APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Never did we seek to have it this way, We fought and won the First World War, as we thought, to make the world safe for democracy. But after it was over, we found that the Allied victory meant only a@ change in the European balance of power. We fought the Second World War and won it, as we thought, to end all wars. But since that time, we have found that even as World War I gave rise to World War II, the Second World War only spawned a lot of little wars, in a world divided beyond any peaceful adjustment of its conflicting ideologies. Corapromise no longer is possible. That all of these little wars, and world war III, of which they are merely the opening skirmishes, could have been avoided is undeniable. The peace after World War I was lost by international politicians, masquerad- ing as statesmen, in a metaphorically smoke-filled room at the Palace of Ver- sailles. The peace after World War IT was Jost in the political horse-trading atmos- phere of similar rooms at Tehran, Cairo, Yalta, and Potsdam. Lost, it should be noted, even before the war had ended. Now, through the partisan-political- minded opportunism, the crass blunders and weaknesses of little men in offices of great power both in our own admin- istrations over the past 17 years, and in the chancelries of Europe, the Russian imperialists rule nearly half the land mass of the world and more than a third of the human race. The Red gangsters of the Kremlin call the tune for a lot of little wars, while the piper is paid in the wealth and blood of America and of the slave satellites of Russia. With his own forces unimpaired, the bloody handed tyrant of communism sits in the Kremlin planning the Armaged- don so soon to come. The situation now is such that Soviet Russia holds the initiative. Occupying most of Asia and half of Europe, with 12,000,000 men under arms and with tre- mendous supplies of slave-manufactured weapons and war equipment, the Krem- lin still has an effective manpower re- serve of nearly 75,000,000 men. American troops, without the initia- tive and with the half-hearted sup- port of allies who seem to have lost the will to fight, engage the enemy wher- ever and whenever the Kremlin wills. Such well-trained troops as we have are scattered about the world, garrison- ing nations which show little desire to defend themselves. At the present mo- ment virtually all of our striking power is tied down in Korea. There the very men who should be training our new armies are fighting and dying in a little war that already is lost. In 5 years the Congress has appropri- ated $50,000,000,000 for the armed serv- ices, to say nothing of nearly as much for our bread-and-butter allies. Yet we lack the military power, it seems, to win anywhere in the world. Our allies are in worse case. But in spite of this position, so close to ultimate disaster, the Congress is told—the American people are told— that we must not reexamine the foreign policies which brought it about. We are urged to rally behind the Presi- dent and the Secretary of State, We are told to forget the weaknesses and blun- ders of the past, if they were nothing worse, 80 that we may blind ourselves to those the future may bring—all in the name of unity. And what, may I ask, would that kind of unity be? Unity without leadership; a nation united in futility and defeat. The voices calling for this kind of unity are the voices of a folly so vast as to exceed the bounds of sane thinking. The unity we need now is a unity in bringing those who profess to lead us, and who ask us to follow them blindly, back once more to their senses. Either that, or unity in creating new leaders, who are not given to vacillation because of petty political considera- tions; leaders who have a program, born of the wisdom and strength of the Amer- ican people, and not of their weaknesses. I refer to the perversion of the admin- istration’s socialistic ideal, whereby Americans have been advised, not to share with each other, but each in every instance, to get his own share; and a bit more, if he votes aright. As a long-time member of the House Armed Services Committee, I have en- joyed the opportunity such membership provides for studying in detail the vari- ous factors of national defense. It was on the basis of this hard-won knowledge that nearly 6 months ago I voiced the conclusion that the United States cannot hope to win a land war against the hordes of foot soldiers the Red colossus ultimately can muster in Europe and Asia. Our hope of victory, as I said then, and believe now, Hes in domination of the sea and air. I continued to believe this, even when American troops stood at the Manchurian border. I did so because it seemed to me that Russia’s necessity of keeping face in Asia would send the Chinese Communists into Korea. Obviously we lacked the military manpower to stay permanently in Korea. For this reason, and for others con- nected with the imminent invasion of Yugoslavia by Bulgarian and Rumanian satellite troops, in a radio broadcast sev- eral weeks ago I offered some further conclusions. It seemed to me imperative that we should withdraw all of our troops from the Asiatic mainland; that we should proceed