the United States Air Forces in Greece, and more American troops will come to know the Middle East. It is said that nature and communism abhor a vacuum. Democracy also cannot tolerate any such condition. Thus, Greece and its rescue become an American must. The United States has sea power and air power, industrial mirht and vast resources. Russia has land power and manpower. The western allies are the right wing of the United Nations. Rusela and her satellites are the left wang. The lines are drawn. The success of democracy depends upon a great domestic issue and 4 vastly complicated in- ternational undertaking. At home its cuccess demands tranquillity on the industrial front. There is a pressing and urgent need for collaboration between management and labor. Except to make this manifest observation, it is not within the province of the Army and Navy Bulletin to discuss this purticular crisis; only to the ex- tent it is necers2ry to point out that any danger of American inflation will imperil the vast commitments which are now being sud- denly thrust upon the United States. The road e!sewhere is clear. In cur new role of world leadership the goal shculd be to transfer these new respunsibilities und new duties as soon as possible to a working international organization the Unitcd Na- tions. That organization we feel and hope is now evolving. The New York Herald Tribune in praising the Fresident’s recent visit to Mexico and our international defense accord with Canada refers to the “one con- tinent.” The Agreement of Chapultepec makes of the New World one hemisphere. Allied in destiny with the New World are a crumbling British Empire and what is left of the Western democracies. Our number one weapon for peacetime is food. It is the cheapest and most effective instrument for preserving peace in duanger- ous areas where peace is most threatened. It may not be as positive and quick acting as the atomic bomb but the absence of food, in its naked power as a negative weapon, can be altogether as effective and remorseless and A1189 far more efficient and inhumane. Moreover pound for pound bread 1s cheaper and more ugreecble than the A-bomb. The leader of the right wing of the United Nations will do its most enligntened fighting @fainst chaos and communism with the weapons of calories and clothirg. We will need vast appropriations for the Navy in order to carly the flag of American prestige to every corner of the earth. We w.il need an air force in b2ing. We will continue to be the arsenal of democracy We will need to support and shore up the crumb'rg Brit- ish Empire, because even in its senescence it can be this country's greatest champion and support. To perform these new and awesome re- sponsibilities will require an awful lot cf cosh--cash not ever to be repaid in the ordi- nary way but repaid rather in terms of fewer holocausts, booming world trade and the preservation of human rirhts. We are guing to exceed, and exceed fast, the limit placed by President Truman upon his budget for in- ternational relief and international affairs. So, when the Eightieth Congress continues to debate the question of budget reduction on the military and international front, we hope that they are doing no further mischief than engagin; in a bit of innocent merri- ment. It is all very well and very necessary to carefully study the President's budget and make arrangements for appropriate econo- mies. It is even more necessary because of the impending commitments which now confront us. If we are going to carry out our new role, we cannot go bankrupt like the British did and it is inconceivable that this country will fail to accept the challenge of communism, or ignore any threats to the democratic way of life. But none of the disturbing situations which have arisen i. the past few weeks lead us tc believe that there can be any sub- stantial budgetary savings. It means at best wiser channeling of the funds avaiable. We cannot be top dog on a peanut budget. And, brother, that's what we are, like it or not. There are many who seek and fight for, but never achieve, greatness and responsibility. Some have it thrust upon them. So, while America, hoping against hope for the return to a uterine existence, was busybodying about tax cuts and other local domestic is- sues, someone dropped a very messy world into its lap. The whole thing should be cleaned up and turned over to the United N ‘tions. Taxation for Voters Only EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILBUR D. MILLS OF ARK‘ NSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. MILLS. Mr. Speeker, uncer leave to extend my remarks in the Rscorp, I include the following editorial from The Washington Daily News of March 21, 1947: TAXATION FOR VOTERS ONLY House Republican leaders have agreed on a tex reduction bill. It provides: A 30 percent cut for those with texable in- come up to $1,000, comprising—and not by coinc:dence—the largest number cf voters. A cut of 20 percent for the next largest number of voters, those with taxable income between 81,000 and 8302.000. And 10.5 percent fer the handful whese in- come is above $302.000 and who are rfre- sumed to vote Republican anyway.
A1190 This bill, if passed, will diminish the Gov- ernment’s revenues by 83,840,000,000—at a time when the Government's debt is $260,- 000,000,000, when the budget is still unbal- anced, when demands for national security expenditures at home and around the world are rising. Taxpayers in all brackets would be much better off if Congress held to the present tax rates this year, and used all surplus revenues collected to start paying off the public debt. With prices and living costs still rising, due largely to the Government’s continued spend- ing of borrowed money, this is no time to cut taxes. Now may be a good time to start working on a sensible tax cut to become effec- tive next year, aitter the budget has been balanced and prices stabilized. And This Is Our Thanks EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr, LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEc- orD, I wish to include herewith a copy of an editorial from the Jefferson Davis Parish News, of Jennings, La., of date March 17, 1947, as follows: AND THIS IS OUR THANKS Some of the gratitude for winning the Asiatic war and driving the Japs out of conquered islands is coming home to roost. A little noticed item last week told that the Dutch authorities in Java had unloaded a $3,000,000 cargo of quinine and rubber from the American liberty ship Martin Behrman on the grounds that the cargo belonged to British and Dutch plantations. Of course that was subterfuge and we already have been told that quay charges at Batavia have been raised 200 percent against all foreign shippers, who in turn charge foreign ships are not being allowed sufficient storage space. All nations, save the British and Dutch, are being virtually boycotted from having shipping facilities in the Dutch East Indies. We had been warned before to stay out, unless we used Dutch and British facilities and further, if we get the commodities we want, we pay black-market prices. And we must take all this lying down. During the war the Dutch never turned a finger that was apparent to save their col- onies from the Japs and when the Japs took them over it was this Nation that had the Homeric task of driving the Japs island from island and the Dutch even gave us hints we didn't work fast enough and should be more vigorous in driving the Nips out of the islands. It was American blood and manhood and American treasure which freed the islands of the Japs, and politely and gently we handed them back to the Dutch. They might have thanked us but they probably did not, Any- way, it is safe now—the Japs are gone—so the Netherlanders hijack us and force us to pay tribute in black-market sales if we buy anything from those rich islands. For the more we can be gouged—and we need quinine and rubber and other scarce materials so badly, the more profit will accrue to the fat Dutchmen. It is told that 50,000,000 tons of sugar are also stored in Java, and we prob- ably could get some of it at black-market prices, if we would be so kind as to send our military forces over to bring the Javanese natives, who are crying for independence, to their knees. Things like these make us boiling mad, especially when we think what fools we have been and we wonder if the Dutch think we fought the war to win back their lush plantations while they were hiding in some place of safety. We have made their colonies secure again—for their gain—and they po- litely turn around and give us a hefty slap in the face, Simplification of New York Income-Tax Returns EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, New