APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Opening of Meetings of United Nations With Prayer seeummnapamenaend EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDWARD MARTIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 2 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rzcorp an editorial from the Altoona Mirror, sent to me by Hon. J. Banks Curtis, a former distin- guished Member of Congress from Penn- sylvania, who suggests that it is fine reading. I have gone over the editorial myself, and it is a magnificent one, sug- gesting to the American people the reli- gious side of life during the critical pe- riod in which we are living. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Our Faruer’s Lanp This is our father’s land. The argument advenced in some places that the sessions of the United Nations cannot be opened with prayer for fear of offending some of the member nations which do not profess Christianity should be judged against that fact. Our father’s land has been bought with the blood of many generations, conse~ crated by the lives of devout men and women, blessed for many generations with an abun- dance that is not and has not been equaled in the realm of recorded history. Why should we hesitate to give unto God the praise and credit for the many bless- ings that have been “estowed upon us? Have we also supinely surrendered to the UN our constitutional right of freedom to worship? Many guests from many lands have been entertained throughout the years in your homes and in mine and at least the right to give thanks at mealtime has never been suspended out of deference to the tender feelings of any guest or friend, Ido not believe that any Christian American takes offense when traveling abroad when the hour of prayer comes and the inhabitants of that land turn their faces to Mecca or ta some other shrine. The nationals of other lands love their fatherlands, but Americans have more than a fatherland to love and revere. They share with but one other nation the certain knowl« edge that here is a land that is dedicated to the Almighty. There was no doubt about this in the minds of the founding fathers. There was no doubt in the minds of the framers of the Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution. There was no doubt about tt in Abraham Lincoln’s mind when he breathed life into immortal words at Gettysburg. There is no doubt about it in the minds and hearts of millions of Amer- icans of February 1951 vintage. If our shores are to give shelter to the United Nations and our tax money erect the buildings which will house the representa- tives thereof, we have the right to insist that those who believe in Almighty God have the right to call upon His name and seek His guidance. It would be better for us to withdraw now from any alliance that denies us this right. Americans have the right to know, and to know now, just what other American lib- erties are being infringed upon or given away on the pretext of uniting the world. Our liberties are sacred to us and it is beyond the power of either Congress or the executive branch of the Government to dispense with em. Four score and seven years ago last sum- mer 53,000 brave Americans were casualties in a 8-day battle that stands out in history as one of the costliest military engagements of all times. In the blazing heat of mid- summer, wave after wave of brave men charged up the rugged hills and across the crested wheat fields of a Pennsylvania farm- ing community, to be met time and time again by resolute men who threw them back with minnie ball and rifle bullet, with bayo- net and clubbed rifle, and finally in desperate hand-to-hand encounter with Bowle knives and other odds and ends of equipment. That battle and that baptism of blood was the turning point in a great struggle between brothers to decide for all time whether this Nation could exist half slave and half free. Is that dearly bought treas- ure of human lMberty to be offered algo on a pagan altar of appeasement? America has paid the price for liberty. She has paid her price for internal unity; but the bloody sac- rifices at Gettysburg, Chanocellorsville, the Wilderness, and innumerable other spots were not made to lower the sum total of individual liberty and human dignity. The battle of the States was won and the peace that followed that war preserved be-~ cause men on both sides were the descend- ants of men who believed in the essential dignity of man and acknowledged the pres- ence and guiding power of a Supreme Being. Grim men marching south to the martial music of tattered bands in blue, singing un- der the stars and in the blistering heat of midday “Mine Eyes Have Seen the Glory of the Coming of the Lord," winding up the affairs of a Union of the States until at Appomattox an honorable surrender was arranged and a lasting peace conceived. Tattered, war-weary men in gray and blue wending westward for years after that war seeking new homes, building sod houses, conquering hostiles and adding breadth and dignity to a growing Nation. Glowing campfires, bleached bones along the trails, a period of lawlessness and then inevitably the church and Jaw and order and a new State with a Constitution acknowledging the su- premacy of God and guaranteeing the free- dom of the individual. Are all these also to be added to the sacri- ficial loot on the pagan altar of appeasement? What gods shall we appease, what manner of men are these that the descendants of the Pilgrims, the men in tattered colonial unl- form, the men in blue and the men in gray and the men in khaki should bow the knee to them? We have fought six major wars for that pearl above price—human freedom. We won all of them on the battlefields and will win the one in which we now are engaged on the battlefield. After our first major war for freedom, the American Revolution, we won the peace also because we entrusted that freedom to the consecrated men and women who had won the war. We won the War of 1812 to reaffirm our right to that freedom and once again we won the peace that fol- lowed because it was entrusted to the mass of people, those who had won the battles. We came through the great cauldron of the Civil War and won a setting for the pearl of freedom that encased it with the fine gold which was purified on the altars of a thou- sand battlefields so that another race of men who dwelt with us might be free. That peace was preserved for us also because it was subjected to the great debates of free- men, openly arrived at decisions dnd mutual understanding. In 1898 our men rallied to the banner of freedom from oppression for a neighbor and Cuba was liberated. Then in 1917 our boys fought again, this time to “save the world for democracy.” The boys won the battles, but the peace was lost. A1119 We should have learned then and there that individual liberty and national freedom can be preserved only by those who really believe in the sacredness of the individual and in government, by the people, for the people. Once again in 1941 we rushed in to battle to preserve the free way of life. It is a little too early to say that that peace has been entirely lost. In one nation at least there seems to be hope for the future and that nation oddly enough has entrusted its free- dom to a great American, Gen. Douglas Mao« Arthur. Has he ever been afraid to call upon his God for aid and guidance? Has he ever failed to give testimony to the source of his power? Would he be silenced in the halls of the United Nations or anywhere else when it came time to ask for the aid that cometh only from on high? The battle is joined in Korea, For eight torturous months men have fought against overwhelming odds and in their moments of agony have called upon the God of their fathers to ease their pain, to give to them the victory. Is that God now to be denied in the halls of the United Nations? “What shall it profit @ man if he gains the whole world and loses his own soul?” Statement by Hon. John Marshall Butler, of Maryland, to the Subcommittee on Privileges and Elections EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANCIS CASE OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 2 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. CASE. Mr. President, I ask unani- mous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp the statement made by the Senator from Maryland {Mr. BuT.er] to the Subcommittee on Privileges and Elections on February 20, 1951. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of personal privilege. Before this committee begins its deliberations, I wish to raise the question as to the type of jurisdiction that the commit- tee proposes to exercise and as to the nature of these proceedings, I shall confine myself to these questions in a brief statement, which I trust the committee will permit me to make, therefore, without interruption, I am not here in response to any invita- tion to testify, but solely for the purpose stated. I have been informed that at this hearing witnesses are to be publicly heard whose testimony may involve criticism of me personally, my qualifications, and my conduct of my campaign. I, therefore, ear- nestly insist that before the hearing of any testimony it is essential for the committee to determine the character of the hearing. There are only two constitutional powers under which this committee may be acting. Under article I, section 5, clause (1) of our Constitution, the Senate ts the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its Members. Under its legislative powers, it has the authority to make investigations. Bince the procedure is totally different and wholly different considerations govern, I submit at the outset it is neceasary to determine which kind of hearing is to be conducted. While I have requested information, I have re« ceived none, nor have I been given notice
A1120 ‘a6 tO any specific charges that the commit- tee’a 8 months’ investigatian may have. dis- closed which would warrant any contest as to my election, the returns, or as to my qualifications. First, it must be conceded that I have been duly returned as elected to the United States Senate by the proper Maryland au- thorities. There is therefore no cocasion for the exercise by the Senate of its powers with respect to “elections or returns.” The offi- celal vote was 326,291 for me and 283,180 for my opponent, showing a majority of 43,111. Secondly, no question has been raised tn Maryland as to my own complete compliance with the Maryland State Corrupt Practices Act. All reports were filed as required py me and my duly registered political agent, Mr. Mundy. Under the Maryland Corrupt Practices Act (Md. Ann, Code, 1989, art. 33, wec. 226), my opponent—or, indeed, any 10 duly qualified voters—could within 30 days after the election have had a complete and speedy investigation by a Maryland court and jury into any alleged violation of the statute. The result of any such judicial in- vestigation would have been under Maryland law made available to this committee and the United States Senate. Our Maryland law has provided adequate, impartial, judicial means of determining whether Maryland law has been violated, No petition was ever filed in any Maryland court, either within the statutory time or at any time, by my opponent or by any 10 voters, alleging any violation of the Maryland statute. Does this committee, then, Intend to dis- regard the fact that the Maryland authori- ties have found no reason to proceed or to take action on any alleged violations? Neither my opponent nor any 10 voters has dared submit such a question to a Maryland court and jury as provided by Maryland law. Next, I have no personal knowledge of any violation of the Federal Corrupt Practices Act. Y filed—and my treasurer has filed— complete statements which I believe were a Tull compliance with that statute. I have never run for an elective office before, and I do not claim to be an expert in political procedures. In my there were many citizens who volunteered to assist me—- ® large number of whom had had no prior experience in politics. Since my victory, I have learned that many people unknown to me at the time of the campaign were work- ing independently to assist me. It is thus tmpossible for me to state that the investigators of this committees may not have found some technical violations, as, tne deed, I suspect could be found in a 8-month investigation of any political campaign. But I can state wholeheartedly and without any qualification whatsoever that I never know- ingly have violated a single provision of any statute, and that if any of my supporters have done 0, any stich violations were tech- nical in character and relatively trivial, and due to inexperience and not to intention. There is no suggestion that the total amount of my expenditures was excessive compared to expenditures in other senatorial campaigns. It will also be found they were well within the limits of either State or Federal statutes. As I understand it, during the past 3 tMmonths, this committee has been perform- ing a function anelogous to that of a grand jury, which is to determine whether there 4s any probable cause for further action, and to do # in @ manner which will protect Citizens against frivolous and unfounded public charges, When it comes to a question of a public hearing, then I submit that before any such public hearing, in @ similar manner, this committee should find thet there is probable cause therefor. If it found that there was any such probable cause, then may I re- apectfully romind the committee that the Bupreme Court has held (Barry vy. Cune ningham (270 U. 8. 587, 618)) that in that event this committee acts in ite judicial capacity in exercising the power to judge the qualifications of ite members. It in- evitably follows therefore that if the pur- pose of this hearing is to inquire into my qualifications or to reflect on me, I am en- titled to notice of the charges made, an op- portunity to prepare my answer, to assemble my evidence, and an opportunity to crose- examine witnesses, as required in every Judi- cial trial. As the Supreme Court said tn in re Oliver (888 U. 8. 257, 278): “A person's right to reasonable notice of a charge against him, and an opportunity to be heard in his defense—a right to his day in court—are basic in our system of juris- prudence; and these rights include, as a minimum, a right to examine the witnesses against him, to offer testimony, and to be represented by counsel.” T have no information whether any charges have been made against me. There ts not and cannot be any suggestion that any tech. nical or trivial irregularities that the in- vestigators may have found in this case are comparable to the wholesale fraud, bribery, or tremendous expenditures which have served as a basis for unseating an elected Senator. No Senator has ever been unseated because of mere irregularities in procedure. In all cases where Senators have been un- seated there has been proof of widespread fraud, bribery, or such large expenditures as to suggest wholesale vote buying end that the election was not a true expression of the voters' will. The Supreme Court has said in Barry vy. Cunningham, supra, the ob- vious purpose of the provision in the Con. stitution empowe the Senate to deter- mine the qualifications of its own Mem- bers “was to vest the Senate with authority to exclude persons asserting membership who either had not been elected or, what amounts to the same thing, had been elected by resort to fraud, bribery, corruption, or other sinister methods having the effect of vitiating the elections.” I feel certain that the committee, in ita 8 months’ investiga- tion, found no evidence that would meet this test. Therefore, its purpose must be ‘to conduct an investigation preliminary to ‘possible legislation and not in regard to my qualifications. Such an investigation involves completely and widely different con- siderations, and I shall be most ready and eager to be of assistance. The considerations to which I refer are: First, the question before the committee should not be the Maryland campaign alone, but the campsigns in all 48 States. There is no reason for singling out the State of Maryland. It is, of course, true that in many States there are political machines and charges of wholesale vote frauds, as the Senators know. I do not need to name the States, There is no Republican machine in Mary- land, which has ever been charged with vote frauds or scandals of that kind. There ‘was no Republican machine in Marytand at the time of my election. Indeed, there had been no Republican governor elected in Maryland aince 1984, and only three since the Civil War. There had been no Repub- lican Senator elected in Maryland since 1928. In view of the national publicity as to vote frauds and machine politics in many cities and States of this country, it would seem a little strange for this committee to single out Maryland es a State to be firat investigated. Second, in any investigation as to possible legislation, where it involves the inquiring into a campaign in any State, it may also reflect upon the conduot of the Senator from that State, ‘Therefore, if ultimately this committee ine yestigates election practices in any State, in aul fairhess the Senators from that State should have the opportunity to know what witnesses are to be examined, the nature of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the testitnony to be offered, and an opportunity to produce testimony and cross~ examine witnesses. ' The Senstors know only too well that cam~ paign gossip may be distorted without war- rant into charges reflecting on a Senator’s honor and integrity. Even if accorded a later to testify, the truth would never catch up with such charges. If, in an election which I won by the largest majority that has ever been given Republican sena- torial candidate in the history of my Btate, this committee is going to permit my oppo- nent to use the investigative process as a rostrum to repeat his ca arguments or to explain away his defeat, then surely this committee is establishing a precedent under which every defeated candidate, especially in close elections, will attempt to do the same thing. I earnestly suggest to the committee that there would be great danger that hearings conducted to permit defeated candidates to rehash political arguments of a campaign will degenerate into emeer attacks on the reputation of Senators under the guise of in- vestigation as to legislation. Moreover, exam- ination of witnesses at public hearings where no bill of particulars has been given as to any complaints inevitably means a fishing expedition which will give wide publicity to vicious campaign gossip. To restate concisely the question of per- sonal privileges which I have raised about procedure, I submit that the following courses are open to the committee: 1, If it should determine that its prelimi- nary investigation discloses probable cause for my disqualification, I should be given notice of the charges, a list of witnenses, an opportunity to prepare for my defense, and the usual rights accorded in a judicial hear- ing. ‘ 2. If the committee should, as I confi- dently expect it will, determine that there has been no sufficient evidence produced at its preliminary investigation to warrant an election contest, then it should so report to the Benate. To do otherwise would be mani- festly unjust, as it would amount to a prose- cution of an elected Senator under the guise of preliminary studies for legislation, without giving him the constitutional rights of a judicial hearing. y, I deeply resent the fact that ex- Senator Millard Tydings emphatically repu- adiated by the voters of the great State of Maryland, be allowed to blacken the name and reputation of Maryland. I speak for the Democrats, a large majority of whom voted for me, as well as the Repub- licans in my State when I charge that my recent oppanent, by his reckless and unjus- tified attacks upon me, is in reality attacking the intelligence and honesty of the voters of Maryland, who have supported me by an unprecedented majority. Despite the fact that on November 7, with a majority of 43,100, the voters of Maryland decreed that ex-Senator Tydings should no longer repre- sent them in the Halls of the United States Congress, he is attempting to go behind their backs and get this committee to overrule their deciston. Do As I Say, Not As I Do EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 1, 1961 Mr, MULTER. Mr. Speaker, Just be- fore he recently left for his European and study of conditions abroad,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ‘kind—lazinesa, ineffictency, Drew Pearson penned a column in which he set out the goals and obligations of columnists and commentators. Osten- sibly intended as instructions for his staff, his ideas and observations might -well serve as a bible of conduct for the fourth estate. Drew Pearson’s column, which ap- peared in the Washington Post on Feb- ruary 28, 1951, follows: {Prom the Washington Post of Wednesday, February 28, 1951] Tux WasHincron Mrrry-Go-Rounp (By Drew Pearson) NEWSEMAN'S OBLIGATIONS CITED Drew Pearson, departing for a news survey of gathering European war clouds, left the following instructions for his staff: To the staff: I shall be traveling in Europe and countries adjacent to the iron curtain for the next 2 or 3 weeks. During that time you may have to write an occasional emer- gency column in case I get too far away from @ cable office or the going gets tough. In writing such columns please bear in Mind the following: Don't hesitate to admit an error. Double and triple check in order to avoid errors, but if you find you are wrong, say so. It is only fair to the man you have wronged, in addition to which the public will respect you for being fatr. If you are sure you are right, however, stick to your guns and !f necessary we will battle it out. Never bear grudges. If a President or a Senator calls you a name, don't call one back. Because he is puerile or small js no reason for you to sink to his level. Write facts; don't go in for name-calling. Any scrivener can fill a column with abuse. Epithets can be culled from any dollar dictionary, but it takes good journalism to ferret out graft or the backstage doings of diplomats or the tn- come-tax cheaters—and then make what you say stand up in court. SMOKE-~FILLED ROOMS Remember that it is part of your job to right some of the news wrongs of the Capital. The big newspaper chains can be ruthless, their newsmen in a hurry, It is your job to probe deeper than the hand-out or the official statement. You are to pick up where the spot-news men rushing for the telephone or grabbing for the headline, leave off. Frequently the best part of the story is after the spot-news cream has been skimmed. Remember also that ever since politicians became politicians, the thing the public was not supposed to know has taken place in the private lobbies and the smoke-filled rooms. Yet what is hidden from the public ie usually what the public ts moat entitled to know about, and the job of a good news- paperman to report. Remember that in our system of govern- ment by checka and balances, {t 1s your Job to help in the checking. Government ts so Intricate and detailed today that Congress no longer can do all the checking. Farthermore, Congressmen themselves have to be checked, Most Co: en are honest and reasonably conscientious, but it is your job to amoke out the Parnell Thomeases, the Andy Mays, and the “Doc” Brehms, and report the facta about them—even if !t means @ tough battle. FAITH IN GOVERNMENT However, it ia also important to remember that the Government is neither all good nor all bad. There are bureaucrats who are Woe- fully ineffictent, and bureaucrats who are & credit to mankind. It 4s your job to dis- eriminate. Government 4a only aa good as the men in %. And since men are human, they are . subject to all the fralities that make up man- temptation. But they are also subject to great effort, sacrifice, inepiration. Tt 18 your job as a newspaperman to spur the lazy, watch the weak, expose the corrupt. You must be the eyes, ears, and nose of the American people. Yes, the nose, too, is im- portant. For no matter how much stench you may be exposed to, never lose your sense of smell. But Ukewise remember that there are scores of underpaid Government servants dedicated to the cause of good government whom the public never hears of. It is your job to encourage them, It ts also your job to let the public know that these men are working for them. For the public must never lose confidence in its Government, Should it ever take seriously the scoldings of some of my com- petitors and lose confidence in our form of government, then the principle we are fight- ing for would be no more, DEPEND LITTLE FELLOW Remember also that it’s the little fellow who usually gets kicked around. It’s the little-business man, the GI, the guy in the lower-bracketed incomes who needs a friend. He has few friends in high places, no big politicians to pull wires, no one to speak for him on interlocking boards of directors. He has only the American public's strong sense of right and wrong to back him-—and {t's your job to spell out those rights and wrongs so the public can know what cooks, This applies to minority groups as well as little people. Sometimes these groups, such as the Negroes or a minority religion, need a little more encouragement than the folks who are doing all right anyway. Finally, remember that though the world moves slowly toward tts two great goals— peace and the brothe: hood of man-—it te your job, when possible, to help accelerate the pace. Sometimes it is better not to report a delicate diplomatic negotiation. Sometimes the cause of peace is best served by sacrificing a@ news story until a dificult diplomatic hurdle 1s over. But if the diplomats fumble, if they be- tray their trust, then it is your job to be ruthless in exposing that betrayal. You must pe their watchdog. You must let them know what the publicity penalty ts—-if they fail. Finally, when you write anything, remem- ber that the fewer worda you say it in, the better. These are the gosls of the Washington merry-go-round which I have not lived up to. Perhaps you can. Trnman’s Budget Carries His Socialistic Platform and Supports EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN QF MICHIGAN IN TRE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 29, 1951 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted, there is printed herewith an article from the A. F. of L, Weekly News Service: Truman Buparr Aaxs Ponns To Harr Deravss Wornrss, Exrany Brewers Wasuinoton.