A368 proved to be inaccessible to the most skill- ful and reasonable arguments of the weat- ern statesmen, their faces are blank, and so are their souls. . ‘We are living in critical times in which the fate of our Christian civilization will be de- @ided, Either law and order, western cul- ture and the right of every nation and every individual to freedom will prevail, or we shall sink back into the darkness of the bar- bario age. I firmly believe that the country of Wash- Jefferson, and Lincoln will not fail in this hour of trial, that it will live up to its great traditions by championing freedom everywhere, and that ultimately, with our aasistance, Poland, the defender of Christian- ity, will be reestablished as a atrong and in- dependent republic, @ bulwark against ag- gression and the best guaranty for a durable peace in Europe. Waste and Extravagance in the Federal Government EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN J. DEMPSEY OF NEW MEXICO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr, DEMPSEY. Mr. Speaker, a week ago today I stood on this floor to call at- tention of the Members to a situation that could bring ruia to this country more certainly than an armed invasion by the Red hordes of Soviet Russia. That situation is the drain made on our national economy by waste and extrava- gance in the Federal Government. Today, I want to call your attention to ® story which appeared on page 1 of today’s Washington Post. I would like to read the first two paragraphs of that story: From June 30 to January 1—the first 6 months of the Korean war—the Army Quar- termaster bought almost $5,000,000 worth of potatoes for the armed services. In the same period another Government agency-—the Agriculture Department's Pro- duction and Marketing Administration— bought 823,278,000 worth of spuds, and de- stroyed $22,180,000 worth. If that does not shock you enough, perhaps the explanation I received from the PMA will, An official of that agency said that there really was not much point to the Department of Agriculture turning potatoes over to the Army be- cause if the Army did not buy on the open market, it would simply leave that many more surplus potatoes which the Department of Agriculture would be ob- gated to buy. Let us look at this potato business for @ moment—a business that is pouring maillions and millions of dollars down a rathole at a time when we are to be “taxed until it hurts’ to provide for the Nation's defense. The Department of Agriculture sets acreage allotments for these potatoes, but in spite of this, anyone, anywhere can plant all the potatoes they want to. Of course, if you plant more than your acreage allotment, you cannot sell the tubers to the Government, but you can sell them on the open market at a price supported by the Federal Government by purchasing potatoes and dumping them, If this is not one of the most ridicu- lous situations ever to plague this coun- try, I would like to know what is. This Nation, faced with the most severe test in its history, already billions and bil- lons of dollars in debt, and challenged to an armaments race, is still throwing millions away in this asinine fashion. This is the sort of thing that can wreck our country by the road of financial bankruptcy more quickly and certainly than the guns and bombers of Soviet Russia ever will. This is playing right into Russia’s hands. This is what they want—to wreck the financial structure of the cour‘ry so that communism can walk in without a shot ever being fired. The story which I quoted earlier goes on to report that the distinguished Sen- ator from my own State of New Mexico, Cuiinton P, ANDERSON, when he was Sec- retary of Agriculture, urged Congress to either remove price supports from pota- toes or change the law so that produc- tion could be curtailed. The present Sec- retary, Mr. Brannan, has joined in this appeal. These supports will end with the 1950 crop unless Congress moves to reinstate them. I certainly hope and urge that the Congress bring this shameful situa- tion to a halt as soon as possible. TwenTy-Two MituiIon DoLiars’ WorRTH WastEeD—GovERNMENT BUYING Boosts Cost or PoTATors ror ARMY (By John W. Ball) From June 30 to January J—the first 6 months of the Korean War—the Army Quar- termaster bought almost 85,000,000 worth of potatoes for the armed services. In the same period another Government agency—the Agriculture Department's Pro- duction and Marketing Administration— bought $28,278,000 worth of spuds, and de- atroyed $22,130,000 worth. The Quartermaster was buying the pota- toes with taxpayers’ money to feed United States soldiers, At the same time PMA was spending mil- lions to keep potato prices at a high level. In other words, one Government agency was spending millions to force another Govern~ ment agency to pay millions more for its supplies. The money PMA was spending to destroy potatoes so prices would go higher was or- dered spent that way by Congress in each of the last three fazm price-support bills. Both Senator Cumron P. ANpgason, Demo- crat, of New Mexico, when he was Secretary of Agriculture, and the present Secretary, Charles F. Brannan, have urged Congress for almost 5 years to remove price supports from potatoes or change the law so that potato production could be curtailed. Such supports will end with the 1950 crop— about June 80. The farm law still provides price supports for potatoes, hut another law says they won’t be paid unless potatoes are covered by marketing quotas, which Con- gress hasn't put into effect. PMA has bought and destroyed potatoes this year in 88 States. The largest purchases so far have heen made in New Jersey, where 86,706,000 worth were dumped. Maine was second, with $5,118,000 worth destroyed. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Gen. Douglas MacArthur EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. NORRIS POULSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. POULSON. Mr. Speaker, as a great admirer of General MacArthur I am most happy to insert ia the Recorp this very fine article on this great Amer- ican, written by Kyle Palmer, political editor of the Los Angeles Times: ABOVE AND BEYOND THE CALL OF Duty (By Kyle Palmer) Next Friday, January 26, will mark the eeventy-first birthday of a great contempo- rary American, To what extent the good wishes of a grate- ful people can be conveyed to him will be determined by the extraordinary circum- stances under which the event occurs, but it seems to me that the anniversary of the birth of Douglas MacArthur, General of the Army, soldier, statesman, patriot, calls for something more than passing notice. Only the pages of history to be written by historians yet unborn will show the full scope of his greatness and render a full accounting of what he accomplished in 4 long life conse- crated to the service of his country. For unhappily it is true that only the per- spective of time can supply the real measure of greatness in a man, it being our common infirmity that only through the passage of the years can we rid ourselves of the preju- dices and emotions that magnify both the large and the little in our distinguished fellows. Hero worship is not a part of the comple- ment of a newspaper reporter, and while factual conclusions concerning a personality may not at all times achieve absolute ob- Jectivity, good reporting entails careful avoidance of exaggeration either affirmative- ly or negatively. And as one who has ever tried, although often failing, to be a good reporter, I shall set down a few considered thoughts and reflections concerning this remarkable man and what his life, his ideals, and his devo- tion mean and should mean to this genera- tion of Americans and to the generations that will follow us. Every American has a stake in the great- ness of MacArthur; for, whatever may be its inspirations and horizons, his is the great- ness that has made America great. In all the requirements that tradition has estab- lished, the stature of MacArthur meets the test; he is an embodiment of the virtues we most esteem, and many of the frailties that in him have seemed most pronounced are common to us all. MacArthur's strengths and weaknesses have been the inspiration for lavish praise and extravagant censure; some have seen in him only the manifestations of nobility. and genius, and others regard him as little more than a colorful and self-dramatized poseur, Although no soldier or statesman of his day is better known to fame, none has been more remote from the ordinary and natural contacts that make such eminent figures still understandable and approachable as erdi- nary mortals of flesh and blood. Thus Douglas MacArthur has become a Uving legend, and the man himself hes sel- dom been revealed as himself. Tf it shall be his lot, on that account, to atrike no spark of enduring affection and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD lasting gratitude in the hearts of his country- men the fault will be in ourselves, for we shall have ceased to recognize and to cherish our own noblest and finest instincts and aspirations. MacArthur has been 4 target for spite and jealousy directed from high places, but the field of his labors and the scene of hig achievements in war and in statecraft were not the result of any plot or scheme by enemy or adversary, No exile he, for when he went to the far places in the Pacific his role and bis task were self-chosen, In the Philippines MacArthur may have seemed to the superficial eye little more than @ retired American Army officer who had secured a soft berth in a comic-opera setting, one leading a life of tropical indolence and frustration. But all the while, as he designed his im- pressive military caps and strode impres- sively in and out of drawing rooms and an endless round of social gaieties, MacArthur “the magnificent” studied maps, studied po- tentials of war and peace, studied racial characteristics and the imponderables of na- tionallstic interest of possible friend and probable foe, weighed all of the factors that enter into victory or defeat. He was our sentry, and steadily through the years he walked his beat. Fate, or chance, or the logical accumulation of in» fluences brought to bear by intelligent cal- culation and unwavering determination Atted the general for the responsibilities he was called upon to assume, prepared the statesman for the unprecedented demands that would be made upon his magnanimity, his wisdom, and his capacities as a ruler of & defeated, proud and enigmatio people. Let history render a verdict upon his mil- itary record and leave to the historian an impersonal evaluation of the monumental documentation of the allied occupation of Japan; {t is more to the purpose of Mac- Arthur’s contemporaries to understand him in the simple terms of his status and iden- tity as a citizen of the United States. Essential to an understanding of Mace Arthur is a knowledge of the fact that he is, in the purest sense of the word, a patriot. Love of country has been the greatest pas- sion of his life, directing his ambitions, con- trolling his motives, inspiring his undertak- ings. As the soldier son of a soldier father, both distinguished tn their profession of arms, Douglas MacArthur possessed a vision that extended beyond the objectives of military defensive and offensive operations. Those who have known him intimately through the years, including some who re- gard him with adulation and some who re. tain @ less subjective attitude, say that Mac- Arthur has always thought in the larger terms of his country’s honor, its security, and its welfare. He has a gift for ostentation, which has caused many to scoff and others to doubt, But there is no ostentation tn the soul of @& man who now, above and beyond the call of duty, at risk of reputation and et per- sonal sacrifice few would willingly match, still continues at his post. The American people know very little of the facts relating to our military interven- tion in Korea. They know even less about the actual role MacArthur has played in that ill-starred undertaking. Evident from the first has been a determination on the pert of some of our civilian and military officials in Washington to give MacArthur very little credit for any favorable develop. ments in the war in Korea and to fix per- sonal responsibility upon him for the re- verses, sUrprises, and humiliations we have suffered there, Again, let history decide the issue. No revelations or complaints have come from the general—other than his protests against the direct misrepresentations and malicious XCVI-~—App.—_~24 conclusions of a few journalistic gnats in Korea and Washington. Bis own generation may never know to what extent he under- took a mission and followed orders which, if left to his own devices, he could bave avoided. Certainly there is nothing in the long reo= ord of MacArthur's military dispositions, de- Cisions, and actions that lends any color to the inspired insinuations and spiteful infer- ences that, even at 71, his Judgment is not Q8 sound as heretofore. His accomplishments as head of the occu- pation forces in Japan will rank with the greatest achievements of the rulers of men through all history. And it may be that the greatest fruits of his genius at some future date will mature in the form of a democratic Japanese people dedicated to the defense of the freedom of man. Should that complete reversal of a people’s ideals, philosophy, and aspirations be attained, to Douglas MacArthur more than to any other man Nving in the twentieth century will the credit be due. And none who know him as he is can doubt that he prepared himself for the task and carried it out faithfully and devotedly, not for personal aggrandizement or glory, but for the weal of the country of his birth. It is unnecessary to think of Douglas Mac- Arthur in terms of personal admiration and attachment to feel a sense of pride in the Tact that he is a great American and that we, as fellow Americans, share in a heritage that has produced such a man. General, many happy returns o1 the day. What Did Hoover Say? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L, McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr, Speaker, many attempts have been made by writ- ers, radio commentators and so-called political analysts to distort and confuse the logical statements made by former President Herbert Hoover in his recent speech on his views of cur foreign policy. In almost every instance the criticism of Hoover’s speech was an attempt to ridicule his statements, Everyone knows now that the foreign policy advocated and followed by the administration has brought us humilia- tion, great losses of men and materials, and defeat. In spite of all the funds and help to rehabilitate many foreign coun~ tries, we have been making more ene- mies than friends. The prestige and dignity of the United States has never been so low. But in spite of the failures of the ad- ministration to formulate a sound for- eign policy, any suggestions that the ad- ministration should reappraise the inter- national situation, and give considera- tion to suggested changes, meets with immediate and violent opposition, Ap- parently the Truman administration will tolerate no criticism, accept no advice, and if the Truman-Acheson policies should prove to be leading us down the road to destruction, there will be no turning back in spite of danger signals all along the way. A369 The proposals of Mr. Hoover were of- fered as the basis for a healthy discus- sion which might open a debate on for- eign policy through which a re-evalua-' tion of foreign policy might result in some vitally needed changes in our pres~ ent foreign policy. But the Truman forces immediately flung the epithet of isolationism to quell any rebellion against the Truman-Ache- son foreign policy. Myr. Hoover, in fact, did not propose isolationism, He sug- gested that we build our air and sea strength for adequate defense of our own Nation, and that we assist Europe pro- viding Europe cooperate with sufficient self-help to assure the success of our co- operative effort. The following editorial by Rev. James M. Gillis, C. 8. P., which appeared in a recent edition of the Tidings entitled “What Did Hoover Say?” gives an hon- est review of Mr. Hoover's proposals and of the unfair, malicious attempts that have been made to discredit one of Amer- ica’s great statesmen: War Dm Hoover SAY? (By James M. Gillis, C. 8. P.) Believe it or not there ts such a thing as honorable political controversy. The first obligation of contestants in that kind of conflict is to recognize just what it is that the opponent is saying. You must not ignore his main idea, pounce ‘upon some possibly dubious word or phrase, overemphasize it, and thus distract atten- tion from the main point of his argument, That trick 1s an old one; 1t has been used in innumerable debates. But neither age nor ‘usage can disguise the fact that it ia a trick and & mean one. When Herbert Hoover made his recent speech on American foreign policy, he hap- pened at one point to use the word “Gibral- tar." Some of his opponents, either from malice or from inability to see what he meant, lifted the one word “Gibraltar” out of an address of some 3,000 words and flew of with it on a wild tangent of irrelevance. Gibraltar, they said is outmoded, obsolete ke the Maginot line, and they went on to moralize on the stupidity of relying upon a Gibraltar. A slick trick but it won't work with those who read carefully and think correctly. Those who heard Mr. Hoover on the radio, or who took the pains to read his speech will .remember that he said: “Any attempt to make war on the Com- munist mass by land invasion, through the quicksands of China, India, or Western Eu- rope is sheer folly. That would be the grave~ yard of millions of American boys and would end in the exhaustion of this Gibraltar of western civilization,” ’ That, I submit, is something very differ- ent from a suggestion that we place our hope in an outmoded form of defense. Another device for damning Mr. Hoover's plan was the well-known use of the epithet. In this case the chief epithet was isolation- ism. Even President Truman accepted it in a press conference. The Alsop brothers in their column used the phrase “scuttle and run" to designate Hoover's plan and “crawling on the belly” to designate Joseph P, Kennedy’s, BOSTON’S PIOUS LAMENT The Boston Herald in an editorial asked, “What ts this Europe that Kennedy and Hoover are willing to write off?” and went on to lament piously what would happen to the Pope and to Rome ff we were to permit communism to take over Italy. The writer of that editorial found it con- venient to forget that Italy went head over
A370 heels for Mussolini and hence for Hitler in spite of the encyclical against fasclem; that onty 2 years ago, in the face of the present Hoty Pather’s warning and an avalanche of letters and telegrams from America, the Italians cast 6,000,000 votes for what was in effect the Communist ticket, and that there are still 2,600,000 members of the Communist Party in Italy. If we are to help save such people they must at least cooperate in their salvation. Even God cannot help those who won't help themselves. The nastiest epithets of all against Hoover were those of the who wrote on Christ- mas Day, of the “squalid Mttle men who would throw away the future for an hour’s partisan success, the trembling gravediggers of freedom who would betray mankind for two more years’ low taxes.” 1 take that to be perhaps the foulest insult I have aver seen, not only to Hoover and Kennedy but to millions of Americans whose onty orime is that of doubting the wisdom of the men responsible for Korea. FIFTY-ONE BILLION DOLLARS To answer such wild utterances would be to repeat the mistake of clouding the tissue. Hoover said, “We are not blind to the need to preserve western civilization on the Con- tinent of Europe or to our cultural and reli- gious ties to it. But the prime obligation of defense of Western continental Europe rests upon the nations of Europe. The teat is whether they have the spiritual force, the will and acceptance of unity among them by their own volition. America cannot create their spiritual forces; we cannot buy them with money.” Speaking of money, we have sent into Europe since 1949 the sum of $51,764,500,000. Of those dollars Britain received thirty-six and one-half billions, France nine and one- half billions, the Netherlands one and three- fourths billions and so on down the line, and we are on the point of spending another one hundred billions to arm Western Europe. Au I see it, what Mesars. Hoover and Ken- nedy suggest is in the first instance that we should get some military cooperation in return for such outlays. To call that suggestion “isolationism” is wicked. It ig of record that in Korea the United States of America bore 90 percent of the burden and the other 52 members of the UN virtually nothing. It is no wonder that the American people are coming rapidly to see and accept the Hoover view. The New York Times tn ita carefully com- Piled Review of the News on December 31, reported that even Congressmen from the East, the so-called seat of internationalism find their mail running from 40 to 1 to 90 to 2 in support of the Hoover program. The people seem to be wiser than some of the commentators. Sehick Hospital EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY 0. TALLE OF XOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. TALLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include Senate Concurrent Resolution 4 adopted by the Senate and House of the Fifty-fourth General Assembly of Iowa: Senate Concurrent Resolution 4 Wherens the former Schick General Hos- Pital, Clinton, Iowa, now being used exclu- sively for domiciliary purposes by the Veter- ans’ Administration; and Whereas the said veterans domiciliary at Clinton, Iowa is now being operated at less than one-fourth the capacity of the institu- tion, resulting in inefficient, costly, and wasteful administration; and Whereas thousands of veterans in the cen- tral United States are now urgently in need of hospitalization, convalescence, and re- habilitation; and Whereas many more thousands of disabled and sick yeterrns will soon be added, as a re- sult of the fighting in Korea; end Whereas the Schick Hospital should be opzned to full capacity to provide care for the many thousand veterans and veterans- to-be, who are now in neod of hospitaliza- tion, convalescence, and rehabilitation; and Whereas the Iowa Senate and House of the Fifty-second General Assembly by Senate Concurrent Resolution 10, passed a resolu- tion on February 8, 1947, requesting the Vet- erans’ Administration to utilize Schick Hos- pital at Clinton, Iowa, with its suitable fa- cilities and very desirable location for the permanent care of veterans; and Whereas in the interests of economy and in the interest of the veterans of the central United States, we deem it advisable and necessary that the veterans domiciliary at Clinton, Iowa, be used to full capacity; and Whereas the Veterans’ Administration has been deaf to the piea of veterans that the Schick Hospital at Clinton, Iowa, be opened to full bed capacity thereby utilizing present existing facilities: Therefore be it Resolved by the senate (the house concurs ring), That the Congress of the United States take immediate action to cause the Veterans’ Administration to increase the use of Schick Hospital at Clinton, Iowa, from the present Mmited 500 domiciliary beds to also include an additional minimum of 1,000 beds for hospitalization, convalescence, and rehabili- tation; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be prepared and forwarded by the secretary of state to the President of the United States, to the President of the United States Senate, to the Speaker of the House of Representa- tives, and to the Iowa Members of the United States Senate and the Iowa Members of the House of Representatives of the Congress, and Gen. Carl R. Gray, the Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs. O. H. HENNINGSEN. We, W. H. Nicholas, lieutenant governor of Iowa, and Carroll A. Lane, secretary of the senate, hereby certify that the above and foregoing resolution was adopted by the senate and house of the Fifty-fourth General Assembly of Iowa. W. H. Nicworas, Lieutenant Governor of Iowa. CaRROL, A. Lane, Secretary of the Senate. Joshua Evans—Half Century Banker EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL STEFAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. STEFAN. Mr. Speaker, this week many Washington people are paying tributes to a valuable citizen and an out- standing American. He is Joshua Evans who is completing a great history and service in banking. Among these trib- utes is an editorial in the Washington Post ; which I include as part of my re- marks: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD During his 56 years of banking in Washing- ton, Joshua Evans, Jr., now retiring as vice president of the Hamilton National Bank, has sponsored many Innovations in fmancial and civic affairs. But, even more, he has helped to break down the traditional con- cept of the banker as 9 cold, personally aloof community pillar, Throughout his career he has emphasized the human element in banking, both in his Kindly service to in- dividuals, and in his constant giving of himeelf to projects to benefit the District and the Nation. His reward is the deep af- fection of everybody with whom he has ever been in contact. Seldom has a business- man been so personally honored as he will be Wednesday night when national and local leaders pay him tribute at a testimonial din- ner. In some respects the cereer of “Josh” Evans, as he is widely Known, has an Alger- boy quality. He came to Washington a youth fresh from the farm, became a runner in Riggs & Co., predecessor to the Riggs Na- tional Bank; learned to operate the bank's first adding machine; was the youngest man ever to become its general bookheeper; worked his way up to vice president; in 1933 was one of the prime movers in found- ing the Hamilton National Bank. He wrote a paper, “The Making of a Bank Clerk,” which attracted attention in national bank- ing circles, and he helped to devetop the American Institute of Banking of which he is a former trustee. Yet, unlike the Alger boy of finance, Mr. Evans did not give himself to pursuit of a fortune. Rather he gave himself to the com- munity, especially to helping to start new movements for its benefit, as the Community Chest, the Better Business Bureau, the Wash- ington Committee of One Hundred on the Federal City, out of which grew the National Capital Park and Planning Commission, and new municipal finance committee procedures in the Board of Trade. He also trained and helped many young bank clerks, now business leaders here and in other cities. Now, as he retires, he has the satisfaction of knowing that all of this has amassed for him in- calculable deposits of friendship. Don’t Hide the Facts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT E. JONES, JR. OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. JONES of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, it is very refreshing to occasionally read an article which shows how much real service to the American people is being rendered by one of the Government agencies which we authorized, and which our appropriations support. I read such a story in an advance copy of the Na- tional County Agent and Vo-Ag Teach- er magazine, which is regularly distrib- uted only to county agents, Vo-Ag in- structors, Soil Conservation Service field men, and Farmers Home Administra- tion supervisors. I have seen many duplicates of the story throughout the Eighth District of Alabama. I am sure any Congressman could find them in his district as well if he visited our farms, as I had occasion to do when working on the legislation which eventually developed into the Farm Housing Act of 1949. It is with considerable pleasure, therefore, that I offer to the membership of this Congress
