A3020 The Congress is under a definite duty to act in this crucial matter. We can work for economy and a balanced budg- et. That is surely an obligation. We can also work for streamlining this De- partment, coordinating its activities, simplifying the administrative load. But we should not trifle with efficiency and adequate modernized service to the public. Obviously we should not trifle with the careers, the livelihood, the mo- rale and well-being of our devoted postal workers of every grade and station. I personally feel that a great injustice has been done by promulgating this order. It is for these reasons that I enter my militant protest against the order and urge the executive department to cancel it forthwith. In additon, I have joined with the distinguished gentleman from Indiana [Mr. WatsH] in introducing a bill nullifying this unjust, ill-considered, inopportune decree, and I hope this House will move speedily to rectify a sit- uation which is likely, unless remedied at once, to produce great dissatisfaction among the general public and lowered morale and reduced efficiency in the postal service. . I urge the House to be aroused to the need for immediate action and hope the order will soon be rescinded. Terror and Misery in Czechoslovakia EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, a most interesting and revealing article on the situation inside Czechoslovakia ap- peared in the April 17 issue of the maga- zine New Republic. The article is writ- ten by Dr. Hugo Skala, formerly chief of the economic section of the Czech Ministry of Finance, who now resides in New York. He describes a picture of economic disruption and disillusionment in Communist-dominated Czechoslo- vakia which should not escape the at- tention of freedom-loving people in this country and abroad. Dr. Skala’s article is as follows: . THE TERROR IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA (By Hugo Skala) That there is serious trouble behind the iron curtain is now perfectly clear. Moscow obviously fears that the defection of Yugo- slavia may be paralleled in greater or less degree in Hungary, Bulgaria, Rumania, Czechoslovakia, and Poland. In most of these countries purges are in progress; how thoroughly they are justified, even from Moscow’s point of view, we do not know and perhaps shall never know. The Kremlin has treated individuals with cruel injustice in the past and is quite capable of doing so again. Among these purges none has been more severe or, probably, less justified, than that in my own homeland, Czechoslovakia. To understand the background of this purge one needs to know the underlying economic facts which have had almost no publicity in the United States. The plain truth is that Czechoslovakia today is eco- nomically prostrate, because of the actions of the Communists before and after they seized power by a revolutionary coup. Her once flourishing foreign trade has almost disappeared, except for some exchange of products with the other satellite countries, which often results in giving Czechoslovakia goods of inferior quality and of types she does not need or want. When Russia ordered the Czechs to stay out of the Marshall plan, it was very nearly the final straw. Now she desperately needs a big foreign loan, but her political status is such that she is unlikely to get it. When Czechoslovakia got back her free- dom, in 1945, her economic situation was confused. Hitler had liquidated many of the Jews, and the Czechs, with understand- able bitterness, expelled many of the Sudeten Germans, including 2,500,000 highly skilled workers. Because of these politics, and through war damage, titles to about two- thirds of industry became unclear, and re- stitution almost impossible. Even without much attention to ideological motives, na- tionalization of the large firms seemed a good idea. It was advocated by the Com- munists, who also persuaded the country to accept a rigid system of national planning. The Russians were fairly popular at that moment; the Red Army, which had liberated the country from the Germans (the Ameri- cans fell back as the result of a high-level policy decision), was used by the Czech Communists for propaganda. The Czechs also asked themselves what have we got to lose? Their overseas trade had disappeared because of the war, even the trade (40 to 55 percent of the total) with Germany and through Germany to other foreign markets. Raw-material sources were cut off. When the Red Army left the Czechs indulged in a brief but reckless period of high living; the result was both a squandering of resources and a ‘serious inflation. The 2-year plan of the Communists seemed attractive at the time; it was an important factor in their winning 36 percent of the votes in the 1946 election. This was the last free election Czechoslovakia was to have. But in economic terms, the Communist scheme for a planned economy did not work. In fear of punishment, factory managers speeded up the production of goods, but they ignored both public demand and the prob- lem of quality, which fell so low that soon the shelves were loaded with things people would not buy at any price. When the shops would take no more, the goods simply piled up in the factories, which turned into ware- houses; there was nobody to turn off the spigot. Goods too bad to be bought at home were, naturally, too bad to send abroad. For policy reasons, the Czechs bought in- ferior cotton from Russia and India which was woven into fabrics which were unsal- able even, on the home market, where there was a critical shortage. Being short of iron and steel, the Czechs curtailed their exports of manufactured goods to Poland, in order to divert them to Sweden on a semibarter basis. Poland threatened reprisal, where- upon the Ozechs gave the Poles steel prod~ ucts which had been earmarked for export to the Netherlands. The Netherlands then complained, and was given goods which had been ordered by the Swiss; and so on. Production, which was based on prewar figures as to demand, could not adjust itself to realistic market requirements. People could not get clothing, paper, linen, furs, furniture, enameled ware, or many other things, even when they had the required ra- tion vouchers. The factories were filled with unfinished heavy machiney unusable because each item lacked a few parts needed from abroad and unobtainable because of the lack of foreign exchange. Billions of bricks de- teriorated from rain and frost, while housing construction was at a standstill through the shortage of pipes, steel, and timber, The coal industry was injured by the mild winter of 1947-48, by the resumption of Brit- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ish deliveries to Italy, and by German rep- arations coal for France. Unsalable Ozech coal lay on the ground in heaps and was damaged by the weather. Austria and Italy stopped buying; Switzerland transferred her purchases of coke to Germany. Neverthe- less, the mines kept producing like the magic spring of the sorcerer’s apprentice: coal was in the plan. . The East European Economic Council of Mutual Assistance is supposed to aid Czecho~ slovakia; but its resources are limited and its help is a sorry joke. In fact, under Rus- sian direction, it is seeking to merge the Czechoslovak economy with that of Poland. The question can seriously be asked whether Russian policy is not to destroy the Czech economy in toto, in order to make sure that the country will remain subservient to Mos- cow’s aims. It is interesting to note that no Czech has received any war damages or any compensation for the nationalization of his property. Nor has any money been freed, from the billions of crowns that were frozen. In short, Czechoslovakia’s present situa- tion is about as gloomy as could be ima- gined. There are great stocks of unsalable goods, some of them only partly finished. Raw materials and foreign credits are lack- ing. Consumer goods are inferlor and are bought only out of desperation. The people have lost confidence in the currency; while the legal rate for the crown is 2 cents, on the black market it is one-tenth of a cent. The ironclad grip of the Czech and Russian Com- munists prevents all freedom of thought or action; the terror is in fullswing. The Czechs are sharing all the miseries of being a part of the Russian system; if there are any ad~ vantages, they have yet to discover them. Oregon Is “Recarpeting” Vast Burn EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGOD” IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. ANGELL, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following article by Ellis Lucia, from the Washington Post of April 23, 1950: Orrcon Is “Recarretina’ Vast BuRN (By Ellis Lucia) (Mr. Lucia is a frequent contributor to the Oregonian magazine and other publications, and in the past 5 years he has written nu- merous articles on the history and problem of the Tillamook burn.) A family from one of the Plains States, touring Oregon for the first time, complained they couldn’t see the scenery. There were too many trees in the way. This tourist family would probably be amazed at what the people of the Beaver State have set about to do. Oregonians are digging into their pockets to spend $10,500,~ 000 to plant more trees. Oregon last fall raised the curtain on the greatest forest rehabilitation program ever attempted in a single area on the North American Continent. The Nation’s leading _ lumber-producing State is being turned into a gigantic forest laboratory. Such a project may seem at first glance to be about as senseless as buying another fur coat for a movie star. Yet under the surface is a different picture. Timber stocks in Oregon have been de- pleted rapidly in the past few years. Mil- lions upon millions of board feet were logged to help win World War II. The postwar de-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mand for lumber has kept mills humming at full speed. However, a series of disastrous fires has been even a greater cause for alarm. Vast forest areas have been laid waste. Next to nothing was being done to reclaim these lands. The problem was brought home to residents of the northwestern part of the State after the war, when major mills cut their last logs. The timber simply wasn’t in the hills. The loggers and millmen moved to south- ern Oregon. Eugene and Roseburg are now the lumber capitals, for they are close to the last great timber stands within the conti- nental United States. Oregonians saw an ominous threat to their forest industry. In 1948, Oregon forests pro- duced 17,000,000,000 board feet of lumber,’ 645,000,000 feet of plywood, and wood for 545,000 tons of pulp. The forests bring Ore- gon an annual income of 600,000,000. They employ 60 percent of the State’s workers. There was reason to worry about the future. As a result of action by the voters, the State last summer got into the tree-farm- ing business on a large scale. The $10,500,000 forest rehabilitation program will attempt to reclaim '750,000 State-owned acres of poorly stocked or blackened timberlands. Focal point of this undertaking is the 800,000-acre Tillamook burn, once one of the richest timber-producing regions in the world. Located in the northwestern corner of the State, it has thrice been ravaged by fire since 1933. The big burn is a constant reminder of the State’s dwindling timber reserve. Its proximity to Portland, Oregon’s only metro- politan center, makes ‘its ghostly bleached snags an eyesore to motorists driving to the Oregon beaches. In the first fire alone, 12,500,000,000 board feet of top-grade timber were consumed. Ashes rained down on ships 500 miles at sea and to a depth of 2 feet on the beaches 30 miles away. Chickens went to roost in the middle of the day because of the darkness. Giant firs 400 years old were cremated. Three thousand men couldn’t stop it. Deer, elk, and other animals perished in the forest’s game preserve. Fish died in the ash-~ choked streams. Flames reached to a height of 40,000 feet. The fire left Oregon $100,~ 000,000 poorer, SEED SOURCES DESTROYED A few years later, in 1919, the burn ex- ploded into flame a second time, and 225,000 acres of burned-over lands and 28,000 acres of green old-growth timber were ravaged. During the war year of 1945, fire cut loose a third time, crackling through 110,000 acres, threatening the watersheds of several towns, costing the lives of 3 men and destroying 10,000 acres of young trees and the last seed sources. In the intervening years, private compa- nies have done an amazing job of salvage. Nearly as much footage has been recovered as in original cruise estimates. lion board feet are still being recovered daily. High lumber prices have made this salvage job economically profitable, Yet today the Tillamook burn, still drenched by heavy coastal fogs which make trees grow, is a wasteland of stumps, snags, and brush. It is a powder keg in summer, an idle area too steep and rocky for any- thing but growing trees. The problem area is 500,000 acres. Every year this land lies idle costs the people of Oregon $1,800,000, This is the area foresters hope to replant. Ground work was laid by the 1947 legisla- ture, which passed a forest-research bill. A 5-cents-per-1,000 board feet severance tax was levied on logs. Sixty percent went to the State forest-products laboratory at Cor- vallis to further new methods of utilizing wood-waste .products. Forty percent financed experiments in forest protection, - XCVI—App.——191 Several mil- | management, and rehabilitation. Many planting experiments were carried out in the Tillamook burn, testing different types of trees under varied conditions. Tests also were concerned with combating tree diseases and rodent control. SEEDING BY HELICOPTER Under the new reforestation Act, work must be done entirely on State-owned lands, Mapping crews are determining the planting procedure to be used in different sections, Such surveys will decide whether seeding can be by airplane or whether hand-planting will be necessary. Much of the seeding will be done by helicopter. An idea of the magnitude of the job may be conceived from this: One ton of Douglas fir seed will be required to restock 6,000 acres by direct seeding. Hand-planting will cost $20 an acre. It takes a man a full day to plant 680 trees. Aerial seeding will cost from $6 to $8 an acre. Snags must be felled to reduce fire hazards. Bids from private outfits are taken for snag-felling projects. The State purchases cone seed for the proj- ect from cone gatherers. Roads must be built and corridors cleared for fire protection. An unchecked fire could undo years of tedious work in a few hours. Between 10,000 and 15,000 acres are being planted this year. The program will stretch over a 15-year period. The first $300,000 in bonds has been au- thorized. Under the act, no more than $750,= 000 worth of bonds may be issued in any one year. The reforestation program will cover smaller devastated areas in addition to the Tillamook burn. Nevertheless, the big burn is destined to become the Nation’s top-ranking forest re- search laboratory. What is learned there will give new hope to other States with for- est devastations. Growth of Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF ‘ HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp the second ar- ticle by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop on the growth of communism in our country: Biccest STrory (By Frank C. Waldrop) On January 19, 1980, a clerk by the name of Steve Katovis, on picket duty with strik- ers at One Hundred and Sixty-first Street and Union Avenue, the Bronx, New York City, was ordered to move on by Policeman Harry Kiritz of the Morrisania police station. He refused. The policeman announced that unless Katovis obeyed this lawful order he would be arrested. Thereupon a riot broke out. The police- man was beaten and his club taken from him. A detective, Donald Carey, attempted to help him and was knocked down. Policeman Kiritz broke loose from his at- tackers, drew his revolver and fired in the air. The crowd kept coming, s0 he fired again and hit Katovis. On January 24, 1930, Katovis died and on January 27 he was buried after a Com- munist funeral with 10,000 paraders march- ing from Union Square, Manhattan, to the cemetery in Queens. A3021 Policeman Kiritz was absolved of blame by an. official inquiry, on the ground that he had shot in pure self-defense. . A few days later a Communist-led mob marched on New York’s City Hall and 400 policemen had to be turned out to keep order. On May Day 1980 the Communists de- veloped a crowd of 30,000 in Union Square and sharp on the strike of noon began riot- ing. New York City police on horseback, in riot wagons, in uniform and plain clothes, were their targets. Women with hatpins jabbed the horses’ bellies. Others screamed and tore their clothes as they accused ‘“‘Whalen’s Cossacks” of unprovoked assault. And the plainclothes detectives slid 3-foot long shillelaghs out of their pants legs and began raking heads as a boy runs a stick down a picket fence. “Whalen’s Cossacks” scientifically split the seething mass into into workable detach- ments, and by 1 o’clock the riot wagons were full of bleeding, half-conscious cops, citi- zens, and Communist agitators who had not been expert enough to duck when the fight- ing started. By 1:30 the people in Union Square were back at work. Most of them never knew why or how they had got mixed up in the terror and the screaming. A great many were just office employees from nearby life-insurance companies who had been drawn by the bands, flag waving, and excitement generated by the skilled crowd-builders. These had been assigned by Communist general headquarters to organize this May Day riot, which could be propagandized all over the world as a rising of the enslaved masses of New York. While all this was happening, the writer of this piece was a breathless and fascinated observer, being introduced to and educated in communism. When Steve Katovis started that riot in the Bronx and lost his life for it, nothing could have seemed less tome. I was a young reporter only a few months in New York. My job was humble enough. I was a very junior rewrite man on the lobster shift, 12 midnight to 7 a. m., on the New York Eve- ning Journal. My salary was $65 a week, and considered fabulous, for one so ignorant and young. Nobody felt more guilty about it than I. So I had developed the habit of spending as much time after working hours as I could in trying to learn the streets and sights and sounds and smells of Manhattan. Then, when the awful eye of the city edi- tor should fall on me at last in judgment, perhaps I could make him think me fit ta keep. And, of course, in the manner. of boys, having such a superb and undeserved job on the Journal, I was pulling every possible string to get on another paper. As it hap- pened, the New York World. That in itself showed how little I knew, for the World was on its last legs and the Journal was full of bite and bounce. But, anyhow, it happened that while I was mousing around the World one morning trying to see the city editor I heard some- body talking about the big doings that would come off next day in Union Square on behalf of the “martyred hero of the masses,” Steve Katovis. Such was the accident that led one re- porter onto the biggest story of our times, the rise and growth of the Communist move- ment in world politics. ‘ For as soon as I heard that something exciting was due in Union Square I laid my plans to horn it on it. Just why the “martyred hero” had been “martyred” I had no idea. Communism was just one among a million million things of which I was ignorant.