—-Preaident Truman's record- breaking peacetime defense budget sub- mitted to Congress on January 15 outlines a broad program to help workers in defense in- All21 dustries and to expand benefits for all workers, Mr, Truman asked for $71,504,000,000 for the fiscal year beginning next July 1. He estimated receipts at more than @55,000,000- 000 with the remaining $16,000,000,000 to be raised by new taxes. He said 69 percent of the total, or $48,900,- 060,000, would go for military purposes and butiding up our Armed Forces to resist Soviet Communist aggression. The President noted that the budget also contained expenditures for programs which will maintain and develop our national strength over the long rum, keeping in mind that the present emergency may be of long duration and we must, therefore, be prepared for crises in the more distant 4s wéll as in the immediate future. He thus keyed to the defense program «@ number of previously recommended Fair Deal measures and reiterated his requests for enactment of legislation necessary to carry them out, They included health insurance, ald to education, a Fair Employment Practice Act, expansion of social security, and a farm pro- gram along lines proposed by Oharles F. Brannan, Secretary of Agriculture, The President also recommended anew and budgeted funds for a dozen other items re- quiring legislation, including authority to construct defense plants, higher postal rates, ®& St. Lawrence seaway and power project, loans for Indians, defense housing incentives and extension of authority to control exports, rents, prices, wages, and the distribution of materials, Changing Age Distribution of the Ameri- can Popniation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN or NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 2 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorny a condensa- tion of an article on the first national conference on aging, wnich appeared in the January 1951 issue of the Industrial and Labor Relations Review, published by the New York State School of Indus. trial and Labor Relations, Cornell Unt- versity. The article, written by the Assistant Federal Security Administra- tor, Mr, John L. Thurston, tells how this important conference on this all-impor- tant subject came into being and was conducted, There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Pinar NaTIONAL CONPrERENCE OM AGING: A PRavizw oF (By John L, Thurston) The first national conference on aging was held in Washington August 13-15, 1950. On that occasion 616 delegates from ail parts of the country met to consider the total range of problems presented by the changing age distribution of the American population. The conference was organized around 11 broad subject-matter fields. Non-Govern- ment planning committees did the prepara- tory work on content, conducted the con- ference work sessions, and are now preparing
.A1122 Teports of the work of the delegates in their sections. The comprehensive volume is ex- ‘pected to constitute a bench mark in the effort of American society to adjust to this mafor social change. Tne total conference is seen as having three phases. The frst consisted of the pre. liminary determination of subject matter to be covered, identification of individuals and ‘interest groupe concerned with aging prob- lems, and the selection of delegates. The second phase was that in which the delegates met in Washington to get acquainted with one another, to share their experiences and knowledge in the aging field, and to develop principles and lines of action for the guid- ance of the many individuals, groups, agen- ctes, and organigations concerned. The third phase is that of disseminating the find. ings of the delegates through all available media for their stimulus value and for the direction they may afford persons through- out the United States who wish to initiate programs. It is anticipated that this phase will be accomplished by numerous public and private agencies through the printed word, the radio, local conferences, small meetings, discussion groups, and formal courses and lectures, ORIGIN OF THE CONFERENCE The conference on aging had its origin in the felt need and requests for help from a varied and growing number of persons and groups who were confronting problems that were not being solved through ordinary tech- niques, programs, and services. Medical practitioners and researchers were becoming aware of multiplying numbers of older people with chronic illness and infirmi- ties of aging. Management, labor, and em- ployment offices were becoming concerned over longer-lived workers who wished to re- main in gainfulemployment. Welfare work~ ers were meeting more and more demands for living arrangements for older people. Legislators were continually beset by de- mands for financial assistance. Here and there communities were finding demands for recognition of older persons in educational, recreational, counseling, and home-service programs. Homes for the aged and mental hospitals were taxed to capacity. Slowly, American society was becoming aware that there was something new and that it required attention. The problem of aging came to the fore Guring the 1920's and 1990's in the form of & large surplus of older, unermployed workers, and provided the final impetus for the pas- sage in 1985 of the Soota: Security Act with the old-age and survivors insurance and old-age aesiatance programs. During World War II, it was noted that older workers were making effective contributions in most em- ployment fields. The suspicion arose that there were errors in our notion of the un- employability of older workers and in our assumption that financial “eed represented the ovly problem of older people. tn the spring of 1948 the National Health Assembly pointed out that there was & com~ plex of aging problems somewhat related to, but actually quite apart from, the problem of chronic illness. Following a recommen- @ation of the assembly, the Federal Security Agency set up & working committee on aging, composed of representatives of the constit- uent units. After surveying the field through the literature and with the aid of their colleagues and of competent outside persons, this committee i-sued a progress report which was sent to several hundred in- formed people for comment, In the meantime various groups who hed been developing trial in their own establishments and cammunities began to recognise that some aspac’s of the aging problem ware national in scope and would “weed to be handled accordingly. These ‘groups took the initiative also in asking the Federal Security Agency for a facility through which they could become acquainted with other workers in the field and could checz their programs against those being conducted élsewhere. Late in the spring the President of the United States felt the time had come to make an assessment of the total situation and requested the Federal Security Admin- ictrator to do 80. The conference on aging, on a national senle, was called by the Federal Security Administrator in response to this evident mounting interest—the « imuli from oute side sources, the immediate and provocative response to the Agency's working committee report, and the desire of the President. AN EXPLORATORY FORUM The first decision made was that the con- ference should be an exploratory forum to be held as soon as it could be organized. It was recognized that, while many people were interested in various sspects of the problem, there was little systematic knowledge on which to organize a definitive program. The second decision was that the confer- ence should be broad in scope. The studies of the Agency committee had shown that the problems of individual and social adjustment to aging are as broad as life itself. The breadth of subject matter covered is shown in the following 10-section outline around which the conference was organized: I, (a) Aging research—biological, medical, psychological, sociological aspects. I. (6) Population changes and economic implications, IJ. Employment, employability, rehabili- tation. III. Income maintenance. ta Health maintenance and rehablitia- tion. V. Education for an aging population, VI. Family life, living arrangements, and housing. VII. Creative and recreational activities. VIII. Religious programs and services. IX. Community organization, X. Professional personnel. The next decision was that the conference should be essentially a conference by, of, and for persons outside the Federal service. In the end and at the request of the planning committee about 40 Government employees wore invited as full-fledged delegates, repre- senting themselves, however, rather than the organizations in which they work. The decision as to nongovernmental re- sponsibility and participation grew out of the twofold recognition: (1) That, whereas Gov- ernment workers have expertness in some phases of the financial and health aspects of aging, the broad and varied experience needed in a comprehensive conference could come only by involving persons with a great variety of situations and interest fields and (2) that, since most of the work with the aging will always be done by varied groups at loca] and State levels, persons from those leveis should from the start work out the s0- lutions and actions to be employed. The final major preconference determina= tion was that the group process of discussion and decision making should be employed throughout, This decision was consistent with the state of knowledge in the fleld and with the nature of the conference. It has the further and compelling merit of making active participants of all who are involved. OBJECTIVES The specific objectives of the conference were stated as follows: I. To provide a forum for persons con- cerned with aging. I. To revaluate the potentialities of older ‘people toward insuring thelr useful and sat. iafying participation in the life of the com- munity. RY. To stimulate the exchange of ideas among persons of varied experience, with @ view to solving problems of the aging APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD through voluntary and pubitc organizations in each Btate, city, and community. TV. To define the nature and extent of these problems as they affect the individuel, his family, and’ his community. VY. To promote research on aging in such fields as employment, health, education, rec- reation, rehabilitation, and social and pey- chological adjustment. VI. To transmit the findings of this con- ference to interested groups, including the Federal Government, as guidelines for devel- oping policies with regard to our older people. CONFERENCE DEVELOPMENT The conference began to move in May when an advisory committee of outstanding per- sons and experts from many fields was ap- pointed by the Federal Security Adminis- trator. The individual committee members rendered invaluable service in reviewing the plans for the conference, nominating dele- gates, and affording guidance on several ques- tions of policy. Later in the same month a small central office staff was set up, and a secretariat or committee of from five to a dogen Government staff members was created for each of the subject-matter areas or Con- ference sect‘.ns. Most of these committee members were from the Federal Security Agency, but representatives of seven other Government agencies were drawn in at ap- propriate points. There was representation from the Departments of Agriculture, Com- merce, Interior, and Labor, and from the Housing and Home Finance Agency, the Li- brary of Congress, and the Veterans’ Admin- istration, The first task of the secretariats was the development of a preliminary outline for each section, detailed enough to determine the interest fields that should be involved, and, hence, to nominate appropriate persons from outside the Federal service to serve as members of the planning committees. The planning committees, in turn, were to assume responsibility for the subject matter content of the sections. Planning committees consisted of from 9 to 18 persons, invited to serve by the Federal Security Administrator. Each committee held a i- or 2-day exploratory meeting in June. Most met again during July, and all held meetings on the day preceding the conference. It is a tribute to these committees and to American democracy that in every instance the planning committees accepted the Invi- tation extended to them, made a preliminary outline for the section, nominated persons to be invited as delegates, and developed plans for conducting the August work ses- sions. With the help of the secretariats the committees cast the outlines in the form of questions which were mailed, together with background data, to the delegates in order to start their thinking prior to arrival in ‘Washington. Between planning committee meetings the secretariate worked on the delegate invita- tion lists, striving to achieve a balanced rep- resentation in each section. The committees had decided to seek broad interest represen- tation within each section to insure expres- sion of diverse points of view and to avoid marrow conclusions, One of the first results achieved by the conference was the creation of a file of names of more than 2,000 people known to be con- cerned with some facet of the aging prob- lem. The 816 delegates were selected from these names. All delegates were invited as individuals representative of a field of interest and be- cause of reported activity in that field. The conclusion was reached early in the group planning meetings thet this procedure would yield a more informed group of delegates than would the procedure of inviting organi- Bations to send official representatives. The final step of this phase was an orien- tation meeting held the day before the con-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ferenee opened for secretariats, planning committees, discussion leaders tnd record. ers, reporters, and all other persons with spe- otfic responsibility for some aspect of the conduct of the meetings. THE CONFERENCE The conference on aging convened on Sunday morning, August 13, 1950. Federal Security Administrator Oscar R. Ewing addressed the entire delegate body on the origin of the meeting and the significance of the subject. Dwight Cooka, of the Colum-~ bia Broadcasting System, then conducted his weekly panel discugsion program, People’s Platform, from the head table, with three conference delegates participating. The assistant administrator for program of the Federal Security Agency, in general charge of the conference, explained the role of the agency as the servicing unit of the confer- ence, charged the delegates with thelr re- sponsibility, and turned the conference over to them. Before the frst work sessions con- vened, the University of Chicago Round Table program, also with three delegates com- prising the discussion panel, was broadcast from the conference rooms. The creative work of the conference went forward in ‘work sessions held on Sunday afternoon, Monday forenoon and afternoon, and Tuesday forenoon, and in numerous un- scheduled meetings of small groups whenever time was available. According to prear- rangement, most of the sections broke down into subsections for the major portion of the work period. Usually 33 group meetings were in progress stmultaneously. Planning committee members and discussion leaders kept the groups organized and moving. Besides the opening meeting, there were two general meetings. A dinnor meeting on Monday was addressed by Prof. Edmund V. Cowdry, Dr. Alvin Johnson, and Miss Frances Perkins. Mr. Ewing took this occasion to award a citation to Miss Ollie A. Randall, of New York, for her pioneering work with the aging. The final conference session was & luncheon meeting. The program consisted of a fast-moving summary of conclusions and unanswered questions presented by Dwight Cooke, CBS commentator, as conference rapporteur, with the assistance of the section chairmen. It is worthy of note that the desire for a forum type of exploratory conference car~ ried through to the very end; not one action was proposed or taken by the delegate body as a whole. SUBSTANTIVE ISSUES It is too early, at this writing, to state many of the conclusions reached in the con- ference. The several section committees are now engaged in preparing their final state- ments. What can be done here is mainly to report on the principal topica that came up for discussion, There was general agree- ment that the situation ts already so criti- cal as to require the immediate attention of all appropriate groups and interest {n s0- ciety. Older peopie constitute the most rapidly growing segment of our population. There ‘will be some 20,000 persons 65 years of age by 1975. The principal factor in their per- centage increase hag been the deciining birth rate over the past century. Improve- mente in health have been a secondary fac tor but may become more important as a result of research and improved medical care, Largely by reason of aging of the popula- tion, the average number of older depend- enta per worker has increased by 50 percent since 1900. Amother set of factors contrib- wi to this increase includes technologi- pottunity in self-employment, employment practices, and compulsory te- tirement programs. Only 45 percent of men over 65 are in the lebor force now com- pared with 68 percent in 1890. These changes have a good many tmplica- tions for the American economy. The del- egates appeared to be in agreement that old- er people need to receive financial support sufficient to sustain at least their primary needs. Some income needs appear to de- cline with age but others, as for medical services, increase. In two or three sections, much of the dis- cussion was devoted to consideration of how financial support is to be maintained. The old-age and survivors insurance program, together with old-age assistance, is expected to continus to provide the core of income for many of those (and their dependents) not gainfully employed, but it was sug- gested that the breadth and amount of cov- erage need further consideration. The role of private pension systems and their ability to meet the needs of the individual and of society were discussed. Many delegates saw the solution to the Problem of adequate financial support for older people in continuing employment. This sohution has the added advantage of contributing to the production of goods and services to supply the needs of the total population—a point that assumes paerticu- lar significance during the present national emergency. Separating continuing employment from chronological age, and relating it to ca- pacities and desires of individual workers instead, appeared to present one of the knottiest problems raised by the delegates. The prospect of growing numbers of years in retirement was impressive, os was the consequential need for increasing support. There were conflicting beliefs regarding the interests of workers themselves in the mat- ter. Raising the retirement age would consti- tute reversal of the long-time trend which would be difficult in view of growing output per man-hour and other factors already mentioned, It was pointed out, also, that ratsing age limits would be contrary to habits of thinking regarding employability of older workers, habits that resulted in the general establishment of compulsory retirement ages. Reversal of this thinking would require wholesale change of attitudes, While many delegates argued for flexibility in withdrawal from the labor force, they rec- ognized that there are difficult problems of administration. It was pointed out that the worker's desires in the matter are condi- tioned by his financial situation and by his need for status within his family and among his fellows, and that we lack objective cri- teria for determining employability. In ad- dition, there is a complicated two-way rela- tionship between retirement policies and pension systems, which might be further complicated by introducing flexibility into retirement systems, Other delegates indi- cated that continuing employment of many older workers would neceasitate job shifts as the effects of aging appear, and would neces- sitate counseling, spectal placement, retrain- ing, and, perhaps, modification of jobs and adjustment in rates. of payment, The point on which there appears to have been almost total agreement is that we lack sufficient data to answer any of the questions raised in this connection. Over and over again, the delegates pointed out that the fila for research is large and that the prob- lema are numerous and varied. There is no question about their impartance. In addition to considering the implica- tions of aging for the economy as a whole, all conference sections appeared to start with certain fundamental assumptions regarding older people as individuals, Briefly stated, these are: (1) Older people exhibit all of the fundamentel needs or desires found among ‘people at ashy age; (2) satisfaction of needs continues, ts in all aduit life, to be primarily a matter of individual effort; and (8) older people can find satiafaction only in @ favorable environment. The sections recognised, further, that aftects not only the individual but also his family, the community in which he lives, and the whole of society. Much of the discussion, there- fore, concerned factors in individual adjust- ment, and adaptation of knowledge an social institutions to aging. ' POSTCONFERENCEH ACTIVITIES Since the close of the conference many letters have been received regarding the sig- nificance of the conference and the impetus it may have given to the thinking and plan- ning for our aging population. Same of the delegates have indicated that they expect to see move ahead in thelr home communities, while others state that they have already gotten things underway. It is reported that one State may act up @ commission on aging and that another State is calling a meeting of all delegates to the conference to determine what the next steps should be. A third State and several communities have asked for all of the information avallable from the conference Zor the use of commissions or committees already established. One large city has in- dicated that it will uest its mayor to set up a commission to deal with the entire range of problems in that community. Another large city is setting up a demonstration re- search project to observe the effects of in- troducing an activity program into homes for the aged. A number of professional organizations ate bringing the conference results to the attention of their memberships through ar~ ticles in their journals or through addresses at meetings, One such organization has prepared a symposium on education for aging. Already there have been several re= quests for consultation on proposed educa- to sink very slowly. To the extent that such interest is maine tained and activities are developed, the cone ference on aging will have been successful. A Visit to a Korean Hospital EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAW IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 27, 1951 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted, there is printed herewith an article by United Press staif correspondent H. D. Quigg, describing a visit to a hospital in Korea: Haro To Taut Live From Dean, Fronr Hos- Pitat—Wounben Lis om Canvas Lirttrs, DusrT-Cakep AND BLOopY (By H. D. Quigg) A Hosrrran my Korea, February 21.—The receiving room is large and high-cellinged and filled with the chugging of the motor of a blower which sends hot air into the room through two big canvas tubes lying on the floor. The ambulances back up to the receiving- room door, md the wounded come out on canvas litters, covered with olive-drab blan- kets, their faces showing dust-beards, their arms lying limp. It's hard to tell whether some of them are alive or dead, ‘Ten soldiers Ife on litters on the receiving room floor. Some amoke and gaze at the lghts glowing dimly on the high ceiling. Some just lie, thetr eyes closed, faces sick and gray, They're waiting to be checked tn,
