APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “What we need today is a truth-in-politics act to match the truth-in-securities act, clause for clause. “If my annual reports and proxies were filled with broken promises and half-truths, the truth-in-securities act would have got me if the common law had not. “The sources of income of every public servant would make as interesting reading as do those of officers and directors.” That's a devastating novelty in thinking. Ever since the New Dea] Securities and Ex- change Control Acts were put in force the inside dope of corporation affairs has been public record. Businessmen have no secrets any more from anybody. Why should poli- ticians? “Is it any less a crime for a public bureau or commission to divert the substance of Peter to buy the vote of Paul than it is for some Kreuger to convert the assets of a pub- licly held corporation to personal use? “To pretend to seek price stability while quietly encouraging wage increases is, to say the least, not being frank.” Remember the OPA scandal that has put us where we are today—with Ligh prices, nv production, and business in a tailspin? “Taxation should be direct where the underprivileged can have a look at it. To cause them to believe that only the rich bear these price-spiraling burdens is to de- ceive them. “A truth-in-politics act to impose penal- ties upon euch abuses would give us better government just as certainly as the Securi- ties Act has given us better brsiness. “The standards for measuring the honesty of our public servants who ask us to trust them with our liberties and our life certainly cannot be lower than those they themselves have laid down for the custodians of merely our money.” Weil, what do you know? Imagine any- body rising up to let the politicians h: ve one like that! Imagine a businessman, imagine @ railroad man, whose every move is under the thumb of the Government, doing it! Mr. Young has certainly got hold of an idea there. Imagine the effect tf a truth-in-politics act had been in force these 16 years past while the Government was extending its power over the people at a rate unprece- dented in our history! Imagine the effect if the truth about taxes were brought home to the people deceived by the late Harry Hopkins’ formula of “spend and spend and spend, and tax and tax and tax, and elect and elect anc elect!” Imagine the effect of the t-uth about our foreign policy had it ever been discovered! Well, now is a good time to begin, even if late. The oncoming Kightieth Congress can do the job. The way to begin it is, of course, by the formule already announced. The Nation is going to get mighty sick of hearing what the New Deal has done to it before that process is exhausted, but the facta have to come out, Maybe when they have, the country will be ready for something approaching truth in politics for a while. Community Property and Income Tax EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. NORRIS POULSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 10, 1947 Mr. POULSON. Mr. Speaker, I wish to insert in the Recorp an article written by Mr. J. B. Scholefield, one of the lead- ing tax accountants of Los Angeles, Calif., on the subject of’ community property and income tax. It is well worth reading, and definitely shows the incon- sistency of the Treasury Department in their attempt to defeat community-prop- erty laws. There is evidently a widespread belief that residents in so-called community-property States, with a preacience which even they would not claim, foreseeing the burdens of income tax centuries before they were im- posed, protected themselves in a-way which was not guite “cricket.” Anticipating the heavy taxation which is the inevitable result of excessive activities of the Federal Govern- ment, they devised and enacted the com- munity-property laws under which all or pert of the income of married persons resi- dent in those States must be divided for taxation, thus loading an unfair portion of the income tax on residents of other States. This has been a pet peeve of the Treasury Department in recent years, but, beyond slip- ping over an amendment to the code relat- ing to estate taxes when the representatives from the community-property States were looking the other way in 1942, the Depart- ment has been able to do little about 4t; however, if we can believe what we read, it now proposes that should permit the married residents of all States to divide their taxable incomes in two returns, thus, presumably, reducing the taxes payable by each. Lest the prospective beneficiaries of this unwonted generosity of the Treasury Depart- ment become unduly elated, forgetful of the fact that the only way to reduce taxes is to clip the wings of Government and to reduce expenditures, I venture to point out certain disadvantages attendant upon residence in a community-property State, or, to cover less territory, in the State of California. This, you will agree, is a tremendous admission by a southern Californian, but it must be made if Iam to make my point. Whether or not the Treasury Department is seriously considering such a course, and waiving the question of how the Federal Gov- ernment can make income the property of those who do not own it under State law, there may be some value in pointing out some of the disadvantages suffered by com- munity-property taxpayers. They do not always pay lower taxes. There are cases of wealthy wives with working hus- bands who have substantial earned income. In such cases the wife must pile half of the husband's earned income on top of her large income and pay tax thereon at the highest rates. On the other hand, if the wife's in- come is all from separate property, she cannot include any of it in the husband’s return, and thus lower her taxes. The result is tax- ation much greater than would be paid in similar cases by residents of other States. A husband must be very careful to keep on the right side of his wife. If she brings action for divorce, especially if based on some extra- marital activity of his, she will claim, and may possibly be awarded, the whole of the community property. This might be all the husband's property. Or, again, if the wife dies before the husband, and they are not on good terms, she might will away her full half of the community property (which she has a right to do) and seriously embarrass him or ruin him in his business if all the community property is invested therein. If the Supreme Court decision on the 1942 code amendment, as reported in the press, means what it says, all the community prop- erty pays estate tax on the death of the party first dying. If this is the wife, the husband pays on property which is his. In any event, and irrespective of the amendment, he has to pay on one-half of the community property when the wife dies, although he earned it all. A79 She may leave no estate from which the tax can be paid. The husband has the management of the community property but he cannot give it away without the consent of the wife, even though he earned it. In California the wife has, under State law, a present vested interest in the community property, but, nevertheless, the husband cannot give her any substantial amount therefrom without paying Federal gift tax. If by some weird construction of property rights it is ever provided that, for income- tax purposes, all the income of husband and wife shall be equally reported in separate re- turns in all States, the result will be that tax rates must be increased to raise the re- quired revenue; so, although some residents of community-property States will pay more tax, a0 will many residents (especially un- married persons) of other States. If untformity is to be the rule in every- thing, then we in southern California should be required to carry umbrellas and wear rubbers when it rains in New York or snows in Boston, and we should be for- bidden to breathe the ocean air because residents of inland States are deprived of that privilege. What we should do when they have a tornado in Florida beggars the imagination. J, B. SCHOLEFIELD. The Late Dr. Leo S. Rowe EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT B. CHIPERFIELD OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 6, 1947 Mr. CHIPERFIELD. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the RecorpD, I include therein an editorial appearing in the Washington Evening Star on the passing cf Dr. Leo S. Rowe, late director general of the Pan Ameri- can Union: DR. LEO 8. ROWE It is not an exaggeration to say that Dr. Leo 8. Rowe will be mourned throughout the Western Hemisphere. He was indeed a citizen of half the world, if not the whole of it. His services as Director General of the Pan American Union during the most impor- tant quarter century in modern times were widely useful. He lived for his task, was dedicated to it with all his soul. News of his sudden and tragic death will come as @ shock to great numbers of people who never personally met him. Dr. Rowe's intellectual powers were of u very high order. He was a scholar of dis- tinction before he began his public career. Skilled in the philosophy of the common law, he brought to his endeavors in Wash- ington a competency for equitable Judgment which made his knowledge of the past a dynamic force of compelling value. He knew thoroughly the essential doctrines of international comity. It was part of his equipment, too, that he understood finan- cial, industrial, and commercial problems in their larger and more inclusive aspects. He proved his talent notably in the Treasury and State Departments before he was chosen, in 1920, to carry on the work developed by John Barrett. But Dr. Rowe's major achievements were not mere negotiations between governments. He was a man of a wonderful heart, a simple and kindly man who cared deeply about humanity without regard to condition or creed or class or any other Mmitation, If
A80 the goou-neighbor ideal was symbolized by any individual, he was that one. His chiv- alry is a legend that surely will endure. More important, however, is the survival and progress of the cause to which he gave his efforts. The 21 republics of the newer half of the globe, with Canada not over- looked, were to him a single society, varying only in minor respects, sharing an identic destiny, advancing cooperatively toward a mutual prosperity as well as peace and free- dom. All the monument that he would wish is that of the continuance of the movement to which he belonged. The best tribute pos- sible to pay to him is practical support of the pan-American program. World Bank Outlook Causing Congres- sional Dissatisfaction EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRED L. CRAWFORD OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 10, 1947 Mr. CRAWFORD. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the REcorD, I include the following article from the Commercial and Financial Chronicle of January 2, 1947: Wortp BabK OUTLOOK CAUSING CONGRES- SIOY AL DissaTIsFACTION—-REPRESENTATIVE CrawForD, OF Housr BANKING AND CUR- RENCY COMMITTEE, CALLS FoR MEETING oF Bia Powrrs To ELIMINATE THE “BuGs” 80 Tuat INsTITUTION CAN Get UNDER WAY— CuatRMAN SPENCE INDICATES ASSENT TO REVIEWING ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT—CLAY- TON AND OTHER AMERICANS INSISTING THAT New PRESIDENT Be From UNITED STATES WASHINGTON, D. C., December 31.—Com- menting December 80 on the status of the World Bank as seen by a high-ranking mem- ber of the House Banking and Currency Committee which last year held lengthy hearings on the Bretton Woods program be- fore approving it, Representative Frep L. Crawrorp (Republican, Michigan) stated to this writer: “There is obviously something wrong with the blueprint of the World Bank as drafted at Bretton Woods. This has been apparent to many of us all along, but Congress passed the program intact, partly because it was then seeking international cooperation on all fronts and partly because the administra- tion insisted tha. even the change of a comma ir the Bretton Woods Agreements would re- quire another international conference and that the articles of agreement were beyond criticism. “But it is now apparent that there are ‘bugs’ in the shiny new machine which must be eliminated by the only ones who have the power to do so—those who created it. This may require a calling together of the powers so that they may consider the defects of the original agreement, and remove them, in order that capable men from the presi- dent down will come to the bank and get it under way. “Lately great difficulty has been experi- enced in obtaining and holding a president of real capacity. Upon further understand- ing of the Bank agreement, capable men have been running away from what should seem a tempting offer. They don’t want to be- come a mere figurehead under the directors who hold the Bank's actual power. This set-up is all out of harmony with the way in which great corporations function in the United States of America. Recent World Bank developments are stigmatizing the ef- forts of the United States of America in mat- ters of international cooperation.” CHAIRMAN SPENCE'’S COMMENT Asked for his opinion on the World Bank, Representative Brent SPENcE, of Kentucky, chairman of the House Banking and Cur- rency Committee of the expiring Congress, stated to the writer, “I am unfamiliar with what is behind the resignation of Eugene Meyer or with the inner workings of the Bank, but if something is wrong I have no objection to reviewing the articles of agree- ment in the light of experience.” WILL INSIST ON AN AMERICAN PRESIDENT Among non-Americans discussed in World Bank circles for president, the British wanted to advance the name of a Canadian other than Graham Towers. However, they were deterred by the fact that very soon after the official announcement that Eugene Meyer would resign shortly, Under Secretary of State William Clayton appeared personally before the Bank’s executive directors to say that the United States of America felt the post should go to an American. Mr. Clayton ar- gued that at the Savannah Governors’ meet- ing last March an understanding was reached that a European would head the Fund and {pat therefore an American should head the Bank. Mr. Clayton further said that the United States Governmet feels that the executive directors should elect an Ameri- can nominee Some executive directors, reportedly in- cluding the British and also Mr. Machado, who represents various Latin-American coun- tries, are said to have reacted unfavorably, although not necessarily vocally, to this di- rect intervention in the Bank's affairs—for which Clayton conceivably may not be per- sOnally responsible. Many here are still expressing mystifica- tion concerning the resignations of Mr. Meyer and Mr. Harold Smith. If Mr, Meyer at the beginning really intended to stay only 6 months, they are asking why Mr. Smith accepted the vice presidency at all. If the next World Bank president should lack Meyer’s banking experience, he will need @ vice president who has such background, and this Smith does not have. In any case, Smith’s resignation means what it says, and he is not expected to remain long after Mr. Meyer's successor takes over. Meyer took the post in the spirit of public service. It is reliably reported that he had not carefully read the Bank's articles of agreement before taking the job, perhaps assuming that the president of the World Bank was comparable to the president of a commercial American bank. To say the least, this is not exactly the case. Trial of Archbishop Aloysius Stepinac EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. AIME J. FORAND OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 10, 1947 Mr. FORAND. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted me, I extend herewith as a part of my remarks the following resolu- on: Whereas the trial of Archbishop Aloysius Stepinac, of Zagreb, was nothing more than @ judicial farce, and an attempt by Tito to stifie the Catholic Church in Yugoslavia; and Whereas the complainants acted, not as prosecutors, as we in America understand the term, but as persecutors, not only of the archbishop; but also.of the Holy Mother Church: Therefore be it APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Resolved, That-we, parishioners and friends of Our Lady of Mount Carmel Church, Bray- ton Avenue, Providence, R. I., duly assembled at the Narragansett Hotel, Providence, on December 8, 1946, upon the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the parish, do hereby protest the proceedings whereby the archbishop received a sentence of 16 years imprisonment, and we demand the immediate release of Archbishop Stepinac, and also for the cessation of persecutions of Catholics in Yugoslavia; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be sent to President Truman, to our Depart- ment of State, and to our Representatives in the United States Congress. DECEMBER 8, 1946. Elections in Poland EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS S. GORDON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 10, 1947 Mr. GORDON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include a letter I have received from Mr. Carlton F. Wells, of the Uni- versity of Michigan, and a memvurandum from Mr. Wells, as the chairman, Michi- gan Committee of Americans for Poland, in the matter of the coming elections in Poland: UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN, DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, Ann Arbor, January 8, 1947. The Honorable T. 8. Gorpon, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Gorpon: As one of the most out- spoken advocates of a free and independent Poland, you will be interested in the two statements enclosed relating to the forth- coming elections in Poland. They will tell you little that you do not already know of the mockery of “free and unfettered elec- tions” that Poland is now having imposed on it by the U. 8. 8. R.-puppet regime. Sydney Gruson, in the New York Times for January 8, had an even more up-to-date account of the grim, ruthless, totalitarian tyranny that the U. 8. A. at Yalta helped to fasten on 25,000,000 Poles. No doubt you have seen W. L. White's article in the January Reader’s Digest—an honest, dispassionate, informing report on the Poles. I don’t know—who does?—the United States’ next move after January 19. The cruel dilemma confronting Britain and the United States is terribly calculated to make the Polish people suffer—not the unspeak- able Bierut regime. Hence, the inadequacy of any rule-of-thumb principle such as our apparent State Department's view that a badly behaved government cannot expect aid from America. Alas, the penalty for such punitive action toward Poland would be to starve the Poles for the misbehaviors of a government not of their choosing but of Moscow's and—to a degree—Britain's and America’s. Yours sincerely, CARLTON F. WELLS. MICHIGAN COMMITTEE oF AMERICANS FOR POLAND, Ann Arbor, Mich. MEMORANDUM Two timely articles on the coming Polish ‘elections of January 19, 1947; Poland Pre-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pares for the Elections, by Zygmunt Zaremba; Is Democracy Too Good for Poland? by Feliks Gross, ‘ Questions of far-reaching import must be frankly faced by Americans in the weeks im- mediately ahead. The above articles from the liberal New Leader provide authoritative, factual answers to these two questions: ‘1. Is there even an outside chance that the free and unfettered elections promised Poland 2 years ago at Yalta will be realized? 2. Or is the pattern of totalitarian, terror- ist elections—already imposed on Bulgaria (October 27) and Rumania (November 19)— to be imposed on 25,000,000 Poles? The New York Times editorial of the other day also relates to the coming Polish elections on January 19: “Under the Yalta agreement, both the United States and Great Britain, together with Russia, assumed definite obligations to see to it that the peoples of liberated Europe have the right to choose the form of government under which they will live, in conformity with the Atlantic Charter. This pledge has been redeemed everywhere except in eastern Europe, where it has become a mockery. * * ‘“ Marshal Tito continues to rule Yugoslavia with an iron hand; Georgi Dimitrov, former head of the Comintern and inventer-of ts Trojan Horse tactics, has taken over Bulgaria; and Rumania faces a like de- velopment.” . The Michigan Committee of Americans for Poland believes that it is in our own country’s long-term interests that America face up to the U. 8. 8. R.’s record in eastern Europe. And it further believes that leaders of Ameri- can public opinion can best serve those long- term interests by assessing that record hon- estly and fearlessly, particularly as it emerges in connection with the January 19 elections. Yours sincerely, CARLTON F. WELLS, Chairman, Michigan Committee of Americans for Poland. The Founding Fathers Said, “For Our- selves and Our Posterity, We Do Ordain and Establish” EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN R. MURDOCK OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 10, 1947 Mr. MURDOCK. Mr. Speaker, as 1 listened to the long budget message of the President today, I kept remembering the phrase so often used by the men who founded this Republic as expressed in the Constitution itself and in many early state papers. They were wont to say, “For ourselves and our posterity, we do ordain and establish.” I am inclined to think that they were quite sincere in this explanation of motive for their policy. However, I have sometimes sadly smiled at the sarcastic wit of the fellow who said, “What has posterity done for me that I should do anything for him?” While this may have been said jokingly, it too often indicates the attitude of the present generation in most of our per- sonal attitudes and actions. At this moment, at the close of the most terrible war in human history, when the young men who are our posterity saved this Nation from destruction, only B uitwit could have the audacity to ask, XCIII—App.