APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD faith not in themselves but in a little group of governing men. They are being promised that if they will submit to that group’s management, control, and taxation they will double their in- come and have more houses and food, a higher culture, and better health. For nearly 160 years prior to this trip the freedom of the individual from such gov- erning men had been a fighting matter, Every individual's liberty to be responsi- ble for himself was thought to be abso- lutely essential to every American. He had no faith in anybody, even a Presi- dent, to do better for him than he could for himself. We have been taught up to now that the progress of people has been in direct ratio to the freedom enjoyed by them. Freedom was thought to be a precious substance like the precious elements in sunlight and air, in rain, in soil. When its elements were released and free, it was explosive like atomic energy itself, mysterious and capable of the most amazing results. Prior to the American discovery of liberty, for a thousand years, there had been no appreciable change in the condition of men. There had been famines about every 10 years. There were aS Many or more babies born as there are today but they died of hunger and cold. Life was the lifelong drab ex- istence of grubbing in the earth for a bare subsistence. There was no surplus as it is known today. That experience of surplus is strictly associated with the American era of freedom. From the be- ginning of time down to the era of lib- erty not more than a, billion people ever subsisted on the earth. There was no improvement in the cradle and the flail for a thousand years. In a little more than a century of liberty the population has doubled because of invention and science and an era of comparative peace under free enterprise. What about the choice he must make now? Are the ideas, and inventions, the production and the surplus of the free to be slowed up and reduced by our gov- erning men? Is it sensible for us to put our faith in our governing men who have no inventive, creative or productive ca- pacity? Have they made any contribu- tions to science? Can they add to the number and quality of houses and our foods? Can they extend our life and add to the health we enjoy? How about tele- vision and penicillin and poetry? None of these have come from our governing men yet. ‘ If the free mind and spirit is the only substance from which they came, then everyone of us is concerned to protect the liberties of inventive and creative men. We all depend on them. Must we not therefore protect them against gov- erning men who want to supervise, con- trol, inspect, compel, and tax them? These governing men always work and fight to expand the power of their Gov- ernment and to expand their business of governing. By so doing they always re- duce the individual’s freedom, his capac~ ity, his productivity, his means of serv- ing us. Freedom is a word all too casually used, Tis mreaning was clear in 1776: In 1950 it is foggy and needs rethinking. Free- dom is no musty sentimentality to sing hymns or write poetry about. Nor is ita constitutional sama to be played by the powerful scaics. une weak. Freedomisa most practical utility, precious to all con- ditions of humans. It isin truth thevery practical source of focd and houses and health and the good life, especially for the needy. Unless the imaginative, pro- ductive, inventive free individual pro- duces a surplus over and above his own needs, there can be nothing for the needy. Our governing men by the record of the Patent Office do not discover, invent or produce. In fact they are always de- structive forces, unless they are confined to the maintenance, protection, and glo- rification of individual liberty. On the libarty of our individual free citizens de- pends even our safety from foreign ene- mies. The Patent Office again shows that our governing men have produced no in~ strument vital in the winning of a single war from the beginning of our history. We won because a farmer in Virginia Gropped his old cradle and gave us the reaper, two bicycle makers from Ohio flew. A poor tinkerer from his mother’s kitchen put a whole world on wheels. Shall we keep our faith in ourselves under God and reject the false promises in exchange for our liberties? Laurens, S. C., Wins Safety Award for Pedestrians EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, the city of Laurens, county seat of Laurens Coun- ty, S. C., one of the smaller but more progressive counties in my district, has again won an outstanding national hon- or. Surely, other cities, both large and small, would do well to follow the exam- ple of Laurens. Asa part of my remarks, I attach hereto an editorial and other newspaper clippings: Laurens Wins Sarety AWARD FOR PEDESTRIANS Laurens has been named a grand award winner in the eleventh annual national pedestrian protection contest. The selection was announced in Charlotte, N. C., Monday by Coleman W. Roberts, presi~ dent of the Carolina Motor Club. The con~ test was sponsored by the American Auto- mobile Association. Laurens, which last year won first place for cities under 10,000 population, took top hon- ors this year with the grand award for all cities under 100,000. San Francisco won the grand award for cities over 100,000 and Con- necticut won the grand award for States. Other Carolina cities placed in the contest, the Associated Press reported. Special cita- tions for pedestrian programs went to both States and to the cities of Greenville, S, C., and Asheville, N. C., Easley, Marion, Union and Newberry, S. C., and Hamlet and Canton, N. C., received special citations for their ac- cident records. Entries in the contest were received from 1,627 cities throughout the Nation. There were 882 cities under 100,900 which entered the contest. A3579 The 10-man committee of judges pointed to Laurens’ record of no pedestrian deaths and noted the town’s well-balanced pedes- trian protection program. The board of judges recognized the work of Chief W. R. Ivey of the Laurens Police Department, one of the key figures in the city’s pedestrian safety record. Lt. George E. Hurteau, Jr., of the safety section of the South Carolina State Highway Patrol, was recognized for outstanding leadership in pedestrian protection. LavRENS’ FINE RECORD Last year Laurens won top honors for cities under 10,000 population in the Amer- ican Automobile Association’s national pe- destrian-protection contest. That was @ splendid showing, for quite a few small cities and towns are in that category. But Laurens wasn’t content to take honors among the small-fry communities of the Nation and this year that safety-conscious and enterprising city of less than 7,000 in the census count of 10 years ago stepped out and won the grand award for all cities under 100,000. South Carolina cities made a gaod show- ing in the contest with Greenville, Easley, Marion, Union, and Newberry receiving spe- cial citations for pedestrian-protection pro- grams. But these and other municipalities of the State bow to Laurens for showing the way for the 882 cities under 100,000 over which Greenville’s esteemed neighbor scored its impressive victory. Laurens, it is recalled, made an impres- sive record with respect to traffic fatalities until a recent automobile-train collision marred a perfect score of several years’ duration. The award which Laurens received a few days ago was for the city’s effective pedes- trian-protection program. The board of judges specifically recognized the work of Chief W. R. Ivey, of the Laurens police de=- partment. . Other communities which are interested in improving their safety programs ought to be able to get some pointers from him and his associates at Laurens. Hats off to all the folks down there who have a part in the city’s safety record. — LAURENS SMALLEST TOWN IN UNITED STATES TO Win Granp AwarD—OFFICIALS NoTIFIED OF NavionaL PEDESTRIAN SareTy AwArp RECORD (By Manuel J. Rogers) LAURENS, May 9.—The city of Laurens is the first city in the South to win the na- tional grand award for pedestrian safety. Laurens also is the smallest municipal- ity in the United States ever to win the grand award and is the first town In the United States to win two consecutive awards. Laurens won first place last year for towns under 10,000, but this year won the grand award for towns under 100,000 population, OFFICIALS NOTIFIED Chief of Police W. R. Ivey and Mayor W. T. Bolt have heen notified of the high honor won as the result of efforts of the police department and will be notified soon of the date on which the official plaque will be presented. To win the grand award Laurens had to take first place in all eight categories under which judging was carried on. These in- clude death and injury records (no deaths, only four pedestrians injured), accident rec- ords, legislation and enforcement, engineer- ing, organization of police department, school safety program, public Information, and exhibits. ¢ ' Under the school safety program signs have beén placed in'streets at school cross- ings, schoolboy patrols have heen organized with the aid of Capt. L. R. Keeble of the Laurens Police Department and Corp. E. E: Bedenbaugh, State highway patrol, movies
A3580 on safety have been shown, bicycle safety clubs have been sponsored and other means have been employed for impressing the im- portance of safety on the children. The midget football team at the school has been coached by a policeman, Elmore Roberts. Merchants cooperated by distribution of pamphlets and otherwise, Pamphlets on safety have been distriputed through all available means with the result that about 700,000 pamphlets and slogans have been placed in the hands of the public during the year. City water bills and electric bills of the Laurens Electric Cooperative, Inc., have been stamped with safety slogans. Chief Ivey drew special praise from the board of judges for his work in organizing the police department and carrying on the safety program. ‘Today Chief Ivey praised the co- operation of merchants and citizens gener- ally for the unusual record that has been established. Mayor Bolt was elated over news that Laurens had won the honor. PROUD OF CITY “Tt am immeasurably proud of our city,” he said. “I am proud of its police department and of its citizens for having won this Na- tion-wide recognition for the second succes= sive year for its safety record. We even did better than our 1948 record, for in 1949 we also won the grand award in which the competition was among all cities under 160,000 population, “The record of Chief Ivey during all of his years’ service in the city of Laurens is cli- maxed by this signal recognition. He has shown himself well qualified in organizing and administering the complex affairs of the police department, and in gaining the coop- eration of the entire citizenship in this safety campaign. “Captain Keeble of the Laurens Police De- partment also deserves commendation for his having organized the material, photographs, and exhibits in making the most attractive presentation of our accomplishments. I also want to publicly thank every member of our police department and each of our Laurens residents and the visitors to our city who cooperated in helping us win this award.” George Attix, secretary of the Laurens Chamber of Commerce, commended the work of the police and citizens. “as a safety engineer for 5 years,” he said, “I can say that such a record as Laurens has made did not ‘just happen.’ It is the result of a lot of hard and consistent work. “Our police department took the lead in this safety drive but our citizens and the people of our community also played an im~- portant part by responding to this leadership in that they cooperated and became safety conscious.” LAvRENS WINS SAFETY AWARD CuarLorig, N. C., May 8.—Laurens, 8. C., has been named a grand award winner in the eleventh annual national pedestrian protec- tion contest. The selection was announced here today by Coleman W. Roberts, president of the Caro~ lina Motor Club. The contest was sponsored by the American Automobile Association. Laurens, which last year won first place for cities under 10,000 population, took top honors this year with the grand award for all cities under 100,000, San Francisco won the grand award for cities over 100,000 and Con-~ necticut won the grand award for States. Other Carolina cities placed in the contest. Special citations for pedestrian programs went to both States and to the cities of Greenville, S. C., and Asheville, N.C. Easley, Marion, Union, and Newberry, S. C., and Hamlet and Canton, N. C., received special citations for their accident records, Entries in the contest were received from 1,627 cities throughout the Nation. There were 882 cities under 100,000 which entered the contest. The 10-man committee of judges pointed to Laurens’ record of no pedestrian deaths and noted the town’s well-balanced pedes- trian protection program. The board of judges recognized the work of Chief W. R. Ivey, of the Laurens Police Department, one of the key figures in the city’s pedestrian safety record. Lt, George E. Hurteau, Jr., of the safety section of the South Carolina State Highway Patrol, was recognized for outstanding leadership in pedestrian protection. President Truman’s Speech at Broken Bow, Nebr., on May 8, 1950 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE D. O’SULLIVAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mr. O’SULLIVAN. Mr. Speaker, on May the 8th, while making his western tour, our great President, Harry S. Tru- man, had occasion to be welcomed by the mayor of Broken Bow, Nebr., and in an- swer to the welcome of the mayor, had occasion to make the following remarks: Thank you very much, Mr. Mayor. I have been traveling all day through Illinois, Iowa, and Nebraska, talking to people on the prob- lems which this country faces. Somebody told me that this great city of Broken Bow had twenty-eight hundred people in it. It looks to me as if there are twenty-eight thousand here tonight. It has been a won- derful day for me to see all of you get out in this great agricultural area through which L have traveled, I grew up on a farm in Missouri, and know first-hand what it is like. Of course, I am not up to date on the subject. You see, I lived on the farm from 1905 until 1917 when the First World War broke out, so I guess I would be a little out of date now. I used to milk cows by hand. I used to plow with a four-horse team instead of a tractor. I used to sow wheat with a drill that had only 12 hoes on it, and I used to cut wheat on a binder that cut 8 feet wide. I would be completely out of date now, and I understand that because I have two nephews on the same farm that get much more out of that farm than I ever did. But they do it with machinery. They milk cows by machine, and they plow with a tractor and they plant with a tractor, and they bale hay with a tractor. I don’t think that those boys could follow me up 4 corn row to save their lives, because they ride and IT walked. We have been doing a lot in recent years to make country life easier and happier— just like I have been telling you. One of the most important things has been to bring electricity to the farms. Electricity is a great liberator. On thousands of farms all over the country, electricity provides light, it pumps water, grinds feed, and milks cows—I used to milk them by hand—it provides power for your farm implement repair shops. Your REHA-financed cooperatives in this area are helping to bring more cheap elec- tricity which will make life on the farm much easier. Fifteen years ago, before we started the rural electrification program, only 1 out of every 10 farm families had electricity. Now APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 8 out of every 10 of the Nation’s farms are electrified. That is real progress. I was in the Senate when the REA thing came up, and you should have heard the roar, you should have heard the quarrels that were carried on by people who said it was regi- mentation, that it shouldn’t happen, that there was something wrong, that farmers shouldn’t have cheap electricity. But you are getting it, and I am mighty happy that you did. 1 was on the investigating com~ mittee that looked after the holding com- panies who controlled nearly all of the elec- trical organizations in the country, People were not interested in giving the farmers electricity, so we started the REA, and now you have it. I am glad to see that Congress has now authorized loans to expand rural tclephone facilities. That is another step forward. This is meeting the same kind of Opposition. There are many other ways in which the Government is working with you to improve country life in the United States. We want to see that children have decent educational opportunities in rural areas, especially where they have long distances to go to school. Iam very much interested in the improve- ment of farm housing. The Housing Act that was finally passed last year—after the people replaced the Hightieth Congress with the Highty-first—is helping to build better farm homes right now. I regard Government expenditures for the improvement of rural life as an investment in the future of this great country, The next time you hear somebody talk about high Government expenditures remind him that when we spend money for raising the standard of living on the farm we are con- tributing to a greater nation, and that is the best way to preserve world peace. Today is my birthday, and you people in Broken Bow have helped make my birthday a happy one by this fine reception—a re- markable one at this time of night—and I can’t tell you how much I appreciate it. I came out here to report to you. Two years ago I was riding around all over the country—in fact, I went 31,700 miles—and I spoke to about 7,000,000 people and I spoke to about 15,000,000 more over the radio, and they believed me. They elected me President of the United States in 1948. And Iam coming back now to talk to you and let you look at me and see if you think I have gone “high hat” on you. I am still working for your welfare and benefit, I am your servant. That is the reason I am tak- ing this trip across the country. I want you to know what I think; what I am trying to do; that I am trying to carry out those things that are for the best interests of all the people; that will contribute to getting peace in the world that will be permanent; that is the thing I am interested in. I fought in the First World War and I tried to fightin this one. You know, I went down to see General Marshall, when I was a United States Senator, and I was a field artillery captain in the First World War and had been studying field artillery and they had made me a colonel in the Reserve Corps up to then, and I said, “General, I would like very much to have a chance to work in this war as a feld artillery colonel.” This was just after we had passed the first Draft Act in 1940, and the general pulled his specs down on his nose like this and he looked at me over them and said, “Senator, how old are you?” And I said, “Well, I'm 56 years old.” And he said, “You're too damned old. You'd better stay home and work in the Sen- ate.” Well, I did. " After events moved around, through no arrangement on my part, I became President of the United States and General Marshall was Chief of Staff. He was out in my office one day and my secretary, Mr. Connelly, said, “General, if the man in the other room—
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which happened to be me—were to ask the same question now that he did in 1940, what would you say?” And the general said, “Well, I would tell him the same thing, only I would be a litle more diplomatic about it.” I appreciate the cordial welcome which I have received in Iilinois, Iowa, and Nebraska today. I think it shows that people under- stand what goes on in their Government, and I think the best way for you to under- stand that is for me to come out and report to you. Thatis whatI am doing. Iam here to find out how you feel about things. I am here to find out what ought to be done for the welfare of the country, and that is what I am trying to do. Iam your public servant, hired by you in the election of 1948, and I hope that when we get through with this trip most of the people in the United States will understand that I am only work- ing in the public interest and for your bene- fit and for the peace of the world. I can’t tell you how much I appreciate this wonder~ ful welcome here in Broken Bow, Nebr. Thank you very much. Petroleum Imports EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ELMER THOMAS OF OKLAHOMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, 7fay 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. THOMAS of Oklahoma. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Rrcorp a statement on petroleum imports presented at the midyear meeting of the Independent Petroleum Association of America, held at Los Angeles, Calif.,on May 7 to 9, 1950, There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: STATEMENT ON PxrTrrotguM IMPORTS BY THE DIRECTORS OF THE INDEPENDENT PETROLEUM ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA AT Mipyzar Mexrr- ING IN Los ANGELES, Cauir., May 7, 8, 9, 1950 The continued and increasing high rate of imports of foreign petroleum and its prod- ucts into the United States presents a prob- lem of growing seriousness to the domestic oil producers and to our Nation. The direc« tors of the Independent Petroleum Associa- tion of America are gravely concerned. This concern is based upon the serious injury, reaching far beyond the oil industry itself, now being inflicted upon the domestic econ- omy and, of even greater importance, the weakening of the national security on which the American people rely. An an element of the industry directly concerned with this problem, the independ- ent oil producers recognize their responsi- pility to fully, fairly, and fearlessly make known to the American people and their representatives in Government the disastrous consequences of the continuation of the present excessive rate of imports. Imports of oil currently are averaging in excess of 800,000 barrels daily. This reflects an increase of about 30 percent over 1949 and GO percent over 1948, This rate of in- crease is alarming. It becomes of even greater importance when coupled with the rapid decline in exports of oil. As is shown in the attached sheet, containing the latest information on imports, foreign oil not only has displaced domestic oil from the foreign XCVI—App.