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the full text of an article which describes the accomplishments and the successes which have resulted from some of our actions, Don’t Hie tHe Facts Before you knew the answers yourself, did you ever walk past a United States Depart- ment of Agriculture office sign and wonder &@ little about the people representing that Department and the work they do? Of course you did. It’s difficult to believe, but it’s true, there are people and many of them, walking by those signs every day and asking the same questions. Whose job is it to give them the answers? The local office of that Department has been placed there by Congress, representing all of our people, to provide a type of needed assistance for farmers that they are not in & position to obtain elsewhere. It’s their of- fice—it's there for them. Their congres- sional representatives provided it for them. At first glance 1t would appear that it’s basically the farmer's job to let others know why this USDA office is there. But that’s only part of the story. It’s no one person's responsibility more than another's. It’s also the job of the USDA worker—the county agent, the FHA supervisor, the Vo-Ag teach- er, and other Government agricultural work- ers to let the uninformed know what that USDA office is doing and why its work is important. What about the person who isn't a farmer or a Government agricultural worker? He also has a responsibility to learn the facts himself and to let others have the facts too. As an example of why all of us should be interested in learning the facts and passing them on, let’s look in on the work of one of these USDA offices and see the value of its work. This sign says: “United States De- partment of Agriculture, Farmers Home Administration.” It is one of the many such signs locating an office in county-seat towns in every State and in Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands. Merely by changing the name and showing a different list of duties it could be a story of any USDA agency. The office behind that sign was set up to help low-income farmers in the area, but in helping this group it helps the entire com- munity. Its principal purpose is to help farmers live better by farming better. But in accomplishing that purpose it creates more and better customers for the com- munity’s merchants, makes bank depositors of families who had never previously used a bank's services, brings new groups of people into the various community activities, raises the value of all property in the community by increasing the value and improving the appearances of individual farms in the area, makes it probable that more people will at- tend the community's churches and more children continue in school work, and creates tax revenue from individuals who once might have been a drain on the community's tax fund. How many taxpayers realize this? And naturally the taxpayer wants to know how all of this is done. He should know that the principal method the Farmers Home Administration uses to accompli-h this purpose is through credit to families unable to obtain needed funds from other sources. Actually, however, this is only one of the tools used, and credit itself seldom solves the individual family problems with which this agency works. The more important tool is supervision; something that is a long step removed from the industrial meaning of the word. As used in this case, supervision means assistance in effective farm planning, and guidance in the efficient carry~ ing out of farm and home plans. The easiest way to explain the work of FHA and how it has accomplished the near miracle of creating almost a million success ful farm families from a group of farmers who once lacked sound farming experience or the efficiency and earning capacity pos- sible by modern methods (or the work of any other U. 8. Department of Agri- culture office), can best be shown by citing a typical case. This case, which can be duplicated in prin- ciple in every county in the Nation, is of Morgan O’Keilley, who visited Tennessee in April 1941 and found mountains covered with redbud, crab apple, wild plum, and dog- wood. The scene started dreams pounding in the head of the impressionable Iriahman, and before the visit was ended he had bought @ small place 8 miles from Oakdale, Tenn. Not much of a place—60 acres, a two-room cabin without electricity and a spring at the bottom of the hill its only water supply, eroded fields covered with briars, sassafras, and black gum. For the next 3 years the O’Kelleys, back in Michigan, scraped and saved for the time when they could move to Tennessee and start making over that worn- out farm. Dreams often fade out under the cold, un- merciful) light of realities, and that was what happened to the O’Kelleys, when on Decem- ber 21, 1944, they moved. The last part of their trip was over a sawmill road which quickly let them know how important to a farmer a to-market road can be, Their De- cember view of the farm was a lot different from the beautiful picture it had presented when in bloom. The stark nakedness and the erosion and the briars loomed up as al- most insurmountable obstacles. And the house—wel]l, Mrs. O'Kelley insisted that something had to be done about that if she stayed in Tennessee. Labor being impossible to find, or to pay for with their limited savings, O’Kelley tackled the construction himself and did a good job. But it used up all the money they had saved, and they needed additional money for seed, fertilizer, fencing, and tools. That was when O'Kelley first saw the Farmers Home Administration sign in the office in Kingston, Tenn. Inside the office he found Henry D. Watten- barger, agricultural graduate from the Uni- versity of Tennessee, and a man whom Roane County farmers said “knew his farming and could help folks.” Henry listened to O’Kel- ley’s story and said he thought the FHA might help. Firat, however, it would be nec- essary for the county committee to approve O’Kelley as an applicant. As part of his job, Wattenbarger visited the O’Kelley farm to see how the FHA could help. He walked over the briar-grown pas- Lures and suggested that in addition to trim- ming, it probably needed lime and phosphate. On his pad he made e note to check with the county agent and have the soll tested, not only on the pasture land but in the eroded fields where row crops were growing. He pointed out ways to fence the flelds to make them easier to rotate and work, sug- gested seeding legumes and grass to heal scars of washing. The livestock could be built up, too, by careful breeding and @ balanced ration. The tools were inspected, and a note made on the pad that better equipment would have to be available if O'’Kelley was to do much of a Job of farm- ing. The barn and poultry house would need reworking too; and O’Kelley's carpentry on the new home indicated that he could do the job himself if he had the money to buy materials. The inspection completed, Mr. and Mrs. O’Kelley and Wattenbarger sat down together around the kitchen table to put down on paper the plan for O’Kelley'’s operations. For FHA’s part of the plan, Wattenbarger promised to provide enough money to make the pian work. More, he would drop by the O'’Kelley farm from time to time to help Morgan with any technical farming problems which might develop. He would see that the SOS, Extension, and other United States De- partment of Agriculture workera were told of O’Kelley’s problem so they could help in their specific line. Today the O'Relleys claim they are at least 10 years ahead in getting to where we are because of the aid FHA and others gave them. The road leading past their farm has been graded and graveled so that they have easy access to market. They have a com- pletely modern, seven-room house, three brooder houses, a laying house, a two-car garage and a shop, a new oorncrib and tool shed. A nephew, living with them for the past 3 years, has readied himself for college and his work on the farm will make it possi- ble for him to go. The eroded cropland now produces 75-bushels per acre corn. Most of the farm is in grass—good grase-—and on it Morgan has almost year-round pasture for ® small beef herd and the family milk cows, His 3 acres of strawberries produced over 100 crates for market last year, and he raised 1,000 pullets for market, too. There have been 1,210 “O’Kelleys" who have been aided by Henry Wattenbarger in a similar way during the past 9 years. They have had different names, different problems, different farms, but each has found that the supervised credit available from FHA will help them with specific problems, and enable them to live better because they farm better. These 1,210 families, scattered over Morgan, Roane, and Scott Counties, Tenn.—the ter- ritory served by Wattenbarger—make up only about 23 percent of the farm families in the area; but they represent the people who could contribute little to the community without this type of assistance. Approximately $610,000 has been loaned in the three-county area, and this represents money coming from outside the district which is spent within the three counties, Most of it went to dealers who sell equip- ment, seed, feed, fertilizers, livestock, bulld- ing supplies, or home furnishings. On the basis that a dollar coming into a community is spent 10 times before it leaves, the three- county area has had a turn-over of §6,000,« 000 as a result of this FHA activity. Because this money was loaned to families unable to obtain credit elsewhere, it has made 1,210 customers for local merchants who might otherwise not have spent any or much money in the area. Because these families have learned to farm better and their farms are earning more money, the amount of actual spending has been far greater than is represented by the amount of money loaned. O'Kelley’s 75-bushel corn Meant five times as much income from his cornland as came from the 15-bushel average he had 5 years ago. Children of families with little or no farm income seldom have the opportunity of at- tending school as long as they should. O'Kelley’s nephew who gained an oppor- tunity to attend college as a side-product of the FHA ioan is only one such example among the 1,210 familles served by Watten- barger during his 9 years in the FHA office at Kingston. Other sons and daughters or close relatives of FHA families have been ac- tive in 4-H or FFA work when otherwise the opportunity might have been dented them, have completed high school or gone on to college, have trained themselves for occupa: tional opportunities of the future. The health of the entire familly has been improved because the families have learned to grow, preserve, and use a greater variety of food, can spend more for medical services, and have learned lessons of sanitation and nutrition. The churches in these three counties show the benefits of FHA aid to families in their district. A farmer who is earning a good in- come from his farm is usually a generous giver to his local church, but the farmer who must skimp every dollar seldom has enough left over to support adequately any
A872 religious activity. The increased good farm- ing by these families has improved their earnings and multiplied their donations to educational, charitable, and religious insti- tutions. Some not-so-readily apparent benefits to the entire community also deserve men- tion. When Wattenbarger first came to the Kingston office as an FHA supervisor, many of these families were welfare cases, and ‘few helped support the community by the ‘taxes they paid. With increased Income due to thetr better farming, they have become {taxpayers who help to shoulder the burden ;that might have fallen on other members of the community without this assistance from FHA. Then, too, the changed appearance which has settled over the face of FHA farms has improved property values not only of the farms where FHA has helped but of their neighbors as well. You just can’t remove one eyesore from a community without tm- proving the whole community by its removal. During s typical World War I year— 194¢2—these and families like them through- out the United States were able to increase, with FHA aid, their milk produetion 20 percent while other farmers increased pro- duction only 8 percent. Similar increases were made in egg, pork, beef, sugar beet, dry bean, soybean, and peanut production—each increase larger than the increases .reported by BAE for all farmers. In the months ahead, if it becomes necessary again to increase food production, these families represent a group capable of answering the call quickly and effectively. One key to the success of Wattenbarger and of the families who cooperate with him has been a very active county farmer com- mittee which has worked with the super- visor to select families most likely to suc- ceed with FHA aid. Before any loan can be made, this committee of three local farm~- ers consider the applicant and his abilities. If the loan is to help the applicant buy or develop a farm of his own, this committeo also visits the farm and decides whether this particular farm can be made successful with the combination of FHA supervised credit and family ability. Once the loan is made, the committee does not forget the family. Periodically it reviews the borrower's prog- ress, and may from time to time recom- mend further aid, or decide that he has now qualified for private credit rather than etill having a need for continuing with PHA ald. On the basis of this committee approval, or the family’s ability to repay thet loans in full from farm income, almost 1,000 of these 1,210 farm families in the 3 coun- ties have now “graduated.” That is, they now go to local banks, PCA’s or other private- credit sources for any further they may need. Most of the banks and PCA’s in the three-county area Know that many of thetr clients of today are farmers whom they would have rejected as lacking adequate security a few years ago. But those families have climbed up the ladder of farm success since that earlier date, and today they are among the most prosperous farmers tn the community. Wattenbarger at Kingston is only one of 1,700 such persons throughout the United States. Collectively, since the program was initiated, the agency has provided supervised credit to almost 2,000,000 farm famillfes. To- day they ave still helping approximately 270,- 000 of these families, and most of the rest have now paid thefr loans in full and are continuing to farm with the aid of their own resources and skills, using private credit for their present needs. Most of them, too, are continuing to practice the planned, diversi- fied farming which started them up the lad- der toward their present success. But when we cite any such case, emphasis should be placed on the fact that like FHA in the O'Kelley case, there are other valuable USDA agencies providing some apectalized form of assistance to farmers and the whole community wherever you see their signs. In every county, Extension and its county and home demonstration agents are providing sound farm- and home-management educa- tion to farmers and their wives and both ex- tension agents and Vo-Ag teachers are giving farm children an opportunity to develop into the good farmers of the future. The Soil Conservation Service, through its technicians in farmer-organized soil conservation dis- tricts, are helping farmers to retain or rebuild the fertility of their land and to use soll and water more economically. Production and Marketing Administration offices provide in- centives for farmers to put into practice the sound farm-management methods taught by other agenctes, and help to regulate our farm production and our marketing methods 80 that both the farmer and the community benefit. Forest Service helps prevent forest fires which might ravage whole communities, and indirectly helps farmers to get more benefit from their farm woodlots. Experi- ment stations are developing more efficient methods, better lines of livestock, and better seed for farmers to use. Each agency has it own sign, each has its own specific tasks and methods of helping farmers solve specific problems which exist on their farms, but all have one thing in common—they are helping to build a better community. eer enenenemennl I Speak for Democracy EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HENRY D. LARCADE, JR. OF LOUISIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January €, 1951 Mr, LARCADE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the Recoap, I wish to submit an essay entitled “I Speak for Democ- racy” by James McKinney Budd, of Opelousas, La., a junior in high school, which was selected as one of the best in a contest held among junior and senior high school students in Louisiana: I Spxax ror DemMocaRAcy Does the average citizen of the United States of America appreciate his democratic way of life? Does he know its value and the rights guaranteed to him thereunder? Is he willing to make the necessary sacri- fices in qrder that these righte may be per- petuated for himself and his posterity? Upon the answer to these questions de- ponds whether or not the democracy of America will te lost and engulfed in the “tame” that threaten to destroy the democ- racies of the world, or whether this Nation will emerge triumphant from this period of the world’s history which is marked by goctalistic, communiatic, and individualis- tic trends of ‘hought and action. Today nothing lesz than the preservation of our lives, our fortunes, our honor, and our American way of life is at stake. Standing as we do today :n point of time, far distant from the adoption of the Con- stitution, it is difficult for us to understand and appreciate what it cost. If we could go back across the years and stand beside the men who took part in the framing of this great instrument, we would better ap~ prectate its meaning. They were fresh from @ conflict that was brought about by mis- rule, anc they had banded themselves’ to- gether in a common cause to resist the in- Justices which were being heaped upon them. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD They willingly endured the hardships of merciless war, in order that liberty might be t4ed to them and to their posterity. They paid that price in order that man might set up in @ new world a new form of government—and time has proved the soundness of their reasoning. Have the sacrifices of our forefathers been in vain, and will this experiment which started more than 150 years ago, be able to endure the victssitudes which now encom- poss the nations of the world, or will the historians of future generations have to write that the greatest democracy of all times failed? No, this struggle for self-gov~ ernment and freedom will go on. Democ- racy lives in the hearts of all who pay the price of freedom, and who have the moral courage to resist oppression, class distinc- tions, and racial and religious discrimina- tions, and are willing to champion the rights of all human beings. From personal freedom comes all the moral good and all the material wealth of this happy country; the richness of human living, and the always brighter vision of a better future which only Americans know. Let us never forget that personal freedom carries personal responsi- bility. The citizenship of America have taken upon themselves the responsibility of proving to the world that people are able to govern themselves. The history of the past with all its bloodshed, its heartaches, sor- rows, its toll and sacrifices and those who come after us shall ever keep alive our form of free government. The heroes of the past ery out to this generation to save and pro- tect it. It is the duty of every individual citizen, your duty and mine, to learn the meaning and value of the Constitution, and that for which it stands. Thus will we show our appreciation to the founders of the Con- stitution for guaranteeing to the citizons of the United States of America the democracy which we now enjoy, and for which many of our forefathers paid the supreme sacrifice. To fulfill these ideals it is obvious that we must stand together. We are being forged into a new unit amidst the fires of envy and suspicion that now blaze throughout the world. In their ardent heat we shall, let us pray, through God’s intercession, be purged of faction and division, and be puri- fied of the errant humors of party and pri- vate interest, to be brought forth finally in the days that are to come with a new dig- nity of national pride and spirit. A pride and spirit beckoning all nations into a global democracy, wherein all will join hands and hearts in recognizing the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man, which is basi- cally the true concept of all democracy. I speak for democracy—democracy at home and democracy throughout the world. Progress on the Tennessee EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT E. JONES, JR. OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. JONES of Alabama. Mr. Speak- er, under permission to extend my re- marks, I include the following editorial from the December 31, 1950, issue of the New York Times entitled “Progress on the Tennessee”: Proontss on THE TENNESSEE Although the Tennessee Valley Authority produces only a small percentage—perhaps 6 or 7 t—of the total electric power output of the United States, it continues
