A562 other benefits. This was signed by the union representatives, but was later rejected. Oth- ers say the railroad presidents should be com- pelled to negotiate with the union presidents. But what is the point of this? The railroad representatives have had full authority to negotiate and their agreements have been kept. It is the union repreeentatives who have not acted in a responsible manner, and who, as the President says, apparently signed the White House agreement in bad faith. So what purpose would be served by bringing the railroad presidente into the picture? What is obviously needed in this situation ig some means of holding the unions respon- sible for the acts of their members. If the unions cannot control their members in mat- ters that come within the province of the untons, then they have no right to function ag the representatives of the men. How this can best be done ts a diffieult question. But some means of doing it must be found. The Government cannot call on all other Americans for heavy sacrifices in the name of the national welfare, and per- mit a handful of trresponsible strikers to pur- ave their own reckless and selfish aims. That not only cripples the national effort in a materia) sense; it will, if tolerated, certainly destroy the national morale. It is not enough to denounce this strike, or even to find some way of patching up the dispute. The Presi- dent, as Chief Executive, should start now to provide the machinery that will compel, not some, or most, but all Americans to serve the interests of their country on even terms. All unions today enjoy a privileged status under the law. If this privilege is going to be abused, as it la being abused, it must be revoked. The Golf Controversy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY 0. TALLE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. TALLE. Mr. Speaker, as 8 mem- ber of the Committee on the District of Columbia, I have taken note of the re- cent controversy concerning the opera- tion of public golf courses here in Washington with a good deal of interest, It is not my intention to discuss the problem at this time, but under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp I in- clude the following correspondence which, in my opinion, should receive the close attention of the Committee on Pub- lic Lands: Wasuinoton, D. C., January 15, 1951. Dear Sm: The story of golf in the District is one that reflects great credit on the oper- ators of the courses from the taxpayer's standpoint, because to this present moment their operation has cost the taxpayer not 1 cent. While there is a continuing deficit in every branch of the Government the golf courses have returned a profit to this same Government. While the District recreation chairman, Harry Wender, asks each year for Increased appropriations for his department, the golf courses, under private management, have paid their way. In doing this they have kept green fees way below the green fees of other municipalities throughout the United Btates. Many people belleve that the Government built the courses and maintains them. The Tacts are that the courses, in part, were bullt by the present management of the courses from personal funds. The present operator of the courses risked his own finances tn building the courses and was repaid from fees later collected from the players. Year after year during the early stages of golf- course building the District Recreation Com- mission manifested no interest in the golf courses whatever. During those days when the present operator of the courses was set- ting up the finest public golf courses in the country, the District Recreation Commission occupied itself with other matters. It was only when wise management started showing @ profit that the District Recreation Chair- man started casting anxious eyes at the local golf courses. The golf courses are on Department of the Interior property. The swimming pools are on the Department of the Interlor property. The tennis courts are on Department of the Interlor property. Mr. Harry Wender does not want his recreation department to oper- ate the swimming pools—he Just wants to operate the golf courses. The golf courses show @ record of wise management and con- tinuing profit under private management. The swimmins, pools, once operated by the present operator of the golf courses at a con- siderable profit to the Government, are now operated by a quasi governmental agency and are showing a continuing loss. The Recreation Commission has always reached into the pockets of the taxpayers for funds for all operations under their command, while the private operator of the golf courses has put money into the taxpayers’ pockets. Anacostia golf course was once operated by a quasi governmental agency, but again a con- tinuing deficit forced the management to turn the golf course over to the present operator, who again turned the operation into & profitable venture. No one on the Commission knows any- thing about the operation of golf courses, yet newspaper accounts reveal that Mr. Harry Wender has already predicted the profits for the future under his management. As Members of Congress and other businessmen know, meeting @ payroll from profits and wise management ts slightly different than meet- ing a payroll from a congressional appropria- tion. Mr. Wender is an optimistic soul. He sees only a profit for the future in District golf. Mr. Wender has never investigated the operation of courses in other cities under municipal management. If he had investi- gated he would find that with few excep- tions all the cities operate their courses at higher fees and at a loss to the taxpayers. Yet, undaunted by lack of knowledge of the subject, Mr. Harry Wender has already indi- cated he proposes to reduce the rates to the golfer. Citizens who will have to pay the bill for any of Mr. Wender's mistakes in manage- ment are asking where the money will come from if the golf courses show a loss under governmental] management. Mr. Wender certainly isn't going to foot the bill. Mr. Wender thinks it is easy to get money out of Congress for deficits, so he is reported to be not uneasy about the future if he can get control of the courses. Should Congress in its wisdom decide to loan Mr. Wender money to purchase the courses some time in the future, it should first examine the entire recreation program, It should set up @ policy that would require the Recreation Commission to take over the pools and tennis courts too. It should put the parks under the Recreation Commission control, because the parks and the bridle paths are ag much recreation to some people as golf is to others. Mr. Harry Wender doesn't know anything about the operation of these things either, but there may es well be a big deficit as a littie one. The taxpayers will never know the difference. No one, including the Recreation Commis- aion Chairman, Mr. Harry Wender, knows why the Recreation Commission wants to operate the courses. The Commission can’t APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD submit a record of profitable management {n other ventures. They can't show that present fees are too high. They can't show that the courses are not in good condition. They can't show an excess of employees in the operation of the courses. They can’t show anything except a desire to get control of golf in the District. The golf courses un- dey municipal management in other cities show that city employees play the courses at no cost in most cases. The courses become & private playground for officials and political cronies of those in control of the courses. This ts one reason why the courses show & Jona. When the Recreation Comrniasion decided they wanted to operate the couraes they learned that the present operator could not be attacked on the basis of wise manage-~ ment. They decided that the personal smear angle would produce the best results. All sorts of charges irrelevant were put forward, but they fell flat before an onslaught of facts in the hands of the present operation of the courses. The most significant statement coming out of the hearings on the transfer of the golf courses to the Recreation Department is the following: . “It is indicated that it was the intention of Congress that the Recreation Board should operate the golf courses. This is obviously inaccurate, since section 3 of article II of the Recreation Board Act specifically pro- vides: ‘That nothing in this act contained shall be construed as affecting any rights under any existing lease or leases lawfully entered into by any agency mentioned or affected by this act, nor shall anything in this act contained be construed ag affecting the right of any such agency in the future lawfully to enter into leases of land or prem- ises under ita control for recreational pur- poses.’ At that time, the golf courses were being operated by my company. By this provision, therefore, the Congress recognized and approved the continued operation of the golf courses by private concessioners. “The Chairman of the Recreation Board has led the committee to believe that it was the intention of Congress to use the truat funds for operating the public golf courses, in addition to the other activities of the Recreation Board. Had this been true, in 1942 when the Board was created, the Con- gress of the United States would certainly not have placed a limitation of only €500 as the total which would be advanced to the. Superintendent of Recreation at any one time to be used for the expenses of conduct~ ing the activities of the Board While this amount has since been raised to $2,000 it is still obviously impossible to operate the pub- He golf courses, which do a gross business in excess of $600,000, on any such arrangement as was set up under the act creating the Recreation Board. “In 28 years we, the present private op- erators of the golf courses, have paid the Government over $191,000, which was de- posited in the United States Treasury to the credit of miscellaneous receipts, District of Columbia, and have spent for capital im- provements over $240,000. All of these capital improvements either are now or will become the property of the United States. We have done this, and still have given the golfers the cheapest rates in the United States where the courses have been self-supporting.” Respectfully, JosEPnH C. HEALY. — RECREATION Boarn, Distaicr or CoLuMsta, Washington, D.C., February 2, 1961. Hon. Henry ©. Tus, United States House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear ConaakssmMan Tate: Thank you for sending me your letter of January 19 requeste ing comment on a communication from Mg,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Joseph C. Healy under date of January 18 concerning the operation of public golf courses In the District of Columbia. Mr. Healy writes under a lawyer's letter- head with Covington, Ky., offices, but with a post-office box address at the Franklin Sta- tion in Washington, D. C. It appears that Mr. Healy is an employee of the Department of Justice residing in the National Capital area, and is therefore one of the general public for whom the public golf courses should be operated. His letter, however, in- dicates that he ts poorly informed as to the history of the golf courses in the National Capital parks and also as to the reasons for the creation of the District of Columbia Recreation Board and the functions vested in it by act of Congress. The letter will be dealt with paragraph by paragraph in order to point out its inaccu- racies, The statements made in the follow- ing comments are based upon information set forth on the records of the Recreation Board and in a Brief History of Golf Courses in National Capital Parks, a mimeographed statement presented by the Department of the Interior before the Subcommittee of the Public Lands Committee of the House in May 1949. PARAGRAPHS 1 AND 2 In paragraph 1 Mr. Healy states that the operation of the golf courses “has cost the taxpayer not one cent.” This statement 1s obviously intended to convey the impression that public golf in the National Capital parks has been operated by the present conces- sioner without cost to the taxpayer. Paragraph 2 further states “that the courses, in part, were built by the present management of the courses from personal funds.” Of the 81 holes available for play Mr. Leof- fler’s various companies have built 27 holes. The 18 holes at Rock Creek were built by the Welfare and Recreational Association (now Government Services, Inc.), a semi- public organization. The nine holes at Fort Dupont were built and paid for out of profits due the United States, and the remaining 27 holes were built from appropriated tax money. There are five clubhouses at the various courses. Those ot East Potomac, Anacostia, and Langston were built with tax money. The house at Fort Dupont will be completely paid for out of United States share of profits, Under one contract Mr. Leoffler was required to make some alterations to the oldest of the buildings which is used as a clubhouse at Rock Creek. The major maintenance of these clubhouses is paid out of tax money and the National Capital Parks Office expends large sums annually on other items in main- tenance and improvement of the golf courses, It is implied that the Recreation Board will request public appropriation to help meet the cost of operating the golf courses. There is a firm understanding between the Board of Commissioners of the District of Columbia and the Secretary of Interior that no direct appropriation will be requested for operating the golf courses. The advance requested by the Recreation Board in the 1952 budget esti- mate will be repaid out of funds received from operation of the courses. Paragraph 2 contains the statement, ‘Year after year during the early stages of golf- course building the District Recreation Com- mission manifested no interest in the goif courses wh tever.” The Recreation Board cf the District of Columbia was created by act of Congress April 20, 1942, and held its first forma] meet- ing on June 1, 1942. The public golf courses had then been established for 22 years. During the first year of its existence, fiscal year 1943, the Board sought transfer of the golf courses upon expiration of the then existing contract, due to expire December 31, 1043. Due to war conditions and the short time available for obtaining the necessary funds, an agreement with the Secretary of the Interior was not reached and Mr, Leof- fler received a new contract for 5 years to December 31, 1048. In January 1948, a year before expiration of this new contract, the Board opened ne- gotiations to obtain transfer of.the courses, but despite repeated requests the National Capital Parks Office did not furnish the in- formation as to history of receipts and dis- bursements and other information necessary to justify a request by the Board for an advance of funds to permit taking over the courses, During the summer of 1948 the golfers using public courses held meetings and drew up complaints on the poor condition of the courses. As a result of these protests and the introduction of a resolution by Congress- man Rivers, of South Carolina, an investiga- tion was made by the Subcommittee on Rec- reation and Parks of the House Public Lands Committee. Hearings were held beginning March 29, 1949. The information requested of the Department of the Interior by the Recreation Board was not furnished until February 1949, after the contract with Mr, Leoffier had expired. When the Subcommit- tee on Parks and Recreation learned that there had been no audit of Mr. Leoffler’s books since the beginning of that contract on January 1, 1943, they directed that an audit be made. After the submission of the audit report, the committee recommended that the golf courses be turned over to the Recreation Board. Mr. Rivers introduced a bill directing this transfer. On August 29, 1949, there was finally ne- gotiated a basic agreement with the In- terior Department permitting the Recrea- tion Board to conduct programs on all areas under the jurisdiction of the Interior De- partment except the swimming pools and stipulating that supplemental agreements must be made for operation of the golf courses, The swimming pools were not included as the Interior considered they should be subject to a separate agreement, Throughout the negotiation of these agree- ments the Board has been assured that the present Secretary of the Interior desires to turn the golf courses over to the Board. The final supplemental agreement with the In- terlor for the operation of the gold courses has now been drafted, has recelved the ap- proval of the District Commissioners and the national park authorities, and is the basis of the request now before Congress for an advance of 6275,000 to be repaid over a period of years from the golf receipts. PARAGRAPH 3 Mr. Healy suggests that all recreation fa- cilities in the National Capital parks should be transferred to the Recreation Board The organic act creating the Recreation Board, Public Law 534 (56 Stat. 261), authorizes the Board to conduct a broad and varied program utilizing the public facilities “in major rec- reation centers, playfields, athletic fields, playgrounds, tennis courts, baseball dia- monds, swimming pools, beaches, golf courses, community centers, and social cen- ters in schools, parks, or other publicly owned buildings, as well as other recreational facil- ities which may be agreed upon between the Board and the agencies having jurisdiction over such facilities.” The Recreation Board stands ready to assume the responsibility vested in it by Congress for the operation of all public recreation facilities in the District as rapidly as agreements can be reached with those agencies which have jurisdiction over the property where such facilities have been constructed. The Recreation Board does not own any land but operates on properties owned by the United States, by the District of Columbia government, including buildings and grounds assigned to the Board of Educa- tion, and by various public and private agen- cies. The Board does, however, in entering into these agreements, hold to ite basic au- thority to determine all questions of general A563 policy relating to publo recreation in and for the District of Columbia. Any delay in the tranefer of recreational facilities or in the completion of agreements between the Board and other governmental agencies is due only to differences of opinion as to the full au- thority of the Board tn predetermining policy. PARAGRAPH: 4 Paragraph ¢ questions the knowledge of the Board (Commission) about the opera- tion of golf courses. Under authority granted by the Board, the Superintendent and Assist~ ant Superintendent of the Recreation De- partment, the Chief of Operations and a rep- resentative of the Budget Officer of the Dis- trict of Columbia have personally inspected and investigated the operation of other mu- nicipally owned and operated golf courses. The Superintendent is recognized as one of America’s top recreation officials. The As- sistant Superintendent is an engineer with excellent analytical abilities. The program staff of the Recreation Department is thor- oughly trained in «ll phases of recreation work, Under the Recreation Board, direc- tion of the golf courses would be placed in the hands of a thoroughly competent golf expert of recognized experience and ability. No promise has ever been made to the public by me or the Recreation Board that rates would be reduced. The Board pro- poses, if and when it receives the operation of the golf courses, (1) to pay back its in- debtedness on a clearly established schedule, (2) to be sure of a constant program of re- habllitatton and improvement of the courses, (8) to extend existing courses and develop new ones, and (4) to give the public the benefit of whatever savings are accomplished by canceling out the “profit” payment now paid to the private concessioner. If, with the efficient operation and improvement of the courses, it is found possible to reduce rates, then, of course, this will be done. We would expect the public golfers themselves, through appropriate representation, to assist the Board in determining the extent to which improvements and extensions should be made before considering rate reductions. PARAGRAPH 5 The statements of this paragraph have already been met in citing the firm agree- ment between the District and the Depart- ment of Interior that public appropriations will not be sought to operate the public golf courses. PARAGRAPHS 6 AND 7 Congress has already set up in Public Law 6384 a procedure by which the Recreation Board is authorized to accept the operation of all public recreation facilities subject to agreements between the Board and the agen- cies having jurisdiction over such facilities. It is because the Board takes seriously the charge laid upon it by this law that it con- tinues to seek the transfer of the golf courses. PARAGRAPH & The writer refers In this paragraph to a “personal smear angle.” This allegation is without basis, as at no time, either in its communications and conferences with In- terior officials or in its public acts, has the Board or this writer made any personal charges against the present operation of the courses, PARAGRAPH 8 Paragraph 9 quotes several paragraphs of the testimony of Mr. Leoffler before the Subcommittee on Parks and Recreation of the House Public Lands Committee, This quotation indicates very clearly Mr, Leof~ fler’s lack of understanding itn regard to the operation of the trust fund of the Recrea- tion Department and the authority of the Interior Department and of the Recreation Board to enter into agreements for the ime proved operation of public recreation facilie ties. It is the opinion of the writer that the really significant statements coming out of
