IV 
119TH CONGRESS 
2D SESSION 
H. RES. 1056 
Calling for the annulment of the Monroe Doctrine and the development 
of a ‘‘New Good Neighbor’’ policy in order to foster improved relations 
and deeper, more effective cooperation between the United States and 
its Latin American and Caribbean neighbors. 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
FEBRUARY 10, 2026 
Ms. VELA´ZQUEZ (for herself, Mrs. RAMIREZ, Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia, Ms. 
TLAIB, Ms. OCASIO-CORTEZ, Ms. CLARKE of New York, Ms. LEE of 
Pennsylvania, Ms. NORTON, Mr. CASAR, Mrs. GRIJALVA, Mr. GARCI´A of 
Illinois, Ms. SCHAKOWSKY, Ms. GARCIA of Texas, Ms. JAYAPAL, Mr. 
JACKSON of Illinois, Mr. POCAN, Ms. OMAR, and Ms. SIMON) submitted 
the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs, and in addition to the Committees on Financial Services, and 
Ways and Means, for a period to be subsequently determined by the 
Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within 
the jurisdiction of the committee concerned 
RESOLUTION 
Calling for the annulment of the Monroe Doctrine and the 
development of a ‘‘New Good Neighbor’’ policy in order 
to foster improved relations and deeper, more effective 
cooperation between the United States and its Latin 
American and Caribbean neighbors. 
Whereas, over two centuries ago, President James Monroe 
announced that the United States Government would ac-
tively oppose any interference by European powers in the 
affairs of independent Latin American and Caribbean 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
countries ‘‘for the purpose of oppressing them or control-
ling in any other manner their destiny’’; 
Whereas, over time, this policy, referred to as the ‘‘Monroe 
Doctrine’’, came to be interpreted by many United States 
policymakers as a mandate for United States interference 
in the sovereign affairs of Latin American and Caribbean 
countries in order to protect and promote perceived pow-
erful economic and political interests in the United 
States, irrespective of genuine external tangible threats to 
countries in the region posed by foreign powers; 
Whereas, following a period of western expansion of the 
United States, resulting in the massive, forced displace-
ment and genocide of Native peoples who originally in-
habited much of North America, United States political 
and business leaders took an increasingly active interest 
in the acquisition of raw materials and in investment op-
portunities in other parts of the Western Hemisphere; 
Whereas, after annexing the territory of Texas, the United 
States invaded Mexico militarily in 1846 and, after de-
feating the Mexican Army and occupying Mexico City, ac-
quired 55 percent of Mexico’s territory through the Trea-
ty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, signed in 1848; 
Whereas, in 1856, President Franklin Pierce recognized the 
dictatorial regime in Nicaragua established by United 
States colonialist William Walker, whose regime’s meas-
ures included the legalization of slavery in Nicaragua; 
Whereas, in 1898, the United States invaded Puerto Rico 
and Cuba during the Spanish-American War and con-
tinues to maintain control of Puerto Rico, as well as a 
piece of territory in Guanta´namo, Cuba, to this day; 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
Whereas, from 1898 to 1934, the United States conducted 
military interventions in Cuba, Panama, Honduras, Nica-
ragua, Mexico, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, 
known as the ‘‘Banana Wars’’, in order to advance pow-
erful corporate American financial interests, that often 
came at the expense of United States support for dicta-
torships and flagrant human rights violations across the 
region; 
Whereas, in 1904, President Teddy Roosevelt established the 
Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, whereby the 
United States could intervene to ensure the protection of 
United States interests and those of foreign creditors in 
the region, and declared that the United States could ex-
ercise ‘‘international police power’’ in ‘‘flagrant cases of 
such wrongdoing and impotence’’; 
Whereas, in 1909, President William Howard Taft sent 
United States warships to Nicaragua as part of an effort 
to overthrow the Government of Nicaraguan President 
Jose´ Santos Zelaya, before launching an invasion of the 
country in 1912, setting off a period of sustained United 
States-led intervention, occupation, and repression that 
would ultimately give rise to the brutal, multigenerational 
Somoza family dictatorship; 
Whereas, in 1915, and against the background of the United 
States Government’s longstanding hostility toward the 
precedent set by Haiti’s successful revolution in 1804, 
President Woodrow Wilson led a United States invasion 
and occupation of Haiti that would last until 1934; 
Whereas the United States invasion, occupation, and contin-