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to grow. Its latest report, made public yes- terday, shows that the capacity of tts power system has increased nearly four times since 1940. During the fiscal year covered by the report it produced 17,500,000,000 kilowatt- hours, which was 12 times as much as was generated in its region in 1933. Further construction now under way will bring the present installed capacity of 3,000,000 kilo- watts to 4,900,000 by 1963. Of course, TVA’s development is a part of the total power development in the country. The electrical industry, private and public, has made great atrides. In 1933, for example, the av- erage domestic consumer in the United States used about 600 kilowatt-hours. Av- erage consumption now is 1,765 kilowatt. hours, but TVA'’s domestic consumers used an average of 3,079 kilowatt-hours during the last fiscal year. It should be remembered, of course, that TVA power for domestic con- sumption {ts sold to municipalities and co- operatives, who then undertake the retail distribution. There will doubtless be argument to the end of time as to TVA’s profits. The fact is, however, that the investment allocated to power in the TVA system brought in during the last fiscal year a net Operating revenue of $27,000,000, or a return of about 5% per- cent on the average depreciated power in- yvestment. Some of these earnings have been repaid to the United States Treasury and a large sum—111,000,000—has been rein- vested in the power system. On the whole, it looks more than ever ag though the Gov- ernment’s investment in the TVA’s power facilities has been a sound one. At the same time TVA ts able to show increasing use of its 630 miles of navigation channel on the Tennessee River, with an esti- mated saving of $6,000,000 in transportation costs. Its flood-control system again reduced flood crests, both on the Tennessee and on the lower Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. It has carried on rescarch in the production of fertilizers with advantage both to farmers and to private manufacturers. Test demon- strations, most of them in the Tennessee Valley but others in twenty-odd outlying States, have helped to conserve the land. Forests have been protected, malaria has been practically wiped out, there has been a great increase in recreational facilities, and State and local agencies have been encour- aged to take increasing responsibility. All in all, TVA seems to be established as a successful part of the American system. It has not destroyed either democracy or pri- vate enterprise in the Tennessee Valley. It has created a model which may be adopted, no doubt with many changes for use in other parts of the country.—From the Sun- day. December 31, issue of the New York Times. Who Said That?—“For Your Information the Marine Corps Is the Navy’s Police Force”—The Marines Don’t Believe It EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, I am sure the Members of the House, and in fact most of the people throughout the Nation, will remember the now famous letter which I received from President Truman in response to my re- quest that the United States Marine Corps be accorded representation on the Joint Chiefs of Staff. President Truman wrote me as follows: Aucust 29, 1950. My Dear ConarrssmaN McDonovcH: I read with a lot of interest your letter in regard to the Marine Corps. For your in- formation the Marine Corps is the Navy's police force and as long as I am President that is what it will remain. They have a propaganda machine that is almost equal to Stalin s. Nobody desires to belittle the efforts of the Marine Corps, but when the Marine Corps goes into the Army it works with and for the Army, and that is the way it should be. I am more than happy to have your ex- pression of interest in this naval military Organization. The Chief of Naval Opera- tions is the Chief of Staff of the Navy of which the Marines are a part. Sincerely yours, Harry TRUMAN. Evidence of the widespread interest in the Truman-marine letter and the ex- tent of its publication was brought to light in an Associated Press release of January 22 from Port Huron, Mich., which revealed that 20 Purple Heart Medals were forwarded to the President by 20 wounded Marine Corps veterans of the Korean action to forceably remind Mr. Truman of the error of his recent statement that the United States Ma- rines are the police force of the Navy and have a propaganda machine almost equal to Stalin’s. Pfc. Donald R. Chatterson, a 20-year old marine veteran of Korea, who was wounded and is now on 30 days’ re- cuperation leave at his home, gave the story to the press. According to Private Chatterson, he and 19 other wounded marines heard of the President’s re- marks upon their evacuation to the Treasure Island Marine Base at San Francisco and were so angered that they put their Purple Heart Medals in the same envelope and addressed it to Presi- dent Truman. Private Chatterson said he never learned whether the President got the medals. He was wounded twice in Korea, first at Inchon and later in North Korea. The Associated Press report of this incident follows: PurPLE Hearts SENT TO TRUMAN By 20 RESENTFUL MARINES Porr Huron, Micw., January 22.—Presi- dent Truman has 20 Purple Heart Medals— if the United States mails saw them through to the White House—to remind him of his since regretted remarks about the Marine Corps being the Navy's police force. This was revealed today by Pfc. Donald R. Chatterson, 20-year-old marine veteran of Korea, Wounded, Private Chatterson now is home on 30 days’ recuperation leave. Hearing of the President’s remarks upon their evacuation to the Treasure Island Marine Base at San Francisco, Private Chat- terson said he and 19 other wounded ma- rines were so angered that they put their Purple Heart Medals in the same envelope and addressed it to President Truman. Private Chatterson said he never learned whether the President got the medals. Besides describing the Marine Corps as the Navy's police force, the President ac- cused it of having a propaganda machine the equal of Stalin's. He later apologized and expressed his regrets. Describing fighting in Korea, Private Chatterson told a reporter: “It’s like a hore A378 rible nightmare. You can’t imagine what it's like.” He was wounded twice and lost 48 pounds. He now weighs only 90 pounds. First he was hit at Inchon. Later he was hit by machine-gun bullets in North Korea, In Washington the White House said there was no record that the medals had been recelved and no comment. Timid Forget United States Is Mighty EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. McCORMACK. Mr, Speaker, un- der permission to extend my remarks, I include a very interesting and informa- tive article written by Lester Allen, ap- pearing in the Boston Post of January 21, 1951: Timip Forcer Unirep States Is MIGHTY-—FEAR Neepizss Because NaTIon’s ABILity To Our- Ppropucr Wortp Wirt Surety Dereat Rep Forces (By Lester Allen) Beneath the hum of the furiously busy industrial centers of the United States a phrase from the words of a man now dead echoes faintly. “There is nothing to fear but fear itself.” That phrase uttered in the darkest days of the Nation's history, when confidence had fled and the national economy tottered, rallied the confused and divided American people to a superb effort. It bade them to raise their eyes from thelr own personal problems, look about the broad and fruitful land which was and is theirs and take heart, Today, the potentialities of the same broad and fruitful Nation, the possibility that an outraged people will unify and rally to another supreme effort, prevents the mas- ters of 735,000,000 people in Russia, China, and the satellite Communist states from at- tempting a direct affront to 493,700,000 peo- ple of North America and Western Europe. NOT SO SIMPLE The rule of thumb of Asiatic strategists je “We kill one capital'st soldier, they kill 10 Communist soldiers, pretty soon there are no more capitalist soldiers.” If, however, it were a: simple as that the Soviet Union leaders would long since have sent overwhelming armics on the march. Modern war isn't as simple as that, It must have a base of raw materials, heavy industry, electrical generation capacity, steel production. In modern warfare human can- non fodder spread over the land areas does not always mean victory. STEEL HALTS STALIN During the past week » significant figure was announced, not by the Government but by the American steel industry. The annual steel capacity of the United States is now 104,220,650 tons a year, a 28-percent increase since 1940. In that figure may be found the answer to why Stalin doesn’t launch the attempt to grab the world, for this steel capacity fused into an alloy with a unified and determined American people means the ultimate defeat of all the ambitious plans of the Soviet Union. DEPEND ON STEEL Even if the steel-producing capacity of the Soviet Union and its satellites were Joined to that of Western Europe by quick
A374 conquest, there would still be only 89,700,000 tone of ateel annually against our 104,229,650. AH the other superiorities in the hands of the western nations arrayed against Com- mounist aggression are dependent upon steel. Coal, petroleum, electrical output, horse- power output of engines for a mechanized age all depend upon steel. It is no longer “How many divisions have you?” but rather “ow much steel production have you?” TOPS THE WORLD In the present state of American supply lines the Nation tops anything the world has ever known. But tt is not self-sufficient. In order to continue at this level of industrial strength certain raw materials must be imported. To guarantee a continued supply of im- ported raw materials a huge Navy and mer- chant marine is necessary, {if war comes, to prevent a stoppage of our lines of supply. Thus the fortunes of the people of the United States are inextricably linked with those of the people of the other western nations ar- reyed against communism. CAN WEAR REDS DOWN With Western Europe security maintained We can go on indefinitely wearing down the strength of the Soviet Union, hamstringing its growing industrial strength, a growth se- cured only at an appalling sacrifice of a higher standard of living for the people of the Soviet Union and the satellite states. It can be said without fear of contradic- tion that the average American doesn’t know or appreciate the strength of his country and is inclined to underrate it, to make the task ahead seem more formidable than it is. SACRIFICE LIGHT A unified American people, dedicating their whole effort to removing the peril of com- munism forever from thetr lives, would have to make certain sacrifices not only in their standard of living but also in their economic status. Yet the sacrifice would only entail going back to the living standards which prevailed in what has been looked upon as the golden age, the period between 1922 and 1929. Never in all the world's history has 50 much power been used and not abused. It is 8 matter of great pride for Americans to consider how, with the means at hand, to become a dominant and dominating power in the world, the Nation clung to an Idealism which is scorned by the exponents of total application of such power. DO NOT UNDERSTAND All that the American people have lacked in the performance of one of the greatest feats of unselfishness ever undertaken, the restoration of the economies of the nations of Western Europe efter the ravages of war, is a becoming modesty. Pride in our accomplishment has been mistaken for arrogance or evil intent to tie Western European nations to our wheels by political bonds in exchange for our generous aid. If anything, too few political agree- ments were exacted for the aid we have given, EUROPE NEEDS US It ‘gs true that Western Europe cannot get along in the face of the present danger with- out us. But we cannot get along without Western Europe. We are tied to Western Eu- rope by bonds of blood, civilization, culture an@ commerce and it would be virtually tm- possible to sever those ties by a stroke of a pen or # gust of oratory. The swarming armies of Asia, lightly armed, deficient in transport, are plagued by dependence upon the Soviet Union for the implements of war. Hunger always stalka those lands. It is a hunger that, with famine conditions, can only be allevinted by the generosity and good will of the nations of the West. Today India, which has striven to pley both ends of the political spectrum, faced the stark necessity of securing food from the United States to fill the gap in a deficient harvest. Millions will starve otherwise. The chtef question is whether such aid to India would have political strings tied to it. Some experts say yes; others say it would be harm- ful to our cause. The rice Christians of the Far East may find their counterparts in the rice democrats, who embrace our cause only for so long as they need food. URGENT ISSUE Yet, these questions are collateral ones. The most urgent question is adding the ingredient of national unity and individual faith in our cause to our substantial su- premacy in production. Perhaps the greatest lack in our striving for unity of purpose is that of faith in God, for it is freedom of worship that will first be obscured under the hammer and aiockle. CHURCHES CAN HXLP The churches of all faiths could perform a service to all humanity here in the United States by reexamining the requirements and the attitudes of militant faith. The centur- ies-long strife recorded in the Old and New Testaments and the utterances of the great prophets nowhere recommend a supine ac- ceptance of cruel aggression and oppression. To fight for the right is a basic duty of all who worship God under any dogma or faith. FEAR NOT JUSTIFIED The intrusion of fear and uncertatnoty into our national life points to a serious deficiency in our moral fiber. Many churchmen of many faiths have a conviction that it is a lack caused by the conflict of materialism with worship. The dedicated and sometimes fanatic idealism of the past, attitudes like the abolition movement, seema not to be possible in a materialistic age. It is dificult to reconcile our primacy in steel production with the sterility of religious feeling in the mass of the people. SHUN COM. .UNISM But this much is certain, the perverted religion of communism, trumpeting up its holy wars against the capitalistic infidels, will never be accepted by the American peo- ple as the innovation that will cure all, They hold a sublime falth in themselves, and have only forgotten that such faith grew under the protection of faith in God. Not long ago Henry B. du Pont, of the giant du Pont corporation, made a speech in Tulsa, Okla., in which he described how he would operate if he were a Communist saboteur. LISTS STORIES “The stories I would spread,” said Mr. du Pont, “would sound very plausible to the uninformed. I would have all kinds of peo- ple going about telling their neighbors, for instance, that the big companies are bent on driving the little fellows out of business; that they arbitrarily fix prices; that they suppress inventions; that they make exor- bitant profits; that they hold the power of ltfe and death over small business. I would like that word ‘power.’ It sounds 50 sat~ isfactorily sinister and I wouldn't have to explain what it means. * * ‘* Then, if this program of propaganda resulted in leg- islation to break up large units of American business and to provide government owner- ship of basic industries, think of the delight back in the Kremlin.” INDUSTRY ACCUBED Mr. du Pont should have gone on to say that the campaign has been carried out in just that way tn the United States and that these things that he would do if he ‘were a Communist saboteur have become cur- Tent coinage in the United States. Here is where the undercurrent of fear runs stiftest. These charges have been made against big industries. And big industries have failed to point owt that they are only APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as big as their least important worker, that ‘we could not be the world's largest producer of steel, steel that makes the difference be- tween victory and defeat, if it were not for the skill of the sweating steel worker charg- ing a furnace in a steel plant. TUNELESS CHORUS The equality of sacrifice which is @ con- atant refrain in matters of taxation mean sacrifice of corporate profit as well ag indi- vidual profit. The “leading down to the road to socialism" chorus has become rather tune- less, Just as the “wave of the future” became hackneyed during World War II. The American people produce these giant quantities because they are free, because they enjoy a high standard of living, be- cause they have a genius for improvisation, and not because their concerted effort pro- duces big corporations. CAN SAVE WORLD If the Chinese peasant understood one- tenth as well as the average American what the stakes are in this struggle they would be really formidable. We need unity and need it badly. We can achieve unity under a code of Christian morality. We have the tools to work with. We have all that is needed to arm ourselves in right- eousness 80 that a thousand years hence this second half of the twentieth century will gleam like a priceless Jewel in history as a golden age. Rid of fear and linked in unity the American pecple can and will save the world from darkness. National Council of Churches of Curist Supports Aid to India EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr, JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, appended is a resolution of the National Council of the Churches of Christ adopted at the meeting of the board on January 17, 1951, supporting United States food aid to the people of India, This is one of the first acts of this great new organiza- tion of the churches of the Protestant denominations. It is significant that it is an expression of humanitarian and high public policy in the outstanding tradition of the organizations which have combined together to create the new organization. The resolution follows: Foop ror InpIa For many months the foreign missions conference and its India committee have been greatly concerned over India’s desperate food emergency, knowing that millions of her people are not only underfed and under- nourtshed, but many are at the point of star- vation. We have worked closely with the department of international justice and good will and with other interested agencies and at the annual meeting in January 1950 and again in Cleveland last November the con- ference took action urging that ways and means should be devised by our Government to make available quantities of food in Gov- ernment possession to the Government of India on mutually agreeable terms, toward relieving India’s need. We further in- structed the officers of the conference to ar- range for consultation with appropriate Government officials looking toward this end.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Since the Cleveland meeting the need has been greatly emphasized by the request in mid-December from the Indian Government through its Ambassador, Madame Pandit, for 2,000,000 tons of food grains on the basis of a long-term loan. Our representatives went to Washington last week. Many vital contacts have been made. The question is now before our Government. The commit- tee on relief and reconstruction services of the division of foreign missions took action lust week, the United Council of Church Women took action at their biennial mect- ing lag’ November. At a meeting of its ex- ecutive board the division of life and work yesterday approved the draft resolution which is being brought to the general board today and which summerizes and brings up to date the resolutions of the several units, strongly urging affirmative and quick re- sponse on the part of our Government. We believe that action of the general board will greatly strengthen the resolutions of its sev- eral units, We therefore bring for your consideration the following resolution: “Whereas the Government of the United States has been officially requested by the Government of India to make avuilable 2,000,C0O tons of food grain to relieve the acute food shortage in that country; and “Whereas such action on the part of our Government would be justified not only on humanitarian grounds but also for the rea- son that it would strengthen the bonds of friendship between the American and In- dian peoples: Be it “Resolved, That the National Council of the Churches of Christ in the United States of America recommend that the Congress and the executive branch of the Govern- ment of the United States take such steps as may be required to assist in meeting the present urgent needs of the Indian people for emergency food aid, and that this food be made available on such terms as may be mutually acceptable to the two govern- ments." Address by Rabbi Maxwell H. Dubin EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LOUIS B. HELLER OF NEW YORK IN TH. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 4, 1951 Mr. HELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following letters and address: Warner Bros. Pictures DisTripuTine Corp., Washington, D. C., December 13, 1950, Hon. Louis B. HE.za, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mg, Heuer: On behalf of Mr. Harry M. Warner, president of Warner Bros. Pic- tures, Inc., I am happy to present you with @ recording of an address delivered by Rabbi Maxwell H, Dubin of Los Angeles. Mr. Warner was so inspired by this patri- otic anti-Communist message that he wants to make it avatlable to all America if possi- ble. He especially wants every Government official and legislator to hear it. A copy of the text is enclosed for your convenience, but we hope you will listen to the recording as the delivery adds to the power of the measage. I would be grateful if you would acknowl- edge this directly to Mr. Harry M. Warner, Warner Bros. Pictures, Inc., Burbank, Calif, Sincerely yours, Grorce M. Dorsry. Janvary 24, 1981, Mr. Harnr M. Waensr, Warner Bros. Pictures, Inc., Burbank, Cali}. Dear Mz. Warner: Thank you very much for sending me a recording gf Rabbi Max- well H. Dubin’s address. I enjoyed listen ing to it, and I agree that the delivery adds powerfully to the potency of the message. I thought so well of it that I am today hav- ing the text inserted in the CoNnGRESSIONAL Recorp. Your attempt to bring the rabbi’s address to the attention of all Americans and the expense and trouble you have gone to in undertaking it again proves that your active role upon the Jewish scene continues un- abated. With kind and cordial regards, I am, Sincerely, Louis B, HELLER, Member of Congress. CONDENSED VERSION oF TaLK DELIVERED BY Raps Maxwew. H, DusIn, WILSHIRE BOULE- VvaRD TEMPLE, BEFORE THE CONGREGATION ON Rosy HASHANA, THE JewisH New YEAR Last night we ushered in the New Year. In Jewish life this period is called the Yomin Neroim, the Awesome Days, the days when the fate of the individual, so Jewish tradl- tion tells us, is determined by God for the entire year. It seems to me that there is a Yomin Nerolm atmosphere, an Awesome Days at- mosphere for the entire civilized world to- day, but the fate of all civilization lies in the balance trembling, and mankind is await- ing the decision. Now, this is not the place and there is not time to detail all the mistakes that the democratic nations and peoples made dur- ing the past 5 years since the war ended. But I do want to consider with you one of them, because it is the crux of the problem. The first and the most fatal error that the democratic world made, was our absolute failure to understand the true meaning of communism and the real alms and ambi- tions of Soviet Russia. We were led to be- lieve in America that communism was a forward-looking social movement, led by great idealists who had a high code of soctal and international morality. We were sold the idca that Soviet Russia was a civilized country, determined to direct its interna- tional fe in paths of peace and of progress. We were told that Soviet Russia had a gove ernment that would have respect for law and order, that would have respect for its inter- national promises and commitments, and would devote its best interests to the wel- fare of its own people and to the peoples of other lands. We Jews knew from the outset that all those statements and claims made by Soviet Russia were not true. We Jews knew the truth about the Communists and about So- viet Russia and we knew it through years of bitter experience and pain and blood and suffering and terrible horrors, We paid a bitter price for that knowledge. We know that the Jews of Russia, the millions of Jews who lived there when the revolution took place were the first ones to be liquidated by the Communists. They were sent to la- por camps, thoy dug the canals, they were sent out to Siberia and they died by the hundreds of thousands because the thing for which the Jew stood and atands—respect for human individuality—-was not and is not wanted by Soviet Russia. We knew the truth; but no one listened to us. When the Jews, during the rige of the Nazis, told the world