as quickly as possible to arm Japan and the Philippines; that we should redouble the blockade before For- mosa, and extend it to cover the entire Chinese coast; that we should give addi- tional arms and economic aid to Chiang Kai-shek and his Nationalist Army; and that so far as possible, we should sup- port with arms and money the nearly 2,000,000 Nationalist guerrillas on the Chinese mainland. It seemed to me imperative, too, that we must reach a realistic understanding with our Western European allies; that we should make it clear to them that we will not single-handedly defend their territory, but that we will help them A25 defend themselves. They have the man- power, and lack only the arms. I pointed out by implication that under present circumstances, should Soviet Russia move into Western Europe, even England would become quite untenable as a base for American operations. I pointed out further, that in such event, Bpain alone would be available to us. I did not urge that we desert our West- ern European allies. I did urge that we force them to realize and act upon the situation as it really exists. Still further, it seemed imperative to me that we should permit nothing to de- lay the most complete preparations for the defense of the Western Hemisphere; that we make of the Americas, as Her- bert Hoover said later, a veritable Gibral- tar of military power. And again it seemed to me that we must find some effective means of rap- prochement with the Latin American Republics; that we must find some way of ending the present rude treatment ac- corded them by our State Department and by our delegates in the United Na- ons, Most of us have heard of the fact that United States delegates declined an in- vitation to a cocktail party given by the delegates of a powerful South American country, on the score that they were too busy with the Korean situation. We have heard, too, that Vishinsky attended, and made friends by saying he never was too busy to fraternize with important people from South America, It should be noted here, too, that some of the better informed commentators are saying that another even more power- ful Latin American Republic is ready to ally itself with the Russians, in the event of a new world war. Just before the Christmas holidays, I was gratified to hear former President Herbert Hoover, on a Nation-wide hook- up, express ideas closely resembling my own. In his position of eminence, as the greatest living American, it followed nat- urally that he should be attacked by the apologists for the Truman-Acheson for- eign policy. They smeared him as an isolationist. Parenthetically, I might ask: If Her- bert Hoover is an isolationist, then what is wrong with isolationism? The apologists, and particularly the former Republican, John Foster Dulles, in a radio speech said that we must con- tinue to bear the burden for our Western European allies at any cost, because we must have bases in Europe, in order to retain domination of the sea and alr. For the same reason, he advocated fight- ing on to the last man in Korea. Dulles said we must be in a position to counterattack anywhere in the world, and thus keep the Russians off balance, running from point to point on the Soviet defense perimeter. Now just what does Mr. Dulles think we did in Korea? And does he overlook the fact that our counterattack in Korea has proved the contention that we can- not hope to win land wars against the hordes of Asia, either in the Far East or in Western Europe? The latter, of course, unless and until the Western
A% European countries take steps to utilize their vast military manpower. ‘We can help them to arm, but we can- not do all of their fighting for them. We are 7 percent of the world’s popu- lation, and we lack the manpower to fight everywhere. Dulles, and others like him, seem to forget that our counterattack by land hes left Korea a peninsula of scorched earth, where millions will starve. They forget that Russia now is in a position to take all of Western Europe within a few weeks’ time. From the battle front the American people are fed with optimistic commu- niqués, telling of the orderly withdraw- als, the success of the amphibious oper- ation at Inchon, and the possibilities of holding on in Korea indefinitely. Yet the newspapers and the air net- works are filled with letters and state- ments by returned soldiers describing Inchon as another Dunkerque, and tell- ing the full horror of the so-called or- derly withdrawals. It is my conviction that the American people realize the essential untruth and insincerity of those communiqués. They sound too much like something dreamed up by the State Department. They sound too much like those commu- niqués from Berlin when Germany was losing in World War II—communiqués which said that German troops, as a matter of strategy, were advancing to the rear. Nevertheless, Dulles and the other ad- ministration apologists, go on saying that we must have continental Euro- pean and Asian bases, in order to retain control of the sea and air. Why is that 80? We already contro] the sea and air. We shall retain this control, unless we dissipate our wealth, and sacrifice the lives of millions of the flower of Ameri- can youth—sacrifice