———-6 “What has posterity done forme?” Re- versed as it may seem, our posterity has done more for us in these recent terrible years than we can ever do for our pos- terity. However, that does not excuse us from the obligation to think of and act toward benefiting posterity. The President’s Budget message today was certainly not devoid of thought and consideration for posterity. In the broad outline of suggested national policy which we have just heard from him, the long future of our country came in for as much consideration as did its imme- diate future. When the President recom- mends, as he did today, Federal aid for education, he was certainly thinking both of the immediate and of the long future, and naturally of posterity as well as of ourselves. I approve and applaud the President’s recommendation for gen- erous financial aid to the American pub- lic schools. I note with satisfaction what the Presi- dent’s message said about a wise policy toward our national resources. Un- doubtedly the message in its entirety will elaborate on the treatment of all of the natural resources which our Nation should husband and develop. The text of the message refers to our natural re- sources, of mines, forests, soils, and rivers with a recommendation that they be conserved and engineered for the pres- ent and future benefit of the country. This is a matter very dear to my heart. Great statesmen—many of them from Missouri—have looked upon the West during the last century or so and have seen the possibilities of exploiting or de- veloping it to add to our national wealth. It is significant that President Truman's home town, Independence, Mo., histori- cally was the jumping-off place for Americans entering the far West, for it was the eastern terminus of the Santa Fe Trail, and through Independence, Mo., those influences operated, by which a large part of the West was acquired and came under the American flag. Even before the Santa Fe traffic en- riched America, the great fur traffic, cen- tering in St. Louis, passed through Inde- pendence, Mo., as a foca) point from the mountains and rivers of the Rocky Mountain West. Small wonder that this present-day Missourian in the White House, coming from the great bend of the Missouri River, should recognize the possibility of enriching the Nation through a proper development of the West. As surely as the mining industry, the cattle industry, and the ‘umber in- dustry, have added to national wealth in other days, so will reclamation, hydro- electric-power production, and similar western developments ncw add to our wealth, stabilize our economy, furnish continued employment to all of our peo- ple and create new tax-paying wealth to service the national] debt at this critical juncture. Therefore, I am delighted to hear the President in this message today speak of such expenditures for developing our national resources as national invest- ments, for such they really are. This is one part of the President’s policy mes- sage which I trust Congress wi'] consider in a broad light and approve by proper legislative action. A81 Hydroelectric Power Development on the Columbia River by the Federal Gov- EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, January 10, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orpD, I include the following address of James H. Polhemus, president, Portland General Electric Co., before the annual meeting of the Inland Waterways Asso- ciation, Multnomah Hotel, Portland, Oreg., Friday, October 25, 1946: I am much pleased to appear before this organization, which has as its prime pur- pose the furthering of navigational develop- ment on the Columbia and Snake Rivers, because for many years I was closely identi- fied with the harbor and channel improve- ments on the lower Columbia which estab- lished this locality as a deep-water port of major importance, I have also had much more than a speaking acquaintance with the development program on the upper river. From 1911 to 1914, I was an engineer and superintendent of construction of The Dalles-Celilo Canal, which, together with the Cascade locks project, was the first ef- fort of the Federal Government to develop greater navigational use of the Columbia waterways system. My conviction that these and later projects have proved of immeasur- able value to the Columbia basin certainly is as deep as that of any of you now in this room. However, navigation as such is not my subject today, except as it is related to the incidental development of hydroelectric power from the multipurpose dams now built or projected. Perhaps I should not say “in- cidental development” because I firmly be- lieve—and 1 may add that my belief is one shared unanimously by the management of the company I now represent—that the gen- eration of power from the Federal dams in- spired primarily as navigation and reclama- tion projects in many respects transcends these latter two objectives in importance. Especially is this true right now when the region is faced with a critical power short- age at the very time when its development is expanding at a rate probably not sur- passed during any previous period in our history. IT should like to commence by quoting a recent statement of Dr. Paul J. Raver, Ad- ministrator of the Bonneville project, one of your speakers today. It was one he made before congressional hearings while seeking additional appropriations for the Bonneville project. He said: “The Bonneville Power Administration as I see it today is a public utility. It has all of the obligations of a public-utility status, and when a public utility enters on the re- sponsibility of serving the people of a given area with an essential service it undertakes large responsibilities. One of them 1s to see that that service is adequate, from the time it starts, as long as that utility is in existence. “We are now in that position for the large part of the Northwest. The Government, as I see it, is now in the position of having undertaken a responsibility of supplying the distributing agencies in the Northwest and therefore the people of the Northwest, through those distributing agencies, whether they are public or private, with an essential service, and we can’t withdraw. We can’t
A82 be too handicapped in the rendering of that service by appropriations.” I want to say that I agree unqualifiedly with that statement, and I want to add something of my own to it. It appears to me that the obligation and the responsibility referred to by Dr. Raver— to serve the people of the Northwest with an adequate supply of federally generated elec- tric power on a continuing and expanding basis—is one which does not end with gen- eration alone. The construction of an eco- nomically feasible and soundly engineered transmission network to carry the power to those distribution-load centers where de- mand exists, and the provisions of adequate interconnection facilities with the distribut- ing systems which achieve final delivery to the homes, farms, and industries which con- sume the power is equally as important as the construction of dams and powerhouses. We can’t use the one without the other. Ever since the inception of Bonneville, Portland General Electric Co. has been, and now ts, the medium through which more than half the people of the State of Oregon can receive this power and put it to work. Portland General Electric Co., too, has obligations and responsibilities to the peo- ple it serves, and I want it understood that I speak in their behalf when I say that irreparable injury will be done them and to all the people of this region if those of us in the electric industry, whether we represent privately owned companies or the agencies of Government, fail in our duty and our obligation to anticipate the full needs of the people at the very time when it appears that we have the opportunity to make our longest strides toward achieving . the destiny of the Northwest as a creat in- dustrial, agricultural, and trading region. We need more dams, more powerhouses, more transmission lines, and more intercon- nections, and we need them quickly. We believe we can squeeze by the forthcoming peak season, which normally occurs in De- cember, although not without running our steam-generation plants at or near their capacities. It will take all our energies and @ united front of all other agencies involved to secure the necessary appropriations and to do the necessary construction of extra facilities needed to meet the 1947 peak a year from now. Another word in behalf of the people my company serves. Since the inception of the Bonneville project, Portland General Electric Co, has believed that its job was to get this power to the people as quickly and in as large amounts as possible, in order thrt the advantage of its low-cost generation would be immediately enjoyed. We have added to our transmission and distribution facilities to the extent of millions of dollars but have refrained from building generating plants of our own ever since construction of the Bonneville project was commenced. It should be clear in everyone's mind that the decision of Portland General Electric Co., and some other distributing agencies as well, not to proceed with the expansion of their own generation facilities was motivated by a sincere desire to cooperate in the program for Columbia River development in a way that would best serve the public interest. When the Bonneville was completed, a large power surplus was immediately created. It was waiting to be used. Its advantage of low cost could not benefit anyone unless it was used, We believed then, and we believe now, that it was our duty to the people we serve to bring them the benefits of such Federal Projects as Bonneville just as rapidly as it was in our power to do so, and up to the full limit of the region to absorb any surplus. Obviously such an objective cannot be served by refusing to distribute the low-cost energy from Federal projects. Not only would it have been unpatriotic to our region, but eco- nomically unsound, to build additional gen- erating plants to compete with Federal projects. We were Bonneville’s first cus- tomer, and have always been its largest dis- tributor. Bonneville and Coulee power now supplies more than two-thirds of the kilo- Wwatt-hours used by our custOmers and, as this amount has grown, repeated rate reduc- tions have been made. The result has been that our present rate structure is built upon the cortinuing avail- ability of federally generated power in amounts adequate to meet not only the pres- ent but the future demands of our people. If these needs are not fulfilled, it is these people who will be hurt. We are providing ample transmission and distribution capacity for the rapidly increas- ing loads on our system. Our plans are being made in detail for 5 years in the future and call for yearly expenditures of around @8,000,000. We have over $4,000,000 worth of equipment now in order. In closing I want to say merely that, serious as is the present problem of power supply and intereonnection bottlenecks for this region, it is not so serious that we can't lick it we all go to work in harmony and with the same common purpose that we had in the recent war. Together we met the full de- mand for power then. Together we can do it now. Address by Hon. B. B. Hickenlooper, of Iowa, at Opening of lowa Centennial Exhibition in the Congressional Library EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BOURKE B. HICKENLOOPER OF IOWA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. HICKENLOOPER. Mr. President, on December 28 last, the State of Iowa observed the one hundredth anniversary of its admission into the Union. In that connection I made some remarks at the Library of Congress, at the time of the opening of the Iowa Centennial Exhibi- tion there and the ceremony in connec- tion with it. I ask unanimous consent that the remarks I made on that occa- sion be printed in the Appendix of the REcoRD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: “IOWAY” AND IOWA IN HISTORY In May 1673 a party of French voyageurs left Green Bay in Wisconsin bound for the West. Far behind them lay a maze of lakes and rivers, the rock of Quebec, and the Court of France. Ahead lay the _ wilderness. Through the forests the canoes glided, by the Fox River, then over the portage worn by countless Indian feet, and down the Ouiscon- sin River. Heading the company were Father Jacques Marquette and Louis Jolliet. One represented Father Claude Dabion, Superior of the Society of Jesus in New France, eager to gain a new empire for the faith. The other traveled with orders from Count Frontenac and Jean Baptiste Talon, the Governor and Intendant, to follow the great river of the West to the sea and secure its banks for France. Day after day the paddles dipped and rose, and on June 17 the canoes cut into the Mis- sissippi, “this so renowened river,” as Mar- quette called it. Ahead, on the sunset shore, rose the bluffs and wooded hills of “Ioway.” The great river was delightful, not a thick muddy flood coiling through malarial flats, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD but a mesh of clear channels and woodsy islands. They glided for a while, and trekked inland from the west bank to pass a pipe with the Iitinois, who had fied to “Ioway” from the wrath of the dreaded Iroquois. There were rivers flowing from a westward country full of grasses, flowers, deer, bison, and wild birds that change their season in the night. They saw the prairies, some day to be described by an American poet in another tongue— “The unshorn fields, boundless and beautiful, For which the speech of England has no name.” —William Cullen Bryant. Other Frenchmen came. Pierre Charles Le Sueur, ascending the Mississippi about 1700 to find the lead mines of Perrot, saw the open prairie above the Des Moines River, His talented young companion, Jean Peni- caud, later described familiar features of eastern Iowa in his record of the journey. And the Jesuit Father Charlevoix in 1721 re- ported that “the River Moingona (i. e., the Des Moines) issues from the midst of an immense meadow, which swarms with Buf- f- oes and other wild beasts.” But that time the French were mining lead on the upper Mississippi}, and for many years their maps of the Great Valley had shown the bluffs, mines, and rivers of Iowa, the distant lodges of the Ioways and Otoes, and mysterious lakes far in the Northwest, now recognized as those of the Okoboji region. Towa had emerged into mapped and writ- ten history, but for many years to come, only as an undefined vastness where French, Britons, and Spaniards fought and schemed for lead and furs, and intrigued for the friendship of Indian tribes, who never dreamed that those adventurers were— “Among the skirmishers that teased the future, Precursors of the grave millions Already destined to the westward-faring.” —Willa Cather, Macon Prairie. It was a battleground also of two Indian cultures, Siouan and Algonkian, for it lay between the eastern woods and the high plains where the bison was lord. In the shifts of war and diplomacy “Ioway” was shuffled from one empire to another: From France to Spain in 1762, and back again briefly to France under Napoleon, who tossed it into the lap of the United States. Then it became successively a part of the Terri- tories of Louisiana, Missouri, Michigan, and Wisconsin. Lead and furs made Iowa's history for more than a eentury after Le Sueur. They brought the miners, hunters, and traders, who controlled and often intermarried with the Indian. Across those years pass the picturesque figures of Julien Dubuque with his “Mines of Spain” confirmed to him by the Spanish Governor Carondelet in 1796; the Yankee explorers Jonathan Carver and Peter Pond; Jean Baptiste Faribault; and the trader, Thomas G. Anderson, who had an artist's eye for “the little islands of wood scattered over the boundless plains.” And there was Jean Baptiste Trudeau, who repre- sented Spain, traded on the Des Moines, and in 1784 intended to reach the Rockies by way of the Missourt. There were the set- tlers, like Basil Giard and Louis Honore Tesaon, who got titles from Spain, built low, comfortable houses and planted gardens. And many others enter the crowded pageant: Manuel Lisa, John Colter, Wilson Price Hunt, Pierre Dorion, Antoine Le Claire, Russel Farn- ham, Maurice Blondeau, and the tragic George Davenport, whose name is proudly borne by a city. Always there was the Indian, and always the increasing pressure of the white man, from the defeat of the Sacs and Foxes by the French in 1734-35 to the showman’s visit of the Ioways to Europe in 1845, led by young Mahaska or White Cloud. The traces of the slow-moving
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD hunter and the trader were gossamer threads through the wilderness, but after Jefferson's bold purchase of Louisiana in 1803 the ex- Plorations of the white man closed around the Indians’ ‘“Ioway” in an ever-tightening mesh, First Lewis and Clark built their fires along the tawny Missouri, and buried Ser- geant Floyd on the bluff by the present Sioux City. Then Pike ascended the Mississippi, and after him came the Oregon-Astoria party on the ‘Missouri, Stephen H. Long, Governor Lewis Cass and Henry R. Schoolcraft, and Gen. Henry Atkinson. In 1820 Kearney’s party struck boldly across the emptiness from Council Bluffs to the St. Peter or Minnesota River, giving Iowa a claim to a far northern boundary. In 1816 the southern limit was defined, and 20 years later another explorer, Albert M. Lea, published a Httle book that gave Iowa a definite place and name. So claims the State historical society. With the explorers came forts, beginning with Madison tn 1808-09, and then agents, and treaties, and the Indian was doomed: Keokuk. Wapello, Poweshiek, Appanoose, Black Hawk, in treaty after treaty, from 1824 to 1842, signed away the heritage of the race. Black Hawk fought in Illinois, retreated, pined in captivity, visited that other warrior Andrew Jackson, dictated his story to An- toine LeClaire. and then died in Iowa. The Black Hawk Purchase Treaty alone sur- rendered 6,000,000 acres in eastern Iowa. The red man faded to the Western reservations; only the cfafty Inkpadutah made a last gesture of savage resentment in the Spirit Lake Massacre of 1857—the year of Iowa's second constitution, that permitted banks and corporations. The Indian was not of that world. With him faded also the buffalo: “But the flower-fed buffaloes of the spring Left us long ago. They trundle around the hills no more With the Pawnees lying low.” —Vachel Lindsay. Already “Ioway” had become Iowa and had lived a rich and exciting history. It had been a vast organized territory stretching from Missouri to Canada, a bright news- paper editor had called its people “Hawk- eyes,” and Robert Lucas had come to govern them and to be agreeably disappointed at finding them not crude and bumptious, as he had feared. The people had scarcely had time to get used to being a territory, when &@ vigorous agitation for statehood began to seethe. It gathered speed slowly until 1844, when a popularly elected convention drafted & constitution, then it lagged for 2 years while the Hawkeyes insisted upon their natural western limit—the Missouri. Then Congress yielded to them, accepted their constitution, and passed the bill which Pres- ident Polk signed 100 years ago today, cre- ating the twenty-ninth State—Iowa. Who were those Iowans, who made the two constitutions of 1846 and 1857? And why were there two? The answer to these questions lies in the fact that there were two Iowas. The first was the child of the Great River, the Iowa of the miner, the trader and trapper, the Indian agent and interpreter, the soldier, and the hill farmer of the old eastern coun- ties. That early Iowa derived mainly from the Upper South and the Ohio Valley, and had a southern and democratic flavor. Burlington, Fort Madison, and Keokuk were steamboat towns with fine spacious homes, and looked to 8t. Louis, while Dubuque be- came a lumber town and faced north. The people came largely by the rivers and tended to stay near them. They were Mississippi French, Irish, and Scotch, and their homes and manners reflected those of the Ohio, the Tennessee, the Cumberland, and the Missouri. They were Jacksonian—the Whigs called them ‘“Locofocos"—and they sent a Missourian, Augustus Caesar Dodge, to Congress as Territorial Delegate and later as Senator. They were anything but sub- missive, but they respected law, held trials to suppress the lawless, and formed claim associations to protect their rights to the land. The second Iowa, as one is tempted to call it, was something different. It came less by the rivers, more and more by lund as the turnpikes and then the railroads thrust across the Mississippi and into the rolling prairies of the interior. In 1854 Iowa had not a mile of railroad track, but by 1866 the bigstacked locomotives puffed to the Missourl. This was the Iowa of the homesteader, drawn by the glowing immigrant guides and land advertise- ments, and coming increasingly from the Northeast und from Europe. In 1840 Iowa was almost purely native American and rather southern, but by 1856 it was 11 per- cent foreign-born, and 4 years later con- tained 25,000 New Englanders. The Yankees came in groups, bringing their love of the village, the Congregational Church, and the college—as at Grinnell. The change was re- flected in the election of 1856, when Iowa turned Republican, and elected a New Eng- lander, Jumes W. Grimes, as Governor, and an Dilinoisan, James Harlan, as United States Senator. The newcomers descended upon Iowa like @ landslide, pushing the population from 192,000 tn 1850 to 674,000 in 1860, and to 1,600,000 in 1880. They were attracted by re- ports of the rich prairies, farm lands, for Iowa is over 90 percent tillable, a proportion no other State can rival. The earliest set- tlers tended to cling to the streams and groves, but as the leafy places filled up and the railroads struck out for the faraway Mis- souri, the ptoneers ventured out into bound- less light and space, and became a really new people, whatever their origins. “Tt is strange to live on the high world in the stare Of the naked sun and the stars. Men in the old lands housed by their rivers. They built their towns in the vales in the earth’s shelter. We first inhabit the world. We dwell On the half earth, on the open curve of a continent. It is strange to sleep in the bare stars and to die On an open land where few bury before us.” —MacLeish, American Letter. They. brought flocks, herds, droves, wives, and broods of children, the family Bible, and the schoolteacher, and oxen to pull the great plows for breaking the hard prairie sod. So the life of our inland Iowa grew westward by rivers with strange names like Nishnabotna and Wapsipinicon. The prairie world was new and wonderfu) with its warm winds from the southwest, its bright high stars, driving storms and steely cold, long lines of fire, trips to town and to the inevitable mill. How beautiful the prairie looked to a newcomer in spring is vividly told in the journal of an Englishwoman, Jean Rio Pearce, a Mormon pilgrim of 1851: “The weather is now fine and the flowers are lifting their heads and looking more beau- tiful than ever. There are a great variety of flowers growing on the prairie, such as are cultivated in our gardens at home. We are constantly walking over violets, primroses, daisies, bluebells, the lily of the valley, colum- bines of every shade, from white to the deep- est purple, Virginia stocks in large patches. The wild rose, too, is plentiful, perfuming the air for miles.” The human flood washed over Iowa as the railroads spread their net, eventually leaving no place more than 12 miles from the loco- motive’s whistle. The counties advanced, tier after tier, until they checkerboarded the State to the Missouri. The old river towns of the East began to look rather uneasily at new cities rising in the interior, as the capi- tal moved to Des Moines. And the steamboat A83 interests recognized the enemy, and fought rails and bridges. And when a steamboat rammed the Rock Island bridge, Iowa first heard of Abraham Lincoln, the railroad lawyer. The mixed blood and the strangers came, Hollanders fleeing from