A212 Recorp, I include the following article entitled “American Business Opportu- nity,” by Oscar Vogl, appearing in the December 1846 issue of Future maga- zine, together with a short comment by the editor: AMERICAN BUSINESS OPPORTUNITY (By Oscar Vogl) (The author of this article is exceptionally well qualified to discuss the topic of export and import, as well as the establishment of an international trade fair in the United States of America. He was born abroad as the son of an American newspaperman (New York Herald) and an English lady related to roy- alty. Educated abroad and in the United States of America, he is free from prejudice or political bias. He has made a study of this subject for many years. During World War I he was one of the first to volunteer his services to the American Relief Committee in London. Later on he was one of the min- utemen lecturers for Herbert Hoover's food conservation plan. In World War II he was @ consultant on the War Production Board. He also donated his services as public rela- tions counselor to appreciate America, speeding up war production through morale building among the workers. The late Preai- dent, Franklin D. Roosevelt, commented highly upor this work, as did J. Edgar Hoover and the most prominent industrialists and labor leaders. He is a prominent and well- known merchandising and public relations counselor, serving some organizations now continuously for over 15 years. We believe the subject of this article is of sufficient im- portance at this time for us to invite inter- ested readers, associations, and chambers to express their views. Address all communica- tions care of this magazine, attention the editor.—Eprror. ) This is not written in reference to or in support of any existing political organiza- tion. It is an appeal to the business interests of the United States to expand in the direc- tion of world trade, to take advantage of the golden opportunities that World War II has thrown into our laps, and be farsighted, effi- cient, and vigilant at all times. American businessmen with foreign con- nections in World War I will no doubt recall many lost opportunities due to nothing else but negligence on the part of our traders and the laissez faire attitude of our State and Commerce Departments. To take just one example—at the close of World War I warehouses in neutral ports were loaded to the gills with United States- made goods for which there was a crying need on the European continent. Yet many of these products came back to our shores merely because traders of other coun- tries had the advantages. In Danzig, just to mention one, the commanding general appointed through our aid was a Britisher. Naturally he favored British tracers. In other ports Britishers secured the orders in competition with our salesmen simply be- cause they had the know-how, the finesse, and either lower prices or better terms. In other markets outside of Europe we ex- perienced similar setbacks because our trad- ers mistook wartime demand for permanent business. It did not take Germany very long to regain her dominant position in such for- eign markets as Central and South America after our bankers underwrote her enter- prises and sold us many securities at high rates, which eventually tumbled to nothing. Today we are again faced with similar obstacles und opportunities. Before the last shot was fired, the world’s traveling salesmen were on the ground with sample cases and concessions. The need to export is important in Great Britain and many other countries besides our own. It is @ life-and-death struggle. We cannot expect preferential concessions or any favoritism even in view of previously granted allowances or loans. This world trade is a ruthless, cold- blooded, selfish, give and take undertaking. There is no quarter given. The foreign buyer demands the best advantages and he who can supply them, be he yellow, biack, white, or blended, gets the orders. Political compatibilities or racial relation- ships are all forgotten when world trade is entered into. Of course, one need not dis- count old-established connections, reputa- tions for square dealing and so forth, but these generally only come into the picture when everything else is equal. The new competition now entering the world trade arena should be of considerable concern to us, possibly the only large, free enterprise operating country left in the world. With the made-in-Germany cartels being condemned and put out of the running, the socialized, collectivized, and government-con- trolled industries and agricultural produc- tion in many countries can become for us unsurmountable competitors in world mar- kets. Before World War II it was reported that John L. Lewis of the United Mine Workers was greatly perturbed over the large pur- chases of United States of America made min- ing machinery made by the Soviet Union. He could easily visualize the lower cost pro- duction of the Russians with their dictator- controlled, underpaid, unorganized labor. Export trade removed, the United Mine Workers would be faced with a terrific un- employment situation. Other United States of America industries could easily be placed in a similar position. It so happened that World War II saved us from such a catas- trophy, however, it may not be so long be- fore a similar situation will arise again; therefore eternal vigilance and proper plan- ning is our best protection. When, in World War I, Lord Kitchener was made the Supreme Commander of the United Kingdom's armed forces, someone asked him what he would do. His reply was: “Only three things, organize, organize, organize!” The best protection to retain and expand our world-wide trade connections is to or- ganize now. Organize in such a thorough, efficient, and sound manner that we not only will hold our present world trade volume, but expand it to give us many years of prosperity and employment at a scale that will permit the continuance of the highest standard of living in the world. That, after all, is the al- pha and omega of our hard-earned mass- production supremacy and the private enter- prise system we, as freedom-loving people, cherish and wish to perpetuate. The socialistic- communistic-, and fas- cistic-governed countries of the world are looking upon us with jealous eyes, suspicion and fear. We ure, so to say, the testing ground for the liberally inclined thinkers in all parts of this planet. To organize now, properly for world trade supremacy, the United States can take a good lesson from the now defunct German world-trade organizations. There is no better system that we could follow as a Nation to »uild up the greatest foreign trade in the world than the German plan. While the British retained their for- eign trade on the old-established, know- how reputation for square dealing and qual- ity production, the French depended on tra- dition, fashion, and good manners, the Ger- mans had to go at it the bard way. They organised, organized, and organised. That meant every German commercial at- taché, every consul and consular officer, every German steamship agent, and every bank and insurance company with foreign branches and connections pooled their knowledge and information to make Germany a great world trading nation. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Promising young men, professors and tech- nictans and military leaders were sent to the outposts after thorough training, to estab- lish contacts. Many of these married into prominent foreign families, while others be- came instructors, supervisors, or military guides; thus building up a tie that brought volume trade to the Vaterland. Even Kaiser Wilhelm II, like the Prince of Wales, did not consider it undignified to promote foreign trade for his country and people. The glamour of royalty has more than once se- cured a favorable trade treaty. It is all in the game of power politics and world-trade domi- nation. In our position, we have the advantage for the present, yet we lack the moral suy Jort of our Government. Only a typical Ameri- can world-tradc-minded State Department supplemented by a Department of Commerce and an Agricultural Department of the high- est efficiency anc free from partisan political bureaucrats and directors, can be useful in such an undertaking The operations must start with the right set-up and viewpoint from the top down, and not from the bottom up. Un-American worshipers of the totalli- tarian, fascistic, communistic, or even royal regimes, should not be tolerated in any branch of these services. Everyone connected with our Foreign Service should be checked and tested first for his loyalty and his belief in the American way of life, and, last, but not least, his ability. The admonition of our fighting President, Theodore Roosevelt, should be remembered and considered. “We have room in this ccuntry for but one flag— the Stars and Stripes. We have room for but one loyalty—loyalty to the United States of America. There can be no 50-50 American- ism. There is room here for only 100 percent Americanism—ouly those who are Americans and nothing else.” The set-up must be free from politics, nepotism, social butterfiles, and striped trousers brigadiers. The staff, fron Ambassador down to the doorman at the consulate, should be imbued with the thought that only what is good for the United States of America and its people is of interest and consideration. Commercial attachés as well as consular officers and staffs should know thelr business and be helpful in building trade for the United States of America, manufacturers and producers. This is contrary to a report from an American exporter and importer in Central America who stated that he gets speedier, more ac- curate and effictent information from the British Consul than from his own. Another ex- and importer recently advised that the American consul in an important South American port told him he had no information nor knew anything about the United States pure food laws. Still, u ship- ment of several tons, pertinent for the pro- duction of edible foods in the United States of America depended on this information. In spite of our handicaps, we, of course, have among us outstanding successes in world trade. These are large, well-organized, thor- oughly efficient, and merchandising-minded corporations whose reputation and success abroad would be of inestimable value to de- velop a bigger and better foreign trade for all manufacturers and producers in our country. It is only fair to call attention to the ex- ceptionally fine service, trade, and reputa- tion built up by our leading oil men, auto- motive manufacturers, meat and food pack- ers and preducers, motion-picture people, ag- ricultural implement makers, pharmaceutical firms, and many, many others. For example, in some sections of the world, one of our men’s he t manufacturers and one shoe manu- facturer have a reputation that cannot be equaled. These companies have pioneered for years, researched and carefully built up
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD market after market in spite of keen for- eign competition and lack of proper sup- port from our Government agencies. With the long-range viewpoint in mind, these peo- ple feel the need of greater cooperation to retain and expand these markets not only for themselves but others as well. Since every change presents a new oppor- tunity, the collapse of Germany has thrown one such chance into our very lap. The Leipzig International Trade Fair has been established through the ages as the greatest marketing place in the world. Be- fore Herr Hitler upset all the apple carts in Germany and eventually in all of central Europe, there gathered in the city of Leipzig in Germany each spring and each fall the prominent buyers of merchandise from all over the world. At these meetings, lasting about 2 weeks each, orders for from two hun- dred and fifty million to often over three hundred million dollars used to be placed with German manufacturers Many com- modities such as furs, just to mention one, had established Leipzig as their marketing center for the world. Indeed, not only fur buyers, but buyers of thousands of items in all parts of the world had an annual visit to the Leipzig Trade Fair on their must list. The well-informed merchandiser had no al- ternative. He had to be at the fair or be considered passé, Today there is no Leipzig trude fair worth mentioning The last one. held under Russian supervision, was a sad parody to the glorious affairs that filled a city of 600,000 population to 650,000 or over for a few days of grand parades, expositions, concerts, and international good-will building. When all is said and done, world trade builds unity, and unity makes for better understanding of all people, races, and na- tionalities. Here wé have it at our door- steps—the greatest opportunity—and ‘10 action, vision, organization, or even prepa- ration. Yes; there have been wildcat promo- tion attempts in various parts of the country to establish such a fair. They all fell by the wayside because the promoters lacked knowl- edge and only had greed in their prospectu: while some chambers of commerce, minus vision and an oversupply of jealousy in their directors’ meetings, could not pass a reso- lution. A United States international trade fair cannot be established successfully unless it follows the pattern outlined herewith for the formation of an all-American, efficient State, Commerce, and Agricultural Depart- ment. It must have these three Government agencies as supporters, but not as guides or managers. The United States international trade fair should be organized, financed, and managed by big business and small business along sound business principles. It is a big undertaking and will take time to set up properly and will succeed only if unselfish, clear-thinking, broad-minded, highly ethical, truly American men of vision will underwrite it and help organize it now, before some other country finds it opportune to steal the show away from us. Limitation and Control of Opium and Coca Leaves EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 20, 1947 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include two res- olutions dealing, respectively, with meas- ures to limit and control] the world’s pro- duction of opium and coca leaves from which cocaine is manufactured, and to abolish opium smoking in the Far East. Each of these resolutions was unani- mously adopted recently by the Commis- sion on Narcotic Drugs of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. To one who has worked before, during, and since the war, at the difficult task of trying to eliminate one of humanity’s greatest curses, it is gratifying that the Social and Economic Council has estab- lished a special commission to deal with the problem and apparently intends to continue the efforts which, since 1912, had finally achieved considerable prog- ress, though against formidable opposi- tion. The resolutions follow: UNITED NATIONS ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUN- CIL—COMMISSION ON NARCOTIC DRUGS— LIMITATION OF THE PRODUCTION OF RAW MATERIALS—RESOLUTION APPROVED BY THE COMMISSION ON DECEMBER 3, 1946 The Commission on Narcotic Drugs— Recognizing the importance of bringing as speedy a solution as possible to the problem of limitation of production of raw materials from which narcotic drugs are manufactured; Noting the preparatory work previously ac- complished in this field; Expressing its appreciation of the efforts of both the executive and legislative branches of the United States Government during the war to insure the continuity of this work with the object of arriving at a solution of this problem; and Realizing on the other hand that changed circumstances rendered it necessary to col- lect further information in order to con- tinue the preparatory work preliminary to an international conference on the limitation of such raw materials; Decides— Subject to the approval] of the Economic and Social Council, to issue to governments concerned a questionnaire calling for such information, this questionnaire now to be prepared by the Secretariat in the light of the views expressed during the present ses- sion of the Commission and after the ap- proval by the President, Vice President, and Rapporteur To instruct the Secretariat to draw up & questionnaire on coca leaves for considera- tion by the Commission at its next session. UNITED NATIONS ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUN- CIL—COMMISSION ON NARCOTIC DRUGS— ABOLITION OF OPIUM SMOKING IN THE FAR EAST—DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY THE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES The Commission on Narcotic Drugs— To fulfill the stipulation embodied in arti. cle 6 of the international opium convention signed at The Hague on January 23, 1912, concerning the supression of the manufac- ture, internal traffic in, and use of prepared opium; Considering that the Governments of the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands, and Portugal had decided to adopt the pol- icy of complete prohibition of opium smok- ing in all their territories in the Far East and had taken measures to give effect to this policy; Recommends that the Economic and Social Council urge all countries which still legalize the use of opium for smoking to take imme- diate steps to prohibit the manufacture, in- ternal traffic in, and use of such opium. A213 A Man Who Wants To Work EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 20, 1947 Mr. HOFFMAN. Mr. Speaker, from the far West comes the following letter from a studio worker. The Congress still hesitates to give the Nation legislation which will permit a man, unhampered, to earn his daily bread. A STUDIO WORKER WHO WANTS TO WORK According to the Times, the Interfaith Council of Churches wants to see the strike in the motion picture studios settled. And our mayor, too, has come out for such a proposal. Very, very noble though a little too late, it seems to me. During the last 24 months, 1 have been forced to go ‘‘on strike” and been off pay roll almost 12 months. Why? Bloodshed, intimidation, anonymous’ phone calls, threats. I have no quarre! with the men and women I used to work with. We enjoyed fine con- ditions, swell pay, good treatment * * * and we had to go out on the picket line time after time, on some pretext or other. Were we given the right of a secret bal- lot? No! If we wanted to stay in this business and remain healthy, we had to do as we were told. Now if the churches and the mayor really want to do something for us, how about giving us the right of a secret ballot? How about letting the rank and file, rather than a bunch of Commies, decide our fate? Where were the churches and the mayor when we had to pound the pavement for 8 months last year? And now we've been out over 3 months again. I have never written a letter to a news- paper before. If I want to stay healthy I can't let you sign my name to it. SoI am asking the Times to tell the churches and the mayor to let us, the poor suckers who have to pay the price, say that we want to go back to work. We want the right to work. We want to run our own unions not by fear, or threats, but in an American. democratic fashion. I have been a union member for over 20 years. I hope the new Congress outlaws jurisdictional strikes, and makes suffering such as I had to endure impossible for the future. Yes, the churches and the mayor can help. Give us a secret ballot and help us get rid of our so-called leaders. A Srupio WorkKER. Los ANGELES. The Road to Pearl Harbor EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROY 0. WOODRUFF OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday January 21, 1947 Mr. WOODRUFF. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Washington Times- Herald of January 20, 1947:
A214 THE ROAD TO PEARL HARBOR Published today is a book which we think had better be bought, read, inwardly di- gested, and carefully kept for future refer- ence by all Americans who hope to see the mystery of Pearl Harbor some day fully and finally solved The book is Pearl Harbor: The Story of the Secret War, by George Morgenstern; Devin- Adair Co., New York, 1947; 425 pages, 4 maps, exhaustive index and appendix; 63. It has to do, of course, with the most dis- astrous and disgraceful defeat ever yet in- flicted on American armed forces by land, sea, or air—the Japanese body blow that might have been a death blow, dealt us at Pearl Harbor, T. H, on Sunday morning, December 7, 1941. The book's author—a long-time newspa- perman, who during the late war Was a Marine Corps Reserve captain directing the marine combat correspondents—has summed up in this volume all the facts which have become public to date with reference to the historic calamity. Mr. Morgenstern has done the job, too, in @ hard-hitting and hard-boiled style which makes the book as interesting as some of the better current murder stories. And the book is a sort of murder story, since it concerns the slaughter of 2,326 American fighting men in a raid of which they had no warning. Why weren't they warned? The Roosevelt administration had been inviting a Japanese attack for months. Matters had reached the ultimatum and deadlock stage between Washington and Tokyo by November 26. It is the thesis of this book that Roosevelt wanted war—with Japan or Germany. or preferably both; that he knew some 80 per- cent of the American people wanted to stay out of the war; and that he refrained from alerting our Pacific outposts, though know- ing Japan would soon attack, so that our men would be caught asleep and Roosevelt could quickly fan up a war fever and smother all his critics with a how) that this Nation had been treacherously assaulted. Though Roosevelt is not blamed exclu- sively for the Pearl Harbor massacre, this book lays a large part of the blame at his door—and nails it down with hundreds of citations of recorded testimony. It seems to us that publication of Pearl Harbor: The Story of the Secret War should be a signal for yet another Pearl Harbor investigation—this time by a Congress con- trolled by Republicans and therefore in a position to dig out most, if not all, of the facts which the New Dealers up to now have been able to keep concealed. Ogden Mills Reid EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RALPH A. GAMBLE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. GAMBLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted by the House, I present for insertion in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an editorial entitled “Ogden Mills Reid,” which appeared in the Daily Times, pub- lished at Mamaroneck, N. Y., on Wednes- day, January 8, 1947: OGDEN MILLS REID Westchester especially mourns the passing of Ogden Mills Reid, president, publisher, and editor of the New York Herald Tribune, because not only the life of this outstanding journalist but the careers of his forebears were intertwined with the country’s develop- ment. It was at Ophir Hall in Purchase, family homestead, that Whitelaw Reid, father, re- ceived official notification in 1892 of his nomi- nation for the Vice Presidency, with Ben- jamin Harrison heading the ticket. It was there that Ogden Reid spent many happy days of his youth, a period wherein he learned to love Westchester, an affection which never died. And it was, therefore, most fitting that when he was laid away to Test yesterday afternoon, this, too, should be in Westchester, amidst the peaceful hills sloping gently to the Hudson, in the quietude of Sleepy Hollow Cemetery, above the Tarry- towns. Ogden Reid was a man who accomplished much with little noise. His famed father bequeathed to him the New York Tribune, one of many struggling periodicals in a pe- riod of bitter economic rivalry. By persist- ence, vision, and courage he built this pub- lication, through a fortuitous merger with the equally celebrated New York Herald, into @ newspaper of international significance and respect. Yet during those long years of effort, and later when success had crowned the venture, Mr. Reid never sought personal honors, never asked political preferment, and never forgot that his service to the public came first. Always there was sincere effort to make honest presentment of the news the scale upon which the newspaper was to rise or fall, In time there was added the courageous pol- icy of flat refusal of advertising which did not conform to the same standard, a field wherein the Tribune once led the entire journalistic profession And these sound standards, faithfully followed, resulted in the existence today of a living memoria] to the man who inspired the ideals. This newspaper, in company with a host of others throughout the Nation, extends to Mrs. Reid and the children its deepest sympathy. We have lost a good neighbor. Amendment of Fair Labor Standards Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS 0) HON. FRED A. HARTLEY, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21. 