A940 is now receiving the support and approval of the Veterans’ Administration. Mrs. Gannett, president of the Na- tional Federation of Music Clubs, has made a valuable contribution in time and energy, and in view of the public aspect of the work which has been car- ried forward by this woman, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an edi- torial published by the Kennebec Jour- nal, Augusta, Maine, which recognizes this woman and the achievements of the National Federation of Music Clubs: A MEMORABLE RECORD During the past 6 years the people of Maine have been kept in unusually close touch with that splendid organization, the National Federation of Music Clubs. Be- cause a Maine woman, a native of Augusta, has been its guiding genius during that pe- riod, this seems an appropriate moment to pay tribute to the federation’s remarkable war and postwar record and to our fellow townswoman, Mrs. Guy Patterson Gannett, whose vision, courage, and patriotism have inspired the organization to which she be- longed to such noteworthy service to her country and to the cause of music. The story of the wartime accomplishments of the National Federation of Music Clubs can never be adequately told. Cold statistics, such as the contribution of more than two and a half million articles of musical equip- ment to American fighting forces in this country and abroad, and the inauguration of a music-in-hospitals program in Army, Navy, and veterans hospitals in more than 40 States, convey only the scantlest impres- sion of what really happened. One must have been with the men who fought in Eu- Tope, in Africa, and on far Pacific islands to know the solace that was brought by those Saxophones and ukuleles, those volumes of records packed with loving care by Federa- tion War Service chairmen. Or one must have visited a veterans’ hospital and sat by the bedside of an amputee while a federation teacher reawakened his interest in life by teaching him to tinkle out tuneful melodies on a guitar to know how great is the impact of this friendly service. For the lifetimes of all these men the federation will reap a boundless reward of gratitude for a task well done. But it is not only in the fleld of war service that the Federation of Music Clubs has made a@ noteworthy contribution in the years just passed. It was one of the earliest organiza- tions to wake to a consciousness of what the construction of a globe to one-world pro- portions would mean to the individual and the Nation. Its acts of neighborliness to other members of the world family have been many. Its reequipment of the Athens Sym- phony Orchestra with replacement parts was its first large-scale gesture in this direction. Since then it has aided the Netherlands State Bymphony, the State Symphony of Bulgaria, and the Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra. It has contributed to Western Hemisphere cul- tural solidarity by opening up its young artists’ contests to contestants below the Rio Grande and above our northern border. Yet in an expanding program it has not neglected its original and primary respon- sibility—that of encouraging and promoting Native talent, both creative and performing. Hundreds of queries about American music answered monthly from the federation's in- formation services in New York, encourage- ment to talented students through scholar- ships at Interlochen and the Berkshires, contests for young composers, increased per- formance of American works by major or- chestras, and the launching of the monu- mental symphony by the Virginia composer, John Powell, at the coming biennial conven- tion in Detroit, are milestones pointing the way to a more brilliant musical future for the United States. We, of Maine, were less familiar with the program of this remarkable organization be- fore a Maine woman became its president, but we know that it had a long and honor- able tradition. We believe that we may say with all modesty that impetus to even more outstanding achievement in the years to come has been contributed by a fellow citi- zen whom we delight to honor, The Growing Responsibility of the United States. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCES P. BOLTON OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday; March 10, 1947 Mrs. BOLTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RecorpD, I include the following broad- cast on our foreign policy on Saturday, March 1, 1947: ANNOUNCER. Two world wars have put the United States in the position of being the most powerful nation in the world. Those same wars have weakened the position of world leadership held by Great Britain. What responsibilities does this put on us, the people of the United States? To dis- cuss this question we have with us on this broadcast Senator Leverett SALTONSTALL, Re- publican, of Massachusetts, and Representa- tive Frances P. Botton, Republican, of Ohio. Chairman of the discussion is Mr. Sterling Fisher, director of the NBC University of the Air: Mr, Fisher. Mr. FisHer. Now my first question deals with the fact that it appears Great Britain is being forced to relinquish the position of world leadership that has been hers since the seventeenth century. You would agree that that appears to be the case, wouldn’t you, Mrs. BOLTON? Representative BoLTon. Yes, I would agree to that. It secms very evident that England recognizes her inability to continue that leadership. Somewhat ironical, isn't it, that many of those who have shouted the loudest against her imperialism are now accusing her of abandoning her responsibilities. Senator SALTONSTALL. I might say, before I try to answer it, Mr. Fisher, always remem- ber that Great Britain has retreated before but has always won the last battle. Mr. Fisuer. Yes, Senator; and there is a great deal in history that points that up. The question I want to get at though is this: The only other countries capable of taking over appear to be Soviet Russia and our- selves. Now, are we justified in taking over responsibilities that previously Great Brit- ain has shouldered? Does that mean we shall become imperialistic? How should we exercise our leadership? Senator SALTONSTALL. That's an all-inclu- sive question. Representative Botton. England's with- drawals do throw the United States into the vortex of unwanted assumption of some pro- portion at least of these same responsibilities. Whichever ones we fail to assume will no doubt be taken over by the Soviet Union, Senator Sattonsraut. I would prefer to consider this question as one of world re- sponsibility rather than world leadership, Mr. Fisher We have that responsibility re- gardless of any other nation. We have the responsibility as the strongest Nation in the world to see to it, and to continue to see APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to it, that we take every and all steps pos- sible for the preservation of peace and the furtherance of understanding among nations. The British note to our Government con- cerning financial aid to Greece that was in this morning’s paper certainly is a case in point. Representative Botton. I have just said that the responsibilities we failed to assume would no doubt go to Russia. Russia is 21 times as large as the United States; the very weight of her potentialities makes her a formidable competitor in any field to which she turns her attention. But, and I say this in all kindness and with no little un- derstanding, what has she to commend her to the world as a guardian of the well-being of small nations, of peoples still unversed in modern ways of life? Has she made dem- onstration of desire to see these weaker folk build themselves to the point of self-suffi- ciency? Is there anything in her record sim- ilar to ours with the Philippines? Senator SaLTonstTaLu, I should like to point out that, in accepting our responsibility, we should not let imperialism in any form what- ever color our relationships with the coun- tries abroad. Representative Botton. It seems to me that our record in the Philippines clears the refutation of the churge against us of im- Perialism. In comparison the Soviet’s pres- ent methods appear to indicate her policy to be one of retention of controls rather than of reltnquishment. If we are to assume even a partial stewardship of certain areas Britain has heretofore held, we can do 50 successfully only if we are strong in our own belfefs, certain of our own way. The foreign policy of any country is the reflection and extension of its own essential qualities and fundamental beliefs. The foreign policy ‘ must be clearly defined and courageously carried forward. Mr. FisHer. All right, Mrs. BoLton, now, concretely what would you say ours should be? Representative Botton. It must be the ex- pression of our certainty that the individual is important. Our determination to find the formula that will give every man, woman, and child opportunity for growth and self- determination, no matter how far we may be from our goal, must form the basis of our attitude to other countries great and small. Senator SALTONSTALL, I believe, Mr. Fisher, we must assume a forthright policy that we will keep the peace of the world and use our influence to assist nations in improving their economic position in world affairs, through the establishment of a sound peace and fair play. In short, we want the safety and secu- rity of the United States to be maintained at all costs and be the primary basis of our foreign policy insofar as possible, Mr. FISHER. Now, I do not think we can continue to discuss this question without taking into account the fact that Great Brit- alin has been a powerful creditor nation. That role she has had, by force of circum- stances, to let go. It seems te me that this has been very strong implications for us in the United States. What would you say to that, Senator SALTONSTALL? - Senator SALTONSTALL. Great Britain was a powerful creditor nation through her impe- rial policy and through her investments throughout the Empire and elsewhere. The return on these investments, plus the need of her maintaining a large export trade, kept England in that position through all the years. We in the Un’ ed tates need no- where near as large a percentage of our total trade to be export tradc as England does. Mr. FIsHER, But at the moment, Senator SALTONSTALL, we are the creditor nation and the loans are coming from us. On what basis should we make these loans? Senator SarTONSTALL. Mr. Fisher, when we are asked to make a loan to a foreign coun-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD try, I believe we must carefully consider it, in each instance, on its own merit, after ask- ing ourselves the question: “Is it for our best interests in maintaining the security and safety of our citizens of the United States and our responsibilities for world peace?” Representative Bo.Ton. I'd like to inter- rupt a minute, Senator SALTONSTALL. “We do not need such a large percentage of ex- port trade as does England,” some say. I grant that with our vast unused acreage, our untapped resources, we appear to be in a pretty independent position compared to that of England. But is the moment not upon us when we must recognize the fact that unless we do go beyond our own borders for trade, and for investment, there is a very real danger that we shall find that the world has gone on without us? Senator SALTONSTALL. Yes, Mrs. Boron, I think it is. Representative BoLTon. I agree with you that whatever loans we make must be based upon the principles of ultimate security, but I emphasize the word “ultimate.” Because we must look beyond the immediate situa- tion if we are to play a constructive part in the building of tomorrow's world. Mr. Fish- er, I would if I may suggest a little differ- ent angle of our responsibility to this whole business of borning a new world? Mr. Fisuer. By all means, Representative Botton. I wish you would. Representative BoLToN. You see I feel so very strongly that giving birth is a woman's business and if the world of tomorrow is to be any improvement on the world of yesterday it is going to be necessary to have women in all the councils, adding their woman’s knowl- edge of the fundamentals of living and their concern for and vision of the future to the knowledge that men have. Mr. Fister. What you are saying, Mrs. BoLTon, is that you think women could play a larger role? Representative BOLTON. Indeed, the women of today have had all too litle to say about the kind of a world there must be for the children of the future. The moment is upon us as women when we can no longer permit ourselves to be pushed to one side. When we can no longer accept the limitations that have been put upon us. It has been said by those far wiser than I that there can be no world peace until men and women the world over build together. You men are the positive, aggressive element. We the more passive, filled with a power and a wis- dom still untapped, which when recognized and used side by side and in conjunction with your own, can and will build a world where health, sanity, and joy can live in a vividly constructive peace. Senator SALTONSTALL. I’m not sure, Mrs. BOLTON, what you have eaid isn't an indict- ment of men. Representative BOLTON. No, I don't mean it that way, Senator. Mr. Fisumr. It is at the least provocative, Mrs. Botton. I'd like to ask you to go on. Do you think women have done all they can? Representative BoLTon. I think it is rather unfortunate, Mr. Fisher, that women here in the*United States appear to be falling to recognize their individual and collective responsibility in both domestic and world problems. They need to bestir themselves and insist upon sharing the almost insuper- able difficulties with which freedom and con- struction are faced. The world is round and it whirls with terrific speed. What affects the North affects the South, whatever wind blows across the East will eventually blow across the West. It is unfortunate also that there is so little recognition of the vital con- tribution that must still be made by women, if men and women together are to rebuild a world. Mr, Fisum. Now, I would like to consider for a moment the question of our standard of living. If we are to maintain it and in- crease it, economists argue that we must expand our foreign trade. Clearly this means investments abroad. Now it seems to me that that may bring forward the cry against us of dollar diplomacy. Do you think we have to risk this charge, Senator SALToN- BTALL? Senator SALTONSTALL. I believe we may have to risk the charge, Mr. Fisher. I have hopes that gradual overseas investments by Ameri- can businessmen will not only bolster this country’s economy, but will substantially raise the standards of living in other less industrialized countries. Representative Bo.tron. Why should we fear the possible interpretations put upon & policy of increasing our foreign invest- ments and loans. I have always found that efforts to avoid misinterpretations lead into Greater difficulties than does a frank and open adoption of action based upon a defined principle. To say that we are aware that economics is one of the foundation stones of peace, and that we propose to assume our share of responsibility in establishing new economic methods, seems to me both im- portant and necessary. I should feel we were in a very bad way indeed if we dic not have the courage to take what you suggest might be a risk. Senator BALTONSTALL. Personally. Mr. Fisher, I want the United Nations to work. I want the leaders of our Government to make every effort patiently, slowly, firmly, courageously, to secure a peace that will be lasting, to see that this organization will help us prevent another world conflict. I don't care necessarily who the men are who lead us in these efforts, but I do want them to be men who understand our thoughts and who will stand firmly on policies that will give us in the United States peace, that will give us security. I want them to work out these policies with firmness where our own secur- ity and our own pence are concerned. There are going to be border-line cases. But we must always remember in determining these questions that we, the strongest Nation on the face of the earth, can never again shirk our responsibilities in the society of na- tions. We must do our share of keeping the peace in countries which are not capable of governing themselves. This may mean that our boys will be overseas for some time to come. Mr. Frisier. Now it is obvious that a great deal of industrialization is going on now in countries that not so long ago were depend- ent on outside sources. Our economic power, it seems to me, is bound to give us an important role in this industrialization. It seems to me, again, important to ask our- selves along what lines our participation should develop. In fact, in view of our his- tory as a democracy, what should we want to see develop? Representative Boxrton. I am afraid I must take issue with you for a moment, Mr. Fisher, on terminology. You use the word “democ- racy” as if it were an actual form of govern- ment. Surely, that is not the case. In any event our form of government is that of a representative republic, and we have pros- pered mightily because we have been just that. Granted that we believe in a demo- cratic way of life, one that will give the greatest possible opportunity to each indi- vidual citizen, but it is our representative government that is our safeguard, that protects the people. Mr. Fremer. Well Representative Botron, I think you do make an important point there about the meaning of democracy, but many people today do, I think, consider democracy as government. Representative Bo.ron. Yes, unfortunately. Mr, Fumes. Now, how about my question of where we should stand in assisting the industralization of other countries? A941 Senator SALTONSTALL. I think, Mr. Fisher, that this industrialization is a perfectly nat- ural and logical development. As these countries become more advanced, naturally the capita] seeks a profitable outlet. People have gotten too much in the habit of think- ing, when they talk about loans in relation to other nations, that these loans must necessarily be made by the Government. With peace and stable conditions through- out the world and greater self-determination among the peoples of the world, I think our businessmen are going to have greater op- portunities for trade. England had to seek investments abroad in order to distribute her goods. Meantime we were growing. My. FisHEr. Yes, Senator SALTONSTALL, and that means inevitably that Britain’s mantle, or some of it at least, falls upon our shoul- ders. How are we going to wear that mantle? Representative Botton. But Mr. Pisher, if we believe in opportunity for the develop- ment of the individual we certainly believe in it for the development of nations, and having developed ourselves and our indus- trial capacity second to none, it would seem both natural and sound that we should sup- ply at least a proportion of the industrial needs of other countries that they in turn might give greater opportunity for the de- velopment to their people. Senator SALTONSTALL. Many American com- panies have branches throughout the world today. This ts all to the good, and I believe the responsibility of our country is to do its shere toward a world at peace so that such investments may once again be profitable. The basic commodity of industry in the de- velopment of industry is machine tools. To- day we export 50 percent of our machine tool industry. I just give you this one ex- ample of how we benefit from industrializa- tion of other countries. Mr. Fisuer. Well, inevitably, Senator Sat- TONSTALL, our foreign policy is linked to our economic power. Great Britain felt she had to police her investments. If we loan, for industrialization, for instance, how are we to safeguard our money? Are we going to police it? Senator SALTONSTALL. I feel strongly, Mr. Fisher that such issues, if they require polic- ing, are clearly within the realm of the United Nations. Representative Botton. I would like to fee) that we are using our present creditor position with broad vision and great wisdom. I agree that Britain “policed” her economic investments in the world but with an amazing understanding she did so with what can well be called “token” armies. Is it not conceivable also that the United Nations will develop a system of policing that will be the answer? Senator SALTONSTALL. When the issue of policing abroad is raised we undoubtedly will be told by parents across the country that their boys already are committed to policing duty in half a dozen foreign countries. “We don’t want our sons risking their lives in any other trouble areas,” they will say. My answer to this whole problem is always the same. We must do our part to stimulate the United Nations into being and to share our responsibilities in making it an effective in- strument of peace and security. Solving every international conflict by peaceful means is the job of the United Nations, not of this country alone or any other nation alone. Mr. Fisure. Well, economic power and in- vestment abroad—this is a pretty big ques- tion and it takes a little time to get our teeth into it—if we loan overseas, we expect to be paid back. That means goods produced by other countries entering the United States. Doesn't it? Representative BoLron. Yes, of course, we must tmport if we are to make foreign loans,