that the burning of those synagogues in Germany was only a prelude to that which eventually led to the bombing of Westminster Abbey and the other English churches, nobody listened to us. Bo no one listened to the Jew when he warned A875 the world againat the aims and the ambitions of Soviet Rugsia. We warned the world even during the honeymoon period when Russia was working with us, not an ally-—she never was an ally—we just happened to have had the same common enemy, that’s all; we warned the world to be careful and to be wary, but no—we were just a voice crying in the wilderness. So Russia was treated by the nations of the world like a spolled child that threatens to hold its breath if it does not get what it wants. We accepted her word, we had faith in her signature, faith in the agreements that were made. And what was the result? We are facing it now. Russia violated every promise to the Western World. She abused our trust, spread her power, seized lands, destroyed governments, developed fifth columns throughout the world and poisoned the minda of millions of peoples againat thelr native governments. Well, 5 years too late, we of America real- ize and the world realizes the bitter mistake that was made. We have to rid ourselves, to rid every aspect of our lives, social and po- litical and industrial and economic, of the Communist infiltration. So we are at the brink of momentous days, you and I. The destiny of a world is in the scales and no one can tell of a certainty what 1s going to happen. Officially, we are not at war because Con- gress has not said there is a war. But, fac- tually, there is a war at this moment, There is a war, Russian-inspired, Russian-jed, Rus- sian-equipped, in Korea. Right now on Rosh Hashana morning when I am talking to you, boys of this congregution—I know of two who are at this moment in battle with the Marines in Korea—American boys are dying, newspapers are carrying casualty lists, homes are being broken, hearts of parents are being torn. Reserves are being called. We are at war; and that war is being waged on two fronts. I am not concerned s0 much about the war in Korea if it does not spread, and, please God, it may not spread. That does not worry me very much because I know that that front is going to be cleaned up before long. But there is an- other front, the home front, and that front worries me. Because on this home front war has been declared on us by Soviet Rus- sia. And that has to concern us. And it has to concern every man, woman and child jn America. Because you see, my friends, the whole character of war has changed, Wars are no longer fought only on the bat- tlefleld; and wars are fought not only by men, an@ yes, even women in uniform. You and I who are not in uniform, you and I today are just as much in the service as though we actually wore a uniform. Wars today aie fought at home. Wars are fought in the laboratories, wars are fought in the factories. That is where Russia has de- clared war upon us. Her aim is to paralyze, her aim is to sabotage, her alm is to slow down the work that we in America are try- ing to do in order to prepare ourselves for the ordeal. In the days ahead you and I have to be on guard, very much on guard, because at- tempts have been made and attempts will be made to befog the issue. You are going to be asked to sign all kinds of protests and all kinds of proclamations. Be careful. Know what you are doing and if you do not know, ask. There are Government age Wiles to enlighten you. Remember that this terrible scourge that we call communism must be stopped wher- ever we are going to meet it. And in that connection we have a two-fold duty, you and I. We have a duty to our country, to America—and we have a duty to our faith, to Judaism, and to our co-religionists as Jews, and to all faiths, whatever they may be. I returned recently from three months abroad. You have heard Americans return- ing from abroad recite the trite, the very,
A376 trite words, but none the leas true wards, that America is the best, the most fortunate Jang in the world. And it is. Both ma- terlally and spiritually, there is not another jand in the world as fortunate as Americe. The best proof of that is that people every- where abroad, no matter where one goes, want to come to America. Everyone wants to come here and few people want to leave America. Your best of that is that whenever a Communist agent is ordered to be deported from Amer- fea to Eurzpe, listen to the fuss that he makes about going back to his paradise of a homeland. He doesn’t want to leave, he wants to remain here. Now, here in America, labor {s better pro- tected and better treated than anywhere else in the world, even in Soctalist England. Labor enjoys more governmental benefits In America than tt enjoys in Socialist England. That irka Russia, because Russia is supposed to be the fatherland of the proletariat. Rus- sta is sup’ to be the land where the working people have everything, Russia—and not America. Therefore Russia does not like us. For that reason every person who loves Amertea, every person who makes a living here, every m who enjoys the way of life that ts America, must protect ft in the danger that now faces it. As for the Jews, let us not forget this, my friends. That wherever Communist Russia has come to power, Jewish life has been de- stroyed. There is not a vestige of Jewish religious, economic, social, or cultural life left in Russia today, not a vestige. And even in Moscow, the Yiddish daily, Heint, which was nothing but a Yiddish transla- tion of Pravda, has been eliminated. Yid- dish writers have been sent out to Siberia. There is not a vestige of Jewish life in Rus- sia today. And those few Jews who have been able to steal out from behind the fron curtain in Europe—from Rumania and Hun- gary and Czechoslovakia and all the rest of the Balkan countries, they tell us that the last traces of Jewish life are being elim- inated behind the tron curtain by the Com- munists. Now, remember this, should—God forbid— the horrible thing happen and communism spread its influence over this country, then I say to you that the American Jewish com- munity, which is today the largest, the most influential, the most powerful Jewish com- munity in the world, will go down and will be destroyed even as have been the Jewish communities of Europe. Therefore, for these reasons, we must be on guard. We must pledge ourselves to wipe out communism wherever and whenever we find it, even if it means cutting deep into our own family and social circles. My friends, there was in Jewish life, particularly amongst the orthodox Jews in days gone by, & Weapon that was used to control the com- munity. It is a weapon which, of course, we of the liberal Jewish group do not have and never have had, but it was a weapon in Jewish life. It was a weapon that was so horrible that even those who watched its being inflicted in the synagogue, were terror- stricken, not to speak of the one who was subjected to that weapon. It was called the charem, excommunication. So we today must take a page out of the book of those old Jews and apply that same weapon, that same punishment today, the punishment of excommunication, of ostracism, of complete isolation from the community of any Jew who has become infected with the Commu- nist virus. The fate of humanity is lying in the bal- ance and the slightest hair may tip those scales in one direction or another. It is a fact, a fact that faces you, and you, and you, and me every moment of our existence today. So we pray for life this morning. We pray that God may inscribe us, and inacribe our dear ones, and inscribe the world in the Book of Life. But there can be no certainty of life, there can be no certainty of a future for any of us if this dread thing continues to go on, It will affect you and you, and you, and every single member of your family and mine. So we pray to God this morning for life. We pray that this catastrophe may be averted, that untold millions of people may not be condemned to death through the hor- rore of another war. Grant us, then, O God, Thy protection. Grant that this year that we have ushered in, may be for us and for all humanity, a year of life and not of death, & year of peace and not of war, a year of happiness and not of misery. Amen. Taxation Must Be Limited EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES W. VURSELL OF ILLIWOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. VURSELL. Mr. Speaker, the President, a few days ago, asked for a budget for the coming year of $71,500,- 000,000. To get this money, he asked for a $17,500,000,000 increase in income taxes in this session of the Congress. In his budget message to the Congress, he made !t plain that the great part of it would have to come out of the pockets of the small taxpayers and the leboring man. I quote: Income tax increases should be imposed at all levels, but by far the largest part of the additional revenues must come from the middie and lower tax brackets. These are the brackets in which the great bulk of the income is located, Those were the President's words. High taxes bear especially heavy on the lower, middle class, and the Jabor- ing people because there are so many of them. Those paying on an income of $10,000 a year or less, pay over 63 per- cent of aj] income taxes. In addition to the income taxes, they have to pay local, county, and State taxes; and in addi- tion to that they have to pay for hidden taxes in the cost of every item they buy. A great part of the wage earner's salary is now taken in Federal, State, and hid- den taxes. During the latter part of last year’s session, we increased the taxes on the little fellows about 20 percent and on larger taxpayers as well. If we try to raise $17,500,000,000 in additional taxes, as recommended by the President in his recent message, we will place an undue hardship on them, and all taxpayers, which may wreck the economy of our country. The rate is higher for those above the $10,000 bracket, reaching to the point where the Government takes an over-all top of 87 percent of the total earnings of the wealthy. Even with these high rates, the Government will only be able to get 23.3 percent from those earning over $25,000. Mr. Speaker, if the President and Con- gress would take the entire personal in- come of our citizens earning over $25,000 & year, including the income of all the so-calied millionaires in the Nation, it APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD amount to $7,500,000,000. The tax pro- gram re by the President is dangerous to the entire economy of the Nation and will work an undue hardship on all of its citizens. What the President should do first is to join with us Members of the Con- gress who know that with his coopera- tion and help the budget he has recom- mended could and should be reduced by $7,600.000.000. Mr, Speaker, we should cut ll un- necessary nonmilitary spending to the bone, and greatly reduce the administra~- tion’s give-away policy to other nations. If we continue to follow this reckless policy of spending, our Government will be in greater danger of destruction from within, than it is from a foreign foe. We can spend ourselves into financial bankruptcy and lose our liberty and our country, as Lenin, the founder of Rus- sian communism predicted over 30 years ago. He said in substance, “We can cause the United States to spend itself into financial destruction, becoming an easy prey to the Communist form of government.” Reckless and unnecessary spending by the administration for the past few years has fed the fires of inflation, which has continued the rise in the cost of liv- ing, causing laboring men to ask for higher wages. The old-age pensioners, those with fixed salaries, and aged peo- ple trying to live on insurance savings are hit the hardest. When the laboring man gets a raise in wages, the high cost of living wipes it out in a never-ending cycle of inflation. Government spending increases infla- tion, the cost of living, and threatens to bankrupt the Nation. The cost of Gov- ernment should be cut to the bone before increasing taxes. When that is done, we should then increase taxes as much as our economy will stand, in an effort to balance the budget. Pythianism EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 Mr, MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I should like to bring to the attention of all my colleagues a very inspiring address on Pythianism. This address was delivered by Dr. Karl Applbaum, rabbi of the Bay- side Jewish Center in Brooklyn, at spe< cial services dedicated to the Knights of Pythias, one of our better-known na- tional fraternities. These services were held on Friday evening, December 22, 1960, with many members of the Knights of Pythias as participants in, and guests at, the services. Dr. Applbaum is a past chancelor of Lodge No. 515, Knights of Pythias, and is very active in interfaith work. The text of his address follows: Our services tonight are dedicated to those of us who have given of ourselves to the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD teachings of Pythianism. What is Pythian. ism? Are its teachings new? Our answer is “No.” The basic teachings and concepts of Pythianism are as old as the teachings and concepts of our religion. Its best inspiration and lesson can be found in the story of Hillel, ‘This story relates that Hillel came to Pales- tine for the sole purpose of studying under the great teachers of the law. Fo: 40 years, day and night, he kept himself busy with subjects that fascinated and thrilled him. His treasure hunt brought him far more than the average sharu of gems. Like many a modern student he earned his own way, tak- ing a few hours off daily for chopping wood. Out of his small earnings he spent half on his education and personal needs, and the other half he gave to charity. At last he achieved his goal and became one of the greatest scholars of his day, and one of the outstand- ing teachers of religion in Jewish history. When he reached the pinnacle of success a Roman ‘jeathen came to him and said: “I have never studied the Jewish religion and I should like to start now.” “It is never too late, my friend,” said Hillel. “Very well, I do not have much time. I want you to teach me all you know about your religion tn the short time that I can balance myself on one foot.” “I wish, my friend, that you had more time. There is so much to learn. But, stand on your foot and I will teach you,” answered Hillel. The astonished Roman balanced himself on one foot and Hillel said to him, “You shall not do to others what you do not want them to do to you. That is our whole Torah. The rest is all explanation.” Subsequently the Roman was converted to Judaism and became a devoted disciple of Hillel, and for many years an ardent student of his academy. The above concept is an example of what true religion represents. Pythianism stands for the same principles as religion, it is a religion, a way of life. One cannot under- stand or follow the principles of Pythianism unless he understands religion. If we are asked to summarize religion we can say that “Religion is a belief in God the Creator and His teachings, and the attempt to use these teachings to make ourselves finer human beings.” A religious person must respect the rights and opinions of others—so0 does a good Pythian, Respect is the key word in religion. Even though we feel that our observances are the correct ones for us, we must not be bitter toward those who practice any other faith, or even a different shade of the same faith. A religious person always cooperates with the group. Selfishness makes nobody happy, ‘unselfishness makes everybody happy. That 4s one of the most important lessons of re- ligion. Pythianism and religion stand side by side and say: “One cannot be a disciple of one group if he does not believe in the teachings of the other.” No religion is worth anything if it does not show itself one way or another in actual life. Religion must be lived. “It is no vain thing for you; it is your life.” We can thus summarize religious life and say that in addition to all observances and rituals commanded to us, there must be as the basis—doing what is right at all times and in all places. Right conduct ts the most important part of the religious life. It means to do the right in private and in public, in the open and in the secret, against all odds. Without upright conduct, no one can be said to live 4 religious life, no matter how much he prays and how many forms he keeps up. The real core of the religious life ts found in purity, honesty, kindness, in industry, faithfulness, obedience, charity, and every other form of right doing. These are the real molds in which the religious life is cast. Without them, there can be no true and loving relation between man and God. “Ye shall be holy, for I the Lord your God am holy.” It is with the above thoughts in mind that we Pythians have come here to pray. We know that Pythianiam consists not merely in affiliation with the order, not merely in paying dues, but practicing the teachings and ving with its principles. We fully realize that if there was more Pythian- ism in the world there would be less wars; if there was more understanding there would be less diagsension; if more money was spent on education less would have to be expended on military training; if there were more disciples of Damon and Pythias there would be less soldiers in the armies of the world; if there was universal Pythianism we would not need universal military training; if more followed the teachings of Hillel there would be no need for guns and ammunition for war. Therefore, believing in all these things, ‘we members of the Pythian order and our friends have gathered here this evening at a time when unrest fills the world, to pray for the day when our Heavenly Father, the maker of all flesh, will rekindle in the hearts of mankind the love of justice and fraternal love, in accordance with the principles of democracy and the spirit of brotherhood of man, when He will teach us to purge our- selves of prejudice, slander, and selfish en- deavors. We pray to Thee, O Father, to cast Thy countenance upon our beloved country, America. Shelter the inhabitants of its sun- kissed soil from anguish, humiliation, and gloom. May distress and reproach never en- trench their spirits. May our country’s edu- cational institutions ever be the lighthouses of justice and freedom, the abode of equal opportunity and brotherly love. Make Thy divine prophecy soon come to pass, when nations shall beat thelr swords into plow- shares and their spears into pruning forks; when nation shall not Hft sword against nation, nor shall they learn war anymore. Then will freedom flood the world and strife and discord disappear. Amen. Stop—Look—Listen EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RUSSELL V. MACK" OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23,1951 Mr. MACK of Washington. Mr. Speaker, Mr, Frank H. Lamb, manufac- turer of machinery and author of sev- eral books, and at one time a member of the executive committee of Rotary In- ternational, published a half-page ad- vertisement in his home-town newspaper New Year’s Day in opposition to Amer- ica’s present foreign policy, Scores of copies of Mr. Lamb's state- ment have been sent to me by citizens who agree with him, and they and he all are entitled to the fullest hearing on the statements made in opposition to our present foreign policy. I, therefore, under leave to extend my remarks, am having the Lamb statement on foreign .Policy published in the Appendix of the Recorp in order that it may have the widest circulation possible among policy makers in the Government. Mr. Lamb's statement follows: Srop—Loox—LisTin Parents of today and of generations yet unborn, are you raising your children for a normal life of work and service or to perish on some foreign battlefield? A377 Workers in field, factory, or office, are you laboring for a higher standard of living, the necessities of family and old age, or produc- ing battle spoil to be spread around the world? Businessmen, would you rather trade in or make articles far more human comfort and enjoyment for education, culture, and recreation or machinery, guns, bombs, poi- sons for the wholesale destruction of life? Widows, orphans, aged, heads of endowed schools and foundations, all those depending on savings, annuities, bonds, fixed income or insurance, will you be able to live on the provisions you or others have made for your future, or will all your bonds, endowments, reserves, and assets be wiped out by an in- flation that has already reduced the value of the dollar to half what it was a decade ago? These questions and others equally as critical are being decided today with little reference to you and on superficial congres- sional consideration by an administration dominated by military men (Generals Mar- shall, Eisenhower, and MacArthur for exam- ple) headed by a President prone to bombast and snap judgments (“We can lick old Joe” and some recent letters), and supported by a flock of columnists to whom war will offer opportunities for advancement. FAILURE OF PAST FOREIGN POLICIES Everyone questioning our policy will be branded as & coward, appeaser, or isolationist. Yes, I am an isolationist, if as I wrote in “The Creed of an American” on October 1, 1943, “by that term is meant an American that is opposed to this country’s trying to politically, socially, or economically overlord the rest of the world.” Seven years ago I stated, “I have no relatives to sacrifice or money to squander merely to preserve the British Empire or retain Hong Kong, Burma, or India.” I wished no part in France's struggle “to support her rotten colonial gov- ernment in Indochina or elsewhere.” I sym- pathized with China but “her future govern- ment should depend on her own 400,000,000 peoples.” Although Russia was ostensibly an ally, I was then “opposed to any underwrit- ing of a dominating Soviet influence in after- the-war Europe.” Who in 1943 thought that we would spend many billions to support the British Empire and its Soctalist government? Who dreamed we would think of sending American boys to die in the jungles of Indochina to sup- port an oppressive French colonial rule? Who realized that we would make a calami- tous surrender to communism tn secret meet- ings of dictators at Tehran, Yalta, and Ber« lin? Who then thought Americans today would be advocating the dropping of atom bombs on once friendly Chinese civilians? It is no sign of cowardice to resist war- mongers who would send our troops to de- fend Western Europe against communism when the nations directly menaced are luke- warm and willing to do little for their own protection. The militarists would start us on @ march to Moscow, the nemesis of both Napoleon and Hitler. Other jingoists urge the invasion of China, which nearby Japan could not conquer in 8 years of war—a na- tion that in 6,000 years of its history has been invaded‘ but never really conquered. The United States has supplied the deci- sive men, munitions, and wealth to win two world wars, and our success has vastly inr flated our ego and swollen our national pride. But against the row on row of hundreds of thousands of white crosses in military ceme- terles around the world, after the wastage of the greater part of the natural resources of a continent, loaded with a fantastic national Gebt of nearly two hundred and seventy bile lions, what have we gained? Nothing. TIME FOR NEW DECISIONS In many respects the world is worse off on account of our Interference, We feel morally obligated to replace the property destroyed
