APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD program and by 1941 we were in the Second World War. Whatever the arguments for free trade, it is a pipe dream to imagine that it will make the Russians less likely to start an aggressive war. One thing is certain, the election of a Con- gress subservient to Mr. Truman will remove all the necessity he feels today to consult with Congress on foreign policy. It was the imaginary mandate from the election of 1948 which led him to abandon the so-called bi- partisan policy and go it on his own. I don’t believe the people want a Congress subservient to Mr. Truman in foreign policy any more than they do in the domestic field. And so we face next November a funda- mental issue. Shall we turn the country over to Mr. Truman and a rubber-stamp Congress, or shall we elect a Congress that believes in liberty and Americanism and sound fiscal policy? Even a Democratic Con- gress with a strong Republican minority can be that kind of Congress, but just to be cer- tain the people would feel a lot, safer if they give both Houses a substantial Republican majority. Mr. Truman wants to purge all the Con- gressmen whom he refers to as obstruction- ists and isolationists. An isolationist today appears to be anyone who disagrees with his particular brand of foreign policy at the moment. An obstructionist is anyone who disagrees with Truman’s Socialist program. What about Senator Lucas? He has been an obstructionist against the Brannan farm plan, but the President urged his reelection. Apparently it is Just Republicans the Presi-« dent had in mind. But apparently the peo- ple of Florida had another and better idea— they have begun the purge with Senator PEPPER. The President implies that he deserves some credit for the few accomplishments of the Eighty-first Congress, which he lists. As a@ matter of fact, most of these accomplish= ments are simply continuations of the policy of the Eightieth Congress. The Eightieth Congress started the ECA. It initiated the idea of the Atlantic Pact and extended the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. The only change made in that act by the Highty-first Congress is to remove the peril-point amend- ment so that foreign goods manufactured by cheap foreign labor can come into this country even though they destroy the exist- ence of an American industry and throw thousands of people out of work as in the pottery and glass and coal and oil industries today. Reclamation and the Rural Electrification Administration were widely extended by the Eightieth Congress, and the Eighty-first only followed in its train. The National Science Foundation bill was passed by the Hightieth Congress, and would have been law long ago except for President Truman's veto, which demanded more power over the Foundation for himself. As for the increase in the mini- mum wage to 75 cents, the public housing program, and the hospital construction program, these were put through the Eighty- first Congress because the Republican lead~ ership supported them. Two of them I spon~ sored myself. ‘ A REPUBLICAN POLICY What kind of policy will a Republican Con- gress carry through? In the first place, it will back up Mr. Truman or any other Presi- dent in his foreign policies as far as they stand foursquare against the spread of com= munism anywhere in the world. It will wel~ come any efforts toward peace which he deems ‘o be practical by direct negotiations with the Russian leaders. It will provide an all-powerful armed force for the United States. It will insist on the elimination from Government, and particularly from the State Department policy-making group, of every man who thinks that communism has about it any of the elements of true Amer- icanism. A Republican Congress will insist upon the maintenance of liberty, freedom of speech and of the press, freedom of the individual to choose his own occupation regardless of the dictation of government or labor leaders, and spend his earnings as he desires to spend them, freedom of the local community to work out its own systems of education and health and welfare with Federal assistance, if necessary, but without Federal control. We believe in the free life. A Republican Congress will maintain civil equality for all races and will prevent special privileges, both for big business and big labor. It will not hesitate to use the power of Gov- ernment to prevent the abuses and excesses of a laissez-faire economic system, to protect @ proper minimum wage, to protect farm prices in the market place that will maintain agricultural purchasing power in reasonable relation to other groups in the population, and prevent any destruction of that purchas~ ing power which could bring about another depression. It will guard against the de- velopment of monopoly and insist on the maintenance of free competition, but avoid in every case except public utilities the deadening regulation of Government bureaus attempting to fix prices, practices, and quotas in free industries. Such a Congress will return to the prin- ciples of thrift and sound fiscal policy on which this Nation was built up. That is the best method of providing a foundation on which the economic machine can be kept running at a high rate of speed, with full employment. It will readjust the tax sys- tem to reduce taxes on incentive and create the channels through which the earnings of all income groups may flow into the produc- tive enterprises which alone can make jobs. Finally, a Republican Congress will be in- terested, as every man concerned in Govern- ment must be interested, in promoting better education, better health, better housing, bet- ter security for our people, and better equal- ity of opportunity for our children. The Federal Government can aid by research and education. It can give financial assistance where it is absolutely necessary and where it can be done without destroying incentive or placing too great a drain on the Treasury. We believe that hardship and poverty can be eliminated, without extending Govern- ment welfare service and regimentation to the whole population, for such universal free service can bankrupt the Government while it destroys the freedom and the character of the people to whom it is extended. Now is the time for the people of this country to begin the discussion of the kind of Congress they wish the Eighty-second Congress to be. Socialism is the constant extension of government power, and govern- ment operation, and the spending of govern- ment money. Great Britain has gone a long way down that road, and there is no return once you have gone. It is the road which Mr. Truman is urging upon us while he paints the picture of Utopia. It has never yet in- creased the standards of living of the peo- ple, but it has over and over again destroyed their freedom. It is all the more dangerous because the administration advocates of these schemes try to conceal the government spending and bureaucratic controls which they involve. I really don’t believe Mr. Tru- man realizes what the inevitable results are. But in England they frankly speak of them as socialism, and admit their cost in cash and regulation. Finally, and above all else, socialism is a threat to the basic institutions of our modern civilization. It is material- ism at its worst, undermining and weaken- ing the character and the moral fiber of the people. It tends eventually to weaken the basic unit of our society, the home; it rele- gates religion to the realm of the horse-and- buggy days. The great need in the world today is a rebirth of morality—a fresh morality. A A3735 government’s word in international matters Should be its bond. A government’s in- tegrity and stability in domestic affairs should be its principal virtue. Whether or not Mr. Truman realizes what socialism means—one thing is clear: If he gets the ra‘vorr-sicrms Congress he is now demanding t- - nowrta give him, dominated as it weu te" 9 1. or the top brass of the unions, we would have a completely controlled peo- ple and a hand-out state, as long as there is any money left in the land to he taxed away. If we hope to progress in the future as we have in the past, we can only do so if we elect a free Congress, one which will carry out a program of progress based on the principles of liberty and justice and equality on which this Nation was founded. Brigham Herd Smashes Records EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES A. PLUMLEY OF VERMONT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. PLUMLEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following article from the Jersey Bulletin of March 25, 1950: BricHam Herp SmMasHES Recorps—SrETs ALL BreeD REcorRD For Herps Asove 100 Cows, New 10-Year Recorp—Fruir or 27 Years’ ‘TESTING A Jersey herd of 104 cows milked twice daily averaged 11,708 pounds of milk with 616 pounds of butterfat on Herd Improve- ment Registry in 1949. This herd, owned by Elbert S. Brigham of St. Albans, Vt., is the first herd of 100 cows of any breed to average over 600 pounds of butterfat on official test regardless of the number of times milked. Mr. Brigham is president of the American Jersey Cattle Club. His herd has averaged 588 pounds of fat and 10,268 pounds of milk per cow for 10 consecutive years. Every cow in the Brigham herd has been tested since 1922 when private records were started. In 1925 the herd was entered in the local Dairy Herd Improvement Association. Look at this record of production since 1987 when the herd was entered in the herd improvement registry test of the American Jersey Cattle Club. Mr. Brigham purchased his first Jerseys in 1904. His breeding program ever since has been built on this simple but highly effective principle: Breed high producing cows to proved sires that will raise the production of their daughters to a still higher point. In practice Mr. Brigham buys some young sons of tested sires. He breeds these sons to enough cows to get 10 or 12 daughters. After that, the bull is not used until the daughters begin milking and show whether they are giving better production than their mothers. Especially interesting to dairymen is the fact that every female hag been bred on the farm since 1918, Brigham has purchased no female stock from outside the herd since that date. The cows are milked twice a day, and left in stanchions except when in pas- ture. Mr. Brigham in speaking of his dairy pro- gram says, ‘““We chose the Jersey breed as best adapted to our conditions. Our dairy pro- gram has been designed to secure low cost production. To obtain this we breed cows with capacity for high production, grow a large percentage of our feed in the form of good quality palatable roughage, and we give the herd good care.”
A3736 Brigham’s herd has more tested dams than any other Jersey herd in the United tates. Forty-three tested dams have 137 tested progeny averaging 10,987 pounds milk and 584 pounds butterfat. Ninety-four cows have received the coveted Ton of Gold award—more than any other herd in the Nation Mr. Brigham has had an active career in public service. He was Vermont commission~ er of agriculture for 11 years. Then he served as United States Representative in Washington for three terms. After that the National Life Insurance Co. at Mont- pelier elected him a director. In 1937 he was named president of the company. In 1948 the Jersey breeders of the United States elected him president of the Ameri- can Jersey Cattle Club and they reelected him in 1949. He was named as a master breeder by the Jersey breeders in 1947, Brigham Farm herd averages Perd-improvement-reg- | Number | Pounds | Pounds istry test year ending— | of cows | of milk ol fat 104 11, 703 616 105 10, 924 £88 ll 9, 942 530 $2 10, 269 543 86 10, 058 527 91 10, 171 520 92 10, 058 529 98 10, 116 517 92 9, 734 512 84 9, 441. 433 78 8, 796 455 79 , 398 438 70 7,617 385 18-year average... 92 9, 892 517 Effect of the Present Excise Taxes on New York State EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. RALPH A. GAMBLE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 8, 1950 Mr. GAMBLE, Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent heretofore granted, I insert in the CoNGRESSIONAL RECORD @ statement of Commissioner Keller, of the Department of Commerce of the State of New York, on the effect of the present excise taxes on the Empire State: The economic strangulation of small busi- ness throughout the length and breadth of the Nation is becoming of ever increasing danger to the well-being of the Nation, This stifling of initiative, suffocating of the drive to improve one’s station in life, is swiftly coming to a climax unprecedented in the his- tory of the United States. Not the least of the many forces bearing down on the small- business man today is the growing burden of excise taxes imposed on manufacturers and as retail taxes. The many advocates of these taxes will argue that the money to support our many and varied operations in the field of govern- ment must come from some source. But I ask you, must it come at the expense of those pusinesses operating in the margin of desire? Excise taxes whether passed on directly to the consumer through retail sales taxes or indirectly through higher prices resulting from manufacturer's taxes result in reduced sales. As prices rise former purchasers elther find a substitute or a cheaper commodity. All too familiar with this principle are the entreproneurs in the leather goods, sporting goods, jewelry, and photographic industries. They have suffered severely from the harsh excise taxes imposed as a wartime measure. Let us examine the measure’s effects in my State. The following table shows how large @ part of these industries is represented in New York State: Principal manufacturing industries affected by wartime excise taxes Ee - Employ-| New mentin| York Tax | New | as per- rate| York | cent of State, | United 1047 1 | States ! Manufacturcr’s tax: Pet. Sporting and athletic goods.| 10 3, 851 13.3 Photographic equipment-.-| () 34, 566 67,9 Radiosandrelatedproducts.| 10 | 38, 412 18.7 Phonograph records_.------ 10 1,193 11.9 Musical instruments and parts. ..-------------+---- 10 3, 002 17.8 Consumer’s tax: PUTS... eee ene n ee een een 2 17, $35 77.4 Watches and clocks... @) 6, 805 19.8 Jowelry (precious me 20 7, 289 28. 4 Costume jewelry 20 7, 252 28. 6 Lugrage..-.-.------- 20 3, 918 24, 4 Handbags and purses 2 12, 988 64.0 Toilet preparations... 20 7, 783 29.9 Grand total_--.--...-----|--..- 140, 034 30, 6 en 1 Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. 2 Camoras, lenses, and photographic equipment have a 25-percent tax. Unexposed films, plates, or sensitized paper have a 15-percent tax. ; 310 percent on alarm clocks selling below $5 and watches selling below $65. 20 percent on all other watches and clocks. I am informed by the New York State De- partment of Commerce that at the present time only 65 percent of the photographic industry workers are employed while only 77 percent of the furriers are busy. Likewise, the cosmetic industry is at only 33 percent of full strength and 55 percent of the leather and luggage workers are idle. Approximately 71,000 persons were employed in these indus- tries in 1946 in New York State. Today these industries, suffering from the harsh flat 20-percent excise tax, employ only 53,000 persons. This situation in New York State is not local. It is rather Nation-wide. The re- generation of business in the several indus~ tries following a sharp reduction in the pres- ent levies is a picture that I would find very pleasant. Like the pebble tossed in a pool, it promises a “shot in the arm” to other allied and associated industries. Increased sales, a higher level of employment, greater production in a variety of flelds are all some- thing that can be looked for. Excise taxation has until comparatively recently been left almost wholly to the States; Federal excise taxes, on the other hand, were resorted to as regulatory meas- ures in rare cases and as revenue sources in times of war. No other attempt was ever made, however, until 1941 when the existing statutes were extensively revised. This past year brought an all-time high in excise-tax revenue for the Federal Government. More than $7,500,000,000 was derived from this source alone, more than five-fold the amount derived from similar sources 10 years ago and approximately 14 times that derived from excise levies 20 years ago. The tax on whisky imposed in 1791 proved sO unpopular that it led to the famed Whisky Rebellion in 1791. Three years later, however, the young United States levied on other commodities, sugar, snuff, carriages, auction sales, and liquor as well (the previous tax having been repealed). This entire system was abandoned in 1802 only to be revived and supplemented in 1812. The Civil War, Spanish-American War, and World War I+ periods were marked by the addition of numerous tax levies on the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD statute books. With the exception of those designed as regulatory measures, these taxes were almost universally abandoned when the conflict terminated. Such was also the expressed policy adopted in World War II. In 1947, many of the war- time provisions were continued despite clauses in the statutes calling for reduction 6 months after the end of hostilities. The present session of Congress has before it a number of bills to reduce or abolish these excise taxes which fall to so great an extent on the people of our Nation unfairly. The character of the excise tax will always of necessity be regressive. This is true since the taxes strike so sharply at the individual with the lower income, not only the em- ployee and the small-business man but the consumer as well. It is not to be forgotten that the prospective consumer who does not buy due to the higher cost induced by excise taxes is deprived of the use of the commod~= ity. This results in a lower standard of liv- ing for the community. Recognition of the problem has come from many sources within and without the struc- ture of Government. Respecting the several varieties of excise taxes, no less an authority than the Treasury Department (Federal- State Tax Coordination, 1949 revised edition) suggested that the admission tax field is barred to the States by the present high Federal tax. Certainly then, the Congress must hear the pleas of the assembled gov- ernors in 1947 when Gov. Thomas E. Dewey, of New York, said: “We find at the present time that the Na- tional Government has almost preempted certain sources of revenue. Some of these sources of revenue are basically local. They include taxes on local businesses, local places of resort or amusement. They are sources of taxation which could more easily be ad- ministered by the people in the city, the county, or the State.” In conclusion may I heartily recommend to your attention those bills which provide for a reduction or elimination of these taxes which are withholding the very means of livelihood from untold thousands of skilled craftsmen throughout our land. At work, they add millions of dollars weekly in pro- duction, they spend millions in trade. Idle, these workers are an adjustment problem that taxes capacity of the States beyond compare. The solution is in your hands. Need for Marine Corps EXTENSION OF REMARKS fe) HON. HOMER E. CAPEHART OF INDIANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, May 17 (legislative diy of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. CAPEHART. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorn an edito- rial entitled “Nation Needs Marines,” from the Terra Haute Star, of April 18, 1950. _There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: Nation Nezps MariIngs When unification of the military services was effected in 1947, a mistake was made which Congress now has an opportunity to correct. The mistake was to put the United States Marine Corps in such a subordinate role that its extinction in the course of time was likely.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The correction is incorporated in a bill by Representative Carn Vinson, of Georgia, chairman of the Armed Services Committee of the House. He would amend the Unifica- tion Act to include in the Joint Chiefs of Staff the commandant of the Marine Corps. It now includes representatives of the Army, Navy, and Air Force. The threat to the marines is that the Army and the Air Force could combine against the Navy to whittle the marines down to nothing. The Joint Chiefs of Staff are advisory only, but with the marines having a full vote on organization, strategy and other matters, it would be in position with Navy help to hold up its end of the allocation of men and mate. rial which spells the difference between strength or weakness for any branch of the armed services. The Marine Corps has a proud record and its achievements have written many thrilling chapters of United States military history. The Navy must have an amphibious arm and the marines in the past have discharged that function to perfection. It will be a sad surrender of splendid tradition and a poten- tial weakness in future conflicts if this arm is allowed to wither. The Nation needs the marines, of whom it has so often been said they “have landed and have the situation well in hand.” The Late Schayler Otis Bland MEMORIAL ADDRESS oO: HON. ALVIN F. WEICHEL OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 17, 1950 On the life, character, and public service of Hon. ScHUYLER OTIS BLAND, late a Repre- sentative from the State of Virginia Mr. WEICHEL. Mr. Speaker, with the passing of the Honorable ScHUYLER Oris Buanp, the State of Virginia lost one of its most distinguished sons. It was with sadness that I learned of his passing for during the war period and the readjustment he gave untiringly of his great ability to creating the Amer- ican merchant marine necessary to our success in war as well as in peace. It was this super effort put forth during : those troubled days that took so much of his strength. Upon coming to the Congress, I had the privilege to serve with Judge Brann on the House Com- mittee on Merchant Marine and Fish- eries where he was a most able chair- man and a gracious gentleman. He was especially considerate of the new Mem- bers of Congress, and I shall not forget his warmth of friendship extended to me, as a freshman in the Congress. His continuity in the House of Repre- sentatives from July 2, 1918, is a glowing tribute of the high esteem in which he was held by his native State. He will be long remembered as a distinguished legislator whose life interest was the es- tablishment and continuity of an ade- quate American merchant marine, and I want to join with his colleagues from Virginia in mourning the passing of a most distinguished Member of the Con- gress whose name will live as the father of the American merchant marine, Organization of All-American Conference To Combat Communism EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. KARL E. MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, May 17 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Rrcorp a statement prepared by me relative to the recent organization of the All-American Conference To Combat Communism, and including the state- ment of policy of the conference, a list of its officers, and certain other material. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: STATEMENT BY SENATOR MuNpDT Mr. President, last week end in Chicago a new American organization came into being and went into action—I refer to the All- American Conference To Combat Commu- nism which held its sessions on May 13 and 14 with delegates present from more than 50 national organizations including a total membership of more than 65,000,000 good, patriotic American citizens. At this meeting @ statcment of program and purposes was formally adopted, bylaws were established, a budget approved, and national officers elected. For the first time in American his- tory, therefore, our country now has a vehicle for offering a united front against commu- nism and for providing a new challenge to tyranny in every form. For those who have not been closely fol- lowing the development of this new move- ment, perhaps a few words of background information are in order. On January 28 and 29, in New York City, the first meeting in the series of events leading up to formation of the continuing All-American Conference was held in the Hotel Astor. Participating in that meeting were representatives of organi- zations and associations including a mem- bership of more than 650,000,000 citizens. The New York City meeting was called through the leadership and under the direc- tion of George N. Craig, of Brazil, Ind., the national commander of the American Legion. Included in the speaking program for that 2-day conference were Lt. Gen. W. Bedell Smith, former United States Ambassador to Russia; George Sokolsky, noted columnist; Dr. Francis L. Bacon, professor of education, UCLA; in addition to Commander Craig and your present speaker, the junior Senator from South Dakota. OPENING STATEMENTS In opening that historic January meeting in New York City, Commander Craig said, in part: Commander Oraic. For many years you in your organization and we in ours have en- visioned an occasion for the majority of the American people to sit down and through their representatives consider the benefits and dividends of our great democracy. This occasion, we feel, presents an opportunity where the representatives of a majority of the people of the United States, interested in perpetuating Americanism and defeating communism and communistic influences may through counsel and consideration bring about unity of purpose to the end that this Nation, this land of ours, may always be secure. Thus we may maintain those prin- ciples of faith in God and a unity of purpose, A3737 In addressing the closing session of the New York City meeting, I made the follow- ing statement which I quote from the tran- scribed record of that January session: Senator Munot. I urge that from this con- ference there will grow and develop a na- tional movement comprised of representa-= tives of many cooperating groups and oper- ating at the grass-roots level through the active participation of the local units of these national groups, directed and led by community committees comprised cf dele- gates from each participating national group, so that the forces of those who would remain free may finally have at least as much co< hesion and concentration of power as the forces of those who would enslave us have employed for many, many years. Fortified by such organized support, I feel confident we can win against communism at home and curtail it abroad by means short of a fight- ing war. I trust and pray that out of this conference will come the beginning of a con- tinuing and permanent all-American move- ment which will forever help to keep all Americans free. . At the conclusion of the New York con= ference, Mr. President, a committee on con- tinuing organization was appointed and on March 26 the following members of that committee met in the executive committee room of American Legion headquarters in Indianapolis, Ind., for the purpose of draw- ing up a statement of purposes and program and to map out an action agenda for setting up this new organization: Mr. W. C. “Tom” Sawyer, for the American Legion; Jackson J. Holtz, for the Jewish War Veterans; Lewis Hines, for the American Federation of Labor; Dr. Ernest E. Irons, for American Medical Association; Miss Olive H. Huston, for Busi- ness and Professional Women’s League; Rev. Daniel A. Poling, for Federal Council of Churches; Rabbi Benjamin Schultz, for Jew~ ish League Against Communism; Alexander T. Wells, for Lions International; Paul Wamsley, for National Education Associa- tion; Senator Jack B. Tenney, of the Cali- fornia Legislature; and Senator Earl E, Mundt, for the United States Congress. Sen- ator Tenney was elected chairman of the committee; Alexander T. Wells was made chairman of the Finance Committee; Sena- tor Karl E. Mundt was made chairman of the committee on policy and program. All actions at Indianapolis were subject to change or confirmation by the Chicago con- ference which was called for May-13 and 14 in the LaSalle Hotel. Mr. President, it is with genuine pleasure and great hopefulness that I now call atten- tion of the Congress and the country to the fact that a continuing, ably officered, care- fully planned, generally inclusive All-Ameri- can conference to combat communism was brought into reality at the Chicago confer- ence and is now a functioning and signifi- cant organism for promoting freedom and defeating communism. Commander George Craig again presided at the Chicago conference. The reports of the committees headed by Chairman. Tenney, Chairman Wells, ard Chairman Mundt were all accepted without significant alterations after due deliberation by the delegate as- sembly. There follows at this point in my report to the Senate the statement of policy and pro- gram as it was prepared at the Indianapolis meeting and amended and adopted at the Chicago conference. Point 4 deals with finances as recommended by the committee of which Mr. Wells was chairman. STsTEMENT oF PoLicy oF THE ALL-AMERICAN CONFERENCE To ComBatT COMMUNISM I. NAME OF ORGANIZATION The name of the organization shall be The All-American Conference To Combat Communism,
A3738 Il, STATEMENT OF POLICY The constituent bodies in the All-Ameri- can Conference To Combat Communism sup- port wholeheartedly the basic liberties which are assured by the Constitution of the United States—freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom of religion. They will continue to strive for equal jus- tice for all citizens without discrimination on grounds of race, color, national origin, faith, or creed. They will strive, in all areas of life, to strengthen American democracy and thereby demonstrate its moral and spiritual, as well as economic, superiority over any totalitarian regime, whether it be Communist, Fascist, or Nazi. The conference recognizes that its func- tions are informational, educational, and advisory. The immediate, specific, and united task of this conference is to unite in one all-Ameri- can organization those groups of good repute desiring to coordinate their activities in a Nation-wide crusade to defend and promote our freedoms and to expose and curtail com- munism and other subversive elements in this country. The All-American Conference pro- poses to carry out its campaign through Na-~ tional, State, and local efforts. It will stress the use of effective means of education and publicity directed at the local grass-roots level by the cooperative leadership of the groups which are associated in the national program of the All-American Conference. Among the responsibilities to be under- taken by the All-American Conference are: 1. The sponsorship and encouragement of a Nation-wide series of community~by-com- munity programs which will preserve our freedom and combat communism by: (a) Recommending appropriate courses and activities in our schools and other insti- tutions of learning; (b) Recommending commemoration of a Know Your America Week in every commu- nity for the purpose of aiding everyone in the locality to redcdicate himself to the pres- ervation of the basic American principles which will be exemplified and dramatized throughout that week; (c) Projecting the benefits of our free way of life and its opportunities increasingly to more and more people of every American community as a consequence of community- directed steps toward that objective; and (d) Protecting our freedom through aiding Americans to become more alert to the per- sonalities, purposes, programs, and front or- ganizations of the Communists in this country. 2. This conference recognizes that commu- nism, fascism, nazism, and all other forms of un-Americanism are equally abhorrent, and each is destructive of the rights and dignity of the individual. Therefore we pledge our efforts to combat all as inconsist- ent with the democratic way of life. While we are equally opposed to all, we recognize the clear and present dangers of communism and the necessity of meeting it with a posi- tive and militant program as described here- in, and whenever fascism or nazism or other forms of un-Americanism threaten all or any segment of the American population we like- wise will meet 1t with the same positive and militant program. — 8. The operation of a central national clearing house to collect, prepare, and dis- tribute, through the respective organizations or by direction of the All-American Confer- ence To Combat Communism, printed mate- rial, motion pictures, radio and television programs designed to acquaint the average American with the true nature and purposes of the Communist conspiracy and which will portray dramatically and understandably the values and virtues of our free American institutions and organizations. 4. Helping to create and inform public opinion and assisting in the prevention of secret infiltration of our institutions and organizations by Communist agents. 5. The holding of national, State, and re- gional meetings to unite and crystallize the efforts of those desirous of advancing non- partisan programs of value in bringing about a better understanding of the basic American concepts which have built America and for expanding the benefits of our American suc- cess formula. 6. The continuing organization shall not have authority to and will not speak for any of the cooperating organizations. ItIl, EXPANSION With regard to expanding the conference sponsorship, in addition to the present spon- soring organizations, it is resolved that or~ ganizations selected for inclusion in the conference shall— 1. Be generally recognized as representa-= tive and national in scope; 2. Be excluded if they combine an attack upoh communism with an attack upon races, faiths, either or both; and 8. Be restricted to those organizations which express a determination to combat communism and accept the principles, ideals, and objectives as set forth by the All-Ameri-~ can Conference To Combat Communism. IV. ORGANIZATIONAL PATTERN An organizational pattern is adopted con- sisting of an executive council composed of one national chairman, five national vice chairmen, one national secretary, one na- tional treasurer, and seven other conference members—no two members of the exccutive council to be delegates of the same member organization. V. DELEGATE REPRESENTATION Each affiliated organization shall be en- titled to three delegates to the conference, these delegates to have full voting powers. Provision shall be made for associate dele- gates to the All-American Conference To Combat Communism who will serve in an advisory capacity. The selection shall be made by the executive council, subject to approval of the full conference. VI. FINANCES 1. Each supporting and affiliated organiza- tion within the conference shall pay an annual fee of $100 and he asked to make such voluntary contributions as it may be able to make. 2. The continuing organization shall be provided with a minimum budget of $50,000 for its activities for the remainder of the current calendar year. Adopted May 13-14, 1950, LaSalle Hotel, Chicago, Ill. Following the adoption of committee re- ports on the acceptance of the statement of policy and program, the delegate assembly adjourned for the conference banquet which was addressed by Benjamin Gitlow, former Communist organizer, whose long services against communism have won him renown, and F, Joseph Donahue, special assistant to the United States Attorney General who handled the Government’s recent case result- ing in the conviction of Harry Bridges in the west~coast trial. Typical of the spirit and optimism prevail- ing throughout the conference was the state- ment of Attorney Donahue in his banquet address when he said: This meeting may well be the most im- portant conference ever held in the United States. : Throughout the New York City meeting, the Indianapolis meeting, and the Chicago conference, the emphasis was on mapping out and carrying through a genuinely prac- tical, realistic, and effective program to pro- tect and promote our freedoms and to ex- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pose, identify, and defeat communism and its collateral creeds and friendly fronts. On May 14, officers were elected as the initial leaders of this All-American Confer- ence To Combat Communism. The spirit of unanimity and cooperation which brought together more than half a huncred great na- tional organizations with varied interests and divergent points of view on many issues put with a determination to unite and so- lidify their strength in fighting communism was demonstrated by the fact that all officers were unanimously elected. The following officers were chosen to head the All-American Conference which will hold its next national meeting in Buffalo, N. Y., next November: OFFICERS OF ALL-AMERICAN CONTERENCE The following is a list of the names, with addresses, of the national officers and the executive council of the All-American Con- ference To Combat Communism: Dr. Daniel A. Poling, chairman, editor, the Christian Herald, 27 East Thirty-ninth street, New York 16, N. Y.. Ww. Cc. “Tom” Sawyer, secretary, national Americanism director, the American Legion, 777 North Meridian Street, Indianapolis, Ind. J. George Fredman, treasurer, Jewish War Veterans, 18 Seventy-sixth Street, North Ber gen, N. J. Five national vice chairmen: Lewis Hines, first vice chairman, American, Federation of Labor, 901 Massachusetts Ave-= nue, Washington 1, D. C. Rev. John F. Cronin, S. 8., director, Na- tional Catholic Welfare Conference, 1312 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington 5, D.C. Dr. Frederick ©. Fowler, president, Na- tional Association of Evangelicans, 324 Zara Street, Pittsburgh, Pa. Mrs. Marie L. Sheche, national president, American Legion Auxiliary, 531 Indian Tere race, Rockford, Ill. Alexander T. Wells, past national presi- dent, Lions’ International, 41 East Forty-sec~ ond Street, New York 17, N. Y. Seven general conference members: Gerard M. Cahill, representative, Associa~ tion of Motion Picture Producers, 1600 I Street NW., Washington, D. C. Robert W. Hansen, editor, magazine, Na- tional Fraternal Order of Engles, 212 West Wisconsin Avenue, Milwaukce, Wis. Miss Olive H. Huston, cxecutive director, National Federation Business and Profes- sional Women’s Clubs, 1819 Broadway, New York 28, N. Y. Rabbi Benjamin Schultz, executive direc- tor, American Jewish League Against Com- munism, 220 West Forty-second Street, New York 18, N. Y¥. . Rear Adm. Charles S. Stephenson, national medical director, Disabled American Veter- ans, United States Navy, Marine Corps, re- tired, 1701 Eighteenth Street NW., Washing- ton, D. C. Hon. Jack B. Tenney, member, State sen- ate, California, 112 California State Building, First and Spring Streets, Los Angeles 12, Calif. Paul Wamsley, representing National Edu- cation Assaciation of the United States of America, 281 Hartwell Road, Buffalo, N. Y. In recognition of the pioneer work done by National Commander George Craig, of the American Legion, and Senator Karn Munprt, of South Dakota, in the formative stages of the All-American Conference, Commander Craig was elected as honorary chairman and Senator Munpr was elected as an associate delegate of the continuing conference, in which capacities they will serve as consult- ants and advisers, with the executive func- tions to be administered by the national offi- cers and the executive council. Correspond- ence concerning the new organization, its program, its purposes, and the procedures
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for affiliating or cooperation with it should be directed to Mr. Sawyer in Indianapolis, Ind., which is the temporary headquarters of the conference. ACCZFTANCE SPIECH BY NATIONAL CHAIRMAN DANICL A, POLING After his unanimous election as national chairman of the All-American Conference To Combat Communism, Rev. Daniel A. Poling acaressed the delegate assembly, saying in part: This marks the first dynamic new unity of the American people to carry the fight to communism everywhere in the United States. We have mobilized here today a mighty task force to wipe out every Com- munist beachhead in our land. The All-American Conference To Combat communism is an American unity, not a Soviet conformity. Among organizations and organizationally it will be the master of none, the servant of all and through all its constituent groups and agencies it will seek to be the stout defender of American freedom. The spirit manifested here, the willingness to meet minds, the charter and structure finally achieved, justify every patriotic or- ganization in the United States and every American of good will in joining with us. I believe that when these facts are fully known only the subversives will be our ene- mies and no worthy citizen or group will wish to remain aloof. Here is a unity in which all faiths, all races and colors and all religious, industrial, eco- nomic, fraternal, labor, professional, civic, and social groups may comes together to strengthen American freedom and to help save America and the world from com-~- munism. Following the adjournment of the Chicago conference, a meeting of the executive coun- cil was held and the following business was transacted: AESTRACT OF PROCEEDINGS, ALL-AMERICAN CoNn~ FERENCE To ComBaT COMMUNISM, EXECUTIVE CounciL, CHiIcaco, Int., May 14, 1950 The chairman was authorized to appoint such committees as, in his opinion, he deems necessary to facilitate the operation of the conference programs, the membership of these committees to be chosen from the gen- eral conference membership. The date for the next general conference meeting was set for November 18 and 19, 1950 (the site was previously determined by conference action to be Buffalo, N. Y.). The next meeting of the executive council was set for New York City July 15 and 16. Instructions were given to establish tem- porary headquarters in Indianapolis. Lewis Hines was designated as vice chair- man of the council. The treasurer was authorized to draw war- rants for obligations of the conference and the executive council upon the demand of the chairman and the secretary. Mr.President, many Senators and others are likely to receive correspondence from those desiring to affiliate with this great, new, vital force to preserve our American success for~ mula against the forces of tyranny and the conspiracies of communism. To such in- quiries the following reply would be accurate, brief, and helpful: “The All-American Con- ference is an, organization of organizations— not of individuals.” At the conclusion of these remarks, I am attaching a complete list of the organizations represented by dele-~ gates at the Chicago meeting; a few others may since have affiliated with the All-Amer- ican Conference, but if your association, your service club, your religious denomina- tion, your farm or labor organization, your lodge or fraternity is not included among the affiliated groups, you should have the local unit of such organization communicate to its national officers your desire to join up in this all-American crusade. An annual mem- bership fee of $100 is assessed against each participating national organization—beyond that, the budget will be raised by voluntary contributions from member organizations and from patriotic groups and individuals desirous to help advance this program. In brief, the All-American Conference To Combat Communism will employ the idea used so successfully by the community chest program in fighting poverty and underprivi- lege; the conference similarly will unify and unite into a concentrated effort the strength, determination, and efforts of those desiring to fight communism and its kindred creeds. Further information on how to affiliate and how to cooperate with the All-American Conference can be obtained by writing our national secretary, Mr. W. C. “Tom” Sawyer, American Legion Bullding, Indianapolis, Ind., or to Rev. Daniel A. Poling, national chairman, 27 East Thirty-ninth Street, New York City 16, N. Y. Now, Mr. President, I call attention to the list of organizations participating in the for- mation of this All-American Conference: ORGANIZATIONS PARTICIPATING IN THE ALL- AMERICAN CONFERENCE To CoMBaT COMMU~ Nism, Cricaco, Inu., May 18-14, 1950 Althusa International. American China Policy Association. American Federation of Labor. American Federation of Soroptimist Clubs. American Hungarian Federation. American Jewish Committee. American Jewish League Against Com- munism. American Legion. American Legion Auxillary. American Medical Association. American War Mothers. Amvets. Association of American Physicians and Surgeons. Association of Motion Picture Producers. Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks. B'nai B'rith. Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen. Catholic War Veterans of the United States of America. Chamber of Commerce of the United States. Committee To Defend America by Aiding Anti-Communist China. Common Cause. Conference of American Small Business Organizations. Daughters of the American Revolution, National Society. Disabled American Veterans, Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America. Fraternal Order of Eagles. Freedoms Foundation. General Federation of Women's Clubs. Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons. Improved Order of Red Men. Independent Order of Odd Fellows. Interfraternity Research and Advisory Council. Jewish War Veterans of the United States of America. Kiwanis International. Enights of Columbus. Knights of Pythias. Legion of Guardsmen. Lions International, Loyal Order of Moose. Military Order of the Purple Heart. Modern Woodmen of the World. Mothers of World War II. National Association of Evangelicals. National Assoctation of Manufacturers. National Catholic Welfare Conference. National Education Association of the United States. National Federation of Business and Pro= fessional Women’s Clubs. National Grange. National Interfraternity Conference. A3739 National Panhellenic Conference. National Small Business Men’s Association. National Sojourners. Society of Former Special Agents of the FBI. Sons of the American Revolution. Sons of the Revolution, General Society. United Spanish War Veterans. Veterans of Foreign Wars. N. B—Severel other organizations were represented by observers, but requested not to be identified until they have had an op- portunity to report to their respective execu- tive bodies. Finally, Mr. President and Members of the Senate, I call your attention to the following news story appearing in the May 15 issue of the Chicago Tribune, which contains the press report relating an account of this or- ganization meeting of the All-American Con- ference To Combat Communism: Sixty Groups Form Bopy To ComBatT AMERI- CAN REps—DR. DANIEL PoLING NaMeEp First PRESIDENT An organization with a potential power of more than 80,000,000 Americans behind it was organized officially yesterday to combat communism in the United States. The group, which adopted the name of the All-American Conference To Combat’ Com- munism, was organized by the unanimous votes of delegates from more than 60 organ- izations of all types, meeting in the La Salle Hotel. The Reverend Dr. Daniel A. Poling, of New York City, editor of the Christian Her- ald and a commentator and author, was made first interim national chairman. He will serve until the next meeting of the con~ ference, November 18 and 19, in Buffalo. MARKS DYNAMIC UNITY “This marks the first dynamic unity of the American people to carry the fight to communism everywhere in the United States,” Dr. Poling said. Under the new organization all faiths, races, religions, professions, and all eco- nomic, industrial, labor, and social groups can come together to strengthen America and save our country and the world from communism, he said. The conference authorized a $50,000 in- terim budget for its immediate activities, and then directed that a subcommittee work out plans to aid key Government witnesses whose testimony helped convict Harry Bridges, president of the CIO longshore- men’s union, in his recent perjury trial in San Francisco. Joseph Donahue, special assistant United States attorney general who prosecuted Bridges, had told the delegates Saturday night that 6 of the 10 key witnesses had lost their jobs as a result of their testimony, and said the Government was helpless to assist them. CRAIG’S EFFORTS RECOGNIZED George N. Craig, national commander of the American Legion, was elected honorary national chairman of the group in recog- nition of his efforts to bring the member or- ganizations together in a united front against communism. The Chicago organizational meeting was an outgrowth of a similar Legion sponsored meeting in New York last January. Also elected were five vice chairmen: Mrs. Marie Sheehe of Rockford, Ill., national presi- dent of the American Legion Auxiliary; the Reverend John A. Cronin of the National Catholic Welfare Conference, Washington; Dr. Frederick C. Fowler of Pittsburgh, presi- dent of the National Association of Evan- gelics; Lewis Hines of the American Federa- tion. of Labor, Washington; and Alezander T. Wells, of New York, past president of Lions International, SENATOR MUNDT ELECTED W. C. Sawyer, of Indianapolis, director of the American Legion’s National Americanism
A3740 Commission, was elected secretary, and J. George Fredman, of Union City, N. J.,a mem- her of the Jewish War Veterans National Executive Committee, was elected treasurer. Senator Munpr, Republican, of South Da- kota, was elected an associate member of the conference. He was a member of the 17-man policy committee which drafted a policy statement and planned the Chicago meeting. A five-member executive committee also was chosen. The policy statement outlined plans to fight communism in every locality of the United States, Literature and radio and television programs will be channeled from a central clearing house. National, State, and local meetings are planned. Other organiza- tions in sympathy with the conference will be invited to join. Idaho Opposition to Proposed Columbia Valley Authority EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY C. DWORSHAK OF IDAHO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. DWORSHAK. Mr. President, the people of Idaho are grateful for the serv- ices of the President in pointing up for the coming campaign an issue involving the Columbia Valley Authority. Idaho editors are commenting on this develop- ment of the President’s recent trip to the Northwest. Typical of this comment is an editorial published on May 14, 1950, in the Idaho Sunday Statesman at Boise, Idaho. Iask unanimous consent to have the editorial printed in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RecoRp, as follows: Mr. Truman’s Trre May Nor Br Pourrics FoR Democrats suT He Surg DID THE REPUBLICANS A BiG Favor In Boise Mr. Truman has come and gone. Not too many Idahoans appeared for a glimpse of the Nation's Chief Bxecutive. It was true that the schedule brought him into eastern Idaho early in the morning, which would explain the attendance at Pocatello, but the crowd at Boise lends credence to national reports that the President is not as popular as he used to be, and that he keeps on slipping. Mr, Truman did nothing for his popu- larity with his speech at Boise. He came out for the Columbia Valley Administration (Authority). In a scolding manner, he seemed to suggest that here we just don’t know what CVA is, or what it would do. The facts are that we understand per- fectly what CVA happens to be, and under- standing, we want to be everlastingly sure that CVA never has a chance to get control of Idaho. Mr, Truman denied the contention that CVA has special powers. Hither he has not read the bill, or he is avoiding the truth. Mr. Truman also said CVA would be ad- ministered here, rather than in Washington. But answerable only to Congress. And com- posed of political appointees of the Presi- dent. Former Idaho Senator James Pope was named to the Tennessee Valley Au- thority after Idaho defeated him for the Senate. Idaho could not expect CVA ad- ministrators any better than Mr. Pope was for Tennessee. We might might even get someone from Mussourl to run CVA. We have just had a man from Missouri telling us we have to have CVA. The President says the reason CVA is needed 1s to stop the fuss between the Reclamation Bureau and the Army En- gineers, Why doesn't the President ‘stop this fuss himself? The Reclamation Bureau is a part of the Interior Department. The Secretary of the Interior is appointed by Mr. Truman. Mr. Chapman, another CVA promoter, is in con- trol of any Reclamation Bureau fussing. The Army engineers, we are quite certain, could be told to stop fussing by Mr, Tru- man. Seems he’s the head man there, too. So what do we have here? We have a President admitting failure on his own part. So he wants CVA rather than do his job. It is also to be noted that Mr. Truman does not say “Columbia Valley Administra- tion.” He says: “Columbia Valley Authority.” That’s the one place where he sticks to facts. “Authority” is correct. That’s why Idaho says no. The President, however, did make one substantial contribution to Idaho’s future, as far as Government is concerned, when he made CVA the issue. To date Senator Tay- Lor had avoided CVA. And this was prac- tical politics. The Senator knows, from ac- tual experience, that Idaho does not want CVA. Mr. TayLor campaigned the State, in an election in which he said CVA was the one and only issue, and he knows the re- sults. The CVA candidates were soundly whipped. Therefore Mr. Truman’s projection of the CVA issue at this time, with an election in the offing, makes it once more the big topic, and, at the same time, a most welcome de- velopment for all Republicans in Idaho. Mr. Truman may not, as he claims, be on @ political trip, but he certainly got into politicsin Idaho. He definitely helped Idaho Republicans who were hopeful CVA would be the campaign issue once more. The easy way to whip the Democrats in Idaho is for them to come out whole hog for CVA. A Concurrent Resolution Protesting Against Census Procedure in Allocat- ing Residence of Students in Educa- tional Institutions EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. EARL C. MICHENER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. MICHENER. Mr. Speaker, in the Second Congressional District of Michi- gan, which I have the honor to represent in Congress, are located the great Uni- versity of Michigan at Ann Arbor, the State Normal College at Ypsilanti, Siena Heights Girls’ College at Adrian, Adrian College at Adrian, the Cleary Business College at Ypsilanti, as well as other in- stitutions of learning. The students attending the schools do not as a rule have permanent residence in the city where the school is located. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In these circumstances, the new regula- tion allocating students in college to the population of the city where the college is located rather than in the cities, vil- lages or townships where the students have their domiciles is, in my opinion, an error and should be corrected. The Legislature of the State of Michi- gan has passed a concurrent resolution pointing out the fallacy of the regula- tion and directive of the Bureau of the Census in changing the traditional, time-honored and sensible allocation of students temporarily in college to the population of the communities where they actually reside and have their homes. This concurrent resolution points out the injustice of the present policy of the Census Bureau and how it will affect the distribution of State tax money in Michigan. I am in receipt of a certified copy of the concurrent resolu- tion and, pursuant to permission granted by the House I include that resolution which reads as follows: House Concurrent Resolution 23 Concurrent resolution protesting against census procedure in allocating residence of students in educational institutions Whereas under the present Federal census taking procedure by directive from the Cen- sus Bureau in Washington, all students at the University of Michigan, Michigan State College, and other such institutions of learn- ing are being registered as residents of the cities and counties in which such institu- tions are situated; and Whereas the constitution of this State, section 2, article III, contains the following provision: ‘No elector shall be deemed to have gained or lost a residence * * * while a student at any institution of learn- ing’; and Whereas, by law, the residence of minor students, unemancipated, is that of their parents; and Whereas section 23 of article X of the State constitution, the so-called sales tax diver- sion amendment, provides for a distribution of tax receipts on a population basis and adopts the Federal census of population as a base in the following language: “Population computation shall be based on the K.st Suaie- wide Federal census for purposes of division among counties “ ™“ *” and said tax is so distributed, as well as other revenues which are distributed by statute on the same basis; and Whereas the Federal census procedure in this regard will redistribute part of the State tax receipts, not on a basis of the real popu- lation of counties, cities, villages, and town- ships, but in the case of thousands upon thousands of students, upon a temporary residence in an institution of learning, thereby upsetting the intended method of distribution of tax money; and Whereas because of this method these places in which are situated such institu- tions of learning will receive many thou- sands of dollars not justly due to them and deprive the actual places of residence of such students of an equal amount which should, under State law, be paid to them: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the house of representatives (the senate concurring), That the Members of the Michigan delegation in the Congress be requested to see that the directive de- scribed be changed so that this virtual amendment of laws and constitution of this State by a Federal Bureau be changed, and that the census be accurately taken so that the true residence of students be accredited to the various counties, cities, villages, and townships as has heretofore been done; and be it further
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be sent to each Member of the Michigan delega- tion in Congress. Adopted by the house April 27, 1950. Adopted by the senate May 4, 1950. Frep I, CHASE, Secretary of the Senate. NorMAN E. PHILLEO, Clerk of the House oj Representatives. Citation Given M. L. Goodman EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY P. O’NEILL OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 ° Mr. O’NEILL. Myr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I include the following article from the Scranton Tribune, dated April 27, 1950, honoring Mr. M. L. Goodman: CrraTIon GIvEN M. L. GoopMaN—HONORED AT CAPITAL FOR 50-Yrar REcoRD WasHincron, April 27—M. L. (Mike) Gocdman was honored tonight by the At- lantic Coast Independent Distributors As- sociation for 50 years outstanding service -to the newspaper and magazine distributing industry and his rise from newsboy to pub- lisher of the Scrantonian and the Scranton Tribune, Goodman was honored at a dinner at the fiftieth annual convention of the ACIDA in the Mayflower Hotel, Washington. He was presented a life membership in the associa- tion and a vlaqve, his picture mounted on it, with tre cc'lows.¢ inseription: “In 'cec..yi2: of more than a half cen- tury of service to independent distribution.” S. F. Gingold, New Haven, Conn., in pre- senting Mr. Goodman the plaque described him as humanitarian, distributor, publisher, and civic leader. He said Goodman arrived in America at age 9. In 1898, at 17, he acquired the dis- tributing agency for the Philadelphia North American and launched his career as dis- tributor. Gingold said: “Mike’s early start was in the days of the push-cart era, and since that time has buult one of the largest distributing agencies in America.” Gingold said Goodman became, publisher of the Scrantonian, 1920, and the Scranton Tribune, 1937. “Through all these busy years he was mind- ful of his civic and humanitarian obliga- tions * * * activities: Community chest, chamber of commerce, United Jewish Appeal, and founded Temple Israel. “His friendship and counsel to his hun- dreds of friends in this industry has endeared him to the hearts of everybody. “Mike, we in this industry are proud to pay you honor and salute you.” Murray Kissen, of the Kissen News Agency, Port Jervis, N. Y., wrote and read the follow- ing poem in honor of Goodman: “Fifty years a newsboy I’m asking you Mike, is that bad? Fifty years a newsboy Ever since you were a lad. Remember how you used to yell out ‘Extra’—hey, what do you read? And all of the famous old headlines Bout the battleship Maine—and Boss Tweed. Selling papers is one thing We all know you did that darn well But selling yourself that’s another And there's where you really excel. XCVI—App.—— 236 When you started out on the sicewalks Away down in Scranton, P. A. Did you ever dream that there'd be a club Like the ACIDA. Among newsboys you are an exception I’m sure everyone will agree, A newsboy—wholesaler—publisher— And damnif you ain't the whole three. Where else in the world could that happen? Well I’m happy to stand here and say It could happen in any old hamlet Of our glorious U. S. A. In the hall of fame for newsboys Your name will ke right on the door And may God be kind and keep you With us for 50 years more.” Members of his family present were: Judge and Mrs. David Rose; brother, Morris and wife; son, Herman; and Mr. and Mrs, Ralph Furman. Rabbi Simon H. Shoop, of Temple Israel, Scranton, sent this telegram: “Temple Israel adds voice to the many honoring M. L. Goodman. We honor a pio- neer who cleared the frontiers cf a large in- dustry and helped to build it. We honor a man whose fighting instinct and dauntless courage propelled him from poverty to a position of outstanding leadership. We honor the fine, gentle, affable founder of our temple whom we fondly call Mike. May God grant him many additional years of strength and happiness.” The Amerasia Case EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. WILLIAM S. HILL OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, I have been reading the articles on the Amerasia case which are appearing in the Wash- ington Daily News and other Scripps- Howard newspapers under the byline of Mr. Frederick Woltman. Mr. Woltman, I need not inform this Chamber, is no Red baiter. He is a newspaper reporter of the highest re- pute, the recipient of the Pulitzer prize for just such newspaper reporting as he is doing now. When Mr. Woltman was chosen for the Pulitzer prize a few years ago, some national magazine—I believe it was Time—observed that many journalists had attempted to report the tricky sub- ject of Communist infiltration, but that only one person had done as careful a job as Mr. Woltman. I believe, Mx. Speaker, that Mr. Wolt- man and his editors are performing a major service to American freedom by bringing up the Amerasia case at this time. For weeks we as a Congress and a na- tion have been confused by charges and denials that certain individuals influen- tial in the conduct of our foreign policy were either Communists or akin to Com- munists in their methods and purposes. Unfortunately, there is no easy way of saying who is and who is not a Com- munist. In the final analysis, it often rests upon highly subjective interpreta- A3741 tion of acts and words. Since there is always room for two opinions, this kind of discussion tends to deteriorate into useless name-calling. But the Amerasia case is another matter. The Amerasia case is a matter of ac- tual court record. It bristles with hard, ugly facts. It raises ugly questions as to the reliability of persons who have held and still hold our highest national offices. It cries out even now for a clarification. Mr. Speaker, I need not recall that in the Amerasia case more documents— and more important documents—were purloined than in the famous Cham- bers-Hiss case. Just as the Chambers- Hiss case did much to clarify America’s thinking on the menace of communism, so I believe that the full exploitation of the Amerasia case will clear up our doubts about the charges raised in the McCarthy-Lattimore case. I venture to say that if the Congress and the administration will make an ef- fort to get to the bottom of the Amerasia case, this Nation will know beyond a shadow of a doubt whether Communist sympathizers or concealed Communists in our Government engineered our diplo- matic defeat in China and the enslave- ment of millions of our oriental friends. If the charge is false, there can be no objection from anyone into looking into the situation. If it is true, then all the Members of this Congress have an equal duty to develop the facts, Mr. Speaker, even now the people of my district and of the districts of my colleagues are living in dread of an- other war. We have heard from Mr. Acheson himself that the events of May 28 in Berlin may quickly decide whether there is to be a third world war starting in 1950. Surely, the hour is passed for worry- ing whether the truth can hurt particu- lar parties or particular candidates, This is no time to condemn earnest, sincere Americans who are deeply con- cerned about this Nation’s security— and even survival—as engaging in “‘poli- tics” or attempting to drag out “red herrings.” This kind of approach is unbecoming to those officials whom the people of this Nation have placed in our highest elective offices. I devoutly hope that we have heard the last of such excuses. Meanwhile, I believe that a determined nonpartisan effort to uncover the de- cisions that led to quashing the Amer- asia case will do more than anything to enlighten and unify the people of this great Nation. If our Government was right in han- dling the case as it did, then our cor- roding doubts will be removed. If in- dividuals in our Government did wrong, we shall know where we stand and what steps to take to assure the preservation of freedom in a world where the area of freedom is becoming smaller every day. Know the truth, Mr. Speaker, and the truth shall set you free.