Abt the congresional hearings were made in the audit report of the Department of the Interior. These include: (1) That the methods of the concessioner are “an indication of a lack of understanding as to modern methods of accounting.” (2) That in spending the rehabilitation reserve “individual job cost records were not maintained, making it dificult, if not im- possible, to determine with any degree of accuracy the correct cost of the various projects.” (3) That the electric vending machines, only method of checking actual receipts ‘were disconnected or disregarded in ac- counting for number of tickets sold.” (4) That ticket “roll:;, in many cases, were not entirely used up before a new roll would be started. Thus the effectivencas of using ticket numbers as a control of caah is daiminiahed.” As to the trust fund of the Recreation Department, the advance of $2,000 allowed for the trust fund is made by the District of Columbia and serves as a form of petty cash fund. Large expenditures for pay rolls, etc., from the trust fund are made according to the regular disbursement procedures estab- shed by the District Auditor and the Gen- eral Accounting Office. If the item carried in the budget now before Congress is granted the Board will have a cash operat- ing fund of €100,000. It is believed that it would have been in the interest of good public service if Mr. Healy as a Government employee and real- Gent of this area had avatied himself of the opportunity for clarifying numerous im- pressions and statements he has made. The offices of the District of Columbia Recrea- tion Department and Board are always avail~ able to provide data and information on public recreation services and facilities in the District of Columbia, We are attaching a significant document, Compendium of Significant Factors Relat- ing to Transfer of Operation of the Public Golf Courses to the District of Columbia. This compendium is a chronological listing of various events and developments which briefly illustrate the problems and difficul- tiles which have beset the Rrecreation Board in discharging the mandate given to it by the Congress tn Public Law 634. Also enclosed is the original correspond- ence that you requested be returned to you. The writer makes no response to Mr, Healy’s frequent personal references, as it is assumed that any statements attributed to or directed at me in fact concern the Recreation Board. This opportunity to comment on Mr. Healy's letter is deeply appreciated and we trust that you will call upon us for any additional information you may desire. Respectfully yours, Harry 8. Wenver, Chairman, Recreation Board, District of Columbia, To End the Strike EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. HARRY R. SHEPPARD OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. SHEPPARD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ond, I include the following editorial ap- pearing on the editorial page from the Washington Post of Saturday, February 3, 1951, entitled “To End the Strike”: To END THs Breiner The White House has properly taken ac- count of the great public interest in the restoration of full railroad service in its state- ment condemning the trainmen's strike. No one can contradict the assertion that “while the untons did not ratify the (December 21) agreement, that does not give them the right to strike against the Government. Their obligation is to remain at work while they use whatever democratic processes are avail- able to settle their dispute.” But court action, howsver necessary, will not settle the basic iasue or restore harmony to rail lebor relations. Nor will strong lan- guage. The mere fact of governmental con- trol of the railroads implies an obligation upon the administration to see through the intervention {¢ has begun. Yet in the cur- rent phase the administration so far has done nothing to bring top rail executives and unton leaders face to face. It became apparent shortly after Christ- mas that the agreement with the four major operating unions reached through the medi- ation of Presidential Assistant John R. Steel- man was not going to work. The carriers charged the unions with repudiating the agreement; they hold—and the administra- tion apparently agrees—that the contract signed December 2] was binding and must form the basis for any further discussions. The unions, on the other hand, maintain that no contract is firm until it is ratified by the membere—and this contention haa a solid history in labor relations. It is true that the contract agreed to by management pro- vided a more generous wage raise than that recommended sometime ago by a Preaiden- tial emergency board. Union members, how- ever, maintained that this was not enough in ight of the fact that the dispute has dragged on almost 2 years; moreover, they objected to the provision enlisting Dr. Steel- man as erbitrator for a 8-year pertod. Whether or not there was bad faith on the of the union leaders, whether or not they withheld from members certain {terms they had agreed to, the very fact of a strike attests the intensity of feeling. Undoubted- ly union politics are involved, but an im- passe exists and a way out must be found. Maybe Dr. Steelman has done all he can, but union heads have not seen him since Janu- ary 18. Nor have they aeen any top railway executives since December 21, What has set in, apparently, is much the same sort of stall- ing that took place after the Government seized the railroads last summer. If anyone expects this sort of treatment to cool the union feelings, it has had quite the opposite effect. Although, according to Dr. Steelman, it ‘was the untons who first sought his help, the plain fact is that they have lost confidence in him. Nor is !t possible to see how the National Mediation Board can do much about the hot potato that was thrown back into its lap after White House interven- tion falled. Polmt one in any new attempt at governmental intervention, it seems to us, ought to be the recognition by President Truman that a new mediator ts essential. The insistence of a management spokesman that this is mere “union propa- ganda” does not, of course, meet the issue, for confidence js a necessary prelude to work- able agreement. There ought to be plenty of expertenced men of the caliber of Dr. Wil- liam Letserson, former chairman of the Mediation Board, or Senator Warnz Morse who would be acceptable to both sides. Governmental assurance that the wage freeze would not apply because of the history APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of the dispute would be a big help to a new mediator. But his fundamental job would be to end the dealing through intermediaries and get railroad presidents to elt down with union presidents and face the issues. That, in our opinion, ig the only way to get both sides to cease bickering over petty grievances and start thinking of a lasting settlement in the national interest. Appointment of Price Enforcement Directors mumematemaad EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. PATRICK J. HILLINGS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr, HILLINGS, Mr. Speaker, along with many other Members of the Con- gress, I have viewed with concern the manner in which regional and district price enforcement directors are being appointed throughout the country. I have been particularly alarmed over the fact that the director named for the Los Angeles area is a left-wing Democrat who has consistently supported the so- Cctalistic philosophy of many of the rad- jeal thinking individuals in the present administration. It is imperative that politics be kept out of our national defense program if we are to succeed in facing the demands of the present national emergency. The appointments now being made by the Price Director of the Office of Price Sta- bilization indicate that despite the na- tional emergency, it is still politics as usual insofar as the Truman administra- tion is concerned. I am including an editorial from the Washington Sunday Star of February 4, 1961, which points out that the political pork barrel is the main consideration in the appointments being made by the Di- rector of the Office of Price Stabilization. The editorial follows: No Bast REPvsLIcANS Price Director DiSalle has denied that po- Ntical pull is the magic formula for getting jobs in his Office of Price Stabilization. “It Takes no difference whether a man is a Democrat or a Republican," Mr, DiSalle said, “we pick the best man we can get.” If that ts the case, the Republicans must be a pretty sorry lot, or else they are not looking for jobs. A check of OPS appointmente reveals that 11 of 13 regional price enforcement direc- tors are Democrats of one sort or ancther, and that 29 of 34 district directors are Demo- crata, The others who could be reached said they had no party affiliation, or refused to reveal it. Apparently there are no Repub- licans in the crop, or, if they are any, they are either afraid or ashamed to admit it. This may be just a coincidence, as Mr. Di- Balle’s statement suggests. But it looks as though the OPS js rapidly becoming a haven for deserving Democrats whose services are not in demand elsewhere.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Will the United Nations, the Truman Ad- ministration, and General MacArthur Never Profit ‘by Sad Experience? - EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. USHER L. BURDICK OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. BURDICK. Mr. Speaker, there is more than a favorable possibility that if the United Nations troops stop at the thirty-eighth parallel, the war in Korea will come to anend. It probably would have ended before if we had stopped at that parallel. We did not do it, and that weakened our argument that all we wanted was to drive the invaders out. It was finally left to General MacArthur and he proceeded across the line. The result was that we suffered the greatest defeat in the history of the United States, Now again the papers report state- ments that indicate that we are not go- ing to stop this time. Unless the United Nations or this country will insist upon going no farther, MacArthur will prob- ably go right ahead and embroil us in an all-out war with China, When we crossed it before, General MacArthur went up to the front lines to watch his great and final —‘clean ‘em up by Christmas’—operation. He took some good photographs and got a lot of pub- licity, but the result was a major disaster, Does anyone think it is good policy to allow him to repeat this mistake? That mistake brought anguish to thousands of homes in America. If the United Na- tions does not stop it, we can. Has our administration the wisdom and nerve to say “No” when the time comes and not be bound to obey the commands of a vascillating, incompetent, and unneces- sary body. The people of the United States never voted any authority to this debating society that strips us of our sovereign power. Any claim to such au- thority is clearly unconstitutional. The people of this country still rule, or do they? Federal Bureaucracy and Public Unmorality EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WINSTON L. PROUTY OF VERMONT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr, PROUTY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Con- GRESSIONAL Recorp, I include therein an address by the Honorable W. Arthur Simpson, commissioner of social welfare, State of Vermont, before the Rotary club at St. Albans, Vt., on January 15, 1, ° Speaking from the standpoint of over 30 years’ experience and participation in public affairs, Mr. Simpson said he had witnessed the steady erosion of Ameri- can character and much of this has been encouraged by accelerating Federal bu- reaucracy and public unmorality, ema- nating in the Nation’s Capitol. Mr. Simpson continued as follows: In spite of a national emergency more serious than any which has ever confronted the American people, the tentacles of the bureaucratic octopus are still reaching out to entangle us. There has been no real halt in the creation of a welfare state. We know, moreover, that conditions which are wrecking the financial stability of both State and Federal Govern~ ment are bringing war and want back to keep their everlasting companionship with man. For 15 years I have resisted and fought Federal domination and control of State gov- ernment. Because of our resistance we have avoided the crushing costs which have been imposed on other States. In the State of Washington, for example, the per capita State fund cost of public assistance has reached the sum of $01.54. This is an aver- age of $366.16 for every family in the com- monwealth, In Vermont the per capita cost is about 611. During the past few months as a result of the passage of the Social Security Act of 1950, we have been enticed to adopt all the impractical, expensive and burdensome rules, regulations, and policies we have successfully resisted in the past. They would double our administrative costs to no good purpose and within 4 years add at least another million dollars to our biennial State budget. What can we afford: Where will it end? One part of Government makes policies which increases prices, exhausts life savings, makes it difficult for a man to support his family, encourages divorce, desertion, de- pendency, and delinquency. Another part of Government is trying to catch up with the situation at greater and greater expense, and never the twain shall meet. Irrespec- tive of location or conditions, cold weather or warm, each person on assistance must conform to a standard according to the Federal bureau. A standard item for food, @ standard item for fuel, a standard item for lights, clothing, and medical service. They would destroy initiative and thrift. If one raises a garden or & pig it must be changed for a standard garden or a standard pig. So why raise a garden or a pig? Why work anyway? Truly, those whom the gods would destroy they first make mad. And yet, the lure of Federal funds held out by the socialistic planners at the Nation's Capitol is a difficult bait to ignore, even when you know you are going to be hooked. Every State Administrator is bewitched, bothered, bewildered, and bedeviled by this unholy use of our own money, The enemies of the Republican form of government and the democratic way of life are not all in Korea or Moscow. Some of them are here in America, insidious, per- severing, and destructive. If successful, they will impose ultimate and complete regi- mentation jn the United States of America, ‘We were led into a sense of false security by Httle men, It will require strong leader- ship, heroic measures, and such sacrifices as we have never known to save ourselves from disaster, Why do we not have in Washington men of sufficient vision and courage to call a spade a spade and tell the people the truth? T have faith in their ultimate good sense and moral atrength to fact momentous issues, A565 As chickens come home to roost, we are beginning to realize that no on is immune from the consequences of inflation and a crushing burden of taxation. We must put tron into our democracy. Democracy creating tts own world was hard and grim and poor. Democracy in years of national peril has been rich and soft and quarrelsome. Government has been actuated by selfish political motives. It failed tragi- cally to make a peace. It failed dismally to prepare for war. These things are true, At @ time to come, at a place not foretold, the life of liberty will be won or lost in an hour of trial. What happens thereon hinges on fate—will have been determined beforehand, by work done in the arsenal, in the shipyard, in the factory, on the farm, on the tank assembly line, a few man-hours or less. Liberty cannot be saved in its holiday clothes. In his message to Congress in December 1925, Calvin Coolidge said: “The functions which the Congress is to discharge are not those of local government but of national government, The greatest solicitude should be exercised to prevent any encroachment upon the rights of the States or their various political subdivisions. Local self-government is one of our most precious possessions. It is the greatest contributing factor to the stability, strength, liberty, and progress of the Nation. It ought not to be infringed by assault or undermined by pur- chase. It ought not to abdicate power through weakness or resign its authority through favor.” Calvin Coolidge may or may not have been @ great President. That is for history to decide—but he was sound in his fundamental faith in the things which had made this a great nation. His feelings ran deep and and did not swerve. He was intelligent, he was wise, and, above all, he was honest. He Possessed qualities very much needed in America today. Welfare Needs Investigation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RALPH HARVEY OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr, HARVEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following editorial from the Muncie (Ind.) Star of February 3, 1951: ‘WELFARE NEEDS INVESTIGATION A bipartisan committee to investigate the entire system of welfare in Indiana is being proposed by members of both political parties in the general assembly. We hope such a committee will be established. Enough evi- Gence has been brought before the legisla- ture to make it clear that the administration, the policies, the personnel, and the secrecy existing in the State welfare department need a thorough housecleaning. It has taken a long time for the abuses and extravagances in welfare to come to light. There is still much that is hidden because of the iron curtain of secrecy imposed by Fed- eral regulation and by State laws enacted under pressure by Federal bureaucrats. But the increases of expenditures in times of un- precedented prosperity have made it obvious that something is decidedly wrong in State welfare. Welfare has become virtually an end in itself in Indiana. It 1s run by people who
A566 are accountable to nobody but Federal off- clala and who are not bound by budgetary restrictions imposed within the State. They aeem to believe that their prime duty le to put aa many people as possible on relief in order to expand the scope of their own power and influence. The Star agrees with Representative Jess Andrews who satd on Wednesday that “what Mies beneath the surface (of welfare activities) will shock the State if it can be brought into the open.” We hope that mem- bers of both political parties in the assembly will join together in the public interest and establich a bipartisan committee that will bring all welfare activities out into the open. Our Foreign Situation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALBERT M. COLE OF KANBAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, February 2, 195! Mr. COLE of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following address by Hon. Alf M. Landon: I speak today not as a Republican. Ob- viously I cannot speak as a Democrat. 1 speak as an American citizen. In recent speeches Governor Dewey, Mr. Hoover, Mr, Dulles~an American delegate to the United Nations—Senator Taft, and Gov- ernor James Byrnes all predicated the mili- tary policies they advocated on political pol- icies, Ordinarily thet would be true. Eventually no military action is an end in itself, It merely provides the opportunity for negotia- tlon and diplomacy. But we are now in a situation where our foreign policies depend on military events immediately confronting us. Our decision to stay in Korea and our abil- ity to du so completely alters the world politi- cal situation. It forces definite and immediate act‘on— either by the United Nations on our resolu- tion branding Red China as an aggressor— or by ourselves in the realization that the grand idea of collective security has refused to work in # war-troubled world once again, It should be plain by this time to the mem- bers of the United Nations—and the Atlan- tic Pact—that doubts and questioning as to the value to America of our continued meme bership in both—are rapidly increasing in the United States. We should make !t plain to the United Na- tions that the adoption of our Red China Communist aggressor resolution does not mean that that ts the end of it. We should make it plain that irreparable damage will be done to the grand idea of collective security— unless that resolution is fully supported when adopted, by concerted action, by other members of the United Nations, by the im- Position at least of immediate economic sanc- tiona and blockade. There is too much atrategic material like ateel—petroleum products, and rubber— betng supplied the Communists by our allies whoee cause we are fighting in Korea. There ts no question that great quanti- tles of strategic material are getting to Rus- sia and {ts satellites. Europe is leaking them Just like a sieve. Of course, implicit in that policy of eco- nomic blockades 1s aupport for the national government of China—aa soon as the United Nations faces up to its responsibility and duty of branding the Communist Chinese as an aggressor. In asking for that resolution by the United Nations, America te only asking for a nor- mal function because the United Nations wes set up as an organization to prevent aggression and uphold peace. All our diplomatic moves in the United Nations have set the stage for support for the official government of Ohina. After favorable action by the United Na- tions on the pending aggression resolution— thereby relieving the United States of any charge of imperialism in Asia—I favor lend- lease to the nationalist government and tak- ing the fetters off Chiang Kai-shek. Our military defense of Eorea must have been upsetting to the Kremlin’s timetable of world conquest—as we had practically in- vited them in there by our previous state- ments by the Secretary of State and the President that Korea was not of military value to ua. There are no railroads left in Korea. It is doubtful if the Chinese armies can live of the country. The only way they could be supplied with food and ammunition is by trucks. There is no production of trucks, auto..abiles, tanks, or airplanes in China. There is no rubber in China or Russia. The only available supply to both is from southeast Asia. There ts no petroleum in China. Therefore, the only supply of gaso- line available to Communist China is from Russia and England. There is not enough oil in Russia to fight a long war. Even to supply the Communist Chinese just with gasoline for the Korean campaign and to resist the forces of our officially recognized government of China is a drain on the pe- troleum supplies of Russia. Therefore, instead of the forces of the United Nations being pinned down in Korea, the Russians are pinned down there. They cannot abandon their Chinese Communist satellites, As a matter of logistics, it is easier for us to supply the United Nations Army on the tip of Korea by water—with our avail- able ships and mechanical equipment—de- spite the greater mileage involved—than it Ja for the Communisie to supply their forces on the tip of Korea by trucks. Rusala is also short of steel which further complicates its problems of supplying thetr Chinese satellites with not only motor ve- hicles and airplanes and fuel to run them, but also with guns and ammunition, Bhe might get the steel essential to ight a long war by setzing the Ruhr, But the question of the essential petro- Jeum supplies ts not so easy. The only place Russia can get the crude oll to supplement her own supply is from the Arab States. We are undoubtedly pre- pared to destroy the Arabian wells, pipelines, and refineries in the event of hostilities. But the oil is still there in the ground. The problem of getting the crude production back is not so great. But that of transpor- tation and refining 1s. After they get the crude oll back to the top of the ground, they would atill have the enormous job of getting it into the refined product and transporting it where they could use it. Therefore, gasoline 1s as much of a vital item to Russia in fighting a war as the atom bomb itself. The total number on hand and her annual rate of production of the atom bomb by Russia are unknown but her weakness in petroleum and steel and rubber in sufficient quantities for warfare is well known. Of these, the greatest of all is gasoline. Therefore, instead of its being to Russia’s interest to keep us involved in Korea, it is to our interest to keep Russia involved there. Russia is being hurt a lot more than we are in Korea, With all the Reds’ shortages in war po- tentials, it’s really costing them bitterly to stick with this Korean adventure. They thought it wns going to be a short and cheap victory; instead, Russia is paying through APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the nose and now the Comite Chinese are beginning to do the same. . In the last few weeks they have really been hurting. They are ox the receiving end in a big way. Of course, they have vast manpower re- sources. But even with their millions—it still is very to lose a couple of armies as they are now in the process of doing. The plain matter of fact ts that the Rus- sians and Chinese Communists are suffering very severely in Korea and will continue to do so to an increasing extent as time goes on. In other words, time is now playing into our hands. Naturally, it is costing us something, too, but a lot less than it’s costing the Commies. General Collins told the Senate Armed Serv- ices Committee the other day that our losses have been amazingly emall. It is our Asiatic policy that I am more concerned with right now rather than with our European policies, because it is there that we find ourselves at grip with Com- munist aggression. There is another reason for concentrating on the job we have on our hands in Korea. That ts that Russia, traditionally and by policy, has always tried to avoid a two-front war, By staying in Korea through our superior fire power with a minimum of casualties to the United Nations Army, we relieve the Communist pressure on Indochina, India, and even Western Europe. The United States has a greater industrial productive capacity and greater natural re- sources than any combination of the present Communist territories. The Communist world, lacking necessary productive capacity for war, faces the vital necessity for the quick seizure of the indus- trial plants Intact of Western Europe. The question of how intact they would be is undoubtedly one of the reasons the Krem. lin gangsters are hesitating