APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Reserves learned also from the Hoover reporte that the discovery of the dependence of supply efficiency upon a sin- gle-catalog language was not untque to them or to this war—it had been known to sup- ply personnel since before the First World War. Every effort of supply personnel to develop and install this tool of supply man- agement had met with failure throughout two World Wars. So the reservists set out to discover what the means were by which every attempt to install a single-catalog syatem had been de~ feated. One of them, Lt. Col. Vernon J. Nelson, of Idaho, wrote a letter to the Presi- dent that appeared in the July 6, 1950, Con- GRESSIONAL Recorp. He advised the President that he, along with former Presidents, had had the “wool pulled over their eyes” by the simple device of being told that “there was &@ program under way and great progress was being made.” By this deliberate distortion of the facts, every effort of the supply personnel since before the First World War to establish a single catalog system had been defeated. The same sort of statements have been issued for years. LEGISLATIVE INTERESTS By now these Reserve officers are up in arms. In 1949, Lt. Col. Glenn Rathbun, an infantry officer who hed lost his sight in the Rhine batties, arranged for his Congress- man, Jack Z. ANDERSON, of California, to pro- pose a bill, H. R. 321, to establish a single catalog system for the Armed Forces. The hearings held before the House Armed Berv- ices Commitee brought out that there was a great need for the single catalog system, confirming the Hoover Commission findings, and that the solution was comparatively easy. It was disclosed that a system had been devised by the Office of the Secretary of Defense early in 1048, based upon the wartime experiences, that could have been completed and installed by last spring and by now all the duplicating, costly systems would have been eliminated. The Reserves want to know why their war- time knowledge and experience is being dis- regarded and their hard-won victories over these supply problems are being thrown away, instead of preparing the Nation to meet a new and growing menace. They want to know why the same old methods and systems that had caused them go much trouble have been brought back. And above all they want action. They have written letters to the President, to the Secretary of Defense, and to thelr Congresa- man requesting that a full-scale investiga- tion be made, pointing out that for 40 years there has been a plethora of committees, yoluminous committee reports, directives, consultants, and fine speeches, all designed as stage scenery for the “fine program un- der way, great progress being made’—but no catalog REPORTS MEANINGLESS Experienced Reserve officers say flatly that the present methods never have produced & functioning stock number system and never can, Also they point out that the attempt to give the impression of great progress by issuing glowing reports on numbers of cards processed is meaningless: that cards have been issued for years without any perceptible effect on the development of a catalog system. "The present reports of the Defense Depart- ment spectfically omit any reference to the date when the system will be installed, promising only that by 1962 there will be several million cards avaflabie. With curious frankness it is specifically stated there will not result a single catalog, So the veterans of the American Legion In the national convention at Los Angeles unanimously adopted a bdilstering indict- ment of the supply cataloging system as Presently operated and sent a resolution to the Secretary of Defense thet action be taken immediately to develop and install a sound working system in accordance with the ex- Periences of the last war. It was significant that shortly before the resignation of Secretary of Defense Johnson, & letter was sent him from Colonel Rathbun pointing out that the Secretary had been forced into a false economy program by his advisers; that had he helped to have passed Mr. ANDERSON’s catalog bill, he could have had more savings fall into his lap naturally than all the programs that had aroused so much antagonism and bitterness and brought down upon his head a national ava- lanche of criticism. The Secretary of Defense, who had fool- ishly rejected a method for establishing a single catalog system, has passed from the Washington atage. It is perhaps more than a coinctdence that during the same week of his passing, William H. Harrison, who had wielded a single catalog syatem so effectively during the war quietly moved into the na- tional picture as Administrator of the Na+ tional Production Administration, A single catalog system when developed and made mandatory will act automatically a8 & surgeon's knife to expose the duplica- tion of services and facilities and the enor- mous waste in supply operations; it will have the same effect on bloated bureaucratic em- pires os a sharp pin on an inflated balloon; and it would be the most powerful instru. ment toward unification of the services. Therefore, it ts inevitable that the decisive battle between the bureaucrats and the re- servists for the reforms tn supply operations Proposed by the Hoover Commission and so earnestly desired by the entire Nation will be fought over a single cataloging system—. the key to our national security and sound economy. Norway Is Ready To Fight EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STYLES BRIDGES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 8 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, an article entitled “Norway Is Ready To Fight,” published in the United States News and World Report. This article is a direct report from Oslo, and {s an encouraging and enthusiastic report from the tiny, rugged nation of Norway, which has fought and continues to fight against tyranny and aggression. I commend the article to the attention of all Senators. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rrc- orp, as follows: Norway Is Reapy To Frenr (There’s no talk of appeasement in Nor- way. Once-ocoupied Norway is ready to fight to the last man if Russia moves. De- tenses are being rushed. So is mobilization, Everything is being done to get a small but willing army in fighting trim. Here is a first-hand report from Norway by Robert Kleiman, regional editor of United States News and World Report in central Europe.) Oato-—Norwegians, strengthened by Amer- fean ald, are showing # will to fight that promises the United States a better-than- eyen chance of holding « vital Scandinavian AG68i base against Russia, Norway's military plan- ners do not expect a Russian assault now, but the country is grimly getting ready, just in case. With Finland practically disarmed and Sweden neutral, Norway becomes the main northern outpost barring Russie’s growing sea power from access to the Atlantic, Nore way cannot defend itself unaided. But, with Norwe; tion now being offered en- thusiastioally, the United States hopes to— Make it impossible for Russia to capture Norway by 4 aneak attack. Hold vital Norwegian bases if Ruasia mounts a major assault. In either case, Norwegians alone will take the full brunt of an initial attack. Atlantie Pact plans call for no non-Norwegian forces to be based in this country in peacetime. By 1952, the Aliles expect to have a strategic reserve of ground troops in Britain earmarked for Norway's defense. But, until then, the United States ie dependent on Norwegian ground forces and British-American sea and air power to hold this key strategic area. At stake in Norway is an elongated coun- try that for 1,100 miles Nes athwart the shortest great-circle aerial route to New York from bomber and rocket bases in Russia. In Allied hands, Norway’s southern coast guards the exit from the Baltic, home of Rus+ sia’s main submarine fleet. The Russians have more than 120 submarines in the Bal tic, more than half of them modern, oceans going craft, plus 5 cruisere and 20 destroyers,’ Norway's North Cape dominates Russia's Arctic passage to the open sea. Fearful that the Baltic might be closed by allied blockade, Russia has built a costly Stalin Canal that can take warships, up to light-cruiser size, from Leningrad through Lake Ladoga to the White Sea. In Russian hands, Norway would provide Stalin with the most dangerous series of nate ural submarine bases anywhere on the shore Nine of Western Europe. German bullt sub« marine bases at Trondheim and Bergen are still intact and can service a fleet of 80 U-boats. Too, the west coast 1s ice-free the year around and is indented by deep flords. Russia's Arctic ports are icy many months of the year. That ls why allied atrategis believe Norway will be one of Stalin’s c: objectives if war comes. ' Defending Norway, at this stage, depends heavily on the willingness of the Norwegians to fight. American officials find that the an- swer to that is clear, There 1s less talk of appeasement and neutrality here than in any other capital in the Atlaztic Pact, Partial mobilization already has been started. Since the Chinese attacked in Korea, the whole country has been put on @ 24-hour alert. Draftees scheduled to be released at the end of the year are being held over in service, Organized reserves are being called up as a first step to doubling military manpower this year. Mobilization plans sare being re- hearsed that can put almost half the trained men under arms in 3 hours or lees. Orders already have been issued to the 200,000 troops, reserves and national guards- men to mobilize automatically and resist invasion, even if the Government is para- lyzed by a sneak attack. These unprece- dented orders say: “Continue to resist despite orders to the contrary purporting to come from the King or Government. * * * “Resist even if alone and the attuation seems * * * hopeless. Disregard any threat of reprisals such as bombing of towns.” The Norwegians are preparing for extended guerrilla warfare, if that becomes neceasary, A six months’ supply of grain and other es- sentials has been stockpiled. Caches of food and arms are tucked away in mountain hide- outs.
A682 Air-raid shelters sre under construction and alerts are being practiced In all the cities. Special police are being recruited to counter fifth columnists. The country 16 preparing to follow a scorched-earth policy. Universal military service, already in effect for all youths of 20, is backstopped by the re- cruiting of men 26 to 40 for a national guard. All defense plans have been speeded up. Mititary goals originally set for 1954 have been moved ahead to 1962, Armed strength of Norway, in manpower, dogen't amount to much when compared with the United States, despite the current build-up. About 35,000 men are under arms now. Target for the end of 1951 1s 60,000 men—the equivalent, in terms of population, to 4 3,000,000-man army in the United States, The navy is small, with a backbone of seven former British destroyers. The United States is furnishing numbers of torpedo bouts and considering the transfer of several de- stroyers to Norway. The air force ie small, but it is staffed by high-callber personnel, many of whom fought with the RAF in World War II. The force is equipped with about 100 combat planes—40 of them British jet fighters. Two squadrons of pilots now are being trained in Texas on American jets. Coastal and port defenses, vastly superior to those of 1940, are being strengthened by the addition of American antiaircraft bat- terles. The Norwegians have 80 modern coastal forts that were installed by the Ger- mans during World War II occupation. Many of the big guns are like new. Financing defense means major sacrifices for Norwegians, who have lived even more austerely than the British since the end of the war. Their taxes will have to go up, tmports will be cut, and other belt-tighten- ing measures applied. Norway lives by importing food and manu- factured goods, paying for them with the earnings of its large merchant fleet and exports of paper and pulp, fish, whale oil, and ores. A fifth of the country’s physical assets, including half the merchant feet, was destroyed in the war. The country had just begun to turn the recovery corner in 1950, when new defense burdens came along. Rationing of some foods was dropped only last spring. There were prospects that the country would be able to support itself by 1962. Now, all this ts out the window. Living standards are frozen at the 1950 austerity level, and cuts are likely for later this year. The textile ration is so low it takes 18 months’ ration to buy a man's suit. Women get three pairs of stockings a year. It ts doubtful that a return to general food rationing can be avoided. Defense planning is based largely on the assumption that if Russia moves she will strike at Norway with a massive land-sea- air attack. Russia could draw forces from 90 divisions for such an attack. Chances of holding Norway, or essential bases there, against a major Soviet assault in 1981 are slim. But Norwegian defenses, already atrong enough to counter a sneak at~ tack of the Hitier variety, will give the At- lantic Treaty nations a fighting chance to deny Norwegian bases to Russia if war comes in 1982. Military planners believe that, by 1952, chances will be fair and, by 1953, very good for holding at least a coastal foothoid in Norway against a massive Russian attack. Thia gives the allies at least 15 monthe to prepare for a 1952 attack, since fighting weather doesn’t come to Norway until April. An American officer sums up the outlook in these words: “Norway is the Kind of area we are best suited to defend, because the invaders will have to come by air and sea and would be unable to mass overwhelming ground forces against us. The Norwegians are doing their share to hold a base vital to the defense of the United States. The question Is whether we can supply the arms, the sea and air power that will be needed to counter a Rus- sian attack.” Light in Darkness EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD MARTIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 8 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a front- page editorial entitled, “Light in Dark- ness,” which appeared recently in the Washington Observer. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: LIGHT IN DaRKNESS In this time of almost numb despair—of grief over the seeming failure of our hopes for a lasting peace and a working formula for the world, one gnawing responsibility ig the anxiety of our young men in the col- leges, who are unable to find assurance that they are doing the wise thing in continuing their studies, hoping to find later the proper place in some branch of the service. In a letter to the parents of boys in such a tumult of indecision, the president of a southern university conoludes: “While we wait for exactness of knowledge, we are tell- ing our boys what I think would be the counsel of everybody responsibly placed from General Marshall to our faculty advisers: Wait until you know what js required of you. The country must be saved, of course, but !t is the promise of boys like you that makes the country worth saving. “If you are to be interrupted you will be immensely grateful and I know this fact asa verity, for every lap of progress you made before the interruption, there will be that much less to do when you come back older and hurried. “Use now for coolest reasoning that ex- cellent mind you have. After all, you are not children to be thrown into panio like a frightened herd of sheep. You are a picked group, tested and approved by all of life's standards up to the present moment. Live in terms of your best hope and your finest aspirations, and don’t throw those things away in a desperate gesture of acceptance of what seems the inevitable. “Do today’s work today with full faith that tomorrow is in the hands of a loving God." A 44-Hour Workweek EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STYLES BRIDGES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, February 8 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an article entitled “The Wrong Medicine,” from the January 27, 1951, edition of the Concord Daily Moni- tor, published at Concord, N. H. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There being no objection, the article was ordered to he printed in the Recoxrp, as follows: Tre Wrong MEDICINE A member of the Federal Reserve Board has had the courage to tell Congress that the workweek, before payment of overtime, should be raised from the present 40 hours to 44. The average workweek has crept up about 2 hours in length the past year, under the production demands induced by war and in- flation fears. But it still is only 41.6 hours & ‘week. The payment of time and a half for over- time remains a definite deterrent to further production in a Nation in which there ts no serious unemployment, When originally enacted, at the bottom of depression, the law Hmiting the normal work- week to 40 hours was devised to spread em- ployment, to make it necessary for more workers to be required to do a given job. If it was effective in doing that, and it was, then it follows that it is today an impedl- ment to increasing production in a period during which there will develop serious manpower shortages. The suggested 44-hour workweek at nor- mal pay per hour is acompromise. The more natural workweek would be 48 hours, or six 8-hour days. Beyond that it is probably true that eficlency of workers declines and little ig gained in actual boosting of total produc- tion. Longer hours than 48 a week, if worked occasionally, might further boost pro- duction. The suggestion to lengthen the workweek is not being advanced to reduce wages paid. It is suggested to remove a psychological hindrance to the more efficient use of Amer- ican manpower. Wages can be adjusted in a variety of ways so that no injustice is done anyone. Increased production, in itself, is the surest way to depress and keep prices under control, and if that can be done and inflation ended, then wages automatically are increased, for they will buy more. Boosting the normal workweek under the wage-hour law would tend to establish a new maximum workweek, and in some kinds of employment the workweek would naturally continue at shorter hours. The 8-hour day, 6 days a week, fits into three-shifi operation in any industry in which machinery is part of the production process. It is the only way that maximum production can be obe tained from machinery, and if machine pro- duction can be kept efficient less machinery is needed at a time when the material and manpower to build it 1s needed for other purposes. The changing of the wage-hour law would accomplish far more than will the freezing of wages. There are other Federal laws, invoked in depression, which should also be repealed to permit the national economy to meet cur- rent conditions in such a way as to forestall further inflation. Some inflationary devices when millions are unemployed are one thing but in times lke the present their continua- tion as national policy is an invitation to disaster. The various subsidies are among these other laws. Spain EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. DEWEY SHORT OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. SHORT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the following article, which appeared in the Washington Star of January 28, 1951, While not subscribing to everything said in this article, I think it is essential that all Americans should know some of the things that it states. Personally, Iam very happy that Spain has finally been recognized and that the United States and Spain are to exchange ambassadors. The Honorable Jose Felix de Lequerica, the Spanish Ambassador to this country, is a very fine man, well educated, with a broad knowledge not only of Spain and America but of the whole world. His comprehensive outlook and good inten- tions will do much, I think, to dispel some of the fog that has surrounded our relations and will contribute much to full cooperation between his country and ours in establishing a just and lasting peace. Maprin.—Spain’s strategic geographical position— between the Atlantic and the Mediterranean and sheltered behind the Pyrenees Mountain barrier—is her prime tallitary asset. Franco has said and repeated that he has a million men to fight communism when his motherland's borders are endangered The nation also has important mineral resources, such as mercury and wolfram, of which the western war machine js in short supply. These important trumps are offset, how- ever, by a rickety transportation network and creaking economic system which Gesperately needs dollars, raw materials, and electricity, and is largely deficient in agriculture. TROOPS POORLY ARMED Spain’s troops are sketchily armed and almost completely ignorant of modern tactics and weapons. They are tough and coura- geous and make fine soldiers when properly trained, however, Franco has made no public statement that he would be willing to send them into battle before Spain’s frontiers were attacked. Whether he would permit any part of them to be integrated into General Etsenhower’s European defense forces in ex- change for American arms and fnancial aid remains to be seen. (The new Spanish Am- bassador to the United States has indicated that Spatn would join in Europe’s defenses.) The nation presently has approximately 860,000 men comprising half of the 1948 and all of the 1940 classes under colors. The clase of 1950 has been called for next month with the remainder of the 1948 troops freed a few months later if the international situa- tion warrants. These soldiers are plentifully supplied with smali arms, although a majority are of the 1921 model. Artillery all dates from the Spanish civil war, although 8 prototype of a 106-milltmeter cannon has been made and now is being tested. The tanks are a mix- ture of German, Italian, and Russian models used in the civil war. Spain's navy is composed of 6 cruisers, the most modern of which is the 10,000-ton Canarias, which wes completed in 1936 It also has a number of destroyers, gunboats, and minelayers, The atr force has about 300 planes, less than a hundred of which are in a condition to fly. Jeta have never even been seen in this country. From the military viewpoint Spain’s worst drawback is a poor raflroad and road system, Both would have to be completely over- hauled before a modern army could move over them. Last month the government announced & B-year program to renovate trunk highways. It hopes for American dollar loans to make over the raflroad system. INDUSTRY LAGS The nation’s industry haa been all but at a standstiil the past 3 years, because the longest drought known here nearly emptied the reservoirs and exhausted the electricity resorves. Because of a lack of dollars in- dustry has faced a continuous shortage of raw matertals, The country never has had enough grain to feed its population or livestook. It is also deficient in meat and sugar. A helping hand would be necessary to put all those difficul- ties right before the country could become & positive asset in western defense. But Spain's geographical position alone makes her important to Allied grand strategy: Bombers and fighters based on the Iber~ Jan Peninsula would control the western Mediterranean up to Italy and the Atlantic from Britain to Dekur and as far west as the Azores. Her closeness to Africa, just across the Strnits of Gibraltar, would considerably sim- plify the supply problem. Natural obstacles have less military value in these days of air-transported troops, but with peaks rising well over 10,000 feet in the Pyrenees Mountains, Spain enjoys a rugged bulwark on her northern frontier. If Spain were prepared in advance to receive It, an Allied army could hold out @ long time behind this bulwark. The Allies are anxious to bring Portugal into the defense setup. To do so, however, they must almost certainly include Spain. The Portuguese themselves are insisting that Spain be brought into the Atlantic Pact, They argue that unless the Spaniards stop any Red assault at the Pyrenees, Portuguese deiense efforts would be futile. Use of Portugal's great port of Lisbon in any future war almost certainly would hinge on Spanish cooperation. If Lisbon were used a8 a supply unloading point, there would be no way to move war materials up to Europe except across Spain. Address of Robert E. Smylie, Idaho's Bril- liant Attorney General, at Ground- Breaking Ceremony for Albeni Falls Dam in Idaho EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN T. WOOD OF IDAHO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. WOOD of Idaho. Mr. Speaker, we are building an empire in the Pacific Northwest by harnessing the mighty Co- Jumbia, River and its tributaries to carry our ships, irrigate and reclaim our arid Jands, and develop almost unlimited quantities of hydroelectric energy, at the lowest possible cost. From a resources standpoint, the Co- Jumbia is the mightiest stream on the North American Continent with a power potential of 40 percent of the hydroelec- tric energy that can ever be generated in the entire United States. So stu- pendous is this natural resource that only by comparison can the mind com~ prehend it. The power potential of the Columbia River and its tributaries is nine times as great as the potential of the St.. Lawrence waterway in both Can- ada and the United States, arid 18 times as great as the share the United States will receive. A683 At a ground-breaking ceremony sts- nifying the start of construction on Al- beni Falis Dam in Idaho, one unit in this great river development system, the following address was made by Idsho’s brillant attorney general, Robert E, mylie: [From the Prieat River (Idaho) Timea of February 1, 2951] Fellow Idahoana, this morning marks the ending of a jong and arduous road for the people of the great inland empire—for all the people of the Pacific Northwest. And it marks a commencement. In 1937--13 years ago—the firat recorded step leading to this morning’s ceremony occurred when Synate Committee on Commerce directed Chief of Army Engineers to make a study of the feas~ ibility of constructing a multipurpose dam at Albeini Falls. Since that date there has been frustration, contention and much de- lay. But as the plunger drives home to shoot the first dirt om the project this morning, the construction of Albeni Falls Dam is finale ly underway. Here in thie north country-—land of time ber, mines and mountains—this fs a mean- ingful morning. This is a significant hour for all of the Columbia Basin. It is a mean- ingful morning for all of Idaho, north, south, and central. It marks the beginning of big construction on the upstream power sites in the Columbia River system. It brings the promise of power which will ulti- mately balunce Idaho's economy between agriculture and tndustry, and finally free the upland States of the Columbia Basin from the colonial status of the past—a status induced by geography, by transportation dif- ferentials between the upland States and tidewater, and by the resultant character of our economy, . For those reasons alone it 1s entirely fit- ting that I bring you greetings this morning from our Governor, Len Jordan—sand through him, from the government of the State of Idaho Further, it is entirely fitting that I extend the congratulations of your gov- ernment to all who had a hand in bringing about she commencement of construction which begins here today. It is unnecessary to relate once more that Albeni Falls Dam will figure strongly in the history of this area for many decades to come, It will be immediately important to the effort we are waging to stem the tide of aggression. The dam and the power plant when constructed will deliver a bloc of power that will make significant contribu- tions to development of the industrial mus- cle that we need to man the ramparts of the free world against the dark forces of tyranny, The part that Albeni Falls will play in the defense of our freedom need not claim our entire attention this morning. With expe- dited construction schedules we can count on power to turn the wheels of Northwest industry being “on the line” at an early date. I would prefer, although it seems like dreaming, to consider for awhile the impact of this significant hour on the peacetime economy of our State and region. I prefer to do this because Idaho is an upland State in the Columbia River Basin. In common with the other upper-basin States, we have problems which must not be overlooked if total development of the basin is to become an accomplished fact. Alben! Falls is one step toward complete utilization of the hydroelectric potential on the Columbia-Snake River system. There are other developments which should not, and will not, Jag far behind. There is Pali-~ sades Dam on the Idaho-Wyoming border, the Scriver Creek development in the Bolse area, and there is Libby Dam in Montana. All of these will generate power. And they will also provide additional upstream storage for the generators on the main stem of Columbia River.