York State leads again. Harassed in- come taxpayers who have just this last week gone through the throes, not only of scraping together the money to pay ar. income-tax installment, but also the almost equally burdensome wear and tear on their nervous systems involved in wading through and trying to under- stand and honestly report their income under our complex Federal income-tax system, will no doubt turn their eyes with envy toward Albany, where Gov. Thomas E. Dewey has just announced his recommendations for simplified New York State income-tax returns, Under leave to extend my remarks, I include a portion of his press release is- sued when this plan was announced, and commend it to the careful study of those in the Federal service charged with preparation of forms for reporting taxes. This drive to the heart of a pressing problem and attempt to simplify Gov- ernment operations so that every citizen in every walk of life can understand what goes on and which way his Gov- ernment is heading is typical of the ef- ficient, businesslike, liberal program of legislation which has marked the ad- ministration of the great Governor of New York. The portion of Governor Dewey’s press release follows: Governor Dewey will recommend to the legislature an amendment to the State in- come tax law which will permit the most sweeping simplification of taxpayer returns in the 28-year history of the tax. As a result, the New York State income tax returns of many taxpayers next year may be a form no bigger than a post card which can be filled out in less than 5 min- utes. The amendment, which would strip income tax reporting for at least a million tax- payers to the barest of fundamentals, * * * will make possible the use of a proposed in- come tax card return, the size of an ordinary bank check, for all taxpayers who have in- come from only salaries or wages, commis- sions, dividends and interest. It is esti- mated at least 40 percent, or about 1,000,000 taxpayers, will be able to use the short card form, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The new form, which will be inaugurated next year if the amendment ts enacted, calls for only a half-dozen figures. The entries to be made would be: 1. Your income as employee. 2. Your dividends and interest, if any. 3. Your deduction (10 percent of No. 1 and No. 2 up to $500). 4. Your exemption, 5. Your taxable balance (the difference between the total of No. 1 and No. 2, and the total of No. 3 and No. 4). 6. Your tax—computed at the regular rates by a simple percentage calculation. It will be as easy as that. The new card form will be identified as Optional Form 200, taking the place of the present 1-page Optional Form 200 introduced in 1944 as a preliminary measure of simpli- fication. Savings in administrative costs, resulting from additional revenue and more thorough efficiency and speedier audit, are expected to offset any revenue loss which might other- wise result from the 10-percent provision. Use of the card forms will permit mecha- nization of several administrative operations and partial mechanization of others, all made possible by recent developments in the design of tabulating equipment. The proposed short form will be used by the Tax Commission as a punch card which will make it possible to mechanize mailing of forms, processing of receipts, alphabetiz- ing of returns, controls over installment pay- ments and delinquency, filing and various bookkeeping operations into one fully-inte- grated system. The short form will also re- sult in a great saving of time now spent in the audit of itemized deductions on returns and will eventually free more space for one of the most crowded bureaus in State gov- ernment, Telegram of Ukrainian-American Relief Committee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I desire to call to the attention of my colleagues the following telegram which I have re- ceived from a group of patriotic citizens of my home city of Ukrainian origin, organized as the Ukrainian-American Relief Committee: The 500 Rochester Americans of Ukrainian descent assembled on March 16 to honor the memory of Ukrainian poet Taras Shevre- henko, express herewith their fullest sup- port of your new American policy to support free people who are resisting attempted sub- jugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures. We earnestly hope that in pur- suing this policy United States will take into consideration the assistance to Ukrainian people in their struggle to work out their destiny in their own way. A free Ukraine will be stabilizing factor in international relations and will be a strong bulwark against the spread of a totalitarian com- munism. UKRAINIAN AMERICAN Re.izy COMMITTEE. K. Suevcnux, President, R. Prrsray, Secretary. RocHEsTER, N. Y.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Greek Situation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK BUCHANAN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES , Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include an article which ap- peared in the Washington Post, of Fri- day, March 21, 1947, by Drew Pearson, pertaining to the Greek situation: THE WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND (By Drew Pearson) A Latin-American ambassador was talk- ing off the record about North American diplomacy. A very sage diplomat and a very good friend of the United States of America, he spoke frenkly. “The trouble with your diplomats,” he said, “is that they expect the representa- tives of other countries to act as gentlemen. You expect them to be just as honest as you are. Instead they are tough, shrewd, some- times very dishonest bargainers. Yet your diplomats haven't learned bure-knuckle diplomacy.” Early in the war, the late Frank Knox, then Secretary of the Navy, complained of the same thing. Talking to a small group of newsmen, he revealed that the United States was not exacting postwar terms from its allies during the war. We were waiting, like perfect gentlemen until the war was over. Sumner Welles, then Under Secretary of State, felt the same way. As early as 1942, the first year of the war, Welles began set- ting up an American commission to work on the terms of the peace. Like any practical lawyer, he believed in collecting Uncle Sam's fees while his client's tears were hot. But he was overruled—and later kicked out—by Cordell Hull. In the files of the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee is a significant letter from Hull stating that the terms of peace must wait until the end of the war. That tragic mistake accounts for much of our trouble today. Former allies, their tears no longer hot, their backs no longer to the wall at Stalingrad, and the Champs Elysees no longer patrolled by enemy troops, are in no mood to bargain. The only reason for crying over spilt milk at this time is to prevent more milk from being spilled. And at the moment we are embarking on a vital new chapter of foreign policy, apparently without fixing our terms in advance. Congress seems certain to approve the Truman aid-to-Greece proposal—as it should. The chips are now down and the USA is playing the international game for keeps. However, since we are going into this cut- throat game with our eyes open, there are certain terms Congress may want to exact from the British and Greek Governments— in advance. Here are some of them: 1. Cancellation of British loans to Greece. Some of the loans made by British banks carry an interest rate up to 16 percent, and have constituted one of the main obligations of the Greek Government. If British loans are not canceled it merely means that Amer- ican taxpayers will be paying interest to British banks. 2. Exit of the controversial, Fascist-minded King of Greece. As long as George is on the throne Greek guerillas will never surrender. 8. Organization of a middle-of-the-road Coalition government. Some of the demo- cratic Greek opposition leaders who have recently conferred with the State Depart- ment could help form such a coalition. 