Al50 to weak man the power to rule himself. We gave substance and form to the thoughts of philosophers and statesmen, and launched the great “experiment,” by instituting a Government which derived its right from the consent of the governed. In so dolng, we recognized that man—the individual man—was first, and that the state existed but to protect his rights. We openly ac- knowledged that man was greater than the state—the state has no immortal soul. Thus, the fundamental issue of the moment, the fight between God and Satan, 1s part of the continuous adventure in the art of govern- ing mankind. In this fight, our country, by the grace of God, stands a free, prosperous, and strong Nation, ready for the morrow, realizing that no nation ever had greater responsibility for the future of the world, for the retention of freedom, than we have. We are the sample democracy, the window- dressing of the democratic concept, and if the light of freedom were to be quenched here, unborn generations would know only serfdom. With such a profusion of storm clouds, are there any fair-weather signs which may kin- dle our hopes? Ovor the horizon which hides the future can we anticipate the rising of a morning sun which will shed its rays on a world of freemen? Is there any answer which will give to life in this finite world more than a temporary solace, more than in- termittent peace, more than mere cessation of hostilities? Thank God that in response to these searching interrogations we can reply with a concrete and strong affirmative an- swer. In preparing ourselves to accomplish the desired end. the first basic premise is that the task belongs not to indefinite hu- manity but to definite human beings who are you and I. We fail before we start if we approach the solution by the thought of relegating action to the Government, to the militury, to a political party, or to some- one else. The strength of government, the power of policy is as strong or as weak as you or I make tt. In conducting this individual crusade, we must condition ourselves by pre- paring our minds and our souls for the task ahead. 1. From our thinking processes we must eradicate confusion, It is fundamental to all action that we know, with accuracy, the essential facts which make us love the life we have and abhor the concepts which the rulers of the Kremlin would force upon us. Unless we think alike about the major prob- lems of today, then all of our attempts ta apply corrective remedies will lose their strength by dissipation and bewilderment. 2 It ts essential that we eliminate un- certainty as to what we are striving to at- tain. We nrust recognize that this is not & mere battle of differing ideologies; it is not two systems selling their wares in the mar- ket place; this is not a competition between equals for contro] of humanity; rather is it & struggle for civilization. It is the death battle between truth, justice, charity on the one hand, and on the other, world servitude, Our God-given principles of life are not being weighed in a scale of international caliber to be matched against the atheistic pronouncements of Communists. If the pur- suit of happiness ts to remain a right of man, if freedom and liberty are to prevail and survive, if life itself is to win the strug- gle, then there is no choice as to the oute come—we must win. 3. In this struggle we must avoid timidity which will inevitably bring on defeatism, If we are afraid, it is a self-indictment of the ignorance we possess about our Nation and its people. If we are faint-hearted we do not recognize that truth and God are on our side in this fight against evil. If we don the Cloak of a coward, we are easy prey for an enemy which has no fear for even a brave man, Those who rule by fear and seek to crush men by fear must be met by fearless people to whom liberty is even more sacred than life itwelf. ° 4. Trample underfoot the indifference which makes us unresponsive to our obliga- tions. If we continue to enjoy the God- given benefits of freedom without a realiza- tion that these benefits carry with them militant obligations, then we are indeed selfish and myopic, unwilling to give the future the heritage that was bequeathed to us by past generations, and unaware that we could lose what we have by default. When, then, will the arts of peace catch up with the powers of destruction? Not until each person individually realizes that it is hig and her task always to wage the peace with the same unity of purpose so evident in time of war. Solidarity is a unique by- product of war. But must we be doped up by recurring crises to recognize this militant obligation for guarding and strengthening democracy? THE ANSWER I hope not. Thus, with confusion, uncer- tuinty, timidity, and indifference expelled from our systems, we approach the combat with positive attributes of courage, confi- dence, resolution, and conviction which must be all cloaked in strength to produce the type of practical patriotism demanded by the challenge of today. Uniess, however, we translate these concepts into practical action they remain mere words signifying no use- fulness in solving current issues. Hence, tf we are possessed of that quality of mind which meets danger and difficult situations with firmness of spirit; if ours is the self- reliance which strengthens faith in our cause; if we are resolved to wage the peace for a better type of life; if all our actions are guided by a persuasion in the righteousness of what we