our wealth and our youth in land wars initiated by the Kremlin and fought against overwhelm- ing odds on the Kremlin’s cwn terms. To make such a sacrifice would be to court national degeneration and ulti- mate destruction of the last bastion of freedom on earth. And this sacrifice is unnecessary. We have adequate bases for sea and air power in Japan, the Philippines, For- mosa, and the isles of the western Pacific. Spain can be made available to us. France and England show signs of un- derstanding what they must do. And without any doubt Herbert Hoover's ra- dio address, more than anything else, brought the understanding home to them, There is just a chance they may be able to act in time. We cannot and must not—we have no need—to sacrifice millions of our ablest and best. Above all, Russian imperial- istic communism must be contained by sea and air. It must be kept from our shores, until it falis of its own rottenness, as all dictatorships eventually fall, And when all is said and done, the fact remains that this third world war, which 4s so close upon us, cannot be from our viewpoint a war for the survival of any particular nation, other than our own. It will be a battle for the entire world, and the chips of national destruction must fall’where they may. TVA’s 17 Years of Progress Is Inspiring Story of Progress Toward National Se- curity and General Prosperity EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. JOE L. EVINS OF TENNTSSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 4, 1951 Mr, EVINS. Mr. Speaker, it has been my privilege in the past eudeavor to keep this body abreast of the vast progress which annually is recorded in the yearly report of the Tennessee Valley Author- ity. Today I wish to comment once more upon the growth of the TVA as demon- strated in its seventeenth annual report. In reviewing the latest account of TVA activities it is more than ever apparent to me that the statesmen of other years whose vision made possible the build- ing of this great public project were gifted with prophetic foresight. It is almost as though these men were able to see into the future and the tremendous war needs which only such a develop- ment as the TVA could meet—needs stemming from mobilization and the building of a vast and powerful military machine. TVA’s contribution tc our war needs in World War IT is an inspiring story in our history. Today, when TVA is stronger than ever-—stronger, even, than in World War Ii—we may gain added security in the knowledge that its contributions to our national defense will be great and essential in our present hour of national crisis. In this connection, Mr. Speaker, I de- sire to have included with my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial from the Nashville Tennessean of January 1, 1950, entitled “Seventeen Years of Progress.” The editorial is as follows: Sxventeen Years of Parocress Like a favorite book that retains its orig- inal appeal no matter how many times it is read, the Tennessee Valley Authority's an- nual reports never fail to reward us with a feeling of satisfaction. The seventeenth such review, made public yesterday, is no exe ception. As always the report is a story of progrese—~ past, present, and future. It is an account of the amazing transformation that has been, 4s being and will be wrought in this great Tennessee Valley of which we are & part. It ts an inspiring record of accomplishments that skeptics once said were impossibie. “The valley region today is stronger than it was in 1988, or than it was in 1940 when the Nation began to mobilize for World War 1, or than it was when the war ended in 1945," the report telle us. “It is stronger in the control the people exercise over their natural resourses. It is stronger in {ts own institu- ons.” Even those of us who have watched this strength grow during the last 17 years find its comparative measurements almost un- . Yet, the facts and figures are there for all to see: The region's power supply is 12 times as great a> it was in 1983. River freight ton- nage has increased from 83,000,000 ton-miles to 608,000,000 ton-miles. Flood damage along the Tennessse has been reduced by $45,000,000. Total consumers have been boosted from 275,000 to 1,100,000. Elec- trification of 82 percent of all the farms in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the valley has been accomplished, compared with only 8 percent in 1938. Fertilizer pro- auction research hag revo Amer- ioh's fertilizer industry. A long-term trend of erosion and soil depletion has been re- versed. A great reforestation and timber management program hes been inaugurated. And recreational resources have been de- veloped into one of the Nation’s greatest play- grounds. The value of these gains is inestimable; the cost has been low. They have not been bought, as so many charge, with socialism, imeffictency, and ill-considered apending. “Contrary to the widely disseminated no- tion that efficient management in the elec- tric business is the exclusive attrinute of private ownership, the publicly owned and locally managed distribution systems in the valley show cost of service averaging some- what lower than those of the entire elec- tric-utility industry, whether or