APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ated into the adult-hardened criminals of today. As usual, Mr. Hoover’s language is re- strained. He states the facts, and says: “The gradual break-down of the American home is beginning to be reflected in the national behavior pattern and is a real cause for alarm.” To put that statement in simpler terms, parents have become so absorbed in other problems that they have let their children run wild. Now that the war is over there has been some improvement, but it is not nearly enough. As an example of this, arrests of girls under 21 years of ege last year declined by one- third from 1945. This would be encoureg- ing if it were not for the fact that the figure is still 40 percent higher than !t was in pre- war years. Furthermore, the percentages do not con- vey the full shock of the facts of juvenile delinquency. Even though the figure dropped, more than 108,000 teen-age boys and girls were arrested last year. All of these facts would be more palatable if there was concrete evidence that a full- acale offensive was being launched eg:inst juvenile crime. Despite the headlines, how- ever, the United States as a whole still secms to regard the problem with apathy. Mr. Hoover puts his finger on the major sore spot. It is the lack of persons cde- quately trained to deal with crime. He does not limit his criticism, of course, to agencies handling juvenile delinquency, but extends it to departments treating crime in all its phases. The FBI Director has always been a strong advocate of specialists on the police forces of America. He believes that crime is not a simple thing which can be solved by a few simple answers. It is a complicated prob- lem that demands the attention of experts. This is especially true of teen-age crime. Practically every city has a separnte dejart- ment to handle juvenile delinquents. How- ever, it takes very little investigation to find out thet they are usually understaffed, un- derpaid, and overworked. As Mr. Hoover points out, we are going to have to take drastic action to remedy these things. If we ignore this report, we are going to wake up some morning and find that we have negiected a cancer that has grown to a point where it can destroy our country. Gordon Clapp Surveys TVA’s Future EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, the old maxim of “by their works ye shall know them” is an apt one, and especially true in the case of Gordon Clapp, whose confirmation as TVA Chairman is before the Senate. By all standards Mr. Clapp’s record in TVA is a capable and impressive one. Mr, Speaker, with leave to extend my remarks, I include an article by Mr. Clapp entitled ‘‘The Ten- nessee Valley Faces the Future.” His words, like his deeds, speak for them- selves. It follows: Continuing to help the Tennessee Valley communities appraise and use their re- sources in the most prudent and dynamic way possible will be the aim of the Tennessee Valley Authority in the future, as it has been in the past. TVA’s plans for the future are drawn from the knowledge and experience gleaned in the past from research, experi- ments, demonstrations, and a close-working partnership with the institutions and agen- cies of the Otate and local governments of the region and with citizen groups active in business, industry, labor, anid agricultural enterprises. In the past 13 years TVA has established the tools with which the Tennessee Velley will fashion its economic security. The dams (most of them) have been built to harness the region’s abuncant rainfall in a far-flung river system for power, navigation, and floor control. In the rehabilitated and modcrnizcd chemical plants left from World War I Ingh analysis fertilicers have been developed to conserve and revitalize the soil and thereby make possible a fundamental change from a onc-crop aystcm to Civer:ified farming suited to the long g-owing scaton with which the region is blessed. T:mbrr owners are entering an expanding prcg:am that will reduce the drain on the vailcy’s forests and place them on a self-curtain ng b2s’s. Mincral deposits are being inven- toried and developed by privaie indu-try encouraged in several imsiances by ncw cr revised technical processes develcped by the TVA and the cooperaving research and leb- orztov’y facilities of the States end their uni- vercities. River traffic will continue to grow. Huge shipmente of petroleum products are now traversing the entire length of the river for th first time, Automobiles, grains, and other bulk cargoes are moving in substantial quantities and esiablishing new economic and commercial ties between the great in- terior remions of the country ane the Ten- nescee Valley. Intensified protection, restoration, and de- velopment of the forests, the lancs, and the minerals aided by the water powe> now av ail- ab!e from the TVA system at low rates over an erea of 80,000 square miles offer splendid opportunities to establish a diversified end strong economy. The p-ople of the Tcu- nessee Valley know this and are at work in hurdreds of communities to m¢intain the faster pace of development which was well begun before the war. In rural elecirification, for examp'e, the cocperatives ard municipalities aistributing TVA elcctr:city are expanding and extending their systems to thousands of new rurcl customers. Present plans cell for 35,000 miles of new lines and initial service to 150.- 000 new customers. Within 5 yerrs it ts ex- pected that a total of pbout 275,000 farms will be served, or neerly 20 times as many ss in 1938. What this means for divers:fied de- velopment on the land and in the small com- munities of the valtey is clear—the energy of a fully controlled river is reaching out to the people and the resources of the soil. The peorle have a new tool with which to fashion a stronger economy flavored with less drudgery and more satisfying daily living. The communities are learning by the ex- amples among them and aided by research and demonstrations that they will prosper if they take the'r natural resources into ac- count and build them into properly related agricultural and industrial enterprise. There is growing recognition of the view that the best industries for the community will be the outgrowth and logical result of the best use of the land for production of food and fiber suitable for processing into finished products; that industries must be as diverse as the land uses upon which they will depend. Cotton fields converted to pas- ture through phosphate and lime lead to livestock—beef and milk—cheese factories, cold-storage and freezer plants; and many other developments follow. Valley minerals, diverse in kind, are found in relatively small deposits, but they are being developed and are supplying expanded and new industries and manufacturing operations, It is TVA's job, working with established agencies such as State and local planning Al031 units, universities and colleges, research staffs, civic bodies, and others, to heip the people see the region and its resources as a whole and indentify specific opportunities for development to be exploited prudently by the people themsclves. These cooperative srrungements which TVA has nurtured aud stimulatcd will be inien- sified in the years ahead. The common pur- pose cf the Valley—strength and cconomic advance through wire use of its native re- sourcer—will continue to unite groups and skills of all kinds in achiewng greater human benefit from the applications of scler.ce, engineering, and democratic princinics of eaministration and education. Emphasis upon this goal and these methods is TVA’s mejor task. In 1933 the average per capita income in the Tennessee Valley was 40 percent cf the national average. In 1939 it was 44 percent. At the close of the war ft is 58 percent. The Valley is moving to clcse the disparity and to teke its full place among the regions of the United States as a region of economic lead-rship; as an exemple of greater freedom thrsugh voluntary planning; as a demonstra- tion of methods by which the diversity of physical recources and the diversity of hu- man talents and atpirations can be brought. together by free choice for more widespread buman bencfits. The Tennessee Valley does not undcres- timate the immensity of its future task. But the TVA has been assured that its methods serve the needs and elhance the dignity of the people and that it is moving toward constently expanded goals of their cwn choosing, and with a workable hope, Hard work. intelligent foresight. and continued reliance upon the good judgment and cour- age of an informed public supnert wil keep the TVA elive to its responsibilities end alert to its cpportunities to serve a wider and wider public intcrest. Izvestia Editorial Text on Truman G-eece and Turkey Plan EXTENSION OF REMS‘RKS oF HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Spcaker under leave to extend my rema'ks in the Rrconrp, I wish to include the Izvestia editorial text as it appeared in the Washington Post: IZVESTIA EDITORIAL TEXT ON TRUMAN CRELCE, TURICEY PLAN On March 12 the United States President Truman addressed a message to Congress in which he asked that @400,000,000 be css.gned for giving urgent aid to Greece and Tu:key, and asking for permission to send to thece countries American civilian and military per- sonnel as well as the securing of the trainirg and instruction of specially picked Greek and Turkish personnel by American personnel. Giving the grounds for his proposal, Tru- man stated that Greece was in a desperste economic and political situation. Britcin was no longer able to act as trustee for the Greeks. Truman added that Britain is faced with the necessity of reducing or eliminating her obligations in several parts of the world, including Greece. Turkey, in her turn, requested specdy American aid. True, Turkey, differing from Greece, did not suffer from the Second Werld War, but she needs the financial aid of Britain and the United States of America, said Truman, to carry out that modernizat.on
A1062 which }s necessary for the maintenance of her national entity. And insofar as the British Government, as & result of its own difficulties, in the given case has not the capacity for offering finan- cial or other aid to the Turks, then this aid, in Truman's opinion, must be furnished by the United States. Thus it is proposed to the American Con- gress that it sanction two good deeds at once: to save Greece from internal disorders and pay for the cost of modernizing Turkey, upon which allegedly even her further exist- ence depends. There can be no doubt that the request of the Tsaldaris government to the United States of America with a tearful prayer for help is clear evidence of the bankruptcy of that internal-political regime which has unexpectedly received a flattering evaluation in the President’s message to Congress. But the matter not only, and not so much, lies in the venal Greek monarchists and their allies, who have been pleasantly presented to American Congressmen as direct descend- ants of the defender of Thermopylae, the legendary King Leonidas. It is well known that the real rulers of Greece up until now have been and are still the British military authorities. British troops found themselves on Greek territory from 1944. On Churchill's initia- tive, Britain took upon herself the respon- sibility for stabilizing political conditions in Greece. The British authorities have not only helped to maintain at the helm re- actionary, antidemocratic forces in Greece and demonstrated extreme unscrupulousness in the matter, supporting people who ac- tively and consciously collaborated with the Germans, but also all the political and eco- nomic activities of the short-lived Greek governments, made up of the most varied combinations, have been carried on up to the present time under vigilant British con- trol and administration. Today the result of this policy confronts one—complete bankruptcy. British troops did not bring tortured Greece the peace and quiet she so thoroughly deserved. The Greek people found itself thrust onto a path of fresh suffering, hunger, and poverty. Civil war is not dying down, but is taking on ever fiercer forms. But has not the presence of foreign troops on Greek territory aided such a sad state of affairs? Does not Britain, who proclaimed herself Greece's guardian, bear responsibility for the bankruptcy of the country of her trusteeship? The American President's message by- passes these perfectly natural questions. The reasons for such delicacy are fully under- standable. The United States does not wish to criticize the British practice since they themselves intend following the British ex- ample. No wonder the London Times warmly greets Truman's statement while the Daily Tele- graph notes that his speech fully justifies British policy in Greece. From Truman's statement it may be under- stocd that the United States does not in- tend altering the course of the British policy being carried out in Greece. In this case also, then, one cannot expect better results. The American Government has not the least intention of acting in the Greek ques- tion as one might have expected of a mem- ber of the United Nations Organization wor- ried about the fate of another of the lat- ter’s members. It is obvious that in Wash- ington they do not wish to take into ac- count the obligations accepted by the Gov- ernment of the United States of America re- garding the UNO. Displaying singular nervousness, Truman did not even consider it necessary to await the results of the work of the Security Coun- cil Commission specially sent to Greece to clarify the situation on the spot. In vain did the American President remem- ber that the United States had taken upon herself a leading role in the creation of the United Nations Organization. In any case there was no point in remembering this and expressing at the same time one’s desire to act over the head of the UNO, not taking into account the existence of an international organization and forgetting that a perma- nent international organ sits continuously in New York—the Security Council. Truman did not take into account either the international organization or the sover- eignty of Greece. In fact, what will re- main of Greek sovereignty after American military and civilian personnel have sat on the heads of the Greek leaders and when that personnel begins administering in Greece with the aid of two hundred and fifty American dollars brought into that country? The sovereignty and independence of Greece will be the first to suffer as a result of such singular defense. The Greek people, which waged an heroic struggle for its inde- pendence and liberty, do not deserve such treatment. If this is what the Messrs. Tsaldaris were after, then so much the worse for the Tsal- darises who have brought Greece to such a pass. The long-suffering Greek people face the prospect of having one “master,” Britain, re- placed by another “master,’’ the United States. Whatever pretexts are used to vindicate American claims to American domination in Greece, these claims cannot be justified by a defense of the freedom and independence of the Greek people. The American arguments for rendering as- sistance to Turkey are based upon a threat to the integrity of Turkish territory, though no one and nothing threatens Turkey's in- tegrity. American “assistance” to Turkey is obviously aimed at putting this country also under the United States’ control, after which one would not be able to speak of the inde- pendence of Turkish home and foreign pol- icy, since this policy would be directly con- trolled by American imperialism. Certain American commentators admit this quite openly. Walter Lippmann, for exam- ple, frankly points out in the New York Her- ald Tribune that an American alliance with Turkey would give the United States a stra- tegic position, incomparably more advanta- geous than any other, from which power could be wielded over the Middle East. Commenting on Truman’s message to Con- gress, the New York Times, in high-sounding words, proclaims the advent of ‘“‘the age of American responsibility.” The question is, however, what is such moncpolistic ‘“Ameri- can responsibility” but a smoke screen for plans of expansion? Dilations to the effect that the United States “is called upon to save” Greece and Turkey from expansion on the part of the so-called totalitarian states are not new. Hitler also referred to the Bol- sheviks when he wanted to open the road to conquests for himself. Now they try to take Greece and Turkey under their control and, by raising a din about “totalitarian states,” attempt to dis- guise their plans of expansion. This seems the more attractive in that, while elbowing themselves in, the United States is pushing nontotalitarian Great Brit- ain out of yet another state or two. Truman's declaration could not but attract the attention of broad public opinion both within and without the United States. One cannot say that it did not meet serious crit{- cism, even ir circles of the United States Congress. A group of 18 American Congressmen tried to dissuade Truman from making his statement. Democratic Senator TaYLor stated that they received with disgust the proposal to vote for the giving of financial aid to the monarchist government which APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD was persecuting those who fought against Naziism. Democrat Senator JOHNSON repeated the same thought, that he approved aid in food- stuffs without political aims with all his heart, but that the President had not made @ distinction between foodstuffs and bullets which was the reason for his, JOHNSON’s, disillusionment. Senator JOHNSON said he did not approve the sending of American vuilitary personnel to Greece and Turkey, even as advisers. Military aid to Turkey and Greece could lead to military interfer- ence in other parts of the world. He was ready to give millions to aid hungry people but not a single cent to help decayed mon- archies. Democrat Senator Perpsr stated that the recommendations made by Truman, put for- ward completely without consultation with the United Nations, created a threat for United Nations, and would place upon the United States unknown obligations. Also characteristic is the comment of the chairman of the Budget Committee of the House of Representatives, Republican KNutT- SON, who said that supporters of Truman’s program apparently would not be satisfied until the United States was bankrupt. Henry Wallace and several other leading American figures came out with a sharply negative response to Truman’s message. We witness a fresh intrusion of the United States of America into the affairs of other states. The United States of America claims to leadership j1 international affairs grow parallel with the growing appetite of the American quarters concerned. However, the American leaders, acting in the new historical circumstances, fail to reckon with the fact that the old methods of the colonizers and diehard politicians have outiived their time and are doomed to fail- ure. In this lies the chief weakness of Tru- man’s message. Do Not Ask Too Much EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA e IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. GAVIN: Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Oil City (Pa.) Derrick of March 12, 1947: DO NOT ASK TOO MUCH Five years of war and 15 years of the New Daal have done so much to upset the United States that a Republican Congress cannot be blamed for not correcting everything in a few months. Congress must feel its way and explore every angle before it is sure it is doing the best that can be done. Last week Senator Hznry Casor Lonce, of Massachusetts, delivered an address in which he urged early congressional action to re- build the Government from top to bottom. He found gross inefficiency and confusion in the present structure. He dwelt on the al- most total ignorance now prevailing as to the Government's real problems of organization, personne! recruitment, coordination and ad- ministration. He wants to see a special com- mission set up to ascertain all the facts and propose a complete overhauling of the Gov- ernment in structure and detail. ‘This does not mean any change in the fun- damental arrangement of our Government, but it would make a deep study of the various spending organizations, of the men who di- rect them, and whether or not they operate for public or private benefit. .
