A3598 Now I could say much more about, and truthfully, too, about Senator Munor than I am going to say. This 1s a brief of the man’s biography (illustrating a number of papers). Senator MUNDT served 10 years in the lower House. He was elected and reelected five times and each time he was elected by a greater majority. In 1948 he graduated to the upper House, or the United States Senate, and he led in his State the presidential candidate on his party ticket, Mr. Dewey, by about 50,000. Senator Munoprt is a man cf courage, charac- ter, and the will to tell you how he feels and stands on almost any issue. Following his address this evening, he will answer questions—and I said “answer ques- tions.” I hope you confine your remarks to questions. If ycu want to engage in a de- pate, make your own arrangements. [Laughter ] Iam going to ask you if you will not keep your remarks to questions, and sometimes that is hard to do. Senator Munor has selected as his subject for this evening “What we must do to stay free.” It is indeed a pleasure for me and a great honor to present to you a real statesman and a true American who asks not who is right but what is right. Senator Munpr, Mr, President, Mr. Emery Stevens, Mr. Gocre> Ser i*viow, and fellow Americans all i: +:53 * :*+\.amighty fine and friendly and flattering introduction that I secured from Mr. Stringfellow, and I am deeply indebted to him for his thoughtful- ness and his generosity. I am happy, too, that it was possible for me to get away from the hurly-burly activities of Washington this afternoon to come up here and break bread with you and to think out loud with this fine, distinguished aggregation of free wheeling and free enterprising Americans about some of the prodigious problems which plague and perplex us all in these trying times. You know, down in Washington increas- ingly we who live there come to feel that we are a city of very important people. The elty has ¢ rvv."-*-o4 2-7 in its metropolitan areaofa‘.° c ic or. Deings. As the Cap- ital of this great free Republic it has become the focal point of world affairs and everybody down there is an important element in the capital city. He either is important or thinks he is im- portant, and it adds up to about the same thing either way. [Laughter.] When you get off at Union Station and induce a taxicab driver to take you for 30 cents to the Statler Hotel or to the Senate Office Building or the White House—although I do not imagine many of you go to the White House—or wherever you happen to go for 30 cents in a taxicab ride, if you interro- gate the taxicab driver about affairs, foreign or domestic, he will give you an apparently authentic answer without any doubt or mental reservations whatsoever on any sub- ject that you care to ask him about. [Laughter.] Every taxicab driver in Washington conse- quently is a mighty important individual. All the members of the House of Representa- tives down there virtually are candidates for the United States Senate, so they certainly are also mighty important people. The Members of the Senate and the mem- bers of the President’s Cabinet are all candi- dates for President, and so, consequently, they are mighty important people; and our Presidents of late years are coming to think that each of them is entitled to a lifetime lease on the White House, so they, too, are mighty important people. ([Laughter.] So, you see, we are an aggregation of im- portant individuals, as we think down in Washington. One of the things I want to talk to you about tonight is this tendency on the part of people who are members of my fraternity, the political fraternity, to con- sider ourselves increasingly important. I think it is an erroneous concept. I think the really important people of America are, or should be, individuals such as you in pri- vate business, n private professions—indi- viduals who at one time in the history of this Republic were conceived to be the folks who ran the country. Unfortunately, In my opin- ion, in large part because of the lethargy on the part of ordinary individuals around the country, politicians and pressure groups and columnists and commentators today are run- ning the Nation and you are increasingly finding yourselves less important and less influential in controlling the destiny of this Republic. I think it isserious. I think you are partly to blame. I think unless you can correct the attitude which 1s universally sweeping across this country and which leaves public deci- sions almost exclusively to public men that we are going to continue in America to lose freedoms which once were ‘so richly enjoyed by us all. I know that down in Washington we can and should learn things from private indi- viduals. A couple of months ago a man came down from Kalamazoo, Mich., to Washing- ton. He was just an ordinary man, a “Joe Bloke” type of private citizen, but he had one peculiarity. He started out early in the morning the first day of his arrival handing out oversize tips to all the people that he met. You may remember reading about him in the newspapers of the country. He gave the hat check girl at the Statler Hotel a $100 tip for checking his hat and coat. He went down into the Embassy Room and tipped the head waiter a couple of hundred dollars to get a good table and tipped the waiters who served him $100 apiece. When the taxicab driver took him up to the Capitol the next morning he tipped the taxi- cab driver $200. He bought some finery for his family at Woodward & Lothrop’s and tipped the saleslady $100, and was in the proc- ess of tipping the barber who had just com- pleted shaving him and cutting his hair with $1,000 when, finally, the Metropolitan Police caught up with him, arrested him, and put him 1n jail not because, you understand, it is against the law to give money away down in Washington, but the politicians down there could not stand that Kind of competition. [Laughter.] As a matter of fact, I think they got him just in time. I understand that the Presi- dent had the FBI looking for him; they were going to make him a member of the Presi- dent’s Cabinet. [Laughter.] I was kind of glad to see him locked up myself because the fellow was not quite playing the game ac- cording to Hoyle. We have discovered down in Washington these late years, you see, that the best way in the world in which to get elected to pub- lic office is to give away the other fellow’s money and to make promises to purchase things for the people of Elizabeth, N. J., with money which is to be collected exclusively from the people of Syracuse, N. Y. [laughter]; and when you are in Syracuse, you just reverse the process, and it seems to work mighty fine. But this fellow was sort of violating the code. He was giving away his own money and we did not want that thing to become con- tagious down in Washington, so it was a good thing that they locked him up. [Laughter.] Iam serious when I say that while I have been down in Washington for 12 years, I still have enough of South Dakota in me to believe that the important people of America are, or should be, the farmers, the laborers, the business and professional peo- ple of the country, and not those who tem- porarily hold positions of authority and power down on what I refer to as the wrong side of the Potomac River. I think in large APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD part because we have developed that atmos- phere of importance down in Washington, however, which is shared by all who lve there and enjoyed by all who make Wash- ington their home that some difficulties are accumulating for the people of America which are growing increasingly large and in- creasingly imminent, week after week and day after day. That is what I want to discuss with you tonight under the heading of what, in my opinion, primarily challenges the freedoms of America, because I think they are being challenged. We know they are being chal- lenged from abroad. I believe they are also being dangerously challenged here at home. They are being challenged by the march- ing armies and the intriguing conspiracies of the Communists in every foreign capital and on a great many foreign fronts. Certainly our freedoms are being chal- lenged when we live in an era of history when a gigantic totalitarian power is build~ ing and stockpiling atomic bombs, each of which in theory, 1f not in fact, is being fabri- cated for the purpose of eventually dropping them upon our country and our people. That tends to circumscribe our freedom, our liberty, and our happiness; and the more we ponder on it and the more we realize the atomic bomb is the first weapon in history which better serves the cause of tyranny than freedom, the more we recognize that the areas of our freedom are growing in- creasingly small. You see, up until they built the bomb it did not make much difference what country first discovered liquid fire or a tank or some other kind of war weapon because the great industrial genius and productive capacity of America could redesign it, refine it, and break it up into a number of parts, and set up a production line and create a weapon which could last longer and shoot harder and straighter than that produced by any other country in the world. We can still do it. We built the first bomb. We built the biggest bomb. We have built the most bombs, but we develored a weapon which is so destructive im 11s cherac.er that it de- pends in large part upon the element of dropping it by surprise for its efficacy hbe- cause it might well be that the country shooting second in an atomic war shoots a thousand years too late—and democracies never shoot first. While we debate our wars, as we should, and while we discuss the difficulties and differences of opinion which confront us before we go to war, as we must if we are going to stay free, surely any country which has fabricated bombs is going to start drop- ping them on us before we conclude the debate. So if you agree with me, as I think your common horse sense must compel you to do, you recognize that any country smart enough to make a bomb at all is wise enough not to drop any bombs until it drops enough bombs simultaneously to obliterate the targets; also, you recognize that living in an atomic age when we have nothing effective to curtail or curb the aggressions of communism or to protect ourselves against an atomic and hydrogen bomb does tend to limit the areas of freedom for us all because it shortens the life expectancy of each of us. That, however, is not what I want to talk to you about tonight. Serious as I think that situation is—and I know it is much more serious than most of us dare even admit when we are confronted with the evidence—I somehow feel that the depisive battle for freedom in our generation is going to be won or lost on American soil, won or lost by men and women like you and by what men and women like you either do or fail to do within the next 5 years. I do not anticipate an atomic attack from any source in so short a time. I think it can be demonstrated that the areas of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD human freedom all around the world have been growing steadily smaller for at least two decades and that America is no excep-~ tion to the rule. What happens in the next 5 years may well fix the pattern for the next I think it can be demonstrated further that the reason why the areas of human freedom have been growing increasingly small all over the world is because out of Germany 100 years ago there came a new ism and a new creed which most of us do not understand and which most of those who parade in picket lines to support do not analyze and define, but because com~ munism was launched 100 years ago and because it has been able to develop a great many collateral creeds and friendly fronts and confused and bewildered followers, I think we can prove demonstrably and geo~ graphically and factually that your freedoms and mine are in jeopardy and are growing less secure by the hour. Now let me undertake to discuss with you those two rather hyperbolic statements; the first, that the areas of human freedom all over the world are growing smaller and the second, that the main reason for that de~ crease in the flourishing of human liberty is communism and the factors which it con- trols and the individuals whom it contami- nates, Twenty years ago everybody was not free. Twenty years ago these human freedoms which we cherish, most of us beyond life itself, were not available to everyone. Twenty years ago in Germany under Hitler and in Italy under Mussolini and in Rus- sia under Stalin and in Japan under the Shinto priests and in certain other areas in various gradations and degrees, people were not completely free. But, by and large, except for the individuals in those four coun~- tries and in semicivilized areas, mankind had developed over a period of many centuries increasing control over his own future, his own destiny and his own behavior. There was a marked degree of political and economic freedom all over the world flourishing under quite a variety of different types of governments. today, 20 years later? Twenty years later we find that Russia is still controlled by the Communists. We find Germany and Japan unable to exercise their own autonomy because they are the losers in a war which they precipitated, and we are responsible through our armies of occu~ pation for what occurs in those countries. Italy, while it operates under a fine, young Christian leader by the name of De Gasperi, finds itself constantly threatened and im- periled by the communistic forces of Togli- atti, the Communist leader, who controls some 40 percent of the individuals of Italy and who is able constantly to keep the De Gasperi government on the anxious seat So as to prevent De Gasperi from producing the economic and political reforms so es~ sential in Italy if they are going to have sta~ bility and a sound and equitable system of economics and of government. OUR AREA OF FREEDOM GROWS SMALLER However, communism no longer is limited to Russia. We find now that instead of looking at Russia and saying, “There is the land in which the Communists control 195,- 000,000 human beings in Russia,” that dur- ing these past. 20 years communism has moved forward so fast that it now controls @ great many other hundreds of millions of ‘people. The first to go were Lithuania, Lat- via, and Estonia, the three countries of the Baltic Republics. When I went down to Washington in 1938, I knew the Ministers of those Baltic Republics, I still know some of them who still reside in Washington. They are Ministers without portfolio because Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia were con- quered by the might of the Russians. The Russian Army moved in by force and took over those countries against their will, What is the picture . and very few areas of the civilized and demo- cratic world even filed a protest at the rape of freedom and the disruption of liberty in those three little Christian, patriotic, democratic, and private-ownership repub- cs. Now, let us look to the south, where we have Albania. Twenty years ago Albania had a certain amount of rugged individual free- dom which adheres normally for people liv~ ing in mountainous areas. The royal house of the Albania family had sort of a limited kind of monarchy. They had a parliamen- tary procedure. They had certain rights of freedom of movement, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom of ownership. By American standards they certainly were not free. By the standards of the Balkans, by the standards of the Middle East, however, they were substantially free. Now they are all under the control of a fellow by the name of Enver Hoxha, a dictator selected by the politburo of Moscow in the closing days of the war who controls the decisions and the lives of everybody in Albania, and there is not any freedom left anywhere in that country. So the areas of freedom at least are small- er than they were 20 years ago by the loss of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, and by the fact that Albania has been pulled into the clutch of the Communists—but that is not all. The Balkan countries—Rumania, Hungary, and Bulgaria—with their beautifully roman- tic cities of Bucharest, Budapest, and Sofia, that area of the world which has contrib- uted so much to culture and to the medical profession and to the romance of the world, all of them today have been completely sucked into the Communist orbit against their will. Different individuals tried to resist the trend, or should I say groups of individuals? Cardinal Mindszenty tried to keep the church doors open in Budapest and he found himself arrested and tried by a “kangaroo court” and incarcerated in prison where he is dying as a@ piece of human clay today simply because he wanted to keep the doors of his faith, the Catholic religion, open in Hungary. After that, 12 Methodist bishops of the creed to which I belong, tried to keep the Methodist Church doors open in Bulgaria. They were treated precisely in the same manner as Cardinal Mindszenty was treated in Hungary, thereby giving the eternal lie to those who would tell you that communism is simply against the Catholic Church or simply against the Jewish synagogue or the Protestant church. Communism is against any church any- where. It tries to make you believe that there is no God. Now a little bit later I am going to show you why. Another fellow who tried to main-~ tain freedom tried it In Hungary, a fellow by the name of Vogeler. He was a businessman, a man of your pro- fession. He wanted to maintain the right of private ownership and he did not escape in time, this American citizen, and so by be- ing tortured by hot blades put in between his fingers and his fingernails, by all the kinds of torture that the fanatical Asiatic mind of the Communist leader can conceive, they compelled him to admit crimes which he had never perpetrated and he also has been incarcerated and locked up to die. There is no freedom left in the Balkans, and they were remarkably free 20 years ago. Next to the Balkans comes Yugoslavia, where a lot of people who were of the old Austrian~ Hungarian Empire tried to set up a govern- ment under King Peter and Prince Paul. They had a‘considerable degree of freedom in that enlightened era following World War I and now Tito runs it as a Communist dic- tator. There you have Tito, the leader of the Communists in Yugoslavia, a creature of A3599 Stalin, At one time he was a member of the Secretariat of Moscow. At one time he was Stalin’s representative on the Communist side of the Spanish war; temporarily in disagreement with Stalin, to be sure, but there is no hope for those of us who oppose collectivism, no hope for those of us Who oppose communism or socialism, in the fact there is an argument going on be- tween Stalin and Tito because they are not arguing about the right things to satisfy us. You can read carefully the reports of that debate. There is no difference of opinion between Stalin and Tito as to whether or not the churches should be open in Belgrade. They both agree that God is something which must be defamed and denounced to have communism. They never argue about whether a peasant should own his own farm or a worker be permitted to select his own job or a shop- keeper or a manufacturer to run his own enterprise. ‘They both agree that under communism only the state can make the de- cisions and the people must be chained to the job. The argument is only about whether Stalin or Tito is to be the chieftain of the Red ship of state once it has conquered all the seas around it, and there is no freedom left in Yugoslavia. Next comes Czechoslovakia, in some re- spects one of the most pathetic cases, and in some respects one of the most important, especially for Americans. I have visited Czechoslovakia three times since the war. I watched the slow, sordid process by which Czechoslovakia lost its freedom and, inind you, there was a coun- try that had almost the same degree of free- . dom that we have in America. After World War I, a great American idealist, the Presi- dent of this country in World War I, Wood row Wilson, wrote in his own handwriting much of the Constitution of Czechoslovakia. He helped set up a democratic government and that government produced freemen like Benes and Masaryk who became famous around the world for their dedication to the ways of freemen. Czechoslovakia was, indeed, one of the bright spots and the big dividends of the first world conflict. I recall visiting it in 1947 as a member of a joint committee of the Senate and the House of which, inci- dentally, our present Vice President, ALsEN BARKLEY, was a member. He was then the senior Senator from Ken~ tucky, the greatest advertising agent that Paducah, Ky., ever had. Aupen, in those days, to be sure, was more interested in affairs of state than he was in affairs amour, but he puts his heart into any project which he undertakes. He was a very valuable mem-= ber of our committee. [Laughter.] ’ He and I and our colleagues sat around in state dinners in Prague and we had long talks with the present dictator, long talks with Clementis and Gottwald, the Commu- nist leaders in the government, all of them giving ostentatious expressions of loyalty to Czechoslovakia—but what happened? COMMUNISTS HAVE INFILTRATED WASHINGTON TOO By the process of infiltrating the Govern- ment, by the process of putting Communists in certain key positions in the Government in Prague, by employing the formula of de- struction item by item, measure by measure, plan by plan, in exact conformity with the proposals now being attempted by the Com- mounists in France, in England, and in Wash- ington, D. C., Czechoslovakia lost its freedom, without the firing of a shot by a coup d’état, by weakening and sabotaging the forces of freedom, by perverting the foreign policy of Czechoslovakia, by diluting the decisions which might have enabled the Czechs to stay free. It Is no exaggeration, I assure you, to tell you that the situation in Prague which ALBEN BaREKLEY and I saw demonstrated