stand for; then, with the neces- sary aid of military strength, we have mar- shaled our resources to develop a formidable front against the forces of atheistic com- munism. But, who will carry on this fight? The Government? The armed services? Let's get the cue for our answer from Wilson, who said: “We overlook the fact that the real source of strength in the community comes from the bottom. Do you find democracy renew- ing itself from the top? Don't you find society renewing itself from the ranks of un- known men? * * * What you are con- stantly depending on is the rise out of the ranks of unknown men, the discovery of m.n whom you had passed by, the sudden disclosure of capacity you had not dreamed of, the emergence of somebody from some place of which you had thought the least, of some man unanointed from on high, to do the thing that the generation calls for.” Leadership in government is certainly essential, and the power of our armed serv- ices must be capable of dealing effectively with a regime that recognizes only military might. But the menace of totalitarianism which overshadows the world today can be diffused only by the tndividuel man and woman, Again you ask, How can 4 solitary man influence the whole of mankind? Re- member that mankind does not exist but men do. Since all our efforts to subdue the Soviet threat are premised upon the greatness of the individual life, how can the individual contend that he or she is too small to participate? On the contrary, freedom—~ genuine God-given freedom—will fail unless wo relate the battle for freedom to our in- dividual lives, in the struggle of the hour, we are not merely seeking military victory which brings @ peace that is no more than a cessation of hostilities; we are not striving for eco- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nomic domination over commerce and trade; we are not attempting to extend an im- pertaliatic strangle hold over nations. Our own goal ts to see that mankind ts not re- duced to the level of the brute beast and living only in accordance with the will of a central oligarchy. Such a struggle de- mands the continuous participation of all men since each one of us is concerned about our own survival. Ladies and gentlemen, this fact is as practical as an adding ma- chine and is as impartial as a traffic light. The individual campaign I call for must be waged at four levels: (a) In the home and office. (b) In the community. (c) In the Sate. (d) In the Nation. HOME AND OFFICE One of the most sensitive target areas at which the strategy and tactics of interna- tional communism are beamed is the home, In their devilish crusade to subdue the world, much of the Communist power in the U. 8. 8. R. has been generated by their ca- pacity to weaken the home and control the youth. Lenin himself said “Give me the youth for 8 years and I'll give you a Bol- shevik (Communist) forever.” By putting mothers into the labor force of the Soviet Union and training the children in state- supported schools, the infant minds have been indoctrinated with the philosophy of Marx, Lenin, and the police-state tyrannical thoughts of Stalin to the point where they fit into the scheme of Communist world con- quest. These are the young people who now form the youthful leaders in carrying out Communist policles and undertakings. Well, indeed, does Stalin know that if the home ig rendered unstable, the State will totter. Accordingly, you and I must live our lives in our homes and in our work sur- roundings in such a manner as to beget con- fidence in the system of which we are a part. Truth, morality, kindness, patience, love of fellow man, are integrsl parts of this blue- print. If these do not exist then our striv- ing for victory is an empty struggle. COMMUNITY The lowest level of government in our Gemocratic system is that of our rural or urban surroundin 3s. Business interests and business rivalries are therein developed. Knowledge of the capacity of persons for leadership is a component of our dally asso-= clationships. Each community is a proving ground for testing the practicable applica- tion of ideas which strengthen our society, Accordingly, see to it constantly that you are giving to the community the full, unselfish contribution of your zapacity for preventing evil and accomplishing good. In this way your efforts will shine as brilliant examples to atimulate similar undertakings in localities where the contagion of good will result in like benefits for others. THE STATE Not many years have passed since the fathers of our Nation, by divine providence, brought into existence one indivisible Nation composed of sovereign States and common- wealths. The power of their sovereignty, the capacity for continuation of the philosophy under which they were formed, their ability to avoid unhealthy rivairies must all be guided by you and by me who live in those States, The land of each is bountiful tn its beauty and generous in its capacity, but these attributes are inanimate and do not possess the importance of a single citizen of any of those States. Therefore, you must be con- etantly on guard to protect and strengthen the policies of your State as a sacred unit in our democratic system.