APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD other day by Maj. Gen. Laurence S. Kuter, commander of the military Air Transport Bervice. The general revealed that the 66 commercial planes moved as much tonnage in man and matériel across the Pacific as 148 military transports of the same types. He explained that this almost 8-to-1 ratio was due to lack of trained flight personnel in the military services for this highly specialized job. The recall of 1,100 Reserve flight offi- cers will in the near future permit the mili- tary to assume full responsibility for this operation. When the handful of American troops in Korea were trading space for time, time was priceless. The maintenance of the American beachhead was dependent on the ability of the transport services of the Nation to pro- duce reinforcements in men and matériel be- fore space ran out, Air transport met this immediate need for emergency materials when it brought this theater of war within 30 hours of our production centers. Another miracle of transportation, ad- mittedly less spectacular, has been the mo- bilization of our surface carriers and ship- ping. All of us, I know, were thrilled and those of you coming from a great port city such as Mobile must have taken particular pride in the participation in the Inchon in- yvasion of the armada of over 300 surface vessels. The integrated mobilization of alr, surface, and water transportation in the national emergency proves conclusively that the well-being of this country is dependent on the maintenance of all forms of trans- portation in a sound condition. The combined efforts of the commercial airlines and military transport planes have produced amazing results. The lift 1s re- sponsible for more than 100 arrivals and de- partures a day at Haneda Airport outside Tokyo. Airlift pilots are flying about 200,000 pounds of strategic materials a day across 10,000 miles of ocean. GENERAL KUTER EXPLAINS USES General Kuter has outlined the specific value of the support given by the commercial airlines to the Korean airlift. He has given three reasons why MATS called upon civilian air transport to supplement the military. First, the use of commercial planes per- mits MATS to support the global mobility of the Armed Forces and retain transport facili- ties to overseas bases. Second, !t enables MATS to support move- ments of units of the strategic alr command with aircraft drawn from MATS operations in other than the Pacific area. General Kuter pointed out that MATS aircraft has carried strategic air command personnel and cargo from the home base to new locations in both the Far East and Great Britain. Third, it enables the military to meet the airlift requirements of the far eastern theater immediately while MATS is being puilt up. General Kuter commented on the com- mercial airlines’ part in the Korean airlift in these words: “The civil air carriers responded instantly and wholeheartedly to the emergency and they have done a magnificent Job.” He added that they have demonstrated they are in fact a true air transport reserve and an auxiliary to the Armed Forces. The participation of the air transport in- dustry was in accordance with carefully. drawn plans for wartime use of civil trans- port facilities in the interest of national security. Korea has provided the answer to the critics of the public investment in air transport. Public opinion is best reflected in the edito- rial columna of our great newspapers. The verdict of how wisely the public’s money has been expended in the development of Its alr transport system is evidenced by this ex- XOVII—App.——4 cerpt from one of our country’s great news- papers: “Once again, as happened in World War TT, it has been demonstrated that the people's money, well spent in developing our vast pat- tern of air transport, is paying a dividend of inestimable value. “Once again, it is being shown that the American spirit of enterprise in competition, Kept vigorously in the time of peace, spon- taneously becomes a source of great power when united in the common cause, “America is very fortunate indeed, in these days of doubt and anxiety, to have at her service a versatile and devoted facility lke the pilots and crews of her commercial air- eg.” Korea {a a localized emergency and the headlines of today show that it is being con- tained. However, we cannot afford to adopt an ostrich-like attitude. The forces of ag- gression pose their threat to world peace over all the face of the globe. Unpleasant as the thought may be, we cannot discount the possibility of world-wide upheaval. If the small group of men in the Kremlin who make Russian policy should decide to- morrow on further aggression by force else- where, we may be faced with the reality of global conflict. In this event, the value of air transport would again make itself felt as it was in World War If. The contribution of the commercia) airlines made toward vic- tory in World War II have been overshadowed by the more spectacular performance of com- bat planes. Much of the role was entirely withheld for security reasons, CONTRIBUTED IN WORLD WAR It One week after Pearl Harbor the War De- partment called on the air transport industry for an immediate secret movement of troops, Within 5 minutes after this official notifica- tion, airlines pilots in the air were ordered to land their planes, discharge thelr pas- sengers, and proceed to military installations to pick up Army troops. These were flown