A3600 clearly that they were following there the formula now being employed in Washington, D.C. ALGER HISS For a Gottwald, I give you, if you please, in Washington, D. C., Alger Hiss. Gottwald at his worst could not conceivably have done more to determine the course of history of his country than Alger Hiss did at Yalta as assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State and one of the main architects of the Yalta appeasement conference; Alger Hiss who, across the river from you, was con- victed in a Federal court by 12 men of a Federal jury not for any charge of treason pecause of the statute of limitations, but convicted for lying about the fact that he was engaging in treason while serving as as- sistant to the Assistant Secretary of State. HENRY JULIAN WADLEIGH For Clementis, I give you Henry Julian Wadleigh who was a colleague of Alger Hiss in the State Department and who, like Alger, had graduated from our great universities with a Phi Beta Kappa key and summa cum Jaude, and who, even beyond Alger Hiss, had gone off to Oxford to study; a man who, unfortunately, in many ways has not at- tained the same degree of national attention as Alger Hiss because he did not happen to have a $20,000 a year job in a great Ameri- can foundation, financed by American busi- ness incidentally, at the time they caught him. When they caught Hiss he was working for the Carnegie Foundation. When they caught Henry Julian Wadleigh, he had a very “unimportant job. So each case was not equally well publicized. To protect his $20,000-a-year job with the Carnegie Peace Foundation, of which he was - @ leading light, Alger Hiss lied to the judge and the jury. With no job to protect and the House Committee on Un-American Activi- ties closing in on him, Henry Julian Wad- leigh confessed to his crime and said, “Of course, for hundreds of times I delivered security secrets from the State Department to Russian Communists in New York and in Washington.” He finally turned State’s evidence and test- ified against Alger Hiss, his colleague, in the particular court case in which Alger Hiss was convicted. CARL ALDO MARZANI For Fierlinger I:give you Carl Aldo Mar- zani now in the Federal penitentiary because he was caught by the FBI working as a Com- munist in ofr State Department in one of the key spots where he was trying to confuse and befuddle a country, to misinterpret the codes and to distort the messages being sent perhaps from our foreign dispatch offices in China and in Asia, thereby making it more probable that we would develop a program and an attitude and a policy toward China which would serve the Communists and sab- otage the free. So it is no exaggeration to say the formula is the same here as the one used in Prague. Czechoslovakia was closer to Russia than Washington. It was smaller. They did not have as long a history and background and experience in democracy as we did. So Czechoslovakia fell to the Communist con- spirators. Iam not suggesting we are about to fall by a coup a’état to the Communists but I am suggesting that the Communists in our Gov- ernment have had influence in the past so tremendous as to make us realize how easy it must have been for them to destroy free- dom entirely and to sell countries out to their foreign masters when they served the govern- ment. Poland is next to Czechoslovakia. I do not have to tell the people of Elizabeth, N. J., who live here in this great cosmopolitan area how the Poles throughout history have been devoted to freedom, dedicated to an inde- fatigable zest for freedom, and every time aggressors ground the Polish people down, they rose up like the courageous soldiers that they are to recapture for themselves the con- trol of their own destiny. But this time something happened to the Poles because at Yalta where Mr. Hiss served so energetically, Mr. Stalin said to our leaders at Yalta that in the postwar world he thought it was only fair that the Communist government in Russia should have control of that portion of Poland after the war that the Russians had conquered fighting as an ally of Adolph Hitler in the first months of World War II. Oh, how people such as those who financed the picket lines in front of this hotel to- night hate to be reminded of the sordid facts of history. They want us to forget that when the Nazis and Hitler so unjustifiedly attacked the Poles from the front and drove through Danzig and into Poland and when the Poles were defending so valorously Warsaw with the Hun at their gate, the Red Armies of Russia attacking Poland by surprise from the rear gave her the coup de grace that de- stroyed the fighting capacity of the Poles and that the Russians attacked the Poles in con- formity with the agreement between Hitler, Von Ribbentrop, Molotov, and Stalin which was the pact that gave birth to World War II. HOW POLAND WAS ENSLAVED The Communists do not like to be re- minded of that but it is written in the red blood of history. And so Stalin said to our leaders at Yalta, “Since we fought for some time as an ally of Hitler’s, since Communists and Nazis joined in an attack against the Poles, since in that conflict we conquered everything east of the Curzon line, that we expect to keep after the war is over.” We protested very feebly and very ineffec- tively and acquiesced to the eternal shame of our country and helped perhaps toward the building of the third world war. In all events, the Russians went in. They did not stop at the Curzon line. They drove right on and took all of Poland and went further than that, if you please, and took the eastern provinces of Germany. They have them to this date and this late hour and there is less freedom there than, there was 20 years ago. Now I come to China. There are some 450,000,000 human beings today under the yoke in China. Tonight’s newspapers bring the report that they have captured the first big island as a stepping stone to Formosa and the timetable indicates that May or June will likely be the time when they will at- tempt to capture Formosa. WHAT HAPPENED IN CHINA Remember China. That is the only coun- try in the world that ever fought a war for the United States. We have fought a lot of wars for other countries. We fought to lib- erate the people from the tyranny of Spain. We fought wars for different causes and different creeds and for different areas of the world and have joined our force and prowess and idealism with like-minded peo- ple against common enemies time and anon, but let the oldest historian here, if he can, pass up a note asking your speaker to ex- plain some exception that he thinks he has found to the generalization that no other country in history ever fought a war for us except China under the nationalistic gov- ernment of Chiang Kai-shek. At Pearl Harbor the bombs came dropping from the Japanese by surprise, butchering, and murdering hundreds and hundreds of American youth on a pretty Sunday morn- ing. After we declared war on the Japs and the Germans and the Italians declared war on us and we declared war on them, we were in it in a two-front war, . Our military men very wisely, in my opin- jon, decided that the thing to do first of all was to defeat Hitler and Mussolini. They were the tough guys. So we sent an emissary to Chiang Kai-shek and said, “Look, fellow, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD we are all in this war together now. It is true the Japs have attacked us and we are fighting the Japs and while you are not fighting the Italians and you are not fighting the Ger. mans, if you would just be willing to keep on fighting the Japs all alone for a while, sacrifice a few hundred thousand more dead Chinese soldiers and a few more provinces of China to buy time enough for us to defeat Hitler and Mussolini, we solemnly promise you that after that we will come back and help drive the Japs out of your country and help restore to your government the autonomy of China.” Chiang Kai-shek said, “Well, I will try, but we have been fighting a long time. Can’t you give me a little more help than that?” And so in a moment of almost unprecedented magnanimity we said, “This is what we will do. Since we are now in the war against Japan ourselves from now on we will not sell the Japanese any more scrap iron and oil for the duration of the war,” because we had been selling it up to 2 days before Pearl Harbor to help the Japs attack Chiang Kai- shek. Anyhow, the Chinese kept their promise. They lost most of their provinces and they lost over a million men instead of the several hundred thousand we asked them to ex- change for time. We kept part of our promise. We defeated Hitler and Mussolini and we were planning to go over to help China but the Yalta Conference came along and at .Yalta it is recorded in the agreement that Stalin said, “I want to have from China the heart of the country, the Ruhr of Asia, Manchuria.” He insisted and, for the first time in Amer- ican history, we sold out an ally who had fought for us in a war and we turned to the country who had fought a war for us and said, “On second thought, you Nationalists are not as liberal as we thought you were. You are kind of reactionary and we do not believe you have a representative enough gov- ernment,” and so we sold out Manchuria to the Communists and they have been rolling through China ever since. Those are facts from the book of records. To me it is particularly bad not only because of the infamy it has brought to us in the eyes of people all over the world who cannot understand that kind of ingratitude, but be- cause it has plunged us into such a situation that as of last night, anyhow, our Depart- ‘ment of State still has no policy toward Asia. The last announcement by the Secretary of State was to “let the dust settle in our cyes.” I heard him in the Statler Hotel last Sat- urday night address the American Society of Newspaper Hditors. The advance blurbs indi- cated he was going to talk about Asiatic policy, and that is why I went. But he told us nothing. There is not anybody in this room I know and. there is not anybody in the United States Senate I know who could define for you what the American foreign policy is as of today toward half the people of the world, those who live in Asia. But to- night we want to talk about freedom, so I point out simply that there is no freedom of choice left for the Chinese, no freedom of choice for any Chinaman because the Rus- sian Communists control the situation, AMERICA CONFRONTS ITS GREATEST PERIL Adding their 450,000,000 to the 195,000,000 of Russia and the population of the other areas I have mentioned and you now have for the first time in history over 800,000,000 human beings controlled and directed by a force which tells us and tells the world it in- tends to destroy Christianity and freedom in America, We have never faced a peril like it before and that is why a great American, former Gen. George Marshall, told an audience the other evening that communism is the greatest peril that America has ever faced.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD That is why there is some justification in the fact we are spending over $20,000,000,000 of your money this year to try to defend our- selves against communism abroad and to try to weed it out of positions of importance here at home. That is why I think it is tremen- dously important that every adult American citizen understands exactly what commu- nism is, how it operates, how it establishes its friendly fronts, how it controls and con-= taminates people and gets some folks with good intentions to carry out its nefarious goals and purposes. That is why I think unless we can conquer the Communist conspiracy at home and stop movements which tend to make it stronger, we cannot expect to remain free in America against that kind of peril, a peril so great that in just 100 years it has come to control the lives of almost exactly the same number of human beings as are today influenced by the great doctrines of Christianity in the 20 centuries that we have had the Christian religion. In one-twentieth the time communism has come to influence as many people as the Christian Church, including all the Prot- estant denominations, the Catholic Church, and the Jewish faith combined, and it is gaining on us by the hour mostly, as I see it, because somehow or other we failed to be able to put into harness the great capacity for constructive good represented by indi- viduals like you in meetings like this. DO YOU KNOW WHAT COMMUNISM REALLY IS? Now, what is communism? It is not the thing that Karl Marx and Dr. Engels wrote about 100 years ago when they issued Das Kapital and issued also the Communist Manifesto. It is not an economic creed. It is not built on that original concept that they talked about that Communists should take from people according to their ability and give to people according to their need. There is nothing particularly inimicable about that. There is nothing in a creed like that even though they continued to practice it which would require appropriating $20,- 000,000,000 to defeat it or to stop it. ‘There is nothing in a creed like that which could conquer Poland and China and try to organize the world against us; just an eco- nomic creed which, in my opinion, could not work but, otherwise, nothing particularly wrong with it. They departed from that concept long ago. When I visited the Russian equivalent of the Westinghouse plant in Leningrad in 1945, when I visited the production places of the big Stalin Motor Works in Moscow and the tank factory in Stalingrad, I found indi- viduals working on the production line being paid by piecework under conditions of the speed-up, which no American labor leader would dare to suggest for his people in this country. They have gotten entirely away from the economic factor. It is not an eco- nomic creed, neither is it a political party. That is the thing that somehow or other I have been trying to explain along with some other speakers in America for 20 years. That is the one thing we are trying to get the Members of Congress and the country to understand so that we can have some such legislation as these pickets are protesting against out here because some bewildered in- dividual, some great original member of the bewilderment bund has told them that it is a law which operates against a political party. We have got to understand if you are going to remain free that the Communist con- spiracy is exactly that, that it is not a politi- cal party, that it has never operated like a political party, that it does not pretend in the confines of its own meetings even re- motely to resemble a political party, but that it is something which you can now explain and define and observe in 14 different coun- tries in the laboratory of life as an inter- national conspiracy. So we know what it is, A political party has candidates for office, has campaigns. It has campaign chairmen and propaganda and headquarters and con- ducts campaigns up and down the highways and the byways, but, above everything else, a political party is an institution which seeks to achieve its objective at the polling place, and if any institution in our midst is not en- deavoring to reach its decisions at the polling places by the ballot, whatever else in the world it is, it is not a political party. All right, the Communists have 14 coun-~ tries. Ihave told you who they are, how they got that way. In not a single country of the world have the Communists ever gotten into power by ballot, nor have they ever con- ducted themselves like a political party, nor have they ever succeeded in electing their leaders to authority, and in not a single country of the world where they have gotten into power have they ever stayed in power by holding an honest election. So obviously they are not a political party. What are they then? I think it is easy to define. I think it is vitally important to you men and women out there in the ranks grappling to retain some last vestige of free- dom for yourself and your children to know exactly what*it is that organizes the forces of collectivism throughout the world and would destroy you and the dignity of your position and the integrity of your enterprise. AN ACCURATE WORKING DEFINITION OF COMMUNISM Here is a definition that nobody can deny because you can find it proving itself in the crucible of hfe in every country which the Communists now occupy. Communism is a godless way of life that holds that all of the means of production, all the means of dis- tribution, and the flow of capital shall be controlled in the capital city of the land by a selected group of individuals who permit no opposition and who join themselves with other Communists throughout the world in promoting a world-wide dictatorship under the control of the Kremlin. Let me say it again because if every American knew that, my fellow Americans, we would win this fight against communism. If every American knew that, we would win the cold war quickly and completely: If every American knew that, we could help explain it to the world and soon cause communism to dry and wither on the vine. Communism is a godless way of life. Why godless? Are they afraid of preachers par- ticularly? No. They are godless because they will not permit a Communist to serve two masters. They will not permit a Communist to be- lieve there is anything higher than Joe Sta- lin and the head of the Politburo. Commu- nism is a godless way of life in which a se- lected group of men in the capital city of the land permit no opposition. If you op- pose them, you get locked up like Vogeler did or like the Methodist bishops did or like Mindszenty did. It is a godless way of life in which a selected group of individuals in the capital city of the land control—it does not say own—all of the means of produc- tion, the farms, the factories, the mills; all the means of distribution, the railroads, the ship lines, the telephone companies; the flow of capital, the banks, the insurance companies, the building and loan agencies, the entire economic fabric. They control it and they join themselves with like-minded men around the world to bring about a Communist dictatorship headed by Moscow. IF WAR COMES, ALL COMMUNISTS WILL SUPPORT RUSSIA How easily and quickly we Americans for- get. About 18 months ago Stalin and the Politburo decided to make a demonstration ‘around the'globe that all Communists would work and fight for a common dictatorship. They sent out the order to Togliatti in Italy, to Jacques Duclos and Maurice Tho- rez in France, to Foster across the river A3601 from Elizabeth, N. J., and they said to each of them, “Within 72 hours tell the public in the countries in which you live what will happen in the event of a war between the Communists and your country.’ And Tog- liatti said, “I hope it never comes, but if it comes, the Italian Communists will fight on the side of their Russian brothers.” The French Communist leaders, Thorez and Duclos, said, “We hope that war never comes, but if 1t comes, French communism and Russian communism will be joined to« gether on the same side of that great class struggle,” and Dennis and Foster said, “In America if war comes, you can be sure the American Communists will not be found fighting on the side of the capitalistic American Government.” They told it to our face. They thumbed their nose at us, and still a lot of us are reluctant to do anything which might in any way inconvenience the Communists or the bleeding-heart sentimentalists, the pseudo progressives and the pseudo liber- als, and the members of the bewilderment bund who help them achieve their nefarious purposes, who help them achieve their pur- poses right in the heart of the freemen of the greatest enterprise system in the world, That is what communism is, and it is moving in our direction. Look at England, & great land of private enterprise, probably the most canny businessmen and tradesmen in the world, who built from a group of small islands a mighty empire because of their business acumen, and in the hour of victory after they had fought back the Hun and withstood the blitzkrieg and knocked back the buzz bombs, when those tight, lit- tle islands had rallied behind the dynamic and vital leadership of Churchill and brought England to its greatest purple hour of triumph, they discarded the formula of freedom that made them great and adopted in the hour of victory the formula of fail- ure that brought Hitler to his knees, Ask some German-speaking member of the Elizabeth community, and if he knows his German economic history, he will tell you that the word “Nazi” simply means a series of alliterations which represent the contraction of the words in German mean- ing the National Socialistic Party of Ger- many. That is what the word “Nazi” means, and that is what the British have adopted, and it is bringing Great Britain to her knees and destroying another great area of human freedom in the world. A great New Jerseyite by the name of Al- bert Hawkes has been traveling around America a good bit, with a British scholar whom I knew in Britain and whom I have met over here, by the name of Dr. Palmer. I presume you have heard him. I hope you have. If not, I hope you do, I remember so well what he told us one day at luncheon in the Senate Restaurant when I said to him, “Dr. Palmer, how is the British experiment with socialism working out?” and he said, “The British people are drinking the poisons of communism out of @ cup called socialism.” HOW COMMUNISM IS LINKED TO SOCIALISM We must remember that there is a silver thread of consistency binding together all these isms of centralized control. The dif- ferences and distinctions between nazism, fascism, communism, state socialism, na- tionalism, a welfare state, and a planned economy are much fewer and significant than the similarities which bind them ta~- gether. I want to get right down to brass tacks now and demonstrate the similarity between the first step, whether you call it a security state or ® welfare state or a planned econ- omy, and the last step which is nazism or communism or fascism. They are bound to- gether inevitably by one simple, understand- able philosophy, and that is the philosophy that businessmen such as you cannot be trusted to spend your own money wisely In
A3602 your own behalf so that you should conse- quently give increasing amounts of your money to politicians like me to spend for you because we will spend it more wisely than you can spend it. It is the philosophy that tells you to your face and makes you like it that businessmen like you are too dishonest or too dumb or toa crooked to be trusted to manage private en- terprises in the public welfare so you should turn the management over to the politicians in jobs like mine from the Olympian heights of our established purity and we will do the job better for the general public. That 1s the basic tie that binds all of these various forms of collectivism together. Washington and London today both are teeming with politicians who believe in their hearts that only men in political jobs are honest enough, ethical enough, and wise enough to spend the Nation’s substance and to manage the Nation’s enterprises. I disagree with that philosophy but I think you will find that it 1s part of every one of those isms based on centralized con- trols in a central city, Now I think I know how they get that way. I have spent a good portion of my life, longer than I have been in Congress, teaching eco- nomic and political history around the world, I know something about it. I re- ceived a master’s degree at one time over at Columbia University. I never used to ad- mit that, however, until General Eisenhower got to be president. [Laughter.] ALTERNATIVE NO. 1 Let me make another generalization that somebody might want to question 1n our questions period. In all of human history, some 8,500 years of it, in which mankind in different areas of the world has been experi- menting with some kind of national social-~ ism, over and over again it has been tried, and every time it has always ended with one of two results, never anything else; some- times at the end of the experiment you have found a people completely disillusioned, you have found them confused, you have found them approaching bankruptcy, you have found them escaping from the trap of na- tional socialism 15 minutes before it is too late as the Australians and the New Zea- landers did in the elections last fall. The British brought socialism to a dead heat in their recent election as we Ameri- cans spewed it out after having tried it, please remember, as the first economic for- mula ever tried by white men on the North American Continent because after we signed the Mayflower Pact, those colonial forebears of ours established up on the cold New Eng- jJand coast a philosophy of socialism. They built the stockade to protect them. They sent our colonial forefathers out to gather things according to their ability to be dis- tributed by the politicians of that stockade in accordance with the needs of the com- munity. Some were assigned the job of catching fish, some the job of shooting wild turkey, some the job of trapping bear, and some the job of cutting wood. Do you know what happened? History re- cords a stupendous percentage of our early colonial forefathers starved to death that first rugged winter on the New England shores. What was the reason? Then as now there were a lot of early American chiselers among the early American colonials and they did not want to go to work. [Laughter] They were human beings like we are, that is all. Some of them who were assigned the job of cutting down trees preferred to fish. Some of them that were assigned the fob of going fishing preferred to bathe in the sea. Some of them that were assigned to shoot wild turkey did not like the blunderbuss as it went off against one’s shoulder; and his- tory further records we could not commemo- rate the first bountiful Thanksgiving Day, that great American holiday, on American soil until we discarded the philosophy of national socialism and adopted the philoso- phy of private enterprise instead, and we have been working at it ever since. Strangely enough, in spite of all the carp- ing criticisms of all the members of all the liberal philosophies of the world, by follow- ing the principle of private enterprise, this country in a century and a half has become envied by everybody. It is the only country in the world that has to establish immiugra- tion bars to keep the people out. The rest of them all put up the bars to keep the people in. They want to come over here and practice freedom and liberty and private enterprise. ALTERNATIVE NO, 2 Without exception, I say national socialism has always ended that way or else it has ended this way’ People have found that in order to get efficiency and in order to com- pel the chiselers to work and get things done, they had to increasingly give more and more power to fewer and fewer people at the top until a Hitler brought efficiency about in Germany by depriving the people of the free- dom of choice, until a Mussolini made the trains run on time in Italyeall right but nobody in Italy any longer had control of his own destiny, or until a Stalin demon- strates that he can produce with a great ca- pacity all right, but he does it by the man- hours of people working in ‘the political concentration camps