A3742 Democratic Platform in the Congressional Campaign of 1950 EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. BARRATT O’HARA or ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. O’HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, the platform of the Democratic Party in the presidential campaign of 1948 is the platform of the Democratic Party in the congressional campaign of 1950. The following is the text of the resolu. tion adopted by the Democratic national resolutions committee at Chicago on May 15, 1950, on the occasion of the celebra- tion of the one hundred and fiftieth an- niversary of the election of Thomas Jef- ferson as President of the United States: Whereas the Democratic National Commit- tee has met in Chicago in connection with the Jefferson Jubilee and has here again re- dedicated itself to the ideals Thomas Jeffer= s0n espoused; and Whereas the Democratic National Commit- tee has met on the eve of one of the most significant campaigns in the history of our Nation; and Whereas powerful enemies of the Demo- cratic Party are already embarked on a se- rious campaign to reverse the mandate for progressive liberalism which the voters gave to President Harry S. Truman and the Demo- cratic Party in 1949: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the Democratic National Committee adopt the following set of prin- ciples; The Democratic National Committee re- affirms its support of our President and of the Fair Deal program as espoused by our President and by the sound, liberal platform adopted by the Democratic National Conven- tion in 1948 and we pledge ourselves to press with continued vigor to reach the goals espoused in those programs drafted to benefit all Americans, regardless of their origin, color, race or religion. FUNDAMENTAL GOALS LISTED The following remain our fundamental goals: . To exert the leadership of our ideas and our ideals so that the sinews of our free- enterprise economy will continue to work for a lasting and just peace based upon the free- dom of the individual to enjoy the rights and liberties of which he is deprived under communism or: other forms of totalitarian- m5 To maintain our own defense so that no foe of the American way of life—a democ- racy of free citizens and a free-enterprise economy—shall dare to seek to conquer us by military force; . To make our democratic Government and our free-enterprise economy dynamic so that we shall continue to improve the lot of all of our citizens and to increase our national production to provide jobs for an expanding population, and by creating a constantly ex- panding economy to avoid the old cycle of boom and bust. . The Democratic Party believes that this can best be achieved when the businessman, the farmer, and the workingman act as a team with the cooperation of government which provides the climate in which busi- ness can thrive and the individual can live in reasonable freedom from the fear of eco~ nomic disaster. We proudly cite the achievements of our Nation in the past 17 years as an example of what can be achieved under such a program, We are proud of an administration under which national income has more than tripled in 17 years and we offer it as proof that wise, liberal government contributes greatly to the growth and prosperity of our free-enterprise economy. We wish to take formal notice of the charge that our party is a welfare party. We are proud that we have measured up to the au- thority and duty of the Government as set forth in our Constitution to promote the general welfare and we propose to continue to promote the general welfare—the general welfare of all Americans. PRESIDENT IS PRAISED We are proud that this has been done without depriving one single American of one single liberty and without the socializing of any aspect of American life. We propose to continue to protect the rights of all indi- viduals and to preserve our free enterprise economy. We commend our President for his courage in calling for the necessary Federal expendi- tures to promote international cooperation toward peace and the containment of com- munism and a budget which will also allow the essential Government expenditures that contribute to the welfare of the American people. We are in full agreement with our Presi- dent that the way to balance the Federal budget is by expanding our economy rather than by weakening our defenses, surrender- ing to Russia in the cold war, and reverting to isolationism. We agree with our President that we must not abandon the important domestic pro- grams which have rescued our Nation from a depression and brought it to the highest level of prosperity any nation in the world’s ‘history has ever known. We are strongly in favor of the right kind of economy—the kind practiced by this ad- ministration in reorganizing the Government to achieve greater efficiency and in practic- ing constant vigilance to find ways to re- duce expenses without impairing vital services. More specifically: In the field of foreign relations we re- affirm our support of bipartisan cooperation and we praise wholeheartedly those Repub- licans who have refused to let partisanship or political bias affect their support of a sound international policy. We are in full support of the President and the Secretary of State in their efforts to aid freedom-loving nations and -to roll back the tide of Red totalitarianism. BELIEF IN UNITED NATIONS CITED We continue to believe firmly that the United Nations can be developed into the greatest organization for peace the world has ever known and we look to the day when it can protect oppressed groups now ground under the heels of police states in coun- tries behind the iron curtain. We urge ratification of the Convention on Genocide to stop the destruction of sub- Jugated peoples. We reaffirm our desire to help to the fullest extent possible those made homeless by the war and to admit displaced persons into our Nation under a liberal pro- gram which will permit us to continue to re- ceive the great contributions made to our society by persons of foreign birth. We pledge ourselves to finish the job now under way by the Economic Cooperation Administration and to continue an effective program of military assistance to friendly nations. We pledge our full support to the point 4 program enunciated by the President in his inaugural address. We believe that this program of technical assistance and capital investment to the underdeveloped areas of the world will be a major contribution to lasting peace. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In the field of domestic legislative ac- tivity we shall continue the balanced pro- gram of conservation and integrated de- velopment of our natural resources which are the bedrock foundation of our economic society. This means that we shall continue rec- lamation and flood control projects and that we shall continue to harness the energy of our streams to create the cheap electrical power that has been so important in encour- aging economic expansion over many areas of our Nation. We believe that the pattern of integrated valley development pioneered by the Ten- nessee Valley—a project which has created wealth and productive capital far beyond its original cost—be continued in the valley of the Columbia River and in other areas wher such a project is found feasible. : We recognize the croplands must be pro- tected against the ravages of misuse or over- use by a program of soil conservation con- ducted vigorously and we also recognize that our farm economy must be kept healthy if the Nation is to continue to progress. We view as a serious problem the drop in the income and purchasing power of Amer- ican farmers and reiterate that the Demo- cratic Party believes in supporting farm in- come at a fair level at a time when that sup- port is needed and rejects the idea that sup- ports should be high when they are not needed and low when they are needed, PRODUCTION PAYMENTS BACKED We believe that our party should always be alert for methods to improve our farm pro- gram and we believe that a system of pro- duction payments on certain commodities as proposed by the President offers an excellent opportunity to improve our present program and should be given a test at the earliest pos- sible opportunity. We believe that competition is the life blood of our free enterprise economy and we stand for continued vigilance by the De- partment of Justice and other agencies charged with the job of preventing monop- Olistic practices and of encouraging compe- tition. ‘ We believe that changes improving the present antitrust laws can be of great value in preserving competition and assisting small business. Further, In the fleld of small business, we call for a Federal program which will enable private financial institutions to provide small business with the capital it needs to com- pete successfuly with larger concerns. We do not believe that big business tn it- self is bad for our economy, but we belleve that small business must be given the op- portunity to grow and thrive so that our economy can expand as our population in- creases. We must preserve the kind of an America where a man with big and good ideas but small capital can succeed in the world of business. We believe that the workingman must re- ceive a fair return for his labor if our econ- omy is to remain in balance. We hail the contributions minimum-wage legislation has made in this fleld and believe that existing laws should be under constant study so that they may be changed as con- ditions warrant. We believe that growth of the trade-union movement has contributed greatly to eco- nomic stability and to the expanded econ- omy and higher standards of living which all Americans now enjoy. FOR TAPT-~HARTLEY REPEAL The Taft-Hartley law is unfair to labor unions and imperils the contributions which organized labor has made to our society. We urge its repeal and substitution therefor of legislation which will be equally fair ‘to worker and to management and will protect the public interest by encouraging genuine collective bargaining.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Our employment insurance program should be strengthened as a cushion against tem- porary recessions or local unemployment. The program of Federal assistance to the housing industry and to public agencies de- siring to construct low-cost housing for low- income groups has contributed greatly both to the economic good kealth of our Nation and to the personal welfare of our citizens by encouraging the family life in good sur-~ roundings that is a tradition of our Nation. This program must be continued and ad- ditional steps should be taken to enable middle-income families to achieve better homes at prices that will not work hardships upon them. Until the housing shortage which still ex- ists in many areas is alleviated, it is neces- sary to provide a reasonable system of rent controls in order to prevent severe economic dislocation and actual hardship on many families. The present law provides for equi- table adjustment of rents and for orderly decontrol and should be continued until the present housing shortage is ended. In other fields which contribute to the personal welfare of our citizens this Nation has made great strides but our successes in these fields should not cause us to become complacent but rather to spur us on toward even greater achievements. Increased activity by the Federal Govern- ment is necessary in the field of education to provide every American with the oppor- tunity for a decent minimum of education. Our social-security system needs to be broadened and its benefits increased. In the field of health, we need more hos- pitals, more doctors, dentists, and nurses, more medical technicians of every kind, more research, and more public-health activities in connection with medical care which will protect our citizens from the financial dis- aster which illness can now bring to millions of families. HEALTH PLAN ENDORSED In order to avoid socialized medicine in the United States, we endorse the President’s program for broadened Federal activity in the entire field of health and medical care and the adoption of a pay-as-you-go insur- ance program to put better medical care within the financial reach of all Americans. We endorse in general the program of Government reorganization along the lines recommended by the Hoover Commission, and we commend our President for his earn- est efforts to bring about governmental re- forms and reorganization to promote Fed- eral efficiency. We condemn the actions of those who make speeches in favor of economy and efficiency but vote against it for partisan reasons when major aspects of the reorgani- zation program are up for a vote. We urge that S. 1527, relating to suffrage in the District of Columbia, be discharged from the committee and passed by the House of Representatives in concurrence with the Senate. | We urge statehood for Alaska and Hawail without delay. In conclusion, we believe that the person is more important than property; that the rights of humans are the basic rights which have made our Nation strong, and this has been a major tenet of the Democratic Party. A careful study has shown that, even with vigilant enforcement of existing laws, our program of protecting human rights is not perfect and that additional legislation is needed. We affirm specifically that portion of the Fair Deal and our 1948 platform which said, “The Democratic Party is responsible for the great civil-rights gains made in recent years in eliminating unfair and illegal discrimina- tion based on race, creed, or color. The Dem-~ ocratic Party commits itself to continuing its efforts to eradicate all racial, religious, and economic discrimination. We again state our belief that racial and religious minorities must have the right to live, the right to work, the right to vote, the full and equal pro- tection of the laws, on a basis of equality with all citizens as guaranteed by the Con- stitution.” We commend President Harry S. Truman for his courageous stand on the issues of civil rights. We are, of course, opposed to any Commu- nist being employed in our Government and we will not tolerate Communist interference in any way. It is the duty of every cit:zen who has evidence of disloyalty to furnish any such evidence to the Government, and we condemn efforts to gain partisan advan- tage by smears and innuendoes which ham- per our Government and blacken the char- acters of innccent citizens. HITS RUMORS, DISTORTIONS We reaffirm our belief in fair play and honest factual investigation and we belicve that development of facts better serves the interests of our people than development of headlines based on rumor and distortions. The Democratic Party will never advocate fighting communism with the police state terrorism which communism imposes upon its own victims, The honesty, patriotism, and sound judg- ment of the American people show plainly that our strongest defense against those wha rob us of our freedoms is to retain and pro- tect those freedoms. To this we pledge ourselves once again. RC The St. Lawrence Seaway EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE D. AIKEN OF VERMONT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a statement fa- voring the development of the St. Law- rence seaway, by Clyde T. Ellis, execu- tive manager of the National Rural Elec- tric Cooperative Association, before the Committee on Public Works of the House of Representatives on May 9, 1950, be printed in the Appendix of the REcorD. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the ReEcorp, as follows: STATEMENT oF CuypE T. Exuis, Executive MANAGER, NATIONAL RuRAL ELECTRIC CooP- ERATIVE ASSOCIATION, BEFORE THE PUBLIC Worxs Committer, Houss or REPRESENT-~ ATIVES, May 9, 1950 Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the com- mittee, my name is Clyde T. Ellis. I am ex- ecutive manager of the National Rural Elec- tric Cooperative Association, which is the service organization of the rural electric sys- tems of the United States. Hight hundred and fifty-nine systems are members of their service organization, with a consumer mem- bership of approximately 2,500,000 farm fam- ilies in 43 States and Alaska. STRUGGLE IN ST. LAWRENCE AREA The rural electrification program is having its most difficult struggle in the St. Lawrence area. For the purpose of this discussion, we have defined the St. Lawrence area as in= cluding New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, for we believe the St. Law= rence development will vastly improve the power supply situation and the power cost situation in most of this area. A3743 REA Administrator Claude R. Wickard stated to the Agriculture Subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee on Jan~ uary 20, and I quote from page 1086 of the record: “I referred this morning to the New Eng- land area and that 1s where we are meeting the most difficult situation now in trying ta improve the situation financially. The co- operatives are small and have been harassed by the spiteline activities of the power com- panies. * * * Their wholesale costs are going up.” I do not Know whether Mr. Wickard meant to include New York in the term “New Eng- land arca,’”’ but his statement would cer- tainly apply with equal force to New York, and to a smaller extent, to Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The rural electric systems of the country conduct their own annual survey as of Jan- uary 1 each year to determine among other things their needs for further loan funds to achieve area coverage and their power sup- ply requirements. There are 28 rural elec- tric cooperatives in the St. Lawrence area, and 22 of them returned their survey ques- ticnnaires. We arrived at the figures I shall give you here by averaging the 22 and projecting them through the 28. This meth~ od has always given us very accurate figures. Our 28 systems were serving 69,237 farms and rural establishments on January 1, but they stated that within their system areas there are still 40,984 which they desire to serve. In other words, they had achieved only 63 percent area coverage within their system areas. REA estimates that nationally ahr secs 38 ~creent of the farms and mite ce pho aeme~ os were served on Janu- ary 1. I hasten to point out that most of the St. Lawrence area is and has always been above the national average in percent of farms electrified, but the areas served by our rural electric systems are below the na- tional average. Twenty-seven percent of our Systems in the St. Lawrence area report a present inadequate supply of wholesale power. This is higher than the national average. A similar number of our systems in the St. Lawrence area (27 percent) report that they don’t have enough power in sight for future growth. This is higher than the national average. Forty-five percent of these systems report restrictions on the use of power they do buy. But here are the two figures that hurt most. Eighty-six percent of our systems re- port that their power costs went up in the past year, as compared with 34 percent na- tionally which report an increase, and as you know, our power costs went down in several areas in the country last year. Our 28 systems report that they paid an average wholesale power cost of 1344 mulls per kilo- watt-hour last year, and this 13144 mills com- pares with 9.9 mills national average. I believe you can see from these figures that our power situation 1s very difficult in the St. Lawrence area. There is always the constant danger that our systems may run completely out of power, for they are hav- ing to depend on sources that are generally unfriendly—indeed the very sources that tried to kill many of them off. Let me give you a few examples of our desperation: 1. The Maine Public Service Co. in the fall of 1949 offered the Farm-Home Electric Co- operative of Patten, Maine, a wholesale rate of 2 cents per kilowatt hour, provided the co- op would sign a 10-year contract, and gave the cooperative the only alternative of ac- cepting its other filed schedule at a rate of 3% cents per kilowatt hour. No rural elec- tric cooperative can long survive under those conditions, and the power company knows that. 2. The power company which is supplying the New Hampshire Electric Cooperative is on the one hand opposing an acquisition
A374 which would make it possible for the co-op to virtually achieve area coverage in the State, and on the other hand, at the same time, it is seeking to raise its wholesale rate to the co-op, and its rate is already one of the highest. The power company is also, at the same time, engaged in the process of “pirating” the co-op’s member customers. 8. In Vermont, Washington Electric Co- operative’s power supplier has refused to re- habilitate the transmission lines serving the cooperative in order to render decent serv- ice, and at the same time has strenuously Opposed the co-op’s efforts to develop some small hydro potentialities in the area. 4. In New York, the rural electrification program was seriously crippled and almost Killed by intense power company activity. One co-op was spitelined to death, and the five remaining ones were seriously crippled. The power companies are charging the co- Ops one of the highest wholesale rates in the country, and their recent offer of a slight reduction is so filled with jokers that our systems hesitate to accept it, much as they need a reduction. 5. In Pennsylvania, the same New York power company that has been the worst enemy of rural electrification in New York sells power to the Northern Pennsylvania Power Co. at a rate so high that the Penn- sylvania company’s resale rates to the three northern cooperatives in Pennsylvania are prohibitive. MUST HAVE POWER AT OUR LOAD CENTERS Perhaps I should say a word about get- ting our power delivered to the load.centers. All our distribution systems are necessarily designed with load centers into which the power must be fed. Our generation and transmission co-ops and the Federal Govern- ment make a practice of selling their power delivered to our distribution co-op load centers, Private companies deliver it to our load centers in some cases, but in a large percent of the cases the private com-~ panies require us to build our own trans- mission lines from our load centers to their substations in order to pick up their power. We are paying the Federal Government an average of 5 mills per kilowatt-hour for wholesale power in other sections of the country, delivered at the load centers. We are paying the private companies in the St. Lawrence area 18% mills, much of it not delivered to our load centers. POWER COMPANY RESTRICTIONS ARE DICTATORSHIP Perhaps I should say another word also about restrictions. Whereas our generation co-ops and the Federal Government do not restrict our use of power, do not tell us to whom we may sell it. many of the power companies do restrict us, and this is true in nearly half of the cases in the St. Lawrence area. The power companies scream free en< terprise on the one hand (always carefully omitting the word “competitive”’), while subjecting us to totalitarian practices on the other hand. They go so far as to tell us whom we can serve and whom we can’t, and for how much, They demand to be the only grocer in several counties and yet they prohibit us from feeding one child at all, tell us how much we can feed another and penalize us for feeding a third. Their mo- nopolistic practices are diclatorial, un- scrupulous, and un-American. SAVINGS AND AREA COVERAGE AT TVA RATE I am listing here our 28 cooperatives in the St. Lawrence area, showing the amount of power they purchased last year, July 1, 1948, to June 80, 1949, what the cost to the co-ops would have been at the TVA rate, and the savings at the TVA rate. I believe the Ontario rate just across the St. Law- rence River from. this area is about the same. I believe it is fair to use the TVA rate as the comparison because we understand that St. Lawrence power can be produced at a cost much less than that of TVA, largely because of the tremendous flow of the St. Lawrence and because of the fact that there is prac- tically no fluctuation in the stream flow. . o hours; Fiseal 1949. | ‘Billing under | Savings under Cooperative Kilowatt-hours billing TVA rote TVA rate New_York. a a 2, 934, 800 $40, 733. 00 $17, 542. 80 $28, 190. 20 Deluware.. 3, 906, 400 52, 414, 00 22, 8101, QO 29, 004. 00 Steuben___... 2, 523, 000 35, 914, 00 15, 250. 80 20, fi4, 20 Chautauqua. 715, 100 9, 976, 00 4, 806. 40) §, 279. 60 Oncida......-.- 962, 525 18, 876. 