A856 argument. Ample historical data can guide us to sound conclusions, if we will heed it, FRANCE Was FIRST VICTTM The firs¢ modern major country in which universal military service became a national policy was France, where it ‘was initiated in 1792. After a few ex- citing years of foreign © conquest by Na- poleon, France suffered overwhelming defeat ‘at Waterloo. Conscription was dropped, but was re- vived in 1848 by Napoleon III. It existed in France before World War I and World War Yi. Never did it prevent France from being attacked. - Never did it provide France with the defense necessary for safety. In both World Wars the nations without uni- versal military service saved France. France, burdenad by military service, has become one of the weak, second- rate powers of the world. In Ger: , conscription was started in 1814 as a defensive measure. What happened? Germany’s tragic adventure in militarism began. Universal military service brought the same harvest. First military expansion, then foreign wars, then defeat and disaster. What is the record in Japan? Japan adopted universal military service in 1873. Again came the telltale sequence of militarism, fomented war abroad, then defeat and disaster. UNIVERSAL SERVICE FAILED IN ITALY AND RUSSIA The fourth victim of conscription was Italy. The people of Italy have always been unusually peace loving, but when Italy adopted universal military service, it took the fatal step toward disaster. First costly militarism, then foreign war, then defeat and disaster. The foregoing summarizes the result in every major nation permanently sub- jected to universal military training, ex- cepting Russia. There the revolution in 1917 prevents a full comparison. However, the record is clear. Compul- sory milttary training under the czar never kept Russia from being attacked, nor saved it from defeat. In Communist Russia, universal train- ing did not deter Hitler’s attack in 1941. Moreover, Russia was close to catas- trophe when saved by supplies from the nonconscription lands, England and the United States. UNIVERSAL MILITARY SERVICE IS A SELS-GTARTER oF WaR ‘Was the disaster in these conscript na- tions brought about because the people were militaristic? Or was it because sory military service carried in Each nation adopts compulsory train- ing for national defense. In doing 80, they authorize an enlarged military or- ganization to train the mass of con- The Bret action of the universal welll. tary training organization is to respond to nature's first law—self-preservation. This brings about expansion or, in mili- lic-relations department begins to excite the fears of the people. Vividly realistic propaganda about the military preparations of other nations is concocted. The capture of secret war plans and maps may be reported, when the truth is that the secret data is pure forgery. No lie becomes too big if it serves the purpose, In Japan the military authorities in- doctrinated conscripts with the imagi- nary danger of attack by the United States, and justified it in these words: To make a good sold{er, there must always be an immediate enemy. He must be led to believe that this enemy may strike today. He must be convinced that the enemy ts prepared to annihilate our country at the first opportunity. Then activities of the military broad- en. Every idea of the military becomes national defense. Military costs spiral. At first the load is endured by the people without protest. But before very universal military service. What happens? OPPOSITION SILENCED BY WAR The political and military are eon- fronted by an overloaded citizenry de- manding economy in Government. Here the military chiefs, unlike ordinary bu- reaucracy, have an ace to play. They can stymie retrenchment and evade the loss of power and rank in- volved in reduced establishments. Their ace is to arrange an incident, and create a state of conflict. Arranging an incident usually pre- sents difficulties, But thus far no major nation whose politicians and generals needed a war has found that problem insurmountable. Let us take a recent case or two. In 1931, Japan, like other powers, was suf- fering from the global depression. The people were demanding relief from the heavy burden of military expenditures. How did the military respond? They staged an incident in Manchuria. That enced the debate. The economizers in the Japanese Diet were silenced. Public opposition became unpatriotic. A recent incident in our own of volitieinns and generals toward war after defense preparations reach the war level tempo. On November 25, 1941, President Roosevelt met with his War Cabinet. Of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that meeting, Secretary of War Stimson wrote in his diary: The probiem was how we should maneuver them (Japan) into the posttion of firing the first shot without allowing too much @anger to ourselves. It was a difficult propo- sition, ‘Twelve days later America was at war with Japan. WAR MAKERS SLYLY PIN FIRST GBHOT ON PRO- POSED ENEMY Historians of military tactics em- Pphasize the psychological importance of arranging to convince a people that the other side fired the first shot. The tn- cidents that have sparked recent wars generally indicate mastery of this emo- tional problem. Has every war provoked by the nations using on—France, Germany, Italy, Jopen— since Napoleon’s conquest has been generated in similar fashion? Despite the cunning efforts of war- creators to hide their tracks, the telltale pattern is usually discovered sooner or later. The record is so parallel, in na- tions of diverse national characteristics, that this conclusion seems inescapable: ‘Wherever the rulers of a major nation have established universal military serv- ice, the people have been marched into militarism under the cloak of national defense. Foreign war, defeat, and dis- aster have always followed. PROMOTERS FLATTER US Against this record elsewhere, the advocates of universal m.litary training in America insist that we are different. The promoters of universal military training claim that America will not fol- Jow the road of militarism, conquest, disaster, that has resulted elsewhere. They claim that the United States is pot militarily ambitious; that we have imperialistic.achemes; and that the rest of the workédloes not need to fear us. They know such statements appeal to the peopie, because the people are peace- loving. But the people of other lands are also peace-loving. Certainly, that is true of the Italian people, who are perhaps more peace- Joving than almost any other. The fatal flaw in this argument is that the people do not start wars—nor are they able in a nation with conscription to prevent their rulers from involving them in war. No, Mr. Speaker, compulsory military training will not bring military security for America. Militartly, the sure way to national safety ts an alert and incor- ruptible intelligence service, a superior air force, plus a modern army and navy, equipped with ever-improving technical and scientific weapons. Beyond these, an invigorated ROTC, CMTC, and National Guard in the sev- eral States can furnish specialized train- WHY FUT AMERICA ON BXIsTORICAL BOAD TO NATIONAL SUICIDE? nek at renal ee yr Rr eae bulld their
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD military training in major nations com- pletely discredits this claim. Universal military training brought defeat and disaster to France, Germany, Italy, and Japan. In none of these na- tions were the civilian components then able to maintain the necessary suprem- acy over the military. What is so dif- ferent about America that the same consequences will not follow here? What sound r2ason can anyone give to support the claim that the fatal germs contained in peacetime conscription elsewhere will not develop here? Where is the evidence to support such a con- clusion—a conclusion contrary to the unanimous verdict of history for over 15) years? Are our political rulers and military chiefs so different from similar humans elsewhere that they car be expected to perform directly contrary to human be- havior for 150 years? Where is the evidence? I challenge the advocates of Universal Military Service to explain away the record of history on their principal argu- ments, namely: First. That universal military train- ing will prevent war. £econd. That it will assure victory in case 0” war. Why are these assertions not substan- tiated in at least one major nation using compulsory training during the last 150 years? The American people, who must sacri- fice their sons and pay the bills, are en- titled to full and forthright answers. Mr. Speaker, universal military service dces not prevent war. It does not bring victory. Instead, it has always brought defeat and disaster. Congress should reject it for once and for all. Freedom has been the high road to national security for America, Why give up the freedom principle by which America grew to greatness—and take in its place the European military regi- mentation that has unfailingly produced war, misery, and national decline? The Last Stand of the GOP EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE OF OREGON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a speech entitled “The Last Stand of the GOP,” delivered by one of the outstanding newspaper editors of America, Mr. Palmer Hoyt, of the Denver Post. The speech was delivered at o Lincoln Day banquet in Portland, Oreg., on February 12, 1951. I commend it to the reading of my Republican col- leagues. Mr. BENTON. I hope when the Sen- ator’s Republican colleagues are reading the editorial on the last stand of the GOP they will not overlook the speech, also inserted in the Recorp, by Mr. Erwin D. Canham, who certainly is one of the most distinguished journalists of the country. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE Last STAND oy THE GOP Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, 7 years ago, on February 12, 1944, I had the privilege of addressing a similar banquet in Portland. My opening remarks were: “Mr. Chairman, Mr. and Mrs. Willkie, Governor and Mrs. Snell.” Also at that meeting were Robert S. Farrell, Jr, and Marshall Cornet. These great citizens have been sorely missed at the national and State level. Tonight, it is a privilege to address inter- ested and active Republicans such as you here attending this Lincoln Day banquet. You are the hope of the country and of the world, I belleve and have often said that the two things which could quickest destroy our civilization are a shooting war with Rus- sia and a collapse of the two party system in these United States. I am not here to de- fend the Republicans, for they stand in- dicted by their own failures, and will be de- fended bv their own constructive victories. I am here to suggest that the Republican Party should not be misled by its apparent successes in 1950. Any reasonable analysis will reveal that the vote was more a protest vote against the administration's vacillat- ing policies at home and abroad rather than @ constructive vote for constructive Repub- lican policies. As a matter of fact, there has been far too much blind defense of Republicans by Republicans because they were Republicans, This point of view was well illustrated in a ltttle story I heard the other day. It is the story of a young farmer who assaulted a tramp with a stick of cordwood and wound up in jail. His lawyer finally came to see him and asked, “Jim, how did you come to hit this fellow? You know, you almost killed him. He is in the hospital now and may not live. Whatever made you do it?” “Well, Mr. Smith,” said Jim, “you see it was like this This feller came by the farm the other night, and I invited him in for dinner. Right away he started criticizing the furniture. Well, I let that pass because our furniture ain't any great shakes at best. Then he teed off on the food. Well, I let that pass, too. At lot of times my wife's cooking leaves a little something to be de- sired. Then my wife came in out of the kitchen, and he jumped on her. He said, ‘Say, you ain't nothin’ but an old bag, are you?’ Well, I didn't do nothing about that ‘cause as a matter of fact, when she gets that wrapper on, she don’t exactly look like Cleopatra, anyway. But then, by jiminies, he started in on the Republican Party. That was too much for me, so I let him have it.” This is an important occasion, and one that we cannot afford to celebrate lightly. This day marks the one hundred and forty-second anniversary of the birth of a very great American, perhaps the greatest American who ever lived, Abraham Lincoln. On this day, when we reflect on the pro- found crisis in which we find ourselves, it 1s comforting and helpful to remember Abraham Lincoln. For his greatness was not only the greatness of his era and his place, but also the greatness of all time. After his assassination on April 14, 1865, Edward M. Stanton, the Secretary of War, spoke a perfect requiem when he said, “Now he belongs to the ages.” In fact, Mr. Btanton spoke more truly than he knew. Mr. Lincoln belongs to the ages, to this particular age, to this time of crisis, and to us here tonight. His im- A857 mortal words at Gettysburg: “It fs rather for us to be here dedicated. to the great task remaining before us * * * that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this Nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that governmont of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth.” That, if you please, ladies and gentiemen, connotes the crisis that is being faced today. For if this Government of the people, by the people, and for the people should perish, then man will slide clear to the bottom of the black pit from which he emerged a mil- lion years ago. The issues were not greatly different in Mr. Lincoln's time. Then he faced the prob- lem of saving the Union, but now we face the problem of saving the Union and of sav« ing the world, Despite our tendency to think increasingly that the struggle for the world is a military one, there are many more issues involved. That Mr. Lincoln clearly recognized the issues of his time was often made apparent, but never more clearly than in his 1857 speech in Springfleld. He had just received the Republican nomination for the sena- torial seat from IWinois. Mr. Lincoln said, and I quote, “A house divided against !tself cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free, I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other.” All we need to do is to substitute the word “world” for the word “government” to have, in these remarks of Lincoln's, a perfect de~ scripion of the situation our country and the other nations of the free world find ourselves in today. To paraphrase Lincoln, this world of ours cannot endure half slave and half free. Some day it will cease to be divided. Some day it must become all one thing or ail the other. And whether the final victory will perch on the banners of freedom or the dark standard of twentieth-century slavery will depend, to an enormous extent, on us, on what we do, on our understanding, our will, our visceral fortitude. Each year the Nation in general and the Republican Party in particular on this date, turn their thoughts backward to study our heroic past and the life and works of the great emancipator. It is fitting and proper that we should do this, particularly at this time when the Republican Party faces its most severe crisis, if not dissolution. One of the dangers that faces the free world today is the fact that there are many appeasers in the world, in the Nation, and in our party. It is interesting to note that Abraham Lincoln was not an appeaser. Even though Lincoln made it clear that he did not propose and would not favor over- throwing the system of slavery in the South by force, neither was he willing to have peace through appeasement, as were others, ine cluding Stephen A. Douglas. Nor if Abraham Lincoln were alive today would he atempt to appease either imperial communism, or the atomic bomb, Our land today is full of appeasers, but if Abraham Lincoln were alive, you can rest assured that he would not be one of them, When, despite Lincoln's efforts and the efforts of others, war did come, Lincoln did not turn away from the bloody task that faced the Nation. There were those who said, with Horace Greeley, “Let the erring sisters go.” Lincoln was not one of them, He would not let the Union be split apart. A severed Nation, Lincoln realized, would mean the end of the United States as the world had known it. It would also mean the end of the Amer: ican system of freedom, the end of that American experiment in dgemocracy which has served, and today more than ever, can
A858 serve a3 a beacon of hope for the hundreds of millions struggling to be free. That was the pith and meaning of the immortal Get. tysburg address and its resounding perora- tion: “that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this Nation under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that Gov- ernment of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” As an American, Lincoln's imperishable greatness reste on the fact that he saved the Union, As a world figure, whose sig- nificance for all nations and all peoples has steadily grown, Lincoln’s greatness arises out of his role as a secular prophet of democ- racy. “What constitutes the butwark of our lib. erty and tndependence?” he asked in one of his . “It is not our frowning battlements, our bristling seacoasts, the guns of our war steamers, or the strength of our gallant Army. These are not our reliance against a resumption of tyranny tn our land, All of them may be turned against our Itberties without making us stronger or weaker for the struggle. “Our reliance is in the love of liberty which God has planted in our bosoms. Our defense 1* tn the preservation of the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands everywhere.” No truer words were ever spoken. In Korea today we are engaged in a bitter and bloody struggle against desperate odds. We are in that struggle for no selfish purposes, We do not desire any nation’s territory. Long ago we turned our backs upon im- perialiam, a system of domination alien to our beliefs and our institutions. We are in Korea, when you get right down to it, bee cause our defense lies, as Lincoin put it, in the preservation of the apiri¢t which prizes liberty as the heritege of all men, in all lands everywhere. The fact is, and it has taken two costly wars to bring it home to us, we are safe only if the area of freedom expands in the world; our danger grows whenever the area of freedom shrinks. That was true when Hitler, Mussolini and the Japanese militarists were on the rampage. It is no leas true now that the heirs of Genghis Khan, Ivan the Terrible, Peter I, and Nikolai Lenin have made world domination through world enslavement their openly declared There were many timid, frightened men im Lincoln’s day. That cowering breed is still with us. In the face of the Soviet menace, they would have us scurry to cover, hide behind our two oceans while totalitar- ian darkness covers the face of the earth peyond this hemisphere’s borders. They deny they are isolationists; that its a label nobody likes to have r‘nned on bim these days. But whetever you may call them, the palpable fact is that what they are asking us to do is to ignore realities. These realities are tough, unpleasant, and aleo inescapable. We can ignore them only to our own terrible hurt. There are always those who shout loudly, when a battle is going badly, that It should never have been undertaken at all, They are saying that about our action in Korea. Pew were opposed to our moving in to help put down the aggressors when that move was frat made. Many now insist that it was a mistake. But I say there was never a more glorious page in our national history than the page we wrote last June when we lifted high the banner of collective security and proved that, in this country, at least, there was the determination to prove to the ag- gressors that aggreesion does not pay. For collective security to work, it must be collective, however. We have not atood alone in Korea. But no amount of explana- tion can change the fact that 90 percent of the United Nations forces which have given battle to the Worth Korean and Chinese Communist aggressors in Korea were Amer~ tean forces, and that among the nations which have clamored most loudly for the appeasement of Red Ohina, were the very natlions—such as the Arab nations and India—which did not contribute a single, solitary soldier to the common effort to enforce a system of world law and order. This state of affairs is disturbing. But we cannot afford to let disappointment and shagrin over the failure of the United Na- tions to do what the principles and purposes should have compelied them to do—divert us from our high purposes. Let us never forget that in fighting for the freedom of the world, we are fighting for our own freedom and security as well. Because of the atom bomb, the hydrogen bomb, and other streamlined death-dealing devices, the issue today is even more clearly drawn than tt was in Mr. Lincoln's time— today it is the issue of survival. If the erisis is unclear to anyone, it is merely be- cause his vision is blurred by the myopic curtain of prejudice or partisan politica. The issue is as sharply drawn as the two words—elavery and freedom. We are in grave trouble, and only the supreme com- bination of courage and brains can get us out of it. For many years, those who would save the ‘world were considered do-gooders, but today if we are to survive, we must save the world, or else lose our freedom. We have, unfortunately, passed from the halcyon days of Tom Marshall, when all the country needed was a gocd 5-cent cigar. There is a much more serious connotation in a new expression of the country’s need. What our country needs today is a national policy. To whom cen the country look for leadership today? Prom whom does the pub- lic expect leadership? Not from the admin- istration, for it vaciilates. Not from the Re- publicans, for they fail to agree. There are those who point out that Ronzrr AtrHonso Tarr of Ohio is Mr. Republican, and he is the one to follow. But there are millions in this country who remember that Mr. Tarr only recently opined that be saw Uittle reason to think that Russia might ever attack us. They also recall that Mr. Tarr took 8 very dim view of the chances of war with Germany and Japan in his speeches of 1940 and 1941. Who, then, speaks for the Republicans? Mr. Hoover, our only living ex-President? He frightened millions af Americans with his new concept of isolationism, in which Fes- tung Europa became Fortress America. To me, a8 one American, it brought forth a nightmarish picture of two gianis atandlng on adjacent islands, hurling A and H bombs at each other with vigorous abandon. Is Mr. Dewey the spokesman? Today even Mx. Dewey’s most stalwart admirers will ad- mit that he has become a juvenile William Jennings Bryan. Should the people listen to John Foster Dulles? No, too many think he speaks for the administration. Casor Loncz, and the Honorable Warmx Monar. And perhaps even one day, Dwight D. Eisenhower will decide he is a Republican and lend his effective voice to spreading the word, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD What should a Republican policy cover? It seems to me thet as 2 minimum: 1. It should admit the basic issue of our time is survival. 2. It should seek a permanent bipartisan foreign to cover thet same survival. 3. It should aggressively understand that the maintenance of our economic position ls second only to survival. 4. It should tnsist on drastic and immedi- ate curtailment of non-war expenditures. 5. It should subscribe completely to the fact that production and more production is the answer to both the Russians and eco- nomic disaster. 6. It should recognise the sound principle of economic and military ald to threatened democracies and to allies, 7. It should insist on including Greece, Turkey and Spain in our arms aid pact. 8. It should recognize that unification of the armed services is still unproductive of proper economy and that the administration should reveal the necessary degree of military preparedness and its nature, because ad- ventures into obsolescence are expensive and dangerous. . 9. It should recognize as a party our full obligation to the United Nations. 10. It should recognise the existence of atomic bombs and other top-drawer weapons, and insist that be advised that they will be used against them. 11. It should the necessity for the equalization of the tax load, both as to individuals and as to corporations, organized evasions by cooperatives, churches and edu- cational organizations and the hoodlum em- pire of racetrack wires and slot machines, has cost this country billions of dollars. 12. It should stand for fair employment and equal opportunity for all, but should castigate the Democratic Party for its hypoc- risy ae attempting to pass unenforceable wes. 18. It should attempt to strengthen the weak portions of the Taft- Act and make it more acceptabie to labor, looking Jorward to further cementing the identical interests of capital and labor. 14. Republicans should recognize that we have today in America a welfare state and the people like it very well. 15. If should renoun-e McCarthyism rec- ognising that only in totalitarian countries can the charge ever become more important then the proof, the law, the acquittal, or the 16. It should that today the Democratic Party 1s the party of special priv- llege: witness the activities of the 5-percent- ers and the current RFC scandals. 17, The Republican Party should recognize propaganda as a weapon of war and accept immediately the need for a much more en- larged and vigorous Voice of America. Amer- ica, a Nation of saleamen, is still behind Russia in convincing the peoples of th. earth. 18, Finally, the Republican Party should recognize the potential power of spiritual force and the need for spiritual unity among free men so that this world under God may have oa new birth of freedony and shall not perish from the universe. Finally, there are some facts of history that we, as Republicans, should remember tonight as we oelehrate the birth of the man who more than anyone else created the Re- publican Party. We should remember, for ex- ample, that the GOP rose like Phoenix from
