APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD service, including the Foreign Service repre- sentatives of the State Department who won that recognition from Congress last year. Police agencies of many States and com- munities have long enjoyed the right of compensated retirement. It ts a challenging matter, and really a very shameful matter, that the most ef- ficient and deserving of al] Federal employees, the law enforcement agents who have sub- stantially reduced the costs and the trage- dies of crime in the United States, are de- nied the sense of security in their hazardous carecrs which only an earned and adequate retirement program can give. The lack of such a retirement provtram, more than anything else, accounts for the frequent resignations from the service of many of its most effective agents at the peak of their careers, private employment cffer- ing them not only higher imimedizte pay but opportunities to achieve the ultimate secu- rity which the Government denies them. There is no doubt of the justice and wis- dom of the amendment proposed by Sena- tors Bripaes and LANGER, and there is no question of the necessity for it. (From the Jackson (Mich.) Citizen-Patriot of March 4, 1947] AN FARNED RETIREMENT One of the most efficient Government agencics is the Federal Bureuu of Investiga- tion—the FBI—which gave remarkable serv- ice before and during the war. The FBI has organized and directed the ficht against crime on a Nation-wide scale, and as a re- sult bank robbery, kidnaping, and many other big money crimes have been greatly reduced. The FBI also has promoted better cooperation between local police dcepart- ments, sherif’s offices, and other law-enfore- ing agencies and has helped train their mem- bers in better methods of crime detection, J. Edgar Hoover has been able to do this work because he developed a system of selecting as burcau agents men of ability and intelligence who have made goad on the job. The organization is noted for the hizh type of men it hos working for it. He hns an orranization that works hard, long hours and dangerously. A bill is now before Congress to provide @ more liberal retirement plan for speciul agents who have served 20 years or more. Afier 20 years of the strenuous life agents of the FBI must live to keep up to the rigid standards of the organization such a liberal- ized annuity plan ts only fair and just. The bill which provides for this has been referred to the Senate Committee on Civil Bervice. It was offered by Senator Brmaes without knowledge of the FBI simply as a recognition of the kind of service given by the Bureau in recent years. Everyone fa- miliar with the FBI record will approve the better retirement plan for the men who have done that work. {From the Miami (Fia.) Daily News of March 11, 1947] SUPPORT THIS WAR Americans who are so proud of the great peace and war record of the FBI will bo ehocked to learn that that agency ts losing valuable personnel. Miamians, whose city manager is among the ex-FBI agents, will be more likely to recognize that fact than most. However, the passage of legislation now pending in Congress would help to correct a situation in J, Edgar Hoover's official family that is one of the largest factors in recent resignations. Senators SryLes Brivers, of New Hampshire, and Wiintam Lanogr, of North Deakota—both Republicans, by the way—propose annuities for the investigative personnel of FBI after 20 years of active service. This type of law was enacted by the Sev- enty-ninth Congress in 1946 to cover State .World War II. Department Foreign Service—also suffering from personnel problems—and meny State and local police agencies have similar retire- ment benefits. Liberalized retirement would Induce many special agents of FBI with several years of experience to remain with the Bureau. The FBI, by its very nature, is a young man’s organization, but when the pressure, long hours, and health hazards have incapaci- tated special agents, FBI still needs their experience, Passage of thts legislation would go far toward stabilization of the personne! of FBI and establishing that vital agency as a truly career service. Congress should act tor a grateful Nution to say “thanks” to the FBI in a practical wuy. Floridixns who have spe- Cial reuson to be appreciative for FEI’s efl- cient network headquartered in Minmi should let Senators Pepprn ond Ho.ann and their Representatives know that Florida wants no crippling of the war on crime and saboteurs. Catholic War Veterans EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, I am today filing a bill to incorporate the Catholic War Veterans of the United States, which I hope will receive the consideration of every Membcr of the House. This or- ganization has been in being for the past 12 years and, like other veteran organi- zations, has rendered valuable scrvice to our veterans both of World War I and In order that the Mem- bers of the House may have the full facts concerning this worthwhile piece of lezislation, may I outline to you the his- tory and other interesting data pertain- ing to this patriotic veteran organizction. The Catholic War Veicrans were founded in 1935 by the Reverend Ed- ward J. Higgins, an Army chaplain of World War I. Father Higgins and a group of veteran friends were discuss- ing the inroad of subversive groups in our American institutions and decided that any un-American movement would logically first strike at religion. They then determined that an organization of Catholic veterans who had served their country in time of war, and who held an honorable discharge for services ren- dered to the country, should organize and dedicate themselves to God, coun- try, and home. From this humble be- ginning at Astoria, Long Island, the Catholic War Veterans have expanded to an organization embracing a member- ship of men and women of that faith in each of the 48 Siates. The members of the national board of officers and trustees serve without re- muneration, defraying all their own ex- penses ip connection with their Catholic War Veterans activities—that this has been a sacrifice in many cases, is an established fact. However, having been elected to the highest office their or- ganization can bestow upon them, they make this additional contribution in an effort to better serve their fellow veter- ans—regardless of race, creed, or color— A1157 for the Catholic War Veterans extend the helping hand to comrades of all faiths, und members of their familics, regardless of race or color. edicated to God, country, and home, they sub- scribe to a firm belief in the fatherhood of God and the brothcrhood of man, and by their example in their communities each day, they live up to these important principles. Each and every post of Catholic War Veterans has a welfare officer charerd with the responsibility of advising, sid- ing, and assisting all veterans and mem- bers of their families, regardless of race, creed, or color. Welfare ofliccrs of all Catholic War Veteruns units have organ- ized rehabilitation committees, and ar- range for one or more members to be present at their headquarters each night, at specified hours. to assist the veteran and members of his family with their varied problems, at no charge. Two and a helf years ugo the Catholic War Vetcrans arranged to syndicate a column, The Veterans Aide, which has becn furnished rratis fo some 59 news- Papers cach week and tc over 500 in the foreign-language field. This column was established in a sincere effort to be of greater assistance to the greatest possible number of vetcrans and their dependents. Arranrements are also made with radio station WINS to broad- cast from 9:15 to 9:20 each Friday night The Veterans Aide, answering the questions of veteran listeners and their families. From experience Catholic War Vet- erans realized thet one of the best serv- ices to he rendered to veterans and their dependents is authoritative information. When a letter is reccived from a news- paper reader, or radio listener. which in- dicates the writer has a justifiable claim or reason for an appeal, the Catholic War Veterans send to him, or her, the proper Veterans’ Administration forms with advice as to the proper filling in, and the proccdure to be followed in filing same. Proud of their heritage as Catholic veterans, and in the reslization that from the time of George Washington's vic- torious armies down to the present global war, Catholics have served their country in large numbers, the members of this organization constantly strive to be wor- thy of the sentiments expressed by Presi- dent George Washington in a Icttcr to Father John Carroll: It is the duty to address public thanks to our Catholic brethren, as to them we are indebted for every lute success over the com- mon enémy in Canada. As well as to the recognition granted by President Abraham Lincoln to the Catholic Sisters of Mercy in Chicago, of whom he wrote: To Whom It May Concern: On application of the Sisters of Mercy in Chicago, of the military hospital in Wash- ington, furnish such provisions as they de- sire to purchase and charge the same to the War Department. And again of the words of gratitude of President Woodrow Wilson responding to a resolution unanimou.ly adopted by the archbishops of the United States: Makes me very proud indced that men of such influence should act in so large a sense
A1158 of patriotism and in so admirable a spirit of devotion to our common country. And again the encouraging words of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who, in sending greetings to a National Catholic Action and Rehabilitation Con- ference of the Catholic War Veterans, said: It is in the results of conferences by or- ganizations such as yours that the whole world may come to know of the invaluable cooperation which our Government is receiv- ing from its citizens in its efforts to amelio- rate the consequences of war. On behalf of your fellow Americans now on foreign soll, facing enemy steel, I send a fervent prayer for their preservation and the success of our arms, and I wish for your organization continued usefulness, not only in this conference but in the effective exe- cution of such program as may be outlined for the difficult days which lie ahead. Again last June, the membership in- spired to greater efforts upon receiving the greetings at their eleventh annual national convention from President Harry S. Truman, who wrote: These are days when organizations such as the Catholic War Veterans are becoming increasingly important in the affairs of our Nation by helping direct the thoughts of all our citizens to the vast problems of recon- version confronting us. I join you in prayer for those brave men who have made the supreme sacrifice for their country and in working for those who must face the future with handicaps suf- fered in defense of our Nation. It is my hope that your organization may long endure and prosper in furtherance of its ideals “For God, For Country and For Home.” While actively and intensely assisting their comrades and members of comrade families, they have also been militantly in the forefront as defenders of our American way of life. They have been very vigorous in their opposition to Com- munism and all other isms. Their asso- ciation with the other recognized vet- eran groups has been most cordial and their files contain many letters from the ranking commanders of these groups ex- pressing appreciation for the fine coop- eration of their Catholic veteran associ- ates. Two years ago they presented to the House Military Affairs Committee a statement on compulsory peacetime mil- itary training which definitely exhibited the fact that it was no hasty program but that it had been the result of much research; which caused the members present at the hearing to state at the conclusion of National Commander Mc- Caffrey's cross-examination that it was the most intelligent and most informa- tive statement submitted to the body in many, many days of hearings. More recently their forthright stand on behalf of displaced persons of Europe again produced proof of the sincerity and intelligent approach of the member- ship of this organization. Another more important point, which also reflects credit on Brig. Gen. Frank T. Hines, at the time Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs, is the fact that the Catholic War Veterans received their recognition as an accredited veteran or- ganization from the Administration, and we quote General Hines: Because of the showing made concerning the unselfish purposes of the organization and the potentialities of service to a large group of veterans and their dependents. This in a letter dated July 25, 1940, from Genera] Hines extending the recog- nition by the Veterans’ Administration to Catholic War Veterans. Harking back a moment to the ac- tivities of the welfare officers of the Catholic War Veterans, may we quote briefly from the September 1944 issue of a national publication, of which the writer, after spending several evenings with different representatives of the Catholic War Veterans, reports some of the varied problems their trained wel- fare officers handled: Mothers will call and state that not hav- ing had a letter from Jimmy in several months they are worried; a father will drop in to tell that his boy has been reported missing in action; a wife will sob the story of the word just received of Tom's capture by the enemy; another mother will inquire about the procedure to follow to have John obtain an allotment for her; GI Joe will stop by to learn what procedure to follow to reenter his college, at government ex- pense, now that he has been mustered out of service; still another will ask for the de- tails of borrowing $1,000 from his Govern- ment to aid in reestablishing the business he left to answer his country's call; while another will explain that he was mustered out on a 20-percent disability and now his old firm will not reemploy him as he cannot pass their required medical examination: a man in the service will call to ask that his wife on the west coast—who is expecting a baby—be contacted by the CWV and strongly advised to take advantage of the prenatal care the Government provided for the wives of her sons in arms; another boy in service will advise that he expects to sail soon and his mother in Oregon has been writing letters that are much too cheerful and will the CWV check and make certain that she is well and if not so advise him; a sister calls to ask how the family will go about collecting her brother’s Government insurance—he was re- ported killed in action 8 months ago; a wife whose husband has been overseas for over 2 years requests that the CWV aid her in ob- taining for him a furlough home—she’s so lonesome; another mother whose boy was brought home wounded and has since passed on at the Government hospital seeks advice on arranging for his burial in a National Cemetery; still another father reports that his son, wounded, has been returned to a west coast hospital, and asks for help in having the boy brought East to a hospital where his mother can visit him; and so it goes night in and night out, countless peo- ple with their varied problems all patiently listened to and, more important, properly aided. Of course, we could go on for hours telling, for example, of the great num- ber of units who during Christmas week this past year provided numerous gifts and varied entertainment for their com- rades, still hospitalized from both World Wars, or of weekly, Sunday visits, to veterans’ hospitals to wheel patients from wards to chapels to attend mass. But, rather would we stress their youth program; rather would we dwell on the visits made to the orphanages of differ- ent communities, of the Christmas par- ties arranged, of the material help ex- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tended, of the lively interest in these young boys and girls—future American citizens. Yes, we might all expect their continuing interest in their comrades in the veterans’ hospitals of our country, but we insist that this important, vital interest in these youngsters, who are fatherless and motherless, is important and a great contribution, a sound invest- ment in the future of these United States. The varied activities sponsored by the Catholic War Veterans’ units for the youth of their community is indeed a contribution to the continuance of pure, practical Americanism. Our Catholic veterans take further pride in the fact that during both World Wars the Catholic population of our armed forces were more than double that of their percentage ratio of our national population. Americans all— born and naturalized—they are proud of their heritage as Americans, ever ready to serve the best interests of the Na- tion—ever ready to oppose our enemies, ever ready to defend our democracy. Address of President Manuel A. Roxas, of the Philippines EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. C. JASPER BELL OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 18, 1947 Mr. BELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and extend my remarks, I in- clude an address delivered by President Manuel A. Roxas in Manila on or about the 7th day of March 1947. This address was delivered over the radio from Manila as a message from the Philippine Presi- dent to his people upon the question of the proposed amendment to the Philip- pine Constitution granting certain rights to American investors seeking to do busi- ness in the Philippines. The proposed amendment was provided for in the Phil- ippine Trade Act passed by this Congress last year and ratified by the Congress of the Philippines. On the llth day of March last the Filipino people went to the polls and by an overwhelming major- ity of about 10 to 1 voted to amend their Constitution to comply with the terms of the Trade Act. To me, as an American, it was refresh- ing to witness the act of the Filipino peo- ple in supporting by such an overwhelm- ing majority what is essentially a pro- gram of free enterprise. I am sure that as time goes by, not only will the ties of friendship between Filipinos and Ameri- cans be broadened and strengthened by the effects of this trade act, but the very foundations of democaacy both here and in the Orient will be given new life and vitality by a rich and ever-growing flood of commerce, based not upon totalitarian state controls, but upon private enter- prise thriving in free democracy. I hope that every Member of this body will read the address of President Roxas,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It is a great utterance, not only in its clear, sane presentation of the issues in- volved in the recent Philippine election, but also because of the clarity and elo- quence with which that Filipino states- man portrayed to his people some of those great principles and truths which must be part and parcel of the think- ing of every people who are to remain free, prosperous, and secure in their rights. This address is the final culmi- nation of a heroic battle led by President Roxas—a battle in which a smal] minor- ity received inspiration from totalitarian sources abroad, sought by every means, even attempted assassination, to confuse, delay, and mislead a young nation seek- ing to lay the foundations of permanent welfare and liberty. God gave us Wash- ington in our national infancy—He has given Roxas to the Philippines. At this point I introduce into the Rec- orp the address of President Manuel A. Roxas: My countrymen, I address this final mes- sage to you on the subject of the so-called parity amendment. I wish to summarize my views as briefly and concisely as possible, My purpose is to review the true nature of the issue at stake. I will not today enter into a lengthy ex- planation of the various phases of this prob- lem. I wish merely to synthesize the dis- cuasion on the eve of a decision which holds the entire future of our Nation in its grasp. I cannot conceive of an alternative to the overwhelming approval of this proposition. I cannot understand how any impartial, fair-minded, and patriotic Filipino can, in good conscience, oppose this amendment, I concede that there are apparently plausible arguments against its approval. There are two sides to every question. But the man of impartial mind must weigh all arguments in favor and all arguments against any prop- osition, The fact that there are points against a proposition must not prevail if there are more powerful arguments in favor. The sum total of the reasons in favor of the approval of this amendment is so over- whelming and the arguments against it are so completely short of the mark that I can- not see how the Filipino people can do otherwise than to give the constitutional amendment a resounding vote of endorse- ment, THE PEOPLE CANNOT BE FOOLED Often I stand back and ask myself how it is possible for a single issue such as this one to become so confused and so obscured with selfish and partisan considerations; never has a simple issue been subject to so many distortions and misrepresentations, many of them willful and deliberate. I am reas- sured only by the knowledge that the people, in the long run, cannot be fooled or misled by lies and half-truths, They lose faith in continued appeals to passion and prejudice. In this is the great strength and virtue of democracy. That is why today, although victory for the amendment ts certain, I wish to talk to my countrymen, to set the record straight, and to clarify the discussion which has been so thoroughly beclouded by emotional ap- peals and political harangues. What is it that we are proposing to do? We propose to amend our Constitution. Is there anything essentially wrong in that? We have amended our Constitution before. We might find occasion to amend it in the future. A nation which is alive and grow- ing, which is vital and dynamic, adjusts itself to situations as they develop. The Consti- tution is a notable document, drawn by men of vision and of understanding. They did not pretend to be able to foresee all the exigencies and emergencies of the future. They did not pretend to be omniscient. For that reason machinery was provided for amendments to the Constitution. We are using that machinery now. There is nothing sacrilegious in that. It is the democratic way of meeting new needs and requirements. Because men may make errors, erasers were invented, and the way is provided to amend laws, and to amend even the Constitution. PROCEEDING CAUTIOUSLY Yet, we do not, in this case, propose to amend the Constitution permanently. We amend the Constitution for 28 years. After 28 years, this amendment will automatically become null and void. It will cease entirely to have force and effect. But if we find sooner than 28 years that we have made a mistake in this amendment, and that it is not working out to our best interest, we can cancel this amendment, on 6 months’ notice, or on 5 years’ notice. There is nothing ir- revocable about it. There is nothing as- tounding about it. The opponents of this amendment would have us think that we are stepping off a tall cliff and dashing ourselves to destruction on the rocks below. What a melodrama of the imagination. Actually we are proceeding cautiously with our eyes wide open, moving forward to ex- plore the future, and to take advantage of opportunities suddenly and unexpectedly Offered us to escape from a destruction which had suddenly been visited upon us. The opponents of this proposal would para- lyze this Nation with fear, and have us re- main frozen in the wake of the typhoon which has swept over us, and in the path of another which is heading our way. The storm which passed over us and which wrought such destruction here was war; the typhoon which now threatens us is economic disaster. Yet we can easily avoid disaster. We are avoiding it, and moving on to heights of greater prosperity and glory than we ever knew before. The war brought us misery and devastation but it also brought us a golden opportunity. Shall we stand still in our tracks and look fearfully behind us, or shall we move courageously forward, and achieve by our own actions our salvation? The opponents of this amendment offer no alternative. They suggest no better course of action. They merely try to stampede us with fear. I am happy that they have not succeeded. WHAT 18 PARITY? Now what is the actual issue on which we will vote? What is its substance? What are its implications? What its parity? The proposed constitutional amendment would grant to Americans, for a period of 28 years, the privilege of equality with Filipinos in certain fields of economic endeavor, namely the development of natural resources and the ownership and operation of public utilities. Those fields are now reserved to Filipinos. Is this true parity? Of course it isn't. Americans will have no political rights. They will be unable to vote, hold public office, or obtuin employment in the regular Govern- ment service. They will be ineligible to rep- resent our Government in diplomatic posts abroad, or to participate in any of the delib- erations by which this nation makes its sovereign decisions. In our laws, there are hundreds of economic preferences for Filipino citizens: In the practice of the professions, in the distribution of Government lands, and in eligibility for Government contracts, Those preferences will remain unmodified, except as we may, from time to time, choose to amend them. That is not parity. That is not equal rights. That is merely the ex- tension, by our own volition, of certain spe- A1159 cial rights to American citizens, That exten- sion of rights is provisional and temporary. We can recall it at any time we choose. In any event, those rights will expire in 28 years. Is that an abridgement of sovereignty? Of course not. It is an exercise of sover- eignty, by the Filipino people, for good and sufficient reasons of nationul policy. NO REASON TO FEAR It is true that our constitution in its pres- ent form reserves to Filipinos alone the spe- cial privileges we now propose to grant to Americans. They were so reserved because we rightly feared in the past that if Amer- icans became too deeply involved in the eco- nomic life of the Philippines, it would prej- udice our struggle fur independence. But we now have our independence. And the greatest supporter of our independence and of our freedom today is the United States of America. We have absolutely no reason to fear that the United States Government will in any way modify or diminish her earnest desire that we succeed as an independent and democratic republic. We had a recent instance in which an American, Gen. Ernest Burt, undertook to buy some church lands which the Govern- ment itself desired to acquire for the benefit of the people. The Government took steps to cancel this sale. The United States Gov- ernment uttered not a single word of com- plaint, but rather supported us in our pro- gram. Is this the kind of Government to fear? Of course, there are unscrupulous in- dividuals of every nationality who will seek unfairly to seize every opportunity for the sake of profit, regardless of the public in- terest. The Government is, and will be, constantly alert against all such efforts by persons of any nationality. In the case of Americans, you can count on your Govern- ment, and we can count on the American Government, to consider the welfare of the Philippine Republic above the interest of any selfish individual. TO HELP US REBUILD The United States, as a nation, has gained the greatest glory from its grant of inde- pendence to the Philippines. The success of the Philippine experiment in democracy is the brightest jewel in the crown of American policy in the Far East. Does any Filipino believe for a moment that the United States Government would tarnish that jewel for the sake of the few pesos of profit? It is so ridiculous a thought that it is not worthy of serious discussion. But the opponents of parity lean most heavily on this fear, this completely unwarranted supposition. They appeal to your nationalistic aspirations and ask you to believe that the United States, which spent billions and billions of dollars for our liberation, which is spending hun- dreds of millions of dollars for our rehabili- tation, which spent the lives of 50,000 Amer- icans on this very soil to bring us freedom and finally independence, is now guing to rob and exploit us. Such a supposition is denied by every obvious fact. It is as if you were asked to believe that your own fathers and mothers, who raised and tended you throughout your lives, should now be locked out of your homes in their old age because of the fear that they might suddenly steal your possessions from you. The American people, with but few excep- tions, look upon us as their offspring, off- spring no longer dependent, who must stand on our own feet as soon as possible, but who will retain the love and care of our former guardians as long as we shall live. Any individual American who abuses the hos- pitality of the Philippines is as much a tres- passer against the principles of his own Gov- ernment as against the Philippines. Our special hospitality is extended to Americans for one purpose, to enable Americans to help
