1950 By Mr. BENNETT of Florida: H.R. 7390. A bill for the relief of Erika Kuebart and her minor son; to the Commit- tee on the Judiciary. By Mr. BRAMBLETT: H.R. 7391. A bill for the relief of Bernard R. Novak; to the Committee on the Judictary. By Mr. DINGELL: H. R. 7392. A bill for the relief of Columbus Finley; to the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr. HAVENNER: H.R. 7393. A bill for the relief of Francisco Blanco; to the Committee on the Judiciary. H.R. 7394. A bill for the relief of Mrs. Celine Smith; to the Committee on the Ju- diciary. By Mr. MITCHELL: H.R. 7395. A bill for the relief of Endel Jakob Kolde; to the Committee on the Ju- diciary. PETITIONS, ETC. Under clause 1 of rule XXII, petitions and papers were laid on the Clerk’s desk and referred as follows: 1881. By Mr. FORAND: Resolution of the General Assembly of the State of Rhode Is- land, memortalizing Congress with relation to the amendment of the retirement require- ments as they apply to soldiers, sailors, marines, and National Guard men so that those otherwise eligible for retirement after 2u years of service may receive the benefits for which they would be entitled without having reached the minimum age therefor; to the Committee on Armed Services. 1882. Also, resolution of the Gencral As- sembly of the State of Rhode Island, memo- rializing Congress in plea for cooperation by the United States Army engineers for the re- moval of wrecks in Narragansett Bay and Providence Harbor; to the Committec on Public Works 1883 By Mr. HALE: Memorial of the Sen- ate and House of Representatives of the State of Maine, urging the Members of Congress to pass legislation authorizing the issue of a postage stamp and the striking of a coin to mark the occasion of the two hundredth an- niversary of the birth of Maj. Gen. Henry Knox, friend of George Washington, who held the distinguished position of head of the De- partment of Artillery in the American Revo- lution, 1776-83, and was Secretary of War in the National Government, 1785-94; to the Committee on Post Office and Civil Rervice. 1884. By Mr. JENISON: Petition of the property owners of that part of the village of Palestine, Ill., that is endangered by flood from the Wabash River, petitioning for as- sistance from the Federal authorities in building protection necessary to protect their lives and property; to the Committee on Pub- lic Works 1885. By Mr. KEARNEY: Petitions of resi- dents of Cooperstown, N. Y., advocating pas- sage of legislation to prohibit the transporta- tion in interstate commerce of alcoholic-bev- erage advertising and its broadcasting over the radio; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. 1886. By Mr. RICH: Petition of members of §t. Agnes Parish, Lock Haven, Pa., in oppo- sition to Barden and Thomas Federal ald-to- education bills; to the Committee on Educa- tion and Labor. 1887. By Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts: Petition of Holmes, Curran, Bennett Unit, No. 861, American Legion Auxiliary, Ashby, Mass., against any form of compulsory health insur- ance or any system of politicel medicine de- signed for national bureaucratic control; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. 1888. Also, petition of American Legion Auxiliary Post, No. 159, Westford, Mass., against any form of compulsory health insur- ance or any system of political medicine CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE designed for national bureaucratic control; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. 1889. Also, memorial of the General Court of Massachusetts, to remove existing taxes on admissions to high-school athletic con- tests or athletic contests conducted by chari- table and nonprofit organizations; to the Committee on Ways and Means. 1890. By the SPEAKER: Petition of Wel- don Chambers, president, Brown County local unit, Texas State Teachers Association, Bangs, Tex., opposing Federal aid to educa- tion; to the Committee on Education and Labor. 1891. Also, petition of Rear Adm. William Rea Furlong, Military Order of the World Wars, Washington, D. C, relative to resolu- tions pending before the Congress proposing world government or proposing a change in the United Nations, and stating its opposi- tion to any form of supergovernment, being contrary to the essentials of liberty and na- tional independence; to the Committee on Foieign Affairs. 1892. Also, petition of Helen S. Kurtz, president, Women's Board of Doctors Hospi- tal, Cleveland, Ohio, opposing any form of compulsory health insurance or any system of political medicine designed for national bureaucratic control; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. 1893. Also, petition of Paul Wooton, presi- dent, Society of Business Magazine Editors, Washington, D. C., opposing the continued use of the facilites of the periodical press galleries by representatives of the State De- partment or any other Government agency and asking that no relaxation of the rules regarding admission be permitted; to the Committee on Rules. 1894. Also, petition of 8. M Felton, presi- dent, American Railway Car Institute, New York, N. Y., relative to excise taxes on rail- road fares and shipment of freight and re- questing that these excise taxes be abolished immediately; to the Committee on Ways and Means, SENATE WeEbDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1950 The Chaplain, Rev. Frederick Brown Harris, D. D., ofitered the following prayer: Our fathers’ God, with clamorous voices demanding our ears we would this day listen again to the calm and reassur- ing voice of the first President of the Republic, who still stands among us in lofty reserve. Being dead, he yet speak- eth, with unerring judgment exhorting us to union and harmony. May his warn- ing sentiments bequeathed for the medi- tation of all future generations come to us with undimmed freshness as a mes- sage for these troubled times. By pa- tience and faith may we, lke him, rise above the difficulties, discouragements, and dangers which confront us, in this day of desperate battle around the world, between truth and falsehood, liberty and tyranny. So, as the ages roll on, may a grateful Nation cherish the luster of his virtues and the greatness of his service. Amen. THE JOURNAL On request of Mr. Lucas, and by unani- mous consent, the reading of the Journal of the proceedings of Tuesday, February 21, 1950, was dispensed with. 2111 MESSAGES FROM THE PRESIDENT Messages in writing from the President of the United States submitting nomina- tions were communicated to the Senate by Mr. Hawks, one of his secretaries. MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE A message from the House of Repre- sentatives, by Mr. Maurer, one of its read- ing clerks, announced that the House had passed the bill (S. 2734) to promote the rehabilitation of the Navajo and Hopi Tribes of Indians and a better utiliza- tion of the resources of the Navajo and Hopi Indian Reservations, and for other purposes, with amendments, in which it requested the concurrence of the Senate. The message also announced that the House had passed the following bills, in which it requested the concurrence of the Senate: H R 633 An act for the relief of Mrs. Vic- tor V. Greg; H R.677. An act for the relief of Nicoletta and Guilla Pontrelll; H.R 714 An act for the relief of Pieter Cornelis ten Wolde and familly; H.R 1047, An act for the relief of the Aero- Bocker Knitting Mills, Inc; H.R.1133. An act for the relief of Mrs. Meri2 Leatherbury Pyle and Patricia M. Pyle; HR 1170. An act for the relief of Mrs. John Kaudy (formerly Stella Cappler), H R 1464, An act for the relief of W. B. Terry; H R 1606 An act conferring furisdiction upon the Court of Claims to hear and deter- mine the claim of Auf der Heide-Aragona, Inc, and certain of its subcontractors against the United States, H R 1697. An act for the relief of Mildred Smith Butler, H R. 1699 An act for the relief of the es- tate of William Kraus, H R 1866. An act for the relief of Honorio Canciller and Nancy Ting Evangelista; HR 2705 An act for tho relief of Martin Kenneth Ikeda; H R 2719. An act for the relief of the legal guardian of I D Cosson, a minor: H R 29293. An act for the relief of Mra. Dorothy Manious; H R 3080. An act for the relief of Earl L. Doss, H R 3380. An act for the relief of Therese Hohman; H R.3506. An act for the reliof of Louls P, Murphy, United States immigrant inspector, El Paso, Tex ; H R 3725 An act for the relicf of the estute of Mrs Elizabeth Gardner, H R 4015. An act for the relief of Kate Lauisen, HR 4301 An act for the relief of Y.S. Hu; H R.4380. An act for the relief of Mrs. Agnes Emma Hay, H R,. 4532. An act for the relief of Dr Ta Fu Wu: H.R 4604 An act to authorize the admis- sion into the United States of certain aliens porsessing special skills, namely, Teodor Egle, Karlis Fogelis, Vasily Kils, and Aleksanders Zelmenis; H.R. 4608. An act for the rellef of William J. Drinkwine; H.R. 4720. An act for the relief of Stella Avner; H.R. 4781. An act for the relief of Veronica Jolly; H.R. 6274. An act for the rellef of Francis A. Gunn; H.R 5523. An act for the relief of Fred I. Massengiil; H.R. 5541. Ar act to amend Private Law No. 463, Seventy-sixth Congrccs; H.R. 5566. An act for the relief of Dr. Agostino DeLisi;
2112 H.R. 5753. An act for the relief of Jean Clark; H.R 6051. An act for the rellef of Alcide Raymond; H.R 6271 An act for the relief of Mrs. Harry Schneider; H.R 6344, An act for the relief of Mrs. William Y Imanaka; H R 6414. An act for the relief of Mrs. Chikako Mary Ohort Hort; H R.6521 An act to authorize the sale of certain land on the Pine Ridge Indian Resc1- vation, S Dak., allotted to Lucy Arapahoe Iron Bear; H R 6577 Teramoto; H.R 6529. An act for the relief of Mitsue Miyamoto, H R 6C89. An act for the rellef of Mitsuko Uemura, H R 6691 An act for the relief of Paul D. Banning, chief disbursing officer, Treasury Department, and for other purposes, H R 6892 An act for the relief of Sgt. Blaine W. Hushes; H R 6894 An act for the relicf of Ervin Haas and Leno Vescovi; H R 6.95 An act for the relief of Edgar F. Russell; Lillian V Russell, his wife, and Bessie R Ward; H R 6696 An act for the relief of Lawrence B Williams and his wife, Viva Craig Wil- liams, H.R 6753 An act for the relief of Arthur Chen Shu Jee; H R 6737 An act for the relief of Mrs. Kyoko Nakamura Kornhauser, H R 6894 On act for the relief of Mrs. Nobuko Eto Heard, and H.R 7025 An act for the relief of Hisako Bakata Ixezawa. CALL OF THE ROLL Mr. LUCAS. I suggest the absence of a quorum The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secre- tary will call the roll. The roll was called, and the following Senators answered to their names: An act for the relief of Haruko Alken Hendrickson Matone Benton Hickenlooper Maybank Brewster Hill Milikin Bricker Hoey Morse Butler Holland Mundt Byrd Hunt Myers Capehart Ives Neely Chapman Jenner O'Conor Chavez Johnson, Colo, O'Mahoney Connally Johnson, Tex Robertson Cordon Johnston,8 C Russell Darby Kefauver Saltonstall Donnell Kem Schoeppel Douglas Kerr Smith, Maine Downey Kilgore Smith, N J. Dwor-rhak Knowland Sparkman Eastiand Langer Stennis Ecton Leahy Taft Ellender Lehman ‘Tavior Ferguson Lodge ‘Thomas, Utah Flanders Long Thye Frear Lucas Tobey Fulbright McCarran Tydings George McCarthy Watkins Gillette McClellan Wherry Graham McFarland Wiley Green McKellar Williams Gurney McMahon Withers Hayden Magnuson Mr. MYERS. I announce that the Senator from New Mexico [Mr. ANDER- son], the Senator from Minnesota [Mr. HUMPHREY], and the Senator from Flor- ida (Mr. PEpreR] are absent on public business. The Senator from Montana Murray) is necessarily absent. The Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. Tuomas] is absent by leave of the Senate. Mr. SALTOCNSTALL. Iannounce that the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Brivces] and the Senator from North {Mr, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE Dakota [Mr. Youna] are absent by leave of the Senate. The Senator from Washington [Mr. Cain] and the Senator from Pennsyl- vania [Mr. MarTIN] are absent on official business. The Senator from Michigan VANDENEERG] is necessarily absent. The VICE PRESIDENT. A quorum is present. READING OF WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS The VICE PRESIDENT. In accord- ance with the resolution of the Senate adcpted on January 24, 1901, ordering the reading on the 22d day of February of cach year of the Farewell Address of George Washington, the Chair hav- ing heretofore designated the Senator from Maryland |Mr O’Conor! to read the address, the Senator from Maryland is now recognized for that purpose. Mr. O’CONOR advanced to the desk and read the Farewell Address, as fol- lows. (Mr. To the people of the United States: FRIENDS AND FELLOW CiTIZENS: The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in desig- nating the person who is to he clothed with that important trust, 1t appears to me prcper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the pullic voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have tormed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the Justice to be assured, that this reso- luv.on has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appeltaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tencer of service which s.lence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminu'ion of zeal for your future interest; no defi- ciency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suf- frages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I con- stantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my powcr, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with for- eign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea, I rejoice that the state of your con- cerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination FEBRUARY 22 incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, what- ever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circum- stances of our country, you will not dis- approve my determination to retize. The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were ex- plained on the prope. occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, con- tributed towards the organization and edministration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and, every day, the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisficd that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to qu:t the political scene, patrictism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadtast confidence with which it has supportcd me; and for the oppor- tumities I have thence enjoyed of mani- festing my inviolable atiachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequ ~ to my zeal. If benefits have resulied to cur country from these services, let it always be re- membered to your praise, and as an in- structive céample in our annals, that under circurastances in which the pas- sions, agitated in every dircction, were liable to mislead amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of tor- tune often discoureging—in situations in which not unfrequently, want of suc- cess has countenanced the spirit of criticism—the constancy of your support was the cssential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were cifccted. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry 1t with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may con- tinue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and broth- erly affection may be perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly main- tained—that its administration in every department may be stamped with wis- dom and virtue—that, in fine, the hap- piness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recom- mending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. Buta solicitude for your welfare, which cannot
1950 end but with my life, and the apprehen- sion of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent re- view, some sentiments which are the re- sult of much reflection, of no inconsider- able observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an en- couragement to it, your indulgent recep- tion of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recom- mendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which con- stitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real inde- pendence; the support of your tranquil- lity at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very hhberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from differ- ent causes and from different quarters much rains willl be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and ex- ternal enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed; it is of infinite moment, that you should properly esti- mate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable at- tachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jeal- ous an::iety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indig- nantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth, or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any ap- pellation derived from local discrimina- tions. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels, and Joint efforts, of com- mon dangers, suffering and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they addressed themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest.—Here, every portion of our country finds the most commanding CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE motives for carefully guarding and pre- serving the union of the whole. The north, in an unrestrained inter- course with the south, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry.— The south in the same intercourse, bene- fiting by the same agency of the north, Sees its agriculture grow and its com- merce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invigor- ated; and while it contributes, in differ- ent ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is un- equally adapted. The east, in a like in- tercourse with the west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of Interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The west derives from the east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater conse- quence, it must of necessity owe the se- cure enjoyment ot indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble com- munity of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the west can hold this essential advantage, whether de- rived from its own separate strength; or from an apostate and unnatural con- nection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts com- bined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportion- ably greater security from external dan- ger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union, an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalship alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attach- ments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persua- sive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind and exhibit the continu- ance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can em- brace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in 2113 such a case were criminal. We are au- thorized to hope that a proper organiza- tion of the whole. with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respec- tive subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. -With sucn powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its hands, In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as mat- ter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for char- acterizing parties by geographical dis- criminations,—northern and southern— Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local inter- ests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within par- ticular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burn- ings which spring from these misrepre- sentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The in- habitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal sat- isfaction at the event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions prop- agated among them of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every- thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not hence- forth be deaf to those advisers, if such they are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an ade- quate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interrup- tions which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this mo- mentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a con- stitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This govern- ment, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature delibera- tion, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and maintaining