00 6, 823, 30 7, 052. 70 Total... penne nen nee nnn een eee ene 11, 041, 825 152, 413. 00 06, 632. 30 85, 780. 70 == —————————— EE _ ——————— Now Jersey: Monmouth. -nnn nee nennennnnnneesnn annem eenee 2, 703, 600 36, 202, 00 16, 266. 00 19, 936. 00 BUSSOX. . oe anew nnn n een ne nee e ene ennnenene 2, 450, 900 33, 602. 00 14, 008, 50 18, 693, 50 Total. ...--.-2--- a 5, 163, 500 69, 804. 00 31, 174. 50 38, 629. 50 New Hampshire: Merrimack.....-.--+-sewseen==+ 6, 041, 034 84, 958. 00 33, 646. 04 51, 311. 96 Maine: . -_ PONODSCOb. nnn nanan ne ene wane ne neenewennnennene 1, 524, 036 18, 811. 00 9, 602. 51 9, 118. 49 Aroostook. 937, 004 18, 185. 00 6, 156, 78 12, 028, 22 Washington. 747, 368 9, 531, 12 4, O11. 87 4, 619, 25 Hancock... 314, 660 4, 106, 00 2, 068. 64 2, 037. 36 8, 523, 158 50, 633, 12 23, 829. 80 27, 803. 32 ——————.-ss ——————SS_ —E—E—————————SS__E_ {[£—_[] —_————S 5, 695, £50 8, 570, 21 81, 884, 42 36, O85. 79 4, 444, 820 57, 187, 48 25, 570. 85 31, 666, 63 776, 600 11, 983. 00 5, 104. 40 6, 828. 60 10, 917, 270 187, 640. 69 62, 559. 67 78, 081, 02 16, 630, 800 167, 573, 00 85, 030. 00 82, 543, 00 10, 589, 020 107, 347. 00 56, 699. 00 50, 648. 00 2, 518, 385 87, 818. 00 15, 238. 00 22, 583, 00 10, 924, 163 152, 732, 00 8, 390, 00 94, 342, 00 » 824, 61 88, 804. 00 22, 517. 00 16, 287. 12, 264, 428 182, 559, 00 , 065. 00 117, 494. 00 14, 190, 000 128, 077. 00 78, 873. 00 49, 204. 00 , O58, 8 31, 840. 00 18, 237. 00 18, 608, 00 8, 280, 480 84, 614. 00 44, 888. 00 , 826, 6, 808, 600 62, 566. 00 34, 970, 00 27, 596. 00 4, 168, 600 42, 410. 00 , 180. 00 , 280. 4, 609, 280 46, 092. 00 26, 371. 00 19, 721, 00 9, 269, 595 122, 007.00 56, 010. 00 65, 997. 00 106, 629, 286 1, 199, 439, 00 581, 515. 00 617, 924. 00 —=——S SS _—E—E——E——————EE ES _—E—E—E—————— SSS OEE 143, 816, 973 1, 694, 887. 81 798, 357. 31 898, 530. 50 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Tt is our opinion that if our cooperatives in the St. Lawrence area could purchase their power at the TVA rate they could achieve area coverage and still be in the black. With present rates, some Of them are now in the red, and they probably can never serve the more thinly settled areas. OTHER REASONS OUR PEOPLE FAVOR ST. LAWRENCE The St. Lawrence area is the largest area in the country that has had no Federal power development. Farmers, particularly in the New England area, are becoming con- cerned about their markets. When the mills close down, their milk sales go down; the whole economy is affected. Our people in this area, like all people throughout the country, are also interested in the fact that should war come again the St. Lawrence development would supply power requirements that we might not be able to get from another source. NOT ADVOCATING NATIONALIZATION The power companies are spreading a lot of propaganda to the effect that some people are advocating nationalization of power. I want to make it clear that I know of no farmer among our two and a half million farm families who is advocating nationaliza- tion of the electric-power industry. We do not advocate it, and I do not advocate it. We believe the power companies will get along as well or better when the St. Law- rence is developed, for the power companies usually manage to benefit from the Federal power projects in many ways. The Federal Government is not in the retail power busi- ness anywhere. We do not want it in the retail power business. But these farmer- owned cooperatives do want to purchase ade- quate wholesale power, delivered to their load centers without restrictions, at reasonable costs. We hear there is little chance that this committee might vote this bill out this year for action. Nevertheless, we appeal to you to do that very thing. How the New Deal Has Changed Life in the South EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. KARL E, MUNDT OF SOUTH DAKOTA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a statement by myself concerning life and events in the South, together with a poem pub- lished in the Daily Tribune of Bay City, Tex. There being no objection, the state- ment and poem were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: How tus Naw Dean Has Ceancrp Lirn In THE Sourm Mr. President, a southern friend of mine has sent me the following bit of verse, author unknown but not unknowing. It was first printed in the Daily Tribune down in Bay City, Tex., and while it is apparently in- tended to point out to our good southern citizens that more than any other group in the United States of America they are re- sponsible for both the New Deal and the Fair Deal, the moral of the verse also seems applicable to many in the North who have
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD placed partisan prejudice above the princi- pies of thrift and mdependence. However, Mr. President, for the Rrcorp and for historic reference it should be noted here that, regardless of whether the New Deal- Fair Deal drive for political authority, its wasteful extravagance, its sneering contempt for State’s rights, its affinity and affection for national socialism and the other aspects of its zeal and zest for big government con~ stantly expanding larger and expending more, is chronicled by historians as the golden era or the cra of cc-d-sy to freedom, one stark, stern, s ub). iae. must stand out beyond and above all others. Whatever the outcome of these many long, expensive years of new dealing-fair dealism, it is the South which must assume and accept full responsibility for the consequences. Mr. President, plaintive calls for aid from our southern friends, and vocal protesta- tions that in Dixie they do not believe in FEPC, state medicine, “squandermania,” the Brannan plan, and all the many other facets of the Roosevelt-Truman royal re- gimes neither change the course of history nor convince the politicians in the palace, VOTES ARE WHAT COUNT Whether <*uth-r~'~, sullenly, cringingly, courageously, wu +.u"... or gleefully Ameri- cans south of the Mason-Dixon line have consistently voted for what they’ve gotten and have been the biggest single factor in perpetuating the Roosevelt-Truman phi- losophy of winner take all. Consequently, my Texas friend is probably right in dedi- cating the following poem to Dixie: THE SOUTH NOT ONLY ASKS BUT PLEADS FOR SOCIALISM Mr. President, there is one thing about this grand and glorious country of ours on which we can all agree. We always get exactly the type of government we vote for; we can have any type of government we want; we live under precisely the kind of governing concepts and officers that we de- serve. Maybe the South really wants FEPC and so-called civil-rights legislation and so- cialized medicine and the Brannan plan and perpetual and prodigious deficit spend- ing. Maybe it wants for once and forever to put a complete and total end to the con- cept of States’ rights. How can we know? It talks against these things but it votes for them. Small wonder indeed that northern Demo- crats laugh up their sleeves and behind their hands at the protests and plaintive objec- tions of their southern colleagues who com- plain while they are being kicked around, pushed back, sneered at, used as a public whipping boy, condemned as obstructionists, Dixiecrats, reactionaries, tories, horse-and- buggy citizens, and being completely ignored when it comes to writing the planks in a Democratic National Convention platform or selecting national Democratic candidates. If the once proud and independent Southern States would just once vote like they talk; if they would just once proudly demonstrate with their votes that they could no longer be kicked around and insulted with im- punity we could put an end to all these so~ cialistic trends and return to the progressive and fundamental brand of Americanism which built this country strong and made it great. Until then, of course, the trend of the times must continue to move unerringly against the South because voters who are always “in the bag” have lost both their freedom and their influence and are snubbed as blatantly as they are seduced by the big Democratic machine bosses of the North. IT’S THE WAY THEY VOTE THAT COUNTS If such able Senators and great Americans as Harry Byrp, Wa.Ter GEORGE, SPESSARD HOLuaNp, JoHN McCLELLAN, RicHarD RUSSELL, JAMES EASTLAND, and many others who could be named are right wilen they caution their colleagues against sociahem and big govern- ment—and I feel confident they are—then those in the South who consistently vote for @ hational administration which in essence is no more Democratic than Henry Wallace’s Progressives were liceral (in fact, a compari- son of the platforms and purposes of the two groups shows more similarities than dis- similarities) should search their souls, con- sult their basic principles, recapture their independence, and reassert their influence by joining other areas in this country in voting against that which they so vigorously and eloquently condemn with futile words. Surely there 1s no hope for the South—or for America as a whole—if citizens consistently support with their votes the principles and the politicians they condemn so uselessly with only their voices. In all events, Mr, President, this verse from the Daily Tribune of Bay State, Tex., may be lacking in poetic quality but it packs a punch which should cause the voters of the South to find some manner or method for harness- ing their voices and their votes to the same end. Florida has demonstrated one way to do it; in the last election four proud and inde- pendent Southern States demonstrated an- other way it can be done; a congressional district in Texas recently rebelled against being used as the tail of the Democratic donkey forever and demonstrated a third method of asserting its independence. I have long admired the spirit and the quali- ties of southerners. I cannot cease to hope and believe that before it is too late—but time is fleeing rapidly—that great section of the country will free itself from the voting strait-jacket into which the New Dealers and Fair Dealers have forced it and that southern citizens will yet strike a blow for freedom which will restore America to its time-hon- ored principles and practices. Until this happens, however, Dixie must continue to feed the Democratic donkey and to carry its tail; it can never lead it or tell it what to do or where to go. “POOR FATHER (Dedicated to our southern Democrats) “wry father, poor, misguided gent, Wasted his life, a life misspent By working hard and working late, From 6 a. m. ‘till way past eight. Poor Dad! He’d fuss and fret and toil And burn the blooming midnight oil. For nothing but a litle cash To buy the daily beans and hash Poor Dad! He was so mild and meek He'd work 6 days in every week And 14 hours every day To try to keep the wolf away. Now Father, meaning well, but dumb Amassed a rather tidy sum With which he planned to buy some beers To brighten his declining years. Then the New Deal came; simple Dad, Who worked so hard for all he had, Awoke one morn to find that he Was now a public enemy, A louse, a Scrooge, a national cyst, An economic royalist! So, Dad, industrious but dumb, Is now the source from which will come The coin to buy the gasoline For some underdog’s machine, To bring the more abundant life To every loafer and his wife; From Dad will be extracted sums For radios to ease the hells Of all the chronic ne’er-do-wells; Poor Dad, a faithful, trustful goon, Was born just 80 years too soon! L’envoi * A moral lurks along the hall In all this fancy fol-de-rol, A3745 And it is this: That any cheat Who says you ought to work to eat Is simply nuts, out of his head; Sit on your tail or stay in bed; The Government will see, by gad, That you get yours from chumps like Dad!” —Author unknown—but not unknowing. Tarkish Election Should Make Wallace Eat Hard Words EXTENSION OF REMARKS - HON. SCOTT W. LUCAS OF ILLINOIS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. LUCAS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the RrEcorp an article entitled “Turkish Election Should Make Wallace Eat Hard Words,’ by Milton Berliner, appearing in the Washington Daily News of Friday, May 12. The article is a very interesting one, and I hope all Senators will read it. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the REcorp, as follows: TURKISH ELECTION SHOULD MAKE WALLACE Eat Harp Worps (By Milton Berliner) On Sunday an event will take place that should cause Henry Wallace and fellow left- wingers to eat some of the political invective they hurled so indiscriminately 2 years ago. At that time, it will be remembered, the Progressive Party’s choice for President stormed across the country and even into Europe denouncing the Truman doctrine as a device to bolster reactionary governments all over the world. But on Sunday, one of the countries so characterized, Turkey, will hold a general election that will mark the country’s greatest step toward democracy in its 500-year-old history. Far from bolstering a reactionary govern- ment, United States aid has been a striking factor in accelerating Turkey’s march toward true democracy. It is safe to say her first nation-wide election in which several inde- pendent parties will participate would have been long delayed but for the clos? coopera- tion between the two countries during the past few years. . The give-and-take among the candidates for 487 seats in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (from which the president and cabinet are selected) has been so free that the Turks themselves have been amazed. At Izmir, recently, President Ismet Inonu, who ranks with Kemal Ataturk as a Turkish hero, even joked about the possibility of his losing office if the Republican People’s Party Were overturned. “I accepted all your criticism when I was in power. Let’s see what will happen when. I will be on the opposition,” he said with a smile. The chance of the Democrat Party or the Nation’s Party winning a majority is con- sidered remote, but the point is that such levity about political power from a Turkish leader has been unheard of until the present election, Sunday’s balloting will take place under new laws guaranteeing Turkish citizens com- plete secrecy and ruling out any discrimina- tion based on religion, race, color, sex, or even
A3746 illiteracy. Members of judiciary will do the counting. The Democrat Party, which in 1946 complained that the People’s Party had rigged the election rules, agree on the judi- clousness of the new law. There is little doubt that the freedom of political criticism (American style) that has been allowed since the 1948 by-elections has caused the People’s Party, which has been in power since 1923, to liberalize its position. But whatever the differences, Turkey’s political parties all agree that continued friendship with the western democracies is their country’s best defense against the threat of Russian imperialism, Encroachment of Government on Private Utility Field EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ZALES N. ECTON OF MONTANA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. ECTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp an article entitled “CIO Union Scores Federal Util- ities,” published in the New York Times on Sunday, April 30, 1950. I also ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix the text of a resolution and statement of policy adopted by the CIO Utility Workers of America at their con- vention in New York on April 30. The statement of policy is reasonable, sound, and sensible. It would be good common sense and a wise policy for the Federal Government to conform to these recom- mendations in any present and future plans to invade the utility industry. There being no objection, the news article, resolution, and statement of pol- icy were ordered to be printed in the ReEcorp, as follows: [From the New York Times of April 30, 1950] CIO Unicn Scorzs FeperaL Uritirres—Conpt- TIONS INFERIOR TO THOSE IN PRIVATE INDUS-~ TRY ALLEGED AT CONVENTION HERE Further encroachment of the Government on the legitimate fleld of privately owned electric utilities was condemned yesterday ina unanimous vote by 400 convention dele- gates of the Utility Workers Union of Amer- ica, CIO, at the Commodore Hotel. In a resolution reflecting views contained in the officers’ report, the “creeping paralysis of nationalization of the industry” was called “the first step down the socialistic highway.” “Control of the electric Industry is the key to control of the major industries of the Na- tion; the control of transportation, mining, agriculture and all basic industry,” the report said. “The Government is already in the utility business to quite an extent and, unless ‘we are on our guard, will soon own most of it. This will be the first step down the socialistic highway. Then transportation, communica- tion, steel and the rest will follow to put an end to our American way of life.” The theme of the second day of the three. day convention, as expressed by top Congress of Industrial Organization officials, was that the CIO had made great strides toward win- ‘ning rank and file support in unions domi- nated by Communists. Speakers included Allan 8S. Haywood, CIO vice president and direc*-~ of croc rizcten: Jack Kroll, CIO-PAC c..ee 1, diane B. Carey, CIO secretary-treasurer, and Joseph Curran, president of the National Maritime Union, CIO. RESOLUTION ON UTILITIES Joseph A. Fisher, head of the utility work- ers union, presided. He said the resolution of the special committee on public owner- ship of utility companies, headed by Andrew J. McMahon, had the full support of all the officers. The resolution looked with alarm: upon Government power projects that seem to be unnecessary and are in direct competition with light and power companies with whom we hold contracts. It said the union be- lieved that while water-development pro- grams in most cases should be undertaken by the Government, these worthy projects should not be the means of destroying tax- paying utility companies who, under proper regulation, are furnishing adequate service. Noting the increased trend toward Gov- ernment rortemotion in the utility business in < t ‘1’ private industry, the resolution declared that if this were per- mitted to continue we will soon have authori- ties, not elected but appointed, who will con- stitute a supergovernment with control of practically all the electric power in the Nation. Mr. Haywood told the convention that the Communists had failed in an attempt to gain control of the light, heat, and power industry in America. The new International Union of Electrical Workers (IOEW) formed by the national CIO after the expulsion of the United Electrical Workers Union, represents 28,000 workers, against 14,000 in the old union, he asserted. DEVELOPMENT OF RESOURCES The Government, the resolution said, should develop only those projects that would result in a definite gain in the re~ sources of the country. Declaring that job security, promotional cpporiunity, and working conditions too ot1en Leeaine the tools and plums of poli~ ticilans and that wages and working con~ ditions were fixed by political management, the resolution said that union members em~ ployed by Federal agencies and municipali- ties that operate their own light and power businesses work under conditions inferior to those enjoyed by our members employed in private industry. Public power employees, such as those of the Tennessee Valley Authority, have little or no job security, in that they are not cov- ered by contract or by civil-service laws, it was declared. The CIO, contrary to the belief of some individuals, has never gone on record in favor of nationalization of the utility in- dustry or any other industry nor does it favor a socialist form of government, the resolution said. Organic unity will be achieved by labor in this country in time, Mr. Haywood de- clared, referring to the projected coalition between the CIO and the American Federa- tion of Labor. “If you bring about that unity,” he said, “you will have 16,000,000 men with their wives and families marching together.” Mr. Curran declared that the only way Communists could be driven out of the labor movement was by extermination, —_— TEXT OF THE RESOLUTION PASSED By THE CIO UTiniry WORKERS oF AMERICA AT A CONVEN- TION IN NEW Yorke Apri 80 By virtue of the responsibility vested in the public power committee by the appoint- ment of the national president, our commit- men APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tee, after long and careful consideration on the question of public power, feel it is neces- sary to declare the reasons which impelled it to make the recommendation contained in the report on this highly controversial subject. We believe that the policy of the Congress of Industrial Organizations in past conven- tions and in statements of policies, has ad- vocated and expressed repeatedly its funda- mental concern with orderly, regional devel- opment of waterways and resource conser- vation. Such development and conservation affect the industry that provides for the welfare of several hundred thousand workers in the light, heat, water, and steam industry to which Utility Workers Union of America has been granted jurisdiction by the Congress of Industrial Organizations. By virtue of this jurisdiction by the Congress of In- dustrial Organizations, Utility Workers Union of America shall be ever mindful of that ob- ligation and the constant objective of our union shall be to correct and continue to improve the wages, working conditions, and policies which affect the security of all em- ployees of public utility corporations throughout this Nation. Your committee has analyzed and looked with alarm upon the efforts of those social- istic and even more collective minded form of government advocates, who would have us surrender our basic concept of the Amer- iean way of life, to the creeping paralysis of the all-powerful state. They would destroy the philosophy of our forefathers, built upon the system of free e~torcrise, which has made our standard of .i1vin’ vc highest in the world, and which has made us the leader among the nations of the world. It is our theory that Government is the servant of the people, not our master. Therefore, basing our belief on this prin- ciple, we hold and advocate that the God- given resources of our Nation should be de- veloped and used for the benefit of all and we further agree that the water resources properly belong to all of the people of this Nation and that water development programs can be most successfully developed and ac~ complished by the Government in order to overcome floods, ald navigation, prevent soil erosion, supply water for irrigation, and other purposes outside the realm of private industry. However, the development of these worthwhile projects should not be the means of eliminating taxpaying utility com- panies who, under proper Government 1¢g- ulation, are furnishing adequate, efilcient service to their consumers and dealing fairly with their employees. Job security, promozonal opportunity, and working conditions, all too often become the tools and plums of political-minded indil- viduals who would deny to the worker either his economic or legal appeal against the Government. However, we further be- lieve that privately owned public utility cor- porations should cooperate with the Gov- ernment in the utilization of the natural resources by offering to buy power from Government projects for transmission and distribution to consumers in the area of the project so that the basic interest of all the people of our Nation shall have been served and the purpose of Government shall be to conserve and utilize our natural resources without becoming engaged in competition with investor-owned utilities except for na- tional defense or where private industry fails or refuses to provide adequate genera- tion of electrical energy. We believe in the United States of America, we believe in its people, we believe in the right and ability of the American people, especially those in organized labor, to ascer~