——-226 markets of the world but, in addition, has invaded the home market. The resulting loss in income and purchas- ing power suffered by the domestic oil-pro- ducing industry is multiplied into a loss of billions of dollars that would otherwise be available for taxes, payrolls, and the goods and services of other industries throughout the Nation. This means a lower national income with additional and increasing un- employment, not only for the oil industry but for every industry and millions of citizens in every State. The rapid trend in the displacement of the domestic oil industry must be corrected if the welfare of the American people in their peacetime pursuits and in their preparation against military conflict is to be best served, Since World War II the domestic oil in- dustry has demonstrated its ability to fully meet the requirements of our economy and to provide beyond such needs a reserve pro- ducing capacity to be readily available to our military in event of emergency. Today Known reserves of oil are at an all-time high in the United States. Results attained dur- ing recent years show that there is no decline in the domestic industry's ability to find and develop new reserves of oil. In addition to being able to meet our daily peacetime needs, the domestic industry today has a reserve producing capacity of about 1,000,000 barrels daily. This reserve capacity can and will be increased if the domestic industry is not hampered by unsound policies such as excessive imports. The facts concerning the import problem have been fully presented to all concerned including officials and agencies of the Federal Government. The solution to the problem first is the responsibility of the few importing com- panies which enjoy the protection and bene- fits of the American way of life. The import- ing companies dominating the world oil in- dustry outside the United States are the Standard Oil Co. (N. J.), Socony-Vacuum Oil Co., Standard Oil Co. of California, Gulf Oil Corp., the Texas Co., and the Dutch-Shell group. Although promises by these com- panies that imports would not be permitted to injure the domestic industry and en- danger the national security have been forth- coming now for many months, voluntary corrective action has not been forthcoming. Continued increases in imports to the cur- rent all-time high levels demonstrates that the importing companies cannot be relied upon in effectuating a solution of the problem. During this meeting of the directors of this association, officials of most of the large importing companies have, at our re- quest, advised us as to their present views on oil imports. The consensus of these views is that imports have not injured the national welfare and security. We disagree most strongly with that conclusion. We consider it further evidence of the futility of relying upon the importing companies for a solution of the import problem. Since the importing companies have claimed their dctions as having been par- tially inspired by the attitude and encour- agement of certain officials and administra- tive agencies of the Federal Government, such officials and agencies must assume re- sponsibility for action that will lead to early correction of the problem, The State De- partment and Tariff Commission have been urged repeatedly to recognize and take cor- rective action but they have adamantly re- fused to even recognize that a problem exists. On the contrary representatives of the State Department recently have demon- strated a subservient fidelity to the cause of the importing companies. Their posi- tion in defense of the current rate of im- * ports has been an echo of that of the im- A3581 porting companies. This demonstrates the futility of longer hoping for, or depending upon, either the importing companies or the State Department for any relief, Not only has the State Department failed to recognize the critical oil-import prob- lem-—~it has actively pursued a program that means the certain destruction of American wage levels and American industrial activ- ity throughout our entire economy. The Department has continued to promote a vast expansion in foreign oil producing and refining facilities, financed by American taxpayers’ dollars, which if unrestrained will return home to invade and destroy the United States economy. In its blind efforts to close the dollar gap in world trade, the State Department has been indifferent to- ward the well-being of American labor and basic domestic industries, particularly oil. If all other industries had suffered injury comparable to that already inflicted upon the domestic oil producers, there would be no dollar gap as oil imports now far exceed oil exports. This inequitable burden being carried by the oil-producing industry in this country continues in disregard of its harm- ful effects upon our self-sufficiency as to oil. In view of the failure to find the solution to the import problem through industry discipline or administrative action, the American people and the elements of our economy directly and indirectly affected must turn to the legislative branch of our Government for relief. The Congress has a consistent and continuous record of provid- ing corrective measures needed in preventing undue industry aggressiveness and admin-~ istrative indifference from endangering our economic welfare and national security. It again is now our only source for relief from the import problem. There are now pending before the Con~ gress several specific proposals for seeking relief from excessive imports. These pro~ posals present three methods of solution: (1) establishment of a quota on imports of oll, (2) increasing the excise duty on im- ports of oil, and (8) providing a quantity balance between exports and imports of oil. It is believed that any one of these three methods would provide relief from the pres- ent destructive situation. The Congress is urged to immediately give consideration to the proposals now before it and, in its wis- dom, to enact into law the corrective meth- od deemed most appropriate and effective. UNITED STATES OIL IMPORTS IN 1950 Increasing imports of foreign crude pe~ troleum and refined products are taking over the oil markets of this country, displacing and weakening the domestic oil industry, and thereby jeopardizing the Nation’s safety and economic welfare. The following facts, based on Government statistics, support this conclusion. They show the problem is more serious today than at any time in the past. 1. Because of a world surplus of oll, im- ports into the United States have more than doubled since 1946, while exports have de- clined by about 35 percent. During the first quarter of 1950, the Nation was a net impor- ter of oil to the extent of 555,000 barrels daily in contrast to net exports of 42,000 bar- rels per day in 1946. This is a trend toward greater and greater dependency on foreign sources of oil. . 2. Increased imports are taking a larger and larger share of the United States oil market. Imports are now supplying 13.1 percent as compared with 6.9 percent in 1946, 3. In the face of increased imports, domes- tic production has been displaced and cur- tailed. United States production is 8 per- cent below the 1948 average and more than
A3582 1,000,000 barrels daily below efficient capac- ity. The loss in income to the United States oil producers as compared with 1948 amounts to approximately $1,400,000 per day, or more than $500,000,000 per year. The experience of the industry proves conclusively that loss in income means less exploration and de- velopment activity, less new oil discovered, and less productive capacity to meet the Nation’s future oil needs. The strength of basic industries in the United States is the best assurance of na- tional security and world peace. Imports are serlously injuring the domestic oil indus- try, one of the most essential of our basic industries. The public interest demands a sound national policy as to petroleum im- ports. United States petroleum imporis versus exports [Barrels daily] Net ex- Imports of | Exports of crude and | crude and ated products | products ports) 377, 000 419, 000 42, 000 436, 060 450, 000 14, 000 514, 000 368, 000 (146, 000) 641, 000 827,000 | (314, 000) First quarter, 1950. 820, 000 265,000 | (555, 000) Total United States petroleum supply Domestic produc- tion of crude and Imports of crude and products natural gasoline Percent Percent Barrels of total Barrels of total ¥ | supply ¥ | supply ‘Year 1946 5, 078, 000 93.1 | 377, 000 6.9 Year 1947 5, 452, 000 92.6 | 436, 000 7.4 Year 1948, 5, 922, 000 92.0] 514, 000 8.0 Year 1949__... 5, 470, 000 89.5 | 641, 000 10.8 ist quarter, 50. nena 5, 450, 000 86.9 {| 820, 000 13.1 Speeches by the President at Wendover and Rawlings, Wyo. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOSEPH C. O’MAHONEY OF WYOMING IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. O’MAHONEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp the speech delivered by the President of the United States at ‘Wendover, Wyo., on May 9, 1950, and the speech delivered by him at Rawlings, Wyo., later on the same day. There being no objection, the speeches were ordered to be printed in the Rzcorp, as follows: REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT AT WENDOVER, Wro., May 9, 1950 I am going to tell you a story about Wyo- ming. I had a most wonderful meeting in Casper this morning. Your Governor was there as host for the State of Wyoming. My good friend Jom O’MaHoNery introduced me. Jor is one of the real Senators, who knows what it’s all about. It was a pleasure for me to-have him introduce me. I served in the Senate for a long time with Joz, and I know him. He’s: all right. It is always good to come back out West, especially at this time of year, One reason I like Wyoming is the fact that you have a long tradition of really forward-looking, pro- gressive legislation. Wyoming, as you cere tainly know, was the first State to give women the right to vote. And you had a woman Governor, who now runs the Mint of the United States; and every time I see her—and she is on this train—I ask her if she brought me a bag full of money. She never has, Can you imagine what some of the stuffy reactionary easterners had to say about the fact that you had woman suffrage out here? Listen—listen to this—you will like this, you will want to remember it. The editor of a prominent magazine published in New York said about Wyoming, when you gave women the right to vote—now this is a quote: “This unblushing female socialism defies alike the apostles and prophets.” The editor said, ‘Nothing could be more antibiblical than letting women vote.” So you see that the cry of socialism is as old as the hills. They used it against woman suffrage, against the Federal Reserve Act, against social security, and they are trying to use it again today, but I know you are not going to let them fool you any more than they fooled you when the State of Wyo- ming brought about woman suffrage as a pioneer in the United States. Now every woman in every State can vote, and the country is much better off for that reason. But the old fogies didn’t think so, and there are still old fogies whenever you start anything new, I don’t care what it is. You will find some people who think we had better stay with things as they are. Just a few days ago I have been having press conferences in my Office, and it is an oval room; it is kind of circular, and it is stuffy and you can’t hear; and when you get in two or three hundred men in there, the fellows in the back row can’t see me and they can’t hear what is going on. So I decided to set up a place to hold press conferences where all the boys could sit down and make their notes, and they could see me and they could hear what I had to say, and I could find out who was asking the question. And, you know, some of them were just exactly like the old fogies who were opposed to woman suffrage; they didn’t want to do it; they said it wasn’t any good. Well, we tried it twice, and I don’t think they will want to change back. So progress has to be made by people who can see for- ward, who can look forward and see what the results can be if some slight change is made in the status quo. That is what the people who are looking forward to the welfare of the United States stand for. And I am out here, going across the United States—and I will go almost all the way across from Wash-~ ington to Grand Coulee Dam and back again—trying to tell the people that I believe in change when it is for the welfare of all the people. IT am going to keep right om working for better houses, better schools, a better educa-~ tional program, a better labor and social- security laws, and I don’t intend to be scared away by anybody who calls that program socialism. I always look back and think that what I am trying to do is no more socialistic than was woman suffrage In Wyoming when you passed it. Thank you very much, REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT aT RAWLINS, WYO., May 9, 1950 | Thank you very much. I have always en- joyed my visits to this section of the country. I have had a wonderful day today. I started in Casper, Wendover, Cheyenne, and Lara- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mie. The Governor of Wyoming and Senator OManonzey met me in Casper, and I was highly pleased and gratified that those two gentlemen were there. I have had a great day. I like your scenery. I appreciate your hospitality more than I do your scenery. I was in Rawlins 2 years ago, late on Sunday evening, and Iam glad to be back again. At that time I could not make you a speech because it was Sunday. I am sorry I will not be able to visit your great project to the northeast, the Eortes Dam, which we dedicated this morning in Casper. The people of Carbon County have reason to be proud of this dam. Kortes and Seminoe Dam will soon be furnishing power to this whole section, enough power for real industrial expansion. Of course, these dams won’t benefit just industry, they will help everybody—those of you in cities and those of you who live on ranches, For a long time this State has been great livestock country. It produces an important part of the Nation’s supply of meat, wool, and leather. And I have an idea that your livestock industry is going to be even more important in the future than it has been in the past. We had steaks tonight for dinner, and the Senator assured me that they were Wyoming steaks. I think they came from Kansas City. Compared with the people of other coun- tries, we Americans have good diets. Eut there is still room for improvement. The main thing we need for that purpose is more livestock products. Iam confident that the farmers and ranch- ers of Wyoming want to produce the abun- dance of livestock that we need. That is evi- dent not only from the emphasis on sheep and cattle that has been traditional out here put also from your progress in water and range conservation. Now I started yesterday at Lincoln, Nebr., on what I think is an economic program for this section of the country, from the Appala- chian Mountains to the Pacific coast; and if you will pay close attention to the speeches which I delivered across the great State of Iowa and in Lincoln, Nebr., and this morn- ing in Casper and Cheyenne, and at Laramie tonight, you will find just exactly what I think is necessary to continue this country as the greatest republic in the history of the world. You people in this area naturally have a particular interest in sheep and wool. In wool production, Wyoming ranks at or very near the top among the 48 States. I know that when the war came along you had a terrific wool problem. ‘You were helped out of that situation by the Government pur- chase program for wool. If you will think pack, you will remember that in those days wool growers had virtually nobody except the Government to sell to. The Government-owned stocks of wool are now down to about 20,000,000 pounds. Three years ago they totaled more than 500,000,000 pounds. Now I want to point out that these stocks were disposed of in trade channels and in such a way as to protect domestic wool prices. Last year, the Congress passed new legis- lation that strengthened the wool program. Under this program, we have set the support level for wool at the maximum, 90 percent of parity. We are going to keep on making whatever efforts are necessary to give the wool growers of this country a really workable program. This is part of our objective to build a strong and prosperous United States of America, so that we can preserve our own freedom and help to strengthen the cause of freedom all over the world. Tt has been @ real pleasure to visit with you here in Rawlins, and I hope to come back before very long on a political trip. This is a nonpolitical trip.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Hawaii’s Claim to Statehcod EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. WILLIAM F. KNOWLAND OF CALIFORNIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrecorp a copy of the statement which I made before the Committee on Interior and Insular Af- fairs with reference to Hawaii’s claim to statehood. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mr. Chairman and members of the Inte- rior and Insular Affairs Committee, Hawaii’s claim to statehood is so overwhelming that it cannot in justice be longer delayed. One hundred and two years ago the State I have the honor to represent came under the American flag. Two years later Cali- fornia was admitted into the Union without going through the apprenticeship of Terri- torial government. For a century we have been the closest neighbor to Hawaii and have some claim to knowing her best. It is with great pleasure that I appear today to plead her cause without any reservation whatso- ever. Hawaii has been an organized Territory for a longer period than any of the organized Territories ultimately admitted to statehood, with the single exception of New Mexico. With the lone exception of Oklahoma, it has more population than any of the others had at the time of their admission into the Union. Today it has more population than six of our States and is within close proximity to the totals residing in four more. In fiscal year 1947, Hawaii contributed in Federal taxes more than 12 of our States. By official vote of her people she has re- quested admission into the Union. Certain- ly no individual poll of a few hundred peo- ple, a part of whom remain anonymous, can outweigh the recorded vote of the people. I am firmly convinced that Communist activity is a no greater problem than it is in many other areas of our country. Because Hawaii happens to have some of these ter- mites is no valid argument for delaying her admission as a State. To the contrary state- hood will better fortify her people in deal- ‘ing with a preblem which is not just Nation- wide but is world-wide in character. The record of loyalty in peace and war by the people of the Territory of Hawaii cannot be challenged. Both the Democratic and Republican plat- forms have pledged their support to state- hood on several occasions. For the reasons I have outlined and which will be covered more fully by other witnesses I believe that Hawali should become a State now, without further delay. However, there is another reason which should not be overlooked by the Congress or the American people. The free way of life is under pressure from the Elbe to the China Sea. Six hundred mil- lion people are behind the Communist iron curtain as we meet here on this first day of May 1950. In the Far Hast several hun- dred million more hang in the balance. In- ternational communism is on the march and this may be the year of decision that will determine whether or not it will move on to new destruction or will recede in the face of the determination to maintain their way of life by a free world of freemen. The people of Hawaii have much to offer in helping to interpret the sgirit of Amer- ica to the Far East, containing more than half of the world’s population. They can do equally as much in helping the United States to understand the complex problems of that vast area of the world. Never before was it more important to the peace of the world and the very security of this Nation that such mutual understanding be achieved. We dare not remain static while com- munism becomes the dynamic force in the world. To the contrary from the Arctic to the mid-Pacifice we should resolutely and effectively proclaim to the world that these American citizens in our two organized Territories are no longer to be stateless per- sons. Now is the time for us to clearly point out that the people in both these great Pacific territories, which are vital to the defense of the Pacific flank of the continental United States, are not just wards in a distant or- phanage but are integral parts of the Ameri- can family of States. We will no more toler~ ate an incursion against either Hawaii or Alaska than we would against any part of our Union. Nineteen hundred and fifty is a year of de- cision for us, also let us not fiddle and faddle on the issue of statehood. If we fumble the ball now and let the play be taken away from us by those who detest the free way of life future generations may wonder what happened to the youth and vigor that made America great. This year may well become one of the great turning points of history. We must not be complacent and self-satisfied for therein will be found the seeds of decay. In life there is no such thing as a status quo. Individuals and governments either grow or they go into a decline and others rise to take their places. As a nation our country is still young. New horizons are still ahead of us. In your hands rests a fateful decision, You can do much to serve notice on the world that America still retains the spirit and vigor of the pioneer. By your action you can help demonstrate that we have the vision and the faith to know that our new forty-ninth and fiftieth States are but at the threshold of a great development whose horizons are limited only by what a free and enterprising people can achieve when admitted to a full partnership under the Constitution of the United States. Second Anniversary of Establishment of Israel EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. IRVING M. IVES OF NEW YORE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. IVES. Mr. President, I ask unan- ; imous consent to have incorporated in the Appendix of the Recorp the address delivered by Hon, Thomas E. Dewey, Governor of New York, at the mass demonstration and pageant sponsored by the Zionist Organization of America in celebration of the second anniversary of the establishment of the State of Israel, held at Madison Square Garden, New York City, Thursday, May 11, 1950. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: ’ I am very happy to be here tonight to ex- press the affectionate greetings of the peo- ple of the Empire State to the people of the A3583 State of Israel. In the short space of 2 years, a fledgling republic has grown to be a lusty child. As one who has spent quite a few years in the intricate business of mod- ern government, I take my hat off to the men and women who have built so well in Israel. We all know the difficulties and problems that beset the infant nation at its birth. Conceived in a great moral decision of the United Nations, it was born in the midst of strife. As it opened its eyes, it was met with the aggressive attack of seven Arab States. The story of the military miracle per- formed by this handful of valiant men and women of Israel is one that will long live in history. It represents one of those high points in history when naked courage and Will to live succeeded against the most tre- mendous odds. The world is truly proud of that kind of heroic achievement. But the purpose of the people of Israel was not to gain laurels, by force of arms. It was rather to dedicate their future to the ways of peace. In the constructive achieve- ments of the past 2 years, its people and all who helped them from abroad can take pride in the accomplishments to date. The government has been organized, its civil functions are being magnificently performed, and it has taken its place in the family of nations. It has begun to develop infant industries. During all this period of struggle, the new State opened its frontiers to migrants from the four corners of the globe. It has taken this immigration in its stride. That immi- gration is not all self-supporting. It must include the aged and the children. It must include the weak and the sick and the hungry to whom Israel was their only goal. All this burden would be grave enough for an estab- lished nation. For this young republic, it represents a problem of the first magnitude. Your help—our help—can contribute the means for supporting these welcome new- comers. This may not be the time or the place, but I do bespeak your urgent help to the great cause of the United Jewish Appeal. There is another matter of major impor- tance at this juncture of events. That is the problem of arms—arms to protect the people and the homes of Israel. Ispeak of this ques- tion from the point of view of American se- curity. Any trouble in any of the troubled spots of the world is a menace to American security. Any aggressive action that threat- ens the peace of an area threatens the peace of the world. Israel stands in the center of the Near East. It is on the shores of the Mediter- ranean linking the west and the east. Any warlike action in that part of the world would only be an invitation to that kind of unrest and trouble that certain countries of the world want. ‘We in America want peace and stability. Some of the Arab nations in the past year have acquired modern arms, planes, and tanks. They have weapons which can serve not only for defense but for aggressive of-= fense as well. Arms in the hands of any nation should only be used for defense of the peace. It makes no sense to leave the Israelis in a position of relative weakness. A weak Israel, like a weak Europe, or a weak America, is only an invitation to aggression. It is perfectly clear that Israel must be armed so that it can defend its frontiers against aggression. It is clear that making Israel strong is the surest guaranty to peace in the Near East. With adequate defense, with the security of its frontiers protected, the people of Israel will move forward to a new and better day. They will stand with the free nations of the world, eager to resist the onslaught of totsiitarlanism. In their striving for bet~ ter things and for a better life, we in Amer~ ica can render great and sympathetic aid. We can give them encouragement as friends and neighbors in the world community.
