APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD selves, will we be able to preserve in fact all of our cherished liberties and rights as individuals. There are many other reasons which have been ably presented in support of an amendment to the Constitution to limit the tenure of the office of the President which commend themselves to our American way, but none is more important than a clear recognition of the need for safeguarding, at all times, the rights of the people to liberty and independence, United States Press Criticizes Work of Sugar Pool EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROY 0. WOODRUFF OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 30, 1947 Mr. WOODRUFF. Mr. Speaker, under leave granted to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following arti- cle from Sugar Facts, published at Chatham, Ontario, of January 15, 1947: UNITED STATES PRESS CRITICIZES WORK OF SUGAR POOL—EDITORIAL COMMENT SUPPORTS REPRE- BENTATIVE WOODRUFF’S CHARGE UNITED STATES CONTRIBUTING MORE THAN FAIR SHARE— CANADA ATTACKED AS ONE GIVING LESS A letter forwarded to Hon. THomas A. Jenxins, chairman of the Republican Con- gressional Food Study Committee, with re- spect to the sugar situation has occasioned a flood of editorial comment throughout the United States. Author of the letter, Repre- sentative Roy O. Wooprurr (Republican), of Michigan, wrote in part: “With our beet- sugar production up and Cuba’s production up, one may well ask why our sugar bowls are empty and why so much fruit and vege- tables cannot be canned for lack of sugar. The answer is found in the program carried out by the Combined Food Board, which has lately been expanded into the International Emergency Food Commission. The Com- bined Food Board was composed of the United States, Great Britain, and Canada. The United States and its offshore terri- tories make the greatest contribution to the Pool, as they furnish over 60 percent of the sugar consumed in this country in addition to sharing with other nations the 3,768,000 tons which the United States bought from Cuba. In short, United States consumers get only 2,125,000 tons from Cuba, and the remaining 1,643,000 tons are distributed to other nations by the Commission. By come- parison, Britain will provide less than 80 percent of her sugar consumption, whereas Canada will produce only 18 percent of its sugar needs. “Sugar rationing continues in the United States with promise of only a microscopic increase in allowances, yet Canada recently declared a sugar dividend of three extra pounds per person to her household con- sumers. This dividend has been reported in the press as being justified by increased sup- plies of sugar. Oanada is producing only 65 Percent of its beet-sugar plant capacity, with the largest beet-sugar plant in Ontario standing idle for the past 5 years.” Mr, Wooprurr’s letter goes on to quote J. H. Blackmore, MP, who told the Cana- dian House of Commons, “I am utterly amazed at the indifference which prevails in XCITI—App.——-31 this House and in the Dominion of Canada with respect to the sugar supply.” “It is obvious,” wrote Mr. Wooprurr, “that the administration in Washington has sim- ply stood on the sidelines and let the Amer- ican producers and consumers carry the load for other nations.” The press of the United States sprang eagerly to Mr. Woonrurr’s cause. The Tri- County Banner, of Blanchard, Mich., ran his letter under a page 1 headline, “Bureau- crates cause of sugar shortage, claims Woop- rnurr.” The Bay City Times editorialized “He deserves the gratitude of the public for atarting the ball rolling.” The Detroit Sun- day Times, reporting a speech by James Ver- nor, ginger-ale tycoon, headed the story, “United States sugar shortage laid to New Deal plan.” The same paper, in another story, reports “In Washington, stacks of let- ters from outraged housewives, denouncing the sugar shortage and demanding relief, are being exhibited by Congressmen.” The Los Angeles Examiner ran a banner headline, “Housewives’ sugar fight urged,” with a page 1 box, ‘Want more sweets? Tell Congressman.” The Detroit Times of De- cember 24 cried plaintively, “Europe got [our] Yule sugar.” Senator Brincrs, Republican, from New Hampshire, warned Secretary of Agriculture Anderson to supply sugar, declaring that while Anderson is prepared to ask only 9 pounds more sugar per person in 1947, sugar industry experts have produced figures show- ing that were Americans to get their right- ful share they would have 19 pounds more sugar per person than in 1946. The Detroit Free Press quoted Chairman JENKINS, of the Republican Food Study Com- mission, as saying, “The American housewife has suffered more than her share of the war- time sugar shortage as compared with the industrial user of sugar * * °* any in- crease in the ration for 1947 beyond the 20 percent extra already recommended should go directly to individual housewives.” (The 20-percent increases suggested by JENKINS are double the amount of increase considered likely for 1947 by the Department of Agri- culture.) The Daily Sugar Trade Journal, in the December 8 issue, quotes J. G. Diefenbaker's address to the Progressive-Conservative Busi- nessmen of Toronto under the head ‘Assails Ottawa for shortage of butter and sugar.” Mr. Diefenbaker claimed, “More sugar would increase the ration, but the Government's attitude on controls shows that greater pro- duction is the lesser aim. Control for con- trol's sake is paramount.” “When it becomes generally Known in the United States that the Ottawa Government is not now (even after the war) and has not for some years, worked to produce as much sugar as it could, our position in the three- way partnership will be uncomfortable. As hitchhikers we may be asked to get out and walk.” Lincoln Day Address of Mabel S. Fraser EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAYMOND S. SPRINGER OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. SPRINGER. Mr. Speaker, re- eently, on February 6, Mabel S. Fraser, of Indiana, delivered a very fine address before the annual Lincoln Day banquet, held at the Statler Hotel, in Washing- A481 ton. Mabel S. Fraser is the vice chair- man of the Republican Central Com- mittee of Indiana, as well as vice chair- man of that committee in the Second Congressional District of Indiana. Her speech was well rcceived by the large audience present at that meeting. Under leave, Mr. Speaker, to extend my own remarks in the ReEcorp, I in- clude therewith the address delivered at the annual Lincoln Day dinner, in Washington, by Mabel S. Fraser, which follows: Mr. Chairman, Speaker Martin, Governor Green, distinguished guests, Republican friends, it is a profound pleasure to be here with you. It is a flattering honor—almost an overwhelming one—to be privileged to address this fine audience. We have met to rekindle our memory of a great man and the things for which he stood. With humble sincerity not unlike his own, we feel it “fitting and proper that we do this.” Of Abraham Lincoln, Elbert Hubbard wrote: “Lincoln sought to lose himself among the people. And to the people at length he gave his time, his talents, his love, and his life. The memory of his gentleness, his patience, his firm faith. Is the priceless heritage of a United land.” Tonight, as Americans rededicating our- selves to the precepts of an immortal leader, and as proud partisans concerned with the principles of our first republican President, we might well give more than passing re- flection to his one tenet—firm faith. Throughout this universe of ours, faith is on trial. Disillusioned millions, spread across & war-ravaged earth, must rediscover in their hearts, their daily Hving, and their institutions, a faith that will consolidate all mankind in its pursuit of peace, security, and plenty. : You and I, from childhood onward, have come to know Abraham Lincoln. For us the episodes of his life pass by In a familiar re- collection: The poor-born boy, the hard- worked youth, the struggling lawyer, the country politician. Thence the Springfield legislator, the respected debater, and finally for him, the call to the highest public office within the gift of his people. After that, the long cruel test of statesmanship against the passions of a dividing people; his fine resolv- ed and final success in keeping this nation one and indivisible, and then so tragically, his death at the point of a madman’s pistol. To review that career, with an exactitude of date and detail, would but consume your time. I could as profitably set out to con- vince you that the Christian is a good reli- gion. Rather than lean backward then to examine Lincoln, the man, might we not better reach out in quest of Lincoln, the spirit? What, in simple analysis, could have en- dowed this very human being with prin- ciples so noble, humility so deep, and char- acter so rugged that in far corners of the earth, freemen engrave his image upon their temples of liberty? And what, further, did this first and great- est of all Republicans leave behind to serve the faithful of our generation as an inspira- tion and a sacred trust? It has been the finding of persons more scholarly than I that from earliest days of cornfield speaking, through the hour he slipped away into death, Abraham Lincoln held fast to a twofold faith. In those dark- est days at the White House, when this Na- tion was rent apart by war, Lincoln never faltered in that faith. Through pain, an- guish, and mental distress, he sought in prayer and by act to save the two of his
A482 firm faith—the American people, and the Constitution, Even in the awful hour when bloodshed could no longer be averted or postponed, he stood steadfast. “Others,” he reasoned, “are bent upon the destruction of the Constitution, but I, be- fore God, have taken a solemn oath to pre- serve and protect it.” For us, as for him, our firm faith must dwell in the people and their Constitution. We today remain his people, and we—thank God—remain a Republic under that Consti- tution. Today, of course, our numbers are greatly multiplied, our interests more diversified, and our economic life more complicated than Lincoln could have foreseen. But through all the difficulties that beset us, we can and must stand as Lincoln stood—witb supreme faith in the people—all our people, and with a firm regard for that treasured instrument of justice which guarantees orderly gov- ernment by law rather than rule by whim. We are experiencing a happy but serious interval of history when the star of republi- canism is ascending the political heavens, That star—if we keep faith—will wend its way higher and higher until it shines majes- tically—not only a beacon guide for the wel- fare of this land, but as well for all lands where men are striving to revive freedom and opportunity for the masses. I am not going to take you back 14 years. The going, even in reminiscence, would not be to your liking. But I shall dare assert that an era has ended, and I am going to point out that the era ended because the people ended it. Through the ballot box this past November, the American people—labor, capital, farmer, merchant, veteran, and housewife—spoke their mind. They spoke, too, with such clarity, courage, and volume that there can be no misjudging their senti- ments or misrepresenting their will. They called upon this party of Lincoln’s for a change—not just the unscrambling of countless errors, but—and this is more im- portant—a drastic, unmistakable change of Government attitude and Government spirit. They, to be sure, did not ask to go back to anything but they demanded the right to march forward with more honesty, more self- respect, and more individual freedom. In these crucial days, not only of Ameri- ca's destiny, but, indeed, the destiny of civ- flized mankind—here in this, still the strong- est and richest of nations, the Republican Party has been given a brief 2-year recall to prove its mettle. Already, however, in many scattered capitals—courthouses, statehouses, and this—your Washington—the forces of common sense, sanity, and simple honesty in public affairs are in motion, They are weaving together into a pattern of respon- sive and responsible government the long- neglected fibers of state thrift, public econe omy, and sound Americanism, Less than 2 years hence, when the Ameri- can people have tested this handiwork and found it good, they will seal their vote of confidence by sweeping into the White House & man worthy of Lincoln and his faith—a vigorous, forthright Republican. In political terminology, this is an off year. But those of us residing beyond this city know that from this moment until the first Tuesday after the first Monday of No- vember 1948 real Republicans will take no time off. Whether citizens or officeholders, we realize that in a mere 2 years we must redecm all that was bent and broken in 14 of them. Our highest party leadership is here in Washington, To those now working over- time on Capitol Hill, to make the record of the Eightieth Congress an outstanding one, I can say this: Squarely behind you, in patriotic support of your arduous toil, are the dominant mil- lions of plain, clear-minded Americans. They share with you a vivid realization of the monumental labors you face. They have complete confidence in your ultimate success. From Lincoln we have learned that, as Re- publicans, we must maintain a lasting faith in our people and our Constitution. From him, too, we know our final trust is to stand by our American way of life. That way, in essence, is free enterprise. To me—and I feel sure, to millions of like sta’ us—our American system of free enterprise means & maximum of social and economic opportunity for everyone. To us there is little glamour in a syn- thetic, stratified economy, whether Com- munist or Fascist. To us the one system that through all history has produced the greatest abundance for the greatest number is that by which this party traditionally stands—the American system of free com- petitive enterprise, under it, not only may every man do the most for his own good, but every man is challenged to do his utmost for the common good. In the art and science of government, there is something greater than the oppor- tunism of the moment. It is a quality of devotion to fundamental principles and moral honesty that is above immediate ad- vantage. Lincoln could have been Senator, if, in his debates with Douglas, he had been willing to compromise—compromise what he sincerely believed was for the good of the country. Yes; he could have been Senator, but he never would have been President. That, in itself, is a testament of the “ulti- mate justice of the people.” If we have faith in that justice, we shall have the courage to join Lincoln in saying: “Let us have faith that right makes might; and in that faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it.” If we would understand our duty, we have only to recall] his words: “What constitutes the bulwark of our liberty and independ- ence? It is not our frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our Army and Navy. These are not our reliance against tyranny. All of these may be turned against us with- out making us weaker for the struggle. Our reliance is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us.” And if we follow in his footsteps, and are guided by his great spirit, we cannot go wrong in this hour of our testing. The task is oure—to rebuild America, for Americans, in the American way. To that task, let us humbly dedicate ourselves as Lincoln prescribed in times much like these: “With malice toward none, with charity for all; with firmness in the right as God gives ‘us to see the right, let us strive to finish the work we are in: To bind up the Nation's wounds; to care for him who has borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan; to do all which may achieve a just and last- ing peace among ourselves and with all nations.” On a wall not far from this place, seen and remembered by endless thousands, are words as imperishable as the man for whom they were conceived: “Here, as in the hearts of his countrymen, for whom he saved the Union, the memory of Abraham Lincoln is enshrined forever.” When we depart from these walls, may all of us, great and small, high or humble, carry away within our hearts those of Lincoln's principles entrusted to our keeping. In the American people, in the American Constitution, in the American system of lberty and free enterprise, we pledge our faith, now and forever, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Nation Within a Nation EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOMER D. ANGELL OF OREGON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. ANGELL. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I include the following editorial from the Oregonian of February 4, 1947: NATION WITHIN A NATION (By Philip H. Parrish) Our party of a dozen editors, touring Ger- many in October, found American and Brit- ish officials in the midst of negotiations for economic merger of the American and British gones of occupation. Those negotiations were completed after our return, and the merger became effective on January 1. It has now been operative for a month. Little could be expected in that brief time, particularly in view of the severity of the winter in the Rhine Valley. It has been difficult to move even absolute necessities. Such rivers as the Neckar and the Main have been frozen, and the railroads, possessing only some 30 percent of prewar rolling stock, have had difficulty in handling the absolute essentials, However, we all should watch this experi- ment with the deepest interest during the coming months, and the coming year or two. if it continues during that period. The situation rises from the fact that though, under the Potsdam agreement, the powers expressed the intention of treating Germany as an economic unit, they have not done so. The conquered enemy was sliced into four parts for occupation purposes, and the four zones began operating in what amounted to economic opposition to one an- other. Russia got the east, including the Silesian basin; Britain drew the northwest, including tht vital Ruhr; France claimed de- tached areas on her side of the Rhine, includ- ing the very important Saar; the United States fell heir to that part of the south not held by France, including the scenic Bavarian Alps. Then it developed that France desired this division to continue. France could not bear the thought of a reunited Germany, fearing resurgence of Germany as a military force on the one hand and enjoying exploita- tion of the Rhine provinces on the other hand. Meanwhile Russia was operating mys- teriously behind the iron curtain in the east, apparently stripping German industry; so Russia strung along with the French, at least for the time, in support of German fragmen- tation. That let only the United States and Britain immediately interested in carrying out the provisions of the Potsdam Agreement. The position of the United States proved, upon analysis, to be especially difficult and costly. Our German zone is rich in agriculture and forestry and has considerable in the way of industry, but lacks the raw materials for much of that industry. The British also were in an unfavorable situation. Their highly industrialized area contains about one-third more people than ours, with a much lower per capita food production. So the British, in spite of their hunger at home, have had to ship to their occupied zone in Germany a much greater amount of food than the United States has had to ship to its area. The result was that the United States and Britain decided that since Russia and France would not cooperate, the next best thing was
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD cooperation between themselves. Why not unite the great industrial capacity of the British zone with the agriculture, forestry, and factory capacity of the American zone? They mulled this over and decided upon it. Now, the question is, What can we expect from it? According to an analysis released recently by Brig. Gen. William H. Draper, Director of the Economic Division of the Office of Mili- tary Government for Germany (in private life a@ distinguished New York banker and cer- tainly one of the most impressive officials met on our trip), the United States has been spending €200,000,000 a year in our zone just to keep our German charges alive, and with- out any prospect of escaping from that finan- cial burden short of an arrangement by which the Germans could export enough to pay for their imports of food and materials. He ho!ds the economic merger with the British zone to be such an arrangement. During the first year—the present one—we will have to spend an additional 6130,000,000 in order to take care of our share of the feeding problem in the more thickly populated British zone. But during that time we will be receiving raw materials to an equal amount from the British zone, particularly Ruhr coal, and will be sharing in that zone's industrial capacity. The theory is that within 3 years the capacity of the merged areas will result in exports sufficient to enable the Germans to pay for their own imports of food and raw materials for manufacture. Thus, by taking on an additional expendi- ture of $130,000,000 this year, and a lesser amount next year, the United States may avoid any expenditures at all beyond that. All this, clearly, will have a part in nego- tiations over the German peace treaty. We observe that even during the past few weeks the Russians, French, Belgians, and others have been coming forward with various placating suggestions. We have no doubt that these suggestions have been hastened, and forced into the open, by the American- British merger. That merger holds out defi- nite possibilities of success, and the states which have been in opposition arc compelled to reorganize their approach to the German problem accordingly. For one thing, Amer- ica's attitude toward its responsibilities in Europe would be far different if no appre- ciable drain upon American resources was involved. So with Britain. In fact, a work- able and balanced state, stretching from Austria to the North Sea, would alter the entire basis of bargaining so far as the re- organization of the continent is concerned. He’s My Friend EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. CHARLES B. HOEVEN OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. HOEVEN. Mr. Speaker, Kath- eryn Launtz, one of the editors of the Washta Journal, published at Washta, Iowa, in my congressional district, in her weekly column called Kitty’s Korner, has long delighted her readers with her original poems and editorial comments. Just recently there appeared in her col- umn a short poem about friends, which I include herewith as part of my remarks. We all have friends but ofttimes so little appreciate them. We take them as & matter of fact. The poem follows: HE’s MY FRIEND He may be six kinds of a liar, He may be ten kinds of a fool: And also he may be a wicked high filer, Beyond any reason or rule. There may be a shadow above him Of ruin, and woes that impend, And I may not respect, but I like him. Because? Well, because he's my friend. I know he has faults by the millions, But his faults are a portion of him; I know that his record's vermilion— He's far from a sweet seraphim. But he’s been straight with yours truly, Ready to give or to lend, And if he is wild and unruly, I like him because he’s my friend. I knock him, I know, but I do 50 The same to his face or away. And if others knock they're soon sorry And wish they’d had nothing to say. I never make diagrams of him, No maps of his soul have I penned; I don’t analyze, I just love him, Because? Well, he’s my friend. Return Our Government to the People EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. GEORGE B. SCHWABE OF O:c:LAHOMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. SCHWABE