A942 Senator SALTONsTALL. On the other hand, I think the people of our country would want to consider awfully carefully any foreign loans of the taxpayer’s money today. Yester- day ex-President Hoover discussed before a House Committee the problem of feeding starving people, and the basis on which it should be done. He believes foreign relief should have a “please repay” tag on it. Representative BoLTon. We know we are going to make foreign loans, and we need to be certain that too great trade barriers do not impede the free flow of goods necessary to the repayment of those loans. Is it so impossible to make adjustments? Do we not need to restudy our own ways on the new basis of world responsibility? In saying this I am not saying that I believe we should launch into a tremendous foreign loan policy for I should have to insist as you did earlicr, Senator SALTONSTALL, that all loans be based upon the strengthening of the United States. What I am trying to say is that we are living in @ new world, a new age, that will demand tremendous changes in economic methods and I want to see us alert enough to be in the vanguard where we can shape policies and methods rather than among the reluctant laggards. Mr. Fiser. Now, I have had to come back to the question of policing which we were discussing a moment ago. If we make loans we want stable conditions. Great Britain maintained police forces to insure such con- ditions. But she has announced that she is preparing to relinquish many of these duties. It seems to me that there are very great im- plications in this for the United States. Senator SaLTONSTALL. I would like to say, Mr. Fisher, as strongly as I am able that if any situations need policing let us turn them over in due course to the United Nations. That is why I, for one, have always backed the United Nations and I am confident that is how most people of this country think these problems should be handled. Representative Botton. I certainly agree with you, Senator. Should such action be re- quired, it should be done by the United Nations. Mr. FisHER. Now, what worries some peo- Ple about that point of view, if I may say so, is this: If a situation arose tomorrow requir- ing policing, where are the forces the United Nations would use for such a job? That, it seems to me, is the crux of the question I put just now. Now I'd like to turn to the Pacific. In that area the prestige of Great Britain has suffered much. There is no ques- tion that Asia is watching to see how our foreign policy will develop in that region. I would like to have your opinions as to the responsibilities facing us in the Pacific, first because of Great Britain’s decline and, sec- ond, because of the presence of Russia, the only other great power besides ourselves. Senator SaALTONSTALL. Mr. Fisher, I believe we have the responsibility in the Pacific of seeing to a successful solution every com- mitment we have made. I have in mind the situation in Japan where we must continue to democratize Japan, a job which General MacArthur has so ably started. To do that successfully we must make it possible for Japanese people to be economically self- sufficient. That is the great unsolved prob- lem. Representative Botton. You say, Senator, that we must continue toedemocratize Japan and that to be successful we must make it possible for the Japanese people to be eco- nomically self-sufficient. I have little if any difference with you over this second state- ment. But I do not believe we can demo-~ cratize Japan or Germany. All we can do is to expose them to demonstrations of what we mean by the democratic way of life over a long enough period to give them a feeling of comprehension of the benefite we believe accrue from it. But the ultimate choice must remain in their hands. And—and this is important—are we giving the kind of dem- onstrations that will build within the hearts of the people of these countries a burning desire to adopt our ways? Oh, yes, our re- sponsibility is great. Mr. FisHer. Well, obviously, Senator SAL- TONSTALL, you do not consider Japan our only responsibility in the Pacific? Senator SALTONSTALL. No; by no means. In the Philippines, until that country’s gov- ernment is politically able to take care of ita responsibilities and until the Philippine economy is sufficiently restored to enable its government to function without United States aid, we have a clear responsibility for seeing that peaceful conditions are main- tained and that its economy is given an occasional stimulant. This is to our inter- est because we have outposts and military bases on the islands. And these outposts must be kept up. Mr. Fisnxr. Let me ask you both a question that has been worrying many Americans lately. Would you say that it fits the real- ities of international politics today to say that the main burden of defense of the Eng- lish-speaking world now rests on the shoul- ders of the United States? If you do agree, there would appear to be grave implications for our foreign policy. Representative BoLTon. Mr. Fisher, I do agree and I do not see how we can get away from the reality that with England with- drawing we must of necessity carry more of the burden. Senator SALTONSTALL. I agree also. I think the main burden does rest on our shoulders. And that means that we must be strong at home, continue our production ability, our system of life, and make it clear to the rest of the world that we are capable of doing this. There is no alternative to the carrying out of this position. We must have con- fidence in our own ideology. I believe that Russia and other nations of the world con- sider our position in the world with relation to the strength of our industry and our armed forces. We do not want to maintain an unnecessarily large Army and Navy but we do want the Army and Navy to be ready, to be well trained, and to be equipped with the most modern, scientific weapons. Representative BOLTON. You have dis- cussed the visible defenses, Senator. But I am inclined to bring up at this point a matter which must be considered more seriously as part of our fundamental structure. In the first place we cannot defend anything unless we are strong and that strength must be both physical and spiritual. We have talked too much and done too little. But if we permit ourselves to be without visible defenses we shall not be able to protect the long road to peace from being overtaken by destructive forces. Guns, tanks, planes, and bombs, however, will be of little avail untess our people believe passionately in the value of the freedom that is theirs. Nor can a coun- try be strong unless its people glory in work well done. Here in these United States we believe that we are building a way of life in which every individual will have oppor- tunity to develop his greatest capacity and to live according to his lights up to the point where his desires interfere with another man’s similar lights and desires. At that point there must come conference and com- promise, cooperation and law. The same is true of our relations with other countries, Mr. Fasuer. Now, Senator SALTONSTALL, would you agree that the less we assume leadership in world affairs the more the other nations will turn to Russia? In other words, what are the penalties for just allowing events to run their course? Senator SALTONSTALL. We must demon- strate to the world that we realize at home that we are one of the two strongest nations on the face of the earth and that we are willing to asstime the responsibilities that go with that position. If we bury our head in the sand like an ostrich, obviously other nations will look to Mussia and any other APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD country where they think they can get as- sistance when they need it and backing for their own undertakings. Representative Botton. To my way of thinking, Mr. Fisher, we cannot just assume leadership. We can only demonstrate the essential values of our way of life by our accomplishments in giving as much joy of opportunity as possible to our own people, but I repeat that men and women must do this together. Like Senator SaLToNsTa.., I prefer the words “assuming responsibility” rather than leadership. If we fail to under- stand and so fail to meet the needs of the suffering countries, we cannot blame them if they turn elsewhere to some other country that has strength. Mr. Fismmr. Now we have touched on some basic questions of foreign policy, questions inherent in the weakened position of Great Britain and the world. What course will American foreign policy pursue? But it is certain that these questions, some of which we raised on this program, will bear careful thought in the months ahead. I would like to ask you, Senator SaLronarat., if, in view of the world situation today, you do not think that a bipartisan foreign policy is essential? Senator SALTONSTALL. Mr. Fisher, there should be no obstacle to a bipartisan foreign policy. There is much to be gained in the general statement that partisan politics stops at our shores. The great problem is to get people to agree to the economics that are involved in our present foreign policy. I would like to quote from an article by Walter Lippmann that I read in Tuesday’s paper of this week. I think it expresses better than I can what the people of the United States— our people, you and I—must think about and realize today. Mr. Franer. Go ahead, Senator, and give us the quotation. Senator SaLTonsTaLu. Here it is: “The re- sponsibility of the United States is growing, is growing more rapidly heavier and greater than any of us—than any o1 us—suppc-ed it would when the war ended. Nor is there any escape from that responsibility. It is im- possible to evade the consequences of history, and there is no way in which the United States can stand safely aside and mind its own internal business and enjoy its own blessings, while all about it the world sinks into disorder and squalor and the violence of a desperate struggle for mere existence.” That was what Walter Lippmann said on Tuesday of this week. Think and Act for America First EXTENSION OF REMARKS Fr HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE @F OFLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I quote the following from the Washington Times-Herald of March 10, 1947: (By John O'Donnell) Now on Capitol Hill comes the opening of the most important debate since the found- ing fathers of our Republic met in Phila- delphia and heard old Ben Franklin plead with them to sign the Declaration of Inde- pendence because: “It will keep America out of England's wars. * * * No longer will Englishmen -be able to drag us after them in all the plun- dering wars which their te circum- stances, injustices, and rapacity may prompt them to undertake.” -
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD And so today, thanks to the global mess into which the Nation was sucked by Wood- row Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt, we have reached the end of our purely American tether. London tells us that Britain is broke and weak and shutting up shop. As the British Empire they are going out of business. And will we please take over the Empire's bankrupt outfit and assume all cash and military obligations on which the sun never sets? This idea that our Republic must take over Britain's “white man's burden of empire” is to start with Greece and continue God knows how far. Palestine and Turkey and the rest of the Middle East are surely on the schedule for American suckers and then India and then what have you—or rather what have the British got that they can't } old hecause they haven't got the strength, or the money or the desire? Britain has gone isolationist, of course, and pulled back into the Tight Little Isle. Russia is strictly isolationist. And the most recent military alliance on a strictly two-way basis, signed by France and Britain at Dunkirk, gives a rough idea of how much confidence is lodged in UN by the hard-boiled politicians of Paris and London, You can expect to see all the one-worlders, all the global do-gooders, and all the fight- for-freedom warmongers—in short all the betrayers of the principles on which this Nation was founded—whooping it up to take over Britain’s financial obligations in Greece. This, of course, means bank-rolling an army to support by force the kind of a gov- ernment that London wants. And it means that we are trying once again to buy en- dearing and enduring friendship from for- eigners by giving them cash and food. But today there is this difference: Up on Capitol Hill the boys are squaring away for the 1948 battle for the White House. And come November of next year they wonder how will the voters feel about first sending United States cash—and troops and the flag have been following our cash abroad tin 1e- cent decades—to take over Britain's “white man's burden.” Important to note is that Ohio's Senator Tart, one of the present leaders for the Re- publican Presidential nomination, was in- vited to the White House conference along with Michigan’s GOP VANDENBERG, another White House aspirant who has been going along with the boys who think they can make & nourishing political meal out of the some- what stale and rancid leavings of the Roose- velt-Hopkins-Frankfurter foreign-policy ban- uet. a Time was in 19389 when VANDENBERG, like Governor Dewey of New York, was a pro- claimed isolationist. But this was back in the 1940 battle for the nomination, and at the Philadelphia GOP convention they Jost their nerve when it came to fighting F. D. R.'s third-term bid on an isolationist issue, which would give the voters an honest chance to register their will for war or peace. In '48 the GOP convention will demand a chance to say: “To hell with this New Deal- Republican bundling on the most important issue, which is foreign policy. Let’s have an honest difference of opinion. One guy says he’s for this North American Continent and to hell with European headaches. And an- other guy who says we've got to save the world first before we save America first. And then vote.” Up on Capitol Hill, when this bailing out Britain comes up for argument, somebody is going to raise the blunt issue: “What business is it of the American citi- gen what kind of a government the people of Greece have? If they have a Plato's re- public, or Stalin's communism, or the mon- archy that Britain has installed, thanks to United States lend-lease military equipment and UNRRA food bribes, what of it?” And then you get the whisper that of course you (that’s the people of the United States) have got to stop Stalin now. The same old argument you got about Hitler and Mussolini, And the answer to that is that today all of Europe and the United States is worse off than it could possibly have been if Roosevelt had not needled Britain into declaring war on Germany, September 8, 1939, and drag- ging a bewildered, unwilling, and unprepared France along with her—all over an almost forgotten strip of land called the Polish Cor- ridor—and later giving Poland and Finland (thanks to F. D. R.) the most disgraceful and shameful double-cross in diplomatic history. Communism is different. It’s a religion and is exportable and has been exported. So we got ourselves into that mess, swapping one pair of dictators for another, a more power- ful Communist regime which suppressed the Christian religion, killed more Jews, wiped out free speech and press, and destroyed the dignity of the individual on a scale never ap- proached by the late and unlamented Fuehrer or Il Duce. All of which indicates that it might be time for us to take a page from the present British and Moscow program and for once come out of the one-world ether and tell the boys on Capitol Hill they are elected by Americans, draw their dough from the United States Treasury, and might be expected to think and act for America first, Palestine EXTENSION OF REMARKS o HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include a resolution adopted by the City Council of the City of Providence recommending immediate admission of 100,000 Jews into Palestine: Resolved, That— Whereas the United States has already gone on record, by congressional resolution and Executive statement, as favoring the establishment in Palestine of an independent democratic Jewish commonwealth as set forth in the Balfour Declaration; and Whereas such a program has been heartily endorsed by both our great political parties in their last national-convention platforms; and Whereas the recent Anglo-American Com- mission recommended the immediate admis- sion of 100,000 European Jews into Palestine, which recommendation is favored and ap- proved by President Truman; and Whereas there are hundreds of thousands of displaced persons in Europe rapidly losing all hope for the future, of which about one- third are Jewish refugees seeking an oppor- tunity to enter Palestine to start life there anew: Now, therefore, be it : Resolved, That this council, in recognition of the suffering endured by such refugees and the need for some prompt action, does hereby memorialize, implore, and entreat the Congress, its Members, and the President to take immediate steps to implement the re- port of said Commission; to act at once, by resolution, diplomatic channels, or other- wise, in the name of justice and humanity to the end that the solemn declaration of the mandatory power be fulfilled, thus per- mitting the mass entrance of refugee Jews A943 into Palestine and restoring pease in the Holy Land; and be it further Resolved, That this resolution be spread upon the records, and that copies thereof be sent to the President of the United States and to the Rhode Island Members of the United States Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, D. Everett WHELAN, City Clerk, Memorial of the Senate of the State of Oklahoma EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GLEN D. JOHNSON OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. JOHNSON of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I include a memorial of the Sen- ate of the State of Oklahoma: Senate Resolution 6 Resolution requesting the Congres:. of the United States to enact legislation regu- lating trading in farm products on com- modity exchanges and boards of trade, and to establish a uniform system of grading of farm products Whereas there was wide and unusual fluc- tuations in the price of cotton and other farm products on the commodity exchanges and boards of trade during the period be- tween July 1, 1946, and January 1, 1947; and Whereas there is no apparent reason for the break in the cotton market and the wide variation in the price of other commodities during this period except speculation and possible manipulation of prices which is made possible because of lack of regulation of trading in such commodities on such ex- changes and boards of trade; and Whereas speculation and manipulation is encouraged by the fact that sales of such commodities may be, and are frequently made without delivery of the commodity sold by persons who do not have or own the commodity which they purport to sell; and Whereas this speculative trading in such commodities has resulted in scrious losses to the producers of such commodities who must sell same at or near the time when produced and has further resulted in in- creased cost to consumers: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate of the Twenty-first Legislature of the State of Oklahoma: SecTrion 1. The Congress of the United States is requested to enact legislation plac- ing the control of commodity exchanges and boards of trade directly under the super- vision of the State Department of Agricul- ture and to enact laws to regulate the sale of farm products on such exchanges and boards of trade, to protect producers and processors of cotton, grains and other com- modities. Src. 2, The Congress of the United States is further requested to cause a complete in- vestigation to be made of the cotton ex- changes and boards of trade throughout the United States by the Department of Agri- culture and the Department of Justice work- ing in conjunction with each other for the purpose of making findings of fact, and recommendation as to legislation needed, to correct and eliminate the evils of speculative trade in farm commodities. Suc. 8. The Congress of the United States is further requested to immediately enact
A944 legislation which will prohibit the sale of cotton and grain on exchanges and boards of trade by any person who does not have actual possession of a warehouse receipt or certificate covering evidence of ownership of the amount of cotton or amount of grain sold by such person; and requiring that every such sale shall be accompanied by the trans- fer of a warehouse receipt or certificate evi- dencing title to the commodity sold or trans- ferred, and that the number of bales of cot- ton or bushels of grain that may be sold by any one person, firm, or corporation during any one day, be limited. It is further recom- mended that the Congress limit the amount by which the price of cotton or grain may be reduced on any exchange or board of trade 4. any one day to 82 per bale on cotton and one-half percent per bushel on wheat. Src. 4. It is further suggested that the Congress of the United States should enact legislation establishing a uniform system for the grading of cotton and grains by licensed graders, throughout the United States and providing that when any such products are graded, the grade thereby established, sub- ject to appeal therefrom by the producer, shall constitute the final grade of such prod- uct which shall be used as the basis for the determination of value in all subsequent sales of such commodities, and that the grade thereof be endorsed on the warehouse receipt at the time that such products are ware- housed. Src. 5. The President pro tempore of the Benate is directed to send two certified copies of this resolution to the Agricultural Com- mittees of both Houses of Congress. the Secretary of Agriculture, and to each Mem- ber of the Oklahoma congressional delega- tion. Adopted by the senate February 20, 1947. J. C. NANCE, President of the Senate. The Poor Congressman, as Seen by Walter Lecke EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. Speaker, a little humor is relished by everyone. Walter Locke, a capable columnist of the At- lanta Journal, indulges his in writing of the plight of the poor Congressman and the career men caught by the rising tide of living costs. He describes their dilemma with wit and realism. Our Government officials wish and want to serve their country but they likewise have a private obligation to provide for their families. It is true man does not live by bread alone but at least he must have half a loaf. There is such a thing as expecting too much of those who guide the destinies of the Nation. Mr. Locke salutes the career of Wen- dell Berge who is resigning from the Department of Justice after 17 years of service. He writes: See the poor Congressman. He is in Wash- ington by vote of the people. Only by get- ting the people's votes can he stay in Wash- ington, which is a pleasant place to live. Now what will please the people, get their votes? . That is for the poor Congressman, ear to the ground, to discover and decide. The people do not like to pay taxes. To get their votes, he had to promise to cut their taxes—20 percent at least. To cut the taxes, the Congressman must cut the budget, the cost of Government. The people want to be safe against at- tack. They want a strong Army and Navy. There can't be any cutting there. The people insist that the post office bring their mail to their doors, and right away. The farmers must have a strong Department of Agriculture, the businessman a strong De- partment of Commerce, the labor men 8 strong Department of Labor. The Congress- man can’t cut there. Then there are the veterans, they and their wives and mothers and fathers and brothers and sisters with pretty much all the votes there are; there can be no cutting there. The poor Congressman. He can't cut taxes without cutting expenses, and if he cuts ex- penses he makes everyone sore at him. DOING VERSUS SAYING The poor Congressman remembers how he defeated his opponent at the last election, the man who was in Congress then. That poor Congressman had been called upon to hold down prices for consumers and put prices up for those with things to sell. He must have higher prices for cattle for the cattlemen and lower prices for the beef for the workingman,. It couldn't be done; his opponent asked the people: Had enough? And out he went. Now here is the poor Congressman with nothing to do but reduce taxes and increase the public and private services. Besides, he has promised to pay the national debt. 8o easily are great things said! So hardly are the great things done! See the poor Congressman itn Washington trying to make it seem that he is cutting the taxes and yet maintaining the public services and paying the debt, and already, looking over his shoulder, he sees his next year's opponent mocking him and saying to the voters: Had enough? See the happy Congressman in Washing- ton—if you can find one; there are always some. He is happy because he hasn't promised to cut the taxes and increase the expenses and pay the debt at once. He is trying to do the sensible and possible, let the chips fall where they may. If for that the people throw him out, there’s other places than Washington for him to live. (The people do not always throw out the Congressman who shoots straight, despising the bunkum. The people are smarter sometimes, but not always, than their Congressmen take them for.) The Children of Israel marched seven times around the City of Jericho. Then they shouted and the walls fell down and the town was theirs. Then here is 44-year-old Wendell Berge, ending 17 years in the Department of Justice in Washington. No man has butted his head against stonier walls than he. WENDELL BERGE’S BATTLE Berge carried off the honcrs wherever he went to school, including the Law School of the University of Michigan. His abilities brought him into one of the great law firms of New York. In 1930 the public service called. He went into the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice. That was in President Hoover's time. He stayed on and on, rising at length to the head of his department, chief prosecutor of the trusts. A lawyer of such capacity in private prac- tice is limited, as to his income, only by such conscience as he may chance to have. The conscience of Wendell Berge kept him in his public post. His highest salary was $10,000 a year—not much in high-rent Washington. Por that, year after year, he butted his head against a wall he insisted must come down— the wall the monopoly men have built, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The prosecutor of trusts has a hard and thankless job. We are against the trusts. Our national conventions make hostile faces at the trusts. We enact tough laws against the trusts. Then we do nothing much to hurt the trusts. The men who rig up the monopolies are such nice folks. They shine in polite society. They endow colleges and churches and sub- scribe to the Community Chest. They con- tribute to the party campaign funds and support the Boy Scouts. All the private vir- tues they exemplify. In a land where women send flowers to condemned wife murderers in jail our juries cannot bring themselves to send nice con- spirators in restraint of trade to jail. When these happen to be labor leaders they are even protected by the law. PERIL OF MONOPOLY The best our trust law enforcement officers can do ts attack the monopolists in civil sults or, better still, get them to plead nolo contendere and promise not to offend again. Congress makes its laws against the trusts, then, in its big heartedness, forgets to ap- propriate the money needed to enforce the law. A public prosecutor who really attacks monoplies gets howled at as a radical, an enemy of business and probably a Com- munist. There was neither glory nor gold in fight- ing monopolies. Yet for 17 years Wendell Berge stuck to his post, beat his head against the wall; for he knew that liberty is allergic to menopoly; that if America does not sup- press ita trusts, our freedom vanishes and a totalitarian order, Communist or Fascist, takes its place. The wall hasn't yet come tumblin’ down. There isn't much sign it will. The years creep up on Wendell Berge. It is time he began to make a living. He has resigned. There must be other brilliant young fellows who put service above self to take his place beating against the wall—or else! WALTER LOCKE, Vast Flow of United States Aid to World EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speak- er, @ large part of the $27,000,000,000 furnished to foreign countries by the American taxpayers in loans, gifts, goods, and relief has gone largely to Britain, France, China, and Italy. These nations are clamoring for more relief. Other na- tions are now demanding their share from the inexhaustible wealth of the United States. Is there no limit to our largess short of the insolvency of the United States? Must we continue the international spending spree until we can neither help other nations nor save ourselves from a ruinous inflation? Under leave to extend my remarks, I am inserting an article taken from the United States News of February 21, 1947: VAST FLOW OF UNITED STATES AID TO WORLD— OUTLAY OF $27,000,000,000 AS LOANS, GIFTS, . AND BARGAINS IN SURPLUS—TENDENCY TO - TIGHTEN RELIEF POLICY IN AN EFFORT TO HELP WAR-HIT LANDS STAND ALONE All around the world, nations in trouble are looking to the United States for more