1947 Mr. HARTLEY. Mr. Speaker, from March 1933 through the Seventy-eighth Congress most of the so-called social legislation enacted was written and sponsored by the executive branch of the Government. Some of these laws, and particularly the Nationa] Labor Re- lations Act and the Fair Labor Standards Act, have been administered and inter- preted in so partisan a manner that their pronounced objectives have been seri- ously impaired. Little or no effort has been made to safeguard the public in- terest or to give equal protection under the law to employers as well as em- ployees. Those entrusted with the ad- ministration of these laws in many in- stances have wantonly disregarded the plain intent of the Congress to correct existing evils and have encouraged un- scrupulous people to commit acts of law- lessness against the persons and property of thousands of law-abiding employees as well as employers, to threaten the health and economic well-being of mil- lions of citizens, to challenge our Amerie APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD can way of life, and to jeopardize the se- curity of our country. In November 1946 the American peo- ple revolted against this impossible sit- uation and elected a Republican Con- gress. There is no doubt that they have given a mandate to the Republican Party to correct the shortcomings of New Deal labor legislation. As chairman of the House Committee on Education and Labor I shall try to carry out what I conceive to be the ex- press will of our citizens. My primary purpose will be to see that all labor leg- islation enacted by the Congress will consider, first, the public welfare, and, secondly, equal justice and protection under the law to employees and em- ployers. It will be my earnest endeavor to establish the relationship between labor and management on an even keel. An earnest effort will be made to amend all labor laws which violate these principles. In furtherance of this program I have prepared and introduced a bil] to amend and clarify the Fair Labor Standards Act. In this bill I have attempted to solve a problem and clear inequalities created by the Supreme Court in its re- cent decision on the Mount Clemens Pot- tery Co. case. This decision by the Court has established a precedent which threatens the financia] structure of our free-enterprise system and the integrity of collective bargaining. By straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel, the Supreme Court has violated its own es- tablished rules and misinterpreted the plain intent of Congress in authorizing the award of overtime pay and compen- satory damages for such activities as walking from the time clock to one’s post of duty, changing clothes, and so forth. The bill which I have introduced speaks for itself. It ts not punitive. On the contrary it is designed to thwart a punitive action. The bil] does not de- prive labor of any moral or lega) right under the Fair Labor Standards Act, but it does prohibit legalized grand larceny. On Monday, January 20, Mr. Press- man, counsel of the CIO, testified before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate. He is reported to have recommended that the billions of dollars in portal-to-portal claims already filed and to be filed by the unions should be settled through collec- tive bargaining. This, of course, is un- thinkable. The Government must cease to compromise principles for votes. Administrative agencies and the courts must cease encroaching upon the law- making powers of the Congress, and the Congress must restore public confidence in our Constitution and in government by law. While I am chairman of the House Committee on Education and Labor that will be my objective. {From the Washington Post] PORTAL DEFENSE Lee Pressman, CIO general counsel, told a Senate subcommittee that the future oper- ation of the Fair Labor Standards Act would be threatened if pending Senate measures to disallow portal-to-portal pay claims were enacted. In our opinion the greatest threat to the Fair Labor Standards Act stems from the distorted interpretation of the purpose and meaning of the law which led the Su-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD preme Court to validate exorbitant claims for back pay. If Mr. Pressman is really anxious to retain for labour the benefits of the Fair Labor Standards Act, the wise procedure, it seems to us, would be to support efforts to clarify the law and bring it into conformity with the plain intention of Congress. Otherwise, opposition to the act growing out of the Supreme Court’s loose definition of what constitutes working time for which employ- ees must be paid may result in much more drastic revisions of the present law than are now contemplated. As a matter of fact, labor stands to gain a great deal more than it will lose by the legal outlawing of suits for back pay under portal- to-portal rulings. For if such claims are relentlessly prosecuted, many firms faced with huge claims for back pay and damages will offer strong resistance to demands for further wage increases, while others would be forced into bankruptcy. So far as we can see, about the only people who stand to gain in the long run by prosecuting these back- pay claims are the lawyers who, according to Senator CaPEHART, expect to get a large slice of the amounts recovered in the form of fees. In the past, payment for time spent on employers’ premises has, as a rule, been in- directly allowed for in fixing’ the terms of an agreement. Moreover, as President Green of the AFL pointed out in a recent letter to member unions, “What constitutes time worked for the purpose of figuring straight- time and overtime compensation can best be determined by labor and management over the bargaining table.” Even Mr. Pressman, while opposing individual settlements, advo- cates legislation authorizing employers and unions to settle outstanding portal-pay claims through collective bargaining. The constitutional objections that can be raised in connection with all pending bills relating to retroactive claims apply likewise to Mr. Pressman's proposal, which would have the further disadvantage of leaving industry still saddled with billions of dollars of claims for back pay without any assurance that reason- able settlements of such claims could be negotiated. Summary of Federal Tort Claims Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to insert the following summary of the recently enacted Federal Tort Claims Act, which was prepared under the direction of and made the subject of an address delivered by J. Vincent Keogh, United States attorney for the eastern district of New York, at a regular meeting of the Brooklyn Bar Association. It is hoped that the summary will be of assistance to those who might possibly have rights under the act. It follows: Fenrrat Tort CLaims Act (Enacted August 2, 1946—Public Law 601, ch. 758, secs. 401-424) This statute permits tort actions against the United States on claims growing out of negligence committed by employees of the Government on and after January 1, 1945. Whether an act is negligent and whether re- covery lies is determined by the law of the place the act was committed. The statute generally is divided into two categories: 1, Where the claim is $1,000 or less. 2. Where the claim is in any amount. DEFINITIONS “Federal Agency”: Includes: Executive departments; inde- pendent establishments of the United States; corporations whose primary function is to act as, and while acting as, instrumentalities of the United States whether or not author- ized to sue and be sued in their own name. Excludes: Any contractor with the United States. “Employee of the Government”: Officers or employees of any Federal agency. Members of the military or naval forces of the United States. Persons acting on behalf of a Fedcral agency in any official capacity temporarily in the service of the United States whether with or without compensation, “Acting within the scope of his office or employment”: With respect to the military, means acting in the line of duty. 1, Where claim is $1,000 or less: (a) Claim in the above amount can be sub- mitted to the head of each Federal agency, and he has the right to consider, ascertain, adjust, determine, and settle such claim. (b) Any such award or determination is final and conclusive on all officers of the Gov- ernment (except when procured by fraud). (c) Any award made shall be paid by the head of the Federal agency out of appropria- tions hereby authorized. (d) Acceptance of the award by the claim- ant is final and constitutes bar to further action either against the United States or against the employee committing the act. (e) The head of the ugency shall annually make a report to Congress of all cluims paid by the agency. The report shall include the name of each claimant, a statement of the amount claimed and the amount awarded, and a brief description of the claim. 2. Where claim is in any amount: (a) Suit may be started against the United States under the following conditions: (1) Exclusive jurisdiction is in Federal district court. (2) Must be brought in court where plain- tiff is resident or where act was committed. (3) No jury trial. (4) United States is not liable for interest prior to Judgment. (5) United States is not liable for punitive damages. (6) Successful claimant is entitled to costs which shall not include attorney's fees. (b) (1) Judgment in a suit is a complete bar against further action by the claimant as against the employee committing the act. (2) Where a claimant has submitted his claim to the head of an agency for settlement ($1,000 or less) he cannot bring suit unless final disposition has been made of his claim, provided— (A) The claimant may withdraw his claim from consideration upon 15 days written notice and then start an action; provided further that: (B) Where his claim is disposed of or he withdraws it, he cannot sue for a sum larger than the amount he presented to the Federal agency unless he shows that the increased amount is based on newly discovered evi- dence not reasonably discoverable at the time he present the claim to the agency. (C) Where the head of an agency disposes of a claim, such disposition shall not be com- petent evidence of lability or amount in proceedings where suit is brought. ‘ REVIEW (a) Final judgments of the district court are reviewable by appeal in the CCA in the same manner as other judgments of the dis- trict court or A215 (b) In the Court of Claims of the United States provided that the notice of appeal filed in the district court under rule 73 shall have the written consent of all the appellees that the appeal be taken to such court. Appeals to the Court of Claims must be taken within 3 months after entry of judgment in the district court. COMPROMISE The Attorney General is authorized to compromise or settle any claim after suit is instituted with the approval of the court in which the suit is pending. STATUTE OF LIMITATIONS (a) Claims of 61,000 or less are barred unless presented in writing to the agemcy out of whose activities it arises within 1 year of the enactment of the statute or 1 year after claim is accrued, whichever is later. (b) Suits are barred unless begun within the l-year period as above described. (c) Where a claim not exceeding $1,000 is presented to un agency the time to institute @ suit therein is extended for a period of 6 months after the date of mailing notice to the claimant of final disposition; or from the date of withdrawal of the claim, if it would otherwise expire before the end of such period. EXCEPTIONS The statute lists 12 exceptions under which no action or claim lies. ATTORNEYS’ FEES (a) Where head of agency makes an award in claim not exceeding $1,000; where the re- covery is $500 or more the attorney muy be allowed up to 10 percent of the amount recovered. (b) If suit is brought, the attorney may be allowed up to 20 percent of amount recov- ered. (c) The attorney's fees are to be paid out of, but not in addition to, the amount of judgment or award. (ad) Any attorney who charges, demands, receives, or collects more than the statutory allowances shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, subject to a fine of not more than 82,000 or imprisonment of not more than 1 year, or both. EXCLUSIVE OF REMEDY From the date of enactment of this act, any claims cognizable under this state, shall be brought against the United States regard- less of the authority of any Federal agency to sue and be sued in its own name. EXCEPTIONS Sec. 421. The provisions of this title shall not apply to: (a) Any claim based upon an act or omis- sion of an employee of the Government, exercising due care, in the execution of a statute or regulation, whether or not such statute or regulation be valid, or based upon the exercise or performance or the failure to exercise or perform a discretionary func- tion or duty on the part of a Federal agency or an employee of the Government, whether or not the discretion involved be abused. (b) Any claim arising out of the loss, mis- carriage, or negligent transmission of letters or postal matter. (c) Any claim arising in respect of the assessment or collection of any tax or cus- toms duty, or the detention of any goods or merchandise by an officer of customs or ex- cise or any other law-enforcement officer. (dad) Any claim for which a remedy is pro- vided by the act of March 9, 1920 (U.S. C., title 46, secs. 741-752, inclusive) or the act of March 8, 1925 (U.S. C., title 46, secs. 781-790, inclusive), relating to claims or suits in ad- miralty against the United States. (e) Any claim arising out of an act or omission of any employee of the Govern- ment in administering the provisions of the Trading With the Enemy Act, as amended
A216 (f) Any claim for damages caused by the imposition or establishment of a quar- antine by the United States. (g) Any claim arising from injury to ves- sels, or the cargo, crew or passengers of vessels, while passing through the locks of the Panama Canal or while in Canal Zone waters. (h) Any claim arising out of assault, bat- tery, false imprisonment, false arrest, ma- licious prosecution, abuse of process, libel, slander, misrepresentation, deceit, or inter- ference with contract rights. (1) Any claim for damages caused by the fiscal operations of the Treasury or by the regulation of the monetary system. (j) Any claim arising out of the combat- ant activities of the military or naval forces, or the Coast Guard, during time of war. (k) Any claim arising in a foreign country. (1) Any claim arising from the activities of the Tennessee Valley Authority. The Late Gen. Dan I. Sultan REMARKS HON. JAMIE L. WHITTEN OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 20, 1947 Mr. WHITTEN. Mr. Speaker, it is with great regret that I call the attention of the House to the death of one of the distinguished citizens of my State, a native son, born and reared in Oxford, Miss., Gen. Dan I. Sultan, a member of a distinguished family of Lafayette County. General Sultan died here in the last week. The House was not in session at that time, which is the reason com- ment is made today. Gen. Sultan was well known in Washington, where he served as resident Commissioner during the 1930's. He was equally as well known throughout the military establishment, and to the people of the United States. Three times he received the Distin- guished Service Medal for his work with the military department of our Govern- ment. He succeeded General Stilwell in the Chinese-Burma theater of the war, where he rendered outstanding service. Upon his return to the United States General Sultan became Inspector Gen- eral. We are extremely regretful to know of his untimely passing. The State of Mississippi has lost a splendid citizen, a citizen of national stature, and a great soldier. We shal] miss him in the years to come. Mark Thistlethwaite EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE W. GILLIE OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. GILLIE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following editorial con- cerning the death of Mark Thistle- thwaite, taken from the Fort Wayne, Ind., Journal-Gazette of Friday, Janu- ary 17: MARK THISTLETHWAITE When Mark Thistlethwaite, the Journal- Gazette’s Washington correspondent for more than a quarter of a century, died suddenly Tuesday afternoon, top Government officials from the White House down paid tribute. to his worth as a journalist and a man. These tributes were well deserved, for Mr. Thistlethwaite embodied the highest capabil- ities and ideals of his profession. His knowl- edge of the Washington scene was intimate. He possessed a sound sense of news, judg- ment, accuracy, integrity, industry, and a clear style. That he was held in the highest regard by his fellow correspondents is attested by the fact that he had served as secretary of the National Press Club, as president and acting secretary of the famous Gridiron Club, and as chairman of the standing committee of the Capito] Press Gallery. Mr. Thistlcthwaite was born in Richmond, Ind. He was graduated from the Richmond High School and Swarthmore College, and then entered the newspaper field, working in Philadelphia and Indianapolis He became secretary to Gov. Thomas R. Marshall in 1909 and continued to serve as secretary to Marshall during his two terms as Vice President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Since the latter year he had been a Washington correspondent until the time of his death. He was regarded as the dean of the capital correspondents’ corps. Of the 580 Members of Congress today, only 3 were in Washington when Mr. Thistle- thwaite arrived there with Vice President Marshall in 1913. Indiana has produced many outstanding newspapermen, but none of them was more widely known or more esteemed than Mark Thistlethwaite, whose by-line was so familiar to Journal-Gazette readers. He was for all his experience a kindly, lovable gentleman. To his widow and other surviving members of his family we extend sincere sympathy. Who Pays for the Smears? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 20, 1947 Mr. HOFFMAN. Mr. Speaker, many now in the House will recall how over the years Members of this House, and I was among the ones elected and re- elected by our people who know us and our records, were characterized as being seditious, nonpatriotic, unfit to sit in Congress by anyone like Winchell, a no- torious liar, scandalmonger, a disgrace to the Navy uniform which he once wore, an example of almost everything which an American should not be; by Carlson, contemptible, lying pup; by Birkhead, the renegade minister, and others of their ilk. Yes, the American people would like to know who pays these preachers of class hatred, these creators and disseminators of falsehoods. John T. Flynn has rendered a distinc- tive service to the public by telling us of some of them. From the Chicago Trib- une, which in the eyes of the interna- tionalistic world wreckers should be blacklisted because it is pro-American, comes the following editorial: WHO PAYS FO” THE SMEARS? John T. Flynn has just finished in. the columns of the Tribune a definitive account APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of the filthy brigade of liars for hire, who, for a fee, will organize a campaign to blacken the reputation of any decent American citi- zen who has enemies willing to pay for the smear job. They are, taken as & group, as insignificant as they are unsavory. Among them is Rex Stout, the organizer of hate societies, and his comrade in infamy, Birkhead, a discredited preacher who used to be a hack writer for Haldeman-Julius, the publisher of atheist books. There is Leslie, another preacher without a pulpit, who spe- cijlizes ir the anti-Catholic propaganda that is part of the Communist Party line. There is Gailmor, the convicted thief, and Plotkin, the drunken psychopath, who writes ob- scen'ty to order. There i» Derounian, the writer of anti-Semitic pamphlets, who turned from that occupation to the com- position of a book of libels which, with the ald of the New Deal, made some hundreds of thousands of dollars for him and his money-hungry publishers, Dutton & Co. These people have been astonishingly suc- cessful in some of their campaigns of vill- fication. Because Charles A. Lindbergh op- posed the war, Stout, Birkhead, and others organized a campaign of vituperation that convinced an astonishing number of un- thinking people that he was friendly to the Nazis. Actually, as Mr. Flynn showed, Lind- bergh's contacts with the Nazis were made at the request of the Amer.can Government, for the purpose of obtaining information about Hitler’s aviation that our State De- partment and military attachés had been un- able to get. The New Dea) administration, hsving received Lindbergh's patriotic serv- ices, permitted him to be smeared without saying © single word to refute the libels that it knew were libelous. Plotkin, with money furnished in New York, wrote as election propagaida a book attacking Senator Burton Wheeler that is so filthy that it cannot even be quoted. Sena- tor JoHNnson, of Colorado, a member of the committee that investigated the smear plot against Wheeler, declared on reading the book that the only method of dealing with a person like Plotkin was with a horsewhip. The New Dealers, however, snuffed out the investigation before the trai] reached the higher-ups in the plot. These smear artists have been exposed. Some of their libels have been proved in court and damages have been assessed. Publicity has destroyed the smearers' reputations, or such ax they had to lose, and any lies that they may invent in the future have thereby been discredited. They, however, are of sec- ondary importance, The greater offenders are the people of pretended respectability who have provided the money to finance these vicious activities, Under the New Deal control of Congress these slanderers anc libelers were largely successful in keeping secret their own financial records and those of the paper organizations that they operate. Under the new Republican Congress they must not be permitted to op- erate any longer in the dark. Congress, in investigating these organizations, must throw the light of publicity on the purchasers ef vilification. California Veteran Population Still Gains EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I include