Al1160 us rebuild our country, to make of it a richer and more fruitfulland. It is true that some Americans will make a profit out of this undertaking. That is only right. But in order to muoke a profit, they will be re- quired to contribute in a much greater meas- ure to the profit of the Philippines. They will give jobs to the people; they will build houses and roads; they will provide electric light and power and buy goods and pay tnxes to the Government. Is that a danger to us? If an American should set up a lumber mill tn Mindanao and import machinery from America and hire laborers, and build houses, if he should produce in his lumber mill plywood, and timber, and doors, and sashes, and toothpicks, and boxes, and tele- graph poles, and prefabricated houses, would that be robbing the Philippines of anything? Or would it be adding to our national wealth? If an American explored some of our vast uncxvlored territory and found chromium ore, and sunk a mine, and established a rail- road Jine to transport that chromium ore and gave jobs to hundreds of our people digging up the ore, and paid hundreds of our labor- ers to transport it, and paid out of his in- come thousands of dollers to the Govern- ment for the support of schools and for the building of roads and hospitals and com- munity facilities, woule we be richer or poorer? If an American went to any of the cities or municipalities where there are today no busses, electric lights, telephone services, or gas, and established a public utility provid- ing one of these services, cmploying our peo- ple, building plants and facilities, wou'dn't we be better off? Yet these are the very things that the opponents of parity are afraid of. These are the things they warn you against. These are the things they would keep out of the Philippines. WE HAVE THE PRIVILEGE Filipinos, of course, have the privilege, they have always had the privilege, of doing exactly the same thing as we now propose to permit Americans to do. The trouble is that there are not enough Filipinos who have the capital or who have the knowledge, experience, and technical means to do these things now. The Government, itself, has not and cannot possibly obtain the money to do all these things. Only private capital can do them. The Government will do every- thing it can. In areas where private capital will not venture, the Government will take the initiative. But the Government will only be able to push ahead with such a pro- gram of its own, if it receives income and revenue from taxation of private enterprise, and if the national economy is broad and prosperous enough to warrant the lending of money to your Government. It should be remembered that the Govern- ment has the right, under our laws, to ex- propriate at any time, with proper compen- sation, public utilities, if expropriation is deemed by the Government to be in the na- tional interest. The Government is also authorized, under the constitution, to ac- quire landed estates and agricultural areas, by the process of expropriation, for distribu- tion to tenants and the people. The Goy- ernment has all the power and authority it needs to protect the public interest and to prevent selfish exploitation. There is not the remotest chance that we will be im- peded in any way, at any time, in the legiti- mate and impartial exercise of that au- thority by any foreign government, to the prejudice of either our national interests, or the interest of any substantial group of our own people. We have already shown a determination in that direction. The United States Government has not in the entire history of its relations with us, indi- cated any desire to the contrary. America was sovereign here for 50 years. At the end of that period, how many Ameri- can civilians were there in the Philippines? Approximately 10,000. How many of these 10,000 were laborers? I do not know of a single one. They were all businessmen and technical men, traders and engincers, forest- ers and teachers, bankers and industrialists. America does not export laborers; she im- ports them. There are 15 times as many Filipinos in the United States as there are Americans in the Philippines. For every American who wants to come to the Philip- pines, there are a thousand Filipinos who want to go to America. Should we be afraid then that our country will be over- run with Americans? AMERICANS WILL TRAIN US When Americans first came to the Phillp- pines how many of our people were engineers, businessmen, plant managers, teachers, and scicntists? Very few. The number of Fili- pinos who entcred the managerial and pro- fessional class under the American regime was legion. That was part of the process of preparing us for independence. Have we any reason to believe that this proccss will be lessened now that we are independent? The Americans who come here will train us in the latest methods of technology and science and business management, just as they have been training us for the past 60 years. We should welcome them, rather than express fears, foolish and senseless fears, from their coming. The argument is made that American capital will come to the Philippines even if we do not pass the parity amendment. This is probably true. American businessmen will come here, sooner or later, to sell automobiles, refrigerators, hardware, electric equipment, just as American businessmen go all over the world to sell these products of American fac- tories. But that is not the kind of capital we need. We have enough traders and sellers in the Philippines. We have no objection to such American capital, but it is not the kind of capital that we are especially interested in, What we need is productive capital, capital that will be invested in manufacturing, in the very facilities that the Philippines need most of all to build a richer and more plentiful economy. Such American capital will not come here unless our constitution is amend- ed. Such American capital would prefer to remain in the United States where there are unlimited opportunities and where there is an assurance of complete safety. Such American capital, if it is to be exported at all, will be exported to lands whcre special pro- vision is made to protect and safeguard it. Such provision is being made today in many countries of the world, in Belgium, in Hol- land, in France, in China, in South America. How much more proper that such capital should come here, to a nation with which the United States is bound by unbreakable ties of friendship, common language, common principles, military cooperation, and a com- mon history? Shall we not show our trust and confi- dence in that country and thus induce its citizens to show us a preference in their financial ventures? Or shall we show Amer- ica that we are suspicious and selfish and mean? WE ARE DEFENSELESS If we should make that kind of demonstra- tion by rejecting the parity amendment, America will have reason to reexamine her attitude toward us. Our entire foreign policy, so firmly based on our special rela- tionship with the United States, would have to be reoriented. We must remember, how- ever great our pride in independence, that Wwe are a small nation, presently poor and defenseless. In a world far from stabilized, no small nation today is without its special ties with a greater or stronger power. Do we prefer to establish special ties with China, with Russia, or with France? I do APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD not think so. History has made our decl- sion for us and for this we must be fer- vently thankful. We have the privilege, for which every other nation in the world would pay in billions, of a special position in rela- tion to the United States. That position is our greatest asset today. It is an asset which we cannot buy for any amount of money. It lends us prestige, strength, se- curity, and economic support. The United States is one of the world’s greatest powers, perhaps the greatest. The Philippines is a small, war-devastated, and newly arrived nation. Our total national income is less than that of the city of San Francisco. The United States treats with us as with an equal and deals with us as with an equal. But we are not actually an equal, How could we be? When the United States Congress passes a law, that law affects 150,- 000,000 people directly, and the entire world indirectly. When the United States makes arrangements with us, it involves her ar- rangements with every country of the world. Every detail and aspect of America's activi- ties in the international ficld are studied intensely in every chancellery of the earth. What we do, scarcely raises a ripple. Actions taken in Washington can spread consterna- tion over the entire earth. A concession to the Philippines sets up a clamor from a scme of other nations seeking similar concessions, pointing to similar sacrifices and similar necds. Yet the United States of America maintains with us, both in form and in sub- stance, absolute equality. In most aspects of our relationship, the lack of equality and reciprocity is in our favor, certainly in sub- stance, if not in form. Under the Bell Trade Act, the United States grants us 8 years of free trade in the Ameri- can market. The United States would not grant free trade to any other country in the world, regardless of the benefits involved. It is true that American products are granted 8 years of free trade in the Philippines; that is a concession which is virtually meaning- less to Amcrica. TARIFF WOULD RAISE PRICES A tariff on United States goods would be a tax on Philippine consumers. America can sell her goods today and for the next 10 years at her price anywhere in the world. Every automobile that is sold in the Philip- pines could be sold a hundred times over anywhere else, including the United States. Every refrigerator, every item of construc- tion material, could be sold at the same price anywhere, including America’s home market. If we applied our tariff to American goods, 1t would not decrease the income to Ameri- can exporters but would merely increase the price to ourselves. If we applied tariffs to American construction materials and auto- mobiles, iron, steel, refrigerators, typewriters, books, and textiles, our people would be able to buy less because they would be forced to pay more. Prices would go up here to the extent of the tariff. The American exporters would get just as much from us. Tha Philippine Government would receive tariff revenue, but it would be revenue from taxation on our consumers and would not result in a peso of additional income for the nation. A tariff would be useless in our present situation, because of the minimum amount of competition from the other ex- porting nations of the world. For some years to come, a tariff applied to American goods would defeat our primary national purpose of lowering the cost of living. We already levy high consumption taxes on goods from America, as a source of Gove) nment revenue. To apply tariffs to canned food, flour, and construction equipment, for in- stance, would further skyrocket the cost of living and would impose new hardships on the groups of our people least able to afford such an increase,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD BAD YOLICY The same would be true, should we apply an export tax, except in that case, our pro- ducers would be the losers. All the com- modities we ship to America enter a competi- tive market there. The price for which we sell our goods is established by the price for similar goods charged by American pro- @ucers and by producera from other coun- tries. If we raise the price to American im- porters by applying an export tax, we lose the market. The only alternative would be for our own producers to absorb the tax. That, also, is contrary to our national policy. What we are really planning for is the day when our own home-produced goods can be sold in the Philippine market. When that day comes, we can restrict, by quota or other- wise, the importation of such American goods as come into competition with our own domestic products. That is the reason America establishes quotas on our exports to the United States. Practically every one of our commodities, with the exception of abaca, comes into com- petition with materials produced in the United States. If it were not for our special relationship with the United States, we would be able to export, only a few com- modities in any amount to America. Let us take copra as an example. Copra finds a ready market in the United States because of a preferentia] processing tax in our favor. Every pound of coconut oj] made from copra from sources other than the Philippines, pays a’ tax in the United States of two cents more than coconut oi] from Philippine copra. The effect of that provision is, in ordinary times, to assure us that all the coconut oil made in the United States will be made from Philippine copra. If that preferentia) tax were not in effect, eventually copra from Africa and the East Indies and the Caribbean, where wages are now much lower than those in the Philippines, would flood the American market and drive much of our copra from that market. IN FAVOR OF THE PHILIPPINES It so happens that there is today a shortage of fats and oils in the world, and our copra is at a premium. But that shortage will not last very long. As soon as the production of fats and oils from other countries regains its prewar level, most of our copra must be sold in the United States, or it will not be sold at all. Under the Bell Trade Act, we are guaranteed a 2-cent preference for our copra for 28 years. The United States gets no such preference in the Philippine market for any American product. This is completely unre- ciproca] in favor of the Philippines and af- fects the most widespread industry in all the Philippines. There is no counterbalancing grant of privilege to the United States in the Bell Act. If we reject the parity provisions, and thus violate the executive trade agreement be- tween our two countries, we stand in early danger of losing our preferred market for copra in the United States. Before long, we would face a crisis in the copra industry. Where would we get any income from abroad? There are no cash markets anywhere in the world to take the place of the American market. Some of the spokesmen against parity have made the statement that while the Philip- pines gets free trade in America for only 8 years, America gets free trade in the Philip- pines for 28 years. That is nothing but a lie. Those who make such a statement make it either out of ignorance or our of pure frantic invention. The trade provisions are exactly reciprocal for both countries—8 years of free trade and 20 years of gradually increasing tariff. Moreover, in the case of coconut oil, cordage, cigars and tobacco, the Philippines is provided free trade for 28 years and not for 8 years, but on a diminishing quota basis. The quota will decrease but there will be no tariff duty whatsoever. That is because any tariff on these products would result in their exclusion from the American market. Here again the United States has made a com- pletely unreciprocal provision in our favor. No such concession is granted to American goods coming into the Philippines; and al- though we have no quotas on American goods, there is nothing in the law to pre- vent us from establishing them. There is no reason to establish them now. Should American goods ever come into competition with our own domestically manufactured goods, we can and will establish quotas. & GENEROUS GESTURE In all major respects, the Bell Act is com- pletely reciprocal; in some respects it is un- reciprocal in our favor. It is unequal, but unequal to the United States rather than to the Philippines. The American Congress was not trying to make a busincss deal with us when they passed the Bell Act; they were try- ing to do something generous for us. Any country in the entire world, great or small, would gladly accept the Bell Act in every particular, including the parity provision, if the United States would agree to it. But, of course, the United States Congress would never make such a grunt to any other coun- try in the world. And yet some few of us in the Philippines, instead of being grateful, are being contentious and are claiming that the United States is trying to rob us. Representatives of the Philippine Govern- ment of the previous administration begged and implored the United States Government to grant us free trade after independence. Some of the very same people, who even opposed independence because it would cut off free trade, are now saying that free trade is bad for our economy. Permanent free trade with the United States may not be beneficial to the Philippines; but I am con- vinced that for the immediate rehabilitation and expansion of our economy, temporary free trade is absolutely essential. The will- ingness of the United States to grant us free trade and preferential trade relations for 28 years shows the generosity and great-hearted- ness of that country. For that we must be grateful. I believe that a great majority of the Filipino people are, and will be, eternally grateful, GRANTS US PREFERENCES There is another aspect of the Bell Trade Act which is not reciprocal, again in our favor. The United States grants us prefer- ences based on the special tariff rates granted many years ago to Cuba. In other words, we not only get the same discount given to the preferred country of Cuba, but we are required to pay only a fraction of the dis- count price. We grant no such favor to the United States because we grant no discount to anybody. We are coupled with Cuba as a favored customer and are given terms far better than Cuba for a period of 28 years. The foolish argument is made that we would get into trouble with other countries because we propose to grant special privileges to the United States. We are granting special privileges to American citizens for our own benefit and not for the benefit of America. We are granting such privileges, in association with the tremendous conces- sions and grants being given us by the United States. I do not know of any other country in the world which is either capable or willing to grant us benefits similar to those coming from America, nor is there any reason for any country to do so. The Bell Act and the Tydings War Damage Act are part and parcel of the program of our eqo- nomic rehabilitation and reconstruction and are based upon the special relation between our two countries, a relationship sealed in the blood of heroes of both nationalities dur- ing the recent war. The argument is made that Americans, backed by huge combinations of capital, by Al1161 Wall Street, will run all Filipinos out of business, and that Filipinos will not be able, with their small capital accumulations, to compete. This argument is another emo- tional appeal which does not bear up under factual examination. Some American capital is already here, selling American products in the Philippines, and buying Philippine products for the United States. There are American banks here. I have not noticed that they have driven any Filipinos out of business. And whether or not we reject the constitutional amendment does not affect the enterprise of these American firms one way or the other. NO IMPERIALISM POSSIBLE The really big accumulations of American capital are not especially interested in the natural resources of the Philippines. There is a very good reason for that. We have very few resources which are not present in much greater quantities in the United States. Our iron ore could not be mined for shipment to the United States. Our coal could not be dug for shipment to the United States. We raise no cotton here for American cotton mills. If American capital could be induced to come here for the development of those resources, 1t would be only on the basis of industries established here, steel and textile industries, not to supply factories and mills in the United States, but for the purpose of exporting to the Orient, and for the Philip- pine home market. Yet the very definition of imperialism is the exploitation of the re- sources of a small country to support the in- dustry of a larger power. No such relation- ship is possible between the United States and the Philippines. The big American companies come here to sell and not to buy. They will be unaffected by the parity amendment. The type of capital which we want to induce to come to the Philippines is productive capital for invest- ment in manufacturing, processing, and pro- ducing. That kind of capital is small- and medium-sized capital and is almost invari- ably accompanied by technical skill and Know-how, a technical skill and Know-how which we in the Philippines largely lack. How many in this country could make nylon, or plastics, or machine tools, or cotton spindles, or even lipstick? ‘Yet those are ex- actly the kinds of enterprises which we most urgently need in the Philippines; those en- terprises are associated with the development of natural resources * * * of timber, iron, coal, and chemical ores. We should and must welcome Americans to help us develop such industries and undertakings. We single out Americans, because we know and trust Americans, and because we have confidence that the American Government will not abuse the fact that American na- tionals are engaged in these enterprises here, and is primarily interested in the success of our democratic growth and expansion. We single out Americans, because Americans have the capital and have the know-how. There is no other nation in the world which repre- sents such a happy combination to meet our requirements. WE NEED TECHNICAL MEN We want and need scientists, engineers, and technical men who, accompanied by capital for investment, would bring to the Philippines the know-how of the twentieth century, to help us decrease our dependence on hand labor and help us catch up with the rest of the world in technology and modern industrial and agricultural mcthods. Is there any threat that Americans will ace quire vast areas of our farm land? There is no such danger. In the first place, Ameri- cans do not go abroad for agricultural pur- poses. Their land is rich enough ut home, Moreover, we have a law against the acquisi- tion by any individual or corporution of any