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD help. Britain needs aid. Europe wants more food, other goods, further loans of capital. China is threatened with economic collapse. Aid in new forms is not being rushed by this country and there is a revival of feeling that maybe the United States has not done all that it should or can do. Actually, the record of United States aid to the world since the end of the fighting war shows this: Surplus war property, in food, clothing, machinery, trucks, housing, and other facili- ties, that cost United States taxpayers nearly $7,500,000,000 has been made available to other nations for $1,678,000.000, of which only $400,000,000 was cash. To replace this ma- terial at present prices probably would re- quire $12,000,000,000. Dollar loans to other nations, already com- mitted, total $10,000,000,000 more, including & 83,750,000,000 loan to Britain. These are dollars that can be spent for goods that are needed, Direct relief abroad, through UNRRA and through the Army program in Germany, Ja- pan, and Austria, has amounted to more than $3,000,000,000. Vast amounts of food and clothing have been provided free. Lend-lease pipe lines, filled at the end of the war with food, clothing, machinery, and Many other usable goods, were emptied very cheaply. Britain got $6,033,000,000 in United States goods for $650,000,000 that she bor- rowed fron this country to make the pay- Ment. Russia got about 290,000,000 in goods, with no agreement to pay anything as yet. Private aid, large and growing, probably has exceeded $500,000,000 in outright contribu- tions from United States citizens. Ameri- cans still are sending large amounts of com- moditier to relatives and friends, and to people not specifically designated. Altogether, this country has provided loans, gifts, token-payment goods, and _ relief amounting to $27,000,000,000 in an effort to get the rest of the world back on its feet. This is not a negligible amount, even in view of the tremendous world need. Then, an additional $5,925,000,000 has been committed by the United States for loans abroad through the World Bank and the Monetary Fund when they begin operations. What is happening now is, in effect, an effort to wean the rest of the world away from dependence on United States aid. Gov- ernment loans and grants abroad are being tightened, are not to exceed $3,809,000,000 in the fiscal year ahead. Relief shipments for other nations are not to be so free and easy. This is bringing hard feelings from some, but others abroad are taking the attitude that they want to get back on their feet and out from under relief from this country. United States surplus property overseas, 82 percent of it now in the hands of foreign governments and individuals, is to be a big help in building up foreign economies and making them self-supporting. Most of this property is in the form of industrial and transportation equipment, items most needed in the coming recovery of war-torn countries. Examples of surplus property in the 87,- 437,000,000 of United States’ goods furnished to these nations to date: Construction equipment and industrial materials to rebuild homes, factories and devastated cities have accounted for 21 per- cent of the vast overseas surplus stocks. Transportation equipment, including en- tire railroads, thousands of trucks and box- cars, and United States aircraft now used on nearly all of the world’s air lines, total 33 percent of surpluses sold abroad on credit. Maritime property, including rebuilt har- bors, surplus ships, and hundreds of landing craft now used in interisland and river traffic, accounts for another 11 percent of United States property furnished to foreign govern- ments below cost. - XCII—App.——60 These things, plus consumer goods and spare parts for equipment obtained, are needed more than money by most countries now. For the most part, they have been furnished to nations worst hit by the war— Britain, France, China, and Italy—and they are in a position to help make those nations self-supporting. That is the record of United States aid abroad thus far. It shows a substantial effort to get the world on an operating basis again, an erort that will be felt more in the period ahead. Jack Cochran, Masterpiece in Quiet Tones EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MELVIN PRICE © OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, last week one of America’s great men passed away in the person of our former colleague, the Honorable John J. Coch- ran. Those of us who loved and revered Jack Cochran shall always feel his presence among us in the form of his many contri- butions to this body. I desire to make part of the Recorp of the House a fitting tribute to this great man of the people from one of America’s great newspapers, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. The Post, too, will miss Jack Cochran. His was the record of public service which this great newspaper has urged upon office seekers of all parties. His tenure in this House can well be used as a measuring rod for Members of Congress in years to come. MASTERPIECE IN QUIET TONES It is one good measure of the man that the name, John J. Cochran, sounded stilted. Nine times out of 10 the last name was superfluous. Jack was enough. There was only one Jack to whom St, Louis turned, and then, as the years passed, pretty much the whole of Missouri, for the things they de- served in Washington. As his quiet, prompt, efficient way became known, citizens of IIli- nois and other States asked the North St. Louis Congressman for information and help. Jack Cochran truly sat in the National House of Representatives. His works over the two decades would fill this page. He was more of a watchdog of funds than the run of Secretaries of the Treasury; single-handed he turned back hun- dreds of trumped-up claims which would have cost many millions of dollars. He ex- posed and stopped rackets such as the toll- bridge fraud. He led in the memorable fight against a Federal sales tax in the Hoover era. He made himself a specialist in the business of Government; much of the spade work on modernization of Fedcral udminis- tration was done by him. He kept his head when others voted to tie up the regulatory agencies. He helped in the establishment of Missouri's national forests, in protection of Ozark streams, in wildlife conservation. It was a political education to talk with him. He seemed always to know everything afoot in Washington. Due to his deafness, he read daily the CONGRESSIONAL REcorD in full. He wasn't long on speeches, but then the House is not a debating chamber. He knew its committee operation intimately from sec- retarial duties for Stone, Igoe, and Hawes in earlier days. His democracy was of three kinds. He gave his party oriticiam as well as allegiance; A945 he was the first prominent Democrat to de- nounce Missouri’s governorship steal. He Was a small “d” Democrat, reared in Kerry Patch and a Post-Dispatch office boy 50 years ago. But he was just as plain and approach- able as Chairman Cochran or Acting Majority Leader Cochran. And he held a courageous place in the great democracy of human suf- fering which makes al] mankind kin. Only one man ever defeated Jack Cochran in the 20-year span and that man is now President of the United States. Many still regret that he did not win the senatorial nomination in 1934; yet all in all his post was the right one for him. Representative— representative of the people—he was that in the richest meaning of the term. The Wash- ingtons, Franklins, and Jeffersons founded our democracy. Men like Jack have been its stewards, Great Britain’s Treatment of Displaced Persons EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, I have received a great number of protests from organizations and individuals in the great industrial Calumet region of Indiana, op- posing Great Britain’s policy of forcing the return of displaced persons to their original countries. Because of dictatorial and hostile gov- ernments now controlling certain smaller nations in Europe, these displaced per- sons will not enjoy a peaceful existence, but in most cases will be jailed or even executed upon their return to their homeland. I have on several occasions called the attention of our State Department to this unfortunate situation. I am herewith incorporating with my remarks a letter from the Serbian Sis- ters Circle, of Gary, Ind., which is similar to other protests on this unjust policy of Great Britain: SERBIAN SIsSTERs' CIRCLE, Gary, Ind., March 7, 1947. Hon. Ray L. MADDEN, Member of Congress, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. MAppDEN: The Serbian Sisters‘ Circle, of Gary, Ind., an organization of mothers who have sent over 300 sons into the armed services of our country in the late World War II, respectfully urge you to take proper Christian and humanitarian action in regard to the question of displaced per- sons now in Italy, Germany, and other European countries. We especially protest against the policy of Great Britain which favors the forced return of these displaced people to their original countries. We are most interested in the fate of the Serbs of Yugoslavia, many of whom have been forced to leave British Zones of Occupation, and were forced to return to Yugoslavia, where they were brutally mur- dered by the terroristic regime now in power there. These Serbians, the true allies of our great country, are entitled to a better fate, kind- ness and consideration; for their participa- tion in the great war against the enemy of
A946 democracy has made it possible for more of our own sons to return alive to our homes. Mr. Mavpen, please use your good offices in behalf of these innocent people of Serbia, victims of former Allied appeasement poli- cies, and save them from further outrage and certain death. Mrs. Kata VUKOBRATOVICH, Vice President, Mrs. J. T. Maricn, Secretary. Former Editor of Communist Daily Work- er Reveals In Fact To Be a Camou- flaged Organ of the Communist Party— Declares In Fact Editor George Seldes To Be Tool of Moscow EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Speaker, many of us have wondered for some time just how the propaganda sheet In Fact was financed, why it was published, and whose drums it was pounding. Alert readers have been able to detect the Communist propaganda bias in its col- umns but less astute readers have fre- quently been duped into believing that it was simply a legitimate liberal news sheet with a leftish tinge. Now, comes a man of authority to tell one and all the true background of In Fact. Under permission granted me by the House, I am herewith calling attention to an article appearing in the Washing- ton Daily News on March 6; it is a Scripps-Howard copyrighted story quot- ing Louis F. Budenz, former editor of the Communist Daily Worker, on the origin and nature of In Fact. The fol- lowing news story also quotes Eugene Lyons, another former Communist, to show that In Fact is one of the cam- oufiaged Communist journals used by Moscow to dupe gullible Americans and to inject unlabeled propaganda into the libraries of schools and colleges where librarians are too inalert or too indif- ferent to realize how their credulity is being utilized to pay dividends for com- munism. _ Mr. Speaker, frequently citizens write to their Congressman to inquire what they as private patriots can do to help curtail the growth of communism. The accompanying news story suggest one very practical and positive step that pa- triotic citizens of every community can take to protect our Christian institutions and our free way of life. They can ex- amine the public libraries of their com- munity and the school and college li- braries of their area. If they find that the students of their community are being propagandized by such “front period- icals” as In Pact, they can make certain that these Communist-serving publica- tions are no longer made available in their local libraries. Indifference and just ordinary laziness on the part of patriotic citizens as well as on the part of supposedly intelligent and alert librarians has resulted in per- mitting the Communists to flood our schools and colleges with propaganda pe- riodicals such as In Fact. Thus the thinking of our future citizens is per- verted and the processes of real educa- tion are retarded. As for me, Mr. Speaker, if a librarian of a public or educational institution de- sires to squander hard-to-get money by subscribing to left-wing periodicals, I recommend that they display in their li- braries the Daily Worker or Political Af- fairs which admit they are Communist journals and which thus at least put readers on their guard since they know they are reading the writings and pro- nouncements of the Communists. Such publications are less dangerous and in- Sidious, by far, than a throw-away sheet like In Fact which disavows its Com- munst support and thus deceives lazy minds into thinking they are not read- ing Communist propaganda. The March issue of Plain Talk, monthly magazine published in New York City, carry a complete and detailed exposé of In Fact. This exposure should be read by alert Americans everywhere. Also, the United States Chamber of Commerce has recently published two highly significant and authoritative booklets telling Americans how to recog- nize Communist propaganda such as In Fact and its associated “party line” papers and advising citizens on methods to use in preventing the growth of com- munism in their communities and in their organizations. J. Edgar Hoover of the Federa] Bureau of Investigation has repeatedly warned that communism is not something to take lightly in America. It is, indeed, a great and growing menace to most of the things we Americans hold dear. For 50 cents each, any citizen can order from the United States Chamber of Commerce, Washington 6, D. C., either of its two informative and important booklets on communism. One is entitled “Communist Infiltration in the United States”; the other is named, “Commu- nists Within the Government.” Both have created much comment in Wash- ington and both should be “must” read- ing for every young American. A dollar bill will bring both to you, postpaid. To the question of well-meaning Americans who ask, “What can I as a private citizen do to help curtail the Menace of communism?” there is an easy answer. As an individual, or work- ing through your church, your lodge, your service club, or your American Legion or Veterans of Foreign Wars post, you can do the following very important things: First. Examine your children’s text- books to determine whether your school is one of those being victimized by Com- munist propagandists who on occasion utilize school books to peddle their poisonous creeds. : Second. Visit the local libraries of your community to determine whether In Fact and other Communist-front papers are being circulated there because some inept APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD librarian has fafled to realise that they are purely propagandist in nature. Third. Purchase a few copies of the chamber of commerce booklets hereto- fore mentioned and see that they are dis- played where people will see them in your local libraries. Fourth. Ask your local Hbrary to se- cure copies of such books as William C. Bullitt’s The Great Globe Itself, and Victor Krevchanko’s I Choose Freedom, so that readers may learn exactly what communism has done and is doing to Russia, Yugoslavia, Poland, and other countries where it functions or where it has been imposed. Mr. Speaker, the Scripps-Howard papers served a great public cause when they exposed to the American public the true nature and the actual sponsorship of In Fact and reveal George Seldes for the dangerous unregistered foreign agent that he is: Bupenz Branps Seipes' News SHEET As CAMOUFLAGED COMMUNIST OrGAN (By Frederick Woltman) New Yorn, March 6.—Louis F. Budenz, former Communist, charges that the news letter In Fact, edited by George Seldes, is a camouflaged Communist publication estab- lished at the party's national headquarters in 1940. Through the Seldes sheet, according to a magazine article which contains the Budenz charge, about 160,000 Americans are swallow- ing weekly doses of Communist party-like propaganda under the impression that they are imbibing liberal and progressive ideas. TELLS OF BEGARD The article, by Eugene Lyons, appears to- day in the March issue of Plain Talk. Mr. Budenz said Mr. Seldes was regarded by the party's leaders as 100 percent reliable. The so-called news letter is read largely by “teachers, preachers, writers, doctors, and the like—opinion makers and opinion carriers,” writes Mr. Lyons. In Fact has won praise from Harold L. Ickes; Senator James E. Murray, Democrat, Montana; former Senator Josep: F. Guffey, Democrat, Pennsylvania; the Reverend Guy Emery Shipler, editor of the Churchman; Ed- ward G. Robinson, movie star; and A. F. Whitney, president of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen. Last month, Mr. Seldes proudly announced: “Herold E. Stassen, Republican Presidential aspirant, became the latest public Lgure to obtain an In Fact subscription.” “TEMPORARILY ‘CONFUSED’ ’’ During the Hitler-S8talin peace pact, ac- cording to Mr. Budenz, Earl Browder, Com- munist Party chief, offered Mr. Seldes editor- ship of the Daily Worker. “Then,” continues Mr. Budenz, “I was ad- vised that Seldes felt he should not be as- sociated with such an open Communist pub- lication. The party leaders, too, I was told, now felt that he would be more useful as an ostensibly non-Communist journalist.” On several occasions, according to Mr. Budenzg, Mr. Seldes had to be “straightened out” by party officials “when he was tempo- rarily ‘confused’ on matters of policy.” “I can state that Seldes was one of those men without an open Communist label who was regarded by the Communist leadership as one who would always act in accordance with their wishes,” Mr. Budeng was quoted. Expelled from Russia as a correspondent in 1928, Mr. Seldes turned into a violent anti- Bolshevik, writes Mr. Lyons. The inexplicably Mr. Seldes became ‘one of the moat energetic Communist fellow trav- elers in the business,” says Mr. Lyons. Week