A684 As these generators are built, and come into use, they will commence multipurpose utilization of a resource in which the peoples of the upper-basin States have a very real equitable interest. That resource is water. Those of you who know the arid reaches of the Snake River plain know the importance of water in southern Idaho. Water has strung a chain of verdant irrigated valleys along the great curve of Snake River from its source in Wyoming's mountains to where it turns north to meet the Columbia. Those of you who know central Idaho will understand that water there means the dream of river-borne transportation to tide- water. It means that the produce of one of the world’s finest stands of timber can be processed in the forest. I could go on at considerable length to elucidate the meaning of water to the peo- ple of the upper basin. But realistically, on the morning of this mew departure, we should solemnly assess our real interests; how they may be protected and served, and how Idaho may lift herself by proper use of this resource out of the unbalanced economy of the past, and, with the other States of the Northwest, face a bright new industrial future. It 1s not dreaming to say Idaho's glorious history is only a beginning. With inexpen- sive power and fuel, we can overcome the transportation differential that has always held us captive to the tidewater States. There is no dark guilt involved in this old captivity of our economy. Geography blessed Idaho with timber and mountains. But geography also pushed us up against the rim of the continent, far distant from our markets, and from the centers of indus- trial commerce, These rugged overland dis- tances made it impossible to attract process- ing industry unless and until we could offer the compensating advantage of inexpensive power and fuel. With the development of the upper-basin generators, that power will be generated within our own boundaries. It is Idaho’s task to see that at least some of that power is used to develop Idaho. Plainly stated, Idaho and the rest of the upper Columbia Basin territory—and I in- clude all of the Inland Empire-—must insist that an equitable share of the actual power produced at the upper-basin power sites be allocated for use in the upper-basin States, In no other way can we make certain that Idaho's industrial development will keep in step with the tidewater areas of the North- west. This is no dog-in-the-manger attitude. The dams that generate the power will also firm up the storage for the downstream generators at power sites on the lower river system. All that this statement implies 1s that we want final freedom from our geo- graphic disadvantage through application in this State of a resource that the same geog- raphy gives to this State in great measure. If an equitable share of the power that 1s developed here can be used here, and if the navigation system on the two rivers 18 oper- ated to carry water-borne freight to and from Idaho, we can approach industrial and economic equality with the coastal areas of the basin. We can participate fully in the dispersal of existing manufacturing industry. We can attract and create new industry by bringing power and raw materials together. Then there will be an end to our heavy de- pendence on extractive industry. Then we can become an economy healthily tn balance between agriculture, forestry, mining, and industry, The development of the Northwest will go forward. No one disputes that proposi« tion. No one contends that it should be otherwise. We are egreed almost completely on where the power aites should be located, Only the method by which we shall control, divide, and distribute this common resouroe, and how we shall live with it, remain to be decided. Idaho must make certain that when that decision is finally made we are assured of a unified, comprehensive, and basin-wide development which will serve all of the people all over the basin equally. Somewhere between the opposing positions of complete Federal control of the resource and local control of the resource we will find an answer. I, for one, will never willingly abdicate our opportunity to compel usage of these Idaho resources for Idaho’s benefit, But common ground will and must be found between the battle lines now drawn up by the antagonists of this question to which a sens|ble man may in honor repair. For this common ground, all who are determined that the Pacific Northwest shall forge ahead, must search. . Rosrer E. Smyute, Attorney General of Idaho. The Mobilization Chief EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 7, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following editorial from the Daily Evening Item, Lynn, Mass.: Mr. Wiison’s CLARION CALL That was a mighty powerful speech which Defense Mobilization Director Charles E. Wilson delivered lagt night in a Nation- wide broadcast from the White House. Its effect on the striking railroad switchmen was almost instantaneous. The strike ended in the New York area this morning and appeared nearing its close in several other cities. Mr. Wilson’s appeal had the twin virtues of brevity and forcefulness. He didn't scold, he didn’t harangue; he simply laid the sit- uation the line in plain, but simple, potent language. His long experience in deuwling with men as top executive of the General Electric Co, stood him in good stead last night as he fashioned his dramatic request that the men go back to work to end paralysis of the Nation at a time when it is in the greatest danger of its history. The mobilization chief, well remembered by many Greater Lynn residents because of his appearance here last October to open the community fund drive, told the strikers that thelr actions now can hurt the Nation more every day than all the Communist armies in Korea put together. He said that tanks, ammunition, guns, clothing, and equipment destined for fighting American boys in Korea were being halted by the wildcat strike. Unexpectedly moderate in tone—and therefore, that much more effective—the speech pointed out that the switchmen are entitled to fair wages and good working con- ditions, and have every right to use legiti- mate means to obtain them. “But a strike against the whole Nation, depriving millions of men, women, and children here at home of food is not a legitimate means in time of great peril,” he said. There is abundant evidence today that the Wilson speech hit home. Certainly, it left a profound impression on his fellow countrymen in all parts of the Nation, And, incidentally, while we're casting about for Presidential timber for 1952, it might be well to consider this outstanding American who has made so many notable contributions to his country’s service, not the least of Mev was his magnificent effort of last night. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD It Can Be Done EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DEWEY SHORT OF MissoURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. SHORT. Mr. Speaker, the Amer- ican people should read the following editorial which appeared in the Wash- ington Daily News on February 6, 1951: It Can Be Done The bad news from the tax front hit the streets yesterday. To raise a fast $10,000,- 000,000 for rearmament, Treasury Secretary Snyder proposed— Twenty percent tax on new autos—up trom 7 percent. Twenty-five percent on _ refrigerators, radios, television sets—up from 10. Ten cents per pack tax on cigarettes—up from 7. Double the present 144 cents a gallon tax on gasoline. Twelve dollars a gallon tax on whisky, up ae $9, and $12 a barrel on beer—up from And other whopping increases all along the Ine, including income and corporation tax rates, Well, we've got to dig it up ‘omewhere, if we pay as we go in the defense effort— which fs the wise thing todo. But the worri- some fact is that there's a lot of fat in that $71,600,000,000 budget President Truman has bet up. The taxpayers could be a lot more cheerful above paying through the nose if they could only be sure their doilars were going for what they intended. Senator Humpurey, Democrat, of Minne- sota, & strong administration supporter, says the Truman budget can be trimmed by at least $2,500,000,000; and he puts the finger on @ number of welfare-State items. Senator Dovucias, Democrat of Illinois, another administration supporter, set no specific figure, but he’s for cutting to the bone nonessential spending. Senator O’Conor, Democrat, of Maryland. says $5,300,000,000 can be lopped off and Senator Harry Byrn, Democrat, of Virginia, has offered a formula for knocking out $9,100,000,000. The United States Chamber of Commerce calls for a $7,000,000,000 cut. Strike an average of these responsible, de- talled estimates and you get #6,000,000,000. That's approximately what President Truman proposes to ask Congress for still later. It won't be necessary if Congress saves us the $6,000,000,000. It can be done—if Congress resolutely eliminates or slices huge chunks from a lot of the nonessential items which Mr. Tru- man has palmed into the budget, as even his own backers now acknowledge, The Marble Plaques Adorning the Walls of the Chamber EXTENSION OF REMARKS 0} HON. ANTONIO M. FERNANDEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. FERNANDEZ. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude the tenth and eleventh short
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - lated” the Korean war from its begin- sketches being published by the Wash- ington Post with respect to the men hon- ored by the plaques which adorn the walls of the Chamber: Grecosy IX: Hetpxp Copiry Canon Law Gregory IX was pope from 1227 to 1241, a nobleman of Anagni and probably a nephew of Innocent III. Gregory and Frederick I, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, were constantly in conflict. He systematized the Inquisition and en- trusted it to the Dominicanz. Legal nis- torlans remember him for ordering the con- densation of the decretals (papal decisions and decrees) into a single collection. The volume 1g considered an important step to- ward codifying canon law. Gregory was known for his strong charac- ter and tearning. He died on August 22, 1241, while Frederick IZ was advancing against him. The Gregory plaque was done by Thomas Hudson Jones, of Washington. — Innocent III: ANorHer RoMaN STUDENT or Canon anv Cry Law (1161-1216 A. D.) Innocent ITT (1161-1216 A. D.) was elected Pope at the age of 87. Educated at the University of Paris, he became a profound student of civil and canon Iaw. The out- standing characteristic of his reign was the assertion of world power and making supremacy of the spiritual over the temporal authority a working reality. Innocent III had an active interest in law. He constantly presided over the court, inati- tuted ecclesiastical reforms and centralized his administration at Rome. His accomplishments during a dark period in history were much the same as those of Gregory IX—preservation of the remnants of Roman law. Innocent’s greatest triumph was his vic- tory over King John of England. The cuar- rel arose over a dispute on the election to a vacant See of Canterbury. For years the Pope virtually ruled England through his legates. His plaque was done by Joseph Kiselewski of New York City. Untold Facts in the Korean Disaster EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DONALD L. JACKSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. JACKSON of California. Mr. Speaker, I am a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of this House. I re- spect my obligation as a member of that committee. I strive to keep myself in- formed so that I ine in cura into colleagues in t ‘couse of develop- ments that affect the conduct of this Government's foreign affairs. Here is a copy of a monthly maga- gine, the New American Mercury, pub- lished in New York. In this issue of this magazine, its editor, William Brad- ford Huie, reports on a treaty signed in Moscow in February or aaa ireaiy ed a year ago—between Soviet Rus- ey Communist China. Mr. Hule charges that this treaty set the stage for the Communist aggression in Korea. This American Mercury article says that the Chinese Reds “planned and manipu- ning. In this article which is titled “Untold Facts in the Korean Disaster,” Mr. Huie enumerates six points in that treaty he Says was signed by our enemies a year ago in Moscow. And he enumerates, from the letter “A” through the letter “H,” the terms of the treaty concerning the Chinese Communist armed forces, I will not repeat here the amazing terms of this treaty, since I intend to ask permission to incorporate in the Recorp the eutire article as ic appears in the New American Mercury. I recommend that the Members of this House study ‘t carefully. I agree with Mr. Hule, and I quote: Here is an amaiing situ tion—a situation which should be of concern to every Amer- ican. The signing of these agreements was one of the most stgrificant events of our time. It meant, in effect, that a 56,000,000- man Chinese army had been assimilated into the Russian Aimy. Russia had accomplished what American diplomacy in the interest of mankind, should have prevented. But were the American people warned of this pact? Were the terms of this pact published so that we could prepare accord- ingly? The tragic. fact is this: There is reason to helicve that the United States Government itself did not know the terms of the agreements, much less understand their significance. As a@ member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I try to keep informed. I expect my Government to keep me and all other citizens inside and outside of Congress informed of such important events. But until this article reached my desk, I was as much tn the dark as any other American about this treaty— signed a year ago—which has brought death to our soldiers, sailors, and Marines in Korea. I ask why it is that a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of this House must get information—a year after the fact—about such actions that so vitally affect this Nation's welfare from 2 mag- azine instead of from the 3tate Depart- ment. I commend Mr. Huie for the serv- ice rendered this country by informing us of this dastardly compact between our eneinies. But I ask, Why did not our Govern- ment discover the terms of this treaty? And if it did know of this treaty, why did it not inform the Congress and the people? And why did it not act to pre- vent the aggression which is taking American lives in Korea? Under unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the article from the New American Mercury: UNTOLD PACTS IN THE Korean Disaster (By William Bradford Hute) (Norz.—In the preparation of this article the author had the assistance of Ralph Wal- lace, who made a special trip to Pormosa and Tokyo; of Freda Utley, author of numerous books on the Orient; and of intelligence off- cers of the British, American, and Chinese Nationalist Governments.) When some future Gibbon considers the present period in American history, he prob- ably will record that in the year 109650 the quality of leadership in this Nation reached a melancholy low. It was another of those tragic eras, he will write, when a vigorous, aspiring people found themselves dcfeated A685 and despondent because they had neglected to seek out wise men to lead them. Why, our Gibbon will ask, did the Amer- jean peoples people who had known Waah- ington and Hamilton and Madison and Line coin, & commonsense people capable of giving substance to the Western ideal, a people who had survived Valley Forge and challenged the Rocky Mountains in covered wagons, a people whose cause Tom Paine had said was the cause of mankind—why did such a people allow metiiocre men to exercise power when the demand so obviously was for greatness? The story of how we wasted the warm young blood of Tarawa and Iwo Jima, and allowed the Asian masses to be armed against us—this is a story which American parents must understand so that, if we have the chance, we can recount it to our children. Tt’s a bitter story, for first it's the story of a Yew Americans who were traitors: men whose minds and bodies wére actually in the employ of the enemy. It’s a dispiriting story be- Cause it's the story of men who were heroic, of men who were honest and sincere and patriotic, of men who wanted to do good, but who lacked vision, who lost sight of the realities, who did the bidding of traitors, and who, therefore, brought this Nation and the cause of mankind to disaster. It isn't traitors who do the most mischief to free men; it’s the dupes of traitors. Finally, it's a warning story, a story of a people who knew more than their leaders but who had delegated too much, who had allowed their leaders to operate in secrecy, who had neglected to im- pose those checks and balances which the fathers of our liberties warned us to main- tain. The Mercury, in subsequent issues, will document this story eo that no reasoning man can. misunderstand it. Here, we erect the skeleton on which to wark, and we detail events which led to the military disaster in Korea. THE FIRST ERROR Every American schoolboy should be re- quired to repeat: “The key to power tn the Orient is Manchuria,” Only Manchuria oon- tains the minerals necessary to modern in- dustrial! and military power. Japan fought Russia for Manchurian concessions in 1904. Japan invaded and took Manchuria in 1931. It was power from Manchuria that enabled the Japanese to thrust southward in 1937 and then challenge the United States in 1941. We fought Japan, essentially, for Manchuria; it was Manchurla that the blood of Tarawa and Iwo Jima should have purchased for the cause of mankind. Roosevelt went to Yalta in February, 1945, to persuade the Ruasians to enter the war against Japan. The Russians had no inten- tion of staying out of the war; they were just waiting until we had created the vacuum so that they could march tn. And what they did the Russiana want? Con- cesstons in Manchuria, But it was our men who had died for Manchuria. How could we bargain away Manchuria without break- ing faith with our own dead? Among the President's advisers at Yalta was Alger Hiss: and Hiss was there because @ large group of men in our State Depart- ment wanted Russia to haye Manchuria. Also among the President's advisers were General Marshall and General MacArthur. (General MacArthur did not accompany the President to Yalta; but his advice was sought and given on concessions to Russia.) And here is a saddening fact: Both General Mar- shall and General MacArthur were willing to make concessions in Manchuria to “induce” Russia to enter the war. The generals were victims of the world's poorest intelligence service. By 1945 Japan was on her knees, trying to make peace, yet General Marshall and General MacArthur both be- Heved that Japan was still so strong that we should give away the prize for which we had