a frigid state church, Hungarians from Austrian rule, Nor- wegians from the cold hillside farms, Swedes and Danes from their landlords, Germans from the Prussian military caste, Bohemians from foreign oppression. Collectivist Chris- tians like the Amana people, Socialist ideal- ists like the Icarians, and Mormons on their way to their garden in the desert. All found a@ welcome and homes in liberal and demo- cratic Iowa. Even Abner Kneeland and his Freethinkers, who settled near Farmington in 1839 were not cart out. Iowans were a mixed breed, but they were generally of one mind, respecting the then deep cleavage in the American people: slavery against freedom. They supported the doctrine of Chief Justice Charles Mason of their own supreme court, in the case of Ralph, that when a slave lived on their soil with the consent of his master, he became a free man. They elected a Unionist for Gov- ernor, Samuel J. Kirkwood, and when the storm broke, sent about 80,000 men to war. Iowans fought to hold Missouri in the Union, an Iowa regiment led the furious as- sault on Fort Donelson, Tenn., and Iowans were in Sherman’s march to the sea. In 1864 Iowa helped to reelect Lincoln to complete the unfinished work which they whofought * * * have thus far so nobly advanced, The State earned its inscription on the Washington Monument: “Iowa: the affections of her people, like the rivers of her borders, flow to an inseparable Union.” Following the war, an Iowa justice of the United States Supreme Court, Samuel F. Miller (the first appointed from beyond the Mississippi), checked the trend to na- tional absolutism by deciding that our peo- ple are citizens of States as well as of the Nation. Another Iowan,.George W. McCrary, proposed the tribunal that possibly averted more civil strife by deciding the bitterly con- tested Presidential election of 1876. Iowa has done more than her share in every war since the Mexican and the one to save the Union, and in peacetime has pre- served a loyal and conservative character. The people, to preserve their economic inde- pendence, have sometimes supported seem- ingly radical but really conservative move- ments like the Greenback campaign against monopoly. But in the 1890's, when their neighbors went overboard for populism and free silver, Iowans shunned economic heresy. Their tradition of stability has been one of their many gifts to the Nation. Yet they have not been stay-at-homes. Since the gold rushes of the 1850's they have played an eminent part in conquering the far West. Twelve hundred Iowans pioneered in Utah, and in Oregon, where the provi- sional government adopted Iowa's laws. Council Bluffs for many years was the gate to the far West, where Buffalo Bill, born and raised in the State, was an express rider. Three Iowans—Grenville M. Dodge, Samuel R. Curtis, and Peter A. Dey—promoted the Union Pacific Railroad that linked the oceans in 1869, fulfilling the dream of an eariier Iowan, John Plumbe, of Dubuque, and af Hartwell Carver, grandson of Jonathan, the explorer. At an early date Iowa began to rival far wealthier and more populous States, in fur- nishing statesmen who influenced the de- velopment of our national administration and the course of our history. The first Presi- dent born west of the Mississippi, Herbert Hoover, is an Iowan. The roll of Cabinet members, 16 in all, and famous Members of Congress is a long one, including Sena- tors James W. Grimes, James Harlan, Wil- liam B. Allison, Jonathan P. Dolliver, Albert
A84 B. Cummins; George W. McCrary, Secretary of War; Ray Lyman Wilbur, Secretary of the Interior and President of Leland Stan- ford University; and four Secretaries of Ag- riculture—Henry A. and Henry C. Wallace, Edwin T. Meredith, and “Tama Jim” Wilson, who prectically created the department. We could name many more, if time permitted. Even before Governor Lucas noted thetr inteiligence, Iowans began to give their State the highest rank in literacy. They had schools, printing presses, and newspapers be- fore they had a territorial government. One of the first acts of the State legislature pro- vided for the security of the common-school fund, and a country school was set up at the center of each four sections of land. Today, Iowa ts a land of colleges and univer- sities, boasts one of the Nation's finest Etate universities, and Iowa State College at Ames has always been preeminent in agriculture and engineering. Iowa ciaims better iocal provision for higher education than any other State. A wise observer. the statesman, James Bryce thought that the numerous small col- leges probably were more efficient agents of culture than a single public university would have been. In the middle of the last century nearly every town had a lyceum, and most of the famous lecturers visited Iowa and were astonished at the high level of culture they found For these advantages lowans owe a great debt to the pioneers who established the private and denominational calleges, and to the statesmen and educators who fought the bactle for endowed and tax-supported public instruction, from the one-room schoolhouse to the higher State institutions. The results of their idealism appear in many beautiful campuses with modern buildings. The memorials of the struggle are hidden awey in petitions signed by thousands of lowans, for land in aid of schools. and in the catulogs and lectures that streamed from the early printing preases to advertise the advantages of popular education. Religion has been in Iowa since the Catho- lic missionaries came in canoes to offer the Sacraments to explorers, traders, and miners and indians. Before the region was a Terri- tory, came the Methodist circuit rider and the Baptist exhorter to preach anywhere and everywhere and build log meeting houses. The flood of immigration made liberal Iowa the city of refuge of many denominations— Quakers of antislavery faith, orthodox Lu- therans, German Catholics, Spiritualists, Anglicans, Disciples. Their faith left its landmarks in the many simple white churches that ride on the long swells of the prairie. They seem more typical of the simple and abiding faith of the people than the city churchee of massive stone built almost in the urban East. As Iowans emerged from the pioneer era and considered their past, they began to write their recollections, the beginnings of @ native literature. A tiny volume of poetry by an Jowan appeared at Davenport as early as 1656. In the 1800's indigenous literature Produced the Stories of a Western Town (1893) by Alice French, better known as Octave Thanet. Since then a band of Iowa novelists and poets have created a litera- ture of their society. It is not the facile product of the temporary investigator but the mature work of men and women like Ruth Suckow, Josephine Donovan, Herbert Quick, and Phil Stong, who have grown up in the river town and on the prairie farm, and know the rural school and church and the State fair. The literary influence of Iowa has been borne far and wide also by several magazines, founded and ably edited by Iowans. They have answered the complaint of Walt Whitman, 80 years ago, that Ameri- cans had no really American literature. Towa can claim alzo same native compos- @3, who have written modern interpreta- tions of Indian melodies and popular ballads that swept the country. like In the Shade of the Old Apple Tree. The church music of Sumner Sa'ter refiects the plain religious faith of the masees, while the scientific ap- prectation and popular teaching of music are represented in the research and writing of Carl Seashore and the school work of C. A. Pullerton. One of the most beloved of sym- phonies, to Americans, the New World Sym- phony, te believed to have been written in part while Antonin Dvorak enjoyed the Iowa summer at a little Bohemian town of Sptil- ville, where he composed, loafed, stroiled, and played the church organ. Art in Iowa has made the headlines through the paintings of Grant Wood, who established & new and vigorous school of American patnt- ing, and other modern artists. but its roots lie deep in the character and experience of the people. National groups brought to Towa their traditional arts and handicrafts and a genuine thirst for culture, and their household arts have been preserved for pos- terity in local collections tike the Norwegian museum at Decorah, and in delicate water- colors for the American Academy of Design. These and the older pioneer American stocks have founded coflections and fostered new art. One of the Nation’s earliest munietpal ert galleries was established at Davenport through the generosity of C. A Ficke, father of the [owa poet, Arthur Davison Ficke. The State anda the people have promoted art in the public schools, colleges, and untversities; and by bringing to the public prominent Amertean artists and their work, have fos- tered the general understanding and tnterest that has played a vital role in the growth of American contemporary art. This is but a cursory review of Iowa's gifts to American itfe, which have been carried to the remotest verges of the “open curve of a continent” by her children. In 1980 more than a million of them—not the least of the gifte—were living beyond her bounds. Their reunions, societies and meetings testify to their pride in the State that has given these things to our native American culture. “This is our land, this is our ancient ground— The raw earth, the mixed bloods and the strangers. The different eyes, the wind, and the heart's change, These we will not leave, though the old call us This is our country-earth, our blood, our kind.” —MacLeish, American Letter. Six Weeks in Europe EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ELMER THOMAS OF OXLAHOMA IN THE SENATE Ol THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of (Oklahoma. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a report entitled “Six Weeks in Europe,” made by me to Oklahomans over a radio hook-up on October 22, 1946. There being no objection, the report was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: I have just returned from Europe where 1 visited Denmark, Sweden, jen, Germany, Switzer- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This appointment came to me because of the fact that I am chairman of the Senate Committee on Agriculture. The Conference was attended by repre- sentatives of 47 nations. The purpoee of the Conference was to pro- mote the organtzation of the farmers of the world for thetr own benefit, profit, and se- curity. This organization of farmers has the fol- lowing present objectives: First, to gather, analyze, and exchange sta- tistics on farm crops, surplus products on hand, and on crop production from year to year. Second, to develop a world-wide agricul- ture organization for the specific purpose of assisting farmers tn the production and mar- keting of their products. This will require a plan for the financing, storing, preserving, and distributing of farm commodities so that a safe surplus of food products may be on hand at all times to tide the peoples through periods of drought and other impediments to the productior of food. The detailed plans remain to be worked out by the organization known as the FAO. The over-all hope of thoee interested in this organization is to increase food produc- tion and thereby raise the level of nutrition of the peoples of the worid. In Oklahoma, and itn the other States, farmers have had a fatr year. The wheat and corn crops have been the largest ever. ® The prices now current are the best in decades. To farmets the question naturally arises, Can present prices bk maintained? No one can answer this question positively. The peoples of the world are hungry and ragged, so it would eeem that there will be a substantial demand for food such as wheat, corn, and livestock, and for cotton and wool for clothing for the next several years to come. The conclusion just stated is based on the following statement of conditions through- out the world. At the present time our government is assisting in feeding and clothing the peoples in the war-torn areas of both Europe and Asia, Already we have helped feed peoples of over 20 countries. However, great as is America, our resources are limited. Heretofore each country has managed to get along but times are different today. A world-wide war has just been terminated. Millions of peoples have been displaced. Denmark has over 200,000 Germans in con- centration camps and the Government wants to send them home, but they bave no homes to which to return. England has 156,000 German war prisoners to return to their fatherland, but the Ger- man fatherland is pot an inviting place just now. When Poland was attacked vast numbers of Poles were taken prisoner and transported to Germany to work as slaves. Now they have been liberated and are free to go home, but their country was destroyed and they have no homes to which to return. Today, a half million Poles are still in western Germany living on the meager ra- tions dealt out by the American, British, and French armies of occupation. Yugoslavia wants to send back to Germany hundreds of thousands of Germans who have been unwelcome “squatters” for generations, Csechoslovakia wishes to return many thousands of German children who were made by the war. In brief, it is estimated that the several nations hold weil over 1,000,000 old men, In sections of Germany the people will certainly starve this winter unless food is provided.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Japan presents a similar problem. India, with its 500,000,000 people, faces a grave food shortage. It is estimated that 20,000,000 people will die as the result of the present famine in China All this means a serious drain on the world’s food supply. Despite wars, famine and pestilence, the population of the world is increasing. It 1s estimated by experts that world food production must be increased by 163 percent by 1960—only 15 years hence—in order to meet the minimum requirements. These are a few of the problems now con- fronting the World Food and Agriculture Or- ganization. This organization, associated with and a part cf the United Nations, must be con- sidered as an experiment. So was our Constitution an experiment, but the constitutional experiment has been @ success, Today the United States, developed under our Constitution, is the richest, the strong- est, and the most influential nation of the earth. The United States delegation to Copen- hagen, consisting of some 80 members, flew to Denmark Each member had a return air-line ticket but when the conference was over we were advised that all plane space was sold and reserved until November. Further, we learned that multiplied thou- sands of Americans were in Paris, London, and other European cities awaiting transpor- tation home. Facing this transportation problem I con- tacted our Embassy in London and was ad- vised that the earliest means of getting home was on the steamship Washington, which was then scheduled to sail from Le Havre about September 20. I requested and was accorded space for re- turn to New York. Then the maritime strike occurred. The sailing date was postponed from day to day and we did not start home until Sun- day, October 6. However the deferred sailing gave me two more weeks in Europe. In addition to the Committee of Agricul- ture, 1 am chairman of the Committee on War Department. Appropriations. This position rates me a plane and crew to take me wherever I wish to go on busi- ness connected with War Department ex- penditures. At my request an Army plane was flown to Copenhagen to take me to Frankfort, Germany, the seat of the Army headquarters having jurisdiction over the American zone of occupied Germany. By plane I saw Germany from the air, and 1 saw Frankfurt, Weisbaden, Heidelberg, Mannheim, Hamburg, Nurenberg, and Ber- lin from both the air and on the ground. My time will not permit a detailed report on conditions in Germany. However, a few observations: The business sections of the towns and cities were destroyed. . Wharves, bridges, airflelds, and roads were damaged if not destroyed entirely. Residential sections were not intentionally attacked. Churches, hospitals, and schools were pro- tected as far as possible. Many cities with famous names will never be rebuilt. Berlin, the capital of Germany, was the central target of the Allied attack. At a low altitude I looked down on Berlin, once the most substantial and beautiful of the world’s capitals, Now, from the air, it resembles a vast honeycomb with the honey gone. From the ground it resembles ancient Athens and Rome—only walls and columns still standing. The once beautiful wooded park, almost im the center of the city, is now devoid of trees and looks like a clearing in a wilder- ness, On my tour of Germany I conferred with the military and civil heads of our forces in the American zone and sector of that devas- tated country, My report on military affairs was made direct to the War Department. My report on civil affairs was made to the Secretary of State and copies of both reports, secret and confidential, were sent to the Pres- ident of the United States. Our ship, the Washington, owned and oper- ated by the United States Lines, as stated, was delayed by strikes. This gave me the opportunity o? attending the closing sessions of the war prisoners’ trial at Nuremberg. Nuremberg, the place of the trial, is lo- cated in the American zone; hence, our khaki-clad soldiers were on duty and in evi- dence in all parts of the city and in the sur- rounding country. Nuremberg was selected for the place of trial for the following reasons: The city, formerly containing half a mil- lion inhabitants, was chosen by Hitler as nazism's cultural center, The city was the capital of the Nazi Party Congress. While the city was some 75 percent de- stroyed, the courthouse called the Palace of Justice, was not grestly damaged. Immediately adjacent to the courthouse is a@ modern jail, or prison, with cells for 400 prisoners. Hence, Nuremberg was u natural for the most celebrated trial of all history. At Paris I took off late in the afternoon to attend the final sessions of the trial. There were no lighting facilities at the airport in Nuremberg, so I had to land at Frankfurt and drive the almost 200 miles in order to attend the last sessions of the inter- national military tribunal After an all-night drive I arrived at Nurem- berg at 5 o'clock in the morning. Our three-star automobile, the property of General Clay. was stopped and inspected at almost every turn The members of my party had special cards of identification but the American military authorities were taking no chances of permitting unauthorized persons reaching the closing sessions of the world-famous trial. Here is the picture of the last day of the famous trial as I saw it. The courtroom was about the same size and resembled the courtrooms in our Okla- homa courthouses. On the last day the court convened at 9 o’clock a, m. The prisoners, pale and emaciated and in various forms of dress. were in the dock sur- rounded by the smartly clad soldiers of the United States. The soldiers at every door were giants in size and were ready for any emergency. Their suits of army woolen were perfectly tailored and fit like gloves. They wore steel helmets, enameled white. Broad white web belts encircled their waists. Each wore white gloves and carried a sturdy police club also enameled white. To complete their glamorous outfit each wore red cords around his shoulders and their black shoes were topped with white leggings or spats. The soldiers of no other country could pre- sent a comparable picture. Only a few military uniforms were worn by the German prisoners. . Goering, the first deputy under Hitler and No. 1 Nazi leader, was dressed in conventional gray, but the suit had been made when he ‘was a much heavier man. Now he was only a shadow of his former Presently the judges, in flowing black gowns, solemnly filed in and took their seats at the elevated table. A85 The attorneys for the prosecution, as well as for the defense, occupie” the space between the four-nation court, on the one side, and the dejected war prisoners on the other. Behind the judges stood the standards con- taining the victorious flavs of Russia, Britatn, France, and the United States. The presiding Judge was Lord Chief Justice Lawrence of Britain. When the court was called to order every seat on the floor and in the galleries was occupied. Each seat in the room was numbered and each had attached thereto a head phone set. The court, the prisoners, the attorneys, and the spectators all had their head-phone sets in place, The proceedings were conducted in Rus- sian, French, English, and German. The judges took turns in reviewing the charges and the evidence against each pris- oner. It made no difference what language was used; the interpretation was instantaneous into the language uncerstood by the listener hence there was no delay for interpretations. Each one of the prisoners heard a sum- mary of the evidence against him and the verdict of the court as to his guilt or inno- cence. The prisoners were indicted on four counts. Each prisoner was charged with having conspired to commit crimes against peace by planning, preparing, and initiating a war of aggression. They were charged with war crimes by violating the laws, treaties, and customs of war. They were charged with crimes against humanity—namely, enslavement, extermina- tion, and murder. It took 80,000 words to catalog the crimes charged in the indictments and it required a@ day and a haif for the court to present the reviews, summaries, and findings. During one session of the court, and while the prisoners were in the dock, I was shown through the prison. My guide was the prison superintendent, Colonel Little, formerly of Fort Sill, and who married a Lawton girl. I visited every cell occupied by the once proud and haughty German leaders. Each had an individual cell. The rooms were small—save the ceilings were high, On one wall there was a small opening for light and ventilation. The opening was protected by heavy iron bars. Instead of glass the light came through a clear plastic, something that will not break and afford a sharp cutting edge. Each cell contained a heavy iron cot, a dirty mattress, and two blankets. A small, fillmsy table was provided. One plain wooden chair and a specially devised open toilet made up the furnishings, All hooks, nails, anc electric wires had been removed. There was nothing that could be used in a suicide attempt. The mess provided consisted of porridge— a kind of hash—three slices of dark bread and coffee. No metal knife or fork or spoon was provided. A frail wooden spoon was permitted. When the meal was over all vessels were removed. At night the reading glasses and speCtacles were removed from each cell. In the door was an opening just large enough to permit of the passing in of food, books, and articles of clothing. The opening was heavily barred and was kept locked from the outside. Night and day—during every hour and every minute—a strong, alert American sol- dier stood before the door of each cell and constantly observed the movements of his prisoner.