ued interference in Haiti, combined with the massive eco-
nomic impact of the payments that the country was 
forced to make to the former colonial power, France, 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
under threat of military aggression, until 1947, impeded 
the country’s efforts to build robust democratic institu-
tions and enabled the rise of the United States-supported 
dictatorship of Franc¸ois Duvalier and his son Jean- 
Claude Duvalier, which brutally ruled the country from 
1957 to 1986; 
Whereas, in 1933, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt an-
nounced the establishment of a ‘‘Good Neighbor’’ policy 
toward the region that sought to emphasize noninterven-
tion, noninterference, and shared prosperity trade in con-
trast with the previous policy of using military force to 
advance United States interests; 
Whereas, in 1947, President Harry S. Truman signed the 
National Security Act which created the Central Intel-
ligence Agency (hereafter in this preamble referred to as 
the ‘‘CIA’’) and authorized the agency to begin covert ac-
tion in the region; 
Whereas, in 1953, after democratically elected Guatemalan 
President Jacobo Arbenz instituted proworker policies 
that threatened the profit margins of United States cor-
poration United Fruit Company, President Dwight D. 
Eisenhower authorized the CIA to begin Operation 
PBSuccess, a multimillion-dollar project involving invest-
ing in ‘‘psychological warfare and political action’’ that 
led to the coup against President Arbenz in 1954; 
Whereas, in 1961, the United States covertly financed opposi-
tion leaders and began seeking military leaders to sup-
port the eventual 1964 coup against Brazilian President 
Joa˜o Goulart which resulted in a 21-year military dicta-
torship in Brazil; 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
Whereas the Organization of American States (hereafter in 
this preamble referred to as the ‘‘OAS’’), headquartered 
in the District of Columbia, and funded in large part by 
the United States Government, remained largely silent 
and inactive with regard to the many egregious abuses 
perpetrated by United States-backed military rightwing 
dictatorships during the decades of the Cold War; 
Whereas, in 1962, the United States imposed a full embargo 
on Cuba, still in place today, which has led to tens of bil-
lions of dollars in capital losses for the island country, 
and has contributed significantly to the immiseration of 
the Cuban people; 
Whereas, following the election of Chilean President Salvador 
Allende in 1970, United States President Richard Nixon 
directed the CIA to spread propaganda aimed at pre-
venting Allende from taking power, and later, actively 
worked with and supported Chilean military leaders that 
carried out the 1973 coup of President Allende resulting 
in a 15-year-long military dictatorship in which at least 
40,000 people were tortured and more than 3,000 killed; 
Whereas, from 1975 to 1980, the United States actively sup-
ported Operation Condor, a coordinated campaign of po-
litical repression and state terrorism that saw the United 
States work closely with military governments in Argen-
tina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, 
and Uruguay to help kidnap, torture, and kill people who 
had left their home countries in exile; 
Whereas, following a regional debt crisis sparked in part by 
historic Federal Reserve interest rate hikes, the Inter-
national Monetary Fund (hereafter in this preamble re-
ferred to as the ‘‘IMF’’) vastly expanded its lending port-
folio in Latin America; 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
Whereas the IMF, whose largest shareholder is the United 
States, promoted austerity, deregulation, and other struc-
tural reforms that resulted in stagnant economic growth 
in much of Latin America in the 1980s and 1990s, fol-
lowing two decades of strong economic growth; 
Whereas, in 1983, under the false pretense that the safety of 
600 United States medical students in Grenada was 
under threat, President Ronald Reagan authorized the 
military invasion of the island country, a move con-
demned as a ‘‘flagrant violation of international law’’ by 
the United Nations General Assembly; 
Whereas, in the 1980s, the Reagan administration— 
(1) supported security forces in Guatemala that per-
petrated a genocide against Mayan Indigenous peoples, 
according to the Commission of Historical Clarification; 
(2) supported death squads in El Salvador; 
(3) 
supported 
rightwing 
paramilitary 
militias 
(Contras) in Nicaragua; and 
(4) participated in efforts to coverup egregious 
crimes perpetrated by Central American security forces, 
such as the massacre of 6 Jesuit priests and 2 other un-
armed civilians by an elite United States-backed battalion 
in El Salvador; 
Whereas the United States-backed ‘‘dirty wars’’ of Central 