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in the Appendix of the Rrcorp the fol- lowing facts concerning the increase in veteran population in California: As new figures on veteran populations and veteran migration trends are re- leased it becomes more and more evident that California will continue to be the leading center of veteran population and of need for service to veterans, especially in the fleld of employment. A united effort on the part of every comnrunity through veterans’ organiza- tions, employers, labor organizations, service centers, and business groups is necessary to assure proper readjustment of these veterans to the economic life of the Nation. The Veterans’ Employ- ment Service and the California State Employment Service are ready and equipped to do their part in the develop- ment of jobs and the placement of vet- erans, but they cannot be successful without the help and cooperation of the community groups. The Selective Service figures as of early December show 1,089,052 were in- ducted through California draft boards. Of these 1,072,030 are listed as returned and 17,000 as casualties. These figures do not include the militia, veterans of other wars and immigrant veterans, esti- mated at about 800,000. National figures as of October 81, 1946, set the veteran population of the coun- try at 17,900,000, with California esti- mated as having 10 percent of the total. It is estimated that veterans and their families now constitute 60 percent of the national population. An idea of the migration trend is indi- cated by a snap check on December 15 of 100 separation notices of all services from widely separated centers. Out of the 100, thirty-one stated they expected to seek work in California, although enlisting from another State. The Vet- erans’ Administration conducted a sur- vey in San Francisco, October 26 to November 4, of 2,700 veterans. Of these 1,254 hailed from every State in the Union except Vermont and planned to make their home in California. Labor-Management Argument— Minnesota Style EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WALTER H. JUDD OF MINNESOTA iN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 20, 1947 Mr. JUDD. Mr. Speaker, beginning last September two of the Nation’s greatest newspapers, the Minneapolis Star and the Minneapolis Tribune, have been running in Time magazine a series of advertisements on the advantages of Minnesota as a place in which to live and work, At a time when labor-management problems are on every thoughtful per- son's mind, it is worth calling to the country’s attention the extraordinary record of not a day lost by strike in any of Minnesota’s many war industries from Pearl Harbor to VJ-day. I am only sorry it is not possible to reproduce here the tantalizing picture of employer and employee fishing in one of Minnesota's thousands of beautiful lakes. The matter referred to follows: LABOR-MANAGEMENT ARGUMENT—MINNESOTA STYLE During one of the country’s worst strike crises, 8 Minnesota labor organization bought newspaper space to announce cheerfully to a troubled nation that, in Minnesota, workers would rather fish with the bess than fight with him. It’s better for both labor and management to reach a sportsmanlike agree- ment by themselves, said the ad, because “you can’t go fishin’ with a Government bureau.” Influenced by a way of life unusual in America, Minnesotans have a common-sense approach to such problems that reflects the self-reliant, satisfying outdoor life they live. For this is the State of good neighbors; of hunters and fishermen; of golden prairies, blue lakes, green forests; the State of beauti- ful cities and small towns where industry and culture thrive with the unspoiled wilder- ness only a few hours away. This Minnesota way of life—how does it concern you? In this logical way: It has attracted and held a people of exceptional intelligence and literacy, a people of skill and stability. If you are a producer of articles of high value and small bulk, like the automatic-control equipment of Min- neapolis-Honeywell Regulator Co., or the abrasives and Scotch-brand tapes of Minne- sota Mining & Manufacturing Co., St. Paul, perhaps you, too, will find that these Min- nesotans are good workers to know. An internationally known engineering firm says, “The great asset of Minnesota is the unique skill and intelligence of its people.” A million of these able, industrious Minne- sotans live in and around Minneapolis and 8t. Paul. A hundred thousand more live in An erica’s second-busiest port, Duluth, on Lake Superior. Others live in the many at- tractive small cities of Minnesota. If human skill and dependability are important in your business, look for them here. Why not get personally acquainted with Minnesotans and the Minnesota way of life? The Salvation Army EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Rrec- ord, I include the following address de- livered by the Honorable James A. Far- ley, under the auspices of the Salvation Army, over radio station WJZ, New York City, Sunday evening, January 5, 1947: As you know, I have but recently returned from a world-wide business trip which took me to many countries in Europe, Africa, Asia, and the Pacific area. During this trip I talked with many persons—statesmen, businessmen, scientists, soldiers—indeed to men and women in all conditions and walks of life. The future held many uncertainties for them and they were obviously confused by the condition in which they found them- selves. Among the uncertainties which I found disturbing them was the prospect of A217 a third world war. On all sides they saw, as I saw as my trip progressed, huge stand- ing armies, young and healthy men in uni- form who could better have been tilling the soil, or doing the most necessary work of reconstruction. They wanted to see those men out of uni- form and they wanted the bulk of the armies demobilized because they felt that this would be a step toward world disarmament and eventually to permanent peace. I need not argue the soundness of this idea. I know that disarmament is what the people of the world want. I believe that we Americans want the reduction of armies, but in full co- operation with the other nations of the earth, to the end that the great burden of arma- ments may be lifted from the people and shall cease to menace their peace. But there is one army, a true international army, which must never be demobilized. It should, indeed, increase. It has been in the battle for years, but the orfly blood upon its banner is that of its own martyrs. It has unceasingly carried forward the word of God and the message of human compassion since the day of its founding. It has always pursued a steady campaign of assistance and encouragement to all who needed it, no matter what their politics, their nationality, their church, or their religious belief or their lack of it. It is the one standing army the world really needs—the Salvation Army. I don't propose to make a detailed speech here about the many and obvious virtues of the Salvation Army. No words of mine could brighten its record of service in the two great wars of our time. The men who fought those wars will always remember the Salvation lassie with tender affection. And just as the blue and red uniform was & familiar sight to our soldiers, 80 it is to us at home. I wonder if perhaps it is not a too-familiar sight—if by casual acceptance of the ever-present Salvation Army uniform we do not forget the things it represents. Most of us know of the religious side of the Salvation Army. We accept the zeal of its soldiers and officers. We know of its constant service to God through help to the helpless, but I am not sure that all of us know how extensive is the Salvation Army's work behind the scenes. How many know that the Salvation Army operates hospitals, or that it gave assistance to 11,000 prisoners and parolees last year? How many know that more than 30,000 days of care were given to children in the army's day nurseries and shelter homes? These things go on all the time. Charac- ter-building youth clubs, vocational-guid- ance centers, summer camps for young and old alike, homes for the unfortunate, inex- pensive and respectable lodging for working girls. It seems to me that the list is endless, but I am assured that the Salvation Army operates only 60 religious and welfare insti- tutions here. Sixty institutions—each one developed to meet a human need; each one operated solely on the basis of that need without regard for color, creed, or politics. Truly this is tre army that the world really needs. This is the army of which the city, Nation, and the world can well be proud. Insofar as possible, the Salvation Army pays its own way. In its rehabilitation of the fallen it stresses the dignity and self- respect of honest work, and, as a byproduct of this policy, gains some revenue from the paid work of the men themselves, Some, but not all, of the lodging houses break even. But there are many, many Vital services of the Salvation Army from which there can be no cash return, Almost every service to the needy, to mothers, to children, to the aged, and to the prisoners and parolees must nec- essarily operate at an economic loss since these are people who cannot pay. Nevertheless, by its extreme efficiency and the devotion of its workers, the Salvation
A218 Army manages to so conserve its resources a8 to enable it to provide $2.50 in service for every $1 it must ask from the public. And now it must ask $1,000,000 to enable it to continue at full strength through the next year and to meet the unexpected crises of this peaceful postwar life. For that mil- lion, remember, it will provide two and one- half in service. Two and a half for one, my friends, is a bargain at any time. When paid in the humanitarian currency of the Salvation Army it grows tenfold in value. Now I'm not going to exhort you to get out and work for this cause. I'm not going to plead with you to contribute. I think it would be presumptuous because I am con- vinced that all who hear me now and mil- lions of others will agree that the Salvation Army must not be allowed to fail. Iam con- vinced that you and they will work and will contribute out of your own generous hearts without prompting from me. I want only to remind you that the need is great and the time is now. Thank you. Robert E. Lee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. LINDSAY ALMOND, JR. OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. ALMOND. Mr. Speaker, January 19 was the birthday of one of the great- est Americans who ever lived, Gen. Rob- ert E. Lee. Magnanimous in victory, de- void of bitterness in defeat, he transmit- ted to posterity a name unsullied, a record untarnished, and a character sym- bolic of every virtue worthy of emu- lation. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include as a tribute to his grandeur the following editorial from the Lynchburg News of January 20, 1947: A SUCCESSFUL MAN Eighty-two years have elapsed since Rob- ert E. Lee ended a military career that had defeat for its climax and eternal fame as its reward, and began a brief career as educator and leader and guide of youth. Seventy- seven years have passed since death ended his activities in every fleld of physical endeavor and gave him to posterity as an example to all men living and yet to live. That is a period but little more than an average life time, but a period long enough for a name to become established as a star in the firmament, a spiritual guide to in- numerable generations of his own country and the countries of the world. Innumerable lessons have been drawn from the life of this remarkable man, whose great- ness was matched by his nobility, but surely not the least of them is one the world needs today, needs always. It is that there is some- thing greater than success if success is meas- ured by material accomplishment. There is no law on the statute books of any nation bearing the name of Lee. There is no great industrial enterprise that owes its greatness to him. There ts no territory in all the wide expanse of a gigantic Nation that was ac- quired by him or through any effort of his. He founded no great university and to the university that glories in possession of his name he contributed no money, no fine build- ings, no life time of guidance. His greatest military venture ended in the collapse of the cause for which he fought. The college over which he presided was a struggling insti- tution at the time of his death. Yet the man does not live, though he be steeped in cyni- cism and wrestle with a sense of frustration, who would call his life a failure, call it any- thing but a glorious success. There’s hardly @ man, though his egotism be gigantic, his appetite for fame gargantuan, who would not trade every success he has achieved, or sur- render prospect of every success of which he Greams, for the failure of Robert E. Lee. Materialism is no more the curse of today than of any other day and idealism ts no more scorned or wrongly defined. Yesterday, today, tomorrow—all are the moments for contemplation of Lee’s life and character, for attempts at full realization of the truth that success is not necessary to man’s growth and fruition, that what a man is takes precedence over what & man does, that while achievement is the goal the pathway chosen to its attainment and the integrity of his soul as he pushes on are the things that make for the only real greatness. Material success is to be sought, but greater is that spiritual success which is all a man can leave as heritage to his people and without which nothing is worth while. By that test Robert E. Lee was the world's most successful man. Infant Mortality EXTENSION OF REMARKS cr HON. ANTONI N. SADLAK OF CONNECTICUT IN THE BCUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. SADLAK. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following editorial which appeared in the Hartford (Conn.) Courant on Monday, January 20, 1947: INFANT MORTALITY A baby born in Connecticut is a mighty lucky little person, for the simple reason that his chance for surviving the dangerous period of infancy is greater than almost any- where else in the world. This fact was re- vealed in the recently published report of the United States Public Health Service. It showed that infant mortal‘ty in the United States had declined to 38.3, the lowest in his- tory, and was bettered only by Australta with 29.4 and Sweden 29.6. Connecticut’s record was far superior to mos: sections of the country with an infant mortality rate of 29.9. One of the principal factors in this declin- ing death rate, according to the Public Health Service, is the higher proportion of births occurring in hospitals. In 1945, the latest year for which complete statistics were avalil- able, 78.8 percent of all births registered oc- curred in hospitals and other institutions. Hc + in Hartford this greatly increased use of hospitals for maternity cases is reflected in figures that have been mounting steadily. For example, in one recent 24-hour period 29 babies, 17 boys and 12 girls, were deliv- ered et the Hart’ord Hospital, equaling the all-time record for that institution. Similar acceleration of activity is reported by other hospitals. These splendid services, unfor- tunately, are too often taken for granted. But they constitute on'y one of many reasons why these hospitals have a real claim on both the affections and the pocketbooks of those who benefit from them. The eplendid record established by Con- necticut should be no cause for smugness. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Rather it should inspire a feeling of thank- fulness that we are so well served, and hope- fulness that even this record will be bettered, not only in Connecticut, but in the rest of the world, The Failure of Repeal; the Return of Prohibition EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend miy remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include therein the following speech delivered by Rev. Sam Morris, of San Antonio, Tex., on January 17, 1947: National prohibition went into effect on January 16, 1920, and was repealed on De- cember 5, 1933. We had 13 years of national prohibition; we have now had 13 years of repeal and much of the Nation is going back to prohibition. PROMIBITION BY LOCAL OPTION Massachusetts has 65 towns and townships with populations ranging from 40,000 down that prohibit the sale of all beer, wine, and whisky. New Hampshire has about a bun- dred such dry towns and townships; Vermont has 120; Maine over 300; Wisconsin, 350; Ohio, 450; Pennsylvania, 650; and the State of Illi- nois over a thousand with nearly 2,000,000 people living in them. The State of Virginia has several whole counties that are dry. Louisiana has 16 dry parishes, Minnesota 20 dry counties; the drys have won 32 of the last 37 county-wide liquor elections in Arkansas; Georgia has 67 coun- ties that are dry; Alabama 47 dry counties and only 20 that permit the legal sale of beverage alcohol; Mississippi has 63 of her 82 counties that prohibit the sale of all beer, wine, or whisky; and the State of Kentucky, known around the world for its famous brands of liquor, has 92 wholly dry counties, 14 others that are partially dry, and only 14 left that are wholly wet. The State of Texas has 139 dry counties, and a recent news- paper survey revealed that 53 percent of the people 21 years of age or above would vote for State-wide prohibition if faced with the opportunity. The latest Gallup poll showed 83 percent of the American voters across the Nation as a whole favoring national pro- hibition. REPEAL HAS FAILED Advocates of repeal said there would be less drinking and it would promote temper- ance, Let the records speak. Ink on the repeal amendment was hardly dry before the commercial liquor interests launched a multi-million-dollar sales campaign employ- ing all the modern devices and technique of present-day advertising and designed to make housewives, young women, and moth- ers regular drinkers, as well as the men and boys. Big blazing billboards, faming neon signs, popular home magazines, national newsweek publications, metropolitan dailies, and country newspapers flaunt this brazen prodrinking propaganda before the eyes of the American public at every turn. Movies are filled with drinking scenes of beautiful stage and screen stars drinking beer, wine, cocktails, and highbalis. National radio net- works, regional networks, special networks, and most of the individual radio stations carry regularly scheduled and widely adver-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tised beer- and wine-sponsored broadcasts that pour a steady stream of glamorized, fun-seasoned, music-flavored, prodrinking propaganda appeals into the American home by the family firesides among the tender young children just the same as adults. INCREASED CONSUMPTION The pay-off has been an ever-rising tide of liquor-drinking. In 1934—the first full year of repeal—the per capita consumption of beverage .alcohol was approximately 10 gallons; by 1941 it had increased to 15 gal- lons; it climbed to 18 gallons in 1943; and by 1945 it was over 20 gallons for every man, woman, and little child in the Nation. In 1945, part of the year during a bloody global war and the rest of the year while millions starved for bread in foreign lands, the American people drank the stupendous sum of 110,000,000 gallons of wine, 190,000,- 000 gallons of distilled spirits, and 2,527,- 000,000 gallons of beer, for which they paid the mammoth amount of nearly $8,000,- 000,000. That’s how repeal has promoted temper- ance. No wonder our court dockets are crowded and our penal institutions are packed and jammed with cases involving liquor. No wonder 17-year-old boys lead our $16,- 000,000,000-a-year crime parade in this country. No wonder wrecked homes and divorce proceedings have multiplied and grown with every passing year of repeal, No wonder city jails are full of drunks; drunken women stagger on our streets, and drunken drivers race our highways, turning them into bloody slaughter lanes. BOOTLEGGERS FLOURISH Advocates of repeal said it would law-~ fully regulate the liquor industry and stop bootlegging. The traffic is as lawless as ever. You had as well talk about regulating thun- der and lightning by law: you had as well talk about regulating rattlesnakes or hor- nets by law. Last year with over 400,000 legal outlets operating full blast the Federal agents broke up 1,645 moonshine stills and caught 1,666 bootleggers in the wet State of Georgia; they broke up 1,385 moonshine stills and caught 1,450 bootleggers in the wet State of North Carolina; they broke up 1,158 moonshine stills and caught 550 bootleggers in South Carolina—that State doesn't permit local option and doesn’t have a foot of pro- hibition territory in it; they broke up 847 moonshine stills and caught 1,255 boot- leggers in wet Alabama; they broke up 492 moonshine stills and caught 650 bootleggers in wet Virginia; they broke up 485 moon- shine stills and caught 685 bootleggers in wet Florida; and in Kentucky, with 73 legal dis- tilleries and 6 legal breweries running full blast day and night, they broke up 302 moonshine stills and caught 522 bootleggers. In all across the Nation last year the Federal agents broke up more than 8,000 moonshine stills and caught over 11,000 bootleggers. NEW DEAL SALOONS WORSE Advocates of repeal said the old saloon would not come back. Prohibition closed 177,000 old saloons. Repeal opened some 400,000 New Deal, raw deal, repeal drink shops. But, of course, they are not called saloons. They are called cafes, filling sta- tions, drug stores, package stores, night clubs, cocktail lounges, Dine and Dance, First Chance, Last Chance, Bloody Bucket, Brown Derby, Tip Top, Pea Patch, Blue Moon, Pale Moon, Quarter Moon, Full Moon, Silver Spoon, Silver Slipper, etc.—a thousand and one names but you never see the word saloon. We changed the name on the front of the building, but we didn't change the stuff in the bottle. The old saloon is not back, But the old drink is back. You may paint a pump handle until you are black in the face but that won't change the water in the well. You muy call saloons night clubs, package stores, cocktail lounges, inns, taverns, any name you care to choose but that won't change the booze. ALCOHOL A HARMFUL DRUG Alcohol in beer, wine, or whisky is a habit-forming, narcotic, poisonous drug that befuddles the brain, depresses the nerves, re- tards muscular reaction, and releases inhibi- tions. Changing the name on the front of the building where it is sold, legalizing the sale of it, giving Uncle Sam revenue from its sale, hiring a pretty girl to serve it, and using revenues from it to build schools and pay old-age pensions won't keep it from making people drunk and causing them to kill and murder, to stea] and rob, beat their wives, starve their babies, curse God, and go to the devil. THE REAL ISSUE This fight is over what booze is and what it does, not over who makes it, who sells it, or who gets the money out of it. And a bottle of legally made, legally sold, and legally drunk beer, wine, or whisky will cause just as much drunkenness, sin, sorrow, shame and grief as will a bottle of bootleg hootch sold in a fruit jar under prohibition, More booze, more drunkenness, more crime, more staggering women, more delin- quent youth, more drunken drivers, more wrecked homes, and more ruined lives have followed in the wake of the repeal of the eighteenth amendment. And just as Gen. Douglas MacArthur and his fighting Yanks island-hopped back across the Pacific to re- capture the Philippines and conquer Japan, the Bible-believing, Christ-honoring, hu- manity-loving, sin-hating, high-souled, high- minded, sober-hearted Christian men and women of this Nation that love the Lord and the church and their little boys and girls are driving this relegalized liquor out of State after State, county by county, and ‘precinct by precinct. PROHIBITION CAN BE ENFORCED Some of you are probably saying to your- self: “Yeah, but you can't enforce prohibi- tion; you can’t make independent freedom- loving people obey a law they don’t like.” Did you ever hear that argument? How about your income-tax law? How many of you like that law? A government that can make 60,000,000 people obey an income-tax law can make them obey a prohibition law. A government that can make 130,000,000 people stop buying meat, lard, flour, sugar, coffee, and shoes can make them stop buying booze. A government that can draft 20,000,000 young men to be soldiers and send them across the seven seas should not have too much trouble in making a few thousand bootleggers stop poking fruit jars through knotholes after dark under prohibition. ABOLITION OF LIQUOR WORTH FIGHTING FOR “But,” somebody else says, “we tried pro- hibition once, and it didn't work.” We tried world peace once, too, and it didn’t work. We drafted our boys, spent billions, and whipped old Kaiser Bill in World War I for the sake of world peace—a war to end war; & war to make the world safe for democracy. Remember it? But when old Adolf Hitler arose in Ger- many, Mussolini in Italy, and Japan stabbed us in the back at Pearl Harbor we didn’t whimper and whine and say, “Well, there’s no use fighting. We fought for world peace once, and it didn’t work.” No, my friends, we drafted our boys, mustered our resources, built our plants, and fought for world pcace all over again on a bigger and bloodier scale than before. Why? A219 Because freedom from oppression, the pro- tection of little helpless nations against the ruthless tread of heartless dictators, l'fe, lib- erty, and the pursuit of happiness is worth fighting for over and over, again and again. And ladies and gentlemen, treedom from the political corruption, the social debauch- ery, the economic waste, the domestic strite fostered by a ruthless liquor traffic; and the protection of helpless wives, inexperienced youth, and innocent little children i+ worth working, talking, voting, fighting, and pray- ing for over and over, again and again. That's why abstinence and prohibition forces never give up. Come in, join our ranks; help us win this battle. Letter of Rt. Rev. George P. Johnson EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT HALE OF MAINE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. HALE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following letter: St. JosepH’s RECTORY, Portland, Maine, January 12, 1947. Hon. Robert HALe, United States Representative, Washington, D. C. My DEAR CONGRESSMAN: Kindly permit the undersigned officers of St. Joseph’s Men’s League, representing more than 3,000 men und women of this parish, to appeal to you as our official representative in Washington, to employ every legitimate effort to have our State Department and Government take cog- nizance of the flagrant violations of sacred pledges made by our Nation and our war allies in the Atlantic Charter, at Yalta, and at Potsdam guaranteeing freedom and per- sonal security in life and property to all peo- ples in all lands. You must be well aware that these pledges are being openly violated in such acts as the murder of priests in Poland and in Lithuania and the recent farcical trial and imprison- ment of Archbishop Stepinac in Yugoslavia, concerning which our State Department makes little or no protest, to the degree that we as a Nation cannot escape the accusation of violating our pledged word and condoning evident crimes against humanity. You must also be aware that the blood of thousands of our American boys was spilled to secure for all, without distinction of race or religion, all God-given rights in their per- sons, and in their homes, and now in direct violation of sacred agreements, murder, de-~ portation, imprisonment, and deprivation of the consolations of home and religion are be- ing inflicted upon innocent people. Can it be possible that we as a people have broken faith with those brave men, living and dead, who believed our word that crimes against civilization would never again be perpetrated among the lMberated nations after victory over a cruel enemy? May we not hope that you will use your influence in the proper channels that these wrongs may not be continued with apathy on the part of our Government, which must champion the cause of justice and humanity before the world? Very sincerely yours, Rt. Rev. Gro. P. JoHNsoN, Vicar General Pastor. JOSEPH CARLETON, President. James B. Fox, Vice President, J. GEORGE REARDON, Treasurer. Gro, A. Youne, Jr., Secretary.
