torship presided over by an unelected Supreme 
Leader with limitless veto power, an unelected Expe-
diency Council, and a Council of Guardians capable 
of eviscerating any reforms. 
(2) The Supreme Leader appoints the heads of 
the judiciary, the clergy members on the powerful 
Council of Guardians, the commanders of all the 
armed forces, Friday prayer leaders, and the head of 
radio and television and confirms the president’s 
election, rendering him the most powerful person in 
Iranian politics with little accountability within the 
political system. 
(3) Members of the Council of Guardians in 
Iran, who are chosen by the Supreme Leader, must 
vet all candidates for election based on their political 
predispositions and all legislation before it can be 
entered into law. 
(4) There has been a re-entrenchment of revolu-
tionary forces in the political system in Iran. Elec-
tions held in February 2004 resulted in significant 
gains by conservative hard-liners affiliated with the 
regime’s clerical army, the Pasdaran, culminating in 
the election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in 
June 2005. 
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(5) Over the past decade, human rights have 
been in steady decline in Iran. Torture, executions 
after unfair trials, and censorship of all media re-
main rampant throughout the country. Stoning, am-
putation, flogging, and beheading are used as meth-
ods of punishment. 
(6) 
Since 
his 
rise 
to 
power, 
President 
Ahmadinejad has embarked upon a concerted cam-
paign of domestic repression, including new restric-
tions on radio, television, and film content, a ban on 
the publication of virtually all books, and an expan-
sion in the activities of the regime’s ‘‘morals police’’. 
(7) The United Nations General Assembly 
adopted Resolution 61/176 on December 19, 2006, 
to express its grave concern over the deteriorating 
human rights situation in Iran. The resolution urges 
the Government of Iran ‘‘to ensure full respect for 
the rights to freedom of assembly, opinion and ex-
pression . . . to eliminate the use of torture and other 
cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punish-
ment . . . [and] to eliminate, in law and in practice, 
all forms of discrimination based on religion, eth-
nicity, or linguistic grounds. 
(8) The 2006 State Department Country Re-
ports on Human Rights Practices states that ‘‘the 
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Government’s poor human rights record worsened, 
and it continued to commit numerous, serious 
abuses’’. 
(9) According to Human Rights Watch’s World 
Report 2006, many of the human rights violations 
committed in Iran were performed by quasi-official 
‘‘parallel institutions’’, which include ‘‘paramilitary 
groups and plainclothes intelligence agents [that] 
violently attack peaceful protesters, and intelligence 
services [that] run illegal secret prisons and interro-
gation centers’’. Uniformed police officers are fearful 
of challenging plainclothes agents, who belong to 
groups such as Ansar-e Hizbollah and Basij. 
(10) According to the 2006 State Department 
International Religious Freedom Report, the popu-
lation of Iran is 89 percent Shi’a Muslim and 8 per-
cent Sunni Muslim; less than 2 percent of the re-
maining population is comprised of Baha’is, Jews, 
Christians, Mandaeans, and Zoroastrians. 
(11) Religious minorities in Iran face signifi-
cant discrimination, including imprisonment, harass-
ment, and intimidation. Accordingly, the Secretary 
of State has, since 1999, designated Iran as a coun-
try of particular concern pursuant to section 
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402(b)(1)(A) of the International Religious Freedom 
Act of 1998 (22 U.S.C. 6442(b)(1)(A)). 
(12) Ambeyi Ligabo, United Nations Special 
Rapporteur on the Right to Freedom of Opinion and 
Expression, submitted a report to the Commission 
on Human Rights in 2004 on ‘‘Civil and Political 
Rights, Including the Question of Freedom of Ex-
pression’’. Mr. Ligabo asserted that ‘‘the climate of 
fear induced by the systematic repression of people 
expressing critical views against the authorized polit-
ical and religious doctrine and the functioning of the 
institutions coupled with the severe and dispropor-
tionate sentences imposed lead to self-censorship on 
the part of many journalists, intellectuals, politi-
cians, students and the population at large, thus in 
effect impeding freedom of expression’’. 
(13) According to the 2006 State Department 
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, on 
July 31, 2006, student protestor Akbar Mohammadi 
died in Evin Prison from medical complications re-
lated to a hunger strike. The report states that ‘‘au-
thorities reportedly denied Mohammadi’s parents 
permission to see their son’s body and did not re-
spond to calls for an independent investigation into 
the cause of death. 