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD selves was that of foreign policy—they op~ posed pe annexation of Texas; and two, the g Party was a party of appeaseme compromise. Pps mt and d sO may we Republicans here tonight and those millions like us in this couney highly resolve that this party shall be of the people, for the people, and by the people, and that neither this party nor this Nation shall ever perish, Appeasement Can Never Satisfy Tyrant’s Appetite EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT E, JONES, JR. OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. JONES of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include an editorial from the Florence (Ala.) Times, February 9, 1951. Mr. Louis Eckl, editor of this outstanding daily, has written an excellent and time- ly article which I want to call to the at- tention of every Member: APPEASEMENT OAN NEvER Sarisry TYRANT’s APPETITE Those who remember well how futile ap- peasement proved to be in staving off World War II find it hard to understand the eager- ness of today’s appeasers. Both in Europe and Asia there are sincere men who honestly believe that the way to meet Communist aggression is to make con- cessions to it. The idea, of course, is that if you give the Reds what they say they want, then they’ll stop bothering the world, and we can all have a secure peace, The supreme fallacy in this view is that Communists, Mke any other tyrannical group bent on general conquest, never stop wanting things. Their appetites can't be satisfied until they have swallowed the globe. When Hitler got what he supposedly want- ed at Munich—the German Sudetenland re- gion of Ozechoslovakia—he genially an- nounced to the world that he had no fur- ther territorial ambitions. A few months later hig armies marched into Prague, and goon he was knocking at Poland’s door. ‘Haa he gained Poland without a fight, there would have been some new demand by the Nazis upon the free world. The technique of piecemeal, bloodiess con- quests was carefully refined by Hitler. He tried not to ask for too much ata time. Per- haps only the precipitate haste of his time schedule alarmed the democracies to the point where they determined to support re- sistance to further aggression in 1939. Hitler conceived his scheme of bloodless fnvasion with a cynical calculation. Tt was his belief that if an aggressor did not demand too much at once, concession to his demand might seem reasonable and just. But as each succeeding demand was granted—for the same reason—there would, he felt, be less and less point in holding out against the aggressor. The appeaser, having yielded so much, could not see the sense of turning about and resisting fresh demands, He would ask himself: Why stand here, at phase 8, when we did not stand in phase 2? The men in the Kremlin have studied Hitler’s methods well; they practice them better than he did. People who believe these men would be batisfied by a single series of concesaions don’t understand the workings of the totalitarian mind. Auy lull gained by concessions to Stalin or Mao would be only temporary—until they considered the moment right to seek new ad- vances, Blackmailers are not by nature a charitable breed; they do not take pity on their victims and let them be. One can sympathize with the war wearl- ness and fear which dictate an appeasing mood in some places. But there can be no sympathy for appeasement that is based on ignorance of history. And in the end, if the free world is to save itself, that mood must everywhere give way to a resolve not to be hoodwinked again by the tyrants who now confront us. Universal Military Training EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES C. DAVIS OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. DAVIS of Georgia, Mr Speaker, the need for a program of universal mili- tary training has long been recognized, I have for many years advocated enact- ment of a practical and workable plan of universal military training, I have been glad to see that in the State of Georgia and in the Fifth Congressional District, which I represent, the need for this training is recognized by women as well as men. On February 1, 1951, the executive board of the Georgia Federa- tion of Women’s Clubs endorsed uni- versal military training, and on Febru- ary 6, 1951, the Women’s Chamber of Commerce of Atlanta also endorsed it. Under leave previously obtained, I in- sext herewith the resolutions adopted by these two organizations: RESOLUTION Whereas it is the duty of all citizens to engage in training for civilian defense; and Whereas Representative Cari VINSON, chairman of the Armed Services Committee of the House, has introduced a bill know as H. R. 1762 calling for universal military training: Therefore be it Resolved, That the executive board of the Ceorgia Federation of Women's Clubs in ses- sion February 1951, embrace H. R. 1752; be it further Resolved, That coptes of this resolution be sent to the Members of Congress from Geor- gia, Mr. Earl Cocke, American Legion, and that copies be given to the press. This the ist day of February 1951. Gartia B, Pererson, Chairman, Legislation. CERTIFICATE The above resolution was adopted on the ist day of February 1951. Mrs. Wray Smirx, Secretary. RESOLUTION ‘Whereas there ia now pending in the Con- gress of the United States House Resolution 1752, which provides for universa) military training, which bill was introduced by Con- gressman CARL VINSON, of Georgia, who is chairman of the Armed Services Committee of the House of Representatives; and Whereas it is believed that such a measure is necessary in order to preserve the funda mentals of freedom and protection for the citizens of the United States: Be it, there- fore, Resolved by the Women’s Chamber of Commerce of Atlanta, That we endorse and the passage of the bill providing for universal military training; be it further A859 Resolved, That this resolution be spread ‘upon the minutes of the Women's Chamber of Commerce of Atlanta and that a copy thereof be forwarded ta Hon, Cari Vinson as chairman of the Armed Services Oommit- tee, and to each Member of the House of Representatives and the two Senators from the State of Georgia, and to the Atlanta Journal and the Atlanta Constitution, . This 6th day of February 1051. THe WoMEN’s CHAMBER OF COMMERCE oF ATLANTA, By AmprR W. ANDERSON, President. Attest: Laurgsnce L. THOMPSON, Secretary. Lies, Damned Lies, and Inflation Controls EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include a thoughtful and intelligent article by Edna Lonigan upholding the position of the Federal Reserve Board and pointing out the error and subter- fuge of the Treasury’s position in the present controversy: {From Human Events, Washington, D. C., of February 14, 1051] Ltrs, DAMNED Lins, AND INFLATION CONTROLS (By Edna Lonigan) Freedom is hard, uncompromising, even cruel. It demands the facing of the facts of life with real courage and the meeting of problems without recourse to the dream life of fancy. That kind of escapism ts reserved for the managerial elite, to whom truth is what they wish it to be or what pleases their passion for power. Clear words, with pre- cise meanings, hard money that can be counted and chartered accounting, are the necessary conditions of a free society; all three are abandoned, as unwarranted handi- caps, by those who would fashion society to their personal ambition. An instance of this conflict between real- ity and fantasy is the current controversy between the Federal Reserve Board and the Secretary of the Treasury over inflation con- trols. The issue is clear: Shall the FRB continue to support the value of Govern- ment paper by buying in what the pubiia will not absorb; or shall the true value of this paper be ascertained by permitting it to find its own level in the open market? The FRB is tn favor of the second course, which is realistic, while the Treasury, anxious to hide the fact that the market value of its bonds is below their advertised value, urges the continuance of the present support scheme, The FRB contends that the support price is decidedly inflationary (for reasons which will be explained), while the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Snyder, ineists that the inflationary effecta of sup- port can be overcome by police controls. In line with political reasoning and consider- ations, Mr, Snyder ignores the tmpossibility (demonstrated in every country in which controls have been tried) of eliminating black-market operations, a Why does Mr. Snyder hang on to the fic. tion of supported bonds? Because he knows, and the FRB has informed him of the fact,
A860 that to throw Government bonds on the open market would necessitate—if their price is to be maintained—a higher interest rate. The Government would have to com- pete with other securities offered, securities which not only yield a higher return but promise an appreciation in market value; the face value of the bonds stays put. The so-called stability of Government bond prices is maintained because the Government does not have to meet the He detector test of the free market. It does not have to pay a price that fits the growing risk. However, if the Government raises its in- terest rate the bubble of a low cost of financ- ing its borrowings will be burst. Not only will the true cost of servicing the national debt be exposed, but the theory that inter- est rates can be arbitrarily fixed by Govern- ment economists will get its come-uppance. The managerial elite cannot afford to face the facts of life, On the other hand, if the PRB is com- pelled to continue the policy of buying all the bonds the public will not buy, {t can do 80 only by increasing the volume of credit money—which is, in actual practice, even more inflationary than the printing of bogus money. The FRB has no poo! of money with which ta buy bonds. For every bond that falls into the hands of the Federal Reserve Bystem, a credit is issued, elther to the Gov- ernment or to the bank which sent it in for discount. That credit becomes purchasing power, That purchasing power shows itself in the market place; the more purchasing power the higher the price of milk, ma- chines, and monkeyshines. Not all the con- trols ever thought up by the managerial elite can prevent it. Credit money or print- ing-press money, the cost of living must go up. The issue between Mr. Snyder and the FRB comes down to this: Shall the cost of Gov- ernment be hidden behind «a low interest rate, while the cost of living rises, or shall the housewife be protected by curtailment of the power of the Government to Increase indefinitely issuance of credit money? To put tt another way, shall the true cost to society of Government wastage be exposed to view? i mx | Inflation during war is inevitable. It re- ‘sults from the depletion of the Nation's an- nual output. A war ts not fought with jmoney, it is fought with wheat, lumber, steel—with things that, were they to come ‘to market, would hold prices down. The economic effect of war is the same as that ‘of a drought, or of a conflagration consum- jing so many factories, department stores, ‘and warehouses in each town in the country. } The workers who produce what is destroyed in war cannot be paid in goods, simply be- (cause the consumers’ goods have not been \produced. In time of war, or the prepara- tion for it, everybody’s standard of living goes down. It must. Inflation controls can ‘do nothing about it. There ts simply not ‘enough to go around. | The problem of a war economy is to get peopic to work harder and to live on less. A war economy is obviously and necessarily the opposite of a free economy; but, during previous ware, when the ideal of a free society etill hung high in American life, the problem mentioned above was met in an honest and straightforward way: Wages, in terms of money, were increseed even as the purchas- ing power of money decreased, but there was the expectation that the money would harden as soon as the crisis was over. This expectation was, based on the fact that the vest technological development necessitated by war production would be turned to the {production of consumable goods after the ; war, and the abundance of such goods would lower prices. (For, during wartime despite the vast destruction of wealth, there is one Breat economic gain: War brings a revolu- tionary upturn in the arte of industrial or- ganization and technology.) Thus, the worker would at last be paid in real wages. A corollary of what might be termed the “free war economy” is that with the cessa- tion of hostilities the expenses of govern- ment are reduced. That is, the Gov- ernment ceases to siphon goods off the mar- ket, except for necessary expenses and a good portion of the taxes go toward the Nquida- tion of the national debt. The burden of servicing this debt is correspondingly reduced. This process of returning to a normal and factual way of living characterized our econ. omy after World War I. Bond prices fell, but money rose in value, so that even those who lost some of their savings profited by the greater purchasing power of the dollars they earned or the dollars they received for their bonds, Iv The present conflict between the Treasury and the PRB is really the tasue of whether the honest method of conducting a war economy shall prevail or the dishonest one that stems from socialism. If the Treasury prevails, the country will be pushed that much faster into the alave-pattern for which it has been preparing these past 20 years. If Congress supports the Federal Reserve Board, the descent can be reversed. To repeat, inflation cannot be entirely pre- vented during war. There is a shortage of goods, and nothing can be dane about that, war being what it is. But, inflation is not caused by a shortage of goods only; a con- comitant cause is the increase in the amount of money or purchasing power. War does not neoessarily bring on either a larger fund of greenb: +ks or credit dollars; the first must be printed and the larger must be authorised, and only the administration can do either. That’s exactly what the administration is doing now. The tnflux of credit dollars, or any other kind of dollars, pushes prices up faster than the war shortages alone could do. This causes unrest among the housewives, and, to assuage their sense of hurt, the Govern- ment throws the blame on the housewives themselves. The housewives are bi too much for meat and lpsticks, They must not do that. Nor must the butchers and Upstick-makers accept what the housewives offer. Both are unpatriotic, and a law must be passed to prevent such reprehensible behavior. So, there are fixed prices, priorities, al- locations, compulsion and, of course, en- forcement agencies. Also, black markets. None of which would be if the Government stopped creating money out of nothing—if lt stopped supporting its bonds, True, prices, would go up because of the war-created shortages but ther would not go up as rapidly, nor reach the same heights. More important, the freedom of which we are so proud, and for which we are constantly fighting, would be preserved. v That is what the FRB, consciously or not, is fighting for. It may be that, as bankers, they are more conscious of the threat to their own existence involved in this support acheme. Regardless cf such motives, the banks are inadvertently fighting the battle of freedom. For, it so happens that what- ever impels any segment of society to oppose the encroachment of government on its free- dom of action, in so doing it serves society a8 a whole. Nobody can be free at the ex- more can they help their customers to act as free men. At bottom, then, the struggle of the FRB and the Treasury involves questions of social and political importance that far tranacend APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the technical iseue. Y¢ is the constant struggle between society and the state. The theory of representative government ig that the interests of society are entrusted to its agents, whose business it is to see that these interests are protected from the power of the state. In pursuance of that theory, Congress should see to it that the issue brought up by the Federal Reserve Board shall be decided in its favor. Put the bonds on the open market where they will find thelr true value, and if the citizens pass them up, increase the interest rates. Let's not have more counterfeit money—and more counterfeit. freedom. No Plunge in the Dark as Suggested by Secretary Snyder EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YoRK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, the editorial which appeared in the morning Washington Post of February 16, 1951, entitled “No ‘Quickie’,” states perfectly the case for an over-all picture of the tax situation rather than a leap in the dark as proposed by the President. Under leave to extend, I am inserting this editorial as a part of my remarks: No “QUICKIE” We heartily approve the dectsion.of the Ways and Means Committee to hold hear- ings on proposals to raise additional revenue instead of rubber-stamping the administra- tlon’s tax program. For, as we pointed out in a recent editorial, without advance knowl- edge of the total amount of revenue to be raised, it is practically impossible for legis- latora to decide whether proposed tax in- creases will insure a fair distribution of the total contemplated tax burden. The administration 1s proceeding on the assumption that $16,500,000,000 of additional revenue will be required to balance the bud- get in the next fiscal year. In the frst place, the amount of money required to balance the cas’ budget, which measures the inflationary impact of deficit financing, is less than $18,000,000,000. That raises a question as to the total amount of taxes re- quired as a curb on inflation. Second, the Ways and Means Committee wants to find out what is being done by the appropria- tions committees of Congress to pare bud- geted spending recommendations before writing & tax bill. Otherwise there fs no way of determining how much additional revenue will be needed to close the gap be- tween receipts and expenditures. Third, the committee should investigate alter- native means of raising revenue before acting on Administration recommendations. Fourth, the committee ought to have an opportunity to discuss Secretary Snyder's recommendations for raising such additional revenues as may be required to balance the budget. The Treasury’s two-package tax approach is, in our opinion, an impediment to formulation of a well-balanced program aiming at a definite goal. Nor 1s the need for so-called quickie tax legislation as pressing as adi iristration spokesmen assert, since Government re- ceipts are currently higher than expendi- tures. To be sure, new taxes should be voted as promptly as possible to offset the infia- tion-producing increase in purchasing power that ~vill be felt when Government spend-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ing begins to outstrip Government ‘nco: me. But, as Mr. Dovarron, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee says, a tax program such as that proposed can't be put “before breakfast,” Put through Speech at Commemoration of Thirty-third Anniversary of Lithuanian Inde- pendence EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. VICTOR L. ANFUSO OF NEW YoRK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. ANFUSO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- ORD, I include the following speech de- livered by me February 18, 1951, at Webster Hall, New York City: Mr. Chairman, distinguished guests, repre- sentatives of the Baltic States, members of the clergy, and my fellow citizens and friends, I am very happy to join with you in the commemoration of the thirty-third anniversary of that eventful day, of that milestone in the long and honorable his- torical record of the Lithuanian people—the declaration of independence promulgated by the ¢ suncil of Lithuania at Vilnius on the 16th day of February 1918. It would be futile on my part to discourse on the historical achievements of the Lithu- anian race; on their service to the peoples of Western and Central Europe in holding the nomadic invasions from Asia; on their centuries-old struggle with the Teutonic knights which saved Muscovy and Russia from the Drang Nach Osten; on their tradi- tions of tolerance and freedom; on the val- fant struggle of every generation of Lith- uanians since 1795 for the reconstitution of their country’s independence; on the inspir- ing martyrdom of Lithuanian Catholics in Gefense of their faith; on their unprece- dented fight for the freedom of the press when, for 40 long years, Lithuanian men, women, and children had to smuggle in across the German frontier their prayer books and grammars and hide them from the Rus- sian police. You know these things—I can only express my admiration for the excellent qualities and character of the people from which you sprang. However, I wish to speak to you about the principles and aspirations which animate you and are common to Lithuanlans, to Americans, and to mankind, about our joint defense of our Christian heritage, of our human dignity and freedom, of our ways of life, which are menaced by the evil men who presently control from the Kremlin of Mos- cow the destinies of hundreds of millions of human beings, and who hold the decision for war or peace. My friends, until a few years ago the plaints of the Lithuanian people and of their good neighbors, the Latvians and Estontans, were frankly disbelieved by the rank and file citizens of this our great free country, and by statesmen of the world. In a country where individual value and freedom of man are rated so high, it sounded almost unbelievable that in the present so- called enlightened age, the twentieth cen- tury of the Christian era, there are human beings who would exert every ounce of their strength, of their mental powers, who would subvert every modern invention toward en- slaving the rest of the world, toward sub- jecting the former freemen to a police regime where the wife and child should spy on the husband and father, the brother upon his brother or