A4276 and, as such, opened its doors willingly to every progressive Christian movement, and still continues to identify itself with every genuine effort to promote civic and commu- nity growth. In 1920 the church was incorporated and the site of the present church building on Kensington Avenue was selected for a new and larger church. The cornerstone of the church was laid in 1922 and in the spring of 1923 the present church was dedicated to the worship of God. The present basement was added in 1932 in order to accommodate the church school. Adequate as it doubtless was for the religious education of youth in those early days, it has long since outlived its usefulness. Visit the church school any Sunday morning and you will readily comprehend the woeful in- adequacy of this phase of our church life, and the reason for this inadequacy is because of the limitations of space and a church school lay-out that is antiquated for present- day religious instruction. KENSINGION, A COMMUNITY WITH AN AMAZING GROWTH The Kensington community has been in- cluded within the city limits since 1870; it was very sparsely populated to 1920. It con~ sisted largely of farm land and wooded areas traversed by a few dirt roads. Even Bailey Ayenue, the principal thoroughfare, was a poorly kept dirt road used chiefly by travelers whose destination was either the country club or the poorhouse, the two main points of interest on the avenue. After the First World War, however, & period of phenomenal growth took place. During the decade from 1920 to 1930 the population of the area nearly tripled, rising from 18,000 to 49,000. The census of 1940 gave a population figure of 54,297. The new settlers were, for the most part, the sons and daughters of Buffalonians who resided in the neighboring areas of the city, especially the so-called Fruit Belt and the Cold Spring section. German and Irish-Americans were the chief nationality groups represented. COMMUNITY GROWTH INCREASES THE CHURCH’S RESPONSIBILITY The church should be the most alert and vital institution in the community. It is to the church that the community naturally turns for spiritual guidance and the strength-~ ening of its moral fiber. The church can never be indifferent to the fundamental needs of the community. The church that is alert to its program of service must Keep pace with neighborhood growth, Trinity Church, located at the strategic center of Kensington, dare not evade this God-given opportunity and obligation to expand its physical facilities. Large num- bers in this growing neighborhood are seek~ ing religious guidance for themselves and for their children. Trinity Church has al- ways been concerned about the vital needs of the community and at this time of crisis it will not fail to meet its full obligation. The average attendance for each church service at Trinity since January 1, 1950, has been in the neighborhood of 350. The church auditorium seats 270 worshippers. Consequently, at every service the ushers have been obliged to put chairs in the aisles and crowd the overflow worshippers into other available spaces. On special occasions when more people at~ tend worship services, such as Palm Sunday and Easter Sunday, the basement area has to be utilized and loud speakers are installed in these basement rooms to take care of the overflow crowds. It is unfortunate, but nevertheless true, that this overcrowding which increasingly is becoming a problem at Trinity, gives even well-meaning members an excuse—even though a lame one—to be- come careless in their church-going habits. More than once a member has said, “I won’t go to church today. I don’t enjoy my wor- ship under crowded conditions.” Then, too, Trinity Church School for years has faced a serious problem. Because of the limited accommodations available for the sessions of the church school, Trinity cannot offer space for a program of religious educa- tion for the older ‘teen-age group—a group which definitely needs all the help Trinity can give them in these decisive days. They are the men and women who should fll places of leadership in our church of tomor- row. They should now be in training for this leadership in our present-day church school, The church school has an approximate enrollment of 250 children. These children are in the four church-school departments— i. e., beginners, primary, junior, and senior. Each department meets in its own rooms, put, inasmuch as the rooms are not soundproof, it is 1mpossible to shut out from any one department whatever is transpiring in the adjoining department. Imagine the confu- sion and the unspiritual effect of four sepa- rate departments in adjacent rooms, each singing its own hymn of worship. This is not an imaginary experience but one that takes place with embarrassing frequency Sunday after Sunday at Trinity, and always with disconcerting results. Furthermore, in the evening it is imprac- ticable for more than two groups to meet at the same hour, There is an immediate need for adequate facilities where the young people of Trinity can hold their group meet- ings and socials, but lack of space and the present inadequate layout of meeting rooms in the basement compel Trinity, with much regret, to see our young people go elsewhere for their entertainment. In such days as these when all sorts of allurements entice our youth away from the church, Trinity should provide an adequate place where its young people can have their own club meet- ings in an environment that builds rather than destroys character, A FORWARD LOOK The church consistory has not been un- mindful of the handicaps which Trinity has faced in recent years. AS a matter of fact, jt has on many occasions discussed the problem and sought to find the best solu- tion. Realizing that the overcrowding was becoming daily more acute it has been de- cided that the only satisfactory solution could be found in a direct appeal to every member and friend of Trinity. It was voted that an intensive campaign for funds get under way this spring to provide the capital with which Trinity might expand its phys- ical facilities and meet the challenge of a growing community. , Mr. Speaker, I want to take this op- portunity to congratulate the pastor and his parishioners on their fine record in religious educational and civic matters and to express the hope that their drive for funds will be overwhelmingly suc- cessful in order that they can continue to contribute to the well-being of the community in the fullest measure. Why Not a Brotherhood Lobby? EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. FRANK BUCHANAN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc-~ ORD, I include the following address de- livered by me before the National Con- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ference of Christians and Jews, June 7, 1950, Waldorf-Astoria, New York, N. Y.: Wry Nor a BrotHrrHoon Lossy? Mr. Chairman, reverend clergy, distin- guished guests, furriers, wives, and friends, brotherhood connotes an ideal sense of human relations. It is synonymous with all the inherent decencies that exist in the soul of mankind. But like a lot of good words, it is often used without the force of sincerity back of it. I believe, and I think you will agree with me, that brotherhood means an association, of people who truly believe in the Golden, Rule—‘Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.” Brotherhood is a condi- tion of tolerance. It connotes a spirit of righteousness which shows itself in everyday acts of kindness and ordinary human decency. The opposite of brotherhood is in- tolerance, bigotry, and hatred. You people gathered here this evening are zealots in the brotherhood army. I am a buck private in your ranks. If the things that you and I believe in, the thoughts that fill our minds in our endeavors concerning brotherhood, were to take hold of the great majority of men everywhere, then I do not believe there would be a Ku Klux Klan, a Gerald K. Smith, or his ilk, nor an existing cold war or possible hot war in the offing. Our problem ladies and gentlemen, is both simple and yet colossal. Our task is clearly to continue to work toward a brotherhood of man in our everyday life—in every word-—~ in our every act. But this is not enough, The task is to swell the ranks of these zealots of brotherhood. In other words, we have got to sell others on the idea. Now how might this be accomplished? It so happens that I am chairman of the Spe~ cial Committee Investigating Lobbying Ac tivities. For months past, representatives of various pressure groups have come before our committee and we have been investigating their means and methods of operation Some of these lobbies are good lobbies—that is, they represent the people’s interests. Others work equally as hard and are exceedingly effective. But they represent not the peo- ple’s interests, but special interests out to exploit the ordinary citizen. In observing their modes of operation. the thought occurred to me—Why is there no really effective brotherhood lobby? Thera are scattered effgrts here and scattered efforts there which are made to put the idea of brotherhood across, but there is no over~ whelming pressure of great numbers of peo~ ple who believe as you and I do to see to it that the principles of brotherhood that we stand for become the common practice, not alone of this Nation, but of all the nations of the world. A lobby consists of one person, a small number of persons or a large organized group. We have found in our investigation of lobbies that those groups which are ex= tensively organized—and often teamed up with other existing groups with kindred ideas—are far more effective in presenting their ideas and promoting their particular causes than smaller groups. But each individual must do his job or there will be no collective effort. From per~ sonal experience, let me try to explain how this works, I hope you will not consider me an egotist for speaking in the first person on this matter. As a youngster in the world of sports, I played with Poles, Slavs, Italians; I played with Negroes; I played with Christians, with Jews, boys on the baseball diamond, the foot- ball gridiron and the basketball court. No one asked, ‘“What is your religion, your creed, your nationality?” As athletes we knew each other as contestants in fair play. We played to win but always with fair play. When my playing days were over, I he- came an educator and coach. [I carried into the schoolroom and into the gym, the gridiron and diamond, what I learned and
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD believed in when I played the game, I taught fair play. These boys were the sons of hard work- ing and brawny coal miners, steel workers, little pack peddlers and storekeepers; the sons of the Kelly’s, Cohen’s, DeAngelo’s, the Swede Swanson’s and the colored Johnson’s. When these kids walked out on the field, or on the court, there were no signs on their backs labeling them as to their reli- gion or their nationality. Does not the New Testament teach Christ- jans, “All things whatsoever you would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law of the prophets.” Is this not the same precept that was given to the Jews long before Christ? The Old Testament puts it this way, “What is hurt- ful to yourself do not to your fellow man. That ss the whole of the Torah and the re-~ miainder is but commentary.” Therefore, the ceson to the Jews and the Christians is the enme, it is the Golden Rule and the Golden Rule is the brotherhood of man. I have guided my life so by this rule that I have never known the difference between the Jews and the Christians in my appraisal of them, I appraise the Jew and the Christ- ian by how he thinks, how he lives, and what he does in this life. I must confess that before my entry into politics on the national scene, I did not realize that hate, prejudice, and discrimi- nation was so wide, so deep-seated and rooted in the hearts and minds of men. I learned that this terrible hate had seized millions of people throughout the world and that these millions were teaching millions more hate and discrimination, provoking brother against brother, son of man against son of man, I say that millions weré teach- ing millions to learn to hate. I say again “earning,” because we are born without hate and prejudice in our heart and mind and soul, No, hate is not part of our birthright. Somebody, somewhere, is spreading this hate doctrine, tonight. Yes, there is a lobby spreading this hate doctrine. Men of great wealth and influence have been meeting and propagandizing by deceit, trick and fraud, hate and prejudice against our Government, hate and prejudice and dis- crimination against Jews and hate and prej- udice against God-fearing Christians be- cause these Christians dare to espouse the cause of the underdog, the underprivileged, the well-being of all peoples. Yes, today and every day the leaders of the hate lobby are recimenting the cranks, the lunatic fringe, the uncivilized Midas to march on Congress. In this hate lobby, we have discovered that these professional haters want no brother- hood of man—they want to exchange in our era of culture and social advancement, hate for love, mob rule for the benefit of the few select and favored against a brotherhood of man for the benefit of all. Tonight, I am asking the Gentile and the Jew, the black man and the white man, the merchant, the banker, the worker to mobilize & brotherhood lobby to fight these forces of hate. The Secretary of State said not long ago, “Discrimination against minority groups is a handicap in dealing with other countries.” To show the world we in America must lead the way against religious prejudice and discrimination. The brotherhood lobby must fight the hate lobby, pamphlet against pamphlet, dollar against dollar, until the last vestige of hate is crushed in the schools, the colleges, the factories, the stores, the churches, the streets and even the Halls of Congress; and every man and woman who lends his name, his influence and his money to the hate lobby must be exposed. As far as I am concerned, no hate lobby will operate in secret in this great country of ours. The light of publicity will be shed on these haters. The present Federal Lobby Act provides that sponsors and contributors should be named, and I shall do my utmost to see to it that they are named. : Now a word of caution to the clergy and you men and women who are interested in the social and religious “rottems of our daily life. We have 2:14 i nt the very lobby organizations of which I have spoken— I mean the hate lobbies—are studiedly seek- ing, through their subtle propaganda, to en- list you in thelr unholy crusade. Their methods are so clever, their catch phrases and words so neatly turned that it is, I must confess, sometimes difficult to determine that one is being propagandized. Christians and Jews speak the same lan-~ guage. We speak in the Lord’s Prayer, “Our Father, who art in Heaven.” He is not the Christian Father, He is not the Jewish Father, but He is the Father of all. He is the Father that brings and binds us together with all humanities in a brotherhood for this noble work of the National Conference of Christians and Jews. Pledge yourselves to work unccasinely. to give to the cause unstintingly, so (na; this great lobby of brotherhood will destroy the forces of ignorance, hate, discriminations, and prejudice. Address by Gen. Omar N. Bradley at the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 31, 1950 Mr. TEAGUE. Mr, Speaker, there is no living person for whom I have a high- er regard than I do for Gen. Omar Brad- ley, and I feel sure that many of you here today share this opinion. The tre- mendous responsibility that he now has as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff would probably prove too great a task for most men, but the General seems to thrive on such difficult tasks. We were very proud to have General Bradley come to Texas last week for the commencement exercises at the Agri- cultural and Mechanical College of Texas, and under leave to extend my re- marks in the Recor», I wish to include the General’s address on that occasion. AppRESS By Gen. Omar N. BRADLEY, CHAIRMAN, JOINT CureFs or STAFF, AT THE COMMENCE- MENT EXERCISES OF THE AGRICULTURAL AND MECHANICAL COLLEGE of TEXAS, COLLEGE Srarron, Tx. President Bolton, distinguished guests, men of the graduating class, ladies and gen- tlemen, it is an honor to be invited to partici- pate in the commencement exercises of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas - this year. All my grown life, I have worked side by side with the graduates and former students of Texas A. and M. in the Armed Forces of the United States. Your school, and the men who have represented it, have elicited sincere admiration wherever they have served. For many years, I have wanted to visit College Station and, in a sense, become more closely associated with the Aggies. Tomor- row, en route to West Point to join my class- mates of the Military Academy at our thir- ty-fifth reunion, I shall feel that these exer- cises today have rounded out the association with the Texas Aggies that I have always cherished and respected. More than 70,000 former students of Texas A. and M. have served in the Armed Forces, A4277 20,000 of them in World War Il. Of this number, 14,000 were commissioned officers and helped furnish the invaluable leadership that gave this Nation a victory for freedom, and the free world. Among the men who have served with dis- tinction in the Armed Forces, the Aggies have furnished 29 generals and 1 admiral. Six of your former students have won the Nation’s highest award, the Medal of Honor, But the close association with the mili- tary forces of our Nation is not all past history. More than 700 members of this graduating class have served their country in uniform. The important contribution of your college to our military strength con- tinues to make itself realized—among other ways, by one of -the country’s outstanding ROTC units. . Every American citizen realizes that under our form of government, we do not try to maintain standing forces capable of win- ning a major war. Traditionally, and prac- tically, we depend on Reserve forces, which include the National Guard and the Organ- ized Reserve. For these forces, and for the expansion of our Regular forces in time of war, we depend upon the mobilization of the trained leaders from the Reserve pro- grams. The continued emphasis on Reserve officer training in the colleges of our Nation in peacetime is essential to American se- curity. The privileges of American citizenship carry with them obligations of leadership in all walks of life. Not the least of these obligations is the duty to perform as leaders in the Armed Forces of your country in time of emergency. The excellent training that members of this graduating class have been afforded in one of the country’s outstanding ROTC units will serve you and your Nation well if we are ever called upon to defend America. The presence of so many veterans here, the glorious record of Texas A. and M. par- ticipation in our defense, and evidence of your continued readiness if called upon again, make me feel right at home here in College Station on this commencement day. I have mentioned all of these associations to the military life of our country for a special purpose. For 70 years Texas A, and M. has furnished leaders to the Armed Forces of our country, and to many other fields. They have contributed, through their lead- ership, to the strength and spirit that marks the United States role in world affairs today. There is a continuing need for leadership in this Nation, and for this Nation in world affairs. We look to the graduates of 1950 ‘to help furnish the renewed strength and purpose that will guide us in the twentieth century. Your commencement exercises here mark a turning point in the lives of the young graduates. This year of the midcentury, 1950, may well be the year of the turning- point in the relationship of our country to the rest of the world. The events that have taken place in the past decade have brovght us face to face with decisions which will affect your lives, the lives of your children in the years to come, and the future of this country. It is an obvious fact that the fu- ture of freedom, and the well~being of the rest of the world, depends upon the success or failure of the young men and women of this Nation. Therefore, the young men who graduate here today have a double responsibility: To themselves, that their future lives are con- structive and productive; and to the Nation, that the United States will contribute com- petent and forceful leadership to the free world. It is all well and good for us to speck of leadership, and the need for leadership in national affairs, Unless we decide, however, the objective we Americans seek, the leader-~ ship we provide could be badly misdirected. Like any course that is planned for college