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD THE NATION The men and women who form our national and international policies come from the State, from the community, and from the home. They are not an isolated category of citizenry. They are chosen by us to carry the torch of liberty and freedom through ages dark and bright. They are our mission- aries selected by us to speak our gospel and formulate our decisions. Why then criticize policies when we ourselves, by indirection, are the makers of those policies? When will we be men enough to recognize that the power in the Government is the power from our people? Immediately, therefore, we should close the gap between ourselves and our rulers so that we develop a oneness of thought, of purpose. and of action in the evolvement of our national and international policies. Don’t just wait for election opportunities. The process of democracy is continuous and under our system the one elected is the repre- sentative of all. Accordingly, from us to our representatives and appointed officials should go suggestions and recommendations and from them to us should come explanations supporting their actions. This cohesion will bring about a teamwork for good that will forge strength in our national and inter- national endeavors. CONCLUSION In all our endeavors let us be guided by the philosophy of the Declaration of Inde- pendence and of our Constitution. As Wil- son sald: “My dream is that as the years go on * * * the world * * * will turn to America fcr those moral inspirations which lie at the basis of allfreedom; * * *. “I do not know that there will ever be a declaration of independence and of griev- ances for mankind, but I believe if uny such document is ever drawn it will be drawn in the spirit of the American Declaration of In- dependence, and that America has lifted high the light which will shine unto all gen- erations and guide the feet of mankind to the goal of justice and liberty and peace ” This philosophy explains that inalienable rights come not from the state; they are not derived from the majority vote of the peo- ple They come to man from God. Hence, if they are taken away, the action violates the natural law, it violates the law of God. Therefore, the battle for inalienable rights means nothing if God is eliminated from our consideration, At San Francisco, however, one nation—Russia—succeeded in vetoing God from the deliberations and from the Charter of the United Nations How, then, can we achieve a solidarity of peuce for the worlds? How can we attain a brotherhood of men under the fatherhood of God when this fatherhood is not recognized? Hence, in the home, in the community, in the State, in the Nation, enthrone God in our individual lives, and let our actions be guided thereby. The words of Wilson are indeed appropriate for us tonight: “This,” said he, “is not a day of triumph; it is a day of dedication. Here muster not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity. Men's hearts wait upon us; men’s lives hang in the balance; men’s hopes call Upon us to say What we will do. Who shall live up to the great trust? Who dares fall to try? I summon all honest men, all patriotic, all forward-looking men.” Therefore, do not leave this chamber say- ing that you can do nothing. Do you want democracy to become a formless ideal, mocked by some conqueror who will rele- grate to it a place in history that never mat- tered much? Of course not. Therefore, as the scepter of world leadership ig ours to wield, let us as Americans, as all Americans, as individuals, bué, more important still, a8 individual Americans, go forward with unity of purpose and with enthusiasm for the op- portunity which ig given to us for doing good. Every ounce of our energies should shout for action at this challenge, Let us not bequeath to the future a task which we should face and do today and every day. This alone can save Civilization. This alone can save the world. God bless you. Let’s Remove the Ancient Figures From These Walls and Replace Them With Great Americans—Including Thomas Alva Edison REMARKS HON. JOHN E. RANKIN OF MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 12, 1951 Mr. RANIIN. Mr. Speaker, when we get around to moving these caricatures off the wall of the House Chamber, of course I shall want to put the figures of George Washington, James Madison, Benjamin Franklin, James Monroe, John Adams, and other great Americans in their places. I certainly want to remove that an- cient figure of Hammurabi, who is said to have lived 4,000 years ago. I want to remove his picture and also that of Suleiman, who is said to have been an emperor of Turkey at one time, as well as that of the Spanish Rabbi, Mai- monides, and other misfits, who have been dead from 500 to 3,000 years, and replace at least one of them with the figure of Thomas Alva Edison, in my opinion the greatest single benefactor mankind has ever known. Mr. Edison probably did more for hu- manity than any other human being who has ever lived, from the dawn of civilization to the present day. He 1s one man who never served in public Office whose figure I would like to see placed upon the wall of this historic chamber, in the place of one of those ghastly figures that now confront us. Mr. DOLLIVER. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. RANKIN. I yield to the gentle- man from Iowa. Mr. DOLLIVER. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call the attention of the House to the fact that the speech which our genial colleague from Mississippi [Mr. RanKIn], made before the House several years ago on the subject of Thomas Alva Edison has now been re- printed in that great series of volumes “Modern Eloquence” and has been recog- nized by authorities on public speaking as one of the great deliverances of our time. Mr. RANKIN. I thank the distin- guished gentleman from Iowa for his compliment. In that address, I was simply saying what I felt about Mr. Edison, the man whom I consider to be one of the great- Al51 est, if not the very greatest, benefactor that mankind has ever known. That speech has not only been printed in the set of books called “Modern Elo- quence,” to which the gentleman from Iowa refers, but it is reproduced in several other volumes, one of which is “The Principles of Public Speaking,” which is used as a textbook in many colleges, including George Washington University, and also in a book on public speaking called “You Can Make a Speech,” by Hon. William Doll, former president of the Wisconsin Bar Associa- tion and a former instructor of public speaking at the University of Washing- ton and also at the University of Wis- consin. Mr. Speaker, I am inserting, at this point, my address on Mr. Edison as it appeared in the ConGriessIoNAL REcorD of Monday, February 12, 1940. The dis- tinguished gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Vreeland, knowing of my admira- tion for Mr. Edison, asked me to make a few remarks during the memorial services which were held for him here in the House. Owing to the limitation of time, he was able to yield me only 10 or 15 minutes, in which time I ex- pressed, as best I could, my sentiments on Mr. Edison's life, work, and character, That address follows: Mr. Ranxtn. Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay my humble tribute to the memory of one of America’s most illustrious sons. Yester- day was the ninety-third anniversary of the birth of Thomas Alva Edison, our country’s greatest contribution to the world’s list of scientific men. He was the foremost Inventive genius of the age and one of the leading benefactors of mankind. He was the greatest liberator the world has ever known. By the force of his matchless genius, aided by his tireless energy, he struck the shackles of drudgery from untold millions of human beings and lifted the world into the Nght of a new civiliza- tion, the like of which humanity had scarcely dreamed. He stands in history among the leaders of the men of gentus of all time—Homer, Gall- leo, Michelangelo, Rembrandt, Mozart, Cer- vantes, Shakespeare, Columbus, Jefferson, Newton, and Marconi. Towering amid that great galaxy rises the immortal figure of Edison, in glorified silhouette against the horizon of the ages, sending a glow of radi- ance down the centuries to come, to stir the hopes and fire the imaginations of tollers of the future who struggle for the betterment of mankind. It is unnecessary to attempt to magnify his virtues, to minimize his vices, or to clothe him with qualities he did not have. All that is necessary to commend him to the minds and hearts of peoples of all climes is the simple story of this earnest, patient man, toiling through the silent hours of the night to make the world a better place in which to lve. He was the greatest public servant of his day; yet he held no political office, he founded no political party, he advanced no new political creeds. Therefore no array of {l- lustrious speakers volunteer to sing bis praise or use his name as a sounding board to further selfish ends. He was one of the mightiest conquerors this world has ever seen; yet he waged no wars of human destruction, he fought no bloody battles, he stirred no fires of human hate nor pandered to the baser passions of the race. But he conquered the elements,
A152 as tt were, and gave to humanity the great- est ascendancy over the forces of nature the ‘world has ever known. He brought the dawn of a new civilization—the electric age. He never intentionally burt a buman being. Therefore no memorial has been erected to him in his country’s Capital, no monument dedicated to his name, no blazing epitaph upon these historic walls proclaim his services to the world. I sometimes wonder if we really appreciate the services of men of genius. They scale the heights and blaze the way to those sub- lime achievements that mark the milestones in the progress of the race, while men of talent dig in, solidify, and hold the gains and enjoy the progress that genius makes. Have you ever thought what would happen if we should lose all that men and women of genius have accomplished for the world? What this land would be like? It would be a different world—<cold, pulseless, monoto- nous, and silent. Our transportation system would come to a standstill, the telephone and telegraph wires would become useless ob- structions, the lights would go out, the radio would be silenced, and all the machinery of industry, as well as that of commerce would cease to move. As has been well and wisely said, if you take from the world all that genius has given, “all the niches would be empty, all the walls would become naked, meaning and connection would fall from words of poetry and fiction, music would go back to common air, and all the forms of subdtle and enchanting art would lose pro- portion, to become the unmeaning waste and shattered spoil of thoughtless chance.” It would be useless to attempt to enumer- ate all the things that Edison did for man- kind. His greatest contribution was the in- vention of the electric lignt—the incan- descent lamp. With that one act he did more to change the course of our civilization than has any other man who ever “lived in the tide of time.” He not