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(14) Amnesty International’s 2003 Report on 
Iran detailed the arrest of Iranian-born Canadian 
journalist Zahra Kazemi for taking photographs out-
side Evin prison in Tehran on June 23, 2003. Over 
the course of her detention, judicial officials interro-
gated Ms. Kazemi for three days. While in custody, 
Ms. Kazemi was beaten, and she died of a brain 
hemorrhage on July 23, 2003. Despite court orders 
for investigation, no progress has been made on this 
case. 
(15) Men and women are not equal under the 
laws of Iran, and women are legally deprived of their 
basic rights. The 2006 State Department Country 
Reports on Human Rights Practices stated that the 
weight of a woman’s court testimony in Iran is half 
that of a man’s testimony and the family of a female 
crime victim in that country receives only half the 
amount of ‘‘blood money’’ provided to the family of 
a male crime victim. The Government of Iran man-
dates gender segregation in most public spaces, in-
cluding on public buses and at entrances to public 
buildings, universities, and airports. 
(16) The April 30, 2007, State Department 
Country Reports on Terrorism states that Iran re-
mains the most active state sponsor of terrorism. 
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(17) There exists a broad-based movement and 
desire for political change in the Islamic Republic of 
Iran that is pro-democratic and seeks freedom and 
economic opportunity, and which represents all sec-
tors of Iranian society, including youth, women, stu-
dents, military personnel, and religious figures. 
(18) The people of Iran have increasingly ex-
pressed frustration at the slow pace of reform in 
Iran, and any efforts for nonviolent change in their 
society have been suppressed. 
(19) On September 7, 2006, Mohammad 
Khatami, President of Iran from 1997 to 2005, be-
came the highest ranking Iranian to visit Wash-
ington, DC, since the hostage crisis of 1979, despite 
his government’s state sponsorship of terrorism, re-
pression of political opponents, and dismal human 
rights record and the advancement of Iran’s ura-
nium enrichment program. 
(20) President Ahmadinejad is moving to limit 
freedom of expression in higher education. On Sep-
tember 5, 2006, he expressed concern that univer-
sities were too secular and called for a purge of lib-
eral and secular faculty members from universities 
in Iran. 
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SEC. 3. AMENDMENTS TO THE IRAN FREEDOM SUPPORT 
ACT. 
(a) FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES.—Section 301(a) of 
the Iran Freedom Support Act (Public Law 109–293; 22 
U.S.C. 2151 note) is amended— 
(1) in paragraph (1), by striking ‘‘and’’ at the 
end; 
(2) in paragraph (2), by striking ‘‘in Iran.’’ and 
inserting ‘‘inside and outside Iran that maintain 
internationally recognized human rights standards, 
including those provided for in the Universal Dec-
laration of Human Rights and the Helsinki Commit-
ments;’’; and 
(3) by adding at the end the following: 
‘‘(3) to make the deplorable human rights 
record of the Government of Iran a top concern and 
priority of United States foreign policy; and 
‘‘(4) to keep the deplorable human rights record 
of Iran a top priority, irrespective of ongoing nuclear 
issues.’’. 
(b) SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS 
IN IRAN.—Section 302 of such Act is amended— 
(1) by amending the section header to read as 
follows: 
‘‘SUPPORT
FOR
DEMOCRACY
AND 
HUMAN RIGHTS IN IRAN’’; and 
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(2) by redesignating subsections (a) through (g) 
as subsections (b) through (h), respectively; 
(3) in subsection (d), as redesignated— 
(A) by inserting ‘‘, acting through the Spe-
cial Envoy,’’ after ‘‘The President’’; and 
(B) in paragraph (2), by striking ‘‘(g)’’ 
and inserting ‘‘(h)’’; and 
(4) by inserting before subsection (b) the fol-
lowing: 
‘‘(a) SPECIAL ENVOY ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN IRAN.— 
‘‘(1) APPOINTMENT OF SPECIAL ENVOY.—The 
President shall appoint a special envoy for human 
rights in Iran within the Department of State (in 
this section referred to as the ‘Special Envoy’). The 
Special Envoy should— 
‘‘(A) be a person of recognized distinction 
in the field of human rights; 
‘‘(B) not be an incumbent official of the 
Department of State; and 
‘‘(C) report directly to the Secretary of 
State. 
‘‘(2) DUTIES.— 
‘‘(A) IN
GENERAL.—The Special Envoy 
shall coordinate and promote efforts to improve 
respect for the fundamental human rights of 
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the people of Iran and work with organizations 
committed to promoting democracy in Iran. 