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD tain and elect to public office only those people who comply with and subscribe to the American way of life and our democratic form of government. We do not believe iu, nor do we subscribe to the theory of some leaders of CIO who advocate the policies of their own unions to the detriment of other national unions. For example, the argument has been set forth, 1f a power authority were created in one part of the country, it would help the economic position of the workers and enable the manufacturers who employ them to com- pete successfully with another part of the country where living standards are below normal. The truth of the matter is simply that, even if electricity were furnished free, the manufacturers still could not compete with the South until such time as the economic conditions of the workers in the South have keen improved. Therefore, the fallacy of this argument is apparent and the motives of those using this argument becomes crystal clear and quite obvious. Moreover, it is the thought of the com- mittee that nothing herein contained should be construed as giving aid or comfort to the power interests or any of their associates as such. However, the fact that the power interests might happen to be on the same side of this question may cause some to look askance on the recommendation of this committee. The committee took this into consideration and, after carefully weighing this situation, came to the conclusion, de- spite the possible implication, we had no alternative but to take a courageous posi- tion which, though it may prove unpopular in some circles, is in the final analysis, in the best interests of our country, our mem- bership, and future generations. In conclusion, this committee unani- mously recommends that the following statement of policy with respect to public power be adopted by this convention: “STATEMENT OF POLICY “1, Where power is generated in conjunc- tion with worth-while water projects, the transmission, distribution and sale of such energy should, under proper regulation, be allocated to the private utility companies. “Where investor-owned companies fail to provide for the distribution and sale of electrical energy then, and then only, should the Government undertake such duties. “2. Approximately one-fifth of the power generated in America today is distributed and sold by Government agencies. We he- lieve that further encroachment of Govern- ment into the utility industry should be dis- couraged except in cases of national emer- gency. “3° It is our firm belief that the best in- terests of all of the people of this Nation can best be served and secured through col- lective bargaining in investor owned public utility corporations. “4, We shall continue to advocate that the water resources of the Nation be developed. However, we shall object to any move that will result in these worthy projects being used as a means of destroying taxpaying util- ity companies, who, under proper regulation, are furnishing adequate service. “5. We further recommend as a matter of policy that the national officers, the local officers and members use every means avail- able to prevent further nationalization of the utility industry and “We further recommend as a matter of policy that we insist on fair and proper reg- ulation of the utility Industry and that every effort be made to compel utility manage< ments to fulfill their obligations to the con- sumers and to their employees.” Fair Employment Practice Commission Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLYDE R. HOEY OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. HOEY. Mr. President, I ask Unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix to the Recorp several edi- torials and special articles dealing with the Fair Employment Practice Commis- sion Act. All these articles present different phases of this question, and voice the viewpoint of citizens in varied walks of life and different sections of the country. Some of these editorials are from North Carolina newspapers in different parts of the State, and these editorials were selected at random. Itis the unan- imous voice of the press of North Caro- lina that this proposed measure would be detrimental to the common good and would hinder and retard the progress which is being made in good race rela- tionships, and therefore it would be most unwise to enact the bill. Some of these articles are from news- papers like the Evening Star and Wash- ington Post, in the Capital City. An- other article is by Raymond Moley, a well-known writer and a man well-versed in civic affairs and deeply concerned in promoting harmony and good will among all the people. I am submitting these articles in the hope that they will be read by those who take such an extreme view of this situa- tion and are so rampant in their advo- cacy of this revolutionary measure which, if adopted, would set back our progress by at least 20 years. Only eight States in the American Union have adopted this measure or one similar to it. The legislatures of 19 States in the North and West have re- jected it. A bill of this character was defeated by the voters of California by amajority of over a million. This meas- ure could not be adopted in a single State in the Union if submitted to a popular vote of the people. Why, then, is there the pressure to try to drive a bill of this character through the Senate and deprive the American people of their constitutional and individual rights? There being no objection, the edi- torials and articles were ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: (The following editorial is from the Laurin- burg (N. C.) Exchange, which is edited by Hon. Odus L. Moore, a member of the Legis- lature of North Carolina and an outstanding editor:) * Waat FEPC Means The United States Senate is staging a bit- ter fight on FEPC this week with southern Senators battling with .all their might against it. In that fight they will have aid and comfort from men of other States and ABTAT rezinvs but they must bear the brunt of the bette themselves. And what is FEPC? Why all the fuss and fury about it? It is legislation, based on political motives, which would set up arbi- trary and arrogant controls over and inter= ference with the private affairs of the Amer- ican people and their private business. It is nothing less than that, and it is even a good deal more than that, for it implies an unlimited and arrogant police power which would be put in the hands of partisan and biased men who in turn would acknowl- edge no responsibility or obligation to any- one except their political masters. And when you undertake to regulate the private lives of people and their private business with political and police power you are creating a dangerous situation, FEPC would give a federally appointed and controlled commission power to regulate em- ployment, and the hiring and firing of em- ployees. Its purpose is to force employers to employ persons whom they might not want in their employ. It specifically says that no person shall be denied employment because of race or color. And how would FEPC be enforced? By the courts? No. By trial by jury? No. By one’s peers and his fellows, as the Constitu- tion prescribes? No. But by bureaucrats. By men clothed with Federal police power whose arbitrary orders and decrees would have all the force and effect of law. What chance would any employer have who wanted to run his own business accord- ing to his own wishes? He could go to court, yes; if he wanted to spend a fortune, suffer humiliation, and be subjected to all the smear tactics that smart lawyers and politicians can devise, Southern people are opposed to FEFC. North Carolinians, who are tolerant and broadminded, find FEPC and its political im- plications too crude and arrogant. FEPC seeks to cure something by law which law can't cure. It would remedy one evil by arbitrarily imposing a greater evil. It would have the Federal Government play god over the people and dictate to them how they shall manage their personal and pri- vate business. It would take the individ- ual’s liberty and his right of choice away from him in order to confer a political favor upon another. (The following editorial is from the Greensboro Daily News of May 16, 1950, which is one of the leading dailies of North Carolina: ) Sovurn's Ricut To Be Hrarp Whatever may have been the motives which prompted North Carolina Democratic National Committeeman Jonathan Daniels to speak out at a Chicago panel discussion on FEPC, it took courage to step into the staged event, as he did, and give something of the South’s feeling on and attitude toward this controversial measure. What Mr. Daniels voiced was opposition. to compulsory FEPC, an opposition which ex- ists not merely in the deep South but in more progressive North Carolina and which must be reckoned with in any practical con- sideration of the issue and its ramifications. Even those Tar Heel leaders who approve the principle involved are realistic enough to know that the cause can be pushed only so far and so vigorously without setting up a chain reaction and undoing the progress that has been made in racial relations hereabouts throughout the years. The Chicago panel, at which the Tar Heel committeeman seized upon the occasion to speak, was further evidence of the manner in which the South, its viewpoint and its problems are left out in party councils and programs. The other side of FEPC was
A3748 wholly unrepresentec in the Chicago discus- sion; yet it is dificult to think of a genuine panel in which all sides of the topics being discussed are not represented. That is in-~ dicative of what has happened all along and has thus served further to arouse southern-~ ers. After all, the South’s views, right or wrong, on FEPC or any other issue are the views of a sizable tier of States and some mullions of people, and as such they deserve consideration in Democratic conferences and policies. Naturally it arouses southerners when they are disregarded. Their views be- come meaningless, while a political sop is thrown out to several hundred thousand per- sons in a few key congressional districts in doubtful States which may thus be swung into the party fold. Such differentiation may be good politics, but it is not founded in basic fairness or consideration of all groups and sections in party councils. Certainly the area which has to wrestle directly with the most acute problems and situations grow- ing out of FEPC has a right to speak its piece and exert an influence commensurate with its numerical strength and its long- time contribution to and sustenance of the Democratic Party. Mr. Daniels was justified in speaking out. But it is not until the southern view is taken unto more serious consideration and treat- ment that last week’s assurance of Keynoter Thad Eure at our own State Democratic con- ventions that the Democratic Party is big exouch for all shades of opinion and schools of though. can be said to have national ac- ceptance and application. All that we are talking about is the South’s right to be heard and have its practical problems considered in their true worth and effect in the councils and fabrications of the party that it has sup- ported, through thick and thin, all these years. The F in FEPC really ought to apply to a fairness that is not wholly confined to employment as such. (The following editorial is from the Mc- Dowell News, published at Marion, in west- ern North Carolina, and one of the leading semiweekly newspapers of the State:) Tae Weak LINK IN THE FEPC No matter how desirable the proposed Fair Employment Practice Act may appear on paper, there is a practical hitch that will ruin the whole scheme. The hole in the dyke is: What will prevent an employer from having his business opera~ tions wrecked by a swarm of fraudulent dis- crimination claims whenever he hires or fires @ Worker. Objective of the controversial measure now before Congress is to prohibit discrim-~ ination in employment because of “race, color, religion, or national origin.” It applies to any employer engaged in commercial oper- ations who employs 50 or more individuals. The way we see it, the legislation is so broad that it will be impossible to determine a legitimate complaint of discrimination from an unreasonable or personal grudge. This is what could happen to an employer: He has a job opening and 100 aspirants apply. Naturally, only one man can have the job. Then the 99 disappointed job seekers could, if they chose, file complaints with Fair Em- ployment Commission agents, and'the ha~- rassed employer would be forced to suspend his own work and be hailed into court to answer the mass charges. Such a set-up would invite thousands of trumped-up lawsuits by unscrupulous law- yers. It would set the stage for a new era of racketeering and blackmailing in America, The Fair Employment Commission agents might exercise the greatest possible care in examining each complaint. But, by law, it will be mandatory for the agents to make thorough investigations of each complaint before making a decision. Furthermore, it’s a hundredfold easier for an employer to be accused of racial or re- ligious discrimination than it is for him to prove himself innocent of the charge. Let’s take an example. Suppose a small factory owner employs 100 workers. Twenty percent of them are Chinese, 10 percent Ne- groes, 40 percent are Methodists, 20 percent Baptists. Any Negro or Baptist who was re-~ fused a job could file a complaint. The claim would be that there are more Negroes and Baptists in this country than Chinese and Methodists, and yet, in this instance, they would be employed. In such an instance the employer would find it hard indeed to prove himself inno- cent of intentional discrimination. Sounds fantastic, doesn’t it? But it could happen, and something like it undoubtedly would in hundreds—maybe thousands—of instances. The employer might get a clean pill of health on the first complaint, the sec~ ond, third, or even fourth, but eventually the trap would ensnare him. Anyway you look at it, he can’t win, Businessmen and farmers have a big enough problem already in trying to succeed in their enterprises, pay taxes, provide jobs, and help maintain a strong economy without having the FEPC added to their burdens. (The editorial entitled “‘The Senators Have a Text” is from the Wilmington Star-News, a leading daily, published in eastern North Carolina: ) Ture Senators Have a Text As the long-delayed fight over the Fair Employment Practice Commission bill gets under way in the United States Senate, the great majority of North Carolinians are glad both their Senators are committed to vote against this legislation. Because of previous consideration of the issue in Congress, Senator Horxy’s stand has been known for a long time, The junior Senator, Frank P, Granam, has let it be known in the strongest way pos- sible that he is against FEPC. As recently as last Thursday, in his address at the Wal- lace festival, he reiterated his opposition as he said: “We here in North Carolina are getting ahead for both races without any Federal laws of compulsion. We in this State are gaining our ends through proper understand- ing and cooperation. Our Nation must fol- low that pattern if any good end is to he achieved.” But North Carolinians are expecting their Senators to do more than merely vote against this unnecessary and disturbing legislation. Because of the clear sentiment of the State they are beholden to speak out at those times when their words will mean the most toward defeat of this effort at infringement upon individual rights. And if and when they speak, there could be no better text for their assertions than the first two paragraphs of an Associated Press news story which appeared in Friday morning’s newspapers under a Raleigh date. line. They read: “The State board of education today ap- proved allocations totaling $3,328,752.45 from the State’s $50,000,000 school plant construc~ tion, improvement, and repaid fund. “The allocations, recommended by the board’s building committee which met yes- terday, totaled $1,848,878.75 for white schools and $1,479,878.70 for Negro schools.” Compare the two amounts for white and Negro facilities. The one for white projects is greater by only $869,005. Surely the pro- portion of population would encourage a larger figure. But the building committee, free to act without interference from law or any other authority, delegated the money only on the basis of need and without con. sideration to race. Thus, in ‘lis one case alone, 1t scored a triumph i. raising the standards of North Carolina’s Negro schools. This disregard for race has been apparent since the school board took up the big task of distributing the $50,000,000 where it is APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD needed most. In New Hanover County, the first vrojects to be considered were not for white but Negro children. Here, too, the authorities considered only the factor of need. In public housing, approval of a proposed expansion project in Charlotte was held up in Washington for sometime because prac- tically all the units were for Negroes. This, so the planners in the Capital thought, was discrimination against the white population. But, there too, the local decision was based on need and not race. North Carolinians should be proud of these facts. They illustrate, better than millions of words of debate and argument, the tremen- dous social, economic, and other progress made by the State without regard to race, They offer powerful ammunition to explode the false charge of discrimination in North Carolina sometimes lodged by outsiders igno- rant of true conditions or anxious to ignore impressive facts. There are numerous other cases Senators Horny and GraHam could cite to their col- leagues. As these illustrations prove North Caro- lina and other States do not need FEPC, the two Senators should also drive home the fact that its dangerous compulsion would prove the most damaging of all influences upon sound and progressive racial relations. (This editorial entitled “FEPC Dilemma,” is from the Washington Post of May 17, 1950:) FEPC DILEMMA Jonathan Daniels’ outspoken speech at a Chicago forum featuring the President’s Cabinet brings into sharp focus the dilemma facing the administration in connection with the FEPC bill. At no time has the administration had the votes to pass the pill in the face of the bitter opposition from the southern wing of the Democratic Party. It has used FEPC as a handy politi- cal issue, without any real prospect of turning promises into legislation. Presi- dent Truman has pretended that it was a question of pushing the measure through over the opposition of a few reactionary Dixiecrats. But Mr. Daniels’ opposition is plain notice that the liberal elements in Mr. Truman's own southern following are fight- ing him on the issue of making the FEPC compulsory. Mr. Daniels, as he pointed out in his speech, was one of the few southerners to vote for Mr. Truman’s nomination at Phila- delphia in 1948 and to take an active part in his campaign. Like other progressive lead~ ers in the South, however, he fears that the FEPC fight will strengthen the cause of the Dixiecrats and enable them to hide pehind the civil-rights issue while they fight every progressive measure. In other words, the administration is pressing the fight for civil rights at the point where the great- est opposition is encountered. Instead of moving step by step toward attainment of its laudable goal of eliminating discrimina- tion, the administration has got itself en- tangled in a mere vote-making maneuver. The Senate will vote Friday on the limita- tion of debate on the motion to take up the administration’s FEPC bill, and Senator Tarr has announced that he will support cloture. Even if the preliminary filibuster is thus broken, however, it will break out again so long as the administration’s com- pulsory bill is before the Senate. The Re- publicans, who are also playing political football with the issue, are not likely to agree to a limitation of debate for the sake of getting the Democratic bill passed. They have their own measure to push and will undoubtedly try to substitute it for thie ad- ministration bill if cloture switches the de- bate to the merits of the legislation itself. The House has already accepted the coun- terpart of Senator Tafr’s voluntary FEPC. Apparently the administration will have to
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD accept this measure ot withdraw from +he fight to avoid wrecking the remainder of its program. The choice thus open to the President is not a happy one, but he should have realized that he cannot make cam- paign promises which his own party has no prospect of fulfilling without placing himself at the mercy of the Republicans. We have felt that, because of the gravity of the international situation and the demor- alizing effect of a filibuster, the Senate should promptly accept the House bill sei- ting up a voluntary FEPC. Mr. Daniels’ thinking seems to be running along the same line. The President could salvage some credit for himself and his party by asking his Senate leaders to eliminate the compul- sory provisions of the bill. The alternative promises to be another fiasco that would give a hollow sound to fresh promises from the stump. (The editorial entitled “No Argument for FEPC” is from the Washington Evening Star of May 14, 1950:) No ARGUMENT FoR FEPC Sonator Benton’s appeal for adoption of a compulsory FEPC bill was not based en- tirely on the fact that Russian propaganda piays up racial discrimination in this coun- try. But the Connecticut Senator’s argu- ment, to the extent that 1t was based on this ground, is unworthy of serious attention. It is true, of course, that there is racial discrimination in the United States. It is also true that the Russians are doing their best to make capital out of that fact. But it hardly follows that we should try to com- bat Russian propaganda in other parts of the world by passing a law which can be expected to do a great deal more harm than good in this country. In this newspaper’s opinion, a compulsory FEPC law, wholly aside from its dubious con-~ stitutionalty, would be thoroughly bad in its effect on race relations in this country. Be- cause the Senate bill does not cover employ- ers of fewer than 50 persons, Senator Benton makes the curious secondary argument that it is unobjectionable because it would not apply to 98 percent of the enterprises in this country. What does he think the Russians would Say if we were to pass a law ostensibly safeguarding the rights of people in 2 per- cent of our business establishments and ig- noring those in 98 percent? The real ground for opposing the FEPC bill, however, has nothing to do with the number of enterprises that would be af- fected by it. If the bill is passed it will have to be enforced, and it is ridiculous to suppose that it will not be enforced. But in the South and perhaps in some other sections of the country it could be enforced only at a price of dissension and bitterness far exceeding anything seen in this country for many a long year. That is not the way to improve race relations. If we want to wipe out the progress that has been made and foment racial hostility the way to do it is to pass the Senate FEPC bill. And if Senator Benron is worried about the Rus- sian propagandists, he ought to think of what they could do, not only before, but after the FEPC bill became law. (A very splendid article appeared in a number of newspapers written by Raymond Moley and entitled “FEPC Faults,” which is as follows:) FEPC Favuuts (By Raymond Moley) Soveral arguments have been advanced for the fair employment practices bill, now be- fore Congress, that should be dragged out for close examination. For if a piece of leg- islation is enacted under the persuasive in- fluence of fallacious reasons, we shall have fallacious law. The President’s Committee on Civil Rights, from which this measure was derived, in+ cluded lawyers, and at least one was a good lawyer. But it argued in a manner that would hardly be adequate in any court. It used the old tricks of political dialectic. One argument, embellished with a fine chart elaborately drawn, was intended to show the great number of discriminatory acts by em- ployers and others. This showed business to be the greatest offender, with labor com- paratively sinless. These compilations of alleged cases of discrimination also showed cases by race and religion. This illustrative material was drawn from the records of the old Fair Employment Practice Commitice set up by President Roosevelt to deal with discrimination in the war effort. The cases cited were complaints. They were not proved cases. In short, the word of the complainant is taken as proof of dis~ crimination. This would be like calling an error on an umpire every time Manager Leo Durocher makes a complaint. Another argument seriously advanced is that 1t 1s a good thing to pass a law in the hope that 1t will never be used. Thus, Con- gress 1s asked to pass a law with severe nenalties in 1t and involving a big bureauc- reey which after all is designed merely as a piece of moral advice. But all experience shows that laws that are unenforced are worse than no laws. They remain as fester- ing sores, often the means of blackmail and a@ broad invitation to corruption. If it 1s possible to end discrimination by law, which is very doubiful, let the law be enforceable and let it be enforced. A law which is in- tended as a bluff, which is merely passed to appease some minority group, 1s a snare, @ delusion, and a fraud. Another argument advanced by the new Senator, Benton of Connecticut, is that Rus- sia and other nations reached by the Voice of America—which the Senator used to run— will be deterred from accusing the United States of denying people their civil rights. Aside from the ridiculous idea that Russia could impress vven its satellites with a tale about civil rights, this argument is rooted in the proposition that laws are seriously to be passed by Congress not for the maintenance of peace and justice at home, but for use as propaganda abroad. It 1s, however, ex~ actly what might be expected from a pro- fessional propagandist trying to act like a lawmaker, Another fallacy implicit in all the argu- ments for the bill is the suggestion that because there is discrimination, the only way to deal with it is by law and Federal law at that. To argue that a Federal law is necessary because a State law won't work is to say that such pious gestures as the New York law won’t work. Well, it doesn’t work well. It, too, is a bluff, because no serious supporter of the law, including Governor Dewey, expected it to work. It was a wa- tered-down version of what minorities wanted passed to’win their political support. — Separation of Mail Pay From Airline Subsidies EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. EDWIN C. JOHNSON OF COLORADO IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. JOHNSON of Colorado. Mr. Pres- ident, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Appendix of the Recorp an edi- torial appearing in American Aviation A3749 on May 15, regarding my plan for sep- arating the mail pay from the subsidy. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: Tuanks, SENaToR (By W. W. P.) At last there is official recognition in high places that the airlines of the United States are not being subsidized by mail pay. If there is any subsidy involved in air- mail payments, the subsidy is on behalf of the communities and users of the air service. No less than a report of a committee of the United States Senate puts this issue squarely on the record for the first time where it really counts. Senator Epwin C. Jomnson, Democrat of Colorado, chairman of the Senate Commiut- tee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, has just made an interim report on the separa- tion of air-mail pay from subsidy. “The subsidy need is clearly not a subsidy to the airline, which is merely rendering a public service for a fair return,” his report says, ‘but goes to the passengers, shippers, and air-mail patrons of the communities the airline serves.” So Senator JoHNSON proposes to charge up to the communities that don’t pay their way the additional costs involved in the air serv- ice. That’s beginning to call a spade a spade, to place the burden of cost responsibility where it belongs. It is refreshing, for once, to see a report that doesn’t accuse the air- lines of gorging themselves at the public trough. Senator Jomnson said that a careful read- ing of the testimony before his committee last year revealed that there was agreement in general that airlines carrying only long- haul business and servicing only a few high- density points could operate profitably with- out subsidy; or, to put it another way, that the certificate requirement compelling the airlines to serve a large number of small sta- tions, or to carry predominantly short-haul traffic, absorbed most of the profits earned in the long-haul high-density business and was the basic reason why subsidy was re-= quired. Thus, he added later, if management econ- omy and efficiency are attained, the subsidy rests squarely upon the community whose revenues are insufficient to pay the cost of airline service. Senator Jonnson is now proposing that subsidy for domestic air transportation should be specifically identified and pre- sented to Congress on a community basis, and he is recommending that legislation be passed by Congress directing the determina- tion by communities of the amount of sub- sidy required to support the airline services presently certificated to each community within the United States. While we commend the Senator most heartily for his frank and honest attribu- tion of air-mail costs to communities, is there not a danger in carrying such an allo- cation to an extreme? The airlines were once a political football, up to the creation of the Civil Aeronautics Board. What is needed is a stable national transportation system—something that can’t be tinkered with each year by a partisan ap- propriations committee of Congress bent on removing air mail from communities in States that happen to be dominated by the minority political party at the time. Any re- turn to the insecurities and inequities in- herent in political control would be tragic. However, the Johnson report is salutary in many respects and begins to finalize the question of costs of air service to small towns. As we have pointed out many times before, the national airline system could be made immediately self-supporting and im-~ mediately profitable—without mail pay—by
A3750 confining it to high-density routes. We still believe that the CAB is the proper agency for determining what service needs to be con- tinued, but Senator JoHNsSoN’s committee is to be commended, at this point at least, for bringing some vital issues to the front. Gur Great American Heritage: Liberty EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. JOSEPH R. McCARTHY OF WISCONSIN IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, May 18 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the Recorp a winning essay by Jeanette Stanzil on the subject Our Great American Heritage: Liberty, from a recent issue of a Three Lakes, Wis., newspaper. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: WINNING EssAy Is PUBLISHED The essay of Jeanette Stanzil, Three Lakes, Wis., which won first place in the American Legion essay contest on Our Great American Heritage: Liberty, is reproduced in full as follows: “Four score and seven years ago our fath- ers brought forth on this continent a new na~ tion conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.’ These were the immortal words spoken by a truly great American, Abraham Lincoln. Consider the many battles fought, lives lost, tears shed, and speeches made simply for this one word—liberty. Just a seven-letter word but from it a host of ideas have been drawn, and by it millions of peo- ple have lived. However, the meaning of this word could never be completely con~- tained in books or manuscripts for it is in- deed a part of all persons living in this free country, today. Liberty is so much alive in every being that it has become a portion of the people’s soul and mind. For what could be accomplished without such a her- itage? Nothing, because our laws, govern- ment, and actions are all influenced by the fact that we are a free people of America. We are greatly indebted to the men who came before us, that were always striving to reach this goal of freedom, and to us it was given and accepted with a deep appreciation. ‘Let us then, for a better understanding of this thing termed ‘liberty,’ break it into proportions more understandable to us. Try to imagine that L stands for love, for it is love and not hate that is the foundation upon which good feelings toward our fellow- men are built. I represents independence, a type of freedom that allows us to develop as we are naturally inclined, and also elimi- nates a feeling of restraint in all things we attempt, within the margin of the rules and laws. B could mean beauty, the satisfying ray of impressive light that radiantly shines in the eyes and upon the countenance of a person who is free. E for equality, the living symbol of a freedom maintained by oppor- tunities for all, disregarding race, color, or creed. R brings to mind rights and privi- leges, bestowed upon us by legal documents which were written wisely by the preceding generations. ‘The intelligence and fore- thought of many famous men has given us such important papers as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Next T expressing truth, for anything based on this cannot dle or be destroyed, but lives for- ever, Last we come to Y which shows us youth, the coming generation which must uphold this great heritage by a greater faith and even stronger courage, perhaps, than others before them did. The responsibility of a free nation rests upon the shoulders of youth and is placed there with care and con- fidence! “Whether Abraham Lincoln realized it or not, the words of his Gettysburg Address are still living today, in the hearts and minds of all American people. We should proudly and valiantly protect and defend the undying principles of this Nation if we hope to retain our great heritage—liberty.” Ship Operating Subsidies EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JAMES J. MURPHY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Speaker, I have been thinking further about the debate which took place on the floor of the House on May 5 ii: connection with an amendment offered by the gentleman from Texas [Mr. THomas] reading as follows: Provided further, That no part of the fore- going appropriation shall be available for obligation, nor any obligation made, for the payment of an operating-differential sub- sidy for any number of ships in excess of the number of ships which are entitled to receive an operating-diferential subsidy pursuant to provisions of any contract, authorization, commitment, or obligation by the commis- sion in existence on January 1, 1950, includ- ing within said limitation as to number any ships being constructed or contracted for on said date under a construction-differential subsidy contract, and including also any ships the operation of which may be author- ized by the commission under any contracts which may result from any formal applica- tions filed with th commission prior to fanuary 1, 1950. Mr. Tuomas stated that this amend- ment was offered in substitution for language contained in the bill on page 304, beginning at line 5 and ending with “1950.” in line 10. The gentleman from Texas further stated that the language he was asking the committee to consider is the language submitted to the com~ mittee by the chairman of the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries “with only a slight variation.” I am a little concerned that there shall be no misinterpretation or misconstruc- tion of the meaning of the language, particularly the “‘slight variation” re- ferred to by the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 'THomas]. I wish to say for the record that as a member of the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee, it was my under- standing that the appropriation referred to shall be available for the payment of operating subsidy for ships not in excess of the number which first, “are entitled to receive an operating-differential sub- sidy pursuant to provisions of any con- tract, authorization, commitment or ob- ligation by the commission in existence on January 1, 1950,” second, being con- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD structed or contracted for on said date under a construction-differential subsidy contract,” and third, “any ships the operation of which may be authorized by the commission under any contracts which may result from any formal ap- plication filed with the commission prior to January 1, 1350.” I believe that the amendment as adopted by the House has the effect which I have just stated. However, if there be any question that it has a more limited effect, then I wish to express my belief that the amendment differs in principle and essence from the language submitted to the gentleman from Texas [Mr. THomas] by the chairman of the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Commit- tee. I further would like to say that it is my belief that my colleagues of the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Com- mittee believed that the amendment adopted had the meaning which I have just stated and was so considered by them in registering their vote in the House. A Scandalous Situation: The Knauff Case EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. F. D. ROOSEVELT, JR. OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. ROOSEVELT. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Appendix to the Recorp, I insert the statement issued yesterday by Mr. Justice Jackson, of the United States Supreme Court. Several times now, I have called to the attention of the House the case ef Mrs. Ellen Knauff, a war bride who has had an incredible time since she entered this country as the wife of an American vet- eran. The latest act in this scandalous situation was played yesterday when the Department of Justice, with unseemly haste, tried to rush Mrs. Knauff out of the country before her legal remedies had been exhausted. The statement of Mr. Justice Jackson makes plain what an unconscionable flouting this was of both the Supreme Court and the Con- gress. It was the Knauff case that brought up again the whole question of the power of the Department of Justice to exclude an alien—even a war bride—without a hearing. It has been my continued view that the issue here is far more important than this one case. I say as flatly as I can that the Immigration Service is guilty of arbitrariness in its handling of this case. I say that this highlights a threat to the whole philosophy on which our Government is based—the system of checks and balances. It is time we checked these misusers of a power they were given as a wartime measure. It is time we took this power from them and properly exercised our duty to protect the country against arbitrariness in the executive branch. To accomplish this, I have introduced H. R. 7476, which has been referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD I hope that this latest demonstration of the need for this legislation will speed the committee in its deliberations. Text oF Mr. Justice Jackson’s STATEMENT GRANTING STay As circuit justice for the second circuit, it is my almost invariable practice to refuse stays which the court of appeals or its judges have denied. This because they are closer to the facts, have heard the merits fully argued, and because I have confidence that they would grant stays in worthy cases. This rare departure from practice may call for a word of explanation. The decision of the court of appeals de- nying petitioner relief on habeas corpus was handed down yesterday, and about 4 o’clock yesterday afternoon stay was denied. The court suggested to counsel that he could apply “at Washington” for a stay, and coun- sel announced a purpose to do so. Imme- diately, however, the Department of Justice notified petitioner to be ready to be shipped on a commercial plane leaving New York this morning at 11 o’clock. This scarcely gave counsel time to prepare an application for stay here and no time for me to hold a hearing on it. As the case comes to me, I am informed that preparations are com- plete at the airport to deport her in a matter of minutes. Bundling this woman onto an airplane to get her out of this country within hours after the decision of the court of appeals, if accomplished, would have two consequences. First, it probably would defeat this court’s jurisdiction to consider her petition for re- view. Second, it would circumvent any ac- tion by Congress—which the Department has vigorously opposed—to cancel her exclusion, already unanimously taken by the House of Representatives. In this connection the Department of Justice was given hearing by @ subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives. After con- sidering the objections of the Department of Justice, the committee, nevertheless, re- ported favorably on the bill and the House of Representatives, with rare unanimity, de- eided the exclusion order should be can< celed. That bill, together with a like meas- ure introduced in the Senate, is now before the Senate’ Judiciary Committee for consid- eration. There appears also to have been an agreement by the Department with the Congress to withhold action under such cir- cumstances, but I have been unable in the time allowed to ascertain its text. If the Department had at any time shown even probable grounds to believe that pres- ence of this woman a few days more in this country might jeopardize national security, even infinitesimally, I should refuse the stay. But the Department of Justice has not only had opportunity, it has been importuned to show courts or Congress any reason for its exclusion order. Not only is the petitioner unable to learn what the specific charges against her are, but neither can the courts which are asked to play at least a consenting part in her ex- clusion, nor the Congress, which is in the midst of an effort to stop it. It overtaxes credulity to believe that it would jeopardize the security of the United States to impart to coordinate branches of the Government some inkling of the charges against this woman, That the purpose of this haste to rush her out of the country is to defeat any effort to have this Court review her present habeas corpus proceeding, appears from statements apparently made to the press by the Govern ment’s counsel in the court of appeals. We are not ordinarily satisfied with newspaper evidence, but the speed of events has left no time for verification. The statements of several reputable newspapers are in substan- tial accord: After the court suggested that petitioner’s counsel could apply at Wash- ington for a stay and he said he would do so, the Government attorney answered, as quoted in an Associated Press dispatch appearing in the Baltimore Sun, “She may not be here then.” The New York Herald Tribune at- tributes to him the statement that she may be deported by the time action is taken and that the case would then be academic. The New York Times quotes him as later stating he would advise the Department of Justice that “There are no legal impediments at this time which would prevent her immediate deportation.” “his leaves no doubt that the purpose is to defeat the jurisdiction of this Court as well as the determination of Con- gress, It may well be that this removal eventually will be sustained. But to consummate it while the right to do so is still in litigation cannot be permitted, and to attempt to do so after a bill to forbid it has already passed one House by uhanimous vote and while it is pending in the other is alleged to be a most unusual departure from administrative practice. Nothing has been produced to show why this particular petitioner should be so discriminated against. To stand between the individual and arbitrary action by the Gov~ ernment is the highest function of this Court. It is not for me to now reach any conclu- sion as to the merits of the decision below. But to grant writs to protect the Court’s jur- isdiction to inquire into the matter is one of the most usual functions of an individual Justice. Because the Government’s action since decision by the court of appeals would have the effect of foreclosing petitioner’s right to be heard in this Court, I grant the stay. Rosert H. JAcKSON, Associate Justice, Supreme Court of the United States. May 17, 1950, An Iowa Farmer’s Farm Plan EXTENSION OF REMARKS fo) HON. BEN F. JENSEN OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. JENSEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my own remarks in the appendix of the Rrcorp, I do so for the primary purpose of giving well- deserved publicity to a timely article written by a real dirt farmer and which appeared in the Malvern Leader, of Mal- vern, Iowa on April 6 last, sent to me by my friend, Ed E. Eaton, of Sidney, Iowa, aS will be noted. His letter in part and Mr. Gregory’s plan follow: May 4, 1950. Mr. Ben F, JENSEN, Congressman from Iowa, Washington, D.C. Dear Ben: I have taken an article from the Malvern Leader, Malvern, Iowa, issue of April 6, 1950, which I am enclosing and asking that you give it special attention. This article was written by one of your Mills County constituents living on a farm abutting Highway No. 275 just north of Ta~ por, Iowa. He is extremely bright and a progressive farmer. His article is so sensible that it has been extremely well received wherever it has come to attention. Incidentally, the article would seem to me to rather substantially support the position you have taken with regard to the proper method of approaching the flood control problem as I have noticed from various press releases, A3751 In my opinion, Ben, this article should at an appropriate cecasion be inserted in the CONGRESSIONAL Rzecorp. I have Mr. Gregory’s permission that this be done and I person~ ally feel that your use of it in this manner would bring to it some deserved attention and also the thinking that is becoming more and more prominent in this section. If you do not feel that you can make any use of the article, I would appreciate your s0 advising me as it actually is my intent to assist in giving it the highest publicity pos- sible. I would feel that you should be first granted the opportunity of making whatever use of it you might find desirable. I must close at this time. With best per= sonal regards, I remain Yours very truly, Epwarp EH. Eaton. [From the Malvern (Iowa) Leader, of April 6, 1950] Aw Iowa FarMeEr’s Farm PLAN (What do operating farmers who also must pay taxes think of the various farm plans which come from Washington? Recently Warren Gregory wrote the following article on this subject and the Leader at once asked permission to publish it. Mr. Gregory’s farm lies just north of Tabor in an area which is known as the most intensively con= served neighborhood in Iowa. He knows at first hand the problems of both the soil and profitable management of a farm. The Leader believes the enactment of a proper farm legislation one of the most vital prob- lems facing the United States. We cordially urge our readers to study this and invite comment on it, no matter whether you agree or not. Reproduction rights of this article are reserved.) (By Warren Gregory) The farmers of this country have been y-ooed and proposed to with numerous plans; some, no doubt beneficial and most of them very costly. Why must all of these plans emanate from Washington? Why not from the farmer? Has he been asked what he desires? We need nothing so ghastly as the Brannan plan, which calls for much un- necesssary, luxurious Government assistance. We need no pay for planting a crop, pri- marily for our own good, no payment for legume seedings to plow for our own soil fertility benefit. Have we any surpluses? The food and agricultural organizations of the United Nations are worrying themselves with the problem of increasing world food produc-' tion. They maintain this is a problem of education, engineering, and science. They also maintain that unless the world food problem is solvéd, there will be another world war, which will end civilization. Our so-called emergency measures cannot continue indefinitely without socialism resulting. Washington says the Republican Party has no farm plan; they say the Farm Bureau and other farm organizations have no farm plan, even though they are very critical of other plans. If we, of the Midwest agricultural regions wish a plan (instead of a dole); if we wish free enterprise (instead of Govern= ment dictatorship) and finally, if we desire to be the self-reliant people we once were, we must come forth with a workable project for agriculture of our own. We must con~ solidate our desires and needs immediately. These fraudulent Government programs must be halted now and something conserv- ative, understandable, and practical insti- tuted in their stead. The population of the United States is in- creasing by leaps and bounds—about two to two and one-half million people per year. How can we feed this increase in the fu- ture? Must we semistarve our people for 10 years, because the population and pro- duction curves cross, in the near future?