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Let us take all the labor questions which have arisen. There will be some amendment of the Wagner Act to give employers the right of free speech and to ask elections. To our way of thinking !t would be better to repeal the act. Capital and labor can bar- gain without it. There will probably be a ban on jurisdic- tional and sympathy strikes and a limit on secondary boycotts. Government will prob- ably be given the power to use the injunction in strikes affecting the public welfare. Unions will be required to register and pub- lish their finances, and a secret strike vote will be ordered of all workers not just a majority of those voting. We doubt if there will be any ban on the closed shop or on industry-wide bargaining unions. We think there should. An indus- try-wide strike could inflict national dis- aster. What one employer could afford to Pay, another could not. Many union work- ers dislike the closed shop. This means do Or pay what the union says or be deprived of the means of earning a livelihood. The Norris-LaGuardia Act should be re- pealed. Something should be done about Picketing, but this is probably a matter for each State to handle. Labor has the right to organize. It has the right to strike. But 1t does not have the right to ruin the em- ployer’s business or industry. Congress will have difficulty cutting the budget because it does not know enough about the business of the Government. Sen- ator Tarr has raised his figure from four and one-half billions to five billions. Beards- ley Ruml, an expert on tax matters, stated Sunday that a tax reduction of eight billions was feasible, but he proposed that part of this revenue be used for foreign loans and grants beneficial to the American economy. So there you are. The Government ought to be revamped. We should know where all the money is going. An annual figure shou:d be set up for cutting the public debt. The juterest charge on this alone runs over five billions a year. It would take 86 years to wipe out the debt even if it were done at the rate of three billions a year. Another matter which needs thorough in- vestigation is the subsidy system. There is a wide demand for its abolition. This would amount to a saving of about three and one- half billions a year. To ask this Republican Congress to imme- diately correct all the abuses which have crept into this Government during the past 15 years is to ask too much. Congress wants to be sure it is on the right track. Tax Reduction EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. H. CARL ANDERSEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. H. CARL ANDERSEN. Mr. Speaker, Mr. L. F. Reid, of the Renville Star-Farmer of Renville, Minn., affords much food for thought and it is well worth the time of the Members of Con- gress to study his letter and editorial, hereafter quoted: Renvinie STar-FARMER, Renville, Minn., March 1, 1947. Hon. H. Car, ANDERSEN, Washington, D. C. Deaz MR. ANDERSEN: There has been a lot of talk, in and out of Congress, relating to cutting income taxes 20 percent across the board, at the same time taking four to six billion dollars from the budget in order to make a payment on the national debt. Both tax reducing and debt paying are commendable objects. Both have been long considered as desirable by many thrifty peo- ple. In my estimation, however, there are one or two vital necessities that should be taken care of before cutting the rich man's taxes and start reducing the debt. The first thing this Nation needs. and must have, is a sound system of national defense. I would say this should include a universal service training program. After defense is taken care of I believe a lot of consideration should be given to the Plight of many of the young peopic who won the war and literally saved the civilized world from disaster, I refer to the service men and women, thousands of whom, after going throuzh somcthing worse than any hell con- ceived by the human race, now have no placc to rest their heads. I deem it a shame that a great, rich Nation, able and willing to feed the starving millions in other lands, which could pour out close to @200,000,000.000 to win the war, and which, since the fighting stopped, has loaned many other billions to other nations, cannot provide adequate liv- ing quarters for the men and women who fought the good fight on many a foreign battlefield. We said in words then that when and if they returned nothing would be too good for those boys and girls. What about now? There are, you know, authenti- cated cases where GI families live in such close quarters that there is not even a chance for the common decencies. One writer, who has investigated and should know, states that there are over 200,000 such cases or worse in the city of New York alone. To correct this manifest injustice I wou!d say that the Government, instead of cutting taxes and paying off on the debt at this time, ought to build adequate housing and sell to the veterans at a low rate of interest, with payments on the principal the same as rent. Either that or see to it that the men without homes can borrow the money on the terms as stated in order to build homes for their families. After these necessary matters have been taken care of I believe it would be then jus- tifiable to cut taxes, at least in the lower brackets, as well as to start paying off the national debt—but not before. Sincerely yours, ” L. F. Rem, Editor. [From the Renville (Minn.) Star-Farmer] HOUSING VETERANS There is a proposal in Congress to cut the national budget by 86,000,000,000, pay about four and a half billions on the national debt, at the seme time slicing income taxes 20 per- cent across the board. Cutting the national budget by the above amount of money, according to some author- ities, means lopping $2,500,090,000 from de- fense funds. In the meantime, thousands of war veterans have no adequate housing and hospital facilities are not what they should be. I would suggest, before any such a radical move is made as cutting the budget by six billions or reducing income taxes 20 per- cent across the board, that certain things be done. First of all, enough money should be allo- cated to the armed forces, to not only keep our armies in Germany and Japan but to provide adequate defense for this Nation. After that I believe Congress should appoint a committee to investigate the housing situ- ation. If they find the need to be as great os reported in the press, I suggest that this great Nation, which rightfully went overboard and spent over a hundred and fifty billion dollars for war, could now spend five or six billion dollars to provide decent housing, as well as A1063 hospital facilities, for the men and women who made victory possible and sacrificed so much in so doing. I deem it a shame for a nation as potentially rich as America, whose Government lavishly lends and gives away billions of dollars to other nations, to allow a condition to exist whereby the families of many men who went through the hell of war to have to live in a tent or with five or six other people in a three-room apartment. After proper investigation I believe Con- gress should allocate as much money as nec- essary for the building of proper housing for returned veterans. This money should be handied locally by the banks, that any vet- eran who will work and has a decent record, should be allowed to borrow the money to build on a low rate of interest and with pay- ments the same aos rent. The Government would get most of the money back with in- terest. If it would be more practical the Government could have the houses and apartments built and sell them to the veter- ang on the same terms as above. As to cutting income taxes 20 percent across the board, I do not believe we can af- ford to cut the taxes of the rich, at the same time weaken our national defense and let vet- erans want for houses and hospital facilities. The Birth Month of Luther Burbank EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN PHILLIPS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. PHILLIPS of California. Mr. Speaker, March is the birth month of one of the truly great men of America, Luther Burbank. He was born 98 years ago, on March 7, 1849, in Lancaster, Mass. He spent the latter years of his life, and the most productive years, in California. His fame, however, belongs not alone to Massachusetts nor to California, it be- longs to the world. It is only necessary to mention the name, Luther Burbank, and everyone knows at once who he wus and what he did. He was a genius with plants and plant life. It was not a characteristic he ac- quired, nor something he Icarned in the schools; he was born with it. He had a love of plants and flowers, sim‘lar to the love of animals which cther children had and have. He would cry, as a child, when the leaves fell from the trecs. Limited means gave him little oppor- tunity for education, and kept h'm work- ing early and late, to add to the family income. He began his market gardening and seed-raising exveriences in New Enc- land, and it was there he produced the potato which bears his name and which, it is estimated, has added at least $20,- 000,009 to the wealth of agricultural America. It is an interesting side light that Burbank himself received a total money benefit of $150 from the discovery of the potato. That is the price he re- ceived for the seeds he sold to a local seedsman. For reasons of health, Luther Burbank moved to California in 1875. At first he worked in a local nursery. His name and fame became more and more widely known. He always made friends, one of his outstanding characteristics. Later he
A1064 saved enough money to start a small nur- sery of his own in Santa Rosa, the home of my distinguished colleague the gentle- man from California [Mr. Lea], As an indication of his developing genius, he filled an order for 20,000 young prune trees in 9 months. The customary pe- riod at that time would have been 3 years. The stories of his life and his person- ality are as varied as the stories of his discoveries in plant life. It seems almost as if his work was watched over by provi- dence. In the earthquake of 1906, for example, when neighboring properties were destroyed, his were saved, and more than that, the dirt was pulverized and distributed around the growing plants better than it could have been done by the hand of man. Not a single pane of glass was broken. Five hundred or more negatives, invaluable in the progress of his experiments, representing years of work, were not even scratched, although all the other negatives of the photogra- pher in the same building were destroyed. The Burbank negatives were found in the dacbris unharmed. The whole world pays tribute to Luther Burbank this month. I am particularly pleased that this evening, at 8 o'clock, eastern standard time, the National Broadcasting System will give time to a human interest story of the life of this plant wizard. Lionel Barrymore, another great American, will broadcast the story, The Way To Help Greece EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- ord, I wish to include the following article that appeared in the New Republic, writ- ten by Henry Wallace, entitled “The Way To Help Greece”: THE WAY TO HELP GREECE (By Henry Wallace) The proposed loan to Greece of $250,000,000 or more presents to the American people a problem of the very highest importance. If the British go through with their plan to withdraw their support on March 31, and the United States does not come to the rescue, Greece will sink into even greater starvation and despair than now afflict her. If the loan is made merely as a continuation of British policy, it will mean that the United States 4s underwriting the British Empire. It might easily seem to Russia a continuation of a policy of encirclement that is wholly opposed to the idea of peaceful cooperation, and espe- cially cooperation through the United Na- tions. And it might produce a demand for further, and indeed almost endless, commit- ments not only in Greece but in many other countries as well, As Secretary of Commerce, I did all I could to get a loan for Greece last August. The State Department, the Export-Import Bank and the Treasury did not believe in the loan for Greece at that time. They took into ac- count political considerations, and no doubt they were correct in their hesitancy. I know my own feeling was that the Greek people were in trouble and could be helped by self- liquidating projects which would raise their standard of living. Iam convinced that the United States Gov- ernment would be making a serious mistake to lend any money whatsoever to Greece sim- ply for the chief purpose of maintaining British rule there. Nor should we lend money to Greece to maintain her present government on the theory that if it falls, the Communists will take over. Ordinarily I am against political loans of all kinds. But the misery in Greece is so great that aid to her people is the first concern. The United States must help. It must help the Greck people because they were among the first and the bravest in a fight which was also ours. The United States must give funds to Greece for food and other economic needs. But our obligation goes much further than the mere giving of money. There is the further responsibility of seeing to it that the money we give is spent on the things for which we give it. For these purposes and for the purposes of democracy and peace there are several prerequisites. The terrorism of the present Greek Gov- ernment has been worse than that of Argen- tina, It has been so repressive that a new and broader government is a first condition of the loan. Secretary Marshall hinted at the need for this in his statement of February 14. He wants Greek to do exactly what he asked China to do. He wants the pecple to ‘be represented in the government and he wants governmental oppression to cease. As a prerequisite to the loan, amnesty shculd be granted to all political opponents, and the different parties, including the EAM, should be represented in a ccalition cabinet in proportion to their size. Acccrd- ing to the best information available, the EAM does not represent more than 35 per- cent of the total population, and less than 20 percent of its membership is Communist. They are Communists largely because of ex- treme misery and have little ideclcgical knowledge of what communism is. Never- theless, if there is to be real peace in the Balkans, the FAM must have fair repre- scntation in the cabinet. The coalition cabi- net should be continued until misery, hatred, and tension have lessened sufficiently to permit a free election and the return to party government. Another sensible prerequisite to a loan to Greece was suggested to me last August by one of the people connected with th2 Ex- port-Import Bank. This had to do with the Greek system of taxation, which at precent discriminates against the poor in favor cf the wealthy. It is part of the general mal- administration by the present regime. The United States should not be expected to loan money to a government which has not done an efficient job of cleaning itself up, The loopholes for graft, including the possibility of speculation in foreign exchange and the export of capital, should be stopped. Finally, I don't think we ought to make a loan to Greece unless we know the proceeds will be spent as part of an over-all program of rehabilitation and reconstruction, This means technical aid, economic guidance, and laying the foundation for a self-supporting and democratic Greece. It means that we must have an economic mission in Greece to watch over the spending of the money; we must, whether we like it or not, give polit- ical and economic guidance to the Greek people. I am sure that the American people, even in their present state of excessive fear of Russia, will never sanction a loan to Greece or any other country for the sake of main- taining a Royalist-manned army designed to oppress people whose crime is that they are ving in utter want and don’t like it and believe that something ought to be done about it. Greece, the mother of modern civilization, is one of the most poverty-stricken countries in all Europe. Smaller than th-> Etate of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Iowa, she has far lees good land than Iowa. Her average farmer produces less than one- tenth as much as the average Iowa farmer. She needs to learn the science of fertilizing, crop rotation, and control of animal disease. She needs modern agricultural machinery. Modern industry cun be started in the cities. Dams could be built to develcp the power possibilities of the rivers. But Greece can- not do this alone. I don’t believe in American imperialism, but as a stop-gap I believe that it is enlight- ened selfishness for the United States to step in now with a well planned, efficiently ad- ministered loan. If there were some prac- tical, efficient way to have the British and the Russians join us in the administration of the loan, I would be for it. But Clearly it would be impossible to put a loan so super- vised through Congress. Theoretically, I would prefer a loan made to Greece by the International Bank for Reconstruction, but the inaction of the bank so far, the confusion arising from its present reorganization, and the conservatism of its leadership all indicate to me that the bank today is incapable of helping the Greek people in their immediate crisis The Greek need is a world need and the Greek prcblem is a world problem. The dis- invegiation and chaos of Greece are a men- ace to the world and therefore the responsi- billty of the United Nations. The welfare of the Greek people demands that we make the loan. The safcty of all peoples demands that we take the initiative in bringing the Greek issue before the United Nations. It is our duty to raise this issue without delay before the Security Council. It is our duty to say: This is not an American prob- lem. We are ready to give our help now in the interest of world peace, but we cannot mect the needs of Greece again and again. This is the UN’s job, and only insofar as we are a member of the UN family is it Amer- ica’s job. The UN must mend the Greek economy. The UN must mend the Greek political machinery. The UN must assure the Greek people of the protection of their liberties. The UN must do what needs to be done to solve the Greek problem within a permanent framework of world security so as to guarantee the welfare of all the peoples of Europe. Very clearly there is considerable danger that American intervention in Greece will lead to further Soviet action in southeastern Europe and to protests before the Security Council by Yugoslavia and other nations. The extent of this danger depends entirely upon the way in which our loan is used. If it is to be a first installment in a series of loans to Turkey and other countries, de- signed to fortify outposts against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, then we may well split the United Nations. When the de- bate on the loan begins, I trust that no state- ments will be made on the floor of Congress inciting fear and hatred of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and justifying this loan in terms of economic and political -war- fare. The entire policy of containing the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics within its borders by propping up reactionary regimes is bound to end in failure, in Germany, China, Japan, Greece, and anywhere else this policy is attempted. At a time of bitter suffering and rapid social change, no amount of American economic aid can prevent world- wide progress toward economic and sccial democracy and the desire to be free of for- eign oppression. To support troops and maintain unrepre- sentative regimes in buffer states would ne- cessitate an unending amount of American money. This expenditure can accomplish no useful purpose. And within 2 or 3 years the American people, paying heavy taxes out of a reduced income, will become utterly dis- gusted with a program which finds a solution only in war. It is not only the bankruptcy of the Greek nation that is at issue. The United States
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD has now become the receiver for its own in- adequate postwar foreign policy.. If a vac- uum now exists in the Mediterranean, it is because there was nothing in the nature of our policy to &l] that vacuum. A vacuum can only be filled by positive and constructive ac- tion. Up to now our policy has been nega- tive and piecemeal. We have been timid when we needed to be bold. , We have been static when we needed to be motile. By supporting corrupt and back- ward-looking regimes in China and Greece, we defaulted on our moral position before the world. But that policy has now been ex- posed as vx cynical failure in attaining even the doubtful end of surrounding the Soviet Union with a system of defensive bu)warks. At this crucial juncture the United States is bulwarked neither in spirit nor in fact. When Secretary Marshall was appointed I wrote him that I hoped he would find a way to rekindle the hope among the peoples of the world that the United States was not resisting change merely to preserve the status quo. This hope can be justified by interven- tion in Greece that is decisive and in behalf of democracy and the principles of the United Nations Charter. We want balance and real peace, based on wholehearted agreement, not @ continuous battle over propaganda and political loans, which will break out first in one country and then in another, until the noise of national economies explodirg will sound like a bunch of firecrackers going off. Radio Address to My Constituents EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE O.’ REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Record, I include the following radio address made by me over Station WNBF on March 15, 1947: Dear friends of the Triple Cities and my congressional district: Last weekend, J] made my first visit home since the new Congress assumed office. It was a most pleasant home- coming and I was welcomed by five large gatherings assembled with vartous objectivcs but most patriotic in complexion. Many people requested me to send them bulletins on gardening and homemaking subjects. I told them to be sure to write and tell me just what they wanted because I have available thousands of these valued booklets with pictures and illustrations on as many different interesting subjects. I also have a few of the brightly colored Flag Books which you will probably like. Let me know right away if you want any of these books. Remember, although duty compels me to return to Washington, you can reach me at all times by writing me there Remember, too, that my heart is al- ways at home as well as in Washington even though you elected me to remain in the Nation's Capital during the session. I could not truly represent you if I felt otherwise. While I was home, I discfssed the subject You will recall that I expressed myself as being strong for lessening tax burdens in the lower income brackets. I believe this is the only fair way. The high costs of food a take all the dollars the man on a ema)! salary can possibly scrape together, I don’t know how he can raise much of it for anything else and still feed the family. The argument was made that any exemp- tions of low tncomes from taxes this year would cause the Treasury considerable loss in revenue. To the contrary, I believe that money taken last year for taxes from the man with little income, if used this year to purchase necessities of Hfe, will produce ad- ditional taxes, at the same time tncrease the purchasing power of our entire society. As I previously stated, I feel that a 20- percent reduction in the upper brackets is all right. But we must let the little fellow live also. We must put more moncy in his hands so he cen buy commodities that our industries manufacture. Otherwise, what will become of free enterprise? For mz part, I am concerned with any receasion here in America at this time. We need prosperity now. Our factories ought to be turning out peacetime goods as fest as they turmed out weapons of war 5 years ago. Our workers ought to be able to com- mand as much purchasing power today es they did in the war years. If we were as bent upon winning the peace as we were winning the recent war, there would be no problem of high living costs, of lowering wages, of unemployment, of need. These would not be problems because every- body would be earning enough money by helping produce new cars, new radi0s, new houschold conveniences, new homes, and al other things needed for prosperity at a much fasier rate than we see them doing now. Let the small wege earner have more money to spend, increase the value of the consumer's dollar, expand the production line to create more jobs, and you will find the answer. The greater the production of the goods of peace, the surer the peace, the busier and heppier the people, and the greater the era of prosperity for America and through the whole world. We must strive, we must work, for such a goal. Limitation of Presi¢>-t'al Tenure EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, on March 2, I participated in a public-forum discus- sion over radio station WGN, Chicago, Tll., with Congressman JOHN W. GWYNNE, of Iowa. I am herewith incorporating as part of the discussion, my opening remarks on the negative side of the question “Should the States Ratify the Amendment To Limit the President to Two Terms?”: On February 6 of this year the National House of Representatives passed a resolution to amend our Constitution. The Constitu- tion of the United States is the greatest document for free government in the history of the world. Any proposal to amend it is of vital interest to every American citizen. Our people should give solemn thought and long deliberation to any legislation calling for change in the charter which is the guar- antee of our liberty. This amendment, if adopted, will restrict future generations from reelecting a Presi- dent who has already served two terms. It will impose upon Americans yet unborn the mandate to change their Commander in Ohief regardiess of whatever crisis may con- front the Nation at some future time. A1035 Our forefathers, during the long debate in forming our Constitution, wisely avotded limiting the Presidency to two terms. Dur- ing the last 160 years, over 4,500 attempts have been made to amend our Constitution. Two hundred and ten of those proposals were to affect tenure of the office of the President of the United States; so the present Congrers is not attempting anything new or unusual. As the American people, or past Congresses, have alrerdy spoken 2H) times against amending or limiting the President's ten- ure of office, I am confident that this pro- posal will meet the same fate. It is a remarkable fact that the first piece of important legislation to come before the Eightieth Congress was this constitutional amendment. Could it be that the Repub- lican Jeadership, who now control Congress, allowed politics to overshadow their good judgment when legislation involving domes- tic economy and international peace is 50 urgent ritht now? Could it be that the Re- publican netional lenders are still disap- pointed and agitated over the fact thet the American people saw fit to reelect Franklin D. Roosevelt in the world war emergency of 1940 and 1944? The sovereign people spoke vcry emphatica'ly and unmistakenly for thcir choice of leadership in those trying limes. I believe that every veteren of World War II and their loved ones who were et home are thankful that there was not any constitutional prohibition against our late war Commander in Chicf to continue his great service to the world and to the Nation. I, for one, maintain that had Hitler, Musso- lini, and Hirohito not been on a campaign of world conquest, Franklin D. Roosevelt would not have been a candidate for a third term. The Republican politicicns in 1940 used the antithird-term tradition as the No. 1 plank in their platform. At that very hour the dictators in Europe and the For East were on their world rampage. The American people in solemn referendum went to the Polls and by a majority of 5,000,000 rejected the antithird-term theory of the Republican platform. In 1944, at our darkest hour, when world liberty was hanging in the balance, the American reople again went to the polls and by a majority of almost 4,000,000 aeked that cur war commander-in-chief continue to lead the fight, even if it broke a fourth term tradition. That, my friends, is democracy in action. That is an example of a free pecple exercising their right of franchice. Let me quote the words of the father of our country, President Gcorge Wrshington, taken from his letter to General Lafzyette, commenting on this very subject: “I can see no propriety in precluding ourselves from the service of any man who in some freat emer- gency shall be deemed univerrally mest capable of serving the public.” Cculd it be that the hand of dzstiny prompted this statement from our first commander-in- chtef and president with the thoueht in mind of the world conflagration in 1940 and 1944? I join with my listeners in hoping and trusting that no emergency will ever arise in the future thet will make necesscry either a third or a fourth Presidential term. How- ever we still live in a sick world. Enduring peace is not yet assured. The secret of the atomic bomb may fall in the hands of roten- tial enemies. If an emergency such as George Washington predicted should ever arise again, I want the President—be he Democratic or Republican—to finish the job if the people Gecide that he possesses the qualifications of leadership. We are the inheritors of the best political system in the world. Do our present con- greesional leaders lack confidence in the foundation of our political structure? It is worth noting that Senators and Representa- tives who are supporting the proposed amendment apparently see no inconsistency in having themselves reelected to as many successive terms as possible.