A3584 We can give them skills. with capital. In joining this great celebration, all of us here tonight are doing more than extend- ing our good wishes to the people of Israel. We are telling them we believe in what they are doing. We are telling them we will help them and stick with them in our mutual struggle for a free and peaceful world. We can help them Unreasonable Restraints by Labor Monépolies EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. WILLIS ROBERTSON OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp the edi- torial from this week’s issue of Collier’s endorsing my bill, S. 2912, to prevent un- reasonable restraint of production or control of prices by labor monopolies. This bill was introduced on January 23, 1950. If the Senate, the House, and the White House had acted promptly on it, I believe it is safe to assume that the present crippling railroad strike would not have occurred. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Wuat’s To Keer Jonn L. From Doine Ir AGAIN? According to journalistic tradition, this is not the time for an editorial on John L. Lewis. Such editorials are customarily writ- ten when Mr. Lewis has ordered his United Mine Workers to stay home, when hundreds of thousands on nonminers are thrown out of work by his decision, when the public and the Government are in a lather of indigna- tion at Mr. Lewis’ defiance of law, order, courts, Congress, and all rules of social re- sponsibility. It is also customary to forget Mr. Lewis between crises, like the one from which the country recently emerged. In that one Mr. Lewis indulged in almost a full year of un- certainty, contention, and confusion. Now the miners are again at work. But the problem remains. . The problem is well illustrated by an in- cident of last November. Mr. Lewis had just begun some fruitless talks with the head Government conciliator, Cyrus Ching. Re- porters were pressing for a statement from the mine leader, who was playing hide-and- seek with them in taxicabs, elevators, and hotel lobbies. When he finally was cornered he told the press that they were “making a hippodrome of my private business.” Thus Mr. Lewis disclosed his own estimate of his power and position. To him, the Govern- ment’s effort to restore stability to a vital basic industry was a strictly personal matter in which the public had no right to intrude. Perhaps it is impossible to bring normal vision to a man so blinded by egoism. But at least something must and can be done to curb his power before another crisis develops. Mr. Lewis has not only denied miners and others the right to work. He has not only forced the country periodically to dance to his tune. He has seriously compounded the coal industry’s trouble in adjusting itself to current realities. Coal no longer monopolizes the fuel market. The competition of oil and gas may have been inevitable. But the un- certainty of supply and price that Mr. Lewis has created gives coal’s competitors an added advantage, and endangers the livelihood of thcusands of his own union members. Two things are needed to correct this situ- ation. The first is legislation—legislation which will make John L. Lewis’ actions sub- ject toiaw without penalizing the miners. We do not think that fair-minded Amer- icans begrudge coal miners the substantial pay that they have gained under Mr. Lewis’ leadership, for a dirty, dangerous job. We think that they can understand the miners’ loyalty to him, even though they may feel, as we do, that the union paid a heavy price for its rewards when it surrendered its rights of self-regulation to a dictatorship over its members’ economic life. But we also think that the miners need protection no less than the mine operators and the public. Their right to work must be safeguarded when they choose to obey their country’s courts rather than the orders of their economic lord and master. Such pro- tection demands the immediate concern of the Government. President Truman made a gesture of Gov- ernment concern when, at the end of the latest coal strike, he asked Congress to set up a commission to study the basic problems of coal. We think the country needs another coal study about as much as it needs an- other coal strike An exhaustive survey of the industry’s problems was made nearly 30 years ago. During the 3 years that the coal industry was administered under the Guffey Act, the In- terior Department collected thousands of pages of statistics. Last summer a con- gressional committee devoted 6: weeks of study to coal and coal strikes. What is needed now is action, not study. And action has been proposed in a bill introduced by Senator RoBERTSON of Virginia. The Senator would simply make the United Mine Workers and all unions subject to the Sherman and Clayton Antitrust Acts. His bill would, in effect, reverse a Supreme Court decision of 1941 which freed labor unions from virtually all legal penalties so long as the unions acted in their own interests and not in conjunction with non- labor groups. Senator Roperrson’s bill is fair and rea- sonable. It does not consider human labor “an article or commodity of commerce.” It does not restrain other union activities. It does not ban industry-wide bargaining. It does not permit employers to seek injunc- tions, but reserves that right to the Depart- ment of Justice. Collier’s thinks that the Robertson bill should be enacted. But even if that is done, there must be a will to enforce it. That will was notably absent in the recent coal strike. Mr. Truman’s repugnance to the Taft- Hartley law is well known. His late and reluctant use of it did nothing to ease the crisis or speed its solution. He delayed of- fending the Taft-Hartley opponents by in~ voking the law when it should have been invoked. He gambled that he could con- tinue his political opposition to it without bringing on total economic paralysis. He gambled that the public would forget, before the November elections, the Kicking around that it took. He knows that a powerful union official nurses hurt feelings longer than the average voter does. But we don’t think it will be easy for any politician to gamble with the Robertson bill without risking the embarrassing accusa- tion that he is encouraging labor dictator- ship for the sake of winning votes. Mr, Lewis and his peers in labor may dislike this bill, too. But at least they cannot shout “slavery” and “fascism” at a law which prohibits both business and labor from com- mitting the same sin. And the common penalty for offenders—treble damages to the injured party—might make Mr. Lewis think twice before applying his thumb to his nose. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Railroad Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. FORREST C. DONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that two articles published in the New York Times of to- day, one beginning on page 1 and extend- ing to page 21 entitled “Rail Strike Job- less Increase—Two Trains Shot At, Fire- man Hit,” and the other article appear- ing on page 20, and being entitled “Many Cities Feel First Effects of Railroad Tie- Up,” in which article is set forth a series of telegraphic messages from various cities in the United States, may be in- corporated in the Appendix of the R&c- orp of today. . There being no objection, the editorials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Ratu STRIKE JOBLESS INCREASE—T wo TRAINS SHor At, FIREMsaN Hit—KNOXVILLE PICKETS Rerort THey WERE STONED—No ProGress REPORTED IN RESOLVING DISPUTES WiTH Four Roapbs Curcaco, May 11.—The second day of the railroad strike brought gradually increasing unemployment, two instances of shooting at trains operated in defiance of the strike, and no progress in resolving the strike deadlock. In the shooting, an employee of the strik- bound Southern Railway received a flesh wound in the arm while acting as a fireman on a freight train approaching Knoxville, Tenn. Also, picketing firemen reported they were stoned near Knoxville. A large increase in unemployment loomed over the week end, as the four struck rail- roads notified between 150,000 and 200,000 of their nonstriking employees of impending furloughs. In Chicago, Francis A. O'Neill, Jr., chair- man of the National Railway Mediation Board, denied reports that the dispute would be taken to Washington. He said no con- ferences were scheduled, however, with either the railroads or the striking Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen. In Washington, John R. Steelman, assist~ ant to President Truman, denied reports that any White House meetings were scheduled with either party. The deadlocked issue is the demand of the union that a second fireman be assigned to multiple-unit Diesel locomotives. Two Pres- idential fact-finding boards have found this demand not justified, one in 1943 and one last fall. The walkout began yesterday at 6 a. m., when 18,000 firemen struck against the Penn- sylvania Railroad west and north of Harris- burg, the New York Central west of Buffalo, and the entire systems of the Atchison, To- peka & Santa Fe and the Southern Railway. Today’s shooting incidents took place at and near Knoxville, Tenn., where two freight trains of the Southern Railway were fired on. D. W. Brosnan, general nranager of the rail- road’s central lines, at Knoxville, said one shot was fired at each train. The brotherhood here denied responsibility for the shootings and for unspecified acts of sabotage which Mr. Brosnan reported. FURLOUGHS DUE TODAY Economic consequences arising in the second day of the strike were dominated by imminent lay-offs on the affected railroads.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Pennsylvania will furlough at 8 a. m, tomorrow 85,000 of its 120,000 employees, including 3,700 striking firemen. The New York Central has announced the furloughing of 25,000 of its 103,000 operating personnel, plus 20,000 clerical workers, add- ing that further lay-offs are probable by this week end. The Southern Railway is expected to fur- lough most of its 38,000 employees. The Santa Fe is notifying an unspecified number of its employees of furloughs. Picket lines set up by the firemen varied from point to point, according to the broth- erbood. In some instances they confronted members of other operating brotherhoods reporting for work, such as engineers, con- ductors, trainmen, and switchmen. In others the lines did not affect other employees than firemen. The other railroad brotherhoods, notably the Locomotive Engineers, who have sought to place a second engineer on the big Diesels, are taking no part in the strike except as it involves crossing firemen’s picket lines, This is because the brotherhoods are independent of each other, and are not bound by each other’s actions, although they may agree to act in concert on common problems. The engineers’ demand for a second engineer on Diesels has been turned down by a fact= finding board. STRIKE CALLED EFFECTIVE . A spokesman for the firemen’s union re- ported the strike continued completely effec- tive this afternoon. The New York Central and the Sante Fe, however, reported that they had dispatched passenger and mail trains from Chicago, pre- sumably using qualified supervisory em- ployees as firemen. The New York Central said it had sent out three passenger trains today, to New York, Boston, and Detroit; two freight trains to Buffalo, and two mail trains. The Santa Fe dispatched passenger trains to Los Angeles, Kansas City, and Gal- veston, and an unspecified number of freight trains, Ernest E. Norris, president of the Southern Railway, announced that “the situation in our yards is improving and we are accepting an increasing volume of traffic.” This is being moved as crews are available, he said, adding that “many of our firemen did not go out.” The Pennsylvania has stopped operations altogether in the strike zone. Many Citles Feex First Errects or Ramroap Tre-Up BurraLo, N. Y., May 11.—Several plant shut-downs and a growing backlog of freight shipments today gave evidence of the spread- ing effects of the rail strike on this major industrial area. Although only 2 of the 11 trunk lines serving this rail center are directly affected by the firemen’s strike, they are the ones normally carrying the bulk of the shipments. They are the New York Central and the Pennsylvania. The Pennsylvania made no attempt to operate here, while the New York Central drafted emergency crews to maintain partial service. Some freight shipments normally handled by these two lines are being diverted to other carriers, both rail and truck. Extra airliners and busses are helping to carry the passenger overflow. The first serious industrial effects of the strike were felt in the milling industry today. A flour mill and a feed mill were closed and another flour mill will shut down tomorrow, making idle nearly 500 mill workers alto- gether. Miles R. Dwyer, New York Central super- intendent here, said supervisory personnel were being used to operate trains. He esti- mated freight traffic west of here was off 70 percent. New York Central lines east of Buffalo are unaffected by the strike, TWO TRAINS UNDER FIRE Knoxvittz, May 11—~Two Southern Rail- way trains were fired on here today and a fireman was wounded in the arm shortly after union pickets complained that they had been stoned at the Southern’s John Sevier yards. A. F. Coleman suffered only a slight flesh wound. A crewman on a second train es- caped injury when another bullet was de- flected by a timetable he was carrying in his pocket. Both bullets were reported to have been fired from a .22-caliber rifle. Strikers reported that workers within the yards stoned pickets at 4:20 a.m. Passenger service was at a standstill and doors of the passenger station have been nailed up since the strike began. The strike caught 54,000 newly hatched baby chicks packaged and ready for ship- ment on railway property. The hatchery is in the midst of its hatch- ing season and an estimated 500,000 chicks will make their appearance each week. Several thousand Tennessee and Georgia schoolboys, members of the junior safety patrols, learned that their trips to Washing- tion had been canceled because of the rail- road strike. HYARRISBURG TRAFFIC DROPS HarrispurG, Pa. May 11.—This railway crossroads city has suddenly become the end of the line. The normal flow of 180 trains a day has dropped to 20. Harrisburg is the Pennsylvania's first divi- sion point west of Philadelphia and the jJunc- tion of the Baltimore-Buffalo north-south feeder line with the main east-west trunk route. To the east, the main lines are electrified and the Diesel engines on which firemen con- tend a third crewman is necessary are not an important part of the service. But east- bound traffic has been sharply curtailed. The stoppage of rail freight has begun to affect other industries here. Steel plants have warned of impending lay-offs of thou- sands of workers if the strike is prolonged. FOURTEEN MINES CLOSED PirrspurcH, May 11.—This industrial re- gion is beginning to feel the effects of a rail strike that has cut off the service of the Pennsylvania Railroad west of Harrisburg. In western Pennsylvania 14 coal mines, employing about 5,000 miners, have shut down, resulting in a loss of daily production of 24,000 tons. The strike has had a noticeable but not a serious effect on travel, food shipments, and mail deliveries in this area. The furloughing of clerks, shopmen, and trainmen in the Pennsylvania system will start today, releasing 85,000 of the company’s 125,000 employees. There is sufficient produce and meat on hand in Pittsburgh to last over Sunday. Parcel post deliveries have been delayed 12 to 24 hours. City hotels are crowded to capacity because of businessmen and travelers stranded by the strike. Airlines have increased flights. AUTO WORKERS LAID OFF Detrorr, May 11.—The first mass layoff in Michigan resulting from the railroad strike was reported today when the General Motors body plant at Grand Rapids fur- loughed 500 men. General Motors uses Pennsylvania Raill- road lines at Grand Rapids to move its fin- ished product. Another body plant there, operated by Nash-Kelvinator, said it would be able to store its product for the time being. The threat to Detroit area industry was serious but less so than first reported. Chrysler Corp., reopening just this week after its 100-day strike, countered earlier reports A3585 of an impending shutdown by continuing to hire new employees. Ford, Hudson, Packard, and nearly all other large industries in the area say they will produce as long as possible, but they will be affected in a matter of days. Kaiser- Frazer, at Willow Run, an exception, uses motor cargo carriers almost exclusively and will not be affected nearly so soon. No shortages have been reported in foods and other human essentials. ST. LOUIS EFFECTS DELAYED Sr. Louis, May 11.—¥First industrial lay- offs came to this area today as a result of the rail strike. Generally, however, officials be- lieved it would be a week or more before widespread effects are noticeable, although New York Central, Pennsylvania and South- ern Railway lines serve the area. Ford Motor Co.’s Lincoln-Mercury assem- bly plant at Robertsville announced a cut workweek for 1,500 workers from 6 days to 5. Lay-offs were small and scattered. RAIL SHOPS CLOSED Santa FE, May 11.—The Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway, closing its divisional shops at Albuquerque, today threw between 800 and 1,200 men out of work in addition to the strikers. As New Mexico has no heavy industries, Vincent Jaeger, executive secretary of the economic development commission, said the chief immediate effect of the strike will be to curtail shipments of potash, copper, and other minerals. SEVEN THOUSAND IDLE IN COLUMBUS CotumMBus, Ohio, May 11.—Approximately 5,500 Pennsylvania Railrcad employees here received lay-off notices today, bringing to 7,000 the number of railroaders made idle in this area by the strike. Pennsylvania and New York Central divi- sions have shut down operations completely. Passenger-train service here has been cut from a normal 60 trains daily to 8. These are operated by the Baltimore & Ohio and Norfolk and Western. Passengers for the four Norfolk and Western trains are trans-~ ported by taxi to the eastern part of the city because firemen refuse to work on tracks to Union Station, leased from the Pennsyl- vania. Four passenger trains operated by the Chesapeake and Ohio were stopped for this reason. Railway Mail Service has hired extra trucks to carry mail to small central Ohio towns. Bus companies have extra busses on many schedules and Trans-World Airlines and American Airlines have added extra flights. The Pennsylvania has about 6,500 idle cars, 3% times the usual number, in local yards, many loaded with perishable foods. New York Central divisions reported about 600 idle cars. PENNSYLVANIA OFFICES CLOSED PHILADELPHIA, May 11.—A Pennsylvania Railroad spokesman reported today that the road is making no effort to operate any trains in the strike area west and north of Harris- burg, and virtually all departments and offices throughout the area are being closed. CINCINNATI LOSES TRAINS CINCINNATI, May 11.—The railroad strike has caused the Southern Railway to remove all eight passenger trains that normally pass daily through Cincinnati and approximately 50 percent of the 100 freight trains, the road said today. On. the three roads affected here, a total of approximately 1,300 men were on furlough today. ATLANTA SITUATION BETTER ATLANTA, May 11.—The Atlanta passenger and freight situation on the Southern Rail- ‘way was described late today as much better than it was yesterday. Although the Southern has laid off 1,000 workers in this area, H. W. Bondurant, a
A3586 vice president, said the railway would restore its New York-New Orleans Crescent to service through Atlanta on Friday. White-collar supervisors from Augusta, Macon, and other Georgia cities have been brought into Atlanta to shuttle freight in the big Inman yards here. So far, a survey showed here, the strike has not yet had any crippling effect upon industries in the area. CLEVELAND, May 11—The New York Cen= tral Railroad tonight ordered an almost com= plete shutdown of its Cleveland facilities. About 4,500 of the road’s 5,000 employees in this area were affected. Earlier today the Pennsylvania furloughed approximately 950 employees. Acting Postmaster Joseph Prosser said he had decided to delay for at least 24 hours a threatened embargo on parcel post ship- ments. The Railway Express agency here is accept- ing no shipments for cities served exclusively by the struck railroads. Two Cleveland concerns that yesterday laid off 5,000 employees recalled several hundred today after arrangements were made to move some finished products by truck. The con- cerns are the Fisher Body Division of General Motors, which laid off 3,500, and the Midland Steel Products Co., which furloughed 1,500. Other Cleveland concerns are delaying lay- offs in the hope of a settlement before the end of this week. In the event that the strike runs into next week, additional in~ dustrial layoffs of about 12,500 are expected. The New York Central operated two mail trains and the Pacemaker to New York to- night. The Pennsylvania is not attempting to operate any trains, Importation of Czech-Made Shoes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEVERETT SALTONSTALL OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr, SALTONSTALL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “Czech Shoe Probe,” pub- lished in the Boston Traveler of May 8, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: CzEcH SHOor PROBE No more Czech-made shoes will be dumped in the United States. This is the gratifying result of the campaign of the New England Shoe and Leather Association. It takes the form of instructions to the United States ap- praisers of merchandise at the various ports to withhold appraisement of shoes from Czechoslovakia according to the terms of the Anti-Dumping Act of 1921. The New England association has evidence at hand that shoes costing the equivalent of $7.50 in Czechoslovakia are being retailed at $2 in this country. Obviously that sort of business is not covered either by the laws of economics or the national objective of pro- moting foreign trade. Czechoslovakia is now @ Russian satellite. It would be hard to find anything better calculated to help the Red cause than to cause unemployment and un~ rest in the United States by flooding us with the products of iron-curtain slave labor. It is one of the cold-war strategies against which we must be ever on guard. National Citizenship Week—Understand- ing Checks and Balances EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, I have before me a very interesting editorial, published in the Washington Times- Herald in its edition of Thursday, May 11, pertaining to the Fifth National Citi- zenship Conference to be held here from May 22 to May 24. I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp the text of this editorial, as well as the text of a state- ment which I have prepared on the sub- ject of having Americans inform them- selves about their Government, their economic system, and way of life, through books and other helpful litera- ture, There being no objection, the editorial and statement were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Washington