A1162 agricultural area in excess of 1,024 hectares. We do not intend to repeal that law. We can even acquire any estates now in existe ence for distribution to the landless, The argument is made that unless we ex- ercise care we will become another Cuba, ruled from Wall Street. In the first place, Cuba, as Wall Street can well testify, has not for many years been ruled by American capi- tal. Today it is freed from American capital. The same can be said of Mexico. The American Government did not sup- port the claims of the American oil com- panies when the Mexican Government ex- propriated their properties some years ago. The American Government merely insisted that American oll companies be paid a fair value for their properties. If American capi- tal had not developed those oil fields, they would still be unexplored, and all the wealth and all the employment that have been brought to Mexico would have been foregone. Who knows today, who can predict today, whether 10 years from now oil and coal will still be essential commodities? Atomic power may replace oil and coal as sources of energy. Shall we then leave whatever oil we may have and our other minerals untouched in the ground rather than de- velop them today with the help of Ameri- can capital? I say “No, a thousand times no.” TRULY WORTH WHILE PATRIMONY Let us use our natural wealth for the ben- efit of our people today, to build up our cities and develop our islands and build homes and roads and bridges and schools so that our children may have a truly worth while pat- rimony and not merely nominal title to vast jungles and undeveloped timber and mineral deposits. Let us not pass on to our children the job that we should do ourselves, Let us not shirk the duty which history tmposes upon us. Let us show that same courage that animated our forefathers in their struggles for freedom and independence. But let us direct that courage today to the new war, rather than the old—the war against want, hunger, and insecurity. I have closely examined the arguments made by those who oppose parity. They can be reduced to a single word—"fear’—fear of progress and fear of competition. They are afraid that we cannot hold our own against such Americans as may come here. They are afraid that we cannot measure up to the standards that will be raised here by American businessmen and experts. I have no such fear. I have full confidence in our people; I have full confidence in the ability of the Government of our people to protect our essential rights and to advance our es- sential interests, I have full confidence that Filipinos, given the training and the know- how, will be able to take advantage of the opportunities offered and to grow with the country in its steady forward march. But those who oppose this proposed amendment are not so confident. They are not so cou- rageous. They are not so ambitious. They would rather have you live in a narrow agri- cultural economy, condemned forever to a life of toll, with carabao and hand-plow, feeding the tables of others and providing income for the very rich. THE MISLEADERS There are those among the opponents of parity who are quite content with the pres- ent economic structure. They are satisfied that this country should have a thin crust of wealth and luxury on top of a huge mass of poverty and social inequality. They are satisfied with conditions as they are. And then there are others who are their allies in this issue. They are those of the extreme left, the supernationalists, the Com- munists, the demagogs and breast beaters, They would like to continue as the mislead- ers of the people, to prate about social in- justice and do nothing about it, to recount the miseries of the poor and yet do nothing to relieve them, to describe the evils of cap- italism and yet do nothing to make us all capitalists, There is something in common between these two schools of thought. I have searched for a long time to find it, and it is this: Neithet of them believes in free com- petition nor in true democracy. Neither of them believe in the development here of a strong home-owning, land-owning middle class. One group believes in a rule by an eco- nomic aristocracy; the other believes in a dictatorship by popular demagogs. Both groups have no use for democracy, for the great middle class, for free enterprise, for freedom, liberty, and the dignity of the indi- vidual. That is the basis for their alliance. One is a group that believes in rule by a monopoly of the wealthy; the other group believes in dictatorial rule by an oligarchy of political demagogs. Both distrust democ- racy and the common people. They see in parity a threat to their own selfish ambi- tions. One group would like the continua- tion of the status quo; the other group would like to reverse the status quo so that they themselves could have power. But neither group wishes to do anything to make this country grow and expand, to give economic and political equality to all the people, to make this Nation a prosperous, thriving, and free democracy. VICIOUS ARGUMENTS Among the arguments which are cited against parity is the one that we need not pay the price of parity in order to obtain war damages, and that since only the rich would receive war damages in excess of #1,000, the common people would suffer no injury in rejecting parity. This argument is so vicious that it must be answered. The United States Congress provided $400,000,000 for war dam- ages to private individuals. But Congress stipulated explicitly that the first claim on war damage was to be held by the plain peo- ple of the Philippines by those who suffercd no more than £1,000 in war damages. Was this a provision made by a Congress doml- nated by Wall Street? No, it was a provi- sion almed at helping the poor and the un- fortunate. Yet it was the same Congress that enacted the parity provision. We know today that $400,000,000 will pay only a frac- tion of the actual war damages. The large claimants for war damages will receive but a small percentage of their claims. From the viewpoint of our national economic needs, I am not sure that this is a good provision because it would not insure the investment of this money in productive enterprise. But nevertheless it is part of the law. But if we reject parity, none of our large industries and enterprises can be rehabilitated. Sugar mills, coconut mills, and cordage factories will be unable to receive even a small down payment on the money they need to rehabil- itate thelr enterprises. Is it a matter of dis- interest to the Filipino people that these undertakings will be left destroyed and devastated? Is it not to our benefit to have our sugar industry and our coconut oil in- dustry revived, so that they may employ our people and pay taxes to the Government? Regardless of what individuals may receive those payments, those payments will be paid in the Philippines for the rehabilitation of Philipine economy. That is another stipula- tion of the American law. It is short-sighted indeed, and vicious, to say that the Filipino people will lose nothing if these larger pay- ments, which may represent only a small fraction of the whole, are not made. To those who would make such an argument, I APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD advise you to turn a deaf ear. They are nothing but misleaders of the people. They do not have the interests of the Nation at heart. UNLIMITED FUTURE Let us think this matter out clearly. Let us put passion, prejudice, and fear behind us. Let us face boldly our unlimited future. Let us not echo the prophets of disaster who say that since we survived under the Japanese we can certainly survive today without the Americans. How many of us would like to return to those dark and evil days? Did we not think during those days that it would be better to die than to con- tinue ta live under those conditions? Did we not survive merely by clinging to the hope that America would return and would liberate us? It is only some of the rich and the une principled who fared well under the Japa- nese. They are the very same people who today are urging you to defeat parity. Do not heed them; do not listen to them. They are the archangels of fear. They are the spokesmen of chaos. They are the adherents of the paganism of eternal poverty strife, and disorder. They are the extreme revolutionaries and the extreme reactionaries who basically distrust democracy. I know the Filipino people will not follow those voices, There is no alternative to the approval of this amendment. Those who urge its rejec- Vion are either blind or recklessly irrespon- sible. Should this amendment be defeated, we face much more than the immediate loss of certain benefits and’ payments from the United States Government. That is only the smallest loss we will suffer. Our real loss, the real catastrophe would be the wreckage of the only possible plan we could have for the early rehabilitation and imme- diate development of our national poten- tlalities. Science is on the march every- where in the world. Every people is press- ing forward to industrialize, to mechanize, to harness the natural elements through the machine, and to master the machine to serve man. LONG STRIDES At the same time the warning has been served, by horrible international example, that those people who give up frecdom in order to permit the Government to take en- tirely the place of private enterprise end up as slaves of the machine which should serve them. There is no need to choose between the serfdom of backwardness and slavery to the state. We can guide and regulate pri- vate enterprise, and at the same time take long strides in the direction of social justice and well-being for all. Approval of this amendment will clear the way for a forward surge toward our goals. We remain the masters of our destiny. We remain free men in a free land. We invite the assistance of those in whom we have confidence and who have the ability to help us. We share some of our potentialities in order that they may be transformed into the fruits of well-being for our people. Let us sow the land with loving labor that it may grow rich and fertile with use. The tangled undergrowth, the majestic waterfall, and the earth rich with minerals are miser’s richness unless they are used to bring happi- ness to men. The people must have work and wages, oppor#unities for saving and the accumulation of wealth, education, and en- lghtenment, and all proper Government services. The people must also have free- dom from want and from fear. THE GLORIOUS FUTURE Look up, my countrymen, and see the glorious future which beckons us. The
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Philippines is destined to be a strong and prosperous nation. But we must strive to merit that destiny. The approval of parity is but a step on the long road to national well-being. But as one step follows an- other, the first must be taken. We can make of the Philippines the glory and the pride of democratic people throughout the earth. And we may thus pass on to our children, ond the generations which will come after them the priceless patrimony of a rich and prosperous nation, dedicated to freedom and consecrated to the proposition that opportunty is the privilege of all Fili- Pinos. Let us strive to be able to say that we of our generation discharged in our day the responcibility of our times and did not hesitate to act in the best conscience, with the guidance of Almighty God, in the best interests of our noble people. As an illustration of the type of cam- paign which was waged against the trace bill and the proposed amendment in the Philippines and which campaign of opposition evidently was dominated by Communist agents, I introduce at this point a clipping from the Liberty News of Manila under date of March 7, 1947: BETRAYAL March 11, the day of the great sell-out, is fast approaching. To many who naively be- lieve that the plebiscito will be clean, March 11 is the day of the great show-down. To JASPER BELL and gang, it means the day of the great shake-down. And it is typical of the way this Government serves the interest of the people it represents that it has decorated the ineffable Mr. Bri, with the Philippines’ highest award for the gift of that economic strait-jacket which bears his name. In a way, Mr. Br.u’s recent blunt state- ment of “Take it or else” serves a good and wholesome purpose. We have had enough of double dealing and double talk, of du- plicity and deceit, and this conspiracy to undermine our promised freedom and inde- pendence for which we have already given up so much in property and lives and for a travesty of which we are now asked to give up more, should do away, once and for all, with all that horse manure that America loves us 80 much she wants to help us with- out getting anyth:ng in return except the satisfaction of having done a good and noble deed. The Philippine press was right when it pointed out that with this piece of legisla- tion, the United States of America has crowned its crusade to rescue the peoples of Asia from Japanese enslavement and deliver them to a handful of American businessmen, and that if we are not rendered speechless with gratitude at this monumental event, it is only because we are—unfortunately—not American businessmen. We are just Fili- pinos—a nation of —— -—-— thieves—a race of beggars always trying to get something out of Uncle Sam. We are not Americans—lib- eral, generous, big-hearted. In the last war, we sold the blood of our people—good Filipino blood—and we sold it for what? For freedom? For democracy? Certainly not, and if you disagree with me regarding the usefulness of that sacrifice, please examine carefully the provisions of the Bell Trade Relations Act—the instru- ment by which America, we are plously told, proposes to reward and help the Filipinos for their unswerving loyalty to the Ameri- can flag. For the dubious temporary advantages of reciprocal free trade between the Philip- pines and the United States—a relation from which, in the words of honest American Congressmen, Americans stand more to ben- efit—we are required to change the funda- mental luw of the land so as to permit American business to help itself to all our natural resources, agricultural, forest, and mineral. Armed with unlimited capital, in 28 years, under the provisions of the Bell Act, American businessmen should be own- ing all the industries, plantutions, and mines in the islands. And in another crisis such as 1941, Filipinos will be asked to risk life and limb in the defense of these industries, plantations, and mines—all owned by Ameri- cans, That will be lovely, that will be beautiful. I hope I am no longer around to see it. When that happens and my son, filled with a miserable and futile hcroism, shculders a rifle and gaily goes to war, I'll reach out from thc frave and bat his —— — ears off. One sucker in the family is plenty. For trying to get a few oil concessions from Iran, Russia was given the bum’s rush in the United Nations. With finger quiver- ing in holy indignation, England and the United States of America pointed at Russia as a most perniciou, exampic of a big power bullying a small one. Through the Bell Trade Act, the United States expects to get everything it can lay its hands on, but what is to be condemned in the cuse of Rus- sia is to be commended in the case of the United States. The United States is only trying to help us, we are told. There are times when I begin to wonder what in hell did we fight the last war for. This country has been devastated, its best blood spilled, its commerce and industry and agriculture paralyzed, its homes de- stroyed—uand all for what? Filipinos died in Bataan by the thousands, they died dur- ing the death march, in filthy concentration camps; they died in towns and cities that werc leveled to the ground by American and Japanese guns and bombs. They died in mass executions, in lonely trails in the hills, and they died in the dungeons of Fort Santi- ago, living out thelr numbered days in tor- ment—and for what? Of course we have the choice, and in the final analysis, when parity is approved—and it will be approved—the blame rests with us. We permitted certain men who betrayed us to the Japs to assume the reins of govern- ment once more, and these same men, con- niving with some Americans who deny the creed by which their country swears, are today maneuvering quite openly and actively for the betrayal of a whole nation that had thunderingly repudiated the treacherous and dishonorable policies for which they stood during the Japanese occupation. How To Meet Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein an address de- livered in the Catholic Hour on Febru- ary 23, 1947, by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, of the Catholic University of America: HOW TO MEET COMMUNISM There is much misunderstanding concern- ing what a nation and a people should do to A1163 combat communism. Immediately there comes to mind three ways in which it should not be done. 1. By vituperation, name-calling, and hate. Communism is an idcology end as such is intrinsically wicked, but Ccmmunitts are persons, made to the image aid likeness of God, and therefore should be subjects of our kindness and churlty, that we ms) prove our- selves worthy children of the heavenly Father. 2. Communism should not be attacked on the grounds that it is opposcd to the Liberal monop‘listic capitalism, because from on econumic point of view alone, neither system is satisfying. 3. We are not to meet communism on the falre asrumption that if econom:e conditions were bettered that we would do away with communism. Communism is not jurt an economic doctrine; it 1s a philorophy of life, Conditions were very pond in the Garden of Eden, but Lucifer started his revolt there. Ths brings us to some positive ways of meeting communism, 1. Politically: Communism can be met politically by choosing candidates in elec- tions not on the basis of purties, not on the basis of class, but on their own moral worth, whether a candidate is a husband of one wife, whether he says his prayers, whether he follows a party line dictated from abroad, whether he believes we ought to live up to the Atlantic Charter, and whether he believes with Washington that religion and morality were essential for national life. A nation always gets the kind of politicians it de- serves. When our standards are different, our legislation will be different. So long as the decent people refuse to believe that faith must manifest itself in every sphere of human activity, including the political, they will not meet the challenge of Marx:an, If a time ever comes when the relicious Jews, Protestants, and Catholics ever have to sufier under a totalitariun state, which will deny them the right to worship God accord- ing to the light of their conscience, it will be because for ycars they 4hought it made no difference what kind of pcople repre- sented them in Congress, and because they never opposed the spiritual truih to the materialist lie. St. Paul said: “Woe is me if I preach not gospel.” (I Corinthians, 9: 16.) and woe unto us if the believing element in our country do not allow their belief in God and morality to seep down into thcir action in the polling booths. The first effective campaign against communism is to wage war against our temptation to abandon the spir- itual in the realm of the polivical. Nothing can do men of good will more harm than apparent compromises with parties that sub- acribe to antimoral and antidemocratic and anti-God forces. We must have the courage to detach our support from men who are doing evil. We must bear them no hatred, but we must break with them. 2. Economic: The economic way to wreck communism is to make capitalists out of workers by a wide diffusion of private prop- erty. Before suggesting how this can be done & word about the morality of property is necessary. It used to be when property was real rather than financial as it is today, that the right to property was inseparable from responsi- bility. A man owned a horse; he could show a title to it; he could say “it is mine.” But the responsibility for the horse was also his. If the horse tramples the neighbor's garden, he had to remunerate the neighbor. But be- cause he owned, controlled and managed the horse, he was also entitled to 100 percent of the profits from the horse. With the development of finance those two things which were meant to be joined, namely
A1164 ownership and responsibility, became separ- ated. Today those who own do not control or manage, and those who manage, do not own. ‘The stockholders are distinct from the management. Since the owners or stock- holders have surrendered responsibility to management, they have given up one of the essential notes of property, and hence one of the titles to profits. But the owners or stock- holders claim all the profits though they have surrendered 30 percent of the title, namely responsibility. The stockholders are only the passive creators of wealth; the active creators are the workers. For that reason, there should be a modification of the wage system 80 as to give the worker a share in the profits, management and ownership in the industry wherein he works. Much of the tension that exists in the economic order today is between the stock- holders who do not work and labor which does. There is no doubt as to which has the clearer title to profits; certainly the man who clips coupons tnd sends in his postcard for @ vote by proxy to the corporation is less entitled to the profits of the industry than those who helped create the wealth and the profits. It might be a good idea to do away with stocks altogether in industry unless they were owned only by those who work in the industry. If there were no stockholders in industry except those owned by the em- ployees (bonds caring for loans) then owncr- ship and labor would coalesce. The stocks which are now held by nonworkers could then be replaced by bonds, in which those who had money to loan to industry would be allotted @ fixed rate of interest but no share whatever in the wealth someone else’s labor helped to create. The man who keeps his stock in a safety vault has less claim to the fruits of industry than the worker who wipes sweat from his brow at the end of a day. It is wrong for capitalism to claim all the profits as it is wrong for the Communists to claim that the State should have all the profits. Neither side must be excluded from sharing in the profits. By the same token, workers in industry should refuse to accept labor leaders who themselves do not wor’. Profit sharing should not be in the shape of a bonus at Christmas, which is paternal- istic: It should be a normal and legitimate feature of the contract of employment which will muke the worker feel more like a part- ner than a servant. This dignifying of the worker has been inhibited generally in two ways, by the slowness of cupitalists to per- ceive its merit before the Government began taking excess profits to pour through bureau- cracies in which neither capital or labor share. Also, by a lack of statesmenship on the part of labor leaders who constantly de- mand more and more and more, which may kill the goose that laid the capitalistic egg, instead of seeking for the more flexible, realistic, and sounder principle of participa- tion in earnings. The advantages of this system are many. It would make class struggle which Com- munism trics to incite, irrelevant. A man is willing to sit down on someone else's tools but he is not willing to sit down on his own. The way to make labor interested in cepital is to five Inbor some capital to defend. Secondly, there would be a greater abun- dance of the fruits of the earth. Men will work herder and more readily when they labor on that which fs thelr own. Thirdly, it would make men less suspectible to for- eign ideologies and wild promises of revo- lutionaries, for no man would exchange his country for a foreign land if his own land afforded him the means of living a tolerable and happy life. Fourth, it is the intelligent answer to the Communists who want to break up capitalism: This solution is in favor of breaking it down. Instead of concen- trating wealth in the hands of a state ad- ministered by a few bureaucrats, the humane way is to distribute that wealth to those who create it. Communism advocates giving all produc- tive property to a dictator; Christians ad- vocate giving it to the workers. The Com- munist svlution is putting all the eggs into the hands of a dictator cook, who makes an omelet which is bound to be unsatisfying because not all the people like omelets, and some do not like the way the dictator cook prepares them anyway. ‘The capitalist solu- tion is to distribute the hens so that every man can cook his eggs the way he likes them, and even eat them raw if thut is his defini- tion of freedom. By distributing a wide mass of property owners throughout a coun- try with their scattered powers, privileges and responsibilities, one creates the greatest re- sistance in the world to tyranny either polit- ical or economic, for just as a man is on the inside because he can call his soul his own, so he begins to be free on the outside, be- cause he can call things his own. Then property becomes what it was always in- tended to be, the economic guarantee of hu- man liberty. Deprive a man of his right to fashion things according to his own will, and you deprive him of the social basis of his freedom. 