to plunge into war. Another reason is the growing revolt throughout the Communist territories by patriota fighting for freedom. What is known sa the underground move- ment should be vigorously and persistently encouraged and supported everywhere by all anti-Communists. Another reason the gangsters of the Krem- lin are hesitating is being datly demonstrated in the air battles over Korea. ‘ Either the Communist's jet planes do not possess their boasted superiority or their Pilots are no match for our American boys. Either way, we are licking the pants off the vaunted Communist air forces to con- found the prophets of gloom and doom. Our patient efforts through the debates and discussions in the United Nations should en- able all the peoples of the world to see and underatand that the Cammunist Chinese are the true aggressors and its failure to brand them as such Js the way to war and chaos. The great idea of collective security is facing its supreme test. If it is to work, it must be all for one and not one for all, Therein Hes the great value of Mr. Hoover's last address to the country. To dismiss his talk as isolationist 1s simply an attempt to get away from realities. The essence of hia talk as I understand it ds that you can’t save people who are un- willing to make an effort to save themselves, It seems to me the crucial thing we are up against is the Jack of a will to fight for thelr own freedom in the western democ- racies. People who are s0 lost to justice, the rights of the individua), to international friendship, to working out their own desti- nies and their own reforms in their own ways, all the basic elements of what we call the democratic processes, that they haven't the guts or the heart, whatever the reason,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to resist the fron-curtain gang, are a grim warning to us that it is time o make a bold reckoning of what we have in the way of collective security and then base our course on that. If it means pulling in our horns in this place or that place, then that is what we have to do, for to do otherwise is to court sure disaster. In other words, it is not our job to con- tain communism so much as it is our job to marshall the forces of freedom-loving peo- ple everywhere, to preserve the way of life, for which we are paying, and will continue to pay, a tremendous price. We have already been grieviously hurt be- cause of ineptness, stupidity, and working at cross purposes. We have been kidding ourselves with a lot of words and huffing and puffing but it is too late for that mumbo-jumbo stuff and longer. It is time we realized that fully and clearly. I believe our national administration is on the right track in staying in Korea, I be- lieve our national administration is on the beam in giving the United Nations time to brand the Communist Chinese as an aggres- sor. But I also believe the American people will not endure much longer the vacillation of the members of the United Nations and the failure to shoulder their share of the load. The world political picture is completely altered by our decision and our ability to hold Korea. It may be altered for the worse or the better. But it is being completely altered. And I believe it will be for the bet- ter. Because, if for no other reason, out of the contusion and division in the United Nations will come a clear and logical policy for us to follow. Old-Age Assistance EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER THORNBERRY OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. THORNBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I have received a letter from two very dear friends of mine, Mr. and Mrs. A. B. Rosson, of Austin, Tex., who have asked me to read their letter to the member- ship of this House. Both of them are not only aged citizens, bul are deeply in- terested in a fair and equitable program which will provide an income to our aged citizens without impairment of their dignity as American citizens. Iam glad to read the letter to you, not only because they are friends of mine, but because under the first amendment to the Constitution of the United States, they are entitled as a fundamental right to petition this Congress and their Gov- ernment for consideration of their be- liefs and their problems. I ask for your very careful consideration of their sug- gestions. The letter is as follows: Dear ConorRESSsMAN: In compliance with the wishes of Townsend members in this community, I am respectfully requesting that you devote as much time as possible to the active promotion of the principles of the Townsend plan, You must certainly be aware of the suf- fering of our aged citizens who are compelled to exist on an average of $42 per month old- age assistance, or 626 per month old-age in- surance. Compare this income with the ‘$150 per month which our Government sug- gests is the amount required to provide a decent standard of Hving. How are these people supposed to live? And now the cold hand of poverty knocks even Jouder on their doors with the latest increases in living costs making their meager incomes even less ade- quate in terms of food, clothing, and shelter. It would seem that this problem is impor- tant enough to rank first on your Hast of congressional duties. As voters in your Dis- trict we are asking that you use your influ- ence to stop this injustice by actively sup- porting the principles of the Townsend plan, which guarantees dignified retirement on a pay-as-you-go basis. Very truly yours, A. B. Rosson. Mrs. A. B. Rosson. Are Farm Prices Too High? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLIFFORD R. HOPE OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. HOPE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include a statement released to the press of this date by Hon. Haroun D. Coo.ey, the distinguished chairman of the Com- mittee on Agriculture. This statement and the accompanying figures based on data prepared by the committee staff answers many questions which are of widespread interest in the fleld of farm and food prices. I urge that it be read and studied by every Member of Con- eress. ARE Farm Prices Too HiaH? Representative HaroLp D. Coo.ry, chairman of the House Committee on Agriculture, said today that those who are pointing the finger of blame at the American farmer for high food prices are demonstrating nothing but their own ignorance of elementary economics and price relationships. Rather than farm prices being unreason- ably high, he said, the January 15 price re- port just issued by the Department of Agri- culture shows that most farm commodities are bringing less than a fair return to the farmer as measured by the parity index, less than the legal minimum price as estab- lished by the Defense Production Act and the Price Control Order of January 26, and far less than many of those same commodi- ties were bringing to the farmer in 1948. When the Department of Agriculture an- nounced that the January 15 parity index stood at 110, many persons, including some who should have known better, immediately jumped to the conclusion that all farmers were receiving 110 percent of parity for all of the crops they had produced in the past year. The principle of parity ts very simple—it means merely a fair price for what the farmer sells in cOmparigson to the cost of the things the farmer buys. The computation of this parity index for 172 different agricul- tural commodities is, however, a complicated mathematical process, one about which the average consumer or the average farmer knows very little. The average consumer is not to be blamed therefore, when he accepts the written or spoken statement of those who should know what they are talking about, that a parity ratio of 110 means automatically that all farmers are getting 10 percent more than a ‘A567 fair price for everything they sell, although such an assumption is far from the truth. If the people who make these statements would publish the complete facta and figures as released by the Department of Agriculture, everyone, consumer and farmer alike, would be able to see that the parity ratio has been pushed to its high level by only five or six commodities and that the great majority of the commodities farmers sell and consumers use are still bringing less than the parity price to the producer, Following is a com+ plete table of parity ratios for the major agricultural commodities on January 15, 1951, as computed and released by the De- partment of Agriculture: Effective parity prices for farm products and average prices recetved as a percentage of effective parity prices, United States, Jan. 15, 1951, with comparisons Basic commodities: WO01. nome nn cwnnnnnennee wonmen ~« 1153 Honey: Comb..-...-. woman wean sene wee Other non-basic commodities: Barley....--.-. wenwnn wnweee Beans, dry edible. Cottonseed......2...---.---- ee Soybeans.....-.-....----—--- +e Sweetpotatoes Grapefruit... Turkeys, live. Veal calves.......-.-..---------- 2Unofficlal estimate. It will be noted that out of this whole list only cotton, rice, wool, cottonseed, soy- beans, beef cattle, lambs, and veal calves were selling at prices above parity on Janu- ary 15, 1951, Every other major food com- modity was selling on that date below parity and some commodities very important to the consumer were selling far below parity. Potatoes were bringing farmers only 66 per- cent of parity. Dry edible beans, an im- portant protein food, were selling at only 86 percent of parity. Sweetpotatoes were only 79 percent of parity; grapefruit 42 percent of parity; oranges 85 percent of parity; chickens 80 percent of parity; and eggs 82 percent of parity. The prices of those few commodities which were selling above parity on January 15 were at that level not because the farmer has placed that price tag on his product, but because the buyers, representing 150,000,000 American consumers have placed that value on what the farmer produced. It should be clearly understood that unlike the manu- facturer of automobiles, tractors, shirts, and millions of other products, the farmer does not place a selling price on his commodities. The marketing of agricultural products in the United States is the one great free mar- ket left anywhere in the world. The farmer produces the commodities and offers it for Bale. He doesn’t put a price on his product. He sells it for whatever the consumer thinks
A568 it is worth and is willing to pay. As 8 mat- ter of fact, most of the commodities which ere now selling sbove parity and a great many of the other major agricultural com- modities are sold at open auction at prices over which the farmer has no control what- ever. e When a farmer ahips a load of cattle or hogs to the market he loses control over the price of these animals the minute they are unloaded at the stockyards. He receives for his investment and his labor in those ani- mals the price that the buyers representing 180,000,000 consumers are willing to pay when the animals are put up for sale. If the farmer doesn’t like that price, his only re- course (and even that may not be available to him under many circumstances) is to load the antmals back onto the truck or freight car and bring them back to the farm in the hope of a better price later. This is ob- viously a costly and difficult procedure which can easily result in further loas and 1s sel- dom resorted to, It should be unnecessary to point out that the farmer alao has no control over the processing, handling, and marketing charges and the wholesale and retail mark-ups placed on a commodity after it leaves his hands— and that these charges contribute substan- tially to the retail prices againat which con- sumers complain. Tf, on the other hand, American consum-~- ers don’t think the farmer's produce—let’s say specifically, meat—is worth the price at which it is selling, they can bring that price down overnight by refusing to buy meat at the prices quoted. Poultry, eggs, dairy prod- ucis, beans, fish, and beefsteak all contain high quantities of proteins in nutritious and palatable form. They are all selling below rarity (except fish, for which there is no parity figure) with the exception of beef- -ttealL and the relatively high price of beef, compared to the other protein foods, indi- cates the clear and understandable prefer- ence of American consumers to get their proteins In this form, instead of in some of fe cheaper but equally nutritious protein foods. As long as there is a reasonably adequate eupply of beef—which there will be as long as farmers are left free to produce in abun- dance—the price of beef and other meats will continue to reflect not what the farmer would like to get for his animals, but what the consumer thinks it 1s worth in compari- son to the other protein foods. The price of cotton—another one of the half-dozen commodities that is pushing the patity ratio up—ia the clear result of the supply and demand situation. The in- creased demand resulting from the defense program coincided last summer with the smallest cotton crop for many years. If farmers have the labor, machinery, and fer- tilizer thoy need, they will produce the 16,- 000,000-bale cotton crop the Secretary of Agriculture has requested for 1951 and take care of the cotton-supply situation. Cottonseed—another commodity pushing the parity ratio up—is utterly insignificant in the cost of Hving and is, in fact, chiefly an added cost to farmers who use cotton- seed meal for animal feed. The price of wool, which stands in the vicinity of 160 percent of parity and helps to push the whole parity ratio up, means little to American farmers. We import more than two-thirds of the wool used in the United States ang the price of wool on the American market is the world price—not the American farm price. Many of the other woods important to the consumer are marketed like livestock, by open auction on a free market with con- sumers alone setting the price. Everyone remembers the tremendous surge of prosperity after the war as the American economy shifted itself back into high gear for ctvillan production, XZconomic activity, civiMau industrial production, incomes, prices, and many other indicators of ¢00- nomic conditions rose to new heights, reach- ing a top about July 1048. At that point there began a leveling off in economic activity, as production caught up with consumption. Some prices fell off sharply—among them the prices of farm products. Nonagricultural income in the United States continued upward—from $164,575,000,000 tn 1947 to $185,722,000,000 in 1948; $185,980,000,000 in 1049; and 6198,000,- 000,000 in 1950. The net income from farming followed the general trend for only 1 year—from $18,724,000,000 tn 1947 to $19,169,000,000 in 1948. In 1949, however, net income from farming fell to 815,934,000,000 and dropped again in 1950 to $14,600,000,000, the lowest since 1945. In 1947 there was 19.3 percent of the population living on farms and the net income from farming wes 10.1 percent of the national income. In 1960 the farm population was still about 18 percent of our total population, but the net income from farming had declined to a mere 6.6 percent of the national income. While farm prices and incomes were fall- ing, however, employment and wages con- tinued upward to new highs, Average weekly wages of industrial workers went up from $53.87 in June 1946 to $66.16 in Decem- ber 1950, an increase of more than 19 percent. In spite of the sharp increases which have ocourred in recent months in the price of beef, cotton, and the few other commodities which have pushed the parity ratio upward, the prices of most farm commodities are still sharply below the prices farmers were receiving for those same commodittes tn 1048, and retail food prices have just reached that leve). The following table, compiled by the com- mittee staff and not previously published, shows the farm-price situation clearly: Average prices received by farmers for farm products, Jan, 15, 1951, Untted States, with comparisons SAREE nN ce ee 1048 | Legal mid. mini | Aver Com mon mum ommodity and unit aver- | prices } ee. age [Yan 15)" 59; prices | 1951 85: Wheat, per bushel...dollars..[ 1281] 2.35 200 , per bushel _.2 2. do... ' 247) 178 1.48 Rico (rough), per hundred- weight. .....--.... doliars..) 6.48} 5.38 5, 56 Corn, per bushe 1246 ( 171 1,54 ‘1.271 =, 064 882 12.06) 148 127 ’ ‘377 1] 290 2,10 Gollon, per bound... cena] (aor | anes | otlon, per potind.... cents. . . 2, 98 41, 31 Cottonseed, per ton..dollars..| §96,00}] 71 00 | 101.00 Soybeans, per bushol_..do_.../ 14.11 | 2 06 29 Peanuts, per id... cents..} $10.06 | 12.8 10.9 Flaxseed, por busbel.dolinrs.-| 16.71) 4.54 | 4.25 otatoes, per bushel...do....] 7205] 1,76 - 986 eetpotators, per bushel ‘265 jee 247 Oo Beane, dry edible, per buy- 1 dredweight........- =) 131.00} 8.92 7. 69 Poas, dry field, per hundred- 1) a dollars... 16.51} 8.49 8. 51 Tobaocoo, per pound... -cents..| 150.6 |.-.... --| 46,9 Apples, per bushel_..dollars..} 1¢2.68 | 2.77 217 Grapefruit, per box (equiva- lent on-tree returns for all methods of sale). dollars...) 91.01] 1,96 83 per box (eqnivalent on-tros returns for all meth- ods of gale), .......- dollars..; 1.66] 8.88 1% Lemons, per box (equivalent * on-tree returna for al] meth- tale)... doliarg..{ 19,65 ( 8.25 237 Hogs, per bundredweight oMarg..111 27,40 | 20,60 | 20,00 $ January. ? April. 9 February. LP . 3 March, % October. 4 May. bd her. ‘uly 41 September. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Average prices recnived by farmere for farm products, Jan. 15,1951, United States, with comparisons—Continued ndred oilers. .| $26.40 | 28.30 wi enesanwereeee Sheep, hundrodweight P, Per ere. €10. 80 | 12.00 16.20 Lambs, per hundredwelyht Butter a ari iN * 40 ee 12) per pound... _. eonts..{172.0 |..... = . Butterlat, per pound...do....|187.7 | 740 | 70.2 Mik, wholesale, per bun- dredweight.... ... dotinrs..} 813} 4,69 4,06 Milk, retall, per quart (sold by farmers directly to can- cfm) aes cents. W1O.4 fcc] 10,6 ‘ens, live, per poun Turke , P me eants.. ssat| g02] 248 ‘urkeys, live, per poun' pe cents,.} “61.4 } $86 33,9 Fees per dozen........do....[ (6.3) 818 42,8 oof, per pound..__... do... | 250.7] 369 88,0 1 January. * August. ‘May. 4 Pevember, $Iuly, YW September, ‘November. 3 June, This table will bear close study by anyone who is truly interested in the matter of farm prices. It shows clesrly that while a few commodities are higher today than they were in 1048, mos‘ of the mejor farm commodities are selling today far below their 1948 price. Out of the 35 major commodi- ties listed on this table, only 9 were priced as high on January 15, 1951, as they were during 1948. These commodities are cot- ton, cottonseed, peanuts, beef cattle, veal calves, sheep, lambs, retail farm milk, and wool, Of these, cottonseed, peanuts, and retail milk (milk sold by the farmer direct to the consumer) are up only minutely over their 1948 price. On the other hand, a comparison of the 1951 prices (shown in column 8) with the highest mid-month price of 1948 (shown in column 1) disclosed that many impor- tant consumer commodities are selling today far below their 1948 level. Potatoes are about 99 cents per bushel compared to $2.05 in April 1048. Sweetpotatoes are $1.94 com- pared to @2.65 in August 1948. Wheat, the basic ingredient of bread, was 62.09 on Janu- ary 15 of this year compared to 82.81 in January of 1948. Chickens are 243 cents this January compared to 32.5 in August of 1048. The farm price of eggs on January 15, 1951, was 42.6 cents compared to 483 cents in November 1048. Oranges were bringing farmers only $1.28 a box this January, against $1.96 a box in September 1948. How many nonagricultural commodities can you buy today for less than they cost in 1948? Contrary to what appears to be the gen- eral belief, the price of hogs is 26 percent lower today than it was in 1948—20 per hundredweight on January 15, 1951, com- pared to 827.40 per hundredweight in Sep- tember 1946. Column 2 of the table shows the legal minimum prices or ceilings which may he established for agricultural commodities un- der the Defense Production Act and the recent price control regulation. Study of these ceilings will indicate that they, too, are generally below the prices farmers re- ceived in 1948; eo that even if the price of farm commodities should now come up to these ceilings, farmers would still be receiv- ing a lower price for many of thease commod- ities than they were receiving on a free market in 1948,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Suspension of the Copper-Import Tax EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OFr CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr, Speaker, the short supply of copper continues to plague American industry. The trade barriers erected against the importation of this vital metal by the Highty-first Congress is threatening the economic stability of the Nation. i have received from the United States Independent Telephone Association a copy of a letter written to the Honorable Rogert Doucrron, chairman of the Com- mittee on Ways and Means. This asso- ciation represents 5,700 independent telephone companies in the United States—most of them in rural areas. Their continued operations are essential to the maintenance of our communica- tions system. The utter foolishness of the import tax on copper becomes more evident daily as essential industries feel the pinch of low enpper inventories and increased defense orders. The letter follows: Unrrep States INDEPENDENT : TELEPHONE ASSOCIATION, Washington, D. C., January 30, 1951. Hon. Rosgert L. DovaHron, Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. Deak Mr. CHAIRMAN: We are writing to tell you of the vital interest which the inde- pendent segment of the telephone industry has in the matter of suspension of import taxes on copper. There are two measures now pending before your committee upon this subject: H. R. 256, by Congressman Pat- TerRsON, of Connecticut, and House Joint Resolution 87, by Congressman Mrs, of Arkansas. The 5,700 independent operating telephone companies which provide telephone service in 11,000 urban and rural communities throughout the United States are under mandate, by the laws of the States In which they operate, to furnish service of such qual- ity and to such extent as will best serve the public interest. ‘These companies are confronted with unprecedented demands for telephone serv- ice. Copper is one of the essential mate- rials used in the manufacture of wire, cable, switchboards, and numerous other equip- ment items which are needed in order to meet these service demands. Independent manufacturers and suppliers producing the various equipment items used by independent telephone companies tn furnishing service are experiencing increas- ing difficulty in obtaining copper in sufficient quantity to meet their needs. The situation has become go serious that it is a matter of considerable concern. One of our manufacturers has written us that, “the present emergency and the heavily stepped-up requirements for copper for de~ fense and essential civilian purposes in the communications industry has made it all the more necessary that relief of the copper shortage be pursued through every available means. Our supply of copper hag been ex- tremely tight, and, aside from the military requirements covered by DO ratings, we have had to fight for every pound of copper and brass which we cannot do without in the production of telephone equipment.” Another manufacturer has written! “It is becoming increasingly difficult to obtain cop- per for the purpose of manufacturing com- ponents and equipment so vitally needed in the communications industry.” Another manufacturer has written; “Our requirements for copper-base alloys are far in excess of the material allocated to us and this condition in the future will not improve but, conversely, will grow progressively worse.” Still another manufacturer has written: “Vigorous action should be taken to increase the supply of copper in order that the vital communication and electronic industries may be furnished equipment to insure ade- quate communication facilities during the national emergency. It is