Times-Herald of May 11, 1950] Goop CITIZEN QUIZ The citizenship committee of the National Education Association has put out a 14-ques- tion test by which you can help yourself decide whether you are a good citizen. The questions will be discussed at the fifth national citizenship conference to be held here May 22 to 24. Some of the ques- tions deal with things Washington residents ' hear about but have no opportunity to in- dulge in. WHAT PART DO YOU TAKE? They have to do with voting and register- ing and getting others out to vote and nam- ing your Senators and Representatives. On the other hand, there are several questions in the quiz which are worth while for every Washingtonian to check himself on, such as: “Can you give one good argument for or against any major bill before Congress, such as the farm bill, admission of DP’s, or exten- sion of social security? “Can you list at least three of the rights guaranteed by the Bill of Rights in the Con- stitution? “Are you an active member of any civic. organization, such as citizens association, parent-teacher association, chamber of com- merce, professional organization, labor union, service club, or League of Women Voters? “Did you work on any local drives for welfare funds, civic improvement or tha like?” What are your answers to these questions? SUPPLEMENTARY STATEMENT By SENATOR Winx on UNDERSTANDING AMERICA “What is the American way of which we hear so much?” “What is the free-enter- prise system?” “What is this thing called the welfare state?” ‘What is Government paternalism?” “What are capitalism, social ism, communism?” Mr. President, these are elementary ques- tions, but it seems to me that every one of us can benefit by really knowing the answers to those questions. All of us take so many things for granted. We assume we know s0 much that I am afraid that we often lose sight of the real meaning behind the terms Wwe use so glibly. . APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I have brought out that fact particularly whenever it has been my pleasure to address naturalization ceremonies before individuals actually take the oath of citizenship. In my statements at these inspiring ceremonies I have tried to point out that it is up to every citizen-to-be to truly understand his adopted land and its Government. Mr. President, it is equally incumbent and far more so for those of us—including my- self—who were blessed by being born in this wonderful land to understand our way of life, to be familiar with the true definitions of the terms I have mentioned, to appreciate the dynamic system of checks and balances in our Constitution, in our economic, politi- eal, and social life. The national @tizenship conferences are an excellent way by which every citizen can learn and relearn the truths of America. “Give light, and the people will find their own way.” This has always been the Amcri- ean ideal. All of us who believe in America and in its concepts of freedom are more firmly convinced than ever before that so long as the American people are presented with the facts they will be more than com- petent to make wise decisions on the basis of those facts. CIVIC LEADERS HAVE RESPONSIBILITY TO INFORM There is no more important challenge, therefore, to the civic leaders of America than to try to convey those facts to the American people, to try to convey true definitions of terms used so frequently today. It is par- ticularly necessary that our people become acquainted with the little-understood eco- nomic facts of our American way of life— how we produce goods, how we distribute them, how we have attained the highest standard of living in the world. And more~ over, it is particularly important that when the American people read this story that it ke in a simple, clear form rather than in “jawbreaking” 15-syllable words which might be better entombed in a museum than sub. mitted to the average American. For that reason, I am particularly glad to have recently read the book, How To Stay Rich—The Stcry of Democratic American Capitalism, by Dr. Ernest L. Klein, of Chicago. This book (published by Farrar, Straus & Co., of New York) really tells how we can stay wealthy as a people, how we can continue to enjoy more conveniences, more comforts, more luxuries which are ever more widely distributed among the great masses of our people than anywhere else on earth, now or at any time in the 2,000 years of the present era, Yes, IT am particularly delighted that the message of this book is presented so simply, so clearly that the people can really find their way. I hope that every businessman in the United States will read this book—every chamber of commerce, every trade organiza- tion, every civic group and service club, every librarian, every educator. I state this be- cause I think that they will individually and collectively benefit from the book. And, too, I say it without detracting in any way from other helpful pieces of literature. I have always felt it to be my job as a legislator to try to help shed light on im- portant public affairs. I feel it is a legisla- tor’s responsibility, in turn, to utilize for this purpose every sound instrument, whether it be books, magazine articles, or newspaper: editorials dedicated a’ d devoted to the I do not say that I agree with every single point made in the book, nor for that matter, that its readers will. Far from it, for, on the contrary, Dr. Klein would be the very first to state that healthy differences of opinion are constructive and all ke is interested in is that there should be agreeemnt on the funda- mentals of the free-~enterprise system.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD WE MUST BE ACTIVELY FOR OUR SYSTEM Commenting upon the challenge which our way of life faces, Dr. Klein states: “Silence will not help. . “Neither will destructive criticism of other systems serve to save our own. “Being against communism or against any-= thing else is not sufficient. “We must be for something; we must be for democratic American capitalism. “To be enthusiastically for democratic capitalism, we must improve our general understanding of it.” The topics covered in this book are as alive as tomorrow morning’s newspaper headlines, The very issue now being debated on the Senate floor—compulsory FEPC legislation— is discv.ssed in the book on page 159. The issue of socialized medicine is discussed im- mediately thereafter. In commenting upon these problems, Dr. Klein points out that one of the first steps toward totalitarianism is the assumption of governmental omnis- cience, the assumption that the Govern- ment knows everything and can do every- thing—that it can extract the citizens’ money on the assumption that the citizen is too ignorant to dispose of his own assets. Among other points mentioned in the book is the fallacy of a tax policy based upon de- stroying the very men who have helped create wealth and jobs, the fallacy of Government competing with private enterprise, the fact that ours is not just a profit system, but a profit-and-loss system in which a certain number of failures is almost inevitable, al- though we must try to make provision for the incompetent, the indigent, the disabled, the aged, the unemployed. I was particularly interested in Dr. Klein's wisely pointing out that, amazingly enough, industries have been called to account by congressional committees in order to justify profits. In other words, the very basis of the American system is being questioned by those who do not appreciate the fact that industry must have profits if there is to be a free America and if there are to be American jobs. Dr. Klein, a distinguished businessman, veteran, a widely traveled expert in govern- ment and industry, cuts to‘the very heart of the problem of the central issue of our times—just how far the Government should go in intervening in the lives of our citizens— whether government should become in effect a contestant in the economic game or whether it should remain (as he and I and all thinking Americans believe) as an umpire merely setting certain minimum rules of the game. ENEMIES OF AMERICA FLOOD OUT HOSTILE LITERATURE We know that the enemies of the American way continue to spew forth great floods of words in opposition to the American system. Always they couch their proposals in terms of glittering generalities. This book, how- ever, shows the true meaning behind the false face of the enemies of the American way. Every one of us, of course, faces the prob- lem these days of having so many things to read, so many things to do, that it is hard to concentrate on the most important things. I, for one, feel however that every one of us who are living today is a trustee of America’s future, a trustee of this price- less system of private initiative and private profit. As trustees we are guardians, and it is up to us to pass on our heritage to the American people intact and unimpaired. I think that How To Stay Rich—The Story of Democratic American Capitalism contributes to that end and for that reason, and that reason only, I am happy to invite attention to it. . Every day should in summary be citizen- ship day, a day of true rededication to American ideals. The Railroad Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS KON. FORREST C, DONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that into the Ap- pendix of the Rrecorp there shall go an article entitled “Lay-Offs Near 158,000 Mark in Rail Strike,” published in the Baltimore Sun of today. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Lay-Orrs NEsR 158,000 Mark tn Raw, STRIKE— PENNSYLVANIA RarLRoap To Drop 80,000 By Topay—CoaL OvTPur REDUCED BY TIE-UP Cxicaco, May 11.—Scattered violence and mass lay-offs today marked the second day of the Nation’s biggest rail strike in 4 years. Unemployment grew swiftly on the rail- roads and in the coal mines, and many in- dustrial concerns reported they would be affected in a few days. With no peace moves in sight, the strike of 18,000 firemen on four key rail lines began a crushing squeeze on employment and in- dustry. The four lines concerned ordered lay-offs that will leave more than 150,000 railroad workers idle by tomorrow morning. Two freight trains were reported ambushed and fired upon near Knoxville, Tenn. An acting fireman on one train was shot in the arm. A spokesman for the Southern Central Lines said four shots were fired at one train, and about 15 minutes later a bullet pierced the locomotive of a second. PICKETS DENY FIRING Pickets outside the Knoxville yards denied they fired any shots or even were armed but claimed they were stoned. They said the stones came from the railroad yard. An air-brake tester for the New York Cen- tral Railroad reported he was slugged with an iron bar when he attempted to make a routine inspection of a locomotive at Mish-~ awaka, Ind. Police said a supervisory em- ployee working the job of a striking freman apparently failed to recognize him. A New York Central freight train was stoned at Elkhart, Ind., but Capt. John K. Bergman, of the railroad police, blamed the incident on persons not connected with the railroad. The dispute was deadlocked so completely that the National (Railway) Mediation Board was simply standing by—available for con- sultation if either side wants them. The Pennsylvania Railroad said it would lay off 80,000 of its 125,000 employees by to- morrow morning. The New York Central said 25,000 of its workers already were idle and that 15,000 more nonoperating employees would be laid off by tomorrow or Monday. SANTA TE CLOSES SHOPS The Santa Fe ordered its shops closed, affecting several thousand workers. The exact figures were not given. The Southern Railway System said most of its 38,000 employees would be idle by tomor- row night. The Southern estimated 18,000 of its em- ployees already were out of work because of the strike. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen called a strike against these lines yesterday to support its demands for A3587 an extra fireman on certain Diesel locomo- tives. About 18,000 firemen walked out. At Washington, J. Monroe Johnson, Chair= man of the Interstate Commerce Commis- sion, said the strike was creating an emer- gency in the cross-country movement of rail- road freight cars. COAL MINES SHUT DOWN He expressed concern that a continuation of the walk-out might seriously affect move- ment of the winter wheat crop by interrupt- ing the normal seasonal flow of cars to the Midwest to take out the harvest. The strike has knocked out 12 percent of western Pennsylvania’s coal output so far, Fourteen big mines and several small mines with an estimated combined daily output of 35,000 tons shut down because there were no empty cars to carry away the mined coal. The number of idle Pennsylvania miners may rise to 55,000 next week. The strike- bound Pennsylvania Railroad serves about 25 percent of the western Pennsylvania mines. Detroit’s automobile industry has not yet been affected, but most manufacturers say some trouble is likely if the strike lasts more than a week. Chrysler Corp., just back in production after a 100-day strike, said it might have to curtail operations sharply next week, HOSPITAL BUILDING SLOWED Produce and livestock markets reported they were feeling the pinch. Construction of a $20,000,000 veterans’ hospital in Pitts- burgh was slowed by the rail strike. In the Buffalo area, the Nation’s largest milling center, one feed mill and one fiour mill shut down. A. Thomas Easley, general manager of International Milling, the city’s third largest mill, said operations were con- tinuing by truck, but added: “We can’t go on like this indefinitely.” At @ news conference today, Daniel P. Loomis, chairman of the Association of Western Railways, denied a union charge that the carriers normally used 5,000 super- visory personnel to do the work of a second fireman on big Diesels. He said this special personnel spends only a short time on the trains to check equipment. The union said yesterday it had modified its original demand for an extra fireman on all big Diesels. The union said it is asking for the extra fireman only on fast, long-dis- tance passenger Diesels. WON’T GIVE IN Discussing this, Loomis said: “If we gave in on that issue, the next move by the union would be the freight trains. We have no in- tention of giving in on that point.” Members of the National (Railway) Me- diation Board are planning to remain in Chicago several days, but have scheduled no conferences. The board gave up the pesce struggle as hopeless. The Coffee Situation—Latin American Letter EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GUY M. GILLETTE OF IOWA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. GILLETTE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrecorp Hanson’s Latin American Letter of May 13, 1950, which deals with certain investigations
A3588 being conducted by a subcommittee of the Committee on Agriculture. There being no objection, the news let- ter was ordered to be printed in the REcorD, as follows: WASHINGTON, May 13, 1950. Considerable uncertainty still surrounds the estimates of dollar-exchange receipts from coffee. Colombia showed a $15,000,000 unfavorable balance of payments March 1 to April 5, which wiped out the $14,000,000 bal- ance previously accumulated. The unattrac- tiveness of coffee at the minimum prices set by the federation combined with excessive exuberance in issuance of extra-quota li- censes to bring this set-back. It is true that the federation counts on moving coffee heav- ily at very high prices during the summer, put all appraisals of exchange availabilities for the coffee-producing countries hang pre- cariously on the ability of the countries to support speculators in Brazilian coffee. That ability may not be as great as some currently think. Last week a radio broadcast out of Sao Paulo blasted Anderson Clayton for allegedly seeking to push coffee prices down in Brazil until the crop had been bought up, after which it would work for high prices and sell at great profits. There is apparently a fail- ure on the part of the Brazilians to under- stand that American interests are actually engaged in trying to influence the market on the up side, that the public statements out of New York have been bullish. Admittedly, the motivation in this whole business is very obscure, and must require digging even by Government investigators. For instance, it is easy to understand that the speculator— whether Brazilian or American—is interested in quick profits on a single crop. But the interest of the grower and of the / merican coffee trade consists in selling at prices that. will insure steadily expanding markets for Latin American coffee. When the actions of these people seem to militate against that objective, it is inevitable that questions must be raised as to motivation. Here is an example of the typical con- fusion. Last week the head of the A. & P, coffee subsidiary, the world’s largest outlet for coffee, was quoted as asserting that con- sumption will have to shrink by more than @ mere 10 to 15 percent before prices can be appreciably lower. Let us examine this public statement carefully. It has been re- peatedly asserted before the Gillette subcom- mittee that one of the major factors ac- counting for the tremendous autumn 1949 rise in coffee prices was the liquidation of Brazilian stocks that had been overhanging the market. Now, these stocks had at the beginning of 1949 been put at 3,00),000 bags or less. At the beginning of the crucial period when the impact of the well-known influences caused the market to shoot up- ward, the stocks stood at perhaps 700,000 bags, and it is the announcement of liquida- tion of these 700,000 bags which was cited to the committee as the significant factor. Note well: the existence or nonexistence of only 700,000 bags of coffee, much of it of un- suitable quality for dollar markets, was cited as a vital factor in causing almost a doubling of coffee prices. Now, the A. & P. asserts that a drop in con- sumption of more than 3,000,000 bags per year would not suffice to Influence prices ap~ preciably. It would not be a major factor in the market. It would take more than a 15 percent drop in consumption to do the trick. Does that make sense? Get the pic- ture: (a) A commodity market in which prices are perched precariously at unprece- dented levels. (b) A drop of 15 percent in consumption coming at the peak of prosper- ity in the United States, with every reason to expect that at the first break away from our high level of prosperity consumers might be stimulated to check their consump- tion further. (c) Is it conceivable that in @ market in which definite manipulation is not under way, the free play of demand and supply would not cause a 15 percent drop in consumption to have appreciable influence on price? Especially when veteran traders have testified that a change of less than 4 percent on the supply side was a major factor in causing prices almost to double in a period of 2 months. This is not to imply that the coffee trade will not be able to achieve a larger cut in consumption than has already taken place. It is entirely possible to discourage consump- tion in the United States further, if the trade continues present tactics. An official of the United States Department of Agricul- ture told us last Friday that there has been an increased show of interest by consumers in ways and means of economizing on coffee. The official pointed out to us that the De- partment’s recommendations for amount of coffee used per cup, based on its experience, are 35 percent lower than what the Pan American Coffee Bureau has been propa- gandizing for consumption per cup of coffee. The same Official noted that sales of chicory are increasing in the Washington area, told us the interesting fact that one of the great nationally known restaurants in Washington used chicory in its coffee preparation, Since the Gillette committee is a subcom- mittee of the Senate Agriculture Commit- tee, it could presumably encourage the De- partment of Agriculture to assist consumers with expert advice on toffee, to offset the propaganda of the Pan American Coffee Bureau, to the detriment of grower and coffee trade alike. It is a fearful error for any speculative group to believe that the United States is powerless to act in the face of any half-billion-dollar-a~year challenge to its purchasing power. What is unfortunate in the Brazilian sit- uation is that the Brazilian Government’s activities are being directed at protection of asmall group of speculators. The tactics are already indicated. A speeding up of barter arrangements with Europe in order to un- load more coffee there and prevent sur- pluses, and release of more coffee for local Brazilian consumption with government subsidy. But it must be remembered that such activity has at best temporary effects on the commodity market. Ordinarily, mar- kets discount the difference between a price in free dollars and a price in terms of Ger- man harmonicas or French unessentials or British overpriced goods. And subsidization of local markets is a strain on budgets al- ready badly out of balance. Eventually it is probable that the likely effect of war on the coffee market will be cited in the effort to firm markets at current levels. The Swiss are already reported to be interested in piling up stocks against the contingency of war. It should be noted, however, that war would be a bearish factor, after the first few weeks. When war comes, there will be a great deal less coffee im- ported into the United States under the regimentation of total war, and western Europe is not going to be importing coffee. In October 1945 a prominent New York coffee house took large advertisements in the Washington Post. The purpose was to urge that Congress should promptly under- take a thorough investigation of the whole coffee problem as part of its duty to the American people. The ad went on: “Cirrinron ANDERSON was appointed Secretary of Agri- culture because he aggressively sought the truth about this country’s food situation. Since coffee is not grown in the United States it was not made the subject of those public hearings and debate. Unfortunately, the truth about coffee seems to have been a secret deeply guarded from the American public.