A686 fought. So it's a fact that General Marshall and General MacArthur urged Roosevelt to make the same concessions to Russia which Hiss and the State Department traitors and foola were urging him to make. Those who doubt that MacArthur could make such an error will have their evidence when the papers of James Forrestal are pub- Mshed. For here is another fact: Forrestal, alone among the major figures in our Gov- ernment, opposed making any concession to get Russia into the war against Japan. To know that Forrestal took this posi- tion—he was alao supported by George F. Kennan in the State Department and by Admiral William D, Leahy—is important to ‘us now; it reassures us that our Nation has not ceased to produce great men of vision; we have ceased placing them in positions of power. THE FATAL ERROR The error at Yalta, while serious, was not beyond correction in 1946. The Russians had their concessions in Manchurla-—rail- roads and ports; they had looted its indus- tries; but the Chinese Nationalist Govern- ment was struggling to exercise control and Russta was pledged to respect this control. There were no Chinese Communists in Man- churia; the Japs had kept them out. It was then that Truman and Marshall, under the influence of the State Departrment knaves and fools, made the fatal error. In- stead of sending Marshall to China with instructions to aid Chiang Kai-shek in the destruction of the Chinese Communists, Tru- man sent Marshall with instructions to compel Chiang Kai-shek to embrace the Communists. THE EVENTS OF 1950 In February 1950 a treaty and a series of agreements were signed by the Russian and Chinese Communist governments. Our Gov. ernment should have learned the terms of the pact, From its actions, apparently, it did not; our inteligence is so incompetent. Here, published for the first time, are the more important terms: 1, Russia was to send 45,100 Soviet per- sonnel to China, of which 12,000 were to be assigned to the army, 8,000 to the air force, 8,000 to the navy, 5,000 to the poli- tical sphere, 12,000 to industrial develop- ment; and 5,000 to cultural and educational flelds. Each company in the Chinese Army was to have at least one Russian political adviser, with the number of advisers being multiplied in the higher echelons. 2. All mineral, oil, forestry and food re- sources of China were to be developed by joint commissions of Russians and Chinese. 8. To ensure the solidarity of the ruling position of the laboring classes China and Ruasia would cooperate fully in the field of economics and culture, (Portraits of Lenin and Btalin now hang in every Chinese bar- racks and mess hall; all troops sing the In- ternationale; ail Chinese teachers must take & course in Soviet oulture and aspirations; and Chinese school books are being altered to tell the Russian story.), 4. There was to be complete cooperation between all persons of both countries con- nected with security. Under this term the Russians immediately installed in the Chi- nese Army the Russian system of compart- mentation of secrets; and this system defies the best intelligence agents. 5. To help solve the economic difficulties of the Chinese Russia agreed to employ Chi- nese jobless laborers. This is the vicious term which enables the Chinese Reds to eend to Russia all the political undesir- ables—-and it enables Russia to recruit slave laborers from the inexhaustible Chinese pool, Already, under this term, more than 500,- 000 Chinese have been sent to Russia, When the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh Chinese armies rebelled in South China last year, the armies were broken up and the men gent to Siberian labor camps. 6. To meet Soviet emergency needs on the European front in a‘future war, the People's Government of China agreed to send laborers and expeditionary forces to, serve under the Soviet high command. Qn matters particularly concerning the Chinese armed forces here were the terms of the Moscow and Harbin agreements: (a) ‘she Chinese army was to consist of 5,700,000 men, (b) Russia was to be in control of train- ing the Chinese army. (c) Russia was to control aviation, navy, radar, communications and meteorology. (d) Russia was to begin the immediate training and equipping of 60 Chinese divi- sions. (e) Russia was to transfer to China: 600 war planes and all the Japanese naval craft awarded to Russia at the end of World War II. Russia was also to send several regiments of antiaircraft troops to protect the Chi- nese airflelds, (f) Russia and China agreed to the inten- sive development of an International Army Corps with soldiers of all Asiatic nations serving in the ranks, (g) Russia was given 12 air bases in China, from Hami to Shanghai. Russia was also given naval bases at Port Arthur, Dairen, Yongkow, Ching-Hwang-Lao, Hu-Lu-Tao, Taku, Chefoo, Tsingtao and Lien-Yung-Kang. (h) China and Russia agreed to operate in all future military operations under a joint Sino-Soviet staff. After the signing of this pact there was the usual all-night banquet in the Kremlin. Stalin's principal toast to the Chinese was this: ‘To your victory in all Asia.” And Mao replied: ‘To world victory of communism in 1952." Now here is an amazing situation—a sit- uation which should be of concern to every American. The signing of these agreements was one of the most significant events of our time. It meant, in effect, that a 5,000,000- man Chinese army had been assimil- ated into the Russian army. Russia had ac- complished what American diplomacy, in the interest of mankind, should have pre- vented. But were the American people warned of this pact? Were the terms of the pact pub- lished so that we could prepare accordingly? The tragic fact is this: There is reason to be- lieve that the United States Government it- self did not know the terms of the agree- ments, much less understand their signifi- cance, Most Americans, no doubt, assume that our Government, being reasonably intelli- gent, maintains agents in China to gather in- formation on the activities of the Chinese Government. Here is the truth: In the first six months of 1950 our Government did not have a single agent in Peiping or in all of China. The Chinese Nationalists, being enemies of the Chinese Communists, do maintain an excellent espionage network in China. So most Americana, no doubt, assume that our Government maintains expert liaison with Chinese Nationalist intelligence. Here is the truth: For a period of 9 months be- fore June 15, 1950, not a single American intelligence officer had visited the headquar- ters of Chinese Nationalist intelligence on Formosa. Why? Because our State Department was clearing the ground for the recognition of the Chinese Communist government; and there was a a State Department directive against our intelligence offlcers going to Formosa. And here is one more point. Most Ameri. cans have been led to believe that our Cen- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tral Intelligence Agency is of some impor- ’ tance. If that were so, in 1050, surely it would have been employing expert Chinese agents. The truth is this: During 1950 what few Chinese were employed by the CIA were first screened by John Davies, of the State Department, and Mr. Davies has written: “The destiny of China belongs to the Com- munists.” Since, however, our Government does for- mally recognize the Chinese Nationalist Government as the legal Government of China, there is a Chinese Embassy in Wash- ington, and Chinese intelligence is submit- ted both to the Pentagon and to the State Department. The evaluation of the intelli- gence is left to Americans. But here is the situation regarding the Chinese Nationalists in Washington. The head of our Defense Department is General Marshall. The Chinese Nationalists distrust General Marshall; they blame him for their defeat in China. At the State Department, Acheson, Jeasup, John Davies, Hiss—they have all believed that “the destiny of China lies with the Communists.”1 The State Department is- sued the directive against American intell{- gence officers consulting on Formosa with Chinese Nationalist intelligence. So how welcome are the reports of Chinese National- ist intelligence at our State Department? In May 1950--3 months after the sign- ing of the Sino-Soviet pacts, and many months after the Russians had begun re- training and reequipping the Chinese Red armies—our press and our State Department were telling Americans that ‘Mao is devel- oping into another Tito"; that "Red China's interests must conflict with those of Russia”; that “Russia cannot influence China’s des- tiny.” Here is a sequence of facts which should demonstrate to any reasonable American the appalling inadequacy of our leadership. 1. The Sino-Soviet agreements were signed in February and March 1950. Our Govern- ment either didn’t know the terms, or it didn’t act accordingly. 2. In April 1950, the Chinese Red army of Gencral Lin Piao captured the tron-rich is- land of Hainan, which is off the southern- most coast of China. 3. In May 1950, Lin Piao’s troops began transferring from the far south of China to the far north—to Manchuria. Chinese Na- tionalist intelligence transmitted this infor- mation to the Pentagon and to the State Department. The intelligence transmittal also contained this information about Lin Piao: he is the youngest and ablest of the Chinese Red field commanders. His field army of about 1,500,000 men was the first to be reequipped and retrained under the Sino-Soviet pact Lin Piao is the protégé of Marshal Rodion Malinovsky, and is regarded by the Russians as completely trustworthy. The juriadictton of Lin Piao's field army 1s southern China; it had just concluded the occupation of Hainan. Now why, in May 1950, would Lin Piao’s army start moving all the way across China to Manchuria? Chinese Nationalist intelligence reported to the Pentagon in May 1950 that Lin Piao’s movement to Manchuria could indicate only one thing: an imfMiinent attack on South Korea. 4. Meanwhile, our Government had de- cided on a policy for South Korea: We had withdrawn our arma; if it were attacked, we would not defend it. No American military man believed that we could stccessfuly de- fend South Korea, 5. On June 26, 1950, there was an in- vasion of South Korea, and at 6 p, m. on 18tate Department white paper on China, p. 573.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD this date 1t was the policy of the Unt States not to intervene. No military man beleved that we should intervene. But be- tween 6 and 8 p. m., the President, in con- ference with Dean Acheson and General Marehall, decided on a policy of intervention. 6. The divisions which !ed the North Ko- rean attack on the South Koreans were di- visions which had been a part of Lin Piao's army. The Korean War, from the beginning, was a war between the United States and South Korea, on the one side, and Russia and Red China on the other. North Ko- rean troops were employed during the pe- riod when no other troops seemed neces- sary. %. During July and August of 1950 Chinese Nationalist intelligence informed the Penta- gon and the State Department that more Chinese Red divisions were pouring into Manchuria. And what else could this pos- sibly mean except that these troops were to be employed, if necessary, in Korea? 8. To this last question our Government came up with the most amazing answer of all. Every American should memorize this fact: The American people were told by their Government that movement of Lin Piao's troops into Manchuria was & hopeful sign. It was hopeful because it indicated that China was stiffening her resistance to Rus- sia. 9. Late in October 1950, just before the elections, the President flew to Wake Is- land to confer with General MacArthur. The President took slong as his adviser, Dr. Philip Jessup. Dr. Jessup subscribes to the view that the future of China Hes with the Communists; his advice has helped bring this country to disaster. And at Wake it was decided by MacArthur, Jeasup, and Truman that our troops could push to the Manchuria border in safety because, obviously, the Chi- nese Communists would not intervene. 10. Early in November 1050, intelligence was transmitted to our Government to this effect: the troops opposing the United Na- tions Armies in North Korea are not North Koreans: they are troops of the International Army Corps of Russia and China. The whole invasion of South Korea was planned by the Sino-Soviet staff; Red China has been in the war from the beginning, and will com- mit whatever troops are necessary to drive the Americans from Korea. 11. On November 24, 1950, General Mac~ Arthur visited the front lines in Korca and launched his home-for-Christmas invasion. He said that he was now opposed by only “scattered remnants” of a defeated enemy. 12. On November 26, 1950, disaster was in the making, and MacArthur announced that “more than a million” Red Chinese troops were already in Korea, Now the questions which every American citizen bas the right to ask are these: If MacArthur knows the Orient, why did he completely misunderstand the character of the Korean War? Why was he so confident that the Chinese Reds would not enter a war which they had planned and manipulated from the beginning? If, when he launched his home-for-Christmas offensive, he knew that he was confronted by a million Red troops in Korea, why did he spread out his army in an insane offensive? And if he didn't know that “Chinese hordes” of a mil- lion men were immediately in front of him, why didn’t he? Has our intelligence sunk to so low a state that even in the field, and with complets command of the alr, we can't lo- cate a million men in front of our armies? In the Korean debacle the President, Acheson, Marshell, and MacArthur have given this Nation the sorriest military lead- ership in ite history. New England Wholesale Meat Dealers EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 7, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following telegram: Boston, Mass., February 7, 1951. Hon. Trtomas J, LANg, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C.: \ The New England Wholesale Meat Dealers Association has today sent the following tele- gram to Eric Johnston, Administrator, Eco- nomic Stabilization Agency, and Michael V. DiSalle, Director of Price Stabilization, in Washington, D. C.: “An acute shortage of meat for consumers in the New England area threatens. We urge every effort be made to insure the neces- sary flow of meat to this area through the normal channels of distribution at once, Pending the formulation of over-all dollar- and-cents ceiling prices, it is imperative that dealers be permitted to purchase meat at prevailing offering prices and to resell said meat with a normal operating markup. The present price squeeze is most harmful to both meat dealers and the general consumer public in this area. “Our organization is mindful of the mag- nitude and complexity of the problem con- fronting the Director of Price Stabilization, and desires to cooperate in every way. We stund ready to send our representatives to confer with you immediately and to assist in this emergency. We ask for your prompt response to this communication, and hope for favorable action and speedy relief.” We respectfully request your immediate assistance in this emergency, and urge that you take whatever action you deem appro- priate to apprise the Administrator of the Economic Stabilization Agency and the Di- rector of Price Stabilization of the pressing need for immediate relief in the New England area, New ENGLAND WHOLESALE Meat Draters A“SOCIATION, Harotp WIvETT, General Counsel. Leaders of Organized Labor Should Think Twice Before Supporting Socialist Program EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 6, 1951 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, al- though their efforts have been remark- ably unsuccessful, labor leaders in the United States, long have tried to deliver the union vote, for local, State, and Na- tional candidates, whose records have marked them as Socialists, in fact if not in name. They did their best to help return the Truman administration to power in 1948, A687 Possibly at that time, and under the oir cumstances then existing, they did help in small degree. At any rate, they made the welkin ring with claims that they reelected Harry 8S. Truman, It seems that he believes it, too. But now we stand at the threshold of world war III. Things are far different from the cushy days of 2 years ago. Now it 4: clear to all of us, that the Tru- man administration's policies have brought this Nation face to face with a dreadful emergency; a peril more deadly than any since the infant days of the Republic. The American people, organized labor included, now understand that they must forget the good old days. They know that now they must give us their easy way of living. They know they must buckle down to hard work and sacrifice. Work and sacrifice, while their sons fight, and many of them die, in God only knows what war theaters, in what parts of the world. And in this last and greatest of national emergencies, the Truman ad-~ ministration falters. It vacillates from day to day, from hour to hour. It falls prey to the doubts and uncertainties, the fears which are common to leaders, who fall short of leadership; who are leaders only in name. In the desperation begotten of total unwillingness to admit and correct its own mistakes, us might be expected, the Truman administration turns to the brand of British-type socialism, which it vainly imagines American labor supports. The Truman administration seeks to discipline the American people for war by means of more socialistic regimenta- tion instead of less, Evidently the ad- ministration distrusts the American pso- Fe and feels it dare not leave chem free to discipline themselves at all. Possibly in this the administration suffers a misgiving that the American people are finally aware of its blunder- ing incompetence; that most Americans harbor an even greater distrust of Tru- man administration leadership. But, however that may be, in its un- certainty and confusion the administra- tion seeks on the one hand to socialize the economy and regiment the people while on the other it makes gestures of appeasement to the supporters of free enterprise and individual liberty. In trying to be all things to all men; in trying to please everyone, the Tru- man administration pleases nobody, And of all those who now are dis- pleased, the labour leaders how! the loud- est. They are learning something they never knew before about socialism and socialistic techniques. The Sesson they are just beginning to learn here is explicit in some things that are happening in labor-socialist Great Britain. ‘The lesson is all the more easy to learn from what {s happening in Eng- land because over there the process of nationalization ts far advanced. It 1s @ lesson which American labor support- ers of socialism should study with close attention.