Al124 soreenad, and treated. Many still wear their green field caps. Dried blood mottles their etiffened clothing. Here and there a first~ aid splint shows on-an arm or leg. wounded, starting to get treatment, are on a row of Atmy cote. An attendant with knife and scissors outs off their clothing. Two or three are getting whole blood from pint bottles hung above them on tron frames. If you watch, you can gee the pink blush of life coming back to their faces. An Army nurse with fluffy blonde hair orooks her finger at me as I sit on a bench at the aide of the room. As I approach she hurriedly hands me a pinched-shut portion of rubber tube hanging from a blood bottle, “Hold this, will you?” she says, and I choke off the flow of blood in the tube while ahe begins probing in a soldier's arm with the large hollow needle at the end of the tube. The soldier below us on the cot is in a state of deep shock, which has caused his veins to contract. The Nurse, Lt, Margaret Feil, of San Fran- cisco, can’t get the needle in a vein. She probes and probes, and the wounded man jumps and rolls his head at each probe. A medic pulls off one of the soldier's boots and he writhes in pain, for he has a mortar wound in the lag. A doctor takes the blood-giving needle from the nurse and tries to get it tn a vein lower in the arm, but it’s no use, They have been working on the soldier's left arm. His right arm is a stump, blown off below the elbow. It is wrapped in a huge rolled white bandage, soaked with blood. ‘The head surgeon, a major, comes over and takea a syringe needle and begins probing deep in the man’s thigh for a blood vessel, The guy ts conscious and the surgeon says, “How do you feel now?” “T don’t feel bad at all,” the guy says. He takes a cigarette. A medic approaches and looks at the record card tied to the soldier's clothes and goes away, shaking his head. The case is critical, The important thing is to get blood into him, The surgeon has given up probing and is cut- ting into one of the big veins at the ankle. No blood comes out as he cuts. He thrusts a holiow metal tube through the incision and into the vein and attaches the bottle tube to it. The blood level of the bottle begins to sink very slowly, The soldier has lost consciousness. As I leave he is lying still, his head fallen to one side, the arm stump hanging down over the cot edge. He probably will live, because oeone has given the blood to keep him ve, Gray’s Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MATTHEW M. NEELY OF WEST VIRGINIA IN THE SENATH OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 2 (legistative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. NEELY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to ‘have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “Gray's Elegy,” published in the woehinston. Evening Star of February " ’ There being no objection, the editorial ‘was ordered to be printed in the Recoan, 85 follows: Gaay’s Exxay | England Just now 1a calebrating the bicen- ténnial of ‘Phorans Gray's tersouel Elegy Writ- ten in a Country Churchyard. The poem was published by Robert Dodsley in quarte in February 1751, and it was “greatly suc- ceseful from the very first.” Composed by “the slowest of bards,” it represented 7 years of consideration on his part. He was 35 when it finally was iesued and had only two decades of Hfe before him—and nothing much worth doing with the time. Richard Garnett and Edmund Gosse, in their History of English Literature, refer to him as being “altogether too delicate for the rough age he lived in.” It served him to little effect that he was “perhaps the most learned man in Europe.” Loneliness and gout afflicted him. He was constitutionally too fat, too shy, and too weak of body and spirit. Yet he could and did write lines as simple, as graceful, ani as richly beautiful as: “The curfew tolls the knell of parting day, The lowing herd wind slowly o’er the lea, The plowman homeward plods his weary ‘ way, And leaves the world to darkness and to me.” Nothing more compelling of its kind exists in English letters than the whole picture painted in the elegy. Each single word of it obviously hag been chosen with meticulous discrimination. The poem is a tour de force of taste. If proof of its power be wanted, it may be found in this stanza, often quoted even now after two centuries: “Full many a gem of purest ray serene The dark unfathomed caves of ocean bear; Full many a flower is born to blush unseen, And waste its sweetness on the desert air.” Gray's mood throughout 1s melancholic. He faces the universe as a philosopher and as an artist, too, but he is sad and sorrow~ ful—there is no exuberant joy in his work. The youth “to fortune and to fame un« known” is himself, and he mourns his frus- trations, his disappointments, his pathetic griefs. At the last of the lament he affirms that heaven has granted him the friend who was “all he wished,” but the elegist’s history contradicts the claim. His immortal poem stands today as an appeal for a type of human fellowship—an authentic mutual- ity—which rarely, if ever, develops anywhere on earth, It is a cry for mercy which many great souls have helped to raise, all too often in vain. Coming His Way EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 27, 1951 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, under permission granted, there is included herewith an editorial from the Chicago Tribune. Some of the professional—being for hire—New Deal, left-wing smear propa. gandists are having it handed out to them. Naturally they resent it, for they have proceeded on the theory that no One dare criticize any of their output. The editorial from the Chicago Trib- une--and there was one like it in the Washington Times-Herald — indicates that this little “holier than thou” group will have to expect an exposure of their motives—the falsity of their conclusions, The editorial is as follows: Ong Wovosac WHo’s In No Danom Quentin Reynolds {chatter and for hire] was heard the other day on a pro- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD gram sponsored by & television manufac- turer. Reynolds is the New York night-club warrior who appeared before the Democratic National Convention in 1944 to plug for the fourth term, asserting that he apoke for the boys in the front lines. He had no commission from them to back u» this contention, but it is plain that he did walk away with a check for $2,000 from the Garsson boys when they threw a party to celebate their receipt of an “EZ” award from the Government for their glorious con- tribution to the “wah effoht.” Later they were sent to the penitentiary with the New Deal statesman, Representative Andy May. Reynolds can always be counted upon to bleed at every one of his copious pores out of reverence for the New Deal, but some- times he changes his pace and loses himself in rhapsodies dedicated to the Soviet Union. He was 1 of 16 alleged writers who con- tributed to an extraordinary smear campaign in 1946 intended to damn W. L. White's criti- cal Report on the Russians as “the book the Nazis like.” Reynolds therein confessed his “love” for the Red soldiers who now form the basis of Mr. Truman's “ttzzy.” The latest Reynolds offering starts off as follows: “The headstone over the grave on the grassy slope at Arlington Cemetery is a simple one with a simple inscription. It merely says, ‘James Forrestal, 1892-1949, Meutenant, United States Navy.’ Another line should be added. That one should read: “Murdered by the American people.’ ” Reynolds develops this astonishing theme by citing the fact that “we,” meaning the people, put overwhelming burdens on “our public servants” until finally “some of them crack under the strain,” He professes to see this happening again, although he concedes that Truman is fit, Secretary of the Treasury Snyder puts in 8 hours in bed, and the rest of the crowd are not complaining. The prin. cipal manifestations that something is wrong with Truman have been provided by that gentleman himself, in various quixotic letters and statements. “As the tension mounts, as the responsl- bilities increase,” Reynolds intoned, “we can expect more tragedies. We not only give our public servants impossible jobs to do; we snipe at them carelessly, criticize them un- mercifully if their conception of the job does not conform to ours. Today there are a great many men in key defense posts in Washington whom we, the American people, have virtually sentenced to death—Harry Truman, Charles E. Wilson, General Marshall, Averell Harriman, Cyrus Ching, Frank Pace, Stuart Symington, General Bradley, Eric Johnston, General Collins, just to mention 10 men.” It may be asked why these people are ex- posing themselves if they don’t like the work. Truman nearly broke his neck 214 years ago to make sure that his job did not get away from him. The rest of the crowd can resign any time they want to. Many of them are politicians who are in the business for the power and perquisites, and the generals have heen rewarded with their present station for Playing ball. With the exception of Mr. Truman, who got elected, but wouldn't stand a chance of repeating in the light of current sentiment, these public servants that we are supposed to have put in authority hold no mandate from the people to do 2 percent of the silly things that they have taken on them- selves in their current seal to latch onto wars and wreck the country generally. Reynolds is at the same old confidence game of saying that nobody must criticize a New Dester, If his examples are going to crack up, it would be convenient if they did 80 before they see that the country does. As to the crack-up, ather reasons have been advanced, one of them being that members ef an administration who invariably put foreign interests ahead of their own country's
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD inevitably become victima of psyc! ogical conflict, remorse, and loss of conto Fd accuse the American people of murder ing men who won't let go of power if they have anything to say about it is as shameless & libel as could be advanced. As long as the honorarium comes in from the sponsor, Reynolds himself 1s tn no danger of sacri- ficing himself. As long as chumps can be found to pay money for windy vacuity, this Pe eb ulating tub will, unfortunately, be Statement of E. C. Hallbeck Before a Sub- committee of the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NOBTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 2 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp a statement made by Mr. E. C. Hallbeck, legislative representative, National Federation of Post Office Clerks, bcfore a subcommittee of the Commit- tee on Post Office and Civil Service on Monday, February 26, 1951. He testified before the subcommittee on behalf of Senate bill 355 and related measures. His testimony, the result of much study, was 80 outstanding that I ask unanimous consent to have it printed in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, together with ap- pendix A and appendix B. There being no objection, the state- ment and appendixes were ordered to be printed in the Rzcorp, as follows: STATEMENT or E, C. HALLBECK, LeGIsLarive REPRESENTATIVE, NATIONAL FEDERATION OF Post Orricn CLERKS, BEFORE SUBCOMMITTEE or Senate Post Orrice anp Cry. Seavice Commrrrez, ow 8. 855 ann Retaten Mras- URES, BEGINNING ON MONDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1951 Mr. Chairman and members of the com~ mittee, my name, for purpose of the rece ord, is B. C. Hallbeck, and I am the legisla- tive representative of the National Federa- tion of Post Office Clerks, with offices at 711 Fourteenth Street NW., Washington, D.C. Ours is a voluntary organization and is composed entirely of post office clerks in more than 5,000 post offices of the first, second, and third class, located in every State and tn Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Vire gin Islands. It is my understanding that you are today considering four bills, 8, 355, 8, 376, 8. 414, and 8. 415, all of which relate to the pay or compensation of employees in the field service of the Post Office Department. If it be satiafactory to this committee, I shall comment on each bill in turn, placing by far the greater emphasis on the bill 8. 365 which, to the people I represent, is certainly the most important and for which there is @ very pressing immediate need. Prior to July 1, 1945, the Postel Claasifi- eation Act provided five automatic grades for post-office clerks with salaries ranging from $1,700 to 62,100 per annum. There were in addition two grades known as spe- cial clerk grades at $2,200 and $2,300 per annum ‘respectively, These latter grades were limited entirely to first-class post of- fices and were created as an incentive to industry, efficiency, and the acquisition of a thorough knowledge of the postal service and its requirements. Needless to say, pro~ motion to such grades was extremely rare extept in some of our largest post offices. For all practical purposes it is correct to sey that only five salary grades existed insofar 88 most offices were concerned. With the enactment of Public Law 184 of the Seventy-ninth Congress the number of automatic grades was increased from 6 to 11 with a apread of $1,000 between grades 1 and 11, the salary range being from $1,700 to $2,700 per annum, The same number of grades with equivalent hourly rates were pro~ vided for substitute employees. Both Senator Cartson and yourself were Members of the House of Representatives during the Seventy-ninth Congress, Mr. Chairman, and I am sure both of you will recall the circumstances that led to the enactment of that legislation. You will re~ call, I am sure, that Preaident Roosevelt had set a figure of $150,000,090 as the maximum cost of such o measure, and that the then Post Office and Post Roads Committee of the House, under the leadership of Chairman Burch, was more or less required to work out & satisfactory formuls within that limitation. Chairman Burch and his committee had the advice and technical assistance of three ex- tremely capable postal officials, the late Smith W. Purdum, then Second Assistant Postmaster General; the late Mr. Joseph F. Gartland, Director of Budget and Adminis- trative Planning, and Mr. Archie A, Imus, the then Commissioner of Administrative Plan- ning. While it is true that the representa- tives of the employees were consulted at prac- tically every step, it 1s also true that the law as finally enacted was to a very considerable degree the brainchild of Mr. Gartland and Mr, Imus. It was they who developed the formula by which additional grades were superimposed on the existing five-grade structure, leaving the first five grades at the same rate ag that originally provided in 1025, in order to keep down the cost estimate of the bill, ‘There was a feeling, and, I think, with good reason, that since no one knew when per- manent classified appointments would again be made (we were still at war when the legis- lation was being considered), entrance salary grades presented a purely academic question that could easily be solved whenever perma- nent appointments were again authorized. Unfortunately, things did not work out that way. The end of the war and demobilization were almost coincident with the enactment of the 11-grade structuro and the Post Office Department in 1945-4€ was offering 1925 en- trance wages to the returning veterans anxi- ous to rehabilitate themselves in a peaceful society. Every man appointed since is still trying to catch up and is at least four grades or $400 behind on the economic merry-go- round. . While there is jJustificatica for a spread in grades based on the relative worth of a new man and an experienced and trained man to the postal service, there is no justification for the present 11-grade spread. In the branch of the service which I represent, and it ta by far the largest branch of the field service, the vast bulk of the employees are engaged in the distribution of mail which requires a specialized knowledge that can only be acquired by experience. Mail is dis- tributed, or sorted, by means of what we call schemes which require a knowledge of sched- ules and routes of each railroad and the time of arrival in each city and the time and places where those railroads intersect other rallroads or star routes in a given State or group of States. Some of those schemes are extremely involved and many of them require 8 or 4 years Of constant application before an employee completes his entire sssign- ment and is @ qualified competent work- man. Obviously his value to the postal serv- ice ts not ac great in hie first year as it ts ln his fourth or fifth year, but if he isn’t a qualified journeyman at his position after ALI25. his fifth year, he mover wil] be, If he ta: thus qualified then he should be paid at the rate pald to other competent workmen and not required to work another @ years at an infertor rate of pay, before receiving the same pay ag others doing similar work. We feel that the change from a4 5-grade to @n 1l-grade salary structure was & mistake and believe that section 1 of the bill .&. 355 ts the best way to correct the existing con- dition. Section 2 of the bill 8. 865 requires no extended explanation. It would increase all field postal service salaries by 17 percent of the firat $5,000 of such salaries. We realize that it will be necessary for us to justify the figure of 17% percent, and we are to do #0. Firat of all, let me aay that the 17-percent figure ia not something picked out of the sir, nor arrived at in any haphavard fashion. The best possible illustration of this lies in the recent report to this committee subnittted by the Bureau of the Budget and the U:vil Service Commission. According to that re- port, the cost of living advanced 76.1 percent from 1989 to November of last year, During that same period of time the average wage of a post office clerk advanced from $2,165 per annum to approximately $8,500 per annum, an increase of only some 61.8 percent, or a net loss of 16.3 percent. It should be korne in mind that the figures used were for No- vember of last year, and that the index has risen something like 8 or 4 points during the interval between the date of the report and the present time. To cite a specific example, using the fore mulas of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the group I represent has suffered a minimum loss of $6.64 per week in net apendable earn- ings, an amount which tn terme of current dollars is equal to $12.27 per week, or $688.04 per annum, which would justify an increase of more than 18 percent based on current prices and earnings. We all know from bitter personal experience that prices are still going up despite price controls, and I think it would be perfectly safe to say that a 20-per- cent increase could easily be justified by the beginning of the next fiscal year. In the past 10 years the postal wage has continually lagged behind the cost of living, and, as a result, postal employees have been going deeper and deeper into debt with each passing year. It has become necessary for an ever-increasing number of employees to seek additional part-time employment, and an even larger number of employees have their wives and children gainfully employed in order to supplement their postal income, This is not a healthy situation. It ie disrup- tive of home and family life and could well be a contributing factor to the current in- crease in juvenile delinquency. We feel that early enactment of 8. 555 ils desirable not only from the personal stand- point of the employee but because it will be reflected in improved morale and efficiency within the postal service as well. With respect to the bill 8. 416, “To provide compensatory time for services performed on Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays by clerks in third-class post offices,” I had an oppor- tunity to go into that briefly at the initial meeting of this subcommittee on February 2. I am attaching as appendix B a reprint from the Postal Bulletin, the next to the last para- graph of which deals with this subject in the fewest possible number of words. Theoretically at least, a regular clerk in an Office of the third class is on duty & hours per day, 7 days per week. Unlike all other classified regular employees, all services of ® hours or less performed on Saturdays, Stin- days, or holidays i performed gratis, and without compensation either tn time or money. In our view, this is an entirely une warranted and unjuet discrimination. Bure- ly a Government that requires private em- ployers to pay premium retes for hours in excess of 40 per week should at least grant compensatory time during the following week