A3022 One Hundredth Anniversary of Mit- tineague (Mass.) Congregational Church EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FOSTER FURCOLO OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. FURCOLO. Mr. Speaker, I am sure the Members of Congress will want to join with me in extending best wishes to the Muttineague Congregational Church which is celebrating the one hundredth anniversary of its founding this week. The history of this church, located in West Springfield, Mass., is one of con- siderable struggle and covers a disas- trou; fire and a great amount of hard work over the years. The church has overcome all difficulties to attain its present high position in the community. It typifies the continuous effort of the American people to establish religion in our country, and I know that the Rev- erend Charles H. King, and his associ- ates, will be pleased to know that dur- ing this week of their celebration, we extend to all of them every wish for future progress. I am proud to acquaint the Members with the successful achievements of the fine congregation of this church, and I know you will all join with me in extend- ing congratulations and good wishes on the one hundredth anniversary of the founding of the Mittineague Congrega- tional Church. Red Terror Is Spreading EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HALE BOGGS OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. BOGGS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Rxecorp, I include the fol- lowing article by M. F. Everett, from Catholic Action of the South: Rep Terror Is SpreEaDING (By M. F, Everett) Further proof of the spreading of Red terror came last week in the trial of 10 religious in Ozechoslovakia, in statements from outstanding American leaders, and in reports of an extension of religious repres~- sion in Poland. The Czech religious, all national figures, received sentences ranging from 2 to 25 years’ imprisonment, plus fines. Though the foreign press was forbidden to attend, it was learned that the procedure did not go entirely according to plan. Some of the defendants showed evidence of intimidation and torture. But one retained his faculties sufficiently to keep the carefully picked spec- tators in an uproar. It was evident that the trial on charges of treason was rigged to put pressure on the hierarchy to take the oath of loyalty to the Red regime and to prepare the way for pro- ceedings against the bishops, particularly Archbishop Josef Beran, of Prague; Bishop Joseph Mathocha, of Olomouc; and Bishop John Vojtassak, of Scepusio. Another key leader aimed at is the Praemonstratensian Abbot Bohuslav Jarolimek, of Prague. Two abbots and a Jesuit provincial were among the 10 just tried. The trial was called “one of the most atrocious injustices of our days’ by a Catho- lic daily in Rome. Speaking along the same line of Red aggression, Gen. George C. Marshall, father of the European recovery plan, wartime United States Chief of Staff, and former Secretary of State, emphasized that victory over Soviet Russia in the struggle for the mind of man is as “vital to peace and prosperity as any military campaign in his- tory” He asserted that the reconstruction of Europe means not only material but spirit- ual and moral rehabilitation. Warning against proposals to reduce the ECA to a mere relief affair, he declared: “Make no mistake about it. The chips are down. Unless we achieve victory, the great military and financial sacrifices of the United States may have been largely in vain.” His words were echoed by other leaders. In Poland the Communists are making further efforts to dominate the church. They are attempting to obtain signed agree- ments directly from the priests that will mean breaking off all relation with inter- national religions. Among the conditions they are trying to force on the priests is that of recognizing the Reds’ Caritas organi- gation, which was set up to supplant the Caritas or charitable agency of the church. Copics of a number of documents pertain- ing to the Reds’ seizure of the Catholic Caritas were sent to United States members of the hierarchy by the Right Reverend Monsignor Edward E. Swanstrom, executive director of NCWC War Relief Services. They amplify NCWC news service reports about the matter and give the full background of WRS work in Poland. Since the program be- gan in Poland in September 1945, 126 ship- ments were made to that country by WRS, a total of 17,853,572 pounds, valued at $6,255,347.68. These goods were distributed by Caritas in Poland to the people in greatest need. Lack of space makes it impossible to re- produce the documents here. It is enough to note that the Reds have determined to throttle Catholic charitable activities, even at the cost of extensive aid to people greatly in need. They refused to allow a WRS representative to enter Poland after George Szudy was forced to leave for family reasons following 30 months’ service. The relief program in Poland, because of Caritas, was one of the most efficient operations under- taken by WRS for the American hierarchy. The American Council of Relief Agencies was notified by the Reds in Poland to liqui- date the activity of these agencies by May 1, 1949, though the Communists offered to dis- tribute further gifts. WRS continued to send shipments to Cardinal Sapieha, chair~ man of Polish Caritas, Finally, the Reds on January 23, 1950, ordered the seizure of Caritas and the placing of its program under state control. The government embarked upon a program of prosecution of Caritas personnel and named new officials, who were friendly to the Reds. A carefully planned campaign seeks to prove that embezzlement and sheer corruption dominated the work of Caritas. WRS had to stop shipments to Poland. Hundreds of thousands of the poor, the sick, and the crippled who were dependent upon the charitable agencies of the church look with terror to the future. Perhaps the greatest charitable move in history, the gigantic work of WRS, financed through the generosity of Catholic Americans, was shut off abruptly in a great Catholic nation, Poland, because of Red persecution. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The Reds’ satanic campaign 1s ready to sacrifice thousands of Christ’s least ones in their insane hatred of religion. Let there be no mistaking of their intention or their action. It is either Christ or communism, and we must make our choice soon. Communists in Universities EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD H. VELDE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. VELDE. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include the following edi- torial from Peoria Star, April 24, 1950: CoMMUNISTS IN UNIVERSITIES T. R. McConnell, dean of arts and sciences at the University of Minnesota, told a group of educators in Chicago last week that there are not enough Communists in American colleges and universities to constitute any serious danger. It is an interesting coincidence that an as- sistant professor of physics at the same uni- versity was named last September by the House Committee on Un-American Activi- ties as the Scientist X who allegedly gave atomic secrets during the war to a man de- scribed as a Soviet agent. Dr. McConnell’s remark might be more sig- nificant after the Department of Justice has presented the Scientist X case to a grand jury, if the Department ever does. Petroleum Imports Problem EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, the in- creasing concern over the petroleum im- ports problem calls for immediate at- tention by Congress. It is not a long- range solution that is needed. It is a short-range remedy that must be applied if we are not to see conditions in the oil industry of the United States, in coal, and transportation and in many other lines grow progressively worse. For many weary months the independ- ents in the oil industry have been telling Congress of this rapidly growing menace to their existence. Volumes on volumes of testimony have been printed. The evidence has been compiled. It should not be necessary to keep on studying the question. The State Department has professed Ceep concern because the British Gov- ernment put restrictions on imports of oil from the dollar countries. American companies have been denied some part of the market they have supplied. The effect of this will be to compel a restric- tion of production by those companies in foreign flelds—the Middle East and South America—or to increase imports into the United States. It was not the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD latter point that worried the State De- partment. They probably will continue to say, as they have been doing, up to the moment that the last independent oil man is forced out of business here that no injury is being done. The amount of oil involved in the British action is 75,000 to 100,000 barrels a day. That is insignificant when com- pared to the cut-backs in production in the United States last year. The direct effect of imports into the United States is apparent in the successive reduction of allowable production in the principal oil States, It is seen in the falling off of State revenues, as my good friends who represent the State of Texas can testify with great eloquence. It is seen in the loss in employment in the oil fields and the refineries of the United States. My State of Pennsylvania is the pio- neer oil-producing State of the Nation, The beginning of the oil-producing in- dustry occurred in the district which I represent. After the passage of nearly 90 years, we still have a sturdy produc- ing and refining industry in Pennsyl- vania. It is of great consequence to the economy of the State, the Nation, and the numerous communities where the oil industry exists. ; The Pennsylvania-grade industry, famous for the production of high qual- ity lubricating oils, is directly in the path of imported oil. I do not propose to wait until the industry is forced into idleness or liquidated. I ask for “short range” action; something which is immediate and productive of quick results. The Penn Grade industry produces superior quality lubricating oils but it produces many other products as well. Not all of a barrel of crude oil can be converted into lubricants, only a lesser part of it. The other products must have a market and it is this market that the cheaply produced foreign oils is taking away from a native American industry whose contributions to the American standard of living have been virtually immeasur- able. I read with amazement, amounting almost to unbelief, that the Secretary of State and the ECA Administrator had thrown out suggestions to the effect that injuries to American enterprise caused by the large-scale importing program which the Administration is actively working to bring about could be softened by Government loans. That American workers who lose their jobs because of imports could be given Government- financed training to fit them for other jobs. They were talking about imports generally. Oil now forms a substantial part of all imports. Oil is included in the thought of such a debasing program. American progress did not come through loans from the RFC and the creation of a large class of displaced persons, eager to work creatively but waiting on a Gov- ernment job-placement bureau to give them assignments. Bills are before this Congress to keep the home markets secure for our own oil. We have plenty and even a little too much right now. Our exports of oil shrink day by day, and we import far more than we sell abroad. Penn Grade refiners have testified that the opera- tion of the ECA is drying up their once flourishing market in Europe for their lubricants. The door is being shut abroad and imports threaten them at home. This is no long-range program. You are hearing from the coal industry and the coal miners on this same subject. The railroads and railroad employees are in this fight to preserve home industry. The independents in the oil industry told us long ago what the effects of unre- stricted imports would be. They in- formed us month by month of condi- tions. Nothing was done about the in- creasing menace to a free economy and to the domestic oil industry. Instead, we have allowed a few men in the ad- ministrative branch to emphasize the welfare of a few giant corporations hold- ing vast concessions abroad. The people are being awakened to what is happening to them. How long must they wait and how severe must be their injuries be before we act? Postal Service Curtailment EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. ANGIER L. GOODWIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. GOODWIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following resolution recently passed by the council of the city of Medford, Mass., in form as offered. to the council by Mayor Frederick T. McDermott: Crry oF Meprorp, Mass., April 20, 1950. Whereas any curtailment of postal service in the city of Medford by the United States Post Office Department would be of the most undesirable thing that could possibly hap- pen from any standpoint of reasoning; and Whereas Medford at the present time is ex- periencing a period of rapid growth, both as a residential and business area resulting in a tremendous increase in valuation: Therefore be it Resolved, That it be the sense of this city council that no decrease in postal service or reduction in the number of employees of the United States Postal Department could be compatible with the march of progress that is taking place in Medford in the past year, and the anticipated continued progres- sive trend in the next 5 years; and he it further Resolved, That, because of the above stated facts, this council does hereby urge the United States Postal Department to retain the present delivery service and forego any sugestion of curtailing employment; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be transmitted upon its passage to the Post- master General, Washington, D. C., and to the Representatives and Senators representing this district in Washington, for their con- sideration and action thereon. In council, April 20, 1950: Passed. A true copy, attest: OvrEssé E. RIVERS, Assistant City Clerk. A3023 Wise and Forceful Expressions of an Eminent Columnist EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. JOHN D. DINGELL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc-~ orD, I include the following articles by Lowell Mellett, from the Washington Evening Star: [From the Washington Evening Star of April 18, 1950] ON THE OTHER Hanp—A REMINDER THAT Loca, Crime Is A MatTErR or LocaL RE- SPONSIBILTY (By Lowell Mellett) Crime should be curbed wherever it raises its ugly head. The question is, Who has the duty to curb it? And the answer is, the Federal authorities when the crime is against the Federal statutes, the State or local au- thorities when the crime is against State or local laws. Out of the present hullabaloo in Congress over crime in this, that, and the other city, there emerges a clear indication that some of our national lawmakers have forgotten this simple principle. Hither that or they choose to disregard it for reasons of their own—the principal reason being political, the desire to score off the opposition party. This is a dangerous tendency which if fol- lowed very far could prove disastrous to our democratic society. It could lead to that police state, which nobody wants on any terms. ‘WARNINGS GIVEN FREQUENTLY Every competent Attorney General in re- cent times has warned of this danger. Wil- liam D. Mitchell, now suggested by some as the ideal counsel for the Senate special com- mittee to investigate crime, was Attorney General under President Coolidge. As such he called attention more than once to the unwisdom of unloading on the Federal Gov- ernment the task of correcting evils that are purely local. Like those who have followed him in office, he was continually besought to send the FBI into one community or an- other where there happened to be dissatis- faction with local law enforcement. He re- sisted such demands. And this was at a time when the FBI was a comparatively small agency. Now that it has reached its present proportions, he doubtless would be even less disposed to permit its participation in local affairs. And what is said here concerning the FBI goes also for the United States Congress. Aside from the principle of home rule and local responsibility, which should be suffi- cient, there is the fact that Congress has, and always will have, plenty to do without pick- ing up the troubles of any particular com- munity. The National Legislature is habit- ually behind in the business of national leg- islation. If it must have cops-and-robbers entertainment now and then to relieve the monotony of real work, there will always be @ McCartTHy or a HICKENLOOPER to provide it. EXCELLENT SOUNDING BOARD . Once it is established that local communi- ties can shift their responsibilities and shrug them. off on Congress there will be no end to such proceedings. Some Congressmen will be happy to bring their domestic squab- bles to the Capitol for airing. It is an excellent sounding board,
A3024 For one local community the Congress has long accepted full responsibility. It serves as the city council for the District of Co- lumbia. This provides a situation that sat- isfles nobody, but nobody likes to give up authority and Congress has not yet been able to make itself let go of the District. So we have Congress stirred up for days at a time over scandals or alleged scandals in the Washington Police Department. Usuaily someone demands that the FBI take a hand and clean up the situation. Because of Washington’s confused status as a Federal city such demands are not wholly illogical, but the FBI has managed for the most part to avoid involvement and, no doubt, 1f per- mutted will continue to do so. But now that local crime is being made a national issue, something to be used in the coming congressional campaign, the temptation to call in the Federal police is almost overpowering. It is a temptation to be resisted, save where there is convincing evidence of law violation on a national scale. [From the Washington Evening Star of April 20, 1950] On THE OTHER Hanp—ABOUT A PALLBEARER Wo FoLtuows a Hearse THAt’s Not Gone ANYWHERE (By Lowell Mellett) There has to be an explanation for the spirit of frustration among Republican en- trepreneurs, even in face of the fact that the Democrats are not making a shining suc- cess of this session of Congress. The ex- planation could be the absence of the one sure-fire issue required by a party out of power. That issue is hard times. And we haven't got ’em. Representative JosepH W. MarrTin, Jr., mi~ nority leader of the House, made a speech in Pittsburgh the other night, a speech filled with gloom. “Sickening to the patriot’s heart is the orgy of waste, extravagance, and plain bad management encountered on every hand in Washington today,” he said; “shock~ ing waste, sinful waste, demoralizing waste of the people’s substance.” He declared we've got to remove “the threat of socialization which hangs like a pall over the spirit of American thrift and industry.” PALL OVER PITTSBURGH As he spoke there doubtless was a pall hanging over Pittsburgh, the smoke from the city’s great blast furnaces, still roaring day and night despite the threat so disturbing to Representative Marrin. The steel busi- ness continues to burst at the seams. Pro- duction last week represented 97.5 percent of capacity, the total output being within a few tons of the all-time record. The steel makers could hardly be worried by the situ- ation and the buyers of steel obviously are not. If a pun is permissible Joe found himself @ pallbearer without a funeral. And it’s lke that most anywhere he may go. In the words of Joe Livingston, eminent business analyst, “Good business is becom-~ ing a habit.” Mr. Livingston finds con- firmation in Wall Street, which he says is pronouncing the benediction with higher stock prices. But, he says, Wall Street is choosy, in a way that reflects business itself. The dominant characteristic of a boom, he says, unanimity with everything going up at once, is missing. The stocks that are advancing are the kind that are bought pri- marily by investment trusts, mutual funds, and banks for investment accounts. Wall Street is not having one of those 1929 specu- lative orgies that does nobody any good. Two good Joes, Martin and Livingston, but they don’t see alike. One can’t see the other’s pall—only the silver lining. SOME MORE OF THE SAME Some more of the same is offered by the President’s Council of Economic Advisers. In its latest report to Congress the Council states that the production of goods and services had reached an annual rate of $258,- 000,000,000 during the first quarter of this year, a gain of almost $3,000,000,000 com- pared with the closing period of 1949. Consumers’ spendable income, meaning the money people have to spend after paying taxes, was up, reaching a new high rate of $181,000,000,000 annually, a gain of $1,200,- 000,000. But itisn’t all being spent. People apparently are being reasonably prudent, since savings also are increasing. Nor are the corporations able to join the ranks of the pallbearers. Their profits are running at an annual rate of $30,500,000,000, an increase of $1,000,000,000 over last quar- ter. The national income, or dollars earned in production, indicates an annual total of $220,300,000,000, according to the Council, a gain of $1,200,000,000 in wages and profits. All this despite the tie-up in the coal in- dustry, which showed its worst effects dur- ing 2 months of the quarter. Maybe Joz Marrin, a cheerful fellow by nature, should stop following a hearse that isn’t going anywhere, and join the boys on the band wagon. [From the Washington Evening Star of April 22, 1950] On tHE OrmeR Hann—Wsen Dors Mr. Acurson Have Time To THINK? WHat Kerers Him GornG? (By Lowell Mellett) Two questions naturally occur to many people. One is, When does a man in the spot occupied by Dean Acheson have time to think? Beset, on the one hand, by the criti- cal problems of a world in ferment, with ex- plosive incidents happening or about to hap- pen each day of the week, and on the other hand, by a calculated campaign of harass- ment intended to interfere with his work, when does he have time for the quiet medi- tation from which great decisions come? The other question is, What keeps him go- ing, in the face of the misunderstandings and misrepresentations that assail him at home and abroad? SOMETHING HE HIMSELF SAID The answer to the second question can he found, perhaps, in something Mr. Acheson himself once said. At the private services for Justice Louis D. Brandeis, following his death, the then Assistant Secretary of State spoke in behalf of himself and others who had served as secretaries to the Justice. As reported by A. T. Mason in his book, Bran- deis—A Free Man’s Life, Mr. Acheson’s re- marks included these sentences: “We-are the generation which has lived during and between two wars. We have lived in the desert years of the human spirit “ ™  * years when the cry was, ‘What is truth?’ * * * These were years during which we saw in action his burning faith that the verities to which men had clung through the ages were verities; that evil never could be good; that falsehood was not truth, not even if all the ingenuity of science re- iterated it in waves that encircled the earth, * * * “But to him, truth was less than truth unless it was expounded so that the people could understand and believe. During these years of retreat from reason, his faith in the human mind and in the will and capac- ity of people to understand and grasp the truth, never wavered or tired. In a time of moral and intellectual anarchy and frus- tration, he handed on the great tradition of faith in the mind and spirit of man which is the faith of the prophets and poets, of Socrates and of Lincoln,” CONVICTION ON TRUTH So it would seem that it is this that keeps Dean Acheson going—the conviction that truth must be expounded so that people may understand and believe, plus a faith in the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD will and capacity of people to understand the truth. It explains why he has not yet wavered or seemed to tire in his efforts to expound the truth as he sees it; why he can appear day after day before the various committees of the House and Senate to discuss at length and in detail the wide range of matters that come within the purview of the State De- partment, responding readily to informed and intelligent questions and avoiding as best he can the pitfalls set for him by those having less than a friendly interest. Also it explains why he compels himself to meet with official and unofficial groups of all kinds for off-the-record quiz sessions. And finally why he takes on the burden of public speeches in Washington and elsewhere, de- spite the wear and tear on his physical strength. As for when he has time to think—the Lord only knows. Parenthetically it could be asked also, when does the Secretary have time to en- gage in the elaborate conspiracies against the welfare of his own counury, with which, in effect, he stands accused by reckless and irresponsible practitioners of a certain kind of politics and a certain kind of journalism? For that one the said practitioners would prefer not to have any answer. Mr. Speaker, let it be said in tribute to Acheson ‘“‘that he may well stand be- fore his God and Creator, guilty as charged, and take his chances than to stand before Him as will his calumni- ators with vile tongues in their heads.” Communist Enigma: Solution? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES T. PATTERSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. PATTERSON. Mr. Speaker, a contributed column in the Catholic Transcript, the newspaper of the Hart- ford diocese, probes the question of the Communist enigma. The editor, Rev. James M. Gillis, C. S. P., sets out in vi- brant form premises upon which the prevalence of communistic activity may be based. Admittedly, no solution is given to the riddle of communistic ad- herence; but a thorough soul-searching on our part may enable us to determine the shortcomings of either religious teachings or democratic practices which allow our people to be ensnared in the delusory web of utoplan existence through Communist philosophy. COMMUNIST ENIGMA: SOLUTION? (By the Rev. James M. Gillis, O. 8. P.) I have often confessed in this column that to me the spread of communism is a psycho- logical riddle. Invariably after the appear- ance of such a confession I receive letters intended to do away with my perplexity. I appreciate the motive of the writers of those letters and I am in consequence thankful. But I still have to admit that for me the riddle remains unsolved. Take, for example, a letter like this from an obviously intelligent and zealous lady in Albany, N. Y.: “You say that you do not un- derstand why men and women are fooled by communism. There are many reasons: “1. People are not curious enough. A man bet he could go out and get the signatures