our belief that the comparatively insignificant loas of import tax revenue from copper is far offset by the strengthened position which added commu- nication and radio apparatus within our country affords us during this time. As copper {is absolutely vital to the communica- tions industry and even more essential in radio and electronic apparatus which we are presently under contract to supply for the defense program, we strongly urge that the import duties be promptly suspended.” In a report by the Select Committee on Small Business of the United States Senate presentsd on January 15, 1951, the following reference to copper appears: “Even if the Korean situation had not developed, there would not have been sufficient copper to meet the demands of the civilian economy, no less the adidtienal demands of the military pro- grams. In light of this situation, certain actions are required to bring into balance the available supply of copper with the over-all United States demand, which includes milli- tary, stockpile, and civillan programs.” (Rept. No, 2, 82d Cong., 1st sess., p. 19.) Suspension of import taxes as called for in the pending measures above mentioned would increase the supply of this critical material and thus assist not only in the mill- tary stockpiling program but in maintaining essential telephone service. The Senate In- terstate Commerce Committee several years ago reminded the country that “adequate communications facilities and the mainte- nance of a strong, cohesive, and far-flung communications system are as vital to the prosecution of the war as is the production of guns, airplanes, tanks, and ships.” Our association hopes, therefore, that you will do everything you can to bring about early and favorable consideration to this important legislation. Sincerely yours, Crypve 8. Barry, Executive Vice President. Our Ruling Class EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GLENN R.. DAVIS OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. DAVIS of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, the Nation is in a period of economic and military mobilizatlon—a critical time in which the cooperation and sacri- fice of all Americans will be required. Yet, Mr. Speaker, this administra- tion continues to play politics as usual, Politics as usual for this administration, I might add, is quite a bit of politics, Those who act high and mighty about criticism, certainly ought to at least try to keep themselves above those things A569 which merit the just criticism of the American people. I cannot condemn too strongly the pre- vailing practice of placing into the hands of men chosen by the spoils system the power over critical matters affecting our country and our daily lives. I submit herewith a very pointed editorial which recently appeared in the Wisconsin State Journal, of Madison, Wis.: Our RULING CLass Wilbur Elston, a Minneapolis Tribune staf correspondent in Washington, reported the other day that ‘price control offices being set up around the country are becoming a haven for defeated Democratic candidates and other Democratic politicians." Everywhere, Mr. Elston reported, the an- swer is the same: Top jobs are being cleared with the Demo- cratic national committee, Democratic Sena- tors and Congressmen, and State Democratic leaders, The same practice, Elston discovered, “will be followed in staffing regional civillan de- fense agencies.” The organization being set up to patrol wages likewise will be staffed by the party faithful. It would be too much, of course, to expect the Truman administration to abandon {ts “politics as usual” slogan in the national emergency. After all, these emergency jobs are not covered by civil service regulations. And the pay is too good—850 a day for con- sultants and $29.20 a day for public informa- tion men-—-to be wasted on the common people, Elston cites specific examples of how the party hacks are being taken care of. The defeated Democratic candidate for Congress from Minnesota’s second district gets the district price assignment. The dofeated Democratic candidate for Governor of South Dakota will be a regional legal adviser. A former Democratic member of the Mon- tana unemployment compensation becomes €n assistant regional price director, Al Loveland, the defeated Democratic can- diate for United States Senator from Iowa, will be Iowa district price consultant. The regional director in Chicago is the de- feated Democratic candidate for Illinois State treasurer. The regional director for the Rocky Moun- tain States will be the man who in 1948 was president of the Truman-Barkley club. (A 5-man panel had recommended another man.) In California, a defeated Democratic con- Gressional candidate was named price con- sultant for the Los Angeles district. Others slated for or already appointed to the well-paid jobs include a former Demo- cratic Congresswoman from Connecticut; a defeated Democratic congressional candidate in Indiana; the father of a defeated Indiana Democratic Congressman; and a Democratic New York State legislator who was turned down by the voters. In Wisconsin, of course, we know the story. Carl Thompson, Democratic national com- mitteeman and patronage boss who was de- Teated for governor last fall, was offered one of the $50-a-day jobs For reasons of his own, he rejected 1t, but will name bis own successor, . Tom Fairchild, the defeated Democratic candidate for United States Senator, also was taken care of. He has been offered the district legal counsel's post. Most citizens know that the days ahead require personal sacrifice. Most responsible citizens are ready to cooperate in the national effort to control wages and prices, and to get our civilian defense establish» ment in working order,
A570 The Truman administration is making a mistake by using these necessary Federal programs as instruments of politics. This country simply doesn’t like a ruling class. And our citizens have a particular hatred for a ruling class when membership therein is limited to members of the political party in control. That sort of thing is too much like the very political philosophy we are fighting against. Anti-Inflation Policy Backed by Economists EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. SAMUEL W. YORTY OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. YORTY. Mr. Speaker, every one of us is anxious to protect and strength- en the American economy so that the Nation can come through the current and future period of high governmental costs in a sound state. The manner of accomplishing this involves some differ- ences of opinion. Because I believe the information contained in the following article, which appeared in this morn- ing's Washington Post, will be useful to all of us, Iam asking that it be included in our Recorp: AnTI-INFLATION Poticy BackKEp By ECoNno- MISTS——-RESEARCHERS’ Report Calls FoR Fux, Taxation, Curss on BANK CREDIT (By Alfred Friendly) Four of the Nation's leading economists yesterday gave firm backing to the admin- istration’s taxation and price-wage policies for inflation control, but took sharp issue with the Treasury's pegged-price program for Government securities. They supported, instead, a view associated with the Federal Reserve Board that private credit extension should be cut through tight- ening of bank reserves, although this en- tails higher interest rates on Government bonds. The economists stated their views in 4 report prepared for the influential Twen- tleth Century Fund, a research foundation endowed by the late Boston merchant, Ed- ward A. Filene. The team of experts was headed by John M. Clark, professor of economics st Columbia University. Other members were Theodore W. Schultz, chairman of the economics de- partment of the University of Chicago; Ar- thur Smithies who holds the comparable post at Harvard; and Donald H. Wallace, di- rector of the graduate program of Prince- ton's Woo¢crow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. . Their study, one of the most forthright and uncomplicated to appear on the economics of the defense program, had as its basic theme the argument that direct controls on ‘wages and prices can only be supplementary to, not substitutes for, the measures that attack the real roots of inflation. The three basic methods, their report said, are: 1. Pay-as-you-go taxation to cover com- Pletely the costs of the defense program and regular Government expenses, 2. Limitation of bank oredit, even at the cost of higher interest rates on Federal and other borrowing. 8. A truce on customary contests of bar- gaining power and pressure among the in- terest groups of labor, business, and farmers. The report emphasized that the present situation was quite different from that at the outbreak of World War II. At that time, what was demanded was intense economic efforts of relatively short duration. Now, what is nesded besides a rapid build-up of armed strength ts a state of military readi- ness that may have to last for the indefinite future. In World War II direct controls were neces- sary and worked, for the short term, with some effect. But now, the economists said, “price control must have far better support from fiscal, credit, and debt management policy if it is to have a chance for survival.” The report insisted that inflation cannot be controlled if excess demand for goods 18 allowed to compete for the limited supply. The report said, “Inflation is, among other things, a sign that the country ts giving di- vided support to the national effort. If we are willing to appropriate money for defense, but unwilling to take it away from ourselves, we are trying to escape the basic fact of diversion of resources, and the necessity of initial curtailments of civilian supply. “We are supporting national defense with one hand and sabotaging it with the other.” Principal conclusions and recommenda- tions of the four economists: Taxation: “It is both possible and neces- sary to depend on taxation to finance the defense expenditures and to remove the bulk of inflationary pressure.” The minimum ob- jective should be an increase of tax revenues by 816,000,000,000. Of this, corporations can pay 4,000,000,000, through higher normal rather than excess profits rates; personal in- come tax should yield nine to ten billions; and the rest should come from excises. “From a standpoint of absorbing purchas- ing power, there 1s a case for heavy excises on all goods in short supply.” Monetary and credit policy: “The Federal Reserve System must be enabled to tighten bank reserves.” It failed to follow a restric- tive credit policy since the outbreak of the Korean War, but if it had, it could have blocked the monetary expansion that ot- curred since then and “prevented much of the inflation.” The policy of not letting rates on Govern- ment securities rise has deprived the Fed- eral Reserve of its major weapon to tighten bank lending. “It is long past time that this shortsighted policy be abandoned,” even though reviving the Federal Reserve's power in the open market “would doubtless involve eome increasc in Treasury interest pay- ments.” Wage and price controls: Some increases in wage and price ceilings will be necessary to obtain desirable increases in output. Therefore, “rigid adherence to the original frozen prices and wage rates would be un- desirable and indeed self-defeating.” “It is clear that some upward drift of the Average of commodity prices and wage rates 4a probably unavoidable.” Flexibility ts seriously hampered by the provision in the present law providing that ceilings on farm products cannot be fixed at prices less than parity. Rationing: Consumer rationing will proba- bly be required for some commodities, such as meat, but the rationing device should be used most sparingly, particularly because it is so “very expensive in manpower” in its administration. Sooial security: Now is an appropriate time to increase the size and coverage of the social-security program, becausé “increased payroll taxes will absorb purchasing power, and the prospect of increased benefits will create a sense of aecurity in the future that is now badly needed.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Government scononties: “The possibilities of economy in the nonmilitary field are fre- quently exaggerated. We doubt that the most rigorous economy could achieve a re- duction of more than one or tWo billions from the budget estimates of 1951-62.” Col, Justice M. Chambers, USMCR—A Deserved Tribute EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MIKE MANSFIELD OF MONTANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. Speaker, the issues of war or peace in our world to- day are determined by political leaders. The issues of victory or defeat, however, are determined by the fighting man on the ground, in the alr, or on the sea. Historians and statesmen may well tell of grand strategy and campaigns won or lost, but in the final analysis it is the leadership and heroism of officers and men on the scene of battle that really turn the tide. For this reason, it is well today that we pause a moment from our solemn responsibilities of meeting a new and greater danger to a free world and pay tribute to a man among men, a hero among heroes, whom we of the Congress have been privileged to Know and re- spect these past 4 years. I refer to the staff advisor of the Senate Armed Services Committee, who recently received the Congressional Medal of Honor from President Truman for conspicuous gallantry and intrepid- ity at the risk of his own life and above and beyond the call of duty. Colonel Chambers was known and loved by Marines under his command as “Jumping Joe” because of his ever con- stant activity, his tireless and persistent training schedules, and his almost super- human powers of endurance, both in and out of combat, from Guadalcanal to a narrow escape from death at Iwo Jima. We of the Congress are particularly aware of Colonel Chambers’ great con- tribution to his country in peace as staff advisor of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Maryland should be proud that one of her sons is the two hundredth marine to recelye the Congressional Medal and the eightieth in World War qr. The blue rosette with the white stars has replaced the blue and white bar in his coat lapel. The Navy Cross previ- ously awarded him is now replaced by the Medal of Honor for which he was originally recommended. Gen. Clifton B. Cates, Marine Commandant, who first made the recommendation brought ad- ditional evidence into the reexamination of his recommendations, This evidence is most interesting. It reveals that while commanding the Third Battalion, Twenty-fifth Regiment, Fourth Marine Division, Colonel Cham- bers was as responsible as any one indi- vidual could be for securring the right
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD flank of the Fifth Amphibious Corps’ Iwo Jima beachhead. This evidence shows that Colonel Chambers utterly dis- regarded his own safety under enemy plunging fire on his exposed flank that caused more than 50 percent casualties the first day among his officers and men. It further shows that he was seemingly everywhere at once on the shifting black sands of tortured Iwo Jima during the most dangerous hours of this amphibious operation. The high ground flanking his battalion was an impossible military threat to the security of the entire Marine beachhead. By example rather than by command, Colonel Chambers succeeded in winning the key heights and anchoring the right flank of the two Marine divisions mak- ing the initial landing. Bravery and leadership by this fight- ing Marine son of Maryland, who lives with his wonderful wife and family at Rockville, was no accident. It was the result of long years of training, of hard work. If any man can be said to have led a charmed life, it is Col. Joe Cham- rs. Wounded on Tulagi during the Solo- mons landing, he received the Silver Star for heroism in directing the defense of @ battalion aid station while he was a seriously wounded patient. He commanded the Third Battalion, Twenty-fifth Marines across Roi-Namur, Saipan, and Tinian. Suffering from blast concussion on Saipan, he talked his way out of the sick bay to lead his battalion through the Tinian campaign for which he received the combat Legion of Merit. Some simple arithmetic gives Joe Chambers three Purple Hearts, the Sil- ver Star, the Legion of Merit, and the Medal of Honor, not to mention five com- bat stars and three Presidential unit citations. He is one of the few marines in a corps of heroes who wear three stars on the coveted Presidential unit citation. Recently the Nation was pleased to see President Truman present Colonel Chambers with the Medal of Honor in the presence of the entire Chambers family, including Marine recruits Peter and Paul, twin sons aged 7 months. The twins made such a fuss over President Truman that they made the presenta- tion front page news across the country. We have all seen pictures of the proud and happy father holding the twins while a beaming President tries to disengage himself from the chubby fingers of one of the twins. Newspapermen have called this one of the truly fine human interest stories of the year. It was more taan that. It was a perfect illustration of how our democracy works, It was a beautiful reminder of the importance of the indi- vidual and of his family to our society. And, it could not have happened to a nicer guy. Last June, Colonel Chambers marched down New York’s Broadway at the head of the Fourth Marine Division Associa- tion of which he is president. During the past year he has been named first vice president of the respected Marine Corps Reserve Officers Association. He is also active in Maryland civic and State circles, Colonel Chambers has made several important contributions to the work of the Armed Services Committee, of which he is one of the valued staff workers. He served as staff counsel] in Germany last year in connection with the Malmedy in- vestigation and recently accompanied a group of Senators on a special inspection trip to our Alaskan frontier. He has also visited many American camps and bases on assignment from the committee. Al- ways his keen legal mind and capacity for almost constant work have resulted in signal service. Colonel Chambers has trained and trained well for a life of service to our Republic. His retirement from his be- loved Marine Corps because of wounds has not quenched his will to serve others. On such men as this has our country depended since the American Revolu- on. Born 42 years ago in Huntington, W. Va., educated at Marshall College there, at George Washington Univer- sity, and National University, Colonel Chambers came up through the ranks of Washington’s Fifth Marine Reserve Bat- talion during the days of peace. This year he rounds out 20 years of marine service. That service has been in the highest American and marine tradition. That the Members of the Congress may understand what lies behind the blue and white rosette on this man’s button hole, I am proud to repeat the citation read by the President of the United States: The President of the United States takes pleasure in presenting the Medal of Honor to Col. Justice M. Chambers, United States Marine Corps Reserve, for service as set forth in the following citation: “For conspicuous gallantry and trepid- ity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty as commanding officer of the Third Assault Battalion Landing Team, Twenty-fifth Marines, Fourth Marine Di- vision, in action against enemy Japanese forces on Iwo Jima, Volcano Islands, from 19 to 22 February 1945. Under a furious buar- rage of enemy machine-gun and small-arms fire from the commanding cliffs on the right, Colonel Chambers, then Meutenant colonel, landed immediately after the initial assault waves of his battalion on D-day to find the momentum of the assault threatened by heavy casualties from withering Japanese ar- tillery, mortar, rocket, machine-gun, and rifle fire. Exposed to relentless hostile fire, he cooly reorganized his battle-weary men, in- spiring them to heroic efforts by his own valor and leading them {fn an attack on the critical, impregnable high ground from which the enemy was pouring an increasing volume of fire directly onto troops ashore a8 well as amphibious craft in succeeding waves. Con- stantly in the front lines encouraging his men to push forward against the enemy's savage resistance, Colonel Chambers led the 8-hour battle to carry the flanking ridge top and reduce the enemy’s fields of aimed fire, thus protecting the vital foothold gained. In constant defiance of hostile fire while rec- onnoitering the entire regimental combat team zone of action, he maintained contact with adjacent units and forwarded vital in- formation to the regimental commander. His zealous fighting spirit undiminished de- spite terrific casualties and the loas of most of his key officers, he again reorganized his troops for renewed attack against the enemy's main line of resistance and was directing the fire of the rocket platoon when he fell, critically wounded, Evacuated under heavy A571 Japanese fire, Colonel Ohambers, by force- ful leadership, courage, and fortitude in the face of staggering odds, was directiy inatru- mental in insuring the success of subsequent operations of the Fifth Amphibious Corps on Iwo Jima, thereby sustaining and enhancing the finest tradition of the United States Naval vice.” Report of Northwest Alabama Soil Conservation District EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT E. JONES, JR. OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1981 Mr. JONES of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, under permission to extend my remarks, I include the 1950 Northwest Alabama Soil Conservation District report which has been sent to me by Mr. Rutland Cunningham, the very able chairman of the board of supervisors. The conserva- tion of our soil and water resources is of real importance to the welfare of our country, and the splendid results achieved through this program in north- west Alabama are of outstanding signifi- cance. Mr. Cunningham and the dis- trict supervisors are to be commended for this splendid report: ANNUAL Rerort oF NORTHWEST ALABAMA SoIn CONSERVATION DISTRICT FOR THE CALENDAR Year 1950 To the People of the Northwest Alabama Soil Conservation District: This report is made to you for the purpose of giving you an accounting of the year's progress in the five counties which comprise this district. The Northwest Alabama Dis- trict is made up of Lauderdale, Colbert, Franklin, Lawrence, and Morgan Counties, The Northwest Alabama Soll Conservation District has been in operation for 8 years, It ts very satisfying to know that in the times we are facing, when agricultural productivity will be much needed for the defense of our way of life, the soils of this district are more capable of that needed productivity. As in past years, we have promoted the new crops that seem to have the best possibilities for use in conservation farming. Kentucky 31 fescue had its north Alabama beginning through the Northwest Alabama Soil Conservation District. In 1046 we se- cured fescue seed from soil-conservation service nurseries to plant two 5-acre seed patches. As @ result of farmers seeing this fescue and hearing about it through the dis- trict program, the acreage mounted each year. In 1950 farmers of the district planted approximately 25,000 acres of fescue. This is more pasture grass than was ever planted in any 1 year. Caley peas are an excellent reseeding win- ter legume. We secured our first 100 pounds of seed in 1943, Over 500,000 pownds of Caley peas were planted in the district in 1950, There have been similar increases in acre- age of button clover, rescue grass, Lespedeza bicolor, and other new crops introduced by the district. In 1950 we brought in additional new con- servation crops on a field trial basis. Among the more promising are hairy Indigo, Wil- mington Bahia grass, Tangier peas, Ala-Lu clover, and Hillsboro strain of white clover. We appreciate the fact that the soil-con- servation service nursery division is always on the lookout for new plants which show.