3. Moral: Another way to meet commu- nism would be by the appointment of chap- lains in industry from esch of the three faiths. By chaplains we do not mean, and here I speak only concerning Catholics, what might be called labor priests; 1. e., those who are interested primarily in defending the rights of labor, though there is greater need of defending them than any other group. There is no reason why there should be labor priests any more than capital priests. No class is always and universally right, simply because it is a class. There may be more injustice on one side rather than an- other, und it certuinly has been true that up to the recent past, the majority of in- justices were to be charged against capital. But the function of a chaplain would be something lke that which he exercised in the Army. He was not the private’s chaplain, nor the commissioned officer's chaplain, he wes rather the mediator of the two, always operating in the intcrests of the Army, its order, and its decency. There is no escaping from the fact that once the individu: enters into a new human relationship, and one at which he spends most of his waking day, almost his entire week, there ts a specific need of ministering to him in that relation- ship, and not apart from it. In order that the chaplain might better operate within an industrial group, he should build a church immediately near the factory wherein labor and management, capital aud labor, could assist at morning mits, 2nd Jearn that all who eat one bread are one body. If men would get down on their knees tcgether there would be less need of using fists against one another. But his functions would go beyond the factory church. As the Army camps assign a chap- lain an office within the Army camp, so, too, the industry should assign quartcrs for a cnaplain in which he may be freely con- sulted at all times by both labor and man- azement, for there is no reason why the iron gates of a factory should prevent the mod- ern worker from enjoying what the village blacksmith used to enjoy—accessibility to his priest, his minister, or his rabbi. In due time the chaplain could establish facvory reading rooms, discussion clubs, and even organize factory worship where the minor hates of the working hours could be dissolved in the reminder that all men are APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD brothers, because God is their Father. The supreme advantage of these and other funce tions of the chaplain would be that men would be organized on a different basis than the competitive one. Communism thrives only by intensifying hatred, opposition, ten- sion, and struggle between a group which buys labor and one which selis it. The value of chaplains in industry would be the organization of men on a noncompetitive or spiritual basis. When the time came to elect labor leaders from the industry, the Communists who thrive in vociferous mi- norities would find themselves stalemated and checked by those who came out in great numbers, not to pass a resolution favoring Russia’s confiscation of Lithuania or Poland, but to insist on the preservation of b:sic human rights derived from a sovereign God and recognized by a government of the peo- ple, by the people, and for the people. 4. Ecdtcation: Another way to meet com- munism, would be to utilize our schools for adult education. Catholics huve to pay for their own schools in addition to paying taxes for public schools. This is done to insure the teaching of religion to the young—and therefore to preserve the moral foundation of our country—a contribution to national well-being which few recognize. These schools are in operation only about 6 hours & day, most of them Ciosing at 3 in the afternoon. It would seem in the present crisis advisable to use the later afternoon and evening hours for adult education. Courses could be given to adults by priests in the diocese, by lawyers and doctors and professional men, but where no tuition would ever be paid, where no teacher would receive any other remuneration than the blessing of God. Among many subjects taught there would be courses in religion, the training of labor leaders, marriage, and property, and also the philosophy of peace, Such adult education would treat religion not in a private way which would result in the pre-empting of the social order by anti- religious forces, but as the lever of society. Our people would learn that the alternative between right and left, is not the same as right and wrong, that social conscience need not make cowards of us all, and that we have to go left to impress our social contem- poraries; that it is well not to get behind social movements, but in front of them. But above all else there will be the teaching of religion where people will not only give an orthodox assent to the creed, but will have thelr heads, hands, heart, and soul so suf- fused with divine grace that the world will become better because their lives are better. 6. Spiritual: Communism has an appeal to two cinsses; the simple who believe that communism is interested in the economic- ally disinherited. This appeal does not last long when they come to know either the Philosophy of communism or its actual practice, the diffusion of chaos created by a dictatorship over the proletariat. They then reject it as opposed to right, reason, and decency. That is why the Communist Party has such a rapid turn-over, reaching as high as 40 percent within a few years. At one time, those who liked the Nazis joined be- cause the Soviets made a treaty with them to start the war. Then when the Soviets break with the Nazis, the first group leaves and another joins. As knowledge grows among men of good will, communism be- comes less satisfying. ‘The second class to which communism appeals are the frus- trated, the disillusioned; they gravitate to= ward it naturally where they can find cor- porate expression for their pent-up animosi- ties and damned up hates. Toward these deluded people there must be on our part @ recognition of their good instincts; their passion for social justice. Deluded though
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD they are, they are neverthelc_s unconscious and involuntary instruments of the Holy Spirit. Our task must be to educate them, for their attachment to communism grows in ignorance, and will decrease with educa- tion. We must show them that their basic craving for community and social ameliora- tion are better served within the framework of democracy and the fellowship of a re- deemed society where reigns the spirit of love sent to us by the Father and Son. By far the greater appeal of communism fs to the disillusioned and the frustrated. The majority of those who foliow commu- nism do so not because they are convinced that it is right, but because there is some wrong they want to despise. In every Com- munist there fs a hidden hate against some- thing or somebody. Those who feel individ- ually important to vent their hate upon a Person, or a class, or an institution, fee] that if they joined communism they could find a corporate expression for their pent-up ani- mosities and their dammed-up hate. Some- thing of this psychology is present in those who love gangster pictures or any movies where there is killing and violence, Through them they find an outlet for their own sub- conscious hatred; there is at least some satis- faction in secing it exercised vicariously. The appeal of communism is not in its theory except to a man who has no rational judgments; it is rather in its hates That is why communism always has to have a devil, and the first argument every Commu- nist uses, is to incite your contempt of his devil or yours, whether it is fascism—which is never defined—or capitalism, or democ- racy, or anything you please. A man who 1s the husband of one wile and is refused permission by the church, to marry a sec- ohd or a fitth time, ts always a potential member of the Communist Party, bccause through it he can vent his spleen against re- ligion which irritated his conscience. The more he subconsciously feels the wrong he has done, the more violent will be his oppo- sition to religion. That is why the greatest persccuiors of relimion are those who have been baptized. “The corruption of the best is the worst.” Hitier, Mussolini, aud Stalin, anc Marx were all baptized and fell away. When communion reaches a siuge where its porsecutors no longer have Itullan mothers and Polish fathers who are both good Christians, but where they have had only parents who heard about dialectical materialism, their hatred of religion will de- crease. Never having lost as much as the older generation, they will be Icss angry at themselves for having surrendered it. In the same connection, those who started out with a great lust for wealth and never achieved it, or who became frustrated capl- talists will join the Communist Party to get even with capitalists whose wealth they envy and which they now want to possess by ex- propriation. Those who have felt the sting of uncharitable fellowmen who made fun of their race or color, and refuse to give them the hand of fellowship are also likely mate- rial for communism, not because communism can give them recognition, which it does not in practice, but only because they get a chance to get even with these who were un- kind. Those, too, who have never been able to think clearly, and who have by much read- ing and little thinking taken more than they can digest, flock to communism where they will have to do no thinking whatever, but where their very obedience to a dictator will give them the illusion of power. Because they became disillusioned with their free- dom which produced chaos in their souls, they looked for a dictatorship outside them- selves to organise their chaos. Because they lost the power of self-regulation from within, they sought an imposed regulation from without; because they lost the goal of ex- istence, and the purpose of life, they invited a tyranny to impose a goal and dictate a purpose; because they were isolated from their fellowman, they sought a restoration into a community not on the basis of spirit and love, but matter and force. The supreme advantage of all these hates is that they enable the frustrated and the disillusioned to combine the strongest social affirmation with the most contemptuous dis- regard tor personal betterment. They could not become Christians—which in thek hearts they want-~because Christianity would de- mand personal righteousness, but in com- munism they can have a seeming sense of righteousness and justice by hating the wrongs of others without any obligation to better their own individual lives. If those who know communism want to effectively combat it, they must start with the assump- tion thnt these frustrated and disillusioned individuals are not perhaps so far from the Kingdom of God as it would seem. In fact they are probably much closer than the in- diffcrent who have neither hates nor loves. The charges those frustrated souls bring against society are very often Justified, but in their zeal to cure the baby of whooping cough they accepted the solution of cutting off its head. Once thcy come to see that what they hate is sin, and not a method of production, and what they are seeking is God and not their only miserable atheism in which each one makes himself a god and me an atheist, they are at the very door of that peace that only Christ. can open to them. We must, therefore, always make a dis- tinction between the ideolory and the per- son, between communism and Communists; communism is to be hated as a doctor hates pneumonia tn his sick child: but the Com- munists are potential children of God and must be loved as the sick child is loved. A Christian who starts with the assumption that they oucht to he annihilated or sent to concentration camns—which indeed they would do to us-—is not worthy of the name of Christ. We are to seek not their extinc- tion, but their transfiguration. Does God hate us beceuse we are sinners, then shall we hate them for being a particular kind of asinner? Wos not Paul in the early church a greater persecutor of religion than Tito or Stalin or Hitler? There must have been thousands of Christians who in their thoughts hoped that God would send a coro- nary thrombosis to Paul to take him out of this life. Prayers were multiplied before God to send someone to answer that flery and zealous enemy. Would that heaven would scnd someone to answer Paul. Well, God heard ‘their prayers, and He sent Paul to answer Paul. God's power is more manifested in the conversion than in de- struction, for He knows that the bitterest enemicg mnke the best saints, and not those wenk-minded brothers and sisters who hate communism when the editorials condemn, and love it when national picture weeklies carry articles glorifying a dictator. Rome was the greatest persecutor of religion up until Russia in modern times, but Rome be- came the center of Christianity. What is to prevent God from transfiguring Russia so that from it one day will radiate a light to renew faith in Europe and give it to Asia. Communists will never be brought to the democratic or the Christian way of life by argument, because communism is anti- rational. But they will be brought to both by kindness, prayer, and charity. Some years ago one of the Communist newspapers wrote a series of articles against me. What would you do, challenge the editor to a duel?—you would not, given my physique, and then I was a Christian. So I invited A1165 the editor to dinncr. The first thing he said was ‘“‘What we have against you is that you refuse to admit Russia is o democracy.” T said: “How can it be a democracy in the light of article 125 of the Soviet Constitu- tion?” He said: “What is article 125 of the Soviet Constitution?” “My good man,” I said, “I did not invite you here to talk com- munism. I invited you to talk shout your soul.” And talk about it I did for an hour, Nine years passed in which there was a prayer every day for that man. He now no loner has to worry about following the prrty line. He isnowafreeman * *® ®* His name is Louis Budenz. We Cathoucs pray for Communists every doy at the end of the mass. How about join- ing us and saying a prayer for Stalin? Wise and Moderate EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HENRY J. LATHAM OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. LATHAM. Mr, Sneaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rxec- orD, I wish to include an cditorial which appeared in the New York Herald Tribune on Friday, March 14, 1947: WISE AND MODERATE Senator Ives has introduced a bill to amcnd the Warner Act which it secms to us gets Gown close to brass tucks. After all, it is on the foundation of this law that organized lubor in the last decade has built its top- heavy empire, and without this lew’s revision there can be little hope of reducing that empire within the bounds of reifun und pub- lic welfare. And it is interesting and sig- nificant that Mr. Ives should take the lead in the project. As a member of our own State Icgislature he became a profound student of the labor movement and of legislation affecting it and meade an enviable reputation as the author of much remedial law, none of it repressive. As a Member of the United States Senate and of its Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, of which Senator Tarr is chairman, he has been regarded as a mnke-welght he- twecn the extremists, possibly holding the deciding vote in the committee. So now he has come forth with a moderate measure which makes a great deal of scnse. In place, for instance, of prohibiting the closed shop, as advocated by Scnator Batu, he would permit employers to refuse to ber- guin on the issue without exposing them- selves to charges of unfair labor practice. And instead of prohibiting industry-wide bar- gaining he would prevent labor trom forcing it by refusing to negotiate with the employ- er’s designated representutive. Other re- forms in his bill would affirm in the law it- self the right of an employer to discuss mat- ters of mutual interest with his employees and to petition the National Labor Relations Board for an employee election. (These rights have been ucknowledsed for some time by the Borrd but still depend on an adminis- trative ruling.) But most important of ail, perhaps, are his provisions specifying unfair labor practices by unions and ouflaw:ng jurisdictional strikes. The Ives bill would go far to right the balance of the Wagner Act. The Senator has made two other proposals, one to create a Federal mediation agency under an administrator to take over the
A1166 functions of the United States Conciliation Service, and the other to establish a jo:nt congressional committee to study manage- ment-labor relations. Coming from Mr. Ives, and especially after conclusion of the volum- inous testimony before the Senate commit- tee, we are inclined to abide by his judgment on these points, too. Amendments to Natural Gas Act REMARKS HON. HENDERSON H. CARSON OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. CARSON. Mr. Speaker, I have been much disturbed by the current gas shortage in the Sixteenth Congressional District and throughout the State of Ohio, as well as other parts of the coun- try. It is most discouraging to see this same gas shortage occur year after year, resulting in the laying off of ‘thousands of workers in the various industrial plants and the serious curtailment of production. In an effort to assure an adequate and continuous supply of natural gas for the people of Ohio and other parts of the country, I have introduced H. R. 2235 to amend in several particulars the Natural Gas Act. In the introduction of this bill it was a pleasure to join with my colleagues Representatives Riztey, of Oklahoma, and Davis of Tennessee, and Senators Moorz, of Oklahoma, and FeEracuson, of Michigan. Shortly after the introduction of this bill the Federal Power Commission issued a report and press release dis- claiming authority of the FPC over the production and gathering of natural gas. Such disclaimer would not have been necessary had the Commission followed the clear intent of Congress as expressed in the Natural Gas Act. Production and gathering of gas in the field of its origin have always been recognized by Congress as matters for the States to regulate. They are inseparable from the conser- vation of oil and gas and that has al- ways been held to be a State matter. If there is any logic to the FPC staff report, I feel that it points directly to the need for one of the provisions contained in the bill which the other Members of Congress and I have introduced— namely, the provision specifically exclud- ing from FPC jurisdiction the produc- tion and gathering activitics and sales of natural gas. There is much to ques- tion, however, about the logic of the re- port. The staff report first categorically ad- mits that Congress never intended that the FPC have jurisdiction over these ac- tivities, but at the same time reveals that the Tommission has in the past reached out and taken that jurisdiction in ques- tionable cases. It says that the situa- tion could be clarified better by admin- istrative action of the FPC than by legis- lative action, and then admits that und.. any circumstance one could not tell how far the FPC would go in excluding pro- duction and gathering from its jurisdic- tion since it says that definitive stand- ards could not be specified in advance of a study of the facts in each individual case. Who do they think would be Satis- fied by any such proposition? Those who sell their gas to the interstate pipe lines still would not know whether the FPC would try to take jurisdiction over them. A reading of this FPC document con- firms in my mind the fact that Congress must specifically define the area in which the FPC may operate. My bill clearly sets those limits and would let the Con- gress, the FPC and the affected produc- ers know exactly where they stood. Ob- viously, the FPC either is not capable of defining these standards or else it refuses to doso. This is one of the best reasons I can think of why this provision of my bill should be adopted. Let us assume for the moment that the present members of the FPC under- stand this matter thoroughly and will seek to carry out the act as Congress originally intended that they should. Who knows with any certainty how long these members will continue to serve, and with another set of commissioners might it not be that the new members may re- verse the administrative policy to which the present members have agreed? This would not be new, for it happened some years ago when, in an electric company case, one set of FPC commissioners re- versed the administrative policy set up by a previous set of commissioners. If these present members of the Com- mission are agreed, as the report indi- cates, that the FPC is not authorized to take jurisdiction over production and gathering then they should have no ob- jection whatever to having that plainly written in the law. It appears to me that the FPC, like the numerous other agencies which have been for many years interpreting the laws of Congress in such a way as to give them the broadest possible power without restraint, merely wants to head off legislative action that would curb its power. For when the Intersiate case was in the Fifth Circuit Court the FPC had a perfect opportunity to acknowl- edge its limitations with respect to pro- duction and gathering, but it refused to accept this opportunity. One of the judges asked the general counsel for FPC if it were not true that if his line of reasoning were carried out to its logical conclusion it would mean that the FPC could take jurisdiction over the operator of every oil or gas well the gas from which was destined for interstate com- merce. The FPC counsel refused to answer this question. The FPC sought this broad authority so that it could be in a position to take under its jurisdiction any oil or gas operator it felt it wanted to. It has been successful in having its position upheld in the courts thus far. Thus, I raise this question: Since the law, under the Interstate ruling, is that APPENDIX-TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the FPC has jurisdiction over the opera- tor of every well the gas from which is destined for interstate commerce, why doesn’t it enforce the law? The Commission is now in this posi- ticn: It must either enforce the law and bring all of these operators in under its jurisdiction or it is guilty of ignoring the law. If it should try to enforce the law, it would find Congress would do some- thing about that. If it ignores the law, that is, just picks out certain particular operators it wants to bring under its jurisdiction and lets the others go, then it is guilty of discrimination, and I know Congress would not stand for that, either. There is only one proper answer to all of this confusion: Let Congress write into law the standards and make sure the FPC carries out the congressional mandate. I and those who joined me in introducing the amendments to the Nat- ural Gas Act recently propose to do just that. The confusion and the uncer- tainty among oil and gas producers, State officials, consumers, and gas com- panies was created by the FPC, which now asks to be trusted to cure its mis- takes and willful deviations from the law. It is the familiar plea of an ad- ministrative agency for unchanneled au- thority—for government by men instead of government by law. Many of the laws which have been passed by Congress would not have been nearly so destructive had it not been for the many interpretations placed on them by administrative agencies, Executive or- ders and decisions by boards who do not come under the regular jurisdiction of courts of law. All this I am determined to correct if at all possible. Briefly, this bill contains these general provisions: First. To prevent the FPC from con- trolling, directly or indirectly, the end use of natural gas. Second. To prevent the FPC from tak- ing jurisdiction, directly or indirectly, over direct industrial sales. Third. To prevent the FPC from tak- ing jurisdiction, directly or indirectly, over production and gathering activities. Fourth. To prevent the FPC from tak- ing jurisdiction, directly or indirectly, over the activities of local distributing companies. Fifth. To eliminate the compulsory original cost depreciated method and substitute the field price method, in de- termining operating costs, for rate-mak- ing purposes. An option would allow any company so desiring to elect to use the original cost depreciated method. Sixth. To compel the FPC to allocate costs properly between jurisdictional and nonjurisdictional classes of properties, revenues, and expenses, in determining rates. Seventh. To compel the FPC to expe- dite action on applications for certifi- cates of convenience and necessity. Broadly, the bill would: First. Assure the royalty owner and producer adequate markets for their gas. Second. Assure those selling gas to interstate pipe lines freedom from Fed- eral Power’ Commission jurisdiction and control.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Third. Assure consumers plentiful and continuous supplies of gas for whatever uses they desire to make of it. Fourth. Assure local distributors free- dom from Federal regulation and control. Fifth. Assure the interstate trans- porters freedom to provide, under proper Federal regulation, adequate facilities to properly mect the demands of the ex- panding markets and reduce the time and burdens of certificate proceedings now imposed upon them. Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. CARSON. I yield to the gentle- man from Mississippi. Mr. RANKIN. If they would develop the water power on the Ohio River, it would take care of some of that situation. Mr. CARSON. I will be glad to assist in that, too, or do anything I could to prevent serious curtailment of our pro- duction, which results in idleness of thousands of our fine working men and women in the great State of Ohio. Hearings on these bills will begin be- fore my committee—Interstate and For- eign Commerce—on April 14. Many notable witnesses will appear, as the natural-gas industry now serves an area, with a population of over 40,000,000 peo- ple in 33 States, Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT NODAR, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. NODAR. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following statemert made by Mr. Max H. Sorensen, national commander of the Catholic War Veterans, at this veterans’ organization headquarters in New York, on March 19, 1947, giving the views of this organization on the subject of com- munism: Tam an American by choice, an American by personal conviction, and I cherish our Constitution and Bill of Rights, and the privileges guaranteed therein, to me and my fellow Americ :ns. We of the Catholic War Veterans have no personal animosity toward individual Communists, but, we are opposed to the un- American ideology of the Soviet Union and its many satellites. We declare communism to be the enemy of true democracy and all religion, the outspoken foe of all freedom, and in fact headquarters of the greatest slave mart in the history of the world. Secretary of Labor Schwellenbach and others in recent days have announced their opposition to participation, on the Ameri- can scene, of the Communist Party, in our political life. Seven years ago the Catholic War Vet- erans called upon Members of the House and Senate, the Governors of the 48 States, and the American people at large to adopt a similar program. At that time, June 12, 1940, CWV sounded the call urging all free Americans, proud of their heritage, to join with us in opposing the farce of extending recognition to a political party, which looked over its shoulder to the Kremlin for its policies and guidance. Loudly we pointed to the insidious betrayal by sneak “fifth column- ists" of nations like Finland, Holland, and Belgium. At the same time we spoke sharply of the dangers of subversive agents who would overthrow our Government and by subtle means spread hate through discrimination because of race, creed, or color; to the end we suggested that more vigorous measures be adopted within the scope of the Bill of Rights of our Constitution, to curtail those so inclined. We openly, and widely, advocated the fol- lowing four points: 1, That a relentless fight be waged against communism and its disastrous consequences, 2. That the immigration laws be effec- tively enforced so as to prevent Communists from entering this country, and that all noncitizen Communists be deported. 8. That all members of the Communist Party be removed from public office. 4. That the Communist Party be officially outlawed and refused recognition as a po- litical party. Last summer while visiting Europe I made it a special point to talk to the man in the street, the fellow who works for a living. Without exception the story from all was the same—they looked to the United States for leadership—yet they feared that we, as a nation, were being taken in by the cunning politicians of the Soviet Government, the in- ternational headquarters of communism. With fear in whispered voice and eye, they told of dread things that would happen to them and their neighbors were the Com- munists to succeed in gaining power. They warned us of the deadly effectiveness of the fifth column, and told of the renewed ac- tivities of the Communists. Everywhere we saw evidence of the boldness of the Com- munist approach. We saw them hard at work trying to upset rehabilitation, to spread discord, to enable the Kremlin to set up a government that would bend to its evil will the best interests of the once great nations of Europe. Vicious black markets and inflation rings were making the lot of the little fellows more bitter each day, softening them up for the approach of the Communist agent, with the promise of Utopia under communism, At every turn we learned from the same little fellows that the one Nation in whom they had explicit trust was the United States, this while the agents of the Soviet Union worked feverishly to discredit the victory of our arms, our suppiles, our clothing, ou food, and medicine sent to the undernourished of Eu- rope. We of the Catholic War Veterans contend that communism, in its every approach, is in direct opposition to the Constitution and the Bill of Rights of the United Statcs. The masters of the Kremlin, as true followers of Karl Marx, are positively committed to world revolution, to destroy all democracy and all religion, the while giving them Hp service. We again, 7 years later, call on the people of the United States to join with us, regardless of race, creed, or color, in a sincere deter- mination to preserve our God-given heritage to the end communism be outlawed here. When a man or woman takes the oath of allegiance to the United States, in exchange for the protection and enjoyment of our freedoms, we have the right to insist that no spoken or mental reservation be permitted. Unless that pledge of allegiance comes from the heart without reservation, that individual is un-American, his pledge is hollow and meaningless. The members of the Commu- nist Party certainly cannot qualify, for they are in fact agents of a foreign power that is A1167 dedicated to overthrow our democracy and our established freedoms of press, assembly, speech, and religion. When Communists hold American citizenship they utilize it for personal protection while planning, plotting, and working for the absolute destruction of our Government, and merely give lip service to the freedoms all loyal Americans hold sacred. We of the Catholic War Veterans submit that all members of the Communist Party and all active stooges of party-line front Groups should be registered as the agents of a foreign power, for their first, their basic loyalty, does not lie in the best interests of the United States. World Federation of Trade Unions Mission to Japan EXTENSION OF REMARKS r HON. FRED E. BUSBEY OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. BUSBEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEc- orD, I include the following article by Jonathan Stout in the New Leader for March 15, 1947: Despite the renewed hope, however, there are still dispiriting developments in Wash- ington. One of them came to light this week when War Secretary Patterson overruled General MacArthur and O. K.’d the send- ing of a WFTU (World Federation of Trade Unions) mission to Japan. Despite the adherence of the CIO and the British trade unions to the WFTU, no realistic person doubts that the WFTU is the 1947 version of the 1930 Profintern (Red Inter- national of Trude Unions with headquarters in Moscow). At a time when Russian expansionism is whipping up its Communist agents in the Far East to fevered activities, it seems an incredible stupidity that the wise order of General MacArthur barring the WFTU mis- sion from Japan should be overruled by Re- publican War Secretary Patterson. So far as I have been able to discover, Pat- terson has not the vaguest inclination toward the Communists. Yet, to my knowl- edge, this is the second time he has per- mitted himself to be an instrument in assisting the Communists in an important matter. The first occasion came to my attention just before the election campnign of 1944 when I discovered that a leading Commu- nist had becn appointed to a high official position on the United States delegation to the Bretton Woods conference (to which the Soviet Union refused’ to send delegates). In the course of investigating the matter I learned that it had been the personal en- dorsement of War Secretary Patterson which was responsible for the appointment of this Communist. I therefore pursued the in- quiry to the War Department. At the War Department I was officially in- formed that Patterson knew nothing about this Communist, but had written the letter of endorsement at the request of the White House. I was shown the letter from the White House asking Patterson to make the en- dorsement. The White House letter was signed by Lauchlin Currie, at that time one of Mr. Roosevelt’s secretaries “with a passion for anonymity.”
A1168 From Currie’s letter one might have in- ferred reasonably that Currie was merely the go-between in passing the request along. Or it might have left one wondering whether it was not Currie’s own iea. It was weasel- worded in just about that way. I took the matter to the White House for an explanation. I got no explanation, only the assurance that things like this made Currie more of a Hability than he was worth and that the White House was going to ease him out. What pressure prevailed upon Patterson this time to shoehorn a pro-Soviet mission into Japan over MacArthur's objections re- mains as yet unanswered. Air Power and Preparedness EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEROY JOHNSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. JOHNSON of California. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the fol- lowing speech I made at a conference of the American Legion in Indianapolis, Ind., on March 20, 1940: I appreciate the invitation to speak at this conference. There sre many men here who, by training and experience, are better qualified to speak on the technical and pro- fessional phases of problems to be discussed here. However, being on the Armed Serv- ices Committee of this Congress and having been a member of the Military Affairs Com- mittee of the House for 4 years, I have participated in numerous hearings on the problems of national security. From those hearings, including the hearings on the atomic power control bill, I have learned a great deal. It seems to me that the word “prepared- ness” should be dropped. It implies that we are preparing for a war and that, sub rosa, we consider another war inevitable. I have not yet given up hope that the world may be restored to a community of law and order without another war. The term national security is # broader and more compre- hensive term. National security implies that we are seeking security against war and other types of activity that tend to de- grade men, impoverish them, and enslave them. It is a constructive approach, rather than merely a defensive approach. To me, one of the great problems confront- ing our military, in which Congressmen can, play a very constructive part, is to get across to our people that our efforts and sacrifices for national security are made primarily to prevent wars. That objective was stated as our main mission while the last two wars were being fought. If the people understand that the military men are not really anxious to have war, they will give a more receptive ear to the program of the War and Navy De- partments. Many people labor under the im- pression that the leaders in our military es- tablishments really want war. Because wars give them more power, greater rank, and en- larged responsibility, some people think that the officers of the Army and Navy look for- ward to a war so they can really demonstrate what great men they are. I know that this is a false premise. Our Army and Navy of- ficers do not want a war any more than a policeman or a fireman wants crime and fires so they can show their skill in solving crime and extinguishing fire. If our people can once understand that the great military establishment is really dedi- cated to and essential to preventing war, they will give it more support. I have found that our people are greatly interested in the prob- lem of security. They like to be told how what we are doing in the War and Navy De- partments, is helping or hurting our drive toward world peace. They like to know about some of the realistic thinking that our mill- tary leaders must indulge in to help us shape our policy so it will prevent war and, if it should come, how they can insure a victory. Consequently I think that these kinds of con- ferences may be helpful in getting to the American at the grassroots, who pays the bills and also fights the wars, the fundamental un- derstanding that he must have to produce the appropriate reflection through our public Officials to get real security for us and our posterity. The basic concept that we should start with is that basically and fundamentally the pur- pose of our security system, and its compo- nent parts, is to bring us lasting peoce. In the shadow of the great war which we have just fought and in the face of the deadly and stagreriny realization that the dropping of the atom bomb brought to us in the clos- ing days of the war, we should be in a posi- tion to think realistically about our security problems. At this particular time we have a constituency that is receptive to plans, even if 1t contemplates great expense for military activity, that will bring final peace. When we consider the loss of 325,000 lives, the maiming and wounding of over a mil- lion more, the disruption of the education and life plans of 10,000,000 more, in addi- tion to the terrible money cost of the war, there is only one dividend that will ade- quately pay for this. That dividend is a peace that will be stable and lasting. Noth- ing less will do. That being the situation, it must be firmly understood by our people that the world is still governed by force. Paradoxical as it may be, our efforts by per- suasion and through agreement to create a world organization that can implement the peace we want, still rest on force. Almost in direct proportion to our military power can we measure our moral suasion to bring peace. We all know that little Norway, Switzerland, Guatemala, or other small na- tions have very little persuasive force with the nations of the world, no matter how sound or progressive a plan they may ad- vance for world peace. That is because they have no power behind their words. They cannot withstand aggression, economic, ideological, or military. Unfortunately, the foreign policy of some nations still is that they are entitled to take from others or dominate others, against their will. The only limit to such a foreign policy, which such countries recognize, is the physical capacity to hold what they seize or to en- force their domination over the subjugated group or nation. Thus we realize that our security set-up should support and supplement the policy of our Government to bring world peace. It should be such that it will be a constant reminder that if nations or a nation does not want peace, we are fully prepared for the eventuality. Our security organization should be such that if and when an inter- national security system is developed, which is effective, our security lay-off can be trimmed down to conform to the lessening responsibility which it will be required to assume. It should be understood that our security system is the real vehicle that will bring us the peace that we desire with its byprod- ucts of smaller armaments, less likelihood of war, and finally a world of law and equity. Air power is the key to our military supremacy. We should understand a few APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fundamentals. Any future war will be a total war. The last one practically har- nessed all the productive capacity of the country. The next war will encompass every farm, factory, laboratory, railroad, and mine. It will come without giving us time to pre- pare, which we had in the last two wars. It may come without much warning, perhaps without any. Every part of our Nation will be subject to attack. The development in long-range aircraft easily forecasts this. It will be a world war such as the last one, but much more deadly. The Air Forces gave us the edge in the re- cent war. Its mission today is to be con- tinuously prepared to give our forces the edge that will win, should war descend upon us. In the shrinking world in which we live, every vital center in our country is and will be subject to attack from the principal in- dustrial countries of the world, and we like- wise will be able to strike the vital centers of any nation, if we nre prepared. The job of striking a decisive blow at the heart of the production center of the enemy would be the first main mission of the Air Forces. They must be ready and able at all times to do this, if we are to be secure in the transi- tion period from now till world peace is assured. Our Air Force must be kept modern. This is something that requires continuous and unremitting effort. In the last war, we had a chance to get ready. We will not have it in the next one Not one plane got to the front which was designed after we entered the war. The B: 29, our most modern bomber to reach the front, was started to be designed in 1935, about 9 years before it reached the front. Scientific Research and Development is a continuing job. It cannot be stopped and then started again, without losing all ourmomentum. It must have vast resources and money for basic research to the end that scientists may be exploring the unknown flelds of science and gradually push out the frontiers of science. Some of this effort will be useless in its end result, but we must have this type of research so we may block out certain theories that may be false. Its ap- plied science projects must contemplate practically all fields of natural science— physics, biology, meteorology, astronomy, etc. On the scale that it must be carried on to Keep ourselves adequately prepared, and able to cope with those with whom we may be called upon to compete, it will be so costly that only the Government can afford it. The development of remote control planes, guided missiles, etc., may really change the Air Forces, as we now contemplate them. Pilots may be unnecessary, to a large extent, Supersonic planes and guided missiles and long-range planes make us vulnerable every day from every place in the world from which trouble may come. From now on we must be on a continual alert if we are to be ade- quately prepared to meet any emergency. Our Air Forces is the arm that must be standing by, ready at once to meet any challenge to our security. No part of our Air Forces, or for that mat- ter any part of our armed forces, has any vested right to be continued. It must con- tinuously prove its value to the ever-chang- ing security system that science research and development will unfold. Every part of the security system must be continually evalu- ated to test its effectiveness and to deter- mine whether it really adds to the efficiency of our security system. If it does not, it must be displaced. With long-range planes and increased carrying capacity airborne troops will be- come a vital and most effective factor in an emergency. The Air Forces must be pre- pared to handle this assignment. Air power must be dovetailed with peace- time aircraft production and development.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD We must use this industrial establishment so that it will retain and use the necessary engineers and production executives. The industrial technique is more important now than in the last war. It is getting more specialized and requires more rapid results than heretofore, in the event of an emer- gency. We must keep a healthy national ine terest in flyiny for pussengers and for cargo. A healthy and developing aircraft industry is essential to our national security. In it are embedded our production plans for military aircraft and for weapons. The close correla- tion cf our Air Forces and the civilian air- craft industry is essential if we are to be secure, while we ure working for world peace. Thus we see that the mission of the Air Forces to give the Army and Navy the edge they must have in any future conflict, is a present and continuing one. It can only be prepared to carry out that mission by con- tinuous effort and complete continuity in all of its activities, It must also be flexible enough to meke changes to suit itself to the changing cohditions and discoveries. If uir »ower can be thus kept highly effi- cient and modern it will become the spring- board by which the wor]d can go from a world based on force and physica! power to a world of law and order. It can, andI predict it will, be the instrument that will enable ‘us to collect the big dividend of a stable and lasting peace that so many millions of people all over the world are yearning for. Brief Progress Report—Committee on Education and Labor REMARKS fe) HON. FRED A. HARTLEY, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. HARTLEY. Mr. Speaker, the Committee on Education and Labor con- cluded 23 days of hearings on Saturday, March 15, 1947. Fifty-six labor bills were before the committee. This is merely a brief progress report. During 6 weeks over which these hearings extended, 137 persons appeared as witnesses. They were residents of 31 States. The classification of witnesses was as follows: Businessmen._.-------..-...----------- 53 Labor leaders. -- 82 Congressmen-_-__-...-- -- 13 Industry essociations --- 10 Educators__..----.-- -- 6 Farmers. ------------- -- 4 Farm organizations——-_ -- 4 Government officials. __ -- 4 Miscellaneous_-.-----..---~.----.----.-- 11 Although special care was excrcised to assure representation of all of the parities concerned, I must report thot the response of the labor leaders was some- thing less than the importance of the subject would seem to call for. How- ever, in vicw of the concentration of power in labor orfanizations, the 32 abor leaders who did appear probably were related to a vastly greater number of persons than all of the other wit- nesses combined. Now I remind the gentlemen of the House that there are but few countries left in the world where what has been happening before our committee can take place. The constitutional right of petition so dear and so fundamental to Americans today is virtually unknown throughout most of the world. Many more applied for the opportunity to appear than the time available would permit. But, care was taken to make possible the presentation of evidence re- lating to all major issues, I believe that the testimony we have received is more than adequate for the present purposes and needs of the committee. There were a few cases to which spe- cial attention secmed necessary. We subpenaed one person, Three subcom- mittees were appointed to go more thor- oughly into outstanding cases than was possible for the committee as a whole to do. These subcommittecs have visited A1169 local communities in different States. No account is taken in what I have here presented of the number of persons who have testified before them. The House should also know that our committee has made every possible ef- fort to conform to the principles that I am sure animate the majority of the Members. Our first aim has been and will continue to be that of frecing the workmen of the United States from the shackles that have been fastened on them in the name of labor organization and Government intervention for the most part against their will. Mr. Speaker, it is not the workers of the United States who present the challenre to the Nation in the name of labor. It is but a relative few of their misguided leaders. The workers are honest, hum- ble, law-abiding citizens. Their hopes and aspirations must not be crippled, but liberated from the threats, re- straints, and even tyranny we have found. The Education and Labor Committee is now earnestly at work in drafting the amendments to the Labor Relations Act. We expect to offer a strong but fair bill at the earliest possible moment. It will not be punitive. There has been a great deal of violence in labor matters, much heat and high emotions, for more than 10 years. We hope that is past. We are now addressing ourselves to the present and the future. Pending introduction of the bill, my associates on the committee who have labored long, arduously and far above and beyond the call of duty will present to you from time to time some of the evi- dence and issues which were submitted at our hearings, To enable those who wish to check spe- cific allegations of abuses in labor-man- agement disputes, I am including a ready reference to the charges which can be found in the printed hearings: American Federation of Labor and affiliated unions Union and officcrs Company A. International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Tlelpers of Amertea 1, Teamsters, unidentitied local, T.os Anzeles, Callf. ...- 2. Toamsters, unidentified local, Pittsburgh, Pa... 3. Teamsters, unidentified local 4, Local No. 338, Teamsters, Now Canaan, Conn.: Wm. Kennedy... 8. Local No. 886, teamstors, Oklahoma City, Okla.: H. E. Cranford, J. EF. Hamilton, 6. Local No. 843, teamsters, bottle-beor drivers. Farmer Bros, Co .....-..------- Pittsburgh Brewing Co Beer distributors in Pennsylvania. -| Norman Duiry, Inc__ Quick-Charge, Inc__ Beer distributors......-2..-2..-- Russell E, Parsons___... Mead J. Mulvihill Witness Alleged action Secondary boycott. Picketing and violence. cee ueee eee Boycott, Pickoting, violence, violution of con- tract, intimidation, Picketing to force recoenition of uncer- tifled union, secondary boycott, Jurisdictional dispute, refusal to work with C1O brewery workers. 7. Unidentified local, Ouklund, Calif... 2.2222 ...----- ee eee ene ene eee enn [ene eee en eee ene eee een en eer eee n [ew eee dO... eens eee ee Riot resulting from nonunion veterans? trucks going through picket line. 8. Unidentified local, New Canaan, Conn... 2.1222 ---ee-ennnneeee eens New Canaan Dniry Co.........]--.--d0.....-.-..-------- Mass picketing in unionization drive, resulting in closing of the dairy. Use of outside pickets, 9. Unidentified local, Midwest States (11)-....-22.-2-2---- 2 - nn fn nee en eee eee e eee e [ene do....---...-----.-- 71-day strike in eflort to force industry- wide bargaining. 10. Unidentified local, San Francisco, Calif... ---.-..---000.-seeeeee eee n ns [nee cee n een eee ener eee cen een eee W. L. Strobol.........-- Secondary boycott, violence, 11. Unidentified local, San Jacinto, Los Angeles, Calif.--......------------ Canneries.-......-----.---------]----- 0. e eee eee eee V lolence, jClosed-shop demand, seo ondary boycott. 12, Local No. 337, Detroit, Mich.: James Toffa, local president_._..-_-----|------ penne eee eee eee 8. L. Travis.....---..-. Attempted organization of indopend- ent meat retailers by forec. 13. Unidentified local, Detroit, Mich.: James Hoffa, Bert Brannon.-_......].....- es ine (i Closed shop, collusion with 4 compas 14. Local No. 207, Milk Drivers, Kansas City: R. O. Jackson, secretary- treasuror 15. Local No. 1, general warehousemen, Los Angeles, Callf.: J. H. Wallace_ 16. Unidentified local, Salt Lake City, Utah 17. Unidentified local, Salt Lake City, Utah 18, Unidentified local......--... eee e weet en ee ance enencm ee eeencenweeesennes XCIII—App.——74 Pure Milk Producers Associa- tion. E.R, Squibb & Sons..-....--.-- Utah Poultry Producers Coop- erative Association. Utah Wholesale Grocery Co., Symmes Utah Grocer Co. Norris Stamping & Manufac- turing Co. Athol A. Cummins..... | ( Se nics to force all other Compames out of business inthe waste-paperindustry. Coercion to force compulsory umone stm, Secondary boycott. Do.