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Curiously enough, the secret is once again being guarded from the American public. If certain market practices had been more carefully scrutinized in 1945, there might be less occasion for an investigation today. Community Leadership Counts EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 10, 1950 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, the funda- mental bases of American life rest in our communities and although New York is often regarded as a vast aggregation of people it is not but rather a large group of communities each with its own char- acter, its own local pride and its own achievements. It is in this spirit that the appended address by Mr. Floyd Cramer, president of the Washington Heights Federal Savings and Loan Association in my district, vice president of the New York State Savings and Loan League and a distinguished citizen of my district be- comes so important. For Mr. Cramer was engaged in forwarding a community activity to establish a recreation center for elderly persons, a vitally necessary community activity in our present so- ciety, and cone which would not be based on seeking Government aid. The non- sectarian character of this activity is also significant. The contemplated center is sponsored by the Jewish Community Council of my district and is not to be sectarian in operation, and Mr. Cramer himself is non-Jewish. I trust that the feeling of community responsibility and its vital place in our national life inherent in the remarks of Mr. Cramer will be of interest to members: AppRESS OF Froyp Cramer at A DINNER IN His Honor TENDERED BY THE JEWISH Com- MuUNiTY CouncIL of WaSHINGTON HzrrcHrs and Inwoop, Inc., New York Crry, Marc 16, 1950 I am deeply grateful to the communities of Washington Helghts, Inwood, and sur- rounding vicinities for the honor bestowed upon me here tonight. I am especially grateful to the Jewish Community Council of Washington Heights and Inwood, who sponsored this dinner and to all the individ- uals who worked so hard to make it a success. I congratulate those of you who are endeavoring to create a recreation center for elderly persons, to which cause the pro- ceeds of this dinner are to go, for your civic- mindedness and charitable outlook. I wish you success and pledge myself to help you to the best of my ability. I would be less than human were I not to take note of the kindly remarks that have been made here this evening. You may be sure that I am also appreciative of the honors conferred upon me by these distin- guished gentlemen, As for the handsome bronze plaque which your president has just presented to me I am completely un- able to properly thank you. I am moved beyond words that you should present to he, a non-Jew, this great tribute. I can only say that I will keep it with me and that I will remember the thoughts that go with it as long as I remain on this earth.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD But that which moves me more than any- thing else is the manner in which the peo- ple of Gur communities work together. It may seem odd to some persons that I should be given a dinner by a Jewish group with individual sponsors coming from all faiths. But to those of us who know Washington Heights, Inwocd, and vicinity there is noth- ing unusual about it. I have been observing it for 20 years and have come to take it for granted. It is not, however, done in all communities and is the crux of our social problems in the country as a whole. Failure of religious and cultural groups to work together in attack- ing community problems is causing a break- down of local government. Many problems have been dumped into the hands of national authorities because of inability to solve them at home. This inability generally arises not so much for local lethargy or unwillingness as from lack of a coordinated effort on the part of all groups. Tt is because I feel so strongly on this sub- ject that I take the liberty of bringing it up here this evening. In fact, with your kind permission, I am going to expand it briefly. Iam going to expand it enough to show you, I hope, where a great opportunity awaits us Americans. There are now about 150,000,000 of us in this country. We are the largest group of informed, well-fed, free and inde- pendent people on the face of the earth. Although we are only a small fraction of the 2,000,000,000 persons who reside on this planet, we possess the tools and equipment, the technical know-how to feed, clothe and house them all if we were called upon to do so. Never before in the annals of human history were so few so important. Yet, despite all this, we find actual short- ages of the necessities of life right in our midst. ‘Try and find, for example, an apart- ment. I also seem to have a faint recollec- tion of someone not having enough coal, Obviously, our enormous means of produc- tion are not functioning as they should. If you ask me why this is so I can only answer that, in my opinion, a tug-of-war between powerful groups in our economic arena is nowina stalemate. Until we sweat this cut there will continue to be shortages and economic stiife from which few will prosper. The simple truth is that various groups working at odds with one another whether in community affairs or in Nation-wide in- dustries do no one any good. No one, no group can in the long run benefit at the ex- pense of society as a whole. Any temporary gain at the expense of others must eventually prove a liability and a handicap. Conversely, any bona fide improvement in the status of any group gained not at the expense of others helps the community as a whole. The success, for example, of the current drive for funds of the United Jewish Appeal is a victory not only for Jews but for all members of the community. Any improvements in the living standards of any particular: group is an actual dollar-and- cent victory for all. Every slight gain by Negroes in the South spreads out to help not only whites in that region but actually the whole country. In the struggle between management and labor we have had demonstrated for us the fact that no economic class can benefit at the expense of others. Up. until about a generation ago—and unfortunately up to now in some instances—the theory was seri- ously held that management should get its labor for as little as possible and that no social responsibility whatsoever rested on the shoulders of employers. Now we have learned that this is false. The hunger and ‘misery of unemployed or underpaid work- ers can quickly bring down the houses of the masters. Undue power and abuse of it by labor can just as quickly destroy the jobs and well- being of those who compose the ranks of labor. It matters little who the aggressor is in a labor dispute. Any unfairness on either side is detrimental to both sides. Now I realize that we live in a democracy and that in a democracy individuals and groups of individuals must fight for what they want. There is no paternalistic power at the top to mete out to each his just desserts. But I submit to you that in order to make our democracy work we must never lose sight of the common welfare of all of us. We must think of what is good for America. This cannot be legislated. It cannot be decreed by anyone. It must come from the one sovereign power in our land—the people. You and I in our respective communities must learn to respect each other and each other's interests. Jew and gentile must work together. Negro and white must work to- gether. Business and the community must work together. Labor and management must work together. If we can do this—and I think we can—we will literally have heaven on earth. We have the people. We have the know-how. We have thetools. It’s up to us. And so, ladies and gentlemen, when I con- gratulate Washington Heights and vicinity for working together on its probiems I really have reason for doing so. During the last war we, a mere fraction of the peoples alined against the common enemy, furnished not only more than aver- age manpower in the field but we were, as our President said, the “arsenal of democ- racy.” Out of our shops, our plants, indeed out of the genius and industry of our people, there came the overwhelmingly large bulk of the tools of war that were used on the allied side. During hostilities and since their cessa- tion American food has sustained life in large areas of the world beyond our borders. We are indeed today not only feeding but fur- nishing the supplies of peaceful industry and possibly of another war to most of mankind outside the so-called iron curtain. I mention these things not critically but to emphasize the tremendous ability of our Nation. I mention them to show you, I hope, how full could be the lives of you and I and and the remainder of our people. You and I and all of us could live in a Shangri-La if we could only forget our petty differences throughout the country and work as one great citizenry for our common welfare. But we cannot do it by working at odds with one another. We can only do it by working together in that great brotherhood which God intended for us. Jew, Gentile, Catholic, Protestant, Negro, white—it mat- ters not. Unless we can mold them all into one great society we cannot possibly pro- vide the world leadership that is so neces~ sary today. (It is interesting to note in this connection that the white population of the world is about the same percentagewise as is the Negro population of the United States.) But, my friends, if we can do it—if we can work together—there is much in store for us. Not only will we have the material things with which to enjoy ourselves, but we will acquire that spiritual confidence in ourselves which comes to men and women of good will, As individuals we will be sure of ourselves, and as a nation we will fear no aggressor. We will acquire a new pur- pose in life. By way of closing, I would like to remind you that a great man once lived in this land who accomplished much by teaching and practicing the brotherhood of man. He was born 141 years ago and he lived leng enough to eliminate human bondage from within our borders. He has now been dead 85 years and much of his work remains un- finished. Ladies and gentlemen, I submit to you that there is no greater heritage for the American than the opportunity to work on the completion of Abraham Lincoln's mis~= A3589 sion. It will do much for you as individuals. It will give you a spiritual strength that will enable you to face your daily problems with a confidence that knows no failure. I rec- ommend it to you. And now, to each of you let me thank you personally for the great honor you have be-= stowed upon me here tonight. May you enjoy yourself for the remainder of the evening, and may God bless you. Johann Sebastian Bach EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CECIL M. HARDEN OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mrs. HARDEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to call to the attention of the Members of this body that this year the musical world is paying tribute to Johann Sebastian Bach—-1685-1750—in recogni- tion of the bicentennial of his death. In this connection, I include a tribute pre- pared by a resident of Lebanon, Ind., Mr. Herschell C. Gregory, which follows: Bacw’s Works OF THE COTHEN FERIOD (Written for the bicentennial of his death in 1750) The life of Bach, like that of Beethoven, is divided into three creative periods. The first period ends in 1717 when he resigned a position as organist and cappellmeister at the court of Wilhelm Ernst, Duke of Saxe- Weimar, a position which he had held for 9 years. Bach gradually became dissatisfied with the Weimar position and from the be- ginning he did not like the idea of receiving the Duke, together with the rest of the court musicians in servile garb. In 1716 Johann Samuel Drese, court con- ductor, died suddenly, but the position was not offered to Bach. George Philip Tele- mann refused it and Drese’s son, a mediocre musician who was also in the service of the Duke was selected. This appointment wounded Bach’s pride but he did not permit the disappointment to move him to give up an assured income without having an- other position in view. Later in the year the Duke’s nephew, Duke Ernst August, was married at Weimar to the sister of Leopold, Prince of Anhalt-Céthen, and the latter, a musical amateur of more than ordinary abil- ity, was present for the wedding festivities, and having met Bach for the first time was impressed by his genius. Prince Leopold was an ardent music lover. He played the violin, the viola~da-gamba, and the clavier, and was a competent singer. His love and appreciation of music brought him to an appreciation of Bach’s great gifts and on hearing that the latter desired a new position, offered him the position of cappell~ meister at his own court. Bach eagerly ac« cepted the directorship, and in August 1717 sent his wife and children to Cdthen, a town some 80 miles northeast of Weimar, and 20 from Halle. When he demanded his re« lease it incurred the disfavor of Duke Wil- helm Ernst, who ordered Bach arrested on November 6. He remained in jail until De- cember 2, and was granted a “dishonorably discharged” which fact was made public. On Christmas day 1717, Bach took up his new position in Céthen at 400 thalers per annum, At Weimar the larger proportion of Bach’s works in fugal form for the organ had been composed. There was little en- couragement given to him for this type of
A3590 work in his new position, Prince Leopold cared nothing for the organ, as his prefer- ences were for orchestral and chamber music, The means at his disposal here were meager compared with those at Weimar. Bach had at his disposal some 18 musicians, 8 of whom were “chamber musicians” and who lived in Leopold’s castle. The remainder were per- formers who resided in the neighborhood and who were given occasional employment. His orchestra consisted of strings, oboes, bassoons, horns, trumpets, and drums, Occasionally he also employed the oboe d’amore, oboe da caccia, and corno da caccia. There were also two voices and a dilapidated organ. Some of the performers which constituted Prince Leopold’s orchestra came from Berlin and their names are set forth in the draft of the salaries paid to the members. Dr. Charles Sanford Terry in his J. 8. Bach, a biography, made some interesting comments concerning those who were priviledged to interpret the works that Bach composed during his life at Prince Leopold’s court. “The Protocal,” he wrote, “records the names of those who first heard and per- formed the chamber music Bach produced at Céthen, the sonatas, concertos, and or- chestral suites. Imagination does not wander far from the path of probability in supposing that Josephus Spiess and Johann Ludwig Rose gave the first performance of the con- certo for two violins, on some evening when the candles were lit in the great room be~ tween the high towers; that Schreiber and his colleague Krahl first sent their trumpets’ rollicking notes to the rafters in the closing gigue of the Suite in D; that the Prince him- self was active in the sonatas for clavier and violada-gamba; and that reinforced, as will be shown, by visiting players, the Capelle played the Brandenburg music before it was offered elsewhere. For its composition suf~ ie little change as long ar Bach controlled Bach’s taste for the composition of re- ligious music and that for organ had been thoroughly satisfied during his service at the court of the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, but it was little considered at Céthen. Prince Leopold was a Calvinist and the austere services in his chapel offered no musical opportunities such as Bach, a Lutheran, loved so much. The desire for chamber and orchestral music that Prince Leopold affected, is a circumstance that accounts for the large amount of instrumental music Bach composed during his years of service in Odthen. His early training on the vio- lin stood him in good stead at this time, for he produced works for violin, viola-da- gamba, and cello that only an experienced player could have written. In addition to the works of Bach, com- ositions by Johann Fischer, Galuppi, Hasse, ivaldi, Brescianello, Venturini, and others gave the prince the most pleasure when the concerts took place in the candle-lit hall of the castle. Rehearsals were held in Bach’s apartments, which were probably in the castle and with Bach directing the music from the harpsichord, as was the cus- tom in that period. We have Bach’s own statement that the prince loved music, he ed well acquainted with it; he understood Among the important orchestral works of this period are four suites which consisted of groups of dances of the period, preceded by an overture, based on the French model, which founded by Lully began and ended with a slow section, and with a livelier sec- tion in between. We know that the first two suites were composed in Cdéthen, but there is some uncertainty concerning the remainder. Spitta suggests that from the watermark on the music paper on which the third and fourth suites were composed that they may have been written during his long residence in Leipzig. However, this theory has been disputed by later authorities. “It cannot be settled,” wrote Albert Schweitzer, the Bach scholar, “whether the suites were written in Cothen or in Leip- zig. In any case Bach performed them not only before the prince of Céthen, but also in the Telemann Musical Society at Leipzig, which he conducted from 1729 to 1736. He calls these works overtures, not suites or partitas, this being the customary name at that time for an orchestral suite, in which the introduction played the chief part. They are, however, just so much real par-~ titas, as those in the ‘Klavieruibung,’ ex- cept that the old dances—the allemande, the courante, and the sarabande—retire in favor of the newer and freer movements. “The introductions are monumental move- ments, all constructed on the plan of the French overture. They begin with a stately section; to this succeeds a long and brilliant allegro; at the end the slow section returns, When Mendelssohn, in 1830, played to the old Goethe, on the piano, the verture of the first of the two suites in D major, the poet thought he saw a number of well-dressed people walking in a stately fashion down a great staircase. In 1838 Mendelssohn suc- ceeded in getting them performed by the orchestra at the Gewandhaus, Leipzig. It was the first performance of any of these splendid works since Bach’s death. “In the dance melodies of these suites a fragment of a vanished world of grace and elegance has been preserved to us. They are the ideal picture of the Rococo period. Their charm resides in the perfection of their blending of strength and grace.” There was a feeling of cordial friendship at all times between Bach and Prince Leo-~ pold. When Leopold made a trip to Carls- pad, a fashionable resort of the German aris- tocracy, Bach and some members of his musi~ cal staff accompanied him. On one of these trips in 1719 Bach met a young Russian prince whose fad it was to collect concertos. This young prince was Christian Ludwig, Margraf of Brandenburg. He was a bachelor, living alternately in Berlin and on his estate at Malchow. He not only loved music, but he spent a large part of his income on it, and had acquired a remarkable collection of concertos by famous living composers. He maintained an orchestra which played for him the large collection of concertos and other works which occupied places in the court library. The chroniclers report that he was greatly struck by the abilities of Bach and gave him a commission to write some concertos for his orchestra. The concerto in that day did not imply a brilliant and diffi- cult work for a solo instrument accompanied by orchestra, but a work used for a combina- tion of instruments. Bach took his time in writing them, for it was in the spring of 1721 that he mailed the six concertos now known as the Brandenburg Concertos to Christian Ludwig. Apparently he felt that the Mar- graf’s gesture was an empty one, so that there was no need to hurry. In mailing the new compositions Bach enclosed a letter written in French: “MONSEIGNEUR: Two years ago, when I had the honor of playing before Your Royal High-+ ness, I experienced your condescending in-~ terest in the insignificant talents with which heaven has gifted me and understood Your Royal Highness’ gracious willingness to ac- cept some pieces of my composition. In accordance with that condescending com- mand, I take the liberty to present my most humble duty to Your Royal Highness in these concerti for various instruments, beg- ging Your Highness not to judge them by the standards of your own refined taste, but to seek -in them rather the expression of my profound respect and very humble obedience. In conclusion, Monseigneur, I most respect- ‘fully beg Your Royal Highness to continue APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD your gracious favor toward me and to be assured that there is nothing I so much desire as to employ myself more worthily in your service. “With the utmost fervor, Monseigneur, I subscribe myself, “Your Royal Highness’ most humble and most obedient servant, “JEAN SEBASTIAN Bac#. “COTHEN, March 24, 1721.” What Christian Ludwig wrote in reply to this letter or his opinion of the new works is not known but these concertos are without question the finest chamber music works composed by Bach during his 6 years in Céthen. What he had really composed were experiments in various instrumental com- pinations and in instrumental colors. In May 1720 Prince Leopold and Bach left for Carlsbad for a visit which was pro- longed into July. On their return Bach discovered that his wife had died, leaving him with four children. (Three others had died in infancy.) On December 3, 1721, he married Anna Magdelena Wilcken, a union which proved very happy. She was the daughter of a court trumpeter and pos- sessed an excellent soprano voice. She as- sisted him in copying his compositions, and it was for her that he wrote some of the French suites which are preserved today copied in her own clear hand. Bach also composed the celebrated Btichlein for his helpmate, from which came many of the delightful little pieces through which young people to this day gain first acquaintance with Bach. Toward the latter part of 1720, Bach jour- neyed to Hamburg for another visit with Jan Adams Reinken, who was organist of the Katherinenkirche in that city. Reinken, then 97 years of age, heard Bach improvise on the sixteenth century melody, Upon the Rivers of Babylon, and remarked, “I did think that this art would die with me, but I see that you will keep it alive.” Bach composed fugues for the violin with- out accompaniment during his stay with Prince Leopold. He wrote only three, and he never tried to make music again in just the same way, but with these three he worked three separate miracles and created three fabrics of beauty the like of which are not to be found anywhere else. Several con- ditions made it possible for him to write fugues for the violin at this time, of which only two need be mentioned; one the Ger- man manner of playing the instrument, the other the survival in his art,‘even at this comparatively advanced period, of an early manner of fugal composition. The Céthen period was like a special dispensation of fate to guarantee the full development of Bach’s genius. By compelling him to pay exclusive attention to instrumental music, it drove him to an exhaustive assimilative study of the art of Italy, which was then the home of music of this class, its chosen instrument being the violin. The Italians played with a bow where, as in the modern bow the hairs are screwed to the stick. This kind of bow makes for bril- liance, clarity, and power; but it never lets the player touch more than two strings simultaneously, and often makes playing on those two a difficult task. The Germans played with a bow where the hairs were held by the fingers. The player could therefore relax the hairs at will, so that three, and even four strings could be struck at once. Also their bridge was lower so that the four strings were less sharply arched. The Ger- man tone was soft, but the harmony was full; and that agreed with the German tem- perament as did the polyphony their easier double- and treble-stropping made practi- cable. The G-minor fugue with the prelude was probably composed in 1720, while Bach was