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of 50 men who didn’t know what they were signing. He won the bet. “2, Americans are too busy to make a study of communism, “3. Too much is printed and not enough is condensed. I had to sacrifice much in or-~ der to find time to keep up on the current news of communism because things are hap- pening so fast all over the world. I have two Ppiles—one of clippings and one of books on communism. To get the facts I would have to spend weeks or months going over all of them. We need booklets with to-the-point facts. “4, Atheists are pleased with the Commu- nists’ statement: Religion is the opium of the people. “5. False statements impress the poor: Communists are working for peace, bread, land, higher wages and freedom from capi- talism. “6. Communists write letters; anti-Com- munists don’t. Before the picture ‘The Iron Curtain’ was first shown, the Fox Co. received thousands of letters and telegrams protest- ing its being shown, and threatening the company, directors, and others. After the picture had been shown, over 8,000 letters and telegrams were received protesting the picture. Few letters were received com- mending the picture. When mews com- mentators criticize Russia or communism, Communists write all the sponsors of pro- grams and the radio broadcasting companies requesting that the speakers be taken off the air. They request their relatives and friends to join in their protests and to conceal them- selves as members of any Communist organ= ization. “7, When bills are to be passed in legisla- ture or any problem voted on, Communists flood the State Department with mail. Catholics do not show much action about such things. “8. Many people are under the impression that Communists are fighting only Catholi- cism. This false impression alone draws many people to the side of Communist sympathizers, “9, In every company, club, or organiza- tion there are Communists to spot sympa~ thizers as easy prey for their organizations. “10. People are betrayed into thinking they are joining a new political party. Mr. J. Edgar Hoover says it is not a political party but a treasonable and#traitorous con- spiracy. “11. If Spain is 80-90 percent Catholic, why did outside foreigners convert many of them to communism and then murder their priests and nuns and burn down their churches? Italian Catholics, French Catho- lics, and millions of Catholics of other coun- tries are much the same. There is weakness in Catholicism. There is strength in com- munism. Catholics have the feeling of con- tentment; they are sleeping. Many of our best churchgoers are ignorant and unedu- cated in their religion.” Evidently the writer of that letter had done some intense thinking on the cause of the spread of communism. I hope she will not be displeased if I say that her explanations don’t go deep enough. The poor, she says, are fooled. But why? They have news-= papers and radios. They must know brute facts about communism. Those of them who are Catholics have both information and exhortations from the Pope, bishops, priests—why do they remain ignorant? My correspondent says further that Com- munists are articulate, non-Communists in- articulate; Communists active, non-Com- munists inactive. True, but again, why? In fact, the lady ends as I do with a “why?’—why are so many Spanish and Italian and French Catholics still on the wrong side? Yes, why? Perhaps I may best put the problem in some words I wrote in the Catholic World for February 1947: “Those to whom I put my question, How do you account for the welcome given to communism by intellectuals and nonintel- lectuals, hoi polloi and the hoity-toity alike; by actors, artists, novelists, historians, edu- cators, labor unions, publishers of books and magazines, Congressmen, clergymen and members of a score or more of other assorted business and professions, give me reasons which, to be effective, would have to exist in combination but which normally exclude one another. My friends and informants speak of zeal, enthusiasm, a quasi-religious ferver, a need of something to take the place of the abandoned religion; a keen sense of the in- justices done to workingmen in times past; mental, moral, spiritual restlessness and gen- eral discontent; psychopathic disturbances so widespread as to be epidemic; exhibition- ism; sadism or masochism; desire for novelty; bitterness of soul consequent upon atheism; pessimism to the point of despera- tion; sentimental and emotional idealism; anger, envy, hatred in the heart of the have~ nots; the ever present attraction of class war-= fare and racial conflict; demagogic leader- ship working through mob psychology. And soon. But not any one of the causes alone would suffice and the combination of five or six of them in one person seldom occurs, It may be that the many motives mentioned operate separately in different persons, but what has brought them together in the closely compact and wonderfully well-organ- ized movement that is world communism? “There—I submit—is the unsolved and perhaps insoluble enigma.” Should We Adopt the Federal FEPC? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JAMES 0. EASTLAND OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, April 26 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr, EASTLAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp a radio de- bate on the American Forum of the Air program, between the Senator from Minnesota [Mr. Humpurey] and the Senator from Florida [Mr. HoLLanp] on the subject Should We Adopt a Federal FEPC?” There being no objection, the debate was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: ANNOUNCER. The National Broadcasting Co. presents the American Forum of the Air, founded 21 years ago by Theodore Granik and dedicated to the full and public discus- sion of all sides of all issues, coming to you from NBC Theater in Washington, D. C. Now, here is your moderator, Theodore Granik. Chairman Granik. Our great American democracy is proud of its many minority groups—millions of Catholics, Jews, Negroes, Mexicans, immigrants, and children of im- migrants, all good Americans—but spokes- mren for these minorities contend that many among them cannot get jobs and improve their standards of living because of unfair discrimination on the basis of race, color, or religion. Others, however, say that if these faults occur, they are faults of mind and heart, or of social inheritance, which can be eradicated only by education and example, that no law can be effective if 1t is not ac- ceptable to the people affected. With this very controversial issue confront- ing: our Congress.and our Nation, the Amer- A3025 ican Forum of the Air asks, “Should we adopt a Federal Fair Employment Practices Commission,” known as the FEPC? Two distinguished Senators are here to give us their views. Senator Husrrr Hum- pureY, former mayor of Minneapolis and now Democratic Senator from Munnesota; and Senator Sprssarp L. HoLLaNnp, Democrat, of Florida, former Governor of that State. Now, Senator Hotnanp, would you start out our discussion by answering this question:, Can. we legally assure any citizen that in ap- plying for a job he will not suffer discrimina- tion because of his race or religion? Senator HoLtuanp. My answer would be no; not under under American law because such a law would attempt to control the thought processes, the mind, the objectives, the intentions of individuals, and that isn’t done under American law. It is attempted under some kinds of ideology with which we have no common ground whatsoever, but not under our system of law. In the second place, may I say that it can- not be done practically because it can never be done without the concurrence of the States and of the people, and it has already been shown in that part of the Nation out- side of the South, leaving that out of the discussion for the moment, that 17 sovereign States have turned down FEPC, 8 have adopted a compulsory FEPC, and 2 a mere voluntary FEPC without strength. I call to your attention that the population of the States that have turned it down is twice that of those that have accepted it, and Hkewise that in California, the only place where it was submitted to popular vote, the people voted it down by 2% to 1, and in every county in California they voted down FEPC. It cannot be enforced without popular support. Senator Humpurrey. My answer to the question is, of course, that a Federal law pertaining to employment practices can and shou'd be adopted and that it can be en- forced. I think that my answer is bolstered not merely by my own personal point of view but by the fact that there are 10 States in the Union that do have fair employment prac- tices laws, eight of which are what I would call satisfactory, two of which are on the voluntary side. Besides that, there are a number of large cities. I would like to point out that in these large cities, such as the city of New York and the city of Chicago and the city of Milwaukee and the city of Cleve- land and the city of Cincinnati, they have large minority groups, particularly large groups of American Negroes. These cities have proven conclusively that a fair employment practices ordinance on a city level, with compulsion, does work. For example, recently the Des Moines Register Tribune made a survey of some 25 cities, and it found that out of these 25 cities where the cities had a fair employment practices ordinance, you did have employment of white-collar Negro workers, you did have employment of the minority groups, and that discrimination was being eliminated. I would like to make this further observa- tion, that it is entirely within the purview of the Federal Government to pass this kind of law. We have banned child labor; we reg- ulate labor insofar as safety regulations are concerned. I don’t think anyone has denied the constitutionality of a law that would affect employees in interstate commerce. So I say, frankly and candidly and with some conviction, that this law should be enacted, that it will work, and that it will produce the results whith we have every right to ex- pect. Chairman GRaANIK. Do you think it is con= stitutional, Senator? Senator Hoxiann. I think it is clearly un- constitutional, but I want to address myself briefiy to that portion of my distinguished colleague’s remarks which had to do with the large cities. Admitted that several of the large cities da have FEPC Acts which are
A326 local, I think 1t 1s interesting to note that in every case the States in which those cities have been located, in every case except the State of New York, have declined as States to accept a State of FEPC because they have not liked what they saw working out in the cities That 1s true in Pennsylvania as to Philadelphia, It 1s true m Ohio as to Cin- einnati and Cleveland. It is true in Illinois as to Chicago, And it is true in the State of my distinguished friend, Minnesota, where after a trial run in Minneapolis, 1t was knocked out in the State senate last year by 34 to 29, showing conclusively that the good people of Minnesota didn’t like what they saw down in the main city, the city of Min- neapolis. Chairman Cranrm Let’s see what the former mayor has to say about that. Senator Humrurey. Iam very glad my dis- tinguished colleague from Florida brought that up, because that opens up a new area of conflict. No 1, the good people of Minne- sota do like fair employment practices. No. 2, not only do the good people of Minneapolis like it—and they are all good people—but the city of Minneapolis was awarded the Na- tion’s award for outstanding work in hu- man relations. A city that only 5 years ago was described by Perry McWilliams as the second worst cily in the Nation in terms of discrimination was last year at Christmas time given the national award on the part of the National Association for the Advance- ment of Colored People and on the part of the Conference of Christians and Jews, for outstanding work in the field of human re- lations. Now let's go into the legislatures for awhile. I am glad my friend in Florida brought up the legislatures, because the leg- islatures in this country are the most un- representative bodies in America, The legis- latures of the States have not been reap- portioned, most of them, for 50 years. Cali- fornia has a need of reapportionment that is second to none. New York has a need of re- apportionment. Ohio has a need of reap- portionment. In other words, the State of Minnesota hasn’t been reapportioned since 1910, when the city of Minneapolis had a population of some 200,000 people, and now it has 550,000 people. To say that a legislature does not pass FEPC and, therefore, that it is wrong is no answer at all. Let the legislatures of the United States, of the several States, reap- portion their States. Let those people who are hiding behind the cloak of minority rule come out and believe in majority rule. Senator Hontanp. I am sorry, Mr. Modera- tor, that my distinguished friend doesn’t be- lieve in the type of democratic government that prevails in the statehouse in Minnesota. Senator Humpuery. I surely don’t. Senator Houtztanp. Nor that that prevails in the statehouses of the other fine States of this Nation. Suffice it to say that it seems to me it is a very clear and conclusive illus- tration that the people of his State, after having seen the project work for 2 years in his city, where he helped to establish it, would have nothing of it, but knocked it out. They didn’t want it in Minnesota. Let me say this, my friend referred to Cali- fornia. I remind him again that the sover- eign people, the sovereign people to the tune of 2,250,000 voted in California, and they voted 2% to 1 against any FEPC, and there wasn’t a county in all that State but which showed a majority against FEPO. I wonder how my friend answers that? Senator Humpurey. Your friend will be de- lighted to answer it, but let us go back first of all to the State of Minnesota. I under~ stand that the gentleman from Florida is telling me that the legislature of the State of Minnesota on this issue represented the peo- ple. Let’s take a look at who represented the people. The Governor of the State of Min~ nesota was elected with an overwhelming majority. He happens to be a Republican Governor. He happens to stand foursquare for fair employment practices. He also went before the legislature and encouraged it. Who fought it? The Minnesota Employers Association. Who is the Minnesota Employ- ers Association? Let me say the most con- servative and, in fact, the most reactionary group in the State of Minnesota. Who else did they fight? They fought the Governor, they fought the junior Senator from Minne- sota and the senior Senator from Minnesota. They fought everything out there that I can think of Then they were able in a legisla- ture that had not been reapportioned since 1910 to bottle this thing up in committee. Despite the fact that the Catholic church, the Protestant churches, every one of them, the Jewish synagogues, every one of the vet- erans’ organizations, despite the fact that every trade union in Minnesota, both politi- cal parties, despite the fact that county after county resolution was for FEPC by State law, still the legislature didn’t enact 1t. So my friend says apparently the people don’t want it? Senator Hontzanp. My voluble friend still doesn’t explain why his own senate turned it down 34 to 29 and why his own house has declined ever to let it come out. I think that it is a very sound conclusion to draw that they didn’t like what they saw in Minneapolis. Chairman Grani. Let’s go to Mississippi for a minute. Senator Humprrey. Let’s go to Mississippi, because it just so happens wherever the minority rules, wherever you have minority rule in this country, that is where you have this kind of situation. Chairman Granix. May I quote from Gov- ernor Wright of Mississippi. He says: “Every American is a potential employer, a potential owner of a business, and in the development of any business any man who invests capital, any man who operates a business, must have the freedom io choose the type of employees he desires.” How do you feel about that? Senator Humpurey. I think that is just wonderful, except that I do not believe any man ought to be discriminated sgainst in employment because of his race, his color, or creed. This happens to be the anniver- sary, so to speak, of “fourscore and seven years ago,” that Abraham Lincoln talked about, this year of 1950. This is the anni- versary of the Emancipation Proclamation, fourscore and seven years ago. Here is a country that has in its Declaration of In- dependence that all men are created equal, Here is a country that has in its Constitution the whole concept of the people of popular sovereignty, of the people ruling. Here we are at a point where we have an opportunity to give people a chance for what? For economic well-being. That is all we have been talking about. We are not talking about social habits or anything else. We are talking about a job. So what I point out very frankly is that America cannot afford to discriminate against people on the basis of such false factors as their religion. For example, the Catholics, and we discriminate against a lot of them. The Jews, the Mexi- cans, the Spanish, the Italians, the Negroes— they have been discriminated against in State after State and locality after locality, and forced to take substandard labor when they are equipped to do good jobs. Senator Hontanp. I am glad you took us South, Mr. Moderator, because I think we well disposed of the situation outside of the South. Better than two to one the States have shown they don’t want FEPC. In the States of the South, 15 States, no- body has even suggested FEPC. Because the great population of our whole area, both white and colored, is so very definitely against it. My friend speaks about the Negroes with great volubility. But I want to remind him the 1940 census shows less than 10,000 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Negroes in his State, with 2,750,000 people; whereas we have in the Southland between ten and eleven million Negroes, and we are living kindiy with them, and they are happy to lave there, and they are good, patriotic citizens, and they are not supporting the causes of communism, as are scme of the groups that are ~~ ro-i ‘~~ this same legis- lation, and that . > mean that every- body who supports it 1s in that group, of course, at all. They are good and sound and patriotic citizens. May I call to the attention of the Senator that we are greatly disturbed in the South- land because of some developments which have occurred in this recent year? We know that there has been behind this effort, be- cause it is in the President’s Civil Rights Commission Report, that segregation is to be abolished. We know that they believe in social equality. The Senator himself in his testimony before the House committee tes- tified that he believed in social ecuatity. It has been terribly disturbing to the Souvn- land to see, since this was last debated in the Senate last year, the two strongest lead- ers of NAACP, the executive secretary, Wal- ter White, and the legislative representative, whom. the Senator knows, afier having di- vorced thelr Negro wives, married white women; and I tell you right now the fecling in the South on the part of the gcod white people and the good colored peopte, and we have millions of them, is that that shows we are trying to go in the wrong direction and we will have none of it in the Southland. [Applause. ] Senator Humpurey. Mr. Moderator, we are not talking about marital relations. We are not even talking about childbirth. We are talking about employment. Msy I point out in reference to the Negro pupilation there are more Negroes in the city of Chicago than there are in any city or any one area in the South? There are more Negroes in the city of Chicago than there are in almost any State in the South. Yet in the eity of Chi- cago, if vou nleace, we have a falr-employ- ment reac ices ¢ free that works, and it works ‘.¢1.) There sre more Negroes in New York City than there are in almost any cliy in the South, in fact, in any city in the South, and yet falr-employment practices works well there. I also want to say the innuendo of my colleague from Morida is not becoming to a distinguished Tepresentative in the Senate. [Applause.] This is not communism, As a matter of fact, the one thing that is robbing us of our great moral weapon in this world today is the way we treat our minority groups in this country. I would remind my friend from. Florida that whether or not some peo- ple in the South like this or not, the fact is that there are more colored people in the world than there are white. The fact is that some of the people in the South have denied people the right to vote, and we have poll-tax States, notin Florida, There are more people who vote in my county than in any city in South Carolina. There are more people who vote in my city than vote in any three coun- ties in South Carolina. I submit to you that we cannot afford to have American policy in a critical world sit- uation dictated by the prejudices and the minority prejudices of a group any place*in this country. The race problem is a funda- mental international problem. We are losing face in Asia. We are losing it all over the world. Chairman Granim. Senator HoLiann. Senator Honnanp, I want to answer two of the statements of my good friend. First, with reference to Chicago, he was very careful to tell us about the Chicago FEPC, but he didn’t tell us that the demonstration of what was done under it was unsatisfactory to both parties in the Illinois Legislature, and that both houses of the legislature knocked it out when it was proposed there in Illinois.