A&6 Near the row of cells containing the 21 prisoners was a small chapel, and such a8 requested were permitted tc attend the serv- ices provided. Such was the life they lived during the 10 months of the trial. How different from the scenes of pomp and splendor which they enjoyed prior to the fall of their projected empire. In my tour of the prison 1 entered the dingy cell of Goering, the No. 1 German war prisoner. Who was this terrible man Goering? The answer: Goering was Hitler's crown prince—the great Reichsmarshal, Chief of the Luftwaffe, President of the Reichstag, architect of the Gestapo, dictator of German economy, the man who ordered Allied airmen in prison war cages murdered, and the man of whom the high court said: “His guilt is unique in its enormity.” The noon hour was over ard the sentenc- ing of the prisoners was set for 3 p m. Again the courtroom was filled. Only those having special permits were in their seats. The dock was vacant. The chairs had been removed. Immediately behind the dock was a nar- row sliding door—just wide enough for one person at a time to enter or retire. Promptly at the appointed hour the high court marshal cried out: “Attention! Attention! Take your seats.” The judges, again in sombre black, entered and the court sat. Such was the picture when the sentences were pronounced. Amid a deathly silence the sliding door, operated by electricity, clicked and moved aside and one after the other, two strong American military police, dressed for the occasion, quickly stepped inside the room and took their places, one on each side of the door. They were quickly followed by Goering, prisoner No. 1, and he was followed by a third strong American M. P. A headphone set was handed the prisoner and he made his own adjustments. Without delay Lord Chief Justice Lawrence, in measured words, pronounced the sentence, as follows: “Herman Wilhelm Goering, on the counts on which you have been found guilty, the International] Military Tribunal sentences you to death by hanging.” For a brief moment the condemned prison- er gazed at the judges. Then, realizing that this was all, he whisked off his headgear, wheeled quicklv about, re- turned through the narrow sliding door, and disappeared forever. It took about « minute and a nalf to re- turn the first condemred man to his cell and to produce in court the second—Von Ribbentrop. Then followed the same procedure and the same sentence. One by one the prisoners were produced, sentenced, and returned to their solitary cells to await the execution. On Wednesday. Octcber 16, in the high walled prison yard adjuce: t to the Palace of Justice, the sentences were carried out. Nine of the war prisoners were hanged—not executed honorably as soldiers die, but dis- gracefully like common criminals. Goering, the tenth, too cowardly to face the gallow., deserted his comrades in crime and committed suicide a few minutes before be was to be hanged. This kind of a trial the world never wit- nessed before and it is the hope of mankind that such a tria] will never again be neces- sary. Let me here digres: to remind you of the fate of some other historic war criminals. If time permitted it would be interesting to comment on the last days and untimely deaths of such dictators and tyrants as Caesar, Frederick the Great, Hannibal, and Napoleon. The world knows the fate of Mussolini, anc & few days ago I saw the dismal chamber, some fifty feet underground, where Hitler is supposed to have met his death. The recent war has developed and is bring- ing forth a new world program and 1. new er-. in international and world affairs. Nations will either conform to the new concept of naticnal morality or they will surely perish ani disappear from the earth. At Paris I looked in on a session of the United Nations organization. James F. Byrnes, the American Secretary of State, was presiding. This organization has for its purposes: First, to reestablish peace, and, second, to develop a plan for the prevention of wars. Our people should be—and I believe they are—supporting the foreign policy of our Government. Upon the success of this policy the future of civilization depends. . If Germany had won the war, what would certainly have happened to our public men— the President, members of his Cabinet, Army and Navy officials, and even Members of Con- Gress, who declared war, enacted the neces- sary legislation, and provided the funds for carrying on the successful contest? Certainly they would not have been given @ 10-montr trial and every opportunity to develop and present their severnl defenses. No doubt but that they would have been executed without even the formality of a trial. If either Germany or Jupan had won the war, what would have happened to cur Na- tional Government, to our State governments, and to the governments of our cities? Obviously, they would now be only fading memories. Some may yet believe that we should not have entered the war. But, remember, we were attacked without warning at Pearl Harbor. The unholy alliance of Germany, Italy, and Japan had designs on the United States. Let me also remind you that the United States is the “prize of prizes.” we own and hold two-thirds of the world’s gold. ‘We own and hold one-third of the world’s silver. We have almost unlimited supplies of raw materials. We have the best money and the best financial system in the world. We have the best utilities, the best rail- roads, the best factories, and the best work- ers, and all would have been taken over by the conquerors. Our money, our banks, our factories, and our utilities would have been confiscated. Our workers would have faced the draft, and many would have been sent to foreign lands as slave laborers, and our farmers would have lost their farms and become plodding peasants in an effort to feed and clothe the world. Why do I make such statements? My answer—l have just seen what the Allies have done to Germans and Germany. Does anyone dare think that Germans, dominated by ruthless leaders—who luckily are now no more—would have been more lenient to us than we are being to them? Berlin, tue German capital, is destroyed. Nuremberg, the Nazi center, is annihilated. The German Government is no more. German money is almost worthless. Already we have installed a new financial system, with a new form of money, for the American German zone of occupation. German prisoners of war, under heavy , are forced to work as directed by the military authorities. German citizens have had their homes and their usable property taken over by the Allies. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The great Farben office building in Frank- furt was confiscated and is now the head- quarters of the United States Army of Oc- cupation. Uninjured residences were commandeered for the use of our military and civil per- sonnel. The famous Kronberg Castle, the hiding place for the crown jewels, is now being used as an officers’ club. German citizens are homeless, hungry, and ragzed. For the want of food they are not strong enough to perform hard labor. They have neither milk, butter, sugar, soap, nor starch. For 6 weeks I had to live on European food, and as the result I lost 16 pounds. There are no fat people today in either Germany, England, or Prance. Linen sent to the laundry looks worse when returned than when sent out to be washed. I was cautioned about the scarcity of soap in Europe, so I took along what I considered an ample supply. Because of strikes my return was delayed. My soap supply began to fade, and when I reached our returning ship my last portion had dwindled to about the size of a thin half dollar There its practically no fuel in American- occupied Germany. The winters are long and cold. I saw whole families gathering in their winter supply of fuel. Anything that will burn, including green twigs and limbs of trees no larger than one's finger. are collected in bundles and either carried on tired backs, pushed in wheelbar- tows, or hauled in clumsy carts to their humble homes. There is little transportation in Germany. German men and women pulling and pushing small carts and wagons clutter the roads and highways as they wend their weary ways to either the fields or back to their dreary homes. Such are Germans and the Germany of today. Germany fost the war and lost all. Had we lost the war we likewise would have lost all. Yet I realize fully that many of our own people have suffered greatly and have lost heavily because of the conflict. If there be such of you now listening to me let me remind you that what you have left is Just that much saved. If each of you could see what I saw in seven countries of Europe you would, | think, bow your heads and thank God that you live in Oklahoma and that you are a citizen of the United States of America. Hawaii, the Forty-ninth State EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LAWRENCE H. SMITH OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speak- er, under leave to extend my remarks, I include an editorial from the Milwaukee Journal, under date of December 21, 1946, relative to the admission of Hawaii as the forty-ninth State, as follows: HAWAI, THE FORTY-NINTH STATE The Eightieth Congress will again be con- fronted by Hawaii's ardent request for inclu- sion in the Union. ‘The last Congress dallied on this issue. There is no good reason why the coming session should not grant the re- quest promptly.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The people of Hawaii have long sought statehoed. In 1940, 67 percent of the voters favored it. President Truman has given his endorsement. A subcommittee of the last House urged statehood unanimously. Hawaii fulfills the traditional requisites for statehood. In area, it exceeds any of these States—Delaware, Connecticut, Rhode Island. In population, it exceeds Nevada or Wyo- ming or Delaware or Vermont. It is wealth- fer than many States; in 1945 its citizens paid $174,000,000 to the Federal Treasury— more than was paid in any of 14 States. Hawaii is modern. It maintains a high standard in public works and government services. Its standing in education, health, and law enforcement is better than that of some States. In recent years, it has passed progressive labor legisletion. Financially, its government is in sound condition. Hawaii wants statehood because its people feel they have ended the period of pupilage. They point out that they are now Americans without representation and that they may suffer discrimination as a result. Hawaii's sons were drafted in the recent war, yet its people had no voice on the draft law or the declaration of war. Its people pay Federal taxes but have no voice in levying or dis- bursing them. Laws are constantly being passed in Washington that vitally affect Hawaiian industry and agriculture, the Hawaiians have no vote on these laws. The Hawatlians proved during the war that they are as good and as patriotic Americans as any of us on the mainland. They want this recognized in fact. As their territory possesses all the other qualifications, we owe them this recognition. Special Committee Issue EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. BURNET R. MAYBANK OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. MAYBANK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an editoria] en- titled “Special Committee Issue,” pub- shed in the Washington Evening Star of January 13, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: SPECIAL COMMITTEE ISSUE Those who thought the Congressional Re- organization Act meant the doom of special investigating committees will be surprised tu learn that the question is still a very live one. In fact, resolutions already have been introduced in the Senate to authorize two special inquiries—one of them an ex- tension of the War Investigating Committee's powers. As the preliminary debate on the two reso- lutions brought out last week, the intent of the committee which recommended the re- organization legislation was to do away with the practice of appointing special commit- tees independent of the standing committee set-up. The Senate committee in its report advocated giving “regular standing commit- tees” supervision of all “special” inquiries and recommended special committees be abolished. The Senate approved this recom- mendation, but when the bill cam. up in the House the provision against special com- mittees was eliminated. As finally adopted, the act left the way open for any special investigations which Congress might au- thorize. While the suggestion was injected into the recent debate that political motives might animate opponents of a continuation of the deep-probing Senate war investigating group, there is considerable to be said on the side of those who object to a return to the spe- cial committee system of the past. One of the prime purposes of congressional reorgant- gation was to so overhaul and simplify the committee structure as to eliminate the exas- perating conflict and confusion resulting from overlapping or outright duplication of committee work. It is conceivable that situations may arise in which a special committee, autborized to cut across committee lines, could cover ground ordinarily within the scope of sev- eral regular committees and thus do the job more efficiently and more thoroughly than any of the standing committees could do it. The majority of inquiries fall within the province of regular committees, however, and good business practice would require that they conduct them, through their own sub- committees. Unless some reasonable curb 1s placed on the practice of appointing special investigating groups, the good start made toward streamlining the committee organi- zation of Congress will be completely nulli- fied. British Compel Jews To Run Gantlet EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. EMANUEL CELLER OF NEW VORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to insert in the Recorp the news story as told in the New York Herald Tribune of January 9, 1947: BRITISH COMPEL TEL AVIV JEWS TO RUN GANT- LET-——SOLDIERS BEAT THEM, 29 ARE HURT; ANTI- SEMITISM AND HATRED OF BRITISH GROW (By Homer Bigart) Tr. Aviv, PALESTINE, January 7.—Two ob- vious facts—a growing anti-Semitism among British troops and a rising anti-British fecel- ing among all classes of Palestine Jews— dominate all other considerations in the Palestine crisis. The anti-Semitism has been the inevitable product of terrorist acts, Just as terrorism appears to be the inevitable recourse of a people who feel that all legal pressure for achieving security and freedom have failed. The British troops now in Palestine are certainly no worse than American troops now in Germany. Both forces are composed largely of young recruits who, under strain, are liable to lose their heads. No one could deny that troops here have suffered nagging provocations. But the Sarona incident in Tel Aviv Thursday night was a particularly nasty display of anti-Semitism, and the tragic prospect of further excesses must re- ceive urgent consideration in London. Shortiy nfter a terrorist attack on the dis- trict military headquarters in a citrus house in the heart of Tel Aviv, soldiers and police entered the Montefiore district, on the north- east of the city, rounded up the male popu- lation, and marched them into Sarona police Compound. Some 60 to 70 men were forced to run the gantlet between rows of soldiers and police, who struck them with rifle butts and batons. Twenty-nine were injured, 7 seriously enough to require hospitalization. A brigade commander of the Sixth Air- borne Division, whose troops were involved, told this correspondent tonight that a closed inquiry would start Wednesday. As a result A&87 of allegations made by certain civilians re- garding incidents at Sarona, the whole mat- ter is sub judice, he said. “No officer or other rank is empowered to give any further information, by virtue of ,this fact.” The inquiry had been demanded by Mayor Israel Rokach. The mayor was ill Tuesday, but Town Clerk Yehudah Nedivi, who served 4 years as a captain in the British Army, said the city administration was convinced the allegations were correct. I drove to the Montefiore district and talked with several men who had been beaten. Abraham EKlajman, owner of a textile mill, said that police entered the factory after 9 p. m. and ordered Klajman and 12 men of the night shift out into the yard. “I asked them whether I should halt the ma- chines, and they replied, ‘You’d better—you Won't be back very soon.’ “I told the girl employees they'd better stay inside the factory. We were lined up in the yard. Some of the workers started smoking, but the cigarettes were struck from their hands by the police. “Suddenly a policeman fired in the air, and I heard a command, ‘Run.’ We ran to the main road, where we mixed with a crowd of men whom the police and soldiers had removed from a bus. We stood there a few minutes, and then the command ‘Run’ came again. At Sarona, the main gate was open. Soldiers and police were lined up on both sides of a lane leading to the center of the compound—a distance of one-sixth of a mile. I heard the cries of men being beaten in the darkness ahead, and then I realized that the shots fired by the police had been a signal to the soldiers to prepare the gantlet. “I was a prisoner of the Germans at Ra- dom, back in Poland, and I have learned a few things. I kept in the center of the mass of running men and suffered fewer blows than those on the outside. I was clipped once on the hesad and twice on the arm, but did not fall. Some of the older men fell. I saw a man clubbed with the butt of a rifle as he lay on the ground. “In the center of the compound we were ordered to sit in a circle on the ground. The soldiers continued to beat those they could reach at the edge of the perimeter. Some of the men became nauseated, others fainted. I heard one soldier cry, ‘Give me a@ machine gun and I'l) kill the whole bloody lot.’ “Then we were put into trucks and taken to the British counterintelligence at Jaffa. There was a stretcher cuse unconscious in my truck, and another man with a broken leg and one with a badly injured arm. “At Jaffa they simply took our names and ordered us to go home. I overheard an officer saying, ‘Who gave orders to arrest these people? Take them back.'’” Similar stories were obtained from Benny Brabda, who had fought with the Jewish Brigade in Belgium and Holland; Joram Dan- jeli, a textile worker; and Joseph Dula, a laborer whose right arm was still in a sling. Dula had fallen during the gantlet run and lost consciousness, Military Contribution Made by Iowa During World War Il EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CHARLES B. HOEVEN OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. HOEVEN. Mr. Speaker, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following speech by
A88 Gen. Charles H. Grahl, adjutant general of the State of Iowa, given at the Regis- ter and Tribune public affairs meeting at Des Moines, Iowa, on December 14, 1946: . Obviously to tell of the military contribu- tion made by the State of Iowa during World War II cannot be covered in the short time available. Volumes could be, and should be written on this subject. Therefore I can only touch on the high lights of the glorious con- tribution made by our St: te. Iowa furnished upward to 275,000 men and women to the armed forces. This in- cludes those whc: were in the regular service prior to December 7, 1941, together with those inducted through selestive service and those who entered Federal service as members of the Iowa National Guard. The State and the Nation owe a deep debt of gratitude to the more than 7,000 uncom- peneated personnel of the Selective Service System of this State who througn their ef- forts, sacrifices, and devotion made possible the successful operation of the Selective Service System. They served as local board members, members of Government appeal boards, as Well as physicians and dentists and registrants’ advisory boards. To the everlasting credit of the citizens of the State of Iowa, vhey accepted the Selec- tive Service System in a most ioyal and pa- triotic manner. Iowa has an enviable record of having fewer delinquents (people who at- tempted to evade selective-service law), both in percentage and in actual numbers, than any of the 48 States. Men inducted through Selective Service in Iowa served in all theaters and on all battle fronts of the world. During the period enlistments were being accepted by the armed forces, volunteers fror Iowa always kept our State near the top of the list of States furnishing men from this source. Frequently Iowa led the States in the number of men volunteering for the Navy. The strength of the Iowa National Guard upon its induction into Federal service was 6.643 officers and enlisted men. The record of Iowan National Guard troops in the Thirty-fourth Division, the One Hundred and Thirteenth Cavairy, and the One Hun- dred and Twenty-fourth Observation Squad- ron in World War II cannot be surpassed. The Thirty-fourth was the first American division to be sent to the European theater of war after Pearl] Harbor. You are all familiar with the glorious record of the Thirty-fourth in north Africa, Salerno, the crossing of the Volturno, and the terrific fighting in which they engaged at Cassino, where some of our men had stuck it out so long and had suffered so much that they had to be lifted out of their fox holes. It is history that when the Allied attack finally achieved its goal at Cassino, no less than five divisions were required to finish the task which the Thirty-fourth had so gallantly begun and so nearly completed. This division took much of the pounding on the beach head at Anzio. At the war's end the division could take credit for having taken part in berating thousands of square miles in Italy. Up to May 1, 1945, men of the division had won 15,000 Purple Hearts, 9 Medals of Honor, 98 Distinguished Service Crosses, 116 Legion of Merits, 1,072 Silver Stars, 1,964 Bronze Star Medals, 7 British awards, 7 French awards, 6 Italian awards, 1 Distinguished Flying Cross, 34 Air Medals, with 52 Oak Leaf Clusters. The One Hundred and Thirteenth Cavalry group, known as the Red Horsemen, was made up primarily of Iowa men, and they also made a tremendous contribution to America’s war record in World War II. Primarily inducted and trained for long- distance mechanized reconnaissance, the Red Horse Cavalry saw all kinds of action in Nore mandy, northern France, Belgium, Holland, and Germany, usually in the forefront of the battle. In its first engagement in Nor- mandy, the Red Horse Cavalry put aside its mechanized reconnaissance tactics and cut its teeth on one of Hitler's best 8S Panser Grenadier divisions, the Seventeenth. For 4 days it fought in the treacherous hedgerows against what turned out to be the spearhead of a German counterattack. They served with the Thirty-fifth, Twenty-elghth, and Thirtieth Infantry Divisions, and cooperated with the Eighty-second Armored Reconnais- sance Battalion. At one time the Red Horse group spread out to fill a 35-mile gap between the Nineteenth Corps and the Fifth Corps. Their fighting was so effective that during a 8-day period of this operation the group captured 1,000 prisoners of war and inflicted an estimated 400 enemy casualties while clearing an area of more than 480 square miles. I could go on and on, telling of the exploits of the Thirty-fourth Division and the One Hundred and Thirteenth Cavalry in World War Il. During World War IT, the Secretary of War, Mr. Henry L. Stimson, made this statement, “National Guard units have played a vital role in the mobilization of our present army and they have made a brilliant record on every fighting front. We are counting on them as a bulwark of our future national security.” Secretary of War Patterson, in appearing before the Conference of Adjutants General in Washington, D. C., May 2, 1946, said, “We have won the war but until we shal] attain international security through the United Nations, the National Guard, as an essential part of our defense establishment, must be ready to do its part in warding off any threat against the peace of our Nation. On its