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD after week, he hands out “a brew of synthetic scoops, exposés, accusations. * * °* His pages overflow with the nefarious plots of big business, attacks on the Vatican, Red baiters, imperialists, and other stock vil- lains of the Muscovite melodrama.” During the last 6 years, according to the Plain Talk article, Seldes has never deviated from the Communist line and “not once * © * found the United States right and Russia wrong in any conflict of views.” Universal Training EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orD, I include the following editorial from the Oregon Journal of March 4, 1947: TopAY’s GUEST EDITORIAL UNIVERSAL TRAINING (By Alfred P. Kelley, veteran of World Wars I and II) Universal military training in a democracy. Why? Is it the answer to foreign attack? If not, then how does a big, rich nation keep up its fire insurance? These are the questions that are looking us straight in the eye. There is no sidestep- ing. Sweet thoughts and sweet talk won't answer these questions. I don’t, for one moment, represent that I have the answers and the solutions. However, I feel that ex- periences and observations have placed me in a position where I am not only entitled to speak but where I have a duty to speak, It is said that we must judge the future by the past; that history repeats itself. In Ecclesiastes we read: ‘‘That which hath been is that which shall be; and that which hath been done is that which shall be done.” While we may not agree with all of the im- plications of this philosophy, we must accept the facts of history which we know to be accurately recorded. Among those facta is the fact that civilization has grown and ex- panded in the last 2,000 years; that incident to and as a part of that growth and expansion there have been wars. We do have this consolation, however: No nation ever attacks another nation which is known to be ready, willing and able to suc- cessfully defend itself. And how does a big, rich nation make itself ready, willing and able to defend itself? The democratic way of be- ing ready and able js for all to serve; cach one to serve in the position best suited. This can- not be accomplished by universal military training alone. It can be accomplished by universal-defense training, which includes military training for those who are physically fit. To give military training to the phys- ically fit alone does not prepare a nation to defend itself in modern and future total war- fare. Those who are unable to bear arms must serve and be trained in work for which they are suited, be it welder, bus driver, sani- tary service, nurse, or whatsoever. As to being willing to defend itself: The most important part of universal-defense training starts with the instruction of the youth in the moral responsibilities of citizen- ship in a democracy; the moral responsibili- ties which one assumes when he becomes a member of the military forces, particularly his bility to those who may fall un- der his charge or command. This matter of moral responsibility and the question of the moral effect of universal mili- tary training upon a nation are probably the two greatest deterrents to a satisfactory na- tional-defense program. Were all our mili- tary men of the caliber of Marshall, Eisen- hower, Nimitz, MagArthur, Halscy, and Dev- ers, the prejudice against turning our young people over for military training would be much lessened. But until the services dem- onstrate to the American people that junior Officers of those services are trained for and imbued with moral responsibility for the shaping of the lives of 18-year-old boys, I dare say there will be no universal military training. Universal defense education and training, and in connection therewith universal mili- tary training is a part of the responsibility of every citimen of a democracy. I believe the American people are willing to assume that responsibility as soon as it can be demon- strated to them that the officers who are going to handle the universal military train- ing program are capable of handling the moral responsibility that accompanies it. Gouzenko Summoned Here To Tell of So- viet Spy Network in United States EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. F, EDWARD HEBERT OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. HEBERT, Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following arti- cle by James Walter from the Washing- ton Times-Herald of March 8, 1947: GouzENKO SUMMONED HERE To TELL oF Soviet Sry Nerwork In UNiTEen STaTe8s—KEYMAN IN CANADA Expost To TrstIry ON JOSEPH- SON LINKS WITH DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA INTRIGUE (By James Walter) Igor Gouzenko, Russian cipher clerk who exposed the Red atom-spy ring in Canada, will be called before the House Un-American Activities Committee to tell how Soviet espi- onage in America extends from New York Cafe society to high Washington diplomatic circles, this newspaper learred last night. Arrangements for Gouzenko'’s appearance were being completed yesterday through Rob- ert Forsyth, Canadian Minister of Justice, The Times-Herald was informed that Gou- zenko probably will come here in about 3 weeks, PLAN QUIZ ON JOSZ£PHSON Gouzenko will be questioned specifically about Leon Josephson, New York lawyer now facing contempt charges for refusal to testi- fy before the Un-American Activities Com- mittee in the phony passport dealings of Ger- hart Eisler, Comintern agent in this country. Josephson's brother Barney operates Cafe Society Uptown and Downtown, New York nighteries, the liquor licenses for which are listed in the name of Mrs. Lucy Josephson, wife of Leon. At least one United States counterintelli- gence agency has determined that the up- town night club was used as a meeting place and message drop for Russian secret agents. SERVED SPIES IN CANADA This newspaper was informed that testi- mony before the Un-American Acivities Com- mittee will link Leon Josephson directly to Col. Nicolai Zabotin, former Soviet military attaché at Ottawa and head of the Russian A947 spy ring in Canada. Josephson acted as a direct “pipe line" through the Russian con- sulate in New York to Zabotin, it was learned. Meanwhile, during the time Colonel Zabotin was direcling the espionage activities in Canada he kept his 13-year-old son in school in Washington us an excuse for fre- quent visits to the Capital. The boy lived with an aide to Maj. Gen. Tlia M. Sarayev, 2700 block of Tilden Street NW., Russian military attaché here at the time. Sarayev was Zabotin’s counterpart in Soviet espionage activities in the United States. KING'S VISIT KEPT SECRET It was Colonel Zabotin who sent his chief deputy, Lt. Col. Peter 8. Motinov, to Russia by air with specimens of uranium 335, basis of the first atom bomb. Three months later Colonel Motinov was assigned to Washington, Prime Minister Mackenzie King, of Canada, was 60 alarmed over the extent of Russian espionage in Canada and the United States that he made special trips to London and Washington. King’s visit to the White House was made in November of 1945—just about the time Motinov arrived on duty here Presumably the Canadian Prime Minister came at the insistence of the British Government. However, no public announcement of his visit was ever made. King’s information was based on secret documents taken from the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa by Gouzenko in September of 1945, They were later used in successful prosecu- tion of the A-bomb spy ring in Canada. King apparently knew also about Colonel Zabotin’s visits to his son in Washington. SARAYEV ACTIVE AT PARTIES During these visits Zabotin would see Gen- eral Sarayev and Motinov. Sarayev, wearing much gold braid, cut a great figure at em- bassy parties and dinners, but in his spare time sent such things as an entire machine gun to Moscow by diplomatic pouch Although Sarayev is still Usted with the protocol division of the State Department, the Soviet Embassy said yes that he has not been here for 8 months. Columbia Basin Project EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HAL HOLMES OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. HOLMES. Mr. Speaker, on Feb- ruary 15, 1947, Goodrich W. Lineweaver, director, branch of operation and main- tenance, Bureau of Reclamation, deliv- ered a speech before the Chamber of Commerce, Ephrata, Wash., in which he reported to the people in the Columbia Basin area on the progress of irrigation development there and outlined the com- prehensive program designed to convert a million acres of sagebrush lands into productive wealth. Under leave to cx- tend my remarks, I include the major portion of Mr. Lineweaver’s speech for its informative value: Every time I come to Ephrata, I am in- spired by the enthusiasm and vigor with which you tackle your community problems, I note that your streets are constantly being improved, your water and sewer systems are being extended, new homes are going up, and before I come again I am sure the new project headquarters building of the Bureau
A948 of Reclamation will be well under way. This will even more firmly establish Ephrata as the capttal of the Columbia Basin irrigation project and will further cement the reclama- tion relationship with your city. That relationship has sprung from an en- thusiasm that is typical of the Pacific North- west that fathered the Columbia Basin proj- ect. It was an extremely practical enthusi- asm that has translated what was once a visionary dream into a reality that is now in the spotlight as one of the last great fron- tiers of western settlement. From your advantageous location you can well visualize the ultimate transformation of the sagebrush lands of the Columbia Basin project into a million acres of irrigated land. This will virtually place a new State the size of Delaware in the Pacific Northwest. The production from this land will create new wealth, new purchasing power that will pro- vide the Nation with a domestic market worth a hundred million dollars annually. The 12,000 to 15,000 newly created farms will support a population of a quarter of a million people on the land, and in the cities and towns that will spring up or expand in the wake of this development. The Bureau of Reclamation proposes to build the irrigation features of this project as rapidly as funds are provided. Settlement opportunities for veterans while they are young and vigorous is our major goal. We want to give them their chance to carve their future out of these fertile lands, go into the business or profeasions that will be made pos- sible, and participate fully in the establish- ment of a new empire. se e e e e Enthusiasm and the closest cooperation be- tween the Pacific Northwest and the Bureau of Reclamation, acting for the Department of the Interior, brought Grand Coulee Dam into operation in time for its mighty generators to do service for the Nation in time of war. That same degree of enthusiasm and coopera- tion will bring the trrigation construction and settlement programs to the point where the Columbia Basin project will become a balanced development based on the close partnership of power and irrigation. * * ° s s The Columbia Basin project is a prime ex- ample of the feasibility of this partnership and the West as a whole can take a leaf from the book that is being written here. The final chapters in that book will appear when the waters impounded in Franklin D. Roosevelt Lake are being diverted to the thirsty acres of the project. But I assure you the Bureau of Reclamation is anxious to speed the day when water will be lifted by the giant pumps at Grand Coulee Dam, into the equalizing reservoir in the Coulee, to thread its way through the network of canals and laterals and other facilities. ° ° s e Cd The Congress of the United States in the Columbia Basin Project Act of 1943 au- thorized and directed the Bureau to carry for- ward a program to meet that major goal of all Reclamation—service to the people. We pride ourselves on great dams like Grand Coulee with its giant power plants that Recla- mation has built; the giant pumping plants, subsidiary reservoirs, canals and , other facilities. But the $64 question always is: What are all of these things that will cost half a billion dollars going to do for the people who wil) settle on the irrigated land or build up the cities, towns and villages of the project area? The human considerations of the Columbia Basin Project are of first im- portance. The first step in this direction was the Columbia Basin Joint Investigations, in which more than forty State and Federal agencies cooperated with the Bureau of Reclamation dn bringing to bear on this program the best information the State and Nation could mobilize. * * * Another major step was the formation of the three irrigation districts that have be- come the repayment contractors for the project farmers. s * e e e s To be ready for settlement when water fills the canals, the Bureau of Reclamation must place all phases of the project on a sound foundation. The farms will be laid out in units adequate for family-size operations ac- cording to variations in soils and other fac- tors. By the time the water is ready, the farm units should be ready for sale to the veterans and others who even now are clam- oring for them. Townsites must be surveyed to take care of the needs of the settlers. De- velopment farms must provide practical guidance for the newcomers. s e e e e The Columbia Basin project is unique in that it is the only project on which the Bureau of Reclamation is authorized to buy land for resale to settlers. Of course, you know that such purchases are entirely on a voluntary sale basis. Thus far, less than 50,000 acres have been optioned by the Bureau. It is significant that most of this land is in small tracts. Negotiations are under way with the owners of several areas which should boost the total to well over 160,000 acrea in the next few months. Even this acreage would be a compara- tively smal] portion of the land we hope to eventually offer for settlement. The Con- gress has appropriated funds to start the land purchase program and we are anxious to go ahead more rapidly. Only through Government acquisition can the land be made available on a reasonable and sound economic basis for incoming veterans and other settlers. The land purchase program and its companion, the recordable contract procedure, are essential if we are to keep the deadly specter of inflationary speculation away from the Columbia Basin project. To invite settlers into the middle of a specula- tive land boom is the surest way to court dis- aster, for everyone concerned, settlers and businessmen alike, and the Bureau of Recla- mation proposes to fight speculation all along the line. By Government purchase, the lands can be subdivided into the most economic-sized farms for family operations. If they are Government-owned, farms can be laid out most efficiently according to topography and irrigable soi] without regard to square-cut sections. The Congress has again, through the Columbia Basin Project Act, put its stamp of approval on the family-size farm, tradi- tional in reclamation. The question of priority of purchase on Tesale of project lands is a factor in the land purchase program. Veterans have a prefer- ence on the homesteading of public lands and the Bureau believes they are entitled to high consideration in the purchase of Co- lumbia Basin lands. s s e s s A preview for the future large-scale irri- gation and settlement program on the Co- lumbia Basin will come through the develop- ment of the 6,000 acres in the Pasco unit for which water will be available in the summer of 1947. While this acreage is small, it will serve as a “test run” for the greater acreages to be brought under water in later years. To assist the settlers and provide them with information on irrigated farming, crops, and related subjects, a development farm is being established on the Pasco unit. This farm is one of a group for the Columbia Basin which the Congress endorsed in 1946. They are being developed and will be oper- ated by the Bureau of Reclamation in co- operation with the Bureau of Plant Industry, Department of Agriculture, and the exten- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD sion service of Washington State College. Similar development farms are being set up in the Quincy area and elsewhere in each of the three irrigation districts. Now, don’t get the wrong idea about these development farms. We are not planning to tell the Columbia Basin project settlers what they must grow, or when or how. We pro- pose, together with these cooperating agen- cies, to make practical information available to the settlers in understandable terms. We are opposed to spoon-feeding settlers or to regimentation in any form, and our efforts are directed toward paving the way for the settler to succeed under his own steam. That 1s our primary objective. e s e ° e In closing, I take the liberty of drawing on my personal observations of the attitude of the Congress toward the Columbia Basin project and other great reclamation develop- ments. I think it is fair to say that the Congress is not interested in and does not appropriate money just to build great engi- neering works, no matter how marvelous they may be. The Congress wants to know what the project will do for the people. The Columbia Basin project can demonstrate the contribution the big multiple-purpose projects of modern reclamation can make to the general and individual welfare of a sub- stantial segment of the Nation's citizens. Food Production in Wisconsin EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks, I am including herewith an _ editorial which appeared tn the Beloit Daily News under date of March 4, which sets forth the figures on food production in Wis- consin. This is a subject that should have congressional] attention in view of the present world conditions. FOOD PRODUCTION IN WISCONSIN The Wisconsin Department of Agriculture, of which Ira Inman, Beloit, is chairman, presents in a recent bulletin a comprehensive study of the State's agricultural, industrial, and recreational features. The publication is primarily concerned with agriculture, especially as it relates to food production during the war, Wisconsin is a great agricultural State. Just how great it is and how it ranks with other States is not too generally known, even within the borders of the Badger State. The Department of Agriculture bulletin provides this information, and interesting material it is. These are Wisconsin firsta—milk »roduc- tion; number of silos; corn for silage; num- ber of milk cows; tame hay production; clover and timothy hay; peas for canning; sweet corn for processing; beets for canning: hemp acreage; cheese (about half of the Nation's total output) and condensery products. The State ranks second in alfalfa acreage; cucumbers for pickles; cabbage for kraut; cranberry production and alsike clover seed. Wisconsin ranks third in all eattle and calves; creamery butter; red clover seed; cabbage production enecin production. It holds fourth tion in production of oats, production ef. honey, and im green lima beans for processing.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Thus it is graphically seen that the farmers of Wisconsin not only produce an abundance of food for themselves and for urban resi- dents within the State’s boundaries, but provide vast quantities for millions of people in other States. During the war food production on Wis- consin farms played a major role in feeding the men and women in the armeu forces as well as the Nation’s production workers, Now it is helping to feed hungry people in war stricken countries as well as furnishing food for home consumption. Statistics are now available on Wisconsin's food production during the war years. Though the number of farms in the State has decreased approximately 12,000 in 10 years to 177,768, the average acres per farm increased from 122.5 in 1940 to 133 in 1945, so actually there was little, if any, decrease in productive land. However, during the 10-year period from 1935 to 1945, the farm population decreased by 18 percent, while production increase 42 percent, nearly three- fourths of which occurred since 1939. Milk production increased from 12,500,000,- 000 pounds in 1940 to 15,500,000,000 pounds in 1945, which represents between 14 and 15 percent of all the milk produced in the United States. This volume is reflected in the increases shown in manufactured dairy products. Cheese production climbed from 406,903,000 pounds in 1940 to 615,009,000 pounds in 1945; condensed and evaporated milk from 886,459,000 pounds to 1,183,006,000 pounds; powdered milk from 101,697,000 pounds to 263,002,000 pounds; ice cream from 9,763,000 gallons to 12,035,000 gallon; and malted milk from 15,000,000 pounds to 33,- 000,000 pounds. And in addition, fluid milk and sweet cream shipped out of the State showed tremendous increases. Canning factories increased their pack from 12,000,000 cases in 1940 to 26,000,000 in 1945, while egg production practically dou- bled from 1,667,000,000 eggs to 2,315,000,000. Chickens, a main meat substitute during the war period, jumped from 17,564,000 to 26,160,000. However, meat production, rep- resented by cattle, calves, hogs, and sheep sent to market, increased from 4,231,294 head in 1940 to 5,512,858 in 1944, And on top of that, Wisconsin farmers in- creased their forage crops to supply the feed for farm animals. This volume of food production was made possible because fathers and mothers, wives and sisters and teen-age brothers pitched in and worked in field and barn. Wisconsin agriculture, according to the bulletin, is looking forward to continued ad- vancement. New processes, new labor-saving machinery, greater efficiency, and wider mar- kets all add up to a belief that Wisconsin farmers will continue to lead the parade in many fields of food production, Bevin and Bidault See Warsaw on Way to Moscow Conference EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, this morning’s Washington Post has an in- teresting article written by Ferdinand Kuhn, Jr., stating that Foreign Minister Georges Bidault, of France, and British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin traveled by train through Warsaw on their way to the Moscow Conference and had an opportunity to see for themselves the re- sults of Nazi destruction. It is too bad that Secretary of State George Marshall and the American group did not have the benefit of this train ride through Poland to see what the others had seen. It likewise is unfortunate that of the many senatorial] and congressional committees that have gone to Europe, only three or four Congressmen were interested enough to visit Poland and to see War- saw. Oh, yes, every one of them saw Germany and Berlin. The following is taken from the report made by Ferdi- nand Kuhn, Jr.: Georges Bidault of France had arrived by train after following the same route through Warsaw and across White Russia which so moved British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin 24 hours earlier. Bidault had seen for hundreds of miles the evidences of German aggression in eastern Europe and he had been stirred by them as any Frenchman would have been. When British Foreign Secretary Bevin promised Deputy Foreign Minister Vishinsky and other Soviet welcomers yesterday that “We shall spend the next few weeks trying to build a sound peace, to prevent future aggression and to enable all people to live in security again,” he had good reason to men- tion “future aggression.” On his long journey by special train across the snow-covered continent, he had seen with his own eyes, the consequences of German warmaking. He had seen the ruins of Dunquerque on the shores of the English Channel where he had signed the treaty of Anglo-French al- liance. At Hannover and Berlin, Bevin had caught sight, from his train window of the wreckage Hitler had brought to Germany. He had left the train at Warsaw to see acres upon acres of rubble in Warsaw where life somehow goes on in the worst desolation of any city on the European Continent. Poles had provided a woman interpreter and guide as Bevin's official party was driven through what's left of Poland's capital. “Now we are entering the ghctto or Jewish quarter,” she suid, brightly. But there was nothing to see—nothing but mounds of brick and dust covered with fresh white snow. This was where thousands had lived for generations and then had been bombed, massacred, and ‘burned alive in their crowded homes 4 years ago. “Now we shall sec the medieval part of Warsaw,” she said, as the cars moved slowly on. Here for more than a mile were jagged walls of what had been beautiful and his- toric buildings. Nothing lived there now ex- cept a few people plodding through the snow. It seemed as dead as Pompeli, and Bevin looked serious and thoughtful as he saw what German war making had done. Finally, the procession had moved into cen- tral Warsaw, where by some miracle of the human spirit, shops were doing business in the walls of ruined buildings. Crowds were walking briskly along the sidewalks—where there were any—on through mere footpaths where rubble was too thick for traffic. Yet the overwhelming impression was one of blind destruction. In a sense it was the preparation for peace- making for Bevin and for all who saw it, including your correspondent, who found it one of the most deeply moving experiences of his life. The train moved on. It slid past snow- covered fields and forests to Brest-Litovsk, where Germans had tried their own brand of peacemaking with Russia in 1918 and where the scars of two wars were visible. A949 It glided through bitter cold night to Minsk, capital of White Russia, where wooden huts had sprung up on devastated parts of the city In the vast whiteness of the eastern Euro- pean plains there are few landmarks, but you could tell that the Germans had been there— first a gutted building, then skeletons of burned-out tanks, standing black and stark in the snow all the way to Moscow—or almost all the way—for the Germans were stopped 20 miles from the capital. It was the same story at Borisov, Orsha, Smolensk, and other cities with names that Soviet Russia would long remember. Wherever the train stopped, crowds of peasants stood patiently in the biting cold. It wasn't clear whether they’d come to see Bevin or just to see the gleaming train the Russians had provided for their official guests. At any rate, their newspapers and radio had told them about the Moscow Conference and they had a stake in it. They, after all, were among the worst victims of Nazism and had endured long years of Nazi occupation. Sometimes, out in the deep country, long lines of horse-drawn sledges waited in single file, with the endless snowflelds and pine for- ests of White Russia as their background. It was s0 cold that men and women and chil- dren could hardly be distinguished in their thick coats, hoods, and shawls, but they stood as immovable as statues waiting to see the train pass by. So Bevin came to Moscow this day to start the work of making peace with a beaten Ger- many. There were some who thought it a pity that Marshall flew and thus missed seeing what war had meant to the people of Ger- many’s neighbors. Mr. Speaker, I think it would be well if a large and representative committee of Senators and Congressmen were chosen and sent, not to see just Germany, France, and England, where hundreds have already been, but to see and study conditions in Poland, Ukrainia, and White Russia—countries that so far practically have been unvisited and where suffering is the greatest as a re- sult of the most vicious German destruc- tion. Let us begin to think in terms of aiding these victims of German aggres- sion, and not just in terms of rebuilding poor Germany again. Radio Address to My Constituents EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recor», I include the following radio report I made over Station WNOE, Sun- day, February 23, 1947: My friends, the Eightieth Congress of the United States has been in session for almost 2 months, but only now is the legislative program getting under way, due principally to the delays occasioned by the reorganiza- tion of both Houses of the Congress. As all of you know, the Seventy-ninth Congress in its closing days passed a law which greatly reduced the number of committees, elimi- nated many of the so-called private bills heretofore considered by the national leg- islative body, and generally streamlined the
