APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This is what Lincoln would have to say on that subject: Let us remember that all American citi- zens are brothers in a common country and should dwell together in the bonds of a fraternal feeling. Capable and patriotic public servants who have gained enmity of people in high office because they have conscientiously done their job as they saw it will find some consolation in these words of the Great Emancipator: Let us have faith that right makes might and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it. Members of Congress often wonder why more capable people do not offer themselves for public service. Part of an editorial of February 9, which ap- peared in the Chattanooga Times, is pertinent. It is as follows: We wonder why more able and devoted men do not offer themselves for public serv- ice. Then we see Lilienthals, Clapps, Conants, and men of their caliber badgered and belittled for partisan or even lower per- sonal reasons by men holding, but not honor- ing, political office—by men who ought to pray for enough understanding to grasp what Mr. Lilienthal meant in that moving defini- tion of democracy. We should feel a sense of shame at what has been presented to the committee in the guise of competent and relevant testimony. If there is any real evidence of communistic sympathies on the part of one nominated for office, we should have it made public. But we have had paraded before us gossip barely above the level of talk in a river front saloon—and this has delayed the labors of a Commission facing the task of making policies on atomic power. The Flag of the United States! EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BERTRAND W. GEARHART OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 14. 1947 Mr. GEARHART. Mr. Speaker, ap- ropos of my bil] (H. R. 234) to impose penalties upon those who willfully dese- crate or mutilate the flag of the United States, a measure which the Congress should have long ago enacted, I am happy to offer for inclusion in the Con- GRESSIONAL RECORD, an article on the proper use of the flag from the facile pen of Mr. Gridley Adams, of New York City. Mr. Adams, who entitles his article “Fly It Right,” ts director-general of the United States Flag Foundation, and chairman of the National Flag Code Committee, and, as such, speaks with greater authority in respect to the prop- er display of the flag than any other living person. Consequently, that which he has to say on this subject is of the utmost importance when legislation af- fecting the flag {s under consideration. The article, Mr. Speaker, to which I have just referred, is the following: FLY Ir ator (By Gridley Adams, director-general of the United States Flag Foundation and chair- man of the National Flag Code Oommittee) (Thousands have died for the flag, but not one in a thousand knows how to display it correctly. The top authority on the subject tells you how.) During the war, a patriotic mother whose two sons were in the armed services kept an American flag fying night and day over her house in Tuckahoe, N. Y. Often of a morn- ing she would find the flag torn from its hal- yard and thrown on the ground, presumably because she had left it flying after sunset. Even an Army officer wrote her objecting to the flag being flown at night. But, actually, those who attempted to cor- rect what they considered a disrespect for the national emblem committed the very limit of desecration. For there is no Army rule against flying the flag 24 hours a day except, as th? Army’s Flag Circular says, “for adver- tising purposes.” The Army hoists the flag in the morning and lowers it at sunset to note the begin- ning and end of the Army’s normal business Gay. It has no other significance Furthermore, if Francia Scott Key had not seen “by the dawn's early light, what so proudly we hailed at the twilight’s last gleaming,” we might never have had our na- tional emblem. And for more than 40 years the flag has flown night and day over the grave of Key. It is also flown night and day over the Worcester (Mass.) War Memorial. And when either branch of Congress holds @ night session it flies over the Capitol Build- ing. This misconception about flying the flag at night is only one of scores that have de- veloped over the years, largely because most flag codes fail to set out fully all the rules necessary for reasonable respect to our flag. The thousands of letters I have received over the last 20 yeara reveal a serious desire on the part of most Americans to be fully informed about flag procedure. Yet nowhere in the manifold bureaus of Washingon will you find a single central agency where a citizen can obtain authentic information concerning flag procedure. The War and Navy Departments, for instance, say they have jurisdiction over flag usage only within their own provinces. It wasn't until 1942, 165 years after the flag’s adoption, that Congress ventured to draft a Federal Flag Code. One of the most important changes incorporated in the code when it was amended that same year (1942) was the adoption of the Lincoln hand-over- heart salute to supplant the old extended- arm salute which had been used for years in the public schools. The Lincoln salute is supposed to have had its origin while the President was watching a parade. Beside him was a young woman who said to him: “Mr. Lincoln, whenever I see the flag pass I have such a feeling of exultation here [placing her hand over her heart]. How can I show that feeling?” To this Lincoln is reported to have replied: “By standing just as you are, with your hand over your heart.” When I told this story toa congressional committee working on the flag code, the committee immediately adopted the Lincoln salute for universal use. , In connection with saluting the flag, police- men and firemen, when on duty, are not per- mitted to remove their headgear because a part of the insignia of their office ts on their caps, and to remove any part of their “office” takes away their authority. Many persons have written to me criticizing these hatted officials for their manner of saluting the flag. What the critics apparently don’t know is that when policemen and firemen salute the flag they touch the brim of the cap with their fingers, which is tantamount to their saying: “T would like to remove my hat, but not being allowed to do so, I am doing the next best thing.” Actually it is absurd to see a bare- headed man touching his fingers to a hat which just isn’t there. As for penalties for misuse of the flag, they are provided for in the criminal codes of every State. But the Federal Flag Code is not implemented by law. It is a code and nothing more, though efforts have been made A519 repeatedly to have a flag law enacted. With- in the last 8 years two such bills were unani- mously passed by the Senate but were side- tracked in the Judiciary Committee of. the House. Abuses of the flag in most cases, of course, are due to thoughtieesness. For instance, at the first flag conference in Washington, the late Samuel Gompers made a stirring speech. When he finished, I showed him a photograph taken sometime previously while he was mak- ing a speech in Los Angeles. It showed him standing on the flag. He was shocked by his own carelessness. And, again, there was the wife of a United States President who crocheted a spread for the Lincoln bed in the White House. In the design she had put nine United States shields, and not one of them with the correct stripes. And the eagle was shown holding in his right (dexter. honor) talon not the olive branch but 3 (not 13) arrows, and in his left (sinister, dishonor) talon the olive branch. As President, her husband's signa- ture to any official paper would have been worthless unless that paper had borne the impress of the great seal, from which the shield is taken. Yet his wife didn't know how to copy the great seal correctly. A swank sporting-goods store in New York City still persists, even after being many times told of its error, in putting the flag on both sides of a picture or object in its dis- play window. Recently, there was a dummy dressed in a captain's uniform standing be- tween two flags. A real flesh-and-blood cap- tain who knowingly placed himself to the right of the flag would expect to be demoted. The only man ever permitted to stand or march on the flag's own right is a color guard with a rifle over his shoulder. In an assembly hall you often see two flags at the rear of the stage. The only place the flag should occupy on any plat- form is at the extreme front of the stage, and just in front of the line of the speak- er’s reading desk. This is the “military right of line.” Thousands of motorists have car- ried a small metal flag attached to the auto's rear license plate, not realizing that the flag never trails anything; its correct position is always at “the front.” And the position of the flag in the churches has long been in dispute. For example, the minister of a church in a Virginia town placed his church's flag in the position of honor—that is, at his right—and relegated the United States flag to the secondary po- sition. To back up his contention that it was correct flag usage, he said the Navy flew the church flag over the ensign on ship- board. Some of his church members appealed to me. And in a letter to the local paper in the minister’s town I explained that a Navy chaplain’s private pennant (its correct name) over the ensign was a signal to surrounding ships that the crew was at divine service, Such a practice is not intended to represent God above country, as so many believe. Cer- tainly it would be a bit strange to proclaim a ship Christian for a few minutes each Sunday and a pagan vessel for the rest of the week. That Virginia minister could speak to his congregation and didn’t need to resort to a special pennant announcing that divine serv- ice was in progress. During an American Legion convention in New York City the Legionnaires arrived for gervices at a big church to find the United States flag given a secondary position. Some of the Legion members had to be forcibly restrained from moving forward during the service and putting the emblems in their proper order. One fact that is overlooked by some mem- bers of the clergy is that without the pro- tection of the United States flag we might not have freedom of worship. Some women seem to think that the flag can be used effectively as part of a costume.
A520 A society woman in a western city, for in- stance, was seen wearing the flag as a ban- danna, The fiag should never be used as any part of one’s costume. Another woman, shopping in a Detroit department store, and looking at some flag pins, surprised the sales- woman by asking, “Haven't you got them in any other colors?” This brings up another misconception about our flag. George Washington, in de- scribing the new flag, said: “We take the blue from heaven,” etc. And in heraldry blue outranks red. But in spite of that, the song writers, to suit their rhyming prob- lems, long ago set the flag colors down as red, white, and blue. The order should be blue, white, and red. Army literature, Boy Scout manuals, and the Federal flag code itself all give the colors in that correct order. Because our Navy in its infancy got all its accouterments from France, it had to stand the unfair stigma of running away from the fight for more than a 100 years. It came about because the French eagle faces its left, or the sinister. The late Frank Knox, Sec- retary of the Navy, finally ordered a change by declaring that “the old bird has looked the wrong way too long.” Artists and illustrators frequently make errors in reproducing the United States shield. The old 25-cent and 50-cent silver Pieces bore on their reverse sides the great seal of the United States. Millions of people handled and saw these silver pieces. Yet over the past 20 years I have seen outside of Government literature, only three correct re- productions of the United States shield. And if you ask the average person to describe the elements in the shield, he’ll tell you, “seven red and six white stripes,” etc. But the shield has only six red stripes and seven white stripes. And there are no stars in the blue band. It may also surprise you to know that this mistake has been made in Government literature many times. Similarly, few people understand the point of honor in the flag. Primarily, flags were devices of war, and the simplest weapon of war is the spear. A spear’s only use was as & weapon. And in attacking an enemy you keep the point to the front, toward the enemy. Now the flagstaff is always a spear. The origi- nal horseman was a lancer and his weapon was a lance and the colors attached to that lance were called a standard. The original foot soldier was a pikeman, and his weapon was a pike, while the colors attached were called a color. As the column moved for- ward, the points of lances and pikes, being toward the enemy (the point of danger), be- came the honor points. That portion of their scarves being next to the spear point became the honor point of the scarf. Thus, the staff- head of a staffed flag is the danger point and that portion of the flag, the blue canton with the stars, becomes the honor point of the flag. In the days of militant knighthood a man was judged by his physical courage. In order to appreciate fully the significance of the word “sinister,” and the care taken in herald- ry that ordinaries, charges, crests, and acces- sories shall not face the sinister direction, one has but to remember that the arms on a shield and the crest on a helmet of a knight proclaimed his family, his name, and his per- sonal identity. And when engaging in com- bat he took especial care that the charges on his shield, his helmet itself, and the crest surmounting it and waving proudly aloft should all face the enemy. To insure this, they had to face toward their right (their sword or right arm) side, the dexter direction. Had they pointed to the left, or sinister, they would have faced away from the enemy. To face danger was honor, and the avoidance of danger was dishonor. Thus the word sinister came to mean something ignoble and cow- ardly. Another point to remember about the flag is that it should never be displayed below the heads of seated persons. This happened at one of the late President Roosevelt's inau- gural ceremonies. The flag was tacked flat on the support of, and below, the reading desk. One of the President's secretaries in- sisted that such a display was in accordance with all flag rules. In reply I sent him a printed copy of the Flag Code which the President had signed (and sent me the pen he signed it with) only a few months previ- ous. But I received no answer. Within the last few months the Post Office Department has issued three commemora- tive postage stamps in the designs of which have been incorporated the flag of the United States. Two of these, the Texas and Michi- gan stamps, violate the criminal codes of all 48 States and the District of Columbia. Nev- ertheless, these two and the Iwo Jima stamp, all bearing pictures of the flag, are smeared by post-office canceling machines throughout the land. The Post Office Department's an- awer to that is, “The flag was used on a stamp in 1869.” In dedication ceremonies the flag should be the supreme factor, and should fly aloft and free. It should never be used as the unveil- ing material. And yet, at a dedication in Washington of a bronze plaque of the Dec- laration of Independence, and given under the auspices of a widely known patriotic society, the flag was used as the veil. And symmetry should play no part in a flag display. You often see a row of flags on staffs. Every other one or so is the United States flag. No flag is ever placed on the right of the United States flag; and if there are several United States flags and only one city, Red Cross, or other banner, then that one flag goes to the extreme left of the “mili- tary right of line,” never in the middle, for symmetry’s sake. Watch the manner in which B, Altman & Co.’s store in New York makes its display, if you would be correct. The present President's flag has been in error since May 1916, when President Wilson had a new Presidential flag designed. The artist commissioned to do this redesigning probably thought the “old bird” had been looking one way so long he would like a change. And so, wholly ignorant of the heraldic factors involved, that artist drew the eagle looking to his sinister. Several Presi- dents have been appealed to to have the error corrected, but they have tacitly accepted the omen. Many people are unaware of the reason why the flag upon the casket of a dead soldier, sailor, or anyone who has seen serv- ice in defense of his country ts reversed, in that the canton is placed over the left breast of the deceased. This js the only time that the flag can pay its respect to one who has once offered his life in its service, and there- fore it 1s “reversed” and seemingly clasps the soldier to its bosom. It should be particu- larly remembered that never should the flag cover the bier of anyone except those who have seen military or naval service. A lighted torch held upright signifies life: pointed downward it signifies death. In a military funeral, going to the grave, the muskets are reversed (muzzles down); com- ing back, the rifles are carried over the shoulder (muzgles up). If a general’s horse is led in the proceasion behind his coffin, the stirrups are turned to “face” backward. It is only for military or naval personnel that the flag should ever be at half staff. If the deceased has been in the employ of a State, then that State's flag should be half- staffed, while the United States flag beside it remains at full staff. If a member of a police force, then the flag of that organization is the one to bear evidence of his loss to that organization. If he has been a city official, then that city's official flag is the one to be half-staffed. But in any half-staffing, the United States flag should so remain only un- til noon, when at that precise moment it should be hoisted to full staff, “for the country still lives and the fieg is the symbol of the living country.” The Navy thinks so much of its ensign it it goes the Army one APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD better: Instead of the one-half day in the year that the Army half-staffs the flag for its soldier dead, the Navy half-staffs the en- sign only during the few minutes of firing the salute. In purchasing a new flag, remember fringe and tassels have no place on it. The flag needs no passementerie; no “painting the 1) y.” It is your flag—not the property of the Government or any branch of the Govern- ment, but yours to fly whenever you desire, as long as you do so with respect. Long may it wave, The Moscow Conference EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 12, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following article from the February 12, 1947, issue of the Christian Century: FOR A DEMOCRATIC OFFENSIVE At the approaching Moscow Conference, the principal nations confront an hour of decision which will determine the pattern of postwar politics. Because the course of his- tory will be defined at this meeting, the Conference is likely to be protracted. Its agenda is dictated by the nature of human- ity’s postwar crisis. The steady disintegra- tion of Europe since Potsdam lays upon the Moscow conferees a mandate they cannot escape. Inability to reach an agreement will in itself constitute a decision, and of such Catastrophic significance that no statesman will want to assume responsibility for blocks ing a possible accord. By this time the obli- gation to determine the destiny of Europe which the victors have taken on themselves can no longer be evaded. The central problem of European recov- ery is the future of Germany. Since this is determinative, all that has gone before must be considered preliminary. The agreements reached after more than a year of negotiation concerning the satellite nations are binding in form, but they are tentative in fact until an accord is reached on the central issue, The same can be said of the badly strained wartime agreements between the major powers. The future relationships between these powers will be fixed in considerable part by the pattern to be laid down at Moscow. The accord reached in the United Nations is in similar case. That international body can hardly continue to function in the manner prescribed by its Charter if the principal nations which drew up the Charter fail to reach an agreement which is consistent with international cooperation. It 1s a foregone conclusion that the prin- cipal obstacle at Moscow will be the difficulty of reaching an understanding between the United States and Russia. Because of its preponderance of power, the United States must assume responsibility to speak for that part of the world which lies outside the Russian sphere of influence. The voices of Great Britain and France and, we hope, the smaller nations will be heard. But their views will have to take into account the fact that their weight in international affairs would be small indeed if they could not count on American backing. It is therefore incumbent upon the United States to go to Moscow with a clearly defined policy, not only toward Germany and Eu-e rope but also toward the rest of the world,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Our foreign policy requires integration, so that it makes a consistent whole. There is some evidence that we have been moving toward a policy of resistance to Russia wher- ever Russian influence threatens our interests or those of nations with which we identify ourselves. Since Russian influence is mak- ing itself felt throughout the globe, our re- sistance attains something of the planetary character which the indivisibility of world society imposes on any national policy.. But our present nolicy is negative, and it places us in the position of always fighting a rear- guard action. What we need is a positive Program which permits us to regain the initiative. Only by such a policy can we hope to throw our great influence in the direction of world recovery on a basis which holds promise of peace with justice. On what conception can a global foreign policy for America be built? It can assume no other character than that of a democratic offensive which aims at the establishment of self-government throughout the world within the next 10 years. The United States can and should openly take the lead in this offensive. To do so we should recall world diplomacy to the principles of the Atlantic Charter. This Charter became the basis of the United Nations, for 47 countries sub- scribed to it during the war, and its basic principles were incorporated in the Charter of the United Nations organization. Al- though it has repeatedly been violated, as the Christian Century has not hesitated to point out, the basic conceptions of the At- lantic Charter still stand as the minimum core of international morality. Let us recall what they were. 1. No aggrandizement, territorial or other. 