4. Early exit of the British Army as soon as American-trained Greeks can take over. 5. Heavier taxation for wealthy Greeks. Thousands of wealthy Greeks, many of them living abroad, contribute relatively little in taxes to their government. Finally, we owe it to ourselves and to the pledge we took as a member of the United Nations gradually to transfer the American burden in Greece to the United Nations. While the United Nations may not be im- Mediately equipped to unsnarl the Greek tangle, once the United States has unsnarlcd the main tangles, the UN should be able to iron out the rest. Furthermore, we are obligated to consult and advise with the United Nations. This should begin imme- diately, together with word that the UN should get ready to take over later. Not only does the American taxpayer not want to carry the Greek burden indcfinitely, but the United Nations, if it is to gain strength, must learn to use its wobbly legs— and the sconer the better. Fiorello LaGuardia had some interesting things to say the other day about the tuxing o1 wealthy Greeks. Talking to friends, the former mayor of New York told how he had conferred with the Premier of GreCce while in Athens and proposed to him that the thou- sands of wealthy Greeks living in Egypt, North Africa. and other Mediterranean sec- tors bear some of the burden of their coun- try's plight. LaGuardia pointed out that these Greeks had built up large fortunes, sometimes at the expense of Greece, though living outside of Greece, and they should be taxed. The Greek Premier, however, was not enthusiustic. “Money,” he replied, “knoWs no national boundaries.” That ended the conversation. Few people realize how bitter most Greeks are against the British. Here is one incident, told by an American UNRRA worker, which illustrates why. After the British took over Athens, they imposed a curfew requiring all Athenians to be off the streets after 7 p.m. Two nights later, in front of the Acropol Palace Hotel, where the UNRRA mission was quartered, a Greek peddler had made « sale—just before %. Because of inflation, the counting of the paper money tcok a minute or so, and by the time the peddler had gathered up his bun- dles, it was a few minutes past 7 p.m. At that moment a British armored car came round the corner. UNRRA workers were horrified to see it riddle the peddler with machine-gun bullets. He died in his tracks. Nore.—This column will supply the nume of the American eyewitness to this tregedy to any committee of Congress that is inter- ested. Here are other illustrations as to why the Greeks hate the British, all given by Ameri- cans who worked in Greece, and who are available for congressional testimony: When the Nazis evacuated Athens, the British failed to pursue them. Instead, the British remained in Athens letting the retiring Ger- man armies pillage and burn the country- side. This was when the Nazis did their worst damage. When the British took over Athens, they decreased the wage paid by the Germans to common laborers from $1.40 to $1.20, simultaneously increasing the price of Red Cross rations from 50 to 60 cents for 800 calories. The British-controlled Greek Gov- ernment has largely supported itself by sell- ing UNRRA food, in turn paid for by Ameri- can taxpayers. One secret report to UNRRA showed that Greek Government revenue as of last November came from the following sources; taxes, 4 percent; import-export du- ties, 1 percent; excise levies on tobacco, 9 percent; sale of UNRRA food and supplies, 86 percent, About 380,000 Greeks have been imprisoned under the new “thought control” law which makes it a prison offense to say anything against the King. Al191 Investigation of Subversive Organizations EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM S. HILL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, IT include the following joint memorial of the legislature of the State of Colorado: House Joint Memortal 4 Whereas investigations by the Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States and investigations by the Federal Bu- reau of Investigation have disclosed that there are, throughout the United Stutes and within the borders of the State of Coloredo, certain individuals and organizations that have as their goal and for their purpose the violent and forceful overthrow of the govern- ments of the United States and the State of Colorado and the destruction of the system of tree enterprise which is a basic part of our National and State governments and an element in such governments which is essential to the happiness and welfare of the citizens and residents of the United States and the State of Colorado; and Whereas such individuals or organizations are in many instances subservient or faith- ful to or connected with certain foreign gov- ernments; and Whereas it is important to ascertain and insure that all employees of the United States Government are loyal to our constitutional form of government, and, because there are apparently many Federal employees who are members of subversive groups and/or ad- herents to their subversive doctrines, their continued employment in the Federal Gov- ernment is inimical to the best interests of the United States and the State of Colorado and the people thereof: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives of the Thirty-sizth General Assembly of the State of Colorado (the Senate concurring herein), That the General Assembly of the State of Colorado respectfully memorialize the Congress of the United States to— 1, Appropriate sufficient funds for the Federal Bureau of Investigation to continue its effective investigations and coverage of subversive organizations and individuals seeking to undermine the constitutionai form of government of the United States. 2. Appropriate sufficient funds to the Com- mittee on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States to enable such committee to continue its investigations and exposure of organizations and individuals engaged in all forms of subversive activities, whether they be in the nature of communism, fascism, or navzism, and to publish periodical reports that will be of value in the educa- tional campaign to overcome the compla- cency of the citizens of the United States concerning the danger of the subversive ac- tivities being carried on in our midst. 8. Direct and authorize the investigation and removal of Federal employees who, after careful investigation and careful weighing of evidence, have been found to be of doubtful loyalty to our present form of constitutionai government in order that all Communists, Fascists, and their sympathizers may be re- moved from positions in the Federal Govern- ment where they are of potential danger and aid to the subversive forces at work seeking to undermine and overthrow the legal, con- stitutional form of government presently enjoyed by these United States of America; and be it further
A1192 Resolved, That a copy of this memorial be forwarded to each of the United States Sena- tors and Representatives in Congress from the State of Colorado, so as to urge their vigorous support in accomplishing the pur- poses of this memorial. Homer L. PEARSON, President of the Senate, W. C. Bua, Secretary. W1i1itAM ALLISON CARLSON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. V. C, CrawsHaw, Chief Clerk. Challenge, Not Burden EXTENSION OF REMARKS @ OF HON. CHESTER E. MERROW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REcorpD, I include therein an article from the New Hampshire Morning Union of March 18, 1947, entitled “Challenge, Not Burden”: CHALLENGE, NOT BURDEN Destiny is certainly pushing the United States awfully hard for a Nation made up of people who just want to be left alone to enjoy the pleusures of postwar television and other mechanical wonders. The collapse of the British Empire leaves the United States with a very serious and immediate problem. There are very few places in the world where empty spaces re- main empty. Someone always moves in and occupies empty spaces. Therefore, it is impossible for the United States simply to say we have no interest in what happens to the territories which are abandoned. It ts quite true that the United States does not want to be an empire in the sense that Rome or England were empires. Yet, if we do not assume leadership in these lands abandoned by Great Britain, there is no question as to who will assume leadership there, and that will be Russia. They will impose on these lands a system which is the opposite of everything we stand for, and they will use these lands to strengthen them in their attempt at world domination, Therefore, there is only one alternative. That is for America to move in, and move in fast. This applies to Greece, to Turkey, and to the Near East. It applies to China. It applies to all those lands where Russia is attempting to press on and overcome and destroy the independence of small states. It applies also to the backward countries, such as India and Africa. In those coun- tries the United States must assume a posi- tion of leadership. There are rany Americans today who in- sist that they dislike the role of empire building. But there is a distinct difference between the empires of Rome and England, where Lackward countries were exploited for the benefit of the ruling groups of Rome and London. The difference is between ruling and leading. The United States can furnish leadership