A3306 “T heard last night on the radio program that you are having financial trouble after all the good you have done this country,” said another letter from “working family of three. I therefore pledge $1 to help fight the elements that threaten this country and hope that more of my fellow countrymen shall do the same.” ACHESON CRITICIZED A Connecticut man sent a dollar in behalf of his grandson, saying: “Sent in the hope that what you are attempting to do will succeed, and that my grandson may grow up in the same sort of a country that I grew up in. A man that will stick by Alger Hiss and permit a convicted Russian spy to return to Russia should not be Secretary of State; we need someone about whom there is not the slightest doubt of his loyalty and love of this country.” ; A terse penciled note on white wrapping paper said: “A humble contribution for ex- pense connected with your excellent effort.” It was unsigned and enclosed a dollar. “Kindly accept this small contribution of $3 that you can use to help pay the private investigators on your pay roll,” said a man from Staten Island, N. ¥. “I wish it could pe more,” he added. “God bless you and keep you in good health. Please keep on fighting for what you believe is worth while.” DISTRICY OF COLUMBIA WOMAN CONTRIBUTES A Washington woman sent $10 “as a slight token of appreciation of what you are un- dergoing in your patriotic, courageous ef- forts in behalf of our beloved country. If the Reds win, it will mean not only we of this generation, but our children’s children’s grandchildren will be under the Soviet yoke.” Another group of five local citizens sent $35, saying: “We wish to express to you our congratulations and deep appreciation for your courageous efforts in behalf of all real American citizens.” A Wisconsin couple said “Hurrah for McCartuy. The people of Wisconsin sure must be proud of you. Keep up the good work.” They enclosed a dollar. Separation of White and Colored Pas- sengers on Southern Railway Dining Cars EXTENSION OF REMARKS ~ HON. HARRY J. DAVENPORT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. DAVENPORT. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the ReEcorp, I include the following argument by Hon. J. Howard McGrath, Attorney General of the United States, before the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Elmer W. Henderson against United States of America, Interstate Commerce Commission, and Southern Railway Co., No. 25, October term, 1949, on Monday, April 3, 1950: The issue on this appeal is the validity of regulations of the Southern Railway provid- ing for separation of white and colored pas- sengers in the railroad’s dining cars, and of an order of the Interstate Commerce Com- mission upholding such regulations, to be equitable and reasonable division of dining car space between the races. The Solicitor General and I are appearing on behalf of the United States because the ease raises basic questions as to the validity of racial segregation. This is a matter of great national importance, affecting the in- terests and well-being of millions of Americans. The underlying question in this case is the true nature, purpose and effect of legally- enforced separation of the white and colored races. The position of the United States on this question is that such segregation, in and of itself, is a form of inequality and dis- crimination condemned by the Constitution and the Interstate Commerce Act. The pertinent facts can be briefly stated. The railroad reserved one table in its dining cars exclusively for colored passengers and all other tables exclusively for white passengers. The Jim Crow table is at the kitchen end of the car and is separated from the next table by a curtain or a 5-foot-high partition extending from the side of the car to the aisle. The applicable statute (section 3 of the Interstate Commerce Act) makes it unlawful for a railroad to subject any person to any undue or unreasonable prejudice or disad- vantage in any respect whatsoever. In Mitchell v. United States (313 U. S. 80, 94), this court held that the sweeping prohibi- tion of the statute extend to acts of dis- crimination which, if done by a State, would violate the equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment. In other words, the case appears to lay down a test of legality under the statute which is identical with that applicable to State action under the four- teenth amendment and, presumably, to Fed- eral action undor the fifth amendment. The decision of this Court as to the proper interpretation and application of the Inter- state Commerce Act to the circumstances of this case may, therefore, carry with it serious implications as to the scope of these amend- ments. In particular, this case may furnish an appropriate occasion for the Court to re- examine the so-called separate but equal doc- trine of Plessy v. Ferguson (163 U. S. 537). In that case, decided in 1896, almost three decades after the fourteenth amendment be- came part of the Constitution, there was for the first time read into the amendment an implied limitation, namely, that compulsory racial segregation in the use of public facil- ities is not a denial of equal protection of the laws, so long as the separate facilities are equal. In our brief we have set forth at length the reasons why the Government is convinced that “separate but equal’ is a contradiction in terms, a consitutional anachronism which a half-century of history and experience has shown to be an unwar-~ ranted departure from the basic constitu- tional principle that all Americans, regard- less of their race or color or religion or na~ tional origin, stand equal and alike in the sight of the law. We need look only at the facts in this record to realize that facilities segregated on the basis of race or color are not, and never can be equal in any full sense of the word. It is not disputed that the railroad divides its passengers into two classes. It 1s not dis- puted that the rights and privileges accorded white passengers differ from those accorded colored passengers. What is disputed is whether singling out of the colored race for separation from the other members of the community is discriminatory. Legally enforced separation of people, whoever they may be, on a basis of race, necessarily impHes that all the members of that race are inferior to all the members of other races. Negroes understand only too well the meaning and effect of segregation. Students of our social institutions are in unanimous agreement. Segregation signi- fies, and js intended to signify, that each and every member of the colored race is not the equal of any member of the white race. The barrier in the dining car is important, not only as a physical barrier, but as a sym-~ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD pol. It is a ceremonial separation, sym-= polizing the legally enforced caste status of those segregated.+ Few things can be more invidious, more humiliating, than thus to be tagged as unfit to associate with others. Individual dis- tinction, achievement, character, count for nothing. A trace, a taint, of Negro ancestry is all that is necessary to put one beyond the pale. Segregation in railroad dining cars forms part of a larger pattern of segregation which at every turn marks the Negro as ostracized from his fellow citizens. Such setting apart is a token of his inferiority. It gravely affects his whole personality and behavior. Many students and writers on this subject attest to the deep-seated effect of the feclings of resentment and frustration which are thus aroused and how seriously such segre- gation affects the social and economic de- velopment of members of the segregated race. Dining-car segregation or any other segrega- tion sanctioned by law and approved by this court is bound to have a special impact on persons segregated. If the order of the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such segregation is upheld in this case, then I believe that a serious blow will have been struck at the free institutions which our democracy so proudly proclaims before the world and last hope will have vanished that under our constitu- tional system all men can expect to be treated with equality based upon their human dignity and personality. Persons who are given service in a dining car only upon the accepted condition that they will allow themselves to be held up to public view as members of an ostracized race cannot possibly be said to be receiving equal- ity of treatment. Unless the law deals only with the trappings of equality and not with its substance, unless we are prepared to say that the requirements of equality are to be measured solely in terms of knives, forks, food, and table linen, then this court should strike down the provisions of the Interstate Commerce Commission holding. Only if the law is to have this narrow scope would the phrase “separate but equal” have any valid- ity. When separation is for the very purpose of express inequality and thus in itself creates inequality, there is no other conclu- sion to be drawn than that such separation in and of itself is discrimination. Mr. Justice Brandeis in a great dissent once said: “If we would guide by the light of reason, we must let our minds be bold.’ 2 Hore, if we would guide by the light of rea- son, we must let our minds be free. We must free our minds of notions which have no validity other than the powerful pull of the familiar and the accustomed. If we can do this, we can see that persons who are sub~ jected to the humiliation of being set apart from their fellows, simply because their skin. Js of a different color, are denied equality of treatment, and deeply wronged. Whichever way the decision in this case goes, the rule declared will stand as a rule authorized and enforced by the Federal Gov- ernment. The case does not present a more question of private rights, The United States regulates the practices of the railroad which are here involved. Under the statute im- posing general and inclusive prohibition against discrimination in service by an in- terstate railroad, the question for decision is whether it was nevertheless the policy of Congress to authorize racial segregation which bespeaks by force of its own vicious~ ness the inferiority of those segregated, nor could it have any other purpose or effect, 1 Appropriate Ulustration: If this court would insist on segregation of lawyers before its bar. ®* New State Ice Co. v. Liebmann (285 U. 8. 262, 311).
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Many in this country sincerely believe that segregation is in the public interest. They bei:cve that segregation and practices al- lied to it serve to diminish racial prejudice and racial friction. Many others believe the contrary. They believe that such practices promote prejudice and friction between the races, and tend to create a disaffected body of citizens. Obviously no act of Congress, no decision by this Court can eradicate the evil of racial prejudice. But ways of thinking and he- havior are at least partly shaped by the rules of conduct prescribed by law as interpreted by this Court. ‘Your decision can and may give rigidity and respectability to barriers which have their roots in prejudice, and thereby solidify these barriers, or your wis- dom may to a large degree undermine these barriers and bring them into disrepute. IT submit to the court that racial segrega- tion enforced by law is not permitted under the Constitution nor the Interstate Com- merce Act. The judgment by a majority of the three-judge district court which approved the legality of the regulation involved in this case should be reversed. Teach What Is Right EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. BURR P. HARRISON OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 3, 1950 Mr. HARRISON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Nelson County Times, Amherst, Va., entitled “Teach What Is Right in America”: TeacH WHat Is RiGHT IN AMERICA In one of his Newsweek columns, Raymond Moley dealt with the people who have been convicted of serving communism as espio- nage agents. Two of them, he observed, “were educated in institutions provided by the profits of the very economic system that communism is determined to destroy.” Then he said this: “Let us be slow in con- demning our educational system for these failures. These people were exceptional. But it may well be considered by those who direct higher education in America whether there is not a need to reexamine their responsibili- ties and the way they are carried out. The danger is not that there is too much taught about what is right in communism, but that there is too little taught about what is right in America.” We all prize academic freedom. But that freedom, like others, involves grave respon- sibilities. Education much cleanse itself from within. There can be no question but that a certain amount of teaching has been Communist inspired, Some has come from fellow travelers who religiously attempt to follow the tortuous turnings of the Soviet line. And much of it seems more concerned with searching for what may be bad in our form of government and our economic sys- tem than in describing what is good. The young men and women who are at- tending our universities of today will decide what this country is to be like a generation from now. Unless they know “about what is right in America,” education will have proved itself a ghastly failure—and academic freedom itself will die of a disease of its own creation. An Old Hoax Revived EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker, that old hoax, the St. Lawrence seaway and power project is haunting the American taxpayer again. Here is what the New York Journal- American had to say about the old hoax on June 15, 1949: AN OLD Hoax ReEvivep With little hope of success, political ad- vocates of the St. Lawrence seaway have again brought up their visionary project in Congress. The hoary St. Lawrence scheme has be« come a part of the New Deal’s plan of divid- ing the Nation into regional Federal satrapies by developing separately the great river basins along the lines of the Tennessee Val- ley Authority. Of severals bills in Congress, one would take over the Columbia River and its tribue taries in several States. Another would put one-fourth of the coun- try under Federal tutelage in the Missouri Valley. The St. Lawrence project differs from the others in that it has an international aspect, since most of the river is in Canada: And that, while it was originated as a supposed navigational facility, it has since acquired a hydroelectric-power element, and 1s now definitely a part of the movement to social~ ize the United States through Federal domi-~ nation of the electrical industry. The objections to the St. Lawrence project are numerous. As a source of hydroelectric power, it would be unreliable. Canadian experience proves that droughts would reduce its output. The project would therefore require “auxil- lary” steam plants to stabilize its capacity: And there are already several privately-op- erated steam plants in the State of New York each one of which produces more power than could be obtained from the whole St. Lawrence River. If New York and New England need more electricity, therefore, the apparent solution is more steam plants—and private enter- prise can and will construct them when they are desirable. Secondly, as a seaway the St. Lawrence is a childish chimera, The river would be ice-locked, and hence unnavigable, during half of each year. Its proposed dredged channel would be useless without costly local port construc- tion in the Great Lakes. Leading American shipping companies have informed Congress that they would not use the artificial route, and if they were to do so, American railroads would be bank- rupted by the loss of heavy freight in the warm months of the year. Congress is thus being “pressured” again to dump a billion dollars or more into a hazardous project which would serve only to benefit small ocean-going vessels, mostly of the “tramp” type, under alien flags and to the incurable injury of American in- dustry and commerce. Likewise, emotional assertions that the St. Lawrence seaway is desirable for the national defense are spurious, inasmuch as @ single bomb exploded in one of its locks A3307 or narrow channels would obstruct it com= pletely. The same sound reasons that have im- pelled Congress wisely to reject the St. Law- rence seaway scheme in the past should prevail again. The Day of Final Appeal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. OWEN BREWSTER OF MAINE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the ReEcorD an. editorial from the Journal of Commerce, of New York, entitled “The Day of Final Appeal,” written by Edward P. Tastrom. ’ There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: THE SHIPPING OUTLOOK (By Edward P. Tastrom) THE DAY OF FINAL APPEAL The Senate Committee on Expenditures has a thoroughly logical basis for adopting the resolution offered by Senator Brewsrer, of Maine, this week which would postpone the shift of the Maritime Commission to the Department of Commerce, now scheduled to take place in about 10 days. The argument, as we see it, that industry interests can advance at the committee hearings scheduled for next Monday is both @ logical one and, as the Chinese say, “face saving” all around. It is simply that this is not the proper time to uproot the Maritime Commission and tuck it away into a Coms= merce Department division since we are right in the middle of proposing legislation changes in our basic shipping law—the Maritime Act of 1936. Hearings have been going on in Washington for months, during which period interested industry leaders have given much of their time for testimony designed to formulate a long-range shipping policy. We are close to legislative recommendations, based on the facts that have been brought out at these sessions. The way things shape up at the moment, Congress will be confronted with an entirely different administrative and regulatory functioning body to carry out new legislation than that which existed when most of this testimony, that presumably is to form the basis of our new maritime policy, was offered. This may seem to be a fine point and those given to arguing the thickness of a hair could say that Congress still would be in a position to fit legislation into the new ad- ministrative arrangements. However, isn’t that something like laying out plans for a new model car and then finding that it must be built in a carriage factory instead of on an assembly line? Assuming there are defects in the present arrangement under which the Maritime Com- mission functions, the timing involved in putting reorganization of the agency into effect is akin to prescribing for the patient before determining exactly what his ills consist of. It is for these reasons that we say the Sen= ate is perfectly justified in approving post- ponement of Reorganization Plan 21 until
A3308 such time as we determine our new shipping legislation. If it is considered advisable at that time to include this executive change in the new legislative enactments, it can prop- erly be integrated with the other revisions that may be made in the law. This is only fair to the shipping industry and for that matter, it is something that the Commerce Department should approve since we are assuming that Commerce is desirous of get- ting as workable an arrangement as possible. Also Democratic Senators who feel they should not go against the administration wishes, and Republicans who feel they should not be on record against the Hoover Commis- sion proposals would, in effect, simply be postponing action on this shift until such time as its desirability can be studied in con- nection with other and broader problems affecting the shipping industry. The situation with respect to Reorganiza- tion Plan 21 thus is quite different than that which exists in connection with other Hoover Commission proposals where Congress has been asked to voice disapproval: The major considerations advanced for the transfer of the Maritime Commission have been that its efficiency would be improved by segregation of administrative and regula- tory functions and secondly, that it would result in actual economies. Neither con- tention has been adequately documented thus far. There is, without doubt, room for improve- ment in both these respects. This also is the case, for that matter with a great many other Government bureaus. However, there is no assurance that we will attain either of these objectives by putting into effect Reor- ganization Plan 21. In fact, strong argu- ments, which hardly need repeating here, can be advanced to indicate the new mari- time board set-up would be not more, but rather less, efficient than has been the case in the past. Finally, if we are to strive for efficlency and economy, it should be tied in with our new maritime policy, if it is to be effective, and be written in, chapter and verse, as a part “of the changes made in the Maritime Act of 1936. This is the sort of case that might well be presented to the Senate Committee on Ex- penditures in the Executive Departments next Monday—the court of final appeal. Sale of Surplus Navy F rigates to Egypt EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN Or NEW YORK IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 . Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, two ar- ticles have appeared on successive days in the New York Herald Tribune by Carl Levin concerning the sale of two surplus United States Navy frigates to Egypt. It is clear from these two articles, and from facts I have personally ascertained, that although it was claimed that the ships were to be used for passenger serv- ice, they have no passenger capacity ex- cept for crowded quarters for the crews, and that the superstructures of the ships show a number of gun mounts and am- munition bins and depth-charge racks. The ships were reconditioned at an esti- mated cost of $75,000. It should be remembered that these ships are destined for the Middle East, where the Arab league is still restive, and where a peace between the Arab States and Israel has not yet been written. I ask unanimous consent to insert these articles in the Appendix of the Rrcorp. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp, as follows: UNITED STATES Hants SaLE oF Two ARMED Surs TO Eeypr—Srare DEPARTMENT To IN- VESTIGATE THAT NATION’s FarLnureE To DisarM Navy FRIGATES (By Carl Levin) WasSHINGTON, May 3.—The State Depart- ment issued a hold order and started an in- vestigation today of two surplus Navy frigates which were scheduled to sail momen- tarily for Egypt, ostensibly for passenger serv- ice under the Egyptian flag. The Department previously had authorized the transfer of the 308-foot World War II vessels, despite a ban on sale of warships to countries in the Middle East, upon cer- tification that they were to be demilitarized. Today’s action, it was learned, followed receipt of information that although $75,000 had been spent to recondition the two ships at the Bethlehem shipyards in Baltimore, not a single gun mount or ammunition bin has been removed. Frigate is a Navy designation for a ship similar in size and purpose to a destroyer escort. The two in question—the Papua and Tobago—were built in 1944 and saw service during the war under lease to the British. Each carried three 38-inch guns, two 42-milli- meter, and several 20-millimeter antiaircraft guns and depth charges. The embargo, preventing departure of the ships pending investigation, was issued by the Munitions Division of the State Depart- ment to the collector of customs in Balti- more, after agents for the Egyptian buyers had refused to permit a reporter to view the frigates. The same official, John Krell, Balti- more representative of the Stockard Steam- ship Co., agents for the Ezyptians, sent word to the shipyard that “no pictures of the ships are to be taken under any circum- stances,” thus defeating efforts of a news photographer to take pictures of the vessels. This was a short time before the embargo was ordered. Despite Mr. Krell’s orders, however, a re- porter viewed the frigates at the Bethlehem Shipyards on Key Highway, Baltimore. He found all the gun mounts and ammunition bins intact. Only the guns had been re- moved. No reconversion to commercial uses had been effected. And British captains and middle-eastern crews were already on board, ready to take the ships out. A State Department official charged with enforcement of the munitions~export ban said the hold order was issued because the Department’s understanding in approving the sale was that the ships were to be demili- tarized here. That, he said, implies more than simply removal of guns, which could be easily replaced. “NEEDS LOOKING INTO” “It certainly looks as though this needs further looking into,” he said. “We wouldn't think of approving a warship for that area,” The incident developed as the State De- partment said it still has under considera- tion an application by the State of Israel for permission to buy heavy arms here to defend itself against any possible resumption of the Palestine war, in which Israel was arrayed against Egypt and the other Arab nations. Egypt is receiving modern tanks, jet- propelled military planes, and other heavy military equipment from Great Britain pur- suant to treaty arrangements. Trans-Jordan similarly is being armed by the British. While Secretary of State Dean Acheson has said that there is no likelihood of a APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD resumption of Arab-Jewish hostilities, the State Department has retained the ban on export of heavy arms, including warships, to that area. DECISION ON ISRAEL DENIED Mr. Acheson denied today a report that the State Department has decided to reject the Israeli request for assistance in buying modern arms here. He said consideration has to be given item by item, and specific requests have to be considered against the available supply, and defense requirements in the Middte East. A spokesman for the Israeli Embassy ex- pressed “grave concern.” He said that dur- ing the 3 months since Israel approached the United States on this matter, “Arab rearm- ament has been moving ahead at a very rapid pace.” The two frigates, built exclusively for war purposes, were declared surplus after they were returned by the British in 1946. Sub- sequently they were sold to the Boston Metals Co. in Baltimore. This company asked au- thorization last year to sell the frigates to the Khedivial Mail Line, of Alexandria, Egypt. It certified that they were to be demili- tarized and used exclusively for passenger service between the Red Sen and Indian Ocean ports, particularly for holy year pil- grims. The Navy approved the sale, and the State Department issued the export license, after the Maritime Commission notified Assistant Secretary of the Navy John T. Koehler that the Commission had no objection. Inquiry today revealed that the Maritime Commission vote was 4 to 1 to interpose No objection. The one dissenter, it was learned, was Commissioner Raymond S. Me-~ Keogh. He explained at the time that he saw no sense in sending a potential war vessel to the Middle Hast and that he also, in event that the ship actually was to be used commercially, was against transferring any vessels to forelgnergs to compete with the American merchant fleet. Mr. Koehler was in Europe today and not available for comment. A naval officer as- signed to control of surplus warships" laughed and commented, “It looks fishy,” when told today that after $75,000 worth of repairs, the frigates still have all their gun mounts and ammunition bins. After further inquiry, however, he reported that all the disarming required by the Navy has been done. This, he sald, included re- moval of the guns and any radio and elec- tronic equipment not cleared for export. Navy Says Suirs Sonp ro Earrr Ars DisaRMeD—StaTe DspaRrMENT RECEIVES ASSURANCE STANDARDS ON Demrxrranizina ARE Mur WASHINGTON, May 4.