A220 White Population Shows Hawaii Gain EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOSEPH R. FARRINGTON DELEGATE FROM HAWAII IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. FARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Record, I include the following article from the New York Times of January 19, 1947: WHITE POPULATION SHOWS HAWAII GAIN-—GOV- ERNOR’S REPORT REVEALS JAPANESE ARE ON DECLINE, NATIVES ON INCREASE WASHINGTON, January 18.—Territorial Gov- ernor M. Stainback seys Hawaii's white population has increased, the ratio of Japanese has decreased, and the happy-go- lucky native Hawaiian population is growing fast. In his annual report to the Secretary of the Interior, he estimated Hawaii’s popula- tion at 519,503, and adds: “The Caucasian element of Hawaii's pop- wation has more than doubled since 1940. “At that time it numbered 74,542, or 18.92 percent of the total. It now numbers 173,- 633, or $3.43 percent of the total. This rep- resents the outstanding shift in Hawaii's civilian population in the past decade.” Mr. Stainback says the ratio of Hawaiian residents of Japanese ancestry declined from 40.1 percent in 1940 to 32.2 in 1946—168,463 persons. “The Hawaiian and part Hawaiian group numbered 75,048, or 14.5 percent—of whom 10,887 were pure Hawaiians. “The Hawaiians and part Hawailans of all the ethnic groups in Hawaii are increasing the most rapidly through an excess of births over deaths. “Their ratio of births minus deaths. of 85.3 a thousand, compared with 17.5 for the total population and 22.6 for the Puerto Rican group, is second in order of biological vitality, The proportion of persons with Hawaiian blood has not changed greatly during 20 years.” Mr. Stainback said smaller ethnic groups—Filipinos, Chinese, Koreans, Puerto Ricans, and Negroes—make up slightly more than one-fifth of the population. Filipinos, bolstered by admission of 6,000 sugar and Pineapple workers, compose one-tenth of the population. Although Hawaii's population ‘ncreased 3.46 percent by the addition of 17,381 persons during the year ended June 30, 1946—com- pared with an annual rate of growth of 5.09 percent during the war years—Oahu was the only island with o significant increase. Oahu has 358,911 inhabitants—69.1 per- cent of the Hawaiian tota] compared with 58 percent in 1940. Oahu’s population has increased 57.2 per- cent since 1940, while that of all the other Hawaiian islands has declined during that period an average of 5.8 percent. Other Hawaiian facts as reported by Gov- ernor Stainback: There were more job opportunities in Ha- wail than there were takers among the 14,000 World War U veterans. Less than 1 percent of the Hawaiian vet- erans filed unemployment-compensation claims compared to 15 to 25 percent on the mainland and 50 percent in Puerto Rico. Hawaii's schools attained their most favor- able pupil-teacher ratio in history—one Classroom teacher for each 30 pupils. Tax collections indicated that Hawali’s commerce in the first year of peace exceeded the wartime level by almost $3,000,000, Of 842,4'73,900.63 collected in taxes by the Territory, 26 percent was gross income and consumption taxes. Hawaii's crime rate was low, 1,204 major crimes per 100,000 population and juvenile delinquency increased slightly. Veterans’ Temporary Emergency Housing Program in California EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, the housing shortage in California and other parts of the Nation continues in the criti- cal state, and thousands of veterans and their families still seek adequate housing facilities. It is estimated that 10 percent of the veteran population of the Nation is living in California. Temporary hous- ing units to provide homes for these vet- erans have been under construction. State and local governments have joined with the Federal Government in provid- ing funds for the projects. Now the Fed- eral Government has informed the State of California that no further funds are available to meet its share of the cost of these housing units, and work must cease. If funds are not provided by ap- propriation to meet the obligation of the Federal Government for these projects, thousands of veterans will be homeless. Under unanimous consent, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp Senate Joint Resolution No. 1 adopted by the Legisla- ture of the State of California on Jan- uary 15, 1947: Senate Joint Resolution 1 Joint resolution memorializing the President and the Congress of the United States in relation to providing funds to complete the Veterans Temporary Emergency Housing Program Whereas the Seventy-ninth Congress of the United States appropriated $445,000,000 for the construction of 200,000 units of tem- Porary housing to house veterans of World War II; and Whereas the National Housing Agency and its constituent unit, the Federal Public Hous- ing Authority, because of increasing matertal and labor costs, now estimate that only 150,- 000 units can be completed within the limita- tions of existing funds; and that only ap- proximately 10,000 of the 18,000 units scheduled for California can be completed; and Whereas the Government of the United States through its agencies and departments aforesaid bas entered into contracts with the State of California and with California com- munities and educational institutions to pro- vide such temporary housing: and Whereas, the State of California and Cali- fornia communities and educational institu- tions on the basis of such contracts have ap- propriated and expended more than §11,000,- 000 in reliance upon the good faith of the Government of the United States acting through its departments and agencies afore- said; and Whereas California veterans and their families desperately need all such promised temporary housing: Now, therefore, be it APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Resolved by the Senate and Assembly of the State of California (jointly), That the Presi- dent and the Congress of the United States are hereby respectfully memorialized and re- quested to take such steps as may be neces- Bary to provide sufficient funds to complete all temporary units for veterans for which the State of California has appropri- ated funds to match contributions of the United States; and be it further Resolved, That the secretary of the senate prepare and transmit copies of this resolution to the President of the United States, to the President pro tempore of the Senate, to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and to each Senator and Member of the House of Representatives from Cal!fornia. Sidney J. Weinberg EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under date of July 18, 1946, President Truman awarded to Sidney J. Weinberg the Medal for Merit for extraordinary fidelity and exceptionally meritorious conduct. The citation to accompany the award read as follows: Sidney J. Weinberg, for exceptionally meri- torious conduct in the performance of out- standing services to the United States. Mir. Weinberg, as Chief of the Bureau of Industry Advisory Committees of the Office of Pro- duction Management and its successor, the War Production Board, and Assistant to the Chairman of the War Production Board, and Vice Chairman of the War Production Board during the period from May 1941 to Septem- ber 1944, was charged with organizing the industry divisions, with enlisting the services of business and industry leaders of the United States, and af coordinating administratively the functions of the Office of Production Management and the War Production Board. In all of his duties he displayed initiative, a broad understanding of industry, production and procurement problems, and manage- ment and employee relations, By his tact, sound judgment, forcefulness, and unlimited energy, he rendered invaluable services to the Government which were of great benefit in the successful prosecution of the war. Mr. Weinberg is a distinguished New York investment banker and industri- alist who has had a brilliant, colorful, and interesting career which began with Goldman, Sachs & Co. in 1907, and of which company he has been a partner since 1927 and is presently the senior partner. He is a director of the follow- ing companies, among others; Cluett, Peabody & Co., Inc.; Continental Can Co., Inc.; General Cigar Co., Inc.: Gen- eral Electric Co.; International General Fiectric Co., Inc.; General Foods Corp.: the B. F. Goodrich C .; the Lambert Co.; Madison Square Garden Corp.; McKes- son & Robbins, Inc.; National Dairy Products Corp.; Sears, Roebuck & Co.; Van Raalte Co., Inc. He enlisted as a seaman in the United States Navy in 1917 and later became a@ special agent of naval intelligence; special agent of the War Trade Boerd;
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and deputy collector of customs at Nor- folk, Va.; and was demobilized from the United States Navy in December of 1918 and received his honorable discharge on June 5, 1921. He has been a member of the Business Advisory Council for the United States Department of Commerce since June of 1933 and a member of the executive committee since 1935 and a graduate member since 1944; member of the Industrial Advisory Board of the NRA, 1934; formerly member Invest- ment Bankers code committee and the government committee of the Investment Bankers Conference, Inc.; member, New York Stock Exchange, board of gover- nors, 1938-40; New York Curb Exchange and Investment Bankers Association of America, board of governors, 1934-37; vice president 1937-38. In May of 1941 he was appointed Assistant Director of Purchases of the Office of Production Management, and in June of that year was appointed Chief, Bureau of Industry Advisory Committee; appointed assistant to the Chairman, War Production Board, in January of 1942, and resigned in August of 1943; June of 1944 was recalled by his Govern- ment and appointed Vice Chairman of the War Production Board, in which ca- pacity he served until August of 1944. He is a director of the American Arbitration Association; member of the board of managers of the New York Botanical Gardens; member New York State Chamber of Commerce, American Legion, and is a Mason. He is also a member of the visiting committee of the Graduate School of Business Administration of Harvard University. His clubs are Bond, Recess, Madison Square Garden of New York, The text of the citation awarded to Mr. Weinberg is as follows: The United States of America to all who shall see these presents, greeting: This is to certify that the President of the United States of America, in accordance with the order issued by Gen. George Washing- ton at Headquarters, Newburgh, N. Y., on August 7, 1782, and pursuant to act of Con- gress, has awarded the Medal for Merit to Sidney J. Weinberg for extraordinary fidelity and exceptionally meritorious conduct. Given under my hand in the city of Wash- ington this 18th day of July 1946. Harry TRUMAN, Commander in Chief. DEAN ACHESON, Acting Secretary of State. He is typical of that large group of fine, patriotic Americans who gave so un- stintingly of their time and effort to their country during the critical years preced- ing and during the last war. He has earned the gratitude of all. The Late Honorable Andrew J. Volstead EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS E. WALTER OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. WALTER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following radio address over Station WOL by the distinguished commentator, George E. Reedy: A gaunt man with a bushy mustache died last night, and with his passing closed the most fevered chapter in American history. He was Andrew J. Volstead, author of the Prohibition Act and the storm center of the roaring twenties. To the modern generation, reared in the glare of the flashing neon light outside the corner cocktail lounge, the name Volstead can mean very little. At best it can only recall @ few vague, childhood recollections of a thin and mean-faced cartoon character with a@ battered top hat and an old-fashioned umbrella. But to those of us who met the spring- time of life in what has been called the era of wonderful nonsense, his was a name that can never die. It was constantly on our tongues—sometimes accompanied by & look of rapture, sometimes with a loud guf- faw, sometimes with a knowing wink, and— regrettably—sometimes with a resounding curse. It was impossible to avoid the name, and it was even more impossible to avoid his law. I do not mean by that that no one was able to buy anything stronger than coffee during the period of the great drought. Far from it. In fact, according to some re- ports, only desert explorers found their thirst unslaked for any considerable amount of time. But with his law came a whole new way of life—a change in customs and habits and manners that had been with us for gen- erations. Whether they were good or bad is something that can be answered only by the Highest Court on the day of the Last Judgment. But even a blind man must ad- mit that they took place. American citizens who had never even thought of robbing a child’s bank sud- denly found it desirable to know other Amer- ican citizens who had teethed on brass knuckles and lived by nimble wits. Women who had always retired discreetly to another room when the men brought out the brandy suddenly thrilled to the taste of bathtub gin cooked in a tightly sealed room on the second floor of a slum tenement. Of course, it was all against the law but in that frenzied age breaking the law seemed to be fun. In fact, it was a confession of social ostracism to be unable to supply the name of a good, local bootlegger to an out- of-town friend. With the concerted drive against the law came the rule of Cynicism and crime. Our cynicism showed up in famous wisecracks. One of the best known of the day centered around the bootlegger’s standard boast that his panther milk was “just off the boat.” The victim of this sales talk soon learned to mutter under his breath: ‘Yeh; it was scraped off—the varnish.” But other more sinister remarks crept into our language and have stayed there up to this day. Who can forget that a “typewriter” was a machine gun and a “rod” a pistol and that a man “taken for a ride’ would prob- ably fail to enjoy it? These were the pass- words of the strangely assorted group—in- cluding Al Capone, Dion O'Banion, Hymie Weiss, and Schemer Drucci—who took over such cities as Chicago. For the first time in the history of the newspaper game, the police reporter be- came a person of the first importance. His stories filled the front pages of every news- paper and usually were the explanation for @ screaming headline. Many of us owe our first job to the expanded activity that fol- lowed Mr. Volstead’s law. What Andrew J. Volstead thought of all this is problematical. He was defeated in 1922 and went back to his Minnesota home to practice law. That he remained a life- long dry is well known, But after his one A221 great effort he refused to lead any more crusades. He died last night at Granite Falls, Minn., at the age of 87. The problems that he tried to solve are still with us. But of him this can be said. He stamped his person- ality upon the United States more vividly and more lastingly than any other figure in the memory of living man. And now, here is Stuart Grey with a mes- sage from my sponsor and that old, old story—the weather. Second San Francisco Bay Crossing EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD J. WELCH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. WELCH. Mr. Speaker, in accord- ance with House Resolution 52° which was introduced by me and unanimously passed by the Seventy-ninth Congress, a joint Army-Navy Board has been making its investigation and study of the neces- sity for a seccnd San Francisco Bay crossing from the city of San Francisco. The importance of such a second crossing, not alone to our peacetime economy but also to any possible future requirement of national defense, cannot be overemphasized. Under the permission granted me, I include herewith three editorials recently appearing in San Francisco daily news- papers. Editorial appearing in the San Fran- cisco Call Bulletin: BEST BRIDGE SITE—ANOTHER BAY SPAN BADLY NEEDED FOR TRAFFIC, BUT IT ALSO SHOULD AID SAN FRANCISCO DEVELOPMENT All you have to do to Know and realize sharply that we need another crossing from San Francisco to the East Bay is to drive over the present bay bridge. Try that, during a peak traffic period, and you'll have a fender bender for your book of memories you'll never forget. Agreement on the desirability of another bridge is pretty general, locally, anyway. This local feeling has been expressed to a joint Army-Navy Board, which conducted hearings here preparatory to making a report. Meanwhile, however, controversy has arisen. For some reason, the State department of public works has chosen to suggest another, high-level crossing more or less parallel to the present one. This stand, premature to say the least, has been condemned, rightfully, by the board of supervisors. The board offered its support to San Fran- cisco’s Congressman RicHarp J. WELCH, a valiant leader in the fight to cut through Federal Government lethargy and red tape and get some action on another bridge. Mr. WELCH has announced his opposition to @ mere duplication of the present span and has cited two important points: 1, The proposal would not allow full de- velopment of San Francisco southward, which is the only direction in which the city can develop industrially and, for the most part, residentially. 2. A twin of the present crossing, as pro- posed, makes no provision for bringing the trains to San Francisco. The Congressman has in mind a large view of the growth and development of this port,
A222 and his ideas of another bridge are fitted to this picture. The State officials ought to take a similar approach. Granted, we need more traveling room for vehicles crossing the bay. That does not mean, however, that a mere duplication of the present bridge is the best or the only solution to the problem. Far from it. The best solution is one which looks to San Francisco's development, and 1s designed to help and to fit into that develop- ment. This is what Congressman Wetcn has in mind. His cfforts should not be prejudiced by anyone’s prematurely nursing and bally- hooing some pet project which falls short of the goal. Editorial News: from the San Francisco HIGH BRIDGE FOE The outburst in Washington of Represent- ative Ricwakp J. WELCH against a second high-level bridge based upon Yerba Buena Island is the tip-off of what may become a first-class fight in Congress. If the structure crosses the island it is likely a special act of Congress will be required, in addition to for- mal consent of the Secretary of War. . Mr, WELCH favors a trans-bay crossing fur- ther south. Moreover, he believes any cross- ing should contemplate bringing transcon- tinental rail lines into San Francisco. The News agrees with him in both respects. We believe no studies thus far made have given sufficient weight to the population drift southward from San Francisco down the peninsula. Although the present San Fran- cisco-Oakland Bay Bridge is running close to capacity it is handling much through traf- fic that would better be accommodated by a crossing far enough south to avoid the traf- fic-congested center of San Francisco. In spite of the fact that railroad managements have declared they do not want to bring transcontinental trains into San Francisco, we believe the time may come when their patrons will insist upon it, or competitive conditions will force it. Hence, a low-level crossing that will accommodate rail lines seems to us the course of wisdom. The population center of the peninsula will shift continuously southward. Ulti- mately there will be one great urban area from San Francisco to San Jose., Any bridge plans that fail to consider the future con- venience of this peninsula community will not be realistic. Apparently Representative WrtcH is pre- pared to fight against another high bridge adjacent to the present one. He doubtless can marshal strong support in Congress. So it would be well for the State department of public works and the governments of both San Francisco and Oakland to pay some at- tention to his attitude. Editorial from the San Francisco Chronicle: THE SECOND BAY CROSSING Representative RicHarp J. WELCH’s an- alysis of the folly of a second bay bridge built close to the present one is altogether sound. As he says, considerations of public defense, of the avoidance of traffic conges- tion, and of San Francisco’s need for trans- continental rail service call for a second crossing as far distant as possible from the first. It is well that Wetcu has taken the of- fensive in attacking the sthool of thought which holds that we can solve our bay-trafiic dilemma by simply twinning the existing bridge. That concept lacks imagination and foresight. It is entirely understandable why such re- sponsibile public bodies as the police and fire commissions oppose any bridge close to the existing bridge—their 24-hour-a-day congestion headache would be increased be- yond the powers of aspirin to relieve. What the interests of San Francisco, Oak- land, and all the rest of the region on both sides of the bay require is, not a high-level bridge to the north of the present one, or to the south of the present one, in fact not a high-level bridge at all. The only feasible so- lution for the problem of this second link is @ causeway. It may well prove necessary, out of consideration for navigation and defense, to make it part causeway and part tunnel. It will be more expensive than a bridge. But rightly placed, accommodating trains, busses, trolleys, trucks, and automobiles, it will bear what the traffic will be, and no conventional bridge would be equal to that for long. Senator Bridges and Russia EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. NORRIS COTTON OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. COTTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- oRD, I include the following editorial from the New Hampshire Morning Union of January 20, 1947: SENATOR BRIDGES AND RUSSIA When the history of these days is finally written, the wise men of another day will see that the voice of at least one leader in Amer- ican life warned this Nation against the ter- rible peril which it faces because it stands in the way of world conquest by the most ruth- less of all conquerors, the rulers of the Kremlin. Senator Brincrs’' voice has been raised more often, and with more effect, than any other public figure in the United States, warning us against those dangers that are in store for the United States from adopting a policy of appeasement with Russia. Senator