sister, Where every fifth person in civilian calling and every tenth person in the armed forces should be an agent-informer for the huge network of secret police serving the selfish interests of a single legitimate party which brooks no criticism of its evil deeds. Who could have believed that there is a group of men, backed by vast armed forces and a network of spies, who would carefully select for extermination the very best ele~ ments of the peoples and countries which their Red army invaded? Who could have believed that lands would be seized by foreign invaders, that freemen farmers would be converted into serfs of the State, that children would be claimed by the State as constituting the property of a single political party which claims suprema- cy over the people and the government? Who could have believed that thousands of trucks, some of them lend-lease by the United States during the late war, would descend on peaceful farms and city homes in the dead of the night, rouse the inhabite ants, separate the family heads from their wives and children, and would transport them all, regardless of thelr age and their innocence, for slave labor in the Arctic mines and forests thousands of miles away from their homes, for a slow death by starvation, cold, untended disease, and overwork? Who could have believed that anywhere from fifteen to twenty or more million peo- ple of various races should be settled in such extermination camps, and that an average of one and a half million people should be dying annually in such slave camps? Today, thanks in a large measure to fel- low Americans of Lithuanian descent or ex- traction, to the self-effacing and untiring ef- forts of your coalition Lithuanian Ameri. enn Council and your information center, and to the living witnesses—some of whom are present in this very hall—the hundreds of thousands of former displaced persons— the American people know and believe, and the rest of the free world knows that this is true. America is now girding in earnest for the defense of this country, of this continent, of the rest of the world. Once again we live on an emergency stutus, on borrowed time, and everyone realizes that the present emer - gency is greater than any that this country has ever faced. We are paying huge taxes, and are pre- pared to pay more, for the support of our means of defense. We are compelled to in- crease our Armed Forces, our armaments, our facilities for telling the rest of the world the truth about our country and our inten- tions. Our men are fighting and dying in bleak and cold Korea, fighting in a war we did not start and in which we realize that the barbarian hordes attacking our boys are not our real enemies—that they are driven into slaughter by the evil master- minds who control the Communist-enslaved part of the world from the Kremiin. Once again our citizens have to give their blood for the Red Cross, to face the draft, to revive civil defense and the USO, to give relief to the homeless and the orphans and the hungry whom we can reach with our gen- erous ald. Just a few days ago we observed Lincoln's birthday. This year, more understanding than ever in the past, we pondered over the wise and significant words of Abraham Lincoln that the world cannot exist half free and half slave. We realize better than ever before that peace~and freedom—are indivisible. That a disturbance of peace in Korea or Greece, that enslavement of the Chinese or Lithuanians threaten our own security and peace and our own freedom, This truth is brought to our consciousness ever more clearly when we learn that last Friday, on the 16th of February, the Lithua- nian independence day, the Voice of America A861 simultaneously began Lithuanian lanuguage radio breadcasts and increased broadcasts in Chinese dialects. China and Lithuania— both meet here in the United States, both need our exertions in behalf of spreading the truth about the events in the world. Both are enslaved by the same conspirators of the Kremlin. China, the nation with the oldest history, and Lithuanta, the coun- try speaking the oldest Indo-European lan- guage, both are objects of our attention in this one world of indivisible peace, of ind!- visible freedom. China and Lithuania, in both these far-removed countries a merci- less underground struggle against the Soviet enslaver is active; drafted mongols are guarding the iron curtain separating Lithu- ania from the west; drafted Lithuanians are stationed at the far ecatern c-itposts of the vast Eurasian Empire controlled by Russia, Do we need a olearer reminder that free- dom is indivisible? That the enslaved popu~ lations are our natural allies in our fight for freedom? Ladies and gentlemen, in 1659, Alexander Carolus Curtius, a Lithuanian nobleman, ar- rived here in New York City, then called Nieuw Amsterdam by the Dutch settlers, to teach classics to the adolescent children of the colonists. He stayed here 2 years and is commonly titled “The Father of American High Schools,” the first schoolmaster of New York. He camc here to the American shores to help preserve the western Christian heri- tage of the settlers. Today the Lithuanians in their own homeland need our help in preserving thelr western Christian heritage, their birthright as freemen. The Lithuanian contribution to the de- velopment of America continued practically unbroken since 1659. There were Lithua- nians who had fought in the American Revo- lution to help our ancestors to secure their independence. Other Lithuanians had come here in the wake of the Napoleonic wars, and after the suppression of the Lithuanian insurrections of 1881 and 1863-64. The steady flow of Lithuanian immigration in- creased since 1864, purticularly since the Russian ban on all Lithuanian printing and the institution of a 20-year military service for Russia. Here the Lithuanians established an ex- cellent name for themselves, as good citt- zens and men. You have 124 Roman Cath- olic parishes in this country, You maintain several academies and colleges, about 9 high schools, and 70 grammar schools. You pub- lish about 50 newspapers and magazines in this country, in either Lithuanian or English, and thus you help maintain excellent stand- ards of citizenship, of Americanism, of well- informed community influencing political consciousness of “our masses. Everyone knows that you are not anti-Russian. You are antitotalitarians, anti-Communists, pro- Americans, pro-freemen, Since 1940, since the invasion and en- slavement of Lithuania by Russia in a con- apiracy with Hitler’s Germany, you have formed a nation-wide coalition Lithuantan- American Council, with the sole objective of burying for the duration your partisan differ- ences in order to help the people of Lithuania to regain their freedom and independence. In your activities you never limited your scope to Lithuania alone, Rather, you spoke up for the Latvians and Estoniana, for Poles with whom Lithuania had some differences, and for other enslaved nations. Is there a greater proof needed to show your American. ism, your devotion to the princtples of free- dom, justice, and democracy, which made this country great? I am proud to note that, regardless of our deviations and errors in other fields, the Government of the United States has firmly held and continues to adhere to the prin- ciples enunciated on July 23, 1940, by the Department of State. I will read that state- ment;
A862 “During these past few days the devious processes whereunder the political inde- pendence and territorial integrity of the emall Baltic Republice—etonia, Latvia, and Lithuania—were to be deliberately annihi- lated by one of their more powerful neigh- bore have been rapidly drawing to their con- clusion. “From the day when the people of these republics first gained their independence and democratic form of government the people of the United States watched their admirabie progress in self-government with deep and sympathetic interest. “The policy of this Government ts uni- versalily known. The people of the United States are opposed to predatory activities, no matter whether they are carried on by the ‘use of force or by the threat of force. They are Hkewise opposed to any form of inter- vention on the part of one state, however powerful, in the domestic concerns of any other sovereign state, however weak. “These principles constitute the very foundations upon which the existing rela- tionship between the 21 sovereign republics of the New World rests. “The United States will continue to stand by these principles because of the conviction of the American people that unless the doc- trine in which these principles are inherent once again governs the relations between na. tions, the rule of reason, of justice, and of law—in other words, the basis of modern Civilization itself—cannot be preserved.” My friends, this most excellent statement of the American policy still stands—every word of it. The Lithuanian flag still files in Washing- ton. The Lithuanian Legation and con- aulates enjoy complete recognition and free- dom of action. Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian ships are still plying the seas under the protection of our courts. Lithuanian passports are still internationally recognized travel papers, even though the country itself is occupied and oppressed by a most brutal enemy. Lithuanian language radio broad- casts are now going daily on the air across the Atlantic Ocean to bring a message of encouragement to Lithuanian freemen. The Supreme Lithuanian Committee of Libera- tion has a sympathetic audience whenever 1t addresses memoranda to the United States. Tribute to the spirit of the Lithuanian people is paid in our congressional speeches. Thanks to the indomitable spirit and love of freedom, Lithuania is still unconquered. While no public observations of the Lithu- anian Independence Day are permitted and the national anthem is banned, and while tens of thousands of Russian armed troops and police are prowling all across the coun- try—we may rest assured that, as In the past years, there were Lithuanian Independence Day observances tn the forests still controlled by Lithuanian freedom fighters. Hundreds of thousands of people visited the few re- maining open churches to thank the Al- mighty for the benefits enjoyed by Lith- uania in the past and to pray for relief from the present enslavement. Other masses of people prayed in silence while at work in factories and state-controlled farms. The Rusetans fatled to enslave the minds of the Lithuanians. They cannot control the thoughts of self-respecting Lithuanians who recall that they were born freemen endowed with certain God-given rights which no man and no government has the right to take away. We know, and we shall let the Lithuanian people know that we are aware that Lith- uania is a victim of genocide—and you are one audience to which I do not have to ex- plain what this new term means. I am in- formed that, in addition to mass deporta- tions and ravages of the past few years, the new Stalin 5-year plan calls for 100,000 Lithuanian workers to work on the Volga and Turkmenian Canals in 1951. Special committees weve installed with every secre- tariat of the Communist Party tn every country late last fall, and ists of prospective victims were drawn. The arrests started January 1, 1951. Twenty thousand people are being transported to Russia this month alone—and the Soviet radio and press are already praising these “volunteers”—but we must inform the Russians that, sooner or later, they will pay the penalty for their crimes, that genoctde convention was nego- tiated for just such purpose, and that we mean business—in Korea or elsewhere. Our first concern today should be to over- come the pacifism which has stagnated our former allies and some of our new ones. Pacifism has left a vacuum of power tn these countries, making it easter for communism to move in. By revitalizing a brave people like the Lithuanians and all other freedom- loving peoples throughout the world, we can eventually defeat communism without war. In conclusion, I wish to say that I am very happy to be here with you tonight and to be of any help to you at Washington. I am proud of your aspirations, and I am as one with you. May I reassure you, and through you the people of Lithuania, that justice and lberty shall win, that Lithuania shall be liberated and free again, and may the Almighty hasten that day. Accept the Dare EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. T. MILLET HAND OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. HAND. Mr. Speaker, the Bridge- ton (N. J.) News tells us that we must accept the President's dare to cut his $71,000,000,000 cash budget which actu- ally amounts to nearly $95,000,000,000 when authorizations are added. For one, I am willing to accept the dare and cut the President’s budget. I sincerely hope that a majority of the House is feeling the same way. The editorial to which I have referred follows: Musr AccePr THE Dare In a somewhat flamboyant manner, Presi- dent Truman has dared Congress to cut his 871,000,000,000 budget. The President as- serted that it was a good budget and he dared Congress to reduce it. He also asserted that 2 years ago Congress complained about the size of the budget, but before that body was through with the appropriations it had added $2,000,000,000 to the total. The Presi- dent made a good point here. We do not re- call how much Congress did add to some of the appropriations but we do know that it did add some. But now the President has put the issue squarely up to Congress and that body can- not, must not, refuse to accept the dare. To do so would be an abject surrender on the part of that body to a browbeating threat on the part of the Executive, the surrender by the House of Representatives of its con- atitutional right to be the originator of all revenue bills and the creation of a one-man maker and director of our national finanoes, There cannot be the slightest question to this issue. It ie as clear as the noonday sun, and making the assertion as he did and the way he did, Mr. Truman intended it to be @ direct challenge to Congress as to who should be controller of our finances, the Airect representation of the people invested with power under the Constitution or Harry 8. Trurnan, elected to carry out the wil) of the people as promulgated through Congress. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This is the issue which confronts the Na- tion. ‘The next move is on the pert of Congress. Mr. Truman says his budget is & good ona, Congressmen and Senators who will be called on to consider it, say that it is a bad one, Senator Brrp, an expert in such matters, says €0,100,000,000 can bs cut from the budget without tmpairing the efficiency of govern- ment. Other Senators of both political par- ties do not hesitate to say billions can be cut off. Over in the House, where all revenue bills must originate, members of both parties de- clare the budget is a bad one and must be cut. With the best financial minds in both Houses of the Congress thus agreed, it is im- possible for Congress to fat] to meet the dare of the President and cut his budget without mercy or else, by failure to do so, stultify itself in the eyes of the people. Why even the general public knows the budget is a bad one, because it knows that under the guise of defense measures, the President is &ttempting to folst on the pub- ic the Brannan farm plan, which Congress has consigned to the garbage patil, the so- clalized medicine, educational, housing bills, the St. Lawrence waterway, civil rights, and other measures which Congress has refused to enact even in peace days. The appropria- tions for every one of these measures should be cut out completely and the President told flatly not one cent for any of them, and that appropriations for the civil branches of the Government are going to be cut to the bone, and above those figures he will have to find the money elsewhere, and if he wants to take the fight to the people he is welcome to do w irhe honor and power of Congress is at stake. Let us see how well that honor and power will be upheld. W.E. M. nee Anniversary of Independence of Lithuania EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, Feb- ruary 16, 1951, marks the thirty-third anniversary of the independenee of Lithuania, Americans of Lithuanian descent will observe this day with fitting and appro- priate ceremonies. Yes: all over the world where Lithuanians live will there be retold the story of Lithuanian inde- pendence which, for the time being, has been temporarily put aside. We here in the Congress should con- vey as best we can to the people of Lith- uania a message of hope and friendship—. @ message of our hope that in the near future they will attain again their desire for a free government and become a member of the family of independent nations. Today Lithuania as a nation ts being exterminated. The Soviet occupation has cost over 500,000 lives—victims of torture, starvation, political executions, and exile to death camps, On this day of anniversary it will be heartening to the people of Lithuanta to know they have the lasting friendship of our people in America,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL: RECORD The Scandal of the Scandals EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GLENN R. DAVIS OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. DAVIS of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, it is deplorable that high officials of this administration have condoned “govern- ment by influence” and ‘government by favoritism.” It is more deplorable that they are so brazen and defiant in the face of justifiable criticism. This cynical attitude represents a real danger to our form of government. T insert hereafter a relevant editorial which appeared in a recent issue of the wisconsin State Journal, of Madison, Se! THE Scanpat oF SCANDALS One of the most scandalous things about the Truman administration scandals is the small amount of public indignation they arouse, The quantity of them alone in their con- sistent quality of filth, corruption, and crookedness has sort of inured the elector- ate to shock and horror. And therein, by countenancing if not en- couraging thelr continuance. Mr. Truman has visited upon this and probably coming generations a deep and lasting sin. Twenty years ago, one of the smallest of the comparatively most innocuous pieces of mischief pulled off in Washington under Harry Truman would have been enough to have blasted him and all his troop out of power. There was a nublic conscience then. And the public expected conscience in high places. But not any more. Tne public has hecome too used to watch- ing such things as influence being peddled from the very steps of the White House to the highest bidder, in cash or political advantage. It has watched the callouc stealing of elec tions, heard gangsters blithely admit their working arrangement with powerful politi- cians, seen old cronies mismanaging, cheap« ening, and poisoning Federal administration, lost count of traitors who have gained points of vantage from which they could betray the Nation to 1‘s enemies, Yet through all of this the President has done nothing in the name of reformation, everything in his power to prevent it. Thus today, a Senate committee controlled by his own party investigates the powerful Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC), finds its loan policies dictated by a web of influence reaching into the White House itself. And Mr. Truman calls their findings asinine, and demands reappointment of all five of the RFO’s accused board members, Sadly, Democratic Senator Pavi Dovanas remarks that “influence is an {liness of me<« aiocre administration.” But this Uiness springs not from & medi- core but from a downright bad administra~ tion. Still, few of the public which suffers be- cause of it seem to care. Like the people of Barcelona and London during the war, they have become s0 used to and weary with bombers overhead and fire acreaming down upon them, that they don't even look up any more, they don’t even pay attention to the air-raid sirens. And that ts the big curse of this whole business, Americans have come to expect this stuf of their Governinent, and to figure nothing can be done about it. And when cynicism and hopelessness rule the mind of the land, decency and democracy—and thus liberty— have gone. Smooth Sailing EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES C. AUCHINCLOSS OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. AUCHINCLO8S. Mr. Speaker, I am grateful for this opportunity to call the attention of my colleagues to the ex- cellent editorial written by Charles Francis Coe that appeared in the Palm Beach Post-Times of February 11, 1951. In his own rugged manner Mr. Coe calls attention to what the American people are thinking about, and asks the ques- tion many are asking, “If we have to make greater sacrifices for the war ef- fort, why doesn’t the President himself set an example for us all and give up some of his luxuries paid for by the tax- payer?” It is a simple question and the answer is equally simple. As long ago as August 3, 1950, I urged the President to practice the personal economy he was begging the American taxpayer to exer- cise, but my pleas were ignored and re- cently the Congress was dared to reduce his budget with many proposals which have nothing to do with the defense ef- fort. Such leadership during these anx- jous times is alarming. Charies Francis Coe, or “Socker” Coe as he is affectionately known by his many friends, has lived an active life and knows it from many angles. In his earlier days he was a heavyweight box- ing champion of the United States Navy; later he became a successful automobile dealer in Massachusetts, and wrote ar- ticles for the Saturday Evening Post. He was so successful in this work that he went into semiretirement, and built a home in Florida, After the financial crash in 1929 he again took up his writ- ing, studied law, passed his bar examina- tions in Florida, and became general counsel to the Motion Picture Producers & Distributors Association. When Will Hays died, “Socker” resigned and even- tually became the chief editorialist of the string of about 25 Florida newspapers owned by John Perry. “Socker” Coe is a man respected by his friends and one who hates hypoc- risy in any form. His intense patriotism is needed in times like these, and acts as & stimulus to all who love their country, SmooTH SAILING President Truman insists that we must all make greater sacrifices to the war mo- bilization. We agree with him. We hold it to be a moral certainty that the sacrifices will be imposed. The Bureaus in Washington undoubtedly will grow in number rather than decrease. That villainous and mountainous Govern- ment payroll will embrace another horde of confused but ravenous grovellers in the pub- lic trough. The taxpayers will provide the A863 trough and the slush therein, So we can be fairly certain of making the sacrifices the President so touchingly advances as pleasurable duties. What about his own smooth sailing? A yacht for weekends, which might ha put to more practical usages in a war. A mighty airplane which costae fabulous sums to run and ride in, might drop a load of bombs on troops just fixing to slay our Aghting kids, were it not awaiting the Presidential whim. That fifty thousand a year salary raise tax exempt, might furnish a cup of coffee or a few cigarettes for the lads in the battlefields or hospitals. It would appear that President Truman, sensing with consummate skill the fact that we cannot share the yacht, the airplane and the tax oxempt salary, ta’es the position that, if we cannot share those, he will not share our sacrifices. That would match the rea- soning of his screwy economic planning. That is the type logic we have learned to expect from htm. So he has smooth sailing, If the wake he churns in passing us common folks, causes undue turbulence about the rowboat which is our measure of participation, then we just pull a little harder on the oars to get to smoother water. If we break or lose an oar, that is our hard luck. There will be no destroyers, operated at colossal expense on our money, to stand guard over us. We are on our own. If, by chance, we manage to earn a dollar or two more than we used to earn, we will pay the clickety-clack bracket through in- come tax, with none of that “exemption” relish, so delectable to the Presidential pal- ate. Those who believe that this ts a land where abides equal opportunity to all men, will wonder a bit about where the equality comes, These will sense the splendid wis- dom which dictated that we must support but one President. If we had two, with the appetite for spe- cial privilege so manifest in Mr. Truman, the country would go broke in a week, Whether or not the President knows it, there is widespread resentment against this churl-~ ish effrontery which scorns the fitness of things wheresoever that fitness is apt to limit the wanton spending and personal prerogatives of the White House gang. It were well for him, for his public prestige and for his party, that he take a little more accurate measure of the cumulative feeling in these matters. Fatth in the leadership of this country 1s at the lowest ebb in history. The hinter- lands, which are the backbone of the Repub. lic, feel deep apprehension. The sentiment 1s almost solid that Truman and Acheson are without knowledge of what cooks, The public ear is aching with double talk. The public heart 1s wearled with fear. The pub- Ne conscience is outraged at the prodigal spending. The public spirit wants defense, not bureaucracy. It wants strength, not wan- ton self-indulgence of the few. It seeks in- tegrity, not insolvency of motive, of method and of mentality. It appraises the basics by weighing these greedy demonstrations. The resultant appraisals are shocking. It sees a President weaseling around the lowering of exemptions for married taxpay- ers, while holding in his hand 850,000 @ year with no tax to be paid. It recalls that this obnoxious conniving took place in the most flagrant political atmosphere, so that the President could sign the legislation into law before he undertook his new term, merely because, had he been serving at the time the law was passed, he could not have received the increase. In this parlous and perilous hour of our national history, such shenanigans are bare- faced assault upon the faith of our people. They breed deep discontent and abysmal