—The State Depart- ment announced today that it has been as- sured by the Navy that two surplus 308-foot World War frigates which have been sold to an Egyptian company have been disarmed sufficiently to mect the demilitarization standards of the Navy. The ships, preparing to sail from the Beth- lehem Shipyards in Baltimore, however, were today still under the embargo which the State Department ordered yesterday on in- formation that the frigates’ gun mounts and ammunition bins are still in place after a $75,000 reconditioning of the ships. Michael J. McDermott, State Department spokesman, sald that before the frigates are permitted to sail for Egypt, where they os- tensibly are to be used for commercial pur- poses, further steps will be taken “to ascer- tain whether there is material aboard these vessels which can be classified as arms, am- munition, or implements of war from the standpoint of export controls.” DISARMING RULES SET The State Department, which has been asked by the State of Israel for aid in pur-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD chasing defense arms against a possible re-~ sumption of the Arab-Israeli war, has a ban against the transfer of warships of any kind to Middle Eastern countries. However, Navy-State Department regula- tions provide that a warship is demilitarized once its guns and secret electronic equip- ment have been removed. This much, the State Department was assured today, was done before the ships were sold to their Egyptian purchaser, the Khedivial Mail Line, of Alexandria, Egypt. Fifty-one House Members—30 Democrats and 21 Republicans—asked Secretary of State Dean Acheson today to use his influence to stop the shipment of British arms to the Arab states, In a letter to Mr. Acheson, the group urged him to confer with British authorities dur- ing the forthcoming Foreign Ministers’ meet- ing in London to obtain these objectives: 1. Stop British shipment of arms until peace treaties have been made between Israel and the Arab states. 2. Joint efforts by the United States and Britain to promote such peace treaties. CRITICIsM BY ARAB LEAGUE Cairo, Ecyrt, May 4.—Secretary General Abdel Rahman Azzam Pasha of the Arab League denounced today the proposal of 51 Members of the United States House to make aid to Arab nations conditional on peace with Israel. Arabs are “not going to be in- timidated by United States Congressmen into a humiliating and unjust peace with Israel,” said the secretary of the seven-nation league. Rearming of the Arab States EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ANTHONY F. TAURIELLO OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. TAURIELLO. Mr. Speaker, our Secretary of State, the Honorable Dean Acheson, is about to depart for Europe for the purpose of conferring with the Foreign Ministers of the nations of the North Atlantic Pact, including Mr. Bevin. There is no doubt that the agenda for discussion will include, among other things, the problems of peace and se- curity in the Middle East as well as the rearmament of the Arab states by Great Britain. I think it is fitting and proper that Mr. Acheson should know what I be- lieve to be the sentiment of a great num- ber of the Members of the House relative to some of the problems. _ It is no secret, in fact it is admitted by all concerned, that England is re- arming the Arab states and particularly Egypt on an unprecedented scale, sup- plying them with jet planes, cannons, Sherman tanks, and battleships. The little State of Israel, surrounded as it is by the hostile Arab countries, is naturally disturbed and is in fear for its security. It is maintained by the Department of State that there is no reason for Israel’s apprehension and that all is quiet in the Middle East. However, in the light of the frank declarations of the Arab leaders that they intend to em- bark on a “second round” in a “war of revenge” against Israel, one finds it difficult to reconcile the complacency of XCVI—App.——209 Mr. Acheson with the existing reality in the Near East. The recent proceedings at the meeting of the Council of the Arab League in Cairo are cruelly in conflict with the optimistic view of the Depart- ment of State in denying arms to Israel for the defense of its borders against a possible attack. The establishment of an economic and military pact by the Arab League, the granting of an official voice to the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem—the former collaborator of Hitler—and the prevention of peace negotiations with Israel by any member of the league con- tradict the confidence of Mr. Acheson. It is said that England is delivering arms to the Arabs by virtue of treaty obligations. It may well be pointed out that Great Britain is shipping military planes to Lebanon, which country is not included in those treaties. It is not in vain that Egypt has in- creased its military budget from £5,000,- 000 last year to £50,000,000 this year. No one can predict with absolute cer- tainty that the threats of the Egyptian leaders will not be carried out. Cer- tainly no one can absolutely exclude the possibility of an attack on Israel as threatened by the heads of the Arab countries. Should the conflagration of war break out against Israel it may be too late to stop it; it may even spread to other parts of the world. The United States of America, which was the first country to give, 2 years ago, recognition to the establishment of the State of Israel, owes a moral duty to the million inhabitants of Israel and certainly to the 400,000 displaced persons who came to Israel with the encouragement and financial support of the United States, not to expose them again to slaughter; they suffered enough already. We in the United States are engaged in military preparedness against a pos- sible war between the West and the East, and properly so. It is the sacred duty of a nation to be completely prepared for the defense of its security and its ideals, even against possible violence from with- out. By the same process of reasoning why is not Israel entitled to the oppor- tunity of complete military preparedness against a possible assault by the Arab countries in view of their constant threats. The fair-minded people of the United States will never acquiesce, Mr. Speaker, in a policy of discrimination against the infant State of Israel relative to arms; they will not condone the pursuit of Mr. Bevin’s anti-Israel policies by placing the people of Israel at the mercy of fanatical Arab leaders. The rearming of the Arabs and the de- nial of arms to Israel is not the way which will lead to peace. . It is alleged that the rearmament of the Arabs is dictated by the concept of security of the Middle East against a pos- sible attack by a third power. If that be so, why should not Israel be included in that program? On the basis of past experience and by virtue of Israel’s military record, it is not unreasonable to regard Israel as a strong ally in case of hostilities, even much more than the Arab states, . Israel is an outpost of democracy in the Middle East. It is.guided by the A3309 American democratic ideals of freedom, equality, justice, and liberty for all, re- gardless of race or creed. Israel is a robust democracy which has left the world in no doubt as to its identity of principles with those of ours. Israel aspires to friendship with all peace~- Joving nations and seeks no quarrel with any country near or far. Israel derives its true democratic ideals from the ancient prophets who implanted them so deeply in the Jewish nation that they have maintained their power and fresh- ness to this day. Israel desires to be a good neighbor. Israel needs peace for the next 50 years to be able to absorb and rehabilitate the hundreds of thousands of the remnant of the Jewish people who are marching to its shores in search of security. Israel needs peace to develop and to consolidate its industry, agriculture, and its eco- nomic resources. Iam persuaded that if granted the op- portunity Israel will serve as an example and as an inspiration to its Arab neigh- bors in the direction of social justice, human dignity, and brotherhood. It is in this spirit that I address my- self to our Secretary of State, the Hon- orable Dean Acheson, and appeal to him to beware of the anti-Israel Bevin psy- chosis, and not to encourage the warlike Arab leaders in their intention to push the Jews of Israel into the Mediterranean Sea. Only a militarily prepared Israel is a guaranty of peace. Oil-Import Policy Neglects United States Safety EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. OMAR BURLESON OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. BURLESON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the REc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Fort Worth Star-Telegram of April 9, 1950: Om Inport Poricy Nectects Uniren Starrs SaFery Assistant Secretary of State Thorp’s testi- mony on oil imports before a Senate Inter- state Commerce Subcommittee is cause for alarm not so much for what he said as for the official attitude it indicates. As a rep- resentative of the State Department, Mr. Thorp previously has expressed opposition to curbing imports of foreign oil into the United States, though never before in such plain and unequivocal language. And never before has it been made so plain that con- tinuation of this flood of foreign oil will have the backing of the State Department as a matter of official policy, regardless of the harmful effects it may have upon the pe- troleum industry in this country and upon the vital interests of the Nation itself. Mr. Thorp’s statement in this regard is that the concerns which are pouring oil into the United States from abroad deserve and should receive the strong support of the Gov- ernment. His further statement indicates that the State Department will continue its incredible attitude, in the face of conclusive evidence to the contrary, of denying that the
A3310 domestic industry is suffering any damage from having 1ts markets taken away by these foreign-oil imports. Mr. Thorp professes to be unable, after 8 months of study, to find where the domestic industry has been in- jured or to see where it is threatened with serious injury in the future. By leaving out logic and the facts of life in the oil industry and relying solely upon statistical tables of past performances, a superficially plausible case can be made out for the contention that oil imports have not caused appreciable curtailment of domestic drilling and exploratory activities. Through the end of last year the figures show no diminution in such operations. But that is due to the fact that commitments already had been made before the high tide of im- ports was reached, and these commitments had to be carried out. Producing companies had made their drilling appropriations, as- sembled acreages, and completed exploratory work, and were bound by contract and eco-= nomics to proceed during that period with virtually full-scale operations, But that is not to say that continued shut- ting in of domestic production as it is sup- planted by foreign oil will have no effect in discouraging new drilling and exploratory operations. Obviously and inescapably, it will. There is no incentive to developing new sources of oil when upward of a million barrels of present daily oil production already has been displaced by oil from overseas. And there can be no argument that the loss of half a billion dollars a year by the domestic industry if the import rate is sustained will not impair the financial ability of producing companies to drill new wells and uncover new petroleum reserves. Those reserves are the invaluable stock: pile of a material indispensable to the Na- tion in case of emergency and essential to the military strength needed to deter attack upon us by an aggressor nation. Without adequate and*constantly expanding reserves of oil within its own borders, the -Nation would stand in deadly peril. To realize this one has only to think back to the last war, when enemy submarines cut off all supplies of oil from abroad and ranged close enough to our coast line to pinch down shipments by tanker from Gulf points to the North- eastern States. If the absurd policy supported by Mr. Thorp had been in effect before World War I or World War II, we could have won neither of those wars. And if it remains long in effect, we not only will be inviting world war TIL but will be putting ourselves in a position where we certainly will lose it. One of Sta- lin’s first moves, in launching an attack on the United States, would be to grab its sources of oil in the Middle East. With all due respect to Mr. Thorp, he is simply talk- ing through his hat when he says that devel- oping oil fields under the shadow of Russia’s might is more in the national interest than developing our own. The taxpayer, particularly in Texas, is Mkely to feel he is being entirely overlooked when Mr. Thorp asserts that the climbing rate of oll imports has caused no hurt and threatens no hurt to anyone. The Federal Government is losing hundreds of millions of dollars a year in lost profits from oil not produced—a loss which can not help but in- crease the burden of other taxpayers or add to the mountainous public debt. Texas, which has borne the brunt of production cut-backs necessitated by the inflow of for- eign oil, now is losing petroleum tax revenues at the rate of more than $25,000,000 a year, More than Mr. Thorp’s bland assurance will be required to convince the taxpayers and the numerous Texans who depend directly or in- directly upon oil for a living that a forced decline in the State’s petroleum production threatens them with no damage. . Because the producers and importers o: foreign oil are chiefly American companies, Mr. Thorp places the welfare of these few concerns above the welfare of the many de- pendent upon the domestic petroleum in- dustry and allied businesses. To curtail the activities of these few companies, he avers, could seriously harm the national interest. This is to shut his eyes to the fact that crip- pling the oil industry at home can and cer- tainly will be harmful and highly dangerous to the national interest and to national security. Mr. Thorp and his State Depart- ment colleagues who foster this hurtful and hazardous policy exemplify the saying that “there’s none so blind as they who will not see.” United States Travel Indastry Faces Losses Through Threats to Employee Leave EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THURMAN C. CROOK OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950. Mr. CROOK. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent to extend my. own remarks in the Recorp, I include here- with the following news article, high- lighting the threat to annual-leave reve- nue of every State in the Union, appear- ing in the current issue of the Govern- ment Standard, national weekly news- paper for Federal employees, published by the American Federation of Govern- ment Employees, and edited by Hal. J. Miller, Washington (D. C.) newspaper- man, who is a member of the National Association of Travel Officials: Unirep States TRAVEL INDUSTRY Faces LOSSES TrrROUGH THREATS TO EMPLOYEE LEAVE - The American travel industry, which is an important source of revenue to every State in the Union, is seriously concerned about threatened losses of income through the pro- posals to reduce Federal employee sick and annual leave. ' The subject is coming up for discussion at a meeting of officers of the National Agso- ciation of Travel Officials to be held this month in Chicago. Travel authorities and writers, aware of the opposition of the many segments of the industry, such as hotels, holiday resorts, transportation facilities, tourist motels, to proposals that will imperil their sources of revenue, indicated to the Government Stand- ard that they will want their views to be presented to Congress when leave reductions are considered. ECONOMIC THREAT The threat to American travel of such pro< posals as the bills by Senator Dovenas to re~ duce annual and sick leave was described by a prominent travel writer, Anthony F. Merrill, of 1707 Twenty-ninth Street SE., Washing- ton 20, D. C., husband of a Federal employee, who said: “It’s going to hit every gas station, every dining spot, and every hotel in every resort area and resort route in America at 85 to $10 & lost transaction for each potential Govern- ment tourist removed from the American travel scene.” . Mr. Merrill said that ‘the losses could run into millions in this penny-wise-pound- foolish idea.” He cited the example of a secretary who is flying to Rome for a long-deserved holiday and commented: “TWA won't welcome have ing her leave cut,” ‘APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The detrimental effect on travel income, which is an important part of State and com- munity revenue, follows through every phase of the travel picture. Another example: The Virginia Skyline Corp. could hardly be expected to cheer if the ‘eave time of the 105,000 District of Co- lumbia, Virginia, and Maryland people who visited Shenandoah National Park last year, were to be cut. Travel people believe that once the menaca to the industry is made known that this wlll be communicated to Members of the Senate and House of Representatives. SUBJECT OF STUDY Lee J. Bossemeyer, eminent former head of the United States Travel Bureau, and cur- rently the Washington representative of the National Association of Travel Officials, said the matter would be a subject of serious study by his organization at the Chicago con~« ference, when Clyde Edmonson, NATO legis- lative chairman, will be present. Cther travel groups will be asked to make known their attitude toward reduction in American travel income by unjustified in- vasions of United States worker leave righis. Mr. Merrill conveyed the views of many eminent American travel authorities when he declared that “the Douglas proposal is a backward step because the whole American trend is toward longer holidays and shorter hours.” , AFGE has contended that the Federal em- ployee leave rights are an ideal toward which all American employers are striving as tech- nological and scientific advances reduce working hours. Uncle Sam, as the country’s largest employer, has an obligation to set adequate standards of leave. Recreation authorities contend that as the machine takes over more and more of the work of man, his working hours must of necessity be shortened in order to spread the work. Recreation has thus grown in importance in this foremost world democracy, in order, as one authority states it, “that we should not have millions of workers dangerously killing time in complete idleness.” ADEQUATE VACATIONS Because of their steady income the regu- larly employed Government worker has bean able, along with similarly situated people in private industry, to enjoy adequate vacations. This is an objective toward which all Amer- ican working people justifiably strive. We are grateful to Tony Merrill for his helpful comments on the menace to the travel industry of any reduction in Federal leave. He is the author of the popular Whit- tlesey House publication, Our Eastern Play- grounds, a guide to all of the State and National park and forest recreational arenas in the East. He has just completed another book for the Crowell Publishing Co., The Golf Course Guide, which will accent the vuca- tioning golfer’s needs. Tariff Rates on Imported Leather EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. THOMAS J. LANE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 4, 1950 Mr. LANE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rxcorp, I wish to include a very interesting circu- jar distributed to the workers in the leather industry which is self-explana- tory. I know that this information will