A378 by our armies. We have fewer friends among the nations today than at any time in our history. A billion colored peoples that once looked to us now class us as enemy No. 1, because it is our guns and men, our munt- tiona and ald that the European colonial powers are using to suppress their efforts for independence. “a world safe for democracy,” and we are almost the only democracy left in the world. “The four freedoms," and we have less free- dom than at any time since the Declaration of Independence. “A war to end war,” and we are taxing ourselves to arm 50 nations, gome of which may one day be aiming at us the arms we are now giving them. The armtes and industrial planta we so agsiduously destroyed in Germany and Japan to make these nations powerless we are now ineisting be replaced and rebuilt, mostly at our expense, to help us in a war against communism. Since August 1, 1945, we have appropriated over $49,500,000,000 for foreign aid—@289 for every inhabitant in the United States. At the same time many of our own public bodies lack money to build needed schools, libraries, suitable highways, and the necessary power end reclamation facilities for an increasing economy. 1 was an original supporter of President Wileon's League of Nattons but I am tired of a United Nations in which 59 do the talking and 1 has to pay most of the costs in money and men. Against America’s Korean contri- bution of nearly 40,000 casualties already reported from at least 7 divisions of troops, and a cost of many billions of dollars, 14 only of the more than 60 other non-Commu- nist United Nations up to December 15, have supplied 18,840 troops, 118 planes, 1 carrier, 4 cruigers, 16 destroyers, a few small naval units, some medical supplies and equipment, including 125 tons of cod-liver ofl from Ice- land and 400,000 jute sacks from India. ARM FOR DEFENSE, NOT AGGRESSION We are inviting national disaster tf we permit the masters of the Kremlin during a period of years to tnvolve us in a series of Koreas on the 20,000-mile perimeter of the Communist world stretching from Siberia west to the Baltic Sea. After a few of these fruitless invasions we would be so exhausted and impoverished that Moscow could then safely select the time and place of the final battle for supremacy. The Atlantic and Pacific Oceans are as wide and deep as ever and even more difficult for an enemy to cross because of the planes, directed missiles, and other provisions of a defensively prepared America. Those who would scare us by claiming the Russians could invade our homeland are trading on our credulity. Recall the supreme effort re- quired by all the Allied nations in 1944 to launch the Normandy invasion across the narrow English Channel and the tremendous equipment and munitions the United States used in the recent landing on a practically unprotected Inchon Peninstila in Korea. ™m the 1951 military budget now about fifty billions, at Teast 75 percent is for the expense of infantry, munitions, and equip- ment suitable only for invasion and ground deployment in Europe and Asia. The de- fense of American cities from the surprise suicide bomb attack ts mostly on paper, we have no bomb shelters, only a fragmentary radar sereen encircles the Nation and planes and antiair attack guns are inadequate. The Korean campaign has stripped the United States of most of the matertal re- quired to repe) invasion. Our choice today ts between a policy of forcible containment of communism to ite present area in Europe and Asia and putting the defense of America in second place or considering the national defense the para~ mount object of our foreign policy and mille tary preparedness. We can fight communism as a military power but we cannot stop the spread of communism as a philosophy, as a political or economic system by bullets. Our only defense against it in these realms 1s to make our own democracy work 80 per- fectly that it will best serve mankind. We should have no fear of the verdict of the fue ture in any such trial. Reader, if you think that our first duty ts to defend our own land, !f you belleve the oceans are still our natural line of defense, if tt is your opinion that an American in- vasion of Europe, China, or other lands be~ yond the seas is inviting national suicide and sacrificing untold American lives, if you are willing to let other rations run their af- fairs and pay their own bills, and content for us to attend to our own business, then write or wire the Congress, both Senators and Representatives, your wishes. It is the only way your opinion can be registered. In this crucial hour of decision, you owe your country this service. Do it today and start a chain letter that will swamp Congress. The voice of America arising from the parents of future cannon fodder, from work- ers and businessmen striving to maintain the standard of living, from the poor widow and the multimillionaire who stand to lose all through inflation, from every patriot, should flood Congresa with an appeal to consider realities, to avoid bombast and to forget claims of superiority justifying the ruling of others and instead to arm America to make it so strong industrially, economically, and militarily, through the operation of a suc- cessful democracy, that we would never need to fear communism as an economy, envy it as a philosophy, or tremble before it as a mili- tary force. We Must Untie the Hands of Our Law Enforcement Agencies EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH B. KEATING OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include a further editorial from the Washington Evening Star, which is performing a dis- tinguished public service in pressing for the enactment of legislation to permit the FBI and other investigative agencies to intercept communications and give evidence regarding what they have learned in cases involving spies, sabo- teurs, traitors, subversives, and other enemies of our country. The editorial follows: FPourTHer Sropy ‘ADVisaBLE With due allowance for the partisan na- ture of their dissenting report, the Republi- can critics of the Senate District Commit- tee’s wire-tapping control bill have made a good suggestion in urging further atudy of the measure. The Republican minority asserted that the committee did not con- sider the possibility of conflict between the local bill and proposed national wire-tapping legislation. Both types of legislation, since they deal with the same basic problem of telephone eavesdropping, should be in aco- cord, lest confusion develop later with re- spect to their enforcement in the District of Columbia. For both proposed laws would apply to Washington. . There is another reason, however, warrant- ing further scrutiny of the District bill. While it properly excepts local police from the proposed ban on wire tapping in the Dia- trict, it fails to state—as does the Keating APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD national bill—that information obtained by tapping wires can be used as evidence in court. If it is wise to spell this out in so many words for the benefit of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and military intelli- gence agencies, it is Just as wise to spell it out for Washington police. If the national bill should pass with the right so specified and the local bill should become law without a positive assertion of evidence admissibility, some court might well wonder whether Con- gress intended to do more than authorize wire interceptions by police--as an investi- gative aid alone. What is needed—and promptly—is legisla- tion that will make clear the right of proper law-enforcement agencies, when duly au- thorized, to Msten in on certain communica- tions and to use the information so obtained as prosecutive evidence against spies, sabo- teurs, kidnapers, and similar major public enemies. As Representative Furcoto, of Massachusetts, recently commented, it is in- deed an anomalous situation when such criminals cannot be brought to trial because of an ill-advised legal bar against the use of wire-tap evidence. Korean Withdrawal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD D. DONOHUE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. DONOHUE. Mr. Speaker, I should like to include at this point the reply I gave to the question, Should we get out of Korea? which was pub- lished in the January 21 issue of the Boston Sunday Globe newspaper. My statement follows: The question of whether we should get out of Korea focuses attention on the prac- tical decision that must be faced in deter- mining just how much our obligations shall be allowed to operate against our own best interest strategically. We originally entered Korea in recogni- tion of our moral commitment as a mem-<- ber of the United Nations, to help repulse wanton and illegal aggression and promote peace in the world. When the purpose of the police action, approved by the United Nations Security Council, was practically accomplished, hordes of Communist Chinese troops, obviously by preconceived intention, suddenly and untaw- fully attacked United Nations soldiers, caus- ing their retreat to such position that the safety and survival of the entire United Na- tions forces now appears periled. According to the latest press releases, the Petping communistic regime refuses to honor any cease-fire period except in compliance with their own blackmail terms, for, other things, a seat in the United Nations and abandonment of Formosa. Under these circumstances, if the Joint Chiefs of Staff, whose business it is and in whom I have substantial confidence, should recommend our withdrawal from Korea, be- cause the overwhelming pressure of Commu- nist forces may make 9 prolonged campaign in Kores strategically unwise, I would favor acceptance of their recommendation in order to save the further useless expenditure of the lives of American boys for an indecisive objective. However, even though we and the United Nations should be foreed to accept tempo- rary military set-back in Korea, because of global strategy, I would be resolutely against @ny submission to the further humiliation
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of capitulating to Red China’s demands. After the utter contempt Red China has shown to us and the United Nations, any additional appeasement would amount to moral suicide. Further concessions to either Red China or Soviet Russia would, in my opinion, be turning the United Nations into a tool of those who have flagrantly violated every truth for which it stands. Should the {I- legal attack on the Republic of Korea not be ultimately repelled in principle, there would seem to be no basis for fulfillment of the further aims of the United Nations, either in Korea or elsewhere, Congressman Harotp D. Dononur. Voice of South Texas REMARKS HON. KEN REGAN OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. REGAN. Mr. Speaker, in the times when our country is prosperous and at peace, the people back home seem to pay very little attention to what we do here and what we think about, but in times such as confront us today all our people take much more interest in the welfare of our Nation, the fight against communism, and so forth. Liovp M. Bentsen, who became a Member of this body a little more than 2 years ago, has been writing a weekly letter home which has been published in the newspapers of his district, the Fifteenth District of Texas, which bor- ders my district, mine being the Six- teenth. We each have about 500 miles of the Mexican border in our districts. The letters are published in the weekly papers throughout his district, and have been read with interest and considerable favorable comment. This last week the Valley Evening Monitor of McAllen, Tex., published an editorial commenting very favorably on the way the gentleman from Texas (Mr. BrENnTSEN] attends to his business and keeps the people informed. The editorial is as follows, and I ask unanimous consent that it be published in the Recorp today in conjunction with these comments: Vorcs or SoutH Texas Congressman BEnTsEN, of the valley's Fitteenth District, this week gave his con- stituents a clear statement of his basic pol- icy for the new session of Congress. It 1s a declaration each of them should read thor- oughly. It appears in his weekly newspaper column. In effect he says it is time for America to get up off its spit-and-whittle bench and go to work. Not only must the Nation rearm, but its vitals will be exposed if it does not organize and strengthen every possible ally it can find abroad. He cites encouraging acts in both directions, acts that have lately been multiplying, but he makes it clear he has no admiration for the tedious pace at whioh the Truman administration has gone about the defense program. The citizens of Congressman BrnrTsEn’s district have every reason to believe that all of his activity at Washington during the forthcoming 2 years will find their root in the two beliefs he has enunciated; that the rearming task and the development of stronger aliies both in Europe and Asia must outweigh everything eles that comes up for decision. Back home he will find willing support for such a program. Six months ago people in this part of the country were wondering why domestic restrictions were not being imposed so as to channel more of the Nation’s pro- duction and intelligence into the war effort. The Congressman's statement tells how he seeks out every available military expert, hears them, evaluates their information, and then does his “small part” to transmit such Judgment into terms of congressional votes, The valley's Congressman may play a mod« est part in Congress, but he is the one public official to whom thousands of people of south Texas feel they can turn most quickly for leadership on the national scene. In auch a sense his actions transport with them the hopes and prayers of those thousands. To us in south Texas the measure of his respon- sibility is embodied in Mr. BENTSEN’s forth- right declaration that we cannot retire to our own shores and expect to repel the in- vader; we had better beat him elsewhere while we can. That is the issue at the core of America’s current debate on foreign policy, and he has taken a sound stand on it. About Iowa EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES I. DOLLIVER OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. DOLLIVER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orD, I include the following article from the Iowa Development Bulletin: Axsour Iowa Towa now has 60 industries which employ more than 500 workers. Fourteen are en- gaged in food processing, including 11 which pack and process meat. Nineteen manu- facture machinery, including construction machinery, farm machinery, electrical equip- ment and aircraft parts. The industries are located in 17 Iowa cities. They include the world’s largest cereal plant, washing ma- chine industry and wringer manufacturer, door and millwork factory, silvery iron fac. tory, wheel tractor manufacturer, aluminum- plate rolling mill, fountain-pen factory, in- dependent pork processor, single-operated packing plant, and manufacturer of portable rock crushers. Iowa coal production the first three quar- ters of 1950 was running 22 percent over 1949. At the end of September 1950, Iowa mines had produced 1,666,000 tons of coal. In the same period in 1949, Iowa coal totaled 1,276,000 tons. United States soft-coal pro- duction in 1950 was up 4 percent over 1949. Poultry and eggs bring in 10 percent of Jowa’s farmers’ annual income. In 1949, for instance, poultry and eggs taken to market sold for $187,000,000, and another $18,000,000 went into skillets and ovens on the farm, Cash farm income totaled more than $2,000,- 000,000. Nearly all of Iowa's gently rolling land is suitable for farming. At present 97.7 percent of the State's total land area is under cul- tivation. Iowa contains 86,642,680 acres of land, of which 84,838,247 are in farms. An Iowan is credited with inventing the tractor. In 1892, John Froelich of Froelich, Iowa, built the first gasoline tractor that pro- pelled itself both backward and forward, Successful models were first sold commer- cially in 1918. A379 Jowa's farm land annually produces more ‘wealth than all the world’s gold mines com. bined. In 1049, for instance, world gold production was less than $1,000,000. Iowa's farm products sold for more than $2,000,- 000,000, Iowa usually grows 20 percent of the United States corn crop. Iowa's 854,000,000 bushel 1949 corn crop amounted to 10 per- cent of the world's 1949-50 crop, and was as big as the combined corn crops of 12 Euro« pean countries, excluding Italy. One-fifth of all the butter made in the United States comes from Iowa cream. Iowa farmers sell more cream to creameries than farmers in any other State, One-fourth of all the pork eaten in the United States comes from Iowa hogs. In 1949, Iowa's pork production was more than four billion pounds. More saddle horses live in Iowa than in any other State. More than 200,000 light horses are stabled by Iowa owners. Only 2,500 are owned by training stables, Towa leads the Nation in the literacy of its citizens. In Iowa, 99.2 percent of the people can read and write-—the highest percent in the United States. There are industries in 600 Iowa towns, ac- cording to a survey made in 1960 by the Iowa Development Commission. Two years ago, 566 towns had industries, Of the 100 akilled labor crafts in the United States, 98 are represented in Iowa indus- tries. Only diamond cutters and seamen are not listed. Iowa is served by 76 interatate motor freight lines, and 80 intrastate trucking Mines, There are 170,420 trucks owned in Towa. More than half the families in Iowa own their homes. In 1950, a total of 475,122 Iowans held deeds to their homes. Towa gained 52 new industries in 1960, One-fourth of all the Iowans working out- side agriculture are now employed in indus- try. Thirty-six percent of Iowa's people live on farms, 43 percent in cities, and 21 per- cent in small cities. Iowa has 27 foundries which cast alumi- num, brass, bronze, and other nonferrous metals. Iowa ranks fourth in railroad mileage. It is served by 13 railroads, More than 90 percent of Iowa farms have telephones. Towa has 46 commercial radio stations, and four noncommercial stations. Twenty Iowa radio stations are FM broad- casters, and three broadcast TV. There are 55 gray iron foundries in Iowa, Iowa has 315 public libraries. What Really Is Wrong? EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS A. JENKINS oFr OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr, JENKINS. Mr. Speaker, “What is really wrong?” is a question that is asked thousands of times every day all over this country. I have just returned from a short visit to my congressional district and I found that practically every person that I met was tremendously interested in the situation here in Washington and in the country generally. They were unanimous in their condemnation of the policies now being followed by the ad- ministration here in Washington, This
A380 sentiment is properly appraised in a very well-written article which was written by Mr. Gordon Bush, the publisher of the Athens (Ohio) Messenger of which he is the owner and very capable editor, The article follows: Wat Rrary Is Weona? The most dificult thing to understand in America today is why it ie necessary, 48 &p~ parently it is, for the people to be so divided . om the subject of foreign military policy. They are not divided among themselves for all the differences of opinion as to the proper place to resist the spread of commu- nism. ‘Phat is incidental, and, in fact, a militarily strategic matter. We've got to he lieve that our military leaders know what they can or cannot do on this front or that. But beyond the problems of specific applica- tion, there is a universal cise the broad cy of foreign c nts. You Peey think what you please of Taft, Hoover, Bridges, Wherry, and others leading the great debate, but you cannot discount them. Thoy do + our intelligent pub- lic leaders in the political field. You cannot discount the information available to Truman, Acheson, snd the ad- ministrative advisers, and, seriously, it is unsound to doubt thetr loyalty and funda- mental desire to do the smart thing. Between these two forces of opinion, stand nearly 600 Con; who would give their individual left arms to be right in such a dispute and to go down in history as formu- letors of a successful policy. They sre com- mon men for the most part not equipped with much more information than is the average thinking citizen, but they are in po- sitions of responsibility that cannot be alto- gether ignored by all of them. Outaide these circles of influence and prom- inence stand the millions of Amerikan citi- vens who just don't agree with what bas been done and with their understanding of what is to be done. Every letter to the editor, every curbstone conversation, proves this. If there is a substantial minority which does not feel like the articulate American citi- gen feels today, it ts a strangely bashful group of citizens. Charges are made on every hand, from the lowest commentators to the White House, which are unprovable yet the result of this bewilderment. That lack of unity, which may always be deplored, is not so much a difference of opinion as it reflects the failure to understand how those on the other side of the argument can have a case. Surely there is a serious lack of faith in the public, or the administration would not leave it so completely in the dark, That the public re- tallates with lack of faith in the administra- tion, is human nature. Could tt be that we are, now, like the great body of Germans as the outsets of both world wars, unwilling to embrace warfare and therefore to risk our Nation, but unable to do anything about it because of an autoc- racy at the top which is determined to lead the Nation to its doom? Could we be standing on the edge of an era that will see the destruction of the United States of America because of twisted thinking in the leadership? Has our system of repre- sentative government been so despoiled by socialistic progrees that we are no longer a people free to choose our governors and direct thelr performance? It begins to nok like it. If President Tru- man can commit troops and thereby begin wars, or merely encourage wars, at his own discretion—and he has sald lately that he can and will do just that—is there no power left in our so-called democratic Government What ts the nature of America, ite elected officials and fts people that we should stand idly by while a new form of government grows in our midst and takes over our rights of sanction and decision? The United Nations has bossed the Korean war from the first, and now we can’t even withdraw from it because of Indians and Ethiopians, Yugo- slays and Greeks, Burmese and Chinamen, Britons and Swedes deciding they will keep Uncle Sam in there pitching until they see which way the ball game is going. Have we no national moral fiber of bull- headed selfishness, without which no nation can be respected? Are we so enmeshed in ideological hope that we cannot distinguish between servitude and independence? Is there no force of brains and determination left in Washington which even cares about maintaining the world leadership of America—leadership in the products and capabilities of the American people, if not in thelr seemingty stupid leaders? How can these leaders be right when the people always think better than they do and are now united in the demand to stop mon- keying around with our peace and welfare? Is there not a majority of citizens who would give up their Government doles, pensions, pay-offs, parities, for a continuation of the experience that has made this country the greatest place to live in all the world—up to this time? Qualifications of a Commissioner EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BURR P. HARRISON OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF R“<PRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. HARRISON of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks in the Appendix, I include an edi- torial Qualifications of a Commissioner, which appeared in the Washington Sunday Star on December 24, 1950, and another editorial, District of Columbia Commissioner, which appeared in the Washington Post on January 6, 1951. Both ere complimentary to our former colleague, the Honorable Mary T, Norton, of New Jersey. {Prom the Washington Sunday Star of De- cember 24, 1950} QUALIFICATIONS OF A OoMMISSION ER Commisatoner Mason's illness in recent months and the fact that his present term as & District Commissioner is drawing to a close serve to encourage speculation as to a successor. Among those being mentioned is Representative Mary T. Norton, whase long service as a Member of the House will end with the Eighty-frst Congress. Mrs. Norton is so well known in Wash- ington, she has been euch a consistently good friend of the District of Columbia and she is so able a woman in her own right that such an appointment would he generally popular. But the law which requires that a@ District Commisaioner must bave been an actual resident of the District of Columbia for § years preceding appointment and, dur- ing that period, claimed residence nowhere else, would seem to bar her. The residence qualification, however, has been shown to be more apparent than real. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD active In the work of the citimens* asocia- tions. He t to have the attorney general and the district attormey bring quo warranto proceedings, but both officers de- clined. He then obtained permisston from district court to bring such proceedings him- self as a taxpayer and citizen in the name of the Government. The case was tried by jury, he won ft in district court and in the court of appeals. But the Supreme Court reversed, holding that as a taxpayer and citizen Mr. Frismelt was not an interested party, and also holding that as officers ap- pointed by the President and subject to his removal the attorney general and district attorney would not grant permisston to a citizen to bring such proceedings and the Court had no power to do so. The upshot of the decision was that there was no way to invoke the residence qualifica- tion in court and that discretion in the matter lies with the President and tho Senate. Mr. Newman was confirmed, despite his lack of qualification as to residence, and served two terms. The reason for the resi- dence requirement, of course, is to protect the people of the District against the Pres- ident’s use of the commissionerships as jobs for nonresident politicians. Most of the Presidents have abided by the spirit of the law, despite the evident lack of legal means to prevent an infraction. As a Member of Congress, Mrs. Norton has mada her residence in Washington for some 26 yeara—though obviously claiming resi- dence in New Jersey. In itself, her appotnt~- ment would be well recetved. As far as the law is concerned, however, her appointment would in effect render it meaningless. [From the Washington Post of January 6, 1981} Distercr or COLUMBIA COMMISSIONER Mrs. Mary T. Norton's atatement that she would not accept an appointment as District Commissioner if it were offered was charac- teristically public-spirited. Her whole con- gressional career has been marked by gen- erous and statesmanty friendship for the people of Washington; and during her ten- ure as chairman of the Howe District Com- mittee she worked earnestly to make this coramunity self-governing. It would, there- fore, as she says, be inconsistent on her part to take 8s position which tn her own view should go to & Washingtonian. We wish that she were one. But since Mrs. Norton is ineligible, we hope that the President will seek within the District the of experience, intel- lect, and character which she possesses. We have no doubt that they are to be found among Washingtonians. They are most ikely to be found among those who have been active participants im District affairs and perticularly among those who have been leaders in the effort to give the people of Washington full status as citizens of the United States. We submit to President Tru- man that anyone he chooses for the antici- pated in the Board of Commission- ers ought to be like himself, » wholehearted supporter of home rule. Of the several candidates whose names have been put forward for the important post, two seem to us to be outstanding: Ger- hard Van Arkel and Mrs, Henry Grattan Doyle. Both are persons of high prestige in the community. Both have served it de- or she would hold in trust unti) such time as the people of the District are free to officials. Es presi- In thet F