2. No territorial] changes that do not ac- cord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned. 8. Respect of the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; restoration of self-government to those who have been forcibly deprived of it. 4. Furtherance of the enjoyment by all states, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access on equal terms to the trade and raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity. 5. Fullest collaboration between all na- tions in the economic field with the object of securing for all improved labor standards, economic advancement and social security. 6. Peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and freedom from fear and want. 7. Traversal of the high seas and oceans without hindrance. 8. Lightening for peace-loving peoples the , crushing burden of armaments. The application of these principles to Ger- many is still possible, although it would re- quire the repudiation in considerable part of the Potsdam declaration. For example, the first principle of the Charter would require reconsideration of the eastern boundary, for which the United States has called. Second, there ts no doubt that the freely expressed wishes of the German people would prevent the partition of their country between the nations now dividing its territory into four zones. There is little reason to believe that the Germans are not now capable of electing their own democratic government. Such an exercise of self-government is necessary. The application of the fourth principle would enable Germany to restore her economy, in the course of time, to a point where her people would be self-supporting. In action, the fifth principle of the Atlantic Charter would permit ourselves and other nations to aid in the development of the Rhine Valley along the lines proposed by John Foster Dulles, with other valleys or regions to follow as means became available. The sixth principle, as applied to Germany, would result in the establishment of an inspection system which would make sure that reindus- trialization of Germany would not be turned to military purposes. The seventh would open the possibility of a resumption of for- eign trade, which is necessary if millions of persons are not permanently to depend on relief for the necessities of survival. From the eighth, disarmament, the victors would benefit as well as the vanquished. But it would be impossible to limit the democratic offensive to Germany alone. Throughout the countries lying on the per- imeter of the Eurasian continent the strug- gle for self-determination is going on. To India and Burma, Great Britain, formerly the most intransigent of the imperialist powers, has offered independence. The Netherlands is according Indonesians a con- siderable degree of freedom for which they have fought. The United States has freed the Philippines politically, but hesitates to take steps which would reconstruct the is- land’s economy on the basis of self-support. We are conducting the occupation of Japan in a way which looks toward the liberation of that nation as a free and democratic peo- ple. These moves represent a heartening be- ginning. But they are only a beginning. What is needed is that the world be permitted to link together these beginnings by recognizing their true nature. are they only a series of concessions, reluctantly granted in the face of overwhelming force, as the enemies of democracy charge? There can be no doubt that in some instances they are that, but not in all. The fact should be procilained that the democratic nations, whatever their difficulty in living up to the consequences of their actions, have disseminated the demo- cratic conceptions which are now bearing fruit in the movements for self-determina- tion throughout the world. It is not merely making a virtue out of necessity if we now claim these movements as our own and help them to realise their objectives. This would require strong corrective action in some places, such as Indochina, where France 1s ruthlessly attempting to suppress an inde- pendence movement, or cooperative action under the United Nations in such areas as China and the Near East. A democratic offensive which would ac- celerate the drive for self-determination in the occupied countries and throughout the world would do more to deflate the national- istic expansionism of the Soviet Union than anything else. Now the peoples of dependent countries are being told that only Russia is anti-imperialist, only Russia favors self-de- termination, only Russia is democratic, only Russia seeks economic justice and oppor- tunity for the little peoples of the world. That is not true. Russia has a stake in stir- ring up trouble wherever she can, and the nationalist drives offer here an opportunity. But it is a short-sighted view which holds that the democratic nations must cling to the status quo. Rather we should take ad- vantage of the gains we already have to our credit and present them to the world as the solid achievements of democracy that they are, and as pledges to further action of the same kind. Such an offensive would not only deflate Russian propaganda but would be impossible for Russia to counter- act, stop, or pervert. A democratic offensive would not only aid in the writing of a European peace, and calm the unrest among dependent peoples. It would also help to avert the world-wide eco- nomic collapse which leading economists warn is imminent. The official representa- tives of the 17 governments which are now considering the food needs of the world at United Nations headquarters warned last week that unless there is a quick expansion in both production and consumption, the world is headed straight for its severest eco- nomic collapse. Lord Bruce, chairman of the World Food Board, said: “The preparatory commission definitely states that unless ac- tion is taken, we are beading for a disaster greater than that of 1929 to 1982. This is A521 mot a pronouncement of irresponsible analyste. It is the considered judgment of responsible representatives of 17 governments, including the delegates of the greatest in- dustrial and commercial nations—the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada.” A world-wide democratic offensive is neces- sary if we are not to drift into economic col- lapse and chaos, into conflict with Russia, into incredible turmoil throughout the colonial world. Resolute action on a world scale not only offers the best chance we have for averting catastrophe but it also illumines the path toward a larger fulfillment of man’s hopes for peace and justice than he has yet Greamed is possible. The United States ought to lead this offensive. We can do s0 if we stop trying to develop a dozen con- tradictory policies in our international diplomacy and settle on the one policy which can win the wide eupport of our people. That policy can be expressed in three words to which even the people of Russia are ready to listen—peace, bread, and freedom. Approach to Labor Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BURR P. HARRISON OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 12, 1947 Mr. HARRISON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the REecorp, I include an edi- torial entitled “Approach to Labor Legis- lation” from the Winchester Evening Star, Winchester, Va., of February 1, 1947, written by Harry F. Byrd, Jr.: APPROACH TO LABOR LEGISLATION The most important single issue facing the Eightieth Congress is the enactment of legislation to achi-ve a just balance between legal rights and responsibilities of em- Ployers, employees, and unions in their rela- tions with one another. Common sense and the November election dictate the impor- tance of formulating such a program. Its shape, not yet discernible, may become ap- parent during the month of February. In preparing such a program it should be recognized that unions have become big business. Some control many millions of dollars and pay their officers salaries equiva- lent to those paid corporation executives. And, to cite one example, Joseph S. Fay, fourth vice president of the International Union of Operating Engineers, AFL, testified that he spent 640,000 in cash in entertaining leaders of other unions and otherwise main- taining labor peace on a particular project. 80 why shouldn't this big business be sub- ject to the same rules and regulations which govern the conduct of corporations? Not many persons will question the as- sertion that the root of the evil threatening our domestic economy stems from the un- sound and utterly biased Wagner Labor Act. This measure was pussed in 1935 by a vote of 63 to 12 in the Senate, and without a re- corded vote in the House. Of the 12 Sen- ators who voted against it, only 3 remain— Democratic Senators Byrn and Typrncs and Republican Senator VANDENBERG. The splendid Democratic platform of 1932 committed the Democratic Purty to the strengthening and impartial enforcement of the antitrust laws, to prevent monopoly, and unfair trade practices. * * ° And, yet, the Roosevelt administration, through the Wagner Act, permitted, encouraged, and fostered the greatest monopoly this Nation has ever known—the union monopoly. Never could the power of the captains of industry
A522 of the early twentieth century compare with the destructive potential of John L. Lewis, James Caesar Petrillo, A. F. Whitney, and Philip Murray. Involved in the tissue facing the Congress are the legal rights and obligations of em- ployers and unions, but paramount are the rights of the general public. It is because the general public has become one of the major victims of recent industrial strife that the need for legislation is so acute. Excepting those leaders who face a loss of power, virtually every thinking American ad- mits that our labor laws must be revised. How could an independent, freedom-loving individual feel otherwise when, within the space of a few short months, we saw one man, Mr. Whitney, bring to a stop every major railroad in the United States, and one man, Mr. Lewis, shut down 99 percent of the Na- tion's coal production? Mr. Lewis, it is true, called off his coal strike, but his decision was his own. Under our laws, it is in Mr. Lewis’ power to take away our coal, and it is like- wise in his power to give it back. Nor is Mr. Lewis the only one. Mr. Murray can accelerate or shut down steel production; it is only by the grace of Mr. Petrillo that we are permitted to hear the music we wish; Mr, Whitney is only one of several labor leaders who, individually, have the power to stop the Nation’s railroads. When a few men possess such vast power, are we justified in calling ourselves free? TO WHOM MAY THE PUBLIC LOOK FOR LEADERSHIP If we are willing to admit the time has come when it is essential to curb the abuses of power and the excesses of the leaders of organized labor—just as years ago an aroused public clipped the wings of overly powerful capitalists—the question arises as to how and to whom should the people look for leader- ship. Let's take the last first. Certainly pre- cious little of a constructive nature has come from the President of the United States. He admits there should be a few changes in the details of the Wagner Act, which act he voted for as a Senator, but he has failed completely to come to grips with fundamentals. What good does it do to change a detail here and there when the underlying evil remains? His Secretary of Labor, ex-Senator Schwel- lenbach, who also voted for the Wagner Act, likewise has failed to face the realities in- volved in placing our domestic house in order. Among the Republicans, Governor Dewey, although titular head of the party, has no real responsibility in the fleld of labor legislation since he is occupled at Albany; ex-Governor Stassen, who, accord- ing to the Gallup poll, is second to Mr. Dewey in popularity, seems to have taken the position of attempting to be all things to all men, hence can be expected to contrib- ute little, other than generalities. So in the majority party, the leadership will rest with Senator Tart, of Ohio, chairman of the Labor Committee, and Senator Batu, of Min- nesota. Senator Bat, for many years a dues-paying union member, is young in age and service but his ability and his political courage have stamped him as probably the most effective leader in this important fight. He is likely to contribute more than Senator Tarr because he lacks the ambition of the Ohio Senator. FOUR FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES In seeking solutions to the problems of labor legislation, four fundamental prin- ciples should be applied. The first is the principle of equal justice under law, which is not applied in labor relations today. The second is that any concentration of power which approaches monopoly proportions is dangerous to freedom and detrimental to the public interest. The third principle is that free collective bargaining should be our pri- mary method of settling disputes between individual employers and their employees, with the rights and responsibilities of the two parties roughly equivalent. The final principle is that Government intervention in labor disputes should be kept to the absolute minimum, consistent with a proper concern for the public welfare. EIGHT ESSENTIAL CHANGES With these principles in mind, and if it is conceded that they are sound, these funda- mental changes in the Wagner Act must re- sult: First and foremost, industry-wide bargain- ing must be prohibited. Senate bill 133, in- twoduced by Senator BALL on January 10, deals with this problem and drastically pro- hibits industry-wide bargaining when two or more competing employers are involved. The purpose and effect of the bill, says Senator BALL, would be to place the bargaining power of both unions and employers at the local community level instead of permitting it to be concentrated in international unions con- trolling the total labor supply of an entire industry, or in employer associations bar- gaining for a whole industry. This, in our opinion, is not only sound from the stand- point of the public but likewise from the standpoint of the individual employee. From the public’s point of view, why should one union be permitted to close down all the coal mines, or all the railroads or all the steel mills? And from the employee's point of view, why shouldn't bargaining power be returned to the local union where the indi- vidual employee can participate more direct- ly, and certainly will have stronger voice in the decisions which affect him so closely. Second. The closed shop should be pro- hibited by law. A free American citizen should be guaranteed the right to work with- out paying tribute to anyone. He should be guaranteed by law the right to join a union or not to join a union, just as he sees fit. We think Senator BALL is on sound ground when he says, “The present strength of unions, the closed shop, the union shop, and maintenance of membership clauses have be- come more ed more a device to consolidate the power of unions--not so much their pow- er to deal with employers as their power over employees. The abuses of this power by unions during the war are notorious.” To be sure, there are many unions where there is little, if any, abuse of this power, but as Senator Bat. points out, “The fact that here and there we find benevolent despots is no valiant argument for the in- stitution of tyranny.” The closed-shop turns over to an outside agency absolute control over the individual's right and opportunity to work and earn a livelihood. Isn't it logi- cal to state that the temptation to abuse that kind of power is too great to place before any human being? Thomas Jefferson stated it another way. Said he: “Put not thy faith in man but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution.” - Third. The law must prohibit a strike against an employer because of a dispute be- tween rival unions, Fourth. Fairness and common sense de- mand that the law take away from unions the privilege of refusal to work on products manufactured by rival union members, or nonunion workers, Fifth. Fundamental justice demands the guaranty to the employer of the same right of freedom enjoyed by a representative of the union. Sixth. Unions should be required by law to submit annual reports showing the amounts of dues collected, and how this money was spent. Seventh. Unions should be equally Hable under the law for breach of contract, Eighth. The company should be permitted the right to petition for employee elections to determine if employees desire union repre- sentation. The issues involved in amending the Wag- ner Act, and in correcting the abuses it per- mits, are fundamental. The public should demand that their representatives adopt a forthright stand, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD How To Get Along With Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN E. FOGARTY OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 12, 1947 Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, a con- stituent of mine, Miss Marie Joubert, of West Warwick, R. I., recently sent to me a copy of the magazine Nation’s Business, which contained an article entitled “Helping Yourself to a Good Congress.” I enjoyed reading this article; and, under leave to extend my remarks, I am inserting it in the Recorp in the hope that other Members of the House will read it. I am sure they will find it in- teresting. It follows: HELPING YOURSELF TO A Goop CONGRESS (By Labert St. Clair) The new Congress will be as good or bad as we make it by our own attitude and energy. An old Washington hand gives a few tips on how to help your Congressman: 1. Write today: Your Congressman will get @ lift out of receiving a letter from you—not asking him for anything—but letting him know that you have confidence in him. 2. Act as eyes: Help your Congressman by acting as his local eyes and ears. His chief interests are at home—and will remain there 80 long as he is Representative. 8. Be prepared: Don't go on record on a bill until you are sure you know exactly what you are talking about. Best preliminary step is to get in touch with your trade asso- ciation and request every available bit of current information on the subject. 4. Check up: Make certain that no one in your business group—such as an executive secretary—has put the group on record for or against any proposed piece of legislation without first polling the members of the organization on it. 5. Be fair: You have no right as a citizen to ask your Congressman to support any legislation which you, standing in his shoes, would not back yourself. 6. Ask no favors: Don't assume that be- cause you have helped your Congressman you should be given preference in legislative matters. When your Congressman gets you a hearing he has done a good deal for you right there. 7. Speak up: Don’t hesitate to act for fear of being smeared as a lobbyist. Commit- tees of Congress want your views and advice on legislation. 8 Give name: Until you know your Con- gressman well, always identify yourself fully when you approach him. Suggest to your friends that they do the same thing. 9. Be brief: Don’t take too much of his time. Remember you are just one of the many persons in his district he is under obli- gation to serve. 10. Don’t fumble: Don't let him feed you. He may, of course, protest against your pick- ing up the check. But you pick it up any- way. He is under enormous expense, and the chances are that he has to cut financial corners to make ends meet. A gentleman in the rear of the hall sends this question to the platform: “How much may we expect to get out of the new Con- gress?" A question, sir, that can be answered only with another: “How much will the new Congress get out of you?” Congress, which usually reflects fairly ac- curately the attitude, energy, and willing- ness to serve of the people who seat it, will be approximately as good or bad as we make it.