A688 Now the story of what is happening in Britain Js somewhat hard to follow. So I hope my listeners will bend a care- ful ear. T shall begin by saying that some- times a chance remark is more reveal- ing of a situation, even one of national or worldwide importance, than is long discussion by those best qualified to formulate and express opinions. This happened recently when an ob- scure Laborite member rose in the British Parliament to talk on a minor Matter affecting his constituency. The Member of Parliament said in effect: The trouble is that we have largely socialized our national economy, without socializing our trade unions. Afterward he was quoted as admitting that he said more than he intended, He had meant only that British labor unions, while dominating the Labor- Socialist government, have retained merely a sectional, rather than a na- tional outlook. But his remark apparently made a deep impression. Political observers in England now point to the fact British Jabor has lost its smartest leaders to the Government, where they are forced to think on the national level. Tt is said that British labor, having lost these men, has failed to maintain a level of intelligent thinking to com- port with its dominant position politi- cally. Many important political writers in Britain now appear to think that trade unionism presently will be subordinated in government, to the fast growing in- fluence of labor-socialist intellectuals. These intellectuals comprise a lily- fingered clique outside the labor unions. Their interest in the labor movement and in socialism is purely ideological, and perhaps more opportunistic than idealistic. Certainly they have no prac- tical interest in the advancement of trade unionism itself. Sir Stafford Cripps was leader of this group until his health failed. Now, the comments of British political observers are based upon two glaringly obvious facts, with respect to the factions in the badly split Labor-Socialist Party. One fact is that British trade-unions are strongly opposed to further nation- alization. They call it a pause, to con- solidate gains; but there is reason to think it something far different. The other fact is that Labor-Socialist intellectuals are fighting to rush nation- alization through to completion. This is to be expected of men, who are not interested in people, but solely in an ideology. It is said that Prime Minister Attlee’s willingness to compromise with the in- tellectuals, is all that holds the party to- gether, against the assaults of Winston Churchill and his Conservatives. And now the lesson for American labor leaders begins to emerge. In Great Britain they have gone far toward socializing the entire economy; while neglecting, or refusing, to socialize the labor unions, To do this, would be to make the unions a part of the Govern- ment; or at least, to put them completely , under Government control. This is what was done in Soviet Rus- sia. The realists of the Kremlin under- stood that when organized labor assumes control of the government, or even when it overtly tries to do so, it ceases to be organized labor. It becomes a political party. Labor unions, as such, properly can be appurtenant only to a free-enterprise economy. Under a completely social- ized economy, the government is the only employer. The government is dedicated, theoretically at least, to full employ- ment, and highest possible living stand- ards for everybody without exception. Under such conditions, labor unions have no valid reason for existence. Yet in Great Britain, the labor unions continue their traditional fight for higher wages and easier working condi- tions, at the expense of other segments of the population. At the same time, they dominate the Government, which is committed to provide these things for everyone, Organized labor in the British Isles would appear to be in the position of a man up against a judo expert, bound to be seriously hurt, if not destroyed, by its own strength. Quite possibly the crities of the think- ing now being done by the British trade- union leaders, as leaders of a faction within the Government, are completely wrong. Possibly those leaders are smart- er than their critics think. Perhaps they understand the real rea- son for the rising power of the Labor- Socialist intellectuals, who would rush socialism in Britain to its logical con- clusion. Could it be that they are beginning to realize that complete socialization means complete destruction of trade unionism in the British Isles? Is that why trade- union leaders now seek to halt the prog- ress of socialization? In view of these things, the enthusi- asm of American labor leaders for so- cialism in this country might not be so great if they stopped to think. They might slow up, too, in their efforts to transform American organized labor into a Labor-Socialist political party. It was unfortunate for British labor, 88 & political party, that its government had so far committed itself to nation- alization of the iron and steel industries that it could not draw back. Now let me draw a conclusion from all this. The wise old Samue)] Gompers al- ways held that organized labor, when it enters politics, carries with it the seeds of its own destruction. No wiser decision ever was made by the rank and file of American organized Jabor than the decision which took them to the polls last November, as Americans first, and labor unionists afterward. As individuals, their wisdom was far greater than that of their leaders. It was thinking along these lines, in part, which compelled me long ago to oppose any and all legislative measures toward socializing the American econ- omy, and to look with disfavor on labor unions in politics. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Sell-Out of Principles at Yalta EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, Febru- ary 7, 1945, will go down in the annals of American history as the day on which America sold her ideals for a mess of international politics. Until that day, 6 years ago, honor and a high regard for morality and justice had characterized our international dealings. We had not always been successful in our diplomacy, but we had acted with firm regard for moral principles. . At Yalta, however—let us face the facts—this democracy, which is dedi- cated to the ideals of human justice and equality, agreed to the partition of Po- land and thereby sold millions of Polish patriots into lifelong slavery, The very people in that country who had been our most loyal and self-sacrificing allies were the ones who were most injured and endangered by this shameful negotiation at Yalta. The time is past for futile and parti- san recriminations. The results are a national disgrace, and the time is long overdue for national recognition of that fact. Repudiation of the persons in- volved is not enough. We should imme- diately proclaim that the Yalta agree- ment no longer forms any part of our present foreign policy, and pray that the international situation will improve suf- ficiently so that the glorious nation of Poland will be freed from its present terrible fate to which we contributed so materially. Thinking Is Tremendous Moral Force in World EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OT MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 6, 1951 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, we all hear a lot about the importance of little things. We hear that minor events often sway the fates of nations. The missing horseshoe nail is the classical illustration of this belief. Nevertheless the fact remains that, almost invariably, great events grow out of great ideas. And sad to say, this is rue whether those ideas be good or evil. At any rate, behind all the happen- ings which determine the long-term trends of world affairs—behind the things men live by and for—always there jig the thinking of individual men. Sometimes that thinking- is done tn the press of public life, in the course of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RFCORD debate over the policies which shall guide the life of a nation. Sometimes it is done in the quiet of a college professor’s study, or in the attic room of a man who lives in the world of ideas, with small thought of material things. Such thinking has been known to take place even in the flelds, as a plowman followed his plow; or, indeed, in such a spot as the forlorn office of a country lawyer in a raw frontier town. But always this thinking, which serves as the seed of great events, is thinking of such originality and force, either for good or evil, that raen take it into their hearts and nourish it, each after his own secret desire. I believe that you will agree with me that such thinking is a tremendous moral force in the world. It is so because it appeals to the decpest instincts of the human heart. Now it sometimes happens, as any student of history knows, that two or more of these forces find expressio.. and wield their dynamic power upon man- kind all at the same time. In fact it is manifestly true that the world, as we know it, is the outward appearance of a sort of unstable com- promise, in the unceasing conflict be- tween differing ideologies—some of them good, some of them bad. This conflict of ideas, and the unstable compromise, we see all about us today. The world we live in is a world wherein only the most temporary stability is achieved, in anything, anywhere. The world-wide ideological conflict we have today has been fought economi- cally and politically for a number of years. We have called it the cold war. Now it is being fought in part by force of arms. God grant that the present little war does not become 1 third global war, This ideological conflict, of course, is between totalitarianism and coamunism on the one side, and free enterprise and individualism on the other. On the one hand, the individual counts for nothing, and exists only for the wel- fare of the state. On the other, the in- dividual is of first importance, and the state exists only for his welfare. Now all of these considerations, and particularly that of the tremendous ideological forces set free in the world by the thinking of individual men, lead up to an observation I wish to make. And here it is. In January 1848, almost exactly 102 years ago, when Karl Marx and Freder- ick Engels issued their infamous Mani- festo, outlining and advocating the phi- losophy of socialism and communism, Abraham Lincoln was just beginning his term as a Member of the House of Repre- sentatives in Washington. In the same month, of the same year, two great ideological forces came into being; forces which have battled for possession of the minds and hearts of all men, until this very day Lincoln, the rail-splitter, and Lincoln, the young lawyer, in the frontier town of Springfield, must have thought some at least of the great thoughts, which he XCVII—App.——44 first expressed before the Congress of the United States, As the farm boy, who read the Bible in the light of the rude fireplace in his fa- ther’s log cabin, and as the young lawyer, who found it hard to make both ends meet, Lincoln must have been inspired to some degree with the concepts of moral grandeur, which made him great. In those days of his boyhood and young manhood, Lincoln must have laid the groundwork of that compassionate philosophy, that ideology of human un- derstanding, which guided him as Presi- dent of the United States, when the in- stitution. of human slavery threatened the existence of the Federal Union. Marx and Engels, as we know, stood for the enslavement of all men, at the hands of a few proletarian leaders, whom they thought would come into power through class conflict. They did not Lelieve in the equality of all men. Both were far removed Zrom the or- dinary lives of mankind. They knew little of the joys and sorrows, the tri- umphs and defeats, of the average man. They knew little of human affairs, and apparently, even less of moral and ethi- cal considerations. To them, Christian- ity wasa mockery. They were inhuman, because they dealt solely in theories. But Lincoln was a man of the people. He understood them completely. He knew their joys and sorrows, their tri- umphs and defeats. And his deep re- ligious faith colored all his thinking with gentle compassion, with a profound belief in the essential goodness of man- kind. Lincoln had, above all, the com- mon touch. Yet Lincoln was not a materialist. He believed passionately in the spiritual concept of human life. He believed, per- haps more than anything else, that men, as spiritual beings, are born as brothers, equal in all things, and entitled to those essential liberties, without which human dignity cannot exist. Lincoln’s predecessors in the White House, great as some of them were, wit- nessed the institution of human slavery in this land, dedicated in the beginning to the proposition of human Hberty. And they did not overtly condemn it, So it remained for Lincoln to become the first great exponent of this proposi- tion, that all men are created free. He became, and still remains in the hearts of all mankind, the world’s truest and greatest symbol of freedom for every in- dividual, regardless of race, color, creed, or economic condition. But Lincoln believed that individual liberty is possible, only when accom- panied by individual responsibility. And so it followed that he believed in, and supported by all that he said and did, the system of free enterprise, which has made this the happiest and strongest Nation on the globe. Lincoln made all Americans free. He preserved the Federal Union. He taught the homely virtues of patience, humor, friendliness, and common honesty. And it was subsequent to the Civil War that the United States began its climb to un- paralleled prosperity and world leader- ship. - theory and practice. A689 Who can say, then, that it was not Lincoln’s influence, in large measure, which made it possible for us to reach our present happy estate? But as I said in the beginning, now it has happened that throughout more than half the world’s land area, and among more than a third of the world’s population, the evil teachings of Marx and Engels have gained the ascendancy. Socialism and communism are on the march in the unhappy lands abroad. Indirect attempts are being made to im- pose the monstrous philosophy of totali- tarian socialism on the American people. Can it be that much of the trouble in the world today has come about because we, the Nation to which all the world has looked as the bulwark of human lberty, have become cynical? Have we departed from the teachings of the Great Emancipator? If we have, it is time that we turned back. If we do not, then all the world may descend into the ultimate darkness of slavery, under Marxian communism, Veterans’ Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES 1. DOLLIVER OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. DOLLIVER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RecorD, I include the following state- ment by Omar B. Ketchum, National Legislative Director of the Veterans of Foreign Wars: The Eighty-second Congress is in session and ths Elghty-first Congress is now his- tory. Insofar as veterans’ legislation {6 con- cerned the Highty-first could well be tagged the “Eighty-worst.” The Eightieth Congress, roundly denounced in 1948 as the “worst Congress in history,” was a giant of accome pliishment compared to the Eighty-first. By Omar B. Kerouum, VFW National Legislative Director. How To Get the World on Our Side EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. LOUIS B. HELLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. HELLER. Mr. Speaker, Joseph Laffan Morse is president of Unicorn Press, one of America’s largest book- publishing houses, and editor in chief of the New Funk & Wagnalls Encyclopedia, America’s newest encyclopedia, com- pleted less than a year ago, and already yecognized as one of the world’s finest encyclopedias. He was always @ close student and opponent of the Marxist As editor in chief of the encyclopedia he headed a large
A690 staff for gathering facts from the far corners of the earth. An immense ot of data flowed through his office daily. Before the great task of compiling and editing the 36 volumes of the encyclo- pedia was over, he had come to two frightening conclusions—that we were losing and would inevitably lose the cold war, and that for the same or similar reasons we might very well lose the hot war. He saw the Communists waging a new kind of war on the world—what he calied ultra-modern war, in which the processes of the old-fashioned kind of war are reversed, the destruction of a people's will to resist being attacked and destroyed before the shooting begins. In this new type of war resistance forces, guerrilla armies, are created before the regular armies are thrown into battle, and frequently accomplish the over- throw of a nation without the use of regular troops at all. This, we recognize, as the method of conquest of the Soviet Union. The im- portant point he saw is that such war- fare is carried on not by a governmental agency, which is powerless to do So unless it is actually at war with the nation un- der attack, but by a private, supra-gov- ernmental agency, the private organiza- tion of people called the Communist Party. He, therefore, proposed over a year and a half ago the formation of a Democratic International, organized as the Comin- tern was organized, backed with substan- tial funds to begin its activities, and led by the best military and political brains the free nations can provide, It would constitute a sort of private army, similar in structure to the Communist Party, of skilled and trained men of all nations, whose aim would be to preserve democ- racy in the countries in danger of inva- sion by the iron curtain countries and to ont revolution within the iron curtain Leading public opinion is today swing- ing toward a political solution of our dif- ficulties, because the dangers of total military warfare to the free world itself are becoming daily more apparent. This daring plan Mr. Morse contends fur- nishes the outline of the instrumentality which could create and supply the revo- lutionary forces within the iron curtain and crush communism without the need of resort to world war III. An article describing this plan ap- peared in the August 2, 1949, issue of Look magazine. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include this article and strongly urge that it be read by my colleagues: How To Ger tur Worip on Our Srpp—We've Gor To Orcanizt Otr Farenps iw OTHER Lanos To Ficut tus Communists Wits ‘Trem Own WEAPONS (By Joseph Laffan Morse, editor in chief, New Funk & Wagnalls Encyclopedia) We Americans bitterly hate war. We hate it so much we cannot bear to face the fact that it is coming. Military experts agree the Soviet armies could today march almost un- opposed through Europe and Asia. The only thing that stops them is our possession of the atomic bomb. ry We face this hard choice: Strike now in & preventive war or walt and hope—until Russia has a stockpile of atomic bombs. Both alternatives are bad. We do not wish to bring death to millions of innocent peo- ple; nor to gamble that we ourselves will suffer the indescribable horror of atom bombing. What can we common people do? Is there no way out? I say there is a way, but it will take huge determination and ingenuity, courage, and sacrifice. The pattern of what we need to do already exists. It is the pat- tern followed by the men in the Kremlin ns they have won their victories in Europe and Asia. We can use their own weapons to destroy them We need to create a democratic interna- tional, similar to the Communist Interna- tional, but for democratic purposes. The avowed aim of the Oomintern was Commu- nist revolution in all countries. The pur- pose of the democratic international should be democratic counterrevolution in all Com- munist countries, and the destruction of communism throughout the world. The Democratic International should be a movement of democratic peoples, not their governments, in exactly the same way that the Comintern was an international move- ment of Communists and not of Soviet Russia, As a first step, democratic leaders from all nations should assemble to plan for world-wide action. This great meeting, making public our goals, would parallel the historic Moscow meeting in 1919 of the Third Communist International. Next, we should organize a secret invasion army—an international army of a million specialists. These must be spies, secret agents and organizers, saboteurs, propa- gandists, and agitators. Each must be care- fully trained for his job in schools like the notorious Lenin school in Moscow and Gen. William Donovan's echool for the Office of Strategic Services tn World War II. The secret army of the Democratic Inter- nattonal should be directed by a general staff of the best brains on earth. It should be backed by almost unlimited funds. It should be recruited among the nationals of every country we need to invade—Russians, Poles, Bulgars, Czechs, Frenchmen, and many more—tincluding even Americans. Hundrede of thousands of such men every- where are eagerly waiting to enlist. Liter- ally millions of likely recruits are in Western Europe today—-men who have risked death to escape from Soviet Russia and iron-cur- tain countries. With our secret army, I propose that we invade every non-Communist nation, ex- actly as the Communists have invaded each such nation, but for democratic purposes, and to wipe out the sworn and trained Com- munist forces plotting to destroy them, INVADE WITH TRUTH More important, I propose the invasion of the Soviet satellite nations and of Soviet Russia itself. It must be made clear that our secret army will not attempt to murder Communists nor to conquer Soviet Russia by force of arms. That is not the way of the kind of warfare I propose. Instead, we should invade the iron-ourtain countries armed only with the democratic truth. The weapons of the Democratic In- ternational should be words, ideas, informa- tion, not guns. Our invasion should be like the one accomplished by our O8S in World War IT, under the noses of the German Army and the Gestapo, but on a much larger scale, We should invade stealthily with the pro- spective leaders, organivers, and recruiters of underground armies. We should provide centers to which freedom-loving men may APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD rally, to be trained and led in the ways of revolution against tyranny, protected from seigure and sudden death. We should in- vade with printing , books, pamphlets, radio transmitters. We should bring expert knowledge for forging identity papers and travel passes, We should set up under- ground newspapers and radio stations, secret meeting places, and escape routes. We need to furnish the leadership, funds, and materials that underground armies re- quire to grow. We need to build the revolu- tionary forces now existing within the iron curtain to the point at which the oppressed millions can overthrow <heir hatcd masters. Do you think this plan for a democratic international is @ wild and impossible scheme? You may at first, but only because democratic peoples have never concelved of waging ideological war on an all-out basis. This much is certain. The scheme will work. It has made possible the victories of the Kremlin in nation after nation. It has been used first by the Comintern, and now the Cominform, with crushing effect, for over 30 years. Used by our enetntes, it will soon drive us into a corner where we can fight our way out only by guns and bombs. It will work better and faster for us than it ever did for the Communists, and bere is why: ' 1. Conaider the iron curtain. By erecting that invisible wall, the Sovict rulers have themselves told us they cannot withstand such an invasinn. The measures they have taken to keep the curtain leak-proof are so fantastically extreme as to Indicate more than a mere uneasiness; they reveal an abysmal fear—fear that their people will learn the truth about life outside the iron curtain, The democratic international will rip the iron curtain, expose their lives, give their people the means to unseat their op- pressors. KEEP RESISTANCE FORCES ALIVE 2. Consider the power of cur ideological weapons. Even today, after the Soviet mas- ters have killed and jailed millions of people, revolutionary forces still exist; not merely in the satellite countries, but in the heart of Russia itself. Every few weeks, we read of new purges, designed to wipe out every last vestige of resistance; but resistance lives on, fed by man’s undying hope of freedom. And our propaganda weapons will feed this re- sistance until it sweeps all before it. 3. Consider our manpower and resources. Soviet Russia’s biggest mistake in World War Il was to send her armies past her borders, for hundreds of thousands, seeing the free world for the first time, never came back, But we can send out a countless army, backed by tremendous resources, sure that after seeing what is within the tron curtain, our men will return stronger cemocrats than before, Further, the Comintern started with com~- paratively small groups in other nations. Today within the iron curtain, there are not merely a large number of armed parti- san groups, fighting the Reds from hide- aways, and large underground resistance groups; but there are literally millions of our friends, living in hope that we have not finally deserted them, They wait only word from us that the battle can begin, 4, Consider why we have been losing the ideological war thus far. One reason is th-t we have left it to our Government to act, and its power to carry on such warfare is severely limited. An official attempt to cre- ate revolution in another country would pro- voke a shooting war before we are ready for it. That is why our Votee of America radio broadcast, our biggest ideological weapon, is hamstrung in any attempt to attack the Sovigt Government directly.