> 4278 students, the end result which the student hopes to achieve must be determined before he begins. In 1937, 1938, and 1939 we watched the growing menace in Europe. We saw Czecho- slovakia, Poland, France, and the Low Coun- tries fall victim to the German Army. In 1940 and 1941 we supplied lend-lease, while the citizens of Great Britain fought their terrible battle for survival. Finally, we were attacked and we jomed in an armed conflict. The American people have always had a strong distaste for war. We believe in peace—and we want peace and security, in. a world that is livable for men of all creeds and allnations. But twice in my adult life- time we have been forced to resort to war in search of peace. Despite our efforts, the peace we have today is a shaky one. If peace and security combine to form our prumary objective, then our leadership must guide us in a course that will eventually lead to fulfillment of this objective without further recourse to arms. The great problem of 1950 is the determination of the proper course in world affairs and domestic affairs that we must follow. That is the problem each of you, as a responsible citizen-leader, must solve for your own generation, and for generations to come. At first this may seem an awesome task. If you look backward through history, you can see a record of many centuries of fail- ure—failure on the part of men to follow Christian principles and provide peace and happiness. If you look at the present, you find your- selves surrounded by a quagmire of unsolved problems in an uneasy world. If you look to the future, you find a great need for faith, strong spirit, and generosity. Faith in yourselves and your fellowmen: Without such confidence the negotiations made by our leadship will not be valid. Strong spirit: An ever-strengthening spir- itual fiber in every action we take. The greatness of this Nation and the blessings bestowed upon us are, in large measure, due to the moral and spiritual leadership that our forefathers have always carried forward in their daily lives. Generosity : In this I see no apparent short- coming. Internationally our Marshall plan and our other programs have exceeded any humanitarian demand. Our domestic pro- grams have shared the advantages of this great economic and political system with more of the people than ever before in his- tory. But when we speak of generosity in relation to our leadership we must continue, rather than limit, any programs which will contribute to peace and reconstruction. In all these things—faith, strong spirit, and generosity—my generation has found them to be rewarding so long as they have been properly placed. This has meant faith in the right, not in selfish gain. This has meant a strong spirit for freedom and its highest principles. It must mean generosity to those people willing to help themselves, so that our efforts are not wasted. I believe all of these principles apply today in the exercise of leadership which you grad- uates must provide. No man would dare to stand before the class of 1950 and demand adherence to such principles or faith in the American idea if he were not sure that you had been provided the necessary means to meet such demands. This Nation, however, has provided the young men and women of 1950 with many worth- while advantages. First and foremost, you have been given an opportunity to get for yourselves a funda- mental education in many important fields. At Texas A. and M., there has been almost unlimited opportunity for you in science, in agriculture and veterinary medicine, engi- neering and arts. In the true Texas tradi- tion, you have been provided with outstand- ing training in military science, in aeronauti- eal science, and in physical education, The men of Texas A. and M. can stand up to any men in the world, and compare favorably their education and training fof leadership— leadership in the pursuits of peace, and if it comes to war, leadership in battle. This combination is significant. The capability for a productive peace, coupled with the ability to defend your beliefs as well as your resources, is essential to survival. For in the world today, the nations which most need assistance are those which have regained economic opportunity, and some worldly goods, but which lack the strengih to defend themselves in case of aggression. This is a new experience for some of the nations which we befriend, and it is one with which we must sympathize. It isa condition in those nations which we want to help them correct. Our great opportunity lies before us in western Europe, and I feel sure that Americans will give full consideration to continuing the project we have underwritten so far, provided that those nations do every- thing they can to help themselves. Again I say, you men of Texas A. and M. are fortunate because you have been provided the educational and economic opportunities, and you have been given the training with which to protect those opportunities if any unfriendly nation attempts to transgress upon them. There is another heritage which is espe- cially close to the citizens of Texas. It is not singularly yours, for other generations, from the early Greeks all the way to modern America, have had such encouragement. But there is a spirit of Texas—a spirit of independent action and forthright courage— that is yours today. This heritage is marked by an historic incident, the defense of the Alamo by those brave Texans who were de- claring their independence as a republic. Many times I have drawn inspiration from the message sent from the Alamo on February 24, 1836, by Col. William Barrett Travis, who was in command of that besieged garrison. Because that inspiration is such a vital part of your background and your preparation for leadership in the world you are enter- ing, I would like to repeat it here: “To the People of Texas and All Americans in the World—Fellow Citizens and Com- patriots: “T am besieged by a thousand or more of the Mexicans and Santa Anna. I have sus- tained a continual bombardment and can- nonade for 24 hours and have not lost a man. The enemy has demanded a surrender at discretion; otherwise the garrison are to be put to the sword if the fort is taken, I have answered the demand with a cannon shot, and our flag still waves proudly from the walls. I shall never surrender or retreat then. I call on you, in the name of liberty, of patriotism, and everything dear to the American character, to come to our aid with all dispatch. The enemy is receiving rein- forcements daily and will no doubt increase to three or four thousand in 4 or 5 days. “Tf this call is neglected, I am determined to sustain myself as long as possible and die like a soldier who never forgets what is due to his own honor and that of his country— victory or death. “WILLIAM BARRETT TRAVIS, “Lieutenant Colonel, Commandant.” This message from Colonel Travis has all the elements about which we have talked— faith, good spirit, and generosity—for Travis and his command pledged themselves to give their lives for Texas, and for the principles upon which they stood. With the training and education you have received, and the inspiration of your Texas heritage, you give promise of renewed vigor and strength for this Nation. Each man of this class can be proud of his achievement, and can well afford to be grate- ful to those people who have helped him toward this milestone in his career, The APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD faculty members, and your parents are cer- tainly proud of you this day, and you in turn can be grateful for the opportunity they have provided. I see among the audience many of the wives of the graduates. They have also made sacrifices in order that you might com~ plete your education, and your preparation for the vital role you must play. These young women deserve your thanks, and the gratitude of my generation. In the years to come, if you men are to fulfill our expecta- tions, they will have an ever-increasing share in your success and advancement. That some unfulfilled promises of man’s destiny still remains is challenging, rather than disheartening. For so long as there is a@ need in this world, there shall be a source. And in America, your generation must be the wellspring of inspiration, ideas, accomplishment, and leadership for this needful world. It is my privilege to con- gratulate you and your college on the work you have done, and the capabilities you have demonstrated for the difficult tasks that lie ahead. An Example of Interfaith Understanding EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER ° or NEW YCRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, in these troublesome times when it often seems that humanity has lost its humane traits, it is a great relief to know that there are still many among us who are not carried away by helplessness and de- spair. One of the most notable exam- ples that has come to my attention in these postwar years is the work being done by Mrs. Martha Sharp, the wife of a Unitarian minister in Chicago. She is one of the founders and leaders of an organization to help in the rehabilita- tion of former refugee and DP children now in Israel. The work she and her associates are doing is truly one of the finest examples of interfaith understand- ing and promotion of international good will. Instead of forever criticizing and con- demning one another, instead of arous- ing ill-feeling and inciting hatred against each other, let us try to emulate what Mrs. Sharp and others are trying to do these days in a world drifting gradually toward ruthlessness and, evil. The following news item from the New York Times, June 7, 1950, is commended to the attention of my colleagues: Woman Orr Tro Sre Her 20,000 CHarces— UNITARIAN MINistER’s Wirg To Visir CxHin- DREN’S VILLAGES EsTaBLISHED IN ISRAEL Mrs. Martha Sharp left New York last night by plane to visit her 20,000 children. In the next month she will help some of them move into the only real homes they have ever known and watch others learn to play chil- dren’s games for the first time. These thousands of Israeli boys and girls are Mrs. Sharp’s charges by long-range adop- tion, for she is a founder and national vice chairman of Children to Palestine, Inc., an American organization that is bringing them out of starved and fear-ridden backgrounds to a new life in a new land. Although this will be Mrs. Sharp’s fourth yearly visit to Israel it will have a special
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD meaning for her. Soon after her arrival in Lydda tomorrow morning she will visit the children’s village of Ben Shemen in Kfar Vitkin, 30 miles north of Tel Aviv. CHILDREN FROM DP CAMPS Here, with a $25,000 assist from Children to Palestine, are rising 10 houses for children who hitherto have known only barracks and displaced persons’ camps. This settlement will be named the Rev. Samuel A. Eliot Vil- lage, after the organizer of this interfaith rescue movement. A second Village, for 2,000 young refugees who formerly had only tents, will be dedi- cated to Eddie Cantor, Mrs. Sharp said. The comedian has given $35,000 toward construc- tion of the settlement and will arrive in Israel by ship shortly after Mrs. Sharp, who plans to take him on a tour of the work being accomplished by her organization through Youth Aliyah. One of the happiest tasks of Mrs. Sharp's trip will be helping to distribute thousands of games and pieces of athletic equipment. A ton of gear for table tennis, basketball, soccer, baseball, boxing, marbles, and checkers has already been shipped to the play-hungry youngsters and two more tons will arrive during her stay. MEL ALLEN HEADS CAMPAIGN Eventually, Children to Palestine hopes to send $300 worth of sporting goods to each of 220 Israeli settlements where orphaned children live. This project, called operations sports for Isracl, has Mel Allen, the radio broadcaster, as chairrnan. Mrs. Sharp, who is the wife of a Unitarian minister in Chicago, said she also plans to reassess the needs of the youth communities. Schools, recreation centers, and playgrounds, she said, must be added to give the young people a well-rounded life. The vice chairman of Children to Palestine summed up the group’s philosophy like this: “We can’t bring up a child like an orchid and then transplant him into a bramble patch. All of the ills of the world today are caused by people who were children a gen- eration ago. “If we can give today’s children some un- derstanding of each other’s needs, some feel- ing for sharing, perhaps we can help to change thelr world tomorrow.” War and the Seaway—Vital Need for Labrador Iron May Finally Win 0. K. for Long-Sought St. Lawrence Water- way EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. SADOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orp, I wish to include an article by James C. Munn that appeared in the Sunday magazine of the Detroit Free Press of June 4, 1950, as follows: War AND tHE SEAway—ViraL Nzep ror Lasra- por IRON May Frnatiy Win O. K. ror Lone- Soucutr Sr. LAWRENCE WATERWAY (By James C. Munn) WASHINGTON.—-The rich iron ores of Can- ada’s bleak Labrador may eventually be the ‘means of winning congressional approval for the long-sought $800,000,000 St. Lawrence seaway and power projects, The proposed seaway, which is held to be of prime importance to Detroit’s future, would enable deep-draft ships to travel all the way from the mouth of the St. Lawrence River to Duluth, Minn., 2,350 miles away at the westernmost point of the Great Lakes. For decades construction of the seaway has been blocked by power companies, railroad management, and port cities of the Atlantic and Gulf coasts. These interests have always contended that the seaway, and its related power develop= ment, would work an unfair economic hard= ship on them. Senator Leuman, Democrat- Liberal, New York, and other advocates say such claims are without foundation. Valid or not, recent testimony before the House Public Works Committee left the im- pression that the opposition arguments may crumble before the growing need of this Na~ tion for new supplies of iron ore. Domestic reserves of high-grade iron ores in the Great Lakes area are nearing exhaus-~ tion. 'The steel industry realizes this and in recent years has spent millions seeking new deposits. In addition to the Labrador deposits, esti- mated to contain 350 to 400 million tons of rich ores, new sources have been found in Venezuela and Africa. But these discoveries raise a transporta- tion problem. The South American and African ores can be shipped to eastern coastal ports at reason- able cost. But freight charges for the rail- road haul to the midwestern steel centers might make it economically unfeasible to use them. Even should the freight-rate problem be solved, a further difficulty arises: Could steelmakers expect adequate ore sup- plies—from abroad—in time of war? Secretary of the Interior Chapman and Secretary of the Army Pace, to mention only two, think not. What is the alternative? Labrador ores, they say, could be brought through the protected inland route that the St. Lawrence seaway would make possible. But why can’t Labrador ores be shipped over the existing St. Lawrence-Great Lakes waterway? They can, but not enough to maintain the present level of steel prices. The existing 14-foot St. Lawrence channel isn’t deep enough for the ore ships now in use between the Lake Superior ore district and the steel cities of the Great Lakes, A channel at least 28 feet deep would have to be dredged through the international rapids section of the St. Lawrence. The rapids are near Massena, N. Y., only about 600 miles from the sea, What would happen if the steel industry, eventually, has to depend wholly upon for- eign ores? Almost unanimously the answer—from seaway proponents—has been that steel makers would be forced to move from the Midwest to the East coast unless the deeper channel were dredged. One witness told the House committee that if that should happen, Detroit, world center of automobile production, would be- come a ghost town. Senator Leuman summed up the case for the seaway this way: “To decline to take advantage of the op- portunity (that the seaway affords) is sheer wastefulness and extravagarice, “To refuse (it) for sectional or narrow eco- nomic reasons is to display disrespect for the ultimate interests of our country.” Leaman said he was speaking as much of the power development of the river as of the seaway. President Truman, too, has expressed con- cern. about possible failure to make the best use of St. Lawrence power potentialities. In a message to Congress May 22, criticiz- ing the 1950 Rivers and Harbors Act, he pointed out that Congress had placed re- A4279 sponsibility on the Army to survey the Mer- rimack, Connecticut, and other New England rivers to determine their power possibilities. “It may well be,” he said, “that some of the power sites to be developed in New Eng- land should be interconnected with the St. Lawrence or other northeastern power sites in the interest of more power at lower cost for the whole region. But the present act does not even require that this possibility be investigated.” The President approved the act, however, despite the objections he found in it. Engineers estimate that proposed power facilities near Massena would generate more than 13,000,000,000 kilowatt-hours of energy a year. The production would be shared equally between this Nation and Canada. The power facilities would be built by the Federal Government and then sold to New York State. The State would administer distribution of the power not only within the State but to adjoining States. New York witnesses have testified that the adjoining States would get a fair share of the energy. Such a provision is contained in the pending bill. Advocates of the project thus argue that the power development would cost the Fed- eral Government nothing. And that the same would ke true of the seaway, because of tolls that would be levied on shipping. Canada, which is eager for the seaway, has agreed in principle to the tolls of proposition. The Department of Commerce has esti- mated that tolls would pay off the seaway cost in about 53 years. There is no chance that Congress will au< thorize the project, first discussed more than 50 years ago, in this session. The bill must be reintroduced in the next Congress. Then it will again be subjected to a searching examination, adding new words to ® record that already runs into the millions. Address of Hon. W. Sterling Cole, of New York, at Dedication of Indian Monu- ment, Painted Post, N. Y., May 30, 1950 EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. W. STERLING COLE OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, June 6, 1950 Mr. COLE of New York. Mr. Speaker, there is only one Painted Post. Of all the towns and cities and communities in this great country, only one bears the distinctive name and has the unique historical background as that of Painted Post, Steuben County, N. Y. Even before the Revolutionary War this locality was a trading center where the English traders exchanged their wares for the Indian furs, located at the confluence of the Tioga, Canisteo, and Conhocton Rivers, in the upper water- shed of the Susquehanna River. Ac- cording to legend, the place where the trading occurred was marked by a large oak post, painted brilliant red. This area figured largely In the French and Indian Wars and the early conflicts be- tween the English settlers and the In- dians. During the colonial period the valleys of the Chemung River tributaries com- prised the domain of the Senecas. This
A4280 unit of the Iroquois confederacy was called a door of the six nations through which passed communications with West and South. The border wars brought the white man into this region.. Visitors to this area during the American Revolution found on this site an oak post which was square to a height of 4 feet and then octagonal to the top. The surface was painted red and decorated with 28 black figures without any heads and 30 black figures with heads on. Numerous allusions to the painted post regarded it as a memorial to a fallen chieftain, a marker for assemblies, and a war post around which dances were held. The original post endowed this place with a name which will endure as long as recorded history. By 1808 the first namesake had disintegrated and a fitting substitute was deemed necessary. , In 1824 Capt. Samuel Erwin commissioned John Wygant to fashion a symbol for the site of the painted post. This memorial was carved from sheet iron and depicted an Indian tribesman attired in head dress, jacket, and leggins. For half a century this quaint figure swung on a pole near the place where the first post stood. In 1880 a second sheet iron Indian was erected at the southeast corner of Water and Hamilton Streets. This life-size figure represented a chief dressed in a red jacket and buckskin trousers equipped with a bow and tomahawk. The warrior was attached to the top of a tapered octagonal post which was 18 feet high and painted red. This symbol served as a landmark for four decades. A later memorial supplanted this figure which was removed after World War I. In the summer of 1893 a subscription was circulated for the construction of a stone monument surmounted by the metal replica of an Indian chief. This memorial was dedicated June 21, 1894. The purposes for which it was erected were inscribed on its face: To perpetuate the name of Painted Post, preserve its traditions, and honor the memory of its early settlers. On November 20, 1948, a violent wind toppled the chief from his pedestal and shattered the figure. At a town meeting held April 7, 1949, citizens of the village of Painted Post and town of Erwin ap- proved a proposal to replace the damaged monument. This memorial was moulded by Norman B. Phelps and erected in 1950 by popular subscription to commemorate the founding of Painted Post and to preserve for posterity the traditions of its heritage. Under leave to extend my remarks, I include the address delivered by me on the occasion of the dedication of the new monument to the Indian Chief Montour on May 30, 1950: There is no season of the entire year, each with its distinctive coloration and tempera- ture, which could be.more appropriate for a great home-coming celebration such as this has been, than that season of the year when it is lilac time in old Steuben. I dare say that without exception each one of the sons and daughters of this historic community who have moved into the outer world for his life’s activity, yearns to return to the land of his fathers, to the soil where his roots are sprouted, to the scenes of his boy- hood, to his friends of yesterday and there to relive the comforting caress of a devoted mother, to sense the echoes of a father’s wise counsel or to catch the smile or cordial greeting of a long-lost friend. Nowhere in all the world is the landscape more beauti- ful, are the people more stable in their at- titudes of life nor more genuine in their hospitality than these valleys of the Con- hocton, the Canisteo, and the Tioga when they are flooded with the beauty and frag- rance of blooming lilacs. Such an impulse it was which prompted me to accept with considerable readiness the invitation extended to me to return and to participate in this celebration. But there was something more than lilacs which beckoned to me, something beside the beauty of these valleys and the richness of their people—Painted Post has a very unique spot within my treasure of memories and has filled an unconscious influence upon my life. Not only do I have the distinction of having been born in this unusual community but it was in the company of the graduating class of the Painted Post High School that I, some years later, made my first visit to the Capital city of our Nation, where in still later years I was called to spend a con= siderable portion of my mature lifetime in the public service through years that have been fraught with distress, dismay, trials, and tribulations, bloodshed, and war in our mational life. During those intervening years as I have driven from my home on the Conhocton to my office on the Potomac the route has taken me under the shadows of the Indian warrior whose statue was the pride of the residents here and the symbol of America’s origin and growing greatness— a statue which is being replaced today by this marvelous successor. Most often these trips have been made alone and I was given to meditate upon the quality of the people who first came to deal with the Indians, to clear these forests, to build the log cabins, and to give us the rich heritage of independ~ ence, of thrift and industry, of self-denial and self-reliance, of courage and adventure, of faith and perseverance, fearless of nothing save God alone. The lessons gained from those meditations have been of great value in the performance of my public duties. Moreover, the knowledge which I have that there is a considerable number of people now living here who through the public- school system years ago were exposed to the very discipline, philosophy, and education which was my own privilege and heritage in the home, gives me a feeling of closeness and kinship with the people of Painted Post, So it is that I am delighted to join you in this great occasion—the lilacs, tender memories, reflective influences and inspira- tions, consecrated devotion to the memory of a noble soul—all these have united to make me feel highly honored in the oppor- tunity afforded me to participate in this sober though gala celebration. Coming as does the conclusion of this 3-day celebration of homecoming at Painted Post on the eve of the 1 day honored throughout our land as Memorial Day, it is entirely ap- propriate that we give some thought to the significance of the sacrifices of our military heroes, our own sons and daughters whose lives have been offered upon the altar of national independence and national security and endeavor, if possible, to find some lesson through which we can strive to be worthy of their sacrifice. But, to me, Memorial Day is something more than tender reflection upon. the exploits of our military men and women—it is a day for solemn tribute to the memory of all those who have passed along the way of life a bit ahead of the rest of us and who have already entered into the haven of eternal life for they quite as much as the military people are the ones whose in. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD fluences and endeavors in mortal life have contributed to the greatness of our Nation. The shepherd or parent who watches over and cares for his little flock, nursing their wants and pains, guiding them along the paths of richness and honor, warning them of the dangers of pitfalls and temptations, giv- ing strength to their bodies and to their character, even though unknown and un- sung beyond the borders of his own little vale, is as much responsible for the greatness of our national life as is he whose life is pre- maturely snuffed on the field of battle. The glory and glamor of war does not surround him but instead his patriotic shroud is the silent mist of godliness. To the everlasting glory of those who sac« rificed on the field of battle and to those whose sacrifices were in the home or the fac- tory would I choose to set apart and dedicate this Memorial Day. How, then, can we best perpetuate their name and memory? Is it enough that we mark his final spot with a graven stone, to be decorated on this day each year with some choice floral beauty warmed with our Kisses and our tears? Is it enough that we attach his name to some great structure or insti- tution in the hope that through it his vir- tues will be perpetuated? Is it enough that Wwe reproduce his image in stone or pigment? Is it enough that we consecrate our wealth to the purposes for which he lived? To be sure, all these are proper but there must be something more than these materialistic manifestations of our love and affection. With the passing of time these symbols, too, will pass and be gone and lose their real significance. In doing honor to the memory of those men and women, who, by their sacrifices, call to our attention that true liberty is beyond price, let us recognize that to such Americans as they the flowers and the flags will be but empty tribute if we fail to rededicate our hearts and minds to those sublime truths which they held so dear. Only by our stead. fast attachment to the immortal principles of human behavior and human relation- ships which guided their heroic deeds or their humble service to mankind can we hope to perpetuate their memory and fulfill our in- debtedness to them. More and more, it seems, the people of the world are moving into the realm of mate- rialism and away from the realm of idealism; more and more are we captivated by the material values of life rather than the spirit- ual. Ever increasing emphasis is placed upon the physical comforts rather than the moral principles of human conduct. Our leaders of political thought and social pro- gress constantly endeavor to provide greater programs for gratifying needs of the body rather than nourishment for the soul. Stu- dents of science are daily unlocking doors to the secrets of the universe and with cach disclosure something is added to the long list of things which, it is felt, we as a peo- ple should have in order to give us greater happiness. Stockpiling of strategic mate- rials and atomic weapons is the watchword of the day with no corresponding emphasis upon the stockpiling of moral resources. The philosophy of freedom from physical want is gradually replacing the older philosophy of fear of God and freedom from spiritual need. Personal security is becoming the goal of human existence in place of and at the inevitable price of personal liberty; security of the body supplants security of the soul. Security, personal security, those things which are needed to fill the temporal wants of our bodies, is the byproduct of liberty, personal liberty. Security without lberty is bondage; liberty is the mother of security and there can be no true happiness without oth. The great patriot Patrick Henry, whose clarion cry has rung through the centuries, called for liberty or death—not security or
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD death. His forebears had the security of vassalage in the mother country but that was not enough, that was not the sort of thing that Patrick Henry wanted for him- sclf and his children. Security was to be had to the colonists, provided they continue to pay homage and tribute to the royal provider—but they chose to cast it aside in order to obtain the personal freedom necessary that each one might be able to provide for his own security in the manner and to the extent which his own talents would permit. . Out of the Bible comes the admonition that man Gannot lve by bread alone but by the word of God. Deep down in that dumb region of the heart in which we dwell alone there must be something of substance in order to have true happiness and which col-~ lectively creates a massive power of moral force more compelling than any physical power yet constructed by the hand of man. There is a certain tranquillity of the heart, born of a good life rich in moral virtues, which no amount of physical comforts can provide or replace. Here we stand today trembling in awe of the fearsome force of the atomic age in which mankind has, the capacity of self- destruction. Even the horrific power of the atomic blast will give way to the greater force generated by moral armament and it can be made the tool for good instead of evil. Most assuredly civilization is on the brink of disaster unless there is kindled into life the dying embers of a moral force built of the fabric of lofty ideals, steadfast cour~ age, vision, faith, and a passionate sense of justice to all men and all races. No less dangerous in the field of interna- tional relationships as in our domestic af- fairs is the current tendency to place undue, if not complete, reliance upon. the effective- ness of material things in the preservation of our national security and happiness. More and more we look to our armies and navies and air forces, together with those of our friendly nations, to maintain the peace of the world and defend our own Independence. To the same extent as undue reliance upon crass matcrialism as the provider of the gen- eral welfare will be our undoing in the per- sonal field at home, so will a complete re- dance upon military force, in the end, cause us to lose the very things we seek to main- tain abroad. We cannot allow ourselves to be lulled into a sense of security through the mistaken notion that the power of the sword, the use of brutality and violence, is the only way by which the problems of na- tions can be solved. Surely, we have learned in the last two experiences with war, if we never knew it before, that a nation which resorts to force as its sole instrument of na- tional policy suffers immeasurably even though that nation may be victorious in battle. Too many of our people have come to re- gard war as the only way out of our present international difficulties. Certainly military preparcdness is essential to our national survival, but it is not the only way; it is not the exclusive way. The great power of moral force is just as persuasive in the affairs of nations as it is in the daily affairs of people. To be sure the current philosophy of the Russian tyrants is wholly at variance with our own and some day the two may clash, put it is not inevitable that they clash on the fleld of battle; not if we are prepared to do the things which are necessary to prove to the Russian people and to the world that their way of life is wrong. In order to find that way and to develop that force which is necessary to be effective, we must devote much time and thought to searching our own souls in quest of the formula. Are we ready to make the sacri~ fices necessary to bring about an undér- standing with the Russian people and are we prepared to make the adjustments in our own daily lives in order to make those under. standings a reality? Can we be sure that righteousness is entirely on our side and that theirs has no element of justification? Have we the proper humility of spirit which 1s so essential to establish a common ground of understanding with other people? Is ours the only formula for control of the hydrogen and atomic bombs which will effectively re- move the specter which constantly threat- ens our existence? Can we endure the aus- terity which a surrend-zr of some of our materialism will produce in our search for fair dealing and justice? All this is the part of that idealism for which our patriots and forebears lived dur- ing their lifetimes. It may not bring im- mediate results—it may never produce the degree of mutual understanding and trust which is so essential to a peaceful world. But certainly it is worth the try. The goal of this kind of victory is worthy of our most concientious thought and endeavor. At home and abroad, our leaders must have a vision fashioned from the warp of Chris- tian principles, fired with the courage of these patriots, sacrificial to the extent of their example, steadfast in their attachment to the immutable laws of God. There are two ways ahead for America— one leading to brilliance and happiness, the other to darkness and despair. The former is luned with fortitude, forbearance, and faith, the latter paved with sensual delights and physical comforts. Which road shall we take—the one we have been following in re- cent years, strewn with false promises spoken by false prophets or the way of our fathers, the road set by those we honor today? For my part the choice has been made. Chief Montour, Col. Arthur Erwin, Patrick Henry, those nameless fathers and mothers whose guidance we must pass on to our own children, made that choice fo. me. I join with you in the prayer of the poet: “Wake in our breasts the living fires, The holy faith that warmed our sizes; Thy hand hath made our Nation free; To die for her is serving Thee.” Labor-Management Relations Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. OREN HARRIS OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. HARRIS. Myr. Speaker, during the consideration of the Labor-Manage- ment Relations Act before the House in May of last year determined efforts were made by some to repeal the act outright, returning to the original Wagner Act. Others felt the dire need of an appro- priate revision of the Taft-Hartley Act. The proposed substitute known as the Wood bill, and which became the minor- ity compromise proposal, indicated that even the original sponsors of the Taft- Hartley Act felt there were some revi- sions needed. There were some who believed that the proposed Wood bill would be even more restrictive toward labor organizations than the present act. The Wood bill was in fact in most in- stances similar to the present Taft- Hartley Act. There were many who be- lieved the proposed revisions of the Wood bill were not sufficient to properly ad- just the present law. A4281 Several of us met in conference with the leadership of the House and mem- ers of the committee in an effort to work out a reasonable compromise re- solving certain differences in a manner that would provide what many of us believed to be a more appropriate revi- sion of the act. As a result of this conference a pro- posed compromise was worked out. It was ofered as a substitute on the floor of the House the next day by a member of the committee, Mr. Sims, of South Carolina, but beat by a few votes. This proposed compromise, which I helped formulate, provided retention of a number of basic provisions that was felt should be retained in any revision of the National Labor Relations Act. In fact all but about two of the basic pro- visions at difference were agreed to since Several had already been included in the proposed bill. It was decided the two remaining differences would be left to determination by amendment on the floor. When Mr. Sims proposed the substi- tute he gave a complete explanation of the provisions, and I extend his state- ment herein with my remarks: Sims SvussTirure Mr. Sims. The substitute bill I have intro- duced is simply the Lesinski bill with seven changes. The first change in effect adopts the Tafte Hartley provisions for dealing with a na- tional emergency. The second change adopts in effect the Wood bill provision requiring labor organi- zation officers and employers to sign anti- Communist affidavits. The third change guaranties free speech to employers. The fourth change requires labor organi- zations to bargain in good faith. The fifth change requires labor and em- ployee organizations to file organizational and financial statements. The sixth change creates a temporary labor relations commission to study and make rec- ommendations concerning labor relations. The seventh change makes it entirely clear that railroad employers, employees, and their representatives, as well as subject matter to the Railway Labor Act are exempt from titles I, If, and III, of this bill. Personally, I am not wedded to all the pro- visions of this measure. There are a number of changes which I would make if I were writing a labor-management bill to suit my own taste. But a bill that would suit my taste would not pass this House of Repre- sentatives. I mention this because I realize that this bill will not meet with the complete approval of anyone here today. I believe that each of us here today is faced with a compromise. I believe that each of us here must weigh the good and the bad and then determine whether the good outweighs the bad. Legislating would be a simple job indeed if we could vote our sincere convictions on each individual provision without taking into consideration the ultimate goal and the over-~ all strategy involved. Let us face facts. Those of us interested in repealing the Taft-Hartley Act and enact~ ing the Lesinski bill know, or should know, that if the Lesinski bill is voted on without any amendments, it will be defeated. It be- comes our duty then, if we are genuinely in- terested in repealing Taft-Hartley, to amend the Lesinski bill in such a way that it will pass this body. From talking with some of the members of my committee, from talking with a number of southern liberals, from talking with key
A4282 Members of the House from all sections of the country, I am convinced that there are at least two amendments to the Lesinski bill which are necessary if a sufficient number of votes are to he gained to repeal Taft-Hartley. There are many Members 1n Congress who would like to vote for the repeal of the Taft- Hartley Act who feel, and feel very deeply, that a new lakor law should include, first, a strong provision dealing with a national emergency, and, second, a requirement for ‘union and company officers to sign non-Com- munist affidavits. Let us examine the substitute bill which I have introduced and see how it deals with @ national emergency. On pages 23, 24, 25, and 26 of the substitute print you will note that the national emergency provision of the proposed substitute is exactly the same as the Taft-Hartley provision dealing with national emergencies, with two exceptions: Furst, the emergency boards of inquiry are required to make recommendations for settlement of the dispute which the President is directed to make public; and, second, the statement of and secret ballot on the employer’s last offer of settlement are omitted. As under the Taft-Hartley Act, injunctions against a strike or a lock-out may be obtained by the At- torney General for a period of not more than 80 days. Now, let’s look at pages 15, 16, and 17 of the substitute print. This 1s the section re- quiring a non-Communist affidavit. This provision is exactly the same as the Wood pill, with three exceptions: First. Investigations or proceedings may be undertaken by the Board so long as no cer- tification is made in a representation case and no complaint issued in an unfair-labor- practice case where the required affidavits have not been filed. Second. Affidavits are required of employ- ers, including owners, partners, receivers, trustees, and any officers of employers, or of any national or international employer organization of which the employer is a mem-~= ber or affiliate. Third. The term “officer” is broadened to include any person performing a policy- making, governing, or executive function or who is a member of any policy-forming, gov~ erning, or executive body of an employer or Jabor organization or of any national or international employer or labor organization, as the case may be. Section 110 of the substitute print on page 11 protects the freedom of speech of both employers and employees. The amend-~ ment provides that the National Labor Rela< tions Board shall not base any finding of an unfair labor practice upon any statement of views or arguments, either written or oral, if such statement contains under all of the relevant circumstances no threat, express or implied, of reprisal or force, or offer, express or implied, of benefit. Under these provi- sions the statement, if relevant, may be ad- mitted in evidence for what it is worth, and the statement may constitute an unfair labor practice, but only if other relevant circum- stances show that the statement actually represents a threat of force or reprisal or an offer of benefit. Section 109 of the committee print, on page 11, is a new section which would make it an unfair labor practice for a labor organ- ization to refuse to bargain collectively with an employer, subject to the provisions of section 9 (a). It is recognized that the pro- vision will be applied only infrequently, since unions exist for the primary purpose of col- lective bargaining on behalf of employees. It is also recognized that under modern eco- nomic conditions the procedures, scope, and subject of collective bargaining are con- stantly changing and developing. Accord- ingly it is provided that the provision con- tained in section 109 shall not be construed to require a labor organization to bargain separately with respect to any particular unit gr units, or to agroe to any particular pro- cedures or conditions with respect to col- lective bargaining. Thus, the section safc- guards industry-wide and area agreements such as those which have been reached through collective bargaining in many in- dustries. It also leaves to the parties the development of procedures and conditions of collective bargaining as seems best to them, for example, in accordance with their con- stitution or charter or bylaws. Situations of the type presented In re American Radio Association (82 N. L. R, B. No, 151, April 19, 1949) and In re National Maritime Union (82 N. L. R. B. No. 152, April 19, 1949) are not intended to be unfair labor practices under the bill. Section 111 of the substitute print on page 12 contains provisions similar to those con- tained in the Taft-Hartley Act with respect to the filing of organizational and financial data by labor organizations. In addition, certain organizational and financial data must be filed by employers bringing charges of unfair labor practices against a labor or- ganization. It is provided that the Board is not to certify a labor organization as bar- gaining representative nor issue any com~ plaint of unfair labor practice based on a@ charge filed by a union or by an employer unless the union or the employer, as the case may be, has filed with the Secretary of Labor the required organizational and financial information, Section 405 of the committee print on page 29 makes it clear that those subject to the Railway Labor Act do not come under the provisions of title I, II, and III of this bill. Title V of the committee print on page 30 creates a Temporary Labor Relations Com~ mission composed of 20 members—5 repre- senting management and 5 representing Jabor to be appointed by the President, 5 Members of the House to be appointed by the Speaker, and § Members of the Senate to be appointed by the President of the Sen- ate. The Commission is to make a thorough study and investigation into the underlying causes of disputes between labor and man- agement. In summing up lect me say, ladies and gen- tlemen, that the substitute which I have in- troduced is the Lesinski bill with seven amendments. First. The Taft-Hartley provisions for a national emergency. Second. An anti-Communist affidavit. Third. Free speech. Fourth. Labor organizations required to bargain in good faith. Fifth. Labor organizations to file organiza- tional and financial statements. Sixth. Creating a Temporary Labor Rela- tions Commission. Seventh. And a clarifying amendment. I urge the Members of this body who are genuinely interested in the trade-union movement and who are interested in dis- carding the restrictive provisions of the Taft- Hartley Act to join together on this compro- mise measure. This substitute protects the American public from the whims of a labor gangster and at the same time protects and encour- ages the right to bargain collectively. I urge its adoption without crippling amendments. Buchanan, the Dictator EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, it looks to me like the so-called Buchanan Se- APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD lect Committee on Lobbying Activities has gotten out of hand. In fact, it has gone so far afield as to warrant its abol- ishment. Happenings before the Buchanan committee the past 2 weeks or more, indicate that the chairman, and his sup- porters are hell-bent on getting just one side of the lobbying story and are using their offices to drag in the mud anyone who has the courage to oppose the Tru- man-Pendergast regime. Yesterday, Tuesday, June 6, Chairman Bucusnan and his majority, bent on dis- crediting anyone believing in constitu- tional government, denied Dr. Edward A. Rumely, executive secretary for the Com- mittee on Constitutional Government, the right to make a statement before the committee, regardless of the fact that Dr. Rumely had been summoned under committee subpena. However, Mr. Bucsawan did permit Dr. Rumley to file his statement. Under permission to extend my re- marks, I include Dr. Rumely’s filed state- ment so that it may be made available to all Members of Congress and to those who may be interested. The statement follows: SraremEnT Firep By Dr. Eowarp A. RUMELY Brerore THE BUCHANAN SELECT COMMITTEE on LOBBYING ACTIVITIES, JunE 6, 1950 I ask the opportunity to make a statement while Iam under oath and subject to cross- examination rather than to be compelled to release it to the press without such ccruliny by you and your committee. This statement, I believe, may be helpful to you, your committee and to the Congress in presenting the matters at issue, in their proper perspective. First, let me say that nothing in this statement is intended as a personal criticism of Mr. Louis Little or his assistants. During the 2 weeks while they were in our offices, they acted with courtesy and consideration, Our complaint goes to part of the job that they were sent to do, and to what we believe is a wholly misguided and unconstitutional conception on your part of your powers. When Mr. Louis Little first called, he said, “Chairman Bucnanan thinks that a new form of lobbying has developed. Lobbyists no longer primarily buttonhole Conpressmen but instead reach out to the public back home and build public opinion that causes constituents to speak up to their Congress- men, and thus legislation is influenced. Your organization, we regard as the most efficlent operation on the right or cons¢rva- tive side, and we want to see just how you project your viewpoint to the country.” I was horrified at the thought that a branch of Congress could enter the fleld of dissemination of ideas among citizens in an area where, under the Bill of Rights, they are guaranieed privacy and complete frec- dom from government interference. When I was a young man, a student of medicine in Europe, almost 50 years ago, an incident occurred that left a Ufclong im~ pression. One fall, one of our friends, a fel- low intern, in medicine, did not return as we had expected he would for his studies, About a month later, a middle-aged Russian woman, a fellow student of medicine, came and asked, “Please give me 10 francs. The reason our friend and fellow student did not return is that he has been exiled into the coldest part of Siberia where he is shivering without adequate clothing and we are col- lecting money to buy sheepskin coats and blankets with the wool on them to keep him warm.” This student, leaving for home in July, had left a little money to have his mail for-