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Whether Congress moves steadily forward, stalls, or slides back depends on the whole- hearted efforts of the crews of ita double- header engines. Those two crews are the Members and the voters. The Member engine will be out in front, puffing, smoking, and sometimes emitting loud noises. We, the voters, man the pusher or second engine, and our job is to push, and push hard. Espe- cially on the grades. The steeper they be- come, the greater our obligation to shovel on the coal and build up more steam. For the next few years particularly, the climb over the hump 1s going to be a good, full, two-engine job. More so than ever before in our history, perhaps. The presence of many new Members in the first engine crew makes it especially impor- tant that the second engine crew not falter. Making the grade is difficult enough for old crew Members who have been over legisla- tive hills before. It is much harder for new- comers. There is so much that is new to learn due to greatly expanded Government activities in recent years. Persons un- familiar with Washington scarcely can realize the magnitude of the job confronting Sena- tors and Members of the House. Even as a 80-year resident, long familiar with congres- sional and other Government contacts, I find it necessary to explore new avenues daily. It is to be hoped that you already have registered your willingness to serve in the second engine crew. Perhaps you did it in the campaign just past by helping your Sen- ators or Representative directly, or equally important by promoting discussion of na- tional issues. Whether you did anything or not, it is important that you get on the crew now. Today is the time to make a contact with your Washington representatives and express your interest in their efforts to be of service to the Nation. For the sake of brevity, let’s refer to them hereinafter as your Congress- men. All are Members of the Congress whether in the House or the Senate. Write your Congressman a letter now. Maybe you doubt if you have anything of interest to say to him. But you have, and especially if he is a new Member. Whether he is new or old, like every Member at the opening of a new session, his mind is filled with doubts and perplexities. No matter how brave a front he is putting on, if he is con- scientious—and most Members are—he feels his responsibility and may be just a little bit lonely. Ever in his mind are the many folks he represents. He wants to do the popular thing, of course, for his Job depends on that, but he also wants to do the right thing. That, in these hectic days, is not always easy to do because, Who always knows what is right? So you can do a real service to him and the Nation if you will, at the outset, just drop him a line telling him something to the effect that the people sent him to Wash- ington because they felt that he would do the best he knew how. You have no idea what a lift that alone will give him. Maybe it will strike you that this would be a heck of a weak letter to write to a states- man who down in Washington is struggling with great international problems. There are two things wrong with that impression at this stage of ths game, and he would be the first to tell you so. First, he probably is not a statesman yet. Second, the leaders have not called him in to date to give them his ideas on a complete foreign program. Instead, he is the same lawyer who drew that bill of sale for you Jast October and said $2 was all it was worth. The only problem with a foreign tinge he has grappled with so far this session is how to get rid of that spot left by a gob of Rus- sian dressing on his blue-serge suit. Of domestic problems, however, he has plenty. Where to find a place to live; how to get all of the boys whose fathers want them back on the farm out of the Army; how to find jobs for the scores of party sup- porters who are after him; how to reconcile the differences of the opposing Palestine groups that are waiting in his outer of- fice; how to get on a good committee with- out appearing to be hoggish; how to arrange for the daughter of one of his strongest sup- porters to meet Queen Elizabeth, and the son of another to be admitted to West Point, and so forth. You think a man who is faced with all of that and much more does not need kind words and support? Brother, oh, brother. Whatever you write, do not ask him for a job for anybody. Just about everyone asks Congressmen for jobs, There are not now, never have been, and never will be enough jobs for one-hundredth Part of the applicants. To ask for a job now wen only embarrass him and add to his bur- ens. Don’t take the newspuper stories about the Republicans cutting Federal pay rolls im- mediately too seriously. They may desire to, but they cannot do it, ever. Just because a million jobs are slated to be abolished does not mean that they will be. A lot of workers, it will be found, are protected by civil service. Others will prove “absolutely indispensable.” Not a few hundred will show to the satis- faction of the most ardent political investi- gator that they have been voting the Re- publican ticket ever since the first free sil- ver campaign. More than you would imagine will hold tighter to their desks than the varnish on them. When you write your Congressman give him your views on outstanding national and international problems. A lot of front- rank members of both major parties do not Know all the answers to such questions to- day. There will be much pondering and some switching of opinions on these issues before the final votes on them are cast. In your let- ter, ask your Member what the thinking is on these issues. If he has personal opinions, he will express them to you. If he has none as yet, he will be grateful to you for not pinning him down too definitely this early in the session. With a new party in power, Congress will be somewhat slow in passing even big bills. Of course, there is a flurry of measures of all sizes now, but passage of any of them is weeks away. If Congress this session pusses ©. few big bills dealing with taxation, labor, and curbing of war powers, and cuts costs, it will do well. Rather than pressing your Member for s0- lutions of all the outstanding problems of the world, help him get his feet on the Cap- itol Grounds by acting as local eyes and ears for him at home. There is where his impor- tant interests are and will remain so long as he is a good representative of his people. If and when his principal interests move else- where, his constituents will sense it quickly— and make arrangements for other representa- tion. Until then, the most valuable rcgular service you can render is to help keep him informed on what is going on among his voters. CONTACTS KEEP JOBS Wise Members never permit their home contacts to languish. One of the smartest politicians ever to hit Washington was the late Champ Clark, one-time Speaker. He kept himself in the House for decades chiefly by maintaining close home connections. Every working morning he would devote all the time he could spare to reading news- papers from his district and getting leads for writing letters back home. Other Congressmen still follow Clark’s plan. Go into the office of any Member of either House who has been in Washington a@ long time and you will see a stack of district papers neatly piled up awaiting his A523 perusal. Most of these good Members have a standing order that no home paper may be destroyed until they, or someone in their offices, have gone over them carefully. One veteran Democratic Member in a close middle-western district was too ill to go home and campaign this year. Republicans in the district, pointing out the narrowness of his last majority, his current absence, and the national trends, assured me that, at last, the old boy was doomed. Without survey- ing the district, I told them they were wrong, and they were. I knew that every year since the Member has been tn Congress he hus written at least 100,000 letters to his con- stituents and thus made his position solid. A good mailing list, carefully nurtured, has kept many a Member in office in the past and will do it again. POLITICS INVOLVE PEOPLE You can be a great help in building up a mailing list. In your letters, mention Bill Jones and Minnie Smith by name. If you can think of something that either has said about the Member or a situation, write about it. Grains of sand? Sure, but they help make concrete blocks for solid political foundations. The average congressional district consists of about 250,000 persons and a Senator's constituency is his entire State population. Yet every House and Senate Member is sup- posed, any time after his first election, to recognize the full name of every voter and instantly know all about all the members of his family. Failure to recognize them when home often is highly embarrassing to a Member. You can help him over such hurdles. If you see him alone among strangers to him but ac- quaintances of yours, offer your services in helping make identifications. Until you know a Member well, always identify yourself fully when you approach him. Suggest to your friends that they do the same thing. You have no idea how much it will help him, and he will appreciate it, Sure, he will say. “Why, Bill, you don’t have to identify yourself to me.” But to himself he probably is saying ,““My gosh, I didn’t know him from a side of sole leather.” It is diffi- cult to remember everybody, even If you are a Congressman. As the big problems are disposed of in this and subsequent sessions, Congress will gradu- ally broaden its base of operations. Some- day something will arise which will be of particular interest to you or your local, State, or national trade, industry, or profession. Then it will be your duty as a citizen and a businessman to do evervthing you can to help throw light on the situation for the benefit of all concerned. DON’T BE SCARED AWAY Do not hesitate to act because you feel that somebody will smear you as a lobbyist. That is a scare term often used by persons who hope business never will express itself on legislation, but supinely accept any suggested measure regardless of its possible effects. The new law defining lobbying activities certainly does not prevent you from discuss- ing proposed laws with your friends, writing to your Congressman or appearing before committees. The lobbying law was designed largely to bring to light racketeers who solicit fat fees for so-called influence and render no service to either their retainers or Con- gress. Specifically exempted from registra- tion are persons who only appear before con- gressional committees. Of course, the con- stitutional right to communicate with your Congressmen also stands. As a matter of fact, Members of Congress rely heavily on these communications from their constituents and on the advice of the national organizations of businessmen every- where. They also think businessmen have been too hesitant about vigorously opposing
A524 in person bills which they regard as bad or about supporting those they approve. You will find your Member cordial and grateful for the personal interest you have taken in his progress and eager to help you. Do not assume, however, that merely because you may have aided him in his campaign or given him advice or tips that you should be given any great preference in legislative mat- ters. Your case should be strong enough to stand on its own feet. When your Congress- man gets you a hearing, he has done a good deal for you. Many persons who are eager to appear be- fore committees never reach the stand, largely because they never have displayed any interest in Congress until their own in- terests were aroused. Some come to Wash- ington determined to tell committees where to get off, and when asked the name of their Congressman are unable to give it. They do not get far. HAVE ALL THE FACTS Thorough preparation is essential before going to the Hill and supporting or opposing any proposed legislation. Never, under any circumstances, make any move toward going on record on a bill until you are sure you know exactly what you are talking about. The best possible preliminary step is to get in touch with your national trade association and request every available thing of current value on the subject under consideration. Do this regardless of how voluminous have been your mailings from State and sectional information sources. National groups are set up to render complete and current service, and they do it. Of particular value ts their statistical information. Nothing is of more use in making a case before a congressional committee than unassailable statistical ma- terial. Such are the only kind of statistics which national associations will provide. Get them to supplement your local factual matter. Whatever you do, however, do not write your national association telling it of your in- terest in forthcoming legislation and then sit back and expect the organization to carry on from that point. Be prepared to help the ‘organization when it asks you to. Members of Congress have respect for such official fig- ures as these associations provide, but they want them supported by field testimony, such as you can give. A substantial factual state- ment of one businessman from the firing line is worth more than reams of testimony from a lawyer or other special pleader. DON’T ASK UNFAIR FAVORS Common fairness also demands that the political welfare of every Congressman be considered in connection with the submis- sion of any proposed legislation. No private citizen has any right to ask his Senator or Representative to support a piece of legisla- tion which he, standing in the Member's shoes, would hesitate to back himself. Yet such unfair requests are made daily in every congressional session. Seekers after legislation always are filled with vague promises about the support they will provide for their favorite bills if the Member will only get behind them. All too frequently, however, the constituent fades out of the picture once the Member agrees to go along with a bill, and is seen no more. Then the constituent wonders, or says he wonders, why the Member did not push the bill. Businessmen have much room for im- provement of their Hil] standing as witnesses and as supporters of proposed legislation. Not all of them have made bad impressions in the past, but the least that can be said about many is that they deserve no orchids for their performances, It is true that in the roaring thirties many congressional committees were loaded with business an- tagonista who were not always exactly cordial in their treatment of industry witnesses. But not all. Numerous flops of business wit- nesses should not be attributed to congres- sional hostility. All too often the causes of bad impressions have been acceptance of poor advice or failure to exercise plain horse sense, For instance, one scarcely can justly say that congressional antagonism has been re~- sponsible for: 1. The attempted promotion of legislative programs through enormous cocktail parties and dinners in the ballrooms of downtoWn Washington hotels or large rented houses. 2. The sending by wire to congressional Members of innumerable fake endorsements of pending measures signed by names copied directly from telephone books and similar lists. 8. The bombarding of Congress with thou- sands of identically worded form letters and telegrams. 4. The appearance before busy committees of witnesses unable to do more than read prepared statements, and who when sub- mitted to direct questioning demonstrate clearly that they know little or nothing about the subject under consideration. Here are some preliminary steps which should be taken by business groups prior to appearing before any congressional com- mittee: 1. Be sure that the proposal to which you are addressing your testimony is fully un- derstood by witnesses. 2. Make certain that no one—such as an executive secretary—has put your group on record for or against any proposal without polling the members on it. 3. Offer only witnesses who can both read prepared statements intelligently and answer questions asked by committeemen. 4. Warn all witnesses against ad libbing extensively. Let each present his part of the picture in the most pointed possible manner and then leave the stand. 5. Make certain that you have a man at each hearing who knows the source of every statement your witnesses make and is in a position to provide instantly, or to promise to supply at a later date, additional facts and figures if they are requested by com- mittee members. A final word about good rules to observe while visiting your Congressman in Wash- ington: 1. Don’t take too much of his time. There never are enough hours in the day for him to get his regular work done. When you have finished your immediate business with him, leave his office, take a sightseeing tour, go back to your hotel or otherwise occupy yourself so that he will not feel obligated to entertain you. No matter how good a friend you may be, you are just one of many persons in his district he is pledged to serve. 2. Don’t let him feed you and entertain you at theaters or night clubs. It’s mighty expensive. He is under enormous ex- penses—far beyond his Government pay— and unless he has a neat private income he has to cut financial corners to make ordinary ends meet. Of course, he may protest against your picking up the check, but you pick it up anyhow. 8. Don't stick around Washington after your business is done. If your Member has helped you, you cannot do better than make @ beeline for home and spread the good word around that the district has the right man in Washington. Be sure also, as soon as you reach home, to write him a letter of cordial thanks, and have everyone you know who has benefited from his help do the same thing. After that, from time to time, when you don't want a thing in the world, drop him a note and ask him if there is anything you can do for him. When he asks you to do something, do it just as if he were the voter and you were in Congress. He, you know, is trying to do as much for at least a quar- ter of a million persons. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Late Honorable 0. Max Gardner EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CARL T. DURHAM OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 12, 1947 Mr. DURHAM. Mr. Speaker, we peo- ple of North Carolina and the Nation will miss O. Max Gardner. He was a true liberal who believed in the past achievements of the American people, by bringing them up to the pres- ent time and improving on those achievements for the benefit of future society. He believed in the dignity and worth of the individual human being, which is the basic tenet of the American way, and he supported this vigorously while in public office and as a private citizen. He believed in a citizenship that is morally sturdy and was aware of spirit- ual values. He was convinced that every individual has a responsibility to uphold and a contribution to make for the bet- terment of human society. He believed that an uneducated citi- zenship js a liability and gave much of his public life and means for advancing this cause. He accepted responsibility in a period of world-shaking revolutions in science and politics. We must not falter or fail his ideals. THE WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND (By Drew Pearson) SHELBy, N. C.—On February 6 the lead story in this column began: “Today O. Max Gardner sets sail for his new post as Ameri- can Ambassador to the Court of St. James's.” This writer has never made a correction with more sorrow and regret, but that column should have read: “Today O. Max Gardner sets sail for a great new destination to serve at the court of his Maker.” And it should have continued: “Max Gard- ner in life seldom had time to do the things he wanted to do. He was too busy doing things for others. He was not so well known to the Nation because he spent so much time working for his friends. “Max Gardner was the type of man who, when he sat down for a visit, wanted to know all about the other fellow’s problems—never mentioned his own. When Harry Hopkins was having trouble getting confirmed as Sec- retary of Commerce, it was Max Gardner who sat up long midnight hours preparing him for the senatorial cross-examination. When Stuart Symington was having headaches as War Surplus Property Administrator, it was Max who gave him wise and patient counsel. And when this column was sued by former Congressman Sweeney, of Ohio, in one of the biggest libel suits in history, it was Max Gardner who spent long and tedious hours battling that suit. “Max Gardner was offered many high offices, but turned most of them dewn. He loved people more than position. In fact, he hesitated a long time before accepting the proffered post of Ambassador to London.” GARDNER'S BYSINESS CAREER “I was scooped on his appointment. Max had asked my advice about taking the plunge into diplomacy—a new fleld for him—and this tied my hands regarding any public com- ment. My advice, I'm sure, made little dif- ference, but I felt that our relations with Great Britain never were more important, never more needed a blunt-speaking bona
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fide American Ambassador, not a social- whirler, to interpret the people of the United States of America to the people of Great Britain. “A few weeks earlier, Max had sold his North Carolina rayon mill. He had built it years before, when rayon Was new and had a highly hazardous future; so in many ways he hated to part with it. But his son, who had managed the mill, was dead. With his passing, something went out of Max's life and finally he sold out. “I remember the day Max deposited the Check in the bank. With some pride he showed me the deposit slip—in seven figures. “*You're looking at a real live millionaire,’ he said, whimasically. ‘And I've no idea what to do with the money.’ “Yet, in making that money, Max had never deserted his creed that it pays dividends to look out for the other fellow. His mill was the first in the South to adopt the minimum wage; and last year, while Northern labor leaders were battling with United States Steel and General Motors for wage increases, Max voluntarily increased wages in his mill. He had found it always paid him dividends.” HOW NEW DEAL BEGAN “Nor did Max, despite his wealth, ever desert his belief that the world must move forward to more liberal things. He always believed in the creed he expressed in a letter he wrote Franklin Roosevelt when F. D. R. was Governor of New York and Max was Gov- ernor of North Carolina. “The American people sre on the move,’ Max wrote. ‘If I were-you I would become more liberal, because I tell you the masses are marching, and if we are to save this Na- tion, it has got to be saved by the liberal interpretations of the sentiments now rul- ing in the hearts of men. “I am satisfied we are in the day of a new deal, and that many of our preconceived ideas and formulas are going to be thrown into the discard. We are more than blind if we think the American people can be hitched to the status quo. The campfires of the past ere now abandoned and the frontiers of thinking have extended beyond the limit heretofore held sacred by the con- servative minds of this country.’ “Max believed that creed not only in 1932 when he wrote to Franklin Roosevelt, but to the very end. “Bo having sold his mill and deposited the money in the bank, Max decided he could devote the next years of his life to doing on a broader scale what he had long been doing on an individual scale—better- ing relations between people. He accepted the President's offer to become Ambassador to Great Britain. “Just a few hours before he died, Max phoned me from New York to say good-by. Be was in excellent spirits and full of en- thusiasm for his big new job. “Only a few people outside the family knew that Max for many years had nursed a heart condition, That was why he did not run for the Senate in 1044. Bob Reynolds’ term was up in that year, and though the two had been good friends and once shipped to Europe on a cattleboat together, Max was thoroughly disgusted ‘vith Reynolds’ war- time isolationism—as were most of the peo- ple of North Carolina. All his friends urged him to run for the Senate, and he planned to do so. “But at the last minute his doctor, in ef- fect, said no. Max stepped aside and his brother-in-law, Ouypr Hosy, won an easy victory. “Though Max Gardner lived for his friends, in @ way what killed him was his friends. After he was appointed to the Court of St. James's, he found that he had more friends than he had ever dreamed. All sorte of peo- ple, many with scarcely a nodding acquaint- ance, bobbed up with invitations to dinners and cocktail parties. It was a worse ordeal than if he had compaigned for the Senate. Yet, figuring it was a part of the new diplo- matic game, Max went through with it. “At one of these parties, given by Mrs. George Mesta, Washington's most lorgnetted cave dwellers were present, most of them strangers to Max. It was a social set that would almost rather dine at th: British Em- bassy than with the President of the United Btates, especially with the Democrats in power. The speeches were more flowery than ever. Ornate compliments were heaped on Max's head. Former Senator Ashurst, of Ari- zona, even called the roll of United States Ambassadors who had become Presidents of the United States. Max Gardner, he implied, would be one of them. “Finally, the new Envoy rose. And in very simple language he told the story of his first trip to England on a cattle boat. Falling back on his amazing memory, he quoted Little Breeches, the poem of an earlier Am- bassador to London, John Hay, which con- cludes: “te @ © saving a little child And fotching him to his own, Is a darned sight better rusiness Than loafing around the throne.’ “And even that starchy audience applauded the inference that as new Ambassador to the Court of 8t. James’s, he was going to mix with the common people, not loaf around the throne, “That was Max Gardner, who always en- joyed sitting on his front porch in a rocking chair given him by the Negroes of Shelby, and who now sets sail for a great new desti- nation where he can sit end rock and loaf around God's Throne.” The Hardships of Abraham Lincoln in His Boyhood Days EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE W. GILLIE OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 12, 1947 Mr. GILLIE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article by Will L. Krietenstein: THE HARDSHIPS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN HIS BOYHOOD DAYS (By Will L. Krietenstein, Orland, Ind.) A short genealogy of the Lincoln family may be of interest before relating the many hardships encountered by Abraham Lincoln during his boyhood days. About the year 1638, Samuel] Lincoln, of Norwich, England, county of Norfolk, came to the United States and located at Hingham, Mass. A grandson named Mordecai located in Monmouth, N. J., afterward moving to Pennsylvania, settling in Berks County, where he died in 1785. Mordecai Lincoln was a man of property, which he willed chiefly to his son, John Lincoln. John re- moved to Rockingham County, Va. He had five sons, named Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Thomas, and John. Abraham was the grandfather of the future President of the United States. He moved to Kentucky in 1780. Daniel Boone and Abraham were very good friends, and this friendship may ex- plain the latter’s removal to Kentucky. The Indians killed Abraham in 1786, and three of his sons, Mordecai, Josiah, and Thomas, almost met the same fate. Thomas Lincoln, father of one of the most illustrious char- acters of ali time, became a carpenter; no A525 ambition, a friendly and most jovial of gos- sips; and when bis slow anger was aroused, he was a formidable adversary. Bullies at different times nagged him indiscreetly, and he immediately proceeded to dispose of each and every one of them. He was of medium height, strong, well knit, and sinewy. On June 12, 1806, he married Nancy Hanks, the niece of his employer. Nancy was handsome, could read and write, and in this respect was superior to Thomas, who was not thrifty. He bought a small farm on easy terms on Big South Fork of Nolin Creek, in what after was Larue County, Ky., several miles from Hodgenville; a very uninviting region, soil barren and unproductive, In a very rude and lowly cabin, of parents Most humble, unlearned, and unaspiring, steeped in poverty most dismal and sordid, was born on the 12th day of February 1809 a child—a child that was at mature years to control the destinies of his country in one of the most critical and trying periods of her history, and after death to leave behind him & most illustrious name and character that shall always be revered and honored by fu- ture ages. Of the parentage of Abraham Lincoln little can be said. While but a very young child, his father growing weary and tired of the unproductive and miserable farm upon which he lived, moved to another location a few miles distant, cleared a patch of ground large enough to raise a little corn, built a rough shanty, and again went to housekeeping. The family remained here until Abraham was 7 years of age, and it was here that Abra- bam and his elder sister Nancy, called Sally at home, received a few months’ education such as to be had from the country school teacher in that wild and remote region, whose mame was Caleb Hazel, and who succeeded to give young Abe a slight knowledge of the three R’s. Abraham was quick to learn ard never forgot what he once mastered. In the year 1816 Abe's father, Thomas becoming very discontented with his Ken- tucky home and prospects, longed to move toward the frontier, and now advanced to In- diana. When he laid his plans for removal to Indiana before his wife she did not oppose him, as she said they could not be worse off anywhere than they were in Kentucky, and thought possibly the change might be for the batter. So he sold everything not absolutely needed, and with the money he bought lum- ber to build him re flatboat and enough produce to load the craft when completed. Thomas immediately set out on a voyage of trade and discovery down Salt River and the Ohio, his intention being to sell his flatboat and cargo, locate a land claim in Indiana, and return by land for his family in about 3 weeks. He did so return, but part of his cargo was lost by the upsetting of his boat. The loss of a portion of the cargo was lost sight of by his enthusiasm over the grandeur of the location he had made in Indiana. The Lincoln family prepared to move northward at once. They had few neighbors to leave and not very many belongings to take. For a trifle, two horses were purchased, enough to carry their burdensome load. The entire Thomas Lincoln family was shoeless, very scantily clad, accustomed to hardship, and the children could withstand the day’s rigor- ous exercise without any apparent fatigue. Crossing the Ohio River at Browns Ferry, Lincoln's remaining belongings stored there after his disastrous voyage a few weeks previ- ous were assumed and the 16 miles back into the wilderness was begun. There was no road and much clearing and ax work to be done. After borrowing a wagon they finally reached their new location. Here was their new home, miles from any neighbor, in the heart of the forest, which was inhabited by the pan- ther and bear and the cruel Pawnee and Sioux Indians. Winter was coming and a roof ‘was needed. Abe's father had no time to buil a house at this time, so a pole shelter
A526 was erected. Four forked poles set in the ground, two of them longer than the others, to give the roof a pitch. Across these, from fork to fork, other poles and more poles, cut to proper lengths and fastened close togethcr on three sides, the chinks filled with mud; bark laid for a roof, a stick and mud chimney, the earth firmly pounded for a floor, and the fourth side quite open for entrance—and this home Thomas Lincoln’s family occupied for their first winter. That winter Thomas Lin- coln worked hard. Mrs. Lincoln and the chil- dren assisted in the heaping of brushwood upon the logs and burning them. Spring ar- rived and corn was planted—a few hogs fed in the dense forest and a log house was built. Although Thomas Lincoln was a carpenter and had plenty of tools, the house had but one room and a loft. The ground was the floor. For more than 2 years the house had neither windows nor door. Not even a bed- stead and only such tables and chairs as Lin- coln found time to build. One tin oven, a skillet, a few tin dishes, earthen pot or two comprised the cooking utensils; forks and tablecloths were unknown luxuries. Even from the standpoint of the pioneers this was poverty. Game, furs, and fish were available. Had it not been for these actual starvation would have befell the future President of the United States. Beyond shelter and food the Lincoln family had but little. The father and the son dressed in buckskin from deer shot by Thomas and tanned by him. Mrs. Lincoln made the garments. Caps were made from coonskin. Only in the very coldest of weather the Lincolns went without shoes. Stockings were unknown to them. Mrs. Lin- coln and daughter wore linsey-woolsey and each dress did long service. Thus it is shown in what circumstances and poverty Abraham Lincoln passed his early boyhood days, and it is necessary to know from what he struggled up. Everyone knows where the end of his wonderful life found him, but can one really appreciate what hardships the boy endured? Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Sparrow came from Kentucky and occupied the “pole shelter.” Dennis Hanks came with them, who was a nephew of Mrs. Sparrow. Dennis was about the same age as young Abe, and they had been playmates together in Kentucky. Mrs. Sparrow was Mrs. Lincoln's aunt. The Spar- rows were quite as poor as the Lincolns. The summer of 1818 was a very hot one and brought with it a mysterious and fatal epidemic—fatal to both men and cattle. It was called milk sickness. Even physicians in the older communities were powerless to con- trol the disease. Mr. and Mrs. Sparrow were among the first to be attacked and they with little Dennis were brought to the Lincoln eabin. Soon after Mrs. Lincoln contracted the ailment and through all the hot and weary days of August and September, with- out any medical attention, the sufferers tossed in the agony of the disease. On Oc- tober 1 both Mr. and Mrs. Sparrow died, and on October 5 Nancy Hanks Lincoln passed on to her reward. Not even a clergyman was available, but it must be said of Thomas Lin- coln, who had not always lived in entire harmony with his wife, he so far remembered and respected her in death that, when a trav- eling preacher came their way, he had serv- ice: held in her memory. Thomas Lincoln was left a widower, and with the care of three children—for Dennis Hanks was from this time on his charge. The girl and boys kept house, and with a father so unscrupulous, one can imagine just what condition everything about the house drifted into. As time went on the children became dirtier, unkempt, and ragged. Pass- ersby, and they were few in that wilderness, commented upon the filth and miserable conditions existing. Matters went from bad to worse. In November 1819, more than a year after Nancy Hanks Lincoln died, Thomas Lincoln sojourned in Kentucky. He did not tell anyone about the object of his trip, but had left the children with food, bacon, and some firewood, and with ammunition and guns so they could provide for themselves. They were lonely and had no shoes to wear when cutting wood or hunting in the snowy woods. In December Lincoln returned. He had persuaded Sally Johnston, of Elizabeth- town, Ky., an estimable woman with much force of character to whom he had in vain proposed marriage in his younger days, to be- come his wife and she returned with him. They brought with them a heavily laden wagon containing her belongings and house- hold goods. There is no doubt that she was sorely disappointed when she found only a small clearing and a rough log cabin, but she was filled with profound pity for the poor neglected Lincoln children. They were soon cleaned and washed as well as dressed, as Mrs. Lincoln had brought along with her much clothing for her own three children. Soon she had windows and a door placed in the cabin and together with her furniture and other utensils soon had the place look- ing in comfortable condition, even though there were two grown people and five chil- dren to live, eat, and sleep in just one room and aloft. Sally Johnston Lincoln took the children to her heart and young Abe was her favorite, and young Lincoln considered Sally as his mother. She was quick to discover and to encourage his leaning toward study and wanting to learn. Human sympathy and deep affection soon sprang up between the two, which ended only at his death. A new life was Abraham's, not by any means a life of ease and plenty, but it was 8o different from the life he had encountered during previous years. Two miles from the Lincoln home on Pigeon Creek, a schoolhouse and meeting house had been built. One Hazel Dorsey, who could teach reading, writ- ing, and arithmetic, came to the school. What was walking 2 miles to school for Abe, when in afteryears he would walk 20 miles for the privilege of reading one book? The five children tramped the 2 miles through the snow and inclement weather. Abe already could read and write. When spring called teacher and the youngsters to farm work Abe had the peda- gog’s stock of knowledge practically ex- hausted. Abe was growing, not only by ob- servation, but by thought. His principles were broad. The thirst for book knowledge was uppermost in his mind. One of Abe’s characteristics and qualities was his passion for storytelling. He had in him an instan- taneous appreciation of humor and mimicry and the talent to make other people laugh— the simple pathos, which in afteryears so often drew tears from those who heard or read his words, Young Lincoln, with his sense of the humorous, his remarkable mem- ory, and his natura] gift of language, together with his insatiable hunger for learning, led him at once to absorb all he heard, the good as well as the bad, and he became the most noted raconteur for miles around. He heard little that was elegant, but much that was low. The community in which he lived was not overnice and he never could or did forget. His heart was pure. We all knew what this storytelling served to him in his stormy public career and life. Gentryville was now becoming a business and social cen- ter. The barefooted boy was studying hu- man nature every day and was learning un- consciously the art of drawing all men to him, which was of so much value to him in later years. If, newcomers came he was the first to make their acquaintance, some- times helping clear a patch of ground and telling a story or two, then—which was most important to him—borrowing their books if they had any. Three of the books, among the first he read, were Aesop's Fables, Pil- grim‘s Progress, and Robinson Crusoe. After the opening of the year 1820, the Hazel School was closed until the winter of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 1821-22. Then it was opened by Andrew Orawford, whose attainments were nearly as small as those of his predecessors. Abe was the prize scholar. At will, he could spell down the entire school, outread, outwrite, and outcipher anyone in his classes, The school term closed, and with it closed Abra- ham Lincoln’s school life, covering in all hardly a year's time. Of geography, of gram- mar and compositon he had not been taught @ word... In time, as he found out that the world is round and said so to his girl friend, his statement was laughed at. “One of Abe's jokes,” she said. He obtained somewhere a blank book. In this he copied many quo- tations from books. Paper was very costly and other blank books hard to obtain. Be- fore any sentence was written in the blank book every useless word was eliminated. In order to do this he had recourse to genuine backwoods inconvenience. By the fireplace stood a wooden shovel. Smoothing and shaving it with his father’s tools, and with a little charcoal, he tried his literary experi- ments. A new shingle by day served the purpose and the practice was inexpensive. Who can visualize what good influence this lack of paper had in fitting him to write the great Cooper Institute speech, the Emancipation Proclamation, and the Gettys- burg address. All classics. A United States history fell into his hands about this time and was eagerly read. He borrowed a copy of Weems’ Life of Washington from a neigh- bor. One rainy night, before he climbed the pegs which served as a stairway to his loft, he laid the precious history upon a shelf and the next morning found it soaked with water, which had entered through an un- suspected leak. After drying the book, he found that it was in no condition to return to the owner, so he had to pull corn fodder for 8 days for the neighbor at 25 cents a day, and earned his first book. Abe knew the man had driven a hard bargain and they wére never friends after that. Abe's only sister died at this time and the boy was left with but one near relative—his father. Abe was 15 now and as large as any grown man and at 17 reached his full height—6 feet and 4 inches without his shoes—he had no stockings. Mrs. Lincoln insisted that the farm work should be done and as Dennis Hanks and young Johnston could do most of the work, Abe hired out to other farmers and had access to read- ing books as well as new characters. The small wages he received went to his father. His longest service at this time was with John Taylor, who owned a ferry at the mouth of Anderson's Creek on the Ohio River. Here he read many books and met a great many travelers, from whom he obtained as much information about everything of in- terest as he possibly could. At all gather- ings where feats of strength were performed he was always fitat. He could throw a& heavier hammer, could lift a heavier dead weight, and outrun and run farther than any other contestant, as well as throw any man in the region at wrestling. These feats gave him much popularity in the community. Abe had one peculiarity that puzzled people and that was he refused to drink liquor. In 1828, when 19 years of age, Abe Lincoln engaged with Mr. Gentry for service to be performed at Gentry’s Landing, near Rock- port on the Ohio River. Soon, Mr. Gentry planned to load a flatboat with staples— bacon and corn—and send it down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers to New Orleans. Abe was engaged as bow hand at 68 a month and his rations and a return steamboat pas- age. Three months were required in com- pleting the round trip. These trips made Abe familiar with the slave system. He saw it in its worst and most barbarous form. He saw men and women working under the lash in the dusty fields. He saw the whip applied in barbarous punishment. He saw men and women driven like hogs to market and ne
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD saw the sale of human beings under the hammer at the slave markets. And this made of Abraham Lincoln an abolitionist in heart from his very boyhood. The wish for freedom was at all times in his thoughts. Even after his admission to the bar in 1837 poverty and hardships were encountered by Lincoln. Poverty was still his bedfellow, for he had debts to discharge and he was too honest to spend an unnecessary cent until they were paid. He boarded at the house of ®@ political friend, but he could not afford a bedroom, and his lodging was in his own office, where he slept upon a narrow lounge. Thus it will be seen what the barefooted plowboy and farm laborer, who in later life was elected to the highest office within the gift of the American people, underwent dur- ing his boyhood days, hardships and trials unequaled in history—a boy whose school education was less than one year. A careful study of the life of Abraham Lincoln from the old Kentucky home to the fatal box at Ford's Theater, shows how good a tutor is the fate that shapes the destiny of nations, prepared and developed for the great service of the future by the experiences and hardships which he was called upon day by day to pass—how every mental and physi- cal quality of the future President was shaped. May his bravery, his love for his beloved country, his constancy, his justice, his mercy never die in the hearts of his countrymen and those that are yet to come. Lincoln and Contemporary Liberalism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT HALE OF MAINE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. HALE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address delivered by me at Asheville, N. C., on February 10, 1947: Mr. Toastmaster, ladies and gentlemen, 1 cannot tell you how much pleased and flat- tered I am to receive your hospitality this evening. Asa Maine Yankee I discovered the Southern States quite a few years ago. I can assure you that many of my fellow New Englanders have done likewise. In fact, there is some concern in New England, because it has been discovered that cotton mills can be located in North Carolina. But I didn't come here to talk about that. It happens that this is my first visit to your beautiful city, though I ‘have heard of it all my life and seen it portrayed in pictures. Certainly nothing could be finer than your landscapes, with their mountain outlooks, and I hope to come down here in the rhodo- dendron season. You have shown me the utmost kindness and consideration on this brief visit, for which you will be poorly rec- ompensed by any eloquence of mine. Before coming down here I thought that perhaps a Maine Republican would find him- self lonely in a Southern State such as yours, so I took the trouble to look up the 1946 election returns in your congressional elec- tions. And what did I find? That outside the First Congressional District, where my friend, Huaszret Bonner, won an 8-to-1 vic- tory over his Republican adversary, and the Second Congressional District, where there was no contest, elections in your State are nowhere nearly as one-sided as most of us in the North imagine. For example, in the Third ional District, the successful Democratic candidate got 6634 percent of the vote; in the Fourth, 62 percent; in the Fifth, 60 percent; in the Sixth, 65 percent; in the Seventh, 75 percent; in the Eighth, only 53 percent; in the Ninth, represented by that .famous veteran, Bos Dovenron, only 55 percent; in the Tenth, only 58 percent; in the Eleventh, 58 percent; and in this district, 60 percent. So that 9 of your 12 districts were more closely contested than our districts generally are in Maine, where we Republicans generally win the seats. In the State at large the Democrats ure gct- ting only 61 percent of the total vote. But in your State the Republicans run better than in most of the Virginia districts, except in extreme southwestern Virginia where Con- gressman JOHN FLANNAGAN squeaked by with only 3,600 votes. His district was represented by a Republican well within my recollection. Two of Tennessee's districts are always Re- publican, and we now have three of Ken- tucky’s nine. I should like very much to live to see the day when all the States, north and south, voted entirely according to their convictions on the issues of today without being influ- enced by old, far-off forgotten things, and battles long ago. Vv. Yankees realize soon after coming to Congress that our philosophies of govern- ment are so close to those of our southern friends that it is generally impossible to per- ceive any distinction at all. In these later days when we have clashed with the leftist philosophies that captivated the New Dealers and so largely influenced the Seventy-ninth Congress, the voices of the southern Mem- bers were about as often as not heard to match their yeas and nays with ours in roll calls. They were voicing convictions which I believe to be conservative in the best sense and liberal in the best sense. Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers elected the first Republican President of the United States. He was born 138 years ago day after tomorrow and died a martyr’s death at the age of 66, leaving an imperishable Memory as a great interpreter and seer of the democratic philosophy, and as perhaps the noblest spokesman of its faith. In birth, Lincoln was more a southerner than a north- erner. Probably the greatest contribution of his statesmanship was to the South, since the South could never have realized its destiny, either as a slave-holding sovereignty, or in isolation from the more populous and indus- trial communities of the North. Had he lived, his contribution to the South would have been far greater. For when Lincoln said “malice toward none,” he meant it. Few political leaders of the decade following the War Between the States were capable of that magnanimity. But we Republicans shall not achieve exec- utive power in °48, or even retain the legis- lative power which we won so dramatically last November, by basking in the light of Lincoln's greatness. We shall not even, in my opinion, retain merely by momentum from the past a place as a respectable mi- nority party. . Our future depends on our capacity to interpret the world of today and to lead it - to better things. The world of today is not a lovely place. Let us have the courage to say that for a generation, at the least, the world has been in retrogression. Thirty- three years is generally regarded a3 a genera- tion and it was almost exactly a generation ago that Wilhelm Hohengollern embarked on @ course that proved the direful spring of ‘woes unnumbered to this unhappy planet. Let us try to gather a little perspective by surveying this generation as I think Lincoln might have done. As it happens, I Hved in Europe in the 8 years just before the frst war. I traveled pretty well over western Europe and as far east as Greece. I never owned a passport. Turkey was considered by me and my friends as a rather barbarous country hecause to A527 visit it one required a passport. The gold standard in those days regulated interna- tional fiscal relations in a perfectly satisfac- tory manner. The exchange between the dollar and all European currencies was per- fectly fixed. There were approximately four English shillings, German marks, or Aus- trian crowns to our dollar. Other European currencies, whether called francs, lire, drachmae, and ao on, were five to the dollar. One passed from one European country to another in those days much as we pass from State to State in this country. There was in Europe, outside the Russian despotism and the Turkish despotism, no secret police of any consequence. Even in Russia, the Czar’s policemen were children beside their modern counterparts. Monarchies were universal outside of France and Switzerland, but in all European countries besides Russia and Turkey they were limited monarchies. The popular will always found expression. Civil rights were generally respected. Taxation by today’s standards was nil. This country first got an income-tax amend- ment and an income-tax law in 1913. The rate was 1 percent, with an exemption of $3,000 to single persons and $4,000 to mar- tied persons. There was a surtax of 1 per- cent on incomes from $20,000 to $50,000, and the surtax got up as high as 6 percent on incomes above $500,000. Think of that, and burst out crying The precursor of the pres- ent Federal estate tax came in 1916. The rate of tax on the net estate was 1 percent up to 850,000. Estates over ten million paid 6 percent. Many people in those days got very rich. I dare say many of them were more respeCted than they deserved to be, but there was at least general acquiescence in the principles laid down by Lincoln: “Each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with himself and the fruit of his labor, so far as it in no wise interferes with any other man’s rights. The strongest bond of human sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one uniting all working people, of all nations, and tongues, and kindreds. Nor should this lead to a war upon property, or the owners of property. Property is the fruit of labor; property is desirable: is a positive good in the world. That some should be rich shows that others may become rich, and hence is just encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let not him who is houseless pull down the house of another, but let him work diligently and build one for himself, thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe from violence when built.” And again, “While we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else.” Or again, “That men who are industrious and sober and honest in the pursuit of their own interest should after a while accumulate property and after that should be allowed to enjoy it in peace is right. The prudent penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves his surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own account for another while, and at length hires another tohelp him. This ts the just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all and consequently an improvement of condition to all. I hold that if there is any one thing that canbe proved to be the will of heaven by external nature around us, without reference to revelation, it is the proposition that whatever any one man earns with his hands and by the sweat of his brow, he shall enjoy in peace.” I can understand these doctrines. They breathe the idea of freedom as I learned it in Maine and saw it widely over western civilization in the years before World War I. I believe these doctrines breathe your con- cepts of freedom. But this idea of freedom
A528 is now ridiculed. It was ridiculed in Lin- coln's own day by Karl Marx. It was rid- iculed by the people who first made ‘socialism fashionable in England, It was ridiculed by economists of the Maynard Keynes school as the doctrine of laissez-faire. It came to be most ridiculed by our most recent ex-Presi- dent when the aftermath of a world war and bad banking practices struck our economy after 1929. He garnered his ideas everywhere except in the American past which he despised. Ours, he pointed out, ‘was a mature economy. The old jigs were now up. There were to be all new tunes played by new pipers who took their pay not in money but in power. Let us turn from Lincoln’s liberalism to the liberalism of today. Let us take a def- inition from the mouth of the darling of some of our modern liberals, a former Vice President, who escaped the White House by only 3 months, the adored prophet of the common man. “Liberalism,” says Henry Wallace, “is that particular type of leftward trend which best preserves and enriches humanity in its control over and apprecia- tion of nature.” In other words, in the gospel according to Wallace, liberalism is only a subspecies of the leftward trend and all you have to do is to decide whose left- ward trend best preserves and enriches hu- manity in its control over and appreciation of nature. Is it Earl Browder's or William Z. Foster's or Claude Pepper’s or Gerhard Eisler's? Any time you meet a man with a leftward trend ask him if it “best preserves and enriches humanity in its control over and appreciation of nature.’ Then you can tell whether he qualifies as a Wallace liberal. What is this road from Lincoln to Wal- lace? The road even from the elder Roose- velt and the elder Taft as many of us re- member them down to Wallace. What are the landmarks on the way? Adolf Hitler preaching the supreme state; Mussolini boasting that he bestrode the dead corpse of liberty; the dictators who still flourish in the unredeemed countries of Europe. We have in all countries, ancient and mod- ern, even the most primitive, great institu- tions which play their part, the family, the church, the state. And to these must be added, in modern industrial countries, the basic economic relationship of employer and employee. Tyranny comes when one of these institu- tions unduly preponderates over the others. “Revolution is the result of the excessive power of one institution.” If the family predominates over church and state you have conditions that existed in medieval Italy and in some phases of modern gangsterism. If the church pre- dominates, you have corrupt, priest-ridden societies. And if the state predominates, you have statism, autocracy, totalitarianism. This is the world-wide phenomenon of the last generation—the increasing absorption by the state of the functions and activities natural to man and to society. This absorp- tion became complete in Hitler's Germany and in Lenin’s Russia. It was approaching completeness in Franklin Roosevelt’s Amer- ica. The facile apostles of New Deal concepts of the state loved nothing so much as to iden- tify the changes they brought about with progress. Those who would turn back from the road to serfdom were called reaction- aries. Let us accept the challenge. Why be scared by an epithet. If the road from state serfdom to a society of balance between in- dividual, family, church, state, and the em- ployer-employee relationship is reaction, make the most of it. I say it is progress. Your car progresses when it gets out of the mud even when it has to reverse to get out. Lincoln was no doctrinaire. He did not think novelty was progress, still less that calling old ideals by new names was progress. On the contrary he said in his homely way that calling a cat's tail a leg didn’t make it one. A cat was still a quadruped, whatever you termed its tail or its whiskers. In the Wallace form of liberalism calling a cat's tail & leg would probably “enrich and preserve humanity in its control over and apprecia- tion of nature.” . . Last November, the’ American electorate swept our party back into control of Congress. If 1946 had been ‘48 it would have swept a Republican into the White House. We mean to put a Republican into the White House in '48. Up in New England we invented a slogan that caught the country’s fancy. It was, “Had enough? Vote Republican.” We meant by “enough” enough of tax and tax, enough of spend and spend, enough of the totalitar- ian philosophy, of substituting price control for the law of the free market, of scarcity under regimentation for abundance under free contracts, of people who disbelieved in the American past for those who believed in it, of deficit financing for balanced budgets. I shall attempt no catalog of the New Deal things that America has had enough of. You can all do your own catalogs if you will give yourselves plenty of time. So in Congress, we have started the job of liquidating the New Deal. It is a big job. I shall boast neither of our prowess nor of our accomplishment. The people in due course will see our handiwork and, in another 21 months, they will decide whether we have been faithful servants. Some things I feel sure we shall do. We shall balance the national budget. We shall reduce the cost of Government. We shall take men off the Federal pay roll (which stands at 2,300,000 today). We shall start to peg away at the national debt. I hope we shall reduce personal-income taxes. I Cannot say how much. This fiscal problem is not simple. We are much more likely to err on the side of hurrying it, oversimplify- ing it, than on the side of deliberation and calm. We shall attempt a solution of the prob- lems of labor-management relationships. We shall legislate to protect the rights of the public when the public health and safety are endangered by work stoppages. We shall define the limits of the right to strike which, like all the great civil rights, is a qualified right and not an unqualified right. We shall amend the Wagner Labor Rela- tions Act to give a broader definition to un- fair labor practices. We shall say what is not cricket for employees and what is not cricket for employers. We shall deal with jurisdictional strikes, secondary boycotts, secondary picketing. We shall take steps to democratize labor unions and make them answerable for con- tracts, not merely to other organizations but to thelr own members. We shall make the labor union man stand erect in his union and not cower before his union leaders. We shall be denounced for all this. The labor union leaders will shriek that we are enemies of labor, that we are robbing labor of its bargaining power, that we are Fascists. And soon. The public will not believe them. The rank and file labor union man will not believe them. We shall do more than any other administration has ever done for the honest, industrious, decent laborer who wants to work and produce and not to featherbed or malinger or be paid overtime for putting on his overcoat. Those are the men who really represent American labor and not the usurpers who see in the labor union only a means for their own advance- ment, a stepping stone to more and more Political power, We shall restore constitutional govern- ment. We shall strike at regimentation wherever we see it. When we Republicans destroyed OPA last summer we did the best thing that could have been done for the American economy. We were denounced for causing inflation. Instead, we put a stop to inflation. To be sure prices rose for a little while. Today all along the line they are APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD coming down. The free market is making what it always makes—freemen. We shall make Congress the legislative body in the country, and strike at the tomes of directives and Executive orders which are bigger than the metropolitan telephone directories, and make less sense. We shall try to restore respect for the judi- ciary. We shall make character and learning in the law the dominant prerequisite for Judicial office, not the espousal of a social theory, or servility to a party organization. I think we shall do these things and more. ‘When we have done them we shall have been the most progressive reactionaries the coun- try ever saw. We shall not have to witch hunt for Communists. In a prosperous America the Communists will never gain @ foothold. Intellectual confusion makes Communists. Moscow only keeps them up to mischief. The Democrats will taunt us. They will play all the demagogic tricks. They will hark back to the New Deal philosophy which taught that every man with more than a minimum income was an economic royalist, & money changer, an idler lolling in his club. We shall see whether this hokum will pull crocodile tears from the audiences of 1948. I should like to see a Republican Party courageous enough and honest enough to face the facts of our economic life, whether people like them or not. If we are right we shall elect Presidents. If we are wrong, we shan't deserve them. The object lessons of failure surround us. Shattered Europe is the monument of totali- tarlanism. Even in poor England, a Labor government is passing an agricultural act which will take a man's farm away from him if he doesn't farm to sult the authorities in Westminster. How long will Britishers en- dure that? When Lincoln said that we should not en- dure half-slave and half-free he spoke a far greater truth than he knew. He was talking of America. We are talking of the world. If the Republicans have vision and cour- age they will be worthy of their first Presi- dent. If they have it not, then let us not try to conjure with the name of Abraham Lincoln. O. Max Gardner ——— EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MONROE M. REDDEN OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. REDDEN. Mr. Speaker, last Sat- urday I attended the funeral of one of the most distinguished sons ever pro- duced by the great State of North Caro- lina, the Honorable O. Max Gardner. One time governor and always a great leader, he passed away at the height of his fame and glory. The archives of North Carolina’s political history will re- cord him as one of the superb statesmen of his day. Many fitting tributes have been paid to Governor Gardner since his departure. I witnessed the outstanding event of them all. I saw 10,000 people with expressions of sorrow upon their faces pass before his bier. They were people of all walks of life in America, the high and the low, the rich and the poor, the white and the black. A great majority of them, as was expected, were North Carolinians. They were people whom he had served as Gov- ernor, as counselor, and as leader. For decades they had pointed to him with pride because indeed he represented the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD spirit and aspiration of all Tarheelians. He fulfilled their ambition of “men to match our mountains.” While the Nation mourns the passing of this great statesman the people who knew him best and who loved him most, the citizenry of North Carolina, are the most profoundly bereaved. I know, Mr. Speaker, that O. Max Gardner has left a great heritage to the people of his State, a shining example of accomplishments through courage, de- termination, and a life sublime. Supply of Fertilizer Materials EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. VAUGHAN GARY OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. GARY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following statement, which was made by Mr. Herbert H. Meyers, vice president of the Virginia-Carolina Chemical Corp., Richmond, Va., before the Fertilizer Subcommittee of the House Committee on Agriculture at its hearing January 31, 1947: Gentlemen of the committee, it is a privi- lege to appear before you to discuss the sup- ply of fertilizer materials for the current season. It seems to me that the emphasis has been wrongly placed when referring to the fer- tilizer situation in the United States for this spring season. The supply of fertilizers and materials, despite local shortages, probably will equal, i” not break, the all-time record for the country. The emphasis should be placed upon the demand, which is also a record breaker. The achievements of the fertilizer industry over the war period in reference to produc- tion and distribution are something that the industry should be proud of and for which !t should receive commendation. In spite of all the hindrances and adverse circumstances which prevailed during the war period, the industry was able to more than double its production of all essential materials in the period between 1988 and 1946. Even last year, in the 1945-46 period, under conditions of interrupted production, because of strikes on the railroads and in the coal industry and steel industry, the production and distribu- tion of fertilizers increased sufficiently to establish a new record, and the present sea- son bids fair to equal that record. I will not burden you with detailed statistics because they have been adequately presented in a statement by the United States Department of Agriculture, Production and Marketing Administration, in the 1946-47 fertilizer pro- gram issued this month, but I shall refer you first to their statement on phosphate pro- duction. It is likely that the production of super- phosphate this year will exceed last year’s record production, The essential materials in the production of superphosphate are phosphate rock and sulfuric acid. Approxi- mately 6,000,000 long tons of phosphate rock will be produced in this country this year, of which probably less than 10 percent will be exported. The major portion of the rest will be converted to superphosphate for do- mestic use. Compare this with the year 1940, in which about 4,000,000 tons were produced, of which about a million tons were exported. Increased production in phosphate rock was XCITI—App.——84 accomplished by construction of new plants in spite of the difficulties involved in new construction during the past year. As an illustration, the corporation with which I am associated has completed since VJ-day a new plant for production of rock which in itself has added a capacity for half a million tons annually to the domestic production. Another company in the Florida field has an- nounced the installation of a new unit sched- uled for completion next summer which will have a capacity for an additional million tons per year, and other producers are ine creasing their production so that next sea- s80n & million and a half to 2,000,000 tons of additional rock supply should be available, The other essential ingredient for the pro- duction of superphosphate is sulfuric acid. Sulfuric acid is the barometer of the chemi- cal industry in the United States. It is used in innumerable processes and the demand for it is very great under present economic conditions. The fertilizer industry probably uses at least one-third and possibly more of the total production in the country and it has been pressed to obtain all it needs to acidulate the rock available. The demand is such that it has been necessary to haul acid relatively long distances in tank cars to meet the changing pattern of demand for super- phosphate in the country. Lack of tank cars in many instances has slowed down or inter- fered with the production of superphos- phates, and local shortages of acid in various parts of the country have created local defi- ciencies in supply and dislocation of distribu- tion of superphosphate. Transportation diffi- culties also in obtaining sufficient boxcars have seriously interfered with the delivery of phosphate rock in various sections of the country. Officials of the American Associa- tion of Railroads tell us that the railroads are retiring cars of all types at the rate of ap- proximately 5,000 per month, while the rate at present of building new cars for replace- ment has been averaging about 3,300 per month. Nevertheless, in spite of all these difficulties the production of superphos- phates will probably exceed that of any year in the history of the country. As shown in the report of the Department of Agriculture, there is no dearth of capacity to make superphosphates. The capacity to produce concentrated superphosphate is at present being expanded materially by indus- try. It may be interesting to note that a large plant for this purpose has gone into production within the last year or two, but some of its output is being exported at the direction of the Government. The produc- tion of superphosphates now is merely lim- ited by the ability to supply raw materials and to expand productive capacity of both rock and sulfuric acid. The industry is ex- panding the capacity for both these mate- Yials Just as rapidly as building supplies and machinery become available, NITROGEN Referring again to the report of the De- partment of Agriculture, it is indicated in this report that an over-all anticipated total supply of nitrogen for the current season will be about 693,000 tons in comparison with 702,000 tons last year and an average of 371,000 tons for the prewar period 1935-39. It is obvious that there will not be any serious diminution in over-all supply in com- parison with the previous year and that there is a vast increase in comparison with the pre- war period. However, the nitrogen picture is far more complicated than that of the phos- phates because of the various forms in which nitrogen is used and because of the agricul- tural methods of using nitrogen containing materials. Furthermore, the impact of world demand for nitrogen has been much more significant in relation to our domestic supply than in respect to phosphates. The alloca- tions of the International Emergency Food Council and the action of the Army in sup- plying occupied territories have had a signifi- A529 cant effect both in the amount available and the timing of deliveries of domestic supplies. A large amount of the nitrogen available in the United States for use in fertilizers is pro- duced in the form of liquids which only can be used in the preparation of complete mixed fertilizers and then only to a Mmited extent. These liquids or solutions are furnishing a major portion of the nitrogen needed in mixed fertilizers, but a certain amount of solid forms is necessary to make the required grades of mixed fertilizers. However, a great- er amount of the solid nitrogen-containing materials 1s used for direct application to the soil as so-called top dressers. The primary materials used for such purposes are nitrate of soda and ammonium nitrate. Tradition- ally, nitrate of soda has been the main mate- rial for top-dressing purposes. Chile supplies the major portion of this material. In ac- cordance with the allocation of the Interna- tional Emergency Food Council, slightly over 600,000 tons of Chilean nitrate of soda has been set aside for importation into the United States during the current fertilizer year. This amount is probably no greater than that imported into the United States, on the average, in the years immediately pre- ceding the war. For several years during the war period a million or more tOns a year were imported into the United States. Unfortu- Nately, it is now questionable whether the total amount allocated this year will arrive in the country in time for use this fertilizer sea- son. The principal reasons for this are the maritime strikes in this country and dock strikes in Chile and other labor disturbances occurring last fall, plus the lack of satisfac- tory chipping facilities, all of which are ob- viously beyond the control of the fertilizer industry. Present imports are far behind schedule, and the prospects for completion of the total schedule are not bright, so that @ shortage of Chilean soda is to be very defi- nitely anticipated this spring. The other major source of supply of nitrate of soda is synthetic nitrate of soda made in this country by the use of soda ash and nitric acid. This domestic source also will be in short supply this spring season, not because of lack of nitrogen, but because of inability to obtain the necessary soda ash, for which there is an unprecedented industrial demand beyond the ability of the alkali industry to supply. The net result undoubtedly will be ® drastic reduction in the production of do- mestic nitrate of soda from synthetic nitric acid. The other major source of solid nitrogen containing material for top dressing is am- monium nitrate. The amount of this ma- terial available by production in this coun- try and imports from Canada probably will be somewhat greater this year than last, as indicated in the report of the Department of Agriculture. Unfortunately, however, due to arrangements made by the Army to supply ammonium nitrate to the occupied countries and to allocations for export made by the In- ternational Emergency Food Council, the timing of the delivery of this material for domestic use will be such that it will be in relatively short supply when most needed by the agricultural interests of the country. This condition has been aggravated by the coal strike and by other industrial conditions, While the total amount of ammonium ni- trate anticipated may be available at some time or other during the season, it will not be at the right place at the right time for most effective use because of the complica- tions indicated. Growing crops do not await the convenience of boards or committees. Another factor in the supply of ammonium nitrate is the pattern of distribution of this material which is somewhat different during the current season than in the preceding few years. Much of the amount imported from Canada, which for the most part is pro- Guced in British Columbia, is not reaching eastern markets this season but is being con- sumed in the far West which is its logical