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD WE ARE ON THE DEFENSIVE But there is a bigger reason, It is because we are constantly on the defensive, and so suffer defeat after defeat. Communist ideo- logical strength is that it is anti; we are pro. We are for the government of Italy; hungry and discontented Italians are easily moved to be against. And in a world emptied of wealth by two world wars, the Communist secret armies thus find millions of follow- ers: But what happens at the point the Reds have gained control, as, for example, in Czechoslovakia? There, the Communists are the pro forces, defending the Communist Government. And we should become anti. We should move over to the offensive, using the powerful propaganda weapons they have laid down, But have we? You know we have not. Instead, we have ceased activity within conquered Czechoslovakia, abandon- ing to Communist slavery millions of one- time friends and potential allies. That 1s the basic situation the Democratic International will quickly cure. Our Gov- ernment is helpless when facing a Commu- nist seizure of power. Its only choice is whether to recognize or not to recognize the new Communist Government; but no more than that, short of war. Only we, the peo- ple, have the power to go over to the of- fensive, to wage all-out propaganda war- fare; to upset the Communist governments by fomenting revolution. IT WILL COST US CASUALTIES We must think of the cost of such Inva- sion and propaganda warfare. Our invading army will not escape without casualties. Many brave men will be caught and killed. Soviet officials and secret police will be on the alert. But each such death will make new recruits; violence nurtures re sistance when men have the organization and weapons for resistance. Purges in Com-~- munist countries will trap the innocent with the guilty, enemy with friend, serving again to divide our enemies and provide us new recruits. Finally and inevitably, the work of the Democratic International will gather power and speed. The grip of the Soviet dictators on thetr people will loosen. Then we shall unleash the people against them, And demo- cratic leaders, already chosen in the coun- sels of the underground, will be ready to form new governments. An ugly picture? Think of Hiroshima, The cost in lives? Measure it against those lost in a shooting war. The cost in dollars? Measure it against even this year's bill for armaments. The alternatives we have are unimaginably more costly. I do not wish to minimize the difficulty of what is ahead. The structure of democratic governments doesn’t lend itself readily to the establishment of a democratic interna- tional; whereas the dictatorship in Soviet Russia is peculiarily adaptable to such revo- lutionary activity. Let us consider that point: The Communist Party is above and supe- rior to Communist governments. Stalin’s great power arises from the fact that he 1s boss of the Politburo, the governing body of the Communist Party. Hence, he is dictator not only of Soviet Russia but of all Com- munist governments and all Communists everywhere. So, when the Communists con- quer a country, he can say it is not conquest by Soviet Russia but by the Communist Party—that Soviet Russia is not an aggressor. Such a dictator can order the establish- ment of a Communist international which openly declares it will work to overthrow other nations. He can finance it secretly out of public funds, place high Soviet officials at the helm, and have it go into action overs night. ¥. D.R. PROTESTED TO SOVIXTS That is exactly what Lenin did. Then, when other nations protested, the Soviet Government biandly replied that it had no connection with the Comintern and no power over its activities. President Roosevelt pro- tested as late as 1935, after granting recogni- tion to the Soviet Union, that Russia had broken its promise not to permit within its borders any organization “which has as its alm the overthrow * * * of the United States.” Stalin rejected the protest and we withdrew it, We have no such easy way of creating a democratic international. We have no dice tator or international Democratic Party— similar to the world-wide Communist Party— to organize, finance, and operate the demo- cratic international. We cannot even ask our Government to step in and help us. We must act on our own. But surely we shall have the inventiveness, the skill and ingenuity, the courage and determination to overcome our own handicaps—to preserve our lives, and our way of living. When we create our democratic interna. tional, what can the Soviets do about it? Retallation will do them no good; for at last they will be on the defensive. Actually, they will merely bluster and threaten, and our Government will coldly brush them off. REDS WILL DENOUNCE PLAN Next, they wil’ use every means they can to keep Democrats everywhere from supporte ing the movement. Picket lines will appear; petitions will reach the President and Cone gress; fellow travelers will denounce the democratic international on the radio, in books and periodicals, and from platforms and street corners. Proponents of the plan will be smeared. Strikes will threaten cone tributing industries. Violence, bloodshed, riots 1f possible—and every weapon, legal or illegal, they have within reach—will be turned upon us in a panicky intensification of their propaganda warfare, But that will be all, And it will be mostly just talk. But in talk lies our greatest danger; talk that can stall the democratic international under the weight of words; talk of peace—that we can make peace with con- spirators intent on destroying us, and so need not go on the offensive. Talk to keep us so hopelessly confused that we will keep argu- ing until the time even for winning a shoote ing war will have nassed. Through it all, we must keep on remem- bering—that there can be no permanent peace except between peoples who control their governments; no peace at all until the dictators shall have been wiped from the face of the earth. Walter Geist a Defender of America EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES J. KERSTEN OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. KERSTEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, the Congress of the United States should be made aware that we have lost a great and typical American. On January 29, last, Walter Geist, presi- dent of Allis-Chalmers Co, of Milwaukee, passed away. During the critical days of the last war when our enemies began to know the power of American industry, it was the A691 power of men like Geist and the workers under his direction that they were feel- ing, In the present emergency, Walter Geist was preparing again to bring to bear the great productive power of his organization in defense of his country. The strain of this may well have con- tributed to his death, ‘We Americans are too prone to forget the importance of the factor of Ameri- can industrial power that obtained vic- tory in the last two wars and is today giving Soviet Russia pause against her present inclination to attack us in all- out war. If the Kremlin could get rid of the Walter Geists of America, it could ef- fectively disarm us and expose our popu- lation to the overwhelming mass of man- power under the control of Soviet Russia. Walter Geist not only turned his plant over to the defense of his country during war, but when peace was in prospect, de- voted himself to great civic enterprises and to scientific efforts in the relief of human suffering. An example of his concern for ihe welfare of his fellowmen was his direc- tion of his firm’s assistance in the de- velopment of the mechanical kidney; it has already saved the lives of many pa- tients in danger of death because of kid- ney diseases. Another was the produc- tion of the high power betatron in the treatment of cancer; and more recently the research efforts of his firm to assist the scientitsts of Marquette University in the development of a substitute for blood plasma from okra, an extremely important advance in medicine, As a leader of free enterprise, Walter Geist demonstrated how a great Amer- ican industrial plant can produce the turbines to power our fighting ships at sea in the defense of our country against attack from a foreign enemy, or can help to produce the mechanism to com- bat the attack against disease and ill- ness in a mission of mercy. Milwaukee, Wis., and the Nation will miss Walter Geist, and I know the Con- gress will want to extend its sympathy to his widow and children, to his employees and to his avsociates in his company. Price Controls EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, I am glad to have the privilege of submitting here- with for publication in the ConGREsSIONAL Recorp a letter from my good friend, Raymond D. Moon, Bay County veter- ans’ service officer, Panama City, Fla. This well-written letter speaks elo- quently for the masses of the people. I hear from many persons daily about the necessity for a more adequate price- control structure. Notwithstanding the
A692 date of January 11 on this letter, I know that Mr, Moon and the majority of oth- ers fee] that much more must be done; in fact many persons have stated to me that they consider that the present price freeze is a rank insult to the public for it freezes profiteering and penalizes peo- ple who have honestly tried to hold down prices, I believe it is now generally agreed that should prices be rolled all the way back to the beginning of the Korean War some people would be pe- nalized but the present freeze of infla- tion hurts everyone. Bay Counry VETERANS SERVICE OFFIce, Panama City, Fla., January 11, 1952. Hon. Rosert L. SIKEs, Member of Congress, Washington, D.C. Dean Bos: In my daily work here in the office, I have the privilege of meeting people from all walks of life. The rich and poor, strong and weak, afflicted and disabled, all pass through the office sooner or later; that is, if they are veterans or dependents of deceased veterans. In handling the work I am able to sense the pulse of public opinion and feel the needs of the different categories of the hu- man element. It is interesting to note these thinge when one 1s a public servant, and it affords me a great deal of pleasure to be able to sense other persons’ trials and troubles and to be able to share thelr burden. What I am coming to is this: the rising, spiraling cost of living is hurting to the bone. The families in the low-income brackets are not able to have the essential bare necessi- ties at the present time. To make it worse, prices are still leaping higher and higher. In speaking of these conditions, prices here in Panama City have taken a terrible beat- ing since the new Congress has convened, and the talk has spread about freezing prices. Within the lest 2 weeks mark-ups on staple groceries have been from 5 percent to as much as 40 percent. Milk (dairy), bread, haircuts, and laundry and dry clean- ing have skyrocketed from 4 percent to 33% percent. These are actual facts, and it seems to be only the beginning, as there are no signs of prices reaching a static atage. For the sake of our econamy and also na- tional security I feel that it is time for posi- tive action to be taken to control prices. Talk only has a tendency to spur prices higher and make things worse. If positive action is not taken soon, we may have serl- ous internal problems which will be difficult to cope with. Thanking you for your consideration in this matter and with beat regards, I am Yours truly, Rarmonp D. Moon. Wanted: A Military Policy for Survival EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RALPH W. GWINN Or NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. GWINN. Mr. Speaker, Human Events on February 17, 1951, carried a very remarkable article written by Edna Lonigan entitled “Wanted: A Military Policy for Survival.” I am particularly struck by the suggestion that the Voice of America be taken out of the State Department and turned over to the mili- tary which did such a good job of psy- chological warfare in Japan during the last war, It suggests that we are in a new kind of modern warfare and that we ought not to be bound down by the classical pattern. Wanren: A Miziragy Poticy ror Survival (By Edna Lonigan) Gradually the debate on foreign policy, opened by Hoover and pressed by Tart, is working round to the primary issue—mill- tary policy. Neither foreign policy nor do- mestic policy can be set until we have a military policy. But first we must face the political question: Who 1s to make our mili- tary policy? Because of the power of words, we assume the State Department makes foreign policy and Defense works out military strategy. This assumption is a hold-over from the days when we had a constitutional Executive, when Government agencies possessed clear- cut functions resting on statutory powers and duties, and respected the appropriate limitations. We do not live under that form of gov- ernment any more. We live under & pyra- midal type of Executive, {n which all money is paid to the President under loose general grants of power, and real policy making is determined amid a continual struggle within “the palace.” In that struggle the State Department coterie now rules supreme. Pro- fessional military men or old-fashioned executive officers are no match for them. The sound American doctrine that the political should take precedence over the military wherever possible has been per- verted by State into a new and dangerous doctrine—that the political planners should make the decisions on which our survival as a nation rests. State, arrogating to itself sole responsibility for the strategy by which we are to counter Soviet aggression, has left to the military only technical military ques~ tions such as training or weapons—and the rescue of our men after they are committed. The dividing line between political and military judgment does not run—as it should—between State and Defense, but be- tween State and the top Defense officials on one side and the muzzled professional fight- ing men on the other. Tarr was profoundly right when he said he did not trust the plans of our top military men, but exempted the generals and admirals in the field from thia criticism. He put his finger on the most important issue in our struggle for survival as @ nation. 1 Arms and armies are not defense. A na- tion can spend billions, keep millions of men under arms, build atom-bomb plants and Maginot Lines; but if it follows bad atrategical concepts, it will be defeated. Witness France in 1940. In fect, a certain elephantiasis in the Armed Forces, a rush for more men and spending, spells military sickness, not health. Congressman Water Jupp tried, without success, to get to the root of the matter. When representatives of the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force appeared before the House Foreign Affairs Committee to testify for foreign aid, Jopp put the questions: Are you giving us what in your Judgment 1s the beat military plan for our defense? Or are you giving us merely the best military means to implement the plan the State Department has already decided upon? The Defense officials only hedged. A nation cannot rely for its survival exclu- sively on political means. The military can~- not start thinking on D-day. Only when Defense officials can plan their strategy wholly apart from our political hopes can they be ready to serve us if those hopes fail, Par from being subordinate to politi- cal policy, defense is the last line that pro- teats us against all miscalculations in foreign policy. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The State Department's grand strategy rests ostensibly on the out-worn nineteenth- century doctrine that communism is @ popu. lar uprising, due to poverty among the masses. Therefore, they argued, the Soviet Union could be outgeneraled by our spend- ing’ money to raise the standard of living in neighboring countries. But Communist revolution in the twentieth century arises out of a military coup d'etat, by @ small band of conspirators directed by a foreign power. The State Department—to put the best possible face on it—trusted for our survival to the thinking of Sidney and Beatrice Webb, while the Soviet strategy was by Clausewitz out of Genghis Khan. The idea of opposing Communist strength by welfare work might have been debatable if it had been coupled with a strong defense program, as at first proposed. Congressmen Jupp, Jacusox of California, and others fought hard for such a military hedge. But the State Department took the position that spending was defense, that no military strategy was required in Europe or Asia. According to Paul Hoffman's testimony at ECA hearings, the administration promised that military rearmament would not be allowed to interfere with ECA. We atill have no military strategy to outwit Soviet military planners. In a global war, as in Korea, our Armed Forces will have to fight on Stalin's terms—in the wrong place, at the wrong time, and with only the shaky timbers of UN for diplomatic support. How is it possible that our Defense off- ctals have fallen into such a trap? The rea- son is the total change in thé character of our foreign-policy-making agencies in the last 10 years. The dignified and compara- tively effective State Department of 1939 has disappeared. All during the New Deal, Hull kept his Department rigorously within the constitutional framework of a limited, non- ageressive executive agency, spending money only as directed by statutory law. But by 1940 Hopkins, Wallace, and Morgenthau were moving over into making political and mili- tary strategy for World War II. They set up emergency agencies, like FEA, modeled on AAA and WPA. After VJ-day the personnel of these agencies was incorporated into State. Grew and other “old hands” were let out. It ts worth noting that this change from our historic methods of foreign-policy mak- ing coincided closely with the growth of Communist influence on our foreign and military policy. Truman's State Department is a combative, aggressive agency like AAA and WPA. It builds its own political following and prop- aganda arm, by skillful use of large funds, as AAA and WPA built theirs. It is ruth- less in its empire-building at the expense of other Federal departments. Its budget has mushroomed, its staff has been muiti- plied many times, at the expense of quali- fied, experienced career men. Control of free funds gives it the necessary means for politicking and propaganda against its rivals in the administration. It has carried on unremitting attack against everyone in the administration or outside who has dared to oppose its plans. State hypnotized the military who stayed too long in Washington by the argument that the political planners should do their thinking for them. Even General Bradley was won over. It sent to “Siberia” the non- political fighting men who tried to warn the country of its danger. Finally, intoxi- cated with success, the State Department cabal pushed even to the top places {n our Defense Establishment men and women who would go along with its policies. In theory, of course, the President makes these decisions, but as the executive estab- lishment grows larger and larger, it becomes increasingly true, as Mosca pointed out,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD that most of the decisions are made by the secondary ruling olass, those officials who best understand the art of manipulating power. Today there is no question but that the State Department combine (including its satellite agencies like ECA) is the strong- est influence in the palace guard. Ache- son has taken the place in Truman's entou- rage occupied by Harry Hopkins in Roose- velt's day. v How long can Congress trust our survival as a nation to the military planning of this global colossus? The cure is simple, if Con- gress has the will to take hold. It must divorce the State Department from all eco- nomic and spending programs, which are the sources of its power to compel other agencies in the administration to do its will. Only thus can our defense planning be divorced from State’s ideological windmills. Congress can then call in our best admirals and generals, and tell them to make a strategy for our security divorced from all political and ideological thinking. If they cannot do it, we can find men who will. Let us find the real fighting men who can decide, with no hedging and no politics, what is the line which can be held in Asia, in Europe, in Africa? Whom can we trust militarily as allles? What is the precise military signif- icance of UN? Let us have done with talk of what we can do in 1952. What of today? When they have cleaned house in Defense, Congress can turn ECA over to the Defense Department. All of ECA which is not defense can be liquidated. The rest can be managed without that colossal waste of time and man- power which Washington calls interdepart- mental cooperation. The Armed Forces did a brilliant job of economic reconstruction in Korea through GARIOA (Government and Relief in Occupied Areas) because they were not concerned with undermining Syngman Rhee. They did equally well in Europe. In the little time that 1s left, Defense must fit ECA to a single purpose—our survival. Straight loans can be turned over to the International Bank or Export-Import Bank. The Voice of America can be dismantled, and replaced by a program of psychological warfare, like that suggested by Gen. Bonner Fellers, wholly under control of the Armed Forces. Without its spending funds, State will have no power to punish Members of Congress, members of the press or others who criticize its policies. Congress can then dismantle the empire which the Hopkins-Wallace- Frankfurter groups have built up behind the facade of the dignified old State Depart~- ment, without fear of attack from mass or- ganizations or the mocking-bird columnists who are part of State’s propaganda machine. When the present State Department has been stripped down to the Foreign Service and a desk for the Secretary, it will be pos- sible for the President to induce a man of courage and intelligence to take over as Secretary of State, and rebuild an American foreign policy with a single alm—the survival of our country. Abraham Lincoln EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WESLEY A. D’EWART OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr, D'EWART. Mr. Speaker, this week Republicans throughout America pay homage to the founder of their party and the greatest symbol of liberty who ever lived, Abraham Lincoln. Regard- less of party, all Americans honor the day of his birth. His life, his works, and his teachings carry a lesson for all of us that can be studied with profit today. The reverence with which many of us regard Lincoln has been brought home to me here in Washington as I take visi~ tors from time to time to see the Lincoln Memorial. Those of you who have seen it know how serene yet strong is the ex- pression on the excellent likeness of Lin- coln, sitting in his chair in the main hall of the memorial. On either side is in- scribed quotations from his Gettysburg Address and the second inaugural. Most people are profoundly moved. Lincoln’s principles are the basic American ideals of honesty, integrity, hard work, plain living, good govern- ment, and freedom. His career as a pio- neer boy, the rail splitter, country store- keeper, small-town lawyer, legislator, and President is the classic example of the opportunity our system of govern- ment affords every citizen—the oppor- tunity to develop to the fullest extent his individual capabilities for the benefit