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD warded, but he had subscribed to a magazine published in Switzerland, to come to this hospital and it was also forwarded. It was on the prohibited list of the Czar’s secret police, and the arrival of a single number, showlng a year’s subscription, caused the police to put this student away for 1 year in exile in Siberia. In history that is the kind of thing that happens when government invades the area of molding people’s thinking—in Russia un- der Stalin, in Italy under Mussolini, in Ger- many under Hitler. American correspon- dents who observed the rise of Hitler report that it was not so much the excellence of his own propaganda as the ability to knock down and shut off the expression of any opposing viewpoint. That, Mr. BucHanan, is exactly what you are doing. The CIO News in an editorial directed to your committee, entitled “Lobby Probe,” said on May 8: “We would like to see a full explanation of such outfits as the Committee for Constitutional Government.” In the June 5 number, reporting on your meeting with the press, this same publication says, “At @ press conference BucHaNaN made no bones of his personal distaste for these three organizations.” We were one of the three. You are further quoted, “Congress is entitled to know which financial interests are back of attempts to influence public opinion and legislation.” Do not clergymen and educators influence public opinion? Are you going to suppress them? This statement quoted by the CIO News— also on page 1 of the New York Times— confirms the viewpoint outlined by your rep- resentative, Louls Little, as the objective of your investigation. We challenge your pow- er to meddle in the processes by which the American people have facis and educational material in books and other publications, presented to them, from which, ultimately, public opinion results. Of the thousand or more opinion-molding organizations at work, the most gigantic machine ever built is that of the labor monopolies. They report collection of $425,- 000,000 ninually of regular dues, with an estimated $200,000,000 additional in assess- ments and the services of 100,000 shop s hy stockholders but misused > often against the long- htery dh ene . «12 workers themselves, as Wels ae oe belders, Next in power is the bureaucracy of the Federal Government itself, with 45,000 on the payroll engaged primarily in press agentry, and costing $70,000,000 annually, plus tens of millions in free postal service to promote their loaded propaganda for bigger and birper government. The CIO News re- ports: “The name of the CCG first came up in the lobby probe several weeks ago when Leo Goodman, directer of the housing com- mittee, charged that it financed some of the activities of the real-estate lobby. Goodman said the CCG sent out mail, paid for print material attacking rent control and Federal housing legislation.” The CIO has spent probably hundreds of times as much as we, using its gigantic machine to pressure for rent control, urging confiscation of part of the home owner’s income by rent control. Now, at CIO behest, you and your agents are digging into how we distribute our edu- cational material to citizens back home, on these rent-control and housing issues. We are carrying on, in the area of public opinion, a nonpartisan, nonprofit, educa-~ tional effort, influencing public opinion, as do newspapers, magazines, periodicals, churches, service clubs, colleges, and innum- erable other forces. It was Jefferson’s concept and that of the men who wrote our Bill of Rights that with the free play of such forces, all sides, un- curbed and uninfluenced by government, even the unpopular side of a question, could be presonted and heard. The citizens, with the information before them, could come to sound conclusions and, by their votes, wisely guide the course of their government. Your agents showed little interest in the tens of thousands of individual purchases pf books and literature. For example, on the day after Lincoln’s birthday, we received 2,171 units, aggregating $9,452; 30 of these were contributions, averaging $12 each; more than 2,000 purchases of books and hterature and the Bill of Rights, with an over-all average of $4.50 each. Your agents tcok back to Washington, for your information, copy of our auditor’s an- nual financial reports for the years 1949, 1948, and 1947. For example, the 1949 report shows that we had received no contributions in excess of $490 and only 158 contributions ranging from $101 to $490; 5,526 contribu- tions of less than $10; 1,707 ranging from $11 to $25 and 1,051 ranging from $26 to $100. The average amount received in contribu- tions during 1949 was $22.20, just about the amount the average union member pays in dues. In that same year, we sold hooks and literature in 22,000 separate orders, averaging $15 each. You had these facts before you, yet you put outa totally false statement that went through the press of the whole United States, saying that you were seeking to find out Rumely’s “financial angels.” It is true that a few who bought more than 100 books or whose support amounted to more than $100 are public-spirited citizens with means or in prominent position. If you now demand their names and present them as typical of the support of the committee, as you have done, you ignore the evidence before ycu and misuse the confidence of the press in a con- gressional committee to project to the Na- tion a totally false picture. If any private individual or institution put out such a biased and unfounded press interview, it would be looked upon as downright dishon- esty. We have sold about 600,000 copies of Flynn's book, The Road Ahead, during the past 5 months, in tens of thousands of in~- dividual orders, ranging from 1 to 10 copies each; a small percentage of the total sales were purchased in quantities, by individuals and institutions, for redistribution. De- manding and releasing the names of these buyers, you would again create a false pic- ture in the public mind. The CIO re~crts: “BucHANAN believes that the Commi.tee .or Constitutional Government is the parent of a network lobbying against labor and the Fair Deal,” and be believes that “the investi- gation of the financial backing of three or- ganizations will reveal the ties.” That statement of yours, based on your surmise, is false, for our committee has no ties with other organizations. With 80,000 who have given financial support, it, of course, is probable that a small percentage also have given support to other organizations. But you have projected to the whole country an unfounded surmise, before your committee has had a chance to see the facts. That’s plased propaganda on your part and not ob- jective investigation. See attached hereto a statement released by Sumner Gerard, one of our trustees, set- ting forth how your demand for the names of the purchasers of our books and literature violates our rights—the rights of all citi- zons—under the first and fourth amend- ments to the Constitution. Four of your agents went to work in our office during 2 weeks, going through books of accounts, our files, correspondence, and in- specting every piece of literature and the books that we have printed and distributed. We gave your representatives more than 98 percent of what they asked for—responding to 24 out of 25 demands, although much of it was irrelevant to the purposes of this in- vestigation. For example, your agents went through our correspondence with Members of Congress. They picked out correspond- A4283 ence with Republicans or with Jeffersonian Democrats like Senator Brrp, but when they saw comment from men like Senator FEPPER on our releases, they left that to one side. It is for the reasons set forth in the Gerard statement and these reasons that we are de- clining to give you the names of the quantity purchasers of our books and literature. Also, the names of a few who made loans for the purpose of enabling us to advertise and pro- mote the Fighters for Freedom movement, which has no relation to lobbying activities before Congress; also to pay for the printing and promotion of early editions of The Road Ahead. Iam taking this stand after consultation and on the advice of my counsel, Neil Burkin- shaw, and after consultation with the trus- tees of the Committee for Constitutional Government, Inc. Epwarp A. RUMELY. Requests for Veto of Basing Point Biil EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HERBERT H. LEHMAN OF NEW YORE IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. LEHMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Ap- pendix of the REcorp a memorial to the President by representatives of small business asking for a veto of Senate bill 1008. I also ask unanimous consent to have inserted in the Appendix of thé Recorp, a similar request to the Presi- dent from Mr. C. Wilson Harder, presi- dent of the National Federation of Inde- pendent Business. There being no objection, the memo- rials were ordered to be printed in the ReEcorp, as follows: WASHINGTON, D. C., June 6, 1950. To PresIDENT Harry S. TRUMAN: This memorial was written in the hope that we would see you personally. We have, how- ever, requested the Honorable Wricur Par- MAN as our spokesman, to present this memorial to you. Mr. President, on the 5th of March 1936 representatives of independent businesses were designated to confer with the President of the United States, the late Honorable Franklin D, Roosevelt—the designation com~ ing from a meeting held a day before at Con~ stitution Hall, in which over 2,000 or more independent businessmen from all over the Nation were present. In that visit with the President on March 5, 1936, was Mr. John Dargavel, Mr. R. H. Rowe, and Mr. George J. Burger, and others. These representatives were from industries in the retail distribu- tion field, such as druggists, grocers, inde- pendent tire dealers, etc Three of that former delegation are among the petitioners in this memorial. At the meeting on March 4, 1936, at Constitution Hall, this meeting was addressed by the late Honorable Joe Robinson, Member of the United States Senate and Hon. Wricutr PatTMan, Member of the House of Representa- tives, co-authors of the Robinson-Patman Act then pending before Congress for action. The spokesmen for independent businesses on the 5th of March 1936, requested the President to give his earnest consideration to the pending Robinson-Patman Act and what it meant to the future of the free enter- prise system, and more important, inde- pendent business of this Nation if and when the bill was finally voted by the Congress
AA284 that he would give his support by signing the bill. To his everlasting credit a few months later the bill reached the President’s desk and he signed the Robinson-Patman Act. This law has stood the test of the courts during the past 14 years and it can be said without fear of contradiction that it has heen the lifeblood in maintaining the free enter~ prise system and fair competition, This bill has helped to preserve all independent estab- lishments in cur economy. Mr. President, now we face a critical situa~ tion. A bill has now been passed by the Congress which is known as Senate bill 1008. It is our opinion that we representatives speak for independent business of this Na- tion when we urge you to veto this bill for the following reasons: 1. It is a very bad bill, It will destroy the antiprice discrimination provisions of the Robinson-Patman Act. It will weaken the very antitrust laws which both major political parties swore solemnly, during their 1948 election year campaigns, to enforce and strengthen. 2. Tt will sacrifice smali and independent businessmen to the demands of monopoly pusiness. It will mortally injure small and independent businessmen whose interests both major political parties swore solemnly, during their 1948 election year campaigns, to protect and advance. 3. It will increase monopoly domination of American business, something which both major political parties swore solemnly, dur- ing their 1948 election year campaigns, they would oppose firmly. 4, The bill will not, as its sponsors claim, penefit small and independent business~ men—rather it will injure them, S. 1008 has not been given the thorough airing all legislation should receive. Senate and House sponsors of the bill have refused to hear, in committees charged with consider- ing the bill, the objections of small and independent businessmen to the measure. 5. Finally, it is our considered view that if S. 1008 should become law it will impose on small business a calamity of the first magnitude, and will eventually result in nullifying the entire antitrust laws. Solely in the interest of independent busi~ ness and its further welfare we respectfully urge you to veto this bill. Fourteen years ago we pleaded with your predecessor to sign the bill to protect inde- pendent business of this Nation, and today, 14 years later, we respectfully ask you to save this needed and necessary legislation, Gzorcs J. Burcrr, Vice President, National Federation of Independent Business, Jomn W. DarGavry, Executive Secretary, National Asso- ciation of Retail Druggists. R. H. Rows, Vice President and Secretary, United States Wholesale Grocers Associa= tion. Mr. C. Wilson Harder, president of the Na« tional Federation of Independent Business, Inc., today called on President Truman to veto the basing-point bill, 8. 1008. Mr. Harder stated: “This legislation 1s contradictory of everything that you per- sonally and your party have pledged to in- dependent business.” Mr. Harder further stated that “instead of safeguarding our free way of life, this bill will place our Na~ tion on a sure road to either socialism or in< dustrial fascism.” Following is the complete text of Mr. Harder’s message: “For our Nation-wide membership we call on you as a court of last resort to veto 8. 1008, the basing-point bill that is now on your desk. This legislation is contradictory of everything that you personally and your party have pledged to independent business. Instead of streneher‘se the antitrust laws, this bul weer: oe +s ripping the guts from the Robinson-Patman Act. Instead of preserving and extending small-business welfare, this bill lays small and independent, pusiness firms wide open to the rapacious price discriminations of their giant competi- tors. Instead of combating and checking the growth of monopoly, this bill will pro~ mote the growth of industrial concentration in our land. Instead of safeguarding our free way of life, this bill will place our Na~ tion on a sure road to either socialism or industrial fascism. Mr. President, we can tell you that our Nation-wide membership, which is the largest of any business organi- vation in the land has been apprised of this Jegislation and that our members have vot= ed overwhelmingly against 1t. We are look- ing to you to breathe life once more into your party’s pledges to small business by an immediate, forthright veto of 8. 1008. Will you kindly advise your decision and reasons for same? “C. Witson HaRpER, “President, National Federation of Independent Business.” Walter Report Praised EXTENSION OF REMARKS or : HON. ANDREW J. BIEMILLER OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. BIEMILLER. Mr. Speaker, with permission to extend my remarks in the ReEcorD, I attach the following excerpt from a page 1 article in the May 11 issue of Der Zeit, an independent German paper published in Hamburg. The ar- ticle titled “The Gates Are Opening,” was written by Robert Strobel, the paper’s Bonn correspondent: Tue Gates Arr OPENING The German refugee problem cannot be solved by the Federal Republic alone. Simple as it is to recognize this, until now Germany was the only one of all countries in the world to do so. Now, for the first time, mat- ters appear to be taking shape. A proposal has been made for an internationally or- ganized mass emigration of a million Ger- mans, and President Truman is said to have approved already on principle this proposal of the so-called Walter report. Even though its practical effect may not be ex- pected for some time yet, one thing is cer- tain at present: It is a pearl among the re- ports of our time, which are so numerous, s0 voluminous and so poor as to contents. What jis particularly agreeable to note is that American observers have examined the emigration problem not from a single point of view but from all those which come into question in the matter, including the results to German national economy of mass emi- gration, There are certainly many problems still to be solved before such large-scale emigration can start, but a beginning has been made. The world is not only recog- nizing the international bearings of the evacuees problem but is also accepting the consequences. This is good news. The gate ds not yet open through which the despairing people desire to emigrate to a new home and which could serve as a safety-valve to remove a dangerously high pressure from the Federal Republic; but 1t seems to be about to open. Francis E. Walter has turned the key in the lock, APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Stop the Curtailment of the Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the fol- Jowing is my statement to the House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service, expressing my opposition to the curtailment of postal service: Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank you and the members of this committee for giving me this cppor*unity to express my vicws on the cur~ tvervmeni ol the postal service. We have always prided ourselves on the efficient manner in which our Post Office De- partment is administered and the speedy and excellent postal service it has rendered to the American people. No country in the world can point to such matchless service to its peopie. Ii is one of the things which are a part of our democratic system and which only a democracy such as ours can produce. Com- munication—and speedy, efficient commu- nication at that—is not characteristic of to- talitarian regimes where it is discouraged om panned entirely. There is no necessity for postal curtall- ment at this time. The American peoplo have a justifiable right to expect better postal service and not less. They are paying for it at their local post offices, and they are pay- ing for it in their taxes to the Government. Our Government owes to the people a Gov- ernment-financed efficient postal service. We must maintain this service for the sake of our business and commercial relations which must continue uninterruptedly. Above all, it should be remembered that this is a service to our people and is not in- tended to earn any profit. In fact, we should not even expect to break even on this service and should be ready to subsidize it as the need arises. Curtailing it to a one-delivery-per-day system, with half of the delivery carried over to the late afternoon or to the next day where the mail is heavy, constitutes a tremendous injustice to many people. Let me cite only one or two instances of hardship. Many of our professionals, such as physicians, dentists, writers, and others operate out of offices at home. Liv- ing in residential areas, they are restricted to receiving mail only once a day, and since collections from mail boxes in those areas have also been curtailed, they are being severely discriminated against. Incidentally, let me remind the members of this committee that Members of Con~ gress are also getting mail only once a day . at their homes, and you know well that much of the mail from our constituents is directed to us at our residences. I for one strenuously object to this curtailment of the prompt delivery of my constituents’ mail to me and mine to them. In addition to the handicap which this curtailment causes to business establish- ments and to professionals and the incon- venience which it is causing the public, let us not overlook two other factors. One is the loss of employment to many thousands of postal workers; the other is the under- mining of the morale in the Post Office De- partment and its numerous branches throughout the country. These employees have been hard-working, loyal personnel, who have given many years of their life to the service. In New York City, for example,