record, for generations, it has been our first source of trained civilian manpower in every emergency. “In the war just ended, the National Guard splendidly justified itself. When hostilities ended, the National Guard was on every battle front. “Nationa: Guard men were ‘the first Army troops to engage the Japs at Guadalcanal, New Guinea, Morotai, the Gilberts, Marshalls, and Marianas. They took part in every major operation in the Pacific, from Bataan to Okinawa. In the European theater, Na- tional Guard men were in the forefront of the African campaign, spearheaded the at- tacks on Sicily, Italy, and in southern France, were among the assault forces in the landing and invasion of Normandy and stormed through the German homeland. “It is of prime importance that the Na- tional Guard be reorganized as expeditiously as sound procedures will permit, strong in well-trained personnel, fully equipped and ready for an emergency. “After victory there comes a great feeling of well-being—the job is done—it is the time to turn to different flelds of endeavor—a false sense of security is furthered by the thought that there is no more need for an army. Among the unscathed there is little thought given to the casualty lists—to the enormous debts mounting ever higher as the result of @ costly war. Human memory falls short of the grim panic of predawn attacks and drowning desperate men on a foreign beach- head, clawing their way through the crimson surf to strike a blow against the terror of an inhuman, fanatical enemy. Memory is dim- med to the point where the exploits of our Armies are cheapened and ridiculed. Indi- vidual emotions tend to balance from rea- von to selfishness. “There is an obligation on the part of all citizens to see that America is never again caught unprepared, never again will we have months to train and prepare in case of an emergency. “I sincerely believe if we fail to maintain an adequate national defense in the future as APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD & means of maintaining peace, the price we- have paid in human lives and in material wealth during World War II will have been in vain.” Report by the American Veterans’ Com- mittee on Studies Made of the Cost of Living of Veterans Attending Colleges and Universities EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mrs. ROGERS of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I am having printed in the Recorp a study by the Ainerican Veterans’ Committee— AVC—of the need for an increase in the subsistence allotments of student vet- erans. The American Veterans’ Committee has the largest campus membership of any veterans’ organization and for the past year has devoted considerable attention to the problems of the student veterans. Reports from its 148 college chapters as well as studies made by the American Council on Education indicate that the major complaint of GI's in college is that they just cannot make ends meet on their present subsistence allowances. The statistical information given in the fol- lowing report is in most cases based di- rectly on statements of administrative officers of colleges and universities and, I think, presents a startling picture. As chairman of the World War Veterans’ Committee, I am deeply interested in the report which presents in straightforward language a problem which that commit- tee must face. At the end of the report I am including a bill introduced by myself at the request of the AVC that would not only raise the subsistence allowance for veterans re- ceiving educational benefits, but also raises the on-the-job training ceilings which have limited the amount of money which veterans at colleges could earn in attempting to supplement their income. The report and bill follow: REPORT BY THE AMERICAN VETERANS’ COMMITTEE ON STUDIES MADE OF THE COST OF LIVING OF VETERANS ATTENDING COLLEGES AND UNIVER- GITIES Veterans receiving education and on-the- job training under the GI bill of rights (Pub- lic Law 846) are entitled tc. subsistence ben- efits designed to aid them in supporting themselves while obtaining an education. Under the original GI bill, which became law on June 22, 1944, the veterans were entitled t subsistence payments of $50 per month for single veterans and $76 for married vet- erans. In view of the inadequacy of these original provisions in the face of increases in the cost of living, the GI bill was amended on December 28, 1045, raising subsistence benefits to their present level: $65 for single veterans and $90 for married veterans. Toward the end of the last session of Con- gress there were increasing complaints from student veterans that they were being forced to drop their hopes of obtaining a college
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD education since they could not meet even the basic living costs of board and room under their present allowances. In an effort to get the facts on the cost of living on the campus, the American Veterans’ Committee has made a@ continuing study through its college chap- ters of the living expenses of the average veteran attending college. In brief, this study indicates that costs of food, clothing, and rent alone exceed the average veteran's income. The budget of a single veteran for these major items looks something like this: Food, between $40 and 845 per month; cloth- ing, about 610 per month; rent, $15 per month, This amounts to an average of 870 per month before cigarette money and mis- cellaneous expenditures are added in, which generally take about 30 percent of the average student's expenditures. For a married veteran the situation is even more serious. Average expenses are: Food, between $70 and 875 per month; rent, $40 to 50 per month; and clothing, $20 per month. This totals $145 per month before miscellaneous expenditures are added. For married veterans with children these figures run about 10 to 20 percent higher. These figures are borne out by a recent | survey of the American Council on Educa- tion, which, in a preliminary report trom 182 educational institutions having 272,149 veterans enrolled, indicated that the median costs of board and room alone exceed the present allowances. The ACE study is broken down according to privately controlled universities, publicly controlled universities, and privately con- trolled junior colleges, The cost of living is highest in the privately controlled universi- ties, where the single veteran is paying be- tween $46 and $87 a month for board and room if he lives on the campus, and between 860 and 8100 per month if he lives off the campus. The married veteran without chil- dren is paying between 875 and $165 for board and room on the campus and $110 to $304 per month off the campus. When the married veteran with children is considered, the situation is so critical that one wonders how this individual is able to support his family even with a considerable amount of part-time work. The ACE report show: that married veterans with one child pay between $100 and 8205 for board and room on the campus, and $120 and $307 off the campus, The married veteran with two or more chil- dren pays between $110 and $285 on the Campus and 8140 and $250 off the campus. The corresponding figures for publicly con- trolled universities are approximately $10 lower for single and married veterans with- out children and about $30 lower for married veterans with children. Another survey of the problem has been made by the Army Times, a nationally cir- culated independent veterans’ weekly, which included reports from presidents, deans, and veterans’ advisers at leading educational in- stitutions in 26 States and the District of Columbia, The Army Times concludes from its survey: “There is practically unanimous agreement among these school authorities that the allowances—whether the $65 for those without dependents or the 890 for those with dependents—-are not now adequate to cover reasonable and necessary living costs. In addition, the opinion is overwhelming that this is particularly true of married veterans, while the financial situation of those with children is, in most cases, desperate.” A few of the specific comments made by the universities queried are worth noting. The University of Michigan stated: “The GI students, married and single, at the Uni- versity of Michigan, are encountering great difficulties in their attempt to live on the present subsistence allowances. Careful es- timates indicate that there should be made immediately a 25-percent increase in sub- sistence allowances for veterans attending the University of Michigan.” Temple University states: “Many of our students have had to withdraw because they were unable to support their wives and/or children and themselves.” The University of Tampa comments: “A lot of the boys would have no Christmas un- less we provided for them. I am afraid that some of them are going to become discour- aged and drop out. The subsistence should be $25 per month more for married veterans.” Marquette University states specifically: “The average cost for a single veteran for shelter, food, and clothing runs to $79 monthly. The same items for married vet- erans without a child amount to $162.” We know that student-veterans are clam- oring for increases in subsistence allowances. In a recent conference of student war vet- erans representing some 84,000 ex-GI's in 26 colleges and universities throughout New York State a resolution was adopted pro- viding for a 835 increase in GI subsistence for college students. Almost all of AVC's college chapters have petitioned the national office at one time or another for vigorous action working towards an increase in the allotment. The data which is presently available clearly indicates that veterans in colleges in order to exist must: (1) Work to make up deficits; (2) use up thei: savings if they have them; (3) borrow funds from colleges or other sources. Many have not been able to continue at all. The American Council on Education reports that the 132 institu- tions they queried stated that almost 2,000 students have left college for financial reasons. The various studies which have been made are unanimous in pointing to the married veteran as the individual facing the most acute problem. We cannot view the plight of the married veteran as one of short-term duration. In May 1946, 80 percent of the veterans attending college were married and 10 percent had children, while in November 1946, 6 months later, 48 percent of the vet- erans were married and 17 percent had chil- dren. The student-veteran is older than the average college student and is within the age range when most young mer are anxious to get married. We can reasonably expect that the percentage of married veterans will continue to increase. Likewise, we cannot dismiss the problem of the GI in college as one which will evapo- rate in the next year or so There are now slightly over a million ex-GI’s in colleges and universities, and colleges report that on the basis of enrollment requests this figure will be maintained and exceeded for at least the next 5 years. Veteran students, of course, have been among the hardest hit by the present price inflation. The $65 allowance for single vet- erans will buy only 845.50 worth of food, clothing, and shelter today. A married vet- eran's $90 is worth only $60. Since Decem- ber 1945, when the present allotments went into effect, food prices alone have gone up 46.3 percent. The over-all cost of living has gone up 21.6 percent. What can be done? The American Veterans’ Committee sup- ported «t the last session of Congress a bill which would increase subsistence benefits for students under the GI bill to $100 for single veterans and $126 for married veterans, plus $10 additional for each child. We shall con- tinue to support this proposal in the Eight- leth Congress. We believe it is a reasonable and fair adjustment. The veteran, far from expecting to live in luxury on his subsistence allotment, is in most cases prepared to carry on outside work to aid in meeting his ex- penses. The proposed increase of $35 per month would provide a bare minimum under which veterans can attend school. They will still be forced to supplement their allotment from outside sources, principally by working at part-time jobs. But unless the benefits are raised in the very near future thousands A89 of veterans will be forced to abandon all effort to take advantage of the educational provisions of the GI bill of rights. A bill to amend certain provisions of Vet- erans Regulation No. 1 (a) as amended Be it enacted, etc., That paragraph 6 of part VIII of Veterans Regulation No. 1 (a), a8 amended, is hereby amended to read as follows: “6. While enrolled in and pursuing a course under this part, such person, upon application to the Administrator, shall be paid a subsistence allowance of $100 per month, if without a dependent or depend- ents, or $125 per month, if with one depend- ent, plus an additional 10 per month for each additional dependent, including regu- lar holidays and leave not exceeding 30 days in a calendar year. Such person attending a course on a@ part-time basis, and such person receiving compensation for productive labor whether performed as part of their appren- tice or other training on the job at institu- tions, business or other establishments, or otherwise, shall be entitled to receive such lesser sums, if any, as subsistence or depend- ency allowances, as may be determined by the Administrator: Provided, That in no event shall the rate of such allowance plus the compensation received exceed $300 per month for a veteran without a dependent or $325 per month for a veteran with one de- pendent plus an additional $10 per month for each additional dependent.” Sec. 2. Paragraph 11 (b) le of part VIII of Veterans Regulation No. 1 (a), as amend- ed, is hereby amended, to read as follows: “(e) The job customarily requires a period of training of not less than 3 months.” Why Sugar Shortage? EXTENSION OF REMARKS oFr HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. REED of New York. Mr. Speaker, I called the attention of the country in 1942 to the stupidity of paying large con- cerns for not producing sugar. The peo- ple were taxed to pay the subsidies for not producing sugar, and now if the peo- ple get sugar it is largely through a Gov- ernment-created black market. Not be- ing satisfied with this method of creating a shortage of sugar, the bureaucrats pushed exports to the limit from 1942 to 1946, inclusive. The number of pounds of sugar exported from the United States during this period totals more than 3,066,774,000 pounds. Moreover, 329,463 short tons and 658,926,000 tons of sugar were exported to foreign countries in the first 10 months of the year 1946 at a time when the fruit on American farms was rotting on the ground because sugar was not available for canning it. The bureaucrats insist that the Amer- ican people must learn to consume less sugar, say about 72 pounds per capita annually instead of 98 pounds per capita annually. The bureaucrats believe that by teach- ing the American people to use less sugar per capita and the people of foreign countries to use more sugar per capita such a formula will sweeten our interna- tional relations. :
A90 I am informed by an official source that the export statistics, which I am in- serting as a part of my remarks, include both lend-lease and UNRRA shipments: Sugar exports from the United States, 1942-45 and first 10 months of 1946 [Short tons, refined] Country ofder- tination ber 19 ( 3,221] 3,471 76 &, 852) 8, 264 75 224 0 2,126 43 15 9, 846 Ww 22, B16 2 2 ni wy, 712 BI 5 Asores......... : 0 Ttaly......... 20. a34 46, 115 Aegean Islands. 0 Yugoslavia..... 0 20, 244 Albania 0 4,744 Greece 3, 997 20, 522 Iraq-- - (1) 0 Iran.. B 0 Saudi Arabia... 156 119 Philippines... .. 0 6, 346 French Pacific 8 6 27, 154) 13, 765 0) 4% 38, G85) 10, 678) 20, 112 t) 390 %, 000 12, 468 309) 0 61 127 - = [=] 1370 3 82, 04) W, 714) 23, 655) 34, 779 \ Leas than 0.5 ton. * Revised. fourco: Bureau of the Census, U. 8. Department of Commerce. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EMANUEL CELLER OF Rew YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 8, 1947 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include in the Recorp a statement by Mark Merit, entitied “Astronomic Arithmetic”: ASTRONOMIC (By Mark Merit) Were it not for the fact that the human mind has developed a tolerance for figures, it could not accommodate itaelf to compre- hension of the vast arithmetic tt has had to digest since the beginning of the war. This was our reaction to a sheaf of figures which tells the story of tax coHection by the Alcoholic Beverage Industry since the be- ginning of repeai—18 years ago. We think you, too, will be interested tn the story be- cause it actually concerns every man, woman, and child in the United States. So we'll begia by tuforming you that the amount af Federal, State, and local taxes collected from the sale of ail aicohalic bev- erages for the past 13 years (since repeal) was equal to an amount eufficient to defray the entire cost of the Federal Government for the first 120 years of its existence, or to be more exact, from 1789 to 1009. The amount: $21,000,000,0001 Now, let’s look at 1946 alone—and another . The Federal taxes collected in 1046 (State, county, and municipal taxes not included) from the eale of aleoholic bever- ages amounted to over $2,500,000,000—more than enough to pay for the atomic bomb project. And please remember that of the total of $21.000,000,000 in taxes collected since re- peal, about six and one-half bifltan went to. the various States, counties, and mu ties The Fedcra revenues go to defray the expenses of our National Government. The States’ and other taxes go into the general States’ funds and the money ts variously ear- marked to defray the cost of education, pub- lic welfare, ol@ age pensions, aid to crippled children, and in some tustances it results in the reduction of property taxes. The amount of taxes, then. collected from the sale of aiccholic beverages such as dis- tiled spirits. beer, wine, etc., is the langest with the exception of the Federal incame tax: more than twice as much as is collected from the sale of any other industry's products. It ts not dificult to realise the ineascapably heavier income tax we would all have to pay, whether we partake of alcoholic beverages or not, ff the equivalent of the huge revenue now going to the Government went tnto the long pockets of the bootlegger, as it did in that late lamentable period, carelessly termed “prohibition.” Watch That Ax EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EUGENE WORLEY OF TEZas IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. WORLEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following timely and cogent editorial from the Amarillo Daily News of January 4: WATCH THAT AX The first Republican tax-reduction bill has been dumped into the House of Representa- tives’ mill. This bill, fathered by Representative Har- OLD KNUTSON, proposes a 20-percent cut in income tames across the board until the 6900,- 000-a-yeer bracket is reached, where the re- duction is pared to 10% There are anly 600 people in the United States whose income is in excess of 6900000; so for ali practical purposes, the reduction fe a Gat 20 percent. The Anal tax program that will come cet of Congress likely will be a modification of the Xnuteon pian. There will have to be hear- ‘ngs and debates, and qmanges ave inevitable. the Republicans are committed te wend tax reduction there wil te. i APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Most Members of Congress agree that dras- tic Government economies will be necessary in order to reduce taxes. There are, of course, many financial corners that can be eut. Several departments can be consider- ably improved by the application of the ecan- omy ax, We trust, however, that Congress will not Tun hog wild in its economy roll to the extent thet the American people will wake up some morning without an adequate Army and Navy. In the past, the armed forces have heen the first target of economy-minded ‘Congresses. Never before, however, has an efficient and up-to-date defense force been as necessary as NOW. Tt is true thet we face no immediate tareat of war. It ts true, further, that the great powers are talking disarmament. But realism dictates that we not be as naive as we were immediately following the First ‘World War. The entire western world is looking to the Onited States for ieaderahip. And today, fregardiess of our eventual goal of universal peace and one worid, leadership means power. We have iearned in the months since hos- tdlities ended that power still rules; that prestige and ieadership are based on power. That's the way things are, whether we like it or not. We are committed to a bipartisan foreign policy through which we intend to make cur influence felt wherever it is necessary for the furtherance of world peace and order. We are in Europe; we are in the Orient. Since war anywhere will, eventually, involve this Nation, we are going to have something to say about what goes on the world over. Already Russia has halted the extension of her influence in Europe, principally be- cause Moscow is convinced that we mean what we say. Our display of naval strength in the Mediterranean did more than all the notes that could have been written to sup- port Turkey and Greece against Russian de- mands. Our exaction of high reparations from Yugoslavia for the shooting down of American fliers was a display of power that added to our prestige everywhere. We must, for a while at least, remain powerful. A progressive and strong Army and Navy are the instruments of power. We believe that Congress understands this. Just the other day, the House Naval Affairs Committee issued a report which contained this statement. “The most expensive thing in the world is a cheap Army and Navy.” One more point: The current Russian allotment for mili- tary purposes amounts to around $16,000,- 000,000 in American money. That should give Congress a slight pause in its headlong drive toward economy. Hello There! Meet the Eightieth Congress! EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Speaker, under leave extended me by the House, I am inserting in the Concrzssrona, Recorp, herewith, the transcript of a broadcast made by an old friend of mine and one of America’s sane and sound newscasters, who hails originally from the Midwest and has never found it necessary or de- sirable to apologize for things American. This able commentator, Ted Malone. of the American Broadoasting Co., includes