of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I have read many articles and received many letters from people who are interested in seeing a return to the States and political subdivisions of the several States of the prerogatives, pow- ers, and activities that were either bor- rowed or surreptitiously taken from them during the war, under the guise of being justified by some emergency or other. This was sometimes accomplished by bait in the form of promises dangled be- fore the people. In some instances, it was nothing less than bribery. It was part and parcel of the scheme of planned economy of the New Deal, and was obvi- ously designed to wrest from the people their right to local self-government, and permit an assumption of authority by the Federal Government to regiment and control the people and their economy. This program has grown to such pro- portions that today we witness the hor- rible spectacle, in peacetime, of the peo- ple being harassed on all sides by bu- reaucrats and of being forced to obtain permits before they can embark upon, enter, or operate almost any line of busi- ness. The people are seriously fearful that, if they do not do thus and so, the assist- ance or Federal money to be matched with State funds will be withheld from the States or local subdivisions. The people are led to believe that it is neces- sary for their activities to be planned by some bureau or group of bureaucrats, all of whom are appointed directly or indi- ectly by the President. They are told A483 that we need uniformity of legislation in the various States, and that it takes the Federal Government, through its bureau- crats, to tell us how these uniformities may be accomplished. The people are taxed for all of this, and what is worse, they are taxed to be propagandized by the bureaucrats. They are taxed to be told that they can or cannot do this, that or the other, which formerly was a matter of their own volition and decision. They are taxed to have some bureaucrat tell them how to conduct their own business, whereas our history plainly shows we prospered under a system of free en- terprise. This condition has reached alarming proportions. We are just now beginning in Congress, to look in upon and take in- ventory of what has happened during the past 14 years. We are just now begin- ning to see how serious is the situation. The people are just beginning to awaken to a realization of the fact that our form of Government is in jeopardy, and that these socialistic, and in many instances communistic, or at least Communist- approved, programs, are wholly un- American. They do not fit our traditions. On the contrary, they belong to, and came from, governments where the worst forms of dictatorship have prevailed. Another matter that should be prought to the attention of the people back home is that Uncle Sam is financially embar- rassed, while many of the States and local governments are in good financial condition. They are much better able to handle their own business, without the interference of Federal bureaucrats, and to pay for their projects without Federal governmental interference, than they were during the days of depression and war. It was always bad in principle. But the bribery worked, and the people yielded, temporarily. They did not think it was to be a permanent arrange- ment. The trouble with any form of bureaucracy is that, once it gets a stranglehold upon the people, it is almost impossible for the people to extricate themselves from its control. Insidious and plausible plans and schemes were devised, all sorts of benefits were promised, and Federal funds were offered, if only the bureaucrats were permitted to make suggestions, outline programs, and direct the activities of our people. Many of these bureaus have mush- roomed and grown to alarming propor- tions. All of this is brought to the fore in a letter from the Governor of the great State of Indiana dated February 6, 1947, addressed to the Senators and Repre- sentatives in Congress from Indiana and all other States, which I quote as follows: Strate or INDIANA, OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR, February 6, 1947. To Senators and Congressmen of Indiana and All Other States: I commend to your serious consideration the enclosed resolution adopted by the In- diana General Assembly now in session. Copies of this resolution are being sent not only to Indiana Members of Congress, but also to those of other States—for the reason that, from a practical standpoint, tf the high
A484 intent of this resolution is to be realized only Congress can achieve it. When a State legislature is confronted with a Federal-aid law, the legislature either must comply or forfeit money which has been or will be taken from the State’s citizens in taxes. The effect is virtually compulsion. To this resolution, please let me add my own respectful request that you examine carefully every proposed expenditure of Fed- eral funds for “aid” to States or local units of government. Is it really a matter for Fed- eral legislation, or should the determination be made within the States? We in Indiana believe all of us will have a better govern- ment of, by, and for the people if the people of each State and each community exercise the responsibilities which are rightfully theirs. Respectfully, RALPH F. GATES, Governor of Indiana, The Eighty-fifth General Assembly of the State of Indiana, fully cognizant of the serious inroads that have been made, and the dangers that lie ahead, un- doubtedly planned that way, to deprive the people of local self-government, has voiced its sentiments in a resolution adopted by it, which I quote: House Concurrent Resolution 2 Indiana needs no guardian and intends to have none. We Hoosiers—like the people of our sister States—were fooled for quite a spell with the magician’s trick that a dollar taxed out of our pockets and sent to Wash- ington, will be bigger when it comes back to us. We have taken a good look at said dollar. We find that it lost weight in its journey to Washington and back. The po- litical brokerage of the bureaucrats has been deducted. We have decided that there is no such thing as Federal ald. We know that there is no wealth to tax that is not already within the boundaries of the 48 States. So we propose henceforth to tax ourselves and take care of ourselves. We are fed up with subsidies, doles, and paternalism. We are no one’s stepchild. We have grown up. We serve notice that we will resist Washing- ton, D. C., adopting us. Be it resolved by the House of Representa- tives of the General Assembly of the State of Indiana (the Senate concurring), That we respectfully petition and urge Indiana’s Congressmen and Senators to vote to fetch our county courthouses and city halls back from Pennsylvania Avenue. We want gov- ernment to come home. Resolved further, That we call upon the legislatures of our sister States and on good citizens everywhere who believe in the basic principles of Lincoln and Jefferson to join with us, and we with them to restore the American Republic and our 48 States to the foundations built by our fathers, Compensation of Postal Employees EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN C. BUTLER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. BUTLER. Mr. Speaker, I have today introduced a bill to amend the act of July 6, 1945, relating to the com- pensation of postal emiployees, to pro- vide for adjusting compensation of clerks assigned to terminal railway post offices, air-mail fleld transfer offices, and office clerks, and study allowance time credits for certain employees. This will provide for a graduated scale of promotion for clerks assigned to terminal railway post office and air-mail field transfer offices based on their length of service. It would also allow clerks assigned to these offices a time allowance of not less than 30 minutes per day for 253 days per annum for all service required on lay-off periods. I believe this measure to be a very meritorious one and sincerely hope that it will receive the full attention of the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. Lake Erie and Ohio River Canal EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. LOUIS E. GRAHAM OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I include the following statement made by me: PUBLIC HEARINGS ON LAKE ERIE AND OHIO RIVER CANAL (PITTSBURGH-ASHTABULA ROUTE) MA- HONING AND GRAND RIVER BASINS, OHIO MA- HONING RIVER, LOWELLVILLE-NILES, OHIO (Statement in opposition to the construction of the proposed canal by Louis E. GRAHAM, Member of Congress) ‘The proposed canal would begin at a point on the Ohio River 25 miles below Pittsburgh where the Beaver empties into the Ohio be- tween the boroughs of Rochester and West Bridgewater and extends through the Twenty-fifth Congressional District to a point on the Pennsylvania and Ohio line where it would enter the State of Ohio. The distance covered in the Twenty-fifth District being approximately 32 miles. From téstimony given in former hearings it ap- pears that this was the fourth largest canal under consideration by the Public Works Committee, only exceeded by the St. Law- rence seaway, the Florida Ship Canal, and the Tennessee-Tombigbee Canal. At the point where the Beaver River empties into the Ohio the Beaver js ap- proximately 600 feet wide and gradually narrows to the point where it is formed by the confluence of the Shenango and Mahon- ing Rivers, this point being approximately 21 miles from the place where the Beaver enters the Ohio. The Beaver is bordered on both sides for many miles by high hills, the banks are very sharp and precipitous and in some places the hills are between 300 and 400 feet high. From a point about 10 miles from its mouth there is a drop of 68 feet in the Beaver and the course of the stream is narrow, tortuous, and difficult, it is ob- structed by numerous bridges, highway and railway, a number of dams, and is deficient in low-water flow. From former testimony it was set forth that 1t would be necessary to raise 26 bridges, both railway and highway. In 1938, R..C. Moore, lieutenant colonel, acting division engineer made a report con- cerning this stream as follows: “The ime- provement of the Beaver and Mahoning Rivers to Struthers, Ohio, mile 35, by the Federal Government, in accordance with the plan presented by local interests, is not war- ranted.” Again in the report submitted in 1984 based on Colonel Styers’ investigation and surveys it is stated, “Therefore the dis- trict engineer recommends that the im- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD provement of the Beaver and Mahoning Rivers be not undertaken by the Federal Government,” The Pennsylvania Railway main line lies along the eastward side of this stream and the main line of the Pittsburgh & Lake Erie on the westward side, these railway lines having been constructed at great cost to the railroads. The tracks of the Lake Erie Rail- road are also used by the main-line trains of the Baltimore & Ohio and also by the Erie Railroad from Youngstown, Ohio, to Pitts- burgh. At present between Beaver Falls and the mouth of the river there are three dams in the stream. These serve a double purpose. They impound water for millraces and also furnish the basis of the water supply for the Beaver Falls Municipal Authority. This mu- nicipal water authority bought the Beaver Valley Water Co. several years ago and serves 14 communities in Beaver County with a population of approximately 75,000 people. Under the law of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, this authority cannot borrow money from the city of Beaver Falls, the county of Beaver, or the State of Pennsyl- vania. The only manner in which they can raise money 1s by the sale of its bond, and, of course, the revenue must be derived from the sale of the water. At the time of the hear- ings in October 1941 it was testified that the authority had $4,300,000 worth of prop- erty and had sold 84,490,000 worth of bonds, and to guarantee the payment of these bonds it had pledged its revenues. This is the only source of water supply that these 14 communities have to supply their needs. In testifying at that time, Col. Earl E. North states: “Whatever they are, whatever damages these people get in court, would have to be paid by the local interests. The Federal Government does not propose to as- sume any of these damages. It never does in any waterway. All our watcrways are constructed with that proviso, that any dam- ages resulting from the improvement are to be borne by the local interests.” This was followed by testimony that the county of Beaver is not in any position to assume any costs in connection with the proposed canal in any manner whatsoever. In 1934 competent engineers estimated that if this canal were bullt it would take out the two dams, would require the lower- ing of eight water mains that cross on the floor of the river and would put out of com- mission the New Brighton pumping house which was below the level of the canal. In this connection it is well to note that 95 percent of the power that goes to pump water out of the Beaver River is pumped by the force provided by the water from the old mill races and the original power dams. To sum up. The Beaver Falls Municipal Authority must raise its money from the sale of water. Its bonds are pledged for that purpose. First, there is the very involved question of its property rights in the bed of the Beaver River. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania sold these rights many years ago. Several of these dams have been in existence for over 100 years. Unquestion- ably it would take the adjudication of the highest courts to determine who cwns the bed of the Beaver River at this point and to whom these water and power rights belong. Next, in the testimony given in October 1941, it was shown that the damages esti- mated by the Army engineers would be totally inadequate to cover the amount of damage suffered by the municipal authority caused by the removal of its eight water lines under the bed of the river and the destruction of its power plant. An all-im- portant item in this connection is the fact that one of its pumping plants is operated entirely by water power for which it pays nothing and, of course, this item enters into the financial set-up of the municipal au-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD thority in selling its bonds as one of its elements of cost of operation. All the foregoing facts do not include the all-important fact that if a system of dams is built in the Beaver River and the sewage of the city of Youngstown and New Castle is allowed to remain in the pools formed above the dams, the whole source of water supply of approximately 75,000 people will be con- tamineted and polluted to the point of ab- solute physical danger. In the former hearings it was admitted that there would not be sufficient water flow to provide for navigation and it would be necessary to drill wells to supply sufficient water and then repump the water back to the head of the proposed canal. Of course, this referred to the stub-end canal, but nevertheless, the element of sewage con- tamination is present due to the fact that there would not be a clear and uninterrupted flow of water in the Beaver River. Whether there would be sufficient water flow from the newly constructed dams in the State of Ohio is a matter to be determined. The next phase of this matter is not only the destruction of certain plants now abut- ting on the Beaver River but also the loss of time in the reconstruction of new plants and the possible removal of these plants from the Beaver Valley. For instance, the plant of the Townsend Co. at New Brighton, the plan of the Mayer China Co., at Beaver Palis, the Beaver Falls Planing Mill Co., and other small plants would be completely de- stroyed. While it is true that in a condem- nation proceeding damages would be recov- ered for actual loss sustained tn the destruc- tion of the plants, no recovery could be had for loss of time and income during the period in which the plants were being reconstructed. In the event this canal is built these plants may not be rebuilt in Beaver County and, therefore, this county stands to lose both in manpower and in taxable Property which would be stricken from the tax rolls As to the cost of relocating and Yealin- ing the present railroad tracks I am unable to give any estimate. However, there are 26 bridges, both railroad and highway, crossing the proposed canal within the limits of the Twenty-fifth Congressional District. It would be necessary to raise all these and this, with the attendant raising of grades to meet the higher levels of the bridges, will be a tremendous element of expense both to the railways and to the communities affected. With the present national debt of over $265,000,000,000 and with every community, local, county, and State, burdened with debt, with a depression of railway stocks and bonds this is no time, in my judgment, to incur an expense of such a character. Next, as to the navigation in the canal. As before stated, the Beaver River is about 600 feet wide at its mouth, gradually narrowing, and this would necessitate barges being towed rather than pushed in fleets as is done on the Ohio River which averages 2,000 feet in width. The course of the canal would be very tortuous and straight stretches would be few and far between. Therefore, in flanking the bends in the canal the rate of progress would be very slow and very dif- ficult and only a few barges moved at a time and at great cost. At the present time the Pennsylvania Railway at Conway, Pa., and the Pittsburgh & Lake Erie at Colona have erected large hoisting plants. Both of these pointe are within a few miles of the mouth of the Beaver River. Coal is brought down im barges to these points and then hoisted into rallway cars and transported. Fourteen miles below Beaver at the mouth of the Little Beaver Oreek, the bed of that creek has been widened and deepened and barges of coal float into that. Coal again is hoisted from barges at that point and transferred to rallroad cars and, in turn, moved into Youngstown, Ohio, The building of this particular canal has been agitated over a number of years by man- ufacturing interests in the city of Youngs- town, Ohio. This was amply demonstrated in the hearings before the Rivers and Har- bors Committee in 1941, when those interests made a tremendous effort to have the so- calied Stub-end canal built between the Ohio River and their plants in the city of Youngstown. It is hard to conceive of a single benefit that would accrue to the people and com- munities of the Twenty-fifth Congressional District as a result of the construction of this canal, while on the other hand, tre- mendous property damage will be incurred which must be met by the local communities who will receive no direct benefits. This, coupled with the fact of the resultant hard- ships and necessary delays and interruptions in traffic will cause a tremendous upheaval in the lower Beaver Valley. Roads will be torn up, bridges in the process of being raised will be inaccessible, long detours must be resorted to, and innumerable physical handi- caps in locomotion and transportation will be placed upon a community that, in no sense, desires the construcution of such a canal, It has been shown repeatedly that the remedy of the Youngstown interests lies in securing a cheaper freight rate which is a matter to be determined by the Interstate Commerce Commission, yet to gain this ad- vantage these interests are active in promot- ing a canal which will burden the taxpayers of this country to the extent of millions and millions ef dollars at a time when we are already tax-ridden beyond the point of en- durance. This, coupled with their opposi- tion to the use of the Allegheny River and French Creek routes, is proof positive of their peculiar interest in the construction of this canal. For these reasons I am strenuously opposed to the construction of this canal. Morgan L. Fitch EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRED E. BUSBEY OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. BUSBEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in ‘the Rec- orp, I include the address of Mr. Morgan L. Fitch, of Chicago, on assuming the presidency of the National Association of Real Estate Boards on January 29, 1947, at the Hotel Statler, Washington, D. C. One of America’s greatest success stories could be written around the life of Mr. Fitch. He has given unselfishly of his time, talents, and energy during the past 25 years to the advancement of the real estate business, which field he selected for a career. Mr. Morgan L. Fitch has been a neighbor and friend of mine for many years, for which I am justly proud. As a neophyte who has just taken the vows which bind him to the service of your or- ganization for a year, there is so little that I can properly say on this occasion. I would prefer that I should be judged not so much by words of promise, but rather by deeds of action, halting and awkward as they may be. A year from now will be early enough to take the tally and the measure of the gains, if any there shall be. Nothing that I might say could be so fitting to this occasion as to add my own appre- A485 ciation for the distinguished leadership which has been given the National Associa- tion of Real Estate Boards during the past 12 months by our eminent leader who re- tires from office, but not from service, today, a true friend of mine, the now past president, Barnard. Perhaps it is worthy of passing interest to note that this date of January 29 has a two- fold significance to me. Not only does it mark the initiation of my labors as president of your organization, but it also marks the silver anniversary of my entrance into the business of selling, renting, insuring, and financing real estate. As I look back over 25 years to those days of 1922 they seem to be not so long ago—and I particularly remember with what confi- dence, self-assurance, and complete com- mand of the situation, I set about to revolu- tionize the business of real estate and all of its parts. There I was, a green kid, fresh from school, without knowledge of the dif- ference between an abstract and a 5-day notice, but nevertheless entirely satisfied that the real-estate business was, after a manner of speaking, duck soup. How fortu- nate that I could not look ahead and see 1933, when the soup turned with instantaneous petrification to the consistency of granite. What I would give tonight as I start an- other quarter century, this time in your scrvice, for one-tenth, yes, one one-hundredth of the feeling of adequacy and competence that I possessed 25 years ago. Perhaps the difference tonight is that I do have some knowledge, some comprehension of the burden of the assignment that you have given to me. If then this administration shall fail, it will not be chargeable to lack of comprehension of the duties involved. If it shall succeed—and God grant that it shall—it will be due to the understanding we have between us and our common will for service in the general welfare, not alone of the real estate trade, but of society as a whole. So many things have happened in the past quarter century—so many things that might be measured as progress. And yet, one is given to wonder sometimes. Is it progress that we have developed a substance, a hand- ful of which will devastate two cities like Washington? Is it progress that we have ac- celerated the speed of flight tio a velocity per- haps double that which the body of man can absorb? Is it progress that we have de- veloped a machinery of manufacture so com- plex that it 1s subject to the whim and caprice of a handful of willful and arrogant men to imperil the well being of a people? Is it progress to so enlarge communications that millions of people come to think by ear rather than by intellect? Is it progress when @ government appropriates so much central- ized power that it deliberately, consciously, and maliciously deprives veterans and other citizens of a house in which to live while it Plays political football with the vested in- terest tenant? Yes, indeed; those 25 years have been years of change but have they likewise been years of progress? Do we have more of happiness, more of understanding and fellowship be- tween men, more of freedom of intellect, body, and spirit? Of such is progress. If we do not have those things, then indeed our prattle of progress has “become as sound- ing brass and tinkling cymbal.” It 1s a privilege and a delight to me to join with you in welcoming the honorable gentlemen of Congress who are here tonight. Some of you are veterans of public service who know us well and long. But to some of you we may be relatively strange. But with all of you we hope that we may be- come better acquainted, better understood, not that we may seek to guide your thinking or your conclusions as to matters of na- tional interest. But rather, I hope, that you may have our testimony for whatever it is worth, from us as technicians of real estate