not only of himself but of the entire com- munity. That is the very basis of the American ideal—that freedom of each man to better himself through his own initiative and with the resources God gave him results in progress for every- one. It is impossible to define liberty or freedom—to do so limits them and they are limitless concepts—but there is no better way to describe it than this. FIGHTER FOR FREEDOM Lincoln is known as the Great Eman- cipator, but his interest in freedom extended far beyond “he problem of the Amcrican slaves. His every action was pointed toward the preservation and ex- tension of the freedoms guaranteed in our Constitution, freedoms which he truly believed were the inalienable birthright of every man. Many of his words are applicable to problems we face today, as when he said: : The legitimate object of government is to do for a community of people whatever they need to have done, hut cannet do at all, or cannot so well do, for themselves, in their separate and individual capacities, In all that the people can do individually as well for themselves, government ought not to interfere. There is the perfect answer to the do- gooders, the Government economic plan- ners, who are today endeavoring to ex- tend the power of the Federal Govern- ment over the lives of individuals under the guise of social reform, with the ex- cuse of emergency. At another time, Lincoln said: We hold the true republican position. In leaving the people’s bus.ness in their hands, we cannot be wrong. And again: If there is anything which it is the duty of the whole people to never entrust to any hands but their own, that thing is the pres- ervation and perpetuity of their own liber- ties and institutions, VAITH IN THE PEOPLE Lincoln’s abiding faith in the Amer- ican people and in our system included a true understanding of the division of power, the checks and balances of the A683 Republic, which were written into the: Constitution, How much more smoothly would our Government operate, and how much more wisely, if “he present o¢ccu- pant of the White House had Lincoln's clear understanding of his duties and Lincoln's faith in the people, as shown in these remarks: In a certain sense, and to a certain extent the President is the representative of the people. He is elected by the people, as well as the Congress is, but can he, in the nature of things, know the wants of the people as well as 300 other men, coming from all the various localities of the Nation? If so, where is the propriety of having a Congress? By the Constitution, the Executive may recommend measures which he thinks proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me against a very free use of any of these means by the Execu- tive to control the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate as well as perfect its meas- ures without external bias. An excerpt from a letter Lincoln wrote in 1848 is especially applicable to cur- rent debate in the United States. To W. H. Herndon, he wrote: The provision of the Constitution giving the war-making power to Congress was dic- tated, as I understand it, by the following reasons: Kings had always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object, This our convention understood to be the most op- pressive of all kingly oppressions, and they resolved to so frame the Constitution that no man should hold the power of bringing this oppression upon us. A LESSON FOR TODAY One could continue at great length reciting the deeds and words of this great American. This much, it seems to me, is certain: if we are going to win through the present period of crisis, to settle peacefully if possible but other- wise if necessary the international dif- ficulties of the present day, if we are to straighten out our fiscal affairs, and if we are to leave for future generations the heritage of freedom which was ours, we must turn our hearts and minds once more to the true Americanism exempli- fed by Abraham Lincoln. As he stated What constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is not our frowning battlements, our bristling seacoasts, our Army and Navy. These are not our re- Hance against tyranny. All of those may be turned against us without making us weaker for the struggle, Our reiiance is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the spirit which prized liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of despotism at your own doors. Here in Washington we had our cele- bration of Lincoln’s Birthday this week, a “kick-off” dinner for others through- out the Nation, Nearly 12,000 people thronged the Uline Arena here for the program and box supper. At least a dozen Lincoln Day dinners are scheduled in Montana, and hundreds of others throughout the Nation. All true Ameri- cans, Republicans or Democrats, can
A694 subscribe to Lincoln's philosophy. All of us ¢an profit from refreshing our mem- ories with his teachings. I am proud to be a Member of the House of Representatives in which Lin- coln was for several years an able and aggressive leader. Draft of Farm Labor Threatens Food Production EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 6, 1951 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Creaker, for the second time within a single decade, and the third time within a generation, America is again at war. This time we are less prepared, and confusion in ex- ecutive agencies is greater than ever be- fore. Most of us viewed with deep misgiving administration weakness and delay with respect to economic controls, designed to halt inflation. We have seen, with a feeling akin to despair, the final act of desperation, when temporary and unplanned wage and price freezes were imposed, after it became apparent that inflation was out of hand, after scores of billions had been added to war costs, and prices had far outrun average incomes. That feeling was enhanced by submis- sion of a Federal budget for 1952, propos- ing Federal expenditures on partisan- politically-inspired projects, which would waste the substance of the people, while contributing nothing to the security of the Nation. The fact that these socialistic spending proposals, impudently were presented in the guise of measures to support the war effort, added still further to the general disquiet. In‘ustry is the source of our greatest strength from both economic and mili- tary standpoints. Yet industry was told to convert at once for large-scale war production, in the absence of definite plans and blueprints, on which alone production can be based. At the same time the productiveness of industy, the incentives for efficient and economical production, were re- stricted by a mistaken tax policy, by a corporate tax law, politically conceived, and born of a desire to win votes, even though winning of a war might be jeopardized thereby. Congress did im- prove this situation, to some extent, by providing for war contract renegotia- tions. But in every executive department of Government, confusion has persisted. Where planning was done, always it was piecemeal. No over-all plans for any- thing have appeared, In the matter of military manpower, we have heard endless arguments as to which age groups should be drafted. For awhile we were told that the fate of the Nation hung on the necessity of drafting 18-year-olds, Then the argument swung away to the desirability of calling up older men, husbands, and 4-F’s, Throughout all this talk no considera- tion apparently was given, and none is being given today, to the really impor- tant questions with respect to military manpower. Perhaps the most important of all these is the question of food production. It has been said that an army travels on its stomach. It can be said with equal truth that the American people, as a whole, will not be able to outprocuce the Communist world and win the war that is now in its early stages, if they are asked to do so on empty stomachs, Yet the present draft policy, which seems to be accepted without debate, is to draft all farm labor, except in extreme hardship or dependency cases. Farm labor nowadays, as we all know, consists almost exclusively of farm owners—older men, who bore the brunt of farm production in World War IT, and often in World War I—and their sons. Scores of thousands of those sons are of draft age; but under the present policy, there will be no deferment for them, it would seem, unless they alone, in each instance, are responsible for operation of the farm. Now Michigan is not only a great in- dustrial State; itis a great farm State, as well. So in order to high light the situa- tion with respect to food production and the drafting of farm labor, I shall give you some figures on conditions at home, These figures comprise statistics gath- ered by the Michigan State College de- partment of agricultural economics. As statistics, they deal with human beings percentagewise. In 1945, the last year for which figures are available, the average Michigan farm employed about one and one-half per- sons; 1.55, to be exact, On this 155 percent of a person the farm operator himself constituted 97 percent; unpaid family help, 48 percent; and hired help, 10 percent. It is estimated that today less than 6.5 percent of the labor on Michigan farms is provided by regular hired help. Farmers just cannot compete with in- dustry’s more attractive wage scales. About the only farmers’ sons who re- main on the farm nowadays are those who have studied scientific farming and who plan to make farm operation a career, Small, 80-acre family farms, worked by one man, who labored from dawn until dark, furnished a large portion of the State’s food supply during World War II. But those farms are not so com- mon today as they were in 1940. Mechanization has caused the small farms to be gobbled up into larger ones, so that machinery can be used more efficiently. Today the average Michigan farm consists of something over 105 acres, In 1940, a total of 158,517 Michigan farms employed 261,331 men. In 1945, a total of 150,386 Michigan farms em- ployed only 232,518. In 1940, the aver- age Michigan farm had 1.7 employees; in 1945, it had 1.55 employees; and the downward trend has continued ever since. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD From these figures it should be clear to everyone what a, terrific, and possibly disastrous, effect on the farm labor sup- ply, and hence on food production, the drafting of these young career farmers is bound to have. But this is not all of the story. There is another factor of at least equal im- portance. This pertains to the age status of present farm owners and operators; the men who must take up the slack when their sons are drafted. In 1945, slightly more than 16 percent of Michigan farm operators were 65 years old and older; 2 percent were between 55 and 64 years of age; and 47 percent were between 35 and 54. The average age in that year was 49.8. And since that time, of course, those who still survive are 5 years older. When the young men are drafted, the load will fall back on these old-timers— men who worked day and night during World War Il—men who now, on the average, are past the years when they could do two men’s work, even in an emergency. And this time, Michigan will not have more than 12,000 prisoners of war to ease the farm labor burden, as it had during World War II. Not if the debacle in Korea is any criterion of the future. Because these conditions prevail, not only in Michigan, but in general through- out the country, it is pertinent to ask: Where does the farmer go from here? Under the present farm labor draft policy, the pinch is expected in about 6 months. What will the farmers of Mich- igan do then? What will all American farmers do? The answer to these questions is obvious. Farmers will cut down food production. They will have no choice, unless it be to change over to forms of farming which require less help. And this would result in an unbalanced food supply. Dairy herds, for example, would be abandoned for beef cattle, which take less time and return more profit. Possibly Marlin R. Bigelow, manager of the Kalamazoo Milk Producers Co- operative, stated the situation best when he was quoted recently in the news- papers as saying that lack of farm labor probably will cut milk production in the cooperative’s area as much as 30 pere cent in the next 6 to 12 manths. In the last few weeks, he said, two large dairy herds in the area have been sold off; and another one faces the same prospect when the only son in the family is taken by the Army. Now the action of Selective Service Director Lewis B. Hershey, in granting 30-day deferments to 30,000 college graduates a few days ago, may be all right, although on first thought it ap- pears discriminatory against less for- tunate boys. The idea, however, is to give them a chance for further defer- ments, in the cases of those who succeed in landing war-essential jobs. The proposal to give President Tru- man powers to release 75,000 college students from military service, after their basic training, so they may con- tinue their studies, may be all right, too. The idea is to maintain our system of higher education, and to keep the Nation
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD well supplied with technically trained younger men, As I say, these things may be all right: but I am suspicious of them, if for no other reason than that they would be used as a means of vote-getting political favoritism. We have had too much of that kind of thing in the past. But in the light of the administration attitude betrayed by these actions and proposals, there is one observation I must make, Whereas the boys now in college, or who will graduate within the next few months, are potentially valuable to the country outside the Armed Services, the young men on the farms are now, at this moment, valuable in the nonmili- tary service of food production. Whereas the college boys and college graduates may obtain war essential jobs, the young men on the farms now, at this moment, have war essential jobs. Many thousands of them are in war essential food production jobs, from which they cannot be spared, This Congress should make every ef- fort to correct this latest and most dan- gerous blunder, of the confused Truman bureaucrats, Let’s Get Out of the United Nations EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted me to extend my re- marks, Iam including a statement which I made before the Committee on Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, February 6, in sup- port of my resolution to have the United States withdraw from the so-called United Nations. The matter referred to follows: Mr. RicHarps (presiding). Mr. RANKIN, we will be glad to hear you on your resolution, House Joint Resolution 125. STATEMENT oF HON. JOHN E. RANKIN, A REP- RESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS FROM THE STaTE OF MISSISSIPPI Mr. RANKIN, Mr. Chairman, I did not come here with any speech cut and dried, or any argument written out. I was notified that I would be heard for a few moments on my resolution to withdraw our country from the so-called United Nations, that Tower of Babel, that totem pole, which has been set up in our midst, and which is now laboring diligently, if not successfully, to destroy the Government of the United States, and to subordinate our people to the dom- ination of foreign elements, many of whom do not have sense enough to run their own governments. In my opinion, I speak the sentimente of @ vast majority of the American people, as you will all find when you get back home. I would like to read the election results of @ man running under the United Nations flag against a man with the United States flag, or even with a Confederate flag. That so-called United Nations is Com- munist-controllied. It is a hotbed of com- munism and ifs IHiterally swarming our country with Communist spies. To show you how far it is going in that direction, I want to call attention to some things it is doing to the Untted States of America, I presume no man in Congress has fought communism harder than I have. I have taken all the punishment, all the lying at- tacks, all the abuse, that the Communists, their stooges, fellow travelers, and sympa~ thizera could heap upon a man, and that at a time when we did not know whether Mr. Austin, of Vermont, was going east or coming west when he was in the Senate. I never heard a word from him about the danger of communism when I was leading the fight against communism, and exposing the activities of Communists in this country from William Z. Foster up and down, The Senate of the United States had no right to commit the Government of the American people to the domination of foreign powers. If this country 1s saved, it seems to me that 1t will be by the Congress of the United States, and that means largely the House of Representatives. Let me show you some things that have been done by this outfit. And we have not @ representative up there, let me say to you gentlemen and ladies, we have not a rep- resentative from America up there that I ever heard of protesting when we were going through the tirades of the Communists, trying to enforce their policies upon the United States, some of which are now being imposed by this so-called United Nations. In the first place, they assume to tell us when ond where to go to war. Now, if you think that is popular, you go home and talk to the mothers and fathers and the wives or widows of those men who are dying in Koren, Congress has not declared war; its Members were not consulted. In fact, it was called a “police action.” The United Nations declared it for the United States to fight. There 1s no telling where that out- fit will want to send us to war next. We have already lost more men, killed and ‘wounded, in this Korean “police action,” as President Truman called it, than we did in the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, and the Spanish-Ameri- can War, all combined. I see now that certain interests want us to go to war in Iran to serve their selfish ends. I hope Congress will not sit idly by and let that happen. You know we had the old League of Na- tions. One of the wisest things the Senate ever did was to refuse to enter the League of Nations, with its article 10. I want to show you what it did. A cer- tain big off magnate gave the League a building in which to hold their meetings. Somebody said when he did so that he sat- urated the international mind with Stand- ard Oll, A few years later those oll interests that owned the oil reserves down there at- tempted to find an outlet for Bolivia to get to the Pacific Ocean. You remember there were two small areas on the west coast of South America called Tacna and Arica, and they endeavored to take them for Bolivia, in order to give them pipeline outlets to the Pacific Ocean. But Chile, to which they belonged, would not give them up. Then they turned and tried to drive down through Paraguay. They took the Bolivian Army and started to drive down through Paraguay to force an outlet to the Atlantic, To my surprise, and to the surprise of everyone else, Paraguay had developed one of the greatest generals in the world, a man named Estigarribla, He took his army and drove them out of Paraguay and back on to Bolivian soll, What did the League of Nations do? It branded Paraguay as the “aggressor.” Senator Lona, of Louisiana, took the floor and exposed that fraud so plainly and indis- putably that the heads of the governments of South America called a meeting and stopped that war, A695 Now this United Nations has plunged us into anoth:r war, or “police action,” worse than that was. And let me show you what it is attempting to do to you. Have you read where they had outlawed the alien land laws of the various States? Did you know that in many States of this Union it {s unlawful for an alien to own land? California is one of them, Louisiana is one. I have been trying for years to get Misslasippi to adopt the same law. The United Nations has outlawed the alien land laws in those States that have them, What right have they to meddie in the internal affairs of the TInited States, or the internal affairs of an individual State? Now they come along with their genocide law or “convention.” If you commit physical or mental injury to a minority group, or 4 member of a minority group, then you are subject to ve tried. Where? Why, before an international court, even in @ foreign coun- try. In other words, it has taken precedence over all the courts of our land. Now, if you call some fellow a dirty scoun- drel, or a darned fool, you might be brought up and tried for genocide. You have in- jured that fellow mentally, evidently, be- cause no man likes those ignominious terms when they are applied to him. You will have committed genocide, if he is of a different race or religion, or ethnic origin, whatever that may be. You are subject to be tried by an international court. Do you think the American people would approve of that, if they knew what was going on? Not on your life. That outfit is out to destroy the United States Government, and they have a gang of professors runuing around over this country advocating the abolition of the United States. There ts a professor in the University of Chicago who says in all his public speeches, “We must get rid of the United States.” Are we going to sit here and let them de- stroy the Government of the United States and subordinate us to the domination of foreign powers? This genocide law was probably written by Malik, the Russian delegate. He has more influence up there than Mr. Austin has. About all Mr. Austin does, it seems, is to get in the movies and on the radio. But behind the scene, the enemies of the United States wrote this genocide program. They would interfere in Alabama, Kansas, North Carolina, Mississippi, Arkansas, New York, California, and every other State in this Union. This is the beginning of the battle. We are going to get out of this thing and get back to the Government of the United States, or our country is going down. We might as well understand that now. You take this war, Congress was not called on to vote on it, and probably would not be called on in case of war in Iran, I heard that argument awhile ago about the land-ownership proposition. Did you see where the Shah of Iran called his leaders in the other day and said he was going to sell his land to the little fellows who work it, and advised them to do this same thing? He said it would be cheaper than having a revolution. ‘You know the big oll interests want us to go into Iran. You mark what I tell you, that is the next place. There are some oj] interests down there, and the UN seems to follow the pipelines. Iraq is another one; our boys may be fighting 4 “police action” there before long. Alger Hiss and his gang drew up the United Nations Charter at San Francisco. If any of you have any doubt about Alger Hiss’ relations with Russia get the records of the Committee on Un-American Activities and read them. Hiss and his crowd drew it up, and it subordinates the United States to the domi- nation of foreign influences. They can come in and wipe out our immigration