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD some good advice for all of us in his newscast of January 3 greeting the ar- rival of the Eightieth Congress: Hello there, it’s a cold, wet, mushy, snow- slushy day in New York. But in spite of this, today is a big day in America, a big day. In fact, just 15 minutes from now an event is going to take place which the American news-~ paper editors describe as the most important, the moat significant event in the world this ear. All this is going to happen just 1444 min- utes from now. Play, Rosa, as we open the door to a great adventure. In just above 12 minutes from now some- thing is going to happen that is of tremen- dous importance to your home here and to the whole world. Strangely enough, there is none of the dra- matic suspense today there was in the sprin; of 1944 when a dozen countries and a million soldiers waited breathlessly for D-day. Never in all history was a secret involving so many people and so many preparations 80 weil kept. In contrast, today’s momentous occasion is no secret at all, Today's event has been pub- lished to the world for weeks. It will take place at 12 noon in Washington, D. C., when the Eightieth Congress of these United States will be called to order 11 minutes from now, Now, wait a minute, if you were expecting an atom bomb or some history-making event don't be too sure thts isn’t it. The lives and homes and happiness of more people depend on this Congress then on any xtom bomb ever produced. And sink or swim, survive or perish, this Eightieth Congress due to be called to order just 10% minutes from now is going to make history of one kind or another. The election last November was a bold announcement to the world that an aroused American people believed in the inrtitution of democracy, that we were neither im- pressed nor intimidated by the scorn shown by some countries toward our way of life. As Congress meets today the world will see democracy at work. If it fulfills the mandate we have given it, it will be a lesson to the world. If it fails, this will be a turning point in history. Just about 9 min- utes from now this great adventure will begin. One of the traditions and customs at these opening sessions is the presentation of the message of the President on the state of the Nation. President Truman, we understand, will make his report on Monday. So, today, in these last moments before the new Con- gress is called into session, I think it would be very interesting if you and I—the voters, the taxpayers--just ordinary folks, maybe living in average towns along familiar streets but the sovereign people Congress represents, I think it would be altogether fitting and proper if we gave our own version on the state of the Nation, because we are the Na- tion, the people, the blood and bone and sinew of democracy. And whether or not we have thought about it as much as we should we are the ones whose comfort and security, whose peace and happiness, whose very way of life depends on what this Con- gress does. So I offer for your approval our message to Congress on the state of the Nation. Gentlemen of the Congress, old and new Members of both the House and Senate, these are pretty critical times. Not all the people in our town do much talking about them, but they do a lot of thinking, and sometimes 8 lot of worrying, and probably more praying than most of them have done in a long, long while. To be blunt, we're not particularly happy. We know we are all a lot better off than most of the rest of the world, and we're not supposed to complain about meat shortages and the scarcity of soap and the rationing of sugar and the high prices of things in general, and we have tried to be patient about all these things, but when we stop to realize that most of our shortages today are simply the result of blundering and fumbling in the past, then we come to the end of our patience and we want some- thing done about it. And, gentlemen of the Congress, we are expecting you to do it. And I might add, we're expecting it soon. Another thing we are expecting is some quick action on this business of housing. There hasn’t been much of any building in our town for too many years. Families have doubled up and repairs have been delayed, and even so the prices of houses and property have gone up and up until they’re ridiculous. There isn’t any excuse for all this any more. We have plenty of raw materials anw plenty of men who can build, and we want every- body to quit blaming everybody else, and start building houses. We don't want any more delays and bottlenecks and buck pass- ing and blaming. We want homes. And we expect this Congress to provide ways and means to build them. This is one reason we elected you. And, by the way, let’s get one thing straight right here. We read in the papers and hear over the radio that a lot of folks are mighty worried over the fact that in the new Congress both the Senate and House have Republican majorities while the Presi- dent and executive branch are still Demo- cratic. Well, gentleman of the Congress, this is one thing that the folks along our street aren't worried a bit about. It sounds to us like some of the confused thinking we have had too much of. The way we figure in our town is that both Congress and the President represent all the people. Some folks in our town are Democrats and some Republicans but we all want pretty much the same things, and we're all Ameri- cans. And, as we see it, the Government is American, too, And that's what we want it to be. We don’t like the confusion of recent years—in Government or business. Even in our town we have been confused sometimes by the irresponsible talk about labor and management, that they are out to destroy each other. Like in most towns, some of us are part of one group and some another. In the winter we shovel snow off our sidewalks together, in summer mow our lawns. Our kids go to the same schools, and on Sundays we go to the same churches. We know that if either one of us destroyed the other we would destroy our town. We have learned a sad lesson this past year. When differences have arisen, we haven't had a fair set of rules to settle them, and, no matter who was to blame, everything has stopped, then nobody has won, everybody has lost. This doesn't make sense and everybody along our street knows it. And, gentlemen of the Con- gress, you know it, too. This is no time to play politics with our American system of free enterprise. You might not expect ordinary folks in our town to say much about international affairs, But there were a good many blue stars in the windows along our street—some gold stars now—éso international affairs hit pretty close to home to some of us. Every- body in our town wants peace, and we think America has worked pretty hard for it, too; almost too hard sometimes. We resent the pushing and shoving we've been given some- times. It reminds us of Munich and “peace in our time,” which wasn't peace at all. So most of the folks along our street have decided that the best guaranty of peace in the world is 9 strong, free America. This means that when you cut taxes, gentlemen of the Congress, we expect you to do it with- out weakening our American defenses. There are plenty of other costs to be cut without destroying our Army and wavy. And these useless costs must be cut, In our town we don't believe in spending money we don’t have. We like to meet our own bills and we expect our Government to do the same. Members: of the Eightieth Congress—House and Senate—barely 4 min- utes from now the gavel will fall and your A91 work will begin. These are critical times in America and all across the world. Never in history has any Congress ever met with so many people depending on it for so much. We elected you because we believed in you. Now it is your solemn duty to keep the prom- ises you made to us and vindicate our faith. But you have a duty and responsibility above and beyond all this which mark today as One of the most important days in modern history. With dictatorships and puppet gov- ernments flourishing in the wake of war, democracy is being scorned today as a deCay- ing institution. Freedom of speech and en- terprise and religion, the treedoms of the individual on which we base our way of life, are being wiped out slowly but surely in Many countries of the world. You today are a symbol to all men everywhere of democracy at work. It is now your great privilege to reawaken the world to the biess- ings of freedom and liberty for all mankind that the whole idea of the government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from this earth. Budget Balancing, Debt Retirement, and Tax Reduction EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BARTEL J. JONKMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. JONKMAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rerc- orp, I include the following letter written by a constituent: JANUARY 10, 1947. The Honcrable HaroLpD KNUTSON, Chairman, Ways and Means Commit- tee, House of Representatives Of- fice Building, Washington, D.C. My Dear Mr. Knutson; Out of all the fog of talk about Budget balancing, debt retire- ment, and tax reduction, some fundamental truths seem gradually to be receiving better attention. The first of these is the relative order of importance Unquestionably this ts: First. Reduction in Government expenses. Second. Substantial debt retirement. Third. Reduction in taxes. It would be much more agreeable and much easier on Congress if the third item could become the first, but I think we shall have to depend upon the Republicans in Congress for sufficient courage to handle these mat- ters in the order they are stated above. The real subject of this letter, however, relates to item 8. If the first two steps can be accomplished then, and only then, should taxes be reduced; and if they are re- duced, is it more important to cut Income taxes or excise taxes? The heavy dependence of the Treasury in the past upon income taxes, which fluctuate widely from good times to bad, has been a serious weakness in our fiscal policy. Con- sumption does not vary widely between good and poor times. Taxes on consumption can, therefore, reasonably be depended upon and we should go slow in reducing excise taxes on this account alone. The present high income-tax rates are choking off one of the main sources of new capital. Careful study as to what mekes our economic machine go shows plainlv that it is the constant accumulation of new capital throughout the years that has 80 greatly increased the standard of living in the United States. The twins of saving and investment, which must go together, are the thyroid giand of our commercial ard industrial system.
A92 We know that practically all the capital ac- cumulated from savings is accumulated by people with incomes of $10,000 to ¢200,000 per annum. People with incomes below $5,000 accumulated practically no capital at all although there are a great many Of them. People with incomes above $200,000 are capable of accumulating a great deal of capi- tal if permitted by taxes to do so, but there are so few of them that the total capital accumulated scarcely counts. In reducing income taxes, therefore, it is most important for the continuing well- being of the economy, including the wage earners whose interest is in continous em- ployment no tess than in wages, that we reduce income taxes in the brackets between €200,000 and 610,000. Your proposal of a uniform 20-peroent cut meets my test of suitability, but I wonder if there fs not another way whicl. might meet your approval. The rengon that incomes of five thousand to fifty thousand Gollars are hit so hard is because we start right off with a 20-percent bracket. In the old days income taxes were more gradual. Why not start off with 6 or 8 percent on the first $2,000 and step it up from there, perhaps to a level almost the same as exists on present highest incomes? This will result, 1 think, in the most benefit to those groups of taxpayers who can be expected to accumulate capital, thereby sup- plying the lifeblood of our economic system. I devoutly hope that you end your asso- ciates in Congress will recognive that reduc- tion in income taxes will be far more bene- ficial to the economy than reduction in excise taxes. Furthermore, tf you do reduce excise taxes, the relief should come on those items of which the purchase is most easily postponed and which can scarcelv be classed as necessities. It seems to me that taxes on transportation, telephone service, light bulbs. jewelry, furs, and luggage could well have first claim on your attention; the first three because of the aecessitous character, the last three becauee purchase are eneily postponed and people engaged in these lines will be badly hurt by an announcement of a reduction tn future taxes. Very sincerely yours. Advice to the Republicans EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. ELBERT D. THOMAS OF OTam IN THE SENATE Ol THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. THOMAS of Utah. Mr. President, because of its great public interest, and its interest to all Members of the Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp an ar- ticle entitled “Advice to the Republi- cans,” written by the minority leader of the Senate [Mr. Barxury] and published in the New York Times magazine for January 12, 1947. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With- out objection, the minority leader's ad- vice to the majarity party will be printed in the Rrooap. The article is as follows: “Apvice To THz Rervuscsoanws’—Fuom BARKLEY THE FORMER SENATE MAJORITY LEADER WAXNS HIB COLLEAGUES AGAINST MISUSE OF A VIC- Tory (By ALazn W. BARKLEY) Wasuincron.—iI may be in where angels fear to tread in offering advice to the party which won the congressional elections in November. But I am not doing so on my own initiative, but at the request of the New York Times; and I trust that the sugges- tons I shall offer will be accepted as sincere and not in any sense Democrats may say it was due bo war wear- iness, or controls, or shortages, or adherence or deviations from Roosevelt policies or yro- grams, or the increase in the cost af living, or the impatience of the people over labor dis- putes, or any one of a dozen other circum- stances which may have caused cissatisfac- tion among jiarge numbers of peopie. The Republicans may assert that their vic- tory wes due to the repudiation of the New Deal, or to the general desire for a change, or to the bigh cost of government, or to the @esire to reduce taxes, or to the superior party responsibility for the legislation that wiil enact during the next 2 years. It hes been asserted in many quarters that the Republicans did not want control of both branches of Congress; that they wanted only to establish a trend by controlling the House as a basis for possible victory in 1948 without at the same time being saddled with full legislative responsibility in the mean- time. Z discount this theory completely. 1 have never known any political party that did not want ail it could get out of any election. The Republican Party wanted to obtain control of both Houses, and it campaigned for such control. It was not necessary for it to be very specific as to any program, and it was not. It was only necessary for it to be the willing and eager beneficiary of such discontent or dissatisfaction as existed. It may have been good campaign strategy not to risk the loss of yotes by laying out too clear a blueprint of what they would do in the event of vic- tory. But the day of campaign strategy is now past and the day of full responsibility is at hand. What sort of mandate with certainty can be said to have been conveyed by the peo- ple when they elected a Republican Con- gress? It was not, in my opinion, a mandate to vepeal the whole or any substantial part of the legislative program enacted under the Roosevelt administrations. I know with what contempt many Re- publicane—and some Democrate—refer to the New Deal. But this program included many reforms and legislative acts which the Amer- ican people did not vote to abandon. They did not vote, for instanoe, to abandon the agricultural program encompassed in the Agricultural adjustment Act, the Soll Con- servation Act, the Farm Security Act, crop insurance, support prices, the perity prin- ciple, rural electrification, or other phases of the agricultural set-up of the past 14 years. They may want them strengtliemed and im- proved and their administration simplified. But they do not want and did not vote for the program's abandonment. in my opinion, the people did not issue @ mandate to the Republican Party to APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD abolish cr weaken the law regulating the is- sue or sale of sectiritées, the social-security legislation far old-age banefite or unem- ployment insurance. It is my belief that the people want this progressive measure broadened and made more secure. This is an established part of our social responsibii- ity and I cannot imagine the people as hav- ing voted to retrace their steps in this field. I cannot believe that the people voted to cripple the reguiation of communications under the Communications Commission or aviation under the Civil Aeronautics Board, or the extension of the authority of the Interstate Commerce Oommission or the Federal Trade Commisston in the fields wheretn they operate. Netther did they ts- sue any mandate to repeal the Labor Re- lations Act or the wages and hours law. These enactments may need modification in the light of experience, and consideration should and no doubt will be given to this subject by the new Congress. But to assume that the November Repub- lican victory mdicated that the people ex- pect that these measures be wiped from the statutes altogether would be a gross misin- vterpretation of the election returns. In the field of International relations it may be equally easy to misread the mean- ing of the election. The Republican Party ‘was in control of the Government from the retirement of Grover Cleveland in 1897 to the Mauguration of Woodrow Wilson in 1913. During this period the Spanish-American War was fought and we acquired Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. . Republican leaders and the people finally acknowledged that we had as a result be- come a world power and would be hence- forward guided by “manifest destiny.” Hence it has seemed strange in recent years to note 0 large a proportion of Re- publican Members of Cangress assuming an attitude of isolation in regard to our foreign policy and our foreign relations. During and following the recent war it has been gratifying to have the whole- hearted cooperation of leading Republicans in and out of office in the conduct of the war and in the formulation of our foreign policy. I have no doubt this nonpartisan or bipartisan cooperation will continue in the coming 2 years. This working together in the international field has been more mani- fest in the political than in the economic phase of international policy. In my opinion the two can no more be seperated in the international than in the Gomestic feld. Politicos is defined as the science of producing, distributing, and using the means of enhancing human welfare. Politics and soonomics are therefore inti- mately related, each partaking of some of the attributes of the other. It ts therefore impossible to be a politica! internationatist and an economic isolationist The same ts true of the labor, educational, and agricultural subsidiaries of the United Nations and the international trade con- ferences provided for. BRepubitean victory in mandate to retrace our political or e0o-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD nomic steps in attempting to guide the nations and their peoples toward the goal of greater security, happiness, and prosperity. There is another question which has in the past assumed more political and less economic importance than it deserved. That is the question of trade barriers. Tariffs and tariff laws have been too long regarded merely as political issues between partisan debaters. But the economic con- sequences which flowed from an excess of economic’ nationalism after the First World War ought to warn us against a repetition of such a mistake. IT am in no position to predict what the Republican majority in~ Congress will do with the Trade Agreements Act which expires in 1948. A majority of Republican Members voted against the last extension of this act. But whatever their attitude may be, it is obvious that we cannot go back to the old unscientific, back-scratching,  log-rolling, methods of tariff legislation. I was a member of the Democratic minority during the consideration of the Smoot- Hawley Act of 1930. Congress begun the consideration of this measure in December 1928, and finally passed it 18 months later in June 1930. I recall the methods used in the process, the horse-swapping that could be Observed almost before one’s eyes in the Senate, and the business suspense and un- certainty during more than a year and a half and finally the world-wide disaster which flowed from world-wide methods of similar import, Whatever else may be deduced from the recent elections, surely nobody will contend that the people expect the coming congres- sional majority to return to the outworn and outmoded crudities which have accom- panied tariff legislation when only politics has been considered. On the question of labor legislation there will be sporadic and ill-advised efforts to enact some sort of punitive measures be- cause of impatience with recent labor dis- putes and strikes. Such proposals as com- pulsory arbitration, the drafting of striking workers into the Army, the outlawing of the closed shop, the infliction of prison sentences on employees who strike and other punitive proposals will be brought forward. I would not attempt to predict what will finally come out of all this in the way of labor laws. I would caution the new ma- jority against hasty or angry legislative ex- plosions in this field. The subject: cannot escape the serious research and earnest con- sideration which Congress should give it. I was a participant in important labor legis- lation two decades ago affecting railroad labor. After various efforts in one session of Congress we were able to bring railroad executives and railroad labor organizations together tn long conferences that resulted in the passage of a law which both helped to write and which both respected. For more than 20 years it preserved peace betwcen the railroads and their employees. While I recognize that this field was sim- pler than the entire field of labor and in- dustrial relations, I think that an effort to bring labor and industry generally together to consider and recommend to Congress leg- islation which would be fair to both and to the people and would be respected and ob- served by both would be well worth trying. In the absence of this, Congress should approach the problem without fear, without rancor, without prejudice, and without try- ing to tear down the whole house in order to eradicate such evils as there may be found in it. Another problem which will demand im- mediate attention by the new Congress is that of taxation, the balancing of the budget, and the reduction of public expenditures. About 1 year ago I delivered an address in which I predicted that when we had been able to eliminate war and immediate postwar expenditures, we ought to be able to reduce the annual Federal Budget to about #25,000,- 000,000, which would at our present rate of national income permit a considerable tax reduction. If the world settles down to the peace which we all desire, I still think this is pos- sible; but I fear that a hasty reduction of taxes before searching the possibilities of stabilizing our future expenditures would be unsound. Under the new act governing congressional procedure there is a mandate that Congress coordinate revenues and ex- penditures and that if the contemplated ex- penditures exceed contemplated revenues, provision must be made for raising the dif- ference by providing new revenues. This was intended as a means for safe- guarding a balanced Budget. The Budget of the United States Government has not been balanced since 1929. I think the people-would like to see what a balanced Rudget would look like or sound like. Therefore, while we are all in favor of the greatest possible tax reduction, I cannot escape the feeling that it would be unwise to separate the question of income from that of necessary outgo, before determining definitely the amount of tax re- duction that will be possible. There is one other subject upon which I would offer a suggestion or two. That is the subject of investigations. . A prominent Republican Member of the House of Representatives was recently quoted as saying they would open every day’s session with a prayer and end it with a probe. This may have been an enthusiastic out- burst of specious alliteration; but if literally adopted, it might cheapen both the prayer and the probe. There are beyond question some things connected with the war and the expenditure of public funds which are legitimate subjects of investigation, including the misconduct of public officers, legislative or executive. But there are too many vita) problems on the congressional doorstep to justify the con- sumption of the entire time of Congress for the next 2 years in conducting inquisitions only, especially if inspired by partisanship or by a desire to make hay for the next Presi- dential election. T believe that the public interest frequently vequires the most searching and pitiless in- quiries into wrongdoing wherever it may be found. This is necessary to punish criminal guilt