A950 lawmaking procedures. The task of putting these reforms into effect, as well as the usual house moving brought about by a change of party, has greatly delayed the: work of the Congress. But now all that is behind us and the new Congress is well under way. In order that the people of my district may be informed of the activities in the Congress and in our Nation’s capital I have accepted the very gracious invitation of radio station WNOE to make bimonthly reports to you. Most of these reports will come to you di- rectly from the radio room in the Capitol in Washington. Tonight, however, I am for- tunate enough to be here at home, where I have come for a few days to get Mrs. Boggs and our children so that they may return to Washington with me. One of my friends with whom I was dis- cussing these radio reports told me, “Well, it’s a good idea, but I don’t know if many People will listen. It seems to me,” he said, “that people are not too interested in na- tional and international affairs. They have had so much of war and rumors of war, 50 much of emergencies and regulations, of troubles in remote corners of the globe, that they want to get back to beitng normal and forget about all these things.” And, my friends, I guess in a way that he was right. Time magazine commented several weeks ago on the fact that fires, storms, murders, and local affairs were back in the herdiines of most of our great newspapers. So I sup- pose I will impose upon some of you in com- menting upon these matters which seem re- mote and distant and maybe of no immediate concern, But because of the fact that a great deal of our work involves local affairs I shall talk about them too. In connection with local effairs, I had the pleasure last week of talking with the Presi- dent of the United States about visiting our city. Early next week he is going to Mexico by air and our citizens, particularly those who have worked so hard to bring about the modern Moisant airport, the splendid inter- national house, and the proposed interna- tional trade mart, were anxious for him to spend a few hours here and see a program of international relations in operation and made possible by men of vision from throughout the Mississippi Valley. I told the President all about these activities. He was most interested tn the international house and said that he had received excellent re- porte about its work and its program from the Department of State. He was also pleased about Moisant airport and com- mented that the last time he landed here he had observed that the runways were too short. Well, to make the story short, he told me that he could not come this time be- cause he is going by way of Kansas City in order that he may again visit his mother who recently suffered an accident. But he did promise me that unless unforeseen cvents occurred he would visit us for our second international celebration this fall. Again locally you will be glad to know of two other developments in Washington of this past week. On February 14 I appeared before the House Committee on the Merchant Marine and Fisheries and spoke in behalf of legislation to extend the authority of the United States Maritime Commission to oper- ate ships until the end of this June, and on Monday, last, this legislation was unani- mously passed in the House. This measure is very important to all of us because it makes possible the reestablishment of our coastwise commerce as well as the continued orderly conversion of the mercha..t marine to private operation. The port of New Orleans is our Ufeblood and this measure is of vital im- portance to the port. The other develop- ment was a very satisfactory conference par- ticipated in by Congressman DoMENnoxaux, Congressman Laxcabz and myself with Secre- tary of Agriculture Anderson on pending sugar legislation. We discussed the best way of removing controls from sugar as well a8 the extension of the Sugar Act. The Secre- tary was most sympathetic and it is my be- Hef that the Louisiana producers and proc- essors will get a fair break this year. The Secretary was most receptive to the idea that Louisiana quotas be increased by 100,000 tons when quotas are reimposed. Everyone is agreed that rationing and price controls on sugar must be continued for a while until the world supply better equals the tre- mendous world demand, but we are hopeful that this date will be no later than November 1 of this year. On the national scene there are two mat- ters which are of prime importance at this time and are consuming most of the time of both the House and the Senate. They are closely related and they have far-reaching significunce. I refer to taxes and the budget. We will talk about taxes first. Because of the fact that this Nation has fought two World Wars within the past 30 ycars our country is snddicd with a national debt of almost $300,000,000,000 and the Federal tax burden is terrific Someone has compiled statistics to show that each citizen works 1 day in 3 for the Federal Government in order to meet the tax burden and that more than one-third of our national income is now devoted to taxes. Yes; the price of nationa. and international folly ts unbe- lievably high. If we could retrace our steps we might undo 192% and the death of the League of Nations, we might forget the Republican tariff policies which brought on the phoney prosperity of 1929 and the bleak, stark, despairing depression which soon be- came world-wide and smothered the new life of the hopeful young democracies of Europe making possible the dictatorships and the war that followed. But we are living in 1947, the Second World War has been fought, thousands of young Americans no longer tread our land, and we must pay for our folly. Now the Republican Congress says that despite this $300,000,000,000 debt, taxes must be reduced. And how do they propose to do so? By a 20 percent across the board per- sonal income-tax reduction. So unfair is this proposal] that a great number of the Republican Members of the House themselves have repudiated it. It is a departure from our time-honored theory of taxation, which is the theory of equality. In practice it results in a tremendous windfall to the large taxpayers and brings about a savings of 8 few pennies per week to the family living on less than $2,000 per year. I copied fram the CoNncressionaL Recoap of several days ago a few excerpts from the debate on income-tax reduction in which you will be interested. Representative DrncELL, a Democrat. “What the gentleman advocates is that the man who pays $1 of income tax gets 20 cents reduction.” Representative Mason, a Republican. “That is right.” Representative Dincxz1. “The man who pays $100 would get $20 reduction.” Representative MASON. “That is right.” Representative Diveris. “And the man who pays $100,000 in income taxes gets a rebate of $20,000." Representative Mason. “That fs right.” Representative Drncg... “And the man who pays a million dollars in income taxes gets @ tax cut of $200,000.” Representative Mason. “That is exactly right.” Representative Dovarrt. “And the gentle- man reasons that 20 cents tax cut to the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD poor devi! who pays $1 is just, equitable and t.” Representative Mason. “I do.” Representative Dinaeun. “You think that ia Just right when it is compared with a man who gets a $200,000 cut on $1,000,000.” Representative Mason. “I do.” Representative Muaray, a Republican |in- terposing]. “The best way to meet this prob- lem of communism, of course, is to prevent it. It can be prevented by supporting legis- lation based on the greatest good for the greatest number, and legislation for the many and not for the few.” There, my friends, in simple words is the issue If the tax income is such that relief can be granted; then it should be accomplished by increasing the personal and marital ex- emptions and by allowing greater credit for dependents. This will be fair and equita- ble. It will give each taxpayer the same sav- ings and will promote the national good by encouraging families. I have introduced a bill which is now pending before the House Committee on Ways and Means which will increase the personal exemption from $500 to $1,000; the marital exemption from $1,000 to $2,500, and the credit for a dependent from $500 to $800. From many parts of the United States I have received letters favorable to this proposal. I doubt if the Republican Congress will consider it, but I, for one will not support the 20-percent-acrossa-the-board reduction. On Thursday last I voted against the Republican proposal to reduce the budget by @ flat sum of 86,000,000,000. I am for econ- omy in Government and I believe that the budget can be reduced. But as the repre- sentative of 400,000 Americans I want to know what Iam doing. Mind you thia slash is voted without benefit of hearings, without the essential testimony to determine whether it be wise or unwise and in the face of the gravest warnings from the Secretaries of State, War, and Navy. Frankly, I am not prepared to tell these responsible Jeaders of this Nation that I believe that @2,225,000,000 can be cut from the appropriations for the Army, Navy, and overseas relief. The gentlemen tn the House who glibly talk about reducing the Army and Navy are the same gentlemen who scorned lend-lease, who nearly defeated the Selective Service System 4 or & months before Pearl Harbor, and who voted and campaigned against every constructive measure advanced to prepare and save this Nation from the forces of Hit- Jer. Today Russia occupies a position very close to that occupied by Germany prior to the last world war, and I will not support a new isolationism, a new appeasement. That road leads but to war, and death, and suf- fering, and communism. I believe in keeping America strong and I believe in America sharing and participating actively in the af- fairs of this troubled world. Former Speaker Rayburn warned on Thursday tha’. we “would rue this day” if the strong arm of Marshall Was weakened and if we sent him to Moscow with a broken wing. 1 trust that he is wrong, but the American people must be awake to their responsibilities and they must prevent a return to the sterile, short-sighted policies of the twenties and thirties. AsI told you many times during my recent campaign. I know of no greater honor that can come to an American than the privilege which I have of representing you. I trust that you will continue to call upon me. Ican assure you that you have my full time and my sincere desire to represent you ably and conscientiously. These are difficult days, but I believe that as long as we do right or do right as we see it that we need not worry for the future of our Nation, Thank you and good night.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Private Utilities in the Field of Rural Electrification EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. W. R. POAGE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. POAGE. Mr. Speaker, in 1935, just as the REA was about to begin oper- ations, Mr. Grover C. Neff, now presi- dent of the Edison Electric Institute, and then a member of the Rural Electrifica- tion Committee of Privately Owned Util- ities, after discussing and praising the work of the private utilities in the fleld of rural electrification said: As a result, there are very few farms re- quiring electricity for major farm operations that are not now served. Remember the date—1935. At that time only 3 percent of the rural homes of Texas had electricity. The power companies said it was impractical to ever provide rural] service. Presum- ably the power companies felt that only 3 percent of the farms of Texas needed electricity. They then said that there was no profit in rural business and that they could not serve rural homes at a loss. Now they complain when someone else offers to provide the service which they refused to give in 1935. In spite of these doleful predictions the Congress established the REA and au- thorized it to Joan money to farmers to provide their own light and power. The first local electric cooperative in the United States to get into operation was the Bartlett Electric Cooperative, located in the district I represent. The Bart- lett Cooperative had to get its power from the small municipal plant of the city of Bartlett, as the private power companies of Texas at that time refused to sell power to any local distributing co-op at less than retail rates. This condition continued until Mr. Carmody, then Ad- ministrator of the REA, began negotia- tions to loan money to the Belfalls Co- operative—also in the Eleventh Texas District—to construct their own power plant near Temple. After this small threat of competition developed the Texas Power & Light Co. hastened to establish a wholesale rate of 15 mills per kilowatt-hour. This rate became available to all cooperatives in central and north Texas and remained the rate until steps were taken to organ- jze the Brazos River Transmission Elec- tric Co-op in the fall of 1940 and the spring of 1941. As soon as the power company heard of this possible competi- tion, it made three successive cuts in its wholesale rates to cooperatives—none to cities where no competition was threat- ened—finally bringing the rate down to 6.4 mills. Since that time the war has largely prevented the development of further competition and there has been only a very slight reduction in rates, In 1946, Mr. Wickard, the present Ad- ministrator of REA, finally approved an additional loan to the Brazos River Transmission Electric Co-op for the pur- pose of completing its transmission sys- tem and for the installation of steam generating facilities on the Leon River near Temple. The purpose of this steam plant is to “firm-up” and make more valuable the power which the co-op now controls from Morris Sheppard Dam. At the moment the T. P. & L. is buying this power as the result of an order issued during the war by the War Preduction Board. This arrangement will end this year, and the Transmission Co-op has indicated that it desires to supply its members with its own power. This has apparently filled the power company with great alarm. It now says that the local electric cooperatives which it sought so hard to destroy are actually very desirable organizations and that they render a real service. Incidentally, they have created a market for a very substantial volume of power most of which is purchased from the very com- panies which 12 years ago said that rural business was unprofitable. The T. P. & L. now says that it is fine for the farmers to buy T. P. & L. power and distribute it over their own lines, but it is wicked for the farmers to produce any power or to transmit it over their own wires. Early in December 1946 the T. P. & L. offered to buy either all or the bulk of Brazos Transmission Co-op’s facilities and to sell power at a very low rate pro- vided the Transmission Co-op would agree not to build any generating or transmitting facilities. This would have eliminated any possible competition with the power company. Realizing that through all the years the rural people of Texas had never received any expansion of service or reduction of rates without the threat of competition, the directors of the Brazos Co-op declined to accept the offer of the power company but re- plied that they would welcome an oppor- tunity to interchange power with the company and to make their transmission lines available to the company if the company would likewise make its lines available to the Transmission Co-op. This joint use of all existing facilities would, of course, reduce the investment needed by both systems, but this is not what the power company wants. It is determined to control the supply of pow- er on which the local REA-financed co- op must depend. When the Brazos Transmission di- rectors refused to sell out, the power company turned to a campaign of abuse, vilification, and  misrepresentation. The company first covered the State with a@ series of practically full-page adver- tisements. Many, but not all, of the papers carrying these ads also carried in the same issue what purported to be a reprint of an editorial from the Mineral Wells Index. I have not seen this so- called editorial in any paper that did not also carry the large T. P. & L. ad, al- though I am informed that the company had the “brass” to send it to some papers in my district and ask that it be run. The editorial is a remarkable document. It shows on its face that its author had a much closer connection with the power A951 company than a country newspaper ever would be expected to have. In fact, I feel sure that the article itself will con- vince any unbiased reader that it was written in the office of the Texas Power & Light Co. and handed to the Mineral Wells paper as copy just like their other ad. To give it the appearance of re- spectability the company has had this article reprinted together with some bona fide editorials from other papers and has circulated thousands of copies of these reprints throughout my dis- trict and possibly throughout other parts of the State although from the fact that this editorial is more of a personal at- tack on me than anything else, I can only assume that they are now trying to weaken me at home, with the thought that they will be able to get a Repre- sentative in my place who will do their bidding. Mr. Speaker, I am not personally im- portant in this great fight to give the farmers of Texas the electrical service at rates they deserve, but it is impor- tant that the people, and not the power companies, contro! the Eleventh District of Texas; and I am not going to allow a subsidiary of the Electric Bond & Share of New York to misrepresent the facts to the people of Texas and go unan- swered. I am giving the answer to all who will take time to hear it. It is long, but I am going to print these remarks at my own expense; and I am going to distribute them under the frank because I belicve that they are of vital impor- tance to the citizens of Texas, whether they live in largest city or beyond the longest star route. In fact, this is doubtless the only way whereby many of the people of Texas can ever get the facts. The farmers’ co-ops do not have che kind of money that the power companies have, but to- gether with the local cooperatives which make up the Brazos Transmission Co-op, they have paid for a number of answers in papers that carried the power com- panies’ ad Most of the papers have looked upon this as a simple business transaction. They have nothing to sell except space and they properly have sold it to both sides. Unfortunately the farmers’ co-ops do not have money enough to meet the Electric Bond & Share on equal terms in this kind of contest. Nor has the power company confined itself to newspaper advertising. It has sought by every means to influence any- one, anywhere, who it felt could help it obtain its end of destroying the Brazos Transmission Cooperative. As an example, one of the directors of the American Farm Bureau Federation lives in Indiana. This gentleman, who has long been a supporter of rural elec- trification, is also well known as a close personal friend of Hon. Claude Wickard, the Rural Electrification Administrator, who is also from Indiana. A vice presi- dent of the T. P. & L. made a trip to visit this Indiana official of the Farm Bureau and told him a story in line with some of the stories T. P. & L. has told in Texas. The Farm Bureau official had doubtless listened tc power companies before because he called on Hon. Walter