America triggered a major wave of migration from El 
Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua to the United 
States in the 1980s and early 1990s; 
Whereas, in 1989, President George H.W. Bush launched 
‘‘Operation Just Cause’’, a unilateral United States inva-
sion of Panama conducted in violation of international 
law, leading to mass civilian casualties, including in the 
bombing of low-income, civilian population centers such 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
as El Chorillo, where casualties are credibly estimated to 
have been in the hundreds; 
Whereas the CIA covertly financed units of the Haitian mili-
tary, whose officers led a violent coup d’e´tat in 1991 that 
overthrew the country’s first democratically elected Presi-
dent, and then continued to support individuals involved 
in death squads that targeted supporters of the ousted 
President; 
Whereas, beginning in 2000, the Bush administration blocked 
development and humanitarian assistance to the Haitian 
Government and provided financial support to opposition 
groups culminating in another coup against the elected 
President in 2004; 
Whereas, starting in 2000, the United States provided bil-
lions of dollars of funding to Plan Colombia, a joint 
counter narcotics and counter insurgency initiative which 
resulted in thousands of civilian casualties, massive 
human rights abuses perpetrated by military and para-
military forces, and the forced displacement of millions of 
mostly Afro-Colombian and Indigenous civilians, while 
failing to reduce the production and trafficking of co-
caine; 
Whereas the United States-backed drug war, along with eco-
nomic displacement attributable in part to United States- 
sponsored free trade agreements, resulted in another 
major wave of migration from Central America and Mex-
ico during the first two decades of the 2000s; 
Whereas, from 1941 to 2003, United States Navy operations 
in Vieques, Puerto Rico, caused the death of civilians and 
high rates of lethal illnesses to the population; 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
Whereas, in 2002, the United States Government provided 
funding and other support to political actors that carried 
out a short-lived coup against the democratically elected 
Government of Venezuela, and subsequently expressed 
support for the coup; 
Whereas, following the 2009 coup in Honduras, the United 
States continued to support the country’s illegitimate 
government by providing, between 2009 and 2016, an es-
timated $200,000,000 in military and police aid to Hon-
duran security forces engaged in violent extrajudicial 
killings and other human rights crimes targeting pro-
testers, activists, land rights advocates, and other civil-
ians opposed to the regime; 
Whereas, in a 2013 address to the OAS, Secretary of State 
John Kerry declared that the ‘‘Monroe Doctrine era is 
over . . . The relationship that we seek and that we have 
worked hard to foster is not about a United States dec-
laration about how and when it will intervene in the af-
fairs of other American states. It’s about all of our coun-
tries viewing one another as equals, sharing responsibil-
ities, cooperating on security issues, and adhering not to 
doctrine, but to the decisions that we make as partners 
to advance the values and the interests that we share.’’; 
Whereas, in 2014, Presidents Barack Obama and Raul Cas-
tro announce the thawing of and eventual normalization 
of relations between the United States and Cuba; 
Whereas, beginning in 2015, the Department of Justice 
played an active role in Operation Car Wash, or Lava 
Jato, a sprawling anticorruption probe which was used to 
advance a partisan political agenda in Brazil, resulting in 
the politically motivated conviction and imprisonment, 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
and barring from the 2018 Presidential election, of Presi-
dent Luiz Ina´cio Lula da Silva; 
Whereas credible media reporting has exposed the extensive 
involvement of Department of Justice officials in Lava 
Jato, including actively advising Brazilian prosecutors 
outside of proper channels and acting in violation of Bra-
zilian law and bilateral treaty procedures; 
Whereas, in 2017, President Donald Trump threatened to in-
vade Venezuela militarily and imposed broad unilateral 
sanctions against the country that have significantly 
harmed the country’s civilian population; 
Whereas, in 2019, United States National Security Advisor 
John Bolton announced, ‘‘Today we proudly proclaim for 
all to hear: the Monroe Doctrine is alive and well.’’; 
Whereas the migration of Cubans and Venezuelans to the 
United States has increased dramatically in the years fol-
lowing the imposition (and reimposition) of broad eco-
nomic sanctions against these countries; 
Whereas, in late 2019, a military coup was staged against the 
elected Government of Bolivia following unfounded claims 