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD we are told that about 5,000 to 6,000 such postal employees have lost their jobs or are on the verge of losing them because of this curtailment. I am convinced that this is false and dan- gerous economy which may result in irrepa- rable damage to American business enterprise and to our whole economic system. Let us find the means to cover the deficit of the postal service and let us reestablish that service so that it may continue to function and to serve the needs of the American people as in the past. FEPC EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. ROBERT F. RICH OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. RICH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following editorial from the Washington Times-Herald for June 6, 1950: Lucas CaN’r Do Ir Ever since May 19, when the Democrats in the Senate ran out on their pledge to put FEPC over, Majority Leader Lucas has been promising to bring the matter up for another vote. Do not be taken in by such talk. The Democrats have killed FEPC for this session of Congress. And, even though Lucas has shown a com-= plete lack of political know-how in his job, we think that even he realizes that FEPC is dead for this session. If that is so why does he persist in playing along with the idea of another vote? Here’s the answer: JUST TALE There are three reasons why his boss Harry Truman apparently thinks another vote is necessary. One is that it still gives the ad- ministration a feeble peg on which to hang its claims that the Democrats are the true friends of the Negroes. Lucas can keep on shouting that he tried and tried. Second, it will satisfy a demand from the FEPC sup- porters that the Members who are absent on the first vote stand and be counted. Third, it will give Truman another chance to demand election of a rubber-stamp Con- gress in November. He can promise all over again, to get FEPC through if the voters will give him his kind of a Congress. Of£ course, such claims are the worst of political hooey. The real truth is that the Democratic Party is split down the middle, platform promise or no platform promise, on FEPC. On the other hand, the majority of Republicans in the Senate are ready and willing to live up to their promises. And so, after Lucas had fumbled around until it was too late to beat the southern filibuster against the bill, a phony attempt ‘was made to clamp down on the debate. It takes 64 votes to put cloture in force in the Senate. DEMOCRATS KILLED IT On the cloture vote May 19, 52 Senators voted for it and 32 against 1t. It would have taken 12 more votes to enforce cloture, A breakdown shows that while only 19 Demo- crats voted for the cloture rule, 26 voted against it. On the other hand, 33 Repub- licans voted for it and only 6 against it. XOVI—App.——270 The figures show absolutely that FEPC was killed because the Senate Democrats refused to follow their leader. And what good is a leader without followers? Now, there were 12 Members of the Senate absent when that vote was taken, 9 Demo- crats and 3 Republicans. Lucas must he able to add all 12 of these votes to the 52 who voted with him on the first vote to win when he calls it up again. He can’t get them. And the supporters of FEPC should not be fooled any longer by his stalling tactics. Nor should they be fooled when the bill is finally sidetracked and Truman goes on an- other political tour and tries to pull the wool over the eyes of the voters by posing as the great champion of civil rights. Biggest Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YCRK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent to extend my re- marks in the Appendix of the Rrcorp, I include the forty-fourth article by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop on the infiltration of communism in our country: Biccest STORY (By Frank C. Waldrop) This piece may be an embarrassment to the Honorable Louis Johnson, now Secretary of Defense, for it recalls a time when he was right about something and Mr. Roosevelt, whom he so venerates today, was wrong. Mr. Johnson was then national commander of the American Legion. The Roosevelt ad- ministration was warming up the propa- ganda drums for Soviet recognition, The American Legion was against it. So on April 19, 1933, a mass meeting was held at the old Washington Auditorium, here, with some 5,000 persons in attendance, rep- resenting a national variety of patriotic, fra~ ternal, religious, labor, and civic organiza~ tions. On. the platform with Mr. Johnson that evening were the Rev. Edmund A. Walsh, Ss. J., of Georgetown University; William Green, head of the American Federation of Labor; and Hamilton Fish, Mr. Roosevelt’s own Congressman and then still his good friend. Father Walsh is the vice regent of George- town and renowed authority on Russia. Mr. Fish at that time had just wound up @ congressional investigation into Commu- nist activity in the United States started in 1930, and an excellent source today of in- disputable fact. William Green was most honorably and firmly on the public record as repudiating on behalf of United States organized labor any interest in Soviet recognition. He had really declared the idea of Soviet trade a fake and had clearly defined the issue as one of giving or withholding support to a bloody, tyrant who meant the United States only ill. Mr. Johnson read to the assemblage a letter from. Bainbridge Colby, whom I mentioned earlier in this series as the first United States Secretary of State to give out a definitive official view on the Soviets. Mr. Colby, in the last days of the Wilson regime, had written a letter to the Italian Ambassador opposing recognition until the Soviets had proved, not just promised, aban- A4285 donment of world revolution, had proved, not just promised, an enlightened and a gener- ally peaceful outlook. His letter to the patriotic meeting in Washington on April 19, 1988, was a redefi- nition and careful delineation of the im- portance to the whole world of dissolving the Soviet barriers against civilization. Can you imagine, for instance, the bene- fits that would have come if Russia after 1918 had allowed her citizens the one sim- ple freedom to travel the world, read the world’s literature, know the world’s ways, and allow the world the same privilege in Russia? The hatreds, suspicions, and ignorant fears that are essential to the Soviet dis-~ cipline could not have withstcod such @ barrage of reality. That is why the Soviet leaders have never cared to this day, to allow a free meeting between Russia and the civilized world. Russians understanding another side to life would never have submitted to the de-~ mands put upon them by the Communists, The very contrast between civilized life and the barbarous oppressions at home would have been enough to crush the Soviet sys- tem without the world having had to face its present prospects of war. But civilization and the Russian people ‘were barricaded away from one another by communism. And Mr. Roosevelt foolishly saved Stalin in his critical hour of 19338 when the Russians were revolting against him. That meeting here in Washington on April 19, 1933, was an effort to withstand the propaganda for recognition with a summa- tion of facts. The reality of the Soviet regime, as con= trasted with the propaganda, was thoroughly expounded with full, factual evidence in support. As a matter of fact, it was expounded not only in Washington but from Europe as well, Guglielmo Ferrero, the most famous philoso~ pher-historian of the day, issued explicit warnings against the foolish notion that any= body could do business with Stalin. From the Vatican came the voice of ex- perience. The Pope asked what guaranties Stalin would make against further suppres= sions of civilization at home and abroad. Nobody can say that Mr. Roosevelt was not warned, or that wise men, both at home and from all over the world, neglected to caution him. He was told to be careful, to watch his step, to realize that he was lightly juggling dynamite. But it did no good. He had his mind fixed on making sensa- tion. He had his eye fixed on the headlines. And Prof. Felix Frankfurter, as testified earlier in this series by one who had a part in the whole dirty business, had Mr. Roose= “velt “in his vest pocket.” The tragedy was happening. Taxpayers Charged for Political Junkets of Administration Officials EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. THOR C. TOLLEFSON OF WASHINGION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 9, 1950 Mr. TOLLEFSON. Mr. Speaker, un- der leave to extend my remarks, I in- clude an article by Mr. Louis Bromfield which appeared in the Tacoma News Tribune on May 14, 1950. The article is
A4286 an excellent one, dealing with political junkets by administration officials. It follows: TAXPAYERS CHARGED FOR POLITICAL JUNKETS OF ADMINISTRATION OFFICIALS (By Louis Bromfield) At last Congress has shown signs of moving in on the leaders of Mr, Truman’s admin- istration and the Democratic National Com- mittee. For montbs and years now every taxpayer, regardless of his feeling toward Mr. Truman and his socialistic platform, has peen paying his share of the expenses to pro~ mote Mr. Truman, his friends and his ideas. How? Through the old Pendergast ward pol- jtics system of charging up expenses of po- litical campaigning to the government it- self. Let’s look at the record. For months now Mr. Brannan, Secretary of Agriculture, has peen touring the country, making speeches attempting to sell Mr. Truman and his wel- fare state to hundreds of thousands of citi- gens. There has been and there can be no pretense as to what he is doing. The atti- tude is wholly partisan hoth as to ideas and as to politics. The Democratic National Committee rather than the taxpayer should be paying the bill which runs in a year or so into hundreds of thousands. Mr. Tobin, Secretary of Labor, has been following the same pattern, rarely making anything but partisan political speeches which sound as if he were a paid propa- gandist for the big officials of organized labor whom the Democratic National Committee “woo so passionately. Who paid for it all? You and I. Mr. Ewing, Federal Security Administra~ tor, tours not only this country but Europe with special attention to the socialist gov- ernment of Great Britain. On his return he did quite a bit of traveling and talking in praise of British socialism and in particular of socialized medicine, which is simply a pbackhanded way of making hay for Mr. Truman and his program. Who paid for it? You and I. * BILL COMES TO MILLIONS And so, on and on it goes, throughout most of the Democratic office holders in cabinet and administrative posts. Virtually every one of them is guilty and when we add up the total, including Government planes which are freely commandeered in the interests of the Democratic Party, the bill comes to many millions of dollars. Who pays it? Not the Democratic Party campaign fund but you and I every time we pay our income tax, or go to a movie or send a telegram or ride on a train or buy a cigarette. Under Iaw and constitution, all the posts represented in this spending of taxpayers’ , money for the benefit of Mr. Truman and his friends were set up as administrative posts clearly established as nonpolitical. Under the long 17 years of Democratic rule, they have turned more and more simply into de- based political sounding boards in which the administrators spend more and more time away from their inefficient, expensive and confused departments in making political speeches. The Department of Agriculture, for ex- ample, was clearly established by law and for many generations by honest precedent, as an agency for research and education, bene- ficial to American agriculture. The present Secretary is a New Deal Denver lawyer with- out direct contact or experience with agri- culture or any of the farmer’s problems. How much time does he spend trying to straighten out the administrative mess into which his Department has been made by successive political appointees? How much time does he spend pressing research and education? And how much time does he spend on the road selling Mr. Truman, the welfare state and socialist ideas which would completely regiment the farmer in return for an inadequate check paid out of taxpayers’ money? EXPENSES PAID Only recently at a Minnesota meeting, farmer members of the Production and Mar- keting Organization—incidentally the worst political set-up in our Government—were given per diem pay and expenses by car, train, and in hotels, to travel considerable distances in order to hear Mr. Brannan make @ political speech in favor of the welfare state, the Brannan plan, and Mr. Truman. Who pays for this skulldruggery? Guess. It is not the Democratic National Committee. The President himsclf is no better. Re- cently it was recorded that he winked at re- porters when he mentioned his forthcoming nonpolitical trip to the Northwest and back again with speeches at every whistle stop. The trip will cost well in e.:cess of a hundred thousand dollars. Who pays for it? Guess who. You and I. When clearly it should be charged to the Democratic Party campaign fund. This is the kind of thing we get when we place in office men who are essentially professional and sometimes cheap ward poli- ticians, Fortunately Congress has begun to take notice of these practices which honest citi- zens can regard only as an outrage, not only against themselves but against decent demo- cratic government. Mr. Stalin and his friends operate on the same system but more frankly and honestly. It might just be that this situation is a good subject for a letter to your Representatives in Washington. That’s the only way we shall stop what is one of the cheapest and most shameful prac- tices in American history, as subversive to good government and good democracy as any~- thing the Communists have ever attempted to pull off in our midst. The High Crime of Inflation EXTENSION OF REMARKS ° HON. PAUL W. SHAFER OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, May 19, 1950 Mr. SHAFER. Mr. Speaker, the Treasury statement for May 31, 1950, shows our Nation has run in the red $3,230,012,100 so far this year, It shows that the high crime of inflation is béing aided and abetted by our Congress, which every year votes more and more for the spending which is depreciating the purchasing power of the dollar. In 1939 the dollar was worth a frac- tion more than 100 cents in the markets of the Nation. By 1949 the purchasing power was down fo 59.1 cents. Today it is even lower, and reports of events which happened yesterday convince me that unless the trend is halted we are cn the road to the biggest bust of all time. Steel scrap which sold for $15.75 a ton in January 1939, advanced to $26.32 in August 1949. Yesterday steel scrap was quoted at $46 a ton. Steel is one of our basic commodities, and this advance in price since last August will be reflected in prices of almost everything in the dur- able goods industries. Food costs also have risen too fast for the good of the Nation. A basket of 18 food items which cost $4.92 at the grocers in 1939, advanced to $11.44 by August 1949, Today that same APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD basket will cost $12.52. This is an ad- vance of 9 percent in 9 months. Food costs have risen 254.47 points from the 1939 level. The dollar is worth only 39.3 cents in the grocery store today. The following table illustrates the trend, which must be stopped if we are to save America from disaster. INFLATION HITS THE FAMILY MARKET BASKET HARDER IN 1950 The cost of 18 items making up the family market basket advanced substan- tially above the August 1949 price accord- ing to our latest survey of advertised prices by Washington, D. C., chain stores. In 1939, the items could have been bought for $4.92. By August, 1949 the price advanced to $11.44. The latest survey, by Paul O. Peters, well-known economist, shows the prices as of June 5, 1950. March | August} June 5, Ttem 1930 | 1949 | “1950 Beef, chuck roast, 5 pounds...) $0.85 | $2.15 $2.75 Vegetable shortening, POUNS..------- n-ne eee ee xy 85 200 Butter, 92 score, creamery, 1 pound ..-.-.-...2.-------- 22h 7 71 Flour, 12 pounds........----- 289 28, 112 Sugar, 5 pounds. -~.----------- 22 1,42 4h Coffee, 1 pound....-.--- 14 1, 49 «74 Potatoes, 10 pounds at) 243 280 Bread, 2 pounds 215 227 +28 Milk, 2 quarts. 8 40 138 Pork and beans, - ol rs} 220 Corn, niblets or equal, OUNCO._.-- 22. eee eee ene ee 20 2385 33 Pieme ham, 3 pounds. 48 1.17 1,29 Lettuce, head, 12 ounees...--- 205 212 «15 Salad dressing, 1 pint ..------ AT a) 233 Pears, 214 size can, 2 cans....- 280 78 74 Peanut butter, 1 pound ._....- 17 237 87 Sirup, Vermont Maid, 12 OUNCES... 20 nen nen eee eee nee oll 227 2 Eggs, standard, cartons, 2 Cy. 85 1.18 96 Total... Il. 44 12.52 1 These {tems were on special sale. In March 1939, the public debt stood at approximately $40,000,000,000. On May 31, 1950, the Treasury reported the public debt at $256,350,132,734. The deficit for the fiscal year 1950 to May 31 was $3,230,012,100. Every dollar of deficit spending con- tributes to the inflationary pressures now forcing the prices of foods and other com~ modities upward. It is the old story of money competing for goods in the market place. Memorial Day Means Keeping Faith With Those Beyond EXTENSION OF REMARKS OoFr HON. LEON H. GAVIN OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. GAVIN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Recorp, I include the following article from the Forest Republican, Tionesta, Pa., for June 1, 1950: Memorrau Day Means Keerine Fara Wrret THose Beronp Memorial Day is our most revered public secular day in America. It’s meaning is joined in sacred ritual.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD This is logically and rightfully so. Its roots lie deep in the lives of our people. It is an occasion that brings to the surface strong emotional ties with the past. For all, it is a time of communion with loved ones who have voyaged beyond these earthly shores. A time when we do honor to their memories. In this, there is some- thing akin to the worship of their ancestors by the Chinese. Both here in America and there in Asia, we venerate the greatness and the virtue of those who have gone on before us in our several family strains. In so doing we derive inspiration and good. We pass on to our posterity the essence of our collective heritage, the parts that make up a stimulating and noble tradition. <A tradi- tion that charts the advance of our own strong civilization marching on toward its final destiny. A destiny of enduring vitality, it is our hope and prayer. As we think of our civilization, our lofty culture, the beneficlary of the great think- ers and philosophers of Greece and Rome and of western Europe, we can and should rightfully give pause to consider how this historic trend toward truth and righteous- ness continues to gather momentum. This 2,000 year old sweep toward bringing mankind into line with the Golden Rule of the Man from Galilee, into the faith of the Sermon on the Mount. As one of the millions who have seen mili- tary naval service, may I suggest that per- haps the most decisive element which has driven our Christian way of life ahead is one that in recent generations is often taken for granted, or underrated, or even overlooked altogether. I refer to the resolute courage of the indi- vidual to face death in defense of his coun- try, and of his ideals. Is not the grim necessity for such courage in this day a supreme challenge? Is this not the kind of challenge that British historian Arthur Toynbee means, when he lays down his rule that civilizations only survive if confronted with overwhelming hazards which are overcome? In these dangerous times more than one European nation capitulated with little or no resistance to the harsh, pagan Nazi invader of 1940. Briefly, these surrenders came about be- cause too many individuals were unwilling to face the possibility of making the su- preme sacrifice while fighting for freedom, albeit in extenuation of their civic defalca- tions, it should be noted that they had suf- fered severely and too much during World War I. I cite this particular bit of modern his- tory that here today in this beautiful rest~ ing place of the dead, within the very shad- ows of their tombstones, we may more fully, more clearly, and more reverently evaluate the true greatness of those who gave their lives in conflict that this Nation might carry on. Further, that we may grasp the real and far-reaching world significance of their su- preme sacrifices, let us not forget that the wars of the United States have ever been just ones and don’t let any recent history textbooks tell you otherwise. Such histori- ans are warped in thelr views. These wars were all waged to the ultimate end that the great weight of our Federal Union shall be maintained in being as a mighty force in the defense of liberal, constitutional principles and of western, Christian culture. At this hour, I would dwell a moment long- er upon our debt to this brave and noble band of patriots who have so gallantly marched on into the west. Ours is a debt which transcends the power of words to define and of numbers to give substance. It is infinite and incalculable. It can never be paid. However, we who have survived can do this. We can keep faith with America’s war dead that they shall not have died in vain. This, then, would seem to be the challenge for citizens of today if our Republic is to continue. Through the strange workings of fate this solemn obligation has never before con- fronted citizens of America at a more sin- isterly threatening period in our short but stirring history. The wake of each world war seems to find us a Nation facing more baffling and more ominous problems than before. Neither conflict has made the world safe for democ- racy, nor for decency. Perversely, out of these same struggles, mankind has spawned the age-old destroyer of democracy. I refer to tyranny, the arch- scourge of free institutions, set up under a purely authoritarian concept of conscience- less communism, propagated by a band of fanatically and dangerously efficient gang- sters, befowling the fair countrysides of the earth with their brands of godless material- ism and venomous hate of class against class, spewed from the walls of their Kremlin. This unclean and vengeful movement of world-wide proportion, this vendetta of mad dogs in human shape against the de- cencies of men and aimed at the very fiber of our Christian civilization, poses probably the hardest problem that men of good will have ever had to contend with. The problem is predominantly one that must be solved on this side of the Atlantic. If America fails, truly the forces of dark- ness will envelop the earth, and the eclipse of truth and righteousness may last for ages to come. We can visualize hardly one single ques- tion that confronts America in this approach- ing Armageddon which is capable of easy and clear-cut solution. For instance, we must be armed so ade- quately that we cannot be struck down in the North American region by a dynamically delivered, Pearl Harbor style, sneak attack. However, at the same time we must not seriously distort and weaken the vitality of our national economy by an all-guns-and- no-butter pattern of industrial output. Who is wise enough to say where the dividing line . should come? Another poser is the question of foreign aid. It 1s clear that Europe must be helped economically and by direct transfers of mili- tary supplies if the west is to establish in Europe enough power, and in