A572 promize in soil conservation, and that they Produce these plants, ‘or seed, and provide them to us for observational plantings. En 1950 you, as cooperating farmers, did a fine conservation job. You, 483 of you, made application for complete soil and water con- servation plans, The technicians assigned to us by the soil-conservation service com- pleted plans for 402 of you. They helped 38 of you to revise your old plans. They helped you apply soil-conservation practices that were new to you or which required special technical know-how. You did more in 1950 than in any previous year. At the present time, there are 2,543 of you cooperating with the district. You own 291,250 acres of land in the best sec- tion of Alabama. You planted 15,570 acrea of pasture in 1950. This was two and one-half times as much as you planted in 1949. You planted 64 percent more sericea in 1950 than you Planted in 1949. ‘You established 47 pcr- cent more sod waterways. You did 28 per- oext more drainage; built 67 percent more farm ponds; planted 52 percent more wild- lite borders; established 82 percent more soll~conservation crop rotations; and plant- ed-380 percent more trees. Your other ac- complishments were outstanding. You har- vested more sead of soll-conservation crops than ever in the history of Alabama. You did a fine job on your farm. You have demonstrated that a sound conserva- tion program results in increased production and protects the soll at the same time. We hope you will share your soll-conserva- tion kuow-how with your neighbors. Bn- courage them to take advantage of the as- sistance offered by the sofl-conservation dis- trict It would be impossible to list all of the folks that helped the district and helped you in doing this fine job. We do feel that the newspapers of the district should have & large share of the credit. They have con- stantly kept you informed through special soll conservation news articles and pictures. As a farmer in the district, you are en- titled to certain advantages that you may not have known about. By cooperating with th3 district you have access to the many facilities that are availuble to assist you with your erosion control and land use problems. You can get a written soll conservation plan made on your farm with the help of quantified technicians. This plan will con- tam an aerial photograph of your farm which shows the capability of your solla to produce crops without damage to your land. Your plan will contain a map of your farm, showing the best use for each acre of land. You will be given specific recommendations for establishing and maintaining the con- servation practices that you and the tech- nicians decide are needed for your farm. If you need help in doing some of the new or dificult conservation jobs, the technicians will come out to your farm and help you. There ts no charge for this assistance. When you voted tn, and organized, the North- west Alabama Soll Conservation District, you created a Government subdivision of Ala- bama to secure this assistance for you. We hepe you will take advantage of this assis- ance. We are your five district supervisors. We are responsible for the proper management of your district. However, we need your help. We are very busy on our own farms. All of us are farm- ers. We are also busy in other worth-while activities working for the farmer, including the REA electric cooperatives, Farm Bureau, and PMA committees. We are interested in the welfare of all your farmers in the dis- trict. We enjoy working as supervisors of your district. We are not paid for our services. We do district work because we love the soll. We have seen the tragic destruction of our soils and its terrible effect on the people of our district. We have seen some of you har- vest much greeter yields as a result of your conservation work. We pleasantly antict~ pate the day when all of you will reap the great benefits that are yours through your district program. With the help of the agricultural agenctes, we made a careful study of our district this year and determined the conservation needs for each county. The combined efforts Q? farmers, businessmen, and all agencies and Organizations are needed to do this conserva- tion job, which is so necessary to sustain our Nation. ‘We ask the cooperation of all agencies and individuais in doing this important conser- vation job. W. RUTLAND CUNNINGHAM, Chairman, Florence, Ala. JOHN M. Liz, Leighton, Ala, M. G. Guass, Route 5, Russellville, Ala, J. W. Counts, Mt. Hope, Ala. Hariselie, Ala. A. D, SAMPLz, The Marble Plaques Adorning the Walls of the Chamber EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTONIO M. FERNANDEZ OF NEW MEXICO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. FERNANDEZ, Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude the sixth, seventh, and eighth short sketches being published by the Washington Post with respect to the men honored by the plaques which adorn the walls of the Chamber: PAPINIAN: ANOTHER ROMAN LAWGIVER Papinian, who died in A. D. 212, is gen- erally considered to be the greatest of all Roman jurists. He was master of the rolls and later praetorian prefect under the Em- peror Septimius Severus. Papinian was known not only as a jurist of great comprehension but as a stern more alist. His works are known to the modern world through the numerous quotations in the Theodosian Code and in the Digest of the Corpus Juris Civilis, which has influ. enced all legal history. He was the principal of five jurists set up as authorities to be cited in future decisions of the courts. The Papinian plaque was sculptured by Laura Gardin Fraser, of Weatport, Conn. eee JUSTINIAN: COMPILER OF THE CoRPUs JURIS Orvinis (A. D. 483-565) Justinian (A. D. 488-566) is probably the most famous cf all emperors of the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire. He captured Africa from the Vandals and Italy fram the Ostrogoths. But it is as a legislator that Jus- tinian’s name is most familiar in the modern world. His greatest contribution was a huge vol- ume entitled “Corpus Juris Civils’ which has influenced all subsequent legal history. The work was 8 consolidation of the imperial constitutions from the time of Hadrian, a collection of opinions of the classical jurists and many new laws instituted by Justinian. Justinian undertook the work after find- ing the Roman Empire in great confusion, Hie plaque was done by Gaetano Cecere of Fredericksburg, Va. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD TRIEONIAN: ANOrten Roman Junier WH Carnimp on JvusTintan’s Wore “ Tribonian, who died in A. D. 545, was chief legal aide to Emperor Justinian. Under the Emperor's command, Tribonian supervised the compilation of the Corpus Juris Civilis, the most important collection of Roman law and the basic document of modern civil law. Historians surmise that he wrote a large portion of the document from his own ynst knowledge of Roman Jaw. an probably was not a juridical thinker, but his nackground of Roman law was absolutely easential to the great project he directed, scholars say. The Tribonian plaque was sculptured by Brenda Putnam, of New York City. Rewriting the Constitution EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. TOM STEED OF OKLAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. STEED. Mr. Speaker, herewith is reprinted an article in the Wall Street Journal] written by Garet Garrett on a subject so important that I sincerely be- lieve it is worthy of the attention of every Member of this Congress: The twelve most ominous words of legal meaning uttered in our time came from the Appellate Court of California last July. On striking down California's alien land Jaw on the ground that it was in conflict with an international treaty, that court said unant!- mously: “The United Nations Charter has become the supreme law of the land.” A Japanese person, insisting upon his right aa an Asiatic to own land in California, had appealed from the State law to interna- tional treaty law and had been upheld. It is understood that the case will be carried to the Supreme Court for final decision. Our form of government is involved in this question: Can the Constitution of the United States be superseded or rewritten by inter- national treaty? In an academic way that subject has been debated for many years; but now suddenly for reusons that will appear, it comes to have alarming urgency, The California court stood on the Con- stitution. The Constitution says that treaties made by the President, the Senate concurring, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every State shal! be bound thereby, anything in the Constitu- tion, or laws of the State, to the contrary notwithstanding, THE COURT’S DECISION In a constitutional manner the United States subscribed to the United Nations Charter, as a treaty. Ergo, the Charter of the United Nations becomes the supreme law of the land. As simple as that, So the California court decided. When the phrase that makes a treaty the supreme law of the land was written into the Constitution it was all right. An honor- able nation must keep its word at any cost, It continued to be all right so long as treaties with foreign countries touched such things as boundaries, port amenities, Ashery rights, and bird migration. It is a very different matter when intern&tional treaties begin to touch our interna) social and economic ar- rangements, our civil rights, and our do-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mestic laws. Certainly the founders wh wrote the Constitution never imagined that such @ thing as the United Nations Charter would ever become the supreme law of the and, And it is not only the Charter of the United Nations. The noblest single industry of the United Nations 1s to invent covenants and conventions and propose them to be adopted as treaties by the member nations. These covenants and conventions are designed in every case to implement or give teeth to articles of the Charter which, as they stand, represent only ideal intentions and are not in themselves mandatory. Thus we get, for example, the International Covenant on Hus man Rights, which will come presently be- fore the Senate for consent, and the Geno- eide Convention, which President Truman has already placed before the Senate with an urgent plea for ratification. These treaties, if they are ratified, will become the supreme law of the land. A VERY FINE POINT Whether the International Covenant on Human Rights would supersede our own Bill of Rights ts for the moment a speculative question. But whether it would or not, all legal minds agree that it would enable Con- gress to enact laws which otherwise would be unconstitutional Here is a fine point, and yet not too fine for the layman. In 1918 Congress passed a migratory bird law. A year later the Supreme Court sald the law was unconstitutional because the subject of migratory birds belonged entirely to the States and Congress could not legis- late about it. But those who wanted the law were persistent. They persuaded the President to negotiate a treaty with Great Britain to regulate the killing of migratory birds, arid when it had been ratified Con- gress passed a second law, almost exactly the same as the first one, and this second law was upheld by the Supreme Court on the ground that it was to implement a treaty. Frank E. Holman, formerly president of the American Bar Association, said: “This decision in effect and really for the first time opens the way for amending the Constitution of the United States by and through a treaty, because it proclaims that an otherwise unconstitutional law may be- come constitutional when, as, and if the President negotiates a treaty on the sub- ject.” SUPREME COURT’S LAST WORD That stands as the Supreme Court’s last word tn the matter, There is no sign what- ever that it has changed its mind. If you make a logical projection of that decision you will come to some startling possibilities. For example, the Constitution says: “Con- gress shall make no law respecting an estab- Mshment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of peo- ple peaceably to assemble.” So our Bill of Rights makes these three freedoms—freedom of worship, freedom of speech, and freedom of assembly—untouchable, The Congress 1s forbidden to pass any law about them at all, But the International Covenant on Human Rights says: “Freedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs shall be subject only to such limita- tions a8 are pursuant to law and are reason- able and necessary.” It saya: “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression * * * subject to certain penalties and liabilities and restrictions, but these shall be only such as are provided by law and are necessary.” It says: “The right to peaceful assembly shall be recognized. No restrictions shall be placed on the exercise of this right other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary,” OPENS OTHER AVENUES Suppose this International Covenant on Human Rights were ratified as a treaty. Then, on the ground that the purpose was to implement a treaty, would the Supreme Court say the Congress could pass laws about religion, free speech, and freedom of assem- bly, which, according to our own Bill of Rights, it 1s forbidden to do? Unless the Supreme Court should change its mind, the answer Is yes; and 1t may be noted that the Supreme Court has never yet invalidated a treaty. A commission of the American Bar Asso- clation was appointed to study this question and it concluded that the United Nations Covenant on Human Rights would prosti- tute our fundamental and inalienable rights “to the readily invented emergency declara- tions of the all-powerful,” that ‘the Gov- ernment could close down newspapers just as in other emergencies it closed down banks,” and that it “presents the doctrine of State regulation of religion, a codification of the rights of regulation, and complete destruction of the freedom of religion, if laws based on the alleged public safety and order of the state shall provide.” There 1s then the Genocide Convention, It is already before the Senate. Genocide means race murder. Who is not against race murder? The State Department’s represent- ative at the United Nations, addressing the General Assembly on the day the convention was approved, said’ “The denial of the right of existence of entire human groups is the subjoct raatter with which this convention deals.” THE GENOCIDE CONVENTION As in so many cases, the preamble is un- objectionable. That is a feature of the tech- nique. The truth nevertheless is that this Genocide Convention is so curiously and obscurely phrased that hardly any two legal minds could agree on what it means. Yet if it is ratified it will become the supreme law of the land. It defines genocide as any act committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or re- ligious group as such. So far you follow it sympathetically. Then it proceeds to de- scribe the acts, and they may be such among others as (a) killing members of the group, and (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group. Try making an application of this descrip- tion to the happenings of everyday life. The murder of a Negro for any reason might be called genocide. Imagine the many acts in hotels or restaurants or in regions of the South where segregation is practiced that might be construed as causing mental harm to members of a racial group. Nobody could be sure from a reading of the text how, when, or under what circumstances the provisions of this convention might overcross our do- mestic laws. It defines a new crime and persons or groups of persons (though appar- ently not a state) may be guilty cf that new crime. The representatives of the United States on the legal committee of the United Nations agreed on this interpretation: “If an individual is murdered by another indi- vidual or by a group, with intent to destroy one of the groups enumerated in article III, the international crime of genocide is com- mitted, as well as the municipal law crime of homicide.” And the State Department has said that the convention “is designed to ensure inter- national Hability where state responsibility has not been properly discharged.” Thus a race riot in Detroit or the lynch- ing of a Negro anywhere would become the concern of international law, and American citizens might be brought before an inter national court to answer for it. A578 ANOTHER CONSTITUTIONAL BYPASS So far, the most revolutionary departure from American tradition {s in the North At- Jantic Treaty, ratified in 1949, which voids the constitutional safeguard that only Con- gress can deolare war. By this treaty we are bound to regard an attack upon one of the other 11 signatory nations as an attack upon ourselves, so that if 1 of the other 11 ts attacked for any reason we are, ipso facto, at war, whether or not otherwise we should wish to be. It is under an unexpected con- struction of this treaty that the President now assumes the right to send an American Army to Europe, without the consent of Congress, just Bo it will be there if 1 of the other 11 nations is attacked. Besides all that, the North Atlantic Treaty obliges us to strengthen our “free institu- tions,” whatever that may mean. Certainly we should strengthen our free institutions, but how strange that we should undertake to do it under an international treaty. The zealous internationalists say disarm- ingly that a treaty after all is not mandatory; it does not execute itself. After we have ratified a treaty, then we may decide for our- selves whether or not to pass a law to tmple- ment it. This, however leaves out such facts as— 1. Once a treaty has been ratified the pres- sure to implement tt by Iaw will be very strong, and we shall be accused of bad faith if we don’t. 2. The nondiscriminatory articies of the United Nations Charter were not supposed to be mandatory, nor was it believed that they could touch matters which we held to be subject to domestic jurisdiction, and yet they were used to strike down California's alien land law. 3. A treaty within its own terms may oblige us to pass the implementing law. The Genocide Convention does that. It says’ “The contracting parties undertake to enact * * * the necessary legislation to give effect to the provisions of the con- vention.” CAN STRUCTURE OF LAW BE CHANGED? So the question stands: How far can the structure of the American Government be changed by international treaty? A former president of the American Bar Assoctation goes so far as to say that law- making by treaty is ‘a blank check for writ- ing a new Constitution.” You will find his conclusion set forth in the September 1960 issue of the American Bar Association Jour~- nal. The American Bar Association has ap- pointed a commission to consider an amend- ment of the Constitution to forbid the inva- sion of domestic laws by treaty unleas spe- cifically authorized by Congress, and to for- bid Congress to make treaties effective by laws not otherwise authorized by the Con- stitution. A similar proposa) to amend the Constitution in that manner will appear presently in Congress. The intention has already been announced. Until we know for sure what we are do- ing, would it not be prudent to keep some of these treaties on the ice? It is much easier to get in than to get out. We cannot get out of the North Atlantic Treaty until the twenty-first year. Article 13 of the treaty reads: “after the treaty has been in force for 20 years, any party may cease to be a party 1 year after its notice of denunciation has been given to the United States of America, which will inform the governments of the other parties of the deposit of each notice of denunciation.” — So you have the great oddity that in order to get out after 20 years the American Gov- ernment would have to notify itself and then deposit the notice with iteelf.