all over the world without dom- inating the areas in which it leads. The United States can supply the tech- nical and financial assistance which can make these backward countries flourish and prosper. Under these circumstances those nations will follow the principles on which the United States was founded, not because they are forced to do so at the point of a gun, but because our way is demonstrated to them to be the way of prosperity and happiness. In that sense, this can indeed be the American century. Seen in that light, the collapse of the British empire furnishes us not with an additional burden, but with additional opportunity to show what the government of the people, for the people, and by the people can offer to all maniind. Potential Resources of the South EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK W. BOYKIN OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr, BOYKIN. Mr. Speaker, let me re- cite now a few facts extracted from a recent talk by the Assistant Attorney General of the United States in a discus- sion of the potential resources of our great South. The Honorable Wendell Berge said in part: In discussing the disparity in economic conditions which works to the detriment of the South, I want to make clear at the Outset that it is my opinion that a sound national economy depends on the vigor of the development of all sections of the coun- try. It is not a question of bullding up one region as against another. It is rather an acceptance of the fact that our country can- not be prosperous if artificial and unnatural impediments are put in the way of each region’s developing to the fullest its own in- dustrial potential. Without elaborating the point, it is my belief that when the South or the West are not permitted the maximum development of which they are capable, the East and the North also suffer in the long run. The South now possesses all of the assets which are necessary to translate opportunity into accomplishment. Its physical resources are profuse and varied. Its soll produces a wide range of agricultural products in addi- tion to those such as cotton and tobacco in which it leads the world. Several hun- dred types of commercially valuable minerals are found in the South—coal, iron, and bauxite which is essential to the manufac- ture of aluminum, asbestos, zinc,.and many others. More than half of our production of crude oi] and natural gas comes from Southern States, and nearly all of such im- portant commodities as phosphates and sulfur. The South has abundant water re- sources and highly developed roads and navigation facilities—and as the basic requi- site for growth, the South has a young and abundant supply of labor. In contrast with this ample heritage of raw materials and people are the practices and accumulated artificial handicaps which for so long retarded southern development. Here again there is no need to recapitulate in detail the story of eroded soil, too often furrowed more by neglect than by use; of unwisely exploited resources, misdirected energies, and the tragedy of waste which has depleted so much of our national wealth without returning a comparable compensa- tion to the people. All of us know too well the toll which such conditions may take from the lives of those who live in an area subject to the ravages of economic error. That story also has been told too well and too bitterly in the past, both in the lower standards of education and the poorer con- ditions of health that have affilcted large sections. These same factors have accounted for a continuous stream of migration from the Southern States, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Our Friends, the Filipinos EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. C. JASPER BELL OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. BELL. Mr. Speaker, I wish to call the attention of the membership of the House to the splendid editorial in the New York Times of March 13 regarding the significance of the recent plebiscite vote in the Philippines in which the Philippine people voted overwhelmingly to join the United States in carrying on our mutual friendship through the medi- um of a period of free trade. Personally, I am particularly proud of the vote because the Philippine Trade Act of 1946, the reason for the plebiscite vote to amend the constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, was spon- sored by myself in the Congress. The New York Times editorial reads as follows: PHILIPPINE VOTE The Philippine people, in voting in an over- whelming affirmation for the so-called par- ity amendment to their constitution giving citizens of the United States equal opportu- nity with the ‘Filipinos to develop the natu- ral resources and public utilities of the islands, have given evidence of political ma- turity that would do credit to any electorate. The demagogic, easily understandable ar- guments were all on the other side. The un- fortunate word “exploitation” was used in section 341 of the Philippine Trade Act, passed by the last Congress, on which the parity amendment was based. Opponents of the amendment did not overlook that oppor- tunity. The arguments for parity were eco- nomic. Its benefits lie considerably in the future. Were the Filipinos as undisciplined, as ignorant, as politically immature as their detractors would have the American people and the world believe they are, the vote would have been overwhelmingly against. The vote really was of considerably more significance than just adoption of the parity amendment, It was a_ reaffirmation of friendship for the United States and an ex- pression of the Filipinos’ belief that our Gov- ernment and individual American business firms and businessmen will deal fairly with them. The vote also increases the political standing of President Roxas. The size of the favorable majority was a personal victory for him. He made an extensive tour of the southern provinces of LuzOn and of the southern islands during December and Janu- ary to explain the amendment and urge its adoption. It should encourage him to press even more vigorously his program of rehabill- tation and reform. With the people thus expressing their confidence in him, he may feel strong enough to do a needed house- cleaning in his administration. It can be hoped that the vote on parity will spur the War Damage Commission, now in Manila, to greater action than has been shown to date (more than 2 years after the freeing of Manila not a cent has yet been paid) and also that it will impress the United States Congress with the fact that in the Philippine Republic we have a sober, loyal, intelligent far eastern friend that should be helped in the solution of its many great and pressing problems, Mr. Speaker, in a recent press state- ment Hon. Frank A. Waring, Chairman of the Philippine War Damage Commis- sion, hailed the vote as a “victory for the Philippine people because it should en-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD courage private capital in the United States to aid in the development of Philippine industries to the advantage of all concerned.” He cited the early history of the United States when British capital played a similar role in develop- ing United States economy, and com- mented that the building of the Erie Canal which opened the Northwest Ter- ritory was a case in point. Chairman Waring has advised ne that the Philippine War Damage Commission, authorized by the Philippine Rehabilita- tion Act of 1946 to pay war damages in the amount of $400,000,000 to private claimants and $57,000,000 on _ public- property claims of the Philippine Govern- ment, has advanced $1,000,000 to that Government on a $10,000,000 program providing for urgent work on hospita!s and other essential buildings. In addi- tion, the Commission expects to pay io private claimants a total of about $10.. 