2114 within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their consti- tutions of government —But the consti- tution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obliga- tory upon all. The very idea of the power, and the right of the people to establish government, presuppose the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, coun- teract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency —They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongru- ous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and modi- fied by mutual interests. However cembinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things, to be- come potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the peo- ple, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying aftorwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your gov- ernment and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its acknowledged. authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, altera- tions which will impair the energy of the system; and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be involved, remember that time and habit are at least. as necessary to fix the true charac- ter of governments, as of other human institutions :—that experience is the sur- est standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country:—that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opin- ion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion: and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so exten- sive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Lib- erty itself will find in such a government, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE with powers properly distributed and ad- justed, its surest guardian, It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the gov- ernment is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with par- ticular references to the founding them on geographical discrimination. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is insepara- ble from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.—It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, con- trolled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form itis seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one fac- tion over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually in- cline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purpose of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an extrem- ity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public ad- ministration. It agitates the community with 111 founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the govern- ment itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There 1s an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of hberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monar- chial cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the pop- ular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opin- jon, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uni- form vigilance to prevent it bursting into FEBRUARY 22 a flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume. It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroach- ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatcver the form of government, areal despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into differ- ent depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasion of the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes.—To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribu- tion of modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates.— But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it 1s the custom- ary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must al- ways greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yleld. Of all the dispositions and habits vhich lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would chat man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investiga- tion in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without re- ligion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclu- Sion of religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indced extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sin- cere friend to it can look with indiffer- ence upon attempts to shake the founda- tion of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One
1950 method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but re- membering, also, that timely disburse- ments, to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumu- lation of debt, not only by shunning oc- casions of expense, but by vigorous exer- tions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your repre- sentatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment cf debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes, that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unplcas- ant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper object (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive mo- tive for a candid construction of the con- duct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary ad- vantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it; can it be that Provi- dence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, noth- ing is more essential than that perma- nent, inveterate antipathies against par- ticular nations and passionate attach- ments for others, should be excluded; and that in place of them, just and ami- cable feelings towards all should be cul- tivated. The nation which indulges to- wards another an habitual] hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is suffi- cient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when acci- dental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, ob- stinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and re- sentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calcu- lations of policy. The government some- times participates in the national pro- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE pensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation sub- servient to prcjects of hostility, insti- gated by pride, ambition, and other sin- ister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations, has been the victim. So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the fa- vorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a par- ticipation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducements or justifications. It leads also to con- cessions, to the favorite nation, of privi- leges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unnecessary parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are with- held; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens who devote them- selves to the favorite nation, facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obli- gation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compli- ances of ambition, corruption, or infat- uation. As avenues to foreign influence in Innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly en- lightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to prac- tice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils!—Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. - Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most bane- ful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be im- partial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive par- tiality for one foreign nation and ex- cessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the in- trigues of the favorite, are liable to be- come suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be ful- filled with perfect good faith:—Here let us stop. 2115 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our con- cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be un- wise in us to implicate ourselves, by arti- ficial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combina- tions and collusions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation in- vites and enables us to pursue a d'ffer- ent course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respect- ed; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation, when we may choose pcace or war, as Our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so pe-~ culiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be ob- served in their genuine sense, But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable. establishments, on a re- spectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seek- ing nor granting exclusive favors or pref- erences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the gov- ernment to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and Hable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dic- tate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disin- terested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independ- ence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There
2116 can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from na- tion to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. . In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations, but if I may even fatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to modcrate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the prin- ciples which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe; my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral posi- tion. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to main- tain it with moderation, perserverance and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- sary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my un- derstanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the bel- ligerent powers, has becn virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to main- tain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations, The inducements of interest for ob- serving that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent insti- tutions, and to progress, without inter- ruption, to that degree of strength, and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fer- vent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the be- nign influence of good laws under a free government—the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. Gro WASHINGTON. UNITED STATES, 17th September, 1796. Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak 4 minutes at this point. The VICE PRESIDENT. Without ob- jection, the Senator may proceed. Mr. DONNELL. Mr. President, I con- gratulate the Senator from Maryland on his discerning and intellisent reading of Washington's Farewell Address, which by emphasis and clarity has been of such Pronounced assistance in enabling us who have heard his rendition to under- stand the profound meaning of this im- mortal address. Each year we are impressed with its close applicability to current problems. The observation that the Constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, 1s sacredly obligatory upon all; the observation that it is important likewise that the habits of thinking ina free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their re- spective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one de- partment, to encroach upon another: the admonition that if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modifica- tion of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates, but let there be no change by usurpation—these are but examples of the truths which are im- mortal in this great address of the Father of his Country. Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again; The eternal years of God are hers. Mr. President, Daniel Webster said: America has furnished the world the char- acter of Washington. And if our American institutions had done nothing else, that alone would have entitled them to the re- spect of mankind. FEBRUARY 22 It was Lord Brougham of England who said: Until time shall be no more, a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and virtue will be derived from the venela- tion paid to the immortal name of Wash- ington. Today, Mr. President, our thoughts may appropriately include that other great American, the birth of whom our people celebrated earlier in this month, Abraham Lincoln. As our contempla- tion embraces these two great f-gures of history, let us recall a tribute to Wash- ington in words cf matchless beauty left by Lincoln to us. Listen to his words: To add brightness to the sun or glory to the name of Washington is alike impossible. Let none attempt it In solemn awe pro- nounce the name, and in its naked deathless splendor leave it shining on Mr. TOBEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may address the Senate for 2 minutes. The VICE PRESIDENT. Without ob- jection, the Senator may proceed. Mr. TOBEY. Mr. President, the psalmist David, in one of his Psalms, in speaking to God Almighty, wrote— Thy word have I hid in mine heart, that I might not sin against Thee What David meant was that the truths and the inspirations and the teachings of Holy Writ were hid in his heart so that when the temptations of sin came into his life he could call up their as- surances as armor to protect him against the wiles of evil. As I sat. here this morning, Mr. Pres- ident, joining with my fellows in listen- ing to the address of our great first Pres- ident, perhaps the greatest of all Amer- ican citizens, all things considered, I harkened to his appeal to mankind, not only those of his day, but to us, as well as gencrations yet to come, calling our attention to the soundness of thrift, to religion and prudence, to right foreign relations, to sound credit and finance, but, above all, integrity and common honesty. I reflected, as I listened, would that we in the Senate of the United States, and the people in the hinterlands of America, might hide those principles in our hearts, that when false doctrine or great temptations came, when insidious wiles of national and international evils presented themselves to our souls, we might call up these teachings, and give back a strong answer, that here we stand, true to the principles of Washington and Lincoln and other great leaders who have gone before us, building something with foundations great and strong for gen- erations yet unborn. If that were true in my life and yours, Mr. President, and in those of our fel- lows, then it might be said in truth, Washington being dead, yet speaketh to us today. God grant that may be true. EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS, ETC. The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate the following letters, which were referred, as indicated: FORWARDING AND RETURN OF CERTAIN MAIL MATTER A letter from the Postmaster General, transmitting a draft of proposed legislation
1950 relating to the forwarding and return of sec- ond-, third-, and fourth-class mail, the col- lection of postage due at the time of delivery, and for other purposes (with an accompany- ing paper); to the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. DEMURRAGE CHARGES ON UNDELIVERED COLLECT- ON-DELIVERY Pance.s A letter from the Postmaster General, transmitting a draft of proposed legislation to amend the act entitled “An act to author- ize the Postmaster General to impose de- murrage charges on undelivered collect-on- delivery parcels,” approved May 23, 1950, as amended (89 U. 8. C. 246c) (with an accom- panying paper); to the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. SUSPENSION OF DEPORTATION OF ALIENS A letter from the Acting Attorney General of the United States, transmitting, pursuant to law, copies of orders of the Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Serv- ice suspending deportation as well as a list of persons involved, together with a detailed statement of the facts and pertinent provi- sions of law as to each alien and the reason for ordering such suspension (with accom- panying papers); to the Committee on the Judiciary. GRANTING oF STATUS OF PERMANENT RESIDENCE To CERTAIN ALIENS A letter from the Acting Attorney General of the United States, transmitting, pursuant to law, copies of orders of the Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Serv- ice granting the status of permanent resi- dence to certain aliens (with accompanying papers); to the Committee on the Judiciary. ProroseD TRANSFER BY Navy DEPARTMENT OF PLANE PERSONNEL BoaT TO LAKE COUNTY, CauLir. A letter from the Under Secretary of the Navy, reporting, pursuant to law, that the county of Lake, Calif, hud requested the Navy Department to transier a plane per- sonnel boat, or craft of similar typc, for use by that county in rescue operations and in the discharge of other functions of the county; to the Committee on Armed Services STATISTICAL TABLES REFLECTING BUSINESS TRANSACTED BY BANKRUPTCY CouURTS A letter from the Director, Administrative Office of the United States Courts, Washing- ton, D. C., transmitting, pursuant to law, statistical tables refiecting the business transacted by the bankruptcy courts, fiscal year ended June 30, 1949 (with an accom- panying document); to the Committee on the Judiciary. PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS Petitions, etc., were laid before the Senate, or prescntcd, and referred as indicated: By the VICE PRESIDENT: Letters in the nature of petitions from Unknown Soldier Post, No, 875, Las Angeles, Calif., signed by F. F. Collins, quartermaster adjutant; the Wyandotte County Council of Kansas City, Kans., signed by Harry Cox, Jr., commander; Halvarson-Bowers Post, No. 187, of Minneapolis, Minn., signed by Albert Johnson, commander; and the Legislation Action Committee, of Sunburst, Mont., all of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, praying for the enactment of House bill 4167, to liberalize the requirement for payment of pension in certain cases to vet- erans and their widows and children; to the Committee on Finance, Resolutions adopted by Lion Mountain Auxillary to Post No. 276, of Whitefish, Mont., and the Beirne-Webster Post, No. 1568, of Towanda, Pa., both of the Veterans of For- eign Wars of the United States, favoring the enactment of House bill 4167, to liberalize the requirement for payment of pension in CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE certain cases to veterans and their widows and children; to the Committee on Finance. A resolution adopted by the Women’s In- ternational League for Peace and Freedom, of Washington, D. C., favoring the establish- ment of a conference on disarmament; to the Committee on Foreign Relations. A resolution adopted by the Supreme Offi- cers of the Pan-Messenian Federation, of Boston, Mass., relating to the return to Greece of certain abducted children; to the Committee on Foreign Relations. A letter from Nicolas Estates, Inc., of Ma- nila, P. I, signed by Mr. and Mrs. Eugenio Corpuz Nicolas, transmitting a resolution relating to amendment of the United States- Philippine wer-damage law (with accom- panying papers); to the Committee on For- eign Relations A resolution adopted by the Delaware State Dental Society, of Wilmington, Del., protesting against the enactment of legis- lation providing compulsory health insur- ance; to the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. A joint resolution of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky; to the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry; “Senate Resolution 25 “Whereas the growing and marketing of tobacco in Kentucky produces more cash in- come than is produced from any other crop grown in Kontucky; and “Whereas Kentucky produces, grows, and markets more burley tobacco than any other State in the United States of America, and “Whereas the growing and marketing of burley tobacco is very vital to the economic life and to the general welfare of the people of Kentucky; and “Whereas the burley tobacco growers in Kentucky, by overwhelming vote, have re- peatedly approved the establishment of quotas for the growing and marketing of hurley tobacco under the terms and pro- visions of the Federal Agricultural Adjust- ment Act of 1938, as amended, and “Whereas uniform standards of type, qual- ity, grade, und other characteristics need to be established and maintained to prevent manipulations and evasions which would unreasonably and adversely affect the prices received by tobaccu growers in Kentucky to the great detriment of such growers; and “Whereas the classification of tobacco ac- cording to type, grade, and other character- istics and the use and application of uniform standards for such classifications and in- spections are imperative for the protection of growers of burley tobacco and the pro- tection of the public interest of the pcople of Kentucky and of other States growing burley tobacco; and “Whereas abnormally excessive supplies of burley tobacco adversely affect the price of tobacco which is grown under quota and marketing restrictions; and “Whereas tobacco has been grown in large amounts in Kentucky which is a cross or variety of burley known and designated as type 31-V tobacco which has been grown without being under the quota and market- ing restrictions applicable to other growers of burley tobacco; and “Whereas the ruling and regulation of the United States Department of Agriculture establishing type 31-V tobacco, classification amended July 18, 1947, effective July 23, 1947 (12 FR 4144; 12 FR 4879), restrictions and contract issued November 13, 1947, effective January 2, 1948 (12 FR 5478; 12 FR 8041), have resulted in the evasion of the quota restrictions with respect to the growing and marketing of burley tobacco in Kentucky; and “Whereas the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky is strongly of the opinion that the aforesaid regulation, classification, and contract made by the 2117 United States Department of Agriculture is in direct violation of the intent of the Con- gress of the United States with respect to quota, marketing, and other regulations with respect to the growing and marketing of burley tobacco; and “Whereas the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky very strongly believes that said ruling, regulation, classi- fication, and contract are unfair and un- just and are against the best interest of the burley-tobacco growers of Kentucky and of other States growing burley tobacco; and “Whereas the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky very strongly believes that said ruling, classifications, re- strictions, and contract have resulted, and will continue to result, in abuses and eva- sions and manipulations which, if not cor- rected, may lead to the destruction of or great damage to the burley-tobacco indus- try in Kentucky and in other States: Now, therefore, be it “Resolved by the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky (the senate and the house of representatives concurring), That the Secretary of Agriculture of the United States be requestcd immediately to revoke and rescind the rulings, classifications, and contract hereinabove set forth: and in Meu thereof, promulgate and adopt rules and regulations prohibiting the growth of type 31-V tobacco except under existing quotas, pennities, and other marketing conditions, regulations, and provisions which are now ap- plicable to the growing and marketing of burley tobacco; and “(2) That the Secretary of Agriculture of the United States immediately promulgate and issue appropriate and effective regula- tions to prohibit the consideration, histori- cally or otherwise, of type 81-V tobacco tn computing or determining the allotment or base for the growing of burley tobacco on any farm or farms by any person, firm, or corporation; and “(3) That the clerk of the senate be, and is hereby, directed to send an attested copy of this resolution to each Member of the House of Representatives from Kentucky and to each Member of the Senate of the United States from Kentucky and to the President ind Vice President of the United States; and, that they and each of them hereby are requested immediately to use their good offices in urging that the Secretary of Agriculture of the United States imme- diately take the action hereinabove re- quested, or upon his failure go to do, that appropriate legislation be prepared and pre- sented to Congress for passage to accomplish the objectives and purposes hereinabove set forth.” A joint resolution of the Legislature of the State of Idaho; to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs: “Senate Joint Memorial 1 “To the honorable Senate and House of Rep- resentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled: “We, your memortalists, the Legislature of the State of Idaho, respectfully represent that: “Whereas, upon request of the President, the Department of the Interior and the De- partment of the Army have complicted, and by their agreement of April 11, 1949, have coordinated their plans for development in the Columbia River Basin, which plans sup- plement and complement each other; and “Whereas your memorialists, heretofore during the thirtieth Idaho legislative ses- sion, represented to you the urgency and importance of immediate authorization of certain of the projects proposed to be con- structed in the Columbia River Basin in the interests of irrigation, flood control, naviga- tion, power, and other beneficial uses; and