of electoral fraud made by an OAS Electoral Observation 
Mission, while the subsequent coup government received 
support from the Trump administration and OAS Sec-
retary General Luis Almagro; 
Whereas President Trump reversed the Obama administra-
tion’s policy of normalization with Cuba, imposed new 
sanctions, and, as one of his last acts in office, put Cuba 
back on the State Sponsors of Terrorism list without jus-
tification; 
Whereas the international community has resoundingly con-
demned the United States embargo on Cuba, most re-
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•HRES 1056 IH 
cently during the 2025 United Nations General Assem-
bly, with the resolution condemning the embargo passing 
by 165 votes in favor, with only 7 against; 
Whereas, in 2025, the Trump administration began sanc-
tioning foreign officials involved with Cuba’s international 
medical missions, which for decades have been deployed 
around Latin America, Africa, and Europe and have been 
lauded by the World Health Organization and govern-
ments around the world for providing crucial health care 
services to underserved communities; 
Whereas the United States Government has failed to apolo-
gize for its past support for military coups in the region; 
Whereas Investor State Dispute Settlement (hereafter in this 
preamble referred to as the ‘‘ISDS’’) provisions found in 
United States-backed free trade agreements allow multi-
national corporations to sue governments before panels of 
corporate lawyers based on claims that regulatory frame-
works, including those designed to protect workers and 
the environment, will lead to future losses, and thus far 
Latin American and Caribbean countries have been sued 
a total of 346 times under ISDS provisions, more than 
any other region of the world; 
Whereas a United States-based company has filed an ISDS 
claim against the State of Honduras for nearly 
$11,000,000,000 in alleged future losses, more than a 
third of the country’s yearly economic output, as a result 
of the Honduran Government’s announcement that the 
company can no longer continue to operate as a Zona de 
Empleo y Desarrollo Economico, a territorial area largely 
governed and controlled by private investors that has 
been declared unconstitutional by the country’s Supreme 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
Court and developed under former President Juan Or-
lando Herna´ndez; 
Whereas President Trump interfered in Honduras’ 2025 elec-
tion, threatening to cut off United States economic sup-
port to the country if voters did not elect National Party 
candidate Nasry Asfura, and then issued a full pardon of 
former Honduran president and National Party politician 
Juan Orlando Herna´ndez who had been convicted in a 
United States Federal court and sentenced to 45 years 
in prison for charges related to narcotics trafficking and 
weapons; 
Whereas the second Trump administration has pursued an 
aggressive policy of individual sanctions targeting offi-
cials of countries across the region that benefit from 
Cuban medical missions, which have made a well-docu-
mented positive impact on health care systems facing 
challenges in the region, across the Global South, and 
around the world; 
Whereas President Trump has made multiple threats against 
Panama regarding control of the Panama Canal, includ-
ing pledging to ‘‘take back’’ the Panama Canal, in viola-
tion of the Torrijos-Carter treaties; 
Whereas President Trump signed a January 20, 2025, Exec-
utive order designating drug cartels as foreign terrorist 
organizations and has, according to credible media re-
porting, directed the Pentagon to target cartels through 
military action, in potential violation of the sovereignty of 
Mexico and other countries; 
Whereas the Trump administration has enacted a policy of 
overt interference in the judiciary and democratic institu-
tions of Brazil in retaliation against the Brazilian Su-
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•HRES 1056 IH 
preme Court’s trial of former Brazilian President Jair 
Bolsonaro on multiple charges, including attempting to 
foment a military-backed coup in order to stay in office 
after losing Brazil’s 2022 Presidential election; 
Whereas the Trump administration has misused authorities 
under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act 
(Public Law 95–223), section 301 of the Trade Act of 
1974 (19 U.S.C. 2411), and the Global Magnitsky 
Human Rights Accountability Act (22 U.S.C. 10101 et 
seq.) in a politically motivated effort to exert improper 
influence on judicial proceedings held in accordance with 
Brazilian law and constitutional norms; 
Whereas the Trump administration’s policy toward Brazil 
risks producing incalculable damage to the alliance be-
tween the United States and Brazil, the two largest de-
mocracies in the Western Hemisphere; 