of the Siberian slopes where they now have some 12,000,000 or 15,- 000,000 human beings working as prisoners of the state because they disagreed politi- cally with the party in power. There has never been any exception to the rule. Do you know why? I think 1t was brought out in a debate that I had with one of the executive officials down in Washington some time ago, a very able fellow, an en- tireiy patriotic fellow, one of these people who have been bewildered and confused by the preachments of the Communists but who considers himself a good American and who knowingly would not, for 1 minute, help the Communists. It is by confusing and controlling the thinking of good-minded individuals and pure patriots that the Com- munists achieve most of their objectives. HOW A PLANNED ECONOMY LEADS TO TYRANNY We were arguing about a planned economy for America. He said we ought to have one and I said we should not have one, and he was somewhat at an advantage over me be- cause it was difficult for me to focus my eyes on him when he talked because I was being blinded by the light glistening from the Phi Beta Kappa key off his chain when he talked. He was pushing people like you around, believing in his heart that there is not a man in this room who can be trusted to spend your own money or to run your own business as well as he could do it from the vantage point of that Phi Beta Kappa key. So he said to me, “I can’t understand how a Senator from a State like South Dakota would be against a planned economy. Cer- tainly you must believe in planning, Senator, for yourself and your family, for old age, for a vacation, for the education of your children. Certainly, Senator, you must be-~ lieve in planning ahead for the next elec- tion.” He was right on that one, you bet I do. [Laughter.] It is tough enough for a Re-~ publican to get elected nowadays and if we did not plan ahead, we would not have a chance. He then said, “Without a planned econ- omy, Senator, how can you be sure that all the people who make automobiles can sell all the automobiles that they make, that somebody will not make cars that he can- not sell? How can you be sure without a planned economy that steel will be equitably distributed among the people who need steel? How can you be sure that the little APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fellow who needs some steel to make razor blades and baby carriages and roller skates can. get the steel he needs; that some big cor- poration making railroad rolling stock will not take all the steel and freeze out the lit- tle fellow? “How can you be sure of that unless you have a planned economy?” Then he sat down and it was my turn to talk. I was not in any hurry. He prac- tically had me persuaded by that time. [Laughter.] Believe me, when you bounce these seduc- tive phrases up against the propagandized mind of the average American these days, you can sell him almost anything, especially if you do it from the wrong end of a train going west on a nonpolitical tour at public expense. It is an easy job, I assure you. [Laughter.] But the point I am trying to bring out is that he stopped there for me to answer his arguments and so I had to say something. I was thinking and trying to figure out how to make the best approach because this was a debate a lot of people were attending and I was badly handicapped anyhow, he hav- ing been educated at Harvard University and having one of those Harvard accents. They always kind of frighten me, to begin with. I shudder sometimes to think how much a Harvard accent has cost the American tax- payer in the last 20 years. [Laughter.] I was just a fresh-water Senator, so I said to him, “Let me ask you a couple of ques- tions, Professor; you have been asking me a lot of them.” “Of course,” he said. I said, “I would like to know, in the first place, Professor, whether you would agree with me that a planned economy cannot achieve anything for anybody just as long as it remains a plan. A plan in a political platform wrapped up in some bureaucrat’s desk drawer is not any good until you put the plan into use. Would you agree to that?” “Yes, I agree to that,” he said. “I wonder, Professor,” I said, “If you would agree with one other thing I would like to ask about it. Would you agree with me that a planned economy cannot possibly do any good for your family or solve the prec¢a- ment with regard to the distribution of steel so long as the people who make the plan simply send it through the mail under the franking privilege or announce it over the radio, so long as people in America are still permitted to accept the plan or reject it as they choose, would you agree, Professor, that a planned economy cannot work until and unless you give the politiclans who make the plan the police power to compel the rest of the people to go along with the plan or go to jail? “Would you agree, Professor, that for a planned economy to work you have got to, have that kind of pushy government, that kind of political control, that kind of coerced cooperation?” And because he was an honest, respectable man, he said, “Of course, I agree to that but you have to remember to consider the greater good and not the individual good, and that in order to achieve the benefits of a planned economy, you must compel the stubborn individual who is a recalcitrant to go along or go to fail.” And if you think they are not talking about @ planned economy now in what we still think is a free enterprise system, let me point out to you that on the floor of the Senate 2 ‘weeks ago on two consecutive days, two United States Senators made two speeches wherein one of them said, “The time has come in America when we should establish some kind of law, some kind of regulatory board which would deny the steel industry the present authority it has to make unjustifiable profits. It is making profits which are so large it is jeopardizing the economy of America.” We have to have politicians regulating it,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The next day one of his colleagues from the same side of the aisle got up and gave a speech and said, “The time has come in America when we have to have regulatory power, when we have got to let the politi- cians exercise authority on the coal indus- try because the coal industry is not making enough profit so that it can function as it should in our economy,” So they get you coming and going. If you are making money they have got to control you because you are making too much and if you are not making money, they have to control you because they need more people to pay taxes. WHAT YOU MUST DO TO STAY FREE If you accept the philosophy that only a politician in a job like mine has any answers that will work, has any judgments that are sound, knows how to spend the money that you earn, then you accept the philosophy of the welfare state, of the security state, of the planned economy, of national socialism, of communism, of fascism, and nazism, They are linked together by that fundamen- tal conviction which I consider a funda- mental fallacy. I have now been down in Washington for 12 years. In that time I have known all the Presidents we have had down there by their first names. I might say we have not had very many in that time. [Laughter.] I have Known all the Members of the House of Representatives and of the Senate. I have served in both branches and I am a sort of gregarious fellow. I know them, i like them, and I get along very well with them. I know the members of the Presi- dent’s Cabinet and I want to tell you, frank- ly, that in all the time I have been down there I have yet to meet the first politician, Republican or Democrat, in the White House or out of it, in Congress or in the civil serv- ice, any place any where, that I think is so wise and so good that I would like to turn over to him all of my money and all of my freedom and say, “You take the ball and run with it.” That is the thing they are talking about, That is the thing that it is up to you to stop. That is the thing that can be stopped only when men and women like you begin to resent articulately and in organized action any politician from any party who insults you to the point of saying, “I am going to take your money and your judgment and exercise them and spend them for you in your own behalf.” If we are going to have freedom in America, those who are presently the recipients of the benefits of freedom must speak out in its defense and its support and must unite themselves, it seems to me, in some kind of concerted effort to defend it. Let me now in 4 or 5 minutes suggest some practical things for the men and women of Elizabeth, N. J., to do in this connection and then I will be ready for your questions. In the first place, it seems to me, that we have to recognize that if we are going to maintain freedom in America, it is essential that Americans generally understand exactly what it is all about and what communism is and how it works, that we have to conduct an educational campaign in our communities day by day and year by year, making sure everybody knows what those precious points are in the American success formula that we must save. WE MUST PROTECT OUR AMERICAN SUCCESS FORMULA These factors are private enterprise, indi- vidual initiative, political independence, simple little things like that. We have to protect them from attacks, from the mali- cious Communist conspirator no less and no more than we protect them from attacks by those who do not understand the purport of the things they do, So I suggest that perhaps from the or- canizations of which you are members, if you belong to the American Legion or the Methodist Church, if you belong to the Vet- erans of Foreign Wars or the Kiwanis Club, if you belong to the Elks Lodge or the United States Chamber of Commerce or the Women’s Federated Clubs, you might want to be sure that on May 18 and 14 that there is a repre- sentative of your organization at the La Salle Hotel in Chicago where under the able and courageous leadership of a great American, National Commander George Craig of the American Legion, the third and the most important meeting of the all-important American Conference to Promote Freedom and Defeat Communism is going to be held. The first conference was held in the Astor Hotel in New York City in January and the second conference in the executive commit- tee rooms of the American Legion Building in Indianapolis in March. BETTER JOIN THE ALL-AMERICAN CONFERENCE This is the third conference. This is it, This meeting on May 18 and 14 is to deter-~ mine whether there are in America enough individuals and organizations willing to join together in a common front against com- munism and for freedom to defeat these forces of collectivism moving in on us from every corner of the world. Either we succeed in Chicago in May or America continues to lack a united front and a cohesive weapon with which to combat communism. We propose to set in motion this simple program: that the local members of such national organizations as Kiwanis, the A. F, of L.,, the United States Chamber of Com- merce, the churches, the individual patriotic organizations of men and women, etc., shall form community-action committees in a city like Elizabeth, N. J., and see to it that at least these four things are done as part of the program of the All-American Con- ference: The first Js to have taught in every school in America a few rudimentary facts about freedom and what it means and how we got it and how we can Keep it; of what private enterprise and political independence mean in America now and how to support them; a@ little quick capsule course to be added to what they are being taught so that every American who graduates from a public school will know in his heart why he is proud to be an American and what he has to do to keep America American and to avoid the pitfalls of all forms of collectivism. No. 2, to have in every community of the land of 1,000 people or more a “Know Your America Week” in which a program by the whole community is developed for the pur- pose of making every citizen in that com- munity understand better and appreciate more the principles upon which America de- pends and upon which our freedom now Tests, San Jose, Calif., is kicking off from July 2 to July 8 with 300,000 people in a “Know Your America Week” launched by the Kiwanis Club of that community. Memphis, Tenn., did the job a little while ago and I had the happy pleasure on Good Friday night of talking to 5,000 people in the city of Memphis about what it is we have got to do to stay free and how it is you can tell when something is moving us toward communism, because it always moves by the formula of taking money and power from individual citizens and giving that power and that money to the palace politicians. It never misses. This does not mean, and let me make that clear, that everybody who fa- vors centralized controls, it does not mean that everybody who favors deficit spending, it does not mean that everybody who believes in building a great regulatory planned econ- omy is a Communist. But it does mean exe actly that every Communist in America with- out exception always favors all three of those encroachments upon your individual liber- ties. They never miss, They know political A3603 controls are the stepping stones toward communism. A “Know Your America Week” would help in fighting these steps and trends, for example, through the newspapers and through the schools and on the radio. It could do some of the things which were done so splendidly by the Standard Steel Spring Co. with its series of advertisements which have been reprinted in this booklet entitled “Something To Think About” which you as executives can get free of charge by writing @ postcard to the General Motors Corp., De- troit, Mich. They have made this available to do their part to help keep freedom so you can reprint in your newspapers without giv- ing any credit to the Standard Steel Spring Co. or the General Motors Corp. or to the Hayes-McFarland Advertising Co. in Chicago which set it up, this dramatic lesson, spon-~ sored by your local employers telling the story, “Socialism! Brother You Don’t Know the Half of It.” Then this advertisement goes ahead and starts with this language: “Let’s put away all the $10 words and call a spade a spade. Socialism in plain English is nothing more nor less than political management of the lives, the total lives, of all the people,” and then down here in every paragraph, “Facts no American should ever forget.” A “ENOW YOUR AMERICA WEEK” IN EVERY COMMUNITY In this “Know Your America Week” we are going to try to make every American always remember facts like these; that in Russia under communism a man who works a week earns 17 pounds of sugar, if he works a week in Great Britain he gets 282 pounds of sugar and if he works a week under the private- enterprise system of America at the same job, he gets 500 pounds of sugar. That is what the workingmen are interested in. There would not be enough money in the Electrical Union in Elizabeth to hire pickets to be in front of this hotel tonight if the people in those picket lines really understood the kind of lives they would have to lead if communism were to prevail in America. But we have not taught the people the facts. We have not brought out these truths, “Facts No American Should Ever Forget.” The average number of hours of working time required to purchase a man’s pair of shoes is as follows: In the United States, you can earn the shoes in 6 hours, in Great Britain, 25 hours; and in Russia in 145 hours. We would like to have all Americans know those facts, but it cannot be done un- less or until men and women like you some- how or other get into the fight. A politician cannot say it because people would think it is Republican propaganda. You can explain it. The schools can tell us. ‘The churches can tell it. So the second thing in this new program is to encourage and sponsor “Know Your America Weeks” throughout the country. The third is to project the dividends from our freedoms more generally throughout our communities. ‘Your preacher knows and I know, because at one time I taught school and he is a preacher and knows, that the dividends of freedom are not divided as fairly as they might be in Elizabeth, N. J., or in South Dakota. You have probably got some place here you do not take Aunt Mary to when she comes in from the country, and you show her the sights. There are some places in town that you are ashamed of; we have them in every community. Let us see to 1t that by community action end not by bureaucratic control, not by a new set of taxes by which we collect a dol- lar from you and give back 26 cents to clear out the slums of Elizabeth, N, J., but by community action let us improve our towns and communities one at a time, making them ‘better one at a time, like we started them in the first place, one at a time. Let us see to it that the children that necd their tonsils
A3604 taken care of in Elizabeth, N. J., get it done by the collective generosity of the medical people of Elizabeth, N. J, and by community clinies and not by political doctors coming down from Washington. Let us cooperate in projecting the dividends of freedom in- creasingly for more and more people. That also helps to defeat communism. Finally, and fourth in this proposed pro- gram, behind which we hope to put the united effort of organizations representing 60,000,000 Americans, come the middle of next month, 1s to alert ourseives to protect our freedoms. FREEDOM IS WELL WORTH DEFENDING It would not be fair, and I am not going to do 1t, to ask anybody here just what have you done, John Smith, to protect your free- dom since the war. What have you actually done to stay freo? If all of us do nothing, of course, we are nct going to stay free. Freedom is everybody’s job but unless everybody works at the job, nobody stays free, and so we hope to get people in every community alert to discovering who the peo- ple are 1n their localities who are the Com- munists and to identify them, and expose them. Do not arrest them, do not put them jn jail, just focus the spotlight of public opinion on them and they will wither and die like any other disease germ in any other body, but let people know who they are. Do not let them get into your school facul- ties, do not let them get into your unions, do not let them get into your women’s clubs, or your business organizations or your churches. Protect America. ‘ A simple thing could be to start with to find out from the Attorney General those organizavions now numbering over 100 that the Communists control today and make sure that those organizations are known by name to all the people of Elizabeth, N. J., so nobody here is unknowingly helping those organizations to destroy freedom. In a cap- sule, that is the program. It is the only one available, In conclusion, let me say that I am con-~ vinced that we are not going to win the bat- tle for freedom simply by relying on -fel- lows in the political profession in jobs like mine. If we save freedom now at this late date, it is going to be because individual citizens in towns like yours do something different somehow in the next 5 years from what has been happening in America in the last decade. Thank you. questions. (Audience arises and applauds.) Mr, StRINGFELLOW. We have a large num- ber of questions, and, to save time, I do not think I shall read them, I will ask the Senator to read them, but I should like to say at the outset that I am having this speech and these questions recorded and I shall distribute them to you at an early date with my compliments. [Applause.] I am mindful of the fact, as is the Sen- ator, that there are a great many people in this audience who are saying to themselves, and probably to others at the table, “That was a great speech but he delivered it to the wrong audience.” Well, let me say this to you, he delivered it to the only kind of an audience that can save America. Another thing is that if you and others like you have as much love for America as our founding fathers had, then the kind of a speech that was given here tonight will make each one of us become Paul Reveres, and if there was ever a time in the history of this great Republic of ours when we need Paul Reveres that time is now. As I listened to this marvelous address, I was reminded of a benediction which was given by a former chaplain of the United States Senate which I should like to read. It is composed of only five lines. The chap- lain’s name was Peter Marshall. I am now ready for your “Oh, God, our Father, let us not be content to wait and see what will happen, but give us the determination to make the right things happen, Guve us the courage to stand for something lest we fall for anything.” I think that summarizes what the Sen- ator was driving at tonight. Now I would like to ask the Senator if he will read these questions himself. That will save a little time. Will you answer them, sir? QUESTION-ANSWER SESSION Senator Munpr. All right, I will do the best I can. Here is the first question. “Senator MuNnpt, you have brought to- gether a number of important historical items pointing up the dangers of commu- nism. Can you suggest why this material 1s so often ignored by our most respected newspapers?” It is difficult to know that. I am greatly disturbed about the way in which some newspapers have reported some of these Communist things. I did not realize it nearly as much until it fell to my unhappy responsibility to serve as chairman of the Un-American Activities Committee during the time we were having the Hiss investi- gation with Whittaker Chambers and the fa- mous pumpkin papers, and we got a pretty bad kicking around on that committee, as you probably remember, up until the very hour that Hiss was convicted for the second time or convicted finally probably, I should say, after a hung jury resulted in the first trial at New York. Since then there have been a lot of red- faced newspapers. The newspapers of Amer- ica, insofar as they are published in com- munities of 100,000 or less, I think have done a pretty good job of explaining communism. When you get up into a great metropolitan paper, of course, you have a multi-million- dollar corporation which very frequently has its editorials written by $100-a-week indi- viduals who do not have a complete under- standing of the processes of private enter- prise. When you take away in the newspaper business the ownership relationship between the editorial writer and the paper you lose something which I think is highly valuable in American journalism. I do feel that newspapers generally, though, are coming to understand better what communism is. I have talked about this many times with J. Edgar Hoover, and I would be surprised if we have in America over 5,000 people—and I think that is a generous guess—who actually understand what communism is and how it operates and its whole historic background. I think that men like Mr. Budenz and Mr. Gitlow, who have left the Communist Party and are explaining and opposing it, are doing a great deal to help make that thing gen- erally understood, but it is not something on which most of us have had any occasion to devote any study and, consequently, there is a paucity of information about it. QUESTION NO. 2 “Are our educational institutions, in any appreciable measure, weak points in our fight against communism?” I would say “No,” as far as educational in- stitutions are concerned. There are educa- tors in many of our institutions, of course, who have been bewildered and confused, and some of them definitely captivated by the Communist doctrine. You and I know of a case out in the University of Washington with regard to that. I spoke out in Washington last fall, and, as a matter of fact, I spoke in every State west of the Mississippi River on this creed last fall. Out in Seattle, Wash., I learned from Dr. Allen about the three Washington Uni- versity professors who finally were removed from their jobs because it was discovered they were Communists. The pathetic thing about it was that in the final day of testi- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mony before these professors were finally kicked off the public payroll it was brought out that they had been teaching there for 20 years as Communists—each of them. It is impossible to estimate the number of young boys and girls whose souls were sent plumb to hell by the perverted mentalities of those Communist professors. In this program that I mentioned with respect to the fourth point, protect our free- doms, we believe it is part of the commu- nity’s responsibility to make sure that in the schools and in the universities and in the jnstitutions that your children attend, in the institutions which your money helps sup- port, that there should be no Communist professors. We do not want to get a gestapo in this country, but we want an alert citi- zenry which will do its individual part to eliminate these insidious influences. QUESTION NO. 3 ‘Do you think laissez faire economics would give us maximum freedom? Do you think we have a chance of getting back to a laissez faire economy?” I do not think it would give us a maximum freedom. I hope we never return to it. I think the important genius of America is that, more than any other area of the world, we have kept a happy working equilibrium between a complete opportunity state and the complete security state. We do not pretend to give individuals as much security as they get, for example, out in Alcatraz, where they have complete pro- tection against the vicissitudes of life, free medical care, permanent retirement [laugh- ter], protection from any kind of invasion, and good food. They have security, if that is what they want. Nor do we pretend to give Americans the complete opportunity state which would be the laissez faire state. We do not give an opportunity to an American ‘that he could get if he wanted to go out, for example, to the Caribbean, to the semicivilized islands and areas of the world; if he wants to live under the regime of laissez faire where the Jaw of the tooth and the fang and the claw prevail—that is not in America, We have laws that we must obey and we have codes of ethics. We have business prac- tices, We have state and national regula- tions, but we have kept an equilibrium here. There is opportunity enough for any good man to succeed, security enough for any honest man to be protected against the greater evils and vicissitudes and dangers of life; better than any other country, we have maintained the cquilibrium. Sometimes we go too far in the direction, I think, of too much opportunity as against security. Sometimes we go in the direction of providing too much security at the cost of opportunity; but so long as we kecp them in balance, I think, we will have free enter- prise and freedom in America. QUESTION NO. 4 “Who was the Assistant Secretary of State for whom Hiss worked?” Francis B. Sayre. QUESTION NO, 5 “How did the Communists get our atomic- bomb secrets?” Through infiltration; through espionage; through Dr. Fuchs; through the contact with Dr. May and the other Canadian espionage agents in the Canadian spy trials; through Alex Androvich, one of the Communist espionage agents in this country; through other Communist esplonage agents in this country, some of whom, incidentally, escaped and returned to Russia without gettlug caught; through men like the university professor in Minnesota University who was caught relaying secrets from the Berkeley, Calif., atomic ring to the Russians. There were many leaks, and to that must be added that they worked out some of them