time, to dis- courage Stalin from starting world war III, or if conflict is unavoidable, to stop the Slavic hordes dead in their tracks east of the Rhine. If we give too much to Europe, we will bankrupt ourselves, thereby bringing on a rigid, planned economy and socialism in our own land. In this dilemma, where should ‘we cease our overseas expenditures in order to retain our own fiscal solvency and in- dustrial strength? So many other decisions of equal complex- ity now confront the citizens of the United States, not the least of which is the job of countering fifth columnists, not only in the midst of many communities, but, according to many indications, within the walls of Gov- ernment offices, disloyal persons influencing policies and exercising authority. How are ‘we going to root out, remove and justly penalize such sinister borers from within, and still preserve the great consti- tutional guaranties of our personal liberties? These two objectives are almost incompati- ble. It is clear that here in America, at the midpoint of the century, we all as citizens must give the study of public questions our - utmost attention. These problems must be solved. Our Government officials, charged with the specific tasks of meeting these re- sponsibilities are only human and but too fallible. They need the response of a strong and informed public opinion, A4287 We are often prone to find fault with our Congressmen, to berate their actions, and to belittle their collective judgment. It is an easy habit to fall into, and manifestly a very unfair one. I made progress in curing my- self of this tendency by substituting the words “American people” for the word “Con- gress” whenever I angrily made some such loose statement as, “Only a stupid and short- sighted Congress would do such a thing.” Congress is in fact the American people. It is a mirror of our citizenry. It responds quickly and accurately to the wishes of the people. They will get just as sound and effective action from Congress as they de- mand, and no more. When they dcride and express doubts as to the effectiveness of Congress, when they speak of it in terms of futility they are in effect indicating themselves as unfit for self government; they are denying the integrity and effectiveness of representative govern- ment. An institution which is making its last stand in America. Even England has gone Socialist. Representative government must survive and return to the misguided people of other lands. It is facing the supreme test in this generation. AsI have said before, our Chris- tian civilization now hangs in the balance. It can only survive if Americans can muster the interest in their own problems, and ex- ercise the straight thinking, the wisdom, and the restraint necessary to influence their government officials toward coming to sound and honest decisions. This is our presert, immediate, and com- pelling obligation to our heroic war dead that they may sleep in peace, in the knowl- edge that we will not let them down, that we are keeping faith with them, and that their untimely passing shall have been definitely instrumental in bringing about a better world for their children, their children’s children and ‘their posterity. In closing, we salute our heroes buried here who have left us in the springtime of their lives, who sacrificed so much that re- ligion, decency, freedom and the concept of the dignity of man might survive on earth. ‘We who carry on shall not forget them, nor shall we fail them in the great battles for what is Just and right. Nore.—The foregoing Memorial Day ad- dress was given by Admiral Davis at Marien- ville and at Pleasantville and is published here for its editorial content. The Disabled American Speaks EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR. OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrec- orp, I wish to include herein an editorial which appeared in the May 25, 1950, is- sue of the paper Disabled American Vet- erans, pointing out very vividly and with sincere apprehension the effects of the Taber-Jensen amendments to the omni- bus appropriation bill which recently passed the House. It should be reveal- ing reading for those who supported these amendments, which will undoubt- edly injure our most deserving veterans, the disabled veterans: SENATE Hounds VETERANS’ FUTURE Shortly before the omnibus appropriation bill passed the House this month, a burst of
A4288 strength on the part of an economy bloc re- sulted in an amendment which calls for a drastic 10-percent personnel cut in all non- military agencies of the Government. Another amendment which was included in the bill as passed by the House provides that nonmilitary Federal agencies be pro- hibited from filling more than 10 percent of their job vacancies during the fiscal year 1951, Luckily, the amendments excluded VA medical personnel. Although it is too early to determine the exact results which such a measure would jave on the Veterans’ Administration, it re- quires little imagination to realize what a tremendous potential threat this legislation is to the successful administration of veteran benefits. For example, a quick mathematical com- putation reveals that a 10-percent slash in the total VA staff, excluding medical per- sonnel, would result in the firing of nearly - 90,000 VA workers, A reduction-in-force pro- gram of this size would make the recent firing of some 4,000 VA employees look like child’s play. Although considerable economies could be effected in the VA without jeopardizing vet- erans’ benefits, economy to the extent pro- posed by the House would drastically curtail services to veterans which are due them under Jaws enacted by Congress. In view of the haphazard methods used by the VA in past reduction-in-force programs, it is alarming, to say the least, to contem- plate a straight 10-percent personnel slash. In all probability, the most deserving vet- erans—that is the disabled—would suffer first if this measure becomes law. Within the next few weeks the Senate will decide whether to approve these controversial provisions. Upon the decision of these legis- lators and the President of the United States rests, to a large extent, the continued success of the entire veterans’ program. ‘ Our Position in Japan EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. KATHARINE ST. GEORGE OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mrs. ST. GEORGE. Mr. Speaker, un- der unanimous consent, I include in the Appendix of the Rucorp a highly inform- ative article by that great far eastern expert, Mr. George Sokolsky, on our posi- tion in Japan and the magnificent work being done there by Gen. Douglas Mac- Arthur for the good name and prestige of the United States of America: THEsE Days (By George Sokolsky) It is not necessary at this time to have a peace treaty with Japan. A conference for that purpose can only complicate the Asiatic situation, weaken the position of General MacArthur, and imperil Japan, which hap- pens at this moment in history to be the only important outpost of American defense in the western Pacific. Were Japan in the possession of an enemy of this country, Alaska’s position would be untenable from a military standpoint. There are two ways of establishing a peace treaty. 1. To call a peace conference of all the nations in the Far Hast which would impose their will on a fallen foe. Such a conference would include Soviet Russia and either Na-~ tionalist or Soviet China. It it is desirable for Soviet Russia to attend, the conference would have to include Soviet China. That would mean the end of a free Japan, allied to the United States. For both Soviet Russia and Soviet China would have to de- mand terms that would aid them in their planned purpose of Sovietizing Korea and ultimately turning Japan into a satellite of the Cominform—the federation of Soviet countries. Also, it is to be noted that Great Britain has become involved préecipitately in the rec- ognition of Soviet China, which is now an embarrassment to both the United States and the United Nations. The Socialist gov- ernment of Great Britain has been pursuing, in both Asia and Europe, a policy without conscience with the sole object of strengthen- ing British trade, come what may. It was in pursuance of this policy that the Briti- 7. ature’ recognized Soviet China and 2. Dui: % 24 t.1e¢ position of the United States in the United Nations. Similarly, Great Britain is sabotaging the Franco-German coal and steel pool—the first hopeful sign for the reconstruction of west- ern European economic life. Dean Acheson, in his address to Congress, recognized the tremendous significance of the Schuman proposal for this pool, which he acknowledged as acceptable under American policy. In the Pacific, the British represent not only themselves, but the eight nations of the Commonwealth, whose policies and purposes fluctuate widely. Before the war, the Jap- anese gave evidence of extraordinary ability to compete not only with Great Britain but with the other countries of the Common- wealth. The Japanese did an enormous busi- ness in the British colonies and in India. The British, in their present socialistic attitude, are likely to wish to impose such harsh terms upon the Japanese as to vitiate the amazingly constructive work of Gen. Douglas MacArthur. This is one reason why the Japanese fear a peace conference. Every Japanese who comes to this coun- try pleads against such a treaty. Yukio Ozaki, the 91-year-old Japanese statesman, made this clear in an address at the dinner of the American Council,on Japan recently. The other way is for the United States, which won the far eastern war, practically alone, with only such aid as Nationalist China could provide, to make a separate treaty with Japan. Parenthetically it may be pointed out that Japan was able to take Hong Kong and Singapore with surprising ease; yet China managed to stand. The Japanese and General MacArthur would prefer a treaty between the United States and Japan abolishing the state of war which still exists. The State Department is sending John Foster Dulles to Japan to discuss the matter with General MacArthur. It is generally as- sumed that John Foster Dulles represents the Republican Party in the State Department as part of a bipartisan policy. This is an error because no bipartisan policy over far-eastern matters exists or ever has. This is one of the reasons for the Re- publican attacks on the far eastern policy of the State Department. Mr. Dulles is not a far-eastern expert, which may or may not be an advantage. Perhaps he may bring ta the problem a wholly new point of view. At any rate, General MacArthur will have no illusions on what can be done, There have been vast differences of view between the State Department and General Mac-~ Arthur on the far eastern policy of this country, a8 there have been between the State and Defense Departments. . There is, however, this: When MacArthur speaks ‘on Japan, the American people will listen. Mo APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Problems Relating to the Postal Service EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GERALD R. FORD, JR. OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF RUPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. FORD. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrcorp, I include an address made by me in Grand Rapids, Mich., on May 27, 1950, at the joint Michigan convention of postal supervisors and post-office clerks: Mr. Toastmaster, honored and distin- guished guests, members of the Michigan branch of postal supervisors, and members of the Michigan Federation of Post Cftice Clerks, it is a very real privilege and pleasure for me to meet with you at this thirty-second annual convention in my home city of Grand Rapids. We in the furniture capital of tho world welcome you and urge your return, individually and collectively, to this com- munity. Iam particularly pleased to have the op- portunity to discuss with you some of the perplexing and controversial problems relat- ing to the postal service. The predicn:, to be discussed are not Hmited in scope to the welfare of postal employees, but rather di- rectly concern our citizens as a whole. Even though some of the technical problems may be of prime importance to those assembled here this evening, because the Post Office De- partment literally touches the home of every citizen of this country, the legislation and administrative decisions in reference to the Department are of universal interest. I only ask that we all examine the issues, not only as Government officials and employres, but as citizens of the greatest Nation in (he world today. This is the Nation which the rest of the world is depending on as the chamouicn of freedom and the buiwark iscoun! t! sidious forces of votalarianism. Under ro circumstances in this time of crisis should the United States as a whole or any group of its citizens take any action that would weaken us internally or otherwise. Bscause of the long record of patriotism and un- selfishness of those here tonight I knew your future activities will be in the best interest of our Republic. The deficit in the Post Office Department, totaling $550,000,000 annually, has become a major concern in our Federal budyet prob- lems. This bugaboo has beon hishli hied of late by the fact that the Federal Govern- ment has an increasing deficit in prospect for the next fiscal year. As you probably know, since this deficit has mounted to its present-day proportions, the Post Office De- partment has consistently recommended against the enactment of all proposed legis- lation directly benefiting postal employees which involved additional costs tu tha De- partment. A good example of this ig the vigorous protest by the Department in oppo- sition to the $450 annual wage increase granted by the Eightieth Congress. Our discussion tonight might well begin with a review of the legislation enacted dur-~ ing the present Congress which directly benefits you as employees of the Department. POSTAL EMPLOYEES LEGISLATION In 1949, during the first session of this Congress, Public Law 428 was approved. Under this law postal employees received a flat salary increase of $120 a year. Those employees in certain categories which did not have at least three longevity grades were given these grades. For the first time post- masters and supervisors were given longev- ity grades. These grades amounted to $100
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD each, except in the case of fourth-class post~ masters, who received instead increases of 6& percent of their base salary. For most postal supervisors, since practically all have 25 years of service, this meant an increase of $420 a year, in other words, $300 for their longevity grades and $120 as the result of the flat increase. Also under Public Law 428 the entrance salary for regular em- ployees was increased by $200. This was accomplished by elimination of the first two grades for regular employees. Hereafter substitute employees will still enter the postal service in grade 1, but after they have served a year, will be promoted to grade 3. This is a logical step, although I believe it probably did not go far enough. For example, when Public Law 184, Seventy- ninth Congress, was approved, all employees who were on the rolls of the Post Office De-~ partment received an increase of $400 a year. However, the annual entrance salary for postal employees remained at $1,700. For all other Federal employees the basic entrance salary was increased. There were additional beneficial sections of the original bill (H. R. 4495) as it passed the House which were eliminated in confer- ence with the Senate. I am referring to the increased annual leave for postal em~- ployees of 5 days a year and a uniform allowance. In my opinion, the annual-leave situation today is one of the most contro-~ versial issues in Congress. Presently it is the subject of study by congressional com-~ mittees and the Bureau of the Budget, and probably one of these days in the near future firm recommendations will be made with respect to this problem. Whatever these recommendations may be, in my judg-~ ment they will inevitably be more favorable for postal employees inasmuch as at the present time postal employees receive 11 days less annual leave and 5 days less sick leave than other Federal employees. I am sure all of you are familiar with the Comptroller General’s decision which voided many increases which the Department proposed to make under Public Law 428 and which were obviously the intent of Congress when that law was passed. To correct these interpretations of the law the House during this session considered a number of remedial bills. The first was H. R. 6553, to permit rural carriers to count all of their time in postal service toward longevity grades. The second was H. R. 6603, to permit custodial employees to count certain service toward their longevity grades. When these bills reached the Senate, it was suggested by the Post Office Department and the Comptroller’ General that there be a general review by Congress of the decision of the Comptroller General and that the language of Public Law 428 be clarified in one legislative pro- posal. Accordingly, H. R. 6553 was amended in the Senate. This bill is now Public Law 600, Eighty-first Congress, and under it the following is established: Three longevity grades to which all em- ployees will be entitled after 13, 18, and 25 years of service. These longevity increases are of $100 per annum for regular employees, except that fourth-class postmasters will be prid 5 percent of their base pay rather than the $100. In qualifying for these grades, employees may count all years of postal serv- ice and custodial employees may count their years of service both with the Treasury De- artment and the Post Office Department. pecial-delivery messengers may count their time when they were paid on a fee basis. Clerks in third-class post offices may count the time they were working in the post offices as employees of the postmasters prior to thelr classification under Public Law 134, Seventy-ninth Congress. Temporary em- ployment may be counted where it is for a period of more than 1 year or where it is continuous to the date of appointment as & classified employee. Some employees may find it advantageous to remain under the present system of lon- gevity promotions. This law will permit them to select either the present system or the new longevity grades. However, grad- ually there will be a conversion to the new longevity-grades system of 13, 18, and 25 years for all employees. This will simplify the law with respect to longevity promotions and is a definite improvement. The Senate amendment further provides that longevity increases granted supervisors will not be counted in deetrmining whether such a supervisor’s salary exceeds $4,170. This is the top limit permitted supervisors who are granted overtime compensation on Sundays, holidays, or during the month of December. Another piece of legislation of interest to postal employees is H. R. 87. This bill, as you know, will give veterans who entered the postal service after World War II credit for their military service toward their pro- motions in the postal service on a pro rata basis. The basic logic for this particular legislation is based upon the fact that the time a man spent in the military service should be given the same consideration as that time spent in the postal service toward promotion. In other Government positions outside of the postal service many veterans entered civil service for the first time and qualified for higher classifications based upon their military experience and skill. For ex- ample, the prospective employee might have been an adjutant in the Army and by virtue of that experience qualified for a high grade position as a personnel officer under the Federal civil service. Many veterans used their experience as radio technicians, elec- tricians, and other capacities in the military service as a basis for qualifying for certain civil-service examinations and the records show that the policy of the Civil Service Com~ mission was liberal in this regard. Further-~ more, veterans who entered private industry, in many cases, were also able to use military experience as a basis for obtaining positions at a higher rate of pay. In the postal service however, regardless of the qualifications of the individual, educational background, business experience or military assignment, a prospective employee must still enter at the lowest pay grade. The Senate Post Office and Civil Service Committee has already recommended favor- ably H. R. 87 as it passed the House, includ- ing the July 1, 1950, cut-off date, and it is expected that the bill will come up for Senate consideration at the next call of the Senate Calendar. Because of the Depart- ment’s objection to the proposal there is some likelihood that the President may. veto the bill but that obstacle will have to be overcome once the Senate acts favorably. The House Post Office and Civil Service Committee has presently under considera~ tion a number of bills which are designed to reclassify the salaries of postmasters and supervisors. Unquestionably most of the supervisors here tonight are familiar with the terms of H. R. 4757, which is under active consideration by the committee. Hearings have already started on this bill in both the House and Senate committees. Generally speaking, there seems to be agreement on the point that the classification of postmasters and supervisors should be reexamined, par- ticularly in the light of the successive flat increases which have occurred beginning in 1945. It is fair to say that the consensus among the committee members seems to ba that if inequities and inequalities can be identified, they should be corrected and, furthermore, there is a similar feeling in the House favoring such an approach, and those of us not on the committee simply await the initial action bv that group. A4289 There has been, however, a modifying factor with respect to flat increases as they affect postmasters and supervisors. I refer specificially to the over-all increase in the gross receipts in almost every area. In 1936, for example, the gross receipts of the postal service were $665,000,000. Today, for fiscal year 1949, they are $1,571,800,000. In Grand Rapids, during the period from 1936 the gross receipts have grown from $1,303,965 to $3,567,042 in 1949, If the postal rate increase bill passed by the House is approved by the Senate, potal revenues will be increased by another $150,000,000 which in effect will rep- resent an increased salary for postmasters and supervisors. There is other legislation of interest to supervisors and clerks which is presently under active consideration by committees of Congress. First, a bill sponsored by Repre- sentative Ress, of Kansas, H. R. 2586, which would make it possible to relieve clerks who have made payments on money orders where the signature has been forged and where the clerk has taken satisfactory precautions. The other is aimed at reducing the cost on bonds to department employees. Several ‘of the proposals relate only to postal employees and would set up a fidelity bond trust by the em- ployees themselves. Other cover all Federal employees. One which is receiving favorable comment in the discussions of the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Depart ment is a bill which would have the Govern- ment pay the bond premium but provide for coverage on a blanket bond basis rather than have thousands of individual bonds. The adoption of this proposal would result in considerable savings to the employee and a much lower cost to the Government and seems superior to handling the problem on an individual basis. The members of the House and Senate committee having jurisdiction of Post Office Department problems have no easy Job. They are harassed from all sides. The general public wants more and cheaper service. Busi- ness, religious, educational, and many other groups fight doggedly against rate increases. Employee organizations are naturally inter- ested in legislation favorable to them. The committee’s problems are further compli- cated by the attitude of the Department which is reluctant to make any favorable recommendations that will increase costs. Frankly the committee members are not to be envied. THE POSTMASTER GENERAL’S CURTAILMENT ORDER Probably no order of the Postmaster Gen- eral in history has been as widely publicized or as warmly debated as the Postmaster Gen- eral's order directing that.only one delivery a@ day will be given in residential areas and two in business areas. Probably no other single decision by. the Postmaster General as it now stands will have as great.an impact on employees in the Department as this par- ticular order because more than 10,000 em- ployees are allegedly scheduled to be released as a direct result. I think the Postmaster General might have helped the situation to some degree for all concerned if he had given some prior notice that he expected to curtail the delivery of mail as outlined in his order. I direct your attention to the fact that if the Postmaster General wishes to save money there are a number of other places where such savings could be made in the postal service. It is my view that the whole service curtailment issue should be examined by a responsible con~ gressional committee, and I was informed on Thursday that the House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service is scheduled to begin exhaustive hearings on the matter on June 1. I respectfully suggest that if the Post- master General is making this move in order to save taxpayers money, he should say so. He should not use the excuse that there