A1066 There are those who say that should some national emergency arise which would war- rant continuing a President beyond the con- stitutional limit, this amendment could be repealed. We must remember that always in a national crisis, the time element is im- portant; and further, that a constitutional amendment, once adopted, cannot be re- pealed except by a vote of three-fourths of the States. This might take several years. The prime question involved is, Why should we of today undertake to tie the hands of future generations on any national emer- gency which cannot be foreseen now? Neither the Eightieth Congress nor the voters of this gencration have a valid claim to solve the problems of the future when we are 50 totally perplexed with present-day questions. Why not permit future Americans to make their own free decisions in the light of con- ditions which they will have to face and which we cannot possibly anticipate? Democracy Stands at the Crossroads EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following edi- torial from the New Orleans Item of March 13, 1947: DEMOCRACY STANDS AT THE CROSSROADS If President Truman's searching message to the Congress yesterday accomplished noth- ing else, it put the blunt question: “Whither Democracy?” into the open, where it can no longer be ignored, and that is good. The possibility of totalitarian intrusion into democratic Europe is now an officially ad- mitted reality. In one sense, this country is today in the position in which the signatories of the nine- power pact found themselves when Japan occupied and absorbed Manchuria under the thin guise of striking an alliance with a friendly—meaning puppet—government; in the position in which the League of Nations found itself at Geneva when Haile Selassie pleaded for action against, or at least official recognition of, Mussolini’s aggression; in the position of Chamberlain and Daladier at Munich, where Hitler euchred them into sell- ing Czechoslovakia down the river. Unlike these others, we do not face the alternative of immediate war if we fail to purchase peace now with appeasement in the Balkans. Whatever we do in Turkey and Greece, it will not precipitate armed con- flict. But it may indeed prevent a Third World War in days to come by putting ag- gressors on notice—now—that we do not propose to slumber until aggression can be checked only by another global blood bath. Today, Greece and Turkey are in much the same case as Czechoslovakia in the dark time of Munich. Alone and unaided, they are as helpless to resist the continuing pres- sure of and ultimate absorption into the “Soviet orbit,” as Czechoslovakia would have been to stand single-handed against the Luftwaffe and the Wehrmacht. Britain, remembering Munich perhaps, has desperately attempted to strengthen Greece with men and money which would keep it from the impotence that made Czecho- slovakia a helpless pawn of alien powers in 1938. But Britain no longer has the physical force for rendering effective aid. Britain threw in the sponge last week and notified us she could no longer go on. That left three courses open to us: We could continue to pretend that the plight of Greece posed no international is- sues, but was merely a humanitarian mat- ter, to be relieved with gifts of money and shipments of food. That is what we have been doing in the past. We could say—as we finally did in China— “A plague on both your houses” and threaten to wash our hands of all further responstbil- ity or concern. Or we could say, as President Truman said before the Congress yesterday: “The seeds of totalitarianism reach their full growth when the hope of a pecple for a better life has died. We must keep that hope alive. * * ® The people of a num- ber of countries have already had totalitarian regimes thrust upon them against their will * * © The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened. * * * Greece must have assistance if it is-to become a self-supporting democracy. * * * If we falter in our leadership we may endanger the peace of the world, and we shall surely en- danger the youth of our Nation.” In other words, unless we stop the spread of totalitarianism now, even in lands as far from direct contact with us as Greece and Turkey, totalitarianism will spread to the point where it can be stopped only by en- dangering the youth of our Nation. We must stand by Greece and Turkey not merely for their sake but for our own. We can do this with money and materials, The figure Mr. Truman proposed was $400,- 000,000—one-tenth of 1 percent of the three hundred forty-one billions we spent in treas- ure alone to assure a peaceful future for the world of which we area part. But this is not merely to be dumped into the laps of local authorities already unable to cope with the forces arrayed against them. Full American supervision of its disbursement and Ameri- can military advisers for the restoration of order are part and parcel of the plan. The final decision is up to the Congress. The momentous nature of reorienting our foreign policy to admit that our national safety is now closely knit to that of democ- racy everywhere, even in such countries as Greece and Turkey, is well illustrated in the manner in which congressional reaction to the President's speech trespassed party lines. The decision now to be made is not a political one. It is not one to be reached with an eye on 1948. It is not a Republican or Democratic Party issue. It is an Ameri- can problem. If it is considered and decided as such, the people of this country will stand by their repreeentatives because, however the die is cast, the tinsel and papier-maché trap- pings of pretense have been stripped away, so that a momentous American problem is at last fully revealed for the thoughtful ap- praisal and Judgment of the American people, Reduction of the Federal Budget EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIS W. BRADLEY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. BRADLEY of California. Mr. Speaker, the following editorial written by Mr. George Rochester, editor of the Long Beach Argus, Long Beach, Calif., and published in that paper under date of March 27, 1947, so accurately ex- presses my opinion of the present tre- mendous drive against the efforts of the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD House to achieve as much economy as possible, in the expenses of the Federal Government, that I take pleasure in in- serting it at this point in the ConcrEs- stonaL Recorpv. The editorial is: JUST SO MUCH HOKUM All this fight that the budget cannot be Teduced back in Washington because it might affect our defense system is just so much hokum. This is the straw that the thou- sands who have enjoyed the fat jobs they held for the past 16 years are hanging their hat on. We honestly believe that the budget could be cut more than six billion if the Gead timber was eliminated. There are thousands of jobs in the hundreds of bureaus created under the New Deal that could be done away with and not hurt the efficiency of our Government. No one desires to do any- thing that wou'd affect our national defense. So the advocates of not cutting the budget are simply using the military set-up as a blind to hold on to their jobs. The Tanning Industry Is Vitally Affected by Reciprocal Trade Agreements EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, we are being constantly told that reciprocal trade agreements are not injurious to American industry and labor and that the welfare of the American people is promoted by such international trade pacts. In my congressional district there are several tanneries, processing the finest sole leather in the United States. Dur- ing the war the importance of the tan- ning industry revealed it as one of our greatest national assets. It is significant that the United States needs for leather during the war were filled by our domestic production and that in this respect a remarkable record was established. We could not depend upon any foreign producers be- cause of the lack: of any guaranty that leather from abroad would be made available for our needs. It is imperative, from the standpoint of meeting our future national needs, that the tanning industry must be pro- tected from unfair foreign competition which results when subsidized products of other nations threaten American in- dustry. At this point, I wish to read a letter from Howes Bros. Co., Boston, Mass., owners of several tanneries in the State of Pennsylvania. The letter is as follows: Bosron, Mass., March 7, 1947, The Honorable Jamzs E. Van ZANDT, The House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. : Dear Mr. VAN ZANvT: Your letter of Feb- Tuary 24, addressed to Mr. Artz of the Mount Jewett Tanning Co., has been forwarded to us by Mr. Artz as the Mount Jewett Tanning Co. is one of our subsidiaries, and we sell the leather from this tannery as well as six others, One of the principal objections to recip- rocal-trade agreements is that where the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD United States is still conducted on a free- enterprise system, this is not true in many other countries in the world; therefore, the individual American company must com- against some form of a government- controlled arrangement, and the cost of the product is not the determining factor in many of these cases, We will use Argentina ‘to illustrate our point. This country is the world's largest exporter of raw hides. They now heve a plan whereby these hides 1.111 be processed into leather and exported as leather, thereby giv- ing added employment to their workers, and they have many methods they can use in order to achieve this objective. The Central Bank of Argentina can ad- just the exchange rate between dollars and pesos so that the export of leather is facili- tated or retarded. The individual producer of hides, leather, and tanning materials is not permitted to sell any of his products for export. Instead h> must now sell these products to the Gov- ernment at a price fixed by the Government, who resells to the foreign Euyer. None of these operations can be claimed to be free- market operations and are not necessarily related in any way to world prices or costs. The Government orders the hide producer to sell a certain amount of his hides to the Argentine tanner at a price and to sell the balance to the Government at some other price. The tanner is ordcred to sell a cer- tain amount of his leather to the Argentine shoe factory at a definite price and the bal- ance to the Government at another rrice. Under this plan the Government is able to price its leather for export, if necessary, at no higher than the price they ask for the hides, and as the purpose is to export leather and not hides, it is fair to assume that some- thin~ on this order may occur. They are now asking 35 cents a pound for a hide weighing 655 pounds or a total of $19.25 per hide. This hide would produce 40 pounds of leather, and if they sold the leather at 48 cents a pound, it would give them 619.25 for the tanned hide, leaving nothing for tanning, labor, and so forth. Our representative has recently visited England and other European countries in most of which the government js subsidizing the imports of raw materials, food, and so forth, thereby holding down to a substandard level the cost of all manufactured products, and if they had a surplus for export, the price could be far below the American price arrived at on a free, competitive market. The only method we know of to protect American industry against the above type of commerce is to prohibit the importation of any product which fs sold at a price lower than the price of a similar American product. Very truly yours, Hows: Brotners Co. J. SCHANZLE. Truman’s Trade Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following editorial from the Providence (R. I.) Journal of March 7, 1947: TRUMAN'S TRADE POLICY Mr. Truman's address at Waco had the quality of true statesmanship. He wants to establish freedom of trade in the world on @ firm basis. He regards it as an essential part of human freedom, bulwarking such basic liberties as freedom of speech and free- dom of worship. He says specifically, however, that freer trade, not free trade, is the American objec- tive. No tariff concessions will be made hap- hazardly by this country. There will be no across-the-board reductions. Every affected industry will be given a full and fair hearing before any tariff rate is changed. Any pro- posal for changes will be suggested by the Government only after “an exhaustive study has been made.” For every concession made by this coun- try, a comparable concession will be required from abroad, Every reciprocal trade agree- ment henceforth will contain an escape clause, permitting the cancellation of an agreement by us in event that a domestic industry is suffering “sericu3 injury.” Mr. Truman sees in freedom of trade among nations the best chance of preserving and strengthening private enterprise in America, Trade controlled and conducted not by Government directives but by the free choice of individuals is his purpose. That is historic American doctrine. But the President feels compelled to re- assert it now because it is threatened. It is endangcred by economic chaos gebroad which impels some governments to regulate and curb their foreign commerce. It is menaced at home by some American businessmen who regard imports in quantity as unfair to their own market. Mr. Truman proposes to meet these men- aces by putting the American Government's firm support, on a bipartisan basis, bohind the effort to complete an international trade charter at Geneva next month. It repie- ecenis @ purpose to carry forward the intcr- national economic cooperation which is im- plicit in the Bretton Woods agreements. In the execution of this policy, so far as America is concerned, Mr. Truman intends to use our existing reciprocul-trade-agrecments program, subject to the reservations ke cut- lines, to break down trade barriers. Intelli- gently used, he sees that program, rightly, we believe, furnishing a practical] means of promoting world prosperity, Upon such pros- pcrity, in the last analysis, our own prosper- ity depends. What is the ualternative? Mr. Truman states it clearly. It is to accept, indecd en- courage, the throttling of world trade that occurred after World War I. It resulted not only in economic disaster for all nations, including the United States, but eventually in World War II. We were faced then, as we are now, with a choice. It is economic nationalism with ite corollaries of high tariffs, export subsidies, exchange controls, trade quotas, commercial licensing systems, and embargoes—or inter- national economic cooperation with its basic corollary of freedom of trade. Mr. Truman says flatly that he chooses international economic cooperation. It is a statesmanlike decision. It should be hailed with deep satisfaction from one end of this country to the other. Why? Because, as the President points out, if other countries are driven by their present domestic economic extremity to reerect the barriers to foreign trade that were common after World War I, they will have to resort to increasing govern- mental regimentation to apply and enforce them. Not only economic freedom but political liberty will be severely restricted. It frustrates peace. It is the road to war. In such circumstances, the United States, in self-defense, will be driven to adopt coun- termeasures of the same character. We, too, would be forced to regiment our industry and our commerce. Free enterprise would no longer be free. The Government, not inde- pendent business, would decide what we would export and import, in what countries we would buy or sell. It would be a complete denial not only of the American concept of free enterprise but of the very essence of all our liberties, A1067 Naturally Mr. Truman utterly rejects this alternative. Who in his right senses could Go less? The President regards economic co- operation in international affairs to he as vitally necessary now as political conopern- tion. As for American leadership in lifting the world from economic chacs to order and stability—a leadership we cannot chi:k be- cause we alone possess the strength ard re- sourcete—he asks for the scme bipartisan effort here at home that has woz!:ed so suc- cessfully in our political concerns on the international level. Our steady pursuit of this objective so well outlined by Mr. Truman offers the best hcpe, in our judgment, of maintaining not only prosperity at home but peace ebroad. It turns our facé as a Nation as firmly against economic isolation as we have already tu-ned it against political isolation. It sets before a discouraged and bewildered wor:d the Ameri- can conviction, already supported by our tangible resources, that peace and pros- perity will return. The only proviso is that nations must cooperate economically as well as pelitically. Oa this course Mr. Truman has wisely set our Nation. Greece and the Budcet EXTFNSION OF REMARKS HON. WAT ARNOLD OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. ARNOLD. Mr. Speaker, the Pres- ideni’s proposal that we appropriate $400,000,000 for aid to Grecce and Tur- key, and its possible effect at a time when it is imperative that we curtail our na- tional budget if we are to maintain eco- nomic stability, is set forth in an edi- torial entitled “Greece and the Budget,” in the Wall Street Journal of March 14, which I wish to include in the Rzecor,: GREECE AND THE BUDGET Whatever its other consequences may be, the President's message on aid to Greece and Turkey does not in the least degree relieve Congress of the duty of cutting down the Government's expenditures. On the con- trary, it renders that duty the more urgent. If Congress is to appropriate $400,000,000— to begin with—for the support of two exist- ing governments in the Near East, the neces- sity for retrenchment in other parts of the budget will be greater than it was previously judsed to be. Chairman Brmwogs of the Senate Appropria- tions Committee is quoted as saying of the message that “it knocks budget plans askew.” Just what his statement (if he made it in precisely that form) means, we do ot know. We trust he does not think this new turn in our foreign rclations relieves Congress of its responsibility for budget balance. The fact should be plain that if the United States is to embark on a new or extended program of protecting the independence of weaker nations, at an ultimate cost that cannot now be measured, it is under so much the greater necessity of cutting its other governmental costs to the bone. That conclusion is inescapable for at least two good reasons. One is that the public debt stands at $260,000,000,000 and must be reduced, not increased, if the Government is to protect its own credit and the integrity of the dollar. A return to deficit financing now would seriously impair the Nation’s economic strength for the task which the President asks it to assume. Another compelling reason why this $490,- 000,000 should be found by reducing other