Ad74 The Martineville Seven EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. CLYDE R. HOEY OF NORTH CAROLIMA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. HOEY. Mr. President, the Wash- ington Evening Star of Sunday has a very illuminating editorial entitled “The Martinsville Seven,” which I ask unani- mous consent to have inserted in the Ap- pendix to the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. This article presents the facts which are sadly overlooked or ignored in the wild propaganda circulated by Communist newspapers and writers and given credence innocently by others who are ignorant of the facts in this case. A reading of this editorial will prove most enlightening. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: THE MARTINSVILLE SxvzN The case of the Martinsville seven affords an instructive lesson in the uses of propa- ganda, Two years ago a white woman was raped in Martinsville, Va., and seven men, all Ne- groes, were brought to trial for the offense and convicted. The Virginia Supreme Court said that “one can hardly conceive of a more atrocious, a more beastly crime.” The evidence showed that the woman, wife of a Martinsville merchant, had gone into the Negro section of the town to col- lect for clothing that had been sold. In the course of the mass asscult she was bitten, scratched, and suffered serious internal in- juries. She is still under medical care. All of the seven men made written confes- sions. Four of them testified in open court and gave details of the assault. Among the witnesses for the prosecution were a Negro boy, © Negro woman, and the wife of one of the defendants. Bo there was no substantial question as to their guilt, and, indeed, the attorneys who represented the men on ap- peal have not contended that they were in- nocent of the crime. Nevertheleas, after all seven had been sen- tenced to death (four have been executed and the three others are scheduled to die tomorrow) & tremendous campaign in their behalf waa under way, This campaign falls roughly into three phases: First came the strenuous efforts in behalf of the condemned men by their at- torneys. The case was carried through the appellate processes of the Virginia courts and taken twice to the supreme court. The theory of the appeal was that the men had been discriminated against because of their race, and this rested on the contention that only Negroes are sentenced to death for rape in Virginia. It was not a meritorious appeal, and the courts unlformly rejected it. Still, @ lawyer haa a right, and a duty, to do all that he can in behalf of a client. The second phase took the form of appar- ently sincere appeals to Virginia's Governor Battle for clemency. One such appeal came, for instance, from the president 0. the Rich- mond Ministerial Union. Appeals of this sort may seem to manifest a greater concern for guilty men than for the victim of their crime. Nevertheless, they are legitimate ex- ercises of the right of petition. It is the third phase that should be a mat- ter of concern for all people, white or colored. This phase was a propagands campaign headed up by the Communist Daily Worker and the Civil Rights Congress, which is on the Attorney General's subversive list. The truth means nothing to these people. But they saw in the case of the Martinsville seven an opportunity to stir up racial discord in this country and to blacken the reputation of the United States abroad. And they did @ masterful Job of it. These propagandists saw to it that Gov- ernor Battle was swamped with telegrams and protests, many of which were published in the Worker. From Red China came a cable signed in the names of three organi- zations. It sald that news of the imminent executions had aroused the deepest indig- nation among the Chinese people, and added that the confessions had been extracted by inhuman torture and later repudiated by the accused in open court. This followed the line of material that had been put out by Civil Rights Congress. In Moscow, all of the leading papers pub- lished a summary of a letter of protest signed by 30 Russian writers, composers, and scien- tists. Another protest came from Bucharest and there were stil] others from groups in England. In this way, the case of men guilty of a brutal crime, men found guilty after receiv- ing the benefit of all the safeguards afforded by American justice, becomes an instrument to be used in discrediting the United States abroad. And there is no doubt that the in- atrument has been used effectively, for the people in other parts of the world will hear only the Communist version. They will never have an opportunity to know the truth—certainly not from the Communist propagandists. There is one other aspect of this matter which is entitled to some serious considera- tion. Virginia has a drastic antilynch law, and there has not been a lynching in the State since the law was passed more than a quarter of a century ago, That law is respected by the people of Virginia because it rests on the eminently correct proposition that mob vio- lence is intolerable, that any person, white or colored, who is accused or suepected of crime fs er titled to a judicial trial. The case of the Martinsville seven pre- sents the shoe on the other foot. The vicious, lying propaganda, the march of hundreds of demonstrators into Richmond, the ploketing of the White House—all of these things were designed to nullify: the judicial process and to coerce elected officials into reversing or modifying the judgment of the courts. Of course, the effort did not succeed tn this case. But the intent was there, and that should be & matter of some concern. For the position of those who still would resort to mob vio- Yence will be strengthened in direct propor- tion to the extent that pressure groups may succeed in interfering with the judicial func- tion or in nullifying a judgment of the courts that has been rendered after a fair trial, Joseph H. McGann, Sr. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. HARRY McGREGOR OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr.McGREGOR. Mr. Speaker, I have just learned that Joseph H. McGann, Sr., chief clerk of the House Committee on Public Works, has recently completed 49 years of service with the committee. “Mack,” as we affectionately know him, came from Cleveland, Ohio. He has APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD served and is serving faithfully and well. He is always gracious and courteous and is willing to share his expert knowledge of the functions of the committee with all. I congratulate him on his achieve- ments, both for himself and his country, hoping that he will have many more years of satisfying service. Unwarranted Criticiem EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN . OF NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, the Jamestown Sun, of Jamestown, N. Y., in its issue of January 20, published an excelient and very penetrating editorial on the subject of Government expendi- tures for public assistance. This edi- torial points out that the defense pro- gram and the increased tempo of mobi- lization may increase the public assist- ance load rather than lighten it. I ask unanimous consent to have this fine editorial printed in the Appendix of the ReEcorp. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: UNWARRANTED CRITICIOM In an editorial which it entitles “Curi- ouser and Curlouser” the New York Herald Tribune of Thursday took President Truman to task on his budget because the section of it providing for social security, welfare, and health will cost $2,600,000,000 during the fis- cal year of 1952. Of this amount 61,302,- 000,000 is earmarked for public assistance, more than three times the amount spent annually in 1048 through 1946. The editorial raises the question, “Why should this hugely augmented sum be an- ticipated as needed for public assistance when we are already in a period of unprece- dented full employment witb a severe labor scarcity in the immediate offing?” Then the editorial goes on to explain that we have just extended social-security old- age benefits. It assumes that “the tail con- tinues to wag the dog.” We would, perhaps, have passed up com- ment on this editorial position under ordi- nary circumstances. The amount of money actually is small compared with the rest of the budget. But the attitude shown here is one that we have found common among many people in our own community. The Tribune editorial cites Mr. Truman's explanation as being that the amendment to the law authorized granta to “totally and permanently disabled persons and greater aid to dependent children, plus medical care for persons receiving public assistance.” It doesn't consider this a sufficient cause for the increase. And it isn’t a sufficient cause. The Tribune editorial assumes that the bulk of the funds expended by public as- sistance go to persons who might find em- ployment at times such as these. That {on is an error which can be confirmed by even & castial inépection of the rolls of any local department of public aasistance.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD There are a few facts about public assist. ance which can't be repeated too often. The first is that the public assistance rolls during the past several years contained few employables, and these few have remained on the rolls for only short periods, The second fact is that there are quite a few people who have come to the public as- sistance rolls in spite of the fact that they had ‘made provision for old age. The attri- tion of infiation and, in many instances, mis- fortune, have wiped out their source of in- come. There is no longer any excuse for perpetuating the fallacy that the public as- sistance rolls are made up of the loafers, the improvident, and the indigent. A third fact is that the people on public assistance rolls are living longer because they are getting better care. Medical costs have gone up. They need more medical care. All the related costs of public assistance have increased. A fourth fact 1s that as the defense pro- gram gets going more elderly people will need help, not fewer. There is no indication that prices will not continue to rise. W r casual- ties and industrial hazards will remove means of support from many elderly people. A fifth fact is that during the period of conversion to military necessities, we can ex- pect in the United States some sharp and sudden increases in unemployment ir specific areas. This unemployment may be tempo- rary, but during that period of unemploy- ment, & man’s dependents have to live. It is quite evident that, far from being reckless about the provision for public assist- ance in the new budget, the President's ad- visers in this fleld were extremely cautious in the right, but perhaps unpopular, direction. They show an understanding o. the problem that will be tacing people on the public as- sistance rolls, and they don't want to impose upon them unnecessary hardships. Some of your best friends are on the public assistance rolls. The only reason you don't know it is that public assistance today is not administered as poor relief, but in a way to protect recipients from those who regard our elderly people as wards of charity who should be clean and properly humble and grateful for being permitted to live. Prices Received by Farmers EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES I. DOLLIVER OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. DOLLIVER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following article from the League Reporter for February 5, 1951: Ficures SHow Farmer Makes Less on Most Ivrgms THAN He Gort In 1947 Here's proof that farmers aren’t responsible for high food prices. The figures below show farmers were get- ting less for nine of the most important crops last December than they were 3 years earlier. For only two crops—cotton and wool— were farmers receiving more last December than in 1947. Although meat prices are not included in the list, corn, wheat, oats, and rye are. As cattle and hogs eat corn and grain, the prices of these four crops have a lot to do with the cost of meat, Look at these figures, all official ones from the Agriculture Department: Prios received by farmers Dee, 15, | Dee. 18, | Difter- Commodity 1047 '| 1980" | “ence $2.79] $203] —$0.76 2.37 145 92 118 ata) —.33 2 45 y37[ 0 —108 6.66 360 | 3.07 3.09 270 —. 00 6.42 B32] =1I0 +88 138 —! . 80 wl —08 pound. 742 780 + 38 Cotton... o-. GO... 35 40 +.05 The Korean War EXTENSION OF REMARKS or ‘ OF MISSOURI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. KEM. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, a letter to the editor written by Dale D. Dorman, Jr., of Graham, Mo. This letter was printed in the Maryville (Mo.) Daily Forum and a copy was sent to me by Mr. and Mrs. Cc. C. James, of that city. I believe the letter is of interest as showing the think- ing of many people regarding the Korean War. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: . GRAHAM, Mo., January 27, 1951, MARYVILLE DAILY FoRUM, Maryville, Mo. Epitor, DAILy Forum: It is said that while Nero fiddled, Rome burned. Today, while the United Nations fiddies, Korea burns. Today the United States, with 90 percent of the UN forces in Korea and 90 percent of the casualties, is letting the United Na- tions, which includes many of our enemies, as well as our questionable friends, decide when and where Americans are to battle, to fight, and to die. After America has poured out $42,552,000,- 000 to foreign nations since the end of World War II, we yet today have far fewer true friends than we had at the war's end. When, oh when, will we learn that we cannot buy friendship? Our Government is still talking of spend- ing more billtons in Europe, even though there is little doubt but what Russia could sweep over Europe at her own discretion, Then why is she waiting? Russia’s waiting for our Marshall plan to place more and more American industrial equipment and war materials there before she attacks. At the close of World War II, only 5 years ago, Russia, with starvation and bankruptcy, was held up only by an infusion of $11,000,- 000,000 of lend-lease and other billions of relief from the United States. Of course, the murderous treason of giving Russia half the world at Tehran, Potsdam, and Yalta also helped. Red China, too, was down and out when General Marshall visited China in 1945 and tried forcing Chiang Kai-shek to take the Communists into his national council and army. Marshall, it seers, even delayed ship- ments of arms and ammunition to Chiang until he accepted the Communists, Where's Chiang now? On an ieland in the Pacific. And where’s Marshall now? Secretary of Defense in Washington, D. C. Yes, who built the menacing power of Soviet Russia anyway? A foreign policy which places anything ahead of American peace and freedom is be- traying our great Nation. Yet never before have a free people been so deliberately de- ceived, so ruthlessly exploited, and so hide- ously betrayed. Today, America, once the land of the free and the home of the brave, is engulfed by foreign interests until we are reduced to the role of a feeding trough for an international Gargantua. But if one opposes these insane acts of treason, he is termed by these so-called dip- lomate and fools as an isolationist. If we were to follow these global war rats they would call us all isolationists by saying we refused to give them enough power to med- dle in other nations’ affaira—because we had been too stingy in opening our pocketbooks— because we had never given them enough control over drafting our manpower, wast- ing our resources, and freely spending away our wealth. It is this Communist-Fair-Deal-global conspiracy which would destroy us, and the governors of some of our most populous States have also joined this i.ternationalist conspiracy for destruction. It is time Americans took a stand for America. Acheson and Marshall should be fired, and the wrath of the American people should force such action, Every last dime of for- elgn hand-outs should be halted, for friend- ship can only be secured by convincing other nations of our common tnterests. The United States should immediately withdraw from the defunct United Nations, an organization which has only berated, ob- structed, and paralyzed our forces, and which has refused to take action against the death, tragedy, and despair which Red China is causing in Korea, America, and all nations which we are capable of defending by our air and sea power, must be defended; but not another dollar, not another dime, not another penny should be spent to aid the suicidal, fool- hardy plans of the so-called internationalist- Fair Deal-Communist traitors in draining American resources, American wealth, and even American blood into the crevices and gullies of the earth. Very truly yours, Dae D. Dorman, Jr. A Protest Against Defeatism EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ROBERT A. TAFT OF OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. TAFT. Mr, President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rzecorp an editorial entitled “A Protest Against Defeatism,” published in a recent issue of the Newark, N. J., Star-Ledger. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: A Prorest AcaInsT DErgaTisM This {s a protest against defeatism. There is near-total defeatism in the doc- trine that we can survive communism only
« A576 by sweeping militerisatéon, rigid reghmenta- tion, and the thoughtless sacrifice of our Nation's youth. ‘We ara willing to go along with this fear- ful program tf It is the only way to Aght communism. We would, in other words, make s fine distinction between outside ‘communtiem and self-imposed communism. We do not belleve our situation is quite that desperate, and we protest the horrible defeatiam of a leadership thet 4s sadly lack~ ing in imagination, faith, and confidence. Defeatiam arises from: (1) Exaggeration of the enemy's strength; and (2) belittling of our own strength and resources. Our leaders have erred both ways. Communiam’s drive for expansion and world conquest is born of the desperation of weakness, but has been generously nurtured by the fabulous errors of our policy makers in Bastern Europe and Asis. The land of prison labor camps, govern- ment-by-terror and total secrecy is no less hollow than the late Adolf Hitler’s thousand- year Reich. Nor are we the weakling nation that some recent behavior would indicate us to he. If some of our statesmen Tefiect weakness by their hysteria, we still possess the great- est production plant in the world, the most resourceful industrial management, and the most adaptable workers. not to mention the atom bomb and its related weapons. Before we agree to sink to communiam’s level, let us see whether it js still not pos- sible to wage the good fight—for peace and freedom and prosperity. If it is an inescapable necessity at the moment that we egoop Up precious man- power for the Army by steam-shovel meth-~ ods, Jet us at least make it clear that in the near future we will have a thoughtful policy to make the most of every American individ- ual and conserve our youth and or civilian values. If it is really essential that at this moment we price control, wage control, and regiment our economy, then let us at least make ft clear that we are working on plans to escape those un-American evils by an imaginative. hopeful program for expanding production under restored freedom. The way to real victory—the victory for peace, freedom, and prosperity—is in show- ing ourselves, our friends, and our enemies that we have the will, the ability, and the resources to produce enough to support both Military power and civilian life. if we prove we can do that, there will be no war. For no enemy will dare to attack an invincible power. When we announce that we can arm our- selves only by giving up our freedom and prosperity, we virtually declare ourselves half-beaten and thus encourage the enemy to make war. Temporary retreat to regimentation may be inescapable because our policy makers have allowed events to take us by surprise. Emphasis, however, should be on the tem- porary and limited character of any controls and sacrifices of freetiom. We must have a pian for expanding and improving civilian and military production and conservation of the individual in a free economy. To achteve this gosl, we should first over- come a childish obsession in Washington with exoess profits, The Government, it seems, i# prepared to make & thousand new bBheck: + millionaires rather than see a aingie corporation earn excess dividends. Obviously, it is far more important to ‘stop inflation with stepped-up production than to play to the galleries, and to the pirates of the black merket, with unsound taxes. Tax incentives should be offered to any enterpfise, whether It manufactures for the military or civilian, that is willing to expand and improve its plant t produce more and to produce efficiently. . It we offer industry and labor stimulating rewards for more and better production, we will astonish ourselves and the world, in- cluding our enemies, with our invincible power. Just ae we need to restore freedom as soon aa practicable to stimulate production we need to restore freedom of discussion to stimulate wisdont. There hes been, to be sure, some regard in the administration and the Supreme Court for the civil rights of small and repressed minorities. We also need some respect for the right of large Minorities and majorities. . here is abroad in this land an hysterical and destructive intimidation of criticism and free discussion. We are being told that if some dissident statesman makes a displeas- ing statement, whether foolish or wise, all Europe will desert us and let the Kremlin’s hordes walk to the Atlantic coast. Let's stop that nonsense. If our alliance with Western Europe is that delicate, we should know it now. We don’t believe that America should give up the right and the duty to debate its own fate for any con- sideration. It is the rankest defeatism to argue that we must subdue decent and honest public discussion, This country needs a program for the fu- ture in harmony with its dynamic past. We need a program to achieve security by strength and freedom and prosperity. It is well enough to be prepared to make sacrifices and to die. But we do not want to make sacrifices for a dismal future and to die for the love of death. Out of Washington has come as yet no clear program for the American way of over- coming the obstacle of belligerent commu- nism, The people want such a program, It must come, “Perfectionism” and the United Nations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YoRK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 5 Cegislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, Mr. Walter Lippmann, the distinguished col- umnist, recently published a series of columns, whose conclusion was roughly the same as that of the senior Senator from Ohio [Mr. Tarr], namely, that col- lective security was unworkable. The Washington Post of January 22 carried an excellent commentary on that posi- tion by the Honorable Benjamin V. Co- hen, one of our great authorities on in- ternational Jaw and a member of the fmerican delegation to the United Na- ons, I ask unanimous consent that Mr. Co- hen’s reply to Mr. Lippmann, as pub. lished in the Washington Post, be print~ ed in the Appendix of the Recorp, There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Rec. orp, a8 follows: “Paxrectionma” axp tie Unites Nations (By Benjamin VY. Cohen) It is with deep regret that one finds Mr. Walter Lippmann, tn his column of January 415, agreeing with Senator Tarr that collective security is un unworkable principle and that we should develop our own military policy APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and our aw policy of alliances without re- gard to the nonexistent power of the United Nations to prevent aggression, . Both Benator Taser and Mr. Lippmann seem to forget that under the Charter of the United Nations all members have agreed: (1) To settle their international disputes by peaceful means; and (2) to refrain in their international relations from threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Tations (art. 3, pars. 8 and 4). . Bo long as we adhere to the Charter we are not free, as Senator Tast has suggested, “to engage in our own wars when we think we should engage in them.” So long as we ad- here to the Charter we are not free to use the United Nations as a mere diplomatic weapon in the cold war and disregard our obligation to refrain from the use of force except tn defense of law. The very firet purpose of the United Na- tions, as stated in the Charter, ts: “to maintain peace and security, and to that end, to take effective collective meas- ures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppresston of acts of aggression or other breaches of the pence, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settle- ment of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of peace.” (Art. I, par. 1.) As long as we adhere to the Charter we are obligated to exercise an honest Judgment as to what we ean do to carry out this pur- pose. If the Seourlty Council acta—but it cannot act without our approval or ac- quiescence—we are bound to carry out its orders. If the Assembiy recommends, we are not bound to act, but we sre mortally and legally bound to exercise an honest judgment, giving due weight to the United Nations rec- ommendations, as to what action on our part would be best calculated to further world peace and security. The Assembly’a recommendations are not subject to great power veto. The uniting- for-peace proposals adopted at the last ses- alon of the General Assembly provide effective means for the voluntary cooperation of mem- ber states in carrying out United Nations recommendations for the maintenance of peace and security, We may go further, as we have in the At- lantic Pact and in the Inter-American Secu- rity Pact, and assume somewhat more specific obligations to maintain peace and security in certain areas as long as these arrange- ments do not conflict with the Charter. But we have no right to forswear concern and responsibility for world peace and security. To do so would not only be to emasculate the Charter but to invite the Soviet Union and its allies to move in wherever we are not prepared to give in advance specific guar- antecs. The power of the United Nations in re- spect to collective security is not nonexistent because its exercise upon the good faith and voluntary cooperation of its mem- bers. The power of the United Nations in respect to collective securtty is not nonexist-~ ent hecatne ita exercise by military sanctions ig not always practicable. The United Na- tions provides greater possibilities for iuit~ ing the moral and material strength of the law-abiding nations in maintaining peace and resisting aggression than can be secured by any ayatem of alliances cuteide the frame- work of the Yuited Nations. But both Senator Tart and Myr. Lippmann are in favor of abandoning the principle of collective security under the United Nations because it cannot be unive enforced, This is like asking the People to abandon the Bill of Rights because it is not, and possibly cannot be, fully enforced every~ where in the United States. This is forsaking the good because it ts not perfect.