AG9G jaws, and that is the next drive, don't forget that, and flood this country with the riffrait of every other nation on earth. ZT am telling you, this is the most danger- ous thing that has ever been done to the American people. We went through a war between the States, but we were all fighting for the same form of government, As I said on the floor of the House the other day, when you see @ question arise that affects the safety of this Nation, the men who fly to ite defense are the sons and grandsons and collateral relatives of the old Federal and Confederate soldiers who fought the War Between the States. But here you have an alien element that is trying to destroy the sovereignty of the United States, as well as that of North Carolina, Mississipp!, Alabama, Kansas, Ohio, New Jersey, Virginia, New York, and every other State in the Union, Not only are they trying to destroy the sovereignty of the States, their rights to control thelr internal affairs; but they are trying to destroy the Government of the United States itself. You might as well get ready for it, the battle is now on. The sooner we withdraw from that monstrosity the better off we are going to be. When General Patton was persecuted be- cause he had shown himself to be the great- est general we had produced since the War Between the States, when that communistic influence was persecuting General Patton, I took his part on the floor of the House. After we got him back in action, and he had taken his Third Army and fought his way up to Berlin, he was ordered to move south and turn the victory over to Com- munist Russia. We have just been through the most use- lege war in history. Our boys won the fight, but Russia got the proceeds of the victory. Our boys won the victory in the field, on the sea, and in the air, and then the same crowd of wild-eyed internationaliata that now seem to have control turned the victory over to Russia, the worst enemy civilization ever know, General Patton came to see me, and said he wanted to thank me for defending him aa he expressed it, “When I was on the battle Tront and could not defend myself.” I said, “Why General, you do not owe me anything compared to what we owed you.” I told him he was the greatest general this country has produced since the War Be- tween the States. He said, “I want to ask you one question: What do you think of this United Nations?” I said, “General, don't you forget that Towers of Babel have been collapsing in confusion by the tongues ever since the days of Gene- sis. This will not be an exception.” He said, “I want to remember that if I don't remember another thing you have Ba! ad T see somebody in yesterday's Recorp re- ferred to the United Nations as a “totem pole” that some of the benighted people of the world worship and expect to get direc- tions from. We don’t expect to get any blessings from it. We have already heard its voice, and our boys are dying in Korea as & result, The quicker we get out of it, the longer America te going to survive. If we let them dominate this country, that freedom, that independence, that liberty, even that gov- ernment, even those State governments our forebears built will disappear. Mr. Ricttarps (presiding). You have 1 minute. Mr. Rawxim, If there are any questions I shall be glad to answer them. I did not want to come in here and take your time this morning without answering any questions you desire to aak., Mr. Ricuarps (presiding). We wanted you ta come, have ever been before. Do not forget that the Reds have their agents permeating this lestroy everything f people have fought for the last 200 years. God being my helper, ¥ will never quit this fight until we get rid of that so-called United Nations, that supergovernment that, as I said, is swarming this country with spies and trying to undermine and destroy this Government, as well as every State govern- ment, and to subordinate our people to the domination of foreign elements who have proved incapable of governing themselves. God save America! The resolution referred to follows: “House Joint Resolution 126 “Joint resolution terminating United States participation in the activities of the United Nations “Resolved, etc., That (1) membership of the United States in the United Nations shall be held and considered to be termi- nated, (2) no persom may represent the United States on or in any of the organs, agencies, or activities of the United Nations, and (3) no funds appropriated by any law of the United States may be used to share in the expenses of, or otherwise to support, the United Nations or any of ita organs, agencies, or activities. “See. 2. The following provisions of law are hereby repealed: (1) The United Nations Participation Act of 1945 (Public Law 264, 70th Cong.), and (2) ail other laws or parts thereof to the extent that they are incon- sistent with the provisions of this joint reso- lution. “Szc. 8. This joint resolution shall take effect on the day after the date of its enact- ment.” Slaves of the Military EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 8, 1951 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, disregarding the lessons of his- tory which teach us that war is destruc- tive and rufnous, General Marshall and Anna Rosenberg, willing tools of those financially powerful and politically am- bitious interests which got us into World War I and World War I, now would rob the cradle and cheat the grave by forcing every physically and mentally fit Amer- ican young man, as he reaches the age of 18, to become subject to, and the slave of, a military machine for some 7 years. The foregoing are harsh words, but they are justified by the present program of Mr. Truman, his British-loving, Com- munist-serving State Department, the internationalists, and one-worlders, Without in any way questioning the sincerity or the loyalty of those who are back of the present program of aid to all the world, of involving us in an all-out war in Asia and in Europe, it may truth- Tully be said that, if Stalin seeks the de- struction of our Republic, he could devise no better program than that formulated with the assistance of Alger Hiss, fol- lowed by Acheson and Mr. Truman—e APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD policy of spending us into brankruptoy, stripping us of our natural resources, and, finally, conecripting our youth. That program, ugh attrition and ex- haustion, will make this Nation as help- less as though it had been overrun by victorious armies. We know that every military leader who has conscripted all able civilians into the armed services has, when con- fronted in battle by freemen, in the end been defeated. The administration just a few days ago, through General Marshall, who in- sisted that he did not know where he was when the Japs descended on Pearl Harbor, and Anna Rosenberg, born in Hungary and now attempting to foist the Old World military despotism upon this country, announced its program for the future of young Americans, Marshall and Rosenberg demand that the Congress conscript all young men, as they reach the age of 18, for 27 months’ service with the Armed Forces, They further propose, following that service—and do not forget, once in- ducted for 27 months, the Congress might lengthen that service for another indefinite period, as it has in the past— to keep the young men in the service for an additional 5 years. : Their proposal is that, after the 27 months’ servieé, these young men are to be assigned to fully organized drilling units, subject to combat duty when called by their Government. After the active combat service has expired, these young men would be subject to the orders of those at the head of the war machine. They might be ordered to drill part or all of the time. They might be required to attend the colleges and universities, study the courses designated by the military. , Think of it—7 years and 3 months taken out of the life of every young man physically and mentally fit—devoted to the service, not of his country, but to the service of any one of the 12 Atlantic Pact nations. \ Is this a nation of free people? Are ‘we to have a military dictator? Are our citizens compelled, as are the Russians, ac were those under Hitler, Mussolini, to serve in the armed services at the will of some military man? { This administration now proposes to send 40 divisions—80,000 men—to Eu< rope, to be followed shortly by an army of 200,000. Unless all signs fail, if the one-worlders and the Trumanites are permitted to have their way, this war— the end of which no one can see—may call for twelve, as did the last war—or perhaps fifteen—million men in Europe, Is this war being staged so that Tru- man, the New Dealers, the one-worlders, the internationalists, can control our people for the next and succeeding gen- erations? If that is not the purpose, will someone tell us the real purpose? Do not answer that the purpore is to contain communism. That just does not go down, for the present and the pre- ceding administrations have harbored and encouraged Communists right here in Washington and in China. Do net answer that it is to carry the four freedoms throughout the world,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for the recent railroad strike, the cur- rent proposed tax bill and price-control with its regimentation, conscription for wars on foreign soil, teach us that we are losing our freedom here at home. And do not suggest that all war will be ended by fighting another one. The need of this country is for a Con- gress and a President who will think of the Republic, its people, its future; make us strong here at home. Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 7, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrecorp, I wish to include the 1951 revised consti- tution and bylaws of the Italian-Ameri- can World War Veterans of the United States, Inc. This organization is a pa- triotic American war veterans’ organ- ization, nonprofit and nonpolitical. It has advoeated a policy against all Com- munist, Fascist, subversive, totalitarian, and un-American groups and philoso- phies. It has been recognized under the laws of various State legislatures; namely, New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, and is incorporated under eight different States; namely, Connecti- cut, Massachusetts, New York, New Jer- sey, California, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Rhode Island. It has established local organizations from one end of the coun- try to the other and has been most active in aiding and assisting veterans not only of Italian-American extraction but all veterans of all wars, their fatnilies and dependents. I for one am proud of the accomplishments of the Italian-Ameri- can World War veterans, and I notice that year after year their numbers con- tinue to increase due to the outstanding contribution that they are making in local and national affairs. NATIONAL DEPARTMENT, ITALIAN-AMERICAN WoRLD WaR Veterans oF UniTeD Srartes, INC, Syracuse, N. Y., January 1, 1951, Subject: National constitution and bylaws. To: National, State, and local posts, depart- ments, officers, and members. Suort TIT_e NATIONAL CONSTITUTION Article I. Name. Article II. Purpose. Article III, Membership. Article IV. General powers. Article V. Assets of existing organizations. Article VI. Nonpolitical. Article VII. Not to engage in business, Article VIII. State agents. Article IX. Badges, emblems, and insignia, Article X, Auxiliaries. Article XI. Amendments. NATIONAL BYLAWS Article I. Organization. Article 11. Chapters. Article III. Suspension and revocation of charters. Article IV. Local posts. Article V. State Departments, Article VI. National convention, Article VII. National executive committee, Article VIII. National officers. Article IX. Finances. Article X. Life membership. Article XI. Discipline of posts and post members, Article XII. Field daisy. Article XIII, Politics. Article XIV. Amendments. NATIONAL ONSTITUTION PREAMBLE For God and Nation, and for our Common- wealth, the former members of the Armed Forces of the United States, having aided in maintaining the honor, integrity, and supremacy of our country, holding in re- membrance the sacrifices in common made and drawn together by strong bonds of re- spect and mutual suffering, solemnly and firmly assoctate ourselves together in creating the Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc., the principles and purposes of which shall be allegiance to the United States of America and fidelity to its constitution and laws. To hold aloft the torch of true patriotism; to strive for a bet- ter understanding between nations, that peace and good will may prevail; to cherish and preserve the memories of our military and naval associations; and to aid and as- sist veterans, their widows, and orphans. Article I. Name The name of this organization shall be Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc, Article II. Purpose The objects and purposes of the corpora- tion shall be— (a) To aid and assist veterans and their tamilies; . (b) To assist public and private agenctes and institutions endeavoring to promote the public welfare; (c) To foster, encourage, and promote so- cial, civic, historical, athletic, patriotic, mu- sical, and scientific activities and affairs; (ad) To uphold and maintain the honor and integrity of the United States and to pre- serve and defend the United States from all her enemies; (e) To uphold and maintain true al- legiance to the Government of the United States and fidelity to the Constitution; (f) To promote patriotism, advance the civic welfare, encourage benevolence, stim- ulate charity, champion the cause of educa- tion, and inspire friendship; (g) To stimulate a feeling of mutual de- votion, helpfulness, and comradeship among all veterans and their dependents, widows, and orphans; and (mn) To encourage and develop in all peo- ple a spirit of good will, fellowship, and un- derstanding, as a guard against future wars and chaos. Article 111, Membership Secrion 1. Any person who believes in the principles enunciated in the preamble to this constitution, and who is an American citizen, who was regularly enlisted, inducted, or com< missioned, and who was accepted for, or was on active duty in the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, Coast Guard, or Air Force of the United States, in any war, campaign, or expedition recognized by the Congress, shall be eligible for membership in the Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc.: Provided, however, That no person the service of whom with the Armed Forces has terminated shall be eligible for membership unless such termination was honorable dis- charge or honorable separation: And pro= vided further, That said service as a rege ularly enlisted, drafted, or inducted, or com- missioned was accepted for and assigned dure ing the period between April 6, 1917, and No- vember 11, 1918, or between December 7, 1941, and September 2, 1945, all dates inolu- sive; and during any period in furtherance of any legal mandate of the United Nations. (This includes veterans of Korean War.) Src. 2. No person may be a member at any one time of more than one post. Szc. 8. No person shall be entitled to mem~ bership who, being in such service during either of said period, refused on conscien- tious, political, or other grounds to subject himself to military discipline or unqualified service. 8c. 4, No person who has been expelled by ®& post, ahall be admitted to membership in another post, without the consent of the ox- pelling post, except that where such consent has been asked for and denied by such post, he may then appeal to the department execue tive committee of the expelling post for pers mission to be admitted to membership in an- other post, and shall be ineligible for mem~- bership -intil such permission is granted. Src. 5. Any person who has been of serv- ice to this organization and has cooperated with it to help to further its high ideals, either through sacrifice or the rendition of material assistance, whether he be of Italian birth or extraction or not, may be elected to honorary membership, it being under- stood, however, that such membership shall give such person no voice in the affairs of the organization and such person shall not be liable for nor have to pay any dues. The honorary membership not to exceed one member per year in each post, State Depart- ment, and national department. All appli- cations for honorary membership shall be forwarded by the sponsoring post, Btate de- partment, or national department to the national executive committee for final approval. . Src. 6. There shall be no form or class of membership except as specified in the con- stitution. Src. 7. No person shall be permitted to hold more than one membership in this organization, “Y Sec. 8. No member upon resigning his membership from any post shall be privi- leged to receive a remittance of any mem- bership dues theretofore paid, Src. 9. No member may solicit funds or offer for sale any form or Kind of merchan- dise as a veteran in the name of the organt- sation except with approval of the post of the particular town in which he is operat- ng. S8xc, 10. Transfers: A member of one post may secure a transfer of his membership to another post with the approval of the recelv- ing post, whereupon the national organi- zation shall notify all posts concerned. Bxc.11. There shall be no transfer of dues, credit or voting strength to members of posts where members transfer from one post to another until the first of the next fiscal year, Articole IV. General powers The corporation shall have perpetual suc- cession and power— (a8) To sue and be sued; (b) To receive, hold, lease, own, use, im- prove, and dispose of such real and personal property as may be necessary for its core porate purposes; (c) To accept gifts, legacies, and devises which will further its corporate purposes; (ad) To adopt and alter oa corporate seal; (e) To adopt and alter a constitution and bylaws and regulations not inconsistent with the laws of the United States or any State; (f) To establish and maintain offices for the conduct of its business; (g) To establish, regulate, and discon- tinue subordinate State or Territorial ore ganizations and local chapters or posts; (4) To promote the formation of ladies’ auxiliaries to local chapter or post organi- gations existing within the jurisdiction of
A698 the corporation, composed of mothers, wives, sisters, daughters, and nieces of veterans who are members of, or are eligible for mem- bership in, the corporation, or mothers, widows, wives, sisters, daughters, and nieces of deceased veterans who, if living, would be eligible for membership in the corpora- tion; (1) To publish a magazine or other pub- lication; (J) To adopt emblems and badges; (x) To charge and collect membership dues; and (1) To do any and all acts and things nec- essary and proper to carry into effect the objects and purposes of the corporations. Article V. Asseta of ezisting organization The corporation may acquire any or all of the assets of the existing organization known as Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc., upon discharging or satisfactorily providing for the payment and discharge of all its Habilities. Article V1, Nonpolitical The corporation shall be nonpolitical and, as an organization shall not promote the candidacy of any person seeking public office. Article Vil. Not to engage in business The corporation shall have no power to issue capital stock or engage in business for pecuniary profit or gain. Article VIII, State agents As a condition precedent in the exercise of any power or privilege herein granted or conferred, the Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc., shall file in the Office of the Secretary of State of each State the name and post-office address of an authorized agent in such State upon whom legal process or demands against the Italian- American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc., may be served. Article IX. Badges, emblems, and insignia Exclusive right to name, corporate seal, emblems, and insignia. The corporation and ite State and Territorial organizations and local chapters or posts shall have the sole and exclusive right to have and to use in carrying out its purposes the name of Italian- American World War Veterans of United States, Inc., and the sole and exclusive right to the use of its corporate seal, emblems, and badges as adopted by said corporation. Article X, Auxiliaries Gxcrton 1. This organization recognizes a ladies’ auxiliary, a national order of wreck- ers, Sons of Italian-American World War Veterans of United States, Inc., and Junior Daughters and Sisters of the Italian-Ameri- can World War Veterans of the United States, Inc., as auxiliary units of this organ- ization. Bec. 2. The auxiliary shall be governed in each department of the Italian-Ameri- can World War Veterans of the United States, Inc., by such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by the national executive com- mittee and thereafter approved by such Department of the Italian-American World War Veterans of United States, Inc. Sec. 3. Hligibility: This organization rec- ognizes an auxiliary organization to be com- posed of mothers, wives, sisters, daughters, and nieces (who are at least 16 years of age) of veterans eligible for membership in this organization, and any woman eligible to membership tn this organisation; and, in addition, mothers, wives, sisters, daugh- ters, and nieces who are at least 16 years of age of persons who were eligible and were killed in military or naval service of the United States in elther World War I or World War IT or were eligible for membership and have since died. Article XI. Amendments This constitution may be amended at any national convention by a vote of two-thirds of the total accredited delegates assembled, provided that the amendment shall have been read to the convention at least one calendar day before they are voted thereon. NATIONAL BYLAWS Article I. Organization Sxcrion 1. The governing body of this or- ganization shall be the national convention, the national executive committee, the State departments, the posts, and such territorial organizations as may be approved. 8x0. 2. Each such body shall keep records of its proceedings which shall be open for inspection to any recognized officer of the organization duly appointed by the national commander. Article JI. Charters Section 1. This organization may grant charters to State departments and local posts. Src. 2. Any ten persons eligible for mem- bership in this organization, who desire to form a post, shall make application for a charter to the commander of the department of the State in which they reside, and if there be no State department, then to the national, using the regular form prescribed by the national executive committee. Szc. 3. When there is already one post in a city, a charter may be granted for an addi- tional post only upon the basis of an appli- cation for charter signed by at least 25 eligi-~ bles, except in citles of 100,000 population or Jess it ls hereby provided that a charter may be granted on an application signed by not less than 25 eligibles. Src. 4. No new post shall bear the name of a living person, nor shall an existing post change its name to that of a living person. No post shall adopt the name already adopted by any other post in good standing, nor shall &n existing post change its name to that al- ready adopted by any other post in good standing. No post shall be named for a@ per- son who is not a veteran of either World ‘War I or World War II. Sec. 5. When a charter has been issued and signed by the national commander, it shall not thereafter be changed or amended except in the case of change of name, change of location and/or the dropping of names therefrom of ineligibles, and/or consolida- tion of posts as prescribed by the bylaws. Src. 6. All applications for post charters shall be accompanied by the current per capita tax for each signer of the application together with the officers’ bond premium. Sxc. 7. The approval of the post charters shall be signified by countersignatures of the commander and the adjutant of the State departments to which the post is affiliated. Article III, Suspension and revocation of charters Sxcrion 1. Charters of local posts may be revoked or suspended by State executive committee with the approval of the national executive committee, or by the national exec- utive committee where there is no State department; and shall be revoked by the national executive committee when a post has had lesa than 10 paid members for a period of 18 months. Sec. 2. The national executive committee may, for cause, revoke the charter of any State department. The term ‘for cause,” as used herein, shall refer only to matters spe- cifically required or prohibited by the con- stitution and bylaws of the national or State department, or posts. Src. 3. All charters revoked by the State department shall stand suspended pending action of the national executive committee. Src. 4. When the charter of any post has been revoked all members of that post shall become members at large. Src, 5. Upon revocation of a State depart~ ment or local post all property, money, and effecta of the State department or local post shall revert to the national organization to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD be held in trust for a period of 18 months; in the event the State department or post charter is not reissued within a period of 18 months the said property shall become the absolute property of the national depart- ment, Src. 6. In addition to any other grounds therefore, a member may be suspended and tried and the charter of a post or State de- partment may be suspended and revoked, should such member, post, or department resort to a civil court action against a post, department, or the national organization, or the officers thereof, as such, before exhaust- ing all remedies available within the organ- ization. Szc. 7, While under suspension, no 1aeet- ings shall be held in the name of the post or organization except for the sole purpose of the discussion of cause, effect, or removal of pensity. No funds of the post shall be expended or obligation incurred, except for the purpose of reinstatement from suspen- sion during and while the order or suspen- sion js ia force and effect. Sec. 8. Any post failing to meet the obil- gations imposed upon it by the constitution and bylaws, or ceasing to function for 6 months as an Italian-American World War Veterans of United States, Inc., post, or vol- untarily ceasing to function as a post, or merging with one or more other posts, or refusing to pay the department and national per capita dues, or under such other condi- tions as might make such action necessary, shall upon order of the department executive committee, surrender its charter for can- cellation. Upon failure to surrender such charter, immediate steps may be taken for its revocation, suspension, or cancellation. Article IV. Local posts Srcrion 1. Each local post may adopt its own constitution, bylaws and regulations and levy its own membership fees, provided that ech constitution, bylaws and regula- tions, do not conflict with those of this or- ganization, or with those of the State de- partment with which the post is affiliated. Src. 2. Each local post shall elect a com= mander, a senior vice commander, vice com- mander and quartermaster, and may elect or appoint such other officers as may be neces- sary to operate the post. Sxc. 8. Each local post shall keep com- plete and accurate records of minutes of meetings and financial records of all monies received, expended, and remitted; all money must bo deposited in the name of the said post; ahd shall have an accounting made of the same once each quarter, a report of which shall be submitted to the State and national organization. Bc. 4. Provision shall be made by each State department and local post for the expenditure of funds by it only on the basis of checka or vouchers signed by at least two officers thereof, Sec. 5. Seniority: The department com- mander shall assign the numbers issued to posts under his jurisdiction and such num- bers shall be issued according to the date of the charter under which they are acting, provided that in the case of new posts, the number shall be assigned as of rate of mus- ter. When a post charter ts canceled, the post number shall be held vacant for 1 year, but at the expiration of 1 year may be re- issued to & new post authorized within that department. Numbers shall be issued only to posts for which charters have been au- thorized by the national commander. Sec. 6. Revival of charter: A defunct post may be revived with its original name and number, provided these have not been re- assigned. If such revival is desired, an ap- plication shall be submitted as provided for in the formation of a new post and a charter issued as though the post were a new post. Src. 7. Meetings, stated: The stated meet- ings of each post shal! be held at least monthly.