A530 market. A somewhat greater amount of do- mestic production ts also probably moving west than in previous years. The amount of cyanamid, also a synthetic solid nitrogen material for top-dressing use, which ts imported from Canada probably is approximately normal and its distribution much as usual. The supply of sulfate of ammonia, which is a by-product in this country of the cok- ing of coal, for metallurgical and domestic purposes, will be somewhat less than last year, as indicated by the United States De- partment of Agriculture report. The recent coal strike reduced the supply of sulfate by about 30,000 tons. While this material is used to some extent as a top dresser, particularly in certain sections of the country, the major portion of it is used in the production of complete mixtures and its distribution in general this year will not be very different than in previous periods, To summarize the nitrogen situation brief- ly, it may be said that the total supply is close to the peak for the country. The amount used in making complete mixed fer- tilizers will not differ greatly from the pre- vious year. However, notwithstanding the total nitrogen supply situation, there will be @ serious dislocation in the distribution of top-dressing materials such as nitrate of soda and ammonium nitrate, which will af- fect particularly the South Atlantic States in which a shortage undoubtedly will occur. This territory normally consumes large quan- tities of these materials for top-dressing pur- poses and they will not be available in suf- ficient quantities at the right times this season. A Thought-Challenging Letter EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I am just in receipt of the fol- lowing letter from Mr. W. Hume Logan, Jr., of Louisville, Ky., which is a thought- challenging letter. I want to suggest that this letter re- flects the sentiments contained in hun- dreds of letters I have received on the subject of labor legislation, which the public is demanding this Congress con- sider and act upon. I am firmly con- vinced that the public will not be satis- fied with appeasement, evasion, or non- action. They have had all they want of the New Deal method of pampering and yielding to the whims and demands of labor-union bosses and racketeers. I believe a large percentage of the rank and file of labor is thoroughly disgusted with the way the New Deal has handled labor problems and the labor legislation that was enacted by the New Deal ad- ministrations during the last 14 years. They demand action and are entitled to it. I quote Mr. Logan’s letter in full: Loumvi.1z, Kyr., February 10, 1947. Hon. Grorce B. ScHwase, House Office Butiding, Washington, D.C. Honorasze Sm: Somebody please explain: Wagner Act in operation, 1935. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let's not pass any hasty legtslation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1086. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let's not pass any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1987. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let's not pass any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1088. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let's not pass any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1939. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1940. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let’s not pass any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1041. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let's not pass any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1942. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let's not pass any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1943. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress, says: “Let's not pass any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1944. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let’s not pess any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1945. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let's not pass any hasty legislation.” Wagner Act in operation, 1946. The re- sult: More strikes and labor racketeering. Congress says: “Let’s not pass any hasty legislation.” So we have had 12 years of “not being too hasty.” And now we are beginning to hear the same old song as the time nears for action: “Let's not pass any hasty legislation.” What is the Republican definition of “hasty,” when a bad situation has existed and has been discussed and considered for 12 years? Do you think Republicans will be elected in 1948 if they pass some kind of half-baked labor legislation, after seeing what happened to the Democrats last November because they would not act? The public is tired of unjustified strikes, high prices resulting from less work and more pay, and union immunity from the laws that the rest of us willingly obey. You were elected to correct this condition, and the majority of the public wants action. (This includes the 75 percent of union mem- bers who were forced to join unions against thetr will.) Do you really think you should ape the New Deal? Yours truly, W. Hume Loaan, Jr. Abraham Lincoln—American, Republican, and Contemporary Prophet EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRED NORMAN OF WASHINGTON : IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. NORMAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Reooap, I include the following speech delivered by the Honorable Hat HoLms APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD at the Lincoln Day banquet held in Olympia, Wash., February 12, 1947, on the subject entitled “Abraham Lincoln— American, Republican, and Contempo- rary Prophet”: Although he is acknowledged as the great- est of our national heroes, it 1s only occa- sionally, not more than once a year at most, that we pause in our hurried lives to do honor to Abraham Lincoln. We honor him for many reasons and from many differing points of view. We honor him as a great man who exemplifies all that is American. The contrasts of his life were many. He came from poverty and obscurity to the high- est post in his country. He developed from an uneducated rail splitter to a akiliful at- torney at law. He adapted himself from the humility and gentleness of his natural dis- position to the rank and pomp of Com- mander in Chief of the Army and President of the United States. The accomplishment of his life was in the American tradition. He saved a great coun- try as a union. And the personality of the man, too, was American. It was full of com- plexities, and yet utterly simple in integrity, benevolence, and fundamental goodness. He was religious, a God-fearing boy and man. He said once, “Often I go to my knees because there is no other place to go.” He was full of fun and loved the jokes and broad humor of his day. As a boy he liked to go to the mill and to loaf in the country store, swapping stories and debating local political questions. He is described by contemporaries as being manly, courageous, sympathetic, and honest. All of these things, the contrasts, the ac- complishments, the personality, serve to point up and single out the great genius of the man as an American. He remains the great embodiment of the American dream. As a typical American he came from the soil and interpreted our common needs in terms of common humanity. Many of you men in this audience ex- emplify this same sort of thing. Many of you were poor boys. Many of you can easily remember your first jobs and the various hardships you endured. You can readily understand some of the handicaps he had to overcome in pulling himself up by his own bootstraps. You can appreciate some of the hardships he mastered as he turned them into assets in building a rugged character. In all these things he is the great Ameri- can, even in many little incidental ways. Like many American boys he grew fast—out of one pair of made-over trousers into an- other. Once he was kicked by his father's old gray mare and given up for dead, coming back to consciousness next morning with the ejaculation, “You old hussy!” Growing up this gangling, awkward youth gave little special promise—a deck hand on a flatboat, a clerk in a country store, an officer (not a particularly good officer) in the Black Hawk War. Yet today no figure in our American folklore or in the annals of our history is more loved than American Abe Lincoln. Secondly, we honor him as the guiding spirit of our national Republican Party. It is significant that he early brought into our party a keen sense of the humane and the just. He constantly amplified his firm belief in the dignity and worth of the common man, The give and take of the life in which he grew up on the Kentucky and Indiana and Illinois frontiers of his day had taught him a sportamaniike attitude of fair play. He was progreasive and liberal in his view- points. He was both a practical politician and a man of vision. He bad an unlimited capacity for hard work, although as a youth he once remarked that his father had taught him to work but hadn't taught him to love it. He had a keen balance between his more serious utterances and his ready wit and native humor.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Examples of his storytelling are many, particularly in the war years when he turned to the humor of Artemus Ward and Pe- troleum Nasby for relief and enjoyment. His wit was quick. One visitor at the White House inquired about the number of men in the field in the Confederate Army. “Well,” said Lincoln, “there must be around 1,200,000." “How can that be?” asked the startled guest, ‘when the Union forces num- ber orlly 400,000 men in the field?” “Oh,” said Lincoln, “you see, when our generals get whipped they always tell me that they were outnumbered from three or five to one, and it’s as plain as the nose on your face that that gives the Confederates at least twelve hundred thousand men.” He liked to quote Artemus Ward's definition of the M. C. initials after a Congressman’s name as Mean- ing “Miserable Cuss.” Lincoln was ambitious and, in the face of his early poverty, he was a well-to-do man before he ever approached the Presidency. He had always a real appreciation of the practical aspects of life. His combination of sadness and sociability fitted into the many moods which politics brought him. But the outstanding contribution to the Republican Party was his appreciation of the rights of the people through representative govern- ment. : As Republicans, then, we can well return to him for inspiration in purely party matters. We honor him as an American and as a Republican. And, today, when we all stand in need of wisdom and vision in face of the conflicting problems which confront us, we honor him as our contemporary in spirit. What was the background, and what the molding forces that make him so up to the minute in our own problems of the present hour? We all know the story—the log-cabin birth, the shiftless, wandering father, the hard physical toil, the meager formal schooling, the pioneer communities, the rough, boister- ous play, and the regular church attendance, the mastery of law through sheer determina- tion, the practice of law, the service in the State legislature, and, later in Congress, the trials and tribulations of his private life, and, finally, the arduous, heart-breaking tragic years of the Civil War. The outline is fa- miliar to us all. We know, too, that he had & magnificent endowment of brain and spirit. And through the many years of his making, tested in the fires and on the forge of this new country, he came out as the finest steel to meet the gravest trials. His contemporary aspect is exactly this, that so thorough was that forging and so great that natural en- dowment, that he could step into our lives today with equal vision for the tasks ahead. Listen to his words when he spoke in one of his earliest known speeches in 1838 before the Young Men's Lyceum in Springfield. He said, in part, “At what point is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, if it ever reach us, it must spring up amongst us, It cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen we must live through all time or die by suicide.” We return to Lincoln as to a contemporary because in his great utterances we find wis- dom and understanding for the present hour. “This country, with its institutions, be- longs to the people who inhabit it,” he re- iterates, and, “The legitimate object of ‘gov- ernment is to do for a community of people whatever they need to have done, but can- not do at all or cannot so well do, for them- selves, in their separate and individual ca- pacities. In all that the people can individ- ually do as well for themselves, government ought not to interfere.” And, again, “Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world?” And, “Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it.” Any one of us here could find quotation after quotation as fresh and applicable today as when Lincoln first wrote or spoke it. The reason he is so ever current in our thought is because of his emphasis on funda- mental truths and verities both of the indi- vidual and of government itself. Because his grasp on the purpose of government and the importance of union wus so complete, we seek his words today in this central prob- lem facing us. What is, then, this central problem, or what are the interrelated problems of our Government as Lincoln might have under- stood them? The perennial problems which face our Government are closely related and are essen- tially twofold: (1) How to preserve a strong, effective, central government without jeopar- dizing the dignity and the freedom of the individual, and (2) how to harmonize con- flicting groups, interests, and even sections of the country without resorting to undue concentration of governmental functions. These two problems which confront us now in relation to the problem of labor, in rela- tior to the veteran, in relation to pressure groups, all are but variations of the problem of the Union which Lincoln so clearly under- stood. This problem of Union, which is the central core of our Government, is linked up with the thought of every one of the great figures in our past history. As Washington clearly saw, our international problems spring from the strength or weakness of our con- cept of government as a whole. Alexander Hamilton in the finances of a new country, and Marshall in the jurisprudence of a new country, were concerned with this problem of union. In a sense, Lincoln, writing and speaking on what appeared to be issues of his own day was really the universal voice of this universal American problem. That this need of intelligent union with- out usurpation by any branch or individual in the Government is just as urgent now as at any time must be apparent to us all. Al- though the New Deal is dead, much of its propaganda and technique lives on, And this is, as Lincoln pointed out in the first quotation I read you, our gravest danger. The evil is a part of our thought. We have too long succumbed to the blandishments of free services of every sort. We have too long become used to the bureau or the agency or the department doing for us what we ought to do for ourselves, and what, God knows, we always wanted to do for ourselves. We cry out now for more and more of the gov- ernmental pap. Like the Romans of old who were debauched by ever greater circuses and free wheat, like the French under Louis Napoleon in the middle eighteen hundreds— yes, even like the Germans under Hitler and the Italians under Mussolini—we blindly have been taking what we get, doing as we're told, and turning everything over to the Government. This is not right. It is no way to continue a strong, healthy Union of free States and localities. It is a gross seizure of power, and we must fight against it as Lincoln would have fought had he been our leader today. How did any government effect such a com- plete absorption of powers and prerogatives at the expense of the individual and at the expense of representative government? It did so through seemingly harmless and be- nevolent appropriations of so general and vague a character but with such high sound- ing purposes that Congresses in the past were ashamed to oppose them, The big spending agencies were always political in their con- tacts, and kept a large and enormous mass following assured, Together with the propa- ganda which was necessary to keep up their fronts, they became well nigh invincible. The danger of this immediate philosophy of government under which so many of our young people have grown up is far more A531 insidious than the slavery which Lincoln fought. It would make a form of slavery or subservience for all of us—slavery to govern- ment, slavery to softness, slavery to our own easy-going acceptance. We have been too greatly influenced by a policy of propaganda and spending, until we need above all things to go through the fires of denial and self- scrutiny which Lincoln so well understood, and which alone can save us. This pamper- ing of a free country from within its own borders, has a long history. We recall the Roman circuses, but we forget our own past political circuses, with the old wiles in new guise. Past Congresses may have seen what was going on, but nevertheless sur- rendered, partially at least, the all-powerful control of the purse. The recent experi- ment in American politics showed that the leader must have enough flat money to lull the voters to sleep. As one journalist, writing as of January 1, 1947, remarks, “The Constitution cannot save us. The question is whether we are wise and strong enough to save the Con- stitution. American political institutions no longer rest, as formerly, upon hard rock. The ground beneath them has been mined. We cannot have peace at home or peace in this world until our own foundations have been reestablished.” Do you recognize in this quotation as of the beginning of this Congress, the identical thought of Lincoln when he said that our gravest dangers are from within? The perennial problem of Gov- ernment, as we see it dimly today, and as Lincoln saw it so clearly and so tenaciously all through the tragic years when we fought to preserve the Union and the rights of the common man—the perennial problem of Government is our problem here and now— how to save our system of free enterprise and the representative form of government in the face of internal lassitude and organized propaganda. We turn once more to Lincoln in the three- fold aspect I have mentioned—as our great American, as our great Republican, as our contemporary in mind and spirit. The terrific rapidity with which our coun- try has leaped from obscurity and poverty and pioneer freedoms to a position of power and prestige is paralleled by the life of the man we honor tonight. Our common na- tional life has the same character of meteoric swiftness that marked Lincoln's rise to prom- inence. That our country as a whole may sustain the rugged character and stern in- tegrity which was Lincoln’s must be our constant hope, vigilantly guarded. Yes; we return to Lincoln because we remember that he was wise, kind, strong, human, adaptable. He loved people. He shared in common sorrows and in common joys. He had experienced sorrows. He knew first hand the hardships of excessive pov- erty and hard work. He came to his great tasks by the hard way, the pioneer way, the straight and narrow path of many frustra- tions and disappointments. In a sense we must all, as public-spirited citizens, dramatize ourselves in the roles of the Lincolns, the Jeffersons, the Washing- tons of the past. Without chauvinism or imitation or mimicry or plagiarism, we must make a part of our very lives the great- hearted, broad-visioned humanity of our great historic citizens, Lincoln's utterances have become a part of the web and woof of our daily lives. A few weeks before hi tragic death he wrote these words which we all remember, which embody our faith as a nation, and with which we close our eulogy tonight: “With malice toward none, with charity for all; with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the Nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphun—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.”