A1068 budgetary items is that the program of assistance to little nations in their resistance to foreign aggression will be very like another lend-lease operation in that it will write an additional draft on our resources of food, raw materials, and certain categories of man- ufactured goods, It would be sheer folly if our Government, while taking on an exterior burden which cannot be measured in ad- vance, should at the same time attempt to carry on a variety of public works and social gains. The inevitable effect of such a double strain upon our resources is cbhvious. We are already struggling in the toils of a price inflation, duc in part to unsound fiscal poli- cies of the past and the present, and in part to war-made scarcities throughout the world. We shall be defeated in that struggle unless Congress insists that aid to Greece and Tur- k2y shall be taken into the budget by dis- placing other projected expenditures—and only in that way. So far from knocking budget plans askew, the President’s message of Wednesday pow- erfully supports the House version of the budget, with its $6,000,000,000 reduction of the President's expenditures ceiling for the coming fiscal year. It lays a heavier respon- sibility than previously rested upon Congress for severely prudent budgeting. Need for Occupation Forces EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES W. WADSWORTH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. WADSWORTH. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letter from the New York Times of March 13, 1947: NetD FoR OCCUPATION FoR-ES—-PROFOSED BupGctr Curs AFFECTING Our PERSONNEL IN GERMANY OPPOSED To the EpiTor of THE NEW York TIMES: Last September I returned from Germany, where I was attached as attorney to the War Crimes Branch, United States Army, and had the privilege of taking an active part in vari- ous war-crime trials, especially the so-called Malmedy trial, conducted at Dachau to pun- ish the killers of American soldiers taken prisoners in the Battle of the Bulge. During my stay over there I had ample cpportunity to observe our occupation forces at work and to notice that most of our Military Gov- ernment offices which I saw were adequately manned, but that none of them was over- staffed. Since that time conditions have radically changed. True, the total of American wives and children surpasses the total strength of our constabulary, but I doubt thet this fact will enhance our military and administrative efficiency. The Seventh and Third Armies have been deactivated. The constabulary, upon whom the Military Government counts to suppress any resistance movements, is without its tanks; our Alr Forces are without bombers. General Clay was compelled to announce several radical personnel cuts, resulting in 30 to 40 percent reduction of MG’s person- nel by July 1, 1947; doing away with prac- tically all of the liaison detachments in the smaller places of the “Landkreise” and cut- ting the strength of various administrative departments to the bone—not even to men- tion the complete lack of personnel for one of the most important tasks, denazification, the handling of which we should have re- served for ourselves. Moreover, although all these reductions were instituted on the basis of a greatly re- duced tentative budget for 1947, the present economy drive in Congress threatens even this budget with further very substantial cuts, which well might make occupation a meaningless gesture and a hollow shell. Al- ready AMG 1s compelled to cance] running contracts with civilian employees. Ali per- sonnel with a rating below CAF-8 and P-3, who have their families over there, cannot, pursuant to a notice recently appearing in Stars and Stripes, expect a renewal of their contracts. RESULT OF CUT What will heppen if the intended six-bil- lion cut, or even the liberal four and one- helf billion cut, should become law is only too cbvious. While I was still over there, many of the Germans in all walks of life ex- pressed their doubts about the seriousness of our intention to stay and sweat it out in Gcrmany. But what is our alternative? To turn over the cccunation of our zone to the French or the English, who, although they, on their small war-ravaged and impoverished island, certainly do not have the financial resources of this country, now have substantially mcre troops (200,000) under arms in Germany than we have? Or to continue to occupy Germany with totally inadequate and insufficient forces? When will we ever learn that power is the only language all of the other countries understand? There cannot be the slightest doubt in anybody's mind that by indiscrimi- nately cutting down our occupation forces (as will be the inevitable result of the in- tonded budget recuctions) we will not only “lose face” in the eyes of the German peo- ple, who would certainly be the first ones to avail themse'ves of cur weakness, but will also lose the much-neeZed bargaining power in AIG's dealings with the other occupying gove:nments. From all I have seen, the Military Govern- ment and its military and administrative Personnel have done an excellent job. Un- doubtedly, mistakes and errors have been made; undoubtedly, people were occasionally Placed in positions for which they were not fit and in which they exerc!sed faulty judg- ment; undoubtedly, a small minority placed gocd living and personal gains abcve their tesks. But, on the whole, the Miiltary Gov- ernment’s personnel are efficient, honest, and capable, deep:y devoted to their duties; they measure up fully to the forces of any of the oth2r occupying powers, and do not deserve to be let down now by economy measures, however well intended they may be, which would cripple this efficiency beyond repair. Congress, before cutting the budgets of the War and Navy Departments, should lsten to the warning voices of men like Secretaries Marshall, Patterson, and Forrestal, and Gen- erals Eisenhower, MacArthur, McNarney, and Clay, who are certainly no New Dealers, and whose personalities and backgrounds should vouch ior the absence of any bias or personal interest. WARNINGS OF LEADERS The Secretaries of the War and Navy De- partments are civilians themselves. Gen- erals Marshall and Eisenhower are profes- sional military men, who have time and time again in the past placed the interest of the Nation above the gains or interest of any particular group or class. In General Clay we are happy to possess a man who combines, to an otherwise rarely attained degree, the top qualifications of a soldier with the quali- fications of a civilian administrator and dip- lomat. Their warning voices should not be heard in vain. And it is more than a coincidence that there seem to be not many supporters of the budget cuts among the Republican Members APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of Congress who have actually bsen over there, be it as a fighting man, like Senator Lopez, or as an observer, like Senator Mor:z. These men know what is at stake. A substantial cut in income t-xes would, no doubt, be welcomed by everybody, but I think much too highly of the patriotism and intelligence of the average American to be- lieve that they would also welcome such cut if it can be achieved only by wielding an ax in @ dark room, by the relinquishment of our international obligations, and by paying & price which might not fall due for another 10 or 20 years, but which we one da; would have to pay. We did have money enough to bring dozens of witnesses from everywhere to Washington to testify in the 6 weeks’ fight egainst Mr. Lilienthal’s confirmation. Concededly, the amcunts needed for the efficient occuration of Germany and Japan are bigger. But big- ger things are also at stake, end for these bigger things we ought to, and must, have the money, even if it means a tax reduction ot sens than 20 percent, or no tax reduction at all. : The Second World War ts not yet ended. Hestilities have merely ceased. HERBERT J. STRONG. New Yor«, March 8, 1947, Broadcasts to Russia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the ReccrD, I include the following letter ty pane Wall Street Journal of March PROTESTS BROADCASTS TO RUSSIA Eprror, THE WALL StrREET JOURNAL: I protest against the waste of the tax- payers’ money by the Department of State in broadcasting propaganda material to So- viet Russia, where there are a large number of languages and dialects in current use. The Moscow dialect, which is the foundation of the literary language, covers only a small area, not even the whole of the Province of Moscow. Aside from this consideration, it ig the generally accepted view that our com- munications are lacking in interest and dig- nity, and such efforts, to be effective, neces- sarily must be directed to countries where public opinion is an actual fazior in influ- encing the course of events, and it is well known that this condition does not prevail in Russia. The compact group of individuals compos- ing the Soviet Government are cognizant of all they wish to know about the United States, and it is vain to suppose that they can be moved unless, perhaps, by our own official representatives. The only result of the indirect approach by propaganda ts bound to be one of irritation. The Government of the United States and its citizens, one must admit, react similarly to corresponding at tempts by the Soviet Union to spread its in- formation and doctrines in this country. Heretofore, our diplomatic agents abroad have enjoyed considerable influence because of the fact that, until comparatively tecently, they have conducted themselves in a buai- ness-like manner. We have now succumbed to methods long employed in Europe and Asia, where they have failed completely. The net consequence of this recourse to processes alien to our traditions is that, when the Sec- retary of State speaks, his views will be
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD weighed and considered in the light of the irresponsible emanations from broadcasters professing to be the Voice of America, but over whose emphasis and shades of meaning he will have had slight or, more probably, no control. I am opposed in principle to any form of organized governmental propaganda, which seems to me to be a worthless and undigni- fied performance, not merely negative in its results but positively harmful to our national interests. After all, the United States of America is a tremendous factor in the world and speaks for itself with a power and elo- quence beyond the capacity of professional propagandists to emulate. CLARENCE B. HEWES. WasHIncTon, D. C. If We Assume Britain’s Ob‘igations, We Are Entitled to Some of Her Assets EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I am only one of perhaps count- less thousands of our American citizens who believed and said at the beginning of World War II that we should have de- manded that Great Britain deliver the ownership and contro] of some of her Western Hemisphere properties to the United States in exchange for the untold billions in money and matériels, to say nothing of personnel, that were poured out so unstintingly to her. Many of us thought that the old loan, hangover from World War I, which we made to Great Britain, the fabulous sums in lend-lease, and other contributions which we made to England in World War II, were gifts, at the time, and that since England did not pay nor attempt to pay any of the old indebtedness to us, she should have been at least courteous enough to sur- render some of her Western Hemisphere possessions to us before, or at the time, of requesting further assistance. In- stead, we played the sucker again and spent millions upon millions of dollars in fortifying and otherwise improving England's Western Hemisphere posses- sions; and the most we got out of any of them was a lease on some of them. Then Great Britain asked us for a fresh loan about a year and a half ago of $3,750,000,000, and the New Deal ad- ministration insisted that Congress au- thorize and appropriate such a loan out of the Treasury of the United States. In other words, we had to tax our people more, and continue our deficit spending still further, and increase our inflation- ary tendency in order to make England a fresh loan of §$3,750,000,000. I voted against that loan; but the New Deal ma- jority in Congress passed it. Now we are asked to come to England’s aid in Greece and Turkey to the tune of $400,000,000, to start with. No one knows how much will be requested later. We are continu- ing to be easy and gullible. But do not forget that this affords the New Deal another emergency appeal, and it is Ukely that Congress will come to Eng- Jand’s aid again, as they always have, without any benefits in return. It is high time that the administra- tion, and, if it fails, the Congress, insist that if England is bankrupt we deal with her somewhat as we would with a pri- vate individual who is financially em- barrassed or a firm or corporation that has gone broke. The assets of the bank- rupt are liquidated and the proceeds are used, as far as they will go, to pay the expenses of the liquidation proceedings, and the remainder is applied upon the indebtedness of the bankrupt individual or concern. Why not apply some such businesslike methods in the present crisis? Apparently more than $220,000,- 000 in Greek funds and accumulated pri- vate credits remain blocked in London banks. This would indicate that Eng- land owes Greece and the Greek people that sum of money. Now England asks us to relieve her of the necessity of ad- vancing funds to Greece in order to pro- tect England primarily and to afford some relief to the worthy Greeks. If we assume Britain’s obligations we are entitled to some of her assets. Mr. Speaker, the following newspaper article by Steffan Andrews, of the North American Newspaper Alliance, with Washington date line of March 11, 1947, taken from the Tulsa Tribune of Tulsa, Okla., explains some things which, ap- parently, the public has not heretofore known: BRITAIN HOLDS GREEK FUNDS BUT UNITED STATES PAYS (By Steffan Andrews) WASHINGTON, March 11.—While Britain is pleading for United States aid to Greece, more than $220,000,000 in Greek Government funds and accumulated private credits re- mains blocked in London banks. The total, amounting to £55,000,000 ster- ling, was frozen by the British Government during the war. Technically, the money was unfrozen in March 1946, but the agreement was so hedged with restrictions that the Greeks cannot use the funds outside the British Empire sterling arca. Greek Embassy officials in Washington say that, if they had the money, they would spend hundreds of thousands of dollars for food, consumption goods, and industrial ma- chinery in the United States. First Secretary Alexis S. Liatis estimates the Greeks would buy (not borrow) each month 615,000,000 wo;th of food alone. But here is the dilemma: The Grecks don't actually have this money. The British have it and they won't let them convert it into dollars. And the only place the Greeks can buy surplus food and supplies is in the United Stutes—a dollar aren. Americans also froze Greek assets in this country during the war. The money has all been freed now, with no strings attached. The total amount freed was $70,000,000. If Greece gets an additional $350,000,000 grant, as requested by the British, the cost to the United States for Greek aid will total nearly $1,000,000,000. To date, approximately $610,000,000 has been expended for loans, grants, and direct relief. As compiled by the State Department and Foreign Liquidation Commission, here's the break-down: Lend-lease, 75,600,000; surplus goods credit, 645,000,000; UNRRA, $384,237,000; Ex- port-Import Bank, @25,000,000; Greek War Relief, 8130,000,000. Greece, incidentally, has a smaller popula- tion than New York City and in land area is only slightly larger than North Carolina. A1069 A very intelligent constituent of mine has written me on this subject as fol- lows: I imagine that the statements containcd in the attached clipping from the Tulsa Trib- une are true, and if such js the case it seems to me that some foud for thought is con- tained therein. Maybe this business of tuking over all the troubles of Great Britain and the rest of the world is all right, and again it may be that we are about to make an awful mistake, It we continue to assume Britain's obligations we might soon find ourselves in a worse posi- tion than she now is without anybody to come to our rescue. At any rate it is customary down here, as you know, that when we assume al! the olli- gations of a “busted” concern, we also gct all of its asscts. So if this article speaks the truth and if we must assume all cf Britain's obligations, it does seem that in doing s0 we should get some of the assets involved; and there seem to be some assets availab‘e. I am afraid, George, that we are simply be- ing sucked into a situation from which we cannot ever escape. This country cannot carry the obligations of the entire world. The President's Message EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ROY 0. WOODRUFF OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. WOODRUFF. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orD, I include the following editorial from the Bay City (Mich.) Times: THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE Only the willfully blind could fail to recog- nize the fact that President Truman’s mes- sage to Congress asking that it vote $409.- 000,000 in aid to Greece and Turkcy hrs mace war with Russia, at any carly daie, mcre than a possibility. The message stated plainly that if the fi- nancial assistance asked is grunted und it is found not to be enough to save Grecce from communism and its neghbor from Soviet coercion, the President hes other meacsrres in mind which he hopes will be mere cficc- tive. “Our help should be primarily throy gh economic and financial aid,” he suid, The second step could be hardly other than mill- tary act.on, The President unreservedly laid down a foreign policy which makes the United States guardian of democracy throughout the world, and unequivocally says that the spread of totalitarianism must be halted by us. As the beginning is to be made at the front door of Russia it 1s not d:fMficult to guess rs to what power Mr. Truman was giving due warning. It now becomes the duty of Congress to examine and pass upon this policy, and par- ticularly its immediate implications and pos- sible consequences. No doubt it will do so with prudence and patriotism. The immediate gravity of the situation the President has created depends largely upon the spirit in which Moscow receives the mes- sage. Only a day in advance of its delivery, perhaps after its contents had been com- municated to the Soviet Government, Stalin recalled his Ambassadors from Washington and London for consultation. Whether that had any significance or not remains to be seen. But it can hardly be regarded as a particularly cheerful omen.