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD As to the second question, the question of what we are doing in the South, I think that what we have got to show in this Nation is that we will stand up for constitutional gov- ernment and continue to offer the same brand of freedom and opportunity which we have offered throughout the history of the Nation. I think the fact that most everybody else outside of this Nation and all the world wants to come here and settle with us and seem to be delighted to get here under our laws indi- cates that the people of the world think that we are doing a pretty swell job. I want to say to my friend that insofar as the people of the South are concerned, they are making headway, white and black, on the basis of good will, on the basis of toler- ance, on the basis of mutual respect and mutual understanding, and we don’t like to be dictated to by the people who come from a State where less than 1 percent of their population is black or like the State of North Dakota, for instance, because one of its Sen- ators has been very voluble, where the census shows 201 Negroes from that State. We think they don’t know very much about the problem, and we would rather leave the prob- lem to our own good people, both white and black, who are working it out in exceedingly good fashion and have come away ahead without the help of the rest of the Nation. Having a group just a few years ago, rela- tively speaking, turned over to them without resources, without education, without heaith, without even any of the property which would give them a chance, they have come forward in such a way that they are all proud of them, and insofar as the South is con- cerned, as whites and as Negroes, we are making progress and we are making progress together and we are asking that we not be disturbed in that progress by having passed the type of legislation such as this which will set us back 50 years on the path of progress and prosperity and good will. [Applause.] Chairman Granzx. How do you feel about that, Senator? Senator Humpurey. I would like to ask my distinguished friend from Florida to get off the defensive for a while. We are not just talking about the South. We are talk- ing about people, American people. We are talking about people who are more Ameri- can than almost anybody, except the people who came over on the Mayflower, almost native Americans. In fact, we are talking about the American Indian, native Ameri- icans, if you please. Discrimination isn’t a matter of Louisiana or Florida or South Caro- lina. It is a matter of Minnesota, North Dakota, New York, and Washington. We are not talking only about constitutional government, my good friend from Florida. We are talking about human rights. In this world today the issue of human rights is the number one issue. That is what our fight is with communism, who deny human rights. May I point out that every time Mr. Gromyko or Mr. Molotov wants to put an American representative back on his heels at the United Nations they do what? They bring up the way we treat our minority groups. ‘When we proposed, for example, that we in- vestigate the slave camps of Siberia, what was the immediate response? The imme- diate response was, “Let’s investigate the poll tax, the lack of economic opportunity. Let’s investigate the lynchings,” if you please, “in parts of America.” What did our Government representatives say? They said, “If that.is the case, we had better have no investigation.” One more thing about the legislatures. My friend has been a Governor, and I want to repeat that there is no one area of gov- ernment in the United States that is more lacking in true representation of the ma- jority will of the people than the legislatures. The Congress of the United States is reap- portioned every 10 years by the Constitu- tion, by the census, The cities of the United States are reapportioned time after time by the will of their electorate. But the State legislatures, I repeat, in Illinois, in Califor- nia, in Pennsylvania, in New, York, have not had reapportionment for better than two generations, and they have disproportionate representation, because 50 years ago over 50 percent of the people of this country lived in rural areas. Today only 20 percent live in rural areas. Senator HoLLaNnD. Mr. Moderator, I had be- gun to thing my friend was starting a fili- buster. Senator Humpurey. I was just following through on my friend from Florida. Senator HoLLanp. But I am glad to see he is not. May I say that I am a little surprised that my friend has frankly quoted here Mr. Gro- myko as an authority on international af- fairs. Insofar as we are concerned, we don’t regard him as such in the Southland, and I think in most parts of the Nation. To the contrary, when Mr. Gromyko says something, we are inclined to suspect his motives because we found out that they have not had anything to do with the permanence or the prosperity or the welfare of the United States of America. Senator Humpurey. I want to ask my friend from Florida this question: Does he think that the Catholic Church is wrong when it says we need a national FEPC? The National Catholic Welfare Conference? Does he think that the National Baptist Conference is wrong when it says we need anational FEPC? Does he think the Method- ist, the Congregational, or the Presbyterian Church is wrong? Does he think the Presi- dent’s Committee on Civil Rights that rep- resented every segment of the economy is wrong? Does he think the Democratic Party was wrong and that the Republican Party was wrong in their platform commit- ments on fair employment practices? Does he think, if you please, that every single religious group in this country, every one of the Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish groups, are wrong, and that the A. F. of L. and the CIO are wrong? Chairman Granrgx. Let him try to an- swer, please. . Senator Humpurey. Or does he think, if you please, that the only people who are right are the people who have for years main- tained a minority rule in many of their areas and denied people the right to vote in many of their areas and who have taken upon themselves to be the self-protectors of the American way of life? Senator Hotnanp. I am glad to answer that question. In the first place, I don’t think anybody has a right to speak for all those groups, except the two political parties, which I will mention in a moment. I know perfectly well, as one member of one of those groups, I have heard thousands and thou-~ ands of good Methodists express themselves who are not at all in accord with any such expression. I know, furthermore, that most of the gentle, well-intentioned, and kindly people who make that kind of expression haven't the slightest knowledge of the situa- tion. They don’t know at all that it involves bringing in an ideology which is entirely foreign. Now with reference to the political parties, my friend knows as well as I do that the declarations in the two platforms have been nothing in the world but political, that they have been designed to secure minority votes in certain key States. They know that the complete lack of sincerity of both parties is shown clearly by the fact that they haven’t done a thing in the abolition of segregation or in the abolition of discrimination right here in the Nation’s Capital, where they have had complete control, regardless of whether it was Democrats or Republicans who were in the majority. It has been a political issue all the way through, A38027 Senator HumpHrery. I want to answer that. I want to say if my friend from Florida will get on the floor of the Senate on Tuesday when we meet and propose that we have a chance to debate civil-rights issues without a@ filibuster, without their threat of a fili- puster, I will guarantee to him that he will find out that this isn’t just a political prom- ise. He will find out that the votes are there. But whenever we propose to bring up a single issue pertaining to civil rights, we are imme- diately confronted with a solid block of peo- ple who have specialized in the art of fili- bustering, not in the art of legislation but in the art of protecting minority rights with minority tactics. Chairman Granix. Gentlemen, let me take a question from the audience. I see Miss Penuel has a gentleman who has a ques- tion. Go ahead, sir. Question. Senator HumPpHrey, don’t you believe that if FEPC is enacted in any State, it should be done by vote of the people? Senator Humpurer. Are you asking me that question? Question. Yes. Senator Humpurey. No, I do not, because I believe in representative government. If that were the case, I would say if you are going to have a tax law, which surely affects everybody and FEPC affects only those en~ gaged in interstate commerce, then let’s abolish our legislatures or Congress and have @ referendum. To be sure, FEPC should be enacted like any other law, like child-labor laws, if you please. It should be enacted like appropriation bills, like soil-conserva- tion laws, by the will of the people as ex- pressed through their representatives in the Government. That is my conviction. Senator HoLLanp. May I say I am surprised again to find that my friend does not believe in the expression of the will of the majority, and he has taken exactly the same position which a Negro lawyer took before one of our committees, representing a union, when he complained of the fact that the great State of Pennsylvania in three successive sessions of the legislature had turned down A and said, complainingly, “The only way in the world we are going to get this thing done is down here in Washington. Please do it.” In effect he meant, pass it whether the States want it or not and whether the people want it or not. If that is sound democracy, then I don’t know the meaning of the word. Senator HumpHrey. May I make this ob- servation? We had a type of referendum on civil-rights legislation, because we had a group of people in the Democratic Party who walked out of a national convention, out of their own party, and they went out and created a new party. They called it the Dixiecrats. They put up a candidate, and the one issue of this Dixiecrat candidate was that he was going to have white supremacy; he was going to protect the rights of the white people. How many votes did he get in the United States of America? How many votes did he get? Senator Hornanp. I am glad that my friend raised that question bezause I don’t happen to be a Dixiecrat. I stuck with the party, and I also stuck along with the Gov~ ernor of our State, the six Members of the House, myself as one Senator—the other Senator was also of the same opinion, but for a different reason—all the Cabinet mem- bers, the members of the legislature, and so forth; and we, sticking with our party, car~ ried our State, but I want to say to my friends we did that notwithstanding the fact that we were not in any sense for the civil-rights plank nor for the Taft-Hartley repeal plank, and we made that very clear in every community in our State. We could not have carried the State without taking that position. Senator Humpxrey. Do you think you could have carried it with Thurmond? Senator Hotnanp. We didn’t want Thur mond.
A3028 Senator Humpnrer. I ask you, do you think you could have carried it with him? Chairman GRaNix. May I take another question? Question. Senator HoLttanp, do you sup- port and advocate a voluntary Fair Employ- ment Practices Commission law for your State? Senator Granam, of North Carolina, has recently come out for a voluntary FEPC. Senator Honztanp. I don't understand that Senator GraHam is suggesting that at all for North Carolina. I understand that he is sug- gesting it for the Nation. There are ample numbers of set-ups here which could be ap- proved by the South wholeheartedly by way of conciliation and by way of adjustment. One of our distinguished southern House Members from Arkansas has suggested a de- partment in the Labor Department for that purpose alone, free from compulsion; but you can’t ram this kind of thing in America down the throats of the great majority of the States of the Nation when 3 to 1 of them are against it at this time and when their people back them up in that posi- tion. Chairman Granim. Senator Humprrer? Senator HumpHrey. I want to say I am happy my friend from Florida believes in FEPC. He just isn’t quite sure whether he wants it sugar-coated or whether we wants it chocolate-coated. He says he be- lieves in fair~employment practices—— Senator Hottanp. He hasn't said anything of the kind, Mr. Moderator. He has said that he is perfectly willing to have a division of the Department of Labor set up to study this question: Senator Humprey. Oh; to study it. Senator Hoinann. To conciliate in this field, but without any power of compulsion whatsoever, because he believes those powers of compulsion are foreign to and incom- patible with the American system of law. Senator HumprHrey. May I point out what Daniel Webster once said about a law with- out a penalty. He said it is nothing more nor less than an expression of good advice. It was a pretty great American who made that statement. I repeat that in FEPC, as was testified to before the House Committee by every sin- gle officer—I want my friend from Florida to contest this, if he can. Every single offi- cer of any Fair Employment Practices Com- mission, local or State, anywhere in the United States, who testified on the House bill, H. R. 4453; said that it should have com- pulsory measure within it. To be sure, which has not been brought out here, we emphasize adjudication, conciliation, edu- cation, mediation; and in the 2,000 com- plaints which have been brought to the at- tention of Fair Employment Practices Com- missions in the United States today, not one has had to use compulsion in order to get compliance. Senator Hoxtanp. I was glad that point was brought out, because that shows per- fectly clearly that the advocates of this bill are afraid to put it in court; they are afraid of its unconstitutionality, and they realize perfectly well also that it cannot work except in a State where it is approved by the people of the State. I want to recall to your mind also that we had it work in a situation of heavy employment instead of unemployment and depression. So there hasn't been a fair trial run, and there hasn't been an attempt at a run in a State that doesn’t have a feeling of the majority of the people for it. Chairman Granix. We wanted to take some More questions, but we have time only for summaries. Senator HUMPHREY, your sum- mary, please. Senator Humpurey. My summary is simply that it is thoroughly within the American tradition to guarantee to every American not only his political rights, but his right for economic opportunity. The fair em- ployment practices bill that is before the Congress is one that is based upon the prin- ciple of education, adjudication, mediation, and conciliation, and it carries with it, as all effective American law does, penalties for that recalcitrant antisocial minority which will not abide by the decision of the ma- jority. I point out that 50,000,000 people already in this country are covered by fair employ- ment practices legislation. I also point out that the major cities of the Nation, where the employment problems are acute, where there are plenty of tensions because of racial groups, have’: made FEPC legislation work. I further point out that all responsible groups in this Nation that represent the religious life of America and the political life of America are working in behalf of fair employment practices legislation. Chairman GraNnrk.I am sorry, Senator Humpurey, your -time is up. Senator Hot- LAND, your summary, please. Senator Houtanp. I point out that three to one of the States in the Nation don’t want this, that 100,000,000 of the 150,000,000 people of the Nation have shown rather clearly that they do not want it, that the system is incompatible with our American system, and that we can’t adopt it without doing great violence to the Constitution. I point out also that insofar as the South is concerned, it has even graver doubts about this than the other phases of the controversy, known as civil rights, because of the attack on segregation and the effort for social equality, which is a part of this and which has demonstrated itself on the part of two of the outstanding leaders of the Nation within the last few months. Chairman Granrk. Thank you very much, Senator Honuanp and Senator Humpxrey. \ Radio Address of Hon. John S. Wood, of Georgia EXTENSION OF REMARKS . HON. W. M. (DON) WHEELER OF GEORGIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. WHEELER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks I am in- cluding an address recently delivered by our colleague, the Honorable Joun S. Woop, of Georgia. I cannot too strongly urge the mem- bership of this House to read the follow- ing speech for it is on a timely subject and poses a serious question which this House must answer in the not too dis- tant future. Mr. Woon’s speech follows: Tonight I want to talk with you about the tremendous monopoly power that is now possessed by the great Nation-wide labor unions and that is, with increasing fre- quency, exercised by them in a manner that imperils the very health and safety of our Nation. We can and should meet squarely the issue raised by this union power. We will be playing with fire if we temporize on this issue any longer. Let’s consider for a moment the principles that are involved. In America we have al- ways had an inborn fear of power, whether it be Government power or the power of private groups. Our constitutional system, that we first learned about in grade school, was designed so as to dilute Government power and to prevent too great a concentra-~ tion of such power in any one Government entity. It was because of this inborn fear of power that the founders of our country, ’ concentration of union power. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in creating the Federal Government, saved important powers of government to the States and to local subdivisions. It was hbe- cause of this inborn fear of power that they provided for the separation of the legisla- tive, executive, and judicial branches of Government and made each serve as a check on the other. About a hundred years after the adoption of our Constitution, a new kind of power began to assert itself in the United States—a kind of power that unless checked would have completely destroyed freedom of oppor- tunity in America and would have been able to dictate to the Government itself the terms on which it should govern, This new kind of power was the power of business monopoly. In meeting the issue raised by this new power of business monopolies, Congress was faced with three possible alternatives: 1. It could ignore the power and let it overrun us. 2. It could permit the power itself to con- tinue in existence and merely seek to control its exercise. 8. It could break up the power and pre- vent its resurgence. We can be eternally thankful that Con- gress chose the last of these alternatives, and in our antitrust laws made the existence of monopolies unlawful and provided for their dismemberment. Union monopoly power did not arise as an important foree until after the enact- ment of the Wagner Act in 1935, and it was not until the war period a few years ago when it began actually to assert itself to an alarming extent. And it was the Govern- ment itself that nurtured the growth and During the war the National War Labor Board developed the practice of making pattern determina~ tions in labor disputes. These pattern determinations would cover all of the em- ployees in a given industry, no matter how widely scattered throughout the country that industry might be, or how different the conditions affecting the various units in the industry. As a result of these industry pat- tern determinations of the National War Labor Board, the great Nation-wide unions began to insist after the war that employers bargain with the national union on an in- dustry-wide basis, rather than with the local unions on an individual employer basis. The effects of such industry-wide bargain- ing became immediately apparent. When all of the employers in a given industry could not or would not accede to the union demands, the union would strike the whole industry at one and the same time. We can still recall vividly the serious Nation-wide coal strike that took place while the war itself was going on. And we can also still vividly recall the strike of the engineers on all of the Nation's railroads shortly after the termination of hostilities, but while the war emergency was still very acute. Because of the danger to the national economy, and to the health and safety of the Nation, that resulted from industry-wide strikes in vital industries, Congress in the Taft-Hartley Act sought to give the public & means of protecting itself, In that act Congress authorized the President, whenever he should find that a Nation-wide strike in a vital industry threatened to jeopardize the Nation’s health or safety, to apply to the courts for a court order stopping the strike for a perlod of 80 days. The Taft-Hartley Act has been the law of the land for less than 3 years. And yet dur- ing this short period the President has in- voked his authority under the act on no less than seven occasions. Let me empha- size this—on seven occasions since the early summer of 1947 the President has found that union monopoly power was threatening the health and safety of our Nation. And this does not take account of the serious Nation- wide steel strike last fall.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The last Nation-wide strike in a vital in- dustry is still fresh in our minds. Through the dictatorial power of one man—John L. Lewis—the country was brought to the very brink of disaster. Because of this one man our courts were rendered powerless to en- force their decrees, and the President was compelled to ask Congress to give him au- thority to seize, requisition, and operate private property in peacetime in order to forestall economic collapse. Our narrow escape from complete national paralysis as a result of this coal strike should give us pause—should make us reexamine whether the provisions that were devised in the Taft-Hartley Act to deal with emergen- cies caused by union monopoly are adequate, It is essential that we now take another look. We are today facing precisely the same three alternatives that were before the Con- gress in the latter part of the last century when. our country was threatened by busi- ness monopolies: 1. Congress can ignore the monopoly power of labor unions, and let that power overrun us and bring the Nation to its knees. There are those who call themselves liberals who seem to want this alternative. 2. Congress can permit the monopoly power of labor unions to continue in exist- ence and merely seek to control the exercise of that power when it threatens great na- tional emergencies. This alternative was the one that was chosen in the Taft-Hartley Act. It was a logical one to choose when the Taft- Hartley Act was under consideration in the Congress, for legislative bodies are reluctant to take more than one step at a time. But our experience under the national emergen- cy provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act in the short 3 years the act has been on our statute books has taught us that we cannot effective- ly control the exercise of monopoly pawer. For when we permit monopoly power to con- tinue in existence, it becomes so vast that it can make a mockery of whatever controls we devise, just as John L. Lewis made a mockery of the solemn decree of the court in the recent coal strike. 