(A) The release of the 2018 Nuclear Pos-
ture Review on February 5, 2018, which low-
ered the threshold for nuclear weapons use and 
called for the development of the following new 
nuclear weapons: 
(i) A low-yield warhead on a sub-
marine-launched ballistic missile, which 
was deployed before the date of the enact-
ment of this Act. 
(ii) A sea-launched cruise missile, still 
under development on the date of the en-
actment of this Act. 
(B) The unilateral United States with-
drawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of 
Action (commonly referred to as the ‘‘JCPOA’’) 
announced on May 8, 2018, which may lead to 
the complete collapse of an agreement that had 
verifiably closed of each of Iran’s pathways to 
a nuclear weapon. 
(C) The unilateral United States with-
drawal, completed on August 2, 2019, from the 
Treaty Between the United States of America 
and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on 
the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range 
and Shorter-Range Missiles, signed at Wash-
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ington December 8, 1987, and entered into 
force June 1, 1988 (commonly referred to as 
the ‘‘Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Trea-
ty’’ or the ‘‘INF Treaty’’), in response to the 
material breach by the Russian Federation of 
its obligations under that Treaty, which has re-
moved all legal constraints on the testing, pro-
curement, and deployment of ground-based 
shorter-range and intermediate-range missiles, 
increasing the risk of a missile arms race in the 
Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific regions. 
(D) The unilateral United States with-
drawal, announced on May 22, 2020, from the 
Treaty on Open Skies, done at Helsinki March 
24, 1992, and entered into force January 1, 
2002 (commonly referred to as the ‘‘Open Skies 
Treaty’’), which is likely to deny to United 
States allies and partners a key confidence- 
building measure and one of the few remaining 
operational diplomatic forums, through the 
Open Skies Consultative Commission, to engage 
with the Russian Federation. 
(10) During a May 15, 2020, National Security 
Council meeting, one or more senior officials of the 
Trump administration reportedly advocated that the 
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United States conduct its first nuclear explosives 
test since 1992, as part of an effort to bring the 
Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of 
China into negotiations on a trilateral arms control 
agreement. 
(11) A move by the United States to break its 
moratorium on nuclear explosives testing would con-
flict with United Nations Security Council Resolu-
tion 2310, led by the United States and adopted in 
2016, which states that any nuclear explosives test 
would defeat the ‘‘object and purpose’’ of the CTBT 
and called on all countries to maintain their respec-
tive moratoriums on such tests. 
(12) In light of moves by the United States and 
other countries to increase their reliance on nuclear 
weapons, the 21st century nuclear freeze movement 
would seek to halt the new nuclear arms race by 
seeking conclusion of a comprehensive and verifiable 
freeze on the testing, deployment, and production of 
nuclear weapons and delivery vehicles for such weap-
ons. 
(13) The United States would benefit from con-
clusion of a comprehensive nuclear arms agreement 
with each of the nuclear-weapon state parties to the 
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NPT and potentially all countries that possess nu-
clear weapons. 
(14) In 2013, the report on a nuclear weapons 
employment strategy of the United States submitted 
under section 492 of title 10, United States Code, 
determined that it is possible to ensure the security 
of the United States and allies and partners of the 
United States and maintain a strong and credible 
strategic deterrent while safely pursuing up to a 1⁄3 
reduction in deployed nuclear weapons from the level 
established in the Treaty between the United States 
of America and the Russian Federation on Measures 
for the Further Reduction and Limitation of Stra-
tegic Offensive Arms, signed April 8, 2010, and en-
tered into force February 5, 2011 (commonly re-
ferred to as the ‘‘New START Treaty’’). 
SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY. 
It is the policy of the United States that: 
(1) The United States should build upon its 
decades long, bipartisan efforts to reduce the num-
ber and salience of nuclear weapons by leading inter-
national negotiations on specific arms-reduction 
measures as part of a 21st century global nuclear 
freeze movement. 
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(2) The United States should immediately agree 
to extend the New START Treaty for 5 years, until 
February 5, 2026, through mutual agreement with 
the Russian Federation to provide continued insight 
into the location, movement, and disposition of stra-
tegic delivery vehicles and deployed warheads belong-
ing to the Russian Federation, which would be an 
important first step to building momentum for a 
multilateral arms control initiative. 
(3) Upon the successful extension of the New 
START Treaty, the United States should engage 
with all other countries that possess nuclear weapons 
to negotiate and conclude future multilateral arms 
control, disarmament, and risk reduction agree-
ments, which should contain some or all of the fol-
lowing provisions: 
(A) An agreement on a verifiable freeze on 
the testing, production, and further deployment 
of all nuclear weapons and delivery vehicles for 
such weapons. 
(B) An agreement that establishes a 
verifiable numerical ceiling on the deployed 
shorter-range and intermediate-range and stra-
tegic delivery systems (as defined by the INF 
Treaty and the New START Treaty, respec-
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