only ighted our halls, our homes, our streets, and our high- ways, but he gave us the spark that fires the gas that makes the motor machine possible. Be ushered in the electric age, and the motor age as well. He made possible the automobile, the X-ray, the airplane, the sub- marine, the moving picture, and the radio. He gave us a new system of overland trans- portation, taught us to navigate the alr, and enabled us to roam with safety on the bottom of the seas. He eliminated time and space and aided us to see through objects that were formerly supposed to exclude all light. He made possible mass production through new industrial machinery, and gave us that great multiplicity of electrical appliances that add to the comforts and conveniences of every home and every business establishment, He made necessities luxuries, and luxuries necessities, and enabled us to electrify the farm homes of America and to Hft from the shoulders of burdened humanity the great welght of drudgery under which farm men and women have struggled since the begin- ning of time. He tapped a source of wealth richer than the diamond mines of Golconda, more valu- able than all the ofl fields and all the gold and diamond mines of the modern and an= cient world—a wealth that is inexhaustible, and one that will last as long as rains fall and rivers flow to the sea. There ts enough hydroelectrio power in our navigable streams alone, that throughout uncounted centuries has been running waste and wanton to the sea, to electrify every home in America, including every farm home, and then have enough left to supply every commercial establishment, if not every in- dustry throughout the land. His monument is in every home that turns an electric switch; his epitaph is written on every heart that beats in gratitude for the services he gave. He needs no pompous memorial to commemorate his life. He needs no monument aave the eternal and Inde- structible substance of his own greatness to commend him to the consideration of all coming ages. His name will live and his fame will reach to the remotest times in which civilized man shall dwell upon the earth. Someone has said that— They are the truly great who, as the cen- turies slowly pass, are found by each suc- ceeding race near to the heart of human love. Centuries may come and go, empires may flourish and pass away, republics may rise and fall, but the work of Edison will endure. When the monuments to lesser men shall have perished with the lapse of time, when this Republic shall have run its course and taken its place among the dead nations of the past, when in the distant lapse of ages yet to come, errant wanderers from different lands shall stand before the crumbling col- umns of this Capitol and look down across the ruins of the District of Columbia, the name of Thomas A. Edison will remain, un- scarred by the wreck of ages and undimmed by the floods of time. [Applause.] The Korean War EXTENSION OF REMARKS . or HON. CHARLES W. VURSELL OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. VURSELL. Mr, Speaker, since the war started in Korea, White County, one of the small counties in my district in southern Illinois, reports to date 11 casualties, with two killed and one miss- ng. It is about time the President, the United Nations, and the State Depart- ment recognize we are in a war in Korea and not just a police action. The people of White County and all of the Nation know too well that we are in war. That we are in a war in which the American Army has suffered its first defeats in our history, suffered these defeats because the administration changed its policy overnight and sent our soldiers into battle outnumbered 3 to 5 to 1, outgunned, and unprepared for sudden war. The result has been 50,000 American casualties to date. Strategically Korea has never been worth protecting. It is not worth the thousands of lives it has cost to say noth- ing of the billions of dollars in expense, We should not have gone into Korea, and we should take our troops out of there if possible, without further loss, to another perimeter of defense. Yet, we read in the press this morning that those directing our foreign policy say we will stay in Korea. If that is the final decision then I would again sug- gest that the President and the United Nations immediately lift the embargo they have had against Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist Government helping us, and permit them to join with us in APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an effort to relieve the pressure on the American soldiers, cause the Commu- nists to fight on two fronts which would doubtless save the lives in the future of many of our American boys. Wisconsin, America’s Dairyland EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GLENN R. DAVIS OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. DAVIS of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, the words, “America’s Dairyland,” ap- pear on the automobile license plates of the State of Wisconsin. The figures bear out the statement. I set forth herein an article which recently appeared in the Wisconsin State Journal of Madison. Figures therein are taken from United States Department of Agriculture reports. Strate Damy Inpusrry Wins 14 Unrrep Sratses Firsts—Tors ALL OtHers WitH 81x TYPEs or CHEESE, 1949 Recorps REVEAL Wisconsin's dairy industry, from which the biggest portion of the State's agricultural revenue 1s derived, gave the State 14 first