Whereas the Trump administration has conducted a similar 
policy of overt interference with regard to Colombia’s ju-
diciary in an effort to support a political ally facing 
charges of witness tampering and fraud, demonstrating 
an alarming pattern; 
Whereas President Trump has established a partnership with 
the President of El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, to wrong-
fully deport hundreds of people from the United States 
without due process to face notoriously dangerous prison 
conditions in El Salvador; 
Whereas these individuals have been, in effect, forcibly dis-
appeared, in a manner reminiscent of what has taken 
place under dictatorships across the region, often by re-
gimes supported by the United States Government; 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
Whereas, in his second term, President Trump has ordered 
a series of unauthorized military strikes in international 
waters targeting Venezuelan nationals and other individ-
uals allegedly involved in narcotics trafficking, strikes 
that have led to over 100 casualties and that were con-
ducted in violation of the United States Constitution, 
United States law, and international law, and which risk 
stoking a wider military conflict with Venezuela and 
other countries; 
Whereas, on January 3, 2026, the Trump administration, cit-
ing the Monroe Doctrine, launched an unauthorized mili-
tary attack against Venezuela in violation of the United 
States Constitution and international law, killing dozens 
and abducting the President and first lady of the coun-
try; 
Whereas President Trump publicly admitted that these ac-
tions were taken with the intent of the United States 
‘‘running’’ Venezuela and taking control of its oil re-
serves; 
Whereas President Maduro is being held in a New York pris-
on and awaiting trial on counts of ‘‘narco-terrorism’’; 
Whereas, on January 5, 2026, following the abduction of 
Maduro and his detention by United States judicial au-
thorities, the Department of Justice dropped its claim 
that the Cartel de los Soles is a distinct hierarchical or-
ganization headed by Nicolas Maduro, although that 
claim had served to justify targeting him and his govern-
ment; 
Whereas, since the beginning of his second term, President 
Trump has made multiple statements referring to poten-
tial United States military action and annexation, in vio-
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•HRES 1056 IH 
lation of international law, targeting Cuba, Colombia, 
Mexico, Panama, Canada, and other sovereign countries 
throughout the Americas; and 
Whereas the Trump administration’s 2025 National Security 
Strategy establishes a ‘‘Trump Corollary to the Monroe 
Doctrine’’ that prioritizes ‘‘American preeminence in the 
Western Hemisphere, . . . access to key geographies 
throughout the region’’ and the use of United States 
‘‘military presence’’ in the hemisphere for ‘‘establishing 
or expanding access in strategically important locations’’: 
Now, therefore, be it 
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of Rep-
resentatives that— 
(1) in order to send a strong signal to the re-
gion that the United States Government wishes to 
turn the page on a long era of political and military 
interference in the region, the Department of State 
should formally confirm that the Monroe Doctrine is 
no longer a part of United States policy toward 
Latin American and the Caribbean; 
(2) in place of the Monroe Doctrine, the Fed-
eral Government should develop a ‘‘New Good 
Neighbor’’ policy, designed to foster improved rela-
tions and deepen more effective cooperation with all 
the countries of the Western Hemisphere, with 
measures that include— 
(A) developing, jointly with the Depart-
ment of the Treasury, the United States Trade 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
Representative, the Department of State, and 
the United States Agency for International De-
velopment, a new approach to promoting devel-
opment based on a respect for the integrity of 
sovereign economic development plans of the re-
gion’s governments, support for equitable and 
sustainable economic transitions through tech-
nology transfers and new forms of climate and 
development 
financing 
that 
prioritize 
grantmaking and concessional lending; 
(B) terminating all unilateral economic 
sanctions imposed through Executive orders, 
and working with Congress to terminate all uni-
lateral sanctions, such as the Cuba embargo, 
mandated by law; 
(C) working with Congress to amend the 
International Emergency Economic Powers Act 
(Public Law 95–223) and the National Emer-
gencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.) to ensure 
robust congressional oversight over the imposi-
tion of unilateral sanctions through Executive 
orders, as per the original intent of the authors 
of those pieces of legislation; 