@aspicion, through flaunting political skul- @uggery brazenly before the world. They @astroy confidence not alone here Dut abroad. They reflect a cynical impiety in the top leaderahip of this God-loving people. They do violence to every tradition and precept which have builded our national dig- nity and prestige. They fester in sacred places, fostered by the practices of Tam-~- many and Pendergast. They the most venal and avaricious intent to fatten at pub- lic expense, while posing as faithful servants of our Nation. They are just as wrong ss things can be wrong. They cry out for rectification, that once again our people may look with pride upon our Capital, its public institutions, and pub- lc officials, They explain by inference, Mr. President, why Acheson remains at your side, why his loyalty to Hiss does not im- press you as disloyalty to our country. Rick in with some of these sacrifices yourself, air. Then we will understand. Caries Feancis Cox. Feod for India EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE MORSE or OnmdoN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 Uegislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Stop Haggling Over Food for India,” published in the Christian Cen- tury for February 7, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial ‘was ordered to be printed in the Reconzp, as follows: Srop Hacattwa Ovex Foon ror npr Shall the United States Benate be per- mitted to use starvation as an instrument of foreign policy? That question is raising its ugly head in the languid discussions which have now started in the Senate Foreign Rela- tlons Committee on whether we ahall make available to India the 2,000,000 tons of grain that country needs to avert famine. Nehru, it is said in the cloakrooms, is showing too much independence in the east-west con- fitct. Let’s drag our feet a little on this food question end force him to come around. That attitude is utterly wrong. It shows contempt for the humanitarian tradition of the American people. It reveals a callousness to suffering which is shocking in its cruelty. Do the Senators want to present this Nation to the world as a monster which cannot be placated unless it bas its way? That is what they are doing. No wonder we are losing the battle for the minds of men, Instead of gaining an ally, this course offers the surest method of alienating not only the second most populous nation on earth, not only the rest of Asia, but all people everywhere who have a spark of compassion left in their souls. It refuses to credit the Indian Prime Min- ister's efforts as the sincere attempts they are to avert the global catastrophe of war. It assumes instead that our position is ‘the only one that can possibly be right. Nehru is riaking everything on an effort to avert war, not only because he believes this to be his duty to mankind ‘but also because he sees that war between the great powers could easily reduce India to a brawling chaos in which all ordered government would col- lapse. Who would benefit from that? If Senator Comnanty and his colleagues cannot he statesmen, tf they cannot rise to the de- maends of ordinary humanity, if they cannot be restrained from alienating our last friend on earth, the American people ought to de- mand that they quit misrepresenting us to the world, They will understand if they are told they must stop haggling over food for India. Every Second Counts EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN F. SHELLEY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 cember 1950 issue of the American Federationist, the official monthly pub- lication of the American Federation of Labor, carried a stirring article entitled “Every Second Counts,” which so well epitomizes the nature of the crisis we are ‘facing, and the action we must take to meet and beat that crisis, that I ask that it be reprinted in the ComnorgsstowaL Recorp. It should be noted that this article was prepared and printed prior to the reverses in Korea which were needed to awaken many to the seriousness of our situation. Labor, in general, had antici. pated the need for all-out action, and was prepared to offer its support before it was called upon, In the midst of the smokescreens now being thrown up by many groups, decrying labor’s willingness to take its full share of the burden in this emergency, I feel that the real courage and conviction of responsible labor groups and leaders in rising to meet and anticipate the country’s demands ‘merits fullest praise and recognition, Every Srconp Counts—We Must Resvriy Ovr SrRenaru Very Quicxuy The gravest challenge in history now con- fronts the American people. Communist Russia, armed to the teeth, is moving against the non-Communist world. The goal, as al- ways since the Communist gang seized power by violence in Russia 83 years ago, is con- quest and domination of all the nations and all the peoples of the earth, The No, 1 target is the United States, champion of the free way of life which shows up totalitarian i amunism for the tremendous fraud that it is. At the moment Communist Russia is act- ing through her junior partner in crime against humanity, Communist China. Stalin has other puppets ready to kill, burn, and enslave whenever he decides to twitch the strings. Many countries are in great perti. Stalin has huge Soviet armies at his com- mand, a tremendous air force, the atom bomb, His own essential industry, unlike ours, is widely dispersed and hidden. He has his covetous eyes on Western Europe, on the oil flelds of the Middle Hast, on India, and Latin America. Of all the countries that he plans to conquer, the one he most wants to Gush ls our own great and free United Where will the Communists move next? Uninet “Western Earope festt with be ? ill they bomb us? It is anyone's guess. Only Stalin and his fellow- in the Kremlin know the answers, so long aa the Com- muniste’ strength ts enormous and that of the free world tragically puny, the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD likelihood of further -Communiat aggression and the danger of the defest and ensiave- ment of all democratic nations continue very great, ; ‘ The time has arrived for very plain talk. If we want to survive, there is no time what- soever tO be lost. Just aa quickly as pos- sible, with every loyal American rendering the maximum service where he js most need- ed, with all secondary objectives gracefully granting priority to the most im; task in our history, we must build up our armed strength. Just as quickly as possible, we must establish equality in military potency with our ruthless enemy and then surge far ahead of him. So long as we remain relatively weak and ‘unprepered, the Red Fascists will be tempted to move again and again, to gobble up more Gefenseless countries or even to dump atom bombs on our large and exposed industrial cities. So long as we remain relatively weak, No realistic American or citisen of any other non-Communiat country can justifiably feel secure. Once we have rebuilt our strength, the ait- uation will be entirely different. Then Com- munist Russia will know that the day of easy victories ts over. The Communists may @ecide to commit new aggressions anyway, but if they do, the free world will then be tn @ position to repel the aggressors and make them rue their murderous deeds, More likely, the existence of ing Ameri- can strength, ready to destroy the Commu- nists if they make but one foul move, will suffice to persuade the Reds to behave. Sta- lin and his henchmen are slave masters, murderers, and bullies. Words never deter 8 bully. But he ts always profoundly im. pressed by strength capabie of smashing him. Without question, the imperative task facing the United States and the American people ts the rebutiding of our military strength. Every American must cooperate wholeheartedly. There will be many dull jobs, many unpleasant jobs, many danger- ous jobs. All of these jobs will have to be done. Not only our precious liberty, not only our lofty principles and ideals, but our very Hves-—yees; our very livese—depend upon every American citizen now rolling up his sleeves and getting into the fight with all his abtlity, with all his strength. We probably have far less time to get ready to defend ourselves than we did in 1940. There's not a minute to be wasted. Let’s get going. Famine Relief for India EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. VICTOR WICKERSHAM Or OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. WICKERSHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I inolude the following resolution; Faurng Reto yor Invi The Commission on Evangelical Action of the Nationa] Association of Evangelicals, having received the eye-witness report of its secretary, Dr. Clyde W. Taylor, who just returned from a tour of the famine area of India, adopted the following resolution: “Whereas this commission has carefully studied the crisis that hae arteen in India beonuse of the devastating drought and bas concluded that it is our Christian duty to share our food supplies with starving men @nd women in India; and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD | “Whereas the sending of such material does not imply that we necessarily approve of India’s political alliances and attitudes: Therefore be it “Resolved, That we memorialize the Con. gress to give favorable and careful consid. eration to the request of India for alloca- tion of wheat and other foodstuffs, and that we urge the Christians of America to share with those who are dying for want of food; an “That we urge Congress to safeguard the interests of the United States and the people of India, first, by making it mandatory to the India Government that the people of India shall be fully informed that such foodstuffs are the gift of the people of the United States sharing with the needy of India the necessities of life; and second, that this foodstuff must be distributed to the people of India at actual cost, avoiding all irregular profits of merchants, millers, and all others; “That such safeguards are urgent because in many lands our relief has been used to propagandize and spread the influence of some political party, religious hierarchy, or totalitarian regime, with neither apprecia- tion nor public acknowledgment of Ameri- ca’s sacrifice; and, furthermore, such Amer- fean food has found {ts way either into illegal markets or has been sold through merchants who profiteered at the expense of starving humanity. These abuses must be avoided.” WasHincTon, D, C., February 12, 1951. Extension of Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRED MARSHALL OF MINNESOTA IN THES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. MARSHALL. Mr. Speaker, the House has acted to extend the Recipro- cal Trade Agreements Act and has in- cluded amendments which are of doubt- ful merit. During the years ahead it seems clear that more and more of our surplus will move into export channels and trade encouragement may not be necessary. But the following editorial, published in the St. Paul Pioneer Press, does point out serious dangers and it is worthy of the attention of every Mem- ber: Now Wes Caw Rewax It seems odd that Congress should be worrying about foreign competition with our infant industries right now, but that’s the tact. At least the House has been worried. Yesterday it amended the reciprocal trade agreements extension act by restoring the “peril point” provisions. Under this amendment, a President must give Congress a chance to disapprove any tariff concessions under the act which in the opinion of the Tarif Commission would put an American industry under peril from competition of foreign goods, The provision ‘was put into the law in the Hightieth Con- gress, was taken out by the Righty-first, and now apparently is to be put back in. Wo one wants to see young and struggling American industries, like United States Steet, General Motors, and du Pont, put in peri of their lives by the unfair competition from the big industrial bullies of Europe. If they and others are fn peril, let them be protected by all means Yrom the machinations. of bu- XOVII~—App.——-55 reancrats who want to increase our foreign trade. But this does seem a strange time to se worrying on that score. We are entering on a new period of wat production throughout the western industrial world. It is destined to bea of indefinite duration and ita chief characteristic will be a shortage of goods and raw materials. We shall be need- ing and wanting everything we can lay our hands on. In fact, the United States right now is bidding energetically for all the raw materials in sight, and if there is going to be any surplus manufactures lying around, doubtless we shall be wanting those too, but there won't be. At the end of this period, whether it be with war or not in between, the situation that existed at the close of the last war will be repeated. The problem will not be to keep foreign goods out of the country, but how to get paid by foreign countries for the goods which will be available only in America, However, if Congress does not have enough to worry about without adding the danger of foreign competition to the list, this furore about protecting home markets is as good a way to take it out as any. Of course, in the world situation that is going to exist for the foreseeable future, such measures are going to be as nearly completely meaningless and pointless as anything that could be struck off by the mind of man. But it gives a feel- ing of righteousness and of a duty performed, and that is perhaps enough. Bewildered EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. T. MILLET HAND OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. HAND. Mr. Speaker, by leave of the House I am inserting in the Appen- dix of the Recorp a column entitied “Be- wildered,” appearing in the Mount Holly (N, J.) Citizen. This column is written by our former colleague, Hon. Frank Mathews, Jr., who will be well remem- bered for his pungent observation on national affairs while he was a Member of the House: BrewiI.perrp (By Frank Mathews, Jr.) A friend of mine said to me, “Why are we Americans #0 callous? Our boys are dying by the thousands tn Korea. We read the headlines, shrug our shoulders and go about our buainess as usual.” People who have recently been in Europe tell us that Americans are hysterical while the Europeans who are nearest to and most in danger from Russia and communism are very little flustered about it but quite con- cerned about our hysteria. These two views do not seem to jibe. Perhaps we are neither callous nor hysteri- cal. Perhaps we are just bewildered. Now finally awake to the terrible atid insidious threat of communism, we are organizing our- selves on a totalitarian basis to fight a total war against it. Some of those who were pre~- viously the loudest shouters against com- munism because it was totalitarian and the wordiest enta of our way of life, to combat it are now the most hysterioal advo- cates of totalitarianiem to Aght it. Anyhow, we are preparing as never before for @ war greater than ever before. Against whom? Against Russia, of course. AS65 To us who want completely adequate dew fense against whatever may threaten us, at least two things are confusing. First, how is Russia, which so recently wae wholiy in- adequate to defend itself against a Germany fighting other large and strong nations at the same time, without $2,000,000,000 of lend- lease from us and a vast American military second front in Europe, now so strong; and secondly, is there no way to avoid totalitar- fanism than by becoming totalitarian? This week let's take a look at the first of these problems. How did Russia, in about 5 years, become so strong that we belleve she oan lick the whole world unless we and every other nation of that world sacrifice everything we have to stop her? Hither we are grossly exaggerate ing the power of Russia or we are largely responsible for that power—or perhaps some- thing of both. My great overt national sin occurred in 1940, when I expressed the belief that nazlam and fascism, bad as they were, were local diseases, but that communiam was a virulent epidemio so contagious and deadly it could engulf the entire world, and advocated that we not give our all to enthrone communism merely to force naziam and fascism to ab- dicate. I continued in this sln while I was a Mem- ber of the House of Representatives by voting against the §3,760,000,000 loan to Great Britain and opposing the Marshell plan as such. Both were sold by the administration to our people as sure-fire measures to atop communism, while at the same time that administration appeased and gave aid, succor and comfort to Russia, coddled communism within its own ranks and sent the author of the Marshall plan to China to return with a report that the Chinese Communists were not really Communists of the Russian type at all, but were just nice, harmless agrarian Mberala, or something like that. ‘We now know that Great Britaln and other nations who received our ald and goods are either reshipping or selling vital materials to Russia and Communist China and oppos- ing our efforts in the United Nations to have both these outfits branded as what they yeally are. We seem to feel that we are honest, generous, sinless folk who have heen fvully betrayed, sold out, and double crossed by the nations we supposed were our friends and whom we so nobly aided in their time of need. Next week I would like to give you a somes what different slant on this situation. Condemnation of Governmental Social- istic Endeavors EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK FELLOWS OY MATNE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. FELLOWS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following resolu- tion condemning governmental soctal- istic endeavors, reecntly adopted by an outstanding group of Maine young men ‘known as the State of Maine Junior Chamber of Commerce at the monthly meeting of that group held at Augusta, Maine, January 18, 1°51: CONDEMNATION OF GOVERMMENTAL Socraumsric Ewnravors Whereas the United States has the high- est standards of living of any country in the
A866 world, aa a result of our system of free enterprise; and Whoreas socialization, wherever tried, be- comes a cancerous growth which prostitutes its people at the feet of its Government and erucifies their freedom on the cross of political fortune, from which living death, no nation can be resurrected, and Whereas powerful political figures encour- age a program of a welfare state designated to buy tenure in office with an eternal mortgage upon our precious heritage: Now, therefore, be it Rexolved, That the State of Maine Juntor Chamber of Commerce in body duly con- vened at its January Board Meeting in Au- gusta, Maine, on this the 18th day of Janu- ary, A. D. 1951, does hereby condemn gov- ernmental socialistic endeavors in violation thercof; be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the Senators and Congress. men of this State as an appeal paramount to party allegiance to give this Nation under God a new birth of freedom for individual endeavor. ECA Plants 300,000,000 Seedlings a Year in Korea Prior to the Russian-Red China Invasion EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speak- er, it is rather interesting to note that the contribution to the defense of Korea against Communist aggression consisted of planting 300,000,000 seedlings a year by the ECA. Under leave to extend, I am inserting in the ConcressronaL Recor an article by Mr. Frank P, Litschert giving some of the history of the bungling, fumbling jobs so characteristic of the New Deal: (By Frank P. Litschert) Congress 1s alert to grave shortcomings in the ‘’ruman-Acheson policy in Korea after our occupation forces were withdrawn in July 1949—just 1 year before the Communist aggression. Reviewing the State Department’s Korean policy for the Senate Foreign Relations Com- mittee on March 7, 1950, Secretary Acheson declared that “conditions of stability and public order have continued to improve, and the threat of Communist overthrcw appears, at least temporarily, to have been contained.” How temporary was this happy situation may be Jucged by the fact that the Com- munist aggression broke on June 25, just about 16 weeks after Secretary Acheson's official estimate of his great success in containment. So certain was the State Department of this success that it gave no military assist- ance to Korea after the withdrawal of our eccupation forces. House Report No. 2495 from the Foreign Affairs Committee, July 11, 1950, recalls two different congresstonal appropriations for military aid to Korea. These were @27,- 640,000 under Public Law 829 of the Eighty-~ first Congress, signed by President Truman on October 6, 1949, and 630,000,000 under Public Law 490, signed on October 28, 1949, But on July 11, 1960 (3 weeks after the Communist aggression), the Foreign Affairs Oommittee reported: “No deliveries of any consequence have been made as yet se « The reasons for lack of deliveries are these, etc.” This dismal report of inactivity, in the face of the gathering Communist mobiliza- tion in North Korea, was the basis of the statement a few days later by Senator Homer Ferovson, of Michigan: “Last October Congress voted millions for military aid to South Korea. When the Reds attacked 8 months later, exactly $200 forth of signal corps wire was all that had been delivered.” Of the $150,000,000 in nonmilitary aid to Korea voted in February 1950, not 1 cent had been delivered when the aggression broke on June 265. Commenting on this sad record, President Syngman Rhee of the South Korean Republic declared publicly: “T asked for antitank guns. I did not get antitank guns. I asked for antiaircraft guns. Igot none. I asked for ammunition for what few rifles we had. I got no ammunition. When the dreaded blow fell, we were able to oppose the strong North Korean air force with only 10 trainer planes—the best we could afford.” What kind of aid were we giving to Korea before the aggression? The answer was given by Edgar A. J. Johnson, Director of the Ko- rean Division of ECA, on March 7, 1950, be- fore the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (hearings, p. 372): “There is a vigorous pro- gram of reforestation going on, and at the present time there are being planted about 300,000,000 seedlings a year.” Does this fit in With the statement of Prof. Owen Lattimore, State Department consultant on Asia, on July 17, 1949? Said Lattimore: “The thing to do, therefore, is to let South Korea fall, but not let it look as though we pushed it. Hence the recom- mendation of a parting grant of 150,000,000.” This, in broad outline, is the story of the Truman-Acheson policy in Korea, which, to date, has cost 60,000 American casualties. Not until the State Department is house- cleaned from top to bottom may the Ameri- can people hope for deliverance from such incompetence and treachery. Temporary Reorganization Powers EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN L. McCLELLAN OF ARKANSAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “Temporary Reorganiza- tion Powers,” published in today’s issue of the Washington Evening Star. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: TEMPORARY REORGANIZATION Powers The Senate has made a reasonable com- promise in agreeing to give the President modified reorganization powers during the present emergency. Although the White House had asked for unrestricted authority to shift agencies or to consolidate them while the current defense crisis continues, the Sen- ate insisted on retaining the right to veto any proposal within 18 days of submission. This was a marked concession, in view of the requirement of the 1949 Reorganization Act that Congress be given 60 days in which to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD disapprove any Presidential plan for execu- tive reform. Mr. Truman wanted Congress to reactivate a section of the War Powers Act of 1941 which gave the President blanket reorganization powers in time of national emergency. It was under that section that the late Presi- dent Roosevelt created the War Manpower Commiasion, the War Labor Board, and numerous other temporary agencies—with- out specific legislative action. The Korean situation today is not such as to cause critics of blanket Executive powers to change their minds as to the need for some congressional check on Presidential plans. Nor was there any fight by adminis- tration stalwarts in the Senate for accept- ance of the President's original proposal. The principal debate was over the period which should be allowed for congressional action. The suggestions ranged from 12 to 80 days, with 18 finally approved. This would allow sufficient time for committee study and report. If neither the Senate nor the House should veto a proposed reorgani- gation by a majority of the full membership, the plan would become operative. The 18- day limit would apply only to temporary re- organizations related to national defense, however. The 1949 law for permanent re- organization of the Government would not be weakened in any way. It should not be, for Congress still has a lot of work to do in the fleld of reform covered by the Hoover Commission. Radios Render Great Public Service; KROX Commended EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD C. HAGEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. HAGEN. Mr. Speaker, in these times, when it seems to be popular to criticize and to find fault, we very often overlook the great good accomplished by Americans and American industry. I would like to single out just one in- dustry today for a word of commenda- tion. I refer to the radio stations of our Nation. In this day of confusion, when many Jands are subject to the iron rule of a dictatorship, we should note the contrast between the operation of American radio stations and those in some other nations. There are countries in the world, espe- cially those behind the iron curtain, where radio is used constantly to divide and subjugate the people, to thwart the freedom of mankind, and to instill hatred and greed into the hearts of the citizens. Compare this use of radio with the op- eration of the radio stations in America. We are all familiar with the public serv- ice programs of the American radio in- dustry, the free time made available for the purpose of education and the shar- ing of knowledge, the programs dedi- cated to humanitarian causes, the un- selfish devotion to the ideals of freedom of thought and expression, and the con- stant effort to make life better for all our people as well as the people of all the world, The radio industry of America stands unchallenged in its service to the ideals
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which are America's heritage and the industry asks nothing in return, being content to operate freely in a land where freedom is the paramount tradition. While I am proud to pay this tribute to the radio industry of America as a whole, I would like to single out, as an example of the public-service record of the indus- try, a radio station in my own district. I refer to radio station KROX at Crookston, Minn. Carrying on in the great tradition of the radio industry, Station KROX ex- emplifies the spirit of community co- operation and service of all radio sta- tions in our Nation. Last year the area around Crookston suffered one of the most disastrous floods in history. It is not possible to determine the number of lives that were saved and the property damage that was avoided because of the part Station KROX and other radio sta- tions in that area played in flood opera- tions. It is sufficient to say the station and others were a strong beacon of mercy and refuge in that disaster. A recent service performed by the Crookston station is best described in a story from the wires of the United Press: Crookston authorities have captured a suspected hit and run driver after a public campaign for his arrest was launched by radio station KROX. KROX posted a $100 reward for the suspect's arrest and invited the public to add to the reward fund. The station also broadcast a series of programs which urged the citizens of the Crookston area to con- tact the local police with any information they might have regarding the accident. It was through a tip offered to the sheriff by a listener of the station that led to the arrest. I am proud of these services KROX is giving to its community. I am more proud to know that hundreds of radio stations, all over America, are equally vigilant and equally public spirited. We need have no fear for the future of our democratic way of life as long as we have free and unafraid avenues of information. Our free way of life is safer and more secure because of the services of America's radio stations, tele- vision stations, newspapers, magazines, and other publications, Exploration for Petroleum in the Gulf of Mexico EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. JOSEPH C. O’MAHONEY OF WYOMING IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 My. OMAHONEY. Mr. President, de- velopment and exploration for petroleum in the Gulf of Mexico, which a little over 3% years ago occupied the time of large number of crews, has now fallen off to such an extent, according to the testi- mony of Walter S. Hallanan, chairman of the Offshore Lessees Committee, that there are now only four geophysical crews in operation off the coast of Texas and only five drilling rigs operating in the entire Gulf of Mexico. This statement was made today before the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs in support of Senate Joint Resolution 20, introduced by the junior Senator from New Mexico and myself, to provide for the continuation of opera- tions under leases covering submerged Jands of the Continental Shelf. I ask unanimous cohsent that the text of Mr. Hallanan’s statement be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printcd in the Recorp, as follows: STATEMENT OF WALTER S. HALLANAN, PRESIDENT OF PLYMOUTH O1 Co., Brrorr SrnaTE CoM~ MITTEE ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS My name ts Walter 8, Hallanan. I am president of Plymouth Oi) Co., an independ- ent producer and refiner, which owns a sub- stantial interest in approximately 120,000 acres of oil and gas leases acquired through competitive bidding from the State of Texas in 1947 on submerged lands in the Gulf of Mexico. I am appearing before you as chair- man of the Offshore Lessees Committee, which consists of representatives of most of the holders of leases on submerged lands off the coasts of Texas, Louisiana, and Call- fornia. The committee will recall that at. the hearings held tn October 1649 on the subject of submerged lands, the offshore lessecs pre- sented detailed and comprehenaive testi-+ mony in order to give you as complete and accurate picture of our offshore operations as was possible. We showed you a motion picture of our operations. Mr. E. F, Bullard, president of the Standard Oil and Gas Co., described the geology of and the geophysical work accomplished on the sub- merged lands in the Gulf of Mexico, Mr, H. H. Kaveler, assistant to the vice president in charge of production of Phillips Petro- leum Co., testified with respect to drill- ing operations and production practices. Mr. Hines H. Baker, president of Humble Oil and Refining Co., discussed the equities of the holders of leases acquired from the re- spective States. Mr. Ernie E. Pyles, vice president of Jergins Oil Co., presented the facts concerning offshore operations In Call- fornia. At the hearings held before this committee last August on Senate Joint Resolution 105, Mr, Clayton Orn, counsel] for the Ohio Oil Co.; Mr. W. W. Clary, counsel for Signal Oil & Gas Co.; and myself appeared in behalf of the offshore lessees to supplement the testi- mony previously given you. It is my under- standing that the records of both those hear- ings during the Eighty-first Congress have been formally adopted as a part of the record of this hearing. It is the purpose of my testimony today to bring up to date the record with respect to offshore operations for oil and gas, Iam advised that current production from Blate leases on submerged lands off Cali- fornia (exclusive of production from the city of Long Beach) averages about 60,000 bar« rels per day. These leases cover 10,600 acres of submerged land. This ol] is being pro- duced from about 400 wells, the weliheads of which are located on the uplands, but the wells are drilled at an angle and bottomed out under the water. Operations off Cali- fornia are continuing under a series of stip- ulations which have been entered into an- nually by the State and the United States pending the determination of the location of the seaward Hne of California’s inland watere—that is the line where the rights of the State end and the paramount powers of the United States begin under the Su- preme Court’s opinion in the case. A867 Of the total of 2,026,000 acres leased since 1945 by 30 operators from the States of Texas and Louisiana through competitive bidding, there remain outstanding leases covering 1,550,000 acres, or about 60 percent of the area originally leased. Leases covering about 400,000 acres have been surrendered within the past 6 months. As of February 14 of this year, 235 wells had been drilled on these leases, resulting in 91 of] wells, 28 gas condensate wells, 4 dry gas wells, and 112 dry holes. These wells are located at distances from shore varying from 1 to 27 miles. The total oil produced up to the present time is estimated to be about 9,500,000 barrels. Present production, practically all of which is off Louisiana, amounts to about 20,000 barrela per day. Off- shore operators have expended in excess of $250,000,000 in the search for oll in the Gulf of Mexico. The groas revenue from the oll produced has amounted to about $20,000,000. I would like to call to your attention these facts which illustrate the extent to which activities In the Gulf have declined. Three and one-half years ago 48 geophysical crews were in operation, At present there are only four in operation, all off the coast of Texas, Eighteen months ago 26 drilling rigs were in operation, Bix months ago the number had dropped to 14, At present 5 rigs are drilling off Louisiana and none off Texas. Unless some relief is granted, when these five wells are completed, drilling in the Gulf will be at a complete standstill. On last December 11 the Supreme Court of the United States entered its decrees in the Texas and Louisiana cases. In these decrees the lessees were enjoined from carry- ing on any activities on these submerged lands except under authorization first ob- tained from the United States. On the same day tho Secretary of the Interior issued a notice which, in effect, authorized those then conducting operations to continue them for & period of 60 days. A subsequent notice has extended the period for an additional 30 days, or until March 11, In other words, drilling of the five wells now being drilled and production from existing wells can be continued, but no new wells can be com- menced. The Secretary stated in his notice: “The relationship between the known do- mestic supplies of petroleum and the present and potential national needs, military and civilian, for petroleum ts such that undue interruption of the present operations in the Gulf of Mexico would involve the risk of injury to our national security and econ- omy. Moreover, the producing wells and the elaborate facilities used in drilling for and producing oil and gas in the submerged coastal lands are subjected to unusual risks of loss, injury, and deterioration through action by the elements, which can only be avoided or minimized by continuous and vigilant operation and maintenance. Such loss, injury, and deterioration, if permitted to o¢cur, would be an economic waste In an operation of benefit to the national security and economy and productive of tncome to the Federal Government.” Gentlemen of the committee, we cannot overemphasize the great importance of ade- quate petroleum supplies in these critical times, Petroleum is the lifeblood of the ma- chines of production and mobhilization— whether on the farm or in the factory. It is the propelling power of practically all forma of transportation—-whether on land, on sea, or in the alr, It is the motive power for all our military forces-—-whether the Army, the Navy, or the Air Force. History shows that our superiority in ofl was a vital and decisive weapon in winning the past two World Wars. Our enemies’ inferiority in ofl hastened their ultimate defeat. Lord Curnon said of World War I, “The allied cause floated to victory on 8 wave of ofl.” Fleet Admiral Nimits said that World War I was won with “bullets, beans, and oll.” No one Knows now
A868 what our petroleum requirements would be in the event of another world confilct. We all agree that they will be staggering—even peyond the requirements of previous wars. Let us look for a moment at our present petroleum picture. Today our domestic pro- duction of crude ofl is approaching 6,000,000 barrels a day, and our Nation's partial mo- bilization plan is just beginning. This pro- duction is 1,100,000 barrels day in excess of the peak production in World War II. Today we are importing both crude oll and Tefined products in sizable quantities. Ac- cording to the latest published report of the Bureau of Mines, which ts for the month of November, we tmported an average of 465,000 barrels of crude oil a day, 100,000 barrels a day coming from the Middle East and 365,000 barrels a day coming from Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela. We also imported from the Caribbean area about 450,000 barrels per day of refined products, mostly residual fuel oll. Total imports of crude oil and refined prod- ‘ucts are currently in excess of 1,000,000 bar- reis daily. The impact of a world conflict on these foreign sources of supply is unpredictable. Many believe that the Middle East supply would be lost. In that event, we would not only be deprived of that oil we now utilize here at home, but we would also face the responsibility of furnishing from our own aupplies the necessary petroleum require- ments of our allies overseas, who are now re- ceiving supplies from the Middle East. Pro- duction in the Middle East for November averaged 1,900,000 barrels daily. Many are also concerned about the pos- sibility of a substantial reduction in supplies from South American sources which might result from sabotage in those countries where the of] flelds are located or from extensive submarine warfare along the shipping lanes. With respect to the relationship of petro- leum to our national defense, this committee will be interested in a request made by the Department of the Interior on January 29 of the National Petroleum Council, of which I am chairman. The Department informed the council that preliminary studies by the Petroleum Administration for Defense indi- cated that in the event of war there would be a sharp increase in the demand for petro- leum requirements which would require large quantities of capital and materials, and the Department stated that the magnitude of the quantities was not known. However, the Department, which is specifically charged with the responsibility of seeing that ade- quate petroleum supplies are obtained to meet our civilian and military demands, re- quested the council to make a study of the capital and materials needed in order to in- crease the availability of petroleum products in the Western Hemisphere by 1,000,000 bar- rele per day. That study is already under way. This assignment, which I consider to be one of the most important that the National Petroleum Council has been called upon to undertake, is certainly indicative of the staggering demands we may have to meet, If the necessity arises, how can we be pre- pared to replace the petroleum importa which we might lose, to supply our allies who might be cut off from their present sources of supplies, and, at the same time, to satisfy the tremendous increases in military and essential civilian requirements at home which would result from another world conflict? For one thing, we must intensify our ex- ploratory activities. We must intensify our drilling activities, both exploratory and de- velopment, in an attempt to discover new oll flelds as well as to develop fully and rap- idly the existing felds. We must build up a reserve productive capacity which will be available immediately to meet the demands of any emergency. As the late Secretary of Defense, James Forrestal, said: “I do wish to emphasize that undeveloped ot! fields provide no power for machines of either war or peace,” When we were attacked at Pearl Harbor, we were in a position to increase our pro- duction immediately and within maximum efficient rates by more than 800,000 barrels a day. At present, according to the best in- formed opinion, our reserve productive ca- pacity is only about 450,000 barrels per day. It is imperative that this cushion of safety so vital to our existence be very substantially increased with the utmost* speed. Of great importance to our Nation’s energy supplies are the very large natural gas re- serves that have been discovered off the coast of Louisiana. Natural gus is an essen- tial fuel for many of our basic industries. Plans have been made and contracts entered into requiring the development of these gas fields, and the laying of marine pipelines to transport the gas to shore, where it will enter gas transportation lines for distribu- tion throughout the eastern half of the United States, thereby adding substantially to the supplies we need to satisfy the ever- increasing fuel demands of our mobilization program. These submerged lands which are the sub- ject of Senate Joint Reso)ution 20 offer one of the largest potential producing areas in the continental United States yet to be ex- tensively tested. Much of the time-consum- ing work of exploring any new area is already behind us. We have spent years on research and gained years of experience in the solu- tion of the physical problems of operating on the submerged lands. We have designed, built, and assembled large quantities of equipment peculiarly adapted to the search for oil in the open sea. We estimate that about $100,000,000 has been spent on such equipment, We have employed and trained many men in this highly specialized, costly, and technical work. We have already lo- cated many prospects by means of geophysi- cal surveys and have purchased leases on them. Some of these have been tested re- sulting in discoveries. Others have been failures. Many of them remain untested by the drill. Unfortunately, however, we are in a posi- tion where we are powerless to move. We have been enjoined by the Supreme Court. The Secretary of the Interior cannot give us relief. As he stated in his report dated Janu- ay 29 to the chairman of this committee con- cerning this joint resolution, “guidance from the Congress is needed for the program of ex- panded development referred to above.” If we are permitted to resume our work, I firmly believe we will substantially increase our producing capacity. I have talked with many offshore operators and I can assure this committee that if the necessary permission is granted, the extent of offshore operations will soon surpass the peak of all previous ac« tivities. It is difficult to estimate how much addi- tional production and reserves will be de- veloped by these efforts. I understand it is the belief of some operators that the dally production from fields already discovered in the Gulf could be more than doubled in 6 to 8 months. I also know it is the opinion of some operators that, depending on the magnitude of new discoveries, it may be pos- sible to increase production in the Gulf by two to three hundred thousand barrels daily within the next 2 to 3 years. But in any event, to fail to permit the utilization of our experience, our special equipment, our trained personnel, and our geological and geophysical knowledge in an effort to discover and make available, for immediate use during the critical years ahead, this strategic material so essential to our Nation's very existence, would unneces- sarily jeopardize our national security. It could even be disastrous. The offshore lessees believe that the pro- visions relating to operations on the sube merged lands contained in Senate Joint Res- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD olution 20 will enable us to move forward and resume our earnest endeavors to discover and develop vitally needed petroleum re- serves. The resumption of these operations will provide additional insurance for this Nation's security, which we just cannot af- ford to deny to the people of this country. Gentlemen, we must not risk having too Uttle, too late. Farm Prices Not in Line With Farm Expenses EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD C, HAGEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. HAGEN. Mr, Speaker, too often, in these days of high prices and high costs, we hear complaints that the farm- er is getting too much. I would like to point out that the prices of things which the farmer must buy have risen many times more than have the prices of the things he sells. Even in figuring parity the farmer is not brought into a true position regard- ing his costs and selling price of his products. I would like to put into the Recorp a letter I received from a farmer in my district in Minnesota. Mr. Axel Burman, of Trail, Minn., points out some facts which prove the farmer is not over-paid, rather his position is not even equitable with the rest of the Nation because his costs have gone up so much faster than his income. Mr. Burman’s letter follows: Trait, MINN,, January 22, 1951, Congressman Haroup C. HaGen, Washington, D.C. Dear Sir: After sealing my other letter I come to wander back to 1915, when I started farming, before the First War I. A 7-foot binder was @125. An International 7-foot is now $650, same size, same make. A disk harrow—1¢ disk—was 840; in 1951, $180— 1915, $40. Help was 25 cents per hour in 1915. Help now is $1 per hour, 1951, board and room included now as well as then in 1915. <A bushel of wheat was $1 in 1915. A bushel of wheat is 62 now in 