2118 “Whereas the Payette unit of the Moun- tain Home project is among those of the highest importance to the State of Idaho, since, if carried to completion as a balanced and unified program of irrigation develop- ment, it would serve to utilize the vast nat- ural resources of the State, and particularly those related to agriculture, with a maximum benefit to the citizens of Idaho as well as to the citizens of the entire region, and would effectively preserve for the benefit of the irrigation phases of the project the self- liquidating features of the power-producing facilities incident thereto which have been recommended for authorization and con- struction in the recently announced program of the President; and “Whereas it is of vital importance that there be no delay in carrying forward the irrigation-development features of the Pay- ette unit of the Mountain Home project because of the rising demand for home- making opportunities for war veterans and others seeking agricultural lands; and “Whereas it is inherent in the policy of the State of Idaho that the rights, privileges, and benefits pertaining to and arising from utilization of the natural resources of the State shall be protected for the citizens of Idaho. Now, therefore, be it “Resolved by the Senate of the State of Idaho (the house of representatives con- curring), That we most respectfully urge that, through an appropriate amendment to H. R. 6472, now pending before the Senate of the United States, Congress authorize construction of the Payette unit of the Mountain Home project in its entirety as embodied in the joint agreement of April 11, 1949, as hereinbefore referred to, with tho provision that no funds shall be expended on other than the following features: Upper Scriver Creek power plant, lower Scriver Creek power plant, Smiths Ferry Dam, Smiths Ferry-Scriver Creek tunnel, Scriver Creek Dam and Reservoir, until the Secretary of the Interior with the approval of the Presi- dent has submitted to the Congress a sup- plemental report and finding of feasibility under the provisions of the Federal reclama- tion laws, taking into considcration the par- ticipation of this project in the Columbia Basin account; be it further “Resolved, That the secretary of state of the State of Idaho be, and he hereby is, di- rected to forward copies of this memorial to the President of the United States Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Repre- sentatives. “This joint memorial passed the senate on the 8th day of February 1950 “D. S WHITEHEAD, “President of the Senate. “This joint memorial passed the house of representatives on the 11th day of February 1950. “JoHN HoHNHORST, “Speaker of the House of Representatives,” A concurrent resolution of the Legislature of the State of South Dakota; to the Com- mittee on Finance: “Senate Concurrent Resolution 2 “Concurrent resolution memorlalizing the Coneress of the United States to enact the eocial-security bill, H. R. 6000, in such form as to extend Federal social security to include State and local government em- ployees “Be it resolved by the Senate of South Da- kota (the house concurring therein): “Whereas Federal social) security should be extended to include provision for State and local government employees; and “Whereas this may be accomplished by en- actment of the Federal social-security bill, H. R. 6000, in proper form; and “Whereas such legisi:tion is necessary to give effect to chapter 233 of the South Da- kota session laws of 1949: Now, therefore, be it CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE “Resolved, That the Senate of the State of South Dakota, the house concurring therein, do memorialize the Congress of the Unitcd States to enact the legislation required to extend Federal social security to include pro- vision for State and local government em- ployees; be it further “Resolved, That copies of this concurrent resolution be forwarded to the President of the United States Scnate, the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, to United States Senator CHAN (CuRNEy, to United States Senator Kart MunoptT, to Con- greesman Francis H, Case, and to Congress- man Haroup Lovee. “R Terry, “Lieutenant Governor, President of Senate, “A, E, MuNcK, “Speuker of the House of Re» esentatives.” FEPC—RESOLUTION OF NEW YORK LEGISLATURE Mr IVES. Mr. President, this after- noon the Legislature of the State of New York completed action on a joint resolu- tion memorlalizing the Congress of the United States to enact with all conven- jent speed House bill 4453, which is known as the fair employment practice bill. In that connection, I point out that this memorializing resolution was adopted by the assembly, in which the membership is 150, with only 7 votes in cpposition, and in the State senate, where the membcrship totals 58, with only 2 votes in oppcsition. At this point in my remarks, Mr. Pres- ident, I ask to have the text of the res- olution incorporated in the REcorp, and be appropriately referred. The joint resolution was ordered to lie on the table, and, under the rule, or- dered to be printed in the RrEcorp, as fol- lows: Senate Resolution 42 Whereas there 1s now pending in the Congress of the United States, a bil’, House Resolution No 4453, known as the Fair Em- ployment Practice Act, the purpose of which is to establish a permanent agency of the Government to eliminate discrimination in employment; and Whereas the State of New York has becn among the ploneers of the States of the Union to enact such legislation which has been successful in reducing or eradicating such discrimination in the industries of this State, and Whereas all citizens, without regard to their race, crecd, color, or nattonal origin, are entitled to equal opportunity to be gainfully employed, and it is in the public interest that such unfair practices, which tend to engender bitterness and unrest among large segments of our population, be eradicated as opposed to the principles of our form of Government; and Whereas during the last war when it was essential for our war industries to keep pro- duction at their highest level, the fair em- ployment practice committee was highly suc- cessful in reducing or eliminating such dis- crimination in such industries: Now, there- fore be it Resolved (1f the assembly concur), That it is the sense of the people of the State of New York, expressed through the considered judgment of their representatives in the leg- islature, that the enactment of such legis- lation is of the greatest importance to the people and will tend to unite the country and create greater respect for our institutions among the other peoples of the world, and be it further Resolved (if the assembly concur), That the Congress of the United States be, and it hereby is, respectfully memorialized to enact with all convenient speed House Resolution FEBRUARY 22 No. 4453 or such other, similar, appropriate legislation as will accomplish the purposes of this resolution, and be it further Resolved (if the assembly concur), That copies of this resolution be transmitted to the President of the United States, the secre- tary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives of the United States, and to each Member of the Congress of the United States duly elected from the State of New York, and that the latter be urged to do all within their power to bring about the enactment of such legislation, By order of the senate’ WILLIAM 8. KING, Secretary. In assembly, February 21, 1250, concurred in without amendments. By order of assembly: ANSLEY BORKOWSKI, Clerk, PRINTING OF ADDITIONAL COPIES OF HEARINGS ON NATIONAL HEALTH PRO- GRAM, 1949 Mr. HAYDEN, from the Committee on Rules and Administration, to which was referred the concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 71), submitted by Mr. Tuomas of Utah on January 31, 1950, reported it without amendment, and the concurrent resolution was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to, as follows: Resolved by the Senate (the House of Rep- resentatives concurring), That there be printed 1,000 additional copies of the hear- ings conducted before a subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Wel- fare on S. 1106, S 1456, S. 1581, and S. 1679, Elghty-first Congress, first session, parts 1 and 2 of the national health program, 1949. Such additional copies shall be tor the use of tha Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. PRINTING OF REPORT OF NATIONAL SOCIETY OF DAUGHTERS OF AMERICAN REVOLUTION (S. DOC. NO. 138) Mr. HAYDEN, from the Committee on Rules and Administration, to which was referred the resolution (S. Res. 225), sub- mitted by Mr. Haypen on February 6, 1950, reported it without amendment, submitted a report (No. 1278) thereon, and the resolution was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to, as follows: Resolved, That the fifty-second annual re- port of the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution for the year end- ing April 1, 1949, be printed as a Senate document. PRINTING OF PAMPHLET ENTITLED “EM- PLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT” Mr. HAYDEN, from the Committee on Rules and Administration, to which was referred the resolution (S. Res. 226), sub- mitted by Mr. O’MaHoney on February 6, 1950, reported it without amendment, and the resolution was considered by unanimous consent, and agrecd to, as follows: Resolved, That the committee print en- titled “Employment and Unemployment,” prepared for the use of the Joint Committee on the Economic Report, be printed as a Senate document. EXECUTIVE MESSAGES REFERRED As in executive session, The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate messages from the President of the United States submitting several nominations, which were referred to the appropriate committees,
1950 (For nominations this day received, see the end of Senate proceedings.) BILLS INTRODUCED Bills were introduced, read the first time, and, by unanimous consent, the second time, and referred as follows: By Mr. HENDRICKSON: 8.8096. A bill for the relief of Efstratios Maravelios, alias Steve Maravelias; to the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr. EASTLAND: 8.3097. A bill conferring jurisdiction on the United States District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi to hear, de- termine, and render judgment upon the claim of O. 8S. Rees, to the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr. EASTLAND (for himself and Mr. STENNIS) : 8.3098. A bill to amend scction 104 of title 28 of the United States Code so as to create a Greenville division in the northern dis- trict of Mississippi, with terms of court to be held at Greenville; to the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr. MYERS: 8.8099. A bill to repeal the prohibition against the filling of the vacancy in the office of district judge for the western dis- trict of Pennsylvania; to the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr. IVES: 8 3100. A bill for the rellef of Annetta Bachis, Anna Bellani, Angelina Colombo, Maria Grazia Impari, Franca Porricino, and Antonia Tirabassi; to the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr. CONNALLY: 8 3101. A bill to amend the Economic Co- operation Act of 1948, as aimonded, to the Committee on Foreign Relations. By Mr. HILL (for himself, Mr. PEPPER, Mr. THomas of Utah, Mr. Murnar, Mr. Nre.y, Mr. HuMPHREY, Mr, LEH- MAN, and Mr. AIKEN): 8.3102. A bill to enable the States to make more adequate provision for ppecial services required for the education of physically handicapped children of school age, and for other purposes, to the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare. By Mr. TAYLOR: 8 8103. A bill to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to make provision for public schools in connection with the construction of Federal reclamation projects involving new public lands; to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. COTTON AND PEANUT ACREAGE ALLOT- MENTS—AMENDMENT Mr. GEORGE submitted an amend- ment intended to be proposed by him to the joint resolution (H. J. Res, 398) re- lating to cotton and peanut acreage al- lotments and marketing quotas under the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938, as amended, which was ordered to lie on the table and to be printed. SERVICE OF CERTAIN MEMBERS OF THE WOMEN'S ARMY AUXILIARY CORPS— CHANGE OF REFERENCE Mr. GEORGE. Mr. President, on the 20th of February the distinguished senior Senator from Colorado [Mr. JOHNSON] introduced Senate bill 3078, to define the service of certain members of the Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps as active military service. The bill was referred to the Senate Committee on Finance. The bili does not deal with pensions di- rectly, but merely by definition places in the category of the recipients of pensions the members of the Women's Army Aux- iliary Corps who were enzared in active military service in World War II. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE The Finance Committee does not have jurisdiction of the bill, and I therefore ask unanimous consent that it be re- ferred to the Committee on Armed Services. The VICE PRESIDENT. Is there ob- jection to the request of the Senator from Georgia? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. PRINTING OF INFORMATION RELATING TO SPACE REQUIREMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES SENATE (S. DOC NO, 137) Mr. HAYDEN. Mr. President, by di- rection of the Committee on Rules and Administration, I ask unanimous consent to have printed as a Senate document information relating to space require- ments of the United States Senate, pre- pared by the Committee on Rules and Administration. The VICE PRESIDENT. Is there ob- jection to the request of the Senator from Arizona? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. PRINTING OF REVIEW OF REPORT ON LAKE PONTCHARTRAIN, LA (S DOC. NO 139) Mr. CHAVEZ. Mr. President, I pre- sent a letter from the Secretary of the Army, transmitting a report dated Jan- uary 23, 1950, from the Chicf of Engi- neers, United States Army, together with accompanying papers and an illustra- tion, on a review of report on Lake Pont- chartrain, La., requested by a resolution of the Committee on Public Works, United States Senate, adopted on Octo- ber 11, 1947, and I ask unanimous con- sent that it may be referred to the Com- mittee on Public Works, and printed as a Senate document, with an illustration. The VICE PRESIDENT. Without ob- jection, it is so ordered. HOUSE BILLS REFERRED The following bills were severally read twice by their titles, and referred, as indicated: HR 6283 An act Victor V. Greg; H.R 677. An act for the relief of Nicoletta and Guilifa Pontrelli; H R.714. An act for the relief of Pieter Cornelis ten Wolde and family; H R. 1047. An act for the relief of the Acro- Bocker Knitting Mills, Inc ; H R.1188. An act for the relief of Mrs. Merle Leatherbury Pyle and Patricia M Pyle, H.R.1170. An act for the relief of Mrs. John Kaudy (formerly Stella Cappler) ; H.R. 1464. An act for the relief of W. B. Terry; H.R 1606. An act conferring jurisdiction upon the Court of Claims to hear and deter- mine the claim of Auf der Heide-Aragona, Inc., and certain of its subcontractors against the United States; H.R. 1697. An act for the relief of Mildred Smith Butler; H.R. 1699. An act for the relief of the es- tate of William Kraus; H.R. 1866. An act for the relief of Honorio Canciller and Nancy Ting Evangelista; H.R. 2705. An act for the relief of Martin Kenneth Ikeda; H.R. 2719. An act for the relief of the legal guardian of J. D. Cosson, a minor; H.R. 2929. An act for the relief of Mra. Dorothy Manious, H.R. 3080. An act for the relief of Hart L. for the relief of Mrs. Does, H.R 3330. An act for the relief of Therese Hohman; 2119 H.R.3606. An act for the relief of Louis P, Murphy, United States immigrant inspec- tor, El Paso, Tex.; H.R. 3725. An act for the relief of the es- tate of Mrs. Elizabeth Gardner; H.R. 4015. An act for the relief of Kate Laursen; H.R 4801. An act for the relief of Y. 8. Hu; H.R 4380. An act for the relief of Mrs. Agnes Emma Hay; H.R.4532 An act for the relief of Dr. Ta Fu Wu, H.R. 4604. An act to authorize the admis- sion into the United States of certain alicns possessing special skills, namely, Teodor Egle, Karlis Fogelis, Vasily Kils, and Alek- sanders Zelmenis; H.R. 4608. An act for the relief of William J. Drinkwine; H.R. 4720. An act for the relief of Stella Avnei; H R 4781 Jolly H.R 5274. An act for the relief of Francis A. Gunn, H.R. 65623. An act for the relief of Fred I. Massengill; H R 5541 An act to amend Public Law No 463, Seventy-sixth Congress; H.R 5566 An act for the relief of Dr. Agostino DeLisi; H R 5753 An act for the relief of Jean Clark; H.R 6051. An act for the relief of Alcide Raymond: H R 6271 An act for the relief of Mrs. Harry Schneider; H R 6844. An act for the relief of Mrs. William Y Imanaka; H.R. 6414. An act for the relief of Mrs. Chikako Mary Ohort Hori; H R 6577. An uct for the relief of Haruko Teramoto; H R. 6589. An act for the relief of Mitsue Miyamoto; H.R 6689 An act for the relief of Mitsuko Uemura; Hs R 6691. An act for the relief of Paul D. Banning, chief disbursing ofitcer, Treasury Department, and for other purposes; H R 6692 An act for the relief of Sergeant Blaine W. Hughes; H.R. f€94 An act for the relief of Ervin Haas and Leno Vescovi; H. R. 6695 An act for the relief of Edgar F. Russell; Lillian V. Russell, his wife; und Bessie R. Ward; H.R.6696 An act for the relief of Law- rence B. Williams and his wife, Viva Craig Williams; H.R. 6756. An act for the relief of Arthur Chen Shu Jee; H.R. 6787. An act for the relief of Mrs. Kyoko Nakamura Kornhauser; H.R. 6894. An act for the relief of Mrs. Nobuko Eto Heard; and H.R 7035. An act for the relief of Hisako Sakata Ikezawa; to the Committee on the Judiciary. H.R. 6521 An act to authorize the sale of certain land on the Pine Ridge Indian Reas- ervation, S. Dak., allotted to Lucy Arapahoe Iron Bear; to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. THE FARMER AND THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE—ADDRESS BY SENATOR ANDERSON [Mr. LUCAS asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Recorp an address on the relations of the farmer to the chamber of commerce, delivered by Senator ANDERSON, at the Association of Commerce banquet in Bloomington, I1l., February 21, 1950, which appears in the Appendix.] THE MARSHALL PLAN—ARTICLE AND EDITORIAL BY EDWARD LINDSAY [My. LUCAS asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Recorp an article and An act for the relief of Veronica