to ‘the of thas Government who ate required to work more than 40 hours per ‘We belteve that the bill 8. 415 by Senator Dawexn, of North Dakota, will correct this unfortunate condition and urge its early ene aotment. Another bill ‘before this subcommittee, 5. 414, deals with the same subject and would amend the present law so as to give the em- Ployee an option of accepting either the compensatory time now provided or addi- tional pay at the overtime rate for services performed on Saturdays, Sundays, or holi- days. pvtously, it would be difficult for the rep- resentative of any group of employees to op- pose legisiation which gives enmplayees a choice of benefits. Certainly the principle of & prentitim pay for such Rervice ts pretty well established in private induetry. However, we muat alao recognize that the task of moving the mail is a 24-hour-per-day, 7-daya-per- week job and that unlike a manufacturing or mercantile establishment it is not prac- tical to close the doors on Friday or Statur~ day evening and keep them closed until the following Monday morning. We also recog- nige the fact that a considerable amount of the work of substitute employees results from the compensatory time given to regular employees. If regular employees generally were to accept overtime pay rather than compensatory time, the work opportunities presently provided for substitutes would be drastically reduced. Giving due consideration to these facta, our executive committee approved a resolu. tion referred to it by our national conven- tion which in substance provided that em- ployees who perform service on Saturdays should be given 90 minutes of compensatory time for each hour of Saturday service, and 2 hours of compensatory time for each hour of service on a Sunday or holiday. We feel that this is a better approach to the prob- lem. It would first of all, by administra- tive means, reduce Saturday, Sunday, and holiday work to the essential minimum. Secondly, it would provide a premium rate for Saturday, Sunday, and holiday service, in common with private industry, without ad- versely affecting substitute employees. While it is true that the bill aa introduced would perhaps augment present inadequate salaries, we do not believe that overtime work, even at a premium rate of pay, is a cure for that evil. We, therefore, recommend that the bill S. 415 be amended to provide that employees who are required to perform service on Saturdays shell be given 90 min- utes of compensatory time for each hour of such service and employees who are required to perform service on Sundays and holidays shall he given 2 hours of compensatory time for each hour of such service, and that the bil. as thus amended be enacted. The fourth and last bill under considera- tion at this time is 6. 876. Thies bill would provide a salary reclassification for postmas- tera and supervisors and would not directly affect members of the organization I repre- sent. While recognizing that there are in- equities in the present set-up, I do not con- sitter myself competent to discuss this legis- jation at length. However, I do feel that there is considerable controversy in connec- tion with this legislation and bellave it should be considered on its own merits and not made a part of a general bill dealing with wage adjustments such as those con- templated in 8. 965. ‘We aincerely appreciate the time and at- tention being given to this subject by the ‘Zopmbers of this subcommittee and hope thet ae a result of your deliberations the Congress will be prevailed upen to take nec« essary oarrective action at an early’ date, ‘We aspetially hape for an early favorable report on 8, 355 aa introduced by Chairman Jouweron of the committee, , Thank you. Aprrnpix A Net SrenpaBie WeexLy EaRNInos According to the Bureau of Labor Bta- tistics, United States Department of Labor, the average weekly salary multipited by 0.819 plus $7.31 equals the net spendable weekly earnings after allowance for income and social-security taxes for a family of four. To adjust weekly earnings with the same earnings expressed in 1989 dollars, the cur- rent Consumers Price Index is divided by the 1939 index. The net spendable weekly earn- ings divided by the quotient thus obtained equals the current wage expressed in 1939 dollars. Present approximate annual wage of $3,500 equals 667.30 per week; $67.30 multiplied by 0.819 plus $7.31 equals $62.42; 862.42 divided by 179.4 equals #34,79. 1939 annual wage of $2,165.21 equals $41.63 per week: wawanenwnvem O41, 63 Present wage in 1939 dollars......... 34.79 Deficiency in 1939 dollars..... 6.8% 86.84 in 1939 dollars equals $12.27 in De- cember 1950 dollars; $6.84 multiplied by 170.4 equals $12.27. (Source: Handbook of Labor Statistics, U. 8. Department of Labor.) APpEeNnDIx B {Reprint of notice which appeared in the Postal Bulletin of October 12, 1948] Insrnuction or Frasr anp FourtTH ASsIsTaNnT POSTMASTERS GENERAL OVERTIME AND COMPENGATORY TIME FOR THE DECEMBER 1948 QUARTER The attention of postmasters is directed to the necessity for the exercising of the ut- most care in the use of overtime during the December 1048 quarter, and it is the duty of each postmaster to give this important matter detalled and personal attention and not to handle it in a routine manner. * * ° * e Attention is called to the fact that clerks at offices of the third class are not subject to the provisions of the 40-hour workweek Jaw, and may not be paid overtime, nor granted compensatory time, for the first 8 hours of service performed on Saturdays, Sundays, or holidays. The matter of the judicious use of over- time, for regular employees as well as super- visors, is one of great importance, and post- masters will be held personally accountable for the use of funds in that respect. It ts imperative that overtime in all instances be restricted to emergency needs only, and post- masters must see that these instructions are given strict attention and full compliance. Proposed Amendments to the Selective Service Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LYNDON B. JOHNSON OF TEXAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 2 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr, JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp several editorials regarding the proposed amendments to the Selective Service Act. These in- clude editorials from the Rochester (N, Y.) Times-Union, the Raleigh (N. C.) News and Observer, the Philadeiphia APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Bulletin, the Philadelphia Inquirer, and the Dallas News. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Rochester (N. Y.) Times-Union of January 12, 1961] UNIVERSAL SERVICE Defense Secretary Marshall presented to Congress Wednesday a balanced program of universal military service beginning at the age of 18 and continuing for 27 months in active service. The bill begins service a year younger than the present law and continues it longer than formerly contemplated in uni- versal military training proposals. The more emotional opposition will be centered upon the first point. No age is a convenient age to take 27 months out of one's plans for the future. But when the first emotional reaction is spent we believe that most boys and most parents will conclude that starting required service at 18 is an over-all time saver, Deferments will be granted to permit fine ishing high school and for completing a college year if started before a youth’s eight- eenth birthday. Normally an 18-year-old has completed high school at that age. A delay of a year for most boys would be a wasted year. The only jobs open t- him would be restricted by his lability to service after a few months of work. Starting early and getting it over with without loss of time in their main plans for life will be accepted by most young men. What appears to be ample allowance for higher training of qualified candidates is in- cluded in the Defense Department plan. The Nation cannot afford to permit a gap in the training of doctors, scientists, leaders, and technictans, Tf the provisions of this bill are linked in all the States with an accelerated educa- tional program such as is being studied by the board of regents of New York, all the 27 months of service need not be reckoned as “lost” time. Our men will be just as well educated, if not better, and have the added personal sat- istaction of having done their duty to their country. [From the Raleigh (N. C.) News and Observer of January 15, 1951] AgsiTRary AcE Limirs Letters to Congressmen protesting the drafting of 18-year-olds and proposals that 18-year-olds who are old enough to fight are old enough to vote both emphasize the fact that there really are no pat and perfect ages for beginning or ending anything, Something of the same sort applies to retirement ages firmly fixed in the rules of some organizations and agencies, pension plans, and the like. There is no clear set age at which every boy reaches readiness to vote or fight and no age at which it can clearly be said that a man is finished and ought to get out of the job and out of the way. Some boys certainly seem babies who ought to be protected at 18 from the harsh realities and dangers of military service. Some men at 65 or even 70 are at th prime of their usefulness and ability in their jobs. The unfortunate fact is that in dealing with large numbers of people some arbitrary ages must be set. That was done long ago when we settled quite arbitrarily upon 21 as the age of maturity in citizenship. Olearly, however, some people are much more quali- fied for the exercise of the suffrage at 16 than some others seems at 65. Every age can be wrong. Some very tm- Mature boys will be subject to selective serv- ice at 19 and even at 20. Some able, useful, and experienced men are summarily sepa-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ever, an age must be fixed and the best place to fix it will be where it best serves the pres- ent and the future security of the Republic. And there will be no unanimity of opinion about that. {From the Philadelphia Bulletin of January 19, 1962) Maxsmat.’s Drart Pian Sentiment has been making itself fclt in Congress against the Defense Department's @esire to lower the draft age from 19 to 18. Twelve months make a great difference in ®& teen-ager's mental and physical develop- ment, but it ie questionable whether the difference between 18 and 19 ts as great as some have pictured it. In shifting manpower as wel! as industry to military purposes, the ideal is to achieve the desired end with the least possible dis- locations. This is General Marshall's most telling argument in favor of lowering the Graft age. He could get the needed man- power i the 19 to 26 age group, but he would have to take husbands and fathers, and this would mean a greater social damage than the drafting of 18-year-olds. Drafting of young men at completion of high school would mean fewer family hard- ships, Also, as it now stands, a young man has a time finding a job between high school and being drafted at 19; or if he goes on to college, generally speaking, it means break- ing off after 1 year. Right now these youths are perplexed, not knowing which way to turn. All uncer- tainty never will be eliminated, but General Marshall's plen is simed at doing away with some of it, at the expense of heartbreak to parents. [From the Philadelphta Inquirer of January 26, 1951] Bot IV-F's Can’ Fini Aut Drarr Nexrps Relaxation of the mental and physical standards for draft inductions is a necessary prerequisite to the drafting of 18-year-old boys, but it can hardly be regarded as a sub- stitute for a thorough program of training and service for the Nation’s younger men. Assistant Defense Secretary Anna Rosen- berg’s disclosure that the qualifications for military service will be lowered is welcome for one big reason: it contains ul as- surance that large numbers of older men will not be allowed to avoid some form of defense service while their younger brothers are be- ing drafted. The policy of excessively high physical and mental standards combined with wholesale aeferments for other causes had just that effect during the last war. It meant that men with minor disqualifications not only avoided combat service; they didn't even serve in behind-the-lines jobe where their defects couldn't possibly have interfered with performance of duty. Tt ts not only that many men fn the pub- Ho eye were excused from service, although the classification of apparently hale and hearty athletes and movie actors as IV-F un- Geratandably aroused public disapproval. 2 _ but the most arduous front-line duties. For every dubious IV-F who was exempted, & man who could meet sll the requirements had to be drafted. That is unfair in any event; it will be doubly unfair if additional i8-year-olds have to be called because some older men are Kept from the services with- out good reagan, Unquestionably some of the reasons for the neediesaly high physical and mental stand- ards goes back to the individual military services. There is as yet no uniformity on qualifications among the Army, Navy, and Air Force, and this applies to men who serve in noncombat positions as well as those who do the actual fighting. Mrs. Rosenberg's statement that qualifica- tions will be lowered indicates that some of the services will have to make use of men they have previously rejected, and it Is about time. There are scores of jobs in all the services which can be filled satisfactorily by men barred by present draft standards. But it doesn't follow that all our military manpower needs can be met by lowering the standards. Mrs. Rosenberg estimates that 150,000 more men could be added under the present 19-to-26 draft by this move. If we are to build up our Armed Forces to 3,500,000 by June 30 of this year we'll need many more than that. Objections to drafting 18-year-old boys are wholly understandable. Nobody likes to see boys of this age taken away from their fam- {lifes and schools or jobs. The world situation, however, makes a build-up of military strength tmperative. It demands not only an immediate increase in the size of our forces, but a system of train- ing for all young men so that we will never again have to send green, untrained troops into battle, 1f war should come. It is better for the 18-year-olds to receive basic training now than to run the risk of being called suddenly later and thrown into combat without proper preparation. Their own chances of survival would be better and 80 would the Nation's. Certainly proviston should be made that any draft of young men would not com- pletely disrupt our educational system. Those who qualify for further education, espectally in the flelds of science and engi- neering which are vital to national security, should be allowed to continue schooling after basic training is completed. But the important thing is that the Nation face the facts on its manpower needs, Those facts call for a swift build-up of the armed services, using all available manpower, and & system of training for the younger men to prepare them for the part they may have to play in safeguarding the Nation's security. [From the Dallas News of January 20, 1951] EIGHTSEN-YxuaR-Otp Darr The verbal sparring in Washington over whether to draft 18-year-olds is largely pointless. If full-scale war comes, we will have to do it. We had to do it in 1917-19, ‘we had to do it in 1941-45, and we will have to do it again whenever the enemy strikes, be it 1951 or at some future date, say, in the 1960's. The only point is whether these youngsters shall be properly trained to defend them- selves and our country. President Karl T. Compton, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, fs on sure ground when he asks that the draft be lowered from 19 to 18 years. He couples 1t with a plea for universal mill- tary training for all men between the ages of 18 and 27, Congress and the Nation erred in not heed~ ing Dr. Compton's plea for universal training & years ago. He made it as head of a com- mittee of distinguished Americans who etudied our defense needs and came to this conclusion. We would not find ourselves in the box we do today if we hed paid atten- tion to him then. Defense Secretary Marshall says it fs not the intention of the Armed Forces to send 48-year-olds overseas. Nor do they want to All27 we them in any possible combat before they have had at least 4 months’ training. Such Russia or any other enemy cut loose on us. Have We Any Friends? EXTENSION OF REMARES or HON. WILLIAM BENTON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, March 2 (legistative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. BENTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Have We Any Friends?” from the 1 February 1951 issue of Fortune mag- e, This is a remarkable piece on the ideological struggle throughout the world. In the midst of our debate about army divisions and production, Fortune argues our greatest enemy may well be a myth—the myth believed by millions throughout the world that America is 8 country without a soul. Make no mistake— Says Fortune— if we do not destroy thie myth, it will destroy us. Fortune’s editors believe the United States should spend $500,000,000 a year on the international information and educational exchange program, in order to replace this myth with a world-wide understanding of what Fortune calls the American proposition. I am informed that the article is esti- mated by the Public Primver to make three and two-thirds pages of the Recoap, at a cost of $300.68. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Have Wr ANY Faienns?—Yzes; But Tasy Ars EsTRaNcgD BY A MYTH; 4ND 4 MytH Part- LY or Ours Own Maxine It might one day be written that the free world d itself because of a myth. It would not be the big Me of the Russians; only the fools believed that. Tt would be something much more inexplicable; the myth that for al) our bathtubs and our cars and our skyscrapers we are without moral purpose; that we are the new Carthage—all money, no spirit; that we are, in short, a country without a soul. Make no mistake; if we do not destroy this myth, it will destroy us. Already it has sapped the will of our alltes, made those who benefited from the ECA cynical of its purpose; and each month it grows more in virulence, ready to attack at each crisis. But even more terrible has been the effect on us. Por when we hear it played back to us, we grow petulant and dismayed, and in our anger many of us can think of nothing but to pull down the pillars on 4 world that does not understand. Yet the West ts desperately eager to lis- ten. That it tragically misunderstands us
A1128 fs not easily explained by the accusations that come so readily to American minds. ‘Nor: is it simply a matter of slicker gim- _waicks or extra kilowatts or more pamphlets, ‘The failure is nof technical; it is national, We have sold the world many things—sold them so well half Europe would pack up and come over if it could. We have left unsold the ideas that would destroy the myth. _ We talk of a campaign of truth, This, certainly, is in order. But what 1s the truth? Speeches? Statistics? A day in the life of a Wisconsin farmer? Our con- genital dislike of abstract thought has at last come home to roost. We have falled to de- termine what it is we wish to communicate. MYTH BY DEFAULT Once we knew very well what we were and what we wanted to be, and we thought it out into some of the most contagious prose of all time. But we went on to be- come the great pragmatists, eo eager to be on with the job, so impatient of theory and reflection, that we worked ourselves into a moral isolationism. Why analyze America? It worked, didn’t 1t? Curiously, by keeping our philosophy s0 tacit, we have managed to show ourselves to the world as little cifferent from the Marxists—seeming, like them, to believe that material pcosperity is an end that in itself will bring cll the other qualities. Instinc- tively we know better, but we have never bothered to articulate for ourselves what we take for granted, much less convey tt to others. And so we have talked of the mani- festations of our success rather than the cruses, Not for us wooly headed theories or impractical idealism; instead, down-to- earth, hard-rock facts; the miles of cement, the telephones, the cars laid end to end—all the things, in short, our friends have envied and our enemies have conceded. But what made the telephones and the cars possible? When we have tried to ex- plain, it has been in a lazy man's shorthand that has obscured our national character rather tha illuminated it. Thus have we prated of individualism, when we have achieved the mo.t horizontal, cooprrative of all societies; of competition and incentive economy, when we have achieved the kind of security that socialists everywhere hunger for. And we wonder why the audience is confused. And not only have we failed to define what we are to say; we have failed to define why we want to say it. Of all the many aima of our propaganda, which is to be pri- mary? Interestingly, almost every private organization that has thought of an overseas propaganda program of its own has stumbled on precisely this question. More to the point, ao has the Government. What 1s the aim? Friendship? To many Americans this is the end-all. And nothing has done us more crievous harm—for we are offended terribly when love ils not forth- coming from others, It’s quite impossible anyway. We have only to look at India; since their departure, the British, who never gave a damn whether anyone lized them or not, have become in- creasingly popular, while we, who did our ‘best to expedite that departure, are becoming increasingly unpopular. The fruits of lead- ‘ership do not necessarily include love, and we would do well to take the fact in our atride, To Americanize people? No one ever puts it quite this baldly, but there lurks deep in some American breasts the feeling that there 4s @ mystically beneficent quality in certain of our folkwaya, and that if only they could be exported, the chasm in understanding would be bridged. Again, we have a failure to isolate the parttoulars frorn the principles. After all, what was so Japanese as baseball? . Torefute Communist Nes? Obviously, this Ys an important part of any ands prow gram, but as the primary aim it is a defensive Sal course that would foredoom us to a constant shellacking. They] always be s He ahead. Furthermore, we must recognize that anti- communism does not fill vacuums, nor is it necessarily pro-United States; indeed, our biggest problem les in those people who think we are as bad as the Russians, To enlist support for American foreign policy? This is generally considered the primary eim of our propaganda effort. Spelled out, it means stressing the mutual- ity of each country’s interests with ours; thus have we pushed ECA, North Atlantic Pact aid, the idea of national freedom, sur- vival of the weat. Is is enough? These policies are so demonstrably in the common interest that by all standards of logic they should be galvanic. Yet they are not, and the very people the policies benefit view them with mistrust. Why dothey? The fact that we must ask ourselves this question helos answer the other. Clearly, something more dynamic ts needed. It is too late for mere information. If we wish our proposition to survive, we must now not only describe the revolution w.) began; we must extend it; and it is the Europeans themselves, as we shall see, who make the point. ‘THE GLOSSARY OF MISUNDERSTANDING The obstacles to success may seem appal- ling, for even when we have articulated our philosophy we have the task of projecting it ove: the tremendous gap in attitudes and environment that separates us from other people, and it is a gap, unfortunately, that wo do not readily appreciate. We have been so unaware of basic differ- ences that we have persisted in talking to the Europeans in terms for which there is no foreign equivalent—participation, com~ munity relations, incentive, public relations, productivity, man in the street, public opin- jon; the very listing itself produces a sylla- pus of the American philosophy, and a glos- sary of misunderstanding. Taking the evocative power of these words for granted, we have assumed that hard facts will do the job—and that, in a sort of question-and-anawer fashion, we can use prepackaged nuggets of truth to beat gown each fallacy we come across. It won't work. Like the hydra, the myth is proof against piecemeal attack. Americans are barbarians. Tte United States is a dehumanizing tech- nocracy, Here are the two chief elements in the myth—yet both are so mutually sup- porting that to refuse either we must trace them back to their common source. THE BARBARIANS Burope today presents an odd paradox. While “neutralism” has been reduced politi- cally—in the words of one observer-—-to a “hard core of jerks,” emotionally it has never been more powerful. Its underpinnings go something like this: Since there is no spirit- ual base to the United States, it is as cule turally barren as the Union of Soviet Social- ist Republics; tts people are barbarians, and any who must accept succor from them should hate themselves for it. It is, of course, put much better than this. Essay~ ists have a whole new lexicon of psychiatric and anthropological terms for the job, and they have been using 1t with increasing fre- quency to demonstrate that the Jukebox, the milk shake, or some such thing is the untversal clue to America’s “infantilism,” “reverted uncle complex,” “Kino-Wellech= smerz,” etc, The frightening thing is that it is the top intellectuale—the cream of Burope’s profes- sional class—who have convinced themselves most deeply. The bulk hate and fear Rus. sia, yet the myth has so dietorted their - vision that, as one Frenchmen has pointed out, what non-Communists seem to be fight. ing most is anticommunism, And this atti- tude, unfortunately, cannot be shrugged of as the affectation of a small coterie, The __ dntellectual in Europe still retains a much ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD more commanding position in soctety than his American counterpart. And though he has abdicated many of the responetbillties of his leadership, every poll and survey indi- cates that, if nothing else, he has been say- ing what the majority of his countrymen feel. Why do they think us parbarians? First, because we paint ourselves as such, Few nations have put their worst foot so far forward; by our asinine emphasis on the ma- terial goodies we have seemed, by implica- tion, to deny the existence of anything else in American life worth bragging about. Even during the most desperate days of the war we got our message of hope so tangled up with refrigerators and cars that, as one OWI worker put it, we could have billed it as “The War That Refreshes.” The com- mercial projection of America has gone a step further; while our information people spend millions trying