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD be of assistance to every Member of Con- gress who is interested in retaining full employment in our domestic industries, Your STAKE IN A Farr TarirF Draw: Joss, Waces, LivInc STANDARDS You and 50,000 other tannery workers have a@ vital stake in a fair tariff deal for leather. United States tariff rates are already the lowest in the world, but they might be cut further 1f we do not protest vigorously. Another slash in our weak tariff and a flood of leather imports from low-wage countries with subsidized industries will threaten your job and your security, your wages, and your living standards. This is to tell you what is happening and how to protect your industry and your job. HERE IS THE STORY OF HOW TARIFF RATES AND LEATHER IMPORTS AFFECT YOUR JOB United States tariff rates on imported leather have been cut again and again in re- cent years. They are now lower than the leather tariffs of any important country. Cheap labor in foreign countries makes it impossible for American leather to compete with foreign leather. We need tarifis to pre- vent low labor costs abroad from flooding our markets with low-cost leather, destroy- ing our industry and wage levels. We need a fair tariff to give us a chance at fair com- petition with cheap labor in foreign coun- tries. But, that isn’t all. Tanning indus- tries in many foreign nations have other great advantages besides far cheaper wages. They get financial subsidies from their governments. They have benefited from United States cconomic assistance. They are protected against competition by import restr:ctions. Their governments discriminate against United States tanners by raising obstacles against the export of raw hides and skins. Does this sound one-sided and unjust? It is exactly that. Our present low tariff on leather should be raised, not lowered, as the minimum protection against unfair com- petition from abroad. Present United States duties on foreign leather are the lowest of any leather-produc- ing country in the world. They have al- ready been cut in some cases as much as 60 percent below 19380 levels. : Tariff Tarif! | Pres- act of | ent already 1930 | rate | py bow ree Pet. } Pet. Pet. pote. -- 12% 10 20 ¢ : 15 124 1634 ¢ rere! 20 15 25 | rere . -., 20 10 50 Patent leather....--.--.-----ene 15 7% 50 Pigskin fancy Jeather. 30 15 50 Cattle and call fancy leather....| 30 16 50 Chamois leather....--..--.-.--- 25 15 40 Goat and kid gloveand garment eather. ..... Suwa ee 25 10 60 Sheep and lamb glove and gar- eit Tos 8 25 15 40 ‘ - 2 | 40 10 7% 25 a 10 | 10 |... WHAT'S UP NOW? - In September 1950, the United States will start tariff conferences with 17 other nations. One of the purposes of thesé negotiations is to make it easier for foreign countries to earn dollars by selling more in the United States. Our Government has announced the lst of goods on which it may consider fur- ther tariff cuts, and every kind of leather is on that list. If United States tariffs on leather are cut again the results will be swift and deadly because: Shipments of leather to the United States have already been steadily increasing from countries where cheap labor, subsidies, and other Government assistance make for un- fair competition. Shipments of leather from the United States have been steadily declining. Many foreign nations have outright restrictions against the import of United States leather and they have tariff rates far higher than ours. During the war years when the United States had restrictions and shortages, certain countiies not in the war encouraged new tanneries. Plants mushroomed up in South America, India, South Africa, and elsewhere. Labor costs in these industries are a fraction of ours and the standard of living is far lower. Such new plants are trying to profit by exports and another cut in the United States tariff would be the green light for a rush of leather to this market. In European countries, Government poli- cies and financial assistance make it highly profitable to export to the United States. Producers have the advantage of labor costs one-third or one-fourth of the rates paid in the United States. If the weak United States tariff protection now in effect is stripped away, there could be only one result—a tremendous increase in foreign-leather shipments to the United States. How could the United States tan- ning industry compete against the unfair advantages of foreign tanners and continue to pay United States wages? AN ESSENTIAL INDUSTRY DESERVES A FAIR TARIFF DEAL The tanning industry is essential in time of peace and of war. It is an efficient industry; its employees know their jobs and make the best leather in the world. Without noise and publicity, the tanning industry did an outstanding job in the war. It did not get and does not now receive any Government assistance or sub-~ sidies. This industry is not afraid of fair compe- tition from any quarter but it cannot com- pete against wages that are as much as 90 percent lower, against foreign subsidies, against government monopolies and cartels abroad. If the flood of imported leather keeps up, leather made in tanneries supported or run by foreign governments with cheap labor, what is going to happen to your job and your pay? The answer is that many Americans won’t have jobs and won't be getting any pay in the tanning industry. They will be squeezed out by unfair competition and cheap foreign leather, unless you do some-~ thing about it. WHAT DOES THE TANNING INDUSTRY ASK? This industry asks for a fair tariff deal. United States tariff rates on leather should not be cut again when they already are lower than the tariffs of every other leather-pro-~ ducing country. . The time has come for other countries to start cutting tariffs and to begin matching the sacrifices we have made. Let other countries begin to act in good faith by putting an end to trade discrimina~ tion, subsidies, embargoes, and other Govern- ment assistance to their tanning industries. Why in the face of commercial funny-busi- ness abroad should the United States cut tariffs again to sacrifice the jobs and living standards of United States tannery em- ployees? If you want specific facts, take a look at the table which shows how much our tariff rates have been cut and remember how little other countries have done to match us. Who wants foreign leather made by cheap labor to take your job away from you? You don’t, do you? ‘ Then be sure to act at once. A331L YOU CAN DO THE FOLLOWING 1. You or your representatives can state the facts at the open hearings which start in Washington May 24. Write or wire, be- fore May 10, to the Committee for Reci- procity Information, ‘Tariff Commission Building, Washington, D. C., asking to be heard. 2 You and your fellow workers can file a statement in protest against further tariff cuts. This must be filed by May 17 with the Committee for Reciprocity Information. Ten copies are needed. 3. You can petition your Senators and Congressmen to state the facts on your be- half, to protect your job and your security. 4, You can ask your relatives and friends to help by writing to Congress so that some- thing will be done to help you hold your job and your pay. Biggest Stery EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the appendix of the Rrecorp, I include the eleventh article by Mr. Frank Waldrop on the infiltration of communism in our country: Biecrsr SToRY (By Frank C. Waldrop) Russia in 1900 was just teetering on the edge of good times, better than it had ever known before or seen since. Napoleon had captured Moscow in 1812 only to be defeated by General Winter, that same frost-bitten campaigner who also stopped Hitler within a camera’s-eye view of the same city in 1941, early enough for the United States of America to avoid Pearl Harbor, if that had only been the will of the men in office. But if Napoleon had been destroyed by the same vastness that made Russia so hard for Moscow itself to maintain a solid govern- ment, at least he cut open the dark curtains between Russia and the West. In the years that followed, Russian music, art, literature, science, and industry began to sprint in pursuit of the Western World. The natural tendency of the Russian Em- pire to come apart had its influence on the writers of the age, so that almost without exception they reflected notions of anarchy and “down with government.” But they were great artists just the same. So were the musicians. Russian medicine, scientific research and invention, and Russian art were all blooming. And as the new century dawned, Russia’s ancient cities began to see the rise even of a vigorous merchant and manufacturing class. These wanted no part of the dreary, endless struggles between the tribes on the steppes and the handful of aristocracy in St. Petersburg and Moscow who were still trying to weld a government under the czars. So along with the arrival of 1900 came a series of jolting revolts against the throne and a relentless demand for parliamentary government. The least significant and unimportant of all those scrambling to grab the powers fall- ing from the hands of the czars were the citified believers in scientific socialism as drawn up by the crazy German, Karl Marx, and ignored by the working classes and everybody else in western Europe,
A3312 To understand how Stalin ever got control of the empire of the czars, you must always keep in mind that aside from these excited Marxists above-mentioned there were liter- ally dozens of other revolutions cooking all the time. There were the drives of the merchants and trade:3 to westernize the government on legal lines. The philosophical radicals, influenced by the literature of Tolstoy, Bakunin, and others, wanted anarchy, no government at all. The Socialists themselves were split up be- tween those who, as today in England, thought they could get the public to vote the government into owning everything, and the Marxists, who preached that civilization itself must be devastated and a new society puilt on a foundation of corpses. To this last belonged Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, the Lenin of this story, and to the other class of Socialists belonged his fellow townsman from Simbirsk, Alexander Keren- sky. The ezar’s government was badly shaken by defeat in the war with Japan (1904-05), into which it had been drawn by overexten- sion into Asia and further agitated by the perpetual headaches of past overextension into Europe. All very familiar, isn’t it? Just like new times. The intrigues and the commitments grew and the extensions of the never-too-under~ standing or efficient government finally dragged the last czar, Nicholas II, into the 1914 war that was his end. An obscure, unheard-of Serbian named Gavril Princip pulled the trigger that started the horror. His name comes into this story again. , But on June 28, 1914, Princip was just a crazy student who shot the Austrian arch- duke, Francis Ferdinand, who had come down ' to Belgrade in Serbia, now Yugoslavia. Three years later, every important nation of the world was deep in the blood-letting and the czar’s government was so rattled by defeat and disorganization that it just quit. Alexander Kerensky, from Simbirsk, was head of the timid wing of the Socialist movement in Russia. It was timid, but it was the biggest of all the Socialist factions. So in typical fashion the hard-nosed Marxist element declared themselves the - Bolsheviks, Russian for “the big party.” The real majority they labeled “Menshe- vik,” for little. To follow this international murder mystery on, you have to keep all these odd labels straight. And so remember that wherever you read here or elsewhere the words “Bolsheviks,” “Marxists,” and “‘Com- munists,” they all mean the same people. Anarchists are people who want to destroy all government by force and violence so the world can run itself—by what?—and at the opposite end are the Marxists, who want to destroy all other governments by force and violence so they can run the world, with remorseless and brutal discipline. In be- tween are all shades and forms of govern- ment, British Policy in Palestine EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ANTHONY F. TAURIELLO OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. TAURIELLO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ord, I include the following article by Dr. Frank Kingdon from the New York Post of May 2, 1959: To Be Franx (By Dr. Frank Kingdon) The ways of the British Foreign Office are always a wonder to watch in much the same was as it is fascinating to see a wily real-es- tate operator acquire extra lots by the use of dummies to conceal his own interest. Fas- cinating, but not endearing. The dummy in the present case is called Abdullah, an intriguing little chieftain who managed to get control of a country con- taining about 350,000 wandering Bedouins which the kindly Foreign Office equipped with a well-trained fighting force called the Arab Legion. The pashas commanding this army were British, on the British Army pay roll, up to and including the onomatopoetic Glubb Pasha. In the books of the Foreign Office, the Bedouins were nothing, Glubb was a desert expert, the Arab Legion was a valu- able frontier force, and Abdullah was a king and no people know better then the British how useful a king can be, provided he takes guidance with docility. The real estate for which the Foreign Of- fice had a hankering was called Palestine. The obstacle was an obstinate people who refused to hana over the deed. Instead, they drove out the British bailifis and then peat back the neighbors the British set on them. The only force in the neighborhood left in shape to make life uncomfortable for the people who would not surrender was the Arab Legion. . It moved across the Jordan and possessed some of the land, including the Old City of Jerusalem. The Foreign Office still had the idea it might drive the embattled defenders of their farms and cities into the Mediter- ranean. When this dream was exploded, Ab- dullah, under orders, called for an armistice. His idea was to draw a long breath and recu- perate for the final drive to the sea. His only difficulty turned out to be that the people of the land got their breath first, and when he renewed his attack, they struck “with such force that he knew he could not even hold the Old City. Seeing his peril, the Foreign Office Jumped to his aid with a pious ‘appeal to the United Nations to intervene, and fighting stopped with the little chieftain ‘still holding both sides of the Jordan and still in Jerusalem. The Foreign Office now was in a quandary. It clung to the idea of controlling Palestine, but in the glare of the United Nations it could not be quite crass enough to tell Ab- dullah to announce that he would at once annex what he had occupied by force. So it instructed him to be patient, until the sagacity of Whitehall had figured a more seemingly respectable procedure. They finally evolved the impeccable device of a referendum which, strange to relate, resulted in the people of the land watched by his army asking to be included in his kingdom. With this vote to support him, he annexed the land he occupied. This done, the Foreign Office approved his action and accorded him full recognition as -king, undoubtedly by the grace of God. At the same time, having their puppet well es- tablished on the borders of Israel and in pos~ session of the Old City, they extended full recognition to the Government of Israel also. The net outcome is that the Foreign Office is back in Palestine with an army it controls on Israel’s most exposed border and dedi~ cated to assuring that Israel shall not en- large its territory. Not having been able to prevent Israel from coming to birth, the Foreign Office has compromised by keeping it within range of its guns, ® APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Archie E. McCrea, 1880-1950 EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ALBERT J. ENGEL OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. ENGEL of Michigan. Mr. Speak- er, I received a copy of the Muskegon (Mich.) Chronicle yesterday. On the front page was a large picture of an old friend of mine I had known, loved, and respected for many years. At the bot- tom of the picture were these lines, “Archie E. McCrea, 1880-1950.” That is all. Just the name of an old friend and two dates. I was shocked. I had a feeling of loss and sorrow, a feeling that can come only to one who had lost a very dear friend, an old friend who has meant much to him. I looked at that picture again and at the datcs, 1880-1950, nearly 70 years, 40 years of which were spent editing a newspaper, the Muskegon Chronicle, a paper which he had built up with the help of those associated with him, from a small daily into one of the finest and best newspa- pers in the State and Nation. I thought of those many years of service, the good he had done, and the place he had filled in his community, State, and Nation. I thought of the great contribution he had made to his country as a citizen and to his God and his church as a great churchman. I had seen him just 2 weeks ago, a strong, powerful man lying there weak and helpless and I knew that the end was near. I knew that he would meet his Maker whom he had served all his life unafraid and with that confi- dence that comes after a life of Chris- tian service. He had lived his life and he knew that he would soon hear the words, “Well done thou good and faith- ful servant, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.” As I talked to him for the last time, his wife stood by his side as she had stood through 43 years of mar- ried life. “Until death do us part” meant something to this couple who were reach- ing the end of a long and happy life. The memory of those years will help her bear her burden and I extend to her and her family my heartfelt sympathy in their loss. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous con- sent to extend my remarks, I include therein an article from the Muskegon Chronicle of which he was editor for 40 years, written by those who worked with him and loved him: Archie Elbert McCrea, beloved editor of the Chronicle for 40 years, and known throughout the Nation as a leading layman of the Methodist Church, died at his home, 2471 Lake Shore Drive, at 8:45 a. m. today, He was 69 years old, One of Michigan's foremost newspaper editors, and a towering personality in this community, Mr. McCrea had been seriously fll since early December. At that time he suffered from virus pneumonia and entered Hackley Hospital. He returned to his home Just before Christmas only to suffer a serious heart involvement. His condition has been critical since, and the end came today within
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a few minutes after he suffered a second coronary attack. Mrs. McCrea was at his side. Tears flowed at the Chronicle office as news of his death was received, especially from those who had been associated with Mr. Mc~ Crea for years. The flag at the Chronicle was placed at half staff. Bruce McCrea had visited his father yes- terday and returned to Lansing last eve- ning. Ralph S. McCrea, a brother, is in the South. He was notified of the death and is returning immediately. No other personality had a greater in- fluence on the growth and development of Greater Muskegon than Mr. McCrea during his more than 45 years of service with the Chronicle, 40 of them as managing editor and editor. He had served in the latter ca- pacity for the last 14 years. His intense interest and keen insight into the fields of government, education, youth, church, and charitable activities have left deep imprints on Greater MuSkegon’s civic and cultural life. No man in Greater Muskegon ever gave more freely of his time and effort to his community than Mr, McCrea, Several years ago Mr. McCrea suffered a heart attack. Doctors warned that he must give up his outside activities. He agreed to resign from all but two—the presidency of the Hackley Hospital board of trustees and the teaching of his Sunday school class at the Lakeside Methodist Church. He did so, but only briefly. During the last 2 years he took on even more duties than before. The load proved too great for him, as his family and friends repeatedly warned. But that is the way Mr. McCrea wanted it. Almost until the minute of his death today he had looked forward to returning to his duties at the Chronicle. After all, the Mus- kegon Chronicle had been Mr. McCrea’s life. He had seen it grow from a small daily to one of Michigan’s leading newspapers. Mr. McCrea was a native of Newaygo and until his death he retained membership in the Fremont Chamber of Commerce. A graduate of the Fremont High School in 1901, he taught in rural schools for 2 years before coming to Muskegon, where he took graduate work at the Muskegon High School and Hack- ley Manual Training from 1902 to 1904. On the completion of his schooling he be- gan his long career with the Chronicle, a career which led to his being considered one of this community’s outstanding citizens. The newspapers of 1904—there were three in Muskegon at that time—were far removed from the papers of today. The city itself was only a fraction of its present size. It was in a@ humble position that Mr. McCrea started to work for the Chronicle. He was a solici- tor of rural subscriptions and his tasks re- quired that he travel the county’s roads and Janes on his bicycle. But before he could even start in the newspaper business he was forced to borrow 50 cents from E. B. Dana, then publisher of the Chronicle, when he arrived for work the first time, July 6, 1904. He needed the money for repairs to his bicycle. Mr. McCrea had known for some time that newspaper work was to be his chosen field, put he had never thought his start was to be as a subscription solicitor. He had hoped for something more where he would be able to report the day’s happenings and their in- fiuences on the Lives of residents of this area, The rural subscription duties did not con- tinue long. By the time the first snows came in December 1904 he was called into the office for the start of a succession of advances in the newspaper profession, attaining after 82 years the position of editor of the Chronicle. As Mr. McCrea continued his rise in the busi- ness of presenting the day’s news and inter- preting it, greater Muskegon was growing. The conversion of Muskegon to an industrial center after the decline of the lumber busi- ness and later its development as the arsenal of democracy in World War II left a deep impression on the editor of the Chronicle. “On the life of no other single individual, I presume, has the life of the Greater Muske- gon community impacted itself more per- sistently than on my own,” he once said. What he did not add was that his influ~ ence and foresight made a strong impact on the community. His first job in the office was as a proof- reader, but it was only a short time until there was a vacancy on the staff and, in 1905, Mr. McCrea became a reporter. After being the local reporter—covering the city hall, county building, social and fraternal func- tions and even football—he was named city editor in 1908. He had only an inexperienced staff at this time, but he managed to produce a highly satisfactory paper. Reporters came and went, some going to larger cities where they made enviable reputations. Others were highly successful in other fields. Among his former reporters were John C. Beaukema, secretary-manager of the chamber of com- merce, the late Harris E. Galpin and Wil- liard G. Turner, both of whom became out- standing attorneys. In 1911 Mr. McCrea was named managing editor, a post he held for 25 years. He was named editor in 1936. Twice during his years of directing policies of the Chronicle, Mr. McCrea saw this Nation weather perilous times in the World Wars. During World War I he won the acclaim of fellow American journalists for his edi- torials. In 1918 he was given a certificate for special excellence by Editor and Publish. er, trade paper of the journalistic world, for his editorial Back Them Up in support of the Fourth Liberty Bond drive. Shortly after World War I there was a crisis in‘ Muskegon municipal government and the city seemed headed for bankruptcy, Mr. McCrea was chosen as a member of the charter commission which in 1920 presented the proposal for the commission~manager form of government to replace the old ward system, which was one of the main reasons for Muskegon’s distressed position. His background of municipal affairs made him - @ valuable member of the committee which outlined a new form of government adopted by the voters in 1919 and which has led to great improvements in governmental admin- istration. Mr. McCrea served on the Muskegon Board of Education from 1928 to 1930. His experience and background in munici- pal and school affairs made him a valued member of the Muskegon County Tax Study Committee, which reported its recommenda- tions last year after more than a year’s study of all branches of Government. One of the pioneers in YMCA work here, Mr. McCrea served as one of its directors since its organization in 1916. He was president - from 1918 to 1928 and was a member of the national council since 1926. He was chair- man of the committee on public affairs from 1936 to 1945 and a member of the interna- tional board. His interest in journalism extended beyond his newspaper work, which for the last 14 years consisted chiefly of editorial writing and directing of editorial policy. He was a member of the advisory board of the Uni- versity of Michigan Journalism school, a con= tributor to the Michigan Christian Advocate, and a member of the board of publications of the Methodist Church. He was also a mem- ber of the American Society of Newspaper Editors. He was active in West Michigan Tourist and Resort Association, having served as a director from 1925 to 1944 and as a vice prest- dent from 1926 to 1944. He was a member of the board of trustees of Hackley Hospital A3313 and served as its president. He also was a member of the Kiwanis Club, honored by its “Flowers for the Living” tribute in 1948. Mr. McCrea in 1944 was named to the original recreation board in Muskegon, and McCrea Field is named in his honor. He was appointed in 1947 to the board of directors of the United Health and Welfare Fund of Michigan. In 1940 he was named vice presi- dent of the chamber of commerce and was appointed to the committee on national de- fense. It was that year he was first men- tioned in Who’s Who and has remained listed since. His life and interests left a distinctive good effect on Muskegon’s civic and cultural life, but he always expressed gratitude for all that the community had given him. He married Eudora Hope Wells here Sep- tember 3, 1907. He leaves, in addition to Mrs. McCrea, two sons, Malcolm R., a mem-= ber of the staff of the Saginaw News; Bruce D., of the Lansing State Journal staff; a daughter, Mrs. E. E. Cowles, of Burr Oak; four brothers, Ray, Ralph S., and Frank, of Muskegon, and Fred, of Grand Haven; a sis- ter, Effie McCrea, of Muskegon; and five grandchildren. NATIONAL RECOGNITION AWARDED Mr. McOREA FOR OUTSTANDING METHODIST CHURCH Worx No Methodist layman in Michigan has done more for his parish church or his de- nomination than Archie E. McCrea. Born into a Seventh-Day Adventist family near Fremont, he became a Methodist more than 40 years ago when he joined the Lake- side Methodist Church and started on a career of active Christian service. This career has taken him from his home church into district, State, and National service, not only for the church but also for the Young Men’s Christian Association and tor Albion College, a Methodist institution. Paralleling an outstanding succession of more than four decades of service in his profession and to his community, has been his record in Christian action. He served his own church as Sunday school superintendent for 25 years, and through all the years as a teacher and leader of young people’s classes and youth groups until ill- ness prevented. Since 1907 his name and that of Lakeside Methodist Church have been synonymous. Most of these years he was a member of its Official board, a leader of its brotherhood and its official lay delegate to annual Michi- gan conferences. Five years after he Joined the church, Mr. McCrea’s influence in church circles began to spread through the County Sunday School Association, now the educational division of the County Council of Churches. From Lakeside church lay leader, he be- came Michigan conference lay leader, a mem- ber of the general board of lay activities and Michigan conference lay delegate to three quadrennial general conferences of the Methodist Church in 1940, 1944, and 1948. He was a member of the committee on epis- copacy which recommended the appointment of new bishops at the 1948 general confer= ence, and on other committees. He was a trustee of the Michigan Methodist Foundation, chairman of the Michigan Con- ference Commission on World Service and Finance and, in 1949, on the social-action committee of the Michigan Council of Churches. He also was on the conference policy committee. ‘ The latest, and one of the outstanding tasks Mr. McCrea shouldered for the church was the Michigan conference chairmanship of the Albion College advancement program. His goal was to lead the drive to raise $400,000 from western Michigan churches for the col- lege in the fall of 1949 toward a $5,000,000 endowment fund.