not the cost of wholesale power is included,” the report says. And ‘t adds financial statistics which show an average 4-percent annual return on power investment for the 17 years of TVA operation. Despite the progress already made, the re- port notes that the region ts still far from attaining maximum development of its many resources. “The broad programs launched 17 years ago need to be continued. But today the State and local agencies, supported by an improved economic base are better able to carry them on. They can carry on with less assistance from TVA, either material or tech- nical and advisory, than they have tn the past.” There is only one dark spot in the whole picture, Although the Authority's power system capacity has been multiplied nearly four times since 1940, the region is still far short of the power needed to meet expand- ing national defense demands. “Further construction is underway on a fast schedule to keep abreast of the demand for power,” says the report. It emphasizes the urgency of this construction core rectly pointing out that electric energy is the heart of the defense effort, without which the need for airplanes, guns, muni- tions, clothing, chemicals, and atomic weap- ons cannot be met. In addition to expanding its own facili- ties, the TVA has urged development of the vast resources of the Cumberland River to help provide the vital power this Nation needs for its defense. This power shortage is a challenge. Chal- lenges, however, are nothing new to the Tennessee Valley Authority. Looking back on its nearly two decades of magnificent progress, we have no doubt that—given the congressional support it needs—the TVA will serve the Nation as well in this crisis as it has in times past. Truman Drives United States to Isolationism EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 4, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, it has been obvious to the most casual observer that the Roosevelt-Tru- man foreign policies would ultimately drive the American people to a hands-off policy of isolationism. Mr. David Law- rence has clearly expressed the views of many who believe that our present for-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD eign policies are leading to a national disaster. Mr, Lawrence’s article appeared in the Washington Star, January 2, 1951, and I am including this article as part of my remarks: ISOLATIONISM LIKE AN EPIDEMIC (By David Lawrence) Tsolationism is a very troublesome word in American politics and the sentiment whic” it represents is never overcome merely by denouncing its exponents. Nor is isola- tionism confined only to Republicans. The late Franklin D. Roosevelt was at one time an exponent of isolationist doctrine. Although a.candidate for Vice President in 1920 on a platform that favored American entry into the League of Nations, he reversed himself in 1932 to gain isolationist support for his nomination for the Presidency. When he became President he broke up the Inter- national Economic Conference being held in London in 1938 which might have laid the foundation for a sort of Marshall plan that might have buttressed Europe against World War IT. Isolationism is like an epidemic—it pene- trates everywhere and within both political parties. As one who has consistently op- posed it ever since the 1920's, the observation may be advanced now that isolationist pol- icies are never defeated by denouncing their sponsors. The real way to fight fsolationism is to get ut its causes and debate the issues vigor- ously The momentum given to isolation- ism here in recent weeks came from Europe— not America. The sooner the Truman ad- ministration and those Republicans who are anti-tsolation wake up to the fact that to millions of Americans {it locks as If our allies have forsaken us, the sooner will the Euro- pean peoples be told the blunt truths they need to know. Another motivating reason for the growth of isolationism recently in America is the attitude of the United Nations itself. Failure to declare Russia an aggressor, failure to declare Communist China an aggressor, fail- ure to deal firmly with the many violations of international law of which the Commu- nists are guilty has weakened faith in the UN. The American people, moreover, don't like double talk. They are not in a mood to listen to evcuses and rationalizations as to why Communist China should have a seat in the UN. When the UN on June 26 moved against aggression and when the Red Chinese began to assist the North Korean aggressors the American people expected the UN to call a spade a spade. They don’t expect certain UN member governments to flirt with the enemy and to encourage them by discussing the prospects of admission to the UN through negotiations. The British Prime Minister, after his visit to President Truman, made a fatal error in publicly reiterating Britain's interest in admitting Red China to the UN at the very moment when American boys were being slaughtered by an aggres- sor—Red China’s armies in Korea. The way to combat isolationism is to unite behind principles and to uphold them sincerely, ir- respective of expediency and material con- siderations. The moment a moral cause be- comes tainted with materialism it loses