Bridges deserves great praise for his courage in adopting a policy which is not at the Moment always popular. Many Americans, weary after the greatest of all wars, and justifiably expecting a period of peace, are not yet awake to the fact that only half the job was done in the last war. Americans, with all their faults, ask only for peace and a chance to prosper. They can never understand, because of their own peaceful way of life, the will to world conquest of a Japan ora Germany. It is even harder for them to understand the Russians’ desire for world conquest, since Russia already has 80 much territory and so much wealth. Then, too, Americans have been lulled by the fact that they have won two great world wars within a quarter of a century. They do not realize that, for the first time, they are faced by an opponent whose resources, both in the form of raw materials and in man- power, are greater than those of the United States. When mighty Rome ruled the world in its day, there were probably a few voices in the Roman Senate who warned against the bar- barians in northern Europe. But probably the majority of Romans went on scoffing that those barbarians could be any threat to mighty Rome. Yet, one day, those hungry, ruthless, and rugged barbarians swept into the sunny plains of Italy, and the Roman empire was no more, and the world entered the Dark Ages. History can repeat itself, and the only way We can survive and the world can be saved from the tragedy of a thousand years’ decline APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD into an age of murder and terror, is if the United States will listen to the warnings against Russia of Senator Bripces and those who feel as he does. w.L Rent Controls Cause Housing Shortages EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE A. DONDERO OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. DONDERO. Mr. Speaker, I offer for the Recorp an editorial from the De- troiter, a weekly magazine published by the Detroit Board of Commerce, Detroit, Mich., which gives some revealing facts in regard to rent controls and the hous- ing shortage. This statement appeared in its issue of January 13, 1947. RENT CONTROLS CAUSE HOUSING SHORTAGE OPA says rent controls are necessary be- cause there is a housing shortage. But rent controls are prime cause of our so-called housing shortage. Shortage of dwellings will be endured as long as rent controls last. Actually there are more dwelling units per capita here now than ever before in Detroit's history. In 1940 there were 441,486 units or 272 per thousand population, a peak up to that time. Since then dwellings have jumped 15 percent against increase of only 8.8 percent in civilian population. Today there are 288 residences per thousand popu- lation in Detroit. Why then are accommodations difficult to find today? The answer—rent controls. People still can afford to spend 20 percent of their income for rent. With incomes up 60 percent or more and rents virtually sta- tionary, this 20 percent buys about half again as much space as in 1940. During the war thousands of Detroit families moved to larger quarters, or, if living with another family moved to separate units. Low rents enable many single persons to rent entire dwelling units which normally they would share. Proof of the above trend is furnished by Government census reports on residential occupancy. These show that in 1942 only 4.7 percent of Detroit's dwelling units were oc- cupied by one person. By 1945, like figure was 6.8 percent. In earlier years, 14.3 percent of residences with 4 to 10 rooms each were occupied by 2 persons; by 1945, proportion of these large units held by 2 occupants rose to 17.7 percent. Large households decreased considerably in number during war years. In Detroit, Gov- ernment surveys show 3.2 percent of all resi- dences occupied by 8 or more persOns in 1942; by 1945 only 1.7 percent held families of that size. Rent controls and high income enabled workers who stayed at home during the war to obtain larger living quarters. These lucky families expanded at expense of thousands of veterans and their families, who now find it impossible to rent homes in Detroit. Chief fallacy of rent control lies in assump- tion that there is a fixed (subject to slow increase) supply of housing facilities. Ac- tually, in a free market, rentals are deter- mined by supply of units available for rent or purchase, a flexible quantity dependent upon rent cost in relation to income, Remove rent controls and initial result would undoubtedly be a jump in rentals. But this rise would be short-lived. Higher rentals would speedily convert Detroit’s hous-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ing shortage to a temporary housing surplus. This would bring rents down to their normal economic relationship to incomes. Keep rent controls or refuse to permit landlords to in- crease rentals sufficiently to cover their higher operating costs and Detroit's deplor- able housing shortage may continue for years, JouN R. Stewart. Public Education in South Carolina EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday January 21 1947 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, while extending my remarks in the Recorp and including therein an article taken from a Greenville, S. C., newspaper, regarding South Carolina schools, I call attention to the great progress our State has made in the field of public education. My own children, of necessity, must change schools in midterm. To our great delight we have found that South Carolina schools are on a parity with Washington schools. Our children have experienced no difficulty in changing schools by reason of the fact that our South Carolina schools are equally as far advanced as schools in the District. This fact should be enlightening to the many who believe that the schools in the South are not as good as those else- where. Soutn Caronina Does MoRE For SCHOOL CHIL- DREN, IN PROPORTION TO WEALTH, THAN OTHER STATES—STATE EFFORT IN PROGRAM 18 Twice Apitiry To Support SucH FACILITIES (By Cheves Ligon) South Carolina's public schools may not be all that is desirable, but the people of the State do not have to be ashamed of them. Dr. James H. Hope, retiring State superin- tendent of education, recently pointed out that this State is doing more for its school children, in proportion to its wealth than the Nation as a whole; and “South Carolina's effort, what she really puts into her educa- tionul program is exactly twice her ability to support such a program.” FACTS, FIGURES GIVEN This statement, in his final annual report as State superintendent, is “sewed up and hammered down” with a series of facts and figures which may be surprising to anyone who has not inquired into details of the school program. In 1923, when Dr. Hope took office, the aver- age teacher load, based on enrollment, was 82 white pupils and 64 Negro pupils per teacher. In 1946, the average was 29 white and 32 Negro pupils per teacher in elemen- tary schools, and 23 and 28, respectively, in high schools. When based on average at- tendance, these figures are even lower. SALARIES INCREASE In 1923, the average salary paid white men teuchers was $1,210.16 per year and the aver- age tor white women was $767.63. The aver- age for Negro men was $271.81 and the aver- age for Negro women was 8228.48. The avere age for all teachers of both races was $641.90. In 1946, the average for white teachers was $1,351 and the average for Negro teachers was $1,141. In 1928, the State spent $7,062,824.40 in salaries for teachers of both races. In 1946, the State spent $14,367,401.25 for teachers’ salaries and the districts added $4,127,879.75 more in supplemental pay and for admin- istrators. SPEND MUCH MORE In 1923, $1,920,674.50 was expended on schools. The total for the school year end- ing in 1946, including transportation, was $20,039,359.90, In 1923 the State spent $88,956.94 on trans- portation of pupils and in 1946 it spent $1,- 933,807 for this purpose. In 1923, there were 1,733 white and 2,343 Negro schools having one, two, or three teach- ers. In 1946 there were only 838 of these small schools for whites and 1,730 for Negroes. The total number of schools was reduced from 4,690 to 3,955 in the same period. ENROLLMENT DECLINES And total enrollment declined. In 1923 there were 236,613 white and 226,267 Negro students, a total of 462,880. In 1946 there were 247,224 white and 201,020 Negro stu- dents, a total of 448.244. However, average attendance improved from 70.27 pereent for both races to 80.11 percent. Length of white school sessions increased from 144 to 178 days and Negro school ses- sions from 80 to 163 days. Per capita expenditures, based on average attendance, increased from $34.29 to $72. Expenditures for libraries increased from $1,395.62 to $139,313. The grand total of all expenditures for all school purposes leaped from $11,153,192.58 to $28,071,781. PROGRESS COMPARED Dr. Hope’s last unnual report contains 20 pages of these comparisons. “A favorite pastime of the educational re- actionaries is that of pointing with alarm to the unfavorable comparisons which may be made between the educational picture in South Carolina and other States more fa- vored financially,” Dr. Hope said. “But I submit that the only evaluation of proegrcss is in comparison between actual sit- uations as they exist within the State at any given times, rather than emphasizing our rel- ative position in regard to other States where conditions may be wholly unrelated.” Finland’s Peace Treaty EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN B. BENNETT OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF KEPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 21, 1947 Mr. BENNETT of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, the proposed treaty of peace for Finland is a typical example of the man- ner in which the iron heel of Russian communism will subjugate free people in the postwar world. It is fortunate that the United States does not have to sign or ratify this treaty because were it neces- sary, such action would doubtlessly be re- gretted for generations to come. The Finns sought nothing in the war except to preserve the integrity of their Republic and the individual liberty and freedom of their people. They were sub- jected to a brutal and unprovoked attack by Communist Russia and for daring to defend themselves they have had forced upon them a treaty of peace as cruel and brutal as the war itself. By the terms of this treaty, they have lost their gov- ernment and become slaves of Soviet Russia, A223 It is disheartening indeed to see an honest nation of honest people who loved their republican form of government and their individual freedom as much as any American loves his government and his freedom, be liquidated and enslaved for the sake of international politics and big- time diplomacy. It is no wonder then that this peace conference will be a much bigger flasco than the one of 1919. In this connection, I am including in my remarks a statement sent me by the Finnish-American Democratic League of Roan concerning the tragedy of Fin- and: THE TRAGEDY OF FINLAND A democratic republic of 4,000,000 people will be reduced to abject slavery if the pro- posed Russian reparations are finally ratified. The amount demanded is nominally 300,- 000,000. In fact, the full payments will ap- proximate %1,000,000,000, which sum is s0 outrageously large as to be impossible of ful- fillment. The present economic and political conditions in Finland, which 1s now under the dominion of Russian totalitarian dicta- torship, beggar description. Why should Finland be obliged to pay reparations to Russia, which was the aggressor in the war? In fact, Russia was expelled from the League of Nations because it was the aggressor. He who says that life is worth living in Finland knows not whereof he speaks. The people of Finland have been robbed of a con- siderable portion of their most valuable land. Finland is no longer an independent nation. The liberties of the people have been extorted from them. The freedom of speech, the free- dom of the press, and the freedom of as- sembluge are no more. For Finland, American hearts have only sympathy, but in the present terrible crisis in which Finland now is, something more than sympathy is needed. Finland needs the friendly action and protection from the United States. As our late President has so well said: “The people of Finland, by their unexcelled resistance in the face of over- whelming armed force, have won the moral right to live in everlasting peace and inde- pendence in the land they have so bravely defended.” What America’s great Secretary of State, Elihu Root, sald as to Belgium aptly applies to Finland: “What we have to do is not merely to pro- test in the name of humanity—tt is to assert 8 right, it is to call upon the world to assert a right, a right under the law of nations for the protection of humanity and of civiliza- tion. This is our concern.” THE FINNISH AMERICAN DEMOCRATIC LEAGUE. Labor Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOSEPH H. BALL OF MINNESOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 22 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 15), 1947 Mr. BALL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address on the subject of labor legislation, which I delivered on the night of January 21 at a meeting of the Minnesota Employers’ Association in Hotel St. Paul, St. Paul,
A224 Minn., and which was broadcast over WCCO, Minneapolis. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The Eightieth Congress faces two major tasks in the field of labor legislation. The first is to achieve a just balance between legal rights and responsibilities of employers, employees, and unions in their relations with one another and by other sound, liberal means to try to lessen the number of strikes that interfere with commerce. The second is to enact into law a sound and liberal solu- tion for the industry-wide shutdowns and other monopolistic practices in labor rela- tions which can paralyze our economy. The legal rights and obligations of two groups of individuais, employees and em- ployers and their representatives, are in- volved in this issue along with the rights of the general public, which in a democratic society become paramount to any individual rights in certain situations. It is because the general public has become one of the major victims of recent industrial strife that the need for legislation is so acute to- day. We have had serious waves of strikes many times before, and an increase in their volume after the end of war controls was inevitable. But the strikes in 1946 were different from anything before. It was not a case of more strikes at individual plants, but rather a series of industry-wide or regional shut- downs in coal, steel, railroads, oil, shipping, and trucking. The secondary effects of such strikes were tremendous. Not only were mil- lions of workers not directly involved made idle, but our whole economy began to slow down and all of us were affected. In addition to this radically different situ- ation, there are today upwards of 15,000,000 workers organized into unions, as compared to a maximum of three or four millions prior to the last decade. Unions are no longer weak, poverty-striken organizations strug- gling for recognition in American tndustry. They are tremendously wealthy and power- ful organizations whose policies and actions have terrific repercussions on our whole economy. A national policy adopted to en- courage weak and struggling unions hardly fits our labor-relations picture today. Opponents of any legislation in this field often argue from the assumption that the welfare of unions and the welfare of in- dividual workers are identical. That is not true. There are many unions which perform excellent service for their worker members. There are also unions which serve their members very badly. Union leaders are no different from other human beings. They tend to be corrupted when they gain too much power over other human beings. The prestige, power, and funds of the union out of which they make their Hving often tend to become far more important to them than the real interests of the employees the union is supposed to serve. In other words, the union becomes an end in itself instead of an instrument to serve employees. And as hap-~ pens in all organizations, control of unions tends to be concentrated in the hands of a militant and well-organized minority, some- times, as in the United Mine Workers, in a single individual. In seeking solutions to the two major prob- lems in labor legislation, I have tried to apply four principles which are fundamental to our free society in America. The first is the principle of equal justice under law, which is graven over the entrance to the Supreme Court Building in Washington. That principle is not applied in labor rela- tions today. We have one set of rules which apply to the employer, and an entirely differ- ent set, almost amounting to no rules at all, which apply to unions representing em- ployees. There are some who think this situation is all right, that equal justice under law should not apply in labor relations. They believe that simply because of the advantage which the employer-employee relationship gives to the employer, government should be a partisan of employees and unions. That has been the policy of the New Deal, in practice if not in stated theory. The fallacy of this position is that it over- looks the fundamental nature of government in a free society. In order to function, gov- ernment power must always be superior to the power of any private interest in a free society. To aline that tremendous power of government on the side of one party to the collective bargaining process makes a complete mockery of free collective bargain- ing, because the other party simply has no chance. More important, when any demo- cratic government forgets its liberal func- tion of adjudicating the rights and interests of private parties and groups on the basis of equal justice under law and becomes a partisan of a particular group or groups in society, it is headed inevitably toward dic- tatorship and the liquidation of all individ- ual rights and freedoms. The second principle to apply in this field is that any concentration of power which ap- proaches monopoly proportions is detri- mental to the public interest and dangerous to freedom. The liberal solution to such concentrations of power is the same one we applied in the antitrust laws; to break them up and diffuse the power. There is only one other alternative. and that 1s for govern- ment to try to regulate and control such monopolies in the public interest. That al- ternative heads inevitably toward more and more government controls and eventually would mean the end of a free economy. The third principle is that free collective bargaining should be our primary method of settling disputes between individual em- ployers and their employees, with the rights and responsibilities of the two parties roughly equivalent. Here, again, there are many who disagree, who regard strikes as barbaric and uncivilized and insist that labor disputes should be settled by the courts like any other disputes At one time, I proposed such a procedure in critical cases myself. But more thought has convinced me that any sort of compulsory settlement of labor disputes in private industry is incompatible with a free economy. Most major disputes are over wages, which are ‘the price of labor services in a reasonably free market. I do not see how it would be possible to fix wages, whether by executive or judicial de- cree, and avoid also fixing prices. If Gov- ernment does that, our free, competitive economy is finished. The fourth and final principle I have tried to apply is that Government interven- tion in labor disputes should be kept to the absolute minimum consistent with a proper concern for the public interest in avoiding major shut-downs and protecting the legal rights of citizens. If free collective bar- gaining is to be our policy, as I believe it should, then the great bulk of disputes should be settled by bargaining, with both parties free to strike if they cannot agree. If Government is too ready to intervene in disputes, as it has been for some years now, then one party or the other, believing he can gain something by such intervention, will be sure to insist on it, and the whole collective bargaining process is weakened and tends to break down. That is what happened under the War Labor Board. With these principles in mind, let's now diacuss the bills on this subject which I have sponsored or joined in introducing. Hearings on these measures are scheduled to begin Thursday before the Senate Commit- tee on Labor and Public Welfare. We have consolidated the hearings on all labor bills because it is almost impossible to consider APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD one phase of this subject without . getting into all others. It is likely that before we are through we will combine in one bill all the legislation we propose, even though there are now @ number of separate bills. Senate 188, which I introduced January 10, deals with the problem of industry-wide bargaining and does it drastically, by pro- hibiting such bargaining when two or more competing employers are involved. The purpose and effect of the bill would be to place the bargaining power, of both unions and employers, at the local com- munity level, instead of permitting it to be concentrated in international unions con- trolling the total labor supply of an entire industry, or in employer associations bar- gaining for a whole industry. The bill would amend the National Labor Relations Act to make it an unfair labor practice for a union to represent as bargain- ing representative the employees of two or more competing employers in the same in- dustry unless the competing concerns are situated in the same labor market area. It would also be an unfair labor practice for an employer to bargain with a union represent- ing employees of a competing employer under the same circumstances. A labor market area is defined as a metropolitan or other geographical area within which a majority of the employees regularly employed by the employers in that area reside, with a maxi- mum diameter of 100 miles. Another section of the bil] would make it unlawful for any internationa) union, either by coercion or agreement, to attempt to dictate the terms of a collective bargain- ing agreement being negotiated by one of its locals, and unlawful for any employer to delegate his bargaining power to any employer association outside his own labor market area. This section would be en- forced by injunction, on the petition of the Federal Government or of an injured party, and is necessary because not all of the situa- tions would be cured by the unfair labor practices. My purpose was to avoid disturbing the present practice in the printing, laundry, trucking, and many other industries of negotiating contracts on a city-wide basis. While the wisdom of such Joint negotiations might be questioned from an economic standpoint, city-wide shut-downs resulting from them very rarely have any serious repercussions on the national economy, whereas industry-wide shut-downs in steel or coal production, or transportation, do af- fect vitally the whole Nation. I believe this solution to the industry-wide bargaining problem is absolutely sound in principle and will have two beneficent re- sults. First, it will return the power to bargain over the terms and conditions of employment to the local union, where the individual employee can participate much more directly and certainly will have a stronger voice in the decisions which affect him so closely. Second, it will eliminate, instead of trying to regulate, the monopoly situation where one individual or a small handful of union leaders can arbitrarily shut off the Nation’s total supply of any product. It applies to monopoly control of labor supply exactly the same principle which we applied in the antitrust laws to monopoly control of commodity supplies. That is sound liberalism. T have been asked: “What will happen if a union defies the law and calls an industry- wide strike?” The answer is very simple. If monopoly has gone so far in unions that our Government is powerless to enforce its lawa, then we are headed for chaos and dic- tatorship. That is a challenge which no government that hopes to govern can evade or fail to meet. Union leaders and sympathiz- ers who, even by implication, make such threats, need to relearn what freedom and free government mean.