A1170 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD American Federation of Labor and affiliated unions—Continued Union and officers Company ‘Witness Alleged action A, International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warchousemen and Helpers of America—Continued 19, Local No. 844, general drivers, Minneapolis, Minn..............----0++ Minneapolis Fruit Distributors.| H. W. Stcinkraus....... Secondary boycott, 20. Unidentified local, Philadelphia, Pa........-..-.0-scssssce-seese-oee- Philade’p! hia Wholesale Pro- do Do. uce 21. Unidentified local, San Francisco, Calif..........-.-00---eneseeenenncee Gantner & Mattern Co.........-|---.- 22, Loval No, 787_.....--.--.----- United Dairymen---...... 28. Unidentified local... Farmer Bros. Coffee Co--- 24. Unidentified local, Modosto, Calif... Mr. and Mrs. Gerard... 25, Unidentified local. nene Andrew Jorgens Co....- 2. Unidentified local, California..-.00000202TTTITTTTITIII Calavo Growers of California 1 No. 202, commission drivers and chauffeurs union, New York | Car! Ahlers, Inc................- City; Joseph Papa, president; Arthur A. Dorf, secretary-treasurer; Frank V. Smith, recording secretary; V Incent Ristuccia, business agent. B. International Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Shipbuilders and Helpers of America 1, Unidentified local, Los Angeles, Calif C. The Associated Actors and Artists of America Secondary boycott, union lost election 12 to 2, mass picketing. 1. Amorican Fedoration of Radio Artists, Hollywood, Calif. .....--..202-] --2-------- 22-2 nee ener eee eee Cecil B. De Mille -..... Union shop abuse, denial right to work, refusal to pay political assess- ment. D. United Mine Workers of America 1. Unidentified loca), Notlon-wide.....-...222-.22.--.2---eceweeeece een ee wee e ene meen cwenccesenecencceeecee Forney Johnston........ Coercion by strike to force royalty, E. International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers 1, Unidentified local, Des Plaines, Ill.: Ed. J, Brown.....---.-..---.---- Benjamin Electric Manufactur- | Hoyt P. Stocle.-........ Secondary boycott of products mnde ing. 2. Unidentified local, Englewood, N.J_..02----2---ccewenenccenenennceeee Kurt Versen Co.........--.-.-..|----- do_....-------- eee. Secondary boycott of yreduets made hy another local of IBEW 3. Local No. 935, International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Engle- |-..-. ae Kurt Versen............ Secondary boycott. wood, F. American Federation of Musicians }. Unidentified local, Interlocken, Mich.: J. C. Petrillo......... -.....2-|----------- eee ween ee eee Jon. E. Maddy.........- Banning broadcast of students. 2. Local No. 47, Los Angeles, Calif.: “Bplke” Wallace, president; Lee | Ear) Carroll Theatcr_..--...-.-. Earl Carroll...--.-.-..-- Coercion to hire more musicians than MacQuarrie, business agent. needed. featherbedding G. United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joinera of America 1, Unidentified local. .......----2 22-22 ene een ewes Secondary hoyeott of employer's Co. farms, ‘railroude, retail yards, con- struction jobs, shipping. 2. Unidentified local. 2.0... eee ween eee e cence nn eneenneaeeesnenees [ones Mass picketing, invasion of private property. 8. Unidentified local lence. 4, Unidentified local do --| Intimidation, festern pine lumber industry..| J. 8. Richards Jurisdictional strike. Granite City Steel Co.....--- 22. Tiaywacd Niodringhaus. Jurisdictional dispute. ow nate en ene n meee neeeeeeenee Lamplan d Lumber, St. Paul, | A. O. Lampland........ Jurisdictional strike, secondary boy- M (out of business). -| Detroit... eee ee Samuel L. Travis. . Closed shop, charging of nonunion members exorbitant fees for tempo- rary work permits, Union charged in courts with extortion, 8, Baltimore Building and Construction Trades Council, Baltimore, Md.: | Southern States Cooperative, | P. C. Turner.....-....-- Coercion. Frank Clark Ellis. Baltimore. 4, Seattle Central Labor Couneil.....22.22 22.022. Sweden Freezer Manufacturing | H. W. Steinkraus....... Secondary boycott, 6, Building and Construction Trade Council.........--...---.-----s-ee-- Motie Wheel Corp., Lansing, wenee (re Do. 6, Central Labor Council. ..- 2.2.22. 22 22. een eee eee ee ene enon weeeee All advertisers in Los Angoles enone (ae Do. Downtown Shopping News. 7, Contral Labor Councll..........0..22-2 enw en eneeeennnemeneneneccneene J. Robinson Co., Los An- |.-... ee Do, eles, Calif. 8. Building Trades Union......2 22.20.2222 eee ene enn eee e re eeenrewene Mortarless Masonry Corp...__.-|....- ( (ee No, 9, Unidentified local of carpenters; unidentified local of laborers........-- Boikiing Contractors Associa- | Charles Everson. ......- Jurisdictional dispute. ion of Now Jerse: 10, Upidemtified local of millwrights; unidentified local of iron workers, | General Motors ene ee a | (: rs Do, 11, Valen, ‘Jocnl of steamfitters, electriclans, hoisting engincers, | Princeton University.........-.-|.--.- do.....--------.-- eee Jurisdictional dispute, featherbedding. Inceton . J. International Brotherhood of Papermakers 1, Eagle Lodge No. 1, Holyoke, Mass. _._......--..------------------e+- Holyoke Wire Cloth Co......... H. W. Steinkraus....... Secondary boycott, « Amalgamated Association of Plumbers and Steam Fitters of United States and Canada 1, Unidentified local, Boston, Mass. _......-.----..--22-- 22 -eeeeeeee The Walworth Co..............]-.... do......--.-------..- Do. K. Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employees of America 1, Unidentified local, Pittsburgh, Pa..._........----2-0-- ene eee Pittsburgh Rys. Co............-/...-. (a Do. L. United Automobile Workers 1, Local No, 182, Lansing, Mich...........-22.-ceceneccecnecenenecccnnee Motor Wheel Corp..............].. aX (ne Do. M. United Erick and Clay Workers of America 1, Unidentified local.....22222.-20.2.0 eee ee ceeeeeen care enceeneneceenee Bimons Brick Co................!.... aX (oe Do.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Al171 American Federation of Labor and affiliated unions—Continued Union and officers N. International Alliance of Theatrical Stage F'mployees and Moving Picture Machine Operatora of United States and Canada and the United Brother- hood of Carpenters and Joiners of America 1, Unidentified local O. Hoteland Restaurant Fmployees’ International Alliance and Bartenders International League of America 1, Unidentified local, Brazil, Ind_..........-....--.------ qrecee nnn neneee- P. Metal uorkers 1, Unidentified loca!, Philadelphia, Pa. .. 2, Unidentified local, St. Louis, Mo Q. Pailroad I-rotherhoods, independent 1, Unidentified local... a 2. Unidentified local, Gridley, 1) Moving-picture industry-....... All restaurants not selling liquor George }). Ells & Sons._-.._-_.. Mid-West Screw Products Co... Toledo, Peoria & Western RR dO... eee eee ee Company | witnas | wen do... Alleged action Oscar Schatte-.. Jurisdictional strike. Gerald W. Landia of Indiana. Violence 1n connection with picketing. Herbert K. Taylor...... Helen A. Hagen..-..2-- Coercion and intimidation. Coercion, intimidation, featherbedding, secondary boycott. George F. MeNear, Jr__.| Featherbedding. Violence. Congress of Industrial Organizations R. United Steelworkers of America 1, Unidentified local, Columbus, Ohio. ._. Timken Roller Bearing Co.. 2. Locals Nos 1053 and 1120, Chicago, Ol. Acme Steel__..-.. -----2---- 3. Unidentified local, Birmingham, Ala... Stockham Pipe Fittings Co..... 4. Unidentified local, Milwankee, Wis _... Grede Foundries. &. Unidentified local, Smith Steel division_. Ow nec enenss 6. Unidentified local, Smith Steel and Milwaukee divisions.. --- do 7. Unidentified local, Kalamazoo, Mich.......-...-.---.-..- American Tool Die _............ 8. Unidentified local, Utiea, N.Y 2c. c nee w eee cee cenee Foster Bros. Manufacturing Co. 9. Unidentified local, Buffalo, N. Y.............2...------26 Roberts-G ordon Appliance 10 Unidentified local, Pittshurgh, Pa. West Penn Machine. 2.2.22. -- 11. Unidentitied local, Pittsburgh, Pa Lockhart Iron & Steel._--2_2---. S, United Automobile, Aircraft, Agricultural Implement Workers of America 1. Local No. 174 Kelcey Hayes Whoeel__.---.- Alls-Chalmers... Unidentified local, Dearborn, Mich... Local No 851, Detroit, Mieh.--.222. Ford Co eeeee ee ce Detroit Steel Produce T. International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union Unidentified local, San Francisco, Calif......------------------------e Unidentified local, Los Angeles, Calif. ..-. Unidentified local, west coast __- UL International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Unidentified local, Canton, Mo--_....-.-----..----.----------- American Zine, Lead & Smelt- ng. Unidentified local, Hillsboro, M11... Unidentified local, Mascot, ‘Tenn Unidentified loeal, Athletic Mine, Tenn. Unidentified local, Qrosselli, Tenn. __. Unidentified local, Jarnarcin Mine, Te Unidentitled local, Mascot, Tenn... V, American Newspaper Guild . Unidentified focal, Philadelphia, Ya.: Sam B. Eubanks, executive Philadelphia Record. vice president. W’. Federation of Glass, Ceramic and Silica Sand Workers of America . Unidentified local_....---. 2-22. -22--- e222 een enn WW’. United Electrical Workers Vittsbureh, Toledo, City, Festus. Crystal . Unidentified local, Bloominedale, N. J..---------------- eee a eee eee Wostingbouse......02----e.eeee, X. Food, Tobacco, Agriculture, and Allied Workers of Amerisa . Unidentified local, Helena, Ark. -....2..0--..---- --- =e ene eee ene Arthur & Thorn. Coercion, violence. HI. Bills.-._ 2. Mononolistic practices, industry-wide strike, L. B Bowley........... Coercion of nonunion employee. Strike caused by minority of om- plovees. Wm. J. Grede Failure to burgain in good faith. ----dO.-.2..-2- oo. ----do..... Unjustified demands of unions regard- ing employee status during a strike, Refusal of international union to per- init bargaining by the local. Refusal of local union to bargain in good faith. Strike called by Internationn) unjon after local votes against strike Violence; beating up of worker Refusal of international to allow local union to bargain, R J Brown.-.... Townsend Foster. Birger Engstrom.. ----do__. Q. W. Kennedy.-.. mass Clare FE. Hoffman. Strike against picketing. Nondemocratie sustaining vote for representation of union under NLRB WLB order; ruling. Rk epresentatiy eHoffman  Coereion. Edgur R Ailes..--2-.-- Mass picketing; picketing homes. Almon E,. Roth__......- Orgs nized slow-down unloading sugar, 135 41. Organized slow-down, 1946. Favoritism of NLRB. -do Vyre ‘Taylor. H.1, Young. Monopolistic practices. Nationallead- ers set terms “wildcat” strikes; mass picketing. Strike violation of contract. Strike, delay in vacation schedule, strike, refused foreman, Stoke, became: of discinlining worker. Strike fo foree lew violation, Strike delay in WILB decision. J. David Stern. Rarguining in bad falth (with intent to destroy newspape©r). Fixing of election districts by NLRB to msure election of CIO. Charles E, Hoffman.. EL. Chandler. ...-. Strike called by international in viola- tion of contract of the local union John L. Dagaett._... Undemocratic election of barraining agency. Y. International Woodworkers of America . Unidentified local Western pine Jumbe: industry. J. @. Richards........ Failure to bargain in good faith, Z. Pipefitters . UL A. No. 002, Cincinnatl, Ohio... 2-2 eee enone n-ne ene ene en eee Rofrigeration Products Co_---- Norman Rau......... Coercion and intimidation, Independent unions AA, United Telephone Organizations 1, Unidentified local, city of New York Idlewild Airport.......--..----- H. W. Stcinkraus...-... Secondary toycott. 2, Unidentified local (Ncw York), Long Island area..... Equitable Wife Insurance So- |-.-.- (. (a Do. ciety of the United States. 8. Unidentified local, New York-...... eeweceee New York Telephone Co.......-].....' ( (ee Do.