000,000 before July 1. Tne Commission began to receive claims on March 1, and Chairman War- ing has advised me that the speed of payment of claims would depend on the submission and processing of properly documented claims. While only $10,000,000 is currently available for these payments to private claimants, I feel quite sure that the Congress, realizing the very important role the Philippines wii] play in far east- ern affairs and their importance because of trade, will appropriate the edditional funds authorized already by law to carry out this essential program of rehabilita- tion. Greece and Tarkey EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave already granted me, I include the following resolution adopted by the Gen- eral Assembly of the State of Rhode Island in support of President Truman’s position relative to Greece and Turkey: Resolution commending the President of the United States of America for his forthright action in favor of aid to Greece and Turkey tn order to permit the countries to be strong in their efforts to stem the tide of communism Whereas upon March 12, 1947, the Presi- dent of the United States of America called on the Nation to devote money, materials, and military skill to halt the world march of communism, specifically requesting $400,- 000,000 to aid Greece and Turkey, the exist- ence of which is threatened by terrorist ac- tivities of a militant minority spearheaded by communists; and Whereas the President's address, an event of the first magnitude, calls unmistakably for action which will launch the United States on a new and positive foreign policy of world-wide responsibility for the mainte- nance of peace and order; and Whereas this is a matter of such signifi- cance that it transcends all political party lines as evidenced by the immediate support of the President's action by the influential Senator ArrHur H. VANDENEERG, presiding officer of the Senate and chairman of its For- eign Relations Committee, who made the “We cannot fail to back up the President at such an hour even though many critical details remain to be scttled in consultation with Congress”: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the General Assembly of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations now commends the President of the United States of America for his forth- right actlon in favor of uid to Greece and Turkey, in order to permit the countries to be strong in their efforts to stem the tide of communism, since, as he said, “totalitarian resimes imposed on free peoples undermine the foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United S.ates”; and be it further Resolved, That the Senators and Re p-esent- atives from Rhode Island in the Congress of the United States be and they are ear- nestly requested to support the President in his unfaltering enunciation of a new foreign policy; and the Secretary of State of Rhcde Island is hereby authorized and directed to transmit to them and to the President of the United States of America duly certified cupies of this resolution. This, Too, Will Make Joe Sta’in Snicker EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH P. O'HARA OF MINNELOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. O’HARA. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- ORD, I include the following editorial from the Fairmont Daily Sentinel of Fairmont, Minn., on the importation of foreign agricultural workers: THIS, TOO, WILL MAKE JOE STALIN SNICKER Two major agricultural activities in this area, as well as throughout the Nation, are dependent upon imported labor. They are the canning and sugar-beet industries. Both require imported laborers, usually from Mexico, in part from the West Indies, for the tilling and harvesting of these spe- cial crops. Nationals from these foreign parts have been permitted, under treaties and at some expense to the taxpayers, to come to this country, work a few months at good wages, then take their earnings and themselves back home. “Unfair to free American labor,” screams the labor trust and demands of Congress that the practice be stopped. It had been contemplated to put up the gate July 1, 1947, but on a showing that this would be the same as shutting off the labor supply for the entire approaching growing season, Congress now considers January 1, 1948, as the terminal date. “Without this outside labor we would not be able to produce the crops that enable us to operate,” say the canners and sugar refiners, Strange, but there are certain types of es- sential work that dignified American work- ingmen refuse to perform, even if our na- tional economy depends on it. Hand working and harvesting the canning and beet crops are under this embargo. American workmen are “too uppity,” as Aunt Hannah used to say, to do this work. Then they crab about getting those who are efficient, and glad to do it, to come in from foreign countries, Ali93 Of course we have a limited supply of cur own labor for these purposes, but there are not nearly enough “Okies" to go arcund. When they do go to work the unions get busy and organize them and demand wages and conditions that cannot be met. It’s a tough situation, espectally in its cd- mission that our own people cannot, or will not, manpower industry essential to the maintenance of our own economy. Perhaps there is poetic, but painful, jus- tice in the situation. If with all our potcn- tial abundance we will not do the work in- volved or let anyone else do it, let's maintain our dignity as we starve to death. The big canning factories here in Fairmont say they cannot produce the needed crops this year without dependence on imported labor, Congress will probably give the nec- €ssury retiet for this one season. After that, what? Grazing on the Public Domain EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF KON. WILLIAM S. HELL OF COLORADO HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, Murch 21, 1947 Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following joint memorial of the Legislature of the State of Colorado: Senate Joint Memorial 2 Whereas the United States Forest Service 1s, in effect and without sufficient congres- sional authorization, dictatorially exercising legislative and judicial functions in regard to grazing on the National Forests, instead of limiting itrelf to the administration of the forests; and Whereas a general grazing reduction pro- gram of from 30 to 60 percent his been announced by forest officials, and if such pro- gram is put into effect, it will work a great hardship on and jeopardize the stability of the users of the National Forests; and Whereas it has been called to the atten- tion of members of this body that the Graz- ing Service, which is charged with the ad- minictration of other Federal grazing lands and which is functioning under a clearly de- fined law recently enacted by Congress, 1s exercising a more practical application of conservation and is giving the users a fairer adjudication of grievances and more eecur.ty of tenure and general stability; Now, thcre- fore, ke it Resolved by the Senate of the Thirty-sizth General Assembly of the State of Colorado (the House of Representatives coneurring herein), That it respectfully memorializes the Congress of the United States to conduct an investigation of conditions existing in con- nection with the administration of the Na- tional Forests, to the end that legislation may be formulated which will remove cxist.ng evils and give all areas of Federal land fcr grazing purposes uniform, reasonable, and Just treatment; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this memorial be forwarded to each of the United States Sen- ators and Representatives in Congress from the State of Colorado, so as to ur_e their vigorous support in accomplishing the pur- pose of this memorial. Homer L, FEARSON, President of the Senate. W. C. Buarr, Secretary of the Senate. WM. ALLION CARLSON, Speakcr of the House. V. C, CrawsHaAw, Chief Clerk.
A1194 Control of Export Wheat Prices EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES R. ROBERTSON OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. Speaker, ac- cording to an item appearing in the Washington Post under date of March 20 we were advised that the United States, Canada, and Australia agreed on @ maximum price of $1.80 for bread grains in the world export market. This price, Mr. Speaker, is $1.25 below the price wheat reached in Chicago Tuesday, the day before the break. The same item further advises us that Argentina, another country famous for wheat-producing, refuscd to go along with other three members of the Intcr- national Wheat Board. It might be in- teresting to observe also that Russia did not even attend this meeting. The article further advises us, that in addition to the top of $1.80 for export wheat, the three English-speaking mem- bers agreed on a floor of $1.25 for wheat in world export markets. This action, Mr. Speaker, has been carried out by the State Department by and with the con- sent of the Department of Agriculture. I ask the question of this Congress: Where does the Department, of Agricul- ture find its authority to make such an agreement? Is the Department of Agriculture, in conjunction with other nations, setting up an international OPA? We have heard much in recent months about cartels. They have been referred to in many political campaigns. Is it not reasonable to assume that by this agree- ment, we are taking the first step in the direction of an international cartel in- sofar as wheat is concerned? As one who comes from a State, the