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD through their own genius because they cap- tured a great many of the Nazi atomic scientists in the closing days of the war who are now working just as feverishly for com- munism as they worked for nazism and probably do not know the difference between the isms because it is measured only by the length of the mustaches of the two respective dictators [laughter]. They are just as happy one place as they were the other. QUESTION No. 6 “Would you care to give your opinion on the Senator McCartHy episode?” I will put that down for the moment and see if the other questions permit shorter answers. QUESTION NO. 7 “You told us how communism through infiltration took over the government of many free and democratic countries. Why do our representatives In Washington con- done the actions of individuals representing communism in this country? “We spend millions of dollars and waste time through the slow legal approach to con- vict them. Why not fight fire with fire?” That is a good question and it is related to the other. I will answer them both as the last question. QUESTION NO. 8 “Is there, in your opinion, adequate legis- lation now available to deal with Communists in. the Governments, Federal, State, and local? If not, what is lacking?” That is related to the preceding two and it will be covered when I answer them. QUESTION NO. 9 “What is the secret of successful resistance to the loss of freedom of such a relatively weak and vulnerable nation as Finland, par- ticularly without open help from the United States in the way of ECA funds which seem to be so imperative to other stronger na- tions?” I visited Finland on the same tour that I took with Vice President BARKLEY. We met President Paasikivi of Finland and spent considerable time with him. I remember one little humorous incident when ALBEN BaRKLEY, in his big, fatherly way, said to him, “You are having a considerable amount of trouble in Finland and the heart of Amer- ica beats for you. You paid your debts to us and we are always fond of you. We are sorry for the predicament in which Finland finds itself.” President Paasikivi is an old fellow and he has false teeth and he stutters a little bit. “Yes,” he said, “it is certainly true that things are pretty tough over here. We have been in two wars and lost both wars. War jis a mighty bad thing, especially if-you lose it.” I have thought about that many times. Wars are bad enough when you win, but when you lose them, they are pretty rugged, indeed. The secret of Finland, I think, is simply the fact that the Russians, of course, will take Finland when they want it, when they find it judicious to do so. The Finns know that even better than we, but from the standpoint of infiltrating, from the standpoint of taking it over, they live so close to the Russians that they see the evils of communism so close to their own thresh~ hold that they never voluntarily are going to grasp communism to their bosom. If and “when the Russians decide to roll through Finland, there is not any amount of Marshall plan money, of course, or arms from this country that could conceivably stop that kind of an attack. QUESTION NO. 10 “Is the Government supplying literature for distribution in plants such as ours for combating communism? If so, how can these be obtained?” ‘The Government is not, and in my opinion, the Government should not. If the Govern- Ment distributes literature to the schools and the factories and to other people, it is almost certain to be contaminated and slant- ed by the particular political philosophy in power. I think those-now in charge of the Government would do it and I think we Re- publicans would be guilty of falling for the same temptation if we should, by any chance, again ever control the Government. [Laughter.] I would not myself have much hope for a free country like ours saving itself if it had to rely on politicians to the extent even of getting the Government to supply the in- formation to relay to the workers in the fac- tories. If we have not any more fortitude, if we have not any more spirit, if we have not any more gumption and plain old-fash- jioned South Dakota guts than to ask poli- ticians to save us, to the extent that we can- not publish our own booklets and get our own facts as General Motors is doing and dig them out or write our Congressmen or Sen- ators or have the Library of Congress supply us the evidence that we can reduce to print, I do not think we would deserve freedom and we would not postpone disaster very long with that kind of supine support. QUESTION NO, 11 “What do you think of the World Federal- ists as a force toward world peace?” The World Federalists along with the Ely Culbertson group and others have all pro- posed a number of interesting suggestions for meeting the problem of the atomic age. In my opinion, the World Federalists fall down primarily in their failure to meet the biggest single problem that confronts us, and that is what to do about the atomic bomb. Of all the groups that are struggling and grappling with some kind of program for col- lective security, I think the proposal recom- mended in part by the American Legion ex- ecutive committee, recommended in part by Ely Culbertson’s group, recommended in part by a group of 16 United States Senators—8 Democrats and 8 Republicans—is the best, This program proposes to call an interna- tional conclave of the world to which all the nations are invited, both those in and out of the United Nations, and in which the propo- sition is made to accept and adopt the Baruch proposal for atomic control, complete international inspection, complete demili- tarization of the bomb, complete outlawry of it, complete protection by inspection and control against production of the bomb, and then after having agreed on that, ask all those countries of the world willing to join in such a collective organization for peace to step across the line and watch and wonder does Russia come across, does Tito come across, does Poland come across or not. [If they do, by having the same kind of inspec- tion that you have in your banks in New Jersey whereby the State banking inspector or the Federal bank examiner comes to the back door and says, “I am coming in and I am looking at the books,” and whereby the president of the bank cannot say, “You can’t come in Monday; come back Friday, I have got a little fixing to do on the books,” it should work. [Laughter.] If we have the same kind of inspection the bank examiners make, we can, of course, protect ourselves against an atomic catastrophe. So, if Russia comes in, that problem is solved. If Russia does not come in, the problem is just exactly where it is now, except everybody knows what just a few people in the State Depart- ment and the Pentagon Building are now worrying about, and we then decide what to do with the free portion and the decent por- tion of the world toward organizing some kind of collective effort which is determined and proclaims so all can understand that Russia is not to be permitted to stockpile bombs enough to blow civilization. off the face of the earth. If we select that program, it is better than that proposed by the World Federalists, and A3605 it approaches the specific problem more di- rectly, and that is a method showing how we can grapple with the problem of the bomb, and in my humble opinion, if we fail to grap~ ple with that effectively some time within the next 5 years, we shall not have the oppor-~ tunity to grapple with it once the Russians have outstripped us in the building of the bomb. QUESTIONS NOS. 6, 7, AND 8 Now we have the three earlier questions which I will repeat and answer collectively and then at long last to your great relief, you will be permitted to go home. 8. “Is there, in your opinion, adequate legislation now available to deal with Com-~ munists in the governments—Federal, State, and local? If not, what is lacking?” 7. “You told us how communism through infiltration took over the government of many free and democratic countries. Why do our representatives in Washington con- done the actions of individuals representing communism in this country? We spend mil- lions of dollars and waste time through the slow, legal approach to convict them. Why not fight fire with fire?’ 6. “Would you care to give your opinion on the Senator McCartuy episode?” I will take the Senator McCarruHy episode first. Iam not a member of the Senate For- eign Relations Committee which is hearing the evidence presented by Senator McCarTuy. AILI know is what I can pick up in the cloak- rooms and hear in the committee meetings as a kibitzer and read in the newspapers, measured against my own experience as chairman of a committee for 2 years which dealt with the Same specific problem when we were unearthing and convicting or getting confessions from Wadleigh and from Hiss. I think that Senator McCarruy in all probability at the end of his charges is going to render a public service in at least two ways. I believe the first is going to be a tightening of the loyalty screening by which the personnel of the State Department are selected. It has been very embarrassing to the State Department to have to announce in response to McCartHy’s charges that it has removed 205 security risks from the rolls of the State Department and to have to justify its re- moval of these people by saying, “Don’t worry too much, they were not all Commu- nist sympathizers, 91 of them were only homosexuals and sexual degenerates.” [Laughter.] ’ Had it not been for Senator McCarrxry’s charges, probably nobody in this room would know about that except the Speaker who knew about it some time in advance in con- nection with another investigation. I think it is good that you should know those sordid facts. I think it is good that Americans generally should know that since Yalta not only Hiss has been discovered and convicted and Wad- leigh been smoked out, but that since Yalta 205 people have been removed; and if you are willing to accept the criterion employed by the State Department that the 91 moral degenerates were not necessarily security risks, it still leaves a considerable number. All I can say after having talked with the fellows in the Kremlin a few times in 1945 is that I believe if you would let me put even 100 good American GI’s who believe in our way of life in Joe Stalin’s foreign office and keep them there for 90 days, I could have old Joe walking around Red Square singing Yankee Doodle Dandy at the end of that time. [Laughter.] Therefore, in my opinion, even 100 dis- loyal State Department people are too many. McCarruy smoked out these State Depart- ment figures. As to what he is going to find from now on, your guess is as good as mine. I think he rendered one other important service. He focused attention on the policy of America toward Asia as it has never been
A3606 focused by any other spokesmen or series of events before. We know now that the Latti- more line was the State Department line in Asia. We do not know, at least I do not know, whether Owen Lattimore was or is a Com- munist, but we have had presented before our viewpoint the whole series of Lattimore recommendations which one after another recommended that we pull out of China and turn it over to the Communist forces. In my book, I am not so much concerned to find out whether Owen Lattimore is a Communist or an Eagle Scout as I am to know that his is the line followed by the State Department which has brought us close to disaster in Asia. That is history. I think we have got to build a policy to- ward Asia, I think it should be an American policy supported without partisanship by both political parties; but I think it was good that we washed out the dirty linen and found out as a Nation, for once and for all, how we got where we are. We were licked by the Lattimore line. It should make us more cautious. It should make us more constructive and it should make us more realistic about getting ahead in the future. One other thing I may say in passing is that I think McCarry suffers from one of the characteristics of most members of the Irish fraternity. I think frequently his testimony exceeds his evidence and he engages in extravagant statements. I think by the same token the Tydings committee up until a few days ago was a pretty bad spectacle as to what the United States Senate should measure up to because it was too much of a partisan effort not to investigate the individuals named by McCartTHyY, but to investigate McCartHy and to try to discredit him. The country has finally made itself felt and its actions in Washington so that both McCartuy and the committee realize it does not like to see a great political game played with something as serious as loyalty. McCartHy is consequently tempering his charges, making them more specific, and 2 days ago, at long last, the Senate investigat- ing committee established a staff to look into the charges to make a report. Let me tell you now what I hope the outcome is. WHAT THE SENATE INVESTIGATION SHOULD PRODUCE I hope that the investigation is so thor- ough and so complete and so objective and so nonpartisan that at the end when the committee brings in a report, which I hope can be unanimous, you and I as ordinary American citizens can then have as much confidence in the loyalty of the members of the State Department still employed as we now have in the loyalty of the agents of the FBI. I do not think that is asking too much. A NEW CRITERION OF LOYALTY FOR THE STATE DEPARTMENT The FBI agent apprehends the kidnapper and catches the fellow who runs across a State line with a stolen automobile, but State Department officials these days make deci- sions affecting the lives of every individual in America and perhaps the lives of conti- nents and civilizations. Therefore I do not think it is asking too much to give the same benefit of the doubt to the Government with regard to loyalty for the State Department officials that we have always given to the Gov- ernment in analyzing the loyalty of agents of the FBI—and we have never had a dis- loyal agent in the FBI. So if you want to keep Reds out of the Government, you see, it can be done, The other two questions lead me to a dis< cussion of the picket line outside. It gives me a chance which I should not overlook. Perhaps some of you are going someplace, but I cannot go back to Washington until midnight anyhow, so I at least have got plenty of time. [Laughter.] It gives me a chance which I should not overlook to offer at least some rebuttal to the arguments of the picket line outside of the hotel because these questions deal with whether I think there is adequate protec- tion on the Federal statute books now to deal with the Communist conspiracy. My answer is emphatically no. I can prove it by the testimony of the Attorney General who testified that there are loopholes now which should be plugged up. One question asks whether I think we should fight fire with fire? I would not want to subscribe to be- lieving that we should fight fire with fire, if whoever wrote the question sought to imply that we should treat the Communists in this country the way the Communists treat freemen in theirs. I would not want to do that. If by fighting fire with fire you mean do I think we should do something to protect ourselves, I certainly say yes or we do not deserve to be men and to be free. I think the time has come, frankly, my good friends, when the individual citizens of America have got to begin measuring up to the dimensions of freemen and that means realizing that we are dealing with a con- spiracy which is highly organized, well trained, knowing what it wants and having demonstrated in 14 different foreign capi- tals it has the capacity to get what it goes after. THE MUNDT-FERGUSON-JOHNSTON-NIXON BILL Now we propose, consequently, S. 2311, the bill publicized in the picket line as the Mundt bill—I do not honestly deserve all that amount of special attention because it should be called the Mundt-Ferguson-John- ston-Nixon bill, because Ferguson, the junior Senator from Michigan; JoHNnston, the senior Senator from South Carolina; and Congress- man Nrxon, of California, all joined with me in introducing the bill. It passed the House of Representatives in the Hightieth Congress and you can find out who your Congressman is and see how he voted by looking at the record in the roll call vote which was 319 to 58. Before the Senate had any time to act it adjourned, so it was reintroduced in the Eighty-first Con- gress. It has now been passed by the Senate Ju- diciary Committee with a vote of 12 to 1, only Senator Lancsr, of North Dakota, hav- ing voted against it. Here is what the so- called Mundt-Nixon bill or the Mundt-Fer- guson-Johnston-Nixon bill provides. WHAT THIS PROPOSED NEW LEGISLATION WOULD DO No. 1. That all Communists in America should be compelled to register their names and addresses with the Attorney General. No. 2. That the Communist groups should be compelled to make a financial report each year as to where they get their money and how they spend it, No. 3. That the Communists should be compelled to label their literature before it js shipped through the mail and to identify all broadcasts sent out over the radio. No. 4. That Communists should be re- quired to identify the front organizations which they subsidize and support. Where do we get the idea for doing that? Does that sound like thought control? Is that an antilabor bill? My good friends, that is applying as closely as you can to the Communists the same regulations now on the statute books applicable to the Republican Party and the Democratic Party. In most of the States of the Union, you have to register as a Re- publican or a Democrat to vote in the pri- maries, In, all of the States of the Union, you have to identify yourself as a Republican or a Democrat before you can go to a political convention and serve as a delegate selecting the candidates at a convention, ‘There is nothing novel about that. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We require the Communists to move in the open like legitimate and loyal people do in political parties and activities. Under the Hatch Act and under the clean politics bill, Republicans and Democrats are required to file a financial report in Washington. Under the Hatch bill and the Clean Politics Act, Republicans and Democrats are compelled to identify their literature and their propa-~ ganda. If we organize a Republican farmers’ or- ganization under the laws of the Union, we have to identify our connection with our front organizations. My bill provides the same rule for the Communists, no more, no less. I think the time has come when seri- ous-minded citizens begin to recognize you cannot let these Communist weeds grow up in our garden of freedom forever without losing the rest of the functions of freemen. What else does the bill do? The bill declares by law that no Commu- nist shall be permitted 1o hold an appointive Federal job. Note the word “appointive.” We do not deny them the right to elect officials. I am one person who does not favor outlawing the Communist Party. I am one who believes that if the Communists can control 51 percent of the voters of America and they vote for Communists, they have a right to communize America. But I want them to do it in the open. I do not want them to smuggle their people into positions of power through appointive people. So we deny them the right to hold an appointive job and put a good fine on the fellow who surreptitiously gets a job and it is discov~ ered he is a Communist, and there is also a@ fine on the bureaucrat who appoints him, knowing he is a Communist. I see no more justification for compelling you and me to pay taxes to pay the salary of a public appointive official who is a Com- munist who has a job and who takes the job for the purpose of sabotaging our free- doms than I could see for the city council of the city of Elizabeth to pass a law com~ pelling you to hire a kidmaper as a baby sitter in your own home. One is as absurd as the other. The only other prohibition we make against the Communists is this: We deny the Communists the privilege to get a Fed- eral passport to travel abroad because the FBI has discovered so many of them leav- ing this country with a passport and going to Moscow, participating in Communist con- spiracies there, picking up new ideas to bring over here to help destroy our free- doms, carrying military secrets and politi- cal secrets from this country to Russia, run~' ning a conveyor belt for the purpose of de-' stroying freedom in America. We do not tell our Communists as the Communists tell ' the people of Russia that they cannot leave, ' We simply say they cannot get a passport to travel abroad and they do not need a pass-' port to leave America, ‘ The only thing the passport is good for is to be able to get back in again and if they want to go there and stay there, that is O. K. with us, but they cannot get a passport to come back. [Laughter.] \ That is the bill. The bill provides one other thing which we call the Hiss amend- ment. It was not in the bill that passed the Eightieth Congress, but it is in the new bill as the direct result of the Hiss case. It makes it a crime, for the first time, in open-hearted America for a Government official in peacetime to take a security docu~ ment marked “classified” and without au- thorization to turn it over to a Communist agent or to a foreign spy. We make that criminal in America and make it an offense and we expand the statute of limitations which is now 8 years on most of the crimes against the Government for 10 years for that particular kind of crime. We make peace t-me espionage and peacetime treason pun- ishable as clearly defined and described in section IV, .