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Untted Nations does not demand the imposalble. It does not demand the use of force in “vof¥ case. “It ddés not demand abor- tive action to save face. In some cases only concilation and mediation may be practi- cable. The United Nations demands only that ite members individually and collectively exercise their best and honest judgment as to what will advance the cause of peace, security, and law in the world, taking into account not only the situation of immediate concern but the whole complex of the world situation. It would, however, be a grave mistake to think that we could abandon our obliga- tions to work with other nations in the United Nations to advance the cause of peace, security and law and still have the great moral support of the United Nations for action we take independently of the United Nations. It would be a grave mistake to think that other nations in the United Na- tions would support us in any effort to use the United Nations as a diplomatic weapon for our own purposes. It 1s well to remember the warning of President Roosevelt in his last message of January 6, 1945, on the state of the Union: “Perfectionism, no less than isolationism or power politics, may obstruct the paths to international peace. Let us not forget that the retreat to isolationism a quarter of a century ago was started not by a direct attack against international cooperation but against the alleged imperfections of the peace. “In our disillusionment after the last war we preferred international anarchy to inter- national cooperation with nations which did not see and think exactly as we did. We gave up the hope of gradually achieving a better peace because we had not the courage to fulfill our responsibility.” Imprisonment of Joseph Cardinal Mindszenty EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HERBERT R. O’CONOR OF MARYLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. O’CONOR. Mr. President, this week marks the second anniversary of one of the most despicable crimes in world history resulting in the imprison- ment by the Communists of His Emi- nence Joseph Cardinal Mindszenty, prince primate of Hungary. This fear- less churchman was sentenced to life imprisonment and is now broken in health for no other purpose than to stifie his condemnation of Communist doctrines. In commemoration of this occurence the Maryland Action Gulld, a group of patriotic Americans, c.ranged for a special religious service presided over by the Most Reverend Francis P. Keough, D. D., archbishop of Balti- more. A most appropriate sermon was preached by the Reverend John L. Bazinet, £.8S. Because the sermon is so challenging to free men of all religions it merits reading throughout the length and breadth of the United States and I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, XCVII—App.——37 There being no objection, the sermon was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: ‘ OargpINAL Minvezentr This morning, my beloved, you pay honor to a man who stands forth, indeed shines brilliantly, as a symbol before all religious- minded men in our age. That man, a churchman as you know, is the prince primate of Hungary, His Eminence Joseph Cardinal Mindszenty. You recali that 2 years ago, on February 8, 1949, to be exact, after a serles of criminal farces including arrest, charges, drugging, torture, forced “confession,” trial, His Eminence was sen- tenced to life imprisonment by the atheist stooges of Moscow wielding power in Budapest. In Cardinal Mindsgenty you see a symbol, a sign of the ferocious fight of the godless Communists against men of all faiths, and of no faith, but with conviction that freedom and justice are treasured values, a precious heritage of mankind. His Eminence in his suffering, you will agree, focused the atten- tion of distracted men and women all over the whole oivilized world. Thousands of other unhappy victimes, as you read in your papers and heard over your radio, had previously been tried on trumped- up charges, sentenced unjustly and most se- verely, but it was left for the cardinal like @ hurricane to jar the most apathetic, the most skeptical, the most deaf and blind to the realiiies of your life in the mid- twentieth century. Because we could not see close up the hatred of Red atheism for religion, more es- pecially for the Catholic Church, you will admit {t was hard to believe. In the person of thelr imprisoned primate of Hungary you saw Close up, you drew back in blanched hor- ror, you faced the living drama, the stark struggle of our times. See what happens to a@ strong man behind the iron curtain. The clash, you note, was public, undentable, clear-cut, absolute. Amplified echoes of a little-known cardinal's Golgotha on a hardly understood spot of cruciiixion, Budapest, stormed through the known world: London and Rio de Janeiro, Parts and Buenos Aires, Rome, Madrid and Peiping, Tokyo and Washington, New York and Baltimore. He 1s after all a cardinal. What man or womab among you could then fall to heed? “Now, indeed,” you must have reasoned, “is the time to rise from sleep.” For in fact the imprisoned cardinal-arch- bishop stands as a symbol. And you know what a symbol or sign is. On your way to this cathedral this morning you may have passed symbols of danger or safety, the me- chanical green-and-red light flashing at the street corners, automatic signs; maybe the lifeless white arrow pointing out the right road for you; likely enough, too, the embodi- ment of law in the blue-coated officer on trofic duty, an indication of public power; even, perhaps, the Stars and Stripes hoisted On buildings, symbol of our country so dear to the hearts of us all, But men by their acts can be signs, too, symbols of deep meaning, deeper maybe than we care to see without close inspection. ‘Yet you will allow, my brethren, that men and women can hardly be automatons—lifeless, mechanical signs of anything really precious. By their thinking they stand for something or against something. By their speaking they make clear their beliefs and courage; by their acts also when such are free, and above all by what they are willing to suffer for, to risk their lives for—in all these you recognize men for what they truly are. So with the cardinal-archbishop of Eszter- gom, whose very name, Mindszenty, stems from the root words meaning “all saints.” Hence by his very name as well as by his eminence’s thinking, speaking, acts, and suffering, Cardinal Mindazenty gives us some A577 idea of the kind of courage needed to stand up to the Red menace at close quarters. “Now we need men," he used to say re- peatedly. Yes; you will concede, we need the kind of men and women who are not afraid to be big, to be herole if need be, and to be stout-hearted, freely giving of self, grappling and beating down unspoken inner fears, finding new strength in prayer; heroic, indeed, is what it means to be saintly. Now in truth we need men. American voices you have heard trying to confuse you. Was His Eminence not anti- Semitic? Anti-Semitic indeed, the man who had been more than once failed by the Jew-hating Nazis for speaking out in Jewish defense, for organizing teams for their risky rescue from fiendish torture and sure death, You need read only the Jewish-produoed Grey Book to sense the extent of his help. And what was His Eminence's gold medal for If not to honor him for this very fact? Why did the real anti-Semites sneer at him: ret about Your Reverence’s Jewish doc- tor on You have perhaps heard him called a re- actionary; but did you know, my beloved, that for 30 years Cardinal Mindszenty, as curate, parish priest and bishop, had been demanding reform: “Poverty must not be tolerated,” he proclaimed. “Why is your rectory not heated?” Father Mindssenty was asked when he was pastor in Zale. “Until I know that every poor man hag fuel,” he admitted, “the parish priest will have no heat.” You may have heard him called uncom- promising before the Rede. Yet have not you yourselves learned by now that there is no such thing as compromise with Commu- nists on basic principles? You may have heard him carped at for being too outspoken, or heard it whispered maybe that His Emi- nence should not have stirred things up, that it was a bad time for public utterance, that his public relations were poor, that the whole affair Mindezenty was a “sectarian” matter. Yet what is a Christian bishop for {f not to defend his flock, souls entrusted to his shep- herding, from all tyranny and atheism mas- querading under the forms of law? As for sectarianism, you will not need to be reminded, dearly beloved, that whole con- gregations of Protestants, their pastors and ministers included, used to turn out pub- licly to do him honor when His Eminence went on his confirmation tours. Lutherans and Calvinists loved him, respected him, worked with him, joined him in his fight and theirs against Marxist monopoly-edu- cation, looked upon the Cardinal as their leader for true freedom and real religion. This is the man, my beloved, labeled the traitor Cardinal and an enemy of the peo- ple by the slaves of Moscow. Having campaigned against His Eminence for months on ond and tried to buy him with bribes, using too thetr well-rigged charges while shutting the Cardinal's voice off from all public reply, daring even to poison his very own people and bludgeoning them by foul means to sign statements against him, statements for which they had no stomach, heart, or conviction—the conditions under which the Btate collects signatures and ar- ranges polls, he observed, are only too well known-—these time-servers of atheism tor- tured his own typist to turn spy on His Eml- nence, his errand-boy, too, his own doorman, the postmaster at Esztergom, his own legal counselor, the manager of his Budapest of- fice, in time even his own private secretary, since for these poor victims {t meant sub- mission or ignoble death. Thus you see the Red Spider weave its stealthy steel threads around the Red Hat of the Cardinal of EHeztergom. Thus you may observe how Red spokesmen whose strat- egy alms at confusion in the English-speak- ing world then as now furthered the vile,
A578 campaign against His Eminence. This even happened, beloved brethren, over one of America’s largest radio chains. Indeed, ri- diculous ag it may sound tn your sare, one eminent daily journal printed despatches from the Budapest trial itself written by its non-Hungarian-speaking fellow-traveler re- porter finding fault with Cardinal Minds- genty’s Hungarian pronunciation and even his Hungarian diction. This should not surprise you, my be- loved. After all, do you not recall Red master Lenin's own words: “All religious ideas * * * are an unspeakable abomina- tion?” Mindszenty held out for religion, justice, freedom. So Communist sympa- thizers everywhere were following the Stalin line; dupes are rarely made without crafty cleverness. Though again this may be hard to believe, my brethren, sympathizers and dupes are still doing so, subtley, sometimes at public expense. Why is tt that broadcasts pouring from the West into this very same Red Hun- gary with its imprisoned Cardinal as of this hour give small comfort and no hope to the 70 percent Catholics locked there, none what- ever to religious-minded Jews and Protes- tants? Why is it that America is said to be paying with your dollars for the propaganda line that the United States does not oppose communism—only aggression? What hope can there be in this for God-fearing Hun- garians? Is that the way to see in His Eminence’s suffering what it really was and is? Is the symbol meaningless? Is the sign unread? Is atheism to your liking? Is Communist tyranny your friend? No, in- deed, my beloved, you are not and will not be confused and deceived. “Now we need men at home,” the cardinal used to say. This, my beloved, ruled his thoughts. Surely no one of you can miss the fact that His Eminence knew whereof he spoke. Manfully, clearly, he championed true, lasting reform, not that so-called land reform that robbed owners of land, divid- ing it so that no one farmer, regardless of his skill, would have a big enough patch of ground on which he could possibly make a living; Mindszenty knew then that it was only step No. 1 to collectivization, farm so- ctalism, Repeatedly he spoke out for freedom. “For a small minority to impose its will on & huge majority,” he warned in 1948, “is not democracy, but its very opposite.” Not once but many times, dearly beloved, you can hear his voice crying out against poverty, calling for social justice. And his acts, as you are well aware, matched his words. During the Nazi days of brutal occupation his name was a major ter get of their twisted smear propaganda. So much 80, you do well to recall, beloved, that at the end of the terrible World War II the then Bishop Mindszenty was rewarded with a golden medal for his part in the resistance to Nazi tyranny. Yet when the time came for the Red masters to turn on His Eminence, the men who arrested him, jailed, tried, and convicted him were all former Nazis themselves, one-time members of the Hitler-run, green-shirted party of the Arrow Cross. His very sufferings—why detail these for » my beloved? You know them: Nazi- jailed, publicly campaigned against by the Reds, the seorets of 60 Andrassy Street (now renamed 60 Stalin Street), headquarters of the secret police make known to us by an escaped police officer who fled, unable to stand the sight any longer, expert forgers employed—these also escaped in time—the mental and moral suffering, the false friends, the slanders set down in the aptly named Communist Yellow Book. Can you wonder that United States Minister to Hungary Selden Chapin cried out, “He was a great man.” Yet until that time, dearly beloved breth- ren, many of you may not have realized what justice means behind the iron curtain. Now you know; now you fully understand that for the Communists, whether they are Hungarian, Russian, or American, “jurispru- dence,” in the words of a Hungarian com- missar of such justice, “Is one of the weapons of the class fight * * * make it a sharper weapon than ever"; to which another Marx- jan legist added this for your enlighten- ment: “The court is the instrument of poll- tics” (Vishinsky). But Mindszenty stood for religion, justice, freedom; His Eminence was a sign of another world, a word of man's dignity and broth- erly love, dear brethren, a world hateful to and hated by the Stalinists, but beloved and cherished by you. The sign indeed was contradicted; but the sign stands firm even amid suffering Confusion vanishes. Symbol as the cardinal is of the fight between God and the powers of anti-God, Hits Eminence, like a deep-toned bell, tolls as a warning to you and to me, an alarm as well as a spur and source of encourage- ment. You may have read a few days ago in a Baltimore labor paper of known in- tegrity words pointing up that admonition for us locally. “Often in the past,” recalls its editor, “we have warned against the growth of com- munism in Maryland. Once again, we sound a solomn warning to industry and to labor in the Baltimore area, It is time to realize that in every large or extra large plant in Baltimore there exists a red thread of com- munism, which broadens out here and there to ribbon width, and finally * * * reaches the proportions of whole cloth.” “Why does the Red line widen and grow?” queries this writer. “Where is the leader- ship to restrain and contain, or to destroy it? * * © This infiltration goes on day and night.” Is it true, dearly beloved, as this in- formed Marylander suggests, that it is “be- cause the people lie supinely on their backs and snore through a Red revolution brewing in our midst?” If you will not heed the sign that is Cardinal Mindszenty, maybe you will realize that this labor thinker understands the very facts about you here and now. Such alarm bells, whether from overseas or in our own city, should indeed be a spur and encouragement to you, my brethren. “Now we need men at home!" urged the Cardinal. His Eminence has set us that example. The cunning but sham legality of his hideous trial and barbarous sentence you have of course seen operate in other cases before and since. “The twisting of words and facts,” protests our Holy Father Pius XII, “has become a classical weapon of deceit.” Was not our Saviour Himself unjustly accused of stirring up the people? Were there not legal pretexts aplenty used against 8t. Peter and St. John the apostle? In spite of his being a Roman citizen, coveted ancient privilege, you will note that 8t. Paul the apostle likewise fell victim to legal sophistry. So did Mindszenty. Yet you will discern in the self-drawn, reluctant picture of the apostle of the Gentiles, Paul, the lifelike portrait of his Eminence today in Red hands, “Wherein any man is bold, I also am bold * * * in many more labors, in prisons more fre- quently, in lashes above measure, often ex- posed to death * * * Five times I re- ceived forty lashes less one. Three times I was scourged, once I was stoned; * " * in journeyings often * * * in perils from robbers, in perils from my own nation, in perils from the Gentiles, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, * * * in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD perils from false brethren; in labor and hard- ships, jn many sleepless nights, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, tri cold and nakedness, Besides those outer things, there is my daily pressing anxiety, the care of all the churches!” Hunger and thirst, perils from my own nation, in the city, from false brethren, many sleepless nights * * ° Cardinal Mindszenty and 60 Andrassy (Stalin) Street. Will you not draw out the parallel for your- selves, my brethren? For Cardinal Mindszenty’s struggle goes on day by day. At latest report, November past, the red haters of God still would leave His Eminence little peace in his hospital-prison, my beloved. AS of a few weeks ago he was reported in a much weakened physical condi- tion; specialists advised that his health had been so much undermined by his so-called “treatment” that he should not be kept in prison, To which you hear the Red Hungarian dictator in reply: “Everything must be done that he should not pass out in prison”—fear. ful was the Red even to mention the Cardi- nal’s name, my brethren. To the nerve specialists called in for consultation, the Red tyrant gave his threatening orders: “I will hold you responsible for his being freed in a condition in which not even the clever- est medical men can restore his health or his mental powers. If the priest (he meant the Cardinal) pretends to be out of his mind, drive him out of it, but do it for good.” So the heartless war is waged, my beloved * * * “in many sleepless nights”. Yet the Apostle Paul lived long before distorted science knew how to rob a man of his mind and his reason; Mindszenty knows that power all too keenly. Still His Eminence's face may well haunt you, beloved, as you saw it 2 years ago in newspapers and magazines, whites of eyes showing abnormally, lines deep that were not there at all a few days before, upright in the courtroom withal as though he were sitting on his archiepiscopal throne at Esztergom. Can you fall to view that count- enance as the modern “Ecce homo,” “Behold the Man?” “A most serious outrage,” asserts Pope Pius XII, “that inflicts a deep wound * ¢ * on every upholder of the dignity and liberty of man,” So it is with reverence and admiration that you recall today, dearly beloved, the second anniversary of the Cardinal’s life-sentence to prison. “I pray for a world of truth and love," His Eminence wrote shortly before his arrest, “I pray for those who, in the words of our Lord, ‘know not what they do.’ I forgive them from the bottom of my heart,” This in his last pastoral letter. (November 18, 1948.) Grateful indeed you may well be for the Cardinal's battle in behalf of loving religion, real justice, human freedom, against the powers of hating athelam, tyrannical force, wordy mouthings of “democracy” that really spell out the streamlined slave state. Who among you will not be moved to pity at the sight of his plight? Yet proud, too, For he endures as the flaming symbol of all you hold dear: right thinking, brave speak- ing, courageous acting, suffering unspeak- able silently borne without bitterness, merci- Tul Christ-like forgiveness. His Eminence abides indeed as a warning as well as a stir- ring impulse to each of us to heed his in- sistent words: “Now we need men at home.” As if to explain this to us he had once made his mind clear beyond all doubt: “Rome can find another bishop if I die, but * * * believers are born through martyrdom.” Kneeling as we do today before this ven- erable altar, sacred historic nucleus radiat- lug Catholic life through the United States
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of America, we will this morning want to pray for Joseph Cardinal Mindszenty, and at the same time mindful of our Saviour's will to pray for our enemies, doing good to those hating us, praying for them who persecute and caluminate us, we will want to pray far His Eminence’s persecutors too. We pray that the Cardinal's strength of spirit may never falter, that his torturers may turn to the Spirit of God; that hts mind may weather the devilish devices of the evil one, that their minds may come home to God; that his heart may spark off that courage which you and I both need as example in this modern world filled in our day with the same searing battle that he faced almost alone, that theirs may find love and higher courage instead of hate in Christ’s Cross. Your Eminence as a free man was the only clear voice in your country bold enough to speak up for the 600,000 slave laborers dragged {rom your homeland into the cruel depths of Soviet Russia. Today in gratitude we speak to God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit in your behalf. We beg Our Lady to intercede for you. Pray for us, too. Our Golgotha may al- most be upon us. “Now we too need men at ome.” J. W. Hanley EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. OTTO E. PASSMAN OF LOUISIANA IN TRE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. PASSMAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Reconrp, I include the following arti- cles: {From the Natchitoches (La.) Times of Nov. 17, 1960] J. W. HAniry on Visit Herz Joseph W. Hanley, of Chopin and Wash- ington, D. C., Doorkeeper In the Senate, is visiting his relatives in the South. He timed his visit so as to be in the parish in time to cast his vote in Tuesday's election. He ts visiting relatives in Chopin, Boyce, Lena, Alexandria, and Natchitoches and stopped for a visit in Shreveport en route. Hanley attended the National American Legion Convention in Los Angeles last month and also visited places of Interest in the Pacific and Western States This completed a visit to every State in the Union. — {From the Beaumont Enterprise of Novem- ber 17, 1050] Doorxesrzr or SenaTe CHampne Ig VISITING RELATIVES IN AREA Joseph W. Hanley, a doorkeeper in the United States Senate Chamber, was in Beau- mont yesterday, visiting a number of rela- tives in the Beaumont area. A resident of Chopin, La., he recently returned from the weat coast where he attended the National American Legion Convention. He will re- turn to his job in Washington by November 17 when Congress reconvenes. He is visiting relatives in Nederland, in- eluding his mother, Mrs. Harriett Hanley, and brothers, Floyd, Sherman, Willie V., W. L. and Carvel. A sister, Mrs. Bsie Mae Beebe, Itves In Orange. Other Texas relatives include a sister, Mrs. BMe Pittman at Shiro, and a brother, Arthur, and sister, Mrs. Leona Parker, at le Tax-Free Incomes EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. JOHN J. WILLIAMS OF DELAWARE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, February 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Myr. WILLIAMS, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Rscorp an article entitled “Tax Till It Hurts—Whom?” published in a recent issue of the United States News and World Report. I also ask that immediately following the article there be printed three charts in which a comparison is given of the taxes puid by the President, Vice Presi- dent, Speaker of the House of Repre- sentatives, and Members of Congress, as compared with those paid by average American citizens. There being no objection, the article and charts were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tax Trt Ir Hurts, Woom?