major product of which is wheat, I am naturally concerned as to what may fol- low this program announced here. Is it not reasonable to assume that if the Department of Agriculture exercises such authority in the establishment of inter- national cartels of wheat, that we will probably find ourselves traveling far- ther down the road, and in due course of time, by international agreement, or international cartels, we will find our- selves confronted with the question of specific, governmental-directed allot- ment of wheat acreage? If we are to engage in these prac- tices, ¥ am concerned lest we shall de- stroy completely our coveted system of free enterprise and representative gov- ernment in the United States. If we are to stand sponsor for a program of this kind, which is in fact an interna- tional cartel, are we not engaging in a practice ourselves which we bitterly de- nounce on the part of other nations, and particularly other nations with which we have recently been at war? Can there be any connection with the President’s recent requesu for extension of his war powers to control and allot exports from the United States? The whole plan smacks of regimentation of production and prices. Add to this the control of exports and we will find our- selves under an economic dictatorship governed by a system of international cartels. It is my suggestion, Mr. Speaker, that the Members of Congress who come here representing States that are producers of wheat in this Nation should mect at an early hour and demand an investi- gation to determine from where the au- thority now so largely exercised by our Department of Agriculture emanates. Our New World Role EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remark: in the Rec- orD, I wish to include hcrewith a copy of an editorial from the Jefferson Davis Parish News, of Jennings, La., of date March 17, 1947, as follows: OUR NEW WORLD ROLE Those who hoped this Nation could, like it did after the First World War, go back to normalcy, are now sadly disillusioned. Nua- tionally and internationally speaking, noth- ing will ever be us it was and gone are the splendid days of the old self-security and isolation of the turn of the century. Nationally, Uncle Sam's neck is out inter- nationally like the turkey’s on the Thanks- giving Day block. Whether we like it or not, we are in Euro- pean politics up to our necks by a decision which will probably be made at Washington this week. That is our role to be played in Greece and Turkey. Revile the British Empire as you will and cuss out the imperialism of John Bull, sooner or later you will conclude we were well sit- uated in our fine old isolation and the secu- rity between the two seas, as long as His Majesty’s Fleet and Government controlled the rest of the world. But, sad as it is, the British Empire is fading and yor don't need a ghost to come out of his grave to tell you that. India !s promised her freedom in 1948 and the British frankly tell us now she can no longer carry on her commitments in Greece and Turkey. This comes at a time when our Govern- ment is taking a stout stand against com- munism. The inference is that only America 1s left to bolster the Greeks and take over the old English commitments, If this is true in Greece and Turkey, God forbid the next specter to rise—that of asking us to take over and settle the Holy Land issues between Arabs and Jews. You know the steps—they have become familiar during the last 7 years: First, let the United States agree in principle—then mako a loan—then sell goods and arms, next bring the goods and arms to the trouble spot— then send American troops and—after that the deluge. Root of the trouble is that we have become a rich Nation—a creditor Nation—that is the difference between us at the turn of the century and now. Then we were still debt- ors—England was the creditor—and we worked hard and paid our debts while Eng- land was the creditor, not only here but for the whole world, had to snap the whip to show she wanted her money back and in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ° profits. Now we take over the British role as England fades from a first- to a second- class power. Americans don’t like the new role, but the role is here and we are afraid we will need wiser statesmen than we have shown yet at Washington. We have the bull by the tall and can't let go, and we wish we had never got into the fix. Is the Present Caliber of Our Statesmen Such as Would Impel Us To Have Confidence in Their Ability To Manage the Intricacies of World Politics, in Which the Stakes Are National Life or Death? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUBERT S. ELLIS OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. ELLIS. Mr. Speaker, today I sub- mit for the consideration of my col- leagues an editorial from the Parkers- burg (W. Va.) News by Mr. Herman E. Gieske. Mr. Gieske is one of the great editors of the Ohio Valley. As the time approaches for us to con- sider the President's proposal in regard to Greece, I think it helpful to know something about what the people back home are thinking. The editorial follows: MR. TRUMAN'S ADDRESS Uppermost in the mind of every patriotic American today will be the grave implica- tions of President Truman’s address to the Nation yesterday. He asked $400,000,000 to aid Greece and Turkey and approval of the sending of American military personnel to both countries. We are sorry the President did not mention the Dardanelles by name. But that clearly must be what he meant when he said “the national security of this country” is involved. Turkey flanks the Dardanelles Straits on one side and Greece on the other. It is that narrow waterway which Russia has coveted through the cen- turies as an exit from the Black Sea, into which her mighty rivers flow, to the Med- iterranean. Russia has fought four unsuc- cessful wars for these Straits, the last one in 1914, 1915, and 1916, until revolution over- threw her tyrannous government in 1917. Thus, Mr. Truman's address implies no light undertaking for the United States. It means that we intend to stand guard at this key water bastion over which nations and empires have warred almost since the begin- ning of man. It is not very far from the site of Armageddon, where, acccrding to Biblical prophecies, the last battle on the earth will be fought. It means, further, the putting of Soviet Russia and the United States almost upon the very frontier of that mighty nation of 8,000,000 square miles and 198,000,000 popula- tion. It means forever putting behind us the farewell warning of George Washingtan and the Monroe Doctrine. It means, in reality, a proclamation that the United States by force of arms and money, intends to be- come a second Roman Empire, taking over from Britain the responsibilities of the Brit- ish Commonwealth of Nations, but’ appar- ently sharing few, if any, of the assets. The question is, Do the American people want to launch upon such a course of world- wide imperialism? It is something to think about, to study about, and read about, Is
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the present caliber of our statesmanship such as would impel us to have confidence in their ability to manage the intricacies of world politics, in which the stakes are national life or death? And what has become of the United Na- tions, that it cannot undertake such respon- sibilities? Where is the vaunted interna- tional police force that was supposed to take care of just such situations? Further, we must consider whether we are strong enough to undertake such responsi- bilities? We already have a debt of $250,000,- 000,000. Will not such responsibilities wreck the American standard of living, just as, apparently, it bas wrecked Britain's? United States Payments for Veterans in State Homes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM S. HILL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following joint memorial of the Legislature of the State of Colorado: House joint memorial 8 Whereas the Colorado State Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Home, in providing hospitalization and domiciliary care for disabled Colorado veterans, is relieving the United States Vet- erans’ Administration's Hospital load in the State; and Whereas the cost of such care has increased greatly in the filst few years, now averaging $735 per capita per annum, and this upward trend in cost of operation appears certain to continue for several years; and Whereas similar homes are maintained by 27 other States; and Whereas under present law, the Federal Government allows only 6300 per annum per capita for maintenance of veterans in State or Territorial homes, and grants this aid only from