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Suc. 8. Meetings, special: The post com+ mander may call a special meeting whenever, in his opinion, the same may be necessary for the welfare of the post. The post come mander shall call & special meeting upon request, in writing, signed by seven mem- bers in good standing. The post adjutant shall notify all members in writing of the time and place of any special meeting and of the business to be transacted, such notice to be delivered to each member at least 48 hours in advance of the time set for the meeting. No business shall be transacted at any special meeting except that for which the meeting was called. Sec. 9. Quorum: The post bylaws may specify the minimum number of members required to constitute a quorum for the transaction of business in no case to be less than six members in good standing. 8c. 10. Change of name: Any post may change its name by a two-thirds vote of the members present at a regular or special meet~ ing called for the purpose, of which meeting and proposed action at last 80 days’ notice in writing has been given to all its members, and provided that such change shall be ap- proved by the department executive com- mittee and the national commander. When permission for change of name has been granted by the national commander such post shall be issued a new charter at the expense of the post. Sec. 11. Installation of officers: Post offi- cers shall be installed into thelr respective offices at a regular or special meeting during the period of September 1 and November 1, and such installation may be conducted publicly at an open meeting to be held for that purpose. The installation shall be conducted by the department commander or by a member in his stead who holds or held a rank at least as high as that of post commander. Article V. State departments Secrion 1, Formation: Whenever two or more posts have been organized in any State or Territory or foreign possession or country, a department may be organized in said State, Territory, or foreign possession, or country, Sec. 2. Authorized body: The State de- partments shall be the authorized governing bodies of the posts and territorial organiza- tions operating within the boundary lines in their respective States, and shall be com- posed of representatives of said posts and territorial organizations. Src. 3. Legislative powers: The legislative powers granted to a State department shall be vested in the State convention and shall be composed of the department officers and the accredited delegates representing the several posts and territorial organizations of the department. Sec. 4. Administrative powers: The ad- ministrative affairs of the State department shall be vested in a department executive committee to be composed of representa- tives of the several posts or territorial organi- gations of the department, the department commander, the department senior vice com- mander, ahd such other department officers as the department constitution may provide. Seo. 5. Officers: The State department shall elect a commander, & senior vice com- mander, a quartermaster, and shall elect or appoint such other department officers as may be provided by its constitution and bylaws, Sxc. 6, Constitution: Each State departe ment shall adopt its own constitution, by- laws, and regulations and provide its own membership fees, provided that the provi~ sions of such constitution, bylaws, and regue lations do not conflict with those of the national organization. Src. 7, Organization: Each State depart- ment, may establish such territorial organ- izations within ite own State as it may deem necessary, Sxc. 8. Eligibility to office: Any person holding membership in this organization, whose current per capita tax has been duly received by the State and national organiza~ tion, shall be eligible to any offica in that department: Provided, That no member shall hold two elective department offices at the time or any post shall have more than two members elected to a department office. No person who being a paid employee of any other veterans’ organization shall be eligible to hold an elective or appointive office in this organization or any unit thereof. Src. 9. Election of officers: The command~ er, senior vice commander, Junior vice com- mander, quartermaster, judge advocate, offi- cer of the day, and such other officers as may be prescribed by the department constitu- tion and bylaws shall be elected by ballot or roll call at the annual meeting of the de- partment convention in each year. A ma- jority of all votes cast shall be necessary for @ declaration of election, Seo. 10. Term of office: Officers thus elected shall be installed before the adjournment of the convention at which they are elected and immediately enter upon their duties, and shall hold office until their successors are duly installed. A department officer ap~ pointed and installed in office shall continue to hold office during the pleasure of the ap- pointive power unless otherwise provided. A department officer, elected or appointed, shall retain such office only while he re- mains a member in good standing in a post in the department of which he js an officer. Src. 11. Bylaws: A department convention may adopt bylaws for the government of the department, not confilcting with the consti- tution, bylaws, or orders of the national or- ganization, and may provide for the altera- tion or amendment thereof. Sec. 12. Revocation of charters: The na- tional convention at its annual session or the national commander, with the consent of the national executive committee, may at any time revoke the charter of a department which for three-fourths of a year has fatled to forward its reports, dues, or moneys prop- erly payable to the national headquarters. Sec. 18. Suspension of charter: The na- tional commander may suspend the charter of a department for a period of 60 days for violation of the laws or usages of the organi- zation or refusal to comply with lawful orders of the national convention or national execu- tive committee, and if no appeal is taken within the period of 60 days, the charter of the department may be canceled: Provided, however, That before the charter is cancelled, the department commander in question shall be duly notified of the charges against it and upon request shall have a suitable opportu. nity to appear before the national executive committee to show cause, if it may have any, why its charter should not be canceled. Sec. 14. Arrearage: Any department in ar- rears for returns, reports, per capita tax pay- ments or other financial obligations, shall be deprived of all representation in the national convention until the same are paid to the proper authority. Article Vi. National convention Sxrcrion 1, Supreme body: The legislative power of the Italian-American World War Veterans of United States, Inc., shall be its annual national convention to be held with- in the last week of August ending the first Monday in September at a place to be deter mined by a majority vote of the voting dele- gates in attendance at each preceding con- vention: Provided, however, That if any con- vention fails to designate time and place of the succeeding convention, the national execs utive committee shall do so, making an- nouncement thereof 60 days prior to the con- vention date. Sxc. 2. Delegates: At each national con+ vention, each State department shall be en- titled to two delegates and two alternates, One delegate shall be the department com- A699 mander in office at the time of the national , convention and the other shall be his ime . Mediate predecessor in offica. Hach post shall be entitled to three dele« gates and three alternates for its charter. One delegate of which will be the post com-+ mander or next officer and for whom per capita tax has been paid to the national de- partment and for whom the State capita tax has been received by the department quar- termaster prior to the opening of the said national convention: Provided, however, That any such recognition shall not be extended to designated delegates of any post which is in- debted to the national organization in the sum of more than $10; to the State departe ment in the sum of more than §10. All duly elected national officers by virtue of their office shall be delegates to the na- tional convention. In addition to all post delegates, all elected national officers, past national commanders, and two national ex- ecutive committeemen from each State, and all appointed national officers, in accordance with article VIII, section 8, are entitled to vote sat the annual national convention: Provided, however, They have qualified with respect to the payment of national and State per capita tax and the convention fee, Sxc, 3. Voting: Each delegate shall be en- titled to one vote. There shall be no form of unit rule or voting by proxy. Szc. 4, Convention rules: The rules of the national convention shall be prescribed by the national executive committee, subject to amendment and approval by the national convention. All matters of parliamentary procedure not otherwise specifically covered by such rules or by these bylaws shall be gov- erned by Demetere’s Manual of Parliamentary Procedure. Copies of convention rules shall be prepared and distributed by the adjutant to the delegates upon their adoption. 8xc. 5. Credentials: The form of the con- vention credentials shall be designated by the national executive committee. The na- tional commander shall appoint a credential committees composed of one member from each State, ang shall, in accordance with the provisions of these bylaws and the conven+ tion rules determine the eligibility of all persons seated and voting in the national convention, and shall specifically notify the convention and the delegates as to the num. ber of votes each delegation shall be entitled, Article VII, National executive committee Sxction 1. Administrative power and com- position: Between national conventions, the administrative power shall be vested in the national executive committee which shall be composed of the national commander, na- tional senior vice commander, five junior vice commanders, national quartermaster, Judge advocate, national chaplain in office, national rehabilitation officer, two national executive committeemen from each depart. ment, and retiring national commander, National commander shall be presiding officer. Ssc. 2. Term of executive committeemen; The term of such national executive com- mitteemen and alternates shall be 1 year. Sxc. 3. Meetings: The national executive committee shall hold its stated meetings as follows: One within 24 hours preceding the convention of and one within 24 hours fol- lowing adjournment of the national conven« tion. Sxc. 4. Special meetings: Whenever any seven members of the national executive committee deem it necessary they may ree quest in writing, that a special meeting of the executive committee be held, and upon receipt of stich request the national com- mander shall call a special meeting setting forth the time, place, and reasons for such, During the period of the convention when« ever the national commander deems it neces~ sary, he may call a special meeting of the executive committee.
. A700 xo. 8. Communications: The reguler buat. ness of the organization requirtng the con- sideration of the national executive com- mittee between stated meetings shall be transacted through the office of the national commander by means of correspondence or referendum (matl or telegraph ballots). Sec. 6. Quorum: A quorum shall exist in the national executive committee when seven members are present and seated. Sec. 7. Powera: All legislative, adminis- trative and executive matters not otherwise specifically covered by the provisions of the constitution, bylaws and regulations of this organization, or by any enactment of the national convention shall be determined by the national executive committee. Article VIll, National officers Sscriow 1. Election of officers: The na- tional convention shall elcct a national commander, senior vice commander, five juntor vice commanders, judge advocate, chaplain, , rehabilitation off- cer, officer of the day, and two members at large for the national executive committee from each State. No person shall sucoeed himself as national commander. Sxc. 2. Vice commanders: No more than one vice commander shall be chosen from any State, and no more than one national executive committeeman shall be chosen from any one post. 8xc. 8. Appointed officers: By and with the consent of the national executive committee the national commander shall appoint a national adjutant, national legislative chair- man, national sergeant-at-arms, national historian, Americanivation officer, chief of staff, chief inspector, service officer, two aldes-de-camp, and one deputy chief of staff from each State. Sxo. 4. Eligibility to office: All active mem- bers in good standing shall be eligible to any office: Provided, That no member shall hold two elective national offices at the same time or an elective national office and an appointed elective office. Guc. 5. Past national commanders: All paet national commanders, while in good standing in their respective posts, shall be members for life of the national executive committee, and ahall also be life delegates to all national conventions of the Italian- American World War Veterans of United States, Inc., with vote, to be exercised by them with their respective departments. Sec, 6. Presiding officer: The national com- mender shall be the presiding officer of the national convention and of the national ex- ecutive committee meetings. He shall ap- point such committees as may be provided for by these bylaws, and such committees as may be authorized by the convention or by the executive committes. Duties of Officers Sc. 7. National commander: The national commander shall be the executive head of the Italian-American World War Veterans of the Untted States, Inc., with full power to enforce the provisions of the national con- atitutton, national bylaws, and the will of the national convention. He shall be the Ghatrman of the national convention and the national executive committee; sign all vouchess properly drawn on the quarter- master; make all appointments aa prescribed by these bylaws, and may remove these offi- otrs at his pleasure. He shall perform such other duties as are usually incident to the office. Bec. 8. Vice commanders: In case of the vemoval of the national commander from coffee, or of his death, resignation, or in- ability to discharge the duties of his office, the rame shall devolve upon the senior vice commander; and in the case of the removal, death, resignation, or inability of both the commander and semior vice commander, the duties shall devolve upon the office of the Vice commander first elected. Sxc. 9. Adjutant: The national adjutant shall keep correct records of the proceedings of the natfonal convention and executive committee; he shall conduct its correspond~ ence and issue the necessary orders under the direction of the national commander. He shall keep proper files of all correspondence and copies of the applications for member- ship in the Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc. He shall perform such other duties as are usually in- cident to the office. The national adjutant shall by and with the consent of the na- tional commander appoint such employees as may be deemed necessary to conduct the business affairs of his office, and shall by and with the consent of the national executive committee determine the salaries of such employees. Src. 10. Quartermaster: The quartermaster shall take charge of the funds, securities, vouchers, and all other property of the Italian-American World War Veterans of the United States, Inc. He shall keep a true record and account of all moneys due and receivable from all sources. He shall pay all warrants drawn on the treasury when prop-~ erly countersigned by the national com- mander. He shall retain one copy of such vouchers for his own files and shall submit one copr to the national adjutant. He shall turn all bills over to the national commander for approval. No bills shall be paid by him until approved by the national commander or by the national executive committee. He shall keep a true record of all Mabilities of the national department. He shall purchase all supplies or other property necessary to conduct the busine-s of the national department. When neces- sary to purchase such supplies, he shall fill out a requisition form provided by the national executive committee and submit same to the national commander for ap- proval; and no supplies or property shal! be purchased until said requisition is approved by the national commander or the national executive committee. The quartermaster shall have charge of all supplies and furnish same to all State de- partments anc all pests. He shall be treas- urer of all committees of the national exec- utive committee. He shall keep a systematic account between the national department and State departments and posts, debiting and crediting per capita tax, each item of supplies separate, so as to render a strict ac- count of the cost of all revenue from all receipts and supplies. He shall issue to each State department and to each post and each national depart- ment officer, at the last of every quarter through the magazine or in pamphlet form as directed by the national executive com- mittee, his repcrt showing receipts and dis- bursements. Said report shall be malled not later than the 10th day of the following month, and shall show the total receipts from each State department, each post, or other sources for the quarter. The quartermaster shall maintain a com- plete roll of our membership. He shall render an annual report in writing at the national convention. He shall compile a complete inventory of all property and report the same to the annual convention. The national quartermaster shall be bonded for @10,C00 and the same shal! be paid by the national de ent. The bond shall be kept by the national finance committee. Bec, 11. Judge advocate: The national Judge advocate shall be the legal adviser of this organization. He shall, upon the re- quest of the national commander and the national executive committee or the national convention, render his opinion upon all ex« isting and proposed amendments to the con- stitution and bylaws of this organization, or any unit thereof, upon all questions of parliamentary procedure and upon all ques- tions arising out of the national organiza- tion, interpost, and interdepartment disputes, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Upon receiving the opinion of the judge advocate upon any such questions, the na- tional commander shall render a decision which shall be subject to appeal to the na- tional executive committees and to the national convention, provided that notice of intention of appeal is given within 30 days after the decision of the national com- mander is made known. In all such cases the decision of the na- tional convention shall be final. He shall perform such duties as are incident to his office, Sc. 12. Historian: The national historian shall be the publicity officer of the national department and shall be required to furnish publicity matters to the newapapers and only with the approval of the national com- mander. Src. 18. Patriotic and Americanization of- ficer: The national patriotic and American- ization officer shail perform such duties as his office may require or the national com- mander may direct. Sec, 14. Chaplain: The national chaplain shall perform such duties in connection with his office as the commander or the national convention may require. Sec. 15. Officer of the day and sergeant at arms: The duties of the officer of the day and sergeant at arms shall be as prescribed and pertaining to his office. 8xrc. 16. Chief of staff: The chief of staff shall have full charge under the national commander of the work of organizing new Posts. Suc. 17. Chief inspector: The chief in- spector shall perform such duties as are required of him and incident to his office, Sec. 18. Legislative chairman: The na- tional legislative chairman, subject to the instructions of the national commander, national executive committee, or the national convention, shall direct and supervise all Federal legislative activities of this organiza- tion. No Federal legislation shall be sponsored or endorsed by him, or by any national officer, or any member or officer of any sub- ordinate unit, unless it has been approved by a national convention or by the national executive committee. The national legislative chairman. shall by and with the consent of the national com- mander appoint such employees as he may deem necessary to the conduct of the affairs of his office, and shall by and with the con- sent of the national executive committee determine the salaries of said employees. Sxc. 19. Rehabilitation officer: The reha- bilitation officer shall concern himself with the rehabilitation program and hospital work of veterans confined in hospitals, and such other duties as are incidental to his office. The national rehabilitation officer shall by and with the consent of the national execu- tive committee determine the salaries of the national rehabilitation officers and other employees of his department, All national rehabilitation officers in the several national districts and States shall render a detailed monthly report of the work done by them to the national rehabili- tation officer, and he shall, in turn, within 10 days from receipt of said report, transmit a consol idated report to the national depart- ment, Article IX. Finances Sxcriow 1. Finances: The revenue of this organization shall be derived from the per capita tax, contributions, and such other sources as may be approved by the national executive committee. Sxc. 2. Per capita tax: The amount of the national per capita tax shall be 75 cents for the fiscal year 1940-41, and thereafter shall be determined by the national convention and shall remain in effect until changed by the subsequent national convention. - Sxc, 3. The national and State per capita tax shall be collected from the member by