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Now it is that bill that our friends on the picket line oppose. That is the bill—about which 1f you buy an issue of the Daily Worker published in New York City when you go to work tomorrow—you will find my name blasted all over the front of the paper. It is that bill that you will find on the in- side pages of the Daily Worker that the Communists of America are endeavoring to raise a million dollar slush fund to defeat. Why? Does anybody here believe that they are sincere when they say they are doing that to protect freedom in America, that they are doing that so private enterprise can flourish in America, that they are doing that so that there can be freedom all over the world or peace? Or justice? Or liberty? They are doing that because they know our bill is going to destroy their racket in America. Unhappily, they have got a lot of preachers and school teachers and addle- minded lawyers and some editors confused and they say, “My, you must not pass a bill like that against a political party. It is thought control.” We specifically provide that Communists can have the same access to the minds of men and women over the air and through the radio and in the battles of politics in this country as any Democrat or Republican to- day can have. DON’T LET THE COMMUNISTS CONFUSE YoU It is not the Communist that concerns me most in America but it is the people who are confused by the Communists, who do not think things out for themselves. As J. Edgar Hoover told us one day, it is the people in the front movements that worry him more than the people in the Communist Party. Now if you believe with me that we ought to do something to stop Communists, you can help right now and every day until this bill is voted on by getting in touch with your Senators, both of them, and your Congressman and tell them you would like to have them support this bill, S. 2311. It is not a perfect bill. I think it can be made better through experience. But it is a start. And we are already very late in starting to do something about Communists. I know that we have worked on it for 3 years and the American Bar Association has twice endorsed it at national meetings. I know we sent it to the firm of John W. Davis across the river from you and his firm of lawyers went through it and analyzed it and suggested some amendments which we made, and they then endorsed it. We felt we did not want to have just a conservative law firm inspect it and so we went to Donald Richberg, one of the few honest liberals in America, the former head of the A, and he approved it suggesting a few amendments which we adopted; but if we can get some law like that on the statute books, we are prepared to start defending ourselves to help offset this wave of propa- ganda that the opposition is bringing up. Now if you have not heard enough about that, if you want to tune your radios in at 10: 45 tomorrow night on the Mutual Broad- casting System or at 10:45 Friday night on the National Broadcasting Co. network, at both of those hours on both of those net- works, I have agreed to discuss the Mundt- Ferguson bill in detail because they, have had somebody on the other side talk about it and they want to keep the time equally divided. In essence, however, you have heard the issue, and I am not at all sanguine that we are going to get the bill through because the Communists are working s0 much harder than those on the side of the angels. They always do work harder than the free people of America so perhaps their _ tactics of delay and confusion will win for them again and until you get a bill com- Pelling the Communists to operate in the open, you are never going to know where they are with their conspiratorial practices ‘ destroying freedom in America, That concludes the questions; thanks a lot for your interest and your patience. [Applause. ] Mr. Pma. I know I speak on behalf of all the people here in the audience and up here at the Speaker’s table when I say thank you very much for a very swell job. Senator Munpr. Thank you. (Whereupon, at 10:30 o’clock p. m. the meeting adjourned.) The Railroad Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FORREST C. DONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there may be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article by W. H. Lawrence which ap- peared in the New York Times of yes- terday, one paragraph of which reads: But while Democrats were talking about increased numbers at the polls, their own plans for making the Chicago parley the biggest political turnout of 1950 were being shattered by the railroad strike. Head- quarters had reserved 2,500 rooms in advance, but one hotel that had set aside 800 rooms reported that cancellations had reduced the total to less than 150 expected to arrive. There were no official figures available, as yet, on registered attendance. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Democrats CENTER Fatt Victory Horr IN Heavy Unirep StaTes VotTe—Canpimares Toup at Bic Ratuy in CHicaco THEY Must “Ruw ScaRED” To WIN ELECTIONS—ILLINOIS A BATTLEGROUND—MaIN Sitz oF War on IsOLATION—ParTyY WaRNED BaLLoT SLUMP Mzans Loss or CONNECTICUT (By W. H, Lawrence) Cricaco, May 18.—Democrats pinned their hopes of increasing their House and Senate majorities today on the prospect of increas- ing the national vote to 50,000,000 in the 1950 congressional elections—a figure well above the normal midterm. vote, when a light turn- out probably would help the Republicans. Democratic candidates for office were told that they must “run scared,” avoiding the slightest chance of overconfidence, and that they must fight back vigorously against a revival of isolationism sponsored by Repub- lican candidates across the Middle West. A session of the Democratic National Com- mittee to'chart campaign strategy opened the 3-day Jefferson Jubilee here, which will be brought to a climax Monday night in a speech by President Truman, who is near- ing the end of his “nonpolitical” swing across the country. 7 “If 50,000,000 people could go to the polls in 1950, I would have no fears as to what would happen to the Democratic majorities in Congress,” said Senator CLINTON P. ANDER- s0N, of New Mexico, chairman of the Demo- cratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. “Like the jackpot in a radio show, they would grow and grow and grow.” ANDERSON ASSIGNS QUOTAS Senator ANDERSON gave some of the States specific quotas for increasing their vote in 1950 over the Presidential year of 1948 if they were to keep Democrats in office in some A3607 cases and turn out Republicans in others. He said Pennsylvania and Ohio each should cast about 1,000,000 votes more this year, while Indiana should show a gain of 460,000 and Connecticut balloting should be up by 116,000, But while Democrats were talking about increased numbers at the polls, their own plans for making the Chicago parley the big- gest pohtical turnout of 1950 were being shattered by the railroad strike. Headquar- ters had reserved 2,500 rooms in advance, but one hotel that had set aside 800 rooms reported that cancellations had reduced the total to less than 150 expected to arrive. There were no official figures available, as yet, on registered attendance, Opening day ceremonies were devoid of controversy. The States’ rights Democrats, who deserted the national ticket in 1948, were not invited, and did not show up. There had been some talk of efforts here to restore Democratic unity in New Jersey, but these have not developed. HAGUE DELAYED BY STRIKE Mayor John V. Kenny, of Jersey City, was on hand, but former Mayor Frank Hague, the national committeeman and foe of Kenny, said he would not be able to arrive before Sunday because of the railway strike. The only major business accomplished was the election of Mrs. India Edwards, former Chicago newspaperwoman, as vice chairman of the national committee, succeeding Mrs. Charles W. Tillett, of North Carolina, who resigned so she could campaign in a primary fight to aid renomination of Senator Frank P. GRAHAM. Mrs. Edwards, who he been director of the women’s division, recalled that her own entry into active political work had been the re- sult of a speech by former Representative Clare Booth Luce, of Connecticut, attacking President Roosevelt at the 1944 Republican Convention here. “My only son, a boy of 19, had been killed @ few months before, and when I heard a member of the Republican Party say that GI Jim would want Roosevelt defeated, I de- termined to help erect a living memoriai to my boy by working to Keep in the White House the man who was being attacked so viciously,” she said. The main news came from the campaign reviews offered by Senator ANDERSON and his opposite number, Representative Micwarn J. Krrwan, of Ohio, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. What they said publicly was supplemented in a private session with the party’s execu- tive committee and individual State delega- tions who were trying to determine where the maximum effort should be made with the best prospects of success. Senator ANDERSON’s speech clearly indi- cated Democratic preoccupation with reelect- ing Gov. Chester Bowles and two Democratic Senators Brien McMahon and William Benton, in Connecticut; with helping Sena- tor Francis J. Myers win against divided Republican opposition in Pennsylvania, and with insuring reelection of Senator Scott W. Lucas, of Illinois, the Democratic majority leader. Mr. ANDERSON said that the Lucas cam-~ paign would provide the principal battle- . ground for the isolationist issue in the 1950 elections. Appealing always for a heavier vote, Senator ANDERSON conceded Connecti- cut would be lost if there was the usual midterm slump in voting turn-out. He stressed with glee with which Demo- crats were watching the vicious battle be- tween Gov. James H. Duff and the Joseph R. Grundy factions of the Pennsylvania Republican Party, and expressed his belief that “we can cook their goose’ regardless of the ticket nominated next Tuesday. But a big vote, he said, might win one or two more - House seats for the Democrats in Pennsyl- vania.
A3608 But Senator ANDERSON also saw a large vote giving the Democrats a chance to pick up senatorial seats in Colorado, where Repre- sentative John A. Carroll will oppose Sena- tor Eugene D. Millikin; in Ohio, where State Auditor Joseph T. Ferguson is running against Senator Robert A. Taft; in Indiana, where the Democratic nomineee to oppose Senator Homer E. Capehart has not heen chosen; and in Mussourl, where Senator Forrest C. Donnell is up for reelection, but where the Democratic nominee has not been selected. The New Mexico Senator added that there was an upsurge of Democratic sentiment in North and South Dakota to such a degree that “our Republican friends will be cha- grined and surprised when next November rolls around.” Tonight William M. Boyle, Jr., chairman of the Democratic National Committee, was host at a buffet dinner and reception for visiting Democrats, including 11 governors and scores of other party dignitaries. The President is due to arrive here at about 10:30 p. m., eastern daylight time, tomor- row, and will remain here for 24 hours before making his Chicago Stadium speech, after which he will entrain for Washington. Mother’s Day Address by Hon. Henry C. Dworshak, of Idaho EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY C. DWORSHAK OF IDAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DWORSHARK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Rrcorp an ad- dress delivered by me at the twenty-sixth annual Mothers’ Day ceremonies spon- sored by the American War Mothers on Sunday, May 14, 1950, at the Amphi- theater in Arlington National Cemetery. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Tue PatH to Prace It is an inspiration to participate in this ceremony sponsored by the American War Mothers in this sacred retreat of the Na- tion’s sleeping heroes. The American War Mothers held their biennial meeting in Sun Valley, Idaho, last October, and I was priv- lleged to attend some of these sessions and to meet many of the national leaders. The people in our State are fully acquainted with the splendid work being accomplished by this organization, We are humbly met today in this hallowed shrine for a sacred purpose. We honor those who paid with their lives in mortal combat that we might live in grateful peace. Two thoughts come to mind as we meet here near the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. The first thought is how easy it is to be discouraged today with the prospects for enduring peace as we contemplate the tragic blunders of diplomacy and politics of recent years. The second thought which occurs to me is that we must not lose confidence in the pros- pects for peace. We dare not despair in this chapel dedicated to the sacrifices of those who have died that you and [ may retain our treasured way of life, and that this legacy will be assured to future Americans. The patriotism, the courage, the faith, and the devotion to duty which have made Amer« ica great are forever enshrined in this me- morial Here sleeps the Unknown Soldier of World WarI. And soon, another unknown hers svmt~"izin~ *he sacrifices of World War Ti,. !::  . . + national Valhalla. A SHRINE OF CONFIDENCE To me it is a significant thing that we can acquire at this shrine more confidence in the future of this Nation than we find in all the clamor of politics and diplomacy in the Nation’s capital city. The spirit of this oc- casion dare not fail us, despite the shortcom- ings of leaders who have not measured up to the challenges of peacetime problems. It is 5 years now since the guns were silenced on the world-wide battlefields of our latest war. The fruition of 5 years of peace is a cold hostility of such implica- tions that men of all the earth await fear- fully the outbreak of yet another conflict. The joys of victory which we and our allies knew 5 years ago seem wholly dissi- pated. The security we felt as victors over a brutal and totalitarian foe has withered. The leadership of this Nation as a cham- pion for the basic rights of free men, now is challenged by the despotic tyranny of a Nation that acknowledges neither God nor the rights of man. In 5 years we have seen entire nations of men enslaved; we have seen governments, once our allies in war, subjected to the despotism of a Communis- tic state. The Soviet Union, which ruled 170,000,- 000 people a few years ago, now holds in slavery some 800,000,000 people. The treaties to guarantee the rights of this Nation and other free nations of the world have been ignored by secret commit- ments made at Tehran, Potsdam, and Yalta to surrender the sacred ideals for which our armies fought and died. COMMUNISM THREATENS FREEDOM In high places of government and in every segment of our national life, some men have given primary allegiance to the theories of communism which now threaten the ex- istence of free institutions in our land. The appalling tragedy of postwar devel- opments has been that American citizens, reared in the same circumstances and tra- ditions as those whom we honor here, have transferred their loyalty to the dictatorial powers that would destroy us. These are the disturbing problems which beset our Nation today. But as we meet here we renew our faith in the devotion which American men and women have given, and will continue to give, that this Nation might be free and strong. We find here the cour- age to offset the discouragement we feel else~ where when reviewing our postwar blunders and losses. We renew here our determination that we shall do our utmost to preserve this heritage with which our Nation has been so richly endowed. Our great Republic, with all its immeas- urable strength and its proud history, must guard itself well against danger from within and danger from without. Eternal vigilance continues to, be the price of liberty, and Uberty shall forever remain the first mile of the pathway to peace. The pages of history, the wisdom of all philosophies, and the irrevocable laws of God hold this unalterable truth forever before mankind. HONOR TO AMERICA’S WOUNDED Not only do we honor today those who gave their all that America might be born and live; we also honor those who bear the wounds of battle. Those veterans of war destined to linger for life on beds of pain and those who work with maimed and dis- torted bodies have earned—and must always receive—the generous aid of a grateful na- tion. The widow and the orphan, too, have suffered and must receive the considerate care due them from an indebted Republic. For the widow and orphan have borne an irrep~ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD arable loss for which protection and com- pensation is a necessity and an obligation, Throughout America are chapters of Amer.« ican War Mothers represented here today whose members are inspired by patriotism to country and by service to mankind. In cities and communities throughout our land mem- bers of this great organization render devoted service for the preservation of American ideals and traditions in both peace and war, The American War Mothers organization may not seek the spotlight of national leader. ship, but it does command the sincere re. spect of all who know its service and deyo- tion. War mothers cherish peace. Always they show their gratitude to those who have worn the uniform of their country. War mothers do not forget, and in hundreds of communities they keep the faith, and ex- emplify that faith by unselfish service. The American War Mothers are gathered here today to do honor to the heroic men and women who have offcred their lives and their services in war so that this Republic might live. For the safe return of those who survived, all are deeply thankful. Our gratitude goes out to those for whose return their loved ones waited in vain. And, so our Nation dare not forget, in all the days before us, that supreme cause for which our hon- ored dead gave the last full measure of de- votion. IDEALS SURVIVE WAR In war, material possessions and mortal life itself are consumed in tle triumph of a great cause; yet war does not, and can. not, consume our love, cur faith, our hopes, and our memories. These priceless posses. sions and the certainty that Mfe is eternal are left untouched by war. And thus we know that those who did not come back are waiting to welcome us in their homes beyond the sunset. In a century and seventy-four years of na- tional independence, the torch of our free dom has been fed from the fires of faith, courage, suffering, and sacrifice that have burned in the hearts of American mothers. It would be a blessing of untold value to them to have the certainty of an enduring peace in the years to come. So let us turn from the frowning face of war to the benign countenance of peace—that permanent peace we have so long been promised. Let us, therefore, seek the path to peace. BEYOND THE HORIZON——PEACE The creation and continuation of an en- during peace is a hope and purpose of su- preme importance in the affairs of men, for in every home, in every land, people await peace, although with fear and foreboding, They await, as mankind has for ages awalt< ed, the coming of peace. And peace—like a frail phantom without substance or shadow—continues to remain just beyond the horizon, If nations are to live together in harmony— if there is to be peace, prosperity, and se- curity for their peoples—we must find and ‘follow the path to peace. If we would follow this path, we must adhere to truth, and rid ourselves of those false beliefs and shallow schemes which have caused the failure of all efforts to achieve peace among the political powers of this world. There are forgotten facts and form- ulas which form the principles of peace, and to them we must return. Let us, therefore, strip from the edifice of peace all the falsi- ties and deceptions which have been thrown about it. Only then may we behold peace in its proper setting of integrity and truth. We can learn from, the disappointments of our recent foreign policy and set aside the appeasement type of agreements which should be scrapped because of their war- making provisions. We must seek to work through the United Nations. Weak though it has been made by concessions to Russia, it still offers the mechanism for peace.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Man's immemorial strivings for power have reflected from age to age the innate and evil tendencies of his mind and the passing pov- erty of his soul. If his basic motives had changed even in a modest measure, we would have missed a hundred wars and all their horrors. But education and spiritual enlightenment have slowly reached a point where they may enable many men to think upon a logical and lofty plane and to hold within reason- able bounds their lusts for power. If we are to contemplate realities, however, it is ap- parent that man has not yet lifted his think- ing to a plane sufficient to outlaw brute force, and thereby assure permanent peace. The commission of crimes and the existence of prisons plainly point to the fact that far too many men still measure this life in terms of undisciplined force. There is one, and only one, path to ever- lasting peace. SYMBOL OF THE CROSS At noon one day, 1,917 years ago, a young man was crucified at a place called Calvary. He was executed because He healed the sick, cleansed the lepers, raised the dead, and taught His followers that “they should know the truth, and the truth would make them free.” The cross on which that man died became the symbol of His words and works. It be- came, and has since remained, the emblem of all freedoms for which men can hope, and to which they can aspire. Our four freedoms are nothing new; they are but a part of the other and greater free- doms whose symbol is the cross. If we would have peace, we need not look far afield. He who died on the cross well knew that men must lift themselves to better and brighter lives by the power of their own faith and their own thinking. So He taught His followers and believers the strength and power of mercy, justice, truth, faith, and love. And with these conceptions or imple- ments of thought, He showed them the way to overcome fear, doubt, ignorance, hatred, superstition, and evil of every sort and form. If the people of our land intend to give peace to all men, their course of action !~ planned and charted for them. Those in the rest of the world who are not free must en- gender the thoughts and faith which inspire freedom, for only upon the foundation of freedom can permanent peace be erected. FAITH, NOT POLITICAL POWER If we intend to make peace a living reality in the world of men, there must continue a crusade that has no end. Such a task is stupendous in its proportions, limitless in its time, and eternal in its reward. Mankind must know that there is no permanent peace in man’s manipulations of political power; ‘we must have faith in the face of all obstacles and all defeats; and we must be prepared to pick up Christ’s cross and march forward— unafraid. No short and painless path to peace is before us. Peace must be earned. It must be deserved. It must be won. And finally, my fellow Americans, as the political crucible of our Republic continues to forge our national destiny, let us fondly hope that we shail be guided upon the path of freedom and truth. Let not the heat of political contention reconvert the jewel of eternal peace into the elements from which it was formed. For the path to peace lies not in the direction of socialistic doctrine or communistic pagan- ism. The history of mankind reflects that . experlence. May our citizens turn a deaf ear to those who would weaken our Republic. May we sternly resolve that our honored dead and the great cause for which our Nation’s war mothers now firmly stand, may forever inspire us to achieve peace. May _ Madison, Chicago, nothing swerve us from that path of freedom and truth and justice. For peace is of God and man cannot violate those eternal and divine principles without penalty and re- morse. May our beloved America stand firm and forever strive toward an honest and just peace in harmony with the lasting principles of human freedom and eternal truth. Today, as we gather at this national shrine, we must recognize our individual responsi- bility to keep alive that spirit of patriotism without which this Republic cannot endure. Each generation faces that same challenge which inspired Americans in 1776 to pledge their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor to make this the land of free men and free women; dedicated to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Let us resolve to preserve that heritage unblemished for fu- ture generations. Address by Hon. Alexander Wiley, of Wisconsin, on First Flight’s Day of Rock County Airport EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, yester- day, on May 14, it was my pleasure to be on hand for the dedication ceremonies of a vital new aviation link in the Badger State. May 14 was, therefore, a his- toric day in the history of southern Wisconsin, because it brought transcon- tinental air service to Janesville, Beloit, and surrounding area. It was a real pleasure for me to speak at this ceremony and to be on hand for the addresses of the great air ace, Col. J. J. Foss; the distinguished president of Wisconsin Central Airlines, Mr. Francis Higgins; the able president of Northwest Airlines, Mr. Croil Hunter; the esteemed editor of Beloit, Wis., Mr. Walter A. Strong, the honored city manager of Janesville, Mr, Henry Traxler; Mr. Jess Phillips, the industrious chairman of the county volunteer air traffic com- mittee; his hard-working associate, Mr. Alan H. Ryan, also of Beloit, chairman of the county board airport committee; and my able colleague, Congressman LAWRENCE SmitTH, of Racine. It is through vital advances such as the new Rock County Airport that Wis- consin intends to keep pace with avie- tion progress throughout the Nation, and to help contribute its share to winged progress in the world. WISCONSIN CENTRAL AIRLINE FRANCHISE I particularly invite attention to the fact that daily flights by Wisconsin Cen- tral Airlines will carry passengers, air express, and airmail to any place in the world through trunk-line connections at and Minneapolis. Since this great feeder airline, Wisconsin Central, began in February 1948, it has flown nearly 3,000,000 passenger miles with a perfect record of safety. Thatis . why, as I have commented on the Senate A3609 floor previously, we of Wisconsin feel it is so essential that the Civil Aeronautics Board grant renewal of the franchise to Wisconsin Central. We are similarly proud of the service rendered to us by Northwest Airlines which began opera- tions all the way back in October 1926 and which has had spectacular growth since then. We were particularly happy yesterday also to have had on hand our worthy Governor, the Honorable Oscar Renne- bohm. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that the text of my address deliv- ered at Rock County Airport yesterday afternoon be printed in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rec- orD, as follows: Rock Counry—Nexr Door ro THE WorLD It is a real thrill for me to be on hand with this distinguished array of civic leaders for this inspiring dedication ceremony. The great achievement which you are cele-~ brating today represents a triumph of co- operation, and I personally am happy to have been able to contribute some small part to its success. This is an historic day in the history of your county. The ribbon is being cut, open- ing up a whole new aviation frontier. First Flights Day marks your county’s taking wings, so to speak, and rising above its pre- vious accomplishments to a still finer future. YOU ARE ONLY 60 HOURS AWAY FROM DISTANT SPOTS It has been truly stated that there is no point on earth more than 60 hours away by air from any other spot on earth. This is particularly true insofar as high speed mili- tary aviation is concerned, and it is a matter of fact that with the advance of jet pro- pulsion, the 60 hours flying time is being cut down to still shorter flying periods. between any two spots. E Naturally, we here in America are inter- ested in shortening the distance between points on the globe, but not in order that we can deliver bombs more quickly to outside areas, but in order that we can deliver fountain pens, tractors, cotton goods, pumps, woolen goods, shades, awnings, stokers, shoes, powdered milk, refrigerating units, dairy products, and a miscellaneous variety of manufactured goods such as pour forth from the splendid factories and the farms of the Janesville-Beloit-Edgerton area. Yes, we want to be next door to the world for purposes of commerce, and we want to be next door to the' world for purpose of ex- changing ideas. You and I know when flint meets flint, when idea clashes with idea, that out of that clash comes a creative spark, a spark that leads to understanding and to an appreciation of the other fellow’s prob- lems. WE WANT TO UNDERSTAND WORLD PROBLEMS Yes, my friends, we need to be globally minded in this world. We need to lift our eyes and to see distant horizons. We need to understand the problems of foreign peo- ple; and at the same time, my friends, as im- portant as it is to look over the back yard to our neighbor’s—in Europe, in Asia, and in Africa and Latin America, still it is equally important, if not far more important, I’m sure you will agree, to tend to our own back yard also. TENDING OUR OWN KNITTING We must never become so exclusively in- fatuated with foreign green pastures that we forget that the American market is the greatest in the world. We must never forget
A3610 that America has the highest standard of living in the world, and we must keep it up as such. We must never forget that basically our obligations are to our own American people, first and foremost. We must never forget that, and although communism threatens us in Europe, threatens us in Asia, it threatens us even more in Latin America (right next to our own Panama Canal) and here in our own country. There is a Red menace on the home front. This, my friends, is no exaggeration, no overstatement. A greater proportion of Reds now conspire in America than were in Russia at the time of the Red revolution. CONSIDER RED MENACE IN OUR OWN HEMISPHERE In recent weeks, I have pointed out in the Senate that there is a grave Communist threat in Guatamala—next door to Mexico— where the Government is feeling increasing pressure from Communist-controlled labor unions and where there 1s a constant barrage of red-inspired criticism of ‘‘Yankee capi- talism” and of alleged American imperialism. There, too, the Government has arbitrarily in effect kicked out our United States Am- pbassador—an extremely able, conscientious diplomat, the Honorable Richard C. Patter- son, Jr.—on the basis of phony, trumped-up charges which the State Department has cate- gorically rejected. That is the sort of men- acing situation we face in our own American back yard. Yet, we’ve shipped dairy cows and other items to Guatemala; we want to trade with her, to prosper with her, to enjoy the finest possible relations with her, but the Red conspiracy has shown its ugly head against our peaceful intentions and against the personal representative of the President of the United States. Moreover, you need not look far, for there is a Communist Party in Wisconsin and a host of fellow-travelers here in our State as well as in other States. WISCONSIN CENTRAL FRANCHISE MUST BE RENEWED Yes, my friends, we are next door to the world, but let’s never forget the problems in our own apartment and our own back- yard. Fortunately, by means of this model 780 acre airport, you are going to assure more excellent “made in Wisconsin” shipments turning up in more corners of America and the world. And let me say right now, my friends, that we’re going to leave no stone unturned—and I’m sure this goes for Larry Smith, too-—-to make absolutely certain of the renewal of the franchise of Wisconsin Central Airlines which is doing such a great job in serving our State. To me these ceremonies symbolize many things, and I should like to mention them now: TODAY EVIDENCES RESULTS OF COOPERATION 1. Basically, this dedication ceremony sym- pbolizes that cooperation really clicks, that team-work really triumphs. When I look back in my office files and see the tremendous volume of correspond- ence, of telegrams, of references to phone calls, and visits which we have had over the years, I note again that Rock County would never have achieved transcontinental air service had it not been for the untiring and unselfish labors of your chamber of com- merce, your newspapers, and your broad- casting stations, the hard-working efforts of your own Congressman LAWRENCE SMITH, the cooperation of your veterans posts, the as~ sistance of your individual business leaders, the helpfulness of Wisconsin Central Air- lines, and, yes, the aid and cooperation of the United States Civil Aeronautics Board. In other words, my friends, the lesson of cooperation for fulfilling a nonpartisan com- munity need is the sort that all of us can profit from indeed. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL Teamwork is an old American tradition dating all the way back to community barn raisings in colonial days. Let’s never allow agitators or provocators to destroy our spirit of cooperation among all groups. WE ARE LIVING IN AIR AGE 2. But I see, and I’m sure you see, @ sec= ond basic meaning of this ceremony today. Wisconsin Central Airlines’ service to Rock County Airport evidences that we are liv- ing in an air age today, and the communi- ties which fail to expand their facilities to meet the challenges of that air age will wither on the vine. You and I know that the area served by the Rock County Airport is tremendously rich in industrial, agricultural, and recrea~ tional resources; so rich that there is a tre=- mendous potential traffic in freight, in ex- press, and in passenger service. But if your leaders did not have the initiative, the vision, the energy to secure this air service, then you can be sure that Rock County would not have kept step with the march of Wisconsin progress, and the result would have been that your businesses, your farm- ing, your recreational attractions would have suffered. Whether we like it or not, this is the age of high speed, of fast transportation, fast communication. Businessmen, farmers, la- boring people, depend for their prosperity on up-to-the-minute contact with the other areas of our State and Nation, and indeed of the world. These are the facts; this is the air age, and we must be adequate to it. WISCONSIN HAS ALWAYS BEEN AVIATION-MINDED 8. I think that all of the aviation-minded folks of Wisconsin will rejoice in this cere- mony today, because your airport here in Rock County has been stated to be the most modern airfield in Wisconsin. We have al- ways been an aviation-minded State. As we all know, the Badger State furnished more pilots for the Air Force in World War II than did any other State of the Union, except the far more populous State of Texas. No American forgets that the greatest of aviation pioneers in American history was our own great Billy Mitchell, the prophet, the seer, who was so far ahead of his time that the mossbacks, the swivel-chair gen- erals, and the rocking-boat admirals (as I have called them on the Senate floor) cash- jiered and crucified him. WE MUST BE VIGILANT AGAINST ALL MENACES Now we have learned the truth of Billy Mitchell’s lessons. We have learned as he and as every American patriot warned us— that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty— vigilance to the menaces from within and from without. From over the Alaskan fron- tier, from over the polar cap (the Arctic Circle), can come winged bombers, or guided missiles, carrying destruction to American cities and homes. It is essential, therefore, that we have a defense second to none, an invincible, impregnable defense to the great- est extent that human brains can devise. - We plan no aggression, we even despise the very thought of war, but we are determined to preserve our freedom, Rock County Airport, with its expanded services, will constitute a vital new link in American aviation defense as well as in industrial, agricultural, and recreational strength. May the wings over this airport always be the winged doves of peace. May all of Rock County’s contacts with the next- door neighbors throughout the world be peaceful contacts. Let me therefore convey again my good wishes and sincerest congratulations to all the scores of folks, known and unknown, who have contributed to the milestone and to the historic occasion which you and I gladly celebrate today. Thank you. RECORD Health Problems EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, on Saturday, May 13, I had the privilege of addressing the Greater New York Hos- pital Association on the knotty problem of medical care and the role of the hos-~ pitals in medical care. I ask unani- mous consent that my remarks on that occasion be printed in the Appendix of the REcorRD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: HEALTH PROBLEMS It is a source of deep satisfaction for me to be here tonight at this great gather- ing—I might even say at this triumphal gathering of the Greater New York Hospital Association. I use the words, “triumphal gathering” because this association at this annual dinner can look back at a year and at many years of notable contributions to the solution of one of the major problems of our time—the problem of bringing adequate medical care to the people. The Greater New York Hospital Associa- tion, fine as it is, has not yet wholly solved this problem. But the Greater New York Hospital Association has blazed one of the paths which can lead to a solution. And when I refer to the Greater New York Hospi- tal Association, I am referring, of course, to the 97 voluntary nonprofit hospitals and the 22 municipal hospitals which are mem- bers of this association, and which in their individual, as well as in their collective ca~ pacities have contributed so much to the progress which has been made. As a United States Senator from New York, I take special pride in the fact that this association numbers among its members hos- pitals of every creed, and of no creed, and also in the fact that these hospitals serve their patients without discrimination as to race, color, or religion. Especially in the ight of the debate that is now going on in the United States Senate, I am proud and happy to be in this atmosphere of non- discrimination and of equal access of facili- ties to all our citizens. This atmosphere should be, but unhappily is not, the hall- mark of all our institutions in every part of the country. Tonight this association has honored two oustanding citizens of New York who have played major parts in the recent achieve- ments in the field of hospital care in New York. As a New Yorker, I, too, am proud of the work of Dr. Marcus D. Kogel, commis- sioner of hospitals. I should like to add my tribute to those which he has received here tonight. And to Louls H. Pink, long my friend and trusted associate in the State service, who is president of the Associated Hospital Serv- ive—New York’s Blue Cross plan—I add my congratulations on the fine citation which he, in the name of his colleagues, has just re- celved. His work and that of the Blue Cross planners in New York have pointed the way for the voluntary hospital prepay- ment plans all over the country. The spectacular expansion of the Associ- ated Hospital Service is an achievement of wonder and distinction. In 1935, the Asso- ciated Hospital Service paid approximately $50,000 to the hospitals of New York City and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the surrounding area. In 1949, just 14 years later, the Associated Hospital Service paid $42,000,000 to the hospitals of New York. In that space of time the enrollment has grown from 40,000 to 4,230,000. That hundredfold expansion furnishes its own commentary. It attests to both the merit of the service and the public need which that service seeks so ably to fll. There is another and even more personal reason for my feeling of satisfaction at being here tonight. Iam at home in this gathering of hospital officials, because for more than 80 years some member of my famuly has con- tinuously served on the board of trustees of Mt. Sinai Hospital. I am proud also to have been active in the Federation of Jewish Philanthropies, which has given support through the years to several member hos-~ pitals of the Greater New York Hospital Asso- ciation. And I am happy to say that throughout my public career, I have always taken the opportunity given me to encourage the development of the voluntary agencies of the three great religious faiths. I wish to say at this point that I consider these voluntary agencies to exist not by the sufferance of Government but by right and by necessity. I consider that the participation of these agencies in health and other welfare activities is a right which should never be denied or curtailed by Government in any present or future program, I see no reason why we should even think of the voluntary agencies and of the Govern- ment as being opposing forces in any way. They should be considered as cooperative forces, engaged in a sort of partnership. That partnership has never been more finely illustrated than in the Greater New York Hospital Association. The relationship be- tween the municipal hospitals of New York City and the voluntary hospitals has always been close and cordial. Symbolic of that partnership is Dr. Kogel’s presence here to- night as guest of honor, Of course, the achievements of the Greater New York Hospital Association and of the As- sociated Hospital Service should not really be measured by their administrative achieve- ments, by the size of their membership, or by their financial standing. Rather these achievements should be measured by the service which they have rendered and are rendering to the people. I am not a medical statistician and need not cite figures on health and disease with which all of you are much more familiar than I. Yet there is one figure which so impresses me that I would like to mention it. The life expectancy of the average citizen of New York today is nearly 25 years longer than it was a half century ago. This is, in part, a tribute to the hospitals of New York City. It is also, of course, a tribute to the entire medical profession, as Well as to the contributions of the public health and sani- tation services supplied by government. But while left expectancy has been increased and the availability as well as the quality of medical and hospital care have been greatly extended—certainly in the New York area— the problem of adequate medical care for all our people is still far from being solved. I know you recognize this fact. I need not labor it. All of us are agreed that ‘“some- thing must be done.” The problem with which you and I are faced and to which we must honestly and courageously try to find a solution is the problem of the Increased cost of medical care and the growing demand of the Ameri- can people for more and better medical care. You and I know that this problem cannot be solved by any single magic formula or catch word. The solution lies rather in a number of simultaneous and consecutive approaches involving the medical profession, the auxiliary services of that profession, research science, the universities, the volun- tary organizations, the hospitals, ar 1 finally, the Government at all its levels. As a Member of the Senate I have been assigned—indeed I sought the assignment— to the Committee on Labor and Public Wel- fare. I was delighted because this committee has jurisdiction over all general legisla~ tion affecting health. This is the committee which originally reported out the Hill- Burton Hospital Construction Act and the amendments to that act which were passed last year. This committee now has pending before if all the major health bills intro- duced into the Senate which have not yet been approved or passed upon. That, it is a matter not only of interest, but of duty for me to know and to appreciate your problems and the points of view which may affect you and every person in this country. The big question facing us today is the manner and extent to which the affirmative interest of Government in the health of the Nation should be expressed. There is no doubt in my mind that an interest by Gov- ernment must be expressed, and must be ex- pressed by a broad and comprehensive pro- gram of activities in close association and cooperation with the health professions and the voluntary agencies, in a manner to assure to the people the medical care which they need and which the national interest re- quires that they have. The health of the people can no longer be considered an individual matter. Laws and ordinances in the field of contagious diseases and in public health and sanita~ tion have long been accepted as necessary, although these laws and ordinances do, in fact, constitute a kind of control over the individual in the interest of the whole com~ munity. Today it is beginning to be generally recognized that the health of the people is as much concern of Government as their education or their working conditions. Peo- ple in poor health not only cease to be a national asset, but they become a national liability. They are consumers of the na- tional effort rather than contributors to it, The hospitals and the health professions con- stitute, in this sense, forces of conservation against the erosion of the nation’s man- power. But in this day of world crisis, when the survival of cur country and of our civiliza- tion depends upon the combined efforts of every man and woman, the diminution of the national effort through illness is a threat to our very existence. It is a national concern and properly the concern of the Federal Government in the fields in which neither the voluntary agencies nor local govern- ments desire to or can practicably operate. Of course, these are generalities on which most of us will agree. Only the die-hards and extremists who insist that any govern- ment participation in the field of health constitutes regimentation will disagree with what I have said. I want to say at this point that I am not addressing myself to the extremists. They are fighting the battles that were lost a half century ago but they still do not realize it. These protagonists of unmreason are trying to plug the dike against tides that will not be stayed. They are unaware of the fact that the dikes which they seek to save have long ago been inun- dated and submerged. These men do not even acknowledge the remarkable success your own association has achieved through the close partnership of government and voluntary hospitals. No, Iam addressing myself tonight to men of fair and inquiring mind who are search- ing, as I am sure all of you are, for real solutions to real problems. I, myself, have mo ready-made solution. I am aware of the practical difficulties which confront us. But I insist that the problem of bringing ade- quate medical care to the people must be solved. If we continue to say merely that A3611 this problem cannot be solved—if we say that the present levels of medical care, be~ cause they are higher than those in other parts of the world, are high enough, then we Will be paving the way for measures which may be neither right nor reasonable, but which will be impressed upon the medical profession by the force of an outraged public opinion. I am searching for a solution, my friends, which will represent the best thoughts of courageous and unbiased minds, including the minds of forward-looking members of your profession and of the health profes- sions generally, I am sure that in this undertaking I and others of us who are searching for a solu- tion will have the unstinted cooperation of all those connected with hospitals and hos- pital administration. I am aware that hos- pital groups have been leaders among the health professions in supporting construc- tive health legislation. The great voluntary hospitals of this coun- try gave the necessary impetus to the Blue Cross plans at a time when those who are now opposed to any form of Government assistance were saying that the Blue Cross plans were socialistic and were actuarially unsound and impractical. I could ctte other instances of progressive health plans and measures which have been and are being supported by the hospital au- thorities of the Nation. The hospital au- thorities are as conscious as any group in our population of the need for Government par- ticipation in a proper and sensible way in the solution of our national health prob- lems. The hospitals are keenly aware of the fact that medical costs are rising in a steady spiral. How to meet these costs and how to add constantly and progressively to the quality of medical care while making medi- cal care increasingly available to all the peo- ple is your constant concern, and it is the core of the problem that faces us all. Let me say at this point, before I go any further—and I hope I can make myself per- fectly clear on this—that F do not now, and never have, and never will, favor any solu- tion which involves socialization of our hos- pitals. Iam opposed, and always have been opposed, to any move that would involve Government control of our great and free system of voluntary hospitals. I am op- posed, and always have been opposed, to any proposal that would place doctors, nurses, or hospital employees under the control of the Federal Government or make them em-= ployees of the Federal Government. I am opposed, and always have been opposed, to the regimentation of medical personnel. I hope that this statement is flat enough and simple enough for even the extremists to understand, But ¥ do favor and do advocate proposals for Government assistance to medical and nursing education as well as for scientific research. I do favor Government assistance for the construction and establishment of health centers and clinical facilities. I do favor Government aid for the recon~ struction and replacement of obsolete hos~ pital buildings in urban areas. I also favor as an immediate measure Government con-~ tributions through grants-in-aid to States for out-patient services. I do favor more Government participation in these hospitalization fields in which the voluntary hospitals have generally indicated their acceptance of Government participa- tion, such as mental disease and hygiene, tuberculosis, and similar ailments. I do favor Government leadership and grants-in-aid for rehabilitation of the men- tally and physically handicapped. I do favor a comprehensive program of Federal aid to States and localities in the field of public health and sanitation.