(D) working with Congress to develop leg-
islation that triggers an automatic review of bi-
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•HRES 1056 IH 
lateral assistance to a government whenever 
there is an extraconstitutional transfer of 
power, until the United States and a majority 
of regional governments determine that the new 
leadership is legitimate under that country’s 
constitution; 
(E) establishing a policy of respect and 
recognition of decisions made by sovereign 
countries across the region with regard to mat-
ters such as membership in international orga-
nizations and institutions, support for specific 
regional groupings and intergovernmental orga-
nizations, and decisions regarding diplomatic 
recognition; 
(F) proceeding with the prompt declas-
sification of all United States Government ar-
chives that relate to past coups d’e´tat, dictator-
ships, and periods in the history of Latin Amer-
ican and Caribbean countries that are charac-
terized by a high rate of human rights crimes 
perpetrated by security forces and paramilitary 
organizations that received United States sup-
port; 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
(G) working with Latin American and Car-
ibbean governments on a far-reaching reform of 
the Organization of American States to— 
(i) ensure accountability surrounding 
any potentially unethical or criminal activi-
ties in which the Secretary General or 
other senior officials have been involved; 
(ii) ensure full transparency sur-
rounding the financial and personnel deci-
sions taken by the Secretary General; 
(iii) establish an ombudsman’s office 
that is fully independent from the Sec-
retary General; 
(iv) ensure that the electoral observa-
tion division of the Department of Elec-
toral Cooperation and Observation of the 
Organization of American States is inde-
pendent from the Office of the Secretary 
General and is appointed by a majority of 
Organization of American States members; 
and 
(v) ensure that the Inter-American 
Commission on Human Rights and its 
rapporteurs are financially independent 
from the Secretary General’s Office; 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
(H) working with Congress to secure 
major, recurrent contributions to the Amazon 
Fund; 
(I) supporting democratic reforms to the 
International Monetary Fund, World Bank, 
Inter-American Development Bank, and other 
international financial institutions to ensure 
that the developing countries of the region are 
able to play an equitable role in shaping the 
lending and grantmaking policies of those insti-
tutions; 
(J) supporting regular issuances of Inter-
national Monetary Fund Special Drawing 
Rights to help avert balance of payments dif-
ficulties and to promote greater fiscal space for 
regional governments, thereby allowing them to 
expand investments in health care, education, 
economic development, and in climate adapta-
tion and mitigation programs; 
(K) advocating for the International Mone-
tary Fund and other relevant institutions to un-
dertake a shift away from fiscal consolidation, 
loan conditionality, and other regressive poli-
cies, and instead embrace an agenda focused 
on— 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
(i) robust and sustained economic 
growth; 
(ii) expanded access to health care 
and education to all; 
(iii) achieving universal social protec-
tion; 
(iv) supporting progressive tax re-
forms that benefit low-income commu-
nities, workers, women, and historically 
marginalized communities; and 
(v) actively supporting the advance-
ment of workers’ rights, decent work, and 
sustainability; and 
(L) supporting the creation of a Loss and 
Damage Trust, under the auspices of the 
United Nations, to support climate action in de-
veloping countries, and working with Congress 
to secure major, recurrent contributions to this 
fund; 
(3) the United States should work with regional 
bodies, such as the Community of Latin American 
and Caribbean States, the Caribbean Community, 
the Union of South American Nations, the Southern 
Common Market, and other regional groups, to in-
crease cooperation around the major challenges of 
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•HRES 1056 IH 
the present time, including the response to climate 
change, inequality, arms trafficking, tax evasion, il-
licit financial flows (particularly those derived from 
drug trafficking), the protection of workers’ rights, 
and promoting the rights of Indigenous peoples and 
Afro-descendent communities; and 
(4) the United States should, in every instance, 
respect international law and the sovereignty and 
territorial integrity of countries in the Western 
Hemisphere and throughout the world, and should 
respect international human rights law, which pro-
hibits extrajudicial killings, including in inter-
national waters. 
Æ 
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