—Tax-Frex INCOME Hetps PREsIpentT, CONGRESS Truman's tax until it hurts plan hurts him less than most. Belng President has become quite a job from that standpoint. Critics point to $50,000 expense account, tax free, on top of a $100,000 salary, a house, a plane, yacht, servants, etc. After taxes, he has $105,000. Others must make @300,000 to do as well. As taxes go up, they'll need to make even more. President Harry 8. Truman wants Congress to tax the people until it hurts. He is asking for 16 to 20 billion dollars more even if it means a drastic squeeze on the taxpayers. Mr. Truman, however, is among those to be hurt least in such a squeeze. Thus, his demand for a crackdown on taxpayers is starting to be a bit embarrassing. The rea- son is this: The President who asks the tax increases, the Vice President who helps put them through the Senate, the Speake: who guides them through the House, and Mem- bers of Congress who vote the increases, do not share the burden equally with the com- mon people. All of these public servants enjoy big, tax- free expense accounts that they granted to themselves. Congress passed the bills, and Mr. Truman signed them and made them law. The tax exemption applies to one-third of the pay of the President. It covers one- fourth of the pay of the Vice President and Speaker, and one-sixth of the pay of Con- gressmen. The Presidential expense account is $50,- 000 a year. It is paid to Mr. Truman as in- come. The President does not have to ac- count for what he does with the money, and the whole $50,000 is tax exempt, Congress voted the tax-free fund for the President 2 years ago, and raised his salary from $75,000 to $100,000 a year. In addition to the ex- pense account and salary, totaling $150,000, Mr. Truman has many advantages. He pays no rent. He has the use of a yacht, an air- plane, and a fleet of limousines, The Vice President and Speaker each draw @ salary of $80,000 and are given $10,000 a year tax-free free se accounts. Mem- bers of Congress get $12,500 in salary plus $2,600 for expenses. Like Mr. Trumen, most Congressmen have residences both in Washington and back home, and extra entertainment costs, As A579 they see it, that is part of the justification for their expense accounts. How these officials benefit from a tax- exempt expense allowance is shown in the accompanying charts. My. Truman's in- come tax this year will be nearly $34,000 less than that of a private citizen who makes as much but has no such tax-free expense ac- count. The President will have about ¢105,< 000 left after tuxes. An ordinary person would have to make 6300,UU0 a year to have that much left over for spending or saving. The President, therefore, has a tax ad-~ vantage over other taxpayers that is sub- stantial even at the present level of taxa- tion. A tax increase, moreover, will make that advantage still larger. It also will point up the fact that Members of Congress are going about the business of imposing higher taxes while enjoying tax exemptions they provided for themselves, Pressure for a change is rising in Congress as a result. There is talk of removing the tax-free privilege for these officials, thus placing them on an equal footing with other taxpayers. Bills actually have been Intro- duced to do away with the special tax ex- emption for Congressmen, Bome Members even now are refusing to use thelr tax-free allowances, Others uce only a part. But there still are Congressmen, a good many of them, who are ready to make a fight to retain special tax privileges for them- selves as well as for the President, Vice President, and Speaker. One Member of Congress is proposing to double Congresa- men’s expense allowances from 82,500 to $5,000. Your Congressman probably will tell you, privately, if not publicly, that he is under- paid, not overpaid. Furthermore, he will in- alist that his @2,500 expense allowance actu- ally isn’t big enough to cover expenses that are essential. For example, he usually must maintain two homes, not one. He keeps a residence in Washington where he spends most of his time. Back home, even though he may not spend much time there, he must keep an- other residence. He has to do a lot of entertaining. That’s expected of him. And he has no expense account other than hia 62,500 allowance to cover the cost of the lunches and dinners he buys for visitors from his district. Nor does he have any expense account to cover his campaign costs. A Member of the House has to run for reelection every 2 years. A Sen- ator has to run every 6 yeare. In fAguring their income taxes, they can’t deduct cam- paign costs as business expense. The tax advantage of a Member of Con- gress over an ordinary citizen with the same income amounts to about 6600 a year. Most Congressmen bolieve that, as a practical matter, they are not as well off as, for ex- ample, a business executive drawing $15,000 a@ yeur. Congressmen, in fact, are not doing as well as they were a year or two ago. Liv- ing costs are up sharply. But they have not had a raise in pay since January 1947. The Vice President and Speaker, too, face rising Living costs, and they have not had a pay raise for 2 years. But, by comparison with Members of Congress, they are well off. They get $40,000 a year, including $10,000 tax-free. Vice President Barxiey, as the chart shows, can pay taxes on his 940,000 pay, and still have €82,684 left. A private citizen with 940,000 of income, and no tax-free allowance, realizes only about 628,500 after taxes. The Vice President and Speaker are furnished high-priced sedane for their own use, and the Government pays their chauffeurs. A tax increase won't hit them as hard as it will hit the ordinary oitizen, because one- fourth of their incomes ‘s free of tax. But
A580 they are placed in the embarrassing situa- tion of having to steer that tax increase through Congress. The President is in a class all by himeelf. He hos what amounts to the best-paying job in the United States. His $100,000 salary and his @50,000 tax-free expense allowance are only the beginning of what js provided for him and his family by the Government, His job, of course, has its disadvantages. There is very little real privacy. The hours are long and irregular. The problems and the pressures are immense. There are some heavy expenses that an ordinary citizen does not have to bear. But the ordinary citizen, even one whose pay gets up into seven figures, does not have the privileges and luxuries that are provided for the President, He lives in a mansion. At the moment, the White House ts being repaired at a cost of more than 5,000,000. So Mr. Truman and his family stay a short distance away in Blair House, normally reserved for visiting dignitaries from other lands. His rent is free. The Government pays for heat, gas, electricity. It provides all the fur- nishings and trimmings. It supplies yard- men, housemen, maids, butlers, cooks, en- gineers, and guards. Recreation and entertainment are his for the asking. Movies are brought into his home. Stars of the entertainment world are eager to appear at command performances. There is a fancy swimming pool in the White House where he takes a dip two or three times a week. He can travel by special airplane, battle- ship, cruiser, special train, or on his yacht Williamsburg. A 840,000 fund, separate from his expense account, finances travel on offi- cial business. These perquisites have been added gradu- ally over the years, But, on a cash basis, Mr. Truman is far better off than any former President. It was just 2 yeurs ago that his salary was raised from $75,000 to $100,000 a year. At the same time, he got his $60,000 tax-free allowance for expenses. In 1948, he had $48,275 left out of his salary after pay- ing his taxes. In 1951, despite the recent tax increase, he will have $105,000 left out of his salary and allowance. But that’s the way Congress wanted it, Many pointed out, when the question of his pay came up 2 years ago, that executives in industry often had generous expense ac- counts. The Presidency was regarded as a top job that should be paid accordingly. Congress set about to give him independence and position, The catch, however, is that now he wants to raise taxes all around, His tax-free allow- ances, and those of other officials, are becom- ing an issue when everybody else is being asked to pay taxes until it hurts, TAX ADVANTAGE FOR PRESIDENT TRUMAN Out of President Truman’s annual pay of $150,000 he will have left to spend after taxes, $105,276, Out of private citizen's annual in- come of $150,000 he will have left to spend after taxes, $71,582. Here’a why. President Truman draws an- nual pay of $150,000. That includes a tax- free allowance of $50,000. So he pays in- come taxes ap only $100,000. His tax in 1951 will be 44,724. Out of $150,000, he will have left $106,276. The private citizen with an income of $150,000 gets no tax-free allowance. So he must pay taxes on $150,000. His tax on that amount in 1961 will be $78,468. Out of $150,000, he will have left $71,532. BAVINGS FOR VICK PRESIDENT BARKLEY Out of Vice President Barkier’s annual pay of 40,000 he will have left to spend after taxes, @32,684. Out of private citizen’s an- nual income of $40,000 he will have left to spend after taxes, $28,500. Here's why. Vice President BarKLry draws annual pay of €40,000. That includes a tax- free allowance of $10,000. So he pays in- come taxes on only 830,000. His tax in 1951 will be $7,316. Out of 840,000, he will have left $32,684. The private citizen with an income of $40,000 gets no tax-free allowance. So he must pay taxes on 840,000. His tax on that amount in 1951 will be $11,600. Out of $40,000, he will have left $28,500. AND FOR CONGRESSMEN TOO Out of a Congressman’s annual pay of $16,000 he will have left to spend after taxes $12,787, Out of private citizen’s annual in- come of $15,000 he will have left to spend after taxes $12,190. Here's why. A Congressman draws annual pay of 815,000. That includes a tax-free al- lowance of $2,500. So he pays income taxes on only $12,500. His tax in 1951 will be $2,213. Out of 815,000, he will have left $12,787. The private citizen with an income of $15,000 gets no tax-free allowance. So he must pay taxes on $15,000. His tax on that amount in 1951 will be 62,810. Out of 615,000, he will have left $12,190. Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. President, the question is not whether the President and Members of Congress are overpaid; it is more a question of principle. At a time when taxes are taking such a large per- centage of every individual’s income, and at a time when the President is telling the American people that they must ex- pect to be taxed until it hurts, I be- lieve the first action of the President and the Members of Congress, who are re- ceiving the special consideration referred to in the article, should be to repeal our own tax exemptions. In America we have no room for any privileged class, and it was with this thought in mind that on January 11, 1951, I introduced Senate bill 357, the purpose of which is to repeal these unfair exemptions. renin Danger Ahead EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM M. COLMER OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 5, 1951 Mr. COLMER,. Mr. Speaker, in these days of national stress and uncertainty, in these days when America has under- taken, as a result of world conditions, to assume world leadership, it is well that all Americans take inventory of themselves and their country. To this end I am submitting for the perusal of my colleagues in the Congress and for Americans everywhere a sound and thought provoking sermon delivered re- cently by an old friend, a minister of the Gospel, the Reverend John W. Moore, pastor of the Methodist Church, at Hat- tiesburg, Miss. This splendid statement is as follows: Dancer AHEAD (By Rev. John W. Moore) “But the children of Israel committed a trespass.”—Joshua vil: 1, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Some years ago, within the memory of most of us, a great ship of the air was com- pleting a prosperous trans-Atlantic voyage. The Zeppelin Hindenburg was crowded with travellers, many of whom were returning home from business or pleasure in Europe, Perhaps some of them had been a ttle du- bious about this new mode of travel, Maybe some of them had been fearful during every hour of the voyage. But now the great ship was over solid ground once more. Behind, and all but forgotten, were the long leagues of watery wastes that for so many hours they had looked down upon. Already the lines had been connected to the mooring mast. Already the greatest airship on earth was settling down toward its place of rest and security. Greetings were already being waved through the portholes of the cabin to friends and relatives below. Already they were turning one to another and saying jubi- lantly, “We made it.” And then there was a sullen roar followed by a searing flame that ran the length of the ship in a moment. The Zeppelin had exploded. Shrieks of ago- ny from the dying took the places of smiles cf welcome from the living. What a thing of horror. The ship and many of its crew and passengers were no more. Such a voyage, with such an ending, is a parallel to s0 many of life’s ventures. How often, for instance, is the denouement of the wedding festival, with all its promise of last- ing bliss, unravelled in the court of law and in the broken home. Or how often do men start business careers amid most pro- pitious circumstances, only to see their ven- tures crash into bankruptcy and loss. Or a fond mother and a proud father may look in rapture upon the tiny face of their first-born son, seeing him perfectly formed and robust. They may say (and their neighbors and friends may agree), “He will make a mark for himself in the world. He will be a great man.” Twenty years later that babe, now grown into manhood, may stand before the bar of justice and hear the State announce that he is not fit to live and so must be done to death by the law of the land. What makes our World like that? The answer is not far to seek. I had a neighbor once who was found guilty of the crime of murder. I followed the procession when he was led into court to receive sentence of death. As we passed under the arching en- trance to the court building, there was a pause as every eye was lifted to an inscrip- tion chiseled into the facade of the court- house, ‘‘Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap.” In those words of the Inspired Book is the answer to our question. How many times, by how many civilizations, by how many dozens of nations, and by how many millions of individuals has that old principle of sowing and reaping been proven true in practical test? And yet how slowly men and nations learn that truth. Each new Civilization, each nation, rising to the zenith of its power and greatness; each per- son born into the world seems impelled to put it to the test In some sort of wickedness, Sowing to the wind, generation after genera- tion needs must reap the whirlwind in bitter- ness of soul. Our text finds a new nation, just trying its new found strength, reaping soon its earliest planting of bad seed in the soll of {ts prom- ised land, amid the scenes of its destined greatness. Joshua had led Israel into Ca- naan, gaining military victories over their enemies as they went. In the enthusiasm generated by those victories, they had gone out against the small city of Ai. They had said, “We have nothing to worry about, for we are well able to overcome this insignifi- cant people.” A few hours later they were running pell-mell for dear life from those men of Ai. When they had time to be, they were dumfounded. They had a question.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD You would suppose, perhaps, that they asked, “What's the matter with us?” But ahh their queation was, ‘What's the matter with God?” All our lives we have asked, or heard asked, this question in one form or another. Dur- ing the Second World War, I heard a man put it in the positive form. He said, “We can't be defeated, God has too much at stake in America to let us go down.” (¢ 9 wondered how God got along before 1776.) It seems to me that God has always managed to get along without a champion nation, or armies, or navies, or atom bombs, For God's stake in the universe is not an individual, nor a nation, nor a civilization. It is rather truth and righteousness, and He 1s not afraid He'll lose it. Israel was punished for Achan’s sin. Why? God also punished Achan in # fearful man- ner. But after all, what wes so wrong with Achan's act? He stole some of the spoils of war and hid it away for private use. What difference does it make what becomes of the spoils of war? I think I know something of the philosophy behind Achan’s sin. I've seen it demonstrated so often among people I know. It's the philosophy behind a black- market tax that a great state levies with one hand on a commodity which it bans with the other hand. It’s the rationalization that prompts organizations to promote bingo games for charity, In spite of the fact that bingo hes been ruled illegal by the Supreme Court, It is the effort to purify the means by the end. It ts to say, “Oh, well, its going to happen anyway, so let's capitalize on it for good.” So Achan rationalized his conduct just like a modern man might do. After the battle there was a heap of booty piled in a public place. It was intended for the com- mon good and was a part of the public treas- ury. Achan saw an opportunity to enrich himself from this common fund. A goodly Babyloniesh garment, 200 shekels of silver, and a wedge of gold would better his financial condition considerably without tmpoverish- ing the nation perceptibly. So he took it. There are two ways to examine the morality of an act to determine whether it be right or wrong. The first is to Judge it on its merits in the light of God's law. Ask the question, “Ie it right?” and answer it honestly. If, from lack of strength one finds himself hedg- ing on that method, then let him employ the second, which ts to ask and honestly answer the question, “What would be the result if this thing were generally practiced?” An embezzier may justify his dishonesty on the grounds that, whatever God’s law is, his de- falcation is, after all, no grievous injury to anyone in particular, since he has robbed a corporation with hundreds of stockholders, But let him realize that, should a large per- cent of those entrusted with other people's money prove dishonest, the whole system of trusts and faith in the business world would collapse and then the matter takes on a dif- ferent aspect. Similarly, a husband or a wife may lightly break the marriage vows on the assumption that somehow he or she is exempt from the moral laws that govern others, But when it is realized that {f such practice should become common the homes of the land would disappear in a whirlpool of disaster, cetrying with them our culture and our greatness, that transgression becomes a matter of terrible guilt. Thus it Is that in- dividual sins become national sins, and thus, for the transgressions of its citizens, one by one, a whole nation is penalized. Sometimes, when a nation suffers for the sing of its citizens, it repents of ite sins and calls on the name of God. And sometimes that is a good thing to do, but not always. For repentance without reform does not put the Nation in position to claim the protec- tion of Almighty Providence. After Israel's defeat at Ai, Joshus fell on his face in prayer and God didn't like it. Joshua was not in position to pray and God sald to him, “Get up off your face and clean up the immoral mess that te developing among the people. Then you can pray to me.” After America’s set-back tn Korea there arose in this Nation a great ory for prayer and @ return to God. It wells up on every hand today from military men and high Gov- ernment officials as well as from the leaders of the church. The bishops of Methodism have issued 9 strong appesi to our denomi- nation to eppoint special days and hours for simultaneous prayers on the part of our membership, But, in the light of our text, I raise the question whether we are in poel- tion to pray effectively. Our Nation is in mortal danger, and the fact is recognized on every hand. But it seems to me that we are not in agreement among ourselves as to the enemy that threatens us most. In some circles it seems to be the consensus that our major enemy is communism. That is a fallacy. Com- munism will never destroy America. Not long ago we were traveling down one of our main highways when it became neces- sary 10 stop and let 8 flock of buzzards fly out of the road. On the shoulder of the highway was the carcass of a sheep and these repulsive birds were feeding on the eurrion. Our little boy raised the question, “How did the birds kill the sheep?” Well, they didn't. They don’t. In fact they can’t, It isn’t in their nature to kill. Their pro- gram 1s to be first on the scene after the killing takes place. Communism is © politi- cal vulture. It never destroyed & nation and never will. It just takes over when 4 nation 4a in its death throes. If America dies, it will die as every other great nation has died, at its own hands. Our mortal enemy !s not something outside of us. It ts selfishness and greed in high places and in low. Joshua's men said they were defeated before the walls of Ai, hut they were mis~- taken. Their defeat took place before the Jeveled walls of Jericho, when in the flush and enthusiasm of victory, Achan sinned. Similarly, our series of set-backs in Korea have stemmed from an attitude that de- veloped among us during the Second World War. It tc an attitude that, left unchecked, may eventually do us to death as a Nation. For, unless we mend our ways, there seems to be for us no justification for ving. Our ain Is the sin of Achan; the sin of selfish greed. Already in the cities and towns that are adjacent to Army camps, that greed evidences itself in the conversations and attitudes of the citizens who are ready to capitalize on the Nation's struggle for life and turn it into personal profit without rendering any substantin! service in return. On the larger scale, among some of the coun- try’s largest business corporations, the situa~- tion is appalling. Perhaps as many as 20 veterans of the North African campaign of the Second World War told me the story of the amazing exhibition of that greed then. The Allied soldiers were being mauled by Rommel’s men because of atlied short- ages of war material and supplies. Ship- ping was hard to find in sufficient quantity, our leaders told us. But time after time the great ships would pull into the north African docks and unload—not munitions of war— but yast quantities of beer and other mer- chandize that had no relation to the dire emergency of the hour. If this actually happened, then somebody was being enriched et the cost of the Nation's life bicod. But since that time I have been told that ft was not true, but was only the propaganda of the prohibitionists in this country. The other day I read an article in the Jan-~- uary 1 edition of one of the country’s largest Magazines; a magazine that evidentiy de- rives vest revenue from beer and liquor advertising, and therefore is not open to the suspicion of being loaned to dry propaganda, A581 This article expresses amazement that, de- spite our industrial greatness, our men, fighting a losing battle in Korea, were with~ out many of the fundamental tools of war. It cites a British observer's comment on the “why” of that shortage. The Briton said he saw tanks held up for hours while beer and refrigerator trucks rolled toward the front. Here we have a straw in the wind. It’s a big straw and the wind jis strong. I do not insist that supplying beer to our soldiers will destroy the Nation, though I am quite cer- tain it is a trend in that direction. But it seems to me that any unbiased person must admit that the apirit behind that sort of thing is destructive. A nation that will consent for tts citizens to sell their sons for nancial gain is a dying nation, ripe for the vultures of communism or any other “iam” that happens along. Our ears still ring with the cries of our teen-aged boys on the frozen hills of Korea for military supplies. We had sent them there to fight and die while we re- mained in solid comfort at home. Then when they began to freeze in subzero tem- peratures; when they lost arms and legs from frost; when their agonized cries for relief found us sitting snugly before our blazing hearths, we sent them beer. One of ald asked a rhetorical question, “Which of you, tf his son asks bread, will give him a stone?” It was a thing unheard of until our day and until our Nation outgrew its sense of moral responsibility. How many of our young men died while tanks were sidetracked to let the beer trucks roll? During the Second World War the United States banned large-scale public gatherings in order to conserve transportation for the wer effort. Our church, along with all the others, called off ite large conventions. Other important groups did the same. By some sort of manipulation, the race tracks of the coun- try got themselves exempted from this order. One of the country’s foremost writers, delving into this queer situation, came up with the statement that in that year the tracks were tesponsibie for the using up of 400,000,000 miles of transportation. That means that approximately 20,000,000 galions of gasoline were thus consumed and that the equivalent of 20,000 automobile tires were worn out. At the same time all sorts of congratulatory messages were barred from the telegraph wires of the Nation. But the tracks main- tained uninterrupted 24-hour service on tts leased wires, carrying the daily-racing-form report. These are additional straws in the same strong wind. They indicate a certain basic selfishness that seems to motivate the rank and file of our citizens. For some it shows itself in active participation in the business of strangling the Nation for profit. For the rest it is shown in stolid indifference to what goes on, so long as we are let alone in our complacency. They are symptoms of a ter- rible disease-—the disease of sin. It is a dis- ease that, left unchecked, will inevitably end in death for the Nation as it does for the individual. Uniess America mends her morals, God wili not hear her prayer for peace and safety. Having occupied for so long the role of the light of the world, and now hiding her light under a bushel of gross selfishness, her light bids fair to become darkness. Having been for so many of the world’s people the salt of the earth and now being in raptd process of losing her salinity, she may indeed hecome, “From henceforth good for nothing but to be cast out and to be trodden under foot of men.” I have been asked to pray for the Nation. Here is my prayer. “Cleanse Thou me from secret faults, Keep back thy servant also from presumptuous sins, Let them not have dominion over me. Then shall I be upright and I shall be innocent from the great trans- gression.”