its spiritual quality and begets selfishness, which is the main ingredient of the Isola- tionist attitude. Politicians, whether they be Republicans or Democrats, watch the trends of public opinion. The Associated Press survey last week end telling about the avalanche of letters to editors of newspapers shows how . widespread ts the dissatisfaction with Euro- pean governments that have failed to send their proper proportion of troops to Korea. European isolationism has provoked Ameri- can isolationism, Politically speaking, isolationism in this country thrives on the oft-repeated remark that “Europe is playing America for a suck- er.” The best way to refute it is by facts, Unhappily, Europe’s record of mobilizing manpower in her own defense in the last few years is bad. As long as Europe faile to perceive her own failures, isolationism will grow in America. But once Europe puts her shoulder to the wheel and stops talking about the idea that we are going to get bogged down in the Far East with American troops and money wanted by Europe, the sooner will American public opinion rally behind Europe's defense as it has done twice before in our history. To say that aggreasion should be appeased in the Far East because we are powerless to fight it there is to admit a weakness that really doesn’t exist. All our troops now committed in the Far East, in what may for some time to come have to be a holding operation rather than an offensive, would not be enough to defend even a small part of Europe if they were transferred there at once. If American air and naval resources cannot fight a holding operation in the Pa- cific while we assist in carrying on a major operation in Europe, it must be because Eu- rope expects America to do the whole job and furnish the bulk of the manpower. That simply isn’t in the cards, and many of the isolationists of today are those who fee] that Europe hasn't done her duty to- ward the UN resolution on intervention in Korea, and if that’s to be the course of history America had better protect herself by waiting within her own defense line for Europe to show a will to help us as allies. The misunderstanding—for such it really is—can be cleared away. But the Truman administration is handicapped in not being able to proclaim American purposes per- suasively to the world because at this mo- ment European governments have not shown their willingness to make genuine sacrifices to resist Communist aggression no matter where it launches its attack. Why the Shortage of Copper, Scrap Iron, and Other Materials? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 3, 1951 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, I am receiving urgent requests from in- dustries in the district, which I have the honor to represent, for copper, alumi- num, iron, and steel scrap. Men are be- ing thrown out of work because of the scarcity of material necessary to operate the industries. The Truman administration has lost all sense of its responsibility to the peo- ple of the United States. I have listed heretofore in the ConcressIONAL REcorD the copper and other materials needed to keep our economy sound, which the ad- ministration has suffered and permitted to be shipped to foreign nations through the ECA. The tragedy of this inane program, however, is the reshipment of the copper and other materials by our supposed allies to Russia and Red China, Under leave heretofore granted, I am inserting as a part of my remarks a A27 bulletin furnished by the able econo- mist, Paul O. Peters, as follows: WASHINGTON NEWS BULLETIN EXxrra, Washington, D. C., January 3, 1951. On December 27, 1950, the National Pro« auction Authority issued notice No. 1, list- ing certain materials designated aa scarce, Among the materials listed were the fol- lowing: Building materials, Including cast iron soll pipe, insulating materials, and cement. Chemicals including benzene, glycerin, and methanol. Iron and steel including pig tron and tron and steel scrap. Lumber, plywood, and pulpwood. ) Metals and minerals, including scrap. Paper and paperboard materials and products. The whole Mst is available in detail at page 9398 of the Federal Register for Friday, December 29, 1950. On December 80, 1950, the National Pro- duction Authority issued an order prohibit- ing the use of copper in a long list of items used by civilians. The order according to Mr. William H. Harrison, NPA Adminis- trator, was issued to provide copper for de- fense and defense-supporting needs. So American manufacturers and the consumers who buy and use their products will be denied the use of copper for such items as builders’ hardware, gutters and downspouts, roofing nails, weather stripping, and numer- ous other small items in everyday use by the ordinary home owner. Now comes the pay-off, On January 2, 1051, ECA procurement authorization press release No. 1963 an- nounced the following new authorizations, which will be paid for with charity dollars wrung from the American taxpayers in the merciless process which is demoralizing and bankrupting this Nation. For the Netherlands 920,000 charity dol- lars wiil be available to contract for copper and copper products in the United States between now and next May 31, with deliv- erles