the date eligibility of the veteran is established, rather than from the date of admission: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the HE ruse of Representatives of the Thirty-sizth General Assembly of the State of Colorado (the Senate concurring herein), That the Congress and Pres.dent of the United States are hereby respectfully memorialized and urged to enact such legis- lation as may be necessary to increase Fed- eral payments for care ¢ ‘ disabled veterans in homes maintained by the States and Terri- tories from ¢@300 to $500 per annum per capita, and to provide that such aid shall be pay- able from the date of a veteran’s admission if he is determined to be eligible for care in a Veteran's Administration facility; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this memorial be forwarded to the Pres:dent of the United States, to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, to the Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs of the United States, and to each Senator and Representative from Colorado in the Con- gress of the United States. Homer L, PEarson, President of the Senate. ‘Wm, ALBION CARLSON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. W. C. Bram, Secretary of the Senate. V. C. CrawsHaw, Chie} Clerk of the House of Representatives. Let Congress and American People Have Whole Truth EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN M. ROBSION OF KENTUCKY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. ROBSION. Mr. Speaker, the following is a letter addressed to me from Hon. Ernest T. Weir, president of the Weirton Steel Co., of Pittsburgh, Pa., dated March 20, 1947: PrrTsBurGcH, Pa., March 20, 1947. The Honorable Jonnw M. RossION, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Rossion: The proposal of Presi- dent Truman with regard to Greece and Turkey confronts the United States with one of the gravest questions in its history. Acceptance of that proposal involves com- plete reversal of our long-standing policy in foreign affairs. It involves intervention and participation in and responsibility for the internal affairs of other nations. It involves an economic drain on the psople of this country which, from a relatively small beginning, may proceed to an extent which no one can now foresee. More than that, it involves employment of the military power of the United States—again apparently on @ small initial scale but again also with no predictable limits. It projects this country directly into the complexes of both Europe and the Mddle East under circumstancrs which may well lead to war. It has not been established whv it is to the vital interest of the United States to take this step. Nor, if it can be conceded that the vital interest of our country is actually affected, has there been any revela- tion of the facts in this situation that make hasty action imperative. All that the Congress or the people have been given is the President's assertion that the vital interest of the United Siutes is involved and that immediate action is essen- tial And the President's address is much more remarkable for its vagucness and resort to generalities than for any light it has shed on the reasons for making it. As a matter of plain, common sense, how- ever scrious the straits of Greece and Turkey, they cannot become too much worse i: the time that will be required for the open and thcrough discussion of this situation which alone can give the American people the op- portunity to know what they are being asked to do, what the material cost will be, aid what commitments of other natures are to be made in their name. It is the plain duty of Members of Con- gress to prevent hasty action, to insist that all the facts are made known, to see that these facts are laid before the p2ople in understandable terms, and, finally. to take action in the light of the facts and the ex- pressed will of the people. Members of Congress can serve no good purpose by premature and ill-considered statements of opinion. Such, fer instance, as the one attributed to Senator VANDENBEG to the effect that ‘‘we must uphold the hands of the President.” Certainly, our history gives abundant evidence that President’s can make mistakes. The welfare of the country is always a consideration of far greater mo- ment than support of the President in either national or international affairs. Twice in a single generation oyr country has become involved in the wars of others. In each case the American people endured the suffering and sacrifice of war for lofty ideals. In neither case have they seen those Al195 ideals realized. On the contrary, this country emerged from each war weaker than it en- tered, and after each war the world in gen- eral was in a worse condition than before. We lost men and wealth, we exhausted irre- pleceable natural resources, and we bred con- Gitions that caused widespread dissatisfac- tion and doubt among the American pezple concerning their principles of government and way of life. Intrinsically, we are a weaker Nation today than ever before in our history. We appecr strong only by contrast with a prostrate world, In this weakencd condition are we now to embark on a new adventure ahcut which we know nothing, but which may lead first to war, and, sccond, to the final de- moralization of the world and the disap- pearance of the slightest hope for an orderly society? The two World Wars caused the virtual destruction of the great British Empire. Is that not a sufficient example to mate us pause befcre starting down a road which may lead to the same end? The President said: “There is no other country (except the United States) to which democratic Greece can turn," Whut does this statement mean? That no other country cares anything about Greece as a democratic country? That no other country cares enough to help alleviate the Fhysical want of her people? Or that no ne country has the resources to extend aid? Under any interpretation, the implication of the President’s words ure far-reaching. There are 2,C00,000,000 people in this world. Out of this number can the 140,000,000 peo- ple who comprise our Nation be the only ones who can assume the burdens of weaker coun- tries? Is it a practical possibility? If so, can we do it, or even attempt to do it, with- out destroying ourselves? The President seid: “The United States contributed $341,000,- 000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world Peace.” Where is the freedom and where is the peace? Is the world we have today the kind of a return on investment that justifies the beginning of a new outpouring of funds? The President said: “The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than one-tenth of 1 percent of this invest- ment.” Does the President or anyone else think for a moment that the amount he propores will be the whole amount? Obvicusly, @400,- 009,000 will be only the start. It will be fol- lowed by other millions and billions in thcs2 countries and tn other countries which, with Greece and Turkey as precedents, will make claims on our generosity. The President suid: “The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Com- munists.” If a government is so weak that it cannot cope with several thous:nd armed men under any leadership, there is reason to conclude: (1) That tf many cf the people of the country do not actually sympathize with the several thousend they at least do not care much one way or the other and, (2) ther? is little that an outside power can do to aid suck a govern- ment, If we take this action in Greece, we will in effect say to Ru‘sia, ‘We are oprosed to com- munism and intend to help the Governments o, Greece and Turkey oppcse it." Under the circumstances, is not Russia likely to reply, “You are free to da that, but if you do, we will take measures of our own to support com- munism.” It must te remembered that Rus- sia has many mens, short of war, to foster