1951. No wonder the industry wants war. At that time we raised our own horses, which was our power. We raised our own oats and hay, which was our fuel. Now we buy a tractor at somewhere around 82,000. This tractor eats about 30 gallons regular gasoline per day, or about 86 per day. It’s all making a much expensive way of farming, Still we are required to make both ends meet with double the price of wheat, whereas the industry not only asks but gets five times as much for their product, and most times, if not always, is producing poorer grades of merchandise, something a farmer cannot get by with. Our wheat has to weigh up or you get No. 2, No. 8, No, 4, and down goes the price, This holds good on anything we raise or buy. Equally, horses now are worthless. Man- power is too high. Machinery must take the place, but not at a gain for the farmer. No; at a loss. The farmer struggles along, over- working himself, and many a time his wife putting in 14 to 16 hours per day, where industry only works 40 hours per week. Hoping you will do something about it, Bincerely, AxEL Burman,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Thaddeus Kosciusko ee, EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNGYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, few indeed are the men who have been equally famous in the military annals of America and of their own European homeland. Perhaps they could be counted on the fingers of ome hand. Kosciusko is one of em. In these days when the dark clouds of despotism threaten to veil the bright sun of freedom and leave the world in the old darkness, it is a happy task to recall the career of the first foreign patriot to come to the aid of America in 1716. Kosciusko did not have to come. This was not his country. But he loved liberty. He greatly desired it for his own Poland, but the time had not come, When will it come? But across the sea was America fight- ing to be free. Perhaps he could help. And if he lived he could use his experi- ence in freeing Poland, too. Thorough- ly trained in the art of war and espe- cially in military engineering, his serv- ices were invaluable to the American cause throughout the Revolution. For he came early and stayed late—as long as there was necessary work for him to do. As we review the record we wonder what our brave but untrained patriots would have done without his educated skill. America was unprepared for the engi- neering required by a full-scale war. Kosciusko had trained for years in the best schools of Europe. And as we read the story of this achievements we are im- pressed with the superiority of his plans. When his counsel was followed success came so far as success was dependent on engineering. When his suggestions were disregarded, the results were Hkely to be disastrous, as at Ticonderoga where he wanted to fortify Sugar Loaf Hill, but his superiors decided that it was unnec- essary; and the British came and forti- fied the hill, forcing the Americans out of Ticonderoga. Among his accomplish- ments we may count a good portion of the success at Saratoga, which led to French intervention and victory; and the development of the fortifications at West Point where he spent 2 years rear- ing works which to this day bear indis- putable testimony to his skill, From Au- gust 1780 until the last shot was fired Kosciusko atted the highty mobile southern campaign, planning transpor- tation and at times fighting as a cavalry officer. His britttant work elicited the highest pratse from General Greene. Belatedly Congress made him a brigadier general, Returning to Poland Kosciusko fought the Russians in 1792 and again in 1794, and might have saved his nation if all his countrymen had been like him. In the latter year he was defeated and ean~ tured while gallantly fighting against overwhelming adda. Hope for a senson, bade the wortd farewell, And freedom shriek‘d, as Koeciusko fell, The Russians imprisoned him for 2 years. When released he made his way to America expecting to make this coun- try his final home. Congress voted him money and jands, a part of which went to found one of the first schools for Negroes in the United States. When Kosciusko heard that there was new hope of freeing Poland from the domination of other powers, he returned to France in 1798 and spent the rest of his life until his death in 1817 in efforts as earnest as they were futile to’ restore his native land to her once proud status among the nations. He is enshrined forever in the hearts of all lovers of liberty. He does not need our few words of appreciation and praise. But we need now as never before to re- member often and well the example he has left us of a broad love for human freedom, reaching out beyond the nar- row borders of State and country to any people struggling against despotic tyranny. His dust in Poland reste— His urned heart a shrine! Poland! He is thy son! Columbia! Also thine! Canses of Our Present Inflation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED oF NEW Tosk IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, the Truman administration is trying to hide behind every possible screen rather than face the true reason for our present inflation. Under leave to extend, here- tofore granted, I am inserting in the ReEcorD an excerpt from an editorial which appears in the February 12, 1951, issue of the Freeman: The domestic economic policy admin- istered from Washington has now touched heights of absurdity beyond the reach of any satirist. The administration is permit- ting, encouraging, and ordering inflation at @& mounting rate. At the end of 1939 the volume of money (as measured by demand Geposits and currency outside of banks) to- taled $86,000,000,000. In May of 1950 it to- taled $109,000,000,000. At the end of Decem- ber it reached $117,000,000,000. Here is the inflation. Here is the increase in monetary purchasing power bidding for goods. Here is the cause of the constant fall in the value of the dollar. Yet the Secretary of the Treasury has chosen this moment to announce that the interest rate on long-term Government bands ‘will be kept down to 2% percent. This in- evitably means further inflation. For the Federal Reserve Banks will be forced to sup- port the bonds at levels to yteld that rate. In buying such bonds, they pay for them by creating still more money and bank deposits. Then the administration turne around and pretends to protect the cltiems from tts own inflation by throwing blanket price and wege ceilings over the entire ecomomy—with the usual political loopholes for the pressure groups. This order is so absurd that even the administrators who framed it won't de- fend it. An official of the Office of Price Stabiiteation tmmediatety announced that it was working to cure the absurdities and in- A869 equities in y's freeze, We may con- fidently predict that it will cure some ab- wurdities end tnequities only by creating new ones, The truth ts that price control ls a com- pletely spurious remedy for inflation. Its political function is to divert attention from the real cause, which ts the Government's Own fecal and monetary polictes, and to put the blame on the wicked businessmen. Congress and a Knowledge of How It Serves Is the Crux of Real Americanism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD C. HAGEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUGE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. HAGEN. Mr, Speaker, I have been asked by Miss Virginia Eileen Miller, exeeutive secretary of the Com- mittee for Congress, to request publica- tion of the article by Henry Stoner, for- mer Washington newspaperman, which Points out that the very crux of real Americanism is Congress. It is a pleas- ure for me to comply with this request because the Committee for Congress is trying to make available to schools, col- leges, and adult study groups material which is now available about the work of tho Congress of the United States and its Members. (By Henry Stoner) The very crux of the real Americanism is Congress. It is the last great institution of free government in the world. Too many People do not know much about it. Even doctors of philosophy in political sclence, for instanee, have never read a copy of the Con- ceesstonaL Recorp. Our Voice of America is missing a great bet in not plugging Con- gress more, Congress as an institution, Con- gress as individual men and women. Congress is the one national institution which binds America together as a nation, as America, as the United States of America. Congress is the only institution which tru- ly differentiates America from Russia, or any other totalitarianism, in the final analysis. Congress is the one element which makes America truly American. All governments, whether totalitarian or democratic or con- stitutional, etc., have executive branches, and all wise people know that all executive branches are finally controlled, whether to- talitarian or democratic, Only the legislative branch—and Russia and all other dictatorships have no legisla. tive, truly free legislative oranch--in the final analysis represents all the people for whatever they want, and I say not disdain- fully, for as far as earthly affairs go, the voice of the people is the voice of right. The legialative branch must consider, must reconsider, nrust be completely alert to what is called public opinion. The executive branch of government ts the power branch, The judicial branch is the legal branch, Common sense, where com- mon sense is of a beneficent, ameliorative nature, is in full bloom in the people's, the Yegisintive, the congressional branch. Five hundred and thirty-one men and women, 96 im the Gemate and 435 in the House, are less apt to go wrong in expressing the wishes of the people, than 10 citizens, the President and 9 Justices of the Supreme Court, The real America is, after all is said and done, the Congress. If America lives, Can- gress lives; if Congress lives, America lives,
A870 This is my affirmative conception of my na- tive land, the United States of America. The one thing that the Hisses and the Remingtons and all the bright young men who went sour on about America, was that they failed to understand, to depend upon the legislative processes to achieve ends. America is means, not ends. The “Commies” say that life is the end, not the means. America knows that honest ends presume honest means, and that the two are insepa- rable, You must fret start with honest means, and always strive to be civilized and Christian, and it is only a matter of time until your ends are right, are righteous. And the discussion of means is with the leg- islative, the Congress. That is my philosophy. I believe it to be correct. I have studied thoroughly to dis- cern the right. When I say that America is at her gravest hour I do not mean to be neurotic or hasty. This is the real hour of reexamination. The older we get the more we crave the good old days. That phrase, that concept, viz, “the good old days,” implies the days of peace, the days when we had understanding, the days when problems seemed to have ready answers. Yes, the days when a basic, honest, simple philosophy was held. And like all beginners, we look back to our national parents, the Declaration of Inde- pendence, the Constitution of the United States, the Ordinance of 1787. These consti- tute the American manifesto (sic), these are the same to Christinn America that the Kremlin would like to make the cynical, devilish Marxian manifesto to Russia and the world the Russian tyrants seeks to dominate. Russian communism is an atheistic philoso- phy that denies the right of the free indl- vidual a voice in his own national destiny. That is why I believe that the voice of the people, as expressed through our Congress, holds the solution of our national and inter- national problems today. And I believe with Wilson that ours ts pri- marily a congressional Government. Hence to promote, as the Committee for Congress is trying to promote, a better understanding of the Congress of the United States and the responsiblities and duties and accom- plishments of our Representatives and Sen- ators in Congress, is a sacred occupation. I, as an ordinary American, therefore congrat- ulate the Committee for Congress in this undertaking. Ever yours for the Congress of the United States of America. The Committee for Congress, 1060 National Press Building, RE~5399, Washington, D. C., is a nonprofit, nonpartisan, educational project using Your Congress Magazine, press, radio, television, motion pictures, and other education and informational media to cre- ate a better understanding of our legislative processes. Ali loyal citizens are invited to utilize its facilities or to assist in its work. Postal Employees Need a Raise EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. EERSTEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, I think there is no doubt that the postal employees definitely need a raise in pay. Asa group they have been discriminated against. At present the pay schedule for postal clerks ranges from $2,670 to $3,770 a year, divided into 11 pay grades, with a $100-per-year dif- ferential between each pay grade. The only increase which postal clerks and letter carriers can receive above these pay grades are merit-grade in- creases. The merit-grade increase is $100 per year after 13 years of service, @ second $100 increase after 18 years, and a third $100 increase after 28 years of service. I have received hundreds of letters from postal employees in Milwaukee telling of their need for an increase in pay. These letters speak more elo- quently than anything I can say. I include herewith excerpts from some of these letters: I make $2,970 a year on which I'm sup- posed to support my wife and child. Could you live on that amount of money? — Iam going on my fifth year at the post office, yet a man working next to me who started to work at the same time I did or later, but who comes under another law gets $1,000 a year more than I, We were much better off in 1939 when we were getting $2,100. Our rent at that time was 837 and now it’s $82, We allot no money for recreation inasmuch 4s our budget cannot stand it. I have been in the postal service for going on 13 years. Never before have we had such difficulty making both ends meet. My wife has been forced to seck employment, leaving our two children home alone at night. I had to acquire a part-time job to aug- ment my postal salary. It is very difficult for us to make our take-home pay meet the simplest necessities of life. In my case, I'm married and have one child. I’m trying to pay off my home. My pay grade is $2,970. I’m getting tired of working 12 to 14 hours &@ day to earn a living for my wife and three boys. To top this we live in a two-car garage. My wife is working, but now that she is, we don't get to see each other very often, I see her about 16 minutes every morning. I cannot make ends meet at this rate of pay. My take-home pay is $129.32 twice a month. —e We have had to drop the hospital insur- ance we carried to ease the strain on our food budget. With the overtime taken away from reg- ular postal employees, can you blame any of our boys, some with 10 years service, leaving the postal service and looking for outside employment? . ee Only one thing has remained stationary and that is my wages. — I am compelied to take a part-time job to live decently. } a T make 82,970 and it sure is tough to make ends meet. I find I must buy very carefully, and then only the moat essential things to make my pay check reach, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Whenever an unforseen emergency arises such as illness in the family, I am forced to borrow, — We are in dire need. ; Living from one pay day to the n:x. is no loy. I have had one new suit in the last & years. Expenses like insurance, medical, and so on, we must skimp on in order not to fall into debt. We have no weapon such as strikes and walk-outs, My family has been retrenching for the past 2 years, to the point where we are learn- ing to fight. Cigarettes is our only luxury. There is no entertainment. We have been to the show once in the past 2 years. — It’s rough getting along on $2,870. —_— Even a movie for relaxation is an event. Iam tired of working 12 and 18 hours a day to give my family a decent place to live. Iam just barely hanging on to my insur- ance and Blue Cross. My wife does part-time work whenever pos- sible. I just borrowed $1,500 to pay clothing and fuel bills. My wife has been forced to obtain full- time employment in order to make ends meet. — The raise you Senators voted yourselves, $2,500 per year, practically represents my yearly salary. Get rid of several hundred women in our Milwaukee office and give a man a chance to support his family in a good American way 1s accustomed to * * * I can barely eke out an existence. Tam the mother of four children—in order to give them the necessities, I have worked part time, over a period of years. The morale at the post office has hit an all-time low and the work being turned out is Just as low. We have had to cash savings bonds that were intended for future security, in order to meet our current bills. I have not been fortunate enough, as yet, to find outside work to fit in with present tour of duty. We have no children. Why? And leave them to run around like little unfed and underclothed bums. I will have to seek additional work to make ends meet. I have been in service for 2 years and have had to have a part-time job nost of the time to make ends meet, ; “
, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I would like a car, a home of own, bu that ia out of the question. ‘ Senanend Tam making ¢2,870; after all living deduc- tions, I have a total of $86 for foolishness such as clothes, car, and recreation. It seems ilogical to me that Congress will authorize billions of dollars to be spent under the Marshall plan and then leave their own _mployees in such a desperate financial After deductions, what is left for me? Zero. In the past, I have had to take out three different loans to make ends meet. I have to live with my in-laws to make ends meet. I have been in the postal service for 14 years and our salary bas never been up to par. Postal service is steadily losing its attrac. tiveness. We clerks are wry behind the eight ball since prices have started to zoom. It is utterly impossible to meet today’s needs and stay out of the red. We are still getting along on our regular salaries as of before this high price fluctua- tion. a We simply cannot make ends meet. Please heip me to attain a fair standard of iUving. Our salaries have not kept pace with those paid by private employers, Iam asking for enough of a wage raise to allow me to clothe, feed and provide ade- quate insurance protection for my family. We are 2 years behind other labor in ealery adjustments. Our plight ts deplorable. If some misfortune strikes us, we forced into debt or deeper into debt. All I make is $8,070 a year and I pay out a year about $1,314.94. My salary of 62,870 per annum is just a means of existing, not living, Iam « newly married man and J have my wife working as I cannot make things go on my salary. We are taking an awful lot of punishment now for the future. Yt realize the importance of economy in Government, but it should not be taken out of the workers’ hide. The Government ts sending billions of dol- lars overseas to help other countries and closes their eyes to thefr own employees. This te not a shining example of our Presl- dent's declarattan of prosperity here in the United Statea. The fixed income ts one sad affair. I am resigned to the absence of beer in the foe box. My wife is employed. Before she went to work, we sold our savings bonds and bor- rowed money on life-insurance policies. Congress, too often, waits, sidetracks, stalls, and what have you, to pass bills for the postal workers. TI am a clerk in the $8,870 grade and re- ceived my last longevity increase of $100 per yenr on October 1, 1950. Coupled with the fact that new taxes were imposed also on October 1, 1950, I wound up with the earth- shaking pay increase of 1 cent. Who can be blamed but those in charge— mamely, the President, Congress, and the Cabinet head, who seems to think that we, eas his charges, should be satisfied with just anything. We have an empty house. How can we ever buy furniture for it? I buy a bond out of my pay check, but have to cash them in every time we buy something for the home. I have worked as a letter carrier for & years and my take-home pay is $665. —ee This hand-to-mouth existence is disgust- ing, especially with the Democrats sending 80 much money overseas, My wife and I have very little social enjoy- ment. We don't own a home or furniture. ee Before I started to work part time, we had to borrow from a loan company between pay days so we had food in the house, A married man with a family ts unable to save anything or even put away a dollar for a rainy day. —_— Congress Ignored Again EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the ea city (Pa.) Derrick of February 16, 515 Concrrss Ianorrp Acatw Defense Secretary Marshall's announce- tnent thet the United States plans to send 190,000 more troops to Europe undoubtedly will take a lot of steam out of debate over A871 America’s im the integrated arnzy of defense to be raised by the Atlantic Pact nations. The extent to which the United States would provide Ground Forces for the Buro- pean army under the supreme aliied com- mand of General Eteenhower has heen one of the most controversial issues of the debate. The Defense Secretary's clarifying statement 1s expected to soften opposttion to the troope- for-Burope plan, Inasmuch as the announced strength this Nation will furnish is much less than previously had m indicated. But the announcement still fails to remove one highly controversial question involved not only in the Atlantic Pact program, but in other critical matters of foreign policy. That is the right of Congress to express the will of its membership and to have a voice in the formulation of policies and commit- ments vitally affecting the welfare and secur- ity of the American ple. Consistently has the President refused to take Congress tnto his confidence or to con- suit with leaders other than those of his own political clique in the framing of policy during the grave internationa) crisis, Nor hes he seen fit to apprise the public at large of the true facts of the situation when such a revelation unquestionably would have brought greater unity and more concerted action on the part of the people. The Marshall announcement is indicative that once again Congress has been ignored in the formulation of European policy, The number of troops to be dispatched to that continent apparently already hae been de- cided upon and only under pressure has the figure been made available to Congress. Repeatedly in the past few months has the President appealed for national unity, both on the part of Congress and the public, While making the appeal with one hand, however, he has seen fit to pursue with the other his stubborn, lone, and domineering Tole in the international game. Never in the history of this Nation has the need for unified action been greater. But it cannot be achieved through mere lip service on the part of the President. He must demonstrate that the executive branch of the Government is ready to give the same cooperation to Congress that he demands of that body. The value of having the Nation solidly behind the dispatch of additional American troops to Europe is great, and every reason- able effort should be made to obtain !t. Regardless of the President’s authority to commit troops to combat tn foreign areas without congressional consent, unity will be achieved far more readily and far more qickly if matters of such vital importance are submitted to the Congress, whose Mem- bers are the duly elected representatives of the people. "nduction of Conscientious Objectors Into the Armed Forces EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH BUTLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BUTLER of Nebraska. Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp a resolution adopted by the Irven J. Blum Post, No, 1609, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, of York, Nebr.