A3314 In June 1941, Albion College conferred upon Mr. McCrea the honorary degree of L, L. D., Doctor of Learned Laws. His three children are graduates of Albion, but one of the few regrets of his life had been that he did not have the opportunity to attend Albion, Soon after his zeal for church work carried him into wider and wider fields, he became identified with the Greater Muskegon Young Men’s Christian Association. He was a charter signer of its constitution in Novem- ber 1916, was elected to its first board of directors and served continuously since, Reelected to the board for another 3-year term in December 1949, his name appeared on every hallot cast. He was president of the local YM board for 11 years from 1919 to 1930, during which time he led the board through its $425,000 campaign for a building fund in 1925. In 1920 Mr. McCrea, almost single-handedly, kept the association alive when financial difficulties threatened its existence. He was a member of the executive com- mittee of the building campaign and of the building committee. He has served as chair- man of almost every local Y committee. As in his church work, his greatest interest outside his home and profession in recent years has been in national and world services, For 30 years he was a member of the Michi- gan State ¥ committee, and recently was chairman of its World Youth Fund and world service committees. He was a member of the national council of the Y for 25 years, chairman of the na- tional committee on public affairs for 10 years, and 4 years chairman of its committee on membership, and a national vice presi- dent in 1946. When honored hy the Lakeside Church in 1941, he said: ‘This church owes me nothing; it has been my inspiration and I owe everything to the church.” This expressed his sincere conviction on his relationship to the church and the YMCA as an expression of Christianity in action. What To Do in a Cold War EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 4, 1950 Mr, FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- ORD, I include the following address de- livered by me at the twentieth annual dinner of the Railway Business Women’s Association, Cleveland chapter, held at the Hotel Cleveland, Cleveland, April 29, 1950: The rift between the Communist world and the free world grows wider day by day. The tensions are increasing alarmingly. As the Soviets move from one provocative act to another, there is no blinking the fact that our relations with Russia are being strained toward the breaking point. My colleague, Congressman McCormack, of Massachusetts, went so far, after our plane was shot down over the Baltic Sea, as to demand that we break off diplomatic relations. Secretary of State Acheson expressed his belief in a press conference on April. 21 that the world situation was serious and tense. He did not believe, however, that it is heading into an armed conflict at this time. Whether or not it does depends, of course, almost entirely upon the Russians. As President Truman said in his address to the American Society of Newspaper Editors April 20, “You and I know that the United States is wholly dedicated to the cause of peace. We have no purpose of going to war except in defense of freedom.” The Rus- sians, on the other hand, will resort to war whenever they deem it necessary to further their imperialistic ambitions. Direct ag- gression does not seem necessary at the present moment, since they are succeeding so well with indirect aggression. Witness Czechoslovakia and China, How then shall we explain their growing recklessness? Not only have they shot down one of our unarmed planes, they are behind the threatened May march on western Berlin; they have demanded withdrawal of our troops from Trieste; they have demanded that Tur- key take them into the control of the Dar- danelles; they have inspired the attempt to prevent shipments of arms from reaching western European nations. I incline to the belief that these are simply more moves in the cold war—the period, as John Foster Dulles calls it in his new book, War or Peace, of no war, no peace—not prelimi- naries to a hot war. I believe these harass- ments are intended to soften us up, prelimi- nary, perhaps, to a diplomatic move for new negotiations in which the Soviets might ex- pect concessions from a frightened Western World. This very uncertainty about the meaning of Russian moves is one of the chief ob- jectives of the Kremlin’s cold-war strategy. All the political prophets agree that we must expect more and more provocative moves, more saber rattling, and that we will need strong nerves and clear heads to avoid hasty and ill-considered action. Which brings me to the question I should like to discuss with you tonight: “What To Do in a Cold War.” Secretary of State Acheson touched upon that question in his address to the American Society of Newspaper Editors on April 22. It was understood in Washington that his ad- dress was considered by the Department of State to be one of his most important efforts. Mr. Acheson did not minimize the serious- ness of the crisis confronting us. “Make no mistake about it,” he said, ‘“‘we are faced with a challenge and a threat to the very basis of our civilization and to the very safety of the - free world, the only kind of world in which that civilization can exist.” Among the six lines of action he proposed to meet that challenge and that threat he properly placed first “the demonstration that our own faith in freedom is a burning and a fighting faith. If we are clear about this,” he continued, “if we are full of passion about this, then we have in our hearts and minds the most dynamic and revolutionary con- cept in human history, and one which prop- erly strikes terror to every dictator, to every tyrant who would attempt to regiment and depress men anywhere.” What is this freedom, in which we must have a burning and a fighting faith? I must confess that it seems to me that Mr. Ache- son too much restricts the concept of free- dom. He seems to limit it to “freedom of the mind and spirit”; in another place he speaks of the “exercise of the freedom of the human mind.” In another address, déliv- ered on March 16 at the University of Cali- fornia, Mr. Acheson gave indications that he understands freedom in a fuller sense. Discussing the philosophy of a free society he said, “The free society values the indi- vidual as an end in himself. We can see no moral compromise with the contrary thesis of international communism. That the dig- nity of the human individual is of no im- portance as against the interest of the state.” Here the Secretary touches upon something that is more fundamental than freedom to our way of life, the dignity and rights of the individual as a person. It is because he APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD possesses that dignity that a man has 8 right to freedom. Over against the free so- ciety based on the inalienable rights of the human person, among which is freedom, Mr. Acheson rightly places the ‘police state with all that that implies: a regimentation of the worker that is hardly distinguishable from slave labor; a loss to society of those things which appear to us to make life worth liv- ing; a denial of the fundamental truths embodied in all the great religions of the world.” Mr. Acheson recognizes that “‘there is a moral issue of the clearest nature.” It is only when we understand Clearly that a moral issue lies at the bottom of today’s crisis that we can hope to summon up the power to confront and conquer our adver- saries. We need also to interpret and to explore the full meaning of that freedom which ac- cording to Mr. Acheson, should inspire us. Although it is only one aspect of democ- racy, freedom is often used to stand for democracy ag we Americans know it. Both Secretary Acheson and President Truman frequently do so. It would be better, I think, to speak of the free state as opposed to the police state. No one has expressed the essence of the free state better than did General Marshall when he was Secretary of State. At the meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers at Moscow he declared: “We believe that human beings have cer- tain inalienable rights—that is, rights which may not be given or taken away. They in~ clude the right of every individual to develop his mind and his soul in the ways of his own choice, free of fear and coercion—pro~ vided only that he does not interfere with the righis of others. To us a society is not democratic if men who respect the rights of their fellow men are not free to express their own beliefs and convictions without fear that they may be snatched away from their home or family.” Several years ago, the Federal Council of Churches, in a public statement, deplored the fact that there was not at the time any impressive and decisive alinement of the moral and spiritual forces of the world against communism. Neither is there any today. The council urged that our Nation “stand plainly for something so.simple that all men can understand, and so clearly right that all men of good will must agree.” That goal, the council said, “is a world of free societies wherein all men as children of God are recognized to have certain basic rights including liberty to hold and change beliefs and practices according to reason and conscience, freedom to differ even from their own government, and immunity from perse- cution or coercion on account of personal, spiritual, and intellectual beliefs.” This, of course, is the traditional political doctrine of American democracy, and it is that in which I presume Mr. Acheson wants us to have a burning and a fighting faith. It is even more important, it seems to me, that we have a living faith—a faith in these pre- cious principles by which we live each day of our lives. In what I consider the most im- pressive and practical passage of his April 22 address, Mr. Acheson declared: “Today we all represent the United States. Everything that happens in this country can be flashed in a second to the uttermost reaches of the world. Today, in a very real sense, the United States represents itself to the world. The world hears speeches which are made in the Congress. The world hears what is sald over our radio. The world reads what is said in our press. If there are acts or words of violence, discrimination, and irre- sponsibility, the world sees and hears them. Everything we do or say enters into the pic- ture of America which is seen abroad.” There is much talk of enlarging the opera= tions of the Voice of America. But already, as the Secretary says, “America speaks with a thousand voices,” and often our deeds
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD speak louder than our words. And it is our deeds at home which do much to defeat the words which we beam abroad. We profess to be the leaders of the free world, but we give the impression to foreigners that by freedom ‘we mean license. Some years ago, a Cana- dian observer thus expressed the foreigner’s reaction to our conduct: “Assuming that the United States will use its leadership for the benefit of the world, there still remains the question of American morality. This will overshadow every other question, because the paramount issue of humanity in our time is a moral, not a polit- ical or economic one. When the Republic was founded it stood, over and above all purely economic and selfish ambitions, for the free. dom of the individual under God. The principles of American democracy, as it be~ gan were inseparable from @ deep religious conviction, and from an individual life of virtue. The most dangerous thing that has happened to American life in the last sev- eral generations, and probably the most pro- found thing, is the attack on these original ideals. The paramount question is not whether the American people can solve the political and economic problems of the world, but whether they can solve the problems of their own life.” No one would deny that our private and public morality has declined even further since that was written. Juvenile delin- quency is on the increase, family life is threatened, organized crime is rampant, public entertainment becomes daily more licentious, and our public entertainers live public lives of immorality; religious feuding grows in bitterness; intolerance mounts rapidly. President Truman sald to the newspaper editors: “We must make ourselves known as we really are—not as Communist propaganda pictures us.” I think we would all admit that if we took him literally, we would hardly be 100 percent examples of the democratic ideal. By our conduct we must give no color of truth to the Communist charge that we are decadent. Let us try to make ourselves what we should be. Then the Voice of Amer- fica will carry conviction to all the peoples of the earth. ‘ In that task, if I may make bold to say so, the women of America have an important, even decisive part to play. You can clean up Hollywood and its sordid productions; you can demand that the unholy alliance between criminals and politiclans be dissolved; you can fight the intolerance that belies our pro- fessions of democratic equality; you can de- mand that the religious groups who say they ‘work for world peace first make peace among themselves. S80 many people ask: What can I as an indi- vidual do in the cold war? Here is the answer: Help make democracy work at home so that it will win all over the world. Electricity and the Public Interest EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ESTES KEFAUVER OF TENNESSEE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Friday, May 5 (legislative day of Wednesday, March 29), 1950 Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. President, it is a pleasure to me to offer a splendid ad- dress by Hon. Gordon Clapp to be in- cluded in the Recorp. Mr. Clapp, as Chairman of the Board of the Tennessee Valley Authority, delivered this speech before the annual meeting of the Na- tional Rural Electric Cooperative Asso- ciation in Chicago in March 1950. The fine comments made by Mr. Clapp on public benefits from electric power plants are certainly worthy of being called to the attention of the general public. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the REcorpD, as follows: ELECTRICITY AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST (Address by Gordon R. Clapp, Chairman of the Board, Tennessee Valley Authority, an- nual meeting of the National Rural Elec- tric Cooperative Association, Chicago, Il., March 7, 1950) ‘ Private corporations generate and sell four~ fifths—-80 percent—of all the electric power used in the United States. The other one- fifth is supplied by public plants and sys~ tems owned by the Federal and local gov- ernments and private consumer-cooperative corporations. The electricity business, whoever owns and operates it, is a public business. And it has been so regarded by Americans for many, many years. This idea is not new, foreign, or alien; it is as native to this land as corn pread; it is a more ancient American tradi- tion than the ice-cream cone. The same can be said for public ownership of electric plants. It has been a part of the American pattern from the beginning of the indus- try. By the end of 1882, the more or less accepted date of birth of the industry, there were four publicly owned electric systems. From that time on publicly and privately owned systems have been a characteristic feature of the American economy. Private corporations engaged in the elec- tric business enjoy privileges granted by the public. They use the public streets and roads as right-of-way for poles, lines, and underground circuits; they are permitted to exercise the sovereign right of eminent do- main to secure land and right-of-way for their plants and facilities; because of the nature of their function they occupy the po- sition of veritable monopolies in the areas they serve; laws are passed to assure them a reasonable level of earnings. Now, of course, none of these privileges or prerogatives is granted by the public to electric corpora- tions as a mark of favor. They are granted in order that the companies as a vehicle for prudent investment may do an efficient job of public service. The operation of an electric system is a managerial job. The managers can be either private or public managers, as the public elects. But whether managers are hired by a public agency or a private corporation, the public has a right to expect them to per- form a true public function. If the private utilities satisfy the public objectives of providing low-cost electricity in abundance, they have a good chance of staying in the business. But if they fail the public—consumers generally, and especially the farmers—then the private managers should not be surprised if they are fired by the consumers and replaced by public man-~ agers. When private utilities do a good job, as many of them do, there is little public demand for dismissing the private companies as the public’s agent. ‘ The public character of electric service is dictated by the very nature and function of electricity. Hlectricity is not just another commercial product, to be placed on the commodity market at the highest price it will bring. Electricity is energy, a basic necessity of community and national life, an absolute requirement for minimum national strength and security. Every community is entitled to an adequate supply at reasonable rates. It 1s one of the important require- ments for industrial development. I do not need to tell this audience how important it ‘4g for the rural life of the Nation, both as an essential of modern, comfortable living and A3315 as a tireless “hired hand” to perform farm tasks more easily and more profitably. These facts are elementary. But a per- sistent segment of the privately owned power industry is attempting to make the Amer- ican public forget the history and purpose of the electric business. There are spokes- men for private power interests who seem to have hypnotized themselves into think~ ing they are engaged in a business as pri- vate as selling automobiles, groceries, or shoes. So every time the public concerns itself with the control or expansion or own- ership of electric facilities, we have outcries of “socialism,” or “communism,” or “total- itarianism.” This noisy campaign is led by hired mouthpieces of that part of the pri- vate-utility industry that wants to hold its place of special privilege by a battle of words instead of by a record of progressive public service. Some of these spokesmen try to be very subtle. For example, you have probably heard this one: “The electric industry is now in the front-line trenches fighting the battle of free enterprise.” By this stale meta- phor they hope to scare the businessman on Main Street into the belief that the private utility and real private enterprise people are partners in a big fight. Ask your busi- ness friends on Main Street how many of them are guaranteed a protected market and permitted to exercise the right of eminent domain, What happens to the ownership of the utility industry has very little to do with the real free enterprise of this country. But the quality of management and the policies and practices utility management pursues have a lot to do with real free enterprise. - The availability of more and more electricity at lower and lower rates has everything to do with the growth and greater freedom of American enterprise in thousands of rural communities, towns, and cities. Then there is the less subtle and more. transparent device used by one of the high- est paid utility lobbyists in the business. In a faacy hand-out attacking the TVA's. proposed to build another steam plant, this man said: “If the Federal Government can assume the obligation to meet the full needs of pop- ulation for one commercial product—note well the words ‘commercial product’—then it can assume a similar obligation for other products. Thus, the way would be opened for state socialism.” Electricity as a commodity—a “commer- cial product”—that seems like a quaint idea to me. When you press the button in your dairy barn to operate the milking machine or the separator the operation is quite dif- ferent from purchasing nylons for your wife or daughter across the counter of the store of your choice. If the nylons cost more than you want to pay you will probably buy some- thing cheaper or go to another store or go without, Electricity is energy and service— and the owner of the electric facilities that supply the energy to your milking machine, as a practical matter, controls the only coun-~ ter you can go to. And you can’t let your’ cows wait while you bargain about the elec= tricity. * * Cy - * In the development of the river, TVA was directed by the TVA Act to control] its flow primarily for the purposes of promoting navigation and controlling floods and to produce, transmit, and sell power so far as may be consistent with such purposes. It. was this and other power provisions of the act which were most violently de- pated in the 1920’s and early thirties as the principles finally incorporated in the act were hammered out. There were the usual contentions on the part of private utility spokesmen. First, they contended that the Government should not build projects which would generate power, claiming that this would simply add an unsalable surplus of