A486 and housing, and as volunteer representa- tives of the little people, the average people, the home owners of this Nation. We neither seek nor ask special privilege or favor. We request only that which will be good for us because it is firat good for all. We are conscious that there are going to be some changes made here in Washing- ton. It is a comforting feeling. We are hopeful that as the year unfolds, there will be in Washington less New Dealing and more fair dealing; less brain trusting and more antitrusting; less prodigality and more frugality; less Government control and more self-control; less public housing and more private housing; less liberalism and more liberty. To those ends, to the future prosecution of the objectives of the administration of my distinguished and eminent predecessor, Mr. Boyd Barnard, to the preservation of freedom for man as @ sacred creature of God, this administration dedicates itself and the realtors of America, Lincoln Day Address of Speaker Joseph W. Martin, Jr., of Massachusetts EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. RAYMOND S. SPRINGER OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. SPRINGER. Mr. Speaker, on Feb- ruary 6, at the annual Lincoln Day dinner held at the Statler Hotel, in the city of Washington Hon. JosepH W. Martin, Jr., of Massachusetts, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, was one of the outstanding speakers on that occasion. He delivered an excellent address before the large crowd present which was filled with constructive thoughts and timely suggestions. Under unanimous consent, Mr. Speak- er, to extend my own remarks in the Recorp, I include the very excellent ad- dress delivered by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, which follows: It has long been the custom of the Repub- lican Party to pay a special anniversary trib- ute to Abraham Lincoln. We Republicans honor the memory of a statesman who be- longed to the whole Nation. The inspiration of hia life and character belongs to the whole Nation. Abraham Lincoln was the founder of the Republican Party. Abraham Lincoln felt his ideals; he lived his principles. In the plain, simple language of the people, he stated them profoundly and persuasively. His homely phrases, I believe, have done more to keep before us the basic principles of free government—of the peo- ple, by the people, for the people—than all the books on the theory of government ever written. Basic to his ideas was the principle that our Government's proper and constitutional function is to preserve the liberties of its cit- izens, not to pander to the selfish wants of any single group or be a burden on the Na- tion’s economic life. At Gettysburg in 1863 Lincoln reminded us that “our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” He declared that “now we are * * ©° testing whether that na- tion or any nation so conceived and so dedi- cated can long endure.” Again we are testing in America whether our Nation, conceived in liberty and equality of opportunity, can long endure. Our battlefield is the entire Nation. The results of our struggle will have world-wide effect. They will determine whether liberty or tyranny is finally to follow the heroic sacrifices of our own, and of those of other countries, who, through the years, have laid their all upon the altar of freedom. If Abraham Lincoln were among us today, he would be the first to see that upon the new Republican Congress has devolved a grave responsibility to correct errors which, if not checked, will surely destroy our system of free government. Abraham Lincoln knew the tendency in- herent in all governments constantly to encroach on the liberties of the people, They seek more and more power for them- selves. They impose higher and higher taxes with which to pay for their extravagances and to maintain themselves in power. His- tory records that when governments have gone too far in depriving the people of their liberties, or have imposed taxes too great for them to bear, the people moved to remedy the situation—even though the only remedy available to them was rebellion. We mean to secure this relief for the people the easier way—by legislation. That is one of the great advantages of our American system. The Republican Congress is pledged to the paramount and undeviating purpose of cute ting the budget to the Jast possible dollar, forcing efficiency to replace waste and ex- travagance, of balancing the budget, of be- ginning payments on the national debt, and of reducing taxes. The Republicans have not the slightest intention of turning away from this firm purpose. Our tax burdens must not continue to grow unchecked as they have the past several years. We must not let the Government, feeding on excessive taxes, continue to ex- pand its powers and impose more and more controls upon us. No true American would give up free speech for a free lunch. Fortunately we now have a Congress firmly determined to relieve the taxpayers of some of their tremendous burden—the greatest tax burden in our history. We have a Congress determined to eliminate unneces- sary functions in the Government—and to demand efficiency and economy in adminis- tration, The budget must be cut to the lowest figure humanly possible for the sake of the Nation. Why are our taxes so high? Why is the national debt many times what it was a few short years ago? Is it because we have just been through a horrible and expensive war? In part, yes. But you will remember taxes were high, and the national debt was mount- ing skyward long before we were plunged into the war. Why? The answer is simple. The implications are profound. Taxes rose and the debt mounted beyond all reason because the Nation aban- doned for a time a fundamental principle laid down by the men who founded our Re- public—the principle that this should be a government of laws and not a government by men. For more than a dozen years the Congress surrendered much of its power to the Execu- tive. The executive branch gained undue power. In large part Congress delegated its constitutional duties to the executive depart- ments, Our Federal Government, therefore, became all too much a government by men— the men in the administration—and ceased to be a government of laws enacted by the people's representatives. more than 76,000 departmental regulations having the force and effect of law were issued by the bureaucrats. Many of them are still in effect—how many we do not know. We APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mean to find out. There was during those years little inclination on the part of the Party in power to check the tendency of a bureaucracy to add new functions—therefore new agencies and bureaus—therefore higher taxes to maintain them. And what do we face today? A national debt of 8259,000,000,000—more than $1,800 for every man, woman, and child in the United States—and the biggest tax burden in our entire history. One of the most important obligations fac- ing the new Republican Congress, therefore, is to give the country relief from its tremen- dous burden of taxation. And Congress is going to do that. We shall carefully, intelli- gently, examine the entire Federal Govern- ment and determine what of its functions are useful and what are not worth their cost to the country. We mean to find what func- tions or powers can be done better and cheap- er by the States, by counties, or by munici- palities, and to return those functions and Powers to them. Yes; and what can be done better by private business and private groups or individuals will be returned to them. Every Federal Government activity will at Jagt have be Prove it 1s worth its keep. e Federal Government has got to live within its budget. Bot to learn The money so saved in Government oper- ations will help everyone. It will help reduce personal income taxes, to give tax relief to business where heavy taxes are slowing up Oe jon h and keeping business from mak- ng jobs for the people, and national debt. peop * reduce the The only way to raise our standards of liv- ing is to produce more of the things we want and need. Heavy taxes are a brake upon production. But taxes are not the only brake. There are others. Chief among them is the present confused state of manage- ment-labor relationships. We must find bet- ter ways of dealing with those industrial dis- putes which retard or stop production and injure our whole economy, We must enact intelligent legislation to hold both labor and management to full re- sponsibility for their contracts and agree- ments. Light, heat, water, power, communications, transportation—each is vitally essential to our orderly economy. To be deprived of one, for even a short while, results in discom- fort, if not danger and suffering, to the in- nocent public, and injures every businessman and every worker wherever he may be. We can have a vastly increased output of goods and services if both the men of man- agement and the men of labor give their in- dividual and collective best to their jobs. Industry and labor, taking advantage of modern methods, can increase production and reduce costs without increasing the hours of work or reducing wages. A stable economy requires labor and agri- culture to have the highest wages and reve- nues possible under sound practice. Busi- ness should have reasonable profits. The public must have minimum prices and maxi- mum quality. All this is entirely possible in America. Free competition—in a free market—with full production will reduce prices to proper Ievels and, at the same time, give us more in goods and services of better quality for every dollar we spend. There are great readjustments which have to be made, both in government and in in- dustry. But with determination, with energy, with the American know-how to get things done, we shall succeed in again put- ting our country on the high road to pros- perity and plenty. America wants peace with all the world. But we want peace to govern ourselves in our own way without interference from any outside source or power. War is no longer a parade with bands and banners. It is a nightmare of mud and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD misery, of suffering and horror, of blood and agony. After the thunder and horrors of war, comes the drudgery of clearing up the wreckage. A sbattered world must rebuild itself, Shattered ideals must be reestablish- ed in a welter of cynicism, and a reaction of recklessness. Shattered economies must be reconstructed by peoples almost too war- Weary, frustrated, and discouraged to make the effort, Out of chaos and ruin must be forged new hope, new energy, and new en- deavor. We in America—-all creeds, all races, all parties—all as Americans—must consecrate ourselves anew to the task, under God, of preserving the freedom and progrces hal- lowed by the brave men and women who have struggled, and who still struggle, against the evil tyranny, brutality, and ruth- less lust for power which would creep across the world and extinguish in suffering and slavery the light of hope for all mankind. The price of liberty has been lives which were priceless; and human agony so vast and deep no words can be found to express it. Millions have died for peace. We must learn, we must learn, under the banner of Christianity, to live for peace. This world-wide task must be accomplish- ed in day-by-day living; day-by-day sacri- fices; day-by-day progress to better condi- tions. These tasks may be undramatic, but upon the fidelity with which the people per- form them rest the liberty and progress of all the world. In America, peace and progress will be found in full production, full employment, lower prices, better quality, lower taxes, more home rule and less Washington rule, more individual unity and initiative and less bureaucratic dictation and regimenta- tion. America has led the world in human lib- erty and progress. We must continue to do so. The reason we have excelled in human liberty and progress is because we have achieved all our blessings, under the Bill of Rights—through devotion to God, coun- try, and freedom. Only in that way—our American way—can human progress and lib- erty continue. Freedom is more precious than life. But nevertheless it works better on a full stom- ach than on an empty one; in a comfortable home than in a hovel; with a good job than in unemployment, want, and worry. All the world will note, and forever re- member, what we in America do in this con- tinuing battle for liberty and progress. Civilization in the world cannot long en- dure half slave and half free, any more than could Lincoln's America. We may let our hearts be lifted up by hope. We may, with courage and faith, raise our eyes and our aims to new heights of human happiness and achievement. The America which accomplished such a marvel of winning two wars without losing liberty may with certainty look forward to winning peace and plenty in freedom. We must remember Japan planned and worked for war for 40 years; Mussolini spent 20 years arming for the struggle; Hitler spent 12 years. We in America started practically from scratch when we were attacked. Yet in 3 years we were able to equip and train vast armies for the European and African fronts. We sent billions upon billions in war supplies to our allies across the Atlantic. And, on top 6f all that, we were able to win the war in the Pacific practically unaided. A nation which, under God, can do that is a strong nation, a determined nation. It is a nation which has yet to reach its full stature, which has yet great promise for the future; a nation whose prosperity and prog- ress in peace is as certain and assured as was its invincibility in war. British Decorate Nebraskan , EXTENSION OF REMARKS -HON. KARL STEFAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. STEFAN. Mr. Speaker, I take great pleasure in announcing that Robert G. Baird, a prominent veteran of World War I, has been honored by the British Government with a military medal. The Clarks Enterprise, which is located in my congressional district, gives an account regarding the signal honor conferred on this fine young Nebraskan. I include the account as part of my remarks: ROSERT G. BAIRD HONORED—RECEIVES CITATION FROM BRITISH EMBASSY AS AWARD Robert G. Baird, prominent Clarks young man and veteran of World War II, was sig- nally honored recently when he received an invitation to 70 to Washington to be deco- rated by the “ritish Embassy. Following is the letter of citation as re- ceived from the Embassy: BriTIsHh EMBASSY, Washington, D. C., January 15, 1947. Sgt. Ropert G. Bam, Central City, Nebr. Dear SERGEANT Barred: It is with pleasure that I inform you that the Military Medal awarded to you by His Majesty, the King, has been received at this embassy. I under- stand that you have been previously noti- fied of your decoration by the United States War Department. In order that appropriate arrangements may be made for the presentation of your insignia, I should be grateful if you would indicate your wishes on the enclosed form and return it to me. Owing to the large number of decorations for members of the United States forces which have been received here since the war, careful preparations (which sometimes call for 3 or 4 months) have to be made for the ceremony of delivery. I hope, therefore, that you will be patient if we appear to be mov- ing slowly. Lord Inverchapel, the Ambassador, has asked me to convey to you his con- gratulations on this well-merited award. Yours sincerely, H.R. F. Brett, Honors and Awards Section. Mr. Baird, now operating a farm 5 miles west of Clarks, entered the service in April 1041, joining up with Headquarters Com- pany of the Ninetieth Division, stationed at Camp Barkeley, Tex. This outfit was dubbed the TO’s, an abbreviation for Tough Ombres. Following his boot training he went over- seas in February 1944 and was sasigned to the Third Army under General Patton. He ‘was a member of the invasion forces that es- tablished the Normandy beachhead on D-day, going through all the hell that broke loose in this murderous task. Among many other harrowing experiences he was in a boat capsize during a later river crossing, at which time he received a severe injury to his left arm. Some of the decorations already bestowed upon Mr. Baird are the Purple Heart, the Silver Star for distinguished service while under enemy fire, and the four battle stars award for service in the an theater. He returned to America in June 1945 and was mustered out in September of that year, having been in the service of the United Btates Army 4% years. A487 Ottawa’s Spy Case EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. SAM HOBBS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 5, 1947 Mr. HOBBS. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Rex Collier, of the Washington Evening Star, has rendered an important service by di- gesting and commenting on the report of the Royal Commission to investigate the facts relating to and the circumstances surrounding the communication by pnub- lic officials and other persons in positions of trust of secret and confidential in- formation to agents of a foreign power. This report is contained in a 700-page Canadian blue book, few copies of which have been available here, and not all of those who have seen it have had the time necessary to read it carefully. Therefore, Mr. Collier’s research into, and review of it, is all the more valuable and appreci- ated. It gives me pleasure to pass on to those who may be interested the editorial, It Could Happen Here, appearing in the Evening Star of January 27, 1947, with which the series of six articles by Mr. Col- lier, entitled “Ottawa’s Spy Case” was announced and introduced: [Prom the Washington Evening Star of January 27, 1947) Ir Coutp HarrPen HERE The Sta~ begins publication on this page today of a series of articles concerning Rus- sian espionage in Canada that should be of interest to every American citizen, not only because it is a fascinating real-life spy story but because it describes a pattern of fifth column infiltration that could happen as easily here as it did in Canada. The series is based on the report of the Royal Commiasion whose investigations have resulted in conviction of a member of the Canadian Parliament and a number of trusted Government scientists and other civil servants who placed loyalty to communism above loyalty to their government. Some of the story has been printed piecemeal as the and disturbing revelations unfolded in recent months. The purpose of the pres- ent series is to bring the significance of the complete report into sharper focus. The report makes it clear that Canadian Communists are no different from United States Communists, that their ideological concept of loyalty bears no resemblance to the ordinary meaning of the word in a de- mocracy, and that this ideological fixation renders them readily vulnerable to the in- ducements and persuasions of those who would recruit them for undercover service to Russia. As the Royal Commission puts it, the Canadian spy operations followed a general pattern of communistic strategy that has become familiar in other democratic countries. Against the background of conspiratorial operations revealed to have invaded the in- nermost circles of the Canadian Government, the disintegration here in the past few months of our own safeguards against com- munistic infiltration of the civil service, be- cause of inadequate appropriations, is some- thing to worry about. The Royal Commis- sion’s report should be required reading for every Federal personnel officer, for the Civil Service Commission, and for Members of