A952 Hammond, the president of the Texas Farm Bureau, who has always been an active friend of REA, for the facts. Mr. Hammond gave him the facts and com- pletely cleared up the T. P. & L. charges. But there are doubtless hundreds of cases where the farmers do not know what slanders have been told about their operations. Another example of the length to which the power company. will go is illustrated by their effort to hoodwink even other big business. The same T. P. & L. official who called on the In- diana farm leader went on to visit offi- cials of the Santa Fe Railroad and gave them a “song and dance” about the wicked farmers who proposed to build a generating plant. The railroad official asked if the proposed plant, which is to be located between Temple and Belton on the Loon River, was not on the Santa Fe lines. He was assured that it was at Waco. Fortunately, the Santa Fe man knew his own lines and knew what was taking place in central Texas. He, too, refused to join the fight against Texas farmers. The special irony of this situation can only be understood when one remembers that this same Mr. John W. Carpenter, who is the president of the T. P. & L., is also president of an organization which for many years has been seeking direct appropriations of more than a hundred million dollars for the purpose of mak- ing the Trinity navigable to Dallas. In his capacity as president of the Trinity River Development Association he is not only willing to borrow Federal money, which as president of the power company he considers a crime, but he is willing, even anxious, to force the Federal Gov- ernment to give his association the funds. As president of the power company he complains bitterly that the farmers of Texas, who never could get electricity at any price from his company until it was faced with competition, should consider installing competitive facilities. As president of the navigation association he considers it good business to use the public’s money to create competition for the railroads and truck lines that run from Dallas and Fort Worth to Houston and Galveston. Everyone knows that the existing transportation systems can carry every pound of freight that ever moved between these points. Clearly it is not a lack of transportation facilities which Mr. Carpenter proposes to remedy. Possibly the freight rates are too high. I am not questioning that. Nor am I questioning Mr. Carpenter's good judg- ment in using competition as the most effective method of bringing them down. I have long believed that competition is the best and, indeed, the only effective way of bringing down high rates, includ- ing unreasonable utility rates. I only want to point out the utter inconsistency of the head of the T. P. & L. as he tries to refuse Texas farmers the same right of competition which he asks the Federal Treasury to provide for Dallas. Possibly he deserves public support for his ef- forts to reduce freight rates through publicly provided competition, but if he does, he surely should not complain when Texas farmers ask the privilege of bor- rowing the money needed to finance competition to his monopolistic electric rates. In their paid ads and editorials the power company first claims that there fs no power shortage or inadequate service in the Southwest as the Brazos Co-op alleges. I am not an electrical engineer, but I have on my desk a copy of a letter, dated January 28, 1947, signed by W. W. Lynch, vice presiden tof the Texas Power & Light Co., in which he states that The North Texas Intercofinected system— Electric Bond & Share subsidiaries— has under construction 60,000 kilowatts of additional capacity, 40,000 kilowatts of which will be in operation this year. In addition, turbines, to provide 70,000 kilowatts of addi- tional capacity, have been contracted for. This means that the Electric Bond & Share is spending somebody’s money to build 130,000 kilowatts of generating ca- pacity in an area where they claim there is no power shortage and where they say that 10,000 kilowatts of generating capacity in the hands of farmers would be a criminal waste of money and mate- rial. If it is a criminal waste of money for the farmers of Texas to spend enough to build a 10,000-kilowatt generating plant, might it not be some kind of waste of stockholders’ money for the power company to build 13 times that much capacity in the same area? Of course, the truth is that there is a need for more power and the fact that the power company is spending its money to produce more power is the best proof of the fact. There is no question about the need. It is just a question of who is going to supply it. Next the company challenges the charge that their system never was de- signed to serve rural areas and then claims that the Brazos lines are a dupli- cation. Surely the farmers of Texas who lived so long under the T. P. & L. high- lines without ever being able to get elec- tricity until the establishment of REA can tell you that the companies’ lines have not meant rural service. Asa mat- ter of fact, the backbone of the T. P. & L. system is a string of steel towers from Waco north to Dallas and Fort Worth and then north to Dennison. These lines connected the cities whose systems made up the origina] company. Obviously the lines were laid out to serve cities and not rural areas. In fact, the T. P. & L. did not sell current to rural customers for many years after these lines were erected. As to the duplication charges, they are equally far from the facts. The main line of the Brazos Transmission Co-op extends from Possum Kingdom to Whit- ney Dam to the Leon River near Belton at an average distance of about 50 miles west of the T. P. & L. main line. The company finds this to be wasteful dupli- cation, but it has only been a few years since that same company built a much larger line from Royce City to Terrell to Trinidad to Franklin roughly parallel with their own lines and just about as far to the east as the Brazos lines are to the west. How does it happen that the lines to the east are “needed” while the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD lines to the west are “wasteful duplica- tion.” I wonder if ownership does not have more to do with thts “waste” than location. The company’s next complaint is that the Brazos Transmission Co-op has re- fused to either sell out entirely or to con- tinue to sell the peaking power of the Morris Sheppard Dam to the T. P. & L. It is true that this farmers’ organization has refused to get out of the picture and restore the absolute monopoly that the power company once held, but it is not true, as the company intimates, that the co-op refuses to work with the power company. As I heretofore pointed out, the Brazos Transmission Co-op has re- peatedly offered to interchange power with the company so that both systems might hold their investments at a mini- mum. I have before me a copy of a letter dated February 18, 1947, from Mr. E. D. H. Farrow, president of the Brazos Co-op, to Mr. W. W. Lynch, vice presi- dent of the T. P. & L., in which Mr. Far- row says: We pointed out to your company that the cooperative was anxious that the two sys- tems be so coordinated that they would be of mutual advantage in providing adequate service and low-cost power to the rural con- sumer, We suggested, wherever feasible, to transmit the company’s power over the cooperative’s lines, and the company trans- mit the cooperative’s power over its lines, We believe this to be in the public interest, and would result in economies both for your company and the cooperative. The cooper- ative is hopeful that your company will yet be willing to cooperate with us to that end. What is unfair or unreasonable about this? The power company also claims that the remarkable rate reductions which it granted to local distribution cooperatives just at the time of the organization of the Brazos Transmission Cooperative have no relationship with the fact that that agency offered the first competition the company ever faced. I would not presume to read the mind of the T. P. & L. officials who made these rate reduc- tions just at that time, but I do repeat that the first general reduction in whole- sale rural rates the T. P. & L. ever made was made a few weeks after I and other Members of Congress discussed the or- ganization of this Transmission Co-op with the REA. The second cut was made shortly after the REA announced it would finance a transmission co-op, and the third was made shortly after the Brazos River Transmission Electric Co- operative was chartered by the State of Texas and was actually announced on the morning of the day the directors of the new co-op were meeting with the directors of the Brazos River Conserva- tion and Reclamation District to buy the power at Morris Sheppard Dam. I re- peat—within a period of less then 7 months the T. P. & L. reduced its rural wholesale rates by approximately 60 per- cent. Within the same 7 months it granted no reductions in the cities of Texas. Of course, there was no threat of competition in the cities. I do not think it necessary to further argue the point, the reductions were made, and they helped all rural subscribers in north
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and central Texas. The reductions were made when and where the company was threatened with competition. No re- ductions were made where no competi- tion was threatened. I shall discuss the power company’s rate policy in cities a little later. At the moment, I want to mention the innuendgs in the company’s ads and the openly false charges in some of the com- pany’s editorials, all to the effect that the farmer-owned Brazos Transmission Co-op is a Government agency freely spending the taxpayers’ money. AS a matter of fact, the Brazos River Trans- mission Electric Cooperative, Inc., is neither socialized nor tax free. It is chartered by the State of Texas. It is not controlled by the Electric Bond & Share, nor any other New York holding company. It is in fact what the New York controlled power company claims to be: a Texas-owned corporation serving Texans. It is neither Government- owned nor a socialistic scheme. It is owned by 28,000 Texas farmers. It pays taxes to the State of Texas and to each county in which it operates. It has never received the gift of a dollar of Govern- ment money like Mr. Carpenter asks for the creation of competition to the rail- roads. It borrows its money from the REA on the same terms and at the same interest rates that are available in the T. P. & L. and other power companies. Some people do not know, and the power company certainly does not tell them, that REA lends to private companies just as it does to farmer cooperatives. This transmission cooperative has taken no business from the power companies be- cause there was no rural business to take until the farmer-owned cooperatives de- veloped it. The farmers of Texas and of this Nation are today paying for their own electric facilities. They are costing the Government nothing. The farmers pay interest on all they borrow, and they have repaid many millions before it was due. Nor more than one-half of 1 per- cent of the outstanding loans of REA are delinquent as much as 30 days. This my friends, is a record much better than that of the private power companies and is not the record of any irresponsible or socialistic scheme. As an illustration of the inexcusably misleading nature of the power com- pany’s propaganda, one of the articles they are now circulating states that if Congress would stop appropriations “for new tax-exempt Government-owned power facilities—that alone would save the taxpayers billions.” While the Elec- tric Transmission Cooperatives are neither Government-owned nor tax ex- empt, they are the only agencies that are discussed in the article and obviously it is intended that the public should believe that they are costing billions. Actually, in its entire 11 years of existence, the REA as of the 1st day of February 1947 had only loaned $89,672,589 to all con- cerns—private utilities as well as coop- eratives—that are engaged in either gen- eration or transmission. The amount actually advanced for transmission has been only a small part of this total. These are the kind of reckless state- ments that the power company has been mailing out all over central Texas. The company also circulates a story to the effect that I forced the directors of the Brazos River district to sell the power at Morris Sheppard Dam to the trans- mission cooperative. I appreciate the compliment of suggesting that I have such influence over the Brazos board, but I must confess I have no such power and have never even tried to force that board todo anything. The Brazos River Board is composed of some of the best business- men of Texas. I count many of them among my closest friends. I know that many of them agree with me that the Brazos project was undertaken, not with the idea of selling power to the highest bidder so as to return dividends to stock- holders, but rather with the idea of justi- fying itself through its all-over benefits to the people as a whole. The rate re- ductions which have been secured for the rural people of Texas seem to me to fully justify the use to which the power has been put. The only purpose of the com- pany’s charges against the Brazos River Board are to try to weaken me politically. Finally, I want to discuss the over-all rate policy of the power company. A large part of one of the editorials which the company has circulated is a quota- tion from a letter, written by Mr. John W. Carpenter, president of the T. P. & L., in which he says that the power com- pany has offered to sell the members of the Brazos Transmission Cooperative power at “rates lower than those of the TVA or the LCRA.”; these are Mr. Carpenter’s words, not mine. Does it not appear that if what Mr. Carpenter says is true, and I do nov question it, that the president of the largest subsid- iary of the Electric Bond & Share in Texas is openly admitting that he and his associates are overcharging the peo- ple of Texas $61,651,889 per year. In 1945—the last year for which figures are available—the people of Texas paid $124,533,931 for electricity. Had we been able to buy that electricity at TVA rates, it would have cost only $62,882,042. If the T. P. & L. can afford to sell power to the members of the Brazos Transmis- sion Cooperative at “less than TVA rates,” it can surely sell it at TVA rates in Waco, Temple, Cameron, Belton, and all the other Texas cities in the Brazos area. If the T. P. & L. can sell power at these rates, so can its associate com- panies all over Texas. One of the power company’s apologists says that they are offering power to the Brazos members at less than cost. Doubtless that is true. In fact there is no doubt in the world but what the power company would temporarily give power to any local co-op that they could thereby induce to abandon the fight for all the farmers of Texas. There are always some “weak sisters” who are more inter- ested with the saving of the moment than they are with the long-time program, and I therefore suppose that the com- pany will doubtless be able to lead some co-ops to surrender their independence in return for the promise of power at less than cost at the moment, but if the com- pany does sell any co-op power at less A953 than cost, even for a short time, they must make up their losses by charging the people of the cities of Texas more than a fair rate. Mr. Carpenter said he offered the Brazos Co-op a rate lower than the LCRA rate. Let us see how Mr. Carpenter’s rates compare with LCRA rates in towns where the REA cannot offer any competition. In Belton and Cameron, the T. P. & L. charges $2.18 for 40 kilowatt-hours, but in San Marcos and/or in Lampasas the LCRA charges only 95 cents for this same 40 kilowatt-hours. If you use more cur- rent the T. P. & L. will charge you $7.44 for 250 kilowatt-hours in Cameron or Belton, while the LCRA will charge you only $4.25 in San Marcos or Lampasas. In the larger towns we find the peo- ple of Temple still paying the T. P. & L. $2.18 for 40 kilowatt-hours just like the people of Belton, Cameron, or Hillsboro. If they use 250 killowatt-hours, Temple citizens must likewise pay the power company $7.44 just like their smaller neighbors. On the other hand, Luling, with a municipal plant, pays $1.65 for 40 kilowatt-hours or $6.05 for 250 kilo- watt-hours, and the people of Vernon pay their municipal system only $1.20 for 40 kilowatt-hours or $7.25 for 250 kilowatt-hours. When we get into cities of a still larger population bracket, we find that the power company does reduce the rate, but certainly not in the same proportion that municipal] plants do. Waco citizens pay $1.91 for the same 4¢ kilowatt-hours that Austin citizens buy for $1.71 through their municipally owned system from the LCRA, and in addition, the city of Austin received in 1945 $107,580 in lieu of the $63,528.56 taxes that the city of Waco received from the taxpaying T. P. & L.— but do not stop here—in addition to a lower rate, and more money in the city’s general fund than Waco got in taxes, the city of Austin was paid an additional $935,000 in net profits for the year’s op- erations. No wonder the power com- pany can give anyone who threatens its monopoly a rate lower than TVA, but is it not plain that the power company gives these rates at the expense of the electrical users of the cities where they do not face any kind of competition? I here and now call on Mr. Carpenter and the power company to make good on their claim of giving “lower than TVA” rates to all the people of Texas. Make good in Waco, in Temple, in Cameron, and in all the cities of Texas where people are paying two and three times the rates Mr. Carpenter so glibly quotes. As a matter of fact, the rates charged by the T. P. & L. to the citizens of cen- tra] Texas do not even compare favorably with the rates charged by other private utility companies in the same area. The Federal Power Commission lists all cities of more than 50,000 population in order of cost of residential service for a 100- kilowatt-hour bill. In 1946 Waco stood No. 150—below the cheapest—in a list of 218. Not «single city in central or north Texas of equal size suffered with rates as high as Waco, while in south Texas, Houston, and even Galveston, enjoy resi- dential rates little more than one-half
A954 that of Waco. The smaller cities of cen- tral Texas suffer proportionately. Let us, therefore, instead of trying to destroy the one agency that has actually brought low rates to central Texas, concentrate our efforts on reducing the unfair rates in central Texas cities. Mr. Carpenter, why do not you offer the same percent reduction from your 1940 rates to the people of Waco and Temple that you have given to the “co-ops” who are mem- bers of the Brazos River Electric Trans- mission Co-op, Inc.? Lest I be misunderstood; I do not want to put the private power company out of business. I want them to con- tinue to give the co-ops competition be- cause I think competition is a healthy thing and where it is lacking, service is likely to decline. Co-op boards and managers are only human, even as you andI. They will doubtless do a better Job when faced with competition, but so will power companies, as the record so elo- quently testifies. Therefore, let us give no one @ monopoly, but let us direct our efforts toward supplying electricity for the 200,000 rural homes in Texas which are still unable to enjoy this great ser- vant of better living. Let us work un- tiringly to bring the cost of electrical en- ergy down to a point where all can pay for it. Let us maintain the spirit of com- petition which has within the past 12 years taken electricity to more than 140,- 000 Texas farms. The resolution of a Republican-con- trolled Congress to greatly reduce the funds that will be available for loans to the REA; the misrepresentations of the power company as a part of its effort to perpetuate its monopoly; the human tendency of a few weak co-op boards to give up the struggle in return for im- mediate rate concessions; the widespread difficulty of securing needed material and equipment, all complicate the prob- lem and add to its difficulties, but for my part, I repeat my pledge to the rural people of Texas, “As long as I stay in Congress, I shall continue this fight until every home in the Eleventh District and in Texas has the opportunity to enjoy electricity and at a reasonable rate.” To this end, I invite the cooperation of every Texan, including the officials of the power companies. St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CLARENCE E. KILBURN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. KILBURN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following resolu- tion passed by the New York State Rural Electric Cooperative Association urging the development of the great St. Law- rence seaway project: Whereas the members of the several coop- eratives of the New York State Rural EHlec- tric Cooperative Association are largely farmers who have recently obtained electric service pursuant to the Rural Electrification Act, and said farmers are anxious that they may continue to receive an adequate supply of electric power at the lowest cost; and Whereas being residents of New York State we fee] that we have a direct interest in the development of the Et. Lawrence power project and that the development of the project will be of great benefit to all the residents of the State of New York and par- ticularly to the consumers of electric power in the rural areas of the State in the fur- nishing of electric power at lower rates than are now available; and Whereas there is considerable uncertainty as to the continuous supply of electricity by the means now used to supply the same and it is felt that establishment of the St. Law- rence power project will do much to insure a steady, continuous and adequate supply of electricity to consumers: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the New York State Rural Electric Cooperative Association go on record as approving the development of said project and strongly urging its completion at the earliest possible date; be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be sent to the Members of the House of Repre- sentatives representing these districts, also the Governor of the State. Understand the Implications EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks, I am including a very interesting edi- torial from the Monroe Evening Times under date of March 5 which deals with the present international crisis. The editor has approached the subject from an intelligent and sane position. It fol- lows: ECONOMIC HERESY As Representative Dirxsen, of Illinois, put it in a House speech, it is economic heresy for the world to think that 60,000,000 Amer- ican producers—the wage earners—can carry the world's economic load. It was his way of giving vent to his feel- ings on the proposal that the American pub- lic should be forced to carry the burden not only in Greece but in much of the rest of the Mediterranean. Although a great segment of the Amer- ican populace has thus far refused to rec- ognize it, America really cannot support the world, and there is a big difference between mercy errands to save the starving and com- plete underwriting of many nations’ eco- nomics. It is very much debatable that we are doing a nation any good when we feed it if at the same time its own resources are being re- moved quite rapidly by some other power— in the case of eastern and central Europe, the Russians. But among the great fallacies of Ameri- cans in the past generation is acceptance of the belief that as long as the Government borrows from its people—for any cause what- soever—as long as the people, as the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt put it, merely “owe each other” there is no chance for ls And another fallacy, greatest of them all, is the belief generated since 1917 that Amer- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD iea's frontiers are on the Elbe or the Danube or the Po or the Nile or the Ganges. The fallacy also is conditioned upon our alliance with certain world powers or face ruin if we do not underwrite their activities. Best gage of the future ts the past. Great empires have risen and fallen and the guid- ing light in each of them has prospered as long as it maintained a sound ecoz omy and failed as quickly as it went off the sound economy Moreover, for ages past there have been great alliances. They always were the ve- hicles by which one or more of the allied powers worked in secrecy to destroy one or more other members of the alliance while the latter falsely rested in the knowledge of se- curity through treaty or alliance. Great Britain's power as a world leader hangs in the balance. It has had to sacrifice much of its Far East empire. Now it sees a chance, even though thin, to remain the No. 1 power. If it can talk the United States into assuming the duty of holding the Dar- danelles, Britain may have time to cement its South African and its South Pacific links into a fairly good dominion. Meanwhile economic decline, though not necessarily ruin, would prevent the United States cementing its Western Hemisphere dominance by regaining economic sanity, and Russia would continue to keep itself in the economic red by expanding holdings south, west, and east. Truly, the reasoning of the administration is a wondrous thing. It kowtows to Russia because it fears the Kremlin. It proposes to interfere in Greece, Turkey, and the Medi- terranean in order to keep ltussia from cut- ting Britain's throat. Truly the empire maniacs in Washington are on & merry-go-round. By jumping into Greece in efforts to pull out the British chestnuts, we set a precedent from which there is no retrea*. We cannot thereafter back out of assuming the British burden anywhere else on earth—all for the sake of combating the Communist bogeyman. Empires have their strength in crushing minorities, making slaves of them to produce goods for the mother country far below com- petitive cost. But while they are thus “gain- ing,” empires at the same time are creating smoldering hatred which has broken out now against the British through its far-flung em- pire. Weakened economically, Britain no longer can maintain the pace. With all the vaunted power and terror of the Soviet, it is creating the same kind of a behemoth which one day will turn on the Kremlin and crush it. The conglomerate, polyglot Soviet empire cannot be welded into a world aggressor for simple economic reasons. The only way the United States can be beaten is in economics. We have approached and almost have jumped into the abyss of financial ruin—but we have done it our- selves. Lately we have started a come-back from the abyss. Interference in Greece is backsliding of the worst type. It can well mean our finish. On the Rocky Road to Moscow EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rscorp, I wish to include herein the following article which appeared in the Boston