A872 There being no objection, the resolu- tion was ordered to be printed in the Recorn, as follows: RESOLUTION Whereas during any period of national emergency it is the duty of all citizens called upon to serve their country in the Armed Forces; and Whereas due to religious training and be- liefe, certain persons object to serving in the Armed Forces during such time of na- tional emergency; and Whereas such persons could be of extreme value to the Armed Forces in other than combat units within those forces; and ‘Whereas it is felt that such persons should not be shown preference over those others who also hold life dear to themselves, but who are willing to forfeit their lives for the protection of our Nation: Be it therefore Resolved, That Irven J. Blum Post, No. 1609, Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, of York, Nebr., in regular session, recommend to the national VFW, through channels, that a request be made to the Con- gress of the United States that the Selective Service Act of 1948 be revised to eliminate this situation; and be it further Resolved, That such persons, known as conscientious objectors, be inducted into the Armed Forces with the understanding that they shall not bear actual arms, but that they shall be required to perform such other duties as may be needed and required. L, Harotp HAMLIN, Commander, Department of Nebraska. Adopted February 15, 1951. Contributions of Massachusetts to the Development and Growth of the City of Washington EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. MCCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, un- der permission to extend my remarks, I include an address delivered by George T. Hines, representing Hon. Paul A. Dever, Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on Sunday, February 11, 1951, on the occasion of the twenty- eighth annual Mas#achusetts State Sun- day at Valley Forge, and conducted un- der the auspices of the Massachusetts State Society, Daughters of the Ameri- can Revolution, The address follows: Anyone who has studied Washington, its origin, the long period of its wth, and its present-day maturity, must struck with the fact that in a physical sense % was the work of many persons who brought it to fruition, persons who were called to the Cap- ital City, brought their knowledge and their akills, made their contributions, and in most cases departed. Each receding tide, however, left behind it some who remained, either to continue their labors, to direct the work of those arriving, or to finish projects of long duration. The contributions of Massachusetts to the oity and its governmental and private struc- tures, the memorials and decorations by those who either were native or adopted citi- Zens of the State are in the aggregate, out- gtanding, and predominant. Massachusetts’ men probably contributed more to the physical aspects of Washington than those from any other State, particu- larly during the years of great development and growth. This was the period when the artistic his- of Massachusetts was virtually the his- tory of art in the United States, for many of the outstanding painters and sculptors were either born in Massachusetts, educated there, or made their homes there. Legislators and governmental executives from Massachusetts who made decisions in these matters were well advanced in their thinking, chiefly concerned with the future and permanence, and by their decisions they have built into Washington some of the per- manence that is Massachusetts. The Washington of today was only a dream in the mind of the obscure French architect and military engineer, Pierre Charles L’Enfant, when he developed the plan for the Federal City under the supervision of Presi- dent Washington, who selected the site, and the Congress of 1790, which authorized it. Up to and through the Oivil War, L’En- fant’s plan was either forgotten or considered too large. In 1860, the city had not a street ght. Pigs roamed the principal streets, the wastes of Washington were disposed in open sewers and there were no pavements except &@ few patches. While the physical aspects of the sprawling metropolis gave glaring evidence of its un- completeness, even this early period indi- cated it would be a big city some day. Some of the greatest minds America has produced were offering their contributions to make the Nation great and its center of government achieve the position it occupies today, the most outstanding capital city in the world. The year 1870 marked the beginning of a new and effective physical development of Washington. The streets were paved, gas lamps installed and a central sewer system begun. Soon Washington had more paved streets than any city in the country. The second great drastic change in the city’s appearance was inaugurated by the Treasury Department under President Cool- idge of Massachusetts whose administration started the huge Federal Triangle develop- ment and the reconstruction of the Mall program under the general plan of Frederick Law Olmsted of Brookline, Mass. What is not so generally known and ap- preciated, however, is the great influence Massachusetts architects, planners, and land- scape engineers had on the present aspects of the city, not to include the Massachusetts soulptors and painters who enhanced and ornamented the buildings, public squares, and left behind them probably greater con- tributions of art than those from any other state, The work of developing Washington is never complete, and tomorrow may witness the influence of other persons who have either been born or received their education in Massachusetts, and who will continue the contributions that Massachusetts proudly makes to the capital city of all capital cities—Washington. With the exception of Pierre Charles L’Enfant, no one has had so profound an influence on the development of Washing- ton, or contributed more to the beautifica- tion of its physical lay-out and its parks as two Massachusett’s men, Frederick Law Olmsted, Sr., and his son, Frederick Law Olmated, Jr. Recognized as the foremost landscape architects in the country, they spent most of their lives in Brookline, Mass., where the company bearing their name still has ite headquarters. Frederick Law Olmsted, Sr. (1822-1908), planned the grounds immediately surround- ing the Capitol and designed the terraces, which add so immeasurably to the dignity of the Capitol Building when viewed from the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD west. He also planned the landscaping of the Boston parks as well as the park systems of many other ctties in the country. Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr., designed the present Mall and Union Square, and had & in the developing of the Federal Tri- angle, containing most of the modern Gov- ernment office buildings. The Mall, Union Square, and the Government buildings make up the area that lies between the Capitol and the Washington Monument. The Jefferson Memorial landscape was de- signed by the Olmsteds. Olmsted made a special report on the Baltimore-Washing- ton Parkway, which is now under way, and designed the Theodore Roosevelt Memorial, which is to be erected on an island in the Potomac River. He also developed a plan for reconstructing the Washington Monu- ment grounds, which ts about to be started. He was consulted in the development of the portion of the Capitol Grounds between the Capitol and the Union Station. At the present time, an effort is under way to have an Olmsted Park in Washington named after both father and son. While Mr. Olm- sted, Jr., has maintained his interest in the planning and physical improvement of the city since his retirement in 1932, his place on the National Capital Park and Planning Commission was taken at that time by one of his associates in Boston, Henry V. Hub- bard of Milton, Mass., professor of city plan- ning at Harvard University, who died in 1947, Mr. Hubbard carried through to comple- tion a number of the plans developed by Mr. Olmsted, as well as contributing many of his own ideas, particularly in the recent development of the Jefferson Memorial and the lagoon, famous for the display of cherry blossoms every Easter season, Mr. Hubbard was succeeded in the mem- bership of the National Capitol Park and Planning Commission by Dean William Wor- cester, head of the School of Architecture and planning at MIT. The position of Director of Planning of the National Capitol Park and Planning Commission has, with the exception of a few years at its inception, been always held by Massachusetts men. Massachusetts may well take pride in the contributions of its citizens in the building of the Capitol, its contents, and surround- ings. Charles Bulfinch, native of Boston, the first American-born architect, is one of the three men credited with developing the design of the Capitol. Bulfinch, recognized as one of the greatest architects this country has produced, de- signed the present State House in Boston, the old Connecticut State House at Hartford, and the Maine State Capitol in Augusta. Many public and private buildings in New England, a number-of the old residences in Boston, and many of the spires and edifices of New England churches are built from the designs of Bulfinch. With the completion of the original struc- ture, Bulfinch remained as Architect of the Capitol. It was he who determined that the front of the building was to be the eastern approach. It was he who laid out the origi- nal landscape design of the grounds, the western steps and fence that faces what is now the downtown section of the city. Probably the most conspicuous statue in the Capital Grounds is on the west plaza. It is the seated figure of Chief Justice John Marshall and is the work of William W. Story, of Salem, son of Associate Justice Jo- seph Story, of the Untted States Supreme Court, The bronze doors of the Capitol were cast in Chicopee, Mass, All through the Capitol Building, many statues and paintings are on display, some of them depicting Massachu- setts events. A number of the statues and busts represent well-known Massachusetts men.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Of those most significant, however, a ma- fority of the paintings and busts in the Capi- tol are the work of Massachunetts artists, The erection and the expansion of the Li~ brary of Congress is a monument to Dr, Her- bert Putnam, who in 1899 was called from the position of librarian of the Boston Pub- ilo Library to accept the post of Librarian of the Congressional Library. Dr. Putnam is still ‘iving in Washington. Much of the exterior and interior statues, murals, frescoes, and mosaics are the work of Massachusetts sculptors and painters. Among the private collections tn the Lt- brary are those loaned or contributed by Massachusetts men and women. You may remember that President John Adams, of Massachusetts, was the first to oc- cupy the White House. Many of the paint- ings in the White House are by George Peter Healy, born in Boston in 1813. A few days ago I had the pleasure of in- specting the unfintshed White House from cellar to roof. As you know, the old White House is now merely a shell, inside of which a@ modern building ts being built. It 1s not generally known that several hundred people work tn or are connected with the White House and apart from the danger of collapae of the old building was the fact that facilities were completely inadequate. So the new building, instead of being one story deep, is now three stories deep and witl extend well out underneath the White House lawn on the Pennsylvania Avenue side. The old sandstone foundations to the front doors of the White House are being retained, On the underside of these stones can still be seen the black marke from the burning of the White House by the British in the War of 1812. Incidentally, you can obtain pieces of wood, stone, bricks, and old hand-made natls from the old White House by writing to the Com- mission on Renovation of the Executive Man- sion, Fort Meyer, Va. These souvenirs are given freely, but there is a charge made for shipping and transportation. The story of the Washington Monument ts most romantic; and while this monument to Washington had been first proposed in 1783, it was not until 1648 before the Monument was started, with a grant of land from OCon- BB. an took 87 years to complete the Monu- ment; and curiously enough, Speaker of the House Robert C. Winthrop, of Boston, not alone officteted at the laying of the corner- stone tn 1848, but he lived to dedicate $¢ in 1885. Part of the marble in the Monument waa from Massachusetts, but the entire eolid in- side wall ts of Massachusetts granite. The Smithsontan Institution, the National Art Gallery, and the Corcoran Art Gallery have many paintings and works of art by Massachusetts men, most of whom are fa- miliar to you; such men as, Whistler, Cop- ley, Sargent, Homer, and Gilbert Stuart, whose painting of General Washington is probably the most distinguished portrait we have of the Father of our Country. You may remember that this was the painting that Dolly Madison rescued when the British arrived to burn the White House. Cutting it from its frame, she fed across the street to the so-called Blair House, where the President now has his temporary home, and she watched the burning of the White House and her precious possessions from & ‘window, with the painting still clutched establishing the present Naval Academy at Several of the great churches in Washing- ton have interesting Massachusetts connec» tions. of 8, Peter and &t, Paul hag practically, from its origin, been erected under the direction of distin- guished Boston architects. This is aleo true of the great Catholic National Shrine on the grounds of Catholic Univeraity. The All Souls Unitarian Church was de- aigned by Boston men, and it was here that Dr. Edward Everett Hale, of Boston, author of “The Man Without a Country,” began bis ministerial career. ant to this day, is the fact that the original Lincoln Statue in Lincoln Square, Washington, showing the Great Emancipator freeing the slaves, is the work of Thomas Ball, of Charlestown, Mass. The present magnificant Lincoln Memorial was designed by Henry Bacon, descendant of an oid Dedham, Mass., family and the statue itself is the work of Daniel Chester French, who while born in New Hampshire, spent practically bis whole life in Massachu- setts. May I at this point interject a little personal story, and it is, I belteve, told for the first time here. During the last war when Washington was almost completely blacked-out, I had occa- sion to take a walk: down to the Lincoln Memortal, 2 huge, shadowy mass in the dark- ness. The only ight in the vicinity was a faint, biue Nght, shining on the statue of Linooln. My son and I started up the stairs but were stopped by a chain stretched scross and a guard who informed us that the monument Was not open to the public after 5 p. m. We stopped and chatted with the guard and he told us this very interesting story: The only people that were allowed up to the statue at night were distinguished leaders who came there alone—to think out their vexatious problems and crystallize their mo- mentous decisions—in front of the statute of the Great Emancipator. They would approach alone in the dark- ness, be recognized faintly in the very dim light, and after asking permission would proceed up the long stairs. After they disappeared up the steps in the darkness, their foo back and forth— in front of the statue—made the only sound that rose above the murmur of the great city. They would usually remain a half- hour or more, and their returning footsteps would bring the guard again to attention. With a friendly salute, they would disap- pear on their way back to their offices. Tt is entirely believable to me that these men, oppressed with the weight of their de. ttsions, found restoration and peace at the feet of the statue of the Great Emanctpa- tor—the great peace and restoration of spirit that we aii find in other temples—dedicated to Christ. When men such as these, living today in their public ves, can find clarity and de- cision and renewed strength before the statue of LincoIn, we can be sure that the lessons he taught us of tolerance, honesty, patience under overwhelming and bitter at- tack, fearlessness to do right as he saw it, still dominate the decisions and lives of our leaders, we can be convinced that the des- tiny of America atill is in good hands. The statue of Lincoln significantly faces the monument to his great ashington, minder of the struggles our forefaters went through to establish and maintain our coun- try, our liberties, and our national character. They are bound to be great inapiration and @ guide to our national leaders as they de- cide on the future of our country today. The wisdom of Washington and the hu- Manity of Lincoln still guides our destinies, A873 Facts om Food Prices EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD C. HAGEN OF MINNESOTA IN TRE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. HAGEN. Mr. Speaker, in all the current debate about prices and the ever increasing cost of living, a determined effort is being made to paint the farmer as the chief villian. Those who point the finger of guilt at the American farm- ers as responsible for increased living costs just don’t have the facts. It is only fair to listen to the facts on both sides of the controversy. I am.sure, when the American people have all the information about food costs, they will readily admit that prices paid to the farmer are not the chief factor in the high cost of living. Facts on food prices are ably presented in the following article from the 8t. Paul Sunday Pioneer Press which was written by one of the country’s ablest farm authorities, Alfred D. Stedman. Pacts on Poop Paices (By Alfred D. Stedman) In the hubbub over rising food prices, millions of fingers are now being pointed in accusation. A concert of voices names the alleged offender. The Washington store- keeper, selling dollar-a-dozen eggs to Sen. Thye put the bee on the popular culprit— the farmer, he snid, and Government-sup- ported egg prices. The baker, talking about higher bread prices, emphastsed wheat and other ingredtent costs. The housewife, buying apples at 10 cents & pound; the soft drink consumer laying costs to sugar prices; even the cocktail hound soaking up highballs at 60 cents & Grink while orating against milk prices at 18 cents a quart—all of these Irtely have seemed agreed as to where the blame be- tongs. That is on the farmer, on the huge Government stores of food bought in sup- porting farm prices, and on the allegedly fantastic Government losses on farm pur- chases and farm subsidies, But reasonable people will no doubt be interested in knowing the relevant facts, not on just one side, but on both sides of that story. As to eggs, it is true that farm prices did advance rather sharply (28 percent) above the unusually low price a year earlier. The price has been steadily moderating from the peak. But as a farmer and producer of eggs on his farm near Northfield, Senator Thye talk~ tng to the Washington seller had the facts first about farm prices of eggs. Those prices on Thye's farm had heen nowhere near $1 a dozen, but about 42 cents. The Government wasn't supporting them, but stopped that on December 31, So in blam- ing @1-a-doren eggs on Government-sup- ported farm prices, the Washington store- keeper wags 100 percent wrong. As to bread, not over one-fifth of what the consumer pays for his loaf goes to the wheat farmer. On December 15 wheat prices were up just 6 percent from their level a year earlier. That rise wouldn't account for @ rise of one-fifth of a cent for a loaf of bread. All the farm ingredients put to- gether, including lard as well as wheat, do not account for one-third of the consumer bread price. Almost two-thirds of the con sumer price goes to the baker and retailer.