A1070 The President's course has been described by some as a death blow to the United Na- tions. That may be too pessimistic a way of looking at it. But at best it is bound to lessen the confidence of the leaders of the movement and put a wet blanket everywhere on hopes for its success. Indeed, announce- ment of readiness to take independent ac- tion above and beyond economic aid by the world’s leading power in dealing with a sit- uation such as Greece presents must make millions wonder if it is not practical aban- donment of the UN. It is only reasonable to think that very important considerations aside from those of which the public has been made aware must underlie the President's decision. Congress at least should be made familiar with what they are. And maybe those who must do the paying, and dying if war comes, are entitled to an inkling. As the probabilities are always against war, even when it is considered near, we need not feel too depressed. But at the same time it is well to remember that if it comes we will have to fight alone, Britain is at the mo- ment a broken reed militarily and economi- cally. She says she is financially unable to Maintain an army of even half a division in Greece. And we would have no other ally that could be of much value in a struggle with Russia. All the millions of Americans will watch developments at Washington and in Europe anxiously, hoping that the threat will evapo- rate and leave us and the world at peace, but determined to support the President to the hilt if the worst comes, which pray God will not happen. Sny Flood-Control Project Needs Help of Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. SID SIMPSON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. SIMPSON of Illinois. Mr. Sneak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp, I include the following edi- torial from the Pikc County Democrat- Times, of Pittsfield, Ill: Sny Fioop-Contro, Proyect Neeps HELP oF CONGRESS Unless the present Congress can be con- vinced of the vital need for flood control in the Sny Basin, there is little chance that the money will be appropriated for the project, which was approved by the last Congress. The Sny Landowner's Committee is work- ing hard to get the facts before Congress, but they need the help of every landowner. The, present status of the project is clearly stated in a letter from Brig. Gen. R. C. Crawford, Acting Chief of Engineers, to Congressman Sip Stimpson. The letter is dated February 10, and we received a copy of the letter from Mr. Simpson this week. We quote that letter: “Reference is made to your letter of Feb- ruary 5, 1947, relative to the improvements in the Sny Island Drainage and Levee District which were authorized in the Flood Control Act of 1946. You state that the citizens affected in Adams, Pike, and Calhoun Coun- ties, Ill., are very anxious that funds for the construction of these authorized improve- ments be included in the War Department civil-function appropriation bill of the Eightieth Congress and ask about action being taken to accomplish this, “The Flood Control Act of July 24, 1946, authorized a project for local flood protection on McCraney, Hadley, Kiser, Six-Mile and Bay Creeks in the Sny Basin, Illinois, sub- stantially in accordance with the recommen- dations of the Chief of Engineers in the re- port dated April 17, 1946. To date, no funds have been appropriated by Congress for the construction of the authorized improvements in the Sny Basin, and the Corps of Engineers is unable to initiate that work until the necessary funds are made available for that purpose. Moreover, the estimated expendi- tures contained in the Budget of the United States Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1948, as recently transmitted to Congress by the President, do not include funds for the construction of the Sny Basin project since no funds have been previously appropriated for that purpose and the appro- priations recommended by the President for the fiscal year 1948 for civil works projects of the Corps of Engineers are only for projects partly provided for in previous appropriation acts. No appropriation for starting the con- struction of additional civil works projects by the Corps of Engineers are included in the recommendations of the President in his budget message for the fiscal year 1948. “The Corps of Engineers fully recognizes the importance o/ the authorized project for local flood protection in the Sny Basin and appreciates the benefits that will be realized upon completion of that work. I am pleased to say that Colonel William N. Leaf, our District Engineer at Rock Island, Il, is now proceeding with the planning of that project. You may be assured, therefore, that the Corps of Engineers will be fully prepared to undertake the authorized construction as soon as the necessary funds are made avall- able for that purpose, subject, of course, to the fulfillment by local interests of the re- quirements of local cooperation provided for in the authorizing act.” It is plainly evident in this letter that the engincers are ready to start work on the flood control project as 500n as Congress appro- Priates the money. It is also clearly evident that there is little chance of the present Congress appropriating the money unless the Aprropriations Committee can be convinced of the vital necessity for starting work on this project as soon as possible. In addition to the fact that money for this project is not included in the President's budget figures, the House has voted to cut the President's figures by 86,000,000,000 and the Senate has voted a $4,500,000,000 cut. This does not mean that Congress will keep appropriations within this limit, but it does mean that it will be difficult to get Congress to include any additiona] appropriation in the budget. The Sny Drainage District consists of ap- proximately 110,000 acres of rich farm land. According to the report of the chief engineer urging Congress last year to approve this project, the average annual flood damage is $459,200. In the spring of 1944 the damage was $670,931. This same report states that total costs to the United States for levees and all flood control work in the Sny basin has been approximately $1,022,000. The report further states: ‘Local interests have con- structed and maintained auxiliary levees, straightened and maintained channels of the Sny and major tributaries below the bluff lines, and constructed sedimentation basins at the mouths of McCraney, Hadley, and Kiser Creeks. Expenditures for this work have been reported to approximate 83,733,- 000." The engineer's report states that the Sny drainage system has depreciated until 22,000 acres of land have already been made unpro- ductive. If annual flood damage is permitted to continue without any control, many land- owners are threatened with losses which will put them out of business. After the land- owners spent almost $4,000,000 on the Sny @rainage system over the years, the Govern- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment built dams in the Mississippi River to improve navigation. Landowners contend that these dams are largely responsible for ruining the Sny drainage system. Therefore, the Government is obligated to remedy these damages by constructing the flood-control project which the Seventy-ninth Congress approved. The engineer's report estimates the first cost at $5,217,208 of which $4,854,944 is Fed- eral for construction and $362,259 is non- Federal from the lands. It is also estimated that the benefits to this rich farm land will more than pay the cost of the project over a period of years. There is no question that the rich farm land in the Sny basin is entitled to flood protection. Therefore, in spite of the move- ment in Congress for economy, we believe that the facts in the case justify the appro- priation for the Sny project being included in the appropriations to be made by Congress at its present session, That Pinch-Penny Budget EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, since January 3, when President Truman sent his message to Congress and submitted his so-called $37,500,000,000 budget, this House, the Senate, and the Nation have redounded with arguments about the necessity of spending that huge sum of money for our governmental operations in the fiscal year of 1948. However, it is perfectly apparent to those of us who have kept up with other messages that President Truman has sent to Congress that his proposed $37,- 500,000.000 budget represented his min- imum demand for Government expendi- ture and not his maximum demand. Since January 3, in addition to his budget proposals, he has sent a total of more than 70 messages to Congress, most of them requesting additional appropria- tions for Government expenditures. These additional appropriations, includ- ing the latest request of Wednesday, March 12, for $400,000,000 for Greece and Turkey total more than $40,200,- 000 000. Here are some of the requests, Mr. Speaker, that have been sent to Con- gress since the budget was presented by President Truman last January 3: Office of Price Administration— Office of Defense Transporta- tion...--.-.2------.-----.. $5, 959, 000 War Department__._...-. Interior .----222 2 nee Judiciary (2 messages) Smithsonian Institution National Labor Relations Board_-_..--..---..----.--. 695, 700 Veterans’ Administration... 2, 169, 114, 500 National Archives_......... - 48, 000 Library of Congress._...._... 668, 020 Rallroad Retirement Board... 2, 204, 000 Panama Canal_._.-.-222..-2. 611, 000 War Department (military activities) .......... wanenne 480, 787, 000 Bureau of the Budget_....... 38, 000
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Treasury (2 messages) -----.. $5, 831, 900 National Advisory Committee Aeronautics ....---------.. 7, 497, 000 Post Office -....--.---------- 82, 228, 350 Federal Security Agency_-.... 147, 916, 164 Interior, Indian funds........ 1, 008, 469 Agriculture.......----------- 8, 944, 000 Soldiers’ Home.__......-..-- 50, 000 Federal Works Agency (2 messages) -..--.-.-....---- 22, 955, 000 District of Columbia--.-..--.. 4, 242, 605 Justice Department. _.._..._- 1, 064, £00 State (3 messages) _-_._----. 17, 246, 000 Federal Loan Agency...-...-- 2,640, 000 Eighteen different agencies... 363, 398, €33 Claims allowed by General Accounting Office_-_-..---. 15, 884, 780 Judgments, Court of Claims.. 2, 104, 796 Commerce..-...-.----------. 87, 532, 000 War Assets Administration... 15, 000, 000 In other words, Mr. Speaker, we have been doing Mr. Truman a great injustice by attributing to him a pinch-penny budget. He is not going to be a short- horn and have our taxpayers spend only $37,500,000,000. He is going to spend, if we let him more than $40,000,000,000. This constant stream of messages from the executive branch of the government is added proof, in my judgment, that the Democratic administration’s strategy to win the 1948 elections is clear and simple. That is, their strategy is to propose huge, unconscionable, fantastic sums to be spent, and then hope that the Congress will be stupid enough to acquiese in most of the requests. If we are, the Democrats can then point to us and say that we did not balance the budget, we did not cut peacetime Government expenditures and that the Republicans’ promise to restore solvency to this Government was mere campaign verbiage. It is perfectly clear also that President Truman in making all of these proposals that entail enormous amounts of tax money, is putting Congress on the spot. It is very simple, although highly irre- sponsible, for him to suggest all of the expenditures he has suggested thus far, plus others that will undoubtedly be forthcoming. He knows that every time he makes a suggestion, or a proposal, to spend additional funds he is winning friends among particular pressure groups which are out beating the woods in an effort to get tax money for their special purposes at alltimes. In addition, he can address these special groups in 1848 and tell them that he did his best to help them. If we Republicans slap down his requests, as we ought to do, he can blame us because the pressure groups are dis- satisficd and have not obtained the regu- lar Government funds they lad been - used to getting. As I say, Mr. Speaker, this is shrewd political strategy. But I must say that it is about as cynical and as harmful to the country in the long run as any policy on which the Democratic Party possibly can embark. It means that those groups which have persisted in trying to raid the public Treasury will redouble their efforts to get more public funds to be used for their special private purposes. It will mean, unless we Republicans let the people know the score, confusion among the populace and disillusionment among all lovers of good government. It will mean, in the final analysis, continued in- flation in this country and possibly the complete wreckage of our form of govern- ment. The Truman appropriation messages sent to Congress since January 3 have been labeled various ways. Some are re- quests for supplemental appropriations, and others are for deficiency appropria- tions. They ask for funds for Govern- ment departments both for the coming fiscal year 1948, which begins July 1, and the present fiscal year, which ends on June 30. It is significant, Mr. Speaker, that al- though the law requires a detailed ac- counting of the reasons for each arpro- priation requested of Congress, the vast majority of these Presidential messages carry only the following stock fornmula: The foregoing supplemental estimate is re- quired to meet contingencies which have arisen since the transmission of the budget for the fiscal year 1948. These supplemental requests were made for the Office of Price Administra- tion, the Office of Defense Transporta- tion, the National Mediation Board, the Treasury Department, the War Depart- ment, the Interior Department, the Civil Service Commission, the Judiciary, the Smithsonian Institute, the National La- bor Relations Board, the Veterans’ Ad- ministration, the National Archives, the Library of Congress, the Railroad Retire- ment Board, the Panama Canal, the Na- tional Advisory Committee on Aeronau- tics, the Post Office Department, the Fed- eral Security Agency, the Department of Agriculture, the Federal Loan Agency, the War Assets Administration, and dozens of other agencies and bureaus. Note, too, Mr. Speaker, that the Bu- reau of the Budget itself requested a sup- plemental appropriation of $38,000 in one of the Presidential messages. It is discouraging to all persons who de- sire fiscal clarity that the President should have embarked upon such a course of confusion in asking for his ap- propriations. Since he has served in the United States Senate, it is apparent that he has not done this in ignorance. He and his campaign advisers for 1948 fig- ured, whether correctly or not, that these additional requests for funds would not be included in the debates that are rag- ing throughout the country relating to the size of next year’s budget and that he might get credit for being economy minded while at the same time proposing the most fantastic series of expenditures ever put before an American Congress in peacetime. The President’s latest request for funds—the $400,000,000 to be used in a general effort to spread “democracy” in Greece and Turkey—is in addition to the $350,000,000 which he had requested already that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffer- ing in the countries devastated by the war. In other words, we Congressmen ought to consider the Presidential re- quest for funds to be $750,000,000 and not simply $400,000,000, as he and his cohorts will try to use in coming debates on this subject. By using the lower figure, the Democrats know that they will have a better chance of selling this program to A1071 the American people. I am for using the correct and the accurate figure of $750,- 000,000 which, admittedly small com- pared to the $40,090.090,000 over-all ex- penditures requested, is certainly not chicken feed, Federal Tax 37 Times All Other Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speekcr, I am just in receipt of a fine letter from Mr. A. W. Robertson, of Pitts- burgh, Pa., which speaks for itself: Marcu 12, 1947. Dear Mr. ScHwaBe: You will be astonished, as I was, that I paid 87 times as much tax to the Federal Government as I paid to all other tax collectors (Federal tax from 1942 through 1946—8$746.717; all other taxes for the same period, $20,200). What ts still more remarkable, this 620,000 paid for all public. school facilities, all police protection, fire protection, sanitary service, including street cleaning and garbage collection. While individual tax figures very, a similar comparison of services could be shown by Practically every taxpayer in this country, whether he pays much or little to his national government. It seems to me that, unless we have em- barked openly on a policy of confiscation of property of the citizens in the guise of taking current income from individuals regardless of services rendered in return, Federal taxes must be reduced until they are tn line with other tuxcs. Cordially yours, A. W. Rosertson. Teaching of Legislative Procedure in South Carolina Schools EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN L. McMILLAN OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. McMILLAN of South Carolina. Mr. Speaker, under leave to exicnd my remarks, I include in the Record a copy of a bill drafted by Miss Betty Saunders, a Florence, S. C., student. It will be gratifying I am certain to every Congressman and Senator to learn that the students in our schools are tak- ing an interest in their Government. The schools of my home town, Fiorence, are to be congratulated for the interest they are manifesting in their Govern- ment by teaching their students how the greatest Government in the world op- erates. Democracy is and has been on trial dur- ing the past few years. Our democratic form of government here in the United States is the only Government that has weathered the storm und continucd to
A1072 function. We realize that our Govern- ment officials, who have the responsibili- ties of making our laws and administer- ing them, have a terrible burden on their shoulders. We have the war-torn world to patch up and try to teach the meaning of de- mocracy. The younger people of our country will be compelled to shoulder this burden within the near future and it is gratifying to learn that our schools are preparing them for this task. : Whereas so many unsafe vehicles cause accidents both to motorists and pedestrians, we do hereby propose that: Item I: That all motor vehicles in the United States shall be inspected every year. Item II: Inspected vehicles shall carry in a conspicuous place a sticker so stating. Ivem III: The cost of inspection and sticker shall be paid by the Government. Item IV: Driver’s-license tests shull be more rigid. Item V: A person who has lost by forfeit his driver's license shall be required to stand a drivor's-license test before the return of his license. Item VI: An habitual alcoholic should not be given back his license after it has been revoked. Signed, sealed, and delivered on this 27th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1947, JoszepH W. MARTIN, Speaker of House. ARTHUR VANDENBERG, President pro tempore of Senate. Harry S. TRuMAN, President of the Untted States, Aid for Greece and Turkey EXTENSION OF KEMARKS OF HON. ROBERT J. TWYMAN OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. TWYMAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include in the Recorp editorials from three of the leading Chicago newspapers, Chi- cago Daily Tribune, Chicago Sun, and Chicago Daily News. All of these edi- torials appeared on March 13, following President Truman’s speech on Wednes- day, March 12, 1847: [From the Chicago Daily Tribune of March 13, 1947] HERE WE GO AGAIN Mr. Truman made as cold a war speech yesterday against Russia as any President has ever made except on the occasion of going before Congress to ask for a declaration of war. He gave notice that Russian commu- nism is regarded as an enemy force which will be resisted wherever it is encountered, and that, if he has his way, the United States will go out of its way to seek the encounters. If Mr. Truman's program of supporting the Greek and Turkish regimes is accepted by Congress America will be unable to refrain from adoptng the same measures wherever Soviet pressures are exerted. A vast expendi- ture of American money is in prospect. Wherever the money goes, there, too, will go American military missions, such as are proposed to whip the Greek and Turkish Armies into fighting organizations. ., The outcome will inevitably be, war. It probably will not come this year or next year, but the issue is already drawn. The declara- tion of implacable hostility between th’s country and Russia is one which cannot be tempered or withdrawn. It has been read into the permanent record, to stand for all time. Two worlds and two systems are in opposition. In the nature of things, as Mr. Truman has shaped that nature, they must in the end come to grips. The United States stands now where it stood after Franklin D. Roosevelt's speech dedicating the Outer Drive Bridge in Chicago on October 5, 1937. If there is a difference, it is that we are now further advanced to- ward World War III, by Mr. Truman than Mr. Roosevelt in 1937 curried us toward World War II. Mr. Roosevelt talked in gen- eralities about the necessity of quarantining aggressors in general. Mr. Truman talked spocifically about quarantining a specific ag- gressor. When Mr. Truman talked about totalitarianism there was no mistaking what nation he meant. Mr. Truman did not even indulge the same rhetorical devotion to peace that Mr. Roose- velt affected. Yet in content and spirit the two speeches were strikingly parallel as a promise of war. Mr. Roosevelt talked of na- tions which invade and violate “the territory of other nations that have done them no real harm and are too weak to protect them- selves adequately.” Mr. Truman spoke of Greece and Turkey as being too poor ard weak to resist Soviet infiltration. He also spoke of Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria as having had “totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will.” Mr. Truman, like Mr. Roosevelt, proposes to make these mat- ters America’s business, and the end result is as certain in the one situation as it was in the other. We are to have the Commander in Chief back with us again. Mr. Truman's statement constituted a com- plete confession of the bankruptcy of Ameri- can policy as formulated by Mr. Roosevelt and pursued by himself. We have just emerged from a great war which was dedicated to the extinetion of thc three nations which were as vocally opposed to Russia as Mr. Truman pro- claims himself to be now. If communism was the real danger all along, why did Mr. Roose- velt and Mr. Truman adopt Russia as an ally, and why, at Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam, did they build up Russia's power by making her one concession after another? The Truman speech also leaves the United Nations as a meaningless relic of mistaken intentions. The world league to insure a lasting peace is a fraud and a sham, 80 impo- tent that Mr. Truman proposes that the United States ignore it and seek peace by force and threat of force—the very means which United Nations was intended to ex- clude in international dealings. The one hope that is left is Congress, but even its peremptory refusal to follow Truman into his anti-Communist crusade will not wholly undo the damage which the President has already done. His words cannot be un- said, nor can their effect upon Rugsia be can- celed out. Already, as witness Moscow's re- call of the Soviet Ambassador from Washing- ton, the nations are engaging in the usual preliminaries to war. When the country views the terrible pre- dicament in which it now finds itself, it cannot avoid the conclusion that wisdom at all times counseled the United States to fol- low Americanism only, to dedicate itself to the pursuit of its own interests, and to let Europe's wars alone. We have fought two of them without avail, and Mr. Truman is call- ing upon us to fight the third. We were drawn into these wars primarily at the behest of Britain, and that nation, by dumping the Greek and Turkish problems into Mr, Truman's lap, is summoning us to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the struggle again, If the United States can be induced to crush Russia, Britain again will rise to a station of security and com- parative eminence, for it will be the only other surviving major nation. For 10 years the United States has been dominated by alien interests. These inter- eats, primarily financial, have bought up every newspaper, radio station, columnist, and commentator, and every so-called organiza- tion of public opinion that could be pur- chased. It has killed our sons by the hun- dreds of thousands and brought the nation to bankruptcy. It will use whatever tactics seem best to rush into World Wer UI. It will coerce the timid and fool the stupid. Congress must cease being a catspaw for this movement and think of America’s in- terest first—even exclusively. |From the Chicago Sun of March 12, 1947] FOR CREEK FREEDOM FIRST President Truman made a strong case yes- terday for the survival of Greece as a free nation, but he did not chow that Greece ts in fact free. The point is vital as respects both Greece and Turkey. For unless we reserve our aid for free governments which actually represent their people, the course Mr. Tru- man proposes is indistinguishable from naked imperialism, We cannot accept such a pol- icy with national self-respect, and We can- not make it work. Mr. Truman asked Congress to put up 8400,000,000 for Greece and Turkey, part of which would be spent to supply and equ‘p their national armies. He asked authority to dispatch civilian and military personnel to supervise use of the funds and instruct the governments in their duties. Such a far-reaching program means one thing if applied to getting a free people on its feet, and another if designed to holster reactionary and semi-Fascist governments which hold their people in bondage. In the latter case, we would occupy the indefensible position of supporting any regime so long as it is anti-Russian, and, worse yet, the posi- tion of backing ruthless suppression of pop- ular liberties. In such circumstances all our talk of serving the free democracies would be reduced to a tragic burlesque. Not one word did Mr. Truman have to say about attaching any conditions to our pro- posed assistance that might guarantee the emergence of a genuinely representative gov- ernment in Greece. He confined himself to the mild comment that we did not approve everything the Greek Government has done. That is like saying fascism is not nice. For this Greek Government whose army he pro- poses to prop and strengthen has attracted to its ranke the same contemptible quislings who served the Nazis during the German occupation. Unless there is a wholesale re- form of the government from top to bottom it is a mockery to call it democratic. Mr. Truman says the present government represents 85 ‘percent of the Parliament which was elected last year; but he does not say that those elections were boycotted by most of the Centrist Liberals, the Socialists and the E. A. M. (Communists and Agra- rians). He says that foreign observers pro- nounced the elections fair; but he does not say that they were preceded by a rightist” reign of terror which is still going on and which can only be emboldened by the pros- pect of unconditional access to American dollars and military support. If the Greek Government really represents its people, why is it now in peril of collapse unless rescued by us? For 2 years the Rightists have been ruling by persecution of the people and with the unstinted aid of British armed might. Yet guerrilla fighting grows more extensive month by month. To attribute this entirely to an armed minority