A8316 electricity in a region already adequately supplied. (The facts I shall come to in a moment make that claim look ridiculous to- day.) Second, they contended that if the Government did build generating plants, 1b should not build transmission lines; instead, they said, the private utilities could be per- suaded to purchase the power at the bus bar for distribution over their lines—and at their existing high rates. This offer did not impress the people of the Tennessee Valley; they already had a demon- stration of the idea of selling at the bus bar. At Wilson Dam, built by the Government at Muscle Shoals under the National Defense Act of 1916, the power had been sold at the bus bar for several years to a private utility. The power generated at Wilson Dam was sea- sonal, interruptible power, dependent upon the ups and downs of an uncontrolled stream flow. The Government had no outlet for the power except to the adjacent private com~ pany. So the power was sold for what the company was willing to pay—an average of only 2 mills a kilowatt-hour. A few miles from the bus bar the customers of this utility paid several cents a kilowatt-hour. The people, the Congress, and the Presi- dent were not persuaded that this pattern of sale at the bus bar should be applied to the whole Tennessee Valley. They went ahead and incorporated provisions in the TVA Act which spelled out in detail the public char- acter of electric service. The act authorized the construction of transmission lines, there- by opening the way to widespread marketing of power rather than reliance upon one or two large monopoly transmitters and dis- tributors. It provided, further, that the power facilities as distinguished from the flood-control and navigation facilities, were to be self-supporting and self-liquidating. And I can add right here that they are that, and more. But the Congress did not stop there; it went on to recognize the vital role which power could play in the general economic development of the region. It provided that “the projects herein shall be considered pri- marily as for the benefit of the people of the section as a whole and particularly the do- mestic and rural consumers to whom power can economically be made available.” It authorized and directed TVA to “make studies, experiments, and determinations to promote the wider and better use of electric power for agricultural and domestic use, or for small or local industries.” It declared TVA “may cooperate with State governments, or their subdivisions or agencies, with edu- cational or research institutions, and with cooperatives and other organizations, in the application of electric power to the fuller and better-balanced development of the resources of the region.” And finally, it made certain that the power developed by public investment on public streams should get into the hands of the people themselves. It directed that TVA in its sales of power should “give preference to States, counties, municipalities, and coop- erative organizations of citizens and farmers, not organized or doing business for profit, but primarily for the purpose of supplying electricity to its own citizens or members.” (Today, 61 percent of TVA’s electricity goes to these preferred customers, including other Federal agencies, such as the Atomic Energy Commission.) » * . * s The people of the valley region today use in their homes more than four and one-half times as much electricity as they did in 1933—-an average of 2,873 kilowatt-hours per residential consumer in 1949—and about 70 percent more than the average residential consumer in the United States. At the same time, they paid a little over 1.5 cents per Kilowatt-hour, or just a little over half as much as the average cost for electric se. in the homes of the United States. . * cd s * Since the end of ‘he war rural el urifica- tion has been able to hit its full stride. At the end of 1949, there were more than 461,000 rural consumers served in the Tennessee Valley region. The number of farms served was more than 320,000, or more than 70 per- cent of all farms in the region; compare this with the 15,000 farms which had electric service in 1933. Last year alone, ete<tric service was made available to 75,000 farms through the con- struction by cooncrative and municipal sys- tems of 17,000 ™..c+ of rural line. The farms in the area used 445,600,0C0 kilowatt-hours of electricity last year, ascom- pared with 112,000,000 kilowatt-hours in 1945. In 1938, before TVA, they used only 9,000,000 kilowatt-hours. More than two-thirds of the farms served have received initial service since June 30, 1945. Cooperative associations distributed TVA power to about 363,000 consumers. Naturally, the Tennessee Valley is proud of this record of progress in putting elec- tricity to work. Credit for this result goes beyond the TVA—it goes to the hard-headed businessmen who head the operations of the municipal and cooperative systems and the consumers who elect them. A major share of the credit must go to those Senators and Congressmen, led by George Norris of Ne- braska, and inspired by the vision and leader~ ship of President Roosevelt, who wrote into the TVA Act the provisions which governed the production, sale, and distribution of power. And, above all, Congress and the President have consistently added to the growing and profitable public investment in the system which puts these policies into practice for the benefit of the region and for the strength and security of the Nation. There are several features in the experience of the Tennessee Valley which may deserve to be examined by people in other parts of the country who face generally similar problems, One of these is the division of responsi- bility between TVA, which generates and transmits power and sells it wholesale at the city or cooperative gate (and to other Fed~- eral projects, several large industrial plants, and to utilities), and the municipal and co~ operative electric systems, which buy the power under wholesale power contracts with TVA and distribute it to the ultimate con- sumer. : TVA carries on the part of the business in which ‘efficiency and economy can be pro- moted by a large-scale integrated operation, Operation of the TVA system must meet the primary purposes of navigation and flood control as well as power. This part cf the job requires engineering skill and knowledge of the complexities of relating hydro generation to a multipurpose water-control system and large auxiliary steam plants. TVA produces power in an integrated system of 28 dams, reservoirs, and powerhouses, and several large steam-electric generating stations (425,000 kilowatts of steam capacity in the total of more than 2,700,000 kilowatts; 375,000 kilowatts of additional steam power is under construction at the New Johnson- ville steam plant). Generation of power from this large network is the part of the job with which the ultimate consumer has least direct contact. But the distribution of electricity, where it directly touches the lives of the people who use it, is a direct concern of the con- sumers, In the Tennessee Valley this part of the job is in the hands of the locally owned and operated systems. Their officials set the policies and make the decisions within the framework of their agreement with the APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, TVA. Shall surplus revenues be used to pay off indebtedness, for expansion of the sys~ tem, or a reduction in rates? Down which highway will the next new rural lines go? What steps shall be taken to build, load, or acquaint new rural consumers with the multiple uses of electricity on the farm? These are questions that are decided, not by some remote higher up in a Federal office or @ private utility headquarters, but by local power boards and system managers who are in daily contact with the people they serve aid for whom they work. This clear divorcement between wholesale generation and transmission operations and retail distribution performs another valuable function. It shows very clearly where the hopes for low electricity rates must be real- ized. For the first time on a large scale, the experience in the Tennessee Valley has re- vealed facts about the relationship between the cost of producing and transmitting power and the price paid by the farmer or the householder at the end of the line. Here the separate costs are clearly set forth. The TVA sells power at wholesale rates that compare favorably with, but are not much lower than, wholesale rates of some utilities; they are within the range of the costs of generating power in modern plants of private utilities, In 1949, the average rate paid by the 145 municipal and cooperative systems, that is, the wholesale rate, was 4.29 mills; the aver- age for the 50 cooperatives was 5.15 mills. These rates paid to the TVA produce ample revenues to cover all the costs of producing and transmitting the power, and more be- sides. In the last fiscal year, TVA’s net op- erating revenues of $21,500,000 represented a 5-percent return on its average power invest- ment of $480,000,000. The municipal and cooperative systems distribute TVA power at resale rates among the lowest in the Nation. They too are suc- cessful financially. In the last fiscal year, with revenues of $'70,000,000, they had earn- ings of $14,000,000. They could have paid TVA 2 mills more per kilowatt-hour for wholesale power and still have cleared more than a million dollars—after all costs, in- cluding depreciation, and after interest on long-term debt. Now these figures mean one thing above everything else. They mean that the low rates In the TVA region are not due pri- marily to low generating and transmitting costs for power, important though low whole- sale rates may be financially to a municipal or cooperative system, No difference of 1 or 2 mills per kilowatt-hour in the cost of wholesale power, or even of several mills, can account for the fact that in the Tennes-~ see Valley region, in 1933, people paid about 6 cents per kilowatt-hour; today they pay only about one-fourth of that—a drop of more than 4 cents per kilowatt-hour—for electricity used in their homes. This reduction in rates cannot be explained by the difference between TVA’s wholesale rates and the private utility cost of generat- ing and transmitting power in the Tennes- see Valley before TVA. A difference of a few mills at the bus bar cannot cause a dif- ference of 4 cents in the home. The basic reason for low rates in the valley today is that they were set low in the first place, in the firm conviction that such a policy of pricing elec- tricity, coupled with proper electrical-devel- opment promotion and education, would bring about a great increase in power con- sumption thus reducing the cost per unit while producing sufficient revenues to cover these costs. This experience in the valley is worth ex- amining in connection with the offer now sometimes made by private utilities, or ad- vocated by their propaganda satellites, namely, that the private utilities should be allowed to purchase power produced by Fed-~ eral projects at the bus bar. This, they say,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD would avoid construction of duplicate trans- mission lines, while the savings from the purchase of Government power would be passed along to consumers. Both these propositions need to be exam- ined with great care when made in specific instances. Transmission lines may need to be duplicated. As many a farm wife in the Tennessee Valley could have told you a few years ago, in the prerural electrification days, if you need two buckets of water it sometimes pays to carry two buckets, And second, the promise to pass along the sav- ings, a difference of a mill or two per kilo- watt-hour at wholesale—may or may not mean a thing by the time the electricity reaches your home. It may be that in some instances the public interest—that is, the consumers, aS well as the taxpayer-inves- tors—can be served by selling power at the bus bar to private utilities; certainly the American people are a practical lot, willing to look over every proposition on. its merits. But in examining any proposal, it should be remembered that whoever controls the power between the generating plant and your home will govern the price of electric~ ity to the consumer. Consumers should keep their eye on the ball and see to it that the sale of power at the bus bar is guarded by adequate controls, and that those who buy it, whether public or private agencies, not only believe in, but practice the policy of low rates and abundant use. Today the demand for electric power in the TVA area has reached a point where TVA is hard put to keep up with it. Ex- pansion of facilities is being carried on at a fast pace, but TVA will have no surplus for export or to serve an expanded area. Last year, in order to meet the normal demands of the region, TVA commenced the construc- tion of a large steam plant, the New Johnson- ville steam plant, on the shores of Kentucky Lake, in west Tennessee; in more recent months, a second steam plant has been pro- posed, as well as expansion of the plant now under construction, largely to meet the in- creased requirements of the Government at the Oak Ridge atomic energy plant. Sales to private utilities outside the TVA area are being reduced or cut off, except for interchange and stand-by agreements to pro~ tect service of TVA and utility systems and for economical operation. TVA’s inability and reluctance to expand its service area is a disappointment to many neighboring rural cooperatives and cities whose power supply is inadequate and whose rates seem too high. New neighbors are springing up—federations of REA cooperatives outside the TVA service area but adjacent to it, mostly north of the TVA system. In some cases they are finding it difficult to obtain an adequate supply of power from. private utilities in their areas, or to secure contracts for wholesale power at reasonable rates without restrictions as to in- dustrial loads or urban areas which may be served. Wo such restrictions obtain in the TVA area, of course; cooperative associations can, and do, serve the industrial loads in their areas of operations and pay no premium for power delivered to such customers. Many of the 50 cooperatives serve some urban, as Well as rural, areas; in fact, more than a fifth of all the cooperative customers live in towns and villages, With some of these new neighbors, who are considering the construction of their own generating plants, TVA has discussed inter- change arrangements similar to those we have with private utility neighbors. Such arrangements, if they can be worked out, we are sure will prove mutually beneficial. But the TVA is not able to supply these new agencies on a firm power basis. TVA has its hands’ full keeping up with the growth in the area it now serves, Many cooperatives outside the TVA area now find themselves forced to build or ac« quire generating plants and transmission lines to assure their members of an adequate supply of power, without load restrictions and at a reasonable cost. This growing trend is a general index of the attitude of some of the private companies on whom consumers depend for power. Companies intent upon serving a broad public interest will help you accomplish your purposes: To supply your members abundant electricity at the lowest possible cost. Private com- panies, which regard your members solely as a market for their commodity and thus place their interest above yours, their con- venience above your necessity, are inviting, yes, forcing you to take the electric service business back into your own hands. The best way for the private companies to re« main private is to show more enterprise. For of this you may be sure: The direc- tion of power policy is not going to be deter- mined by impassioned debates over social- ism, statism, and private enterprise. The status of electric service as a public func- tion is too well established in the American pattern to be decided by a battle about ab- stract doctrine. The final decision as to who provides electric service is going to be decided by the people themselves on a prac- tical basis, case by case. And it will be de~ cided on the basis of how electricity—the lifeblood of a modern economy—may be made available more and more abundantly, through reliable services and at the lowest possible cost to the consumer. Partition of Ireland EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. HARRY J. DAVENPORT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. DAVENPORT. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks in the Rercorp, I include the following speech delivered by Brig. Gen. Eric Dorman O’Gowan, British Army, retired, at a mass meeting honoring the heroes of the Easter uprising in Ireland calling for the end of the partition of Ireland on Easter Monday, April 10, 1950: As you have heard, I have come direct from my home ih Ulster to speak to you tonight. I'd like you to note that when I say Ulster, I do not mean Northern Ireland; I refer to that part of Ulster which is already free, for my home is County Cavan. I speak as a private person and as an Ulsterman. My stock in purely Celtic, a race which was in Ulster before the British came there and will be in Ulster long after the last Briton has left it. As an Ulsterman I naturally deplore the division of my historic province into two parts by a border laid down in the in- terest of Great Britain and supported by British bayonet; a border which did not exist when I was a boy and which I trust soon to see abolished. It has been said that this border is put there with the consent of three govern- ments—the Irish, the British, and the North- ern Ireland Government. I wish to make it clear that we in Ireland do not and dare not recognize as final any interim agreement which may have been made in the past 25 years, because history demonstrates beyond refute that the border was imposed on my country against the expressed will of 85 percent of the population of Ireland by threat of force and by 4 trick of the British Cabinet, ‘Let no one therefore mislead you into be- A3317 lieving that the border is something final and irrevocable. It cannot be emphasized too strongly that this matter of the unification. of the terri- tory of Ireland under an Irish Government is not an internal domestic issue. It is an issue on an international level between two sovereign states: Ireland and the United Kingdom of Great Britain. That the issue exists at all is the responsibility of the British Government which Government short-sight- edly believes that a divided Ireland better serves its purpose so strategically and eco- nomically. Thus, at the present time, there are six counties out of the province to which I be- long which remain an integral part of the United Kingdom, sending representatives to the Westminster Parliament; and, therefore, the abuses to which I am going to refer must ultimately be laid at Britain’s door. It does not suit the book of the Brition Government that this should be widely known; much trouble is taken to make it appear that the local administration set up in Northern Ireland, the British bridgehead in Ireland, is the responsible autonomous authority for all that occurs in their area. This cannot be true because in fact the London government retains strict control o-er defense, taxation; and foreign relations, but it leaves to their chosen agents in North- ern Ireland the task cf maintaining law and order, administering justice, and taxing for local needs. Who then are their chosen agents? We know well that they are drawn from the ranks of the British colonials planted in Ul- ster during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries for this very purpose. We also know that the border has been drawn through Ulster so as to exclude the greatest number of the native Irish, and thus insure the colonial element of perpetual majority in the Northern Ireland Parliament. Thus by a simple process of drawing a border wLere no division had ever been be- fore, a minority in Ireland has been turned into the controlling majority in Northern Ireland. In Northern Ireland, therefore, politics is a matter of flags—“the majority” supports the Union Jack; the Irish minority supports the flag of Ireland. Politics is, therefore, a matter of repression; the domi- nant regime is expected by the British Gov- ernment to insure perpetually British con- trol in their area, and so long as British con- trol exists, colonial predominance in gov- ernment is automatically perpetuated. It is impossible, therefore, that there should be in Northern Ireland any but the facade of democracy; the regime is a dicta- torship, and within his Mmitations the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland is the most complete puppet dictator this side of the jron curtain. This undemocratic institution ig supported not only by the full military backing of the United Kingdom, but also by a private army comprising 3,000 regular armed constables, backed by trained reserve of 1,200 armed special constables—all hand-picked for their political adherence to the Northern Ireland colonial Tory regime. Nowhere else in the British Isles is there an armed police force. The significance of an armed police force in the British bridge- head of Northern Ireland derives from the fact that the Northern Ireland Government is determined to have its own army available even should British forces be withdrawn. This private army of the Ulster-British is required, of course, not to protect its fron- tiers from. external attack, but to insure the docility of the native Irish population which remains in the six county areas in the pro- portion of 5 to 8, a resentful and suppressed minority, which refuses absolutely to accept the constitutional position. This minority is heavily taxed for the privilege of maine
A3318 taining a government abhorrent to it which it is totally unable to remove by any demo- cratic process. Note that the tour now tak- ing place in America by the Tory Premier of Northern Ireland is paid for by public moneys and approximately 1 pound in every 8 comes from the pockets of this resent- ful Irish minority. That is taxation with- out representation in its most modern form. In order to support their authority by legal means the Northern Ireland Government employs an iniquitous instrument known as the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act. That act permits the officials of the Govern- ment to confine population in any area to its houses, to search banking accounts for funds which might be directed against it, and to confiscate those funds if found, to impose the death sentence for the mere car- rying of a firearm without authority, to search any house ot building or motor ve- hicle, to atrest without warrant, and to im- prison without trial, and to ban any meeting which it does not wish to be held, and to prevent under pain of arrest the display of the Trish flag anywhere north of the border. I cannot believe that any fair-minded American brought up in a democratic atmos- phere could read the document on which the powers of the Northern Ireland Government are based without revulsion. Recently after vigorous representations by the Irish Government in the Council of Europe, a number of sections of this obnox- | ious act was suspended until publicity given - to them ‘at Strasbourg*had died down: Oh the 5th of April of this year these suspended regulations have'been reimposed. « The-Irish - in’ Northern Ireland have had the cat-and- - imouse ‘experience of freedom granted and then withdrawn. ‘ ; . ‘It is-diffictlt for you here to-imagine any . elément of-a self-respecting population be- : ing- compelled to-live perpetually under such a regime and to’ nmiairitain its loyalty to the © Irish nation in the knowledge that they have only té line-up with their Tory masters to re- . ceive -the benefits and privileges which are - considerable and are now reserved for the supporters of the Northern Ireland Govern- ~ ment and the connection with Britain. Let me give you a few concrete examples: - Last St. Patrick’s Day the King in London presented shamrocks to the Irish guards; a memorial was unveiled in Armagh City to the Irish Fusiliers, but throughout Northern Ireland all national demonstrations were banned and the truncheon was used by armed police against meetings displaying the Irish flag. Again, recently also in Armagh a British ex-soldier was arrested for carrying an Irish flag in a procession. At his trial, he stated that he had been taught in the British Army to fight for the freedom of small na- tions. He was going on fighting for the freedom of one small nation. It was admit- ted at that trial by the police that though there was no objection to the banner of Communist Russia being paraded anywhere in Northern Ireland, the Irish flag was taboo. I absolutely refuse to believe that any American would accept the situation in Northern Ireland as a reasonable way of life for the Irish population there. You will understand, therefore, why we in Free Ireland utterly refuse to cooperate with the regime which treats the people of our race 60 abnormally. Now I would like to come to the wider issue: Ireland is vetoed by Russia from par- ticipation in the United Nations and her northern counties are incorporated in Great Britain. She is thus debarred from any ac- tivity in the defense of western Europe or the Atlantic Pact. You Americans are expending vast sums of money in coordinating defense of the western Atlantic coast line, yet you appear to ignore the strategical gap created by the fact that Ireland has got to be left out of your deliberations. Generals will plan anything, however ridiculous, but citizens ave to pay for the ridiculous behavior of generals, How can you pretend that Ire- Jand is just a hole in the map on which you plan Atlantic defense? Should the early stages of world war IIT go wrong in western Europe and the early stages of a war always go wrong for the British, then you will have the Russians on the shores of the Channel and southern Britain a war zone, In such circumstances the cooperation of Ireland will be vital to the survival of Britain, If, however, this has not been prearranged, the urgency of the situation may make it impossible to rectify the omission of Ireland from prewar Atlantic strategical planning. We Irish desire above all things to support the defense of western Christendom, but it is useless to ask us to do so in an impractical manner. We cannot coordinate the defense of Ireland except on an all-island basis. With the utmost seiousness, I suggest to you that the partitioning of Ireland and the persistence of British occupation in our six northern counties has proved to he @ costly, dangerous, and short-sighted, expe- dient. For reasons of prestige, Britain is reluctant to undo her mistake and reunite the island under an Irish government. So Ireland remains sullen, sterile, neutral in- stead of active and cooperative. For moral and material reasons, this is a- most dangerous situation. Freedom is indi- visible. war for human freedom, if it happens. I have tried to. tell you that-moral con- siderations and material factors urgently require the ending-of this unnatural and abnormal state of affairs. The Irish people fear that the denial of freedom in the Brit- ish area in Ireland may one day, indeed quite soon, provoke an.explosion, with the most, dangerous consequences; alternatively world war III may.begin before this inter- national problem is resolved, In either case the fact that the civilized peoples of the West have failed to persuade Great Britain to undertake the final act of ‘liberation in her imperial record, may well prove to be the énd of Western civilization. ‘ This is where the Irish question has got to today. . ; Arming of the Arab States EXTENSION: OF REMARKS oF HON. ANTHONY F. TAURIELLO OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. TAURIELLO. Mr. Speaker, the following letter, protesting British arms shipments to the Near East Arab states, and handed to the Honorable Dean Acheson, Secretary of State, on Thurs- day, May 4, was signed by 30 Democrats and 21 Republicans, Members of the House of Representatives: Hon. Dean ACHESON, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Secretary: Following your rec- ent conversation with a group of Members of the House with respect to the Near East armaments situation and the indication that you would in due course discuss the sit- uation with the Secretary of State for the United Kingdom, Mr. Bevin, we thought that it would be advantageous to you if we listed the objectives which we believe you should seek in these conversations and the ques- tions, the answers to which we are convinced - would enable you to attain those objectives. World .war III will be the supreme: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The objectives as we see them are: 1. Cessation of the shipment of arms to the Arab states by Great Britain until peace treaties have been consummated with Israel. 