‘‘(B) 
SPECIFIC
DUTIES.—The 
Special 
Envoy shall— 
‘‘(i) 
support 
and 
promote 
inter-
national efforts to promote human rights 
and political freedoms in Iran, including 
coordination between the United States 
and the United Nations, the European 
Union, the Organization for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe, and countries in 
the region; 
‘‘(ii) establish the regional framework 
described in section 304; 
‘‘(iii) coordinate with appropriate of-
fices of the Department of State, the De-
partment of Defense, the National Security 
Council, and such other agencies as may 
be necessary to coordinate the establish-
ment and operation of the regional frame-
work; 
‘‘(iv) serve as point of contact for op-
position groups, diaspora groups, and non-
governmental organizations interested in 
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advocating democracy and human rights in 
Iran; 
‘‘(v) coordinate efforts with appro-
priate departments and agencies of the 
Federal Government, international organi-
zations, nongovernmental organizations, 
and individuals and organizations from the 
Iranian diaspora to acquire greater infor-
mation and reporting on conditions in 
Iran; 
‘‘(vi) oversee funding for, and pro-
viding consultative authority with respect 
to, public and private broadcasting into 
Iran; and 
‘‘(vii) review strategies for improving 
the protection of human rights in Iran, in-
cluding technical training and exchange 
programs. 
‘‘(3) REPORT ON ACTIVITIES.—Not later than 
180 days after the date of the enactment of the Iran 
Human Rights Act of 2007, and annually thereafter 
for each of the following 5 years, the Special Envoy 
shall submit a report on the activities undertaken 
under paragraph (2) during the preceding 12 
months to— 
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‘‘(A) the Committee on Foreign Relations 
of the Senate; 
‘‘(B) the Committee on Appropriations of 
the Senate; 
‘‘(C) the Committee on Foreign Affairs of 
the House of Representatives; and 
‘‘(D) the Committee on Appropriations of 
the House of Representatives.’’. 
(c) SENSE OF CONGRESS.—Title III of such Act is 
amended by adding at the end the following: 
‘‘SEC. 303. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON THE IMPORTANCE OF 
HUMAN RIGHTS IN IRAN. 
‘‘It is the sense of Congress that— 
‘‘(1) there is a direct relationship between the 
state of freedom and democracy within Iran and the 
efforts of the current regime of Iran to acquire nu-
clear weapons and the long-term success of the glob-
al war on terror; and 
‘‘(2) it is essential that the issue of human 
rights violations in Iran should remain a top United 
States foreign policy priority, independent of efforts 
to address the nuclear threat in Iran. 
‘‘SEC. 304. ESTABLISHMENT OF REGIONAL FRAMEWORK. 
‘‘(a) FINDING.—Congress finds that human rights 
initiatives can be undertaken on a multilateral basis, as 
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demonstrated by the Organization for Security and Co-
operation in Europe, which established a regional frame-
work for discussing human rights, scientific and edu-
cational cooperation, and economic and trade issues. 
‘‘(b) SENSE OF CONGRESS.—It is the sense of Con-
gress that the United States Government should explore 
the possibility of a regional human rights dialogue on Iran 
that is modeled on the Helsinki process established by the 
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, en-
gaging all countries in the region in a common commit-
ment to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. 
‘‘SEC. 305. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON THE ROLE OF THE 
UNITED NATIONS. 
‘‘It is the sense of Congress that the United Nations 
has a significant role to play in promoting and improving 
human rights in Iran, and that— 
‘‘(1) the United Nations General Assembly has 
taken positive steps by adopting Resolution 61/176, 
which expresses its grave concern over the deterio-
rating human rights situation in Iran; 
‘‘(2) the severe human rights violations in Iran 
warrant country-specific attention and reporting by 
the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary 
Detention, the United Nations Working Group on 
Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances, the Spe-
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cial Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbi-
trary Executions, the Special Rapporteur on the 
Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom 
of Opinion and Expression, the Special Rapporteur 
on Freedom of Religion or Belief, and the Special 
Rapporteur on Violence Against Women; 
‘‘(3) United Nations member states should not 
support Iran as a member of the United Nations 
Human Rights Council until the Government of Iran 
has made significant progress in its human rights 
record, including the adherence to the Universal 
Declaration on Human Rights; and 
‘‘(4) the Special Envoy should work with the 
United Nations to compile accurate statistical data 
on social and political conditions inside Iran. 
‘‘SEC. 306. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON VISA POLICY. 
‘‘It is the sense of Congress that the commitment to 
human rights and democracy of a national of Iran who 
has applied for a visa to enter the United States should 
be considered when determining the eligibility of such na-
tional for the visa.’’. 
Æ 
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