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Post, of Boston, Mass., on March 38, 1947, by Robert L. Norton: On THE Rocky Roap To Moscow WASHINGTON, March 2.—If the minutes of the solemn and extraordinary conclave held by President Truman and Secretary of State Marshall with leaders of both parties in Con- gress could be made public, the American people might come to a realization of the tremendous task and enormous responsibili- ties which lie ahead of this country in the Neld of foreign relations. BRITISH EMPIRE DONE Probably most Americans would suffer a shock if presented with the cold realities of the situation. There is little comprehension of what we are in for and where we are heading if the responsibility of power and world leadership is to be carried out. Pos- sibly, Mr. Truman will find it necessary to take the people into his confidence in his Thursday speech from Texis. If he dues, the impact will be jarring, to put it mildly. Secretary Marshall leaves for Moscow this week for the conference of foreign ministers. It will be a momentous and historical meet- ing since this country is now fucing a show- down with Russia. There will be no clash of military might between the two countries in the appreciable future but the signal fact is that both countries are squared off in a fight for world control. It is war with political and economic weapons and with the threat of power in the background. There can be no escape from such conclusion if the world pic- ture is viewed soberly and with a measure of understanding. Many great und persuasive factors are operating as we approach the great test over what is to happen in Germany. In its larger aspect this means the fate and destiny of Europe. We must face the tremendous his- torical fact that the British Empire is in the process of being liquidated. Our principal ally is being stripped of her colonial posses- sions. She is no longer mistress of the seas and the British pound has lost its dominance in the financial marts of the world to be re- placed by the American dollar. FAIR INSURANCE RISK Behind the iron curtain of eastern Europe the British are no longer able to maintain their control in Greece, which has become the new frontier in the Middie East, the key to the Dardanelles, the route to India, to con- trol of the Mediterranean and the Suez Canal. India is to be abandoned. In Greece we must take over, not with armed forces, but with an initial contribution of $350,000,000. It amounts to the same thing, since we sub- stitute economic power for fighting men. There will be mutterings, as always, in Con- gress against removing the British irons from the fire, but in the end the grave warn- ings delivered by Mr. Truman and Secretary Marshall will be observed. The new Ambas- sador to Britain, Lewis Douglas, says that he regards England as a fair insurance risk. The traditional English assurance is being punctured, as witness the declaration of the government-controlled BBC: “British foreign power is a mixture of pre- tense and weakness * * * a pretense that we are still a great power on the scale that America is a great power * * * that we can negotiate with America as equals.” This is an extraordinary admission to make, put it is indubitably true. So we face the Moscow Conference with a very much weakened England by our side and other European nations in the west, not in- cluded among the Soviet satellites, suffering from economic disruption and looking to this country for aid. Thus the mounting respon- sibilities of power—with the program of world leadership upon which we are entered. Upon our success or failure at Moscow will rest conceivably the future of the United Nations. WOULD TIE HANDS As the American delegation approaches— Moscow hardly daring as yet to attack Gen- eral Marshall—the Soviet is pursuing its usual sideswiping tactics with propaganda assaults on his two principal advisers, John Foster Dulles and Ambassador Robert Mur- phy. They are attacked as “imperialists and reactionaries” in their attitude toward Russia. In this situation there is one sure way of tying the hands of General Marshall: That is for Congress to reduce to impotency our Navy and to weaken the Army by not introducing a@ system of universal military training. We cannot afford this mushiness at this crucial stage of our history. Moral suasion is re- garded with contempt by the Soviet, but it does respect power and force. Who Won the Case Strike? EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DAVID M. POTTS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. POTTS. Mr. Speaker, the edito- rial from the Washington Times-Herald of Tuesday, March 11, 1947, graphically points up the tremendous loss to every- body as the result of strikes, irrespec- tive of who caused them. I should like to make an addition to the editorial. The general public is also the loser in the products greatly needed which are left unmanufactured and consequently removed as tools of production for the ultimate good of the people of the country. The editorial follows: WHO WON THE CASE STRIKE? One of the longest strikes in United States history ended Sunday. We're still trying to figure out who won. The contestants were the J. I. Case Co., maker of farm machinery, and Local 180, of the United Automobile Workers (CIO). Case has five plants in Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin. Its Racine, Wis., plant was the one where this long-drawn-out strike took place. About 3,500 workers were involved. Failure to negotiate a new contract was what brought on the strike, which began December 26, 1945. The union wanted a pay increase, a closed shop, compulsory check-off by the company of union dues and assess- ments, and some improved vacation arrange- ments. The management, which never has been overly fond of unions, disagreed, and the long walk-out began. Last Sunday, the employees voted to go back to work on the company's terms. These included a pay increase of 25 cents to 26 cents an hour, plus some vacation adjust- ments. They included nothing about a closed shop, check-off, or maintenance of union membership. LONG STRUGGLE; ANY WINNERS? The pay increase was exactly what the company had offered last October. The strikers could have accepted it then instead of waiting till now. Their local union lead- ers, apparently, were too stubborn and too determined to save their own faces to agree to a settlement until the rank and file forced them to back down. So we can't see that the local union won this strike. A955 Did the national UAW win !t? Well, the UAW, & couple of years ago, had more than $2,000,000 on hand. Within a year it blew almost 82,000,000 to help local unions like the Case outfit fight these strikes. The UAW is now reported virtually broke, and borrow- ing from Philip Murray's steelworkers’ union to pay some of its officers’ salaries. So ap- parently the UAW didn’t win the Cuse strike. How about the Case Co? For the year ended last October 31, it reported an oper- ating loss of 6416854, though it got some Income-tax refunds which gave it a net in- come of $1,483,145—as contrasted with §3,- 117,694 for the previous year. Case didn't win this strike, as far as we can make out. Racine, Wis., a city of some 67,000 popula~- tion, was hit badly, since Case employed about one-third of all Racine's industrial workers. With the Case pay roll stagnant, Racine businesses of all kinds fell off 25 to 40 percent. How long the recovery will take is anybody's guess. So it seems clear that the city of Racine didn’t win the Case strike. And that’s about as far as we've got with our researches up to now. If we ever find out that somebody won the Case strike, and who the somebody was, we'll let you know. Letter of Circus Fans Association of America EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM J. MILLER OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 10, 1947 Mr. MILLER of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker, I have just secured permission from the House to insert in the CoNGRES- SIONAL RECORD a copy of a letter recently received from the Circus Fans Associa- tion of America. The letter is self-explanatory and seems to confirm what I told the House a few weeks ago in connection with the purchase of so-called specimens of art by our State Department. It follows: THE Circus FANS ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA, West Hartford, Conn., February 19, 1947. The Honorable WILLIAM J. MILUgR, United States House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. My Dear MR. MILLER: It has come to my attention that at least two circus paintings, Clown and Ass, also, Circus Girl Resting, are included in a group of paintings to be sent abroad for exhibit by the State Department, These two paintings are definitely not typi- cal of the American circus as we know it, Our association would appreciate any action that you might be able to take to prevent these circus paintings from being sent abroad. A picture of the Circus Girl Resting, is enclosed herewith. I represent an association of about 700 men and women, with members in practically ev- ery State and from many walks of lifo. The main objective of the association is to do all it can for the circus, that it may be perpet- uated for future generations. The associa- tion had its organization meeting in Wash- ington, D. C., on May 10, 1926. Since that time our members have given very frecly of their time and effort, in many ways, to help the circus. Faithfully yours, W.L. (BILL) MONTAGUE, Publicity Director.
A956 Washington Congress of Parents and Teachers Endorse School-Lunch Pro- gram EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY M. JACKSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. JACKSON of Washington. Mr. Speaker, the Washington Congress of Parents and Teachers has recently adopted a resolution asking for a con- tinuance of the school-lunch program, This organization has long been active in behalf of this program. The letter and resolution are as follows: WasHINncTron CONGRESS OF PARENTS AND TEACHERS, INC., Seattle, Wash., March 5, 1947. Hon. Henry JACKSON, slouse of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Jackson: Always alert to prob- lems concerning the proper care of our chil- dren, the Washington Congress of Parente and Teachers, with a membership of 80,000 citizens from every section of the State, is exceedingly worried at this time about the current status of the national school-lunch program. We know you are interested in the wel- fare of children and feel certain in this emergency that we can count on your help to obtain adequate Federal funds to insure the functioning of this program for the remainder of this year and on through the next school year. The enclosed resolution is self-explana- tory. Very truly yours, HANNAH K. MEAGHER (Mrs. C. F. Meagher), Corresponding Secretary. — Whereas the allocation for the current school year to the State of Washington un- der the terms of the Federa] School Lunch Act for food assistance to schools of the State amounted to $368,616; and Whereas more than 300 school districts, including more than 700 school centers, are under contract with the State to participate in the program as provided in the Federal School Lunch Act; and Whereas those schools estimated that more than 20,000,000 lunches would be served to school children during the school year; and Whereas it was necessary to reduce re- imbursement rates from 9 cents to 6 cents for the type A lunch, and from 6 cents to 4 cents for the type B lunch; and Whereas in spite of the drastic reduction in reimbursement rates, the Federal alloca- tion for school-lunch assistance was ex- haused in January; and Whereas no further Federal assistance is now available for school-lunch programs; and Whereas such discontinuation of Federal assistance is causing a considerable curtail~ ment of many lunch programs: Now, there- fore, be it Resolved by the Washington Congress of Parents and Teachers, That our Senators, Congressmen, and other proper officials in Washington, D. C., be urged to do e possible to secure continued and additional financial aasistance to the school-lunch pro- grams in our State, administered through the office of the State superintendent of public instruction, Reduction of Income Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, I have today introduced a bill to reduce income taxes and increase the take-home pay. This bill approaches the problem from the viewpoint that all taxpayers are en- titled to some relief, but that those in the lower income brackets deserve greater consideration. I am opposed to the across-the-board principle. I have not arrived at this conclusion, however, without careful study of the arguments advanced, both by those in favor of a straight percentage reduction for every- one and those who believe the exemp- tions should be raised. I share the view that the existing ex- emptions of $500 for a single man and $1,000 for a married man, in these times, are not realistic minimums. Although I recognize the advantages in maintain- ing a broad taxing base to the end that nearly everyone will share to some ex- tent in the necessary expense of running the Government, and will thereby be- come vitally interested in insisting that governmental efficiency and economy be practiced, my feeling is that there is some bare minimum of income beyond which we should not go in imposing a tax to keep the ship of state afloat and riding on an even keel. I should like to see this minimum advanced and hope, by effecting rigid economies, it can be advanced before too long by several hundred dollars. Investigation at the Bureau of Inter- nal Revenue, however, reveals the rather staggering fact that to raise the exemp- tions by even $100 would mean a loss of revenue of approximately $1,500,000,- 000, and to raise them $200 would mean a loss of $3,060,000,000._ This appears to me to point up the impracticability of approaching the problem in that way. Nevertheless, that does not seem to me to require that we retreat from the fundamental principle that the low-in- come groups deserve the greater con- sideration and, furthermore, that be- cause of the tremendous purchasing power which will be released by relief in these lower brackets, giving the recipi- ents more money to spend, such a method of approach would be of the greatest benefit to the economy of the country generally. I hold in my hand a pay envelope of & woman who faithfully works each day to clean the floors in one of the office buildings in my home city. Her pay is $18 a week, and from this amount is de- ducted $1.30 as withholding tax, so that her take-home pay is reduced to $16.70. I contend that $1.30 is too much to ask this woman to pay toward gov- ernmental expense. My bill would save her $23.66 in a year. Only one who has tried te get along on $18 a week can probably realize what such a saving APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD would mean. Also, the information to which I have referred as to the astounding loss in revenue resulting from increasing the exemptions by a mere $100 forcefully emphasizes the fact that there are millions in this country in these low-income groups similarly af- fected. Their purchasing power for the necessities of life will be greatly in- creased by this plan of tax reduction. The amount they save in taxes will be released into the channels of trade, re- sulting in increased business, increased production, increased employment, and better living standards for ail. Furthermore, this reduction in taxes is the equivalent of a wage increase to help everyone meet the increased cost of living. If adopted, I predict with con- fidence that it will result in forestalling demands for increased wages and assist in establishing in this country a greater measure of industrial harmony. For all these reasons, it seems to me the sound approach to the tax-reduction problem. The bill which I have introduced re- duces the so-called surtax for all in- come groups by seven percentage points. I am informed by the Bureau of Internal Revenue that the estimated approximate loss in revenue resulting from this ap- proach to the problem would amount to $4,900,000,000. If the House firmly ad- heres to the position it has taken that the budget can be reduced $6,000,000,000, there is a total of $7,500,000,000 for use in tax reduction and debt reduction, since the estimated receipts are $1,500,- 000,000 over the estimated expenditures in the President’s budget. Therefore, to adopt the plan I suggest would leave a little over $2,500,000,000 for debt reduction. Of course, if the expected $6,000,000,000 cut in the budget does not materialize and some compro- mise is accepted at a lower figure, which I sincerely trust will not happen, it might require that this plan be modified by re- ducing either the amount of debt retire- ment or by accepting 6, rather than 7, as the number of percentage points by which the surtax can be lowered. Let me illustrate the effect of this sug- gested plan at the two ends of the scale. A man with a net income, after deduc- tions, of less than $2,000 today pays a normal tax of 3 percent and a surtax of 17 percent, or a total of 20 percent. If the surtax is reduced 7 points, he will pay the 3-percent normal tax and a 10- percent surtax, or a total of 13 percent. This represents a 35-percent reduction in his tax. The man with an income of over $200,000 pays a normal tax of 3 per- cent and a surtax of 88 percent, or a total of 91 percent. Under this plan, his total would be reduced to 84 percent, or about 8 percent. Below is a table showing the approxi- mate percentage reduction for various income groups. It should be borne in mind that everyone gets the benefit of the larger reductions in all the brackets lower than the one applicable to his own income. That is, a man with a net in- come of $3,000 gets a 35-percent reduc- tion in the tax paid on the first $2,000 and.a 32-percent reduction on the next thousand dollars.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Percent Net income: tax reduction Not over $2,00U__-.---_.-..----~...--. 85 Over $2,000 but not over $4,000___._._. 32 Over $4,000 but not over @6,000_...._ 27 Over 86,000 but not over $8,000__ 23 Over $8,000 but not over $10,000_._... 21 Over $10,000 but not over @12,000._... 18 Over $12,000 but not over $14,000_.._. 16 Over $14,000 but not over $16,000__._. 15 Over $16,000 but not over $18,000____. 14 Over $18,000 but not over $20,000..... 13 Over $2( 000 but not over $26,000_.... 12 Over $26,000 but not over $38,000_.._. 11 Over $38,000 but not over $50,000____. 10 Over $50,000 but not over $80,000_____ 9 Over $80,000__.....-_-_-----------2 ee 8 With all the earnestness at my com- mand, I commend this plan of tax reduc- tion to the favorable consideratior of the Fommittee on Ways and Means and this ody. A Twist of the Tongue Costs Taxpayers Millions EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT J. ENGEL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. ENGEL of Michigan. Mr. Speak- er, one of the cleverest jobs ever perpe- trated on the American taxpayer was done by some of the fair-haired boys in the State Department. The United States paid 73 percent of UNRRA. Rus- sia and France paid practically nothing while England paid some. Judging by the number of American soldiers who were killed by Austrian soldiers, Austria was an enemy and therefore an occupied country. As an occupied country the United States was only responsible for feeding that part of Austria which is oc- cupied by us. The State Department by a simple twist of the tongue or pen changed the word “occupied” to “liber- ated” bringing Austria under UNRRA and thereby threw 73 percent of the cost of feeding Russian-, French-, and Brit- ish-occupied Austria on the American taxpayer. UNRRA is now out of exist- ence and now these same fair-haired boys find themselves compelled to change Austria back to an occupied country in order that we might pay for caring for the people in our own occu- pied area. It was an expensive twist of the tongue for the American taxpayer. Another twist of the tongue and England throws the cost of caring for Greece on the American taxpayer, Radio Address to My Constituents EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. EDWIN ARTHUR HALL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp, I include the following radio address delivered by me over Station WNBF on March 8, 1947: Dear friends of the Triple Citics and my congressional district, for the first time in several weeks I returned home to bring myself up to date with how you folks feel about the current situation. I have been impressed with the interest of all citizens in this great Government of ours. I have talked with many people and am gaining the benefit of their views on all issues. Thursday evening I visited the.Gold Star Wives' organization, which met at the Ameri- can Legion clubhouse on Main Street, Bing- hamton. These ladies, you know, lost their husbands in the late war and find them- selves faced with the most difficult problem of raising their children alone. Abraham Liricoln said that the country owed a heavy debt to the deceased veteran and to his widow. He told Congress at the end of the Civil War to look after the loved ones whom the dead soldier left behind him. With that belief I thoroughly agree. I as- sured these Gold Star Wives I stand ready to assist them in Congress and in the Veterans’ Administration. They should be cared for in the way President Lincoln demanded because their sacrifice has been tremendous. It was indeed a pleusure to greet the members of Post 80 and the Women's Auxil- lary on the same evening. I was honored by an introduction from able Commander Andy Elkins and spoke briefly to the Legionnaires. They are invaluable to me, I told them, in offering suggestions and ideas in connection with veterans’ affairs now bcfore Congress. Last evening I attended a wonderful rally given in my behalf by Victory Townsend Club at 64 Court Street. I was glad to sec so many fine friends and was introduced by President Ball and by Townsend National Representu- tive Merlin Casterlin. During my speech, I tried to make clear my stand on the tax question about to be presented to Congress. My opinion has never swerved from the premise that low-income groups should