to a South American country where enemy action was feared. All this was done without incident and without publicity and in ac- cordance with a plan laid down in peacetime. Rommel was stopped in Africa with tank ammunition flown to General Montgomery in airline planes. The Japs were prevented from securing a foothold in Alaska by men and supplies flown there by planes and pilots furnished by the airlines. From these un- publicized accomplishments in the early critical days of World War II grew the tre- mendous contribution of the air transport industry when the airlines flew the equiva- lent of 26,000 times around the world, includ- ing 8,000,000,000 passenger miles, and 850,- 000,000 ton miles of cargo. To reduce these astronomical figures, the movement of per- sonnel alone would be the equivalent of mov- ing the population of Mobile seven times to London. The contribution of the airlines in World War II was made by an infant and pioneering industry. In the present war emergency, the capacity of the airlines of today is many, many times that of 1941. Among the employees of the airlines today are thousands of veterans of the last war. They were trained for the military service at the cost of $300,000,000. It would take more than 29,000 man-hours of training to dupli- cate their skills. Had it not been for the utilization of this manpower by the air trans- port industry, these skills would have been lost. Acting under the impetus of public opin- ton, Congress has been zealous in promoting civil aviation. It ts through this support— your investment in airports, your patronage of the airlines, and your interest that the air transport industry is the vital force in national defense that it is today. All of us—the airlines, the public, and your Gov- AAQ ernment, local as well as Federal—asre part- ners in welding and making strong this sec- ond line of national defense. Your investe ment in air transport hae paid another dividend in Korea. Shortage of Aluminum, Copper, and Other Essential Materials Closing Industries and Throwing Employees Out ‘of Work EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL A. REED OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 3, 1951 Mr. REED of New York, Mr. Speaker, labor organizations in my district, as well as heads of industries are complain- ing bitterly because aluminum, copper, and other strategic materials needed to keep men employed in industry are being shipped to foreign countries. Moreover, they are incensed when they know that these materials, so essential to our eco- nomic stability, are finding their way into Russia and Red China. The amount of aluminum, copper, and any other materials that could keep our industries moving along in a normal pace, as well as prevent unemployment, can be found in the bulletins which I am inserting as a part of my remarks. We are following the same line of pro- cedure that brought about Pearl Harbor and the sacrifices that our boys had to make in the war of the Pacific in World War II. I hope that those who are won- dering why there is all this shortage of essential materials will read the figures which I am submitting. I may add that already the Truman propagandists are appealing to the children of the country to save copper pennies instead of using them for the purchase of candy. Under leave to extend, heretofore granted, I am inserting two revealing bulletins prepared by Mr. Paul O. Peters: {From the Washington News Bulletin of December 26, 1950] Civiz1an Use or Copprr To Come Unper NPA CONTROLS SOON In Washington it has been announced that within the next few days controls will be slapped on the domestic use of copper, cobalt, and cadmium. It has been generally known for many months that our supplies of copper would not be adequate for civillan demands and an expanded rearmament program, Dur- ing World War II, the War Production Board reporting on the use of copper in 1944, stated among other things, that under a controlled materials plan direct military and export re- quirements had absorbed 90, 69, and 71 per- cent, respectively, of the brass-mill, wire- mill, and foundry-copper and copper-base alloy products. Recently the price of copper has advanced to 244% cents a pound, comparable with a price of 29.19 cents the highest price in 1917. In spite of the domestic shortages, it ap- pears that over a long period of time it has been the policy of the European Cooperation Administration to issue procurement author- ization to the Marshall plan countries for
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD My Brother’s Keeper EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HAROLD H. VELDE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. VELDE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan- jmous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Racorpy an editorial by Dr. W. T. Smith, pastor of the First Methodist Church, of Peoria, Ill, entitled “My Brother's Keeper,” and appearing in the January 5 issue of the Herald, published by the First Methodist Church: My Broruer’s KEEPer (By Dr. W. G. Smith) The great debate is on. Mr. Hoover, in his now celebrated Gibraltar of the West speech, seems to have given expression to the feelings and viewpoint of many millions of American people. Two facets of the matter stand out tn im- portance. One involves the moral responsi- bility of America toward the people of Europe.. The charge has been made that to follow Mr. Hoover's proposal would be