A488 (From the Washington Evening Star of January 27, 1947] Orrawa’s Spy Cast—THE FULL Story oF WHAT HAPPENED IN CANADA HAS A BEARING ON WHat MicuHT Hapren HERE NO. 1 (By Rex Collier) When 27-year-old Igor Gouzenko, cipher clerk in the office of the Russian military attaché, walked out of the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa on the night of September 5, 1945, he carried with him documentary material for one of the more remarkable and disturb- ing international spy stories which have come out of World War II. It is a lurid, near-incredible story of espionage by a wartime ally on its comrades- in-arms, replete with fiction-like, cloak-and- dagger episodes involving subversion of highly placed, trusted government servants, theft of top-secret papers and articles, clan- destine meetings on dark streets and in other rendezvous of agents and informants, ex- change of curious code messages, passage of money hidden in whisky bottles, and even conflict between rival nets of Russian spies, operating independently. And it is a story of particular interest and concern to the United States, not only for the reason that much of the information sent to Moscow had to do with such Amert- can secrets as the atomic bomb, proximity fuzes, radar, sonar, and the like, but because the well-authenticated evidence makes it plain that the Canadian networks were par- alleled by similar Moscow-directed spy rings on this side of the border. REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION The whole amazing tale is contained be- tween the covers of a 783-page Canadian blue book with the colorless and somewhat labored title, The Report of the Royal Com- mission To Investigate the Facts Relating to and the Circumstances Surrounding the Communication by Public Officials and Other Persons in Positions of Trust, of Secret and Confidential Information to Agents of a Foreign Power. Although this report was released on June 27, 1946, few copies have reached the United States and little of its sensational contents have been published in this country. Yet, as the commission points out, a gen- eral pattern of espionage activities is re- vealed which is applicable to countries other than Canada. Indeed, in a section devoted to international links of the Canadian net, the commission states: “It ts not within our province to investigate spying activities in other countries, but some of the activities carried on in Canada were so linked with what happened elsewhere that we feel bound to mention them in this report. In general, the espionage network in Canada, headed by Col. Nicolai Zabotin, was a self-contained unit directed from Moscow. At times, how- ever, the documents from Colonel Zapotin’s secret archives refer specifically to espionage networks in other countries. Some of these documents relate to the handing over from one espionage network to another of agents who have moved or are about to move to Canada from another country.” The United States was one of the countries thus men- tioned. GENERAL PATTERN OF APPROACH Furthermore, the general pattern includes a detailed outline of how Communist Party members and Communist sympathizers in a democracy, even though native-born and of supposedly high character and unquestioned loyalty, may be induced, through a carefully planned ideological approach, to betray their country and even to compromise its security in time of war. The implied warning written into the re- port at several places is that what happened in Canada can—and probably does—happen in the United States, in England, and the other non-Soviet countries; that Communists all over the world have similar international concepts and loyalties, overriding their oaths of allegiance to their own government, and making them easily susceptible to the wiles and guiles of Soviet agents. The Royal Commission, composed of Jus- tices Robert Tascherean and R. L. Kellock, of the Canadian Supreme Court, was appointed February 5, 1946, following weeks of intensive investigation by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and other authorities and the round- up of more than a score of suspects whose names or cover names were mentioned in the voluminous papers which Cipher Clerk Gou- zenko took from the Embassy. Gouzenko's act was wholly voluntary. As will be disclosed in the next article, he real- ized he was undergoing grave risks in making his daring decision and, as a matter of fact, he narrowly escaped capture by his irate superiors of the military intelligence organi- zation operating from the Embassy. FALSITY OF COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA The commission was unable to find any other motive for Gouzenko's defection from the organization than the one he gave to the police, namely, that 2 years of residence in Canada had convinced him of the falsity of Communist propaganda regarding democ- racies and that he no longer could stand to see Canada “stabbed in the back” by Rus- sian “double dealing.” Of him the com- mission commented: “He has undoubtedly been a most informa- tive witness and has revealed to us the ex- istence of a conspiratorial organization op- erating in Canada and other countries. He has not only told us the names and ‘cover’ names of the organizers, the names of many of the Canadians who were caught ‘in the net’ (to employ the phrase used by the docu- ments) and who acted here as agents, but he also has exposed much of the set-up of the organization as well as its aims and meth- ods here and abroad. “There can be no doubt in our minds that - these attempts, very often successful, to ob- tain here secret and confidential informa- tion cannot be qualified as casual or isolated. They are not merely the acts of overzealous Soviet employees anxious to inform their own government. “The set-up of this organization in Canada is the result of a long preparation by trained and experienced men, who have come here for the express purpose of carrying on spying activities, and who have employed all the resources at their disposal, with or without corruption, to fulfill the tasks assigned to them. “Some of these men have undoubtedly been well schooled in espionage and fifth-column organizational methods, and in political and psychological ‘development’ techniques.” Gouzenko's revelations had to do chiefly with the military intelligence organization which was headed by Colonel Zapotin, who was Russian military attaché. Zapotin brought Gouzenko, a lieutenant in the Red Army, to Canada with him when he arrived in June 1948, to take over and enlarge an already well-established military espionage system. The commission traced this organi- zation back as far as 1924. A RIVAL “NET” AT WORK In addition to the military set-up there was a rival “net” of Russian agents in Canada directed by the NEVD, or secret police. The latter was refefred to by Colonel Zapotin’s agents as “the neighbor.” The documents show that there were frequent clashes be- tween the two groups of agents, principally over efforts to recruit the same Canadian Communist or fellow-traveler for their re- spective outfits. These disputes usually were settled by Moscow. There was no apparent interchange of information between the two organisations, nor between them and the Russian Ambassador. Both communicated APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD their intelligence direct to Moscow and re- ceived their orders from there independently. There was also evidence of a developing naval intelligence organization and of a po- litical intelligence group consisting of Com- munists controlled by the professedly de- funct but apparently still active Comin- tern, or international Communist head- quarters in Moscow. All of these undercover agencies had their Offices in a secret wing of the Russian Em- bassy, the windows of which were shuttered and barred and the entrances to which were carefully guarded against intruders—includ- ing other employees of the Embassy. Gouzenko told the commission: ‘They (the Soviet Government) were trying to establish & fifth column in Canada. What transpired is only a modest or small part of all that is really here. You may have discovered 15 men, but it still leaves in Canada this dan- gerous situation, because there are other societies and other people working under every embassy, under every consul in each place where there is a consulate. It is just like a number of small circles. There are parallel systems of spies or potential agents.” The extreme secrecy with which these agents operated is indicated in their use of codes and cover names, such a: “Lesovia” for Canada, “Metro” for the Soviet Embassy, “shoes” for passports, the corporation” for the Communist Party, “roof” for a legal front for illegal activities, and “Gisel” for the military intelligence organization itself. BUT SOME WERE NOT BURNED Most of the written orders given to agents concluded with the curt admonition, “After reading, burn.” Unfortunately for Colonel Zapotin and his colleagues, however, the destruction advice was not always carried out. Largely because of this oversight, plus the decision of Gouzenko to cut loose from the whole sordid business, Canada was able to smash the then existing Russian military- intelligence ring within her borders, force the recall to Moscow of the embarrassed Colonel Zapotin (who, according to one unconfirmed report, died of “heart failure” 4 days after arriving in Russia), wring an Official admis- sion from the Soviet Government of “inad- missible” activities by Zapotin, and, finally, launch a series of trials that have resulted in convictions or guilty pleas from nearly a dozen Canadian citizens, including a member of Parliament, distinguished scientists, mem- bers or former members of the armed forces, and veteran civil servants. How this so-called fifth column was devel- oped and what some of its sinister assign- ments consisted of will be disclosed in sub- sequent articles in this series. (Tomorrow: How a man whose conscience troubled him decided to tell what was going on and the difficulty he had in making any- body believe him.) [From the Washington Evening Star of January 28, 1947] Ortawa's Spy Casxr—How a DISILLUSIONED COMMUNIST, AT GREAT RISK, “SPILLED THE Brans” ON SOvIET INTRIGUE NO. 2 (By Rex Collier) (This is the second of a series of articles based on the Canadian Royal Commission's detailed report on operations of a Russian spy ring in Canada during and after World War II.) Lt. Igor Gouzenko of the Red Army told the Commission that he was taking his life in his hands when he emerged from the Soviet military intelligence office about 8 p. m. on September 5, 1945, with an armful of secret papers which he had made up his ed to turn over to the Canadian Govern- men
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD What happened during the ensuing several hours lent weight to his fears. And his inability at first to find anyone in Ottawa who would belteve his story added to his growing fright. It was not until 2 days later, and after Russian espionage agents had broken into his apartment and ransacked it in search of the missing docu- ments, that Gouzenko was able to hand his sensational data to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and receive the protection he needed. - GOUZENKO'S MENTAL STRUGGLE Gouzenko told police he had been having @ mental struggle for some time over the double dealing which, as cipher clerk in the Russian Embassy, he saw going on daily right under his nose. His 2 years of life in Ottawa with his wife and baby, he said, had opened his eyes to Communist lying propaganda about decadent democracies. “I was surprised during the first days” (in Canada), he told the commission, “by the complete freedom of the individual which exists in Canada but does not exist in Russia. * * * “To many Soviet people here abroad it is clear that the Communist Party in demo- cratic countries has changed long ago from a political party into an agency net of the Soviet government, into a fifth column in these countries to meet a war, into an instru- ment in the hands of the Soviet government for creating artificial unrest, provocation, ete. “Through numerous party agitators the Soviet government stirs up the Russian peo- ple in every possible way against the peoples of the democratic eountries, preparing the ground for the third world war.” RESENTED “STAB IN THE BACK” “During my residence in Canada I have seen how the Canadian people and their Gov- ernment, sincerely wishing to help the Soviet people, sent supplies to the Soviet Union, collected money for the welfare of the Rus- sian people, sacrificing the lives of their sons in the delivery of these supplies across the ocean—and instead of gratitude for the help rendered, the Soviet government is develop- ing espionage activity in Canada, preparing to deliver a stab in the back of Canada—all this without knowledge of the Russian people. “Convinced that such double-faced politics of the Soviet government toward the demo- cratic countries do not conform with the in- terests of the Russian people and endanger the security of civilization, I decided to break away from the Soviet regime and to announce my decision openly. “I am glad I found the strength within my- telf to take this step and to warn Canada and the other democratic countries of the danger which hangs over them.” The catalyst which crystallized Gouzenko’s troubled thoughts into a decision to make the final break was word from Moscow that he and his family must soon return to Russia. He learned this bad news about the Ist of September. During the next few days he sur- reptitiously bent the corners of a number of top secret documents which he carefully se- lected from the files of his boss, Col. Nicolai Zapotin, listed by the Embassy as military at- taché, but actually head of Russia's military intelligence set-up in Canada. ME LEAVES THE EMBASSY FOR GOOD Collecting these marked papers from Colo- nel Zapotin’s office in a heavily guarded wing of the Russian Embassy on the night of Sep- tember 5, Gougenko slipped unnoticed out of the Embassy and went to a newspaper office in Ottawa. His idea, he said, was to have the secret documents published immediately for the information of the people of Canada. He returned to his apartment and made preparations to move his family to another place the next morning. When the newspaper failed to publish his papers or story the next day he visited what the commission described only as “a number of official offices” and also revisited the newspaper. “He was unable that day,” the report states, “to have anyone accept him seriously.” Becoming more and more worried over his predicament, and realizing that his failure to report for work that day would start in- quires which would reveal the rified files, Gouzenko returned to his apartment “under some apprehension as to his personal safety and that of his wife and child.” The re- port goes on: “He says that he had not been long in the apartment, which is No. 4, when he noticed two men standing on the opposite side of the street who appeared to be keep- ing him under observation. Shortly after that someone knocked on the door and called his name. While he did not answer the door, his presence in the apartment was disclosed by the noise of his child running across the room. He says he recognized the voice asthatof * * * one of the drivers for the military attaché.” Gouzenko then went through a back door to an adjoining apartment, occupied by a noncommissioned officer of the RCAF, and asked that his wife and child might be per- mitted to hide out there. Eventually ar- rangements were made for the Gouzenkos to spend the night in another neighbor's apartment, while the RCAF man, on his own initiative, went to a police station for as- sistance. Two constables returned, heard Gouzenko's story and promised to keep the apartment house under surveillance during the night. HIS APARTMENT IS RANSACKED About midnight four men entered the building and knocked at the door of Gouzenko's unoccupied apartment. When the RCAF officer poked his head out of the adjoining apartment, the men asked if he knew Gouzenko'’s whereabouts and on re- ceiving a negative answer they went down- stairs. They soon returned stealthily, however, put their combined weight against the door and broke it open. The RCAF officer mean- while had called the police and when they arrived they found the intruders in the act of ransacking the apartment. The men told the constables they were Russians and that the owner of the apart- ment was out of town and had given them permission to search for some papers which belonged to the Russian Embassy. The men identified themselves as Vital! G. Pavlov, seconc secretary of the Embassy (who is described in the commission's report as head of the NKVD ececret police in Can- ada); Lieutenant Colonel Rogov, military attaché for air (listed as on the military in- telligance staff); Licutenant Angelov (also of military intelligence), and Alexandre FParafontov, a cipher clerk. The police made no attempt to restrain the quartet from leaving, which they did in short order. Gouzenko and his family remained in an- other apartment under police guard until the next morning, when Gouzenko was turned over to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, His documents were accepted by that or- ganization, and the real investigation finally an, The following day the Russian Embassy sent a note to the Canadian Government complaining of the “rude treatment” ac- corded Paviov and his companious by the police and requesting Canadian assistance in seeking and arresting Gouzenko, who was described as a “capital criminal who has stolen money belonging to the Embassy.” A second urgent request was sent a week later, The Canadian Government countered with a polite request for more details con- cerning the alleged theft, but no reply was received, A489 The commission exonerated Gouzenko of the money-theft charge. GOUZENKO’S GREAT PUBLIC SERVICE From the questioning of Gouzenko it was learned that he was born in Russia in 1919, attended the Academy of Engineering in Moscow and a special school conducted by the Red army general staff, became a mem- ber of the Komsomol of Young Com- munists at 17. At the staff school he learned the secret codes which he later worked on at the Embassy. He was sent to the front in May 1942, remaining in the combat zone for about a year, The next year he was detailed to accom- pany Colonel Zapotin to Canada to assist in the planned expansion of the military espion- age system there. “During 2 years of life in Canada,” Gou- zenko told the Royal Commission, “I saw the evidence of what a free people can do, What the Canadian people have accomplished here under conditions of complete freedom, the Russian people, under conditions of the Soviet regime of violence and suppression of all freedom, cannot accomplish even at the cost of tremendous sacrifices, blood and tears.” The Commission points out that it was “under the influence of such considerations that Gouzenko finally decided to leave the Soviet service and to take with him docu- ments which would establish the kind of activity being carried on under cover of the Russian Embassy. “In our opinion Gouzenko, by what he has done, has rendered great public service to the people of this country and thereby has placed Canada in his debt.” (Tomorrow: United States ramifications of the spy network and its successful request for data on the atomic bomb.) [From the Washington Evening Star of January 29, 1947] Orrawa’s Spy CasE—EveN UNITED STATES ATomic Boms SECRETS WERE Not SECURE From Soviet Miuitary INTELLIGENCE (By Rex Collier) (This is the third of a series of articles based on the Canadian Royal Commission's report on operations of a Russian spy ring in Canada during and after World War 11.) Although the Soviet military intelligence organization operating out of the Russian Embassy in Ottawa was concerned primarily with delving into Canada’s war secrets, there is ample evidence in the Royal Commission's report that agents of the ring occasionally visited the United States. These visits not only were for the purpose of making contact with Russian agents in Washington and elsewhere, but, believe it or not, for the inspection of some of our most secret laboratories and offices. Incredible as it seems, several Canadian scientists who were in the Russian “net” actually gained ac- cess—through their scientific connections— to the atomic bomb laboratory at Chicago University, to the research center at the Mas- sachusetts Institute of Technology and to other guarded places. For example, Dr. Allan Nunn May, noted British nuclear physicist, known to his fellow agents as Alek, who confessed that he gave to Russia top secret data on the atomic bomb, accompanied by samples of enriched ura- nium 235 and uranium 233, visited the Chi- cago University laboratory on at least three occasions in 1944, when the A-bomb was still in its formative stages. Durnford Smith (cover name: Badeau), member of the microwave section of the radio branch of the Canadian National Research Council, is said by the commission to have visited MIT for the purpose of discussing se- cret equipment. There was found this nota- tion in his Russian Embassy dosier, under
A490 date of August 8, 1945: “He has just returned from the United States, brought nothing. He will bring for the next meeting his account of his journey in the United States of Amer- ica and other materials in accordance with our directive.” INFORMATION SOUGHT ON UNITED STATES PLANTS Lt. David Shugar, employed by the direc- tor of electrical supply (Navy) was listed in the report as having been assigned the task on December 16, 1945, of getting infor- mation on “plants, workshops, scientific re- search institutes and laboratories in Eng- land and the United States which are mak- ing and planning hydrophonic apparatus.” According to the report, Shugar “had occa- sion to visit a number of establishments in the United States. * * * All this was, of course, secret work.” In interrogating Shugar, the commission asked: “How many laboratories did you visit all told in connection with your work?” “You mean everywhere?” “Yes.” “Shall I rattle them off by names or give the number?” “By name if you prefer and if it will assist you in answering the question.” “There were the ones mentioned previ- ously in England. In the United States there was the Bureau of Ships, the Naval Research Laboratory, the laboratory at Orlando, Fla., and at Fort Lauderdale. There was one lab- oratory at Mountain Lakes, N. J. Then there was the one at Sagam and in Springfield, Ill.” However, Shugar eventually was acquitted of a charge that he conveyed secret informa- tion to the spy group. The job of coordinating efforts of the spy ring to obtain scientific data, particularly concerning the atomic bomb, was given to Capt. David Gordon Lunan, of the Canadian Army, assigned to the Wartime Information Board. Lunan, whose cover name was Back, reported to Major Rogov, assistant military attaché for air and colleague of Col. Nicolai Zapotin, head of the espionage set-up. ATOMIC BOMB WAS MAJOR GOAL Section III of the Royal Commission’s re- port states: “One of the many objectives of the Rus- sion organization in Ottawa was the atomic bomb. The exhibits produced reveal how anxious the organization was to obtain as full information as possible about the work done by the nuclear physicists in connection with the use of atomic energy. “As far back as March 28, 1945, Lunan re- ported to Rogov: ‘Badeau (code name for Durnford Smith) informs me that most se- cret work at present is on nuclear (bombard- ment of radioactive substances to produce energy). This is more hush-hush than radar and is being carried on at the University of Montreal and McMaster University at Ham- ilton, Badeau thinks the Government pur- chasing of radium-producing plant is con- nected with this research.’ “Lunan was here transmitting a report from Durnford Smith on the work of the Na- tional Research Council. “In mid-April of the same year one of the tasks given to Lunan and set out in the ‘or- ganizational directives’ for his group was: ‘Ask Badeau whether he could obtain Uran, No. 235; let him be cautious. If he can, let him write in detail about the radium-pro- ducing plant.’ “At about the same time Motinov [assist- ant military attaché] prepared a draft of a telegram for Zabotin to send to Moscow which reads: ‘As a result of experiments carried out with uranium it has been found that uranium may be used for filling bombs, which is already, in fact, being done. The Americans have developed wide research work, having invested in this business $660,000,000’.” The commission says that this telegram apparently never was sent, RING OBTAINED URANIUM SAMPLES It was around this period that Lieutenant Angelov of Russian military intelligence ap- proached Dr. May with a request for a sam- ple of uranium 235 and for “information as to the location of the United States atomio bomb plant,” the report asserts. Dr. May had come to Canada from Lon- don in 1944 as leader of a research group un- der the Canadian atomic energy project. The report states: “In the performance of his duties May had access to a substantial amount of knowledge of the work that was being done in connection with the atomic energy proj- ect, The evidence shows that before coming to Canada he was an ardent but secret Com- munist and already known to the authorities in Moscow. “Not long after his arrival here he was contacted on instructions from ‘the director’ and given the cover name ‘Alek’ by the or- ganization of Colonel Zapotin. * * * On August 9, 1945, the following telegram was sent to Moscow by Zapotin: “To the director—facts given by Alek: (1) The test of the atomic bomb was con- ducted in New Mexico (with 49, 94-239). The bomb dropped on Japan was made of uranium 235. It is known that the output of uranium 235 amounts to 400 grams daily at the magnetic separation plant at Clinton. The output of 49 is likely two times greater (some graphite units are planned for 250 megawatts, 1. e., 250 grams each day). The scientific research work in this field is scheduled to be published, but without the technical details. The Americans already have a published book on this subject. Alek handed over to us a platinum with 162 micrograms of uranium 233 in the form of oxide in a thin Jamina.’” PROXIMITY FUZE DATA SOUGHT The report also says that May gave the Ruasians data on proximity fuzes, which the agents called “electronic shells being used by the American Navy against Japanese suicide filers.” In his confession Dr. May was quoted as follows: “I gave and had given very careful con- sideration to correctness of making sure that development of atomic energy was not con- fined to the United States of America. I took the very painful decision that it was necessary to cover general information on atomic energy and make sure it was taken apriously. For this reason I entertained the proposition by the individual who called on me, * “At one meeting I gave the man micro- scopic amounts of U. 238 and U. 235 (one of each), The U. 235 was a slightly enriched sample and was in a small glass tube and consisted of about a milligram of oxide. The U. 233 was a very thin deposit on a platinum foil and was wrapped in a piece of paper. “I also gave the man a written report on atomic research as known to me. This in- formation was mostly of a character which has since been published or is about to be published. The man also asked me about the United States electronically controlled antiaircraft shells. I knew very little about these and so could give only very little in- formation.” * MONEY IN WHISKY BOTTLE “The man also gave me some dollars (I forget how many) in a bottle of whisky, and I accepted these against my will * * “The whole affair was extremely painful to me and I only embarked on it because I felt this was a contribution I could make to the safety of mankind. I certainly did not do it for gain.” In sentencing May to 10 years in prison, Justice Oliver said: APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “I have listened with some slight surprise to some of the things which your learned counsel has said he is entitled to put before me—the picture of you as a man of honor who had only done what you believed to be right. I do not take that view of you at all. “How any man in your position could have had the crass conceit, let alone the wicked- ness, to arrogate to himself the decision of & matter of this sort, when you yourself had given your written undertaking not to do it, and knew it was one of the country’s most precious secrets, when you yourself had drawn and were drawing pay for years to keep your own bargain with your country—that you could have done this is a dreadful thing. “I think that you acted not as an honor- able but a dishonorable man. I think you acted with degradation.” (Next: How Canada’s spy net was expanded until it included even a member of Parlia- ment and other Government officials.) [From the Washington Evening Star of January 80, 1947] Orrawa's Spy Casz—Kery ScI£NTISTS WERE RECRUITED For THE Spy RING BY A MEMBER Or CANADA'S PARLIAMENT NO. ¢ (By Rex Collier) (This is the fourth of a series of articles based on the Canadian Royal Commission's report on operations of a Russian spy ring in Canada during and since World War II.) The Royal Commission found that of all the agents, Communists, fellow travelers, and others referred to in the secret docu- ments taken from the Russian Embassy in Ottawa by the disillusioned Communist, Igor Gouzenko, “none, Soviet officials excepted, have been more repeatedly and prominently mentioned, either under their names or cover names, than Fred Rose and his fellow spy and conspirator, Sam Carr.” Fred Rose, whose code names were “Fred” and “Debouz,” was a member of the Cana- dian Parliament until his arrest and convic- tion for conspiracy to violate Canada’s Offi- cial Secrets Act. He is now serving 6 years in prison for his key part in organising the Russian spy ring in Canada. He did this in collaboration with Carr, whose real name is Schmil Kogan and whose spy pseudonyms were “Sam” and “Frank.” Carr fled from Canada when the spy case broke and is still at large. The report states that the espionage active ities of this pair have been traced back as far as 1924, about which time the Russian military intelligence systems in Canada and the United Statts are believed to have begun to take shape. That the systems were interlocking is evi- denced by the fact that Rose made frequent visits to the United States. On at, least one of these trips, according to the Russian rec- ords, Rose arranged to confer with a Soviet agent in New York City known as Steinberg (code name “Berger”’). One order to Rose (Debouz) read as follows: “CONTACT IN WASHINGTON “To Debouz—Debouz is to tie up with Berger and depending on the circumstances is to make a proposal about work for us or for the corporation, Contact in Washington with Debouz’s person. To work out arrange- ments for a meeting and to telegraph. To give out $600. If Debouz should be unable to go to United States of America, then there should be a letter from Debouz to Berger containing a request to assist the person delivering the letter to Berger.” This order was dated May 12, 1945. The corporation for whom Berger's services were being sought was the military intelligence net headed by Col. Nicolai Zapotin and oper- ating from a secret wing of the Russian Embassy in Ottawa. Gouzenko told the
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD commission that Rose made the contact with Berger in the United States. Rose, whose real name is Rosenberg, has been a Communist agitator in Canada for many years. He arrived in Canada in 1920 from Russia and attained Canadian citizen- ship in 1926. He was born in Poland of Russian parents. In September of 1942, Rose, with Carr and @ number of other prominent Canadian Communists, was arrested and interned un- der the security provisions of the Official Secrets Act of 1939. At that time the defense advisory committee gave this history of him: ROSE WAS LONG A COMMUNIST “In 1925 he joined the Young Communist League and was appointed national secre- tary for that organization in 1929. As such, he went to Russia for a course of instruction in 1930, where for a period of 6 months he served on the international executive com- mittee of the Young Communist League. He became a member of the Communist Party of Canada in 1927 and was appointed to the central executive committee of the party in 1929, “He admitted in 1942 the truth of charges that he was a leader in and supporter of subversive policies of the Communist Party in Canada; that he had written a pamphlet in which he disloyally opposed the Canadian- United States of America defense alliance: that he had attacked Canada's war effort; and that he had engaged in other disloyal activities designed to weaken Canada’s war effort. All of these public activities took place, of course, before the German attack on Russia. Thereafter the Canadian authorities decided to release him, believing that he would follow the party line of supporting the war effort of Canada.” SOON VIOLATED HIS PLEDGE “Before his release, Rose signed an under- taking not to indulge in any subversive ac- tivities of any kind. “ ‘Like Sam Carr (who had been similarly interned and released) ,’ the Royal Commis- sion reported, ‘Fred Rose lost no time in vio- lating his undertakings.’” Rose and Carr proceeded vigorously to build up in Canada an effective spy network, their recruits eventually including Govern- ment physicists working with United States scientists on the atomic bomb, trusted Army and Navy officers having access to top secret radar, ordnance, and other information and women civil-service employees in position to disclose military and diplomatic secrets. Rose, a persuasive speaker, did much of his recruiting of agents at the so-called study groups organized by the Communist Party among Canadian Communists and Commu- nist sympathizers. One of Rose's chief assignments was to de- velop sources of information at the head- quarters of Canada’s highly secret war agency, the National Research Council. The commis- sion found that Rose was successful to an almost unbelievable degree in actually or- ganizing a group of Soviet agents among com- munistic members and employees of the council, One of these scientists known to the spy ring as the “professor,” was enlisted through direct contacts. The professor was Dr. Ray- mond Boyer, of McGill University, according to the report. Several other scientists were recruited by Rose's colleague, Capt. David Gordon Lunan who worked in the Canadian Office of Wartime Information. Lunan was assigned the specific task of obtaining the co- operation of three officials of the National Re- search Council. They were Durnford Smith, electronic engineer and expert on radioac- tivity; Edward Wilfred Maszerall, radar engi- neer; and Maj. Israel Halperin of the Ca- nadian Army, ordnance authority. GIVES FULL INFORMATION In a notebook of Colonel Zapotin was found the following entry regarding Dr. Boyer: “Pro- fessor—Frenchman. Noted chemist, about 40 years of age. Works in McGill University, Montreal. Is the best of the specialists on VV on the American Continent. Gives full information on explosives and chemical plants. Very rich. He is afraid to work. Gave the formula of RDX; up to present there was no evaluation from the boss.” “VV" is a Russian abbreviation for high explosive. “RDX" was a secret explosive be- ing developed by the Canadians. The report points out: “This work was classified as secret during the war and information with regard to it was restricted to a definite number of authorized persons. As late as March 1946, information with regard to RDX had not been released.” The Royal Commission asked Boyer what moved him to hand over to somebody who was obviously an emissary of the Russians infor- mation “which your oath of secrecy forbade you to give.” He replied: “I have already made a statement how Mr. —— was willing to give it to the Rus- sians and was not allowed to do so by the Americans. I felt throughout the work that it was unfortunate that there was not closer scientific liaison in connection with such information between the Russian war effort and ours. In fact, I mentioned that a good many times. I was very anxious to see a technical mission, a British-American-Cana- dian technical mission in Russia and a simi- lar Russian mission in Canada. I felt it was of great importance that the scientific war effort on the two fronts should be coordi- nated. That is all I have to say.” WERE COMMUNIST SYMPATHIZERS The commission said that the other trio of scientists, Smith, Mazerall, and Halperin, “were obviously considered at the Embassy to be Communist sympathizers. Although they testified they did not know Zapotin and his associates, their names appear in the assignment of tasks given to Lunan from time to time by Rogov (Zapotin’s assistant), and it is also clear that the latter knew the nature of the work they were engaged in at the National Research Council, and enough about them to presume their willingness to cooperate. All the information concerning these three recruits had necessarily been previously furnished to Zapotin and Rogov, who were undoubtedly confident in view of what they had learned, probably from Rose, that the scientists would be receptive to Lunan’s propositions.” It was Smith whom Lunan approached first, because he knew him personally. The report quotes Lunan as testifying that he started by trying to feel him out asking him about his work. “I think it became clear to him what kind of proposition I was making to him,” Lunan told the com- mission. ‘We were fencing with words, as it were, and I could not say at what particular stage of our conversation he understood ex- actly the nature of the proposition I was making to him.” Similar indirect approaches were made to the others, he said. In one report to the Embassy, Lunan wrote: “I believe it wise to approach them carefully and not to advance too great an assignment to them at one time * * *, Another slight resistance to be overcome is the strong sense of security about their work that these men have de- veloped as war scientists.” In the same re- port, however, he said that some information already had been obtained and more was promised. The commission declared that Lunan, Smith, Mazerall, and Halperin “did com- municate directly or indirectly secret and confidential information * °* °* to the A491 agents of a foreign power.” Lunan, Smith, and Mazerall have been convicted and Hale perin is awaiting trial. (Tomorrow: Ideology versus loyalty.) [From the Washington Evening Star of January 81, 1947) Ortawa’s Spy CasE—“IDEOLOGICAL MOorTIvA- TION” Overrope LOYALTY AND ETHICS oF CoMMUNIST Spy REcRUITS NO. 5 (By Rex Collier) (This ts the fifth of a series of articles based on the Canadian Royal Commission's report on operations of a Russian spy ring in Canada during and since World War II.) It was Communist ideology, not mercenary motives, which led some of Canada’s key war scientists and civil servants to ‘communicate directly or indirectly secret and confidential information, the disclosure of which might be inimical to the safety and interests of Canada, to the agents of a foreign power.” The mere mention of money, several of the Soviet agents reported to their military in- telligence bosses at the Russian Embassy, Was enough to cause some of the prospective “recruits” to freeze up. As one agent said, the suggestion of payment tended to put too much emphasis on the “conspiratorial” as- pect of the nefarious operations, with ad- verse results on the “recruiting approach.” Because the Royal Commission's discus- sion of the “ideological motivation” which overrode ethical and loyalty considerations is of interest to the United States as well as Canada, this article will quote liberally from the commission’s report. “Perhaps the most startling single aspect of the entire fifth column network,” the commission stated, “is the uncanny success with which the Soviet agents were able to find Canadians who were willing to betray their country and to supply to agents of a foreign power secret information which they had access to in the course of their work, despite oaths of allegiance, of office, and of secrecy which they had taken. “Many of the Canadian public servants implicated in this espionage network were persons with an unusually high degree of education, and many were well regarded by those who worked with them in agencies and eAepartments of the public service, as persons of marked ability and intelligence.” RECRUITS WERE IN KEY JOBS The report cited as examples Prof. Ray- mond Boyer, of McGill University, “a man of very substantial independent means’; Maj). Israel Halperin, Army research expert; Durn- fold Smith and Edward W. Mazerall, McGill graduates and scientists of the National Re- search Council; Kathleen Mary Willsher, em- ployee of the Office of High Commissioner of the United Kingdom; and Capt. David Lunan, of the Wartime Information Service. The commission felt that the motivation which led “persons such as these to take part in an espionage conspiracy directed against Canada by agents of a foreign power is sig- nificant and seems to us to be of great im- portance.” There is no evidence, the commission says, that money played any important part in the original motivation. “On the contrary,” the report states, “the evidence is overwhelming both from the doc- uments and from the testimony of several such agents themselves, e. g., Lunan, Maz- erall, Willsher, Boyer, Gerson—that their original motivation was a product of their political ideology and of the psychological conditioning received in the study groups.” In the course of the development of the agents, however, money in small amounts ‘was passed out—for expenses,
A492 “Care wns taken by the espionage recruit- ing agent,” it was explained, “not to men- tion the possibility of monetary rewards at the time when the first assignment or request was put to the selected recruit.” The reason cited for this by the Commis- Bion was that “the senior members of the network felt, probably rightly, that mention of money at this stage would act as a deter- rent rather than as an inducement to secret Communists facing consciously for the first time the critical issue of invitation or in- itiation into what was obviously an illegal conspiracy directed against Canada. The Russians thought they could obtain better results in the carly stages by allowing the recruit to regard the matter solely as an ideological ussignment.” TACTFUL APPROACH SUCCESSFUL This discreet approach produced recults, too. For example, Mnazerall, when asked about any money offers he received, said: “I am positive, Knowing myself, that the slight- est suggestion of it would have discouraged it, as far as I was concerned, entirely. * * * I would not have accepted money. If it had been offered to me I would have said no, at the moment, and I know I would have told him |Lunan] to get out of the car, and I would have driven awny.” It was the practice of the conspirators later, however, to urge the potential spies to take small sums of money—up to $2)90—-atter they had undertaken their initial assign- ments. Captain Lunan told the commission he and the three men he was supposed to enlist, viz, Smith, Mazerall, and Halperin, rejected even the suggestion of “expense money.” “From what you say I take it they did not want to take any money,” a member of the commission asked Lunan. “Correct.” “Either as a disbursement to cover ex- penses or otherwise?” “That is correct.” “What was their motive to do what they did?” “Their motives would be idealistic or political.” “What do you mean by political?” “That they felt they were serving a valid pOlitical motive in doing this——” “Party sympathy?” “Yes; that would be fair.” “When we say ‘party’ there is only one party that is meant, the Communist Party?” “That is correct.” But the Russians persisted in trying to compel the recruits to take “expense money,” at least. It was pressed into their hands, or, on at least one occasion, was stuck in a bottle of whisky presented to one scientist (Dr, Allan Nunn May, atomic physicist). “MORAL CORRUPTION” PLANNED “One purpose of the directors of the net- work,” the commission asserts, “in insisting on paying money, even relatively small sums, to recruits would be to further the moral corruption of the Canadians caught ‘in the net,’ and thus to assist in their further ‘development.’ ” Receipts were obtained whenever possible, the commission commenting that such re- ceipts “could, if necessary, presumably be used for blackmail purposes if the agent’s enthusiasm for the cause should wane.” In a section title “The Development of Ideological Motivation” the commission re- veals that “the evidence before us shows that in the great majority of cases the motiva- tion was inextricably linked with courses of psychological development carried on under the guise of activities of a secret section of what is ostensibly a Canadian political move- ment. the Labor-Progressive Party, or Com- munist Party of Canada; that these secret ‘development’ courses fre very much more widespread than the espionage network it- self; and that the Canadian members of the espionage network themselves took an active part in directing and furthering such courses for other Canadians, which were calculated to allow them to draw suitably ‘developed’ Persons later into active participation and thus to expand the network itself, * * * “The inquiry revealed the names of a num- ber of Canadians employed in various agen- cles and departments of the Government who, while presumably quite ignorant of the espionage network and certainly in- nocent of implication in such illegal activ- ities, were being subjected to development by the same means for use in the future.” The report says that “it seems to be the General policy of the Communist Party to discourage certain selected sympathizers among certain categories of the population from joining that political party openly. Instead, these sympathizers are invited to join secret cells or study groups, and to take pains to keep their adherence to the party from the knowledge of their acquaintances who are not members of the party.” GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES PREFERRED These selected categories include students, teachers, scientific workers, office and busi- ness employees, executives and any group likely to obtain any type of Government em- Ployment, Although the reason given for this secrecy was to avoid discrimination in obtaining positions, the commission concluded that this party technique had far different ob- Jectives. “One objective,” the report states, “is that this technique facilitates the achievement of a basic policy of the Communist Party, to get control, through the election of secret members to the directing committees, of as many types of functional organizations as possible, including trade unions, professional associations and broad nonparty organiza- tions such as youth movements and civil liberties unions.” The cells or study groups seemed to have & particular appeal to certain types of in- tellectuals and students. A strong factor was a belief that the study groups could do something about the social evils of anti- Semitism and racial intolerance. Others, like Prof. Boyer, said they were seeking to advance international scientific collabora- tion. In some cases it was a desire for com- panionship and intellectual discussion, or a sense of adventure inherent in the con- spiratorial methods and purposive activity of the groups.” “The indoctrination courses in the study groups,” the report comments, “are appar- ently calculated not only to inculcate a high degree of loyalty to the party and obedience to the party, but to instill in the mind of the adherent the view that loyalty and obedi- ence to the leadership of this organization take precedence over his loyalty to Canada, entitles him to disregard his oaths of al- legiance and secrecy and thus destroy his integrity as a citizen.” (Tomorrow: Conclusions and recommen- dations of the Royal Commission.) [From the Washington Evening Star of February 1, 1947] Orrawa’s Spy Cask—WHyY THE RoyvaL Com- MISSION WARNED DEMOCRACIES AGAINST Com- MUNISTIC INFILTRATION NO. 6 (By Rex Collier) (This is the last of a series of six articles based on the Canadian Royal Commission's report on operations of a Russian spy ring in Canada during and since World War I1.) Outstanding among the lessons which Canada learned from her experience with a deep-rooted Russian espionage network, di- rected from Moscow, is that it js dangerous to give Communists positions of trust in a democracy. In a move suggestive of locking the door after the horse has been stolen, the Royal APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Commission recommended “additional se- curity measures to prevent the infiltration into positions of trust under the Government of persons likely to commit acts such as those described in this (the Commission’s) re- port.” To what extent the security of Canada— and of the United States as well—was com- promised by the “communication to a for- eign power of secret and confidential infor- mation” the Commission could only guess. Of particular concern to the Commission was the fact that the Soviot-controlled fifth column sought, and obtained, not only top secret information about the atom bomb, electronically operated missiles, radar, and the like, but military, economic, and political data of postwar significance, In this connection the Commission re- ported: “We can say that much vital technical information which should still be secret to the authorities of Canada, Great Britain, and the United States has been made known to the Russians by reason of the espionage ac- tivities reported herein. The full extent of the information handed over is impossible to say. As we have pointed out, these opera- tions have been going on for some time, DATA ON POSTWAR DEFENSES “We should emphasize that the bulk of the technical information sought by the espionage leaders related to research develop- ments which would play an important part in the postwar defenses of Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States.” Apart from the technical data collected, the commission point out, was “economic information” regarding such matters as in- dustrial production, location of industries, transportation facilities, finance, and indus- trial planning. “It is sufficient to say here,” the report states, “that the amount of material in this categorr whick was handed over was very great indeed, and that much of it was clas- sified as secret or top secret. “Regarding the evaluation of this mate- rial, we will say only that this information appears to haye been such as would be de- signed to facilitate detailed estimates of Canada’r postwar economic and military po- tential. “Parts of this information could also be useful in connection with possible sabotage operations.” A third category of information which the spies sought eagerly was of political and dip- lomatic nature. Agents of the ring employed in the cipher division of the Canadian Department of Ex- ternal Affairs—counterpart of our State De- partment—and in the r-gistry of the office of the United Kingdom High Commissioner, at Ottawa, the commission say, divulged highly secret intelligence relating not only to the policies of the Canadian Government, but to those of the Governments of the United Kingdom and the United States. Citizenship documents, passports, marriage or birth certificates were sought for illegal purposes. The records of the agents disclosed that such papers were for use in the United States as well as Canada at some time in the future. POSSIBILITY OF SABOTAGE Such forged papers, the commission com- ments, “could in time be used by planted agents not only for espionage, but for sabo- tage, leadership of subversive political groups, and other purposes. It is unnecessary to comment on the possible gravity of these operations.” The fact, in all this, that should not be lost sight of, the Royal Commission stresses, is the apparent ease with which the Rus- sian military intelligence agents were able to recruit native-born Canadian citizens for what the commission is convinced was a po- tential fifth column.