3. As the third alternative, Congress can break up the monopoly, and return the real control of labor unions to the American working men and women in the various com- munities throughout the United States who are union members. I earnestly believe that this is what we must do—and do soon—if we are to preserve America as the land of the free. I have just this week introduced in the House of Representatives a bill that will ac- complish this, and I want to discuss with you for a moment the provisions of that bill. My bill would make it impossible for a labor organization to represent for collective bargaining purposes the employees of more than one large employer. And it would make it impossible for labor organizations repre~ senting the employees of different em- ployers to conspire together with respect to their bargaining proposals or arrangements. Similarly it would make it unlawful for two or more employers to conspire together with respect to their bargaining proposals or arrangements. I recognize very well that in the case of the small employer, the employees may be too few in number to have a separate labor organization, and for this reason the bill does permit labor organizations to deal with any number of small employers, provided the labor organization does not seek to represent more than 10,000 employees altogether. If this bill should become law, labor unions would again flourish under local employee control, rather than being dominated by national or international labor organizations in which real control by the men and women who work is diluted to the vanishing point. And, since the collective bargaining with re- . pect to every employer would be entirely in- dependent of the collective bargaining in re- spect to every other employer, the likelihood of crippling industry-wide strikes in vital industries at one and tke same time would virtually disappear. The bill that I have introduced does not embody an idea that is original with me. The bill contains substantially the same provisions that were contained in the Taft- Hartley bill in 1947 as that bill passed the House of Representatives by an overwhelm- ing majority—the provisions outlawing industry-wide bargaining. Unfortunately, the House provisions in this respect were rejected by the Senate, and thus were not included in the Taft-Hartley Act itself. But these very same provisions only failed of adoption in the Senate by one vote. We cannot temporize with this problem any longer. We must frankly recognize that as long as we countenance industry-wide bar- gaining we shall be plagued year in and year out by industry-wide strikes that will pros- trate the Nation’s economy. Let’s outlaw this pernicious practice now, and make it possible for the American working men and women who are union members to have a real say in the bargaining arrangements with their employers. The Washington Dope Habit EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Washington Times-Herald: THE WASHINGTON Dorr Hasir Some dope addicts acquired their evil habit after having had the narcotic administered to them during the course of an illness. The victim continued to use the drug long after the disappearance of the need for it. It is the same with government. For example, there is the Government support of farm prices. It was introduced during the course of the depression, when wheat fell to 40 cents, corn to a quarter, cotton to 3 cents a pound, and butter to 18 cents, There was no expectation that the Government would continue to hoist prices after wheat got back to, say, a dollar a pushel and other commodities sold at cor- responding levels. But wheat now sells for $2.25, corn for $1.38, cotton for 32% cents, and butter for 59 cents. Yet the Govern- ment goes right on using the farm-depres- sion narcotic. Or take the wages-and-hours law, of which the provisions relating to hours were the important part. It was directed toward sharing work when there were not enough jobs for all the carpenters, bricklayers, paint- ers, and other skilled and unskilled workers. It, of course, created no new work. It simply encouraged large employers to use more peo~ ple in doing it. This was done by requiring employers to pay penalty rates above a stated number of hours. CONDITIONS NOW EXACT OPPOSITE Once unemployment ended, the treatment for unemployment should have been stopped, too. But nothing of the sort took place. Throughout the war and the postwar boom, when the need was for more work from everybody, the Government went right on enforcing the law to penalize overtime. There is the Reconstruction Finance Cor- poration. It was set up in the Hoover ad- ministration to make loans on good security , to banks, insurance companies, railroads, farmers, industrial concerns, and State and A3029 local governments. It was developed to cope with a drastic deflation. It provided credit sources toa sound borrowers who would readily have found lenders in ordinary times. It was an agent of inflation or, as F. D. R. said, “reflation.” The conditions which now exist are the exact opposite of those which the RFC was created to cope with. The country is in the midst of a vast inflation. There is an excess of credit. But the RFC goes right on ad- ministering the depression narcotic. Money is now so plentiful RFC has to take wild risks to compete with private capital sources. One of its postwar projects was the Lustron corporation, which was given $37,500,000. The enterprise has already defaulted on $22,- 000,000 of its obligations, and Carl Strand- lund, the head of Lustron, says that RFC will be lucky if it gets 5 cents on the dollar. Then there is rent control. It has con- tinued for 8 years. Tenants were given the right to stay in the quarters which they oc- cupied without increase in the amount that they paid landlords. The justification for rent control was that a war was on, and pbuilding materials and building labor were restricted for use in the production of things essential for the winning of the war. But the war ended 5 years ago. Materials and labor are freely available for building purposes. Anyone who wants to build a house can do so. The Government is even stimulating home construction by the use of another narcotic, cheap credit. Yet the Government continues to enforce rent control, which was put into effect when home construction was discouraged or for- bidden. H. T. NOT INTERESTED IN ANY CUT-BACES Deficit financing is the fifth depression measure which comes readily to mind. Un- der the New Deal, after F. D. R. had been in office for a few months it became the de- clared policy of the Government to spend more than its income. The reasoning was that the Government’s deficit would com- pensate for reduced spending. In periods of boom the Government was to spend less than its income. By means of a deficit in times of contraction and a surplus in times of ex- pansion, stability was to be attained. There was no hesitancy about maintaining the deficit as a cure for the depression, but now we are ina boom. Yet the deficit this year will amount to $5,000,000,000, which was more depression medicine than the country ever was given during the depression. There does not exist in Government the, strength of purpose to stop a treatment long after the passing of the need which called forth its use. The flexibility of action which Government planners have in mind is not possible with an officialdom which keeps it- self in power by the favors it can do, and the jobs it can provide. Government agencies are sometimes trans- ferred but, as Senator Borah once pointed out, are never abolished. The weakness in the Hoover report is that economy moves must originate with President Truman, who is no more disposed toward that than to- ward cutting his salary back to what it was in F. D. R.’s time. Postal Penny Pinching EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS . OP MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recorp, I include the
A3930 following editorial from the Boston Trav- eler of April 20, 1950: Postan Penny PincHIne We feel like screaming: How can people be so stupid? Costs have been rising in the Post Office Department as they have everywhere else. So what? That’s no reason to rush off the deep end. Here we have a fiscal problem which should be solved through fiscal means. Either the rates must be raised as the Post- master General proposed, or some form of subsidy must be provided. The third abso- lutely unbelievable alternative—but the one chosen by the Postmaster—is to smash the postal service to smithereens. Over the years the civilized world has come to take postal service for granted. No one remembers that the daily mail is the back- bone of any communications system with- out which no nation could possibly survive. Not that the United States has ever been famous for really good postal service anyway. Several European capitals, notably London, far outshine us in that field. But suddenly, we who pride ourselves on our modernity have reverted to colonial customs. Cutting back mail service is like wiring a skyscraper with the latest devices and then saying you can't afford the bulbs. Demented! If the slash sticks, all mail, including first class, will most likely be delayed 24 hours. What this will mean to business, to Govern~ ment, to ordinary human relations is incalculable. This type of administrative mismanage- ment confirms the worst fears of the ‘‘agins.” We cannot allocate the blame for this mess with any accuracy. Both Congress and the Post Office Department appear culpable with * Congress well in the lead. But if govern- ment—meaning the combined legislative and executive—can’t even manage the Post Office Department decently, why on earth should anybody believe it could manage anything like a general health insurance program? Let the Democrats who voted against postal- rate rises or subsidies think that over. The Republicans are always harping on efficiency. This curtailment can’t help but slow the whole tempo of American economic life. Where were they on voting day? The hue and cry has started locally already. We hope it mounts to a deafening crescendo. The cut-back must be rescinded before it has time to do real harm, The Post Office is easy, gentlemen. How could you have muffed it so colossally? When Congress Is a City Council EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RICHARD BOLLING OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. BOLLING. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to in- clude an editorial from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Tuesday, March 21, 1950: WHEN Concruss Is a Crry Counc As 'egislative bodies go, the National House of Representatives is notoriously inefficient. One reason is because its 435 Members must, at frequent intervals, stop their considera- tion of domestic and international issues and turn themselves into a city council. These are the days when they sit as aldermen for the District of Columbia. At such time they argue with one another - over daylight saving time for the National Capital and other purely local matters. Ac- cording to the Washington Post, one civic organization in Washington has computed that Congressmen spent 3,000 hours last year on city-hall questions. This makes no part of sense. A hang- over of a time long since departed, when the District of Columbia was small and its busi- ness could be easily transacted, this city- council function should be turned over to a suitable administrative body. The transfer will be made belatedly if Congress will only approve the home rule bill for Washington. But Congress cannot approve the bill until the measure is pried out of committee. Only 40-odd names are needed on the House peti- tion to take the question from the commit- tee and put it on the floor for action on its merits. Are there any Missouri or Illinois Repre- sentatives who have not yet signed the peti- tion? This is a chance for them to strike a sound lick for responsible government in Washington—and to free themselves for more pressing issues. Qur Domestic Mining Industry—It Must Be Protected If It Is To Be Preserved — Address by Paul B. Jessup EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. COMPTON J. WHITE OF IDAHO IN THE HOUSE OF RUPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. WHITE of Idaho. Mr. Speaker, our last financial depression started with the loss of markets for agricultural pro- ducts which soon extended to all branch- es of industry in this country. If we are to guard against future depression we must safeguard our domestic market for the products of our mines. There is submitted herewith a very interesting presentation of the problem affecting our mining industry by Mr. Paul B. Jessup, a prominent mine taxation expert of Wallace, Idaho: Tarirr ON Bast METALS INTRODUCTORY For the benefit of those of you who might be as uninformed on the subject of tariffs as I was before the preparation of this paper, let me say that the definition of this work is simplicity personified. Tariffs are merely du- ties imposed upon the importation of goods by the government of the country where im- ported. The purpose of these duties may be simply to raise revenue for the imposing gov- ernment or may be for the purpose of protect- ing its industries against foreign compe- tition. ‘When one delves into the economic justi- fication of protective tariffs he is treading upon more dificult ground. The arguments between the “free traders” and the “protec- tionists” have raged for centuries in the his- tory of world commerce. In our own country they provided the distinguishing characteris- tic between our two principal political par- ties for a number of years. To me the word “free-trade” has a curious fascination. It has all the earmarks of get- ting something for nothing, a utopian idea which appeals to many of us. Upon inter- rogating others on this subject I find a very anomalous situation to exist. I find that practically everyone in business is mesmer- ized by the word “free-trade” and thinks it a wonderful idea, except as it might de- leteriously affect his own business. If there is any danger from this latter source he is a protectionist. This doesn’t add up from a APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD logical viewpoint, as in the aggregate it makes everyone free traders and protectionists alike, which self-evidently 1s a mutually in- consistent position. Partial attempts have been made to re- concile these inconsistent positions through a device Known as reciprocal-trade agree- ments. I am not going to complicate my subject or unduly prolong this discussion by going into this phase of the problem. Suffice it to say that reciprocal-trade agree- ments are merely an extension of the age- old practice of ‘you scratch my back and Tl scratch yours.” IZISTORY OF TARIFFS It might be well et this point to digress for a moment aid briefly summarize the history of 1 ~iffs, particularly as applied to the two leading commercial nations of the world, England and the United States. The history of tariffs in England discloses that during the period England was building up its industrial might it adopted a pro- tectionist tariff attitude. When it reached its industrial peak Mother England was a free trader and profited materially by the latter policy. The United States has to some extent followed the same path. On the whole we were highly protectionist during the period we were building up our own in- dustrial greatness. In recent yeurs we have been leaning more and more toward free trad?. J. realize that the Democratic Party historically stands for free trade and is re- sponsible for this trend. However, the fact remains, this has been the recent tendency in the United States. THE PRESENT ZINC TARIFF SITUATION The present tariff on zinc is 75 cents per pound. I can assure you that this is an extreme'y important figure. In fact, if it is not changed, it ultimately can mean the ruination of the zinc-mining industry in this country. If you do not belleve this, your attention is directed to the fact that the present tariff on lead is 1.06 cents per pound. I do not need to tell you what effect this figure has had on our leading mining industry in the past few months, The present tariff on zinc amounts to approximately 7 percent of the domestic price tor this metal. In the two decades be- fore the advent of World War II, the per- centage of the tariff on zine to the domestic price of this metal was greatly in excess of the existing figure. This naturally accorded the zine miner considerably more protection than he now enjoys. SHOULD WE BE FREE-TRADERS OR PROTECTIONISTS? This question is more of theoretical in- terest than it is of practical significance. Until we reach the “Buck Rogers” stage of a world state nations will adopt in whole or in part whatever of these conflicting philosophies that best suit thelr national interest. Free trade exists among the various States of the United States because our Federal Constitution requires it, Unless human na- ture undergoes a radical change there will be no international free trade unless you have international government, which is an unlikely prospect in the immediate future. WHEN ARE PROTECTIVE TARIFFS ECONOMICALLY JUSTIFIED? A rabid free trader would accuse me of begging the question by assuming that any protective tariff is economically justifiable. However, it should be apparent that they are justifiable under certain circumstances in the present state of world affairs. Stated in another manner the question could be-— when and to what extent should a govern- ment’s tariff policy be protectionist? The answer would appear quite simple. It should be protectionist when and to the extent its national welfare demands it. The next question should be an obvious one. Does our national welfare demand that our
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD base metal mining be accorded tariff pro- tection? It should be elemental to any thinking person that every possible pro- tection, tariff and otherwise, should be given our entire mineral industry, whose products are essential to our economy both in peace- time and wartime. PROTECTION IN THE EVENT OF WAR The most rabid free trader would be forced to admit that base metals in ample quantity are essential to successfully wage a modern war. However, he may overlook the impor- tant fact that any weakness or deficiency in this respect may be the deciding factor in the decision of a possible aggressor to commence war against us. With this in mind it would be an invitation to national suicide to ever allow ourselves to get into @ predicament where we are not assured of an adequate supply of base metals at all times. Our free-trader friend might say that in the event of war we are adequately protected by the national stock pile of base metals plus the available domestic production. We might agree with him if he could accurately predict the duration of any such conflict and the amount of base metals necessary to wage it. However, we know from experience that any such prediction would be impossible. He might also say we can import whatever base metals we might need to supplement the national stock pile and our domestic pro- duction. This again may be wishful think- ing. It assumes that foreign countries which may have the supply of such metals are both willing and able to transport the same to this country. For obvious reasons these assumptions may all be erroneous, and even if they materialized we might be using ship- ping space which could be used for other purposes. This could unduly prolong or lose the war for us. We cannot count on being as fortunate as we were in the last war with respect to the importation of base metals. Consequently, our cheapest insurance against aggression is to make sure that we have an adequate supply of base metals within our borders to meet any emergency. The only way this can be accomplished is to supplement the national stock pile by a healthy and productive base metal-mining industry. We certainly cannot rely upon any source of such metals beyond the continental limits of North America, and we cannot be Nhsolutely assured of this. The importance of zinc mining in World War II can perhaps best be ilhustrated by the fact that the United States Government actually furloughed soldiers from the Army * to go to work in the zinc mines to relieve the labor shortage created there as a result of drafting the young miners into the serv~ ice. In the Coeur d’Alene district alone ap-~ proximately 1,000 soldiers were furloughed for this purpose. PROTECTION TO OUR DOMESTIC ECONOMY IN PEACETIME Our free trader may be forced to admit his arguments against a protective tariff are not persuasive where a threat of war exists. However, he will insist that we are now in a peacetime economy where no threat of war exists, and the protective tariff is eco- nomically unjustifiable in that it causes ar- tificially high prices to consumers and is del- eterious to the recovery of world trade, From a long-range standpoint these argu- ments are fallacious even assuming we could safely permit our domestic mining industry to close down because cheaper foreign im- ports were adequate to supply our domestic needs. It is to the best interest of both the manu~ facturer and consumer in this country to have a healthy and productive domestic base metal-mining industry during peacetime. The United States proportion of world pro- duction of base metals is relatively large. The following approximated figures for 1948 are of interest. The figures on world pro- duction. are more in the nature of a guess because no statistical information is avail- A3031 able from the countries behind the iron cur-~ tain and Japan. Nor do the sources in which foreign production was secured indicate whether or not it includes secondary metal. Year 1948 World production United States production.__ United States consumption Percentage of United States production to world Percentage of United States consumption to worl duction. roduction__... producticn__._ Percentage of United States consumption to United States pro- Lead Zine Copper Total Tons Tons Tons Tons a 1,841,000 | 1,943, 000 2, 328, 000 6, 112, 000 850, 000 986, 000 2, 701, 000 1,175,000 | 1,344, 000 3, 648, 0 Percent Percent Percent 46. 9! 43.75 42, 35 44.19 61. 33 60. 47 57. 75 59. 69 wo-n-e- 130. 52 138. 24 136 31 135. 06 It should be evident from the above tab- ulation that the United States production of base metals is a substantial contributing factor in keeping their price at a relatively low level. It by the same token provides the domestic manufacturer with a substan- tial source of his raw materials. If this pro- duction is cut off or materially curtailed the results are obvious. The manufacturer’s source of supply would be impaired and the economic law of supply and demand would raise the price of the end product in the hands of the consumer. This condition could be greatly aggravated by the operation of foreign cartels if such a situation were ever allowed to come about. It could result in a severe dislocation of our domestic econ~ omy in peacetime which would be fearful to contemplate. THE CASE OF THE LEAD MINER We all know what has happened to lead mining, the companion of zinc mining. As a result of the low tariff on this metal, the United States has become the dumping ground for foreign countries, who, as a result of currency devaluation and the desire for dollar exchange, are shipping this metal to us. This has naturally resulted in a drastic decline in the domestic price for lead, and has caused the curtailment and shut downs of numerous lead mines in the United States. Ironically enough, our contribution of American taxpayers’ dollars has helped bring this situation about. The advantage gained by foreign producers over domestic miners as a result of cheap labor, high-grade ore deposits, a low tariff, and Marshall plan assistance is bad enough without its being aggravated by currency devaluation. We must bear in mind that what has hap- pened to lead, can under certain circum- stances likewise happen to zinc. In view of what has occurred to our domestic lead mining we have no grounds for complacency. If this trend continues, it can prostrate our base metal mining in the United States. None of us would be foolish enough to allow our fire insurance to lapse on our home which was being endangered by a forest fire. Are we foolish enough to allow our best insurance against aggression to lapse by allowing our base metal mining industry to go to pot because of inadequate tariff protection? Our national preparedness policy would hardly seem consistent. We are spending billions of dollars for national defense and are paying little or no attention to the con- dition of a basic industry, which, if not in a healthy condition in the event of a war, could mean the failure of all of our prepared= ness efforts. ILLUSTRATED EFFECT ON MINING OPERATIONS In support of the contention that it can happen here let us examine what occurs when metal prices sharply decline during & period when labor and material costs main- ~ tain a high level. If the squeeze really hurts, the mine opera- tor will discontinue mining areas where the grade of his ore will not carry the cost of extraction. If possible he will mine the better grade ore in the mine and quite often mine narrower widths to attain a higher grade. Along with this upgrading process he will endeavor to cut costs and increase labor efficiency. However, lower costs are difficult to attain when decreased volume of production results from constricted mining operations. Needless to say, only necessary development work would be carried on if he can make both ends meet. Exploration would come to a halt. If these methods fail he will try to ascertain whether his operat- ing losses are greater than maintenance ex- penses on a shut-down basis. If they are he would shut the property down. If enough mines are affected in this man- ner, the bind is then placed upon the smelt- ers or reduction plants, which would have lost their source of raw material to process by the mine shut-downs. Ultimately the point is reached where it becomes economi- cally unfeasible for the smelter to operate and it shuts down. The economic disloca- tions in the local communities affected by these shut-downs are obvious. With the shut-down of the smelter, some manufac- turer or fabricator loses his source of supply. If he cannot secure his raw materials else- where or provide substitutes, it is only a matter of time before he likewise is forced to shut down. If this is carried to its logical extreme the end results of such a chain re- action are evident. In this connection the free trader will say that before this extreme is reached the high price for metals will cause the mines to re- open and the domestic supply of metal brought into balance. To a certain extent this would be true. However, there are some important consequences that shouldn’t be overlooked even if only our peacetime econ~ omy were at stake. Ore remnants in the high-graded mines would be irretrievably lost. Many mines once closed never reopen because underground conditions make it a staggering undertaking. In any event, underground production cannot commence like turning on water from a faucet. In the process what has been gained? The advan- tage of the temporary cheap metal to the manufacturer and the ensuing low prices to the consumer have been lost by the offsetting high prices resulting from domestic mining curtailments. Economic dislocations, un- employment, loss of skilled personnel, tech- nical and otherwise, has resulted. Was the price paid for free trade worth its cost? In my opinion the arguments against a pro- tective tariff for base metals are insignificant in comparison with those in favor of it. CONCLUSIONS AND POSSIBLE REMEDIES This paper is no doubt subject to the criticism of oversimplification. Time does not permit going into such ramifications as markets, substitute products, etc. However, one conclusion can be drawn which I be- lieve is basically sound, namely, base metal mining in this country for our own national preservation must be protected, fostered, and encouraged. : Some suggested remedies to accomplish this objective are hereinafter outlined. There are no doubt others that are equally effective. However, the ones enumerated will certainly go a long way toward the so- lution of the problem.