to abandon people who desperately need our help. This, of course, involves the age-old question: “Am I my brother’s keeper?” To which there is only one answer and that, of course, is the Christian answer. We are re- sponsible for our brother's welfare. We are responsible, insofar as possible, for the well- being of people everywhere. And It is just as true of a nation as it is of an individual that he who seeks to save his life shall lose it and he that loses his life in sacrificial service shall find it. But into this matter comes the ques- tion of sagacity and wisdom. What is the best way to help the people toward whom we feel a great moral responsibility? Is it to pour more men and resources, including mili- tary arms, into a part of the world where we are unable to maintain and defend them— where it is admitted that Russia can over- run them and capture them within 3 weeks ig she 80 desires? Or is it the part of wisdom to shorten our lines, consolidate our strength, and prepare bases from which we can carry on the kind of contest for which we are best equipped? The question also has to be faced as to the extent to which the people of Europe are ready and willing to help themselves, Thus far they have shown no vigorous in- terest in that phase of the matter. The ultimate defeat of communism must be in the realm of ideology. The ideas which are embraced in and connoted by the word “Christianity” must be brought into head-on conflict with the ideas which are connoted by the word “communism.” When that takes place and as that takes place, there can be no question about the gradual and final disintegration of communism. It is far that we must strive, the while we do the so-called practical things which will prevent the maximum aggression of com- munism. One other aspect of this matter deserves attention. It is rumored that Mr. Hoover's speech was made only after wide consulta« tion with high military leaders and author- ities, and that what he has said really rep- resents their point of view, a point of view which is obylously at variance with that of the State Department and the White House. It is well known that military leaders do not express thelr own viewpoints. (Witness General MacArthur's recent attempt to do 80.) It is thelr function to execute orders of their Government— “Theirs not to reason why, Theirs but to do and die.” Mr. Hoover is not only a great statesman; he is a great Obristian. He does not suggest the abandonment of the Christian philosophy or the Ohristian position, He rather points to the only way in which it may be possible for the Christian point of view to survive in this world, Once again let it be said that that is realism. If there be those who care to call 1t isolationism,’so be it. Editorial Tributes to James A. Farley EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Rrcorp, two edito- rials from the Tampa (Fla.) Tribune of November 21 and 23, 1950, relating to the visit to Tampa, for the purpose of ad- dressing the Florida State Chamber of Commerce, of Hon. James A. Farley, former Postmaster General. There being no objection, the edito- rials were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: [From the Tampa Tribune of November 21, 1950) Topay's Guest or Honor Tampa, thanks to the State chamber of commerce, has as its guest of honor today a@ justly famous American, James A. Farley. Ever since his leadership in 1932 made Frank- lin D. Roosevelt the Democratic nominee and President, Mr. Farley hrs been both a national and international figure. His suc- cessful management of the campaigns of 1932 and 1936 stamped him as an able and re- sourceful party executive. He refused to go along in the third-term movement and there came a “parting of the ways” with his erst- while political hero—but the fact remains that, but for Farley, Mr. Roosevelt probably would never have been President. All that, however, is now history. Relieved of the de- tail of party leadership, Mr. Farley has con- cerned himself with broader concepts of principle and policy. Both his utterances and activities have been in promotion of « greater United States and a better world. Wisely conservative, he has deprecated undemocratic trends to- ward a socialistic state and consistently fought the advance of Communist and totall- tarian ideologies and developments. In his foreign travels he has been a one-man “voice of America” whose sound advice has been heeded tn many influential international circles. Tampa and Florida are happy and proud to greet and hear today “Jim” Farley, typical American, [From the Tampa Tribune of November 23, 1050] A Sounn THINKER That eminent American, James A. Farley, ‘was never on more solid ground than in his analysis of the recent election results, made in his notable address at the State chamber of commerce dinner. Mr, Farley greeted with approval the trend shown by the election in registering the op- position of the voter to socialistic move- ments and proposals, to splinter parties and un-American alliances, to the political activ- ities of labor leaders and to objectionable features of the Fair Deal. He was particu- larly impressive in his comments on the Truman civil-rights program. Abl “Most of the problems raised by the so- called civil-rights program,” he aaid, “are gradually and ‘ully being solved right here in the South. The gates of economic opportunity for all races are opening wider and wider, the right to vote is spreading ta all, and disorders