A3612 I do favor and advocate the expansion of the maternal and child health and crippled children’s programs started under the Social Security Act programs which I and others are fighting to broaden in the social-~secu- rity amendments now being considered by the Senate. In a few weeks or less the Senate will take up a series of amendments to the Social Security Act. These amendments. deal, among other things, with social security for hospital employees, and with the child and maternal-care programs. ‘These are programs in which you have a deep interest, I had the privilege of adding my voice very recently in protest against a provision tentatively adopted by the Senate Finance Committee which would have effectively parred employees of hospitals controlled by religious denominations from being covered by social security. That decision has been happily rescinded, and although the pro- vision as it now stands 1n the Senate bill is not entirely satisfactory to me, it is a suit- able basis for compromise 1n the House- Senate Conference which will follow the Senate passage of the pending amendments. This is a matter which you should watch and in which you should express your in- terest. You should also follow the other provisions of the social-security amend- ments which I have mentioned. These pro- visions are vital to the health professions , and to the health of the Nation. But these are all tangential approaches to the central problem—the problem of every-day medical care for the great bulk of our population—for that great mass of ° people who are neither wealthy nor indigent. These latter two classes are the only ones to whom all necessary medical care is now available. True, there are available to the general public in most areas of the country not only hospital insurance plans, but medical pre- payment plans. But all these plans—and I hope you will understand that Iam not being critical but merely factual—are inadequate in an absolute sense. They are not the final answer. Most hospital insurance plans pro- vide only limited service. Most medical in- surance plans are likewise limited and cover only a small portion of the population. Finally, there are considerable areas in the Nation where medical prepayment plans are impractical and where even hospital insur- ance systems do not reach. For these reasons and others, I am con- vinced that the public interest demands further Government participation in the national health effort. I think that such a development is inevitable. I hope that it will take place in an intelligent manner, in a constructive manner, and in a cooperative manner, with wisdom and with understand- ing. That is as much up to you as it is up to government. j Regently I read some very fine and thoughtful words on this subject by the re- nowned Dr. C, EH. A. Winslow, professor emeritus, Yale School of Medicine, as pub- lished in the American Journal of Public Health of January 1950. Professor Winslow asked: “Is it not possible that politics and polem- ics and paid propaganda may be laid aside and that the statesmanship of competent ex- perts may establish a sound policy of di- rected gradualism leading to ultimate solu- tion of this most urgent problem of midcen- tury public health?” This is a question full of truth and wis- dom. I trust and hope that the health pro- fession will take it to heart. Certainly the mechanics of this problem can be worked out if we have the will and the ingenuity. Those mechanics need not and must not involve socialization of the hospitals and of the medical profession. It will not be easy to determine these mechanics and even less easy to reach agree-« ment upon them. It will require the closest “understanding and cooperation between rep- resentatives of the public and the repre- sentatives of the various health professions. I call upon you assembled here tonight to give ycur most urgent attention to a real effort to solve this problem and to reach the broad agreement that is necessary both among yourselves and with the lawmakers in government. I might tell you that I have been meeting with various leaders of thought and the medical profession on this subject. I have a deep interest in arriving at some solution which will meet the criteria I have outlined. There is still time for such a solution. I am happy to know that there are very many among you who are working and de- voting all your energies and thoughts to a solution I offer my own help and coopera- tion in this direction. I urge with all the force at my command that you proceed in this task with an unflinching determina- tion to persist in it until success crowns your efforts. Neither you nor I dare fail in this undertaking. The Railway Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FORREST C. DONNELL OF MISSOURI IN TU SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, it is my intention at this time to request unanimous consent for insertion in the Appendix of the Rrecorp of numerous ar- ticles, and so forth, which have to do generally with the railway strike and the need for additional legislation. First, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp the ticker tape of this morning, of 9:45 a.m., and also the ticker tape of 10:30 a. m. of this morning, on the general subject of the railway strike. There being no objection, the dis- patches were ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Cuicaco.—Mediators said today that stripped-down negotiating teams were mak- ing definite progress toward settling the strike of locomotive firemen. Three railroad negotiators and three rep- resenting the brotherhood of locomotive fire- men and enginemen worked for 5 hours yesterday on a package proposal, and a rail- road spokesman said he presumed the talks would be resumed today. Francis A, O’Neill, Jr., chairman of the National Railway Mediation Board, reported that definitely some progress was made. But the firemen extended their walk-out to five more divisions of the Southern Rail- road, one of the five roads hit by the 6-day- old strike. At Detroit, police posted a 24-hour anti- sabotage watch on three bridges over the Michigan Central tracks between the rail- road’s terminal and the Detroit river tunnel. The watch was established after rocks were hurled at Michigan Central trains arriving ' from Canada, police sald. The talks were curtained in secrecy, and both mediators and negotiators were reticent to talk about the nature of the progress being made. But it was learned that the disputants have agreed in principle to submit the union’s chief demand, employment of an ad- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ditional fireman on multiple-unit Diesel locomotives, to arbitration. Still at issue, apparently, was a union de- “ mand for a firemrr ov ere Diesels used in yard switching. G.ric .- “. small engines operate only with an engineer. HarRRISBURG, PA.—The strike-crippled Penn- sylvania Railrcad, acting while pickets marched at railroad yards here, stepped up the movement of its freight trains to the west today. The strikers, members of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, set up picket lines to protest the operation of trains to the west and north from this rail crossroads and to try to halt the railroad’s operations to the east and south. But the road continued to move out freights to the west and kept its eastern freight and passenger lines operating on schedule. It declined to say who was operating the trains. A Pennsylvania Railroad spokesman said he could not estimate how many trains the railroad will send west teday, but he said the number will be greater than the 42 freights moved yesterday. Normally, the road sends out 1,500 freights a day on its strike-affected lines north and west of Har- risburg. He emphasized that the road is not ac- cepting any new shipments, but is moving * perishables and other goods stranded when the strike became effective last Wednesday - morning. The Pennsrlvania Railroad freights were running in the area bounded on the west by Chicago and St. Louis, on the north by Buf. ‘ falo, and by Harrisburg on the east. Railway Act No Longer Model for Labor Laws EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. FORREST C. DONNELL oF MissourRr . IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Railway Act No Longer Model for Labor Laws—Recurring Failures To End Disputes Brings Demands for Revi- sion,” by Louis Stark, appearing in the New York Times for May 14, 1950. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrecorp, as follows: Ramway Acr No Loncer Monet ror Lasor Laws—REcURRING Farrurss To ENp Dis- PUTES BRING DEMANDS FoR REVISION (By Louis Stark) WasHincron, May 18.—The strike of rail- road firemen and enginemen this week focused attention on the weaknesses of the Railway Labor Act and coincided with con- gressional hearings designed to amend this law so as to make it strikeproof. The law dealing with disputes in the rail- way industry does not compel arbitration but comes so close to it that it is considered a quasi compulsory arbitration statute. Yet a dispute such as the current one affecting a demand for an additional fireman in multiple Diesel units may run through the lengthy processes of the law and result finally in a strike,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD All that the law does is to set up a series of steps to create an atmosphere for settle- ment. If the parties cannot agree in direct bargaining the National (Railway) Mediation Board seeks a settlement. If mediation fails the Board proposes that the parties agree t» arbitrate and accept the decision as bind.ng. UP TO THE PRESIDENT Either side may refuse. In that event the next step is usually up to the union. If it threatens a strike and this threat is con- sidered serious, the President may name’ an emergency or fact-finding board. But the emergency board has no power to arbitrate. It must merely recommend. However, public pressure is relied upon in crucial cases to compel acceptance of recommendations made by presidential boards. During the war gaps in the handling of railroad labor cases were opened up when Presicent Roosevelt intervened to modify fact-finding board recommendations. At the same time the recommendations of several such boards were set aside or modified by Wage Stabilization Directors James F. Byrnes and Fred M. Vinson, who succeeded him. Presidential intervention was resorted to in order to get around the wage-stabilization policy. Messrs. Byrnes and Vinson, how- ever, over-ruled fact-finding boards in order to make their findings, as they interpreted them, conform to the national wage-stabili- zation policy. The unions, naturally, applauded Mr. Roosevelt’s action since it was in their favor but frowned on those of his economic stabi- lizers because their acts meant wage awards lower than those proposed by the fact- finding boards. In June 1943, Mr. Vinson vetoed a wage increase of 8 cents an hour for 1,100,000 nonoperating rail men under the “hold the line” order of April 1948. He argued that it was against the national wage policy. The unions insisted that it was for the President to make that decision because the wage stabilizer could not set aside a ruling made under the Railway Labor Act. CARRIERS’ VIEWPOINT The National Mediation Board was ordered by Mr. Vinson to reconvene the emergency board which had made the 8 cents award. The mediation board said that only the President could do so. For some undis- closed reason the President did not recon- vene the fact-finding board. Instead, he created a second such board. This one car- ried out Mr. Vinson’s directive and recom- mended a wage increase of 4 to 10 cents an hour. This Mr. Vinson approved. At the time of these incidents it was Eredicted in some quarters that the Adminis- tration’s handling of the railway labor prob- lem might result in the act’s becoming a War casualty. In the early days of the last war few cases went to Presidential boards. But since 1941 the unions have been restive and have pressed wage demands militantly. The re- sult has been that some disputes have gone to strikes because unions have refused to abide by recommendations of the emergency boards. The tally of such refusals kept by the carriers is that since 1941 the unions have rejected the findings of seven fact-finding boards in whole and one in part. The union argument is that the law does not compel acceptance so they withhold complete ap- proval but use the proposals as a basis for negotiation and settlement. Tnquestionably, in many cases in recent years the fact-finding procedure has been used in comparatively trivial cases. In other cases these boards have been set up to adjust matters which should never have gone to them because other machinery exists for handling such disputes. For example, once contracts are made be- tween unions and carriers, disputes arising XCVI—App.——228 under these agreements go to what is known as an adjustment board. There are four such boards, each specializing in cases affecting certain crafts. FOR DISPUTES AFTER CONTRACT The law contemplates that decisions in dis- putes over the interpretation of agreements referred to the adjustments boards shall be binding. And that means there shall be no strikes. The theory is simple. If a contract is really worth the paper it is written on and if machinery exists to interpret grievances that arise while the contract is in force then, too, it stands to reason that neither of the parties shall resort to strike or lock-out over disputes of this nature. And yet in the last few years the unions have increasingly resorted to strikes or threats of strikes to support the type of grievance which is normally referrable ta adjustment boards. Why does this happen? The train and engine service unions com- plain that Division No. 1, which adjusts their disputes under existing contracts, is too slew, that the board has a large backlog of cases. Therefore, the unions whose cases go to the first division now bypass this machinery. The law says that the parties may submit these relatively minor disputes to the adjust- ment board. The unions interpret it to mean that they meed not do so. They then set a strike date in order to create an emergency. Despite the relatively minor nature of many of these dis- putes the President names an emergency board to consider them when these top-level boards have always been intended only for the most pressing disputes. The railroads, on the other hand, insist that if a union refuses to submit grievances that arise out of the contract to the Board set up to adjust these disputes, then it cannot, in all good conscience, resort to a strike. Both railway management and employees’ rotherhoocds have in the past shied away from making the findings of emergency boards binding. However, management has now come face to face with an important decision as a result of the current firemen’s strike. This week outstanding railroad op- erating chieftains told a Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee that they were in favor of amending the law to make reports of fact-finding boards final and binding. They supported a bill to this effect offered by Senator Forrest C. DONNELL, Republican, of Misscuri. PRICE FOR NO-STRIKE BAN But Senator Donne's bill goes even fur- ther. He would have every dispute which the National Mediation Board is unable to settle turned over to a Presidential emer- gency board. That would mean creating thousands of such boards. The door would ‘be opened to the diversion of many minor disputes to these boards. This 1s the price the Missouri Senator is willing to pay for his no-strike objectives on the railroads. His proposal may well turn over to the Fed- eral Government many interunion disputes. At present the National Mediation Board takes the view that jurisdiction squabbles among unions are a matter of internal house~ keeping among these organizations. Some opinion in Congress favors removing the exemption of railway workers from the emergency provisions of the Taft-Hartley law. This would permit an 80-day injunction _when a strike is threatened. Labor in other fields is eyeing the move to ‘pan strikes on the railroads with interest. It is concerned lest such a drastic step might .8pread to other essential industries. On the other hand, the principle of ad- justing disputes that grow out of contract appears to be spreading so rapidly that this . phase of the Donnell proposal is unlikely to have any effect on unions and industries elsewhere, ‘A3613 Rail Walkout Hits Union Pacific Line EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FORREST C. DONNELL OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article en- titled “Rail Walkout Hits Union Pacific Line; United States Parleys Begun,” from the New York Times of May 14, 1950. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: RAIL WaLkour Hits UNIon Paciric Linz; Unirep STATES PARLEYS BEGUN-—FIVE Bie PRoaps Are INVOLVED IN FourtH Day or WaLkouT—RISE IN JOBLESS EXPECTED— Srrizs or TaLtKs SLaTzep—IssSUES WERE Discussep FULLY, FEDERAL MEDIATOR DE- CLARES AFTER 4-HouR MEETING (By George Eckel) CHicaco, May 13.—The National Railway Mediation Board held the first of a series of conferences today in an effort to settle the 4-day-old railroad strike that now affects five big roads and has thrown 200,000 men out of work. . Francis A. O’Neill, Jr.. Board Chairman, an- nounced at 4 p. m. that the Board had held “an informal joint conference of the parties” but “the case is not settled.” He said the conference had lasted 4 hours. “A full and frank discussion of all the issues took place,” he want on. ‘‘The parties have now returned to their headquarters and are discussing the issues with their folks. This announcement is made to let the public know we are working on the case.” Both parties conferred with the Mediation Board again tonight. There was some reason to believe President Truman’s impending visit might be speeding the machinery. Mr. O'Neill said that additional confer- ences would be held in Chicago, either joint or separate, but that no dates had been fixed. Asked if the strike was any nearer settle- ment because of today’s conference, he first said, ‘No comment,” then added: “We said yesterday it was deadlocked. All we can say now is the case is not settled.” “Were any new proposals put forward to- day?” he was asked. “No comment,” he replied. “How has the situation changed?” “No comment.” Mr. O'Neill declined to identify those at the conference except to say they included representatives of both parties. THE UNION PACIFIC INVOLVED The days strike developments included two moves by the striking Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen to bol- ster its position. One was at Harrisburg, Pa., and the other in California, where the Union Pacific, hitherto not involved, was affected. The union embargoed a 100-mile section of the Union Pacific trackage. The other struck roads are the New York Central, the Pennsylvania, the -Santa Fe, _and the Southern. Meanwhile, unemployment resulting from the walkout hovered around the 200,000 mark, with nonstriking railroad employees accounting for perhaps three-quarters of the total. No large increase in layoffs was re- ported today, but the total appoared due for substantial increases shorily if the strike was prolonged,