to demonstrate that we are really cultural after all, the biggest information agency in the world, Hollywood, has been exporting films that seem to dem- onstrate the opposite—so persuasively, it might be noted, that in Austria the Russians have been saving their breath by letting sev- eral of our gangster films quietly circulate in their occupation zone. In their own way our intellectuals have joined 1n the chorus. How is the world to believe that there 1s any spiritual content in American Ife, the Zuropean asks, when American higher literature is so full of despair? In part, of course, the indictment is a misreading: Certainly America’s liter- ature is a long way from Whitman's ideal to report all heroism from the American view- point. Yet it is not quite so far as Euro- peans think, for they lack the context to see much of it for what it ls—a self-criticism, a searching for values that in itself indicates o (fers bit of spiritual vitality in American e. An appalling amount of our higher criti- cism, however, is a vituperation almost psy- chopathic tn its intensity. “The emptiness of our American life,” “bourgeois indus- trialism,” “the grand canyon of the big money,” “the dull horror of our lives.” So goes the familiar litany. In part it is merely verbal revenge on a social structure that does not pay obeisance to the intellectual, and the European can sense it as such. What he does not realize, however, is that many of the oritics have remained so unaware of the profound changes that have taken place in our society that they are still addressing themselves to the twenties—occasionally the 1890's. But influential as our own self-criticisms may be, it would be a mistake to assign them @ preponderant share in the formation of the myth. The myth reflects quite as much about the audience as about the United States it is supposed to describe-—and the tact, for example, that Rage de Vivre (orig- inally, Really the Blues—all about mari- juana, hot jazz, etc.) is currently a best- seller in Paris demonstrates nothing so much as the extraordinary affinity Europeans have developed for such stuff. Furthermore, their attitude has now attained such a high degree of what the psychologists would call structurigation that if we didn’t supply them with the material they would probably make it up themselves. As indeed they have; two Frenchmen, for example, have been making quite a good thing of turning out novels of Stateside sadism and perversion as transls- tions from the American. The myth has become self-perpetuating. Here we see the folly of assuming mere information to be the cure for misinforme- tion. The myth satisfies. In it the intel- Jectuals find the rationalization for their own spiritual vacuum. For bewall as they may Europe's entrapment between les deux oolosses, they have been unable themselves to come up with a valid alternative. Why?,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD They look awey from themselves to chewing gum, bathtubs, and Coca-Cola for the answer, Esthetically, the impact of America's cul- ture gives them a point—even the American must feel queasy when he sees & grand canal plastered with Coca-Cola signs. But this is not their point. “What the French criticize,” says Le Monde, after 3 swack at Coca-Cola, “te not 80 much Coca-Cola, as ita orchestra tion, less the drink itself than the civiliza- tion of which it {s a mark and the symbol.” Le Monde goes on to bemoan Buicks, Chrys- leva, nylon stockings, and chewing gum, “As soon as they appear these habits become an invasion. It is a question of the entire French moral landscape.” Throughout Eu- rope intellectuals throw up their hands in the same fashion; a culture based on such ‘wealth, goes the theme, cannot help but be contaminating. But is even this the nub—this question of whether material riches can be reconciled with spiritual force? No; Florence, Rome, and Athens answered this one tn the affirma- tive long ago. There is something else, more subtie, in the intellectual'’s animus, and it runs deep in current essays on United States culture. Why, the question keeps ob- truding, is it so contagious? As he writes his farewells to happier days—the days when taste was still undemocratized and peasant girls were plump and didn't shave their legs— he writes his answer. It ls a popular cul- ture. For here les the true contagion of Ameri- can culture. Whatever its aesthetics, it 1s above all else a proclamation to the world of the cultural enfranchisement of the come mon man. It is his culture, his own version of the pursuit of happiness—and a raucous ultimatum to a society that never allowed hi. to trespass quite so far. But to a Eu- rope that is still culturally an aristocracy the symbols of his enfranchisement aro often vulgar and shoddy. Is it the vul- garity of these symbols or their implicit revolutionary promise that makes them s0 profoundly disturbing? It is the Europeans, let us remember, not ourselves, who are sessed by the bathtub. THE TECHNOCRATS Why ts American culture barbarous? Euro- peans have an easy answer: it is the product of a business civilization. Thus we come to the second great element in the mythology. For the European does not see the rapidly changing, socially consclous capitalism of 1950: he sees Wall Street, Mammon—and he trembles aloud over all the false dilemmas it would imply for Europe. Thus, it is written, America’s technologi- en! triumphs pose for Europe nothing less than the issu: of man versus machine, Again we are back to the old spiritual theme, True, Europe want: America’s mass-produc- tion techniques—-but it ts haunted by the fear that in adopting ther it is making a compact with the devil. To many, American technology means the dehumanization of man—Charlie Chaplin poised in the gears is still a vivid symbol—and a Europe still deep fn the old craft tradition is only now begin- ning to grasp the cor patibility of mass pro- duction with quality and humanity. Some- how we have failed badly to show that, far from being narcotized by the machine, we have been invigorated by it. But this failure in turn stems from a greater one: our falture to demonstrate the tremendous difference between our capital- iam and the capitalism of Europe. In this respect it is startling to listen to an Ameri- can businessman just returned from Zu- rope; almost invariably he will so revile its low-wage, high-mark-up, monopoly eco- nomics that he sounds much more the howl- ing revolutionist than ‘the Social- iat; who eo mistrust him. His philosophy, however, remains uncommunicated. Not only have Huropean capitalists remained utterly unconvinced of its value; the Euro- pean masses have remained ignorant of its existence. This double failure has had a deep effect on our relations with Europe. Translated by unregenerate European capitalism, BOA productivity has too often meant few bene- fits for the worker, but such profits for man- agement that in Italy alone it has been hasarded that per capita there are more $1,000,000-a-year men—paying less taxes— than there are in the United States. To a dangerous degree, our efforts have appeared to the European worker simply ® collusion between reactionary blackguards; he still ean conceive of American capitaliam only in terms of his own—and he is sick of it. It ts high time the American businessman realized that it is not European socialism but European capitalism that is the chief block to free enterprise. “The problem of Europe,” aa one observer puts it, “comes down to wko is to liquidate the capitalists of Europe the Russians—or the Americans,” THE LESSONS Well, there it is—myth piled on myth, all synchronizing on the one great theme of spiritual impoverishment. And only recently have we begun doing something about it. After virtually leaving the field to the Rus- sians after the war, in 1948 we authorized the State Department to set up an infor- mation and educational exchange program, and within a year this was further supple- mented when ECA’s information program was organized. We remained pikers, how- ever. And it wasn’t until after Koren that Congress decided a campaign of truth was in order and voted the money to get it going. (Total United States propaganda budget for the year ending June 30 is about $190,- 000,000.) Will we get our money’s worth? In view of the recent riage in American unpopularity it is casy to assume that our propaganda dollars are going down the drain, But the feeling of futility is unwarranted—certainly if ECA had been a complete propaganda fail- ure there would be no “neutralism” prob- Jem in Europe to worry about. We're fairly new to the game, but—as even the avuncular British concede—we have been learning fast. We are ready to turn pro. What have we learned? First, that we need much more of a sharpshooting approach to our “target” groups. There is no “European mind,” but scores of group attitudes com- pounded along all sorts of professional, eco~ nomic, and geographic lines. And the best way to get at them is through people that talk the separate lingoes. We have had a hard time talking to European intellectuals, for example, yet so far we have used few in- tellectuals for the job. The work of our “labor diplomats,” in the toughest sector of the fight, underlines the same moral. How do they go about it? “You talk to the broth- ers,” says one of them. “You go around and you talk to the brothers.” Next, we have learned that one of the prin- cipal reasons for the disbelief in American culture ia, stmply, the high cost of it. Stroll along the Kaertnerstrasse tn Vienna, for ex- ample, and you will have a hard time finding a bookstore with any decent assortment of moderately priced American books in Ger- man—that fs, until you come to the Com- munist information center, which has quite an interesting selection. Because of the lack of financial guaranties, European publishers have been loath to publish translations of anything except our sure-fire sex-and-may- hem Action. So with the theater; stiff royai- ties—payable in dolilars—have inhibited widespread production of the United States plays, and while the American companies that have gone over have dispelied a lot of ®uropean delusions, they have been far too few to make a deep tmpresaion, Patentiy, if we wish to project American culture rather than talk about it, a much more vigorous subsidy program Js in order, More important, we must develop far bet~ ter means of reaching the masses, Oonsid- erable ingenuity has been brought to this problem; our people have put documentary films into thousands of commercial theaters, taken them in trailers to rural villages, brought showboats to Mediterranean coastal towns, subsidised troubadours to sing our story in Sicily, floated message-bearing toy balloons all over Europe, distributed house- hold pamphlets and comic books by the mil- Hons. But though it ts difficult to think of e bet that bas been overlooked, we have made only a dent. Why don't we merely expand ali this? The answer, unfortunately, is not that simple. Europe has had a bellyful of propaganda these last 10 years, and after a certain point-— and it is a very arguable point--you run not only into diminishing returns but rap- idly increasing resistance. There is, however, a way out of the di- lemma—the participation of foreign nations in the job. “Let me get the facts about Korea to one pro-United States union man over here,” says a United States propagandist, “and he'll be worth a thousand posters.” There are many ways to invoke this aid, But there is one so effective, so destructive of the myth, that it has come to be the most promising weapon in our whole armory. THE DISCIPLES It was in Paris in the summer of 1948; Bir Stafford Cripps and ECA Bors Paul Hoff- man were talking about productivity. How, Cripps asked, did the Americans do it? It was a question to delight a salesman’s heart. “Let's bring your people over,” Hoffman ane swered, “and we'll show them how.” 8o, with great vigor, we proceeded to do, Before long United States firms, lebor unions, and professional groups were plying host to scores of Kuropean “productivity teams”; by the end of last year over 2,750 had made the trip and returned home—somewhat numbed, but enthusiastic—to tell what they had learned. The result, in increased productiv- ity, is now # well-known story—and a good story it 1s. But there is another story that is not 80 well known. What was conceived of as a technical meas- ure turned out to be one of the moat effec- tive propaganda tools ever handed us. What was it the Yanks had over there? Was it, as people had said, the number of gadgets and gimmicks we had? Fortuitous national resources? Ruthlessnees and overwork? Or ‘was it something more profound? We gave Europeans a chance to come over and dis- cover for themeelves, And gained ourselves disciples. Here—in excerpts from productivity-team reporte—are some of the things they had to say to their countrymen: “A visit to the United States gives one greater confidence tn the ability of democ- racy to solve its problems. * *°* * The country is still * * ° moving forward both culturally, socially, and economically.” (Norwegian trade-untonists.) “American unions’ attitude to company profits te typical of their acceptance of a capitalist economy. However high, profits, at least in competitive industry, are not regarded as immoral or # sotial evil; indeed, they give proof of solvency and assured em- ployment * * * the main concern of unions is to obtain a fatr share of them.” (British trade-union officiais.) “Contrary to the impression gained from many American films only a small percentage of American workers and their families live in tenements.” (British trade-union off~ cials.) “There appeared to be a most friendly and Genuine attitude of cooperation between management and labor and suggestions made by one side appeared to receive careful con- sideration, and in most cases support, from the other.” (British rayon-weeving team.) “The relations between management end labor in the great majority of mills which
A1130 we visited were excelient. There was often ® wenne of camaraderie based on mutual re- spect." (British cotton-spinning team.) "Sometimes we had to ourselves whether 1t was manufacturer or union mem- ber speaking to us.” (Danish ready-made- Glothing team.) “The big surprise to me was the impor- tance American bosses give to human-rela- tions problems, The American employer seems to be a psychologist aware that his prosperity is tied directly with that of the workers,” (French untonist.) “Both management and labor have taken steps to give greater efficiency in production and more understanding tn relationships. When we return to Belgium I intend to rec- ommend hetter management-labor relation- ships be created in our mines. I will see that this is done at Charbonnages de Houthalen, the mine I am managing.” (Belgian coal- mining team.) “Ty members of the team had learned noth- ing else from their travels in America and Britain, they would have learned one valu- able thing, namely, the remarkable amount of good will which exists between people in the Western Hemisphere.” (British gray lron-founding team.) Tt is difficult for an American to appreciate what revolutionary documents these are. The British trade-union officials’ report, for example, became a front-page story and gave British labor a resounding intellectual Jolt. The Norwegian report, coupled with the re- port of a similar team that went to Russla, opened the eyes of left-wingers in a way that all the money in the world would not buy us, Throughout Europe, on a small but ap- preciable scale, doctrinaires of one kind or another are being provoked to rethink long and dearly held conceptions. What gives the reports their impact? In an indirect way, the answer is to be found in the very criticlama they make. The teams make !t plain that there are a good many aspects of the American way of life that they believe are either undesirable—the pace, for example—or inapplicable, But this leads them to a more important observation. These are only particulars, they say to their countrymen, they are not organic, and the essentials of the American success can be had without them. Which is what this issue is all about. The technical-assistance teams are only one of the ways we have to go about the proselyting job. Thanks to the machinery set up in 1946 and 1948 by the Fulbright and Bmith-Mundt Acts, and to special programs for Germany, Austria, Finland, China, and tran, State is bringing over students, teach- ers, professional people, specialists, and leaders. The Defense Department is doing the same with Japan. Both State and ECA are placing foreign trainees in United States industry, farms, and Government agencies. Altogether, the Government is now bringing over about 13,000 people a year for observa- tion, study, teaching, training, and indoctri- nation, Cost: about $45,000,000. But by far the biggest contribution of all has been made by private organizations, This year they will have arranged roughly 40,000 exchanges of their own, and in addi- tion will have footed a large share of the local expenses of many of the people brought over by the State Department. The 4-H ‘Olubs have been exchanging young farmers; the Clubs have been bringing over students; the Girl Scouts, youth Jeaders— ‘the list encompasses almost every kind of organization in Amertean community iffe. Measured against the need, however, our over-all exchange effort has been piddling. ‘Nora.—Koreans brought to Moscow be- tween 1946 and 1049: 2,600. Brought to United States in sane period: Gi. There is a sort of geometric progression to exchange; since the clue to ita success ig ap- plying the proposition, it follows that the more people engaged in it, the more effec- tive each individual’s work becortes. It has been very frustrating for many middie-man- agement people, for example, to return to Europe all steamed up about, say, labor- management councils, only to realize that no one else in the outfit has got the word. Like plasma, exchange is best in massive doses. We have a tremendous opportunity be- fore us, We should seize it by expanding our total propaganda budget to at least 3500,- 000,000 a year—and of this devote at least 6180,000,000 to exchange. We couid not leg- islate a bigger ‘bargain for ourselves. For every Government dollar we put in the ex- change kitty, we stimulate at least two matching dollars from private groups here and organizations and governments on the other side. As @ result, by priming the pump with 180,000,000, we could step up the exchange to roughly 60,000 people a year to the United States; at l.ast 10,000 in the other direction. Mere expansion, of course, is not enough. Much more follow-up is needed abroad; equally important, much more preparation on this side. Exposure to America, as we have learned, does not itself produce under- standing. The mayor of Graz is a case in point; when he got back he wrote the State Department that the Cormmunist claim of imminent American bankruptcy might be correct; he had noticed that almost every- one in America seemed to be buying on the installment plan, To do the job properly we should greatly extend our present system of orientation centers, and develop more provisions for working the stranger into community life. Here again, we have a tremendous asset in our private organizations. Already they are dotng a tremendous job in welcoming and shepherding strangers, taking them on his- torical tours, plant trips, to PTA meetings, town meetings, and, in general, making them feel at home. And it is this, {t might be added, that visitors talk about most often when they get home. What has impressed the visitor points a moral for us as well. For when we assess our whole communication effort we find that, as in industry's communication offort, participation lies at the heart of our suc- cesses. It is not merely a question of manu- facturing propaganda, Nor it it merely a Government matter. The problem encom- passes al) of us—for it is only as the di- verse groups that make up our society, get involved in the job that our words carry real dynamism. And the potential is tre- mendous, United States business, for example, has already contributed to our communication effort, but there is still more to be done, For the one area that remains virtually un- touched is the one area for which United States business is the best-qualified group in all the world: getting the American idea across to European top management. It is hardly necessary to suggest the means; there could be seminars and international conven- tione—organizations such as the Interna- tional Chamber of Commerce are ready-made for this—trips and priyate exchange of all sorts, and, as the success of the sales troupe “Red” Motley took to England suggests, some good old-fashioned barnstorming as well. The more fields one thinks of, the more Opportunities become evident. Labor, for example, is fairly bursting its seams to do more missionary work in Eur the More this is encouraged, the quicker will we reach Buropean labor, 80 with all of our groups. The success of our communication efforts will depend ultimately on their tni- tlative, And this is the way it must be. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The American revolution is a challenge, not to states, but to free men, whose never-end- ing task is to seize their opportunities. Wur Tuzy Don’r Lrxe Us—Evrorran Non- CoMMUNIST INTELLECTUALS ON THE UNITED Srarzs “Tt is not what separates the United States and the Soviet Union that should frighten us, but what they haveincommon. * * * Those two technocracies that think them- selves antagonists are dragging humanity in the same direction of dehumanization * * * man is treated as a means and no longer as an end—this is the indispensable condition of the two cultures that face each other.” (Francois Mauriac, Catholic anti- Communist, in Le Figaro.) “Americans appear the true successor of the Germans. America differs from Europe and resembles Russia, adorer of the tech- nical.” (Andre Siegfried, Protestant anti- Communist, in Le Figaro.) “In all the homilies to which I listened, the word ‘God’ did not reverberate more often than the word ‘money.’ * * * It is per haps because too often they have emptied European religions of their intellectual con- tent that they have no choice except between music and convulsions.” (Georges Fradier, in Esprit.) “Of even the beginnings of the minutest embryo of a homogeneous culture there was no sign. * * * A general preoccupation with trivia—I mean coke machines, laun- derettes, laxatives, and baseball--T construed as the American attempt to exclude the bigger reality.” (Robert Robinson, in the Isis (Oxford University) .) “Why they should not be originally crea- tive is puzzling. It is possible that the lack of the organic sense, the conviction that man is a machine * * * turns them into technicians and cuts them off from the chaos, the accidents and intuitions of the creative process.” (V. 8S. Pritchett; the New Statesman and Nation.) “They come here, these barbarians, to teach us architecture—we, who are the sons of Michelangelo.” (Italian educator.) “The Russians used to rape 80-year-old women. * * * And after that, instead of being sick they simply drank vodka, You [Americans] wouldn't do that, I’m sure. You give them chocolates and contraceptives when you make love to them. * * * Every people has its own customs. But don’t worry. You'll never feel sick, what- ever you do.” (From Virgil Gheorghiu’s The Twenty-fifth Hour—Eurone’s No, 1 fiction best seller.) “American influence has been harmful, for it has already begun the scaling down of aesthetic values so as to be within the in- tellectual grasp of the average city dweller * * * [it] will end, not with the debase- ment of taste, but with the disappearance of the word from our vocabulary.” (Martin Cooper; BBC broadcast.) “Thus, if France allows itself to be in- fluenced by the whole of American culture, a@ living and liveable situation there will come here and completely shatter our cul- tural traditions * * *. (Jean-Paul once)’ A Buropean Declaration of Independ- ence, “Jaga ia thelr music, comic strips their most admired pictures, magazine stories their literature, Hollywood films their most popular entertainment, skyscrapers their architecture and thelr newest ball-point pens can write under water. * * * We know, too, that God could make America a wonderful country if he only had the ae (George Mikes in How To Scrape es, “America—the only country that’s gone from barbarism to decadence without being civilized in the meantime.” (Anonymous.)