A3752 Our Government seems to operate on two principles—scarcity and fear. Surpluses do not go along with socialism, any more than cats go along with rats. Scarcity is social- ism’s mate. No socialistic government, or country, has enough to eat, to wear, or to consume, without governmental subsidiza- tion and resulting suicidal taxation, borne by the consumer. Fear is the greatest weap- on of our Government— fear of surpluses, fear of war, fear of depression and fear of long-continued peace and the loss of usurped power, under multitudinous emergency acts. Our surpluses are all fictitious, so far as food is concerned. The Government has bil- lions of dollars of the taxpayers’ money in- vested in monuments to poor farm manage- ment and has control of our so-called food surpluses, as the farmer and feeder will learn much too late. Our livestock popula- tion is at a low ebb. We have fewer head of livestock, per capita, than we had in 1918. Our national income is still at an all-time high. Our gainfully employed are, practi- cally the same number, if you consider the people who actually want to be regularly employed. R. C. Pollock, of the American Meat Institute, estimates we will have 171,- 000,000 people by 1960 in this country. We must gear our conservation practices and future production to meet that number if Mr. Consumer is ever to have Mr. Brannan’s so-called cheap food. Our Government in Washington seems to aggravate strikes and, certainly, stands at the top of the list in perpetuating labor strife. We cannot blame labor or manage- ment for this. The blame lies in mismanage- ment of labor’s problems, and interference with management’s difficulties, by our many Washington agencies, We stand at the goal line of the most prosperous years and the greatest industrial expansion this Nation, or any other, has ever known. Let’s not drop the ball. We realize, only too little, how near we are to complete socialism. The control of in- dustry and labor and Mr. Brannan’s plan are all we need to complete it. The Government is, each day, destroying initiative to work, to produce and to operate one’s own business in a businesslike manner, by bureaucratic med- dling. Why have all these plans when they are all on a day-to-day, month-to-month basis? Why not forget the MVA? It will only mean more TVA and control of the vast re- sources of the Missouri Valley by Govern- ment. Why not continue with the Pick- Sloan plan, which is already under way? This question also applies to the Ohio, Mis- sissippi and all other river projects. Let us have one long-range plan, the farm- ers’ own plan. We have one heritage in this country and have been rapidly depleting it. “Your land and mine,” as Henry J. Taylor so often calls it. We do not seem to be profiting by ex- periences of other peoples, who now are af- flicted with famines. This heritage does not belong to us. We merely have the use of it—either to spoil and waste or to improve and conserve. We came here with nothing and when we leave this earth can take noth- ing with us. It is not feasible to solve these agricultural problems jointly? The problems are: sur- pluses (if any), cheaper meats, flood, food prices and costs of production. We need to conserve our soil—the greatest of all our resources—and improve its pro- ductivity and tillability. Our heritage will then be passed on to our children in better condition than when we, of this generation, received it. Two simple words will cure these and many of our other ailments: Soil conser= vation. Practice of soil conservation and proper rotation practices in all agricultural régions will soive these problems and many more, 1. They will hold down the production of surpius cro7s on marginal land. 2. They will furnish pasture and forage to enable us to increase livestock. 3. Fertility will be increased manyfold, in case of war or other need for greatly in- creased production, in line with population increases. 4. The cost of production of meat animals will be lowered for the farmer. 5. The cost of food, including meat, will be less to the consumer, without the im- position of other taxes. 6. Food production will increase, whereby we need not starve for 10 or 20 years, in a helpless state, striving to make the produc- tion curve again parallel the popuiation curve—instead of cross it. 7, It will, as has been proven, minimize dust storms and crop failures, so far as hu- man effort is concerned. 8. It will tend to stabilize and raise our water level and forestall water shortages. 9. It will put agriculture on a better basis financially; not dependent upon any one crop in particular. 10. It will create a more stable demand, by agriculture, for industrial products—such as automobiles, appliances and home im- provements. 11. It will control flooding of rivers and streams, by eliminating run-off, in making the rain and snow soak into the soil, when they fall. 12. It will do away with Government sub- sidy payments on agricultural crops, which payments are made at the expense of the taxpayer. 18. It will tend to stabilize population in the rural areas, as farming will be more attractive to the younger generation on a good fertile farm, than one of those sub- marginal, eroded, semi-arid ones. 14. It will discourage Government inter- ference with farming operations, so the American farmer may be happy, prosperous and on good terms with labor (his con- sumer) . 15. Our streams will run clear once more, unhampered by silt and debris, abounding with fish, as they once were. 16. Recreational facilities will be increased, on large farm ponds, rivers and in our farm wood-lots and forests. 17. Wildlife protective cover will be im- proved, which will automatically restock our game birds and animals. 18. Farming will require less man hours, less cash outlay for expensive, seldom used equipment, but savings will be offset some- what by construction of new fences and con- servation work. 19. It will require two things to bring about all of these improvements: the technical assistance of our’ Soil Conservation Service and the will of the farmer to stand on his own two feet. 20. Last, but not by no means least, it will create that thing toward which we are all striving: A stable agricultural economy. Why Not Repudiate Yalta’s Betrayal of Poland, and Weaken Soviet Grip? EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. FOSTER FURCOLO OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. FURCOLO. Mr. Speaker, by re- quest, I am including the following edi- torial from the May 13 issue of the Sat- urday Evening Post: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Wuy Nor REPUDIATE YALTA’S BETRAYAL OF POLAND, AND WEAKEN Sovier GRIP? (By Ann Su Cardwell) America, struggling against an adversary that is deadly serious, is looking for friends, and our Government has declared its inten- tion of attempting to win the peoples in the satellite countries for the west even though their puppet regimes remain tools of Mos- cow. Poland is a case in point. A conference between Churchill, Roose- velt, and Stalin in the Crimea resulted in what is known as the Yalta agreement (Feb- ruary 11, 1945). This agreement was never presented to the Senate for ratification, and was not a treaty but only an agreement between the three Chiefs of State. The Yalta accord specified that the “Provisional government [set up by Stalin] which is now functioning in Poland should therefore be reorganized on a broader democratic basis,” and that this new government shall be pledged to the holding of free and unfet- tered elections as soon as possible. Fur- thermore, the three heads of government (Churchill, Roosevelt, Stalin) consider that the eastern frontier of Poland should fol- low the Curzon line, with digressions from it in some regions of from 5 to 8 kilometers, They recognize that Poland must receive sub- stantial accessions of territory in the north and west * * * final delimitation of the western frontier of Poland should thereafter await the peace conference. This Yalta accord, making Stalin a pres- ent of over 47 percent of Poland, conspired with geography, circumstances, the Red army and the NKVD to make it possible for Stalin to transform what remained of the helpless country into a Sovict province in everything but name. Sovict citizens mas- querading as Poles now govern Poland ac- cording to Moscow’s instructions. Nothing was guaranteed Poland in the west. Stalin gave Poland some German territory enst of the Oder and Neisse Rivers, and this act, as well as the expulsion of thousands of Ger- mans from western Poland, was confirmed at Potsdam. Yet Poland, although handed over to the Kremlin, need not be lost to the west un- less the west so wills. The Polish people re- main pro-American in sympathies, scparated from us only by the Yalta betrayal, the heaviest blow dealt them during all the war and occupation years. Polish distrust of us will persist as long as our Government re- gards the Yalta agreement as binding. Re- pudiation of Yalta would sweep it away and give a lift to lowered American prestige not only in Poland but throughout all eastern Europe. What could Moscow do? It could multiply lies and vituperation. But it could not pre- sent a case against the United States, be~ cause Stalin has never made any pretense of living up to the Yalta terms. Out of nearly 40 Yalta agreements, according to President Truman, Stalin chose to honor only that concerning Japan. In so doing he was act- ing to his own advantage and our hurt. The question arises: Has an agreement any validity when its conditions are ignored or deliberately misinterpreted by one of the contracting parties? For 5 years, to our great disadvantage, we have honored the Yalta agreement. And we may expect to be bullied, deceived, insulted or outsmarted as Jong as we hold to that phantom accord. At Yalta the Moscow men thought they had taken our measure. The records of the con- ference suggest that they were right. Stalin’s plans, as later events disclosed, required his possession of Poland, “the key- stone of the European arch.” On that sub- ject he was adamant. Reporting to Con- gress on his Yalta trip, President Roosevelt said, “The whole Polish question was a po- tential source of trouble in postwar Eu- rope * * * wecame to the conference de-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD termined to find a common ground for so- lution, and we did.” The Big Three thought that by assuming the peacemakers’ author- ity they could settle the “Polish question” once and for all by turning Poland over to Stalin while the Poles had no means of appeal. Thus the Atlantic Charter was aban- doned. At Yalta, America was made an ac- tec omewtroimee*+ in an act of aggression i ots Puinve nd obligated to see that act executed. Now, 1n 1950, America wants the friend- ship and support of the Nation betrayed in 1945. To get it we must make what resti- tution we can. Our repudiation of Yalta would revive faith in America and create insuperable difficulties for those entrusted with the execution of the sovietization pro- gram. It would regain for us the friend- ship of more than 20,000,000 highly useful people, and permit us to respect ourselves— which, incidentally, is one thing Mr. George Kennan says we must do if we are to insure our own security. Armed Forces Day EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. LOUIS B. HELLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mr. HELLER. Mr. Speaker, recently the public has been confused because some utterances of important public per- sons have indicated that the interna- tional situation is more dangerous for us than at any time in recent years, and yet President Truman has said that the world situation is far, far better than in 1946. What both parties say is true. In a sense the situation is worse than before, because the Communists have completed or almost completed their con- trol of China, with 450,000,000 more peo-~ ple added to their empire, and that un- happy country, with its enormous man- power and other potentials, in their hands. At the same time our hold on Berlin, always precarious, is threatened anew. Yet what the President says is also true, because Communist power in Eu- rope, which affects western civilization far more importantly than China, was at its height in 1946. Yugoslavia was strongly allied to the Soviet Union. The Red Army was still in Iran despite the United Nations. Jews and Arabs were preparing for armed battle in Palestine. Egyptians were in open revolt against Britain. The independence of India was threatening civil war. The world grain supply was three and a half mil- lion tons short. The economic condition of Europe was worsening rapidly. Every one of these situations has taken a turn for the better since. There is probably no immediate likelihood of war, though it is always a possibility. : Probably the biggest single factor in the change is the fact that whereas in 1946 the United States was in the midst of the most rapid and wasteful disarma- ment in history, now we have rearmed and at the same time allied ourselves with the countries of western Europe in what is not only an economic and politi- cal tie but a military one as well. In this present situation of interna- tional tension it is our defense forces which will do most to keep the peace. At the first aggression our Air Force will take to the skies with instruments of swift destruction to enemy centers. This is a great deterrent to war because ag- gression always feels out weakness. After that all three arms of our de- fense services will play a balanced, co- operative, and powerful part in war. The Navy will keep the seas open and with its carrier take mobile air bases over the world. The Army with its ground troops and the Air Force with its tactical support and its transport will be able to launch offensive movements against the enemy. Meanwhile, we are building stout radar and tactical defense to pro- tect our own homeland against enemy strikes. We may well hope and pray there will be no new war, but, if it should come, we are not now helpless and con- fused as we would have been in 1946, and that fact itself is our best ground for confidence that there will be no umme- diate war. The Hitlers and Stalins of the world never start a war unless they think they can win. It is for us to see to it that they know they cannot win. ‘The strong man armed” will keep his own house, as the Bible says. It is for us all, as Americans, to see that this strength of our defense forces is maintained and incremented as long as the threat of Soviet domination hangs over the world. Pie in the Sky EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. A. L. MILLER OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr. MILLER of Nebraska. Mr. Speaker, I listened to the President’s speech at the Democratic rally in Chi- cago and I read it in the Recorp. Mr, Truman attempted to write a prescrip- tion for the Nation that would let the people have their cake and eat it, too. The President called his party a “party of dreamers.” I guess we are all dream~ ers, and it is well that we are. We want better living conditions for all. We want to conserve our resources. We want to be a Christian nation. Indeed, the Pres- ident painted a flowery picture of our aspirations. But there are certain hard realities of life that we must face with- out cringing. Our ancestors did not build the greatest nation on earth, with the highest living standards the world has ever known, by squandering their hard-earned savings in socialistic schemes. I am sure our people would feel a lot better if they knew we had somebody at the helm with a clear un- derstanding of the hard facts that face us and a determination to solve our problems with the help of the best brains A3753 available, rather than resorting to politi- cal maneuvering for the purpose of per-~ petuating his party in office. He held out glittering promises of future well-bsing if the people would elect to Congress the candidates who be- heve as he does. He offered something to everyone. He promised Federal aid to education, socialized medicine, socialized housing, the Brannan farm plan, and a lot of other costly schemes. He left the impression that the Government can give them all these without cost. He failed to tell the people that the adoption of this program would add another $25,- 000,000,000 a year to the Federal budget. He failed to mention the hard fact that Government produces nothing and can give the people nothing without first taking it from them in more and higher taxes or by increasing the debt. He carefully avoided telling the people about the huge deficits he is piling up each year. He did not mention the fact that in 4% peacetime years he spent more money than the first 32 Presidents spent in 152 years of our Nation’s history. He failed to explain that this deficit spend- ing is debasing our dollar and that the $100 bonds they bought in 1940 for $75 will today only buy $60 worth of goods in the market place. Mr. Truman failed to clear the air of the doubts we have in regard to our in- ternational problems. In = recent speeches and whistle-stop talks he said that conditions are much better than they were in 1946, but his military and foreign affairs advisers warn us that con- ditions are very critical. The military are asking for more money for defense and a continuation of conscription. He avoided mentioning the “Pinks” and those in Government who have been playing “palsey-walsey” with the Com- munists. When the Committee on Un- American Activities was attempting to route these “Pinks” out of Government, he said, on 9 different occasions, that the Republicans were digging up “red her- rings.” He did not announce that his Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, and himself were now ready to turn their backs on these traitors. Nor did he as- sure the people that his hand picked Committee in the Senate would now cease its attempts to smear those who brought charges against certain persons high in policy making Departments and begin to make a real investigation. He failed to tell the people about the Pendergast machine in Kansas City, how it first placed him in office and later helped him to purge an able Member of the House of Representatives who didn’t take orders. He carefully avoided men- tioning the tie-up of his Administration with gangsters and gamblers who com- pletely control political machines in the big cities. : Conspicuous by its absence was any mention of the recommendations of the Hoover Commission for reorganizing the Executive Branch to effect a saving of billions of dollars in the cost of Govern-' ment. He has sent several plans up to the Hill but in most of them the Presi-_ dent says, “The taking effect of the reor- ganization included in this plan may not in itself result in substantial immediate
A3754 savings.” But “substantial immediate savings” are what the people are looking for. No, the President is giving lip serv- ice to the recommendations of the Hoover Commission but his Department and Bureau Chiefs are vigorously oppos- ing any changes in their agencies which would cut expense and thousands of em- ployees off the swollen payrolls. The President spoke glowingly of Thomas Jefferson and how the Demo- cratic Party stood for the principles of Jefferson. He failed to mention the fact that Jefferson had a consuming fear of big government as expressed in his state- ment that “Those people are best gov- erned who are least governed” and, “I place economy among our first and most important virtues, and public debt as the greatest danger to be feared.” Iam sure, Mr. Speaker, if Mr. Jefferson were to re- turn to this earth and would see how the Democratic Party has been debauched, he would have an attack of angina pec- toris or suffer a heart block that would be fatal. Mr, Speaker, the Democratic Party has no monopoly on being against sin, or on wanting this Country to be a strong Christian Nation. It has no monopoly on the desire for a peaceful world and a prosperous economy. It is nice to be an idealist and a dreamer. There are cer~ tain facts we cannot ignore and we must face up to the hard, cold realities of life. The President failed to present these facts to the people. His speech in Chi- cago and his whistle-stop talks were of a “pie-in-the-sky” and “heaven-above-all” type designed to promise something to everybody without cost. He should re- member he cannot “fool all the people all the time.” Whistle Stop at Wendover EXTENSION OF REMARES oF HON. LOUIS B. HELLER OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 11, 1950 Mr. HELLER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the New York Times of May 11, 1950: WHIsTLE Srop at WENDOVER Wendover, Wyo., is just a railroad division point with a population of 22 persons, but there were 400 people on hand when the Presidential train (Presidents do not have to worry about railroad strikes) pulled into the yards on Tuesday. Mr. Truman appeared upon the rear platform to speak warmly of “my good friend, Joz O’MaHonry, who hap- pens to be a Senator from this State.’ It was always good, he'said, to come back out West. Wyoming was a progressive State— the first, in fact, to give women the right to vote. “Can you imagine,” the President asked, “what some of the stuffy reactionary easterners had to say about the fact that you had woman suffrage out here? Listen—listen to this—yoqu will like it—you will want to remember it, The editor of a prominent mag- azine published in New York said about Wyoming when you gave women the right to vote—now this is a quote: ‘This unblushing female socialism defies alike the apostles and the prophets.’ ” The chronology, it seems, was a little out of kilter. It developed later that the Presi- dent was quoting from Harper’s New Month- ly magazine of November 1853, whereas Wyoming did not grant suffrage to women until 16 years later. However, the President has made his point: The rugged West and the effete East—the new frontiersmen of the ever-expanding exchequer and the old fogies of the balanced budget. “Just what is an off-the-cuff whistle stop speech?” wrote our correspondent in his story. “President Truman delivered one to- day that is regarded on this train as a classic ’? “Jumping Joe in Action Again” EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. “fo 2207 J. BIEMILLER OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 10, 1950 Mr. BIEMILLER. Mr. Speaker, with permission to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I attach the following editorial from the Milwaukee Journal of May 8, entitled “Jumping Joe in Action Again.” It points up neatly the kind of dema- goguery of which the junior Senator from Wisconsin is capable by quoting from an article which he read into the Recorp in June 1949, opposing opening of thé FBI files. Without an excuse or a@ reason, he now demands the files be opened. “JUMPING JOE” IN AcTIon AGAIN “If the State Department loyalty files are opened, then my charges will be proved,” Senator McCarray has been shouting since he started his campaign against the State Department. Now President Truman has authorized the State Department to open its files in the cases of the 81 individuals that McCarrmy has termed loyalty risks. Is McCartuy satisfied? Of course not. Now he charges that the State Department files are phony, that they have been tampered with and that the Pres- ident is guilty of deceit and dishonesty in making them available. And he demands that the FBI files be opened. These will prove his charges, he says in effect. Less than a year ago McCarrur was against opening the FBI files. On June 16, 1949, he read on the Senate floor an ar-~ ticle by David Lawrence explaining in detail the great damage that would be done by such action. The article pointed out that pub- licizing of FBI files harms the FBI, endan- gers its informants, and imperils the repu- tation of innocent persons. Yes, the man who didn’t believe FBI files should be opened last June now wants them opened. And does anyone think for a moment that if the administration did decide to open the FBI files (which it shouldn't and wouldn’t) McCartHy would be satisfied. Of course he wouldn’t. He’d shift ground again. He would retreat to some further position, hurl some new charges or find some new names to throw at the administration. They tell a little story about “Jumping Joe” in Washington these days. It fits him perfectly. It goes like this: “McCartHy is a slippery fellow. Every time you think you’ve caught up with him, he’s down the river on another cake of ice.” APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Taxation of Mutual Savings Banks EXTENSION OF REMARES OF HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH Or NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 18, 1950 Mr, KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, it is a pleasure for me to insert the following thought-provoking address de- livered by our distinguished colleague, Watter A. Lyncw, before the dinner meeting of the Savings Banks Officers and Auditors and Comptrollers Forum at the Hotel Astor, New York City, on May 16, 1950. Representative Lyncu is the New York majority member of the Ways and Means Committee and to his subject he brings a full and seasoned viewpoint founded upon broad exper- ience in the practice of the law and espe-~ cially in the field of banking and of taxation. His subject was most timely in view of the pending proposal to tax earnings of mutual savings banks about which I shall undoubtedly have more to say at a later date in opposition to the proposal. It would serve all well to read carefully the following obviously well- prepared address: Mr. Chairman and members of the forum, it gives me great pleasure to be with you today. A life-long ambition of mine has been fulfilled. At long last I find myself in a group of men with so much money under their control that they do not know what to do with it. I do not know whether my choice as the speaker of the occasion is alto- gether fortuitous from your point of view, especially when you men learn that Iam a member of that group of tax gatherers known Officially as the Committce on Ways and Means of the United States House of Repre- sentatives. I might say that it is a most cooperative committee. I happened to men- tion to some of the mempners 1m the early part of last week that I was scheduled to speak before your group today and that I was at a loss for a topic. With characteristic thoughtfulness for a member of their com- mittee, they came to a tentative agreement I: i Triadey by avere of 18 to 10 to tax mutual 2S giving me not only a Tove .o™ mist pads before you today, but also a very good reason for being here. Before I discuss, however, the question of taxation of mutual savings banks, I think it might be well if you bankers knew some~ thing about the Committee on Ways and Means. It is the oldest committee in our Government and is charged with the respon~ sibility of raising revenue for the operation of the Government. It is composed of 25 members, 15 from the majority side and 10 from the minority. Modesty forbids me to extoll the capabilities of the members of this committee, lest you get the impression that I would bathe in their reflected glory. Suf- fice to say that Presidents and Vice Presidents have, in the course of their congressional careers, been members of this committee and the present Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court recalls with real enthusiasm the not too distant days when he served on Ways and Means. The problems that con- front the committee are many and complex and the pulling and the tugging of con- Hlicting interests is beyond adequate de- scription. In the category of bills assigned for ita consideration are the tax bills of the coun- try, the customs and tariff bills, reciprocal