that once resulted in lynchings have been brought under control by the States and communities, To threaten the South with drastic Federal legislation is the last way to approach these problems. And we are & long way from that last way. To pass a law, especially a Federal law, is never the best way to correct an injustice. I say to those anxious people who are too ready to lift the threat of authority to leave recovery to the spirit of liberty.” More of the sound thinking evidenced by James A. Parley would serve the people well in Washington. Justice for Poland EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN Or NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. LEHMAN, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp a statement which was broadcast by me recently under the sponsorship of the Polish-American Con- gress, on the subject of justice for Poland. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: JUSTICE FOR POLAND (By Senator Heastrt H. LEHMAN) I am happy to speak to this radio audience today under the sponsorship of the Polish- American Congress. For many years, I have taken a spectal in- terest in the activities of Polish-American groups and organizations and in the notable contributions which these groups have made and are making to American citizenship and to the American tradition, I am especially pleased to speak to you today on the subject of justice for Poland. There is no subject closer to the hearts of all of use who today are devoting every effort of mind and hody to the great world cause of freedom, justice, and security. Basically, of course, the question of jus- tice for Poland cannot be separated from the question of justice for all freedom-loving peoples, both for those already under the tyrannical heel of the Kremlin, and for those threatened with such a fate. We know that justice must be won for all peoples enslaved by totalitarian regimes which exist not by the consent of the people and for the sake of the people, but by naked force for the pur- pose of controlling and enslaving the people. Poland, of course, has a special claim to our consideration in the great undertaking upon which we are now engaged. Since time immemorial, the light of liberty has burned as fiercely in Poland as in any country in the world. Surrounded and overshadowed by nations historically bent on stamping out freedom and on repressing the outpourings of the human spirit, the Polish people have struggled unceasingly in behalf of freedom. ‘This Polish tradition of liberty found bril- liant expression in the 8@ of May consti- tution of 1791, the most democratic consti- tution to have been promulgated in the Old World up to that time. This constitution, expressing the genius and the tradition of the Polish people, recognized the equality of all men, proclaimed religious Mberty and
eetabliah by basic law the freedome of thought and speech. This constitution , this and Gen. Casimir Pulaski, and by other Poles less renowned, who rushed to these shores aa soon as they heard the call of men to arms in the battle for liberty. We have not forgotten, and mast not for- get this circumstance. The least we Amer~ icans owe to these Polish heroes is to do all we can in this dark day to bring justice and freedom to the descendants of Kosciuscko, Pulaski, and their heroic comrades. The Polish Constitution to which I have referred did not, of course, long endure. The tyrants of Prussia, Ruasta, and Austria could not tolerate this bold flowering of the human spirit, They could not permit, in close prox- imity to their territory, the spectacle of hu- man dignity, warth, and freedom, this cul- tivation of the dangerous doctrine of de- mocracy. And so Poland was extinguished as a nation. Not until 1918 was Poland again free. But during al! those years the Polish people con- tinued to struggle, to revolt, to endure jail, torture, and death in the high cause of free- dom, Thus for more than a century, the Polish people cherished the traditions of l{b- erty, although they knew its practices only remotely, by memory and by reference. Today Polish-Americans in this country have a double heritage of freedom. They share in the ideals of freedom common to every American and are at the same time heirs of the magnificent Polish tradition of freedom and the dignity of man. The Polish people, like the American people, have held aloft the torch of liberty throughout the years and through the centuries. Today that torch does not burn openly in Poland. But I am sure it burns brightly tn the hearts of the vast mafority of the Polish people. That flame which has survived the attempts to extinguish it by the tyrants of the past-—by Catherine of Russia, Frederick of Prussia, and the Hapsburg emperors of Austria—will continue to defy the efforts of Stalin and his minions in Warsaw. ‘We in America believe in freedom and in independence for all the nations of the world. We have never deviated from our support of the poeition, first expressed as official doc- trine by our great President Woodrow Wil- son, that every people has the inherent right to determine its own national destiny. We belfeve this as firmly today as we did tn 1916, And today we, as well as all the other free- dom-loving peoples of the world, face the greatest threat to freedom and to our na- tional survival we have ever known. We are meeting that challenge. We are going to overcome the present dangers. True, these arc only words. Our determination