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD “Of paramount importance,” the report states, “is the fact the Canadians were will- ing to give secret information, no matter what its importance, and were carrying out their agreements. Some gave all they had or all they could get; others apparently gave only some of what was in their possession; some had not much to give, but were in posi- tions where they would, in the future, have been able to give more, and they undoubtedly would have done so. “The most important thing is the agree- ment of certain Canadian Communists to work under foreign orders in a conspiracy Girected against their own country.” As discussed in the preceding article in this series, the Russians used a sort of psychological warfare in their carefully plot- ted campaign to enlist the services of Can- adians who they knew were Communists or Communist sympathizers. Considerable light was thrown on this tethnique by Miss Kathleen Mary Willsher, veteran employee of the office of the High Commissioner for the United Kingdom. Miss Willsher, who was known to the eepi group as Ellie, pleaded guilty to violation of the Official Secrets Act and ig serving a prison term of 8 years. According to the commission, Miss Will- sher had been an admirer of communism for a long time. Eventually she joined the Communist Party and began attending one of its study groups, the stated purpose of which was to read and discuss Marxist litera- ture. The commission asserts that these groups actually served as recruiting centers for the spy ring. LOYALTY TO COMMUNISM It was at one of these meetings, she con- fessed, that Fred Rose, a member of the Canadian Parliament (since convicted as a Soviet agent), first broached the idea that she could be useful to the party by giving him general information concerning work of the High Commission. “Miss Willsher,” a commission member asked, “you recognized, I suppose, when Mr. Rose made that suggestion to you, that he was suggesting an improper thing for you to do?” “Well,” she replied, “I did, but I felt that I should contrive to contribute something toward helping this policy (of a ‘united front’) because I was very interested in it. I found it very difficult, and yct I felt that I should try to help.” “Then you appreciated that from the standpoint of your relationship to your em- ployer it was an improper suggestion. That is right?” “Yes. I also felt that I had something to contribute.” “Would it be right to put it this way— that you felt there was a higher law, owing to your, let us say, political convictions?” “Yes. It was 8 struggle. It was always a struggle.” “You cannot serve two masters without a struggle,” the interrogator remarked. Pressing for a “clearer understanding” of her motives, the commission asked Miss Will- sher: “Do you mean that by becoming a member of the Communist Party you are expected to ao what you are asked to do regardless of any obligation you may have in any other direetion; is that what you mean?” “That ie the sort of thing, yes,” Miss Will- sher replied. “And that being called upon to make a de- cision as between your master and the coun- try you were working for, on the one hand, and the Communist Party, on the other hand, you told us that you decided in favor of the Oommunist Party?” “Yes.” “Because you felt thet you owed loyalty to the Communist Party first” “Yes.” LESSON FOR UNITED STATES Other officials and employees of the Cana- dian Government who were caught in the pet expressed similar views to the commis- Moreover, the Commission found from the evidence that similar psychological tech- niques of gaining recruits for espionage work were being used in the United States and elsewhere. “The Russians would know from their agents in Canada,” the report says, “that information was being pooled. By getting some information here, some in England, and some in the United States, and then as- sembling it, a very large body of data could be built up.” These are some of the reasons which im- Pelled the Royal Commission to warn Can- ada, and implicitly the United States and other democracies, to strengthen the bars against Communist infiltration in govern- mental agencies. Had there been better safeguards Col. Nicolai Zapotin, head of the Soviet military espionage set-up in Canada, could never have won the two awards of the Order of the Red Banner for good organization work, nor the telegraphed congratulations of the chief of the general intelligence in Moscow, who added: “I wish you further success in your honorable work.” Canada intends to make sure that this fine sentiment does not develop beyond the stage of wishful thinking. And the Royal Com- mission made it plain that the United States cannot afford to ignore the lessons which Canada has learned at painful cost. Army-Navy Unity EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. WALTER E. BREHM OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. BREHM. Mr. Speaker, I want to extend my thanks and congratulations both to the War and Navy Departments for having gotten together regarding the making available of Army commissary stores to naval personnel in the Wash- ington area. I believe that there have been five Army commissaries within the greater Washington area for quite some time, but that there were no Navy commis- saries; also, the Army refused to permit naval personne] to patronize the Army commissaries. This has resulted in ex- treme hardship in some cases of non- officer naval personnel who were denied subsistence allowances as of December 15, 1946. I desire to quote one para- graph from a letter received by me from the Secretary of the Navy, Mr. James Forrestal, in reply to my inquiry to him of January 17 regarding the making available of Navy commissaries: However, arrangements have been made with the War Department recently which, it is believed, will provide commissary store facilities through Army commigsaries to meet the need expressed in your letter that such privileges be available to enlisted per- sonnel, especially those with dependents who, because of restrictions on appropria- tions available, were denied subsistence al- lowances as of December 15. The War De- partment has granted the Navy permission A493 to authorize 2,500 active-duty Navy person- nel to patronize Army stores. In issuing permits preference will be given to the lower enlisted ratings with dependents. This will come as good news to naval personnel in the enlisted ratings, and again I want to congratulate the Army and Navy for getting together on this important subject. Federal Aid EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. NOBLE J. JOHNSON OF INDIANA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, the following copy of House Concurrent Resolution No. 2, adopted by the Eighty-fifth General Assembly of the State of Indiana, clearly demon- strates the thinking and the attitude of the people of the great State of Indiana regarding Federal aid. They realize that the Federal Government collects taxes from the people of the various States and then, through legislation pro- viding for Federal aid, returns a part of the tax money collected to the States, but with many controls and regulations with which the States must comply or forfeit the Federal] aid. When State legislatures are confront- ed with Federal aid law, the legislatures must comply with the provisions of this Federal law or forfeit the money which has been taken from the States’ citizens in taxes. In effect this is Federal con- trol and amounts to compulsion on the States by the Federal Government. The people of Indiana have Icarned by experience that the tax dollar sent to Washington has become much smaller when it is returned to the State as Federal aid. House Concurrent Resolution 2 Indiana needs no guardian and intends to have none. We Hoosiers—like the people of our sister States—were fooled for quite a spell with the magician's- trick that a dollar taxed out of our pockets and sent to Wash- ington will be bigger when it comes back to us. We have taken a good look at said dol- lar. We find that it lost weight in its jour- ney to Washington and back. The political brokerage of the bureaucrats has been de- ducted. We have decided that there is no such thing as Federal aid. We know that there is no wealth to tax that is not already within the boundaries of the 48 States. So we propose henceforward to tax our- selves and take care of ourselves. We are fed up with subsidies, doles, and paternal- ism. We are no one’s stepchild. We have grown up. We serve notice that we will resist Washington, D. C., adopting us. Be it resolved by the House of Representa- tives of the General Assembly of the State of Indiana (the senate concurring), That we respectfully petition and urge Indiana's Congressmen and Senators to vote to fetch our county courthouse and city halls back from Pennsylvania Avenue. We want gov- ernment to come home. Resolved, further, That we call upon the legislatures of our sister States and on good
A494 citizens everywhere who believe in the basic principles of Lincoln and Jefferson to join with us, and we with them to restore the American Republic and our 48 States to the foundations built by our fathers. The American People’s Opportunity EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. CALEB BOGGS OF DELAWARE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. BOGGS of Delaware. Mr. Speak- er, under Jeave to extend my remarks in the Appendix of the Recorp, I include an address by Mr. Ear] Bunting, president of the National Association of Manufactur- ers, delivered by Mr. Bunting on the occa- sion of the annual meeting and banquet of the Wilmington (Del.) Chamber of Commerce, January 30, 1947: As I see it, there is a great job of human relations to be done in this country. It is a tough job, and a big one—so big that it will never get done unless every individual and every group in the land understands its po- tentials and does his share of the job. If we fail to build real unity, the American people will miss the greatest opportunity to prosper that we have ever had. If we suc- ceed in reviving the American ideals of fair play and united teamwork, the public—which is all of us—will reap the richest reward Americans have ever earned. Unity, and unity alone, can bring this now—and for Many years to come. Unity is always a tough job because human beings happen to have toes that get stepped on easily, tempers that flare up, and a deep- rooted suspicion that they are right and everyone else is wrong. Any man worth his salt has some of this pugnacity; this depth of conviction about him. But he also has a way of getting along with his neighbors who, when you add them all up, are the public to whom this country belongs. We are part of it. And because all of us are part of it, the public interest must come before any other interest. Unless we keep that yard- stick firmly in hand, as the common meas- ure of all that we do, Americans will fall short of their peacetime possibilities. Industry realized this when we reconverted factories and machinery to peacetime pro- duction. It was a job that had to be done fast. The other fellows’ jobs—millions of them—depended on it. The job was done— and fast. It was done a year ago, for all practical purposes, As a result, more men are now working, at better wages, than in any other peacetime year. That’s good for labor. It’s good for government. It’s good for business, It’s the sort of thing of which the whole American people can well be proud, Iam quite proud of it myself. And I know that you are. I believe that, more than any other people, the men and women of this country like to feel that whenever something really worth while is accomplished here we are all part of it. This conviction is well founded. Yet, despite this great record of accom- plishment, this country has fallen short of doing the best postwar job it could. Let’s not lecture the labor leaders and bureaucrats because we “missed the boat.” Let’s not lecture anybody. Instead, let’s try to see—in broad terms—just why our men- tal reconversion has lagged behind and ts only now getting under way. To start with let’s assume, as I think we can, that the publio is not interested in re- converting to the prewar habit of looking to Washington for bread, circuses, pump prim- ing, and economic shots in the arm. Let us also assume, as I think we must, that the public is equally uninterested in re- converting to the days and ways of the prairie schooner, the clipper ships, and the backwoodsman who bathed when he felt like it—but didn't often feel like it. Where does that leave us? Let’s take off the trimmings and see. One obvious reason why the public has seemed slow to reconvert its thinking to postwar channels is that a lot of straight thinking has had to be done. Like the vet- erans, the public filled out during the war. People are no longer comfortable in what was good enough before the war. They are in the market for sound ideas as well as sound goods. They want something not merely every bit as good as Americans ever had, but a great deal better. The public is wiser than government. Wiser than labor. Wiser than business. We are all part of it and can well take our les- sons from it. I certainly can, because one of the things which the public doesn’t do is make speeches. One of the greatest lessons that govern- ment, labor, and business can learn is that the public never forgets anything, Oh, it seems to. But it doesn’t. It hasn't forgot- ten, for instance, that people come to this country for two things—freedom and toler- ance. It hasn't forgotten that you can’t have one without the other. . Another thing that the public doesn't do is quibble. To have freedom you have got to be tolerant, and the public earns its free- dom every inch of the way. At times it seems as though the public will put up with anything. Some business- men once made that mistake. Instead of realizing that the public tolerated them, en- couraged them, and patronized them be- cause of their services, they took a public- be-damned attitude. Then the antitrust laws hit them like a ton of bricks. Once the public went into action monopoly was out of business—period. We are part of the American public—you and I. Like the rest of the public—it has become noticeable even in labor circles—we have lost all patience with labor monopolies and abuses. The sooner an end is put to organized labor's monopolistic powers, coer- cive violence, and specia) privileges, the sooner the American public will be free from fear, privation, and racketeering in our economy. But—and this is even more important— unfairness can only be corrected by fair- ness—fair rules and fair play applied to everybody, without discrimination. It is all too easy to let the blood pressure mount and tempers grow blistering when la- bor pushes the right to Strike, and the claim for back pay on time not worked, to absurd and disastrous lengths. However, as the Na- tional Association of Manufacturers sees it, action conceived in anger would make labor relations worse—not better. In advancing our 10-point program for industrial harmony, ‘we were scrupulously aware that if labor were to lose its legitimate gains it would be a black day for industry. But we were equally aware that the day has long since passed when American labor could be regarded as a fragile Casper Milktoast, needing special privileges which the rest of the public were denied. American labor, both union and nonunion, are here to stay and here to thrive. But they can thrive only if they serve the public in- terest, which is greater than anybody's in- terest—I don’t care whose. My employees are unionized. In our case I think it is a good thing for them. And I think it is a good thing for this company. But I am equally positive that a closed shop, which turns the basic freedom to work into @ monopoly, would be as thoroughly bad APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD all around as it would be if we repealed the antitrust laws, and said that nobody but O'Sullivan could make shoe heels. I do not want to make this labor-better- be-good-or-the-boogy - man - will - catch - it talk. But I do want to point out that it is not in the public interest to carry either good or bad things to extremes, Legitimacy for instance, is an excellent thing. And the closed shop is, in my opin- jon, a very bad thing. Yet the two have been very curiously combined in one of the most exciusive organizations in the world. This organization is the closed-shop un- ion representing newspaper deliverymen in New York. You may recall waiting for them to come along with a late edition. One of their bylaws states that no one can join them—no one can deliver a newspaper in New York City—unless he is the legitimate son of a member of that union. It is not in the public interest to limit opportunity—whether it be the opportunity to deliver papers or the opportunity to manage a business concern. And if we, and labor, and all other Americans, don't look out for the public interest there isn’t going to be any public interest left for us to look out for. The crux of labor relations as I see them is that there simply is not enough under- standing to go around. We can overcome that. It’s not easy to do, but we can swing it. Part of the job lies in getting the general public to understand that labor, like anyone else, will abuse special privileges if it has them, and that our labor laws have got to be as fair and impartial as any other laws. Certain labor leaders, grown reckless with power, have gone further to convince the public of this than any words of manage- ment could ever do. Part of the job lies in getting employees to understand that in a very large measure they fill in their own pay checks. If they produce more, there is more money to pay them with. If production drops, they and the American public are that much worse off, No small part of the job is right in our own laps. Labor may overreach itself here, and get completely off base there. But basically American workers want perfectly natural and legitimate things. They want to feel that they are an im- portant part of their business outfit. And they are. They want to feel that their Jobs won't fold up on them. And it is definitely in manage- ment’s interest, as it is in labor’s interest, for industry to stabilize employment to the greatest possible degree. They want more earning power. And that goes back to where we started. Real earning power comes out of service to the public— and there isn’t any substitute for it. It can’t come out of strikes. It can’t come from unprofitable businesses. It can’t come out of high prices. It does come out of a working harmony between the man who invests his savings to buy the machinery, the man who uses this equipment to speed his work, and the con- sumer who pays for the work produced. That harmony is what we've got to re- establish. All that we have in this country came from it. And what we have is well worth having. Did you notice the New York Times survey of living conditions throughout the world on the first of the year? Correspondents in many countries reported on representative railroad engineers--what they earned and how they lived. The Chinese engineer who earned @45 a month summed it up for most of the world when he found life “bitter—very bitter indeed.” The Soviet engine driver thought himself lucky with one room for a family of four to live in. The British engineer had about $78 a month left after his income tax was paid. He was not anxious to earn more