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD One of the most important problems in this field is that of preserving the essential freedom of the individual worker, as against coercion or intimidation from any source, The so-called closed-shop contract, which makes union membership compulsory, is peculiar to America. It has never been sought until very recently by labor move- ments in other countries. Here, it grew out of the fanatic opposition to unions which prevailed among most employers, whose “open shop” was usually closed against any union member. The closed-shop contract became a symbol of union security against employer opposition and sabotage. How- ever, when the National Labor Relations Act became law, it eliminated that valid reason for this type of contract. Employers are now compelled by law to bargain with unions which enroll a majority of their em- ployees, and are prohibited from discrimi- nating in any way against union employees. With the present strength of unions the closed shop, union shop, and maintenance of membership clauses have become more and more a device to consolidate the power of unions—not so much their power to deal with employers as their power over em- ' ployees. The abuses of this power by unions during the war are notorious. I know there are many unions, notably in the printing in- dustry, where there is very little if any abuse of this power. But the fact that here and there we find benevolent despots is no valid argument for the institution of tyranny. There is no question but that the closed shop is # deeply illiberal device. It turns over to an outside agency, the union, abso- lute control over the individual's right and opportunity to work and earn a livelihood. The temptation to abuse that kind of power is too great to place before any human be- ings, even union leaders. It violates two fundamental American principles: one, that all individuals should enjoy the maximum freedom consistent with enjoyment of the same degree of freedom by all others. and, two, that any monopoly in private control is wrong and dangerous in a free society. Actually the closed shop is just as wrong in principle as the hated “yellow-dog” con- tract by which employers sought to make nonmembership in a union a condition of employment. In fact, when we were draft- ing Senate 105, the bill which I introduced to outlaw closed-shop contracts, we found that to make good sense we had to outlaw “yellow-dog” contracts along with the closed shop, even though the former have been illegal since 1932. The principle in- volved is identical. That bill, Senate 105, is very simple. It makes unlawful any contract or agreement making either membership or nonmember- ship in a union a condition of employment. Another section repeals the proviso in section 8 (8) of the National Labor Relations Act which legalizes closed-shop contracts, and such agreements then become unfair labor practices under the Act. The closed shop, of course, is wholly inconsistent with the major purpose cf that Act, which is to assure to individual employees full freedom to join or not .o join any labor organization. While I have never had any doubts about the illiberal nature of the closed shop, at one time I did question whether it could be elim- inated without too severe disruption of labor relations in America. Senators Burton, Hatch, and myself tried to propose limita- tions and regulations to curb the worst abuses. That mild proposal, incidentally, provoked just as violent antagonism from unton leaders as the present ones. The more I studied the problem, however, the more I became convinced that regulation of this evil was fundamentally the wrong answer. It not only tolerated an intolerable infringe- ment of freedom, but it led inevitably to more and more interference in labor relations by some Federal bureaucracy, and we have too much of that as it is. And I doubt XCITI—App.——15 whether the disruption of labor relations will be as great as is feared. It seems to me that unions now having closed-shop contracts and doing a good job for their members will con- tinue to be about 100 percent organized as the railroad brotherhoods are today without aclosed shop. Those unions whose members belong only because of compulsion are the ones likely to have trouble, and they should have it. Since this bill was introduced, I have listencd to and read a great many union arguments against it. One of these is the “free rider” argument, that all employces benefiting from a union contract should help pay the cost of the union. In effect, those who make this argument assume that unions, like Government, should have the power to tax and that American workers generally are chiselers unwilling voluntarily to pay for benefits actually received. I will not accept either assumption as valid. But the main thesis of those who favor compulsory union membership today is that without it, individual employees will either drop out of a particular union or join a rival, raiding union and that thereby in the long run unions will be hurt and the em- ployees themselves injured. That line of reasoning must assume that individual work- ers in America are too stupid to make proper decisions for themselves even in their own interest, and that union leaders must make the decisions for them. That, I submit, ts completely totalitarian thinking, typical of that which prevailed in Naz) Germany and prevails today in Soviet Russia: namely, that the people are too stupid to know and decide what is good for them and that some par- ticular group must have dictatorial power to make their decisions for them and compel them to go along. Senate 55, which Senators Tart, of Ohio, SmrrH, of New Jersey. and I introduced -n January 6, is a considerably revised version of the so-called Case bill which Congress passed in 1946 and the President vetoed. Its major purposes are to improve Federal mediation machinery and to more nearly equalize legal responsibilities of unions and employers. It would establish a new Federal Mediation Board, independent of the Department of Labor, to try by purely voluntary mediation. to bring about peaceful settlements of dis- putes which threaten a serious interruption of interstate commerce. Both unions and employers, when the Board intervened in & dispute, would be required to withhold strike or lock-out action for not to exceed 60 days in order to give mediation a chance to function. Another section deals with s0-called wel- fare funds, simply requiring that such funds be jointly administered and be in the nature of a trust so that the funds cannot be mis- spent. Foremen would be eliminated from the definition of employees covered by the National Labor Relations Act so that em- ployers would not be placed in the impos- sible position of being compelled to bargain over the status of these key supervisors with unions representing the employees they are supposed to supervise. Other sections would make both unions and employers suable as legal entities in Federal court for breach of contract and would require all unions to file with the Secretary of Labor and furnish annually to their members understandable financial reports. The most important section of Senate 55 would make unlawful secondary boycotts which are in restraint of trade and organ- igational or jurisdictional strikes. The sec- ondary boycott is a device, denied to all other citizens, which unions have used to create and maintain monopolies as vicious and harmful to the public as any ever attempted by the late and unlamented trusts. As for organizational and jurisdictional strikes, the National Labor Relations Act affords fair and democratic procedures by which both A225 of these questions can be settled by a ma- jority vote of the employees involved. I can see no reason why employees should be denied that right simply because some unions would rather settle such questions by economic force. One more bill will be introduced soon, pro- posing a number of amendments to the Na- tional Labor Relations Act. The amend- ments will strengthen, not weaken, the rights of employees under that act. The bill will propose amendments limiting the Board's right to determine appropriate bargaining units so as to protect craft and other minori- ties, clarifying election procedures and pro- tecting independent unions against the Board's prejudice in favor of affiliated organ- izations, and requiring that the Board's find- ings of fact be supported by the weight of evidence instead of just “any” evidence. Other amendments will seek to assure free speech to employers, to define collective bar- faining and require unions as well as em- ployers to bargain, and, finally, to separate the prosecution from the judicial functions of the Board. It is hardly in accord with our concept of justice to have the same agency which files and prosecutes a complaint also sit in Judgment on the accused. Some day 1 would like to see the National Labor Relations Act rewritten completely, but I doubt whether there is time to do that in this Congress. The purpose of the act, to guarantee to employees tull freedom of asso- ciation for collective bargaining, is abso- lutely sound, but it is not a well-drafted statute. No employee can get into court to protect his rights unless the National Labor Relations Board says he cun. It would be entirely possible, by appointment of a hostile Board, to make a complete dead letter of the guaranties of the act. That is neither sound nor liberal law. and I look forward to the day when we can abolish the Board's judicial functions and permit any individual to go directly into court for protection of his rights. These in brief are the changes in national labor relations policy which I believe essen- tial to continued progress in a free America. Some of these proposals are radical, in that they would require drastic changes in pres- ent policy. But we must remember that we are dealing with some 20 years of accumu- lated problems, and applying poultices to the body politic when the diagnosis demands surgery is apt to multiply instead of solve problems. In the Smith-Connally and other emergency measures hurricdly rushed through Congress in recent years we have tried to treat symptoms of basic maladjust- ments in our labor relations policy insteud of attacking causes. I think such efforts do more harm than good. It is to be expected thnt union leaders will oppose such ua program. They would be superhuman if they did not Never in his- tory have the holders of power and special privilege given them up without a struggle. Many public leaders who believe quite sin- cerely that it would be better to regulate these evils which have developed in our eco- nomic life rather than root them out have labeled my proposals us too drastic and myself as antilabor or reactionary. If being in favor of assuring to individual workers in America the maximum degree of indi- vidual economic freedom and being against monopoly whenever and wherever it appears is being antilabor or reactionary, then I guess I'l) fust have to accept the labels. I have always considered such attitudes as being the very heart of political liberalism. The legislation I have discussed will bear down most heavily on unions. I sec no point in trying to dodge that tact, because it is also a fact that it is unions and their leaders who have in the past 10 years shown & growing disregard of their obligations both to the public and to the individual workers whom they are supposed to serve. Any time that such abuses of power are shown on the
A226 employer side, I will be the first to insist on their correction. Employers are no more to be trusted with irresponsible power than union leaders. They are very much the same kind of people, and our present lop-sided national policy is a direct result of the power- drunk arrogance and stupidity with which employers dealt with unionization a few dec- ades ago. The John L. Lewises in the labor movement learned their lesson well—from employers. I receive a great many letters on the sub- ject of labor legislation, including quite a few from employers who want to see the whole National Labor Relations Act junked, who demand that all strikes be outlawed. Congress is not going to do anything of that kind, and such demands only prejudice our chances of doing a fair and sound job of over- hauling national labor policy. It is apparent that in laws, judicial decisions, and adminis- trative practices, Government has gone much too far in increasing the power of unions and relieving them of legal responsibilities and duties. We want to correct that situa- tion and do it on a fair, liberal basis, achiev- ing @ reasonable equality of power and a sound balancing of legal rights and respon- sibilities. We want no loopholes for any employers so inclined to go on the kind of union-busting campaigns we had after the first war. If any substantial number of employers do interpret the changes we make tn laws as @ signal to embark on a drive to destroy unions, then I can assure you that the changes will be repealed soon, and we will Mkely have an even more lop-sided-and partisan policy than we have now. That would be tragic for all of us, be- cause, whenever Government departs too far and for too long a time from its liberal function of dispensing equal justice under law to all individuals and groups, and be- comes a partisan of particular groups, whether employers, employees, farmers, or any others, it inevitably tends to degenerate into dictatorship. Both free enterprise and free labor unions wculd be liquidated if that happens. It is the obligation of all of us who believe in @ free society to make sure that does not happen; that this time our labor relations policy stops somewhere near the center and then is made to work on a just and sound basis. Boise Still Radiates Pioneer Spirit EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HENRY C. DWORSHAK OF IDAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 20 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 15), 1947 Mr. DWORSHAK. Mr. President, there appeared in the January 18 issue of the Saturday Evening Post an accu- rate, informative article on the city of Boise. Its author is Beirne Lay, Jr., a former Army Air Forces colonel who be- came enamored of Idaho’s capital city while stationed at nearby Mountain Home air base. I ask unanimous con- sent to have the article printei in the Appendix of the Recorp. An estimate from the Public Printer indicates that printing the article in the Recorp will require two and one-half pages, or one- half page more than is allowed under the rule without an estimate, and that the cost will be $150. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THe Crries oF AMERICA—BOIsE (By Beirne Luy, Jr.) (Remember tranquillity? They have it in Idaho’s relaxed capital, a city basking in Luck’s smile. The earth provides volcanic heut, the mountains send ice water, and even prunes are fair to look upon.) Capital and largest city of Idaho, called Boise for short and pronounced to rhyme with “noisy,” which it isn't, Boise City will give you a jolt, because it ought to be a re- mote, northwestern hellhole—and it isn't. It faces a desert as forbidding as the grid- dle on which Las Vegas sizzles and yet its residential streets pass through lofty tunnels of cool shade. It was born of the same west- ern tradition as Reno, but it has passed up it birthright of whisky, women, and gam- bling, and has turned its back on homicides and malodorous politics. It 1s sedate as Concord, N. H., modern as the East Fifties in New York, and level- headed as Idaho’s dry farmers, sheepherders, miners, and lumberjacks, who dot a State of only a half million population, but larger in area than all New England. From the standpoint of terrain, Idaho just isn’t the kind of country in \.hich you'd ex- pect to find a modern metropolis like Boise City, made up of 47,000 homemakers. Na- ture has beaten the living daylights out of Idaho. It has punched its nose until the molten lava has spilled all over its shirt front. It has whacked its skull with a billy until one of the bumps, now called Borah Peak, has risen to 12,655 feet. There are bare patches of scar tissue on Idaho's torso that are as lifeless and ghastly as the Sahara's wastes. The Snake River has cut Idaho's throat from ear to ear with a gash that is deeper in one spot than the Grand Canyon. And finally, the Boise Valley is doled out a miserable 18-inch ration of spring rainfall that barely sustains the sagebrush and fails, as someone has put it, to cool the “naked lava, too tough for a rattlesnake’s belly.” Yet Boise is today the headquarters of everything worth while in the State except the university, which is at Moscow—a devil- dshly inappropriate name for any town in Idaho. Its past is the tumultuous story of the raw frontier. Its veins run with melted mountain snow, without which Boise would surely die. And its future as the seat of an agricultural inland empire shines brightly over the irrigated front yard which Wash- ington Irving once aptly termed “the ruins of a world.” Boise is a government and residential town, like Washington, D. C., and its existence does not depend upon its factories, which are few and small. But to compare the two on equal terms, you’d have to jack Washington up to 2,700 feet above sea level, give it the kind of climate that Californians lie about and elimt- nate Washington's sprawling and nauseating slums. And where the District of Columbia’s citizens glower in voteless impotence, you'd substitute a contented electorate that has returned its nonpartisan city council to office without opposition and without epithets in the last two elections, When Mayor Wester- man Whillock returned from the war, his old job of running this slumless, racket-free town was handed right back to him. All this civic rectitude doesn't make Boise dull any more than Will Rogers was dull be- cause he wasn't a lecherous rake. There just aren’t enough jangled nerves and satiated appetites in Boise to make big-city vices pay off. Boiseans don’t catch the point of gasp- ing for air in night clubs when outdoor life is in their blood, and they prefer the enter- tainment of dropping in on the neighbors the way people do in small towns, or meeting Strangers. Boise still radiates the personality of pioneer America, with a go-to-hell glint in one eye and a howdy-pardner gleam in the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD other. She is such a natural and friendly place that you can't help liking her right back. The first thing that strikes the visitor from his strect-corner vantage point is informality. He will see farmers and businessmen, mostly coatless; girls who run instead of walk, sweatered high-school athletes, a few cow- boys, and maybe some nuns from St. Teresa Academy. He will see beautifully clean streets without beggars or bums, and he will sense a general air of leisure and all’s-well. Boise is the richest city of its size in the United States; the buying power in local pocketbooks is twice that of the $1,160 na- tional average. But Boiseans are not caste- conscious. The well-being is evenly spread and the people don’t care a hang how much dough you've got or who your old man wus. If you look O. K., you’re in—until you deal one off the bottom. The secret of Boise’s prosperity is locked in snowdrifts, part of them visible up on near-by Shafer Butte, but most of them cached hundreds of miles away in the Rockies, at the headwaters of the Snake, in Yellow- stone National Park, Wyo. Spring floods cascade down the Snake’s channel and fill an enormous reservoir behind the dam at Ameri- can Falls, Idaho, where they are stored for the irrigation of the Snake Valley—a scimitar curving west and northward past Boise. Boise’s immediate supply is locked behind 354-foot-high Arrowrock Dam, 22 miles east, up the Boise River, a bonanza which slakes the thirst of a quarter of a million acres in the Bolse Valley. Thus Boise has become the heart of a 400- mile-long green desert, whose ditches and laterals flow with enough water from 8 rivers, 81 creeks, 3 lakes, and 25 dams to flood r canal from New York to San Francisco 100 feet wide and 100 feet deep. When the water mixes with the desert’s volcanic-ash soil, which is rich in phos- phorus and potash and short on injurious alkali content, the result is an annual Jack pot of 840,000,000 worth of Idaho potatoes, corn, and grain; $30,000,000 worth of dairy products; $60,000,000 worth of livestock from herds of 2,000,000 sheep and 400,000 beef cattle; and $10,000,000 in vegetables and seeds, Those are the stand-bys, but from land that once cost from nothing to 50 cents an acre and now brings up to $500, the farmer's horn of plenty tumbles out giant Hale peaches, prunes, strawberries, grapes, apples, deep-breasted turkeys, chickens, peanuts, hogs, tobacco, chinchilla, 80 percent of the country’s hybrid sweet-corn seed, sugar beets, hops, bees, and big, dark-red Bing cherries One crop which does not thrive in Botse 18 the skunkweed of racial and religious fric- tion. The foreign population includes about 4,000 Basques, who are exceptionally’ popu- lar and well integrated in all enterprises; a couple of hundred Chinese; a few Japs, whose sons’ names were inscribed without lo- cal protest on honor rolls for war service; and 51 Negroes, who somehow manage to support two churches. One-sixth of the inhabitants are Mormons by religion. The last Boisean to serve as Governor was a Jewish merchant. Politically, Boiseans are not interested in startling the world. No Boisean since Wil- liam E. Borah has attained national promi- nence; none sits today in Congress; and none has been Govern r since 1919. But as party headquarters for State and national politics, Boise enjoys watching the political medicine that bubbles out of two of its leading ho- tels, the Owyhee unc the Boise. Although traditionally Republican, the State was represented until the recent elec- tions by a Democratic Governor, two Dem- ocratic Senators, and a Democratic Repre- sentative arrayed against « lone Republican Representative in Congress. Now the State is again purebred Republican except for New Dealing “Singing Cowboy” Guien H. Tay_or, who was not up for reelection, but whose