2120 editorial regarding the Marshall plan, written by Edward Lindsay, and published in the Horald and Review, of Decatur, III., which ap- pears in the Appendix.] THE LINCOLN PHILOSOPHY OF GOVERN- MENT—ADDRESS BY SENATOR BUTLER |Mr. BUTLER asked and obtained leave to have printed im the Recorp a Lincoln Day ad- dress entitled “The Lincoln Philosophy of Government,” delivered by him at Tucson, Ariz, on February 14, 1950, which appears in the Appendix | WHAT’S WRONG WITH THE AMERICAN LAWYER—ADDRESS BY LUTHER L. HILL {Mr GILLETTE asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Recorp an address on the subject, What's Wrong With the Amerl- can Lawyer, delivered by Luther L Hill, pub- Usher of the Des Moines Register and Tribune, before the Harvard Law School Forum, at Cambridge, Mass , February 8, 1950, which appears in the Appendix.] RESOLUTION OF THE EXECUTIVE COM- MITTEE OF THE YOUNG REPUBLICAN LEAGUE OF MINNESOTA OPPOSING CON- STRUCTION OF THE HYDROGEN BOMB [Mr THYE asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Recorp a resolution adopted by the executive committee of the Young Republican League of Minnesota on Januury 29, 1950, in opposition to the con- struction of the hydrogen bomb untill all possible means of international contro] of atomic energy through cooperation with the U. S. S. R_ have been exhausted, which ap- pears in the Appendix.] COAL: THE ELEVENTH HOUR—EDITORIAL FROM THE NEW YORK TIMES [Mr. ROBERTSON asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Recorp an edi- torial entitled “Coal: The Eleventh Hour,” from the New York Times of February 22, 1950, which appears in the Appendix.] ATLANTIC UNION—EDITORIAL FROM THE WASHINGTON POST [Mr. KEFAUVER asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Rrcorp an editorial entitled “Atlantic Union,” from the Wash- ington Post of February 18, 1950, which appears in the Appendix |] COOPERATIVE ACTION AGAINS: WATER POLLUTION~-ARTICLE FROM CONSER- VATION NEWS {Mr. WILEY asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Recorp an article en- titled “Water-Pollution Control Board Takes Action,” from Conservation News of Febru- ary 1, 1950, which appears in the Appendix.] RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES WITH INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS—AR- TICLE BY ARTHUR KROCK [Mr. O'CONOR asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Recorp an article en- titled “Where the ‘One World’ Effort Runs a Little Wild,” by Arthur Krock, from the New York Times of February 21, 1950, which appears in the Appendix ] “IN THE SHADOW OF THE SUN * © ®¢ AND DEATH!"--POEM BY 8. BAKOVE {Mr. MYERS asked and obtained leave to have printed in the Recorp a poem entitled “In the Shadow of the Sun * * * And Death!" by S. Bakove, which appears in the Appendix. ] NOTICE OF HEARING ON NOMINATION OF HON, J. SKELLY WRIGHT, TO BE UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE, EASTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA Mr. McCARRAN. Mr. President, on behalf of the Committee on the Judi- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE ciary, and in accordance with the rules of the committee, I desire to give notice that a public hearing has been scheduled for Wednesday, March 1, 1950, at 1:30 p. m., in room 424, Senate Office Build- ing, upon the nomination of Hon. J. Skelly Wright, of Louisiana, to be United States district judge for the eastern dis- trict of Louisiana. Judge Wright is now serving under a recess appointment. At the indicated time and place all per- sons interested in the nomination may make such representations as may be pertinent. The subcommittee consists of the Senator from Nevada [Mr. McCar- RAN], chairman; the Senator from Ken- tucky |Mr. WiTHEFRs], and the Senator from Michigan [Mr. Fercuson]. IMPORTATICN OF FOTATCES FROM CAN- ADA--TELEGRAM FROM J. SEGARI & co Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, on yesterday I presented a telegram from J. Segari & Co., of New Orleans, with reference to importation of potatoes from Canada, which was merely noted in the Recorp and referred to the Com- mittee on Agriculture and Forestry. I now ask unanimous consent that it may be printed in the Recorp in full. There being no objection, the telegram was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: New Or.eans, La. February 10, 1950. Hon Aten J. ELLENDER, United States Senate, Capitol Building, Washington, D C The undersigned, J Segari & Co, wholesale produce merchants of New Orleans, are cur- rently being cited in Associated Press dis- patches and radio comments on having pur- chased and imported from Canada a certain cargo of potatoes which cargo was unluaded in New Orleans Tuesday, February 7, 1950 We wish to present to you, our Senator, the circumstances surrounding this routine busi- ness transaction, urging you to present the facts as herein stated on the Senate floor, to the Department of Agriculture and to any and all interested parties During the month of October of last year 1t came to the attention of J. Segari & Co. that potatoes from Canada were arriving in the port of Jacksonville, Fla., and were being quoted to our customers f. o. b. Jacksonville in carload or truckload lots at much lower prices than we ourselves could buy potatoes in the United States. These same Cann- dian potatoes were also being offered through local brokers in New Orleans and were belng purchased by many of our Cus- tomers and competitors. J. Segari & Co. could not compete and found little market for its stores of domestic potatoes. J. Segari & Co. thereupon purchased Ca- nadian potatoes out of Jacksonville. Therc- after we made direct contact with F. W. Pirie Co., Ltd., Grand Falls, New Brunswick, Canada, requesting potato shipment to New Orleans, thus saving costs of overland trans- portation from the Jacksonville market. Transportation charges thus eliminated amount to 60 cents per hundred pound sack, which economy could be shared by our cus- tomers and ultimately by the consumer. On February 6 aboard the steamship Vretaholm, in response to our order, there arrived in New Orleans from the Pirie Oo. of Canada 8,648 bags of Canadian potatoes, weighing 100 pounds each. We paid the shipper 627,223.60 as per draft in full settle- ment. Also, we paid full Federal import duty in the amount of 66,486 on the potato cargo. As Canadian potatoes at lower prices have been imported regularly by other merchants FEBRUARY 22 through Jacksonville since October and have been upon the local and Gulf markets via Jacksonville, it seemed only sound business and prudent economy to route our shipment directly through the port of New Orleans. We simply bought the potatoes at the best available price and had the cargo delivered to our home office via the most efficient means. That is why and how the certain cargo of Canadian potatoes happened to be unloaded in New Orleans on February 7. J. Segari & Co. are produce merchants conscientiously striving to serve their trade to the best of their ability. How or why this ordinary business transaction merited na- tional publicity is a matter beyond our province, Do know, however, and please do state and publicize, that no criticism of Federal admin- istrative policy was intended or conceived of, as may have been implied in certain editorials and comments. Political significance or im- plications were equally as far removed from this, as are they in any other of our everyday business operations. J Sxcari & Co, By JosepH O. Seacari, and ELLIOTT W. FASSBENDER, Sr , Partners. FEDERAL AID TO EDUCATION—LETTER AND RESOLUTION FROM THE NEW JER- SEY DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Mr. HENDRICKSON. Mr. President, T have before me a communication from the secretary of the State Board of Edu- cation of the State of New Jersey, under date of February 14, 1950, together with a resolution adopted by that body on April 1, 1949. The resolution has already been incor- porated in the Recorp of the first session of the Eighty-first Congress, but, Mr. President, because of the importance of the subject matter thereof, and its rela- tionship to the urgent need for action on S 1946, or some appropriate counter- part thereof, I ask that both the com- munication and the resolution be in- serted in the body of the Recorp at this point in my remarks. There being no objection, the letter and resolution were ordered to be printed in the REcorD, as follows: STATE OF NEW JERSEY, DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, Trenton, February 14, 1950. Hon. Rosert C HENDRICKSON, United States Senator from New Jersey, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dear SENATOR HENDRICKSON: At its regular meeting on February 3, 1950, the State board of education adopted the following resolu- tion: “Resolved, That the secretary of the board be instructed to send to each New Jersey representative 1n the United States Senate and House of Representatives a copy of the resolution adopted on April 1, 1949, in regard to Federal aid for education, together with the following paragraph quoted from a letter sent by President Hunziker, of this board, to Gov. Alfred E. Driscoll: “Insofar as the Governor had asked us to suggest ways and means to raise additional funds for educational purposes, that seems to us to involve questions and considerations on which we do not have sufficient informa- tion to make definite recommendations; but since the Governor has asked for some sug- gestions we think if any new taxes or public financing is to be recommended, attention should be called to the fact that the Federal Government is now taking from the State 10 times as much in taxes as the entire State expenditures, and that probably there is no
1950 ultimate proper solution except a readjust- ment of the respective areas of State and Federal taxation’.” Very sincerely yours, JonN H. BossHart, Secretary. RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY THE NEW JERSEY STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION ON APRIL 1, 1948 We, the New Jersey State Board of Educa- tion, believe that our American system of public education is vital to the perpetuation of our free society and therefore it is in the national interest that the system be main- tained at a high level of efficiency and that adequate public funds be provided for this purpose. . We believe that the responsibility for main- taining good public schools and for providing the necessary funds is the function primarily of our State and local governments We believe that financial assistance from the Federal Government should be supplied for public schools only and when it is demon- strated beyond doubt that there are certain States whose people are economically unable to raise sufficient tax funds to support accept- able minimum standards of public education and therefore require assistance from their sister States by means of Federal grants-in- aid. We do not favor any plan for Federal ald for public schools which contains provisions for any Federal control or supervision what- ever over the policies established by State Jaws or local school ordinances relating to the administration, operation, or financing of public schools. We would insist that con- stitutional safeguards be set up, if necessary, to insure against any degree of Federal con- trol of public education. In view of fears publicly expressed against Federal control of education by many State Governors, including the Honorable Alfred E. Driscoll, of New Jersey, and by an increas- ing number of educators, we believe that the Congress should investigate more carefully than it has heretofore the possibilities con- tained in proposed legislation for subjecting our school systems to unwelcome Federal supervision or control in part or to eventual complete federalization: Be it therefore Resolved, That this body request both Houses of Congress to subject all proposed Fedcral school-aid legislation now before it to the most careful, thorough, and objective review through adequate public hearings and through committee investigation determine the ability and willingness of the States and their local subdivisions to pay for public education, be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be sent to the Governor of New Jersey, to New Jersey's Representatives in the United States Senate and House of Representatives, and to the chairmen of the Senate Labor and Wel- fare Committee and the Education and Labor Committee of the House of Representatives. TWENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY OF PAS- TORATE OF DR. FREDERICK BROWN HARRIS—PRAYER BY REV. RALPH C, JOHN Mr. ECTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the body of the Recorp a prayer offered on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anni- versary of the pastorate of Dr. Frederick Brown Harris, present Chaplain of the Senate, at Foundry Methodist Church, Washington, D. C., by Rev. Ralph C. John, William Fraser McDowell professor of religion, the American University. There being no objection, the prayer was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Eternal God, our Heavenly Father, Thou in whom perfection in love and goodness CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE resides, and whose will is the welfare of Thy children, with thanksgiving we draw near unto Thee in these hallowed moments. Thou has revealed Thy truth in the face of Thy well-beloved Son, and because of it our un- derstanding is enlightened. Thou hast made Thy compassion manifest, and with confi- dence we confront whatever the days may hold, believing that in life and death Thy mercy underlies. Thy spirit is within our souls, and we claim a sufficiency which Thou alone canst give. It comes to us, O God, a8 joy and gladness to sing praises to Thy name, to worship Thee in the beauty of holiness On this day, when we pause in recognition of a relationship which has enriched the life of this church and which has been a witness to the good and the benutiful to the far corners of the earth, from this our Nation’s Capital, we do thank Thee that there are those, set apart by Thee, who say before Him who is our King and our Redeemer: Spenk, Lord, for Thy servant heareth. Indeed, how beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings—of him through whom Thou dost make manifest the gospel of redemption and release The reward of Thy faithful is with Thee Yet, on this anniversary occasion we linger to make our stammering acknowledgment of gratitude and devotion to him who has been both eloquent and searching in his procla- mation of the riches of Thy grace, both un- derstanding and helpful before the problems that have come to this pecple, to him who is a faithful friend and a wise counselor As Thou hast been with the beloved pastor of this church, whom we today honor, and with her who is his faithful and queenly companion tn the way, in the days now re- corded in the annals of time, make them even more conscious of the constancy of Thy presence in the years which extend ahead. And may we be responsive to the inspired leadership which they bring, a leadership which belongs not to the past and the pres- ent alone, but—-thanks be unto Thee—to the future as well. Hear us, O God, and redeem us unto Thy- self, through Him who is Thy Son, our Saviour. Amen. REPRESENTATION IN SENATE PRESS GALLERY—EDITORIAL FROM THE WASHINGTON EVENING STAR Mr. THYE. Mr. President, the sug- gestion has been made that the Senate Press Gallery should be opened to per- sons officially representing the informa- tion office of the Department of State. The objection to this procedure as an invasion of time-honored privileges of a free press seems to me to be forceful and valid. In connection with this pro- posal I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the ReEcorp, as a part of my remarks, an editorial from the Washing- ton Evening Star of February 13, 1950. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: AND NOW—A FIFTH ESTATE? It is to be hoped that the standing com- mittee of correspondents—newspapermen chosen by their brethren to administer the Capitol Press Galleries~—will stand firm against the State Department's application for admittance to these galleries of its own news-gathering representatives. For if the State Department can present a rational thesis for the admittance of its news gathers, there is no logical ground on which to turn down the propaganda and public relations agents of other Government departments who may be expected to seek identical privileges. There are more of them now than there are accredited press repre- sentatives in the gallertes, 2121 Perhaps the State Department, in its rela- tively new undertaking of distributing prop- aganda on a world-wide basis, should have its own reporters at the Capitol, But let us keep them out of the Press Gallery, up to this time reserved for bona-fide representatives of the independent newspaper press of the United States. Let the Government, if it is committed to the business of gathering and dispatching news for propaganda purposes, set up its own gallery, appropriately labeled “Government propaganda gallery.” The Press Galleries stand as a symbol of the fourth estate-—-separate from and inde- pendent of Government. Once the infiltra- tion of Government agents begins, this sym- bol is endangered. It is worth preserving. EDITORIAL, RESOLUTIONS, AND LETTERS DEALING WITH DISPLACED PERSONS Mr. McCARRAN. Mr, President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the body of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Hunger and DP's,” published in the Los Angeles (Calif.) Times, together with resolutions and letters dealing with the subject of displaced persons. There being no objection, the matters referred to were ordered to be printed in the Rec rp, as follows: HUNGER AND DP’S I'am an American—born American. My children are Americans; my husband—who Jost his life with “flu’ while waiting to go overseas—was an American. Yet I am out of work—let out after 5 years of faithful and conscientious work for the Government— along with 1,500 others who, like me, were only numbers on a chart in Washington. I know we are only “numbers” and the lower numbers must make way for the higher ones. Of this Ido not complain. But when I read the news in the Times, February 1, of the loads of DP’s arriving from other coun- tries with jobs and food awatting them in Te rornin, I grew almost violent in my rebel- on, I, who had walked streets for months scek- ing any job at all to feed my two babies, must now sit back and watch these foreign folks step into ready-made jobs, just because they are DF’'s and it is good United States policy to help the unfortunate folks of other countries. Sure it {s—and my heart goes out also to the thousands of hungry and unfortunate little children I know right here in Caltfor- nia. But if I should let my own children starve while I fed all the unfortunate chil-~ dren I know, you and your readers would be the first to rise up in fury against me. What is the difference, I ask you? And our hungry stomachs are asking that also. KATHLEEN Covent. Lone PINE. Brooxiyn, N. Y., January 30, 1950. Deark SENATOR McCarran: I am sure you will be interested in the enclosed. I sent the booklet which you recently sent me on to where I thought it would do some more good. You are doing good work for our country and deserve all credit for your efforts. Yours sincerely, MARGARET FE. SMITH. ~_—_— [From Country Gentleman for February 1980] DP’s LEAVE FARMS Displaced persons from overseas given work on Maryland farms are being attracted by city life, according to that State's grange. Pointing out that many Maryland farmers have gone to considerable expense and trou- ble in housing and training DP’s, only to have them soon depart for city jobs, the
2122 Grange recommends closer screening of refu- gees to mnke sure that they have a farm background It also suggests that farm-to- city migration be more closely watched by supervising authorities. Park COUNTY TRADES AND LaBor COUNCIL, Litingiton, Mont., January 17, 1950. President WILLIAM GREEN, A.F.ofL,A F.of L. Building, Washington, D C Dear Sirk AND BROTHER: At Our regular meeting January 16, your communications in regard to admitting more displaced per- cons was again discussed by the delegates who instructed me to write you as follows, with copy to Senators Murray and SparK- MAN. “Whereas there are in the United States approximately 4,000,000 unemployed, and “Whereas account of the vast shortage of housing to shelter the working people in the United States, and “Whereas account of the small payments by social security to those who have reached the retirement age, they are unable to re- tire; and those that do must double up with friends or relatives, or go on reliel; Therefore be it “Resolved, That the delegates go on rec- ord, protesting the admittance of any more displaced persons by any act of Congress, until the Congress. “A Amend the social-security benefits to a living level of payments. “B Pass the Sparkman Dill, so that every eitizen in the United States may own their home, by borrowing from our Government at a rate not exceeding 8 percent, with at least 30 years to repay principal and interest “C. The Home Owners’ Loan Corporation saved millions of citizens’ homes and made a profit for the Government and the Spark- man bill would enable millions of workers to bulld their own homes, thus increasing the prosperity of every city in every State in’ the Union ” Fiaternally yours, W. J. Priest, Secictary. MountT VERNON COUNCIL, No 10, Junior OUAM, Washington, D C., January 30, 1950. Hon Pat McCarran, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dear SENATOR: We of Mount Vernon Coun- cil, No. 10, Junior OUAM, have read and have had read to every Junior within hear- ing your report on displaced persons: Facts versus Fiction. It is wonderful to think that a man who has so much to do would take the time to report to the small people his findings abroad and we would like to let you know we think everything you say is true and we are 100 percent against this kind of immigration to our beautiful America. Senator, our organization was founded 96 years ago, and we have been fighting from the beginning to reduce the number of im- migrants legally entering our country. We aie reminded that prior to the beginning of World War II the number of unemployed in the United States was estimated to be about 5,000,000 and that there were about that number of aliens in our country, a majority of whom were taking jobs from citizens, and who had made no effort to become citizens. We are, therefore, opposed to any movement that will end in letting down the bars to admit any more alien refugees to this country. This organization, as a matter of fact, is in favor of shutting off all immigration until the world has cooled off and peace has been restored everywhere. We also feel that there are many foreigners now in our midst whose CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE actions make it appear that they are not living up to that specification. May God give you strength, Senator, to carry on your wonderful work. You give us inspiration to fight harder with you after reading your wonderful report. Respectfully, Mount VERNON COUNCIL, No. 10, Junior OUAM. Attest: R C SMALLWoop, Recording Secretary. BERKELEY, CALIF., Junuary 24, 1950. Senator Pat McCarran, Senate Office Building, Washington, D C. Dear SENATOR McCarran: Thank you for the pamphlet on displaced persons. I would appreciate a number of these copies for ch- culation amongst my friends. I enclose a letter to Mr. W. W. Stevens, State legislative