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in Hamburg, while the G-minor fantasia and fugue according to Sir Hubert Parry belongs to the middle period of Bach’s life and composed at the end of the Weimar pe- riod or whole he was at Céthen. The six sonatas for violin solo were almost certainly written in this period as well as part of the six organ sonatas. The cello sonatas, works for violin and clavier, at least some of the partitas for solo violin, the D-minor con- certo for two violins and string orchestra, the D-minor piano concerto, the three vio- lin concertos, the six English and six French suites for piano, part of the sonatas and suites for violin and cello, the two-part in- ventions for piano and a series of occasional cantatas, especially for the Duke’s birth- days and for New Year’s Day were believed to have been composed during the 1717-23 period. In 1722 Bach wrote the first part of his famous well-tempered clavier which some writers have called the testament of the new dispensation. He wrote out three or four copies of the original “24” and used the numbers in his home music and in his teach- ing. He would play a few of them to his pupils; and one pupil, Heinrich Gerber, tells ‘us that Bach on no less than three occasions played the entire 24 to him from start to fin- ish. Modern music dates from the moment Bach made equal temperament practical. If he or someone else had not done that we would not have the great music of Beethoven, Wagner, Mozart, Brahms, and Strauss. Soon after Bach was married for the second time Prince Leopold married the daughter of the Prince of Anhalt-~Bemberg. The Princess was frivolous, disliked her hus- band's musical activities, his attachment to Bach, and made her feelings known to all concerned. Bach sensing the trouble began to look for another position and in 1722 his mame was presented to the Leipzig Town Council as one of the six candidates for the position of cantor of the Leipzig Thomas School, left vacant by the death of Johann Kuhnau. He was tried as a candidate on Quinquagesima Sunday, February 7, 1723 and ran second in the competition; but Christoph Graupner who won first place, withdrew, and Bach automatically entered upon the post. In 1780 Bach wrote a letter to his friend Erdmann regarding his work of the Céthen period. “I had there,” he wrote, “a gracious, music-loving and discriminating prince, with whom I hoped to end my days, but it happened that my master married a Baren- burg princess whose tastes were not in ac- cordance with her lord’s. She delighted in gaieties and worldly pleasures and gradually weaned my master from the loving interest he had ever shown toward our glorious art. And so God arranged that the post of cantor at St. Thomas’ School should fall vacant. At first I did not think it becoming to re- linquish the dignified office of Cappellmeister for that of a modest cantor. For this rea- son, therefore, I took 3 months to consider the future and was at last induced to ac- cept, as my sons were inclined to be studi- ous and I was desirous of affording them an opportunity of gratifying their bent by en- tering them in the school; and thus, in the name of the Most High, I ventured and came to Leipzig.” The Céthen period does not mark Bach’s greatest achievements, but it was a period in which much material was composed, and which is still the delight of concertgoers. Bach was distinctly a family man and went about his business undisturbed by whining babies, writing little tunes for his wife Anna Magdalena, and for his boys when they grew up. The preludes, fugues, toccatas, etc., for organ which remain the daily food . for all good organists, as well as the suites, . overtures, etc., for orchestra and various concert pieces composed for patrons and friends speak a language which goes straight to the heart of all people. He must be con- sidered as the last of the great mediaeval craftsmen, men who did their work because they had to, and did it well because they loved it. The Brannan Plan EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD J. THYE OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. THYE. Mr. President, if the Sen- ate is about to recess—and I have no objection to that—I should like to ask unanimous consent to have an article inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp. The article is entitled “Cheaper Food— Promise or Political Lure?” written by Allan B. Kline, and published in the Collier’s magazine for May 13,1950. Mr. Kline is president of the National Farm Bureau. I am informed that the article will take approximately two and a half pages of the ConcrESsIONAL RrEcorpD and that the cost will be $205. Mr. Presi- dent, I have read the article and it is about as good an explanation of the Brannan farm plan as any article I have read or any explanation that I have heard, and I think it would be well worth having it printed in the Rrcorp, so that more people may have an opportunity to read the article than would be the case otherwise. For that reason, Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent that the article be printed in the Appendix of the REcoRD. Mr. LONG. Mr. President, in that connection I wish to say that certainly I agree that this is a very carefully thought out article. I believe it should be required reading for anyone who wishes to understand the Brannan plan. It is probably one of the best articles on farm legislation which the junior Sen- ator from Louisiana has had occasion to readin along time. I would recommend it to all Senators. I agree with the Sen- ator from Minnesota that it is certainly worth many times the cost of printing the article in the Rrcorp. Mr. THYE. Mr. President, it is not a caustic article; it does not attack the Brannan farm program. It proceeds in an intelligent manner to make an expla- nation on the effect of the Brannan farm program as it would be applied to any phase of farm operation or our agricul- tural economy. I think it is well worth being printed in the Appendix of the REcORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: . Cueaper Foop: PROMISE or Ponivican LURE? (By Allan B. Kline) If the American people want to keep on getting plenty of good food at fair prices, they should not swallow the sugar-coated pill known as the Brannan plan. This plan, A3591 if adopted, would be a raw deal for farmers and consumers alike. It won’t stand the test of analysis. It won’t give us cheap food. The way to continue getting adequate sup- plies of good food at reasonable prices lies in high production per farmer and steadily in- creasing efficiency in farm production. This has been our way up to now, and it is a way of progress. In 1850 the average Amer~ ican farm worker produced enough food for 5 people; in 1920, enough for 10; and by 1945, for 15. Common sense dictates that we should improve on our past successes, not take an entirely different course. The course being charted for us by Secretary of Agricul- ture Charles F. Brannan would beeline the farmers of this country in the direction of stabilized poverty. Few consumers are aware of some signifi- cant Bureau of Labor Statistics figures which show that the prices they pay for food, when measured in the length of time they have to work to purchase that food, are lower than in any other major country. To earn enough to buy a pound of butter the average Ameri- can works 32 minutes, the Canadian 45 min- utes, the Frenchman 146 minutes, and the Russian 542 minutes. To earn enough to buy a pound of ham an American works 28 min- utes, a Frenchman 80 minutes, an English- man 44 minutes, and a Swiss 116 minutes, For just 4 minutes of working time an Amer- ican can buy a pound of flour. The Chilean must work 13 minutes, the Frenchman 20, and the Russian 52. Mr. Brannan has described his plan as one to give farmers “the opportunity to earn a reasonable return for abundant production” and at the same time give “taxpayers their money’s worth.” Amore accurate description of this utopian panacea would, I think, be “the promise of a Government-guaranteed profit for the farmer, cheap food for the consumer, and it won’t cost anybody much.” SUSPICION IS JUSTIFIABLE The Brannan plan has no antecedents in the platforms of either major political party. It was contrived without consultation with either congressional or farm organization leaders. One might appropriately ask: Is it really a farm program, or is it the most ingenious, insidious, and disarming political lure of our generation? When the Secretary and those paid De- partment of Agriculture employees who are serving as salesmen for the Brannan plan talk to farmers, they talk about prices. Price is the core of the plan. Stripped of fancy language, the Brannan proposal is that Gov- ernment farm price supports be high enough not only to maintain, but actually increase, the present surplus-ylelding volume of pro- duction. Consumers allegedly would get food for the low price it might bring in a surplus- glutted market. Farmers supposedly would get, in the form of checks from Washington, the difference between these depressed mar- ket prices and the so-called Government- guaranteed prices. When Mr. Brannan submitted his plan to the House Agriculture Committee on April 7, 1949, he said it was “not likely to startle any- one” because “I have no revolutionary ideas to present to you.” In the sense that his scheme embraces elements that have been tried in a limited way, it is true that it is not new or startling. But in its total philosophy, the Brannan plan is a revolutionary de- parture from the basic concepts which up to now have been the foundation structure of the American economy. Farmers view price supports as the coun- terpart of minimum wages for labor. They want to fit a price-support program into our peculiarly successful regulated free-enter- prise system. They believe farm programs should be directed toward maintaining a fair-exchange relationship between the prices
A3592 of things farmers sell and the cost of things farmers buy. The American Farm Bureau Federation does not consider it the Government’s re- sponsibility to guarantee profitable prices to any group. Instead, we view farm price sup-~ ports as an appropriate and necessary pro= tection against unreasonable price declines, which, if allowed to continue unchecked, would adversely affect the general welfare. The Brannan plan is something altogether different. Under it the farmer’s only hope for a fair income would depend on Govern~ ment hand-outs via annu:l ¢ wor ‘in’fors by Congress. Certainly it ~..1 . be ds: Len ously shortsighted to stake the future of agri- culture on the mere hope that the funds would be voted each year. Farmers are a minority group, about 19 percent of our population. Give the Nation a little adversity, and the farmer’s chance of getting the sort of appropriations that would be required under the Brannan plan would be about as good as the well-known snowball in—you know where. If the plan is put in operation on the basis on which it has been presented to farmers, very large congressional appropriations would be needed. Mr. Brannan to date has failed to comply with repeated congressional re- quests for an estimate of the annual appro~ priations that would be needed under his proposal. But recent estimates by congres- sional leaders and farm economists of the annual cost to taxpayers of the Brannan plan range from $6,000,000,000 to $19,000,000,000. What would have happened to the 1949 potato crop if the Secretary’s proposal had been in effect? Twenty-one percent more potatoes would have gone to market. Lead- ing farm economists agree that these added potatoes would have driven the farm price down 35 to 50 percent. The average market price of potatoes in 1949 was $1.40 a bushel. A 35-percent drop would have pushed the average farm price down to 90 cents a bushel. But the Brannan plan support standard would have set the Government guaranty to farmers at $1.59 a bushel, a cost of 69 cents a bushel to be paid farmers out of the Federal Treasury. This would have meant a total cost to tax- payers of about $277,000,000—three times the cost of the actual 1949 potato support pro- gram. While the present program needs cor- recting, there ought to be a better way to do it than to ask the taxpayer to Jump out of the frying pan into the fire. “Production payments,” as proposed in the Brannan plan, cannot be accurately ap- praised without taking into account the level of prices allegedly guaranteed. Under the plan, this level is so hig] that it would be bound to cause a vast expansion in agricul- tural production, and unmanageable sur- pluses would result. A year or two of this might well drive farm prices so low as to make all the farmer’s net income, and more, dependent upon his ability to get a Govern- ment check. Take the case of a hog farmer. I am one. I know about hogs; I like them and they seem to like me. They paid for my family farm in Iowa. Under the Brannan plan, hog producers would be guaranteed prices high enough to cause them to step up production 20 to 25 percent. The Government presumably would make up the difference between the market price and the price it promises farmers, . ENSLAVED BY THE SUBSIDY This Government check would represent probably all the hog farmer’s net income and possibly part of his costs. What would this mean to him? What would happen if the check didn’t come through? It wouldn’t involve just his ability to build a mew barn or buy a new car. It would involve the dif- ference between his staying in business and going broke; it would determine his ability to feed and clothe his family. If I were a Government official looking for a way to bring the American farmer under my thumb, I’d use that method. When the time came, the farmer would either do as he was told, or would fold up for lack of a subsidy check. The Brannan plan’s income standard, as presented to Congress, proposes to set a price for hogs at about $19 per hundred pounds and a price of $1.46 for a bushel of corn. This is a corn-hog ratio of 13 to 1—13 bushels of corn would be worth 100 pounds of pork. In theory this is decidedly favorable to the hog raiser, who certainly would step up protec- tion, knowing he could raise or buy corn for $1.46 and get a return of $19 for his hogs. But do you think the Government could let a man raise all the hogs he wanted to raise at that kind of price? Of course not. Production would have to be controlled. And these production curbs would have to be applied to other producers—poultry~ men, dairymen, cattlemen and so forth. The plan is pictured as being all things to allmen, About his “income support stand- ard,” which would replace the present parity formula and provide the basis for guaranteed prices to farmers, Mr. Brannan says: “This income support standard simply represents a realistic minimum below which it is not in the interest of farmers or con- sumers to allow farm prices to fall, and above which I would hope to find most farm prices most of the time.” He adds that his proposed production payments “would allow farm income to remain at a high enough level to sustain abundant production while retail prices sought their supply-and-demand level in the market place. This level is bound to be reasonable for consumers because of the large supplies brought out.” But on the other hand the Secretary says: “It is obvious, of course, that the use of production payments must be qualified in such a manner as to avoid extremely de- pressed prices in the market place, or a wasteful use of soil resources.” In other words, one minute Mr. Brannan expects farm prices to be above the pro- posed support level. The next, he holds out to consumers the glittering prospect of cheap food—so cheap we would have to establish safeguards against extremely depressed prices. Which is it? It can’t be both. Some cynics say the farmer is interested only in price. When he sees the Brannan plan in operation, they say, he will think everything is just fine—that all he'll have to do is sell his products, keep his sales slips, turn them over to the Government and get the rest of his money through a subsidy check. We feel sure that this would neither add up to a satisfactory income for the individ- ual farm family nor make for a satisfied farmer. Under the Brannan plan continuous and rigid controls over production would be in- evitable. The result would he a ceiling on opportunity in agriculture. More and more, the right to produce—inefficient and costly as it might be—would be parceled out on a per capita basis. This would discourage the people who try to discover new and shorter methods of producing abundantly. The farmers would be lined up, and if one stuck his head above the others, he would be pushed down. That is a policy of defeatism—a policy of supervised poverty for farmers. You can stabilize things so that it takes a long time to starve, but that doesn’t create the dy- namic agriculture essential to an expanding national economy. During the war I visited a farmer in Scot- land who had about 800 acres. He was a good farmer, a very good one. He asked how big my farm was and how many hogs I had. I told him 440 acres and five or six hundred head. He asked how many men I hired, and I said two. He had 82 men on his place and APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD he could not believe that 2 men could take care of that many hogs. My reply was, “We don’t let two men waste time taking care of those hogs. It takes one of them a couple of hours a day.” High income for farmers depends upon the same kind of thing that it takes to get high income for other people—high production per man. You are not going to have a happy and prosperous farm people, individual farmers Going better all the time, unless you have increasing production per man. This does not mean producing surpluses regardless of demand. It does mean mak-~ ing certain that we increase, rather than de- crease, efficiency on American farms. If there are too many people in agriculture for all to earn a good living, then the national interest will be served best by providing other job opportunities for those farmers who can- not farm efficiently. Go into any rural community, and if you find production per man very low, you will find the standard of living also low. A BONUS FOR INEFFICIENCY A high level of prices promised in the Brannan plan would tend to “freeze” in agri- culture the inefficient producers. About half the people who live on farms produce 90 percent of the food and fiber that get into the channels of trade. Would a scheme like Mr. Brannan’s be of much help to the other half, who produce only 10 percent of the commodities going into trade? Suppose you lived in an area where the gross annual income averaged $800 per family. Say you got a guaranteed 10 or 15 percent increase in price for your products. What have you got? Another $80 or $100. What can you do with that? It wouldn’t go far toward buying a new wardrobe, a new car, or sending the children to college. The answer to this low-income problem. is not price—whether figured by the present farm-parity formula or by Mr. Brannan’s plan. The answer Mes in increased oppor- tunity to earn a higher total income. Much of this opportunity probably will have to be found outside of agriculture. How would the consumer fare under the Brannan plan? First, let’s put the food picture in the proper perspective. Many customers don’t know that food is relatively cheap in Amer- ica. This does not mean that there isn’t still room for improvement in production and distribution in America, but it does mean that—before we discard it—we ought to take @ second look at the system which currently ranks at the top of the list of all nations in results. In 1935-39, American consumers spent 23 percent of their disposable income for food; they could buy the same diet at today’s prices for 19 percent of their income. ‘Today they are spending 27 percent—but they are eating better. RETAIL FOOD COSTS REDUCED Food prices have come down substantially. At prices prevailing in July 1948, the average annual retail cost of the market basket of food for a family of three average consumers was $712. In October 1949 the same quantity of food could be bought for $637—a drop of 675. It is interesting to observe that of this $75 drop the farmer absorbed $69, while charges made for services performed after the food left the farms declined only $6. Farm- ers receive an average of less than 50 cents of the consumer’s dollar. The rest goes to pay for the freight, labor, wholesaling, processing, packaging, taxes, etc., between the farm and the ultimate consumer. There is nothing in the Brannan plan that would reduce these after-the-farm costs which take the other half of the present-day food dollar—and it is well to remember that. Under the plan someone would have to put up the dollars to pay the Government’s