AA4290. is & shortage of funds appropriated by the Congress. I am informed, and the records indicate, the Post Office Department was al- located practically all funds requested from the Congress for this fiscal year. This order, which was sprung upon the public totally without any preliminary prep- gration, has created a great deal of con- sternation among the users of the mails. It jhas the appearance of turning back the clock from the st-~d-cin* of service and, if car- ried out, +! ints delivery service in all first-class and most of the second-class post offices. In addition the tone of the order, together with directions of the Deputy Post~ master General with respect to the threat- ened discharge of employees, has had a drastic effect on the morale of our postal workers. It is inconceivable that if reductions in force are carried on in a proper and orderly manner that this curtailment order should necessarily affect any regular or substitute employees since there are many more than 10,000 temporary employees at-the present time. Also, if the program were properly planned, normal attrition could be util- ized for reduction in force procedures and with few exceptions no present postal em- ployee including temporaries needs to lose his job. This order unfortunately, like so many others in the postal service, was made on a mass basis without preliminary experi~ mental work. It was made before other econ~ omies with a lesser impact on the public or the postal employees had been instituted. These other economics have previously been prought to the attention of the Postmaster General as a result of studies made by the Congress and the Hoover Commission. Let me give you several specific examples of what I mean. In the Eightieth Congress, the Post Office and Civil Service Committee suggested that the elimination of the indi- vidual recording of special delivery mail be eliminated at a saving, which was estimated to be $1,000,000 a year. This particular rec- ommendation was taken up by the Senate Appropriations Committee and the Depart- ment was requested to run & sample test in two cities. These sample tests worked out very Well and then the policy was extended throughout the postal system. There was no disturbance to the public. Service was ac- tually improved during the test period by the lessons that were learned in the experi- mental period. Good sense would seem to dictate that this should have been the proce- dure if a general curtailment of service was to be ordered. In other words, the De- partment should know beforehand what the result would be in each area from the stand- point of service to the public and the effect om postal employees. The public and the postal employees should have been properly prepared for such a move and given an op- portunity to express their views. Another example of where economies might be effectuated and service improved is in the adoption of mechanical sorting equip- ment in the larger post offices. The Post- mester General has stated such a policy is a@ success at the Chicago post office where @ machine was rebuilt and improved after such @ recommendation was made by the House Post Office and Civil Service Commit- tee during the Hightieth Congress. Wherever practicable such machinery should be placed in other larger post offices in order to effect needed economies, Public Law 281, Eighty-first Congress, es- tablished for the first time in the postal service a research and development program. In the establishment of such a program the Post Office Department, in its official reports, merely left this idea entirely up to Con- gress without making any specific recom= mendations. However, now that the law has been enacted, the Department has listed a whole succession of developments which they expect to make and improve under this program. THE HOOVER COMMISSION REPORT Many people are asking questions about the Hoover Commission report and its effect on the postal service. You, as employees in the postal service, are probably asked these questions more than anybody else and, for that reason, you may be interested in a short summary as to what action has been taken to date with respect to the Hoover Commission proposals as they affect the pos- tal service. Reorganization Plan No. 8, which has al- ready been approved and is in operation, places into effect the following recommen- dations of the Hoover Commission: 1. Establishment of a Deputy Postmaster General (sec. 3). 2. Establishment of a board of seven ad- visers to the Postmaster General (sec. 6). 8, Abolishment of the Bureau of Accounts, including the offices of the controller and purchasing agent (sec. 5). 4, Abolishment of the First, Second, Third and Fourth Assistant Postmasters General and provides for the appointment of four Assistant Postmasters General (sec. 4). 5. Transfers to the Postmaster General the functions of all subordinate offices and agen-~ cies of the Post Office Department (sec. 4). Recommendations of the Hoover Commis- sion Task Force with respect to a research and development program have been placed into effect by Public Law 231 (Eighty-first Congress). By an amendment to the rate bill the House approved the Hoover Com-~ mission recommendation that the Postmas- ter General be empowered to set the rates on special services. The 1951 budget in-~ corporates the Hoover Commission sugges- tion of a performance budget. Recommen-~ dations with respect to the accounting and fiscal control of the postal service are in- corporated in two House bills, H. R. 5775 and H. R. 6395. These bills are under con- sideration by the House Post Office and Civil Service Committee. Hearings on companion pills have been held in the Senate. The dif- ferences in views with respect to both of these bills concern the extent of control over expenditures which will remain with the Comptroller General. When these dif- ferences are resolved, legislation will prob- ably be approved. I hope we will have an opportunity to vote on the legislation dur- ing this Congress. The recommendations of the Hoover Com- mission with respect to regionalization of the postal service have met with stiff oppo- sition from Postmaster General Donaldson, who has said: “Tt would not want to be Postmaster Gen- eral if this particular recommendation were put into effect, and I would have the re- sponsibility of providing present postal service.” As you know, of course, the postal service has already been regionalized in many re~ spectts, such as the Railway Mail Service, which now has 15 divisions. There is a sim~ ilar regional set-up for the airmail service. The Central Accounting Office is another re~ gional set-up. The pay for rural carriers is handled on a State-wide basis. The appar- ent tendency within the postal service itself appears to favor a gradual development to- ward the regionalization of the postal serv~ ice. Unfortunately, however, there has not been a corresponding delegation of authority by the Department. With respect to the Hoover Commission recommendation that the airmail subsidy be separated from airmail payments, the House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, which handles this legislation, is currently considering bills which would ef- fect this separation. This is another com- plex problem involving the proper amount whick should be designated as outright sub~ APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD sidy. In my opinion, we should arrive at a means of separating this subsidy and there- after, under the formula, the subsidy should not be charged to our postal service, I firm- ly believe that our domestic aviation system should be kept strong, not only as a Means of transportation but as an asset in our na- tional defense set-up, but at the same time such subsidies should not be charged against the Post Office Department. The final recommendation of the Hoover Commission pertains to senatorial approval of postmasters throughout the country. The alleged objective is to eliminate poli- tics from the postal service. Frankly, I do not think politics as such are likely to be entirely eliminated by such a change. Most of the politics takes place long before the names are ever submitted to the United States Senate. Personally I favor career men for such jobs. It has worked extremely well in Grond Rapids under our able postmaster, Art Harlton. If the Hoover Commussion recommendations will result in career ap~ pointments, I favor the proposal whole- heartedly. However, the question of sena- torial approval of certain Presidential ap- pointments, including postmasters, is a Sen- ate prerogative and is a matter which in my judgment should be solved first in the Sen- ate before the House takes any action. I have tried to outline in my remarks what I believe are the three major fields of inter- est to postal employees at the present time, namely, legislation concerning postal em- ployees; secondly, the order of the Postmas- ter General curtailing service; and third and finally, the Hoover Commission recommen- dations for the postal service. It is my sin- cere hope that my comments have been helpful, Thank you. False Economy EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JACOB K. JAVITS OF NEW YORE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Speaker, appended is an article on the cut in postal service by Mark Sullivan in the New York Herald Tribune of May 25, 1950. Ha calls the economy resulting from this cut an odd little anachronism. Every Member should consider this most care- fully and compare this small saving at great inconvenience, a saving which I am convinced that the people do not want, with the enormous outlays in farm-price supports and other programs as suggested by Mr. Sullivan: Savine iv Mar Services Cur Hruy UNLIKE. To EQuaL Business Loss—Mark SULLIVAN Says Pusnuic Micer Accerr Ir Ir Ir Were Part or A Broap Economy ProGgRaM (By Mark Sullivan) During some days past the public has be- gun to suffer inconvenience about mail. It is caused by a series of curtailments of pos- tal service announced by the Post Office De- partment on April 18, with direction to post~ masters to give the public 80 days’ notice in advance of putting the curtailments in effect. ‘The announced curtailments in- elude: Reduction of deliveries in city residential districts to one a day. Reduction of Satur- day deliveries in business districts, in some cases from three a day to two, in other cases
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD from two to one. Reduction of parcel-post deliveries to one a day in both residential and business districts. Reduction of collections from street mail boxes. Reduction i hours during which post-office windows are kept open. These reductions are felt by every person who receives a letter or posts one, and even more by persons who send or receive pack~ ages. The sum of the effects is a slowing down of mail service, aftecting literally every- body. The jibe of Senator Winey, of Wis- consin, that 50,000,000 American famulies have been hit in the mail box is accurate. TO REDUCE EXPENDITURES The purpose of these curtailments is to reduce expenditures of the Post Office De- partment. During the present fiscal year ending June 30 the estimated expenditures of the Department in excess of postal receipts are some $500,000,000. An estimate of the savings by the present curtailments of serv- ice during some 6 weeks remaining in the fiscal year is some $30,000,000 or a little more. The people as taxpayers are to be saved some $30,000,000. The people as users of the postal service are to be subjected to incon- venience, including some loss. It may be doubted whether the $30,000,000 saved is equal to the loss in the carrying on of busi- ness. The aggregate of delays to letters and packages, affecting every individual and ramifying cumulatively into every line of business, can be seriously large. Yet the people might accept inconvenience and loss without complaint, or even with some glow of cheerfulness in sacrificing for the national interest—if they supposed that this $30,000,000 of reduction in expenditures of one Government department was part of a@ broad program of reduction generally, part of a determined purpose of the administra- tion to keep Government expenditures below Government income, to balance the Govern- ment’s budget. In such cise the people might accept in- convenience in the spirit in which the people of Britain accepted the “austerity program” of that country’s government. INDEFINITE DECLARATION But Mr. Truman's attitude about balanc- ing the budget is an indefinite declaration for an indefinite future time. His statement at Pendleton, Oreg., on May 10 was: “I want to balance the budget of the Federal Gov- ernment just as much as anybody else does. * * ™ We will do (this) just as soon as we sufely can,” And the people know that spending programs initiated by the admin- istration and now in effect have made it impossible to balance the budget this year; thero will be a deficit of some $6,000,000,000. Because some of these spending programs in- crease automatically ycar by year, the budget cannot be balanced next year; the time of balance, if ever, is in the indefinite future. The $30,000,000 reduction in Post Office Department expenditure is an odd little anachronism, in an immense trend going in the opposite direction. The tininess and the contradictoriness of it can be grasped by comparing it with a single example of Gov-~ ernment expenditure, that which is done through the Department of Agriculture. In the case of the Post Office Department, the administration saves $30,000,000 for the taxpayers and makes all the people pay for the savings by enduring inconvenience and loss. The case of the Department of Agri- culture is complexly opposite, That Depart- ment takes many hundreds of millions of dollars from the taxpayers and then uses the money for a purpose which is officially called price support of farm crops, but which in fact, of course, is equally support of the prices the people must pay for food. At this moment there is before Congress a request by the Department of Agriculture for author- ity to lay out $2,000,000,000 more, additional to what has already been laid out for price support. Register and Vote EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I attach hereto a copy of a radio speech I recent- ly delivered in my district: My friends, the time is again approach- ing when it will be your privilege and duty to elect someone to represent you in Con- gress. In addition to electing your Con- gressmen, you will elect a United States Sen- ator, your Governor, the members of your county delegation and other State and county Officials. At first glance, this year’s election may not seem to be any more important than those in the past. A few moments’ consideration, however, reveals that the election this sum~ mer will be one of the most important in our history. Because of its importance, because statistics show that in recent decades we have neglected this privilege and duty and because some of you are confused as to the new voting procedure, I should like to talk with you briefly about the coming election and the manner in which you must qualify in order to vote. One of our great Revolutionary patriots, Thomas Payne, described the years during which we fought for our independence as “times that try men's souls.” Since our war for independence, this Nation has faced and successfully overcome numerous appar- ently insurmountable obstacles or threats to our freedom. Those obstacles or threats have, for the most part, been in the form of totalitarian armies. In our own generation we have been forced to engage in two great conflicts to protect our democratic way of life. When faced by such dangers, the peo- ple of this Nation have followed the example of their Revolutionary forefathers and have overcome them. Today we are again faced by problems which make these times “times that try men’s souls.” Unfortunately, the problems that we face today are different from those which we have faced in the past. We are not presently confronted with the possibility of losing our freedom by armed might but by the infiltration of ideologies which plot the destruction of our way of life by revolution. Because of the nature of today’s threats to our freedom, we cannot confidently rely on past experiences but must employ new plans for defense. That which threatens our existence today is the spread of communism—that deadly philosophy which is more dangerous than armed conflict. The communistic campaign against us is as skillfully planned as any military maneu- ver. Instead of guns, the forces of commu- nism use words and ideas. Instead of attempting to amass armies along our bor- ders they are attempting to gain positions of influence in governmental departments, in labor unions and other organizations. We are now as actively engaged in a war with communism as we were with the Fascist forces durlng the recent armed conflict. A4291 Your Government is, of course, cognizant of the war that is being waged against us and is doing everything possible to combat these tactics. It cannot, however, success- fully defend this Nation without your help. Just as during the shooting war it was nec- essary for each citizen to work toward its successful conclusion, so are such efforts necessary today. There are many ways in which you must act in this regard. It is no longer a matter of choice. Right now, at this time of the year, there is one thing in particular that you must do. You must qualify yourself to vote by registering and then by casting your ballot mm the coming elections. Our form of government is based on the concept that it is a Government of the people, for the people and by the people. To insure the preservation of that idea, we have elections in which every qualified citi- zen is eligible to express his opinions. Dur- ing the past half century when we should have exercised this right to the fullest, we have neglected to do so. Because of our neglect, our Government is not in truth of, for, and by the people. Especially those of us who live in the South know this to be true. There are those who have gained positions in our Government who, con- sciously or unconsciously, are assisting those ype would destroy our democratic way of ife. Most of us realize, of course, that we are at present engaged in a so-called cold war with the communistic countries and that possibly the inaction of some citizens may be weakening us in combating the spread of communism. Nevertheless, many of us feel that our one vote is not important enough and do not bother to go to the polls to vote. In 1948, for example, only 51 percent of tne eligible voters of this country took part in the election. Random facts from the past, however, re- veal that your one vote may change the course of our destinty. For example, the father of our Democratic Party, Thomas Jef- ferson, was elected President of our country by 1 vote in the electoral college. Rutherford B. Hayes was elected President by one vote of a special electorial commis- sion. The member of the commission whose vote elected Hayes was a Congressman who had been elected to Congress by one vote. That vote was cast by a citizen who, though ill, insisted on exercising his privilege of voting. The States of California, Idaho, Oregon, Texas, and Washington became States by the margin of one vote. And, more recently, the act of Congress -which provided for the drafting of men for service in World War II passed the House of Representatives by just one vote. Thus it 1s that your one vole might be re- sponsible for the success or failure of our present battle with communism. You may be sure that the communistic interests 1n this country will be actively en- gaged in the coming campaign. Not only will they see to 1t that those who follow their line of thought are qualified to vote, they also will attempt to discourage you who are opposed to their views from voting. Thus, by failing “to vote, you will, in effect, be voting for those who would destroy our form of government. Remember, if you fail to vote, you will, in effect, be voting for those who would destroy our form of govern- ment. As you realize, there is hardly any sphere of activity which is not now controlled or affected in some way by government. Un- less you participate in electing those who formulate the policies of our Government, you will be leaving in the hands of others the future of your jobs, your homes, your children—every aspect of your freedom.