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD candidates for Democratic Senator and Con- gressman bared their backs to an unmerciful flogging from the voters for their advocacy of a Columbia Valley Authority. Idaho farm- ers want less, not more, Government interfer- ence. But the State's return to the GOP is less a manifestation of political orthodoxy than a current barometer of sentiment with- in its large and unfathomable independent vote, which knuckles under to no machine of either party and has swung away from McKinley Republicanism and Borah isola- tionism. The year 1948 may reaffirm that Idaho is a Republican oyster on a Democratic half-shell. . In Boise and throughout the State, saloons are illegal, but in effect the people vote dry and drink wet. Three dry amendments placed on the November ballot by civic-virtue forces were badly beaten. ‘You're supposed to consume the hard stuff publicly only in li- censed bottle clubs, yet promoting the rur- chase of a drink over the bar is no herculean task, Gambling, though popular in the back rooms of locker clubs, is illegal, too, and this is one reason Boise doesn’t compete with Reno for the lucrative divorce trade, although its legal-resident law matches Nevada's 6 weeks. The other reason? Boise doesn’t want it. The city has no red-light district and police blotters seldom record darker deeds than loitering or overtime parking. For 2 years no killing has marred the peace—a far ery from conditions in the valley in the eighties, of which G. A. McLeod relates: “Sheriff Charles Furey put the desperado in a hole in the ground where from 10 to 15 prisoners a day are kept. The only locks about the structure are on the Winchester rifles of the guards, and their orders are that any man seen sticking his head out of the hole, intending to escape, is to be made an object of target practice.” Boise is proof that a fair-sized city can have a good time minus vice and corruption, without the needling of reformers, a civic factor which might be expected in a thor- oughly religious town where there are 23 de- nominations and 47 churches. Instead of prudery, you find oe spirit of live and let live and a lack of pretense that is as refreshing as the flavor of Boise's prunes. Unlike the standard dish which disgraces eastern break- fast tables, restaurant prunes actually taste delicious; their flavor startles you as much as the 1-day laundry and drycleaning serv- ice which you get in the leading hotels with- out extra charge. What makes Boise the way it is comes into better focus after you have looked at its geography and poked around in its history. Boiseans, isolated 400 miles from the Pacific Coast, in what was still referred to in the nineties as:the Great American Desert, and living against a backdrop of stupendous mountains which shut out winter storms and the outside world, still nourish a spirit of fierce independence. It was this spirit which enabled them to survive the rude re- ception they got from the red man and to wrest, one day, a $200,000,000 annual harvest from the land that pioneers feared would defy cultivation. The hellish task of blazing the old Oregon Trail from Missour! to the Pacific, via the Snake River Valley and Boise, fell to the William P. Hunt expedition of 1811. Hunt's visit alerted the hostility of nomadic bands of Snake and Crow Indians, described by Capt. B. L. E. Bonneville, who camped on Boise's site in 1834, as “filthier than Hotten- tots, eating vermin from each other's heads.” Bonneville’s voyageurs gave the green oasis its future name when they sighted it, with cries of “Les Bois!” (the woods). From the thirties until 1862, the Boise Val- ley was a parched wasteland, inhabited by British traders, beaver, Indians, and sage hens. Travelers bound for the Pacific crossed it with one eye cocked over their shoulders and with no conceivable inducement to plant the seed of a community where Boise now stands. Then rich claims of gold were staked on the gravel bara in Boise Basin, just over the mountains to the north, but the stage was set for the birth of a new city when boomers found that they couldn't digest gold dust. Sick of a diet of wild game and sourdough, miners up in the basin gladly turned for food to the planters around Boise’s present site. Thus the city violates western tradi- tion by never having been a miner’s boom town. It began, instead, as a bloom town. And while Idaho City, in the basin, collapsed from 30,000 to less than 1,000 inhabitants in a few years, Boise held its own and grew. In 1863 Maj. Pinckney Lugenbeel was sent by the Union Army to establish Boise Bar- racks and thereby impress not only hostile Indians but unfriendly miners. Partly be- cause of the value of the new source of gold to President Lincoln's hard-pressed domestic and foreign credit, Idaho Territory was ad-. mitted to the Union, and in 1866 Boise was incorporated as a city. Of greater importance to modern Boise and to Idaho than mining—although gold, silver, and lead ores have ylelded the State $1,000,000,000—were the pioneer efforts of William A. Morris to irrigate with crude equipment, after Government permission was granted for the diversion of water from the Boise River in 1864. Dry farming was successful from the start. One converted miner named Davis bought seed at 25 cents @ pound and marketed a crop of onions, cab- bages, and potatoes worth $50,000. The word spread. A permanent back wave of emigrants continued settling on farms, until today, their sons have made Idaho fourth among all the States in the shipping of foodstuffs. Idaho potatoes are a national institution, and exuberant Californians can- not blink the fact that they are among southern Idaho's best agricultural customers. Except for a successful feud in 1864 with the first Territorial capital of Lewiston, Boise might never have become Idaho's first city. The legisluture passed an act in that year transferring the capital to Boise, but angry Lewiston citizens came back with an injunc- tion against the removal of the seal and ar- chives, forcing an acting secretary of state to escape Under armed guard to Boise. The new capital acquired an allergy to re- mote control from Washington which sur- vives vigorously today. Until 1890, when Idaho became the Union's forty-third State, the White House sent an almost uninter- rupted succession of sad sacks to occupy the Territorial Governor's chair. Of the 16 polit- ical appointees, several never showed up, some remained but a few days, and only 8 served a term of & year or more. In addition to the confusion created by no-show governors, Boise was faced with a dificult problem of communications with the State's more distant counties. Not until 1887 did it have a branch line to the Union Pacific at Nampa. It lacked, and still lacks, a@ railroad to northern Idaho. Trains must go through Oregon and Washington to reach Lewiston, because you might as well try to lay track through the Grand Canyon as through Idaho's rougher and deeper Seven Devils Canyon. The branch line gave the farmers an out- side market, and a Senate committee gave them water. The visiting lawmakers were sold on irrigating Idaho when they were shown a 2-foot peach-tree branch clustered with 29 peaches. Their enthusiasm led to passage of the Reclamation Act in 1902, which put Uncle Sam into the irrigation business in a big way, with the States, pri- vate enterprise, and industrious farmers as partners. The combination has worked well enough to develop the Snake Valley into the third largest irrigation project in the country. A227 At the turn of the century, with a popula- tion of only 6,000, Boise held titular leader- ship of Idaho on the strength of little more than ite central location, its splendid climate and long-growing season, and the civic pride of its citizens. The latter capitalized on their hot artesian wells, whose water bubbles up from volcanic springs at 176 degrees, to fill a large indoor natatorium, which was hailed by one appraiser as the Taj Mahal of the Pacific Northwest. Although it is Boise’s boast that tornadoes and severe storms are unknown in the valley, the record shows that a lively zephyr once scalped the roof off the Taj Mahal, which is now popular as a warm outdoor swimming pool. Two hundred and fifty homes in the Warm Springs Avenue district are still heated all winter from the same source through pipes which simultaneously melt snow and ice from many streets. In 1907 tne voters sent to the United States Senate a young Bc'se lawyer named Borah, who had earned prominence in the early 1900's when he won the conviction of one Harry Orchard for the bomb assassination of former Gov. Frank Steunenberg. GLEN Taytor's election to the Senate in 1044 showed how much the State-wide electorate has swung away from %rah’s intense na- tionalism, but in Boise the man they fol- lowed for 33 years is a fresh and reverent memory still. As for Harry Orchard, he has turned the tables on Borah, the judge, and every member of the jury by surviving all of them. Today, a trusted prisoner, Idaho's most famous criminal lives peacefully in a cabin near the penitentiary, minding poultry and visiting Boise amaccompanied, save by his sheep dog. While Borah’s star rose in the twenties and waned in the thirties, Boise grew stead- fly to a population of 26,130 in 1940, exclu- sive of the Bench community, an outgrowth of Boise beyond its city limits on high ground south of Boise River. A faithful chron- icler, since 1864, of this rise from a clump of cottonwood trees to current opulence is the city’s only morning, afternoon, and Sunday newspaper, the Idaho Statesman. Bitterly anti-New Deal, the Statesman is owned by a gray-haired, charming woman named Mar- garet Cobb Ailshie. She is the daughter of the Statesman’s long-time owner, Calvin Cobb, who died in 1928, and from whom she inherited lively ability and a gift for retain- ing friendships that are Nation-wide. The Statesman compensates for conserva- tive political views by a progressive approach to transportation. It owns two airplanes. Their operation presents no problem to the staff, which includes Coeditor Thomas G. Lanphier, who won renown for shooting down Admiral Yamamoto, and wishes people would quit reminding him of it; Dave John- son, a crack aviation editor who flew B-20's; two former B-26 pilots; and an ex-Marine Corps fighter pilot. Margaret Ailshie’s weakness for fliers sta- tioned at Gowen Feld and neighboring Mountain Home during the war was shared by all Boiseans. They made the boys so wel- come that hordes of them have settled per- manently, accentuating a housing shortage which never eased off even when the two air bases closed down. The Statesman's flying editors foresee a bright aviation future for Boise. Its mu- nicipally owned airport at Gowen Field, un- der lease to the Army, has mile-and-a-half- long runways and is a regular stop for United Air Lines, Besides the postwar fighter squad- ron which the National Guard will station there, two free-lance air-freight carriers have applied to the city for hangar facilities. Em- pire Air Lines will probably base at Gowen, too, when red tape permits. Private filers are so active that they keep the sky above four smaller fields, located practically inside the city, swarming with light planes. High freight rates by rail sug- gest that airfreight carriers should have
A228 their planes full relieving the Boise Valley of surplus strawberries, cherries, peaches, early lettuce, and other perishable fruits and vege- tables. Airplanes have long been the best means of seeding grazing uplands and of reaching stranded hunters, foresters, and ranchers in the primitive areas, which are still inaccessible except by pack train and are largely unexplored. Parachute drops are made to fight fires among the yellow and white pine stands which help to cover half of Idaho with forests. There are communi- ties only 60 miles from Boise that stay snow- bound 6 months of the year and welcome the roaring motor of a plane equipped with skis. Aviation, however, does not monopolize the pages of the Statesman, which does a big- time job of acquainting its 40,000 State-wide readers with all the news, from world events to sheep ranching. One issue, reporting on an annual convention of flock masters, car- ried the inspired headline: ‘‘Sheepherders peer ahead.” Actually, no forelocks of wool have obscured the vision of Idaho's sheep or cattle men, who long ago settled their bloody differences over grazing lands and struck a mutually profitable deal with the farmers, The -atter were persuaded to grow large crops of winter feed, unprofitable for shipment to other regions, to save the herds which had formerly starved wholesale on snow-covered mountainsides. Similarly, astute farmers ran the dairy herds up to 200,000 purebred cows after they had fig- ured it out that a like quantity of feed would produce a $19,000 carload of butter as against $16,000 for 40 carloads of hay and a whopping freight bill. The backbone of the sheep industry is the largest Basque colony outside the Spanish Pyrenees; it totals about 10,000, in all Idaho. No longer differing noticeably from other Boiseans, the Basquos, as they are called, are descended from seamen who jumped ship off California and todk refuge in the moun- tains as shepherds. The thrifty Basque colony is a credit to Boise, and it can show many native Ameri- cans something about patriotism. Its lead- ers raised a disproportionately large sum for War bonds. Half the male Basque popula- tion of Boise’s enclave rushed into uniform. J. Lynn Driscoll, a Boise banker who has lent money to Basques all his life, calls them excellent risks, points to the significant ab- sence from their language of any word for adultery, and accuses them of only two faults, bootlegging and stealing grass. More colorful than its annual State fair and rodeo is Boise’s nearest approach to a Mardi Gras—the Basque Ball. Likewise, Basque food is the chief note of color in Boise's cuisine, which is abundant but un- imaginative. Gourmets and lovers of cafe so- ciety will find no rival of 21 or Ciro's in Boise’s conglomeration of downtown bottle clubs. Highwater marks in local excitement run to dancing and the eating of steaks at the walk-up Boise Club, and tippling at the Gremlin’s Roost, The best times are en- joyed where Boiseans really prefer them—in the home. Both men and women spend a lot of time away from Boise in their mountain play- grounds. Fishermen go after brook trout, black bass, and salmon, or try their luck with the 25-pound Kamloop trout to be found in the Payette Lake country, a mile-high sum- mer resort at which Boiseans escape the heat after a short automobile drive. Hunters can draw a bead on mule and white-tail deer, elk, mountain goat, bear, and antelope, or take a lead on Chinese pheasant, Hungarian par- tridge, valley quail, ducks, and geese. There is no open season on sage hens, which are so dumb that they have enough trouble just surviving. Ski runs are close by at Bogus Basin and M-°Call, or you can take your Norwegian tumbles at recently reopened Sun Valley, which is 100 miles east by air. Baseball fans can go out to Airway Park and cheer the Boise Pilots up the ladder of their six-team class C league, which includes a Yankee farm at Twin Falls. Boise's polo team, outstand- ing in the Pacific Northwest before the war, is riding again. A soothing experience awaits you if you @rop in at the office of Mayor Whillock, an industrious, popular businessman who has to bolster his $3,000 salary with the proceeds from a shoe store he owns. His situation is hardly less remunerative than that of the Governor, up at the capitol, who has been Taised from $5,000 to $7,600, but still has to live in a hotel or with friends, for lack of @ governor’s mansion. Whillock's office reflects the peace of a town so hard up for knotty problems that the mayor is given to glancing out the win- dow into Bolse's clear, sparkling atmosphere and worrying about the smoke menace or a scrap of paper the street cleaners missed. Housing is tough, he says, as it is everywhere else, and more cash will have to be raised next year to meet the $1,000,000 city budget, * put times are pretty good. Before you leave, he may hand you a pub- licity sheet which disclose. that Boise has 15 parks, 8 hotels, 16 elementary schools, a junior college, 8 Masonic lodges—plus every other club a joiner could want—3 hospitals, 6 theaters, and a streamlined police force of 89 coppers, who maintain the peace with the aid of 9 radio police cars and a solid front against the fixing of tickets. Culture is nurtured by the Boise Gallery of Art, by the music lovers who originated what has since become National Music Week and by the 250 ladies of the Columbian Club, which has been full of good works since 1892. Should your curiosity lead you into the shop of Goon Hoy, Chinese herbs and tea, Mr. Hoy will open a drawer full of dead leaves and bark, and assure you with a straight face that a brew from these materials will cure backache, hangover, or lack of pep. Behind Goon Hoy’s deceptively bland countenance lurks the impulsive spirit which prompted him, on VJ-night, to detonate a hoard of 10,000 firecrackers on the capitol steps. Boise has many able businessmen, includ- ing a former partner of Henry J. Kaiser, 61- year-old Harry Morrison, whose Morrison- Knudsen firm of general contractors directs its national and international enterprises from Boise. Morrison is credited with bringing to- gether six building and earth-moving mag- nates, including Kaiser, to form the famous Six Companies, Inc., which butflt Boulder Dam on the Colorado and Bonneville Dam on the Columbia, and also took over and finished Grand Coulee; sank the enormous piers for the great bay bridge from Oakland to San Francisco; and poured out Liberty ships dur- ing the war. Another industrial prodigy, who sits on the State planning board in Boise, is a self- made multimillionaire in his midthirties named Jack Simplot. He is a resident of neighboring Caldwell. Starting out as a po- tato dealer at Burley, Idaho, Simplot pros- pered phenomenally. He now has a phos- phate plant at Pocatello, is president of an insurance company, and owns the country's largest potato-dehydrating plant at Caldwell. The plant produced prodigious quantities of concentrated spuds and onions for troops overseas, and a like output of gripes from the soldiers, Simplot, who has been voted one of the 10 outstanding young businessmen in America by the junior chamber of com- merce, is said now to be staking out some of his profits in quick-freezing and prefabri- cated housing. Far from being alarmed at the growing prominence of its smaller neighbors a few miles down the Boise Valley—such as Nampa and Caldwell, with their large processing and meat-packing plants, co-ops and the world’s largest creamery—Boilse has appeared to resist industrialigation deliberately. She prefers to be the brains rather than the brawn of Idaho's economy, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Dearer to her than factory chimneys are her avenues of towering shade trees. Sweeter to her than coal smoke is the scent of her State flower, the white syringa. Better than freight sheds are the flower beds that sur- round the Union Pacific depot, which resem- bles an Italian-Spanish villa with a medieval tower. And she is proud of the unob- structed view from the depot north to the capitol, which is like the vista in Washing- ton, from the Lincoln Momorial to the Capitol. From their gardens and tidy green lawns, Boiseans can look out over the desert in the long cool evenings and find peace in the stable future which stares back at them from the fortile valley, whose irrigated acres will soon be increased to half a million. They see no reason to alter their sane pace of living to conform to a world that seems to be in danger of losing its mind. For the healthy environment in which their children grow, for their esteem of just plain good citizenship and for their belief in the decency of human beings they have no apologies. Men must have food, and Boise can feed many men and thereby prosper. But Boise believes that man cannot live by bread alone, that the spirit must find sustenance, not in the complexities, but in the simplicities of life, and must frequently ask itself: What shall it profit a city if it gain the whole world and lose its own soul? Report on UNESCO EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. MURRAY OF MONTANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 22 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 15), 1947 Mr. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an address delivered by Hon. William Benton, As- sistant Secretary of State, before the Chicago Council of Foreign Relations, at Chicago, Ill, on January 9, 1947. The speech is in the nature of a report on the United Nations Educational, Scien- tific, and Cultural Organization. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The last time I attended a meeting of the Chicago Council of Foreign Relations I wit- nessed a most dramatic ovation to one of Chicago’s most distinguished citizens. The closing line of the speech at that luncheon was Stephen Decatur’s famous cry, “My country, may it always be in the right, but my country, right or wrong!” The audience rose to its feet and applauded. It applauded at length, and with unrestrained admiration for the character of the speaker. The speak- er | was Gen. Robert E. Wood. The time was Does anyone doubt that the tradition of the United States still stands behind that quotation? Does anyone doubt that it ap- plies with equal force in the traditions of England, of France, and indeed of all the countries of the world: “My country, may it always be in the right, but my country, right or wrong”? ‘We have none of us learned to say, with a fraction of the same fervor, “my world.” Nor have we tried. Oan we so learn, or can our children, or theirs? Do we want to try to learn? UNESCO—the United Nations Ed- ucational, Scientific, and Cultural Organiga- tion, about which I am going to speak to you