A532 United Nations Must Make Poland Free EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD D. DONOHUE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. DONOHUE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include excerpts from my address on February 12, 1947, before the mem- bers of the Polish-American Congress, Inc., at the ceremony at Lafayette Square, Washington, D. C., in memory of Gen. Thaddeus Kosciusko, Polish- American patriot: I wish to extend my thanks to Mr. Charles Burke, and the members of the Polish-Amer- ican Congress, for the invitation and honor to join with you in paying tribute to the memory of that great Polish-American hero, Gen. Thaddeus Kosciusko. There is no need for me to recite, in detail, upon the life of honor, and the deeds of valor, performed by this magnificent soldier and patriot. It is with just pride that you recall today that, of all the unknown soldiers coming from foreign lands to take part in the American Revolution, Kosciusko alone rose to international fame as an apostle of freedom. His contribution to the American cause is marked indelibly in our history pages to insure the perpetual respect and gratitude of this Nation. Every American knows that he was the outstanding military strategist- engineer of the American war for independ- ence. There is even less need for me to unroll, for you here, the record of his valiant but unhappy efforts for the liberation and in- dependence of his own nation. Equally great in devotion to his God, and love of his country, he lived and died exclusively for the freedom and independence of Poland. The character of his life’s work is cited for posterity in those famous lines of Thomas Campbell: “Hope for a season, bade the world farewell, And freedom shrieked—as Kosciusko fell.” It is easy for us to appreciate why Poland and American honor Kosciusko—he fought for America and he fought to save his home- land from the aggressor—for this he received the grateful thanks of his adopted country and his own nation—but these activities alone are not the reason he ts given homage by the world. I would like to emphasize to you that the international importance of General Kosciusko, during his lifetime and today, Hes in the fact, that along with the other great democratic liberals of the world’s history, he stood, all his life, for individual freedom, as well as national, and for the right of a man to his own soul. In this respect, I would like to quote just, one sentence from a letter Kosciusko wrote to Michael Zaleski in April 1792: “‘There should be no unfree men in any civilized state, indeed, the word ‘unfree’ itself ought to be banished from every legal code.” Kosciusko's tears of spiritual anguish must be falling upon his native, blood-stained soil, as from behind the “hid battlements of eternity” he gazes down upon the advancing tragedy—of sacrifice to ruthless imperial- ism—that is enveloping Poland today. Prom the recent formal statement of our State Department about coercion and in- timidation in the January 10 Polish elec- tions, we may well fudge that the principle of political independence enunciated in the declaration by United Nations and the At- lantic Charter, is a hollow mockery in the present unrepresentative government of the Polish nation. It ts evident that the Gov- ernment of the United States is fast coming to the conclusion that Poland is not passing through « revolution, but is undergoing a shameless conquest, the victim of as bold and cynical a diplomatic campaign as any big state has ever waged against a gallant, hon- orable, but weaker neighbor. Quoting the paragraph of this State De- partment release of January 27, which says: “The United States Government firmly in- tends to maintain its interest in the welfare of the Polish people,” let us hope this means that practical measures, when necessary, will be taken to insure that Poland shall not suffer defeat in victory. You must dedicate yourselves today to the determined revelation and presentation—to the world—of the facts and the truth about Poland so that the United Nations shall be called upon to meet their full moral and humanitarian responsibility by assurance that your nation, which during the war stood first in honor and glory, shall not, in peace, be rewarded by denial and betrayal. In this cause, you will have the complete support of freedom-loving men throughout the world, and they will join in your prayers that, through a free and independent Poland, the bitterly tormented spirit of Kosciusko may finally rest in peace—forever. Limit the Tenure of the Office of President to Not More Than 8 Years EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROBERT NODAR, JR. OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. NODAR. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I wish to emphasize my support of House Joint Resolution 27, proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States to limit the tenure of office of the President to not more than 8 years, Bince the year 1787 when the Consti- tutional Convention settled on a 4-year term with no ban on reelection, it has been accepted as a custom and tradition of our country that two terms in office be the tenure of the President. George Washington, the first President of our country, retired after two terms. Thomas Jefferson followed the same course and thus established this prece- dent. Many people during the time that Washington was President considered him indispensable, and it has been often said that he might have been the first king of the United States had he so wanted. The laws of our land are based mainly on our Constitution and Bill of Rights, but precedent has long estab- lished many of our rights. These rights have grown and have become not only traditional but sacred. During the last decade many of our traditions have been broken and many of our rights violated. The tradition of no third term was one that was held especially dear by many Americans. I have always felt that this tradition was as much a part of the law of our land as any constitutional right that was actually set forth in the Con- stitution or the Bill of Rights. I was brought up to believe in and respect es- tablished precedent; therefore, I have cast my vote with all the other members APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of my party, and a goodly number of the Opposition who hold, as I do, that the tenure of office of any President should not be more than two terms of 4 years each. Only in this manner can that system of government which has so long endured be perpetuated, and only in this manner can we prevent any group or party from dominating our country to the extent that our form of government will be endangered. David Lilienthal—A Worthy Public Servant EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, in these days of judgment and appraisal of David Lilienthal, public servant, we would like to call attention to some comments made by the Progressive Farmer, & well-known agricultural mag- azine, on his public record as a great and capable public servant. In January 1946 this publication designated Mr. Lilienthal “man of the year in service to southern agriculture.” Since 1936 the Progressive Farmer has selected some most worthy leaders for this honor. Among the outstanding men who have received this honor were D. M. Clements, southern leader of vocational agriculture teaching; Dr. George W. Carver, fore- most Negro scientist; and Dr. C. H. Herty for research in making paper from pine. Russell Lord, staff writer for this mag- azine, writes of some of the early days of Mr. Lilienthal’s career: He made friends at a fairly tender age— He writes— with a prizefighter called the Tacoma Tiger. The Tiger undertook to make a light heavy- weight champion out of Dave. “He blame near killed me,” Dave remembers, gently smiling, “but he taught me how to come up off the floor and take some more.” Mr. Lilienthal has had a testing time in the past few weeks. In 1933 he came to the South as TVA Board member. He recalled that he had an uneasy feeling about being a public man. He kept his suitcase packed. I'm not looking for security in Government work, That can soften a man so that all he thinks about is his security and that weakens his ability to stand up to things. If Mr. Lilienthal had any fears about whether he could stand up to the storms and stresses of public service, he had chosen @ service wherein he had ample opportunity to prove himself to himself. Mr. Lord continues: He needn't have worried. Between battle with great business leaders—such as Arthur Morgan and Wendell Willkie—and with pd- litical leaders—such as Senator McKxriian—Dave Lilienthal, who now ts Chairman of the TVA Board has enjoyed not so much as one deadening day of security since 1084—and that suite him. I know of no man who takes his work more seriously,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD or himself less so. There is little or no hate in him and no sham. He stands up to things with a shy, quick grin and fights for what he believes in, without hard feelings. This reveals something of the measure of the man who stands before the Senate committee for confirmation of appoint- ment to the Atomic Energy Commission. Passing of Isidore B. Dockweiler, One of California’s Most Prominent Citizens EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, I rise at this time to inform the Members of the House of the death of one of Cali- fornia’s best beloved and most prominent citizens, Isidore B. Dockweiler, the father of a former Member of the House, the Honorable John F. Dockweiler. Isidore B. Dockweiler was a native son of California, born and raised in Los Angeles. He was a prominent member of the bar and active all of his life in civic and political activities of California. For 16 years he was Democratic national committeeman from California. He was, however, the kind of Democrat whose loyalty to good Americanism and sound government was above reproach. Be- cause of his high integrity and depend- able character, he had thousands of friends among both Republicans and Democrats throughout the Nation. He was a member of the State Park Commission of California, appointed by Gov. Earl Warren. He was also chair- man of the Los Angeles County Housing Authority. Isidore B. Dockweiler was a fine and noble gentleman whose talents and abili- ties were freely given to build the State of California and Los Angeles County to their present prominence. His passing is a great loss. The Los Angeles Times editorial fol- lows: THE PASSING OF ISIDORE B. DOCK WEILER The great and humble will gather to do last honors to Isidore B. Dockweiler. The recita- tion of his accomplishments in the law, the church, public affairs, and community de- velopment is a long one and justly honorable. But it is in his role as a fine American gentleman that Isidore Dockweller will linger in the memory of his multitude of friends. And a multitude it is in fact. He was born 79 years ago on the perimeter of the civic center where he gained many victories in the law courts and in the political field and he used those years to mingle with his fellow citizens, to learn and share their woes and triumphs, and leave behind him a kindly word or a generous act. To all his acquaintances he was thoughtful, kind, courteous, deferential, and he had a delightful touch of humor and camaraderie that endeared him. He was stouthearted and loyal to his principles, He was a Demo- crat and through the thin years of the party in California he marshaled the wavering ranks and showed a brave face to the enemy. ‘When the party triumphed he stepped back from the scramble for preference, Mr. Dockweiler loved the old, expansive California life and labored fruitfully to keep alive the generous spirit of that era. The traditions of the community, to a great ex- tent, are of his making. He reared a family of fine sons and daugh- ters and they remain as his legacy to the community. GOP Elephant Can’t Forget the Past EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. THOMAS G. ABERNETHY OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. ABERNETHY. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from the Washington Daily News of February 12, 1947: GOP ELEPHANT CAN'T FoRGET THE PAST Antics of the Republican elephant in the Halls of Congress so far this year have re- vealed that it is still a cumbersome animal, full of the same old tricks. In some respects, this ponderous pachy- derm is akin to that strange prehistoric bird which flew backward to see where it had been. They say an elephant never forgets. But the GOP elephant beats even this. It has eyes on its rump and they look con- stantly on the past. Consider a few recent examples: REVENGE ON ROOSEVELT The Republican House passed a bill limit- ing the President to two terms before it took up the proposal to make the Speaker of the House second in line to succeed to the Presidency after the elected Vice Presi- dent. In putting on the two-term limit the Re- publicans were, of course, getting even with Roosevelt, who was elected to four terms. It will be 10 years before the third-term issue can again come to the fore. It may never again be an issue. But the GOP elephant, unable to forget the past, makes this old grudge fight its first order of business. The immediate and far more pressing problem of Presidential succession is bypassed. Instead of sticking to the Congressional Reorganization Act passed by the last Con- gress, the Senate GOP majority upsets it. Instead of sticking to the simplified commit- tee structure created by this bill, the Repub- licans create two special committees to investigate the war effort and study the prob- lems of small business. Both jobs could have been handled by standing committees of the new Congress. But it was unwilling to break with the past. LABOR BILLS THROW-BACKS When the new Committee To Investigate the War Effort is organized its chairman, GOP Senator OWEN BREWSTER, of Maine, an- nounces his program will be to investigate past scandals. It is a line of policy that seems more interested in showing what a bad record the Democrats made than in showing what a good record the Republicans can make. In their approach to the labor problem the Republicans seem similarly motivated. Most of the labor-reform bills thus far introduced look backward. They would restore condi- tions that existed after World War I. They are throw-backs. The world never has moved backward, and it’s a fair bet it won't shift into reverse now. To bring down the high cost of living, the present congressional contribution thus far is an inclination to allow rents to go up. A533 As a further contribution to higher prices the Repubilcan approach to the tariff prob- lem has been strictly out of the era of Ford- ney and McCumber. The fact that high tar- iff walls helped bring on the last world-wide depression seems entirely forgotten. GOP opposition to the forthcoming Inter- national Trade Organization meetings is an- other manifestation of lack of realization that there must be expanding world trade if there is to be continuing United States prosperity. The fact that there must be bipartisan international economic policy as well as nonpartisan foreign policy has not registered. The desire to put things back the way they were is too strong. The GOP and Reciprocity EXTENSICN OF REMARKS OF HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE Or REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude herewith the following editorial which appeared in the St. Louis Star- Times on Saturday, February 8, 1947: THE GOP AND RECIPROCITY The necessity for extending the 12-year- old Hull reciprocal trade-treaty program at the scheduled Geneva conference ought to be beyond all argument. American produc- tive facilities were so enlarged during the war that we are more than ever dependent on foreign markets for full production and full employment. Yet we cannot expect to sell billions of dollars’ worth of goods abroad if we do not also buy abroad. Continuing trade must be a two-way affair. International business is bound to come to a dead stop if all the goods go one way and all the money comes the other way. Foreign customers will soon run out of cash if they cannot raise more by selling their own products. In actual fact, of course, it would not be as simple as that. Nations from which we refuse to buy simply would raise barriers against our goods in self-defense. They would open their markets to those who, unlike us, were willing to buy as well as to sell. That is reciprocity. The reciprocal trade law runs for another year, and under it the State Department can negotiate concessions in foreign tariffs in return for reductions in those of the United States. For the time being, Congress can- not stop this. Nevertheless, State Depart- ment efforts could be gravely handicapped by antireciprocity speeches in Congress. These would be a clear warning to foreign nations that Congress intends to scuttle the policy as soon as possible. Already some Republicans have made such speeches. And it would seem that they have done so more out of the spirit of opposition to all things Democratie and New Dealish than out of regard for any considerable American de- mand for higher protective walls. For the most part, certainly, American business has come of age and realizes the necessity for two-way trade. The New York Times has a little lesson in history for those Republicans who are acting entirely in the spirit of political opposition: “Historically it is the Republicans, and not the Democrats, who are the party of reciprocity. Look at the record, It was a Republican Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, who championed reciprocity as early
A534 as 1890 as a means of opening Latin-Ameri- can markets to United States farm products. The principle of reciprocity was endorsed in national Republican platforms from 1892 to 1904 and was given practical application in the Republican Tariff Acts of 1890 and 1897. In the last speech of his career, 2 Republican President, William McKinley, declared that ‘reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations should in liberal spirit be carefully cultivated and promoted.’” Not Across the Board EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the REecorD, I include the following editorial om the Boston Post of February 6, NOT ACROSS THE BOARD The Republican promise of a tax reduc- tion of 20 percent across the board seemed _like a good slogan in the Presidential elec- tion campaign last fall because it appealed to all classes. But now, when the party leaders get down to working it out in prac- tice, they feel it might be improved upon for two reasons, First, a reduction of 20 pereent for big and little would mean a sharp loss in Government revenue which the budget makers find it hard to stand. Second, as a matter of political expediency, and looking ahead to the all-important Presidential elec- tion next year, the Republicans feel they might make a better appeal to most voters by giving the great mass of little fellows the full 20-percent cut promised, but to allow the small group of big fellows, say, only a 10-percent cut, or less. In the matter of reducing taxes, and there- fore the Government revenue, it is found that even President Truman's $37,500,000,- 000 budget is not so easy to pare down as at first seemed. Most of the biggest items in this budget are allocated to veterans’ pen- sions, bonuses, hospitalization, etc., which simply can’t be reduced at all, Others have to do with foreign commitments already made by treaty of or by solemn agreement ratified by Congress, such as the British loan, A third big enormous item, of course, is the national defense, the appropriations for the Army, Navy, and Air Forces; and while in times of peace the present national defense budget calls for $11,000,000,000 would seem to provide plenty of room for cutting down, most people realize that it 1s pretty good in- surance against future war threats to maine tain our armed services at a level where no aggressor would feel it worth his while to take a chance of starting trouble. So the campaign pledge of a 20-percent cut in income taxes, which also included the pledges to bring about a balanced budget, a substantial reduction in Federal expendi- tures, and a start on making payments on the national debt, all of which seemed easy enough to the Republicans when they were on the outside looking in, are not so easy now when they are on the inside and have not only the power, but also the responsi- bility of carrying on the Government and providing for the national defense. Some of the Republican critics of the pro- posed tax cuts urge that all should be treat- ed altke, meaning that the 20-percent cut should apply equally to rich and poor, to stand by the origina] pledge of a 20-percent cut across the board. But clearly this is not treating all alike. On the contrary, it is bearing down heavier on the small incomes than on the big ones, because, even if the big-income fellow has his taxes reduced only 10 percent, he still has plenty left, while any kind of tax at all is a grievous burden for the little fellow making $2,000 a year and trying to support a family of four or five persons with living costs as high as they are now. The argument was advanced several years ago that the tax base should be broadened so as to take in practically every person in the country, even down to those with an income of 6500 a year. It was urged that by doing this it would make the general public more tax conscious, and that, therefore, they would be more critical of Government ex- penditures. But apparently this theory does not work out as had been expected. The public are tax-conscious enough, but they find it hard to make a dent on the various Government expenditures, as is shown here in Massachusetts, where, after the Republi- cans had been howling against the spend- thrift Democratic administrations as invit- ing economic ruin, when the Republicans came into power they now put forth the $146,000,000 budget, running a score of mil- lions more than anything the Democrats ever asked. It has been our experience that almost every government will find a way to spend every dollar it raises in taxes and then some. We have to go back more than 100 years to Andrew Jackson's time to find a government that had a surplus to divide with the people. So the way to cut the big Government ex- penditures is to cut the taxes, and then the bureaucrats will have to cut down their ex- penditures, Nebraskan Wins Navy Decoration EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL STEFAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. STEFAN. Mr. Speaker, I have the honor of apprising the membership of the House that another young man from my congressional district has been awarded a medal for unusual service. In the February 6, 1947, issue of the Wahoo Democrat, of Wahoo, Nebr., occurs the following account of the decoration of John V. Polak of that city: John V. Polak, of Wahoo, has received a permanent citation for his Medal of Free- dom from Secretary of the Navy James For- restal, for the President. Mr. Polak earned the award for merito- rious conduct in the performance of out- standing service as leader of the civilian group of war prisoners interned in the Shangha! war prisoners’ camp. During the war, citations were temporary, or incomplete, for security reasons. Text of the complete citation is as follows: “For exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding services as leader of the civilian group of war prisoners interned in the Shanghai war prisoners’ camp from February 1, 1942, to June 19, 1945. Dur- ing this extended and arduous period, Mr. Polak devoted untiring efforts and zealous care to his assigned work as a leader of the civilian war prisoners, often handling sit- uations which might have broken down the morale and adversely affected the welfare of the camp as a whole. Closely cooperating with the senior of war to control precarious situations caused the mixed personnel interned there by Japanese, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Mr. Polak, by his tact and diplomacy in deal- ing with the Japanese, despite continuous hardships and humiliations, contributed ma- terlally toward smooth administration of the various groups in the camp and thereby ren- dered a service of great value.” Lincoln as He Is EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NOAH M. MASON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. MASON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Chicago