and to warn others of the fate which awaits faithless public servants. Such in- vestigations should have the support of the minority and will have it. What should be avoided is any tinge of witch-hunting obsession looking to some po- litical advantage for a party or a candidate. I have observed and participated in a number of investigations in the last 30 years. I have never sec.. one that either elected or defeated & political party or a candidate for President, including the Teapot Dome investigation in the Harding and Coolidge administrations. As I suggested at the outset, I hope I will not be deemed presumptuous in making these suggestions to the incoming majority of Congress. They are made in the utmost good faith, During the nearly 10 years of my incum- bency as majority leader of the Senate, I have enjoyed the friendship and I trust the confidence of the minority which has now become the majority in both houses of the Congress. I desire to make any contribution within my power to the welfare of our common country and of the world. I am not so naive as to believe that these next 2 years can be kept free from political differences in Congress or among the people. I feel very strongly, however, that there is @ wide and ample field for understanding and cooperation between the two parties in fostering the best interests of our own peo- ple while at the same time accepting the A93 leadership which has been thrust into our hands in rebuilding the structure of man- kind for the goal of a better world. In these days of national and international anxiety, the fact that the legislative branch of our Government is to be Republican and the executive is to be Democratic offers no legitimate excuse for either to play the ordinary game of politics looking to the next Presidential election. This last statement applies as well to the minority as to the majority in both houses of Congress. The American people will demand coura- geous and constructive grappling by their Congress with the tragic problems that be- set them in this period of economic and so- cia] reconstruction, and in my opinion will not tolerate mere political maneuvers for po- litical advantage. Any political party in these duys which devotes itself too strenu- ously to these political maneuvers will lose, and ought to lose, the confidence of the American people. Wages and Price Increases EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BARTEL J. JONKMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr. JONKMAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following letter written by one of my constituents: JANUARY 7, 1947. Mr. PHILip Murray, President, Congress of Industrial Organt- zations, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Murray: Being neither an em- ployer nor an employee but much affected by the general well-being of the United States, I have been disturbed by the possibility of an- other general fund round of wage increases in industry. I am confident that further wage increases will be followed by price increases. I realize that some of your economic advisers take the view that this need not be the case but, without debating the question of need, I am sure that it will occur. If prices are pushed up further by wage demands, I fear that it will mean a quick end to the present era of full employment and relative prosper- ity for the wage earners, Increases in wages of certain groups may benefit them temporarily but as fast as those increases become generalized all advantage to the wage earner is lost. You will recall that the wage increases of the fall of 1645 and the winter of 1946 became generalized with great speed. You are also aware of the risk that those groups in the community who do not share in wage increases, and there are a great many of them, will be priced out of the market and their resistance to high prices will bring about a collapse of industrial activity and employment. This happened in 1920 and there are distinct signs of considerable risk of its happening now. Further wage in- creases would, I fear, be the last straw. There is, fortunately, an alternative policy which gives great promise, not only to the wage earner but to all of us: To hold wages where they are for a year at least, to have no strike during this period, in order to give competition and production an opportunity to bring prices down, and increase the real earnings of everybody. The most authori- tative opinion holds that prices in 1947 will normally trend considerably lower. The wage earner will benefit from a lower cost of living and this is a real and permanent
A94 benefit as contrasted with the temporary and illusory benefit of a rise in wage rates. We must remember also that income taxes are going to be cut to some extent in 1947; a step which will improve the disposable in- come of wage earners. A final advantage of the course here advo- cated is that the benefits of lower living costs will be generalized and will hence tend to propel the economic machine. In fact, this has been one of the principal factors in the rise of the American standard of living over the whole history of this country. It seems so plain to me that the courae which is advocated in this letter is the only course which will benefit the wage earners of the country as well as all the groups not affliated with organized labor, while the pol- icy of raising wages further is calculated to take away, in the form of higher coat of liv- ing and unemployment, the very advantage which it pretends to confer. I devoutly hope that before it is too late your organization will swing over to the idea of a considerable moratorium on wage in- creases in order to give the economic machine @ chance to perform the cost-lowering proc- ess which we confidently expect of it. In conclusion, I wish there might be a greater recognition by organized labor of the fact that if we are to continue to raise the standard of living of the country, gains in productivity per man-hour must be made and that these gains must not be seized in toto by labor; part can go to labor, part must be passed on to the public in the form of lower prices, and part must be added to profits in order to acquire the new capital which our system requires in large amounts from year to year, und which must come principally from undistributed profits. The immensely greater size of the Ameri- can industrial plant, as compared with 1936- 39, makes the use of any 1936-39 standard of industrial profits completely inappropriate. To keep the industrial machine running, to keep employment at a favorable level, the constant investment of new capital is re- quired. I estimate that the minimum tol- erable level for profits is at least twice the 1936-89 average and probably even more than this. Your organization would render a wonder- ful service to the country by swinging over to the side of economic truth and abandoning the view that the persistent rise in wages without regard to these other factors is bene- ficial to labor or to anyone else. Very sincerely yours. A Plan for National Security EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. RICHARD B, RUSSELL OF GEORGIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 13, 1947 Mr, RUSSELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Recorp an address entitled “A Plan for National Security,” delivered by Lt. Gen. Ira C. Eaker, of the United States Army, before the Georgia Farm Bureau in its State convention held at Macon, Ga., on November 14. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: It is a normal American method, as soon 8 & war is over, for our people to dust their hands, turn with relief away from war with all its burdens, restrictions, heavy expendi- tures, and the reading of the long lists of dead and wounded, and to get back with all haste to the more cheerful scenes of peace- time living and the brighter prospects of civil occupations and professions. T am not suggesting any radical change in the American way. It has been adequate for the winning of two great wars in my lifetime and yours. I am suggesting, how- ever, before we close the books of the late war and start the grim business of paying for it, that we have a last look—rake a few dead leaves, if you will—at least let us deter- mine the reasons why we won and the enemy lost. Here is my list of lessons from the war, for whatever it is worth. If it is thought-pro- voking, I have accomplished my purpose in compiling it. One great reason for our victory lay in the fact that we had more and better manpower, In the course of the last war, half a mil- lion American airmen served under my com- mand. Nearly 100,000 of those men were listed as missing in action; fully half of them will never return to their homes. Having seen their conduct in ‘attle, I think the least I can do is to tell their mothers and fathers the kind of fighting men their boys made. In the early days in England, when we started the building of the Eighth Air Force with 6 men and when we began cur inva- sion of Hitler’s fortress of Europe with 10 airplanes, one of my worries was as to how aur American youth would react to the cruel tests of modern war. I received my answer in those days when the Highth Air Force was sometimes losing 10 percent of its strength on a single mission, in the days when it looked like we would all be used up and lost in 10 days. Here, briefly, are two typical stories which gave me my answer: 1. In the early days of the Eighth Air Force there was a young bombardier who, because of the skill] he had exhibited, was de- tailed to be the muster bombardier on a mis- sion against German targets. As his plane approached the target, a German fighter at- tacked head-on and fired a 20-millimeter shell into the nose of the airplane. . It blew the bombardier to the back of his compart- ment and tore a big hole in his body. In- stinctively he crawled forward to his bomb- sight and got off an excellent bombing run, hit the target squarely, as photographs later showed, then fell dead over his bombsight. This bombardier had a twin brother who was in the same organization. We told his brother that we would like to have him stand down for a few days since we felt the loss of his brother would affect his work. He said: “No. I want to carry on as my brother would have me do.” The next day he climbed into the bloody cockpit from which his brother was lifted the day before and took off on a mission from which he never returned. 2. I remember well another instance when, on one of our tough missions, a squadron lost all of its planes but one, We told the squadron commander that afternoon that it would be some days before we could send up new crews and new planes and that his squad- ron would necessarily be out of the fight during that time. This squadron commander said: “No, sir. We have one airplane left. It came back with 400 bullet holes in it but I have every man in the squadron working on it tonight and it will be ready to go in the morning. We are not out of the fight.” We admired the spirit of that squadron com- mander so greatly that we borrowed planes and crews from other squadrons and he was back in the fight when a mission was launched the following day. Since my return from the war theaters, I have noticed the impresaion in some quarters that the Air Forces had an easy ride in this war. Our Air Forces in Europe lost more than 90,000 men. The Fifteenth Air Force, under my command in Italy, had a combat strength of 20,000, In 1 year it lost 22,500 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD men. How many units in this war lost 114 percent of their combat strength in a single year? Other primary reasons for our victory: Because we had more industrial capacity to produce more and better weapons of war. Because we had time in which to gear these tremendous establishments to full-scale stat- ure and production. Because we had space—two great oceans on either side of us, which served as protec- tive barriers and prevented our manpower and our industrial capacity from receiving blows from the enemy while it was being mobilized, Let us now see whether these factors will be sufficient to place us on the winning side should a war come again. Let me say first, with all the emphasis at my command, that nobody hopes more fervently than we in the Army that the United Nations organization may be so perfected as to prevent any fur- ther wars. But until that time comes, we must provide armies, navies, and air forces in sufficient force to insure that our country will be protected while we are developing the peace machinery, I suggest to you that the nature of war- fare and its weapons has changed to such an extent that time and space factors have been materially reduced, in fact largely eliminated, If the Germans could in 1944, as they did, produce a rocket which could travel 70,000 feet above the earth for a distance of 280 miles at 760 miles per hour and deliver a ton of explosives with considerable accuracy, it is absolutely certain that any of the prin- cipal industrial nations of the earth can, by 1950, develop a superrocket with a range of from 8,000 to 6,000 miles which can travel at @ speed of 1,000 to 3,000 miles an hour, suffi- ciently high to overcome the earth's curva- ture, and deliver 10 to 20 tons of explosives with great accuracy. When that weapon is developed, you can well see that the time and space factors which have stood us in such good stead will largely disappear. Much has been said in recent times about the effect of the atomic bomb on whrfare in the future. We in the Army Ai~ Forces have thought a great deal about it, too, and we now have developed a Deputy Chief of Staff for Air whose sole mission is the study of the effect of atomic energy and weapons On war- fare and the development of new weapons through the most advanced experimentation and research. We acknowledge the shatter- ing and cataclysmic implications introduced by atomic fission, and we have marshaled our best brains and our whole scientific and experimental organization to think through every possible implication and mold our air establishment accordingly. In my studies of this problem, I have asked this question: If I had been the head of the Japanese General Staff, how could I have prevented the atomic bombs from be- ing delivered on Japanese targets? This is my conclusion: There are three ways in which this might have been done had the Japanese possessed the necessary military force. The first would have been to destroy the production capacity of atomic bombs at its source in the factories and laboratories of the United States. This would have been the most decisive and effective way. The second method would have been to destroy the bombs, and the planes which were to de- liver them, on thelr bases in the Marshall Islands, before they were launched. The third -possibie but doubtful method would have been to have had a fighter defense and an antiaircraft defense of sufficient efficiency and intensity all over Japan to have destroyed the planes carrying the bombs as they ap- proached their target. This would have re- quired a larger fighter force and a better antiaircraft defense than any nation in the world has even approached to date. It would have been the most inefficient of the three methods and least likely to succeed.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Now, what sort of force would Japan have needed to accomplish the first two of these methods? The only weapon known to war- fare today which could have accomplished these purposes—the destruction of bomb- making capacity in the United States or of the planes carrying the bombs—the long- range bombers on bases in the Marshall Islands—would have been a long-range bomber force such as we alone of all the nations of the earth had in this war. The most powerful army in the world and the most powerful navy afloat would have been impotent to stop these bombers with their Geath-dealing atomic bombs. Only a long- range bomber force of sufficient power to fight its way through to its targets could have saved Japan from the bombs. We must revamp our war plans; we must reorganize our military power for a new type of war. If all of us will fully realize these facts and prepare our military machine for the future in accordance with them, our country will still be secure. If we do not, if we insist upon building a military machine with which to win the last war, then we shall have no real security and the tremen- dous cost will have been an idle expenditure. You hear the argument that we should not alter an organization which has won two wars, Sitting Bull won the Battle of the Little Big Horn with bows and arrows. Dewey won the Battle of Manila Bay with 6-inch guns. Could anyone suggest that, because two great victories were won with antique weapons, we should hold fast to old means and modes and methods? There is every indication that we must re- organize our national defensive structure for the new type of warfare I have indicated where time and space are practically elimi- nated. We will need more speed of deci- sion than we were able to get in the last war. It is enough to say for the proposed unification of the armed forces, with Army, Navy, and Air Forces on coequal status, that economy in peace and efficiency in war de- mand it. A system of national security for the United States in the future must have these ingredients: First of all, our State Department must be an organization which will entice and offer an ample career to the best brains we can produce in this country. We must always remember that where the diplomat leaves off, the soldier must take up the burden. Secondly, we must have a central intelli- gence agency which will tell us what is brew- ing in every corner of the earth. Thirdly, we must have a force in being ready to move on a moment’s notice to de- stroy the discovered war chest of the enemy before it is launched. Fourthly, we must keep our weapons mcd- ern. This requires great emphasis on scien- tific development—research and experimen- tation. It has been said that every war be- gins with the weapons of the last war. It may well be that we were given a preview of the weapons which will dominate the next war in the robot bomb, German rocket V-2, or our atomic bomb. It may well be, too, that some of the technique which appeared experimentally in the last war may be com- monplace and routine in the next—such things as radar, blind bombing. While there is grave danger that the war of the future will be a short war of un- paralleled destruction, the first blows of which will come through the air, neverthe- less, if we are wise, we will maintain naval and land forces, modern and mobile, the whole to be supported by a National Guard and Organized Reserves and Reserve Officers Training Corps prepared to mobilize and lead the manpower of the Nation. Then, too, we must have better plans for the conversion of industry to warfare than we have had in the past for the simple reason that there wili be less time, plus the great probability that it will have to be done while the de- structive blows of the enemy are raining upon us. This much is certain. There is the great- est probability that the first battlefields of the next war will be the industrial cities of the United States. No aggressor nation of the future can miss the point that the last two wars were lost by the aggressor because he neglected to depreciate the manpower or Gestroy the material resources of the United States. Finally, over all this business of sound organization, modern weapons, and mobilized industry and manpower, rides this dominant fact—no nation is secure unless the citizen places the welfare of his country above his personal self-interest. During the war the national interest was dominant. Now there are many signs and there is grave danger that personal interest and selfish welfare of highly organized minorities are being placed above the national interest, the welfare of all the people. As the first plank in our platform for na- tional security, let us make certain that the future generation is educated to put national interest first. Report of Special Committee of City Airport Commission of St. Louis EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER C. PLOESER OF MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE Of REPRESENTATIVES Friday. January 10, 1947 Mr. PLOESER. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I extend into the Recorp the report of the Specia] Com- mittee of the City Airport Commission, of St. Louis. This report was made prior to the report which I included with my speech on the subject yesterday, Thurs- day, January 9. It is important to a full information on the subject: Report or SPECIAL COMMITTEE oF CITY AIRPORT COMMISSION To the City Airport Commission; The following 1s a report of the special committee appointed on November 29, 1946, for the purpose of investigating certain air- port matters and making recommendations thereon: The committee consisted of: Messrs, John J. Church; Russell E. Gardner, Jr.; George C, Smith; C. W. Gaylord, chairman. Alfred Fleishman wus subsequently appointed sec- retary of the executive committee of the air- port commission and so served for this spe- cial investigation. MATTERS CONSIDERED The committee was charged with specifical- ly considering the following: 1, The remarks contained in the letter of resignation by Col. James H. Howard, former chief of acronautics for the city of St. Louis; 2. The remarks in the letter of the late Maj. Albert Bond Lambert submitted dur- ing the latter part of October and which contained a discussion of aviation and air- port development. Subsequently, the mayor suggested to this committee that the report of the aviation council be studied in order that the commit- tee have before it this additional informa- tion, The committee felt that in view of the aviation council's report, the city should be asked to submit its own response in an- swer to many of the council's statements. The committee itself called upon the city for @ response. A95 METHOD OF PROCEDURE In the course of its investigation, the committee consulted both formally an@ in- formally with members of the aviation council, Colonel Howard, city officials, news- paper reporters and editors, air-line officials, and others. Matters brought before it were weighed and considered in terms of ultimate benefit to all of the citizens of St. Louis. The committee was particularly concerned that no special group interests be allowed to take precedence over the interests of the citizens of St. Louis. Careful consideration was given to the mass of material and statements submitted. It soon became apparent to the committee that, if the report was to serve any im- mediate purpose and to be of readable length, it could cover only the broad, general, un- derlying matters involved. It was felt that the conclusions should point a general course rather than the exact details thereof. Thus, the committee has not undertaken to report a paragraph-by-paragraph analysis of the Howard, Lambert, aviation council, and city’s statements. It has tried to re- duce them to their essential basic conten- tions which seem to the committee of greater concern to the citizens of St. Louis as a whole. For those who wish to make a more de- tailed study, however, the committee has at- tached the several statements mentioned above, together with such other information as is herein referred to as being germane to this report. OBJECTIVES Its chief objective, the committee felt, was— To find under the circumstances and con- ditions presently existing a basic and un- derlying approach and to recommend a method of procedure and a type of organiza- tion most usable and practicable to obtain rapid and continuihg growth and successful operation of the air facilities of St. Louis. To this end, it addressed itself to the past constructively, rather than in an attempt to liquidate all differences, especially those which are relatively no longer pertinent. The four statements, primarily the occasion of this investigation, were placed before the committee in the order hereinafter discussed. Some were presented personally with oral comments, others were supported by various data and written information. COL. JAMES H. HOWARD With reference to Colonel Howard’s letter of resignation and his subsequent appearance before this committee, the following com- ment is made by the committee: 1. Coionel Howard stressed as his prin- cipal difficulty in organizational matters the lack of any delegation of authority to a city chief of aeronautics which would permit that office to command cooperation from the de- partment heads involved in deciding what and when action would be taken. 2. He said he had no new organizational set-up in mind or new department because it would fail, due to the noncooperation of the other department heads. 3. The only concrete suggestion which Colonel Howard offered was that somcone directly under the mayor and authorized to give orders in the mayor’s name ought to be an excellent expediter of individual projects. 4, In the scope of activities he seemed most concerned over the city airport commission’s selection of the Ross Airport as aguinst the Grand Avenue site on which he had put in considerable work, He stated that the commission had not been properly sold on information as to the Grand Avenue site or had a lack of under- standing of such information as was before it. He could offer, however, no additional data to that already submitted in Horner & Shif- rin’s report and supplemented by the city