Ad292- If America is to remain strong and free, we must protect ourselves from the enemy within our gates. You can do so by register- ing and subsequently voting in the coming elections. The process of voting this year, as you know, has been changed. In order to vote in the Democratic primary this year you do not enroll as in the past, but you must obtain & registration certificate or possess a certificate which has been issued since 1948. It is not necessary that you have any tax receipts to obtain this certificate. It is only necessary that you be 21 years of age before Noveraber 7, 1950; that you be a resident of the State 2 years, of the county 1 year, and of the pre- cinct 4 months. You must also be able to read and write any section of the Constitu- tion or have paid taxes on property assessed. at $300 or more in 1949. You must secure this certificate on or before June 10 in order to vote in the primary to be held on July 11. America stands today as the sole sentinel of freedom of the individual; the sole cham- pion of freedom of speech and the press; the sole land of individual opportunity. Your failure to vote in the coming election may re- sult in the loss of our American freedom. Register today or before June 10; then vote in the primary on July 11. The peoples of Europe neglected their right to vote and lost it. With it they lost their freedom. We must not let that happen here. | Clear, Courageous Call—Senator Smith Points Way To Remedy for the National Feeling of Fear EXTENSION OF REMARKS oF HON. GEORGE G. SADOWSKI OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. SADOWSEI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rrc- orp, I wish to include an article by Thomas L. Stokes that appeared in the Washington Evening Star of June 6, 1950, as follows: Curar, Covuracrous CaLL-—SrnaTor SMITH Points Way To REMEDY FOR THE NATIONAL FreLine or Frar (By Thomas L. Stokes) One clear, courageous call from a woman, Senator Marcarrr CHase SmMirm, Republican of Maine, has served to diagnose what she called “a national feeling of fear and frus~ tration” and to clarify the atmosphere and point the way to a remedy. Her condemnation, within her own party, of McCarthyism and its exploitation for campaign purposes and her criticism of the lack of leadership in the Democratic admin-~ istration and its simultaneous grave and Pollyanish size-up of the world situation ex~ plain some things that have been happening In recent weeks, The resulting confusion plainly has had its part in the attitude of both parties and the type of campaigns that have developed for the congressional elections this fall. DEPLORES FEAR CAMPAIGN Some Republicans, on the one hand, have been bent upon a campaign of “fear, bigotry, ignorance, and selfishness,” as it was de< scribed and deplored by Mrs. Smirm and a number of her Republican colleagues who joined in a statement, combined with old« fashioned isolationism that would blind it~ self to the needs of the rest of the world and to our responsibility in helping to meet them, Lately, on the other hand, a tendency has been noted in the administration to whip up a sort of saber-rattling jingoism, which does not become us, with less emphasis upon the leadership for peace to which we are obligated by our traditions and our World War II aims, This might be analyzed as a defensive re- action within the administration to the reck- less campaign by Senator Jom McCartHy (Re- publican of Wisconsin) along with the Alger Hiss conviction and the atomic spy revela- tions. This manifests itself in increasingly bitter excoriations of Russia, with no longer any differentiation between her people and the rampant crew in the Kremlin, in in- creasing emphasis on arms as the only re- sort to achieve peace, and by a cynicism about peaceful overtures of another sort and about the United Nations despite continued lip service to peace and the United Nations. BOTH PARTIES OFF BALANCE Both political parties obviously are off bal- ance and intemperate, as Mrs. SMirH’s state- ment pointed up. Her reference to the administration’s “daily contradictory grave warnings and op- timistic assurances” was graphically illus- trated the same day she spoke in the Senate, for example, by the ominous tone of Pres- ident Truman’s message to Congress request= ing additional arms appropriations for west- ern Europe and other areas and by his state~ ment at a press conference a few hours later that the world is closer to real, permanent peace than at any time for the last 5 years. The American people are capable of under- going any sacrifices necessary for our na- tional security. They will support a strong national defense and the combined national defense plan with western Europe. Con- gress, despite some controversy which is nat- ural, has demonstrated that, and will con- tinue to demonstrate it. But the American people also are a people of hope. While they are doing these neces- sary things, they would like at the same time to see at least a beginning in other directions, to see us in some visible ways move toward strengthening the United Nations, toward eventual disarmament. Tariffs on Cotton Textiles EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOSEPH R. BRYSON OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. BRYSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the Rec- orD, I attach hereto a statement I gave this morning before the Committee for Reciprocity Information, Tariff Com- mission, in opposition to a possible cut in the present tariffs on cotton textiles: Mr. Chairman and members of the Com- mission, not only am I grateful for the privi- lege and honor of appearing before you this morning but especially would I thank you for the privilege of speaking first. You will understand that Members of Congress are crowded these days and it is necessary for us to get back on the Hill. Before my formal] statement, I beg to make reference to my own experience with textiles. While I own no stock in any textile industry, I fee] that I can truthfully say I am one APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of textiles’ products. Before I reached the age of 10, I became a regular employee in the textile mills of my district. Fer 12 hours of arduous work, I received 25 cents a day, less than 2 cents an hour. Now, as you know, under a recent act of Congress, the minimum hourly wage in our mills is 75 cents per hour, The average wage is in excess of $1 an hour. For nearly 80 years I have represented the textile people of my home county in one capacity or another. I am reliably informed that more cotton is spun and woven in my congressional district than in any other dis- trict in the United States. With this back- ground, Mr. Chairman, I believe I am quali- fied to speak for the chief industry of our State and the Southland. I am appearing at these hearings because I am vitally interested in the matter of cot- ton textiles. In the very near future our United States of America representatives will depart for Torquay, England, to negotiate on a very large number of items for reciprocal tariff cuts. Textile men in this country are interested in over 2,000 items manufactured by more than 1,000 mills from Texas to Maine. I am vitally concerned as to the possible effects that might result when our negotia- tors come home from England with all kinds of tariff cuts granted to foreign nations. At this moment our tariffs on textiles are 30 percent lower than the tariffs in the 1930 Tariff Act. If a further cut is to be made, the deleterious effects of such a cut will have wide repercussions in our domestic economy. During the war years our textile industry was asked to increase its production many- fold so as to supply the war and civilian needs of not only this country but of our allies too. Due to our high production abil- ity and technical ingenuity we were able to fulfill these increased demands, however, since 1945 we began to recede from our war- time peak and presently we are operating at only 75 percent of our war maximum. In fact, since 1947 our export market has been cut down by 1,000,000,000 yards per year, or the total volume of $535,000,000 annually. It is this type of cutback which is proving most injurious to our textile industry. Mr. Chairman, the basic trend in world trade of textiles in the postwar period may be briefly summarized as follows: The vol- ume of cloth and yarn competing for mar- kets has steadily risen and this rise is being accelerated. Markets for exports of United States textiles, however, are steadily shrink- ing and in the course of events we may ex- pect this shrinkage to continue as other areas begin to produce their own domestic textiles. The reason for the decline in ex- ports has been listed variously as currency exchange difficulties. I would say that this certainly has contributed to the cut in the volume of our trade. A further reduction in our trade followed upon the recent devalua- tion of currencies. War-ravaged countries are being rapidly rehabilitated and from some of them large quantities of textiles are being sent out in world markets to compete freely with our own. I might say that many of these war countries are now attempting to sell their textiles in our.own country for the dollars which they need. The difficulty in this com- petition is the fact that competition is very often in those lines which we are peculiarly able to produce ourselves. I take the case of Osnaburgs where large quantities are be-~ ing dumped on our markets at 1 cent per yard below current wholesale prices. Mr. Chairman, not only are world markets being diminished insofar as our textile ex- ports are concerned, but a new and com~« peting industry 1s entering the field, namely, plastic film sheetings and coated fabrics. Cotton men all over the United States are
APPENDIX: TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD beginning to be concerned about the com- petition offered by this new industry whose production is averaging an estimated 14,000,- 000 pounds per month. This industry is being pushed by many large companies with experienced methods of selling, and there- fore, will have an appreciable effect on cot- ton consumption in this country. The vol- ume of sales by the plastics group is now large enough to merit serious attention from every member of the textile trade since these plastic products are moving into fields previ- ously held by cotton, linen, rayon, and other established fibers. In the end use these an * > “ers become tablecloths, aprons, wu. - 1.7 4) shoe bags, food and storage bags, slip covers, etc., and these are almost all uses formerly supplied by the various fibers. Large yardages have already been lost to the fibers in this manner and further losses are inevitable. Mr Chairman, I wish to stress another fact, namely, the textile position in Japan, from whom we are getting an increased competi- tion by the month. Within the last few months the military government in Japan has allowed local management to come back again under a sporadic occupational super- vision. Japan certainly will attempt to re- capture its prewar markets. Many govern- mental officials in this country may discount the fact that presertlv only small quantities of Japanese goccs, @.. compared to our billion yards of consumption, are coming into the United States of America. The point to be strensed is that the Japanese textile indus- try has been rehabilitated, the only curbs extant being the number of bales of cotton which Japan is allowed to import. For exam- ple, in 1949 Japan was allowed 850,000 bales. During 1950 this total will rise to 1,300,000 bales. During 1949 Japan exported 720,000,- 000 square yards of cotton piece goods. Dur- ing 1950 cotton spinners in Japan estimate @ range of from 850,000,000 to 1,000,000,000 square yards as being available for export. One might easily say that there is such a large backlog of reqriremerts unsatisfied during the war that it will ti.ke Japanese spinners some time to supply this backlog. The point is, they are attempting to supply the need. Many of the areas in the Japanese prewar orbit of trade are no longer available to them, and so the Japanese automatically will attempt to push tics rrecucte in other areas. Certainly the cot. aren '.):6 very proatabie when you know that labor costs in Jon 2 «re one-tenth of those obtaining in vie Tr! cd States, In this connection I should also draw at- tontion to the fact that in November 1949 the sterling aroa—Japan trade agreement was signed by which shipments from Japan dur- ing 1950 to British-controlled areas will ex- ceed 300,000,000 square yards. Japan is rapidly making strides In recap- turing her prewar trade volume. A further fact merits our attention since it affects the total volume of trade available to United States textile exporters, namely, the exporta- tlon of textile machinery by Japan. In the new dominion of Pakistan a series of mills have been or are being built with the aid of Japanese technicians and Japanese-made tex~- tile machinery. One such mill now operat- ing has 10,000 Toyoda and 10,000 Howa spindles and is sorviced by Japanese tech- niclangs under contract. Arother plant has purchased 600 Toyoda automatic looms, An- other plant will soon receive 10,000 Howa spindles and 400 Howa looms. Mr, Chairman, it is significant that when India was partitioned the Pakistan area had only 14 mills and 165,684 spindles. Plans have now been completed for 80 mills and 2,000,000 spindles. All of these mills will be new, modern, and superefficient, and Japan is supplying most of the machinery. For world textile manufacturers these plans spell only one thing, namely, the po- tential loss of a huge and vital market. Taus England which did supply a very large por- tion of the textile trade in India will suffer serious cutbacks. It 1s well to assume that she will attempt to find other outlets and the United States of American certainly will offer one of the most profitable ones, Mr. Chairman, I reiterate, if our export markets are being cut down it means that our domestic manufacturers will have to push their goods on the local markets. How- ever, at the same time our tariff gates are being lowered and increasing competition is resulting from textiles Cr oS im coun- tries who have a long 14' <2 c. being tex- tile exporters, notably England, ‘France, Bel- gium, and Japan. Even Switzerland is step~ ping up its exports to the United States. It is an undeniable fact that the world will depend on United States raw cotton for many years to come. In fact under ECA we are exporting approximately 5,000,000 bales a year. Assuredly this is of great help to our cotton growers, but at the same time one must recognize that many other areas of the world, especially underdeveloped, underindustrialized nations will begin to produce cotton on a larger scale. At present the prices of our raw cotton in our big South- ern markets average around 33 cents a pound. This is three times the prewar price of the Dixie staple. One might say that the prices are affected by the demands for cotton from our own cotton mills, by overseas demands for our raw cotton, by the Government-sup- ported price program, and now by the 20-per-~ cent acreage reduction in 1950 plantings. Of this large amount of raw cotton being ex- ported overseas, I am just wondering how much of this same cotton is returning to these self-same shores as imported textiles. In this cauntry we buy the cotton at the same price, process it with our well-paid la- bor, whereas the same cotton is being sent overseas and processed by labor at the very most one-third as high as ours, so that no mattcr what the tariff margin these foreign textiles can always compete successfully on our own markets. I submit to you that no- body can compete on such terms. The result is the closing of processing mills in this country and resultant unemployment. Mr. Chairman, I have thus far mentioned existing tariff cuts, diminishing world mar- kets, the effect of cotton substitutes, the drive for American dollars, the competitive situation from Japan, the loss of world ex- port markets due to the export of textile machinery from Japan, the world need of cotton subsidized by our gift programs, and the competition by cheap labor. I omit the point 4 program under which under-industralized nations may be assisted in erecting their own textile mills, and semi- tropical agricultural nations may be assisted in growing cotton. The competition is here with us. We are concerned about it. In fact this competition is such that we cannot possibly compete suc- cessfully. I have facts concerning the sale of children’s dresses, made in Japan, in my own home State at three for $1 retail. The wholesale price of an equivalent dress made in the United States of America is about $1 each. How can we in this country com- pete against such prices? I, therefore, wish to protest against a pos- sible cut in tariffs in the negotiations soon to take place in England. In fact I wish to stress the importance of the escape clause in our existing agreements, namely, importa- tions of textiles on which we have granted tariff concessions are already proving inju- rious to our domestic producers and hence these concessions should be drastically re- vised or eliminated. I thank you. A4293 Action Needed on Imports From Iron- Curtain Nations EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. J. CALEB BOGGS OF DELAWARE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, June 7, 1950 Mr. BOGGS of Delaware. Mr. Speak- er, about 2 weeks ago in a public state- ment I called upon the administration to take appropriate action immediately to protect American workers in industries which are being seriously crippled by imports from Communist-controlled na-~ tions. At the time I directed attention to the fact that each day brings new evidence of growing unemployment in this coun- try by reason of increasing quantities of tariff-free or preferential imports. I also said at that time, Mr. Speaker, that it is a startling fact that a large part of these very imports which are handicapping American industries and causing increasing unemployment among American workers are coming from Rus- sia, Czechoslovakia, and other forcéd- Jabor nations which continually make it clear that they are our enemies in the present cold war. In view of the foregoing, I was ex- tremely interested and pleased to read in the Philadelphia Inquirer of June 4, 1950, a fine editorial on this subject, as well as a splendid and factual article by the well-known Washington correspond- ent, Mr. Herman A. Lowe. Again I say, Mr. Speaker, that reme- dial action by our Federal administra- tion at the earliest possible date is im- perative to protect and preserve Ameri- can workers, American industries, and American dignity in the eyes of the world. I wish to include as a part of my re- marks the following editorial and the article by Mr. Lowe to which I have just referred: AMERICAN DOLLARS For CzzcH INSULTS Communist OCzechoslovakia’s deliberate campaign of hectoring and insult against the United States appears now to be part of a scheme to break off diplomatic relations with this country and perhaps with other western powers. That jis the opinion of Dana Adams Schmidt, New York Times correspondent in Czechoslovakia until last Wednesday when he and his wife fled under imminent threat of arrest on the usual espionage charges. Whether Mr. Schmidt’s view is correct or not—and that will be demonstrated by events—it seems to us for many reasons that the time is at hand for the United States to take vigorous action in relation to the out- ragious activities of the Czechoslovak Reds against us. On another part of this page Herman A. Lowe, writing to the Inquirer from Washing- ton, points to the fact that while the Com- mie stooges of Russia at Prague are going the limit to smear the United States, they are also flooding goods, manufactured by slave labor, or little better, into this country. Worse than that, the Czechs are getting these goods into American markets under specially favorable tariff rates, to compete
AA294 and undersell similar goods made by Amer- ican workmen. Now why are we standing for that, and how long do we intend to stand for it; that is, how long does the State Department in- tend to ignore facts that have become plainer week by week for months? It is one thing to accept some goods made in friendly countries of western Europe which we are trying to help through the Marshall plan, even if these imports do create prob- lems in our own industries, But it is a very much different matter, and entirely inde- fensible, when we permit and even encourage ‘competing imports from behind the iron curtain, It’s small wonder that we are not winning the cold war. Here is a situation that de- mands a show-down. The joke on us, ac- cording to Mr. Lowe, is that the theory that we must traffic with the Czechs and other iron-curtain countries because we need stra- tegic materials from them has fallen down. We are getting very little in the way of stra- tegic materials, if any. How large is this practically one-way trade with Czechoslovakia? How much more trade of the same sort is coming, with similar tariff preferences, from other Russian-controlled areas where the same pattern of insult and harassment is being followed? We have been friends, and still are, to the Czech people. Their once-free republic was actually formed after the First World War in Independence Hall in this city. Our quarrel, a righteous one, is with the choice assort- ment of Red servants of Moscow who now constitute the Government of Czechoslo- vakia. They have moved step by step against America, eventually fabricating the usual spy trials to set up charges of espionage against American diplomatic personnel and those of other nations as well. Our diplo- matic mission has been reduced to 12 persons. The State Department, it is true, has shut down the Czech consulate general at New York, a slap on the wrist that was promptly followed at Prague by a new propaganda blast at present and former American diplo- mats and others, including Mr. Schmidt. Meanwhile, the Czech Commies are get- ting good American dollars through the free- and-easy preferential tariff flow of their manufactures, covering a wide range, into the United States. The Czech Commies are no doubt laughing among themselves at our stupidity. We are r-* criied uper *o tclovs*¢ Com~= munist Creme cycling samy eave bento oc tate tics. Certainly we are not called upon to finance them by fostering a lucrative and actually privileged trade that is all to their advantage and to our disadvantage. If the State Department can’t or won’t do anything about this, Congress should, and very quickly, UNITED STATES NEGLECTS THE ECONOMIC FRONT IN THE CoLtD War AGAINST CZECHS (By Herman A. Lowe) WasHINGTON, June 3.—Newspaper head- lines in recent days have featured our vest- pocket cold war with Czechoslovakia. The Czechs claimed our embassy staff in Prague was much too large and was undoubtedly loaded with spies and other suspicious char- acters, They brusquely ordered us to get about 40 of our diplomats out of their country. We countered by notifying the Czechs to shut down consulates and reduce their embassy staff! in Washington. Then they got even tougher, and we got tougher. This private cold war began to smoke and sizzle. People were impressed with how the State Department tock no nonsense from these Russian siiclliics. It was a hopeful indication that maybe our striped-pants corps was not going to let itself be pushed around too much. Sounds very good, huh? . Well, here’s the other half of the story. All the time the Czechs are kicking our people out of their country and while we appear to be talking back real fearless, we are allowing them to dump a flood of their goods into the United States under the most favorable tariff terms we extend to anybody. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD What is more, when we lower our tariffs still further at Annecy, England, next fall, the Czechs will get the benefit of those reductions. There are some interesting angles of this to be pointed out. First, operating under iron curtain wage scales, Czechoslovakia is now beginning to land some items—such as bone china—so cheaply on our shores that they are taking the American market away from Britain, our ally and friend. Second, not only Czech china and glass- ware, but also such things as shoes and hats are beginning to cut into American produc- tion of the items and to result in layoffs in this country. Third, our manufacturers do sell to Czech- oslovakia. However, while the Czechs may pour almost any commodity they wish into the United States, we do not have the same freedom of export. In all the iron-curtain countries foreign trade is nationalized. Of course, the story has been told that we trade with the Russians and their satellites because we must obtain strategic raw mate- rials for our national defense stockpile. That was partly true a few years ago. But today they are giving us almost no strategic materials. Here are some of the strategic goods the Czechs are sending us: Motion-picture films, dental burrs, metal- lic cartridges, motorcycles and parts, ma- chinery parts, sewing machines, light fix- tures, jewelry, brooches, rosaries, gold-plated brass items, table knives with shell handles, upholstery nails, china dishes and orna- ments, blown glass, glass chandeliers, glass bottles, plain glass, glass jars, baskets, wood furniture, artificial flowers, rayon fabrics and laces, woolen rugs, woolen apparel, hats, caps, woven worsteds, cotton fabrics, damask tablecloths, napkins, towels, rags, burlap, handkerchiefs, gloves, cordials, brandies, rubber balls, etc. And although it may put American work- ers on the relief rolls, our State Department has no intention of getting mad enouch to end this good thing for Czechsslovakia or any other Russian satellite.