2. Use of their good offices by the United States and the United Kingdom to bring about peace treaties between the Arab states and Israel. The questions the answers to which we believe will support you in attaining these Objectives are: (a) To what extent is Great Britain ac- tually shipping or permitting the shipment of military aircraft, gunboats, and tanks under treaty arrangements with Iraq, Jordan, and Egypt, or otherwise to any of the Arab states; how such shipments have been paid for; what supervision is being maintained over the disposition and use of such arma- ment; and whether the supplying of such armaments is directly or indirectly facili- tated by the settlement of Great Britain's United States lend-lease account, the mutual defense assistance program, or ECA aid? (bo) What assurances, if any, have been given by the Arab states that they are not preparing for a renewal of Arab-Israeli hos~ tilities? (c) What assurance, if any, has been given by the Arab states of their intention or capa- bility to protect the security of the Near East from a Communist advance?: ‘We believe, too, that it would be most helpful if the United States declared its pol- icy to be opposed to a Near East arms race or a renewal of Arab-Israeli hostilities, and that technical assistance under point 4 projects’ could only be madé available to Arab’ states which were'at peace. statement that a recurrence of the Arab- Israeli war would be “a tragic development: which the world community must bend every' effort to prevent.” We recall your recent "We sincerely trust that before you leave you will be able to assure us that you agree with us as to the objectives set forth above, and will endeavor'to attain them in your con- versations with'Mr. Bevin. Sincerely, Hueu J. Apponrzio, Democrat, New Jer- sey; JAMES C.. AUCHINCLOSS, Re- publican, New Jersey; Witxnram A. Barrerr, Democrat, Pennsylva- nia; J. Caues Boacs, Republican, Delaware; Enpwarp Breen, Demo- crat, Ohio; Emanuex CeLter, Dem- ocrat, New York; CHrsrer A, Cuxs- NEY, Democrat, Illinois; Harn Cxuv- porr, Democrat, Pennsylvania; L. Gary CLEMENTE, Democrat, New York; Roserr J. Corserr, Republi- can, Pennsylvania; Harry J. Dav- ENPORT, Demccrat, Pennsylvania: James J. DELANEY, Democrat, New York; Isrmorz Dox.ziiazr, Demo- crat, New York; Harnoxp D. Dono- aur, Democrat, Massachusetts; HerMAN P. EserHArter, Democrat, Pennsylvania; Auserr J. ENGgru, Republican, Michigan; Jamrs G. Fu.iron, Republican, Pennsylva- nia; Epwarp A. Garmarz, Democrat, Maryland; Winu14M T. GRraNaHan, Democrat, Pennsylvania; Epwin ArrHurR HALL, Republican, New York; T. Minter Hany, Republican, New Jersey; Louis B. Huruzr, Dem- ocrat, New York; CHRISTIAN A. Herren, Republican, Massachu- setts; Donatp L. Jackson, Repub- lican, California; Jacos K. Javrts, Republican-Liberal, New ‘York; Encar A. Jonas, Republican, ILli- nois; Raymonp W, Karst, Demo- crat, Missouri; Rossrr K. Kean, Republican, New Jersey; Kenneru B. Keatine, Republican, New York: Epona F. Ketiy, Democrat, New York; ARTHUR G. Kuz, Democrat, New York; Henry J. LarHam, Re=
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD publican, New York; JoHN Davis Lopcz, Republican, Connecticut; JoHN W. McCormack, Democrat, Massachusetts; CHRISTOPHER OC, McGratH, Democrat, New York; 'THRUSTON B. Morton, Republican, Kentucky; AsraHam J. Murer, Democrat, New York; Barrarr O’Hara, Democrat, Illinois; Don- ALD O’TOOLE, Democrat, New York; WILLIAM L. Preirrer, Republican, New York; A. A. Risicorr, Demo- erat, Connecticut; R. WALTER RrexLMan, Republican, New York; Peter W. Roprino, Jr., Democrat, New Jersey; JoHN J. Roongy, Dem- ocrat, New York; AnotpH J. SaB- ATH, Democrat, Illinois; JoHNn P. Sartor, Republican, Pennsylva- nia; Huem D. Scort, Jr., Republi- can, Pennsylvania; JouNn F. SHEL- LEY, Democrat, California; AnrH- ONY F. Taurixitio, Democrat, New York; Tror ©. Tonterson, Repub- lican, Washington; Srner R, Yates, Democrat, Dlinois. Mr. Speaker, on March 28, 32 Members of the House of Representatives had a conference with the Secretary of State on this subject and this letter is a sequel to that conference. Some Water Problems of the Pacific Southwest EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GORDON L. McDONOUGH OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. McDONOUGH. Mr. Speaker, wa- ter sources and water development have controlled and shaped the progress of our great Pacific Southwest, a semiarid region which covers about half a million square miles, or one-sixth of the area of the United States. Today industrial growth, agriculture expansion, and met- ropolitan extension in this area all de- pend upon a consistent adequate supply of water. . Mr. Raymond Matthew, chief engineer of the Colorado River Board of Califor- nia, at the fortieth convention of the National Rivers and Harbors Conference held in Washington, D, C., on March 25, 1950, delivered the following factual and informative address on some of the wa- ter problems of the Pacific Southwest, and I urge the Members of the House to give serious consideration to Mr. Mat- thew’s discussion of our water problems: Some WaTER PROBLEMS OF THE Paciric SovurHwzst (By Raymond Matthew, chief engineer, Colo- rado River Board of California) (A contribution to panel discussion on Water—Our Most Precious Natural Re- source, Fortieth Convention National Rivers and Harbors Conference, Washing- ton, D, C., March 25, 1950) The subject of this panel discussion ap- plies with particular force to the Pacific Southwest. For water is the very lifeblood of this semiarid region which may be con- sidered to cover about half a million square miles—one-sixth of the area of the United States—including all the States of California, Nevada, and Arizona. Not only is water a vital necessity for domestic, municipal, and industrial purposes as in other sections of the country, but also, in common with other sections of the West, water for irrigation is essential to the successful production of farm crops in most of the region. Indeed, the history of this region is re- plete with accounts of violence and blood-~ shed and of frequent and prolonged litiga- tion in State and Federal courts in conflicts over the ownership and control of water— so all-important and precious is this resource because of its relative scarcity. The Pacific Southwest is a region of sharp contrasts; in terrain, from the nation’s high- est mountains to desert valleys below sea level; in climate, marked by wide variation in temperature, rainfalls ranging from about 100 inches to 5 inches or Jess annually, and growing seasons ranging from a few months in the high plateaus to all year round in the low valleys and along the coast; and in char- acter and extent of development varying from the sparsely settled areas of forest and desert to the fertile valleys of highly de- veloped irrigated agriculture and the densely populated metropolitan and industrial cen- ters of Los Angeles and San Francisco. Although numerous other factors are in- volved, the availability of water and the feasibility of building works for its conser~ vation and use have played a predominant role in the developments that have occurred, and will continue to limit and control future development. Most of the precipitation in the Southwest occurs in three or four winter months with little if any in the late spring, summer, and fall. There are some exceptions to this gen- erality in parts of Arizona and high moun- tain areas where some summer rains occur, but the bulk of the water supply comes in winter rains and snows. In California, the average annual rainfall ranges from 100 inches along the extreme northwest coast to almost nothing in the southeast desert region. Relatively heavy precipitation occurs in the Coast Range and Sierra Nevada Mountains, largely in the form of snow in the higher reaches, and it is these mountain areas from which most of the water supply is derived. In the central and coastal valleys, which are largely devoted to farming, the average annual rainfall varies from 15 to 25 inches in the northerly valleys to 5 to 15 inches in the southerly valleys. In the south Coastal Plain of California it ranges from 10 to 25 inches. Hence, the rainfall is insufficient to grow most crops, even if all or most of it came in the growing season. Thus, irriga- tion is essential. In southeastern California, also in much - of Nevada and Arizona, average annual pre- clpltation is only 6 to 15 inches. In fact, most ofthe Colorado River Basin, is a semi- arid area. Greater precipitation occurs in the relatively limited mountain areas of Utah, Wyoming, Colorado, and Arizona, and these areas are the source of most of the water of the Colorado River. The rainfall in the Southwest is charac- terized by wide cyclic variations. The pre- cipitation at Los Angeles is typical. The W5-year record extended back to 180 years by correlation with crop records of the Mis- sion Fathers shows seven wet periods of 9 to 18 years in length, averaging 122 percent of normal, and six alternating dry periods of 11 to 28 years in length, averaging 84 percent of normal. Studies of tree rings and other historical information indicate even greater cyclic variation and more severe droughts in the past. Currently, southern California is experiencing its sixth successive year of sub- normal rainfall. Rainfall from year to year ranges from 25 to over 200 percent of the average. The scarcity of water in the Southwest is further revealed by data on run-off. In A3319 California as a whole, which has an area of 156,000 square miles, the average annual depth of run-off in rivers and stream flow is about 8144 inches; but in southern Cali- fornia it is less than 3 inches. For the Colo~ rado River Basin as a whole the average depth of run-off in river flow is only about 14% inches. As compared to these, the aver- age depth of run-off of Atlantic coast streams ranges from 15 to 20 inches. The stream flow in the Southwest varies widely from month to month and from year to year. Most of the run-off occurs in the rainy season. The flow of rivers and streams fed by melting snows often continues into the summer and fall, and a few streams fed by springs have a continuous base flow. But for several months of the summer and fall stream flow is greatly reduced and it is not unusual for streams and rivers to dry up completely. On the other hand, the rivers and streams of the Southwest are subject to violent and destructive floods, which result from rainstorms of high intensity or rapidly melting snow or a combination of both, In addition to seasonal and cyclic varia- tions, the water resources are not distrib- uted geographically in consonance with the demand. For example, in California, about 75 percent of the water supply is in the northern half of the State, whereas two- thirds of the demand for water is in the lower half. The discrepancy is even greater in southern California which has only about 5 percent of the water and 25 percent of the demand. All these figures are exclusive of the Colorado River which is also used in California. Because of these wide discrepancies be- tween water supply and demands, the con- servation, regulation, and distribution of the available water resources to obtain the maximum practicable and efficient utiliza- tion of water for all needs and purposes in- volve the solution of many problems and the construction of major engineering works. It calls for storage and other works to control floods, large cyclic storage reser- voirs to conserve and regulate the extremely erratic flows, and, in many cases, long canals and aqueducts to convey water from: areas of surplus to areas of scarcity. Fortunately, underground reservoirs are available in several areas where large quan- tities of water are or can be stored, and drawn upon by pumping from wells. For example, in California, the ground water res- ervoirs have a capacity of over 20,000,000 acre-feet in the San Joaquin Valley, about 5,000,000 acre-feet in the Sacramento Val- ley, and about 17,000,000 acre-feet in the south coastal basin. Important ground- water basins occur in other valleys also. In central Arizona, the ground-water basin has a capacity of about 35,000,000 acre-feet. The use of ground water was started early in California, and has become widespread and of major importance not only in Cali- fornia but also in Arizona and Nevada. Ac- cording to estimates of the United States Geological Survey, about 10,000,000 acre-feet annually or half of the water now used in California is pumped from underground; in Arizona, about 3,000,000 acre-feet or 60 per-~ cent of the water used is pumped from un- derground; and, in Nevada, about 250,000 acre-feet or 15 percent. The storage of water in underground res- ervoirs and the use of ground waters will continue to be of increasing importance in the Southwest. It is an essential element in any plan and program of development. Water developments in California have been marked by many outstanding projects. The large cities, San Francisco, Oakland, and Los Angeles, have augmented their local supplies by bringing in water from the Sierra Nevadas through aqueducts 200 to 300 miles long. California’s 6,000,000 acres of irrigated lands are served by a multitude of reservoirs and canal sygtems developing and
A3320 using local water supplies and built by pri- vate initiative and financing. The Central Valley project is now being built by the Bureau of Reclamation to aug- ment irrigation supplies in the Sacramentao and San Joaquin Valleys. One of the main objectives is to transfer surplus water from the Sacramento Valley southerly to meet water shortage in the San Joaquin Valley. Other dams are being built by the Army engineers to provide for much-needed flood control and some conservation. In southern California, in the metropolitan coastal plain region, local water supplies, both surface and underground, have long since been fully developed and utilized for irrigation, domestic, and industrial purposes. In fact, the supplies are already overdrawn. These were augmented in 1913 by the city of Los Angeles bringing in a supply of 460 second feet by &@ 250-mile aqueduct from the Sierra Nevada. The supply was further aug- mented in 1942 by Colorado River water. The 300-mile Colorado River aqueduct in- volving a pumping lift of 1,600 feet was com- pleted in 1942 with a capacity of 1,500 sec~ ond feet. It was built by the Metropolitan Water District of Southern California, now comprising municipal districts and 28 cities including Los Angeles and San Diego. It is designed to serve domestic and industrial water needs in the entire coastal plain region in general which has a present population of over 4,000,000. All future needs of this area are dependent on Colorado River water, which it is planned to use ultimately in the amount of 1,212,000 acre-feet annually. With all local and imported supplies com- bined, it is expected that sufficient water willbe availabe for a popuation of about 8,000,000. Lo. . In the desert area of southern California, the Colorado River’ is practically the only source of water supply. Use of Colorado River water for irrigation in the Palo Verde, Imperial, and Coachella Valleys was started over 50 years ago and has since grown until there is now about 600,000 acres under irri- gation out of about 1,000,000 acres ulti- mately to be irrigated. Thus, southern Cali- fornia is vitally dependent upon the Colo- rado River for irrigation and domestic and industrial water supplies. It is planned to use for these purposes about 5,500,000 acre- feet per year and works have been built and are in operation on this expectation. There has also been substantial use of Colorado River water in Arizona for irriga- tion including the Parker, Yuma, and Gila projects, which constitute those projects in Arizona which could be feasibly irrigated from the main Colorado River because of the adverse terrain, However, in addition, some 600,000 acres of lands in central Arizona have been brought under irrigation by develop- ments on the Gila and Salt Rivers. The most outstanding project on the Colo. rado River that has been built to date is the Boulder Canyon project. This project was authorized as a Federal Reclamation under-~ taking in 1928, It includes Hoover Dam to conserve and regulate the waters of the Colo- rado River, provide much needed flood con- trol and silt control and furnish regulated water supplies for irrigation, domestic and industrial uses, and a hydroelectric power plant of about 1,325,000-kilowatt capacity. The project also includes the All-American Canal of 10,000 second-feet capacity designed to irrigate lands in the Imperial and Coa- chella Valleys. Hoover Dam, rising 600 feet above stream- bed, creates Lake Mead with a storage ca~ pacity of 32,000,000 acre-feet. This dam, completed in 1936, provides practically com- plete regulation of the river at this point. It is designed to assure adequate water sup- Plies for all downstream projects. Most of these projects that can or will be served, such as those in California, are already built and in operation or are authorized and un< der construction, Other major dams have been built or are underway in the lower Colorado River. Parker Dam was completed in 1940 for the purpose of diverting water into the Colo- rado River aqueduct and incidental hydro- electric-power production. Davis Dam, de- signed to re-regulate releases from Hoover Dam, serve the needs of the Mexican Water Treaty, and generate hydroelectric power, is now nearly completed. Only about half the waters of the Colo- rado River and its tributaries is utilized at present, mostly because the States in the upper basin are using less than one-third the amount of water reserved for them by the Colorado River compact. Many storage reservoirs and other major works, chiefly in the upper basin, will be needed to fully con~ serve and utilize the waters. Unfortunately, even under full practicable development, the water supply that can be made available will be far from sufficient to meet present and potential requirements including the guar- anteed delivery to Mexico under the Mexican Water Treaty. In the face of such a scarcity in water sup-= ply, it is obvious that every effort must be made to design and operate works which will secure the maximum possible conservation and the most efficient and beneficial use of the available water. The needs of existing projects having established rights to the use of water should be fully met before additional new projects are undertaken. Further should be restricted to a selective choosing of projects within the water supply that can be assured and on the basis of compara. . tive need and justification, thus obtaining the greatest benefits at the least cost from the standpoint of the region and the Nation as a whole. Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ADOLPH J. SABATH ’ OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. SABATH. Mr, Speaker, it is re- grettable the extent to which selfish and avaricious influences, not only in- dividuals but even certain groups and associations, will go, and the large sums of money they have expended, to gain their nefarious aims. Especially is this true as to those who are trying to defeat the proposal to extend rent control, not- withstanding the fact that it may de-~ prive thousands upon thousands of fam~ flies, including many ex-servicemen and their loved ones, of roofs over their heads by being evicted from their homes, unable to pay the increased rents these very men admit and concede will come about if rent control is not extended. I have in my hand, and now ask unanimous consent to place in the Rrc- orp, @ list of the organizations behind this inhuman activity. They stop at nothing. They have now, and for sev- eral years past, gone beyond any de- cency in their efforts to kill the Rent Control Act. The people behind this movement—hbehind ‘these organizations and special interests, such as the Na- tional Association of Real Estate Boards, Mortgage Bankers Association of Amer- ica, Associated General Contractors of America, and the others listed below— development ~ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD are, in most instances, the owners of the large apartments, apartment hotels, and hotels in the metropolitan areas of the United States which they secured con- trol of after the crash of the 1930’s at 10 to 25 cents on the dollar, and upon which they desire income based upon the original cost of construction. It has been estimated that this group has ex- pended over $3,000,000 on lobbying and publicity against housing and rent con- trol. Mr. Speaker, they fail to realize that if rent control is not extended, hardship will descend upon thousands of families, unable to pay the increases the owners will-levy upon these unfortunate people. I regret to predict that a great deal of trouble is bound to ensue. Therefore, I hope that the monies being spent from these ill-gotten gains will not result in misleading Members of the House, but that the Members will realize the con- ditions that now exist and will vote to extend rent control for another year. [From the League Reporter, Labor’s League for Political Education, May 1, 1950] NINETEEN Grours From REAL-EsTaTe Loney The real-estate lobby consists of 19 organ izations. They include realtors, bankers, builders, contractors, and building-supply manufacturers. ~ . Secretary Calvin K. Snyder, of the Realtors’ Washington Committee of the National As- sociation of Real Estate Boards, lists these 19 groups as making up the group known as the real-estate lobby: American Bankers’ Association. American Institute of Architects. Associated General Contractors of Amer- ica, Inc. Institute of Electrical Contractors. Mortgage Bankers’ Association of America. National Apartment Owners’ Association. National Association of Home Builders, National Association of Manufacturers. National Association of Real Estate Boards, “i National Electrical Contractors’ Associa- on. : National Home and Property Owners’ Foundation, tt National Lumber Manufacturers’ Associa~ on. ti National Retail Lumber Dealers’ Associa- on. National Savings and Loan League. t Prefabricated Home Manufacturers’ Insti- ute. Property Owners’ Association of America. Structural Clay Products’ Institute. United States Chamber of Commerce, United States Savings Loan League. How To Pur THe PREssuRE on ConcRrEss—~ NAREB Orricran Tezits How Lossy Works Wit NAM, Reaprr’s Dicesr, CHAMBER OF Commurce, Rapio Cains Let’s take a good look at the real-estate lobby. Let’s see how it cooperates with big business, the press, radio stations, and its congressional pals. Officials of the National Association of Real Estate Boards (NAREB) have testified at hearings of the House Select Committe on Lobby Activities. The committee says NAREB is a typical lobby. It's the corner- stone of the real-estate pressure group. Here are some of the facts about NAREB brought out by testimony at the hearings and investigation by the lobby committee's staff: 1. NAREB often gets information from friendly Congressmen and Senators about secret sessions of House and Senate com- mittees. On at least one occasion a Repre- sentative let Calvin K. Snyder, secretary of