A96 officials concerned and duly weighed by the commission. In fact, he took no part in bringing out the similarity of favorable pos- sibilities at the Ross Airport without some of the serious disadvantages of the Grand Avenue site with the excessive prohibitive cost of remedy. These factors which deter- mined the commission’s action were sub- mitted by Horner & Shifrin and other city officials—none of whom appeared to the com. mittee to have any particular brief for either site except that it was necessary for the city to have a decision made promptly. The com- mission’s action was taken after the due con- sideration as requested in Mr. Horner’s re- port on the Grand Avenue site. The action was unanimously passed. 5. Colonel Howard's statements have gen- erally been used in public discussion as characterizing a complete condemnation of the city’s aviation supervision both as to per- sonnel and activities. 6. In the record, however, there is a state- ment from Colonel Howard dated August 29, 1946, in which he says: “that at no similar in- terval of time in the past has so much been accomplished in advancing aviation in St. Louis as has been done during this period of time. The forecast indicates that the next 9 months will far exceed the 9 months previ- ous and so on into the future.” 7. If this statement is true and, with some minor qualifications, the committee believes it is, then everything could not always have been wrong with the city’s aviation effort dur- ing the past year, when there has been meade the best showing yet to be recorded in spite of endless obstacles of this post-war period. MAJOR LAMBERT’S SUMMARY Repeated reference has been made in pub- lic discussion to the summary of Maj. Albert Bond Lambert, as a blast condemning delays by the city in airport development. The committee does not believe this was the prime purpose of the Lambert document. It feels, however, that the constructive sugges- tions and even the indirect inferences in the summary should be taken to heart and given careful consideration by the city The real purpose of the Lambert report, the committee feels, was to inform the pub- lic as to the present status of St. Louis’ aviation in general and airport development at Lambert Field in particular. It also pro- jected the future progress to be expected un- der present conditions and pointed out where the emphasis should be placed. Granting that Major Lambert’s summary may permit various interpretations, depend- ing upon his purpose in preparing it, a key to its motivation 1s found in an explanatory letter which he subsequently wrote to Mr. Russell E, Gardner, Jr.. on November 7, 1946, While the letter is attached to this report, the committee feels that the following im- portant excerpts from this letter are per- tinent to better public understanding. “In the first place, I presented only the bare facts as they actually exist and without criticism on my part. The general theme throughout the summary relates to the all important time factor. * * * “The tentative timetable set up on page 8 is subject to revision by the proper authori- ties, either on the step-by-step basis or on the concurrent development of two or more iteme—and therein, after careful study, lies the answer. In this connection I pointed out that if there is a valid reason for delay, the public can more readily ynderstand and accept the situation. e e s e e “In my opinion, the press and the expect- ant public have not been sufficiently advised from time to time as to the progress made on any one item and also on the status of the entire program. Consequently, there appears to be a rather prevalent and persistent im- pression that our local airport program has been unnecessarily delayed. Right or wrong, this subject has been in the open for some time through the press, editorially and other- wise, over the radio, at public functions, and by individual citizens. s s es e 6 “In submitting a summary of the airport situation, I feel I have acted in the best interests of aviation; the public, the city ad- ministration, and, I am sure, Mayor Kauf- mann in the end will agree with me. I gave full credit to the administration for what has been accomplished. If the facts are cor- rect, and I think they are, then it points to a more concerted action by all concerned in reducing the time factor now facing us.” Major Lambert's verbal statements to city officials were in the same tenor as his letter of explanation to Gardner. On that basis, all city officials interviewed expressed hearty accord and acceptance. The members of this committee who had opportunity to contact Major Lambert before his death also sub- scribed to the position taken in his summary. AVIATION COUNCIL-—CITY STATEMENTS The published program of the Aviation Council of Metropolitan St. Louis, Inc., with @ preface by its president, Mr. George B, Legan, speaks for itself and is attached for the purpose. The program is apparently in- tended to be all inclusive of aviation ac- tivities and objectives. The city has made its comment on avia- tion progress as requested by this commit- tee. This covers much the same material as the program of the aviation council, at least to the extent of those activities in which the city participates. The city’s state- ment is attached and should be read with the aviation council report. Since much of the subject matter 1s com- mon to both of these statements, the com- mittee makes the following observations in commenting on them together: 1. The principal criticism in the aviation council's program seems to be regarding de- lay in designing plans for objectives already accepted as the city’s responsibility and in the execution of such plans when finally agreed on. 2, The comments of city officials would in- dicate that there are certainly two sides to the question of delays, Deferment for good and sufficient reasons may be wise and pru- dent. They should not be confused with delays which are due to ineptitude and pro- crastination. 3. For the latter there is little excuse, and certainly the committee holds no brief for them. The committee can find no major delay as above distinguished which has se- riously affected the aviation development in 8t. Louis. 4, There have been many minor delays. Some were unavoidable due to conditions both during the war and thereafter which were entirely outside the control of those concerned. 5. Regardless of the explanation, these de- lays have been most trying and, in many instances, explanations huve either not been considered neceasary by the city officials or have been so handled as to receive all too narrow publicity. The committee found that the latter criticlam of the city’s publicity methods is particularly prevelant among the people commenting. 6. The aviation council’s report contains many excellent and worth-while recommen- dations, The city's statement indicates clearly, however, that wide differences may exist in the ways and means and timing of these objectives, even differences in the very acceptance of the objective itself, as being the partioular responsibility of the city. 7. As a body of air-minded citizens rep- resenting diversified interests and widespread areas, the aviation council has established as its purpose the function of advancing and Promoting ideas and objectives of aviation. 8. It remains, however, for the city off- cials to assume the final responsibility of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD wisely and legally expending millions of dol- lars of the taxpayers’ money. Here is a case in point. If the selection by the aviation council of the east side for the next major airport was unanimous, many influential members of the aviation council must have second-guessed on this question. A large number of them enthusiastically sup- ported the Columbia Bottoms‘site. The city officials cannot with equal freedom so change their minds when the city already has ex- pended in excess of one-half of a million dollars on land acquisitions. The property Was acquired as a result of a decision made after long and laborious ponderings with the help and advice of all interested parties, in- cluding all available aviation experts. 9. The committee holds nu brief for minds that cannot be changed if another day is at hand or when conditions warrant that major change will be the best course for all con- cerned. Certainly, however, changes under such conditions require very tundamental supporting data, real reasons, and serious deliberation, including adequate arrange- ment for acceptable liquidation of aban- doned plans, both physically and financially. Except as they influence the committee's recommendations hereinafter given, the committee will rest its comments for the moment as to both the council’s program and the city's statement, but not before urg- ing on those concerned that both these doc- uments be given the study which they de- serve, The committee has tried to avoid the posi- tion of placing the contributor of construc- tive criticism in the pillory frame through the device of possible but misleading inter- pretations. The committee must, in justice to those critics of the city aviation herein mentioned, call attention to its own vulner- ableness to the charge of partiality due to membership on the city airport commission, PREMISES FOR RECOMMENDATIONS Certain considerations in the committee's premise seem worthy of recording before rec- ommendations are stated. This recording is in the character of informal and nontech- nical discussion. It attempts to briefly high light: 1. The nature of the city’s decisions as to the part the city can plan in the aviation business to the advantage of St. Louisians and the scope of the city's responsibilities thereunder, 2. The nature of aviation business itself and the forces influencing its development. 8. The “how” of the city’s present proce- dure set up to do the job and “who” now acts for the city. 4. An entirely new proposal, in line with the latest and best thinking as to good ad- ministration for city government when engaged in business, to solve, for the long term, the city’s aviation problem. Obviously this committee does not set it- self up to analyze in one final judgment all aviation matters concerning St. Louis. On the contrary, the committee believes such considerations are ever continuing from day to day and must receive the routine vigilant attention of a going city organization acting as the city business agency for aviation. To arrive at what the nature of such an agency should be and how it could best be organized to supervise in the interest of the city’s avia- tion requires some general observations as to the nature and scope of the city’s aviation responsibilities. Again the committee has- tens to explain that it does not attempt to fix these city responsibilities and anchor them for all time; it only accepta them as it pres- ently finds them, having very general, though possibly somewhat hazy, public acceptance. The responsibititie~ are bound to change from time to time in the future, even the near future, as aviation developments force atten- tion to the necessities of the ever-changing oireumstances,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The committee finds every evidence of gen- eral public acceptance that the city’s role in aviation must always be that of filling the holes in the picture which an informed public believes to be in its best interest. This is an important point to be thoroughly digested. The city is not in the aviation business as such solely for the profit made therein. As quickly as it can pass any phase of its busi- ness operations over to private enterprise for @ reasonable consideration, and with the as- surance’ of protection of public interest in their future development, the city is ex- pected to do so. Thus, great care must be constantly exercised that group enthusiasm be tempered with public knowledge of the predictable probabilities as to city responsi- bilities and the cost thereof in deciding what share of the various aviation loads the city should assume. Every one of these decisions involves risk of loss and again the city’s posi- tion is different from the private enterpriser. The air lines must take risks, some even great- er than the city's, but with this great differ- ence—the air lines, barring most exceptional circumstances, can always second guess with the receipts it receives for ite services and cor- rect even major errors of judgment. But the city cannot always be going back to the citi- zens for more bond money, unless it has been recognized that prior funds have been rea- sonably and successfully used. DEVELOPMENT OF AIR FACILITIES—A BUSINESS Putting Missouri in the air may be an entirely different matter than “lifting Mis- souri out of the mud.” Although probably of equal importance to the public interest, the two problems must employ entirely dif- ferent techniques in their solution. Futting Missouri in the air simply cannot be accom- plished if air objectives continue to be con- sidered in the same category as constructing sewers, repairing streets, or the laying of pavements, State-wide or local. All of these latter operations are based on known fac- tora that can largely be predetermined. There are many years of experience behind them. The pattern of public conduct to- ward the acceptance of them is set by long and accustomed usage. Aviation, however, is a new industry. It still has to be based on predictions. Some- times these predictions, made only 12 months previously, have seriously missed their mark. Numbers, tonnage, and equipment itself are in a state of flux. Ground facilities needed to handle them are in the same category. Already jet propulsion and reversible pro- pellers are changing predictions as to the necessary size of runways. Other improve- ments too numerous to mention are forcing a daily reappraisal of aviation thinking. Despite this, the development of St. Louis’ air facilities and their operations is a busi- ness. Efficient and modern business meth- ods must be applied to them. The city must deal on a day-in-day-out basis with many air lines, air schools, commercial aviation, private flying and related organizations, the Civil Aeronautics Authority and Board, and other Federal and State aviation authorities. In its association with them, it must have full, up-to-date knowledge and understand- ing of their problems, present and future, not only as related to St. Louis but, also, as to the regional and national situations. It must approach them with enlightened vision. PRESENT CITY AVIATION ADMINISTRATION Presently aviation matters are conducted in practically the same manner as other city affairs and this has been the practice of prior administrations ever since aviation became part of the city’s responsibilities with only minor divergences in details and no real aifference in theory or law. The city’s charter sets up the manner or procedure and the departments to be concerned. An aviation matter or project, once accepted as city busi- ness, ts divided into its several functional Components necessary for ita achievement, XCWI—App.——7 Each such function or duty ts then turned over to the respective department charged by the city’s charter with performing such function. This is the same procedure as is followed in all other city business. Briefly, for example, a new airport facility would be public work and thus its construction is re- quired to be instituted by and carried out under the supervision of the board of public service. Then there would be the financing throvgh the board of estimate and apportion- ment and the ordinance authorizing the project by the board of aldermen, and so forth; also the law work of the city counselor on the ordinance or condemnation proceed- ing if such is involved. If the facility is to be leased out, the comptroller is vested with exclusive authority, with approval of the board of estimate and apportionment, to rent city property for periods not exceeding 5 years, and so forth (over 5 years takes an ordinance passed by the aldermen). If the facility is to be operated outside the per- sonnel already established by ordinance, the department of personnel would be concerned since the control of the system of personnel administration is vested there. If the facil- ity is operated by the present airport per- sonnel, it would come wholly within the department of public utilities. In any case, the supervision of ita operation, control, management, and regulations would come under the department of public utilities. If purchase of supplies is involved, the supply division would handle it, since it holds ex- clusive control over the purchase of supplies for all departments, boards, or offices, exclu- sive of materia) for public work or improve- ment, In addition to the other city boards and departments which are vested by law to per- form, among many others, the functions set out above, there is a city airport commission created by ordnance. It is not charged with responsibilities or vested with authority to act or perform managerial supervision, It can only act in advisory capacity in, and through recommendation concerning design, construction, control, operation, and man- agement. As presently created it has eight lay-citizen members appointed by the mayor and seven ex officio members from among the city officials and department heads who discharge or control the major functions mentioned above, Also the board of alder- men have, by ordnance, assigned to, and under the direct and exclusive jurisdiction of, the director of public utilities, the de- sign, development, management, control, operation, supervision, and regulation of the city airport or airports, etc. This includes an airport manager and his staff of employees to operate the airport. This briefly portrays, for a relatively simple airport matter, the nature of the internal procedure necessarily followed by the city and the type of organization which the city charter provides to be relied on to execute the various proceedings required. The committee has no intention of trying to make a case against the city’s government being run along functional lines. The mem- bers of this committee in this and other capacities have had exceptional opportuni- ties to see too much successful city perform- ance to challenge this political philosophy in city affairs in general. When city activi- ties have been in long standing and become largely routine or at least predictable as to the time and personnel needed to discharge each function, then the functionalized de- partment offers specialized efficiency and great operating economy. But this has reference to the operation and management of the older facilities offered by city govern- ment which have taken on a pattern long since familiar and acceptable to our citizens and requiring only the specialized knowledge peculiar to such facilities. Actually the whole set-up sounds much more complicated than it turns out to be in A97 practice. It is only different from business management’s practice of departmentaliz- ing for successful control and efficient per- formance, in that the city’s departmentaliz- ing is fixed by law and may not vary one jota as to responsibility and authority and hence prerogative and attitude; whereas in business departmental lines are ever chang- ing to meet new needs and conditions. But in business—and here comes the rub— certainly no prudent business executive would ever try to combine two entirely dis- similar businesses by eliminating the en- tire personnel of the second enterprise in toto and shoving every department of the second enterprise together with its relative counterpart in the first enterprise, theoret- ical function by theoretical function, and, expect the members of the first organiza- tion to carry on successfully with practically no additional help or expert “know how.” But the city is forced by charter and ordi- nance to do just this and to try to perform under the acquisition of a new turbulent air partner, un airport, requiring entirely new techniques and functions though called by old names and classified by law into city boards and departments which make strange bedfellows, indeed. Aviation problems have to compete for attention with all the other city affairs in each department and with each official con- cerned. It is the old established interest of well recognized and publicly accepted au- thenticity veraus the new aviation matter of unestablished priority, and surrounded with plenty of uncertainty as to the correct course, the selection of which called for long study and much research. It is natural, since choice as to priority often has to be made, that old, familiar activities receive the first attention. Doubtless, this may be the cor- rect course, as disposing of matters gen- erally affecting more citizens who, by cus- tom, are expectant of the usual treatment within an acceptable period of time. The city’s governmental set-up is not equipped to do the complete job by its own initiation. Its system is not self-energizing for aviation. It was the flesh and blood operating the city’s government, led by the mayor, which had to take hold and function, often in spite of the set-up. The very nature of this treatment, 80 forced on the responsible city officials, was bound to beget hurdles and crises which re- quired long hours of negotiation and much discussion and planning. Often these crises came at just the time when other necesgary and important activities jammed the city departments concerned. Aviation had to wait its turn or pinch hitting had to be resorted to. The committee finds at the city hall, among those in position to observe, that at least a quarter and often over half the time of the mayor and of the other offi- ciala concerned was engaged solely in avia- tion matters. This does not include the night work at studying aviation development as reported elsewhere. This latter, the com- mittee can vouch for of its own knowledge. The members of this committee who are new lay members of the city airport com- mission and therefore not personally respon- sible for action prior to their appointment, are nonetheless impressed with the fact that the city airport commission has helped with its advice and far-sighted recommendations, especially those of its members like Major Lambert, who had large experience, out- standing knowledge, and the will to make the personal sacrifice necessary to put this experience and knowledge in places where they did real good. The city owes a great debt, already of long standing, to Major Lam- bert and his like. The city has been most fortunate in hav- ing available in its midst technical experts for analysis, counsel, and engineering par- ticipation. The report on terminal airport facilities for this region, on which Horner