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD or to outside coercion (evidence of which has not yet been reported by the United Nations commission of investigation), de- mands proof rather than mere assertion. Mr. Truman did not bother to prove it. The President’s request shou'd not be granted without adequate conditions which assure that we are really helping a free and democratic Greece and not a Facist Greece. If the British could not impose a Rightist government, we shall not be able to do so either short of undisguised military dom- ination. The American people did not fight the war for that kind of imperialism and they will not support such a policy which, if applied to Greece, must logically be ap- plied clear around the world. [From the Chicago Daily News of March 12, 1947 PERILOUS ROAD President Truman accepted courageously the responsibility for charting a course of militant internationalism for the United States. We wish the wisdom of the course was less dubious. The boldness of the President’s message lay in the extent to which he minimized the needs of Greece and Turkey for food, and emphasized that he wished to embark upon @ political adventure. He said that armed men led by Commu- nists were threatening the existence of the Greek state, and added: “We cannot permit changes of the status quo in violation of the charter of the United Nations by such meth- ods as coercion or by such subterfuges as political infiltration.” He wants to send American military per- sonnel—which presumably means troops— to Turkey and Greece. He wants authority to train Greek and Turkish personnel—which means army—in this country. The case he makes for these measures is that the Greek Army is unable to cope with the armed minority seeking to overthrow the Government, That, of course, is nonsense. If a Greek minority is too big for the Army it is prob- ably approaching a majority, and we doubt if even Assistant Secretary of State Spruille Braden, of Argentine fame, would advocate armed suppression of so large a faction of the Greek people. Unless President Truman knows more than he is telling the country, what he means is that he proposes to keep the Russians out of Greece and Turkey by force if necessary. To attempt this by unilateral action, while claiming to be upholding the sanctity of the United Na‘ions, is rank hypocrisy. Russian domination of Greece and Turkey would mean mounting turmoil throughout the Middle East. The more pessimistic, of whom President Truman would seem to be one, see in this prospect an economic disad- vantage for the western democracies, and eventually, probably war. But it requires no overwrought hysteria to see the possibility of war starting in Greece and Turkey. It is true that the Greeks and Turks have invited our help. Stalin 1s likely to contend that this request comes from a government which does not repre- sent the Greek people. The situation is inflammable. We should give the Greeks and the Turks all the ma- terial aid that we reasonably can to relieve their economic distress. The matter of sup- pressing armed infiltration should go to the United Nations, if we really believe it consti- tutes a threat to world peace and if we really believe in the United Nations. Then we will at least have a clear-cut is- gue, and we can then decide whether we are willing to run the risk of war to curb Russian expansion, XCIII—AfL p.——68 Teachers Endorse School-Lunch Prozram EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL ALBERT OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, under the leave granted me, I am including here- with a resolution I have received from the Southeastern Teachers’ Association of Okiahoma, endorsing the school-lunch program and urging a deficiency appro- priation to carry on for the remainder of the fiscal year. I know the sentiment expressed in this resolution is the senti- ment not only of the teachers but of the patrons of southeastern Oklahoma. I strongly endorse this resolution and urge immediate consideration of this very im- portant program. The resolution follows: DvrantT, Oxra., March 11, 1947. To the Oklahoma Congressional Delegation: GENTLEMEN: The Southeastern District of the Oklahoma Education Association, in meeting assembled at Durant, Okla., March 11, 1947, hereby request a deficiency ap- propriation of 820,000,000 to be allocated to the States in such amounts as each require to carry the school-lunch program on for the balance of this schoo] year. We request an appropriation from Congress which will be sufficient to meet the expanding needs of the program for future years. We further recommend that the acts be amended so as to emphasize the educational phases of the school-lunch program and that the program for schools be administered throvgh established Federal and State edu- cational agencies. J, H. BELvin, Chairman. W. 8S. Tuarp, Secretary. Double Talk in Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, Congress should ask—and get the answers to—a lot of pertinent questions before the Presi- dent gets $400,000,000 to spend in Greece in an effort to bolster the shaky govern- ment of a dissolute king. As is now well known, President Tru- man’s request entails more than just a request for money to spend in Greece. He requested also the power to send mili- tary and civilian advisers to Greece, and in effect, to strike out on an entirely new foreign policy. This new foreign policy appears vo be neither consistent, logical, or well thought out. It is a two-timing policy. It is a policy of double talk. It is a tricky policy that seems to lead neither to war nor to peace, but to continued un- easiness in international affairs, It is, Al073 in the final analysis, a policy of frustra- tion. Notice how contradictory is this new policy when it is considered alongside other elements of our so-called foreign policy toward Russia and totalitarian- ism today. First. Consider that only a few days ago, the Republican-controlled Appro- priations Committee had to veto an at- tempt of the executive branch to ship $25,000,000 worth of copper to Russia. Second. Consider that even at the time the President recommends that we fight totalitarianism with dollars in Greece, and perhaps Turkey, our Secre- tary of State is in Moscow, likely being wined and dined by the Russians. Third. Consider that at the very time the President makes his suggestion, the administration is attempting to ship 70,000 tons of tinplate to Russia. Fourth. Consider that at the time we are being asked, in effect, to declare eco- nomic war on Russia in Greece and Turkey, we are allowing thousands of Russian Embassy employees, represent- atives of Russian missions of various kinds, and 25,000 members of the Com- munist Party of America—who are, in effect, agents of Russia—to run loose in the United States, ferreting out secrets, dividing the loyalties of our people, and generally propagandizing us on the air and in print. These are reasons why Congressmen did not react with great enthusiasm to- ward Truman’s half-considered pro- posals. These facts show that the ex- ecutive branch of the Government realiy has no program for stopping Russia, and that it is frantically grasping at one new stratagem or another in an effort to ap- pease both the anti-Russians and the pro-Russians on the domestic front. If the new proposals included a clear- cut diplomatic break with Russia, an em- bargo on shipments to and from Soviet- land, new demands that the Russians get out of Korea, China, Rumania, Bulgaria, Turkey, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Greece, the Ameri- can people then could debate the issue in all its clarity. But Truman’s recommen- dations represent an oblique policy that is neither clear nor decisive. Our present policy toward Russia re- minds most Capitol observers who can remember back beyond yesterday of nothing so much as our shipment of iron ore and steel and other war materials to Japan, year after year, while at the same time getting tougher and tougher and making war with Japan inevitable. If President Truman wants to declare eco- nomic war on Russia, or to stop totalita- rianism, he easily could say so and could implement his decision first of all by get- ting unanimity in his own Executive branch for putting the economic squeeze on the Soviet. But it was only 3 weeks ago that the State Department felt mor- ally obligated to ship millions of dollars’ worth of additional lend-lease materials to Russia. In the second place, he could do more than he has done to ferret domestic Communists out of the Government, la- bor unions, and other powerful posts. But
Al1074 such consistency hardly is to be expected from the same Democratic administra- tion which has worked both sides of every street—the international and the domes- tic—for 15 long years. Resolution of the Legislature of the State of Oregon EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following resolution: Senate Joint Memorial 2 To the Honorable Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States cf America, in Congress Assembled: We, your memorialists, the Senate and the House of Representatives of the State of Oregon, in legislative session assembled, most respectfully represent and petition as fol- lows: Whereas under existing general law all ap- propriations for the purchase of national forest lands in the several States are pro- vided by the Congress of the United States, and each such acquisition is conditioned upon the consent of the State in which said property to be acquired is situated; und Whereas in the year 1922 the Congress fur- ther provided that the United States forest service, without congressional appropriation or review, has the right to appropriate so much of the annual timber crop from the national forests os it desires to use for the purpose of acquiring additional real property through the method of granting timber cut- ting rights in the national forests in ex- change for deeds to private property of equal value; and Whereas, by means of such method, the United States of America, acting by and through the forest service, has acquired in the State of Oregon in excess of 1,000,000 acres of land, without the prior approval of the Congress or of the State, which method of expanding the public wealth is not only against the public interest, but is impairing the tax structures of the units of local gov- ernment in the rural sections of the State, in that every such acquisition defeats the purpose of title 16, U. 8. C. A., section 500, which provides that 25 percent of the gross receipts of the several national forests shall be paid to local governmental units in lieu of taxes, and that each such acquisition also reduces the property tax base of one or more units of local government, and consequently increases the texes necessarily levied by the taxing agencies thereby affected: Now, there- fore, be it Resolved by the Senate of the State of Oregon (the House of Representatives jointly concurring thcrein), That the Congress of the United Siates be and it hereby is memorial- ized and this Forty-fourth Legislative As- sembly of the State of Oregon does hereby petition the Congress to repeal title 16, U. 8. C. A., section 485, and so much of title 16 U. S, C. A., section 616, as may be neces- sary to restrict the acquisition of national forcast lands solely to such lands as may be acquired by appropriations of money from the Federal Treasury; be it further Resolved, That the Secretary of State of the State of Oregon be, and he hereby is, direcicd to transmit copies of this memorial to the President of the Senate, to the Speaker of the House of Representatives cf the United States, and to each Senator and Rep- resentative therein representing the people of the State of Oregon. Adopted by senate February 20, 1947. M. E. Cornett, President of Senate. Concurred in by house March 7, 1947. JOHN H. HALt, Speaker of House. Texas Sympathy Strike Hampers Business EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I am just in receipt of a tele- gram from the Griffin Grocery Co., one of the outstanding wholesale grocery concerns of the Southwest, operating in southeastern Oklahoma and northern Texas, which clearly shows how sympa- thy strikes affect innocent people and hamper business over wide areas. I quote the telegram as follows: Mousxocer, OxrA,, March 13, 1947. Have nice little sympathy telephone strike in Texas this morning. Can’t get through to any of our properties. As I understand it, it evolved from some small Texas town where the employees did not like the way their employers distributed Christmas candy and culminated in strike in all the north- ern part of Texas. How much longer are we who foot the bill going to have to put up with this kind of foolishness? Not only in- conveniences, but costs a great dcal of money. Grirrin GROCERY Co. The Prospect for a Decent World EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS J. MYERS OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. MYERS. Mr. President, speaking last evening in Pittsburgh in support of President Truman’s recommendations for assistance to Greece, I said that what we do for Greece and for Turkey we are doing primarily for ourselves, for our way of life, and for the future health of a world in which democracy can live. I added that we must meet the menace, the flood, of expanding communism at the source, and the source is starvation, hunger, and hopelessness. We must meet them wherever they arise as threats to our goal of a decent world. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have printed in the Recorp my address of last evening, together with several editorials appearing on the same subject, which have recently been pub- lished in various Pennsylvania news- papers. There being no objection, the address and newspaper articles were ordered to be printed in the Rzcorp, as follows: THE PROSPECTS FOR A DECENT WORLD I am happy tonight to be in Pittsburgh, this dynamic city of such surging strength you can feel it in the air, you can see {t in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the sky; strength you cannot measure except by taking the measure of the strength of America. This city, which did so much toward the winning of World War IT, is now in the posi- tion, perhaps more so than any other single city in America, of making that victory se- cure. This city, not by itself, of course, but foremost among all cities, must help rebulld a world in ruins. I want to talk to you for a few minutes tonight about that task, that task of establishing a decent world, a world in which a man can walk upright and in dignity anywhere on this earth. In discussing such a subject, I am mind- ful tonight as a St. Patrick’s Day visitor to Pittsburgh of an event which occurred here exactly 11 years ago. No one visiting Pitts- burgh on 8t. Patrick's Day could help being reminded of something you who live in Pitts- burgh will no doubt never forget, and that is the Pittsburgh of St. Patrick’s Day of 1936. St. Patrick's Day in Pitteburgh in 1936, of course, was the day of the big flood, the worst ficod in the history of oft-flooded Pittsburgh, a flood which rolled up over the banks of the Allegheny and the Monongahela and Ohio Rivera—over the banks of Char- tiers Creek and Turtle Creek, and the Kiski- minetas and Youghiogheny and Conemaugh and Beaver Rivers—and brought disaster, tragedy, suffering, cold, disease, destruction and death into this valley of power and of strength. No, you who lived through it, you can never forget St. Patrick's Day of 1986, when irresistible natural forces rolled in triumph over the works of man and the life of a great community. Pittsburgh survived, of course. The waters receded, the lights went on again, the muck and the filth spewed up by the rivers and the wreckage wrought by the flood were cleaned away, the scars began to heal. Today, little plaques, often in bronse, mark the high-water mark in homes and in churches, in hotels and stores, in warehouses and garages and police stations and office buildings and shops where the flood waters of 1936 reached their zenith. Those plaques are constant reminders, if Pittsburgh ever needed any, of how the heart of a city, how * the Golden Triangle of Pittsburgh, could be devastated by the irresistible force of rivers in flood. I cite this experience of Pittsburgh 11 years ago not merely as a visitor's polite reference to some local history recalled by an anni- versary; I cite it because I think it is in miniature the experience a decade later of the whole world. As Pittsburgh was 11 years ago, so today is the world itself prostrate and recling from @ devastating blow. And as Pittsburgh re- covered, so, too, can the world recover. It took heroism and sacrifice and imagination for Pittsburgh to win its way back to nor- mal, back to a better Pittsburgh, and it will take the same sort of heroism and sacrifice and imagination on a far greater scale for the restoration of the world. Pittsburgh 11 years ago did more than merely rebuild and repair the damage of a flood. Pittsburgh put to use a lesson it had learned in that flood, a lesson it has never forgotten. It learned that the growing in- tensity of its periodic flocds had finally reached a point beyond which it was unsafe to chance future floods, particularly if some- thing could be done to prevent those floods. The world, in turn, has learned it cannot chance another war, and for the same reasons, For 50 years before 1936 Pittsburgh had talked of flood control, of the necessity for protection against these rampaging floods. After the St. Patrick's Day ficocd of 1926, however, the time for talk had finally ended; it became time for action. With the aid of Congress, which listened sympathetically to a Pittsburgh galvanized into action by a stupendous disaster and which listened also to other cities similarly battered and tortured with periodic floods,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD our Government set up a program for con- trolling these fioods not just at the banks of the rivers as they passed through our cities but at the source, at the headwaters, at the far-off mountains where the causes of fioods had their roots and the floods had their origin. Building the reservoirs to hold in those floodwaters and to protect Pittsburgh and other cities has been expensive. Those res- ervoirs for Pittsburgh alone—those already constructed and those now building or planned—will have cost millions upon mil- lions of dollars. But I am informed by Army engineers that those reservoirs now in use have already in a few short years saved in dollars, in property, in measurable terms, five-sixths of their entire cost in the floods which have already come to Pittsburgh since 1936. In years to come these measurable dollar savings will grow. The lives they have saved, the cold and suffering and misery and dis- ease, the panic and fear and dislocations they have prevented are not measurable, but no measure is needed. They were good in- vestments, those reservoirs against floods. Today, as I said, the whole world is in much the same situation as Pittsburgh found itself 11 years ago. There were parts of Pittsburgh in that flood which were not af- fected by the high water other than by the inconvenience resulting from the flood in the downtown area, In the outlying high- level areas of the community there were no electric lights, no trolley cars, but there was heat, there was comfort, there was safety. In a devastated world today, America is the safe, secure, high-and-dry section, and the rest of the world, with few exceptions, lics prostrate. Eleven years ago the safe, the high-and- dry pa~ts of Pittsburgh opened their hearts to those from Sharpsburg, from the McKees Rocks Bottoms, from the low-lying parts of the north side and the south side, and the other flooded sections, and there was food for all, shelter for all, warmth for all; there was brotherhood and there was concern for one’s fellow man; there was religion in dynamic action. Those who were comfortable and safe and untouched by the flood knew that their good fortune was only that—good for- tune—and that they owed to their neighbors, less fortunate than they, all the help they could give. I was not there at the time to see a heroic Allegheny County in action in meeting per- haps the worst disaster in Pittsburgh’s his- tory, but the story of that heroism is well known to me and to everyone else in our State. Now that same heroism is a world-wide necessity. To resurrect a whole world it will take heroism—-rou] heroism—heroism such as was displayed here 11 years ago, heroism which must be extended over the four corners of the earth. It will take sacrifice; it will take dollars; it will take, first and foremost, @ conviction among all of us that the job is too important it cannot be neglected. 