A1196 the spread of communism; many more, in fact, then we have to oppose it. Unpalatable as the idea is, we must also realize that many people in countries throughout the world look with favor on communism and regard it as a superior form of government, In our own country, we have a Communist move- ment which is far from large, yet there is little we can do to halt its acceptance by some of our people. You cannot stop a po- litical growth any more than you can stop a religious growth—particularly by use of force. And the adventure in Greece, what- ever its other aspects, is basically a use of force. At Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam, commit- ments were made for the American people without their knowledge or consent. Se- crecy was excused by those who indulged in it on the ground that it was essential to war security. Yet there is little doubt today that those secret deals, in which a few men around a table played with the destiny of nations, were important causes of the world's present condition. There is no excuse now— not even a lame one—for asking the Ameri- can people to move blindfolded and in haste into a situation of most serious consequence, Certainly, the time has come to end secret diplomacy. The urgency, the need for haste which the President so strongly emphasized has an artificial quality. It smacks of the rush act of the high-powered salesman. Britain ac- cepted Greece as a responsibility during and after the war. Admitting that Britain's eco- nomic condition is unhealthy, why does it suddenly become absolutely impossible for her to continue that responsibility beyond the outside date of March 31—just 19 days after the President's address? Would Brit- ain collapse if she stayed in Greece until April 30 or May 31? Or was an almost im- mediate date selected to force Americans to act before they could think? Although it has been mentioned only in passing, the thing of paramount importance in this entire matter to the United States and her people is the interest of the United States—not only the immediate interest but also long-range interest. Certainly if it is not {a the interest of this country to take a step, then there can be no other good reason for it in Greece, Europe, the Middle East, or elsewhere. With its present huge debt and the other weakening influences of the war, the United States should regard any com- mitment with caution. This caution should be doubled and redoubled in the face of a step as grave as that into Greece with all the implications of a continuing economic drain if not the actual threat of another war. Might not the United States best contribu- tion to the world be the rebuilding of her own strength so that she can, in fact, remain the strongest bulwark of free government? These questions should be resolved before we take an action which may prove to be a costly gamble. Today, the American people do not have the information on which to base either support or rejection of the Presi- dent's proposal. Congress alone has the power, and it must exercise that power, to see that the people get the facts—all the facts. Sincerely yours, Ernest T. WER. Mr. Weir is one of the leading business- men and industrialists of the Nation. It can be safely said that he is not in sym- pathy with communism. He warns the Congress of the danger to our country if we should embark upon the proposal of the President to send military and civilian personnel together with military supplies and other supplies to Greece and Turkey. His letter indicates that he has given the President’s n&éw foreign policy most careful consideration. In my opinion, he very wisely urges the Con- gress and the American people not to move into this new fleld blindfolded or in haste. No effort should be spared on the part of the Congress and the American people to have brought to light all of the facts. In my opinion, neither the Congress nor the American people have sufficient in- formation to apprise them fully of what this venture may mean to them and to our children. No one has more con- sistently and vigorously opposed com- munism than I have. I am thoroughly convinced that Communists in Greece are not as great a threat to the security of this Nation as Communists in key positions in our own Government, main- tained at the expense of the taxpayers of this Nation, or Communists who have penetrated every activity in our country. What has been the attitude of the Roose- velt and Truman administrations in this respect? By all means, let us get busy and clean house in the United States. Some public officials in high places in our own Gov- ernment have recognized the Communist Party and their right to seek and hold public office. We have been pouring lit- erally billions of dollars of the taxpayers’ money into countries dominated and controlled by Communists and allegedly with the backing of Russia. Why send our Navy, Army, suppHes, and money to Greece while coddling the Communists in this country and in other countries? The Closed Shop — EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM S. HILL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following joint memoria] of the Legislature of the State of Colorado: Senate Joint Memorial 6 Whereas there are now pending in the Congress of the United States various pro- posals designed to remedy the unfair prac- tices resulting from the operation of the National Labor Relations Act, which deprive persons who are willing and desire to work from securing employment unless and until they have become members of labor unions; and Whereas the recent national coal strike afforded a vivid and striking illustration of the hardships, inconveniences, and suffer- ings that are caused by the closed shop and by monopolistic practices of labor unions; and Whereas numerous specific examples have been called to the attention of the Thirty- sixth General Assembly of the State of Colo- rado, where returning veterans have been denied employment even though employment was available, due to the closed shop and the arbitrary refusal of certain labor unions to permit said veterans to join said unions, which is in contravention of the rights and principles for which they fought; and Whereas court decisions and rulings have been handed down from time to time declar- ing most businesses as interstate commerce, the effect of which has brought a major per- centage of labor unions under the laws en- acted by the Congress of the United States APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and subject to the rules and regulations of the various departments of the Federal Guv- ernment: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate of the Thirty-sizth General Assembly of the State of Colorado {the house of representatives concurring herein), That the Senators and Representa- tives of the Congress of the United States from the State of Colorado are hereby wged to vote for the passage of legislation designed to remedy and correct the unfair practices resulting from the closed shop, so that no person shall be denied employment because of membership in or affiliation with, or resig- nation or expulsion from a labor organiza- tion or because of refusal to join or affiliate with a labor organization; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this memorial be transmitted to the Senators and Represent- atives from the State of Colorado in the Congress of the United States. Homer L. PEARSON, President of the Senate. W. R. Briar, Secretary of the Senate, WILLIAM ALBIN CARLSON, Speaker of the House, V. C. CrawsHaw, Chief Clerk, Recommendations for a Revised Housing Program for Veterans EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK BUCHANAN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr, BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following report: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A REeEvisen HousIna PROGRAM FOR VETERANS—REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RECOMMENDATIONS AP- POINTED AT THE Hovusina INVENTORY AND Forecast CONFERENCE, CHICAGO VETERANS’ PREFERENCE Removing restrictions on owner-occupant and individual for-sale houses is recom- mended for the reason that (1) the present preference to veterans is largely ineffective insofar as serving the needs of the great mass of veterans is concerned; (2) that this pref- erence for veterans has served to limit the production of such housing since the opera- tive builder is unwilling or unable, because of capital investment required, to proceed with a large-scale program unless sales can be made rapidly during construction. The requirement that such houses must be held for at least 30 days after completion for sale to veterans only results in most builders de- ferring undertaking additional construction until sales have been consummated. (3) Since a great proportion of veterans desire to rent rather than to purchase houses, the preference on multifamily rental housing should be continued. Unlike the builder of single-family houses for sale, the builder of multifamily hous- ing 1s not dependent for his permanent financing on the sale or rental of the struc- ture on completion. The fact that veterans are given preference in rental housing there- fore would not defer additional construction since in this type of building, rentals can be made at any time. HOUSING FOR VETERANS OF LOW INCOME Because of the high cost of construction at this time, emergency provisions are necessary to meet the housing needs of the families of veterans of low income as well