not later than next August 31. The money, at present prices, should supply nearly 3,000,000 pounds of copper and copper products. If this were not enough, another $255,000 in American charity dollars will be supplied the Netherlands to procure copper and copper products from Latin-American countries. When will the Congress start an investi- gation of the agencies and offices of the Gov- ernment that are siphoning off our scarce and critical materials, always of course being paid for with taxes levied on the American free competitive enterprise system? PauL O. PETERS, Cut Down Official Waste EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. THOMAS G. ABERNETHY OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 4, 1951 Mr. ABERNETHY. Mr. Speaker, un-~ der leave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorn, I include a timely editorial which appeared in a re- cent edition of the Jackson (Miss.) Daily News. The editorial follows: Cur Down Orrician Waste With the declaration of the national emer- gency we are taking leave for the indefinite future of easy peacetime ways.
‘We are leaving behind even the half-war, half-peace state of affaira that was our scheduled lot, before the belated dawning of realization that not years, but only months, may be left to us in which to prepare for @ world war. As we go on a war footing, in the hope that readiness for it yet may avert war, there ts not one of us unaware of the sacrifices this must entail, for our young men first of all, but in terms of living standards, for everyone. We are entering this period stil! burdened by debt incurred in the recent struggle to rve our freedoms. We dare not add to that staggering burden of $256,000,000,000, (two hundred and fifty-six thousand mil- lion) the cost of the new mobilization. The price now set on our national security must be a cash price, to be paid in taxes heavier than we have yet known. Aa we clear the decks for action, therefore, it becomes overwhelmingly compelling that the Government clear its own decks. On a war footing the Nation cannot afford a peace- time government. National security will be a delusion except ag it fe built on the safe foundation of national solvency. Thus, apart from simple fairness to citizens who must bear the load, the Government's responsibility is plain. I6 cannot from now on in good conscience divert a single available dollar from the vital requirements of swift preparation for de- Tense. President Truman recognized the need to revamp the budget, which, he said, must be held to “the minimum required to give effec- tive support to the defense effort.” To state that proposition and to give it effect are two different things, however. It is the nature of government that every effort to drop the excess baggage of ims spending will be resisted, by the President's associates in the bureaucracy, by some Mem- bers of Congress and even by interested citizens themselves. Tt is against appeals that this or that spending activity is In fact needed to support the defense effort that the people demand concentration of our precious fiscal resources on defense and nothing but defense. To put government on a war footing—to pare away every dispensable bureau and out- lay—tis, in fact, the very beginning of defense. We cannot do less, to the jeopardy of our national solvency, without lending aid and comfort to the potential enemy, Communist Goon Squads EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. LOUIS B. HELLER oY NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 4, 1951 Mr. HELLER. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rzc- orp, I include the following letter which I addressed to the Honorable J. Edgar Hoover, Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation, yesterday, and the arti- cle written by Victor Riesel, of the New York Daily Mirror, referred to therein: Janvaryr, 3, 1961, Hon. J. Encar Hoover, Director, Federal Bureau of Investiga- tion, Department of Justice, Wash- ington, D. C. Dean Mz. Hoover: Your attention is in- vited to the attached photostatic copy of a clipping taken from the New York Dally Mirror entitled “Inside Labor,” by Victor Riese]. It woukl appear that Communist goon squade are operating in our city streets im @ manner reminiscent of Hitler’s selsure of power in Germany. If permitted to oon- tinue, this movement would sabotage a vital pert of our labor force, fasten « strangle- hold upon the means of logistical support of our troops and alifes abroad, and pose & threat to our national life. I cannot urge too strongly upon you the necessity of taking immediate action to gp- prehend those persons responsible for en- Gangering the national security. I am in- troducing a resolution in the House of Rep- resentatives for the creation of an investi- gating committee. It ts intended that the committee study the situation and recom- mend to the House such measures, in addition to those now on the statute books, as are nec- essary to safeguard the national interest and at the same time preserve our heritage of freedom for the individual. The transportation system and the ports are key factors in our defense. They must not be controlled by Communists and fellow travelers. Bincerely, Lovrs