A1172 The American Red Cross EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRED E. BUSBEY OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. BUSBEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orD, I include the following address of Hon. JosepH W. Martin, JR., Speaker of the House of Representatives, in behalf of the American Red Cross, over the fa- cililics of the American Broadcasting System during the Mctropolitan Opcra period on Saturday, March 15, 1947: I hove been asked to talk to you about the American Red Cross. To do so I must talk to you wbout America, We of this generation face problems more critical and moro dificult thun those any generation has ever faced before. In the broken cities and blasted fields, in the hun- fers nnd fears of hopeless peoples, war has left its challenge to America. In mecting that challenge, we have made— and are siill to make—zrave decisions affect- ing the destiny of this Nation and all the peoples of the world. 1t 1s, to me, of the most vital importance that we facc that challenge and muike those decisicns in the true spirit and tradition of the American people. There js no doubt— and can be no doubt—that this Nation con- frcnts a great and generous future, but we must not lose faith, we must not falter, we must be true to ourselves. It has been said—and well said—that the greatest part of any nation’s character is not handed down through a few institutions and a few texts. It is transmitted through millions of daily acts aud observances and limitations. It is determined by the example we set for each other in our daily associa- tions. 1t stems from famlly life and the in- fluence of father upon son and mother upon dutuznter, That is why the American Red Cross is &@ part of the living spirit of America. The American Red Cross is you. It is Mrs. Murpliy, who cares for her family and then works her fingers to the bone in the Red Cross sewing rooms. It is Mrs. Jones—the little lady down the street—who puts on a gray uniform and sud- denly becomes an angel of mercy in a veter- ans’ hospital. It is tough old Kosciusco, who quietly gocs around the corner to give his pint of blood at the blood bank. It is the Red Cross girl serving in a can- tecn for our forces overseas—somewhere in Japan—or Korea—or Germany—or Austrla— or Italy. It is the doctors, and nurses, and first-ald- ers, and local volunteers who show up on the acene of disaster to do their heroic work. The millions of Americans who have served the Red Cross in these and other ways have been serving humanity, but they have also becn serving themselves. By setting an ex- ample of service and sympathy to others they have kept alive the spirit of human com- Passion upon which the tradition of Ameri- can freedom is based. Through their contributions and devotion they have madc the Red Cross a big and pow- erful institution. Yet its size is no greater than the emergencies and disasters with which it must be prepared to deal, and its power ts only the power to serve. As an institution it performs services too big for the individual and too urgent and too personal for Government. It is the link between the bedside of a crippled veteran and a hopeful future. It ts the link between Joe who is stationed far overseas and Joe’s family who are in trouble back home. Much more important, it is a link between the great America of the past and a greater America of the future. The services performed by the American people through the Red Cross are the serv- ices of a people who have faith, who know hope, and who know the meaning of charity toward each other. All these individual contributions and services give us strength as a people. In time of crisis or in time of need, we have demon- strated that we can set our individual dif- ferences aside and unite in our sympathy for human distress. Any nation whose peo- ple have this capacity for unity is a force to be reckoned with—even in this turbulent world. We have seen other nations fall. We have seen them at the height of their power, and their folly. We have seen that folly destroy them. Any nation founded upon internal or ex- ternal hate and intolerance will not en- dure. The principles whica draw people to- getber and make them strong as a nation are the princ!nles of simple justice and the rules of good behavior. Of these, human compassion is of greatest importance. Human compassion does not know race or creed or color. It does not know hate, or cruelty, or intolerance. Human compassion is directed toward the need of a Tellow being in distress. It is, therefore, recognition of the sanctity of the individual. Our constitutional government, our sys- tem of society, pnd our way of life are based enilrely upon the sanctity of the individual, We must never deviate from that principle. The Red Cross is the symbol of all these things and therefore stands for all that is best in America. Wher you decide to five your money or your services to the Red Cross, you are reafirming your own freedom by that decision. The ireedom we enjoy is based upon just such acts and attitudes of service and of cooperation with one an- other. A new century of world history is in the making. If we hold fast to the right, as we see the right, it will be within our power to make that century a century of progress. Your support of the Red Cross is keeping eve the true spirit of America. On that spirit our future depends. Palestine Situation—Protest Rally Resolution EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE H. BENDER OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 20, 1947 Mr. BENDER. Mr. Speaker, under leave tc extend my remarks made before the “Open the Door, Bevin, Rally” spon- sored by the George Washington chap- ter, Intercollegiate Zionist Federation of America and the American Christian Palestine Committee. The rally was held on February 19, 1947, at the Union Meth- odist Church, Washington, D. C. At the recent World Zionist Congress in Basle, Switzerland, the group voted not to participate in the London Arab- British Conference which has just ended, because the British Labor Government failed to show good faith in its Palestine commitments. Not only did the govern- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ment of Prime Minister Bevin fail to expedite the Balfour Declaration, and also its pre-election labor platform in regard to Palestine, but it has adopted 8 policy of Arab appeasement and mili- tary law to insure British domination of Palestine. The British Government has not re- Pudiated the 1939 white paper under which it undertook to restrict immigra- tion of Jews to 15,000 per year for 5 years with no further immigration thereafter and then also expected to establish an Arab state in Palestine after 1949. Naturally, these policies are not rel- ished, particularly in view of the fact that the League of Nations Mandates Commission, to which the British Gov- ernment was supposed to report, de- nounced the 1939 white paper as a vio- lation of the mandate, and also in view of the fact that the British got the mandate as a result of their own Balfour Declaration which is in fact incorporated in the mandate terms, which said the British would seck to facilitate the estab- lishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people. Under these circumstances, the world Zionist organization voted not to attend the London sessions formally. They did send observers, and now that the London business has ended in exact’y the kind of stupid indecision that everyone ex- pected, the situation is just as it always was. The Arab argument about the land being theirs is peculiar in view of the fact that there were only about 400,000 of them there in 1919 when the Versailles Conference was held. Today, thanks to the improvements in the country due to Jewish investment and effort, there are 1,200,000 Arabs and 600,000 Jews there. The Arabs have come, attracted by high- er wages and better sanitary, educational, and health facilities. There are Arab states now in Egypt, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria, and Leb- anon. Not one of these raised a finger to aid the Allies. They all entered into the war just before the San Francisco meeting deadline, and the Saudi-Arabian King even said that he was declaring war except for the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, which are just about the only centers of population in the land. It is indeed an intolerable situation when the survivors of German totali- tarianism remain rotting in their death factories. Our Congress and State De- partment have not spoken loud enough. An active American foreign policy to facilitate the transferral of these dis- placed persons to their promised land would aid immeasurably the solution of this problem. A just and lasting peace, based upon the “four freedoms,” cannot be achieved until these oppressed peo- ples are liberate& both physically from their DP camps and mentaliy from the smoldering crematoriums. The following resolution was adopted by the rally: We university students, ng the British reign of terror in Palestine, resolve the following: 1. That Britain immediately open the doors of Palestine to admit the hundreds of thou- e@ands of those displaced persons of Europe who must immigrate to Palestine.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 2. We urge the United States to make available at once American ships to facilitate the entrance of Jewish displaced persons into Palestine. 38. We urge the British Labor Government to discontinue the present tcrror tactics in Palestine which are destroying basic liberties in violation of the rights of man, Pennsylvania Painted for Posterity EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON, ROBERT J. CORBETT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. CORBETT. Mr. Speaker, I desire to call to the attention of the Congress and the people of the United States an extraordinary project that has been in- augurased in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. It calls for the painting of the historic and contemporary life of Pennsylvania by 14 of America’s most distinguished artists. This highly commendable work is be- ing sponsored by the Gimbel Stores of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh. The aim of the collection is to create for the citizens of the Commonwealth and the Nation a dramatic record of Pennsylvania and its contemporary peo- ple, influenced and molded as they are by the cultural, industrial, geographical, and historical background of the 67 coun- ties. The artists, selected for their posi- tion in the world of art, and for their in- terpretive abilities, will visit every sec- tion of Pennsylvania to absorb its flavor and father at the source the material necessary to fulfill their respective assignments. Of the artists chosen for the project, five are outstanding painters of the Commonwealth and have been intimate- ly associated with the life of Pennsyl- vania for many years: George Biddle, Albert Gold, Hobson Pittman, Franklin Watkins and Andrew Wyeth. Selected in addition are nine other artists of na- tional prominence from other parts of the country: Aaron Eohrod of Illinois, Adolf Dehn of Minnesota, Ernest Fiene of Connecticut, William Gropper of New York, Joe Joncs of Missouri, Doris Lce of Illinois, Fletcher Martin of Colorado, Edward Millman of Illinois, and Paul Sample of New Hampshire. The artists will follow a planned list of subjccts, but will be given freedom to paint in their own way the most sige nificant and imporiant aspects of Penn- syivania life. It is estimated that the completed collection will consist of 160 oi] paintings, watercolors and drawinss. Upon its completion in September, the collection will be exhibited in Philadel- phia, Pittsburgh and other cities throughout the State before being sent on a national tour. In announcing sponsorship of the pro- gram, Arthur C. Kaufman anJl Jacques Blum, executive heads of Gimbels, Phil- adelphia and Pittsburgh, respectively, stated: The plan was conceived as an educational one, und was undertaken by us because we helieve that our company, serving the Commonweulth’s two largest metropolitan districts, had a privilege and responsibility in the matter. We have a precedent in that merchants throughout history have ‘played their part in sponsoring the srt and artists of the period. Gimbels has its own prec- edent for this undertaking, for our stcres in Pennsylvania and throughout the coun- try are well integrated in the lives of their communities, and are constantly sponsoring projects of a patriotic, civic, educational, artistic and cultural nature. The project well under way was started when Georre Biddle, of Philadelphia, long known as a prominent fisure in Ameri- can art, undertook to depict the arricul- ture of Pennsylvania and the “Dutch” counties of Buck and Lancaster. Shortly thereafter, Joe Jones, famous young Missouri artist, began work on paintings of the railroads, river traffic, and air- fields. Later the steel mills, textile in- dustry, petroleum, and gas throughout Pennsylvania will be portrayed by oth- ers, while several artists will undertake to depict the cities of Pittsburgh, Phila- deiphia, and Bethlehem. The miners and mining of Pennsylvania will be por- trayed, as well as the historical meeting houses, universities, and monuments. The scenic beauty and recreation activity of Pennsylvania will also be covered, while through pictures of lake steamers, airfields, and railroads the story of Pennsylvania transportation will be told. The national tour will extend over a period of 5 ycars. It is the hope of the sponsors and the people of Pennsylvania that the hundreds of thousands of peo- ple throughout the Nation who will view the pictures will come to have a kcener appreciation and a greater knowledge of that which is Pennsylvania. Next to a visit to our rreat mining, manufacturing, and agricultural areas I can suggest nothing better than that you view this coilection when it comes to your part of the country. Pcrhaps it is not too much to hope that this Nation-wide showing of Pennsylvania in pictures will lead beneficent individuals in other States to follow the same course of action. Porty-eight such collections of fine painting in constant circulation and ex- hibition in the various States would be an educational and unifying factor of inestimable value. I commend the sponsors and all par- ticipants in this very worth-whilc under taking. I know it will be a fine thing for Pennsylvania and the Nation, The ic. isc Amesican Ceamen CISTENS.GN OF REMARKS LON. Jud L. SOMERS OF NEW YorK IN THE TOUS OF RUPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. ©CMinS. Mr. Speaker, 18 young Aincricans are now being held in a Brit- ish prison in Haifa, Palestine. Two wecks from now they will be tried on a charge of aiding and abetting what the British call illegal immigration of Hebrews into the Holy Land. A1173 These young men, coming from six diff=rent Statcs of the Union, represent- ing both Jews and ¢entiles, are merchant sepmen, many of them veterans of the wer, who velunteered to serve without pay on a mission cf mercy and rescue. Recruited by the Air Sta Volunteers for Hzekrew Repatriation, thoy manned the ship Ben Feent, and carried $10 Hcbrew recugces from Lurope to their homeland. Tae Ben Hecht, formerly a United States Navy patrol ship, was bought with funds rrised by the American League for a Free Palestine, a nonsectarian organi- zation of over 140,000 American citizens, through its production of the play A Fiag Is Born written by the gentleman for whom the ship was named. The moncy raised by the American League for repatriation purposes is sent to the Repatriation Commission of the Hebrew Committee of National Liberation, which, in this case, chartered the Ben Hecht fm the Tyre Shipping Co., an Amcrican rm. The ship was intercepted by British naval units off the coast of Palestine sev- eral days ago. There was no violence. British sailors boarding the Ben Hecht were given cigaretics and tea, and were permitted to escort the ship into Haifa harbor. The crew. the American boys and two volunteer Norwegian engineers, was arrested, the ship was condiscated, and the refursees were taken to Cyprus. In all, the episode was just one of @ scrics of such events. The terms of the League of Nations mandate for Pal- estine notwithstanding, the British have been turning Hebrew refugees away from their national home and imprison- ing them on Cyprus for many months. What makes this incident singular is the fact that the Bon Hecht is owned by an American company and manned by American merchant scamen. The con- fiscation of the ship and imprisonment of its crew confront us with an impasse which was an inevitable outcome of the failure of the British to live up to the tcrms of the mandate or to deal square- ly with the United States on this issue. President Truman first gave voice to this country’s desire that the Hebrews in the DP camps in western Europe be permitted to go home to Palestine over a year and a half ago. Since then, the British have delaycd and stalled continuously. When the Anglo-Ameri- can Commission of Inquiry unanimously recommended that those Hebrews be roved immediately, the British Gov- errment, which had asked us to partici- reie preciscly in order to evolve a set of révohunendations upon which it could ect wilh assurance of American approv- al, Cefaulted and the recommendation wes forgotten. “"svertheless, getting the Hebrews to Psicstine remained American policy. E=.h parties backed it in their platforms end ia mumerous statements. The Prevident reiterated it on many occa- sions. And the American people have mude it clear that they desire a quick and corstructive solution to the plight of the Hebrew nation. I want 10 umphas.ze then, Mr. Speak- er, u.at the scamen in the crew of the Bon Hecht ave not now in prison as a result of their irresponsibility or willful
Al1174 violation of any recognized agreement. Those men are in prison because they carried out what we—again and again— told them we wanted carried out. In perfect good faith, every one of those seamen had reason to believe, and I am sure they were right, that they were serving their country’s intercst in em- barking upon such a merciful venture. It was our policy they executed, and their present incarceration is our re- sponsibility. We cannot, in justice to them and to ourselves, allow them to remain behind British bars, First National Conference To Be Spon- sored by Advisory Commission of UNESCO To Be Held in Philadelphia Next Week—Members of Congress Invited EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Speaker, another great forward stcp in the paramount program of bringing about better inter- national understanding will take place in Philadelphia, beginning next Sunday evening and concluding next Tuesday evening . I refer to the first national conference on UNESCO which will be sponsored by the Nationa] Advisory Com- mission of that organization. Over 500 American organizations are expected to send two delegates each to this important conference on the achievements and the aspirations of UNESCO. Mr. Speaker, the officials of the Na- tional Advisory Commission of UNESCO have advised me that Members of Con- gress are invited to attend this great planning conference. It is fitting in- deed that in the American city in which our constitutional freedoms were born there should now be held this meeting which hopes to do so much to bring the blessings of these same freedoms to peo- ple throughout the world. As the author of House Resolution 215 which gave birth to the movement which has eventuated in the working international organization known as UNESCO, I have been asked to address the final evening general session of this conference. My theme will be, UNESCO, the Ethical Echelon in the Fight for Peace. Assistant Secretary of State William Benton, Milton Eisenhower, chairman of the United States National Commission for UNESCO, Superintend- ent Stoddard, of the Philadelphia schools, Sir Ramiswami Mudaliar, presi- dent of the Economic and Social Coun- cil of the United Nations, and many others will address this conference. For the convenience of Members and others who may desire to attenc the ses- sions of this great mental workshop for peace, I am herewith including the pro- gram of this conference as @ part of my remarks: Summary ProcRaM, NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON UNESCO MONDAY, MARCH 26 8 p. m.: Opening general session, Irvine Auditorium, University of Pennsylvania, Thirty-fourth and Spruce Streets. Presiding: Milton Eisenhower, Chairman of United States National Commission for UNESCO. Addresses The Imperatives of UNESCO: A. J. Stod- dard, superintendent of schools, Philadel- hia. P UNESCO, A Proposal to History: William Bentcn, Assistant Secretary of State. 8:30 p. m.: Informal reception for repre- sentatives to National Conference .iven by Uniied Nations Council of Philadelphia. Crystal Ballroom, the Benjamin Franklin Hotel. TUESDAY, MARCH 25 9 a.m. to 10 p.m.: Registration, Benjamin Franklin Hotel. 10 a. m.: Section meetings. Topics and location 1. Problems of Education Reconstruction. Jefferson Room, Hotel Adelphia. Chairman, T. G. Pullen, Jr., State superintendent of schools, Baltimore, Md.; vice chairman, A. J. Brumbaugh, member, executive committee, Commission on International Educational Reconstruction, Washington, D. C. 2. Community Paiticipation in UNESCO, Crystal Ballroom, Benjamin = Franklin. Chairman, Mrs. Louise Wricht, executive sec- retary, Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, Chicago, Tl. 8. How Do We Teach for International Understanding? Crystal Room, Hotel Adel- phia. Chairman, Ben Mark Cherrington, di- rector, Social Science Foundation, University of Denver, Denver, Colo. 4. The Revision of Textbooks and Other Teaching Material. Room 206, Benjamin Franklin. Chairman, Harold Benjamin, dean, College of Education, University of Maryland. 5. The International Exchange of Persons. The Gimbel Auditorium, Chairman, Law- rence Duggan, director of the Institute of International Education, New York City. 6. Press and Radio in UNESCO. Betsy Ross Room (B), Benjamin Franklin. Joint chairmen, Burclay Acheson, director, inter- national editions, Render’s Digest, Pleasante ville, N. Y.; Justin Miller, president, National Association of Broadcasters, Washington, D. C. 7. Films and UNESCO. William Penn Room, Hotel Adelphia. Chairman, George F. Zook, president, American Council of Edu- cation, Washington, D. C. 8. The Study of Social Tensions. Panel Room, the Gimbel Store. Chairman, Charles 8. Johnson, president, Fisk University, Nash- ville, Tenn. 9. Humanities and Philosophy. South Gar- den, Bellevue-Stratford. Chairman, George Shuster, president, Hunter College, New York, N. Y. 10. UNESCO's Program of Fundamental Education. Independence Room, Benjamin Franklin. Chairman, Henry Holmes, profes- sor, Graduate School of Education, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 11. The Contribution of the Creative Arts on UNESCO. Franklin Room, Benjamin Franklin. Chairman, Helen C. White, pro- fessor of English, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 12. The Natural Sciences in UNESCO. Betsy Ross Room (A), Benjamin Franklin, Chairman, Arthur H. Compton, chancellor, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. 18. Books and Libraries in UNESCO's Pro- gram. Oak Room, Bellevue-Stratford. Chairman, Luther H. Evans, Librarian of Congress, Washington, D. C. 14. Museums in UNESCO's Program. Ed- ucation Section, University of Pennsylvania APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Museum. Chairman, Chauncey J. Hamlin, resident, American Association of Museums, uffalo Museum of Science. TUESDAY, MARCH 25 2 p.m.: Section meetings (see above). 8:30 p. m.: Second general session, Irvine Auditorium, University of Pennsylvania; pre- siding, Thomas Gates, president, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pa. Addresses Today's Challenge to Education: Bernard Drzewieski, Director, Educational Recon- struction and Rehabilitation Section, UNESCO. , The United Nations and UNESCO: Sir Ramiswami Mudallar, president of the Eco- nomic and Social Council of the United Na- tions. UNESCO: The Ethical Echelon in the Fight for Peace: The Honorable Karu E. Mouwnopt, Representative in Congress from South Dakota. Is Utah Sahara Bound? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ELBERT D. THOMAS OF UTAH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 21 (legislative day of Wednesday, February 19), 1947 Mr. THOMAS of Utah. Mr. Presi- dent, because of its public interest and the information which it contains, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp a digest of the eleventh annual Frederick William Reynolds lecture delivered at the Uni- versity of Utah, February 19, 1947, on the subject, Is Utah Sahara Bound? by Dr. Walter P. Cottam, professor of botany at the University of Utah. There being no objection, the digest was ordered to be printed in the Rec- orp, as follows: Is UtaH SaHaRA Bounb? The year 1947 marks a notable milestone in Utah history. One hundred years ago the original band of 143 Mormon pioneers were meticulously preparing their equipment for the long, hazardous journey westward over plains and mountains to this Valley of the Great Salt Lake. Could we but turn back the clock of time one short century and on the morrow’s dawn gaze out over this valley asleep in the morn- ing shadows of the Wasatch Mountains, we would see no human habitation save, per- haps, a few scattered tepees of the red man— no streets, no trees, no smoke. The thought is incredible. After the arrival of the pioneer band in this valley Brigham Young lost no time in occupying promising sites for settlements throughout Utah and the surrounding areas. Within 18 years most of the important towns from Logan on the north to St. George on the south had been founded. A glance at a Utah map shows a familiar and rather constant pattern of ecological factors determining these sites. Each is located at the base of a mountain front, at an altitude conducive to the growth of a variety of farm crops, on & valley plain of rich soil, where mountain streams supply water sufficient for irrigation and culinary purposes. Sites thus selected for settlement were provided with nearby pasture land that furnished year-round feed for farm livestock and with an expanse of desert range suitable for winter grazing. Mountains nearby provided a perpetual flow of life-giving water, timber for building,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD wood for fuel, and forage for the summer grazing of range stock. Each of these fac- tors of habitat thus furnished a vital rnd necessary link in the economic chain that supported our rural communities. The weakening of any link, as we shall see, neces- Barily jeopardized the whole human ecologi- cal structure. EVIDENCE OF VEGETATIONAL CHANGE Many sources of evidence point unmis- takably to the fact that tremendous areas cf the Bonneville Desert formerly occupied by Grass have piven way almost entircly to sage- brush. Only casual observations are neces- sary to sce that mucl of the foothill sage- brush arens are in turn being invaded by junipers. Quantitative studies of these suc- cessional phases have been made at the mountain meadows situated about 650 miles west of Cedar City, Utah, on the divide of the Colorado-Great Busin drainage. This particular area was selected for intensive study because fairly accurate descriptions of it at the time of scttlement were available. As carly as 1844, Capt. John C. Fremont ex- perienced the delights of this mountain re- treat, and of it said, ‘‘We found here an ex- tensive mountain meadow, rich in bunch grass and fresh with numerous springs of clerr water, all refreshing and deliphtful to look upon. * * * The mendow was about a mile wide, and some 10 miles long, bordered by grassy hilis and mountains.” Critical resenrch methods applied to this area have shown that the hillside grasslands as well as the meadow bottoms hive in one generation of man sccn a complete succossion from grassy to shrubby types, and that the latter In turn are now rapidly being invaded by juniper. Population studies show that junipers, once confined to the higher emi- nences, have in four-score years increascd thelr domain more than six times. The most disturbing fact of the Juniper succession is that grass can never again assume dominance on these slopes unless man removes the junipers. Precipitation is not sufficient here to support both junipers and grass and competition certainly would favor the juni- pers. Unfortunately, the situation at the mountain meadows dces not represent an isolated case of Juniper invasion of former grassland types; on the contrary, this phe- nomenon is generally widespread over the foothills throuchout the entire basin. Unquestionably, most of the desert vegeta- tion of Utah has also undergone significant transformation during the past century with respect to quantity and quality of forage. Some types have experienced complete change of aspect. In a critical study of two destrt valleys—Pine Valley and Wah Wah Valley, both situated west ot Beaver, Utah, and both representative valleys of the Great Basin—data which I helped to secure indi- cate the probable quantitative changes that have occurred. These are summarized in the following table, and although these data involve only a few thousand acres, still they are important in indicating probable quan- titative changes over much of the Great Basin. Percent | Percent Major types ol area, | olurea, 1937 1847 Juniper-pinyon.....2..--------- eee es 10 Farebrush_.-. 11 1 Rabbit brush__..- 13 1 White sage (Eurotis iY 2h Bhadsenle.. 2... 21 10 Creasewood & 5 iruss. 2.22. 0 o 646 Miscellaneous 1 1 Playa (barren)... 2 2 Considering briefly the status of mountain vegetation of Utah, it may be said that in all of the vezetation types excepting the alpine tundra where herds rarely graze, there has been significant change, both in’ quantity and quality of forage, depending of course on the degree and type of grazing use. In Wasatch County, an opportunity was afforded in 1987 to compare the forage of certain comparable plant types where the only variable seemed to be the grazing fac- tor. A little more than half of Wasatch County was brought under regulation of the Forest Service in 1910. The 1937 survey showed that, in approxi- mately 15,000 acres of onk-snowberry vege- tation the total plant cover outside the for- est was 82 percent of a similar type inside the forest, but the forage value was only 50 percent as great. Only 48 percent as much Grass, 89 percent as much palatable herbs, and 58 percent as much palatable shrubs grew in the oak-snowberry type outside the forest as grew on the forest lands with better regulated grazing. This can only mean that under severe grazing, less palatable herbs and shrubs tend to replace the more palate able forage. In a similar comparison between the aspen- snowberry type inside and outside the fore est boundary on approximately 30,000 acres, the plant cover was found to be approxi- mately the same on privately operated hold- ings as on forest lands, while the forage value was only 57 percent as much. . CAUSES OF VEGETATIONAL CHANGES IN UTAH The widespread and significant changes that have occurred in Utah vegetation must be the result of one or both of the following causes: (1) major climatic changes within the century and (2) biotic causes incident to man’s occupancy. . Many pcople, especially stockmen, believe that climate has changed since the set(tle- ment of Utah and that this factor is the primary cause of forage depletion. Certainly the theory lends itself to scientific investigu- tion. The field of dendrochronology oficrs unlimited opportunity to answer this ques- tion. Considerable work in tree-ring in- vestigation has already been done in Utuh, but there is no evidence from this source that climate in Utuh has changed appre- ciably, at least during the past three cen- tunes. Studies in levels of the Great Salt Lake show that the recent drought was no more severe than previous droughts, and actuul precipitation records dating back to 1870 do not support the thesis of a major climatic change. The records show that a droucht as long and almost as severe as the 1928-1936 drought plagued this area from 1897 to 1904. This time it does not, how- ever, stand out in the memory of ranchers of that day as a period of forage impoverish- ment. Supplemental feeding of livestock was unknown at tha. time, yet fat cattle were obtained at any season of the year. Fat sheep were marketed on the desert range in midwinter during the decnde of 1895-1904, Such an achievement would have been ut- terly impossible during the recent drought pericd. The evidence seems conclusive that in the early davs the damaging effects of acute chortare of moisture in drourcht years was unexpressed merely because the period of overure was insufficiently long to have im- paired visibly the recuperative powcr of the descrt. forage. Droutht is not a new phenom- enon of the descrt. But disastrous range im- poverishment is new. WATER AND VEGETATION The mountains of Utah which a hundred years ago definitely predctermined the loca- tion of our cities and towns are no less a factor today in the perpetuity of these cities. The controlling factor was, is, and forever must be water. Tt is the liquid gold of the desert, Without it what could the Midas wealth of our mines avail us or the rich arable lands of our valleys profit us? The two decades of the 1880’s and 1890's saw a tremendous upsurge in sheep popula- | tion in Utah. The mountain ranges of the Wasatch, the Uintas, and the high platcaus of the Sevier River drainage were mined of their forage cover. From the populated valleys far in the distance the numerous A117 herds of sheep could be detected by clouds of dust created by many hoofs. It is little wonder that the early 1900’s saw the begin- ning pay-off for this extravagant exploita- tion of the vegetational resources. Floods descended on the helpless towns of Sanpete County with the fury of a ravaged and defiled nature. Some of the hapless com- munities were on the verge of abandonment when, in 1903, the Manti National Forest was created and the National Government began to take steps to protect these people from themselves. Grazing was prohibited from the entire Manti Creek watershed for the years 1905 to 1909, and plans of grazing Management have been in operation ever since. But Nature’s wounds heal slowly. The disastrcus flood of 1946 that inflicted $106,- 000 of damage to the town of Mount Pleasant js a sorrowful reminder of those days of unbridled exploitation. Truly the fathers’ sins against the land are visited upon their children for generations to come, especially when the children continue in the same transgressions. The Mount Pleasant flood of July 24, 1946, was the most violent of 12 summer floods that have descended upon this community of 2,500 people since the cccurrence of the first flood in 1693. It seems most significant to me that this community wus unsenthed by floods during the first half century of occupenucy, whercas during the last half cen- tury it has been damaged 12 times. The causes of the change in the run-off charec- teristics of this formerly nonflooding drain- age basin are etched on the denuded and gullied headwater slcpes. Unfortunately figures on dollar values, dis- turbing us they are, present only minor as- pects of the water problem. Our soil-laden streams, or gulhed hillsides, our flood-rav- ished towns are only outward manifesta- tions of deeper and more basic troubles. The real problem of water conservation in Uteh lies in the widespread and accelerated erosion of watershed soils. No more urgent problem than this confronts our inland em- Pire toduy. Nothing is more likely to de- termine the economic health of our Stute 100 yeurs hence than the measures we adopt to restore our depleted mountain soils, and especially the speed with which we apply these corrective measures. The first step in the solution of our soil problems is a public enlightenment of the facts of soil erosion and what these facts mean to every citizen of the State, urban as well as rural. A spe- cial survey in the Sevier Lake watershed of south-central Utah revealed that scrious soil losses have occurred on all but about one- fourth of the 4,800,000 acies of mountain- ous lands in that drainage basin since sct- tlement. The enormity of this loss can be Tealized only if we understand the infinite slowness of the rate of sojl formation and the dcpendence of our multiple use of the land on these precious few inches of the soil mantle. Floods from impaired watersheds, regard- less of Where they occur, mean irreparable damage through loss of soil to the areas that generate them, but the disaster is twofold when they strike large populated centers. In 1923 several lives were lost in floods that issued from the cunyons along the Wasatch front in Davis County between the towns of Bountiful and Farmington, Again in 1930 floods in the same area brought immense damage to furms, homes, and highways, and boulders weighing up to 200 tons were car- ricd into the valley from the Davis County watershed. The origin of the floods, as shown by excessive gully erosion, is traced primarily to relatively smiull areas, in the heads of canyons, which in recent times have been depleted of vegetation and denudc* of plant litter, chicfly by overgrazing, but to some extent by fire. It 1s possible now to construct a fairly accurate ledger of profit and loss in the Davis County watershed grazing venture. In doing 60, of course, real but intangible items of
Al1176 permanent watershed deterioration due to soil loss as well as the destruction of human life must be excluded. From a purely mone- tary standpoint, the ledger shows in the credit column the single item of grazing in- come liberally estimated at 10 cents per acre per year. For the 18,500 acres of watershed land there was thus a yearly credit of $1,850 and a total cash income of $148,000 accruing over the 80-year period (1850-1980) of use. On the debit side of the ledger is a total of $1,300,000. One million dollars of this is chargeable to property damage and 300,000 represents the sum expended on flood con- trol. The flood-control costs of the Davis County watershed project, though admittedly high, are unquestionably worth the price for two reasons: first, the contouring and reseeding of flood source areas seem successfully to have stopped floods. Since the completion of these flood-control measures two high intensity storms greater than any ever re- corded in Utah's history have deluged these greas with no deleterious results. Second, the object lessons that the Davis area holds both in regard to the importance of vereta- tion in watershed pfotection and to methods Jn flood control on areas where plant abuscs huve already occurred are potentially inval- uable to an enlightened citizenry. But whether or not the people of Salt Lake City are prepared to accept these objective values and are determined to profit by them only time will tell. As a notable feature of the centennial cele- bration we are about to unveil a monument at the mouth of Emigration Canyon com- memorating Brigham: Young's historic pro- nouncement “this is the place.” From Little Mountain, an inspiring view in pioneer days, there is spread in every direction the most flagrant example of plant resource desecra- tion to be found near populated centers in Utah with the exception of the North Oquitrh Mountains, Along the summit of this historic pass the earth is bare except for an occasional copse of serviceberry hedged as high as a sheep can reach, and for clumps o. maple whose exposed roots give silent proof that the soil where once our pioneers trod has long since vanished with the forces of erosion, Going south from the pass of Little Moun- tain, the sheep trail, now fenced and barren of vegetation, parallels a hure gully approxi- mately a half mile long, 20 feet wide, and 20 feet deep. The soil from this ugly scar, amounting to about 15,000 cubic yards, now Tests on the bottom of Mountain Dell Reser- voir, one of the principal sources of Salt Lake City’s culinary wate.. In addition an un- calculated amount of surface soil from a much larger abused area has found lodg- ment there, together with unnumbered tons of droppings from the herds of sheep that have caused this erosion. The area adjacent to the Little Mountain sheep trail on Parlcy's Canyon is now used by the State fish and game department for winter feeding of deer. It is estimated that between 300 and 500 nnimals are fed hay daily. By springtime the canyon slopes that drain directly into Mountain Dell Reservoir Jess than a mile away take on the appear- ance of a huge corral. The carcasses of deer that have died during the winter feeding period ave frequently allowed to remain there and to disapper through the natural proc- esses of decay and putrefaction. MULTIPLE USE OF LAND The national forests in Utah were estab- lished a half century ago at a time when the grazing industry first experienced great dis- tress as a result of forage impoverishment. While limited areas on important watersheds were temporarily withdrawn from grazing use because of flood hazards, the majority of these public lands continued to support live- stock, but of course, under definite regula- tion in regard to animal numbers and sea- sonal use. To have managed these lands otherwise would have been fraught with eco- nomic disaster to Utah in general and to rural communities in particular. What is more important, our democratic process of government, opposed as it is to rule by fiat, left no other course open. Stockmen had to be educated in the scientific principles of Tange management, and a_ tremendous amount of research data on plants and soil were required in order to chart a proper course of land rehabilitation. Fifty years have passed and the over-all gains in watershed conservation are not sub- stantial. Soi] losses still continue, the little revegetation of denuded areas leaves much to be desired and the need for further live- stock reduction on most ranges is still with us. And worst, the original idea of water conservation as a basis for forest manege- ment seems to have been lost in the popular demand for big game and livestock produc- tion. America grew up and Utah was settled un- der the popular conviction that the highest form of land ownership is the possession and holding in fee simple by the individual. The preemption law passed by Congress before the advent of the Utah pioncers, and espe- cially the homestead acts and private land grants that followed 1862 were expressions of hasty and often ill-considered attempts by the Government to bring all public lands under private ownership. But mere acts of Congress can hardly alter the fundamental Jand values or land uses imposed by nature, and today 72 percent of Utah’s total land area still remains under Federal ownership and control, In the final settlement of the issue of land ownership, the public and not the private interests should be the deciding factor. We must always remember that these lands, whoever owns them, must serve the multiple ‘uses of water, of grazing and of public recre- ation where game animals play no mean Tole. We must decide whether Federal, State, or private ownership would serve best the public interest. Utah will attain a stabilized prosperity only when and if the public consciously adopts, maintains, and enforces a program of re- source use based upon the democratic ideal of “the greatest good to the greatest num- ber—and for the longest time.” In a de- mocracy such as ours there is but one sure avenue to such a goal and that lies in con- servation education. The responsibility for this needed public enlightenment devolves upon every Federal and State agency charged with the various phases of resource manage- ment, upon the public press and especially upon the schools whose business ft is to foster ® rational, democratic, social philosophy. Like democracy itself, conservation involves & new point of view—a new gospel whose basic objective should permeate every course in every grade from the kindergarten through college. For a student to leave the high schools and especially the universities un- familiar with the importance of national re- sources in Utah history, uninformed of the dependence of our economic, social, and reli- gious institutions on resource use, and unsensitized to the evidence of resource waste is a commentary on some very basic fatlures of the educational program. Most rural communities of this State could no more survive the loss of the grazing indus- try than they could have been founded with- out this resource, The dilemma, therefore, that now confronts us is a program of man- agement that can maintain and increase the income from grazing and at the same time protect and improve the more important re- source of water that also depends on the soil. Fortunately there is sound reason to believe that such a program is feasible. Studies conducted by the Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Station over a Period of 10 years and on areas involving more than 800,000 acres of nonforest land have APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD shown that in “Forage produced, whether measured in amount of forage grown or in sheep (and cattle) months of grazing ob- tained, has been in most cases from 5 to 15 times us great as on the same range before reseeding.” To a public accustomed to the self-giorifi- cation expressed by the repeated boast that “we have made the desert blossom as the rose,” the title of this paper, “Is Utah Sahara Bound,” may have seemed a shocking anach- ronism. The facts must speak for theme- selves. The major purposes of this discussion were to arouse a public consciousness to the fact that serious range and watershed problems do exist, that they are definitely our con- cern, and that we can do something about them. Although much research is needed, as the governor pointed out in his recent message, the Federal and State agencies charged with the conservation of our natural resources already possess sufficient scientific data to charter a course of action capable of sparing our cities from disastrous floods and stopping “deserts on the march.” But in a democracy such as ours theee desper- ately needed remedial measures must await the popular will. Our Government agencies know how to revegctate ranges, but reseed- ing operations require special money ap- propriations. Our range experts know what livestock and big game population adjust- ments are necessary in order to assure the rehabilitation of the plant cover, but they are powerless !n the face of special interest opposition. Our fame department realizes that too many decr graze the Salt Lake City watersheds, but minority sportsmen organ- izations forbid thetr removal. There its not the slightest doubt that unwise grazing use is responsible for soil depleted ranges, yet at this very hour there are bills pending in Congress that seek to divert public lands to private management. This should be a festive year. It should also be a year of sertous reflection and medi- tation. Every citizen of this State who loves to call Utah “home” end who regards it as @ permanent abode for his chi/dren and thetr posterity should become informed of the nature of the resources that support us and of what a century of white-man exploita- tion has done to them. Are we planning for the day when our obviously expendable re- sources, such as the Brigham Copper Mine, will have spent themselves? Are the poten- tially renewable resources of agriculture be- ing managed on a sustained yield basis, or are they too being “mined” of their per- petual productivity? Can this civilization of ours, situated as it is in a semi-arid Jand, look with complacence to a permanently Productive future when history speaks so repeatedly and so eloquently of the failures of Old World civilizations nurtured in a similar desert environment? Must history repeat itself? Are we destined to follow the short road to glory and the long, painful road to poverty and decay that Mesopotamia, the Holy Land, Alexandria, and Greece fol- lowed? These are questions desperately im- portant to all of us, and to people best ine formed they are questions terrifying in thetr implications, The Marine Operating Problems, Panama Canal, and the Solution EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SCHUYLER OTIS BLAND OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 21, 1947 Mr. BLAND. Mr. Speaker, under the leave to extend my remarks in the Rro-