be exempt or at least lightened from heavy taxes. Now the war is over, I see no reason why we shouldn’t go back to the old ex- emption bases of $1,500 for single persons and 82,500 for married couples. Children should compel the same amount of ex- emption they do now. I have no objection to reducing taxes on larger incomes by 20 percent so long as rea- sonable excmptions are made in the lower brackets The question was raised when I announced my stand in favor of low-income exemptions, that the current tax bill could not be paid. I disagree with this in view of the economies Congress is effecting in our Government. I want to give everyone the chance to get on his feet. For many weeks, sportsmen of Broome County tell me they have been disturbed over the bill introduced by a certain United States Senator providing for the refistra- tion of firearms. You will be interested to know that this bill was withdrawn by the Senator a few days ago and the end of a long struggle against such Iecgislation scems in sight. Americans do not hke to be told they cannot carry firearms, especially when they go through the proper procedure. Private possession of arms is a right guaranteed in our Constitution and I for one hope the Gov- ernment never becomes so weak that we have to take measures to protect it from hunters, sportsmen, and persons in remote places who ask only the privilege of defending their homes and firesides with these weapons. Of course I will remain vigilant to detect any future attempts to deprive our citizens of firearms, but all trial balloons thus far launched on this unpopular subject have so completely burst that I doubt we will hear any more about it for some time to come. Thank you. A957 Pink Snow Over Russia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE A. DONDERO OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. DONDERO. Mr. Speaker, after reading the following article many loyal American pcople will wonder if an old- established American magazine, the Saturday Evening Post, is becoming in- doctrinated with the red philosophy of communism. Edgar Snow, writing in the Saturday Evening Post of recent date, apparently did not let his right hand know what his left hand was doing. Every attempt to appease Russia, and especially by writers of Mr. Snow’s position, continues to in- crease in the Russian mind the impres- sion that our policy toward her is one of weakness. Such a policy is the assassin of justice and righteousness, whether it be among individuals or among nations. The following article appeared :n the New Leader of March 8, 1947: PINK SNOW OVER RUSSIA (By William Henry Chamberlain) When some totaliturian liberal announces with an air of profound and cynical wis- dom that the press is just as controlled and biased in the United States as it is in the Soviet Union the three articles which Edgar Snow has just published in the Saturday Evening Post would furnish convincing evi- dence to the contrary. For a predominantly middle-class publication, with a mildly right-of-center editorial policy, has turned over its vast publicity medium to an ex- tremely ardent special pleader for the Soviet cause who is also one of its editors. Of Mr. Snow's credentials us an advocate of the Soviet cuse there can be no reasonable question. His writings have marked him as an ardent sympathizer with the Chinese Communists, and he is honest enough to ad- mit that these Chinese Communists are not just misunderstood agrarian democrats. His more recent books show a tendency to take Communist parties and Soviet puppet re- gimes in eastern Europe pretty much on faith. I found his first article pedantic and rather dull. It largely revolved around the all-too-obvious point that Soviet and west- ern interpretutions of the same words are often profoundly different. The second article, How It Looks to Ivan Ivanovich, is much more provocative and combative. It begins with the truly hair- raising statement that the facts presented to the Soviet public are usually correct. No one who follows the Soviet press and radio can refrain from entering an emphatic dis- sent, Then there is a completely scrambled and garbled version of recent European history which omits the partition of Poland and presents the Soviet Union as the consistent anti-Fascist crusader. In the light of the known facts it might appear almost impos- sible to try to prove that Britain, shedding as much of its empire as it can as fast as it can, or the United States, emerging from the war with the prospect of a strategic mandate for less than a thousand square miles of coral reefs in the Pacific, are more aggressive than the Soviet Union, with its 25,000,000 forcibly acquired new subjects and its 260,000 square miles of annexed ter- ritory. But Snow seriously aims at this goal, using as his weapons false analogies and misplaced sarcasm, As an example, take the following passage:
A958 “Our press holds that it was wicked for Russia to retake Karelia after defeating Fin- land. But the Muscovite, living in isolation as he does, cannot discern why that action violated the Atlantic Charter, whereas Presi- dent Truman's unilateral announcement of America’s sole trusteeship rights to former Japanese islands upholds the samc pact.” There is no valid parallel between these situations. The Soviet Union, after attack- ing Finland without provocation, wrested from it the Karelian Isthmus, a territory in- habited by several hundred thousand Finns, who almost unanimously lett their homes rather than become Soviet citizens. Here was certainly a clear and flagrant breach of Atlantic Charter principles. Japan attacked the United States and in the course of the war lost to America the Caroline, Marshall, and Mariana Islands, which it had held under a mandate from the League of Na- tions. These islands were in no sense an integral part of Japan. The Atlantic Char- ter is not involved in the assignment to the United States of a mandate over islands where the native population ts too primitive to think in terms of modern nationalism. Using the same methods of false analogy and distortion of fact, Mr. Snow tries to con- vince American readers that Germans who are opposed to coinmun‘sm should be ‘“‘dis- couraged, no matter how roughly”; that Rus- sia, with armed forces exceeding those of the United States and Britain put together, has reason to feel threavened ind “encircled”; that it is wanton aggression for an American naval force to visit Athens an¢ Istanbul, but presumably just good, neighborly fun for the Soviet Union and its Balkan satellites to threaten the dismemberment of Turkey and Greece. There are crocodile tears for poor Ivan, supposedly scared by the atomic ‘omb, but there is no suggestion that it lies within the power of his rulcrs at any moment to banish this fear by accepting the Baruch plan. Mr. Snow’s Ivan is supposedly shocked at the poll-tax regulations in some Southern States, although I can think of Soviet Rus- sians who are intelligent enough to reflect that it would take a good deal more than the payment of a pol] tax to insure the free exer- cise of the suffrage in the Soviet Union or in any of the countries it controls. The last article contains a truly fantastic attempt to palm off as Soviet “concessions” promises which were made only to be broken, 8e at Yalta, or inherently unsatisfactory ar- rangements like the creation of the free state of Trieste, or highly nebulous suggestions like vhe Soviet acceptance “in principle,” of international inspection and control, while proposing to cut the heart out of the Baruch Plan by retaining the veto power. Poland is a continual stumbling block for Mr. Snow. He forgets about the Soviet troops in Poland when he says that Red army forces today are found nowhere except in ex-enemy states. And he says that the decision at Yalta to reorganize the Polish Government “constituted a more important compromise for the Russians than was recognized here.” Actually, everything that has happened in Poland during the 2 years since Yalta, reaching a climax in the recent fraudulent election, has merely confirmed Communist control of that unfortunate country. The Saturday Evening Post proved its will- ingness to let Its readers know the other side in the American-Soviet debate that over- shadows all other postwar political develop- ments. In doing so, {t consciously or un- consciously set up a series of shining targets for readers with some knowledge of recent historical fact and some regard for logical consistency to shoot at. By using the rea- soning methods of Mr. Snow, one could prove that Norway and Belgium were a fearful threat to Nazi Germany, that Abyssinia was the aggressor against Italy, and that China was a deadly threat to the existence of Japan. A thick blanket of pink snow has been thrown over the hard facts of Soviet aggrces- sion that fit In with a Soviet philosophy of ultimate world domination, American Veterans’ Committee and Its Communist Affiliations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following article from the Bulletin of North Shore Post, Ameri- can Legion, Chicago, Ill., for January 1947: BOLTE AND DEROUNIAN Charles Guy Bolté, chairman of the Ameri- can Veterans’ Committee (Bolté never served with the United States armed forces), has decided as to who his choice 1s for the 1946 Americanism award. He endorsed his can- Gidate by stating: “If anybody is passing out Americanism awards this year, here’s my vote for John Roy Carlson.” John Roy Carlson was born somewhere in Europe, could have been Palestine, as has been reported. He is such a lar we urge you not to believe his statements as to his origin, He insists his real name is A. Derounian, but admits he has been running around the United States all during the war, using the names Pagnanelli, Brady, Alexander, Decker, Renard, Elbers, Correa, and Ahkassian. May- be the last is his. Left wingers are giving his recent book front-page publicity. Win- chel] has covered it with orchids. Just so Americans wil] know who this fel- low is who uses the name John Roy Carlson, we quote the Honorable John P. Barnes, Fed- eral judge. Chicago, September 25, 1946: “I wouldn't believe this author if he was under oath. I think this book was written by a wholly irresponsible person who would write anything fora dollar. I think this book was published by a publisher who would do any- thing for a dollar." Judge Barnes was re- ferring to John Roy Carlson, Derounian, Abkassian, after the jury had brought in a verdict of guilty in the libel suit against E. P. Dutton & Co., publishers of Under Cover, lodged by George Washington Rob- nett, executive secretary of the Church League of America. Birds of a feather flock together—Bolté can have Derounian. First Steps in an American Political Offensive EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN DAVIS LODGE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. LODGE. Mr. Speaker, under leave APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD O’Hare McCormick from the New York Times of March 8, 1947: First STEPS IN AN AMERICAN POLITICAL OFFENSIVE (By Anne O'Hare McCormick) In November 1946 an election was held in Hungary in which the Smallholders party was put in power by an overwhelming ma- jority of the people. The Soctalists ran sec- ond and the Communists a poor third. Al- though the Red army was then, as it still is, the sole occupying force, and therefore in complete control of the country, the election was completely free. The well-organized and well-flnanced Communists, under the able direction of Matyas Rakosi, a leader of the Bela Kun revolution of 1919, who had re- turned from long service in Moscow as head of the Hungarian branch of the Comintern, made a strong but strikingly unsuccessful campaign. From the Communist point of view this was only a trial election, as Mr. Rakosi frankly told this correspondent in Budapest as the new government was moving in. “The story is just begun,” he said, and his mean- ing has been unfolding ever since. From the moment of its defeat his party has been demonstrating its capacity to gain power in spite of the popular mandate. All over Europe the Communists don't worry about majorities. What they are interested in is a disciplined and efficient minority at the con- trols in key spots. This is the best illustra- tion of what they mean by democracy. In Hungary it was soon apparent that the majority party was elected to powerless- ness—economically because the occupying authority has a stranglehold on production, politically because the Communist minority in the coalition government established themselves in ministries that gave them con- trol over communications, social welfare, in- terior affairs, what's left of the national army and the police. The two representa- tives of the Smaliholders Party who have been successively nominal heads of the Gov- ernment, Zoltan Tildy and Ferenc Nagy, have bent backward in their efforts to work with the Communists and placate the Russians. Their desire to “play ball” was vain. Rakos! and his associates set out from the beginning to break the strength of the Smallholders and they have pretty well accomplished their purpose. PRESSURE STEADILY INCREASED Last April they forced the expulsion of 20 members of the Smallholders from Parlia- ment. The pressure has steadily increased, until now, with the excuse that a plot has been uncovered to overthrow the republic, they have used their police power to conduct &® general campaign against their political opponents. The climax came when the Smaliholders in a last-ditch show of defiance refused to surrender their former secretary- general and one of the most independent men in Parliament, Bela Kovacs, wanted in connection with the investigation of the conspiracy, and the Russians openly stepped in and arrested Mr. Kovacs. This is the background of the sharp note sent by Secretary Marshall to the Soviet Government. Former American official com- plaints were that the people of Poland, Bul- garia, Rumania, and Yugoslavia were not given the opportunity to vote freely which was promised in the Three-Power declara- tion at Yalta. The charge now is that, after free and untrammeled elections, the popular mandate ts nullified by “the efforts of a small group in Hungary to substitute a mi- nority dictatorship for a responsible admin- istration.” The note accuses the Soviet high command of unilateral intervention in Hun- garian internal affairs on grounds and charges the United States Government be- Meves to be unwarranted.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The distinction between this and former protests is important. For what are free elec- tions worth if the minority elements are sup- ported by a foreign government to coerce the popularly elected majority? “What's the dif- ference how we vote?’ Hungarians ask. “The Communists rule us anyway. But we might have had a better deal if we'd voted for them. The police rule we get now is punishment for voting no.” The Communists have ways of killing oppo- sition. They are forbidding the publication of the American note in Hungary. The at- tacks on the counsel of deputies charged with conspiracy are so violent that the de- fense lawyers have resigned in a body. URGENT ACTION REQUIRED This usurpation of power in Hungary has been going on for a long time and the Ameri- can démarche may be too late to save the rep- resentative government that hapless nation has been struggling to establish. But its pur- pose gocs beyond the Hungarian situation. Dispatched at this time it is significant in the same way that the sudden alarm over Greece is significant. The Greck crisis is not new, either. It has been under discussion in Lon- don and Washington for months, together with warnings that the British could not carry the burden alone. If it is all at once recognized as so grave that the President feels obliged to forego his vacation to deal with it, it is not so much because of fresh develop- ments as that urgent action is required and Congress and the American public need to be aroused to take a more serious view of the international outlook as a whole. Taken together, the protest on Soviet inter- vention in internal politics in Hungary and the demand for prompt action in Greece sig- nify that the United States is not prepared to recognize that the separation of Europe into zones of influence is a fait accompli. Open- in’ a diplomatic offensive on the eve of the Moscow Conference bears directly on the dis- cussion of Austria and Germany. It is the strongest indication so far given that the United States is moving into the political vacuum created by the shrinking power of the western Allies. Exemplar for Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. _ Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the December 1946 issue of the National Hibernian, official organ of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, entitled “Exemplar for Peace”: EXEMPLAR FOR PEACE (This poem was written for the President of the United States. It is Capt. James Patrick McGovern’s contribution to the for- eign policy of his country. If our foreign policy were shaped by poets, it might well be more effective than it is. “We are the music makers; yet we are the movers and shakers of the world forever, it seems,” wrote Arthur O'Shaughnessy. Oaptain Mc- Govern we should call our poet, if the pro- noun could be stripped of possessive con- notation. We commend to your attention this sonnet in the dificult Petrarcan mane ner.) America, more famed in war than peace With greater power the body’s than the soul's, Traditionally the pioneer whose goals To conquer nature’s forces never ceuse. Let your virile manhood mellow now By growth of mind and spirit linked with might; Seek new truth and beauty, learn more light Of peace and happiness, and then know how To live and reap the grain that brawn has sown, Refine the crude, let substance be hot all For which strong hearts are set lest a deep pall Of vain and selfish strife make them disown Their heritage of loved democracy While communism spreads its leprosy. —James Patrick McGovern. American People Are Entitled to All of the Facts in Present International Crisis EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 11, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, the Progressive magazine of March 10 contains a most provocative article by the editor, Mr. Morris H. Ru- bin, which commands the serious and thoughtful consideration of every Mem- ber of this House. I include it as a part of my remarks: THE BLIND LEADING THE BROKE (By Morris H. Rubin) It isn’t often that the country finds out 80 quickly what happened at u secret White House conference, but this time the news was so important, the decision so fateful for the future of America that official leaks were arranged at once. President Truman had hastily summoned to his office Secretary of State Marshall and congressional leaders of both parties. The first half of the news was important only because it was official confirmation of a fact long accepted by anyone who could read or think—at long last the sun was setting on the bankrupt British Empire. The second half of the news was far more sensational. The United States was being asked to pick up the pieces as Britain dropped them around the world. The United States’ was being asked to accept direct, military responsibility for the maintenance of status quos outside the Western Hemisphere in areas never before regarded as vital to the preservation of our national or commercial interests. Greece, of course, was the immediate prob- lem. The British notified the Messrs. Tru- man and Marshall that they were no longer able to defend their position in Greece, which is the life line to Turkey, which is the life line to Iran, which, in turn, is the life line to India, Burma, and the Orient. Britain's labor government was right, of course. Its desperate plight at home and its moral imperative to abandon imperialism had combined to make its position in Greece untenable. The crisis at home, with which the labor government has been struggling ably and resourcefully, demanded that “something be done.” Britain was critically short of labor, and. yet it was maintaining an army ef 32,000,000 men, or one-seventh A959 of its manpower, under arms, and was set- ting aside 27 percent of ita total budget for military operations at a time when there weren't enough of the bare necessities of life to go around at home. But there was more to it than that. If the labor government has the decency and the morality which I, for one, believe it has, it has recognized for many months that it was involved in a hopeless situation in Greece—a situation in which it was sup- porting with money and force of arms the totally reactionary regime of a Fuascist-in- clined royalty. It was caught in the mid- dle—between the extreme left of the Com- munist forces and the extreme right of the royalist crowd—and it had become smart enough to know that it couldn't forever afford the price of civil war. But where the labor government has fallen down for more than a year, where it fell down again when it handed us a fiicker- ing torch last weck, was in failing to pro- vide a more adequate alternutive to com- munism than a crown—and a pretty tar- nished crown at that. I think the British Laborites are ashamed of what has happened in Greece, and well they might be, and all of us are familiar with their apology—that it was that or commu- nism. The apology, however, doesn’t stand up in the face of facts. The British have occupied Grecce for more than a year, but the situa- tion is not much better today than it was when they took over. Greece is a desperate. ly sick country, but its illness will no more be cured by fascism than by communism. This is the Greece, and the lifeline to a crumbling empire, which the British now hand us. It isn't only Greece that's involved, or even only Britain. Basic American policy is at stake—and with it world peace. Should we take over? Are we prepared to tuke over? My answer to both questions js: I don’t think so. I can't make it much stronger than that because the whole problem is loaded with countless “if's,” and the most important “if” of them all is this: If we don’t, will the Russians move in, and if they do, will that hasten the Stalinizatio~ of Turkey, Italy, France, and eventually all Europe? I would fecl less reluctant to move into Grecce if we in America had a clear-cut, affirmative, democratic foreign policy; if we knew where we were going, “nd why; if we were going to replace bankrupt British im- perialism With the best of a dynamic Ameri- can democracy. But things being what they are at the moment, for the United States to take over from the British would be to have the blind leading the broke. It is vital for America, and for all small “a” democrats everywhere, to check Soviet expansion if we are to prevent the spread of the very totalitarianism we thought we had defeated in Germany. The Kremlin has a habit of pouting whenever :nyone in this country refers to the Soviet Union as an aggressive, expansionist power, but the official facts cant be sneered away. As a result of World War II, the Soviets hav- acquired eastern Poland, Lithuania, eastern Finland, Latvia, Bessarabia, and Bukovina, Estonia, southern Sakhalin, Car- patho-Ukraine, East Prussia, and the Kurile Islands—more than 200,000 square miles of territory inhabited by 25,000,000 persons— and has established political sway over Poland, Yugoslavia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Hun- gary, Albania, Finland, and Czechoslovakia, not to mention the Soviet-occupied areas of Germany, Austria, Korea, and, unofficially, China and Manchuria. It is this Soviet imperialism that must be stopped, but It won’t be stopped by propping up decadent royalty in Greece. It was only