B. HE.uer, Member of Congress. [From the New York Daily Mirror of December 18, 1950] Inaipz Lason (By Victor Riesel) I can produce for the Federal intelligence agencies a band of merchant seamen who had to arm themselves recently with shot- guns and stand off a night-long aiege of Communist action squads, 600 strong, op~ erating European style right in these United States. And I know other good waterfront union Joes whom we'll have to visit in the hospital if we want to talk to them. They got their ribs smashed by a 25-man Red goon squad. There’s a method in all this mauling. If it continues we may yet see hundreds of ships tied up between our west coast and London, when we need every cargohold to carry arms to the world. There ts also a group of railway workers who say they can prove one of their regional chiefs signed the Cominform's international Stockholm peace petition. They'd like to know why he’s still in s spot from which he can paralyze the hauling of steel, destined for emergency items. My labor friends can point out some south- western Communist leaders who used their union headquarters as a secret communica- tion link with Mexico, Cubs, Los Angeles, eto. In that night siege by 500, they were Harry Bridges’ huskies. The sailors they hemmed in a wild night of window smashing, car slashing, and brickbat slinging belonged to the AFL's tough, but clean, Sailors Union of the Pacific. They were caught in their union hall, 440 Avalon Boulevard, Wilming- ton, Calif. Through a night the 14 men and their leader stood guard with shotguns at windows, while Red squads smashed the front of the building, rushed to the adjacent parking lot and cut up tires, and gave up breaking into the hall when the sailors shouted they would shoot to kill. The attackers were recruited on the water front by Bridges’ specialists in rioting. The feud started when Bridges, for reasons known to the convicted perjurer himeelf, suddenly decided to challenge the 65-year-old right of sailors on certain coastwise vessels to un- load lumber from decks to the docks. Whatever else he is, Bridges is not stupid. He knew that attempting to seize juriadic- tion of that bit of work could come off only through bloody violence. He knew his roving action committees, with from 25 to 300 alug-~ gers assigned each detachment, would breed APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD eounterviolence as he sent them chasing sail- freeze many key ports. But our loyal AFI. sailors’ chiefs, lanky Harry Lundeberg and husky Paul Hall, re- frained fram flying in their own special pro- teotive squads. They did not want water front civil war disjointing activity at ports which face the Orient. Comrade Bridges understood the interna- tional implications of his maneuver, knew sailors’ union officials the world over, espe- cially in London and Western Europe, would Tush to the defense of the American AFL water front workers; that the European dock wallopers would boycott ships of United States owners who yielded to Bridges. He knew foreign seamen would refuse to sail veasels into those western United States ports where Bridges might win. Such pledges have been cabled in from London. Bridges knew what be was starting. That lefty railroad union leader who signed one of Moscow's peace petitions ts in the Pittsburgh area, Those southwestern com- rades lead a section of Bridges’ new pro- Russian labor federation. Arizona phone records will prove they used their union headquarters as a communications Unk in a Red international network. All this as we strive to meet a crisis that threatens our national existence. Hoover, Kennedy, and United States Foreign Policy EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 4, 1951 Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing editorial from the Lowell (Mass.) Sun of December 26, 1951: Hoover, Kannxpy, ann Untrep Stares Forticr Poutcr Former President Hoover and Joseph P. Kennedy, a former ambassador to England, have espoused the adoption of a foreign pol- iey that would have the United States with- draw its military forces from Asia and Europe and conserve them entirely for the defense of the Western Hemisphere. Both men merit the attention of the American people when they speak on such matters. But in this particular instance, it is our belief that it would be folly and per- haps eventual national suicide, if their rec- ommendations were followed. Moreover, we disagree vigorously with Mr. Hoover and Mr. Kennedy and all others who would have the United States pull out of Korea without a fight. It may well be that the situation in Korea is not hopeless. Furthermore, we can only agree with Gen. MacArthur when he said that tf the Communists are not stopped in Korea, then the chance of stopping them on the future battlefields of Europe becomes just that much more remote. On the other hand, it ts likely that if the march of Com- munist aggression is atopped cold in Korea, the of meeting it in Europe will be that much less, for Russia, with its eastern borders then vulnerable to attack by a com- bination of Nationalist Chinese, Koreans, American and possibly even Japanese mili- tary forces, would be much more hesitant about taking on a war in Western Europe.