must be tranrlated into action on many fronts, not only by the strength of our arms but by the strength of cur ideas. It ls and always hes been my profound belief that the idea of freedom and of justice Is the strong- eat idea ever conceived by man. In all the history that we know, slavery has never been able to provail over freedom. Tyranny has won temporary victories, but never the ultimate victory. The present world challenge will require unlimited sacrifices from all of us. Victory in this struggle cannot be won by business a8 usual, politics as usual, or itfe as usual, We must be ready to struggle on every front clouds of fear and aggression overshadow us. All of us wish to peace. Most nations wish, each in ite own and according to its own genius, out. its own destiny in justice and in security. In order to achieve a world order in which this will be we must direct our every effort and our every energy toward the task of bringing freedom and justice to the world, We shall achieve fustice for Poland as we shall achieve it for all mankind. ’ Fewer Strikes fer Mere People EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HUGH BUTLER OF NEBRABKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Mondey, January &, 1951 Mr, BUTLER of Nebraska. Mr. Pres- tdent, a most interesting editorial ap- peared recently in the magazine Part- ners, by its editor, Maurice R. Franks, who is also president of the National Labor-Management Foundation. Mr. Franks, himself a unton member, pre- sents an interesting suggestion under the heading “Fewer strikes for more people.” I hope this article will lead to the pres- entation of an amendment to the Taft- Hartley Act that will be highly beneficial both to labor and mansgement. To as- sure the freedom we have enjoyed through the years, we should aim at unity and cooperation during these seri- ous days. I ask unanimous consent that the edi- torial be printed in the Appendix of the Record. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recoan, as follows: Power Sraunes yor Mont Proris (By Maurice R. Franks) One of the big questions of the day is: When are all these strikes going to stop? Well I, for one, don't know when all the strikes are going to stop. I don’t even be- Meve all strikes should stop. There are oc- casions when strikes are highly justified. But I'm convinced that about 90 percent of the kind we suffer from today would never even start if we had a Httle diferent approach. Some day when you have nothing else to do, you might look into a strike in progress. Talk to the strikers. Ask them thelr reason for hitting the bricks. I'll bet that not more than s handfu) will be able to give you comprehensive answer. The fact is they simply don't know. You may ask this one and that one if he voted for the strike. Some will aay "Yes"; others wilt say “No.” UMION MEMBERS HANDICAPPED The answer to this is that a goodly number of folks on strike have no means of knowing just why they are out, and many of their fellow workers are given a poor oppor- tunity to vote for or against a strike. Few union halls are equipped to accom- modate the entire membership. It ts physi- eally impossibie for all the union members to foreguther at one time. Day meetings APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD can be attended only by night-shift workers and vice versa. This is just one handicap. Another is that, even though it were possible to asscm~- ble the entire local membership in one hall at one time, it would still be impoasibie for this membership te azrive at a sensfbie con- clusion for the simple reason that in such an environment they are given the means of hearing onty one side of the story—the union’s side—and that side is, quite natu- rally, biased. To look for an intelligent vote on a strike issue under such conditions is just plain sty. It ian’t in the cards. Until some- thing is dane that will afford the member- ship the opportunity to hear both sides of the stoxy—management’s as well as labor's— Wwe can only look forward to more and mare labor trouble, much of it . When I examine the present labor law— the Labor-Management Relations Act of 1947, commonly referred to as the Taft- Harstley law—I find nothing specific in it that will enable the worker to use his anatytical ability on matters affecting his very livell- hood. This is a glaring deficiency in the lew. For until something is done to allow union members to consider both aides of the ques- tion before casting thefr strike votes, one way ox the other, we can hardly look forward to a greater measure of industrial peace. A PLAN POR IMPROVED BALLOTING If it ta legally possibie, ¥ shoukd like to see the Taft-Hartley law amended to the point of making it mandatory that, before a strixe shell be instituted, the workers involved shall be accorded full means of analyzing both sides of the controversy, In line with this, I suggest that the law be amended to require that before a strike vote could be teken, a pertod of 10 days must elapse from the date the union duly files its grievance clatm. This woutd allow the union and the employer ample opportunity to pre- sent their particular arpuments on the issue at hand to the workers involved. This period would enable both parties to make their presentation on paper, which could be mailed right to the home of the worker. This would automatically give the workers an oppor- tunity to study the full situation as tt exists and to decide for themselves