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD because it would take him into the higher income tax brackets. The American railroad engineer inter- viewed was George Teese, who works hard and, in his own words, “does all right.” He, his wife, and their two children live in six of the pleasantest rooms in Harmon on the Hudson. They use 6 quarts of milk a day. They have a Packard, tiled bath, electrio refrigerator, two radios, and a big yard for the children to play in. It’s a nice family. George Teese’s father was a “firm hand at the throttle” too, but running a locomotive brought him only $78 a month. We have come a long way since then, But every foot of the way has been made possible by the whole crew—not fust the engineer, not just the brakeman, not just the passengers, stock- holders, freight shippers, and the farmer's son who waves when the trains roll by, but all of them—the whole American public. As I said, the public is just about the most tolerant group you can imagine—up to a point. For 16 years Americans personally pinched and scrimped, which they don't like to do, while their Government ran headlong into debt. Every year was a deficit. But the public figured: Well, there was a depression; and then there was a war; and then in the first year after the war maybe the Government needed time to straighten itself out. Sometimes the public's gift for seemingly unlimited tolerance can mislead people. But in the back of the public's mind, if the back of my own mind is a fatr example, ‘was the conviction that the time would come when ent need not be so costly. I don't think there is any doubt that the public had that idea very definitely in mind during the last election. Yet the President's latest budget estimate, balanced only if our Government sells €2,000,000,000 of war surpluses, represents an annual expenditure of 61,000 for every family in the United States. This is four times what government cost us tmmediately before the war. It means that while the public ts reconverting its thinking—fast—the executive branch of our Government has failed to keep pace with the thinking of those from whom it derives its authority. The public is not in the habit of going off half-cocked. Witness the fact that it has waited 15 years for our Government to stop spending more money than the American family can, by any stretch of the imagina- tion, afford. But if we leave out the amount for the Army and Navy, for the veterans, and for the interest on our national debt, the President still proposes to spend 74 percent more than Federal Government cost in the year before the war. It was no bargain then. And 61,000 out of every family's pocket is a long way past the American people's boiling point. The Congress which they elected to do a long postponed job of economy and tax re- duction, is mueh in the public eye. Person- ally I don't know of any family which hes a thousand dollars they want their Govern- ment to spend for them. The bureaucratic mind and the mind work very differently. To the public, abolishing wartime controls means just what it says. It might have to allow for keeping a few controls which are still tied up with national security. But it definitely means reconverting to peace by restoring the free- dom that goes with peace. What has been done, through the belated declaration that hostilities have of- ficlally ended, was to abolish 51 wartime con- trole—leaving some 450 others; “sleepers” ready to use at any time. Is the war over, or isn't it? The veteran no longer carries a loaded rifie around with him. He would feel uncomfortable, and his neighbors would be alarmed if he did. These controls that the Government is hanging on to are loaded. Even when they aren't used, 450 unrepealed controls in your Govern- ment's hip pocket do not make for a peace- ful, confident economy. The President declared in his message to Congress that: “Private enterprise must be given the greatest possible freedom to continue the expansion of our economy * * *, It is up to industry not only to hold the line on existing prices, but to make reductions when- ever profits justify such action. It is up to labor to refrain from pressing for unjustified wage increases that will force increases in the price level. And it is up to rovernment to do everything in its power to encourage high-volume productior, for that is what makes possible good wages, low prices, and reasonable profits.” These words sum up accurately the broad program which NAM laid out at its Decem- ber Congress of American Industry. Among the factors beyond industry's con- trol which could increase costs and prices alarmingly are the portal-to-portal suits, and the CIO’s worn-out theory that wages can be increased as much as 25 percent without raising prices. They tried that last year. It didn’t work. As for the Government, it can do far more than appoint a commission to study the labor problem. The public expects it to do more, The American people are, in their own way, & large and effective commission. Through- out last year we found ourselves making an exhaustive and exhausting study of the la- bor problem at first-hand. Now the public wants not another year of such study, but action. Certainly we want laws to prevent jurisdictional strikes and secondary boycotts, But Americans also want uninterrupted pro- duction. They want an end to union monop- olies and immunities which brought on the coal, steel, motor, shipping, and general strikes last year. No study is needed to prove that we shall face them again so long as there is one set of laws for the labor leader and an- other for the rest of us. This year brings the greatest opportunity this country has ever had. It brings the people of America their chance to bring back unity, fair play, and tolerance; their chance to restore the ideals by which the American public lives and lets live, builds, and pros- pers. These ideals have been tarnished by the abuses of people who prefer monopolistic powers and special privileges for themselves to putting the public interest first. But they are still in perfect working order for Ameri- cans who have the understanding and the courageous hearts to use them. When I speak of the American people, I don't mean that because something is every- body's business and in everybody's interest we can sit back and consider it as good as done, We can't. We are part of the public, and we have got our work cut out for us. The election last fall showed that the American people realize the need for action. It did not solve this country’s problems. It did open the way for business to offer effec- tive ideas, ideals, and leadership. For these to be accepted, they must be unselfishly conceived and understandingly sustained. The yardstick of the public in- terest is the only measure that will stand up. We can’t dump a labor crisis on the White House and say, “You handle it.” On the con- trary, to establish working harmony we have got to get labor relations out of the White House; off of the front page and into an hon- est effort of fair men to agree. Better labor laws can help. They have got to help. But you can't build good human relations by laws alone. We have got to know, and we have got to understand the other fellow before we can hope to get along with him. We can’t delegate our responsibilities to the White House and hope for the best. Neither can we expect to do the hard, essential job of slashing Federal ex- A495 travagance and providing relief from the dead weight of overtaxation on our economy, unless we keep it crystal clear that our Gov- ernment must live within the means of its citizens, These things are in the public interest, As members of the public each one of us is responsible for them. What can the American consumer—and who isn’t—expect now that the ill-starred experiment with price control is abandoned, and other war controls are on their way out? Americans again enjoy freedom of choice, Goods again fill shelves which long stood empty. Black marketeers have long since dumped their hoardings into the market and the curtain has fallen upon their ugly act. Competition is readjusting prices. America 1s being reconverted into a buyer's market. Shopping is being made easy and conven- ient by everyone who expects to sell goods or services to the buying public. It has again become profitable to render the best possible service at the lowest possible prices. It has again become unprofitable not to do so. Competition and confidence in a free market is restoring the economic balance necessary for a free flow of goods and pros- perity for all. No longer do mechanical re- frigerators stall in the production line be- cause Washington guessed wrong in fixing the ceiling price of some obscure but essen- tial part. What can all Americans who work for their living count on if a fair national labor-rela- tions policy replaces the present crazy quilt of special privileges for union leaders? They can count on fair play for all, and special privileges to none; legs reason for friction between employers and employees: and fewer and smaller strikes. A chance for collective bargaining to settle differences without strife would reverse the increasing emphasis on collective coercion, They would enjoy a smoothly functioning economy which is essential to the prosperity of every man and woman. They would also enjoy more purchasing power, increased se- curity, steadier employment, and uninter- rupted earnings. It will take Westinghouse workers 14 years to make up the pay they lost during a 117-day strike. They can expect more and better jobs. In less than 1 year private enterprise has pro- vided jobs for ex-servicemen and ex-war workers to achieve a high level of employ- ment at top wages—a goal which the former Secretary of Commerce could only promise to achieve in 5 years through the expendi- ture of vast sums of borrowed money in Fed- eral make-work projects. What can the American taxpayer—and no one escapes taxes in one form or another— look forward to if the Federal Government starts living within its citizen’s means? He can look forward to getting out of debt. Our Government is not something separate and distinct from us. If it is in debt, we are in debt. If extravagant Federal spend- ing ts stopped, the national debt can be steadily diminished. He can look forward to a decided increase in production if nonessential Federal em- ployees resume productive work. He can look forward to an immediate re- duction in the individual’s tax burden, with the prospect of more rather than less money available for total tax revenues. ‘When heavy taxes crush the spirit of en- terprise, there is less national income, Each individual’s tax bill is higher and harder to pay. If, on the other hand, the tax level is motierate, there is more money to invest, ® sound reason for launching new enter- prise, more business, more jobs, more in- come for all, Each taxpayer's share of the tax bill is leas. And yet there are ample tax revenues available for al] necessary pur- poses. What will happen if Americans are again encouraged to be enterprising—to save and
A496 invest their money, rather than having ven- ture capital treated as a dangerous gambler? There will be more saving to invest, and a real incentive to invest them. The chance of a fair return on venture capital would again offset the risk of loss. Investment would pour into new inventions and enterprises. There are opportunities unprecedented in our history for the launching of new busi- nesses on every scale. Services are needed. Goods are needed. Fair play for American savers and investors will insure that the American public get them in abundance, New ideas, processes, and inventions await development. The wonders of the postwar world are within reaching distance. Elec- tronics, television, new fabrics, new ways of combatting extremes of temperature, wear and tear, rust and insect pests, better ways of bringing you fresh foodstuffs, equipping your home with small convenient motors, tapping great sources of energy, and taking the drudgery out of American lives—are no mirage. They proved entirely practical for military uses. The engineering problems of adapting them to civilian use are easily within Americans’ abilities. A fair return on American’s invested savings would make them part of our lives today. As industry sees it, there is no room in the picture of America’s future for selfish inter- ests. What is good for the public is good for us, and for every other group. Those who want to grasp more than their share soon destroy their own future, as well as the great- est opportunity Americans have ever had to achieve prosperity for all. Unity, understanding, and tolerance are Americans’ way of getting their great jobs done. They are cur most precious posses- sions. They never wear out. Let us use them until they shine again, and with them the future of the American people shines dazzling bright. War Liabilities EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HOWARD H. BUFFETT OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr, BUFFETT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I include the following article from the February issue of the Washington News Digest: ‘WAR LIABILITIES (By Representative Howarp H. Burrert, of Nebraska) Taking inventory is an old custom. In business stockholders sometimes find that an optimistic management has overvalued the assets and understated the liabilities. It is time to start to inventory World War IZ in terms of assets and liabilities. You can draw up your own list of values or assets gained from World War II. This report will briefly appraise two of the continuing financial lia- bilities of the war. One liability is our duty to the widows, orphans, dependents, and wounded of the war. As of November, 2,054,515 persons were receiving World War II pension or compen- sation checks. The list is permanent and steadily increasing. It does not include those receiving temporary GI benefits. The second financial burden is the war @ebt. After World War I our debt reached €26,000,000,000 in 1919. That debt was ree duc~d to less than @16,000,000,000 by 1930. Before Pearl Harbor, the date of our official entrance into the war, deficit spending had increased this debt to over $64,000,000,000. On December 15, 1946, it was over $259,000,- 000,000. Interest and veterans’ benefits now cost about $11,000,000,000 annually. The debts owed war victims and war-bond buyers can be met in three ways: (1) They ‘can be repudiated outright. (2) They can be largely repudiated by payment in vastly cheapened dollars. (8) They can be paid in dollars of at least present purchasing power. Obviously, there is only one honorable course. It is to pay these debts in dollars of at least today’s buying power. That road will not be easy. It will call for high taxes and Government economy—not for a few years but for generations. Not a pleasant prospect, but the chance to avoid this bur- den ended when we were maneuvered into war, The American people cannot make good on these sacred obligations if gigantic spend- ing continues. Will the new Congress stop the persistent outpouring of our resources to foreign lands? How the Eightieth Con- gress meets that question is all-important to those who sacrificed to win the war. Their claims can be paid in full, only if spending is reduced and tax rates are kept commensu- rate with our war commitments to our own people. Two Great Newspapers View Reciprocal Trade Agreements EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. MELVIN PRICE OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. PRICE of Illinois, Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include an editorial from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch of February 7, 1947, on the subject of reciprocal trade agreements, and also an editorial from the Denver Post referred to in the Post- Dispatch article. The Post-Dispatch article follows: Supreme GOP Issuxz Shall we turn back toward the foreign trade policy of the 1920’s? Eric Johnston, a good Republican, calls it the supreme is- sue facing his party. Senator VANDENBERG’S associates say the fear that it may happen is a main reason he will not attend the Mos- cow Conference of Foreign Ministers. The decision is that serious. Our whole foreign policy is at stake, for, as Mr. Johnston sfys, “You can’t have political cooperation with- out economic cooperation.” , The issue arises because the administra- tion has scheduled conferences to negotiate reciprocal] trade agreements with 18 other nations. The State Department intends to draw on a power conferred by the previous Congress, to reduce our import duties up to 50 percent in return for equal concessions by others. But a mighty effort is being made in the present Congress to block or with- draw that power. No matter to high-tariff Congressmen that ‘tariffs have already been materially reduced under the reciprocal program without prov- able harm to any American industry. They want detailed control taken back by Congress anyhow. But, as our tariff history shows, that would mean swapping higher rates on A’s wool for higher rates on B's cotton goods, and so forth. The last time these logs were Tolled, the product was the Hawley-Smoot tariff of evil memory.. ; Tariff-raisers want only to push domestic ‘prices up by restraints on imports, but they are never that truthful. Instead, they wail of APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD impending ruin—as though American pro- ductive and competitive genius were dead. Again, they label tariff reduction as global do-gocding. It is anything but do-gooding. Mutual lowering of trade barriers simply proceeds from the hard fact that we have got to buy more goods to sell more—unleas we want to give our goods away, which we don't. The Denver Post, published in what was once a great citadel of isolationism, faces that fact in an editorial reprinted on this page to- day. The war has left us perilously short of various key commodities; we have either got to buy them in much greater quantity from others or throw our prosperity and security into a gamble against odds. The adminis- tration’s purpose is that hard-headed. It is equally long-headed. Enlarged trade raises living standards in all the trading countries because each can concentrate on goods for which it is best fitted. We tried in the 1920's to wall in our Ameri- can comfort, and failed. Other nations built walls against us. That game made fertile ground for Adolf Hitler, which was won back only at a terrible price, Thus, Mr. Johnston may be conceded his superlative supreme issue. And he is not exaggerating when he adds: “The Republican Party is rightly looked upon as the conservative party. It is a strik- ing fact that it was given the reins of power at a time when almost the entire world was marching steadily toward the left. There is no need of disguising the fact—the left- wingers are in power in Europe because the conservatives fell down on the job. * * * They bungled a large part of Europe into socialism or something worse. The price paid for their stubbornness is almost beyond comprehension. They lost not a battle but a continent.” Our foreign-trade policy of the 1920's proved not conservative. In the strict sense of a word too often used loosely, it is reac- tionary to think of risking a return of that policy. Democrats, too, are on trial, but the power of decision rests with the Republicans. The Denver Post article: More THAN a Wortp HocxsHop The country is still waiting for a frank indication of Republican intentions on the reciprocal trade agreements program. Spokesmen of the congressional majority have repledged continuing support of a two- party foreign policy in its major outlines. But they have left a cloud over one impor- tant element of that policy, their tariff out- look. This very likely will prove the severest test of postwar internationalism. There is a great suspicion among other peoples that Americans may look at trade as @ one-way street. Our policies in the past have engendered this fear; and we have not removed it. Indeed, it has been heightened by the profound changes in the relationship of our economy to that of the world. The United States has become almsgiver, hockshop, banker, field, and factory for the world. To a large extent this has been hu- manitarian. To a larger degree it has been the cost of victory and it may eventually be written off as such. RICH UNCLE FOR HOW LONG? But even with our vast industrial capacity, more than equaling that of the rest of the world combined, we cannot continue to play rich uncle. This is a position healthy neither for us nor for our neighbors. Trade must be put on a mutual basis. For every dollar's worth of credit, goods, and services we extend other nations we must ac- cept the equivalent from them. That is not .@ Henry Wallace theory—it is elementary good sense. . There !s real cause for anxiety in the sup- ‘port now claimed for a movement to require congressional approval of reciprocal trade agreements, This would almost certainly
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD mean the death of the whole program for freer trade. It would result in logrolling by regional intereste—in which a “wool Sen- ator” would make a deal with a “cotton Sen- ator,” etc.—and insure continuance of trade restrictions. Those who hope for an economi- cally stable world must defeat this proposal. NATURAL BUT DANGEROUS The Rocky Mountain empire, like other regions, may see its special interests threat- ened by the trade-agreement program. Our inclination heie may be to resist concessions on the cattle, wool, sugar, and metals we produce, for example. Such resistance con- forms to the natural impulse for self-pres- ervation. Concessions like these offer a most diffi- cult and disturbing trial for our internation- alism. Yet the entire structure of world co- operation and perhaps peace itself may de- pend upon them, Between now and April, when the Interna- tional Trade Organization will be formed in Geneva, Switzerland, the world will learn to what degree the United States intends to co- operate economically. The clue to this co- operation is held by the Republican Congress. We hope they will give it positive support. Schick General Hospital, Clinton, Iowa EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ROBERT J. TWYMAN OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. TWYMAN. Mr. Speaker, I sub- mit House Resolution No. 23, which was adopted by the House of Representatives of the State of Illinois, on January 28, 1947, which calls attention to the fact that the Schick General Hospital at Clinton, Iowa, should be made available to the war veterans who need hospitali- zation. Before coming to Congress, this situa- tion with reference to the Schick General Hospital was brought to my attention. While other hospitals are being made available for the care of veterans, many people wonder why the facilities of the Schick General Hospital are not uti- lized. I submit herewith House Resolution No. 23, which, under unanimous consent, I include in the Appendix of the Con- GRESSIONAL RECORD: House Resolution 23 ‘Whereas numerous war veterans residing in eastern Jowa and western Illinois are urgently in need of hospitalization; and Whereas the facilities of the hospitals which the Veterans’ Administration now maintain at Hines, Ill., and Des Moines, Iowa, are barely able to take care of appli- cants from the Chicago and Des Moines areas; and Whereas there now exists in the city of Clinton, Iowa, a group of buildings which, during the war, were used as Schick General Hospital; and Whereas these buildings are admirably equipped to house a modern veterans’ hos- pital; and Whereas the United States Veterans’ Ad- ministration has been deaf to the plea that Schick General Hospital be reconverted into & veterans’ hospital and has persisted in its policy of building new hospitals in localities where the need is not nearly so great; and XCITI—App.——32 Whereas the Veterans’ Administration has advanced no sound reasons for its failure to remedy this unfortunate situation: Therefore e Resolved by the House of Representatives of the Sizty-fifth General Assembly of the State of Ilinots, That we urge the Congress of the United States to take such immediate action as will cause the Veterans’ Adminis- tration to reverse its present position and that will insure the prompt restoration of Schick General Hospital as a medical insti- tution devoted to assistance of the Nation's war veterans; and be it further Resolved, That copies of this resolution be prepared and forwarded by the secretary of state to the President of the United States, Gen. Omar Bradicy, the Honorable Scorr Lucas, the Honorable C. WaYLanp Brooks, and to the 26 Representatives of the State of Illinois in the Eightieth Congress of the United States. Adopted by the house of representatives, January 28, 1947, HucH Green, Speaker of the House. FRED W. RvEGG, Clerk of the House. The United States Under the Republicans EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to include an article in a series, The United States Under the Republicans, published in the Morning Herald, of Gloversville, N. Y., as written by its chief editorial writer, Edwin K. Gross, formerly a congressional secre- tary and a member of the Washington Post editorial staff: TRULY, JEFFERSON PATRON SAINT OF GRAND OLD PARTY =—- GREATEST DEMOCRAT BEQUEATHED NAME AND PURPOSE FOR BEING; REPUBLICAN PARTY SOON BECAME NORMAL MAJORITY IN A REPUBLICAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT; INSUR- GENT SPIRIT ELECTED OUR DEMOCRATIC RE- GIMES The Republicans return to national lead- ership. Back from their deepest and longest political depression during an unprece- dented Democratic era they have climbed, to fill again the vast majority of local offices throughout the nation, a majority of the governorships, and the majority of the seats in Congress. The GOP (Grand Old Party) is once more the majority party of the Nation and holds the advantage for the 1948 Presi- dential election. “The party that was dead” is alive and dominant, the party of power; the Democrats become now the party of pro- test, From the political wailing wall, in the wake of the Republican landslide of 1946, were heard the implication that the world began and ended with the Democrats New Deal, and predictions that (“the Republi- cans being a party of reaction, defeatism, corruption, depression, isolation, war, and disaster”) America is about to be pushed over a precipice. The recent Democratic national history is, as of now, our modern history; the Republi- can record is our ancient history. As a re- sult, memories of older Americans concern= ing Republican capacity to govern the Na- tion are unreliable; for them and for a whole new, unacquainted generation, research into A497 the Republican past would be a liberal edu- cation. So here, in summary, is the Republican story—the forgotten facts during the late years when the Republicans and all their works were discredited, and all human error was attributed to their party and a man by the name of Hoover, This is not a release from Republican na- tional] headquarters. It is a result of sift- ing of historical material—and of a study of the worst which opponents and historians have said about the Republicans. It is an honest appraisal of Republican contribu- tion to what America has been, and ts. No thinking person can approve altogether the performance of any political party. nor can he paint it completely black. An intelli- gent judgment embraces many considera- tions. The story of all our political parties, actu- ally, is a vindication of the baric worth of the American system. The next time the Nation turns to Democratic leadership some- one should write a review of that party's achievements to reassure the pessimists. Under our party government we have had better government than the whole people have deserved, considering the disinterest of 50 many of them in voting, their failure to inform themselves more broadly on public questions and personalities, and their own passion and prejudice. Believe it or not, but not as strange as it seems, the Republican Party derived its breath of life from the so-called Democrat, Thomas Jefferson. The differences between Republicans and Democrats are real, yet some of the greatest Democrats have heen in the Republican ranks and some great Republicans have borne the label of Democrat. The work of Republicans, so-called, has cut across party lines. Independence and courage are not commonplace, but they have been found in both the great parties—and the spirit of insurgency has run high in the Republican Party. Republicans helped bring to power the four Democratic Fresidents since Lincoln—Grover Cleveland, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry S. Truman. A Democrat cannot be elected President. Democratic Congresses are not ever elected without a considerable defec- tion from the Republican Party. . “Mugwump" Republicans requested the Democrats to make Cleveland their nominee. Republican division, when Theodore Roose- velt led a Progressive offshoot, assured the Wilson victory. Big-name Republicans bolted their party and campaigned for F. D. R. in 1932, Senator JosEpH Ba. came out for the Franklin Roosevelt-Truman ticket in 1944. The Democrats once udopted a platform offered by the Liberal Republicans and nomi- nated Republican Horace Greeley, and a Democratic straight-out party assailed the Democratic National Convention for be- trayal. William Jennings Bryan and his support- ers charged Cleveland with changing, in of- fice, into a Republican. The Democrats re- pudiated their Democratic administration and denounced their President Cleveland. In that campaign, in 1896, there were not only Republicans and Democrats but also ‘‘silver” Republicans supporting Bryan, and “gold” Democrats backing William McKinley. In the annals of the Nation are written imperishably the services of many great Re- publicans, men who were defeated for the Presidency, Vice Presidents, members of the Cabinet, Justices of the Supreme Court, Members of Senate and Hcuse, administra- tors of departments and agencies, governors, and mayors; Hannibal Hamlin. Schuyler Col- fax, Henry Wilson, William A. Wheeler, Levi P. Morton, Garrett A. Hobart, Charles W. Fair- banks, James 8. Sherman, Charles G. Dawes,