A3032 1. Adequate protective tariffs should be put into effect immediately The amount of the tariffs should be sufficient to accomplish the purpose desired, We know that existing tariffs are too low. The advantage of tariff protection les in its uniform application. In this connection the sliding scale or grad- uated tariff advocated by Felix Wormser would appear to have a great deal of merit 2 All restraints upon incentives to en- gage in metal mining, development and ex- ploration should be removed, such as re- strictive tax policies, restrictive public land policies and restrictive mine financing poli- cies. The restraints mentioned are merely illustrative and are not intended to be ex- clusive. 8. If the enactment of adequate protective tariffs and the removal of restraints upon incentives to mineral production and explo- ration do not accomplish this objective, di- rect governmental subsidization of metal mining should be considered The latter policy should only be adopted as a last re- sort after all other reasonable means have failed to provide adequate protection for our future national welfare. 4. Congress and the administration should be impressed with the importance of the problem from the standpoint of our national security, the welfare of our domestic econ- omy, and the necessity of providing relief be- fore it is too late. Respectfully submitted. Pau B. Jessup, Vice President, Day Mines, Inc. McCarthy’s New Look EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, as part of my remarks I am in- cluding an editorial from the Washing- ton News as of April 22: McCsrriy’s New Loox It has seemed to some of us that Senator McCartHy was supporting his charges of Communist influences in the State Depart- ment with more noise than evidence. But it also has been apparent that a cwnristn~ strong segment of public opinior «wii. .v- ing to his support. Was the Wisconsin Republican beating the Communists at their own game, simply by outshouting them? Or was he the coin- cidental beneficiary of a ground swell of public resentment against official indiffer- ence to a very real menace to national se- curity? Whatever the explanation, we are con- vinced that Senator McCartruy himself is a factor to be reckoned with since hearing him present his case before the American Society of Newspaper Editors. His speech was loaded with tough, perti- nent questions which could not be laughed off. He wag equally adept at answering ques- tions directed at him. Asked why he hadn't named the Communists in the State Depart< ment, he said he would name names when the Department’s files were opened to him, adding: “If those files proved that McCar- THY was a liar, they would damn well be opened tomorrow.” That challenge may have to be answered the next time President Truman takes the stump. It's whistle-stop language. The Senator cited the case of a man who allegedly was investigated 11 times by the State Department loyalty board before finally quitting and taking up active Communist Party work. “Eleven times the President’s loyalty re- view board lacked the guts to order the man fired,” he charged. That, too, is whistle-stop stuff. : There was the case of George Wheeler, now attacking American foreign policy from behind the iron curtain Why was this man cleared for highly important State Depart- ment work in Europe? Why, indeed? Dr. Philip C Jessup has just been ap- pointed head of the State Department’s high policy board, which will map our cold war strategy. “Why does he always jon Communist fronts? Why not anti-Communist organi- zations?” Senator McCarruy asked, submit. ting photostatic evidence Dr. Jessup had been a member of five fronts. Jom McCarty will not be alone in questioning this anvpoint- ment, particularly when it is recaved waar Dr. Jessup gave a character testimonial for Alger Hiss as lately as last year. Whatever he may have lacked to support his charges at the outset, Senator Mc- CaRTHY 1s picking up new ammunition and finding new targets as he goes along. It isn’t all just old stuff, either, but material, reflecting upon persons now in Government service, which will question the integrity of the Government itself unless it is rebutted to the public’s satisfaction. Land of the Free EXTENSION OF REMARKS or - HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, April 24, 1950 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following editorial, Land of the “ree, from the April 25 editions of the Wash- ington Star: Lanpd OF THE FREE In this supposedly free country of ows, the case of Joe Dickmon is worth watching and remembering. Dickmon is a Navy veteran with a wife and child to support. Coal mining is the only trade he knows, and he wanted to work 5 days a week instead of the three that had been decreed by John L. Lewis. So he called Mr. Lewis a dictator, and for that he was sus-~ pended for 6 months by his local union, Nearly 3 months have gone by, and Dick- mon hasn’t had a day’s work in all that time. Now, with his wife and child hungry, he has seen the Hight. He has apologized to his union and has asked to be permitted to work. He says that “‘common sense” tells him he was wrong in calling Lewis names, We hear a great deal these days about the dignity of the human being. Our public men, our church leaders, our educators work them- selves into a state of indignation when some poor soul is dragged before an iron-curtain court and forced to confess sins he never committed so that his family can cat and survive. But here in the United States, in this “free” land, a young man who has fought for his country can be forced to recant a wholly truthful statement as the price of being permitted to work, and it is passed by with a few paragraphs in the newspapers. If this can happen to Joe Dickmon, it can hap- pen to any one of his fellow miners. Why is it that the articulate friends of the com- mon man remain silent? Mr. Lewis has expended a generous share of his king-sized vocabulary iri denouncing ° the Taft-Hartley Act, which, if enforced, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD would have protected Joe Dickmon. Mr. Lewis says 1t 1s a slave-labor statute which has put the working man in chains. Many of our so-called liberals have joined in that phony outcry But they can’t think of any- thing to say about the case of Joe Dickmon,. Women and the Household Budget EXTENSION OF REMARKS °. HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, April 24, 1950 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, I dare say that most of the women of America today are concerned cach week or each month with a household budget. They know only too well how hard it is to provide their familics with the neces- sities and at least some of the pleasures of existence on the amount of money they have to spend. Even more than their husbands, or their fathers or brothers, they are budget-minded. They understand the necessity of living within the family income. For this reason, and some others, I shall talk about the Federal budgct and the Federal taxes which are its sole sup- port. After all, the Federal budget in a@ very real sense is ‘like a household budget, and just about the same rules of common sense in spending should apply. The other reasons why I shall talk on the subject of Federal taxes and the Federal budget involve the fact that Federal taxation and Federal spending have a tremendous and very direct effect upon the status of household budgets, and hence upon the welfare of the housewives’ husbands and children— as to nutrition and health, dental, and medical attendance, and other factors equally important. We shall proceed on the assumption that the Federal budget and wasteful spending by the Government are just as important to the housewives as are their own household budgets. Everyone knows that President Tru- man, jn the 5 years he has been in office, has spent more than all of the Preasi- dents preceding him since the beginning of the Republic. Everyone knows, or should know, too, that since the day Franklin D. Roosevelt entered the White House, the only years in which the Federal Budget was balanced were those in 1947 and 1948 when Republi- cans were in control of Congress. It was in those years, too, that the only downward revision in Federal taxes was made in nearly 20 years. Now why is it so vitally important that the Federal Budget should be bal- anced, and that tax relief should be given to the people? How would budget balancing and tax relief react favorably on the household budgets of the Nation? The answers are not hard to under- stand. When the Federal Government spends in any one year more than it takes in through taxes, as it did this year to the tune of more than $5,000,-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 000,000, the Government has to borrow to the extent of the deficit. This is done by the issuance of Government bonds and short-term notes. Husbands, fathers, or brothers, and perhar. some of the housewives, buy a portion of these bonds ; but only a comparatively small portion, The banks get most of them, because through operation of various governmental controls, they are forced to take them, The banks do not just lay away these bonds, and forget them except when they collect the interest, as private in- vestors often do, By law the banks are required to carry these bonds in their reserves. But all banks are permitted by law to make loans to businesses and individuals up to a certain percentage of their reserves. The banks want to accommodate their customers. 'There- fore, as their reserves grow, by reason of the bonds forced upon them by the Gov- ernment, they loan more and more money to those who need the money and presumably will be able to pay it back with interest. But the banks do not hand greenbacks or silver through the teller’s window to business and individual borrowers. What they do is to give each borrower a credit on the bank’s books—a credit on which he can draw just as if it were actual cash. This, then, comprises what is called credit currency. It is nothing but a series of marks on the books, but it is money just the same. As the amount of this credit currency increases, fhe cur- rency is inflated, exactly the same as if the Government printed a lot more greenbacks. Thus as deficit financing by the Gov- ernment progresses, inflation progresses along with it. There are, in effect, more dollars competing for all the goods and services for sale within the country. Prices go up automatically. The buying power of the dollars in each household budget decreases. You have ‘to spend more dollars to buy the food, clothing, medical attendance; everything families need to keep them healthy, happy and protected from the ills that beset us all. This is the most direct way in which failure to balance the budget affects the household budgets; unless, of course, you consider that deficit financing tends to create the need for higher taxes, since the borrowed money must be paid back some time. The more you pay in taxes, - the less you have to spend for the things your families need; and this fact sup- plies the reason why taxes should be re- duced. The less taxes you pay, the larger your household budgets, and the more your families can have and enjoy. | A little earlier I referred to wasteful spending by the Federal Government. The current “squandermania” of the Democratic Fair Deal administration is the sole reason for this year’s $5,000,- 000,000 deficit and the prospect of one perhaps twice as large next year. Na- tional defense has nothing to do with it; neither has foreign.aid. This country could.afford all that is needed for na- tional defense and for assistance to for- eign countries, without any deficit, if a little common sense were used in elimi- nating needless Federal employees and duplication of effort in the tremendous Federal bureaucracy. If, in other words, the Hoover Commission recommenda- tions were honestly put into effect, in- stead of being twisted to gain political advantage. Just let me give a few illustrations of what I am talking about in this respect. At present it costs the Federal Govern- ment $11.28 to issue a check, even though the check is for only $1. It costs, more often than not, at least twice this much to buy some article of office equipment which would cost perhaps 50 cents if one were to buy it in a retail stationery store. One Federal bureau was recently shown to have bought office supplies sufficient to last for more than 100 years. Some- body must have gotten paid off on that one, or Iam mistaken. All of this wastefulness is bad enough, as you will grant; but it cannot hold a candle to the things proposed in Presi- dent Truman’s so-called welfare-state legislative proposals. These include the Brannan plan, which intelligent farmers oppose; compulsory health insurance, which is just another name for social- ized medicine; unemployment compen- sation so great that most industrial em- ployees would find it almost as profitable to be unemployed as to work at a job; social security on the scale of the crack- pot Townsend plan; all these, and many others. Has it ever struck you, Mr. Speaker, that behind all these proposals, which are advanced under the pretense of a tender regard for social welfare, there may be motives of an entirely different nature? Has it ever entered your mind that perhaps they are the proposals of @ profligate, power-mad gang of politi- cal freebooters, who would impose upon all of us exactly the same kind of social- ism that has led England to the brink of ultimate disaster? Has it occurred to you that by doing so they hope to en- trench themselves in political power so strongly that never again can they be dislodged? If you have not thought on these things, it is time to do so now. Anyone who spends much time in Washington knows them to be true. The Fair Deal administration, in fact though not in name, is a socialistic administration. Ets aim is to bring socialism to the United States. Socialism, as you all know, is a form of government under which the government owns everything; capital, land, factories, homes, and stores, in- dustrial equipment, everything. Under so-called Fabian socialism, as practiced in England, socialization of all private property is carried out gradually. In England it is being done largely at the expense of American taxpayers, through ECA and Government loans. How do you like that? All the hullabaloo by Republicans in Congress over the manifest intention of the Fair Dealers to impose socialism on the American people is something far more than just politics, as the Fair Deal- ers would have us believe. Republicans in Congress, and a large segment of the conservative southern Democrats, see plainly the technique being used by the Fair Dealers; they see it, and it frightens them. The socializing technique is not hard to understand, if one has been read- A3033 ing the newspapers and listening to the radio over the past few years. This technique consists of two parts; first, to persuade the American people that the Federal Government can do bet- ter for them the things they hitherto have done for themselves, and second, to tax the American people to the point where they have so little left that they cannot live without Government help. Everybody is familiar nowadays with the Fair Deal policy of playing off one minority group of the electorate against the others. We see subsidized housing for the few at the expense of the many; we see special favors for some segments of organized labor and severe prosecution in the courts of another; we see tre- mendoous loans to a few favored busi- nessmen, and what amounts to persecu- tion for others. And we see attempts to regiment the farmers under the guise of so-called production payments, which in the end could be nothing but a dole. Who is not familiar with the whole rig- marole of subsidies, grants in aid, com- pensation for this, that, and the other, until one person in every seven today re- ceives money from the Government; much of it money that was not earned and to which the recipient is not entitled. This is the technique by which the Amer- ican people are being conditioned to be- lieve that the bureaucrats know best, and to accept Government hand-outs as a right instead of as charity. Most of us are accustomed to think of taxes in terms of the Federal levy on our incomes, both individual and corporate, and in terms of property taxes on our homes and places of business. But these taxes, staggeringly heavy as they are, comprise only a part of the load. As many of us have learned recently, there is a whole field of Federal taxation about which Americans know little. Concealed taxes, we have heard them called. We know of them, but I doubt if few of us know their true extent. These taxes are almost entirely Fed- eral excise taxes on goods and services. Some of them have existed for many years, and have proved themselves warranted and far from being a burden on the people. Among these are the im- port duties, called tariffs, which over the years, and have proved themselves and American workmen from cutthroat competition in the American market by cheap labor and its shoddy products from abroad. But during the war a whole brood of special excise taxes, not only on luxuries, such as furs and jewelry, but on necessi- ties and on necessary services, such as baby powder, women’s handbags and luggage, and such as freight charges, passenger fares, telephone and telegraph messages. Republicans are fighting to have these wartime excise taxes repealed, and it looks now as if they have at least, in part, won their point. The New Dealers now hear the protests of the peo- ple and are willing to “give” a little. Miscellaneous internal-revenue re- ceipts for 1949, comprised mostly of ex- cise taxes and excluding customs receipts, amounted to about $8,300,000,000. The American people paid this immense total. For the most part the payment was made in the prices of goods and services
A3034 bought. For example, when the house- wife last bought a handbag, some baby powder, or made a long-distance call, they were not told that the price they paid included a 20 or 25 percent Federal tax. Thus the tax was concealed from them, the person who actually paid it, so that the dealer, or manufacturer, or the telephone company could pass it along to the Government. Now this passing along of taxes, which ultimately fall upon the consumer, is another factor in the tremendous bur- den upon the household budgets. Pos- sibly the householder has failed to con- sider it. Nevertheless it eats up nearly 12 percent of the family income. Every tax paid by anybody, from the point of production of raw materials, through all the channels of manufacture and dis- tribution, is passed along to the ultimate consumer. This is true also of services, such as rail, highway, and air transpor- tation, communications, and even amusements, such as the movies. The average family of four, with an annual income or take-home pay of $1,800, pays about $267 in hidden taxes each year. This is true because taxes are a part of production costs of all goods—auto- mobiles, food, clothing, and everything else—and a part also of the costs of ren- dering services. If those who provide the goods and render the services should fail to pass the taxes along, they soon would be out of business. Therefore it is true that all taxes, in the end, fall upon the individual incomes of the Nation, Corporations necessarily are not tax- payers, but tax collectors. Or they are taxpayers only in the sense that taxes reduce drastically the dividends they can pay to stockholders. But stockholders are ultimate consumers and taxpayers, too. Nobody wins, except the Federal tax collector. Here are some figures to illustrate what I mean when I say that hidden taxes, iicluding wartime excises, put one of the biggest dents in the household budget, When the housewife bought a new Easter bonnet, 150 taxes were included in the price; all of them small, but big in the aggregate. I can make this clear by pointing out that when a woman bought @ 21-cent quart of milk yesterday or today, she paid 13 cents for milk and 8 cents in taxes. She paid 75 cents in taxes in the price of the 3-pound dollop of ground steak you bought for $2.25. When a person bought a package of cigarettes, he or she paid 114% cents in hidden taxes. The ton of coal delivered last week carried in its price at least $5 in taxes. If a person bought a Ford car recently, the price included $700 in taxes. It would seem to me, from all I have outlined here, that the housewife can be no longer in doubt concerning the im- portance to them personally, of the fail- ure this year and probably next to bal- ance the Federal Budget. They must realize how disastrous for them per- sonally is the wild extravagance of the Democratic Fair Deal administration. They must understand the technique by which the socialistic Fair Dealers are seeking to harness them and their chil- dren forever to the chariot of a ruling bureaucracy, and perhaps in the end to that of a dictator. The Socialists in Government are busy, Myr. Speaker, teaching us at every turn that we can and must depend upon the Federal Government—big government— for our daily needs. They are busy try- ing to pauperize us, and thus make us helpless, through excessive taxation. You read in the papers recently that President Truman said any reduction in excise taxes must be made up by an in- crease in corporate taxes. But corporate taxes are passed along to us, as ultimate consumers; so what is the difference, whether excises are eliminated, if we have to pay just as much anyway? Tru- man has been called High-Tax Harry with good reason. Some Republicans in Congress have prepared a bill to limit the national debt to $257,000,000,000, down from the pres~ ent statutory limit of $2'75,000,000,000. The debt now stands at $255,600,000,000. They hope thus eventually to put an end to the current “squandermania” of the Fair Deal Socialists of the administra- tion and in Congress. Such a measure has no chance whatever of passage, un- less and until people make themselves heard, with no uncertain voice. I think, indeed, such a measure has no chance unless and until a Republican Congress is elected. A Proper Steel Inquiry EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. W. KINGSLAND MACY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 26, 1950 Mr. MACY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I insert in the CONGRESSIONAL REcorD an editorial which appeared in the Iron Age of April 6, 1950, written by Eugene J. Hardy: THE FEDERAL ViEw-—THIS WEEK IN WasHINGTON Back in 1946 a war-weary Congress put its stamp of approval on the so-called Full Em- ployment Act of 1946. That act, among other things, established the Senate-House Eco- nomic Committee, which was supposed to do away with partisanship in economics on Capitol Hill and to lift this most important facet of American life out of the political cockpit. To say that the committee has failed in this objective is the understatement of the year. As a matter of fact, more bias, more prejudice, and more slanted thinking has come from the Democratic majority of this committee than has been seen around Wash- ington since the days of the Temporary Na- tional Economic Committee. Every now and then some Congressman proposes “an investigation to end all investi- gations.” Such