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and a comprehensive grasp of local affairs. She demonstrated also, in contrast to her fellow Board members, a willingness to see the office she held placed at the disposal of the people in accordance with the home-rule legislation then pending. Mr. Van Arkel had @ distinguishe. career in military service, and since then has been an extraordinarily able and vigorous counsel to the Senate Dis trict Committee—a post which has given him exceptional knowledge of all the District's problems. No other person suggested for the commissionership has worked go ener- getically for this community's emancipation, We urge the appointment of Mr. Van Arkel or Mrs. Doyle with full confidence that, if chosen, he or she would hasten home rule. This Confused World EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS A. JENKINS OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. JENKINS. Mr. Speaker, the Chi- cago Daily Drovers Journal circulates widely in the United States, and its sub- scribers on the whole, are a very capable group and a group whose patriotism can- not be questioned. In a recent issue of this newspaper its editor discusses the national situation very logically and very convincingly, Be- cause of the completeness of this edi- torial, I include it in the ConGcRESSIONAL Record as a part of my remarks, It follows: Tus Conrusrtp Worip Joe Stalin must be chuckling up his sleeve these days at the terrible mess he has created in the world. He has us so confused we hardly know whether black is black or white. For example: By shifting his pawns properly, he got us entangied in a war. Yet ws are not in a war, since we have declared war against nono of the forces we are fighting. Neither have any of the other nations involved declared war. Furthermore, the war is being waged from China by one side, and Japan by the second, neither of which is now at war with the other. On the other hand, our leaders are now sitting down with Germans to plan revival of the German Army. We are, of course, still at war with Germany. At the same time, we talk of reviving the Japanese Army and Japanese war industry. We are still at war with Japan also. We are tightening down the clamps of censorship for more military security in the Korean War area. Yet in Tokyo, where the allied generals plan thelr strategy, Russian officers come and go freely, and pass infor- mation on to the Communists freely. This fs possible because Russia is @ member in good standing of the United Nations, which is fighting communism in eastern Asia. Because nobody wants this thing to spread beyond Korea, this is the only war in history in which one belligerent has a “safe base,” like the kids have in a game of tag. The Reds simply step over into Manchuria, and presto! they are “safe.” We will neither molest them there nor can we bomb their plants which turn out the shells which kill our soldiers. To add a further twist to the situation, Great Britain, which is our ally and the re- cipient of the bulk of our billions in aid during the past 4 years, is diplomatically a friend of the enemy we fight. She recognizes Red China formally and urges that the latter be allowed to become a member of the United Nations. All the while, Red Chinese are killing United Kingdom soldiers daily in Korea. Well, this could go on and on. But what's the use? The longer the list, the greater the credit to the Russians, who must be given top rank as confusers of the issue. This Nation never was in greater need of en- Mghtened leadership. Fight To Win or Quit EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ORD, I wish to include the following edi- torial entitled “Fight To Win or Quit,” which appeared in the Washington Daily News for January 22, 1951: Ficut To WIN or Quir General MacArthur says that the Ameri- can Army fighting of Korea as the agent of the United Nations awaits political deci- sions from “the chancellories of the world” on the problem confronting it. That problem is the intervention of Red China, dating from October. “Considering that the entire military might of Communist China is available against this relatively small command (the UN forces) ,”” General MacArthur warns, “only by maneuver may it avoid hazards inherent in the great odds which it now faces.” That is a clear challenge to the gentle- men representing the United Nations at Lake Success to make up their minds what they intend to do. And it must be an- swered. The American resolution branding the Reds as aggressors, which has been pre- sented to the UN, makes no provision tor sanctions against Red China and carefully avoids anything that might be interpreted as authorizing General MacArthur to strike directly at Peiping'’s homeland and supply bases. 1t is from China itself, and the bases there, that the Red forces fighting our troops are being supplied. But our troops have become the forgotten men in this war. The Defense Department is trying to muz- zle Maj. Gen. Emmett O’Donnell, who raised this same issue upon his recent return from Korea, “We have been fighting distinctly under wraps since the Communists came into the war," General O'Donnell says. “I never thought I'd see the day when we would have to sit back with our hands tied. * * * If we're going to fight, let’s not hit ‘em light, for heaven's sake. It’s time people knew that this is an all-out war.” That is mild to what the boys in the frozen foxholes are saying. They have been let down. They want to come home, They are tired of being shot at like sitting ducks, while the United Nations exchanges notes with the outlaw Chinese Government at Pelping. The State Department seems determined to make General MacArthur the goat in this situation, just as it made former Defense They know it, A381 Secretary Johnson the goat for the original debacle in Korea. But it can’t get away with that. The rec. ord is too clear. The fault is not in Korea but in Washing» ton, in London, and at Lake Suocess, The weakness of American political leader- ship was demonstrated when it was unable to persuade any of the other great powers to join us in sponsoring the mild condemna- tion resolution presented to the UN. Britain, Canada, and our other fair-weath- er friends will vote for this resolution on the show-down. But they'll do it with great re- luctance. And they are not prepared to sup- port any reprisal measures against the Chi- nese Reds. Yet this resolution would do nothing more than officially recognize a con- dition which has been fact for 3 months while ducking the question of what is to be done about it. So the resolution itself is an act of appeasement. General MacArthur has been gagged and General O’Donnell has been called on the carpet, doubtless to be warned to make no more statements on the outrageous way the policy makers have bungled this whole affair. But the truth will out, despite gags and cen- sorship. The record made at Lake Success is there for all to read. Our Army in Korea has plenty of fight left in it, according to General Collins, the Army Chief of Staff. But why should that Army fight when the cause it is supporting has been disowned by the organization it 1s representing? No ef- fort is being made to reinforce it. Why should more men die on & mission that seems to have been abandoned? The UN must answer these questions, or it will be faithless to the world which has Placed its trust in it, and faithleas to the men who have died fighting in its name. Economic sanctions should be voted against Red China. Its ports should be blockaded. The bases from which it is sup- plying its outlaw forces should be bombed. Ald should be extended to the guerrilla forces fighting the Reds on the China main- land. The Chinese Nationalists should be encouraged to return to China proper so that the Reds will be forced to fight on two fronts. That is the way to carry on this war if there is any desire to win it. It cannot be won by the present half- hearted measures, If the UN doesn't intend to fight to win, then our troops should be pulled out and the whole enterprise abandoned. If the UN will not face up to this issue, then our own Government must, We should fAght to win or quit. A Study in Confusion EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. A. L. MILLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. MILLER of Nebraska. Mr, Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial from the Sunday ‘World-Herald, Omaha, Nebr., entitled “A Study in Confusion.” Mr. Speaker, those who will have charge of administering price controls, rationing, and all of the other measures to regiment the American people will do well to read this editorial. It might well be entitled “Lest We Forget,”
A382 If controls are fastened upon our econ- omy, the Congress should reserve some strings to have them removed when they are no longer needed. The left wing ele- ment in this couniry is now using this emergency to fasten what they hope will be permanent controls upon the Ameri- can people. This should not happen. I commend the reading of this editorial to my colleagues: A Strupy in Conrusron Word from Washington that the new crop of economic controllers probably will start hy controlling meat must have brought back & flood of not-so-old memories. Yor the average householder they were memories of red ration coupons, empty butcher trays, and strange portions of cow and hog anatomy that most had never set eyes on before. They were of meatless Tues- days and Fridays, and sometimes five other meatless days as well. They were memories of a flourishing black market and a swarm of OPA investigators, more sinister than Mack Sennett cops but not much more effec- tive. Por the livestock producers and the meat packers the memories were even more vivid. In its attempts to regulate this great in- duatry the bureaucracy perpetrated one of the truly monumental snafus of World ‘War IY, the effects of which are being felt to this day. There are sheepmen who will tell you that the control program decimated the Nation’s lamb flocks, changed the peo- ple’s eating habits so drastically that the country never has gotten back to eating lamb as it did before the war. The ups and downs of the cattle and hog industries were almost as frustrating. A glance at the livestock market news of those days conveys something of the atmos- phere of the times. When, for inatance, corn prices were frozen in April 1944 the hog market was glutted for seven straight weeks, yet pork remained point-high and goarce in the butcher shops, In September 1944 the Defense Supplies Corporation disclosed that the meat-subsidy ‘am had cost #462,000,000, and 20 Mid- western Senators asked immediate elimina- tion of the subsidies as the only possible means of stabilizing the market. Instead, Stabliizer Vinson countered with promises of higher support prices and an increase in the subsidy to packers. Within 3 weeks the supply of hogs had nevertheless slid to the year’s low. Two months later, hog prices skidded overnight from the official ceiling price al- most to the support price, Spokesmen for producers blamed this break on the subsidy that packers received, regardless of what they paid the farmer. The packers blamed it on low meat ceilings and likewise berated the so-called subsidy. In December New York butcher shops were closed up and retail meat supplies were at an all-time low. By January 21, 1946, the Government was Juggling new ceilings on all meats, and the packers were s'"‘l pleading for an end of their subsidy. It should go, they said, not to slaughterers but to the producers and feeders, The Government’s answer: Another increase in the packer subsidy. In April 1945 there was a new set-up de- aligned to eliminate packers’ financial losses, give housewives more meat. It consisted of 634,000,000 more in subsidies to packers, bringing the total cost of meat subsidies to 560,000,000 for the year. There was a crack-down on slaughtering on the farm and OPA hired 500 more black-market inspectors, “If ceilings don't work now," said Eco- nomic Stabiliger William H. Davis, “animals will be allocated to federally inspected plants and all other slaughter declared illegal.” The ceilings didn’t work, and on May 1 the meat controllers reached their ultimate in hand-outs—a fourth increase in the eubsidy, and s $35,000,000 subsidy to feeders payable through the Agricultural Adjustment Administration. By the time the wer in Europe was over, the regimentation of the meat industry was complete—at a total cost of more than a billion dollars a year—and still there wasn't enough meat. Looking back on it, a number of men who spent their lives in producing livestock and processing meat said they believed that only one control was clearly necessary. That was the one setting aside certain quantities of meat for the Armed Forces. All the rest was a costly and futile exer- else in trying to control a vital industry which, its leaders believe, would have pro- duced more and distributed it just as fairly {f the bureaucrats had kept their hands off, Cuba’s Strong Man EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM W. BLACKNEY OF aICEtIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTS TIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. BLACKNEY. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include herein the following articles which appeared in the Michigan Times: Cupa’s STRONG Man Is SEEKING PRESIDENCY AgaIn (By Antonio Torra) With announcement of his candidacy for the Presidency of Cuba there ig special sig- nificance now in the personal history of . Cuba's strong man, Gen. Fulgencio Batista, Herein follows the biographical sketch of the man who rose from a humble station in life to the nation's highest office: Pulgencio Batista y Zaldivar, former Pres~ ident (1940-44) of Cuba, now senator from Las Villas Province and candidate for re- election to the Presidency, was born Jan- uary 16, 1901, in the Veguitas District, near Banes Village, in Oriente Province, a little over a year after the United States fag haa replaced Spain's red and gold ensign throughout Cuba, marking the end of four centuries of Spaniazh colonial rule, and a lit- tle more than a year before the Cuban Re- public raised its own single-starred banner as the Stars and Stripes were lowered. A little over 7 years before his inaugura- tion as President he took the center of Cuba’s national stage as chief of the reyolu- tion of September €, 1983, a type of revolu- tion new to the Americas, and whose basis cannot fall to deeply affect the future of Cuban history. The Batista family was a Catholic family, All Banes was out in Bunday best to attend the baptiam of cio, first-born son of Bellsario Batista, until shortly before a ser- geant in the Cuban Army of Liberation, and of his wife, Carmelis Zaldivar, a local girl Belisario had married on his return from war, The baptismal ceremony took place at the little church of Fray Benito, humble as the village itself, the Batista family and all the country folk in the neighborhood. In Catholic schools, rural schools, and at a Quaker mission school in Banes, Pul- gencio found his lessons easy to learn. Deep~ est pleasure for him was found in the tales his father told of the long wara to free Cuba, of the men who offered their lives, fortunes, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and honors as rebels against Spain, and of the warriors and thinkers who had inspired them by words and example. The former sergeant told his son of Martl, poet and apostle of Cuba’s freedom; of Saco and Varela; of Caballero and the Maceos; of Washington and Bolivar; Lincoln and Morelos, At 13 his first great grief struck Fulgencio— the death of his mother. At 16 he started out alone. At 20 he was inside the gates of Habana. April 12, 1921, saw his enlistment in the army. This term was for 2 years. May 28, 1928, he reenlisted for a 5-year term. After 5 years he won his plea for of- fice duty. He served at general staff head- quarters, Camp Columbia, winning in a class of 100 the position of staff sergeant stenog- rapher, highest Army rank in those days for enlisted men. September 4, 1933, at the end an orgy of bloodshed and revolutionary acts, he took command of the island. Later he ‘was made chief of the army, retiring Decem- ber 4, 1989, to become the candidate of a seven-party coalition for the Presidency—and to win. This election was destined to make history in all Latin countries. It was conceded everywhere that the election was honest and orderly. Women went to the polls. There Was no coercion, no threats, no violence ex- cept in one or two spota where followers of candidates below the office of president en- gaged themeelves. The huge vote, the tre- mendous majority accorded Batista, was a Genuine expression from a people long op- pressed in matters of the ballot, The elec- tion was a superb compliment to Fulgencio Batista. He has not been unmindful of it. His life thus far has been dedicated to the betterment of his people, and it will continue to be so dedicated. The road he has traveled to the top was a long, hard, tortuous one, understood best only by those who know what hardships and imposaibilities confront the poor boy seeking to brush aside the limited horizon before him. CHAMPION oF THE RicHTs oF THE ComMMON Propig, THE ImpLacasLe For or "Revism,” Batista Is tHe “MAN oF THE TIME” I” CuBAN History (By Antonio Torra, Habana, Cuba; and Ed A. Nowack, Lansing, Mich.) Gen, Pulgencio Batista, former presidente of the Republic of Cuba, referred to approv- ingly as the ‘‘nonpareil” of Cuban political history, ts facing public service responatbili- ties probably never before faced by a Cuban. A awifttly world has created prob- lems of organized human living almost too great for men to cope with. Capitols of all nations seethe with intrigue. New seta of governmental purposes appear overnight. Senor Batiste’s keen grasp of world affairs, the progress of United Nations, his apprecia- tion of the panorama of international causes and effects equip him extraordinarily with qualifications as a world figure. As guest speaker at Daytona Beach Rotary Batista lifted the tron curtain brusquely. In part he said: “I destre to make some observations about present world affairs which have involved us in & new tragedy of very grave significance. I refer, of course, to the war in Korea. “Unfortunately the termination of the Second World War failed completely to bring peace and comfort to humanity. Instead, anguish and fears came out of the so-called peace. I find that the doubts and skepticism of the people are developing in many quarters into a feeling of weariness, fatigue, and a Gangerous fataliam. “We must fight such defeatism vigorously and constantly, otherwise our civilization will be destroyed.