Daily Tribune of February 12, 1947: LINCOLN AS BE I8 (The editorial which follows is taken from the Tribune of May 23, 1860, 5 days after Lin- coln’s nomination, Joseph Medill, the edi- tor, and his associates had striven for this re- sult with unflagging energy for many months. The Tribune's profile of the candidate was widely reprinted at the time, for it was recog- nized as the work of a man who knew Lin- coln as only an intimate and devoted friend could know him. This is one of a collection of famous Tribune editorials which will be published in book form in connection with the newspaper’s centennial in June.) Ten thousand inquiries will be made as to the looks, the habits, tastes, and other char- acteristics of Honest Old Abe. We anticipate a few of them. Mr. Lincoln stands 6 feet 4 inches high in his stockings. His frame is not muscular, but gaunt and wiry; his arms are long, but not unreasonably so for @ person of his height; his lower limbs are not disproportioned to.his body. In walking, his gait, though firm, is never brisk. He steps slowly and deliber- ately, almost always with his head inclined forward and his hands clasped behind his back. In matters of dress he is by no means precise. Always clean, he is never fashion- able; he is careless, but not slovenly. In manner he is remarkably cordial] and, at the same time, simple. His politeness is always sincere but never elaborate and op- pressive. A warm shake of the hand and a warmer smile of recognition are his methods Of greeting his friends. At rest his features, though those of a man of mark, are not such as belong to a handsome man; but when his fine dark gray eyes are lighted up by any emotion, and his features begin their play, he would be chosen from among a crowd as one who had in him not only the kindly senti- ments which women love, but the heavier metal of which full-grown men and Presi- dents are made, His hair is black, and though thin is wiry. His head sits well on his shoulders, but beyond that it defies description. It nearer resembles that of Clay than that of Webster; but is unlike either. It is very large and, phrenologically, well proportioned, betokening power in all its developments. A slightly Roman nose, a wide-cut mouth, and &@ dark complexion, with the appearance of having been weather-beaten, complete the description. In his personal habits Mr. Lincoln is as simple asa child, He loves a good dinner and eats with the appetite which goes with a great brain; but his food is plain and nutri- tious. He never drinks intoxicating liquors of any sort, not even a glass of wine. He is not addicted to tobacco in any of its shapes, He never was accused of a licentious act in all his life, He never uses profane language,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD A friend says that once, when in a towering rage in consequence of the efforts of certain parties to perpetrate a fraud on the State, he was heard to say, “They shan’t do it, damn ’em!” but beyond an expression of that kind, his bitterest feelings never carry him. He never gambles; we doubt if he ever in- dulges in any games of chance. He is particularly cautious about incurring pecuniary obligations for any purpose what- ever, and in debt he is never content until the score }s discharged. We presume he owes no man a dollar. He never speculates. The rage for the sudden acquisition of wealth never took hold of him. His gains from his profession have been moderate, but sufficient for his purposes. While others have dreamed of gold, he has been in pursuit of knowledge. In all his dealings he has the reputation of being generous but exact and, above all, re- ligiously honest. He would be a bold man who would say that Abraham Lincoln ever wronged anyone out of a cent or ever spent @ dollar that he had not honestly earned. His struggles in early life have made him careful of money; but his generosity with his own is proverbial. He is a regular attendant upon religious worship, and, though not a communicant, is a pewholder and liberal supporter of the Presbyterian church in Springfield, to which Mrs. Lincoln belongs. He is a scrupulous teller of the truth—too exact in his notions to sult the atmosphere of Washington as it now is. His enemies may say that he tells black Republican lies; but no man ever charged that, in a professional capacity or as a citizen dealing with his neighbors, he would depart from the Scrip- tural command. At home he lives like a gentleman of modest means and simple tastes. A good sized house of wood, simply but tastefully furnished, surrounded by trees and flowers, is his own, and there he lives, at peace with himself, the idol of his family, and for his honesty, ability, and patriotism, the admiration of his countrymen. If Mr. Lincoln is elected President he will carry but little that is ornamental to the White House. The country must accept his sincerity, his ability, and his honesty in the mold in which they are cast. He will not be able to make as polite a bow as Frank Pierce, but he will not commence anew the agita- tion of the slavery question by recommend- ing to Congress any Kansas-Nebraska bills. He may not preside at the Presidential din- ners with the ease and grace which distin- guish the “venerable public functionary,” Mr. Buchanan; but he will not create the necessity for a Covode committee and the disgraceful revelations of Cornelius Wendell. He will take to the Presidential chair just the qualities which the country now demands to save it from impending destruction—abil- ity that no man can question, firmness that nothing can overbear, honesty that never has been impeached, and patriotism that never despairs. Business and the New Congress EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES A. EATON OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. EATON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RrEc- orD, I include the following address de- livered by me before the Milwaukee As- sociation of Commerce, February 10, 1947, entitled “Business and the New Congress”: In discussing the subject Business and the New Congress assigned me tonight I wish, at the outset, to make it clear that I do not speak as the official representative of any political party, or of any organized economic or social interest. What I shall have to say on various urgent public issues will be my own reasoned con- clusions for which I accept full personal re- sponsibility at the bar of an American- minded public opinion. The outlook for constructive statesman- like action by the Eightieth Congress is good. The level of intelligence and character in both branches of Congress is higher today than it has been since the New Deal ushered in the social and economic “Kingdom of God" in 19383. Political accidents and economic crackpots who so joyously rubber-stamped the policies of the New Deal dictatorship have disap- peared into the oblivion from which they came. The older Members of Congress who have weathered the political and social storms of the New Deal era are for the most part American-minded, with strong leanings to- ward the use of common sense in deciding public questions, and with an unshakable faith in and loyalty to our tested American ideals and principles of life and government. The new Members, of whom there is a large contingent, are unusually competent and morally sound in their approach to their new legislative duties. And it gives me pleasure to report to the people of Wisconsin that their Representa- tives in Congress deservedly hold high rank among their fellow members in ability, in- tegrity, courage, and loyalty to our Amer- jean way of life. In coupling Congress and business in our discussion tonight you have gone at once to the most central issues in our national economy. Working together in full under- standing and cooperation, Congress and busi- ness can and will advance and safeguard the social and economic well-being of all our people here at home and at the same time insure our security and leadership among the nations of the world. This, of course, would become an idle dream if Congress were to attempt in any degree to function as the master rather than as the servant of the people; and if, at the same time, business, which includes the en- tire wealth-producing and wealth-distribut- ing agencies of the Nation, should fail to think and act in the interest of the Nation as a whole, Unless I misjudge the temper and purpose of the new Congress it will reject in prin- ciple and practice the New Deal theory that any citizen who gives employment to an- other is essentially a public enemy and must be dealt with accordingly. The Eightieth Congress will pry business loose from the deadly embrace of the bureau- crat. It will protect and encourage free en- terprise. It will stand for the American ideal of individual liberty, opportunity, and responsibility. It will seek to discourage and soften class hatred. It will repeal or amend existing class legislation. In a word, the new Congress will go American in all of its legislative objectives. And in striving toward these wholesome and necessary American objectives it will need and will welcome the courageous united support of every wealth-producing agency in the Na- tion. To become really effective on the na- tional level this support ought to include employer and employee, big business, little business, the farmer, and all professional groups which minister directly to the spir- itual and physical well-being of the people. I Know that such complete cooperation between Congress, business, and other organ- ized interests of our citizens sounds like a eounsel of perfection. But the grim fact is that unless we can make at least an intelli- gent start toward cleaning up the social and economic mess bequeathed us by the New Deal and by two world wars, we might just A535 as well relax and get what selfish enjoyment we can in the brief period before we plunge over the precipice into the chaos which has already swallowed up so large a portion of the world. Primarily, what we have at stake today is not the Republican or the Democratic pare ties, nor big business and little business, nor unionized labor. What we have at stake is the United States of America—that great- est and most successful of all experiments in free self-government, free enterprise, indi- vidual liberty and responsibility, and in social and economic cooperation. If in this hour of world stress the United States of America were to falter or fail in complete loyalty to its own genius and duty and destiny, it will have given to the history of mankind a record of its greatest failure. We shall not falter. We shall not fail, During the war we achieved unity of effort, purpose, and sacrifice. We were working and fighting for our country as a whole and not for any section or sect or interest. We can, because we must, achieve a deeper and more permanent unity in remolding our vast economy under conditions of peace. A chief obstacle in achieving this unity of purpose and effort is the inveterate belief among our people that a part is greater than the whole. We think normally in terms of our own special interest rather than in terms of the Nation. We are separated into big business, little business, agriculture, trans- portation, housing, finance, labor, veterans, and a host of important but secondary spe- cial interests—racial, economic, ideological— each absorbed in its own advancement. These are all important interests, but they derive their importance and their vitality from the common body of which they are all members: namely, the United States of America. The two most urgent problems with which the new Congress must deal, supported by the wealth-producing agencies of the Nation, are: First, the setting of our Federal finan- cial house in order; and, second, a solution of the critical issues connected with the enormous growth and economic power of organized labor. Of course, we shall have to do all possible for the advancement of small business, agri- culture, and allied interests, but our first task will be to balance the budget, reduce expendi- tures, and lift at least a portion of the para- lyzing tax burden now resting upon our people. This three-cornered set of problems is of most vital interest to the wealth-pro- ducing agencies of the Nation. We cannot have a prosperous private enterprise based upon governmental economic bankruptcy. The time has come to abandon the New Deal theory that it is possible financially to get more meat out of an egg than there 1s in it. For 16 years our Federal Government has operated in the red. If we were to continue this suicidal system we would be like the old farmer in the Bay of Fundy foggy country who was shingling his barn one day in the dense fog and shingled right out on the fog and did not observe this until he fell down and broke his neck. Our public debt now amounts to $260,- 000,000,000. This means a debt, which must be paid, of $2,000 for every man, woman, and child in the Nation, and a first mortgage, from which there is no escape, of $10,000 upon every home of five members. The carrying charge on the public debt amounts to $5,000,- 000,000 a year. President Truman's budget for the fiscal year 1948, in round numbers, calls for an ex- penditure of $37,500,000,000, Allowing 83,- 600,000,000 for political padding this budget would still call for an expenditure next year of $34,000,000,000. It is proposed to reduce the present level of tax collections somewhere between three and fowr billions of dollars and the whole eco- nomic problem is to be solved by a long-de- ferred and much-needed cut in governmental expenditures. Vast sums of the taxpayers’
A536 money can be saved by a much-needed re- duction in the number of governmental em- ployees, which even now number 2,600,000 persons. Then, of course, there is the long- delayed but acutely necessary operation of closing down a large percentage of the com- missions and bureaus which have multiplied under the New Deal like the plagues of Egypt. A tax cut of 20 percent across the board has as its objective the liberation and en- couragement of some eighteen billions of ven- ture capital, which will thus be available for developing new productive business enter- prises. In the working out of this delicate and dificult economic program, Congress will need and ought to receive the guidance and support of the best business minds in Amer- ica regardless of political labels, and it will be necessary for special groups of our citizens like the veterans to modify and hold back their ever-increasing demands for Govern- ment assistance. That the American people desire to do everything possible for our veterans is made evident by the fact that in this year we are spending in the interest of veterans around $7,000,000.000. It has cost nearly a billion dollars to administer pensions, schooling, and loans to veterans. The taxpayers will have contributed in the present fiscal year for veterans’ benefits practically as much as they contributed for all costs of Government in a single year before the war. In fact, the tax- payers put up more money for veterans alone in this one fiscal year than they ever had to pay to support the Federal Government in any year before 1941. It must be self-evident to any observant and thoughtful mind that unless we call a halt in our tremendous outpouring of finan- cial assistance, not only to our veterans but to a multitude of other deserving interests, it will be an absolute impossibility to restore our national economy to a healthy and sound condition. While Congress by legislation, and business by the processes of free enterprise, are work- ing together to reestablish our domestic economy upon sound and progressive Ameri- can principles, the results of our united en- deavors are of necessity projected against the background of an uncertain and complex world economy. This sets our reciprocal trade-agreement policy in a new focus. Already there has de- veloped a sharp difference of opinion between advocates of a high tariff policy and those who favor the reciprocal trade-agreement system. Regardless of how this dispute may eventually be resolved, the fact remains that our great productive capacity and financial superiority cannot permanently sustain themselves in a bankrupt world. We learned this bitter lesson in the world depression in the early thirties, and one expensive lesson of that kind ought to be enough. Whatever other issues may have been in- volved there can be no reasonable doubt that the voters in the election of November 5, 1946, registered a mandate to the new Con- gress to relieve the country by appropriate legislation of the abuses growing out of the application of the Wagner Act to the indus- trial organizations of our country. The title of the Wagner Act runs as follows, “To diminish the causes of labor disputes burden- ing or obstructing interstate and foreign commerce, to create a National Labor Rela- tions Board, and for other purposes.” The fatal fallacy of the Wagner Act lies in the fact that it places the relations of employer and employee by law permanently upon a war basis. The underlying assump- tion of the act is that the ultimate interests of employer and employee in American in- Qustry are absolutely irreconcilable. Whereas the fact is that the ultimate interests of em- ployer and employee are absolutely identical. The success or failure of one involves the success or failure of both. What is an industry? It js nothing more nor less than a social service, Wages are what the community is willing to pay for the prod- ucts of this social service which it needs. Salaries and profits are what the community is willing to pay for the necessary investment in plent and management. If the product of this social service is offered at a price which the community deems unreasonable, the community will cease to buy and the en- terprise will eventually fold up and dis- appear. In other words, in this essential social service the employer and employee are partners, So far from diminishing the causes of labor disputes as stated in the title of the Wagner Act, the Nation has been cursed by an enor- mous increase in labor disputes ever since the act became a law. In each of the 10 years before the act, strikes averaged 1,040. In each of the 10 years after the act, strikes averaged 3,270. In 1945 there were 4,750 strikes. In my personal approach to the problem of dealing with the present labor situation by Congress, I want it distinctly understood that I have always been a believer in the necessity of union organization. When by law there was substituted for the individual employer a great impersonal corporation, the individual employee was rendered practically powerless to defend his individual rights. As a practical necessity the labor union came into being and the Wagner Act was supposed to be the charter of employee rights and liberties, but with little or no attention to labor's responsibilities, It is not necessary to set forth in much detail what has taken place in the relations between employer and employee under the malign power of the Wagner Act and subse- quent legislation. The labor union, in many cases under alien-minded leadership and en- couraged by the New Deal philosophy, has developed into what amounts to a dictator- ship form of private government over great masses of our citizens. And it is well known that a very large proportion of the members of these great unions are opposed, so far as they dare announce themselves, to this form of a government within a government. When the CIO organized its Political Action Committee it revealed the alien and un-American origin of its methods and Objectives. It is to the everlasting credit of Amercan laboring men and women, as well as of the citizenship in general, that this malignant alien attack upon our liberties has been repudiated. But drunk with power, union leadership at this moment stands at the bar of public opinion and is due for a considerable reduction in its importance. Probably the most ridiculous and absurd demonstration of this reckless use of power is the pending attempt to extract from the employers of the country about $5,000,000,000 in what ts called portal-to-portal pay. When an American workingman or any other kind of an employee has to be paid for walking from the front door of his office or factory to where his job is located in that building, we have reached the bottom in frivolity, stupidity, and selfishness. All of these tremendous disturbing issues with which Congress, business, labor, and every other interest in the Nation must deal are a part of a world-wide revolution. We are in an economic age in which the masses of men are striving to achieve economic free- dom as, in generations gone by, they have achieved political and religious freedom. In this age organized industry becomes the chief organ of civilization. Wherever employer and employee meet there is being fought out the great central issue of our time. It is well for every American to understand that in this world age what seems to be a domestic issue stems from an irreconcilable conflict between two philosophies of life, one of which must eventually rule the world. On one side are arrayed the Russian system of communism, supported by a great company of lesser but Similar ideologies; on the other side stands the American system, fundamentally and eternally opposed to the surrender of the individual to control of the state or to any APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD other form of dictatorship. Reduced to its simplest terms, this world conflict is between slavery and freedom, and measured by spir- itual standards and ideals it is a conflict be- tween antichrist and Christ. We are only at the threshold of a new world age. Years and generations will come and go before there emerges a world civiliza- tion based upon the eternal principles of law, justice, brotherhood, and spiritual unity among the people. Meanwhile, it is the sol- emn duty of every free American, regardless of his politics or his economic relations, to reaffirm the ideals and principles that have made our country the hope of the world and rededicate himself to their advancement and security. Red Fascism in the United States Today EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 13, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, in the recent campaign preced- ing the election of last November 5, many of us candidates were opposed by Communists and communistic influ- ences at work in this country. The in- filtration of communism in the United States has reached alarming propor- tions. The insidious methods employed ‘by its devotees are almost unbelievable and are unknown to most of our citizens. Perhaps the best informed man in America, and the one in the position to know best just how far communistic in- fluences have progressed in our country, and the devious, underhanded, and un- scrupulous methods employed to spread communism in the United States, is John Edgar Hoover, Director of the Fed- eral Bureau of Investigation. Mr. Hoover has written a most revealing ar- ticle on the subject Red Fascism in the United States Today, which appeared in the February issue of the American Magazine, which I have obtained unani- mous consent of the House to have in- serted in the Appendix of the Concrzs- SIONAL RecorpD, and which is quoted below: RED FASCISM IN THE UNITED STATES TODAY (By J. Edgar Hoover, Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation) (Nobody would believe Hitler when he pro- claimed his plans for Nazi domination. Here, the head of the FBI discloses the aims and methods of the American Communists as portrayed by their own acts and words.) The objective of the Communist Party of the United States of America is the destruc- tion of the American way of life. The disastrous consequences of its ad- vances, unless halted, will bring the same terror, oppression, and tyranny that the forces of fascism would impose upon us. Both are ways of life that are alien to Amer- ica. The Red scourge of communism in America is boring its way through our land like a termite. Its power and influence are out of proportion to its membership. Too often, liberty-loving Americans dis- miss the menace of Red fascism as inconse- quential. They judge its followers as a vocal group of malcontents attracting a lunatic fringe. They forget that communism is a cold, harsh, and ruthless system which builds slowly but inexorably to the day when our democratic government will be superseded