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD guaranty on my hogs, the Wisconsin farmer’s, milk, the New York farmer’s eggs, the Cali- fornian’s fruits and vegetables, the Texan’s beef. Suppose you pay the grocery store 40 cents a@ dozen for eggs and 15 cents a quart for milk, while the Government is paying the farmer prices which ordinarily would cause consumers to pay 60 cents for the same eggs and 20 cents for the milk, Is your transaction finished? Let’s not kid ourselves, Come March 15 and you'll have to make another ante on your grocery bill by way of your income tax—just as the farmer will have to turn back part of his check. Those Government payments would have to come from somewhere, and there is but one source—the taxpayers—which means all of us. Never forget that you can’t send a dollar to Washington and get it all back. That is @ costly journey. Folks would be much bet- ter off to pay for their food at the grocery store. The real cost of food—what the consumer pays both directly and in taxes—would rise immediately if the Brannan plan were in effect. Under Mr, Brannan’s formula, for example, the income support standard price for hogs—$19 a hundred pounds—was more than $3 per hundred pounds above the actual average price of hogs last October, November, December, and January. This means that taxpayers would have had to put out more than $3 a hundred pounds on hogs compared to what they actually did pay in these 4 months. If the Brannan plan had been in effect in 1949, and hogs had sold at the average sup- port price in effect in the fall of 1949 and winter of 1950, the production payments needed to bring farm prices on the hogs actu- ally marketed to the Brannan support level would have cost taxpayers about $465,000,000. Under the same conditions the present sup- port program wouldn’t cost taxpayers a thin dime. Furthermore, if the incentive prices prom- ised by the plan increased production and marketing—and they would—the taxpayers would have to ante up for all the further de- clines in market prices—plus, of course, the cost of administration and the difficulty of getting along with the expanded bureaucracy involved. Although there has been a support price on hogs, the Government hash’t had to make more than a token purchase, because market prices have been generally above support levels. Incidentally, there hasn’t been, and there isn't today, any support price on beef, veal, andlamb. The Brannan proposal would provide supports and authorize controls for all of these. The tentacles of a Brannan plan would spread, If you promise a high and profitable price to farmers, and cheap food to consum- ers, a lot of people other than farmers are likely to become involved. What if the plan had been in effect during the recent 18-month period when the price of wheat to farmers fell 30 percent and the price of bread increased? ‘Would not there have been a great temptation for the Govern- ment to step into the marketing, distribu- tion and baking fields to try to make good on its promise that it could guarantee con- sumers cheap food by letting farm prices drop? Let such situations develop in many com- modities and the Government would have to take over transportation and distribution in order to control prices to consumers. Labor, too, would get caught in the mesh. Unions would find themselves with a Bran-= nan plan. It might take a while, but it would come, It is quite possible that a paternalistic government for a time might give one group more than it earns. There are plenty of examples, But, if this is to remain a Nation of freemen, it is quite impossible politically for it to be done over the long pull. WE GET ONLY WHAT WE EARN Eventually, if all groups get in on the something-for-nothing take, we all will find ourselves poorer. In the final analysis, what all of us get is what all of us earn; no more, We in the Farm Bureau are not contend- ing that all consumer subsidies are bad. Several of them, when operated on the basis of meed, make sense; a sound food stamp plan and the school-lunch program are ex-~ amples. We should continue to study ways of raising dietary standards of the poorer- fed. At the same time we should be con- stantly trying to find new opportunities for them to earn a more adequate income. But paying a part of everybody’s grocery bill out of taxes would be mighty costly and extremely dangerous. Farmers definitely want and need a sound farm program. Why? Because farm pro- duction is relatively stable, while farm prices fluctuate widely. In contrast, in a highly organized industrial economy, indus- trial prices and wage rates remain relatively stable while production and employment levels fuctuate. Farm. prices go up faster and further than the general price level, and farm costs go up more slowly. But farm prices drop faster and further than the general price level, and costs come down more slowly; and this makes farming especially vulnerable to swings in the business cycle. It is in the general interest to provide a farm program which will put a brake on a downward swing in farm prices. Likewise, it is in the consumer’s interest because it is his best possible assurance of a continuing supply of good food at reasonable prices. But in considering what kind of farm pro- gram is best, we must remember one basic fact: The basis for rural prosperity is, first and foremost, high production per man and a@ well-distributed real income in the rest of the economy. Nonfarm people are most of the people. They are the farmer’s market; they produce his real wages. If factories are humming, employment is high, industrial labor is pro- ductive and well-paid, the stores will be filled with goods, and services will be freely avail- able at reasonable prices. Demand for the farmer’s produce will be strong. This is the basis for real farm prosperity. You can’t pull the farmer up by his sus- pencers if most of the people are hard up. It is vital, then, that we maintain an ex- panding economy. There must be high productivity and full employment. We must exhaust every opportunity to stabilize the general price level. As we accomplish this, we reduce the need for commodity-by= commodity Government programs. Too, we need desperately to maintain siz- able exports of crops like cotton, wheat, tobacco, dried fruit, and lard. To do this we must develop an affirmative import-trade policy and aggressively seek the widespread public support such a policy deserves. American agriculture can produce more than America can consume. To restrict our output purely to the needs of the domestic market is to sell American agriculture short, A desirable farm program should be de- signed to fit into a dynamic, expanding domestic and world economy. By causing the level of price supports to vary with the supply of, and the demand for, each agricultural commodity we can provide farmers a cushion against unreasonable price declines. Flexible-price supports would as- sure consumers at home and abroad of the continued opportunity to share in the abundant output, efficiently produced, of American farms, The underlying philosophy of the present farm program, which has evolved out of our experiences since 1933, is consistent with this objective, A3593 Flexible-price supports would stimulate production of livestock and livestock prod- ucts, which would comserve the soil and upgrade the American diet. By permitting @ downward adjustment in support prices when supplies become burdensome, the flexible program would encourage farmers to shift land from production of grain crops to grasses and legumes and promote better land use. At the same time, lower support prices for surplus grains would encourage grain feeding of livestock—resulting in more and better livestock. WHEAT SURPLUS AND LIVESTOCK An indication of how increased livestock production can eliminate grain surpluses is contained in a recent study made at Michi- gan State College. It shows that an increase of about 2 percent in our livestock produé- tion would have more than absorbed our surplus stocks of wheat i: the period since 1930. Consumers should not miss the point that expanded production and use of live- stock preducts make for better and more nutritious diets. Farmers sincerely believe that flexible- price supports—endorsed in the 1948 plat- forms of both major political parties— would provide necessary safeguards to farmers, minimize the necessity of controls over production, and assure American con- sumers of a firm supply of nutritious food at reasonable prices. The Agricultural Act of 1949, the present law, is not without defects. Its support prices are the highest in our peacetime his- tory. Rigid price supports, temporarily con- tinued on several commodities, are so high they will encourage overproduction and, at the same time, discourage both domestic consumption and export. Thus, instead of increasing farm income, they may decrease it. Congress postponed full application of the ficxible price-support formula until Jan~ ary 1, 1952, and provided for the use of a dual parity yardstick through 1953. The American Farm Bureau Federation never agreed to this; we thought the flexible price supports should have gone into effect last year, as was originally proposed. We in the Farm Bureau are convinced that the higher the level of price supports, the greater the controls and regimentation that will result. We recognize that some controls will be needed occasionally if we are to use price supports to protect farm prices against unreasonable declines. At the same time, with flexible price supports, we would hope to hold controls to a minimum, The present farm program, approved by Congress in 1948 and amended in 1949, does provide a brake on sharp downturns in agri- cultural prices. This program ought to be given. a chance to work. It has not yet had that chance. The Brannan plan would stifle the farmer’s initiative, and regimént him. It would bring a pyramided government piled onto the tax- payers’ backs. It would in the long run mean lower per family income for farmers, higher-priced food for consumers and every- body would pay plenty, Decentralizing the Federal Government EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WiSCCNSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, the spring 1950 issue of the distinguished quarterly
A3594 journal Air Affairs published by the American Society of Air Affairs is devoted principally to a discussion of the impli- cations of the atomic bomb. It is my pleasure to have contributed an article to this issue, based on a subject which I have taken up with Federal officials for practically the last 12 years, namely, de- centralization of the Federal Govern- ment. Itis a subject which cynics have scoffed at and a subject which smug bureaucrats have ignored, but it is one which is in- creasingly coming to the fore in view of the critical world situation in which we find ourselves. Incidentally the chairman of the board of the American Society of Air Affairs is the distinguished junior Senator from Vermont [Mr. FLANDERS]. ‘The editor of Air Affairs is Mr. Wilham D. Pardrige. In the spring issue there are a series of very interesting articles by such out- standing Americans as Mr. Bernard Earuch, Mr. Seth W. Richardson, Gen, Carl Spaatz; the great explorer, Vilhjal- mur Stefansson; the distinguished com- mentator, Mr. Quincy Wright; and my good friend, the able senior Senator from Utah [Mr. THomas], among others. It is a pleasure to be in such expert company, but more important it is an honor to have contributed this piece on what I regard as a crucial issue. I ask unanimous consent, therefore, that the text of the article which I con- tributed to the spring issue of Air Affairs, which has just come out, be printed in the Appendix of the CoNnGRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: DECENTRALIZING THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT (By ALEXANDER WitExy, United States Senator from Wisconsin) “Those who fail to read and learn from the lessons of history and the mistakes of the past are condemned to repeat those mis- takes.” Many times in American history we have indeed failed to read history’s lessons and to profit by past mistakes, with the result that we have repeated our follies. We failed to prepare for World War I; consequently many of our ill-trained young men died un-~ necessarily. We failed to prepare adequately for World War II; result, Pearl Harbor and then mass “training” with dummy wooden weapons. Now, from this layman’s stand- point at least, we are falling to prepare against the dread contingency of a third global conflict. Obviously, I could not and would not think of condemning totally the present military planning of our defense chiefs—men who have devoted lifetimes to the service of their country. But at least in the single area of proposed up-to-the-minute planning and acting for dispersal of key Government agencies, I feel that I am fairly qualified to condemn the miserable stalling, buck- passing, and lack of imagination which have characterized the governmental approach to this crucial problem. I Dispersal of Federal installations inevi- tably involves three phases: (a) The executive agencies. (b) The legislative branch, meaning, bas-" ically, the Congress. (c) The judicial branch, meaning, basice ally, the Supreme Court, Dispersal of the key units in our 2,000,000- man executive branch becomes the major challenge, as against the comparatively lesser problem of dispersing the relatively few hun- dreds of key individuals involved in the other two branches of Government. But before proceeding let us analyze some of the basic premises of our thinking: 1. The United States is engaged in an ideological war against communism, 2. The entire literature of the Communist movement indicates that its leaders believe that an ideological war is but the opening phase of an eventual military conflict be- tween the two rival ideas. These leaders thus hold, im spite of occasional soothing propaganda to the contrary, that commu- nism and capitalism cannot coexist on a peaceful basis in the world. 3, Although we recognize that Communist literature and thinking lead to the Reds’ fatalism about inevitable conflict, we in the United States are firmly committed to find- ing a path to peace. We have no alternative because we recognize that war would solve no basic issues and would only bring a more horrible holocaust of death, disaster, and chaos than mankind has ever known. 4. While striving for peace, it is our obli- gation to maintain the strongest possible de- fenses. Russia recognizes military strength of her potential enemies as the major deter- rent against war. Her entire system of gov~ ernment is predicated upon the use or im- plied threat of force and violence. There- fore, she respects only the implied threat of force and violence on the part of other nations, as well as respecting their prepa- rations against surprise blitzes. 5. Part of our armed strength lies neces~ sarily in our preparations for civil defense. Thus, a weak civil defense means that our armed forces will lack effective backing-up on the home front, which is obviously sui- cidal. 6. In the event of an atomic emergency, it will be too late to decentralize Covern-~ ment. Key Federal installations will obvi- ously be a prime initial target of atomic, even of bacteriological, attack. Experience shows that offices, files, and personnel can- not be moved in a few hours. Therefore, it is essential that ordinary decentralization begin now. 7. The difficulties of decentralization are so tremendous that obviously priority lists must be arranged so that agencies having greatczt irvccrteree in an atomic struggle are Gil: ea .t 7. Among such agencies are, c’ course. t..c Atomic Energy Commis- sion, the central units of the Department of National Defense, the White House, etc. Many other premises are involved in this line of thinking, but if the reader accepts the above assumptions, we may proceed to~ gether to explore this theme. I recognize that our minds almost rebel in turning our thoughts to this grim fact, but stern realism must be the order of the day. Above all, in this process, we must view the problem not as an academic matter, not as an idle theory, but with a sense of urgency, asense of emergency. That is the only kind of approach which will enable us to solve problems at the present stage which might otherwise seem insuperable. mr Remember that when America dropped her atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, obviously she had the alternative of laying an atomiceggon Tokyo. Just conceive what ‘would have happened to Japan if in one flery radio-active blast, the Emperor, the Japanese Diet, most of the key military and naval leaders, most of the Japanese civilian leaders had been obliterated from the face of the earth. Not only would Japan have been knocked out of the war, but in effect, Nippon would have been knocked out of the peace APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for generations to come. Clearly, it takes a long time to develop new leadership in a nation even after the guns have ceased firing and the scars of war heal. Now think what that lesson means to a potential aggressor like Soviet Russia. It means that if she could destroy the 5,000 or so key leaders of America’s Government, not only could Russia probably quickly and de- cisively win an atomic war, but she could make America most assuredly a vassal state for generations to come. Why? Because most of America’s leadership would be de- stroyed and 1t would take a very long time before new leaders, coming up from the local and State governments, could adequately take over the helm of the Federal Govern- ment, even of a satellite state. The master minds of the Kremlin, we may be sure, are aware of these facts. Certainly, Moscow radio will, in the future, as it has in the past, scream against alleged war monger- ing on our part because we simply have dared to mention these obvious possibilities. Nat- urally, Pravda and Izvestia would like Amer- ica to lullaby herself to sleep. Uncle Joe would like us to concentrate exclusively and smugly on talk fests in the United Nations, He would like us to centralize more thou- sands of key workers in sardine-packed Wash-~ ington. He would like us to put off to a nebulous tomorrow all talk of dispersal. But dare we pursue this course of folly, wittingly making ourselves a perfect target for potentially fatal atomic blows? Of course not. To be sure, we must continue our sincere efforts through the United Nations, particu- larly as regards possible international control (necessarily ironclad) of atomic energy; we must :.re:; Per cur Voice of America pro~ gram +.) reece. wie Russian people directly. We must hold out a sincere hand of friend- ship to Russia’s enslaved millions. We must maintain our poise, our calm, never submit- ting to hysteria or undue alarm. We must implement the North Atlantic Pact. We must not, we dare not, forget about prepara~ tions for Federal decentralization. amr Over a relatively long period of time I have had quite a series of letter exchanges and talks on this subject with the National De- fense Department and previously with its component departments. I have corre- sponded with the United States Bureau of the Budget, with the National Security Re- sources Board, with the White House, with the Munitions Board, and with literally doz- ens of other Government agencies, Cabinet Department heads, etc., trying to emphasize the necessity of adequate planning now for decentralization. I have stated throughout this correspondence that certainly I, as an Individual, could not presume to suggest to them comprehensive and detailed plans by which even a single department of Govern- ment could be decentralized, let alone the entire executive branch, or legislative branch, or judicial branch. What I have sought is to stimulate the most construc- tive thinking on the part of our Government leaders, so that they, in turn, who are more familiar with their respective establish- ments, could plan and act now against the dread contingency of a possible future war. It is not, of course, enough to have plans on paper for, let us say, moving the Joint Chiefs of Staff from Washington, D. ©., or moving the Supreme Court, or the Congress, or any other key governmental unit. It is not enough to have elaborate conference table discussions in one’s department. What is needed is actually to lay the physical basis for decentralization. What do I mean by that? Well, obviously space must actually be provided in advance for decentralized Government personnel, for file systems, for special secret vaults, for offices. There must
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD be provided in advance a modern-type system. of communication—teletype, direct tele- phone lines and other modern communica- tion instruments. Personnel must be re« trained to handle tasks on a decentralized basis. Certainly, too, Budget offices will have to get busy immediately in order to reckon the new costs that will be involved, and ap- propriation requests will have to be made to the Congress. Is any of this planning going on now? The public is completely in the dark as to the answer to this question. Now, we would not want to be let in on any necessarily secret plans, but surely there is sufficient nonsecret data that could be made available to us, meaning to Congress and the people. I have, it should be noted, received all sorts of assurances that some master plans do exist. So, what? Will they be activated when the first five atom bombs have pul- verized Washington and burned up all the master plans, themselves? Not long ago Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson wrote to me that: “Recognizing the fact that it is not beyond the bounds of pos- sibility for Washington to be the target of a devastating or damaging attack, and that the seat of Government might have to be moved as a result, it follows that plans should be prepared to cover this contingency. Such plans are in the course of preparation.” Secretary of Defense Johnson went on to explain: “Specifically, these plans include the movement of three service elements of the Department of Nefense to other locations and the designation of successors to military command.” I have a good deal of respect for our Sec- retary, but what visible evidence is there that any concrete dispersal actions have ac~ tually been taken thus far? None. In- stead, Government employment continues to remain at around 210,000 in our jammed Capital, not to mention other huge Federal installations in such obvious targets as New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago. Iv Decentralization thus is seen to mean more than spreading out from Washington: it means spreading out from every other bloated metropolitan target. Luckily, for us, decentralization will serve not only our mili- tary defense purposes but Will serve other social and economic goals that are obvious to any student of modern day American society, Having Federal units (and payrolls) in small towns of 5,000 or 10,000 or slightly larger will not only pump economic vitality into the financial blood streams of those communi~ ties; it will, far more importantly, bring Uncle Sam closer to the people, closer to the grass roots; it will reactivate the interest of our people in their Government. Moreover, there will be more than sufficient relatively nonessential personnel always re- maining in Washington so as to prevent it from becoming a ghost town or from having its own economic life unduly impaired. Where should the moved Government units be relocated? Obviously, several factors ‘will affect the decision. It is clear, for example, that the Dairy Division of the United States Department of Agriculture could be decen- tralized into the dairying heart of the Nation and that goes on a comparable basis for other farm units—the cotton units, the wheat unit, etc. In the instance of other Government departments like the Atomic Energy Commis- sion, the answer is not so clear. It would, of course, be a mistake simply to decentralize units to the geographic heart of the Nation, because that would only result in a new type of centralization, We must consider not only the question of space and distance (in the light of possible Russian guided-missile and air attacks over the North Pole or via Alaska) but we must also consider the question of the proximity of available defenses—anti- aircraft, radar, guided-missile stations, etc., to protect given units of Government, What of the Congress? Could it disperse its Members to, let us say, 30 or 40 centers and legislate by television? What of the President and his staff? Could they govern from a moving train? These are not ques- tions to be answered lightly, for they should result in intense study. The idea of a mobile Capitol or White House is neither new nor improbable. Mili- tary leaders have often conducted operations from armored trains. Is this not a worth- while phase for study, considering the fact that enemy planes and rockets would cer- tainly be seeking out any fixed location of Congress and the President, as well as the Supreme Court, and train mobility (and/or legislation by television) might be the only answer. Now, no one is suggesting that the Chief Executive move into a train right now. But now is the time for the Goverment’s General Services Administration and similar units, its public buildings office, etc., to start lay- ing concrete plans. While on this phase of concreteness, the question naturally arises: Precisely how can Congress initiate steps to speed decentraliza- tion? May I suggest answers: (a) As I have repeatedly recommended, every committee of the Congress should con- sult with the agency officials within its par- ticular jurisdiction on dispersal problems, Thus, the Senate and House Judiciary Com- mittees should review the question with the Department of Justice, the Finance and Ways and Means Committees should do so with the Treasury Department and so on down the line. The Senate and House Ap- propriations Committees, controlling as they do the purse-strings, will have over-all finan- cial jurisdiction of this problem. ’ (b) The major long-range instruments for decentralization should, I believe, consist of legislation already pending before the Con- gress to set up a “little Hoover Commission.” I am proud to have been one of the original cosponsors of legislation designed to set up such a National Commission on Inter- Government Relations. The purpose of this Commission would be to analyze the present status of Federal, State, local relationships; Federal, State, local taxes; the problem of in- creased Federal grants-in-aid; the problem of increasing Federal power. One of the major units under such amend. ed legislation should, I believe, be a Council on Decentralization, consisting of the finest brains of American military and civilian life in our Federal, State, and local Governments. This Council on Decentralization should subs mit its suggestions on an over-all basis to Congress and its committees and should co- ordinate the decentralization work in each of the units of the Federal Government. Implicit in the idea of such a council and commission is the concept that it is not enough merely to disperse Federal functions; rather, on a long-range basis, it will be essen- tial that some so-called Federal functions be turned back entirely to the States and localities in order to reverse the trend of Uncle Sam assuming power over everything. Legal questions will arise not only in this long-range approach, but the very minute one begins to assume that atom bombs might one day rain down on Washington and other cities, obliterating many incumbents in Fed- eral positions and making regular type Con- gressional-Presidential-Supreme Court gov- ernment perhaps impossible. Already, schol- ars have begun to explore the legal problems of government in atomic emergency; far more work must be done along this line by legislators and legal experts. 