8o that there will be no misunderstanding, I do not want anyone to think that what I advocate tonight is that the United States take our remaining treasure and give it away indiscriminately to whomever might ask and for whatever purpose it might be used. America cannot feed the world by itself, cannot clothe the world by itself, cannot solve by itself all the problems of all peoples everywhere. But America, as the strongest, most power- ful, richest single Nation left in this world, can, merely by being indifferent and uncon- cerned, make it difficult, if not impossible, for those of other lands to help feed themselves and to clothe themselves and to solve their problems. We have had thrust upon us, whether we want it or not, the responsibility for guiding the whole wide world into the paths of peace and of decency among men. Are we equal to the obligation? Let’s put it this way: are you, as an indi- vidual, willing to accept your share of the responsibility and of the burdens which go with that responsibility? My question is urgent; it demands an an- ewer. For we cannot drift into a better world; we must plan it and bring it about. To do that, we must know what we want in that world. I think, primarily, we want freedom for all, 80 we can be sure of having freedom for ourselves. Freedom, like peace, is indivisible. We are all much concerned over the spread of a hated philosophy called communism. We in America reject and despise it. We are, I am sure, safe from it insofur as our own country and its economy and its politi- cal forms are concerned, certainly for the present and for the foreseeable future. Com- munism today finds in America soil so in- fertile as to make its growth impossible. That is because we have here something so much better than the very best that communism in any of its forms could offer that our free people see in communism nothing that is attractive, nothing that is worth the slight- est consideration. It was not ever thus. In 1932 there was in this country of ours a spirit of such complete hopelessness among such a large portion of our population that the siren blandishments of communism made it appear to many to be the only solution. We weathered that storm, thank God, because we developed in this Nation of ours a certain philosophy of Government and of economics—certainly not &@ new philosophy since it was preached con- vincingly enough 2,000 years ago and studied 80 universally since then as to be familiar to all, but a philosophy which nevertheless was new to our Government in our time. It was a philosophy which recognized that the welfare and the well-being of each of us are fundamental responsibilities of all of us. Disregarding politics—politics has no place in this discussion tonight—disregarding poli- tics because this philosophy of our Govern- ment is not now either partisan or controver- sial but is shared by all thinking Amcricans regardless of party, I believe sincerely that because of this philosophy the chance which communism had in America in 1932 will never come again. I believe this because I believe America will never experience another 1932, Just as Pittsburgh, you see, learncd some- thing about floods in 1936, and what to do to prevent them, so America as a nation learned something about depressions. We huve ma- chinery now to head off these economic dis- asters, and we must use it when necessary. As a member of the Joint Congressional Com- mittee on the Economic Report it is one of my jobs in Congress—one of my most im- portant jobs in Congress—to see to it that we are prepared to head off depressions be- fore the start. As a result of what we have learned and of the economic machinery we have devel- oped, I think we in America are safe from the forms of communism here at home, America, however, cannot live unto herself alone. A safe, secure, comfortable America cannot exist isolated and alone in a world of turmoll and of starvation and of want. In such a world we would be a vulnerable eco- nomic target, eventually, perhaps, even a mil- itary target. We would be the target of the envious, the have-nots. Jealousy and hate are as effective weapons of psychological war- fare as can be devised, and we would be the envied, the hated, against whom demagogs could well try to use such sharp-edged weap- ons. A prosperous America surrounded by a& world in tatters and ruins is indeed a vulner- able America. Communism, therefore, is definitely a force with which we must contend. When our Under Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, in a frank statement in answer to a@ blunt question from the Senate Foreign “Relations Committee, stated that he and our Government consider Soviet Russia's policy Al075 to be expansive and aggressive, I don’t think he meant to imply that we think the Sosvict Union is now considering embarking on ag- gressive warfare as such. But the Soviet Union and its system of collectivism are on trial today in the same way that the United States and our democ- racy are on trial. We are openly contending with each other not for military advantage— although there may be some inclination on the part of some persons In both nations to think that we are—but rather we are con- tending for men’s minds, for ideological sup- port, for moral backing, for friendship based on common interests and common hopes. Perhaps some day this all may have military connotations; I sincerely hope not. In the meantime, however, we are both courting the world. Culturally and politically both systems have ideas to contribute to this rivalry now going on. Materlally, the Soviet Union has little to contribute right now and we have much. It is ironic in this situation that commu- nism, as represented by the Soviet Union, with the least to offer materially in the con- test of ideas now going on in the world be- tween two divergent philosophies of govern- ment, between two clashing concepts of the place of the individual in society, stands to profit the most from the impoverishment of those whom we and they both seek to attract. Our future approach then becomes in- creasingly clear: We must sce to it—we must bend our ef- forts to see to ‘it—by real friendship, by a sincere application of our own principles of democracy and of religion, that the rest of the world recognizes in the United States and in the things we stand for not just a nosey neighbor with words of advice and sugges- tion, but a real neighbor, a good neighbor. We are suddenly in America acutely con- Sclous and concerned about Greece. Greece, the birthplace of democracy, is now, we find, on the verge of becoming the newest out- post of communism. We do not want to see that occur, both because we do not believe the Greek people want an armed minority to capture control of thcir destiny and also because such a victory for communism would represent a defeat for our hope to see de- mocrecy spread. Well, we can make speeches about it; we can pass resolutions; we can condemn com- munism's infiltration and cxpansion. We can shake our heads in dismay. Or we can act. We can act to see to it that the people of Greece, first and foremost, are rescued from starvation and epidemic; that they have an opportunity to establish an economy in which the Greek pensant and the Greek work- er can look forward to at least the very minimum essentials of life. Then, only then, cun we hope to rekindle that flerce love of democracy which sprung into being so many hundreds of years ago in that little nation. I am sure that such a fierce spirit burns even now in the hearts of most Greeks, but, ladies and gentlemen, we know that democracy finds little sustenance in hungry bodies and in hearts bereft of hope. There is an inclination on the part of some Americans to believe that in going into Greece we are doing nothing more than pulling some new British chestnuts out of the fire, or perhaps just rescuing the throne of a tot- tering king from collapse. That is not our purpose What we do today for Greece we are not doing for Great Britain, and certainly not for any king, and we are doing it only incidentally for Greece; we are doing it primarily for ourselves; for our way of life, for the future health of a world in which democracy can live—we are doing it for a decent world. If Greece were to succumb to commu- nism, and we know that is extremely likely should we refuse to step forward now with food and sustenance and hope, it would
A1076 be further warning to other European na- tions hard-pressed to push their way out of wartime destruction and despair, that the United States has retreated once again to its shell, to its selfish pursuits, to its own business, and left them to their own devices—that our brave words of a new world, of real international cooperation, are words—only words. Contrariwise, aid for Greece will be real psychological help in our hope of winning freedom for those nations now swallowed up by Russia. Of course, we have already poured out billions in relief and support for other na- tions. Now, although we are being asked not for billions but for millions, can’t we sit back and say we’ve done our share—done enough? We could—but do we dare? When the flood of communism begins to roll up over Greece, where does it stop? We have today an international organt- zation both for keeping the peace and for advancing the cause of peaceful humanity. There has becn some concern that the Greek problem was not submitted to the United Nations. Unfortunately, the United Na- tions was not set up to handle this problem. In the meentime, however, in the inter- national tribunals of the United Nations we are finding cur country and the Soviet Union pitted consistently on opposite sides in a continual clash of ideas and of views. As long as the nations composing the United Nations can gu'de their own destinies and make their own policies, this clash is not serious; it can be, I think,.resolved by pa- tience and fizmness. Eut the onward march of communism into new lands, taking over additional countries, would be serious, for, by the very nature of communism, it would give the Soviet Union control over the destinies cf an increasing number of supposedly sovereign nations com- pes.:ng this international tribunal. We have secon the results of that widening cower al- ready, in the actions in the United Nations of Poland, Yugoslavia, and other members supposedly sovereign but actually merely projections of the Soviet Union. I have too much hope and faith in the United Netions, and I know you do too, to want to see that agency for international gocd reduced to a few strong voices and a multitude of “‘me-too” powers, powers pow- erless to determine their own policies in international affairs, That is just one serious aspect of this threat to Greece, My mind goes back to Pittsburgh of 11 years ago, when this city was digging itself out of its worst disaster. The plans laid then were good plans; they have proved their worth. Those plans called for meeting the flocd menace not at your front door, not at the outskirts of town, but at the source, at the headwaters, at the mountains where the floods originate. Your dams and reservoirs were built with that idea. And they have worked, We must similarly meet the menace, the flood, of expanding communism in the same way—at the source. The source is hunger and starvation and hopelessness. We must met thom wherever they arise as threats to our goal of a decent world. [From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer of March 17, 1947) CLEAR DECK FOR GREEK ISSUE With Paul Porter, President Truman’s are- cial representative, on his way home to make his report on conditions in Greece, it is of the utmost importance that Congress clear its decks as quickly as possible for consideration of the administration's program to help Greece and Turkey preserve their freedom. Mr. Porter, who has been in Greece since early January, should be able to answer ques- tions on the Mediterranean situation about which there are reasonable doubts in the minds not only of Congressmen but of many plein American citizens. The fact that Mr. Porter left Athens so soon after the Presi- dent's historic declaration of policy suggests the importance of the data he is bringing. But promptness in getting the facts on Greece to this country will be of no avail if, when Mr. Porter is ready to report in early April, Congress is in such a legislative jam that priceless time will be lost before Mr. Truman's proposals can be brought up. And, it should be emphasized, the pro- porals should be thoroughly discussed. It is possible that a good many Americans mis- understand them. They merit frank and full debate. To prevent @ log jam which might hold back the Greece-Turkey issue for many weeks, Congress should now put out unusual effort to set its legislative house in order. Since Congress met more than 2 months ago there has been too much talk and too little action. Both House and Sznate should now speed up unfinished business and get ready to give their most thoughtful attention to the new and difficult tasks which this Nation, in the broad interest of world peace, has been called upon to perform. [From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Bulletin of March 138, 1947] OUR NEAR EAST OBLIGATIONS President Truman has made it very clear that his proposals of assistance for Greece and Turkey are on a basis very different from the overseas relief projects which this coun- try is l!kewise backing. In these proposals he says the Nation's foreign policy anc its security are involved. It is that aspect of polity and world se- curity that furnishes the bond between Greece and Turkey, whose situations in other respects have little in common. Turkey has a strong, settled government to which the great mass of the people, united in deter- mination to defend the independence and essential interests of the country against pos- sible aggression, are loyal. Greece is plagued with inflation, threat- ened with near famine, shaken by subversive agitation and civil disorders. The agitators have foreign backing and the kingdom's neighbors afford the Greek trouble-makers shelter and bases. On a Communist-led mi- nority is equarely placed by the President much of the responsibility for the country’s parlous state. The President proposes that this country shall supp!y these two countries with ma- terial needs for defense and, in the case of Greece, rehabilitation and also that it shall comply with their requests for American civil and military personnel and undertake the training of Greek and Turkish person- nel. These proposals will be opposed by isola- tionists and viewed with misgiving by many who are worried to see the country undertake commitments of such grave import. But the policy seems clearly in the national in- terest and intended to bulwark interna- tional security. The United States cannot eecape the responsibilities which come with great power, It proposes to throw that power into the international scales to give a balance to the profit of democracy and the rescue of helpless nations from totalitarian regimes. For many Americans the fact that the policy has strong support of Secretary of State Marshall will be a guaranty that all its implications have been thoroughly weighed and that the course it proposes is sound, practicable, and under the circum- stances unavoidable. [From the Pitteburgh (Pa.) Post-Gasette] HELP FOR GREECE The course President Truman has recom- mended that Congress follow in providing as- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD sistance for Greece and Turkey represents a basic reversal in traditional American foreign policy. To move into the internal affairs of a European nation will be to practice dollar diplomacy and economic imperialism for po- litical purposes. When the alternatives to this course are considered, however, one concludes that President Truman has recommended a radi- cal departure in the best interests of the western democracies. To permit the collapse of Greece, and sub- sequently Turkey, would be to invite Rus- sian domination of areas vital to cur e<cu- rity. The only way to prevent the col!azse is to assume the financial burden soon to be put down by Britain. Ours is the only country capable of taking over. Certain aspects of the prcpoeal are d<fi- nitely unpalatable. There is, first, the handicap under which it may put Secretary of State Marshall in his Peace efforts at Moscow. While ho trics to negotiate with Russia a peace for Gcrmcny and Austria his Government moves to h-lt an aggression the Russians protest dees not exist. This is not conducive to a harmuni- ous atmosphere in Moscow. Agein, we are called upon to pcur miLions of dollars into Greece to prop up the unloveiy royalist government for which Mr. Truman adopted an almost apologetic tone in his message to Congress. We are also called upon to lend com- panion economic assistance to Turkey, which was not ravaged by war. Arcsistanc> to Turkey will be nothing but an obvious eiiort to strengthen her militarily against Russia. Once begun, this assistance will have to be followed through. We aren't going to be able to throw Greece a fish, as Stewart Alscp put it recently, and get out. Once commit- ted to economic support, we will have to keep pouring it in until it sticks, until Greece is back upon her feet. To fall short of that goal would simply be to delay the ultimate absorption of Greece into the Soviet sphere of influence. Civilian and military person- nel will have to be sent into Greece and Turkey to make sure that funds are used properly. Finally, Mr. Truman's proposal is another discouraging admission that the United Na- tions is just a handsome facade behind which the nations are playing the same old game of power politics. ‘We would much prefer to see this and other issues handled within the United Nations, the agency created for just such a purpose. But we cannot escape the fact that at present the United Nations is not equal to the situation. We are left, then, with the choice of doing Uttle, or nothing, through the United Na- tions or with taking immediate unilateral emergency action in Greece and Turkey. With so much at stake for what remains of the world’s democracies, with the need so urgent to protect our own enormous in- vestment in the victory so recently won, President Truman has pointed to the Icgical choice for this country. We hope the Con- gress will aécept his recommendations in the nonpartisan spirit In which they were m-de. — {From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer of March 18, 1947] LEADERSHIP FOR PEACE, NOT CONFLICT One week ago tomorrow President Truman laid before Congress—and the world—his proposals to aid Greece and Turkey. Un- questionably his pronouncement shattered precedents in American treatment of foreign affairs and problems. The President's statement has provoked in Russia a reaction of glum and somewhat angry disapproval. This it was bound to do. What is of more immediate and pressing Importance is the condition of mind of the American people regarding Mr. Truman's
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD projection of a policy of forceful United States leadership in world affairs. Some of the comment in this country has been excited and occasionally hysterical, par- ticularly among elements with clear Russian sympathies. But there has also been in evi- dence among many sincere Americans an ate titude of puzzlement and even of fear. They are asking: Will this mean war with Russia? How far will American aid to for- eign: nations carry us? Why do we have to concern ourselves with their welfare? Why can't we attend to our own troubled affairs at home? Such questioning is not improper. In fact, it is desirable. And the fact that it is oc- curring demonstrates that the single state- ment thus far made by the President, in which he outlined the potentially grave in- ternational situation and called for mo- mentous decisions regarding it, should be followed promptly by further enlightenment for all of the people of the United States on the far-reaching role Mr. Truman urges the Nation to assume. It is essential that all of the American people should be convinced of the wisdom and necessity of that course. In the first place, it is beyond argument that the United States stands today as the one potent democratic nation in the world. Whether we like it or not, we are forced either to accept or refuse the responsibility this fact imposes, It is unthinkable that the people of this great country would wish their Government to adopt a position of letting the cause of human liberty outside our borders go hang. That issue is involved in the present problem. If there is no American aid to Greece after that of Britain is withdrawn and if we say, in effect, to Turkey that she is on her own, a new spread of Soviet domination is a certainty. We agree that our aims and the methods we are to pursue to advance them need fur- ther clarification. We agree with Senator Lopcr that Congress must lay down requ're- ments before it extends the aid for Greece and Turk2y that is asked for. It seems most desirable to have it better understood, also, that we seck to deal with specific situations in the M:ddle East, not around the whole world. Greece and Turkzy need help. It will not be anything new for America to extend that help. We've done it before with other small nations which needed our aid to keep democracy going and growing. Our help in the emergency that confrorts us is not a case of bypassing the United Na- tions, but of getting something done in time. We should welcome the day, and work for it, when the UN—now without any organ:zed force to carry out its decisions—will be fully capable of dealing with the problems now im- *peratively presentcd to us in Greece and Tur- key. It is not our doing that the UN 1s yet unready. There is no validity in the apprehension that America's proposed course “means war.” It is not to be admitted that any nation should meanly shirk its duty or forsake its destiny because an honorable, firm policy might arouse the displeasure of another nation, But world tranquillity will never be per- manently assured by evasion or weakness on the part of the United States. We must be sure to be just and clear about our purposes. We must then play our part with courage. We must make America's moral leadership so effective that it will promote peace, not confilct. [From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer] A FATEFUL TASK WE CANNOT SHIRK Not a shadow of doubt now remains—at mn or Moscow or anywhere else— ashingto that the Nation stands at a fateful point in its history, after President Truman's speech before Congress yesterday calling for eco- nomic aid and military guidance to Greece and Turkey. There was no attempt on the part of the President to gloss over with nice phrases the grave significance of what he proposes or the stark reasons behind his program. Our decisions as a people are not concerned with a simple matter of granting a certain number of millions of dollars to a small dis- tant nation struggling amid postwar dif- Aculties. World leadership Britain has exercised for several centuries is slipping from her failing hands under the shocks of two global wars. An effect of ominous import is imperatively presented to the United States in Greece, from which British economic and military support must almost immediately be with- drawn. Either America or Soviet Russia will step into Greece in place of Britain. If it is to be Russia, that nation will make a further and probably gigantic move toward world dcmi- nation, with its limits beyond comprehension. And if it is Russla, instead of America, which steps in we will not only turn our backs upon the immediate problems in Greece but upon the task which now con- fronts us of assuming effective world leader- ship on behalf of demccracy as we believe in it. Mr. Truman asserts that America alone can bolster the present Greek Government and, what is more important, give democracy in that country and elsewhere a chance to survive, It maintains: “If we falter in our leader- ship we may endanger the peace of the world and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this Nation.” Why shculd we embark on a stop Russia policy? Why shculd we act in Greece or otherwise to s.em the tide of communism over the earth? Mr. Truman points out that we contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II—“an investment in world freedom and werld peace.” The investment is not paying eff. In spite of victory over Nazi tyranny, totalitarianism its not extinguished. In the guise of Russian communism it is being thrust resolutely over a large part of Evrope. It is moving purposefully in Asia and the Far East. The President noics: “The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation, in violation of the Yalta Agree- ment, in Poland, Rumania and Bulgaria.” He asseris, and voluminous facts support him, that Communists are the lenders of ter- rorist assaults along the northern boundaries of Greece. It is part of the system of pres- sure or infiltration that has already subju- gated a number of European ccuntries. Americans should avoid the misconception that Mr. Truman's propcsals are “playing a British game.” The United Siates is not called upon to support commitments of the British Empire indiscriminately all around the world and will not do so. But we are called upon in our own interests to lead the hosts of human fresdom and democratic government. There is no other country able to do it. There are many har- assed nations in which liberty will soon disappear if we fail them. We must, it is plain, give the material aid the President urges, without which Greece and Turkey will swiftly be enveloped by that darkness. But we must be careful that our leadership shall not be toward conflict. Serving the cause of real democracy as forcefully as we can, we should seek by every means in our power to bring about real world cooperation under which “we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free of coer- cion.” It is a task we must not shirk. A1077 Communist Fronts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN BELL WILLIAMS OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE CF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 17, 1947 Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, unity of thought and action is needed now in America as much or more than at any time in our history. Various organiza- tions operating under the gu’se of soc:al uplift or reform groups are continu- ously pitting section against section, labor against capital and capital against labor, race against race, in an attempt to create confusion, chaos, and discord among our people, such as was evidenced by their recent interference in a Mis- sissippi primary election, wh‘ch resulted in the political lynching of B:lbo—and the State of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remark; in the Appendix of the Recorp, I wish to include in connection herewith an excerpt from a report made by the Committee on Socialism and Com- munism of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States in September 1946, and entitled “Communist Fronts”: COMMUNIST FRONTS It is impossible to realize the extent of Communist influence in American life with- out some knowledge of the “front” tech- nique, Except pcssibly during the war pe- ricd, everything labeled Communist is sus- pect to the average citizen. Accordingly, if public opinion is to te influenced, it must be done in an indirect and concealed manner, To do this, the Communists evolved the masterful sirategy of the “front” organiza- tion. The setting up o7 a front involves two main steps. The first is the discovery of a proper cause and label. The cause is usually some form of allesed injustice or a proposed reform which will aroure the interest of the public, particularly the group which styles itcelf liberal. The label is some high-sound- inz word cr phrase, such as “democratic,” “peace,” and the like. When the issue is picked and the title decided, the cence is presented dramatically to scme “innocent,” who is both prominent ard willing to have his name used for a “gocd” cause. His name is used as the bait to attract others, until a rathcr impressive list is obtnined. Then the organization is announced publicly, funds are raised, and propaganda and pressure activities are begun. Communists, not generally known as such, do the work for such groups end occupy the active, in contrast to the honorary, offices. They determine policies and direct the front in accord with the party aims. The well- meaning sponsors are usually too busy even to inquire into the activities of the group to which they have given their names. Some fronts are permanent, particularly those which deal with some constant Com- munist objective. Thus, for youth, the Com- munists have the American Youth for De- mocracy. To win over the Negroes, they have the National Negro Congress. In the field of insurance, particularly among the foreign- born, there is the International Workers Or- der. Other fronts, by contrast, are tempo- rary. Such is the committee which in 1946 is staging the various win-the-peace rallies throughout the country. Other illustrations could be taken from groups promoting some specific foreign policy, Thus there would be committees for a democratic China, Greece, or Japan.