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “The hope of mankind that the nations could live in peace in spite of different ideol- ogies supported by strong nations ts in dan- ger of being smashed. “Instead of laying the basis for a friendly world certain nations put self-interests above peace. ‘What we have today, after 6 years of temporizing is, in fact, another war. “We of the Western World cannot, indeed, accept a world of peace if it ts to be dictated by the Russian Kremlin. And sinoe the ter- mination of World War II we have an excel- lent opportunity to observe why we cannot get permanent peace. “During these years Russia has reduced many sovereign nations into puppets—Po- land, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Al- bania, Hungary, East Germany. China is dismembered. Iran and Tibet are in imme- diate fear of reduction to mere puppet states. “Russia seeks to take all of Asia and con- tinue on until the world is hers. We do not need to speculate or guess any longer about Russia's plans. “We have the best evidence possible—the tangible, cold facts to prove this. The fate of the puppet nations alone demonstrates it. “The leaders of democracy, the people of your country and mine and all our allies, must face the awful fact, that I have just stated, that Russia is embarked on a program of world conquest. Fortunately the United Nations (or at least a majority of them) have come to realization of what is going on be- hind the iron curtain. Democracy has at last, through a decision of the United Na- tions to oppose Russian aggression, called @ halt, “But Korea, I fear, has become only the first battleground. Only time will tell whether the defeat of Russia in Korea will put an end to her ambitions. “Whatever happens the destiny of the world is resting now only on two powerful nations, Russia and the United States. The fate of humankind is in their hands. On one side waves the red flag of tyranny; on the other shines the beacon of freedom.” True it is that Russia is playing a shrewd military game in forcing the United States to fight 6,000 miles from home, but Russia had better beware that she might carry the game too far. So much for the external picture, particu- larly the workers, who are the big target of Russia, that Russia has used communism to wipe out the freedom of the Russian people. “It 1s not necessary to explain that, like the Nazi system, the Russian regime also means slavery; slavery in respect to free thought; slavery in respect to religion; and, in the end, physical slavery. We know how the Russian dictators and the subdictators all the way down, treat the masses. They risk their lives if they express thoughts con- trary to the Russian Government; they are sent Into extle’for minor offenees. “They must sacrifice their welfare and the lives of their families for the benefit of the totalitarian regime. They are, I say, slaves. We must show the world, by example, that in our democracies we have real freedom, that no man js a slave, “The burden of arming the democracies of the world has fallen upon the United States. It 1s a mighty load, of course, but what other nations in these days, can stand up against Russia? “France’s manpower was sapped in the First World War. Britain’s was badly hurt in the Second World War. West Germany is an uncertain and a confused country; we do not know how far we can trust the Ger- mans. Italy's power of resistance is weaker than ever and Japan’s military strength jg gone. The only world power to combat the Russian military machine is the United tates. “The rest of the United Nations look to her for support. But at the same time, all the democracies must prepare themselves as strongly as possible to help. “It also behooves all democratic nations who can do so to help the struggling masses in the underprivileged of the world. They are entitled to live freely, with full protection of the law and to earn a decent livelihood. They are entitled to raise healthy families, to educate them and to prepare them to live their own lives. Overlook these unhappy masses and they become easy vic- tims of Communist dialectic and material- ist doctrine. Like everybody else the under- privileged wish a better standard of living, and above all, like everybody else, they want freedom. They want freedom of speech, free- dom of thought and freedom of movement and they want democratic institutions be- cause no man, however humble, wants to be a slave. We must help the poorer classes to attain a better existence so that they will fight for freedom and democracy for all people everywhere. “The disgruntled and the dissatisfied of the world are quick to recognize, just as we do, that democratic systems have certain natural weaknesses, therefore, governments of the people and by the people should strive constantly to eliminate whatever errors we find, so that the great principles in your Declaration of Independence and Constitu- tion, and the hope and need to enjoy the freedom and the rights which your people, my people, and all other freedom-loving people want, will live forever.” The Congress Has a Duty EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. ERNEST WHARTON OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. WHARTON, Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks, I include in the Appendix of the Recorp the following editorial entitled ‘‘The Congress Has a Duty,” published in the Chatham Cour- jer of January 16, 1951: Tur Conoress Has a Duty We are not surprised at the worrlment of many Members of the Congress over the attitude of President Truman in relation to the disposition of our Armed Forces through- out the world, Recently, the Chief Executive was quoted as saying that he would listen to the Mem~ bers of Congress, but that he alone would determine where and in what numbers our troops would be sent. We assume that the President took this position because of the fact that the Con- stitution makes htm Commander in Ohief of the Army and Navy. Yet we feel that there are grounds for every grave concern over his military judgment. Last June he stated that our forces were in Korea as & “police action.” We have never heard exactly what he meant by that, but we do know that American casualties to date number 50,000. We also know that not alone North Korea, but Communist China are fighting with all of their strength against the troops we have in that country, To most people that would mean war, but apparently it doesn't to Mr. Truman. So many Members of Congress justifiably wonder just what his next venture will be and if he will undertake to circumvent the A383 American Constitution which specifically provides that only the Congress has the power to declare war? It is a serious proposition and uniess ste are taken to restrict the authority of the President, we are very liable to find our- selves governed hy the will and whim of a dictator who can send our boys to die wherever he chooses. It would seem the time is now at had when the Congress accepted its responsibili- ties which the Constitution clearly gives it and require the President to obey its mandates, Congress Cannot Escape Its Responsi- bility EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak~ er, Members of Congress are prone to find excuses for failure to measure up to our responsibilities. When indignant constituents write in and complain about existing conditions, the Korean War, Mr. Acheson, drafting of 18-year- olds, and many other subjects, we at- tempt to evade direct answers to their questions. As part of my remarks, I am includ- ing a copy of a letter written by a prom~- inent constituent who refuses to accept congressional excuses made in response to a letter that he had written. He calls @ spade a spade, and the Congressman’s face was red. The letter follows: January 17, 1961. My Dear ConcressmMaNn: I want to thank you very much for your note of January 3, including your form letter reply on mattera of foreign policy, etc. I am pleased to know that you read my letter carefully and wel- come the judgment of people in the State. I wish to refer to certain statements in your form letter as follows: “We cannot dis- sipate United States resources.” With this statement I agree, and yet we find that Congress is doing exactly that. The hypocrisy and dishonesty of the President's State of the Nation speech ia evidenced by the fact that he js calling for colossal addi- tional sums to spend and throw away over the world under the guise of defense and fighting communism. At the same time he has not made a single move to cut down the ridiculously high ex- pense of our Government here at home, He asks that the citizens of the country deny themselves “until it burts.” What 1s he doing? What are the Members of Congress doing? What is the Government itself doing to deny itself to the point where it hurts? The whole situation is absurd when you look at it from this point of view. When the Government itself reduces the number of employees by 50 percent and cuts the domestic budget likewise, then it is time to begin to ask for additional sums for de- fense and elmilar purposes. The rea) situation could be met without any additional taxes if a real effort was Donestly made. You say “The United States is carrying practically the entire brunt of the fighting
A384 in Korea” and that this is a “lopsided situa- tion which must never recur UN jurisdiction.” Of course, the facta are obvious. As long as we are a member of an tnatitution like the United Nations there will be the same per- formance; that is why this should get out of jt at once. The United Nations was conceived in dishonesty; it ts wholly futile. Every sensible person knew that what has happened would happen when the test came. The United Nations has made itself ridiculous. It ds to be fighting for peace—to be a peace organization and against aggression. As @ matter of fact it is, at the present time, rewarding aggression and making pro- posals and doing other acts which are noth- ing more than paying a premium for aggres- sion. The whole situation is almost un- believable, You say “We must protect United States above all.” With this I agree, but we ere not doing it; we are protecting everybody else, apparently, but not the United States. You say, “America has made some solemn and binding commitments under the UN Charter and under the North Atlantic Defense Pact.” We did not make commitments to start wars illegally and unconstitutionally, nor to furnish 90 or 95 percent of all the forces under United Nations police action, yet we are doing it. We did not make any commitments to supply land soldiers or land armies for Europe under the Atlantic Pact, yet the President {s unlawfully and wunconstitu- tionally attempting to do it. Congress should stop this. You say, “We as a people believe in the sanctity of the pledged word.” T would agree with this statement if you refer to the people, but I do not agree with it when you refer to our Government. Neither the Congress, nor the executive department, nor the judicial department, all three of ‘whom have violated their oaths of office and their  Pledged word against the wishes of the people. For example, they have violated the written word printed on our currency, and on our Government bonds, and have swindled the people out of thousands of millions of dollars by the most colossal swindle ever perpetrated when the United States went off gold and repudiated ite solemn and not only pledged work, but its written word. It is idle to speak about honesty when every arm of our own Government is guilty of such conduct. You say, “If we were to abandon Europe and Africa we would lose all of Europe's and Africa‘s (a) manpower, (b) production facili- ties, (c) essential raw materials.” Why do vou wse the word “abandon? If we stayed at home and minded our own business we would not abandon them; we would be doing the sound thing and the cor- rect thing, and we would not lose either the manpower or the production factlities, or the essential raw materials. We would be highly respected by these nations instead of en- couraging their contempt and hatred which we have been doing by our policies and acts. The actual facts are that Europe has (a) more people, (b) more production facilities by far, (©) more @ssential raw materials, (d) much more mechanical and productive and techni- cal ability, (e) much better transportation, communications, both on land and sea, than exista in Russia. Why then does Europe require any form of aasiatance from the United States? If they want to change their system and adopt communism they most surely will; nothing that we can do will stop them. If they do not want to they have all the facilities—manpower and everything else, far greater than Russia, and can exsily stop Ruseia, It seems alily to talk about trying to help people unless they want to help themselves, and even more silly for us to telk about helping Burope fight communism when we have done our best to insult and otherwise make curselves obnoxious to the one coun- try in Burope that 1s really fighting com- muniam, and that is Spain. You say “If we were to abandon Africa” (you use the word abandon which I cannot understand) “Russia would have a nearby base to unjeash an attack on South Amer- ica.” It seems to me this is a very far-fetched idea. Wheat would the United States be doing, and a@ great many others, if Russia were trying to make a base:in Africa to attack the Western Hemisphere which you say would crumble. In fact you say the entire Western Hemisphere would crumble. Tf there is any germ of truth or fact in your statement then we better get rid of our present executive department, the Com- mander in Obief and all the other ofictals of the Army and Navy and Air Force, and go out and hire some men who have real ability and brains to do the job. The United States Commander in Chief, so-called, and the Defense forces, have had 10 times as much money to spend and have been spending it for the last 10 years, as any other nation, and if they can’t protect the Western Hemisphere, we better get rid of them and do it promptly. If Hitler, with all of his preparations, could not go 22 miles across the English Channel, how ridiculous it is to assume that Russia is going to fight its way 2,000 miles to establish bases in Africa from which to crumble the defenses of the Western Hemi- sphere another 2,000 or 3,000 miles away. You say, “We long for peace but Russia has the decision.” This is a statement that I cannot under- stand. You say, “Every thinking person knows that while. America longs for peace, the de- cision rests in the Eremlin.” I consider myself a person and I do not Know any such thing, and I know of no other thinking person who believes it. Anything that rests in the Kremlin in the way of power we, the United States, put there. We financed them, backed them up, and set them up during the recent World War, without our help they would today be & very poor fourth-rate power. The facts are that Russia cannot fight outside of its own borders; her people will fight for their homeland but they will not fight outside of the borders of Russia for phony ideology like communism. Russia ‘will be lucky {tf she prevents her satellites or her own people from assassinating the dic- tators who are controlling them. We certainty must have a lamentably weak group of men in the Government of the United States tf they are laboring under the delusion that world decisions rest in the Kremlin. Even Truman does not seem to believe this because he started a war of his own, privately, without authority, iNegally, and unconstitutionally; he paid no attention to Russia's opinions. You say “thet in international relations the President ts ‘the sole organ of the Federal Government’.” There is nothing in the Constitution that said the President of the United States can Xnake illegal and unsound commitments. It never was the intention of the fathers of this country or the writers of the Constitu- tion to make the Constitution subordinate to some private or secret deal or conspiracy that might be made by the Chief Executive, and APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD he is not “the sole organ of the FPeteral There is no arrangement that he can make with a foreign country of any consequence which involves commitments of the United States that does not have to have the ap- proval of the Senate before it becomes a fact or effective. Even then any euch proposal or arrangement or treaty is not to override or supersede the Constitution. Every sane person knows that it never was the intent of the Constitution or the people that made it to have the Constitution destroy {taelf by making treaties supersede, negative, nullify, or undermine any clause in the Constitution. You say “the must and will re- main vigilant arid on guard in its domain.” This ig exactly what Congress has not done during the past 17 years. They have cheer- fully ignored the oaths of office and obliga- tions of the Congressmen during these 17 years by practically abdicating and allow- ing the Chief Executive to set himself up as s dictator. They have voted him the funds and the powers without necessity at any time, and they have passed laws the effect of which 1s to undermine the entire American system. Instead of being “on guard and vigilant” they have done the opposite. They have collaborated with a Chief Executive and with the internationalist to undermine, to s0- clalize, and to destroy America piecemeal. I have written you a number of times as you know, and I have been hoping and hop- ing for 16 years or more that Congress would become vigilant and get on the job that Con- gressmen are elected for. So, if you really mean what you say in the last paragraph of your circular letter— “Be assured we of the Congress are on the job,” then I would be indeed very happy, Yours very truly. Selective Service Act Age Limit EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr, BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, soon it will be necessary for us to pass upon the question of lowering the Selective Service Act age limit so as to include young men 18 years of age or thereabouts. It seems imperative that we must expand the pro- visions of the Selective Service Act in view of our great need for larger numbers in the armed services, Surely we are conscious of the seriousness of the situa- tion. Personally, in view of all the cir- cumstances, I would vote to include 18- year-olds rather than to call upon com- bat veterans who are fathers to reenter the service. Iam very hopeful that con- ditions will change to such an extent that it will not be necessary to call the teenagers. If it appears we must in- elude young men of tender years, then it is our responsibility to protect them— physically,. mentally, and morally. As in the past, I expect to sponsor legisla- tion which should and will limit the temptations to which our young boys will be subjected. In this connection, I in- clude herewith a clipping from the cur- rent issue of the Clipsheet, as Issued by
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the temperance board of the Methodist Church: Exanremns Years Op The situation which confronts this country is inoreasingly serious. Men in whom the people have great confidence, have suggested the possibility that millions of the 18-year- old young men of America must be inducted into the Armed Forces under some system of training and service. ‘The young man who ts 18 years of age ts perhaps at the most formative period of his life. It may be necessary that these forma- tive years be spent in uniform but it is not ® prospect which gives satisfaction to Amer- leans; it is @ terrible thing—but these are terrible times, One thing we should insist upon: that the influences which surround these young men and the example set be- fore them, be in accord with the highest ideals of American life. Their service should not be demoralizing to them. The arrange- ment by which the Government cooperates with the brewing industry in making thou- sands of new friends and young friends at that, for the beer trade, should be set aside. The Government would do well, in what+ ever system of recruitment and training it seta up, to follow conscientiously the advice of the President’s Advisory Commission on Universal Training which was established in 1947 and which included Joseph E. Davies, Harold W. Dodds, Truman K. Gibson, Jr., Dantel A. Poling, Anna M. Rosenberg, Samuel I. Rosenman, Edmund A. Walsh, Charles E. Wilson, Karl T. Compton—a strong, wise, patriotic group. After 6 months of intensive study they issued a unanimous report recom- mending UMT and outlining (p. 78) some directions for its set-up. All these directions were important, such as, for example: (1) “The selection of men of character as commanding officers of the several camps.” And (2) “The selection, and proper train- ing in the problems of an 18-year-old, of the officers and noncommissioned officers who will take part in the training.” But (7) “Limitation of the opportunities for purchase by trainees of any alcoholic beverages, including beer, through (a) pro- hibiting the sale thereof to them on any military, naval, or other camp reservation, or in any post exchange, shtp’s store, or canteen, (b) declaring off-limite to trainees all taverns, taprooms, and simrlar factlities whose principal business is selling alcoholic beverages, (c) soliciting the assistance of local communities in this program, and (d) making it a Federal crime knowingly to eell such beverages to any person in training.” Wise words uttered by wise men. If the armed services are to have the whole-hearted support of Ohristian people, it is advisable that these words be heeded. Ruin of tens of thousands of veterans of the recent war, now caught in the terrible tolls of alcoholism because they began the habit of drinking while in eervice, lies heavy upon the hearts of many millions of the best citi- sens of this country. Beer is the beginning-— alcoholism, all too frequently, is the end. Drafting of 18-Year-Old Boys EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WAYNE N. ASPINALL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. ASPINALL. Mr. Speaker, one of the most controversial legislative mat- XCVII—App.———25 ters to come before the first session of the Eighty-seoond Congress is that con- cerning the drafting of 18-year-old boys. I can well understand the position in which the mothers of these young men find themselves, inasmuch as I am the father of three sons, each of whom be- gan his service in the Armed Forces dur- ing World War II when he was of the age of 17 or 18, It is difficult to make a decision as to whether or not we should draft these young men, the cream of all crops, at this early age for the pur- pose of actively defending our country in the bearing of arms. But yet it is our bounden duty to protect our pre- cious heritage—a heritage of freedom for all ages and made more dear be- cause of the sacrifices of the loyal fore- bears of the United States. While making these decisions, it is very heart- ening to have such a frank, honest, un- selfish, and sincere letter as that re- ceived from Mrs. Mardelle L. Clark, 4509 Elm Street, Chevy Chase, Md., which I include under leave to extend my remarks: Janvary 17, 10961, Hon, WAYN#® AsPiNnaLy, House of Representatives. Dear Sia: It ia my understanding that the congressional mail contains protests by mothers against the drafting or training of 18-year-old boys and that those against such e@ draft exceed letters in favor by about 100 to 1. Perhaps the unfavorable ratio is partly due to the failure of mothers like me to express our opinions, As the mother of four sons and mother-in-law of a 20-year-old, I realize that I could find many reasons why not one of them should serve our country in ite time of need, if I consulted only my own heart, Nevertheless, my second aon, who was drafted in 1945 while in his freshman year at col- lege, and who finally received his Reserve commission at the end of junior year, has been called into service and is en route to the Pacific destination to which his battalion was sent, He may some time be able to com- plete his education as a chemical engineer, but probably not for a long time. My third son was in the First Marine Corps Reserve unit which was activated. The oldest, mar- ried, and with a young son of bis own, is applying for a Navy commission because the Navy gave him an education during World War II in the ROTC. The son-in-law will probably be drafted this year. In spite of these disturbances in the lives of my dear children, I do not hesitate to say that, when my youngest son, who is now 16, reaches his eighteenth birthday, I shall not protest his entrance into military service. Our wars have not been won until the 18-year-olds were trained and put into service, and certainly in the present struggle, unless we win we shall have little to offer the boys of the future. Then, too, tif any son of mine must fight, I want him to be sufficiently trained so that he can defend himself as well as fight for others, Any other way ig slaughter. As a Colorado voter, I am ashamed of the public utterances of some of our Senators. It would be well if our Congress considered what is best for our country and helped the protesting mothers to understand the need, instead of catering to their emotional outbursts in the hope of gaining votes. Sincerely, Manpriis L, CuarK, A3&% Spiritual Renaissance EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 23, 1951 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the following article referred to me by Mr. Fred W. Barnaclo, 1716 Northwest Thirty-fourth Street, Oklahoma City, Okla., which appeared in the Daily Okla- homan on Friday, January 5, 1951: Paarrr Room ror a Naw UN (By Edith Johnson) Would the Congress allow the canceling of ea plan to set aside one room for prayer and meditation in the new United Nations Building arising on the bank of the East River in New York? It was Tuomas J. Lanz, Representative from Massachusetts, who put this question in the House a few days before the Eighty- first Congress adjourned. At a time when the American people are turning to prayer for strength and guidance, it is almost unthinkable that differences in belief or opinion should be permitted to de- feat such a plan, nebulous as it may be. Better late than never, a room for such purposes had been opened at Lake Success at the instance of United Nations Secretary Trygve Lie, as Mr. Lang reminded his fellow Representatives. The majority of people having an interest in spiritual matters and believing that there is power in prayer had assumed, therefore, that a similar room would be provided in the new building. That doubt has been cast over the issue, if one may call it thet, comes to them as a surprise, Whether opposition to this plan comes from representatives frém the Soviet Union and Russia’s satellites or whether confusion has arisen from sectarian differences within our own country is not, as yet, quite clear. In any event, a decision to rule out @ prayer room would be regressive action. Delegates to tite United Nations confer. ence in San Francisco remember that con- ference sessions opened with brief period for meditation, this method accommodating people of all faiths, many of whom must have felt a need for clearer understanding of the problems before them and greater wisdom in dealing with them. But when the United Nations came into being at Lake Buccess and Flushing Meadow there seemed to exist a hope that atheist Ruseia might be appeased and the peace won the more eaaily if her delegates were not annoyed by any form of religious observance. So the matter was dropped until public opinion became a factor to be reckoned with and a place for meditation was set aside. Now that there is no prospect whatever of appeasing Russia, Communist China, or any other nation living under the Red flag, surely some plan should be worked out to provide the prayer room. It should not require any great amount of courage for delegates to the UN who want it to ask for it, and it should not have to be urged by Members of the Congress. Why, indeed, should not the United States establish a room in the new building to which Members could withdraw and pray? Was not this Nation founded on Christian principles?