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD War Casualties of Michigan EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUBS OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 27, 1951 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr, Speaker, under permission granted, there is printed herewith, Michigan war casualties: Twenty MICHIGAN War CASUALTIES Waskincton, February 21.—Twenty Michi. gan men were listed in the Korean casualty report issued today by the Defense Depart- ment. Three were killed in action, 12 were wounded, 3 were injured, 1 was missing in action, and 1 was returned to duty. XILLED IN ACTION Army: Corp. Leonard J. Boger, son of Mr, and Mrs. Frank Boger, of Detroit. Pfc. Lawrence J. Bouchard, son of Mrs, Mary Ann Bouchard, River Rouge. Pvt. Herman L, Rembert, son of Mrs. Ruby Rembert, Detroit. WOUNDED Army: Pfc. Max EB. Depoy, son of Mr. and Mrs. William E. Depoy, Niles, Pvt. Richard C. Fockler, son of Mr. and Mrs. Vernon B. Fockler, Lapeer. Pfc. George H. Guenther, husband of Mrs, Constance Guenther, Birmingham. Cpl. Richard Idzior, son of Mr. and Mrs, William Idzior, Detroit, Sgt. Arthur G. Proper, son of Mr. and Mrs, William H. Proper, Tawas City. Cpl. Arthur F. Seitler, brother of Mrs, Jackie L. Seitler, Battle Creek. Sgt. Thomas C, Harris, Jr., son of Mr. and Mrs. Thomas C. Harris, Sr., Detroit, Sgt. 1/¢c Odvin Martinson, son of Mr. and Mrs. Martin J. Martinson, Iron River. Cpl. Louis M. Quinn, husband of Mrs. Ruth J. Quinn, Lansing. Cpl. Dale W. Stebenmark, son of Mr. and Mrs. Fred W. Siebenmark, New Buffalo. Cpl. Richard M. Zoltowski, son of Mr, and Mra. John W. Zoltowski, Detroit. Marine Corps: Tech. Sgt. Elmer J. Pappert, husband of Mrs. Elmer J. Pappert, Detroit. MISSING IN ACTION Marine Corps: Pfc Roy L. West, son of Olin V. West, Dansville. INJURED Army: Pfe Vermont 8. Johnson, husband of Mrs. Alice Johnson, Flint. Cpl. Howard R. Mann, son of Mr. and Mrs. Harold R. Mann, Detroit. Cpl. Maurice C. Roberts, son of Mr. and Mrs. Jammie L. Williams, Pontiac, RETURNED TO DUTY Army: Pfc Paul B. Haynes, son of Mrs. Lena Haynes, Benton Harbor. Address by Governor Battle, of Virginia, to University of Virginia Alumni EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN C. STENNIS OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES . Monday, March 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 ‘Mr, STENNIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, a copy of the most worth-while address by Gov. Joho 8, Battie, of Virginia, before the Washington Chapter of the University of Virginia Alumni on February 8. As an alumnus of that great university, I nat- urally found this address of special in- terest, but its appeal and significance are not limited to those who have spent their college days on the campus at Char- lottesvilie. For there are expressed here some fundamental ideas with regard to eduvation which I believe to be of the greatest importance. Never before in the history of this country has there been & more urgent need for the truth clearly told and clearly understood. Every citizen has an unfailing responsibility to see to it that our educational processes are eternally dedicated to the attain- ment of that fundamental end. I con- sider it a privilege to commend to the attention of the Senate this worthy and thought-provoking address by Governor Battle, There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: As alumni of the University of Virginia, we are interested In the program afforded by our alma mater, the physical improve. ments that are now under way, and the con- tribution the university is making to the educational and cultural life of the Nation, I wish I could take the time to outline in some detail the progress being made in all phases of the university’s activities. I shall not undertake such a discourse, but I do want those of you who have not had the opportunity of maintaining close contacts with Charlottesville to know that the univer- sity is doing a magnificent job under the leadership of President Colgate W. Darden, Jr. Mr. Darden, from the very outset of his administration, set his course so as to not only carry forward the fine work of his predecessor, President Newcomb, but also to strengthen and bulwark the position of the university, as originally conceived by Mr. Jefferson, as the capstone of the Virginia sys- tem of education. The noteworthy accom~ plishments in this direction are a high trib. ute to the President and the faculty as well as to all those loyal alumni who have so gen- erously and wholeheartedly given their sup- port, We have given a great deal of thought to our entire program of education in Virginia and particularly to our free public schools, which provide the foundations of education for the great bulk of our citizenship. For some time prior to my entering upon the duties of Governor, I had the very def- inite impression that there was room for sub. atantial improvement in the character and caliber of instruction offered in the public schools, This impression was buttressed by further acquaintance in offices and in busi-+ ness with some of our high-school graduates, and also by the results of a atudy undertaken by a Virginia legislative commission of the teaching of history and government in these schools. It became evident that many high- echool graduates not only were not well versed in history and government but that they were far from well grounded tn gram- mar, reading, and elementary mathematica. I set as one of the prime goals of my term of office the improvement of this situatian, S'smn gid to ay that all consernad in car State are working earnestly toward removing the causes of such deficiencies. The Gen- ‘eral Assembly of Virginia has tnoreased ap- propriations for teacher pay, Mbersiined re- tirement benefits, and sobolarship Sid for teacher training in order to help at- tract and keep well-qualified teachers——and they, of course, are the key to the success of any program of education. I know that our teachers, as & group, are intensely interested in doing well the job that is entrusted to them. Our school administrators, together with the teachers and patrons, are joining efforts to reevaluate the teaching order to make sure that the e ateactiool graduates are firmly grounded in the funda- mentals of learning. Tt is my considered Judgment that the fundamentals—the three R's and history and government—cannot be overemphasized. It is upon these that all other learning rests, We are determined that our children shall have full opportunity to develop the mental and moral capacities that are essential to the preservation of our civilisation as we know it today. We cannot escape the reali- zation that this generation, perhaps more than any other in history, is confronted with & maze of ideologies which requires the ut- most discernment for the selection of that which is based upon truth, right, and Justice. In this conflict of ideologies, we see every day the emission of great streams of propa~- ganda from those who have utter disregard for the truth; we see the truth distorted, twisted, and colored, and misrepresented to sult the tastes of tyrannical governments whose sole purpose is to confuse, undermine, and weaken those of us who still enjoy the greatest blessing known to mankind, the blessing of living in a free land where we can think, and speak, and worship as we please. Only by an intimate acquaintance with the history of these liberties and some Knowledge of the sacrifices on the part of those who so fearlessly and valiantly safe- guarded them can the young men and women of today develop an appreciation of their meaning. With such an appreciation, the individual then is able to distinguish the false from the true; he can recognize propaganda for what it is and fact as fact; he can understand and espouse the princl~ ples and motives of democratic peoples, well aware that by them alone can he hape to en« joy and transmit to his children the oppor- tunity to live, work, and play in the bracing atmosphere of freedom. Can we afford not to exert ourselves in the schools, in the homes, and in the churches toward better informing our boys and girls on these matters? I say we cannot and that it 1s our duty to teach and to instill these truths indelibly in the minds of the youth. It is one thing to read the Virginia Bill of Rights without any background knowledge of the struggle, the debate, and the study that led to its adoption. It ts entirely a dif- ferent thing to restudy this outline of our fundamental freedoms tn the light of an acquaintence with George Mason and a clear insight into the era that produced this great document. Built on the firm foundation of historical truths, and grounded in the basic skills of reading and writing and, at least, rudimen- tary figuring, our system of education then will have the means by which it will pro- duce not automatons nor machinelike specimens of uniform but doubtful texture and resiliency—no, not such as these at all; rather, it will produce men or women of individual abilities with the capacity to think and act for themselves and with the determination to defend and strengthen the society in which they Hive. I have mentioned these aspects of what we are striving for in Virginia because I be- Meve that the same tenets are applicable to the Nation; certainly we all have the same goal, which ts the preservation of those in- herent rights of the enjoyment of life and Uberty and the puratiit of happiness and safety. With sound public-school training, the great numbers of our young people who never yeach college will be more ate ly equipped to take their places in Iife as inde- pendent, self-reliant citizens. Our colleges
A1132 and -universities, in carrying out their im- portant functions, must build upon the base provided by the public schools for those achools are the first training ground of the majority of our college students, The better the ‘public-school program, the better op- portunity the higher institutions of learning witl have to develop the technical skills and apectalized abtitties of their studenta. I am happy thie evening to say to you that the University of Virginia is fully and fatthfully carrying out its high duty of train- ing men and women in the way they should go; that Virginia men and women still seek to carry out the admonition of the ancient Greek philosopher so appropriately inscribed over the facade of Cabell Hall, “Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make ye free” and as they go forth from the uni- versity, they carry with them something of the spirit of that place; and although the words of the inscriptions over the main gate may fade from thelr memories as the years pass, they do not forget that they have en< tered that gateway where they have sought “the way of honor, the light of truth, and the will to work for man.” In times such as these, we necessarily evaluate all our governmental enterprises on the basis of what they can contribute to the national defense and what are essential to the safety, health, and welfare of the people. In Virginia, we are, of course, giving first attention to the national and civilian de- fense. If some of the normal services must be curtailed, by reason of personnel or ma- terials or other causes, it will be done. [ think I should add that it will be done read- ily and without complaint, because without national security there can be no normal activities. I am proud to serve in the government of our Commonwealth, because Virginia has conscientiously labored through the years to Maintain the type of administration which does credit to the democratic system. Wa have succeeded in living within our means; in fact, our State constitution wisely makes this mandatory. We have restricted our gov- ernmental programs to those deemed to be essential and have striven steadfastly to re- turn to the taxpayers a full dollar in services Yor each dollar contributed to the treasury. We have been fortunate to attract and re- tain capable, loyal, and ctvic-minded em- ployees whose desire to do a good job and perform 4 real service provides the impetus for ever greater accomplishment. This apirit and will for meritorious achievement is reflected in not only our im- proved school system but also in our good roada—-unsurpassed in the Nation—in health, medical and welfare services, and in many other phases of the operation that consti- tutes the State government. I say this not in boasting but in all humility, because I feel sincerely that the prinoiples followed so consistently in cur Commonwealth could be applied with equally favorable results in some other echelons of government. I purposely have aveided tn these com- ments tonight any discussion of the issues uppermost in the minds of all of us at this time, the fasues relating to our foreign policy and the strategy that might best be followed in the interest of national defense. ‘These questions do not come within my purview sa Governor of the Commonwealth of Vir- ginla, and I claim no special qualifications to pass upon such grave national matters, Had I those qualifications, I stil] would hesi- tate to express my opinion, because it would remain only a personal opinion; but I do want to say that Virginia inaofar as I can legally and properly guide its efforts will do ite part, and more, to keep this Nation strong and secure against the tide of tyranny that alrendy has encompassed such a large sector af the globe, 3£ more of the people of the world had the denefit of the knowledge and teachings of Thomas Jefferson, we might look to the future with greater confidence and hope, Would that all could adopt and adhere to his philosophy that “the care of human life and happiness, and not their destruction, is the first and only legitimate object of good government.” Address by Hon. Herbert A. Lehman, of New York, at Conference of Civil Lib- erties Clearing House EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOHN O. PASTORE OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp, an ex- cellent speech on the subject of the re- lation between our civil liberties and our foreign policy, which was delivered by the junior Senator from New York (Mr, Leaman] at the National Confer- ence of the Civil Liberties Clearing House in Washington, D. C., on March 1, 1951. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: The common purpose for which you meet and which you pursue through your individ- ual organizations has become increasingly significant and meaningful in the light of developments in this country and through- out the world. Communism has advanced in large areas of the world, in some by subver- sive stealth and in some by naked force. Its advance has been marked by a brutal viola- tion of the basic rights of man. To stem this advance the United States has sought to help strengthen internal democratic forces in many parte of the world. In this country we, too, have been confronted with the threat of Communist infiltration and corruption. The problem of preserving our civil liber- ties at home while bearing the responsibili- ties which rest on us because of our posi- tion of world leadership constitutes a criti- eal challenge. Interdependence of civil liberties and world leadership is inescapable. There is a vast difference between being a world power and being a world leader. Leadership im- plies a degree of social and moral responsi- bility which cannot be identified with any nation which attains power by force alone. If the United States should ever lose its leadership, it would be because we had aban- doned morals and principles in a naked struggle to survive in a slave world where survival alone would not be worth much. The determination as to whether our power carries with it the indispensable ele- ments of moral and social influence rests to a very large degree on our own behavior at home. Nations, like individuals, cannot have two sets of manners and morals, Nazi Germany was unquestionably a dom- inant world power a decade ago and for a breathiess moment in history it seemed that her power might prevail and the whole free world would go under, It took the deter- minated might of the entire free world to shatter the power of the Axia. But it could not have been accomplished had we not been fighting for a great moral principle. And what was our posttion when the Séo- ond World War was finally over? We had certainly suffered the least of any nation in- Accordingly military strategy and prepar APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD volved in that war. And our power had in- creased enormously. We were in a position where we thought we could relax in the be- lief that the world at last waa free again. How mistaken we were. We have had a rude awakening. Thank God we have awakened. We have taken affirmative action, because we have recognized that military victory did not au- tomatically insure freedom and security in Europe or even here in the United States. The original concept of ald to Greece and Turkey and the later and broader concept of’ a vast cooperative European aid program restored economic security to Western Eu- rope and marked an historic turning point in international relations. The Communists did everything in their power to move into the vacuum that existed in Europe following the war. The people of Europe were physically exhausted and spir- itually depleted. They faced the almost hopeless task of rebuilding their economic and their productive machinery. Under these circumstances no wonder that the Communist appeal was almost irresist- Ible. Unlike fascism, communism was ar- rayed in all the false trappings of peace and plenty. It boasted that it possessed the only formula for achieving economic restoration and social justice, I do not think that there is any serious doubt in the mind of any man that the European aid program has been almost wholly responsible for the fact that the na- tions of Western Europe today are relatively vital and remain democratic. Of equal im- portance is the fact that they have regained their economic and military vigor. The problem in Europe is, of course, quite different from the challenge that confronts us today in Asia. Most European countries have enjoyed some form of democratic expe- rience. They have been constantly exposed to Western culture and politics. Tragically, some céntral European countries succumbed to overwhelming military force and did slip into the Soviet-Communist orbit. But we knew that Europe, or at least Western Eu- Tope, could be stimulated to take the demo- cratic initiative if we could administer the necessary economic and moral aid. It is clear that the allied victory over the Nazi empire, while it made us a tremendous power—as it did Russia—did not in itself insure for the United States a position of world leadership, It was because we took a realistic approach to our moral and social responsibilities that we gained this position of leadership it was presaged in the formation of UNRRA, to which we contributed great, sums to save millions of lives and +o rehabilitate whole netions. And the broad economic aid pro- grams which came later again reflected a moral and humane conscience as well as en- lightened self-interest. I dare not think what the world situation might be today if we had refused to heed our conscience and had ignored the political potentials tn Europe. Today the continuing threat of Soviet or satellite aggression is frighteningly real in Europe, as it ts elsewhere. The tensions and anxieties have correspondingly increased. But the miracle is that Western Europe has achieved not only the capacity to care, but the will to resist. We can expect to encounter fierce and ruthless pressures from the Soviet- dominated Communists everywhere. We have so far been safe in our assumption that Soviet Russia would prefer to entrap the world through a political and economic rather than by a military offensive. But the current situation may change at any time. ed- hess cannot and must not be neglected. We must take every possibile measure to be ready to meet aggression in all vital areas. But we must at the same time make it clear to the world that our purpose ts to maintain peace, not to wage war.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Meanwhile the Sisenhower report has averted the threatened deterioration of our Buropean pertnership. Our objectives are substantially clearer than they were 2 months ego. But this apparent respite of- fers no reazon for complacency. Our joint efforts with the free world to build an im- pregnable defense must go forward unhesi- tatingly and with all possible speed. Any sign of neglect of our obligations in Europe would be Cisastrous, I hope that Congress will act speedily and affrmatively to reject any suggestion to Himit the Presidential power to commit troops to Europe as pro- posed by Senator Tart, Senator WiHrRry, and others. I strongly suspect that many who are en- gaged in a dispute about ho. many troops should be sent and when they should be sent and whether the President has the power to send them at all are actually in favor of sending no troops at all. The dan- gers to our own security that would result from such policies are palpably clear, but it will take coherent leadership to discredit the arguments of this powerful group of latter-day isolationistsa. Acceptance of the fantastic Hoover plan would mean the ab- ject surrender of all of Western Europe, all of Middle Asta, and much of Africa. It would mean that most of the free nations of the world would eink into the abyss of slav- ery. It would mean that the United States, isolated from the rest of the world would, I believe, ultimately collapee either by attack from without or deterioration from within. But our policy in Western Burope is only one part of our total world problem. It appears now that a major test of our world leadership may come in our policy toward Asia. The Korean war is, of course, a major fac- tor. It has sharpened our national aware- ness of the possibility of an all-out military conflict. It has intensified our emotions and heightened our anxietics. I shall not attempt to Judge the merits or the fallacies of American postwar policy in the Far East. I do not know whether under any circumstances, weatern democracy could at that time have captured the imagination and loyalties of the Communist-led revolu- tionists in China. In any event, we gave our support to the regime of Chiang Kal- shek and that regime collapsed. Its collapse was followed by an organized and concerted attack on our State Department as being somehow responsible for the tragic events in China. The charge was made that Com- munist sympathizers controlled or influ- enced our foreign policy. This, in turn, loosed a fiood of prejudice and intolerance that has resulted in irreparable injury to the careers and reputations of a great many innocent people. At the same time, these loose charges undermined confidence in our Government and persuaded free peoples abroad that we were a house divided against fiself. These attacks inevitably came to permeate the whole fabric of our thinking. Tf it is true that moral and social respon- sibliity must be a constituent part of our foreign policy, then it is possible that we have lost some authority in the world be- cause we have endured and accepted these unwarrented, unjustified assaults on our Government and on our fellow citizens. It is only a few years since American for~ eign policy reached a noble peak in implee menting our world responsibilities in peace- time. own best aa a people made effective a polcy based on the great American tradition that we must do every- thing in our power to assist in extending freedom and security to all people every- where. But somebow we slipped from the peak. The descent was not sharp. But our objec- tives and our world relations and our meth- ods of achieving them become momentarily clouded. There is some evidence that fore eign policy has been at least partially re- sponsive to thease violent pressures here at home. As our foreign policy reacted to these pressures history will undoubtedly record the fact that there was aleo a notahle de- cline 1n the stete of our civil Mberties. Obviously we must not underestimate the Yeal dangers of Communist subversion in our midst. I realize, of course, that some practical ourbs must inevitably be placed on individual freedom of action when it be- comes a tool in the hands of the Commu-~- nists or others whose real objective is to de- stroy freedom. We have good reason to fear communism. Its subtle and devious approach is bsguil- ing. The Communists have searched out every chink and weakness of our armor of faith in freedom. But if we drop that ar- mor, we stand stark in utter fear and fu- tility, There is no historic justification for fear- ing that we cannot detect and contend with our internal enemies if we act firmly and justly within the framework of our demo- cratic institutions. If, however, we deny that the very strength. and dynamism of democracy is rooted in the right of criti- cism and opposition to the status quo— then at least part of the meaning of free- dom has escaped us and added confuston will be projected into our relations with the rest of the world. Such confusion is a manifestation of weakness and of fear—fear of economic, political, or social change. This concept of democracy certainly can- not be expected to have any great appeal in Asia. We may not ignore the fact that there exists in Asia a genuine revolutionary spirit among vast numbers of peoples who have lived for centuries in misery and poverty. To ignore this would be to blind ourselves to one of the most compelling facts of con- temporary history. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that today in great back- ward areas of the world the common people are on the march and they will not be stayed. The main international challenge that con- fronts us in Asia now is to make certain that there will be no repetition of the Chinese experience elsewhere in the Far Hast. The problem is far greater than the one in post. war Europe. Programs such as point 4 and economic aid constitute the first step. The food-aid proposal to help India is a concrete and practical demonstration of our tnten- tions and I most earnestly hope that this proposal will meet with speedy approval in Congress. These programs are of vital im- portance. There will, of course, be inevitable disap- pointments and disillusionments even in this area of our endeavors. Many of the com- plexities will arise from the sheer vastness of the territory of Asia and from soctal, political, and economic diversities. But the demand for social reform is as great a compulson in Asia as the deep urge for economic better- ment. Our whole program must be oriented in the direction of encouraging these reforms, The millions of people in Asia, unlike the Europeans, have had little democratio ex- perience. The word “Democracy” means many things to many people. In some areas it is Just a slogan. It 1s therefore imperative to demonstrate by our own acts and our own record rather than by mere words that democracy offers a better hope than com- munism for equality and freedom as well as for economic security. Military effort and a sincere and honest determination to merit the confidence of the free world are inextricably interwoven— nelther will be enough by iteelf to assure either security or lasting peace. We must not sacrifice the latter to our preoccupation with the former. Dr. Ralph J. Bunche said only a few days ago, “Security today is a universal problem and a matter of friends as well as guns and In the ideological struggie now going on it is people whe In the end will I am afraid that we are not yet making the effort re- quired to convince the peoples of the world that we are the most sincere exponents of the democratic ideal. We still have not con~- vinced the world, not even some of our own friends, that wé reject all forma of im- perialism and seek no ends save freedom and peace for all people. During my long public life I have come to know quite intimately the strengths and weaknesses of the democratic processes. T have learned, too, that deliberations and even great debates do not automatically guarantee wise decisions. But my faith in democracy ts unshaken and I have learned that in faith there is no reom for fear. A tew weeks ago I warned the Benate of the current dangers of public hysteria when I said, “There is fear, there 1s panic. There ig fear on the pert of people that if they raise their voices in any wey in defense of the American tradition of equality, justice, and law they will be accused of being sympa- thetic to communism.” ‘The pante of which I spoke was revealed in the passage of such repressive legislation as the so-called McCarran bill. It is dem- onstrated by increasing indifference in Con- gress to civil-rights legislation. I is dem- onstrated by irresponsible and unsupported charges which blacken the reputations and weaken the influence of patriotic, loyal Amer- icans, even men of the stature of General Marshall, Secretary Acheson, Philip Jessup, and Cordell Hull. It is reflected in the re- luctance of certain newspapers to give ade- quate coverage to those who dare to oppose the black evil of McCarthyism. Tn our relations with each other we have manifested fear and suspicion that are en- tirely alien to our great traditions of toler- ance and faith. That course is sinister and dangerous beyond description. If we are to accomplish the almost over- whelming global tasks that confront us, we must do considerably more than we are now dotng to prepare ourselves spiritually as well as militarily for our assignment. If we are to give the world a convincing example of democracy unafraid, we must show not only a militant insistence on liberty, equality, and justice and law for the world at large but a sustainod tnsistence on these values in our daily lives. The greatost threat to democ- racy comes not so much from sudden or revo- lutionary change. Its greatest danger comes through lethargy, and through fallure of the people to defend their fundamental rights against gradual and sometimes cleverly dis- guised encroachment. Loyal and devoted citizens of our country, Mberals and conservatives alike, regardless of political affiliation, must join hands in the fight against abridgement of civil Uberty under the guise of military necessity. A de- termination to defend and protect our rivhts and liberties and those of others will give strength and cohesion to our foreign policy and help to assure our postition of world leadership. And the free world needs our leadership as greatly as it needs our dollars and our men, Pray God we will be wise enough and strong enough tn hand and heart to make our leadership a blessing to all the world. Statement of Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM F, KNOWLAND OF CALIFORNIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1961 Mr. KNOWLAND. Mr. President, i ask unanimous consent to have printed
A1134 i the Appendix. of the Recorp a state- ment regarding American participation im the defense of Europe, presented by Dr, Lev E. Dobriansky, professor at Georgetown University, and president of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, to the Senate Committees on Foreign Relations and Armed Services, on February 20. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Racory, as follows: In being given this privileged opportunity to testify before you gentlemen, at the very outset I can candidly state that by virtue of my organizational aesociations muoh of this testimony is fairly representative of the thoughts of several millions of Americans of Central and East European background whose knowledge of the Soviet peril is inti~ mate, broad, and keen. Uppermost in the minds of these citizens, including those whom I directly represent, are these three cardinal factors of orientation toward the 1s- sue at hand: (1) The secure defense of West- ern Europe, and therefore of the United States, against threatening Soviet aggression, (8) the consequent, hoped-for preclusion of ‘world war ITI. and (8) if this proves unrealiz- able due to disastrous Soviet miscalculation, 8 full vantaged preparedness insuring the best possible chance for military and political victory over Russian Communist imperialism, Geared to these fundamental points of in- terest, a reasoned analysts of the probtem confronting us can only lead to the conclu- sion that the Senate should, reassuringly re- aolve not to predicate executive assignment of more ground forces in Europe on any con- gressional adoption of a policy on the subject, UNSTATED PRECONCEPTIONS OF THE WHERRY RESOLUTION Thig recommended determination of the resolution is founded not only on certain guiding pragmatic principles posited in a dimension of thought scarcely considered in Giscusaions on this issue, but also on a neces- sary assessment of the underlying preconcep- tions and the apirit animating the resolution, this despite its neutra) verbal formulation. For (1) the suggestive note of conditioning executive troop assignment to Europe by a congressional policy beyond the determining principle of common defense that Congress has already adopted strongly implies a de- featist skepticism of that very principle in the measure of underrating the ability of free Europe to contribute materially to the common defense of Western democracy; (2) the animus of this resolution engenders a groundiess doubt in the competency of our executive agencies to execute and properly implement the crucial policy principle al- ready embraced by Congress in its acceptance of the North Atlantic Pact; (3) it nurtures the ugly possibilities of hampered mili- tary planning and the hazardous encum- brances recently displayed in the relations between the United Nations and the UN com- mand In Korea; and (4) its spirit is per- meated with an indiscriminate fear of masa Boviet power which, if affirmed, would can- stitute an open invitation to the Soviets into Weatern Europa and deprive us, in this un- happy event, of certain military advantages both outside and inside of the Iron Curtain, In brief, this resolution wags conceived in cringing timidity, not strength, and the af- frmatton af its intent would only underwrite the former. CERTAIN GUIDES OF ACTION Mt A BROADER DIMENBION Afixed to our original cardinal factors of general objective and in concise refutation of the preconceptions noted, the following Pragmatic principles nay be advanced for ‘your able consideration in making posatbie Whe yealization of our stated objectives and in thus responding to this resolution in the negative: (1) An observed distinction between the principle of common defense and its content, The principle revolves simply on the basic question of whether to support or to abandon free Europe against possible Soviet aggres- sion. In effect, this has already been re- solved in the form of the North Atlantic Pact, and this all-determining principle reflects adequately the policy of Congress, If it is admitted that to all intents and purposes this principle of mutual support is unalter- able, then it follows for competent authori- ties to determine the content of this prin- ciple, which involves the flexible determina- tion of the magnitude of troops in Europe @s expertly evaluated by them in terms of adequation of means to the end tmbedded in the policy already established by Congress. Logically, in order not to inhibit adjustments necessitated by conceivable changed circum- stances, 1t would follow further that the rigidity of any mathematical ratio be avoided. Yet, without any mark of contradiction, Congress should continually demand that every practicable means be explored to bol- ster and equip our anti-Communist allies, not only in Western Europe but anywhere they can be found. The certainty of our integrated participation in European defense has inspired overflowing vigor and rejuvena. tion in West European rearmament, appar- ently sufficient to calm the fears of many. But also, let me emphasize, it has symbolized in another dimension American strength of leadership for the millions in Central and Eastern Europe upon whom we might cru- cially have to depend in the event of war. (2) An appreciative recognition of the in- terdependent relationship between American power in Europe and Central and East Euro- pean anti-Communist resistance. No one here will deny the vital importance of un- derground resistance behind the Iron Curtain for our paramount concern in the defense of Western democracy. To the extent that the existing underground network, operated by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and the Slo- vak, Lithuanian, and Polish resistance move- ments, persists in its sabotage, sporadic skirmishes with Communist security troops, anti-Communist propaganda, and steady in- filtration of the Red armies, to that extent it clearly conduces to our defense objective. For any plan of Soviet aggression on Western Europe would have to consider this deep- rooted internal weakness twice, especially if it muat account also for stern Western military resistance, Today, for example, Soviet propa- ganda is exerting every effort to overcome this critical weakness in the Ukraine by pointing to the contemplated remilitarization of Western Germany in the hope of recalling Nagi ravages in the minds of the undepend- able Ukrainians. Rectprocally, to the degree that we ably defend ourselves in Western Europe, obstruct any Soviet conquest of its mighty industrial capacity, and show promise of maintaining ourselves there in cage of war, to that degree, by sheer causal impact, we lend every encouragement to essential resist. ance activity behind the Iron Curtain. (8) A forthright repudiation of the myth of Russian invincibility in land warfare. A logical examination of the arguments of the few who seek to withdraw or sharply restrict American ground troops in Europe discloses as their overplayed major premise the myth that “we can’t beat the Ruasians in land war- fare.” This concoction, which ‘unfortue nately has been left unchallenged in recent debate, represents the acme of gullible ab- sorption of Soviet propaganda bluff. The un- thinking propagators of this psychologically destructive myth flagrantly ignore the fact that the “if,” or real possibility, in history ia just as real as the actual. To adduce the Hitler debacle in support of their fallacious contention, they betray a profound ignorance of the events in Bastern Europe during World War 1. As is generally ‘known in circles APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dealing with the subject, in the first six months of the Soviet-German conflict over 2,000,000 non-Ruasians, and even Russians, of the multinational Red army willingly surrendered in the fervent hope of taking arms against the Kremlin to realize the free- dom of their respective peoples. But for in- credible Nazi stupidity, had this and more come to pass, the Soviet power would cer- tainly have collapsed. As underground op- erators well know, mere quantity does not reveal the true story about the flaunted Red armies. (4) Serious consideration of an American foreign legion in a buttressed defense of Western Europe. Because of the immensely strategic importance of free Europe in the defense of Western democracy, there is no reason why this defense cannot be further solidified by the rapid formation and presence of an American foreign legion in Western Europe, such as Senator Lopar has long ad- vocated. Consisting mainly of Central and Eastern Europeans drawn from all parts of the world, indeed even from inside the Iron Curtain, such a legion, by its very existence, would complicate additionally any prospec- tive Soviet plans of aggression into Western Europe. For in Soviet Communist eyes there is & no more contaminating influence than contact between a free and an enslaved brother speaking the same language and with @ common heritage. For these coordinate reasons and on the basis of an abiding trust in the specialized competence of our military authorities, I earnestly urge that your unantmous report on this resolution be in the negative. How- ever, to lend positive affirmation to your overwhelming reasons, a substitute resolu- tion should be conceived for joint passage with the House of Reprerentatives, in which a resounding approval of executive dispatch of more ground troops to Europe be boldly registered, in which a strong urging for prac- tical aid to all anti-Communist allies, in- cluding those behind the Iron Curtain, be fearlessly made, in which on these basic is- sues the full unity of America be clearly re- fleoted for all the world to witness, How To Win the War of Ideas EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR. OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, on the night of February 27, at the Uphams Corner Market Restaurant, before members of the Dorchester Kiwanis Club, the Honorable Thomas Dorgan, clerk of the Suffolk Superior Civil Court, deliv- ered an extremely interesting address on the way in which university students could help to win the war of ideas. I ask unanimous consent that excerpts from the speech may be printed in the Appendix of the Recorp. There being no objection, the mat- ters referred to were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: It is an amasing fact that during the past 8 years, Stalin’s empire has grown from 190,000,000 people to more than 900,000,000. Thirty-seven out of every hundred people in thy world today are under the domina- tion of the Communists because of the de- oeptive ideas given to the workers of the world, It is still more amasing that all the land and peoples taken over by the Com-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD munists were acquired through anda and infiltration by the fifth columns within thoze countries, Americans are considered experts in the mechanical know-how, but when it comes ww propaganda we are babes in the woods compared to Stalin and company. The basic policy of Stalin and company is to achieve world conquest by force, violence, trickery, fraud, and the big lie, If we can draft boys to carry a gun, why not draft them to carry the principles of American democ- racy, based on justice and truth, to all the nations of the world? The biggest lle of all that has been sold t. the workers of the world ts the part of the Communistic Manifesto, which reads, “Workers of the world unite, you have noth- ing to lose but your chains.” Instead of the workers losing their chains, the Com- mies have put a lock and key on them all over the world. However, it is not enough to abuse Russian communism and to pub- lish the horrors of its physical application and it will not be enough to defeat it physie cally. We must defeat it by a stronger idea, and we have thet idea here in America— the Constitution of the United States. We should sell it to the world, not by lend- lease, gifts, or loans, but by training our bright young men in our colleges and uni- versities and sending them to every country i. the world as ambassadors of good will to spread the principles of American democ- racy. We could draft many of our best students in our colleges, heing sure that they possess not only ability, character, and in- tegrity but, most important, loyalty to tho American way of life. We must get rid of the fifth column of Russian conspirators in this country; we have tolerated them far too long. The Krem- lin conspirators train their students to de- s*~oy the true way of life such as freedom, Nberty, and religion. We should see to it that the studentr in our colleges are trained t) sell our way of Hfe, which ts based on truth and justice for all, to the nations of the world. This would be in keeping with the wishes of the founding fathers who commanded the preceptors of our colleges “to go forward and teach the youth ideals of love of country, chastity, obedience, and all those virtues which are the ornament of human society and upon which our Con- stitution was founded.” Our Lord sent His apostles out to the high- ways and the byways to sell the common people the true way of life. Can you imagine the force of 12,000 or 20,000 students im- pued with knowledge of our Constitution and our way of life going forth to the na- tions all over the earth—a sixth column for justice and truth? In World War I and World War II we won the war but lost the peace. You cannot win peace by guns alone, it must be accomplished by truthful propa- ganda, That ts the only way to destroy for all time the big lies which have been planted in the minds of the workers of the world by tyrannical dictators. Inflation EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN W. BRICKER OF OHIO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March & (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 195 . Mr, BRICKER. Mr. President, I ask, unanimous consent that there be print- ed in the Appendix of the Rrcorn an edi~ torial entitled “Stop Stoking Inflation,” from the Christian Selence Monitor of Monday, February 12, 1951. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Stor Stoxine INFLATIon The controversy between the United States Treasury and the Federal Reserve Board may sound like a high-flown, theoretical matter, but it has a lot to do with the price of ham- burger, And of socks, suits, carpets, carfare, frying pans, coal, milk, bread, bobby pins, and everything else that money buys. Because it has most to do with the value of money itself. The rate of interest on new issues of Government bonds is the price the Government pays for borrowing. There is a point at which, even for the Government, borrowing ought to begin to become expene ve President Truman has supported the Treasury in simply setting its own interest rate, around 214 percent, and expecting the Federal Reserve system to buy enough bonds to keop them up to par in the market. This puts more bonds and money into the banks of the country, where they become the basis for more and more loans to increase businoss or finance holding of stockpiles and inven- tories, The result is that prices go up. Prices of virtually everything. Because money, or credit, has become more plentiful, while the supplies of goods are reduced by defense pro- duction. Ordinarily it would be a matter for appre= hension to see Government bonds, of the older, lower-rate issues, go below par. But while uncomfortable for the holders, such a development at present would be salutary to the extent that it reduced the base for lending, and there is little danger that it would go far. New York's Federal Reserve bank last week reported credit expansion at a pace more than double the preceding week, For the country at large, the week ended February 7 saw an increase of $80,000,000 in money in circulation and of §209,000,000 in reserve bank credit. Behind that lies the fact that the 12 Fed- eral Reserve banks combined now hold more than $22,000,000,000 of United States Govern- ment securities compared to lesa than 818,- 000,000,000 a year ago. The Treasury should find a market for its additional bonds out- side the banks, and should pay enough in- terest to attract investment by individuals and nonlending inetitutions, To be sure, this will increase the cost of “service” or interest on the public debt, which everybody has to help pay, But the way matters are, the country is paying a great deal more in inflated prices for almost everything it buys, including even defense equipment, than the $1,260,000 it would pay im an additional one-half percent on the public debt. Meanwhile, the Government, responding to public indignation, goes through fren- gied motions of trying to establish work- able price and wage controls, By resisting credit oontrol, the full costs of national debt are kept from showing up on the Treas- ury budget but they show up in everybody's grocery bill, clothing bill, and tax bill for munitions. Instead of letting the Federal Reserve Board regulate the engine to keep it at a working pressure, the White House haa the Economic Stabilization Agency hang ‘weights on the safety valve while the Treas- continues to shovel coal on the fires of tion, That way Mes an explosion, Buch a contradiction in policies is not good finance, sound economica, nor intelligent management. If the American people come to understand clearly what ts being done to them by this process, i¢ will not even be good politics, A1135 ‘Tribute to Thomas A. Edison EXTENSION OF REMARES HON. WILLIAM LANGER OF NORTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March § (lugislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. LANGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editorial entitled “An Indomitable Spirit,” pub- lished in the Lake Land (N. J.) News of February 5, 1951. The editorial is in tribute to Thomas A. Edison, There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: AN InpomiraBter Sprere The one hundred and fourth anniversary of a distinguished American who spent most of his life within a few miles of Morris County will be observed Sunday. He is Thomas Alva Edison, who has been hailed by some as the greatest inventor of all times and definitely is one of the great ones if not the greatest, He carried on his experiments in Newark, then for s longer period in Menlo Park, near Metuchen, ond for more than half of his life in West Orange. Edison is generally known for some of his more spectacular inventions such as the incandescent light, motion pictures, and pho- nograph. An even greater insight as to the source of hig genius might be found in Het- ing, instead of his successes, some of the handicaps and misfortunes he overcame. He, himself, actually counted them as benefits and as having made a direct contribution to some of his best-known inventions. When he first started echool his teacher sent him back home as not being bright enough to continue, suggesting that he be sent to a State school for subnormals, When he was 12 years old and earning his own lving as a butcher boy on a train, a con- auctor lifted him up by his ears and caused the start of a deafness that grew progres- alvely worse. Yet he felt no bitterness and said that it was a help rather than hindrance, probably drove him to reading. He attrib- uted at least two important developments to the necessity of adapting his experiments to his affiiction—the telephone as we Know It today and the phonograph, “In experimenting on the telephone,” Edison explained, “I had to tmprove the transmitter so I could hear it. This made the telephone commercially practical as Bell's magneto telephone receiver was too weak to bo used as a transmitter commer- cially. It was the same with the phono- graph. The great defect of that Instrument was the rendering of the overtones in the music and the hissing consonants in speech. I worked over a year, 20 hours o day, Bun- days and all, to get the word ‘specie’ per- fectly recorded. When this was done I knew that everything else could be recorded.” Edison was always happy to recall that a dozen men and himself formed 9 8300,000 corporation whose chief asset was his 31- year-old brain. He invented the incan- descent lamp 861 days later and then per- fected his great power system that spread electricity across the Nation. Yet for an- other group he used up $3,000,000 in per-~ fecting a process for mining and milling low- grade iron ore only to have all the time and money wasted because deposita of cheap ore were discovered elsewhere. Later he invented a new kind of battery and put it into manufacture with a com- plete plant. However, when he discovered
A136 that the product was not as good as he de~ manded, he closed lec plant down and ‘started ex nting all over again, fina! senreiden? tn getting the battery he sought, now the most profitable product of the Bdison Industries. At another time, almost his entire West Orange plant was destroyed by fire. But as he watched from a nearby vantage point he etarted sketching plans for the new plant that would iake its place. Such indomitable spirit could overcome virtually any handicap, Herbert Hoover: A Prophet With Vision EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KARL E. MUNDT © OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 6 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I call attention to a challenging editorial on American foreign policy and a most re- vealing summary of some of the remark- able prophecies and predictions made through the years by that great Ameri- can statesman, Herbert Hoover. In the extremely difficult task of forecasting ahead of time the results of public poli- cles, Herbert Hoover clearly stands with- out parallel or equal among his contem- poraries of the past two decades. The Huron Daily Plainsman is one of the great daily newspapers of South Da- kota, Its editorials are the careful prod- uét of two well-informed and able men— Robert D. Lusk, publisher of the paper, and Bruce Campbell, the editor, From extensive reading, from studious re- search, from frequent travels, and from numerous contacts with American lead- ers, these two South Dakotans join in producing a most informative and illu- minating editorial page which is read by large numbers of citizens in the upper Midwest area of this country, The edi- torial merits the careful reading of all Americans as we face up to the difficult decisions which are ahead, I ask unani- mous consent to have the editorial print- ed in the Recorp, There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: A Propuxr Wrrnovur Proper Crrprr One of the most arrogant things which the ardent supporters, in Congress and out~ side of it, of the troops-to-Europe plan have done in the course of arguing for it is to try and write off Herbert Hoover as a man with no sense of history and no grasp of the for- eign situation. They even have employed the meaningless but scornful word “isolationist.” They have done this thing after Hoover gave hia famous apeech of December 20, 1950, the Nation, in which he suggested that the United States preserve the Western Hemi- sphere by butiding air and ses power to hold one ffontier in Britain and one in Japan and by keeping economically sound, and by de- that Western Europe even is | manding willing to fight Russia before sending any ooops to Burope. 5 at are the facts? ' Whe facts are that Hoover's observations on foreign policy the past 10 years have Proved rematkably accurate and that his apeech of December 20, 1960, was part of a pattern of foreign policy speeches he has given the past few years. JUNE 29, 1941 Perhaps the reason so many adminietra- tion spokesmen have attacked Hoover 1s that time has proved him so uncomfortably cor- rect in a notable speech of June 29, 1941, a week after Hitler attacked Russia. . At that time Hoover urged that the United States make no pact whatsoever with Russia because it would advance communism and “make the whole argument of our joining the war to bring the four freedoms to man~ kind a gargantuan jest,” He pointed out that in 1940 the Dies come mittee reported unanimously and specifically that the Communist Party in the United States and anywhere was a Moscow-directed conspiracy and worked against the United States Government people. This violated the agreement made in 1933 when the United States recognized the Soviet officially. Rus- sia had agreed to refrain from any propa- ganda or any move to injure the United Btates in any way in any part of the United States. Hoover pointed out how Stalin had con- quered and enslaved the nations the United States had helped create at Versailles after World War I—Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and how It helped Hitler rape Poland. “If we go further and join the war and we win,” he said, and remember that this is Herbert Hoover speaking on June 29, 1941, 6 months before Pearl Harbor, “then we have won for Stalin the grip of communism on Russia, the enslavement of nations, and more opportunity for it to extend in the world. ‘We should at least cease to tell our sons that they would be giving their lives to re- store democracy and freedom to the world. * * © War alongside Stalin to impose freedom is more than a travesty. It is a tragedy. * * * As great a violation of everything American as to aline ourselves with Hitler.” ; He sald then the United States should “arm to the teeth for defense of the West- ern Hemisphere” and wait the moment after Russia and Germany had knocked each other out to step in and “promote a just and permanent peace.” During the war, naturally, Hoover as a patriotic citizen did all he could to help win the war. APRIL 1950 In April 1960, he again appraised the world situation in a speech in New York. He grimly recalled his talk of June 21, 1941, His chief theme at that time was that the United Nations was the hope of the world but was being stymied by the Russians and should therefore be reorganized without Commu- nists in it and that “if that is {mpractical, then a definite new united front should be Organized of those peoples who disavow communism, who stand for morals and ree ligion and who love freedom,” JULY 11, 1950 On July 11, 1950, after the Korean war started, Hoover spoke in Emporia, Kans, He pointed out that the only justifleation for war is as an instrument for a specific conse- quence and that for America that conse- quence was peace, but that we had strayed « from that objective in fighting World War TY, as well as World War I. The United States concentrated on winning battles and it had no well-defined political objective by which to chart military action, He urged at that time a regeneration of spirit in the United Nations and a clarifi- cation of thinking and determination of 1 Purpose in the United States and UN, “Mili- . tary strength ts no substitute for sound policy,” he reminded, and World War It fur- _, nished him with a perfect sample. . APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD OCTOBER 19, 1950 On October 19, 1950, he spoke out again, He challenged the will of Europe to fight and the ability of the United States to finance and send abroad large bodies of troops. He agreed that ‘the greatest danger point to all western civilization le Western Hurope. It 18 obvious, with the threats in Asia, that the United States can supply only a minor part of this huge European deficiency even with our present program.” And he said then that: “We should say, and at once, that we shall provide no more money until a definitely unified and suffi- elent European army is in sight. And fur- ther that 10 American divisions will not be landed until then." He urged getting down to brass tacks with other nations, after having sent #20,000,000,- 000 to Europe in 5 years with no results and said: “If we do not find real military action of powerful strength tn Western Europe; if there is no definite and effective mobiliza- tton of the other members of the UN so as to take up the major burden of their own defenses, then we had better reconsider our whole relation to the problem. In that event we had better quit talking and paying and consider holding the Atlantic Ocean with Britain, if they wish, as one frontier and the Pacific Ocean with an armed Japan and other islands as the other frontier.” DECEMBER 29, 1950 Then on December 29, 1950, he made his forceful radio address which drew so much criticism. It was really no departure from his previous warnings. It went a little fur- ther in that he cited the fact that the United States had to furnish more than 90 percent of the foreign forces in Korea and suffer over 90 percent of the dead and injured tn a supposed United Nations fight. He cited the land power of Russia and compared the vast advantage it has in manpower and he cited the strong points of the United States. And he called for a policy to “preserve the Vestern Hemisphere.” His critica immedi- ately twisted that to say that he advocated “retreating” to America. He did not say 50. He said “to preserve the Western Hem- isphere” by holding the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans with large sea and naval power and Jand forces where needed in Britain and Japan and the Philippines. He called also for & sound economy at home and that probably is what made so many administration spokesmen attack him. The course of current events has seemed to vindicate Herbert Hoover's public utter- ances and policies. They deserved a much greater exploration and hearing than the administration has given. But the public can remember, and must. Postal Aide, Trolley Line Plan New Road Hazards EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON, EDWARD MARTIN OP PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March § (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, owing to the discussion which is presently being had relative to the carrying of mail by the different common carriers, I ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “Postal Aide, Trolley Line Plan New Road Hazards,” written by Ivan H.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Peterman, and published in the Phila- delphia Inquirer, February 21, 1951. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Postau Are, Trottsy Ling Puan New Roap HAZARDS (By Ivan H. Peterman) For those of you who risk life and limb daily on our crowded highways, two items of special interest appeared in yesterday's news: 1. The Post Office Department plans a major shift of short-haul mail from rail- ways to contract truckers. 2. The Liberty Bell Line, for 50 years a speedy, picturesque, carbon-monoxide-free rail route through the Lehigh Valley, wants to give up, and add more busses to traffic. Almost any motorist, having completed a run from anywhere to Philadelphia, would veto both proposals without a second reading. Certainly any car commuter, negotiating the city’s drives, or completing the ordeal by Chestnut Street into town, any morning except Sunday, will agree we have neared the saturation point. He will say: “Let's abandon no railways for more busses, and for the love of Allah, keep the mall on the rails. We have enough careening mail trucks now.” Nevertheless the Public Service Commis- sion has heard application for a fleet of new, scheduled busses that will further congest the north and west approaches to this bottle- necked city. Why? Because the company doesn’t wish to repair its roadway. The in- ference, of course, is that the motorist, pay- ing his annual fee, can better afford to re- store the highways. As to the United States mails further cluttering the roads, that bright suggestion comes from our old pal, Jack Redding, for- merly chief propagandist for the Truman Fair Deal, but lately switched to Assistant Postmaster General. Mr. Redding was voted “east Mkely to succeed” by every war cor- respondent after he completely botched the Army's handling of the lItberation of Paris story, On the memorable Paris occasion (August 25, 1944) the then Lt. Col. John M. Redding superseded our adequate and practical First United States Army press arrangements, with what we lightly dubbed “Task Force Redding.” This organization was to enter Paris with the French armor or United States Fourth Infantry Division, Redding at the head. Shepherding the correspondents, Redding decided on aircraft to fly our reports back to London, Normandy, Algiers, or Cape- town—anywhere but the places to which our reliable jeep drivers had been ferrying them, and from where each night they were trans- mitted by press-wireless. Everything was to be practically foolproof. But alack and alas, “Task Force Redding” got involved in the joys of liberation, the sporadic shooting caused delays, the aircraft flew to wrong fields, or refused to fly at all when came the dusk. Those that finally took our stories shuttled them back and forth across the English Channel for three dreary days, There was no relay from the airfields, ‘The only ones who got the story of Paris to your ears were four tough scribes who vio- lated censorship, went on the Iberated radio, and broadcast the wild doings to the world. Redding suspended all four, sent them home. We didn't hear of Colonel Redding for months after that prive snafu. And then it was to learn he had won the Bronze Star for his meritorious press handling of the Paris story. So you may see why this taxpayer hesitates to applaud Redding's diversion of the United States mails. I'd like to get my letters this year, not next. And if we must be run down by truck, let it not be United States mail truck, from which it’s hard to colleot damages. According to the new Assistant Postmaster General, a 95-percent increase in mall-pay rates over 1947 caused the decision to shift $100,000,000 worth of business from the raliroads to public highways. Naturally this joss won't help the railways, without which the country cannot operate. Certainly not in wartime. So, no doubt, the Government will eventually subsidize this loss, while a host of additional trucks wear out the pavement, Surveys have been made around several large cities, including Philadelphia, Pitts- burgh, and Harrisburg. Hauls of 200 miles or less will be involved. “Through rain and sleet, by day and night * * *.” Toot your horn, friend, Here they come, on the open roads. This observer may be a laggard, but re- membering the last sudden clampdown on gasoline, rubber, vehicular traffic in general, this year, with Joe Stalin stoking up his tanks and puppets more suggestively each day, seems hardly the time to abandon rail routes in order to clog the roads with more busses and trucks. As one who has inhaled more than his share of fumes, this gear- shifter objects. I don’t know if the Lehigh Valiey com- muters want busses to replace the comfort- able, fast ine they have. I don’t know if the Hoover report suggested mail trucks to replace the mall cars ulready in use. But both busses and trucks wear out, the change- over costs plenty, the roads are overcrowded, and, anyway, why not let the customers have a voice in these things, for once? Discrimination EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLINTON P. ANDERSON OF NEW MEXICO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, March 5 (legislative day of Monday, January 29), 1951 Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. President, I have long had very strong personal con- victions on the importance of books in our cultural life, in education and in that broad public discussion of national and international issues whith is so funda- mental to the democratic process. For this reason I was very pleased to see the discussion of the problem of book distri- bution in the President's message of Feb- ruary 27 on postal rates. In dealing with the inequalities in postal rates which now exist as between magazines and newspapers on the one hand, and books on the other, the President said: These excessive subsidies for newspapers and magazines are not only wrong, they are seriously inequitable. Books, which are surely as important as newspapers and mag- azines in disseminating information, and matl-order catalogs, which carry advertising generally similar to that in newspapers and megaozines, are classified as fourth-class mall. Under the recommended rates, there will be little, if any, subsidy in carrying these publications-—-a startling discrimina- tion in comparison to the altuation on sec~ ond-class mail, The current issue of the Saturday Re- view of Literature contains a very en- lightening editorial on this problem and the President's reference to it, and I.ask unanimous consent that the editorial be printed in the Appendix of the Reorp. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp as follows: DiscarmraTion For some time the threat of higher postal rates on books has been giving anxious days and nighta to publishers, already harassed by the almost prohibitive costs of printing and paper. It was a cause for jubilation when President Truman in his message to Con- gress on February 27 attacked the discrimi- natory clauses in the postal rate bill and said: “These excessive subsidies for news- papers and magazines are not only wrong, they are seriously inequitable. Books, which are surely as important as newspapers and magazines in disseminating informa- tion * * * are classified as fourth-class mall. Under the recommended rates there will be little, if any, subsidy in carrying these publications—a startling discrimination in comparison to * * * second-class mail.” There is a long history of injustice in this latest attempt to blackjack the three hun- dred or 60 publishers of hard-cover books in the United States into paying still higher postage rates. In 1938 postage on books was on a level with the reading matter in magazines. At that time President Roose- velt, who must have been aware that the United States was almost alone in this postal-rate discrimination against books, stated that “the interests of the public in the promotion of the cultural growth, educa« tion, and development of the American peo- ple” required the rate that was then estab- lished on a parity with magazines at one and ® half cents a pound. Nevertheless, in 1943 the book rate was 3 cents a pound, and a surcharge of 1 to 6 cents was added, amount- ing to 4 cents for the first pound and 3 cents for each additional pound. In 1949 the rate was again increased to the present 8 cents for the first pound and 4 cents for each addl- tional pound. During this period postage on magazines has remained the same. If the latest proposals of the Post Office De- partment are approved by the Interstate Commerce Commission, book publishers will be confronted with a flat rate of 10 cente tor the first pound and five for each suc- ceeding pound. Furthermore, this will ap- ply only to book packages up to 10 pounds as Compared with 70 at present. The vast number of packages over 10 pounds will then be charged at full parcel-post rates appli- cable to general merchandise. Few people outside of the publishing busit- ness, bookstores, libraries, and educational, technical, and religious institutions are aware of the vital role of the postal system in the distribution of “hard-cover” books. After the substantial orders for new books and reprints have been sent by railway ex~ press or motor trucks the post office takes charge of the distribution of all small pur- chases and reorders mailed in packages which it would be uneconomic to send in any other way. Over 10,000 new titles are published each year in this country, and at least .a hundred thousand titles are kept in print. It is the duty of the Nation's bookstores and the larger libraries to have in stock a fair representation of this mass of literature of every type. A large volume of books is also sold by mail direct to the purchaser, espe- clally in rural areas and smaller cities and towns in which there are no bookstores. Millions of books are sent out in this way every year by great or small book clubs. It is obvious that a large part of the distribu- tion of books throughout the country is @ependent on the post office and that higher postal rates will have to be paid by the con- sumer, in addition to the steadily increasing retail prices that publishers are forced to charge for their merchandise to meet their expenses,