Places in the production of milk and manu- factured dairy products in 1949, according to complete figures available for that period in the Wisconsin and United States Depart- ment of Agriculture crop reporting service records. Wisconsin topped otber States in the pro- duction of Munster cheese, producing 95.2 percent of the United States total of 9,613,- 000 pounds; brick cheese, producing 90.7 per- cent of the United States total, or 18,387, 000 pounds; Swiss cheese 59.6 percent of the United States total, or 48,271,000 pounds. FORTY-NINE PERCENT OF LIMBURGER In the production of Italian cheese, the State produced 60.4 percent of the United States total, or 27,771,000 pounds; limburger cheese, 49.1 percent of the United States total, or 3,528,000 pounds; American cheese, 46 percent of the United States total or 430,103,000 pounds, malted milk powder, 81 4 percent of the United States total, or 20,- 665,000 pounds. Wisconsin produced 47.9 percent of the United States total of powdered whey, or 76,216,000 pounds; 36.4 percent of the pow- dered whole milk, or 45,648,000 pounds; 27.7 percent of the powdered skim milk, or 264,839,000 pounds; 27.5 percent of the con- densed whole milk, or 40,912,000 pounds; 21 percent of ths evaporated whole milk, or 578,- 578,000 pounds; 19.5 percent of the con- densed skim milk (unsweetened), or 104,- 477,000 pounds; and 18.1 percent of the United States milk supply, or 115,568,000,000 pounds, In all the above production figures, the State ranked first in the Nation. In the production of cream cheese, it ranked second, with 27.2 percent of the total production, or 14,796,000 pounds; second on the production of condensed whole milk (un- sweetened), with 13.5 percent, or 27,207,000 pounds; third on butter, with 11.9 percent, or 168,214,000 pounds; and third on con- densed skim milk (sweetened), or 23,360,000 pounds,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD TENTH PLACE ON ICE CREAM Wisconsin took tenth place on the pro- duction of ice cream in the 1949 total dairy production figures, producing 3 percent of the Nation's total, or 16,690,000 gallons, Towa was first on the production of butter in 1950 but third in 1949. Minnesota took first place un 1949 butter production but rose to first in 1960. Wisconsin's total production of cheese of al. types during 1949 was 552,469,000 pounds, its tota: production of other manufactured dairy products was 1,879,496,000 ponds. Figures presently avatioble for 1950 pro- duction show that the State’s production of butter had dropped 11.8 percent during the period, January~August, inclusive. The State's production of American cheese during the above 1950 period had dropped 1.3 percent over 1949. The price paid for milk to Wisconsin’s farmers in October, latest crop reporting figures available, showed that those produc- ing grad: A milk for whole milk use averaged $3.60 per hundred pounds; for cheese mak- ing, the milk averaged $3.21 per hundred; for butter making, the milk averaged 83 49 per hundred pounds; and for condensery use, it averaged $3.44 per hundred pounds. Milk prices in Wisconsin continued to lag behind the rise in the general price level during October, with milk prices paid to farmers up to October being slow to reflect a return to him in proportion to the rising feed and labor costs since July. Here We Go Again EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOSEPH P. O'HARA OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. O'HARA. Myr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following excerpts from a letter regarding the international situation from a constituent: Hon. JoserH P. O’HaRA, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Joe: Well, Joe, here we go again, World war III, and in a couple of weeks the eighth member of my immediate famlly leaves for military service. Counting my own army service and 7 years in selective service out of the past 10, my family will have had over 32 years in uniform or in dl- rect war effort for Uncle Sam. Under the cir- cumstances this must be so, and under the circumstances I would not have it otherwise, The circumstances, however, are that we all were sold down the river at Yalta, And the pitiful and pathetic leadership we have had since that fateful day has put us a long, long way down the road to ruin. To me, it is no coincidence that every time we are at war there is a Democratic administration and a Democratic foreign policy in power. Would that we had a “Teddy” who spoke softly but firmly, and carried a big stick. “The world has become a neighborhood,” said F.D.R. “Hear, hear,” said the puppets. So what? What if we don’t like some of our neighbors, and they don’t like us even a little bit. Even those to whom we give ald and sustenance mock us behind our back and will not thank us in the end. We have, and are etill pouring unnumbered billions into futile attempts to feed and arm a Europe that can never be held against an all-out assault, and into other parts of the world that have no capacity to appreciate the gesture. I just wanted to get this off my chest be- cause your enemies have perennially accused you of being an isolationist. If you are an isolationist so am J, and so are thousands of others out here in the Middle West. I like my own children a little better than I like those in totalitarian countries, and I don't want my competence for old age dissipated completely by huge taxes to support the wel- fare programs both at home and abroad. I’m