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD today—is dedicated to fostering the idea of “my world, my human race” in the minds and hearts of men everywhere. If this idea ig to take root and grow, UNESCO is the one political organization that is most likely to help it grow. I shall have to begin by conceding that, at the first general conference of UNESCO in Paris last month, from which I have just returned, the American delegation did not find a conference dedicated wholeheartedly to education, science, and culture. The conference was in part a political conference. That fact is of great important to the Amerit- can people. By political conference I do not mean merely that the delegates played politics as they would on a_ university campus, or at the Christmas meeting of a learned society. I mean that, behind many of the assembled scholars, scientists, educa- tors, and administrators of cultural agencies, stood their governments seeking to advance and protect specific national interests. There was, however, far less jockeying for national advantage than you would find at most intergovernmental conferences. In part, the jockeying merely took the mild form of competition for prestige. But, in the larger view, we of the American delegation learned once more that power in today's world is not merely economic power and military might. Power also lies in the field of ideas. As older empires lose economic and military power, and as new ones emerge, they are eager to gain strength on this new fron- tier—the frontier of the mind. We learned in Paris the great importance that the statesmen and politicians of many countries attach to the proposed activities of UNESCO. The problem within the United States is to see to it that we Americans now understand how vital these are to us as well. Potentially, UNESCO is a force of the first magnitude. It can contribute mightily to a world will toward peace. It can thus be a major force in the security program of the United States through the furtherance of the broad objectives of American foreign pol- icy—peace and prosperity among all peoples of the world. Did the fact that this first conference was also a political conference mean that it failed? Not at all. Anne O'Hare McCor- mick, of the New York Times, one of the American delegates, described it as a most successful political conference. The polli- tics of national interest merely show that the idea of one world, of “my world,” is still a long way off; that the task of UNESCO is indeed a very great task, for the long pull and not for the short. UNESCO obviously is not going to bring about, in a few years, the moral and intellec- tual revolution that is required by the age ahead of us. But it is equally clear that it can now move confidently toward a more modest goal—to help dispel, in some degree, the unwarranted fears, suspicions, and hatreds that hang like a fog over the world today. No unresolved disagreements bedeviled the sessions. The closest approach to one was raised by the representative of Yugoslavia, Mr. Ribnikar. Mr. Ribnikear inquired whether UNESCO proposed to develop a philosophy of its own, which would exclude or even com- bat the philosophy of dialectical materialism and which it would seek to impose on all peoples. In my opening speech to the conference, the day after Mr. Ribnikar first spoke, I said, “UNESCO does not believe and cannot be- lieve that peace is to be obtained through the intellectual and cultural subjugation of the world by any single political philosophy or through the conversion of the world to any single religious faith. UNESCO is founded on the belief that neither the forced unification of the world of the spirit, nor the forced standardization of the world of the mind can give men peace, but only a world democracy of mind as well as spirit, Cultural democracy implies cultural integ- rity, as true political democracy implies the freedom of the person and his personal in- tegrity and self-respect. The cultural de- mocracy which UNESCO proposes is a democ- racy of mind and spirit in which every cul- ture shall be free to live and develop in itself and in the great community of common cul- ture. Freemen do not fear ideas; freemen are not afraid of thought; freemen are eager to confront the differences and rich varieties that life presents, and to determine for them- selves the things they take as true. This, from the beginning, has been the path of freedom.” ‘ Mr. Ribnikar’s question may have a bearing upon the decision of the Soviet Union to join UNESCO. Russia was the only major power which was not officially represented at the conference. While there is great and useful work for UNESCO to do through its present roster of members, it cannot realize its full potentialities unless and until the Soviet Union constructively joins in the wofk. The fact that the Communist press throughout the world absolutely ignored UNESCO—even the Communist press of Paris—is interpreted by many to mean that the Soviet Union is taking no steps to prejudice its later joining in UNESCO. Can UNESCO succeed? I want to contrast several remarks I heard in the first days. One was by J. B. Priestley, the novelist, who was a British delegate. “This conference,” he said, “which is trying to lay the founda- tions of international understanding, is the most underrated conference in all history.” Another was a remark that circulated among the French journalists covering the confer- ence: “L’ONESCO c’est du fromage, qui s’est monte sur un nuage"—which, literally translated, means “UNESCO is a cheese riding on a cloud.” In French political slang, I’m told, the cheese means something like our phrase, “pork barrel”"—a pork barre] riding on a cloud. Another French commentary, similar in its cynicism, was “UNESCO is a band of little valiant men, and so much music lover.” My own view, of course, is that of Mr. Priestley. Otherwise I would not be here talking about UNESCO. I amend Priestley’s comment in one way: UNESCO, in its poten- tialities, is the most underrated organization in history. I have never heard anyone question the im- portance of UNESCO's goal. The obvious question—the recurrent, pervasive and la- tently demoralizing question is—can UNESCO actually make any significant progress, within the significant future, toward its goal: Is it, in fact, now riding on a cloud? The skeptics can truthfully say, UNESCO has no real power. It has no authority to intervene in the cultural or educational life of any Nation. Ite budget is a pittance compared with its task. It must do most of its work through other organisations. Its responsibilities are as wide and intangible as the human mind and spirit. It cannot measure or prove its results. But there are compelling reasons for be- lMeving that UNESCO can succeed. To me these reasons are cogent enough to make UNESCO a good gamble—something of a long shot, perhaps, but good enough to war- rant playing the gamble to the absolute limit. By “succeed” I do not mean that UNESCO may hang on as a worthy, rather useful and certainly harmless refuge for in- tellectuals and artiste—as indeed it may. By succeed I mean that, in the issue be- tween war and peace, it can weight the bal- ance for peace. The first of my reasons is that, like the other parts of the United Nations, it must succeed or we are all of us in dire straits indeed. Hard-headed men everywhere know this. The 43 governments that sent repre- sentatives to Paris are most of them fairly hard-boiled. Many of them can ill afford A229 to spend money for luxuries. They came to Paris to work out a program that a decade ago would have indeed seemed, in the poli- tician’s view, a ride on a cloud. Today it may be a matter of life or death. Second, there is abroad in the world, among ordinary people, a deep if vague yearning for the ends UNESCO is designed to serve. The ordinary people of the earth want to understand each other, and to understand the best of euch other. They know that such understanding will muini- mize the risks of war. The unspoken hupes of millions are thus centered on UNESCO's goals, even though today UNESCO 1s virtu- ally unknown. But it is dedicated to the service of ordinary people everywhere and, as it secures leaders that understand this, UNESCO will derive vitality from the peo- ple. Third, the world now has at its disposal, for the first time in history, instruments of communication, and of education, that make possible the development of what Archibald MacLeish calls a planetary culture. It is no longer unrealistic to talk about eradicating illiteracy everywhere, or about raising the educational level of all. It is no longer visionary to establish the goal for most of the world’s population of a full, prompt. and continuous account of world developments. The newest and most spectacular of these instruments are radio, motion pictures, and fast transportation. These are the touls UNESCO can work with—tools potentially as promising for good as the new weapons of war are potent for destruction, if we have but the sense to use them. Fourth, and to this point I shall address the last half of this talk. A good start—a sound start—was made by UNESCO at Paris. After the opening plenary sessions the Con- ference was divided into three major com- missions. One was on administrative and legal questions, with which I shall not be- labor you though they were constructively resolved and are crucial for the long pull. A second was devoted to the problem of re- Nef and rehabilitation of the educational, scientific, and cultural facilities of war-dev- astated areas. Of this I shall say only that the plight of these areas is u matter of deep concern to UNESCO. Although UNESCO itself cannot become an operating relief agency, $400,000 was voted to prepare a re- port on the needs and how they can be met, and to stimulate public and private agen- cies to help meet them. The third commission, of greatest inter- est to such an audience as this, was that which dealt with the long-range program of UNESCO. This was further divided into six subcommissions—one for education; one for libraries, and museums; one for social sciences, philosopny, and humanistic studies; one for the natural sciences; one for the creative arts; and one for the mass media of communication. There never had been any shortage of ideas for UNESCO. Proposals had come in by the bagful for a year—many of them excellent proposals. We heard from the proponents of a world language, a world university, a new calendar. The proposals ranged all the way from the establishment of a bird sanc- tuary on Heligoland to a frontal attack on rebuilding both the educational and com- munications facilities of the world. So the first task of the conference was to agree upon a principle of priorities. The de- cision taken helped to bring UNESCO down out of the cloud. It was this: that projects should be few in number; that every project must be tested by its feasibility; that every proposal must further be tested by the ques- tion, Will this contribute directly and sig- nificantly to the cause of peace through un- derstanding? Out of the six subcommissions on program came recommendations, later adopted by the general conference, in support of over one hundred projects. The number was in my
A230 opinion far too large. I shall be happily sur- prised if really substantial progress is made on 10 percent of them during 1947, Certain recommendations were common to all the subcommission reports. For exam- ple, each developed plans for the exchange of students and specialists, for the conven- ing of international meetings, and for the creation, as needed, of new international as- sociations of specialists. Such exchanges, if they are undertaken on a really large scale, can clearly contribute to peace through un- derstanding. A second general type of recommendation was directed toward increasing the freedom and the volume of international communi- cation. These recommendations took many forms, and dealt with studies of censorship, customs and postal and freight rates on books and scientific materials, copyrights, new methods of reproduction, standardization of library cataloging, international lending of books, etc. Perhaps the most ambitious single project was one that came out of the education subcommission—a world-wide attack on the problem of illiteracy, and the establishment of minimum standards of education every- where. This is a revolutionary undertak- ing, but it lies at the heart of UNESCO's long-range effort. If UNESCO can contrib- ute substantially to its solution, it will have justified its existence through this effort alone. Well over half the world’s popula- tion is illiterate. Can the world achieve peace through understanding in the ab- sence of the simplest tools of understand- ing, the ability to read and write? Illiter- ate men are pawns in a power struggle. They are also victims of an inequality so grave as to constitute a threat to peace. UNESCO will create a staff of its own, sup- plemented by experts from many nations, to recommend programs for combatting illiteracy; to develop educational materials; and to determine how best to use books, pictures, films, and radio. Dr. George Stod- Gard, President of the University of MIli- nois, took leadership in the development of this major proposal, as he did in so many ways in Paris. Further, Mrs. Louise Wright, Dean Rich- ard McKeon, Dr. Carl Milam, and other Chicagoans made notable contributions to the development of UNESCO's program. A recommendation made by Dr. Charles Johnson, President of Fisk University, be- came the top priority project of the social scientists. Under it UNESCO will under- take a study of the psychological and social tensions that lead to war. When the ten- sions that produce unrest, suspicion, and hatred among classes, races, and peoples have been identified and diagnosed we shall know better how to attack UNESCO's cen- tral problem of promoting peace through understanding. An example from the subcommission on the natural sciences is the proposed Inter- national Institute of the Amazon. This proposes to bring together scientists from many nations, and from many fields of science, to study the problems of food, disease, and natural resources of a tropi- cal area. The tropical areas of the world have been characterized by malnutrition and backwardness. An international attack upon this problem may open up new possi- bilities for the development of the tropics in such a way as to reduce future inter- national tensions. The mass media proposals were of especial interest. Before the Paris meeting we had heard that some of the other nations—par- ticularly the smaller nations—feared what they called American cultural imperialism. It was charged that, by a combination of our financial strength, our highly developed communications industry—and our policy of ofposing all barriers throughout the world to the free flow of ideas and infor- mation—we aimed to flood the world with American ideas, American standards of taste, and—to use an ugly word—American propa- ganda. We were told that, for this reason, America’s proposals for the use of the mass media would find a cool reception. We discovered that this fear of American cultural imperialism is not a fear of Amer- ican books. Our book exports are, unfor- tunately, negligible. It is not a fear of American art or music. Neither is it a fear of the American press associations, which get plenty of competition, or of American radio, which can be heard in most countries only by short wave. What it boils down to is largely the fear of Hollywood. The very technical genius of Hollywood, which makes its pictures sought after and beloved by the masses of the people of the world, terrifies the scholars and intellectuals and politicians in these countries when they hear their chil- dren speaking English with an American ac- cent, using American slang, and discussing love, divorce, and murder in Hollywood epi- grams. ‘Che great world-wide impact of Hol- lywood is but little understood here in the United States, and it is greatly feared abroad. The American delegation arrived in Paris determined to press for maximum use of the mass media of communication—motion pic- tures, radio, and the press—not as instru- ments of entertainment, but in their poten- tial role as mugnificent and unprecedented new instruments for the pursuit of peace. We were delighted to find thai, far from being cool to the development of the mass media in this role, other nations began to take the lead on proposals which we had been prepared to advance. In the subcommission on mass media, un- der the chairmanship of a Belgian and the vice chairmanship of a Dane, the British, the French, the Canadians, and others came for- ward vigorously with proposals that coincided closely with our own. The small nations found us gladly acknowl- edging that other peoples have ideas, and cultural achievements, that deserve muss dissemination, even in America. The ancient Greeks couldn't film or broadcast their plays, we conceded; but they could write them. The other nations found us eager to Cooper- ate in a scheme by which mass communi- cations techniques might be broadened by inviting technicians of backward countries to work and study in the more advanced countries. UNESCO will undertake a major effort to reduce the barriers that now obstruct the free flow of communications among peoples. We know from bitter experience that even highly literate peoples, when they are cut off from a full, honest, and continuous account of developments among other peoples, can be Propagandized and bullied into aggressive belligerency. UNESCO is to survey the re- strictions on the flow of information and ideas across international boundaries, and the suppression and distortion of informa- tion and ideas by any influence. In cooperation with the United Nations, UNESCO will explore the possibility of creat- ing a world-wide broadcasting network, un- der international auspices. Such a network might bring to ordinary people everywhere, and in many languages, an account of the history, the achievements, the problems, the hopes and the aspirations, the music, and the literature of other peoples. Ishall conclude my comments on UNESCO's program with a special word about the nat- ural sciences. It is clear that science, and scientific ways of thinking, have a major, a crucial, role in education for international understanding. Cooperative projects, involv- ing the collaboration of scientists of many nations, are helpful by the very fact of collab- oration, even though the projects may have no direct bearing on peace or on the will to peace among people generally. But at some point the yardstick must be invoked. Does UNESCO, for example, have any direct con- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cern with research on cancer? I fear that many of the scientists at Paris, who hoped that UNESCO might immediately emerge as the chief agency for coordinating interna- tional scientific activities, including scien- tific research as such, came away feeling thut the budget allotted for science was inade- quate for such a purpose; and that another organization, specifically designed to the end of advancing international scientific research as such, might be needed. If there is a single field of UNESCO in which the world is turn- ing to the United States for leadership, ‘t is science and technology. UNESCO should in- creasingly stress this field with the passage of the years. UNESCO's operating budget for the first year—$6,000,000—is minuscule compared with the task and the opportunity. That is about the cost of two submarines. It is about half the budget of the University of Chicago in a normal year. The American delegation Opposed a somewhat larger budget, not he- cause of any lack of faith in UNESCO, or failure to understund the magnitude of its task. We opposed a larger budget because the cost of the various international organi- zations that have come into being during the lust 2 years has mounted to the point where many of the smaller nations—particularly those impoverished and devastated by the war—simply cannot afford to pay their share. It would be a disaster if they were forced to withdraw. Further, it will take time properly to organize UNESCO's staff and coordinate its program. The American delegation at Paris insisted that the 1047 budget must not be tuken as a standard for future years. When the na- tions have passed through what Senator VANDENBERG calls “the present subsistence period”; when UNESCO has built its staff and discovered by experience what it can and what it cannot do, I see no limit, except the clear-cut promise of results, upon either its efforts or its budget. I shall close on a note of hope and caution. The conference that took place may well have been, in Mr. Priestley’s words, the most un- derrated conference in all history. For UNESCO can become one of the most useful instruments ever devised by man. But it can fulfill its potentialities only under favorable conditions. It cannot suc- ceed unless the pressing political and eco- nomic problems that now beset the world are resolved in such a way as to give UNESCO time to grow. It cannot succeed in the ab- sence of outstanding leadership, adequate funds and public support. It cannot succeed if the expectation of quick results brings disillusionment. Yet, no experiment in international co- operation ever held less danger or more promise for the future peace and well-being of mankind. UNESCO is like a break in an overcast sky. It is a patch of light—if I may reverse a familiar expression—now no bigger than a man’s hand. We must all unite in the hope that it is destined to grow—to grow until the clear light of truth and under- standing breaks through to all peoples. Reduction of Taxes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD B. RUSSELL OF GEORGIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, January 22 (legislative day of Wednesday, January 15), 1947 Mr. RUSSELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “They’re A)l for Lower Taxes,