A3614 The Pennsylvania and the Southern roads, however, announced substantial increases of service in the strike area. In Knoxville, Tenn., three switchmen of the Southern Railway were charged with having fired on freight trains Thursday night, shghtly wounding one trainman acting as fireman. Arrested last night, they were reported to have signed statements ad= muitting the shooting. District Attorney General Hal H. Clements, Jr., filed shooting charges against Charles Anderson Watson, R. M. Norman, and Paul Brackett. They were arrested last night in an automobile in which two Japanese rifles and a .22 caliber rifle, and ammunition were found. ‘Their statements reportedly said that one of them did the shooting, in which two Southern Railway Diesels pulling freight were ambushed. The strike was called at 6 o’clock Wed- nesday morning against the New York Cen- tral west of Buffalo, the Pennsylvania west and north of Harrisburg, and the lines of the Atcheson, Topeka, and Santa Fe and the Southern Railway. Called out were 18,000 firemen. At issue is the firemen’s demand for a second fireman aboard multiple-unit Diesel locomotives. Two presidential fact-finding boards have declared the demand to be with- out merit. The Union Pacific was involved in the strike by the union’s announcement here today that firemen would not take U. P. trains over 100 miles of track between Daggett and San Bernardino, Calif. This trackage, it said, belongs to the Santa Fe. This provision was to go into effect at 6 o’clock, Pacific standard time, tonight. This track is on the U. P. route between Ogden, Utah, and Los Angeles. FREIGHTS TO BE REROUTED UP’ officials here and in Omaha, Nebr., said that freight trains would be rerouted over the Southern Pacific tracks but that some passenger service would be canceled. The Los Angeles Limited and City of Los Angeles left here today, with supervisory employees scheduled to take over as firemen on the struck trackage. But Los Angeles cars of the transcontinental Gold Coast will be dropped, it was announced. At Harrisburg, Pa., picketing was begun against Pennsylvania Railroad traffic east and south of the city, an area previously unaffected. The road said service had not been affected thereby. D. 8. Herrick, a local official of the brother- hood, said that the Pennsylvania had vio- lated a promise not to operate trains west or north of Harrisburg. The picketing arrangement is designed solely to prevent crews taking trains at Harrisburg for runs east or south, accord- ing to a union spokesman here. A crew as- signed to a train at Philadelphia could bring it into Harrisburg and take it back again without crossing picket lines, provided the crew did not leave the train while in Harris- burg. Replying to the union, the Pennsylvania sald that the union might have regarded as a “neutrality agreement” a public statement by Walter S. Franklin, president of the line, at the beginning of the strike. This state- ment, according to the railroad, was that if the strike were prolonged, it would probably be necessary to lay off a lot of people and stop all trains, At Spartansburg, S. C., the Southern Rail- way said it was recalling Monday 460 of 750 employees in construction and maintenance shops. It was also announced that freight service in the area was “nearly normal” and that six of twenty passenger trains normally serving Spartansburg, on the main Washing- ton-Atlanta line, were back in service. Civil-Rights Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER FERGUSON OF MICHIGAN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, May 15 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. President, in accordance with the consent granted to me during the course of my remarks to- day, I present herewith for printing in the Appendix the speech delivered over the radio by the Senator from Alabama [Mr. Hrzn] on April 12, 1950, and the speech delivered over the radio by the Senator from Alabama [Mr. SPARKMAN] on April 17, 1950. There being no objection the speeches were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: SPEECH BY Hon, Lister Hit, of ALABAMA, MontTcommEry, ALA., APRIL 12, 1950 ALABAMA’S FUTURE LIES IN THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY My friends, the people of Alabama face a most important decision. Will Alabama stay in the Democratic Party or will Alabama waste her strength and influence by walking into a Dixiecrat splinter party? This is a decision of such importance to all of us that I cannot, as your Senator, sit silent in Washington while the question is being determined. It is my duty to you, the people I serve, to speak out and tell you that Iam convinced the interests of Alabama and the future of her people lie in the Democratic Party. *“T am a States’ rights Democrat. I have fought the battle of States’ rights. I have kept the faith. I tell you it is the power and influence of your Senators and Congressmen. that has made possible the defeat of FEPC and the other so-called civil-rights bills, they hold this power and influence as mem- bers of the Democratic Party. The anti-poll-tax bill is bottled up today in a subcommittee of the Senate Rules Commit- tee. Senator Jomn C. Srennis, of Mississippi, is chairman of this subcommittee because of his membership in the Democratic Party. If he were 2 member of a Dixiecrat splinter party he could not be chairman of this com- mittee or any other committee. He could have little influence in the fight against the civil-rights bills, The general civil-rights bill Is bottled up today in a subcommittee of the Senate Ju- diciary Committee. Senator Jim EasTLAND of Mississippi is chairman of this subcom- mittee because of his membership in the Democratic Party. If we were not a Demo- crat he could not be chairman of this com- mittee or any other committee. As a Democrat, I hold a place on the Sen- ate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. I led the fight in the committee against the FEPC bill, and the committee adopted the pill like a foundling on the Senate’s door- step—without a word in its favor. If our group of southern Senators is to continue to defeat these civil-rights bills, we must keep the power and influence we hold as members of the Democratic Party. We know the Republican history of the civil-rights bills. When the people of the Second Alabama District first sent me to Congress some 25 years ago, the House of Representatives was engaged in a fight over the antilynching bill. It was a Republican bill, just as the antilynching bill on the calendar of the Senate today is a Republican pill, introduced by the Republican Senator from Michigan, Mr. Frrcuson, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Republican Party brought the civil- rights bills into being and today the Repub- lican leader in the House and the Republican Jeader in the Senate proclaim the Republican Party’s solemn commitment to these bills. You and I remember the days of the Re- publicans—the bitter days of the Hoover ad= muinistration—when cotton was selling for 5 cents a pound; banks were failing one after another and the life savings of our people were wiped out; businesses went bankrupt and farms and homes were lost; thousands of men and women walked the streets looking for jobs and entire families knew hunger and misery. We saw the Democratic Party change all this and save our free-enterprise system. You and I know what the performance of the Democratic Party has meant to us in Alabama— More jobs than ever before in Alabama’s history. Payrolls and profits for Alabama’s people last year at the high water mark of two and a half billion dollars. Business, small and large, has prospered as never be- fore. The savings of every Alabama depos« itor are protected by Federal deposit insur~ ance. Alabama’s businessmen know a new freedom for their enterprise under my amendment to the Transportation Act re- moving freight rate discriminations. Our farmers have prospered through sup- port prices, farm credit, crop insurance, soil conservation, rural electricity, rural tele- phones, farm housing, and reduced tenancy. The income of our farmers is six times their income under the Hoover administration and they and their families know a new way of life. Our industrial workers have won jobs, col- lective bargaining, decent hours, and mini- mum, wages. The county poorhouse of the Hoover days is gone and our people have social security. Our old people are protected against hardship and the workers are protected against unem- ployment. Dependent children and needy mothers are cared for, and crippled children and the blind are given care and training. There is TVA with its benefits for all Ala~- bama, created by the act I introduced in the House of Representatives. TVA power serves farm and factory and city. And with TVA the income of the people of the valley has increased more than the income of any other section of the country. There are the thousands of new homes and apartments for Alabama’s families, There is the GI bill of rights which gives education and job training, and farm and home and business opportunity to our vet- erans. Under the Hill-Burton Act, Alabama is building hospitals and health centers. By next January more than 60 Alabama cities and communities will have their own hos- pitals and health centers completed or under construction. We see new school houses, hundreds of miles of hard-surfaced roads in every Ala bama county, airports, city halls, and vast public works. Our children benefit from school lunches and vocational education, In the Senate we have twice passed the Federal- aid-to-education bil. As an author of the bill I look forward to the time when the House of Representatives will follow the Sen- ate’s good example and the bill becomes law. The development of Alabama waterways for which we have worked so long—the Ten- nessee, the Tombigbee-Warrior, the Chatta~- hoochee, the Coosa-Alabama—points the way to the conservation and development of all Alabama’s resources, The Democratic measures have brought new strength and new prosperity to Als- bama—to our farmers, our workers, our businessmen, to all our people. As ycur Senator, I have worked and labored and fought for these measures with all my heart and soul. As I talk to you at this
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD moment I fight to preserve them, that their benefits and blessings may continue to flow to you, to Alabama, and to all our people. The Dixiecrat leaders would destroy these measures. They join hands with the Repub- licans and denounce the measures as social- ism. The Dixiecrats and the Republicans s2ek to tear down that which the Democratic Party has built for us. Dixiecrats and Re- publicans are birds of a feather. Alabama’s Dixiecrat leader, the chairman of the State committee, advocates an open alhance of Dixiecrats and Republicans. Ad-~ dressing the State committee in Mont- gomery on January 21 he proposed that Dixiecrats and Republicans nominate the same candidate for President in 1952. He suggested that Dixiecrats could “share” with Republicans “in the glory of electing a President.” The New York Times of March 9 carried the following story: “Guy George Gabrielson, Republican na- tional chairman, has met in recent weeks with some top leaders of the States’ rights Dixiecrat movement to discuss a plan where- by Dixiecrat votes might be thrown to the GOP nominees in 1952. “The plan would be based on a ‘trial mar- riage at the top.’ “Under the scheme the States’ rights Dixiecrats would nominate for President and Vice President the same men picked by the Republican National Convention.” And so, my friends, we have the strange doings of Dixiecrat chairman and Republi- can chairman to deliver you and your vote to the Republicans. I do not believe that you, my Democratic friends, wish to be handed over to the Re- publicans. You have not forgotten that the Repub- licans, when they controlled the Hightieth Congress, tried to sabotage the farm pro- grams by slashing the funds for soil conser- vation, production and marketing, REA, school lunches, and farm ownership. They tried to sabotage TVA by denying the funds for the New Johnsonville steam plant which the Democratic Party has now given us. They blocked extension of social security, made a mockery of the housing program, and crippled our trade agreements. Only a few days ago we had before the Senate our bill to adjust cotton- and peanut- acreage allotments and prevent discrimina- tions and hardships to Alabama farm fami- lies. We won the fight for our farmers. But we won through the votes of Democrats— northern and southern—against almost solid opposition from the Republicans. The Senators of the South know that we could not have won as members of a Dixie- erat splinter party. Senator Russrny, of Georgia, Senator Connatiy, of Texas, Sen- ators Grorce and Brrp and Hoey, and the rest stand squarely in the Democratic Party. Former Senator Jimmy Byrnes has said that he will fight his battles in the Democratic Party. In 1948 the people of Virginia, North Caro- lina, Georgia, Florida, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas were as much opposed to the so- called civil-rights bills as we were in Ala- bama. But they refused to walk out of the Democratic Party. , The refusal of these sister States to walk out of the Democratic Party was the death knell of the Dixiecrat Party. And it grows weaker as the days pass. It was different when the people of Ala- pama went to the polls on November 2, 1948. The people of Alabama were not permitted to vote and make free choice as were their fellow southerners. Two years ago the Dixie- crat leaders on the State committee ma- neuvered Alabama out of the Democratic Party and led Alabama into a splinter party— the Dixiecrat Party. This must not happen in Alabama again. We must elect Demccrats to the State executive committee. The members of the State committee are the trustees of the Dem- ocratic Party in Alabama. They cannot serve both the Democratic Party and the Dixiecrat Party. We in Alabama cannot be both Democrats and Dixiecrats any more than we can be both Democrats and Republicans. We cannot be Democrats in Washington and Dixiecrats in Alabama. Either we are in the National Democratic Farty or we are out of the Na- tional Democratic Party and in the Dixiecrat splinter party. The Dixiecrat leaders tell you that this de- cision can be postponed until 1952. They want to put off facing the issue. We cannot put off this decision. We live in the Democratic Party every day in the year. We meet our problems day by day— as Democrats. We won the fight for our cotton and peanut farmers—as Democrats, We hold the line against the civil mghts bills—as Democrats. In this touch-and-go hour in world affairs, as Democrats, we will not divide and split into factions and parties as did the nations that have fallen to the Communists. As Democrats we stand united for America’s strength for keeping the peace. We go to the polls on May 2, vote for Democrats for the State committee, and we remain in the Democratic Party. We remain in the house of our fathers— the Democratic Party, the party of Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson, the party of Grover Cleveland and Woodrow Wilson, the party of Franklin Roosevelt. SprrecH By Hon. JOHN SPARKMAN, OF ALABAMA My fellow Alabamians, I am speaking to you from Mobile. For these few minutes I want to talk just as frankly and just as sincerely as I can about a matter of great importance to all of us in Alabama, that is whether we in Alabama shall go our way politically alone or shall be a part of the two-party system under which this country has become so great, so powerful, and so prosperous. The Democratic Party is 150 years old. For 100 years there have been two great par- ties, Democrats and Republicans. From time to time third parties have been tried. But in every instance such splinter party has bscome a complete failure and of short life. The two most recent efforts have been the Henry Wallace Party and the Dixiecrat Party in the 1948 election. The Henry Wal- lace Party is dead. The present effort in Alabama is to keep alive the Dixiecrat Party. I believe that 1t will fail. I know that for the good of Alabama it ought to fail. There are some things about the Demo- cratic Party that I do not like; some parts of the platform that I will not accept; some of the legislative program that I will not support. We do not have to sacrifice any of our convictions. I am against the civil- rights proposals—always have been and al- ways will be. One of the first votes I cast upon going to Congress 14 years ago was against one of these bills. Almost every year since then I have voted against such pro- posals. . To listen to some of those who would lead us into a splinter party, one would think that the civil-rights proposals were first made in 1948. They have been coming up with consistent regularity since shortly after the Civil War. During the time I have been in Congress I have voted against them more than a dozen times. In the 1890’s, Alabama’s great Democratic Senator John T. Morgan, led a successful filibuster against such leg- islation proposed by Republicans to punish the South. The platforms of both great parties for many, many years have carried similar pro- posals for so-called civil-rights legislation. A3615 Every platform upon which Franklin D. Roosevelt ran contained such proposalse— and Alabama gladly supported Roosevelt without question. By the way, we southern Democrats had the chance to have the same language on civil rights, almost word for word, in the 1948 platform as was in the Roosevelt plat- form in 1944, I can say that the decision was Alabama’s to make. I was in the hotel mecting of the Alabama delegation that hot Sunday afterncon when the proposal was made. But, unfortunately, half of our dele- gates had gone to that convention deter- mined to walk out, and they were determined that nothing should happen to keep them from walking out. So they refused to ac- cept the 1944 version and thereby brought about the fight in the convention that re- sulted in the more objectionable language in the platform. They took the position that they would not play unless they could write every single rule. That is the atti- tude that the Dixiecrats are taking today. You and [ know that games are not played that way. Even though the Democratie platform, as ~ well as the Republican, carried a pledge for civil-rights legislation, no such law has been enacted. And I predict that if you do not take away from us who represent you in Con- gress the power that is ours as long as we can operate as Democrats—on the inside— there will not be any such legislation. After all, civil-rights legislation is not de- feated by Dixiecrat maneuvers in Alabama nor by threats of the formation of a splinter party. In the past it has always been de- feated on the floor of the Senate. ‘There, and there alone, must we look for its de- feat in the future. We southern Democratic Senators—21 of us—are banded together and pledged to use every parliamentary device possible to defeat civil-rights legislation. And listen to this: Every single one of those 21 southern Demo- cratic Senators believes that we should stay in the Democratic Party. We know what our most important weapon is. It is the ability to work as Democrats. Some seem to think that the Republicans are our friends in defeating civil-rights pro- posals. Such is simply not the case. I have before me an AP news item of April 12, the headline of which tells the story, I quote: “Republicans demand act on FEPC.” In recent months a civil-rights amendment has been offered to three differcnt measures, all important to the South. In each in- stance, the amendment was offered by a Re- publican Senator, and in each instance the Republicans voted strongly for the amend. ment and the Democrats—northern and southern alike—voted against. On a Republican proposal to tie the civil rights to Federal aid for education, not a single Democrat voted for it. On the Re- publican proposal to tie civil rights to hous- ing, the Republicans voted almost solidly for it while only three Democrats voted that way. A similar Republican attempt to tie civil rights té the oleo tax repeal bill was strongly supported by Republicans, but opposed unanimously by Democrats. Let us never for one moment be fooled into thinking that we can depend on Re- publican help to defeat these measures. TI repeat: We must depend upon our group of 21 southern Senators operating as Demo- crats inside the Democratic Party. Alabama has much to lose in getting out of the Democratic Party. And regardless of what may be said, the Dixiecrat program calls for our leaving the Democratic Party. We cannot be Dixiecrats in Alabama and Democrats in Congress. We simply cannot move in and out of the Demo- cratic convention and Democratic Party at will. We must take our place—either in or out.