chairman of the Brothe1- hood of Locomotive Engineers in which I ask that our local division take suitable action on the matter. Very truly yours, Frep C. TOWER. DAUGHTERS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, State of Illinois, January 23,1950 Scnator Pat McCarran, Senate Office Butlding, Washington, D C. My Dear SENATOR McCaRRAN: The follow- ing is a resolution reaffirmed last spring at the Continental Congress of the Daughters of the American Revolution regarding imml- gration: “Whereas the economic, social, and spirit- ual mind of the United States 1s under in- creasing pressures and conflicts, and there is growing evidence of a determined effort by foreign blocs to break down our immigration laws, and “Whereas the immigration laws of 1924, now threatened with change, have restricted immigration to a quota system allocating a definite number to each nationality men- tioned, such allocation not to be interchange- able among quotas. “Resolved, That for the purpose of pro- tecting the interest of all our citizens, and particularly our veterans, and for the pur- pose of excluding toreign elements imbued with political tdeologies wholly at variance with our constitutional system of govern- ment, the National Society, Daughters of the American Revolution urge upon the Con- gress that no immigration over and above the present quota system shall be permitted into the United States, either by special leg- islation, unused quotas, or Executive order ” I hope you will do everything in your power to deteat H. R 4567 or any similar bill. Sincerely yours, HELEN R HERFuRTH (Mrs. Charles A Herfurth). WatLrTeR HECKLIN Post, No. 1791, VETERANS OF FOREIGN WaRs, Chaska, Minn. At the last meeting of the Walter Hecklin VFW Post 1791 the subject of displaced per- sons, and particulurly H. R. 4567, was dis- cussed. The members of our post were very much concerned with regard to this matter since most of them had some personal ex- perience and contacts with displaced persons while in the service. After considerable dis- cussion it wags resolved that the post go on record as opposing any increase in the num- ber of displaced persons now being permitted to enter into this country; that the dis- placed-persons laws now 1n effect should not he expanded but should be more rigidly en- forced, that the officers of the post be di- rected to bring this resolution to the atten- FEBRUARY 22 tion of all Senators and Congressmen from Minnesota. Trusting that you will give the above mat- ter your attention, we remain, Respectfully yours, Cyrriz B. Ess, Commander. ALBERT A. VOJTISEK, Quartermaster, WENATCHEE, WASH., February 13, 1950. Hon Par McCarran, United States Senator, Senate Office Building, Washingto1, D.C. My Dear Senator: It is our understanding that the United States Senate is scheduled to debute H. R. 4567 soon, and we wish to register our opposition to this bill. Very truly yours, C K MmMter, M. D. M G. RaDEwAN, M D L &E. HILpEsRAND, M D STaTE Fair GRounps Post, VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS, St, Paul, Minn, February 14, 1950. Senator Pat McCarran, Senate Office Building, Washington, D C Dear Sir* The State Fair Grounds Post, No. 1947, Veterans of Foreign Wars, St Paul, Minn, has gone on record as being emphati- cally opposed to H R 4567. Yours in comradeship, BENJAMIN LARSON, Adjutant. THE AMERICAN LEGION, DEPARTMENT OF ALABAMA, Montgomery, Ala., February 2, 1950. Hon Pat McCarran, Chairman, Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, D.C. DEaR SENATOR McCarran. Reference is made to your letter of January 19, and you are advised that the copies of your state- ment on the floor of the Senate with refer- ence to the admission of displaced persons into the United States has been received and distributed to our posts. We have also requested our delegation in Congress not to vote for any legislation which would remove the quota limitations on imml- grants into the country. Yours very truly, JosePpH M. DICKERSON, Department Adjutant, DEFICIT SPENDING—STATEMENT BY SENATOR BYRD Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the body of the Recorp a statement I have made relating to deficit spending, together with tabulations. There being no objection, the state- ment and tabulations were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: STATEMENT BY SENATOR Byrp A REPLY TO MR, TRUMAN The President of the United States recently gave Mr. Arthur Krock an exclusive interview of universal interest. Mr. Krock is a bril- lfant Journalist whose dispatches are meticu- lously accurate. The President has confirmed the accuracy of the report. My name was mentioned in that part of the interview relating to the Federal fiscal situation. Under the circumstances, in the interest of both accuracy and clarity, I am compelled to comment on certain of the President's statements with respect to deficit spending, taxes, and reduction of Federal expenditures, Deficit spending The President told Mr. Krock that “in no sense does he tolerate deficit spending.” He
1950 said “he hates deficit spending as much as Harry Byep ever could, and !t is only a tem- porary condition brought on by necessities which could not be removed by any genius of statecraft known or available to him.” In the five fiscal years President Truman hes been in office the budget has been bal- anced twice and both of these occasions were during the Eightieth Congress, In 1947 there was a surplus of nearly $1,000,000.000. In 1948 there was a surplus of $8,500,000,000. For the coming year, beginning July 1, he does not even go through the formality of proposing a balanced budget, with or without additional taxes. In fact—in his budget message, in his economic report, and in his tax message—the President has advised Con- gress three times since January 1 against bal- ancing his 1951 budget. From his record it would appear that he not only tolerates deficit spending but, in effect, he also recom- moends it. If the President regards chronic deficit spending during peak prosperity as a fatal menace to our form of government and free enterprise, as I do, tha Federal budget would be balanced now with the full influence and prestige of his office brought constantly to bear on this objective. The President today is the chief obstacle to balancing the budget. I feel justified in saylug this because he is now urging upon Congress the adoption of a budget more than $8,000,000,000 in excess of actual expendi- tures in 1948. This he calls a “tight” budget and he is resisting any reductions by Con- gress. In our fiscal affairs tho President is taking the easy course of procrastination waiting for some unspecified time in the future to do what he should and can do now, How many times suave we heard that be- fore? President Roosevelt used to say we'll balance the budget when we get out of de- pression and into prosperity. Now President Truman says we'll balance the budget when prosperity is greater. If the Federal budget can't be balanced in years such as this when {income and employ- ment are at or near their peak, when there are no domestic emergencies, and when the need for economic assistance abroad 1s sup- posed to be diminishing, when can we bal- ance it? How long is “only a temporary condition” mentioned by the President in referring to deficit spending? If we follow the President’s recommendations, a whole generation within the coming year will have reached its ma- jority under a deficit-financed Government. We have been on a deficit basis in all but 2 years since 1930 and the President proposes it again for the coming year. If Congress, at the insistence of the President, author- izes the expenditure of billions more than the revenue durin, the year beginning July 1 it 1s probable that the budget never will be balanced again until we go over the precipice of financial disaster. How long can we pile new deficits on a postwar debt of more than a quarter of a trillion dollars and expect democracy and free enterprise to stand the burden? Neither can exist in insolvency. Two years ago the Federal Government spent $34,200,000,000 in fiscal year 1938. We balanced the budget and there was a surplus. In that year, which ended only 19 months ago, when we spent @8,000,000,000 less than the $42,400,000,000 expenditure budget the President is requesting now, our economy did not disintegrate, our national defense was not impaired, and we were spending more for foreign assistance than the President now proposes. In the field of foreign spending the President in his pending budget proposes to spend $4,700,000,000 as compared to @4,800,000,000 in 1948 when total spending was $8,250,000,000 less than he now recom- mends. Of the %8,250,000,000 difference between these two budgets $5,300,000,000 is for in- creased domestic-civilian projects, excluding CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE foreign assistance, excluding national de- fense, excluding interest on the debt, and excluding the cost of veterans’ programs. The President now proposes to spend $12,- 200,000,000 for domestic-civililan projects, with all of the exclusions just mentioned, as compared with $6,900,000,000 for domestic- Civilian projects in 1948, These figures show that domestic-civilian expenditure increases total more than the 85,100,000,000 deficit for the coming year as estimated by the President. It follows that the deficit may be attributed largely to in- creases in expenditures for activities and pro- grams which are not related to past wars or future defense. Compilation of increases in the domestic-civilfan categories explodes the President’s contention that the budget can- not be cut because of fixed charges resulting from previous wars and the requirements of our defense in the future. Tazes The President told Mr Krock that ‘'there wouldn’t be any (deficit) it the Republicans had not cut the income taxes in the Eightieth Congress.” He said tax changes shou'd not be made piecemeal at any time, but they should conform to a general plan. He told Mr. Krock “this was equally true when he approved the repeal of the excess-profits taxes and he wishes he had not done this” But, he said, he was new at the job. In his February 16 speech, the President repeated his reference to the Republican tax cut and said “much of our present financial difficulty is the result of it.” This is not the first time the President has said deficits this year and next are at- tributable to tax reductions by the Eightiecth Congress He has also said the same thing about the deficit last year. This is another red herring of which he has made frequent use What are the facts? He admits his own indorsement of a $6,000,000,000 reduction in  excess-profits taxes on corporations enacted in 1945 when there was a 820,000,000,000 deficit, but he blames all recent, current, and future deficits on the Eightleth Congress, which followed up his corporation-tax reduction with a $4,000,000,000 to $5,000,000,000 reduc- tion in individual income taxes made effcc- tive in fiscal year 1948 when there was a surplus of $8,500,000,000. As to his February 16 speech, the Presi- dent now says the 1948 income-tax reduc- tion was ill-timed and irresponsible, but in his state of the Union message dated Jan- uary 7, 1948, he justified a 1948 income-tax reduction proposal of his own, as follows: “During this period in which the high cost of living is bearing down on so many of our families, tax adjustments should be made to adjust their burden.” No tax proposal could be more piecemeal or conform less to a gen- eral tax plan than his scheme to reduce each individual's income-tex bill by $40, with its 83,200,000,000 loss in revenue to be compen- sated by an increase in corporate profits taxes. This proposal urged by the President in- stead of the 1948 tax bill, which he criticizes so bitterly, did not have a single advocate on the Senate Finance Committee, and it never mustered sufficient appeal to be presented in the Senate as an amendment or other- wise. Let us recapitulate the President’s tax policy. What tax proposals by the President have not been piecemeal? What tax proposals by the President constitute a general plan to which we may conform? With respect to corporation taxes: In 1945 he indorsed the $6,000,000,000 redluction in corporation excess-profits taxes. In 1948 he proposed to restore $3,200,000,000 by increased taxes on corporate profits. In 1949 he pro- posed in the winter to increase corporate taxes by $4,000,000,000. In the summer he 2123 withdrew the proposal. By autumn he was talking again about increasing them. Now in the winter of 1950 he proposes to increase corporation taxes by half the amount he pro- posed a year ago. With respect to individual income taxes: In 1948 the President proposed his own re- duction of 840 per taxpayer, opposed the formula which was approved by both the Ways and Means Committee of the House and the Finance Committee of the Senate, ignored the community-property amendment which had the support of both partics in Con- gress, and vetoed the 1948 tax bill, as passed, including the communitty-property-tax pro- vision. With respect to soctial-security pay-roll taxes on individuals as well as business: He proposed lest year to incrense them by €2,000,000.000, and this year he is proposing an increase of $1,750,000,000 In neither case would the pay-roll taxes requested for social- ized medicine even begin to finance the pro- gram he proposes. As to excise taxes: He now proposes to with- draw some, but not all, of the wartime levies. How can private enterprise plan its expan- sion under such inconsistent and constantly changing tax proposuls by the President of the United States? How can investors cal- culate their risks? How can heads of fame ilies assure their security? How can the Government keep its fiscal affairs in order? Is it logical for the President to excuse his own approval of a $6,000,000,000 tax reduction in a defictt year and at the same time blame past, present, and future deficits on the Eightieth Congress which reduced individual taxes by a lesser amount in a surplus year? It would seem by the record that, if throughout future years we are to blame Federal deficits on the tax reductions in some prior year, the President must assume much of this responsibility. Expenditures The President told Mr. Krock: Senators GerorcF and Byrp call for a reduction of $6,- 000,000,000 in the budget. They know it can't be done. He said he is an old hand at budget making. He told Mr. Krock he has cut the budget for fiscal year 1951 as much as can be done in consideration of the basic needs of the foreign program and the dy- namic domestic economy he seeks to create and maintain. It is gratifying to learn that the President knows the economizers have a blueprint for the budget. For years he has been saying no one would tell him where to cut it. Now, the platitude is changed to say Senator Grorct and I know our proposals can’t be accomplished. As a former Senator the President knows how difficult it 1s for Con- gress to reduce Federal expenditures without at least a sympathetic attitude by the Presi- dent, and he knows it is practically {mpos- sible against open opposition by the Presi- dent such as he has voiced three times this year since he sent in his new budget. Per- haps the President had this fact in mind when he said Senator Gzorar and I know it can’t be done. To the contrary, I am confident that a ma- jority of Congress believes the budget can and should be reduced to a balance now and the fact that he is the principal obstacle will not deter determined efforts in Congress to bring this about. I have suggested how it can be done in a budget outline detailing expenditures total- ing $36,000,000,000. This reduction would be at least $6,000,000,000 under the President’s requests. Senator Grorcz, a hand of nearly 30 years’ experience at Federal budget mak- ing, has announced his support for such a reduction, A 886,000,000,000 budget would be $2,000,- 000,000 more than the budget of 1948, which was balanced by the Eightieth Congress, whereas in comparison with 1948 figures the President proposes to increase expenditures
2124 by over €8,000,000,000, more than half of which—I repeat for emphasis—would be in domestic-civilian expenditures unrelated in all respects to wars wr rumors of wars. In this period of less than 2 years what has de- veloped on the home-front horizon to jus- tify an incrense in domestic-civilian ex- penditures of n@irly i00 percent? It 1s not enough to say these expenditures gre less in proportion to the national income than they were 10 years ago. “he fact that CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE the Federal tax-take alone out of the na- tional income has increased 600 percent in the same 10 years is only one of the many factors which must be considered along with such a statement. The record shows that as such programs as foreign assistance begin to expire more do- mestic-civilian programs are added. The prosperity we have is suspended dan- gerously from the unpredictable economics of a Federal debt already more than a quar- FEBRUARY 22 ter of a trillion dollars. The President pro- poses that we increase the debt at the rate of nearly a half billion dollars a month, Un- Ger such a policy how long can we expect to maintain the domestic economy, the pri- vate-enterprise system or our form of gov- ernment? Democracy and freedom here and through- out the world depend upon the preservation of our solvency which is being jeopardized by growing debt and chronic deficits, Suggested Byrd budget with comparisons Expenditure catecories I, Domestic civilian (exclusive of veterans and uterest) Foclal welfare, health, and security Edueation and general research. Natural resources ‘Transportation and. communieat ion (ineluaing postal deficit) Finance, commerce, and mdustry Labor. --_.----2222 22-22. General Government TY, National defense. ILL, Veterans. 1V, Foreign...-2.-.. 2 2 lee V. Interest on the Federal debt... Crand total expenditure budget ! Revenue Deftcit or surplus__- Housing and community facdities (eluding RFC secondary mortgages). Agniculture and agricultural resources (including Commouly Credit Cory oration) [In billions of dollars} Fiscal year 1951 (which bepyins neat July 1) Byrd 36-billion- dollar budget Prosident's Jan, 9 proposals : Fiscal year 1950 “Carnel ended. | (whieh wilLend Tune 30, 194%), | NOX Vane 30), actual * lestimated (Jan ’ 9, 1950, revision) - 69 W4 19 23 al 10 al 1 6 27 V1 18 13 19 1 2 9 2 5 12 ag | | meee = i weoenwnwne oo: 122 13 1 )etalled fgures may not add precisely to totals dne to rounding and omission of reserves 1 Actual 2 Maximum estimate 4 Minimum estimate, What the taxpayers of each of the 48 States would save by the adoption of the $36,000,000,000 Byrd budget for the fiscal year 1951, as compared with the cost to each State of President Truman’s proposed $42,400,000,000 budget Cost of Byrd budeect $36, 000, 000, 000 Saving under Byrd budget $6, 439, 000, 000 Percent of State Federal Cont of Trumany borne by dre Btato! United States total..} 100 00 , 000, 000 Alabamna.._- 117 496, 536, 300 Arizona. . 87 JA7, 024, 800 Arkansas . 272 305 460, X00 California 832] 3,530, 024, S00 Colorado .- rt) 839, 612, 000 Conneeticut. 167 70s, 751, 300 Tielaware... .- 240 169, 746 000 Florida... 2 220 0-2 eee 12 647, 465, 100 Georgia. - 1 40 594, 146, 000 Idaho... - 82 1.55, 804, 400 Vilinols 2... - 70 8, 221, 120, 100 Jndiimna.. - 229 U71, R53, 100 Jowa__..-- 158 670, 546, 200 kansas _. 115 48s, 018, 500 hhentuchy- 1 20 509, 204, 000 Louisiwna.. 122 517, 755, 800 Maine... .-_- 44 186, 731, 600 Maryland - 1 6 712, 976, 200 Massachusetts 340] 1,442, 926, 000 Michigan... 4 7U{ 1,46, 876, 800 Minnesota 1,86 TSU, 365, 400 Massissippt_. val 301, 916, 90 Missouri... 2 43 1,078, 706, 700 Montana. 235 148, 536, 500 2 200, 000 200, G00 2,05, 200, 000 228, 000 000 GOL, 200, 000 141, 000, 000 464, 400, 000 504, 000, COO 115, 200, 000 2, 782, 400, 000 bed, 400, 000 665, 800, 000 414, 000 000 432, 000, 000 439, 200, 000 158, 400, 600 604, 800, 000 1, 224, 000 Go0 1, 695, 600, 000 669, 600, 000 255, 600, OOO 910, 800, 000 126, 000, 000 1 Ps 421, 200, 000 | 46, 360, S00 135, 724 00 51, 512, 000 107, 531, 800 25, 750, (0 £4, 008, 100 £0, 146, 000 20, 604, P00 4b8, 720, 100 147, 458 100 101, 786, 200 74, 04% 500 77, 26%, 000 74, 858, S00 28, 421, 600 105, 175, 200 218, 026, 000 308, 276, #00 119, 75, 400 45, 710, 0) 162, 806, 700 22, 636, 500 State Nebrasha... Nevada... New Hampshire ~ New Jersey... New Mexico New York __. North Carolina, North Dakota . - Ohlo... so. Oklahoma. Oregon Pennsylvania. Rhode Island _. South Carolina. Bouth Dakota. Tennessee Texas. -- Utah __- Vermont Vitgania - Washineton. West Virginia. Wisconsin. . Wyoming District of Columbia, Huwali, Alaska......... - Percent of Federal Cost of Truman} Cost of Byrd borne by budget budget State! 0 86 $364, 975, 400 $309, 600, 000 13 44, 170, 700 46, 800, 000 20 123, 074, 100 104, 400, 000 320 | 1,306,243, 100 | 1, 184, 400, 000 28 448, 829, 200 100, 800, 000 14.67 | 6,225, 801.300 | 5, 281, 200, 000 1 59 674, 780, 100 572, 400, 000 34 144, 202, 6.00 122, 400, 000 B78 | 2,452,974, 200 | 2,080, 800; 000 117 4006, Sob, 800 421, 200, QU0 1 01 : 374, 400, 000 762} 3,28) 851, 2,743, 200, 00H) Ay 287, 658, 40) 201, (00, 000 76 322, 546, 400 273, 600, 000 36 142, 780, 400 129, (00, 000 1.37 5KL, 414, 800 43, 200, O10 4 38 1, 858, 828, 200 1, 576, 800, 000 34 144, 202, 600 122, 400, 000 AR 76, 880, 200 64, 800, 000 1,49 €32, 341, 100 536, 400, 000 1 65 700, 243, 500 594, 000, 000 92 390, 446, 800 331, 200, 000 210 801, 219, 000 756, 000, 000 18 7b, 390, 200 64, 800, O00 1 48 628, 097, 200 582, 800, 000 Saving under Byid budgot 455, 375, 400 %, 370, 700 14, 673, 100 211, 848, 100 14, 029, 200 P44, 601, 300 102, 380, 100 21, 802, 600 S72, 174, 200 AL, 800 6, 058, 400 48,96, 400 20, 180, 400 KY, 214, 400 282 OLR, 200 21, 892, 600 11, 580, 200 15, 941, 100 1b, 24.5, 600 59, 238, ¥O) 135, 219; 000 11, 590, 200 £5, 297, 200 1 The formula used in estimating cach State’s share of Federal expenditures consists of 3 factors. (1) The percentage of individual income taxes collected from cach Stato (2) the proportion of cory orate {ucome taxes Lorne by each State, measured by the State's taxes (excluding social scourity taxes), borne by exch each tux bears of the (otal Federal tax revenue percent, total, 100 percent, 1 State, measured by the &tate’s percentage of total pow collected from, each Btate, which we Leheve more nearly reflects the true distribution of the Federal tax burden Source Federal Spending Facts, prepared and published by Council of State Chambers of Commerce, Jan. 24, 1050. MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE—ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED following enrolled bills, and they were signed by the Vice President: percentage of the national income, and (3) the proportion of excise and miscellancous ulation, Thus we get a pleture of Federal taxes borne by, rather than Each of the 3 factors is welghted according to the percentage (1949 figures) mdividual income taacs, 47.52 percent, corporation taxes, 30.42 percent, and excise und miscelluncous tures, 22 06 8.809. An act for the relief of Gabe Bud- wee, 8.321. An act for the relief of Lloyd D. A message from the House of Repre- sentatives, by Mr. Maurer, one of its reading clerks, announced that the Speaker had affixed his signature to the 8.204. An act for the relief of Eugenio Maisterrena Barreneche; S. 229. An act for the relief of E, W. Eaton Coal Co.; Lyles; 8.481. An act for the relief of the legal guardian of Clarence Herbert Hartman, a minor;