A1078 Cne of the more prominent and apparently Tecpectable fronts today is the Independent Citizens’ Committee of the Arts, Eciences, and Professions (ICC). This group has been successful in gaining publicity and sup- port which would never have been accorded to the Communist Party. It has enlisted aid from persons who would not consciously col- laborate with Communists, Yet, the party has claimed credit (in {ts 1945 New York State convention) for founding the ICC. A large number of ICC directors have partict- pated in pro-Saviet activities. Its line on controversial issues is identical with that of the Dally Worker, the national Communist Paper. While there have been some resigna- tions because of its leftist lecnings, at this writing it is still a powerful influence in the liberal community. Not to be confused with Communist fronts are the va-ious infiltrated organizations. A front is organized by the partly and for the party. An infiltrated group was organized for @ legitimate purpose by citizens loyal pri- marily to the United Stetes. Subsequent to its formation, Communists, by various de- vices, have obtained some degree of control. At times this control is extensive as with the Southern Conference for Human Welfare or the American Veterans Committee. At other times it is local as is the case with some chapters of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People or some locals of non-Communist labor unions. In- filtration has been discovered in surprising places, even in religious publications and seminaries, among atomic scientists, and in research groups dealing with foreign policy. The net effect of such activities wes wcll summarized by J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, in bis speech before the American Legion on Sep- tember 80, 1946: “The fact that the Communist Party in the United States claims some 100,700 mem- bers has lulled many Americans into a fee!- ing of false complacency. I would not be co.cerned if we were dealing with only 100,- 000 Communists. The Communists them- selves boast that for every party member there are 10 others ready to do the party's work. These include their satellites, their fellow travelers and their s2-called progres- sive and phony liberal allies. They have meneuvered themselves into positions where a few Communists control the destinies of hundreds who are either willing to be led or have been duped into obeying the dictates of others.” Red Mouthpiece EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STYLES BRIDGES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, March 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, I ask unenimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of uhe Recorp an article entitled “Red Mcuthpiece,” by Eugene Lyons, from the magazine Plain Talk. I have secured en estimate from the Pub- lic Printer that the article will take three and a quarter pages of the Recorp, and that the cost will be $230.75. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tre Facts Bxuinp In Fact: RED MOUTHPIECE (By Eugene Lyons) Absut 160,000 Americans are swallowing weekly doses of Communist Party-line propa- ganda under the impression that they are imbibing liberal and progressive ideas. Those of them not on the free list pay for inside dope that is in substance indistinguishable from the official Communist Party-line ma- terials published in the Daily Worker and the New Masses. Most of these people are not Communists; meny of them are no doubt hostile to com- munism. If the same concoction were offered under a frank!y Stalinist label, they would refuce to touch it. But it comes to them under independent and anti-Fascist la- bels, exuding the scent of mora] indignation, and they are taken in. I refer to the subscribers to In Fact, a four- page newsletter edited ty George Seldes, one of the most energetic Communist fellow travelers in the business. Geolge has en authentic flair for sensa- tion. Week after week he presents a brew of synthetic scoops, exposés, accusations— spiced with those self-righteous liberal cl:cnés certain people find irresistible. His four pages ove:flow with the nefarious plots of Big Business, attacks on the Vatican, Rcd- batters, imperialists, and other stock villains of the Muscovite melodrama. Thoce of his customers who like beseless scandal and sen- sationalism probeb!y get their morey’s worth. As circulations go in our country, these customers are relatively few. But as many of them are teachers, preachers, writers, dcc- tors, and the Iike—opinion makers end opin- ion carriere—an analysis ox In Fact, its edi- tor, and its contents is in the interest of public hygiene. The uninittated find it hard to believe that so meny supporedly nonpartisan publications in America actually end knowingly follow the Communist policy line. Luckily we have the testimon” of a qualitied witness. Ruth McKenncy is best known for her hu- morous book My Sister Eileen, but she ts in deadly earnest about her advocacy of com- munism. Writing in the Communist weekly New Masses, for May 31, 1928, she listed some of the official Communist Party mouthpieces and boasted that in acdition— “The party has a hand in the publication of assorted other magazines of various types and kinds. Some of the magazines the party itself publishes. * * * Many others the party helps edit. And meny many other megazines are edited by people friendly to the par.y who come around and ask for advice and direction in getting out their weekly and monthly publications.” These periodicals in which the party has 8 hend, which the party helps edit, whose edi- tors get party advice and guidance are palmed of on the reading public as independent journals. If their Communist connections are mentioned, they raise the cry of Red baiting—understandably, since the pose of independence is their main propaganda asset. But people and publications familiar with the techniques described br Miss Mc- Kenney have not been fooled. Cnly recently an editorial in Collier's (No- vember 9, 1946) stated as a self-evident mat- ter that In Fact “generally follcwrs the Com- munist Party line.” A few weeks later a news story in the New York World-Telegram (De- cember 11, 1946) referred just as matter of factly to “the Communist Party-line sheet, In Fact, published by George Seldes.” Scldes’ threaje of court action whenever his Communist contacts are alluded to in print are a matter of amused notoriety in pub'ishing circles. The circumstances that wealthy and hence vulnerable publications do not hesitate to identify In Fact as a party line sheet suggests that they have no doubts in the matter. Though he denies for the record that he is @ fellow traveler, Seldes does not try too hard to cover bis ideological tracks. Indeed, as s conspirator he seems pretty slipshod. A more discreet fellow, for instance, would not have printed his “independent” weekly in a shop that does the printing for nu- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD merous communistic organizations and even for Soviet agencies. He would not nave used so many men and women easily identified as party people on his editorial and business staff—Bruce Min- ton, Mrs. William Browder, and Henry Geiaz, for example. Above all, a leas slovenly opsrator would have found an excure now and then for chiding Russta and the Communists, hcw- ever gently, to bolster the pretense of ob- jectivity. But not once in over 6 years of publishing has Ssides found the United S:ates of America right and Russia wrong in any confiict of views. Not once bave his trig- ger-happy assaults on ali other politicians, right and left, at home and abroad, bsen reLieved by a single volley aimed at a Com- muniist in good standing anywhere. Russia and Communists have been 100 percent ex- empt in 6 years of In Fact's riproaring revcla- tions of the wickedness of men and nations. Th‘s tendency to overplay his hand is not necessarily proof of incompetence tm the arts of camoufiage. It is evidence, rather, of S2ides’ immense contempt for his readers. He has cpcrated on the assumption that the innocents to whom he caters are hopelessly naive. Every issue of his newsletter is a calculated insult to their intelligence. He @edains subtlety in turning the villains of one issue into heroes a few issues later, in cnranging his editorial views abruotly, as demanded by the shifting party line. ONCE A CRUSADER AGAINST BOLSHEVISM Werm edvoecates of the Soviet-Communist cause who turn into bitter opponents are by now a familiar type. Usually the conversion requires a long sojourn in Russia, cuving which tmnortcd ilusions crumble under the imnsct of unpleasant facts. But the reverse prccess—a prominent red-baiter turncd into @ passionate p-o-Communist—ts rare. Ex- hibit No. 1 of this believe-tt-or-not phenome- no. is George Seldes. For some 13 yecrs—from the time he was ex elled from Russia in 1923 to his sudden appearance in the Communist preas—S:2ldes scared no vitriol in his war on Saviet com- muniem. In books and articles he denounced bolehevism as the twin brother of fascism and never tired of warning America against the red world plot directed from Moscow. His journalistic style was always of the flamboyant kind. His mind runs to con- spiracies, intrigues, and the off-the-cugZ fore- casts. These talents he used continually to bait dictators, red, black, or brown. Almost any of his writings of that period prove that he earned honestly the abuse he got from the comrades. The keynote of his crusade egainst bolsheviam wes struck itn a eeries of letters to his one-time employer, Colonel McCormick, of the Chicago Tribune. Here is an excerpt, as published in the New York Times, June 18, 1923: “Believe me, if bolshevism ever comes to America, nothing would please me more then a nice corner post on a roof overlooking two main streets and a nice large machine-gun with unlimited belts of ammunition. I am convinced more than ever that Russian b:1- shevism will never be satisMed until 1t car- ries world revolution to other countries, and the country they want is America. I cer- tainly believe it is the duty of every man who cares the least bit for his own liberty, or for the most fundamental rights, to Aight the greatest force today of anticivilization.” A typical Seides book—You Can't Print That! published in 1929—suffices to indicate the heat and the earnestness of his anti- Communist sentiments. It begins witb the story of his troubles with censorship, espe- clally his experience in those  parallcl despoticms, Italy and Ruesia, and gives major space to as indignant an indictment of the Soviet reality—terror, antireligious outrages, trouble-making abroad, abuse of the common man—as you will find in any Nbrary of anti-Soviet literature.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD His section on the Third or Communist International, entitled “The Red World Plot,” Calls it an open-and-shut conspiracy. He tells of Moscow sessions where arrangements are made for money and propaganda via Soviet embassies, legations, consulates, trade missions and other agencies in many lands. His most passionate denunciations, how- ever, are directed against the terror in Russia, in a chapter originally written as a report for use in a congressional committee. Seldes reports Soviet murder, torture, and ugliness. He tells how the Soviet secret police smoth- ered all liberty of expression * * * cowed the souls of the people. “Freedom has ceased to exist in Russia. There is no democracy. It is not wanted. Only American apologists for the Soviets have ever pretended that there was democracy in Russia. * * * The terror is in the mind and marrow of the present generation and nothing but generations of freedom and lib- erty will ever root it out.” Religious persecutions, too, arouse Seldes to wrathful rhetoric. It was the anti-God Campaign, indeed, that finally led to his departure. From the outset he had been prepared for the occasion when the big story came for which it would be worth risking expulsion. The arrest and trial of a num- ber of Catholic priests met that test. George smuggled out some truth and ‘took his Medicine, Driven out of Russia, he dedicated him- self to demolishing propagandist illusions about the nation in the United States of America. In other countries, on other as- signments, he found evidence of the Commu- nist menace and exposed it as he went along. He challenged fellow-Americans to open their eyes to “intrigue according to instructions from Moscow.” If ever a writer earned the accolade of “red-baiter,” it was George, so that his sub- sequent golden reconciliation with commu- nism is wrapped in mystery. THE STRANGE CONVERSION For those of us watching the course of Communist infiltration in America, Seldes’ sudden emergence as a contributor to the Communist press, as a speaker at Communist meetings, as a sponsor of Communist- inspired enterprises, was a shocker. Against his record of long and wrathful anti-Soviet agitation, his conversion seemed incredible. It seemed cuckoo. We searched for a clue to the mystery. In what burning bush had he received his revelation? Had Seldes returned to Soviet Russia to discover that his earlier findings were out- moded and unfair? Nothing of the sort. Had far-reaching reforms and improvements in the Soviet domain perhaps allowed him to forgive and forget the ugly past? No one in his right mind would make such a claim. Sovietism in 1923, for all its faults, was cer- tainly more idealistic than Sovietism in 1936 or 1989. No, the key to the riddle of Seldes’ transformation cannot be found inside the U.8.S. R. Personally I sense some hidden tragedy in the conversion. The man who had in- sisted so eloquently that Fascism and Bol- shevism were two of a kind donning the uni- form of a fellow-traveling bondage! No one can convince me that there were not some irresistible pressures or temptations. In any case, the fact of his ignominious surrender around 1936 to the world-plotters whom he had so long fought is beyond doubt, An examination of the Communist press shows him suddenly goose-stepping on the official line; signing party-inspired docu- ments, heading up front organizations, writ- ing for party publications, attending party rallies. Without prelude or apprenticeship, his name now led all the rest in the annals of the party periphery as detailed in the official Daily Worker. Even his presence at the spring ball of the communist new masses and at the opening of the Soviet Pavilion at the World's Fair now became news for the initiates. As if to atone for his anti-Soviet career, poor George now seemed in a panicky hurry to pile up maximum party credits in mini- mum time. In a few years he showed up at least 40 times in connection with Commu- nist-sponsored causes. The by-line nurtured on anti-Soviet writings now embellished such comradely pages as those of the Daily Worker, the New Masses, Soviet Russia Today, Equal Justice, Equality. It graced the sponsor lists and activities of such “front” organizations as American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, American Friends of Spanish Democracy, Conference for Constitution Lib- erties in America, Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, Friends of the Soviet Union, International Labor Defense, International Workers Order, League of American Writers, National Committee for People’s Rights, Non- Partisan Committee for the Reelection of Congressman Vito Marcantonio, Citizens Committee for Harry Bridges. This is not a complete listing, of course. Nor does it indicate the responsible roles in which Seldes, though a newcomer to the cause, was instantly cast. The fullness of his conversion was matched by a confidence of the same order, For instance, he became a vice president of the league of American writers, an organization labeled subversive by Attorney General Biddle. When a party-line movie project was launched in frontier films, Seldes was on its advisory board. He found himself on the executive boards both of the north American Spanish aid committee and the United Spanish aid committee. And he signed the famous round-robin approving the Moscow blood-purge trials. The Seldes who had risked expulsion from Russia to tell the truth about an earlier and milder purge trial was now hurrahing for official murder at the latest purge trial. On August 14, 1939-9 days before the bombshell of the Moscow-Berlin Pact which forged the brown-and-red axis and touched off World War II—some 400 Americans issued a letter branding as reactionaries and Fas- cists all those who dared suggest that Russia and Germany had anything in common. Seldes—the same Seldes who for more than a@ decade had plugged the thesis that fascism and communism were two sides of the same medal—was proudly among the 400 signers. Nine days later Stalin and Ribbentrop turned the letter into a grotesquerie. Some of the signers had the decency to pin “kick me” signs on their backsides. The rest, and Seldes in particular, devoted themselves to the new Nazi-Soviet line for America—to the job of agitating against aid to the Allies, pre- venting American rearmament, and keeping Uncle Sam out of the wicked “imperialist” war. The shock of the Stalin-Hitler partnership caused the first great mass desertion of fel- low travelers from the American Commu- nist movement. Only comrades of deep faith—or those so deeply fouled that they couldn't extricate themselves from the Com- munist clutches—stood firm. Seldes stood firm. Up to that moment he had advocated collective security but now his new isolationist fervor took him into the Committee To Defend America by Keeping Out of War. Soon he was sponsoring a New York peace association, a Greenwich Village mass meeting for peace, an emergency peace mobilization—different party names for the same party campaign for neutrality. Finally the American Peace Mobilization was set up, under the slogan, “The Yanks are not coming.” This was the organization that clamored for nonintervention, defended Communist-led strikes in war industries, agitated against conscription, and main- tained a picket line around the White House and the warmonger within. Seldes was on the policy-making national council of this mobilization, A1079 In April 1940, when the first issue of In Fact was already made up, he served as chair- man of a self-styled Citizens Defense Com- mittee created by the Communists to help demonstrators arrested outside the French consulate in New York. While France was staggering under Hitler's offensive these dem- onstrators and the Seldes committee were adding their blows to hasten the collapse. The whole In Fact enterprise must be seen in the context of its editor's frenzied labors in such Communist-inspired causes. TESTIMONY OF A COMMUNIST INSIDER How best to exploit the zeal of the recondl- tioned Red-baiter, George Seldes, was often discussed in the inner circle of the Commu- nist high command. One of the plans under serious consideration was to make him edi- tor of the Daily Worker, the official party Organ. Evidence to that effect is provided by a member of that high command who was directly involved in the plan: Louls F. Budenz. Budenz was brought to New York from Chicago, installed as managing editor of the paper. In several conferences with Earl Browder, the party boss, he had been offered Seldes as his editor. Recently Budenz broke with the party. In a blistering farewell message that made headlines, he charged the Communists with disloyalty, chicanery, and subservience to a foreign government. Thus we have the story of that crucial crossroads in the Seldes ca- reer from an insider. In a signed statement, Budenz attests as follows: “In 1940, when I was named president of the corporation publishing the Daily Worker, Official organ of the Communist Party, the then secretary general, Ear) Browder, stated that the political committee of the party was prepared to name George Seldes as editor of the Daily Worker. “Mr. Browder asked whether, if 1 were named managing editor and Mr. Seldes was chosen editor, we could work together. I was told then that something had to be done to give Seldes a larger opportunity to function for the cause. Browder said that no move in that direction would be made unless I agreed it was feasible. I conveyed my belief that Seldes and I would be able to get along together. “Later I was advised that Seldes felt that he should not be associated with such an open Communist publication as the Daily Worker. The party leaders, too, I was told, now felt that he would be more useful as an ostensibly non-Communist journalist.” A more convenient “opportunity to func- tion” soon was provided. Again I quote from Budenz’ signed statement: “As to In Fact, the entire plan for that venture was submitted to me by the ninth floor of the Communist Party—the national headquarters, that is to say—shortly before the publication was launched. I was in- structed, since I was busy at the time, to give my opinion of the plan to William Browder, business manager of the Daily Worker, who was in constant touch with Seldes and the others on In Fact. This I did, talking the matter over with him on several occasions, Incidentally, William Browdcr's wife, Rose, subsequently became business manager of the Seldes publication. “On two occasions after In Fact was launched I was asked if I would go out to Westchester to confer with Seldes and get him straightened out when he was tem- porarily confused on matters of policy. This I agreed to do, but pressure of other work prevented my acting fast enough, and meanwhi'c Se:des had conformed to the party Une on the points involved. I assumed that other emissaries had done the job of straight- ening him out.” The disclosure that the entire plan for that venture was appraised by the party big- wigs fits perfectly into the picture of the camouflaged press drawn by Ruth McKenney 2 years earlier. Curiously, Miss McKenney’s