A386 Are not all sessions of the Congress opened with prayer, each body having tts own chaplain? Do not all State legislative bodies follow a similar practice? Is not the ceremony of inaugurating a President of the United States religious as well as olvil in character? Is not this true also of the ceremonies when a governor is abcut to take office in his State? Is not every witness brought into court commanded to lay his hand on the open Bible and swear that he will tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help me God? Is not the declaration “In God we trust” impressed on some of our coins? What if Russian representatives should object? Have they not been in the business of objecting ever since the UN was organized? As for the several religious bodies repre- sented in the UN this hardly would be a time for the expression of sectarian narrowness, criticism or condemnation. Should there be any misunderstanding of this nature It should be cleared up readily among people of good will, The very name, United Na- tions, suggests, does it not, that the spirit of brotherhood should prevail? Lay men and women who are in accord with the idea are free to say so. Ministers and priests can plead for it. Also the press and the radio. No citizen is too unimportant to refrain from speaking up. And this includes the housewife whose voice never is heard in the public forum, the grocer’s clerk, the mail- man, the farmer, the brakeman on the rail- road, the bus driver, and the porter on a pullman car. Students in high school and college certainly have a stake in the mak- ing of such a decision and they should be heard from. Who should have a keener con- cern for the development of events than they? If, as many believe, the world is passing through a spiritual crisis and the most press- ing need for the moment is a spiritual ren- aissance, provision for a place for prayer in the meeting house of the nations would present one anawer to the forces of ma- terialism. ° Heroine Mary Frances Housley EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES E. BENNETT OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. BENNETT of Florida. Mr. Speak- er, the whole country was inspired by the heroic acts of Miss Mary Frances Housley, stewardess on the plane in- volved in the recent Philadelphia air wreck. The following is a clipping from the latest edition of Time magazine which tells the tragic and heroic story of this lovely young Floridian: Hexors TAKE YOUR TIME Afterward, one passenger remembered see. ing “the fence coming” and hearing some- one yell: “We're going to crash.” Within seconds, the National Airlines DC-4 was skidding along the sleet-coated runway of Philadelphia's International Airport, It ran off the runway, through a ditch. Its landing gear disintegrated, flames shot from a rup- tured fuel tank. Btewardess Mary Frances Housley threw Open the door. Men and women rushed for it. One woman jumped with her coat on fire, tore it off and ran from the scene. Pretty, 24-year-old “Frankie" Housley stood by the door, cooly advising her passengers to “take your time.” One panic-stricken ‘woman crawled along the aisle away from the door and toward the nose of the plane. An- other woman screamed, “Get my haby.” Frankie could have jumped. Instead, she turned back into the flaming cabin. When the wreckage had cooled, firemen climbed in to bring out seven bodies—five women, two infants. One of the women was heroic Frankie Housley. She was found lying in the aisle with the body of 4-month-old Brenda Joyce Smith in her arms. Facts on Food Prices EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. H. CARL ANDERSEN OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 24, 1951 Mr. H. CARL ANDERSEN. Mr. Speaker, so many erroneous statements have appeared in the press recently hold- ing the farmer responsible for the in- creased food costs that I think it is only fair that the House be given the facts. I include in the Recorp an article writ- ten by Mr. A, D. Stedman, farm editor of the Saint Paul Pioneer Press and Dis- patch, which clearly states the farmer’s position and think each and every Mem- ber of this House will do well to study it carefully. I would also like to comm2nd it to the attention of the columni~ts who have, so far, painted only one side of this picture. ; Te article follows: Facts on Foon Prices (By Alfred D. Stedman) In the hubbub over rising food prices, mil- lions of fingers are now being pointed in ac- cusation. A concert of voices names the al- leged offender. The Washington storekeeper, selling dollar-a-dozen eggs to Senator Tur put the bee on the popular culprit—the farm- er, he said, and Government-supported egg prices. The baker, talking about higher bread prices, emphasized wheat and other ingredient costs. The housewife, buying apples at 10 cents a pound; the soft drink consumer laying costs to sugar prices; even the cocktail] hound soak- ing up highballs at 60 cents a drink while orating against milk prices at 18 cents a quart—all these lately have seemed agreed as to where the blame belongs. That is on the farmer, on the huge Government .stores of food bought in supporting farm prices, and on the allegedly fantastic Government losses on farm purchases and farm subsidies. But reasonable people will no doubt be in- terested in knowing the relevant facts, not on just one side, but on both sides of that story. As to eggs, it is true that farm prices did advance rather sharply (28 percent) above the unusually low price a year earlier. The price has been steadily moderating from the But as a farmer and producer of eggs on his farm near Northfield, Senator Tyz, talking to the Washington seller, had the facta first-hand about farm prices of eggs. Those prices on Tstyr’s farm had been no- where near 61 # dozen, but about 42 cents. The Government was supporting them, but APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD stopped that on December 31. So in blam- ing dollar-a-dozen eggs on Government- supported farm prices, the Washington storekeeper was 100 percent wrong. As to bread, not over one-fifth of what the consumer pays for his loaf goes to the wheat farmer. On December 15, wheat prices were up just 6 percent from their level a year earlier. That rise wouldn't ac- count for a rise of one-fifth of a cent for a loaf of bread. All the farm ingredients put together, including lard as well as wheat, do not account for one-third of the consumer bread price. Almost two-thirds of the con- sumer price goes to the baker and retailer. Recently one of TuHyYe’s colleagues, Senator Mayzanx,¢ South Carolina, made this state- ment: “In June 1948 the price of wheat was $2.81 a bushel; the price of a 1-pound loaf of bread, 13.8 cents. But in October 1950, the price of wheat had dropped to $1.91 a bushel, whereas the price of a 1-pound loaf of bread had risen to 14.7 cents.” Cer- tainly the labor costs of baking, slicing, wrapping, and offering other services now demanded by consumers have been going up. But centering the blame for rising bread prices on the wheat farmer Isn't in accord with the facts. As to apples, the western farmer last autumn got 90 cents per 50-pound box, field run, delivered at the packing platform. That was 1.8 cents a pound to cover all his costs of growing, spraying, irrigating, picking, and hauling. The charges added by washing, sorting, wrapping, crating, storing, transport- ing, wholesaling, and retailing are what push the consumer price up to 8, 10, or 11 cents @ pound. As to sugar, the cost was actually lower in late December than it was on October 31, 1947, when suger controls were removed. And the sugar price is so tiny an item any- way in the cost of a soft drink that it would be hard to find the effect of a 1-cent-a-pound sugar increase on a bottled drink. The authentic facts about farm prices are available to all. They had, on December 15, risen 23 percent from the bottom a year earlier. Beef cattle and lamb prices were respectively 41 and 38 percent above their official parity or equality with general price levels. But milk, butterfat, grains, turkeys, and chickens were substantially below and potatoes, apples, sweet potatoes, and citrus fruits far below parity, . The recovery of farm prices accompanies a national Jump to 8206,000,000,000 in dis- posable personal income, after taxes. Have farmers shared unfairly in that income rise? They have not Net farm income for 1950 was actvally below that of 1949 and much beiow the 1947-48 peak, A higher disposable national income nor- mally raises food prices because people spend a rather uniform share of .uch income for food. The $1.60 per day wage increase just won by John L. Lewis, for instance, will enable his coal miners to help in bidding food prices up. But is that, or the fact that greater coal costs of transporting or process- ing food will push in the same direction, the farmer's fault? One hour's average labor will buy more food in this Nation than in others an’‘ many times more than in any regimented economy in the world. As Senator Tye told the Farm Bureau, the farmer's share of each dollar spent by the consumer for food was only 53 percent in 1946, and has slumped to 48 percent today. Folke with a real liking for facts on both sides may be shocked also to learn of the gross inaccuracy of much of the recent so-called news of farm price supports. Last Monday afternoon a Washington dis- patch from a usually ateurate news agency was widely published which said that “there was a net loas on price supporta last year of $1,600,000,000.”
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD People have been stirred up by vivid de- scriptions of such vast losses, of moun- tainous food purchases, of waste, and of farm demands for subsidies. And farmers have been told by newapapers and newapa- permen to throw overboard their price-sup- port programs or put them in 4 stand-by atatus for the duration. An excellently informed and truthful ag- ricultural correspondent, Fred Bailey, of Washington, recently reported that “the campaign to make the farmer the goat on rising food prices is now well under way in the big city press” supported by some city Oongreasmen who want to roll prices ali the way back to the farmer. Here are facts: The $1,600.000,000 referred to in last Monday's story as net loss, wasn't loss at all, but was the total amount loaned. The net realized loss of the Commodity Credit Corporation for the year ending last June was $249,280,000, The net realized loss in the current fiscal year through November Was $100,281,000. Said John W. Haw, agricultural develop- ment director of the Northern Pacific, to the Farm Bureau convention: “In ita report to Congress on June 80, 1050, the corporation showed a cumulative net realized loss * * * in 17 years of @636,040,401. The Corporation has turned over its capital many times in this period; yet the net loss has been less than 5 cents on each dollar invested.” He said the job has been substantially accomp- lished with economy to the taxpayer. The recent big losses and big waste have been on potatoes and eggs. Both of those purchase programs were forced by Congress over repeated protests of the executive branch and many farmers. And from both of them the Government now has with- drawn. As to subsidies, the farmers produc- ing the perishables that the Government sought to subsidize are up in arms against them. As to the storable products, the Gov- ernment’s holdings of these are now widely acknowledged as being a vital protection of the Nation’s safety in the war emergency “and a check on inflation. More stockpiling of this kind is considered absolutely essen- tial, as 8 munition of war and as a safeguard against runaway prices. 8o there are facts bearing on both sides of the farm price story. Labor’s Approach to the National Emergency oasmanamnemed EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ALEXANDER WILEY Or WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, January 25 (legislative day of Monday, January 8), 1951 My. WILEY, Mr. President, I have in my hands the text of a forthright ad- dress delivered by one of America's out- standing labor leaders, Mr. George M. Harrison, president of the Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, affiliated with the A. F.ofL. Mr. Harrison delivered thia ad- dress at the quarterly conference of the Economic Club of New York last Wednes- day night, January 17, 1951. I ask unanimous consent that the text of Mr. Harrison’s address be printed in the Ap- pendix of the Rzooxp, There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Ovum Orrozrunrrizs In THE NATIONAL Emxrorncr (By George M. Harrison) Mr. President and members of the Eco- nomic Club of New York, it ie a great pleas- ure for me to be here to talk with you about some of the problems that are facing us today. It is & pleasure not only because I find such contacts always useful and en- Ughtening but also because the present na- tional emergency demands of all of us that we try to reach as great a mutual under- standing among the people of the United States as is humanly possible. The war in Hores has finally unmasked the designs and the program of the Communists; anyone who ‘had any doubt before must Know now that the dictator in Moscow is willing to risk world war in order to extend his despotic power. We should realize now, too, that there is no limit to that appetite for power. We can't satisfy that Russian bear with 6 Mttle raw meat, The more he eats the more he wante—and the meal he really has his eyes on is the United States of America. In the emergency that confronts us the achteve- ment of effective national unity is of first importance. It is important that we Americans try to build up our national strength as much as we can and as fast as we can. We muet try to resolve our own differences of opinion as much as possible, to understand each other, so that we can pull together in the difficult days that Ne ahead of us, Unless we learn to stand together today, we may fall together tomorrow. You will not expect me, I know, to tell you of the probiems or desires of American financiers, industrialists, or businessmen. The men who speak for the owners of American industries assuredly need no help from me, especially before this group. You will expect me to tell you of the problems and attitudes of American wage earners; that I propose to do, as simply and directly as Ican. It would not be any kindness to you, either, for me to pull any punches here. For your own good and for the good of the country, you ought to know exactly what American workers are thinking, even though you may not like those thoughts. Let me say, first, that the working people of this Nation are fully awake to the menace of communism. We have faced that threat in many forms during the past 20 years, and American labor has never for one moment wavered in ite devotion to our free American institutions. No part of the citizens of this country are more determined to combat Communist dictatorship, in whatever form and wherever in the world it threatens, than the man and women who work for a living. The determination springs, frst of all, from the belief that our way of life—based on human freedom to worship, think, and speak, and vote as we believe—is right in principle, and the only just basis for any civilization. Labor is for freedom and de- mocracy, and we are opposed to all kinds of dictatorship. But we are aleo opposed to Communist dictatorship from the immediate and direot standpoint of our own interests. Ws know that our unions, our personal free- dom, and our living standards could not and would not survive under Oommunist doml- nation. Labor leaders, and every outspoken workingman, would share the honors of the firing equad with the leaders of business and industry if Communist dictatorship were to be established in America. We know that. ‘We know too, that the same results would follow tf our domestic breed of Communists were able to overthrow our form of govern- ment, Whether communism was tmposed @ipon us by foreign aggression, or in some A387 fashion slipped over on us by any home- grown dictator, the effect would be the same. Don't ever forget that fact, or let any of the more rabid antilabor newspapera, or columnists, or radio’ commentators mislead you. American labor is anti-Communist; American labor knows far or than Amer}- can busineas the evils of dictatorship and domination, the benefits of freedom and de- mocracy, We know—because in the not distant past, American workers were denied industrial and economic freedom, and they lMved under the power of some petty despots and dictators in American industry. This, perhaps, is as good a place as any to say bluntly that American labor will fight against the return of that kind of industrial oppression in this country, and will fight as vigorously to get rid of if in the spots where it still exists, “ Let us look at the facts of our American situation frankly. In normal times we do 8 lot of fighting among ourselves; our basic way of living ta that every man is supposed to have an opportunity to work his way up- ward, and the competition in every walk of Nfe, if it is fair and free, is one of our ways of making certain that the able and upright man wil! gain advancement to positions of leadership. Down through the years, the struggies of individual men, and of groups of men, have brought grest progress to us as a people. American workers have not only improved thetr standards of living, but they have gained greater leisure for them- selves—and they have won a substantial measure of freedom and democracy on their jobs. Part of that came from their efforte as individuals, but the great progress of recent years has been accomplished by them through their labor organisations, It hasn't bean done, either, without great effort; every gain we have made in wages, or working conditions, every right we have won and every protection we have thrown around our jobs, has been over the vigorous opposition of many employers. Sometimes we have been able to persuade, with facta and argu- ments, but much more frequently what we hhave secured has come only because we have said, “This is what we want, this is what we have got to have, and thig is what we are going to have.’ The progress of the Ameri- can working people has been won over the resistance of the representatives of business and industry. Iam not here complaining about that re- sistance. We have been free to ask for what we wanted, and the employers have been free—and willing—to answer “No.” What I do complain about, however, is the methods and tactics that have been used. In ordi- nary times. we can trust to the ultimate sense Of fair play of the American people, and our own efforts at explaining the facts, to get things set right in the long run. But now, in the gravest national danger we have ever faced, I believe we have a right to expect that the business community will police itself a Little bit, ag we have been trying to police domestic and international labor organization. We do not expect the Ameri. can employer to drop all opposition to labor progress, any more than we expect the sun to rise in the west tomorrow morning. Before I explain what I mean, let me give you the reasons for insisting upon fair play and broad-minded action from the represent- atives of industry. This world situation in which we find ourselves ip not just a battle between nations, or groups of nations. As the Russians and some of their friends are preaching it, this fight ts what they call a “class confiict.” They insist that the world is witnessing a battle between oapitalists and workers, between employers and labor. The Communists in the Kremlin tell the world that labor rules in Russia, and that Communist victory in every other country means lsbor will rule that country; more