1950 S 563. An act for the relief of the P S. Cook Co., S 914 An act for the relief of Gladys Inez Greenwood, S.1449 An act for the relief of Robert B. Workman; 8.1916. An act for the relief of Edna A. Baueer, S.1€33. An act for the relief of C. L. Lef- fingwell and others; and S 2520. An act to authorize the sale of certain allotted devised land on the Winne- bago Reservation, Nebr. COMMUNISTS IN GOVERNMENT SERVICE The VICE PRESIDENT. The Chair lays before the Scnate a resolution com- ing over from the previous day, which the Secretary will read. The legislative clerk read the resolu- tion (S. Res. 231), as follows: Resolved, That the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, or any duly authorized subcommittee thereof, is authorized and di- rected to conduct a full and complete study and investigation as to whether persons who are disloyal to the United Stutes are em- ployed by the Department of State. The committee shall report to the Senate at the earliest practicable date the results of its investigation, together with such recom- mendations as it may deem advisable. The VICE PRESIDENT. The question is on agreeing to the resolution. Mr. WHERRY. Mr. President, is the pending question the unanimous-con- sent request to proceed to the considera- tion of the motion? The VICE PRESIDENT. It is not nec- essary. The resolution comes before the Senate automatically. Mr. WHERRY. Very well. The VICE PRESIDENT. The question is on agreeing to the resolution. Mr WHERRY. I suggest the absence of a quorum The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secre- tary will call the roll The roll was called, and the following Senators answered to their names: Aitken Hendrickson Matone enton Ai‘ckeniooper Maybank Brewster Hill Millikin Bricker Hoey Morse Butler Holland Mundt Byid Hunt Myers Capehart Ives Neely Chapman Jenner O'Conor Chaves Johnson, Colo O'Mahoney Connally Johnson, Tey Robertson Cordon Johnstou,S C Rusrell Darby Kefouver Saltonstall Donnell Kem Schoeppel Douglas Keir Smith, Maine Downey Kilgore Smith, N J. Dworrhak Knowland Sparkman Last and Langer Stennis Teton Leahy Taft Fllender Lehman Taylor Ferguson Lodge Thomas, Utah Fianders Long Thye Fiear Lucas Tobey Fulbright McCarran Tydings George McCarthy Watkins Gillette M:Clellan Wherry Graham McFarland Wiley Green McKellar Williams Gurney McMahon Withers Hayden Magnuson The VICE PRESIDENT. A quorum is present. The question is on agreeing to Senate Resolution 231. FISCAL POLICIES AND THE ADMINISTRA- TION'S LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, I wish to extend my congratulations to the XCVI——134 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE very able junior Senator from Maryland (Mr. O’Conor! for tne splendid manner in which he read the immortal Farewell Address of George Washington. Other Senators have already commented upon some of the passages in that address. It 1s always inspiring to hear it read or to read it. Mr. President, I agree with those who feel that many of the admonitions of Washington’s Farewell Address appiy to our present-day problems. The advice contained jn that Address is sound and wise and should well serve as a guide to us in our present-day deliberations and decisions. I wish to refer to only one part of the Farewell Address, which has a very per- suasive appeal as related to our present situation, and I quote: As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements, to prepare tor danger, frequently prevent much greater disburse- ments to repel it, avoiding likewise the accu- mulation of debt, not only by shunning occa- sions of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of pence, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. In view of the fiscal situation which we confront today, Mr. President, I think it is well for us to contemplate and deliberate upon some of the proposals pending at this session of Congress. I should like to remind my colleagues and the people of the Nation that in a speech at Pittsburgh, Pa., Octobcr 18, 1932, candidate for the Presidency, Franklin D. Roosevelt, said: Ifa nation is ving within its income, its credit is good If in some crisis it lives beyond its income for a year or two, it can usually borrow temporarily on reasonable terms. But if, like the spendthrift, it throws discretion to the winds, is willing to make no sacrifice at all in spending, extends its taxing up to the limit of the people's power to pay, and continues to pile up deficits, It is on the road to bankruptcy. Mr, President, I subscribe to the wis- dom of that philosophy. If it was true when Mr. Roosevelt said it—and 1t was— it 1s truth now, and it cannot be lightly brushed aside by a shrug of the shoul- ders, relegated to oblivion by any process of mental acrobatics, or dethroned by the talse ideologies of bamboozling do-good- ers and reckless spenders. Any who as- sert that this philosophy can be so treated, in my judgment, speak with a confusion of tongues and irresponsibility. Those who are now trying in our fiscal policies to ignore and refute it may be able to crush it to carth for a scason, but it will surely rise again. It cannot be destroyed. If by wanton disregard and with impudent indifference we at- tempt to trample beneath our feet this irrefutable and indestructible truth, we can rest assured that such an offense carries with 1t certain severe retributions and inescapable penalties. We are now in the midst of a world crisis of a scope and magnitude that challenges the stability and ingenuity of our civilization. The fate of human 2125 freedom is inextricably interwoven with the destiny of our own Nation and our power and ability to meet and surmount this crisis. The responsibility is ours to provide the intelligent, dynamic leader- ship that will inspire and command the confidence of other nations and peoples to follow and support us in our efforts. We cannot win or make secure the peace of the wo1ld standing alone, but if, as a government and as a nation we falter and fail, human liberty will surely perish. To meet these fateful responsibilities that have been thrust upon us, we must be strong and we must keep strong by being prepared and willing to mobilize all of the moral, material, and spiritual forces that we can command. To do this, it is first necessary that we have a proper concept of what makes us strong and what are the principal ingredients or elements of our strength. I shall not attempt to enumerate all of the factors involved, but among the few and important ones are love of freedom, eternal vigilance, fortitude, and willingness to make the sacrifices that the price of freedom requires. In an- other category I would place our material resources, our productive capacity, and our numerical strength. Next, but not least, is faith in God and the righteous- ness of our cause. Surely the complete marshaling of all these forces would give us terrific striking power against any enemy aggressor. In the past that has been sufficient; we have succeeded in defeating all enemies who have attacked us, and we have won the final victory in every military conflict in which we have ever been engaged. But, Mr. President, we cannot complacently rely upon our past achievements and military victories for our future peace and security, nor can we safely assume that we shall always be able to mobilize all of those forces and elements of poten- tial strength in time or sufficiently to be equal to any emergency that may con- front us. Nor can we, Mr. President, Keep available ‘o us this great reservoir of power if, in fagrant disregard of the natural laws of economics and common sense, we dissipate our strength by pur- suing fiscal policies that lead inevitably to insolvency. It isin recognition of these sclf-evident truths, that some of us in this Chamber, along with millions of sound-thinking Americans, now entertain grave concern regarding present-day fiscal policies of our Government and the Administra- tion’s legislative program that is now before the Congress. In some quarters of high sources and from the pen and tongue of certain col- umnist and radio commentator propa- gandists—who find a ready market for their product—those of us who are dar- ing to advocate a reduction of Federal expenditures and warn of the dangers of continuous deficit spending and its attendant consequences are branded as “reactionaries”—whatevcr they mean by that term. In attempts that are made to hold us up to public ridicule as being “obstructionists” to social gains and progress, we are frequently maligned and slandered. But these indignities, coupled
2126 with implied threats of political repris- al, will not deter or prevent us from speaking out and warning the American people of the dangerous road we are traveling and its fateful, disastrous end. For 16 of the last 18 years our Fed- era] Government has run a heavy deficit. In only 2 of those 18 years have Federal revenues exceeded expenditures. That means that we have continuously and tremendously increased the national debt from about $20,000,000,000 to some $256,000,000,000. We may readily con- cede that most of those deficits and our increased debt were occasioned by war and by the acute economic depression that preceded it. The necessity for such expenditures in a period of real crisis is not challenged; but in this postwar pe- riod of high-level national income and prosperity, spending on a scale and to the extcnt of creating huge annual defi- cits can neither be justified nor long pursued if we are to possess and main- tain the economic strength and power that is essential and indispensable to our survival. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the Sena‘or yield? The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Arkansas yield to the Sen- ator from Oregon? Mr. McCLELLAN I am glad to yield. Mr. MORSE. Does the Senator from Arkansas agree with the Senator from Oregon that in discussing the matter of economy, irrespective of what labels may be attached to people, even every liberal, if he is a true liberal, ought to be stand- ing in these days for a balanced budget, elimination of deficit spending, and a sound tax program which will return the value of the dollar to somewhere near 100 cents? Mr. McCLELLAN. I agree with the able Senator, except that I would not restrict it to men with labels. I would simply say that every real American who loves his country ought to be imbued with that desire and purpose. Mr. MORSE. I made the comment I did because the Senator from Arkansas said those who were standing for elimi- nation of deficit spending are deemed to be reactionaries and conservatives. I happen to be one who believes that every hberal, too, ought to be standing for a balanced budget and the elimination of deficit spending and a sound tax pro- gram. The Senator from Arkansas and I may disagree as to the procedure by which we should accomplish it; we may disagree as to whether we should give the President of the United States cer- tain arbitrary powers to cut the budget at his discretion after we get through with it in the Senate: but we do not disagree, I may assure the Senator from Arkansas, as to the duty of the present session of the Congress to proceed to do those things which are necessary in order to balance the budget. Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, I am very glad indeed to have this expres- sion from the Senator from Oregon. I hope the general sentiment and convic- tion expressed will prevail among all Members of the Senate, irrespective of whether they style themselves liberals or whether they are branded as reac- tionaries. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE When the President’s budget for the present fiscal year of 1950 was submitted, on a basis of anticipated revenues and recommended expenditures, an §$873,- 000,000 deficit was expected to accrue. The Secretary of the Treasury, however, has since reported that the deficit for the present fiscal year will probably be six times greater than was anticipated at the time the 1950 budget was submitted. Instead of the deficit being only $373,- 000,000 for this fiscal year, it will be $5,523,000,000. The budget now before the Congress estimates on the basis of anticipated revenues and the President’s recom- mended expenditures a deficit of $5,133,- 000,000 for fiscal 1951. That is probably an understatement of what the deficit will actually be if the Congress con- forms to the budget and makes appro- priations in the amounts recommended by the President. So, Mr. President, on the basis of ap- propriations necessary and requested to administer existing laws and provide the governmental services they require, we have what appears to be a fixed an- nual deficit of $5,000,000,000 or more. Odviously then, we cannot possibly meet current obhgations and balance the budget, unless we are willing to dispense with some of the governmental services that are now provided, discontinuc some programs we are now supporting, and drastically reduce the costs of others. Mr. President, that 1s a reasonably corrcct and accurate statement of the situation now existing. In other words, without our enacting any new laws, without instigating, authorizing, or ap- propriating for any new service or func- tion of the Government or any new pro- gram, and without raising taxes, the prospects are that our Government un- der present spending policies is destined year after year to spend more than 1t collects in revenues, and by that process pyramid the national debt higher and higher rather than to reduce it. But, Mr. President, that is not the whole picture. That is only one phase of our fiscal problem. There is another aspect that not only accentuates our present difficulties but which makes doubly certain they will be both enlarged and aggravated beyond any hope of so- lution. I refer and invite attention to the administration’s legislative program which we are asked to consider and urged to enact at this session of the Congress. In view of its scope and the impact it would have upon our already strained fiscal condition, I can well un- derstand why the President of the United States in his messages to the Con- gress and in public addresses to the Nation is unwilling and unable to give any reliable assurances that the budget can or will ever be balanced again. Mr. President, as I see it, we are being irrev~ ocably committed to a program and pol- icy of deficit spending that can have but one ending—economic collapse and na- tional disaster. Mr. President, in order to get as much factual and authoritative information as is presently available, I recently had the staff of the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments make a survey and estimate of probable costs of FEBRUARY 22 some but not all of the measures now pending in the Congress to carry out the administration’s legislative program. After making the study I requested, the staff prepared and submitted to me a table listing the estimated annual cost of some 15 new programs and expanded governmental services, for which legis- lation is now pending in the Congress and which is in conformity to and in im- plementation of the legislative program of the President, as submitted to the Congress in his state of the Union and other messages to it. The aggregate an- nual cost of these new services and pro- grams is more than $25,000,000,C00. That means, Mr. President, if the Con- gress carries out this legislative program and enacts these measures into law, that within the next 4 or 5 years when these new programs and services get into full operation the cost of operating the Fed- eral Government will increase by at least $25,000,000,000 annually. The incurring of new and increased obligations to that amount will compel an annual budget in excess of $65,000,000,000 within the next 5 years. The prospect of this is fright- ening. It is simply a tragic example of throwing all discretion to the winds, and embarking on a fool's paradise highway to bankruptcy and destruction. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RrEcorpD at this point the table to which I have referred. There being no objection, the table was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: Potential cost of new program legislation proposed by the President (fiscal years 1950-51) > Estimated E stimated annual cost Proposed program . of program annual cost in full of program | operation eee SOCIAL SECURITY, HEALTH, AND EDUCATION National health insurance_ $15, 000, 000 |$7, 000, 000, 000 Expansion of social se- curity... ..2..2--------- 250, 000, 000 | 6, 000, 000, COO Industrial safety program. 3, 000, 000 5, 000, 000 Aid to education... -..-..] 300, 000, 000 500, 000, 000 National Science Founda- tion -...2.2,------------ 15, 000, 000 100, 000, 000 National Commission against Discrimination in Employment (FEPC)~ 222222. 600, 000 5, 000, 000 Special assistance for rental and cooperative housing. ....-...-..--..- 10, 000, 000 50, 000, 000 Labor Extension Sorv 3, 000, 000 27, 000, 000 NATIONAL DRFENSE Universal military train- ing-.---..--.---2-------- 600, 000, 000 | 3, 000, 000, 000 Housing and public works.| 600, 000, 000 | 1, 400, 000, 000 St. Lawrence seaway: Operating costs... .... 8, 000, 000 30, 000, 000 Construction costs....] 100, 000, 000 100, 000, U0 INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Technical assistance to economically underde- veloped areas (gfoiut ¢ program) .....--.----2--- 85, 000, 000 500, 000, 000 AGRICULTURE Farm parity program (Brannan plan). ........ 5, 000, 000, 000 | 6, 000, 000, 000 NATURAL RESOURCES Commercial production of natural resources........ 11, 000, 000 400, 000, 000 Incentive payments for developmento{minerals.| 70,000, 000 70, 000, 000 Total ..s.n-eneennee 7, 020, 600, 000 |25, 187, 000, 000