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the Realtors’ Washington Committee, part of NAREB, copy parts of a secret report of a Senate-House committee. 2. NAREB was instrumental in having the Reader’s Digest publish an anti-rent-control article in 1948. In reply to a suggestion by a Boston realtor that NAREB “plant” a rent- control article in the Saturday Evening Post, Herbert U. Nelson, executive vice president of NAREB, wrote: “We have helped to secure a write-up of what is happening in France (concerning rent control) * * * in the Reader’s Digest.” Five hundred thousand copies of reprints of that Digest article were distributed by NAREB in its 1948 campaign against rent control. 3. In 1949 Nelson wrote in a letter to T. K. Maenner of Omaha, a past president of NAREB and a political adviser to Republican Senators KENNETH WHERRY and Hucu Bur- Ler, of Nebraska, “My personal contacts with the radio chains have become of great value.” Nelson did not elaborate much on those con-~ tacts. 4. In the same letter to Maenner, Nelson speaks of “some of the favors we have had from NAM.” In testimony before the com~- mittee Nelson was vague in answering ques- tions concerning favors the NAM had done for NAREB. 5. Nelson’s and Snyder’s testimony also brought out the close cooperation between the real-estate lobby and the United States Chamber of Commerce. 6. Nelson admitted that NAREB used to get delegations of small property owners to testify at rent-control hearings. Such dele- gations leave the impression that everyone who owns apartments is having a tough time. In a letter replying to a suggestion by a Detroit banker that the real-estate lobby use this stunt, Nelson said, “We used to try this sort of thing in order to dramatize our situa- tion * * * but it wasn’t too success- ful.” . % Senators and Representatives who speak at national and State meetings of the real- estate lobby are pald travel expenses and lecture fees by the realtors. 8. NAREB often advises Federal agencies on the drafting of legislation for Congress and the administration of laws like rent con- trol and public housing. 9. NAREB used to keep a card file on every Congressman, indicating realtors who are friendly with them, how they voted on hous- ing legislation and other information that was helpful in trying to sway them to the real-estate lobby way of thinking. . 10. Speeches and radio talks are often pre- pared by NAREB for friendly Members of Congress. BIG BUSINESS The real-estate lobby is big business. From July 1, 1946, through. December 31, 1949—a period of 34, years—the National Association of Real Estate Boards alone spent $440,360 for lobbying. The Dawn Is Breaking EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CLARE E. HOFFMAN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 5, 1950 Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, over the years the Detroit Free Press, like the Irishman’s flea, has been “on again, off again, Finnegan” in its support of, opposition to, the New Deal and those who, from its inception, have vigorously and persistently fought the fallacies of the New Deal. In its issue of May 5 is an editorial which indicates that the Detroit Free Press is beginning to see the light. That editorial, with certain omissions made in order that its reprinting may comply with the rules of the House, reads as follows: REAL INVESTIGATION oF CRIME BY SENATE HAS BEEN BLOCKED BY TRUMAN ADMINISTRATION The radio and newspaper headlines shriek that “The Senate has voted for a crime in- vestigation.” “That’s good,” say the headline readers and those who listen with their ears instead of their minds. But is it good? As far as the Detroit Free Press can see, the Truman administration has blocked any such investigation. Since the latest political murders in Kansas City there has been an ever-growing de- mand for investigation of crime conditions, @ nonpolitical inquiry into the reign of criminal terrorists which is destroying Amer- ican liberties by taking over city and State governments and in Washington is crowding Close to the heart of our Republic itself. By the dirtiest kind of alley fighting be- hind the scenes and by every known trick of forensic sophistry before the people, the Tru- man administration has sought to prevent any such exposures. Let us look at the record. A splendid young man from Tennessee introduced a resolution last January calling for an investigation of the national menace of organized gambling, narcotics traffic, pros- titution, and all the other vices by which the Pendergast gang in Kansas City corrupted governments and grafted millions from the taxpayers. Crime, it is now shown, is a Nation-wide business in the same sense that we have chain groceries and other chain merchandis- ing stores. Charlie Binaggio, a graduate of the Pen- dergast schoal of crime, was the Kansas City agent for this syndicate which merchandizes not only gambling, dope, and prostitution but blackmail, extortion and murder to its favored clientele. Normally, and naturally, the resolution of Senator Kerauver said the investigation should be conducted by the Judiciary Com- mittee, of which he is a member, But so are a man of Michigan and others trained in the investigation of crime. That would never do. When Charlie Binaggio, a professional mur- derer, was slaughtered the Nation stood shocked because of connotative tangencies with the White House. The Truman-controlled Democratic policy committee moved fast. Butcher Charlie, now himself butchered, ‘was on the executive committee which made the arrangements for the big testimonial ban- quet given to Bill Boyle, another Pendergast henchman, who had just been made chair- man of the Democratic National Committee by order of Truman. President Truman attended and made that sacrilegious speech to the effect that his po- tical philosophy was based on the Sermon on the Mount. Gunman Charlie was there to shake hands with the President and to pose for pictures with his old friend Bill Boyle—their arms around each other. No. There must be no legitimate, thorough, and honest investigation. . It was decided then to create a new com- mittee of just five men to do the investi- gating. A3321 The Truman group fought so hard to get this nefarious device put over as an escape mechanism that they got a tie vote, 35 to 35. The Truman forces won the fight by this narrow squeak. The administration will now conduct an investigation of itself. By this trick they have barred some who know all about too many things to have them around asking questions. In the criminal world it does not pay to hhave people around who know too much. They might talk. That is the logical reason for the murder of Gunman Charlie Binaggio. He had pushed Jim Pendergast out of power, As Tom was the Napoleon of the under- world of Kansas City, Nephew Jim was the weak and befuddled Napoleon TJ. He was a pushover for tougher, smarter disciples of Boss Tom—and Butcher Charlie did the pushing. Jim appealed to his friend Truman. A Federal grand jury was called in Kansas City to investigate, what we do not know. The chief witness before that body was Binag- gio. He went to Key West to see Truman and Boyle and to plead for peace. The story is that Truman refused to see him, but that National Chairman Boyle did. No dice. According to the carefully accurate News- week, Boyle, a former Kansas City cop, told Binaggio to “run along back to Kansas City and to make his peace with Jim Pender- gast.” Now it stands to reason that the boss of a machine that (again quoting Newsweek) “contained some of the most notorious mur- derers, bank robbers, arsonists, thieves, and eodlums ever collected in one place—and, moreover, the head of the Kansas City branch of the Chicago Capone Crime Syndicate,” could not go back to Kansas City and plead with Jim Pendergast for mercy. The power and the glory of precinct puis- sance was to go back to pal Jim. How then could Binaggio function even if he had elected the governor and had taken over control of the Kansas City police department? The Federal grand jury moved remorse- lessly. The professional murderer knew that a bell was tolling for him. He announced that he was going to “get out of the racket” and retire to a farm. That was his death knell, Nobody is allowed to retire from the crime syndicate, He might talk. A death decree was issued for Boss Binag- gio by the underworld rulers of the United States. To the residents of Kansas City this is not startling. Since the rise of the first Emperor Pender~ gast, who made the hideously Himmlerian, Johnny Lazia, a fabulous figure as king of the narcotic and prostitution rackets in Kansas City, murder has been considered a minor incident. _ Lazia himself was machine gunned to death by rival gangsters. Binaggio took over the business. When Pendergast and 230 of his lieuten- ants were sent to the penitentiary by the fighting, crusading District Attorney Maurice Milligan, Jim Pendergast assumed the throne but he so loved his bourbon that Binaggio stole from him the royal diadem of iniquity. That reach for power cost the killer his own life. As far as this newspaper can ascertain the Federal grand jury heat was on Binaggio alone. In this there is the inexorability of a Greek tragedy.
A3322 For it was the daring Binaggio who came to the rescue of President Truman when he ordered Congressman Rodger Slaughter purged from the House for daring to disagree with him. It was Binaggio and his most notorious murderers, bank robbers, arscnists, and thieves who stole the election from Slaughter by fraudulent ballots. The Kansas City Star exposed this theft of an election, The evidence was so overwhelming and the public demand for action so vociferous that something had to be done. Some of Binaggio’s best safe crackers were~ ordered to blow up the county vaults and to steal the evidence. Ironically, when this was being done, Mr. Truman was peacefully sleeping in the Presi- dential suite at the Muehlbach Hotel, just five blocks away. Of course, with the evidence stolen, most naturally—and assuredly—nothing could be done about it. Attorney General Tom Clark, who now graces the United States Supreme Court was most plausible about it. But there is a journalistic conscience in Missouri, not only in Kansas City with the Star, but in St. Louis with the courageous, fighting liberalism of Joseph Pulitizer, worthy son of a great sire, in the never ending fight to protect the people’s rights. So, now, every day on the editorial page of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch is this note in black-face type: “THIRTY DAYS ‘ “On the night of May 2'7~28, 1947, a safe In the Kansas City Election Commissioners’: office was blasted and vital evidence in the 1946 Democratic primary vote frauds was stolen. From that day to this, no agency of the law, not even the celebrated FBI, has brought about the arrest of the guilty person or persons. Since the statute of limitation takes effect after 3 years, the FBI has 30 days to solve this outrageous crime against the cornerstone of America democracy—free and honest elections.” Each edition the days grow less—the only change made: 30 days, 29 days, 28 days, 22 days. President Truman as Chief Executive, is the ultimate power, the only absolute au- thority to order such an investigation of a crime in which he was a_ beneficiary. Slaughter was purged. And so the fight against a real investiga- tion rages in Washington. The statute of limitations! What a refuge! Five days, four days, three days—— One sample of practical politics is well evi- denced by another job of shadow boxing in a pretended pursuit of crime. With a great fanfare of publicity a ccen- ference of law enforcers was called at Wash- ington by the Attorney General’s office. Mr, Truman spoke briefly saying that he was against sin and that something ought to be done about it. Mr. McGrath was even more emphatic. Committees were appointed by the group to make studies of what could be done, They are still studying. But what very few noticed was that the conference had very few.career men in the war against crime. They were not invited, not the police experts who have to face the bullets. , Most of those who came were Democratic prosecutors from Democratic counties and attorney generals from Democratic States. ‘And by a happy coincidence they arrived just in time at Washington to pay $100 apiece for tickets to the Jackson Day din- ner. The counties and the State paid their expenses while—we hope—they paid the $100 tribute gouged from them out of their ow pockets. : , And that was the end of that investigation. Attorney General McGrath suggested to the Senate that perhaps a law barring slot machines from being sent across the State lines and preventing interstate wire services from sending out gambling information might be a good thing. With perfect solemnity the lads agreed to make an investigation into these matters and call witnesses. So Frankie Costello and other nationally known gamblers were called in to tell the poor, dear innocent little Senators that there is no way of stopping gambling, that it is something inherent in the human breast— and all that sort of rot. The underworld bosses had a good time for themselves and their mouthpiece colum- nists and press egents dwelling on the utter futility of law enforcement. Fun, no end. But the issue, as every criminologist knows, is not gambling in and of itself. As a representative of the United States told the committee: “If sports can be embargoed from inter- state commerce on the grounds that it is used for gambling, then other categories of news, such as stock-market quotations and even election returns, conceivably could be embargoed on the same grounds.” No news could be transmitted at all under such a law as those who desire to bet will bet on anything. This is the reductio ad absurdum that art- ful politicians and legal loophole seekers love to find and dwell upon to make any efforts at reform appear ridiculous. _ The crime is not gambling per se. The crime is the bribery and the corruption of our police, our law-enforcing bodies, and our courts which make necessary the fraudu- lent elections. Without this unholy alliance between gov~ ernment and criminals, professional gam- bling cannot flourish. That is something that any rookie cop knows. That is why political gangs are organized in our metropolitan areas. To sell out their communities to the gam-~ blers. Once they have sold out, there is no half- way stop. The other vices move in and the city or State bosses exact their graft from prostitu- tion, dope, blackmail, kidnaping, extortion, and, when necessary, cold murder. Murder becomes king, The Pendergast gang went the Mmit in all these things until Kansas City became a stench in the nostrils of the Nation as the wickedest city on the North American con- tinent. And Harry Truman never smelled a thing. As the underworld czars take over com- plete domination of the police and the courts, they are not content. They move into legit- imate businesses, force out the real proprie- tors and reap the illegal profits because people must buy from them—or else. Thus it was that Tom Pendergast amassed millions by having. an absolute monopoly in cement. And throughout prohibition no lquors could be sold by the blind pigs of Kansas City—and they thrived as in mo other com- munity—without first paying Tom Pender- gast a fee of so much a case. When the heroic and personally inno- cent General Grant, as President, found him- self surrounded by corruption, he touched the hearts of all Americans when he said as calmly as he fought at Shiloh: “Let no guilty man escape.” Mr. Truman quotes, instead, the Beati- tudes and reaffirms his faith in the Ten Commandments, As Mr. Truman’s ghost writers can quote Scripture for a purpose, it might be well for APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD them to avoid the seventh chapter from St. Matthew, wherein it is written: “Ye shall know them by their fruits. Do men gather grapes of thorns or figs of this- tles? * * * Every good tree bringith forth good fruit; but a corrupt tree bring- eth forth evil fruit. * * ™* A good tree ‘cannot bring forth evil fruit, neither can a@ corrupt tree bring forth good fruit. * * * “Wherefore by thelr fruits ye shall know them.” : Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE D. O’BRIEN OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. O’BRIEN of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I wish to include the following editorial from the Washington Evening Star of May 5, 1950: FuTURE or RENT CONTROL If national rent control is extended once again after June 30, the extension is apt to follow the lines of a compromise suggested by Representative Spencz, of Kentucky. Un- der his plan, Federal rent control would auto- matically end after 1950—except for those communities that in the meantime took the positive step of asking that it be continued. The compromise seems reasonable and carries a persuasive appeal. That Federal rent control is still very much in the picture is shown by current estimates that some 29,- 000,000 people, living in nearly 4,000 incor- porated cities, towns, and villages, including 63 out of the 92 cities of 100,000 population, are still protected by Federal rent control. Only four States and a relatively small num- ber of towns and cities have chosen to end rent control. Two States have adopted rent control laws of their own, which are super- seding Federal law, But if failure through~ out the country to end rent control indi- cates anything, it would seem to be that con- trol is still needed in many localities. That control, under the Spence plan, could be retained by any city or town that asked for it. The District law, of course, is entlrely sep- arate from the national rent-control law. If Congress ended national rent control by failure to extend it, the same thing might be expected to happen with the local law. But the wiser way of reaching a decision on extending or ending local rent control is to rest that decision on what the facts may show. It would be well if hearings were be~ gun soon on pending House legislation to extend local rent control and every effort made to obtain through testimony an accu-~ rate picture of things as they are. Few cities of the country, if one includes metropolitan areas, have exceeded Wash- ington in the amount of new construction in relation to population. Last year alone 16,889 new units were completed here. Rentals in this new construction are far above those in controlled buildings. Those who favor it argue that control for another year will tend to bring down the rents in new construction; those who want to end con- trol, argue precisely to the contrary, claiming that only when rents in new construction are subject to competition from rents released from control will the level of new construc- tion rentals begin to fall. Nothing is proved one way or the other by such opinions and a congressional hearing could at least obtain pertinent facts on the need for continued control,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD The United Nations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ADOLPH J. SABATH OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saiurday, May 6, 1950 Mr. SABATH. Mr. Speaker, I wish to congratulate the President upon his statement this week wherein he said that there is less danger of war today than any time in the past year. At the same time, I want to congratu- late the Republican adviser to Secretary of State Acheson, Mr. Dulles, on recant- ing his former views, as expressed by Mr. Herbert Hoover. The former Presi- dent, as you know, is urging that the United Nations should be reorganized and thereby weakened. Mr. Hoover and his Republican leaders are following the same unfortunate tactics that they advo- cated in bringing about the defeat of our entry into the League of Nations, which, if our country had entered, and students and men of affairs generally agree, would have precluded our entry into World War II and ‘the curse of Hitlerism would not have been possible. I wish to take this opportunity of con- gratulating the Chicago Sun-Times and its editor for the clear position they have taken in an editorial printed on April 30,1950. I suggest that the entire mem- bership avail themselves of this logical reasoning, which I insert herein. At the same time, I observed an arti- cle in the Chicago Sun-Times under date of April 29, 1950, wherein the League of Women Voters at their national conven- tion, held a few days ago at Atlantic City, N. J., went on record and pledged them- selves to devote their energies in bring- ing about the strengthening of the United Nations in the hope of ultimate world peace. It is very worthy of in- sertion into the Recorp. The editorial and article follow: {From the Cnicsgo oh of April 30, 5 Hoover AGAINST DULLES Two Republicans have come out with plans for revising the United Nations. But aside from party affiliation, John Foster Dulles and Herbert Hoover have little in common. Mr. Dulles, Republican adviser to Secre- tary of State Dean Acheson, wants the So- viet Government and its satellites to stay in the United Nations. Mr. Hoover thinks “the United Nations should be reorganized without the Commu- nist nations in it.” ' Although Mr. Hoover doesn’t desire another military alliance, and says he wants “to re~ deem the concept of the United Nations to the high purpose for which it was created,” we think he’s misguided. Nevertheless, it is quite likely that # great many Americans will think that Mr. Hoover has a good idea. This newspaper feels, on the contrary, that the United Nations still 1s the best place to work at peaceful solutions of international conflicts. If one side is excluded from the organization it inevitably will become a meeting place only of allies. It certainly will develop into an alliance against the ex- cluded Communist states. . In what way could the United Nations then. serve the high purpose for which it was created? . Mr. Dulles thinks the United Nations could serve this purpose better if all the govern- ments in the world were members. He ad= vocates the admission of all effective gov- ernments, including Communist China. He admits this would give Moscow more votes, and even “might end a preponderant voting superiority of the United States.” But he believes that unless the UN becomes & world organization its decisions cannot reflect reality. “If we want to have a world organization,” states Mr. Dulles, “then it should be repre~ sentative of the world as it is.” Mr. Dulles wants a general conference un- der article 109 to review the UN Charter, to agree on universal membership in UN, on limiting the veto power, and on increasing the authority of the General Assembly. He advocates adding weighted voting in the As- sembly, while removing Moscow's present three separate delegations. Mr. Dulles believes: “The present is, by common consent, 2 time of crisis. The world is perilously poised on the brink of disaster. Under that cir- cumstance there is no reason against, but every reason for, holding a world conference at which the concern of all peoples, par- ticularly the small peoples, can be made manifest. * * * “There is much to hope for, and little to fear, from another great world conference called primarily to modernize the United Nations in the Nght of its 5 years’ experience, and to review broadly its basic objectives of peace, justice, human liberty, and regulation of armament.” It is with these things in mind that UN Secretary-General Trygve Lie is planning to visit the Kremlin. He probably won’t get very far. There is no need yet to assume that his mission will fail entirely. There is no meed to assume that all of Mr. Dulles’ (and the administration’s) plans to improve the UN are hopeless. Yet these seem to be the assumptions of Herbert Hoover. Much as Mr. Hoover desires peace, his plan to break up the United Na- tions would make the cold war less cold than it is—possibly even hot, [From the Chicago Sun-Times of April 29, 1950] Women Voters Aporr Wortp Praczk Procram ATLanTIc Ciry.