whether 2 strike 1s or is not called for. At home and tn sober consultation with the members of his family—each one of whom very Likely would be dtrectly affected by the calling of a strike—the worker would stand a better chance of judging the total situation before cesting his vote for or against a strike. Within a reasonable period after this was done, the union would be permitted to send out a strike ballot by regtstered United States mail, return receipt requested, to each and every person to be affected by a strike. This ballot would be returnable to a destgnated post-office box accessible only to a duly authorized representative of the union, a duly authorized representative of the em- ployer and a duly authorized representative of the Nationa! Labor Relatfons Board. The mechanics of the secret ballot would operate somewhat as follows: A member would receive an envelope addressed to his home and containing instruction= ag to cast- ing his ballot. These instructions would tell him to execute the ballot according to his personal desire, voting simply yes or no on the strike issue. The marked ballot would be sealed in a blank envelope and returned tn the envelope addreased to the post-office box. On the back of the envelope bearing the post-office box number would be space for the worker's original signature, thus making possibile a check against the mall return re- celpts in order to establish eligibiitty of the Dallot so returned. The secret ballots contained in blank en- velopes would have to be opened and counted
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD in the presence of the duly authorized rep- resentative of the union, the employer, and the NLRB, After counting the votes in the duly au- thorized manner, the result of the balloting would be immediately made known through suitable notice. If the vote 1s in favor of a strike, no work stoppage could yet be instituted. The law would require that a period of 50 days must elapse from the date the results of the strike are posted, This waiting period could be utilized by the disputants for the purpose of endeavoring further to resolve thelr dif- ferences, UNION LEADERS MAY OBJECT There Ils no doubt in my mind that this suggested plan of mine will create some con- troversy. Some people will assert that such @ system of voting infringes upon the rights of the unlon worker—and especially upon the rights of the union leader. Labor bosses may put forth the argument that if such a system as this be required of the unious, it should likewise be required of all chartered organizations not coming under the Taft- Hartley Act—organizations such as the Ma- sonic order, the Knights of Columbus, Rotary, and other clubs. My answer to this argument ts simple: Such organizations are not by their very nature expressions of economic power. They do not pull strikes or in any way in- jure the public. Their activities d~ not de- prive you and me of our right to use the telephone or ride a train or street car, They don't throw picket lines around business es. tablishments No child, because of them, has ever been deprived of milk, no home of heat, no human J ody of nourishment. This plan of mine, if enacted into law as an amendment to the Taft-Hartley Act, would, I believe, tmmediutely provide the American worker with the possibility of using the powers of analysis the good Lord endowed him with. It would offer him the opportunity of carefully examining both sides of a potential strike issue in an at- mosphere safely removed from the turmoil and confusion of a heated union meeting. Its immediate practical result would be fewer strikes for more people. “American Superiority in A-Bombs, Taken Together With Our Long-Range Stra- tegic Air Force, Probably Constitutes the Most Important Single Factor That Has Thus Far Deterred the Kremlin From Precipitating an All-Out War”— Editorial, Washington (D.C.) Star EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. FRANK W. BOYKIN OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. BOYKIN.- Mr. Speaker, the Washington Star of last evening carried a@ most significant editorial under the heading “Russia and A-Weapons,” hav- ing to do with United States Air Force superiority in the field of strategic bomb- ing. American, and the world’s, leading military authorities have now come to regard the ability of the United States Air Force—with iss long-range bombing planes land-based here at home—to de- liver the atom bomb to any part of Rus- sia as the greatest existing single de- terment to world-wide war. Mr. Speaker, time, however, is now running out. It is nearly 2 years since the Air Force brought the B-38 bomber into produc- tion. In the meantime, we have seen better weapons, as well as tactics, worked out for the defense of our country, and— it is only prudent to assume that the Russian Communists have also made im- provements in both their offensive and defensive weapons and tactics. I was glad to see the dispatch with which this House voted the new $20,- 000,000,000 supplemental appropriations for defense, and hope and pray that, in what appears today to be normal America—‘dging business as usual’—the workers in the defense plants and on production lines will not forget that the country now stands on the brink of imminent and all-out globa) warfare. The passage of increased appropria- tions for military defense by the Congress will not meet the situation, Neither will it be met by enacting “material controls” or ‘“‘wage and hour controls’’—necessary as these might he, The only one answer to this problem— is the increased production of all ma- terials necessary to prosecute modern war against Russia and all of her satel- lites, plus an Army, a Navy, and an Air Force, of sufficient strength to insure our defenses— with or without the benefit of any help whatever from the United Na- tions or any other source whatever. Let us speed defense production on every industrial front It is because of the timeliness and logic of the editorial clipped from the Wash- ington Star of yesterday that I ask unanimous consent of my colleagues to extend my remarks and insert the same in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. The editorial reads as follows: Russia AND A-WEAPONS It is a reasonanly safe assumption that the United States stil] maintains a large lead over the Soviet Union In th. fleld of atomic weapons, both as regards quantity and quality. As far as the immediate world situation igs concerred, this particular American superiority—taken together with our long-range strategic air force—prob- ably constitutes the most important single factor that has thus far deterred the Krem- lin from committing an act of aggression direct and heinous enough to precipllate an all-out war calling for Instantaneous and massive counterattack from us. But how long will that deterrent really serve to deter? No one cxn he sure of the answer. The only thing anybody can be sure of is that there is not the slightest reason for complacency on the part of our own coun- try or the rest of the free world, For the fact is that time is not on our side in this matter. As pointed out to the Senate Ap- propriations Committee by Chairman Gor- don Dean, of the Atomic Energy Commis- sion, the Russians undoubtedly are making an intensive effort to produce a big stock- pile of A-weapons as faat as possible; nor would it be sensible to suppose that they are not capable of doing #0. Further than that-—and the authority for this statement is the distinguished Dr. Vannevar Bush, chief of our wartime Office of Scientific Research and Development—we should re- gard it pretty rauch as a certainty that they have been sparing no effort to develop radar, anti-aircraft artillery, fet-plane interception ASS and ground-to-air guided missiles along lines calculated to nullify whatever counterat~- tacking superiority we may have at the present moment. In other words, in terms of their ability both to deliver atomic attacks on American cities and to defend themselves trom such attacks by us, the Russians are not letting the grass grow under their feet. 4s time passes, they are growing stronger and stronger in this respect, although now they may be highly vulnerable. It would be folly of the worst kind to assume otherwise. In quantity and quality, our arsenal of A-weapons may continue to be far superior to theirs, but this is a fleld in which the margin 2f superlority—after the competitors reach a certain point-~tend to diminish in significance, Our military preparedness and strategy must be governed accordingly. Lobbying: Its Nature, History, and Causes EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. FRANK BUCHANAN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, January 8, 1951 Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, under leav2 to extead my remarks, I wish to include an article which appeared in the December 1950 issue of Rural Electrifi- cation magazine. The article is as follows: Lossrinc: Irs Naturz, History, ano Causes (By Hon. Frank BucwaNnan, United States Representative, Pennsylvania, chairman, House Committee on Lobbying) "It should be remembered that the ad- vantage will alvays Iie with those Interests which are best organized, best financed, and have the casiest access to radio, newspapers, and other mass media. For this reason, or- Ganized business has always gained the most from lobbying because it had atl these re- quirements. Organized business has had another advan.age. It has sought to prevent rather than encourage action by popular government and it is far easier to obstruct legislative processes than it {6 to create.” In a democracy, it 1s essential that indi- viduals or factions have some lawful means by which they cxn lay their needs before their government. At core, the purpose of any free government, as opposed to that of totalitarian rule, is that prople should be able to reach it; a.d at core, the purpose of what is called lobbying is that they should be able to reach thelr government with max- imum impact and possibility of success. This, then, is basically what lobbying is, For the past 100 years, the term “lobby- ing” has been in common use, and during that time the term has deen given many definitions, Eighty years ago, “lobbying” rreant direct, private pressure on legislators, and the word had a corrupt sound. Lobbying in the 1880's demanded th’s kind of defini- tion but lobbying in the 1950’s requires a nev one, DEFINITIONS DON’T FIT The reason most present-day definitions don't fit js that they fail to recognize that modern pressure on legislative bodies ia car~ rupt only in extremely rare cases, that it 1s, moreover, not direct but indirect, and that by and large it is the effort of group rather than tndividual effort. To our kind of government, lobbying 1s as natural as breathing is to the human belng, and just about as complex. With so many voices with conflicting views clamoring to