for America first, last, and all the time, even if it's selfish to think that way. The funny part of it is, Joe, that four life-long Demo- crats have voiced these same sentiments to me the past 10 days. If these are straws in the wind, then Truman and Acheson will go down together. Tm Letter and Questionnaire to My Constituents EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. L. MILLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. MILLER of Nebraska. Mr. Speak- er, I ask permission to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, a letter and ques- tionnaire which I propose to send out to the box holders in the Fourth Congres- sional District of Nebragka. The letter and questionnaire follow: Dear FRrrenD: Each year I send out a ques~ tionnaire to the folks in the Fourth District, seeking reactions to problems before the Con- gress. My purpose is to stimulate a broader interest in government and to give people, who otherwise would not write their Con- gressman, a chance to express their views. I shall be very happy if you would return the enclosed questionnaire, stating your views. It would be good to have a letter from you, in which you go into considerable detail about the problems facing our cintry, QUESTIONNAIRE DOMESTIC PROBLEMS 1. Should there be complete mobilization, including price controls, rationing, and wage freezes? 2. Do you favor universal military training? 8. Should the draft law have exemptions for farm boys, students, or other groups? Should 18-year-old boys be drafted? 4. Should we raise taxes and attempt to pay for the war as we go? 5. Should we eliminate the 40-hour week and overtime at extra pay? 8. Do you favor Federal aid to schools? Socialized medicine? Repeal of the Taft- Hartley law? 7, Should we eliminate farm price sup- ports? FOREIGN PROBLEMS 1, How do you feel about the United Nations? 2. Should we send ground troops to defend Europe and other parts of the world? 8. Should we withdraw our troops from Korea? Where would you suggest we take a stand? 4, How large an Air Force, Army, and Navy would you recommend? 6. Should Marshall-plan ald, and the point 4 program (aid to backward coun- tries) be continued? 6, Should we recognize Red China? A153 Commitment of Armed Forces Abroad EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK FELLOWS OF MAINE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 15, 1951 Mr. FELLOWS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include a statement by Hon, Freperic R, Coupenrt, Jr., which appeared in the New York Herald Tribune on January 10, 1951: Coupert’s RESOLUTION—REPRESENTATIVE Re- PLIES TO RprrortaL Criticism To the New York HERALD TRIBUNE: Tam, indeed, sorry that your editorial com- “ ment of January 5 upon my resolution ob- scured @ simple, clear-cut, and vitally im- portant constitutional issue by seeking to identify it with Mr. Hoover's recent pro- posals. I am not prejudging tn any way, shape, or form the merit of Mr. Hoover's position. The substance of the resolution ‘was originally drafted°6 months ago for use as an amendment for the armed services appropriations bill and therefore long pre- coded Mr. Hoover’s speech. The purpose of the resolution is to pre- vent the commitment of Armed Forces abroad in advance of aggression solely by Executive decision. It is just as simple as that and just as fundamental. The Pres- ident, on the other hand, asserts precisely such power. I say that he does not and should not have it. If the President alone 1s allowed to send anywhere abroad, at any time, hundreds of thousands of American troops without a declaration of war by Con- gress, pursuant to the Constitution, then, indeed, there is little left of American con- stitutional government or freedom. Such power obviously carries with it, in fact, the power to determine war or peace and ulti- mate control over the Hves and destiny of the American people. If the American peo- ple are ready to accept such a theory of Presidential power, then they can dismiss their Congress and prepare to accept gov- ernment by Presidential decree. Frankly, your editorial position is difficult for me to understand unless it be, in fact, predicated upon lack of confidence in the Congress—a lack of confidence tn no wise justified by the congressional record over the last 6 years in the field of foreign affairs. I believe that Congress would be wholly derelict if it failed to insist upon the right to full participation in the making of deci- sions and the taking of actions which will determine war or peace and the fate of the American people. I, for one, do not intend to participate in any such abdication of responsibility. Your reference to the Atlantic Pact seems to me misleading. In the first place, the United States’ obligations do not come tnto operation before thore is an act of aggres- sion against one of the partners. Thus, be- fore aggression, the Atlantic Puct does not in any way enlarge the constitutional powers of the President. Second, you con- cede that “the United States is not bound by treaty to any particular strategy in meet- ing its obligations, The broad bounds of such a strategy might properly be debated.” That is precisely what I ask. To assure the opportunity for such debate, however, it must be clearly recognized that Congress is entitled to full consultation and participa- tion. To say that such a debate would constl- tute a security risk ignores the obvious im- possibility of concealing substantial troop