1950 Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, I am not here undertaking to discuss or pass final judgment upon the merits or lack of merits of each and all the above- proposed measures, and the additional services they would provide. Some of them I already know I am definitely op- posed to. The desirability of others might well be established, the necessity for some in connection with our national defense and security may be established. But where they are only shown to be de- sliable, their enactment and the placing of them into operation should be deferred until such time as our fiscal condition will reasonably and safely permit us to assume the additional financial obliga- tions that their enactment will incur. Only those, if any, that we conclude are imperative to the general welfare and indispensable to national security should be undertaken until we have been able to set the financial affairs of our Gov- ernment in order and are again living within our revenues. The foregoing table and estimates of cost of these proposed new and expanded governmental services may be assailed as being inaccurate and misleading by those who favor the program. Of course, Mr. President, everyone is entitled to his own opinion, but I accept and present them as being the best estimates of cost that can be determined at the present time. The committce staff did not simply take these figures out of the air, and they by no means represent the highest esti- mates that have been made by competent authority. In arriving at these figures the staff made a study of estimates of cost given in committee hearings by both the pro- ponents and opponents of these meas- ures together with estimates compiled and submitted from impartial sources. These figures do not represent either the highest or the lowest, but in most in- stances they range closer to the lowest than they do to the highest estimates submitted in hearings on the different bills. To enable those who are interested in evaluating these estimates, I shall ask at the conclusion of my remarks to have printed in the Recorp the identity and number of bills that are pending, cover- ing each of the above items, together with a summary of estimates that have been submitted to committees having jurisdiction of those measures. These data, Mr. President, will reveal the source of some of the staff’s information and will indicate the computation made to arrive at the annual cost of these new services and programs when in full operation. Mr. President, it is perfectly obvious that the 15 proposals listed in the fore- going table do not cover, by any means, the entire legislative program. The table I have submitted excludes poten- tial Federal expenditures under the vari- ous guaranty and loan programs recom- mended to the Congress such as the 20- year housing program, aggregating ap- proximately $5,000,000,000 on loans to be guaranteed through the FHA and the RFC, and Federal guaranties of bank deposits through the FDIC. It also ex- cludes the cost of the Columbja Valley Authority and the Missouri Valley Au- thority. In addition to these measures CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE there are possibly hundreds of other bills now before the Congress which wouid add to the annual operating cost of gov- ernment if they should be enacted into law. It would be very easy, Mr. President, for Congress to increase the annual cost of government up to $65,000,000,00( or $75,000,000,000 by simply enacting at this session of Congress the legislative pro- gram which the President of the United States has submitted to us. If we do that, the Congress must assume the re- sponsibility for the inevitable results and cons.:quences that it will entail. There is no pressing necessity or circumstances to justify or warrant us in taking such a course. We shall not find exoneration at the bar of public opinion by attempt- ing to invoke any alibi of excuse in miti- gation of such folly. A simple arithmetical calculation re- veals that if this $25,000,000,000 program is to be enacted into law and operated on a pay-as-you-go basis, our tax burden will be increased by $166 annually for every man, woman, and child of the 150,- 000,000 American people. This new pro- gram of $25,000,000,000 annually, added to our present operating cost of more than $40,000,000,000, will bring the an- nual] expenditure budget of the Federal Government up to $65,000,000,000. An- other simple calculation, Mr. President, and we find that to support such ex- penditures on a pay-as-you-go basis will impose a tax burden of $433 anually for every man, woman, and child in Amer- ica. That means, on the basis of our present national income, 30 percent of all of the earnings of the American peo- ple would be the tax take required to support the Federal Government. This, added to the amount of taxes already levied for the support of State, county, and municipal governments throughout the Nation, will make the annual tax obligation of the American people more than 40 cents out of every dollar they earn. So far as I know and can ascer- tain, Mr. President, only one other na- tion today, among the free peoples of the world, has a tax obligation in compari- son, and that 1s England—and England, as we all know, now has an austerity standard of living which we, by gratul- ties of a billion dollars a year, are help- ing her to support, The prospects of our traveling the road that England has taken are appalling. The Congress has the power, but I hope it does not have the will to do it. The lessons of history reject such a course. I sincerely hope the Congress will exer- cise courage, Statesmanship, and com- mon sense in dealing with this vital issue and will refuse to saddle upon the econ- omy of this country and upon the al- ready tax-burdened wage earners, pro- ducers, and consumers of this Nation this crushing burden of new legislation and taxation. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that there be inserted in the Recorp, immediately following my remarks, the calculations made and the sources of the information, through the staff of the Committee on Expenditures in the Ex- ecutive Departments, to which I have previously referred. 2127 There being no objection, the matters were ordered to be printed in the REcorD, as follows: National health insurance 8. 1679: Initial cost._--..--.----- $15, 000, 000 When tn full operation... 7, 000, 000, 000 Information concerning this program was obtained from the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, the Bureau of the Budget, and the Federal Security Agency. According to the various estimates that have been submitted to the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, the cost of the program, when in full operation, will vary from a minimum of $7,000,000,000 to a maxi- mum of $15,000,000,000. Usually, the lower figure was submitted by proponents of the legislution, while the opposition's estimates were much higher. Studies made by the Federal Security Agency, and information contained in the August issue of the Social Security Bulletin of the FSA of August 1949, indicates that this program will cost from 87,000,000,000 to §10,= 000,000,000 a year. The Council of State Chambers of Commerce estimated that na- tional health insurance, as proposed, would cost from $5,000,000,000 to $6,500,000,000 per annum, Senator Dovucias estimated that the President’s compulsory medical-insur- ance plan would cost $5,300,000,000 per year. (Washington Post, November 25, 1949.) In order to attempt to strike a conservative average, the total annual expenditure under this program has been estimated at $7,000,000,000. Expansion of soctal-security program H. R 6000, H Rept. No. 1300: Initial cost.-.-.--------- $250, 000, 000 When in full operation..- 6, 000, 000, 000 There are so many unknown factors ine volved under this program that a reliable estimate'is difficult to obtain. According to estimates available, the annual cost of the program, provided it includes extension of benefits, disability insurance, coverage for farm and domestic employees, self-em- ployed persons, etc., will run approximately $6,000,000,000. The staff of the House Ways and Means Committee estimates that expansion of the Social Security Act to provide additional assistance for old-age and survivors insure ance, child welfare, and other purposes will cost about $256,000,000 the first year and increase to over $7,000,000,000 per annum when fully effectuated. The Federal Security Agency has compiled figures which estimate the program cost at approximately $4,000,000,000 in 1951 and @5,000,000,000 by 1960; whereas the Bureau of the Budget estimates that with the ex- tension of coverage proposed, including the health-insurance program and the continua- tion of public assistance on a more liberalized basis, would cost $2,500,000,000 in 1950, of which $1,600,000,000 comes from trust-fund accounts, and by 1960 the cost would have increased to $12,200,000,000, of which $10,- 000,000,000 would be paid from the trust funds established under the program and $2,200,000,000 would be paid from general revenues. The 86,000,000,000 total in the summary is, therefore, only a conservative estimate, Industrial safety program 8, 1432, S. Rept. No, 850: Initial cost-_--------------- 83, 000, 000 When in full operation.-.-.. 5, 000, 000 The Industrial Safety Section of the De- artment of Labor submitted an estimate of 6,000,000 for the operation of this program, based on the President's recommendations for appropriations. The staff of the Com- mittee on Labor and Public Welfare esti- mates that the program, as proposed under 8. 1432, would cost approximately $5,000,000, and indicated that the program could be
2128 very broadly extended into unlimited activi- ties which would far exceed this figure, but the Department of Labor indicated that local and State agencies would carry on these activities at no additional cost to the Federal Government. Ald to education 8. 246, H. R 4643: Initial cost_.......------- $300, 000, 000 When in full operation.... 500, 000, 000 The estimates submitted in connection with this program were procured from the Bureau of the Budget and verified through the Federal Security Agency as being the best available at the present time. The Legisla- tive Reference Service of the Library of Con- gress estimates, based on an article in the National Education Association Journal, that the higher-education program, not included in the estimated initial cost, would aggre- gate $53,000,000 in the initial year, increasing annually by the same amount through the following 3 to 4 years, for the purpose of assisting the States in maintaining and ex- pending publicly controlled institutions of higher education. In addition, the capital outlay is estimated at $200,000,000 per an- num. The President’s budget estimates in- cluded only elementary and secondary educa- tion programs, estimated at 8300,000,000 for the first year. The Senate bill (S. 246) would authorize annual grants to State educational systems of 300,000,000, whereas the House bill (H. R. 4643) would authorize $314,000.000 per year. The Office of Education advises that if the administration’s proposal became law $261,- 000,000 would be allocated to the States, This Office further advised that in subse- quent years under present economic condi- tions the cost should decrease about $25,000,- 000. If unemployment should increase and the States are unable to increase their sup- port, Federal aid would increase substan- tially. The Council of State Chambers of Com- merce reported that this program would cost @750,000,000 annually, with a potential top figure of $2,000,000,000. National Science Foundation S. 247, S. Rept. No. 90: Initial cost..-.-.----..-.. - $15, 000, 000 When in full operation-.... 100, 000, 000 The President estimated that an appro- priation of 82,500,000 and $12,500,000 of con- tract authority would be required to establish the organization. Sponsors of the legisla- tion creating the NSF find it difficult to fore- cast what the annual expenditure will be after the program gets under way, since there are several important intangibles to be con- sidered. The estimate of 8100,000,000 ts ultracon- servative, but was supplied by the Bureau of the Budget as being the most accurate esti- mate that could be procured. The Presi- dent's Scientific Research Board recommend- ed annual appropriations of @50,000,000 for basic research, outside of the Foundation’s own laboratories, in the initial stages of the program, and estimates that the total an- nual cost of this phase of the program would exceed $250,000,000 by 1958. The extent of the scholarship phuse will depend on aue- thorizations granted by Congress, and the fig- ures shown in the summary are estimated to cover the present proposed program. In- cluding scholarships, research expenditures, and other phases of the program, the total will approximate 350,000,000 annually. National Commisston Against Discrimination : in Employment (FEPC) 8, 1211: . Initial cost 2... 2-2.2.---< $600, 000 When in full operation...... 8, 000, 000 The potential operations cost figure in- cluded in the summary, of $5,000,000, is based on information obtained from the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE Bureau of the Budget, and other sources. It 1s based on the cost of the old FEPC pro- gram, and on the further assumption that operation of the law will be effectuated with- out enforcement set-ups and necessitating only isolated prosecutions. The amount in- dicated will be required to meet the needs for establishing State and local offices, legal and investigating staffs, etc., and if oppo- sition is encountered to the operation of the law, the cost may go as high as $10,000,000 and, under serious stress and actual gencral opposition, any estimate of annual cost would be a mere guess. The cost of administering the Wages and Hours Act, a somewhat comparable opera- tion to the enforcements proposed in the FEPC bill, carries a budget request of $10,- 587,000 for fiscal year 1951. Special assistance for rental and cooperative housing 8 2246: Initial cost ......-----.-.- $10, 000, 000 When in full operation... 50, 000, 000 This program is intended to provide addi- tional housing for the middle income group of American wage earners. It provides for establishing a corporation in the Housing and Home Finance Agency empowered to is- sue capital stock to be purchased by the Secretary of the Treasury in amount of $100,- 000,000, and to issue capital stock to coop- erative borrowers in the amount of $50,000,- 000 but not to exceed $300,000,000. The President may increase the capital stock issued after July 1, 1951, to $1,700,000,000. No estimates are available as to how much will be obligated or expended during fiscal year 1951 but if this proposal becomes law it is quite likely that from ten to fifty million dollars will be expended from the United States Treasury each year without giving any consideration to administrative costs, or losses which may accrue by an increase in unemployment, or a slump in real-estate values. Labor Extension Service §. 110, H. R. 1880: Initial cost.-..--...--...... $3, 000, 000 When in full operation__... 27, 000, 000 The President, in his state of the Union message of January 4, recommended the establishment of a Labor Extension Service in the Department of Labor which would administer a program providing for the training of wage earners in the principles of writing collective-bargaining agreements, labor-management relations, research, and other related subjects. The program is intended to operate in the same manner as the Agricultural Extension Service of the Department of Agriculture. Certain colleges and universities would be given Federal aid for providing classroom study and lectures in these subjects, to be conducted at night, or on Saturdays, to aid in the education of wage earners. Using the appropriation for the Agricultural Extension Service as a basis for estimating similar operations proposed under this program, the cost would approximate $28,000,000 per annum. Universal military training 8 66: Initial cost..-..-.- Lon eee $600, 000, 000 When in full operation... 3, 000, 000, 000 Information obtained from the Bureau of the Budget, Senate Appropriations Commit- tee, Committee on Armed Services, and the Congressional Aviation Policy Board, and other sources, indicates that this program will probably reach a total annual expendi- fure of $3,000,000,000, depending on the ex- tent of the program, length of the training period, and thé equipment provided. The estimates vary all the way from 61,5 000 to $3,000,000,000, but when the establishment and operation of military training facilities in connection with the program are included, FEBRUARY 22 it appears that the 63,000,000,000 figure is conservative. That, I believe, is the ac- cepted figure as to the potential annual cost of this program when fully activated. This program has been temporarily sus- pended and a policy of selective-service reg- istration adopted instead, but it still remains as a part of the President’s program. Military: housing and public works S 2440, 8. 960, etc.: Initial cost -.-..-.----.. 8600, 000, 000 When in full operation.. 1, 400, 000, 000 This program was intended to authorize the construction of multiple and other dwelling units for housing military personnel on duty at Army, Navy, and Air Force sta- tions throughout the United States, its pos- sessions, and at certain overseas stations. The constiuction and alteration of build- ings at Army, Navy, and Air Force stations for storage purposes, research and develop- ment work, and various other public-work projects, such as wind-tunnel buildings, ra- dar- and air-warning sirens, long-range prov- ing grounds (for guided missiles), Alaska housing, Okinawa housing and repair, Na~ tional Guard armories, and the Alaska come munications system. The Army, Navy, Air Force public-works bill recently approved by the Senate author- izes $604,000,000. Other related projects are estimated to involve annual expenditures ap- proaching #1,500,000,000. St. Lawrence seaway 8. J. Res. 99: Initial cost: Operating costs -....-. 88, 000, 000 Construction costs .-.. 100, 000, 000 When in full operation: Operating costs -...-.. 30, 000, 000 Construction costs .... 100, 000, 000 The staff of the Senate Committee on For- eign Relations advises that the cost of this project will depend on several factors such as the depth and width of the canal, the size and number of power units installed, etc. Some of the witnesses, including prom- inent engineers, have estimated that the to- tal cost would run to approximately 81,000,- 000,000 and would require an estimated 10 years for completion. It has also been esti- mated that the operating costs after com- pletion would run as high as $50,000,000 annually. The Council of State Chambers of Com- merce has estimated that the project would cost $8,000,000 in the first year and 6100,- 000,000 annually thereafter until completion. The Bureau of the Budget estimates that the total cost will not exceed §573,000,000. Technical assistance to economically under- developed areas (point 4 program) H R. 6834: Initial cost ...---------~-- $35, 000, 000 When in full operation... 500, 000, 000 This program of technical assistance to economically underdeveloped areas of the world will enable the peoples of these areas to learn, and to adapt to their own needs, modern technological and scientific knowl- edge in such flelds as agriculture, health, education, transportation, and industry. The Department of State estimated that if this program is approved 865,000,000 will be expended during the first year, and about $100,000,000 per annum when in full opera- tion. The staff of the House Committee on For- eign Affairs advised that an amortization of $35,000,000 for the first year, and its annual cost thereafter cannot be determined with any degree of accuracy. This is equivalent to a world-wide WPA project, and may run into billions of dollars, and the estimated poten~ tial cost of #500,000,000 per annum is con- sidered to be conservative:
1950 Farm parity program (Brannan plan) 8. 2318, H. R. 5345 (Public Law No. 439): Initial cost.-...-....-.. $5, 000, 000, 000 When in full operation.. 6, 000, 000, 000 Opponents of the Brannan plan indicated that it would cost the American taxpayers $20,000,000,000 a year. Secretary Brannan countered in a speech before the Farm Grange that this amount was too high, but did not state what he thought it would cost. He testified before the House Committee or agriculture that the Brannan plan would not cost any more than the price-support plan which is presently in effect. Other authorities on farm parity have indicated that the Brannan plan wculd cost from five to ten billion dollars per annum, and former Secretary of Stat» Byrnes indicated that socialized medicine and the Brannan farm Plan would cost $12,000,0L0,C00 annually. Technictans and specialists employed by the Legislative Reference Service have estimated that from studies conducted by them it is beHeved that the Brannan plan would cost between five and ten billion dollars each year Commercia production of natural resources 58. 6 (1950 budget, p M70): Tuitial cost ..-.------ ++... $11, 000, 000 When in full operation.--_- 40, C00, 000 The Department of the Intcrior indicated that the bill muy be amended to authorize advance of public funds for operating ex- penres in order to obtatn for Government use special products not available commer- cially, or to bear the cost of plant operations during en emergency. I. is intended to encourage and facilitate the production of synthetic Hquid tuel so that in the event of a national emergency adequate supplies will be available tor both military and civilian use This proposal is intended to authorize the Rc to mako loans to persons proposing to construct synthetic liquid fuel plants witn a dally canacity of ut least 5,000 barrels. It requires the Secretary cf the Interlor to study und appraise the action taken by private tn- dustry in the construction of such plants, if they fail to conform to the program, he will certify to the RFC, with approval of the National Security Resources Board, that additional plants of 30,000 barrels daily be constructed, and the RFC shall undertake, under contracts with private industry, to construct and operate such plants as the Secretary of the Interior may specify. The first year cost is estimated at $11,000,- 000, increasing successively each year until the fourth year when it is expected Lo reach $400,000,000. The Department of the Interior further estimated that $650,000,000 will be expended during the first 6 ycars of uctivu- tion of the program, of which about $1,060,- 000 will be required for administrative ex- penses. Incentive payments for development of minerals 8 2105 (1950 budget, p M70): Initial cost_-_--.---..---.-- $70, 000, 000 When in full operation_-... 70, 000, 000 This provram provides for the establish- ment of a Minerals Conservation Board con- eisting of the Secretaries of Interior, De- fense, Commerce, and Treasury. The program is intended to stimulate ex- ploration for, and conservation of strategic and critical ores, metals, and minerals. If enacted into law, a producer could apply to the Secretary of the Interior for financtal assistance to facilitate exploration and pro- duction of strategic and critical minerals. The Department of the Interior estimated that $70,000,000 would be expended during the first year for both administrative and diract aid to explorers and developers. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE COMMUNISTS IN GOVERNMENT SERVICE The Senate resumed consideration of the resolution (S. Res, 231) to investi- gate whether there are employees in the State Department disloyal to the United States. The VICE PRESIDENT. The question is on agreeing to Senate Resolution 231. Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secre- tary will call the roll. The roll was called, and the following Senators answered to their names: Atken Hendrickron Malone Benton Hickenlooper Maybank Brewster Hill Millikin Bricker Hoey Morse Butler Holland Mundt Byrd Hunt Myers Capehart Ives Neely Chapman Jenner O’Conor Chavez Johnson, Colo O’Mahoney Connally Johnson, Tex Robertson Cordon Johnston,8 C Russell Darby Kefauver Saltonstall Donnell Kem Schoeppel Douglas Kerr Smith, Maine Downey Kilgore Smith, N J. Dworshak Knowland Sparkman East!and Langer Stennis Ecton Leahy Taft Ellender Lehman Taylor Ferguson Lodge Thomas, Utah F’anders Long Thye Ficar Lucas Tobey Fulbijeht McCarran Tvdings Geulpe McCarthy Watkins Glulette Mc Ciellan Wherry Graham McFar’and Wiley Grecn Mcxellar Williams Gurney McMahon Withers He yden Magnuson The VICE FRESIDENT. A quorum is present. The hour of 2 o’clock having arrived, the resolution goes to the cal- endar. Mr. LUCAS Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate pro- ceed to the consideration of Senate Reso- lution 231. The VICE PRESIDENT. The clerk will state the resolution by title. The Cuter CLerk. A resolution (S. Res, 231) to investigate whether there are individuals in the State Department disloyal to the United States. The VICE PRESIDENT. Is there ob- jection to the request of the Senator from Illinois? There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolution. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I make a partamentary inquiry as to whether, if I ask to have my amendment con- sidered, 1t would be in order. The VICE PRESIDENT. Amendments are in order. Mr. MORSE. I wish to proceed with a very brief discussion of my amendment, and I desire to have it considered at this time. The VICE PRESIDENT. The Secre- tary will state the amendment. Mr. MORSE. I should hike first to make a statement with regard to certain modifications in the amendment. In my discussion of the amendment yesterday I said that all hearings con- ducted by the committee should be pub- lic hearings. I used the term “hearings” as a lawyer would use it. I took it for granted that it would be assumed to mean the taking of evidence and testi- mony in regard to any charges of dis- 2129 loyalty leveled against any particular individual. That, of course, is the mean- ing of the word “hearings” as a matter of law when used in a resolution such as the one under consideration. There is nothing in the amendment intended to prevent the Foreign Rela- tions Committee from meeting in execu- tive session to decide on the procedure it wishes to follow in conducting the in- vestigation.. There is nothing which would prevent the Foreign Relations Committee, to use the analogy mentioned yesterday by the distinguished Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LonG!, from func- tioning in executive session as a sort of grand jury. What my amendment seeks to do—and I think it is funda- mental—is to guarantee that any charges of disloyalty brought against an indi- vidual shall be heard in public when it comes to taking evidence and testimony in respect to those charges, The revised wording of my amend- ment as I should like to submit it, Mr. President, is this: On line 6, before the word “The” insert the following: “All hearings conducted by the committee for the purpose of taking evi- dence and testimony on any charges of dis- loyalty against any Individual shall be public hearings.” Since I have been a Member of the Senate I have been involved in debates and controversies on some very Impor- tant issues, but I should like to say for the record that I do not believe I have ever ralsed my voice since I became a Senator on any matter so fundamental to the preservation of the liberties and the freedoms of the American people as the amendment for which I am fighting in this Instance. As I indicated yesterday afternoon, I am greatly alarmed over certain trends inthis country. The road we are follow- ing will lead to limiting more and more the basic judicial guaranties of American citizens, one of which is that charges lev- eled against them shall be proved in public hearings, so the great public can be the judge. After all, it is the public behind the court system of America which makes our system of American justice work. Our free press should al- ways have available to it a public record of the evidence and the testimony on the basis of which any tribunal is asked to convict a citizen of a crime or a wrong. In turn every citizen should have the right to present his defense and rebuttal evidence in public. In this instance fel- low citizens are being charged with what I consider to be as heinous a crime as there can be, because when we boil the charge down to its real meaning, these persons are in fact being charged with treason. If there are traitors or dis- loyal workers in the Federal Government, I want them weeded out. But Iam such a firm believer in American judicial proc~ esses that I am convinced that inno- cence or guilt can be established by the existing procedures and under the ex- isting rules of evidence which character- ize the great American judicial system. I cannot think of any sound reason for saying that any citizen of this country accused of being disloyal or traitorous
2130 to the Government should not be heard in public. The resolution in fact amounts to the establishment of a special committee, because the Foreign Relations Commit- tee in this instance would function as a special committee under the direction and mandate of the Senate. In my view, we not only have the right but we have the duty to say to the Foreign Relations Committee: ‘‘Because these charges are so serious and because they are so vital to the security of the American people, we, the Senate of the United States, in- sist that a procedure be followed whereby the taking of evidence and testimony on any charges brought against any person under this resolution shall be in a public hearing, as we use that term in the law.” Mr. President, I shall not take the time to read from the legal dictionary which I have in front of me. I believe Senators will take my word for it. A “hearing” means in this instance the taking of evidence and testimony in connection with charges leveled against persons accused of crime, as applied in this instance Mr. LUCAS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Oregon yield to the Sena- tor from Wlinois? Mr. MORSE. I will moment. Mr. President, it is not an unfair limitation on the Foreign Relations Com- mittee, if we say, “After the Committee has met in executive session, and has become convinced that it should go for- ward with the investigation of specific charges against Mr. X or Miss Y, the taking of evidence and testimony on that particular case or those particular cases shal] be in a public hearing, so that the gentlemen of the free press, so that the American public, so that those represent- ing the American radio, can bring the information to the American people, who then will be in a position to judge for themselves whether the Government of the United States is being termited and undermined by disloyal persons.” I now yield to the Senator from Ili- nois Mr. LUCAS. As I understand, the position now taken by the able Scnator is just es little different from what I understood it to be last evening when he submitted his amendment. He has now made a fuller explanation of what the amendment means. I appreciate the argument he is mak- ing now, because he says to the Foreign Relations Committee, as I think is cor- rect, that it has the right, under his amendment, to go into executive session and, in executive session, consider the charges, and if the Foreign Relations Committee feels that some person is guilty of being disloyal to the Govern- ment, then the hearings should be held in the open, after the committee makes that decision. Mr. MORSE. That is exactly what I meant by hearings yesterday. I believe the Senator is correct. I did not make my position clear as to the type of hear- ing I had in mind. What I am saying is that the Foreign Relations Committee can hold all the meetings it wants to hold yield in a CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE in executive session respecting what pro- ecdure it is going to follow in getting the hearings started. But I assume, and I believe not wrongly, that as the result of the serious charges made by the Sen- ator from Wisconsin [Mr. McCartHy] the Foreign Relations Committee is go- ing to proceed to take evidence and testi- mony with respect to certain individuals in the State Department and elsewhere in the Government who it may find should be charged with disloyalty. I say that when the committee decides that it should proceed with an investigation of such charges in respect to any indi- vidual, and begins to take evidence and testimony in respect to the formal charges, we should make it clear that the committee must proceed in the sun- shine of open publicity so that all of us can pass judgment on whether or not there is even probable cause for believ- ing that a particular individual charged with disloyalty is guilty, and also so that every person who may be charged in such hearings may have the right—and I in- sist it is a precious right—to stand up before the American public and present in public his case in reply and answer those who seek to make out of him a disloyal and traitorous person. Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Oregon yield to the Sena- tor from California? Mr. MORSE. I yield. Mr. KNOWLAND. Apropos of the question raised by the majority leader calling the attention of the junior Sen- ator from Oregon to the amendment which he has offered, I will say that the wording of the amendment, I believe, confirms the original understanding of the majority leader, rather than the more complete statement which is now being made by the Senator from Ore- gon, because the wording of the amend- ment is “before the word ‘the’ insert the following: ‘all hearings conducted by the committce shall be public hearings’.” That wording of the amendment would indicate that there need not be execu- tive hearings of the type which the Sena- tor has now pointed out, quite properly, in his judgment should be held to con- sider the preliminary phases of such an investigation. Mr. MORSE. I thank the Senator from California. I believe he is correct in stating that the junior Senator from Oregon last night should have defined what he meant by “hearings,” and should have made clear that he was using the term “hearings” in its legal sense, and its dictionary sense. In that sense it is the taking of evidence and testimony in respect to charges leveled against an individual, as in this instance, in regard to which a committee has taken jurisdiction. It 1s only that type of hearing that I insist ought to be public. I have modified my amendment, I say again for the record, and so that the Senator from California may under- stand the modification, it is as follows: All hearings conducted by the committee for the purpose of taking evidence and - mony on any charges of disloyalty nst any individual shall be public hearings. FEBRUARY 22 That language in no way limits the committee in its executive sessions to deciding how it wants to proceed with its investigations, and against whom it wishes to proceed with its investigations. So there may be no misunderstanding, let us suppose that in executive session the committee decides that it is satisfied there is not even any probable cause for proceeding against Mr. X. That ends it. But if the committee decides that there is probable cause to proceed against Mr. XX, or Miss Y, then I say that individual ought to be proceeded against in public hearings. The preliminary investiga- tion can be made in executive session, but any hearing involving the taking of evidence and testimony insofar as for- mal charges are concerned must be a public hearing under my amendment. Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further? The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Oregon yield to the Sena- tor from California? Mr. MORSE. I yield. Mr. KNOWLAND. I wonder if the Senator in the course of his remarks is going to discuss the problem that may arise respecting the FBI. Let us assume that the FBI has an undercover man as it did in the New York Communist trial, which, of course, was a different situation because the individuals were being proceeded against for violating the laws of the country. Suppose the FBI has an undercover man who is currently working in a Communist cell. Is not the problem presented, that the causing of that witness to come before the com- mittee in open session may destroy the effectiveness of the FBI in uncovering Communist apparatus that may be exist- ing in a far more extensive fashion than it is involved in the respect to one par- ticular person? Mr. MORSE. I am glad the Senator from California raised the point. It is so fundamental that we simply have to face the issue. I think the findings of the FBI can be submitted in the pub- lic hearing, and the committee would be under no obligation or duty in that instance to bring the FBI informant before the committee. But I want to say to the Senator from California that we must be protected even from evidence submitted by the FBI that cannot be submitted to the test of cross-examin- ation in an American courtroom. If the reports of the FBI are not in such evidentiary shape as to be usable in an open hearing then they should not be accepted by the committee as a basis for finding a person to be disloyal. I insist that treason and disloyalty should be established by evidence that can stand up under the rules of evidence essential to giving our citizens a fair trial within the meaning of our Con- stitution. I say here and now that I do not believe there is a single Communist or disloyal person in this Government whose communism and disloyalty can- not be established under existing Amer- ican judicial procedures without relying upon evidence, the source of which can- not be disclosed, or upon witnesses who cannot be brought before an American
1950 citizen accused of crime, and subjected to cross-examination. I do not believe jt is the intention of the FBI—and no one has a greater admiration for the great director of the FBI than the junior Senator from Oregon—that any of its so-called information shall be used in the darkness of secrecy to convict persons of treason without giving them an opportunity to examine that evidence. Mr. SALTONSTALL, Mr. KNOWLAND, and Mr. FERGUSON rose. The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Oregon yield; and if so, to whom? Mr. MORSE. I will yield in a mo- ment. I believe the Senator placed his finger on something which is going to detcrmine whether or not in American judicial procedure we are going down the line of a police-state procedure, or whether we are going to keep open the courtrooms and the hearing rooms of America as contemplated by the proce- dures established by the founding fathers when the Constitution itself was penned. I cannot reconcile with the constitutional concept of a fair trial any posiuion that will keep in the darkness of star-chamber proceedings of a Sen- ate committee so-called information or evidcnce submitted to the committee, the source of which we cannot check. I say it is not feir to the accuse’. It is still pretty good American doctrine that it is better to have the guilty go free than to have one single citizen sentenced for a crime he did not commit. Mr. President, there 1s a great danger in the way evidence is being used, par- ticularly by congressional committees these days, In respect to protecting the innocent. I believe we can weed out Communists by a procedure that can stand the test of a cross-examination process carricd on in a public hearing I may sey to my good friend from Cali- fornia |Mr. Know ann] that I belheve that what the FBI can offer which will be of help to the committee can be offered inanopenhearing. If it cannot be, then I believe we had better use some other investigation process. We had better use some other means—means that can stand the test of an open hearing—of checking and testing Communists, so we can get them out in the open. Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr, President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MORSE. I yield. Mr. SALTONSTALL. I simply wish to ca)l to the Senator’s attention the fact that he used the words “the findings of the FBI." The FBI makes no findings. It has never made any findings. If I correctly understand the testimony of Mr. Hoover before the Appropriations Committee, he does not want ever to be placed in the position of making find- ings. All the FBI does is to collect evi- dence and submit it to its chief, I assume, the Attorney General, or to whomever it is to be submitted. It makes no findings and reaches no conclusions. Mr. MORSE. The Senator from Massachusetts is correct. If I used the term “findings” in connection with the FBI, I used it in error. I am saying to the Senator from Massachusetts, how- ever, that whatever evidence or state- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE ment the FBI thinks the Senate com- mittee shoulc use 1n reaching its findings in answer to the question as to whether @ given employee is a Communist or is disloyal to the Government, should stand the test of a public hearing. If that kind of procedure is not followed, in my judg- ment we are going to play into the hands of those who in the not far distant future will be favoring some rather defi- nite star-chamber proceedings, which, to me, spell a repetition of the type of police-state methods in Germany against which we so notably fought. Mr. SALTONSTALL. Under the La Follette-Monroney Act, the law under which we are now proceeding, the committee is required to hold the hearings in public, except where the committee by a majority vote orders an executive session. Would not the Sen- ator from Oregon trust the judgment of the committce or the subcommittee which hears this matter in determining that question for itself? Mr. MORSE. I wish to say to the Sen- ator from Massachusetts that it is not a question of trusting the judgment of a Senate committee. When we provide for an investigation such as this—which is going to be historic in nature, in my judgement— it 1s a question of whether we think it is in the intercst of sound public policy to say it shall be the policy of the Senate in such cascs to have a public hearing for the purpose of taking evi- dence and testimony. As the Senate I think we have a right— I am sure the Senator from Massachu- setts does not question it—to express ourselves on this question of public pol- icy; and I think it would be salutary for the entire country to have the Senate go on record today m support of the propo- sition that when it comes to taking tas- timony and evidence against fellow citi- zcns, un respect to their loyalty or charges of trcascen, the proceedings shall be con- ducted in open hearing. Mr FERGUSON, Mr. KNOWLAND, and other Senators addressed the Chair. The VICE PRESICVENT. Does the Sen- ator from Orcgon yield; and if so, to whom? Mr MORSE. I yield first to the Sen- ator from Michigan, who first asked that I yield to him. Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. President, in order to have in the Recorp an inter- pretation of the Scnator’s amendment, let me inquire whether he would con- sider that an open hearing would be re- quired in case the committce desired to see the file—only the file—of the State Department concerning a certain indi- vidual? Mr. MORSE. I think that goes to a question of procedure which would not involve a public hearing at all. Mr. FERGUSON It would not involve a pubhe hearing? Mr. MORSE. No. What the commit- tee does with the files afterward may involve a public hearing. Mr. FERGUSON. Yes; I wish to have the Recorp clear on that point. Sup- pose that under the charges of the Sen- ator from Wisconsin, who has indicated that the records, of the State Depart- mont’s security file show certain facts, the committee first wished to sce that 2131 file, and subpenaed it. Would that hear- ing have to be an open hearing? Mr. MORSE. That would not have to be an open hearing. But let us con- sider the situation after the committee obtained the file. Suppose the commit- tee examined it, and the committee mem- bers concluded that we have in the State Department a person whom the file shows obviously has been guilty of such and such disloyal conduct, and that that per- son should not be employed further by the State Department. At that point the committee would be proceeding against that individual in personam, as we say; and I think at that point he is entitled to a public hearing to answer charges which the committee feels would, if proved, justify his dismissal from the State Department. When it comes to the point that an individual is involved, and action may be taken against him as an individual, he should have the ad- vantage of being able to answer the charges in public. Mr. KNOWLAND and othe~ Senators addressed the Chair The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Oregon yield; and if so, to whom? Mr. MORSE. I yield now to the Sen- ator from California, to whom I previ- ously promised to yield. Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr President, I think the Senator from Oregon is clear- ing up somewhat, in answer to these questions, what has been in the minds of some of us in regard to his amendment. But at the moment I still am not in agreement with the Senator from Oregon in respect to the way in which he com- pares as parallcl cases the proccedings in a court cf law where a person is subject to being sent to jail or heavily fined, or fined at all, and the investigative re~ sponsibilities of the Senate of the United States. I wish to call the attention of the able Senator to the fact that, although it is not a parallel case, yet the Canadian Royal Commission proceeded in execu- tive session until it had followed the entire Communist apparatus in Canada, before it had any public hearings—in fact, I doubt whether it had any public hearings at all—or before it released the testimony taken by it and its findings and a statement of what had taken place. Had it proceeded on a basis of public hearings, it is quite possible that the Canadian spy ring might never have been uncovered, because of the fact that a chain reaction is set off. The fact that one person was brought before the com- mittee might disclose to other persons who were connected with him that the committee was hot on the trail, and therefore they could either disappear or could make themselves unavailable. Because I know the Senator from Ore- gon is as interested as anyone else is in uncovering anything improper which may exist, if anything of that nature does exist in the Government, I feel sure that he does not wish to have us obstruct at ils inception the possibility of finding out just what the facts are. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, it is the last crgument of the Senator from Cali- fornia, in respect to what might have happened in Canada if there had been a