A498 Charlies Curtis, James G. Biaine, William H. Seward, Salmon P. Chase, Edwin M. Stanton, Gideon Welles, Robert T. Linooln, William M. Evarts, Benjamin H. Bristow, James Wilson, Ebenezer R. Hoar, Hamilton Fish I, Alfonso Taft, Lafayette 8. Foster, Thoma: W. Ferry, David Davis, George F. Edmunds, John J. Ingalls, William P, Frye, Carl Schurz, John Hay, Charles Francis Adams, George William Curtis, Elihu Root, Philander C. Knox, George B. Cortelyou, Gifford Pinchot, William Tyler Page, Nicholas Longworth, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Charles Evans Hughes, Harlan F. Stone, Owen J. Roberts, William E. Borah, George W. Norris, Robert M. La Foillette, 6r., Frank B. Kellogg, Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., and numerous others. Abandoning partisan spirit, the Repub- licans supported loyally the war programs of Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt. When the British Government refused to arbitrate a generation-long dispute with Venezuela over the western boundary line of British Guiana—and Venezuela finally ap- pealed to her “big sister” Republic of the Americas—Cleveland sent a message to Con- Gress stating the duty of the United States in the protection of Venezuelan rights. His demand for arbitration forthwith thrilled the Nation. The Republican Congress backed up the President's message. Within 3 days money had been voted for a commission of inquiry. All the world knew then that the Republican Congress and the Democratic President stood together in the reassertion of the Monroe Doctrine and Britain yielded. Arthur's Secretary of the Treasury, Walter Q. Gresham, became Cleveland’s Secretary of State; William Howard Taft served on Wil- son's War Labor Board; Herbert Hoover, under Wilson, organized and operated the American Relief Commission to feed the starving Bel- gian nation when Germany had ravaged that country in the First World War, and headed the Food Commission to conserve our food and increase production; Henry L. Stimson and Frank Knox accepted the Secretaryships of War and the Navy in Franklin Roosevelt's Cabinet; Gens. Patrick J. Hurley and William J. Donovan performed missions for F. D. R.; upon assuming the Presidency, Truman con- sulted with Hoover, Alf M. Landon, and Thomas E. Dewey; Hoover made a world food survey for Truman; Arthur H. Vandenberg, Charles Eaton, John Foster Dulles, and War- ren R. Austin have cooperated cently with the Democratic administration in bi- partisan foreign policy. One of the greatest of great Republicans who missed the Presidential honor (and by a hair)—Charles Evans Hughes—as Chief Jus- tice of the United States Supreme Court alined himself many times with the liberal wing of the Court in decisions on the con- stitutionality of New Deal legislation, but he was influential in the defeat of Franklin Roosevelt's scheme for a New Deal Court by letting it be known that if the plan to pack the Court by adding six pro-New Deal jus- tices succeeded he might be known in history as the last Chief Justice of a Court truly independent of the other branches of the Government. Bome of the greatest leaders of the Repub- lican Party—like some of the greatest Demo- crate—never got to be President. This re- grettabie fact is as much a commentary upon the people as upon the parties, for it has been shown, though rarely, that a demand from the people for the services of a particu- lar man—as when Wendell Willkie, who been a Democrat, was nominated by the publicans—cannot be ignored by the parties. Nevertheless, in total, the American people have had good Presidents in that great Re- Grant, Rutherford B. Hayes, James A. Gar- field, Chester A. Arthur, Benjamin Harrison, William , Theodore Roosevelt, Wil- liam Howard Taft, Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover. The Republicans have gone to the voters with a squad of military heroes: Generals Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, and Harrison, and Major McKinley, all Civil War veterans, and Colonel Roosevelt of the Rough Riders of Spanish-American War fame. Hayes, Harrison, McKinley, Roosevelt, and Coolidge had been Governors of their States. Hayes, Garfield, and McKinley had been Con- gressmen, and Harrison and Harding United States Senators. Grant, Taft, and Hoover had been members of Presidents’ Cabinets. In earlier occupation Grant was a store clerk, Hayes a lawyer, Garfield a canal boy, Arthur a teacher, Harrison a farm hand, McKinley a teacher, Roosevelt a rancher, Taft & lawyer, Harding a newspaper publisher, Coolidge a lawyer, Hoover an engineer. The Republican Presidents, with one ex- ception, have been alike in modesty, endear- ing themselves, above all else, for that great virtue. The exception, Theodore Roosevelt, was the stand-out among them as a man of action. The youngest President at not yet 48, he delivered the shortest inaugural address of all our Presidents—680 words. Coolidge was the only man in our political history who succeeded in defeating the Dem- ocratic Franklin Roosevelt. That now spe- cial distinction came to Coolidge in the Vice Presidential contest of 1920. Theodore Roosevelt and Coolidge, moving up from the Vice Presidency on the deaths of McKinley and Harding, respectively, so satis- factorily conducted the high office that each won election in his own right to a full term. Political parties are the people. Politicians come up from the people. Our system is grounded in partisanship. Though the Con- stitution made no provision for political par- ties, we have government only by choosing sides and electing through the parties. Between the parties, major and minor, there has been, and is, a fundamental conflict of philosophy. But, on the record of the major parties in national office, it is appar- ent that neither the Democrats nor the Re- publicans when given the power of govern- ment deliberately embark upon a course of ruining the country. The Republican Party, however, has been the overwhelming popular choice of the Nation. The United States is normally Republican because the Republicans are the normal governing authority. The coun- try has declined to raise a third party to national control, though the two old parties have incorporated many minor-perty planks into their platforms and into the Jaw of the and. Our form of government is republican. We ere neither a political, an economic, nor & social democracy. The Nation was founded as a republic, not as a The Constitution declares in article IV, nec- tion 4: “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government.” The word “democ- racy” is absent from the Declaration of Inde- pendence, the Articles of Confederation, the Constitution of the United States, and the constitutions of all the 48 States. James Madison, who wrote the major por- tion of the Constitution, said: “Pure democ- racies have ever been the scenes of turbu- lence and contention, have ever been found incompatible with personal security or rights “to word in our political history, there- fore, ts more significant than “Republican.” The modern Republican Party, organized in 1854, may trace its lineage back to the birth af the Nation and all beginnings. Jefferson, ‘the greatest Democrat,” actually is the patron saint of the Republican Party. Jefferson did not call himself a Democrat, never used the word in his public addresses and papers, nor did Andrew Jackson proclaim himself a Democrat in any of his state papers or addresses; the “Democrats” Madison, Mon- roe, and even Jackson clung to the name Republican. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD In the political awakening of the young United States, local societies of political edu- cation and propagandising were organized under such titles as “Republican,” “Demo- cratic,” and “Republican-Democratic.” But the affection of the Nation for the name “Republican” has always been pecullarly strong. There waa, even, a short era of only one party—the Republicans, while President George Washington attempted a nonpartisan administration, Jefferson first applied the term “Republican” as a party name in a let- ter to Washington in 1782, when he wrote: “The Republican Party among us * * * wish to preserve the government in its pres- ent form.” ‘Years later he said: “The con- tests of that day were contests of principle between the adherents of republican and of Kingly government.” The roots of our party family trees soon sprouted as Washington and John Adams’ Federalists (in large part Republicans—Na- tional Republicans, Whigs, and, at length, Republicans purely) and Jeffersonian de- mocracy (actually Jefferson Republicans originally, then Democratic Republicans, and eventually plain Democrats). It has been written that “some men be- came Federalists because they were high- minded, and some because they were narrow- minded, while the more far-sighted and also the less scrupulous became Republicans.” But whatever variations the party labels took over the long years, our political sys- tem—our government by party—has been essentially republican. The so-called Demo- cratic fathers have differed in degree, Jef- fersonian democracy teaching that the peo- ple should be governed as little as possible, Jacksonian democracy that the people may govern as much as they like. So we have had, not only in the clash of Democratic and Re- publican attitudes, but also within the so- called Democratic Party, an eternal debate over how powerful the Federal Government shall be, over States’ rights, over rugged in- dividualism—and, except in the struggle over slavery and in the Franklin Roosevelt years, the Democrats in power have not departed from the republican fundamentals of our republican ancestry. Not being literally a democracy, for the 140,000,000 Americans of today, men, women, and children could not be assembled to cast 140,000,000 votes on every national question, that part of the population which is eligible by fulfillment of requirements deter- mined by the individual States, delegates re- sponsibilities of decision to some chosen from among them—and these, the President, the two Houses of ,» and the judiciary govern under laws and function as checks and balances against each other; and always there is the check provided by the party out of power against the party in power. Every 2 years in congressional elections, every 4 years in a Presidential canvass, the Nation reconsiders its wishes and its party preference, and the shift of a small part of the total vote can overthrow the ruling party. When the Federalist Party had long been dead, the Whig Party was dying, and under the Democrats the Nation was torn by the slavery issue, many citizens in the North demanded a new party committed against of slavery into the territories— the vast regions of the West. At meetings in Ripon. Wis., in 1654, a coalition of Free Whigs, and Democrats began the sogantaation of that new party. The shrewd adopted the old but ever-appealing Republican. Greeley had been an early sponsor of that name for the new tion. Jefferson himself had laid the foundation of this new Republican Party when he in- troduced in the pre-Constitution Congress in 1784 a resolution for the organization of territorial governments in the regions of the West which the larger States hed recently
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ceded to the Union, with the motive behind the resolution being to prevent the extension of slavery into any of those regions, In an oak grove near Jackson, Mich., July 6, 1854—the date accepted as being the actual birthday of the Republican Party, a State- wide convention proclaimed that “the safety of the Union—the rights of the North—the interests of free labor—the destiny of a vast territory and its untold millions for all coming'time—and finally, the high aspira- tions of humanity for universal freedom, all are involved in the issue forced upon the country by the slave power and its plastic northern tools.” The new Republican Party did not perfect its organization or consolidate its strength soon enough to win the next Presidential election, in 1856, when it nominated the Cali- fornia explorer, Gen. John C, Fremont, and adopted the campaign motto, “Free labor, free speech, freemen, free Kansas, and Fre- mont.” By 1860 the Republican Party, dedi¢ated to freedom, was ready to win—with Abraham Lincoln, a former Whig who said that he had learned the first principles of popular gov- ernment from Jefferson. Because the Republicans under Lincoln then began their record in government by saving the Republic from its most awful civil convulsion, the people collectively, never turning to a third party for government and seldom switching back to the Democrats, have generally preferred the Republicans as their delegates at the National Capital. Except for the years 1885-89, 1893-97, 1913- 21, and 1933-49 the President has been a Republican and, for a vast majority of the 86 years since 1861, Congress has been Re- publican. Predominately, the United States has been a Republic under Republicans. Schick General Hospital EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HENRY 0. TALLE OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 10, 1947 Mr. TALLE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following resolution adopted by the Senate and House of the Fifty- second General Assembly of Iowa: “Senate Concurrent Resolution 10 “Whereas present facilities for caring for all veterans are inadequate, and . “Whereas many patients requiring im- mediate medical attendance are neglected due to lack of facilities, resulting in undue hardship, suffering and death, and “Whereas there are at present existing facilities that can be utilized without further expenditure of public money and use of criti- cal materials, and “Whereas Schick General Hospital, a $12,000,000 Army Hospital located at Clinton, Iowa, is now available for such contemplated uses, now therefore “Be it resolved by the senate (the house concurring), That the Veterans’ Administra- tion is respectfully requested to utilize Schick General Hospital at Clinton, Iowa, with its suitable facilities and very desirable location for the permanent care of veterans, and be it further “Resolved, That copies of this resolution be transmitted to the President of the United States, to the President of the United States Senate, and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Congress and to the Iowa Members of the United States Senate and the Iowa Members of the House of Representa- tives of Congress and General Omar Bradley of the Veterans’ Administration. “O. H. HENNINGSEN.” We, Kenneth A. Evans, Lieutenant Gove ernor of Iowa, and W. J. Scarborough, secre- tary of the senate, hereby certify that the above and foregoing resolution was adopted by the Senate and House of the Fifty-second General Assembly of Iowa. KENNETH A. EVANS, Lieutenant Governor of Iowa. W. J. ScarsoroucH, Secretary of the Senate, Invocation by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Eric F. MacKenzie EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. HOWARD McGRATH OF RHODE ISLAND IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, February 11, 1947 Mr. McGRATH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an invoca- tion delivered by Rt. Rev. Mser. Eric F. MacKenzie before the Clover Club of Boston, on February 1, 1947. This particular prayer appealed to me as being among the most appropriate to a festive occasion, reminding us of the eternal source of all our joyful bene- factions. There being no objection, the invoca- tion was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows: In the name of the Father. Dear Lord Jesus, our Friend and our Savior: Gathered tonight in happy anticipation of an evening of festivity and friendship, we pause first for a moment of recollection. We call to mind that You loved us from all eternity, and for this reason assumed our human nature. You came to earth to teach us the eternal laws of life, and to bear the burden of our iniquities, expiating them on the cross of Calvary. But before You under- took the grim struggle with the prince of evil, You lived long years in Nazareth sharing there the quiet human joys of family life with Mary and Joseph, and long evenings with good friends and neighbors of the town, spent in good talk and memories and friendly jests. We recall, too, that Your first miracle, even before You began publicly to teach and preach, was not one inspired by a major question of religion and revelation; not even from Your ever warm sympathy for the des- perately sick and maimed; but rather from @ generous concern that a marriage party should not be ruined by a lack of wine. You were ready to use even the power of Omnipo- tence that a happy festive evening should continue even more happy and more festive than before. Dear Lord Jesus, we know that sin and pain and tragedy are all about us, and that we must do our shar~ in the battle against the prince of evil. Tomorrow and tomorrow, we must carry, behind You, some small share of the weight of Your cross. And this we will do. But tonight we are at Cana. Bless us now, as You blessed that happy festive group. Teach us to be grateful for Your gifts to us of peace and ease and friendship, so that, savoring them to the full we may know them as gifts from You; and then, in proof of our gratitude, we may be strengthened against our return to hours less pleasant, more filled with strife and tears and pain. Make us Your A499 followers, not merely to the pleasant hours of Cana, but also to the inevitable hours of trial and death and resurrection. These are our thoughts, and these our pray- era, as we recite with recollection Your prayer wherewith You taught us to pray: Our Father, who art in heaven, hallowed be Thy mame, Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done, on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread; and forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us. And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. Amen, In the name of the Father. The Federal Budget EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KENNETH S. WHERRY OF NEBRASKA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, February 11, 1947 Mr. WHERRY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Appendix of the REcorp an editorial entitled “Rock-Bottom Nonsense,” from the Morning World-Herald of Omaha, Nebr., for Tuesday, February 4, 1947. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the Recorp, as follows. ROCK-BOTTOM NONSENSE Senator ALBEN BARKLEY, chief congres- sional mouthpiece of the administration's party line, says President Truman's $37,500,- 000,000 budget is absolutely rock bottom. Nonsense, double distilled. Anyone who has had dealings with the Government bureaus is well aware that the budget can be cut, that costs can be reduced, that the puy roll can be slashed—not just a little, but deeply and drastically. The Kentucky Senator is not, of course, speaking only for himself and the President. On this issue the administration has yielded to its allies of the left. To the Wallaces and PAC’ers and the whole motley crew which wants to keep the Government’s finger in every pie—a Government chicken in every pot. According to dispatches, they have set out—these left-wingers—to apply pressure on Congress in a typical left-wing way. They are calling on their henchmen to write letters to Representatives and Sena- tors demanding that they “hold the line” for big government and the Truman budget. They are trying, as always, to give the impression that they are America—or at any rate liberal America. Whether Congress will permit itself to be intimidated remains to be seen. Certainly realistic Representatives and Senators of both parties are aware of the real situation. They are in position to see with their own eyes the wastc, the duplication of effort, the pointless and unnecessary activity of the postwar bureaus. Representative Taber, of New York, who is chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, and who happens to be a Re- publican, estimates that 1,000,000 Federal employees could be lopped off the pay roll without harming necesgary activities or the national defense. Senator Grorce, of Georgia, former chair- man of the Senate Finance Committee, who happens to be a Democrat, estimates that 600,000 pay-rollers could-be fired. Even if the lesser estimate is accepted the saving would be $4,000,000,000. That was quite a sum of money in older, less sophisti- cated days. Even today it is enough to make