moves are a dime a dozen, Few of them are ever proposed with any other purpose than to gain publicity for the chairman of the investigating group. Differing from the run-of-the-mill pro- posal, however, is a resolution (H. J, Res. 446) calling for a continuing study of the steel industry by a bipartisan commission, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Its sponsor is Representative W. KINGSLAND Macy, Republican, New York, who is deadly serious about his proposal and says that its purpose is to “eliminate the multitudinous and overlapping investigations of the steel industry and provide the Congress with cur- rent, reliable information for its guidance in legislative matters.” This resolution came about as a result of the blueprint for a nationalized steel indus- try issued by the majority of the Joint Eco- nomic Committee, which is headed by Sena- tor O’MaHoNEY, Democrat, Wyoming, after that body held 4 days of hearings on last December’s steel-price increases. Mr. Macy was alarmed at the biased implications of this document, particularly since his study of steel industry pricing practices during the “gray market” period in 1948 came up conclusions diametrically opposed to those reached by Senator O'’MaHoney and the Democratic members of the joint committee. The New Yorker has also studied the various reports emanating from a vuriety of con- gressional committees that have been prob- ing the stecl industry for several decades and was impressed at the wide divergence of views. The bipartisan commission, Mr. Macy feels could do an effective job, largely because Its chairman would not be a Member of Con- gress, but would he selected by the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee. Two of the members would be appointed by the Presidont of the Senate from the membership and the re- maining two would be selected by the Speaker of the House also from the member- ship. One Member from each House would be from each of the two major political parties. For the chairman’s post, Mr. Macy en- visages ‘a man of the elder-statesman type, preferably with industrial and governmental experience, who can command the respect of both political parties. The Commission would be empowered to hire experts and to draw on existing agen- cles of Government for staff personnel. In Mr. Macy’s view, the members of the Com- mission would act as an administrative and interpretative body, evaluating for the Con- gress the information prepared by the staff. In addition to conducting a continuing study of the steel industry the Commission would make special investigations, Inquiries, and surveys relative to the steel industry as the Congress may see fit to request. In other words, the Commission would be sole congressional authority on matters relating to steel. While the chances of approval for this resolution are slim during the present ses- sion of Congress, Mr. Macy is not going to let his proposal for a bipartisan Commission wither on the vine. He feela that by con- stantly keeping the issue alive and before ‘the Congress, Senator O’Msanonzy and others who prejudge the facts might be a little more objective. Still, there is some sentiment for studies and investigations being conducted along Canadian and British lines where the facts are developed in closed hearings without displaying the matter at hand in public be- fore there is anything to go on. This was evidenced on the Senate floor last week dur- ing debate on the charges brought by Sen- ator McCartHy, Republican, of Wisconsin, concerning Communists in the State Depart- ment. Development of facts outside the political arena before reaching conclusions that in- evitably have political significance is exactly what Mr. Macy wants to achieve. He is hop- ing for a single unbiased bipartisan source of information on steel which would halt the many conflicting reports that constantly flow from various congressional committees. Sen- ator O’Manonzy says that Government con- trols are needed, that the steel industry has
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD no regard for the public interest in fixing its polities, and that there is no competition in steel. Still, by digging into reports on steel issued during the Hightieth and Highty-first Con- gresses, ‘‘the steel subcommittee is opposed to the reimposition of wartime Government allocations and priorities upon the steel in- dustry.” Subcommittee on questionable trade prac- tices of House Public Works Committee, Hightieth Congress: After a 9-month inves- tigation of steel ‘gray market,’ this group reported to Congress that “in spite of the rather general abuse leveled at the large steel producers of this country, they have, as a general over-all proposition, achieved excel- lent results from the standpoint of produc- tion and distribution.” The committee found no evidence of disregard for the pub- He in the industry’s pricing policies. Steel Subcommittee of Senate Small Busi- ness Committee, Eighty-first Congress: ‘‘The three classes of steel producers, integrated, semi-integrated, and nonintegrated, are in competition in the sale of finished steel and in many end products made from steel. When there are adequate supplies of pig iron, scrap, and raw steel the smaller producers can meet their powerful integrated com-~ petitors on a reasonably equal footing. All of these committees conducted lengthy investigations before reaching their conclu- sions. Senator O’MaHoney held 4 days of public hearings and announced his conclu- sions 5 weeks before the hearings opened. Could there be any better proof of the need for a Commission such as that proposed by Mr. Macy. McNeil Island Penitentiary, Washington EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOR C. TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, April 25, 1950 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude one of three stories dealing with the United States Penitentiary at Mc- Neil Island in the State of Washington. This is the oldest Federal institution of its kind in the Nation. Mr. Ralph W. Cowden, the author of three stories con- cerning the Federal prison, tells of its founding and growth, and of the work done in attempting the rehabilitation of prisoners. Oupest FEDERAL PRIsON ON McNeEr ISLAND— PENITENTIARY SITE ACQUIRED 1N 1870 (By Ralph W. Cowden) McNeil Island was named by Captain Wilkes during his expedition of 1841 in honor of Capt. Henry McNeill, of the famous British steamer Beaver. Attempts were made to change the name, but it was restored in 1847, minus the one “1.” Captain McNeill was a Yankee born in Boston in 18038. After resisting the Hudson’s Bay Company, in 1832, he sold his brig Lama to the company and entered its employ, where he rose to the rank of chief factor. On December 24, 1824, John Work, of the Hudson’s Bay Company, wrote: “Embarked a little after 4 o’clock in the morning and camped at Sinoughton’s, our guide’s village, which is called Chilacoom,” On. of the most famous pioneers was the first white resident of the island. Ezra Meeker staked a claim there just prior to his leaving. in June 1853 to bring his wife and child from their first cabin home at what is now Kalama. After arriving at Steila- coom, he paddled the 3 miles to McNeil Is- land, but found no trace of his older brother, Oliver, nor of the cabin which was to have been built. He retraced his strokes to Steila- coom, found the boat which his brother had built, located their provisions, and took his family to McNeil Island. Oliver, who had been working near Steila- coom, appeared, and they built a cabin 18 feet by 18 feet. It was only 7 feet in the highest place, as they ran out of logs, and a storm was expected. The cabin was lo- cated near the shore, in sight of Steila- coom, in the proximity of the present peni- tentiary shipyards. Norwich Man, an In- dian, was one of their neighbors. Meeker was something of a poet at heart, and the grandeur of the view from his cabin, with the sun rising from snow-hooded Mount Rainier, probably determined his location at McNeil. He had ample opportunity to select an ideal spot, as he and Oliver had spent several months touring the Puget Sound area with that in mind. For the greater part of a century, McNeil was the common overnight stopping-over point for travelers on the sound. AIDED CARAVAN In September 1854, the Meekers received word that his parental family were members of a caravan of immigrants in distress across the mountains. Ezra left his family under the watchful care of Dr. Webber who lived in Steilacoom and used his field glasses to check the cabin. Dr. Webber had an Indian woman make regular trips to check on the health and necessities of the family. Meeker took the short-cut over Natchez Pass, and guided the desperate party back over what has become Washington’s histor- ical road No. 1. So McNeil Island is right- fully the terminus of this route. Many haz- ards were overcome on that famous journey. Wagons were lowered over sheer precipices after shooting precious cattle to obtain raw- hide. Tunnels were excavated under huge fallen trees to let the wagons pass. Ezra tried to convince his father to file a claim here, but was overruled, as the elder Meeker thought the soil was too light. He persuaded Ezra to settle some 4 miles from Fort Steilacoom. Ezra makes mention of his brother’s claim to Anderson Island, but the only Meeker claims recorded in Olympia prior to statehood were: Ezra and wife, Fern Hill, 1885. Jacob R. and wife, Tacoma, 1855. O. P. widow and heirs, Parkland, 1855. Thus it appears that Ezra’s claim on Mc- Neil Island was never filed. Steilacocm at that time was the largest city in Washington, and was the fur-trading and lumber center of Puget Sound, as well as the county seat of Pierce County. It was not uncommon to see ships of half a dozen nations moored in her harbors at one time. Capt. Lafalette Balch founded the town in 1850 by erecting a store and trading cen- ter. Settlers had lived in the area for a mumber of years despite protests from the Hudson’s Bay Company, Nicholas DeLin built @ barrel factory, a sawmill, a brewery, and a salmon-packing plant there between 1852 and 1854. Shipbuilding became a principal industry. Balch was a member of the council in the first Territorial legislature, but was a poor politician. Plans for removing the capitol from Olympia to Steilacoom were discussed all during the session, but Balch felt so sure of his game that he did not press for vote before the recess. Mr. Denny says that:a clear majority was in favor of it in both houses. Balch offended other members, and when the legislature reconvened, he had lost his majority. Another serious blow came to Steilacoom when the Northern Pacific Rail- way decided that its terminus should be in Tacoma, instead of the former city. Tacoma A3035 grew rapidly and the county seat moved there. The first issue of the Steilacoom Repub- lican, in 1857, announced the following then- prevailing prices: beef, fresh, 15 cents per pound; pork, 1214 cents; butter, 63 cents; coffee, 1814 cents; sugar, No. 1 China, 17 cents; No. 2, 15 cents; whisky, $1 to $2 per gallon; brendy, $2; lumber, $11 and $12; shingles, $¢ School district No. 51 was organized in 1€88 and a part of the original building is still in use. Two terms of school were held in the Anderson residence just above Julian’s store before the building on the school sec- tion was erected. (The plant and grounds had a recent face lifting and a new com-~ munity house, including school, is now under construction.) A second school district, No. 108, was organized in 1905, and a junior high school was incorporated the following year. TERRITORIAL JAIL Congress made provision for the erection of a territorial jail, which was to become the first Federal penitentiary, by an act of January 22, 1867. In 1870 the agent of the attorney general delegated to choose the place for this penitentiary was compelled to journey via steamer to the Isthmus of Panama, traverse the treacherous jungles to the Pacific side and take a steamer to San Francisco. There he boarded another vessel which carried him to Portland, where he changed to a sternwheel river steamer for passage to what is now Kelso. From that point he traveled by stage to Olympia and thence to Fort Steilacoom via bateau, a flat- bottom boat of the period. Fort Steilacoom was then a thriving village and now is the site of the Western Washington Hospital. The agent of the Attorney General, fol- lowing his arrival, consulted with the Fed- eral judges of the area, then holding court in Washington Territory, as to a proper place for the proposed penitentiary. Citizens of the Territory were appointed to select a suitable site. They worked to favor Steilacoom by locating there, but the claims of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, a subsidiary of the Hudson’s Bay Company, to all lands in that vicinity, had not been fully adjusted. A Mr. Gove, who was half owner of what is now Ketron Island, offered to sell his portion of that island to the United States for a nomi- nalsum. It was deemed necessary that the entire island should be acquired, and the owner of the remaining acreage was brought into the negotiation. This owner, a lady living in California, demanded a sum for her half which was deemed exorbitant. Efforts to persuade her to take a lesser price for her holdings failed, and the negotiations fell through. At this critical point came a settler from MeNeil Island who offered to give the Attor- ney General’s representative a tract of land, approximately 27 acres, which now is the site of the main buildings of this prison. Per- haps the search for an available island had been an onerous task and had exhausted the patience of the judges who were very busy Officials in those days—in any event the offer ‘was accepted and, to make the transfer bind- ing, the sum of $100 was paid in exchange for the deed. The deed covering the site of the present penitentiary was registered in what was then Known as New Tacoma, Pierce County, Washington Territory, on September 17, 1870, and conveyed 27.27 acres of land from James Emons Smith tq the United States of America. This acreage constituted the entire penitentiary site until 1904 when additional land was acquired as well as ease- ment of tidelands from the State of ‘Washington. In this connection it is interesting to note that what is now the site of the ball diamond (Babe Ruth Field), the laundry, powerhouse, cannery, and fire station, was an arm of the sound with a depth of approximately 11 feet
A3036 at low tide. This was filled in during the years of 1905-06 and added considerable acreage to the institution but deprived it of what might have developed into a perfected cove which would have been eminently suit- able for docking facilities, The contract 10 construct the first build- ings was let to Issac Ellis of Olympia, in April 1873. His bid was for $37,800 and the con- tract called for the erection of a cell house of brick and stone with wood roof to contain 88 double cells; and an adjacent frame build- ing which was to house the guard force con- sisting of two men, and an occasional woman prisoner. There were three at one period in the entire history of the institution. An enormous spring was one of the considera- tions that led to the choice of the site. OREGONIAN FIRST PRISONER There is a slight variance of opinion as to when the first prisoner was received. Rec- ords available show that prisoner No. 1 was a half-breed born at French Prairie, Oreg. He received a sentence of 20 months for selling liquor to the Indians and was admitted to the penitentiary on May 29, 1875. He was delivered by United States Marshal E. F. Kerney together with two other prisoners. During the remainder of that year only seven additional prisoners were received. Many famous names in the legal annals of Washington Territory are to be found in the early record books of sentencing judges. Chief among them is that of Melvile W. Fuller, then United States circuit judge and later Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. The names of Judges Hoyt, Green, Wingard, Turner, and the famous (Hawkeye) Lewis occur with fre- quency. Their sentences were more often than otherwise severe, even as compared with modern sentences and the offender who sold liquor to the Indians was most severely dealt with. The majority of prisoners incarcerated in the penitentiary in the early days of its existence seemed to have been what was known as squaw men, mostly French half- breeds. During the early days of the prison the officer in charge was the United States mar- shal for Washington Territory. Again many names appear which were famous in the annals of the early Territorial history. Among them are Charles Hopkins, the elder, and his son C. B. Hopkins. Tom Brown and James Drake were also early Federal peace officers in the Territory. During the term of United States Marshal Brown all fees were abolished and that official was placed on straight salary basis. Federal courts were held in various sections of Washington Ter- ritory at stated intervals and it was possible for the marshal to be in attendance at prac- tically all of them. Frequent entries in the old record books show that the United States marshal not only appointed the guards for this penitentiary but delivered prisoners and witnesses for safekeeping. Many colorful pages in the early history of Washington Territory are revealed in the old penitentiary records. The famous case of the sailing ship Challenger appears, in which the captain and two mates were accused of brutality to the crew. The record shows the admittance of the mates pending trial and of the crew as witnesses. Nothing is shown which would indicate that the mates and crew were kept separate but the record does show that one of the crew was later con- victed of perjury. The captain was finally acquitted and the two mates received sen- tences of 5 years and 6 months and 4 years and 9 months, respectively. One of the mates was later unconditionally pardoned by President Cleveland. EARLY DAY STEAMERS Prisoners were transferred to and from Port Townsend, Olympia, Seattle, and New Tacoma via sternwheel steamers, many of them the property of the Oregon Steam Navi- gation Co. Many of these boats, famous in the history of Puget Sound navigation, appear in the records as making McNeil Island a regular port of call. Some of them were the Fair Messenger, Multnomah, George W. Hayward, Zephyr, and Rip Van Winkie. In this connection Capt. Neil Henly recounts the fact that many times it was impossible to land prisoners from the steamers by small boat and that the marshal in charge was compelled to take them to Olympia and make the return trip to McNeil. Once on the island the same difficulty was often ex- perienced in leaving; the marshal being com- pelled to remain as guest of the guards tor several days at a time when the sound was particularly rough. Captain Henly very nearly lost his life in one attempt to reach Steilacoom in an open boat during the period. In classifying new arrivals at the peni- tentiary many novel rules evidently were followed. In recording the religion of pris- oners, the Chinaman invariably was classified as a heathen. Many odd and descriptive names appear, such as Blackbeard Indian, presumably for want of an interpreter or more accurate records. The sentences re- corded during the first year of the institu- tion’s existence ranged from 7 years for man- slaughter to 30 days for selling liquor to Indians. Witnesses In default of bail, also were con- fined at the McNeil Island Penitentiary as well as all men waiting action at the hands of the grand jury or pending trial. From the day the prisoner was received a policy of hard work was followed in which all pris- oners participated, regardless of the fact that they were witnesses, awaiting trial, or under sentence os the court. It would appear that a@ similar policy was maintained concerning visitors. The prison lcg for October 4, 1878, contains the following notation: “The weather is bad most of the time now, Sno- homish Peter’s wife, mother, and daughter arrived today. The weather is so bad they are all confined to the prison for the next few days, cutting and piling firewood when- ever the weather permits.” The Attorney General provided no money for other than actual expenses for food for prisoners and clothing for men serving sentences. Tobacco was not supplied and as the majority of prisoners were penniless it became necessary to devise some means whereby funds could be provided for the pur- chase of tobacco and other small necessities, such as soap and matches. Captain Henly, who was appointed as » guard January 11, 1883, recounts that a plan was at last formed whereby timber was purchased and shingles made by the prisoners. These shingles were sold and the price of the timber was de- ducted and the remainder of the proceeds were applied to a prisoners’ fund. The net results were small but the work kept the prisoners busy and well supplied with to- bacco, also out of mischief. During the administration of United States Marshal C. B. Hopkins in 1905, the peniten- tlary was turned over to the Attorney Gen- eral to be administered directly by him through a warden of his appointment, At approximately the same time a report of the Attorney General then in office announced that the United States penitentiary at McNeil Island would be used as a place of confine- ment for all Federal prisoners sentenced on the Pacific coast and in Alaska. This policy was carried out and it soon became necessary to add both acreage and housing facilities, To meet this demand the present No. 2 cell house was erected in 1907 containing 66 double cells. This added accommodation was erected and continually taxed to its capacity until the erection of an additional cell house was completed in 1921. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD MARSHAL BUSY MAN Captain Henly, who was an officer of this prison for many years, and in 1882 a deputy United States marshal, is authority for the statement that the marshal of those days did not have an office but that his head- quarters were wherever he happened to lay his hat, or in his hotel room. In fact, prior to the abolishment of the fee system, it was the custom for the marshal personally to serve papers, make arrests, and deliver pris- oners to both the various ports and to the penitentiary, as necessity required. In this manner he saved the employment of numer- ous deputies with whom he would have had to share his fee. The captain’s reminiscences of the pent- tentiary in early days are varied and interest- ing. For a long time another guard and himself were in full charge of all prisoners confined here, numbering as many as 380. The cellhouse had a wooden roof which of- fered but little resistance to a prisoner deter- mined to escape; therefore, when the pris- oners were not locked in their cells they were out in the field, working in the garden or making shingles. The only means of communication with Steilacoom was by rowboat and as Captain Henly was usually called upon to furnish the motive power for its operation, he decided that a sailing vessel would afford a solution to his particular difficulties. He enlisted the assistance of the two deep water mates con- fined and constructed a sloop of some 30 feet in length which proved successful from every standpoint. Later with three Federal judges who had completed an inspection of the in- stitution, the captain negotiated the 3 miles between the penitentiary and Steilacoom in 18 minutes with a spanking breeze. In later years Captain Henly constructed three power boats which have seen mruch service at the institution. Captain Henly remained in the prison service until 1923. Charles Julian came to McNeil in 1882. He cleared land, built roads and had the post-~ office of Gertrude established. He dupIi- cated, in a larger way, the work of Bengt Johnson on Anderson Island. Jullan’s Bay later came to be known as Still Harbor, The only earlier homesteaders on the island at the time were the Charles McCain and John Holmes families. But there was an influx of ploneers a short time later. Gustov Nelson came in 1886, working in a brickyard, and later bought and improved a farm. Peter Goldseth settled just west of the penitentiary site, and his wife Margaret became the first “Bee” postmaster, J.P. McCain operated the first store on the island, which was located on a corner of the per{tentiary tract. Other early residents includ the Grossmans, Ben Harriman, Joe Floyd, the Cammons, the Knox family, and the Wards. Eric Ryberg bought a timber tract in 1890 and donated land for the cometery site. A Swedish Lutheran church was established on the island in 1897. McNeil Island Penitentiary, Washington EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. THOR C. TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, April 25, 1950 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr, Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks I include the second of three stories written by Ralph W, Cowden on the founding and development of McNeil Island Peniten- tiary in the State of Washington:
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Bic GrowTH Mabz sy McNet PENITENTIARY— Entirze IsLhanp Now BreLtoncs To Prison (By Ralph W. Cowden) McNeil island is the site of the oldest Fed- eral prison, but it has kept abreast of the times in improvements, and in aims it is excelled by none. Three quarters of a century ago, it was a Federal jail for prisoners in the newly or- ganized Washington territory. The inmates were mostly prisoners who had become in- volved in illicit traffic with Indians, and sea- men who had run afoul of the law. Prison- ers, as well as supplies, were brought to the island via rowboat, and for many years the bath line took place in a wooden barrel, in water heated over hot rocks. In 1924 the penitentiary had grown to be an institution of some 400, but was simply an overcrowded place of detention located on the original 27 acres of land. The dining room, No, 2 cellhouse, the laundry and heat- ing plant are the only remaining buildings of thatera., Part of the laundry building was then used as a dormitory, and wood was the - only fuel. The institution was becoming cramped when in 1926, State Senator Homer T. Jones facilitated the transfer of the local school section to the penitentiary holdings. The penitentiary farm, in its present location, thus came into being in 1927. The whole of McNeil island encompasses an area of about 7 square miles. The island is situated in Puget Sound, 15 miles from Olympia, the State capital, and equidistant from Tacoma. The town of Steilacoom, on the mainland, is about 314 miles from the island. Prison boats make regularly sched- uled trips to this point, carrying passengers and mail. Special trips are made to Tacoma and Seattle for’ freight, as well as to Steila- coom. BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS The normal capacity of the main institu- tion is 900 men, and the present population is 1,102. Living quarters for inmates are provided in three cell blocks, an honor dor- mitory, and an admission and orientation unit. The modern hospital has a capacity of 80 beds. The 700-seat auditorium, built by the inmates, is one of the finest in the Federal prison service. The main kitchen is undergoing extensive renovation. The power plant is being enlarged and modernized. A Diesel motor of 800-kilowatt capacity recently was installed, and prepara- tions are well under way for installing a new 1,200 kilowatt turbine. The other buildings are used for various purposes, such as admin- istrative offices, school unit for both aca- demic and vocational classes, chapel, library, laundry, cannery, shipyards, and shops of various kinds. The old system of securing water from Geep wells and springs was discontinued in 1987 when the Butterworth Dam and Reser- voir was completed and the pumping system put into cperation. All of the water from Eden Creek is filtered and pumped either to the camp, which has two steel tanks, of a total capacity of 550,000 gallons, or to a con- crete reservoir above the main institution which has a capacity of 680,000 gallons. A second dam is now being completed, which will insure an adequate water supply for do- mestic, institutional, irrigative, and indus- trial uses. The lake so created will cover 100 acres. M’NEIL CAMP McNeil Island camp supplanted tho peni- tentiary farm in 1943, and has a normal ca< pacity of 250 inmates. About half of the commitments to McNeil camp are short térmers from the courts, and half are re- ceived by transfer from the main McNeil in- stitution. Population’ during the past 4 years has ranged from 280 to 355. The two institutions are most closely integrated. The _ camp furnishing a large proportion of fresh XCVI—App——192 . food, and the main institution furnishing services not available at the camp. Prior to the war, the penitentiary had maintained a farm population of 90 to 150 inmates, who worked at the farm and were housed and fea there in a modern dormi- tory consisting of three squad rooms hous- ing 50 men each, The original dormitory and culinary unit and office space comprises the heart of the present unit. There are now three additional cottages of the war- time surplus variety which house 50 men each, The future holds some very interesting possibilities for the camp at McNeil Island. Orchard and berry development will play an important part in the farm economy and should contribute substantially to the can- nery operation as well. Continued land de- velopment as recommended by the Soil Con- servation Service will contribute to the self- sufficiency of the dairy through more abun- dant pasture and hay, and enable the estab- lishment and operation of an economical beef venture. Close cooperation with the cannery will enable conserving surpluses. Timber operation will someday become im- portant. The various elements should blend into a closely woven program to give the balance and unity a prison farm should have, The farm has slightly less than 1,000 acres of cultivated land out of a total of 4,409 acres. Of this total, perhaps 2,000 acres can best be considered forest land, since a fine stand of young fir is general. A recent soil conservation survey indicates about 690 acres favorable for production may be cleared and put into cropland. Land clear- ing provides productive winter work for the inmates and is a stabilizing influence on the work program. Practically all the acre- age yet to be reclaimed-will be devoted to pasture, forage, and small-grain production. BIG ORCHARD PLANNED The orchard and berry program is quite ambitious, with 800 acres devoted to this feature. Two hundred acres of this total are in young orchard that will need several years to reach full productivity. At that time about 65 acres of old orchards, scat- tered about the island, will have passed their usefulness, and will be removed. This will leave a solid block of over 200 acres of productive fruit to effect the maximum op- erating economy. This orchard can be irri- gated with facilities now available. Trees being grown include apples, peaches, prunes, sweet and sour cherries, pears, and apricots. The garden operation is quite sizable, with up to 80 acres devoted to it. Most ofthis is irrigated as needed with portable equip- ment from permanent underground installa. tions. The chief handicap to the garden op- eration, is unfavorably contoured land, a condition to be improved by clearing and developing adjacent areas. The hog and poultry features provide pork and eggs to fill institutional requirements. Yearly pork production is around 500 head. The dairy unit on McNeil Island has de- veloped from a mediocre beginning to a herd of 67 high-grade milking cows. The first bulls with any important background that were used were loaned by the Department of Agriculture, and came from the Huntley, Mont., experiment station. In 1940 a bull was purchased from Carnation Farms and since that time several others have been obtained from the same source. Then, too, three bulls were supplied from other insti- tutions—one from LaTuna and two from Terre Haute. In 1940 the herd reached its highest average production, and was at the top of the list for institution dairy herds. ‘During the war years and since, produc- tion has been declining, due to the feed situ- ation and shortage of money for purchases of feed. The only purchased animals in the herd have been the bulls, until recently, A3037 when, through the efforts of Director Ben- nett and Warden Squier, nine purebred heifers were purchased from Carnation Farms. INDUSTRIES OF PRISON Prison industries comprise four units: A eannery, a furniture-repair shop, a pallet shop, and a shipyard. A year-round aver- age of some 20 percent of the inmate popu- lation is ernployed in this work. The largest of the industries is the can~ nery—both in number of employees and in investment. Avproximately 67,000 cases of canned gocds have been prepared during the past year. The major part of this pack has been for the Army, and the balance has gone to other institutions and other Govern- ment agencies. The cannery is in operation about seven and one-half months of the year, and work is maintained on two shifts for a consider- able portion of that time. In off-season, only one-fourth as many men are employed in maintenance and repair work and in , shipping. - The pallet shop, which entails the second largest industry, is presently working on an Army contract. This is operated on a piece- work basis and peak production is 685 pallets in 1 day. Twenty-five thousand, four. by six-foot heavy equipment pallets, have been completed in the past 6 months, involving the using of over 2,000,000 board feet of lumber and a large quantity of hardware. The United States penitentiary at McNeil jsland, commonly known as the “prison with- out walls,” is a laboratory in prison reform. Prior to 1900, most Federal prisoners were boarded out in county jails. In 1982, with the creation of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, the present program was inaugurated by which prisoners are committed to specific institutions in accordance with their age, the nature of their crime, and previous crim- inal history; thus was launched the current treatment program looking toward the re-~ lease of all persons convicted in United States courts. COMPOSITE M’NEIL PRISONER A composite type of McNeil island prisoner would show him to be a native-born Ameri- can, 33 years of age; five feet, seven and three-quarters inches tall and weighing 153 pounds. His physical condition is fair, though his teeth need attention and he will probably elect to have several minor opera- tions performed during his incarceration. He assuredly will gain several pounds be-~ fore his departure. He is a Protestant who has not attended church in years, and will do so only on a few special occasions while in prison. He completed the seventh grade in school and will undertake a considerable plan of education while in prison. Surprisingly enough, he will complete a satisfying large proportion of his educational aims. He planned to do a considerable amount of heavy reading after his first inspection of the library but he somehow never does; perhaps three times weekly he will draw works of fiction and his favorite magazines, and let it go at that. Our average prisoner is married and has fathered one child, though he probably had become semiestranged from his family dur- ing the course of his criminal career. He intends, however, to return to his family unon release. His parents are alive and he maintains closer and more uniform contact with them than he did when at liberty. His correspondence has come to assume much importance to him in prison; and he derives his greatest pleasure from his contact with the outside world, receiving about seven let- ters per month and writing somewhat less than that number. . He was convicted for violation of the Dyer act (he took a stolen car across a State line), was sentenced to 15 months, and thinks his
A3038 sentence was pretty severe. He has had one previous conviction for a similar offense and @ number of arrests for such misdemeanors as juvenile delinquencies, traffic violations, drunk and disorderliness, et cetera. In the present offense, he pleaded guilty in expecta- tion of clemency, but now believes he might have won an acquittal had he stood trial, He spends a considerable amount of his time pondering his case, wondering if he has grounds for aw writ. He will probably not make parole, but will serve 12 months of his sentence, having earned the remaining 90 days as good time for satisfactory behavior. He has an even chance of earning extra good time or money by being assigned to indus- tries, by being recommended for meritorious good time for doing his job especially well, or by being transferred to the McNeil camp. FEARS TIME LOSS His disciplinary record in general is good. He affects an elaborate disdain for punish- ment, actually fearing the loss of his good time more than any other form of discipli-= nary action. He feels that it is incumbent upon him to express a good-natured cyni- cism of the prison’s administrative policies, while as a matter of fact he is somewhat respectfully impressed by what is being done for him and his mates. As an individual proven unequal to the obligations of established social order and undismayed by the opinions of his free-world neighbors, he presents an interesting anach- ronism in the intensity with which he covets, even woos, the respect of his fellow-prisoners, It might be said that the desire for accept- ance by his cellmates and companions is a dominant, even a determining factor in the manner of adjustment he is able to make during his prison career. He spends $4 per month in the commis- sary, rolls his own cigarettes with issue tobac- co, gets by with one razor blade a week. Ha purchases his own toothbrush—not because the institutionally issued brush isn’t good enough, but because it makes him feel more like an individual to have bought his own. He carries a dollar watch; this and a metal nail clipper and a moderately priced fountain. pen constitute the extent of his personal estate as a prisoner. He plays softball and handball, and does nothing at all in alternate, sporadic spurts, He is an inveterate spectator at institutional ball games and at boxing cards. He roots vociferously for the outside team and razzes the federals—but really hopes they will win. He plays dominoes with his cellmates the first part of his sentence and becomes hearti- ly sick of the game before his term is half served. Because of the availability of facili- ties, he takes more exercise of various sorts than he has since he wus a boy; more than he ever will again. PROUD OF JOB Our average prisoner is an easy prey for rumor. He will pass on the wildest kind of a@ story, and yet is impervious to sounder and more conservative information. He exag~ gerates his exploits and escapades, and some~ times comes to believe the propaganda him-~ self, He works harder in prison than he has ever done previously in life and finds that he likes it. Often he becomes intensely proud of the particular job which is his and is equally quick to resent either interrup~ tions or the disparagement of his fellows. : He does good work on his job and takes a somewhat overprotective pride in the impor-~ tance of his contribution. He has had few, if any, lodge or club affiliations; he once carried life insurance, but allowed it to lapse, and now possesses little if any property in the outside world. When he arrived at McNeil he brought with him about $15; he receives an average of $4 Per month from relatives during his stay. ' Though he may be superficially callous, cynical, and without grace, he is actually and inwardly well-meaning, fairly aware of his own shortcomings, willing to be set in the right direction, and eager for a better exist- ence, While he would be the last to admit it, except perhaps to himself, he would like to become what he calls a “square john” and, given the opportunity, would likely become one. Personally, he is definitely sure that this is his last taste of prison life, and he is no less assured that the life to which he is to be released is a glamorously happy, contented mode of existance. Unless he takes advantage of the oppor- tunities made available to him in prison, however, he will find himself on the wrong side of the odds, which show that he has more than a 50-50 chance of returning to the fold within 5 years. McNeil Island Penitentiary, Washington EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOR C. TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, April 25, 1950 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks I in- clude the last of three stories written by Ralph W. Cowden on the founding and development of McNeil Island Peni- tentiary in the State of Washington: McNern Prison Hzeips Inmarns Renpw Horr— ERRING Men Given CHance To Rerorm (By Ralph W. Cowden) All during the time of its growth and de- velopment, the United States penitentiary on McNeil Island has kept abreast the latest methods for the treatment of prisoners with the purpose in view of enabling those sent there to assume responsible positions in so- ciety when they are released. The resocialization of men and women con- victed of felonies is no mere matter of in- carceration. In the distant past, prisons were exclusively punitive institutions, and the correction and readjustment of the indi- vidual was the responsibility of the indi- vidual. When a man erred, the law seized him, chastised and branded him, hoped that he and other incipient malefactors would be taught a lesson thereby. His period of isola- tion rarely had any effect upon him cvther than to make him a hardened criminal, and apparently had no effect upon prospective of- fenders, It tended to make the prisoner bit- ter, mean, and vicious; or bitter, mean, and sly. An exhaustive study of the situation has been made by leading thinkers and writers during the last three-quarters of a century, and thelr generalized conclusions are that, to begin with, better-than-traditional types of personnel must be made available to prison work. This was accomplished. Next, living quarters and conditions had to be improved for the men. This is being accomplished, and the Federal Government, with its heavy investment in security institutions, has led the way in adapting old-type structures to more modern beliefs; and in its construction of the past decade has set dramatically pro- gressive standards for the rest of the Nation and the world, EIANDICAPPED AT FIRST The third factor, treatment, has offered the greatest possibilities and has received the least development. Work and schooling were the first manifestations of activities designed to help the inmate become a better man or woman. Later, embryonic forms of social service made thelr appearance. ‘The APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD movement was at first handicapped by lack of sound information, by political sabotage, by the misguided efforts of some of its early progenitors, and by public unwillingness to regard improvements on the incarceration principle as anything but faddistic coddling. In time, however, the importance of an effective treatment program was properly evaluated, and subsequent progress has been rapid and sound. The Federal Bureau of Prisons has made impressive strides in this direction. Free- dom from political fluctuations and the lead- ership, during crucial inceptive periods, of such men as Sanford Bates, James V. Ben- nett, and others, has facilitated a slow, gradual, but steady and sound growth of the so-called treatment program. In this category, the bureau has specialized in what might be called a “technique for under- standing the individual in the light of his own, as well as society’s, best interests.” This procedure has necessitated a considerable amount of individual research, a vast com~ putation of records, and an extensive ex- penditure of time for interviews, correspond- ence, and other varied, related considerations, but it has paid heavy dividends in better in- stitutional procedures and improved release programs, The separate phases of the treatment pro- gram which the Bureau of Prisons carries on in the Interest of both society and the indi- vidual in prison are briefly treated under the following headings: SOCIAL SERVICE In the Federal institutions, social service is a carefully formulated procedure of dual nature, It serves society and the individual by building up a complete and comprehen- sive fact picture of the inmate. It serves the individual by performing for him the serv- ices which, as a prisoner, he cannot perform for himself. It counsels him on matters of his personal life, it obtains relief and redress for him where these seem indicated, and it acts as intermediary for his dealings with the outside world. Soon after the inmate arrives at the insti- tution to which he has been committed, he is assigned to a specific social worker who be- comes his official intermediary in dealing with the institution or the outside world, such as correspondence with nonrelatives, legal matters, litigation, divorce, and busi- ness or financial adjustments. Assisted by the information in the inmate's central file and by not infrequent interviews the social worker comes to know his client, to under- stand his problems, and to gain insight inty his character. In this way, the best possible effect 1s gained for relationships and attitudes between the institution and the individual. When the time comes for the inmate's ap- pearance before the parole board, the social worker assists him in preparing his parole plan, which means that he helps him clarify ° the pattern of life to which he hopes to re- turn, helps him with employment arrange- ments, helps him to select and secure a sat- isfactory parole adviser, and assists him in other ways in the formulation of a tentative plan of life that will prove acceptable to the parole board. One of the principal functions of the social worker is the formation of the dossiers which are the basis for the classification program. CLASSIFICATION PROGRAM As has been indicated in the foregoing, treatment is the keynote of Federal penology. Men and women sent to Federal inatitutions are accorded the specific treatment which meets their needs. In order to formulate and administer this treatment, proper diag- nosis must be made. Such diagnosis, in ad- vanced penal practice, is known as classifi- cation. Classification clinics, an integral phase of penal procedure, form the basis and the springboard for all effective rehabilitation.