1Rossiter, Clinton L., Constitutional Dic- tatorship in the Atomic Age, Review of Poli- tics, October 1949, A3595 CONCLUSION One almost pauses after reviewing even these few possibilities, to wonder if all this thinking is worth while or whether it is alla Buck-Rogerish nightmare. However, realistic reflection will show that this problem 1s un~- fortunately all too necessary a subject for review. Of course, each of us would prefer to concentrate on the problems of peace, to con- sider appropriations for social services, for an improved standard of living rather than mat- ters relating to war. The consequences of such exclusive pacific concern are, however, clear to any realistic observer of history. The Father of our Country, George Wash- ington, rightly advised that “‘to be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving the peace.” It is most fitting that I submit these thoughts to the readers of this renowned publication, Air Affairs, because fortunately American aviation and its leaders have pro- vided some of the most constructive, im- aginative minds in our country. The avia- tion pioneers who barnstormed in flying crates, the daring young souls who flew over Chateau-Thierry and the Meuse-Argonne in what turned out to be flaming coffins, these young eagles set a standard for constructive experimentation that has carried over into many other fields of American military and civilian experience. I personally take in- spiration from the great record of American aviation pioneering, particularly because in all the annals of American flying, there is perhaps no more glorious saga then that of a great son of my own State of Wisconsin, Gen. William Mitchell, familiar to every fol- lower of aviation science, tactics and warfare. Billy Mitchell taught us to think in terms of the future in preparing defense, rather than to prepare only for the previous war. What would Billy Mitchell suggest to us by way of preparation against atomic warfare? This is the sort of question which I ask America’s military leaders to ponder. What would other great pioneers in the field of legislation, in the field of military science, civilian government, industrial mobilization suggest to us? The answer is up to you, my friends. Haile Selassie and the Idaho Miner EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. COMPTON I. WHITE OF IDAHO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 3, 1950 Mr. WHITE of Idaho. Mr. Speaker, while we are paying over $5,600,000,000 a year in interest on the national debt, it is interesting to learn of our Government’s liberality in disposing of the surplus money metal—silver that for some rea- son the Treasury refuses to put in cir- culation in this country to pay Govern- ment expenses and reduce the national debt. The record discloses we have sent Ethiopia 5,425,000 ounces of silver— which we have coined for them in our mint now fully presented in the follow- ing statement: While the Idaho miners were digging their silver out of the ground to sell to the Govern- ment for 65 cents an ounce and pay their taxes, the Government was balancing its books on its silver purchases by revaluing half the silver it bought, and putting its re- valued silver in circulation as money in pay- ing Government expenses with silver dollars
A3596 and silver certificates at exactly double the value it paid for the silver; and, at the same time, piled up the other half of the silver sterilized and unused. Over in Ethiopia, Haile Selassie was driven from his throne and his country taken over by Mussolini and his Italian Government. After the war was won by the United States Army and the British military forces, Haile Selassie was restored to his throne without his striking a blow for the freedom of his people or giving any military assistance to the Allies. With Haile Selassie back on his throne, our Government in its benevolence has taken from its supply of money metal and given Haile Selassie 5,425,000 ounces of silver which was coined into money by our mint and put into circulation in Ethiopia at $1.11 an ounce. We are told that in making this donation, our Government went through the formality of an agreement for the ultimate return of all the silver sent over to Haile Selassie. However, to judge from the record, it does not appear that our Government intends to hold Ethiopia to their bargain. The record discloses that the potential silver seigniorage table printed each month in the Treasury Bulletin has been reduced by the amount of the silver furnished Haile Selassie and the rest of the foreign countries that got our silver for their’ money needs during the war. So we must assume that the silver dug out of the ground by the Idaho miners and sold to our Government for 65 cents per ounce and donated to Haile Selassie, who put it into circulation for 46 cents an ounce more than the Idaho miners got for it, will continue to supply the money function in Ethiopia and that Haile Selassie and his people will live happily cver after. Question; What does free silver mean? “Best Politician the Country Ever Had” Giving Himself a Real Test EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I wish to include an article by Low- ell Mellett, which appeared in the Wash- ington Evening Star of May 11, 1950: On THE OTHER Hanp—‘Bzst POLITICIAN THE CouNTRE Ever Hab” Givine HIMSELF a Rau ic (By Lowell Mellett) President Truman’s current excursion into the hinterland may reveal whether or not Presidential Candidate Harold Stassen spoke e half-truth the other day when he charac- terized Mr. Truman as the worst President and the best politician the country ever has had. It could be a half-truth, but no more than that. The first half of the statement, of course, was only a bit of preposterous ex- travagance that might better have been omitted by the part-time politician, part- time university president. Aside from the matter of good taste, it raises again the ques< tion of Mr. Stassen’s qualification for his own job—that of an educator. The wide- eyed students of Pennsylvania University must have been disturbed by the prexy’s curious forgetfulness of history. The young- est among them are aware of the kind of Presidents we had as recently as the lament- able twenties, not to go back any farther, and some of the not-so-wide-eyed politicians of Stassen’s own party would prefer not to invite comparisons with those Presidents. POSSIBLE HALF-TRUTH As for the possible half-truth, President Truman is now giving his proficiency as a politician the toughest of all tests. He is taking on a battle within his own party as a means toward helping the party to win this year and retain control of the Government, It is not a little battle; it takes in a lot of territory and involves sizable forces. Should he win and then obtain the fruits of his vic- tory, history in due time will have oppor- tunity to judge whether he was the worst of Presidents or one of the best; it will be com- pelled to recognize him as one of the most courageous, in any case. For himself, the President is obviously will- ing to be the best of politicians, believing that if he is it will make him anything but the worst of Presidents. The clue to the kind of politics the Presi- dent is undertaking was given by his speech in Burlington, Iowa. “I will say one thing,” he said, “and say it emphatically. The Eighty-first Congress has done a lot better than the Hightieth ever did and it is going to do a lot more than it has done up to date. The record of the Highty-first Congress is not complete yet, but when it finally finishes its work and goes home, then I will be ready to come back and give you the full details, and let the chips fall where they may.” EFFECT ON HILL STARTLING No other President in our time ever talked that kind of turkey to the members of his own party in Congress. The effect on Cap- itol Hill has been slightly startling. Generally speaking the Democrats in Con- gress were happy to see the President take to the road, to see him seize the initiative for his party in this congressional campaign year. Some of them, however, determined to go their own way, regardless of the platform and other promises made in the party’s name, are not so happy to have him take the initia- tive in the intraparty battle. But even among the pussyfooters and the members fairly blind to the realities of this year’s politics, there is recognition of the President’s basic sirategy. They know that he knows he cannot set the prairies afire again as he did in 1948 with promises, that this year the party will have to win on per~ formance. What hurts is that the perform- ance is up to themselves and that, as of today, they are away behind in their work. Two years ago President Truman clinched his case against the Hightieth Congress by calling it back after it had adjourned with its work unfinished, just to dramatize its do- nothingness. There is nothing to prevent the President from keeping his own Congress here, campaign or no campaign, to force it to give him a record he can take to the country with some confidence. The Railroad Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. FORREST C. DONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 12 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr, President, I ask unanimous consent that into the Appen- dix of the Recorp there may go an ex- cerpt from the ticker tape of today, from APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Chicago, the opening portion of which Says: Strike-crippled railroads laid off 141,000 workers today. There being no objection, the excerpt ‘was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Cricaco.—Strike-crippled railroads laid off 141,000 workers today and spokesmen said they expected the number of idle employees to mount to 2,000,000 by the end of the week, Industries in the areas affected by the fire- men’s strike also began mass layofis. At Detroit, meanwhile, reports persisted that the New York Central planned to halt all operations for tle duration of the strike, put a company official denied such plans. The New York Central furloughed 40,000 employees and warned that another 10,000 might be out of work by Saturday. The Pennsylvania Railroad laid off 85,000 and the Southern Railroad, 16,000. The Santa Fe closed all of its shops, but did not announce the number of workers idled. The strike by 18,000 members of the Brotherhood of Railroad Firemen and En-~ ginemen went into its third day. The National Railway Mediation Board is still in Chicago, hoping that negotiations might be renewed to bring about a settle- ment. However, a railroad official said manage~ ment negotiators would refuse to consider the union’s modified demand for an addi-~ tional man only on fast through trains be~ cause they regard it as a strategic move to “get a foot in the door’ on the original demand. Order of the Sisters of St. Anne EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. FOSTER FURCOLO OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 15, 1950 Mr. FURCOLO. Mr. Speaker, I have just been informed of a centennial cele- bration held in my district which I know will be of interest to the Members. The Sisters of St. Anne celebrated the one hundredth anniversary of the founding of their order with appropriate cere- monies, including a solemn high mass of thanksgiving at the Notre Dame Church, Easthampton, Mass., and, in view of the outstanding history of the order, I am proud to call it to the attention of the Members today. The 75 nuns who are presently mem- bers of the Order of the Sisters of St. Anne, their guests and the residents of the area had a great deal to celebrate. This Order is composed mainly of teach- ers at the Notre Dame School in East- hampton, Mass., and, in the history of the school have taught many hundreds of residents of my district who have gone out into the world with this excellent educational background and have ac- credited themselves well in the Ameri- can way. All of us in western Massachu- setts are extremely proud of the devotion to duty of the members of the order and recognize their outstanding contri- bution to our area. They have dedicated their lives to helping others and the re- sults of their efforts are ever present in the town of Easthampton and western
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Massachusetts in the outstanding citi- zenry of their former students. Therefore, it is a great pleasure for me to have this opportunity to make this known to my colleagues and I know all of you will join with me in congratulating the Sisters of St. Anne and wishing them every future success in their work. James V. (for Victory) Buckley EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BARRATT O’HARA OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mr. O’HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speak- er, I am sure that on Monday, May 15, my colleagues on both sides of the aisle would wish to join with me in ex- tending hearty good wishes and con- gratulations to the distinguished gentle- man from Illinois |[Mr. Buckiry], on the occasion of the fifty-eighth anniversary of his birth. The Honorable James V. BucKLry rep- resents the fourth district of Illinois, be- ginning his service to the people of Chi- cago and nearby suburban areas with the Eighty~first Congress. He is known to many admiring constituents as JamMEs vV.—tfor Victory—BUcKLEY. ; A happy circumstance of the day will be the presence of Mr. Buckiey in Chi- cago at the Jefferson Jubilee to join in the city’s welcome to the President of the United States. President Truman celebrated his sixty-sixth anniversary on May 11, honoring which occasion Mr. Bucktey sent the following message: The Honorable Harry S. TRUMAN, President of the United States, White House: Mr. President, congratulations on this an- niversary of your birth. May future years promise abundant harvest as those passed have yielded the fruits of your good works, your great contributions to our Nation and our people as its President, counselor, and leader. In these days of reclamation of hu- manity from strife, prejudice, and misunder- standing you have demonstrated high pur- pose and worthy ideals in the service of your fellowman. May long life, happiness, strength, and wisdom to carry on be yours for all the years to come. May I add my sincere wishes that if you choose to run in 1952, victory will be yours by an overwhelming majority. JamEs V. BUCKLEY, Congressman, Fourth Illinois District. Today, on the eve of his own birth- day, our colleague from Illinois received this inspiring reply: Tue Wuite House, ABOARD THE PRESIDENT’s TRAIN, Washington, D. C., May 11, 1950. Honorable JaMEs V. BUCKLEY, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Dear ConGRESsSMAN Buckeyr: I cannot tell you how much I appreciate your message felicitating me on my birthday. Such gen- erous words of commendation and good wishes have touched me deeply. My thanks for your confidence in my lead- ership, and Kindest regards. Very sincerely yours, Harry TRUMAN. XCVI—App.——227 And now may I give, Mr. Speaker and my colleagues, a brief sketch of the back- ground of our coworker from Mlinois. The Honorable James V.—for Victory— BuckKLEy was born and reared on a farm in Saginaw County, Mich., the fifth of a family of ll children. He attended pub- lic schools in his home area. He began his business career in the automobile in- dustry. Then, for more than 20 years, he was a builder, engaged in the con- struction of thousands of homes in the Calumet region of Cook County, Ii. following which, during the war, with materials at a priority, he went into war- plant production service, becoming pres- ident of local union 714, UAW-CIO. I might add that our colleague was a pio- neer in the field of labor-management relations and that today he continues to enjoy the prestige of leadership in this field. No one can know the Illinois Member without recognizing him as a man of excellent administrative and ex- ecutive ability. I might mention, also, the commenda- ble civic spirit of the gentleman we honor. He is active in school, church, community, and State affairs, and gives generously of himself and his talents in service to his people and his Nation. We wish our distinguished friend a very happy birthday with many fruitful and prosperous years to come. May the V in his name always portend the victory ahead for the reign of human under-~ standing, under wise and constructive laws in the interest of all the people, to which he has devoted a lifetime of service. What We Must Do To Stay Free EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, last month it was my pleasure and privilege to address the annual membership meet- ing of the Executive-Foreman’s Club of Elizabeth, N. J. I have been provided with a stenographic report of this ad- dress, together with a transcript of the questions and answers which followed it, and I ask leave of the Senate to insert this entire.transcript in the Appendix of the Recorp, since many of those who were present have written to me asking whether it would be possible to secure copies of what was said. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: WHat We Must Do To Stay Fret Mr. Stevens (president, presiding). I am glad for this opportunity as I feel we really owe a debt of gratitude to one of the men at the head table this evening, a man who is to introduce our speaker and who has been a real friend of this club although he does not live in Elizabeth, but whenever we want @ top-ranking man we call George String- fellow, vice president and division manager of the Thomas A. Edison Co. in charge of the A3597 storage battery division over in West Orange, and George will say to me, “Emery, he will be there,” and he has never failed us yet. I think it is only fair that I should say just @ word about Mr. Stringfellow himself. He is not going to be the speaker, and I sup- pose when I get through with this four-page or six-page document, whatever it is, you will think I was introducing the speaker. Iam not. He is going to do that, but I think it is only fair to him that you should know something about him and what he has done for our club. I told you that he is division manager and vice president of the Thomas A. Edison Co. in West Orange. He is a director of the Mine Safety Appliances Co. of Pittsburgh, a mem-~ ber of the board of directors of the Mining Congress. I could go on with this because there are over a hundred things on here. I cannot read them all. He is a member of the Ameri- can Iron and Steel Institute and the Ameri- can Institute of Mining and Metallurgical Engineers. I think one of the greatest achievements— it just happened not very long ago and I was very much interested in reading it in the newspapers—he was made an honorary member of the New Jersey Medical Society. He is not a medical man. He is one of the three laymen in 184 years who has been made a member of the American Medical Asso- ciation—and that is no mean honor. Let me skip over the Taxpayers’ Associa- tion and a few other things. He is a mem- ber of the board of managers of the New Jersey Home for Disabled Soldiers at Menlo Park and the Edisons Pioneers and the Old Timers. He is the chairman of the board of trus- tees of Ithaca College, Ithaca, N. Y. He has received an honorary degree of doctor of fine arts from Ithaca and received an honorary degree of doctor of laws from the South Jer- sey Law School. Some of you will be interested to know that he served two terms as potentate of Salaam Temple. He is a member of the Imperial Divan of the Shrine of North America. I think he has 5 years to go and he is going to be upstairs. He is a member of the board of directors and vice chairman of the executive commit- tee of the American Cancer Society, and I could mention other things in connection with the American Cancer Society. I men- tion that to show you that he is a very busy man and does take time out to cooperate with our club, even to the point of giving up part of his afternoon and evening to come down here to be with us tonight. Tam very happy to present to you “Doctor” George Stringfellow, who will present the Senator. [Applause.] Mr. STRINGFELLOW. Mr. President, distin- guished guests, Senator MuNpT, and my good friend Emery Stevens, proof that he is a friend of mine is the commercial he gave me. [Laughter.] I think the greatest deficit in the world today is not money but intellectual integrity, and I know of no man in all the world who is more richly endowed with this precious ingredient than Emery Stevens. [Applause.] It was Aristotle, that great lover of democ- racy, who, in his wisdom, once said, ‘The greatest compliment one can pay another is to say that he is a good citizen.” I think Emery Stevens is a good citizen. Of course, I am delighted to present to you your speaker tonight, but when I bring you a speaker I usually bring a picket line, and I can think of no greater endorsement. [Laughter.] Last year, you recall, I brought Bos Tart, and we waded right through the picket line. Tonight as I brought Senator Munopr through the picket line, or vice versa, one of the pro- fessional pickets said, “There goes String- fellow.” [Laughter.]