—The League of Women Voters Friday elected Mrs. John G. Lee, of Farmington, Conn., as its first married presi- dent in 30 years. It also adopted a three- point program for world peace. Mrs. Lee succeeds Anna Lord Strauss, of Washington. The elections followed the or- ganization’s adoption of a resolution affirm- .ing its traditional position as champion of civil rights. Others elected unopposed at the closing session of the 5-day national convention here are: Mrs. Bradford L. Patton, 5582 South Shore, former president of the Cook County League of Women Voters, treasurer; Mrs. Robert F. Leonard, Washington, first vice president; Mrs. Malcolm E. Cummings, Pittsburgh, second vice president; and Mrs. Walter Neale, New York, secretary, OUTLINE PROGRAM The league’s program for world peace—on which it will work during the next 2 years— pledged support of these points: 1. Expansion of world trade and interna-~ tional economic development with maximum: use of United Nations agencies: 2,4 continued analysis of the Federal budget in relation to a stable and expanding domestic economy, and support of such fiscal measures as make for a stable and expand- ing economy. 8. Reorganization measures to improve ad- ministrative efficiency in the development and use of natural resources. A332a Curtailment of Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 .Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to in- clude a resolution adopted by the town of Bloomfield, N. J., which is a part of the congressional district which I represent, protesting the recent directive issued by the Postmaster General curtailing the postal service: Whereas the United States Post Office De- partment has announced a curtailment of mail service and deliveries to residences, in- dustries, and commercial establishments in the United States which action, in the opin- ion of the town council of Bloomfield, N. J., seriously affects the convenience and welfare of the Nation; and Whereas the town council of Bloomfield, N. J., is of the opinion that a survey of costs, charges to the public, and operating expenses of the United States Post Office Department should disclose ways and means to continue the present service and schedule of deliveries oO” mail to the residences, industries, and commercial establishments throughout the Nation: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the town council of the town of Bloomfield record its protest to the curtailment of mail service and delivery by the United States Post Office and direct the town clerk to send a copy of this resolution to the United States Senators of New Jersey and to the United States Representative of the Tenth Congressional District, and request each one to record the protest of the town of Bloomfield to such proposed action; and be it further Resolved, That our Senators and Repre- sentatives be requested to initiate such study or survey as shall seem desirable as expedient to forestall such proposed curtailment of postal service and deliveries. I hereby certify the foregoing to be a true and correct copy of resolution adopted by the Bloomfield town council at its meeting held May 1, 1950. J. Cory Jonnson, Town Clerk. Save the Merchant Marine Academy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. L. MENDEL RIVERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Ap- pendix of the Recorp, I include herewith a letter from my dear friend from Charleston, S, C., the Honorable Edward I. Condon, an alumnus of the Merchant Marine Academy at King’s Point, N. Y. Mr. Condon is qualified to speak for the great advantages afforded the youth of our country as well as the security to the Nation the training at Kings Point af- fords Americans. In addition, I also include a letter un- der date of April 25 addressed to my sec- retary, Mr. Shuman, on the same subject
A3324 from Mr. Wheatley N. Hemmick, Jr., ex- ecutive vice president of the Alumni As- sociation of the United States Merchant Marine Cadet Corps. I am thoroughly in accord with what these gentlemen have to say about the Merchant Marine Academy. Once Amer- ica’s merchant marine is swept from the seas, she will never regain it. Mr. Speaker, 1t is later than we think. The letters follow: Jas F. Connon & Sons DEPARTMENT STORE, Charleston, S. C., Marel. 31, 1950. Hon. L. MENDEL Rivers, House Office Building, Washington, D. C. DeEaR CONGRESSMAN Rivers: On receiving news from my Alumni Association of the United States Merchant Marine Academy, I am informed that you people in Washington are gradually closing up the Academy at King’s Point, N. ¥., by cutting appropriations ever so often. Losing our National Academy means a step down in our present-day merchant marine, and life line of defense. The city of Charleston should thrive on our merchant marine, and is gradually working toward that point, but if the Academy is closed, it will hurt Charleston. I am asking you to vote to amend H. R. 7786, to read “that funds be specifically ear- marked for the purpose of covering the in~ cidental expenses of the cadet-midshipmen, and that the cadet-midshipmen at the United States Merchant Marine Academy be given an allotment equivalent to that given cadets and midshipmen at the other Federal Academies.” With kind regards, I remain, Yours truly, Epwarp I, Connon, ALUMNI ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED MERCHANT MARINE CADET CORPS, New York, N.Y., April 25, 1950. Mr. DELAcY SHuMmaN, Secretary, Committee on Armed Services, House Office Building, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. SHUMaN: I have been informed by Mr. Edward Condon of Charleston, S. C., that in reply to correspondence relative to the appropriations for the United States Merchant Marine Academy, you were ad- vised by the Appropriations Committee and Admiral Knight, chief, Bureau of Maritime Services that, although the $65 monthly al- lotment is being discontinued the allotment of $200 which is to provide in kind for uni- forms and textbooks, will be substituted and that everything else is provided for. This js not true. I would refer to the bulletin enclosed in which-we outlined the actual expenses of the cadet-midshipmen and in which it is evident that either of these items listed will have to be eliminated or will have to be met by the families of the cadet-mid- shipmen. Also I would like to point out that the percentage of graduates who received ap- pointments in the merchant marine is, I feel, rather good. Of the last graduating class, June 1949, 80 percent were actually aboard American-flag vessels by October of 1949. The steamship companies in a recent survey by Professor Seward of Yale University in- dicated a need for 285 graduates in the United States Merchant Marine Academy in the present year 1950. This June the acad- emy will graduate 232 cadet-midshipmen. I believe that Admiral Knight has been forced into a position where he must ac- cept the Bureau of the Budget’s recommen- dation concerning the allowances for the cadet-midshipmen and that he has at- tempted to support this recommendation as far as possible. + With regard to the advice given you that the difference in pay for the merchant ma- rine cadets and the cadets at West Point and Annapolis is due to the fact that mer- chant marine cadets are not required to enter Government service upon the com~ pletion of their training while the cadets from Annapolis and West Point must enter a period of active service upon completion of their schooling, I would lke to bring your attention to the notarized statement which each cadet-midshipman must sign be- fore admittance to the Academy in which he swears to serve in the United States Navy if so desired for a period of at least 2 years after graduation. The latter part of this week I will be in Washington and would like to further discuss this matter with you and Congressman RIvERs. I believe that if the appropriation act is passed in the House as 1t now stands it will ultimately mean the defeat of the en- tire concept of maritime training and the eventual closing of the United States Mer~ chant Marine Academy. Sincerely yours, WHEATLEY M. Hemmick, Jr., Executive Vice President. Our China Policy—What Went Wrong? EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. HENRY M. JACKSON OF WASHINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. JACKSON of Washington. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my re- marks, I am inserting in the Rrcorp an article by Mr. W. K. Kelsey that ap- peared recently in the Detroit News, en- titled “Our China Policy—What Went Wrong?” The record of what went on in China in the confused postwar years is a long and complex one. I think that this ar- ticle serves as a very useful, brief review of that record. It follows: Ovr CHINA PoLicy—-WuHat WEnT WRronc? (By W. K. Kelsey) Undoubtedly mainland China is in the hands of the Chinese Communists. Therefore, say many Americans, we have been defeated in China. The question then arises, where did our Chinese policy begin to go wrong? What should the Government have done that it failed to do? What did it do to help bring about the Communist triumph? A study of the history of China from the defeat of Japan to the present time has yielded this writer little light on these mat- ters. Some Senator may know the answers; if so, it would be good to have his analysis. At the end of the war, China’s economy was pretty well ruined. Industry was at a standstill; the currency had gone to pot; large sections of the people were without food. Relief and reconstruction were ur- gently indicated, and were undertaken by both the United Nations and the United States. Our political policy at that time was to try to achieve the unity of China. Gen. Pat- rick J. Hurley worked to bring it about, but he said his attempts were being sabotaged by the State Department. In December 1945 President Truman an- nounced that our policy was to bring about a cessation of hostilities between the Nation- alist troops and the Communists, who had skillfully fought the Japanese in the north, and to arrange for a national conference of. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD representatives of all major political elements in China to seek unification. For these purposes the President sent Gen. George C. Marshall to China. Our marines remained in the country to look to the dis- armament and evacuation of Japanese. Anything wrong, so far? GENERAL MARSHALL IN CHINA General Marshall went to China after a conference of representatives of Britain, Russia, and the United States in Moscow had agreed on the need for a united and demo- cratic China under the National Govern- ment, for broad participation by democratic elements in all branches of the National Gov- ernment, and for a cessation of civil strife. Such was the program General Marshall tried to implement. He remained in China a year, and got nowhere. There were innumerable conferences with Gen. Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang, with the Communists, and with both parties to- gether. But much of General Marshall’s time was spent in trying to bring about a truce between Nationalist and Communist armies, between whom fights broke out in many sectors, on various grounds. The fact seems to be that neither side was willing to give up any territory which it occupied until @ political settlement had been reached. But it was impossible to secure a political settlement as long as the armies were dis- puting. The Communists persisted in demanding that there be no merger of the two armies under a single government until a political compromise had determined the nature of the government. The Nationalists held that until the armies had come under a single command, it was useless to talk about for- mation of a national government. Meanwhile the Communists were protest- ing against the presence of our marines in China, insisting that they were aiding the Nationalists side in protecting the movement of Nationalist occupying troops: into Man- churia and seeing that, as the Russians moved out, Nationalist soldiers replaced them even in territory claimed by the Commu- nists. In November 1946, we signed a treaty of friendship and commerce with the Nation- alist government. In December, President Truman reiterated American policy to aid the Chinese people in achieving peace and economic recovery under the Nationalist re- gime. Anything wrong so far? In November 1946, a national assembly convened at Nanking to work out a con~ stitution for China. The Communists boy- cotted it. On December 25, the assembly adopted the constitution. The Communists refused to recognize it. On January 8, 1947, General Marshall . packed his hags and started home, after as- serting that the salvation of China “would be the assumption of leadership by the lib- erals in the Government and in the minority parties,” and blaming extremists in both camps for thwarting his efforts to restore peace, By summer the war had been resumed on a wide scale, Nationalist troops winning some important victories, In July, President Truman sent Gen. Al- bert C. Wedemeyer to China to study the situation. After a month’s stay he reported the need of drastic, far-reaching political and economic reforms in the Government. It was announced that from VJ-day. to July 15, 1947, China ‘had received $561,000,- 000 in delivered aid from the United States. This did not include the $20,000,000 in cul- tural aid voted by Congress that year, nor the 22 naval vessels handed over as gifts, in 1948. And in that year Congress provided for an additional $463,000,000 for Chinese aid, and it was estimated that $63,000,000 worth of fighting equipment had been given the Nationalist armies,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Nevertheless, throughout 1948 the Na- tionalists continued to lose battles and cities, and whenever an army or a city surrendered, the Communists availed them- selves of captured arms—including Ameri- can weapons. Anything wrong with our Chinese policy so far? WHERE DID OUR POLICY FAIL? It may be charged that in the civil war which was resumed after General Marshall had washed his hands of China, we might have given Chiang Kai-shek more military aid. But it is doubtful if Congress would have been willing. At the end of the war with Japan, China had a large army trained by American officers and provided with American arms to fight the Japs. What became of it? What became of the arms and supphes fur~ nished out of surplus war stores? Some of them certainly fell into Communist hands. By the end of 1948 our choice lay appar- ently between spending more hundreds of millions for aid to the incompetent leaders of Chiang’s armies, or sending armies of our own into China to carry on effective war against the Communists. Such interven-~ tion could not be seriously considered. It would have been a provocation to Russia to intervene on the other side, and it might thus have been the cause of an- other general war. . There was not in that year, and there has not been since, opinion in this country in favor of either vast expenditures to bolster the Nationalists, or armed intervention in their behalf. Where, then, did our Chinese policy go wrong? At what stage should it have been changed, and how? It seems to this writer that the critics of our policy, to be con- sistent, must make a showing on these points. Agriculture Yearbooks EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. W. R. POAGE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. POAGE. Mr. Speaker, the follow- ing information about the Yearbook of Agriculture is provided by the yearbook editor in response to requests from Mem- bers of the Congress. In accordance with Public Law 146, Eighty-first Congress, no yearbook will be published in 1950. That law—an act making appropriations for the Depart- ment of Agriculture for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1950, and for other pur- poses—provided: For reprinting [in 1950] the 1948 Depart- ment of Agriculture Yearbook, Grass, for the use of the Senate and the House of Repre- sentatives, respectively, in the ratio of 110,- 000 to 360,000 copies (of which not to ex- ceed $156,674 shall be available for the year- book reprint for such use). Thus, 179,667 copies of Grass were re- printed in April 1950 for congressional distribution—425 copies for each Member of the Senate and 312 copies for each Member of the House. No copies were provided for the Department of Agricul- ure. During the 1949 hearings, before the subcommittee of the Committee on Ap- propriations, House of Representatives— XKOVI—App.——210 any showing of public” part I, pages 255-258—the following were some of the points brought out: Members of the Congress do not have enough copies of the yearbook to get : them into the hands of the farmers they should reach. Rising printing costs—in 1949—necessitated last-minute changes in number of pages and material just be- fore publication. A decrease in the 1948 appropriation necessitated a reduction in the yearbook staff, which now com- prises the editor and a typist. It is not expected that a new yearbook can now be put out every 12 months. Every ef- fort is made by the editor to make the yearbooks readable and understandable by the layman and the average practical farmer. Work is in progress on the next year- book. Most of the manuscript should be ready for the Government Printing Office by July and, based on previous experience, 8 to 10 months would be re- quired for printing and binding. That volume will be devoted to the utilization, processing, new uses, byprod- ucts, residues, and marketing of farm products, notably those in oversupply. Nearly all farm crops are discussed— among them fruits, vegetables, corn, oats, wheat, peanuts, wood, cotton, to- bacco, sugarcane, sugar beets, starch, potatoes, sweetpotatoes, citrus, honey, maple, rice, soybeans, rubber, sorghum, wool, feathers, fats and oils, cottonseed, eggs, meat, milk, and other dairy prod- ucts, hides, naval stores. Among the processes considered are antibiotics, enzymes, fermentation acids, alcohol, waste byproducts, freezing and dehydration, locker plants, handling of fibers, and many more. Numerous ex- amples are drawn from the work at State experiment stations, industrial labora- tories, the four regional research labor- atories, and other Government agen- cies. The tools of research—biology, chemistry, physics, and other tech- niques—are explained, to exemplify the possibilities of further food and non- food uses of the products of American farms. The volume is written for the nonscientific reader. The goal is to produce a volume of practical use and interest to a large seg- ment of United States citizens—farmers, who have an interest in what happens to their products after leaving the farm and who will use the information for planning future operations; industrial- ists, who will find many details on the processing techniques and gain informa- ‘tion on laboratory discoveries that bear on their fields; housewives, who will get information on such subjects as bread, nutritive values of foods, detergents and soaps, natural and synthetic fibers, pres- ervation of food; high school and col- lege students; and the general citizen, for whom is given a survey of important scientific developments that touch his life in many ways. ’ Great interest has been shown in the recent yearbooks, as shown in sales figures of the Superintendent of Docu- ments—which are in addition to ap- proximately 234,000 copies distributed by Members of the Congress: 1948-47, Science in Farming...-.... 238, 000 1948, Grass... = 28,473 1949, Trees... eee. oe et ree on 25, 007 A3325 In addition, the Superintendent of Documents has contracted recently for the additional printing, for sale, of 10,000 copies of Science in Farming and 20,000 copies of Trees. Four thousand of those copies of Trees have been ordered and paid for and are included in the sales figure above. For comparison, 8,946 copies, 10,852 copies, and 15,028 copies were sold of the 1936, 1938, and 1941 yearbooks, respec- tively. Several factors determine the selection of a yearbook subject—evidences of in- terest and need on the part of farmers, Congressmen, and the general public; the amount of printed matter available elsewhere on the subject; and the avail- ability of writers and material in the scheduled time. The yearbook is a congressional docu- ment, issued under an organic law of 1894. Because of the time needed to plan, write, organize, edit, and print the year- book, three volumes are in the mill at one time—one is in active production, one is in the stage of writing, and one is in the preliminary stage of discussion and outlining. Rent Control EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Saturday, May 6, 1950 Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, indica- live of the need for continued Federal rent control: and orderly decontrol is a survey released by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. It has been found, accord- ing to the figures from the Bureau, that premature decontrol in six large cities resulted in soaring rents and greater hardship on renters. While every city bas had the right to end controls since April 1, 1949, of 90 cities having a 1940 population of 100,000, only 8 had exer- cised that right. My colleague from New Jersey, Con- gressman Hucu J. ApDONIzIo, a member of the Banking and Currency Commit- tee and well informed on the subject of rent control, has stated: “That I am convinced of the need for continuing a law which provides for orderly decon- trol at the right time,” citing the hous- ing shortage in his district as a basis for the need. Congressman ADDONIZIO’s Gistrict, which takes in a good portion of Newark, adjoins the district which ITrepresent. I concur with my able col- league in urging that immediate consid- eration be given this very pressing prob- lem. A gradual and orderly process of decontrol which will not work hardship on veterans and others who have al- ready suffered hardship from the hous- ing shortage is undoubtedly the most equitable, the fairest, and the most pru- dent course to pursue. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I wish to include herein the following. pertinent editorial which