A874 Recently one of Tuyr's colleagues, Senator Maysank, of South Carolina, made this state- ment: “In June 1948 the price of wheat was $2.81 a bushel; the price of a 1-pound loaf of bread, 18.8 cente. But in October 1960 the price of wheat had dropped to $1.91 4 bushel, whereas the price of a 1-pound loaf of bread had risen to 14.7 cents.” Certainly the labor costs of baking, slicing, wrapping, and offer- ing other services now demanded by con- sumers have been going up. But centering the blame for rising bread prices on the wheat farmer isn't in accord with the facts. As to apples, the western farmer last autumn got 90 cents per 50-pound box, field run, delivered at the packing platform. That was 1.8 cents a pound to cover all his costs of growing, spraying, irrigating, picking, and hauling, The charges added by washing, sorting, wrapping, crating, storing, trans- porting, wholesaling, and retailing are what push the consumer price up to 8, 10, or 11 cents a pound. As to sugar, the cost was actually lower in late December than it was on October 31, 1947, when sugar controls were removed. And the sugar price is so tiny an item, any- way, in the cost of a soft drink that it would be herd to find the effect of a 1-cent-a-pound sugar increase on a bottled drink. The authentic facts about farm prices are available to all. They had, on December 16, risen 23 percent from the bottom a year earlier. Beef cattle and lamb prices were respectively 41 and 38 percent above their official parity or equality with general price levels, But milk, butterfat, grains, turkeys, and chickens were substantially below and potatoes, apples, sweetpotatoes, and citrus fruits far below parity. The recovery of farm prices accompanies a national jump to $206,000,000,000 in dis- posable personal income, after taxes. Have farmers shared unfairly in that income rise? They have not. Net farm income for 1950 was actually below that of 1949 and much below the 1947-48 peak. A higher disposable national income nor- mally raises food prices because people spend a rather uniform share of such income for food. The $1.60 per day wage increase just won by John L. Lewis, for instance, will enable his coal miners to help in bidding food prices up. But is that, or the fact that greater coal costa of transporting or processing food will push in the same direc- tion, the farmer's fault? One hour's average labor will buy more food in this Nation than in others and many times more than in any regimented economy in the world. As Senator THs told the Farm Bureau, the farmer's share of each dollar spent by the consumer for food was only 53 percent in 1946, and has slumped to 48 percent today. Folks with a real king for facts on both sides may be shocked also to learn of the grosa inaccuracy of much of the recent so- called news of farm-price supports. Last Monday afternoon a Washington dispatch from a usually accurate news agency was widely published which said that “there was @ net loss on price supports last year of @1,600,000,000.” People have been stirred up by vivid de- scriptions of stich vast losses, of mountain- ous food purchases, of waste, and of farm demands for subsidies. And farmers have been told by newspapers and newspapermen. to throw overboard their price-support pro-« grams or put them in a stand-by status for the duration. An excellently informed and truthful agricultural correspondent, Fred Batley, of Washington, recently reported that “the campaign to make the farmer the goat on rising food prices is now well under way in the big city press” supported by some city Congressmen who want to roll prices all the way back to the farmer, Here are facts: The $1,600,000,000 referred to in last Monday's story as net loss, wasn't Joss at all, but was the total amount loaned. The net realized loss of the Commodity Credit Corporation for the year ending last June was $249,230,000. The net realized loss in the current fiscal year through November was $100,281,000. Said John W. Haw, agricultural develop- ment director of the Northern Pacific, to the Farm Bureau convention: “In ita report to Congress on June 30, 1950, the Corpora- tion showed a cumulative net realized loss in 17 years of $636,040,401. The Corporation has turned over its capital many times in this period; yet the net loss has been less than 5 cents on each dollar invested.” He said the job has been substantially accom- plished with economy to the taxpayer. The recent big losses and big waste have been on potatoes and eggs. Both of those purchase programs were forced by Congress over repeated protests of the executive branch and many farmers. And from both of them the Government now has withdrawn. As to subsidies, the farmers producing the perishables that the Government sought to subsidize are up in arms against them. As to the storable products, the Government's holdings of these are now widely acknowl- edged as being a vital protection of the Nation's safety in the war emergency and a@ check on inflation. More stockpiling of this kind is considered absolutely essential, as a munition of war and as a safeguard against runaway prices. So there are facts bearing on both sides of the farm-price story. Father Raphael C. McCarthy, S. J., Pres- ident of Regis College, Denver, Colo., Gives the Marquette University Gradu- ates of Milwaukee a Patriot’s Creed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr. KERSTEN of Wisconsin, Mr, Speaker, in the welter of the great de- bate now confusing the minds of the American people, I want to present to the Members of Congress, by way of con- trast, a most forceful and clear expres- sion of the nature of today’s crisis. If American college students can he nurtured by the powerful ideas expressed in Father McCarthy's speech and gain inspiration from them, we need have no fear for the future of our country, His words will grip every patriot heart. I wish to include in my remarks the speech of the Reverend Raphael C. Mc- Carthy, S. J., president of Regis College, Denver, Colo., given in the Marquette University High School Auditorium, in Milwaukee, Wis., on February 6 last at the midyear commencement exercises for the graduates of Marquette University, as follows: My dear graduates, you are finishing your course and leaving Marquette at a critical and challenging time. You are going out into an anxious, bewildered world where even. those who are supposed to be our leaders seem uncertain about present policies and future actions. We are ltying In what is probally tl:e most momentous period in his- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tory. Old values are being questioned and new experiments are being tried. The na- ture of future civilization may be determined in our time. It is enoromusly deplorable that within the short period of 38 years we have fought in two World Wars and are engaged in an undeclared war now. Your generation, like other graduating classes before you, are compelled to interrupt the careers for which you have been preparing in order to de- fend your country. That is justly regret- table, but it is a necessary evil. It is an evil for war is disastrous to victor and van- quished alike. It ts necessary because it is imperative that we biuld up the strength of our resistance for we are confronted with the problem of survival. We etand for peace. We have fought for it, We have paid an apalling price in wealth and in American lives to win it and still we do not enjoy it, but we are not wiling to buy peace by for- feiting our freedom. The struggle in which we are engaged 1s not primarily between forms of government, between demrocracies and dictatorships, be- tween communism ind facism, although many are deluded into thinking that it ts. The issues at stake are far more funda- mental. The conflict is between two philoso- phies of life and by a philosophy of life 1s meant a practical rule of living—a norm that tells 8 man what he is here for, what the world expects of him, what his responsibili- ties are. There are two great forces today that are bidding for the adherence of men and of nations. They are diametrically opposed. They are incompatible with one another. They are religion and godlessness. They are paganism and Christianity. The most artic- ulate, aggressive, and ruthless exponent of the new paganism is communism. It has already enslaved 800,000,000 people. One- third of all the inhabitants of the earth drag out their lives behind iron curtains. Its profeased goal is to bring all nations under its domination and it regards the United States as its chief foe for, while our ideals and our resources endure, it can never reach its goal completely. Communism 1s a far more imminent dan- ger to us than many people imagine, or are willing to admit. Indifference to it conatt- tutes our greatest weakness. According to Lenin, communism prefers to achieve its aims by revolutions and by violence. But when these agencies are not timely, as is the case in the United States at present, Com- munists resort to less brutal methods. They fall back upon deception and cunning; on sabotage; on infiltration into Government positions; on control of labor unions and the promotion of strikes; on worming their way into the channels that mold public opinion—the press for instance, the radio, and the movies. They try to plant their members in police systems and in the Armed Forces. That program has been actively and intelligently pursued among us for several years and not without success. The object of the program always is to foment discord, to arouse suspicions and class hatreds, so that the field is prepared for revolution when conditions favor it. If we are to correct an evil we must first know what the evil is. The wisest and safest way to face an opponent is to try to know the truth about him; to be realistic as to his strength, his weakness, the time and place and method of his attack. It is less disastrous to overrate a foe than it is to ‘undervalue him. For, to underrate his power or his determination is a suicidal strategy that invites destruction, The great perplexity, the indecision, that obtains with respect to communism and that hampers our efforts to combat it is, in large part, due to ignorance of its true nature. That it is a malignant force is a almple fact that should be recognized by any open
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD minded person who has studied the move- ment at all. But the theory and the prac- tices of communism are far from simple. It ts a complex system made up of several very destructive elements, Unless it is un- derstood as such it cannot be fought suc- cessfully, for the moat brilliant remedies may fail to cure a disease that is incorrectly diag- nosed. By many of cur people communism is regarded only and principally as a politi- cal movement that is subversive of our way of life. And that is true. The Communist philosophy of government is that the state is supreme. The individual exists for the state, his worth is estimated by the con- tribution he makes to the common good. He is a cog in the machine and when he fails to mesh he should be discarded. Such rights and privileges he has he owes to the state and it may take them away as it secs fit, whether those rights are ownership, Uberty, or life, In such an organization the state is the only employer, the people work at the wages and under the conditions that the state im- poses. There is no place for unions and bargaining and strikes. There is no such thing as liberty of the press or of speech or of teaching. A man acts and talks and even thinks as the state wants him to, If he behaves otherwise he loses his job and he and his family starve. He may join the un- counted multitudes whom Russia has sent to concentration camps or tortured to death. Communism has another objective and it is the one that is attractive to many people. It proposes a subtie economic theory that is supposed to correct existing social inequali- ties. In theory it argues for a classless soctety in which wealth will be equally divided. Russia still preaches this theory but it has long since failed to practice it. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is not a collection of classless states. The aristocracy of the czars was indeed effec- tively destroyed but it has been succeeded by another aristocracy, of commissars and party favorites. Experience taught Ruaste that a consistent, equal distribution of wealth {s impossible, and when it is at- tempted it strangles progress, for why should the intelligent, the ambitious, and the in- dustrious exert themselves when they re- ceive no greater reward for their extra ef- forts than do the shiftless, the lazy, and the incompetent? ‘The basic idea of communism, and the one which we must unalterably oppose, tsa its materialistic philosophy of life. All its other theories and practices are logical conclu- sions from that conception. Communism 1s anti-God. It scoffs at His existence and in consequence it denies man's spiritual origin and destiny, since these truths are meaning- Jess if there is no God. It is tireless in trying to rob people of faith. It is fanatically anti- religious, In its creed man is but a4 glorified brute who has no more rights than other animals. He may be put to work as his decides, cooped up in deadly camps or slaughtered when the state deems such prac- tices profitable to it. This, in very brief outline, is the force that menaces the peace of the world. It is organized, it is unhampered by scruples, it is backed by an almost apostolic seal and by a willingness to undergo heroic sacri- fices in the achievement of its objectives. If it were satisfied to function only in the countries that have fallen victims to it we might feel that it 1s no concern of ours, But it ambitions the conquest of the earth and, according to its repeated declarations, the United States is the main obstacle to its progress and we must oppose it if we are to continue as a nation. For it is destructive of the very things which we believe make Ife worth living, It strengles liberty; it in- sults human dignity; it strives to banish God trom His universe, It cannot live side by aide with a Christian civilization and, there- fore, from the very nature of the case it is our mortal enemy. For, although Burope and Amerioa today are not completely Cirts- tian, they still live by Christian traditions—~ the fundamental ideas of human freedom; the fatherhood of God; the common brother- hood of man; the intrinsic worth of the human person; the rejection of the principle that might makes right or that the state can determine what is mora) or immoral-— all these are Christian ideals. They are the foundations on which this country of ours was bullt, through the observance of which it has become great. If they were to go down what we have known and loved aa the American way of life must perish. In our struggle with communism we are faced by three possibilities—surrender, ap- peasement, or resistance. Burrender means the loss of freedom, of hope, of faith, of love. It means a debasing slavery. There can be no appeasement of Com- munists. For how can you compromise with those who recognize only one virtue and that is physical force, who know only one vice and that is weakness, whether it takea the form of mercy or charity or any kindly senti- ment. Men with this philosophy of life re- gard concessions as marks of fear and of weekness, To them they are only invitations to make more stark demands, Chamberlain learned that when he tried to buy off the Nazis. What bargaining can be done with people who pride themselves on following Lenin's command that truth and honesty and justice are to be used when these work to the ad- vantaye of communism and when they seem to hamper its purposes they are to be dis- placed by treachery, deceit, and lying. For such people peace treaties and agreements and signed promises are less than scraps of paper. ‘There remains for us, then, the only al- ternative of resistance, We have earnestly desired peace. We have striven for it against gangsterism and we have been denied it, Still we do not stand for peace at any price, We should stand for righteousness at any cost. A Christian cannot be neutral between right and wrong. We may hope, and we should pray, that we shall not be calted upon to engage in another world war. But we must recognize its possibility and prepare for it. It is true indeed that ideas cannot be changed by mere physical force nor can we hide in security behind a stockpile of atomic bombs. The best that force can do js to insure a mimimum of external observance. But we face a foe who respects only power and we may avoid a war by causing him to fear our strength and if, which God forbid, we are attacked, we shall be prepared to protect our- selves from the fate of nations who were weak or trustful and who now know com- rmunism for what it ia. This preparation involves sacrifice. Those sacrifices are not so great as Communists endure tn pursuing their plan of world con- quest, yet they will be sufficiently trying; some of them may be grievous. For the ma- jority they will take the form of privations of various kinds. Shortages, priorities, heavy taxes, perhaps rationing. For others, and many of you may be among them, the de- mand will be one of service. But we must pay the price for anything in life thdt is worth while. If tt could be had for the ask- ing, it would be of but little value and ea- teemed but very lightly. We must protect the greatest natural blessings that men can know; we must defend for ourselves and for those who come after us the liberties which it burning when it cost them hardships. im the fact that we are called upon to forego comforts and en- dure meonveniences in the defense of what we cherish. Men of every generation have 3 5 : 8 a A875 faced that harsh demand. They brave been facing it in other countries for many years. We have proved ourselves at other times. ‘We shall not fail now. There is a disagree- able job ahead of us but if we Keep faith, it will be done and perheps sooner than we think. War is brutal always and prepsration for it ts exacting. But it has a few compensa- tions, It reveals lovely human traits which otherwise might lie unexpected. Virtues which in prosperous times are allowed to tarnish are taken down and dusted and brightened—loyalty, devotion, courage, un- selfishness become potent, active forces in tle Hives of people. Our present crisis will make great demands on our patriotism. I know that we shall not only be reconciled to them but shall meet those demands generously and cheer~ fully. We shail not feel abused or frus- trated because we are called upon to Aght for our self-preservation. Rather may our attitude be that of the boy in the last war whom a chaplain visited in a hospital. The priest expressed his sympathy because the boy had lost his leg and the soldier said, and he smiled as he said it: “Sir, I did not lose it, I gave it.” We could wish that we should never see another war, or the threat of it, but we must face harsh facts. For us the problem is one of survival. Our cause is a just one. Sup- porting it in whatever way we may be culled to do we can be sure of God's help. The crusaders of old fought to deliver the holy places from the infidel. Our responsibility, and our privilege, js to safeguard our Chris- tion culture, to enable ourselves and others to keep faith in God. Joyce Kilmer who gave his life for his coun- try in World War I, in a poem called The Peacemaker, wrote some words that are pertinent to us: “What matters death, tf Freedom be not dead? Who fights for freedom goes with joyful tread And has for Captain Him whose thorn- crowned head Smiles from the Cross upon a conquered world.” May that Captain bring peace to the world and may He keep you in His hand. Academy of Diplomatic Science EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HUGH BUTLER OF NBERABKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BUTLER of Nebraska. Mr. Pres- ident, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a resolution adopted by the Veterans of Poreign Wars, Post No. 131. There being no objection, the resolu- tion was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: RESOLUTION Whereas diplomacy is the vital keynote in affairs of the world today as always; and Whereas it 1s of utmost importance that the United States of America have in tts diplomatic service, men trained in the arts and ways of diplomacy, to better represent our Nation in world affairs; and Whereas our Nation i# too often at a loss when dealing with the repeesent- atives of other nations hecause of their
A876 training in this line, they being more in the Clase known as career diplomats; and Whereas if our Nation could be served by men especially screened and trained in diplomacy, we would be represented on a far more equitable basis with other nations; and Whereas the diplomatic bungling of the past and present is largely due to the lack of proper or sufficient knowledge of the ways of other nations and its peoples; and Whereas past history has proven the fact that all of our military victories have been for naught because of diploriatic inefficiency, ignorance, and treachery; and Whereas proper schooling and training over e period of time, would enable our Gov- ernment to pick men of the highest caliber for the diplomatic service: Be it therefore Resclved, That the Veterans of Foreign Wars Post, No. 131, in regular session J. nu- ary 10, 1051, recommend, through channels, that the national organization take the nec- essary steps to bring before the Congress of the United States, a request for the im- mediate formation and operation of an Academy of Diplomatic Science; and be it further Resolved, That students be recommended for such an academy by the Congressmen of the various States, but that such a recom- mended student must pass certain entrance requirements as may be deemed necessary relative to scholastic and loyalty background; and be it further Resclved, That lack of such schooling shall not hinder those having proper and suffi- cient practical training or experience, through years of service in the diplomatic services, and found capable, from being ad- vanced to high positions in such service. L. Harotp HAMLIN, Commander. Adopted February 15, 1951. Gold From Sand Piles at McNary Dam EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 19, 1951 Mr, ANGELL, Mr. Speaker, an in- teresting project in recovery of gold is going on at McNary Dam which is now under construction in the Columbia River, between the States of Oregon and Washington. I include as a part of these remarks an article by Herbert Jonas entitled “He Gets Gold From Sand Piles,” from the Saturday Evening Post, which is a story about this gold-recovery project at McNary Dam: Goopy €ropms “Pay Dirr” From His Pat- ENTED SLuIceE Box—Hz Gets Gotp From Sanp Pites (By Herbert Jonas) ‘There's money to be made taking gold from low-grade river sand—if you know how. A. H. Goody, a Tacoma mining engineer, has the knack. During the construction of the McNary Dam in Washington State, Goody worked stockpiles of sand profitably, al- though the pay dirt in them ran as little as half a cent a ton. As the Government moves ahead with its Columbia River development program Goody stands to hitch-hike a fortune from the sands of the great stream and its tributaries. For each Federal dam yet to be built is in better mining territory than McNary, and Upstream sands assay as high as 10 cents a ton. Actually Goody prospers where other min- ers might not eke out a bare living. He suc- ceeds for two reasons: He has a patented process for recovering “fiour” gold, and he has a contract whereby sand dredged from the river for dam construction is sluiced through bis gold trap on its way to stockpiles. Flour gold is so powdery fine that It can’t be stopped by the ordinary sluice boxes used in mining. A few prospectors have caught it by lining their miner's pans with mercury and then placing the mercury amalgam in & hollowed-out potato and baking it in an oven, The heat evaporates the mercury and leaves the gold. The process yields small quantities of flour gold, but also exposes the miners to mercury poisoning. Goody’s system uses no mercury. He has rigged up a special sluice box only 13 feet long, in which a series of centrifugal actions sucks heavy sand and fine gold from a stream fed into it by a sand-and-gravel machine. The box operates unattended. Once a day Goody trucks a load of the gold- bearing concentrate, which assays over $600 a ton, to his home in Tacoma. There he turns a thin stream of water into a strainer- like gold trap, shovels in the concentrate and washes it until only gold dust remains. The yellow residue isn’t pure gold by Gov- ernment standards because it contains a slight alloy. This fortunate imperfection allows Goody to sell the gold as he sees fit. If it met bullion requirements, he would be required under the law to sell it to the United States treasury at $35 a troy ounce. As it is, a dollar's worth of the powdery metal makes a pendant design on a tile clasp which brings the resourceful Goody 87.50. And a nickel’s worth in a plastic card labeled “Souvenir Flour Gold Recovered by Goody” nets a ready 26 cents from tourists who visit McNary Dam. The Industrial West EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 19 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an editorial entitied “Cur- rent Issue,” published in the Columbia Basin (Wash.) News of January 13, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: CurrENT Issue Although Horace Greeley has long ceased to wield his potent pen, his immortal advice to the youth of his day, “Go west, young man,” still bids the adventurous toward the Pacific, and strikes terror into the sooty hearts of eastern manufacturing interests. Evidence of their fear of the lusty indus- trial infant that ig the West is an article in the Contractors and Engineers Monthly, a trade publication of the heavy-equipment industry, centered in the Bast. The article discredits western hydroelectric power development and reclamation proj- ects, terming them luxuries. Specifically at- tacked was Ice Harbor Dam. This attitude is understandable coming from eastern inter- esta. What is not acceptable is the deliberate sabotage by California's Representative Nor- grs PouLsoN, and an Astoria newspaper which reprinted the easterner's article. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Pouison, showing typical California jeal- ousy of the Pacific Northwest, read the con- demning article out of the Astoria paper into the ConcressionaL Recorp. The Ice Harbor project has been brutally punted from one end of the political gridiron to another. Fearful, lest the need for power to operate more aluminum mills or other in- dustries should cause rapid development of the West, eastern interests, and the coast fisheries groups have consistently blocked the dam when allocation of funds seemed imminent. The Astoria paper's attitude is to oppose anything which might pose difficulty for commercial fishing. Dwindling fish runs in the Columbia have been blamed on various power dams, when in actuality overexploita- tion by commercial fishermen has been re- sponsible for destruction of brood stock be- fore the fish ever had a chance to run to headwater spawning grounds, Fish and game departments have been unwitting tools in aiding the commercial fishermen, by pre- dicting the end of sport fishing, without bio- logical proof that the dams are responsible. Commercial fishing laws have been notably lax, enforcement has been spasdomic, and violations are seldom persistently prosecuted. Hydroelectric power and irrigation will go hand in hand in building the Columbia Basin. As one of the potentially rich pro- ductive areas of the Nation, the basin is bat- tling sectional, regional, and national opposi- tion, prompted by vested interests, long the foe and deterrent to progress. Demonstration that western power can produce tremendous amounts of vital war materials is provided by the aluminum mill near Spokane, which supplied tons of ma- terial during World War II. What such de- velopment means to an area economically is apparent from tax statements of the Spo- kane area. In addition to hiring more than 80,000 men, the aluminum mills pald more taxes to the Spokane area coffers than did all the railroads in that area, noted as a rail center. It is easy to see why eastern interests do not want more competitive developments out of the West. What Californians and selfish commercial interests on the coast do not realize is that they are helping to destroy themselves by contributing to disunity in western State’s congressional representation, Congress would be justified in showing re- luctance to vote projects needed for develop- ment of the West, when western States bicker among themselves over their desir- ability. Industrial power is one of the West’s key drawing cards. Industries here can be free of the carboniferous pollution of coal smoke. There is room for unlimited expansion of plants, and living conditions free from the squalor of overcrowded eastern industrial cities. “Go West, young industry” might well be the slogan for the modern day. As the need for more production increases, the tremend- ous power potential of the West will be real- iged. The luxury projects, objected to by commercial fishermen (whose business itself represents only a fraction of the industry created by adequate power supplies) and eastern industrialists, will be the backbone of electrochemical processing and other re« lated power consuming productive activities. Ice Harbor represents an economical, prac- tical link in the West's power hookup. The history of the West has been a fighting saga. Our Washington congressional representa- tives are carrying on the westerner’s tradi- tional refusal to let ungrounded opposition interfere with expansion. We are now engaged in a battle for our right to grow and expand our productive capacities. Cheap electric power is a neces- sity. Ice Harbor Dam would produce such power. The power of the West lies in its electrical potential.